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THE 

EDINBURGH  REVIEW, 


OR 


CRITICAL    JOURNAL: 


FOR 


APRIL  1  804 JULY  1804. 


TO  BE  CONTINUED  ^ARTEELT. 


JUDEX     DAMNATtJR    CUM     NOOENS    ABSOLVITUR. 

PUBLIUS     STRU3. 


VOL.    IV. 


g 'V<»"'°«i 'S,  —4s 


PRINTED    BY     D.    WILLISON,     CRAIG's     CLOSS, 

FOR    ARCH.    CONSTABLE    Sff    CO.    EDINBURGH, 

AND    T.    N.    LONGMAN   £5*    O.    REES, 

LONDON. 

1 804. 


CONTENTS  OF  No.  VII. 


Art.  I.  Benthara,  Traites  fur  les  Principes  de  Legiflation  Civile 

et  Penale  -  _  -  _  Page   £ 

JJ.   BrciQac,  Voyage  Phyfique  et  Lithologique  dans  la  Cam- 

panie,  &c.  -  -  -  -  26 

III.  Sketches  on   the    intrinfic   Strength,   Military  and  Naval 

Force  of  France  and  Ruflia,   &c.  -  -  4^ 

IV.  Prize  Effays  and  Tranfadlions  of  the  Highland    Society 

of  Scotland,  vol.  II,  -  -  -  6:5 

V.  Morgan's  Comparative  View  of  the  Public  i  inances,  from 

the  beginning  to  the  clofe  of  the  late  ^idminillr    .on  75 

VI.  Holcroft's  Travels  from  Hamburg,  through  Wellphalia, 

Holland,  and  the  Netherlands,  to  Paris  -  84 

VII.  Memoires   du   Compte   de   PuifTaye,  qui   pourrorit   fervir 

a  I'Hiftolre  du  Parti  Royalifte  Frangois  -  gcj 

VIII.   Rafhleigli's  Specimens  of  Britifii  Minerals  -  117 

IX.  Dr  Thomfon's  Syllem  of  Chem.iftry  -  -  120 

X.   Eihs's  Specimens  of  the  Early  Englifh  Poets  -  151 

XI.  Chenevix's  Inquiries  concerning  the  Chemical  Properties 

of  Palladium  -  -  -  -  1 63 

XII.  Profeflbr  Arthur's  Difcourfes   oa  Theological  and   Lite- 

rary Subjects  -  -  -  '    -  1 63 

XIII.  Dr  Jackfon's  Remarks  on  the  Conftitutiou  of  tlie  Medi- 

cal Department  of  the  Britifli  Army,   &c.  -  17§ 

XIV.  Dr  Brown's  "Sermons  -  -  -  -  190 
XV.  Turner's  Vindication  of  the  Welch  Bards          »■          -          198 

XVI.   Hunter's  Travels  through  France,  H^ungary,  and  Turkey, 

in  1793  .  _  .  -  .  20J 

XVII.  Chatterton's  Works,  by  Southey  and  Cottle  -  214 

XVIir.  Mifs  Sew^ard's  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  Dr  Darwin  230 

Quarterly  Lift  of  New  Publications  -  -  242 

Appendix — Statement  of  Facts  refpefting  the  Firft  Pub- 
lication of  Lady  Mary  Wortley  Montagu's  Works  254 


CONTENTS   OF   No.  VIII. 


Page 
Art.  I.  Birtiop  Horfley's  edition  of  the  Elements,  5:c,  of  Euclid    257 
11.  Hayley's   Life    and  Pofthumous  Writings  of  William 

Cowper  Efq,  Vol.  III.  -  -  273 

III.  Dolomieu    fur    la    Philofophie    Mineralogique,     et    fur 

I'Efpece  Mineralogique  -  -  ^84 

IV.  Sotheby's  Tranflation  of  the  Georgics  of  Virgil  296 
V.  Dr  Tennant's  Indian  Recreations              -               -  3^3 

VI.  Mifs  Edge\rorth's  Popular  Tales  -  -  329 

VII.   Richards's  Poems  -'  -  -  337 

VIII.   Lord  Lauderdale's  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Origin 

of  Public  Wealth  -  -  345 

IX.  Lord    Chatham's    Letters    to    his    Nephew    Thomas 

Pitt  Efq.  afterwards  Lord  Camelford  -  377 

X.  Davies's  Celtic   Refearches,  on  the   Origin,  Traditions 

and  Language  of  the  Ancient  Britons  -  386 

XI.   Count  Rumford's  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  of  Heat  and 

the  Mode  of  its  Communication  -  -  359 

XII.  Count    Rumford's   Account   of  a   Phenomenon  in  the 

Glaciers  of  Chamouny,   &c.  -  -  415 

XIII.  M'Kinnen's  Tour  through  the  Britifh  Well  Indies  419 

XIV.  Sir  Triftrem,  a  Metrical  Romance  of  the  13th  Century. 

fedited    from    the    Auchinleck    MS.       By    Walter 
Scott,  Efq.  -  -  -  -  427 

XV.   Barrow's  Travels  into  the  Interior  of  Southern  Africa       443 
XVI.  Dr   Hill   on  the    Synonymes   and   Prepofitions  of  the 

Latin  Language  -  -  -  4^7 

XVII.  A  Concife   Statement  of  the   Queilion   regarding  the 

Abohtion  of  the  Slave  Trade  -  =  47<> 


ERRATA. 

V.  258.  line  6.  for  that  miftake,  read  fome  millakcs 
393.  line  3.  from  foot,  for  m^vn,  read  iriT^vu. 


THE 

EDINBUSGH  REVIEW. 

APRIL     1804. 


jr°-   YII. 


Art.  I.  Tra'ilt's  de  Legijlatlon  C'l'vUc  et  Penale  ;  precedes  de  Pr'incipei 
Generaux  de  Legt/latlon,  et  d\ine  Viie  d^un  Corps  complet  de  Droit ; 
termi?ies  par  un  EJfa'i  fur  V Iiiflucnce  des  tems  et  des  lieux  relat't-vsment  aux 
Lois.  Par  M.  jeremie  Bentham,  Jurifconfulte  Anglois.  Publics  en 
Francois  par  M.  Dumont  de  Geneve,  d'apres  les  Manufcrits  confies 
par  I'A'Jteur.      8vo.     31001.     Paris,  an  X.      i8®2. 

nPi-iE  title-page  of  this  work  exhibits  a  curious  Inftance  of  the 
■*-  divifion  of  labour,  and  of  the  combinutions  that  hold  to- 
gether the  Hterary  commonwealth  of  Europe.  A  living  author 
confents  to  give  his  produtlions  to  the  world  in  the  language 
of  a  foreign  editor  ;  and  the  fpeculations  of  an  Englifli  phllofopher 
are  publiihed  at  Paris  under  the  dirediion  of  a  redaBeur  from 
Geneva.  This  arrangement  is  not  the  mod  obvious  or  natural 
in  the  world;  nor  is  it  very  flattering  to  the  literature  of  this 
country ;  but  we  have  no  doubt  that  it  was  adopted  for  fufficlent 
reafons. 

It  is  now  about  fifteen  years  fince  Mr  Bentham  firft  announced 
to  the  world  his  defign  of  compofing  a  great  work  on  the  principles 
of  morals  and  legiilation.  The  fpecimen  which  he  then  gave  of 
his  plan,  and  of  his  abilities,  was  calculated,  we  think,  to  excite 
coninierable  expectation  and  confiderable  alarm  in  the  reading  part 
of  the  community.  While  the  author  difplayed,  in  many  places, 
great-  originality  and  accuracy  of  thinking,  and  gave  proofs 
throughout  of  a  very  uncommon  degree  of  acutenefs  and  impar- 
tiality, it  was  eafy  to  perceive  that  he  was  encumbered  with  the 
magnitude  of  his  fubjed:,  and  that  his  habits  of  difcufllon  were 
but  ill  adapted  to  render  it  popular  with  the  greater  part  of  his 
readers.  Though  fully  poffelled  of  his  fubjedl:,  he  fcarcclyever 
appeared  to  be  mafter  of  it,  and  feemed  evidently  to  move  in  his  new 
career  with  great  anxiety  and  great  exertion.     In  the   fubordinate 

VOL., IV.  NO.  7.  '  A  details 


2  Ecntliam,  Pnndpes  dt  Legijlation,  par  Dumonf,        April- 

details  of  his  work,  he  is  often  extremely  ingenious,  clear,  and 
fatisfa(9:ory,  but  in  the  ;i  reaping  and  diftribution  of  thefe  parts,  he 
is  apparently  irrefolure  cr  capricious  ;  and  he  has  multiplied  and 
diftinguiilied  then  by  fuch  Tl-  profufion  of  divifions  and  fubdivifions, 
th;it  the  underftanding  is  nearly  as  much  bewildered  from  the 
excemve  labour  and  complexity  of  the  arrangement,  as  it  could 
have  been  from  its  abfolute  omiflion.  In  following  out  the  dif-' 
eulTions  into  which  he  is^  tempted  by  every  incidental  fuggeftion, 
he  is  fo  anxious  to  fix  and  to  limit  an  ultimate  principle  of  judge- 
ment, that  he  not  only  lofes  fight  of  the  general  fcope  of  hi-5 
peribrmance,  but  pufnes  his  metaphyfical  analyfis  to  a  degree  of 
fubtlety  and  minutenefs  that  muft.  prove  repulfive  to  the  greater 
part  of  his  readers.  In  the  extent  and  the  finenefs  of  thefe  fpecu- 
iations,  he  fometimes  appears  to  iofe  all  recolle£Vion  of  his  fubje£t, 
and  often  feems  to  tdlk  his  ingenuity  to  weave  fnarcs  for  his  un- 
derflanding." 

The  powers-  and  the  peculiarities  which  were  thus  indicated  by 
the  preUminary  treatife,  were  certainly  fuch  as  to  juftify  fomc 
folicitude  as  to  the  execution  of  the  principal  work.  While  it 
■was  clear  that  it  would  be  well  wortli  reading,  it  was  doubtful  if 
it  would  be  capable  of  being  read  :  and  while  it  was  certain  that  ■ 
it  would  contain  many  admirable  remarks,  and  much  profound 
and  original  reafoning,  there  was  fome  room  for  apprehending 
that  the  author's  propcnfity  to  artificial  arrangement  and  me« 
t^phyfical  diftinctions  might  place  his  difcoveries  beyond  the 
reach  of  ordinary  fludents,  and  repel  the  curiofity  which  the 
importance  of  the  fubjecl  was  fo  likely  to  excite.  Ailuated  pro- 
bably, in  part,  by  the  confcioufnefs  of  thofe  propenfities  (which 
nearly  difquilified  him  frora  being  the  editor  of  his  own  fpecu- 
lations),  and  flill  too  bufily  occupied  with  the  profecution  of 
bis  great  work,  to  attend  to  the  nice  finifliing  of  its  parts,  Mr 
Bentham,  about  fix  y^^ars  ago,  put  inta  the  hands  of  M.  Dumont 
a  large  colle;^ion  of  manufcripts,  containing  the  greater  part  of 
the  reafonings  and  obfervations  which  he  propofed  to  embody  in- 
to his  projected  fyllem.  Thefe  materials,  M.  Dumont  aflures  us,, 
though  neither  arranged  nor  completed,  were  rather  redundant 
than  defective  in  quantity,  and  left  notliing  to  tlie  redacleur,  but 
the  occafional  labour  of  feleftion,  arrangement,  and  comprelTion. 
This  talk  he  has  performed  as  to  a  confidcrable  part  of  the  papers 
entrulted  to  him  in  the  work  now  before  us ;  and  has  certainly 
given  a  very  fair  fpecimen  both  of  the  merit  of  the  original 
fpeculations,  and  of  his  own  powers  of  expreflion  and  diftribu- 
tion. There  are  fome  pafTages,  perhaps,  into  which  a  degree  of 
flippancy  has  been  introduced,  that  does  not  harmonife  with  the 

general 


1 804.       Benttiani,  Priticlpes  de  Legijlat'iony  par  Dumonf.  3 

general  tone  of  the  compofition,  and  others  in  tvhich  we  mlfs. 
fomethmg  of  that  richnefs  of  illuftratlon  and  homely  vigour  o£ 
reafoning  which  delighted  us  in  Mr  Bentham's  original  publi- 
cations ;  but  in  point  of  neatnefs  and  perfpicuity,  coricifenefs  and 
precifion,  we  have  no  fort  of  doubt  that  M.  Dumont  has  been  o£ 
the  moft  eflential  fervice  to  his  principal,  and  are  inclined  to  fufpe£fc 
that,  without  this  afliftance,  we  ftiould  never  have  been  able  to  give 
any  account  of  his  labours. 

The  plan  which  Mr  Bentham  has  chalked  out  for  himfelf  In 
this  undertaking,  is  more  vaft  and  comprehenOve,  we  believe, 
than  was  ever  ventured  upon  before  by  the  ambition  of  any  one 
individual.  It  embraces  almofl  every  thing  that  is  important  ia 
the  fcience  of  human  nature,  and  not  only  touches  upon  all  the 
higher  quedions  of  government  and  legiflation,  but  includes 
moft  of  the  abftra£l  principles  of  ethics  and  metaphyfics,  and 
profeffes  to  delineate  thofe  important  rules  by  which  the  finefi: 
(peculations  of  philofophy  may  be  made  to  exert  their  influence 
on  the  adual  condition  of  fociety.  M.  Dumont  has  exhibited, 
in  his  preface,  a  fliort  catalogue  of  the  articles  which  Mr  Ben- 
tham has  enabled  him  to  finifti  by  delivering  the  rn.inufcripts 
to  his  cuftody  ;  and  declares  that  they  form  but  a  part  of  the 
gigantic  fyftem  upon  which  he  is  ftill  engaged.  What  Mr  Ben- 
tham has  already  executed,  is  as  follows  t  i.  The  general  prin-. 
ciples  of  morals  and  legiflation  :  2.  The  principles  of  law  as 
applicable  to  civil  quedions  :  3.  The  principles  of  criminal 
law:  4.  A  detailed  code  of  criminal  law  in  termwis  :  5.  The 
principles  of  a  code  of  remuneratory  law :  6.  A  plan  for  the 
organization  of  the  judiciary  fun£lion  :  7.  A  complete  fyftem 
of  legal  procedure,  comprehending  the  whole  law  of  evidence, 
and  all  the  forms  of  litigation  :  8.  A  fyftem  of  political  oeco- 
nomy  :  and  9.  A  fyftem  of  tallies  for  legiflative  affemblies,  or 
of  the  rules  according  to  which  they  fhould  be  conftituted  and 
fhould  condu£l  their  deliberations.  There  are,  befides,  fix  fe- 
parate  treatifes  on  '  Invencion  in  the  Science  of  Legiflation  ;  on 
the  art  of  accommodating  law  to  a  change  of  time  or  place  ;  on 
the  methods  of  promulgating  the  law, '  &c.  &c.  The  prefent 
volumes  do  not  by  any  means  contain  the  whole  of  thefe  differ- 
tations  ;  but  M.  Dumont  alTures  us,  that  all  the  materials  are 
in  his  hands,  and  that  he  has  already  brought  them  into  fuch 
form  and  order,  as  to  fecure  their  fucceffue  publication  at  no 
great  diftance  of  time. 

The  work  now  before  us  confifts  of  four  principal  parts,  r. 
A  general  view  of  the  principles  of  legiflation,  compofed,  ia 
a  good  degree,  from  *  the  rntfoduclloii  *  fdrmerly  publifhed  ia 

A  z  Englifh 


;|  Bentham,  Prlnclpes  ie  Legt/atmy  par  Dumofi%      April 

Englifh  In  1789:  2.  A  general  (ketch  of  the  complete  fyftetn 
of  laws  which  Mr  Bentham  propofes  to  ere£l  upon  thofe  princi- 
ples :  3.  The  application  of  thofe  principles  to  the  law  in  civil" 
queftions:  and  4.  The  application  of  the  fame  principles  to  the 
law  with  regard  to  crimes.  To  thefe  are  added,  three  detached 
treatifes;  one  on  the  eftabllfhrnent  of  a  new  fort  of  houle  of 
corre£lion,  to  be  called  the  Panoptiqtie ;  another  on  the  method 
of  promulgating  the  law  ;  and  the  third  on  the  influence  of 
time  and  place  in  queftions  of  legiilation.  From  this  flrort  ac- 
count of  the  contents  of  this  publication,  our  readers  will  eafily 
perceive  that  the  merit  of  the  whole  fyftem  mud  depend  upon 
the  foundnefs  of  the  principles  upon  which  it  is  prolefTedly 
founded,  and  that  the  character  of  the  book  muft  be  determin- 
ed, in  a  great  degree,  by  the  manner  in  which  thtjirj}  part  of  it 
is  executed.  As  the  fubje£ls  which  are  there  treated  of,  are  of 
the  greatefl:  rntereft  in  themfelves,  and  as  they  are  difcufTed  in 
a  manner  which  the  author  at  lead  conceives  to  be  perfectly  ori- 
ginal, we  (hall  endeavour  to  lay  before  our  readers,  a  full  view, 
both  of  the  dotirines  which  he  has  delivered,  and  of  the  obfer- 
vations  which  have  been  fuggefted  to  us  by  their  perufai, 

M.  Dumont,  who  has  more  than  the  common  right  of  an  edi- 
tor to  be  partial  to  the  work  he  has  brought  into  the  world,  is 
perfuaded  that  this  publication  muft  make  an  epoch  and  a  revolu- 
tion in  the  fcience  of  which  it  treats  ;  and  afTures  us,  that  the 
'  Introdu6lion, '  upon  the  principles  of  which  it  is  founded,  though 
not  hitherto  diftinguiihed  by  any  great  fliare  of  popular  applaufe, 
is  already  confidered  in  that  light  by  the  fmall  number  of  compe- 
tent judges  by  whom  its  merits  have  been  appretiated.  To  this 
privilege,  he  fays,  Mr  Bentham's  fpeculations  are  entitled,  be- 
caufe  they  have  fet  the  example  of  a  new  method  of  philofophifing 
in  politics  and  morality,  and  becaufe  they  contain  the  elements 
of  a  new  fyftem  of  logic,  by  means  of  which  ethics  and  legifia- 
tion  are  for  the  firft  time  advanced  to  the  dignity  of  a  fcience. 
Thefe  pretenfions,  it  cannot  be  denied,  are  fulHciently  magnili-- 
cent ;  and  the  confidence  with  which  they  are  announced,  natu- 
rally leads  us  to  inquire  into  the  fatSts  by  which  they  are  fup- 
ported. 

The  principle  upon  which  the  whole  of  Mr  Bentham's  fyftem 
depends  is,  that  utility^  and  utility  alone,  is  the  criterion  of  right 
and  wrong,  and  ought  to  be  the  fole  obje6l  of  the  legiilator.  Thisi 
principle,  he  admits,  has  often  been  fuggefted,  and  is  familiarly 
recurred  to  botli  in  aftion  and  deliberation  :  but  he  maintains  that 
it  has  never  been  purfued  with  futTicient  fteadinefs  and  refolution, 
«lnd  that  the  neceflity  of  afiuming  it  as  the  exclufive  teft  of  our 

proceeding;? 


;j8o4«       Bentliam,  JPrlncipes  cle  Legijlatmi,  par  3inno}tt.  § 

proceedings  has  never  been  fufficiently  underflood.  There  are 
two  principles,  he  alleges,  that  have  been  admitted  to  a  (hare  of 
that  moral  authority  which  belongs  of  right  to  that  of  utility 
alone,  and  have  exercifed  a  controul  over  the  condudl  and  opi- 
nions of  fociety,  by  which  legillators  have  been  very  frequently 
milled.  The  one  of  thefe  he  denominates  the  afcetic  principle,  or 
that  which  enjoins  the  mortification  of  the  fenfes  as  a  duty,  and 
profcribes  their  gratification  as  a  fm  ;  and  the  ether,  which  has 
had  a  much  more  extenfive  i-nfiuence,  he  calls  the  principle  offym- 
pnthy  or  antipathy,  under  which  name  he  com.prehends  all  thofe 
fyftems  which  place  the  bafis  of  morality  in  the  indications  of  a 
moral  fenfe,  or  in  the  maxims  of  a  rule  of  right,  or  which,  under 
any  other  form  of  exprelRon,  decide  upon  the  propriety  of  hu- 
man aclions  by  any  internal,  unacqauntabie  feelings,  without  any 
view  to  their'  confequehces.  In  this  place  he  introduces,  by 
way  of  parenthefis,  a  technical  enumeration  of  the  fources 
and  caufes  of  antipathy,  of  which  he  reckons  fix — the  repug- 
nance of  the  fenfes — mortified  pride — difappointcd  endeavours, 
*cc.  &c. 

He  then  fets  himfelf  to  (how  that  thefe  principles  have  in 
many  inftances  faperfeded  the  lawful  authority  of  utility  in 
the  laws  of  moft  countries  •,  and  imputes  to  this  caufe  the  il- 
lufion  which  has  led  fo  many  legillators  to  negleft  t!ie  fub- 
ftantial  happinefs  of  their  country,  while  they  limited  all  their 
exertions  to  the  promotion  of  its  riches,  its  power,  or  its  freedom. 

In  the  next  place'  he  comb;'ts,  with  great  ability,  the  argu- 
ments of  thofe  who  have  affetted  to  confider  the  principle  of 
utility  as  a  dangerous  guide  for  our  conduiSl,  and  endeavours  to 
Ihow  that  fuch  reafonings  really  amount  to  a  contradiction  ia 
terms  -,  fince,  to  fay  of  any  a£tion  that  it  is  hurtful,  dangerous, 
or  improper,  is  jufi  to  fay  that  it  cannot  have  been  adopted  upon 
the  principle  of  utility. 

As  utility  is  thus  aifumed  as  the  teft  and  ftandard  of  adlion 
and  approbation,  and  as  it  confifts  in  procuring  pleafure,  and 
avoiding  pain,  Mr  Bentham  has  thought  it  neceffary,  in  this 
place,  to  introdi*ce  a  catalogue  of  all  the  pleafures  and  pains  of 
which  man  is  fufceptible,  ijnce  thefe,  he  alleges,  are  the  ele- 
ments of  that  moral  calculation  in  which  the  wifdom  and  the 
duty  of  legillators  and  individuals  muft  ultimately  be  found  to 
confift.  The  fimple  pleafures  of  which  man  is  fufceptible  are 
fourteen  in  number,  and  are  thus  enumerated — i.  pleafures  of 
fenfe  :  2.  of  wealth  :  3.  of  dexterity  :  4.  of  good  character  : 
5.  of  fviendfhip  :  6.  of  power  :  7.  of  piety  :  8.  of  benevolence  : 
9.  of  malevolence  :  10.  of  memory  :  1 1.  of  imagination  :  12.  of 
iicpe  :  17,  of  ^jjTociatioii :    14.  of  relief  frgiji  pain.     Tl^e  pains, 

"  ^  '  A3.  OUT 


$  Bentham,  Princlpes  de  LegifiaiUny  far  Dutncttii.       Aprli 

our  leaders  will  be  happy  to  h«ar,  are  cniy  eleven,  and  are  al- 
mofl  cxadlly  the  counterpart  of  the  pleafures  that  have  now  been 
enumerated.  The  conftru<rtion  of  thefe  catalogues  M.  Dumont 
ponfiders  as  by  far  the  greateft  improvement  that  has  yet  been 
made  in  the  phllofophy  of  human  nature. 

It  is  chiefly  by  the  fear  of  pain  that  men  are  regulated  in  the 
choice  of  their  deliberate  actions  ;  and  Mr  Bentham  finds  that 
pain  may  be  attached  to  particular  actions  in  four  different  ways, 
I.  by  nature  :  2.  by  public  opinion  :  3.  by  pofitite  enactment: 
3nd  4  by  the  doftrlnes  of  religion.  Our  inftitutions  will  be 
perfect  when  all  thcfe  difFerent  fan£licns  are  in  har^iony  with 
pach  other. 

The  moll  difficult  part  of  our  author's  tafk  remains.  In  or- 
der to  make  any  ufe  of  thefe  *  elements  of  moral  arithmetic, ' 
which  are  conftituted  by  the  lifts  of  our  pleafures  and  pains,  it 
was  evidently  neceffary  to  afcertain  their  relative  value,  fo  as  to 
enable  him  to  proceed  in  his  leglOative  calculations  with  fome 
degree  of  affurance.  Under  this  head,  however,  we  are  only 
told  that  the  value  of  a  pleafure  or  a  pain,  confidered  in  itfelf, 
<iepends,  i.  upon  its  intenfity,  2.  upon  its  proximity,  3.  upon 
its  duration,  and  4.  upon  its  certainty  j  and  that,  confidered 
with  a  view  to  its  confequences,  its  value  is  farther  afTe6led, 
I.  by  ns  feanidity,  t.  e.  its  tendency  to  produce  other  pleafures 
or  pains  ;  2.  by  its  purity^  i.  e.  its  being  unmixed  with  other 
fenfations  -,  and  3.  by  the  number  of  perfons  to  whom  it  may 
extend.  Thefe  confiderations,  however,  the  author  jullly  con- 
siders as  inadequate  for  his  purpofe  ;  for  by  what  means  is  the 
inte?iftty  of  any  pain  or  pleafure  to  be  meafured,  and  how,  with- 
out this  knowledge,  are  we  to  proportion  punifliments  to  temp- 
tations, or  adjuil  the  meafures  of  recompenfe  or  indemnifica- 
tion .?  To  folve  this  problem,  Mr  B-^ntham  feems  to  have  had 
•  recourfe  to  his  favourite  fyftem  of  enumeration,  and  to  have 
thought  nothing  elfe  neceflary  than  to  make  out  a  fair  catalogue 
of  *  the  circumftances  by  which  the  fenfibility  is  aifccled.' 
Thefe  he  divides  into  two  branches — the  primary  and  the  f - 
condary.  The  firfl;  he  determines  to  be  exactly  fifteen,  viz, 
temperament — health — ftrength  —  bodily  imperfection  —  intelli- 
gence—  ftrength  of  underftanding  —  fortitude  —  perfeverance— 
difpofitions  — notions  of  honour — notions  of  religion — fvmpathies 
— antipathies—folly  or  derangement — fortune.  The  fecondary 
circumftances  that  determine  the  degree  of  fenfibility  to  good 
and  evil,  are  only  nine,  viz.  fex — age — rank — education — pro- 
fefiion — climate — creed — government — religious  creed.  By  at- 
tending to  thefe  circumllancesj  Mr  Bsntham  is  of  opinion  that 

ws 


i'So4'       Bentiiam,^  Pniuipes  Je  Legijlatiotj^  par  Dumorif. 

we  may  be  able  to  eftimate  the  v.ilue  of  any  particular  pleafure 
or  pain  to  an  iqdividual,  witli  fulEcient  ex.icliiefs,  to  judge  of 
the  comparative  magnitude  of  criines,  and  of  the  proportionate 
amount  of  pains  and  compenfaticns. 

He  now  comes  a  little  clofer  to  his  fubje6l,  and  enters  into  an 
examination  of  the  nature  of  thofe  evils  which  it  is  the  bufmcfs 
of  the  legillator  to  prevent  or  alleviate.  Evils  are  then  arranged, 
with  Mr  Bentham'i  ufual  partiality  for  clafufication,  under  a  great 
variety  of  divifions.  Evils  of  the  fir jl  order ^  are  thofe  which  full 
immediately  upon  one  or  a  few  fpecific  individuals  j  evils  of  the  fe- 
tond  order ^  are  thofe  tliat  fall  upon  entire  claffes  of  men  under  fome 
particular  defcription  \  and  ev'ils  of  the  third  crder,  are  thofe  that 
affe£l  the  condition  of  the  whole  community  where  they  occur. 
Murder  or  theft  is  an  inftance  of  the  firft ;  perfecution  or  cruelty 
to  heretics,  priells,  rich  men,  parents,  &c.  &c.  of  the  fecond  \ 
and  all  forts  of  diforder  and  mifmanagement,  by  which  the  fecu- 
rity  of  the  whole  community  is  endangered,  are  infhances  of  the 
third.  Evils  of  the  firft  order  niay  be  analyfed  into  the  primitive, 
cr  direft  evil  to  the  fufFerer  himfelf ;  and  the  derivative^  or  confe- 
quential  evil  that  refults  to  thofe  conne-£led  with  him,  from  the 
efFe£ts  of  his  fuifering.  Evils  of  the  fecond  order  confift,  again, 
chiefly  either  in  the  alarm  which  is  necelTarily  felt  by  all  that 
defcription  of  perfons  upon  wlioni  it  threatens  to  fail,  or  the 
danger  which  may  a<2:ua]ly  exift  in  a  degree  either  greater  or 
fmaller  than  the  alarm.  Evils  of  the  third  order  are  produced 
altogether  by  the  alarm  and  apprehenfion  of  danger,  wliich  relaxes 
the  exertions  of  induftry,  and  gives  a  check  to  every"  fort  of 
profperity  or  improvement.  Evils  are  alfo  diftinguiihed  by  Mr 
Bentham  into  fuch  as  are  either  immediate  or  confequential — 
extenfive  or  divilible — permanent  or  evanefcent,  &c. ;  but  we  do 
not  obferve  that  thefe  diftinftions,  which  indeed  are  capable  of 
being  multiplied  to  infinity,  are  made  the  bafis  of  any  part  of  his 
fyftem. 

Mr  Bentham  is  nov/  arrived  at  the  proper  objeft  of  his  reafon- 
ing.  Certain  actions  fliould  be  prevented,  becaufe  they  give  rife 
to  pains  or  evils ;  and  to  thofe  under  the  name  of  crimes,  the 
interefts  of  fociety  require  certain  punifhments  to  be  applied,  in 
order  to  reprefs  and  prevent  them  effectually.  But  no  adlion  is 
deliberately  performed  by  any  reafonable  creature,  without  the 
expectation  of  confequential  good  or  pleafure  to  himfelf;  and  this 
pleafure  is  to  be  taken  into  account  in  fixing  the  meafure  of 
punifhment,  or  beftowing  the  appellation  of  guilt.  The  conftruc- 
tion  of  the  criminal  code  comes  then  entirely  to  a  matter  of 
calculation.     The  gratification  of  the  delinquent  individual  is  to 

'       A  4  kc 


8  Bentham,  Pnndpes  de  Legijlai'iou^  far  Bumonti       April 

be  taken  into  account  on  the  oiie  hand,  and  the  fufFiving  of  the 
offended  party  on  the  other;  and  it  is  only  where  the  latter 
evidently  preponderates,  that  the  a£t  fnould  be  denominated  a 
crime.  In  this  comparifon  it  will  generally  be  found,  that  alliens 
have  been  ftigmatifed  as  criminal,  much  more  on  account  of,  the 
evil  of  the  fecond  crder  they  produce,  by  the  alarm  and  danger 
which  they  occafion  to  every  one  in  a  f\milar  fituation  with  the 
fufFerer,  than  on  account  of  the  dire£l  detriment  that  is  fuftained 
by  the  fufferer  individually.  In  the  cafe  of  offences  againft  property, 
for  inftaiKC,  it  may  frequently  happen  that  the  gratification  of  the 
robber  is  fully  greater  than  the  mortification  of  the  perlbn  whom 
he  plunders  ;  but  the  alarm  and  danger  that  would  refult  from  the 
impunity  of  fuch  a6lions  makes  the  whole  mafs  of  evil  incompar- 
ably greater  than  that  of  good,  and  juftifies  the  fevere  fan(fl:ions 
by  which  law  has  generally  endeavoured  to  reprefs  fuch  a£ls  of 
depredation. 

In  thefe  particulars,  Mr  Bentham  thinks  that  the  principles  of 
legiflation  and  morality  cxadtly  coincide :  the  objeft  of  bath  is 
the  fame — the  multiplication  of  human  pleafures,  and  the  dimi- 
nution of  pains.  What  then  is  the  difference  between  the  two 
codes,  and  how  are  their  mutual  limits  to  be  afcertained  ?  Legi- 
giflation,  Mr  Bentham  conceives,  is  merely  morality  inveiled  with 
power ;  but  this  power  it  cannot  exercife  up  to  the  very  limits  to 
■which  morality  would  carry  its  fancllon  of  difapprobation.  The 
reafons  why  law  mull  always  fall  ihort  of  perfe6b  juftice,  arc, 
I.  Becaufe  law  mult  operate  chiefly  by  punilhments  which  are 
evils  in  themfelves ;  and  that,  to  ena6t  pofitive  puniftiments  for 
many  noxious  actions  which  are  either  eafily  concealed  or  of  flight 
importance,  would  be  to  create  a  greater  evil  for  the  purpofe  of 
reprcffmg  a  fmaller  one  :  and  2.  Becaufe  many  offences  confifting  in 
degree  and  continuance,  fuch  as  unkindnefs,  ingratitude,  &c.  are 
really  incapable  of  being  defined  or  eftabllOied  with  precilion,  fo 
that  any  law  againft  them  would  either  be  ineffectual,  or  would 
produce  more  uneafinefs  by  the  general  dread  of  profecution,  than 
it  could  cure  by  the  example.  Mr  Bentham  then  goes  on  to 
lliew,  that  moral  duties  may  be  divided  into  prudence,  probity,  and 
benevolence.  The  firft  requires  no  fanftion  on  the  part  of  the 
legiflature ;  the  fecond  is  the  proper  fphere  of  law  ;  and  the  third, 
though  it  may  in  general  be  left  to  the  wifdom  and  the  feeling  of 
tevery  individual,  may  yet  be  enforced  by  law  in  a  greater  number 
of  cafes  than  lawgivers  have  hitherto  provided  for.  Inflances  of 
barbarous  unkindnefs,  and  a6S:s  of  cruelty  to  animals,  ought,  ac- 
cording to  Mr  Bentham,  to  be  claffed  among  offences  ccgnifable 
by  tlie  law.  ' 


1 804.       Bentham,  Fyhidpes  de  Legijlaiion,  par  DumonP.  ^ 

This  properly  completes  Mr  Bentham's  general  view  of  the 
principles  of  legifiation.  But  in  order  to  imprefs  his  readers  mors 
ftrongly  with  a  fenfe  of  their  importance  and  novelty,  he  proceeds, 
in  a  very  long  and  a  very  able  chapter,  to  exemplify  and  expofe 
the  various  errors  into  which  legiflators  have  been  led,  by  taking 
for  their  guide  fome  other  principle  than  that  of  utility.  This 
chapter  is  divided  into  ten  fecStions,  under  each  of  which  he  gives 
an  inftancc  of  fonie  falfe  principle  that  has  occafionally  been  per- 
mitted to  hitcrfere  with  thole  firift  notions  of  utility  by  which  the 
legifiature  ought  to  have  been  uniformly  dire&ed.  Thus  he  fays, 
I.  The  antiquity  of  a  law  is  no  reafon  for  adhering  to  it :  2.  The 
pretended  authority  of  religion  is  no  fufficient  ground  for  legiila- 
tion  :  3.  The  dread  of  innovation  is  no  ground  for  withholding 
improvements  :  4.  An  arbitrary  definition  can  never  be  received 
as  a  reafon  for  the  authority  of  law  :  When  Montefquieu  defined 
the  laws  to  be  *  eternal  relations, '  and  when  F^GiifTeau  called 
them  '  the  expreffion  of  the  general  will, '  they  both  endeavoured 
to  found,  upon  arbitrary  ailumptions,  that  authority  which  is  only 
due  to  their  acknowledged  utility.  5.  A  metaphor  is  no  reafon 
for  a  law.  In  Mr  Bcntham's  opinion,  however,  the  proceedings 
of  many  wife  legiflatures  have  been  governed  by  fuch  llight  ana- 
logies. In  England  a  man's  houfe  is  his  ccjlle^  and  therefore  it  is 
to  prote6l  him  even  againfl  the  officers  of  the  law.  In  Italy  a 
church  is  the  houfe  of  God,  in  which  criminals  m"ay  therefore  defy 
the  juilice  of  men.  The  ideas  unluckily  affociated  with  fuch  phra- 
fes  as '  the  balance  of  trade, ' — '  mother  country, '  &c.  have  given 
rife,  according  to  l^Ir  Bentham,  to  a  great  number  of  abfurd  re- 
gulations. 6.  A  law  fhould  never  be  fupported  by  fitfions :  cor- 
ruption of  blood,  the  fovereign'b  ubiquity,  immortality,  &c.  and 
the  imaginary  contra^s  upon  which  many  writers  have  founded 
the  whole  fabric  of  fociety,  are  bad  fynonym.es,  or  worfe  fubfti- 
tutes  for  utility.  7.  A  fantaftic  reafon  is  no  reafon  for  a  law. 
Why  fhould  a  father  have  authority  over  his  children,  becaife 
they  are  born  in  his  houfe,  or  hecanfe  they  are  fornied  of  his  fub- 
f^ance  i  The  true  reafon  is  the  utility.  8.  Antipathies,  or  fym- 
pathies,  are  no  reafons  for  an  ena£iment :  if  they  are  founded  in 
experience  of  utility,  it  is  more  fatisfadory  to  go  at  once  to  the 
foundation  :  if  they  cannot  be  juftified  on  that  ground,  they  fliould 
have  no  authority  whatsoever.  9.  Affumption  of  the  points  in  dif- 
pute,  is  no  reafon  for  a  law.  If  luxury  be  denned  a  vicious  or 
exceffive  indulgence  in  plea  hire,  then  it  certainly  ought  to  be  re^ 
preffed  ;  but  before  any  law  is  made  to  reprefs  it,  it  fnould  be 
proved  that  it  is  really  vicious ;  that  is,  that  it  is  produ£live  of 
ivil,  Lafdj^  A  real  |aw  c^n  never  be  juftiiied  by  appealing  to 
■  '  ths 


fti  B.ejiti.affl,  Prlficipes  ce  Legtftallon,  par  DumjfiL       April 

the  authority  of  an  Imaginary  one.  It  is  frying  nothing,  to  fay 
that  the  ianv  of  nature^  or  the  rule  of  right,  requires  fuch  and 
fuch  an  enactment.  Thefe  high-founding  words  mean  nothing 
inore  than  the  private  opinion  or  inclination  of  the  individual  who 
'ufes  them.  Every  reafon,  in  (hort,  that  can  be  given  for  any  en- 
a<Slment  or  inftltntion,  inuft  either  refolve  itfclf  into  die  affertiou 
of  its  utility,  or  be  rejeded  as  perniciou?.  The  legillator  has 
but  one  fiinple  m?xim  to  obfewe — to  rcnrefs  all  thofe  a6tions  which 
tend  to  produce  more  pain  than  pleafure,  and  to  promote  all  thofc 
TK'hich  produce  more  pleafure  than  pain. 

Having  thus  endeavoured  to  lay  before  our  readers  a  very  con- 
cife,  but,  we  hope^  a  tolerably  full  and  di{tin£l  account  of  JMr 
Bentham's  principles  of  legiflation,  we  fhall  now  take  the  liberty 
of  making  a  few  of  tliofe  obfervations,  M^hich  could  not  have 
been  dated  before,  without  breaking  the  connexion  of  the  fubjcft, 
and  obfcuring  the  evidence  upon  which  the  fyftem  is  founded. 
The  firR  remark  that  fuggefls  itfelf  is,  that  if  there  is  little  that 
is  falfe  or  pernicious  in  this  fyftem,'  there  is  little  that  is  either 
new  or  important.  That  laws  were  made  to  promote  the  general 
welfare  of  fociety,  and  that  nothing  fnould  be  ena£led  which  has 
31  different  tendency,  are  truths  tlvat  can  fcarcely  claim  tlie  merit 
of  novelty,  or  mark  an  epoch  by  the  date  of  their  promulgation. 
The  technical  apparatus  which  Mr  Bentham  has  employed  to  en- 
force thefe  tenets  upon  his  readers,  appears  to  us  to  have  been  al- 
together unnecefiary ;  and  we  have  not  yet  been  able  to  difcover 
that  it  can  be  of  any  fervice  in  improving  their  pra£lical  applica- 
tion. There  are  many  things,  indeed,  that  feem  to  be  v:.ry  in- 
accurately laid  down  in  the  detail  of  thefe  principles,  and  a  flill 
greater  num.ber  that  are  aiTumed  with  too  little  limitation. 

The  bafis  of  the  whole  fyftem  is  the  undivided  fovereignty  of 
the  principle  of  utility,  and  the  necelTity  which  there  is  for  re- 
curring ftricLly  to  it  in  every  queftion  of  legiflation.  Moral  feel- 
ings, it  is  admitted,  will  frequently  be  found  to  coincide  w'*h  it  j 
but  they  are  on  no  account  to  be  trufted  to,  till  this  coincidence 
has  been  verified  ;  they  are  no  better  than  fympathies  and  antipa- 
thies, mere  private  and  unaccountable  feelings,  that  may  vary  in 
the  cafe  of  every  individual  5  and  therefore  can  afford  no  fixed 
standard  for  general  approbation  or  enjoyment.  We  cannot  help 
thinking,  that  this  fundamental  propofition  is  very  defe6live,  both 
in  logical  confiftency,  and  in  fubftantial  truth.  In  the  firft  place, 
it  feems  very  obvious  to  remark,  that  the  principle  of  utility  is 
liable  to  the  fame  objedicns,  on  the  force  of  which  the  authority 
pi  moral  im.preffions  has  been  fo  pofitively  denied.  How  fliall 
-utility  itfelf  be  recognifed,  but  by  a  feeling  fimjlar  to  that  which 

J5 


J  So4..       Bentham,  Prlacipes  de  Legjfatlon,  par  DuniQut.  \  i 

is  ftlgmatifed  ?.s  capricious  and  unaccountable  ?  How  are  plea- 
fures  and  pains,  and  the  degrees  and  relative  magnitude  of  plea- 
fures  and  pains  to  be  diflinguiflied,  but  by  the  feeling  and  expe- 
rience of  every  individual  ?  And  what  greater  certainty  can  there 
be  in  the  accuracy  of  fuch  determinations,  than  in  the  refults  of 
other  feelings  no  lefs  general  and  diilinguiilvable  ?  If  right  and 
wrong  be  not  precifely  the  .fame  to  every  individual,  neither  ire 
pleafure  and  pain  ;  and  if  there  be  delpotifm  and  abfurdity  in  itr- 
pofing  upon  another,  one's  own  impretiions  of  wifdom  and  pro- 
priety, it  cannot  be  juft  and  reafonuble  to  erect  a  ftandard  of  et  - 
joyment,  and  a  rule  of  conduil:,  upon  the  narrow  bafis  of  our 
own  mcafure  of  fenfibillty.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  by  af- 
fuming  the  principle  of  utility,  we  do  not  get  rid  of  the  rilk  of 
variable  feeling  ;  and  that  we  are  iliil  liable  to  all  the  uncertainty 
that  may  be  produced  by  this  caufe,  undt:r  the  influence  cf  any 
other  principle. 

The  truth  is,  however,  that  tins  uncertainty  is  in  ali  cafes  of 
a  very  limited  nature,  and  that  the  common  impresTions  of  mora- 
lity, the  vulgar  dilf  in(S\ions  of  right  and  wrong,  virtue  and  vie*', 
-arc  perfe£lly  iufficient  to  dire£t  the  conduct  of  the  individual, 
and  the  judgement  of  the  legiflator,  without  any  reference  to  the 
nature  or  origin  of  thofe  diftindlions.  In  many  refpetSts,  indeed, 
we  conceive  tliem  to  be  litter  for  this  purpofe  than  Ivir  Bentham's 
oracles  of  utility.  In  the  firft  place,  it  is  .neceffary  to  obferv  , 
that  it  is  a  very  grof^  and  unpardonable  millake  to  reprefent  thofe 
notions  of  right  and  wrong  as  depending  altogether  upon  the  pri- 
vate and  capricious  feelings  of  an  individuaL  Certainly  no  man 
was  ever  fo  arrogant  or  fo  foolilh,  as  to  infiil  upon  eitabliiliing 
Ids  own  individual  perfuafion  as  an  infallible  teft  of  duty  and 
wifdom  to  all  the  reft  of  the  w^crld.  The  moral  feelings,  of 
which  Mr  Bentham  would  make  fo  fmali  account,  are  tbe  feel- 
ings which  obfervation  teaches  us  to  impute  to  all  men  ;  thofe 
in  which,  under  every  variety  of  circumftances,  they  are  found 
pretty  conflantly  to  agree,  and  as  to  which  their  uniformity  rnay 
be  reafoned  and  reckoned  upon  with  almoil  as  mucli  fecurity  as 
in  the  cafe 'of  their  external  perceptions.  The  exiftcnce  of  fuch 
feelings,  ,and  the  uniformity  with  v.hich  they  are  excited  in  aU 
men  by  the  fame  occafions,  are  fafts  that  admit  of  no  difpute  ; 
and,  in  point  of  certainty  and  precifion,  we  have  feen  already, 
tiiat  they  are  exacily  on  a  footing  M-ith  thofe  perceptions  of  uti- 
lity that  can  only  be  relied  on  after  they  have  been  verified  bv  a 
fimilar  procefs  of  obfervation.  Now,  we  are  inclined  to  think, 
in  oppoiition  to  Mr  Bentham,  that  a  legiflator  will  proceed  more 
i^afely  by  foilowing  the  indications  of  thofe  moral  diftin<Stions  as 

t» 


12  Bentham,  Prwdpes  de  Legijlatiotiy  par  Dtimont,       April 

to  which  all  men  are  agreed,  than  if  he  refolves  to  fet  them  al- 
together at  defiance,  and  to  be  guided  by  nothing  but  thofe  per- 
ceptions of  utility  vvhich  he  niuft  colled:  from  the  fame  general 
agreement.  It  is  now,  we  believe,  univerfuUy  admitted,  that  no- 
thing can  be  generally  the  objedi  of  moral  approbation,  which 
does  not  tend,  upon  the  whole,  to  the  good  of  mankind  -,  and  we 
are  not  even  difpofed  to  difpute  with  Mr  Bentham,  that  the  true 
fource  of  this  moral  approbation  is  in  all  cafes  a  perception  or  ex- 
perience of  utility  in  the  a£Hon  or  object  which  excites  it.  The 
difference  between  us,  however,  is  confiderable ;  and  it  is  pre- 
cifely  this — Mr  Bentham  maintains,  that  in  all  cafes  we  ought  to 
difregard  the  prefuniptions  arifing  from  moral  approbation,  and, 
by  a  refolute  and  fcrupulous  analyfis,  to  get  at  the  naked  utility 
upon  which  it  is  founded  ;  and  then,  by  the  application  of  his 
new  moral  arithmetic,  to  determine  its  quantity,  its  compofition, 
and  its  value,  and,  according  to  the  refult  of  this  invelligatlon, 
to  regulate  our  moral  approbation  for  the  future.  We,  on  the 
other  hand,  are  inclined  to  hold,  that  thefe  feelings,  where  they 
are  uniform  and  decided,  are  by  far  the  fureft  tefts  of  the  quan- 
tity and  value  of  the  utility  by  which  they  are  fuggefted  ;  and 
that  if  we  difcredit  their  report,  and  attempt  to  afccrtain  this 
value  by  any  formal  procefs  of  calculation  or  analyfis,  we  defert 
a  fafe  and  natural  ftandard,  in  purfuit  of  one  for  the  con{lru6lion 
of  which  we  have  yet  no  rules  nor  materials.  A  very  few  ob- 
fervations,  we  truft,  will  fet  tbia  in  a  clear  light. 

The  amount,  degree,  or  intcnfity  of  any  pleafure  or  pain,  is 
afcertained  by  feeling,  and  not  determined  by  reafon  or  reflec- 
tion. Thefe  feeUngs  are  tranfitory  in  their  own  nature,  and  arc 
not  eafily  recalled  with  fuch  precifion  as  to  enable  us,  upon  re- 
colle61:ion,  to  adjuil  their  relative  values.  When  they  pr'fait 
themfelves,  however,  in  combinations,  or  in  rapid  lucceffion, 
their  relative  magnitude  or  intcnfity  is  perceived  by  the  mind  with- 
out any  exertion,  and  rather  by  a  fort  of  immediate  feeling,  than 
in  conlequence  of  any  intentional  comparifon.  When  a  particu- 
lar combination  or  fucceffion  of  fuch  feelings  is  repeatedly  fug- 
gefted  to  the  memory,  the  relative  value  of  all  its  parts  is  per- 
ceived with  great  readinefs  and  rapidity,  and  the  general  refult  is 
fixed  In  the  mind  without  our  being  confcious  of  any  a<5l  of  re- 
flection, in  this  way,  moral  maxims  and  impreflions  arife  in  the 
minds  of  all  men,  from  an  inftinfilve  and  involuntary  valuation 
of  the  good  and  the  evil  wdiich  they  perceive  to  be  connected 
with  certain  a£lions  or  habits  ;  and  thofe  impreffions  may  fafely 
be  taken  for  the  juft  refult  of  that  valuation  which  we  may  after- 
wards attempt  unfuccefsfuUy  with  great  labour  to  repeat.     They 

iiKiy 


tJo^*       'Bcnthmii  Prificlpa  de  Legi/Jatiottf  par  Dumofi.t,  t^ 

may  be  compared,  on  this  view  of  the  matter,  to  thofe  acquired 
perceptions  of  fight  by  which  the  eye  is  enabled  to  judge  of  dif- 
tances  ;  and  by  which  we  (hall  be  much  more  fafely  and  com- 
modioufly  guided,  within  the  range  of  our  ordinary  occupations, 
than  by  any  formal  fcientific  calculations,  founded  on  the  faint- 
nels  of  the  colouring,  and  the  magnitude  of  the  angle  of  vifion, 
compared  with  the  average  tangible  bulk  of  the  kind  of  obje6fc 
in  quefllon. 

The  comparative  value  of  fuch  good  and  evil,  we  have  already 
obferved,  can  be  determ.ined  by  feeling  alone ;  fo  that  the  interfei*- 
ence  of  technical  and  elaborate  reafoning,  though  it  may  well  be 
fuppofed  to  diilurb  thofe  perceptions  upon  the  accuracy  of  v/hicli 
the  determination  mull  depend,  cannot  in  any  cafe  be  of  the 
fmalleft  affiftance.  Where  the  pi-eponderance  of  good  or  evil 
is  diftin£Hy  felt  by  all  perfons  to  whom  a  certain  combination  of 
feelings  has  been  luggeiled,  we  have  all  the  evidence  for  the  reali- 
ty of  this  preponderance  that  the  nature  of  the  fubjefl  will 
admit,  and  mult  try  in  vain  to  traverfe  that  judgement  by  any 
fubfequent  exertion  of  a  faculty  that  has  no  jurifdi6lion  in  the 
caufe.  The  eltabliihed  rules  and  Imprefhons  of  morality,  there- 
fore, we  confider  as  the  grand  recorded  refult  of  an  infinite  mul- 
titude of  experiments  upon  human  feeling  under  every  varie-' 
ty  of  circumftances,  and  as  affording  by  far  the  neurell  approxi- 
mation to  a  juft  flandard  of  the  good  and  the  evil  that  human 
condu6l  is  concerned  with,  which  the  nature  of  our  faculties  will 
allow.  In  endeavouring  to  correct  or  amend  t,his  general  verdift 
of  mankind  in  any  particular  Inftance,  we  not  only  fubllitute  our 
own  individual  feelings  for  that  large  average  which  is  implied  in 
the  prevalence  of  moral  imprefhons,  but  we  run  the  common  rifk 
of  omitting  or  miftaking  fome  of  the  mofl  important  elements  of 
the  calculation.  Every  one  at  all  accuftomed  to  reflect  upon  the 
operations  of  his  mind,  mult  be  confcious  how  difficult  it  is  to  re- 
trace exa£tly  thofe  trains  of  thought  which  pafs  through  the  undtT- 
flanding  aimoit  without  giving  us  any  intimation  of  their  exiftence, 
and  how  impoflible  k  frequently  is  to  repeat  any  procefs  of  thoughc 
when  we  propofe  to  make  it  the  fubjedt  of  obfervation.  Our 
feelings  are  not  in  their  natural  itate  v/hen  we  can  Itudy  their 
afpefts  attentively  •,  and  tl\eir  force  and  dire£iion  are  better  eltl- 
mated  from  the  traces  which  they  leave  in  their  i"pontaneous  vifi- 
tations,  than  from  any  forced  revocation  of  tUem  for  the  purpofc 
of  being  meafured  or  compared.  "Wlien  the  obje6t  Itfelf  is  inac- 
ceffibie,  it  is  wifeft  to  com.pute  its  magnitude  from  its  firadow ; 
where  the  caufe  cannot  be  directly  examined,  its  qualities  are  moft 
fecursly  inferred  from  its  efFe<2;;^^ 

One 


f^-  Benthan-j  Trlsiclpcs  Je  Legifiaftony  par  Dumont.     April 

One  of  the  mofl  obvious  confequences  of  dlfregardlng  the  ge- 
neral imprcffions  of  morality,  and  determining  every  individual' 
•qi'.eftion   upon  a  rigorous  eftimation  of  the  utility  it  might  ap- 
pear to  involve,  would  be,  to  give  an  additional   force  to  the 
principles  by  vi^hich  our  judgments  are  apt  to  be  perverted,  and 
entirely  to  abrogate  the  authority  of  thofe  general  rules  by  which 
alone  men  are  commonly  enabled  to  judge  of  their  own  conduct 
with  any  tolerable  acgxec  of  impartiality.     If  v^&  were  to  difmifs 
altogether   from   our  conhderation   thofe  authoritative   maxims 
which  have  been  fantlicned  by  the  general  approbation  of  man- 
kind, and   to  regulate  our  conduft  entirely   by  a  view  of  the 
good  and  the  evil  that  prcrnifes  to  be  the  conftquence  of  every 
particular  action,  there  is  reafon  to  fear,  not  only  that  inclina- 
tion might  flip  ill  a.  faife  weight  into  the   fcale,  but  that  many 
of  the  mod   important  confequences  of  our   actions  might  be 
overlooked.     Thofe  adions  are  bad,  according  to  Mr  Bentham, 
that  produce   more   evil  than  good  :  but  atlions  are  performed 
by  individuals,  and   all  the  good  may  be  to   the   individual   and 
all  the  evil  to  the  community.     There  are  innumerable  cafes,  in 
which  the  advantages  to  be  gained  by  the  commiflion  of  a   crime 
are  incalculably  greater  than  the  evils  to  which  it  may  expofe  the 
criminal.     Thjs  holds   in   almoft  every  inftance  where  unlawful 
paffions  may  be  gratified  with  very  little  rilk   of  detedlion.     A 
mere  calculation  of  utilities  would  never  prevent  fuch  actions  ; 
and  the  truth  undoubtedly  is,  that  the  greater  part  of  men  arc 
only  withheld  from  committing  them  by  thofe  general  imprc'hons 
of  morality,  which  it  is  the  objett  of  Mr  Bentham's  fyftem  to  fu- 
perfede.     Even  admitting,  wdiat  might  very  eafdy  be  denied,  that, 
in  all  cafes,  the  utility  of  the  individual  is  infeparably  connefted 
with  that  of  foeiety,  it  will  not  be   difputed,  at  leaft,  that   this 
connexion  is  of  a  nature  not  very  ftriking  or  obvious,  and  that  it 
may  frequently  be  overlooked  by  an  individual  deliberating  on  the 
coi^fcquences  of  his  projected  aftions.     It  is  in  aid  of  this  over- 
ilght,  of  this  omifTion,  of  this  partiality,  that  we  refer  to  the  gene- 
ral rules  cf  morality  ;    rules,  which   have   been  fuggefted   by  a 
larger  obfervation,  and   a  longer  experience,  than  any  individual 
can  dream  of  pretending  to,  and  which  have  been  accommodated 
by  the  joint  acSlion  of  our  fympathies  with  delinquents  and   fuf- 
ferers  to  the  adual  condition  of  human  fortitude  and  infirmity. 
If  they  be  founded  on  utility,  it  is  on  a  utility  that  cannot  always 
be  difcovered,  and  that  can  never  be  correctly  eftimated  in  deli- 
berating upon  a  particular  meafure,  or  with  a  view  to  a  fpecific 
courfe  of  conduct ;  it'  is  on  a  utility  that  does   not  difcover  itfelf 
till  it  is  accumulatedj  and  only  becomes  apparent  after  a  large 

Golle(Slion 


l'8o4'     Bentham,  Prlndpes  de  Legijlathnf  par  Hiimont,-  rj 

collection  of  examples  have  been  embodied  in  proof  of  it.  Such 
fumir,aries  of  utility,  fuch  records  of  uniform  obfervation,  we 
conceive  to  be  the  general  rules  of  morality^  by  which,  and  by 
which  alone,  legiflators  or  individuals  can  be  fafely  directed  in 
determining  on  the  propriety  of  any  ccurfe  of  conduft.  They 
are  obfervations  taken  in  the  calm,  by  which  v/e  muft  be  guided 
in  the  darknefs  and  the  terror  of  the  tempeft  ;  they  are  beacons 
and  ftrongholds  erefted  in  the  day  of  peace,  round  which  we 
mufl  rally,  and  to  which  we  muft  betake  ©urfelves  in  the  hour  o£ 
contjft  and  alarm. 

For  thefe  reafons,  and  for  others  which  our  limits  will  not 
permit  us  to  hint  at,  we  are  of  opinion,  that  the  old  eftablifiied 
morality  of  mankind  ought  upon  no  account  to  give  place  to  a 
bold  and  rigid  inveftigation  into  the  utility  of  any  courfe  of  ac- 
tion that  may  be  made  the  fubje£l  of  deliberation  ;  and  that  the 
fafefl  and  the  fiiorteft  way  to  the  good  which  we  all  defire,  is 
the  beaten  highway  of  morality,  v»'hidh  was  formed  at  firlt  by 
the  experience  of  good  and  of  ev  jl. 

But  our  objections  do  not  apply  merely  to  the  foundation  of 
Mr  Bentharn's  new  fyfterri  of  morality  :  We  think  the  plan  and 
execution  of  the  fuperllrufture  itfelf  defective  in  many  particu- 
lars. Even  if  we  could  be  perfuaded  that  it  would  be  wifer  in 
general  to  follow  the  dictates  of  utility  than  the  impreflions  o£ 
moral  duty,  we  ihould  be  fully  at  liberty  to  fay  that  the  fyfteni 
contained  in  thefe  volumes  does  not  enable  us  to  adopt  that  fub- 
flitute  :  it  prefents  us  with  no  means  of  meafuring  or  comparing 
utilities.  After  perufing  M.  Dumont's  eloquent  obfervations  on  the 
incalculable  benefits  which  his  author's  difcoveries  v/ere  to  con- 
fer on  the  fcience  of  legiHation,  and  on  the  genius  and  good 
fortune  by  which  he  had  been  enabled  to  reduce  morality  to  the 
precifion  of  a  fcience,  by  fixing  a  precife  flandard  for  the  good' 
and  evil  of  our  lives,  we  proceeded  with  the  perufal  of  Mr 
Bentharr/s  endlefs  tables  and  divifjons,  with  a  mixture  of  itr.pi.- 
tience,  expectation  and  difappointment.  Now  that  Vi'e  have 
finifhed  our  talk,  the  latter  fentiment  alone  remains  ;  for  we 
perceive  very  clearly,  that  M.  Dumont's  zeal  and  partiality  have 
impofed  upon  his  natural  fagacity,  and  that  Mr  Bentham  has 
juft  left  the  fcience  of  morality  in  the  fame  imperfeCt  condition 
in  which  it  was  left  by  his  predeceifors.  The  whole  of  Mr 
Bentham's  catalogues  and  diftinctions  tend  merely  to  point  cut  the 
number  of  the  caufes  that  produce  our  happinefs  or  mifery,  but 
by  no  means  to  afcertain  their  relative  niagnitude  or  force  ;  and 
the  only  efteCt  of  their  introduction  into  the  fcience  of  morality 
feems  to  be,  to  embarrafs  a  popular  fubjeCt  with  a  technical  no- 
menclature. 


'.li^  "^jilLi^liUi  friueipes  de  Ligation,  par  Duf^O^h^     April 

menclature,  and  to  perplex  familiar  truths  with  an  unneceflary 
ihtricacy  of  arrangement.     Of  the  juftice  of  this  remark,  any 
one  may  fatisfy  himfelf,  by  turning  back  to  the  tables  and  claffi- 
fications  which  w6  have  exhibited  in  the  former  part  of  this  ana- 
lyfis,  and  trying  if  he  can  find  there  any  rules  for  eftimating  the 
comparative  value  of  pleafures  and  pains^  that  are  not   perfeftly 
familiar  to  the  mod   uninilru6ted  of  tlie  fpecies.     In  the  table 
of  fimple  pleafures,  for  Inftance,  what  fatisfaciioil  can  it  afford, 
to  find  the  pleafure  of  riches  fet  down  as   a  didincl;  genus  from 
the  pleafure  of  power  and  the   pleafure  of  the  fenfes,  unlefs 
fome  fcale  were  annexed  by. which  the  refpedlive  value  of  thefe' 
pleafures  might  be  afcertained  ?     If  a  man  is  balancing  between 
the  pain  of  privation  andthe  pain  of  fliame,  how  is  he  relieved' 
by  finding  thefe  arranged  under  feparate   titles  ?  or,  in  either 
cafe,  will  it  give  him  any  information  to  be  told,  that  the  value 
of  a  pain   or  pleafure  depends  upon  its  intenfity,  its.  duration^ 
or  its  certainty  ?     If  a  legiflator  is  defirojjs  to  know  whether: 
murder  or  forgery  be  the  greatefl;  crime,  will  he  be  contented  to 
hear  that  the  evil  of  every  crime  is  either  of  the  firft,  the  fecond, 
or  the  third  order,  and  that  all  crimes  produce  the  two  firft,  and 
have  a  tendency  to  produce  the  latctr  alfo,  if  they  be  not  vigoroufly 
reprefled  ?     If  he  wilh  to  learn  what  degree  of  punilhment  is  fuir- 
able  to  a  particular  offence,  will  he  be  greatly  edified  to  read  that 
the  fame  punifliment  maybe  more  or  lefs  fevere  according  to  the 
temperament,  the  intelligence,  the  rank,  or  the  fortune  of  the  de- 
linquent ;    and  that  the  circivm (lances  that  influence  fenfibiiity, 
though  commonly  reckoned   to   be   only  nine,  may  fairly  be  fct 
down  at  fifteen  ?     Is  there   any  thing,  in  fliort,  in  this  whole 
book,  that  realifes  the  trimphant  Introdu£tion  of  the  editor,  or 
that  can  enable  us  in  any  one  inftance   to  decide   upon  the  rela- 
tive magnitude  of  an  evil,  otherwife  than  by  a  reference  to  the 
common  feelings  of  mankind  ?     It  is  true,  we  are  perfectly  per- 
fuaded,  that  by  the  help  of  thefe  feelings,  we  can  form  a  pretty 
correcl  judgement  in  molt  cafes  that  occur  ;  but  Mr  Bentham  is 
not  perfuaded  of  this  j  and  infiils  upon  our  renouncing  all  faith 
in  fo  incorre£l  a  ftandard,  while  he  promifes  to  furnifh   us  with 
another  that  is  liable  to  no  fort  of  inaccuracy.     This  promife 
we  do  not   think  he  Uas  fulfilled;   becaufe  he  has  given  us  no 
rule  by  which  the  intenfity  of  any  pain  or  pleafure  can  be  deter- 
mined, and  furnilhed  us  with  no' inftrument  by  which  we  may 
take  the  altitude  of  enjoyment,  or  fathom  the  depths  of  forrow. 
It  is  no  apology  for  having  made  this  promife,  that  its  fulfilment 
■was  evidently  impoffible. 

In  multiplying  thefe  diftlnQiions  and  divifions  which  form"  the 
bSfis  of  his  fyllem,  Mr  Bentham  appears  to  us  to  bear  lefe  re-i 

fcmblanec 


lC04«      Bcnthail:!,  Ihina'pes  de  Lfgif.atmi^  par  Dumontr  if 

femblance  to  a  philofopher  of  the  prcfent  times,  thnn  to  one  of 
the  old  fcholaftlc  doclors  who  fubftituted  claiTificacion   for   rtfa- 
foning,  and  looked  upon  the  ten  categories   as    the   moft    ufeful 
of  all  human  inventions.     Their  diftin£lions  were  generally  real 
as  well  as  his,  and  could  not  have  been  made   without   the   mif- 
application   of  much  labour  and  ingenuity  ;  but  it  is  now  gene- 
rally admitted  that  they  are  of  no  ufe,  either  for  the  promotion 
of  truth,  or  the  dete£lion  of  error  ;  and  that  they  only  ferve  to 
point  out  differences  that  cannot  be   overlooked,  or   need   not 
be  remembered.  ■  There  are  many  differences   and   man^  points 
of  refemblance  in  all  actions,  and  in  all  fubftances,  that  are  ab- 
folutely  indifferent  in  any  ferious  reafoning  that  may  be  entered 
into  with  regard  to  them  •,  and  though  much  induflry  and  much 
accutenefs  may  be  difplayed  in  finding  them   out,  the   difcovery 
is  juft  as  unprofitable   to  fcience  as  the  enumeration  of  the   ad- 
verbs in  the  creed,  or  the  diffyllabks  in  the  decalogue,  would  be 
to  theology.     The  greater  number  of  Mr  Bentham's  diftinftions, 
however,  are  liable  to  cbje6llon,  becaufe  they  ftate,  under  an 
intricate    and  technical  arrangement,    thofe    fa£ts  and   circum- 
flances  only  that  are   neceffarily  familiar  to  all   mankind,   and 
cannot  poiubly  be  forgotten  on  any  occafion  where  it  is  of  im- 
portance to  remember  them.       In  perufing  his   book,   we  fre- 
quently found    it   neceffary  to  beftow   a   good   deal   of  attention 
upon  a  diftin£lion  or  propofition  that,  when  it  was  fully  appre- 
hended, turned  out  to  be  abfolutely  feif-evident  or  obvious ;  and 
indeed  we  can  fcarcely  remember  any  one   of  his  practical  max- 
ims that  can  poffibiy  be  conceived  to  be  .overlooked   for  a   mo- 
ment by  the  legiilatures  for  whofe  illumination  this  work   is  in- 
tended.    If  bad  laws  have  been  enabled,  it  certainly  is  not  from 
having  forgotten  that  the  good   of  fociety  is  the  ultimate   objedt 
of  all  law,  or  that  it  is  abfurd  to  reprefs  one  evil  by  the  creation 
of  a  greater.     Legiflators  have  oiten  bewildered   themfelves  in 
the  choice   of  means,  but  they  have  never  fo  grofsiy  miilaken 
the  ends  of  their  inftitution  as  to  need  to  be  reminded  of  theie 
apparent  trutlis. 

If  there  be  any  part  of  Mr  Bentham's  claffification  that  can  be 
fuppofed  to  affift  us  in  appretiating  the  comparative  value  of 
pleafurcs  and  pains,  it  muft  certainly  be  his  enumeration  of  the 
circumftanccs  that  zfFe.0:  the  fenfibility  of  individuals.  Even  if.this 
table  were  to  fulfil  all  that  it  promifes,  however,  it  would  itili 
leave  ihe  fyftem  fundamentally  deficient,  as  it  does  not  enable 
us  to  compare  the  relative  amcmnt  of  any  two  pleafures  or  pains 
to  individuals  in  the  fame  circumiL^nces.  In  its  particular  ap- 
plication, however,  it  is  no  iei^s  defeflive ;  for  though  weiirc  told 

VOL.  iV.  NO,  7.  B  that 


rg  Bentham,  Prlnctpes  de  Legljlation^  par  Dumcnt..      April 

that  temperament^  intelligence, '&C.  {lioiild  vary  the  degree  of  pu- 
nifliment  or  reward,  we  are  not  toid  to  what  extent,  or  in  v/hat 
^n-oportions,  it  fhould  be  varied  by  thefe  circumitances.  Till 
this  be  done,  however,  it  is  evident  that  the  elements  of  Mr 
Benthan-/s  moral  arithtnetic  have  no  determinate  value,,  and  that 
it  is  perfeilly  impofhble  to  work  any  practical  problem  in  legi« 
fiation  by  tri--  help  of  them.  It  is  fcatcely  ntcelTiiry  to  add,  tha': 
even  if  this  were  atcomplifhed,  and  the  co£;nifance  of  all  thefe 
particulars  diilinf^ly  enjoined  by  the  law,  the  only  effete  would 
be,  to  introduce  a  puerile  and  fantallic  complexity  into  our  fyf- 
tems  of  jurifprudence,  and  to  incumber  judicial  procedure  with 
a  multitude  of  frivolous  obfcrvanccs.  The  circumftances,  in 
eonfjderation  of  which  Mr  Bentham  would  have  the  laws  vary 
the  puniihmetn,  a-re  fo  niuTiLVOus  and  fo  indefinite,  that  it  would 
require  a  vail  deal  more  labour  to  afcertain  their  exiilence,  than 
to  eftabliih  the  principal  offence.  The  firft  is  Temperament  j 
and  in  a  cafii  of  hogging,  we  fuppofe  Mr  Bentham  would  remit 
a  few  laflies  of  the  fentence  to  a  fanguine  and  irritable  delinquent, 
and  lay  on  a  few  additional  ftripes  on  a  phlegmatic  or  pltuitous 
one.  But  hew  is  the  temperament  to  be  given  in  evidence  ?  or  are 
the  judges  to  aggravate  or  alleviate  a  punifiiment  upon  a  mere 
infpeftion  of  the  prifoner's  complexion  ?  Another  circumltance 
that  Ihould  affc<^  the  pain,  is  the  offendeTs  firmnefs  of  mind  ; 
and  another  his  llrength  of  underflanding.  liow  is  a  court  to 
take  cognifance  of  thefe  qualities  ?  or  in  what  degree  are  they 
to  affe6l  their  proceedings  ?  If  we  are  to  admit  fuch  confidera- 
tions  into  our  law  at  all,  they  ought  to  be  carried  a  great  deal 
farther  than  Mr  Bentham  has  indicated  ;  and  it  Ihould  be  ex- 
preffed  in  the  ftatutcs,  what  alleviation  of  punilhment  fliould  be 
awarded  to  a  culprit  on  account  of  his  wife's  pregnancy,  or  the 
Golour  of  his  childrens  hair.  We  cannot  help  thinking  that  the 
undiftinguilhing  groffnefs  of  our  aOual  practice  is  better  than 
fuch  foppery.  We  fix  a  puniflmient  which  is  calculated  for  the 
common,  average  condition  of  thefe  to  whom  it  is  to  be  applied  j 
and,  in  almoft  all  cafes,  we  leave  with  the  judge  a  difcretionary 
power  of  accommodating  it  to  any  peculiarities  that  may  {cf^n 
to  require  an  exception.  After  all,  this  is  the  moft  piaufible 
part  of  Mr  Benthara's  arrangements. 

In  what  he  has  faid  of  the  falfe  notions  which  legiflators  have 
frequently  follov/ed  in  preference  to  the  polar  light  of  utility, 
we  think  we  difcover  a  good  deal  of  inaccuracy,  rnid  fome  little 
want  of  candour.  Mr  Bentham  muft  certainly  be  copfcious  that 
no  one  ever  pretended  that  the  mere  antiquity  of  a  law  was  a 
fufficient  reafon  for  retaining  it  in  fpite  of  its  evident  inutility  ; 


t"o'.       Benlham,  Princtpcs  de  Legijlatlon,  par  Dumont. .  I9 

but  when  the  utility  of  parting  with  it  is  doubtful,  its  antiquity 
may  fairly  be  urged   as  affording   a  prefumption   in    its  favour, 
and  as   a   reafon   for  being   cautious  at  lead  in  the  removal  o£ 
what  mud  be  incorporated  with  fo  many  other  inflitutions.    We 
plead  the  antiquity  of  our  conflitution  as  an  additional  reafon  for 
not  yielding  it  up  to  innovators  :  but  nobody  ever  thought,  we  be- 
lieve, of  advancing  this  plea  in  fupport  of  the  (latutes  agaiuft  witch- 
craft.    In  the  fame  way,  we  think  there  is  more  wit  than  reafon. 
in  afcriblng  the  errors  of  many  legiflators  to  their  being  mifled  by 
a  metaphor.     The   metaphor,   we  are  inclined  to  think,  has  ge- 
nerally arifen  from  the   pradice  which   Mr  Bentham  would  de- 
rive from  it.     The  law  of  England  refpe£ls  the  fanQity  of  a  free 
citizen's  dwelling,  fo  much,  as  to  yield  it  forne  privilege  ;  and 
therefore  an  Engliftiman's  houfe   is   called  his  caflle.  .  The   piety 
or  fuperftition  of  fome   nations  has  determined  that  a  criminal 
cannot  be  arrefted   in   a  place   of  worfliip.     This  is  the  whole 
fa£l  :    the  ufage  is  neither  explained  nor  convi£led  of  abfurdity, 
by  faying  that  fuch  people  call  a  church  the  houfe  of  God.     If 
it  were  tlie  houfe  of  God,  does   Mr  Bentham  conceive  that  it 
ought  to  be  a  fancluary  for  criminals  .''     In  what   is  faid  of  the 
fi£lionc  of  law,  there  is  much  of  the  fame  mifapprehenfion.    Mea 
neither   are  nor  ever  were  mifguided   by  thcfe  fidlions  ;  but  the 
fictions  arc  merely  certain  quaint  and   (Iriking  methods  of  ex- 
prefling  a  rule  that  has  been  adopted  in  an  apprehenfion  of  its- 
utility.     To  deter  men  from  committing  treafon,  their  offspring 
is  aflbciated  to  a  certain  extent  in   their  punilhment.     The  mo- 
tive of  this  law  is  plain  enough  ;  and  calling  the  effe6t  '  cor- 
ruption of  blood,'  will  neither  aggravate  nor  hide  its  injuftice. 
When   it   is   faid   that  the  heir  is   the  fame  perion  with  the  de- 
ceafed,  it  is  but  a  pithy  way  of  intimating  that  he  is  bound  iti 
all  the  obligations,  and  entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  his  prede- 
ceflbr.     'i'hat   the  King  never  dies,   is  only  another   phrafe  for- 
exprefung  that  the  oflice  is  never  vacant  ;  and  that  he  is  every- 
where,  is  true,  if  it  be  lawful  to  fay  that  a  perfon  can  zck  by 
deputy.     In   all   thefe   obfervations,   and  in    many  that  are  icat^ 
tered   through   the  fubfequent  part  of  his  book,  Mr  Bentham 
feems  to  forget  that  there   is  fuch  a  thing  as  common  fenfe  in 
the  world,  and  to  take  it  for  granted,   that   if  there  be  an  open- 
ing in  the  letter  of  the  law  for  folly,  mifapprehenfion,  or  abufe, 
its   minifters  will  eagerly  take  advantage  of  it,  and   throw  the 
whole    frame    of    focieiy   into   diforder    and   wretchednefs.     A 
very  flight  obfervation  of  the  adual  bufmefs  of  life  might  have 
taught  him,  that  expciiency   may  be  readily  and  certainly  dil- 
tovered  by  thofe  who  are  intertfted  in  finding  itj  and  that  iv.  a- 

B  3  certairi 


* 

■$&.  ttnt\\JirA,  Pf'ittcipes  de  Leg'f/at7oni  p^  Dufksfi/t       Apni' 

(Certain  ftage  of  civilization  there  is  generated  fuch  a  quantity  of 
intelligence  and  good  fenfe  as  to  difarm  abfurd  inftitutions  of 
their  power  to  do  mifchief,  and  to  adminifter  defeftive  laws  into 
a  fyftrm  of  perfect  equity.  This  is  the  grand  correclive  which 
femedies  all  the  errors  of  le^iflitors,  and  retrenches  all  that  is 
pernicious  in  prejudice.  It  mvjkes  us  ind'pendent  of  technical 
fyfteins,  and  inctilterent  to  fpt-cuhtive  irregularities.  He  who 
could  increafe  its  quantity,  or  confirm  its  powcTy  would  do  more 
fervice  to  mankind  than  all  the  philofophers  that  ever  fpeculated 
on  the  ftieans  of  their  reformation. 

As  the  fubfequent  part  of  Mr  Bentham's  work  is  really  in  a 
confiderable  degree  what  it  profefles  to  be  altogether,  a  detailed 
application  of  the  prtcfdino:  principles  to  the  codes  of  civil  ;md 
of  criminal  law,  it  will  be  lefs  necelTary  for  us,  after  fo  full  an 
examination  of  thofe  principles,  to  fpend  much  time  in  the 
analyfis  of  their  application.  There  are  feattered  throughout 
the  whole  book  a  great  number  of  profound  remarks  and  acurc 
and  valuable  fuggeftions  :  but  many  things  are  advanced  with 
confidence,  that  appear  to  us  to  be  very  qutfli  mable  ;  and  the 
general  plan  and  diltribution  of  the  fubjecls  feems  to  be  both 
artificial  and  imperfe61:. 

Mr  Bentham'&  paflion  for  claflification  and  diftin<£lions,  ma- 
nlfeils  itfelf.jn  a  very  ftriking  way  in  the  introduCTiory  chapter 
to  the  fecond  part  of  his  work,  where  he  enumerates  all  the  di- 
vifions  of  which  law  is  fufccptible,  and  delights  himfelf  with 
many  puzzling  remarks  on  the  relative  completenefs  of  a  diftri- 
bution  into  internal  and  external  law — civil  and  criminal — tem- 
poral and  fpiritual — fubftantive  and  adjeftive — general  and  par- 
ticular— punifhing  and  rewarding,  &c.   &c.  Sec 

In  the  following  chapter  we  meet  with  a  perplexity  which,' 
though  more  ingerioufly  produced,  appears  to  us  to  be  equally 
gratuitous.  Mr  Bentham  for  a  long  time  can  fee  no  diftindtion 
between  civil  and  criminal  jurifprudence,  and  infifts  upon  it^ 
that  rights  and  crimes  neceflariiy  and  virtually  imply  each  other. 
If  I  have  a  right  to  get  your  horfe,  it  is  becaufe  it  v/ould  be  a 
crime  for  you  to  keep  him  from  me  ;  and  if  it  be  a  crime  for 
me  to  take  your  horfe,  it  is  becaufe  you  have  a  right  to  keep  him. 
This  we  think  is  very  pretty  reafoning  ;  but  the  difl:in6l!on  be- 
tween the  civil  and  the  criminal  law  is  not  the  lefs  fubftantial 
and  apparent.  The  civil  law  is  that  which  directs  and  enjoins — 
the  criminal  law  is  that  which  punifhes.  This  is  enough  for  the 
legiflator,  and  for  thofe  who  are  to  obey  him.  It  is  a  curious 
inquiry,  no  doubt,  how  far  all  rights  may  be  confidered  as  the 
•ounterpart  of  crimes,-  and  whether  every  regulation  of  the  civit 

cods 


^So4'       Bcntham,  Prlnctpes  de  Leglfiation^  par  Dumoni.  2* 

cor'e  neceflarily  implies  a  delist  in  the  event  of  its  violation.  0» 
this  head  there  is  room  for  a  good  deal  of  fpeculation  ;  and  ira 
our  opinion  Mr  Bentham  pufhes  the  principle  rather  too  far. 
■There  feems  to  be  nothing  gained,  for  inftance,  either  in  th€ 
way  of  cleaYnf^fs  or  conllftency,  by  arran^nng  under  the  head  of 
^criminal  law  thofe  cafes  of  refufal  to  fuliil  contrails,  or  to  per- 
form obligations,  for  vi-hich  no  other  punifhment  is  provided 
•but  a  compulfory  fulfihnent  or  performance.  This  is  mcrfly 
following  out  the  injunction  of  the  civil  code,  and  cannot,  either 
in  law  or  in  logic,  be  correclly  regarded  as  a  puni(hment.  The 
proper  pra6lical  tefl  of  a  crime,  is  where,  over  and  above  the 
reltitution  of  the  violated  right  {where  that  is  poffibie),  the  vio^ 
lator  is  fubjedied  to  a  dirt<ft  p,:in,  in  order  to  reprcfs  the  repe- 
tition of  fuch  offences. 

In  conformity,  however,  witl:  his 'notion  of  the  necefHiry 're^ 
<iprocation  of  crimes  and  rights,  Mr  Benthara  carries  his  idea  of 
the  extent  and  dominion  of  the  law  a  gre^t  deal  farther  than 
any  other  writer  we  have  met  with.  As  crimes  are  clearly  the 
creatures  of  law  and  pofitive  inftitution,  fo,  he  holds,  muft  rights 
be  aifo  ;  and  accordir.gly,  he  does  not  feruple  to  aiTert,  pofitive- 
ly  and  exprefsly,  that  it  is  from  the  law  alone  that  we  enjoy  the 
right  of  getting  up  or  lying  down,  of  w^.iking  out  into  the  fields, 
or  of  moving  our  hands  to  our  heads.  This  paradox  he  explains, 
•by  ftating  that  we  can  only  be  faid  to  have  a  right  to  do  tliefe 
things,  becaufe  tlie  law  has  made  it  a  crime  for  any  one  to  dif- 
turb  us  in  doing  them.  By  the  fame  procefs  of  raafoning  it  may- 
be fhewn,  that  it  is  from  the  law  alone  that  we  derive  the  right 
of  breathhig  or  of  living.  But  this  view  of  the  matter  is  evi-.- 
dently  quite  forced  and  unnatural.  The  law  can  only  be  faid 
to  coiifer  thofe  rights  which  could  not  be  exercifed  without  its 
proteftion  ;  and  in  this  way,  perhaps,  ail  rights  of  property,  of 
privilege  and  inheritance,  arid  all  claims  upon  formal  contrails, 
may  be  faid  to  owe  their  exigence  to  law,  as  they  would  un- 
doubtedly be  defeated  by  an  abfolute  abrogation  of  all  fuch  au-? 
thoritative  rules.  But  with  regard  to  thofe  acts  th.  t  are  implied 
in  the  very  being  of  man,  and  which  we  cannot  ceafe  to  exer- 
cife  while  we  continue  to  exift,  it  feems  evident  that  we  derive 
our  right  to  exercife  them  from  a  fi:ill  higher  authority  ;  and  that 
human  inftitutions,  though  they  may  punilh  the  vioiatqr  of  tne 
right,  can  never  pretend  to  have  created  it.  Mr  Bentham  fees 
the  a£t  and  the  authority  of  law  in  every  thing,  becauie,  he  fays, 
every  thing  is  either  enjoined  by  it,  or  permitted  with  a  prohi- 
bition againft  its  being  interrupted.  We,  on  the  other  hand, 
pnly  recognife  the  operation  of  law  where  it  interferes  Vv'ith  hu-? 
^lan   inciiQationSi   or   propenfities.      We   fee  it  puly  where   it 

jB  3  fnioins 


C9  Bentham,  Prwcipts  de  LegiJIat'wn,  par  'Dninont,         Apiil 

enjoins  or  prohibits ;  and  where  it  prohibits,  we  fee  it  only 
in  the  reftraints  which  it  inipofeSj  and  not  at  all  in  thofe 
afts  which  its  prohibition  may  render  more  iecure.  If  there 
be  any  truth  in  Mr  Bentham's  general  pofition,  we  fliould  fay 
that  rivers  are  dependent  upon  law  for  their  right  to  run  in- 
to the  fea,  fince  in  many  cafes  it  has  made  it  a  crime  to  obftru£l 
or  divert  them. 

We  fhould  now  prepare  to  accom.pany  Mr  Bentham  into  the 
detail  of  his  civil  and  criminal  code  \  but  the  imraenfe  extent  of 
the  fubjeft,  even  more  than  the  great  length  of  the  preceding 
obfervations,  deters  us  from  engaging  in  a  talk  fo  form  id  able , 
We  mull  confine  our  remarks,  therefore,  to  a  few  of  the  moft 
jnterefting  points  of  difculTion.  In  entering  on  his  expofition  of 
the  principles  of  the  civil  code,  Mr  Bentham  appals  us  by  an 
abftraft  divifion  of  the  obje£l:s  of  utility,  or  the  elements  of  hap- 
pinefs,  into,  i.  Subfiflence,  2.  Abundance,  3.  Equality,  4.  Se- 
curity. We  are  then  told,  that  of  thefe,  fecurity  ihould  be  the 
chief  objeft  of  the  legiflator,  and  that,  by  providing  for  it,  the 
xefl  will  follow  of  their  own  accord.  There  are  fome  very  good 
remarks  on  the  effects  of  the  full  fecurity  of  property  on  the 
whole  frame  of  fociety,  illultrated  by  an  eloquent  contrail:  of  the 
condition  of  the  Turkilh  Emjnre  and  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica. Upon  the  fubjeft  of  the  maintenance  of  the  poor,  there 
is  an  excellent  abftraft  of  all  the  material  points  in  difpute  be- 
tween the  advocates  and  opponents  of  a  legal  affeffment.  Mr 
Bentham  decides  in  favour  of  it,  chiefly  on  account  of  the  uncer- 
tainty, the  inequality,  and  the  inadequacy  of  a  voluntary  con- 
tribution. 

Upon  the  fubjecSt  of  the  acquifition  and  tranfmiffion  of  pro- 
perty, there  are  a  good  number  of  puzzling  diftindlions,  and  a 
good  deal  of  old  do6lrine  delivered  in  new  language.  The  moil 
important  of  the  novelties,  is  Mr  Bentliam's  law  of  inteilate 
iuccellion.  He  abrogates,  of  courfe,  all  diilindtion  between 
inale  and  female,  elder  and  younger  \  he  gives  all  to  the  de-* 
fcendants,  to.  the  exclufion  of  the  parents  ;  to  the  father  and 
mother  where  tliere  are  no  children  ;  to  the  brothers  and  fillers 
v/here  the  parents  alfo  are  deceafed  ;  and,  on  failure  of  parents 
and  brothers,  to  the  Jlate^  to  the  utter  ei;clufion  of  all  remoter 
collaterals,  and  only  under  the  condition  of  their  paying  the  in- 
tereft  of  tlie  fucceilion  to  the  furviving  relations-  in  the  diredt 
]ine  of  afcent.  We  are  not  at  all  aware  of  the  expediency  of 
l^his  innovation.  Mr  Bentham  further  approves  of  the  pov/er 
of  making  teltaments,  but  v/iflies  to  referve  a  certain  portion  to 
the  chiidrtn,  and  to  reftri<fl  the  right  of  tellation  to  one  half  of 
tlie  deiiUicl's  property,  where  he  hus  no  relations  to  interfere, 

witi^ 


■1S04.       Bentliam,  Pr'mdpes  de  Legiflutkn,  par  Dumonf.  2,3 

w'th  the  ftr^e's  cl:um  to  the  mheritance.  The  efTeft  of  all  tliefe 
regulations,  M'e  think,  is  to  diminilh  the  value  of  property,  by 
limitiiip;  the  powers  of  the  proprietor,  and  in  that  way  to  Vi'^eakea 
the  incitements  to  induflry. 

Upon  the  laws  arihng  from  the  different  civil  relations  of  private 
life,  v/e  do  not  meet  with  many  new  obfen^ations,  though  the  rea- 
fons  and  confequences  of  CA-ery  thing  are  (ifced  and  analyfcd  in 
a  much  more  rigorous  manner  than  is   ufu;iL     Tlicre  are  fonie 
excellent  remarks  upon  flavery,  which  Mr  Bentham  thinks  would 
be  aboliilied  with  the  leafi;   danc^er,  either   if  the  flaves  were  pei"- 
mitted  to  redeem  their' liberty  by  their  own   extraordinary   in- 
ilultry,  or  if  a  certain  proportion  of  them   were  let  free  on  th's 
death  of  the  proprietor.     The  latter  fcheme  Mr  Bentham  allows 
to  be  attended  with  fome  rilk,  and  we  believe  it  would  produce 
more    difappointnient   than    fatisfa£tion.      Upon   the    fubjeCt   of 
marriage,  there  is  a  ^-qtv  mallei-ly  differtation :    But  v/e  cannot 
agree  with  the   author,  that  the  permilhon  of   divorce,    on  the 
joint  application  of  the  parties,  would  tend  to  promote  the  feli- 
city of  this  inllitiition.     Mr  Hume's  argument  upon  this  fubject 
■we  take  to  be   quite  unanfwerable,  and  are  perfuaded  that  Mr 
Bentham  has  not  fufficiently  wcirjhed  the  advantages  that  are  de- 
rived from  the  indiBblubility  of  this  contract,  both  with  refpe£i: 
to  the  precautions  it  infpiresj  and  to  its  tendency  to  reprefs  thofe 
diflenfions  which  would  be  apt  to  tear  afunder  a  more  precarious 
tie,  before  habit  and  reciprocal  benefits  had  come  to  confirm  and 
to  endear  it.     In  fome  of  the  remarks  which  occur  upon  this 
fubjeft,  we  think  we  can  difcover  a  tone  that  is  not  originally 
Englilli,  and  fufpe£l  this  to  be  one  of  the  paflages  where  M. 
Dumont  has  thought  it  proper  to  amplify  and  to  animate  hi$ 
author. 

In  paffing  to  the  code  of  criminal  law,  Mr  Bentham  does  not 
forget  the  neceflity  of  claffifying  and  dividing.  Deli61:s,  accord- 
ing to  him,  are  either,  i .  Private,  or  againft  one  or  a  fev/  indivi- 
duals ;  2.  Refie6tive,  or  againil  the  delinquent  himfelf ;  3.  Se- 
mipubUc,  or  againft  fome  clafs  or  description  of  perfons ;  and, 
■finally,  public,  or  againil  the  whole  community.  Private  de- 
ii£ls,  again,  relate  either  to  the  perlbn,  the  property,  the  repu- 
tation or  the  condition  j  and  they  are  dillributed  into  complex 
and  fimple,  principal  and  acceffory,  pofitive  and  negative,  &c. 
&:c.  The  chief  evil  of  a  crime  is  the  alarm  which  it  excites  in 
the  community  ;  and  the  degiee  of  this  alarm,  Mr  Bentham  af- 
fumes,  depends  upon  eight  circumllances,  the  particular  fituation 
pf  the  delinquent,  his  motives,  his  notoriety,  his  character,  the 
difficulties  or  faciUties  of  the  attempt,  &c.  Without  following 
<put  the  enuuieral^on^  it  (eQfl^s  quite  enough  to  fay,  that  the  a- 

XJ  4  hrm 


24  Bentham,  Prlncipes  de  LegtJIationj  par  Diiniont.  Apiil 

larm  is  increafed  oy  every  thing  M^hich  renders  it  probable  that 
fuch  a£ts  may  be  frequently  repeated.  In  one  cafe,  and  one  of 
confiderable  atrocity,  there  is  no  alarm  at  all ;  becaufe  the  only 
beings  who  can  be  affefted  by  it,  are  incapable  of  fear  or  fuf- 
picion — this  is  the  cafe  of  infanticide  ;  and  Mr  Bentham  inge- 
iiioufly  obferves,  that  it  is  probably  owing  to  this  circumftance 
that  tl.e  laws  of  many  nations  have  been  fo  extremely  indiiTereut 
on  that  fubje^l.  In  modern  Europe,  however,  he  conceives  that 
they  are  barbaroufly  fevere.  In  the  cafe  of  crimes  againft  the 
comitiunitv,  fu-ch  as  mifgovernment  of  all  kinds,  the  danger  a- 
gain  is  generally  infinitely  greater  than  the  alarm. 

The  remedies  which  law  has  provided  againft  the  mifchief  of 
crimes,  Mr  Benthahi  fays,  are  of  four  orders  ;  preventive — re- 
prelTive — compenfatory — or  fimply  penal.  Upon  the  fubjeft  of 
compenfation  or  fatisfa£lion,  Mr  Bentham  iS  moft  copious  and 
moft  original ',  and  under  the  title  of  fatisfa6i:ion  in  honour,  he 
prefents  us  with  a  very  cool,  acute,  and  judicious  inquiry  into 
the  elto6ts  of  duellirig,  vt^hich  he  reprefents  as  the  only  remedy 
wliich  the  impolicy  or  impotence  of  our  legiflators  has  left  for 
fuch  offences.  We  do  not  think,  however,  that  the  fame  good 
fenfe  prevails  in  the  Iketch  which  he  fubjoins  of  the  means  that 
might  be  employed  to  punifli  infults  and  attacks  upon  the  honour 
of  individuals.  '  According  to  the  enormity  of  the  offence,  he  h 
for  makingthe  delinquent  pronounce  a  difcourfe  of  humiliation, 
eitlicr  Handing  or  on  his  knees  before  the  offended  party,  and 
clothed  in  embleVnatical  robes,  with  a  mafk  of  a  charadleriflic 
nature  on  his  head,  &c.  There  are  countries  perhaps  where 
fuch  contrivances  might  anfwer ;  but,  with  us,  they  would  not 
only  be  inefFe6luaI,  but  ridiculous. 

In  the  choice  of  punifliments,  Mr  Bentham  wifhes  legiflators 
to  recolleft,  that  punifhment  is  itfelf  an  evil,  and  that  it  confifts 
of  five  parts  ;  the  evil  of  rcflraint — the  evil  of  fuffering — the 
evil  of  apprehenfion — the  evil  of  groundlefs  perfecution,  and  the 
evils  that  extend  to  the  innocent  connexions  of  the  delinquent. 
For  thefe  reafons,  he  is  anxious  that  no  punifliment  fhould  be 
inflifted  without  a  real  caufe,  or  without  being  likely  to  influ- 
ence the  will,  or  where  ether  rem.edies  might  have  been  em- 
ployed, or  in  cafes  where  the  crime  produces  lefs  evil  than  the 
puiiifhment.  Thefe  admonitions  are  proper,  and,  Vv^e  dare  fay, 
fir; cere  ;  but  they  certainly  are  not  recommended  •  by  their  no- 
velty. The  pUnifnments  which  Mr  Bentham  approves,  are  fuch 
as  are  fufcepttble  of  degrees,  uniform  in  their  nature,  anajogou.'i 
to  the  oifencG,  proportionate  to  the  temptation,  economical  and 
remillible.  He  does  not  approve  of  punifliing  Math  death,  and 
makes  a  remark  upon  the  penal  code  of  Engkindj  which  has  bjeea 

fcj 


«So4.       Bentliam,  Prtncipes  de  Legijlathn,  par  Dumanfi  i^ 

fo  often  repeated  by  foreigners  that  it  feems  no  longer  to  operate 
as  a  reproach  on  the  natives. 

Jn  the  fedion  upon  the  indire6l  means  of  preventing  crimes, 
there  is  a  great  deal  of  genius  and  ftrong  reafoning,  though  there 
are  many  things  that  are  fet  down  in  too  rafli  and  peremptory 
a  manner,  and  fome  that  are  fupported  v/ith  a  degree  of  flip- 
pancy *  not  very  fuitable  to  the  occafion.  The  five  main  fources 
of  offence  he  thinks  are,  want  of  occupation,  the  angry  pafiions, 
the  paffion  of  the  fexes,  the  love  of  intoxication,  and  the  love 
of  gain.  As  fociety  advances,  all  thefe  lofe  a  good  deal  of  their 
mifchievous  tendency,  excepting  the  laft;  againll  v/hich,  of  courfe,^ 
the  legislature  fliould  be  more  vigilant  than  ever.  In  the  gradual 
predominance  of  the  avaricious  paffions  over  all  the  reft,  how- 
ever, Mr  Bentham  fees  many  topics  of  confolation,  and  con- 
cludes this  part  of  his  work  with  declaring  that  it  fhould  be  the 
great  object  of  the  criminal  lav/  to  reduce  all  offences  to  that 
fpecies  which  can  be  com.pletely  atoned  for  and  repaired  by 
payment  of  a  fum  of  money.  It  is  a  part  of  his  fyfterh,  wliich 
we  have  forgotten  to  mention,  that  perfons  fo  injured  lliould  in 
ail  caxes  be  entitled  to  reparation  out  of  the  public  purfe. 

This  clofes  Mr  Bentham's  view  of  the  principles  of  criminal 
jurifprudence,  and  terminates  that  portion  of  his  great  work 
which  is  contained  in  the  pi-efent  publication.  The  feparate 
differtations  which  are  annexed,  and  occupy  the  greater  part  of 
the  third  volume,  relate  to  the  fame  general  fubjedl,  and  poffefs 
a  confiderable  degree  of  intereft.  The  firft  is  a  propofal  for 
conftrucling  prifons  and  houfes  of  correition,  in  fuch  a  form, 
as  to  admit  of  the  whole  interior  being  feen  at  once  from  a 
central  point,  where  Mr  Bentham  is  for  having  a  fniall  chamber, 
fitted  up  with  blinds,  vv^here  the  infpedof  either  is,  or  is  fup- 
j)ofed  to  be,  conftantly  prefent.  This  he  calls  a  Panoptiquey  and 
promifes  rather  greater  things  from  its  adoption  than  are  very 
likely  to  follow.  It  has  been  adopted,  however,  we  believe,  in 
feveral  parts  of  England  with  confiderable  advantage.  A  bridcr 
well  upon  the  fame  conPcrudion  has  fubijfted  for  upwards  of  ten 
years  in  this  city. 

The  next  differtation  is  on  the  methods  and  the  expediency  of 
promulgating  the  laws,  and  the  reafons  on  which  they  are 
founded  :  iliuftrated  by  an  extraft  from  the  penal  code  which 
Mr  Bentham  promifes  one  day  to  give  to  the  world. 

The  lad  difcourfe,  which  is  by  far  the  xnoft  interefting,  is  up- 
on the  influence  of  time  and  place  in  quellions  of  legiflation,, 
Mr  Bentham  illuftrates  his  notions  as  to  the  cautions  to  be  ob- 

ferved 

*  See  in  particular  Vol.  IIL  p.  36.  57,  6:c. 


11,6  Bentham,  Princlperde  Legtfi,athn^  par  "Diimont.         April 

tferveH  in  the  trraifphntation  of  laws,  by  ftating,  with  fome  de- 
tail, the  changes  and  qualifications  that  would  be  neceiTary  in 
transfering  to  Bengal  thofe  laws  that  are  generally  admired  and 
approved  of  in  England.  He  then  examines  the  effecls  of  time 
on  laws  and  on  fociety,  and,  with  his  ufual  acutenefs  and  pre- 
cifion,  points  out  the  obvious  errors  into  which  thofe  philofophers 
have  been  betrayed  who  have  either  called  in  quefLion  the  pof- 
fibility  of  great  ameliorations,  or  indulged  in  vihons  of  abiblute 
pgrfc£libi!ity.  The  whole  of  this  treatife,  which  coincides  in  fub- 
jetl  with  the  great  work  of  Montefquieu,  is  written  with  much 
force  of  reafoning  and  vivacity  of  manner.  We  regret  that  our 
limits  will  not  permit  us  to  enter  more  fully  into  the  fubjccc, 
and  can  fafely  recommend  the  perufal  of  it  to  a  larger  clafs  of 
readers  than  we  can  venture  to  befpeak  for  the  reft  of  the  publi- 
cation. 

Upon  the  whole,  we  take  cur  leave  of  this  publication  witli 
fome  feelings  of  fatigue,  but  with  fentiments  of  the  greateft  re- 
fpecl  for  the  talents  of  the  author.  It  muft  be  our  fault  if  our 
readers  feel  only  the  former.  So  large  a  quantity  of  original 
reafoning  has  feldorn,  we  beUere,  been  produced  by  one  man  ; 
and  the  defetts  of  Mr  Bentham's  book,  as  well  as  its  excellences, 
are  fuch  as  to  alTure  us,  that  he  has  drawn  the  whole  of  it  from 
rthe  ftorcs  of  his  own  underdsjiding,  and  fcarcely  ever  conde- 
Icended  either  to  affiil  or  to  correct  his  fpeculalions  by  the  lights 
which  m-ight  have  been  furnilhed  from  v/ithout.  Notwithllandiiig 
all  that  M.  Dumont  has  done  to  render  the  work  popular,  we  are 
afi-aid  that  it  "will  have  fewer  readers  than  it  deferves.  Thofe 
who  do  read  it,  will  alfo  diffent,  we  Ihould  imagine,  from  many 
of  the  author's  fundamental  principles  ;  but  they  will  infallibly 
be  delighted  with  the  fagacity  and  independence  which  dif- 
tinguilhes  all  his  fpeculations,  and  will  look  forward  with  impa- 
tience to  the  publication  of  his  entire  fyftem. 

Art.  II.  V'oynge  Phyjique  et  L'ltbologiqut  dans  la  CawpanL',  ^c.  Par 
Scipion  BreiHac.  Tradiilt  du  Manufcrit  Italien,  par  le  General 
Poraraereuil,  en  deux  Volumes.     Paris,  an  XL      liJoj. 

AFTER  contemplating  the  agitations  of  the  moral  and  political 
world,  and  the  annihilation  of  the  prejudices  and  v/reck  of 
the  inflitutions  which  ages  had  held  facred,  we  furvey  with  com- 
placency the  ■  immutable  tranquillity  of  the  earth,  the  peaceful 
fucceffion  of  the  feafons,  and  the  uniform  reprcdu£lion  of  animal 
and  vegetable  life.  Yet  this  earth,  apparently  fo  tranquil,  is  preg- 
nant with  the  moft  tremendous  caules  of  defolation,  and  fome- 
times  abandons  devoted  diftricts  to  all  the  horrors  of  volcanic  ex- 
plofion,  and  the  awful  attendant  phenomena.    Countries  the  moft 


l204-     "Zxtx^^Ci  Voyage  LMohgiquc  dans  !a  Cnnpamey  l^c.        T] 

rich  in  fertility  and  cultivation,  pities  the  moft  ancient  and  popu* 
lous,  have  been  loft  beneath  Oones  and  aflies,  or  overwhelmed  by 
iicry  torrents  ;  their  very  fite  has  been  ingiilpbed,  and  become  the 
vortex  of  eruption,  or  the  bafon  of  a  pcluilential  lake.  Equally 
beyond  the  power  of  human  prefclence  to  forcfce,  or  of  human 
energy  to  controul,  thefe  terrible  operations  are  fometinies  direct- 
ed to  devaftate  countries  of  ancient  formation,  and  fometimes  to 
create  new  territories,  whofe  future  fertility  tends  to  repay  tht; 
deloiaiion  that  accompanied  their  production. 

The  moll  celebrated  and  molt  ddightful  portions  of  Italy  have 
been  modified  or  formed  by  the  agency  of  fire.  The  rock  of  the 
Capitol,  which  Roman  vanity  called  eternal,  is  the  totteruig  edj:e 
of  a  crater  ;  and  the  Campania  Felice  has  been  the  creation  of 
fucceilive  lavas,  and  owes  its  exuberant  fertility  to  frequent 
iQiov/ers  of  volcanic  aihes. 

Italy  prefents  every  variety  and  gradption  of  volcanic  and  pfeudo- 
volcanic  pha^nomena.  Near  its  northern  boundary,  tlic  bafalts 
snd  amygdaloids  of  the  Vincentine  are  of  dubious  formation  ;  and 
the  Euganean  mountains  in  the  Paduan  territory  have  not  an  iit^ 
difputtd  claim  to  an  igneous  origin.  The  tranfverfe  portion  of 
the  Appenines,  from-Parmn  to  Bologna,  is  noted  for  eructations 
of  mud,  and  emiffions  of  inflamed  gas  ;  and  the  fouth  of  Tuica- 
ny  contains  the  celebrated  Lagoni,  and  the  extin6l  volcanoes  of 
Monte  Flora  and  Radicofani.  The  weilcrn  dates  of  tiie  Church 
prefent  a  vail  extent  of  territory,  univerfally  allowed  to  be  volca- 
nic, ftretching,  without  interruption,  from  Aquapendr^nte  to  Ve- 
letri,  forming  the  environs  of  the  lake  of  Bolfena,  the  hills  of 
Montefiafcone  and  the  Montagna  di  Viterbo,  extending  ead  to 
between  Borghetto  and  Otricoli,  and  fpreading  over  the  vail  plain 
of  Rome.  It  touches  the  limcftone  of  the  Appcnines  at  Tivoli, 
forms  the  hills  of  Frafcati,  furrounds  the  huge  crater  that  con- 
tains the  lake  of  Albano,  and  probably  communicates  by  the  val- 
ley of  Anagni  with  the  volcanic  diftVi6l  of  the  Terra  di  Lavoro. 

The  limcftone  of  the  Appenines,  which  ikirt  the  Pontine  murfh- 
es  from  Piperno  to  Terracina,  extends  along  the  coaft  by  Fondi 
to  Gaeta,  and  nearly  to  the  River  Liris  or  Garigliano.  Thefe 
volcanic  fubftances  appear  to  form  the  bafis  of  the  valley,  and 
probably  extend  to  Soza  and  Anagni.  Towards  the  fouth,  Mig- 
nano,  Teano,  Calvi,  Capua,  Caferta,  Nola  Sarno,  and  Sorrento, 
are  all  fituated  within  the  eailern  boundary  of  the  volcanic  terri- 
tory, which  comprehends  the  whole  fpace  weftward  to  the  fea, 
forming  the  celebrated  Campania  Felice.  It  is  encircled  by  lime- 
ftone,  ilretching  from  Gaeta  to  the  Cape  of  Minerva  ;  and,  ex- 
cepting the  Monte  Madico,  and  the  hill  near  Calvi,  which  are 
liinellone,  ^U  mgl\ide4  ift  Uiis  boundary  is  entirely  of  igneous 

origin. 


28       Brelilac,  Vopge  Lithologique  dans  la  Campante,  bff.     April 

origin.  Nor  are  the  volcanic  fubftances  confined  within  thefe  li- 
mits. They  form  the  bafis  of  the  valley  of  the  VoUurnus,  and 
the  whole  extent  between  Cerelo  and  St  Agata  di  Goti ;  they 
reach  up  the  Calore  towards  Beneventum,  up  the  Claudine  val- 
ley ;  and,  ftretching  beyond  Nocerra,  they  form  the  bans-  oa 
which  ftands  Salerno. 

The  various  parts  of  this  ertenfive  diftrift  will  be  regarded  with 
unequal  intereft.  The  lavas  of  SeiTa,  Rocca,  Monfine,  and  Teano, 
flowed  at  a  period  far  antecedent  to  hiftory ;  tlie  fertile  foil  of  the 
Campania  conceals  the  pumices,  tufas,  and  aflies,  which  form  its 
bafis  ;  and  they,  in  their  turn,  bury  the  lavas,  Mfhich  are  only  dif- 
covered  in  profound  excavations.  But,  towards  the  fouth,  wc 
fmd  the  iflands  of  Ifchia,  of  Procida,  and  the  whole  territory 
from  Cuma  to  Naples,  rough  with  craters,  and  fuming  with  ex- 
halations ;  and  near  thefe  half-extincl  remains,  we  find  the  formi- 
dable Vefuvius  reiling  from  tlae  work  of  defolation,  and  concen- 
trating his  energies  for  another  overwhelming  explofion. 

Of  more  than  two  hundred  authors,  who  have  written  on  the 
volcanic  produdions  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  very  icw  have 
been  guided  m  their  invelligations  by  fcientific  views.  AtFe£led 
by  the  conilernation  and  furprife,  which  pl^asnomena  fo  tremen- 
dous and  extraordinary  naturally  excite,  they  have  endeavoured 
to  transfufe  into  the  minds  of  their  readers  the  feelings  which  o- 
verpowered  themfelves,  and  tried  to  make  amend^  for  tile  inaccu- 
racy of  their  defcriptions  by  vague  exaggeration  and  magnificent 
miftatement.  Nothing  in  the  neighbourhood  of  a  volcano  was  to 
be  explained  in  an  obvious  or  ordinary.manner ;  clouds  of  duft 
were  traniLited  into  fmoks,  fragments  of  pumice  into  ignited 
rocks  ;  and  (bowers  of  rain,  with  the  fubfequent  troubled  ftreams 
which  furrowed  the  mountain,  were  magnified  into  mud- lavas,  or 
into  (iifgorged  torrents  of  water,  which  v/ere  boiling  hot,  or  fait, 
or  both,  according  to  the  caprice  of  the  narrator.  Thefe  awful 
operations  of  nature  were  eagerly  feized  on  by  the  priefts,  as  a 
certain  mode  of  obtaining  afcendancy  over  the  mind'^^  of  the  hi- 
gotted  populace  y  and  the  members  of  the  celeftial  hierarchy  were 
promoted  or  degraded,  as  their  votaries  deemed  them  capable  of 
controuling  the  fury  of  the  dreaded  volcano  *. 

Even  thofe  who  'fiudied  the  mountain  with  calmer  attention, 
were  b.  trayed,  by  preconceived  opinions,  into  the  rnoft  extraor- 
dinary miftakes.  The  Pere  della  Torre,  with  fingular  pcrverfion 
of  obfcrvation,  fays,  f  that  '  Vefuvius  is  not  a  mountain  produced 
by  an  eruption,  or  formed  litde  by  fittle,  but  made  of  ftrata  of 

dlllerent 


*    St-e  Breiilac,  vol.  I.   p.  2  2y,   note. 
..'I;  Sioria  e  fenomeni  del  Vefiivio,  p.  23, 


tie^i    B^erflaCj  Voyage  Lithohgique  dam  fa  Campankf  6fr<;       -ip 

different  matters  like  all  other  mountains,  and  corifumed  by  per- 
petual fire,  vv'hich  it  contains  within  its  bowels. '  He  alfo  ob- 
ferves,  *  that  in  the  interior  rocks  of  the  Sommaj  and  of  Otta- 
jano,  no  velliges  of  fire  are  to  be  feen. '  Though  free  from  aiJ 
fuch  errors,  the  magnificent  work  of  Sir  William  Hamilton  on 
the  Cam.pi  Phlegraci,  *  decorated  with  fplendrd  engravings,  is  ra- 
ther calculated  to  give  an  idea  of  the  fcenery  of  the  difi:ri61:,  and 
the  pi£lurefque  elteft  and  charafber  of  the  volcano,  than  to  be  a 
vehicle  of  fcisntlfic  information.  The  works  of  the  Abbate  Botis, 
»nd  the  Gabinetto  del  Vefuvio,  by  the  Duke  dclla  Torre,  contain 
inany  valuable  obfervatioiis,  and  curious  details  ;  but  it  was  not 
till  Gioenl's  book,  on  the  lithology  of  Vefuvius,  f  made  its  ap- 
pearance, that  any  general  and  accurate  defcription  of  Vefuvian 
fiibfl:ances  was  given. 

This  intelligent  obferver  has  prefaced  his  defcripttve  catalogue 
by  preliminary  remarks  of  confiderable  merit,  and  has  inter- 
fperfed  noises  from  which  much  important  information  may  be 
gleaned  j  but  he  has  attended  too  much  to  the  diverfities  of  in- 
dividual fpecimens,  and  too  little  to  general  formations.  In 
volcanoes,  each  eruption  forms  an  epocha  j  and  it  is  only  by  fe- 
parating  the  products  of  one  eruption  from  thofe  of  another,  and 
by  noting  the  attendant  phjenomena,  that  we  can  regiller  theif 
hiftory,  or  reafon  on  their  operations.  Gioeni  only  incidentally 
coitrafts  the  peculiarities  obfervable  in  lavas  of  different  anti- 
quities ;  and  his  obfervations  are  confined  to  Vefuvius,  where: 
indeed  he  found  diverfity  enough  to  occupy  him.  The  confide- 
ration  of  that  fingle  mountain,  however,  is  not  enough  ;  and 
the  examination  of  its  ifolated  produ£ls  can  only  be  confrdered 
as  "ftabhihing  a  partial  fl.andard  of  comparifon  for  the  fubrtances 
afforded  by  the  whole  extent  of  the  volcanic  difi:ri£l,  of  which 
it  foims  a  fmall  part.  An  iiweitigatioa  of  the  phyfical  confbitu- 
tion  of  the  Campania,  wa^  ciiential  to  the  cori'e6cion  and  en- 
largement of  our  ideas  refpe(^ing  Vefuvius  itfelf ;  and  for  its 
accomplifiiment  we  muft  ever  hold  oarfelves  indebted  to  the  in- 
defatigable perfeverrxnce  and  fagacious  refearches  of  Scipio 
Breiflac 

.  The  firfi:  edition  of  this  work  was  printed  in  Italian,  at  Flo- 
rencCj  in  1798.  It  has  been  increafed  by  numerous  fubfequent 
obfervatio»is,  and  fome  new  maps.  The  tranilation  into  French 
has  been  performed  by  General  Pommereuil,  who  has  taken  ncr 
fmall  pains  in  its  naturalization.     The  Italian  meafures  of  Breif- 

lac 

4ltr. • ■■  ■ : • ■■ . . 

*   Publifhed  at  Naples  in  1776. 

t  ►^aggio  di  JLitelogia  Vefuviana  dal  Car.  Guiftppe  Gioeni*  Napoli^ 
1791. 


3©.      Breiflac,  Voyage  Liihotogique  3cm  la  Campatuey  t^c,     Api"!!' 

lac  have  been  tranfmuted  into  French  metres,  which  arrogantly 
figure  in  the  text,  v/hile  the  original  expreffion  is  degraded  to 
the  notes.  Many  of  Breiflac's  appreciations  of  diftance,  where 
perfedl  accuracy  was  not  intended,  and  could  not  be  attained, 
founded  very  well  as  leagues  or  miles,  but  are  perfe(!i!lly  ridicu- 
loiis  when  reduced  to  kilometres,  he£lometres,  metres,  and  cen- 
timetres. This  pretended  preciGon  would  be  only  abfurd,  if  it 
were  correftly  founded  upon  the  original ;  but  it  frequently  ap- 
pears, that  the  General  gives  his  kiion-etrcs  in  round  num- 
bers, when  the  true  converiion  of  liis  author  would  have  afford- 
ed a  fradliion.  Dates,  of  courfe,  are  rendered  conformable  to 
the  Republican  kaiendar  *,  and  even  the  nomenclature  of  miner- 
als has  not  efcaped.  The  denominations  invented  by  Haliy  are 
familiarly  introduced  into  tlie  text ;  and  the  names  by  which 
the  fubftances  had  been  previoufly  diPcinguiihed,  and  by  which 
alone  they  are  flili  known  to  nine  tenths  of  the  mineralogilfs  of 
Europe,  are  termed  ci-devant.  We  can  hardly  fuppofe  it  was 
modedy  that  induced  the  General  to  afford  his  readers  no  mode 
of  didingulihing  his  notes  from  thofe  of  the  author,  except  the 
internal  evidence  arifing  from  the  diverfity  of  their  ftyle  and 
matter.  To  readers  of  ordinary  difcrimination,  however,  this 
tell  is  fufficient ;  for  no  di(lin(Slions  can  be  more  marked,  than 
between  fagacious  obfervation  and  frivolous  impertinence. 

It  is  far  from  being  our  intention  to  follow  the  author  through 
the  whole  extent  of  his  laborious  inveftigations,  becaufe  we  are 
fully  convinced  of  his  accuracy  in  obferving,  and  his  fidelity  in 
reporting  ;  but  we  (hall  bellow  a  few  fentences  on  the  eruption 
of  1  794,  becaufe  it  prefents  fome  of  the  moll  (hiking  volcanic 
phenomena,  and  ferves  to  correct  fome  former  errors. 

On  the  evening  of  the  15th  of  June  1794,  after  fome  preli- 
minary (liocks,  the  bafe  of  the  cone  of  Vefuvius  opened  to 
the  weft,  and  a  torrent  of  lava  gufhed  out.  Five  fmall  crat- 
ers were  formed  in  its  courfe,  and  eje<Sled  highly  ignited  ftones 
with  violence  and  in  rapid  fucceffion.  The  lava  in  fix  hours 
flowed  three  miles,  and,  after  deilroying  the  town  of  Torre  del 
Greco,  ran  362  feet  into  the  fea*.  The  fudden  cooling  it  there 
underwent,  did  not  affecl  its  texture,  or  render  it  prifmatic. 
This  lava  is  of  an   earthy  grain,  uneven  fraiflure,  and  variable 

porofity. 

*  Sir  William  Hamilton  fays,  that  according  to  the  meafurement  of 
the  Duke  della  Torre,  '  the  new  promontory  which  the  lava  formed 
was  1204  Engliih  feet  broad  ;  its  height  above  the  fea  was  12  feet,- 
and  as  many  feet  under  the  water  ;  fo  thac  its  whole  height  was  24  feet. 
It  extended  into  the  fea  6}^  f«;c-  '     See  Phil.  Traal.  for  1795,  p.  7^^. 


1S04.    Breiflac,  Voyage  Lltholcg'rque  daus  la  Campame,  ^c.        3$ 

porofity.     It  will  ftrike  fire  with  ftecl,  and  is  of  a  dark  grey 
colour.     It  abounds  in  green  augites,  and  contains   nnica  rarely. 
It  is  faid  to  have   formed  augites  by  fublimation  on   the  walls 
of  the  church  at  Torre  del  Greco,     Glafs  was  converted  by  it 
into  Reaumur's  porcelain.     Iron   was  generally  oxidated,  rarely 
combined   with  fulphur.     Copper    was   fofteued  and  oxidated  ; 
filver  was  fufed.     Whilil  the  lava  continued   to  flow  from  the 
wtllern  bafe  of  the  cone,  another  opening  v/as   formed   on  the 
eaftern  fide,  at  a  rather  lefs  elevation,  and  a  dream  of  lava  iiTued 
from  it,  and  flowed  f.uggiOily  near  a  mile.     On  the  morning  of 
the  i6th5  the  lava  ceafed  to  flow  from  the  vi'eftern  opening,  and 
the  mouth  of  the  volcano  refnmed  its  activity.     It  remained  for 
four   days  covered  by  a  cloud  of  ailies  v^hich   it   eje<!:led,  and 
which  ihoweved  over  the  adjacent  country,  and  fell  on   an   ave- 
ran^e  14  inches  thick.     At  Caferta,  more   than  ten  miles  front 
Vefuvius,  torches  were  obliged  to  be  \xiii6.  at   mid-day,  and   the 
gloom   was  only   broken   by   the    frequent  ilailies  of  lightning 
which  partially  difplayed  the  mountain. 

On  the  20th  afhes  ceafed  to  fall,  and  Vefuvius  became  againt 
vifible  ;  but  during  the  preceding  convulfion,  part  of  its  fum- 
mit  had  fallen  in,  and  the  crater  was  coniiderably  enlarged.  It 
i:ow  ejctled,  violently,  vail  numbers  of  Hones ;  and  denfe 
clouds  iflaed  from  it  in  continual  fuccelLon,  and  afcended  to 
feveral  times  the  height  of  the  mountain,  dilating  as  they  rofe. 
Thefe  clouds  feemed  chiefly  compofed  of  minute  fragments  of" 
lava,  pumice.  Sec.  Thefe  phenomena  continued  till  the  fth 
of  July  ;  ap.d  during  that  period,  every  cloud  that  appeased  on 
the  horizon  was  attra£ted  to  Vefuvius.  Violent  rains,  mixing 
with  the  loofe  alhes,  formed  impetuous  torrents  of  thin  mud, 
which  carried  devaftation  everywhere.  Exhalations  of  carbo- 
nic acid  mixed  with  azote,  and  fome  fulphureous  acid,  infelted 
the  cellars  of  Portici  and  Refina,  and  diffufed  themfelves  over 
particular  dillri^ls  of  the  country,  where  they  were  equally  fa- 
tal to  animal  and  vegetable  life  f .  The  vapours  emitted  by  the 
volcano,  during  this  eruption,  M'ere  chiefly  muriatic  acid,  and 
the  muriates  of  foda  and  ammonia  were  abundant  in  the  hol- 
lows of  the  lava.  Sulphur  and  fulphureous  acid  were  of  rare 
occurrence,  though  the  lava  fometimes  contained  the  fulphates 
of  irOn  and  lime  •,  it  alfo  contained  the  oxides  of  iron  and  ar- 
fenic.  The  humid  vapours,  exhaled  by  the  lava,  rapidly  form- 
ed thin  fdicious  ftaladlites,  by  which,  near  the  new  craters,  frag- 
ments of  pumice  and  alhes  were  agglutinated. 

We 

f  Olives  and  pear-trees  alone  were  exempted  from  the  evil  efF<<3;3  of 
this  foourge.     See  Breiflac,  vol.  1.  p.  2Zi, 


^Z        l5reilac,  Voye:^e  Lithlogiqtie  ddns  la  Carj]panlei  i^i,    Apnl 

We  wifli  the  attention  of  our  readers  to  be  particularly  fixed 
on  fome  of  tbefe  recent  £.nd  well  authenticated  facts,  as  they 
are  of  much  importance  in  explaining  the  general  operations  of 
volcanoes. 

They  fliould  partkularly  obferve  the  rapidity  with  which  the 
lava  moved — the  heat  that  it  communicated  to  fubftances  at  Torre 
del  Greco — the  fcarcity  of  fulphur,  proved  by  the  lava  convert- 
ing the  metallic  bodies  it  approached  into  oxides,  inftead  of  ful- 
phurets  or  fulphates — the  formation  of  filicicus  ftaiadites,  by 
the  hot,  humid  vapours — and  the  inundations  of  mud  caufed  by 
the  mixture  of  allies  and  rain.  Thefe  facls  appear  not  eafily 
reconciled  with  the  afiertions  of  many  able  naturaliiis  refpecling 
the  imperfecl  fluidity  of  lavas,  their  low  temperature,  and  the 
abundance  of  fulphur  they  contain,  which  has  been  regarded  as 
the  vechicle  of  their  particles,  and  the  pabulum  of  their  inflam- 
mation. The  rain  and  alhv^s  forming  a  pafte,  and  overflowing 
the  country  if,  feem  to  account  for  tlie  formation  of  tufas  and 
imperfe6lly  confoliJated  volcanic  bodies,  without  having  re- 
courfe  to  an  eruption  of  mud  ;  and  the  formation  of  filicious 
ftala£Utes  opens  a  wide  field  to  curious  invefllgation.  In  order 
to  appreciate  the  full  importance  of  thefe  remarks,  it  is  necef- 
fary  to  confider  fome  of  the  opinions  on  the  rnoft  important 
queftlons  fnggefted  by  inquiries  into  the  conftltutlon  of  volca- 
noes, which  have  been  fupported  by  the  greateil  ingenuity,  and 
fan^lioned  by  the  moft  accurate  obfervatioiis. 

The  moPc  ancient  and  the  moil  fimple  mode  of  accounting  for 
Volcanoes,  is  that  which  attributes  them  to  the  eructations  of  a 
central  fire  occupying  the  interior  of  the  earth.  To  this  theory 
it  may  be  objeiSted,  i.  That  it  is  founded  on  an  entirely  gratui- 
tous afiumption  ;  2.  That  It  is  extremely  improbable  ;  and,  3, 
That  it  is  inadequate  to  explain  the  phenomena.  The  two  firlt 
propofitions  require  no  proof ;  on  the  third  It  may  be  remarked, 
that  admitting  the  centre  of  the  -earth  to  be  melted  matter,  it 
muft,  from  the  duration  of  the  fufion,  have  obtained  perfe6t 
homogeneiety.  There  can  be  no  grounds  for  fuppofing  that  it 
>Vas  not  originally  conftitutcd  homogeneous  ;  but  even  if  it  was 
©riginally  heterogeneous.  Its  long  continued  fluidity  niufh  have 
produced  a  complete  and  chemical  mixture.  A  fluid.  In  fuch 
a  fbate,  mud  be  completely  quiefcent ;  and  its  tranquil  exiilence 
in  the  centre  of  the  earth  will  not  avail  in  accounting  for  vol- 
canoes. 
^ '  .  .  '       Wc. 

X  Sir  William  Hamilton  obferves,  that  the  mud  fonned '  by  rain  and 
afhes  became  in  a  few  days  fo  hard  a.s  to  require  a  pick,-axe  to  break 
It.  Set  -his  '  Account  of  the  late  eruption  of  Vefuvius,  '  in  the  Fki- 
lofoph'.  Tranfatt.  for  1794,  p»  73. 


>'3o4'.      Brelflac,  Voyage  Llthohglque  dans  la  Campanie^  ^c,        3j 

We  are  indeed  told  by  the  ableft  advocate  of  this  fyftem,  that, 
in  the  mineral  regions,  the  only  efFc£ls  of  heat  are  fufion  and  ex- 
panfion  *.  How  is  this  expanfion  produced  ?  It  cannot  refult 
from  the  continuance  of  the  fame  degree  of  heat.  There  are  no 
methods  we  can  devifc,  by  which  a  homogeneous  fluid  can  be 
expanded  by  heat,  but  by  increafing  the  temperature  till  the  fluid, 
itfelf  be  rarefied,  or  by  introducing  fome  new  fubftance  whofe 
folution  may  produce  an  evolution  of  gas.  But  what  is  this  fub- 
ftance  to  be,  and  whence  is  it  to  come  ?  It  will  require  a  new 
afllimption  to  provide  the  leaven  which  is  to  fct  the  bowels  of  the 
earth  in  fermentation.  The  expanfion  by  increafe  of  heat  can- 
not take  place,  becaufe  the  theorifts  themfelves  have  aflTigned  its 
limits,  by  depriving  the  central  fire  of  all  pabulum.  Increafe 
being  impofl'ible,  it  muft,  in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  heat,  dimi- 
nifh,"^  by  equalizing  the  temperature  of  the  furvounding  bodies,  and 
therefore  cannot  produce  an  expanfion.  It  is  in  vain  that  water 
is  prefumed  to  trickle  on  it  from  above.  It  is  equally  in  vain  that 
the  fea  is  fuppofed  to  be  introduced-  This  might  produce  earth- 
quakes, with  furious  emiflions  of  gafes  and  fleam,  but  no  lava. 
The  water  mull  find  its  way  into  the  interior  of  the  melted  mafs, 
before  it  could  produce  the  expulhon  of  a  lava ;  and  fuch  an  in- 
trodu£Lion  is  effectually  prevented  by  the  inferiority  of  its  fpecific 
gravity.  Pour  water  on  melted  iron,  and  there  is  no  explofion  j 
pour  melted  iron  into  water,  and  iVill  there  is  no  explofion  •,  en- 
clofe  a  drop  of  water  in  the  heated  metal,  and  no  known  power 
can  controul  it. 

Befides,  admitting  the  homogeneiety  of  the  melted  mafs,  which 
we  think  cannot  be  denied,  whence  come  the  diverfities  or  lavas  ? 
Why  have  we  bafalt,  which  is  a  lava,  according  to  this  fyllein, 
in  one  place  ;  and  glafs  in  another  ;  pum.ice  in  a  third,  and  the 
earthy  lavas  in  a  fourth  ?  Why  have  we  fometimes  fulphureouj; 
vapours,  fometimes  muriatic  acid,  and  fometimes  hydrogene  gas  ? 
In  fhort,  whence  arife  the  perpetual  variations  of  volcanic  pro- 
ductions ?  The  fpecific  gravity  of  the  earth,  taken  coIle£l:ively, 
is  found  to  be  nearly  double  the  average  gravity  of  the  rocks  which 
compofe  its  furface.  The  central  fluid  muil  therefore  be  of  at 
leaft  double  the  average  gravity  of  rocks.  How  comes  it  that 
lavas  and  volcanic  glafs  are  generally  under  the  medium  gravity 
of  rocks,  and  that  bafalts  are  very  little  above  it  I  "We  have  dif- 
cufled  this  ingenious  theory  at  fome  length,  becaufe  it  has  beeii 
adopted  by  men  of  talents,  and  becaufe,  at  fivfl  fight>  it  appears 
completely  to  overcome  every  difficulty,  by  airuming  all  that  is 
VOL.  IV.   NO.  7.  C  required 

*  See  ilUiftraUons  of  ibe  Huttoniau  Theory,  by  VinU^^^x   Plavfai?3 
I  89. 


34       Brelflac,  Vo)\^.ge  Lithohgique  dans  la  C&mpctnte,  BV.       A^tTi 

required  to  be  proved.  But  it  appears  to  us,  that,  granting  this 
unwarrantable  pollulatum  in  its  utmoft  extent,  it  is  infufficient  t® 
provide  tlie  elucidation  required. 

Werner,  who  had  ftudied  the  extraordinary  appearances  pro- 
duced on  fuperinGnmbent  rocks  by  the  combuftion  of  beds  of 
coal,  applied  thefe  fa£ls  to  the  explanation  of  volcanic  fires  •,  and 
fuppofed  lavas  were  formed  by  the  fufion  of  bafalt.  This  opinion 
has  fome  plaulibility  ;  but  it  is  wholly  incapable  of  accounting 
for  the  duration  of  volcanoes,  for  their  intermittence,  or  the  ex- 
tent of  their  operations.  Still  lefs  probable  were  the  opinions  of 
the  philofophcrs  who  recurred  to  petroleum  and  to  fulphurets 
of  iron.  Breiflac,  who,  like  mod;  men  of  very  extenfive  ob- 
fervation,  is  little  addifted  to  theorizing,  has  been  rather  unfor- 
tunate where  he  has  attempted  it.  He  finds  nothing  incongrious 
in  the  joint  action  of  coal,  pyrites  and  petroleum.  He  diico- 
vers  a  bed  of  coal  a  foot  thick  near  Beneventum,  which  he  re- 
gards with  much  exultation  •,  though  he  might  as  well  think  of 
feeding  a  furnace  v/ith  a  fheet  of  paper,  as  of  flimulating  a  vol- 
cano by  fuch  a  fapply.  By  decompoliing  his  pyrites,  he  dlftils 
petroleum  from  the  limeflone  of  the  Appenines ;  it  carries  with 
it  fome  phofphoric  matter,  {created  exprefsly  we  prefume),  and 
finds  its  way  to  commodious  refervoirs  under  Vefuvius.  There, 
water  faturated  v/ith  common  fait  waits  to  receive  it,  and  their 
union  is  cemented  by  the  Hymeneal  torch  of  eleftric  flame.  The 
ufual  confequences  of  matrimony,  difcord,  fury,  and  uproar,  en- 
fue  •,  and  the  unnatural  parents  turn  out  of  aoors  the  lava  they 
engender  between  them. 

Theoriits  who  thus  endeavoured  to  account  for  the  inflamma- 
tion of  Vefuvius,  were  much  embarrafled  to  obtain  the  necefTary 
fupplies  of  oxygene.  Dr  Thomfon,  whofe  refidence  at  Naples  af- 
forded him  ample  opportunities  of  obfervation,  and  whofe  acute 
genius  has  in  feveral  inftances  thrown  light  on  volcanic  operations, 
has  devifed  an  explication  of  this  diitlcuky,  more  remarkable  for 
its  boldncfs  than  its  probability.  He  fuppofcs  that,  at  certain  de- 
grees of  heat,  the  oxygene  contained  in  the  carbonic  acid  of  the 
limeftone  of  the  Appenines,  may  be  inclined  to  enter  into  nev/ 
combinations  ;  and  he  iliuftrates  this  do6lrine  by  the  beautiful 
and  well  known  experiirient  of  Tennant,  who  operated  the  de» 
compofition  of  carbonic  acid  by  means  of  phofphorus  *.  On  this 
tlieory,  it  may  be  obferved,  that  it  commences  by  fuppcfing  the 
previous  exiflence  of  a  heat  of  great  intenfity,  without  providing 
any  means  for  its  produtlion  :  2.  It  fuppofcs  the  application  of 
fome  unfpecified  bafe  to  the  carbonic  acid,  to  attra6l  the  oxy- 
gene ; 

*  GiornaleLvtterario  di  Napoli,  vol.  106,  p.  5. 


i8o4«       Bre'illac,  Foyage  Lithologr-que  dans  la  Campa^iie,  isfc.       3^ 

■:iene ;  he  ainnot  pofTibly  fuppofe  the  phofphoirefcent  limeftone  to 
jontjin  phofphorus  enough  for  this  purpofvi  :  3.  It  alibrcis  no 
employment  for  the  charcoal  01  ^e  carbonic  acid,  which'  is  left 
to  cryiuUize  into  diamonds,  plumbago,  or  what  it  likes  bed  : 
4.  There  is  no  way  of  difpoling  of  the  immenfe  quantity  of  quick- 
lime which  this  proccfs  would  produce ;  part  of  it  may  be  incor- 
Dorated  with  the  Iav;:s,  but  the  whole  cannot  be  employed  in  this 
way,  without  renderhig  their  bafis  almoil  entirely  lime,  which  is 
iiotorioufly  not  the  cafe. 

But  the-pahn  of  fupcrior  originality,  in  this  contefi:  of  theoretic 
invention,  muii  be  accorded  to  the  genius  of  M.  Patrin,  who  has 
long  been  advantageouily  known  to  the  world  by  his  travels  'n\ 
Siberia,  and  his  fpiendid  collection  of  Siberian  minerals.  In  au 
eiTay  read  at  the  Inilitute,  and  afterv/ards  publifhed  in  a  feparate 
form,  he  procures  muriatic  acid  from  common  fait  by  a  rather 
arbitrary  procefs,  and  decompofes  pyrites  by  its  means  f .  He 
fuppofes  fuiphur  to  be  concrete  eledlricity,  and  then  identifies  ic 
with  phofphorus  t.  He  manufactures  calcareous  earth  from 
thunder  and  lightning  §  ;  and  he  difcovers  a  metalliferous  fluid, 
which  is  at  once  the  bafe  of  the  muriatic  acid,  and  the  generator 
of  metallic  veins.  It  affifts  phofphorus  in  fixing  oxygene  under 
an  earthy  form  *  ;  and,  with  the  united  aid  of  the  other  fubflan- 
ces  we  have  enumerated,-  he  very  fuccefsfully  accounts  for  every 
exifting  phenomenon.  On  this  theory,  we  do  not  prefume  to 
oifer  any  obfervations. 

Refearches  into  the  original  caufes  of  volcanic  inflammatiom 
may  well  admit  of  divevfity  of  opinion,  w^here  the  .operations, 
from  which  our  information  ihould  be  derived,  are  fo  profound- 
ly concealed.  The  products  only  are  fubmitted  to  examination  ; 
and  though  they  are  prodigioully  abundant,  and  the  obfervers 
proportionably  numerous,  there  is  a  woful  fcarcity  of  confiitent 
evidence.  Yet  there  ai^e  fome  points  on  which  all  agree  ;  and  per- 
haps it  may  be  potable  to  arrange  the  principal  fa£fs,  fo  that  they 
may  not  appear  contradittory. 

Much  difputation  has  arifen  refpccling  the  intenfity  of  the  vol- 
canic heat.  Thofe  who  derived  it  from  the  inexhauftible  maga- 
zine of  central  fire,  were  laviih  of  it  to  a  degree  which  very  ill 
failed  the  parfimony  with  which  thofe  Were  obliged  to  hufband 
their  fuel,  who  truiled  to  coal  and  petroleum  for  a  fupply.     ''They 

C  2  contended. 


■\-   Recherches  fur  les  Vokans,  p.  8.  5:  9. 

4:.  Id.  p.  lot 

§   Id.  p.  .11. 

*   Id.  p.  17.  &  2-. 


%6      >Breii].ac,  Voyage  Lkhdogiqtie  dans  la  Caritpanie^  l^c.       April 

contended,  tijat  the  heat  of  volcanoes  was  extremely  fmall,  be- 
caufe  it  was  incapable  of  altering  the  forms  of  the  leucites,  augitesy 
and  feldfpars,  v.'hich  lava  fo  abundantly  contained.  Even  the  il- 
iuft:rious  Dolomieu,  the  father  of  corre£t  obfervations  on  volca- 
noes, was  fwayed  by  this  confideration  fo  much,  as  to  adopt  a 
very  improbable  mode  of  explaining  the  fufion  of  lavas,  at  a  low- 
temperature,  by  means  of  fulpliur. 

Obferving  the  fimilitude  of  lavas  to  primitive  rocks,  he  con- 
cluded that  igneous  fulion  was  not  produced,  but  that  the  heat 
cxp.^nded  the  lubfbance,  and  allowed  its  particles  to  Hide  on  one 
another.  Even  this  operation  was  confined  to  the  bafis  ;  for  he 
fuppofes  the  fcldlpars,  angites  and  leucites,  to  be  wholly  unchang- 
ed. Though  he  appears  to  attribute  very  myfherious  effefts  to 
the  long  continuance  of  heat,  he  was  fo  confcious  of  the  impro- 
bability of  his  theory,  that  he  endeavoured  to  render  it  more  re- 
concileable  to  the  known  laws  of  nature,  by  fuppofing  that  this 
ilrange  fufion  was  operated  by  introducing  between  the  particles 
an  intermediary  fubftance  in  which  they  v/ere  to  be  fufpended, 
and  v/hich  was  to  be  the  vehicle  of  their  apparent  fluidity.  When 
this  fubftance  was  removed,  they  approached,  and  were  reunited 
into  a  rock  refembling  that  which  they  had  formed  previous  to 
the  operation.  This  convenient  agent  was  fulphur  ;  and  Dolo- 
mieu attempted  to  eftabliih  an  analogy  between  its  fuppofed  action 
in  rendering  rocks  eafily  fufible,  and  the  action  of  phofphorus  in 
facilitating  the  fufion  of  platina  *.  No  analogy,  however,  ex- 
ifts  b  tween  thefe  operations.  Phofphorus  chem.ically  cpmbines 
•with  platina,  but  fulphur  does  not  enter  into  any  fuch  combina- 
tion with  lavas  ;  and  Spallanzani  determined,  by  direct  experi- 
ment, that  the  addition  of  fulphur  nowife  aflilted  their  fufion. 

Even  fuppofing  that  the  particles  of  lava  were  thus  fufpended,  it 
is  obvious  that,  the  moment  the  vehicle  was  taken  away,  as  Dolo- 
mieu fuppofes  the  fulphur  to  have  been  by  combullion,  the  parti- 
cles, inilead  of  confoiidating,  would  be  left  difunited  like  land, 
tinlefs  the  heat  was  fulficient  to  produce  their  agglutination  by- 
igneous  fufion  •,  and  if  it  was  fo  great,  the  fulphur  would  be  on- 
ly an  unneceflary  incumbrance.  It  may  be  farther  obferved,  that 
this  theory  aflumes  the  exiftence  of  an  immenfe  quantity  of  ful- 
phur, and  fuppofes  its  lavifh  combuftion  in  every  eruption.  But 
the  vapours  of  Vefuvius  contain  very  finall  quantities  of  fulphu- 
yeous  fumes.     They  confift  principally  of  muriatic  acid,  or  hy- 

drogene  5 

*  V'tdv  Dolomieu,  Lipari,  p.  95. 

Id,  Journal  de  Phyfique,  an  2.  tome  i.  p.  118— 120) 
Id.  Sht  les  lUes  Polices,  p.  iq^^  &^ 


t"So4.       Brelflac,  Voyage  Llthologique  ^ans  la  Campame^  isfc.       37 

♦irogene  ;  and  the  lava  of  1794  contained  few  traces  of  fulphui> 
and  abounded  in  oxygene  *. 

Though  we  have  no  means  of  determining  the  heat  of  a  Jai'a 
when  it  firfi  iffues  from  its  cuter,  perfc;"!!-/  liquiti  and  in  violent 
■ebulHtion,  the  deftruftion  of  T.jrre  (iel  Greco  h.is  pruvide*'  us 
with  an  approximation  to  the  heat  it  could  communicate  after  it 
had  been  fix  hours  emitted,  had  traverfed  an  extent  of  country 
three  miles  in  length,  and  had  beeii  refrigerated  by  the  ccuiacl: 
of  paved  ftreets  and  houfes.  We  find  t  jat,  in  the  ruins  ot  ihat 
unfortunate  town,  the  window-glafs  near  th^^  lava  was  converted 
into  porcelain  jafper  ;  that  pretty  large  rnnff.'S  of  iron  were  oxi- 
dated to  the  heart  ;  that  copper  was  oxidated  and  fofteuf^d,  and 
that  filver  was  melted.  Fine  fdver  is  faid  to  melt  at  28°  of 
Wedgwood's  pyrometer,  or  at  4720°  o(  Fahrenheit.  T!ie  por- 
tions of  lava  which  adled  on  thefe  metals,  mufl  have  been  very 
confiderably  cooled  by  the  pavements  and  walls  of  the  houfes  j 
and,  befides,  it  was  not  in  immediate  conta6t:  with  the  metals. 
We  mufl;  therefore  affign  it  a  much  higher  temperature  than  that 
which  was* communicated  to  the  fubftances  affc£led.  What  tl'.at 
temperature  was,  we  do  not  prefume  to  determine.  Brciflac 
mentions  ©ne  circumftance  that  indicates  a  tremendous  heat. 
He  fays  augites  v^ere  formed  on  the  walls  of  the  church  by  fub- 
Himation  from  the  lava.  In  this  particular,  however,  we  can- 
not help  thinking  that  his  ufual  accuracv  murt  have  failed  him, 
as  no  other  of  the  obferved  effcils  appears  at  ail  proportioned  to 
this. 

Adtnitting  the  lava  to  have  been  quite  hot  enough  to  have 
ilowed  with  the  ufual  fluidity  of  glafs,  it  need  not  have  been  fo 
hot  as  to  deftroy  the  fubftances  contained  in  it  j  for  none  of 
them  will  melt  at  a 'lower  temperature  than  120°  ot  Wedgwood, 
The  grand  difficulty,  however,  flill  remains  ;  for  how  does  it 
happen  that  lavas  are  almoft  univerfally  found  with  a  ftony  frac- 
ture and  texture,  when  a  portion  of  the  fame  lava  melted  pro- 
duces a  glafs  .?  Even  for  this  enigma  we  are  now  provided  with 
a  folution. 

The  converfion  of  glafs  into  a  ftony  fubRance,  improperly 
called  porcelain,  was  difcovered  by  Reaumur,  and  wt'uld  have 
unveiled  the  whole  myftery,  had  the  circumltances  in  which  it  was 

C  3  operated 

*  The  obfervatlons  of  Dolomicu  are  very  fboiig  coiitradidlions  to 
his  theory.  In  his  catalogue  of  the  lavas  of  Etna,  p.  370,  he  ob- 
ierves,  that  the  fublimation  of  fulphtir  is  more  abundant  in  half  cxtinft 
volcanoes,  like  the  Solfatara,  than  in  thofe  which  have  frequent  eruptions- 
Etna  only  forms  it  in  the  principal  crater,  and  in.faiall  quantity. 


38       Brelflac,  Voyage  Lithologlqtie  dans  la  CampaniCy  bfc.     April 

operated  been  carefully  obfeived.  This  was  the  fird  dawn  of 
difcoveries  of  inconceivable  importance  atui  extent ;  and  it 
feems  more  remarkable  that  their  complete  developement 
Jfhould  have  followed  fo  flowly,  than  that  extenfive  corollaries 
iliould  now  be  deduced.  Mr  K-ir,  in  1776,  diretled  the  pub- 
lic attention  to  the  crydallizations  formed  in  glafs  by  cooling, 
and  the  (lony  texture  which  glafs  flowly  cooled  affumes.  %  Thck. 
fa6ls  were  not  confidently  applied  to  account  for  the  (lony  ap- 
pearances of  lavas,  till  Sir  James  Hall,  in  1790,  prnjttted,  and 
partly  performed  fome  experiments,  the  completion  of  whjcl* 
was  referved  to  1798.  Dr  Beddoes,  in  a  paper  contained  in  the 
Philofophical  Tranfaftions  for  1791,  amidft  a  chaos  of  inaccu- 
rate  obfervations,  diftinclly  points  out  the  change  from  the  vi- 
treous to  the  ftony  texture  produced  by  gradu.il  cooling,  ar.d 
applies  it  to  lavas,  and  illullrates  it  by  indancing  Reaumun'v^ 
porcelain  and  the  cryftailization  of  flags.-  This  dottrine  received 
its  full  elucidation,  when  Dr  Thomfon,  in  1795,  publiflied  his 
iketch  of  a  claflification  of  volcanic  products,  in  which  he  boldly 
and  clearly  ailumes  it  as  the  bafis  of  his  arrangement.  *  He 
maintains  all  lavas  to  have  been  in  a  vitreous  llate,  and  to  have 
become  ftony  by  flow  cooling.  We  find  that  Ikeifl.ic  iiuUnes 
to  the  fame  opinion.  Sir  James  Hall  has  fmce  fynthetically  de- 
termined the  point  by  the  fatisfaclory  refults  of  his  well  imagined 
experiments.  Indeed,  it  is  wonderfid  how  it  fo  long  eluded  ob- 
fervation,  when  the  flag  of  every  furnace  exhibits  k  in  the  molt 
Itriking  manner. 

If  it  be  inquired,  how  the  known  exigence  of  volcanic  glafs* 
fometimes  in  very  large  mafles,  f  is  to  be  reconciled  to  this  theory, 
it  may  be  anfwered,  that  as  the  materials  of  lava  appear  to  be 
conftantly  varying,  fome  glaiTes  may  be  found  lefs  difpofed  to 
cryftallize  than  others,  and  require  a  longer  continuance  in  a 
regulated  temperature.  2.  Tiiat  we  know  of  no  inilanccs  of 
folid  mafl'es  of  volcanic  glafs  of  great  thicknefs  j  foi;,  refpecting 
thofe  of  Lipari,  Spalianzani  esprefsly  dates  the  facility  \y\'d\ 
which  they  were  divitible  into  thin  flaby,  which  he  attributes  to 
a  fmall   quantity  of  earth  interpofed   between  each  ILib.     This 

datement 

%  See  Phil.  Tranf.  for  1776,  Vol,  LXVI.  p.  53c.  Ten  years  af- 
ter, M.  Pagot  de  Charmcs  publiilied  fome  obfervations  in  the  Journal 
de  Phyfiqiie,  Tom,  XXXIII.  Part  II.  p.  21  r.  on  the  cryiials  of  glafs; 
and  M.  D'Hcrminat  afterwards  added  fonie  iiluftrations.  Thefe  gentle- 
men, however,  do  not  appear  to  have  attribnted  the  fornnation  of  the 
cryftals  to  the  gradual  refrigeration  of  the  glal'"s. 

*    Giornale  Letterario  di  Napoli,   Vol.  XLI.   p.  59. 

-j-  Spalianzani  Viaggio  alie  due  Siciiie. 


rSo4-     Breiflac,  Voyage  Lilhologique  dafis  la  Campaniei  ^(,       j§; 

ftatement  leaves  no  doubt  that  thefe  maiTes  were  formed  by  the 
accumiilation  of  fucctffive  coats  of  very  fluid  lava,  which,  run- 
ning over  a  large  furface,  and  being  in  confequence  very  fpeed- 
lly  refrigerated,  retained  its  vitreous  texture*  We  may  remark 
as  an  additional  confirmation,  that  the  eruption  of  Vefuvius  in 
1779,  when  the  lava  was  chiefly  thrown  up  in  a  fountain  from 
the  crater,  and  was  in  cojiftquence  rapidly  cooled,  produced 
more  vitrifications  than  all  the  other  eruptions  of  Vefuvius  taken 
colle(3:iveiy. 

If  the  ilony  texture  of  lavas  be  confidered  as  accounted  for, 
and  it  be  admitted  that  they  have  all  fultained  the  igneous  fu- 
sion, and  been  in  a  vitreous  ftate,  ail  controverfy  concerning 
their  bafes  may  terminate.  Dr  Thomfon  has  obferved,  that  we 
can  only  judge  of  the  bafis  of  a  lava,  by  the  portions  of  unal- 
tered ftones  which  are  found  in  it.  *  Even  this  ic  obvioufly  an 
incorredl:  teil  j  for  a  lava  may  flow  over  and  envelope  ftones  of 
all  defcriptions.  The  bafes  of  lavas  have  been  deduced  from  the 
fubftances  contained  in  the  lava,  and  fuppofed  not  to  be  gene- 
rated \n  it.  Thus,  porphyry  or  granite  furniflied  the  feldfpars  j 
augites  were  found  occafionally  in  bafalt.j  but  unfortunately  no 
known  rock  contained  the  leucites  which  form  fo  abundant  an 
ingredient  in  the  lavas  of  Italy,  f  There  feems  no  way  of  over- 
com'ng  this  difficulty,  but  by  fuppoilng  either  that  the  volcano 
had  pierced  through  ail  the  ftrata  which  appear  on  the  furface  of 
the  globe,  and  had  difcovered  fome  unknown  rock  which  ferv- 
ed  as  its  pabulum  ;  or,  more  fn-nply,  by  holding  that  the  leucites 
were  generated  in  the  lava.     This  opinion   feems   infinitely  the 

C  4  moft 


*  Abozzo  d'una  fciagrafla  Volcanica,  nel  Giornale  Letterario  di  Na- 
foli,  Vol.  XLL 

-j-  \Ve  believe  this  ailcrtion  to  be  corre6^.  Many  miRakes  have  arifen 
from  confounding  the  ^eolythe  dure  cryllaliized  in  24dro£i,s  (the  anal- 
cime  trapezoidal)  with  the  leucite.  It  is  readily  diftinguifnahle  by  the 
great  fufibillty  of  the  aiialcime.  The  leucites  which  Faujas  St  Fond 
imagined  he  found  near  Glafgovv,  were  anak:itr.e8.  Gioeni  mpntions 
leucites  in  limeftone  cjefted  from  Vefuvius  ;  but  as  he  does  not  fecm 
aware  of  the  approximation  of  form  which  the  analcime  is  capable  of 
afluming,  ther^  is  reafon  to  doubt  to  which  fpecies  they  belonged.  Do- 
lomieu  in  the  Journal  de  Phijlque,  Tom.  11.  An  II.  fays  he  poffefles  a 
fpecinien  of  gold  ore  from  Mexico  accompanied  by  minute  leucites  ; 
and  that  Lelievre  had  found  leucites  in  a  granitic  fubftance,  near  Ga- 
verne,  in  the  Pyrenees.  He  probably  aflumed  them  to  be  lc;ucites  from 
their  external  form  only,  as  no  experiment  is  cited  in  confirmatioi). 
Even  admitting  the  c'lilknce  of  theff  detached  iiiilanccsj  the  general 
jppfition  U  not  invalidgted. 


40       Breifiac,  Voyage  Lithokgjqu£  dans  Ja  Campame,  ^c.     AprU 

moft  rational,  and  is  ftrengthened  by  numerous  arguments  de- 
rived from  the  conlideration  of  thoie  lavas  in  which  leucites 
exift. 

Leucites  are  often  foun<l  to  contain  a  minute  central  nucleus, 
which  not  unfrcquentiy  appears  to  be  a  fpeck  of  lava.  Glo- 
bules, of  a  fubilance  exactly  (imilar  to  the  enveloping  bafis,  are 
often  found  in  the  interior  of  leucites.  They  frequently  con- 
tain augites,  partly  projecSling  into  the  bafis,  partly  imbedded 
in  the  leucite ;  and  the  leucites  have  been  obferved  to  be 
elongated  in  the  direction  of  the  pores  of  the  lava.  *  Lavas 
«re  often  compofed  almoft  entirely  of  leucites  which  abfo- 
lutely  touch  one  another,  and  are  adjnfted  fo  as  fcarcely  to 
afford  any  interftices  for  the  bafis  which  conne£ls  them  ;  and  ex- 
tremely minute  leucites  form  not  unfrequentiy  a  kind  of  bafis 
for  large  cryftals  of  augite.  Admitting  the  leucites  to  be  gene- 
lated  in  the  lava,  there  can  be  no  reafon  for  denying  the  fame 
origin  to  augites  and  feldfpars,  and  to  other  fubftances  contained 
in  lava,  provided  they  are  more  diffieult  to  ftife  than  the  bafis  in 
•which  they  are  engaged.  After  obferving  the  various  iiifulated 
eiyflals  that  are  formed  in  glaffes  in  cooling,  the  probability  of 
fuch  an  origin  cannot  be  denied.  But  it  is  equally  clear,  that 
all  cryftallized  fubftances  which  are  more  fujihle  than  the  bafis, 
mult  be  of  pofterior  formation.  They  never  are  conftituents  of 
che  lava,  and  are  found  exifting  ifolated  in  its  cavities. 

Subftancts  generated  in  the  lava,  and  thofe  which  have  been 
afterwar^ls  introduced,  have  a  (Iriking  difiimilitude  in  the  man- 
ner of  their  connexion  with  it.  The  firit  are  commonly  clofely 
•enveloped,  the  bafis  of  the  lava  applying  itfelf  to  them  in  com- 
plete contaCi  ;  or  if  it  recedes,  as  it  fometimes  does,  from  leu- 
cites, it  beais  an  impreffion  of  their  fides,  which  fliows  that  it 
merely  retired  in  ccnfequence  of  contra6lion  ;  and  tlie  impref- 
(ion  is  fo  foarp,  as  to  prove  how  perfe6lly  it  had  accommodated 
itfelf  to  the  form  of  the  leucite.  When  any  of  this  clafs  of 
fubftances  appear  in  the  cavities  of  the  lava,  m'c  always  find  one 
end  of  the  cryftal  entering  the  folic!  mafs  •,  and  it  is  cvirient  that 
the  apparent  protrufion  of  the  other  part  is  merely  in  confe- 
quence  of  the  cavity  being  formed  by  feme  evolution  of  gas  after 
tlie  cryllal  was  formed  \  the  gas  forced  afide  the  fiuid  bafis,  and 
the  cryftal  remained  projefting.  The  fubftances  of  fubfequent 
formation  have  no  fuch  connexion  with  the  bafis  of  the  lava. 
The  line  of  their  feparation  is  perfedlly  define4  by  the  bounda- 
ries of  the  cavity  in  which  they  are  formed,  and   a  very  flight 

eiFott 

*  .§£0  Breifiac,  Vol,  11.  p.  lo. 


1804.     Breiflac,  Voyage  Lithologique  datis  la  Can^panie,   i^r.       4I 

effort  detaches  them  entirely.  Of  this  defcription  are  the  zeo- 
lytes,  calcareous  fpars,  &c.  which  are  frequently  found  in  the 
cavities  of  the  lavas  of  the  Somma,  and  not  unfrequently  in  thofe 
of  more  recent  origin,  particularly  in  the  lava  near  Portlci,  called 
••the  Granitello.  *  Breiflac  tells  us,  that  even  water  is  fometinies 
found  in  the  interior  cavities  of  lava,  and  endeavours  to  account 
for  its  being  there  by  a  rather  myflerious  application  of  the  doc- 
trine of  infinite  pttdure.  Admitting  the  preflure  in  the  inte- 
rior of  the  volcano  to  be  fo  great  as  to  confine  a  fjlobule  of  red- 
hot  water  in  lava,  that  preflure  is  removed  the  moment  the  lavs 
iffues  from  the  mountain,  and  the  water  mud  inflantly  forc<r 
its  way  out.  On  the  fame  principle,  zeolites  containinj^  water 
in  a  Rate  capable  of  being  cafiiy  difhpated  by  heat,  cannot  be  ge* 
nerated  in  lava  during  its  ignited  Itate  ;  and  to  account  for  their 
after  exiftence  in  it,  we  fee  no  better  mode  than  to  recur  to  the 
theory  of  infiltration  introduced  by  Dolomieu.  This  do£i;rine 
does  not  meet  indeed  with  M.  Breiflac's  approbation  ;  though 
we  confefs  ourfelves  fomewhat  at  a  iol's  to  perceive  the  force 
of  his  arguments,  after  confidcring  the  fa6ts  he  has  himfelf  pre- 
fented  us  with,  refpefting  the  daily  furmation  of  filicious  ftalac- 
tites,  from  hot  humid  vapours  percolating  through  the  cracks  of 
lavas  and  other  ftones,  and  even  penftiating  their  apparently 
folid  fubflance,  and  lining  their  cavities  with  filicious  pearls. 

A  fubje£t  of  much  curious  inquiry  remains,  refpefting  the  mi- 
lUeralo  ejefted  unaltered  by  Vefuvius.  The  greater  part  of  thefc 
confifts  of  varieties  of  carbonate  of  lime,  fpathofe,  ihifhofe,  gra- 
nular, compact,  and  fometimcs  containing  ihells.  The  do£trine 
of  preflure  has  been  applied  to  explain  this  phenomenon  alfo  ;  and 
we  are  farther  told  by  the  ingenious  Dr  Thomfon,  whofe  opinion 
Breiflac  feems  inclined  to  adopt,  that  thefe  fliiltofe  or  granular 
and  apparently  primitive  limeitones  are  nothing  but  the  common 
fplintery  limellone  of  the  Appenines  modified  by  heat  and  prcf- 
iure.  He  does  not  explain  how  the  fpecimens  containing  petri- 
factions efcaped  change  ;  and,  befides,  this  explanation  fails  as 
the  former  one  did  ;  for  if  the  internal  heat  was  fufficient  to 
change  the  texture  of  the  limeftone,  or  the  preflixre  great  enough 
to  confine  its  carbonic  acid,  flill,  at  the  moment  of  its  expulfion, 
it  muft  have  been  intenfely  hot,  relieved  from  prefliire,  and  ex- 
pofcd  in  open  air.     Why  was  it  not  reduced  to  quicklime  ? 

We  think  it  more  probable  that  thefe  limellones  have  never 
been  adled  on  by  fhe  volcano  at  all.     When  Vefuvius   made  it? 

fint 

*  Profcffor  Playfair,  in  his  liluftrations  of  the  •  Huctoiiian  theory, 
§  62,  affirms  that  zeolite  and  calcareous  fpar  are  never  found  in  lavas, 
and  applies  this  obfervation;  In  diftlngiiifhiug  lava  from  what  he  terrai 


42       Brelflac,   Voyage  Lkholcgiqus  dans  la  Campaniey  Id'c.      April 

firit  eruption,  it  is  probable  it  broke  through  a  roof  of  calcareous 
rock,  the  portions  of  which  afforded  thefe  fragments.  Thefe 
would  be  expelled  by  the  elaftic  force  of  the  efcaping  vapours  ; 
numbers  of  them  lighting  on  the  interior  edge  of  the  newly  form- 
ed cone,  would  again  fall  in,  and  probably  be  again  expelled  with- 
out remaining  a  moment,  as  often  happens  repeatedly  to  the  fame 
ilone  in  every  eruption.  From  the  degradation  of  the  cone  dur- 
ing intervals  af  quiefcence,  a  large  portion  of  thefe  ftones  would 
again  fall  in,  and  with  other  rubbifl:.  choke  the  crater,  as  always 
happens  in  the  intermiffions  of  volcanic  fury,  till  the  next  erup- 
tion drives  them  all  out.  Thus  the  fame  ftone  may  be  again  and 
again  ejeded  from  the  volcano,  without  ever  approaching  the 
heated  part.  It  may  be  oblerved,  that  excepting  fuch  ftones  as 
may  have  been  accidentally  lodged  in  the  crater,  Vefuvius  has 
never  ejefted  iimeftones  in  its  recent  eruptions.  The  limtftones 
and  the  other  prcmordial  fubilances  are  ail  found  buried  in  the 
rubbifli  of  the  Somma,  and  are  only  revealed  by  the  ravages  of 
torrents.  Gioeni  has  been  induced  to  attribute  them  all  to  one 
epocha,  which  perfe£lly  accords  with  the  explication  that  has 
been  attempted  above. 

As  to  the  other  fuppofed  primitive  ftones  which  Vefuvius  has 
ejected,  there  feems  lefs  reafon  to  difcufs  tliem.  If  they  be  pri- 
n^itive,  the  fame  explication  which  ferves  for  the  limeftone  may 
account  for  their  remaining  untouched.  Some  of  them  have  hi- 
therto been  deemed  peculiar  to  this  mountain,  and  they  are  aflb- 
ciated  with  the  limeftone  and  with  each  other  in  a  manner  which 
has  never  been  obferved  in  any  other  part  of  the  worid. 

We  have  entered  at  fuch  length  into  thefe  intevefting  fpccula- 
tions,  that  many  points  of  inferior  confcquence  remain  undifcufled  j 
and  we  relinquilh  their  farther  confideration  with  the  lefs  regret, 
becaufe  there  are  not  many  occafions  on  which  we  are  inclined  to 
difi'ent  from  the  opinions  of  Scipio  Brcillac.  For  the  many  cu- 
rious and  valuable  fa6i:s  which  he  details,  we  muft  refer  our  read- 
ers to  the  work  itfelf,  which  they  will  lind  illuftrated  by  a  general 
geological  map  of  the  Campania,  and  by  other  maps  of  particular 
diftricls. 

We  cannot  conclude  without  exprefung  our  v.-ifli  that  he  may 
be  enabled  to  complete  what  he  hns  projetled,  and  that  a  furvsy 
of  the  volcanic  diftricls  of  the  ftates  of  the  Church  may  be  added 
to  his  prcfent  work. 


Aft, 


\t^04'     Shiches  en  the  RefcureeSi^c.  of  France  and  Rujfia.         43 

Art.  III.  Sketches  on  the  intnnfic  S'rengthy  Mil'itary  and  Naval  Force 
of  Frar.ce  and  RttJJliJ  ;  lu'tlh  Remarks  on  their  pvefent  Connexion,  Politic 
cr.l  Influence,  and  fuinre  Proj-'d.s.  In  two  Parts.  l\irt  1.  London, 
1803.      pp.  216. 

T^His  is  altogether  a  very  finp;uhr  work.  The  language  is  that 
-*-  of  a  foreigner  pretty  well  acquainted  with  Engliih,  or  of  an 
Englifhraan  who,  by  long  refidence  abroad,  lias  both  !oil  the  free 
ufe  of  his  native  tongue,  and  mingled  it  with  foreign  idioms. 
From  internal  evidence  we  are  inclined  to  believe  the  author's  own 
aliertion,  tliat  he  is  a  Briton  :  for  his  fentiments,  though  with 
fome  confiderabie  exceptions,  are  generally  of  that  defcription 
which  we  ufuaiiy  compliment  wath  the  epithet  of  BritiJJj ;  an  ap- 
pellation  more  honourable,  if  poffible,  in  the  prefent  day,  than  at 
any  former  period  of  our  (lory.  The  typography  of  this  book  is 
certainly  foreign,  although  London  is  marked  on  the  title-page, 
without  either  printer's  or  publiHier's  name.  The  preface  is  dat- 
ed from  the  Hague,  and  the  poftfcript  from  Paris.  Not  even  in 
external  character  is  it  eafy  to  claffify  this  curious  performance. 
Its  ihape  is  ibniething  between  that  of  a  quarto  and  an  o£favo  ; 
and  its  leaves  are  of  a  confidency  between  that  of  paper  and  of 
pafteboard.  The  matter  and  iiyle  of  the  book  are  not  lefs  origi- 
nal j  and  v/e  think  they  are  of  fufhcient  intereft  to  warrant  a  pret- 
ty full  charafter  and  abflraft,  with  fpecimeno. 
'  Although  Vv-e  differ  widely  from  the  author  in  many  parliculars, 
and  highly  difapprove  of  the  ipirit  in  which  fome  of  his  ilatements 
are  conceived,  we  ihouid  nevertheleis  find  it  verydiilicultto  enter  into 
any  general  refutation  of  his  dodirines,  or  to  give  a  full  examination 
of  the  foundations  upon  v/hich  he  refls  them.  This  difhculty  arifes 
from  the  want  of  general  principles,  which  prevails  througli  all 
his  fpeculatlons,  and  from  the  very  quellionable  fliape  in  wiiich 
his  fadls  come  before  us.  He  appears  to  have  wandered  a  good 
deal  over  tiie  Continent,  and  to  have  obferved,  and  perhaps  in- 
quired, with  fome  acutenefs,  but,  we  are  convinced,  without  any 
great  diligence  or  minutenefs,  and,  we  are  perfedly  certain,  with- 
out the  guidance  of  thofe  enlarged  views  which  alone  can  enfure 
accuracy  of  detail,  or  render  it  at  all  ufeiul  in  fyifematic  reafonings. 
Not  that  he  can  be  accnfed  of  feeing  without  a  preconceived  theo- 
ry ;  on  the  contrary,  like  ail  tliofe  who  ailume  the  title  of  pliii?i 
matter  of  facl  metiy  he  is  perpetually  under  the  influence  of  fome 
vague  hypothecs,  rafhly  adopted  from  a  limited  range  of  obferva^- 
tion,  and  confidently  relied  upon  as  a  fafc  guide,  from  ignorance 
of  the  maxim,  that,  in  political  fcience,  infulated  facts  can  never 
lead  to  any  foiid  or  general  conclufions.  He  has  thus  acquired 
the  habit  of  for;Viing  the  moil  haily  opinions  on  things  neceflarily 

involved 


44  Slefches  Oft  the  Rejources,  Itijluenetj  April 

invoh^ed  in  all  manner  of  difficulty  and  doubt;  of  ilating,  as  mat- 
ter of  fact,  things  which  no  man  can  fee  or  know  without  a  long 
and  delicate  procefs  of  reafoning  ;  and  of  drawing  pofitive   infer- 
ences from  fuch   ilatements,  as  if,  in   the   firit  place,  they  were 
capable  of  being  verified,  and  as   if,  in   the  next,  they  formed, 
jhowcver  true,  the  whole  materials  of  the  calculation.     This   in- 
trepid reafoner  fees  no  difficulties  in  queflions  the  mod   complex, 
and  treads   the   delicate  ground  of  political  arithmetic    as   confi- 
dently as  he  could  plod  in  the  fure  tracks  of  abftraft  mathematics. 
Ke  regulates  the  internal  arrangem.ents   of  Hates  by  the  compafs 
Jind  fquare,  as  if  thofe  ftruftures  were  built  of  inanimate   mate- 
rials ;  and  applies  his  raflr  and  partial  calculations  to  the  adion  of 
the  great  political  machine,  as  if  it  moved  without  either  fridiion 
or  refiilance.      He  frequently  difplays   livelincfs  of  fancy,    and 
fometimes  acutenefs  and  powers  of  difcrimination  ;  but  we   look 
in  vain  for  enlargement  and  expanfion  of  intelle£l,  or  even   for 
fuch  a  reach  of  thought  as  would  be  required  to  manage   a   long 
chain  of  obvious  reafoning.     If  he  obferve  on  a   fmall  fcale,  he 
reafons  on   one  yet  more  confined,  feeing  only  a  part  of  what  he 
looks  at,  and  comparing  only  parts  of  what  he  fees. 

To  the  limited  endowments  of  our  author,  however,  the  bold- 
refs  of  his  affertions,  and   the   contemptuous   arrogance   of  his 
ftyle,  form  a  contrail;  fufficiently  ftriking.     In  thefe  common  fail- 
ings of  political  theoriits,  he,  indeed,  very  far  exceeds  the  ordi- 
nary meafure.     Without  giving  the  fanciion   of  a  name   to   his 
ttatements,  and  without   referring  to  any  authority,  he   challen- 
ges  our   affent  to  a  mafs  of  fa£ls,  many  of  them  perfedlly  new 
and   aimoft  all   bordering   upon   improbability;     Many  of  thofc 
fiatements   may   be   true,   or  they  may  not.     "We  are  told   that 
iome  are  the  refult   of  perfonal  obfervation,  and   others   of  in- 
quiries among  intelligent  freinds.     We   are   not  told   v,'hich  of* 
them  reft  upon   the  writer's  authority  and   that  of  his   friends, 
and   what    proportion   is  derived    from   fources  open  to  public 
inveftigation  ;  nor  ate  we  informed  who  this  author  and  his  cor- 
refpondents  are,  that  we  fnould  give  credit  to   their  averments. 
The  confequence  of  fo   great  a  defect  inevitably  is,  that  we  can 
only  confide  in  fuch  of  the  fa^s  narrated,  as  are  confident  with, 
nay  fupported  by  other  authorities;  and  even,  after  making  this 
dedu£tion,  there  ftill  remains  field  for  fcepticifm,  fince  many  of 
the  ftatements  given  under  the  name   of  fadts,  belong  to  a  clafs 
which  no  man  can  poffibly  know  with  certainty,  and  could  only 
exhibit  the  ignorance  or  prefumption   of  him   who  might   bring 
them,  forward,  if  he  fhould  avow  his  name.     We   have  already 
mentioned  one  chara6lerifi:ic   of  our  author's  manner — the  high 
ti^ne  in  which  he  delivers  his  information,  and  dictates  bis  opi- 

jiicsis. 


J  804.  ^nd  ProjeSis  of  France  a7jd  Riij^ni^  ^5? 

nions.  Far  from  recommending  to  fpi'cularive  writers  an  ex- 
cc-fuve  modeily  or  punclilious  caution,  we  think  the  formxT  i<> 
generally  the  outfide  of  emptinel's  and  impotence,  whi!c  the 
latter  is  too  often  allied,  in  reafoning  as  well  as  in  condu£l,  to 
that  baftard  kind  of  prudence,  the  offspring  of  cunning,  and 
the  cloke  of  timidity.  But  on  points  neceffarily  involved  in  ob- 
fctirity,  an  inquirer  lliould  fpeak  with  a  correfponding  degree 
of  heiitation.  On  matters  which  no  man  can  fee  clearly,  it  is 
unbecoming  to  dogmatize,  as  if  no  one  lliould  dare  to  doubt. 
It  is  (till  more  abfurd  to  defpife  the  world  for  the  hentation  with 
which  your  dogmas  may  be  received,  when  you  proclaim  tliat 
you  alone  have  been  able  to  apprehend  their  truth.  Nor  fljould 
It  ever  be  forgotten,  that  an  aiTe<n:ation  of  fuperior  intelligence 
upon  fubjects  in  their  own  nature  extremely  dark,  is  mere  quack- 
ery, if  the  m.aterials  of  the  calculation  are  concealed  •,  and  thag 
an  obfcure  individual,  who  rails  abufively  at  *  kingdoms,  prin- 
cipalities, and  powers, '  fadly  miftakes  petulance  for  dignity  and 
force. 

Of  thei"?  very  obvious  confiderations,  the  author  of  the  work 
before .  us,  feems  to  be  little  aware.  We  have  feldom  been 
fchooled  by  a  more  dictatorial  or  prefumptuous  mafler ;  and 
when  he  changes  the  didactic  {lyle  for  invcftive,  his  lan- 
guage is  generally  that  of  coarfe  and  vulgar  abufe.  He  is  fond 
of  calling  names,  when  he  wifhes  to  be  ftrong  ;  and  the  appel- 
lations which  he  fele£ls,  are  frequently  cant  phrafes,  or  fcurrilous 
epithets.  From  railing  at  '  worthy  John  Bull's  magnanimity, ' 
and  other  heavy  ingredients  ;  or,  fcouting  the  ignorance  of 
*  our  dotard  countrymen, '  he  fometimes  defcends  to  individual 
abufe;  coile£ls  farcafms  againft  the  conduct  of  the  Britilh  re- 
prefentatives  in  foreign  courts,  or  reviles  the  '  peiliferous  infti- 
rutions'  of  fuch  *  errant  quacks  as  Baron  Voght  and  Count 
Rumford. '  In  the  part  of  thefe  iketches,  already  publiihed,  the 
fubjeft  admits  lefs  of  this  perfonal  kind  of  inveftive  -,  but  it  v/e 
may  judge  of  the  fecond  part  by  the  table  of  contents  annexed 
to  the  firfi,  it  muff  confift  almoft  entirely  of  that  fcandal,  half 
political  and  half  perfonal,  which  travellers  may  fo  eafily  pick 
up  abroad,  concerning  the  ambafiadors  of  their  own  country, 
and  to  which  thofe,  who  the  belt  difcharge  their  duty,  and  pre- 
ferve  the  dignity  of  tlieit  ftation,  are  commonly  moft  expofed. 
It  is  fingular,  that  one  fo  well  verfed  in  what  is  called  fecret 
hiftory,  as  our  author  appears  to  be,  fhould  not  have  rcfletled 
on  the  abfurdity  of  anonymous  publications  in  this  ilippery  and 
dangerous  branch  of  literature.  When  he  comes  forward  "with 
his  fecond  part,  we  truft  he  will  rocolleft  that  the  individuals 
egainfl  wliom  it  is  IcTelled^  h^ye  a  "gljt   to   demand  his   name 

and 


.\S  Sketches  on  the  RefourceT^  Injliicnct^  April 

and  Ins  authorities ;  and  we  think  this  claim  fafficlently  author- 
ifed  by  a  confiderable  portion  of  the  prefent  volume. 

Our  author  has  thrown  toj^ether  his  thoughts  in  a  more  care- 
lefs  manner,  and  delivered  them  with  much  lefs  regard  to  me- 
thod than  ever\  the  title  of  '  llcetches  '  might  have  led  us  to  ex- 
pe<£l.  For  this  defe<fl:  he  in  p.irt  apologifes,  by  faying,  that  his 
remarks  vt^ere  printed  at  different  times  vvhilit  he  was  travelling 
on  the  continent.  There  are,  however,  in  the  whole  dellgn  oi 
his  work,  clumfy  and  inconvenient  irregularities  which  no  de- 
gree of  hafle  in  the  execution  can  excufe.  He  appears  to  have 
allowed  himfeif  as  little  time  for  thinking  and  digellinp;,  as  for 
comparing  and  correfling.  He  brings  out  his  ideas  piecemeal, 
and  then  quits  the  topic,  until  fome  cafuai  affociation  recals 
it ;  when  he  repeats  and  enlarges,  and  frequently  modifies  what 
he  had  formerly  begun  to  explain.  The  notes  which  accompa- 
ny every  page,  afford  a  clear  proof  that  hs  is  deficient  in  that 
luminous  arrangement  of  ideas  which  is  equally  neceiliiry  to  the 
formation  of  accurate  or  enlarged  views,  and  to  the  communi- 
cation of  knowledge  in  an  intelligible  manner.  Thofe  notes  ar  = 
nearly  equal  in  bulk  to  tlie  text  ;  and  they  cont^iin  no  digrefiions 
or  additional  illuftrations,  but  effential  parts  of  the  author's  opi- 
nions and  arguments,  which  he  ought  to  have  incorporated  witit 
the  reft,  as  they  are,  indeed,  frequently  of  much  more  import- 
ance to  the  fubjeft  than  the  text  itfelf.  Upon  the  whole,  it  is 
cur  opinion,  that  this  writer  poffefles  confiderable  acutencfs  and 
great  a£livity  of  mind  ;  that  he  has  profited  lefs  by  his  appar- 
rent  opportunities  of  information,  than  a  man  of  cooler 
judgement  and  greater  ftores  of  previous  knowledge  might 
have  done  •,  but  that  he  has  proved  himfeif  capable  of  af- 
fording valuable  hints  upon  parts  of  the  great  quellions  which 
he  difcuffes; — provid-ed  he  can  bring  himfeif  to  reafun  more  deli- 
berately ;  to  refill  the  glare  of  a  paradox;  to  think  more  modeft- 
ly  of  his  owit  powers  and  acquirements;  and  to  carry  with  great- 
er hefitation  into  the  affairs  of  ttates,  that  -arithmetic,  which  he 
may  perhaps  have  found  eafy  and  infallible  in  the  bufinefs  of 
his  comptoir.  His  capacity  of  fyllematic  inquiry,  or  long,  con- 
nejfxed,  comprehenfive  reafoning,  we  are  dlfpofed  entirely  to 
doubt ;  and  as  a  patient,  difcviminating  obferver  of  events,  he 
ranks  Hill  lower  in  our  eftimation. 

We  proceed  to  bring  before  our  readers,  a  view  of  the  very 
interefting  topics  which  thefe  '  fketches'  are  intended  to  difcufs. 
After  the  general  remark  which  we  have  made  upon  the  doubt- 
ful authority  of  the  matter  of  fact  contained  in  them,  it  will 
net  be  necellary  particularly  to  indicate  all  thofe  ftatements 
which,  from  their  mere  want  of  fupport,  appear  to  defervc  no 

confideration. 


jgQ4.  and  ProjcBs  cf  Prance  and  R'jjfic  47 

confideration.  We  fliall  from  time  to  time  fuggefl  fuch  obfer- 
vations  as  may  fnew  how  inaccurately  a  great  proportion  of  the 
facls  have  been  colleileil ;  and  it  furniilies  no  weak  argument 
againll  the  whole  mafs,  unautheaticated  as  it  is,  if  we  find  a 
confulerable  part  at  variance  with  accurate  information,  or  re- 
puf^nant  to  the  unquellionable  principles  of  reafoning. 

The  Introdu£tion  confilb  of  a  few  general  remarks   upon  the 
progrefs  of  nations,  from  weaknefs  to  maturity,  and  on  the  means 
of  arrefling  their  retrograde  motion.     In  the  early  ages  of  fociccy, 
men  are  eaiily   roufed  to  m.artlal  purfuits,  and,  as  aggrcirion   is 
generally  attended  with  fuccefs,   their  conquefts  are  rapid  ?^A<^ 
extenfive.     Arrived  at  a  certain  pitch  of  greatnefs,  when  offenfivc 
meafures  ;»re  no  longer  neceffary  to  fecure  independence,  they  arc 
apt  to  be   fatisiied  with   the  power  already  acquired,  and   their 
rulers  are  flattered  with  the  ideas  of  enjoying  in  peace  and  fafety 
the  prefent  extent  of  dominion.    This  period,  ufuaily  denominated 
the  maturity  of  tlie  (late,  our  author  regards  as  the  moll  critical 
ftage  of  its  exiftence.     To  the  activity  and  energy  by  which  the 
height  was  gained,  a  dangerous  indolence  aud  effeminacy  fucceedsj 
and,  after  a  mom.entary  paufe,  a  rapid  and   univerfal   depravation 
begins  to  fpread.     Who,  he  demands,  fliall  check   this   evil,  and 
fave  the  nation  ?     The  rulers  partake  in,  and  profit  by  the  genei-al 
corruption  of  the  people ;  and  the  effort,  v/hich  is  too  great  for 
their  virtues  or  their  talents,  is,  in  others,  deemed  patriotifm,  only 
if  fuccefsful ;  and  if  it  fails,  is  denominated  rebellion.     But,  in 
monarchies  rightly  .condituted,  there  is  an  exception  to  the  rule. 
Hereditary  fovereigns  are  hereditary  patriots ;  their  only  good  lies 
in  the   profperity  of  their  people.     When  all  ranks  are   funk  in 
apathy  and  vice,  a  patriot  king  retains   the  pov/er  of  faving  and 
reitoring  the  nation.     He  has  only  to  ufe  his  authority  according 
to  the  dictates  of  his  real  interclls  ;  for, 

■ — *  fuch  a  government  will  always  have  the  vvil!,  the  phyfical  and  moral 
powers  of  the  ratio;)  at  its  unconditional  difpofal.  With  thefe — tn  con- 
foHdate  the  rank  and  profperity  of  a  once  independent  ilate,  it  is  only 
ijeccifary  to  make  the  wealth  of  the  nation  the  fpring  of  national  in- 
duitry,  and  combine  enjoyment  with  morality,  fo  as  to  oiake  QQlhjTimu'us 
to  public  fpirit  and  national  improvemeiit.  '     p.  6. 

If,  by  this  introduftory  dlffertation,  our  author  means  to  illuf- 
trate  the  aiTertion,  that  a  nation  cannot  remain  Kationary,  but 
muft  be  either  on  the  advance  or  decline,  v/e  are  little  difpofcd 
to  difpute  with  him,  except  as  to  the  method  which  he  has  taken 
to  prove  it.  For  it  does  not  appear  how  external  caufes  mufi: 
neceffarily  operate  the  dov^-nfal  of  a  community  as  loon  as  it  ha's 
reached  a  certain  pitch  of  grandeur ;  and,  Uill  lefs,  bow  a  ilate 
of  repofe  from  aggreffive  warfare  fhould  neceffarily  be  fatal  to  tlic 

jnternr.l 


4^  Bketches  on  the  RefoiirceSf  LrfluenUi  Aprif 

internal  profperlty  and  the  Independence  of  the  people.  On  the 
other  hand,  we  are  at  a  lofs  to  imagine  how  even  an  hereditary 
■2nd  patriot  kin^  could  regenerate  a  people  fo  deplorably  funk  in 
ciTeminacy  and  vice  as  he  fuppofes ;  or  from  what  foreign  region 
fach  a  fovereign  Is,  In  this  pollure  of  affairs,  to  fumnion  all  the 
*  refpe6l,  experience,  vigorous  integrity,  and  known  talents,'  with 
■«which  he  Is  *  by  a  fingle  nod  of  command  '  to  *  fill  the  public 
fjmfllons  of  the  ftate.  ' 

The  '  Sketch  '  commences  with  fome  declamation  agalnft  that 
mutual  jeaioufy  which  has  fo  long  divided  nations,  and  more 
efpecially  the  cabinets  of  their  rulers  ;  which  has  converted  politics 
into  the  art  of  tricking,  has  perpetuated  wars,  and  drained  coun- 
tries of  their  uleful  hands,  while  it  loaded  them  with  opprefTive 
taxes.  Indudry,  he  maintains,  has  thus  been  burthened  in  the 
lower  ciders,  and  enjoyment  abridged  in  the  higher.  UniverfaJ. 
difcontent  with  the  ruling  powers  has  arifen  from  the  ground* 
which  they  have  afforded  to  popular  murmurs ;  and  not  from  the 
writings  of  fpeculatlve  malcontents,  who,  but  for  the  errors  of 
practical  llatefmen,  would  have  had  no  materials  upon  which  to- 
work.  Our  author  next  lays  It  down  as  Indifputable,  that  the 
madery  of  the  European  continent  is  now  divided  between  RufPia 
and  France ;  the  former  ruling  either  dire£lly  or  indirectly  the 
north  and  the  eaft ;  the  latter  pofTefhng  the  fame  Influence  or  fway 
over  the  well  and  the  fouth.  If  thefe  great  powers  unite,  nothing 
in  our  hemifphere  can  withlland  them.  Auftria  and  Prufha,  while 
independent  of  each  other,  may  be  allowed  to  remain  nominally 
independent  of  Ruilia  and  France  •,  but  the  moment  of  their 
union,  if  we  rightly  comprehend  the  author,  will  be  the  fignal 
of  their  delhudtion.  The  plan  of  thcfe  fketches  is,  therefore,  to 
confider  the  prefent  refources  and  views,  firll  of  France,  and 
then  of  Rufna  •,  and  to  point  out  their  relations  tov/ards  Great 
Britain. 

I.  To  hear  of  the  imrnenfe  natural  refources  of  France,  is 
linlxappily  far  from  being  a  novelty.  Our  author's  calculations, 
hov/ever,  both  of  their  prefent  extent  and  their  probable  Improve- 
ment, are  conftrufted  on  a  fweeping  fpecies  of  arithmetic,  to 
which  v/e  are  not  altogether  accuftomed.  Previous  to  the  Revo- 
lution, it  feems,  only  two  fifths  of  the  land  fufceptlble  of  culture 
were  in  cultivation ;  and  the  fyflem  of  management  to  which  that 
portion  v/as  fubieCled,  only  produced  a  third  of  what  ordinary 
good  hufbandry  might  have  obtained.  Even  under  this  manage- 
ment, however,  we  are  told  that  the  government  drew  eight 
jnilJions  Sterling  from  the  produce  of  agriculture,  and  the  church 
2S  much.  The  whole  burdens  upon  the  produce  of  agriculture, 
iifficunted  to  tv/enty-one  millions,  and  this  may  be  increjifed  at  leail 

a 


1804'.  <?«^  Pvojjcls  of  France'nnd  Riifftai',  45>. 

a  million ;  to  which  eight  may  be  added  for  duty  on  the  corfump- 
tion  of  thofe  detached  from  the   foil,  but  living  by  its  produce  ;  , 
and  a  territorial  revenue  of  30  millions  will  thus  be  eafily  raifed, 
after  abating  two  fevenths  of  the  burdens  impofed  by  tlie   old 
government.  .  .         . 

Upon  all  this  we  have  two  remarks  to  offer. — -In  tlie  firji  place, . 
how  did  the  -author  diuover  that  jull  two  fifths,  and  no  more,  . 
of  the  arable  land  in  France  was  in  cultivation,  and  that  this  . 
portion  was  managed  exactly  fo  as  to  produce  one  third  of  what . 
ordinary  hufbandry  might  have  drawn  from  the  ground  ?  In 
other  words,  how  did  he  find  out  that  precifely  two  fifteenths 
were  raifed  of  the  produce  which  m.ight  and  fhould  have  been 
raifed  5  and  that,  of  tourfe,  a  territorial  revenue  of  above  157 
millions  Sterling  might  have  been  collefted,  had  the  foil  been 
only  tolerably  well  managed  ?  But,  fecondiyy  we  perceive  he  has 
committed  an  obvious  millake  in  eftimating  the  rife  which  may  be. 
expe£led  in  the  territorial  revenue.  When  he .  at  firft  talks  of 
excife  on  the  confumption  of  thofe  whole  manufaftureyand  trade 
are  iupport^d  by  agricultural  produce,  we  do  not  clearly  fee  his 
meaning ;  but  as  he  fpecifies  this  branch  of  revenue  under  the 
name  of  a  territorial  import,  and  as  he  afterwards,  in  confirming 
his  ellimate  by  a  detail  of  the  old  revenue,  enumerates  the  barrier 
duties  under  the  name  of  excife  and  confumption  duties,  we  per- 
ceive that  the  eight  millions  which  are  to  arife  from  the  con- 
fumption of  thofe  who  manufa^lure  agricultural  produce  are  to 
come  from  a  dire£l  impofi:  upon  the  tranfit  of  that  produce.  A 
great  allowance  fhould  therefore  have  been  made  in  eftimating  the 
rife  of  tliis  tranfit  duty ;  becaufe.  the  government  is  fuppofed  to 
come  into  the  place  of  the  church  and  crown  with  refpedl  to  an- 
nexed lands;  and  this  duty  is  one  M'hich  muft  fall  immediately  upon 
rent.  It  will  not  diminifli  either  the  viiigtlemes  or  tithes  ;  but  it 
mull  be  deducted  from  the  profits  of  domains  which  accrue  to  ths 
itate,  not  as  tribute,  but  as  rent. 

If  we  were  required  to  point  out  a  fpecimen  of  our  author's 
deficiency  in  general  views,  proportioned  to  this  ralhnefs  in  cal- 
culation, we  fhould  refer  to  his  unqualified  and  dogmatical  afier- 
tion,  that  the  firil  ftep  neceiTary  for  the  agricultural  improvemient 
of  the  republic,  is  entirely,  and  at  all  times,  to  prohibit  the  ex- 
portation of  corn.  This  amounts,  in  the  prefent  d^iy,  wc  conceive, 
to  a  downright  contradiction  in  terms.  We  might  alfo  mention 
his  idea  of  a  juft  land-tax, —  which,  he  fays,  ought  not  to  be 
proportioned  to  the  rental,  for  that  is  fallacious — or  to  the  pro- 
ducer, for  that  would  be  unjufl-— but  fixed  by  a  cadajlrz  made  upon 
ii£tual  furvcy  of  the  quality  of  each  acre.  Such  a  method  of 
raifing  a  tax,  we  imagine,  would  not  only  be  in  the  higheft  degree 

VOL.  IV.  NO.  7.  D  expenfive. 


■^'•^  ^Utches  on  fie  Refources^  Influence^  April 

expenfive,  but  it  would  either  be  unjuft  or  arbitrary.  It  would 
be  unjuft,  if  the  aflcfTmeut  were  made  according  to  the  quality  of 
the  foil,  by  an  abfolute  and  univerfal  flandard,  becaufe  a  man 
would  then  pay  for  the  indolence,  or  ignorance,  or  poverty  of  hi* 
predecclTijrs.  It  would  be  extremely  arbitrary,. if  it  were  laid  on. 
by  a  fluctuating  rule,  becaufe  this  muft  vary  with  the  pleafure  of 
the  alTeiTors,  who  muft  of  courfe  repeat,  every  year,  their  furvey 
and  valuation.  We  fliall,  however,  proceed  to  the  other  lights  in 
which  the  refources  of  France  are  viewed. 

From  the  confequences   of  the   revolution,  our  author  prog- 
iiofticates  a  great  improvement  and    extenfion  of  manufatlur-ing 
jnduftry.     The  ancient  prejudices  againft  this  branch  of  employ- 
ment are  done  away  ;  the  deftrutlion  of  paper  has  fecured  ihc 
level  of  prices  ;  and  the   preponderance  of  French   influence  in 
other  countries,  may  fccure   to   the  produce  of  the  national  in- 
(duftry   a   preference   in   foreign   markets.      All  the  advantages 
which  France  now  enjoys  over  the  reft  of  the  continental  ftates, 
give  her  goods  a  natural  preference  in  thofe  markets  \  and  the 
riik  of  competition  from  Great  Britain  is  prevented  by  the  high 
price  of  labour  in  that  country.     The  Biitilh  workmen,  indeed, 
he  aRows  are   more  fkilful  •,  but  he  adds,  the   French  may  be 
taught,  and  the  cheapnefs  of  provifions  will  compel  the  Englifh 
workmen  to  emigrate.    Thus,  then,  does  this  author  clearly  fore- 
fee,  that  the  fuperior  excellence  of  Britifh    manufaftured  pro- 
duce will  be  of  no  avail  in  retaining  a  command  of  the  Euro- 
pean market,  becaufe   foreigners    may  become   as  (kilful ;    and 
that  the  high  price   of  provifions  will  induce  emigration  among 
thofe  claftes,  who  are  ruining  us  by  the  price  at  which  they  felt 
their  labour.     To  the  former  prediction,  it  is  an  obvious  anfwer, 
that  by  the  fame  kind  of  reafoning  every  fuperiority  may  be  ar- 
gued away.     Capital  may  be  acquired  by  other  nations,  which 
will  lower   their  profits ;    their   population  may   increafe,    and 
their  labour  diminifli  in  price  ;  their  foil  may  be  explored,  and 
its  produce  varied.     How  impoflible  would  it  be,  then,  for  any 
Hate  to  reckon  upon  maintaining  its  comparative  advantages  irh 
manufaflurcs  or  trade  .''     The  comfort  is,  that  by  the  fame  pro- 
phetic powers,  we  may  forefee  fome  chance  of  changes  beneficial 
to  Great  Britain.     The  eyes  of  continental  ftates  may  be  opened, 
and  their  courage  roufed  againft  France  •,  the  French  thcmfeives 
may  difcover  that  peace  is  neceflary  to  the  improvement  of  their 
commerce  •,    and   the   powers  of  Europe  may  learn,   that  their 
fafety  depends  on  a  recurrence  to  ancient  principles  of  interna- 
tional policy,  and  a  confidence  in   that  nation,  whofe  magnani- 
mity has  never  forfaken,  and  whofe  good  faith  has  never  be- 
trayed them. 

The 


t8o4i  cftd  Pro] eHs  of  France  and  RuJJid,  '^ 

The  predidlon,  of  Englini  artlds  emigrating  to  France  for 
the  fake  of  cheap  livlns;,  is,  if  poflible,  flill  more  ridiculous. 
Do  labourers  ever  attend  half  fo  much  to  the  price  of  provihonSj 
as  to  the  price  of  labour;  aud  would  not  any  fuch  emigration 
produce  at  once  four  confequences  fufficient  to  check  its  progrefs 
— a  rife  of  provifions — and  a  diminution  of  wages  in  France — a 
rife  of  wages  in  England — and  a  diminution  in  the  price  of  pro- 
viiions  ?  For  the  reft,  we  recommend  to  the  author's  attention 
a  view  of  fome  fads,  which  demonllrate,  what  indeed  fcarcely 
required  any  proof,  the  unwiliingnefs  of  artilts  to  quit  their 
own  country,  however  oppirelFed  by  high  prices,  or  even  by  hea- 
vy direct  imports,  and  fcanty  wages.  It  is  not  from  Holland, 
but  to  Holland,  that  we  have  feen  emigrations  both  of  capitalifts 
and  artizans  take  place  \  yet  in  no  country  are  profits  fo  low,  or 
ra\e6  fo  high  \  in  no  (late  does  the  govenmient  fliare  io  largely 
the  incon^e  of  the  people,  or  diminilh  the  real  enjoyments  of 
the  trader  and  the  workman  io  grievoufly,  in  proportion  to  their 
grofs  profits  and  wages.  *  After  all  that  has  been  faid  '  (Dr 
Smith  obferves  *)  '  of  the  levity  and  Inconftancy  of  human  na- 
ture, it  appears  evidently  from  experience,  that  a  man  is,  of  all 
forts  of  luggage,  the  moft  difficult  to  be  tranfported.  ' 

In  ellimating  the  probable  increafe  of  manutatturing  induftry 
iu  France,  our  author  a!lov/s  a  great  deal  too  much  for  the  influ- 
ence of  political  fuperiority  in  forcing  a  market.  He  commits 
the  fame  error,  when  he  proceeds  to  confider  the  future  agmen- 
tation  of  the  French  trade  and  fifheries.  But,  admitting  that 
the  power  of  the  republic  fhall  remain  in  its  prefent  ilatc,  and 
that  her  commercial  and  maritime  refources  are  to  be  extended 
entirely  by  peaceable  means,  he  contends  that  the  circumftances 
of  her  utuation  are  fufficient  to  operate  a  very  rapid  develppe- 
ment  of  thofe  refources. 

The  abolition  of  ilri£l  Roman  Catholic  difcipline  will  increafe 
the  confumption  of  fifli,  by  rendering  it  an  article  of  luxury  ov 
cheapnefs,  not  a  mark  of  penance.  Inftead  of  2,500,000  quin- 
tals, formerly  confumed  in  France,  Spain,  and  Italy,  there  will 
now  be  a  demand  for  three  millions  ;  and  the  fupply  of  this 
(which  he  feems  to  aifume  France  will  poflefs  exclufively)  muft 
maintain  jufl:  20,000  able  feamen,  belides  young  men  and  boys. 
In  like  manner,  he  allows  5000  able  feamen  for  the  150  veflels 
which  the  Greenland  trade  will  fpeedily  employ,  and  fo  on  for 
the  other  fiilieries  in  proportion  ;  eftimating  that  45,000  able 
leamen  will  be  required  in  all  for  the  filheries  alone,  befide 
%-oung  men  and  boys,  whom   he  calculates  at  an  equal  number. 

D  2  Now, 


Wealth  of  .Nations,  B.  I.  c.  viti. 


52,  BhtchescftkeRpfourceSy'ItiJlttencef  .April 

Now,  admiaino;  that   France  (hall  fuddenly  become  much  more 
expert  th:^n  England  and  Holland  in  fi{heries,  and  in  the  carriage 
of  fifh,  and  iha}l  thus  engrofs  the  Mediterranean  market,  as  well 
as  fupply  her  own   home   confumption,  we   think  our   author's 
calculations  are  here,  as  ufual,  made  very  much  at  random,  and 
we  know  that  in  many  points  they  are  inaccurate,     it  would  fol- 
low, for  example,  from  his  eflimate  of  the  whale  fiihcry,  that 
the   veflels  engaged   in    it   required   above    fixty-fix   men   each  •, 
"whereas,  the  average  of  the  crews  in   the  Britiih  whalers,  from 
1798  to  1800,  both  inclufjve,  was  only  tliirty-four  •,  and   if  the 
French   veflels  are   manned  nearly  at  twice  the  expence,  how  is 
the  blubber  trade  to  be  carried  on  in  the  face  of  Britiih  competi- 
tion ?  —  not  to  mention   that   he  has  alFumed   the   creation   of  a 
French  whale  fiihery  in   two  years,  nearly  twice  as  extenfive  as 
the  Britiih- whale  fiihery  is   at  this   mo^nent.     Our  author  ap- 
plies the  fame   fpecies  of  arithmetic  to   the  colony   and  coafl- 
ing   trade  of  France  :    He  fuppofes,  that   the  former  will  em- 
ploy i:;o,ooo  feamen  of  all   kinds-     We  know  that   the   Britifli 
colonies  do  not  at  prefent  occupy  above  one  iourth    part  of  this 
number  ;  and  that  the  French  colonies,  in  their  molt  fiourifliing 
Hate,  never  employed  above   33,000,  although   the  veflels  were 
manned  on  fo  expenfive  a  fcale,  as  to  render  the  price  of  freight 
a  great  deal  higher  than  it  ought  to  have  been.     Altogether,  he 
concludes  that  the  French  fiiheries  and  trade  v;ill  employ  1  20,000 
able  feamen,  and   about  the  fame  number  of  young  men  and 
boys.     We  have  been  thus  minute  in  our  remarks  upon  the  firfl 
calculations  in  which  the  author  indulges,  that,  after  affording  a 
fpecimen  of  his   ralhnefs  in  treating  one  very  important  branch 
of  the  fubje<£l:,  we  may  be  at  liberty  to   follow  him  more  gene- 
rally in  the  remaining  parts  of  his  fpeculations. 

One  very  prevailing  opinion,  which  occurs  in  various  form.s 
through  thefe  Iketches,  is  the  extreme  danger  to  which  England 
is  expofed  by  St  Oomirgo  remaining  in  the  poileihon  of  France. 
We  extra(ft  the  following  obfervations  upon  this  l'ubje£l  as  new, 
and  affording  a  fair  average  fpecimen  of  his  ftyle  : 

<  Of  the  numerous  faults  and  blunders  committed  by  the  feveral  par- 
ties concerned  in  the  late  revolutionary  war,  next  to  Great  Britain,  the 
government  of  America  has  made  the  moil  irretrievable.  To  enter  in- 
to war,  for  the  mere  purpoie  of  ailing  upon  the  defcnlivc,  is  the  moft 
ridiculous  of  all  political  abfurdilics.  Such  parties  generally  receive 
more  blows  than  they  give  ;  and  in  'the  end,  they  are  fpurned  at  by 
their  friends,  and  dcfpifed  by  their  enemies. 

'  As  the  United  States  are  fituate,  poflelling  an  immenfe  length  of 
coafl,  a  great  number  of  mercantile  ports,  and  the  feveral  provinces 
producing  but  little  variation  in  their  exportable  commodities  j  to  enable 

their 


l804«  ajid  Projects  of  France  and  Rujpa.  5.3 

their  rapidly  iiioreafing'  population  to  maintain' a  proHtable  intercoiirfc 
with  the  reft  ot  the  world,  a  certain  portioi)  of  the  fugar  trade  is  \n~ 
difpcnrably  tieceiTiry.  A  {"mail  fcttlenient  or  two  would  be  of  little 
importance  to  America  ;  inor  can  it  be  expected  tiiat  this  grovernment 
will  be  fatibtied  with  iuch.  B'lt  how  are  they  now  to  acquire  any  great 
poff-iflion  ? 

,*.Diirit)iy  her  warfare  with  France,  or  at  any:  time  prior  to  the  de- 
.ftrudlion  of  Touff'ii'inty  America' might  have  ealily  fecwred  Si;  Domingo:; 
la  fiogle  pireclamation*  declaring' that  iflaud  an  integral  part  of  the  fede- 
ral iSepiiblic,  and  an  independent  ftate  in  the  union,  would  have  initatl- 
taneoufly' rallied  hoth  J'l'^c.ks  and  'whites  around  her  ftaiidard.  ■  And 
-Wha.tjiad. the  United 'States  toapprehend  from  France?  Cureffes  d.nt 
Mjtcniion  :  but  certainly  nb  fo'-t  of  danger. 

j*  i  he  acquiritionof  St  Domingo  would  have  been,  both  in  a  com- 
jnerci^land  political  conhJeration,  every  thing  tl'.at  America  could  ra- 
tionally defne  :  it  would, have  enabled  the  United  States  to  carry  on  a 
wide,  exterifive,  and  profitable  maritime  trade  ;  and,  as  it  would  have 
.rendered  the  political  and -mercantile  intereils  of  America  and  Great 
Britain  reciprocal  and-  mutual,  by  fecuring  the  Britifh  pofTcflions  in  the 
Weft  Indies,  it  would  have  raifed  an  Jnfuperable  barrier  between  the 
United  States  and  their  perfidious  fifter,  the  French  Republic. 

*  The  opportunity  is  now  loft  !  The  partial  patriotifm  of  her  chief 
rnagiftrate,  has,  to  all  appearance,  deprived  America,  perhaps  for  ever, 
of  becoming  that  confpicuous  nation,  which  nature,  and  the  fplrit  pf 
lier  inhabitants,  certainly  defigncd  her  to  be  in  a  few  years.  The  poli- 
tics of  the  aftlng  prefideht  feem'to  be  guided  by  no  other  fyftem,  than 
the  perlonnl  animofities  of  Mr  Jeffcrfon  ;  he  feems  to  bear  malice  a- 
gainft  tlie  Bvitilh  governmei)t  ;  and  that  hatred  is,  with  him,  a  fufficient 
reafon  to  make  America  the  unconditional  dupe  of  the  French  Re- 
public. 

*  St  Domingo  loft,   the   Americans  have   turned  tlieir  views  towards 
>the   iflaiid  of  Cuba  ;   they  confider   the  acquifition  of  that  fettlement, 

as  the  certain  refnlt  of  a  quarrel  with  Spain,  and  they  pretend  to  have 
already  a  plaufihle  pretext  to  make  a  claim  upon  that  forlorn  monarchy. 
■But  will  France,  now  military  miftrefs  of  the  gulph  or  Mexico,  fufFer 
to  fettle,  under  the  lee  of  St  Domingo,  ^  power  which  might  thereby 
became  her  rival  in  the  colony  trade  ?  Certainly  not  ;  the  very  idea  is 
repugnant  to  common  fenfe.  The  Confulate  may  pe'haps  permit,  and 
even  encourage  America  to  quarrel  with  Spain,  with  Portugal,  or  with 
Great  Britain  ;  but  the  Republic  will  relerve  to  herfelf  the  obje<Sls  of 
their  differences,  as  a  pledge  of  their  future  tranquillity. 

'  Although  the  rulers  of  France  know  enough  of  the  principles  of 
found  policy,  not  to  build  the  peimanency  of  their  government  upon 
the  caprice  or  partiality  of  temporary  minifters ;  yet  we  fee  their 
leading  iyftem  is,  to  manage  the  official  and  public  men  in  other  coun- 
tries, fo  as  to  render  their  influence,  ignorance,  and  credulity  fubfer- 
ylent  to  the  confohdation  of  the  Confular   Republic.     The   J-'erfaiUian 

D  3  poliejr 


^4  Sketches  of  the  Refotirces,  Influeneej  -  Apjil 

policy  of  the  Confulate,  being  well  feconded  by  a  revolutionary  auda- 
city, andfuppr>rted  with  energetic  firmnef",  has  contributed  more  thah 
all  the  Jacobin  armies  of  France,  to  fubdue  the  corrupt  and  cowardly 
governnnents  of  other  ftates.  The  Confuls  have  been  remarkably  fortu- 
nate in  finding  aianageable  men  abroad,  it  is  true,  and  it  mud  be  con- 
fefied  they  have  known  to  make  ufe  of  them  ;  for  fhould  tire  goveru- 
meiits  of  Europe  and  America  hereafter  fee  their  errors,  the  Confulati'. 
has  taken  fpecial  care,  that  they  fhall  not  have  the  tneans  to  retriet-e 
thsm.  The  French  are  now  in  po-nVflion  of  the  whoie  illand  of  St 
Domingo,  with  all  their  former  fettlemcnts  in  that  quarter,  and  Loui- 
iian.-.  is  ceded  if;  fovereignty  to  the  republic  ;  fo,  in  all  probability,  are 
the  Floridas  :  With  thefe  poffcffions,  (he  is  indifputably  miftrcfs  of  the 
Gulph  of  Mexico ;  General  Bowles  and  his  Creek  nations  will  foon  be- 
come her  auxiliaries  ;  and  flie  will  either  fr'atefnize,  or  revplutfonize  the 
Southern  States  of  America,  already  difpofed  to  break  up  the  Union. 

'  Thefe,  we  think,  will  in  all  probability  b^e  the  confequences  of  Pre- 
fident  Jefferfon's  fhort-meafurcd  politics.'     p.  30.  31.  32.  33.  34. 

We  fhall  very  briel'.y  point  out  a  few  of  the  various  coilfi dera- 
tions which  are  here  overlooked.  In  the  frj?  place,  admitting 
that  a  proclamation  might  have  feciu'ed  the  colony  to  Americu, 
file  would  have  been  involved  in  war  with  France  upon  Weft 
Indian  territory,  and  "w^oijld  in  all  time  coming  have  been  impli- 
cated both  with  Britain' and  France  in  tlie  famie  part  oi^.  the 
'world.  S'econd/y,  The  jealoufy  of  Britain  mufi:  have  been  e^~ 
"cited  againft  a  neighbour  like  the  United  States,  indopenderit  anji 
fubje^t  to  none  of  the  checks.  necefTarily  impofcd  on  colonial 
dominions,  extending  herfelf  in  a  qiiarter  where  the  Britifli  fel- 
tlement$  .are  peculiarly,  valuable,  andj,  unfortunately,  not  ,le(s 
weak,  than  worthy  of  being  retained,  thirdly,  It  is  unlikely 
that  France,  after  lofing  almoft  all  her  dominions  in  tlfie.'.Weft 
Indies,  would  be  prepared  (as  our  author  thinks,  p.  32,  nOtte);  tp 
unite  with  her  natural  enemy  in  preventing  the  farther  progrefc 
of  the  new  Weft  Indian  power.  It  is  rather  to  be  apprehended, 
that  {he  would  alhft  America  in  her  dcfigns  upon  the  reft  of  the 
jilands.  LaJJlyf  The  author  forgets  in  what  ftate  St  Domingo 
has  been  for  thirteen  years  ;  hov/  long  a  period  muft  elapfe,  after 
the  nominal  reftoration  of  the  mother  country's  authority,  bcfcie 
a  con'.plete  reellabli{lii1"ient  of  order  and  confolidation  of  re- 
fources  can  be  efre(5led  ;  how  heavy  a  burthen  the  colony  mufl 
in  the  mean  time  prove  to  every  political  movement ;  aiiclhoW 
material  a  diverfion  its  rebellious  population  will  for  "many  yeaxs 
create  in  all  military  operations  which  France  may  undertake  in 
the  Gulph  of  Mexico.  He  has  argued  as  if  that  illand  were  as 
peaceful  as  it  is  fertile,  and  as  fecure  for  defence,  or  for  a  point 
of  attack,  as  any  department  of  the  mother  country.  W'hile  we 
jigtee  with  him,  in  williing  that  France  could,  by  any  fiife  means, 

bq 


l8o4«  and  ProjeBs  of  France  and  RiiJJia,      <  5| 

be  deprived  of  the  colony,  we  conceive  tliat  much  lefs  danger 
can  rcfult  from  her  retaining  it,  than  from  its  being  transferred 
to  the  negroes,  or  even  to  the  United  Stkes,  poifefled,  as  the 
federacy  nov/  is,  of  Louifiana.  And  even  if  France  regains  h^r 
authority  in  the  ifiand,  vp-e  are  convinced  it  niufl  be  for  many 
years  a  pledge  of  peaceful  conduit,  in  fo  far  as  its  commerce 
and  cultivation  may  be  deemed  valuable,  and  in  as  much  as  its  in- 
ternal organization  muft  remain  infecure. 

From  the  commercial  refources  of  France,  our  author  proceeds 
to  confider  her  profpecls  in  a  military  point  of  view.  After  re- 
marking that  the  national  preeminence,  acquired  by  acciuental 
circumltances,  fuch  as  the  appearance  of  illultrious  individuals,  is 
necefiarily  fliort-lived,  he  inveighs  againft  the  *  invidious  doftrine,' 
as  he  terms  it,  that  a  peoplcj,  fighting  in  their  ov.;n  caufe,  are 
more  energetic  and  efFeclive,  than  a  nation  contending  for  law- 
ful i-ulers.  Ke  maintaitis,  that  the  rabble  will  always  pafs  froin 
one  mafter  to  another  ;  that  national  fpirit  is  of  no  avail,  with- 
out obedience  to  a  chief;  and  that  a  country  pofielTcs. military 
ftrength  exailly  in  proportion  to  its  population  and  -  means  of 
fubfiitence.  On  this,  it  is  obvious  to  remark,  that  the  fjJirit 
with  which  a  nation  is  animated,  mud  always  enter  as  an  ele- 
ment into  the  calculations  of  the  force  which  may  be  derived 
from  its  numbers  ar^d  wealth.  An  undifciplined  rabble  is  not, 
indeed,  a  very  dangerous  enemy,  in  v/hatever  caufe  it  attempts 
to  acl.  But  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  order  may  eafily  be  united 
with  zeal,  and  that  the  feeling  of  intereil  which  infpires  a  mul- 
titude in  a  particular  conteft,  may  lead  them  to  act  againft  the 
enemy  with  the  force  derived  from  difcipline,  as  well  as  the  vi- 
gour that  may  be  excited  by  thcpailioiis — may  at  once  increafe 
their  fpirit  of  iubordination,  and  inflame  their  denre  of  conqueft. 
We  fondly  cheriili  fuch  hopes,  more  efpeciaiiy  in  the  prefent 
crifis,  becaufe  we  conceive  there  is  no  other  profpecc  of  fafety 
for  England. 

The  natural  advantages  of  France  in  a  military  point  of  view, 
our  author  conceives  to  be  juft  twenty  per  cent,  higher  than  thole 
of  any  other  continental  territory  equally  extenfive  and  populous. 
Auflria,  he  allows,  may,  with  a  population  of.  twenty  njililons, 
maintain  a  peace  eftablifhment  of  260,000  men.  And  France, 
having  thirty  millions  of  uihabitants,  mufh,  by  the  proportion 
juit  now  ftated,  be  able  to  fupport  an  army  of  450,000.  By  a 
iimilar  application  of  his  rule,  he  efhimates  the  v/ar  eltabhlh- 
ments  of  Auflria,  Pruflia,  Sweden,  Denmark,  and  the  Germanic 
powers,  at  760,000  ;  of  which  370,000  v/ould  be  necellary  for 
the  internal  arrangements  of  thole  ftates,  while  France  could 
fend  beyond  the  frontiers  an  ading  army  of  qcjo^ooo  mQn. 

D  4  "'  la 


f<5  Sketches  of  the  Refciurcex^  Injlttcnce^  April 

In  point  of  revenue,  lier  advantage  is  ftill  greater.  She  can 
ralfe,  by  an  average  affiiTment  of  15  per  cent  on  the  national  in- 
come, as  much  as  all  the  other  independent  powers  of  the  confi-- 
nent  can  procure  by  a  burthen  of  30  per  cent.  The  data  by  wliich 
this  part  of  his  calculation  is  fupported,  are  peculiarly  gratuitous 
and  unauth£>rifed.  How  can  this  man,  or  any  man,  tell,  th^it  the 
'Auftrian  landholders' pay  altogether  jufl  33  per  cent,  of  their  in- 
come, the  cultivators  or  peafants  ci^o  per  cent. y  and  the  burghers 
"20  per  cent.  ?  Vv^e  know  that  thp  Bavarian  peafantry  have  gene- 
rally been  reckoned  the  moll  opprefied  of  any  in  the  empire  ;  and 
Mirabcau  computes  their  burthens  at  only  44  per  cent,  of  their 
income,  eflimating  the  latter  fo  low  as  5  per  cent,  on  their  flock. 
Bat  we  give  almoft  as  little  credit  to  the  one  as  to  the  otlier  of 
thefe  random  valuations, 

The  military  organization  of  France  is  defcvibed  by  our  author 
iis  peculiarly  well  adapted  to  call  forth  the  whole  energies  of  the 
neople.  There  are  more  than  fix  millions  able  to  bear  arms,  and 
two  millions  and  a  half  of  thefe  are  between  eighteen  and 
twenty-three  years  of  age.  No  degree  of  rank  or  wealth  ex- 
empts men  from  confcription  j  and  this  evil,  fo  much  inveighed 
againft,  is  only  hard  upon  the  opulent  and  indolent  part  of  the 
community.  We  doubt  extremely  if  the  confcription'  be  prac- 
tically of  this  univerfal  and  unfparing  operation.  If  it  be,  the 
danger  from  the  republican  conftitutlon  is  indeed  imminent  to 
the  reil  of  Europe  ;  but  we  imagine  it  muft  be  iliort-lived  in  the 
fame  proportion.  A  ftate  of  things,  more  incompatible  with  in- 
ternal liability  and  the  deveiopement  of  national  refources,  could 
not  eafily  be  figured. 

The  frontier  of  the  republic,  always  ftrong  and  flanked  as  it 
now  is  by  \S.Yt  moll  advantageous  vv-orks  (Hollaiid,  Switzerland, 
'md  Italy),  is  conudered  by  our  author,  and  we  think  mod  julliy 
ContideVed,  as  formidable  to  all  her  neighbours  in  an  unprece- 
dented degree.  Her  colonies,  however  unneceiTary  to  a  nation 
poiTeffed  of  fuch  internal  capabilities,  are  extremely  important 
as  f lations  -  from  which  Greaf  Britain  may  be  attacked  in  her 
t'^ndereftt  point— her  foreign  fett'ements  and  trade ;  and  as  the 
jneans,  alfo, -of  commanding  either  the  property,  or,  if  it  Ihill 
be  deemed  Aipre  advantageous,  the  conmiercej  of  the  Spanifh  aiid 
Portug-uefe  territories  in  the  New  World.  In  Europe,  we  are 
told,  that  France  may  fopn  add  a. -navy  to  her  prefent  enormous, 
forces;  but  that  her  fhips  of  war  will  probably  be  iltll  found 
tjnequal  to  copfe  with  thofe  of  Britain — and  that  inoft  danger  is 
to  be  apprehended  from  her  light  flotillas,' not  only  in  Europe, 
imt-in  the  coloi lies.  Our  author  adds,  that  depots  are  preparing 
alpng  th-Q  north 'coait  of .  France  for  1500  or  2coo  light  VeiTeiti 
--■  -    •  '':     ^  always 


'l8o4-  ond  Proje&s  of  France  and  RuJJta,-  57 

always  to  be  kept  in  readinefs,  and  tlint  the  fai-ne  fyfleni  is  to  beJ 
extended  to  America  and  the  Weft  Indie<'.  This  we  renlly  be- 
lieve \vas  written  during  a  period  of  apparently  profound  peace, 
and  deferves  fome  attention.  ' 

The  remaining  part  of  the  fpeculations  on  France,  is  occupied 
with  an  inquiry  into  the  line  of  conducl:  wliich  llie  will  probably 
purfue  towards  the  only  t\'S'-o  powers  which  can  now  give  her  any 
trouble,  Ruilia  and  England.  Tl;e  fubitance  of  our  author'tr 
opinion  upon  this  intei"eftirtg  t:o];jic,  may  be  comprife-d  in  a  few 
fimple  propofitions.  •  '• 

_  ''i.  ^  Franco  and  Ruflsa  are  the  only  powers  in  modern  Europe 
that  have  adled  fyftennatrcally  for  any  coniiderable  length  of  time. 
(He  feerns  to  forget  the  whole  hiilory  of  PruiTia.)'^  I'he  plans  of 
Louis  XIV.  have  now  been  completed  ;  the  d^pendenceof  Spain 
fecured  ;  the  fovereignty  of  Holland  acquired^  and  'Auftria  great-? 
ly  weakened.  Between  France  and  Rulha' there  i'S'^oaiy  a  iron-- 
tier  and  it  few  neutral  -ports.  The  object  of  the  former  is  ta 
overcome  the  latter  ;  and  for  effefting  this,  it  will  be  enough,  if 
Ihe  obtains  an  aicendancy  in'the  affiiivs  of  Turkey  •,  a  confidera- 
tion  which  fulRcicntly  explains  her  uniform  repugnance  to  take 
any  joint'  meafures  with  Ruflia  againil:  the  Porte.  ''  But, '  -  ^nshriT 
■  2.  France  -will  begin  by' endeavouring  to  rid'  herfelf  of' iaH- 'iti- 
cumbrances  which  might  hang  upon  lier  re.^r  ;  and  will,  there- 
fore, remain  at  peace  with  Ruffia,  until  flss  can  fecure  the  de- 
fenfive  inaftivity  of  Great  Britain.  This  ihe  ex:pe£ts  to  com-- 
mand^  by  affording  no  points  of  attack,  and  by  completing  the  ruin 
of  our  iinances ;  an  objetl  eaiily  attainable^  ihe  thinks,  by  forcing 
us  to  keep  up  expenfive  preparations,  and  by  excluding  us'  from 
the  commerce  of  the  continent. 

3.  Our  author  conceives  the  rupture  of  France  and  P..uiiia  to 
be  tlie  moft  fatal  iflue  of  the  prcfent  crifiv.  to  the  other  poAvers 
of  Europe.  It  mult  terminate  •  in  the  univerfal  fovereignty  of 
either  one  or  other  of  thole  overgrown  itates.    ■ '  );';Hrf;y 

We  lliall  now  {iiortiy  indicate  what  appear  toTus  the  funda- 
mental errors  in  all  thofe  dogmas'.  Admitting  that  France  could 
reduce  Britain  to  inaclivity  by  the  means  above  fpeciiled,  it  does 
not  feeni  to  follow  that  fuch  inaftivity  would  be  more  than  tem- 
porary. As  foon  as  the  reft  of  the  plan  was  attempted, — as  loon 
as  France  began  to  attack  the  reft  ot  the  European  poM^ers, — Bri- 
tain would  be  at  full  liberty  to  repay,  as  ihe  has  often  before 
repaid,  their  cowardly  or  jealous  backwardnefs  in  her  cauie,  by 
making  a  diverfion  in  -their  favour,  and  aififting  them  to  repel 
the  common  enemy.  But  farther — Although  we  were  to  admit 
that  Auftria  and  Pruffia  are  unable,  by  their  union,  to  refilt-  the 
power  of  France  cr  of  Ruflia,  it  would  by  no  means  follow,  that 
■      ■  tliey 


5$  Shtches  of  the  Refoiirces^  Influence^  Apriyi 

^ey  could  oppofe  no  barrier  tolaer  attacks  upon  Ruffia,  or  that 
tliey  could  not  give  a  check  to  Ruffia^  were  fhe  to  form  the  de- 
iign  of  penetrating  into  the  welt  of  Europe.  And  it  is  very 
evident,  that  while  the  exigence  of  thofe  ilates  is  continued,  even 
if  they  are  reduced  to  a  fubordinate  rank,  they  mud  be  ready 
to  avail  themfelves  of  the  rupture  which  may  take  place  between 
the  great  eaftern  and  weftern  members  of  the  federal  common- 
wealth. Nay,  fuch  a  rupture  will  .even  give  the  fbill  more  de- 
pendent branches  of  the  community,  the  northern  powers,  Italy 
and  Spain,  the  power  of  throwing  off  that  yoke  under  which 
they  at  prefent  groan.  While  Britain  is  attacking  France,  and 
while  Spain,  for  example,  fhall  be  able  to  maintain  a  fleet  of 
fixty  fail  of  the  line,  according  to  our  author's  eftimate  (p.  65, 
note),  is  it  not  clear,  that  fo  important  a  Hate  will  find  it  eafy 
to  (hake  off  its  dependence  at  tlie  firil  change  of  fortune  which 
may  attend  the  French  arms  ,''  If,  on  the  other  hand,  Ruffia 
Ihould  remain  m.after  of  the  field,  can  fiie  at  o-nce  retain  her 
dominion  over  the  enemy  whom  (he  fhall  have  fubdued,  and 
forge  chains  for  the  allies  by  whofe  affiflance  fhe  has  conquer- 
ed .'*.  We  fee  no  proof  whatever  in  thefe  *  Sketches, '  that  the 
prefent  fituation  of  affairs,  difmal  as  it  is  in  fome  refpe6ls,  par- 
ticularly in  regard  to  the  leffer  flates  of  Europe,  will  lead  to  a 
total  dereliction"  of  thofe  found  and  natural  principles  of  policy 
which  have  hitherto  preferved  the  independence  of  the  chief 
aations  in  the  European  commonwealth. 

We  have  one  more  remark  to  offer  upon  the  unqualified  li- 
cenfe  of  calculation  which  our  author  uniformly  affumes,  when- 
ever it  is  neceffary  for  his  argument,  to  exalt  the  probable  force, 
or  wealth  or  energy  of  either  France  or  Ruffia.  He  thinks  it 
fufficient  to  confider  the  natural  advantages  of  thofe  ftatcs,  and 
to  contemplate  the  tendency  of  luch  relburccs  to  expand  in  the 
courfe  of  a  few  years.  Fie  forgets  that  a  proportional  or  a 
greater  augmentation  may  in  the  fame  time  be  preparing  the 
other  ftates  for  coping  with  the  increafed  forces  of  thofe  two 
powers  j  and  that  nothing  is  more  likely  to  accelerate  this  con- 
temporary progrefs,  than  the  very  fcircumllance  which  renders 
it  fo  defirable.  This  confideration  is  too  obvious  to  require  far- 
ther illullration.  It  is  exemplified  in  the  whole  courfe  of  mo- 
dern hillory  j  it  is  prefented  to  us  by  a.  view  of  the  comparative 
advances  which  the  nations  of ,  Europe  have  made  in  all  the 
branches  of  their  wealth,  their  accompliihments,  -and  their  di- 
rect military  pov/er ;  it  applies  to  every  fpeculation  in  wliich  our 
author  has  indulged— to  his  eflimates  of  manufacturing  and 
mercantile  refources,  as  v/oil  as  to  his  eflimates  of  revenue  and 
force  j  and  it  tendsj  in  no  fniail  degree,  to  dif^el  the  apprehen- 

iion^ 


t804'  ^''^  PrsJeBs  of  France  and  Rujj'ia.  ■^^. 

ficns  wliich  his  gloomy  pencil  miglit  have  raifed  in  thofe  whcJ 
conte'Tsplate  his  very  partial  *  Sketches '  of  our  politicp.l  views. 

II.  The  next  object  of  attention  is  the  Rullian  empire  j  and 
in  this  branch  of  his  fpeculations  the  author  has,  in  our  opinion^ 
difplayed  both  more  fobriety  and  more  acutenefs  of  thought.  Tha 
introduflory  obfervations,  however,  bear  the  fame  marks  of  a 
prefumptuous  and  hafty  invefrigation,  v»'hich  we  fo  fvecjuently  re-i 
Cognifed  \n  the  former  part  of  his  work. 

He  lays  it  broadly  down,  that  the  interefts  of  Ruffia  (which 
form  the  fole  guide  of  the  government),  are  as  little  connedled 
with  thofe  of  other  nations,  as  the'court  etiquette  at  Peking  is  with 
the  ceremonies  of  the  conclave  at  Rosiife.  She  has  no  natural 
ally.     Her  frontiers  are  m\:u'.'\::' 

~^'  one  halt  lunounded  with  an  unnavfgnble  ocean  ;  fix-fcvenths  of  the 
other  half  are  covered  with  Afiatic  natioiui  and  wandering  tribes,  and 
miilrefs  of  the  Baltic  and  Black  Sea  ;  the  remainin;-;;  part  is  inacceflible  ; 
that  is,  the  fpace,  we  may  fay  iilhauis,  between  Riga  and  Ocza-* 
kow,  is  the  only  frontiet  the  Ruffian  government  has  to  guartl  ;  an4 
Europe  cannot  organize  a  force  that  couid  now  make  any  imprefilon  oii 
that  quarter.  Were  thehcro  of  Marengo,  with  al!  his  veterans,  on  the 
batiks  of  the  Borifthenes,  it  is  by  no  meaus  likely  that  he  would  ri.Ov  a 
jaurnee  de  Pultava.'      p.  xc8. 

Inflead  of  enumerating  any  of  ibe  various  arguments  which 
immediately  fuggeit  themfeives  to  refute  this  itvange  do6lrine— 
flrange  at  lealt  in  the  extent  to  which  it  is  here  pullied — we  may 
only  refer  to  the  greater  part  of  the  fpecula|;ions  into  which  the 
^jit^or  has  himfelf  entered  in  the  preceauig  .half  pi  his  work ; 
more  efpecially  to  the  following  palTage,  fo  Angularly  dcmonftra- 
tive  of  his  detached  and  exciufive  manner  of  viewmg^- each  part 
of  his  fubjefit.  '   r     > ,  ,       -  > 

^  in  the  prefeat  ftate  of  thing^',  can  Rvifiia  tind  republican  France 
go, mutual  fiiarers  in  the  trade  and  governmeht.of  the  Tvnkiih  empire  I 
^liis  is  by  no  means  likely  ;  nay,  we  m^fy  venture  to  fay,  it  is  imppf- 
|ible.  Which  of  the  parties 'then  Is  to  give  up  itspretcnfion?  The  ca- 
binet of  Peterrourgh  muft  certainly  know,  that  fh-ould  the  Cobfuld'te  be 
aliowed  to  aflume  an  afcendancy  at  Cotiftantinople,  or  to  ili'ferrneddle 
ii'v  f lig  affairs  of  Turky,  the  fate  of  Muicow  may  again  be  dtfpirtcd  .at 
Puhava!  '     p.  72.'  :'1j'A  -.a'   i  > 

We  likewife  find  him  roundly  afTei'ting,  by  fome  tniaccbtmtablc 
miftake  or  caricature  of  the  economical  theory,  that  the  inhabi- 
tants of  any  country  vi^ho  live  by  trade  and  manufactures,  *  arfi 
not  only  themfeives  unprofitable  confumicrs,  but  their  fubfif^enc^ 
and  gains  are  taxes  or  burthens  on  the  induilry  and  confumption 
of  others.'  (p.  182.)  '  The  expence  of  this  clafs  in  E-tigland  is 
greater, '  he  adds,  '  than  that  of  the  whole  Rulhan  arm.y  ;  but 
while  the  latter  is  now  and  then  adding  a  nev/  kingdom  to  the 

empircv 


6o  ^ketches  of  the  Refource'Sy  Injluence,  April 

empire,  tne  former  are  depreffing  the  n?.tional  fpirit,  and  corrupt- 
ing the  nioraUty  of  their  country. ' — This  has  Cs-rtainly  not  even 
the  paltry  merit  of  a  good  paradox,  and  may  be  ranked  with  the 
author's  ov/a  pecuHar  notions  of  the  corn-trade  or  tire  land- 
tax. 

The  lengtli  to  wliich  our  remarks  have  already  extended,  pre- 
vents-us  from  entering  into  a  minute  difcuflion  of  the  do6trincs 
maintained  in  the  diilertation  upon  the  foreign  relations  of  the 
Rufhan  empire.  Although  we  ^are  very  far  from  agreeing  with 
our  author  in  the  conclufions  which  he  forms  on  this  impOitant 
fubjecij  we  tliink  he  has  ifated  thern  with  fome  force,  and,  in 
rnany  points,  has  argued  the  quelfion  with  confiderabio  piauiibi- 
lity. — Much  of  his  reafoning  is,  however,  founded  upon  f^tts 
which  we  have  no  opportuiiity  of  veritying;  and  the  mofb  im- 
portant part  of  thefe  fadf  s,  the  aflertious  refpcdiing  the  contra- 
band trade  of  the  neutral  powers,  confiits  of  fecrct  hiftory,  or 
allufions  to  private  anecdotes,  not  authenticated  by  refcrenc-S  to 
a  fmgle  name.  We  entertain  more  than  fufpicions  ot  his  v/hole 
information  with  regard  to  the  condu/A  of  tlie  Britiih  diplomatic 
affairs  in  the  northern  courts  during  the  late  war. 
■  Ruffia,  ourauthor  maintains,  has  little  or  no  iiitereil  in  the 
commerce  of  Europe.  Her  immenfe  refources  are  all  internal 
and  independent.  With  fcarcely  any  frontier  to  defend,  flie  has 
the  moft  ample  means  of  annoying  both  Europe  and  Afia.  Great 
Britain  cannot  invade  her  foveveignty  of  the  Baicic,  without  the 
co-operation  either  of  Sweden  or  Denmark,  all  chance  of  obtain- 
ing which  has  been  entirely  loft,  together  with  the  good-will  of 
the  reft  of  the  world,  by  the  unjuft  and  irritable  condudl:  of  the 
late  adminiftration.  He  inveighs  with  peculiar  bitternefs  agaiilfl 
the  whole  proceedings  of  Great  Britain  towards  the  fecomlarv 
powers,  and  particularly,  thofe  of  the  Baltic  ;  and  accufes  her  of 
firft  forcing  them  into  the  arms  of  Ruffia,  and  tlien  wreaking  up- 
on their  heads,  that  vengeance  which  flie  dared  not  vent  againft 
the  Great  Northern  Empire.  He  draws  a  comparifon  between 
the  condu£l  of  Britain  and  France  towards  the  allies  whom  thev 
lyifh  to  gain  over,  and  determines  the  preference  clearly  in  favour 
of  the  latter.—  He  is  decidedly  of  opinion,  that  Ruffia  will  foon 
make  an  attempt  upon-  our  dominions  in  the-Eaft  ;  and  recom- 
mends, in  a  very  earneft  manner,  the  acquifition  of  Brazil  by  this 
country.  All  thefe  topics,  which  we  have  only  Iketched  v/ith 
concifenefs  as  the  refults  of  his  fpfculatipns,  are  illuftrated  at 
length,  and  many  of  them  with  much  ingenuity.  We  particular- 
ly reler  to  his  remarks  upon  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  the  Baltic  ; 
his  ftatcments  rcfpetling  the  difficulties,  we  fear  the  infurmount- 
able  difficulties,  of  repeating  in  that  quarter  the  navai  campaign 


1804.  '  tiful  Prcjc^s  of  France  and  RH__^a.  6l 

of  i?oi,  and,  flill  more,  of  extending  out  attacks  to  the  Swedifh 
or  Riiihcm  polts  j  and  his  oblervations  on  the  means  which  Ruf- 
fia  pofi'efles  of  annoying  our  Ealt  Indian  empire. 

III.  In  the  laft  part  of  thefe  '  Sketches, '  entitled,  '  France 
and  Ruflia, '  we  are  prefented  with  a  view  of  the  confequences 
which  may  refult  to  Great  Britain  from  the  continued  alUance  of 
thcle  powers.  It  is  obvious  that  fuch  an  inquiry  mufh  involve  in 
a  great  meaiure  a  repetition  of  the  previous  fpeculatijjns.  We 
iLail  only  notice,  in  a  very  general  way,, the  fubltance  of  fuch  ot 
cur  i.uthor's  conclufions  as  have  not  already  come  under  our  re-? 
view. 

He  contend;?,  that  the  two  great  nations  will  endeavour  to  unite 
the  Euit  Indian  powers  againtt  Britain,  and  encourage  difaffedion 
among  the  Britiih  and  native  troops  j  that  they  will  in  iiice  man-, 
ner  feduce  the  Weft  Indian  coionifts,  by  a  promife  of  extending 
their  market,  and  intimidate  them  by  threats   of  underreiling,  or 
of  conquering  them  j  that  they  will  prevent  Great  Britain  from 
receiving  fupplies  of  grain  either  from  Europe  or  America  j  fpare 
no  expence  to  create  mutiny  among  bur  forces,  and  -diffenfions 
among  our  manufaftuvers ;   and  carry  on  an  unceafnig  war  againft 
our  finances  in  every  quarter  of  the   globe.     Such  are  the  indirecl 
and  fecret  meafures  of  hoitility  to  which  we  fhall  be  expofed  5 
and  in  order  to  countera£l  them,  feveral  expedients  are  pointed 
out  by  this  hold  and  ingenious  proje£lor.     We  muft  entirely  con- 
quer, the  native  princes  of  the  Peninfula  v  and,  after  cOiilolidatmg 
our  Indian  empire   by  force,  we   muft  fecure   its  future   growth, 
as  well  as  the  continuance  of  fubordmation,  by  reforming  the  in- 
ternal adminiftratlon,  deftroying  all  the  fettlements  of  foreign  na- 
tions, and  abolifuing  the  mor*opiily  :    We  muft  at  once  fecure  our 
Weft  Indian  property  and  compel  other  nations  to  permit  a  free 
colony  trade,  by  laying  open  the  commerce  of  our  own   fettle- 
ments.    At  home,  m'C  muft  cultivate  our  wafte  lands,  abohfh  all 
premiums  and  bounties  in  the  provifion  trade,  and  treat  our  forces 
with  liberal  attention  5  employing  our  land  troops,  during  peace, 
in  national  improvements,  and  our  I'eamen  in  the  extenfion  of  the 
fifheries.     He  adds,  that  we  ought  perpetually  to  watch  the  oper- 
ations of  the  enemy  ;  and  to   confider  every  atl:   of  preparatior, 
not  inftantly  explained,  as  a  ground  of  hoftility.     The  other  re- 
medies for  the  injuries  which  our  finances  may  fuftain,  are  vague- 
ly and  unintelligibly  ftated. 

The  meafures  of  direcl  hoftility  to  which  the  alliance  of  France 
and  Ruflia  muft  expofe  this  country,  are  next  defcribed.  They 
confift,  chiefly,  in  the  formidable  armament  of  above  230  fail  of 
tfce  line,  between  two  and  three  thoufand  fmall  craft,  and  ■:5  00,000 
iand  forces,  by  which  they  will  furround  us  from  North  Berge:i 

to 


Cz        Sketches  of  the  "Refources,  ^6.  of  France  and  Rifjia.     April 

to  Cadiz  •,  thus  hemming  us  in  upon  every  fide,  and  compelling 
us  to  concentrate  ail  our  ilrength  at  home  ;  while  they  carry  into 
efFecl  their  favourite  purpofe  of  difmembering  the  more  remote 
parts  of  the  Britiih  empire.  In  the  Mediterranean  a  fleet  of  6c 
fail  of  the  line,  with  fmall  craft  in  proportion,  will  be  ftationed 
to  protect  the  fouth  of  Europe  from  our  attacks,  and  to  cover  the 
projected  defcent  upon  our  eafcern  fettlements.  In  the  well,  our 
chief  danger  arifcs  from  flotillas  and  other  light  armaments.  To 
defend  this  ifiand,  the  author  decidedly  prefcribcs  the  plan  of 
multiplying  our  naval  flations  on  the  eait  coail,  and  maintains 
tliat  the  fyTtem  of  blocking  up  an  enemy  in  his  ports,  at  all  times- 
extremely  difficult,  will  be  utterly  chimerical  in  the  juncture  now 
under  contemplation.  The  fame  objecSi:  may,  hcwever,  be  attain- 
ed with  complete  certainty,  he  thinks,  by  a  fleet  of  40  fail  fta- 
tioned between  the  Downs  and  Buchannefs,  at  points  where  they 
may  have  good  anchorage  and  proper  fea-room.  The  fecurity  of 
our  affairs  in  the  Eaft  and  the  Mediterranean  is  to  be  commanded 
by  the  pofleffion  of  Malta,  or  fome  fuch  impregnable  flation  be- 
tween Toulon  and  the  Dardanelles.  The  pi-ojecls  of  the  enemy 
in  the  Weft  Indies,  are  to  be  oppofed,  our  empire  there  augment- 
ed, and  our  whole  dominions,  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe, 
raifed  both  in  wealth  and  in  military  ftrength,  by  the  acquifition 
of  Brazil,  or  of  fome  territory  advantageoully  fituated,  and  fit 
for  the  creation  of  a  powerful  army  -,  and  by  maintaining,  at  the 
fame  timic,  a  right  intelligence  with  the  United  States  upon  the 
diftributlon  of  the  larger  illands. 

On  the  many  curious  and  important  queftions  to  which  thefe 
various  fchemes  give  rife,  we  do  not  purpofe  at  prefent  to  offer 
any  remarks.  We  muft,  however,  obferve,  that  it  would  be  un- 
fair to  judge  hallily  of  feveral  of  them,  which,  like  all  projecls 
of  political  change,  when  fuperficially  viewed,  and  detached  from 
tlie  fads  and  arguments  that  lead  to  their  formation,  appear 
very  rafti  and  extravagant.  It  feems  to  us,  on  the  contrary,  that 
many  very  plaufible  fpeculations  are  fuggefted  by  our  author  in 
fuppOTt  even  of  what  timid  reafoners  may  be  difpofed  to  call  his 
wildeil  projecls.  And  we  are  convinced,  that  ieveral  important 
fonfideratious,  of  which  he  feems  not  to  have  been  aware,  may 
be  urged  in  favour  of  the  extenfion  of  our  colonial  dominions,  at 
ieaft  in  the  New  World — a  part  of  his  theory  which  will  proba- 
blv  ftartle  moft  of  his  readers. 


Art. 


j8o4«  Tranfaclions  of  the  Highland  Society ,  Vol.  IT.  6y 

Art.  IV.  Prize  EJfays  and  TranfuB'tons  of  the  Highland  Society  of 
Scotland.  To  which  is  prefixed,  an  Account  of  thv?  Principal  Pro- 
ceedingi?  of  the  Society,  fince  1799.  By  Henry  M'KenzIe  Efquire, 
one  of  the  Direftors.  Vol.  II.  Edinburgh,  Creech,  Hill,  and 
Conftable.      1803.      8vo.     pp.   556. 

IN  the  account  prefixed  to  the  firft  volume  of  thefe  Tranfac- 
tious,  we  are  informed,  that  the  objeQs  of  the  Society  are, 
I.  An  inquiry  into  the  prefent  ftate  of  the  Highlands  and  Iflands 
of  Scotland,  and  the  condition  of  their  inhabitants :  2.  An  in- 
quiry into  the  means  of  their  improvement:  and,  3.  An  atten- 
tion to  the  prefervation  of  the  language,  poetry,  and  mufic  of 
the  Highlands.  Before  we  proceed  to  particularize  and  to  ex- 
am ine  the  papers  v/hich  are  contained  in  this  fecond  volume,  it 
may  not  be  improper  to  premife  a  few  obfervations  011  each  of 
thefe  objecls. 

It  is  evident,  that  no  regular  and  fyfteraatic  plan  of  im.prove- 
ment  can  be  laid  down  or  purfued,  until  the  prefent  fituation  of 
the  Highlands,  and   of  their  inhabitants,  is    fairly  and    fully  af- 
certained.      Thofe    particular  plans,   indeed,  which   have  been 
found  to  anfwer,  in  carrying  on  the  improvement  of  other  coun- 
tries, may  afford   fome   general  principles,  which  mud  be   fer- 
viceable  even  in  the  Highlands  •,  but  this  diftrift   of  the  empire 
differs  in  fo  many  material  points  from  every  other,  that  the  in- 
formation which  may  be  derived  from   the  fyftems  of  improve- 
ment purfued  in  other  countries,  will  either  be  too  general,  and 
confequently  in   a  great  degree   ufelefs,  or,  if  adopted  experi- 
mentally, will  be  found  in  many  particulars  inapplicable,  if  not 
prejudicial.     We    are  therefore  furprifed  that,  in  the  two  vo- 
lumes which  the  Highland  Society  have  publifhed,  there  is  only 
one  very  Ihort  and  unfatisfa£lory  paper  on   the  obftacles  to  im- 
provements in  the  Highlands.     As  we  can  entertain   no  doubt 
of  the  fincerity  and  zeal  of  the  Society,  we  certainly  expecled, 
before  this  time,  to  have  received,  at  their  hands,  a  full,  clear, 
and  impartial  account,  not  merely  of  the  foil,  climate,  and  pro- 
duce of  the  Highlands,  but  alfo  of  thofe  obdacles  to  their   im- 
provement, which  are  known  to  exift   in   the  prejudices  and  in- 
dolence of  tlie  peafantry,  and  in  the  (late  of  dependence  or  vaf- 
falage  in  which  they  are  generally  held  by  their  tackfmen.     It  is 
abfurd  to  expert,  that  the  Highland   peafantry  will   be  inclined 
to  take   the  trouble,   and  to  run  the   riOc  of  introducing  the 
culture  of  wheat,  rye,  cabbages,  &c.   all  of  which  are  recom- 
mended in  thefe  Tranfa6lions,  unlcfs  it  be  previoufly  afcertain- 
ed,  from  a  fair  reprefentation  of  the  foil  and  climate  of  their 
CQUurry,  not  only  that  they  can  be  raifed,  but  that  chey  will  be 

productive 


€4  ^rc.7ifacl\tins  of  the  Highland  Sodety, ,  Fol.  II.  Aprii- 

frodu£live  o£  more,  advantage  than. can  he.rtlerlved  from  any 
other  mode  of  employing  their  ground.    \''y  ! 

With  regard  to  the  lecond  obje£l  of  the  Society — an    inquiry 
into  the  means  of  improving  the  Highlands,  we  apprehend,  that 
they  ought,  at  the  very  commencement  of  their  proceedings,  to 
have  applied  themfelves  to  the  determination   of  a   fevt'   general 
queftions,  and  to  have  been  guided,  in  their  particular  inquiries, 
by  the  refuhs  of  fuch  invclHgations.     In  this  way,  it  aj)ptars  to 
us,  that  they  ought,  nril   of  all,  to  have  afcertained,  whether  it 
would  be  better  to  extend  the  culture  of  grain,  or  to   keep  the 
Highland  difttidls  entirely  in  pnflure ;  and   if  the  propriety   and 
utility  oi  the  latter  meafure  had  been  determined,  to  have   then 
.difcufled,  whether  the  Highlands  ought  to  be  Hocked  with  hliwk 
iattle  or  with  JJjeep.     In  the  Appendix  to  the  fecond  volume,  a 
premium  is  otFcred   for  the   befl   efTay   on   the  introduction    of 
fheep  farming.     If  this  queflion   had    been   previoufly   difcufled 
with  ability  and  fairnefs,  with  the  afliftance  of  full   informatioii 
rerpe£ling  the  produce  and  population  lefulting  from  the  prefent 
agriculture  of  tl)e  Highlands,  the  pages  now  occupied  with  edays 
on  arable  hulLandry,  would  have  been  more  ufelully  filled   with 
important  practical  obfervations  on  the  proper  breeds   of  fheep, 
.and  their  management.     It  would  not  be  difficult  to   prove,  that 
by   the   introdudlion   of  the   flieep   hufbandry,  a  much  greater 
.quantity  of  food   would   be  raifed   at   much  lefs   expence,  and 
with  much  Icfs  labour  or  rifle.     The  objection  is  (Irong,  merely 
when  it  appeals  to  cur  feelings,  or  to  our  national  partiality  :    it 
v/ill  not  bear  to  be  examined  cooly  and  fairly.     Even  if  we  grant 
that  the  neceflary  confequence  of  the  introduction   of  the  fheep 
hufbandry  would   be,  that   many  of  the  Highlanders   would   be 
obliged  to  leave  their   mountainous   diftri£ts,  and   feek  employ- 
ment in  the  low  country,  it  may  very  well  be  doubted,  whether 
this  flep  would  not  be  productive  of  great  national  benefit,  even 
without  the  facrifice  of  any  real  individual  h?ppinefs.     At  pre- 
lent,  the  Highlands  afford  a  fcanty  and  precarious  fubfiftence   to 
a  thin   population.      The  Highlanders  themfelves  arf    indolent, 
becaufe  they  perceive  that  no  exertion  or  labour  can  fecure  them 
a  fuhfilience  from  their  own  foil.     Under  the   flieep   hufbandry, 
the  Highlands  would  produce  fubfiftence  for  at  leaft    four  times 
as  many  human  beiiigs  as  they  now  maintain,  while  their  prefcnl; 
inhabitants,,  if  they  could  not  be  employed  in  their  native  coun- 
try, might  find  an  ample  and  much   more  ufeful   field   for  their 
exertions  in  a  climate  and  foil  that  would  more  gratefully  repay 
them.     There   is  great  reafon  to  believe,  however,  that  thefe 
benefits  might  be   obtained,  without   the   expatriation   of  thofe 
individaali  who  (lill  cling  to  their  mouatains  with  fo  afFe<5tjdna"te 

a 


It  804.  TranfaFiwfiS  of  the  Highland  Society ^  Vol.  IL  6^ 

a  partiality  :  if  the  fheep  hufbandry  were  introduced,  and  the 
fiflieries  properly  managed,,  there  would  be  employment  for 
many  more  people  than  the  Highlands  now  contain.  The  in- 
trodu6lion  of  fheep  would  fapply  the  raw  material  for  the 
woollen  manufaftures ;  and  the  immenfe  quantities  of  pear,  and 
the  powerful  watcrfals  that  abound  in  all  quarters,  would  fup- 
port  machinery  at  little  expence.  Such  a  fyftem  would  alfo  be 
of  fervice  to  the  other  parts  of  the  empire.  At  prefent,  fome 
of  the  finefi:  counties  in  England  are  almoft  entirely  in  pafture, 
though  no  doubt  can  be  entertained  that  they  are  well  fuited  for 
raifing  grain,  and  that,  if  thus  employed,  they  would  afford 
fubfiftence  to  a  much  greater  number  of  inhabitants  than  they 
row  do.  If,  therefore,  the  Highlands  produced  that  quantity 
of  animal  food  which  thefe  counties  do  at  prefent,  the  latter 
might,  by  becoming  chiefly  arable,  increafe  the  population  of 
the  country.  It  is  necefTary,  no  doubt,  that  there  fhould  be  a 
certain  proportion  of  every  farm  devoted  to  the  feeding  of  cattle, 
in  order  that  manure  may  be  fupplied  for  the  arable  part ;  but, 
perhaps,  it  would  be  for  the  advantage  of  the  kingdom,  if  thofe 
diftriirs  which  are  fuited  to  the  raifing  of  grain,  fnould  have  no 
more  than  that  proportion  fet  apart  for  the  feeding  of  cattle — 
and  if  thofe  which,  from  their  foil,  fituatlon,  or  climate,  were 
unfavourable  to  grain,  fhould  be  principally  fet  apart  for  the 
purpofes  of  pafture.  Another  regulation,  not  unconne6ted  with 
our  prefent  fubjeft,  may  be  fuggefted  ;  that  manufa£lures,  ia 
order  that  they  might  interfere  as  little  as  poffible  with  agricul- 
ture, fiiould,  in  general,  be  eftablifhed  in  grazing  diftriils,  where 
few  hands  are  required  by  the  farmer.  We  apprehend  that  none 
of  our  readers  will  confider  thefe  remarks  as  foreign  to  the 
prefent  fubje£l:,  whatever  opinion  they  may  entertain  of  their 
juftnefsi  as,  certainly,  in  every  attempt  to  improve  the  High- 
lands, it  ought  to  be  recoUetSled  that  they  form  but  a  part  of  the 
empire  ;  and  every  plan  or  faggeftion  ought  to  have  reference  to 
them,  not  as  a  feparate  whole,  but  as  a  dependent  and  connected 
part. 

The  third  obje(£l:  of  the  Society — an  attention  to  the  preferva- 
tion  of  the  language,  poetry,  and  mufic  of  the  Highlands,  we 
confider  as  in  a  great  degree  incompatible  with  the  introduction 
of  improvement.  A  difference  of  language  not  only  prefents  a 
formidable  barrier  to  the  introdu£lion  oi  ufeful  knowledge,  but 
mud  alfo  tend  to  perpetuate  thefe  prejudices  which  it  is  abfo- 
iutely  neceffary  to  deftroy,  before  any  general  or  permanent 
improvement  can  take  place.  E'very  method,  on  the  contrary, 
ought  to  be  taken  to  identify  the  Highlander,  in  language  and 
manners,  with   the  other   inhabitants   of  the   f  mpire  i    and  his 

vot.  IV.   NO.  7.  E  prejudices! 


(^"  *Tranfa£ilons  of  the  Highland  Sockly,  Vol.  11.  April- 

prejudices,  already  very  ftrong,  ought  not  by  any  means  to  be 
cheriflied  and  continued.  As  the  mofb  effeftual  plans  of  im- 
provement muft,  in  the  firft  inftance  at  lead,  depend  in  a  great 
meafure  upon  ftrangers,  every  obftacle  which  is  prefented  by  sr 
difference  of  language  and  manners,  and  by  the  powerful  pre- 
judices which  the  Highlanders  entertain,  ought  to  be  done  away 
as  fpeedily  and  completely  as  poflible. 

We  have  been  induced  to  oflTer  thefe  preliminary  remarks 
from  a  firm  convi£lion  of  the  importance  of  the  ultimate  objecfl: 
which  the  Society  has  in  view,  and  from  a  wifh  that  they  may, 
in  all  their  proceedings,  clearly  perceive  it,  and  purfue  it  by  the 
mofl:  dire6l  and  efFc£tual  means.  We  Ihall  now  proceed  to 
examine  the  feveral  papers  which  compofe  the  fecond  volume. 

The  firft  paper  is  entitled  *  An  Effay  on  Peat,  by  the  [late]  Rev. 
Dr  Walker,  Profeffor  of  Natural  Hiftory  in  Edinburgh.  '  This 
ellay,  confifting  of  136  pages,  contains  much  ufeful  and  curious 
information,  conveyed  in  a  very  loofe  and  defultory  manner. 
That  part  of  it  which  relates  to  the  chemical  analyfis  of  peat, 
is  very  inaccurate  and  incomplete.  The  reverend  author  appears 
to  have  been  well  acquainted  with  chemidry  as  it  exided  in  the 
middle  of  the  lad  century  •,  but  either  to  have  entirely  negle6led, 
or  to  have  learned  very  imperfe<SHy}  the  important  difcoveries 
that  have  been  made  in  that  fcience  by  the  labours  of  the  latl: 
twenty  years.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  whoever  attempts  to 
afcertain  the  chemical  principles  of  vegetables,  ought  to  have 
made  himfelf  perfe£lly  acquainted  with  the  pneumatic  chemiftryj 
and  the  analyfis  of  volatile  produQs.  At  the  fame  time,  it  muft  be 
confefTed,  that  the  following  obfervations  of  Dr  Black,  contained 
in  a  letter  to  Dr  Walker,  and  given  by  him  in  a  note  to  this 
paper,  are  perfettly  juft  and  correal. 

<  The  proccfs  hitherto  named  the  chemical  analyfis  of  vegetables,  carr- 
not  be  confidered  as  an  analyfis  now,  (fince  the  difcoveries  in  pneumatic 
chemlftry).  It  is  to  be  viewed  as  a  diliinftion,  by  which  the  natural 
combination  of  their  principles  is  undone,  and  thefe  principles  enter 
into  new  combinations,  very  different  from  thofe  that  took  place  in  the 
vegetable  matter,  in  the  uncorrupted  vegetable  matter,  thefe  principles 
are  united  together  with  an  arrangement  and  connexion,  of  which  we 
have  not  the  fmalleit  knowledge.  We  only  know,  that  it  Is  eafily 
dcftroyed  by  heat  and  by  putrefaftion,  whicii  produce  new  arrangements 
and  combinations  of  thefe  principles,  and  rhus  form  compounds  endued 
with  particular  qualities,  which  did  not  exift  in  the  vegetable  matter 
before.  '     p.  29. 

Among  the  inaccuracies  Into  which  the  learned  Doc):or  is 
betrayed,  by  his  inattention  to  thefe  particulars,  we  need  only 
Specify  the  following.     At  p.  2.4.  he  fays,  that  *  calcareous  earth 


1  8d4«  Tranfa^ilons  of  the  Highland  Society y  Vol.  It.  Cf 

is  known  to  promote  the  putrefa£lion  of  anima\^  and  vegetable 
fubftances  \  '  and  that  the  peat  of  Lifmore  is  very  putrid,  in 
confequence  of  its  mixture  with  the  limeftone  of  the  illand. 
Now  if,  by  calcareous  earth,  the  Dotlor  means  carbonate  of 
lime,  he  is  miftaken  in  aiTerting  that  it  promotes  the  putrefaflion 
of  veofctable  and  animal  matter.  If  he  means  quicklime,  the 
inflance  he  adduces  is  not  to  the  point,  as  the  limeftone  in  the 
ifland  of  Lifmore  is  certainly  the  carbonate  of  lime.  Befides, 
in  p.  55:,  he  aflerts,  not  very  confiftently,  that  no  degree  of 
putrefaction  in  peat  earth  could  be  difcovercd  from  the  mixture 
of  either  mild  or  cauftic  lime. 

The  Do6lor  aflcs  (p.  31,.)  why  we  fliould  omit  azote  as  one 
of  the  effential  elements  of  plants,  as  they  all  afford  volatile  alkali 
on  putrefa6lion.  The  fa6l  is,  that  no  vegetable  fubftances,  ex- 
cept the  gramineous  and  cruciform  plants  (tetradynamia)  afford 
ammonia  on  putrefatlion. 

After  having  enumerated  and  explained  the  properties  of  peat 
as  a  foil,  the  Do6lor  proceeds  to  confider  what  plants  ought  to 
be  cultivated  in  it.  We  have  already  given  it  as  our  opinion, 
that  the  arable  hufbandry  is  not  fuited  to  the  Highlands  ;  and  we 
think  that  the  peat,  there,  would  be  moll  advantageoufly  employ- 
ed as  fuel  for  manufactures  or  for  lime-kilns  :  the  DoClor's  ob- 
fervations,  however,  may  be  ufeful  to  thofe  Lowland  proprietors 
or  tenants  who  pofTefs  peat,  though  even  by  them,  in  mofl  cafes, 
peat  would  be  more  profitably  employed  as  a  manure  than  as  a 
foil.  Where  it  can  be  advantageoufly  ufed  as  a  foil,  we  would 
recommend  the  red  oat^  in  preference  to  the  Friefland,  or  indeed 
any  other  kind.  The  Do£lor  feems  inclined  to  think,  that  bean, 
crops  would  anfwer  on  moify  foils,  as  the  root  of  this  plant  goes 
deep,  and  requires  a  foft  foil :  but  it  is  well  known,  that  in  a  foft 
foil,  the  bean,  though  luxuriant  in  ffraw,  is  by  no  means  pro- 
ductive in  feed,  and  would  be  found  a  very  improper  crop  for 
mofTy  foils. 

In  the  fourth  divifion  of  the  Doctor's  eflay,  and  in  the  fecond 
paper  in  this  volume,  by  Lord  Meadowbank,  *  On  making  com- 
pofl  dunghills  from  peat  mofs, '  very  clear  and  full  directions 
rare  given  for  this  application  of  peat ;  and  from  the  refults  ob- 
tained by  Lord  Meadowbank,  in  particular,  after  repeated  and 
careful  experiments  with  this  compolf,  we  think  no  farmer  will 
liefitate  to  employ  his  peat  rather  as  a  manure  than  as  a  foil. 

The  third  paper,  *  On  burning  lime  with  peat,  by  Mr  Jona- 
than Radcliff, '  prefents  a  very  clear  detail  of  a  procefs,  by  which 
peat  may  be  ufed  to  fupply  the  want,  or  to  prevent  the  eonfump- 
u<-t\  of  fcals  in  lime-kilns. 

E  2  The 


68  ^ranfacltom  of  the  Highland  Boelety,  Vol.  II.  April 

■  The  next  effay,  '  On  the  cattle  and  corn  of  the  Highlands,  by 
Dr  Walker, '  is  divided  into  five  fe£tions.  In  the  firlt  fetlion  it 
i5  admitted,  that  the  crops  of  oats  and  bear  (big)  are  often  much 
damaged  by  bad  feafons  ;  and  tliat  *  the  mildnefs  of  the\  climate 
on  the  coafts  ot  the  Highlands  in  winter,  is  greatly  overbalanced 
by  the  vi-ant  of  thofe  degrees  of  heat  in  fummer,  which  prevail 
in  the  fouth,  by  a  Icfs  early  autumn,  and  by  the  frequency  and 
viDlcnce  of  the  winds  and  rain.  '  (p.  167.)  Surely  theie  circum- 
ftances  point  out  the  impropriety  of  endeavouring  to  extend  the 
arable  hufbandry  in  thefe  diftrifts,  and  the.  neceflity  of  effetling 
an  entire  and  radical  change  in  the  fyftem  of  improvement.  The 
Dotlor  mull  certainly  be  millaken  in  affirming,  that  the  bear 
ufually  yields  between  ten  and  fifteen  fold,  notwithftanding  the 
badnefs  of  the  chmate  arid  the  wretched  ftate  of  hufbandry. 
Unlefs,  hov/ever,  the  quantity  of  feed  be  fpecified,  this  mode  of 
aftertaining  the  produce  is  very  vague  and  uncertain. 

We  fhould  not  wifli  to  offer  any  ftronger  and  more  decifive 
fatls  to  prove  the  neceflity  of  removing  black  cattle,  and  fubfti- 
tuting  iheep,  than  thofe  contained  in  the  fecond  feftion  of  this 
eflay,  '  On  the  ftate  of  the  Highland  cattle  during  winter. ' 
■Green  crops,  or  grafles  proper  for  hay,  can  never  be  railed  in 
fuch  certain  abundance,  as  regularly  to  fupply  the  cattle  from  the 
.id  of  February  to  the  end  of  April,  if  the  Highlands,  in  general, 
\vere  to  be  ftocked  with  them.  Some  fpots,  no  doubt,  might  be 
found,  in  which  winter  food,  and  confequently  black  cattle,  might 
be  introduced  with  advantage ;  but  in  hilly  countries,  and  in  a 
climate  where  the  making  of  hay  muft  be  fo  very  precarious, 
(heep  ought,  in  general,  to  be  preferred.  ^ 

The  plants  recommended  by  the  Do6lor  in  the  third  fe£tion, 
are  very  proper  for  fuch  fpots  in  the  Highlands  as  ought  to  be  till- 
ed, t)r  kept  in  hay ;  and  feveral  of  them  might  be  advantageouHy 
cultivated  in  the  Lowlands.  Befides  thofe  enumerated,  we  would 
recommend  to  the  attention  of  all  farmers,  who  are  pofieiTed  of 
3  light  fandy  foil,  the  corn  fpurrey  {spergula  arvetijis.)  This  plant 
is  much  cultivated  in  Brabant,  Holland,  and  Germany,  and  is 
found  to  be  a  very  nourifhing  and  acceptable  food  to  cattle,  both 
when  green  and  when  made  into  hay. 

The  ruta  baga  was  introduced  into  Sweden  from  Lapland,  and 
not  from  this  country,  as  the  Do£lor  affirms ;  who,  moreover, 
feems  to  confound  the  turnip-rooted  cabbage  with  the  Swedifh 
turnip.  Nothing  can  prove  more  clearly,  that  the  Doftor  paid 
but  little  attention  to  the  foil  and  climate  of  the  Highlands,  than 
his  indifcriminate  recommendation  of  beans  and  peas,  wheat,  and 
the  Tartarian  oat.  By  his  own  account,  clay  is  rarely  to  be  found 
in  thefe  diftri(^s ;  and  the  moft  common  foil  is  a  hazel  mould, 

often 


l8o4«  TranfaBlons  of  the  Highland  Sodety^  Vo:.  IT.  69 

often  participating  largely  of  fand  and  gravel.  Beans,  therefore, 
we  (hould  think,  are  ablblutely  inadmiilible.  I'artavian  oats  are 
more  apt  to  be  lodged  than  any  o#ier  kind,  and  are  therefore  im- 
proper in  a  climate  fo  windy  and  wet.  Peas,  which  anlwer  well 
in  England,  are,  in  general,  very  uncertain  and  unproduclive, 
even  in  the  fouth  of  Scotland.  Wheat  is  entirely  out  of  the 
queftion.  In  whatever  parts  of  the  Highlands  the  arable  huf- 
bandry  can  be  followed,  the  following  crops  and  rotation  may, 
from  their  having  fucceeded  in  htuations  and  a  climate  very  limi- 
iar,  be  faicly  recommended.  1 .  Turnips,  or  potatoes  drilled  -, 
2.  Bear,  or  ^  perhaps,  the  common  Scotilli  barley;  3.  Grafs  feeds, 
confifting  of  clover  and  rye  grafs,  or  any  other  of  the  numerous 
grafles,  which  might  be  found  to  fuit  the  cHmate  and  foil ;  and, 
4.  Red  oats. 

It  is  abfurd  to  Imagine  (p.  2o2.)  that  feed  corn  brought  from 
Norway  would  ripen  in  as  ihort  a  fpace  ©f  time  in  the  Highlands, 
as  it  did  in  its  native  country  ;  fnice  the  eflential  circumltance  is 
wanting  in  the  Highlands,  which  accelerated  its  grov/th,  viz.  the 
very  great  ditFerencc  between  the  temperature  of  the  fummer  and 
that  of  the  wintex-,  and  the  fudden  and  permanent  change. 

The  two  next  elliys,  by  Alexander  Macnab  and  Duncan  Stew- 
art, containing  '  Obfervations  on  the  economy  ot  black  cattle 
farms  under  a  breeding  flock, '  appear  to  be  written  by  perfons 
of  much  practical  information,  which  is  conveyed  in  a  plain  and 
perfpicuous  manner.  The  catalogue  of  difeafes,  to  which  the 
Highland  cattle  are  liable,  prefents  another  powerful  argument, 
why  Iheep  fhould,  in  general,  be  introduced  in  their  place  ;  as 
we  are  informed  by  Mr  Macnab,  that  *  the  diftempers  incident  to 
Highland  cattle,  refult  chiefly  from  fcanty  feeding  and  want  of 
water  in  winter. '  Now,  it  is  well  known,  that  fheep  will  live 
and  fatten,  where  cattle  would  llarve,  and  that  they  require  very 
little  water. 

In  the  feventh  EiTay  by  (the  late)  Mr  Somerville,  clear  and 
decifive  anfwers,  founded  on  careful  obfervations,  and  dire6l 
and  repeated  experiments,  are  given  to  the  inquiries — *  What 
are  rhe  ftages  of  growth  and  ripenefs,  and  what  are  the  pecu- 
liar ftates  of  the  weather,  and  other  circumflances,  in  which 
corns,  particularly  oats,  are  rendered  unfit  for  feed,  by  froft, 
or  confiderable  degrees  of  cold,  and  by  what  changes  or  modi- 
fications of  thefe  flages,  ftates  or  circumflances,  do  the  powers 
of  vegetation  remain  unhurt  ?  Will  oats,  that  are  ill- filled,  or 
ill-ripened  ferve  for  feed  ;  and,  by  what  appearances,  can  th« 
point  of  diftinclion  between  the  good  and  the  bad  be  readily 
afcertained  ?  ' 

.E  3  I^ 


7®*  ^ranfaSlions  of  the  Highland  Society y  Vol.  JL         April 

In  the  '  Obfervations  on  the  obftacles  to  the  improvement  of 
the  Highlands, '  the  author  particularly  notices  the  diftance, 
at  which  many  of  the  fadiors  (fte wards)  refidej  and  their  con- 
fequcnt  ignorance  of  the  improvements  which  particular  dif- 
tri<3:s  may  admit  or  require  ; — the  numerous  commons  ; — and 
the  advantages  which  would  refult  from  long  leafes,  and  from 
laifing  plantations  on  the  barren  hills  and  moors. 

Mr  Somerville,  in  the  Ninth  Eflay,  recommends  the  total  era- 
dication of  heath,  where  the  foil  and  climate  will  admit  the 
cultivation  of  any  more  ufeful  plant ;  and  the  burning  of  it  in 
fuch  a  manner,  as  to  defhroy  the  tough,  hard  parts,  and  to  atFord 
room  and  nourifhment  for  the  tender  and  juicy  fhoots,  in  every 
fituation  where  no  plants  of  greater  value  can  be  produced. 
In  order  to  effedl  the  former  purpofe,  the  heath  ought  to  be 
burnt  in  the  autumn  when  it  is  in  flower,  as  it  may  then  be 
completely  deftroyed.  But,  when  the  objedl  is  to  preferve  the 
root,  and  to  afford  warmth  and  manure  to  the  tender  fhoots, 
the  operation  ought  to  take  place  in  the  fpring.  The  tender 
and  juicy  (hoots,  which  might  thus  be  made  to  fpring  annually 
from  the  burnt  heath,  ought  to  be  ufed  not  only  for  pafture, 
as  Mr  Somerville  dire£ls,  but  alfo  for  hay.  In  S^veden  t})i.9 
practice  is  commonly  followed,  and  found  to  anfwer. 

Mr  Angus  M'Donald,  in  his  paper  *  on  manufadlures,  *  offers 
fome  judicious  obfervations  on  the  linen  and  woollen  manufac- 
tures of  the  Highlands  ; — points  out  the  advantage'^,  which  they 
enjoy  in  thofe  refpe£ts  5 — and  fuggefts  feveral  dift'trent  modes, 
in  which  they  might  be  improved  and  extended.  We  perfe£lly 
agree  with  him,  that  the  Highlands  might,  by  proper  manage- 
inent  and  encouragement,  become  the  feat  of  valuable  v/oollerx 
inanufaclures  ;  but  we  imagine,  in  that  cafe,  that  the  raifing 
and  manufafturing  of  flax  would  be  generally  given  up,  as  com- 
paratively uncertain  and  unproduGive.  We  are  furprifed  that 
lie  fliould  lay  it  down,  as  *  a  fundamental  maxim  in  commerce^ 
that  no  manufacture  can  be  firmly  eftablifhed  in  a  country 
which  does  not  produce  the  raw  materials  which  it  employs,  ' 
p.  242.  What  manufa6lure  is  more  firmly  eftablifhed,  and  the 
fource  of  employment  and  wealth  to  a  greater  number  of  per- 
fons,  than  the  cotton  manufactures  of  Lancafnire  and  Glaf- 
gow  ?  In  direct  oppofition  to  what  he  fays,  refpecfing  the 
profit  arifing  from  bees,  we  can  pofitively  aliirm,  that  they  are 
unprofitable  in  a  clim.ate  much  more  favourable  than  that  ot  the 
Highlands,  p.  249. 

The  two  next  papers  contain  *  the  plan  of  an  inland  village, 
by  the  Reverend  Robert  Rennie  ;  and  remarks  on  the  plan,  by 
Colonel  Dirom. '     This  plan^  if  altered   according  to  the  fug- 

C'sflions 


1804.         TranfaB'ions  of  the  Highland  Society,  Fol.  11.  71 

.geftlons  of  the  Colonel,  would  certainly  be  well  calculated  to 
fecure  health,  clcanlinefs  and  convenience,  all  of  which  aie 
very  much  neglected  in  the  villages  of  Scotland  : — but,  till  ma- 
nufadures  are  eftablilhed,  it  feems  premature  to  be  either  build- 
ing or  planning  villages.  We  entirely  agree  with  Mr  ReuniCj 
that  in  a  manufaduring  village,  it  is  much  better  that  every  feu- 
ar  (every  perfon  who  pays  a  ground  rent)  Ihould  have  only  half 
as  much  as  he  might  wifh  to  have,  than  a  fingle  rood  too  much, 
p.  262.  Where  manufactures  are  introduced,  the  divifion  of 
labour  ought  to  be  as  complete  as  poflible  j  but  if  every  manu» 
facturer  poffeffes  an  acre  or  more,  either  his  ground  or  his  pro- 
feffional  bufznefs  muft  be  negleded  •,  and,  if  he  hire  the  labour 
of  another  perfon,  the  produce  of  his  land  will  moll  probably 
■coft  him  more  than  its  real  value. 

In  the  *  Extrafts  from  an  Effay  on  the  Natural,  Commercialp 
and  Economical  Hiftory  of  the  Herring,  by  Dr  Walker, '  we 
meet  with  almoft  all  the  fads  which  are  known  refpeding  the 
fiatural  hiftory  of  this  fifli ; — a  very  long  and  tedious  hiftoricai 
account  of  the  herring  fifhery  from  its  commencement  in  the 
fourteenth  century  to  1786  i— and  an  enumeration  of  the  caufes, 
whichj  in  the  opinion  of  the  Doclor,  have  lately  rendered  this 
fifhing  fo  unprodudive.  One  of  the  caufes,  it  feems,  is  our 
■injudicious  imitation  of  the  Dutch,  in  fiihiiig  with  large  veffels^ 
we,  on  the  contrary,  are  difpofed  to  coincide  with  Mv  Headrick, 
who  maintains,  in  a  paper  which  will  afterwards  be  confideredj, 
that  if  thefe  large  vei?els  were  employed  by  us,  as  the  Dutch, 
employ  them,  in  fifiiing  in  the  open  fea,  herrings  might  be  ta^ 
ken  during  more  months,  and  at  a  time  when  they  are  in  the 
higheit  perfedion.  The  bufles,  at  prefent,  to  which  alone  the 
bounty  is  given,  are  employed  only  in  the  lochs  ;  and,  when  a 
fhoal  of  herrings  appear,  fend  out  their  boats  in  fuch  numbers, 
find  with  fo  much  confufjon,  that  they  are  both  in  a  great  mea- 
fure  unfuccefsful  themfelves,  and  prevent  the  crews  of  thofe 
vefiels  which,  on  account  of  their  fmall  fize,  are  not  allowed 
the  bounty,  from  attempting  to  iiih  at  the  fame  time. 

We  are  ftrongly  difpofed  to  quefrion  the  policy  of  granting 
any  bounty  ;  but  if  it  be  continued,  it  ought  to  be  given  to  the 
bulTes,  on  the  exprefs  provifion,  that  they  go  out  into  the  open 
fea,  and  there  follow  the  Dutch  mode  of  filhing  ;  perhaps  a  fi- 
miiar  bounty  ought  to  be  given  to  undecked  vefTcls,  which  alone 
ought  to  be  allowed  to  continue  in  the  lochs.  The  method, 
which  has  been  long  pradifed  near  Gottenburgh,  and  vt-hich, 
on  a  fmailer  fcale  has  lately  he<rn  fuccefsfully  adopted  on  the 
Fife  coaft,  would  moft  probably  anfwer  in  the  Highland  lochs. 
Irj  the  neighbourhood  of  Gottenburgh,  eight  boats,  each  con- 

];■  4  tsining 


'^l  TranfaBlofis  of  the  Highland  Society,   Vol.  11.         Aprfl 

taining  two  or  three  fifliermen,  draw  one  large  net,  enclofing  a 
ilioal  of  herrings,  into  a  creek  or  finall  bay,  and  the  fifli  being 
Shovelled  onjhe  fnore,  the  boats  refume  their  work.  The  ad- 
vantages of  this  mode,  over  that  commonly  pradifed^  are  evident 
and  important. 

We  are  furprifed  that  only  conjectures  are  offered  on  the  food 
of  the  herrings.  As  the  food  foon  becomes  imperceptible  in 
their  ftoraachs,  from  their  ftrong  digeftive  "powers,  it  is  indeed 
jmpoffible  to  afcertain  all  the  kinds  :  but  it  is  well  known,  that 
a  fmall  fpecies  of  crab,  the  cancer  halecum^  which  abounds  in 
the  north  feas,   is  devoured  by  them  in  great  quantities. 

We  coniider  it  neceflary  merely  to  notice  and  to  recommend 
jhe  two  next  papers  *  On  the  different  forts  of  herrings  which 
frequent-the  coafts  of  Scotland;  with  obfevvations  on  the  pre- 
fen4:  mode  of  condufting  the  herring  fifhery,  by  Mr  M'Kenzic-,  * 
— and  •  An  account  of  the  Dutch  herring  fifhery,  with  the  pla- 
tart  of  the  ftates  of  Holland  rcfpedmg  it. '  The  latter  paper 
ought  to  be  circulated  as  widely  as  poff.ble,  and  followed  ae 
clofely  as  a  difference  of  circumllances  will  admit. 

In  the  four  papers  *  on  the  Natural  Iliftory  of  the  Salmon, 
by  Dr  Walker,  Mr  Mackenzie,  Mr  Morrifon,  and  Archibald 
Druramond  Efq. '  the  fa£ts  and  conjedlures  brought  forward 
are,  in  general,  rather  curious  than  ufeful  in  a  pra£lical  point  of 
view.  This  obfervation  applies  principally  and  moft  llrongly  to 
Dr  Walker's  paper,  which  is  charaderifed  by  the  fame  faults, 
as  thofe  papers  of  his  which  we  have  already  noticed.  It  is  full 
and  minute,  even  to  tedioufnefs,  in  that  part  v/hich  can  be  in- 
terefting  only  to  the  naturaUlt ;  while  it  is  defedive,  or  merely 
conjectural,  with  regard  to  thofe  circumftances  which  may  be 
ufeful  to  the  falmon  fifheries.  As  the  Dodor  appears  to  have 
derived  mofh  of  his  information  from  books,  and,  in  fome  in- 
iliances,  to  have  carelefsly  received  it  from  the  unexamined  and 
uncompared  teftimony  of  others  \  it  is  no  wonder  that  he 
not  only  differs  from  the  other  gentlemen,  but  advances  v/hat 
reflection  might  have  taught  him  could  not  be  the  fad.  In 
page  349,  he  defcribes  the  Vidge  which  is  raifed  by  the  falmon 
over  the  place  where  they  depofit  their  fpawn,  as  from  '  three 
to  five  inches  high. '  Now,  it  is  evident,  that  as  this  depofitation 
always  takes  pla'ce  where  the  ftrcam  is  rapid,  the  ridge  and  the 
fpawn  would  foon  inevitably  be  fwept  away.  Mr  Drunimond 
(whofe  effay  fully  deferves  the  charader  given  of  k  by  the  edi- 
tor, p.  39.!.  note),  rectifies  this  miftakeu  notion,  (in  which,  how- 
,cver,  the  Doctor  is  joined  by  all  thofe  naturalift s  who  read,  ra- 
ther than  obferve  and  examine),  and  exprefsly  afferts,  that  the 
'crave!,  under  which, the  fp.iwn  is  depolitedj  is   always  levelled 

with 


!8c4.  TranfaSilons  of  the  Highland  Socitty,  Vol.  IT.  7;^ 

VfXxh.  a  wonderful  nicety  (p.  402).  If  Mr  Morrifonbe  corre£l,  m 
afTerting  that  the  operation  of  fpawning  lulls  eight  or  ten  days 
(p.  390),  we  fhould  be  inclined  to  diflfent  from  the  commoniy 
received  opinion,  that  the  fpawn  is  laid  all  together  in  holes, 
and  then  covered  with  gravel,  fince,  if  it  were  left  fo  long  un- 
covered, it  would  neceffarily  be  carried  away  by  the  ftream. 
Some  naturaiifts  have  been  induced,  from  careful  obfervation,  to 
maintain,  that  the  fpawn  is  not  covered  up  at  all,  but  fufFered  to 
float  down  the  ftream  till  it  naturally  finks  to  the  bottom. 

As  it  is  of  the  utmoft  importance  to  know  ail  the  animals 
which  are  deftructive  to  the  falmon,  the  porpus  [delphinus 
phocana)  and  the  feal  [phoca  vituUnn)  ought  to  have  been  men- 
tioned by  Mr  Drummond  (p.  409).  The  former  is  often  feen 
cruizing  acrofs  the  mouth  of  the  Tweed,  and  not  only  dedroying 
the  falmon,  but  preventing  them  from  entering  the  river.  The 
latter  fometimes  purfues  the  falmon  a  connderahle  way  up  the 
river :  they  are  alfo  equally  inveterate  and  deilrutlive  enemies  of 
the  herring. 

Mr  Meivill,  in  his  paper  *  On  the  Fifheries  of  Sco'.land, '  re- 
commends that  the  mode  of  filhing  for  cod  and  ling  purfued  by 
the  Engliib  and  Dutch,  fhould  be  adopted  by  the  Scotch.  The. 
fingle,  undoubted,  and  glaring  fa£l:,  that  the  former  nations,  by 
their  fuperior  ingenuity,  carry  away  imraenfe  quantities  of  thefe 
filh,  from  the  very  coalls  of  the  latter,  proves  the  propi'iety  of 
this  admonition.  The  remarks  already  offered,  make  it  unne- 
celTary  to  analyfe  or  examine  the  latter  part  of  this  paper,  which 
relates  to  the  herring  faliery. 

The  Rev.  James  Headrick,  in  his  paper  *  On  Improvements  in 
the  Highlands, '  appears  carefully  to  have  examined  the  country, 
before  he  offered  his  fuggeftions.  They  are,  therefore,  much 
rrore  worthy  of  attention,  than  the  crude  ideas  and  fanciful  fpe- 
eulations  of  thofe,  who  have  no  accurate  or  praclical  knowledge 
of  the  (late  of  the  country.  The  laft  feftion  of  this  eflay  offers 
to  our  view  a  very  probable  fource  of  employment  and  wealth, 
and,  perhaps,  the  rnofl  proper  application  of  the  vaiC  quantities 
of  peat,  in  the  Highlands.  Mr  Headrick  propofes,  that  an  ex- 
perim.ent  (hould  be  tried,  to  afcertain  *  whether  charred  peat 
might  not  anfwer  as  well  in  rendering  iron  malleable,  or  in  con- 
verting it  into  Heel,  as  charred  wood,'  (p  466).  If  it  were 
found  to  anfwer,  iron-ftones  and  bog-ore  of  iron  might  be  ob- 
tained hi  great  abundance  in  many  parts  of  the  Highlands.  We 
have  already  expreffed  our  doubts,  how  far  the  railing  and  mnnn-- 
facturing  of  flax  or  hemp,  which  Mr  Headrick  recom.mends, 
would  be  pra£licable  in  the  Highlands,  or  defireable,  after  thc- 
woollen  rnanufa^diures  Y/erc  firmly  and  generally  eftablifhed.    We 

do 


7;4  Tranfa^ions  of  the  Highland  Society^  Vol.  II.  April 

do  not  perceive  how  it  can  '  have  been  clearly  demonjl rated,  that 
the  mode  of  occupying  land,  which  renders  it  capable  of  yielding 
the  greateft  rent  to  the  proprietor,  is  alfo  mod  beneficial  to  the 
public,'  (p.  455).  Failure  land,  in  many  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
yields  as  much  rent,  as  arable  land,  to  the  proprietor  j  and  yet  it 
cannot  be  confidered  as  equally  beneficial  to  the  public  ;  fince  an 
acre  under  tillage  will  fupport  many  more  people,  than  an  acre 
in  pafture.  The  propriety  of  converting  the  Highlands  into  Iheep 
walks,  ought  not  to  be  refted  on  this  principle,  which  is  not  only 
in  many  inllances  falfc,  but  will  always  be  regarded  with  a  fuf- 
picious  eye  by  the  bulk  of  mankind.  No  doubt,  when  it  is  apr- 
plied  to  the  Highlands,  it  is  perfectly  true,  fmce  a  fheep  farm, 
producing  fubfillence  for  100  people  with  the  labour  of  ten, 
which,  while  under  tillage,  or  flocked  with  cattle,  could  not  fup- 
port thirty  people,  though  they  all  laboured  on  it,  muH  of  courfe 
afford  a  higher  rent  to  the  landlord,  and  benefit  the  public  in  a 
ftill  greater  degree  ;  as  the  labour  of  the  twenty  fpare  hand* 
may  be  rendered  more  profitable  and  fuccefsful. 

The  lafl  paper  contains  an  *  Account  of  the  Culture  and  Produce 
of  a  Field  of  Potatoes  in  the  vicinity  of  Leith, '  communicated  by 
James  Bell,  Efq. 

The  *  Account  and  Defcription  of  the  Manner  of  Peparing  any 
ordinary  Ship's  Boat,  fo  as  to  render  it  in  the  highefl  degree  ufeful 
in  Preferving  Lives  in  cafes  of  Shipwreck,  by  the  Rev.  James 
Bremner,  '  contained  in  the  Appendix,  promifes  to  be  of  great 
utility  j  as  the  Society,  after  having  received  a  very  favourable 
report  of  the  boat  from  fsveral  competent  judges,  who  examined 
and  tried  it,  have  diredled  copies  of  a  defcription  and  delineation 
pf  it  to  be  fent  to  the  different  fea-ports  of  Scotland. 

On  the  whole,  we  coniider  the  DifTertations  on  Rural  Economy, 
which  occupy  a  great  part  of  this  volume,  as  almofl  entirely  in- 
applicable to  the  flate  of  the  Highland  dlllrictS,  and  unueceflary 
in  the  other  parts  of  the  kingdom.  More  full,  accurate,  anti  im- 
partial pra£lical  information  mull  be  obtained,  before  any  gtmeval 
or  permanent  fyftem  of  improvement  can  take  place  in  the  High- 
lands. The  prejudices  and  indolence  of  the  peafantry,  and  the 
feudal  interefls  of  the  landlords,  mufl  not  be  fuffered  to  interfere 
jn  the  fmallell  degree.  If  work  cannot  be  found  for  the  former  in 
their  native  country,  it  will  be  m.ueh  better  for  the  public,  and  ulti- 
mately for  themfelves,  that  they  fhould  go  where  it  can  be  found, 
than  that  they  fhould  continue  to  exill  and  multiply  in  indolence 
and  v/retchednefs  at  home,  neither  able  to  fupport  themfelves,  nor 
'vvilling  that  others  fhould  take  their  place.  But  we  apprehend  no 
i^emoval  would  be  neceliary  :  The  fhcep  hufoandry  would  bring 
in  with  it  manufadures,  and,  confequently,  villages  and  towns  j 

which 


l804.  Trartfa^lons  of  the  Highland  Society^  Vol.  IT.  7-5 

which  it  is  vain  for  the  Society  to  plan,  or  the  proprietors  to 
build,  (except  on  the  fea-coafl  for  the  encouragement  of  the 
fiflicries),  while  the  prefent  fyftem  of  hufhandry  is  followed.  The 
landed  intercfl  ought  certainly  to  confider  the  increafe  of  rent, 
which  the  flieep  hulhandry  would  introduce,  as  a  fufficient  com- 
penlation  for  the  lois  of  their  feudal  honours,  power,  and  at- 
tendance. 

If,  befide  an  entire  change  in  t'ne  fyftem  of  hufbandry,  the 
fifheries,  and  the  manufad:ures  of  woollen  and  bar  iron  w-ere 
properly  eftabliihed  and  regulated,  the  Highlands,  inftead  of  being 
thinly  peopled  with  an  indolent  and  wretched  race,  would  become 
the  abode  of  induilry  and  comfort,  and  fupport  an  increafed  popu- 
lation, not  only  in  its  own  mountainous  diilrids,  but  over  every 
part  of  the  empire. 


Art.  V.  J  Comparattve  Vienv  of  the  Pullic  Finances,  from  the  begin- 
ning  io  the  chfe  of  ike  late  Advunijhat'ivn.  By  William  Morgan,  F.  R.  S. 
Second  Edition.  With  a  Supplemerrt,  oontainiiig  an  account  of  the 
Management  of  the  Finances  to  the  prefent  tisne,  London.  Long- 
man &  Rees.     1803.     8vo.     pp.  if 5. 

QuCH  of  our  readers  as  intereft  thcmfelves  in  the  financial  affairs 
^  of  Great  Britain,  tr^uft  be  well  acquainted  with  the  writings 
of  this  acute  and  diligent  calculator.  The  traft  now  before  us, 
may  be  confidered  as  a  continuation  of  his  '  Fafls,  '  publiflied 
m  the  year  1796.  The  obje£l  of  both  thefe  performances,  is 
to  fubftantiate  the  charge  of  extreme  profufion  of  the  public 
money  againfl;  the  late  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer ;  and,  in 
both,  nearly  the  fame  mode  of  demonilration  is  adopted.  Our 
author  details  the  various  items  of  the  national  expenditure — the 
Joans  negotiated  for  providing  fupplies — the  differences  between 
the  fums  received  and  the  debt  created — the  permanent  addition 
to  our  public  burthens  in  confequence  of  the  augmented  debt— - 
and  the  flownefs  of  the  procefs  of  liquidation,  when  compared 
with  thefe  augmentations.  He  lays  before  us  a  full  view  of  all 
thofe  circumiiaacds  of  lofs  and  burthen,  and  compares  their 
extent,  during  the  lafl  war,  with  their  extent  during  the  Seven- 
years  war,  and  the  American  war.  He  finds  that  the  amount 
of  the  loffes  incurred,  and  burthens  impofed  in  confequence  of 
she  financial  operations  which  the  late  conteft  rendered  neceffary, 
txceed  in  a  very  great  proportion  the  fimilar  loffes  and  butthen* 
entailed  upon  the  country  by  the  two  preceding  wars,  even  after 
all  due  aHowance  is  made  for  tlie  different  durations  of  the 
}4ofi|iUtLe5  in  ihe  tl^ree  periods ;  and  he  infers,  that  the  minifters 

undei^ 


*j6  Morgan'/  Comparative  View  of  the  Finances.  April 

tinder  whofe  aufpices  fuch  operations  were  carried  on,  are  en- 
titled, beyond  any  former  adminiftration,  to  the  appellation  of 
extravagant ;'  that  the  late  war  has  been  ruinous  beyond  all 
previous  example  ;  and  that  the  accumulated  burthens  of  this 
country  have  now  brought  it  to  the  very  brink  of  dcftruclion. 

It  is  by  no  means  our  intention  to  follow  Mr  Morgan  through, 
all  the  ftatements  by  which  he  fupports  thefe  gener.il  pofitions. 
We  fhall,  however,  endeavour  to  exhibit  a  fhort  abilraOi:  of  the 
refuits  of  his  calculations,  which  are  formed  apparently  with 
great  accuracy,  and  are  certainly  detailed  in  a  very  diftinCl  and 
luminous  manner.  We  fhall  then  ftate  the  general  objt^lions 
which  we  have  to  urge  againft  the  conclufions  which  lie  has 
thought  proper  to  found  upon  thefe  premifes. 

I.  The  chief  expences  of  a  war-eftablifhment,  are  tliofe  of  tlie 
army,  navy,  and  ordnance.  The  average  amount  of  the  annual 
charges  referable  to  thefe  heads  during  the  five  years  of  war 
from  1755  to  1759  (both  inclufive)  was  fomewhat  lefs  than 
8,8oo,oool.  •,  the  greatefl:  expenditure  in  any  one  year  was  above 
13  millions;  and  the  whole  ailual  expence  of  that  period,  ex- 
ceeded the  whole  eftimatcd  expence  in  the  proportion  of  1.43  to 
I  nearly.  The  average  amount  of  annual  charges  during  the  five 
years  of  war  from  1778  to  1782  (both  inclufive)  was  fomewhat 
lefs  than  17,600,000!.;  the  greatefl  annual  expenditure  about 
21^  millions;  and  the  proportion  of  the  whole  a£lua!,  to  the 
whole  eftimated  expences,  nearly  thatof  1.76  to  I.  The  average 
of  the  annual  charges  during  the  five  years  of  war  from  1793  ^'^ 
1797  (both  inclufive),  was  above  25,800,0001.;  the  greatefl 
yearly  expenditure,  about  29^  millions;  and  the  proportion  of 
the  whole  atlual,  to  the  whole  eltimated  expences,  that  of  1.92 
to  I.  In  the  five  years  from  1798  to  1802  (both  inclufive),  the 
average  yearly  expenditure  was  above  29,400,000!. ;  the  greatefl: 
annual  expence  upwards  of  34  millions;  and  the  proportion  of 
the  whole  a£lual,  to  the  whole  eftimated  expences,  that  of  1.27 
to  I  nearly.  * 

II.  In  order  to  defray  thefe  extraordinary  expences  of  the  war 
cilablifhment,  loans  to  a  great  amount  have  always  been  required. 
During  the  Seven-years  M^ar,  from  1756  to  1762  (both  inclufive), 
48,600,0001.  were  raifed  in  this  way ;  during  the  American  war, 
(1776  to  1782,  both  inclufive),  57^  millions  were  borrowed; 
during  the  firil  feven  years  of  the  late  war,  141  millions,  ex- 
clufive  of  the  Imperial  loan ;  and,  during  the  three   laft   years, 

nearly 

*  In  the  extraordiuaries  ot  this  period,  are  reckoned  various  fublidies, 
\iz.  the  Imperial,  Ruffian,  Portugucze,  and  EavariaOy  which  are  all 
charged  to  the  army  txtraordinarjeeo 


l8o4«  Morgan'/  Comparative  V'leiv  of  the  Finances.  'jf 

nearly  76  millions  were  ralfed  in  the  fame  manner.  When  thefe 
v;ift  fums  were  borrowed,  the  credit  of  government  was  almoft 
always  fo  low  as  to  render  neceflary  the  creation  of  a  confider- 
able  fiditious  capital  of  debt.  In  this  way,  the  country,  ia 
conftquence  of  its  difficulties,  and  of  the  fcarcity  of  capital, 
came  to  be  loaded  with  a  debt  much  greater  in  amount  than  the 
money  really  received  from  the  lenders ;  that  is  to  fay,  it  becam.e 
hound  to  pay  intereft  for  more  than  they  actually  advanced,  and 
could  only  redeem  the  principal  at  par,  by  paying  the  whole 
nominal  amount.  Calculating  the  annuities  according  to  their 
value  at  the  period  of  their  commencement,  the  difFevence  be- 
tween the  funded  debt  created,  and  the  money  received,  was, 
during  the  Seven-years  war,  near  pi  millions;  during  the  Ame- 
rican war,  near  29  millions;  during  the  firlt  feven  years  of  the 
lad  war,  about  77-^,  exclufive  of  the  lofs  on  the  Imperial  loan  j 
and  during  the  lall  three  years  of  that  v/ar,  above  39. 

III.  For  paying  the  intereft  and  other  "yearly  expences  of  the 
debt  thus  contracted,  various  permanent  taxes  have  become  ne- 
ceflary,  befides  thofe  extraordinary  contributions  which  were 
levied  during  that  part  of  the  laft  war  viTien  an  attempt  was 
made  to  raife  the  fupplies  within  the  year.  The  burthens  im- 
pofed  in  confequence  of  the  debt  incurred  during  the  Seven- 
years  war,  amount  to  above  1,900,000]. ;  the  American  war 
added  nearly  3^  millions;  the  feven  iirft  years  of  the  lalt  war 
rendered  an  increafe  of  nearly  6^  millions  necelTary ;  aad  the 
three  laft  years  of  the  war  entailed  upon  the  country  a  farther 
load  of  above  2,900,000!.,  not  including  the  income  tax,  upon 
which  upv/ards  of  56  millions  v/ere  fecured,  and  the  repeal  of 
which  rendered  nevi'  permanent  taxes  requifite  ;  fo  that  the 
permanent  addition  made  to  the  public  burtheniS  by  the  loans  of 
the  feven  firft  years  of  the  late  war,  may  be  reckoned  at  above 
7 1  millions,  and  the  addition  occaficned  by  the  three  laft  years, 
at  more  than  3I-  millions. 

We  (hall  now  endeavour  to  exhibit,  in  the  form  of  a  Table, 
a  comparative  view  (according  to  the  foregoing  details)  of  the 
expences,  debts,  and  public  burthens  which  have  been  occafioned 
by  the  three  laft  years ;  affuming  the  ftatements  for  the  Seven- 
vears  war  as  unity,  except  where  a  proportion  is  given. 


73 


Morgan'j-  Comparative  View  of  the  rinancei,  April 


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ito^'         Morgan'/  Comparative  Vieiv  of  the  Finance!.  'J0 

This  Table  condenfes  the  whole  argument  which  can  be  drawn 
againft  the  late  war,  and  the  financial  operations  that  accom- 
panied it,  from  contrafting  its  expences  with  thofe  of  the  glorious 
conteft  which  gained  America  and  India,  or  with  thofe  of  the 
difaftrous  liruggle  which  deprived  us  of  half  our  foreign  domi- 
nions, and  {hook  the  whole  empire.  By  comparing  columns 
I,  III,  V,  and  VI,  an  eftimate  is  eafily  formed  of  the  relative 
efFeds  produced  by  the  three  wars,  during  the  fame  period  of 
five  years ;  a  comparifon  of  columns  II,  IV,  and  VXI,  exhibits 
the  relative  etfe£ts  of  the  wars  during  the  fame  period  of  feveu 
years  i  and  the  VIII.  column  continues  the  comparifon  through 
the  lad  three  years  of  the  late  war.  All  Mr  Morgan's  accufation.j 
againft  the  lare  adminiftration,  derived  from  comparing  it  with 
formicr  miniftries,  are  therefore  comprehended  in  this  Table  ; 
while  the  whole  cafe  is  thus  brought  forward,  as  well  as  the  part 
favourable  to  his  fide  of  the  queflion. 

*  From  thefe  ftatements  (fays  our  author)  the  predeceffors  of  My 
Pitt,  by  a  fyftem  of  progreffive  extravagance,  appear,  during  the  courfe 
of  a  century,  to  have  accumulated  a  debt  of  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
two  millions,  which  their  more  prodigal  fuecelTor,  in  feventeen  years, 
has  increafed  to  more  than  five  hundred  millions.  Compared,  therefore, 
with  thofe  of  the  late  minilter,  how  weak  and  contemptible  are  all 
former  exertions  !  The  raafs  which,  in  other  hands,  required  one  hun- 
dred years  for  its  formation,  has,  under  his  management,  been  doubled 
in  one  twentieth  part  of  the  time ;  and  the  nation,  long  accuftomed  to 
regard  the  approach  of  the  debt  to  one  hundred  millions  as  an  approach 
to  certain  bankruptcy  and  ruin,  have  been  led,  by  the  experience  of  his 
adminiftration,  to  believe  that  public  credit  is  almoft  as  boundlefs  as 
minifterial  profufion.  Befides  the  addition  of  three  hundred  millions  to 
the  funded  debt  of  the  kingdom  within  the  laft  eight  years,  a  further 
fum  of  fix  millions  Sterling  has  been  annually  raifed,  from  the  year 
3798,  by  triple  afleffments,  voluntary  contributions,  income-tax,  convoy 
duty,  and  other  meafures  of  finance,  equally  new  and  extraordinary, 
Hdd  thefe  enormous  fums  been  procured,  like  the  reil  of  the  fupplies, 
by  the  ufual  method  of  a  loan,  it  would  have  appeared  that  the  ex- 
penditure of  the  prefent  war  had  already  added  above  three  hundred 
and  fifty  millions  to  the  capital  of  the  Public  Debt,  or  one  hundred  and 
twenty  millions  more  than  all  the  wars  that  have  defolatcd  the  country 
fince  the  Revolution.  '     p.  13.  14. 

The  means  by  which  the  late  miniftry  were  enabled  to  borrow 
fuch  vaft  fums,  and  to  provide  for  the  intereft  of  the  loans,  arc  dif- 
cuffed  by  Mr  Morgan  in  a  fuperficial  and  partial  manner.  The 
negotiation  of  loans  could  not.  he  thinks,  b?j  facilitated  by  the 
opulence  of  the  nation,  nor  by  the  ftate  of  its  credit,  lince  the 
poor-rates  have  been  rapidly  increafing,  and  the  funds  have  been 
Idwcr  than  in  any  former  period  of  our  hiftory.     As  foon  as 


S»  l^Iorgan'/  ^mparaiz've  View  of  the  Finances  Aprs! 

the  terms  of  borrowing  began  to  rife  confiderably,  various  expe- 
<lients  were  adopted  for  raifing  great  part  of  the  fupplies  within 
the  year.  During  three  years,  extraordinary  burthens  were  im= 
pofed,  in  the  form  of  triple  afleffments,  voluntary  contribu- 
tions, and  income  tax,  until  the  whole  of  the  new  fyilem  of  fi- 
nance being  found  inadequate,  and  the  calculations  of  its  pro- 
du£live  powers  being  completely  difappointed,  recourfe  was  a- 
gain  had  to  the  funding  fyflem  j  and  this  has  been  revived  with 
increafed  vigour,  partly  in  confequence  of  the  relief  given  to 
the  funds  by  the  new  meafures  of  the  former  years,  but  princi- 
pally in  confequence  of  the  fufpenfion  of  fpecie  payments  at  the 
Bank  of  England,  which  enables  that  body  to  afhft  fpeculators 
with  unlimited  credit,  and  of  the  difaflrous  ftate  of  trade  which 
turns  an  unnatural  proportion  of  the  national  capital  into  the 
public  funds.  He  roundly  afcribes  the  ftoppage  of  bank  pay- 
ments to  the  exportation  of  fpecie  occafioned  by  the  foreign 
loans  and  fubfidies.  The  means  adopted  for  providing  the  inte- 
reft  upon  the  new  loans,  have  been  taxes  which  are  chiefly  pro- 
ductive during  a  feafon  of  war ;  and  many  of  them  have  already 
failed  in  fupplying  the  requifite  fums.  If,  before  the  peace, 
thofe  impoRs  prcfcnted  a  deficit  of  half  a  million,  our  author 
predi£ls  that  more  than  eight  times  this  fum  will  be  wanting 
after  the  war  is  concluded.  With  refpe£l  to  the  furplus  of  the 
confolidated  fund,  a  full  and  clear  ftatement  is  given  of  the  ef- 
fe6ts  which  the  war  produced  upon  that  part  of  the  refources  ; 
and  it  is  proved,  we  think,  with  fufficient  precifion,  that  Mr 
Pitt's  eftimaces  of  the  increafe  were  generally  much  above  the 
truth.  According  to  our  author,  it  would  appear  that,  during 
feveral  years  of  the  war,  the  ftatement  of  certain  fums  as  arif- 
ing  from  the  furplus,  was  only  a  transference  to  the  fame  3- 
mount  from  monits  raifed  by  loan,  or,  in  other  words,  cer- 
tain fums  ,were  borrowed  and  applied  in  defraying  the  char- 
ges upon  the  confolidated  fund,  in  order  to  be  ftated  as  a  fur- 
plufage  in  the  produce  of  that  fund.  He  admits,  however,  that 
in  the  earlier  part  of  the  war,  the  real  furplus  was  confiderable, 
;<t  one  ti'me  even  much  greater  than  its  average  amount  during 
the  previous  years  of  peace.  As  to  the  ftate  of  the  fund  during 
the  prefent  adralniftration,  our  author  declares  that  it  is  aimoft 
impoflibie  to  comprehend  this  or  any  other  part  of  the  finances, 
from  the  great  obfcurity  and  confufion  which  prevails  through 
the  whole  revenue  department.  Several  examples  which  he 
gives  are,  if  accurately  ftated,  fufficiently  demonftrative  of  this 
levere  charge. 

^  In   fhort, '  he  obf?rves^  '  the  further   we   proceed  in  Inveftigatiag- 
the  ftateiTifnts  given    of  the  pvsblic  finances,  t^e  more  we  iViall  find  the 

difficulty 


l8o4.  Morgan'/  Comparative  Vie'iv  of  the  Finances,  %i 

difficulty  increafe  of  obtaining  any  fatisfadlory  information  from  them. 
i  do  not  know,  indeed,  that  theie  accounts  were  ever  remarkable  for 
their  pcrlplcuity,  or  for  according  with  each  other.  But  what  was 
formerly  perplexed  is  now  rendered  unintelligible  ;  and  the  talk  of  tho- 
roughly underftanding  the  prefent  fyftem  of  finance,  is  become  as  hope- 
lefs  as  the  attempt  to  reform  it.  '     p.  95. 

We  have  now  laid  before  our  readers  the  fubftance  of  the 
grounds  upon  which  Mr  Morgan  accufes  the  late  adminiftration 
of  unexampled  profufion,  and  predidls  the  ruin  of  the  finances 
from  tjie  difafters  entailed  by  the  late  war  on  our  national  reve- 
nue. Without  entering  into  a  minute  detail  of  the  obje£lions 
that  may  be  urged  againft  his  ftatements,  we  lliall  proceed  to 
point  out,  as  briefly  as  pofTible,  the  general  defe£ls  which  we 
perceive  in  the  chain  of  his  argument,  more  efpecially  in  that 
very  iinportant  link  of  it,  which  connects  all  his  calculations 
and  fa£ls  with  the  conclufions  they  are  made  to  fupport. 

In  the  Jirj?  place,  admitting  the  general  method  of  reafoning  to 
be  corre(^,  which  our  author  adopts,  it  may  be  obferved,  that  the 
eafe  made  out  againft  the  financial  operations  of  the  late  war,  by  the 
comparative  view  formerly  given,  is  far  from  being  fo  ilrong  as  he 
v/ouid  have  it  to  appear.  The  argument,  in  this  point  of  view,  ap- 
pears to  be,  that  all  the  difaftrous  confequences  of  the  Seven-years 
war,  were  aggravated  in  the  American  war;  and  that,  in  the  late  con- 
tell,  the  evil  has  advanced  with  ftrides  Hill  more  gigantic.  Now, 
this  is  by  no  means  confiftent  with  the  detail,  as  may  be  feen  from 
the  comparative  table  above  drawn  up.  Several  very  important 
effe6ts  of  the  war  eftablifhment  upon  the  finances  of  the  country, 
^re  proved,  by  that  table,  to  have  increafed  in  a  much  fmaller 
proportion  during  the  late  war,  compared  with  the  American, 
than  during  the  American  compared  with  the  Seven-years  war. 
Tiie  average  expence  of  the  military  and  naval  departments,  for 
inftance,  was  twice  as  much  in  the  American  as  in  the  Seven- 
years  war.  1'he  fame  expence  was  increafed  by  confiderably  lefs 
than  one  half  in  the  late  v/ar,  compared  with  the  American.  Had 
the  proportion  been  continued,  that  is,  had  the  expence  of  the 
late  war  borne  to  the  expence  of  the  A^mcrican  war,  the  fame 
proportion  which  the  expence  of  the  American  bore  to  that  of  the 
Seven-years  war,  the  miiirury  and  naval  eftabiilhment  would  have 
been  as  4.000  inftead  of  2.944  (Table,  col.  V.)  The  fame  remark 
may  be  made  upon  the  greatell  annual  expenditure,  and  upon  the 
excels  of  the  a£lual  above  the  eftimated  expences  of  the  war. 
In  the  ftill  mere  important  article  of  the  ficSlitious  capital  added 
to  the  debt  by  thofe  war:,  the  late  war  appears  alio  to  fall  Ihort 
of  the  proportion.  The  difference  between  the  money  received 
and  the  ilcck  created.  -r:-3  abave  three  times  greater  in  the  Ame- 

voL.  iv,  xo,  7.  F  vican' 


$i  MorgauV  Coiyiparailve  View  of  the  Finances,  .April 

lican  than  in  the  Seven-years  war.  This  difference  was,  in  the 
Jaft  war,  much  lefs  than  three  times  its  amount  in  the  American 
war.  (See  Table,  col.  II.  IV.  &  VII.)  A  great  number  of  ma- 
terial confiderations  have,  therefore,  been  altogether  omitted  by 
lAt  Morgan  on  one  fide  of  the  account,  while  he  is  endeavouring 
to  ftrike  a  balance.- 

But  we  m^ay  obferve,  in  the  next  place,  that  fuch  comparifons 
are  extremely  unfair,  if  made  without  a  much  fuller  confidera- 
tion  of  circumitances.  The  fuc^clFive  v>;-ars  in  which  a  {fate  en- 
gages at  Oiort  intervals  of  time,  are  far  from  being  unconneftcd 
with  each  other  in  a  inaneial  point  of  view.  They  are  not  infur- 
iated events,  which  may  be  compared  without  any  allowance  for 
their  reciprocal  Influence,  The  credit  of  the  country,  in  every 
conteft,  is  neccflarily  afFe£ted  by  the  event  of  the  feveral  previous 
contells  which  have  in  former  years  brought  it  into  difficulties^ 
if  fifty  millions  were  added  to  the  public  debt  in  the  Seven-years 
war,  much  more  than  the  fame  fum  muft  have  been  added  to  the 
debt  in  the  American  war,  rn  order  to  raife  as  much  money  as 
was  formerly  procured  for  fifty  millions.  And,  in  like  manner, 
the  amount  of  the  debt  in  confequence  of  the  two  previous  wars, 
neceflarily  rendered  its  increafe  more  rapid  during  the  late  war 
than  it  would  have  been,  if  no  former  burthens  of  this  nature  had 
exifted. 

But,  in  the  third  place,  we  have  a  general  and  peremptory  ob- 
jection to  the  whole  method  of  argument  ufed  by  Mr  Morgan  ir^ 
this  performance.  His  obje6t  is  to  prove,  not  that  our  expences 
have  been  increafed,  but  that  our  Government  has  been  ex- 
travagant. Now,  wc  do  no*  conceive  it  poihble  to  ellimate  the 
extravagance  of  Gox'ernment  during  any  war,  by  merely  fumming 
up  the  money  difburfed,  and  the  debt  contracted.  This  is  only 
one  fide  of  the  account ;  and  to  infer,  from  the  refult  of  the  cal- 
culation, any  pofitive  charge  of  profufion  againft  thofe  who  fu- 
perintended  the  diiturfement,  is  to  be  guilty  of  the  fame  error 
tliat  a  merchant  would  commJt,  were  he  to  boaft  of  his  profits,, 
or  complain  of  his  lolTes,  widiout  ftriking  a  balance  in  his  books- 
Mr  Morgan,  in  faiSi-,  endeavours  to  foive  the  queftion,  without  ac- 
lending  to  the  neceffary  data;  and  the  whole  refult  of  his  calcu- 
iation  muft,  of  confequence,  be  indeterminate.  There  are  only 
two  ways  in  which  a  war  can  be  demonftrated  to  be  extravagant- 
ly carried  on.  Either  we  may  deny  its  iKceffity  and  utility,  which 
are  indeed  one  and  the  fame  thing;  or  maintain  that  the  fame  obje£l 
might  have  been  obtained  at  a  fmaller  expence.  Mr  Morgan  ex- 
prefsly  difclaims  all  political  difcuflions  that  are  not  neceflarily  involv- 
ed in  his  examination  of  our  finances  :  but  we  conceive  that  the  po- 
Etical  queftion  of  the  origin  of  the  war,  en  the  one  hand,  and 


T8<i4'  Morgati'j-  Comparative  View  of  tke  PifiafiCei',  £3 

the  peculiar  metlvod  of  conducting  its  expenditure,  on  tlie  other,- 
are  necelliirily  invoh'ed  in  tlic  inquiry  which  he  has  undertaken 
to  condu6l.  In  his  fofmer  works,  he  feemed  to  be  aware  of  this 
confideration  ;  for  he  there  attempted  to  fliow,  that  the  loans 
migltt  have  been  negotiated  on  terms  more  advantageous  to  tlie 
public.  In  the  prefent  efTay,  he  never  once  points  at  any  fuch 
comparifon  ;  and,  without  a  proof  of  this  nature,  or  a  demon- 
ftr.ition  that  the  war  ought  not  %<:>  have  been  waged,  or,  if  vvaged, 
that  it  could  have  been  carried  on  with  fmaller  military  and  na- 
val eftablilhmcnts,  or  a  Itatenaent  of  the  favings  which  might 
have  been  made  in  the  difpofal  of  the  revenue,  all  his  calculations 
of  the  abfolute  amount  of  loans,  expenditure  and  taxes,-prefent 
us  only  with  a  view  of  one  fide  of  the  account — one  part  of  the: 
data^  froin  which  no  conclufion  whatever  can  be  drawn  as  to  the 
pfofufion  or  economy  of  the  Government. 

Such  being  our  general  objection  to  the  political  logic  of  Mr 
Morgan  in  this  pamphlet,  we  are  the  l6ls  anxious  about  the  par- 
ticular arguments  which  he  has  taken  occafion  to  intermix  with 
his  calculations.  The  melancholy  profpeft  which  he  holds  out  of 
the  diminution  that  the  revenue  appi'opriated  to  defray  the  ex- 
pences  of  the  debt  muil  experience  after  a  peace,  has  been  con*- 
tradifted  by  the  imrrienfe  increafe  of  that  revenue  during  the  lad 
two  years.  The  idea  of  the  unlimited  iflue  of  bank  paper  allow- 
ing every  needy  fpeculator  to  bid  for  loans  in  fafety,  is  too  ob- 
vioufly  inconfiltent  with  the  facts  refpedling  the  bank  bufinefs,  to 
require  any  detailed  refutation.  The  notion,  that  the  unfavour- 
able courfe  of  exchange  which  led  to  the  fufpenuon  of  cafli  pay- 
riients  at  the  bank  was  produced  by  the  exportation  of  bullion  to 
iubfidize  foreign  princes,  can  fcarcely  be  deemed  any  thing  lef& 
than  thoughtlefs  and  violent  party  declamation,  in  one  who  is  fo 
well  acquainted  with  the  vaft  commercial  refources  of  this  ifland, 
who  ftates  the  whole  amount  of  the  foreign  fubfidies  at  little  more 
than  the  comparatively  pakry  fum  of  five  millions,  and  who  ought 
to  be  acquainted  with  the  plainelt  principles  of  this  branch  of  po*i 
litical  economy.  In  fatt,  notwithilanding  our  author's  apparent 
predile£tion  for  argumen-ts  ftridlly  arithmetical,  and  his  careful 
difavowal  of  any  deiire  to  enter  upon  political  topics,  we  cannot 
help  fufpefting  that  he  has  adopted  this  mode  of  reafoning  from 
figures,  as  the  moft  plaufible  and  fpecious  plan  of  atta-cking  the 
financial  operations  of  the  late  miniilry,  and  has  avoided  the  dif- 
ufTion  of  more  general  fubjeCls,  only  becaufe  the  refult  of  fueh 
a  difcuffMsn  iftuft  have  effentially  alfefted  the  application  of  his 
political  arithmetic  to  the  quellion  at  ifTue.  In  fpite  of  the  purely 
•atithrhetical  guife  in  which  he  attempts  to  veil  his  fpeculations, 
and  the  unqu^ilioriable  ikill  v/ith  which  he  Condufi?  all-  his  numer- 

F  2  icul 


g^  Morc^an'j  Csfuparathc  Vie%v  of  t%e  Financ'er.         AptH 

leal  operations,  we  have  no  hefitation  in  pronouncing  the  perfrr- 
mance  to  be  completely  fadious  in  its  whole  delign  and  execution, 
and  eminently  inconclufive  in  its  principles  of  reaioning. 


Art.  VI,  Travels  from  Hamburg,  through  Wrflphaliaf  Holiand,  and 
the  Neihtrlandsy  to  Parts.  By  Thomas  Holctoft.  Two  vol.  410, 
with  folio  plates,     pp-  950-      London,  Philips,    1804. 

FROM  the  pen  of  Mr  Holcroft  we  expelled  at  leaft  fomething 
amufiug  ;  but  the  greater  part  of  this  work  does  not  rife 
above  the  denomination  of  light  reading  ;  and  light  reading,  when 
it  is  dilated  iTito  two  capacious  quartos,  is  apt  to  become  as  bur- 
dcnfome  to  the  intellect  as  matter  more  fubitantiah 

Thefe  travels  are  evidently  compofed  in  imitation  of  the  Senti- 
jmental  journey  of  Sterne  j  and  the  model  has  been  copied  with 
fuch  fcrupulcus  exa£lnefs  of  imitation,  that  none  of  its  faults  are 
omitted.  The  offenfive  familiarity,  the  aff'e6ied  oddity  and  abrupt- 
nefs,  the  frequent  i-nterjeiflions,  the  -apoftrophes  to  imaginary  per- 
fons,  the  egotifm  and  levity  that  ditlinguiih  the  ftyle  of  iSterne, 
are  at  leaft  as  remarkable  in  his  imitator,  as  his  wit,  pathos,  or 
originality.  Such  a  manner  of  writing  could  only  pleafe,  we 
(hould  imagine,  in  the  hands  of  the  original  inventor  ;  and  though 
it  might  help  to  fet  oft  a  feries  of  appropriate  fi£lions,  was  evi- 
dently unfuitable  for  a  diftincSl;  and  continued  narrative  of  real  oc- 
currences. Such  is  the  flyle,  however,  which  Mr  Holcroft  has 
thought  proper  to  adopt  as  the  vehicle  of  all  that  profound  ob- 
fervation,  authentic  anecdote,  and  philofophical  defcription,  by 
which  he  flatters  himfelf  that  he  has  paved  the  way  to  *  the  form- 
ation of  an  univerfal  and  permanent  code  of  ethics, '  Of  the 
common  offences  of  fuch  imitators,  vulgarity,  pertncfs,  and  trif- 
ling or  abfolute  fdlincfs,  Mr  Holcroft  has  certainly  his  full  fhare 
to  anfwer  for  :  It  would  be  unjult,  however,  not  to  add,  that  he 
is  occafionally  lively,  ingenious  and  amufing  ;  that  he  is  generally 
good-natured  and  tolerant ;  and  that  there  is  an  air  of  authenti- 
city in  moft  of  his  narratives,  that  recommends  them  to  the  be- 
lief of  the  reader,  in  fpite  of  the  affectation  of  the  language  in 
which  they  are  dehvered. 

The  profeffed  obje<tl:  of  Mr  Holcroft's  book  is  to  delineate  the 
manners  of  the  people  among  whom  he  travels  ;  and,  by  fixing  the 
fa6ts  and  the  philofophy  of  national  character  in  the  moft  im- 
portant part  of  Europe,  to  enlarge  the  fphere,  and  increafe  the  ac- 
curacy of  our  moral  obfervations.  He  contrives,  however,  not 
to  be  very  much  conftrained  by  the  exclufive  nature  of  his  objeft  ; 
for  whenever  he  finds  himfelf  difpofed  to  defcribe  a  building,  a 

*    picture. 


iSa^.  lloXcxoh^ s  Travels  frotn  H'jDihiirg  to  Paris.  %^ 

picture,  or  a  dinner,  he  immediately  difcovers  that  the  manners 
and  chara6ler  of  a  people  cannot  polRbly  be  better  elucidated  than 
by  an  inquiry  into  their  tafle  in  aichiteciure  and  the  other  arts  of 
refined  life.  In  devoting  himfelf  to  the  delineation  of  national 
manners,  Mr  Holcroft  was  probably  determined,  not  merely  by 
the  great  intereft  and  attrad^ion  of  the  fubjetl,  but,  in  fome 
degree,  by  a  tonfcioufnefs  of  the  limits  of  his  Q§i'n  qualifica- 
tions. To  the  naturaliil — the  man  of  fcience — the  ai>riculturift — 
the  merchant,  or  even  the  admirer  of  the  pi61urcfque,  he  docs 
not  pretend  to  be  capable  of  affording  either  inforination  or  de- 
liglit._ 

This  book  is  entitled,  Trnvels  through  Holland,  Weftphalia, 
&c.  to  Paris  :  but  tlie  reader  will  be  grievoufly  difappoinied,  if 
he  expects  to  be  amufed  with  a  moving  picture,  or  a  fuccclFion  of 
new  fccnes  and  adventures  through  the  w^hole  of  the  performance. 
About  one  third  of  the  firit  volume  conducts  Mr  Holcroft  and 
his  family  from  Hamburg  to  Paris  ;  and  the  remaining  800  quar- 
to pages  are  entirely  occupied  with  the  defcription  of  that  city, 
and  with  a  full  and  particular  account  of  every  thing  the  author 
faw,  heard,  did,  read,  felt,  thought  or  imagined,  during  the 
eighteen  months  that  he  remained  among  its  inhabitants. 

Mr  Holcroft  begins  his  work  with  fome  good  plain  obfervations 
upon  the  pain  of  parting  with  friends,  and  gives  us  a  fober,  dull 
narrative  of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  cheated  by  his  landlady 
at  Hamburg  ^ — but  he  does  not  grovel  long  in  this  vulgar  track  i  in 
the  third  page  he  flies  oft  in  this  dramatic  exclamation. 

*  How  forgetful  I  am  1  Or  rather  how  much  1  have  to  remember  ! 
Do,  my  good  and  dear  Doftor,  accompany  thefe  ladies,  to  whom  you 
have  always  been  fo  friendly,  as  far  as  the  boat.  I  muft  run  to  the 
banker,  and  the  bookfeller,  and  above  all  to  the  man  who  has  fo  difin- 
tereftedly  and  effentially  ferved  me,  the  friend  whom  1  fhall  not  eafily 
forget,  Mr  Schuchmacher  ;  with  whom  I  have  ftill  fome  bufniefs  to  ar- 
lange. 

*  When  did  M* ******  refuie  a  kind  ofilce  ? '    p.  3. 

He  gets  over  all  his  engagements,  however,  and  arrives  at  the 
boat-houfe  foon  enough,  as  he  elegantly  exprefles  it,  *  to  take  a 
parting  glafs  '  with  his  friends. 

The  next  chapter  fets  off  with  this  fplendid  fpecimen  of  the 
onomatopoeia — which  is  meant,  it  feems,  to  reprefent  the  adlion 
of  fmoking  a  pipe. 

«  Pff!  pfF!  Hu,  hu,  hu  !  I  am  ftifled  !— Will  you  be  kind  enough, 
Sir,  to  let  this  lady  fit  on  the  other  fide  of  you  ?  ja  zuohlt  me'm  Herr  .' 
aler — "  Willingly,   Sir  :  but —  " 

*  This  but  was  very  fignificant.  Every  man  had  his  pipe  ;  and  It 
was  in  vain  to  change  places.  We  bad  lived  two  years  among  thefe 
eternal  fmokers, '     p.  5, 

F  3  In 


$6  Holcroft'x  Travels  from  H&mhiu'g  to  Farts.  April 

In  the  end  of  the  fame  chapter  we  have  a  very  fair  fpeeimen 
of  the  felf-eomplaceney  vrith  which  Mr  Holcroft  purfues  his  lu- 
cubrations, of  the  eafe  of  his  ftyle,  and  the  finenefs  of  his  feel- 
ings. 

*  Thefe  marfh  lands  are  uncommonly  prolific  ;  and  their  inhabitants 
are  a  very  good  kind  of  people.  So  be  it.  I  blefs  my  ftars,  1  am  but 
a  paflenger.  ^ 

<  I  had  fuppofed  Harburg  to  be  a  village  :  and  the  imagination  had 
feme  relief,  as  I  approached,  to  difcoyer  it  was  a  fortified  town. 

*  It  had  juft  been  taken  poileffion  of  by  the  PrulTians  ;  and  this  was 
another  fubje£l  for  meditation.  It  afftfted  me.  It  brought  to  remem- 
brance the  contefts  of  power,  the  fiiffcrings  of  the  unoffending,  and 
the  whole  train  of  melancholy  reflexions  by  which  the  mind,  difpirited, 
fitigued,  and  worn,  had  been  funk  to  apathy  or  dcfpair.  What  do 
thefe  men  do  here  ?  faid  I.  Why  do  they  not  Hay  at  home  ;  and  build 
bridges,  repair  roads,  drain  bogs,  and  frnrlify  the  barren  fands  of  Bran- 
denburg ?  Would  not  this  be  to  gain  territory  ?  Cannot  ambition  oc- 
cupy itfelf  more  profitably  and  more  robly  than  in  rapine  :\  Ambition 
a  noble  quality  ?  Oh,  no  !  It  is  blind,  fi:lti!n,  lltipid,  and  almoft  as 
ignorant  as  it  is  hateful.  '     p.  6.  7. 

Of  the  country,  ^Ir  Holcroft  allures  us  tliat  ^  nothing  could  be 
fcen  except  cold  ami  green  nakednefs ; ' — the  iuu':,  too,  were  very- 
bad,  and  the  J^uhl-iiuigfJi  jolted  abominably.  At  Bremen  he  meets 
with  a  German  pctit-maitre,  who  is  not  ill  defcribed  ;  and  at  Del- 
inanhorft  the  light  of  fomc  PruOlm  foldiers  reminds  iiim  that  the 
great  Frederic  was  *  great  for  dealing  in  human  flxngliter. '  At 
Groningen,  where  fome  of  the  natives  were  rude  enough  to  laugh 
at  the  outlandifn  appearance  of  his  party,  Mr  Holcroft  takes  oc- 
■cafion  to  make  the  following  profound  and  intercfling  obferva- 
tions. 

*  Thefe  are  trifles  ;  and  in  faft  v;c  lai]ghed  in  turn.  I  fnppofe  it 
was  virtue  in  us,  that  we  concealed  our  laughter  from  the  obiQ^ts  of  it  : 
though  I  leave  it  to  better  cafnifts  to  decide  hovv  far  this  kind  «f  laugh- 
ter, or,  if  they  are  in  the  humour  to  difpute,  any  kind  of  laughter,  is 
a  mark  of  found  fenfe.  I  ov^n,  i  wifh  I  could  laugh  oftentr :  yet  I 
i>m  very  wrong,  \^  I  wiOi  for  folly  ;  and  I  do  not  very  well  know  how 
pure  wifdom  ihould  excite  Igughter.  Blefs  us  1  we  have  many  doubts 
to  folve  ;  and,  as  I  fear,  much  rubbifn  to  remove. 

*  Are  we  in  the  latid  ox  metaphyfics ;  or  of  moral  philofophy  ;  or 
where  ?  We  ought  to  be  at  Groningen  :  fobcr  Groningen  :  where  the 
people  appear  to  have  a  deal  of  commor.  fenfe.  Be  it  remarked,  how- 
t.'Ycr,  that  here,  in  fober  Groningen,  wc  met  with  the  firll  tree  of  H- 
bcrty. 

*  What  warring  rtiifatlons  did  the  ught  of  it  infpire  1  What  is  a  re- 
irohiticn  r*  And  what  has  this  revolution  eftt<£led  ?  The  mafs  of  evil, 
^nd  the  maffi  of  good,  put  in  oppofite  fcalts  :  \vhich  fhall  preponder- 
ate ?     I  (oIctKnly  declare,  iu  iLc  fage  of  jpankind,  my  \itw\  aches,  op- 

jprelR-d 


?So4.  HolcroftV  Travels  from  Hanihurg  to  Paris.  S} 

preffcd  with  a  fenfe  of  pad  miferles,  though  I  ardently  hope,  nay  am 
ferioufly  convinced,  '   &c.      p   42. 

Mr  Holcroft  however  does  not  always  trifle  or  rave  fo  ab- 
surdly. His  defcription  of  a  Dutchman,  though  not  <irigiiial,  is 
corretl  and  amufing. 

'  The  Dutchman,  living  in  coiTtiinial  danger  cf  inundsition,  and  of 
iofing,  not  only  the  fruits  of  his  induft-y,  but  his  life,  becomes  habi- 
tually provident.  His  fore  fight  is  admirable,  his  perfeverance  not  to 
he  conquered,  and  his  labowrs,  unlefs  feen,  not  to  be  believed. 

*  They  aftoniili  the  more,  when  the  phlegm  of  his  temper  and  the 
flownefs  of  his  habits  are  confidered.  View  the  minutenefs  of  his  eco- 
nomy, the  fohcitude  of  his  precaution,  and  the  inflexibility  of  his  me- 
thodical prudence!  V/ho  would  not  pronounce  him  incapable  of  great 
f nterprize  ?  He  builds  himfelf  a  dwelling:  it  is  a  hut  in  fize  ;  it 
"is  a  palace  in  neatnefs.  It  is  neccflarily  fituated  aiivong  damps,  upon  a 
flat,  and  perhaps  behind  the  l^ank  of  a  fluggUh  canal :  yet  he  writes 
upon  it.  My  Goejre^qr,  "  My  Delight  ;  "-—LandluJ,  "  Country  plea- 
fiires  ;  " — LanH/tgt,  "  Count^-y  profped  ;  " — or  forne  irvfcription  that 
might  charafterize  the  vale  of  Tcmpe,  cr  the  garden  cf  Eden.  He 
cuts  his  trees  into  fantaflicai  forms,  hangs  his  awning  round  with  fmali 
bells,  and  decorates  his  Sunday  jacket  with  dozens  cf  little  buttons. 
Too  provident  to  wafle  his  fweets,  he   cunningly   puts  a  bit  (jf  fugar- 

candy  in  his  mouth,  and  dririks  his  tea  as  it  melts .:  one  morfel  ferves, 
let  him  drink  as  long  as  he  pleafes.  Around  him  is  every  token  of 
care,  caution,  and  cleanlinefs  ;  but  none,  in  \\h  domeftic  habits,  of 
magnificence,  or  grandeur  of  defign. 

*  Having  well  confidered  him  in  tbefe  his  private  propenfitieS,  th-e 
eye  turns  with  amazement  on  his  public  works.  The  coviutry,  which 
nature  appears  to  have  doomed  to  ftagnaat  waters  and  everlalling  agues, 
his  daring  and  laborious  arm  has  undertaken  to  drain,  has  overfpread 
with  verdure,  and  lias  covered  v,'ith  habitations.  The  very  element, 
\vhich  feemed  to  bid  him  utter  defiance,  he  has  fubdiicd  aiid  rendered 
his  moft  ufeful  {lave, '   Sec     Vol.  L  p.  37.  58. 

To  this  may  be  added,  the  foUowing  account  of  the  general 
appearance  of  the  lower  orders  at  a  Dutch  fair  : 

*  The  chief  thing  \\'\\\c\i  aifcfts  the  eye  of  a  foreigner,  as  fomething 
iiuufual,  is  the  general  coftume  ;  tire  drelTes,  phyfiogiiomies,  and  pecu- 
liar appearance  of  the  lower  claiTes,  decked  iu  their  holiday  finery. 
Broad  pev^-ter  and  filvcr  buckles ;  !arge  and  fmaO  buttons,  both  in  ex- 
cefs,  and  both  of  ancient  ufag-e  ;  fome  with  feart  velts,  and  others  with 
coats  down  to  their  heels,  eacli  of  tlicm  fitting  clofe,  and  fhuwing  ther 
waifl  ;  projedling  hips,  the  men  wearing  eight  or  ten  pair  ot  breeches j 
the  women  at  leaft  as  m.any  petticoats ;  ftockings  of  various  colours, 
not  excepting  purple,  red,  and  yellow  ;  peafant  girls  m  fhort  jackets, 
\vith  their  gold  ornaments  and  rich  Bruflels  lace  ;  tobacco  pipes,  various 
in  .their  form  aud  fize  5  and  countenances  with  a   freq^uent  tinge  of  the 

F  4.  hyii., 


$%  HolcroftV  Travels  from  Hamburg  to  Paris,  April 

livid.  Thefe  are  a  few  of  the  m^ny  marks  which  catch  the  ftranger'? 
eye,  and  characlerife  the  people.'     Vol.  I.  p.  91.  92. 

It  is  not  long,  however,  before  Mr  Holcroft  returns  to  his  fa- 
vourite ftyle  of  confequential  trifling ;  and,  among  other  things^ 
is  obliging  enough  to  communicate  the  procefs  of  thought  by 
which  he  was  enabled  to  difcoyer  how  there  were  no  water-m.ills 
in  a  country  where  there  was  no  running  water.  This  is  done  with 
great  folemnity,  as  follows  : 

'  An  obfer\'ation  had  forced  itfelf  upon  me,  f^on  after  I  entered  tht 
United  Provinces.  The  country  abounds  in  water,  and  the  Dutch  ne- 
gleS  no  opportunity  of  profiting  by  the  gifts  of  nature  ;  yet  I  do  not 
recollect  to  have  feen  a  fingle  v.ater-milL  The  reafon  was  before  us. 
There  were  innumerable  canals,  but  no  ftrearas :  it  was  almoll  a  level 
furface. '     VoL  I-  p.  77- 

As  an  inftance  of  great  humour  and  originality,  we  then  find 
the  pleafjare  of  meeting  with  an  intelligent  man,  who  fpeaks  your 
language  abroad,  compared  '  to  the  green  mould  of  Chefliire 
eheefe  ; '  and  afterwards,  upon  mentioning  the  fatigue  which  his 
wife  fulTered  from  the  rough  (liaking  of  the  diligence,  an  imagi- 
nary perfonage  is  brought  in  to  fay — 

'  But  how  could  you  be  fo  cruel  to  your  wife  as  not  to  travel  in  your 
own  carriage,  fo  built  as  that  fhe  might  repofe  at  her  eafe  ? 

*  Ay,  dear  Madam,  how  indeed  !  And  how  could  you  and  others, 
who  may  queftion  me,  be  fo  cruel  as  not  to  provide  her  with  fuch  a 
carriage  ?  Though  I  perfeiStly  know  the  dlfgrace  annexed  to  it,  I  will 
\vliifper  a  fecret  to  you,  truiting  to  your  generofity  not  to  make  it  pub* 
lie.  The  man,  to  whom  Fortunatus  left  his  purfe,  was  not  a  poet. 
Do  not  imagine,  dear  Madam,  that  I  complain.  Oh  no  I '  &c.  VoL  1. 
p.  117. 

A  little  farther  on,  we  are  told — 

*  Cars  drawn  by  dogs  is  a  comnson  praSice  here.  It  is  highly  con- 
uenmed  by  fome  writers  in  Paris,  where  likewife  the  praftice  is  not  un- 
known ;  and  I  do  not  think  the  powers  of  the  animal  are  well  calcu- 
lated for  thig  labour.  Is  it  not  veiy  wrong  to  pervert  the  animal  powers?  * 
Vol.  I.  p.  127. 

If  Mr  Holcroft  had  not  written  his  novels  v/ith  a  little  more 
fpirit  and  meaning,  we  can  fcarccly  imagine  th^t  they  would 
have  been  in  fuch  rccjueft  even  at  the  circulating  libraries.  In- 
entering  France,  he  endcivours  to  compare  the  imprcffions  which 
the  general  appearance  of  the  country  makes  upon  him,  with 
thofe which  he  received  when  he  fird  viiiied  it  in  1783.  The 
iollowing  remarks  are  rather  interefting. 

'  In  paffing  through  France  formerly,  the  variegated  colours  of  the 
land  in  cultivation  always  caught  the  eye  of  an  Englifnman,  as  a  fingu- 
•arity.  In  perfpeftive,  they  looked  hke  long  ftripes  of  riband ;  it. 
:iiiT-ient  llades  jf  /:;llow,  brown  d.nd  ?x.^-^ir.     The  reafon  'of  this   was, 

tk'-t 


x8o4.  Holcroh^  s  Travels  from  HamLurg  to  P^ris.  %(j 

tliat  different  peafants  had  each  his  long  flip  of  land  to  cultivate,  and 
that  each  grew  the  fpecies  of  plant  or  grain  which  fuited  his  purpofe, 
or  pleafed  him  beft.  We  remarked  thefe  appearances  ftill,  but  I  think 
iuuch  Icfs  frequently. 

«  The  wretched  nuid  huts,  of  which  I  had  formerly  fcen  fuch  num- 
bers, many  of  them  ilill  remain  :  I  believe,  but  dare  not  affirm,  they 
are  diminifhed. 

*  Tv-'O  things  to  the  advantage  of  the  pref>?nt  moment  1  ran  ipeak 
of,  without  any  doubt  or  fear  of  misleading  :  the  peafants  are  now 
better  clothed,  in  general,  than  they  were  ;  and  their  Woks  I  will  not 
kxy  are  more  merry,  but  rather  more  fedate,  yet  more  truly  cheerful, 
'inhere  Hill  are  many  beggars  among  them  ;  but  the  numbers  now  are 
not  fo  great.  If  the  large  and  fpreading  pifture  of  poverty,  I  may  fay 
of  wretchednefs,  be  not  exceedingly  lellened,  I  am  exceedingly  deceived. 


en.  The  rags,  the  poverty,  the  haraffed  looks,  the  iivid  tints,  the 
-icluves  of  mifery,  I  had  formerly  feen,  cannot  be  ibrgotten.  '  \''ol.  I. 
p.  134.  135. 

All  traces  of  fobcr  inquiry,  or  rational  fpccubtlon,  ho\vever> 
'are  difpelled  as  foon  as  he  comes  Vv^ithia  light  of  Paris ;  and  he 
breaks  forth  into  this  edifying  foliloquy  : 

«  Permit  me  to  paufo.  RecoUedion  is  a  duty.  Why  am  I  here  ? 
The  queilion  confounds.  I  have  parental  ties  that  call  on  me,  and  fa- 
mily affeftions  to  indulge  :  bat  tlie  grand  purpofe  of  my  journey  is  to 
examine  and  endeavour  to  underftand  a  nation,  by  v.'hich,  dunng  twelve 
years,  the  world  has  been  held  in  aftonifliment.  And  who  am  I,  that 
I  fhould  undertake  this  labour  ?  It  is  no  trick,  no  oratoncal  fiourifh  : 
no  ;  by  the  honeily  of  my  foul,  I  ihrink  and  tremble  at  m.y  ov.-n  teme- 
rity !  Paris,  the  city  which  fat  in  judgement  on  ages  paft,  while  the 
piefent,  involved  in  the  decree,  waited  in  dread  to  hear  !  Paris,  whofe 
mandates  to-day  were  the  emanations  of  diviiiity ;  to-morrow,  the  rules 
and  ordinances  of  the  damned  !  Paris,  whofe  intrigues  nothing  Icfs  than. 
omnifcience  could  comprehend,  nothing  lefs  than  omnipotence  could 
difentangle  !  Paris,  whofe  frivolities  Folly  herfelf  defpifes,  while  Wif- 
dom  ibmds  enraptured  at  her  fcience  !  Pretend  to  give  the  world  a 
picture  of  Paris  ? Let  me  recover!  '     Vol.  I.  p.  139.  140. 

The  entree  itfelf,  v/hich  was  made  at  tnidnighr,  is  defcribed  in. 
a  very  pompous  manner,  but  not  without  ibme  iorce  of  colour- 
ing. 

'  The  ftreets  reverberated  ;  the  reflefting  lamps  call:  the  broad  fliades 
of  the  mafry  ftone  buildings  :  they  were  fo  lofty  that  they  concealed 
the  Ikies  ;  and  we  feemed  to  be  winding  through  intricate  and  endlcfi 
caverns.  Thefe  are  not  fanciful  pifturcs,  but  real  imprcflions,  fuch  a:> 
the  place  is  calculated  to  give.  La  rue  Bouloi  is  in  the  centre  of  Paris  : 
aifd  to  that  v/e  were  diiveri. '  Vcl.  I,  p.  143. 
'  '  Ainong 


^«  HolcrolV/  Travels Jt'om  Hamburg  to  Farts,  April 

Among  other  bizarre  refle£llons  that  fug^eft  themfeh-es  at  the 
view  of  thoie  barriers  by  which  the  profcribed  were  formerly  Ihut 
in  for  cleftru£lion,  Mr  Holcroft,  to  prove  his  orthodoxy,  ohferves, 
*  Would  they  had  been  the  walls  of  Jericho,  and  that  the  horns 
of  rams  had  been  founded  before  them  !  *  There  is  then  a  long 
account  of  his  negociation  about  lodgings.;  and  in  the  i6Gth 
page  he  finally  takes  a  portion,  and  begins  his  grand  work  of  ob- 
fcrvation. 

Of  the  remainder  of  this  work,  we  find  it  extremely  difficult 
to  give  any  diftincl  account.  It  is  made  up  of  fuch  a  multitude 
of  unnconne6led  trifles,  and  exhibits  fuch  a  col]e£lion  of  fuper- 
ficiai  and  minute  obfervations,  that  it  is  utterly  impoffible  to  give  any 
intelligible  abftra£l,  and  extremely  difficult  to  find  any  grotinds  for 
feletlion.  CoiFee-houfes,  quack-do6lors,  fign-pofts,  hand-bills, 
illuminations,  feflivals,  public  places,  courtezans,  education,  a- 
dultery,  actors,  artifts,  &c.  &c.  are  all  treated  of  by  Mr  Hol- 
croft in  the  moft  copious,  diforderlj',  and  defultory  manner  ima- 
ginable. The  defcription  of  what  he  fees,  bears  but  an  inconfider- 
able  proportion  to  the  expofition  of  what  he  thinks ;  and  the  ne- 
ceffity  of  making  a  large  book,  has  diflended  the  account  of  what 
he  reads,  to  a  bulk  ftilJ  greater  than  either.  In  going  over  this 
mifcellaneous  aflcrtment,  we  fhsU  no  longer  pretend  to  follow 
the  arrangement  of  the  author,  or  to  prefent  our  readers  with 
any  thing  like  a  complete  account  of  the  innumerable  objects 
he  has  introduced  to  their  notice.  As  a  fpecimen  of  the  kind  of 
entertainment  that  may  be  expelled  from  this  great  work,  how- 
ever, we  {hall  endeavour  to  give  a  view  of  thofe  parts  of  it  that 
appeared  to  us  mofl  extraordinary  and  amufing. 

As  wo  cannot  perfuade  ourfelvcs,  with  Mr  Holcroft,  that  the 
moft  infcruclive  traits  of  national  charaOer  are  to  be  found  among 
the  hawkers,  the  jugglers  and  balhui-fmgers  of  a  great  city,  we 
rather  choofe  to  extratl  the  following  general  cbfen'ations  on  tlie 
prefent  coftume  of  the  nation. 

*  The  revolutionary  fpirit  has  not  been  limited  to  political  aud  civil 
iuflitutions  ;  it  has  pen'aded  every  department  of  hi:e.  Monks  and  ab- 
hes,  with  muffs,  filk  coats,  arm  hats,  and  all  the  affimilating  coftume, 
have  difappeared.  The  well-drcffed  men  are  either  military,  or  hahitc  d 
fo  like  the  Englifh  as  to  feem  almoft  the  fame  people.  They  are  chiefly 
to  he  diflinguifhed  from  us  by  difference  of  dcportnient,  difference  of 
phyfiognomy,  and  by  an  overgrown  bufh  of  hair  on  each  cheek. 

'  But  tlic  v^TclWrefTed  men  are  very  few  :  the  revolution  has  far  from 
entirely  corrected  the  propenfity  of  the  lower  orders  to  (lovenlinefs. 
Long  pantalopns,  once  put  on  and  never  changed  till  they  arc  exitirely 
worn  out,  linen  not  fit  to  be  feen  and  therefore  concealed,  a  great  coat 
dangling  to  tlie  calf  of  the  leg,  buttoned  up  and-  worn  aJfo  while  it  w'AV 

iaitj 


l804«  Holcioh^s  Travels  ft'om  Hamburg  to  Pans.  ^i 

lail,  a  nifty  round  haf',  uncombed  hair,  fierce  whi/kers,  a  dirty  chin, 
and  a  handkerchief  tied  not  under  but  over  it,  and  not  of  rnunin  or  lillc 
but  of  coJirfe-CQlourod  linen  rarely  waflied  ;  fuch  is  the  figure  not  pcf'* 
haps  of  the  mujority,  but  cerlfiinly  of  great  nvimbers  of  the  irjen  to  be 
met  of  an  evening,  even  in  cofTee-'hoyfes  ;  fach  are  hundreds  of  the  fi-» 
Cjurcs  that  crowd  tog-ether  at  all  hora-s  of  the  day,  and  walk  the 
J'alais  Royal,  fil!  the  ])illiard  rooms,  and  exhibit  tliemfelves  in  all  public 
places  where  tlic  entrance  is  free.  At  foinc  even  of  the  dancing  gar-» 
dens  on  the  Bou/t"var,-/s,  they  find  it  necefiary  to  write  over  the  door — 
'  Admittance  to  perfoijs  decently  dreffed.  ' 

'  The  French  character  is  ciiteVprifing,  forward,  impelled  by  curio- 
fitv,  not  eafily  repulfed,  and  with  little  of  that  fhyncfs  which  in  the 
Engljfn  is  fometimes  pride,  and  fometimes  a  fooliOi  feeling  of  fhame, 
but  often  likewife  a  decent  fenfe  of  propriety.  It  appears  as  if  a 
Frenchman  imagines  he  has  only  to  fhow  himfelf  to  be  admired.  If  he 
publicly  write,  fpeak,  or  aet,  he  affumes  importance.  If  his  portrait 
be  painted,  his  h.ead  muft  be  thrown  back,  his  breaft  forv%'ard,  and  hie 
air  m\ift  either  be  fmilir.g,  dignified,  or  difdainful ;  in  his  own  language 
it  muft  inipofc'      p.  169-  I  70. 

The  reader  may  alio  take  the  following  pic-ture  of  the  BouIC" 
vards- 

*  Stalin  of  dirty  books  ;  treiTels  with  toys  ;  fellers  of  cakes  ahd  canes  j 
fan-meriders,  head-ftringers,  beggars,  quacks,  tumblers,  arid  ihow-booth«  ; 
fellows  difpla-ying  tricks  uf  legerdemain  ;  venders  of  miraculous  dyes 
arid  pov.-'ders,  \vho  dip  bits  of  wiute  ribbon  in  a  liquor  that  turn?  them 
pink  ;  orators  parotting  over  twopenny  fyftems  of  geulogy,  and  the  or- 
der of  the  univerfe  ;  teachers  of  fecrets  th^t  will  enable  the  buyer  tp 
cut  glafs  under  water,  etch  landf-apes  upon  egg^fhello,  engrave  portraits 
by  pricking  paper  with  pins  and  dufting  it  with  larnp^black  :  thcfe,  in-f 
termingled  with  the  difplay  of  milHaers,  linen-drapers,  print-fellers,  aud 
a  variety  of  trades,  continued  tiirough  an  avenue  t-\vo  miles  in  length, 
fpacious,  enlivened  as  I  have  faid  with  carriages,  and  adorned  by  lofty 
trees,  gardens,  and  hotels,  with  the  gates,  or  rather  the  triumphal 
arches  of  St  Denis  and  St  Martin,  the  ftrufture  that  was  the  Opera 
Houfe  ;  thcfe,  I  fay,  and  thoufands  of  other  objcfts,  which  no  memory 
can  retain,  if  the  reader  can  arrarige  and  put  them  together,  will  form  a 
fomething  that  he  may  imagine  to  be  the  Boulevards  of  Paris.  ' 

After  four  or  five  chapters  of  fimihir,  but  moi-e  detailed  de- 
fcription,  INIr  Holcroft  comes  to  give  an  account  of  the  national 
fe/livals  which  he  had  occafion  to  witnefs  during  his  ftay-  in  Paris. 
Upon  this  fubjetl,  our  readers  will  perhaps  be  fiirprifed  to  hear 
that  he  has  bellowed  upwards  of  i  20  pages,  although  tlic  fpeSfacle 
and  preparations  were  very  nearly  the  fame  in  every  one  of  them. 
Concerts,  illuminations,  temples  of  painted  boards,  firing  of  ar- 
tillery, dancing  and  difplays  of  agility,  formed  the  grand  ingre- 
dients of  all  thofe  exhibitions  ;  but  though  Mr  Holcroft  goes  over 
aU  this  detail  with  as  much  fatiguing  cxa£tiiefs  as  could  be  found 

in 


$■2  Holcroft'j  Travels  from  Hamburg  io  Pa^tf.  Aptii 

in  a  herald's  account  of  a  coronation,  it  would  ftill  have  been  im- 
poffible  for  him  to  have  filled  one  third  part  of  the  fpace  we  have 
mentioned,  had  it  not  been  for  two  notable  devices.     The  one  is, 
by  taking  a  retrofpeaive  view  of  all  the  feftivals,  procefTions,  and 
public   rejoicings  which  hiftofy  reprefents   as  having  taken  place 
fmce  the  foundation  of  the  royalty  within  the  precin£ls  of  Paris. 
By  the  aiTiflance  of  Saint  Foix  and  Dulaure,   he  accordingly  goes 
back  to  the  time  of  Charles  VI.  and  Louis  XT.,  and  entertains  his 
readers  with  a  long  and  particular  account  of  the  myfteries  and 
pantomimes,  and   the   faints   and   heathen  deities  that  were  con- 
jured up  for  the  delight  of  the  Sovereigns  and  people  of  thofe  days. 
He  then  comes  to  the  tournaments  and  emblematic  pageantries  of  a 
fucceeding  age  ;  and  paffing  leifurely  through  the  clalhcal  alTeda- 
tions  of  Louis  XIV.,  terminates  his   hiftorical  review  with  a  mi- 
nute defcription  of  the  great  feflival  of  the  Federation,  which  was 
celebrated  in  the  Champ  de  Mars  on  the  14th  July  1790.     Haviivr 
thus  arrived  at  the  modern  period  of  the  hiftory  of  French  feflivals^ 
when  books  can  no  longer  be  found  to  tranfcribe,  Mr  Holcroft  has 
recourle  to  his  fecond  contrivance  for  prolonging  his  own  defcrip- 
tions,  and  the  gratification  of  his   readers.     This  conlilb  in  tran- 
fa-ibing  at  full  length  the  various  addrefles,  decrees  or  enadments 
by  which  the  folemnity  was  appointed,  and   alfo  fairly  copyin?' 
over  the  program  or  advertifement  in  which  the  particulars  of  it 
are  always  announced  to  the  public.     With  this  advertifement  in 
his  hand,  Mr  Holcroft  then  proceeds  to   furvey  the  adual. ap- 
pearance of  the   exhibition  ;   and   is   mifchievoufly  particular  in 
pointing  out   where   the  execution  was   defe£live,  and  in  what 
particulars  the   preparations  were  incomplete.     Few  things,  we 
acknowledge,  have  been  more  fatiguing  to  us  than  this  pro'cefs  of 
verification  :  nor  are  we  to  this  hour  altogether  fatisfied  that  the 
national   character  is  completely  elucidated  by  dating  that  the 
Temple  of  Concord,  which  ought  to  have  been  open  in  the  nam- 
ing, was  not  ready  till  the  afternoon,  or  that  the  national  column 
\vas  ereded  of  rafters   covered  over  with  painted  paper.     In  a 
humour  if  pofiiL^e  ftill  more  childifhly  fentimental,   Mr  Holcroft 
then   exclaim.s   againft   the  abominable  brutahty  of  making  dif- 
charges  of  artillery  a  part  of  any  joyful  folemnity,  and  laments 
that  *  the  peaceable  world  fhould  be  thus  wantonly  reminded  of 
carnage,  deftru-ftion  and  horror,  by  the  command  of  its  gover- 
liors. '  ,   A  little  after,  we  have  a  coarfer  fentence  about  *  the  ox 
and  frog  monument  of  that  chief  of  the  Bobadils,  Louis  XIV. ' 

After  Mr  Holcroft  is  happily  delivered  of  his  differtation  on. 
feftivals,  he  prefents  us  v/ith  a  number  of  loofe  remarks  upon 
national  prejudices,  which  are  lefs  novel  than  juft,  and  more  re- 
markable for  t};eir  liberality  than  -their  acuteu^^fs.     He  then  ftringa 

together 


1 3  04'.  Holcroft'j-  Travels  from  Hamburg  to  Parh.  ^J 

torrether  a  number  of  common-place  anecdotes,  and  ftories  of 
Gafcons,  waiting-women  and  profeflbrs.  We  do  not  think  any  of 
them  worth  repeating.  After  fome  bewildering  difcourfes  on  the 
nature  and  caufes  <of  a  Frenchman's  partiality  to  Paris,  we  are 
furprifed  to  find  ourfelves  engaged  all  at  once  in  an  abllract  dif- 
iertation  on  the  ambiguity  of  language.  This  iffues  at  lad  in  fome 
common-place  lamentations  over  the  unfettled  notions  of  honour 
that  prevail  in  the  world  ;  and  fo  totally  does  Mr  Holcroft  forget 
that  he  is  writing  travels  in  France,  or  at  leafl  a  defcription  of 
Paris,  that  he  favours  his  Englilh  readers  with  a  diatribe  on  the 
liorrors  of  boxing,  and  coolly  copies  ®ut  for  them  the  account 
given  in  the  Morning  Chronicle  of  the  famous  match  betweerj 
Belcher  and  Firby  in  April  1S03.  From  this  he  makes  an  eafy 
tranfition  to  the  fubjecf  of  duelling,  the  antiquities  of  which  he 
details  with  great  precifion,  and  digreffes  into  the  kindred  topic 
of  ordeals  by  fire  an-d  water  ;  upon  all  which  he  is  as  learned 
and  fatisfactory  as  if  his  fubjedl  had  compelled  him  to  treat  of 
them  upon  a  very  (hort  warning. 

Thefe  difquifitions  carry  us  a  little  way  into  the  fecond  vo- 
lume, when  we  meet  fomewhat  abruptly  with  this  pathetic  ex- 
clamation— 

<  Honefty  and  precifion  of  language,  oh  !  when  fliall  your  benign 
influence  purify  the  heart,  make  it  blufh  at  its  cowardly  glossaries, 
bid  it  fhrink  from  diflimulation,  and,  virhile  it  detefts  the  praAice,  ac~ 
Ciiftom  it  to  abhor  the  confequences  of  hypocrify  !  '     Vol.  II.  p.  26. 

This  pious  ejaculation  turns  out  to  be  the  prelude  to  a  long- 
hiftorical  account  of  the  gallantry  and  habitual  adultery  of  the 
French,  in  which  is  engroffed  an  abridged  hillory  of  all  the 
royal  rpiftrefles  from  the  days  of  Philip  the  Long  and  Charles 
VII.  down  to  thofe  of  Louis  XV.  This  edifying  legend  occu- 
pies nearly  forty  pages ;  and  twenty  more  are  filled  with  extracts 
and  tranilations  from  interludes,  epigrams,  and  fatires,  iiluftrating 
the  unaltered  corruption  of  modern  manners.  Upon  this  im- 
portant fubje£tj  we  cannot  help  regretting,  that  Mr  Holcroft  ha* 
not  been  able  to  come  to  a  clearer  conclanon.  This  is  the  ora- 
cular fentence  with  which  he  difmifles  it — 

*  Though  I  dare  not  afErm,  I  hope  and  bdt.  vi  the  num.ber  of 
wives  faithful  to  their  huftands  is  the  greatell :  yet  what  I  have  fo 
frequently  obfcfved  makes  it  with  me  (xcenlirigly  doubtful.  Vol.  II, 
p.  61. 

He  adds  in  another  place — 

'  I  can  teftify  that  Fiench  women,  as  well  young  as  old,  will,  with- 
out fcruple,  and  it  may  by  miracle  "be  without  meaning,  beftow  their 
kiffes  unaflced,  and  defcribe  charming  gardens  and  retired  groves,  in  which 
they  wiU  invite  you  to  walk,  propofing  themfelves  to  be  vour  guide.  ' 
Vol.  II,  p.  84.  '         ^ 

Upoi: 


94  HoIcfofiV  'Trctvels  from  Hamhurg  to  Parts,  April 

Upon  the  fubjeci  of  decency  and  cleanlinefs,  Mr  Holcroft  phi-* 
lofophizes  and  exemplifies,  in  a  manner  that  is  in  the  higheff 
degree  naufeous  and  difgufting,  though  we  really  believe  that 
he  does  not  intend  to  give  any  offence.  This  inquiry  ends  in  a 
difcourfe  upon  drefs  ;  for  the  full  elucidation  of  which,  all  the 
fafhions  from  the  time  of  Francis  I.  are  made  to  pafs  in  review  ^ 
and  upon  the  akernationd  of  fafhion  between  London  and  Paris, 
he  is  pleafed  to  obferve,  that  *  it  cannot  be  denied  that  thcfc 
things  are  indications  of  that  highelt  of  all  high  confiderations, 
the  ftate  of  mind  and  of  morals.'  A  little  after,  he  fays,  with 
ftill  more  folemnity,  but  at  the  fame  time  with  all  the  laudable 
caution  that  was  natural  in  venturing  upon  fo  alarming  a  remark, 

'  There  is  an  aptitude  in  the  mind  to  A'llcmatizc  on  its  own  con- 
ijeftures  :  Of  this,  I  wifli  the  reader  to  be  aware,  when  I  fay  I  am 
millaken  if  female  decency,  nay,  if  chaliity  and  morals,  be  not  injured 
by  the  difufe  of  hats  v/hich  has  fo  lung  prevailed  in  France.  '  Vol.  11. 
p.  117. 

We  pafs  over  the  author's  treatifes  on  courtezans  and  on  nurfes, 
in  the  latter  of  which  he  maintains  that  many  an  old  woman  has 
more  power  than  Bonaparte.  Ou  the  new  plan  of  education, 
by  central  and  departmental  fchools,  he  only  obferves,  that  the 
Firft  Conful  has  engrofled  to  himf<.df  the  whole  patronage  and 
regulation  of  thefe  inftitutions ;  and  that,  in  the  polytechnic 
fchool  at  Paris,  in  particular,  it  is  an  undcritood  thing,  that  ii 
the  father  or  relation  of  any  Itudent  e.xprefs  difapprobation  of  the 
government,  the  boy  is  immediately  expelled.  During  the  war 
with  Toulfaint,  all  the  youths  of  colour  were  difmifl'ed  with  ig- 
nominy. 

Mr  Holcroft  admits  that  the  French  have  fome  pretenfions 
to  politenefs,  though  their  merit  in  this  way,  he  fays,  lies 
chiefly  in  that  forbearance  by  which  quarrels  and  outrages  are 
generally  avoided.  Many  of  the  obfervances  to  which  they  a- 
fcribe  fo  much  importance,  he  juflly  confiders  as  mere  local  and 
arbitrary  ufages  \  and,  in  fome  points,  he  endeavours  to  fliow 
that  their  manners  are  abfolutely  rude.  In  proof  of  this,  he  al- 
ludes to  the  quix-zing  which  his  fpeftacles  and  fpencer  drew  up- 
on him  from  the  populace,  and  to  the  ingratitutle  of  diverfe  in- 
dividuals to  whom  he  lent  books  at  the  opera,  and  fhowed  other 
'  civilities.  The  charge,  however,  we  will  confefs,  becomes  more 
ferious,  when  he  adds,  that  he  repeatedly  faw  women  of  the 
town  kicked  in  the  Palais  Royal  by  the  waiters ;  and  that  in  one 
of  the  theatres,  an  old  geatieman"  a£f  ually  ftruck  a  lady  with  his 
fill,  in  confequence  of  fome  difpute  about  a  place.  The  pit,  he 
adds,  is  always  extremely  turbulent  at  Paris,  and  abfolutely  rages 
as  often  as  a  lady  lays  her  cloak  or  handkerchief  over  a  box,  or 
turns  hfr  back  u:;on  the  audience- 
Mr 


3  3c4»  'B.olcToh''s  Travels /rom  Hamturg  to  Paris*  pjf 

Mr  Holcroft  next  calls  In  queftlon  that  gayety  of  heart  on 
which  the  French  are  fo  apt  to  value  themfeives.  His  firft  rea- 
fons  for  doubting  hs  reahty,  did  not  indeed  appear  to  us  to  be 
very  fubilantial — the  height  of  their  houfes,  for  inftance,  and 
the  darknefs  of  their  court-yards  and  portes  cocheres^  or  the 
heavy  form  and  duiky  colour  of  their  furniture.  The  frequency 
of  fuicide,  however,  is  an  ai'gunient  rather  more  convincing. 
In  the  Morgue^  a  place  in  Paris  where  dead  bodies  are  depofited 
sill  they  be  reclaimed,  upwards  of  1 30  are  fuppofed  to  be  annual- 
ly expofcd  ;  but  as  the  fafhionable  mode  of  death  is  by  drown- 
ing, the  vi<!.'iims  muft  be  much  more  numerous-  Mr  Holcroft 
was  informed  from  a  very  refpedlable  quarter,  that  there  had 
been  193  fuicides  in  the  metropolis  v/itliin  the  laft  ten  m.onths,  and 
about  as  many  in  tlie  departments.  Beggars  are  more  numerous 
in  Paris  than  in  I^ondon,  but,  in  general,  not  fo  importunate. 
Credulity  and  fuperilition  ftill  retain  a  good  deal  of  influence  over 
the  lower  orders,  though  Mr  Holcroft  thinks  that  the  hierarchy 
will  never  be  able  to  renew  either  its  tyranny  or  its  impoflures. 

The  aiTociation  of  ideas  by  v/hich  Mr  Holcroft  is  guided  in  the 
dillribution  of  his  fubjects,  is  rather  more  capriciour,  than  moft; 
authors  would  choofe  to  follow  in  a  ferious  compofition.  In 
fpeaking  of  credulity,  he  happens  to  g^lance  incidentally  at  tha 
general  behaviour  of  the  Pariiians  in  places  of  worfliip  •,  and  thi-s 
leads  him  to  give  fome  account  of  the  feftival  obierved  on  ti\e 
birtli-day  of  Bonaparte,  hecaufe  the  greater  part  of  it  was  fo- 
lemnlfed  in  churches :  and  then,  the  mention  of  this  feftival  na- 
turally leads  hiiii  to  fay  fomething  of  the  characSler  of  the  Firlt 
Conful  himfelf.  This,  however,  is  a  fubjecSl  which  cannot  fail 
to  attract  curiofity  in  whatever  way  it  may  be  introduced;  andr 
Mr  Holcroft  has  contributed  his  quota  of  anecdotes  and  rejec- 
tions with  great  good  will  and  liberality.  The  great  interefl  of 
thefe  fpeculations,  however,  is  now  over :  among  fhofe  who  live 
beyond  the  fphere  of  his  power,  there  is  no  longer  any  dilpute 
about  the  charafter  of  this  fortunate  ufurper.  Mr  Holcroft,  with 
all  his  admiration  for  energies  and  fublime  capabilities,  is  obliged 
to  admit  the  felfilh  littienefs  and  violence  of  his  temper,  and  to 
allow  that  he  is  merely  adling  over  die  vulgar  part  of  an  ambi- 
tious tyrant,  with  all  its  common  accompaniments  of  rant  and 
atrocity.  There  is  fomething  of  a  poetical  rapture  in  the  ftyle 
which  he  aiTumes  upon  this  occafion  ;  but  it  is  the  beft  writters 
part,  we  think,  of  his  performance. 

*  Of  republicans  he  was  the  firft,  the  moft.  magnanimous,  and  the 
leaft  to  be  fufpedled  :  the  love  of  freedom,  the  emancipation  of  (laves, 
and  the  utter  expulfion  of  bigotry,  were  the  pidlures  he  delighted  to- 
ejAibit  to  the  admiring  world.     Cscfar,  nay,  AleJtander  himfelf,  who 

r>rofeffv'rl 


^6  riokroft'j-  T^ravcis  from  Hamhurg  to  Paris.  AprM 

profefTed  to  conquer  only  to  civilife,  appeared  to  be  outdone  by  a 
ftripling  ;  a  fchoiar  from  the  military  fchool  ;  concerning  whom  his 
playmates  began  now  to  ranfack  memory,  that  they  might  difcover  in 
what  he  had  differed  from  themfelves. '     Vol.  II.  p.  272. 

The  world,  in  general,  only  changed  their  opinion  by  degrees  5 
laut  Mr  Holcroft  detected  the  Iiypocrite  in  one  deciiive  atl. 

*  The  unhappy  period  at  length  approached,  that  was  to  fliow  him 
a  charadler  of  vice  and  virtue  fo  dangeroufly  combined,  as  to  alarm  pe- 
netration, and  warn  the  world  to  beware.  He  landed  in  Egypt  ;  and, 
by  a  flroke  of  his  pen,  he  and  his  whole  army  became  Muffulmen. 

<  Every  doubt  was  then  removed  :  he  was  a  man  to  whom,  couLi  he 
but  gain  the  end  in  view,  all  means  were  good. '     VoL  11.  p.  273. 

The  fame  propenfity  to  account  for  every  thing  by  the  fuppofi- 
tlon  of  feme  hngle  and  palpable  caufe,  induces  Mr  Holcroft  to  af- 
fure  us,  that  the  tyranny  of  Bonaparte  arifes  almoft  exclufively 
from  his  having  been  accuflomed  to  command  armies  before  he 
afcended  the  feat  of  civil  dominion.  The  followhig  obfervations, 
however,  are  entitled  to  attention. 

'  Accuilomed  to  gain  the  grandefl  advantages  by  fecrecy  of  plan, 
celerity  of  aftion,  atid  thofe  ftratagems  that  bell  can  maflv  and  millead, 
the  fame  habits  remain,  and  the  fame  means  are  adopted,  when  the 
conqueror  feizes  on  the  rule  of  ftates  as  when  he  fends  forth  his  co- 
horts to  the  plunder  of  cities,  and  the  capture  of  provinces.  He  alone 
muft  projeft  ;  he  alone  muft  command  ;  reward  and  punifhment  mufl 
be  at  his  fole  difpofal :  no  community,  no  fmgle  creature  muft  adl  but 
as  he  wills.  That  to  make  his  will  known  is  impoffible  ;  that  it  varies 
in  himfelf  from  day  to  day ;  that  men  cannot  relign  their  intellect,  can- 
not refift  the  impnlfes  of  habits  and  the  decii^ons  of  the  judgement  ;  and 
that  the  taflc  of  regulating  the  aftions  of  m-  ''>ons  by  the  will  of  an  in- 
dividual  is  the  molt  extravagant  and  abfur  V  .)f  attempts— are  truths 
of  which  he  has  no  knowledge,  or  has  loft  ^'  .  recoUedion. '  Vol.  IL 
p.  277. 

The  barefaced  violence  by  which  all  the  journals  were  filenced, 
but  thofe  which  became  the  organs  of  the  government,  has  been 
long  known  over  all  Europe.  Mr  Holcroft  adds  a  number  of 
well  authenticated  fafts  of  the  fame  nature,  and  mentions  the 
names  of  feveral  unfortunate  authors  who  were  fentenced  to  ba- 
nilhment  or  imprifonment  for  having  Vvritten  what  did  not  meet 
with  the  approbation  of  the  Flril  Conful.  Even  his  philofophical 
aflbciates  are  now  excluded  from  his  prefence  ;  and,  on  fome  oc- 
cafions,  the  contempt  with  which  he  treats  the  adulation  which 
liis  tyranny  has  extorted,  reminds  us  of  the  capricious  infults  ot 
Tiberius  to  his  degraded  fenate. 

'  In  the  true  fpirit  of  French  declamation,  fome  one  affirmed,  fpeak- 
ing  to  Bonaparte,  that  England  was  far  behind  France  in  truly  under- 
ita^uding  the   principles  cf  liberty  :     To  which  he  rephed,  "  It  would 

be 


l8o4'  Holcroft'j-  Travels  from  Hamburg  to  Pari!,  P7 

be  well  for  the  latter,  if  it  did  but   enjoy   one  tenth  part  of  Englifh 
freedom.  " 

*  He  will  feldom  condefcend  to  argue  ;  and,  when  he  does,  he  con- 
Hders  It  as  infolence,  in  any  one,  who  dares  to  be  of  a  different  opi- 
nion. '     Vol.  II.  p.  288.  289. 

In  every  fociety,  Mr  Holcroft  aiTures  us,  Moreau  is  praifed, 
and  advantageoLilly  contralted  with  Bonaparte.  '  Their  bufts,  * 
he  adds,  *  are  expofed  to  fale  on  every  ftall ;  and  before  I  left 
Paris,  that  of  Moreau  was  faid  to  fell  much  the  beft. ' 

*  According  to  good  information,  the  ungovernable  anger  of  Bona- 
parte is  become  fo  exceffive,  that,  when  a  meflenger  brings  unpleafant 
news  of  any  kind,  but  efpecially  if  it  relate  to  foreign  affairs,  the  per- 
fons  in  waiting  are  each  afraid  of  being  the  reporter.  His  fits  of 
paffion  are  fo  violent,  that  it  is  faid  he  is  now  frequently  provoked  to 
flrike ;  and  that  it  is  very  common  for  his  footmen  to  receive  blows.  * 
VoL  II.  p.\30i.^ 

Mr  Holcroft  fays,  that  he  has  every  reafon  to  believe  that  the- 
angry  and  intemperate  attacks  upon  the  Englifh  nation,  which 
appeared  in  the  Aloniteurs  during  the  peace,  were  written  by  the 
Firlt  Conful  hirnfelf. 

'  From  an  engineer,  who  was  with  him  in  Egypt,  I  learned  that  it 
was  his  cuftom,  when  he  had  fummoned  a  council  of  war,  to  lillen  to 
the  opinions  of  others,  to  give  no  opinion  himfelf,  to  aft  in  a  manner 
that  could  be  leafl  expected,  and  to  do  this  with  fuch  determination 
and  celerity,  that,  faid  the  narrator,  it  was  like  a  torrent.  So  great 
was  his  afcendancy,  that,  when  he  was  prefent,  the  generals  acting  un«> 
der  hira  appeared  like  fo  many  fchoolboys. '     Vol.  II.  p.  303. 

In  executing  thefe  plans  it  is  notorious  that  he  is  utterly  in- 
different to  the  walle  of  e  that  may  be  occafioned  :  he  has  no 
fympathy  with  the  fuiFer    gs  of  Iiis  followers. 

'  During  the  extreme  fm.imer  heats  in  Italy,  it  happened  that  the  ene- 
my was  certain  on  fuch  a  day  that  his  army  was  at  fuch  a  diflance.  It 
Avas  well  known  that  forced  marches  wcroi  with  him  common  occur- 
rences :  but  the  feafon  would  not  admit  of  them,  without  an  abfolute 
and  certain  lofs  of  men  ;  which  mufl  be  exceflive  in  proportion  as  their 
fpeed  fhould  be  great. 

' .  Bonaparte  was  not  to  be  retarded  by  fuch  motives.  On  this  very 
occafion,  he  iffued  his  orders  as  he  lay  in  the  v/arm  bath,  of  which  he 
makes  frequent  uie,  and  the  men  were  driven,  forward,  the  foot  by  the 
horfe,  with  fuch  violence  that  thoufands  perilhed  on  the  march.  Seme 
rem.onftrances  were  attempted  by  the  officers,  but  they  were  repulfed 
with  contempt  and  threats.  The  horfe  and  advanced  troops  fecured 
various  palTes,  the  fuppofed  irnpofiibiliiy  was  overcome,  the  enemy  at-, 
tacked,  and  the  end  of  the  conqueror  obtained.^  Av/hole  dHlriti  fell 
the  common  prey;  arid  the  living,  in  the  triumph  of  victory  and  the 
revel  of  plunder,  thought  no  more  of  the  dead. 

*  The  contributions  he  laid  -.vere  without  raercT  |  a:;d  his  tre?traent 

Toto  n\   KG,  7,  G  *i 


Q§i  Holcroft'j-  Travels  from  Hamburg  to  Paris.  April 

of  the  magiftrates  of  the  conquered,  when  they  ventured  to  make  any 
ilrong  appeal  againft  cruelty  or  injuftice,  v/as  fuch  as  man  would  fcarce- 
ly  bellow  on  a  dog. '     Vol.  II.  p.  307.  308. 

We  fnali  conclude  thefs  extracts  with  the  following  phyfiog- 
noinical  fketch. 

.•'Sallow  complexion,  length  of  face,  a  pointed  nofe,  a  projefling 
chin,  and  prominent  cheek-bones,  have  diflinguifhed  the  countenances 
of  fanatics  and  perfecutors.  Fanatics  and  perfecutors  were  often  men 
of  powerful  minds,  but  violent  pafllons ;  and  between  fuch  men  and 
Bonaparte,  allowing  for  times  and  circumllances,  in  phyfiognomy,  in 
talents,  and  in  manner  of  a£iing,  there  is  great  refemblance.  *  Vol.  II. 
p.  320. 

We  cannot  go  through  the  remainder  of  this  work.  It  con- 
fills  principally  of  a  catalogue  raifonnee  of  all  the  public  perform- 
ers of  any  eniinence,  and  of  the  men  of  letters  and  authors 
whofe  names  are  in  circulation  in  Paris.  It  alfo  comprehends  a 
rapturous  account  of  the  national  mufeum,  o£  which  the  follow- 
ing fentence  may  ferve  as  a  fpecimen. 

^  The  harmonious  Guldo  ;  Barbieri,  Conrgw,  Tidan,  Da  Vinc't,  and 
Raphael!  Giants,  that  extermiiiare  their  imitators:  each  a  Saturn, 
devouring  his  children. 

'  Why  do  1  indulge  in  a  flyk  that  refembles  rhapfody  ?  It  is,  that 
I  am  vainly  ftruggling  to  perform  a  tafli  to  which  I  am  unequal.  It  is, 
that  multitude  and  volume  palfy  all  eflort  to  individualize,  and  give  mt 
the  right  to  fay,  go,  and  behold,  that  thy  eyes  may  bear  teftimony  to 
the  truth. '     Vol.  II.  p.  439. 

After  a  Ihort  refumc  of  his  obfervations  on  cofFee-houfes,  gam- 
ing-Iioufes,  and  prifons,  Mr  Hcyicroft  leaves  Paris,  and  return* 
to^  England  by  die  way  of  Calais,  without  meeting  with  any 
adventure. 

Upon  the  whole,  we  tlnnk  tlr.'t  this  book  is  a  great  deal  too 
long,  and  that  it  has  attained  this  magnitude  by  the  inoft  intre- 
pid and  extenfive  application  of  the  approved  recipes  for  book- 
making  that  has  yet  come  under  our  confideration.  If  every- 
thing were  deducted  that  has  no.  relation  to  the  prefent  ftate  of 
the  countries  which  the  author  propofes  to  defcribe,  and  every 
thing  which  is  tranfcribcJ  from  books  that  might  as  well  have 
been  confulted  at  hoine,  the  publication,  we  are  perfuaded,  would 
be  reduced  to  one  third  of  its  prefent  bulk.  The  lofty  preten- 
ifions,  too,  with  whicli  the  author  fets  out,  and  the  foiemnity 
■with  which  he  coiitinually  fpeaks  of  his  labours,  form  a  ridicu- 
Jous  contrail  with  the  iuiignificauce  of  the  matters  upon  which 
lie  has  relied  hi-  attention.  Inftead  of  dwelling  only  upon  thofef 
things  which  policiTed  in  thernlelves  fome  degree  of  interell  or 
attraction,  he  has  attempted  to  tranfport  his  readers  into  Paris, 
by  letting  before  their  eyes  every  thing  which  his  own  could  dif- 
'        -    '  <lbvcr 


1S64.  HolcroftV  Travels  from  tiamhurg  to  Paris. 


pr) 


cover  in  that  fituation  ;  and  has  thought  there  was  no  way  fo 
lure  of  omitting  nothing  chara£leriftic  or  important,  as  by  fet- 
ting  down  every  thing  that  occurred,  and  thinking  nothing  too 
trifling  to  be  omitted.  In  this  way,  he  has  undoubtedly  brought 
forward  fome  groupes  in  a  Hvely  and  animated  manner  j  but  he 
has  taken  all  dignity,  unity  and  diftindlnefs  from  his  perform- 
ance, confidered  as  a  whole  ;  and  has  crowded  and  confufed  its 
inferior  compartments  in  fuch  a  manner  as  fcarcely  to  leave  any 
other  impreiTiou  on  the  eye  of  the  obferver,  but  that  of  difor- 
der  and  fatigue. 

Of  the  ftyle  and  language  of  this  book,  a  tolerable  judgement 
may  be  formed  from  the  extracts  we  have  already  given.  Its 
ruling  vice  is  aiFe£lation,  which  is  frequently  combined  with  a 
greater  degree  of  grammatical  inaccuracy  than  is  ufual,  even  in 
works  of  this  defcription.  In  the  preface,  the  author  informs  us, 
that  *  his  principal  fubje6l  is  the  city  of  Paris,  its  inhabitants, 
and  the  marks  by  which  they  are  diftinguiflied  from  other  cities 
and  other  nations. '  A  fev/  pages  afterwards,  he  chooies  to  fay, 
*  In  their  common  difcourfe  much,  and  in  their  daily  adlions 
more,  the  opinions  of  a  people  are  broadly  written. '  He  talks 
alfo  of  *  murders  and  atrocities,  fuch  as  the  very  image  of  makes 
the  foul  revolt ; '  and  of  '  four  children,  none  of  whom  not  having 
a  parent's  care,'  &c.  He  informs  us,  moreover,  that  *  cars 
drawn  by  dogs  is  a  pra£lice, '  &c.  j  and  that  a  man  with  a  dirty 
hlk  coat  was  '  furveyed  ivith  continued  repetition  by  his  com- 
panions. * 

This  book  is  very  handfomely  printed,  and  the  plates  have  the 
dimeniions  at  lead  of  magnificence  :  the  greater  part  of  them, 
however,  are  very  indifferently  executed ;  and  the  two  general 
views  of  Paris  are  in  every  refpe£t  abominable.  The  vignettes 
are  by  far  the  beft,  and  many  of  them  are  both  defigned  and 
nniflied  with  great  tafle  and  ^legance. 


Art.  VI  I.  Metnoires  Ju  Cotr.pte  Jcftph  de  Puifaye^  Lieutenant  Gen:- 
raly  isfc,  ^c.  qui  pourrcnt  fervir  a  P Hifoire  clu  Parti  Royalife  Fran- 
goij,  durant  la  derniere  Revolution,  2  vol.  London,  E.  Harding 
&  Dulaw.     1803. 

'^  PuifTaye  has  devoted  his  retirement, in  Canada  to  the  viri- 
'^"■*"  dication  of  his  chara6ter  from  charts  which  have  ob- 
tained a  very  extenhve  circulation.  He  informs  the  public,  that 
he  has  compofed  thefe  volumes  under  the  prefTure  of  an  almofl 
uninteriuptcd  ilatc  of  bad  health,  and  that,  from  that  caufe, 

G  ^  he 


I««  Pulflaye,  Ahmoires  du  Parti  Roya/j^e. .  April 

he  is  obliged  to  offer  them  to  the  world  in  an  unfmifhed  ftate ; 
and  it  is  (o  uncertain  whether  he  fliall  live  to  complete  the 
tafk  he  has  begun,  that  he  has  made  arrangements  for  the  pub- 
lication  of  the  papers  to  which  he  meant  to  refer,  in  cafe  of 
his  deceafe. 

In  the  flrft  of  thefe  volumes,  he  delivers  his  fentiments  on 
the  caufes  which  produced  the  French  Revolution,  and  the 
events  which  followed,  down  to  the  dilFolution  of  the  firft 
National  Affembly.  The  fecond  volume  contains  an  account 
of  the  meafures  adopted  by  M,  PuilFaye  to  form  a  Royalill  army 
in  Normandy  and  Brittany,  down  to  Septismber  1794,  when 
he  came  to  England  to  concert  meafures  with  the  Britiih  Go- 
vernment. In  this  volume  M.  PuifFaye's  perfonal  adventures 
and  condu£l  occupy  the  greater  part  of  the  narrative  ;  and 
many  hiilorical  anecdotes  are  related,  which  have  hitherto  been 
little  known  to  the  public. 

M.  Puiflaye's  reflections  on  the  caufes  which  produced  the  French 
revolution,  are  delivered  with  lingular  temper  and  moderation.  He 
imputes  the  whole  to  the  divifions  and  difunion  which  prevailed  in 
every  order  of  the  State.  Our  readers  are  probably  well  acquaint- 
ed with  many  of  the  abufes  which  led  to  the  downfal  of  the  arif- 
tocracy  of  France  ;  but  much  more  than  ufual  is  afcvibed  by  our 
autlior  to  the  divifions  which  prevailed  between  the  noblt-fle  of  the 
Court  and  of  the  provinces.  The  courtiers  were  poflefTed  of  all 
fituations  of  power  or  emolument,  while  the  provincial  nobility 
were  precluded,  by  the  prejudices  of  their  order,  from  filling  many 
of  the  mod  important  fituations  in  life.  The  lludy  of  the  fciencesj 
the  exercife  of  the  liberal  arts,  and  the  adminillration  of  juftice, 
were  almofl;  entirely  engrolTed  by  men  whom  the  higher  nobili- 
ty confidered  as  an  inferior  clafs.  Although  they  occupied  no- 
minal fituations,  and  pofielTed  a  {j6titious  preeminence,  they 
had  loll  every  thing  which  could  give  them  a  real  prepondei- 
ance  in  the  event  of  a  ftruggle.  Their  degradation  was  com- 
pleted by  the  venality  of  the  Court.  Every  office,  every  fpecies 
of  diftin£lion,  was  bought  and  fold.  Titles  were  fo  rapidly 
multiplied,  that  every  frefli  creation  made  thofe  who  had  for- 
merly been  enobled  impatient  for  fome  new  promotion'.  At  the 
fame  time  that  the  flate  of  the  nobility  was  fuch  as  indicated 
the  weaknefs  of  the  government,  the  people  poiTefTed  few  privi- 
leges which  could  give  them  any  attachment  to  the  conflitution 
of  their  country.  Some  of  the  provinces  indeed  had  the  right 
of  holding  meetings  -^f  the  ftates  according  to  the  capitulation* 
by  which  they  had ''been  united  to  the  Crown  of  France  j  and 
hough  this  privilege  had  been  reduced  to  the  right  of  making 
yemonftrances,  which  were  generally  reprefled  by  menaces,  or 

anfwered 


1804'  PuinUye,   Metnoires  clit  Parti  Royalyh.  \tl 

anfwered  Hy  letters  de  cachet,  yet  M.  Puiffiiye  afTures  us,  that 
even  this  (liadow  of  liberty  was  not  without  eftV£l  •,  awd  that  to 
it  mufl:  be  attributed  the  fuperior  degree  of  cuerviy  which  thefe 
provinces  difplayed  in  the  combat  which  they  afterwards  main- 
tained for  their  laws  and  their  reUgion. 

«  Their  conduft'  he  obferves  (p.  49.)  'ought  to  recal  to  the  re- 
collection of  thofe  who  govern,  a  truth  too  often  forgotten,  that  the 
maintenance  of  the  rights  of  fubjeAs  affords  the  moll  folid  fuppOrt 
to  the  authority  of  the  fovereign.  ' 

In  the  other  provinces  of  France,  the  Parliaments  were  the 
only  barrier  between  the  iinlimiteil  authority  of  the  Prince,  and 
the  abjefl:  condition  of  the  people.  Our  author  is  loud  in  his 
praifes  of  the  character  and  condu£l  of  the  members  of  thet'e 
aflemblles  ;  and  his  fentiments  on*  this  fubje6l  form  a  ftrong 
contraft  to  thufe  of  M.  Mounier.  Both  the  nature  of  thefe  in- 
Hitutions,  and  the  general  condu(?t  and  charafter  of  the  mem- 
bers, meet  with  his  decided  approbation  ;  and  although  he  ap- 
pears to  admit  that  the  legiflative  powers  which  they  affumed, 
v/ere  ufurped,  he  at  the  fame  time  aflerts  that  they  were  uni- 
formly executed  for  the  advantage  of  the  nation. 

To  remove  any  fufpicion  which  might  attach  to  the  very  de- 
cided approbation  which  M.  Puiflaye  bellows  upon  the  Par- 
liaments of  France,  he  aflures  us  that  he  has  no  motive  of 
profeflional  or  family  attachment  which  could  bias  his  judg- 
ment. 

«  I  have  heard  the  Parliaments'  (fays  M.  Puiflaye,  p.  51.)  *  calum- 
niated by  men  attached  to  the  Court  :  That  was  to  be  expefted  ;  for 
the  Court  feared  them,  and  had  determined  on  their  deftrudlion.  I 
have  fince  heard  them  calumniated  by  the  oppofite  party  :  That  was 
alfo  to  be  looked  for  ;  that  party  found  it  neceffary  to  deftroy  them.  I 
have  feen  them  aft  throughout  with  dignity  and  courage,  fuffering  at 
one  period  for  their  oppofition  to  the  enterprizes  of  arbitrary  power, 
on  another  occalion  vidlims  of  their  zeal  for  the  fupport  of  lawful  au- 
thority. ' 

M.  Puiflaye  obferves,  that  many  perfons  have  exprefled  their 
furprife,  that  the  ablell  miniilers  France  ever  produced  in  the 
•war  and  marine  departments  had  been  homines  de  robe.  Our  au- 
thor remarks  that  this  fa6l  may  be  eafily  accounted  for. 

*  A  well  informed  man,  poffefled  of  habits  of  application,  can  in  a 
fliort  time  make  himfelf  fit  for  any  fituation  ;  while  a  man  who  is  igno- 
rant, and  who  believes  that  he  is  poflefTed  of  an  extenfive  right  to  office, 
from  birth,  from  favour,  or  from  fortune,  is  incapable  of  any  employ- 
ment. ' 

He  aflerts  accordingly,  that  thefe  men  would  probably  have  ac- 
quired the  fame  reputation  in  the  command  of  armies.     The 

G  3  ftatefmen 


1 02  Pulflaye,  Memoires  du  Parti  Royalijie.  April 

ftatefmen  and  generals  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  republics  were 
at  the  fame  time  their  magiftrates. 

If  the  members  of  the  French  Parliaments  were  defervlng  of 
the  eulogium  beftowed  upon  them  by  our  author,  they  certain- 
Jy  form  a  flriklng  inftance  of  the  powerful  inlluence  of  moral 
fituation.  They  muft  have  felt  that  the  place  which  they  were 
to  hold  in  the  public  eftimation  depended  upon  their  own  con- 
du£l  j  and,  amidft  the  contempt  into  which  the  other  inftitii- 
tions  of  the  fbate  had  fallen,  they  could  only  preferve  the  pow- 
ers which  they  had  in  fome  meafure  ufurped,  by  fhowing  that 
they  pofleffed  thofe  qualities  which  infpire  confidence  and  com- 
mand admiration. 

Divifions,  equally  fatal  to  the  repofe  of  the  (late,  fubfiile,. 
betv/een  the  dignified  clergy  who  reuded  at  court,  and  the 
cures  who  lived  among  the  people  and  poflelTcd  great  inlluence 
over  them.  It  thus  appears,  from  a  view  of  all  the  inflitutions 
upon  which  the  permanence  and  liability  of  a  government  rautb 
depend,  that  the  monarchy  of  France  was  reduced  to  fuch  a 
flate  of  difunion,  that  it  was  unable  to  refifh  any  violent  im- 
pulfe.  M.  PullTnye  enumerates  other  caufes  which  increafecl 
the  diforders  of  the  ftate,  and  weakened  the  authority  of  the  So- 
vereign. The  profligacy  of  the  government  during  the  minori- 
ty of  Lewis  XV.,  gave  rife  to  a  fpirit  of  irreliglon  and  immora- 
lity throughout  the  country,  which  the  feeblenefs  of  his  mea- 
fures  tended  to  confirm.  The  corruption  of  manners  was  com- 
pleted by  the  influence  of  the  prefs,  which  difl^ufed  vifionary 
and  immoral  publications  of  every  defcription.  It  was  feldorn 
that  any  attempt  was  made  to  reprefs  them  ;  and  fuch  was  the 
weaknefs  of  the  rulers,  that  the  authors  of  thefe  publications 
even  courted  perfecution.  Men,  who  would  have  Hood  in  awe 
of  a  well-ordered  government,  and  who  would  have  trembled 
at  a  fevere  one,  embraced  thofe  opportunities  of  obtaining  credit 
for  courage  and   fortitude  which  they  did  not  poffefs. 

We  have  endeavoured  to  give  our  readers  fome  idea  of  the 
view  which  M,  PuiflTaye  takes  of  the  caufes  of  the  French  Re- 
volution. For  a  more  detailed  ftatement  of  them,  we  mufk  re- 
fer to  the  book  itfelf.  The  general  principle  which  he  maintains 
IS,  that  the  germs  of  political  diforder  and  confufion  exifhed  in 
every  order  and  department  of  fociety,  and  that  the  caufes 
which  produced  the  calamities  of  France  were  fuch  as  have 
been  obferved  and  will  be  obferved  in  the  diflTolution  of  every 
empire. 

*  Men  of  all  countries  and  of  all  ages  *  fays  our  author  *  who  fhall 
one  day  read  the  hiftory  of  the  misfortunes  of  France,  will  only  have 
^9  change  the  names,  and  thofe  fubordinate  circumftances  which  are  va- 


tS04'  PuhTaye,  Memo'ins  du  Parti  Royalije.  ■  1€5 

Tied  by  time,  place  and  accident,  and  they  will  read  the  hiftory  of  their 
fathers,  of  their  defcendants,  or  perhaps  of  their  own  sra. ' 

The  refuk  of  M.  PuilTaye's  reafoning  is,  that  a  foundation 
had  longj  before  been  laid  for  the  French  revolution  ;  and  if  the 
fame  opening  had  prefented  itfelf,  a  political  change  of  the  fame 
magnitude  might  have  taken  place  in  the  time  of  Lewis  XV. 
Thefe  obfervations  bring  forcibly  to  our  recolledtion  a  ftriking 
palTage  in  one  of  Lord  Cheilerfield's  letters.  After  taking  no- 
tice of  the  chaftges  which  had  taken  place  in  the  opinions  of  the 
French  nation,  upon  matters  of  religion  and  government,  his 
Lordlhip  concludes  :  *  In  fliort,  all  the  fymptoms  which  I  have 
ever  met  with  in  hillory,  previous  to  great  changes  and  revolu- 
tions in  government,  now  exilt  and  daily  incrcafe  in  France  *.  ' 
This  opinion  was  delivered  at  a  time  when  many  perfons,  de- 
ceived by  the  exterior  fpiendour  of  the  French  monarchy,  con- 
fidered  it  as  fixed  on  the  fared  foundations,  and  when  difap- 
pointed  politicians  lamented  the  inllability  of  a  mixed  govern- 
iTient. 

The  preliminary  part  of  the  work  before  us  prefents  fo  large 
a  field  for  obfervation,  that  we  feel  qurfelves  obliged  to  omit 
many  difculhons  which  the  perufal  of  it  has  fuggefted.  There 
is  one  fa6t  which  we  have  already  taken  notice  of,  which  appears 
well  worthy  of  obfervation  ;  that  a  ftriking  difference  was  per- 
ceived between  the  conducl  of  thofe  provinces  which  pofTefTed 
fome  (hadow  of  a  free  government,  and  that  of  thofe  which  en- 
joyed no  protection  againft  the  inroads  of  arbitrary  power, — 
that  thefe  provinces  afterwards  fiiowed  a  fuperior  degree  of 
energy  and  refolution  in  arming  themfelves  againft  the  tyranni- 
cal meafures  of  the  revolutionary  government.  This  fadt  is  pe- 
culiarly important,  from  the  ftriking  illuftration  It  affords  of  the 
energy  with  which  men  poiTeiled  of  rights  and  of  privileges  may 
be  expeded  to  atl,  when  they  are  forced  into  a  contefl  with  ty- 
ranny and  oppreiTion. 

Another  fad:  of  the  fame  defcrlption  occurs  in  the  courfe  of 
the  narrative.  The  emliTaries  of  the  convention  endeavoured  to 
ftir  up  the  people  of  Normandy,  by  propofing  an  agrarian  law ; 
a  doctrine  which  has  fo  many  charms  for  the  lower  ranks  of  eve- 
ry fociety.  The  landholders  in  this  province  were,  however,  fo 
much  more  numerous  than  in  other  parts  of  France,  that  the 
orators  found  themfelves  obliged  to  relinquifh  that  topic,  and 
were  in  danger  of  being  deftroyed  even  by  the  populace  whom 
they  had  endeavoured  to  feduce. 

We  Ihall  now  lay  before  our  readers,  fome  of  M.  Pulflaye's 
reflections  upon  the  particular  events  which  preceded  the  Revo- 

G  4  lution, 

*  December  25.  1753. 


3  34  Pulflaye,  Memoires  dii  Pat'ti  Royalijle.  April 

iution,  during  the  reign  of  Lewis  XVI.  Our  author  pronounces 
a  moft  eloquent  eulogium  upon  that  unfortunate  Monarch  ;  and 
afcribes  his  misfortunes  to  the  meannefs  and  perfidy  of  his  cour- 
tiers. We  are  told,  that  when  they  deceived  him,  they  availed 
jhemfelves  of  his  love  of  juftice,  his  regard  for  worth,  and  his 
diffidence  in  his  own  talents.  The  Queen  is  defcribed  as  pof- 
feflint^  every  thing  which  could  render  her  an  objefi:  of  love  and 
admiration.  But  ihe  was  furrounded  by  courtiers,  whofe  com- 
pofition  was  perfidy,  whofe  profefiion  was  deceit.  They  had 
recourfe  to  every  art,  and  aflumed  every  difguife  ;  and  feemed 
by  turns  humane,  companionate,  difinterefted,  enthufiaftic  in 
behalf  of  virtue,  and  indignant  at  vice.  In  the  midft  of  fuch  ^ 
fcene  of  deception,  it  was  almoft  impoflible  tor  perfons  of  vir- 
tue to  approach.  All  lucrative  fituations  were  fecured  by  the 
flatterers ;  but  from  the  divifions  which  took  place  amongit 
them,  the  miniftry  was  always  in  too  precarious  a  fituation  to 
be  an  object  of  their  ambition.  They  preferred  the  advantage 
of  difpofing  of  it,  to  the  rifle  of  poffeffing  it. 

The  events  which  more  immediately  led  to  the  Revolution, 
are  already  known  to  our  readers*.  Our  author's  remarks  up- 
on them  are  thofe  of  a  difpafTionate  obferver.  The  only  charac- 
ter to  which  he  difcorers  any  partiality,  is  that  of  M.  Calonne  ; 
and  he  records  fome  anecdotes  f,  that  rclle^l  great  honour  upon 
the  memory  of  that  unfortunate  ftatefman. 

M.  Puiffaye  concludes  the  general  view  he  takes  of  the  caufes 
of  the  Revolution,  with  obferviog,  that  although  his  fpecula- 
tions  upon  them  may  appear  very  remote  from  the  hiftory  of  his 
life,  he  conceived  it  neceiTary  to  enable  his  contemporaries  to 
judge  of  his  conduct  (ince  the  Revolution,  by  putting  them  in 
pofleflion  of  the  opinions  and  principles  which  he  held  before  Jt„ 
He  then  enters  upon  his  private  hiftory.  He  is  defcended  of 
one  of  the  moft  diftinguiftied  families  in  Perche,  and  was  ori- 
ginally deftined  for  the  church  ;  but  abandoned  his  ftudies  at  an 
early  age,  and  obtained  a  commUlion  in  a  regiment  of  cavalry^ 
He  afterwards  left  the  army,  and  married  in  1788.  In  the  year 
following,  he  was  elected  to  reprefent  the  nobility  of  Perche  \n 
the  States-General,  without  any  felicitation  on  his  part.  The 
inftru£f  ions  with  which  he  was  then  provided  were,  to  renounce 
for  his  conftituents  all  claim  to  pecuniary  immunities;  but  not 
to  confent  to  any  impoft  until  the  conllitunon  fhould  be  fettled 
upon  the  bafis  of  an  acknowledgemL^nt  of  the  inherent  powers 
of  the  States- G'.neral  to  make  laws  and  impofe  taxes.  It  was 
recommended  to  him  to  fupport  the  divifion  of  the  States  into 
feparate  deliberative  bodies. 

The 

^___™ — ■■:•••; -  a .^.^ --^ "•     • '•' ■ . — 

*  No.  1.   Art.- I.  -     f'Vol.  ll.p.  9. 


r8o4.  V\x\Kz'^ty  Memcires  du  Parii  RoyaliJIi',  I  of 

The  firfl;  qneftion  which  divided  the  Nobles  was,  whether  the 
powers  they  received  from  their  conftituents  (hould  be  examined 
by  all  the  orders,  or  by  each  order  feparately  ?  Both  the  ni:jo- 
rity  and  minority  of  the  Chamber  of  Nobles  co:iridered  this  as 
decifive  of  the  great  queftion,  whether  the  three  orders  fliould 
deliberate  together,  or  feparately  ?  Oar  author,  M'ith  a  degree 
of  refinement  which  fuch  quellions  do  not  appear  to  adinit, 
voted  for  having  the  powers  of  each  reprefentative  examined  -y 
all  the  orders,  though  he,  upon  all  occafions,  declared  his  tcfo- 
lution  to  oppofe  the  legiflative  jundlion  of  the  thiee  orders.  In 
^indication  of  this  conducl,  M.  PuilFaye  maintains,  that  ever/ 
member  of  the  alTembly  had  a  juft  right  to  be  farisfied  with  the 
powers  of  thofe  who  exercifed  legiilative  functions.  The  que- 
ftion  he  confidered  as  in  itfelf  too  tiifling  to  be  contefted,  and  as 
likely  to  exafperate  the  third  eftate,  from  whom  more  fubftan- 
tial  conceflions  were  to  be  required.  We  mult  obferve,  that, 
independently  of  the  endlefs  difputes  to  which  fuch  an  examina- 
tion would  give  rife,  tlie  members  of  every  reprefentative  body 
are  beft  acquainted  with  the  rights  of  their  conftituents,  and  are 
mod  interefted  to  preferve  them.  It  may  fometimes  be  necef- 
fary,  in  order  to  counteract  the  efFe£ls  of  partiality  and  intrigue, 
to  delegate  fuch  a  taik  to  a  fmaller  number,  on  Whom  the  re- 
ftraints  of  character  and  refponfibiliry  may  operate  more  power- 
fully. But  it  never  can  be  a  wife  meafure,  to  place  minute  and 
tedious  inveftigations  in  the  hands  of  a  more  numerous  body. 
Neither  can  we  agree  with  M.  PuilTaye,  that  fuch  a  conccffioa 
was  likely  to  product  any  good  efFcCls. 

Our  author  gives  many  llriking  initances  of  the  intrigues  and 
cabals  which  prevailed  at  this  time.  He  complains  loudly  of  the 
monotony  of  talent?  which  prevailed,  and  of  the  want  of  a  maa 
of  commanding  genius,  able  to  awe  and  "reprefs  the  filly  orators, 
who  daily  came  forward,  and  who  were  ready  to  facrifice  every 
principle  to  the  pleafure  of  making  a  fpeech.  What  our  author 
lamented,  was  a  matter  of  exultation  to  others.  A  courtier 
who  fat  near  M.  Fuiffaye  could  not  conceal  his  fatisfaclion  *  at 
having  as  yet  heard  nothing  which  made  him  feel  any  apprehen- 
fions  ; '  and  added,  that  *  he  began  to  think  that  he  would  have 
fome  weight.'     Vol.  I.  p.  223. 

M.  Puiflaye  then  illuilrates  his  favourite  pofition,  that  tlie  down- 
fal  of  the  monarchy  cannot  be  attributed  to  the  effort  of  any  indi- 
vidual, or  of  any  party,  by  a  fketch  which  he  draws  of  Orleans.  * 
It  is  too  long  to  lay  before  our  readers  j  but  we  ilrongly  recom- 
mend 

*  Vol.  1..  p.  238. 


fo6  Fuifiaye,  Memoires  du  Parti  Royallje.  Apili 

mead  it  to  their  perufal,  as  fliowing  uncommon  acutenefs,  and 
great  powers  of  obfervation.  The  conclufion  which  he  forms  is, 
that  no  party  extfted  during  the  firfl  years  of  the  Revolution. 
No  faiStion  poffeiTed  that  degree  of  union,  attachment,  or  mutual 
cooperation  which  could  entitle  them  to  fuch  appellation.  The 
Orleans  faftion,  he  obfervcs,  fo  far  from  forming  a  party,  to  which 
the  fail  of  the  ftate  can  be  attributed,  was  merely  the  refult  of 
iht  general  relaxation  of  order,  and  the  imbecility  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

M.  PuiiTaye,  from  having  voted  with  the  minority  on  the  firft 
oueition,  was  invited  to  attend  their  meetings,  and  was  at  laft 
perfuaded  to  go  to  one  held  at  the  Marquis  of  Montefquiou'Sj 
mafter  of  the  horfe  to  Monfieur,  now  Lewis  XVIII.  He  was 
then  furprifed  to  find,  along  with  the  deputies  of  the  minority, 
at  leaft  an  equal  number  of  thofe  who  in  public  acted  along  with 
the  majority.  Nothing  remarkable  took  place  at  this  meeting, 
or  nothing  which  could  induce  our  author  to  vary  from 
the  principles  which  he  had  already  adopted,  of  avoiding  all 
political  connexions.  In  conformity  with  the  inftruftions  of  his 
conilituents,  and  his  own  opinion,  he  fteadily  oppofed  the  mea- 
fure  of  uniting  the  three  orders  into  one  chamber.  This  import- 
ant meafure  was  at  length  agreed  to  by  the  Court,  after  a  feeble 
Ihow  of  oppofition,  which  deprived  them  of  any  temporary  popu- 
larity which  fo  Important  a  conceffion  might  have  produced.  Our 
author  confidered  this  as  a  meafure  which  was  calculated  to  lead 
to  all  the  diforders  which  afterwards  took  place ;  and  his  firit  re- 
folution  was  to  refign  his  feat,  and  retire  to  his  provin-^e,  until 
he  fhould  be  called  upon  to  att.  By  the  advice  of  his  friends, 
however,  and  the  entreaties  of  his  conilituents,  he  was  prevailed 
upon  to  remain ;  but  when  he  returned  to  the  Aflembly,  he  gave 
in  a  proteft  againll  the  union  of  the  three  orders,  and  refufed  to 
deliver  up  the  ln{lru6tions  of  his  conilituents.  After  giving  an 
accoutit  of  the  violent  meafures  which  were  daily  adopted  by  the 
Afiembly,  our  author  enlarges  upon  the  difgraceiul  partiality  with 
which  they  pafied  over  the  riots  of  tlie  5th  and  6th  of  O6lober, 
in  which,  according  to  the  report  of  the  Chatekty  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  Mirabeau,  and  many  others  of  the  Aflembly,  were  deeply 
implicated.  Some  of  the  minority  figned  a  proteft  againft  it. 
Our  author,  who  had  not  been  acquainted  v/ith  their  intentions, 
drew  up  a  declaration  of  the -fame  nature  for  himfelf,  which  was 
inferted  in  the  Gazette  of  Paris.  *     M.  Fuiffaye  complains  that 

fome 

*  M.  Fuiffaye  cautions  the  reader  agalnfl  confounding  the  Gazette  de 
^arh  with  the  Journal  de  Park^ — papers,  diametrically  oppofite. 


j3o4-  PuIITaye,  Memoh'es  du  Parti  'Ro^alifle^  107 

fome  of  the  agents  of  the  Royalift:  party  at  Paris  afterwards  en- 
deavoured to  fpread  a  report,  that  he  had  belonged  to  the  faftlou 
of  Orleans ;  and  he  refers  to  a  letter  from  Brothier  and  La  Villt' 
heur/uif,  which  proves  that  they  wrote  to  him  that  they  intended 
to  reprint  M.  PuilTiiye's  declaration,  and  to  diftribute  it  anew,  at 
the  very  moment  when  they  were  privately  propagating  thefe 
falfchoods.  This,  our  author  obferves,  is  but  a  fmall  fpecimen 
of  the  intrigues  and  infamous  devices  by  which  he  has  been  affailed. 
for  a  long  courfe  of  years. 

Though  M,  Puiffaye  had  retained  his  feat  in  compliance  with 
the  wifhes  of  his  conftituents,  and  occafionally  attended  the  meet- 
ings of  the  National  Affembly,  he  determined  to  take  no  active 
fliare  in  its  deliberations.  He  felt  that  even  reafon,  eloquence, 
and  truth,  could  have  no  effed  upon  men  who  were  determined  to 
refill  conviciion  -,  and  he  therefore  refolved  not  to  fanftion  the 
proceedings  of  an  Affembly  which  he  confidered  as  illegal,  by 
becoming  one  of  its  orators.  He  then  lays  before  his  readers  a 
letter  addreffed  to  the  Compte  d'Artois,  in  1797,  in  which  he 
vindicates  himfeif  from  the  charge  of  having  fat  on  the  left  fide 
of  the  Aff=mbiy.  He  throughout  kept  the  fame  feat  which  had 
been  appointed  for  him  as  a  reprefentative  of  the  nobility ;  and  when 
the  members  afterwards  came  to  arrange  themfelves  according  to 
their  faO:ions,  the  one  upon  the  extremity  of  the  left  fide,  and 
the  others  upon  the  right,  he,  along  with  fome  other  reprefenta- 
tives  of  the  nobility,  retained  the  feat  which  had  been  originally 
afligned  him.  He  conceived  that  llruggles  and  intrigues  in  that 
place  could  now  be  of  no  avail ;  and  he  endeavoured  to  form  thofe 
connexions  which  might  be  of  ufe  in  the  more  ferious  conteft. 
which  he  forefaw  to  be  approaching.  He  occafionally  attended 
the  Afi~embly,  to  prevent  any  fufpicions  being  entertained  with 
regard  to  him  •,  but  he  refufed  to  becbme  a  member  of  any  of  \ht 
committees  for  which  he  was  ele6led,  and  avoided  all  connexion 
with  clubs  or  fecret  affemblies.  When  the  King  came  to  the 
Affembly,  M.  Puiffaye  took  the  confi:itutional  oath  along  with  the 
other  members.  He  was,  however,  by  no  means  blind  to  the 
glaring  defeats  which  that  Conftitution  contained.  After  expreiling 
his  contempt  for  its  authors,  and  enumerating  its  defe6l3,  he  ok- 
jferves — 

*  This  is,  however,  that  conftitution  which  I  have  fworn  to  maintain 
along  with  twenty-nine  thirtieths  of  France.  I  do  not  blame  thofe 
who  refufed  to  do  fo ;  but  I  confidered  it  as  the  laft  rcfource,  as  the 
only  weak  prop  which  might  ftill  fupport  for  a  time  the  ftate,  which 
was  already  on  the  point  of  diffolution ;  and  I  have  not  hefitated  to 
facrifice  my  own  ideas  and  perfonal  interefts  to  that  motive.  '     Vol.  I, 

P-  372- 

The 


Jo8  PuiiTaye,  Memotres  dti  Parti  Royalifte.  April 

The  ftate  of  affairs,  at  this  period,  was  widely  different  from 
what  it  was  at  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution,  when  delay 
and  uncertainty  were  mod  pernicious  ^  but,  now,  it  M'as  by  delay 
alone  that  a  favourable  opportunity  could  be  obtained.  The  next 
remarkable  circumftance  which  occurred  after  the  King's  accept- 
ance of  the  conftitution,  was  his  flight  to  Varennes ;  a  ftep,  which 
was  occafioned  by  the  outrages  of  the  one  party,  and  the  foHcita- 
tions  of  the  other.  Our  author  obferves,  that  on  this,  as  well  as 
on  many  other  occafions,  the  Royaliil  party  adopted  the  very 
meafures  which  their  enemies  wiflied  them  to  take.  After  tlie 
King's  flight  to  Varennes,  and  his  arreil,  he  no  longer  enjoyed 
even  the  appearance  of  freedom  which  made  his  orders  binding  j 
and  our  author  felt  that  the  conftitutional  oath  was  annulled  in 
point  of  fa(5l,  and  that  the  time  was  come  when  force  alone  could 
rcfcue  France  from  the  abyfs  in  which  it  was  almoll  fwallowed 
up.  Our  author  had  to  choofe  between  two  meafures — that  of 
emigration  or  infurre^lion ;  and  he  preferred  the  latter.  Subfe- 
quent  events,  he  affures  us,  have  not  affeded  his  opinion  upon 
that  fubje6l.  He  felt  that  it  v/as  his  duty  to  fave  his  King  and 
his  coimtry  j  and  it  did  not  occur  to  him  to  begin  by  abandoning 
both.  (Vol.  II.  p.  6.)  The  interior  of  the  kingdom  offered  much 
greater  refources  for  the  formation  of  a  Royalifl  army  \  and 
the  meafure  of  aflembling  an  army  in  a  foreign  country,  where 
they  mull  be  entirely  dependent  on  the  pov/crs  with  which  they 
connecled  themfelves,  was  calculated  to  defeat  the  'fuccefs  of  the 
plan. 

M.  Puiffayc  enters  into  a  difcuffion  of  the  policy  which  it  was 
expedient  for  foreign  nations  to  obferve  when  the  French  Revolu- 
tion broke  out  \  and  he  maintains,  that  the  true  interefl  of  foreign 
powers  was  to  avoid  all  offen^vc  meafures,  and  to  form  a  defenfive 
league  to  prevent  any  encroachment  upon  the  part  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary government.  Before  the  Revolution,  France  was  an  object: 
of  jealoufy  to  the  other  powers  of  Europe,  from  the  extent  of  its 
territory,  and  the  charader  of  its  population.  When  it  changed 
its  government,  it  was  likely  to  become  ftill  more  formidable. 
Offenfive  operations  were,  however,  diredly  calculated  to  increafe 
the  power  of  the  Revolutionary  rulers,  and  to  afford  the  means 
of  forcing  various  clafles  of  men  to  concur  in  their  meafures,  who 
were  otherwife  difpofed  to  oppofe  them.  The  fame  concluftons 
are  drawn  from  a  particular  confideration  of  the  policy  of  each  in- 
dividual nation.  The  combined  powers,  according  to  M.  Puiffaye, 
deviated  from  that  policy,  from  views  of  aggrandizement  whicli 
t;Jiey  were  encouraged  to  entertain  from  the  affurances  they  re- 
ceived of  the  weskucfs  of  the  French  government.     The  retreat 

of 


l8o4.  fui^A^jCy  Meinotrti  du  ?arti  Ro'jalijie,  i€>g 

of  die  Duke  of  Brunfwick,  which  has  often  been  confidered  as 
fo  great  a  myftery,  may  thus  be  explained  upon  obvious  prin- 
ciples. He  entered  France  with  the  idea  that  he  was  to  meet 
troops  without  courage  or  difcipline,  and  an  army  whofe  officers 
were  either  ignorant  ot  their  profeflion,  or  difpofcd  to  betray  them. 
The  arrangement  which  had  been  made  in  that  perfuafionj  and 
the  expe6latlons  wliich  had  been  built  upon  ir,  fell  at  once  to  the 
ground,  when  he  found  liirnfelf  oppofed  by  an  army  commanded 
by  a  molb  fkilful  general,  who,  after  retreating  from  one  ftrong 
pofition,  was  able  to  occupy  another  ftill  more  formidable.  It  is 
natural  to  fuppofe,  that  Pruiha  then  perceived  its  miilake,  and 
returned  to  that  fyltem  of  policy  which  [he  ought  at  firft  to  have 
obferved.  It  is  noway  improbable,  however,  that  many  fccret 
intrigues  may  have  taken  place  at  this  period.  They  would  de- 
pend upon  the  ftate  of  the  Prufiian  Court,  and  may  have  been  as 
extraordinary  and  as  myfterions  as  fome  writers  have  reprefented 
them.  They  are  however  to  be  confidered,  in  that  inilance,  as 
the  refult  of  a  change  of  policy  which  naturally  took  place  when 
that  power  difcovered  the  grofs  error  upon  which  it  had  proceeded, 
and  not  as  the  caufes  which  produced  it. 

M.  PuiBaye,  although  he  expofes  the  errors  committed  by  the 
emigrants,  profelles  the  higheft  veneration  for  many  individuals 
who  were  the  victims  of  a  high  fenfe  of  honour,  and  of  the  moll 
difintereiled  attachment  to  the  caufe  of  Royalty.  The  meafure 
of  emigrating,  he  obieives,  was  adopted  at  the  iniligaticn  of 
men  who  were  ftrongly  influenced  by  their  own  perfonal  fitu- 
ation ;  whereas  thofe  who  were  able  to  remain  in  France,  and 
who  were  by  far  the  moft  numerous  body,  were  the  perfons 
whofe  interefts  ought  to  have  been  principally  confulted.  M. 
Puiffaye  calculates  that  the  emigrant  arm.y,  before  it  was  dif- 
miffed,  amounted  to  no  more  than  30^00  men  ;  while  fome 
infolated  individuals  in  PoitoUy  in  Brittcmyy  and  Anjouy  raifed 
at  different  times  upwards  of  500,000  men.  M.  Puiflaye  there- 
fore conceives  that  he  does  not  overrate  the  magnitude  of  the 
army  which  might  have  been  raifed,  if  the  French  noblemen 
liad  remained  in  the  country,  when  he  Hates  it  at  a  million. 
He  then  anfwers  the  objedlion,  that  if  the  nobles  had  remain- 
ed in  the  country,  they  would  have  been  mallacred  in  detail 
without  being  able  to  make  any  refillance.  He  obferves,  that  the 
greater  part  of  thofe  who  emigrated,  were  obliged  to  leave  their 
aged  relations,  their  wives,  and  their  children  behind  them,  ex- 
pofed  to  all  the  violence  of  the  reigning  tyrants  ;  and  from  his 
ewn  experience,  he  declares,  that  the  republicans  were  not  fo 
much  difpofed  to  indulge  in  maflacre  or  pillage,  when  they  knew 

ther* 


110  VmiXz-yjQ,  Meinolres  du  Parti  Royalijie.  April 

there  was  a  powerful  party  in  the  country  able  to  retaliate  upon 
their  perfons  and  their  property.  In  juftice  to  the  emigrant  ar- 
mies, he  obferves,  that  their  conduct  has  furFiciently  iliov/n,  that 
the  nobility  of  France  were  eager  to  expofe  their  lives,  v/here 
that  could  promote  the  fuccefs  of  their  caufe  :  And  if  they  had 
remained  in  the  country,  many  of  the  maflacres  would  have  been 
prevented  by  the  apprehenfions  of  the  cowardly  aflafTuis  who  ef- 
fected them.  If  the  emigrants  had  remained  in  the  country, 
they  would  have  had  no  occafion  to  court  the  protection  of  fo- 
reign powers  ;  and  therefore,  any  n?gociations  they  entered  into 
with  them,  would  have  been  made  upon  a  more  independent 
footing,  and  they  might  have  ailed  in  concert  with  them  without 
injuring  their  own  caufe. 

M.  Puiffkye  endeavoured  to  follovv'  out  the  views  of  infurrec- 
tlon  which  he  had  formed.  The  inhabitants  of  MeitilteSy  who 
were  fufficiently  numerous  to  form  a  battalion,  unanimoully  chofe 
him  their  commander.  The  diilricl  of  Devereux  afterwards  had 
recourfe  to  him  to  fuperintend  its  organization,  and  he  obtained 
the  command  of  about  4000  men.  TJiC  meafure  of  emigration 
now  came  to  operate  generally,  and  thofe  who  reforted  to  that 
meafure  adopted  it  with  enthufiafm. :  on  the  other  hand,  tliofc 
who  did  not  concur  in  it,  becam.e  violent  on  the  other  fide.  The 
refufal  of  invitations  to  emigrate  produced  reproaches,  which  were 
fcllov/ed  by  threats.  The  Royalifts  even  went  fo  far  as  to  kee'» 
lifts  of  the  dates  of  emigrations  j  and  a  week  fooner  or  later  was 
held  to  form  a  fliade  of  difference  in  their  pretenfions.  So  confi- 
dent were  they  of  fuccefs,  that  they  confidered  thofe  who  v/ero 
late  in  joining  them,  as  intruders  among  thofe  on  whom  the  re- 
wards of  the  refloration  were  to  be  bellowed.  In  thefe  circum- 
ftances,  few  men  could  remain  neutral,  except  thofe  feeble  fpirits 
who,  in  times  of  diftradlion,  endeavour  to  fave  themfelves  by 
keeping  up  connexions  with  both  parties.  The  number  of  fuch 
men,  we  are  told,  was  immenfe  (Vol.  II.  68,  69.)  j  and  it 
v/as  only  in  Brittany,  Poitou,  Anjou,  and  forne  of  the  fouth- 
crn  parts  of  France,  that  any  energy  was  fhown.  M.  FuiiTaye, 
however,  found  a  fulhcient  number  of  men  whom  he  could 
depend  upon,  to  intrull  with  the  moft  important  ftations.  All 
that  he  could  do  Math  the  reit,  was  to  lead  them  indirect iy 
to  the  objeft  he  had  in  view.  Wliile  he  v/as  employed  in 
procuring  the.  information,  and  forming  the  arrangements  necef- 
fary  for  his  purpofe,  the  horrors  of  the  loth  of  Auguft  took 
place.  The  elecloral  ailemblics  were  at  that  time  convoked,  t<? 
eiedl  their  reprefentatives  in  the  Convention.  M.  Puiflaye  was 
upon  the  point  of  being  chofen  ;  but  the  Jacobins  had  reccurfe  to 

an 


1S04.  V\xiSzyQi  Memo'ires  dii  Parti  Royalijle.  Ill 

an  intrigue,  which  prevented  his  cleclion.  Our  author  declares, 
that  although  he  took  no  fteps  to  obtain  votes,  he  v^^ould  have  ac- 
cepted the  fituation.  He  had  no  longer  the  fame  motives  to  re- 
ftrain  him  from  afting,  which  had  operated  fo  powerfully  upon 
him  in  the  Conflituent  AlTembly  •,  and  he  thouglit  tliat  his  efforts 
might  have  contributed  to  preferve  the  life  of  the  King,  and  tliat 
the  fituation  would  have  been  favourable  to  the  plans  he  had  in 
view. 

Baron  JFinipffe?jy  the  defender  of  Thicjivtlle^  v/as  one  of  the 
perfons  whofe  afliftance  M.  Puiffaye  was  moil  defirous  to  pro- 
cure. He  did  not  at  once  difclofe  to  him  his  ultimate  defigns, 
but  propofed  to  him  the  meafure  of  raifing  an  army  of  the  line  in 
Normandy.  He  reprefented  to  him  the  probability,  that  undif- 
ciplined  troops  raifed  in  other  parts,  would  be  fent  there  under 
the  command  of  fome  ignorant  and  inexperienced  Jacobin,  and 
that  this  inconvenience  would  be  avoided  by  raifmg  an  army 
entirely  compofed  of  men  in  the  country  commanded  by  IM. 
WimpfFen.  M.  PuifEiye  engaged  to  get  the  two  departments  of 
rOrne  and  V Eiire  to  propoic?  the  plan,  v/hile  WimpiTeu  under- 
took for  the  departments  of  Calvados  and  La  Blanche.  M. 
"Wimpffen  appeared  to  enter  Tnto  all  his  views,  and  M.  Puiffaye 
entertained  hopes  of  faving  the  King,  which  were  foon  afterwards 
difappointed  by  his  fudden  trial  and  execution.  After  tJiis  event. 
General  Wimpffen  was  chofen  commander  of  the  army  which 
was  to  be  raifed  in  Normandy,  and  our  author  v/as  placed  at  the 
head  of  his  flaff.  The  army  was  to  confift  of  17  or  i8,oco  in- 
fantry and  3000  cavalry.  There  v/as  at  that  time  at  Cain  a  re- 
giment of  light  cavalry  newly  raifed,  com.manded  by  Colonel  Du- 
-mont.,  a  brave  and  loyal  officer. 

While  M.  Puiffiye  was  employed  in  carrying  on  thefe  arrange- 
ments, the  do\^T.fal  of  tlie  Girotidijls  took  place.  The  mem- 
bers of  that  party  who  efcaped  from  Paris,  endeavoured  to  pre- 
vail upon  the  provinces  to  take  up  arms  in  their  behalf.  M. 
Puiffaye  had  no  attachment  to  their  charafters  or  plans  ;  and 
declares  he  has  no  doubt  that,  if  they  had  fucceeded,  they 
would  have  fubjecled  France  to  a  tyranny  not  lefs  odious 
than  that  which  was  ultimately  impofed  upon  it,  though  proba- 
bly more  permanent,  as  the  v/ork  of  greater  reflection.  In 
the  prefent  ftate  of  his  preparations,  he  felt  that  adopting  their 
cauie  would  be  ruinous  to  his  defigns  ;  though,  if  his  preparations 
had  been  farther  advanced,  he  might  have  availed  himfelf  of  the 
opportunity  to  overthrow  the  power  of  the  convention.  He  was 
invited  to  attend  a  general  affembly  of  the  members  of  the  diftricls 
iiiid  municipalities  at  Akn^on ;  and  the  meeting  feemed  difpofed 

to 


J  2  5  Puiilaye,  Memoifes  du  Parti  Royalifie*  Aprii 

to  adopt  tlie  caufe  of  tlie  fugitives,  when  his  opinion  was  afkcd. 
He  prevailed  upon  them  to  take  no  further  ftep  than  that  of  fend- 
ing deputies  to  confult  witli  the  other  departments.  He  was  pre- 
vailed upon  to  go  as  one  of  thefe  deputies  ;  and  on  his  way  he 
received  intelligence  that  Wimpjfen  had  been  forced  to  accept  the 
command  of  the  infurreftion,  and  that  when  he  at  firft  refufed  to 
do  fo,  his  life  was  threatened.  M.  Puifiaye  felt  himfelf  called 
upon  to  abandon  his  own  opinion,  and  join  his  commandtr. 
When  they  n-ietjWimpiTen  confirmed  the  accounts  which  he  had  re- 
ceived upon  the  road,  and,  from  the  language  he  held,  fhowed 
he  had  no  expe£lation  of  fuccefs.  M.  PuilHiye  now  felt  himfelf 
bound  to  ufe  every  exertion  to  fupport  his  friend  and  com.miander. 
When  he  returned  to  Alenr^on^  he  found  that  a  material  change  had 
taken  place  in  the  fentiments  of  the  people.  The  Jacobins  had 
ufed  every  meafure  to  make  themfelves  popular  ;  and  M.  Puiflaye 
was  reminded  tliat  he  had  held  very  different  fentiments  a  few 
days  before.  It  was  in  vain  he  reprefented  that  the  other  de- 
partments had  not  at  that  time  declared  themfelves,  and  that  it 
was  neceffary  to  do  nothhig  with  precipitation  ;  but  that  after 
having  determined,  it  was  their  intcreil  and  duty  to  join  in  a 
caufe  which  was  now  no  longer  that  of  individuals.  The  intrigues 
and  money  of  the  Convention,  however,  prevailed,  and  it  was 
with  dilEculty  that  our  author  efcaped  from  AUngon. 

The  events  which  followed  are  minutely  detailed,  and  are 
fuch  as  might  be  expe£led  to  take  place  in  an  infurre^tion  of 
men,  whofe  fentiments  and  ideas  were  fo  widely  different. 
Sc/rccrer^  afterwards  minilter  of  war,  was  appointed  to  command 
the  troops  oppofed  to  them  by  the  Convention.  M.  Puiflaye 
was  fent  to  ftop  his  march ;  and  took  the  poft  of  Cojherily 
after  a  flight  rehftance.  In  this  command,  he  had  many  dif- 
ficulties to  contend  with.  Each  of  the  battalions  of  volun- 
teers brought  along  vi'ith  them  one  or  two  commiffaries  frorA 
their  refpetlive  departments,  who  claimed  a  right  to  dire6l, 
or  at  leail  to  be  confulted  upon  all  occafions.  Bougon,  pro- 
cureur-general  of  the  department  of  CrJvadjs,  was  particu- 
larly abfurd  and  troublefome.  Some  perfons  fufpected  him  of 
holding  a  correfpondence  with  the  Convention.  M.  Puiffaye  ac- 
quits him  of  that  charge  ;  but,  at  the  fame  time,  defcribes  him 
as  one  of  thofe  vain  and  weak  chara£lers,  who,  while  they  grafp 
at  every  peifonal  advantage,  in  cafe  their  party  (hall  fucceed, 
endeavour  to  fecure  a  retreat  in  cafe  of  failure.  When  M. 
Puiflaye  determined  to  attack  the  enemy,  Bou^on,  after  ufing 
every  expedient  to  prevent  a  meafure  fo  oppofite  to  his  fenti- 
ments, confoled  himfelf,  by  'irav^ing  up  a  proclamation,  which 

he 


l304.  PuifTaye,  Mrmo'tra  ihi  Farti  Royalijle.  JI3 

he  infifted  on  having  read,  even  after  the  enemy  had  begun 
their  fire,  in  order,  as  he  faid,  that  it  miy;ht  nt  lead  be  known 
that  they  had  begun  firft.  The  en(>;ai:(enn£nt  took  place  upon  tlie 
14th  of  July,  near  the  Cailie  of  Brecourt^  which  is  fituated  be- 
tween the  forefts  of  Vernon  and  Pacy.  The  troops  of  the  con- 
vention began  ^he  attack.  They  were,  however,  thrown  into 
confufion  upon  the  lirft  charge.  M!  Puiflaye  was  then  defirous 
to  purfue  them  •,  but  he  found  that  his  cavalry,  who  were  not 
accuilomed  to  the  found  of  cannon,  were  thrown  into  confufion 
— the  enemy  got  into  the  woods — and  the  commiiTaries  jnfifted 
upon  the  danger  of  ambufcades  and  malked  batteries  in  cafe 
they  puvfued.  M.Puiflaye  then  wiflied  to  return  to  P^r^i,  where 
he  would  be  fecure  from  furprife  ;  but  the  commiffaries  oppofed 
this  alfo,  and  magnanimoufly  inrdl:ed  upon  keeping  pofTeflion  of  the 
field  of  battle.  After  giving  orders  for  placing  the  proper  guards, 
M.  Puiffaye,  who  had  fufFered  feverely  from  excefhve  fatigue  and 
the  heat  of  the  weather,  which  had  brought  on  an  attack  of  the 
eryfipelas,  had  not  been  above  two  hours  in  bed,  when  he  was 
awaked  by  an  at|ack  of  the  enemy.  Finding  that  they  were  not 
purfued,  the  conventional  troops  had  rallied,  and  had  pafled  the 
outpoft§,  without  being  perceived  by  the  guards,  who  had  fallen 
t\fleep.  The  greater  part  of  M.  PuilTaye's  troops  immediately 
took  flight,  and  cried  out  they  were  betrayed.  One  corps  alone 
remained.  In  the  midft  of  the  confufion,  M.  Puiflaye,  with 
feme  difficulty,  got  two  guns  pointed  at  the  enemy,  which  dif- 
mounted  one  of  their  cannon.  They  immediately  ceafed  firing, 
took  to  flight,  and  their  cavalry  did  not  flop  until  it  arrived  near 
Verfailles.  The  confufion  on  the  part  of  the  vicSlorious  troops 
was  however  irretrievable.  Although  there  was  no  enemy  near 
them,  no  perfuafion  could  induce  them  to  return  to  the  ground 
they  had  occupied.  Even  the  patroles  that  were  fent  out,  were 
fo  much  terrified,  that  before  they  had  gone  a  mile  and  a  half, 
they  returned  with  alTurances  that  the  enemy  was  in  their  im- 
mediate neighbourhood.  This  panic  was  decifive  of  the  fate  of 
the  infurre6lion.  The  money  diftrlbuted  by  the  emifTaries  of 
the  convention  completed  what  terror  had  begun;  and  M.  Puif- 
faye was  obliged  to  follow  his  troops  to  EveretiXy  and  afterwards 
to  Caen.  JVhnpffen  propofed,  if  he  could  have  obtained  a  thou- 
iand  men,  to  have  maintained  a  ftrong  pofition  before  Caen  j 
but  none  were  willing  to  engage  in  the  fcrvice,  and  they  were 
obliged  to  feparate. 

The  whole  of  thefe  tranfa6lions,  are  extremely  char£leriflic 
of  the  flate  of  the  country,  and  of  the  conduCl:  of  the  per- 
fors  and  troops  engaged  in  the  bufinefs  upon  both  fides. 
The  infurgents  either  retired  to  places  of  concealment,  or 
endeavoured  to  obtain   terms  from  the   convention.      Carrier 

VOL.  iv.  NO.  7.  H  entered 


ij^  Puiffaye,  T^hmoires  du  Parti  Rcyatijh.  April 

entered  Rennes,  and  made  all  that  affefled  difplay  of  huma- 
•nity  which  the  revolutionary  cut-throats  at  one  time  thought 
proper  to  profefs.  Tranfparent  lamps,  reprefenting  the  nation- 
al colours,  were  hung  up  in  the  flreets  upon  a  rejoicing  which 
took  place.  Carrier  went  up  and  down  the  flreets  breaking 
with  his  ftick  thofe  tranfpnrencies  which  were  red.  '  That 
colour,'  faid  he,  *  fills  m£  with  horror — it  conveys  ideas  of 
blood.'     Carrier  held  this  language  !     Vol.  II.  p.  2.16. 

M.  Puifl'aye,  with  fome  other  afibciates,  retired  into  Brittany, 
where  he  remained  for  fome  time  in  concealment.  We  do  not 
wifli  to  diminifh  the  interefl  our  readers  will  take  in  reading  the 
book,  by  anticipating  the  account  of  the  many  efcapes  and  ad- 
ventures he  pafled  through.  He  found  a  great  party  of  the 
people  difcontented  with  the  Convention,  and  others  decided 
Royalifts.  Mod  of  their  priells  ftill  remained  among  them 
in  difguife,  and  were  concealed  in  mines  and  places  under 
ground.  M.  Puifll^ye  vindicates  them,  from  the  charge  which 
has  been  made  againft  them,  of  endeavouring  to  excite  their  pa- 
rifhioners  to  revolt,  by  employing  tricks  and||fanatical  devices. 
Our  author  declares,  that  in  the  m.idll  of  all  their  perfecutions, 
they  uniformly  preached  doctrines  .of  the  pureft  morality.  M. 
Puiffaye  gradually  obtained  the  confidence  of  the  people  among 
whom  he  was  concealed,  and  was  invited  to  place  himfelf  at 
their  head.  His  plan  was:^  to  form  his  partizans  into  very  fmall 
parties,  and  to  accuftom  them  gradually  %o  face  an  enemy.  He 
was  aware  that  if  men  are  undifcipllned,  it  is  impoffible  for 
:hem  to  acl  with  effc£l  in  large  bodies.  His  reJ&eftions  up- 
on this  fubjedl,  though  they  have  rather  the  air  of  a;  moralift 
than  of  a  revolutionary  leader,  fliovv  great  powers  of  difcrimi- 
nation. 

*  True  courage, '  he  obfcrvep,  '  is  the  refult  of  refi'e£\jon.  It  is  a 
prollitution  of  that  woid  to  apply  it  to  the  effefts  of  any  pafTion,  al- 
though they  fometimes  fupply  us  place.  Experience  confirms  and  de« 
velopes  it.  T  have  feen  a  man  who  had  run  away  befoie  my  eyes  at  the 
lirtl:  found  of  a  fiiot,  after  fome  experience  face  the  grtatell  dangers 
with  intrepidity-  It  is  abfurd  to  fay  fuch  a  nation  is  brave — fuch  ano- 
ther is  not.  There  is  not  a  nation,  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  which 
has  not  at  fome  periods  been  diftingnifned  for  its  valour.  If  we  go 
back  to  thofe  periods,  we  {hall  fee,  tliat  this  courage,  fo  rnuch  cele- 
brated, proceeded  from  long  fervlce.  There  is  no  more  merit  in  being 
brave  after  a  few  battles,  than  in  making  good  Hioes  after  a  long  ap- 
prenticeship. A  foldier  is  formed  like  an  artizan.  The  firft  National 
Guards  of  France  began  by  flying  tumultuoufly  before  the  allied  armies. 
Hardened  by  experience,  they  would  have  removed  the  frontier* 
of  their  country  to  the  boundaries  of  Europe,  and  overturned  the 
wcrld.     In  thk  refpeft,  thpfe  powers^  vrhofc  aimies  took  but  a   fmall 

fcare 

/ 


is 04-  V\xiKd,y6)  Memoires  du  Parti  Royalijle.  ilj 

fhare  in  the  lafl  war,  have  loft  more  than  they  are  aware  of.  In  cafe, 
what  is  more  than  probable,  Europe  fhall  again  become  the  theatre  otf 
war,  before  the  other  nations  fliall  have  loft,  by  repofe  and  tranquillity, 
the  incalculable  fuperiority  they  have  received.  This  obfervation  the 
accuracy  of  which  is  proved  by  every  day's  experience,  confirmed  mc 
in  my  fixed  refolution  never  to  expofe  myfelf  to  an  important  defeat  by 
aiTembling  too  great  bodies  together,  and  to  fpare  the  live*  of  men  who^ 
although  at  firlt  timid,  and  perhaps,  even  on  a  fecond  occafion  not: 
much  at  their  eafe,  would  fuoner  or  later  become  excellent  foldiers.  Oa 
this  account,  I  had  at  firil  introduced  the  cuflom  of  difperfing,  if  vic- 
tory did  not  very  foon  declare  itfelf  In  our  favoun  All  rtie  roads  and 
by-paths  were  known  to  our  troops  ;  the  enemy,  who  were  ignorant 
of  them,  found  it  impoffible  to  purfue  ;  and  the  Inhabitants  of  the 
Country  either  gave  them  falfe  information,  or  condufted  them  Into  am- 
bufcades.  When  the  enemy  was  broken,  that  circumftance  operated 
againft  them.  Their  defeats  were  followed  with  (laughter.  Thofe  of 
the  Royaliils  did  not  coft  them  the  life  of  a  man.  '     vol.  II.  p.  416. 

From  other  pafTages  which  occur  in  thefe  Memoirs,  thefe  re- 
marks mull  be  underflood  with  confiderable  limitations,  and 
as  applying  only  to  the  mechanical  or  inftinftive  influence  of 
fear.  M.  PuilTaye  feems  fully  aware  of  the  powerful  effeft  of 
moral  rnotives  upon  the  condi3£l  of  men,  in  enabling  them  to 
aft  with  fuperior  courage  and  energy.  In  the  courfe  of  thefe 
Memoirs,  he  frequently  celebrates  the  heroic  qualities  of  his 
countrywomen.  Upon  mod  occafions  he  employed  them  to  re- 
connoitre the  enemy,  and  to  procure  intelligence,  and  they  ex- 
ecuted their  truft  with  great  intrepidity  and  addrefs. 

The  tyranny  of  the  Convention,  and  the  cruelties  exerclfed  by 
the  Jacobins,  greatly  augmented  the  numbers  of  M.  Puiflaye's 
partizans.  The  frequent  executions  which  took  place,  while 
they  awed  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns,  roufed  the  inhabitants 
of  the  country  to  revolt.  The  viftims  were  by  no  means  fe- 
Ie6led  from  the  higher  ranks  of  the  people :  the  lowefl  clafles 
fufFered  equally*  After  the  decree  which  was  paflcd  againffc 
what  were  called  the  enemies  of  the  people,  perfons  of  all  de- 
fcriptions  were  involved  in  the  maflacres  which  took  place.  The 
firft  perfon  who  was  condemned  in  confequence  of  this  decree, 
was  a  hackney-coachman,  accufed  of  having  formed  a  confpiracy 
againfl  the  people.  M.  Puiffaye  affures  us,  (vol.11,  p.  491.),  that 
befides  the  regulations  which  carried  away  men  of  thefe  clafles 
from  their  wives  and  children,  and  the  gblood  they  fhed  in 
order  to  raife  a  few  of  their  pretended  friends  to  fituations  in 
which  they  infulted  their  mifery,  nine  tenths  of  the  viftims  who 
perifhed  on  the  revolutionary  fcafFolds,  in  noyades  and  fuftUades, 
were  compofed  of  the  loweft  clafles  of  the  people.  Amidft  the 
many  melancholy  reflexions  to  which  the  perufal  of  thefe  ftate- 

H  9  ments 


fidf  "Paiff^yCi  Memoires  ciu  Parii  Royali/^s'.  AplII 

ments  muft  naturally  give  rife,  tlie  mind  Is  fomewhat  relieved 
by  the  many  inftances  which  are  related  of  humanity,  fidelity^ 
and  heroifm  upon  the  part  of  the  lower  ranks.  At  a  time  when 
the  tyranny  exercifed  by  the  Jacobins  was  fuch,  that  tlie  difco- 
very  of  any  article  of  drefs  of  a  finer  texture,  a  ftiirt  or  a  piece 
of  fine  linen,  was  fufficient  ground  for  condemning  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  houfes,  M.  Piiiflliye  met  with  kindnefs,  fidelity,  and 
prote61:ion.  In  all  the  plans  which  he  afterwards  formed,  the 
great  caufe  of  his  fuccefs  was  the  tyranny  of  the  Jacobins;  and 
the  moft  formidable  obftacles  he  encounteredj  arofe  from  the 
imprudence  of  the  emigrants,  and  the  conduft  of  the  allied 
powers.  Political  information  was  now  widely  diiTufed  through 
all  ranks  of  the  people.  They  required  fome  afTurance  that  the 
threats  originally  held  out  by  the  Royalifts  iliould  not  be  realized,, 
and  that  the  abufes  of  the  old  government  fhould  not  be  re- 
ftored.  M.  Puiflaye  obferves,  that  the  French  Princes  have  been 
ftrangely  deceived  when  they  were  told  (p.  395.)  that  a  word 
or  an  order  was  fufficient  to  put  all  the  Royalifis  in  France  ia 
motion.  This  v/as  not  language  to  be  held,  when  they  were 
not  able  to  afford  protefbion  or  offer  rewards,  and  had  not  a  gun 
or  a  piece  of  money  to  beftow,     M.  Puiffiyc  obferves,  that 

— '  attachment  to  principles,^  lave  of  your  country  and  your  king, 
and  devotion  to  the  caufe  of  religion  and  of  the  laws,  are  affuredly  re- 
fpeftable  and  powerful  principles  ;  but  it  is  chimerical  to  fuppofe  that 
they  are  fufficient,  if  they  are  not  fupported  by  the  feeling  of  individual 
intcreft,  which  is  ennobled  by  thcfe  motives.  That  feeling  is  ncceflary 
to  bind  together  a  mafs  compofed  of  fuch  various  and  unequal  materials. 
I  have  feen  few  Royalifts  v/ho  have  not  fuffered  more  or  Icfs  from  th-j 
efFeds  of  the  Revolution.  1  have  not  feen  one  of  the  partizans  of  that 
party  who  did  not  expeft  to  gain  more  or  lefs  by  declaring  in  favour 
of  it.  ' 

There  appears  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  thefe  obfervations, 
though  it  will  not  be  eafy  to  perfuade  princes  of  their  juftice. 

M.  Puiffaye  fleadily  adhered  to  his  plan  of  organizing  a  large 
force,  and  avoiding  any  great  enterprize,  until  he  fliould  have  a 
reafonable  piofpe^t  of  fuccefs.  In  order  to  complete  his  ar- 
rangements, he  left  the  departments  of  He  andVilainey  in  which 
he  had  chiefly  refided,  and  traverfed  that  of  Morbihan.  After 
having  acquired  the  neceffa,ry  information,  he  fet  out,  on  the 
15th  of  September  1794,  fo'r  England,  in  order  to  concert  mea- 
fures  for  a  cooperation  upon  the  part  of  that  power. 

Thefe  inteiefting  Memoirs  here  terminate  where  they  become 
moft  important;  and  it  is  with  fome  anxiety  we  look  for  the 
continuation  of  them  which  is  promifed,  and  which  will  include 
an  account  of  the  events  which  led  to  the  peace  of  Prevalayef  and 
the  fate  of  the  expedition  to  Quiberon. 


lgo4«  Fulffaye,  Metnoires  du  Parii  Royaiifie.  ll'j 

It  would  be  premature  to  ofFer  any  obfervations  upon  M. 
PuiiTaye's  condu£t:,  before  we  are  poiTeiTed  of  the  fubfequeut 
part  of  his  Memoirs.  It  is  in  that  part  we  expeft  to  find  an 
anfwer  to  the  moil  important  charges  which  have  been  brought  a- 
sainfl:  him.  We  have  no  hcfitation  in  recommending  thefe  two  vo- 
lumes to  our  readers  as  the  work  of  a  man  of  very  fuperior  talents. 
The  occafion  upon  which  they  are  written,  and  the  fituation  in 
which  they  were  compofed,  are  a  fufficient  excufe  for  many  de~ 
fedls  which  a  little  care  and  attention  might  have  removed.  We 
<:annot  help,  however,  exprelFing  our  regret  that  an  author  who 
is  able  to  v/rite  fo  well,  Ihould  have  fo  frequently  fallen  into  that 
difFufe  and  declamatory  ityle  which  has  for  many  years  been  too 
prevalent  among  French  writers. 

The  political  refledlions  which  are  made  in  the  courfe  of  thefe 
Memoirs,  are  a  fuCBcient  proof  that  the  author  is  polTeired  of  an 
acute  and  penetrating  underfcanding^  which  has  been  carefully 
cultivated ;  and  we  are  anxious  for  the  continuation  of  a  work 
from  which  we  expert  to  derive  much  interefting  and  curious 
information.  * 


Art.  VIII.  Specimens  of  Bril'ijh  Minerals ^  fdeSed  from  the  Cabinet  of 
Philip  RaJJjlelgh,  of  MenablUy,  Efq.  M,  P.  F.  R.  S.  ^  F.  A.  S. 
Londonj  Part  L    1797-     Fart  11.    1802.     Quarto. 

''yHEY  are  truly  wife  who,  when  poflefled  of  the  rarer  produ£ls 
-^  of  nature  or  of  art,  are  libera!  enough  to  gratify  public 
curlofity.  Gold  has  no  value  in  the  ftrong-bcx  •,  it  is  only  when 
put  into  circulation  that  it  repays  the  toils  of  acquifition  •,  and 
rarities  are  only  valuable  to  molt  coilediors,  in  proportion  to  the 
current  coin  of  admiration  for  which  the  fight  of  them  can  be 
exchanged  ;  and  this  fpecies  of  barter  is  fo  agreeable  and  advan- 
tageous to  both  parties,  that  no  means  lliould  be  negledted  to 
encourage  and  extend  it. 

The  remote  fituation  of  Menabilly  prevents  many  mineralogifls 
from  availing  themfelves  of  the  liberality  with  which  Mr  RaOileigh 
exhibits  his  c^Ueclion  of  minerals.  With  a  highly  laudable  difpo- 
iltion  to  diffufe  infovmafion,  he  has  publii-hed  this  work,  decorated 
by  delineations  of  fele£l  fpecimens,  and  illuitrated  by  fhort  de- 
fcriptions  of  the  minerals,  and  indications  of  their  localities.  He 
modellly  difclaims  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  refinements 
of  modern  mineralogy  and  chemillry  \  and,  contented  with  a 
fimple  llatement  of  fa<3;s,  leaves  to  his  readers  the  amufement  of 
accommodating  them  to  their  favourite  hypothefis. 

We  need  not  beftow  any  particular  confideration  on  the  text, 
■^'hieh  is  obvioufiy  introduced  merely  to  reader  the  plates  intelli- 

H  3  S'W?< 


ii8  RafhIcigUV  Specimens  of  BrlttJIj  Mlnet'als.  April 

gible.  The  few  explanatory  obfervations  are  fo  unobtruGve  and 
unpretending,  that  they  afford  little  room  for  rem^irk ;  and 
though  we  regret  that  they  leave  us  with  only  limited  information 
of  the  objects  they  mention,  we  cannot  jullly  complain  of  that 
being  only  imperfe£lly  done,  the  performance  of  which  we  harl 
:io  reafon  to  expe6l.  Though  the  modern  changes  in  chemical 
nomenclature  may  not  be  familiar  to  the  writer,  yet  we  may 
obferve,  that  as  his  work  is  chiefly  intended  for  the  amufement 
and  inftru<5lion  of  thofe  who  are  remote  from  Cornwall,  he 
fhould  not  have  ufcd  the  technical  provincialifms  without  expla- 
nation. We  fear  that  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  greater  part  of 
Britain,  lodes  and  elvans  will  found  rather  unintelligible. 

The  plates  form  the  mod  important  part  of  this  work  •,  and 
upon  them  we  {hall  venture  fome  obfervations.  There  is  no 
department  of  natural  hiftory  which  has  not  been  made  the 
fubje£l  of  painting-,  but  all  its  branches  are  not  equally  capable 
of  being  illuftrated  by  the  imitative  art.  Generally  fpeakingj 
there  is  no  vifible  obje£l,  of  which  painting  cannot  comnranicate 
a  more  or  lefs  perfect  idea  j  but  the  important  application  of 
luch  reprefcntations  tQ  fcientific  purpofes,  muft  depend  on  the 
facility  and  precifion  with  which  the  elTential  characteriftics  of 
the  object  can  be  exprefled.  The  three  great  divifions  of  natural 
obje^ls  are  very  varioully  fufceptible  of  illullration  from  paint- 
ing. Of  animals  it  affords  the  moft  correct  and  intelligible 
defcription  •,  for  nearly  all  their  characEteriftics  are  eafily  and 
dldindtly  repreiented  •,  and  fo  trifling  are  the  differences  between 
thofe  of  the  fame  kind,  that  a  fpecies  is  eafily  recognifed  from 
the  portrait  of  an  individual.  The  divcrfities  of  vegetables  of 
the  fame  fpecies  being  greater  than  thofe  of  animals,  and  the 
eflential  chara£\eriftics  being  lodged  in  the  parts  of  fru6lification, 
which  are  often  fo  minute  as  not  to  be  exprefTed  by  the  pencil 
with  proper  diftiuctnefs,  render  their  delineation  a  lefs  perfect 
defcription.  In  vegetables,  however,  as  well  as  animals,  the 
efTentials  are  always  apparent*,  and  the  application  of  painting 
to  their  defcription  is  only  regulated  by  the  facility  of  the  teprc- 
fentation.  But  in  minerals,  the  efl'ential  charatleriftic  feldom 
refides  in  the  vifible  external  characters,  except  in  cafes  of  accurate 
cryftaliization.  The  hardnefs,  the  fpecihc  gravity,  tlie  tenacity, 
rnuft  all  be  known  5  the  fracture  remains  for  painting,  but  even 
that  cannot  be  exprefTed  with  any  correct  refemblance  of  the 
natural  appearance.  Colour  may  indeed  be  approximated ;  but 
in  minerals,  it  is  of  all  characters  the  m.oft  unimportant,  and  the 
peculiarities  of  luftre,  which  are  of  more  confequence,  are 
proportionably  difficult  to  reprefent.  It  is  not  enough  that  a 
general  fimiiituds  be  attained.    Place  the  obje^  jtfclf  at  a  fmall 

difta;ice;, 


T 

SB04.  RaflileighV  Specimens  of  BritiJI}  Minernh,  ^l^ 

dlftance,  and  no  mineralogift  can  afcertain  its  fpecies.  It  may 
be  cinnabar,  or  red  copper,  or  iron  ore,  or  red  jafper,  or  a  piece 
of  brick.  A  near  and  minute  examination  of  texture,  colour,  and 
luftre,  may  reveal  what  the  fubftance  is  \  but,  let  the  painter 
attempt  to  transfer  thefe  peculiarities  to  his  canvas,  and  the 
patience  of  a  Mceris  or  a  Gerrard  David  will  fmk  in  the  attempt. 
Delineation  can  only  be  effentially  advantageous  to  mineralogy, 
by  tracing  cryftalline  forms  with  precifion;  but,  for  that  purpofe, 
the  ruier  and  compafTes  are  wanted — away  v.'ith  the  pencil  and 
colours. 

The  fplendid  vohimes  before  us  afTord  a  ftrlking  illuftratlon 
of  thef«  remarks.  Almoft  every  one  of  the  highly  coloured 
plates  which  it  contains,  bears  a  ftrong  general  refemblance  to 
the  delineated  object.  To  the  fuperficial  obferver,  this  may  ap- 
pear quite  enough ;  and  to  thofe  who  merely  look  at  minerals 
as  children  do  at  pictures,  to  regale  their  eyes  with  vivid  co- 
lours, this  vvork  will  be  a  treafure.  Surely  it  was  not  for  their 
ufe  only  that  it  was  defigned  j  and  yet  v/e  fear  few  others  will 
find  it  profitable. 

We  cannot  attribute  this  failure  (for  fuch  we  muft  confider 
it)  to  any  negied  on  the  part  of  Mr  Rafldeigh  to  give  his  book 
€vei-y  perfcftioH  of  which  it  was  fufceptible.  The  ftyle  In 
which  the  plates  are  executed,  proves  him  to  have  em.ployed  an 
artiil  of  confiderable  ability,  who  has  only  failed,  in  not  being 
able  to  extend  the  empire  of  painting  over  a  province  which  we 
fear  will  ever  refufe  Ker  fway.  He  has,  however,  given  us 
many  brilliant  and  beautiful,  if  not  char?.£leriltic  and  inftruc- 
tlve  engravings  ;  and  the  delineations  of  two  organic  bodies,  a 
foITil  bivalve  iheil  and  an  echinus,  ferve  to  illuftrate  his  own  fkillj 
and  define  the  boundaries  of  his  art. 

He  feems  very  waturaliy  to  have  Ihrunk  from  the  difficulties 
of  his  undertaking,  and  to  have  preferred  a  general  felicity  of 
€ffeft,  to  an  accuracy  which,  however  defirable,  prodigious  la- 
bour might  have  failed  in  attaining  ;  to  have  dallied  out  groups 
of  cryftais  with  daring  indiftintlnefs,  and  to  have  trailed  to  the 
outline  of  a  detached  cryftal,  magnified,  for  conveying  a  more 
correal  idea  of  the  objeft  intended  to  be  reprefented.  Even 
thefe  detached  figures  are  inaccurately  drawn  ;  and  the  artiit 
feems  to  have  depended  more  on  delicate  tints,  than  on  the  cor- 
redlnefs  of  his  forms. 

Though  the  colours  that  adorn  fome  minerals  are  fuperb,  it 
rnuft  not  be  imagined  that  every  fpecimen  glows  with  the  prif- 
matic  hues,  though  this  is  an  opinion  which  the  greater  number 
of  thefe  prints  is  calculated  to  diifeminate.  Yet  fome  allowance 
mvSk  be  made  for  the  inaccuracy  of  the  inferior  artifts  who  are 

H  4  employed 


J  2®  RaflilelghV  Spec'tmens  of  Britijh  Minerals.  April 

employed  to  transfer  to  prints  the   tints  of  an  original  draw- 
ing. 

The  minerals  reprefented  in  this  work  are  moftly  extra£led 
from  the  mines  of  Cornwall,  and  not  a  few  of  them  are  peculiar 
to  that  difhrift.  The  fibrous  tin  ore,  very  improperly  called 
wood  tin,  has  never  been  found  elfewhere  ;  and  the  continent- 
al mines  have  only  produced  very  iinperfeft  fpecimens  of  arfen- 
iate  of  copper,  a  fabftance  whofe  beautiful  and  numerous  vaiie- 
ties  have  been  the  fubjc£l  of  the  accurate  analyfjs  of  Mr  Chene- 
vix,  and  of  a  cryftallographical  defcription  by  the  Count  de 
.Bournon,  in  the  Philofophical  Tranfa<Sl;ions.  Mr  Raflileigh  has 
favoured  us  with  a  drawing  of  bydrophanous  chalcedony  in- 
veiling  tin  ore.  We  are  furprifed  that  the  beautiful  (lal^ictitic 
capillary  and  invefting  chalcedonies  of  Trcvafkus  mine  have 
been  omitted  by  him,  and  that  he  has  given  us  no  drawing  of 
the  fchorls,  of  which  Cornwall  produces  beautiful  fpecimens. 
The  phofphates  of  lime  adhering  to  talc^  prefent  fome  of  the 
rare  cryftalline  modifications;  but  no  notice  is  taken  of  them,  or 
of  the  capillary  native  filver  of  Herland  mine,  or  of  many  o- 
ther  fingular  produdlis  of  the  country.  Such  minerals  would, 
we  think,  have  proved  more  generally  intcrefling  than  the  Der- 
byfhire  calcareous  fpars  and  fluors,  or  the  foffd  fliiell  and  the 
efchinus  in  fluid,  which  lad  is  far  from  appearing  to  us  a  clear 
demonftration  of  the  Neptunian  origin  of  the  flint.  The  agen- 
cy of  the  aqueous  formation  would  have  been  more  (Irikingly 
illuftrated  by  fome  of  the  fpecimens  of  martial  pyrites  invefting 
pieces  of  unaltered  wood,  and  fometimes  completely  affuming  its 
form,  by  pervading  its  fubilance;  which  are  abundantly  found  in 
the  peat  that  covers  the  gravel  mixed  with  tin  ore  at  the  ft  earn 
work  at  Carnon. 


Art.  IX.  A  Syftem  of  Chcr.iijlry.  In  Four  Volumes.  By  Thomas 
Thomfon  M.  JJ.  Lefturer  on  Chemiftry  in  Edinburgli.  The  Se- 
cond Edition.  Edinburgh  :  Printed  for  Bell  &  Bradfute  ard  E, 
Balfour  ;  G.  &  J.  Robiufon,  London  ;  and  Gilbert  6c  Hodges,  Dub- 
lin.    4  vol.  8vo,     263 S  pages. 

"T^HE  fir  ft  edition  of  this  work  was  publifned  a  little  while  be- 
■*■  fore  the  commencement  of  our  undertaking;  and  we  are 
much  pleafed  to  find  that  its  fiiccefs  has  been  fo  great,  as  already 
to  give  us  an  opportunity  of  noticing  it  in  its  prtfent  improved 
flate.  With  the  very  great  merits  of  the  former  edition  we 
were  well  acquainted  •,  and  muft  regret,  with  every  lover  of  the 
fcience,  that  it  met  even  with  one  folitar.y  inftance  of  uncandid 
f6v-erity. 

•       -  We 


1 8o4»  ^^  Thomfon'j-  Syftem  of  Chetniflry,  s  a  i 

We  perufed  the  nrft  part  of  the  preface  with  much  fatisfac- 
tion.  We  admired  the  author's  fpirired  defence  of  the  (late  of 
chemiflry  in  Britain,  againd  the  mifrepvefcntations  of  foreign- 
ers ;  and  fully  fubfcribed  to  the  juft  encomium  uhich  he  finds 
it  necclTary  to  pronounce  on  his  own  merits.  The  fecoud 
part,  however,  in  which  he  in  fome  meafure  developes  the 
plan  of  his  work,  rather  checked  our  growing  ■  partiality  ;  for, 
inftead  of  returning  thanks  to  our  fellow  labourers  on  the 
other  fule  of  the  Tweed,  for  the  a'lmoft  unqualified  appro- 
bation which  tliey  beftowed  on  his  former  edition,  or  folicit- 
ing  the  famt-  aitention  to  the  prefent,  he  boldly  fets  our  whole 
corporation  at  defiance,  and  denies  the  competency  of  our  tri- 
bunal. Indeed,  it  is  not  difficult  to  difcover  that  it  is  the  Doc- 
tor's honeft  opinion,  that  no  perfon  is  qualified  to  judge  of  his 
performance  but  himfeJf;  for  who  elfe  is  there  *  v^ho  has  the 
fame  turn  of  thinking,  who  pofTciTes  the  fame  information,  and 
who  has  bePtowed  on  the  fubjeft  the  fame  patient  meditation  ?* 
In  the  defcription  of  thofe  capable  of  criticizing  his  arrange- 
nient,  he  is,  if  pofiible,  ftill  more  faflidious.  They  muft  not 
only  pofiefs  all  the  neceiTary  mental  qualifications,  but  they  muft 
be  authors  or  teachers,  and  muft  have  no  arrangement  of  their 
own.  In  fhort,  Dr  Thomfon's  arrangement  muft  not  be  criti- 
cized. But  if,  in  our  author's  opinion,  extraordinary  qualifica- 
tions be  necefiary  to  judge  of  his  plan  and  arrangement,  ftill 
more  extraordinary  abilities  were  necefiary  to  contrive  it.  *  Few 
confider  that  the  art  of  arranging  is  one  of  the  moft  difficult 
talks  of  the  philofopher  ;  that  it  requires  a  comprehenfivenefs 
of  mind,  a  clearnefs  of  judgement,  and  a  patience  of  labour, 
which  fall  to  the  lot  of  a  fmall  number  only  of  the  human  race. ' 
Whatever  Dr  Thomfon  may  think  of  his  own  abilities,  com- 
pared with  thofe  of  other  m.en,  there  is  certainly  fome  degree  of 
imprudence  in  this  publication  of  his  fentiments  ;  for  he  ought 
to  be  aware,  that  though  men  may  fometimes  forget  to  applaud 
t\\Q  modefty  of  an  author,  they  never  fail  to  reient  his  arro- 
gance. 

'  The  object  of  this  \vork  is  to  exhibit  as  complete  a  view  as 
pofiible  of  the  prefent  ftate  of  chemiftry,  and  to  trace  at  the 
fame  time  its  gradual  progrefs,  from  its  firft  dawnings  as  a  fci- 
ence,  to  the  improved  ftate  which  it  has  now  attained.  *  It 
clfo  comprehends  *  the  application  of  that  fcience  to  fubftances, 
23  they  exift  in  nature,  conftituting  the  animal,  vegetablcj^ 
and  mineral  kingdoms. '  The  plan,  abftra£liy  confidered,  is  tx-^ 
cellent  ;  but  there  have  been,  it  feems,  fome  people  fo  narrow- 
minded,  and  others  fo  extravagant  in  their  idea?,  as  not  to  be 
pleafed  with  it;  the  one  fet  pretending  that  it  contains  too  little, 
"  ?he  other  that  it  contains  too  much.     Thefe  oppofite  opinions, 

our 


122  Dr  mhomion* s  Syficm  of  Chemi/lry.  April 

our  author  thinks,  refute  and  exa6lly  neutralife  each  other,  and 
fuggeft  to  him  this  very  comfortable  conclufion,  that  in  all  pro- 
bability he  has  not  deviated  very  far  from  that  happy  middle 
path  which  he  ought  to  follow.  But,  in  the  fuinefs  of  his  joy, 
he  feems  to  have  forgotten  that  thefe  premifes  afford  room  for 
another  conclufion,  namely,  that  it  may  contain  too  much  of 
what  it  fhould  not  contain,  and  too  little  of  what  it  fhould  con- 
tain ;  too  little  chemiftry,  for  example,  and  too  much  extrane- 
ous matter.  This,  at  ieait  fo  far  as  regards  the  manner  in 
which  the  plan  is  executed,  appears  to  us  to  be  really  the  cafe  *, 
but  our  reafons  for  entertaining  this  opinion,  will  appear  as  we 
proceed  in  the  analyfis  of  the  work. 

The  v.^ork  is  divided  into  two  principal  parts  ;  the  firfl;  com- 
prehending the  fcience  of  chemiftry,  and  the  fecond  the  chemi- 
cal examination  of  nature.  The  firft  part  contains  three  books, 
which  treat,  in  fiicceflion,  of  fimple  fubftances-— of  compound 
bodies — and  of  yliinity.  The  two  firft  claffes  are  again  divided 
and  fubdivided  into  orders  and  fpecics.  Nothing  can  be  more 
fimple,  fcientific  and  beautiful  than  the  arrangement.  Indeed, 
our  author  feems  fo  much  enamoured  of  it  himfeif,  that  he 
gives  it  as  his  decided  opinion,  that  *  if  this  work  pofTefs  any 
fuperiority  over  others,  if  it  be  more  perfpicuous  or  complete, 
we  muft  afcribe  it  to  the  arrangement. '  The  fuperiority  of  this 
book  to  moft  other  fyftems  of  chemiftry  we  are  not  difpofed  to 
deny  ;  but  we  are  lefs  inclined  to  afcribe  it  to  the  merit  of  the 
arrangement,  than  to  the  circumftance  of  its  having  been  writ- 
ten after  all  the  other  fyftems,  and  to  the  patient  induftry  of 
the  author  in  obferving  and  collecting  fa6\s.  Indeed,  fo  well 
has  Dr  Thomfon  availed  himfeif  of  thefe  advantages,  that  we 
have  no  doubt  but  his  fyftem  will  be  confidered  as  a  valuable  re- 
pofitory  of  fafis  long  after  the  peculiarities  of  its  arrangement 
mall  be  forgotten.  It  may  appear  ftrange,  that  we  ftioujd  value 
•at  fo  low  a  rate  an  arrangement  which,  we  are  told  by  its  con- 
triver, *  is  independent  of  hypothecs,  and  as  nearly  inductive 
or  analytical  as  was  confiftent  with  the  ftate  of  the  fcience, ' 
which  *  prefuppofes  no  previous  knowledge  of  the  fubjedf,  and 
begins  with  thofe  parts  which  have  been  moft  fuccefsfully  invef- 
tigated,  and  v/hich  therefore  admit  of  a  plainer  and  (Trnpler 
mode  of  illuftration. '  To  the  whole  of  this  eulogium,  how- 
ever, we  can  by  no  means  fubfcribe ;  on  the  contrary,  we  are 
inclined  to  think  that  an  arrangement,  poffelhng  all  the  advan- 
tages he  defcribes,  is,  in  the  prefent  ftate  of  the  fcience,  im- 
practicable ;  and  that  Dr  Thomfon  himfeif  has  found  it  fo. 

The  firft  peculiarity  of  Dr  Thomfon's  arrangement,  is  the  at- 
tempt to  communicate  the  knowledge  of  a  phyfical  fcience  in  the 
fame  way  in  which  it  was  originally  acquired,  by  fimply  ftating,  in 

th(? 


i8o4.  Vr'XhomioViS  S^/iem  of  Chemijlry*  123 

the  firft  place,  all  the  particular  facts,  and  gradually  afcertaming 
the  general  laws  by  indn6lion.  This  method  certainly  poflefTes  one 
evident  advantage.  The  general  principles  of  the  fcience  can  be 
afterwards  explained  in  the  fulled  and  more  fatisfa£lory  manner, 
as  we  are  already  in  pofiefiion  of  the  immenfe  mafs  of  fafts 
from  which  they  are  derived,  and  by  which  they  may  be  illuf- 
trated.  But  the  difadvuntages  with  which  it  is  attended  are  in- 
finitely greater.  From  having  no  general  principles  to  dire£l  us 
at  the  outfet,  the  detail  of  fadls  mutl  be  dry  and  uninterefting-, 
their  relative  importance  cannot  be  perceived  when  they  are  ilat- 
ed ;  their  connexion  with  each  other  will  be  overlooked,  andl 
they  will  be  remembered  with  infinitely  greater  difficulty,  while 
the  general  do6Vrines  may  be  fuihciently  explained  by  number- 
lefs  familiar  fa£ls  and  illuftrations,  eafily  underftood  by  every 
one  entering  on  the  ftudy  of  chemiftry.  Thus,  Dr  Thomfofi 
himfelf,  under  the  very  firft  article,  Oxygen,  finds  himfelf  o- 
bliged  to  explain  the  general  do£lrine  of  Affinity ;  and  under 
the  fecond,  Sulphur,  gives  an  account  of  the  different  theories 
of  combuftion.  We  are  therefore  inclined  ftill  to  prefer  the 
common  dida6lic  method  of  firft  explaining  the  more  general 
do£lrines,  to  Dr  Thomfon's  apparently  m.ore  philofophical  ar- 
rangement of  arriving  at  all  his  general  do<fl:rines  by  induflion. 

The  other  peculiarity  of  Dr  Thomfon's  arrangement,  if  we 
can  call  that  a  peculiarity  which  has  been  adopted  by  others,  Is 
the  divlfion  of  bodies  into  fimple  and  compound.  Now,  the 
Dotlor  has  told  us,  that  '  very  poffibly  the  bodies,  which  we 
reckon  fimple,  may  be  compound  ;  but,  till  this  has  been  aftu- 
ally  proved,  we  have  no  right  to  fuppofe  it  , '  and  as  fome  fub- 
ftances  which  have  not  been  decompofed,  are  very  analogous  in. 
their  properties  to  others  whofe  compofition  is  afcertained.  It 
necefl^arily  follows,  that  if  we  arrange  them  among  the  com- 
pound bodies,  our  fyftem  becomes  hypothetical ;  and  if  we  rank 
them  as  fimples,  it  becomes  artificial  and  unnatural.  Befides, 
there  are  very  few,  even  of  thofe  which  are  confidered  as  fimple 
fubftances,  which  ever  were  the  obje£ls  of  any  of  our  fenfes, 
except  in  a  ftate  of  compofition.  Let  us  examine,  for  inftance, 
thofe  called  fimple  fubftances  by  our  author.  His  iinconjinahle 
bodies,  light  and  caloric,  are  refrangible,  and  may  be  decom- 
pofed into  rays.  Of  the  confinable  fubftances,  the  metals  and 
fimple  combuftibles,  according  to  the  hypothefis  which  our  au- 
thor adopts,  are  compounds  of  an  unknown  bafe  and  light.  A- 
zote  and  muriatic  acid  are  fufpefted  by  him  to  be  compounds. 
At  any  rate,  they,  as  well  as  oxygen  (the  only  remaining  fimple 
fubftance)  never  exift  but  in  a  ftate  of  com.bination. 

5ut  even  granting,  for  the  fake  of  argument,  that  the  prefencc 

of 


ti4  ■^''  Thomfon'j  System  of  Chemiflry.  April 

of  tbe  unconfinable  bodies  does  not  make  fubftances  compound, 
which  would  otherwife  be  fimple,  DrThomfon  has  found  hirafelf 
under  the  necefiity  of  departing  moft  materially  from  the  principles 
of  his   arrangement,  the  moment  he  attempts  to  apply  them. 
Two  alkalies  and  nine   earths,  although   they    have   never   been 
decompofed,  are  clafTed  by  him  among  the  compounds  ;  and,  on 
the  contrary,  of  thirty-feven  acids,  three   only  have  not  been 
decompofed  ;  and  of  thefe   three,  two  are  left  among  the  comi- 
pound  bodies  ;  while   one,  the  muriatic,  is   feparated  from  all 
the  others,  and  placed  among   the  fimple  fubftances.     Nothing 
can  demonftrate  more  forcibly  that  thefe  principles  are  either 
fundamentally  erroneous,  or  at  lead   inapplicable  in  the  preferit 
(late  of  the  fcience.     The   earths   and   alkalies   are  claiTed  with 
compounds,  not  only  on  account   of  their  analogy  to  ammonia, 
but  becaufe  all  other  fimple  bodies,  it  feems,  are  conneded  toge- 
ther, either  by  common  properties,  or  by  the  part  which  they  a£l 
in  combuftion  ;  whereas  thefe  have  no  fuch  connexion.    The  lat- 
ter of  thefe  two  arguments  is  of  no  weight  whatever  ;  for  it  cer-. 
tainly  does  not  follow,  that   becaufe  fome  fimple  bodies  have  an 
affinity  for  oxygen,  all  fimple  bodies  mud  have  fuch  an  affinity. 
The  analogy  to  ammonia  is   not  more   fatisfaftory  ;  for  if  Dr 
Thomlon  had  followed  up  his  own  principles  of  arrangement,  and 
divided  compounds,  as  he  has  done  fimple  bodies,  into  fupport- 
ers,  combuftibles,  and   incombuftibles,  the   fubftances    in  que-, 
ftion    mull    have    been    feparated   from    ammonia ;    that    alkali 
being   combuftible,  and  the  earths    and   other   alkalies    incom- 
buftible.       The    analogical    reafons    for    claffing    the    muriatic 
acid  among  fimple  bodies,   are   ilill  lefs    convitKing.       '  Even 
muriatic   acid,  '    fays    our    author    himfelf,    '    though    its    re- 
femblance  to  azote  is  ftriking,  ditl'ers  from  it   in  fo  many  parti- 
culars, that  I  dare  not  venture  to  feparate   it   from   the  clafs  of 
acids  under  which  it  has   been  hitherto  arranged.  '     Since   our 
author  himfelf  confeiTes  that  azote,  and  muriatic   acid,  differ  in 
many  particulars  from  each  other,  it   will  fave  us  the  trouble  of 
proving  it  \  but  we  muft  obferve,  that  although  he  has  not  ven- 
tured to  feparate  muriatic  acid  from  the  clafs  of  acids,  an  ac^ 
count  of  its  charatleriftic  properties  occupies  the  fecond  fecfion 
of  the  chapter   on  fimple   incombuftibles,  while,  in   compliance 
with  the  ufualcuftom  of  chemifts,  he  has  referved  an  account  of 
the  properties  of  liquid  muriatic  acid  for  the  chapter  on  acids, 
where  it  is  again  miiplaced  among  the  acid  fupporters.     In  all, 
this,  there  is  much  of  that  inconfiftency  which  muft  neceflarily. 
^rife  when  we  attempt  to  accommodate  faiSls  to  an  arbitrary  and 
artificial  fyftem. 

His  fimple  fubftances  are  fubdivided   into  confinable  and  un- 
(pcjifinabk.     One  reafon  given  for  employing  thefe  words,  is  fa- 

tisfa^ory-^. 


1804.  -^^  Thomfon'j-  ^y/tem  of  Chemiftr'y.  i2'|' 

tisfa£lory — that  they  were  neceiTary  to  exprefs  the  ideas  he  meant 
to  convey ;  namely,  *  that  we  are  able  to  confine  the  firft  fet  in 
vefTels,  but  that  the  fecond  cannot  be  confined  in  any  veflel.  * 
But  when  we  come  to  find  the  ufe  he  makes  of  thefe  terms, 
and  efpecially  when  he  adds,  that  '  all  the  terms  that  have 
been  hitherto  employed  to  characterife  thefe  two  fets  of  bo- 
dies, convey  iome  hypothefis  or  other,  which,  in  a  woric 
of  this  kind,  it  is  neceflary  as  much  as  poflible  to  avoid,* 
we  find  curfelves  compelled  to  obje£t,  firit,  that  the  appli- 
cation of  his  terms  is  inconfiftent  with  fa6t ;  and,  fecondly, 
that  other  terms  have  been  already  employed  which  conveyed 
no  hypothefis.  It  appears  to  us,  that  whatever  can  be  excluded, 
can  alfo  be  confined  j  and  whatever  can  be  impeded  in  its  pro- 
grefs,  is  not  abfolutely  unconfinable.  The  bodies  which  he  calls 
unconfinable  are,  light,  caloric,  eie6lricity,  and  magnetifm.  The 
two  laft  are  not  treated  of  in  this  work.  With  regard  to  calo- 
ric, the  difficulty  with  which  it  permeates  certain  bodies  is  weii 
known.  Clothing  is  ufed  to  confine  the  warmth  of  the  body,' 
our  furnaces  are  conftrudled  of  bad  conduftors,  to  prevent  the 
diflipation  of  the  heat  •,  and  caloric  may  be  abfolutely  confined 
in  a  veflel  of  ice,  as  long  as  the  veflel  itfeif  will  laft.  Light  is 
flill  more  confinable.  Every  room  is  furniilied  with  fhutters  to 
exclude  it,  and  the  dark-lanthorn  was  contrived  to  confine  ic. 
The  circumllancc  of  thefe  bodies  pofiefling  no  determinable  gra- 
vity, or  being  imponderable,  which  has  been  already  employed 
to  charatlerife  them,  is  the  fimple  enunciation  of  a  fa£t,  and 
not  liable  to  fimilar  obje£lions.  Dr  Thomfon's  confinable  bo- 
dies are  fubdivided  into  oxygen,  fimple  combuliibles,  and  fimole 
jncombuftibles. 

The  compounds  are  divided  into  primary  and  fecondary.  The 
former  confifl:  of  two  or  more  fimple  bodies  united  together, 
and  the  latter  of  two  or  more  compounds.  In  this  arrangement, 
there  is  no  place  allotted  for  the  combinations  of  compounds 
with  fimple  bodies.  But  befides  this  omiflion,  the  divifion  of 
compounds  iutu  primary  and  fecondary  in  the  preftnt  ftate  of 
the  fcience,  mull  be  entirely  arbitrary  or  hypothetical.  It  is 
not  only  expofed  to  the  general  objeftion  arifing  from  our  total 
ignoiince  of  what  bodies  arc  really  fimple  5  but  many  of  our  au- 
thor's primary  compounds  are,  in  fact,  only  known  to  us  in  a 
ftate  of  farther  compofition.  Almoft  all  the  acids,  as  objects  of 
our  fenfes,  are  compounds  of  acid  and  water;  and  many  of 
them,  independently  of  this,  are  fecondary  compounds  in  the 
ftridl  fenfe  of  the  word.  But,  waving  as  frivolous  this  objec- 
tion, which  applies  to  all  fubltances  compofed  of  two  ingredi- 
ents which  combine  in  more  proportions  than  one,  we  are  com- 
pletely ignorant  of  the  nature  of  the  combiaations  fortned  by  the: 

'~^'  union 


J  26  Dt"  ThOmfonV  ^yf;etn  of  Chemljlrp  April 

iinion  of  three  or  ir.ore  fimple  fabftances.  We  do  not  know  whe- 
ther the  Immenfe  variety  of  thefe  are  primary  compounds,  refuhing 
from  various  proportionr.  of  A,  B,  C,  or  whether  A  iirft  unites  with 
B,  and  then  forms  a  fecondary  compound  with  C.  Indeed,  ac- 
cording to  the  opinions  which  Dr  Thomfon  afterwards  advances 
when  trestine  of  afTinity,  there  can  be  no  fecondary  compounds. 

In  his  fubdivifions  of  the  prim.iry  compounds,  Dr  Thomfon 
entirely  renounces  his  general  principles,  and  arranges  them  un- 
der the  five  heads  of  alkalies,  earths,  oxides,  acids,  and  com- 
pound combuftibles — natural  claffes  which  have  been  adopted 
by  all  preceding  fyftematic  writers.  In  thus  deviating  from  his 
own  peculiar  principles,  Dr  Thomfon  is  certainly  inconfiftent  ; 
nor  are  we  fatisfied  with  his  reafons  for  being  fo.  Thefe  are 
ftated  in  a  preliminary  note,  in  which  he  gives  us  a  fketch  of 
the  arrangement  he  might  have  followed  -,  and  adds,  *  but  in 
the  prefent  imperfeft  (late  of  the  fcience,  the  advantages  at- 
tending this  arrangement  would  not  compenfate  for  the  violence 
of  the  changes  which  it  would  introduce.  It  would  oblige  us  to 
clafTify  fubftances  together,  which  have  always  been  confidered 
as  diftincl: ;  and  to  feparate  many  bodies  which  have  hitherto 
been  always  grouped  together.  Befides,  we  would  be  forced  to 
omit  a  number  of  fubllances  which  are  dill  undecompounded, 
and  which  are  not  the  lefs  important,  becaufe  they  cannot  with 
propriety  be  introduced  among  the  fimple  fubftances.  '  The 
firft  argument,  we  confefs,  we  did  not  expe6l  from  our  author, 
•who  on  fo  many  occaGons  calls  in  qucftion  opinions  the  mofl 
univerfally  received,  and  advances  others  fo  contradiclory  to  all 
former  obfervation,  that  he  is  in  greater  danger  of  being  accuf- 
ed  of  temerity,  and  afFc61:ation  of  fingularity,  than  of  being 
blamed  for  blindly  following  eftabliftied  authorities,  or  regarding 
the  prejudices  of  others.  The  fecond  argument  militates  direct- 
ly againft  the  v,^hole  fyflem.  For  what  are  we  to  think  of  an 
arrangement,  in  which  a  number  of  important  bodies  cannot  with 
propriety  be  clafTed  among  the  fimple  fubftances,  and  yet  are 
pofitively  excluded  from  any  place  among  the  compounds  ?  Vv  e 
are  the  more  aftonifiied  at  this  reafon  being  given  by  our  author 
for  not  following  up  the  principles  of  his  arrangement,  as  the 
cbje£tion  might  have  been  eahiy  removed,  and  indeed,  in  ftrict 
conformity  to  the  phiiofophy  of  arrangement,  ought  to  have 
been  removed,  by  adopting  the  fame  cliarailers  for  diftinguifti- 
ing  the  orders  of  the  compounds  with  thofe  employed  for  the 
iimple  fubftances.  Compound  fupporters,  combuftibles,  and  in- 
combuftibles,  would  have  comprehended  every  compound  body. 

Under  the  head  of  fecondary  compounds,  are  included  forne 
commonly  received  and  natural  families  ;  but  the  claihfication  is 
exceedingly  defective- 

Th^ 


l8o4.  Dr  Thom(on*s  Sj^em  of  Chojtljlry,      '  i2J 

The  third  book  of  the  firft  part  treats  of  AfRnity. 

The  fecond  part  of  this  great  work  contains  the  chemical  exa- 
mination of  nature  ;  a  fubjecSl  certainly  mofh  intimately  conne£t» 
ed  with  the  fcience  of  chemiilry,  but  fo  far  diftinfl  from  it,  as 
not  to  be  a  necelTary  part  of  an  elementary  treatife,  which  ought 
tO  contain  a  complete  view  of  the  principles  of  the  fcience,  to- 
tally independent  of  its  application  to  any  purpofe  whatever. 

We  have  been  thus  particular  in  our  account  of  the  arrange- 
ment of  this  work,  becaufe  fo  much  fuperiority  has  been  afcrib- 
cd  to  it  by  its  author,  and,  in  our  opinion,  without  fufficient 
reafon.  It  is  every  where  inconfiftent  with  its  own  principles  ; 
it  is  incomplete  ;  it  fometimes  clafTes  together  bodies  which  have 
little  analogy  ;  but  more  frequently  divides  and  fubdivides  the  ac- 
count of  a  conne<£led  fubje6l  into  minute  portions,  which  are 
fcattered  through  very  diftant  parts  of  the  work.  If  it  had  been 
rendered  totally  independent  of  hypothefis,  and  completed  on 
the  fame  general  principles,  it  might  have  afforded  a  very  good 
tabular  view  of  the  fcience  ;  but,  as  the  outline  of  a  detailed 
fyftem,  or  as  the  text-book  of  a  lecturer,  it  feems  to  be  by  no 
means  preferable  to  thofe  in  common  ufe. 

It  now  remains  to  examine  the  execution  of  the  work.  In 
doing  this,  it  v^ill  only  be  poflible  to  notice  fuch  parts  as  appear 
particularly  interefting,  mure  efpecially  thofe  in  which  an  au- 
thor, of  fo  great  reputation,  has  committed  errors,  which  might 
miilead  readers  lefs  difpofed.  to  queftion  his  infallibiHty  than  wc 
are.  The  definition  of  Chemiitry  is  as  unintelligible  as  abftra£l: 
definitions  of  fcience  ufually  are.  It  is  faid  to  be  *  that  fcience 
which  treats  of  thofe  events  or  changes  which  are  not  accompa" 
nud  by  fenfible  motions. '  Dr  Thomfon  may  probably  confider 
it  as  an  inftance  of  vulgar  prejudice ;  but  we  muft  confefs  that 
we  have  always  confidered  the  buriling  of  a  bomb-ihell  and  the 
elevation  of  the  pifton  of  a  fleam-engine  as  fenfible  motions. 
The  definition  is  alfo  particularly  defective,  in  taking  no  notice 
of  the  mofi:  indifpenfalile  condition  of  chemical  adlion,  namely, 
the  reciprocal  attion  of  at  lead  two  kinds  of  matter,  and  the 
change  of  properties  occafioned  by  it. 

After  mentioning  concifely  the  different  epochs  in  the  hiftory 
of  chemidry,  Dr  Thomfon  enters  upon  his  account  of  the  fim- 
ple  bodies.  The  general  manner  in  which  he  treats  each  of 
thefe,  is,  firfl  to  tell  how  it  is  procured,  then  to  mention  its  phy- 
fical  properties,  and,  iaftly,  to  detail  its  mode  of  a<£tion  upon 
thofe  other  bodies  which  have  been  already  defcribed.  The  ac- 
count of  oxygen  is  necelfarily  very  brief,  as  not  one  of  its  che- 
mical properties  can  be  explained,  without  fuppofing  fome  pre- 
vious chemical  knowledge.  This  inconvenience  is  not  peculiar 
to  Dr  Thomfoa'#  arrangenrtem,  and  indeed  cannot  eafily  be  a- 

voiddd. 


1 2){  Df  Thomfon'j'  SysUm  of  Chemistry.  April 

voided.  But  it  would  furely  have  been  better  to  have  commenced 
with  a  clafs  of  tangible  bodies,  than  to  have  plunged  his  readers, 
in  the  very  firft  page,  into  all  the  intricacies  ot  the  defcription 
of  a  pneumatic  apparatus,  and  to  have  perplexed  them  with  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  gafes,  before  they  can  be  fappofed  to  have  form- 
ed any  conception  of  air  being  a  body  polTeiling  chemical  pro- 
perties, or  indeed  to  have  any  conception  of  chemical  properties, 
at  all.  This  feclion  concluJes  with  an  explanation  of  aflinity  ; 
which  fhews,  in  the  dv^  place,  that  Dr  Thomfon  cannot  pro- 
ceed a  fingie  ftep,  without  explaining  the  general  dodrines  of 
chemiftry  ;  and,  fecondly,  how  few  fads  are  futiicient  to  make 
them  intelligible  even  to  beginners. 

The  fecond  chapter  treats  of  the  fimp]e  corabuftibles  ;  and. 
firft,  of  fulphiir  ;  which  gives  Dr  Thomfon  an  opportunity  of 
briefly  explaining  the  theories  of  combuilion  propofed  by  Stahl 
and  Lavoilier.  The  other  feclions  treat  of  pliofphorus,  carbon, 
and  hydrogen.  Carbon  is  here  fynonymous  with  diamond  •,  of 
courfe,  Lavoifier's  carbon  becomes  carbonous  oxide,  or  charcoal. 
But,  throughout  the  whole  work,  Dr  Thomfon  has  negleded  to 
attend  to  this  diftindlion  ;  and  confequently,  in  the  very  next 
chapter,  we  are  prefented  with  a  pretty  full  account  of  the  car- 
buretted  .hydrogen  gafes,  chiefly  taken  from  the  experiments  of 
Mr  Cruickfhank  ;  although  we  think  that  neither  their  ingenious 
contriver  nor  Dr  Thomfon  has  drawn  from  them  the  conclufions 
they  warranted.  For  example,  in  the  third  experiment,  i6  grains 
of  carburetted  hydrpgen  were  detonated  with  40  of  oxygen  ;  the 
produ61;s  were  36  grains  of  carbonic  acid  gas,  and  20  of  water. 
Now,  36  grains  of  carbonic  acid  gas  are  compofed  of  29.56 
oxygen,  and  6.44  carbon  ,  and  2o  of  water  of  17.12  ox^/gen,  and 
2.88  hydrogen.  From  the  total  quantity  of  oxygen  in  the  pro- 
dud,  46.68,  dedud  the  40  added,  and  we  have  6.68  oxygen, 
2.88  hydrogen,  and  6.44  carbon,  as  the  elementary  conftituents 
of  the  16  grains  of  carburetted  hydrogen. 

The  following  table  exhibits  a  view  of  the  conftituents  of  all 
the  fpecies  calculated  in  this  way,  and  as  given  by  Dr  Thomfon.. 

Oxygen.  Carbon.  UydrogiH.         VVaUr. 

Carb.  hyd.  from  ilasc-l  ,       ,  .       o    /r 

*      «.       «  r    35-54  +  46.40  4-    18.06 

nant  water,  &c.       jo:>-)'rrT'r      "t 

52.35   4-     9.60  4-   38.05  DrT. 


From  ether ....... 

•     13'^^    +   45-15    + 
45        + 

19.83 

15         4-40 

Dr  T. 

•I'rom  alcohol 

.    41.76   4-  40.23   4- 
44.1     4- 

i6.ox 

.  !.8      +    44.T 

DrT. 

From  wet  charcoal  .  . 

.     ?8.77    4-    23.4^    4- 

17. So 

28         4-9         4-63        DrT. 


1 B04.  Dy  Thbmfon'j-  Syshm  of  Chemistvy,  1 79 

Thefe  ditferences  arife  from  two  caufes.  Mr  Cruickfliank  did 
not  calculate  the  conflituents  of  the  carbonic  acid  produced  ac- 
cording to  its  analyfis  by  Morveau  \  and  he  fuppofed  that  the 
whole  water  produced  exifted  in  the  gas  in  a  ikate  of  folution. 
But  it  is  highly  improbable  that  any  gas  is  capable  of  diflblving 
its  own  v/eight  of  water  ;  and  as  the  carbonic  acid  gas  produced, 
mull:  be  faturated  with  vapour,  it  is,  on  the  contrary,  probable, 
that  the  whole  watqr  precipitated  was  formed  at  the  moment  of 
decompofition.  We  therefore  think  ourfelves  warranted  to  con- 
clude, that  thefe  gafes  are  not  carbureted  hydrogen,  holding  their 
own  weight  of  water  in  folution,  but  that  they  are  hydro-carbo- 
nous  oxides,  and  therefore  fliould  be  referred  to  a  different  place 
in  Dr  Thomfon's  arrangement  from  that  which  is  now  aligned 
Aem. 

The  chapter  on  Combuftibles  is  concluded,  as  indeed  all  the 
cliapters  are,  with  fome  general  reflections.  The  next  chapter 
treats  of  the  Simple  Incombuftibles,  in  which  the  affbciation  of 
azote  and  muriatic  acid  as  analogous  bodies,  is  the  only  thing  re- 
markable. An  account  of  the  metals  concludes  the  fimple  con* 
finable  bodies. 

The  fecond  divition  of  the  fimple  bodies  comprehends  thofc 
which  Dr  Thomfon  has  denominated  wKonJitiable.  In  this  work, 
he  only  treats  of  light  and  caloric  ;  but  we  are  happy  to  learn, 
that  an  author  fo  capable  of  doing  juftice  to  the  fubject  propofeS 
to  confider  electricity  in  a  feparate  work.  The  chapter  on  Light 
is  exceedingly  well  written.  That  on  Caloric,  is  perhaps  the 
moft  remarkable  in  the  whole  work,  from  the  very  curious  fpe-. 
culations  which  it  contain?. 

Caloric  pafl'cs  through  fome  bodies  with  the  velocity  of  light, 
and  through  others  extremely  flowly.  Its  motion  in  the  firft 
cafe  in  which  it  is  faid  to  be  tranfmitted,  is  explained  by  fup- 
pofing  the  particles  of  caloric  to  repel  each  other  5  but  the  ex- 
planation of  its  fecond  kind  of  motion  is  not  fo  eafy.  It  has 
hitherto  been  confidered  as  the  operation  of  a  pofitive  force, 
which  has  been  called  the  conducting  power ;  and  bodies  wera 
named  good  or  bad  condu6lors,  in  proportion  as  caloric  moved 
through  them  with  greater  or  lefs  facility.  Dr  Thomfon  has, 
however,  advanced  an  hypothefis  directly  the  revcrfe  of  this , 
for,  obferving  that  caloric  is  tranfmitted  through  fome  bodies 
with  immen/e  velocity,  he  has  feen  the  neceflity  of  accounting 
for  th^  retardation  of  its  progrefs  when  it  enters  condtuftors, 
Thii^  he  afcribes  to  an  attraclion  or  affinity  exifling  between  the 
particles  of  caloric  and  thofe  of  the  conductor,  by  whigh  the 
ialoric^is  dntangled  and  detained,-,  fo  that  bodies  which  were 
va.lied  bad  conductors,  are.ia  fact  ^qo6.  r€t>irds.rs  ;  and  the  con-: 
.-  M^^^-^iv.  xo.  7.  '  I     "'   '  duding 


13*  £)r  Thomfon'j-  System  of  Chemisiry.  Apr'iJ 

dudlng  power  is  a  mere  nonentity.  This  opinion  might  have 
appeared  extremely  ingenious  to  a  chemift  ignorant  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  mechanical  fcience.  But  furejy,  if  Dr  Thomfon,  wha 
fo  often  ni :,kes  ufe  of  algebraic  expreihons  to  render  unintelligible 
to  many  oi'  his  readers  what,  in  common  language,  could  have 
been  miftaken  by  no  one,  had  allov/ed  himfelf  time  for  reflec- 
tion, he  never  would  have  committed  an  error .  which  has  be- 
trayed him  into  fo  many  inconfiftencies.  He  has  himfelf  proved 
that  affinity  is  capable  of  accounting  for  the  motion  of  caloric 
thrdugh  coiKiuftors  j  it  cannot  therefore  retard  the  motion  which 
caloric  is  fuppofcd  to  derive  from  its  repulfive  force,  unlefs  it 
afts  in  an  oppofite  diredion  :  but  in  the  cafe  of  condu6ting  bo- 
dies, the  aifinity  always  ads  in  the  fame  diredion  with  the  re- 
pulfive force  5  and,  inltead  of  retarding  the  progrefs  of  caloric,  it 
ought  therefore  to  accelerate  it.  But  fome  bodies  condudl  ca- 
loric better  than  others  ;  and  Dr  Thomfon  thinks  it  *  probable 
that  their  affinity  is  in  all  cafes  in  the  inverfe  ratio  of  their  con- 
ducing power. '  The  originality  of  this  opinion  is  truly  fingu- 
lar  ;  for  no  common  mind  would  have  conceived  that  an  etfedt 
could  be  invcrjely  as  its  caufe.  Bodies  alfo  diiTer  in  the  diftance 
to  which  they  are  capable  of  conducing  caloric  ;  and  this  differ- 
ence, Dr  Thomfon  tells  us,  '  is  always  proportional  to  the  tem- 
perature to  which  that  body  can  be  raifed  before  it  changes  its 
ftate.  *  The  reafoning  upon  which  this  opinion  is  hazarded,  is 
perfeftly  inconclufive  ;.  for  it  proceeds  on  the  fuppofition,  not  on- 
ly that  the  decreafing  fcries  of  affinities  for  additional  dofes  of 
caloric,  is  the  fame  in  all  bodies,  but  alfo  that  the  conducing 
power  depends  etitirely  on  affinity.  Now,  the  firft  fuppofition  is 
altogether  arbitrary,  and  the  fecond  abfolutely  erroneous.  Dr 
Thomfon's  general  law  is  equally  contradidied  by  experiment  j 
for  lead,  tin,  and  the  other  fufible  metals,  conduct  caloric  much 
farther  than  glafs ;  and  that  moft  i-efradoty  fubftance,  pure  clay, 
cannot  be  made,  by  any  intenfity  of  heat,  to  condu£l  caloric  far- 
ther than  the  fufible  metals. 

All  folids  conduB  caloric ;  but  fluids  alfo  carry  it.  Count 
Rumford  was  the  firit  who  paid  particular  attention  to  this  fub- 
je£t ;  and  endeavoured  to  prove,  by  the  mcit  ingenious  experi- 
ments, that  fluids  only  carry  caloric,  and  never  condu6l  it.  This 
opinion  of  the  Count,  however,  is  now  completely  difproved,  e- 
fpecially  by  the  experiments  of  Mr  Murray.  On  this  fubjedt, 
Dr  Thomfon  has  entered  at  more  than  ufual  length,  and  has 
divided,  between  himfelf  and  Mr  Dalton,  the  merit  of  hav- 
ing been  the  firft  who,  by  various  experiments,  rendered  the 
Count's  opinion  improbable ;  although  it  is  inconceivable  that  he 
iltiould  be  ignorant  of  being  antigipaied  by  Dr  Hope,  whofe  in- 

geniou* 


1^64.'  I^f^  ThomfonV  System  of  Chemistry',  1^1' 

genious  experiments  on  the  fame  fubje6l  were  publicly  exhibited 
in  his  leftures. 

The  tables  of  the  condu£ling  power  of  different  bodies  are 
extremely  imperfect,  and  are  conftru6led  upon  no  uniform  prin- 
ciple. For  example,  M.  Meyer's  table  is  given,  without  any  ex- 
planation, immediately  after  Dr  Ingenhouz's  •,  although  the  ex- 
periments of  the  latter  (howed  the  comparative  length  of  wax- 
coating,  which  cylinders  of  different  metals  melted  when  their 
extremities  were  plunged  in  boiling  water,  and,  thofe  of  the 
former,  the  times  which  equal  fpheres  of  wood  took  to  cool  the 
fame  number  of  degrees,  from  which  the  conducing  powers  were 
calculated,  on  the  hypothetical  fuppofition  that  they  were  in- 
verfely  as  the  times  of  cooling.  Dr  Thomfon  has  alfo  deter- 
mined the  conducing  power  of  fome  fluids  from  his  own  ex- 
periments ;  but  his  ftatements  can  be  of  no  ufe,  until  we  know 
the  data  on  which  they  are  founded.  He  has,  however,  erro- 
neoully  calculated  the  affinity  of  thefe  bodies  for  caloric,  fronx 
thefe  obfervations  on  their  powers  of  conducting  it. 

The  next  feftion  is  on  the  Equal  Diftribution  of  Temperature, 
Some  bodies  cool  much  more  quickly  than  others  j  and  Dr  Thom- 
fcn  tells  us,  *  that,  in  general,  other  things  being  the  fame,  the 
rate  of  cooling  may  be  confidered  as  nearly  inverfely  as  the  con- 
ducing power  of  fluids. '  But  he  before  attempted  to  prove, 
that  the  affinity  was  inverfely  as  the  conducing  power ;  fo  that 
the  rate  of  cooling  fhould  be  direBly  as  the  affinity,  or,  in  othei: 
words,  thofe  bodies  which  have  the  ilrongeft  affinity  for  caloric, 
ffiould  part  with  it  moft  readily  !  The  equilibrium  of  tempera- 
ture is  principally  produced  by  the  repulfive  force  of  the  par- 
ticles of  caloric,  which  always  tends  to  feparate  them,  until  it  ba 
counterbalanced  by  an  equal  preffure  in  the  oppofite  diretlion. 
That  affinity  has  alfo  fome  iliare  in  this  procefs,  feems  to  be 
proved,  by  the  rate  of  cooling  being  flower  in  vacuo  than  in  air. 
But  if  the  effefts  of  this  caufe  were  very  confidcrable,  bodies 
Ihould  heat  quickly  and  cool  flowly,  in  proportion  to  their  af- 
finity, which,  as  far  as  we  know,  is  not  the  cafe. 

The  next  feftion  treats  of  the  EffeCls  of  Heat,  the  firft  of 
which,  Expanfion,  is  well  explained  according  to  the  original  and 
intereiling  ideas  of  Mr  Dalton.  In  his  obfervations  on  the  ca- 
loric of  fluidity,  we  meet  with  another  inftancc  of  our  author's 
raffinefs  in  drawing  general  conclufions.  In  all  Dr  Irvine's  ex- 
periments on  this  fubje<Sl,  he  fees  *  this  rule  to  hold,  that  the 
caloric  of  fluidity  increafes  with  the  temperature  at  -^rhich  liqui* 
dity  takes  place. '  Dr  Thomfon  has  evidently  been  induced  to 
draw  this  concluGon^  by  imagining  that  Dr  Irvine's  numbers  ex- 
|treffs;d  the  caJcnc  of  fluidity  of  the  fubftance?  which  he  exa- 

I  2  mined  I 


■jTz  •  2)r  ThoiVifohV  Syst^hi  of  Chemlstr^l  April. 

mined  i  whereas  they  only  exprefs  the  number  of  degrees  by 
which  the  temperature  of  thefe  bodies  refpeftively  would  have 
mu't  raifed  by  the  quantity  of  heat  abfotbed  during  their  lique- 
faction. For  example^,  during  the  liquefaftion  of  ice,  as  much 
caloric  is  abforbed  as  would  have  incre^fed  its  temperature  140°  ; 
and  during  tl;^t  of  tin,  as  much  as  would  have  incrcafed  its 
temperature  500°  ;  but  the  fpeeific  caloric  of  ice  is  to  that  of  tin 
as  90S10  to  661  ',  therefore,  the  caloric  v/hich  is  abforbed  during 
the  melting  of  tin,  would  only  have  incrcafed  the  temperature 
of  ice  i,6.']2°y  while  that  abforbed  by  ice  would  have  increafed 
the  temperature  of  tin  1 906°  ;  whence  it  follows,  that  the  caloric 
of  fluidity  of  ice  is  3.81  times  as  much  as  that  of  tin  ;  or,  taking 
fhat  of  ice  as  a  llandard,  a»  1  to  0.262,  and  not  at  all  propor- 
tionate to  their  melting  point. 

The  next  fubjeft  treated  of  is  the  Capacity  for  Heat,  or  fpe- 
eific caloric,  of  bodies  i  on  which  our  author,  as  ufual,  attempts 
to  reafon  profoundly,  and  to  point  out  fome  great  general-  law 
which  has  efcaped  the  obfervation  of  all  former  philofophers. 
Unfortunately,  however,  his  whole  reafoning  *c  built  upon  erro- 
neous data  ;  and  his  law  is  inconlillent  with  iati.  The  experi- 
ment, by  means  of  which  he  explains  what  is  meant  by  fpeeific 
caloric,  he  has  moft  unaccountably  miftated  ;  for  he  tells  us,  that 
the  calorie  which  raifes  the  temperature  of  water  1°,  will  raife 
that  of  the  fame  iveight  of  mercury  3.16^.  Now,  Crawford  tells 
us,  that  the  caloric  which  heats  water  1°,  heats  mercury  no  lefs 
than  28°.  At  firll,  we  thought  Dr  Thomfon  had  fallen  into  this 
important  error,  by  inadvertently  fubltituting  equal  weights  for 
equal  bulks  :  But  even  this  will  not  aniwer  ;  for  the  caloric  which 
heats  water  1°,  heats  an  equal  bulk  of  mercury  only  1.5°.  From 
whatever  caufe  this  miftatement  may  have  arifen,  it  certaii^ly 
cannot  be  afcribed  to  an  error  of  the  prefs  y  for  it  is  the  bafis  of 
a. great  deal  of  the  fucceeding  reafoning. 

Becaufe  fcarcely  any  two  metals,  v/hen  converted  into  oxides, 
combine  with  precifely  the  fame  quantity  of  oxygen,  Dr  Thomfou 
fomehow  concludes  (vol.1,  p.  394.),  that  the  difTerence  of  fpeeific  ca- 
loric in  bodies  mull  therefore  depend  upon  the  affinity  which  exifts 
between  bodies  and  caloric  \  and  thinks  it  probable,  that  the  fpe- 
eific caloric  of  bodies  is  always  proportional  to  their  affinity  for 
caloric,  and  inverfely  as  their  conducting  power.  This  conclu- 
fion  our  author  elleems  of  confiderable  importance,  not  only  be-* 
caufe  it  fimplihes  the  theory  of  the  combinations  of  caloric  with 
bodies,  but  becaufe  it  enables  us  to  determine  the  conduct- 
ing power  of  bodies  from  their  fpeeific  caloric,  or  the  contrary. 
He  is,  however,  fufficiently  modefl.  to  acknowledge  that  a  fet  of 
experiments  would  be  necellary  to  eftablifti  it  completely.     But;^, 

m 


Bf  Thomfon'i'  System  of  Chemistry. 


m 


in  thofe  fubftances  which  he  has  examined,  he  finds  the  differ- 
ence between  the  conducling  power,  as  afcertained  by  experiment 
and  by  theory,  lei's  than  could  be  iinaghicd.  In  proof  of  which, 
he  prefents  us  with  the  following  table. 


Bciiie 


Water  .  .  . 
Mercury  .  . 
Linfeed  oil 


Spccif.c 

Caloric. 


I. 

0.31 

0.9403 


Conducing  Poller 
by  Theory.    byExpcr'lment 


3.22 
1.06 


4.600 
1.085 


Buffe: 


Q 
-f    1.38 

4-    0.02 


A  more  erroneous  table  was  perhaps  never  prefented  to  the 
public.  Of  the  three  fubilances  which  it  contains,  the  firft  is 
the  only  one  whofe  forrefponding  numbers  are  right.  Ol  the 
other  eight  numbers,  feven  are  wrong : — one,  we  are  perfu.'ded, 
in  confequence  of  a  typographical  error;  four  from  being  cal- 
culated on  erroneous  data ;  and  the  lail  two,  the  mod  iiiiiportant 
in  the  whole  table,  fi-om  miftatement.  The  fpeciiic  caloric  of 
mercury  is  fet  down  as  ten  times  greater  than  it  fhould  be  ; 
while,  in  the  cafe  of  linfeed  oil,  we  actually  find  its  fpecific 
gravity  fubflituted  initead  of  its  caloric  *.  When  thefe  inexcufe- 
able  errors  are  corrected,  Dr  Thorn fon  will  have  little  roafon  to 
boaft  of  the  coincidence  between  his  theoretical  and  experimental 
eflimation  of  conducing  powers. 


Bcdies. 


Specific 
I.  aLoric. 


by  Theory.    i>y Experiment 


Difference. 


Water  .  .  . 
Mercury .  . 
Linfeed  oil 


0.031 
0.528 


I. 

32.26 
■•894 


I. 

4.800 

i-<^85 


27.49 
.809' 


In  the  general  table  of  fpecific  calorics,  there  are  many  errors 
not  merely  typographical,  fuch  as  the  remarkable  one  of  mer- 
cury, but  ariiing  from  Dr  Thomfon  inferting  the  m^an  of  the 
obfervations  of  different  experimenters,  made  in  veiy  different 
ivays,  initead  of  felecting  that  v/hich  appeared  to  be  derived 
from  the  juileft  principles,  and  moit  accurate  experiments. 

In  treating  of  the  abfolute  quantity  of  caloric  in  bodies,  Dr 
Thomfon  examines,  and  endeavours  to  refute,  the  hypothefis  of  Dr 
Irvine  and  of  Mr  Dalton.  The  futility  of  his  objeciions  to  the 
former,  was  fo  completely  expoied  by  Mr  Irvine,  in  Nichollbn's 
iournal,  vol.  V.  p.  29,  that  we  are  ailonilhed  to  fee  them  retain 

I  3  their 

*  This  has  probably  happened  in  confequence  of  Dr  Thomfon  fol- 
lowing his  own  direAions  of  infpefting  his  general  table  for  the  fo^-. 
cific  fnjpric,  and  flumbling'  upon  the  wrong  column^ 


f^4  DrThomlovLs  System  of  Chemistry.  Apni 

their  place  in  this  new  edition  ;  and  his  obfervations  on  the  latter 
^re  equally  inconclufive. 

On  the  fubjedt  of  Cold,  Dr  Thomfon  quotes  Pi<Stet's  celebrat- 
ed experiment  of  its  apparent  radiation,  as  thp  only  fa6l  which 
gives  any  countenance  to  the  opinion,  that  cold  is  a  body.  But 
although  Prevoft's  explanation  of  this  phenomenon  is,  as  Dr 
Thomfon  juflly  obferves,  unfatisfaftory,  we  fee  nothing  in  it 
bur  an  example  of  the  radiation  of  caloric.  If  we  had  room 
in  this  place  for  fuch  a  difeuflion,  we  think  it  would'  not  be 
difficult  to  ihou',  from  what  is  now  eftablifhed  as  to  the  ra- 
diation and  refledlion  of  heat,  that  the  finking  of  the  thermo- 
meter in  ISl.  Filet's  experiment,  is  to  be  imputed  entirely  to 
the  fubtra£lion  of  caloric  occafioned  by  the  introduction  of  a 
cold  body  ;  and  that,  in  .confequence  of  the  intercepting  and 
reflecting  powers  of  the  mirrors,  this  caloric  is  drawn  in 
Jarger  quantities  from  the  focus  where  the  thermometer  is 
placed,  than  from  any  other  point  in  the  circumference.  The 
heat  which  ^ows  into  the  cold  body  is  radiated  in  part  from 
the  furface  of  the  nearell  mirror,  and  the  heat  thus  drawn 
from  its  furface  is  fupplied  again  by  parallel  rays  reflected 
from  the  furface  of  the  oppofite  one,  the  whole  of  whicK 
will  be  found,  from  the  angle  of  their  reflection,  to  proceed 
from  that  focal  point  in  which  the  thermometer  is  Ctuated. 
There  is  a  greater  drain  upon  the  caloric  of  that  focus,  there- 
ioxe,  than  upon  any  other  point  in  the  circumference ;  and 
its  temperature  is  lowered  proportionally.  Thi«  explanation, 
perhaps,  is  too  concife  to  be  fatisfaCtory  j  but  we  are  per- 
fuaded,  that  all  the  fa£t:s  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  radiation 
of  caloric,  and  that  the  apparatus  merely  determines  the  point 
from  which  the  radiation  is  to  begin.  The  curious  faCl  difcov- 
ered  by  Mr  Dalton,  that  the  expanfion  of  water  is  the  fame 
ior  any  number  of  degrees  above  or  below  42.5,  is  a  much 
flronger  argument  for  believing  that  cold  is  a  body,  and,  if  the 
fame  law  obtained  in  all  other  bodies,  would  be  almoft  unan- 
iVerableo 

The  Sources  of  Caloric  form  the  next  fubjeCt  of  confideration. 
Of  thefe,  Coinbuftion  is  treated  in  a  mallerly  manner.  In  the 
hiftory  of  its  theory,  the  opinions  of  others  are  fairly  and  can- 
didly ftated  •■,  while,  in  the  account  of  that  hypothefis  which  is 
adopted  by  our  author,  he  allows  their  full  fhare  of  merit  to  the 
German  philofophers  who  advanced  it,  and  ftates  his  own  opi- 
jnions,  which  are  very  ingenious,  with  a  degree  of  modefty  and 
philofopliical  doubt  which  are  extremely  honourable  to  him. 

The  heat  produced  by  percuflion,  is  afcribed  entirely  to  con- 
dcnfation.  This  unqueftionably  is  a  fource  of  heat,  but  appears 
t.ptal!y  infufpcient  to  account  for  the  great  increafe  of  tempera- 
tars 


l8o4-  -^''  Thomfon'j-  System  of  Chemistry^  13-5 

turc  produced  by  percufTion.  Iron  is  eafrly  heated  to  rcdnefs  by 
hammering  ;  yet  it  only  fufFers  a  condeiiration  of  T-f  r-  Air, 
condenfed  to  ^,  fcarcely  raifes  the  moil  delicate  thermometer  a 
few  decrees.  Mr  Dalton  (hews  indeed,  by  calculation,  that  the 
real  incieafe  of  temperature  is  50'' ;  but  this  would  be  very  trif- 
ling in  proportion  to  the  caloric  given  out  by  hammering  iron, 
if  we  were  to  eRimate  what  is  M'afted  during  the  operation. 
The  brittlenefs  of  iron  hammered  to  rednefs,  was  afcribed  by 
Dr  Black  to  the  deficiency  of  the  caloric  thus  expicfled  from  it ; 
and  upon  this  hint,  DrThomfon,  filled  with  the  philofophic  fpi- 
xlt  of  generalization,  at  once  perceives,  that  '  brittlenefs  feems 
in  mojl  cafes  owing  to  the  abfence  of  the  ufual  quantity  ot  calo- 
ric ; '  and  refers,  for  the  illuftvation  of  his  opinion,  to  the  phe- 
nomena of  unanealed  gbfs.  But  he  has  not  only  failed  alto- 
gether in  proving  that  glafs,  cooled  quickly,  contains  at  the  fame 
temperature  lefs  caloric  than  glafs  cooled  llowly,  but,  in  a  fub- 
fequent  part  of  his  wotk,  he  has,  with  more  truth,  afcribed  the 
brittlenefs  in  the  former  cafe  to  its  unequal  contradion. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true,  that  water  conftitutes  a  part  of  almofl: 
all  mixtures  in  which  a  change  of  temperature  takes  place  •,  but 
our  author  certainly  goes  much  too  far  in  Hating  it  to  be  eflen- 
tial ;  for,  befides  the  mixture  of  gafcs  which  he  mentions  as  the 
only  apparent  exception  to  this  rule,  there  is  an  extrication  of 
heat  and  light  when  fulphur  a^ts  upon  the  metals,  and  probably 
in  many  other  inftances.  Water,  indeed,  is  no  more  efTential 
to  the  production  of  heat  from  mixture,  than  it  is  to  chemical 
aftion  in  general. 

Having  concluded  the  fubjeft  of  caloric,  our  author  fubjoins 
fome  obfervations  on  fimple  bodies  in  general,  which  are  only 
remarkable  for  the  ingenuity  with  which  he  moulds  nature  to 
fuit  his  particular  opinions,  by  firft  limiting  the  fimple  fubftan- 
ces  to  thofe  concerned  in  combuftion,  and  then  fagacioufly  ob- 
ferving,  that  oxygen  is  capable  of  uniting  with  all  fimple  confin- 
able  bodies. 

We  are  now  come  to  our  author's  Compound  Subftances  ;  but, 
from  the  very  great  extent  of  the  work  before  us,  and  the  im- 
menfe  variety  of  fubje£ls  which  it  embraces,  it  would  far  exceed 
our  limits  to  notice  the  whole  of  thefe  in  the  manner  they  deferve  ; 
and  as  their  arrangement  has  been  already  pretty  fully  explained, 
we  fhall  confine  ourfelves  to  a  few  curfory  obfervations.  In  juf- 
tice  to  our  author,  however,  we  muil  not  omit  to  mention,  that 
they  will  principally  regard  his  own  opinions,  when  they  appear 
to  us  erroneous  or  doubtful.  Whatever  we  pafs  over  in  filence, 
is  at  lead  good  ;  often  excellent.  In  the  account  of  the  compofi- 
tion  of  water,  fome  errors  have  crept  into  his  calculation,  which 
differs  from  the  ftatement  given  under  hydrogen.     As  an  accu- 

I  4  rate 


136  Dr  ThomfonV  System  of  Chemistry.  April 

rate  knowledge  of  the  conftituents  of  water  is  of  great  is-nportance 
in  analyfis,  and  as  the  calculations  have  not  been  revifed  fince  the 
real  conftituents  of  carbonic  acid  have  been  difcovered,  we  have 
corredlcd  them  from  the  original  data.  The  quantity  of  gafes  em- 
ployed were, 

Hydrogen      -       25980.563I 

Oxygen     -     -     13475.198  >  French  cubic  inches. 

Atmofpheric  air  15.        j 

The  products  of  the  combuftion  were, 
Azote    -     -     467  "j 
59  L 


Carbonic  add     39  I  Cubic  inches. 

Oxygen  .^1 

Hydrogen 


Oxygen      -      465  f 
16-' 


Water     -       7^45  French  grains. 

The  carbonic  acid  was  produced  from  a  fmall  quantity  of  carbon 
diflblved  in  the  hydrogen.  It  wciglied  25.9  grains,  and  contained 
22.09  oxygen,  and  4.81  carbon.  From  the  hydrogen  employed, 
the  16  inches  in  the  refiduura  mud  be  deducled  \  and  the  remain- 
der, 25964.563,  muItipHcd  by  its  weight  per  inch  0.040452,  gives 
1050.32  grains;  from  which,  the  4,81  of  carbon,  being  dedutl- 
ed,  leaves  1045.51  grains  as  the  real  weight  of  hydrogen  confum- 
ed.  But  the  oxygen  contained  404.256  cubic  inches  of  azote 
mixed  with  it ;  which,  with  465  of  oxygen  found  in  the  refiduum, 
being  dedu£led,  and  the  4  contained  in  the  15.  atmofpheric  air 
being  added,  gives  12609.942  of  oxygen.  This,  multiplied  by  its 
weight  per  inch  0.493986,  gives  6229.33  grains;  from  which  the 
22.09  expended  in  the  formation  of  carbonic  acid,  being  deducted, 
leaves  6207.24  oxygen.     There  were  therefore  confumed, 

French  grains.  Troy  grains.  Decimals, 

Hydrogen  1045.51     =:       857.736     =     14.42 
Oxygen       6207.24     =;     5092.420     =     85.58 


7253.75  5950- » 5^  ^o<^ 

which  is  but  7.75  French  grains,  or  6.36  Troy,  more  than   the 
water  obtained. 

That  important  clafs  of  bodies,  the  Acids,  are  divided  by  our 
author  into  produ6ls,  fupporters,  and  combuftible  acids  ;  a  divi- 
lion,  which  is  of  fome  ufe  in  cur  general  views  of  the  fubjett,  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  would  become  inconvenient  if  ftridly  follow- 
ed in  the  detail.  To  this  chapter  fome  obfervations  on  the  acid 
principle  are  prefixed,  in  which  our  author  endeavours  to  fhew 
that  oxygen  is  not  an  eflential  conftituent  of  acids.     But  we  think 


1804.  J^f'  ThomfonV  System  of  Chemistry.  I'^'f 

the  matter  ftlll  doubtful ;  for,  befides  the  three  undecompounded 
acids,  the  only  others  in  which  Dr  Thomfon  has  denied  the  pre- 
fence  of  oxygen,  are,  the  Prufhc  acid  and  fulphureted  hydrogen. 
Now,  the  former  certainly  contains  oxygen  ;  for  if  Vauquelin's 
experiments  were  not  of  themfelves  fufficient  to  prove  it,  an  ox- 
ide of  carbon,  charcoal,  is  admitted  to  be  one  of  its  conftituents  ; 
and  our  acquaintance  with  the  compofition  of  the  latter  is  certain- 
ly not  enough  to  allow  us  to  aiTert  that  it  contains  no  oxygen  *. 

The  clafs  of  compound  combuftibles  is  exceedingly  deficient. 
It  ought  to  have  contained  the  greater  part  of  animal  and  vege- 
table fubftanccs ;  and  our  author's  reafons  for  excluding  them  are 
moft  unfatisfaftory — '  They  are  too  little  known,  and  their  utihty 
as  chemical  inflruments  is  too  fnconfiderable  ! '  A  fyftem  of  che= 
miftry  ought  to  be  complete  in  its  arrangement,  and  totally  inde- 
pendent of  any  elTays  on  meteorology,  mineralogy,  or  phyfiology. 
Thefe  form,  it  is  true,  beautiful  applications  of  the  fcience,  and 
they  cannot  be  underftood  without  it ;  but  they  have  no  more 
pretenfions,  than  the  chemical  arts  and  other  ufeful  applications, 
to  be  forced  in  as  eflentlal  parts  of  a  fyftera  of  chemiftry.  To 
the  chernift,  each  individual  fubftance  is  the  fame,  from  whatever 
kingdom  of  nature  it  may  be  derived,  and  to  whatever  purpofe  it 
may  be  applicable. 

Our  author  gives  an  erroneous  idea  of  the  compofition  of  fixed 
oil,  in  allerting  it  to  confift  of  carbon  and  hydrogen  only.  It  is 
a  compound  oxide.  Lavoifier's  analyfis,  by  burning  oil  with  ox«^ 
ygen  gas,  gives  the  following  refults. 

Employed.  J*rodu£ls» 

Olive  oil         15-79  Carbonic  acid         44.50 

Oxygen  50.86  Water  22.15 

66.65  66.6^ 

Now  the  elementary  conftituents  of  thefe  are, 

Carbon.  Cxygen.  Hydrogen. 

7.9566,  3^'5434>  —        ^'^  "^^  ^cld. 

18.95597,         3.19403      in  the  water. 


55-49937 
From  which         —         50.86  employed  in  the  combuftlon 

being  deducted,  4.63937  are  left,  which,  with  the  car- 

bon 

*  In  the  Appendix  we  find  our  opinion   confirmed   by  Dr  Thomfon 
liimfelf,  who,  fpeaking  of  an  oxide  of  fulphur  he  has  difcovered  con- 

taining^ 


133  DfT\iOn\(on^s  Syjiem  (f  Chemijr^y.  April 

bon  and  hydrogen,  exactly  amount  to  the   15.7.9  grains  of  oil 
burnt.     Therefore  the  conllituents  of  oil  are, 

I 


Carbon  5^-39 

Hydrogen         20.225 
Oxygen  29.385 


100 


And  not  79.     Carbon 

21.     Hydrogen 

1 00  of  Dr  Thomfoi 


The  analyfis,  given  by  our  author,  is  that  of  Lavoifier ;  but 
Lavoifier  was  unacquainted  with  pure  carbon,  and  gave  that  de- 
fignation  to  charcoal,  which  is  an  oxide  of  carbon.  Therefore, 
in  fpeaking  of  Lavoifier's  carbon,  Dr  Thomfon  lliould  have  al- 
ways diftinguifhed  it  by  the  appellation  of  charcoal;  and  in  all 
analyfes  have  remembered  that  it  was  an  oxide,  which  he  has  fel- 
dom  if  ever  done.  His  negligence  in  this  refpeci  is  the  more  In- 
excufable,  as,  by  ufmg  one  term  to  exprefs  two  very  different 
fubftances,  he  has  often  both  mifled  himfclf,  and  rendered  his 
ftatements  ambiguous  to  others.  Thefe  obfervations  apply  ftill 
more  llrongiy  to  his  account  of  the  compofition  of  wax  and  alco- 
hol, becaufe  he  has  founded  on  the  prefence  of  oxygen  in  thefe 
fubftances,  as  demonftrated  by  various  experiments,  to  prove 
that  the  experiments  of  Lavoifier,  from  which  that  philofophcr 
concluded  that  the  former  connfted  of  carbon  and  hydrogen, 
and  the  latter  of  carbon,  hydrogen  and  water,  are  not  to  be 
depended  on.  Unexceptionable  they  are  not ;  but,  for  tlic 
prefent  ftate  of  the  fcience,  they  are  remarkably  accurate ;  and 
until  we  have  better  data  to  go  upon,  we  muft  confider  them 
highly  valuable.  When  the  calculation  from  them  is  corrected, 
their  compofition  appears  to  be 

IVax.  Alcohol. 

Carbon         53-12  18.2 

Hydrogen    16.91  16.7(5 

Oxygen       29.97   '  65-04 

.-  fOO  ICO 

Whether  any  of  the  hydrogen  and  oxygen  exiiled  combined  ia 
the  ftate  of  water,  we  have  no  means  of  afcertaining. 

The  Salts  are  the  moft  important  clafs  of  the  fecondary  com- 
pounds. The  common  diftribution  of  thefe  into  the  two  great 
families  of  the  metalline,  and  earthy  and  alkaline  falts,  is  proper- 
ly retained  ;  the  genera  of  the  latter  being  diftinguifhed  by  the 
acid,  and  of  the  former  by  the  metal  they  contain.     The  alkaline 

and 

tainino-  6.2  per  cent,  oxygen,  fays,  *  i  have  fincc  found  reafon  to  be- 
lieve that  it  is  this  oxide,  and  not  pure  fulphur,  which  exifts  in  fulphur- 
(itcd  hydrogen  gis,  and  probably  in  all  the  hydro-fulphurets,  * 


'iSo'^.u  :I)r  Thomton*s  S)i/!gm  of  Chemijfrp  -139 

and  earthy  falts  are  moreover  divided  by  Dr  Thomfoh  into  the 
two  orders  of  combuftible  and  incombulLible ;  but  it  would  have 
been  more  confiflent  with  other  parts  of  his  arrangement,  to  have 
formed  a  third  order  of  the  detonating  or  fupporting  falts»  which 
.are  at  prefcnt  clafled  with  the  incombuftible.  We  may  alfo  men- 
tion, that  the  ammoniacal  falts  are  all  combuftible,  and  therefore, 
in  fome  inftances,  do  not  properly  belong  to  the  fame  order  with 
the  other  fpecies  of  the  genera. 

The  genera  of  the  metalline  falts  are  not  eafily  claiTed  in  differ- 
ent orders  j  but  the  fpecies  of  each  genus  form  feverai  natural 
groups.  Our  author  has  divided  them  into  detonating,  incom- 
buftible, combuftible,  metallic,  and  triple  falts.  This  arrange- 
ment is  deficient  with  regard  to  unity  ;  for  it  is  formed  upon  t%u9 
principles,  which  interfere  with  each  other  ;  the  three  firft  divi- 
fions'  being  taken  from  the  properties,  and  the  two  lall  from  the 
rompofition  of  the  falts.  The  two  laft  indeed  appear  to  be  alto- 
gether unneceflary  j  for  all  the  metallic  and  triple  falts  are  ei- 
ther detonating,  incombuftible,  or  combuftible.  They  form,  how- 
ever, very  natural  fubdivifions  of  thefe  groups.  The  faks  are 
by  far  too  numerous,  for  us  to  enter  into  any  examination  of  our 
iiuthor's  account  of  them.  We  may  only  mention,  that  he  feem.s 
to  have  been  rather  hafty,  notwithftanding  Chenevix's  excellent 
experiments,  in  annihilating  the  genus  of  oxymuriats  ;  for  it  h 
certain,  that  many  of  them  poflefs  the  property  of  bleaching, 
which,  in  all  probability,  depends  on  their  containing  oxymuria- 
tic  acid,  fince  neither  the  muriatic,  nor  hyper-oxymuriatic  acid, 
deftroys  vegetable  colours.  The  hydro-fulphurets  and  foaps  are 
the  only  other  fecondary  compounds  noticed,  although  there  arc 
feverai  other  claffes  of  them. 

Having  finiflaed  his  account  of  the  fecondary  compounds,  Dr 
Thomfon  proceeds,  as  ufual,  to  draw  fome  general  inferences 
from  the  fads  he  has  detailed  5  and,  in  the  prefent  inftances,  he 
feems  extremely  imfortunate  •,  for  not  one  of  the  four  he  has  ftat- 
ed  is  admifiible  :  i .  He  has  difcovered  '^  a  ftngular  and  remark- 
able correfpondence  between  fecondary  compounds  and  fimple  bo- 
dies ;  for  neither  of  them  poflefs  that  a6livity,  that  violent  aciioit 
upon  other  bodies,  which  diftinguifh  primary  compounds. '  This 
is  not  fimply  a  miftake  ;  it  is  a  miftatement.  Our  author  feleds 
fuch  fubftances,  and  places  them  in  fuch  circumftances,  as  fuit 
his  purpofe,  although  numerous  fads  exift  in  obvious  and  direct 
cppofition  to  his  general  conclufion.  Does  he  confider  combuf- 
tion  as  a  proof  of  the  inadivity  of  oxygen,  and  of  the  fimple  com- 
buftibles  .''  or  do  the  oxymuriats  and  metalline  falts  appear  t(;  hiui 
examples  of  the  inertnefs  of  fecondary  compounds  ?  Nay,  he 
himfelf  has  quoted  potafs  as  the  extreme  example  of  the  adivity 
«f  primary  compounds  5  but  until  he  j)roYes  pQtafs  to  be  a  com- 
pound 


S4»  JDr  ThamCon^s  System  of  Chetnisiyyl  >!\pfli 

pound  body,  it  completely  difproves  his  conclufion.  2.  *  No  fe- 
condary  compound  is  gafeous. '     V/hat  is  etherized  nitrous  gas  ? 

3.  *  None  of  them  are  combuftible. '  Spirit  varnilli  is  not  com- 
buftible  !     The  detonating  falts  are  not   fecondary  compounds  !  ! 

4.  *  The  fecondary  compounds  have  been  mveftigated  with  more 
precifion  than  any  other  clafs  of  bodies  ;  from  them  almoft  all  our 
notions  of  affinity  have  been  derived  ;  it  is.to  them  we  have  always 
recourfe  to  illuftrate  thefe  notions,'  &c.  &c.  But  of  the  primary 
compounds  we  were  alfo  told  (vol.11,  p.  263.),  that  they  were  the  'clafs 
of  bodies  which  have  been  the  longed  known,  which  have  been  moft 
accurately  ftudied,  and  which  conltitute,  without  doubt,  the  moft 
important  inftruraents  of  chemillry ; '  and,  in  the  preface,  it  was 
mentioned  as  one  of  the  charaiSieriftic  merits  of  our  author's  ar* 
rangement,  that  it  begins  with  thofe  parts  which  have  been  mod 
fuccefsfully  invedigated.  But  this  kind  of  inconfillency  is  of  very 
little  confequence,  if  it  at  all  promote  our  author's  view  of  ex- 
citing the  attention  of  his  readers,  by  exaggerating  the  import- 
ance of  every  fubjeffc  which  fucceflively  engages  thern. 

Having  colle£ted  the  immenfe  mafs  of  fa£ls  contained  in  the 
two  lirft  books,  our  author  now  proceeds  to  treat,  in  the  third,  of 
thofe  general  laws  by  which  the  whole  are  regulated.  Our  im- 
perfect knowledge  of  thefe,  is  afcribed  by  him  partly  to  the  un- 
accountable negligence  of  the  greater  num.ber  of  chemifts,  *  who 
have  been  more  anxious  to  afcertain  particular  fa£l:s,  than  to  in- 
veftigate  general  principles,  and  who  have  often  feemed  to  look 
upon  general  principles  as  altogether  foreign  to  their  fcience. ' 
There  may  be  fome  truth  in  this  obfervation  i  but,  fuch  an  opi- 
nion, coming  from  fo  high  an  authority,  may  be  attended  with 
very  bad  confequences,  in  mifleading  young  men  to  walte  their 
time  and  labour  on  idle  fpecularions,  and  to  defpife  the  iefs  bril- 
liant, but  more  fubllantiai  reputation,  of  increafing  our  ilore  of  fa£t3. 
For  our  part,  we  are  perfuadcd  that  even  Dr  Thonifon  himfelf, 
notwithftanding  the  extent  of  his  knowledge,  and  the  univerfality 
of  his  talents,  has  done  infinitely  mor-  fervice  to  chemiib y  ly  his 
induftry  as  a  compiler,  and  his  afhduity  in  obferving  the  refulto  of 
mixtures,  undirected  by  general  views,  than  by  all  his  attempts 
at  generalization. 

The  lirft  chapter  of  this  book  is  faid  to  treat  of  Affinity  in  ge- 
neral. Many  chemiils  diflike  the  term  affinity  altogether  j  but 
with  Dr  Robifon  we  think  it  is  of  ufe,  as  '  it  diftinguiflies  very 
compendiouily  the  phenomena  of  combination  (which  are  the 
chief  obje6ts  of  chemiftry)  from  the  phenomena  of  cohefion,  ad- 
fiefion,  capillary  attraction, '  &c.  In  th's  limited  fenfe  alone,  as 
iynonymous  with  chemical  attra£lion,  -ind  in  contradiflinclion  to 
eo|iefjon  and  the  other  fpecies  of  attraction,  has  it  been  hitherto 

employe^* 


jZ64*  DtlihomiQVLS  System  of  Chemhtry.  i^t 

employed.  By  Dr  Thomfon,  however,  it  is  arbitrarily,  and,  we 
think,  injudicioufly  extended  to  include,  as  a  generic  term,  every 
fpecies  of  contiguous  attraction,  and  to  comprehend  thofe  very 
forces  from  which  it  was  invented — to  difcriminate  that  attra£\ion 
which  is  properly  chemical.  The  neceffary  confequence  of  thisf 
innovation  is  not  only  embarralTajent  to  Dr  Thomson's  readers, 
but  real  ambiguity  snd  confufion  in  his  writings,  w^here  it  is  fome- 
times  employejd  in  the  limited,  and  fometimes  in  the  extended  fig- 
nification.  Adhefion  and  cohehon  are  clafled  together,  as  *  ho- 
mogeneous affinities, '  while  chemical  attraftion  is  dillinguilhed' 
by  the  phrafe  *  heterogeneous  affinity. '  But  thefe  innovations  are 
at  variance  with  fa6l ;  for  heterogeneous  bodies  adhere,  and,  if 
we  miflake  not,  cohere  alfo,  as  in  fome  compound  ilones.  Since, 
therefore,  heterogeneous  bodies  attraft  each  other,  independently 
of  combination,  heterogeneous  affinity  is  an  inaccurate  expreffion 
for  chemical  attradlion. 

Contiguous  attraiOiion  is  faid  by  our  author  to  refemble  fenfibie 
attraction,  in  increafmg  with  the  mafs  of  the  attracting  bodies,  and 
diminifliing  as  the  diftance  increafes.  Of  this,  however,  he  is  a- 
ble  to  adduce  no  proof ;  and  the  refemblance  muft  be  therefore 
confidered  as  merely  hypothetical.  Indeed,  he  confelies  himfelf 
unable  to  determine,  whether  contiguous,  like  fenfibie  attraction, 

decreafes  in  the  ratio  -r^,  or  in  a  greater  ratio  ;  but  if  it  be  at  all  pro- 
portionate to  diftance,  it  muft  follow  a  much  greater  ratio ;  for, 
at  a  diftance  greater  than  contiguity,  it  becomes  altogether  infen- 
fible,  or  bears  no  proportion  to  the  force  of  gravitation  ;  whereas, 
whenever  it  becomes  fenfibie,  jt  is  more  intenfe  than  gravitation^ 
But  tiie  moft  important  charaCter  of  contiguous  attraction  is,  that 
it  varies  in  intenfity  in  dilrerent  particles  j  on  which  occafion,  our 
auLTior  indulges  himfeif  in  fpeculating,  whether  it  be  one  force, 
or  many  forces  j  whether  it  be  owing  to  the  figure  of  the  parti- 
cles, or  whether  it  be  the  fame  witli  gravitation  ;  and  after  exert- 
ing all  his  ingenuity,  he  leaves  himfelf  and  his  readers  juft  as  wife 
as  'vhen  he  began.  Cohefion  is  treated  at  confiderable  length, 
according  to  the  hypothefis  of  Bofcovich ;  and  we  are  told,  that 
it  is  dcferving  of  notice,  that  the  cohefive  force  of  fimple  bodies 
is  greater  than  that  of  compounds,  except  in  the  cafe  of  the  me- 
tals and  claftic  fluids — that  is,  except  in  26  cafes  out  of  29  !  Tc 
v/hich  lift  of  exceptions  he  ftiould  have  added  fulphur  and  phofpho- 
rus,  which  are  not  fo  ha;rd  as  moft.  of  the  fulphats  and  phofphats  t 
fo  that  diamond  turns  out  to  be  the  only  fimple  fubftance  which  is 
harder  than  all  its  compounds.  Haiiy's  theory  of  cryftallization 
is  very  neatly  ftated  j  but  the  influence  of  the  free  acceis  ot  air 
in  promoting  cryftaffig^tion,  cannot  be  explained  on  the  fuppofi- 

*■"    ,"'"'■  tiou 


tion  that  it  carries  off  caloric  ;  for,  upon  that  fuppofition,  cryftal- 
iization  Ihould  take  place  at  the  fame  temperature,  whether  the 
air  be  excluded  or  admitted. 

We  now  come  to  the  moft  important  chapter  in  the  whole' 
work,  that  on  Heterogeneous  Affinity.  From  the  arrangement 
adopted  by  our  author,  the  expedlations  of  his  readers  may  reafon- 
ably  be  raifed  to  the  higheft  pitch  ;  but  we  are  much  afraid  that 
their  .difappointment  will  be  equally  great,  not,  however,  from  any^ 
inability  or  negligence  on  his  part,  but  from  the  view  he  has  taker*. 
of  the  fubjeiSl.  Inftead  of  being  fatisfied  with  afcertaining  the 
general  laws  of  combination  by  fair  indu£t:ion,  he  has  treated  che- 
millry  as  a  mere  branch  of  mechanical  philofophy  ;  he  has  conft- 
fiered  chemical  attraction  as  the  fame  force  with  adhefion,  and  aa 
fubje£l  to  tlie  fame  laws ;  and  is  fo  completely  abforbed  in  the  at- 
traftion  and  repulfion  of  particles,  that  he  lofes  all  fight  of  what  iff 
peculiar  to  ch.emiflry,  and  only  notices  its  laws  accidentally  in  the. 
courfe  of  his  more  general  and  abftrufe  fpeculations.  Thefe,  we 
confefs,  are  not  uninterefting,  and  may  be  acceptable  to  thofe  who 
delight  in  what  may  be  called  philofophical  intoxication,  but  ap- 
pear to  us  extremely  mifplacetl  in  an  elementary  work,  whick 
iliould  be  adapted  to  the  capacity  of  all  its  readers  ;  and,  if  it  ever 
enter  into  fuch  fpeculations,  fliould  treat  them  merely  as  of  fe-^ 
condary  importance,  and  matters  of  curiofity.  Our  opinion,  in- 
deed, may  be  the  effect  of  prejudice ;  for  we  may  be  mifled  by 
the  high  authority  of  our  initru6lors  in  chemiftry  and  mechanical- 
philofophy,  the  one  of  whom  thus  fpeaks  of  the  manner  in  which, 
the  other  confidered  this  very  fubje£t :  «  The  worthy  author  ofi 
thefe  lectures  was  always  more  anxious  to  communicate  what 
ijiay  be  called  a  clear  and  confident  knowledge  of  the  docStrines  o£ 
pure  chemiflry,  than  to  lead  liis  pupils  into  abftrufe  or  refined; 
fpeculations  on  the  unfeen  and  unknown  immediate  caufes  of  che- 
mical combination.  He  confidered  every  fuch  queftion  as  rather 
cut  of  the  pale  of  chemical  fcience ;  and  fo  it  certainly  is. 
Whenever  we  fpeculate  about  the  attraftions  and  repulfions  oi 
particles,  as  the  immediate  agents  in  effecting  the  chemical 
cliariges,  we  are  no  longer  chemills,  but  mechanicians.  Wc 
are  confidering  queftions  about  local  motion,  and  the  mathema- 
lical  determinations  of  the  effects  of  moving  force*.  Not  only; 
is  the  occupation  not  chemical,  but  the  queftions  themfelves 
give  little  addition  of  chemical  knowledge  *.  * 

Dr  Thomfon,  however,  thinks  otherwife ;  and  it  isourdufyc 
to  follow  him  in  his  fpeculations  ;  the  firft  of  which  is,  that 
be  cvonfiders  it  very  probable,  that  there  exifts  a  reciprocal 
affinity  between  every  fpecie*  of  the  particles  of  bodies.     But 

hi« 

;*  Black's  X-cdyits^  fc^y  frcfcffgr  Robifooji  vol,  I.  p.  ^12. 


l8o4-  ^^  Thomfon'x  ^jlem  of  Chemljlr'j,  143 

his  proofs  of  its  exiftence  in  thofe  numberlefs  cafes  where  it 
is  commonly  denied,  are  very  unfatisfa£lory.  For,  the  folu- 
tion  of  foap  in  water,  and  lime  in  nitric  acid,  certainly  do  not 
prove  that  oil  has  any  affinity  for  water,  or  lime  for  azote. 
In  this  lafl  cafe,  as  well  as  in  many  others,  a  fubilance  is 
found  to  have  a  ftrong  affinity  for  a  compound,  which,  in. 
every  circumftance,  refufes  to  unite  with  either  of  its  con-; 
IVitaents  ;  while,  on  the  contrary,  there  are  alfo  numerous, 
examples  of  fubflances  refufsng  to  unite  with  a  compound,  whiclx 
have  a  flrong  affinity  for  its  conftituents.  But  this  change 
of  property,  which  is  the  ilrongefl  charafter  of  chemical  sec- 
tion, feems  to  be  totally  overlooked  by  our  author  in  all  his  rca- 
fonings  about  affinity.  Bodies  are  in  general  believed  to  differ  in 
the  intenfity  of  their  affinity  for  each  other  ;  and  M.  Berthollet 
has  lately  ffiewn,  that  this  is  much  modified  by  their  comparative 
malTes.  But  it  by  no  means  follows  from  the  nature  of  affinity, 
that  if  a  panicle  A  attract  B  with  a  force  =  «■,  that  tv/o  particles 
A  ought  to  attraO:  B  with  a  force  at  leaft  =  y  -:p^  x  ;  for  B  may- 
unite  with  one  particle  A,  and  form  a  compound  C,  which  has  no 
affinity  for  a  fecond  particle  A.  The  fame  argument  is  equally 
concluiive  againft  the  opinion  fupported  by  our  author — that  dif- 
ference of  intenfity  of  affinity  is  infufficient  to  account  for  de- 
compofition,  unlefs  fome  other  force,  fuch  as  eiafticity  or  cohelion, 
intervene  to  determine  the  excluiion  of  fon-ic  particular  bodies. 
Indeed,  if  this  opinion  be  true,  when  compound  bodies  unite, 
the  combination  does  not  take  place  between  them  as  compounds, 
but  amongll  the  elementary  particles  of  which  they  are  compofed  ^ 
and  no  fuch  thing  as  a  fecondary  compound  can  exift.  Saturation 
is  fufficiently  well  defined — the  balancing  of  affinity  v/ith  its  anta- 
gonift  forces,  coheflon  and  eiafticity.  It  is  owing  to  this  that 
the  freezing  point  of  v/ater  is  lov/ered  when  it  holds  fome  bodies 
in  folution.  But  our  author  carries  his  reafoning  rather  a  little 
too  far,  Vv'hen  he  concludes  that  a  table  of  the  freezing  noints. 
of  different  faline  folutions  would  be  a  pretty  accurate  indication 
of  the  affinity  of  the  different  falts  for  water.  On  this  principle, 
hov/  will  he  account  for  the  fa£l:,  that  fulphuric  acid,  combin- 
ed with  a  certain  proportion  of  water,  actually  raifes  its  freez^ 
ing  point,  .but  v.'ith  a  larger  quantity  lowers  it  confiderably  .<*  And 
;js  the  fame  reafoning  ought  to  apply  to  vaporization,  how  comes 
the  boiling  point  of  fome  faline  folutions  to  be  lower  than  that  of 
water  ?  Neutralization  takes  place,  when  bodies  unite  in  fuck 
proportions  that  they  mutually  deftroy  or  difguife  the  properties  of 
each  other.  In  this  ftate,  our  author  fuppofes  their  combination 
to  be  as  perfeft  as  poffible,  and  that  their  affinities  are  equal,  that 
is,  that  the  affinity  of  A  for  B  \i-  equal  to  that  of  B  for  A.     He 

nsit 


^44  -^^  Thomfon'j  System  of  Cheml/hyl,  Apfil 

next  proceeds  to  demohftrate, "  that,  in  all  combinations,  there  is 
a  maximum  and  minimum  in  the  proportions  of  the  conllituents, 
beyond  which  tliey  can  nes'er  pafs  •,  but  he  cannot  determine  whe- 
ther they  are  capable  of  combining  in  any  indefinite  proportion 
between  thefe  hmits,  or  only  in  certain  de'terrjoinate  proportions. 
In  the  latter  cafe,  therefore,  with  unufual  caution  he  confults  ex- 
perience j  and  he  certainly  would  have  a«Sled  more  wifely  to  have 
done  the  fame  in  the  form.er  cafe.;  for  his  reafoning  is  founded 
on  principles  purely  hypothetical,  and  leads  him  to  conclufions  di- 
redAly  contrary  to  fa£t — for  example,  that  elafhic  bodies  can  only 
combine  with  each  other  in  one  proportion.  Now,  azotic  gas 
combines  with  oxygen  gas  in  four  proportions ;  and  the  propor- 
tions of  the  carbonates  of  ammonia  are  the  mod  unfteady  of  all  the 
cryflallizabie  faits.  We  are  alfo  told,  that  ail  compounds,  of  which 
the  ingredients  combine  only  in  certain  determinate  proportions, 
have  an  elaftic  fluid  for  one  of  the  ingredients  •,  yet  we  have  the 
tartrat  and  fuper-tartrat  of  potafs,  the  fulphureta  and  fuper-ful- 
phurets  of  the  metais,  &c. 

We  now  comie  to  tiie  conuderation  of  the  various  methods 
which  have  been  propofed  to  exprefs  the  ftrengh  of  every  affi- 
nity in  numbers.  The  nrft  that  meets  with  our  author's  approba- 
tion, is  that  of  Morveau,  founded  on  the  fuppofition  that  the  af- 
finity of  bodies  for  each  other  is  directly  as  tlie  force  necelTary  te 
overcome  the  adhefion  of  their  furfaces.  But,  befides  the  im- 
pra6licabiiity  of  carrying  it  into  effecl:,  which  even  the  ingenious 
i'uggeftions  of  our  author  will  not  remove,  it  is  merely  hypotheti- 
cal, and  cannot  be  admitted  unlefs  it  be  found  to  coincide  with 
faft.  But  a  dilk  of  glafs  adhered  to  water  with  a  force  of  258 
grains,  and  to  a  foiution  of  potafs,  though  denfer,  only  with  a 
force  of  210;  yet  water  has  no  chemical  action  on  glafs,  and  a 
foiution  of  potafs  has.  From  a  feries  of  hypothetical  principles, 
•Berthollet  concluded,  that  the  aihuities  of  bodies  were  inverfely 
as  the  mafs  of  each  body  capable  of  neutralizhig  the  other  ;  and, 
to  bring  this  conclufion  to  the  teft  of  experience,  our  author  ha& 
calculated  the  affinities  of  the  acids  and  bafes  for  each  other  fro.m 
Kirwan's  laft  table  of  the  falts  ;  from  which  he  concludes,  that  it 
is  exceedingly  probable  that  the  real  order  of  affinities  does  not 
deviate  far  from  that  given  in  his  tables,  derived  from  thefe  calcu- 
lations. Now,  the  beft  way  of  afcertaining  the  probability  of 
fuoh  an  hypothefis,  is  to  compare  it  with  the  fa6ls.  Accordingly, 
this  has  been  very  properly  done  by  Dr  Tliomlon  j  and  he  finds 
that  the  affinity  of  the  bafes  for  the  acids  follow  precifely  the  in- 
verfe  order  of  that  given  by  Bergman.  This  objedlion,  however, 
is  of  little  importance ;  for  Bergman  trufted  to  the  clumfy  mode; 
of  experiment,  by  afcertairang  what  falts  decompofed  each  other  5, 

and 


l8o4'  Dt"  Thomion* s  System  0/  ChmiJIrf.  145 

and  decompofition  is  certainly  no  teft  of  the  ftrength  of  affinity. 
The  aftinities  of  the  acids  follow  the  order  which  has  long  been 
recognized  in  the  metallic  falts.  it  is  true,  they  are  apparently 
different  in  the  falts  from  which  thefc  tables  have  been  calculated : 
but  that,  according  to  Dr  Thomfon,  is  of  no  confequence,  as  the 
muriats  are  all  more  foluble  than  fulphats.  With  regard  to  the 
carbonic  acid,  its  affinities  as  calculated  from  thefe  tables  are 
inconfiftent  with  fa6l  \  but  they  muft  not  be  taken  into  confidera- 
tion,  becaufe  the  compofition  of  the  carbonats  is  very  imperfedlily 
determined.  This  kind  of  reafoning,  however,  we  cannot  admit. 
The  compofition  of  the  carbonats  was  afcertaincd  by  Kirwan  as 
well  as  that  of  the  other  fl^lts,  and  is  equally  entitled  to  our  Con- 
iidence ;  and  although,  in  confequence  of  the  atlion  of  mafs> 
elafticity  and  cohefion,  the  order  of  affinity  may  be  different  from 
that  of  decompofition,  it  furnifilies  no  argument  to  prove  that  Ber- 
thollet's  hypothefis  is  more  probable  than  the  dire6Uy  oppofite  one 
of  Kirwan,  or  than  any  other  vv^uch  m,ay  be  iinagined  by  any  fuc- 
ceeding  philofopher.  It  is,  on  the  contrary,  in  favour  of  Kirwatt's 
hypothefis  that  it  in  general  coincides  with  the  order  of  decompo- 
fition ;  for  the  adlion  of  mafs,  cohefion  and  elaflicity,  may  enable 
him  to  explain  the  few  apparent  exceptions.  But  Berthollet,  al- 
though he  were  to  fucceed  in  the  more  arduous  talk  of  proving 
that  the  order  of  decompofition  is  in  almoft  every  inftance  wrong, 
has  not  advanced  one  ftep  in  eftabUfhing  the  probability  of  that 
which  he  has  adopted.  Now,  befides  the  affinities  of  carbonic 
acid,  there  are  others,  derived  from  his  hypothefis,  which  cannot 
be  accounted  for.  For  example,  the  affinity  of  lime  to  fulphuric 
acid  is  fi:ated  to  be  ilronger  than  that  of  potafs  or  foda,  and  its 
affinity  to  nitrous  and  to  muriatic  acid  weaker  than  that  of  mag^ 
iiefia  :  the  affinity  of  muriatic  acid,  again,  to  foda,  is  ftated  to  be 
nearly  twice  as  fh-ong  as  that  of  fulphuric  acid  :  which  are  all  con- 
trary to  the  order  of  decompofition,  and  oppofed  alfo,  in  thefe  inftan- 
«es,  by  the  aclion  of  cohefion.  BerthoUet's  hypothefis,  therefore, 
appears  to  us  inconfiftent  with  fadl.  Another  way  of  examining 
the  validity  of  any  hypothefis  of  this  nature,  is  to  carry  them  as 
far  as  they  will  go,  and  fee  to  what  conclufions  they  will  lead* 
Now,  if  the  principles  of  either  Kirwan  or  Berthollet  were  true, 
ihe  affinities  of  bafes  for  all  acids,  and  of  acids  for  all  bafes, 
ihould  follow  the  fame  ratio  ;  which  is  alfo  contrary  to  fadi. 
Thefe  fpeculations,  therefore,  do  not  feem  to  have  increafed  our 
knowledge  of  the  comparative  affinities  of  bodies ;  and  we  muft 
sdll  refort  to  the  humble  and  tedious  method  of  experiment  to  af- 
eertain  them. 

The  next  fubje(^  treated  of,  is  Compound  Affinity,  concerning 
"vvhich  wx  find  nothing  very  remarkable.     It  does  not  appear  to  us 

VOL.  jv.  i'C   7.  .  K  by 


1^6  JDr  TKomfon^j  System  of  Chemijty^.  Apnli 

by  any  means  certain,  that  faline  folutions,  which  niay  be  inixed 
without  precipitation,  combine  ;  for  example,  that  when  folutions 
of  fuiphat  of  potafs  and  muriat  of  foda  are  mixed,  thefe  com- 
pound faks  do  not  remain  entire,  but  that  a  folution  is  formed, 
GOntainivrg  fulphuric  acid,  mm-iatic  acid,  potafs  and  lime,  uni- 
formly combined  ;  for,  ts-pon  the  fame  principle,  there  fliould  he 
no  fecondary  compounds,  and  the  phenomena  of  chemiftry  fljould 
be  different  from,  what  they  really  are.  The  effc£l  of  the  infolubi- 
Jity  of  falts,  as  explained  by  Berthoiiet,  is  true  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent •,  but  it  is  not  without  exceptions.  In  the  tables  of  afhnity 
ior  nitric  and  muriatic  acid,  calculated  on  his  own  principles,, 
llrontian  is  placed  belo-w  foda  and  potafs,  although  the  falts  of 
ilirontian  are  the  mod  foluble.  The  laft  chapter  is  on  Repulfion  ; 
and  it  might  have  been  entirely  omitted,  without  any  injury  to 
the  book  as  a  fyflem  of  chemiftry.  To  moll  of  his  readers,  it 
will  be  totally  unin$:elligib!e,  and  by  many  it  will  be  eftecmied  as 
a  wonderful  effort  of  learning  and  ingenuity. 

Notwithftanding  the  great  Icngdi  of  thefe  obfcrvation^,  a  volume 
and  an  half  ftill  remain  to  be  noticed,  containing  the  fecond  part 
of  the  work,  entitled  the  Chemical  Examination  of  Nature.  It  will 
not,  however,  detain  us  long  •,  as  we  confider  by  far  the  grcatell 
part  of  what  is  here  collected  under  this  title,  as  mifplaced  in  a 
fyflem  of  cbemiflry  ;  and  the  remainder  is  merely  the  application 
of  the  knowledge  contained  in  the  former  part,  to  the  examina- 
tion of  nature.  The  means  of  analyzing  the  atmofphere,  mine- 
ral waters,  minerals,  and  animal  and  vegetable  fubftances  into 
their  immediate  principles,  and  the  invefligation  of  whatever  che- 
mical changes  they  undergo,  belong  properly  to  chemiftry,  and. 
would  have  formed  a  very  natural  fequel  to  a  general  fyflem  of 
the  fcience  ;  while  the  greater  part  of  the  meteorology,  mineralo- 
gy and  phyfiology  belong  to  other  departments. 

The  account,  of  the  atmofphere  is  in  general  well  executed ; 
but  Dr  Thomfon  has  committed  an  error  in  his  calculation  of  the 
proportion  of  weight  of  its  conflituents..  From  his  own  data,  in- 
ftead  of  74  azotic  gas  and  2.6  oxygen,  the  refults  are  75.12  and 
24.88  ;  but  he  has  fuppofetl  the  relative  fpecific  gravity  of  oxygen 
gas  to  that  of  azotic  gas  to  be  as  135:1 15,  whereas  they  are  as 
13^^56:1 189  :  the  real  refults  are  75.67  azotic  gas,  and  24.33  °^y" 
gen.  Our  author  differs  from  Mr  Dalton  in  believing  afnofpheric. 
air  to  be  a  chemical  compound.  Only  one  of  his  arguments,  how- 
ever, appears  to  us  to  be  relevant,  viz.  that  derived  from  the  expe- 
riments by  which  Humbolat  and  Morozzo  endeavoured  to  eflablifh 
a  difference  of  properties  between  atmofpherical  air  and  an  artifi- 
cial mixture  of  its  conftituents,  though  the  refult  was  owing  to 
an  excefs  of  oxygen  in  their  mixture.  In  fpeaking  of  the  compa- 
jf?tive  XQcrits  pf  the  muriatic  and  nitric  acid  fumes  in  deilroying 

contagion,. 


i804.  i^^'  ThomfonV  Syitem  of  Chemijirp  ^4^ 

contagion,  Dr  Thomfon  certainly  does  not  fpeak  from  experience, 
when  he  prefers  the  former,  not  only  on  account  of  their  fuperior 
efficacy,  but  alfo  becaufe  the  latter  are  attended  with  inconveni- 
ence, from  bcinjT  almoft  always  contaminated  with  nitrous  gas. 
To  what  inconvenience  he  alludes,  we  know  not ;  but  it  is  certain 
that  the  nitric  acid  fumes,  diffufed  according  to  Dr  C.  Smyth's 
directions,  do  not  render  the  removal  of  the  patients  during  the 
fumigation  at  all  neceffary,  which  the  muriatic  acid  gafes  do. 

Mineralogy,  we  are  told,  is  *  that  branch  of  chemiftry  which 
treats  of  Minerals ; '  and  in  conformity  with  this  opinion,  Dr  Thom- 
fon has  filled  almoft  a  volume  of  his  work  with  this  fubie^t.  Eul* 
Mineralogy  is  certainly  a  branch  of  Natural  hlftory,  which  is  as 
intimately  connefted  v/ith  the  phyfical  as  with  the  chemical  pro- 
perties of  its  obje6ls.  If  Dr  Thomfon  believed  himfelf  qualified 
to  write  a  better  fyftem  of  mineralogy  than  any  of  thofe  we  pof- 
fefs,  it  would  have  been  Iiigldy  acceptable  as  a  feparate  publica- 
tion ;  but  we  think  that,  by  introducing  it  in  this  work,  he  has 
unneceflarily  increafed  its  expence.  In  compiling  it,  our  author 
is  principally  indebted  to  Haiiy  and  Brochant.  In  the  arrange- 
ment, indeed,  he  feems  to  think  he  poflefles  confiderable  merit, 
though  we  cannot  perceive  upon  what  grounds.  The  principle  is 
taken  from  Bergman  ;  and  in  its  application,  Dr  Thomfon  devi- 
ates from  it  almoft  as  frequently  as  he  adheres  to  it.  In  other 
fyitems,  minerals  have  been  clalfed  in  genera,  according  to  the 
naLure  of  the  earth  from  which  they  derive  their  characteriftic 
properties  ;  and  from  this  characlcriftic  earth  the  genera  have  re- 
ceived their  names.  Dr  Thomfon  claiTes  them  in  eenera  accord- 
ing  to  the  proportions  of  their  conftituents,  and  gives  them  fym- 
bolic  names,  formed  by  arranging  the  firft  letter  of  every  fubftance 
which  enters  in  any  confiderable  quantity  into  their  compofition^ 
in  the  order  of  their  proportions.  Now,  it  appears  to  us,  that 
every  argument  which  Dr  Thomfon  adduces  againft  the  common 
arrangement,  applies  as  forcibly  againft  this,  and  that  it  is  at- 
tended with  other  infurmcuntable  inconveniences.  Before  any 
Ipecimen  can  be  arranged,  it  muft  not  only  be  analyzed,  but  its 
analylis  muft  be  perfe6t  -,  and  even  if  analyfis  were  as  eafy  as  it  is 
difficult,  it  would  often  oblige  us  to  place  different  fpecimens  of 
the  lame  mineral  in  different  parts  of  the  fyftem.  To  pi'ove  the. 
truth  of  this  opinion,  we  need  only  examine  a  few  of  Dr  Thomfon's 
genera.  The  firft  is  entitled  A,  wlWch,  according  to  his  principles, 
are  minerals  confifting  entirely  of  alumina.  It  contains  two  fpe- 
cies  ;  the  fn-ft,  Diafpore,  contains  alfo  1 7  water  and  3  oxide  of 
iron,  and  fhould  tlicrcfore  be  defignated  by  the  fymbol  A  W,  if 
not  AW  I;  the  frcond,  Native  Alumina,  contains  only  45  alu- 
mina,  i7  water,  and  24  fulphat  of  lime — its  iymboi  is  tlierefore 

K  2  AWL, 


J48  Dr  ThomicmV  Sptttn  of  Chenujhy-  ApTil 

A  W  L,  or,  as  Dr  Thomfon  overlooks  falts,  A  W.  The  fecond 
genus  is  A  S.  The  firfl  fpecies,  Corundum,  contains  the  orien- 
tal ruby  and  fapphire,  corre6lly  placed  here  according  to  M. 
Chenevix's  analyfis  ;  but,  according  to  Mr  Klaproth's,  fapphire  be- 
longs to  A,  of  the  imperfe£l:  corundums  •,  that  from  China,  as  well 
as  Emery,  belong  to  A  I  S-,  as  the  quantity  of  iron  exceeds  that 
of  filica.  The  (econd  fpeeies,  Chryfoberyl,  contains  6.  of  lime, 
and  therefore  belongs  to  A  S-  L.  The  third,  the  Topaz,  is  rights 
as  well  as  the  FibroJite,  alfo  numbered  the  third  by  millake,  and 
the  fourth  Sommite.  The  third  genus  is  A  M.  The  firll  fpe- 
cies. Spinel  Ruby,  belongs,  by  Vauquelin's  analyfis,  to  A  M  C, 
and  by  Klaproth's  to  ASM  -,  and  the  fecond,  'the  Ceylanite,  to 
AIM.  From  thefe  three  firfl:  genera  our  readers  v/ill  be  able 
to  judge  of  the  others.  In  this  edition,  a  chapter  is  added  on 
compound  minerals,  tranflated  from  Brochunt ;  and  the  laft  chapi- 
ter treats  of  the  analyfis  of  minerals. 

The  fourth  book  treats  of  Vegetables ;  and-  the  fifth,  which 
concludes  the  work,  of  Animals.  No  part  of  the  work  has  un- 
dergone fo  many  alterations  in  thi&  edition  as  the  chapter  which 
treats  of  the  ingredients  of  vegetables.  The  author's  ideas  on 
the  importance  of  this  fubjeft  feem  to  have  undergone  a  very 
great  char^ge,  and:  to  this  change  of  opinion  his  readers  are  in- 
debted for  much  very  valuable  information  v  for,  inftead  of  60 
pages,  it  now  occupies  t(5o  j  although  there  is  very  little  of  it, 
except  what  is  derived  from  his  owrv  experiments,  which  was 
3iot  known  to  pharmaceutifl:3  when  the  farmer  edition  was  pub- 
lifhed.  But  vegetable  chemiftry  has  become  fafliionable,  and 
Dr  Thomfon  has  applied  to  it  with  very  great  fueccfs,  in  his 
experiments  on  gum,  farcocol-,  aiid  the  bitter  principle. 

An  appendix  is  added,  containing  thofe  difcoverics  of  import- 
ance which  were  made  during  the  printing  of  the  work  ;  and  we 
are  forry  that  we  mull  conclude  our  analyfis,  by  hmenting  that 
the  index  is  not  more  copious. 

Dr  Thomfon  has,  in  general,  adoj^ted  M.  Chenevix's  nomen- 
clature ;  but  we  have  occafioaally  obferved  deviations  inconfillent 
with  it,  as  tannat  and  other  ats  for  combinations  of  fubftances 
which  are  not  acid.  Thefe,  however,  we  believe  to  be  acci- 
dental. 

Dr  Thomfon'a  method  of  diftinguifliing  the  degrees  of  oxida- 
tion in  the  metaUic  oxides,  by  prefixing  the  firll  fyllable  of  the 
Greek  ordinal  numbers  to  the  word  oxide,  as  prot-oxide,  deut-= 
oxide,  &c.,  and  the  maxhmnn  of  oxidation  by  per-oxide,  we 
tliink  is  an  improvement.  On  the  other  hand,  we  trufb  that  our 
author's  example  will  induce  no  one  to  follow  him  in  diflinguifli" 
Jng  thofe  metalline  falts  which  contain  the  metal  in  the  Hate  of 


-s8o4»  DrT'homhn's  Syjiem  i>f  Zi/:emistfy.  I49 

per-oxide,  by  prefixing  the  particle  oxy  to  the  name  of  the  acid, 
as  that  form  of  expreuion  has  already  another  much  mere  natural 
meaning.  *  Capacity  for  caloric, '  is  alfo  ufed  by  Dr  Tliomfon 
to  exprefs  the  quantity  of  caloric  in  equal  bulks  of  bodies,  al- 
though it  has  hitherto  always  had  a  reference  to  equal  weights. 
Our  author  fecms  alfo  to  have  a  very  great  diHike  to  fuperfluous 
letters,  not  only  in  the  names  of  iuoftanccs,  but  alfo  in  thofe  of 
■the  German  chemills  j  but  Hcrmilad,  Humbolt,  Weilrum,  &c. 
will  appear  to  a  German  eye  as  awkwardly  exotic  as  Tomfon 
would  do  to  our  author's. 

The  references  to  authorities  with  which  this  work  abounds, 
are  extremely  valuable  ;  and,  in  general,  Dr  Thomfon  gives  a 
due  degree  of  credit  to  the  difcoverers  af  particular  fafts  ;  and 
if,  in  fome  inftances,  through  ignorance  or  inadvertence,  the  real 
difcoverer  is  not  mentioned,  in  others  his  praife  almoft  amounts 
to  flattery.  For  example,  his  gratitude  to  tiiat  excellent  che- 
mifl  Mr  Hatchett,  for  having  communicated  to  him  his  un- 
pwbliflied  experiments  on  refins,  has  led  him  to  exaggerate  their 
importance  to  a  degree  that  we  conceive  muft  be  difpleafing  to 
that  gentleman's  modefty,  efpecially  as  -moft  of  the  ia£ls,  which 
Dr  Thomfon  feizes  every  poflibie  opportunity  of  announcing  as 
Mr  Hatchett'«  difcoveries,  v.'ere  previoufly  known.  His  general 
ftatement  is  in  the  following  words  t  *  Hitherto  it  has  been  af- 
firmed by  all  cheraiits,  ancient  and  modern,  that  the  alkalies  do 
not  exert  any  adlion  on  refins.  Fourcroy,  for  inftance,  in  his  lalt 
v.'-Drk,  affirms  this  in  the  moll  pofitive  manner  ;  but  the  experi- 
ments of  Mr  Hatchett  have  dcmonftrated  this  opinion  to  be  com- 
pletely erroneous, '  And  after  ftating  the  experiments,  he  pro- 
ceeds, *  Nothing  can  afford  a  more  ftrilcing  proof,  than  this,  of 
the  necefiTity  of  repeating  the  experiments  of  o.ur  predecefibrs 
before  we  put  implicit  confidence  in  their  aficrtions.  The  well- 
known  fact,  that  the  foap-makers  in  this  country  conftantly  mix 
rofin  with  their  foap  ;  that  it  owes  its  yellow  colour,  its  odour, 
and  its  eafy  folubiliiy  in  nxuilei'  to  this  addition,  (?)  ought  to  have 
icd  chemills  to  hav-e  fufpec'fled  the  folubility  of  refins  in  the  al- 
kalies. No  fuch  confequence,  however,  was  drawn  from  this 
notorious  facl. '  In  oppofition  to  all  this,  we  fhall  quote  only  one 
inodern  chemitt,  Gren,  who  cxprefsly  fays  that  '  the  refins  alfo 
form,  v/ith  the  caullic  alkalies,  foapy  combinations- '  Again,  *  It 
has  been  fuppofed  alfo, '  fays  Dr  Thomfon,  *  that  the  acids  are 
incapable  of  a£llng  upon  the  refins  ;  Fourcroy  is  equally  pofitive 
with  regard  to  this  ;  and  Gren  fpeaks  of  it  in  fuch  a  manner 
that  every  reader  muft  conclude  tliat  he  had  tried  the  efi^eft  of 
nitric  acid  upon  refins.  Yet  Mr  Hatchett  has  afcertained  this 
ppinion  likewife  to  be  erroneous,  at  leaft  as  far  as  nitric  acid  is 

K  3  concerned.  * 


ij*  DrThomiovUs  System  of  Che  mis  try,  April 

concerned. '  The  following  is  the  manner  in  which  Gven  fpeaks 
of  it :  *  Concentrated  nitnc  acid  aSis  upon  powdered  rofin  very 
poiverfullyy  and  nitrous  gss  is  evolved  ;  but  the  running  together 
of  the  rofin  into  lumps,  ir^akes  its  complete  foiution  in  nitric  acid 
extremely  difhcult. ' 

To  his  predecelTors  in  the  laborious  tall:  of  corapilation,  Dr 
Thomfon  feldom  makes  any  acknowledgment,  although  we  think 
it  woCild  have  been  but  juft,  to  have  mentioned  in  the  preface 
his  obligations  to  them,  efpccially  to  Fourcroy,  from  whom  he 
has  often  borrowed  largely.  In  feme  iaftanccs,  an  author  of  this 
dcfcription  is  quoted  for  a  particular  fa£t,  although  the  whole 
palfage  be  borrowed  from  him.  A  very  flagrant  example  of  tliis 
kind  occurs  in  vol.  IV.  p.  129,  when  i>rochant  is  quoted  in  fuch 
a  manner  as  to  make  it  appear  that  nothing  but  the  enumeration 
.of  Werner's  clafTes  is  taken  from  him,  whereas  the  whole  chap- 
ter, Of  compound  minerals^  extending  to  twenty^five  pages,  is  an 
abridged  tranflation  of  Brochant,  with  tlie  addition  of  three  ana- 
lyfes  by  Dr  Kennedy  and  IM.  Klaproth,  and  one  obfervation  by  the 
ivjthor. 

Upon  the  whole,  notwithftanding  the  numerous  errors  which 
\ve  have  difcovered,  or  believe  we  have  difcuveied,  in  this  work, 
they  are  much  more  than  counterbalanced  by  its  general  merits. 
The  immenfe  quantity  of  chemical  information  which  it  contains, 
is  highly  creditable  both  to  the  abilities  and  the  induftry  of  tlie 
iiuthor  ;  and  if,  in  a  future  edition,  he  will  reftrain  a  little  his 
propenfity  to  premature  generalization,  and  free  his  numerical 
exprefFions  from  the  numberlefs  errors  which  now  render  it  im- 
polTible  to  trufl  to  any  of  his  calculations  with  fecqrity,  we  have 
TiO  doubt  that  it  will  continue  to  maintain  its  reputation  as  the 
befl  repofitory  of  chemical  knowledge  that  has  yet  been  offered 
to  the  public. 

If  toy  of  our  readers  fliould  be  incnned  to  objeO-,  that  the 
general  tone  of  the  preceding  obfervations  does  not  accord  very 
harmoniouily  with  this  concluding  eulogium,  or  to  accufe  us  of 
Iiaving  fpecilied  little  more  than  the  defects  of  a  work  of  fuch  un- 
queflionable  merit,  we  would  beg  leave  to  remind  them,  that  Dr 
Thomfon  is  neither  humble  nor  obfcure  enough  to  ftand  in  need 
cf  recommendation  or  encouragement  from  us.  The  public  has 
already  done  ample  juftice  to  his  talents  \  and  he  is  himfelf  per- 
fectly aware  of  the  extent  of  his  claims  on  their  favour.  In  this 
utuatlon,  while  it  is  almoffc  unneceflary  to  proclaim  his  merits, 
it  becomes  01  the  greateft  confequence  to  point  out  his  miftakes 
and  iniperfeclions.  Under  the  fanCtion  of  fo  great  an  a>athority, 
errors  are  propagated  with  a  very  mifchievous  rapidity,  and  the 
<iUthor  himfelf  is  apt  to  become  prefumptuous  and  precipitate, 
>%'hen  lio  u:ie  is  to  be  found  who  will  admoailh  him  of  his  failures 

and 


1804.  EUisV  specimens  of  Earhj  Englijh  Pactry.  -i^J 

and  faults.  Notwithftanding  the  freedom  of  our  remarks,  we 
doubt  it  any  of  Dv  Thomfon's  readers  h?.ve  a  higher  i'enfe  tlnni 
we  have  of  the  value  of  this  publication  ;  the  perufal  of  which 
we  verv  earnellly  recommend*to  every  fludent  of  cliemillry. 


Art.  X.  Spec'imcTis  of  the  Early  EngliJJj  Poets  :  To  'which  is  pre- 
fixed.  An  Htjhr'ical  Sketch  of  the  Rf  and  Proyrefs  of  the  Erffi/h 
PoL-try  and  Lnfiguage.  By  Gccrge  Ellis  Efq.  The  Third  EJition, 
Correcicd.      3  vul.    8vo. 

HPhe  firft  edition  cf  this  interefting  work  appeared  in  1790, 
-*■  compriGng  in  one  volume  many  of  the  moii  beautiful  fmall 
poems  whicli  had  appeared  during  the  fixteeuth  and  feventeenth 
centuries.  The  plan  was  certainly  worthy  of  being  enlarged  -, 
and  accordingly,  in  the  fecond  edition,  publiftied  about  a  year 
ago,  and  rapidly  difpofed  of,  as  well  as  in  that  which  is  now  be- 
fore us,  it  has  received  fuch  confiderabie  additions,  that  the  work 
has  increafcd  to  thrice  the  oTlginai  lize  j  and  T-zIr  Ellis  has  eltabiifh- 
ed  his  claim  to  the  chara*£ler  of  an  original  author,  as  well  as  to  that 
of  a  judicious  collector  and  editor  of  the  forgotten  poems  of  anti- 
quity. The  firft  volume  contains  the  preliminary  hiilorical  fketch 
of  the  rife  and  progrefs  of  Englifh  poetry  and  language  j  the  fecond 
and  third  are  occupied  by  thofe  fpecimens  which  give  name  to  the 
whole.  We  IhaO  endeavour  fucceffively  to  anaiyie  the  contents, 
and  examine  the  merits,  of  thefe  two  divifions  of  the  work. 

It  is  obvious  to  every  one  who  has  fludied  our  language,  whe- 
ther in  profe  or  poetry,  that  a  luminous  hiftory  of  its  rife  and 
progrefs  muft  neceiTarily  involve  more  curious  topics  of  difcuflion 
than  a  Cmilar  work  upon  any  other  European  language.  This 
opinion  has  not  its  fource  in  national  partiality,  but  is  didfated  by 
the  very  peculiar  circumftances  under  which  the  Englifh  language 
was  formed.  The  otiier  European  tongues,  fuch  at  leaft  as  have 
been  adapted  to  the  purpofes  of  literature  *,  may  be  divided  in- 
to two  grand  claiTes — thofe  which  are  derived  from  the  Teutonic, 
and  thofe  which  are  formed  upon  the  Latin.  In  the  former 
clafs,  we  find  the  German,  the  Norfe,  the  Swedifh,  the  Danifh, 
and  the  Low-Dutch,  all  of  which,  in  words  and  conftruifion, 
are  dialedls  of  the  Teutonick,  and  preferve  the  general  character 

K  4  of 

■  '''■■'■"''  '  ■  '         ■ '  t  I       it 

*  We  do  not  mention  the  dia'edls  founded  on  the  Celtic  and  Sla- 
vonic languages,  becaufe  they  have  not  been  ufed  in  literary  compofi- 
tion  ;  nevcrthelefs,  the  fame  obfervation  applies  to  them  as  to  the 
others  ;  they  have  each  their  derivation  from  a  fingk  mother-root,  and 
we  aotj  like  the  Englifb,  a  compounded  or  mingled  language. 


152  Ellis' J-  Specimens  of  Early  Enghjh  Poetry.  April 

of  their  common  fource,  although  enriched  and  iinproved  ly 
terms  of  art  or  of  fcience  adopted  from  the  learned  languages,  or 
from  thofe  of  other  kingdoms  of  civilized  Europe.  The  fecond 
clafs  comprehends  the  Italian,  the  Spanifn,  and  tiie  French  in  all  its 
branches.  It  is  true,  the  lall'of  thefe  has,  in  modern  times,  owing  to 
the  number  of  French  writers  in  every  ciafs  and* upon  every  fubjcft, 
departed  farther  from  its  original  than  the  two  others  •,  but  ftiil  the 
ground-work  is  the  Latin  ;  and  the  more  nearly  any  fpecimen 
approaches  to  it,  it  may  be  fafely  concluded  to  be  the  more  an- 
cient ;  for,  in  truth,  we  know  no  other  rule  for  afcertaining  the 
antiquity  of  any  particular  piece  in  the  Romans,  language,  than 
by  its  greater  or  llightcr  refemblance  to  the  fpeech  of  the  ancient 
Romans,  from  which  it  derives  its  name.  Thus  every  language 
pf  civilized  Europe  is  formed  of  a  uniform  pattern  and  texture^ 
either  upon  the  Teutonick,  or  upon  the  Latin.  But  tlie  fame- 
chance  which  has  peopled  Britain  with  fuch  a  variety  of  tribes 
and  nations,  that  we  are  at  a  lofs  to  conceive  how  they  fliould 
have  met  upon  the  fame  fpot — and  that,  comparatively,  a  fmail 
pne — has  decreed  that  the  language  of  Locke  and  of  Shake- 
ipeare  fhould  claim  no  peculiar  aihnity  to  either  of  thefe  grand 
fources  of  European  fpeech  ;  and  that  if,  on  the  one  hand^ 
its  conformation  and  conflrudion  be  founded  on  a  dialc<I^i  ot 
the  Tei^tonick,  the  greater  number  of  its  vocables  fhould,  on 
the  other,  be  derived  from  the  Romanz,  or  corrupted  Latin  of 
the  Normans.  It  is  interelling  to  obferve  how  long  thefe  lan- 
guages, uncongenial  in  themfelves,  and  derived  from  fources 
widely  different,  continued  to  exift  feparatcly,  and  to  be  fpokcu 
refpedlilvely  by  the  Anglo-Norman  conquerors  and  the  vanquilh- 
ed  Anglo-Saxons.  It  is  ftill  more  interelling  to  obferve  how,  after 
having  long  flowed  each  in  its  feparate  channel,  they  at  length  unit- 
ed and  formed  a  middle  diale^Sl,  which,  though  employed  at  firll 
for  the  mere  purpofe  of  convenience  and  mutual  intercourfe  be- 
twixt the  two  nations,  at  length  fuperfeded  the  individual  fpeech 
of  both,  and  became  the  apt  record  of  poetry  and  of  philolophy. 
The  hiftory  of  poetry  is  intimately  connecSlcd  with  that  of  lan-r 
guage.  Authors  in  the  infancy  of  compofition,  like  Pope  \\\  that 
of  life,  may  be  faid  to  *  lifp  in  numbers.'  Hiiiory,  religion, 
morality,  whatever  tends  to  agitate  or  to  footh  the  paflipns,  is, 
during  the  ealier  flages  of  fociety,  celebrated  in  verfe.  This 
may  be  partly  owing  to  the  eafe  v/ith  which  poetry  is  retained 
upon  the  memory,  in  thofe  ruder  ages,  when  written  monu- 
ments, if  they  at  all  exift,  are  not  calculated  to  promote  general 
information  ;  and  it  may  be  partly  owing  to  that  innate  love  of 
fong,  ajid  fenfibility  to  the  charms  of  flowing  numbers,  which  ij 
c|illinguifliabie  even  among  the  moil  favagc  people.     But_,  what- 

ever 


i8o4'  '  Ellis'/  Specimens  of  Early  Englijh  Poetiry,  153 

ever  be  the  caiife,  the  cfTefb  is  moft  certain  ;  the  early  works  of 
<'X\  nations  have  been  written  in  verfe,  and  the  hiiiory  of  their 
poetry  is  the  hifiory  of  the  language  itfclf.  It  therefore  feems 
lurprifmg,  that,  v/here  the  fubjecl  is  interefl:ing  in  a  peculiar  as 
well  as  in  a  general  point  of  view,  a  diftinft  and  connected  hiilory 
of  our  poetry,  and  of  the  language  in  which  it  is  written,  Ihould 
lo  long  have  been  a  dejtderatiim  in  Englifh  literature  ;  and  the 
wonder  becomes  greater  when  we  recollect,  that  an  attempt  to 
fupply  the  deticiency  was  long  fince  made  by  a  perfon  who  feemed 
to  unite  every  quality  neceflary  for  the  tafk. 

The  late  Mr  Warton,  v/ith  a  poetical  enthufiafm  which  con- 
verted toil  into  pleafure,  and  gilded,  to  kimfeif  and  his  readers, 
the  dreary  fubjecls  of  antiquarian  lore,  and  with  a  capacity  of  la- 
bour apparently  injconfilteiit  with  his  more  brilliant  powers,  has 
juoduced  a  work  of  great  fize,  and,  partially  fpeaking,  of  great 
intereft,  Irom  the  pcrufal  of  which  we  rife,  our  fancy  delighted 
with  beautiful  imagery,  and  with  the  happy  analyfis  of  ancient 
tale  and  fong,  but  certainly  with  very  vague  ideas  of  the  hiftory 
of  Englilh  poetry.  The  error  feems  to  lye  in  a  total  negle£t  of 
plan  and  fyltem  ;  for,  delighted  with  every  interefling  topic 
which  occurred,  the  hiftorical  poet  purfued  it  to  its  utmoft 
verge,  without  confidering  that  thcfe  digreffions,  however  beau- 
tiful and  interelling  in  themfelves,  abftra6ted  alike  his  own  at- 
renrion,  and  that  of  the  reader,  from  the  profefled  purpofe  of 
his  book.  Accordingly,  Warton's  hifiory  oi  Englifh  poetry  has 
remained,  and  will  always  remain,  an  immenfe  common-place 
book  of  memoirs  to  ferve  for  fuch  an  hifiory.  No  antiquary  can 
open  it,  without  drawing  information  from  a  mine  which,  though 
darkj  is  inexhaultible  in  its  treafures ;  nor  will  he  who  reads  mere- 
ly for  amufement  ever  fl^iUt  it  for  lack  of  attaining  his  end  ;  while 
both  may  probably  regret  the  defultory  excurfions  of  an  author, 
who  wanted  only  fyftem,  and  a  more  rigid  attention  to  minute 
accuracy,  to  have  perfected  the  great  talk  he  has  left  incomplete. 

It  is  therefore  with  t:o  little  pleafure  that  we  fee  a  man  of 
tafte  and  talents  advance  to  fuppiy  the  deficiency  in  fo  interefl- 
ing a  branch  of  our  karning  ;  a  talk,  to  which  Johnfon  was  un- 
equal through  ignorance  of  our  poetical  antiquities,  and  in  which, 
Warton  failed,  perhaps,  becaufe  he  was  too  deeply  enamoured 
of  them.  This  is  the  arduous  attempt  of  Mr  Ellis  j  and  it  re- 
mains to  inquire  how  he  has  executed  it. 

The  elemental  part  of  the  Engiifh  language,  that  from  which 
it  derives,  not  indeed  the  greater  proportion  of  its  word.;,  but 
Jhe  rules  of  its  grammar  and  conftrucflion,  is  the  Anglo-Saxon  ; 
and  Mr  Ellis  has  dedicated  his  firfl  chapter  to  make  the  Englifh 
reader  acquainted  with  it.  The  example  of  their  poetry,  which 
he  has  chofen  So  sxhibitj  is  the  famous  war-fong  in  praife  of 

Athditane'g 


154   ^  EllisV  Specintens  of  £ariy  Englijh  Poetry,  April 

Athelftane's  victory  in  the  battle  of  Brunenburgh  ;  an  engage- 
ment which  checked  for  ever  the  viclorious  progrefs  of  the  Pidls 
and  Scots,  and  Hmited  their  reign  to  the  northern  part  of  Bri- 
tain. We  cannot,  from  this  poem,  nor  indeed  from  any  other 
remnant  of  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  determine  what  were  the  rules 
of  their  verfe.  Rhime  they  had  none  ;  their  rythm  feems  to 
liave  been  uncertain  ;  and  perhaps  their  whole  poetry  confifted 
in  the  adaptation  of  the  words  to  fome  fimple  tune;  although 
Mr  Ellis  feems  inclined  to  think,  with  Mr  Tyrwhitt,  that  the 
verfe  of  the  Saxons  was  only  diilingulfhed  from  their  profe  by 
<  a  greater  pomp  of  di£lion,  and  a  more  (lately  kind  of  march.  * 
To  this  fpecimen  of  Saxon  poetry,  Mr  Ellis  has  fubjoined  a 
tranflation  of  it  into  the  Englifli  of  the  age  of  Chaucer,  which  we 
recommend  to  our  readers  as  one  of  the  beft  executed  imitations 
that  we  have  ever  met  with.  It  was  written  by  a  friend  of  Mr 
Ellis  (Mr  Frere,  if  we  miftake  not)  while  at  Eton  fchool,  and 
ftruck  us  with  fo  much  furprife,  that  we  are  obliged  to  extract 
a  paffage,  at  the  rilk  of  interrupting  our  account  of  Mr  Ellis's 
plan,  to  juftify  the  extent  of  our  panegyric. 
*  The  Mercians  fought  1  underftond. 

There  was  gamen  of  the  hond. 

AUe  that  with  Aulof  hir  way  horn 

Over  the  fcas  in  the  fchippes  worn, 

And  the  five  fonnes  of  the  kyuge, 

Fel  mid  dint  of  fword-fightinge. 

Hii  feven  eriis  died  alfo  ; 

Mony  Scottes  were  killed  tho, 

The  Normannes  for  their  mighty  boft 

Went  home  with  a  lytyl  hoft. 

In  Dacie  of  that  gaming 
-'    Mony  wemen  hir  hondis  wnng. 
The  Normannes  pafled  that  rivere. 
Mid  hevy  hart  and  forry  cherc. 
The  brothers  to  WefTex  yode, 
Leving  the  crowen  and  the  todc, 
HawkcB,  doggis  and  wolves,  tho 
Egles  and  mony  other  mo, 
With  the  dede  men  for  their  mede. 
On  hir  corfes  for  to  fede. 
Sen  the  Saxonis  firfl,  come 
*  In  fchippes  over  the  fea-fomc. 

Of  the  yeres  that  ben  for  gone 
Greater  bataile  was  never  none.  ' 
This  appears  to  us  an   exquifite   imitation  of  the  antiquated 
Engliih  poetry  J  not  depending  on  an  accumulation  of  hard  words, 

like 


1 8c 4.  EUisV  Specimens  of  Early  Evglipi  Poetry,  1 55 

like  the  ]anp;uage  of  Rowley,  which,  in  every  thin^  clfe,  is 
refined  and  harmonious  poetry,  nor  upon  an  agglomeration  of 
confonants  in  the  orthography,  the  rt-fource  of  later  and  more 
contemptible  forgers,  but  upon  the  flyie  itfelf,  upon  its  alter» 
natc  (Irength  and  weaknefs,  now  nervour>  and  concife,  now  dif- 
fufe  and  eked  out  by  the  feeble  aid  of  expletives.  In  general, 
imitators  vvilh  to  write  like  ancient  poets,  without  ceafing  to 
ufe  modern  meafure  and  phrafeology  ;  but  had  the  confcience  of 
this  author  permitted  him  to  palm  thefc  verles  upon  the  public 
as  an  ori^unal  produ^lion  of  the  fourteenth  century,  we  know 
no  internal  evidence  by  which  the  impollure  could  have  been 
dete£led. 

From  conndering  the  (late  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  at  and 
previous  to  the  Conqueft,  Mr  Ellis  turns  his  confideration  to  that 
of  the  invaders,  and  treats  at  cunGderable  length  of  what  may  be 
called  the  Anglo-Norman  literature.  It  is  well  known,  that  the 
monarchs  who  immediately  fucceeded  the  conqueror,  adopted 
his  policy,  in  foftering  the  language  and  arts  of  Normandy,  ixi 
oppofitlon  to  thofe  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  whom  they  opprelied, 
and  by  whom  they  were  detelled.  The  French  poetiy  was  not 
neglected  ;  and  it  is  now  confidcred  as  an  eftablilhed  point,  that 
the  moll  ancient  metrical  romances  exilling  in  that  language, 
were  compofed,  not  for  the  court  of  Paris,  but  for  that  of  Lon- 
don j  atid  hence  a  Britith  flory,  the  glories  of  King  Arthur,  be- 
came their  f.tvourite  theme.  The  ingenious  Abbe  de  la  P^ue 
wrote  feveral  eflays,  printed  \n  the  Archceologi:^,  which  throv/ 
great  light  upon  the  Anglo-Norman  poets;  and  of  this  informa- 
tion Mr  Ellis  has  judicioufly  availed  himfelf.  But  he  alfo  dif- 
covers  by  the  explanations  attached  to  his  extra£ls  from  Wace, 
that  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  Romanz  language,  which  is 
at  once  fo  difficult  to  acquire,  and  fo  indirpenfablc  to  the  execu- 
tion of  his  hidory. 

In  the  third  chapter,  we  fee  the  lad  rays  of  Saxon  literature, 
in  a  long  extract  from  Layamon's  tranflatiori  of  the  Brut  of 
Wace.  But  fo  little  were  the  Saxon  and  Norman  languages 
calculated  to  amalgamate,  that  though  Layamon  wrote  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  II,  his  language  is  almofl  pure  Saxon  ;  and 
hence  it  is  probable,  that  if  the  mixed  language  now  called  Eng- 
liiii  at  all  exlfted,  it  was  deemed  as  yet  unfit  for  compofition^ 
and  only  ufed  as  a  pie-bald  jargon  for  carrying  on  the  indifpenf- 
abie  intercourfe  betwixt  the  Anglo-Saxons  and  Normans.  Itf 
procefs  of  time,  however,  the  dialect  fo  much  defplfed  made 
its  way  into  the  fervice  of  the  poets,  and  feems  to  have  fuper- 
feded  the  ufe  of  the  Saxon,  although  the  French,  being  the 
pourt  language^  continued  to  maintain  its  ground  till  a  later  pe- 
riod. 


156"  Elils'j-  Specimens  of  Early  Englijh  Poetry,  April 

liod.  Mr  Ellis  has  traced  this  change  with  a  heedful  and  dif- 
criminating  eye,  and  has  guided  us  through  the  harfh  numbers 
of  the  romancers  and  the  compilers  of  legends,  and  through  the 
wide  wafle  of  profaic  verfe,  in  which  it  was  the  pleafure  of  Robert 
of  Gloucefter  and  Robert  de  Brunne  to  record  the  hiftory  of 
their  country,  down  to  that  period  when  Englifh  poetry  began 
to  aflume  a  clafiical  form,  and  to  counterbalance,  in  the  efteem 
even  of  the  kings  and  nobles,  the  hitherto  triumphant  Anglo- 
Norman.  This  grand  change  was  doubtlefs  brought  on  by  very 
flow  degrees,  and  it  is  difficult  exa6Uy  to  afcertain  its  progrefs. 
The  hiftory  of  Englifh  Minftrelfy,  in  oppofition  to  that  of  the 
Anglo-Normans,  would  probably  throw  great  %ht  on  this  fub- 
je6t ;  for  thefe  itinerant  poets  mud  have  made  ufe  of  the  Eng- 
lifh long  before  it  was  thought  fit  for  higher  purpofes.  Mr  El- 
lis has  obfcrved,  juftlyj  that  the  hiftory  alluded  to  is  involved  in 
great  obfcurity  :  neverthelefs,  before  concluding,  we  intend  to 
recommend  it  to  his  further  attention. 

The  epoch  from  which  Englilh  may  be  confidered  as  a  claffical 
language,  may  be  fixed  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III,  the  age  of 
Gower  and  of  Chaucer,  in  which  it  was  no  longer  confined  to 
what  the  latter  has  called  *  the  drafty  riming  '  of  the  wander- 
ing rainftrel,  but  employed  in  the  compofition  of  voluminous 
and  ferious  produftions  by  men  poflefTed  of  all  the  learning  of 
the  times.  The  ConfeJJio  Amantis  of  Dan.  Gower  is  thus  cha- 
racterized by  Mr  Ellis. 

•  This  poem  is  a  long  dialogue  between  a  lover  and  his  confeffor,  who 
je  a  prieft  of  VenOs,  and  is  called  Genius.  As  every  vice  is  in  its  na- 
ture  unaniiable,  it  ought  to  follow,  that  immorality  is  unavoidably  pu- 
Difhed  by  the  indignation  of  the  fair  fex  ;  and  that  every  fortunate  lover 
muft  of  neceflity  be  a  good  man,  and  a  good  chriftian  ;  and  upon  this 
prefumption,  which  perhaps  is  not  ilriflly  warranted  by  experience,  the 
confefTor  pafie=  in  review  all  the  deftds  of  the  human  character,  and 
carefully  fcrutinizes  the  heart  of  his  penitent  with  rcfpeft  to  each,  be- 
fore he  w^U  confent  to  give  him  abfolu^ion. 

*  Becaufe  example  is  more  itr.prefilve  than  precept,  he  illuftrates  his 
{njun6tioas  by  a  feries  of  appofile  tales,  with  the  morality  of  which  our 
lover  profefies  himfclf  to  be  highly  edified ;  and  being  of  a  more  inqui- 
fitive  turn  than  lovers  ufually  are,  or  perhaps  hoping  to  fubdue  his  mif- 
trefsby  direAing  againft  her  the  whole  artillery  of  fciencc,  he  gives  his 
confefTor  an  opportunity  of  incidentally  inllrufting  him  in  chemiflry, 
and  in  the  Ariftotelian  philofophy.  At  length,  all  the  intereft  that  he 
has  endeavoured  to  excite,  by  the  long  and  minure  details  of  his  fuffer- 
ing3,  and  by  manifold  proofs  of  his  patience,  is  rather  abruptly  and 
unexpeftedly  extinguifhed  :  for  he  tells  us,  not  that  his  miftrefs  i«  in- 
flexible or  faithlefs,  but  that  he  is  arrived  at  fuch  a  good  old  age,  that 
the  fubmiflion  of  his  fair  enemy  would  not  have  been  fufficient  for  en- 
furing  hia  Iriamph.  * 


1804.  Ellis'j'  Specimens  cf  Early  Engli/fj  Poeiry. 

We  regret  that  our  limits  do  not  permit  us  to  include  our  au-- 
thor's  account  of  Chaucer,  and  his  poetry.  It  has  been  warmly  dif- 
puted  in  what  particular  manner  the  father  of  Englifti  poetry  con- 
tributed to  its  improvement.  Mr  Ellis,  with  great  plaufibility, 
afcribes  this  efFeft  chiefly  to  the  peculiar  ornaments  of  his  ftyle, 
confiding  in  an  afFc<£lation  of  fplendour,  and  efpecially  of  latinity, 
which  is  not'to  be  found  in  the  fimple  itralns  of  Robert  of  Glou- 
cefter,  or  any  of  the  anterior  poets,  nor  indeed  in  that  of  Lau- 
rence Minot,  or  others  about  his  own  time. 

In  chapter  ninth,  the  language  of  Scotland,  and  the  hiftory  of 
her  early  poetry,  comes  into  confideration.  This  is  a  thorny  point 
with  every  antiquary.  The  Englifti  and  Scotifh  languages  are  in 
early  times  exadly  fimilar ;  and  yet,  from  the  circumftances  of 
the  two  countries,  they  muil  necelTarily  have  had  a  feparate  origin.. 
Mr  Ellis  feems  difpofed  to  adopt  the  folutlon  of  Mr  Hume,  who 
fuppofes  the  Saxon  language  to  have  been  impofed  upon  the  Scotifli, 
by  a  feries  of  fuccefsful  invafions  and  conqueits,  of  which  hiftory 
takes  no  notice.  To  this  propolition,  in  a  limited  degree,  we  are 
inclined  to  fubfcribe ;  for  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Anglo-Saxons 
of  Bernicia  extended  themfelves,  at  leaft  occafionaliy,  as  far  as 
the  frith  of  Forth,  occupied  the  Merfe  and  Lothian,  introduced 
into  them  their  language,  and,  when  conquered  by  the  Scots  and 
Pi<Sls,  were  in  facl  the  Angli^  to  whom,  as  fubjetts  of  the  Crown 
of  Scotland,  our  Kings'  charters  were  fo  frequently  addreiTed- 
But  we  cannot  admit  thefe  conquefts  to  be  fuppofed  farther  than 
they  are  proved ;  nor  do  we  conceive  that  one  province,  though 
a  rich  one,  could  have  impofed  its  language  upon  the  other  fuo- 
je6ts  of  tiie  Kings  who  acquired  it  by  conqueft.  There  muft 
have  been  fome  other  fource  from  which  the  Scoto-Teutonick  is 
derived,  than  the  Anglo-Saxon  fpoken  in  Lothian.  This  grand 
fource  v,-e  conceive  to  have  been  the  language  of  the  ancient 
Pi6ts  •,  nor  would  it  be  eafy  to  alter '  our  opinion,  Thofe  who 
are  connoifleurs  in  the  Scotiih  dialedls  as  now  fpoken,  will  obferve 
many  infbances  of  words  in  the  idiom  of  Angus- fhire  (the  feat 
of  the  Pi6ls)  which  can  only  be  referred  to  a  Belgic  root ;  where- 
as diofe  of  South-country  idiom  may  almoil  univerfally  be  traced 
to  the  Anglo-Saxon.  I'he  Norman,  from  which,  as  Mr  Ellis 
juftly  remarks,  the  Scotifh  dialect,  as  foon  as  we  have  a  fpecimen 
c-f  it,  appears  to  have  borrowed  as  xn\xcl\  as  the  Engllfli,  was  pro- 
bably introduced  by  the  inSux  of  Norman  nobles,  whom  the  op- 
preflion  of  their  own  King3  drove  into  exile,  or  whom  their  na- 
tive chivalrous  and  impatient  temper  urged  to  feck  fortune  and 
adventures  in  the  court  of  Scotland.  Having  traced  the  origin 
of  our  language,  the  earlier  Scotifh  poets  Barbour  and  Winton 
parfs  in  revicvv^  with  fpecimena  from  each^  very  happily  felecled^ 

to 


158  EUis'j-  Bpedmcr.s  of  Early  Englifi  Poetry:  April 

to  illuftrate  at  once  their  own  powers  of  compofitlon,  and  the 
manners  of  the  age  in  which  they  wrote.  Thefe  are  intermingled 
with  criticifms,  in  which  the  reader's  attentiop  is  directed  to  what 
is  moft  worthy  of  notice,  and  kept  perpetually  awake  by  the  lively 
and  happy  ftyle  in  which  they  are  conveyed. 

The  merit  of  Occleve  and  Lydgate  are  next  examined,  wlio, 
with  equal  popularity,  but  with  merit  incalculably  inferior,  fup- 
ported  the  renown  of  EngH{h  poetry  after  the  death  of  Chaucer. 
One  fpecimen  from  the  latter  we  cannot  help  extracting  as  irre- 
fiftibly  ludicrous. 

*  One  of  the  moft  amufing  pafTages  in  this  poem  (the  Book  of  Troy) 
is  contained  in  the  feventeenth  chapter,  and  relates  to  a  well  known  e- 
vent  in  the  life  of  Venus.  Lydgate  thus  exprefles  his  indignation  a- 
gainft  Vulcan. 

*  The  /mot ry  *  fmith,  this  fvvarte  Vulcanus, 
That  v/hilom  in  hearte  was  fo  jealous 
Toward  Venus  that  was  his  wedded  wife, 
Whereof  there  vofe  a  deadly  mortal  Itrife, 
When  he  v/ith  Mars  gan  her  firft  efpy. 
Of  high  malice,  and  cruel  falfe  envy, 
Through  the  fhining  of  Phebus'  beams  bright. 
Lying  a-bed  with  Mars  her  owne  knight. 
For  which  in  heart  he  brent  as  any  glede,  f 
Making  the  flander  all  abroad  to  fprede. 
And  gan  thereon  falfely  for  to"  mufe. 

And  God  forbid  that  any  man  accufe 
For  so  LITTLE  any  woman  ever! 
Where  love  is  fet,  hard  is  to  diffever  ! 
For  though  they  do  fuch  thing  of  gentlenefs, 
Pafs  overlightly,  and  bear  none  heavinefs, 
Lfil  that  thou  be  to  woman  odious  ! 
And  yet  this  fmith,  this  falfe  Vulcanus, 
Albe  that  he  had  them  thus  efpied, 
Among  Paynims  yet  was  he  defied  ! 
And,  for  that  he  so  falsely  them  awoke, 
I  have  him  fet  laft  of  all  my  boke, 

Am^ong  the  goddes  of  falfe  mawmentry|,'  &c.     (Sign.  L.  i.) 
«  Upon  this  occafion,  the  morals  of  our   poetical   monk  are  fo  very 
pliant,  that  it  is  diificuk  (o  fuppofe  him  quite  free  from  perfonai   mo- 
tives which  might  have  influenced  his  doftrine.     Perhaps  he   had  been 
incommoded  by  fome  intrufive  hufband,  at  a  moment  when  he  felt  tired 

of 

*  Smoky  or  fmutty.  f  A  burning  coal.     LoJx. 

■\.  Mahometry,  i.  e.  idolatry.  It  may  be  proper  to  obferve,  that  no 
part  of  this  paflage  is  to  be  found  in  Colonna's  original.  In  general, 
indeed,  Lydgate's  is  by  no  means  a  tranllation,  .but  a  vgry  loofe  para- 

phrafe. 


l304.  EllisV  Specimens  of  Early  Eriglijh  Poetrf,  1^^ 

of  celebacy,  and  wifhed  to  indulge  in  a  temporary  relaxation  from  the 
fcverity  of  monadic  difcipline  *.  ' 

From  Lydgate  our  author  proceeds  to  James  I.  of  Scotland, 
upon  whofe  perlbnal  qualities  he  pronounces  a  merited  panegyric, 
accompanied  with  fevcral  extracts  from  the  *Kingis  Quair. '  The 
next  chapter  is  peculiarly  interefting.  It  contains  a  retrofpeft  of 
the  conclufions  to  be  drawn  from  the  information  already  convey- 
ed ;  and  this  introduces  a  well  v/ritten  and  plealing  digrelhon  up- 
on the  private  life  of  the  Englifti  during  the  middle  ages.  We 
iearn  that,  even  in  that  early  period,  the  life  of  the  Engliih  farm- 
er or  yeoman  was  far  fuperior  in  eafe  and  comfort  to  that  of  perfons 
of  the  fume  rank  in  France.  Pierce  Ploughman,  a  yeoman  appar- 
ently, polTciTed  a  cow  and  calf,  and  a  cart-mare  for  tranfpoiting 
manure  j  und  although,  at  one  time  of  the  year,  he  fed  upon 
cheefe  curds  and  oat  cakes,  yet  after  Lammas,  when  his  harveft 
was  got  in,  he  could  *  drefs  his  dinner  to  his  own  mind.  '  We 
alfo  learn,  that  the  peafants  were  fo  far  independent,  as  to  exaft 
great  wages  ;  and  doubtlefs  thefe  circumllances,  combined  with 
the  prucliice  of  archery,  gave  the  Englifii  infantry  fuch  an  infinite 
advantage  over  thofe  of  other  nations,  confiding  of  poor  half-fed 
ierfs,  and  gained  them  fo  many  battles  in  fpite  of  the  high-foul'd 
chivalry  of  France,  and  the  obftinate  and  enduring  courage  ot' 
cur  Scotilh  anceftors.  Mr  Ellis  remarks,  on  this  fubje£l: — '  It  is 
very  honourable  ta  the  good  fenfe  of  the  Englifh  nation,  that  our 
two  beft  early  poets  have  highly  extolled  this  ufeful  body  of  men, 
while  the  French  m.inftrels  of  the  twelfth,  thirteenth,  and  four- 
teenth centuries,  univerfally  feem  to  approve  the  fupercilious  con- 
tempt with  which  the  nobles  afFe6led  to  treat  them  f . '  We  have 
alio  much  curious  information  concerning  the  drefs  of  the  period, 
particularly  of  the  ladies,  who  in  the  day-time  feem  to  have  been 
wrapt  up  in  furs,  and  in  the  night-time  to  have  flept  without 
rhifts.  The  ferenades,  the  amufcments,  the  food,  the  falliions, 
the  manners  of  the  period,  are  all  illuilrated  by  quotations  frorrv 
♦he  authors  w^ho  have  referred  to  them  ;  and,  with  the   fingular 

.advantage 

*  SuipecSling  that  Lydgate  had  borrowed  this  fingular  paffage  from 
fome  French  paraphrafe  of  Colonna's  work,  I  examined  the  anonymous 
tranflation  in  the  Mufeum,  (Bibl.  Reg.  16.  F.  IX.),  but  could  not 
Snd  any  traces  of  fuch  a  deviation  from  the  original. 

+  We  have  noticed  a  folitary  exception  to  this  general  rule, 
*  Quoique  je  di,  et  quoique  non 
Nus  n'eft  vilains  fe  de  cuer  non  ; 
Vilains  eft  qui  fait  vilenie, 
Ja  taat  iert  de  haute  lignie. ' 

Fablisu  di  ChnaV'cr  dts  Ckrs  et  Jet  yilahf,. 


I(5@  t,l\Ws  Spec'imoiis  of  £arly  Engli/h  Pceirf.  Apifi 

advantage  of  never  lofing  fight  of  hts  main  fubjeft,  Mr  Ellis  has 
brought  together  much  information  on  collateral  points  of  interefl 
and  curiofity,  which  will  be  new  to  the  modern  reader,  and  pleaf- 
ing  to  the  antiquary,  by  placing,  at  once,  under  his  review,  cir- 
cumftances  difperfed  through  many  a  weary  page  of  black  letter. 

The  reign  of  Henry  VI.,  and  thofe  of  the  fucceeding  mo- 
narchs,  down  to  Henry  VIII.,  feem  to  have  produced  few  poets 
worthy  of  notice.  Two  tranflators  of  feme  eminence  occur 
during  the  former  period,  and  the  latter  is  graced  by  Harding 
(a  kind  of  Robert  of  Glocefter  redivivus)  \  Hawes,  a  bad  imita- 
tor of  Lydgate,  ten  times  more  tedious  than  his  original  ;  the 
Ladie  Juliana  Berners,  who  wrote  a  book  upon  hunting  in  exe- 
crable poetry ;  and  a  few  other  rhimers,  who,  excepting  per- 
haps Lord  Rivers,  are  hardly  worth  naming.  Daring  tliis  period, 
however,  the  poetry  of  Scotland  was  in  its  higheft  Hate  of  per- 
fection ;  and  Mr  Ellis  finds  ample  room,  both  for  his  critical 
and  hiilorlcal  talents,  in  celebrating  Plenry  the  Minftrel,  Henry- 
foun,  Johnftoun,  Merear,  Dunbar,  and  Gawain  Douglas.  Up- 
on the  works  of  the  two  lall,  Mr  Ellis  dwells  with  pleafure  ;  and 
his  opinion  may  have  fome  eiTe6t  in  refrefhing  their  faded  lau- 
rels. In  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  the  Scotifh  bards  continue 
to  preferve  their  fuperiority  ;  for,  furely,  the  ribald  Skelton, 
and  the  tirefome  John  Heywood,  cannot  be  compared  to  Sir 
David  Lindfay  of  the  Mount,  or  to  the  anonymous  author  of  the 
Mourning  Maiden.  In  this  lall  beautiful  poem,  the  following 
paflage  embarraffes  Mr  Ellis  : 

♦  Sail  never  berne  gar  breif  the  bill 
At  bidding  me  to  bow.  ' 
The  meaning  feems  to  us  to  be,  *  No  one  fnall  enrol  the  fum- 
mons,  which  fhall   force   me   to   yield   to  his  fuit.  '     With  this 
poem  Mr  Ellis  clofes  the  firft  part  of  his  work,  being  the  hillo- 
ry  of  the  Engliili  poetry  and  language. 

We  have  already  taken  notice  of  the  very  extenfive  range  of 
difcuflion  which  this  Iketch  embraces.  It  was  therefore  almod 
unavoidable,  that  there  Ihould  remain  fubjefts  on  which  we  might 
have  wiftied  for  farther  information.  The  hiftory  of  Englilb  Min- 
(Irelfy,  in  particular,  makes  too  important  a  part  of  Mr  Ellis's  fub- 
je6t,  for  us  to  permit  him  to  efcape  from  it  fo  flightly.  As  he  has:' 
announced  his  intention  to  publiflr  a  fecond  feries  of  fpecimens,  fc- 
le6ted  from  the  early  metrical  romances,  we  recommend  ftrongly 
to  him,  to  prefix  fuch  a  prefatory  memoir  as  may  fill  up  this  wide 
blank  in  the  hiilory  of  our  language.  We  are  the  more  earnei-; 
in  this  recommendation,  becaufe  we  know,  from  experience,  that 
Mr  Ellis  will  manage,  with  the  temper  becoming  a  gentleman,  a 
difpute  which,  though  the  circumltance  feems  to  us  altogether 

aftonilhing. 


jSo;1.  Ellis'/  specimens  of  Early  EngliJJj  Poetry.  l6l 

ailoniflilng,  has  certainly  had  a  prodigious  efFe61:  in  exciting  the 
irritable  pafTions  of  our  antiquaries,  and  has  been  managed  with  a 
degree  of  acrimony  only  furpafied  by  the  famous  and  rancorous 
tjuarrel  about  the  Scots  and  Pi61:s.  We  obferve,  vdth  pleafure, 
that,  in  repelling  fome  attacks  upon  his  firft  and  fecond  editions, 
Mr  Ellis  has  uniformly  ufed  the  lance  of  courtefyy  as  a  romancer 
would  have  faid  •,  and  truly  we  have  no  pleafure  in  feeing  his 
contemporaries  fpur  their  hobby -horfes  headlong  againfl  each  o- 
ther,  and  fight  at  oittrance^  and  with  fer  eniAdu.  Mr  Ellis's  ftyle 
is  uniformly  chafte  and  fimple,  diveriiFied  by  a  very  happy  gaiety 
which  enlivens  even  the  moft  unpromifing  parts  of  his  fubjecl. 
AVe  have  only  to  add,  that  no  author  has  pafled  over  his  own 
pretenfions  v/ith  fuch  unar7e£led  modeily,  or  given  more  liberal 
praife  to  the  labours  of  others. 

It  cannot  be  expefted,  after  dwelling  fo  long  upon  the  original 
part  of  the  work,  that  we  fliould  have  much  to  f;iy  upon  tlie  fpe- 
cimens  which  occupy  the  two  lalt  volumes.  To  each  reign  is 
prefixed  a  general  character  of  the  literature  of  the  period  ;  and  to 
each  fet  of  fpecimens  fome  account  of  the  author  and  his  writings. 
That  of  Spenfer  contains  fome  new  and  curious  particulars,  with 
a  fliort  and  able  critique  upon  his  ftyle  of  poetry.  We  therefore 
extract  it  at  length. 

<  From  fatisfaitury  Information  that  has  lately  been  procured,  it  ap- 
pears that  Spenfer  was  born  about  I553j  ^^^  ^^^^  ^'*  ^59^"9'  ^^^  "^^' 
educated  at  Pembroke- Hal!,  Cambridge,  which  he  quitted  in  1576  ; 
and,  retiring  into  the  north,  compofed  his  *  Shepherd's  Calendar,  '  the 
dedication  of  which  feems  to  have  procured  him  his  firil  introduction  to 
Sir  Philip  Sidney,  In  1579,  ^^  ^^^  employed  by  Leicefler,  to  whom 
lie  had  been  recommended  by  Sidney,  in  fome  foreign  commiflion.  In 
1580,  he  became  fecretary  to  Lord  Gray  of  Wilton,  then  appointed 
I^ord  Deputy  of  Ireland;  and,  in  1582,  returned  with  him  to  Eng- 
land. In  158G,  he  obtained  a  grant  of  3000  acres  of  land  in  the  coun- 
ty of  Cork,  and  in  the  following  year  took  poireffion  of  his  eftate,  where 
he  generally  continued  to  refide  till  1598,  when,  as  Drummond  relates 
on  the  authority  of  Ben  Juhnfon,  his  houfe  was  plundered  and  burnt  by 
the  irifli  rebels  ;  his  cliild  murdered  ;  and  himfelf,  with  his  wife,  driven 
in  tlie  greateit  diftrefs  to  England.  It  was  in  the  courfe  of  eleven  years, 
paffcd  in  Ireland,  that  he  compoled  his  '  Fairy  Queen.  ' 

<  If  thefe  dates  be  corrett,  it  will  follow,  that  notwithftanding  the 
illiberal  oppofition  of  Lord  Burleigh,  whofe  memory  has  been  devoted 
10  ignominy  by  every  admirer  of  Spenfer,  the  period  during  which  our 
amiable  poet  v/as  condemned 

To  fret  his  foul  with  croffes  and  with  cares, 
! ,    ■.       To  eat  his  heart  wich  comfortlers  defpairs, 
wras  not  very  long  protraded;  Unce   he  began   to  enjoy  the  advantaged 
of  puhhc  office  at  the  age  of  2,6,^  and)  at  jj,  was  re\varded  by  an  am- 
7.  L  pie 


NOi 


102  EllIsV  specimens  of  Early  Englijh  Poetry.  April 

p!e  and  independent  fortune,  of  which  he  was  only  deprived  by  a  gene- 
ral and  national  calamity.  Few  candidates  of  court  favour,  with  na 
better  pretenfions  than  great  literary  merit,  have  been  fo  fuccefsful. 

*  Mr  Warton  has  offered  the  belt  excufes  that  can  be  alleged  for  the 
defcfts  of  the  '  Fairy  Queen,  '  afcribing  the  wildncfs  and  irregularity 
of  its  plan  to  Speiifer's  prediledlion  for  Ariofto.  But  the  '  Orlando 
Furiofo,  '  though  abfurd  and  extravagant,  is  uniformly  amufing.  We 
are  enabled  to  tiavcl  to  tlie  conclufion  of  our  journey  without  fatigue, 
though  often  bewildered  by  the  windings  of  the  road,  and  furprifed  by 
the  abrupt  change  of  our  travelling  companions  ;  whereas  it  is  fcarcely 
pofliblc  to  accompany  Spenfer's  allegorical  heroes  to  the  end  of  their 
excuifioRS.  They  want  fledi  and  blood  ;  a  want,  for  which  nothing 
can  compenfate.  The  perfonification  of  abftradl  ideas  furniflies  the 
moft  brilliant  images  of  poetry  ;  but  thefe  meteor  forms,  which  (lartle 
and  delight  us  when  our  fenfts  are  flurried  by  paffion,  muft  not  be  fab- 
mitted  to  our  cool  and  deliberate  examination.  A  ghoft  muft  not  be 
dragged  into  day-light.  Perfonification,  protracted  into  allegory,  af- 
fects a  modern  reader  almoft  as  difagreeably  as  infpiration  continued  to 
madnefs. 

*  This  however  was  the  fault  of  the  age  ;  and  all  that  genius  could 
do  for  fijch  a  fubjcft,  has  been  done  by  Spenfer.  His  glowing  fancy, 
his  unbounded  command  of  language,  and  his  aftonifhing  facility  and 
fwectnefs  of  verfificalion,  have  placed  him  in  the  firft  rank  of  Englifii 
poets.  It  is  hoped  that  the  following  fpecimens,  felefted  from  his  mi- 
nor compofitions,  will  be  found  to  be  tolerably  illullrative  of  his  poeti- 
cal, as  well  as  of  his  moral  charafler. 

*  The  three  fird  books  of  the  '  Fairy  Queen  '  were  printed  in  quarto, 
3590  ;  and  again,  with  the  three  next,  in  1596.  ' 

From  the  works  of  voluminous  authors  Mr  Ellis  has  feletfted 
fuch  paflages  as  might  give  the  bell  general  idea  of  tlieir  manner ; 
but  he  has  alfo  been  indefatigable  in  feeking  out  all  fuch  beautiful 
fmaller  pieces  as  ufcd  to  form  the  little  collections,  called,  in  the 
quaint  language  of  the  times,  Garlands.  His  own  work  may  be 
confidered  as  a  new  garland  of  withered  rofes.  The  lift  con- 
cludes with  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  The  publication  feems  to 
have  been  made  with  the  ftritleft  attention  to  accuracy,  except 
that,  throughout  the  whole,  the  fpelling  is  reduced  to  the  mo- 
dern ftandard,  for  which  we  fear  Mr  Ellis  may  undergo  the  cen- 
fure  of  the  more  rigid  antiquaries.  For  our  part,  as  all  the  an- 
tique words  are  carefully  retained  and  accurately  interpreted,  wc 
do  not  think  that,  in  a  popular  work,  intelligibility  fhould  be  fa- 
crificed  to  the  prefervation  of  a  rude  and  uncertain  orthography. 
As  an  example  of  the  amatory  ftyle  of  Charles  the  Firft's  reign, 
from  which  our  later  poetafters  have  fecurely  pilfered  for  their 
miftrefles'  ufe  fo  many  locks  of  gold  and  teeth  of  pearl,  not  to 
mention  rofes  and  lilies,  we  infert  the  following  fong  from  Ca* 

rew. 

*  Afe 


1 804.  Ellis'^  Specimens  of  Early  Englifi  Poetry.  5(53 

*  Afl<  me  no  more  where  Jove  beftowg, 
When  June  is  paft,  the  fading  rofe  ; 
For  in  your  beauty's  orient  deep, 
Thefe  flowers  as  in  their  caufes  fleep. 

Arte  me  no  more  whither  do  ftray 
The  golden  atoms  of  the  day  ; 
For  in  pure  love  heaven  did  prepare 
Thofe  powders  to  enrich  your  hair. 

Afk  me  no  more  whither  doth  hafte 
The  nightingale,  when  May  is  pait  ; 
For  in  your  fweet  dividing  throat 
She  winters,  and  keeps  warm  her  note. 

Aflc  me  no  more  where  thofe  ftars  light, 
That  downwards  fall  at  dead  of  night  ; 
For  in  your  eyes  they  fet,  and  there 
Fixed  become  as  in  their  fphere. 

Aflc  me  no  more  if  eaft  or  weft 

The  phosnix  builds  her  fpicy  neft  ; 

For  unto  you  at  lall  fhe  flies, 

And  in  your  fragrant  bofom  dies.  ' 
It  only  remains  to  mention,  that  there  are  prefixed  to  thefe  vo- 
lumes two  accurate  lifts  of  Englifh  poets,  one  chronological,  and 
the  other  alphabetical,  from  1230  to  1650;  and  that  there  is  an 
Efl'ay  at  the  conclufion,  in  which  the  author's  opinion  concerning 
the  origin  of  language  is  condenfed  and  recapitulated. 


Art.  XI.      Inquiries  concerning  the  Nature  of  a  Metallic  Suhjlance,  lately 
fold  in  London  as  a   Neiv  Metal,   under  the   Title  of  Palladium.      By 
llichard  Chenevix  Efq.      F.  R.  S.   and   M.  R.  1.  A.      From  Philo- 
fophical  Tranfaftions  for  1S03.     Part  il. 

TT7"e  confider  this  as  a  very  excellent  paper ;  and,  fmce  the  fubf 
je£l  is  not  only  curious  in  detail,  but  may  lead  to  feveral 
important  general  views,  we  (hall  devote  a  few  pages  to  fuch  an 
account  of  Mr  Chenevix's  inquiries,  as  may  introduce  them  to 
the  acquaintance  of  our  readers. 

An  advertifement  was  circulated  laft  fpring,  defcribing  the  che- 
mical properties  of  a  new  noble  7netaly  called  palladium,  or  neiu 
ftlver.  Specimens  of  it  vv'ere  expofed  to  fale  ;  and  no  account 
whatever  was  given  of  tlie  manner  or  the  place  in  which  they  had 
been  procured.  They  had  all  undergone  the  operation  of  the 
Hatting  mill,  and  were  formed  into  thin  laminie.  Nothing  like 
an  unwrouglit  fpecia\en,  a  bit  of  the  ore,  or  a  portion  of  its  ma- 

L  2  trix. 


i64      Chenev-ix,  o?i' the  Chemical  Properiles  of  Paiutdhwi.       Afnt 

trix,  was  either  defcribed  or  exhibited.  No  pcrfon  of  fcientific 
authority  came  forward  to  vouch  for  tJie  accour^t  given  of  the  fin- 
gular  properties  vi'hich  this  fubllaTice  was  f^iid  to  pollefs  ;  and 
thofe  properties  were  only  unfolded  as  an  advertifement  of  an 
article  of  commerce.  AH  theie  circumftances  contributed  to  in- 
volve the  authenticity  of  the  fpecimens  in  a  great  degree  of  fuf- 
picion,  and  to  render  it  extremely  probable  that  the  iubftance  ex- 
pofed  to  falo  as  a  new  metal,  was  only  a  compound  or  other  modi- 
fication of  known  minerals,  effected  by  artificial  means.  With  a 
view  to  the  determ.ination  of  this  point,  Mr  Chenevix  undertook 
the  courfe  of  experiments  which  forms  the  fubjecfl  of  tlie  paper 
now  before  us.  An.d,  as  he  very  foon  difcovered,  in  the  famples 
which  he  examined,  properties  extremely  different  from  thofe  of; 
the  known  metals,  hu;  was  led  to  extend  his  inquiries,  and  to  pro- 
cure, for  this  purpofe^  the  whole  of  tb.e  fpecimens  offered  to  the 
public  by  tlie  proprietor.  In  prefenting  our  readers  with  an  ab- 
ilrad:  of  this  inveitigation,  we  fliall  confidcr,  f'-jh  the  experi- 
ments made  upon  the  pi'opeities  and  habitudes  of  this  doubtful 
fubftance  :  thefe  did  not  fuffice  to  determine  its  precife  nature, 
which  wa«  only  difcovered,  by  attempting  to  form  a  fnnilar  body 
from  a  union  of  fimple  fubltances.  We  ihali',  in  the  fecond  place, 
confider  the  fynthetical  experiments.  After  having  by  this  pra- 
cefs  afcertained  the  component  parts  of  palladium,  our  author  en- 
deavoured to  feparate  the  compovmd  body  into  its  ingredients,: 
Thefe  attempts  to  analyfe  the  alloy  will  form  the  lail  objetl  of 
attention. 

I.  The  fpecific  gravity  of  the  fpecimens  varied  from  10.972 
to  I  J. 482:  a  heat  much  greater  than  that  of  melting  gold  was 
required  to  fufe  thcin  ;  and  the  fpecific  gravity  of  the  button  was 
incrcafed  to  11.871.  Sulphur  makes  it  melt  at  a  low  tempera- 
ture, and  forms  with  it  a  very  brittle  fulphusate.  Charcoal  ap- 
pears to  have  no  fort  of  affinity  with  palladium.  This  fubftaace, 
when  polilhed,  refembles  platina  very  nearly  j  when  melted,'  it 
alTumes  the  appearance  of  cryllallization,  and  is  extremely  mal- 
leable. 

The  alloy  of  n  illadium  with  eq.uiil  parts  of  filver,  had  a  lower 
jfpecific  gravity  than  palladium  itfelf :  the  alloy  with  platina  had 
a  much  greater  fpecific  gravity  :  the  alloys  with  lead  and  bifmuth 
bore  a  llriking  refemblance  to  each  other  ;  a  new  circumftance, 
our  readers  will  remark,  in  the  analogy  formerly  pointed  out  be- 
tween thofe  two  metals  by  Mr  Hatchett.     (No.  VI.  p.  454.) 

The  alkalies  act  weakly  on  palladium,  with  the  aihltance  of  at- 
mofphericai  air.  The  mineral  acids  a£l  much  more  violently, 
particularly  the  nitric  and  muriatic,  and  moll  of  all  the  nitro- 
muriatic  acid.     Witli  all  thefe  folveilts  it  forms  a  red  liquor, 

frottz 


if B 0^5'     Ghenevlx,  oji  the  Chemical  Pr6perties  of  Palladium,     "at^ 

•from  which  it  is  precipitated  in  the  form  of  an  orangc-colonreei 
poM^der,  by  alkalies,  earths,  and  all  the  metals  except  gold,  filver, 
and  platina. 

Notwithltanding  the  analogy  of  many  of  the  properties  of  pal- 
ladium to  thofe  of  platina,  yet,  in  feveral  rcfpe6ts,  the  above  ex- 
periments were  entirely  rrreconcileable  with  the  known  habi- 
tudes either  of  that  fubitance,  or  of  gold  or  filver.  ,Some  other 
telts  M-hich  -our  author  applied,  rendered  it  equally  improbable 
that  either  lead,  copper,  or  jmercury,.ihould  have  contributed  to  thr? 
formation  of  this  fingular  body.  Above  all,  the  fpecific  gravity 
of  palladium  and  its  habitudes,  both  with  the  acids  and  with  re~ 
lpe61:  to  the  other  metals,  were  fucli  as  could  never  have  been  ex- 
pected from  the  known  properties  either  of  platina  or  mercury  ; 
and  yet  our  author  found,  rather  by  a  cafual  experiment  than  by 
the  refult  of  the  trials  above  analyfed,  that  thofe  two  metals 
might  be  fo  united  as  to  form  a  compound  in  which  the  moft  ob- 
vious properties  of  each  were  entirely  concealed,  and  new  proper- 
ties exhibited,  exaftly  corresponding  with  thofe  of  palladium, 

II.  When  a  folution  of  platina  is  made  by  nitro-muriatic  acid, 
and  red  oxide  of  mercury  made  by  nitric  acid  is  added  to  tiie 
former  folution  until  it  is  Saturated  ;  and  v/hen  the  whole  mixture 
is  heated  with  green  fulphate  of  iron  ;  a  copious  precipitate  of  me~ 
•t.dlic  powder  is  formed,  which  is  with  diihculty  fufible  into  a  but- 
ton, which  readily  melts  when  fulphur  is  added,  is  ibluble  in  nitric 
acid,  has  a  fpecihc  gravity  of  1 1.2,  and  is  entirely  ilmilar  to  pal- 
ladium. This  alloy  contains  about  one  part  of  mercury  and  two 
of  platina. 

If  in  this  experiment  there  be  fiibftituted  for  fulphate  of  iron, 
either  iron,  zinc,  or  phofphate  of  ammonia,  no  palladium  is  pro- 
duced \  )K)r  can  platina  and  mei»jury  be  united  fo  as  to  form  pal- 
ladium, either  by  direct  trituration  anil  digefllon,  or  by  mixture 
of  their  Solutions  in  acids,  or  by  expofing  the  two  bodies  toge- 
ther to  vioknt  degrees  of  heat,  or  by  palling  the  vapours  of  the 
one  over  the  other  iu  a  llate  of  intenfe  fuiion,  or  by  exhibiting- 
tlie  metals  to  each  other  under  the  atfion  of  tlie  moll  powerful 
galvanic  pile.  By  two  m.ethods  befides  the  one  firft  afcertained, 
palladium  ma^r  be  formed;  Sulphurated  hydrogen. gas  may  be 
palled  through  the  mixed  folution  of  platina  and  mercury  •,  or  the 
precipitate  of  platina  by  amnionia,  from  its  folution  iu  nitro- 
mvu-iatic  acid,  may  be  triturated  with  mercury,  and  then  expoSecl 
to  a  \dolent  heat.  The  SucceSs  of  both  thcSe  methods,  however, 
is  extremely  uncertain;  and  the  union  of  the  metals  in  every  way^ 
<^xcept  the  proceSs  of  reduction  by  Sulphate  of  iron,  feems  to  de- 
pend upon  fo  great  a  number  of  unknown  circumflances,  that  the 
'Operation  may  fairly  be  conSidered  as  one  of  the  molt  capricious 

Li  'x  ill 


l66     Chencvix,  on  the  Cheinical  Proper  ties  of  Palladium.      April 

in  chcmiflry.  We  are,  lioM'ever,  warranted  in  concluding,  that 
various  alloys  of  mercury  and  platina  may  be  formed,  which  do 
not  poflefs  the  diftinguifhing  properties  of  palladium.  To  unite 
the  two  metals  fo  as  to  increafe  the  fufibility  and  diminilh  the 
fpecific  gravity  of  the  platina,  is  by  no  means  diihcult :  But  the 
compound  does  not  acquire  the  chara6leriftic  cjualities  of  palla- 
diuiTi  until  a  much  greater  proportion  of  the  mercury  has  been 
combined  j  and  its  folubility  in  nitric  acid  only  takes  place  when 
the  fpecific  gravity  has  been  reduced  to  12  or  i2.c;. 

III.  It  is  fingular  with  what  force  the  component  parts  of 
palladium  are  united,  notwithftanding  their  repugnance  to  enter 
into  combination.  All  the  experiments  which  our  author  made 
with  a  view  to  analyfe  this  fubdance,  completely  failed.  He 
tried  the  converfe  of  all  his  fynthetical  operatiotis  without  ef- 
fe£f.  He  expofcd  palladium  to  a  violent  heat  ;  fubjefled  it  to 
cupellation  \  burnt  it  both  in  oxygen  gas  and  by  means  of  the 
galvanic  pile,  without  the  flighteft  tendency  to  feparation  being 
evinced  by  the  component  parts.  When  it  was  burnt,  a  thick 
white  fmoke  arofe,  which,  on  being  colleiled,  was  found  to 
confift  of  palladium,  entirely  unafl'cfted  by  the  operation.  Thefe 
experiments  were  tried  not  only  upon  the  fpecimens  expofed  to 
fale,  but  upon  the  fubllance  produced  by  our  author's  experi- 
ments ;  and,  what  is  not  a  little  remarkable,  it  wau  found  as 
impolhble  to  decompofe  the  imperfect  kind  of  palladium,  formed 
by  a  flight  union  of  platina  and  mercury,  as  to  feparatc  thefe 
two  metals,  from  the  union  of  which  tliey  are  fufceptible  in  the 
largell  proportions. 

Mr  Chenevix  concludes  his  paper  with  fome  experiments  upon 
the  mutual  aOinitles  of  metals,  and  the  affinities  of  platina  with 
acids.  The  former  clafs  of  e\*;)eriments  is  not  very  interefl.- 
ing  :  in  the  latter,  it  is  afcertained  that  fulphuric  acid  has  a 
Itrongcr  affmity  for  platina.  than  muriatic  acid  ;  from  whence 
our  author  infers,  that  the  opinion  is  fallacious  which  accounts 
for  the  folution  of  platina  in  nitro-muriatic  acid,  upon  the  fup- 
pofition  tkat  the  muriatic  acid  afiilis  the  procefs  in  the  fame 
manner  as  fulphuric  acid  aids  the  decompofuion  of  water  by 
iron.  One  argument,  which  he  emits  to  adduce  on  this  point, 
may  be  drawn  from  the  opinion  now  univerfally  entertained  by 
the  beft  chemifis,  that,  in  the  nitro-rouri^tic  acid,  neither  of  the 
com.pijnent  acids  exiils  entire,  as  the  fulphuric  acid  exifts  in  its 
mixture  with  water;  but  that,  in  fa£l,  a  nev/  acid,  with  a  fepa- 
raie  radical,  is  formed  by  the  combination  of  the  other  xwo. 

ISlr  Clifnevix  has  in  this,  as  in  all  his  other  pnpers,  needitfsly 
t-vpofed  him.felt  to  criticiim,  both  by  the  atFeitation  of  his  no- 
menclature, and  by  the  introduclion  of  general  rciietlions  ;  a  de- 
partment 


,1803.      Chencvli,  en  the  Chemical  "Properties  of  PaVUidiam,      .167 

partment  of  writing  in  which  he  does  not  very  e«iinentlyexct].  W« 
are  at  a  lofs  to  perceive  the  necefTity  of  rejeclit)^  the  xt\vci'iox-';g'enate 
and  oxidate,  for  oxygcjitze  znd  oxidize,  with  their  clunii'"y  derivatives^ 
cxvgeuizeme/it  and  oxidizemetit.  Coneaitrate  (for  <:oncenti-aicd)  we 
are  inclined  to  rank  among  errors  in  grammar,  rather  than  neo^ 
Jogifms.  Solidification  is  a  word  which  we  apprehend  owes  its 
being  to  Mr  Chenevix  \  and  it  is  rather  unaccount^ible  how  fo 
fcrupulous  a  nomenclitor  iliould  retain  the  old  barbarous  term 
dnnahar.  We  are  happy  to  obferve,  however,  that  he  has  over- 
come his  antipathy  to  the  term  oxide,  founded,  if  we  rightly  re- 
inember,  on  the  notion  that  this  word  is  apt  to  be  confounded 
with  ox-hide.  And,  whatever  objections  our  author's  fcientific 
phrafeology  may  be  liable  to,  we  would  infinitely  rather  have 
him  coin  as  many  new  words,  or  revive  as  many  obfolete  ones 
as  he  pleafes,  than  continue  his  forjner  practice  of  ftopping  per- 
petually to  introduce  a  differtation  upon  the  propriety  of  his 
language. 

With  refpeft  to  his  genera!  obfervations,  the  following  extra6t 
may  perhaps  juftify  our  inability  to  applaud  his  talent  for  this 
fpecies  of  writing. 

*  If  a  theory  is  fometimes  ufcful  as  a  ftandard  to  which  we  may  re- 
fer our  knowledge,  it  is  at  other  times  prejudicial,  by  creating  an  at- 
tachment in  our  minds  to  preconceived  ideas,  which  have  been  admit- 
ted, without  inquiring  whether  from  truth  or  from  convenience.  We 
eafily  corre<3:  our  judgement  as  to  fafts  ;  and  the  evidence  of  experiment 
is  equally  convincing  to  all  perfons.  But  theories  not  admitting  of  ma- 
thematical demonftration,  and  being  but  the  interpretation  of  a  feries 
of  fa6ls,  are  the  creatures  of  opinion,  and  are  governed  by  the  various 
imprcflions  made  upon  every  individual.  Nature  laughs  at  our  fpecu- 
lations  ;  and  though  from  time  to  time  we  receive  fuch  warnings  as 
jfhould  awaken  us  to  a  due  fenfe  of  our  limited  knowledge,  we  are  pre- 
fented  v^'ith  an  ample  compenfation  in  the  extenfion  of  our  views,  and  a 
nearer  approach  to  immutable  truth.*     p.  317. 

The  two  mod  remarkable  circumftances  in  the  conftitution 
of  palladium,  for  the  knowledge  of  which  the  fcientific  world 
is  indebted  to  Mr  Chenevix,  are  the  peculiarity  of  the  properties 
that  diilinguifli  it  from  every  other  metal,  and  the  impolTibility 
of  decompounding  it  by  any  known  procefs.  He  has  infifted  a 
good  deal  upon  the  fingularity  of  its  qualities  differing  fo  wide- 
ly from  thofe  of  mercury  and  platina  ;  but  we  acknowledge  our- 
felves  unable  to  perceive  any  thing  peculiar  in  this  difi^erence. 
It  is  one  of  the  moft  general  laws  of  elective  attra£lion,  that 
the  compound  body  poflefles  properties  entirely  different  from 
the  ingredients  by  the  union  of  which  it  is  formed.  Nothing 
furely  can  lefs  refemble  fulphuric  acid,  than  fulphate  of  foda  ; 
nor   can  any  bodies  exhibit  lefs  fimilarity  than  water  or  fteam, 

\^  4  and 


l58      Chenevix,  on  the  Chemical  Properties  of  Palladium.      April 

and  the  two  gafes  which  compofe  it.  The  efFe£ls  produced  by 
a  variation  in  the  proportions  of  the  conilituent  parts  of  palla- 
dium, are  not  to  be  compared  M'ith  the  changes  produced  by 
varying  the  proportions  of  the  two  gafes  which  compofe  the  at- 
mofphere  :  no  amalgam  or  alloy  of  mercury  and  platina  differs 
fo  effentially  from  palladium  as  atmofpherical  air  ditTers  from 
nitrous  gas  and  nitric  acid.  The  conltitution  of  the  vegetable 
oils  and  alcohol,  and  of  the  different  vegetable  acids,  affords 
various  other  inllances  of  a  m.uch  greater  dillimilarity  between 
compound  bodies  and  their  component  parts,  and  of  a  much 
greater  diverfity  produced  by  changing  the  relative  proportions 
of  the  ingredients,  than  any  which  the  experiments  of  Mr  Che- 
nevix have  exhibited  in  the  cafe  of  the  metals. 

We  muft  therefore  confine  our  acknowledgement  of  the  im- 
portance of  thefe  experiments  to  the  circumllance  of  a  metallic 
fubftance  being  prefented  by  them,  entirely  different  from,  every 
other  •,  and  though  evidently  a  compound,  yet  incapuble  of  di- 
redl  analyfis  by  any  known  proccfs.  The  indifputabic  certainty 
of  this  faft  may  teach  us  to  regard  with  lefs  contempt  the  great 
objefl  of  the  earlier  chemical  expeiimentaliils  ;  and,  without  di- 
minifliing  our  juft  reprobation  of  the  unphilofophicai  fpirit  in 
which  their  inquiries  were  condnfted,  may  incline  us  to  believe 
in  the  poffibility  of  thofe  tranfmutations,  the  purfuit  of  which  ha.v 
covered  with  ridicule  every  thing  that  bears  the  name  of  al- 
chemy. 


I 


Art.  XII.  D'tfcourfcs  on  Theological  and  Literary  Std/cfls  :  By  the  late 
Rev.  Archibald  Arthur,  M.  A.  Profcffor  of  Moral  Philofnpljy  in  the 
Univerfity  of  Glafgow.  IFifh  an  yiccotait  of  fome  Pa'-ticulars  in  his 
Life  and  Chara&er  :  By  William  Ricliardfori,  M.  A.  ProfcfFor  of 
Humanity  in  the  Univerfity  of  Glafgow.  Glaf^ow,  at  the  Univerfity 
Prefs:  Printed  by  J.  Si  J.  Scrimgeour.  Loiignnan  &  llees,  London. 
1803. 

N  an  advertifement  prefixed  to  this  work,  we  are  informed  hy 
the  learned  editor,  that  the  '  following  Dlfcourfes  were  not 
intended  by  their  author  to  be  publiflied  as  they  now  appear. 
With  the  exception  of  three  or  four,  none  of  them  ever  feeni 
to  have  been  written  over  by  him  twice.  The  liberty  taken  ia 
offering  them  to  the  public,  was  from  the  wifn  entertained  by 
his  near  relations,  of  preferving  and  doing  honour  to  his  me- 
mory 5  which  they  thought  could  be  done,  even  though  the 
works  to  be  publiflied  were  as  imperfe^l  as  has  now  been  men- 
tioned. '  Such  an  intimation  as  this  would  neceffarily  preclude 
much  cf  the  feyerity  of  criticifnij  eve;a  if  ^h?  Difcourfes  t p  which 
"     ■  '  '  it 


1804.  ProfeJJbr  hxihnx^s  Difmtrfes.  t6^ 

it  relates  were  renlly  lefs  vaUmble  than  we  have  found  them; 
but  as  maijy  of  them  poirefs  confiderable  merit,  we  are  fenfible 
of  the  benefit  which  his  relations  and  the  editor  have  conferred 
on  the  public  by  printinjj  them,  fuch  as  they  are.  Before  pro- 
ceeding to  the  work  iifelf,  we  (hall  notice  a  few  particulars  in 
the  account  of  the  author's  lite  and  character,  which  the  editor 
has  fubjoined  in  the  form  of  an  Appendix. 

'  His  father  (we  are  informed)  was  a  conliderabl-  farmer  in  Renfrew- 
fiijre  ;  and  his  parents,  being  pe:fons  of  great  worth,  and  havinjr  Inch  a 
conriderable  degree  of  knowledge  as  is  not  unufiial  among  refpe<liable 
farmers  in  Scotland,  were  capable,  while  teaching  their  foti  to  read 
Englifh,  of  imparting  to  him  other  ufefiii  information  ;  and  of  awaken- 
ing in  the  tender  mind  of  the  child,  thofe  affcftions,  and  that  fenfe  of 
duty,  which  might  afterwards  be  required  of  him  in  diicharging  the  im- 
portant functions  of  manhood.  '     p,  493.  494. 

After  pr.ili'ag  fome  years  at  a  gramtmar  fchool  in  Paifley,  he 
was  removed,  in  his  fourteenth  year,  to  the  Univerfity  of  Glaf- 
gow ;  th<i  fcene  of  his  future  labours.  Here  his  abilities  foon 
attrat'vted  the  notice  of  Mr  Moorhead  and  Dr  Moor,  the  teachers 
of  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages  at  that  time;  *  men  (fays  Mr 
Richardfon)  not  more  eminent  for  their  talle  and  erudition, 
than  for  their  goodnefs  of  heart  and  attachment  to  early  me- 
rit. '  As  he  made  choice  of  the  clerical  profeiTion,  (we  are  told) 
that  *  he  applied  with  great  diligence  to  that  courfe  of  philo- 
fophical  iludy  which  is  held  neceilary  to  the  knowledge  o£ 
theology,  and  the  duties  of  a  clergyman.'  This  we  certainly 
find  no  difficulty  in  believing  ;  but  we  muft  fufpeft  the  partiality 
.of  friendihip,  when  INlr  Richardfon  proceeds  to  transform  Mr 
Arthur  into  a  kind  of  Sir  Ifaac  Newton,  telling  us  that  the 

— '  capacity  of  his  mind  enlarging  itfelf  in  the  courfe  of  intdle«flual 
exertion,  became  fo  great,  that  in  his  riptr  years  no  difcovery  in  fcience 
was  too  cxtciifive,  or  too  vaft  for  his  compreht'oGon.  Along  v/ith  this, 
his  habits  of  profound  and  accurate  thinking  difcovered  themfelvcs  by 
the  furprifing  facility  with  which  he  was  able  to  apprehend  the  moll 
abftrufe  and  difficult  fubjefts  of  philofophical  and  abilradl  inquiry.  Nor 
was  there  any  difquifition  fo  intricate,  as  that  his  acutenefs  and  perfpi- 
cuity  could  not  unravel  and  unfold  its  perplexities.  Nor  were  hi?;  talents 
for  extenhvc  comprehenfion,  and  the  ready  conception  of  fcientific  know- 
ledge, confined  to  any  one  department.  '     p.  497.  498. 

The  fa6l  which  follows  this  fplendid  encomium  is,  however, 
a  proof  that  he  was  a  man  of  uncommon  and  various  acquire- 
ments: *  Both  before  and  after  his  appointment  to  a  profelTor- 
Ihip,  he  lectured,  when  occafion  required,  in  logic,  botany,  and 
humanity  ;  '  and,  '  during  the  ncceiiary  ribfence  of  the  Profeflbv 
of  Church  Hiftory,  he  lectured  for  a  whole  rcffion  of  Coliewe,  iu 
|hat  depnrtmentj, '  with  very  great  reputation, 

Sooti 


170  pyofcffcr  Atth^x'c'sDifcourfes.  April 

;  Soon  after  obtaining  his  licenfe  from  the  Prefbytery,  he  was 
appointed  chaplain  to  the  Univerfity  of  Glafgow,  and  was  much 
efteemed  as  a  preacher.  He  became  likeuife  librarian  to  the 
Univerfity,  and  gave  general  fatisfadtion  to  that  learned  body, 
by  making  a  moi't  diftincl  catalogue  of  the  books  contained  in 
the  college  library.  His  merit  as  a  preacher  had  already  ob- 
tained for  him  an  additional  appointment,  in  being  made  aftiftant 
to  Dr  Craig,  a  clergyman  of  great  eminence  in  Glafgow  ;  and 
he  was  foon  about  to  receive  a  ftill  more  confpicuous  mark  of 
the  value  in  which  big  attainments  were  held  by  men  of  difcern- 
irient,  in  being  recommended  by  Dr  Reid  to  the  Univerfity  as  a 
fit  perfon  to  affift  and  fucceed  him  in  the  honourable  capacity  of 
Profeflbr  of  Moral  Philofophy.  While  he  was  yet  but  little  known 
to  that  judicious  philofopher,  he  preached  a  fermon  in  his  hearing, 
of  fo  much  merit,  that,  at  the  conclufion,  Dr  Reid  whifpered  to 
one  of  his  brethren,  *  This  is  a  very  fenfiblc  fellow,  and,  in 
my  opinion,  would  make  a  good  profefibr  of  morals. '  Dr  Reid 
lived  fifteen  years  after  Mr  Arthur  was  nominated  to  this  ?.p- 
jiointment ;  and  the  latter  enjoyed  it  only  one  year  after  the 
death  of  the  former.  Some  fpecimens  of  his  ability  as  a  profefibr 
are  now  given  to  the  public  in  the  firft  part  of  the  following 
Difcourfes. 

In  his  moral  charadler,  Mr  Arthur  appears  to  have  been 
amiable  and  benevolent,  fleady  in  his  purpofes,  and  friendly  to 
the  good  order  and  peace  of  fociety.  His  greateft  peculiarity 
was 

— *  an  Invincible  baflifulnefs,  of  which  the  habit  continued  to  clog  his 
Rianner,  or  Impede  his  exertions,  during  the  whole  courfe  of  his  life  ; 
and  which  contributed,  perhaps,  to  promote,  or  to  confirm  a  flight,  but 
ungainly  hcfitation  in  his  fpeech  ;  from  which  he  was  never,  but  very 
feldom,  or  occafionally  releafcd.  On  fome  occafions,  however,  when  he 
arrived  at  manhood,  and  in  the  after  conrfe  of  his  life,  he  experienced 
fuch  releafe.  There  were  luminous  moments,  which  his  friends  can 
never  forget,  when  the  eafe  of  intimacy,  and  the  hilarity  of  focI.il 
enjoyment,  unbarred  his  utterance,  and  gave  vent  to  a  torrent  of  moft 
jmpredive  elocution,  rich  in  fcience,  abounding  with  information,  and 
flowing  in  a  llream  of  corrcft,  yet  fpirited  diftion  ;  of  which  the  effed 
feemed  to  be  fo  much  the  more  powerful,  that  its  commencements  were 
fo  reluctant.  '     p.  494.  495. 

He  died  In  1797.  And  here  mod  biographers  would  have 
ftopped  ;  but  ihc  learned  Profefibr  has  made  an  effort  to  afto- 
nifti  us,  by  concluding  his  narrative  with  a  laboured  and  pue- 
rile imitation  of  that  fplendid  palTage  in  Tacitus's  Life  of  Agri- 
cola,  in  wliich  the  Roman  hiltorian  expreffes  his  aflurance  that 
Agricola,  though  dead,  ftill  enjoys  a  perpetuity  of  exiftence 
and    of    happinefs^     We   certainly   are    not   at   all   inclined   to 

doubt 


2  8c4"  Profe/for  Arthur'/  D'tfcourfes.  171 

doubt  that  Mr  Arthur  has  received  tiie  reward  of  lils  virtues; 
but  we  cannot  help  thinking  that  the  learned  biographer  has 
thrown  a  degree  of  ridicule  both  upon  fiis  friend,  and  on  a  very 
important  do6lrine,  by  his  affedled  and  ftraincd  manner  of  ex- 
prefling  himfelf  on  the  fubje6l.  For  inftance,  he  mult  quote 
Milton,  and  tell  us,  that  •  funk  thoujih  he  be — fo  finks  the 
day-ftar  in  the  ocean-bed,'  &c.  If  Mr  Richardfon  t'link  it 
ablblutely  necelTary  to  quote  poetry,  and  to  turn  Jiis  friend  into 
a  flar,  we  would  recommend  a  line  of  Virgil  as  conliderably 
more  appropriate — 

*  Arcturum,  pluvlafque  Hyadas,  geminofqne  Triones.  ' 

It  will  be  a  relief  to  our  readers  to  turn  from  this  inftance  of 
falfcttOy  to  the  found  and  plain  fenfe  difplayed  in  Mr  Arthur's 
own  compofitions.  He  is  very  far  from  ever  being  perverfely  or 
abfurdly  eloquent ;  and,  indeed,  if  tlv^re  be  any  defc6t  in  his 
ftyle,  it  is,  that  his  fimplicity  approaches  to  tamenefs. 

The  Difcourfes  are  divided  into  two  parts ;  the  firll  of  which 
comprehends  Theological,  and  the  fecond  Literary  Difcourfes. 
The  {xx'k  are  a  fpecimen  of  Mr  Arthur's  Le£lures ;  the  fecond 
were  chiefiy  read  in  a  literary  fociety  of  wnicli  he  was  a  mem- 
ber. The  fubje6ls  of  the  Theological  Difcourfes  are  as  follows : 
I.  On  the  argument  for  the  exiilence  of  God,  from  the  ap* 
pearances  of  dengn  in  the  univerfe :  2-  Obfervations  by  Mr 
Hume,  on  the  exiftence  of  God,  confidered  :  3.  The  goodnefs 
of  God  defended  from  the  obje£lions  of  Mr  Hume  :  4.  On  the 
juftice  and  moral  government  of  God  :  5.  Of  evils  and  their 
caufes,  and  of  the  fyftcms  refpefling  them. 

It  cannot  be  fuppofed  that  we  Ihould  enter  into  a  minute 
analyfis  of  the  different  reafonings  contained  in  thefe  Difcourfes. 
The  fubjeft  precludes  any  thing  like  novelty;  and  very  probably 
all  the  reafonings  which  Mr  Arthur  has  advanced  on  thefe  firft 
principles  of  religion  may  be  found  in  the  v/ritings  of  thofc 
diftinguiflied  men  who  preceded  him  in  the  fame  v/aik.  We  may 
however  affirm,  that  he  has  always  treated  his  fubje6l  with  preci- 
fion  and  clearnefs ;  and  is  both  very  candid  to  the  acute  adverfary 
whom  he  oppofes,  and  very  fuccefsful  in  wielding  thofe  weapons 
whicli  Dr  Reid  had  put  into  his  hands.  In  the  firfb  Difcourfe, 
for  inftance,  after  Hating,  as  is  commonly  done,  the  evident 
marks  of  defign  in  the  univerfe,  he  places  upon  its  true  founda- 
tion the  inference  which  we  draw,  that  thefe  muft  necellarily 
have  been  produced  by  intelligence  or  a  defigning  caufe. 

'  Thefe  judgements  which  we  form  concerning  Caufes,  from  obfervio'S" 
their  Effects,  mult  be  founded  upon  an  original  principle  in  our  confti- 
lution.  They  are  univerfal,  and  yet  nobody  affigns  a  reafon  for  them. 
They  are  evidently  not  conchifions  from  rcafoning.     It  is  impoflible   to 

point 


172  ProfeJJor   ArthurV  Dlfcourfes.  April 

point  out  any  intermediate  fteps  by  which  they  are  proved  ;  and  nobody 
has  attempted  it.  No  man  can  give  any  argument  by  which  it  can  be 
(hewn,  that  a  mathematical  figure  muft  be  the  work  of  an  intelh'gent 
being,  and  could  not  be  the  work  of  a  fowl  or  of  a  quadruped.  We 
judge  indeed  in  this  manner,  but  we  can  affign  no  reafon  for  our  judge- 
ment, any  more  than  we  can  affign  any  reafon  why  we  judge  that  two 
and  two  make  four.  Neither  did  we  learn  to  judge  in  this  manner  by 
experience.  From  experience  we  can  acquire  knowledge  only  concern- 
ing contingent  truth  or  matters  of  faft,  which  '^ay  be,  or  may  not  be, 
without  any  abfurdity.  We  can  never  learn  from  experience  any  know- 
ledge concerning  neceffary  truths  which  muft  be,  and  which  it  involves 
"  an  abfurdity  to  fuppofe  not  to  be.  We  may  learn  from  experience,  that 
bodies  gravitate.  This  is  not  a  neceffary  tnjth  ;  it  is  only  contingent, 
and  depends  on  the  will  of  the  Creator ;  and  if  He  had  pleafed,  body 
might  have  had  oppofite  properties,  or  might  not  have  exilled.  But 
we  cannot  learn  from  experience,  that  the  whole  is  equal  to  all  its  parts. 
This  is  a  neceffary  truth,  and  neceffarily  flows  from  the  notions  we  have 
of  a  whole  and  of  its  parts.  It  muft  be  true  ;  and  it  is  impoflible, 
and  involves  abfurdity,  to  think  otherwife.  Now,  our  judgements  con- 
cerning the  connexion  of  effedls  and  caufes,  are  judgements  concerning 
neceffary  truths.  We  do  not  judge  that  the  connexion  may  take  place, 
but  that  it  mtijl  take  place.  Thefe  judgements,  therefore,  are  of  fuch  a 
nature,  as  experience  cannot  fuggeft.  '     p.  15-17. 

The  principles  ftated  in  this  quotation  are  afterwards  applied 
very  fuccefsfully  to  the  confutation  of  Mr  Hume  ;  and  although 
■we  refrain  from  entering  more  minutely  into  this  fpeculation, 
we  will  not  hefitate  to  recommend  to  the  attention  of  our 
readers,  particularly  thofe  who  may  have  been  perplexed  by  IVIr 
Hume's  ingenuity,  thefe  Difcourfes  of  T\Ir  Arthur,  who  has  col- 
le6led  into  one  point  of  view  all  the  fcattered  reafonings  of  Dr 
Reid  on  the  fubje(£l,  and  illuftrated  every  pofition  with  familiar 
and  ftriking  iniiances. 

In  the  third  Difcourfe,  he  defends  the  goodnefs  of  the  Deity 
from  the  obje£lions  of  the  fame  able  and  fagacious  difputant. 
He  begins  with  ftating,  that  the  chief  obje£lions  to  the  goodnefs 
of  God  arife  from  exaggerated  and  gloomy  pictures  of  human 
mifery.  That  fuch  views  are  far  from  being  correcl,  he  proves 
from  feveral  confiderations.  The  following  obfervations,  we  think 
well  worthy  attention. 

'  If  we  were  to  refer  the  matter  to  every  man's  determination,  and  if 
every  man  were  to  declare  honeftly  what  he  had  felt,  the  determination  of 
the  queftion,  with  refpeft  to  human  happinefs,  might  be  reduced  to  a  very 
{larrow  compafs.  There  is  no  man  who  has  not  fpent  many  more  days 
pf  happinefs  than  of  mifery.  Confider  the  fituation  of  the  generality 
of  mankind,  and  think  what  can  be  added  to  their  felicity.  Almoft  the 
whole  pf  them  wi.fli  fpr  fomething  uiore  than  they  have..    This  is  a  fpqr 

%9 


l8o4.  Prrfejfor  Arthur^  Dlfcoiirjis^  f  73| 

to  their  exertion.  But  what  they  have  in  view  is  generally  a  trifie,  In 
comparifon  of  what  they  already  actually  poflefs.  If  a  man  be  provided 
with  the  necefTaries  of  hfe,  or  be  able  to  provide  them  by  his  labour  ; 
if  he  enjoy  tolerable  health,  and  be  confcioua  of  no  crime;  be  can  hardly 
feel  much  uneafinefs,  unlefs  he  be  haunted  by  fomc  of  thofe  phantoms  of 
the  imagination  which  men  fometimes  raife  to  difturb  their  own  repofe.  ^ 
p.  65.  66. 

The  limitation  of  bis  dodrine  in  the  following  pafTage  is  ftated, 
we  think,  with  great  candour  and  moderation. 

•  If  God  had  fo  pleafed,  he  could  undoubtedly  have  renJered  every 
being,  he  has  formed  completely  happy.  He  could  have  made  them 
incapable  even  of  rendering  themfelves  miferable  ;  He  could  have  made 
them  necelFary,  inftead  of  voluntary  agents ;  and  compclkd  them  to  aft 
in  the  way  that  would  infallibly  have  produced  felicity ;  or  he  might 
have  contrived  things  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  they  mud  have  been  happy 
in  whatever  way  they  afted.  He  has  not  ordered  matters  in  any  fuclii, 
way  J  and  therefore  we  may  be  fure  that  he  never  intended  to  do  fo. 
Every  thing  is  fo  conduced,  that  his  creatures  arife  to  greater  and 
greater  degrees  of  happinefs,  in  confeqnence  of  their  own  exertion,  and 
in  confequence  of  the  improvement  which,  by  his  appointment,  follows 
from  their  exertions,  The  more  wife  and  the  more  virtuous  they 
become,  the  more  happy  they  are  of  confequence.  It  is  evident,  there- 
fore, though  the  Deity  intended  to  communicate  happinefs,  and  has 
done  fo  in  the  moil  liberal  manner,  yet  this  was  not  the  only  end  which 
he  had  in  view.  His  beneficence  muft  be  coufidered  as  connefted  with 
the  other  active  principles  of  his  nature.  He  intended  to  make  man 
happy  ;  but  it  was  in  a  particular  manner,  which  he  knew  would  at  laft 
contribute  to  the  greatett  general  felicity  of  the  fpecies.  If  we  fuppofe 
benevolence,  or  the  dlfpofition  to  confer  immediate  or  unqualified  hap- 
pinefs, to  be  the  only  principle  of  aftion  in  the  Divine  Mind,  we  can 
fee  no  reafon  why  there  (hould  be  evil  of  any  kind  in  the  world  at  all ; 
fmce,  undoubtedly,  his  wildom  was  fufficient  to  forefee  it,  and  his  power 
to  prevent  it.  But  fmce  there  is  much  more  happinefd  than  mifery 
in  the  world,  we  have  fufScient  reafon  to  conclude  that  he  afted  from 
benevolence.  The  prefumption  arifing  from  this  coniideration  evidently 
is,  that  he  muft  have  alfo  had  other  principles  of  a6lion  befides  benevo- 
lenccr ;  but  whether  fubfetvient  to  it,  upon  the  whole,  or  not,  is  not  the 
prefent  queftion.  '      p.  82.  83. 

To  Mr  Hume's  ingenious  argument  againft  afcribing  any  higher 
degree  of  goodnefs  to  the  Deity  than  is  difplayed  in  his  works, 
Mr  Arthur  alfo  makes  a  very  fatisfadlory  anfwer  in  the  latter  part 
of  this  difcourfe. 

In  the  fourth  difcourfe,  on  the  juftice  and  moral  government  of 
God,  we  meet  with  fome  very  elegant  obfervations  on  the  punifh- 
ment  which  vice  neceffarily  carries  along  with  it. 

The  remarks  on  a  future  ftate,  with  which  the  difcourfe  con- 
cludes, appear  to  us  to  place  tli'?  resifonablenefs  of  that  do6lrine 
in  a  very  Itriking  light. 

*  The 


174  Profejjor  Arthur'/  Difcourfes^  April 

*  The  prefent  plan  of  the  Divine  Government  renders  this  expefta- 
tion  more  ihong  and  better  founded,  than  it  would  have  been  upon  any 
other  fuppofition.  If  there  had  been  no  tendency  in  virtue  to  produce 
happincf?,  nor  in  vice  to  produce  mifery  at  prefent,  we  could  not  have 
had  any  certainty  that  there  is  a  moral  adminiftration  eftablifhed  ;  and 
from  obfcrving  the  prefent  conrfe  of  things,  and  feeing  that  virtue  and 
happinefs  were  pesfetlly  difanlted,  we  would  have  been  apt,  from  anar 
logy,  to  conclude,  that  they  would  always  be  difunited,  and  that  there 
'  would  be  no  [late  of  retribution.  Perceiving  no  reafon  to  believe  that 
God  isjuft,  we  could  not,  on  fuch  a  fuppofstion,  be  led  to  conclude, 
that  he  would  fome  time  or  other  aft  as  a  jull  and  impartial  judge.  If, 
on  the  contrary,  virtue  had  been  always  fully  and  invariably  rewarded 
in  this  (late  of  things,  and  vice,  in  like  manner,  fully  and  invariably 
punilhed  ;  if  happinefs  and  virtue,  vice  and  mifery,  had  been  uniformly 
united,  and  never  been  feparated  ;  we  might  have  been  much  more  un- 
certain of  a  future  (late,  than  we  are  at  prefent.  Such  a  Hate  would 
be  a  perfeft  Hate,  and  we  could  perceive  no  end  that  could  be  ferved  by 
any  alteration  in  it.  If  men,  therefore,  died  under  fuch  a  difpenfation  ; 
or,  in  other  words,  went  out  of  that  ftate  ;  we  might  be  apt  to  think 
they  had  fully  received  their  reward,  and  were  never  more  to  exift. 

<  There  is,  however,  another  view  of  the  matter,  even  upon  this  fup- 
pofition, that  would  Hill  leave  the  queftion  in  fufpenfe  ;  for  if  God  be 
good  and  juil,  it  cannot  be  believed,  that  he  would  exterminate  from 
exillence,  thofe  whom  he  had  already  countenanced  and  rewarded  :  And 
therefore,  if  he  took,  them  away  from  their  prefent  condition,  it  mull 
be  to  anfvvrrfome  good  ends  to  them  ;  and  fince  they  were  happy  here, 
the  only  end  he  could  have  in  view,  would  be  to  render  them  Hill  hap- 
pier in  another  Hate.  The  government,  however,  that  is  in  faft  eHa- 
bliPncd,  in  which  we  fee  clear  and  maniftft  marks  of  a  moral  adminiHra- 
tion  of  juflice  and  equity,  but  intermixed  with  certain  irregularities  and 
exceptions,  furnifaes  ue  with  an  argument  in  favour  of  a  future  Hate  of 
cxiHence,  mnch  more  convincing  than  any  that  could  be  fuggeHed  by 
an  adminiftration  apparently  more  perteft  and  impartial.  It  leads  us  to 
confider  ourfclves  as  only  in  the  beginning  of  onr  exiftence,  in  a  Hate 
of  trial  and  of  difcipline  ;  and  it  neceHarily  direfts  our  views  to  another, 
connefted  with  and  founded  upon  it,  which  will  be  a  Hate  of  final  re- 
tribution. '     p.  125.   126. 

We  have  already  given  fo  many  quotations  from  thcfe  difcourfes, 
that  we  are  afraid  to  enter  on  the  next,  *  of  evils  and  their  caufes, 
and  of  the  fyPcems  refpecling  them, '  left  we  fhould  be  tempted  to 
fwell  this  article  greatly  beyond  its  proper  bounds,  We  (hall 
therefore  leave  the  depths  of  theology,  with  once  more  affuring 
our  readers,  that  if  they  are  inclined  to  venture  into  thefe  arduous 
paths,  they  cannot  eafily  intruft  themfclves  to  the  conduct  of  a 
I'aier  or  more  intelligent  guide  than  Mr  Arthur. 

Mr  Arthur's  liril  diicourfe,  in  the  fecond  part  of  the  v/ork,  is 
*  on  qualities  of  inanimate  objects,  which  excite  agreeable  fenfa- 
tions. '    He  obfcrves  that  there  are  varieties  in  tUeie  fenfations.    • 

«  A 


1804.  'ProfclJar  Kx\hm^s  Difcoitrfef,  i*] ^ 

*  A  gentle  flowing  rivulet,  and  an  impetuous  torrent,  do  not  affefh 
us  in  the  fame  manner.  The  mind  is  difpofed  to  tranquifh'cy  by  the 
one,  and  roufed  and  agitated  by  the  other.  The  diftind^ion  between 
the  fenfations  occafione  i  by  fublime  and  by  beautiful  objcfts-,  is  unlver- 
faliy  known.  The  charafters  of  thefe  fentiments  are  exceedingly  dif- 
ferent. The  fenfrtion  of  beauty  is  gay  and  enlivening.  The  fenfation 
of  fublimity  is  folemn  and  elevating.  '      p.  184.   t8j. 

The  fentiments  of  men,  however,  are  not  always  uniforiTi,  in 
thefe  refpedls  :  Some  men  have  emotions  of  fublimity  and  beauty, 
from  perceptions  which  do  not  occalion  thefe  feelings  in  others  ; 
but  notwithitanding  fuch  diverfities,  there  is  a  regularity  in  thefe 
fentiments,  on  tlie  whole,  which  is  a  proof  that  they  are  not 
founded  on  caprice. 

'  When  men  are  placed  in  fituatlons  in  which  their  pallions  are  alto- 
gether unintertfled,  they  difcover  little  variety  in  their  judgments  con- 
cerning beauty  and  fublimity.  The  rainbow  and  the  morning  Hey  have' 
called  forth  the  fame  fenfations  in  all  ages  :  The  parterre  of  modern  times 
•exhibits  the  fame  flowers  that  were  cultivated  by  former  generations  : 
The  forms  of  human  beauty  which  charmed  the  remote  ages  of  antiqui-: 
ty,  tranfmitted  to  future  times  by  the  art  of  the  llatuary,  are  Hill  look- 
ed upon  as  patterns  of  excellence.'     p.  189. 

Mr  Arthur  endeavours  to  point  out,  in  this  difcourfe,  the  cir- 
curnitances  in  the  colour  and  figure  of  external  objects,  which 
occafion  the  fenfation  of  beauty.  Mofh  of  our  readers  are  pror 
bably  acquainted  with  the  elegant  tlieory  of  Mr  Aiifon,  which  ac- 
counts for  all  our  perceptions  of  fublimity  or  beauty  in  inanimate 
objefts,  from  their  habitual  afTociation  v/ith  fome  firaple  ideas  of 
emotion,  and  the  confequent  fuggeftion  of  fomething  interefting 
to  our  felfifh  or  fympathetic  feelings.  This  theory,  which  had 
been  imperfeclly  anticipated  by  thofe  who  refolved  the  impreffions 
of  beauty  into  a  perception  of  utiiiry,  fitnefs,  &c.  had  not  been 
communicated  to  the  public  when  Mr  Arthur  compofed  thefe  dif- 
courfes.  He  accordingly  follows  the  footfleps  of  Hogarth,  Hu- 
chefon  and  Burke,  in  afcribing  the  emotions  produced  by  beauti- 
ful objefts  to  the  diretl  agency  of  their  external  qualities,  and 
applies  himfelf  to  the  enumeration  of  thofe  properties  that  appear 
to  produce  this  efFe6t.  In  his  opinion,  the  circumilances  in  ex- 
ternal objects  which  occafion  the  fenfation  of  beauty,  are  '  infen- 
Cble  connexion '  and  '  quick  fucceflion '  of  fhades  in  colour,  and 
parts  in  figure.  He  illuilrates  this  pofition  from  the  example  of 
the  verdure  of  nature. 

'  It  is  equally  removed  from  the  fiercenefs  of  tlie  red,  and  the  lan- 
guor of  the  violet.  The  furfaces  on  which  it  is  ufually  feen,  are  fmooth 
and  gloffy.  Hence  the  different  lights  exhibit  upon  them,  all  the  ihadejj 
of  this  colour,  from  that  which  approaches  the  blue  to  that  which  joins 
the  yellow,  infeafibly  connefted  with  one  another.     At  the  fame  time, 

uu 


i^fi  Profejfor  ArthurV  Dlfcourfes.  April 

jio  one  {liadc  occupies  (o  large  a  fpace  as  to  be  contemplated  by  Itfelf, 
feparately  from  the  (hades  cotinefted  with  it.  Thefe  two  circumftancea 
of  infenfiblc  connexion,  and  quick  fucctffion  among  the  different  fhadcs, 
feem  to  be  the  caiife  that  this  colour  upon  vegetables  is  fu  highly  agree- 
able, as  all  acknowledge  it  to  be.  By  means  of  the  irffenfible  and  un- 
interrupted connexion  which  fiibfifts  among  the  different  fir.ides,  It  af- 
fumes  the  appearance  of  a  regular  whole,  and  enters  the  mind  with  tiie 
greatcft  facility.  The  qulckncfs  of  the  fuccefiion  occafions  the  gaiety 
of  the  fenfation.  When  the  mind  broods  over  a  fingle  thought,  it  is 
in  a  folemn  ftate  ;  but  when  a  variety  of  ubjecl^,  fo  united  as  not  to 
embarrafs  It,  are  prefented  before  it,  it  is  gay  and  cheerful.  Similar 
cbfervutlons  may  be  made  on  all  the  other  beautiful  colours.  '  p.  i  r;  i  • 
192. 

Similar  obfervations  he  applies  to  figure  ;  and  tliofe  on  Mr  Ho- 
garth's line  of  beauty  appear  to  be  jull  and  ingenious.  He  then 
proceeds  to  fhew,  in  oppofition  to  Mr  Burke,  that  angular  figure.^ 
are  frequently  beautiful,  although  he  admits  that  a  (quare  is  lefs 
beautiful  than  a  circle. 

*  The  parts  of  which  it  u  compofed  are  connefted,  as  belonging  ta 
a  whole  ;  but  they  are  large  and  few,  and  do  not  follow  one  another  m 
quick  fuccelfion.     The  fenlation,  therefore,  has  little  gaiety.  '     p.   195. 

To  render  his  opinions  more  precife,  he  tells  us,  that  forming- 
our  conceptions  of  beauty,  it  is  proper  to  throw  out  of  confider- 
ation  every  thing  except  colour  znd  figure  ;  and  that  though  utiU- 
ty,  or  other  confiderations,  may  render  the  fight  of  an  objedt  agree- 
able or  defirable,  it  is  always  eafy  to  dillinguifli  this  fort  of  affec- 
tion from  that  which  is  produced  dircdly  by  its  beauty.  Beauty, 
he  concludes,  is  not  the  common  name  of  every  thing  which  ex- 
cites agreeable  fenfations  :  *  it  is  a  property  of  colour  and  figure 
alone,  and  belongs  to  nothing  elfe,  in  a  proper  fenfe.  * 

Now,  even  if  we  could  pals  over  the  fundamental  error  of  tliis 
theory,  it  appears  to  us  that  it  is  evidently  liable  to  the  charge  of 
inconfiflency.  Beauty,  according  to  Mr  Arthur's  own  hypothe- 
fis,  is  not  perceived  immediately  by  any  organ  or  faculty  of  the 
mind  ;  it  refults  merely  from  the  excitation  of  lively  and  various 
ideas,  fuggeiled  by  the  rapid  fuccefiion  of  connedled  parts  in  a 
beautiful  objeft  :  but  if  this  be  the  cafe,  every  thing  elfe  that  ex- 
cites a  rapid  and  lively  fucceluon  of  ideas,  fhould  be  denominated 
beautful,  as  well  as  the  alterations  of  colour  and  figure  ;  and  if 
it  be  undeniably  true,  that  many  external  objefts  do  fuggeft  a  va- 
riety of  lively  ideas,  that  have  no  connexion  with  colour  or  form, 
it  feems  altogether  unreafonable  to  deny  that  their  beauty  is  in- 
creafed  or  occafioned  by  thefe  afToclations.  The  beauty  of  any 
objed,  according  to  Mr  Arthttr's  definition  of  it,  confifts  in  its 
power  of  exciting  lively  ideas ;  and  it  is  evident  that  he  has  given 
a  defective  account  of  the  caufes  of  their  beauty,  if  fuch  ideas 

may 


1804.  Profe£or  Axihm^s  Difcourfes.  1^7 

may  be  excited,  as  they  Indubitably  may,  by  other  qualities  than 
rlie  fliape  and  the  colour. 

In  the  two  following  difcourfes,  however,  Mr  Arthur  proceeds 
fo  accommodate  the  theories  of  Mr  Burke  and  Dr  Hutchefon, 
concerning  beauty,  to  his  own  ;  and  he  certainly  points  out,  with 
great  acutenefs,  what  is  erroneous  in  their  opinions  ;  and  fliews 
ijiat,  in  as  far  as  they  are  correct,  they  coincide  very  much  with 
rhofe  which  he  had  prcvioufly  ailerted.  Our  limits  will  not  now 
permit  us  to  enter  into  an  invcftigation  of  our  author's  do61:rines 
in  the  fubfequeut  ellays.  We  add  the  following  judicious  obferva- 
tions  iipon  the  alleged  influence  of  cuilom  in  matters  of  tafte. 

^  Suppofe  a  man  to  have  fpciit  the  whole  of  his  life  in  a  village,  in 
which  there  is  only  one  elegant  houfe,  and  all  the  reft  are  mean  cot- 
taores  ;  will  not  this  perfon  pronounce  that  houfe  the  moll  beautiful  in  the 
villa<je  ?  On  what  does  he  foiind  his  judgment  ?  It  is,  no  doubt,  the 
moft  rate  form  of  a  houfe  he  has  ever  feen  ;  but  furely  it  is  not  alfo  the 
moft  common,  for  all  the  other  houfes  in  the  village  refemble  one  and- 
ther  more  than  they  refemble  it.  Let  a  man  who  has  vifited  all  the  ca- 
thedrals in  the  kingdom,  be  brought  to  St  Paul's,  it  will  appear  to  him 
unlike  any  of  tholc  which  he  had  formerly  vifited.  AH  thofe  great 
buildings  which  he  had  been  examining^  were  built  in  the  form  of  a 
crofs,  and  in  the  Gothic  ftyle  of  architedlure  :  All  of  them  had  a 
confiderable  refemblance  to  one  another.  He  now  beholds  a  building  of 
a  very  different  kind  ;  but  it  will  not,  on  that  account,  appear  to  him 
deformed  or  monftrous.  He  will  certainly  admire  it  as  a  noble  piece  of 
srchitcdlure. — Is  there  a  child  who  does  not  prefer  a  fmooth  fnrface  to 
a  rough  one  ;  and  a  regular  figure,  in  which  all  the  parts  are  connefted 
with  one  another,'  to  an  unformed  and  unconnefted  mafs  ?  The  long 
arched  neck  of  the  fwan  is  fingular  among  birds,  and  the  branching  ant- 
lers of  the  Hag  among  beads  ;  but  they  are  not  upon  this  account  reck- 
oned ugly  or  monftrous  :  On  the  contrary,  all  acknowledge  that  they 
are  beautiful.  '     p.  3^2-3. 

'  It  is  readily  acknowledged,  that  agreeable  fenfations  are  derived 
from  an  attention  to  the  laws  of  cullom  and  fafliion,  Thcfe,  how- 
ever, ought  to  be  diilinguilhed  from  thofe  plcalures  of  tafte  which  are 
derived  from  what  is  really  beautiful  or  grand  in  the  works  of  nature  or 
of  art.  In  all  probdhility,  it  has  principally  been  owing  to  a  negle£l  of 
this  important  dillmction,  that  the  principles  of  talic  have  fometimes 
been  reprcfented  as  arbitrary  and  capricious.  Every  thing  which  en- 
tirely depends  upon  cutlom,  is  certamly  capricious.  But  there  are  ma- 
ny agreeable  objeAs  that  have  continued  throughout  all  ages  to  be  agree-' 
able.  Faihion  may  fometimes  oppofe  the  natural  principles  of  beauty 
and  elegance  ;  but  whenevtr  it  docs  fo,  it  cannot  be  very  lafting.  The 
love  of  grace  and  elegance  muft  at  laft  prevail,  though  it  ihould  be  after 
a  tedious!  ftruggle.  The  fcihion  in  gardening,  and  m  building,  is  now 
more  fuitable  to  TOture  than  it  formerly  was  ;  and,  in  all  probability,  it 
will  Idll  much  Linger  than  thofe  faftiiona  which  immediately  preceded  it, 

VOL.   IT.    H9.    7.  M  ,   it 


ifS  Profejor  Atthm^s  Di/couf/es.  April 

It  18  not  to  be  fufpeAed  that  the  opulent  will  foon  return  to  the  Gothic 
arch,  the  narrow-grated  window,  the  long  avenue,  the  formal  terrace- 
walk,  the  jet-4'eau  from  the  mouth  of  a  triton,  and  the  cafcade  fuppli- 
ed  from  the  temple  of  a  water-nymph,  '     p.  339. 

On  the  whole,  although  there  is  nothing  very  original  in  Mr 
Arthur's  fpecuiations,  yet  they  always  indicate  a  clear  and  intelli- 
gent, if  not  a  very  profound,  mind.  If  they  will  not  add  much 
to  the  informution  of  the  philofopher,  they  M'iil  at  lead  aflilt  the 
conceptions  of  the  ftudcnt  ;  and,  in  point  of  writings  they  are 
certainly  of  a  fi>perior  order  to  the  compohtions  which  generally 
fall  under  our  review.  Making  allowance  for  a  few  Scoticifmsy 
which  the  learned  editor  might  have  taken  upon  him  to  correct,, 
without  any  fear  of  abufnig  the  trufl  rcpofed  in  him,  the  lan- 
guage is,  in  general,  pure,  diafte,  and  unaftetled  ;  although,  as 
we  have  already  hinted,  bordering  too  frequently  on  feebienefs 
and  languor. 

Having  faid  this,  we  think  we  have  faid  enough  ;.  and  are  not 
confcious  of  lying  under  any  obligation  to  promife  immortality  tcf 
thefe  difcourfes,  as  Mr  Richardfon  appears  inclined  to  do  in  the 
concluding  paragraph  of  his  biographical  &etch.  Speaking  of 
Mr  Arthur's  relafeions,  he  fays, 

*  They  have  ehua  erefted  a  monument  to  his  memory,  more  perma- 
nent, and  more  fatisfaftory,  than  any  that  eould  have  been  executed  by 
the  chiffel  or  by  the  pencil.  Thefe  muft  perilh  ;  but  this  will  endure  % 
and,  if  their  partiality  does  not  deceive  them,  will  tranfmit  to  pofterity 
the  portraiture  and  Ukcnefs,  not  of  a  frail  and  perifhing  body,  but  of 
a  mind  aftuated  by  the  bell  principles,  and  endowed  with  fuperior 
powers.  *     p»  5 1 7- 

This  is  no  doubt  very  fine,  although  not  quite  equal  to  the  pat- 
itf^n  pafi'age  in  Tacitus  ;  but  we  fufpe£l  there  is  more  eloquence 
in  it  than  the  occafion  required.  Indeed,  that  immortality  which 
authors  and  their  friends  are  fo  fond  of  predi61:ing,  is  a  poor  bufi- 
nefs  at  the  bell  j  and  the  frequent  failure  of  the  prophecy  gives 
a  ludicrous  air  to  its  repetition.  It  will  be  enough  if  the  author 
fucceed  in  edifying  the  prefent  generation. 


Art.  XIII.  Remarks  on  the  Conjlituiiotj  of  the  Medical  Department  of 
the  Britijh  ^rmy  ;  nvit/j  a  Detail  of  Hofpital  Management  ;  and  an 
y^ppendixy  attempting  to  explain  the  u48ion  of  Caufes  in  producing  Fever y 
and  the  Operation  of  Remedies  in  cjfeBing  Cure.  .  By  Robert  Jackfon, 
M.  D.     8vo.     London,  1803.     pp.  351. 

TThe  fingular  and  motley  produ£lion  before  us  was  written, 
^      as  we  are  informed  in  the   preface,  with   the  twofold   de- 
%ivof  directing,  the  attention  of  Government  to  the  improve- 
ment 


1 6o4«     jf^>*  J^ckfonV  Remarks  on  Military  Medicitiey  i^^-c.         1 79 

ment  of  military  medicine,  and  of  vindicating  the  reputation  of 
the  author  from  certain  charges  of  mal-praclice  and  mifmanage- 
ment,  which  were  preferred  againft  him  while  phyfician  to  the 
hofpltal  of  the  Army-Depot  in  the  Kle  of  Wight.  For  the  cre- 
dit, however,  of  the  writer,  (whofe  former  works  are  not  en- 
tirely unknown  to  us),  and  for  the  honour  of  the  medical  pro- 
feflion,  we  could  have  willied  that  it  had  not  appeared  j  for  we 
do  not  recoiletfl  to  have  ever  waded  through  fo  great  a  mafs  of 
matter,  with  fo  little  pleafure  or  inftru6lion  ;  and  nothing  but 
the  extreme  Importance  of  the  fubje£l,  and  the  dangerous  ten- 
dency of  many  of  the  dodlrines  inculcated  in  the  prefent  volume, 
could  have  led  us  to  offer  any  animadverfions  upon  it. 

In  the  obfervations  contained  in  the  Firft  Part,  concerning  the 
bad  effetls  that  refult  from  the  various  and  deficient  educatioa 
of  regimental  furgeons,  the  improper  management  of  hofpitals, 
and  the  necefilty  of  a  reform  of  thefe  abufes,  we  find  no- 
thing which  difcovers  much  profound  reflexion  or  laborious 
refearch,  or  which  can  be  ranked  above  common-place  re- 
mark. To  obviate  the  firft  of  thefe  evils,  Dr  'Jackfon,  in 
imitation  of  fome  former  projeftors,  fuggefts  the  propriety  of 
inftituting  a  Medical  School,  for  the  education  of  military  fur- 
geons ;  and,  as  the  recruits  aflembled  at  the  Axmy-Dcpot  in  the 
Ifle  of  Wight  require  a  medical  eftablilTiment,  he  thinks  this 
fchool  may  be  very  conveniently  placed  there.  The  pupils  ad- 
mitted into  the  feminary  mufl  be  of  the  age  of  twenty  to  twenty- 
three  years,  poilefled  of  a  liberal  and  clafiical  education,  and  all 
the  information  neceflary  for  the  exercife  of  their  profefTion  in 
civil  life,  with  unequivocal  teftimonies  of  a  good  r^ofal  conduct. 
After  remaining  for  the  fpace  of  twelve  months  in  this  inftitu- 
tion,  and  acquiring,  under  the  guidance  of  an  able  teaclier,  a 
thorough  knowledge  of  the  difeafes  moft  incident  to  armies  in 
different  climates  and  in  different  fituations,  and  a  fufficient  ac- 
quaintance with  the  management  of  hofpltals,  they  may  be  con- 
fidered  as  qualified  to  become  candidates  for  the  commifiions  of 
affiftanc-furgeons  in  regiments  of  the  line.  To  the  general  plan 
of  this  eftablifhment,  we  have  little  to  obje£t ;  but  we  {hould 
be  inclined  to  oppole  its  foundation,  on  the  fame  principle  that 
Dr  Jackfon  has  cenfured  the  regulations  of  the  Medical  Board 
reftri^ling  the  advancement  of  Army  furgeons,  viz.  that  it  would 
be  extremely  injurious  to  preclude  deferving  individuals  from  all 
pofTibility  of  fcrving  in  the  medical  department  of  the  Army, 
merely  becaufe  they  had  not  gone  through  a  ftated,  though,  per- 
haps, not  necelTary  form  of  education.  Indeed,  we  are  at  fome 
lofs  ta  conjecture  the  reafons  which  led  Dr  Jackfon  to  fix  upon 
i.he  Ills  of  Wight   (a  moft  fequeftered  fpot)   as  the  proper  place 

M  2  for 


l8o        Z^r  Jackfopi'j  Remarks  on  Military  Medicine^  tsfc,     .April 

for  fuch  a  fchool,  or  the  motives  which  could  induce  him  to 
propofe  that  the  fuperin tendance  of-  it,  as  well  as  of  all  mili- 
tary hofpitals,  fliould  be  confined  to  one  medical  chief;  unlefs 
that  Dr  Jackfon,  from  his  extenfive  experience,  deem  hirofelf 
the  fole  perfon  endowed  with  the  rare  and  fuperior  qualifica- 
tions requifite  for  thefe  important  offices.  Of  his  mode  of  rea- 
foning  on  this  fubjeft,  the  following  quotations  may  ferve  as 
fpecimens. 

*  An  army,  '  fays  Dr  Jackfon  in  his  figurative  language,  '  is  an  ant- 
mated  machine,  coniifting  of  many  parts  or  inftruments,  of  different  de- 
grees  of  power  and  importance,  in  a  general  purpofe.  It  is  organized 
upon  a  common  principle  ;  it  is  bound  together  by  a  common  conne- 
xion ;  and  it  is  moved  by  a  common  impulfe  :  but,  though  fo  organiz- 
ed, fo  connected,  and  fo  moved  in  its  artificial  arrangement,  its  diffci-- 
ent  parts,  which  are  perfedt  in  themfelves  individually,  are  animated  in- 
dependently, and,  in  obeying  their  own  laws  of  motion,  are  expofed  to 
the  aftion  of  a  variety  of  caufes,  which  have  a  tendency  to  derange  or 
deftroy  their  elementary  exillence.  '  (p.  2,) — '  Thcire  ia  only  one  mi- 
litary chief  in  an  army  ;  there  can  only  be  one  chief  in  an  hofpital,  and 
he  muft  be  a  medical  one  ;  for  health  is  the  objett  of  hofpital  eftablilh- 
ments,  and  the  concerns  of  health  cannot  be  fuppofcd  to  be  well  under- 
ftood,  except  by  perfons  of  the  medical  profefllon,  and  thofe  of  the  moll 
enlightened  clafs. — The  conftruftion,  therefore,  of  the  medical  machine, 
in  order  to  be  efFeftive  of  its  purpofts,  muft  hinge  upon  a  fimple  prin- 
ciple ;  for  deviation  from  fimplicity  leads  to  error,  or  produces  non- 
effea.  '     p.  27-8. 

Contrafting  the  arrangement  of  the  foreign  medical  ellablifii- 
ments  with  that  of  the  Britifli  army,  he  obferves, 

♦  The  Auftrian  hofpital  is  regular  in  its  movement  as  the  duty  of 
the  military  parade  ;  and  the  efficiency  of  the  organizing  principle  me- 
chanically arranges  new  materials  in  their  proper  places,  w^ithout  con- 
fufion,  and  without  lofs  of  time.  '     p.  11. 

To  our  minds,  however,  this  regularity  of  operation  and  uni- 
formity of  pra£lice  appear  to  be  the  grand  and  fundamental 
defe£ls  of  the  fyftem  which  Dr  Jackfon  fo  warmly  recom- 
mends, and  to  form  the  flrongeft  arguments  againft  the  imitation 
of  fuch  a  mode  of  proceeding.  In  fa£l,  we  can  conceive  no- 
thing more  prejudicial  to  the  welfare  of  his  patients,  than  the 
•  habit  of  condu6l  mechanically  correal,  *  which  he  propofes 
for  adoption  ♦  in  the  management  of  hofpitals.  '  (p.  46.)  Edu- 
cated in  the  camp,  and  accuftomed  to  the  routine  of  military  o- 
perations,  Dr  Jackfon  feems  to  think,  that  the  various  afFe6lions 
of  the  living  fyftem  may  be  as  eafily  difpofed  of  as  the  different 
articles  of  a  foldier's  equipment,  and  that,  at  the  command  of 
a  *  medical  chief, '  difeafes  (hould  perform  their  evolutions,  and 
arrange  themfelves  in  any  order  he  is  pleafed  to  di(Sate  j  but  fad 

experience, 


1B04.     -D^  Jackfon'j-  Remarks  on  Military  Medicine,  t^c.         v8r 

experience,  we  believe,  will  inform  him,  that  they  are  not  al- 
ways fo  fubmiflive  and  obedient,  but  will  often  rife  in  mutiny, 
and  difpure  his  mofl;  peremptory  decifions. 

The  fecond  divifion  of  the  *  Remarks'  is  occupied  with  an  ac- 
count of  the  management  of  the  hofpital  in  the  Ifle  of  Wight, 
under  the  fuperintendance  of  the  author.  From  this  narrative 
it  appears,  that  Dr  Jackfon,  when  he  firil  became  entruited 
with  the  care  of  the  fick  in  Packhurft  barracks,  judged  it  necef- 
fary,  or  expedient,  to  deviate  from  the  plan  generally  purfued  in 
fimilar  fituations.  Thus  he  divided  his  patients  into  different, 
clafTes  according  to  their  particular  complaints  i  allotted  to  each 
clafs  a  feparate  ward  •,  and,  when  they  recovered  to  a  certain 
degree,  removed  them  to  apartments  deftined  folely  for  the  re- 
ception of  thofe  in  a  convalefcent  (late:  if  they  fuffered  a  re- 
lapfe,  he  caufed  them  to  retrace  their  fteps  to  their  former  a- 
partments. —  Thefe  regulations,  to  a  certain  extent,  feem  not 
improper;  but  we  can  by  no  means  approve  of  the  principle 
which  led  Dr  Jackfon  to  fix  the  diet  of  all  the  patients  in  the 
fame  ward  at  the  fame  general  ftandard  ;  for  it  muft  be  obvious 
to  every  one  the  ieaft  converfant  with  difeafe,  that  appetite  does 
not  always  keep  equal  pace  with  the  other  fymptoms  of  ficknefs 
or  recovery,  and  that  it  varies  very  much  according  to  the  mode 
of  life  and  conftitution  of  the  patient.  Nor  can  we,  after  much 
ferious  confideration,  difcover  the  vaft  fuperiority  of  verbal  in- 
ftruftions  to  written  orders,  v/ith  regard  to  the  duties  of  hofpi- 
tal attendants.  The  following  obfervations,  connecSled  with  this 
fubjeft,   appear  to  border  a  little  on  the  ludicrous. 

*  It  is  a  duty  of  the  medical  chief  to  fan  the  fparks  of  affeftion  as 
they  fliew  themfelves  ;  to  fofter  them  with  care,  till  they  alTume  a  good 
and  fteady  growth.  The  growth,  even  among  foldiers  and  foldien* 
wives,  is  not  reluctant,  if  ter.derly  nurfed  ;  but  it  does  not  thrive  under 
harfh  and  rigorous  treatment.  The  nurfes  and  attendants  of  the  fick, 
who  poffefs  fenfibility  of  heart,  are  cordially  engaged  in  their  duties, 
by  being  confidentially  treated,  fo  as  to  be  made,  in  fome  meafure,  a 
part  of  the  medical  eltabliihment.  If  they  poffefs  confidence,  their  be- 
nevolence is  warmed  ;  they  feel  an  intereil  in  tlie  fate  of  their  charge  ; 
and  participate  all  the  anxieties,  and  all  the  pleafures  of  the  phyfician.  ' 

P-  94- 

Thefe  improvements  or  alterations  in  hofpital  pra£l;ice,  which 

Dr  Jackfon  was  defirous  of  having  generally  introduced,  did  not, 
however,  meet  with  the  approbation  of  thofe  to  whofe  confider- 
ation they  were  fubmitted.  A  confiderable  mortality  had  taken 
place  among  the  foldiers  in  the  Ifle  of  Wight,  towards  the  end 
of  the  year  1801  ;  and  fome  eye-witneffes  of  the  mode  of  treat- 
ment followed  by  the  author,  thought  it  their  duty  to  lay  an  ac- 
count of  it  before  the  Army  Medical  Board,  who  highly  difap- 

M  3  proved 


i82         Dr  Jsickion* s  Remarks  on  MMifAr^  Midicinc,  15lc.     April 

proved  of  it,  attributing  to  it  the  great  decline  and  lofs  of  the 
troops  under  Dr  Jackfon's  care.  *  It  appears,  '  they  obferve  in 
a  letter  addrefled  to  the  Secretary  at  \Var,  *  that  Dr  Jackfon's 
mode  of  carrying  on  the  Ifle  of  Wight  Hofpltal,  is  an  apparent 
faving  of  money  ;  but  at  the  Ifle  of  Wight,  and  lately  at  Chat- 
ham, we  have  obferved  an  unprecedented  number  of  deaths, 
(viz.  27  in  the  laft  month,  and  21  in  the  laft  two  weeks),  fre- 
quent relapfes,  and  tedious  recoveries,  with  a  debilitated  flats 
of  the  patients  ;  therefore,  fo  far  from  opconomy  being  effected, 
tliere  has  been  a  very  ferious  lofs  of  men,  and  ultimately  a  great 
expenditure.  Thefe  returns  called  upon  us  to  recommend,  that 
two  phyficlans  (hould  be  fent  imraediately  to  the  Ifle  of  Wight. ' 

To  jufiiify  himfelf  from  thefe  allegations,  Dr  Jackfon,  en,dca- 
vours  to  fhev/,  that  the  great  number  of  deaths  among  tlie  foldiers 
arofe  from  the  mahgnant  nature  of  the  difoj-ders  with  which  they 
were  affe^led  ;  and  the  four  phyficians,  who  were  deputed  by  the 
Medical  Board  to  examine,  and  prefent  a  report  of  the  ftate  of 
Packhurft  Hofpital,  feem  dlfpofed  to  refer  them  to  the  fame  caufe, 
aggravated  by  the  crowded  llate  and  foul  air  of  the  wards.  Nor 
does  this  mortality  appear  to  have  been  diminiflaed  under  the 
phyficians  v/ho  fucceedcd  Dr  Jackfon  in  the  charge  of:  Packhurit 
Hofpital  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  very  much  increafed,  •,  having 
been,  from  the  i8th  of  July  to  the  31ft  of  December  i8oi  (the 
time  of  Dr  Jackfon's  fuperintcndaiice),  in  the  proportion  of  i 
m  15^  J  while,  from  the  ill  of  January  to  the  30th  April  180?,, 
it  was  no  lefs  than  i  in  8.  This  diflerence,  however,  may  have 
been  owing  to  accidental  circumflances,  and  cannot  be  regarded 
as  attributable  to  neglect  or  improper  inanagement  on  the  part  of 
the  phyficians,  to  ■whom  the  care  of  the  fick  was  entrufled  after 
Dr  Jackfon's  demiffion. 

So  far  we  think  the  author's  vindication  of  hirjifelf.  pbufible^ 
Into  the  merits,  liowever,  of  the  remaining  part  of  his  opology,  wk 
are  not  prepared  to  enter  very  fully,  as  the  documents  with  which 
he  has  furniflied  us  are  too  fcanty  and  imperfedl  to  enable  us  to 
form  any  decided  opinion  with  regard  to  the  juflnefs  of  his  caufe. 
The  fpecimens,  however,  which  he  has  given  us  of  his  pra£lice 
in  the  courfc  of  the  *  Remarks, '  and  which  he  has  developed  at 
full  length  in  the  Appendix,  call  for  the  feverefl  cenfure,  and 
feem  to  juftify  mofl  completely  the  conduct  of  the  Medical  I3oard 
towards  Dr  Jackfon.  We  agree  with  the  late  Dr  M'Laurin  (to 
whom  the  author  feems  to  have  had  a  very  unjuft  antipathy)  in 
deprecating  '  the  horrid  fyflem  of  depletion  j '  and  we  perufed,  with 
no  fmall  degi-ee  of  terrific  anxiety,  the  account  given  by  Dr  Jack- 
fon of  a  patient  in  the  firft  ftage  of  typhus  fever,  whozn  he  bled 
at  once  to  ffty-f^x  ounces ^  and  who^  in  three  or  four  days,  after 


1^04 •      jOr  JackfonV  Rejnarks  on  Military  MeSeine,  £*J*r.        l8| 

the  plentiful  ufe  of  opium,  hot  and  nourifhing  drinks,  &c.  was 
able  to  return  to  his  duty  !  This  inftance  of  bold  and  unprin- 
cipled proceeding,  which  is  cited  by  the  author  with  fo  much 
triumph,  may  ferve  to  evince  the  great  powers  of  nature,  but 
can  never  form  the  criterion  of  rational  practice  or  true  profel- 
fional  ikill.  Similar  confideratlons  would  lead  us  to  difapprove 
■of  Dr  Jackfon's  treatment  of  patients  in  a  convalefcent  ftate. 
imbued  with  all  the  prejudices,  of  the  humoral  pathologifts,  he 
roundly  afTerts  that  relapfe  is  the  general  confequence  of  reple- 
tion. Although  we  ihould  be  fiir  from  recommending  the  prac- 
tice of  gorging  patients  during  recovery  from  difeafe,  of  forcing 
them  to  eat  againfl  their  inclination,  or  allowing  them,  perhaps, 
to  indulge  fo  mucli  in  the  ufe  of  ftimulating  drinks  as  they  are 
often  inclined  ;  yet  nothing,  furely,  can  be  more  injurious,  than 
to  ftint  convalefcents  in  their  allowance  of  generous  diet,  which, 
when  freely  exhibited,  fo  manifeftly  tends  to  aid  and  accelerate 
their  progrefs  towards  recoveiy.  So  little  do  we  imagine  relapfe 
to  be  the  confequence  of  repletion,  that  v/e  believe  it  proceedsj 
in  many  cafes,  from  a  contrary  caufe  \  as  niuft  be  well  known  to 
thofe  whofe  profeiTionai  avocations  have  afforded  them  the  means 
of  knowing  the  hcakh,  and  witnelhng  the  mode  of  living,  of  the 
lower  claifes  of  fociety,  among  whom,  chili  penury,  aud  its  con- 
fequent  inconveniences,  are  generally  reckoned  among  the  moft 
common  caufes  of  the  diforders  to  which  they  are  fo  frequently 
liable. 

The  Appendix  {to  ■\xh'\c\\  we  (hall  now  direft  our  attention) 
occupies  about  one  h;ilf  of  the  volume,  and  adds  one  to  the  nu- 
merous inllnnces  we  already  poflefs  of  the  futility  of  medical 
theories  when  founded  pn  no  juft  or^  rational  data,  but  when 
merely  the  ofFdpring  of  erroneous  deduftion  or  difeafed  imagina- 
tion.— A  predilection  for  vague  and  frivolous  hypothecs  has  long 
been  deetiied  the  opprobrium  tKedlcoruin  ;  and,  indeed,  if  we  exa- 
mine the  hiitory  of  medicine  from  its  firft  origin  <k>wn  to  the 
prefent  time,  we  fliall  behold  little  elfe  than  a  fuccefhon  of  fan- 
ciful fyftems,  founded  on  a  few  fcattered  obfersj^ations,  and  erect- 
ed, it  would  often  appear,  only  to  gratify  tlte  vanity  of  their  pro* 
jeclors,  and  which  have  ferved  little  other  purpofe  than  to  per- 
petuate the  folly  and  abiurdity  of  the  times  which  gave  them, 
birth.  Tlie  different  fymptoms  of  difeafe  have  been  confounded, 
and  its  different  llages  blended  togetlier  ;  the  variety  of  the  pri- 
mary and  fecondary  a£lion  of  remedies  has  been  overlooked  ;  and 
a  few  infuiatcd  fa£ts  have  been  grafped  at,  as  fufhcient  to  explain 
all  the  phenomena  of  animated  nature.  In  this  country,  how- 
ever, where  phyficai  fcience  has,  of  late,  made  fuch  rapid  ad- 
I'ances,  phyficians  now  appear  to  have  run  into  the  oppofite  ex- 

M  4  treme  j 


184  •^'*  Jackfon'j-  Remarks  on  Military  Medicine^  t^fc.      April 

treme  ;  and,  from  their  anxiety  to  avoid  thofe  fatal  errors  of  rea- 
fonin_2j  and  pradlice,  to  which  the  fpeculations  of  too  many  medi- 
cal theorifts  have  given  hirth,  have  rejedled  with  difdain,  and 
without  difcrimination,  all  attempts  to  genera]i;?e  and  improve  the 
principles  of  medical  fcience.  Hence  has  arifen  an  opinion,  that 
all  theory  in  medicine  was  ufelefs,  or,  at  leaf!,  of  little  moment  in 
a  pra£lical  point  of  view  ;  and  that  experiefice  was  the  only  guide 
in  which  a  prudent  phyfician  v.nuld  confide.  Tliis  opinion  we 
hold  to  be  equally  ill-founded  and  dangerous  ;  for,  whatever  dif- 
ference may  exift  between  the  flow  dedu(ftions  of  experience  and 
the  more  prompt  conckifions  of  a  theorifing  mind,  there  cannot 
be  a  doubt,  that  all  legitimate  generaUfation  muft  reft  on  the 
firm  bafis  of  obfervation  and  experiment.  However  much,  then, 
we  may  reprobate  the  hafty  affumption  of  thofe  puerile  hypothefes, 
to  which  we  are  fo  often  referred  for  proofs  of  the  inutility  of 
theories  in  medicine,  and  which,  when  applied  to  practice,  may 
undoubtedly  prove  the  fources  of  pernicious  error,  we  muft,  on 
the  other  hand,  allow,  that  a  fair  and  cautious  induction  of  ge- 
neral principles  may  be  of  the  higheft  utility  in  medical  refearch, 
and,  by  facilitating  the  acquifition  of  neceflnry  knowledge,  will 
give  us  a  more  ready  and  certain  command  over  it  when  obtained, 
and  enable  us  to  accommodate  our  practical  condu6l  to  the  dif- 
ferent unforefeen  occurrences  that  are  conftantly  obtruded  upon 
lis  in  the  exercife  of  our  profeftion.  Till,  however,  the  rules  of 
the  Induiftive  philofophy  be  more  fully  miderftood  and  praftifcd 
by  phyficians  ;  till  the  fcience  of  phyfiology  be  improved,  and 
the  fyftem  of  medical  education  reformed,  we  defpair  of  feeing 
:my  extenfive  and  fuccefsful  adoption  of  general  principles  in  me- 
dicine ;  for  it  cannot  be  expected,  tliat  mankind  will  ever  be  led 
to  acknowledge  their  importance,  till  they  become  acquainted  with 
all  the  circumftances  neceffary  for  their  induction  and  application. 
One  other  caufe,  v/hich  is,  in  fome  meafure,  connedled  with 
the  former,  and  which  powerfullv  retards  the  advaticement  of 
medical  knowledge,  deferves  to  be  fpecified,  viz.  the  vague  and 
undetermined  ufe  of  language,  and  the  improper  application  of 
terms,  borrowed  from  other  fciences,  to  explain  the  phenomena 
of  the  animal  econoinv  in  the  various  ft;ates  of  health  and  difeafe. 
Thus,  the  language  of  chemiftry,  of  mechanics,  of  morals,  and 
of  metaphyfics,  has  been  fuccefhvely  adopted  in  medicine,  with- 
out much  regard  to  the  propriety  of  the  iniiovation,  and  with  ftill 
Jefs  concern  for  tlie  honour  of  the  profeftio!!,  and  the  general 
welfare  of  mankind.  The  author  of  the  prefent  work,  however, 
rot  content  with  retracing  many  of  the  errors  of  his  predeceflbrs, 
h;js  advanced  a  ftep  beyond  them,  andj  by  a  free  and  promifcu- 
oui  ufe  of  thofe  tcdinioal  terms  wi^'ivjuich  he  was  moft  fami- 

i-   "  '  liarly 


1804.      ly^  Jackfon'x  Rewarhs  on  Military  Medicine^  i^c.        185  • 

Ihrly  acquainted,  has  framed  a  phrafeology  to  defcribe  the  atlions 
of  the  living  fyftem,  which,  in  ridiculous  abfurdity,  far  eclipfes  all 
former  attempts  of  a  fimilar  defcription,  and  bids  defiance,  in  ex- 
r.rava<Tancy,  to  the  rhapfodies  of  Paracelfus,  or  the  reveries  of 
the  enthufiaft  Van  Helmont.  Of  this  jumble  of  theories,  this 
mixture  of  languages  and  confufion  of  tongues,  it  is  difficult  to  ■ 
<nvQ  any  regular  and  precife  account ;  for,  in  it,  arts  and  fciences 
dance  together  in  *  various  circles  of  movement,'  vtdthout  any 
proper  time,  place,  or  riieafure,  fo  as,  at  laiV,  to  produce  the 
moll  confufed,  chaotic  mafs.  A  few  extrafts,  perhaps,  may  ac- 
compliih  what  no  analyfis  is  adequate  to,  and  ferve  to  give  our 
readers  fome  diltant  idea  of  this  curious  jargon,  which  we  hope 
will  long  remain  imiqiie. 

When  detailing  the  phenomena  of  febrile  difeafes,  Dr  Jackfon's 
favourite  exprefllons  feeni  to  be  borrowed  from  tlie  language  of 
profody,  and  through  the  whole  of  his  Appendix  our  ears  are 
ftunned   with   an   unceafing  and  unvarying  ring  upon  the  terms 

*  rhythm   of  movement ^ '    '  rhythmical  niG-vemefit,'    '  rule  of  har- 
motiyy '  &c.     *  A  certain  rliythm  of  movement, '  he  ftiys,  '  is  a 
condition  infeparable  from  a  living  animal  body  •,  as  the  integrity  ' 
of  tl^.e  order  and  force  of  that  i-.hythni  is  the   index  of  'health.  ' 
But  as  movement  is  an   expreition  of  the  prefence  of  life,  and 
rhythmical  movement  an  expreiriQii  of  health  ;  fo,  the  mode  of  ' 
health  is  liable  to  be  perverted,  the  motions  of  fhe  machine  to  be  .. 
even  finally  arrefted  or   annulled. '  (p.  188,),     Sometimes  he  af- ' 
fumes  the   airs  of  a  dancing-mafber  j^  and  informs  us,,  that,  '  In 
health,  a  variety  of  operations  are  carri<jd-  on  in  various  circles  of 
movement,  under  different  figures  or  forms  of  action,'  (206;); 
and  that  *  a  change  in  the  rhythm  pf,,moyemerit-  is  the  firfl  vi- 
/ible   llep  of  aiSfion,  or  even   fuppofable  flep   of  ,a6bion,  arifing 
from  the  operation  of  the  caufes')of.  fever,  '  (191  ):•    Then  he 
plays  the  part  of  a  teacher  o(  mufic ;  and,  comparing  the  hu- 
man body  to  the   inflrimients   of  his   profelhon,  defcribes  *  the 
fcale  of  health,'  *  the  key  of  movement;'  and  ihews  >us,   that 
the  movement  of  health,  '  though  various,  is  in   unifon  in  the 
parts  and  in  the  whole  ; '  but  that  *  tlie  modeS:  in  the-  fcale  of 
perverted  rhythm,  or  difeafed  a6lion,  appear  to  be  various,  and 
the  meafure  of  the  movement  is  different.     In  fome  it  is  rapid,  in 
others  it  is  flow  '  (206.);  and  *  that  means,  which  tunc  toliarmony . 
in  one  cafe,  loofen  the  cords  of  life  in  another. '     Now  he  takes 
up  the  tools  of  the  joiner,  and  frames  debility  into  *  the  primary 
hinge  of  aftion   in  febrile  difeafes'    (190.),    and    bleeding    into 

*  the  cardinal  hinge  of  medical  means  '  (231.) ;  or  he  borrows  the 
truth  and  pallet  of  the  painter,  to  pourtray  *  the  various  fliades,  * 

*  the  variety  of  configuration, '    and    *  the  outlines  of  general 
charader, '  of  difeafe.     Again,  he  reforts  to  the  terms  cf  mili- 
tary 


\Z6        Dr  JackfonV  Remarks  on  Military  Medici tre^  tsi'c;     April 

tajy  art,  obferving,  that  *  previous  to  reftoring  the  natural  har- 
mony of  movement,  it  Is  often  neceflary  to  arreft  the  irregular 
courife  of  the  exifting  motions,  in  order  to  bring  back,  with 
greater  facility  and  certainty,  the  form  of  the  rhythm  which  has 
been  loft  j  in  the  fame  manner  as  It  is  often  neceffary  to  caufe  a 
military  column  to  halt,  when  moving  incorre6lly,  fo  that  it  may 
more  eafily  lay  hold  of  the  regular  cadence  of  the  Hep  '  (230).  And, 
finally,  to  crown  this  climax  of  abfurdity,  he  calls  to  his  aid  the 
faience  of  the  bombardier,  talks  of  the  *  explofions '  of  the  ex- 
citability of  the  fyftem,  and  alTures  us,  that  in  vitiated  atmof- 
pheres  *  febrile  motions  do  not  ordinarily  explode  with  force,  * 
(199.) ;  and  that  '  there  is  evidently  a  point  of  explofive  revolu- 
tion in  the  animal  machine,  conne6ted  witli  time  ;  but  not  con- 
nected with  it  by  a  fixed  and  invariable  law,  as  meafured  by  the 
artificial  hour '  (331). 

One  paflage  more  we  (hall  take  the  liberty  of  fubjoining,  as 
affording  a  fpecimen  of  the  author's  happy  talent  for  fine  writing 
and  elegant  illuftration. 

*  If  the  apparent  debility  of  fevers  be  a  proper  fpecific  a£lion,  and 
not  the  expreffion  of  the  effeft  of  a  preceding  operation,  viz.  the  per- 
verted or  diflurbed  rhythm  of  movement,  the  event  is  totally  inex- 
plicable. Without  fupematural  aid,  the  machine  muft  reft  for  ever ; 
for  debility  ftands  here  like  a  cart  before  the  horfe.  In  this  pofition 
arofe  the  vis  tmdicatrix  naturxf  like  a  fairy  queen,  to  put  the  wheel 
in  motion.  The  mis  mcdicatrix  tiatura  is  a  loofe  terrri ;  but  it  is  fup- 
pofed  to  confift  in  a  power  given  to  the  animal  machine,  not  explicable 
by  the  common  laws  of  its  meclianifm,  to  raife  efforts  to  combat  the 
aftion  of  the  caufes  of  difeafes,  and  to  avert  their  deftruftive  tendency. 
It  is  thus  a  fpecies  of  proviiional  power  ;  and,  as  fuch,  proceeding 
from  wifdom  which  cannot  err,  it  cannot  be  fuppofed  to  be  otherwife 
than  perfeft.  '     p.  204.  5. 

The  varieties  and  caufes  of  fever  naturally  arrefl  our  author's 
attention.  With  fingular  infelicity  of  language,  he  terms  epidemic 
<lifeafe,  when  it  affiimes  a  malignant  form,  *  a  manufaaure  from 
Naturo's  florehoufe; '  and  conje6tures,  that  *  when  widely  extend- 
ed, it  muft  be  fuppofed  to  depend  upon  fome  hidden  derangement 
in  the  materials  of  the  earth, — on  a  movement  of  parts  into  new 
contacl,  giving  out  a  new  or  unufual  produdl. '  (221.)  The  ope- 
ration of  contagion  he  deems  to  be  of  a  ftimulant  nature,  *  loof- 
ening,  in  an  inexplicable  manner,  the  hinges  of  organization. ' 
(p.  225.)  And  here  we  find  another  inftance  of  the  want  of 
fyftematic  reafoning  among  phyficians,  vi^ho  argue  not  from 
fafts,  but  from  the  chimeras  of  their  own  imaginations  5  and, 
without  taking  the  pains  to  examine  whether  the  phenomena  in 
queftion  accord  with  their  defcription,  refer  them  indifcriminate- 

ly 


1 804-     -D^  JackfonV  Remarks  en  Military  Medici  fie,  isfc*         1 5^ 

ly  to  a  Syfteni,  admirable,  Vv'ithout  doubt,  for  the  fimplicity  of. 
its  foiuidatioji,  but  deficient  to  an  extreme  la  the  eretbiou  and 
arrangement  of  the  fuperftrutture. 

Among  the  remedies  v»^hic]i  Pr  Jackfon,  recommends  for  re- 
ffcoring  *  the  natural  rhythm  of  movement, '  arQ  venefoftion, 
bathing,  and  geitation.  Reafoning  from  the  well  known  con- 
fcquences  of  bleeding  in  cafes  of  obftructed  circulation,  Dr  Jack- 
fon,  with  an  unparalleled  degree  of  temerity,  has  inferred,  that 
thefe  were  the  general  eilectb  of  the  remedy  ;  and,  becaufc  tlic 
pulfe  was,  in  fome  cafes,  remarkably  ftrengthened  by  evacua- 
tipn,  concluded,  that  '  its  efiefts  are  ftimulative. ' — *  The  idea, 
tJiat  abilra£tion  is  dire£lly  and  unqualifiedly  debilitating,  and  ad- 
dition the  contrary,  could  only  have  arifen  at  the  table  of  the 
feaft.  From  thence  it  has  borrowed  all  its  illullrations. ' 
(p.  2^,!;.  6.)  And  in  fupport  of  his  reafoning,  he,  with  much 
iagacity  remarks,  '  The  ahftratlion  of  blood,  by  its  exprefs  ef- 
fe6f.,  dimdnilhes  tlie  quantity  of  a  body  to  be  moved  ;  and  there- 
py  increafes  the  power  of  the  mover:  It  thus  facilitates  mo- 
uon. '  (p.  2,3.7.)  But  can  tlae  Doctor  be  fo  ignorant  of  the 
laws  of  the  animal  economy,  as  not  to  know,  that  the  ftimulus 
Vvhich  ci: cites  the  heart  and  blood  vellMs  to  proper  a<5lion,  is  the 
very  fubftance  which  he  abHiraiCls,  in  order  to  roufe  tlieir  en- 
ergy ;  and,  although  its  removal  certainly  facilitates  tlie  due. 
performance  of  the  functions  of  the  vafcular  fy^em,  when  it 
£orms  congeflions  near  to  the  centre  of  the  circulation,  yet  this 
^ffe£l  is  to  be  explained  in  a  much  more  funple  way  ?  But  tliis. 
infatuated  adherent  to  tlie  fyflem  of  plethora^  reafons  where  he 
fhould  have  obferved ;  perverts  the  moil  obvious  fa(£ls,  in  order 
to  fubjecl  them  to  his  own  erroneous  tlieory  ;  and  boldly  recom- 
mends iiis  rafh  pernicious  practice  to  general  and  ahnofh  unlimited 
adoption.  AVe  know  not  in  what  circle  the  movements  of  Dr 
Jackfon's  ideas  are  performed,  but  we  truft  that  '  fome  remedy, 
t^xifts  in  Nature's  llorehoufe '  for,  tlie  cure  of  Inch  miftaken 
judgement,  and  for  warding  off  the  fatal  eiFecU  that  vjould  en- 
fue,  were  Ins  opinions  univerfally  received,  and  Ms  exajnpie  uni- 
verfally  followed. 

In  his  obfervations  on  the  ufe  of  the  cold  and  "vvarm  afFu- 
fion  in  fever,  Dr  Jackfon,  with  fentiments  of  envy,  and  a  fpirit. 
of  illiberality  which  we  cannot  fuificiently  deprecate,  endeavours, 
to  detratt  from  the  well-earned  reputation  of  Dr  Currie,  and 
arrogates  to  himfelf  the  merit  of  having  employed  tliis  eihcaciou^ 
iremedy  as  early  as  the  year  1774,  although,  he  allows,  *  the  dif- 
coverers  are  not  of  this  age  or  country. '  Let  Dr  Jackfon,  how- 
ever, remember,  that,  according  to  his  own  ingenuous  confefhon, 
JiC  went  put  to  Jamaica  in  1774*  ^  at  an  early  period  of  life,  and 


188         Dt  Jackfon'j-  Remarks  on  MUltary  Medicine,  Is'c       April 

with  only  a  fmall  fliare  of  profefTional  information  ; '  and  tliat  it 
■was  not  till  1778,  when  he  firftvifited  America,  in  the  capacity  of 
affift  vnt-furgeon,  that  '  fome  dawnings  of  fcience  '  began  to  arile 
in  his  mind.  If  he  employed  the  cold  affufion  fo  eai'ly  as  he 
pretends,  the  details  of  its  efFedls  do  not,  in  all  pro.bability,  re- 
dound very  much  to  his  credit  •,  and  thefe  he  has  accordingly 
very  prudently  fupprefled.  We  know  not  what  fpecific  meaning 
Dr  Jackfon  attaches  to  the  words  *  popular  manner,  in  wliich, ' 
he  fays,  *  the  fubje£t  has  been  treated  by  Dr  Currie  of  Liver- 
pool ; '  but  we  are  acquainted  with  no  book,  in  the  whole  range 
of  medical  literature,  which  combines,  in  a  more  eminent  de- 
gree, foundnefs  of  argument  with  accuracy  of  obfervation  and 
elegance  of  compofition,  than  Dr  Currie's  *  Medical  Reports ' — 
a  work,  which  we  may  fafely  recommend,  with  the  precept  *  tioc- 
turna  verfate  tnanu,  verfate  diurna, '  to  all  future  medical  writers 
and  inquirers. 

AVere  this  the  proper  place,  we  might  animadvert  at  fome  length 
on  that  invidious  rage,  which  has  led  fo  many  modern  authors  to 
exalt  the  ancients  at  the  expence  of  their  own  more  deferving 
contemporaries.  We  doubt  not,  that  fome  obfcure  hints  of  the 
moft  /  remarkable  difcoveries,  which  mankind  have  hitherto  ef- 
fefted,  may  be  traced  in  the  writings  of  the  ancients,  either  by 
dire£t  inference,  or  by  implication  ;  but  the  authority  of  anti- 
quity has  long  enough  retarded  the  improvement  of  fcience  ;  and 
fui"ely  the  moderns  ought  to  have  their  due,  who  have  perfeiled 
the  half-formed  arts  of  their  predeceflbrs,  and  reduced  to  a  more 
rational  fyftem  their  crude  and  indigefted  information.  It  is  not 
for  the  merit  of  the  invention  of  the  affufion  of  water  in  fever, 
that  we  commend  Dr  Currie,  but  for  the  excellent  rules,  which 
he  has  laid  down  for  its  application,  by  which  means  a  powerful 
remedy  becomes  the  moil  effectual  method  of  cure,  while,  in 
unlkilfui  hands,  it  Vv'ould  only  tend  to  aggravate  the  difeafe. 

But  the  fzO:  is,  that  the  credit  of  the  invention  was  never 
claimed  by  Dr  Currie,  or  by  Dr  Wright,  who  preceded  him  in 
its  ufe,  and  to  whom  the  former  has  fully  acknowledged  his  ob- 
ligations. It  was  ufed  by  the  latter  gentleman  in  his  own  cafe, 
during  his  pailage  from  the  Weft  Indies  in  the  year  1777  ;  and 
an  account  of  his  cure  was  publiflied  by  himfclf  in  the  year  1786, 
at  leaft,  five  years  prior  to  the  appearance  of  Dr  Jaekfou's  firft  pub- 
lication on  fever.  Both  thefe  writers  {Dr  Currie  and  Dr  Wright) 
have  exprefsly  Ifated,  that  tlxe  employment  of  cold  water  in  fe- 
ver was  no  new  improvement  of  practice,  but  merely  the  revival 
of  an  ancient  cuftom ;  and  in  fupport  of  this  affertion,  they  have 
cited  the  works  of  many  ancient  and  modern  authors.  Thefe 
iiud   ether    confiderationo   render  to.  us   fufpicious    the    account 


1^04.     Dr  Jackfon'j-  Remarh  on  Milltnry  Medicine^  Is^c.         i^g 

which  Dr  Jackfon  has  given  of  his  own  pra<3tice  and  fucccfs  with 
this  remedy.  One  circumftance  is  fomewhat  remarkable,  that, 
among  the  iirft  modern  adopters  of  the  afFufion  in  fever,  Dr  Jack- 
fon has  (with  no  flight  geographical  inaccuracy)  mentioned  De 
Hahn  as  having  ufed  it  at  JVarJaw  in  1 737.  Now,  Dr  de  Hahn 
is  particularifed  by  Dr  Wright,  as  the  employer  of  this  remedy, 
■At  Brejlai(*y  in  his  Eflay  publifhed  in  the  year  1786,  to  which 
Dr  Jackfon  has  made  no  reference,  although  he  could  not  be,  or 
ought  not  to  have  been,  ignorant  of  its  publication. 

If,  however,  by  any  accident,  it  fhould  happen  that  thefe  two 
refpe6lable  writers  entered  the  lifts  with  Dr  Jackfon,  we  are 
convinced,  that  they  would  foon  yield  to  him  all  the  aiTumed 
merit  of  the  pratlice,  as  he  employs  it.  Inilead  of  accounting 
for  its  operation  on  known  and  rational  principles,  he  explains  it 
by  abfurd  illullration,  and  in  his  uncouth  phrafeology.  Inilead 
of  deducing  from  experience  the  laws  of  its  adoption  and  regu- 
lation, he  recommends  it  at  random,  and  in  cafes,  where  it  mull 
prove  the  harbinger  of  death,  rather  than  the  reilorer  of  health. 
How  much  information,  for  infbance,  do  we  receive  from  the 
remark,  that  *  bathing,  Hke  every  other  power  in  nature,  a£l:s 
upon  the  excitability  of  organifm,  and  produces,  more  obvioufly 
than  mod  others,  an  efFeft  upon  organic  movement! '  (p.  269.) 
What  depth  of  fcience  do  not  the  following  reflections  betray  I 
*  A  thermometer  only  meafures  abfolute  quantity ;  it  gives  no  infor- 
mation on  the  fubje£t  of  quality,  whether  of  the  kind  confiftent 
with  life,  or  of  the  kind  which  indicates  the  prefence  of  a  procefs 
leading  to  diforganization  and  deilruftion^'  (p.  273.)  How  abfurd 
the  vulgar  idea,  that  cold-bathing  produces  an  abilraftion  of  ca- 
loric !  But  when  Dr  Jackfon  informs  us,  that  it  aCts,  *  by  reftor- 
ing  the  natural  rhythm  of  movement  in  the  organic  ftrufture,  by 
the  force  of  a  new  ftimulus,  it  preferves  a  coniillent,  intelligible, 
and  clear  explanation  throughout. '  (p.  276.)  After  fuch  obfer- 
vations  as  thefe,  we  were  not  much  furprifed  to  find  the  principles 
which  guided  the  author  in  the  ufe  of  this  remedy,  undecinve 
and  contradictory,  or  to  learn  that,  in  his  hands,  it  had  fome- 
times  proved  uniuccefsiul.  To  prepare  his  patients  for  the  cold- 
bath,  he  vomits,  purges,  and  bleeds  profufely  (fo  as  to  place 
*  the  ivhole  inov'wg  poiuers  upon  a  tickli/lj  balatice').,  employs  the 
water  as  near  the  freezing  point  as  poflibie,  in  the  latefl  ftagcs  of 
the  difeafe,  however  cold  the  Ikin,  or  however  debilitated  the 
patient ! 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  Appendix,  the  author  lays  claim  to  the 
merit  of  having  firll  introduced  a  new   remedy  in  fever,  from 

which, 

*  London  Medical  Jourual,  Vil.  Fart  II.  p.  lop. 


"^pb  Ur  Jackfon',r  Remdr'h  on  Military  Medicine 3  l^c,     April 

which,  he  aflerts,  much  benefit  may  be  derived,  after  all  other 
medicines  have  failed,  in  acconiplilhing  a  cure  -,  and  which  was 
iirft  fuggefted  to  him  by  the  good  efFe£ls  that  refulted  from  a 
journey,  which  he  was  obliged  to  perform,  in  an  open  convey- 
ance, when  labouring  under  fever.  It  happened  to  rain  heavily 
all  the  time  he  was  upon  the  road,  io  that  he  was  completely 
drenched  ;  but  at  the  end  of  the  journey,  he  found  himfelf  con- 
(iderably  refrefhed  and  invigorated.  Thefe  effects  he  afterwards 
had  an  oppoi'tunity  of  feeing  exemplified  in  a  confiderable  por- 
tion of  the  fick  of  his  regiment,  when  conveyed  from  one  ftation 
to  another,  in  the  manner  above  defcribed,  and  *  expofod  to 
dews  by  night,  to  a  fcorching  fun  by  day,  and  to  occafional 
fhowers  of  rain. '  Reafoning  from  theie  facts,  the  Do£tor  very 
gravely  recommends,  that  patients  in  the  laft  ftage  of  fever 
fhould  be  carried,  for  the  fpace  of  fix  or  eight  hours  at  a  time, 
in  open  carts,  over  n  ugh  roads,  through  woods  or  lawns,  and, 
at  the  fame  time,  bled,  foufed  with  water,  and  bled  again  ! 

We  llvall  now  take  leave  of  Dr  Jackfon  and  his  gejiatory  plan 
of  cure.  Were  his  ideas  likely  to  gain  univerfal  adoption,  we 
Ihould  have  entered  much  more  fully  into  their  refutation :  but 
fortunately  they  are  fo  enveloped  in  the  obfcurity  of  language, 
that  only  a  fele6l  few  can  comprehend  and  meafure  their  depth  ; 
although  this  very  circumflance  may  prove  a  recommendation  to 
fome,  whofe  intelledls  are  placed  in  the  fame  *  key  of  move- 
ment '  with  the  author's,  and  who,  poflelfrng  all  his  enthufiaflic 
fpirit,  may  be  led  to  praclife  his  rafh  and  injudicious  precepts. 


Art.  XIV.  Sermons.  By  William  Laurence  Brown,  D.  D.  Prin- 
cipal of  Marifchal  College  and  Ui)iverfity  ;  ProfcfTor  of  Divinity, 
and  Miniiter  of  Grey-Friar's  Church,  Aberdeen.  Edinburgh  and 
London.     8vo.     pp.  491.     1803. 

THE  compofition  of  fermons  was  one  of  the  firft  exercifes  of 
the  reviving  literature  of  Chriftendom ;  and  it  has  ever  fince 
fuppiied  occupation  to  a  greater  number  of  authors  than  all  the 
other  departments  of  learning  put  together.  The  multitude  of 
labourers,  however,  has  not  yet  brought  this  field  into  fo  perfect 
a  ftats  of  cultivation  as  might  have  been  expelled  ;  and  innumer- 
able volumes  have  been  publiflied  upon  the  fame  fubjed:s,  with- 
out fixing  any  unexceptionable  ftandard  for  the  diftribution  oi 
the  arguments,  or  the  regulation  of  the  ilyle.  Among  the  o- 
ther  obvious  caufes  that  concurred  to  retard  the  improvement  of 
this  branch  of  compofition,  we  know  thaf,  m  the  Prefbyteriaii 

churches, 


igo4.  Dr'^xovft^s  Sermofis*  ^l 

churches,  there  formerly  prevailed  an  opinion,  that  divine  truths 
did  not  require  the  decorations  of  human  eloquence,  and  that  it 
•was  a  fort  of  profanation  to  wade  any  care  upon  the  manner,  when 
the  matter  was  of  fuch  awful  importance.  In  thofe  days  of  zeal 
and  orthodoxy,  however,  the  matter  was  ferioufly  laboured  ;  and 
if  we  are  frequently  oiFended  with  the  flovenly  ftyle  of  our  older 
preachers,  we  are  almoft  as  ottcn  delighted  with  the  vigour  of 
their  reafonings,  and  the  earneftnefs  of  their  exhortations.  Of 
late,  our  language  has  become  fufficiently  polifhcd :  and  we  are 
never  difgulled  with  that  kind  of  harfhnefs,  at  leaft,  which  pro- 
ceeds from  concifenefs  or  ftrength.  Every  thing  is  delivered, 
too,  with  the  moft  exemplary  coolnefs  and  moderation :  the 
preacher  retains  a  perfect  command  of  himfelf  throughout  the 
whole  performance,  and  never  runs  the  rillc  of  betraying  his 
readers  into  any  improper  degree  of  emotion.  Whether  this 
change  be  owing  to  any  general  mollification  of  the  clerical  tem- 
perament, or  only  to  the  alteration  of  their  tafte,  and  whether 
we  are  to  impute  the  prevailing  charafter  of  our  modern  fermons 
to  a  defe£l  of  zeal  and  induftry  in  their  authors,  or  to  a  predi- 
le6hion  for  fmooth  and  elegant  phrafeology,  we  do  not  prefume 
to  determine.  It  will  be  generally  allowed,  we  believe,  that  thofe 
fermons  are  the  beft  which  unite  the  polilli  of  the  modern  fchool 
with  the  llrength  and  folidity  of  the  old. 

The  volume  before  us,  which,  with  a  fmgular  degree  of  li- 
berality, is  infcribed  by  a  Prefbyterian  Profefler  of  Divinity  to  the 
firlt  dignitary  of  the  Church  of  England,  appears  to  us  to  be  a 
very  refpe(?l;ab}e  attempt  at  the  union  of  which  we  have  been 
fpeaking.  The  difcourfes  contain  a  greater  portion  of  earned  and 
fubflantial  reafoning  than  we  have  generally  met  with  in  fimilar 
publications  ;  and  the  language  throughout  is  pure,  nervous,  and 
harmonious.  The  fubjefts,  which  are  almoft  entirely  of  a  prac- 
tical nature,  appear  to  be  judicioufly  fele<Sled,  and  the  duties  of 
which  they  treat  are  explained  with  perfpicuity,  and  enforced  with 
great  earneilnefs  and  addrefs. 

The  firft  fermon,  which  treats  of  *  the  duty  and  character  of 
a  Chriftian  preacher,'  fpecifies,  in  the  firil  place,  the  nature  of 
the  inftrudtions  which  a  preacher  fliould  deliver,  and  then  deli- 
neates, in  a  very  flrlking  manner,  the  charadler  which  he  fliould 
endeavour  to  maintain. 

With  regard  to  the  firft  of  thefe,  the  Doctor  fays,  p.  e. 
— *  While  we  preach  Chri/l  Jefus  the  Lord,  it  is  therefore  abfurd  to 
fuppofe  that  we  Ihould  be  unmindful  of  the  principles  of  natural  reli- 
gion, which  are  implied  in  the  divine  mifiion  of  the  Author  and  Finijhcr 
of  our  faith,  or  that,  in  illuftrating  thefe,  and  enforcing  moral  duties, 
we  preach  not  the  Gofpel  of  Chrift.  Confider  how  much  of  our  Sa- 
"vieu!r'»  diicourfes,  and  of  the  epiftles  of  his  apoftles,  is  employed  in  in- 
culcating 


.  192  X>t  Brown' J-  SermoffS.  April 

culcating  tlie  ,piu-eft  principles  of  morality,   and  in   preparing  .men  for 
heaven  by  rendering  them '  virtuous  on  earth  ;  you  will   find   that  one 

•  principal  objefl  of  the  Gofpel   is   to  reftore  that  image  of  God  wliicli 

■  had  been  defaced  in  the  foul  of  man  ;  to  renew  that  purity  of  heart  ant] 
rectitude  of  conduct  of  "which  the  world  had  loll  even  the  conception, 
and  neither  Pagan  pliilofophers,  nor  Jewifh  prophets,  had  ever  been  abk- 

■  to  produce  the  refemblance  among  their  difciples. 

*  This  very  coafideration,  however,  mull  conltantly  remind  us  of  the 
infinite  importance  of  the  doclrines  peculiar  to  Chriftianity,  and  of  the 
diflinttive  and  appropriate  chai-adtcr  of  its  precepts.      When  we  refleft 

-  that,  for  our  guilty  race^  the  chief  point  is,  not  merely  to  be  informed, 
but  alio  to  be  Javrd^  how  friutlefs,  how  vain,  how  devoid  of  comfort, 
are  the  moil  ingenious  and  accurate  refearches  into  the  nature  and  at- 
tributes of  the  Supreme  Being,  and  the  relation  which  man  bears  to  his 
Creator,  unlefs  they  be  accompanied  with  the  pofitive  alfurance  of  par- 
don, and  rellored  favour  !  How  ufelefs,  how  mortifyinn-  are  the  inofl 
beautiful   precepts  of  morality,  attended  with  the   refleftion  that  they 

.  only  ellablifh  oi't  guilt  and  degradation  !  When  we  tremble  to  look  to 
eternity,  how  difmal  is  tlie  certainty  of  a  future  Hate  !  Thofe  very 
informations  and  rules  of  life  which,  to  creatures  either  innocent,  or  re- 
cor.cikd  to  their  offended  Creator,  are  produdlive  of  comfort  and  com- 
placency, become,  to  thofe  who  feel  themfelves  in  a  ilate  of  condemna- 
tion, fubjefts  of  averfion  and  ten-or.  Is  not  the  criminal  more  alarmed, 
when  he  is  informed  of  the  fpecific  fandions  of  the  law  which  he  has 
violated,  and  of  the  juit  and  fleady  character  of  the  Judge  by  whom  he 

•  mull  be  condemned  ? ' 

The  duties  of  morality,  enforced  by  the  peculiar  doclrines  of 
the  Gofpelj  ought  certainl)«to  be  regarded  by  the  Chriiliai>  di- 
vine as  entitled  to  occupy  a  very  large  proportion  of  his  public 
clifcourfes.     We  have  been  furprifed  at  the  fenfelefs  cry,  which 

■  has  forrietimes  been  railed  againft  preaching  the  duties  of  morif- 
lity,  as  if  morality  vi^ere  fomething  oppofed  to  the  Gofpel  of 
Chrill.     The  Scriptures  afluredly  contain  a  fyftem  of  the  pureffc 

■morality,  and  no  preacher  difcharges  his  duty  who  negle£ls  to 

-enforce  it.  At  the  fame  time,  we  equally  agree  with  our  author 
in  the  importance  of  the  doclrines  peculiar  to  Chriftianity.  While 
it  is  of  great  moment  to  inculcate  the  duties  of  morality^  they 
ought  always  to  be  inculcated  on  Chriftian  principles.  A  Chriltiaji 
preacher  fliould  never'  conceal  the  peculiarities  of  Chriftianity, 
nor,  in  teaching  men  their  duty,  ftiould  he  negletl  the  motives 
which  his  religion  fo  amply  furnilhes.  The  difference  between  a 
minifter  of  Chrill  and  a  dilciple  of  Socrates,  would  not,  in  many 

'cafes,  be  fo  great  in  the  condudl  which  they  would  recommend,  -sx 

•  in  the  motives  which  they  would  fuggelt :  here  indeed  the  Chriftian 
'  iiaa  infinitely  the  advantage,  and  he  ought  to  avail  h|mfelf  of  it. 

The  fecond  and  third  iermons  are  on  '  the  love  of 'God, '  and 
the  joy  and  peace  which  refult  from  believing  arfd  pradifmg  tht 

■  Gofpel. 


1804.  ^r  Browii'y  SernwfiJt.  I93 

Gofpel.  Thefe  two  cllfcourfes  illuflrate  fome  of  the  afre£lIons 
xvhich  religion  commands  us  to  cherifh  ;  and  we  are  pleafed  to 
fee  a  preacher  of  found  judgement  engage  in  the  difcuflion  of 
topics  which  have  been  fo  often  perverted  by  the  unfkilful.  While 
ludicious  and  acute  men  have  fometimes  explained  the  doftrines^ 
and  often  inculcated  the  duties  of  religion,  it  has  been  left,  too 
generally,  to  enthufiafts  to  defcribe  religious  affeftions  and  feeU 
ings.  Few  things,  w^e  believe,  have  tended  more  to  the  general  dif- 
credit  of  religion,  than  that  men  of  found  underftandiiigs  fliould 
fo  often  appear  to  difcard  all  feeling  from  their  fyftem  ;  and  fliould. 
have  left  it  to  be  afTumed  as  the  peculiar  property,  and  dirtinguifh-' 
Ing  chara^leriftic  of  bigotted  or  de/igning  men.  When  almoll  all 
the  popular  topics,  and  all  the  warmth  and  activity  are  found  on 
one  hand,  and  dry  difcufTion  conduced  with  a  coolnefs,  eafily 
miflaken  for  indifference,  on  the  other,  is  it  furprifing  that  the 
multitude  fhould  flock  to  the  fanatics  and  enthufiafts  ?  The  ene- 
mies of  religion,  befides,  avail  themfelves  of  this  circumftance  : 
they  impute  the  irregularities  of  fuch  men  to  religion  itfelf,  and 
allege  the  coolnefs  of  others  as  a  proof  of  infincerity.  If  rational 
preachers  would  infufe  a  little  more  fpirit  into  their  difcourfes,  and 
not  treat  their  hearers  quite  fo  much  as  if  they  were  beings  of  pure 
intelleft,  we  are  inclined  to  think  that  there  would  be  fewer  en- 
thufiafts. Extremes  produce  extremes  j  immoderate  zeal  has  led 
to  indifference  -,  and  indifference  has  increafed  the  zeal  with  which 
it  is  contrafted.  The  fanaticifm  which,  at  one  time,  prevailed  in 
England,  led  the  bulk  of  the  clergy  in  that  country  into  a  ftudied 
coolnefs,  which  had  all  the  appearance  of  indifference ;  and  their 
coolnefs,  irx  its  turn,  occafioned  the  unmeaning  rant  of  the  modern 
Methodills.  There  is  fome  reafon  to  apprehend  that  fimilar  caufes 
may  produce  fimilar  effefts  in  our  own  part  of  the  ifland,  where  the 
people  are  not  naturally  inclined  to  any  great  excels  of  devotional 
ardour. 

Religion  has  fometimes  been  reprefented  as  unfavourable  to  the 
enjoyment  of  life  :  in  the  following  paffages,  this  fentiment  is 
refuted,  and  the  fuperior  excellence  of  religious  joy  maintained, 
with  much  juftnefs,  and  with  much  eloquence. 

'  So  far  is  an  implicit  conformity  to  the  dictates  of  our  religion  from 
being  inconfiflent  with  a  proper  care  of  worldly  concerns,  that,  if  we 
had  no  higher  aim  in  view  than  merely  to  promote,  or  to  fecure,  our 
temporal  interells,  we  could  hardly  puifue  a  lafer  and  more  certain 
courfe,  than  a  fcrnpulous  ohfervance  of  the  rules  prefcribed  by  Chriftia- 
liity,  for  conducing  us  to  future  happinefs.  To  increafe  or  to  preferve 
2  fortune,  what  better  means  could  we  employ,  than  Chriftian  diligence 
and  honefty  ?  To  rife  to  preferment  and  honour,  what  fo  efficacious 
as  that  inflexible  integrity,  that  clicerful  and  ready  fubmiffion  to  lawful 
fupeviors,  that  affable  condi'fcenfion  to  inferiors, "  that  meeknefs  and 
■  VOL.  fv.  NO.  7.  N  complaifance 


Ip4  J^^  BrowuV  Sermons*  April 

coraplaifance  towards  all,  which  the  Gofpel  enjoins  ?  To  enfure  good 
will,  to  maintain  a  character,  to  acquire  reputation,  could  we  adopt  a 
better  plan,  than  to  cultivate  Chriltian  prudence  and  fortitude,  joined 
with  Chriftian  reftitude  and  charity  ;  or,  as  our  Saviour  beautifully  and 
emphatically  exprefles  it,  than  to  be  ivlfe  as  f^-rpetits,  and  barmkfs  as 
doves  ?  In  fine,  if  our  fole  objeft  were  to  preferve  health,  to  prolong 
life,  or  even  to  give  a  true  reliih  to  fenfual  enjoyment,  could  we  follow 
any  better  courfe,  than  to  praftife  Chriitian  activity  in  bufmefs,  in  con- 
junflion  with  Chriftian  moderation  and  temperance  ?  * — *  Thefe  are  joys 
pure  and  fubftantial,  fiiited  to  the  dignity  of  the  rational  nature,  inde- 
pendent of  our  brutal  part.  Thefe  can  never  be  carried  to  excefs,  never 
lucceeded  by  coiToding  refleftion.  Pleafing  once,  they  pleafe  and  de- 
light us  for  ever.  Thofe,  neither  birth,  nor  external  events,  nor  the 
difpofitions  of  men,  nor  difeafe,  nor  age,  can  affeft.  They  attend  us  in 
fociety,  and  forfake  us  not  in  folitude.  When  enemies  perfecute  us, 
they  infpire  us  with  courage,  and  endue  us  with  ftrengtlu  When  fallc 
fi-iends  abandon  us,  they  remain.  They  folace  adveriity,  and  enhance 
and  adorn  profperous  circumftanc-es.  They  lighten  the  burdens  of  hfe, 
and  difarm  death  of  his  terrors  !  Compared  with  thefe,  affluence  is 
poor,  grandeur  is  contemptible,  fenfual  pleafure  is  dffgulling.  Exter- 
nal circumflances  are  appropriated  to  no  inherent  dignity  of  charafter, 
and  are  often  the  means  of  debafing  it.  But  religious  and  moral  enjoy- 
vnents  are  the  peculiar  privileges  of  the  wife  and  gfX)d,  who  are  not  ex- 
cluded from  their  fhare  of  worldly  pofleJTions,  and  can  enjoy  them  with 
the  higheft  rehlh.  Still,  Ihould  thefe  be  withheld,  fiipported  by  their 
internal  refources,  by  confcioiis  integrity,  by  the  exhilarating  fenfe  of 
the  Divine  favour,  and  by  tlie  glorious  profpcft  of  a  blcffed  immorta- 
lity, the  pioufly  wife  muft,  even  in  adverhty  and  affliftion,  be  poiFelfed 
of  a  more  abundant  llore  of  happinefs  than  can  belong  to  the  impious 
and  the  wicked,  placed  on  the  fummit  of  power,  ballcing  in  the  fun- 
fhine  of  profperity,  and  refounding  the  loudeil  ftrains  of  diflblute  miilh. 
Like  a  rock  lowering  above  the  deep,  the  man  of  piety  and  virtue  be- 
holds the  ftorms  of  calamity  roar  around  him,  without  fhaking  his  re- 
folution,  or  impairing  his  ftrength.  When  the  tempeft  affails  thofe  of 
a  contrary  charadter,  they  are  tofled,  like  the  fand,  from  furge  to  furge, 
and,  when  the  calm  returns,  fmk  under  the  weight  of  their  own  depra- 
vity. * 

Sermon  fourth,  '  On  the  Nature,  Caufes,  and  E£re,£ls  of  Indif- 
ference with  regard  to  Religion, '  was  preached  before  the  So- 
ciety in  Scotland  for  propagating  Chriftian  Knowledge,  and  pub- 
liflied  originally  at  their  defire.  It  is  written  in  fo  mafterly  a 
manner,  that  if  the  learned  author  had  publiflied  nothing  more> 
it  would  have  been  enough  to  eftablifli  his  character  as  no  ordi- 
nary preacher.  The  nature  of  this  indifference  is  diftinguifhed 
with  great  precifiori,  from  moderation  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
total  want  of  religious  principle  on  the  other :  the  caufes  and  ef- 
fects of  Uiis  fpirit  are  traced  with  equal  ciearnefs ;  and  feveral 

conlideratioas 


i8o4'~  J^^  BrownV  Sermciis.  t^J 

conficleratlons  atlded,   which  are  well  calculated  to  put  Chriflians 
on  tlieir  guard  againll  it. 

The  fifth  Sermon  is  *  on  the  Folly  of  Procraftination  with  re- 
gard to  the  Concerns  of  Religion  ; '  the  lixth  is  ''  on  the  Vanity 
of  Religion,  unlefs  confidered  as  the  chief  good,  and  accompa- 
nied with  Zeal  and  Perfeverartce  •, '  the  feventh  is  *  on  the  Na- 
ture, the  Effedls,  and  the  Rewards  of  Perfeverance  in  Religion ;  * 
the  eighth  is  on  '  the  Progreffive  Nature  of  Religion  in  the  Soul.  *- 
The  next  three  fermons  are  *  on  the  Specific  Qualities  of  Pru- 
dence and  Simplicity, '  the  union  of  thefe  qualities,  and  the  mo- 
tives to  cultivate  them.  On  each  of  thefe  topics  the  reader  will 
find  much  iifefui  matter,  dated  with  accuracy  and  difcrimination. 
Three  difcourfes  follow  *  on  Agur's  Prayer, '  in  which  the  au- 
thor defcribes  the  happinefs  of  a  mind  open  to  the  convi<3:ion  o£ 
truth,  and  attached  to  duty,  the  temptations  and  dangers  of  opu- 
lence and  exalted  ftation,  and  the  temptations  and  dangers  of  po- 
verty, with  the  happinefs  of  the  middle  condition.  Some  of  thefe 
are  fubjefts  upon  which  declaimers  have  enlarged  with  peculiar 
complacency  ;  and  on  the  temptations  and  vices  of  the  great 
and  profperous,  many  a  lofty  mora  lift  has  made  himfelf  popu- 
lar at  little  coll.  In  thefe  difcourfes,  the  dangers  of  opulence 
and  of  poverty  are  flated  with  equal  impartiality,  and  in  a  man- 
ner judicious  and  manlv,  without  any  aid  of  fanciful  embeliifli- 
nieut. 

In  the  next  difcourfe,  *  Pride  '  is  very  accurately  diflinguifhed 
from  vanity,  and  from  that  becoming  felf-eitimation  which  is  of- 
ten neceflary  to  our  protection  from  infult.  The  grounds  of  pride 
are  examined  in  another  difcourfe ;  and  birth,  titles,  offices, 
riches,  corporeal  advantages,  and  mental  endowments,  are  clearly 
fliown  to  afford  no  fulhcient  ix-afon  for  this  temper.  The  next 
difcourfe  is  on  the  nature  and  efFe£ls  of  *  Humility, '  which 
forms  a  very  proper  contrail  to  the  fubje6l  of  the  two  preceding 
fermons.  The  iaft  fermon  is  on  *  Cliarity, '  and  was  preached 
before  a  Society  inftituted  for  the  Relief  of  the  Sick  Poor.  The 
Text  is,  *  chanty  never  faileth  ;  '  and  the  author  takes  occafion  to 
fhow,  that,  while  many  gifts  bellowed  on  men,  and  high  attain- 
ments reached  by  them,  ihall  ceafe  with  this  life,  charity  Ihall 
continue  and  fioarifla  in  another  flate  ;  and,  from  its  unfaihng  na- 
ture, he  powerfully  urges  the  exercife  of  it.  From  confidering 
the  nature  of  charity  in  general,  he  eafdy  pafTes  to  that  exercife 
of  it  which  confiils  in  relieving  the  necelTitous,  and  tlms  ilrongly 
recommends  the  interelts  of  that  Society  for  -which  lie  plt-uds. 

*  Ye  who  enjoy  every  conveinence  and  comfort  of  life  !  ro  v.'honi, 
when  you  are  laid  on  a  bed  of  fickiicfs,  every  foothing  aid,  every 
kelp    of  medicine,    every    relief    that    money   or    tendernefs   can    fup- 

N  2  ply. 


tp^.  Di'  Brown'j-  Sermom,  Aprrlf 

ply,  are  provided  ;  refleft  how  you  endured  the  pains  and  languors, 
<3f  dlfeafe,  though  mitigated  and  foftened  by  all  that  human  art  or 
kindnefs  could  devife  i  Did  you  happen  to  be  removed  from  your 
abode  when  fome  fevere  and  dangerous  malady  afTailed  you,  how 
were  you  overwhelmed  by  the  abfencc  of  domeflic  charity  and  con- 
■cenience  ?  But  the  poor  man  has  no  hame  for  ficknefs  !  Health  is 
neceffary  to  procure  him  ordinary  comfort,  is  neceiTary  to  provide  him 
and  his  family  with  the  means  of  daily  fubfiftence.  Laid  on  the  bed  of 
iaii^uijh'mgf  perhaps  on  the  bed  of  dtath,  he  beholds  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren difconfolate  around  him.  They  can  prefent  to  him  none  of  the 
cordials  and  fupports  of  ficknefs  ;  for  his  interrupted  labour  deprives 
them  of  the  flaff  of  life.  His  dlftr^'s  and  theirs  are  unknown  to  the 
ear  of  opulence.  The  rich,  or  thoft  who  employ  him,  recognife  him- 
only  by  the  price  of  his  labour.  When  fixed  to  a  fickbed,  which 
:ferves  rather  to  augment  than  to  alleviate  his  malady,  he  ccafes  to  at- 
tend his  work,  he  ceafes  alfo  to  be  prefent  to  their  minds.  Another 
comes,  occupies  hi?  place,  receives  the  wages  he  ufed  to  earn — and  the 
fick  man  is  forgotten  \  Difeafe  continues  to  prey  upon  his  frame  till 
he  expires  !  He  fs  configned  to  the  grave,  of  difficult  purchafe,  and  to 
oblivion  :  or  is  remembered  only  by  the  beggary  of  his  family,  often 
accounted  importunate  and  trouhlefome  i  ' — *  But,  do  not  you  then  re- 
joice, that  a  Society  exifts  under  the  title  of  The  Sick  Man^s  Friend^, 
whofe  objeft  is  to  penetrate  into  the  recelTes  of  mifery,  to  difcnver  the 
fick  poor,  of  whatever  religious  feft  or  party  they  may  be,  and  to  af- 
ford them  every  relief  which  charity  can  fupply  ?  Db  you  not  rejoice, 
that,  without  encroaching  on  your  ordinary  bufinefs,  abridging  your 
pleafures,  or  diminifiiing  in  any  perceptible  degree  your  ftores,  you 
may  heal  or  alleviate  the  difeafes  of  your  poorer  brethren,  by  contri- 
buting a  fmall  portion  of  your  fuperabundance  ?  Will  you  not,  then, 
command  that  portion  to  fpi-ed,  under  th<l  management  of  faithful  men, 
to  the  habitations  of  the  poor  and  the  difeafed,  to  fappiy  the  ftrengthen- 
ing  cordial  to  the  fick  heart,  to  adminifier  the  cooling  potion  to  the 
feverlfh  frame,  to  mitigate  the  convulfive  pangs  of  acute  diftemper,  and 
even  to  fmooth  the  bed  of  death  V     p.  458. 

'In  perufing  fome  of  thefe  difcourfes,  we  have  been  difpofed  to 
wilh  that  the  inferior  dlvifions  or  parts  had  been  more  diftinilly 
marked.  We  have  no  defire  to  fee  a  difcourfe  fplit  down  Into  an 
intricate  variety  of  dlvifions  and  fiabdivlfions  ^  this  would  generally 
be  abfurd,  and  could  feldom  be  ufeful  ;  but  where  topics,  necef- 
farily  dlftlntl,  are  introduced,  it  unqueillonably  roufes  the  atten- 
tion, and  aflifts  the  memory,  to  find  them  diltinftly  announced. 
In  the  ninth  and  tenth  fermons,  for  example,  the  eifefts  relulting 
from  the  union  of  prudence  and  fimplicity,  and  the  motives  to 
cultivate  them,  are  pointed  out  in  a  very  mafterly  manner  ;  yet, 
though  feveral  dlftin6t  topics  are  introduced  under  each  of  thefe 
heads,,  none  of  them  is  formally  ftated.     This,  we  are  perfuaded, 

while 


'i^04.  -^^*  Brown' J-  Sermons.  IJgfJ 

while  it  has  no  influence  on  the  unity  of  the  difcourfcs,  niuft  di- 
minifh  their  impreflion.  The  unity  of  a  difcourfe,  is  deftroye^, 
?A^e  apprehend,  by  crowding  a  variety  of  fubjc6ts  into  it,  and  not 
by  clearly  diftinguifliing  the  different  parts  of  the  fame  fubjecSl. 
Fafhion,  we  are  aware,  may  perhaps  be  pleaded  againll  us,  though 
we  beliex'e  Dr  Brown  would  fcorn  to  avail  himfelf  of  fuch  an 
authority  ;  but  we  cannot  permit  fafhion  to  decide  againft  utility. 
She  may  be  allowed  to  regulate  the  furniture  of  the  circulating 
libraries ;  but  it  will  be  as  well,  perhaps,  that  fhe  be  not  much 
confulted  in  the  compofition  of  ferraons. 

From  the  extradis  which  we  have  given,  our  readers  may  be 
able  to  judge  with  regard  to  the  llyle  of  thefe  difcourfes  :  it  is 
well  fuited  to  the  nature  of  the  fubje<£l:s,  eafy,  flowing,  and  dig- 
nified ;  it  never  finks  to  meaimefs  ;  it  is  never  turgid  :  the  author 
dates  his  fentiments  with  precifion,  and  enforces  them  with  ani- 
mation 5  he  never  forgets  the  importance  of  his  fubjeft,  nor  fuf- 
fers  his  reader  to  forget  it  ^  he  always  conceives  clearly  what  he 
intends  tw  exprefs,  and  is  never  at  a  lofs  for  appropriate  expref- 
fions  to  convey  his  meaning.  He  has  very  much  enriched  his 
difcourfes  by  an  abundant  ufe  of  tiie  language  of  Scripture,  which 
be  has  applied  with  much  felicity,  and  often  employed  to  ex- 
prefs his  own  fentiments,  in  a  manner  that  gives  much  dignity 
to  the  Ityle. 

We  cannot  avoid  obferving,  that  too  little  attention  appears  to 
have  been  bellowed  on  the  mechanical  part  of  this  publication, 
and  that  the  author  has  fuffered  his  compofitions  to  meet  the 
public  eye  under  the  difadvantage  of  many  grofs  typographical 
errors.  Thefe  we  hope  to  fee  removed  in  a  fecond  edition  ;  and, 
on  a  further  revifioa  of  his  work,  Dr  Brown  will  probably  dif- 
cover  that  thefe  are  not  the  only  errors  which  require  correclioru 
Where  there  is  fo  much  to  praife,  we  feel  the  more  anxious  for 
the  purification  of  his  fhyle  from  thofe  flighter  faults  and  inac- 
curacies by  wliich  it  is  occafionally  degraded  ;  and  we  are  fully 
confident  that  the  exercife  of  his  own  tafte  will  enable  him  to  ex-r 
hibit  his  work  in  ,a  fi:ate  ftill  more  unexceptionable;. 


N  5  Aj.7% 


jpS  Turner'j-  Vitidicatiou  of  the  WelJJj  Bards.  April 

Art.  XV.  yi  V'lndtcaiiofi  of  the  Genuinenefs  of  the  Anuenf  Br'tfijh 
Poems  of  ^neurln,  Tal'iefn,  Llywarch  Hen,  and  IMcrdhm,  rvltb  fpe- 
chvrns  of  the  Poems.  By  Sliaron  Tinner,  F.  A.  S.  JLondon.  Wil- 
liams, Strand.      1803.     8vo.   pp.  284. 

'T^HE  predilettion  of  the  "Welfti  for  the  antiquities  of  their  na- 
."*-  tive  country,  and  the  jealous  eye  v/ith  whicli  they  Hill  re- 
gard the  interference  of  a  &axon  in  this  facred  fubjccl,  are  fo  no- 
torious, that  we  are  ftrongly  inclined  to  indulge  a  fufpicious  fmile 
nt  their  allowing  Mr  Turner  to  anticipate  themfeh-es  in  vindicating 
tKe  genuinene'fs  of  their  mod  ancient  and  favourite  bards.  No 
doubt  can  be  entertained,  that  many  of  the  Welfli  antiquaries 
are  infinitely  fuperior  in  point  of  knowledge  and  zeal  to  Mr  Tur- 
ner :  if,  then,  the  caufe  which  he  has  undertaken  had,  in  their 
opinion,  been  tenable,  can  we  fuppofe  that  they  would  have  fo 
long  endured  the  fcolTs  of  unbeliever's,  and  at  lad  have  permit- 
ted a  ftranger  to  enter  the  lifts,  and  bear  off  the  prize  }  AVe  are 
therefore  reduced  to  the  necelTity  of  fuppofing  that  Mr  Turner 
polTefies  zeal,  without  their  knowledge  and  prudence.  Although, 
however,  the  Wellh  antiquaries  hive  not  come  dire^lly  forward 
on  this  important  occafion,  yet  one  of  the  moft  dlftinguilhed  of 
them  has  given  his  fanclion  to  Mr  Turner's  M'ork  fo  direclly  and 
flrongly,  that  they  mull  fliarc  in  his  difgrace  if  he  fail  in  his  at- 
tempt, without  being  able  tx)  claim  any  of  the  lioiiour  if  he  fuc- 
ceed.  * 

Mr  Turner  need  not  have  informed  his  readers,  that  he  had  ap- 
plied only  fome  part  of  the  leifure  of  the  fummer  to  the  confi- 
deration  of  this  quelfion  ;  fince  the  total  M'ant  of  arrangement, 
argument,  and  correft  compofition,  fuihciently  proves  his  work  to 
liave  been  a  hafty  performance.  It  has,  indeed,  many  of  the  ex- 
ternal marks  of  a  methodical  and  logical  treatife  :  the  propofition 
is  formally  ftated  ;  the  evidence  is  *  divided  J:nt6  two  forts,  the 
external  and  the  internal '  (16.);  and  there  are  eight  divifionsj 
-befides  fubdivifions  without  number,  under  each  *  fort '  of  evi- 
dence. All  this  looks  as  if  Mr  Turner  intended,  when  he  begaii 
his  M'Orkj  that  it  fliould  be  clear,  fyftematical,  and  full,  even  if  he 
could  not  make  it  convincing  or  fatisfaclory.  But  he  taficed  him- 
folf  beyond  his  powers.  Some  of  the  divifions,  which  are  laid 
down  in  the  beginning  of  his  work,  ai'e  entirely  omitted  in  the 
elucidation  of  tiie  evidence  ;  and  thofe  v/hich  are  noticed,  occur 
in  a  very  difterent  order.  This  dcfecl,  however,  we  might  have 
endured  ;  or  perhaps  v/c  might  iiave   endeavoured  to  remedy  it 

■ ^ ___^ 

?   Oiven's  Cambrian  Biograpl-y.     Fref,  p.  5, 


tSo4-  Tnrntt's  Vindication  of  the  We.1j7j. Bards*  tg:^ 

by  a  difFercnt  arrangement,  if  the  matter  had  appeared  worth  the 
trouble.  But  we  do  not  remember  ever  to  have  met  with  anv 
thins  disjnified  with  the  name  of  evidence,  which  bore  fo  httle 
refemblance  to  auth.ority  or  argument.  As  we  have  neither  time 
nor  patience  to  examine,  feparately,  the  innumerable  divilions  of 
external  and  internal  evidence,  we  fhall  feleft  a  few,  and  arrange 
them  with  more  regard  to  method  and  order  than  Mr  Turner  Has 
difcovered.  "VVe  ffiall  not,  however,  infult  the  undcrilandings  of 
our  readers,  by  entering  into  a  formal  and  direct  refutation  ;  but, 
in  fome  inftances,  fhall  merely  ftate  jthe  fubfiance  of  Mr  Turner's 
evidence  ;  and,  in  no  initance,  offer  inore  than  general  remarks. 

We  fliall  begin  with  the  propofition,  that  Aneurin,  Taliefm, 
Llywarch  Hen,  and  Merdhin,  were  Britifh  bards,  who  lived  in 
the  fixth  century  ;  which  is  the  fixth  in  the  order  of  examina- 
tion ([09.),  and  the  fourth  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  laid 
dowli  in  the  beginning  of  the  work  (17).  The  teftimony  of  Nen- 
nius  is  firlt  adduced  (115).  Mr  Turner  obferves,  *  that  Gale 
places  him  in  the  feventh  century  ;  he  may  have  belonged  to  the 
ninth.'  Now,  the  author  of  the  hiflory  attributed  to  Nennius 
wrote,  as  he  exprefsly  informs  us  in  his  preface,  in  858,  *  and 
confequently  is  veiy  infuflicient  autliority  for  the  exiflence  of 
bards  in  the  fixth  century.  But,  feccnuilyy  the  paflage  alluded  to 
is  not  in  the  printed  copy :  it  is  found  only  in  one  MS. ;  and 
the  very  llyle  and  contents  of  the  whole  chapter  in  which  the 
paflage  occurs,  prove  it  to  have  been  the  addition  of  a  different, 
and,  mod  probably,  a  later  writer.  And,  thirdly^  the  pallage,  as 
it  ftands,  mentions  no  bard  but  Taliefm  :  '  Item,  Talhearn  Ta» 
langu'^n  in  pocmate  claruit,  ct  Nuevin,  ^  Taliefm,  &  Bluchbar, 
&  Cian  qui  vocatur  Gueinanguant,  fimul  uno  tempore  in  poe- 
mate  Britannico  floruerunt. '  Hence,  allowing  that  Nennius 
wrote  in  the  feventh  century,  and  that  this  paflage  is  really  ge-. 
nuine^  Hill  we  mult  grant  Mr  Turner  another  favour  before  it 
can  be  of  much  advantage  to  him.  By  the  afiiftance  of  Mr 
Evans  he  changes  Nuevin  hito  Aneurin,  and  Bluchbar  into  Lly- 
warch. So  that  Mr  Turner  merely  requefls  his  reader  to  allow 
him  to  fix  the  :era  of  an  author  ;  to  attribute  X.o  him,  on  the  flight 
authority  of  one  MS.,  a  chapter  not  found  in  the  other  MSS., 
and  very  different  in  llyle  and  matter ;  and  to  alter  the  words  as 
he  pleafes  ; — and  then  he  undertakes  to  prove  his  propofition.  " 

This  is  not  the  only  inftance  in  which  Mr  Turner  has  recourfe 
to  MSS.  which  have  been  rcjccfed   by  the  editors,  whom,  how- 

N  4  ever, 

*  Nennius  apud  Gale,  I.  94.  Nlcholfon,  however,  is  inclined  to 
place  him  in  828.     Encr.  Hiilor,  Lihrar.  p.  33,     3d  Edit,  fol. 


io»  Turner'j  Vindication  of  the  Weljfj  Bards.  April 

ever,  we  muft  fuppofe  to  have  been  more  impartial  and  cotnpe- 
tent  judges  than  himfelf.  In  a  MS.  of"  the  laws  of  Howel  Dha, 
he  finds  fome  lines  cited  and  afcribed  to  Taliefin  •,  and  thefe  he 
brings  forward  in  evidence,  without  ftating  on  what  grounds  he 
confiders  this  MS.  as  more  corre6l  and  genuine  than  the  others  j 
and  not  in  the  leaft  ftartled  at  meeting  with  a  quotation  from  a 
poet  in  a  book  of  laws, — and  that  quotation  fo  Uttle  to  the  pur- 
pofe,  and  fo  awkwardly  introduced,  that  it  bears  every  mark  of 
an  interpolation. 

We  imagine  that  the  credibility  of  that  notorious  fabulift, 
Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  and  tiie  genuinenefs  of  the  Welfh  triads, 
ought  to  be  eftabliflred,  before  they  can  with  any  propriety  be 
introduced   as  unexceptionable  and  iatisfatlory  evidence.     (119 — 

135-) 
We   fhall  now  turn  back  to  the  firll  divifion  of  the  external 

evidence — that  there  are  old  MSS.  exilling  of  thefe  poems,  (21.) ; 
which  merely  amounts  to  this,  that  there  are  *  two,  if  not  three, 
ancient  MSS.  extant,  which  have  no  appearance  of  having  been 
written  later  than  the  twelfth  century,'  (24.)  And  this  very 
guarded  and  very  vague  polition  does  not  rell  on  the  authority 
of  Mr  Turner.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  examined  thefe 
MSS.  himfelf-, — he  does  not  even  mention  the  qualifications  or 
names  of  thofe  to  whofe  examination  he  has  trulled  ;  nor  Hate 
the  evidence  which  is  fuppofed  to  prove  their  antiquity  :  He 
merely  fays,  he  underllands  (27.),  he  is  informed  (28.),  he  is 
aflured  (29.)  that  they  are  ancient.  It  is  unnecefTary  to  expofe 
the  weaknefs  of  this  evidence.  In  pages  37  —  87,  he  endeavours 
to  prove,  that  Aneurin,  Taliefin,  &c.  and  their  vi'orks,  *  have 
been  mentioned  or  alluded  to  by  a  feries  of  bards,  whofe  works 
Hill  exift,  undifputed,  from  before  the  twelfth  century  to  a  re- 
cent period. '  The  difbelievers  in  the  genuinenefs  of  the  poems 
attributed  to  the  bards  of  the  fixth  century,  maintain,  that  tliey 
were  forged  in  tlie  twelfth  century.  They  ground  tlieir  opinion 
on  two  undifputed  facts, — that  the  Welfn  do  not  pretend  to  pof- 
lefs  the  works  of  any  bards  between  the  fixth  and  the  eleventh  or 
twelfth  centuries,  and  that  all  the  Welfh  MSS.  appear  to  have  been 
written  in  the  twelfth  century.  Mr  Turner,  imagining  that  the 
Welfli  had  unguardedly  granted  too  much,  contends  (269),  that 
there  are  fmall  poems  Hill  extant,  which  were  written  in  the 
feventh,  eighth,  and  tenth  centuries  ;  but  as  he  has  offered  no 
arguments  in  fupport  of  their  genuinenefs,  we  mull,  beg  leave 
not  only  to  objedl  to  them  as  authorities  on  the  prefent  fubjetl, 
but  alfo  to  fufpeft  their  antiquity.  There  are,  however,  fuc 
notices,  '  taken  from  poems  which,  according  to  tlie  confent  of 
the  belt  Welih  critics,  were  written  before  the  twelfth  century. ' 


3 


1804.  Turner'j-    Vindication  of  the  Weljh  Bards.  iof 

(^7 — y),)  Thefe  notices  prove,  merely,  that  the  names  of  Ta- 
liefin,  Mcrdhin,  Llywarch,  Avaon,  and  Kennyd,  and  fhort  pro- 
verbial fentences  attributed  to  them,  floated  on  the  breath  of  tra- 
dition ;  but  by  no  means  that  their  poems  were  then  written,  or 
even  in  exiltence.  On  the  contrary,  the  very  e\prelfion,  *  Haft 
thou  not  heard  what  Llywarch  Tang — Greet  kindly,  though  there 
be  no  acquaintance,'  iutticiently  points  out  what  parts  of  the 
poems  of  this  bard  were  preferved,  and  how  they  were  preferved. 
The  other  notices  are  exactly  of  the  fame  kind,  and  exprefled  in 
the  fame  manner. 

It  is  now  necefiary  to  turn  from  the  39th  to  the  112th  page, 
where,  in  perfeft  confiileney  with  the  total  want  of  arrange- 
ment of  the  work,  the  remaining  part  of  this  divilion  of  the  ex- 
ternal evidence  is  confidered.  Giraldus  Cambrenfis  is  cited  \ 
and  his  evidence  is  faid  to  be  complete  and  deeifive.  In  one  paf- 
fage,  he  exprefsly  fays,  that,  in  the  twelfth  century,  the  Cam- 
brian bards,  and  fingers  or  reciters,  have  the  genealogy  of  their 
princes  written  in  their  ancient  and  authentic  books  in  Welfh. 
The  poems  of  the  bards  are  not  mentioned  ;  yet  Mr  Turner  af- 
firms tlaat  *  he  fpeaks  of  the  genealogies  but  as  a  part  of  the 
contents  of  thefe  ancient  and  authentic  books. '  In  the  other 
pallage,  tlie  words  of  Giraldus  are,  *  Rex  Angliye  Henricus  Se- 
cundus,  ficut  ab  hiilorico  cantore  Britone  audiverat  antiquo.' — 
Mr  Turner  hence  infers,  *  that  the  ancient  Britifh  had  hiftorical 
(-ingers,  that  is,  ancient  bards  who  had  left  hlilorical  poems,  which, 
in  the  days  of  Henry  the  Second,  were  deemed  ancient,  and  refer- 
red to  •,  and  which,  therefore,  mull  have  been  fome  centuries  old 
jn  that  age. '  (144.)  Cannot  Mr  Turner  perceive  that  the  words 
exprefsly  declare,  that  King  Henry  had  heard  (concerning  Ar- 
thur) from  an  ancient  Briti/lj  bard  ? 

After  thefe  fpecimens  of  Mr  Turner's  commentary  and  argu- 
ments, which  are  not  fele61:ed,  and  are  even  furpafled  in  almoft 
every  page,  it  furely  is  not  neceflary  to  examine,  or  even  ftate 
any  other  paiTagcs,  which  he  has  adduced  in  fupport  of  this  part 
of  the  external  evidence.  We  may,  however,  remark,  that  the 
entire  filence  of  Giraldus  Cambrenfis,  a  writer  who  is  fo  very 
full  and  particular  in  every  thing  relative  to  Wales,  and  feems  to 
have  poirefl'ed  confiderable  knowledge  as  well  as  zeal,  renders  it 
extremely  probable,  that  in  his  time  (about  1  200)  there  were  no 
poems  of  an  ancient  date,  either  tradition.d  or  written.  In  one 
palTage,  indeed,  he  refers  to  the  prophecies  of  Merdhin,  and  de- 
clares that  he  had  tranflated  them  into  Latin.  But  Mr  Turner 
confiders  the  prophetic  works  afcribed  to  Merdhin,  which  have- 
come  down  to  us,  as  unqueftionably  either  interpolated  or  fur- 
feptitious,  (149.)     How  then  can  this  paflag'e  of  Giraldus  prove 

the 


SJ02  .  Turner'j-  Viudicdticn  of  the  Wtijfj  Bards.  April 

the  exiftence  of  the  genuine  poems  of  Merdhin  in  the  twelfth 
century  ;  or  appljs  with  any  propriety  or  force,  to  the  only  poem 
of  this  bard,  at  pvefent  allowed  to  be  genuine,  the  Availenau, 
which  the  hiftorian  never  mentions  ? 

In  p.  197,  Mr  Turner  maintains  that  the  obfcure  and  unin- 
telligible paflagi^s,  which  abound  in  the  poems  of  Taliefin,  &c. 
are  a  ftrong  prefumptive  evidence  rhat  they  are  genuine.  If  Mr 
Turner  will  turn  back  to  page  164,  he  will  there  find,  that  he 
leaves  to  *  its  fate  '  the  myftical,  unintelligible  poetry  of  Taliefin, 
and  confiders  as  genuine  only  his  hiftorical  elegies,  and  his  poems 
on  Urien  and  Elphin  :  In  other  words,  he  gives  up  the  defence  of 
thofe,  which  bear  the  moft  unequivocal  marks  of  antiquity,  and 
feledls,  as  genuine,  only  thofe  which,  according  to  his  own  cri- 
terion, are  deftitute  of  them. 

In  page  136,  he  affirms  that  the  Britons  had  the  ufe  of  letters 
in  the  fixth  century.  It  is  evident  that,  unlefs  by  this  he  meant 
that  the  Welfh  was  a  written  language  at  that  period,  he  will 
have  gained  nothing  by  proving  his  point.  But,  fo  far  from 
having  been  able  to  fubftantiate  what  he  muft  have  meant,  he 
has  not  adduced  even  the  fhadow  of  an  argument  in  fupport  of 
Avhat  he  has  a£lually  faid.  Several  Latin  infcriptions  (of  which, 
however,  he  notices  only  tv/o,  both  the  work  of  one  man)  have 
been  found  in  Wales,  of  the' date  of  the  fixth  century.  How  to- 
tally dellitute  of  judgment  muft  that  man  be,  who  can  from  this 
circumltance  infer,  that  the  Britons  had  the  ufe  of  letters  at  that 
sera,  or  that,  becaufe  a  Wellh  ecclefiaftic  could  then  write  La- 
tin, therefore  the  Welfh  was  a  written  language  ! — It  may  be 
obferved^  that,  according  to  the  very  nature  of  the  bardic  fyilem, 
it  would  neither  be  neceflary  nor  defirable,  that  their  poems 
fhould  be  committed  to  writing  ;  and,  iii  all  probability,  ihey 
dvere  not^  till  the  profeflion  became  lefs  numerous,  when  it  would 
be  necefiary  to  prefcrve  in  writing,  what  recitation  or  tradition 
could  no  longer  fufficiently  fpread  or  fecure  from  obUvion  *, 
On  the  contrary,  the  laws  of  a  country  would  prefentthe  ftrong- 
eft  claim  to  be  firft  committed  to  written  language  \  and  accord- 
ingly, the  oldeft  indifputably  genuine  work  in  Welfli,  is  Howel 
Dha's  Laws,  of  the  tenth  century. 

We  fhall  now  proceed  to  confider  fome  parts  of  the  internal 
evidence  produced  by  Mr  Turner:  and  here,  tlie  fame  confufion 
and  imbecility  of  underllanding  are  difcovered.  The  mind  of 
the  reader  is  never  exercifed,  even   in   detetSling  fophiftry  \  but 

is 

*  Mr  Turner  himfelf  informs  us  (Hillory  of  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
I.  196.)  that  *  the  bardic  dot^rines  were  orally  communicated  from 
bard  to  bard.  ' 


2  804»  Turner'/  Vindicaihu  of  the  Weljh  Banlsi:  301 

is  perpetually  wearied  in  arranging  and  unravel  1  in]:,  what,  after 
.all  the  labour  beftowed  upon  it,  is  always  devoid  of  ingenuity^ 
and  fometimes  even  inconfiftent  with  itfelf- 
.  One  of  his  moll  forcible  arguments  is,  *  that  the  fubj-e^ls  of 
fhefe  ancient  poems  were  the  nioft  unlikely  of  all  others  for  ^ 
/orger  to  have  chofen  '  (J53-)  Thefe  poems,  in  general,  re* 
cord  the  defeats  of  the  Britons.  This  very  circumftance.  Mr 
Turner,  by  a  itrange  perverilon  of  intelle£l:,  confiders  as  a. proof 
rhat  they  were  written  by  bards  who  lived  at  the  time  of  thefe 
defeats:  whereas,  mo(l  pi  his  readers,  we  imagine, "will  confi- 
der  it  as  a  ftrong  prefum.ptive, proof  that  they  were  written  fix 
centuries  after  thefe  defeats,  and  not  at  the  very  period  in  which 
ihey  happened.  Mr  Turner  is  of  opinion  that  a  forger  would 
not  have  chofen  the  difafters  and  fubjugation  of  his  countrymen 
fox  the  fubje^cs  of  his  poems  :  But  what  other  fubjects  could  he 
ponfiRently  have  chofen,  if  he  wldied  his  poems  to  be.attributed 
to  bards  in- the  fixth  century,  at  which  period  it  was  well  known 
10  the  contemporaries  of  the  forger,  that  the  bards,  if  they  fung 
of  battles,  mufl  have  recorded  the  difgrace  and  difallexs  of  the 
Britons  ? — The  manner,  in  which  Arthur  is  fpoken  of  in  thefe 
^jncient  poems,  Mr  Turner  coniiders  as  anotlier  proof,,  that  they 
pould  not  have  been  written  in  the  twelfth  century.  According 
to  Mr  Turner's  own  account,  ic  was  in  the  twelfth  century  that 
Arthur's  fame  acquired  a  '  gigantic  ftiape';  and  he  feems  to 
ponfider  the  hiftory  of  Geoffrey  as  having  firil  given  it  this  mag-' 
nitude.  Hence,  in  direct  oppoi'ition  to  Mr  Turner,  we  would 
infer,  that  a  forger,  of  the  lead  fivill  or  knowledge,  would  not 
•reprefent  Arthur,  in  poems  which  he  wifhed  to  be  attributed 
to  the  fixth  century,  as  that  romantic  and  fabulous  character, 
which  he  was  not  fuppofed  to  have  been,  till  the  publication  of 
Geoffrey's  hiflory. 

Among  other  *  traits  of  genuinenefs  '  in  tliefe  poems,  -on 
which  Mr  Turner  defcants  for  thirty  pages,  without  ever  be- 
traying any  mark  of  itigenuity,  there  is  one  which  we  do 
net  hefitate  to  confider  as  a  llrong  *  trait  '  of  forgery.  Merd- 
bin,  according  to  the  Wellh  traditions,  was  fubjc6l  to  fits  of 
infanity  during  the  latter  part  of  his  life  ;  and,  while  he  was 
in  thar  fituation,  he  is  faid  to  have  compofed  his  Avallenau. 
*  He  retired  into  a  Caledonian  wood,  in  which,  at  lucid  in- 
tervals, he  deplored  his  mifery  *  '  We  fliall  pafs  over  the 
-improbability,  that  fuch  a  madman  would  -amufe  himfelf  with 
compofing  poems  ;  and  the  much  greater  Improbability,  that  if 
he  did  compofe  poems  in  this   Caledonian   wood,  and  uttered 

theoi 

*  Tvifner'e  Anglo-Sfixons,  I.  205. 


204  ■  Turner'/  Vwdlcation  of  the  Weljh  Bards^  April 

them  ill  the  hearing  of  any  perfons,  they  would  think  the  rav- 
ings of  a  madman  worthy  of  being  committed  to  memory. — We 
fhall  even  fuppofe,  that  thefe  circumftances  did  take  place;  or 
that  Merdhin,  in  his  lucid  intervals,  came  out  of  his  retirement, 
and  wrote  his  poems  :  Surely  even  Mr  Turner's  crednlity  will 
not  defire  more  from  us. — Let  us  now  confider  the  *  trait  of  ge- 
rtuinenefs.  * — In  Merdhin's  Avallenau,  there  is  alfo  much  difplay 
of  natural  feelings  appropriate  to  his  chara£ter.  The  aliufian  to 
his  infanity  is  interefting  : 

'   i  myfelf  am  a  wild  horrible  fcreamer— -. 
1  am  pierced  with  horrors — I  am 

Covered  by  no  raiment  !  '  p.  192. 
We  merely  a(k,  is  it  in  the  leaft  confident  with  the  known  cha- 
Ta£ler  of  madmen,  that  they  fhould,  in  their  lucid  intervals, 
Ipeak  of  their  calamity  ?  Does  not  this  very  palTage,  at  leart, 
render  it  very  probable  that  the  poem  is  a  forgery  .''  It  is  much 
more  likely  that  a  forger  {hould  be  fo  forgetful,  or  fo  ignorant 
of  human  nature,  as  to  introduce  this  paflage,  than  that  Merd- 
hin (hould  differ  fo  eflentially  from  all  others  in  his  fituation. 

When  we  firft  read  over  the  divifions  of  the  internal  evidence, 
we  were  particularly  {Iruck  with  the  fixth — *  That  the  hiftorlcal 
allufions  of  the  WeKh  bards  are  true.  '  After  having  feen  in 
what  manner  Mr  Turner  treated  the  other  divifions,  our  curiofity 
was  excited  to  examine  this  important  pofition,  which  certainly 
affords  opportunity  for  confiderable  ingenuity  and  refearch.  But 
there  is  not  even  the  femblance  of  either.  At  the  fame  time,  we 
return  our  thanks  to  Mr  Turner  for  his  concifenefs,  and  for 
having  given  his  proof  fo  nearly  in  a  fyllogiftic  form,  that,  by 
fimply  ilating  the  fubftance  of  it  ex61:Iy  in  that  form,  we  can  fave 
our  readers  from  the  trouble  of  following  us  through  a  tedious 
expofition  of  its  weaknefs. 

*  Geoffrey  is  efteemed  by  the  world  a  "  fabler  :  " 

But  the  Welfh  bards  are  very   unlike  Geoffrey,  and   fometimes 
contradiA  him  : 
Therefore,  the   poems  of  the  Welfli  bards  are   genuine   and   au- 
thentic. '     (199.) 

The  entire  filence  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle  refpe6ling  all  the 
battles  recorded  by  the  Welfh  bards,  efpecially  the  battle  of 
Cattereth,  which  is  reprefented,  in  the  Gododin,  as  having  been 
fo  extremely  fatal  to  the  Britons,  that  of  the  three  hundred  and 
fixty-three  nobles  who  were  engaged,  only  three  furvived  it,— 
3nd  the  mention,  in  that  Chronicle,  of  battles  not  nearly  fo  de- 
il:ru£live  or  difgraceful  to  the  Britons,  which  were  fought  in  the 
^ame  century,  prefent  a  formidable  objedlion  to  the  geuuinenefs 
?.ȣ  the  poems,  which  Mj:  Turner  has  not  even  noticed. 


iSo4.  Turner*/  Vindication  of  the  Welfj  Bard*.  20^ 

In  p.  250,  Mr  Turner  confiders  the  *  chief  obje£llons  urged 
againlt  thefe  poems.  '  It  Is  not  our  Intention  to  examine  his 
replies  feparately  or  minutely.  *  With  regard  to  the  firft  ob- 
je£lIon,  '  that  rime  was  not  known  to  Europe  in  the  fixth  cen- 
tury, and  therefore  thefe  rimed  Welfh  poems  could  not  have 
been  compofed  at  that  period,'  we  never  confidered  it  as  decifive, 
or  even  very  formidable ;  fmce  rime  may  have  exifted  in  the 
Welfh  fome  centuries  before  it  had  been  attempted  in  other 
languages,  efpecially  in  the  languages  of  thnfe  nations  which 
were  unconne6led  with  the  Welfli.  Mr  Turner,  however,  has 
enumerated  eleven  authors,  between  the  fixth  century  and  the 
ninth,  in  whofe  writings  rime  occurs ;  and  has  traced  it  back 
even  to  St  Auflin,  in  the  fourth  century.  If  the  obje6llon  from 
the  ufe  of  rime  by  the  Welfli  bards  be  ftated  in  another  form, 
we  think  it  would  be  much  more  powerful.  There  are  extant 
two  poems  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  ;  one  written  by  C:edm.on,  in  the 
feventh  century  ;  the  other  anonymous,  compofed  in  the  tenth, 
on  the  battle  of  Brunanburgh;  f  neither  of  which  exhibits  any 

appearance 

*  We  have  carefully  examined  Mr  Turner's  two  effays  on  the  early 
ufe  of  the  rime  in  the  Archaeologia,  (vol.  XIV.  168-204,),  to  whichi 
he  refers,  p.  251.  They  confirm  the  opinion,  that  rime  originated 
with  the  monks;  and  that  it  was  transferred  from  their  I>atin  poems 
into  the  modern  languages.  If  the  Latin  borrowed  It  from  the  Gothic 
or  Celtic,  as  Mr  Turner  fuppofes,  how  fhall  we  account  for  its  exiltence 
in  the  Latin  poems  of  Aldheim,  A.  D.  700,  an  Anglo-Saxon  bifhop  ; 
whereas,  two  centuries  afterwards,  it  is  not  found  in  the  fong,  writtea 
in  the  vernacular  tongue,  on  a  popular  fubjeft,  the  Battle  of  Brunan- 
burgh ?  It  IS  fo  extremely  difTicult  to  avoid  rime  in  the  Latin  language, 
from  the  nu.merous  correfponding  terminations  of  its  nouns  and  verbs, 
that,  inllead  of  confidering  the  few  inilnnces  produced  by  Mr  Turner 
in  his  fecond  effay,  as  intentional,  we  are  ailonidied  at  the  extreme  care 
vphich  the  claffical  writer  mult  have  taken  to  prevent  the  frequent 
recurrence  of  rime.  But,  as  the  monks  weie  utterly  devoid  of  tafte, 
and  excefTively  indolent,  they  would  Confider  the  facility  of  riming, 
which  the  Latia  language  pref(;ntcd  to  them,  as  a  beauty  and  an  ad- 
vantage ;  and  accordingly  fubftitute  it,  infttad  of  inverfion  and  metrical 
feet.  The  rimes,  of  which  modern  languages  are  fufceptible,  are  compa- 
ratively fo  few,  that  it  is  very  improbable  that  this  mode  of  compofition 
originated  in  them.  They  are  continued  in  modern  languages,  not,  as 
Mr  Turner  maintains,  becaufe  they  are  natural  10  them,  but  becaule  they 
produce  greater  laiisfadtion  from  being  lefs  eafy  aud  obvious.  Laing'a 
S:oilanci,    1,    525. 

f  There  are  three  copies  of  Caidmon's  poem — In  HIckcs  Thefaur. 
J.    197. — Whdock's  Anglo-Saxon    Bede,    p,  597. — and   in    Wanky's 


5o§  Turner'/  VMicahon  of  the  We!Jh  'Bar'M  Aprl! 

appearance  of  rime.  Now,  as  the  ufe  of  rime  mufl  have  greatly 
facilitated  the  remembrance  of  the  latter  poem,  which  evidently 
appears  to  h?,ve  been  compofed  for  the  purpofe  of  being  com- 
mitted to  memory,  at  a  time  when  few  could  write  or  read  j  it 
is  extremely  probable,  that  if  rime  had  been  fo.long  and  generally 
in  ufe  among  their  neighbours  the  Wel{lT,.the  Anglo-Saxons 
would  have  adopted  it  in  their  poetry,  efpecially  where  the  fub- 
jecfi  and  the  intention  of  the  poems  were  the  fame  in  both 
languages. 

Mr  Turner  has  clearly  proved  that  Giraldus  Cambrenfis  e\"- 
prefsly  mentions  rimed  fongs  in  the  twelfth  century,  in  the 
very  pailiige  which  has  been  produced  to  fliow  that  he  was  not 
acquainted  with  rime.  In  *  cantilenis  rythmicis  et  di6lamine 
tam  fubtiles  inveniuntur,  '  &c.  rythmicis  is  evidently  the  ad- 
jeCLive  agreeing  with  catitilenisy  and  not  a  fubftantive  j  and, 
even  if  it  be  confidered  as  a  fubftantivc,  it  will  not  bear  the 
meaning  which  the  objector  has  given  it,  lince  it  never  fignifies 

•  verfes.  ' 

Mr  Turner  replies  to  the  obje£lion,  that  no  poems  occur  be- 
tween the  fixth  and  the  twelfth  century,  i.  By  taking  for  granted 
the  genuinenefs  of  poems  attributed  to  the  intermediate  centuries: 
2.  by  proving,  principally  from  the  fufpicious  teitimony  of  the 
Welih  triads,  that  bards  exifted  during  that  period  :  and,  3.  By 
illuitrating,  at  great  length,  xht  profound  and  tfr/^/««/ obfervation, 

*  that  the  ravages  of  time  are  capricious,  and  that  fimilar  chafms 
occur  in  the  literary  hiftory  of  other  countries.  '  (269.)  "We 
apprehend,  that  the  fimple  ftatement  of  fuch  modes  of  proof,  is  a 
fuihcient  cxpofition  of  their  weaknefs. 

Of  the  ftyle  of  this  work  we  fhould  have  faid  nothing,  if  Mr 
Turner  had  not  rendered  it  nectirary,  by  holding  it  forth  as  a 
proof  of  his  *  reformation,  '  in  this  refpccl,  fince  he  wrote  his 
hillory.  He  exhibits  the  fame  kind  of  reformation,  of  which 
that  man  might  boaft  who  thould  throw  off  his  gaudy  and  fan- 
tallic  drcfs,  and  appear  before  the  public  covered  with  rags,  and 
befpattered  with  dirt.  Moft  people,  we  imagine,  would  prefer 
his  former  mode  of  exhibiting  himfelf ;  as  it  would,  at  leail,  be 
.the  fource  of  occafional  amufeinent ;  whereas  his  reformed  drefs 
could  only  ficken  and  difguft.  \Ve  '  fubmit, '  therefore,  (to  ufe 
a  favourite  expreflion  of  our  author's),  that  when  he  again  ap- 
pears before  the  public,  he  {hould  refume  his  former  ftyle ;  fince^ 
of  the  two  evils,  to  one  of  which  his  readers  muft  be  expofed, 
they  would  certainly  confider  it  as  the  lead  offenfive. 

Art.' 

Anliq  Liter.  Septen.  p.  287.  The  poem  on  the  battle  of  Brunan* 
burgh,  is  gixcn  by  Gibfon  in  his  Sason  Chronicle,  and  by  Johnitonc  in 
kis  Antia,  Cclto-Swndicse* 


1804.      Hnnt&X^s  Travels' through  France,  ^c:  in  i']g2.  ibf 

Art.  XVI.  Traveh  throtigh  France,  Tuthy,  and  Hungary,  in  1 792  ; 
to  ^uhich  are  added.  Several  Tours  in  Hungary,  in  i']ijijand  iSoo. 
In  a  Series  of  Letters  to  bis  Sifter  in  England.  J3y  William  Hunter, 
Efq.  of  the  Inner- Temple.  Third  edition.  2  vol.  8vo.  pp.  937. 
London.     White.      1803. 

T^^HERR  nre  fome  departments  of  literature  which  require  greater 
—  exertions  than  are  neceflary  for  the  mere  compofition  of' 
t!^.c  works  that  belong  to  them.  Of  this  defcrlption  are  voyages 
and  travels  ;  not  to  mention  the  walks  of  experimental  philofo- 
phy-  The  author  of  a  very  inditF<;rent  book  upon  any  of  thefe 
fubjefts,  may  be  entitled  to  a  great  portion  of  appiaufe  for  the 
adions  wliith  lie  has  performed  ;  and  it  may  even  happen  that 
confiderable  praife  is  due  to  the  adlive  exertions  which  the  tra- 
veller or  experim^ntslift  has  made,  although  neither  important 
difcoveries  nor  intereiiing  writings  ihould  be  the  refult  of  his  la- 
bours. The  various  difHcultifcS  which  mull  be  furmounted  be- 
fore any  long  journey  or  couife  of  experin)ents  can  be  perform- 
ed, are  certainly  deferving  of  our  notice,  to  whatever  termina- 
tion the  path  may  lead  ;  yet  mankind  judge  only  by  the  event, 
and  leave  out  of  the  calculation  every  thing  which  belongs  in 
common  to  the  efforts  of  the  fuccefsful  and  the  unfortunate  can- 
didate for  fame.  It  has  been  alleged,  therefore,  that  the  bufi- 
nefs  of  criticifm  is  to  award  this  due  tribute  of  approbation  even 
to  the  lefs  happy  adventurer,  and  to  moderate  the  ufual  tone  of 
iiricl  impartiality  in  favour  of  a  department  never  likely  to  be 
cverilocked  with  competitors.  We  are  decidedly  of  opinion, 
that  fuch  a  bounty  would  be  in  the  hightft  degree  improper  ; 
that  it  would  tend  dire£lly  to  the  difcouragement  of  the  refpe£t- 
able  trader,  by  confounding  the  diftin£lion  between  good  and 
bad  wares  ',  that  the  more  llri£liy  merit  is  meafured  by  iuccefs, 
and  rewards  proportioned  to  merit,  the  greater  will  be  the  com- 
petition for  the  prize,  and  the  higher  the  value  of  the  work. 

But  although  fuch  confiderations  induce  us  to  think  that  no 
relaxation  whatever  of  critical  feverhy  Ihould  be  granted  to  this 
department  of  literary  labour,  we  conceive  that  the  peculiarities 
above  mentioned  authorife  us  to  treat  it  with  fome  favour  of  an- 
other kind.  We  are  of  opinion,  that  books  ot  travels  deferve  a 
greater  degree  of  attention,  in  proportion  to  their  merits,  than 
other  works  of  more  ordinary  and  eafier  compofition  ;  and  we- 
have,  therefore,  during  the  courfe  of  our  undertaking,  been  dif- 
pofed  to  relax  in  their  favour  that  itrift  rule  of  fele£tiun,  which 
has  been  our  guide  in  fome  other  branches  ot  literature.  Un- 
happily, we  have  hitherto  found  very  little  room  for  bellow mg 
any  further  marks  of  admiration  on  the  writings  in  queilion  ; 

and 


■%3S.         HunterV  Travea  through  Francty  \^c.  In  l'jg2'.        April 

and  our  review  of  the  volumes  row  before  us,  will  furnlfh  at 
once  a  proof  of  our  eagernefs  to  find  out  fomething  worthy  of 
ilotice  in  this  favourite  line  of  exertion,  and  a  new  inftance  of 
rhoft  unmlngled  difappointment.  Thus  much  it  was  necefTary 
to  premife,  as  an  apology  for  making  fuch  a  work  the  fubjefl:  or 
an  article. 

The  letters  of  Mr  William  Hunter  to  his  filler  Eliza,  exceed, 
in  a  confiderable  degree,  the  average  dulnefs  of  tliis  popvdar  fpe- 
cies  of  compofition,  even  if  we  include  in  our  eftimate  the  ma- 
nufcript  fpecimens  which  it  has  been  our  lot  to  pevufe.  The  two 
or  three  firft  epiflles  are  quite  futncient  to  correct  any  hopes  of 
amufement  which  the  reader  of  the  title-page  may  unwarily  have 
formed.  He  foon  finks  into  a  kind  of  unvaried  reverie,  like  that 
produced  by  the  conllant  and  uniform  repetition  of  any  heaw 
found;  —  in  this  he  is  not  even  dillurbed  by  any  very  ftriking  dif- 
cord ; — he  continues  turning  over  page  after  page,  to  the  number 
of  near  a  thoufand,  without  finding  a  fingle  interruption  of  his 
repofe.  The  author  is  a  fafe  and  fmooth  goer;  he  avoids  giving 
the  fmallell  variety  either  of  pleafure  or  pain ;  he  maintains  this 
happy  medium  with  inimitable  dexterity ;  and,  after  the  lapfe  of  a 
certain  time,  the  reader  finds  himfelf  happily  arrived  at  the  end  of 
his  Journey,  without  the  recollection  even  of  a  jolt,  which  might  re- 
mind him  of  the  talk  he  has  performed.  Such,  at  Icafl,  was  the  un- 
ruffled ftate  of  mind  in  which  we  firft  pafT'd  over  this  work  ;  a'; 
our  efforts  of  critical  vigilance  could  only  ward  off  total  fleep.  In 
fpite  of  our  utmoft  attention,  we  could  not  avoid  that  minor  fort 
of  trance  into  which  Mr  Hunter  has  the  fecrct  of  plunging  his 
vi<3:ims  ;  and  we  gave  way,  after  fome  ineffectual  itruggles,  to 
the  uncommon  powers  of  this  moft  Ikilful  magnetifer.  Our  cu- 
riofity  was,  however,  not  unnaturally  excited  to  difcover  the 
myiterious  charm  which  he  fo  evidently  was  in  poffeffion  of.  AVc 
therefore  fubmitted  once  more  to  his  operations;  and  are  now  fo 
far  acquainted  with  the  fecret  of  his  art,  that  we  can  venture  to 
difclofe  it  with  fome  confidence,  both  for  the  benefit  of  future 
authors  and  for  the  warning  of  our  readers. 

And,  firit  of  all,  the  praCtitioner  of  this  new  art  finds  it  pro- 
per to  obtain  a  due  portion  of  cuftomers.  For  this  end,  it  is 
fitting  that  he  Ihould  entice  the  paffenger  by  his  fign-poft  ;  and 
as  it  is  of  the  very  nature  of  figns  to  have  no  fort  of  refemblance 
to  the  thing  fignified,  fo  he  depidts,  on  the  outfct,  not  the  fare 
which  the  paffenger  fliall  find  within,  but  that  which  may  tempt 
him  molt  readily  to  enter.  Thus,  as  the  head  of  the  Grand  Turk, 
and,  Itill  morti,  the  words  *  neat  luinesy'  are  in  nowife  defcrip- 
tive  of  the  liquors  wliich  fuch  devices  are  meant  to  rcprefent,  fo 
is  the  nam*:' of  Mr  Hunter's  article  very  far  diltant  from  couvey- 


lSo4«        TluiiterV  Travels  through  Prance,  l^c,  in  iy^2»        209 

ing  any  foretafle  of  its  true  nature  or  obje£i.  The  unwary  paf- 
fenger  fees  written,  in  great  charafters,  *  Travels  in  France  dur- 
ing the  heat  of  the  Revolution, '  Sec  vtdth  a  head  of  the  Grand 
Seignior  ;  he  buys  *,  and  ftraightway  begins  to  turn  over  a  few- 
leaves.  Left,  however,  the  deception  fliould  too  fuddenly  hz 
perceived,  and  the  drug  not  taken  in  a  fuflicient  dofe,  it  is  cover- 
ed over  with  fuch  devices  as  the  following — which  excite  a  little 
attention  by  the  obfcuvity  of  their  meaning,  or  at  lead  tend  to 
keep  up  the  appearance. 

*  I  do  not  propofe  to  bind  myfelf  down  by  any  fixed  rules.  My  di- 
greffions  will  probably  be  numerous ;  and,  as  my  inclination  prompts 
me,  I  may  yield  to  the  diibites  of  reafon,  or  indulge  in  the  fpeculations 
of  conjefture,  or  be  feduced  by  the  allurements  of  imagination.  If 
this  plan  be  defultory,  I  have  only  flcetched  it  out,  becaufe  I  conceive 
that  it  will  afford  you  more  entertainment  than  any  other ;  for  there  is 
an  irrefiftible  charm  in  variety,  which  carries  the  feelings  lightly  along  ' — ' 
and  fo  forth.     I-   3. 

By  fuch  means  the  reader  is  enticed,  and  fubmits  himfelf  to  the 
farther  operations  of  the  fpell,  which  very  fpeedily  begin  to  be 
felt. 

The  great  fecret  of  Mr  Hunter's  art  confifts  in  avoiding  every 
thing  which  may  in  the  fmalleft  degree  difturb  the  repofe  of  his 
reader  by  exciting  emotions  of  any  fort ;  and  this  he  chiefly  ac- 
compliflies,  by  curioully  fele£ling  all  thofe  incidents  which  are 
of  the  mod  ordinary  recurrence,  mixing  them  up  with  fuch  re- 
inarks  as  are  equally  plain,  and  interfperfing  them  with  long 
difcuffions,  to  prove  what  is  either  intuitively  true,  or  intuitive- 
ly falfe  ;  thus,  in  both  cafes,  contriving  to  render  any  exertion 
of  intelleiSl  as  unneceffary  in  us,  as  it  would  be  impoffible  in 
him.  For  thefe  ends,  he  juflly  confiders  that  the  molt  familiar 
actions  of  a  man's  life  are  eating  and  fleeping  at  the  ftated  times  ; 
and  that  when  a  perfon  travels,  the  moft  ordinary  occupation  is 
that  of  moving  from  one  place  to  anotlier ;  fetting  off  at  a  cer- 
tain hour  of  the  morning,  and  arriving  at  a  particular  hour  in 
the  evening  ;  and,  it  may  be,  paying  the  expence  incurred. 
Extending  fomewhat  further  his  views  of  human  affairs,  he  finds 
that  proviiions  are  either  good,  or  bad,  or  indifferent ;  that  the 
fame  general  obfervation  applies  alfo  to  beds  ;  and  that  all  thefe 
objects  may  likewife  be  diftinguifhed  by  another  principle  of 
claflTification  derived  from  attending  to  their  prices.  From  this 
view  of  the  fubjeft,  tke  tranfition  is  eafy  to  roads  and  ferries, 
including  tolls  and  bridges,  with  the  accefTbry  matter  of  horfes 
and  carriages.  The  fame  love  of  generalizing,  leads  him  to  a 
contemplation  of  the  works  of  nature  ;  and  he  furveys,  with 
ah  accurate  and  difcriminating  eye,  the  whole  ftate  of  the  wea- 

voL.  IV.  NO.  7.  O  thcr. 


'S.l.p  HunterV  Travels  through  FrancCy  Is'c.  ifi  ifgi.        Apuil 

ther,  which,  like  the  inns  and  roads,  is  remarkable  for  being 
fometirnes  better,  and  fometimes  worfe.  And  thefe  are  the  main 
.incidents  of  this  excellent  writer. 

,  Jn  the  choice  of  his  remarks  and  difquifitions,  he  is  equally 
judicious:  they  are  indeed  of  a  touching  fimplicity ;  they  are 
conftantly  introduced,  left  the  uniformity  of  the  narrative  might 
difpofe  us  tq.wander  entirely  from  the  page  -,  and  are  delivered 
in  language'-fo,  monotonoufly  refembling  their  meaning,  (when 
they  chah'cfricK  h«ve  any),  that,  in  very  truth,  the  found  may 
be  calied  a.fj'  ec^w. -to  the  fenfe.  In  the  extenfion  of  this  branch  of 
hui  Wpxk,  Mr  Hunter  proceeds  upon  one  fundamental  principle, 
„of -a  mblVuniverfaJ  application, — that  the  felf-evident  truth  of  any 
•jrro}D^4^,ti6/i  is4|OT{;afon  why  it  Ihould  be  either  fupprefled  or  aflum- 
jcd,  h^  that,  on' the  contrary,  it  fhould,  on  this  precife  ground, 
he  ofti^n- repeated,  fupported  by  numberlefs  arguments,  and  en- 
iofced.by  much  declamation  ;  rightly  judging,  that  lo  invaluable 
"a  treafure  as  plain  truth  can  never  be  too  ftrongly  guarded,  or 
•too  vv:itri"ily  cekbrated.  It  would  be  endlefs  to  coUedf  fpecimens 
«f  tlie  j'Bicity  with  which  this  principle  is  followed  out  in  all 
its  ramifications  ;  it  forms,  indeed,  the  cement  of  the  whole 
■work — x.l\c\caliida  jiiticlura  by  which  all  the  parts  are  held  toge- 
ther— and  fo  fmoothed  as  not  to  ruffle  the  moft  irritable  and 
active  of  readers.  In  juitice  to  Mr  Hunter,  we  fliall  cull  a 
few  famples.  How  convincing  are  his  arguments  to  fhow  that 
it  is  wrong  to  plunder  a  Ihipwvecked  mariner! 

*  To  take  advantage, '  faith  he,  '  of  a  man  who  is  an  unequal  op- 
ponent, is  the  a<5l  of  a  coward  ;  but  to  llrip  of  what  little  he  Hill  pof- 
fefles,  the  unfortunate  being  who  throws  himfelf  on  your  mercy,  who 
implores  your  afiiftance,  and  whofe  life  and  fortune  might  be  refcued 
by  a  trifling  exertion  of  charity,  is  a  cendudt  io  much  at  variance  with 
the  common  feelings  of  nature,  that  we  are  at  a  lofs  how  to  account 
for  fuch  barbarous  and  complicated  depravity.  Why  is  the  law, '  &;c. 
&c.     (I.   142.) 

By  topics,  no  lefs  judicioufly  fele6led,  does  the  mafler  prove, 
that  a  tale  of  complicated  '  villany  and  perfecution '  createti 
*  emotions  of  horror  and  indignation.' — *  A  propenfity  to  hate 
our  enemies, '  he  remarks,  *  and  to  avenge  the  wrongs  they 
have  infli£led  on  us,  is  a  principle  which  is  coeval  with  the  in- 
ftinftive  feelings  of  the  human  frame. '  The  perception  of  this 
truth  fuddenly  tranfports  him  ;  he  is  rapt  in  the  fervour  of 
infpiration  ;  and  gives  loofe  to  the  burftings  of  his  heart — ■*  It 
has  an  eternal  bafis  in  nature,  and  prevails  throughout  the  ex- 
tent of  the  animal  creation.  It  is  a  fundamental  law,  which  is 
univerfally  eftablifhed  in  the  breaft,  and   is  neither  to  be  fub- 

verted 


1804.         HunterV  Travels  through  France,  ^c.  In  I'^c^l-         211 

verted  by  fophiflry,  nor  invalidated  by  perfuafion,  nor  extir- 
pated, by  power.'  .  (T.  3';3-4-)  Whoever,  would  be  convinced 
that  fighting  againft  one's  country  is  criminal,  and  that  a  bloody- 
field  of  battle  is  a  difmal  objeft,  may. be  accommodated  with 
the  proper  arguments  by  turning  to  pages  379.  and  383*  of  the 
firft  volume.  A  long  inveftigation  is  undertaken,  in  two  whole 
pages,  (:^9i-2),  to  Ihow  that  cheating  at  cards  is  improper; 
and  after  much  reafbning,  we  are  gently  led  to  the  conclulion, 
that  •  thofe  whofe  fentiments  of  honour  are  fo  relaxed,  as  to 
allow  them,  without  repugnance,  to  cheat  at  cards,  mud  be  of 
a  mean  and  fordid  difpofition. '  The  following  remark  on  hu^ 
man  nature  is  of  the  mod  general  kind,  and  evidently  flows 
from  what  is  called  *  a  fenlible  man.' — '  Such  is  the  folly  and 
fallibility,  or  the  perverfenefs  and  obduracy  of  human  nature» 
that  the  mod  facred  obligations  are  very  frequently  either  openly- 
infringed,  or  artfully  evaded,  when  they  are  repugnant  to  our 
ideas  ©f  liappinefs,  or  inconfiflent  with  aur  views  of  pleafure, 
convenience,  or  profit. '  (II.  72.) — If  any  one  has  occafion  for 
a  fermon  upon  loiles  fuftained  by  fire,  or  homilies  proper  to  dif- 
fuade  the  Turk  from  ufing  -Wine,  and  the  dervifes  from  leading 
irregular  lives,  or  lectures  againft  the  ufe  of  flays,  he  may  be 
conveniently  fupplied  at  p.  4.  72.  78.  and  102.  of  vol.  II. — We 
extra£l  the  following  brief  and  elegant  definition  of  comfort : 
*  Comfort  gladdens  and  warms  the  heart  wherever  it  is  found  \ 
it  is  the  animating  fpring  of  focial  life  ;  and  in  proportion  as  it 
is  diifufed,  is  our  fatisfaciion  in  beholding  it  increafed.'  (II.  156.) 
After  a  large  difiertatioti  on  matrimony,  Mr  Hunter  takes  oc- 
cafion to  inform  lis,  that  he  is  *  convinced  that  private  virtue  is 
the  only  folid  bafis  of  public  happinefs  and  profperlty  ;  and  that 
the  religion,  the  morality,  and  the  freedom  of  a  ftate,  derive, 
in  no  fmall  degree,  both  their  origin  and  prote£lion  from  the 
purity  of  domeftic  life.'  (II.  2:6.)  We  cannot  help  regard- 
ing it  as  rather  a  fingular  deviation  from  his  ufual  plan,  that  he 
does  not  explain  at  length  the  reafons  on  which  fo  very  ftrange 
an  opinion  is  founded. 

The  plain  downright  falfehood  of  fome  pofitions  illuftrated  in 
thefe  volumes,  is  as  remarkable  as  the  fclf-evident  truth  of  o- 
thers  :  in  no  cafe  is  any  thing  left  to  doubt  or  ingenuity. 
While,  at  one  time,  we  are  reafoned  into  a  f(jnvi6\ion,  that  it 
is  more  agreeable  to  gaze  upon  young  and  beautiful  girls,  than 
on  the  old  aitd  the  ugly  ;  at  another  we  are  defired  to  believe, 
on  the  evidence  of  the  author's  own  obfervatlon,  that  the  fear- 
city  in  1 80 1  was  entirely  fi6fitious,  and  that  the  arts  of  mono- 
polifts  muft  for  the  future  be  checked  by  legillative  iriterference, 
ctherwife  the   country   will  be    ftarved,'  (11.    130.)     Page  after 

O  1  page 


ttl         Hunter  J-  Travels  through  France,  ^c*  in  1792.       Apnl 

page  is  filled  with  demonftrations  that  there  is  fomething  impro- 
per in  defpotifm,  and  fomething  unhappy  in  the  fituation  of  a 
tyrant.  Then  we  are  told,  that  a  great  capital  *  drains  a  conn- 
try  of  its  wealth  and  ptovifions, '  (II.  185.)  Sometimes  the  de- 
fcription  of  a  diftrift  is,  that  its  produce  confifts  either  of  ani- 
mals, vegetables,  or  minerals ;  and  fometimes  we  have  a  mu- 
feum  mentioned,  as  containing  *  minerals,  foffils,  fpars,  petri- 
factions, marbles,  opals,  fiiells,  metals,  and  volcanic  produc- 
tions,' (II.  197-)  But  none  of  Mr  Hunter's  feats  of  (kill  gives 
his  reader  lefs  trouble  than  the  argument  to  prove  that  the  pub- 
lic revenue  ihould  be  augmented  by  an  open  and  avowed  inereafc 
in  the  denomination  of  the  coin  ;  for  fuch  we  conceive  to  be  the 
meaning  of  the  following  difiertation  : 

*  Thefe  mines  bring  in  a  confiderable  revenue  to  the  Crown,  by  which 
the  chief  part  of  their  produce  is  purchafed.  Copper  fimply  renned 
fetches  thirty-fix  florins  a  cwt.  ;  and,  when  manufaftured  into  bars  and 
plates,  about  forty-eight.  But  the  mofl  lucrative  ufe  to  which  it  is  ap- 
plied by  the  government  is  converting  it  into  coin,  as  by  this  operation, 
one  cwt.,  which  coils  originally  thirty-fix  florins,  yields  about  eighty  in 
money,  leaving  a  profit  of  ^^per  cent.  *  This,  to  be  fare,  is  not  clear 
gain,  as  the  expences  of  coinage  muil  be  dedu(fled  ;  but  thefe  are  coui- 
paratively  triffing.  Such  immenfe  advantages  might  furnifli  a  hint  to 
our  own  govern-ment, '  &c.     (11.  271.) 

By  a  careful  adherence  to  this  method  of  compofition,  and 
more  efpeciaily  by  a  frequent  introdu£lion  of  his  own  concerns 
and  feelings,  Mr  Hunter  has  happily  attained  the  perfeftion  of 
Xht  fedaiivs  art  in  writing,  l^ut  as  it  is  not  the  objeft  of  this 
art,  entirely  to  lull  the  reader,  and  flill  lefs  to  rifle  his  fuddenly 
ihutting  the  book,  whereby  the  fpell  would  at  once  be  diflblved, 
the  fkilful  pra£litioner  well  knows  how  to  excite  from  time  to 
time  a  molt  gentle  titillation  of  curiofity  or  hope,  never  indeed 
to  be  gratified,  but  juft  fufEeient  to  maintain  a  flight  degree  of 
attention,  and  to  continue  the  exercife  of  his  power — as  the 
magnctizer  renders  his  fubjeft  obedient,  and  keeps  up  the  trance, 
without  permitting  him  either  to  lleep  or  awake,  by  tickling  his 
nerves  in  a  certain  fmall  degree  at  proper  periods  of  the  opera- 
tion. In  this  branch  of  the  art,  Mr  Hunter  mainly  excels. 
The  travels  of  an  Engliflvman,  according  to  immemorial  ufage, 
begin  with  a  ftorm  in  the  Channel.  Now,  Mr  Hunter's  ftorm, 
in  which  he  *  one  moment  rides  on  a  boifterous  wave,  the  next 
bumps  on  an  inhofpitable  rock '  (I.  8.),  might  peradventure  have 

brought 

*  The  whole  of  the  blunder  here  is  indeed  arlthmei'tcal ;  but  one  part 
of  it  is  ftill  more  palpably  fo  than  the  reft  j  for  the  alleged  profit  JhouM 
be  above  zzz  per  cf»t,  inltcad  of  44. 


l?'04'        Hunter'/  Travels  t/jrougfj  FratJcSf  ^c.  in  1792.         2 If 

brought  the  reader's  repofe  to  a  premature  end,  had  he  not,  with 
wonderful  adroitnefs,  made  ufe  of  the  tickling  procefs,  and  pro- 
mifed  an  *  anecdote  of  a  lufty  gentleman.  *  This  proves  to  be, 
that  the  perfon  in  queftion  fwore  a  little  becaufe  he  was  dropt 
into  the  water ;  that  his  oaths  were  in  Englifh,  he  not  under- 
ftanding  French  -,  and  that,  having  nobody  to  carry  him,  he 
M'alked  afliore  on  foot.  Thus  the  titiliation  is  allayed,  without 
having  been  produdtiv«  of  the  flighted  gratifkation  to  difturb 
our  repofe.  The  fame  procefs  is  very  often  i^epeated,  efpecially 
at  Paris  and  Conftantinople  ;  and  in  no  part  of  the  route  more  fre- 
quently than  in  the  unexplored  coiintry  of  Hungary,  and  the 
military  frontiers  of  the  two  emperors-  Sometimes  he  avails 
himfelf  dexteroufly  of  the  influence  of  afibciation;  and  by  com- 
mencing a  (ketch  with  the  fame  lines  by  which  a  celebrated  maf- 
ter  has  formerly  pourtrayed  it,  leads  us  to  expert  a  continued 
refemblance  of  tlie  picture.  It  muft  be  admitted,  however,  that 
he  is  apt  occafionally  to  mingle  a  little  difappointment,  by  the 
fudden  tranfition  ;  as,  for  example,  in  the  following  inftance: 

*  The  poor  Q^een  of  France,  10  lately  an  obje<3;  of  envy  !  Who 
can  reflect;  on  her  fudden  reverfe  of  fortune,  on  her  unmerited  fufferings, 
on  the  favage  infults  to  which  Ihe  has  been  expofed,  without  being^  / 
ftruck  with  that  entire  change  of  fentioient  and  opinion,  which  at  pre- 
fent  agitates  and  direfts  the  minds  of  this  fickle  people  ?  Tiiofe  who 
once  idolized  the  charms  of  beauty,  and  the  pomp  of  royalty,  are  now 
become  liieir  bittereft  perfecutors.  The  age  of  chivalry  is,  indeed, 
gone  with  (^em.  and  with  it  all  tlmfe  milder  and  more  rational  virtues 
by  which  it  was  fupplanted.  Chivalry  was  an  enthuCafra,  which,  as  it 
efpoufed  the  caufe  and  aflertcd  the  rights  of  unprotedied  innocence  and 
female  youth  and  beauty,  was  highly  ferviceable  to  the  ftate  of  fociety 
under  which  it  prevailed.  It  fprang  ' — with  a  good  deal  more  to  the 
fame  purpofe,  vol.  I.  p.  32-3-4. 

As  our  duty  enjoins  ftricl  impartiality,  we  cannot  avoid  hint- 
ing to  Mr  Hunter,  that  this  forms  fome  deviation  from  the  or- 
dinary harmlefsrefs  of  his  profe,  and  ought,  in  future  editions, 
to  be  placed  at  a  greater  diftance  from  the  beginning,  that  the 
reader  may  fir  ft  be  well  dozed  before  fo  trying  an  experiment  is 
made  upon  his  temper. 

The  general  mufic  of  Mr  Hunter's  language  is  intended,  for 
fimilar  reafons,  to  refcmble  that  of  Dr  Johnfon.  The  likenefs 
between  the  two  flyles  is  indeed  pretty  exa6l,  unlefs  that  Mr 
Hunter's  has  not  the  fenfe,  nor  the  variety,  nor  the  juftnefs  of 
his  model ;  fo  that  he  has,  we  apprehend,  produced  fuch  a  pa- 
rody, as  the  memorable  *  fong  by  a  perfon  of  quality'  is  of  a 
fong  by  a  poet.  To  which  may  be  added,  that  he  has  borrow- 
ed fomewhat  from  a  female  authority,  of  a  more  impure  age, 
the  elo(^uent  Mrs  Malaprop — uHng,    after  her  example,  fuch 

Q  3  doubtful 


a  14         HunterV  Travels  through  France,  isfc.  in  1792^         April 

doubtful  forms  of  fpecch,  ?s  errant  for  arrant^  (II.  99.)  >  fnit  for 
Juke;  i>iter<:hang£  for  changt,  (II.  4.3'6.)  •,  alter luitely  iox  at  once^ 
(I,  407.)  : — and  betra.ying,  moreover,  a  tafte  in  grammar  fome- 
what  fufpicious,  as  '  women  fent  in  prejents^ '  (I.  295.)  ;  *  majo- 
jority,  clergy,  number;  &c. ^V  ■  (palfim) ;  •  enemy-  are'  (I.  viii.)  j 
♦  after  lue^  (JI.  50.)  In  gratitude  to 'Mr  Hunter,  we  farther 
recommend,  that  if  he  ihould  at  -any  time  have  occafion  again  to 
defcribe  tl\c  extreme  of  *  inipoJItbUity, '  he  would  not  make  choice 
qf.  a  figure  which  denotes  pofjibiHty^  and  indeed  alludes  to  a  cir- 
-cumftance  of  hourly  occurrence.!;  In  vol.  II.  p.  5.  lie  talks  of 
i'dmething  being  *  at>  impoiilble  as  it  is  to  reftore  life  when  every 
pulfe  has  ceaftd  to  vibrate.  *  We  arealfo  inclined  to  hint  at  the 
propriety  of  omitting  fuch  anecdotes  about  liarams,  llallions, 
and  brood-mareSj  as  occur  in  vol.  I.  309.  311.  and  II.  457., 
"when  hefliail  at  any  future  period  Indite  letters  to  his  'filter. 
•Thefe  are  points  of  dodlrine  not  ellentially  necelFary  to  female 
education,  and  may  tend  to  interrupt  the  flumbers  of  the  young 
Indies  who  Ihall  haply  follow  our  preferi{)tion,  and  make  ufe  of 
•JVIr  Hunter's  volumes.  For  we  now  tliink  it  our  duty,  noL\vith- 
flanding  the  above  trifling  exceptions,  to  recommend  this  work 
as  in  every  refpe6l  the  bed  and  fafell  fedative  of  the  kind  which 
the  prefs  hath  of  lace  times  produced  ;  and  the  moll  commodi- 
ous fimple  which  thofe  perfons  of  quality,  country  gentlemen, 
and  young  oilicers  can  take,  who'^have  got  into  the  habit  of  turn- 
ing over  the  leaves  of  books  during  a  certain  part  of  the  morn- 
ing. Its  operation  is  certain,  agreeable,  and  efficacious  ;  and 
poflTefTes  the  notable  advantage,  'of  not "  interrupting  other  pur- 
iui.ts,  or   confining   the   patient  for   any    lingtii  of  time   to   his 


room. 


.'.^^ 


:lw 


j,Vrt.  XVII.  The  IVorki.of  Thomas  Chattertim  ;  inntaiinvg  his  Life,  by 
G.  Gregory,  D.  D.  and  JMifcellaneous  /^jOcms,^  London.  Longman 
&.  Rees.     3  vols.  8vo.      ii>o^.  ■   ,,^  .  , 

TpHE  works  of  Chatterton,  whofe  life  and  death  will  be  the 
^  -"^  lading  honour  and  Indelible  difgrace  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, a-re  at  length,  after  the  lapre.,of  more  tlian  thirty  years, 
editM  ill.  a  colle£led  date..  "We  were' at  fome  lofs,  to  conceive 
•wliat  could  have  occafiqiied.  the  long  delay  of  fo  intereding  a 
publication  3  and  the  explanation  has  -proved  rather  mortify- 
ing. \-u4  priori,  fuch  a  work  feeUied  particularly  calculated  to 
cngag<i:the  public  attention.  7'o  the  i;iternal  merit  of  tht  poems., 
now  at.  length  publiflied,  is  united  all  the  intered  exci,ted  by 
the'rpmanti^p  hKlory^a-nd  lamentable  .death  qf  .the  wonderful  au- 
Vlibi-,  'a^  well.  aV  tlfat'.'wljch  ariies  .from  tlie  excrcife  of  critical  in? 
■■""'."•""'      ""    '"'"    '■''"''  .  •    •' veftigatiorij 


1804.  Chatterio7i's  Works  hy  Southey  and  Co a\^\  215 

veftigation,  and  the  ardour  of  literary  controverfy.  N<;verthe- 
lefs.the  delay  may  be  attended  by  its  own  -advanraijes  in  aiding 
us  to  afcertain  the  real  merits  of  the  difputed  queftion.  The 
works  of  Chatterton,  or  the  poems  of  Rowley,  have  furvived 
the  controverfy  which  atttnded  their  appearance  in  1770.  Of 
the  aflailants  and  defenders  of  their  originaHty,  many  have  paid 
the  debt  to  nature,  and  others  will  remember  their  ardour  in 
the  contell  as  the  emotions  of  an  apitating  dream.  It  may 
therefore  be  fuppofed  that  the  public  will  coolly  and  impartially 
determine  the  controverfy  (if  it  yet  remains  a  controverfy)  upon 
the  folid  grounds  of  evidence  ;  and  it  might  alfo  have  been  hop- 
ed, that  circumllances  of  additional  proof,  fupprelled  or  mifre- 
prefcnted  while  the  feelings  of  being  duped  were  yet  too  acute, 
might  now  have  been  recovered.  We  will  endeavour  to  ihew 
how  far  we  have  been  gratified  by  the  prefent  edition,  and  in 
what  rcfpecls  it  has  fallen  (liort  of  our  expectation. 

The  preface  bears  the  well  known  and  refpeCiiable  name  of 
Mr  Robert.  Suuthey  -,  but  we  are  informed  that  fo  much  of  the 
buunefs  has  devolved  upon  Mr  Cottle,  that  it  becomes  neceffary 
to  ufe  the  term  Editors  in  the  plural.  Both  poets,  and  both  na- 
tives oi  Briftol,  we  may  fuppole  that  thefe  gentlemen  felt  a  deep 
and  peculiar  interelt  in  the  tallc  they  have  undertaken,  of  ren- 
dering a  jutl  homage  to  the  genius  of  their  wonderful  fellow- 
citizen,^  and  of  contributing  to  the  intereft  of  his  furviving  rela- 
tion. The  purpofes  to  which  the  profits  of  the  publication  are 
dedicated,  are  thus  exprefled  in  the  preface  •,  and  the  circumftan- 
ces,  while  they  do  honour  to  the  liberality  of  the  editors  and  pub- 
iifliers,  account  for  the  delay  of  which  we  have  complained,  in  a 
manner  deeply  difgraceful  to  the  talle  and  feelings  of  the  public. 

'  In  the  winter  of  1799,  a  fubfcription  edition  of  the  works  of  Chat- 
terton was  publicly  propofed  for  Ids  lifter's  benefit.  Thefe  works  had 
hitherto  been  publifhed  only  for  the  emolument  of  llrangers,  who  pro- 
cured them  by  gift  or  pnrchafe  from  the  author  himfelf,  or  pilfered  them 
from  his  family.  From  the  intereft  which  thefe  circumftances  and  the 
whole  of  Chatterton's  hiftory  had  excited,  more  fuccefs  was  expected 
than  has  been  found.  At  the  end  of  two  years,  the  fubfcription  would 
not  have  defrayed  the  cofts  of  publication. 

'  An  arrangement  was  then  made  with  Meft'rs  -Longmair  &  Rees, 
who  have  publiftred  the  work  at' their  own  cxpence,  and  allowed  Mrs 
Newton  a  handfome  number  of  copies,  with  a  reveriionary  intereft  in 
any  future  edition.  '  .     .  • 

The  friends  and  patrons  of  Chatterton,  as  well  as  the  former 
collectors  of  his  poems,  have  been  liberal  in  their  communica- 
tions to  the  prefent  editors  ;  and  the  book  accordingly  contains 
many  of  his  productions  which  have  been  hitherto  inedited.  We 
dy  not  aver  that,  in  general,  thefe  additionijto  his  works  tend  to 

O  4  augnieiit 


2i6  Chaiterton's  Works  by  Southey  and  Cottle.  April 

augment  his  fame  ;  on  the  contrary,  as  feme  of  them  have  been 
written  ahnoft  during  infancy,  as  others  are  merely  unfinifhcd 
fragments,  and  as  all  fecm  incorreft  and  hally  produ£lions,  we 
cannot  but  confider  them  as  far  inferior  to  the  poems  afcribed  to 
Rowley,  and  even  to  thofe  which  Chatterton  was  himfelf  pleafed  to 
own  during  his  life.  But,  in  another  point  of  view,  thefe  early  and 
unhnlflied  compofitions  are  very  interefling.  In  Chatterton,  above 
all  other  poets,  we  would  wifh  not  merely  to  admire  the  works  up- 
on which  he  may  fafely  reft  his  claim  to  immortal  fame,  but  al- 
fo  to  inveftigate  die  performances  in  which  his  exertions  have 
been  lefs  fuccefsful ;  and,  by  comparing  them  together,  to  form, 
if  it  be  pofhble,  fome  idea  of  the  ftrength  and  weaknefs  of  this 
prodigy  of  early  talent.  We  therefore  approve  of  publi(hing  fuch 
plecc.i  as  *  Sly  Dick'  and  '  Apoilate  Will,'  vrhich  difplay  the 
early  fatirical  propenllties  of  young  Chatterton  ;  with  the  elegie?, 
fongs,  and  burlettas,  by  which  he  endeavoured  rather  to  fupply 
his  pecellities,  and  poltpone  the  dreadful  crifis  of  his  fate,  than 
to  indulge  his  genius,  or  extend  his  poetical  fame.  One  of  his 
juvenile  producHons,  now  pubUflied  for  the  firlt  time,  is  a  hymn 
foi-  Chrillmas-day,  which,  if  really  written  about  the  age  of 
eleven,  bears  ample  tellimony  to  tlje  prematuire  powers  of  the 
author.  We  extradl  a  verfe  or  two,  which,  when  the  harmony 
raid  eafe  of  exprefhon  are  contrafted  with  the  author's  bovhood, 
inexperience,  and  want  of  inftruclion,  appear  almoft  miracu- 
Jous. 

*  Almighty  Framer  of  the  flcies, 

O  let  our  pure  devotion  rife 
Like  inccnfe  in  thy  light  ! 

Wrapt  in  impenetrable  fliade, 

The  texture  of  our  fouls  were  made, 
Till  thy  command  gave  light;- 

The  Sun  of  glory  gleamed  the  ray, 
Refined  the  darknefs  into  day,     ' 

And  bid  the  vapours  flv  : 
Impelled  by  His  eternal  love. 
He  left  his  palaces  above, 

To  cheer  our  gloomy  fl<y. 

How  fhall  we  celebrate  the  day 
When  God  appeared  in  mortal  clay, 

The  mark  of  wordly  fcorn. 
When  the  Archangel's  heavenly  lays 
Attempted  the  Redeemer's  praifc. 

And  hailed  Salvation's  morn  ? 

A  humble  fonn  the  Godhead  wore, 
The  pains  of  poverty  he  bore, 


l8o4«  Chaitertoth  Works  by  Southey  and  Cottle.  ixy 

To  gaudy  pomp  unknown  : 
Tho'  in  a  human  walk  he  trod, 
Still  was  the  man  Almighty  God, 

In  glor)'  all  his  own. 

Defpifed,  oppreffed,  the  Godhead  bears 

The  torments  of  this  vale  of  tears. 
Nor  bid  his  vengeaivce  rife  : 

He  fav^'  the  creatures  he  had  made 

Revile  his  power,  his  peace  invade, 
He  faw  with  mercy's  eyes. ' 
Such  was  the  early  command  of  lanc^uage  difplaycd  by  a  child; 
who,   when  a  bcardlefs  youth,    was  to  gull  a  whole   fynod  of 
grizzled  deans  and  antiquaries. 

The  life  of  Chatterton,  prefixt  to  thefe  volumes,  was  writ- 
ten by  Dr  Gregory  of  London  for  the  Biographia  Britannica, 
and,  by  his  permillion,  has  been  reprinted  upon  this  occafion. 
Although  it  feems  to  be  compiled  with  great  fidelity,  and  proba- 
bly contains  all  the  material  fa6ls  known  upon  the  fubjeft  ;  we 
cannot  fupprefs  our  hearty  wifli,  that  either  of  the  prefent  editors 
had  himfelf  undertaken  the  taflc  of  Chatterton's  biographer.  Many 
obfervations  muft  have  occurred  to  them,  while  preparing  thefe 
volumes  for  the  prefs,  which  have  efcaped  Dr  Gregory,  writ- 
ing many  years  ago,  and  for  a  more  limited  purpofe.  This 
was  the  more  incumbent  upon  the  editors  ;  becaufe,  from  perfons 
of  poetical  talle,  fo  long  employed  in  examining  Chatterton's 
productions,  the  public  muft  have  expected  fome  light  upon  the 
Rowleian  controverfy.  Dr  Gregory,  unwilling,  or  un.able  to  form 
a  judgement  upon  this  mofl  important  point  of  the  life  of  the 
youthful  poet,  has  arranged,  with  great  impartiality,  the  argu- 
ments upon  both  fides,  in  battle  array  againft  each  other,  leav- 
ing his  reader  to  draw  fuch  conclufions  as  his  own  tafte  or  judge- 
ment may  enable  him  to  form.  Now,  this  might  be  very  ex- 
cufeable,  in  the  original  circumftances  in  which  Dr  Gregory's  life 
of  Chatterton  was  publifhed  \  for  the  Biographia  Britannica  is 
not  a  natural  field  for  literary  controi'erfy,  though  often  occupied 
as  fuch.  But  in  publifl:iing  a  formal  edition  of  the  \vhoIe  works 
of  Chatterton,  in  v/hich  thofe  articles  afcribed  to  Rowley  are  in- 
cluded, the  public  had  a  riglit  to  expect:  from  the  editors,  their 
full  fentiments  upon  the  point  of  moft  eflential  intereft  to  their 
author's  fame,  efpecially  as  Mr  Cottle,  at  leaft,  has  formed  and 
exprelTed  a  decided  cpiiiion  upon  the  fubjedl.  Befides,  without 
depreciating  the  labours  of  Dr  Gregory,  who  has  produced  a  plain 
and  fimple  account  of  Chatterton's  life,  we  mufr  exprefs  ourfelves 
difappointcd,  that  we  have  not,  from  the  hand  of  a  poet  like 
Scuthey.  a  memorial  of  his  ill-fated  brother  bard.     Few  fubjedls 

of 


■2 1 3  Clmttertoii  s  Woth  by  Southey  atui  Cottle.  AP^^^ 

of  compofition,   equally  affecting  or  elevating,   can  ever  occur  ; 
for  when  we  confider  the  llrange  ambiguity  ot  Chatterton's  cha- 
radcr,  his  attainments  under  circumftances  incalculably  difadvan- 
tageous,  and  his  wiih  to   difgiiife  them  under  the  name  of  ano- 
ther •,    his  high   fpirit  of  independence,   and  the  ready  verlatllity 
with  which  he  Hooped  to  the  mcanell  political  or  literary  drudgery; 
the   amiable   and   interefting   aiTediou  which  he  dilplays  towards 
his  family,  with  a  certain  loofeneis  of  morality  which  approaches 
to   profligacy, — we  cannot  but   regret  that  a  fubjc(S\,  uniting  fo 
ftrong  an  alternation  of  light  and  ihade,  had  not  been  Iketched  by 
the  hand  of  a  mailer.     We  will  not  fuppofe  that  Mr  Southey,.  or 
his  brother  editor,  reti-eated  from  the  talk  of  becoming  Chatter- 
ton's  biographer  through   mere   indolence  ;  for,  the  liberality  of 
their  purpofc  towards  his  filler,  is  a  pledge  fo  us,  that  they  would 
rot  readily  *  wax  weary  in  well-doing. '     We  content  ourfelves 
with  lamenting  that   any  i-eafoii  Ihould  have  occurred  to  deprive 
us  of  the  fatisfacliou  which  we  would  have   reaped  in  feeing  a 
new  life  of  Chatterton,  with  a  full  view  of  the  Rowley  contro- 
verfy,    upon    which,    in   many  particulars,    the  book   before   us, 
and  the   detached    notes  of   the    editors,    throw  fo  much  light. 
One  general    remark  we  cannot   help    deducing   from   the   me- 
lancholy pi£lure  of  the  life  before  us.      The  inconliilencles  of 
Chatterton's    conduct   and   characler  may  be,  in  fome  mealm^e, 
afcribed  to  his  fituation  and  extreme  youth  ;  yet  we  fear  their 
original  fource  vi'as  in  tliat  ineijuality  of  fpirits  with  which  Pro- 
vidence,   as    in  mockery   of   the   moll    fplendid  gifts  of   genius 
and  fancy,    has   often    conjoined    them.      This   Itrange  difordcr 
of  the  mind,  often  confounded  by  the  vulgar  with  actual  infa- 
nity,  of  which  perhaps  it  is  a  rejiiote  ihade,  is  follered  by  the 
workings  of   an   ardent    imagination  as   it  is  checked   and   fub- 
dued  by  mathematical  or  philofopliical  refearch.     It   is   reconcile- 
iible  (as  is   actual   inlanity)  with  the  exertion  of  the  greatelt  ad- 
tlrels  in  gaining  a  particular  point,  or  in  impormg  upon  the  relt  oi 
mankuul.     In   both  cafes,  tiie  object  to  be  attained,  is  ufuaily,. 
in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  either  altoijether  undeiirable,   or  totally 
inadequate  to  the  trouble  and  addreis  expended   in  attaining   it. 
This  difeafe  (for  fuch  it  is,  and  of  a  dreadful  complexion)  may 
^Uo,  like  tire  extremity  of  mental  derangemciit^  be  admitted  to 
palliate  rhj^  idcviations  from  truth  and  moral  rectitude,  which  it 
is  pecnjiarly  apt  to  occafion.     Without  confidering,  the  forgery  of 
Ivow|j.'y's  poems  ,in  fo  heinous  <i  light  as  if  they  luid  been  a  bill 
or  bpndy  ^mcj   pecuniary  advantage  the  object  of  the  fraud,  we 
cannot  regard  the  impoiture  at;  of  an  indiil'orent.  or  harmlefs  na- 
ture. _  Kcitlicr  was  the  end  p,ropoi©d,  being  apparently  the  mere 
internal  l.itisfaclion  of  impofiitg  upon  tlie  world,  ov,.  at  bell,   the. 
iviUen  obflinacy  of  maintaining  an  allcrtion  vv'hich  Irad  been  hafiny , 

made.' 


l"8o4.  Chattertcni's  Works  by  Sxjutliey  and  Cottle.  219 

made,  apparently  adequate  to  the  immenfe  labour  noccflary  to 
fuilain  the  credit  of"  Rowley.  But  the  ardent  mind  of  Chatter- 
ton,  who  had  pitched  the  llandard  of  his  honour  on  this  particu- 
lar ground,  urged  him  to  maintain  it  at  the  facrificc  of  the  poe- 
tical reputation  he  might  have  acquired  by  i-enouncing  a  phantom 
of  his  imagination,  and  at  the  yet  more  important  tlerelitl:ion  of 
perfonal  truth  and  moral  rectitude. 

The  alternate  fits  of  melancholy  and  burfls  of  liigh  fpirits 
which  Chatterton  manifeiled;  the  itrange  paper  entitled  his  luill, 
in  which,  with  a  mixture  of  levity,  of  bitter  fatire  and  adlual 
defpair,  he  announces  a  purpofe  of  felf-deftruclion  j  above  all, 
the  extravagant  hopes  which  marked  his  arrival  in  London,  and 
the  fuicide  which  finally  clofed  his  fhort  and  eventful  career,— 
all  announce  to  us  that  irregular  ambition,  and  impatience  of  the 
natural  progrefs  of  fociety,  which  indicate  an  inllamed  imagina- 
tion and  a  precarious  judgement. 

Before  leaving  the  life  of  Chatterton,  we  mu(l  intimate,  that 
we  are  fomewhat  difpleafed  with  the  recommendatory  and  laud- 
atory fcraps  of  verfe  and  profe  which,  in  revival  oi  a  good  old 
cuftom,  are  tacked  to  the  works  of  the  author.  Dr  Vicefimus 
Knox  leads  the  van  with  a  heavy  and  dolorous  imitation  of  Sterne 
(which  lumbers  along  like  INIr  Shandy's  chaife  when  it  was  drag- 
ged into  Lyons  without  the  wheels),  followed  in  forrowful  pro- 
cefTion  by  the  Laureate,  by  Mrs  Cowley,  Mrs  Robinfon,  Mils 
Helen  Maria  Williams,  ^Ir  Herbert  Croft,  and  other  perfons 
(as  the  ncwfpapers  have  it)  of  talents  and  dlilinclion.  We  con- 
fefs  that  we  think  Chatterton  little  honoured  by  their  tribute 
of  mawkiili,  and  affeded  fympajihy.  It  is  diigulting  to  hear  blue- 
ftocking  ladies  jingle  their  rhymes,  and  pedantic  fchoolmafters 
pipe  upon  their  fentimental  whiftles  a  dirge  over  the  grave  of 
departed  genius.  We  except  fron:^  'this  cenlure  a  monody  of 
i\lr  Coleridge,  which,  though  very  unequal,  and  carelefsly  exe- 
cuted, exhibits  in  many  pailages  the  feeling  and  poetical  talent 
which  that  gentleman  always. pofleffes,  and  fometimes  chufes  to 
difplay.  We  alfo  except  fome  verfes  by  Mr  Hayley,  the  fubje^t 
having  raifed  him  on  this  occafion  confiderably  above  ti^ne  cold, 
corrc£t  mediocrity, of  his  ufual  tone  of  poetry. 

The  poems  of  Chatterton  may  be  divided  into  two  grand 
clalfes — thofe  afcribed  to  Rowley  j  for  furely,  to  ufe  Mr  Cottle's 
exprefTion,  it  is  time  to  pluck  the  borrowed  plunaes  from  the 
|i£litious  monk,  and  to  place  them  on  the  brow  of  the  real  poet; — 
gnd  thofe  which  the  bard  of  Briftol  avowed  to  be  his  ow.n  com- 
policion.  Of  thefe  clalfes,  the  former  is  incalculably  fuperior  to 
t-hc  latter  in  poetical  powers  and  diction.  This  is  a  remarkable 
circumllance,  and  forms,  we  think,  the  only  forcible  argument 

in 


■t 

220  Chatiertofi^s  Works  hy  Southey  and  Cottle.  April 

in  fupport  of  the  exiftence  and  claims  of  Rowley.  But  there  is 
a  fatisfactory  anfwer,  founded  upon  more  than  one  reafon,  for 
the  inferiority  betwixt  the  avowed  and  concealed  produdtions  of 
Chatrerton.  He  produced  thofe  antiquated  poems  which  he 
afcribed  to  Rowley  when  a  youth  of  fixteen  ;  and  his  education 
had  been  fo  limited,  that  his  general  acquirements  were  beneath 
thofe  of  boys  of  the  fame  age,  fince  he  was  neither  acquainted 
with  French  nor  Latin.  If,  therefore,  there  is  other  evidence 
to  prove  that  the  poems  of  Rowley  were  his  own  compofition, 
it  follows,  that  the  whole  powers  and  energies  of  his  extraordi- 
nary talents  muft  have  been  converted  to  the  acquifition  of  the  ob- 
folete  language,  and  peculiar  ftyle  neceflary  to  fupport  this  deep- 
laid  deception.  He  could  have  no  time  for  the  ftudy  of  our  mo- 
dern poets,  their  rules  of  verfe,  or  modes  of  expreflion,  while 
his  whole  faculties  were  intenfely  employed  in  the  herculean 
talk  of  creating  the  perfon,  hiftory,  and  language  of  an  ancient 
poet,  which,  vafl:  as  thefe  faculties  were,  was  furely  fufficient 
■wholly  to  engrofs,  though  not  to  overburden  them.  When, 
therefore,  due  time  is  allowed  for  a  boy  of  fixteen  to  have  ac- 
quired the  aftoniftiing  (kill  '  in  antique  lore '  neceflary  to  the  exe- 
cution of  this  great  project,  it  will  readily  be  allowed  that  he 
muft  have  come  to  the  compofition  of  modern  poetry  a  mere  no- 
vice, deftitute  of  all  adventitious  fupport,  and  relying  only  on  the 
flrength  of  his  own  genius,  which,  powerful  as  it  was,  had  hither- 
to been  ufed  in  a  different  and  fomewhat  inconfiftent  dire£tion. 
In  the  poems  of  Rowley,  therefore,  we  read  the  exertions  of 
Chatterton  in  the  line  of  his  own  choice,  aided  by  all  the  informa- 
tion which  his  refearches  had  enabled  him  to  procure,  and  ftimu- 
lated  by  his  favourite  ambition  of  impofing  upon  the  literary 
world;  but,  in  his  modern  poems,  he  is  engaged  in  a  flyleof  com- 
pofition to  which  he  was  comparatively  a  ftranger,  and  to  which 
the  bent  of  his  mind  and  turn  of  his  iludies  had  not  naturally  in- 
clined him.  Although  this  argument  feems  to  account,  in  a 
manner  fufRciently  fatisfa£tory,  for  the  inequality  of  thofe  produc- 
tions in  which  Chatterton  has  thrown  afide  the  maflc  of  Rowley,  it 
is  not  the  only  one  which  can  be  offered.  Let  it  be  remembered, 
that,  admitting  Chatterton  to  be  engaged  in  a  deception,  he  had 
pledged  himfelf  to  maintain  it ;  he  was  therefore  carefully  to  avoid 
whatever  might  tend  to  remove  the  veil  which  he  had  fpread  over  it ; 
and  fuch  was  his  firmnefs  of  pcrfeverance,  that  he  feems  to  attefl  the 
originality  of  Rowley,  even  in  the  luill  which  he  wrote  before  his  pro- 
je6ted  fuicide  *.  Without  therefore  fuppofing  that  he  had  under ivrit- 

ten 

*  This  circumftance   is  much   founded   on  by  the  believers.     To  us 
it "  ooly  affords  aa  additional  proof  of  the  unconquerable  and  haughty 

jperfeyerance 


ten  his  own  poems,  in  order  to  fet  off  thofe  of  Rowley,  It  is  obviou'? 
that  the  former  mull  have  been  executed  under  a  degree  of  em- 
barraffment  highly  unfavourable  to  poetical  compofition.  As 
Rowley,  Chatterton  had  put  forth  his  whole  ftrength,  and  exerted 
himfelf  to  the  utmoft  in  defcribing  thofe  fcenes  of  antique  fplen- 
dour  which  captivated  his  imagination  fo  ftrongly.  But  when  he 
wrote  in  his  own  character,  he  was  under  the  neceflity  of  avoid- 
ing every  idea,  fubjecl,  or  expreflion,  however  favourite,  which 
could  tend  to  identify  the  ftyle  of  Chatterton  with  that  of  Rowley  •, 
and  furely  it  is  no  more  to  he  expected  that,  thus  cramped  and 
trammelled,  he  fliould  equal  his  unreftrained  efforts,  than  that  a 
man  fliould  exert  the  fame  fpeed  with  fetters  on  Iiis  limbs  as  if 
they  were  at  liberty.  Let  it  be  further  confidered,  that  there  exill: 
perfons  to  v/hom  nature  has  granted  the  talent  of  mimicking, 
not  merely  the  voice  and  gefture,  but  the  expreffion,  ideas,  and 
manner  of  thinking  of  others,  and  who,  fpcaking  in  an  afllimed 
charafter,  difplay  a  fire  and  genius  which  evaporates  when  they 
refume  their  own.  In  like  manner,  Chatterton,  with  all  his 
wonderful  powers,  appears,  from  the  habit  of  writing  as  a  fic- 
titious perfonage,  and  in  a  itrangely  antiquated  dialect,  to  have 
in  fame  degree  formed  a  character  to  his  fuppofed  Rowley,  fupe- 
rior  to  what  he  was  able  to  maintain  in  his  own  perfon  when  his 
difguife  was  laid  afide.  The  veil  of  antiquity  alfo,  the  hard,  and 
often  inexplicable  phrafes,  which  he  felt  himfelf  at  liberty  to  ufe 
under  his  aflumed  charadler  of  a  poet  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
ferve,  in  a  confiderable  degree,  to  blind  and  impofe  upon  the 
reader,  who  does  not  find  himfelf  entitled  to  condemn  what  he 
does  not  underftand,  and  who  is  inclined,  from  the  eminent 
beauty  of  many  pafTages,  to  extend  his  gratuitous  admiration  to 
thofe  which  are  lefs  intelligible.     But,  when  writing  in  modem 

Englifh, 

perfevergnce  of  Chatterton's  charafter.  We  attach  no  implicit  faith  to 
dying  declarations  ;  for,  upon  points  in  which  fame  is  implicated,  the 
voice  of  the  paflions  is  heard  tven  in  the  hour  of  death.  We  difclaim 
every  application  of  the  illuftration  which  can  be  difrefpeftful  to  the 
memory  of  Chatterton  ;  but  it  is  well  known,  that  criminals,  whofe 
crimes  are  not  of  a  nature  to  meet  public  fympathy,  often  at  their  death 
endeavour,  by  a  denial  of  guih  mod  fatisb.ctorily  proved,  to  avert  the 
odium  attached  to  their  perfons  and  memory.  It  may  be  thought  that 
Chatterton  would  have  better  confulted  his  own  fame,  by  avowing  thefc 
beautiful  poems  ;  but  the  pride  of  every  one  Is  not  fuftained  by  the 
fame  nutriment.  He  probably  deprecated  the  doubtful  fame  of  an  in- 
genious but  detected  impoftor,  and  preferred  the  internal  confciouf- 
nefs,  chat,  by  perfiiling  in  the  deception  he  had  commenced,  future 
ages  might  venerate  the  poems  of  Chatterton,  under  patronage  of  the 
SAitioBs  Rowkv. 


221  Cihaif^rlott^s  Worirhy'^dnCiityatid  QoifXe.  ApTU 

Englifli,  tMs  advantage  is  loft,  aiid  we  ftre  often  (hocked  with  z 
bald  aud  profaic  tautology,  with  bombaft,  and  wdth  coarlenefs  oi? 
exprelhon,  all  the  delects,  not  of  Chatterton's  natural  genius, 
but  of  his  extreme  youth  and  deficient  education,  and  many  in- 
ftances  of  M^hich  will  be  found  to  exift  by  curious  inquirers,  even 
under  the  feemly  and  antique  Alhan  of  the  Deigne  'Thomas  Rciv- 
leie^  Preljle  of  Si  Joharis,    Brijlowe. 

When  the  believers  in  Rowley  are  driven  from  this  ftrong 
ward,  we  apprehend  they  can  hardly  make  good  their  footing  in 
any  other.  Two  or  three  gentlemen,  companions  of  Chatterton 
while  at  fchool,  have  ventured  to  give  it  as  their  decided  opinion, 
that,  according  to  their  eftimation  of  his  talents,  he  was  unable 
to  compofe  the  poems  of  Rowley.  Mr  Cottle  treats  with  well- 
merited  contempt,  the  evidence  of  thefe  perfons\  who,  from  re- 
coUeclion  of  an  opinion  formed  w^hile  fchoolboys,  conceive  the 
plummet  of  their  underftanding  adequate  to  fathom  the  depth  of 
Chatterton's  genius.  A  lift  is  given  of  the  parchments  which 
have  been  produced  as  remnants  of  Rowley's  MSS. ;  all  of  which, 
from  the  ftvape  and  texture,  as  well  as  from  the  handwriting,  are 
very  evidently  forgeries  by  the  unfortunate  young  man  from  whom 
they  were  recovered. 

Above  all,  the  internal  evidence  arifing  from  the  poems  them- 
felves,  has  always  appeared  to  us  to  convey  decifive  marks  of  mo- 
dern origin.  The  Imoothnefs  of  the  verfe,  which,  in  moft  cafes, 
Tefembles  the  moft  correct  modern  poeti^y,  as  well  as  the  compli- 
cated nature  of  the  ftanza,  are  highly  fufpicious.  It  is  no  doubt 
true,  that,  in  fome  compofitions  of  a  lyrical  nature,  the  old  Eng- 
liih  poets  attained  a  confiderable  degree  of  eafe  and  fluency,  chief- 
ly fuch  as  were  adapted  to  the  mufie  of  the  minftrels,  when  the 
necellity  of  following  the  tune,  compelled  the  poet  to  obferve  a 
regularity  of  rythm.  Such,  for  example,  are  the  poems  of  Law- 
rence Minot.  But  thefe  poems  are  flimfy  fongs,  in  which  the 
fame  idea,  and  often  the  fame  words,  are  repeated  and  chimed 
upon,  in  order  to  attain  the  neceflary  Imoothnefs.  Take,  for  ex- 
ample, a  verfe  of  Minot,  which,  fpr  the  fake  of  the  uninitiated, 
we  have  ftripped  of  the  antique  fpelling, 
'  Sir  David  the  Bruce 
Was  at  dillance, 

When  Edward  the  Baliolfe 
Rode  with  his  lance  : 

The  north  end  of  England 
Teached  him  to  dance^ 

When  he  was  met  on  the  moor 
With  mikell  mifchaunce, 

Sir  Philip  the  vglayfe 
■   ■  Might  not  him  advance  j 

The 


i8o4-  Chaiierioti^s  Worhs  hy  Sdutney  and  Cottle.  223 

The  flowers  that  fair  were 

Ar  fallen  in  France  : 
The  flowers  are  now  fallen. 
That  fair  were  and  fell : 
A  boar  with  his  battaille 
Has  don  thtm  to  dwell.  ' 
The  eafe  of  thefe  Hues   is  the  fmoothnefs  of  mere   ballad,   at- 
t.ilncd   by    the  tenuity  of  j(k'a,  and  the   tautology  of  cxpreilion. 
But  the  fmoothnefs  of  Rowley   is   combined   with  all   the  graces 
and  refinement  of  modern  poetry.     Take  two  llanzas  at  haz  ,.rd, 
tlivelled  of  tlie  artificial  patina^  or  rufl  of  antique  orthography — 
'  The  fun  was  gleaming  in  the  midll  of  day, 
Dead-flill  the  air,  and  eke  the  welkin  blue. 
When  from  the  fea  arofe  in  drear  array, 

A  heap  of  cloud.-=,  of  fable,  fullen  h;ie, 
The  which  full  fall  unto  the  woodland  drew. 
Hiding  at  once  the  fiinnes  feflive  face  ; 
And  the  black  temped  fwell'd,  and  gather'd  up  apace. 


The  galhev'd  ftorm  is  ripe  •,  the  big  drops  fall  ; 

The  fun-burnt  meadows  fmoke,  and  drink  the  rain  ; 
The  coming  gbajimfj  doth  the  cattle  'pal  ; 

And  the  full  flockes  are  driving  o'er  the  plain. 
Dafli'd  from  the  clouds  the  waters  fly  again, 
The  welkin  opes,   the  yellow  levin  flies, 
And  the  hot  liery  fleam  in  the  wide  flafliing  dies,  * 
Can  any  one  read  this  beautiful  defcription  of  a  laudfcape  over- 
fnaded  by  a  thunder  florm,  and   doubt  for  a  moment  that  it  is  by 
a  modern  hand  ? — yet  we  have  only  difcarded  hihrlng^  fetyve^for^ 
fivaiy  and  fmothe^  all  other  differences  betwixt  our  copy  and  the 
text  being  merely  in  fpelling.     Chatterton's   anfwer  to  the  flrong 
objetStion  arihng  from  the  fmoothneis  of  Rowley's  poetry,  when 
ftated  to  him  by  Horace  Walpole,  is  very  remarkable — '  The  har- 
mony is  not  lb  extraordinary,  as  Jofeph  lleam  is  altogether  as  har- 
monious. '     Now,  as  Jofeph  Ifcam  Is  equally  a  perfon  of  dubious 
exillence,  this  is  a  curious   inltance  oi  placing  the  elephant  upon 
the  torto'ife.     It  is  not  our  wifh  to  engage  farther  in  the  contro- 
verfv.     If  any  one  refills  the   internal   evidence  of  the   flyle  of 
Rowley's  poems,  we  make  him  welcome   to   the  refl  of  the  ar- 
gument ;   to  his  belief  that  the   Saxons  imported   heraldry,  and 
gave  armorial  bearings  (which  were  not  knowai  till  the  time  of 
the  Crufades)  •,  that   Mr  Robert   Canning,  in   the   reign   of  Ed- 
ward IV,  encouraged   drawing,   and  had  private  theatricals ;  that 
Mr  Burgum,  the   pewterer  of  Briitol,   derived  his   defcent  from 
Simon  de    Leyndte   Lyze,    al'im;  Senkv,   who  married   Matilda, 

daughter 


^44  Chatffft9H*s  U^crh  hySoutiiCy  and  Cottlt^.  April 

daughter  of  Waltheof  Earl  of  Northumberland,  Northampton,  and 
Huntingdon  ;  that  Mr  Stephens  of  SalHbury  drew  his  anceftry 
from  Od,  Earl  of  Blois  and  Holdemefs,  who  fiouriflied  about 
1095  }  and  that  Chatterton  himfelf  reprefented  the  Sieur  de  Chaf- 
teautonne,  of  the  houfe  of  Rollo,  the  firft  Duke  of  Normandy. 

Quibus  fi  credideris, 

Expe£tare  potcris 

Arthurum  cum  Britonibus. 
Nothing  can  be  more  extraordinary  than  the  dehght  wliich 
Chatterton  appears  to  have  felt  in  executing  tliefe  numberlels 
and  multifarious  impofitions.  His  ruling  paflion  was  not  the 
vanity  of  a  poet  who  depends  upon  the  opinion  of  others  for  its 
gratification,  but  the  floical  pride  of  talent,  which  felt  nourifh- 
ment  in  the  folitary  comtemplation  of  fupcriority  over  the  dupe«J 
who  fell  into  his  toils.  He  has  himfelf  defcribed  this  leading 
feature  of  his  character  in  a  letter  to  Mr  Barret. 

*  It  is  my  pride,  my  damned,  native,  unconquerable  pride,  that 
plunges  me  into  diftradlon.  You  muit  know  that  i9-20th  of  my 
compofition  is  pride.  I  muft  either  live  a  flave — a  fervant — have  no  will 
of  my  own  which  I  may  fairly  declare  as  fuch,  or  die.  '  Vol.  III. 
p.  419. 

The  art  and  avidity  with  which  the  youtliful  poet  feized  every 
opportunity,  *  through  an  excefs  of  ingenuity  in  a  literary  fenfe, 
to  impo/e  on  the  credulity  of  others ^  is  juftly  remarked  by  Mr  Cottle 
to  be  *  the  predominant  quality  which  elucidates  his  character, 
and  is  deferving  of  minute  regard  by  all  who  attempt  to  decide 
on  the  Rowleian  controverfy. '  We  ihall  extra£l  the  inllances 
which  the  editor  has  brought  together,  forming  a  curious  picture 
of  a  mod  a6live  and  powerful  mind,  embucd  with  a  ilrange  rage 
for  the  pradice  of  literary  impofture  5  omitting,  however,  the 
notes,  that  we  may  not  exceed  our  bounds. 

*  I.  A  new  bridge  is  jull  completed  over  the  Avon  at  Briftol. — 
Chatterton  fends  to  the  printer  a  defcription  of  the  palling  over  the 
old  bridge^  for  the  firfl  time,  in  the  thirteenth  centuiy  ;  on  which  oc- 
cafion  two  fongs  are  fung  by  two  faints,  of  whom  nobody  ever  heard, 
and  in  language  precifely  the  fame  as  Rowley's,  although  he  Lved  two 
hundi-ed  years  after  the  event  was  faid  to  have  taken  place. 

*  H.  Mr  Burgum  is  a  man  attached  to  heraldic  honours — Chatter- 
ton gives  him  his  pedigree  from  the  time  of  William  the  Conqueror, 
and  allies  him  to  fome  of  the  moft  ancient  families  in  the  kingdom  ! 

*  III.  Mr  Burgum  is  one  of  the  firft  perfons  who  exprcfles  an  opi- 
nion of  the  authenticity  and  excellence  of  Rowley's  poems.  Chatter- 
ton, pleafed  with  this  firft  bloflbm  of  credulity,  and  from  which  he 
prefaged  an  abundant  harveft,  with  an  elated  and  grateful  heart,  pre- 
lents  him  with  the  *  Romaunt  of  the  Cnyghte, '  a  poem,  written  by 
*  John  oe  Berg  ham,'  one  of  his  oivn  anceftors,  about  four  hundred 

and 


1804.  Chaiterton^s  Woris^  by  Southey  and  Ccttle.  22^ 

and  fifty  years  before  ;  and  the   more   effeAuRlly  to  exclude  fufpicion, 
he  accompanies  it  with  the  fame  poem,  modernized  by  hfrnfflt  ! 

'  IV.  Chatterton  wifhcs  to  obtain  the  good  opinicri  of  his  relation, 
Mr  Stepliens  of  Saliffcury,  and,  from  fomething  whica  it  is  poffibJe  h\%. 
keen  obfervation  had  remarked  in  Mr  Stephens,  he  deems  it  the  moft 
effeftual  way,  by  informing  him  that  he  is  dcfcended  from  Fitz-Stephen, 
grandfon  of  the  venerable  Od,  Earl  of  Blois,  and  Lord  of  Holdernefs,, 
who  flourifhed  about  the  year  1095  ! 

'  V.  Mr  Catcott  is  a  worthy  and  religious  man  ;  and  who,  fromi 
never  intending  to  deceive,  fufpefts  no  deception  in  others. — Chatter- 
ton,  who  is  a  ficilfal  engineer,  adapts  the  nature  of  his  attack  to  the 
ftrength  of  the  fortrefs,  and  gives  him  an  ancient  fragment  of  a  fer- 
mon  on  the  Di\'inity  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  as  ^aroien  by  Thomas 
Rowley ! 

*  VI.  Mr  Barrett  is  zealous  to  prove  the  antiquity  of  Briftol. — As  a 
ilemonftrable  evidence,  Chatterton  fends  him  an  efcutcheon  (on  the 
authority  of  the  fame  Thomas  Rowley)  bonie  by  a  Saxon,  of  the  name 
of  Ailward,  who  refided  in  Bryloiv  in  the  year  */ 18  ! 

'  VII.  Mr  Barrett  is  alfo  writing  a  comprehenuve  hilloiy  of  Briftol, 
and  is  felicitous  to  obtain  all  poflible  infonnation  concerning  it. — Chat- 
terton feizes  the  opportunity,  and  prefents  him,  at  dijfcr:-  it  times,  with 
an  account  of  all  the  churches  and  chapels  of  Briilol,  as  they  ap- 
peared three  hundred  years  before,  and  accompanies  it  with  drawings 
and  defcriptions  if  the  callle  ;  the  whole  of  this  information  being 
unfupported  by  either  document  or  tradition,  and  refting  alone  on  the 
evidence  of  '  the  gode  prieUe  Thomas  Roiol-y^ '  between  whom  and 
Thomas  Chatterton,  prejudice  itfelf  muft  allow,  there  was  a  great  equa- 
lity of  talent,  as  well  as  a  great  fimihtude  of  purfuits.  They  were 
both  poets,  both  antiquarians,  and  both  perpetually  adverting  to  he-r 
raldry. 

'  VIII.  Public  curiofity  and  general  admiration  are  excited  b^/  tranf? 
lations  from  the  Erfe  of  Offian. — Chatterton,  who  gave  precedence  to 
none  in  '  catching  the  manners  living  as  they  rife, '  publi/hes  a  fuc- 
ceffion  of  poems  frorti  the  Saxon  and  Welch,  indifft-rent  to  tlie  incon- 
fiilency,  or  otherwife  not  aware,  that  he  had  profefiedly  tranflated 
works  in  the  fame  llyle,  and  with  the  f:ime  imageiy,  from  the  Teu- 
tonic and  Celtic,  two  languages  of  different  origin  and  genius,  and 
whofe  poetry,  of  all  their  writings,  has  ever  been  conlidered  as  the 
paoft  dilnmilar. 

*  IX.  Mr  Walpole  is  writing  the  hiftory  of  Britifh  painters. — Chat- 
terton, (who,  to  a  confidential  friend,  had  before  exprefled  an  opinion 
that  it  was  p-jjjihle,  by  judicious  management,  to  deceive  even  this  niaf- 
ter  in  antiquities),  with  full  confidence  fends  him  an  account  of  einiuv:it 
*  Carvellers  *  and  '  Peyndiers, '  and  informs  him  of  others  who  c  .ce 
flourifhed  in  Bristol  !  but  of  whom  the  prefent  inhabitants  of  Br'lol 
never  heard,  and  who  are  mortified  at  having  no  other  evidence  of  'he 
diftinguiflied  honour  afcribed  to  them,  than  the  folemn  affeveration  of 
that  *  fomcthing,  nothing,  not  to  be  defined, '  Thomas  Rowley  ! 

yoL.  IV.  NO.  7-  P  ■  But 


•io^  Chattertor^s  Worhf  b^  Soathey  atid  Cottle^  April 

*  But  tliefe  are  all  fubordinate  deceptions.  Chatterton's  ambition 
efmbraced  a  larger  range,  and  was  circumfcribed  by  no  other  limit, 
than,  in  the  perfon  of  Rowley,  of  deceiving  the  whole  world.  And, 
that  he  fucceeded  in  a  great  and  unaccountable  degree,  is  attefted- 
by  the  voluminous  controverfies  of  antiquarians,  hiflorians,  and  poets,. 
The  objeft  befpoke  the  comprehenfion  of  his  mind  ;  and  its  partial  fuc- 
cefs  is  a  lading  monument  of  what  perfeverance  may  effect  when  fup=> 
ported  by  genius.  '    p.  509 — 514. 

This  curious  detail  of  repeated  impodure,  rej^ularly  executed 
at  the  time  when  circumftances  appeared  to  give  an  opening  for 
them,  may  furely  fuffice  to  excite  the  fufpicion  of  the  mofl  cre- 
dulous believer  in  Rowley.  Alike  a  forger  of  ftyle,  of  MSS., 
and  of  drawings,  nothing  efcaped  the  imitation  of  a  youth,  born 
as  it  were  with  the  rare  talents  of  executing  fuch  multiplied  de- 
ceptions, and  with  a  temper  framed  to  delight  in  his  fuccefs, 
which  it  may  be  hoped  is  ftill  rarer.  Of  the  merit  of  the  Row- 
ley Poems,  in  a  critical  point  of  view,  it  is  not  here  the  place, 
or  now  the  time  to  fpeak.  They  have  been  long  fubjefled  to 
the  public  \  and  in  fpite  of  their  being  written  in  a  dialect  which 
refembles  the  ancient  or  modern  language  of  England,  hardly 
more  nearly  than  the  vocabulary  of  George  Pfalraanazar  did  that 
of  Formofa,  they  have  been  ever  efteemed  compofitions  of  the 
higheft  merit.  The  drama  called  Ella,  many  parts  of  the  Battle 
of  Haftings,  the  Ballad  of  Charity,  that  of  Sir  Charles  Bawdin 
(which  fomewhat  refembles  the  antique  flyle  of  minftrel  poetry), 
the  Dirge,  and  feveral  of  the  Eclogues,  may  rank  with  the  la- 
bours of  our  mofl:  difl:inguiflied  poets.  Pity  it  is,  that  the  cir- 
'cumftances  and  temper  of  the  author  combined  to  fliorten  a  life 
diftinguifhed  by  fuch  works  of  excellence  during  its  limited  ca- 
reer. 

The  poems  avowed  by  Chatterton  were,  with  a  few  excep- 
tions, fatirical  or  amatory.  In  xhc  former  line,  his  inclination 
for  feverity  is  more  remarkable  than  his  fuccefs.  Perhaps  he 
adopted  this  fl:yle  of  compofition,  not  only  in  compliance  with  a 
natural  acerbity  of  temper  aggravated  by  his  dependant  fituation, 
but  alfo  as  mofb  remote  from  the  walk  of  the  moral  and  heroic 
Rowley.  Satire,  however,  in  a  poliflied  age,  requires  more 
than  mere  genius  and  the  force  of  numbers.  General  inve6tive, 
however  coarfe  and  vehement,  falls  heavily  to  the  ground,  un- 
lefs  fharpened  and  guided  by  that  accurate  and  difcriminating 
knowledge  of  men  and  manners  which  is  not  often  acquired  in 
early  youth,  or  eafily  attained  in  obfcure  circumftances.  The 
perfonal  refledtions  which  his  fatires  level  againfl:  thofe  perfons 
in  Briftol  to  whom  Chatterton  is  admitted  to  have  owed  the 
deepefl:  obligations,  do  little  honour  to  their  author.  "We  hardly 
know  whether  to  laugh  or  grieve,  when  he  reproaches  Catcott,. 

down' 


i8o4.  CL-a/m-ton's  Wdyks  vy  Sonthey  afid  Cottle.  227 

down  whofe  throat  he  had  crammed  the  improbable  tale  o£ 
Rowley  with  grofs  ardulity,  becaufe  he  was  a  believer  in  reve- 
lation  !  The  amatory  poems  are  pretty  much  what  might  have 
been  expedted  from  his  declared  intention  •  of  making;  acquaint- 
ance with  a  girl  in  the  neighbourhood,  fuppofing  it  might  foften 
the  aufterity  of  temper  ftudy  had  occafioned.  '  Accordingly, 
*  he  wrote  a  poem  to  her,  and  they  commenced  correfponding 
acquaintance. '  Little  was  to  be  expected  from  verfes  written 
by  a  lover  who  had  adopted  his  fentiments  of  preferentie  pour  fe 
deffiinuytr.  In  fome  of  his  other  poems,  particularly  the  elegy 
upon  Mr  Fairford,  traces  are  remarked  by  Dr  Gre;iory,  of  the 
defcriptive  and  perfonifying  powers  exerted  in  the  poems  of 
Rowley. 

Of  Chatterton's  profe  pieces,  the  lefs  that  is  faid,  the  kinder 
we  flrall  be  to  his  reputation.  In  the  eilays  which  he  wrote  for 
periodical  publications,  as,  '  the  Hunter  of  Oddities, '  *  Adven- 
tures of  a  Slave, '  and  the  like,  he  difplays  little  humour,  and 
great  inclination  to  fubftitute  in  its  place  perfonal  abufe  and  pri^ 
vate  flander.  The  imitations  of  Oflian,  publlfhed  as  tranflation!; 
from  the  Saxon,  are  not  only  utterly  incongruous  with  the  ftyle 
of  the  language  from  which  he  pretended  to  have  rendered  them, 
but  are  incalculably  inferior  to  the  fophifticated  productions  of 
Macpherfon.  This  is  not  to  be  wondered  at.  Macpherfon,  with 
powers  infinitely  inferior  to  thofe  of  Chatterton,  had  the  advan- 
tage of  an  intimate  acquaintance  wath  the  Celtic  poetry,  much  of 
which  he  probably  interweaved  with  his  own  imitations  :  The 
bard  of  Briftol  had  only  Macpherfon  to  ftudy  •,  and,  at  an  age 
when  bombaft  is  feldom  diftinguiihed  from  fublime,  he  carica- 
tured, in  his  Saxon  poems,  the  worft  paflages  of  the  Pfeudo- 
Offian. 

The  prefent  edition  contains  many  profe  imitations  of  the  an- 
vique,  publilhed  from  Chatterton's  MSS.  in  the  Britifh  Mufeum*. 
Thefe  are  very  important,  as  throwing  light  upon  the  Rowleian 
poems.  Some  curious  paflages  occur  in  thefe  documents.  While 
Chatterton  wrote  plain  narrative,  he  imitated,  with  confiderable 
iuccefs,  the  dry,  concife  ftyle  of  an  antique  amialift  j  but  when 
any  thing  required  a  more  dignified  or  fentimental  ftyle,  he 
mounted  the  fatal  and  eafily  recognized  car  of  the  fon  of  Fingal. 
Thus,  in  an  account  of  St  Marie  Magdalene's  chapelle,  after  in- 
forming us  it  *  was  ybuilden  hie  Elle,  warden  of  the  caftle  near 
Elle-gate,  Sythina  cleilen,  New-gate — yn  this  chapelle  was  yfworne 
a  treatye  betweene  Goddwynne  Erie  or  Abthane  of  Kent,  Harold 
eftfoons  Kynge  of  England, '  &c.  &c.  ;  he  of  a  fudden  thus 
changes  his  tone  in  commemorating  his  favourite  Elle — '  Elle, 
tiefceuded  from  the  kyngelie  bloude  of  Mercyans,  raged  in  the 

P  2  fyghte 


52?  ChatUrtons  Worh  ly  Southey  and  Cottle.  April 

fyghte  like  a  wilde  boare  in  the  woode ;  drearie  as  a  blacke  cloude 
yn  unp-entle  wedder  he  fvveept  whole  rankes  to  helle.  Lyke  to 
th  callle  of  Bryghftovv-e  was  his  mind  gentle  and  meeke, '  &c.  &c. 
Again,  in  ?.  very  fober  narrative  of  the  *  Ryfe  of  Peyncleyne  in 
Enghindc, '  '^ricten  by  Rowley  for  his  friend  Cannynge,  after  a 
fort  of  matter  of  fadl  account  of  various  artifts,  we  come  to  one 
called  Apmiy  a  notable  perjourmer  of  the  counynge  mvjleric  of  Jiein- 
eynge  glaffe.  This  perfon  was  taken  by  the  Danes,  and  ordered 
to  be  flain.  The  Dane  to  v/hom  the  execution  was  entrufted, 
difcovered  Aflem  to  be  his  brother.  At  this  crilis,  Rowley  tucks 
up  his  monkiih  frock,  and  mounts  the  Celtick  Pegafus.  *  Affrighte 
cJiaynede  uppe  hys  foule ;  ghaftnefl'e  dwelled  yn  his  breafle. 
Ofcarre  (a  name  of  fome  import,  as  proving  the  exilling  idea  in 
the  mind  of  the  author) — Ofcarre,  the  greate  Dane,  gave  hifte 
he  fhould  be  forflagen  j  no  teares  colde  availe  ;  the  morning, 
cLidde  in  robes  of  ghaftneffe,  was  come, '  &c.  &c.  An  inilance 
of  a  curious  miitake  committed  by  Chattorton,  occurs  in  thefe 
excerpts  from  tlie  Ffeudo-Rowley  profe  writirigs.  In  a  MS.  in 
Chatterton's  liandwriting,  in  the  Mufeum,  there  occur  feveral  ex- 
cerpts from  Chaucer,  apparently  culled  to  bolller  out  fome  in- 
temled  imitations.  Among  others  we  find  the  two  lines  refpeil- 
ing  the  morraal  on  the  leg  of  the  pilgrim's  cook. 

*  But  great  barm  was  yt,  as  it  thought  me. 
That  ou  his  ficinne  a  mormall  had  he.  ' 
Skinne  is  here  mif-copied  for  f.'in.  This  miflakc,  and  another 
more  whimfical,  -yve  can  trace  into  the  '  Rolle  of  Scyn6le  Bartho- 
Ixmeweis  Priorie, '  printed  in  Barret's  hiftory  of  Brillol,  to  whom 
it  was  communicated  by  Chatterton.  Among  a  liil  of  medical 
books,  faid  to  be  preferved  in  the  Infirmary,  or  Ache-chamber  of 
the  Priorie,  we  find,  *  Gylbertines  rolle  of  Ypocrates  :  the  fame 
fryarres  booke  of  brenninge  Johati  Stoive  of  the  cure  of  mormalla 
and  the  luaterie  leprofie  :  the  rolle  of  the  blacke  niaingcr. '  In  a 
note  on  thefe  two  laft  articles,  we  are  told,  '  Chaucer  lays,  on  his 
(kin  a  mormalie  had  he  and  a  blacke  manger. '  Now,  in  the  firft 
place,  Chatterton  adhf  ring  to  his  erroneous  tranfcript  from  Chau- 
cer, oi  fkinne  iox  Jhinncy  has  made  Johan  Stowe  lecture  on  the 
cure  oi  mormalles,  as  if  they  were,  like  the  leprofy,  a  cutaneous 
diftcmpcr,  and  not  a  cancer  upon  the  bone.  But,  befides,  he  has 
fo  far  rniftaken  his  author,  as  to  take  blanc-manger,  a  difh  of  ex- 
quifite  cookery,  which  is  pronounced  by  Chaucer  to  be  the  cook's 
mafter-piece  of  (kill,  for  blacke  manger^  fome  ftrange  and  non- 
defcript  difeafe,  under  which  he  laboured,  in  addition  to  his 
mormal ;  and  upon  which  there  was  a  roll  or  efTay  in  the  Ache* 
chamber  of  St  Bartholomew's  priory.     Chaucer's  words  are, 

«  Bufc 


l3o4  Chatterioi^s  Works  by  Southey  and  Cottle.  229 

*  But  grct  harm  was  it,  as  it  thoiighte  mc, 
That  on  his  Jlotnne  a  mornial  haddc  he. 
For  blanc-matiger  that  made  he  with  the  belt.  ' 
The  principal  ingredient  of  blanc-manger  (if  wj  recollcO)  wa$ 
a  cock  brayed  in  a  mortar.  The  refemblance  of  the  letters  «  and 
ti  in  the  black-letter,  probably  led  Chatterton  to  read  blauc  for 
Mane ;  and  as  he  underftood  no  French,  his  judgement  could  not 
corredl:  his  eyCk  AVe  are  thus  able  decidedly  to  trace  the  tafte 
and  the  errors  of  Chatterton  into  the  produdions  of  Rowley. 
We  do  not,  hov/ever,  fuppofe  that  all  the  information  contained 
in  the  works  of  Rowley  was  actually  the  invention  of  Chatterton. 
The  keen  eye  and  ardent  refearch  of  the  young  poet,  probably 
traced  and  interweaved  with  his  i^arrative  traditionary  anecdotes 
prefervcd  in  his  native  city.  Nothing  that  had  an  antique  or  un- 
couth appearance  feems  to  have  efcaped  his  notice.  Mr  Tyrwhitt 
detected  a  curious  inltance  of  his  minuteneis  of  remark.  In  the 
Ballad  of  Charite,  mention  is  made  of  a  horfe-milhinere,  a  phrafe 
at  which  the  reader  has  ufually  paufed  with  furprife.  In  the  town 
of  Briftol,  and  precifely  in  the  ftreet  through  which  Chatterton 
paiTed  to  fchool,  is  hung  forth  a  wooden  horfe  decorated  with  11b- 
bons,  purporting  to  be  the  fign  of  a  horfe-millaiiere. 

Nothing  can  afford  a  ftronger  picture  of  the  force  and  weak- 
nefs  of  the  human  mind,  than  the  readinefs  with  which  Chatter- 
ton fupplied  himfelf  and  his  particular  friends  with  flourifhiiig 
trees  of  genealogy,  in  which  the  fextons  and  pewterers  of  Brl'loi 
are  deduced  from  a  line  of  anceftry,  which  Howards  and  Halt- 
ings  might  envy,  and  decorated  with  all  the  fplendid  emblazon- 
ment of  heraldry.  We  are  mute  with  aftonifhment  at  t'ic  grave 
and  fober  advice  of  the  fexton's  fon  of  RadclifFe  to  his  relation 
Mr  Stevens  of  Salifbury  :  *  When  you  quarter  your  arms,  in  tiie 
mullet,  fay  Or,  a  fefs,  vert,  by  the  name  of  Chatterton.  I  trace 
jrour  family  from  Fitz-Stephen,  fon  of  Stephen  Earl  of  Aumerle, 
in  1095,  fon  of  Od,  Earl  of  Bloys,  and  Lord  of  Holdernefle.  * 
If  the  imagination  of  Chatterton  was  not  aftually  fo  far  vitiated, 
as  in  fome  degree  to  believe  the  reveries  which  he  impofed  upon 
Others,  we  cannot  help  thinking  that,  as  Johnfon  fays  of  Milton, 
his  impudence  muft  have  been  at  lealt  equal  to  his  ftupendous 
abilities.  We  were  alfo  diverted  with  the  conclufion  of  the  pedi- 
gree made  out  for  Mr  Burgura  of  Briftol,  which  begins  with  the 
Conqueror,  and  very  prudently  concludes  about  the  reign  of 
Charles  II.,  when  Mr  Burgum  might  perhaps  know  fomething  of 
his  anecftors.  Chatterton  linked  and  gilded  this  fplendid  chain  of 
anceftry  through  all  the  ages  remote  enough  to  leave  unbounded 
fcope  for  fi£lion  :  when  he  approached  the  regions  of  probability^ 
lie  let  the  end  loofej  that  his  friend  might  attach  himfelf  to  it  the 

P  -X  -       bell 


23 »  Chatferton*s  Works  i>y  Southey  and  Coitlc.  April 

beft  way  he  could.  There  is  in  Cumberland  an  ancient  family, 
who  have  long  poflefled  and  taken  their  name  from  the  manor  of 
Brougham,  to  which  Chatterton  feems  to  allude,  when  he  men- 
tions the  Caftle  of  Bourgham  in  Northumberland.  But  the  callle 
was,  we  believe,  an  appanage,  not  of  the  De  Bourghams,  lords 
of  the  manor,  but  of  the  Veteriponts  and  Cliffords. 

We  now  difmifs  the  works  of  the  unfortunate  Chatterton, 
heartily  wifhing  they  may  experience  from  the  public  kinder 
treatment  than  their  unfortunate  and  proud-fpirited  author.  To 
the  admirers  of  poetry  thev  will  ever  be  acceptable  ;  nor  can 
their  hiftory  be  heedfully  perufed,  without  imparting  an  awful 
leffon  ;  for  the  fame  of  Chatterton  is  not  merely  a  light  to  be 
\vondered  at — it  Ihines  as  a  beacon  to  point  out  the  flioals  upon 
"which  he  was  wrecked.  The  youtlitul  reader,  if  ccnfcious  of 
powers  which  elevate  him  above  his  fituatioti  in  life,  may  learn 
to  avoid  an  overweening  reliance  upon  his  abilities,  or  an  in- 
judicious and  unfair  exertion  of  thtm.  He  may  learn,  that  if 
negledl  or  contempt  obflruil:  him  in  the  fair  purfuit  of  fame,  it 
is  better  to  prefer  obfcurity,  than  to  attain,  by  the  crocked  patli 
of  literary  forgery,  the  ambiguous  reputation  of  an  ingenious 
impoftor.  Above  all,  he  may  learn  to  guard  againR  thofe  fallies 
of  an  ill-regulated  imagination,  which  buoyed  up  Chatterton'with 
the  moft  unreafonable  expectations,  only  to  plunge  him  into 
defpair  and  fuicide.  And  if  there  be  one  who,  confcious  of 
inferior  mental  powers,  murmurs  at  being  allotted  but  *  the 
fmgle  talent,  '  and  looks  with  envy  on  the  flights  of  fuperior 
genius,  let  him  read  the  life  of  Chatterton,  and  remember  thai 
of  him  it  may  be  truly  faid, — 

'  Largiis  et  exundans  Ictho  ded'it  wgcnii  fovs. ' 


Art,  XVI II.  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  Dr  Darzv'ui,  chiefly  during  his 
rejidetice  at  Lichfield ;  iL'ith  Anecdotes  of  his  Friends,  and  Crilicifms  on 
his  Writings.      By  Anna  Seward.      London.      1804.     8vo.     pp.430, 

Tt  has  been  long  held,  on  high  critical  authority,  that  liiftory  muft 
•^  always  pleafe,  independently  of  the  particular  mode,  and  even 
in  fpite  of  the  defedls,  of  its  execution  :  and  unqueilionably  even 
that  moderate  portion  of  fa<il:  which  may  be  reafonably  expt6l:ed 
in  the  life  of  every  eminent  indiviHual,  can  fcarcely  be  prcfentcd 
•under  any  difguife  fo  perverfely  abfurd,  as  entirely  to  diveft  it  of 
inteiefl.  Under  the  influence  of  ftubborn  curiofity,  we  have  been 
accordingly  carried  through  a  faithful  perufal  of  thefe  Memoirs  of 
the  celebrated  author  of  '  the  Botanic  Garden  : '  and  although  we 
are  bound  to  admit  that  cur   labour  has  not  been  entirely  urfi 

rewarded^ 


S804.  Mi/s  SewzrA's  Memoirs  of  Dr  Darwiti.  231 

.rewarded,  yet  Mifs  Seward  mufl  forgive  us,  if  we  add,  that  the 
moft  ftriking  leflbn  we  have  derived  from  her  volume,  has  been 
the  truly  wonderful  extent  of  that  tolerant  maxim  to  which  we 
have  alluded.  The  fliare  which  flie  appears  to  have  long  enjoyed 
of  the  intimate  fociety  of  Dr  Darwin,  and  her  opportunities  of 
accurate  information  relative  at  lead  to  a  confiderable  portion  of 
his  life,  had  given  to  Mlfs  Seward  feme  peculiar  advantages  in 
becoming,  as  flie  terms  it,  *  the  recorder  of  vanifhed  genius.  ' 
It  is  therefore  the  more  to  be  regretted  that  (he  fliould  not  have 
been  reilrained,  by  fame  vifitations  of  a  better  tafte,  from  clothing 
her  narrative  in  a  garb  fo  iniudicious  and  fantaftic.  But  it  would 
appear  that  Mifs  Anna  Seward  has  been  too  long  accuPiomed  to 
foar  into  the  high  and  giddy  regions  of  verfe,  to  be  able  to  tread 
with  fober  (lep  and  becoming  gravity  of  air  in  the  humbler  path- 
way of  profe. 

Of  the  matter  and  arrangement  of  thefe  Memoirs,  the  Pieface 
gives  us  the  following  notice  : 

*  My  work  confifts  of  the  f<jllowing  particulars: — tbe  perfon,  the 
mind,  the  temper  of  Dr  Darwin;  his  powers  as  a  Phyfician,  Philofoplier, 
and  Poet ;  the  peculiar  traits  of  his  manners;  his  excellences  and  fau^^s; 
jhe  Petrarchan  attachment  of  hia  middle  life,  more  happy  in  its  ".efult 
than  was  that  of  the  Bard  of  Vauclule  ;  the  beautiful  poetic  tellimouies 
of  its  fervor,  while  yet  it  remained  hopelefs  ;  an  inveftigation  of  the 
conllituent  excellences  and  defefts  of  his  mag:iiiicent  poem,  the  Botanic 
Garden  ;  remarks  upon  his  philofophic  profe  writings  ;  the  charaft*-rs 
and  lalents  of  thcfe  who  formed  the  circle  of  his  friends  while  he  refided 
in  Lichfield  ;  and  the  very  fingular  and  intereftinfr  hiftory  'of  one  of 
them,  well  known  in  the  lettered  world,  [IMr  Thomas  D^y]  whofe 
domeftic  hiftory,  remarkable  as  it  is,  has  been  unaccountably  omitted  by 
the  gentleman  who  wrote  his  life.  '     Prcf.  p.  v.  vi. 

After  perufing  this  table  of  contents,  the  reader  will  have 
himfeif  alone  to  blame  if  he  expe6l  in  this  volume  any  exa6l  or 
orderly  deduftion  of  the  hOs  of  Dr  Darwin's  life.  Mifs  Seward 
apparently  fpurns  the  fetters  of  vulgar,  chronological  narration; 
and  has  chof::n  rather  to  expatiate,  free  and  at  large,  under  the 
impulfe  of  her  own  fpontaneous  feelings,  or  accidental  aflb-^ 
ciavions.  After  having  followed  her  with  patience  through 
her  eccentric  and  capricious  evolutions,  we  are  unable  to  fay 
that  our  progrcfs  has  been  rendered  more  pleafing  by  this 
irregular  variety,  or  that  it  has  aiTorded  us  any  tolerable  com- 
penfation  for  the  want  of  a  diftinci  and  intelligible  narrative. 
An  analyfis  of  the  firft  chapter  ol  the  work  may  ferve  fufhciently 
to  juftiiy  thefe  remarks,  and  may  furnilh  a  fufHcient  fpecunen  of 
ks  plan  and  execution. 

On  the  birth,  parentage,  and  education  of  her  hero,  Mifs 
^vW.ard  ha^  not  deigned  to  beftow  a  fniglc  line.     We  are  abruptly 

V  4  jntroduced 


232  M'tfs  Seward'/  Memoirs  of  Dr  Dartuln.  April 

introduced  to  him  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  when  he  firft  came 
to  pra6life  phyfic  at  Lichfield  in  the  autumn  of  the  year  1756; 
and  even  then,  inflead  of  proceeding  dire6lly  in  her  narrative, 
fhe  ftops  on  the  threfhold  to  give  us  a  '  fketch  of  his  chara£ler 
and  manners, '  fuch  as  they  had  appeared  to  her  in  the  fubte- 
quent  courie  of  Dr  Darwin's  life.  This  inverfion  of  the  ufual 
arrangement  in  biographical  writing  may  be  perfeclly  confonant 
to  ihe  defultory  plan  of  thefe  memoirs  ;  but,  in  itfelf,  it  is  fo  pal- 
pably injudicious,  that  thejre  is  very  little  hazard  of  its  adoption 
as  a  model.  Within  thefe  few  years,  a  fimilar  innovation  was 
attempted  by  a  Scotifh  hiilorian,  who,  at  the  comm.encement  of 
every  reign,  introduced  that  general  delineation  of  the  charadler 
of  the  fovereign,  which  has  uiuaily  found  a  place  at  the  ciofe  : 
but,  if  we  may  judge  from  our  own  feelings,  the  example  of  Mr 
Pinkerton  will  not  probably  prove  more  feducing  than  that  of 
Mifs  3eward. 

Of  this  *  fketch  of  the  character  and  manners  of  Dr  Darwin,  ' 
we  can  only  fay,  that  it  leaves  no  very  dillind:  impreffion  on  the 
mind  •,  and  that  impreffion,  fuch  as  it  is,  has  not,  in  our  own  cafe 
at  leail,  been  extremely  favourable.  But  Mifs  Seward  does  not 
lland^  forth  as  the  indifcriminating  panegyrill  of  her  deceafed 
friend  ;  nor  does  flie  appear  to  have  been  withheld,  by  any  vio- 
lent or  undue  partialities,  from  difcharging  thofe  *  facred  duties 
of  biography,' — *  beneath  the  ever  prefent  confcioufnefs '  of  whicii 
flic  would  be  underftood  to  have  proceeded.  Of  the  jutt ice  of 
her  claims  to  the  praife  of  rigid  impartiality,  thof:;  only  can  be 
competent  judges,  to  whom  Dr  Darwin  was  perfon-^dly  known  \ 
but  it  lb  perhaps  lefs  diiiicult  to  difcovcr  that  Mifs  Seward  was 
not  altogether  equal  to  the  tafk  of  delineating  with  truth,  the  va- 
rious parts  of  his  character,  or  of  appreciating  the  qualities  of 
■which  it  w^s  compofed.  In  this  preliminary  fketch,  and  in  other 
parts  of  her  work,  we  are,  indeed,  pvefenfk.d  with  a  number  of 
Itriking  traits  of  temper  and  of  manners,  fuch  as  mufl  have  been 
obvious  to  common  obfervation  •,  but  in  her  attempts  to  mark  the 
exte!]t,  the  limitations,  and  the  peculiar  chara£ler  and  complexion 
of  thofe  higher  powers  of  mind,  by  which  alone  the  poffeftbr 
becoir.es  an  cbje^f  of  ferious  intereft — her  dtfcription  becomes 
feeble  and  indiilintt,  and  fhe  takes  refuge  in  vague,  general,  or 
exaggerated  Itatement.  Thus,  we  are  informed,  that  *  beauty 
and  fymmetvy  had  not  been  propitious  to  liis  exterior; '  that  *  he 
ftammered  extremely;'  that  he  was  '  fore  upon  oppolltion, '  and 
overbearing  and  iarcaftic  in  converfation  ;  but  whether  from  the 
'  cor,Jr'iovf?u'Js  of  great  native  elevation  above  the  general  fi and ard 
cf  iiitelitB^*  we  m.ay  be  permitted  to  doubt.     Moreover,  we  are 

told,  that  '  extretr.e  was  his  fcepticifm  to  human  truth  j ' — that 

...,,..,      .  .,.  .         -  ,     ,     -  -  .  habits 


i8o4.  Mifs  SewardV  Memoirs  of  Dr  Darwin.  233 

habits  of  diftruft  tintftured  his  converfiition  with  an  apparent 
want  of  confidence  in  mankind  ; — and  that  *  perhaps  this  prone- 
nefs  to  fulpicion  mingled  too  much  of  art  in  his  wifdom. '  Far- 
ther, we  are  told  that  he  abftained  from  *  yinous  fluid  ; '  that  he 
had  *  an  abfolute  horror  of  fpirits  of  ali  forts  ; '  that  his  only 
tolerance  was  in  favour  of  home-made  wines  ;  that  '  acid  fruits, 
with  fugar,  and  all  fort  of  creams  and  butter,  were  his  luxuries  j ' 
but  that  *  he  always  ate  plentifully  of  animal  food. '  Of  iiia  vir- 
tues and  talents,  we  learn  that  *  profefTional  gencrofity  diflin- 
guifhed  Dr  Darwin's  medical  pradlice  ; '  that  "  his  was  the  cheer- 
ful board  of  open-houfed  hofpitality ; '  and  that  *  gi.ierofity,  wit 
and  fcience  were  his  houlehoid  gods  •, '  that  nature  had  bt.ltowe4 
on  him  *  the  feducing  and  often  dangerous  gift  of  a  highly  poe^ 
tic  imagination ; '  but  that  *  through  the  firft  twenty- three  years 
of  his  pradtice  as  a  phylician,  Dr  Darwin,  witii  the  v/ifdom  of 
UlylTes,  bound  himfelf  to  the  medical  mait,  that  he  might  Kot: 
follow  thofe  delufive  fyrens,  the  mufes,  or  be  confidered  as  thei? 
avowed  votary  ; '  nor  was  it  till  then,  tbut  *  t^e  impregnable,  roch 
on  which  his  medicinal  and  philofophical  reputation  were  placed. 
Induced  him  to  contend  for  that  fpccies  of  f.ime  which  f),ioiilcJ 
entwine  the  Parnafhan  laurel  with  the  balm  of  Pharmacy.  * 

Such,  we  can  afTure  our  readers,  is  the  amount  of  the  informa- 
tion rcfpecfing  the  chara61;er  and  manners  of  Dr  Darwin,  for 
which  we  are  here  indebted  to  his  biographer.  It  may  perlvaps 
ferve  to  moderate  the  expeftations  of  thofe  who  may  have  un-< 
warily  looked  only  to  the  enviable  opportunities  of  obicrvation 
which  fne  appears  to  have  enjoyed. 

On  '  returning  10  the  dawa  of  Dr  Darwin's  profefTional  efta- 
bliflimenf,  '  we  are  informed  by  Mifs  Seward  of  the  fadden  f.inie 
he  acquired  by  his  fuccefs  in  a  defperate  cafe  of  fever,  and  of 
the  imputations  of  rafhnefs  which  were  ignorantly  attached  to 
his  pra6\ice.  Mrs  Darwin  is  then  Introduced  on, the  fcene  ; 
and  from  the  account  given  by  Mifs  Seward,  fhe  appears  to  have 
been  an  interefting  and  accompUihed  woman  :  but  we  mud  be 
forgiven  if  we  are  not  greatly  charmed  with  the  foiicity  of  a  long 
oration  which  is  put  into  her  mouth  while  on  her  deathbed. 

Soon  after  this  lady's  death,  Dr  Darwin  purchafed  an  old 
houfe  In  the  city  of  Lichfield,  on  the  lilliputian  improvem.ents 
of  wliich  Mifs  Seward  has  lavifhed  all  her  powers  of  pi6lurefque 
defcription. 

'  To  this  riis  it:  urhe,  of  Darwinian  creation,  reforted,  from  its  eariv 
rifme,  a  k-.iot  of  philofophic  friends  in  frequent  vifitatiori.  The  Rev. 
Mr  Michell,  many  years  dcccafed.  He  was  ficilled  in  aflronomic  fcience, 
raodeft  and  wife.  The  ingenious  Mr  Kler  of  Weft  Bromich,  then  Cap- 
tain Kier.  Mr  Boulton,  known  and  refpefted  wherever  mechanic  phi- 
"  lofophy  is  underftood.     Mr  Watt,  the  celebrated  improver  of  the  fleam 

engine..- 


234  Mtfs  Seward'j  Memoirs  of  Dr  Dar%vin.  April 

engine.  And,  above  all  others  In  Dr  Darwin's  perfonal  regard,  the 
accomplifhed  Dr  Small  of  Birmingham,  who  bore  the  blulhing  honours 
of  his  talents  and  virtues  to  an  untimely  grave.  ' 

Tired  already  of  her  proper  fubjedt,  Mifs  Seward  again  di- 
greffes  into  the  private  hiftory  of  thofe  who  moved  in  •  the  Dar- 
winian fphere  •, ' — of  Mr  Edgw^otth  and  his  wives  ;  of  Dr  Small, 
and  the  elegies  and  epitaphs  written  by  his  friends  ;  and  particu- 
larly of  Mr  Thomas  Day,  the  author  of  the  popular  little  vo- 
lumes of  Sand  ford  and  Merton.  Of  the  laft  of  thefe  gentlemen, 
a  very  full  and  difproportioned  account  is  given,  and  a  great 
many  anecdotes  are  told,  which  we  (hall  not  attempt  to  retail, 
but  which,  in  their  proper  place,  might  ferve  to  illudrate  the 
fmgularly  romantic  and  hair-brained  character  of  this  modern 
philofopher.  With  the  hiftory  of  Dr  Darwin's  life  they  have  no 
intimate  connexion  :  And  fo  ends  the  firft  chapter. 

On  '  refuming  the  recollected  circijmftances  of  Dr  Darwin's 
life,  '  Mifs  Seward  is  unable  for  a  moment  to  withftand  her 
wayward  propenfity  to  digreffion  ;  and  our  attention  is  inftantly 
drawn  afide  to  the  contemplation  of  new  groupes  of  vifitors  and 
friends  who  made  their  appearance  at  Lichfield  '  after  Di  Small 
and  Mr  Michell  had  vanifted  from  the  eatth,  and  Mr  Day  and 
Mr  Edge  worth,  in  the  year  1772,  had  left  the  Darwinian  fphere.  * 
But  it  would  be  vain  to  follow  this  lady  in  her  meandering  courfe  ; 
and  by  attempting  it,  we  fliould  equally  fatigue  our  readers  and 
ourftlves.  Throughout  the  whole  of  that  portion  of  the  work 
which  bears  the  f.  mblance  of  narrative,  it  is  only  for  a  moment 
that  we  catch  a  glirnpfe  of  the  principal  figure;  and  even  tlien, 
eur  gratification  is  too  often  duihed  by  the  frivolity  of  the  infor- 
mation which  is  conveyed.  The  reader  may  lock  in  vain  for 
any  thing  which  merits  the  name  of  juft  biographical  narrative. 
Even  when  Dr  Darwin  is  thi'  fubj^^dl,  little  elfe  is  to  be  found 
than  an  inflated  tranfiaticn  of  ti;e  tea-t.ible  talk  of  Lichfield  -,  nor 
will  all  the  good  things  which  have  been  uttered  on  fundry  oc- 
cafions  by  the  choice  fplrits  of  the  place,  be  felt  as  any  adequate 
Compenfation  for  this  radical  defeft. 

*  In  the  year  1768,*  we  are  told,  *  Dr  Darwin  met  with  an 
accident  of  irretrievable  injury  in  the  human  frame  : '  he  was 
thrown  from  a  whimfical  carriage  of  his  own  invention,  and 
broke  the  patella  of  his  riyht  knee.  For  the  edification  of  the 
curious  reader,  we  extraft  a  philofophical  obfervation  fuggLfled 
to  Mifs  Seward  by  this  occurrence. 

*  It  is  remarkable,  that  this  uncommon  accident  happened  to  three 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Lichfield  iti  the  courfe  of  one  year  j  firft,  to  tlie 
puthor  of  thefe  memoirs  in  the  prime  of  her  youth  ;  next,  to  Dr  Dar- 
win j  and,  lafliy,  to  the  late  Mr  Levett,  a  gcutlemau  of  wealth  and 

■        ■      '  confeq^uenc^ 


i8o4*  Mi/s  Sew2ird*s  Metjjoirs  of  Dr  Darwin.  235 

confequence  in  the  town.  No  fiich  misfortune  was  previoufly  remem- 
bered in  that  city,  nor  has  it  once  recurred  through  all  the  years  which 
have  fince  elapfed.  '     p.  62. 

While  Dr  Darwia   refided   at  Lichfield,  Dr  Johnfon  was  re- 
peatedly  there    on  his  vifitations    to  Mifs  Lucy   Porter.     Mifs 
Seward  informs  us,  that  *  they  had  one  or  two  interviews,  but 
never  afterwards  fought  each  other.     Mutual  and  flrong  diflike 
fubfuled- between  them. '     Mifs  vSeward   goes  on  to  remark  as 
curious,  that,  in  Johnfon's  correfpondence,  *  the  name  of  Dar- 
win fhould  not  be  found,  nor  indeed  that  of  any  of  the  ingeni- 
ous  and   lettered  people   who   lived   there  ;    while  of    its    more 
common-life   characters  there   is  frequent  mention,  with  many 
hints  of  Lichfield's  intellectual  barrennefs,  while  it  could  boaft 
a  Darwin  and  other  men  of  claffical  learning,  poetic  talents,  and 
liberal  information. '     Of  thefe  ingenious   and  lettered  perfons, 
Mifs  Seward   here   gives  the  reader  a  farther  enumeration,  ac- 
companied with  fpecimens  of  their  poetic  and  colloquial  talents, 
which  we  fhall   not   prefume   to   injure   by  a  mutilated   extra£l. 
That  Dr  Johnfon's  colloquial  defpotifm  iliould  have  alarmed  the 
felf-importance   of  a   man  like  Darwin,  who  was  ambitious  of 
being  himfelf  a   defpot   in  his  own  '  fphere, '  and  who   is   de- 
fcribed  as  '  fore  upon  oppofition,  whether  in  argument  or  con- 
dudl, '  can  hardly  be  matter  of  much   furprife.     '^Fhe  colloquial 
intrepidity  of  Johnfon  was  unqueftionably  too  firm  to  have  fuf- 
fered  him  to  fhrink  from  the  fociety  of  any  man  ;  but  if  he  was 
avoided  by  Darwin  and  the  Lichfield  coterie,  as  Mifs  Seward  fetms 
to  admit,  his  filence  cannot  well  be  accufed  of  injuftice  to  their' 
talents  and  accomplilhments. 

*  About  the  year  1771  commenced  that  great  work,  the  Zoo- 
nomia,  firft  publillied  in  1794;  the  gathered  wifdom  of  three 
and  twenty  years. '  With  fomewhat  more  hardihood  than  pru- 
dence, his  biographer  has  attempted  to  define  the  character  of 
this  work  as  a  philofophical  compofition,  and  to  appreciate  its 
fpeculative  merits  and  its  practical  utility.  It  cannot  be  difputed 
that  the  work  is  enriched  with  a  vaft  variety  of  curious,  though 
too  often  doubtful  and  incautious  ftatements  of  fa6l,  and  that  it 
everywhere  difplays  uncommon  powers  of  ingenious  combina- 
tion ;  but  we  are  by  no  means  prepared,  with  Mifs  Seward,  to 
extol  it  as  a  model  of  philofophical  inveftigatlon,  or  to  recom- 
mend it  to  the  daily  and  nightly  meditation  of  the  youthful 
ihident. 

Before  he  quitted  his  tefidence  at  Lichfield,  Dr  Darwin  formed 
a  botanical  fociety,  confifling  of  three  perfons, — wliich,  we  be- 
lieve, is  held  to  be  the  m'tvAmian  of  a  body  corporate.  The  two 
uther  members  were  Sir  Brooke  Boothby  and  a  proclor  of  the 

nanie 


236  Mifs  St\vzxd!'s  Memoirs  of  Dr  Dariuin.  April 

name  of  Jrickfon,  Vv'hom  Mifs  Seward  has  chara^lerifed  as  *  a 
would-be  philofopher,  a  turgid  and  folemn  coxcomb  ; '  but  who 
was  the  chief  operator  in  the  tranflarion  of  the  Linnean  Syftem 
of  Vegetation,  which  was  publifhed  in  the  name  of  this  fociety. 
•  His  uluilrious  coadjutors  exadled  of  him  fidelity  to  the  fenfe 
of  their  author,  and  they  corrc6led  Jackfon's  inelegant  Englifh, 
weedirg  it  of  its  pompous  coarfenefs-  ' 

It  w-as  about  this  time  alfo  tliat  Dr  Darwin  firft  became  ac- 
quainted with  Mrs  Pole  of  Radburn,  who  was  the  obje6l  of 
what  INIifD  Seward  has  calK'd  '  the  Petrarchan  attachm.ent  of  his 
middle  life,  more  happy  in  its  refult  than  was  that  of  the  bard 
of  V^a-jJufe. '  It  \v,is  in  confequence  of  his  marriage  to  this 
jiady  in  1781  that  he  removed  from  Lichfield  to  Derby;  and  it 
was  to  her,  in  her  married  or  widowed  Hate,  that  he  addrefled 
feveral  copies  of  verfes,  which  have  fince  been  circulated  in  pe- 
riodical publications.  But  thefe,  with  the  whole  hiftory  of  this 
tender  attachment,  and  various  other  matters  of  a  more  digref- 
five  and  extraneous  nature,  we  are  compelled  to  leave  without 
further  notice. 

From  the  period  of  his  quitting  Lichfield,  Mifs  Seward  does 
not  attempt  to  give  more  than  a  flight  outline  of  the  domeftic 
hiitory  of  Dr  Darwin.  Tlie  completion  of  the  tafk  is  refervcd, 
we  are  told,  for  '  his  fome  time  pupil,  and  late  years  friend, 
the  ingenious  Mr  Dewhurfl  Eilfborrow,  who  is  now  writing, 
or  has  written,  his  life  at  large. '  Her  information  relative  to 
this  latter  period  is  avowedly  imperfecfl;  ;  and  it  is  to  be  regret- 
ted, that,  with  better  oppovtunines  vi-itiiin  her  reach,  (^.e  fhould 
have  fuiFered  herfelf  to  be  mifled  by  erroneous  report.  In  the 
year  1799,  Dr  Darwin  had  tjie  m.isfortune  to  lofe  his  eldell  fon, 
in  circumftances  extremely  diflrtfling.  On  firft  perufing  the 
account  given  by  Mifs  Seward,  of  the  *  ftoical  fortitude  '  of  the 
father,  we  were  certainly  much  fhocked,  and  could  have  par- 
doned his  biographer  for  a  lefs  rigid  adherence  to  the  duty  of 
fpeaking  the  whole  truth.  We  are  pleafed  now  to  find,  that 
the  ftatement  is  partly  erroneous,  and  are  happy  to  afford  Mifs 
Seward  the  prefent   opportunity  of  corredling  it.  *     We  now 

turn 

*  The  following  note  has  been  communicated  to  the  Editor  of  this 
Review. 

'  The  author  of  the  Memoirs  of  Dr  Darwin,  fince  they  were  pub- 
lifhed, has  difcovcred,  on  the  atteftation  of  his  family,  and  of  the  other 
perfons  prefent  at  the  junfture,  that  the  fiatemtnt  given  of  his  txcla- 
niation,  page  406,  on  the  death  of  Mr  Erafm.Dfe  Darwin,  is  entirely  with- 
out fouDdatiou,  and  that  the  Dodor,  on  that  melancholy  event,  gave, 

amcnvft 


J  804.  Mifs  SewardV  Memoirs  of  Dr  Darnvin.  1y] 

turn  to  the  account  which  (he  has  given  of  the  poem  of  '  the 
Botanic  Garden, '  of  which  an  elaborate  analyfis  and  criticifm 
occupies  nearly  a  half  of  the  volume. 

About  the  year  1777,  Dr  Darwin  ha;!  purchafed  *  a  little, 
wild,  umbrajreous  valley, '  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lichfield, 
whicli  he  cultivated  with  great  tafte  ;  aiming,  as  Mifs  Seward 
cxprelTcs  it,  *  to  unite  the  I^innean  fcience  with  the  charm  of 
landfcapc.  '  On  her  fi'rft  folitary  vifit  to  *  this  luxuriant  retreat, 
with  her  tablets  and  pencil,  and  feated  on  a  flower  bank.'  Mifs 
Seward  wrote  a  little  poem  of  about  fifty  lines,  addrelTed  to  Dr 
Darwin,  under  the  characler  of  the  genius  of  the  place  ;  in  praife 
of  which,  it  is  enough  to  fay,  that,  with  fome  alterations,  it 
was  afterwards  adopted,  v/ithout  acknowledgement,  as  the  in- 
troduclion  to  the  firit  canto  of  •  the  Botanic  Garden. '  This 
we  confider  as  the  moft  curious  anecdote  in  the  volume  before 
us  ;  and  the  correftnefs  of  the  (latement  is  placed  beyond  a 
doubt,  by  the  appearance  of  her  verfes  as  fuch  in  the  periodical 
publications  of  the  year  in  which  they  were  written. 

According  to  Mifs  Seward's  account,  it  was  the  perufal 
of  her  lines  that  fuiigefted  the  idea  of  a  great  poem  *  on  the 
Linnean  fyrtem. '  The  compofition  of  it  was  begun  very  foon 
afterwards,  but  advanced  fo  flowly,  that  ten  years  elapfed  before 
the  date  of  publication.  By  '  an  inverfion  of  all  cuftom, '  the 
fecond  part  was  firft  given  to  the  world  in  1789  ;  from  a  con- 
fcioufnefs,  as  Mifs  Stward  fuppofes,  that,  in  a  new  and  unu- 
fuai  flyle  of  poetry,  '  the  loves  of  the  plants'  would  be  more 
likely  to  fccure  immediate  popularity,  than  the  bolder  concep- 
tions, and  Hill  more  fplendid  imagery  of  '  the  Economy  of  Ve^ 
getation. ' 

The  long  and  elaborate  analyfes  of  thefe  poems,  which  Mifs 
Seward  has  thought  fit  to  give,  will,  by  many  readers,  be  con- 
fidered  as  prolix  and  uninterelling.  They  are  certainly  difpro- 
portioned  to  the  bulk  and  nature  of  her  work,  if  a  work  fo 
immethodical  and  defultory  can  be  tried  by  ordinary  rules  j 
but  at  the  fame  time  they  will  be  found  interfperfed  with  many 

critical 

amoiiglt  his  own  family,  proofs  of  ftrong  fenfibilitjr  at  the  time,  and 
of  fucceeding  regard  to  the  memory  of  his  fon,  which  he  feemed  to 
have  a  pride  in  concealing  from  the  world.  In  juftice  to  his  memory, 
fhe  is  defirous  to  correi^t  the  mifmformation  (he  had  received,  and  will 
therefore  be  obliged  to  the  Editor  of  the  Edinburgh  Review  to  notice 
the  clrcumftance  in  the  criticifms  of  the  book,  fince,  unlefs  a  fecond 
edition  fliould  be  called  for,  fhe  has  no  means  fo  effedual  cf  counter- 
acting the  miftake.  ' 


•913^  -3f j/y  SewardV  Memoirs  of  Dr  Dar^u'in.  April 

cTitical   remarks,  which  difplay  great  juflnefs  of  poetical  tafte 
and  feeling. 

We  have*  formerly  had  occafion,  at  fufficient  length,  to  {late 
our  conceptions  of  the  peculiar  character  and  merit  of  Ur  Dar- 
win's poetry  ;  and  at  prefent  it  is  not  our  intention  to  refume 
the  fubjeft  in  the  point  of  view  under  which  it  was  then  con- 
fidered.  In  truth,  the  opinions  entertained  by  his  biographer, 
and  by  thofe  whofe  criticifms  fhe  has  adopted,  coincide  fo  nearly 
with  thofe  which  we  had  expreffed,  that  there  is  nothing  to 
juftify  or  provoke  a  farther  difcuflion.  In  one  refpe£l,  hovi'- 
ever,  we  feel  ourfelves  compelled  to  diflent  from  an  opinion  en- 
tertained by  moft  of  the  admirers  of  Dr  Darwin,  and  by  none 
more  firmly  than  Mifs  Seward.  «  One  extraordinary,  and  in 
a  poet  of  fo  much  genius,  unprecedented,  inftance  of  plagiarifm 
excepted, '  fays  iVlifs  Seward,  '  not  one  great  poet  of  England 
is  more  original  than  Darwin.  His  defign,  his  ideas,  his  ftyle, 
his  manner,  are  wholly  his  own.' 

If  it  were  alked  in  what  chieily  confifts  the  originality  of  man- 
ner which  is  fuppofed  to  charaiSlerife  the  new  Darwinian  fchool 
of  Englifh  poetry,  it  would  probably  be  anfvvered,  in  the  fij} 
place,  that  the  general  defign  of  clothing  the  philofophy  of  na- 
tural hillory  in  the  gay  attire,  and  with  all  the  higher  graces  of 
poetry,  was  novel,  at  leaft  in  any  Engliih  poet ;  in  the  feconJ 
place,  that  his  pidurefque  ftyle  of  poetical  defcription,  fuftaincd 
by  bold  perfonifications  and  metaphors,  addrelled  exclufively 
to  the  eye,  is,  in  a  great  degree  at  leaft,  his  own  ;  and,  lajly, 
that,  in  the  loftinefs  of  his  laboured  and  inverted  didion,  and 
in  the  ftately  march  of  his  highly  polilhed  verfification,  there 
are  peculiarities  of  manner  which  it  may  be  difficult  to  defcribe, 
but  which  muft  at  once  be  felt  as  diftinguiftiing  him  widely  from 
his  great  predeceflbrs  in  Englifh  poetry. 

It  is  not  our  intention  to  arraign  Dr  Darwin  of  literary 
depredation  on  the  property  of  others,  of  the  felonious  kind 
complained  of  fo  juftly  by  Mifs  Seward  ;  nor  (hall  we  venture 
dogm.atically  to  affert  that  this  peculiar  manner  to  which  he  has 
bequeathed  his  name,  was  formed  on  a  fervile  imitation  of  any 
exifting  model.  It  is  true,  notwithftanding,  that  for  nearly 
feventy  years  there  has  exifted,  in  obfcurity  and  negled,  a  phi- 
lofophical  poem  in  the  Englifti  language,  ftamped  incontroverti- 
bly  with  all  thofe  peculiar  charatfers  of  the  JDariuinian fchool  to 
which  we  have  alluded.  •  It  is  that  obfcurity  and  neglect  alone 
which  could  have  exempted  Dr  Darwin  from  the  charge  of  hav- 
i"g 

*  Review,  No.  IV.  Art.  XX. 


1 804.  Mtfs  SewardV  Memoirs  cf  Dr  Darwinl  :?3S>' 

ing  imitated  an  unfuccefsful  original ;  and  although  it  may 
poflibly  be  true  that  the  poem  in  queltion  was  unknown  to  him, 
it  will  at  lead  become  neceflary  hereafter  to  date  the  origin  of 
the  fchool  at  an  earlier  period. 

The  poem  Was  publifhed  *  anonymoufly  in  the  year  1735  ;  and 
of  its  author  we  have  not  obtained  any  information.  It  is  en- 
titled '  Univerfal  Beauty  ; '  and  its  general  object  is  an  expofi- 
tion  of  whatever  is  beautiful  in  the  plan  and  economy  of  the 
univerfe  in  all  its  parts.  In  the  profecution  of  this  objeft,  the 
author  takes  a  very  wide  compafs  ;  and  the  general  laws  which 
bind  the  planetary  fyftem,  the  phyfical  laws  which  peculiarly  re- 
gulate the  globe  which  we  inhabit,  the  phenomena  and  provifions 
of  the  mineral,  the  vegetable  and  the  animal  kingdoms,  are  all 
brought  under  poetical  review  5  and  the  more  remote  and  fanci- 
ful allufions  of  the  text  are  illuftrated  by  a  feries  of  philofophical 
notes.  That  the  refemblance  does  not  ftop  here  ;  but  extends 
ilill  more  ftrikingly  to  the  other  chara£leriftic  peculiarities  of  '  the 
Darwinian  manner, '  may  be  moft  effedtually  illuftrated  by  a  fev/ 
extra£ts,  taken  at  random. 

In  the  third  part,  which  contains  a  '  furvey  of  vegetable  nature,' 
after  tracing  the  analogy  of  animal  and  vegetable  life,  we  have 
the  following  lines,  in  illuftration  of  *  the  various  provifions  of 
nature,  for  protecting  and  fupportiiig  the  indigent,  as  the  ftraw- 
berry,  cinque-foil,   &c. ;  and  fupporting  the  feeble,  as  the  vine, 
bryony,  ivy,  &c.  ;  and  thus  equally  propagating  and  fpreading  a 
univerfality  of  delights,  pleafures,  and  enjoyments. ' 
*  Thus  mantling  fnug  beneath  a  verdant  veil, 
The  creepers  draw  their  horizontal  trail ; 
Wide  o'er  the  bank,  the  plantal  reptile  bends  ; 
Adown  its  item,  the  rooty  fringe  depends, 
The  feeble  boughs  with  anch'ring  fafety  binds. 
Nor  leaves  precarious  to  infulting  winds  ; 
The  tendrils  next  of  flender,  helplefs  fize, 
Afcendant  thro'  luxurious  pamp'ring  rife  ; 
Kind  nature  foothes  their  innocence  of  pride. 
While  buoy'd  aloft  the  flow' ring  wantons  ride. 
With  fond  adhefion  round  the  cedar  cling, 
And  wreathing,  circulate  their  am'rous  ring. 
Sublime,  with  winding  maturation  grow, 
And  clench'd  retentive  gripe  the  topmoit  bough  j 
Here  climb  d:rc6t,  the  minilterial  rock. 
And  clafping  firm,  its  fteepy  fragments  lock  ; 

Or 

*  •  Univerfal  Beauty,  a  Poem.'  Loudor,  :  J.VViic.x.  1735« 
Folio.  It  confifts  of  fix  parts,  publifhed  fiicctfiively,  containing  eacl> 
abcu^  40-3  lines. 


'24®  ^^ip  SewardV  Memoirs  of  Dr  Darwrn,  Maf 

Or  various,  with  agglutinating  guile  ; 
Cement  tenacious  to  fome  neighb'ring  pile  j 
Invefting  green,  fome  fabric  here  afcend, 
Aad  clud'ring,  o'er  its  pinnacles  depend.  ' 

Part  III.  1.  271 — 290. 
In  allufion  to  thofe  plants  which  are  fuppofed  to  obey  the  in- 
fluence of  the  fun  and  moon,  we  find  the  following  lines  : 
*   Here,  winding  to  the  Sun's  magnetic  ray, 
The  folar  plants  ai3ore  the  Lord  of  Day  ; 
With  Pcrfian  rites  idolatrous  incline, 
And  worfhip  towards  his  confecrated  flirine  ; 
By  fouth,  from  caft  to  weft,  obfcquious  turn. 
And  mov'd  with  fympathetic  ardours  burn. 
To  thefe  adverfe,  the  Lunar  fefts  diflent, 
With  convolution  of  oppofed  bent ; 
From  well  to  eaft  by  equal  influence  tend. 
And  towards  the  Moou'b  attradlive  crcfcence  bend  j 
There  nightly  worfhip  with  Sidonian  zeal, 
And  Queen  of  Heaven,  Aftarte's  idol  hail.' 

Part  III.  1.  313 — 324. 
We  regret  that  our  limits  do  not  admit  of  the  author's  defcrip*- 
tion  (Part  IV.  1.  X2o — 204.)  of  the  circulation  of  the  blood   in 
animals,  illutoated  by  a  picfturefque   analogy  to  the   motions  of 
the  fluid  parts  of  the   globe.     The  following  lines,  taken  from 
Part  v.,  refer  to  that  fpccies  of  infects  which,  like  the  beetle, 
*  by  a  furprifmg  macliinery  of  little  fprings  and  hinges,  ere<£t  the 
fmooth  covering  of  tlieir  backs,  and  unfolding  their  wings  that 
were  moft  neatly  difi-)ofed  within  their  cafes,  prepare  for  flight. ' 
*  Or  who  a  twofold  apparatus  Ihare, 
Natives  of  earth,  and  habitants  of  air, 
Like  warriors  flride,  oppreffed  with  fhining  mail. 
But  furl'd  beneath,  their  fdken  pennons  veil. 
Deceived  our  fellow  reptile  we  admire 
His  bright  endorfement  and  compaft  attire, 
When  lo  !   the  latent  fprings  of  motion  play. 
And  rifiug  lids  difclofe  the  rich  inlay  ; 
The  tiffu'd  wing  its  folded  membrane  frees, 
And  with  bhthe  quavers  fans  the  gathering  breeze  ; 
Elate  tow'rds  heav'n  the  beauteous  wonder  flies, 
And  leave:  the  mortal  wrapp'd  in  deep  furprife. 

So  when  the  guide  led  Tobit's  youthful  heir» 
Eleft,  to  win  the  fev'n  times  widow'd  fair, 
Th'  angelic  form,  conceal'd  in  human  guife, 
Deceiv'd  the  fearch  of  his  afTociate's  eyes  ; 
Till  fwift  each  charm  burlls  forth  like  iffuing  flarti?. 
And  circling  rays  confefs  his  heav'nly  frame ; 

Th- 


1804.  'M'ff  SewardV  Memoirs  of  Dr  Darnvln.  24 1 

The  zodiac  round  his  wafte  divinely  turns, 

And  waving  radiance  o'er  his  plumage  burns  ; 

In  awful  tranfports  rapt,  the  youth  admires. 

While  light  from  earth  the  dazzling  fliape  afpires. ' 

Part  V.  1.  127—148. 
We  cannot  refrain  from  giving  a  part  of  this  AA'viter's  dcfcrip- 
tion  of  the  creation  of  thofe  pl.mctary  fyftems  of  which  the  uni* 
verfe  is  compofed.     It  is  a  favourite  topic  with  both  poets. 
'   Swift  roll'd  the  fpheres  to  their  appointed  place^ 

Jocund  through  heaven  to  run  the  various  race  ; 

Orb  within  orb  in  living  circlets  turn. 

And  central  funs  through  every  fyllem  burn  ; 

Revolving  planets  on  their  gods  attend. 

And  towards  each  fun  with  awful  reverence  bend  ; 

Still  towards  the  loved,  enlivening  beam  they  wheel, 

And  pant,  and  tremble  like  the  amorous  fteel. 

They  fpring,  they  revel  in  the  blaze  of  day, 

Bathe  in  the  golden  ftream,  and  drink  tlie  orient  ray  ; 

Their  blitlie  fatellites  with  lively  glance 

(Celeftial  equipage)  around  them  dance  ; 
.  All,  diftance  due,  and  beauteous  order  keep, 

And  Ipiuning  foft,  upon  their  centres  fleep.  ' 

Part  I.  1.  91 — io4« 
SimilrtT  paiTages  mijrht  eaiily  be  accumulated,  but  thefe  may 
ierve  as  a  ipecimen  of  the  peculiar  manner  of  this  forgotten 
poet.  Of  its  refemblance  to  that  of  Dr  Darwin,  we  fl^iall  leave 
our  readers  to  judge.  That  there  are  obvious  fliades  of  differ- 
ence, w-e  have  no  hefitation  to  admit  j  nor  do  we  call  in  queilioii 
the  decided  fuperioi-ity  of  the  latter.  The  poem  of  *  Univerfai 
Beauty'  is  indeed  extremely  unequal :  pafiages  occur  which  arci 
worthy  of  Sir  Richard  Blackmore  5  and  in  others  there  may  be 
.difcovered  an  unfuccefsful  efFort  to  imitate  the  fafliionablo  anti- 
thetic m.anner  of  Pope.  Whether  or  not  the  poetry  of  Darwin 
would,  in  the  age  oi  Pope,  have  incurred  th.e  fame  hazard  of 
hegleci  with  that  of  tlie  writer  whom  we  have  ventured  to  ex- 
lubit  as  his  prototype,  we  {hall  not  prefume  to  conjcclure. 


VOL.  IV.  xo.  7.  fO  OUAR. 


(•    242    )  Apr'rf 

ou'arterly  list  of  new  publications. 

From  20.  Jamiaryy  to  i8-  April  1804. 


ACRreOLTURE.  / 

The  Farmer's  Calendar.      By  Arthur  Young.     8vo.    los.  6d.  boards. 
Communications   of    the    Board    of   Agiiculture.      410.      Vol.    IIL 

t*art  II.      iSs.  boards." 

General  View  of  the  Agriculture  of  Shropfhire.     By Plymby. 

8vo.      7s.  6d.  boards, 

ARCHITECTURE. 

A  Supplement  to  a  Treatife  on  the  Conftruftion  and  Properties  oT 
Arcnes,  publiflied  in  i8or.     By  George  Atwood  Efq.      7s.  6d.  fewed. 

ASTRONOMY. 

A  Geographical,  Nautical,  Mechanical,  and  Mathematical  View  of 
the  Univerfe.     By  W.  Parker.     8vo.  3s. 

BIOGRAPHY. 

A  Biographical  Ditlionary  of  celebrated  Women  of  every  Age  and 
Country.  By  Matilda  Betham.  Embelliflied  with  five  Heads.  8vo. 
12s.  and  izmo.  7s*  boards. 

Memoirs  cf  the  Life  of  Dr  Darwin,  chiefly  during  his  refidence  at 
Lichfield:  With  Anecdotes  of  his  Friends,  and  Criticifms  on  hi» 
Writings.     By  Anna  Seward.      8vo.     7s.  6d.  boards. 

Sketches  of  the  Lives  and  Charafters  of  Eminent  Civilians  :  With 
an  Enumeration  of  the  whole  Scries  of  Academic  Graduates  admitted 
into  the  College  of  Advocates  for  nearly  three  centuries  .paft,  4S» 
fewed.^ 

BOTANY. 

Smith's  Flora  Britanniea,  Vol.  III.      8vo.      los.  6d.  boards. 

CHEMISTRY. 

Refearches  into  the  Laws  of  Chemical  Affinity.     8vo.      7s.  boards. 
A    Syftem  of  Cliemiltry,    by   Thomas   Thomfon   M.   D.      Second 
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DRAMA. 

Almahide  and  Hamet,  a  Tragedy  :  To  which  is  prefixed,  a  Letter 
to  John  Philip  Kemble  on  Dramatic  Compofiticn.  By  Benjamin  Heath 
Malkin,  M.  A.      Royal  8vo.      6s.  boards. 

The  Britifli  Drama,  comprehending  (with  the  exception  of  Shake- 
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3  vol.      Royal  8vo.     3I.  6s.  boards. 

The  Soldier's  Daughter,  a  Comedy,  now  performing  at  tJie  Theatre 
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Twenty-one  ;  an  Operatic  After-piece  :  Altered  from  the  French 
of  Du\-al.  By  James  Wild.  With  an  Engraving.  Being  No.  I.  of 
a   Series  of  Dramas   adapted   to   the  E'lglifli  Stage  from  the  original 

Freach.  IS. 

The 


1 804.  ^tarterly  Lift  of  New  Publications.  243 

The  Counterfeit  ;  a  Farce,  in  Two  Afts,  performed  at  the  Theatre 
Royal,  Drury-lane.      By  Andrew  Franklin.      8vo.      2s. 

EDUCATION. 

Midfuramer  Holidays  :  In  which  is  introduced  a  concife  Hiftory  of 
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A  Wreath  for  the  Brow  of  Youth ;  containing  Inftruclions  and 
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Juvenile  Dialogues,  French  and  Englifh,  to  facilitate  the  Reading 
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Summary  of  Ancient  Hiftory,  from  the  earlieft  Ages  to  the  Diflb- 
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Stories  for  Children.      By  Annabella  Plumptre.      2s. 

Englifti  Parfing  ;  comprifrng  the  Rules  of  Syntax,  exemplified  by 
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The  Univerfal  Hiftory,  from  the  Creation  to  the  prefent  Time,  care- 
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Amahna  ;  or,  the  American  Foundling,    2  vol.  \  2  mo.   8s.  fewed. 

The  New  Family  Picture  ;  tranilated  from  the  French  of  La  Fon- 
taine, 2  vol.  i2mo.  8s.  fewed. 

Zollora,   2  vol.  T2mo.   7s.  boards. 

The  unexpefted  Legacy.      By  Mrs  Hunter  of  Norwich,  2  vol.  !2n-.o 

POETRY. 

The  Wiccamical  Chaplet,  a  SeleAion  of  original  Poetry-,  comp;-'^   ■.; 
fmaller   Poems,  claflical   Trifles  ;  edited   by  George  Hudderiifoi 
boards. 

Invafion  ;  a  defcriptive  and  fatyrical  Poem.     By  J.  Amphlet!,  >. 

:5  s.  boards. 

Poems,  by  George  Richards,  M.  A.  ;  2  pocket  voluinas,  los.. 
boards. 

The  Poetical  Works  of  Charles  Churchill  j  with  Nol^-s  ar.d  Life, 
3  vol.  8vo.    1 8s.  boards. 

Mifcellaneous  Poems,  by  John  Parker,  8vo.   3s.  boards. 

The  Poetical  Works  of  John  Langhorne,  D.  D.  ;  to  which  are  pre* 
fixed,  Memoirs  of  the  Author.  By  his  Son,  the  Rev.  J.  T.  Lang- 
liorne,  LL.  B.  ;  embellifhed  with  Engravings,  2  vol.  rooifcap  8vo. 
12s.  ;  and  on  wove  thick  poft,  with  proof  impreffions,    16s. 

The  Shipwreck,  a  Poem  in  Three  Cantos.  By  William  Falconer. 
The  Text  carefully  revifcd,  critical  Remarks,  additional  Notes,  and  a 
Life  of  the  Author,  By  James  Stanier  Clarke,  F.  R.  S.  Embel- 
lifhed with  Five  large  Vignettes  and  Three  full-fized  Engravings,  by 
James  Fittler,  A.  R.  A.  from  Piftures  painted  purpofely  by  Mr  Ni- 
cholas Pocock. 

The  Poetical  Works  of  William  Shakfpeare,  in  2  vol.  foolfcap  8vo. 
I  2s.  boards. 

The  Wild  Wreath.      By  M.  E.  Robinfon,  8vo.   7s.  boards. 

Alfred.     By  Cottle,  2  vol.  i2mo.    10s.  6d.  boards. 

POLITICAL. 

An  inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Origin  of  Wealth  ;  and  into  the 
jVJeans  and  Caufes  of  its  Increafe.  By  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale.  la 
I  vol.  8vo.  8s.  6d.  boards. 

The  Principles  of  Taxation  ;  or.  Contribution  according  to  Means  ; 
in  which  it  is  fhown,  that  if  every  Man  pays  in  Proportion  to  the  Stake 

he 


^5®  ^arterly   Lift  of  New  Publicaftom.  April 

lie  has  in  the  Country,  the  prcfent  Syftem  of  Taxation,  the  Cuftom- 
hoiife  and  Excife-oflice  may  be  abohfhed,  and  the  National  Debt  gra- 
dually and  eafily  paid  off.      By  William  Frend  Efq.    is.  6d. 

An  Account  of  Louifiana  ;  being  an  AbHraft  of  Documents  deli- 
vered, or  tranfmitted  to  Mr  Jefferfon,  Prefident  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  and  by  him  laid  before  Congrefs,  and  publifhed  by  their 
Order.  Printed  at  Waihington,  and  reprinted  at  Philadelphia,  and  all 
the  other  States  of  the  Union,  8vo.    is.  6d. 

Some  Obfervations  on  the  Propriety  of  effedlually  employing  our 
prefent  Mihtary  Forces  againft  France  ;  and  a  few  curfory  Remarks 
on  the  threatened  Invafion,  8vo.    is.  6d. 

A  Difcourfe,  called  the  Royal  Soldier,  neceflary  for  every  Mihtary 
Man  at  this  prcfent  Juncture,    is. 

Outlines  of  rational  Patriotifm,  and  a  Plea  for  Loyalty  ;  fhewing  the 
Rife  and  Progrefs  of  Englifh  Liberty  ;  a  Sketch  of  the  Conltitution, 
&c.  whereon  the  Grounds  of  Volunteering  are  examined,  &c.  By 
J.  Hatfield,  2s.  6d. 

Thoughts  on  the  prefent  State  of  Affairs,  and  the  Profpeft  of  Inva- 
fion,   IS. 

Utrnm  Horutn  ?  Addington  or  Pitt  ?  An  Appeal  to  the  good 
Senfe  of  the  People,  efpecially  recommended  to  the  Perufal  of  Mem- 
bers of  Parliament  ;  occafioned  by  reading  *  A  Plain  Anfvver  to  the 
Mifreprefentations  and  Calumnies  contained  in  the  Curfoiy  Remarks 
of  a  Near  Obferver. '     2s. 

An  Examination  of  all  the  Statutes  refpefting  the  Volunteers  ;  in 
which  the  Appointment  of  the  Officers,  the  Right  to  refign,  and  the 
Exemptions  and  Obligations,  are  fully  confidered,    is. 

A  plain  Reply  to  the  Pamphlet  '  A  plain  Anfvver  ;  '  being  a  more 
fair  State  of  the  Queftion  between  the  late  and  prefent  Minrilry,  2s,  6d. 

Egeria  ;  or,  elementary  Studies  on  the  Progrefs  of  Nations  in  Poli- 
tical Economy,  Legiflation,  and  Government,  8vo.    9s.  boards. 

The  Correfpondence  between  Lord  Redefdale,  Lord  High  Chancel- 
lor of  Ireland,  and  the  Earl  of  Fingal,  &c.  ;  to  which  is  added,  tlie 
Narrative  of  the  Rev.  P.  O'Neil,  referred  to  in  the  Correfpondence,  is. 

.Remarks  on  the  Correfpondence  between  His  Majefty,  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  the  Duke  of  York,  and  Mr  Addington,  relative  to  the  Prince's 
Application  for  a  fuperior  Station  in  the  Army  ;  with  Copies  of  the 
original  Letters,  2s. 

The  falutar)--  Effects  of  Vigour,  exemplified  in  the  Optrations  of  the 
Nottingham  Act,  lately  palfed  ;  being  a  Sequel  to  Bowles's  Thoughts 
on  the  late  General  Ele6lion.      By  John  Bowles,  6d. 

The  True  Interefl  of  the  United  Kingdom  proved,  in  two  Pla:'^;  of 
Finance  ;  to  take  off"  all  the  Taxes  prior  to  1803,  and  provide  T^uiiy 
Millions  for  the  prcfent  Emergency  without  the  Income  and  Property 
Taxes,   &c.      By  Jofcph  Coad,  6d. 

The  Britilh  Tocfin,  and  the  Charge  founded  ;  with  an  Addrefs  to 
ihe  Military  of  Great  Britain.     By  John  Morfitt, 

Letters 


1804.  ^arterly  Lift  of  New  Publicattohs,  251 

Letters  from  Thomas  Paine  to  the  Citizens  of  America,  after  an  Ab- 
sence of  Fifteen  Years  ;  to  which  are  fubjoined,  fome  Letters  between 
him  and  the  late  General  Wafhington,  &c.  iScc.  ;  alfo  fom«  original 
Poetry  of  Mr  Paine's,  and  ?l  fac-Jim'ilt  of  his  handwriting  in  1803, 
Svo.  68  pages. 

Hints  to  the  People  of  the  United  Kingdom,  and  of  North  Britaiu 
in  particular,  on  the  prefent  Crifis,  and  fome  intereiling  collateral  Sub- 
jeds.     By  W.  Dickfon,  LL.  D.   is. 

A  Family  Addrefs  to  the  Labouring  Part  of  the  Community,  con- 
cerning the  prefent  State  of  Public  Affairs  in  Church  and  State,  Svo. 
4S.  6d. 

Thoughts  on  the  Old  and  New  Adminiftrations  ;  with  a  comparative 
View  of  their  Claim  to  PubHc  Favour,   2s.  6d. 

A  Letter  to  the  Earl  of  Wycombe  from  Mr  Miles,  on  the  prefent 
ftate  of  Ireland,  3s. 

A  Sei-mon  preached  at  the  Prefentation  of  Colours  to  the  Queen's 
Royal  Regiment  of  Volunteers.      By  the   Rev.  James  Moore,  LL.B^ 

JS. 

The  Independence  of  Great  Britain,  as  the  firfi:  of  Maritime  Powers, 
efiential  to,  and  the  Exiftence  of  France  in  its  prefent  State  incompa- 
tible with,  the  Profperity  and  Prefervation  of  all  European  Nations, 
Svo.    28. 

Letters  from  Satan  to  Bonaparte.  Edited  by  Henry  Whitfield, 
M.  A.  3  d. 

An  Addrefs  to  the  Volunters  of  Bromley  and  Bow,  and  of  Wefl 
Ham  ;  delivered  at  the  Baptiit  Meeting-Houfe,  Bow.  By  William 
Newman,  Dec.  18.  1803.      is. 

A  Sermon  preached  to  the  Loyal  Macclesfield  Volunteers.  By  Mel- 
viUe  Home,  Member  of  Chrifl-Church,  Macclesfield,  19. 

THEOLOGY. 

A  Sermon  preached  on  the  late  Fafl-Day,  at  Hatton.  By  Samuel 
Parr,   LL.  D.      2S. 

A  Sermon  preached  at  the  Parifh  Church  of  St  George,  Hanover 
Square,   on  the  late  Faft-Day.      By  Robert  Hodfon,   A.  M.      is. 

A  new  Edition  of  the  lail  Anniverfary  Sermon  of  the  Royal  Humarte 
Society.  By  R.  Valpy,  D.  D.  To  which  is  added,  a  Preface,  Con- 
taining Obfervations  on  the  Britifh  Critic.      2s. 

Two  Sermons  preached  before  the  Corps  of  Somerfet  Place  Volun- 
teers ;  the  one  on  the  lafl  Faft-Day,  and  the  other  on  the  Pi  cfentation 
of  the  Colours,  Odloberayth.  With  a  Prayer  ufed  on  the  occafion. 
By  James  Davldfon,  D.  D.      2S.  6d. 

Sermons  by  John  Grofe,  A.  M.     Vol.  II.      8#. 

A  Sermon  preached,  as  preparatory  to  a  General  Fafl,  Oftober  i6tK 
1 803,  at  St  George's,  Hanover  Square.  By  the  Reverend  Archer 
Thompfon,   M.  .A..      (s. 

The  Englifii  Diateffaron  ;  or,  the  Hiflory  of  our  Lord  Jefus  Chrift, 
I'tom  the  compounded  Texts  of  the   Four  EvangtUfts,  according  to  the 

authorife(j| 


252  ^larterly  LiJI  of  New  Publications,  April 

authon'fed  Englifh  Verfion.  With  Notes  ;  accompanied  by  a  brief 
Harmony  of  the  Gofpels,  a  Map  jfthe  Holy  Land,  &c.  By  the  Re- 
verend Richard  Warner.      8vu-      6s.  boards. 

The  Chriftian  Direclory  ;  or,  Sure  Guide  to  prefent  and  eternal 
Happincfs.  By  the  Reverend  Richard  Baxter.  Abridired  from  the 
Original,  by  Adam  Clarke,  Tranflator  of  Sturme's  Reflections,  4  vol. 
&e.      In  2  large  vols.  8vo.      i6s.    boards. 

A  Sermon  preached  at  the  Parirti  Church  of  Trinity  in  the  Minories, 
on  the  laft  FaftDay.      By  Henry  Ely,  D.D.      Svo.      25  pages. 

A  Letter  to  a  Parifhioner,  upon  fome  particular  Queftions  refpefting 
Tithes  ;  containing  Texts  of  Scripture,  in  Proof  of  the  Arguments  ad- 
duced.    8vo.     16  pages. 

The  ground  of  Encouragement  on  the  prefent  National  Danger  ;  a 
Sermon  preached  at  Clapham,  Oft.  z^.  1B03.  By  John  Venn,  M.  A. 
Svo.     35  pages. 

Goliah  fla'i^,  and  the  Philiftines  put  to  flight  ;  a  Sermon  preached  at 
Cirtiiller,   Odober  igth.      By  the  Rev.  John  Bulman.     4to.    22  page?. 

Two  Sermons  delivered  a'c  Renfrew,  Oftober  the  20th,  being  the 
Day  appointed  for  a  General  Fait  in  Scotland  ;  with  a  particular  Ad- 
drefs  to  the  People.     By  the  Reverend  Thomas  Burns.    Svo.    39  pages. 

A  Sermon  yjreached  before  the  Delivery  of  the  Colours  to  the  Corps 
of  Durham  Vulunteer  Infantry,  November  the  6lh.  By  Reynold 
Gideon  Bowyer,  LL.B.  To  which  is  added,  an  Addrefs  to  the  Corps 
by  Lieultnani  Colonel  Fenwick.     4to.      20  pages. 

The  Economy  of  the  Covenants  between  God  and  Man,  compre- 
hending a  complete  Body  of  Divinity.  By  the  learned  Herman  Wit- 
iius,  D.  D  ;  with  his  Life  ;  faithfully  tranfiated  from  the  Latin,  with 
fine  Portrait  of  the  author.      2  vol.  8vo.      14s.  boards. 

Hofa  SoUtaria  ;  or,  Efiay  upon  fume  rem;irk::ble  Names  and  Titles 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  occurring  in  the  Old  and  New  Tcftaments,  &c.  By 
Mr  Searle.      2  large  vols.  Svo.      i6s.  boards. 

Sermons.  By  the  Reverend  Thomas  Gifborne,  M.  A.  Volume 
the  Second.      Ss.  boards. 

A  Hiltory  of  the  Chriftian  Church,  from  the  Fall  of  the  Wedern 
Empire  to  the  prefent  Time.  By  Jofeph  Pritftley,  LL.D.  F. R.S. 
4  vol.  Svo.      il.  128.  boards. 

BiHiop  Porteous's  Charge  to  the  Clergy  in  1H03.      Svo.      is.  6d. 

Difcourfes  on  Theological  and  Literary  Subjects.  By  the  late  Re- 
verend Archibald  Arthur,  M.  A.  Profcffor  of  Mor:u  Piiilofopliy  in  the 
Univerfity  of  Glafgow.  With  an  Account  of  fome  Particulars  in  his 
Life  and  CharaAer,  by  William  Richardfon,  M.  A.  ProfelTor  of  Hu- 
manity in  the  Univerfity  of  Glafgow.      8s.  boards. 

The  Guide  to  Immortality  ;  or,  Memoirs  of  the  Life  and  DoAriiie 
of  Chrilh  by  the  Four  Evangelilts  ;  digefted  into  one  continued  Nar- 
rative, according  to  the  Order  ^f  Time  and  Piace  laid  down  by  Arc!>- 
blfnop  Newcome,  in  the  Words  of  the  P2!iablifhed  Verlion,  with  Im- 
provements J  and  iilullrated   by    Notes,   moral,  theological,   and  expla» 

natorv  ; 


18©4'  ^larUrly  Liji  of  New  Pubticat'ions.  253 

natfiry  ;    tending   to   tklineate   the  Time,    Charaftcr,    and    Genius   of 
Chridianlty.      By  Robert  Ftllowes,   A.  M.  Oxon.      3  vol.      ll.  4s. 

A  Sermon  preached  on  Tiiefday,  January  3d  1804,  at  the  Prefcn- 
lation  of  Colours  by  the  Couiitefs  of  Harrington,  as  Reprcfentative  oP 
hf-r  Majcfty,  tg  the  Qn<-'cii's  Rn-yal  Regiment  of  Vohintecrs.  By  the 
Reverend  James  Moore,  LL.B.  Honorary  Chaplain  to  the  Regiment, 
and  ore  of  the  Evening  Prcacliers  at  the  Foimdling  Hofpital. 

Three  Difconrfes.  By  the  late  Reverend  William  Turner,  of  Wake- 
field.    8vo.      2s. 

Confiderations  on  the  general  Conditions  of  the  ChriRian  Covenant  ; 
with  a  View  to  fome  late  important  Controverfies.  By  Jofeph  Holdea 
Pott,  A.M.  Archdeacon  of  St  Albans.      8vo.      3s. 

Sermons,  felecfled  and  abridged,  chiefly  from  Minor  Authors,  for  the 
life  of  Families.  By  the  Reverend  Samuel  Clapham,  M.  A.  8vo. 
Vol.  n.      I  OS.  boards. 

Sermons  and  other  mifcellaneous  Pieces.  By  the  late  Henry  Hun- 
ter, D.  D-  To  which  are  prefixed,  a  biographical  Sketch  of  hid  Life, 
and  a  critical  Account  of  his  Writingp,   in  2  vol.      Svo.      Boards 

A  Sermon  on  Invafion,  preached  by  the  Reverend  Sydney  Smith, 
A.  M.  before  the  Mary-le-Bone  Volunteers,  in  Portman  Chapel.      Svo. 

IS. 

Sermons  on  Public  Occaiions,  and  a  Letter  on  Theoloigical  Study. 
By  Robert,  late  Archbifhop  of  York  ;  with  Memoirs  of  his  Life.  By- 
George  Hay  Drummond,   A.  M.      Svo.      6s.  boards. 

TOPOGRAPHY. 

England  dtlineated  ;  being  One  Hundred  and  Fifty-two  Copperplate 
Views  of  ancient  Caftlcs,  Monafteries,  and  A.iiiquities,  as  wcil  as  of 
the  principal  Cities,  Towns,  &c.  &:c.  of  England  and  Wales  ;  with 
Letter- prefs  Defcriptions  to  each  Plate,  colletled  with  Diligence  from 
the  moft  authentic  Sources.      2  vol.  royal  Svo.      il.  los.  boards. 

A  Series  of  Prints,  refpedling  Views  near  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
and  in  the  Interior  of  the  Country,  the  Appearance  and  Coilunie  of 
I'evcral  Tribes  of  the  Natives,  and  alfo  various  examples  of  the  Animals 
found  in  that  Part  of  the  World,  from  Drawings  taken  from  Nature. 
By  Samuel  Daniell.  Engraved  by  himfelf,  and  coloured  to  iri.itate  the 
original  Drawing.      No.  L      2I.  2s. 

Scotia  Depicta,  or  the  Antiquities,  Caflles,  Piiblic  Buildings,  N'.>b!e- 
roen  and  Gentlemens'  Seats,  Cities,  Towns,  and  Pictr.refque  Scenfry 
of  Scotland  ;  illuitrated  in  a  Series  of  Fifty  fini/hed  Etchings  by  James 
Fittler,  A.R.A.  from  Drawings  by  John  Claude  Nattes,  with  De- 
fcriptions.     In  imperial  lorg  4to.      61,  6s.  boards. 

A  Hiftcrical  Epitome  of  the  ] Hands  of  Malta  and  Gozo.  By  Charles 
Wilkinfon  Efq-  with  a  fmall  accurate  Map.      In  foolfcap  Svo.      6s.  bd.^; 

The  Plidory  of  the  Parifli  and  Caftle  of  Wrefsle,  in  the  Eaft  Riding 
•f  the  County  of  York.      By  J.  Savage,      Svo.      2s. 

Views  in  Lincoln fl)ire,  No.  i(;.      3s.— fmaller  Paper  2S.  6d. 


254  garter ly  Lift  of  New  Puhlicat'mit,  Apfii 

TRAVELS. 

The  Second  Volume,  illuftrated  by  feveral  Engravings,  of  an  Ac- 
count of  Travels  into  the  Interior  of  Southern  Africa.  In  which  is 
confidcred  the  Importance  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  to  the  different 
European  Powers,  as  a  Naval  and  Military  Station  ;  as  a  Point  of  Se- 
curity to  our  Indian  Trade  and  Settlements,  during  a  War  ;  and  as  a 
Territorial  Acquifition  and  Commercial  Emporium  in  Time  of  Peace. 
With  a  Scatiftical  Sketch  of  the  whole  Colony,  compiled  from  authen- 
tic Documents.  By  John  Barrow  Efq  late  Secretary  to  the  Earl  of 
Macartney,  Auditor-General  of  Public  Accounts  at  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  and  Secretary  to  Lieutenant-General  Francis  Dundas,  during 
bis  Government  there.     410.      il.  15s.  boards. 


APPENDIX. 


STATEMENT    OF    FACTS  RESPECTING  THE  FIRST  PUBLICATION  Qt 
LADY  MARY  WORTLEY  MONTAGU's  LETTERS. 

1 N  our  Review  of  the  '  Works  of  Lady  Mary  Wortley  Montagu,  * 
(No.  IV.  p.  512.),  we  laid  before  our  readers  the  account  given  by 
Mr  Dallaway  of  the  firft  publication  of  thefe  celebrated  Letters.  Il: 
is  remote  from  our  plan  to  enter  into  controverfy  on  a  fubjeft  of  this 
nature  ;  yet  we  cannot  refufe  a  place  to  the  ftatement  of  fads  contain- 
ed in  the  following  letter  from  Mifs  Sowden,  the  daughter  of  the  vejy 
refpedtable  clergyman  alluded  to  by  Mr  Dallaway. 


*    TO    THE     EDITOR    OF    THE     EDINBURGH    REVIEW. 

«  SIR,  Bath,  yaaaary  31.  1804. 

'  As  you  have  noticed  the  new  edition  of  '  Lady  Mary  Wortley 
Montagu's  Works'  in  your  Review,  No.  IV.  and  there  quoted  a 
rtrange  ftory  given  by  the  editor,  as  a  recent  and  curious  difcoveiy  ; 
you  will,  I  hope,  permit  me,  through  the  medium  of  your  widely  cir- 
culating Journal,  to  pronounce  it  an  idle  fabrication,  as  void  of  foun- 
dation, as  of  probability ; — No  perfon  having  ever  been  fent  by  the  late 
Countefs  of  Bute  to  my  father,  and  no   one  having  ever  impofcd  oa 

him. 


1804.  APPENDIX.  255 

him,  by  ftealing  a  copy  of  the  MSS.  in  his  pofTeffion.  So  far  is  this 
laft  aflcrtion  from  being  true,  that,  though  he  hved  twenty  years  after 
their  pubhcation,  he  never  had  the  fmalleft  chie  with  which  to  trace 
the  by-way  path  through  which  they  got  into  print. 

'  The  following  are  fafts,  which  I  have  too  frequently  heard  re- 
peated by  my  father,  not  to  be  able  to  (late  accurately. 

'  At  the  clofe  of  the  year  1761,  Lady  Mary  Wortley  Montagu, 
pafiing  through  Holland  in  her  way  to  this  country,  was  detained  many 
weeks  at  Rotterdam  by  a  fevere  froft.  My  father  was  one  of  a  few 
hterary  men,  who,  after  paying  his  refpeds,  frequently  repeated  his 
vifits  to  her  Ladyfliip.  In  one  of  thcfe  vifits,  Lady  W.  M.  lent  him 
thefe  celebrated  letters  for  his  perufal ;  and  on  his  returning  them,  ex- 
prefTed  a  great  dehre  of  having  a  fair  copy  taken,  mixed  with  fome 
fears  of  confiding  them  to  any  one  of  whole  probity  flie  was  not  pre- 
vioufly  well  alTured.  My  father,  confidering  this  as  an  indirect  mode 
of  apphcation  to  himfelf,  offered  faithfully  to  traafcribe  and  return  the 
original  and  copy  to  her  Ladyfliip  as  foon  as  completed.  She  gladly 
accepted  this  propofal  in  part  ;  but  added,  that  the  MS.  in  her  own 
handwriting  fhould  be  his,  and  at  his  entire  difpofal. 

«  My  father,  however,  reflefted  that  a  gift  of  that  magnitude  might 
draw  after  it  fufpicions  unfavourable  to  himfelf,  and  on  this  account 
declined  its  acceptance.  Upon  which  her  Ladyfliip  faid,  '  If  that  be 
aU,  Mr  Sowden,  I  will  foon  make  you  eafy  ; '  and  taking  her  pen, 
wrote  on  the  cover  the  words  contained  in  the  fac  fim'tle. 

'  The  copy  was  not  completed  when  Lady  M.  W.  M.  died  ;  and  no 
fooner  was  the  event  known  to  my  father,  than  he  prepared  a  letter  for 
the  Countefs  of  Bute,  to  inform  her  of  the  MS.  in  his  hands,  and  of 
his  intention  to  pubhfh  it  ;  not  thinking  it  corretl  to  proceed  other- 
ways.  But  before  this  letter  could  be  difpatched,  he  received  one 
from  her  Ladyfhip,  ftating,  that  by  fom.e  letters  of  his,  which  fhe  had 
found  among  the  papers  of  the  deceafed,  flie  perceived  there  were  fuch 
MSS.  in  his  hands  ;  which  fhe  requelted  might  be  tranfmitted  to  her 
without  delay.  The  anfwer  informed  her  Ladyfhip,  that  though  fhe 
was  right  as  to  the  fact,  fhe  mifapprehended  die  tenure  ty  which  he  held 
thofe  letters  ;  which  was  not  as  a  depoflt,  but  as  a  gift :  In  proof  of 
which,  he  inclofed  a  copy  of  the  deed  of  gift.  Still  her  Ladyfhip 
perfiiled  in  her  defire  to  have  them  ;  and,  in  her  reply,  aflied,  '  What 
he  mvji  have  for  them  ? '  But  my  father,  little  accuftomed  to  make 
bargains,  fent  them,  original  and  copy,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  fome 
of  his  mercantile  friends,  to  Lady  Bute,  without  flipulating  for  terms  ; 
faying,  he  made  no  difEculty  of  relying  on  her  Ladyfhip's  generofity. 

»  Several  weeks  now  elapfed,  and  he  heard  no  more.  At  length,  he 
was  informed  that  aji  order  was  given  to  her  banker  to  pay  him  three 
hundred  pounds.  At  this  juncl;u:-e,  the  work  was  advertifed — and  the 
order  flopped. 

'  When  my  father  faw  the  work  announced  in  the  public  papers,  he 
ronclHded  it    came   frttm   tiie   family  ;  while  Lady  Bute  had  djubtlef;, 

oa 


25<5  APPENDIX.  April  1804. 

ten  her  pail,   fufpicions   unfavourable  to  him.     Thefe,  however,  wer6 
foon  done  away,  and  the  three  hundred  pounds  paid. 

*  About  a  do7:en  years  fmce,  a  gentleman,  to  whom  I  had  mention- 
ed the  above  particulars,  informed  me,  with  an  air  of  confidence  which 
inclined  me  to  credit  his  nan-ative,  '  That  the  Countcfs  of  Bute  had 
entrufted  tliis  MS.  to  a  Noble  Duke,  now  no  more,  for  his  opinion, 
previous  to  its  being  made  public.  His  Grace  was  at  that  time  con- 
ncAed  v/ith  a  gentleman  (from  v/hom  he  aftenvards  faw  reafon  to  dif- 
engage  himfelf),  w.'ioie  general  character  it  was,  through  life,  to  be 
both  querulous  and  neccfiitons,  though  by  no  means  deficient  in  un- 
derftandiiig  or  talents.  To  his  addrefs  on  the  one  hand,  and  fmall 
fcrupulofity  on  the  other,  it  was  faid,  the  public  owed  the  firft  appear- 
ance of  thefe  Letters,  for  which  he,  no  doubt,  received  a  coufiderablc 
remuneration. ' — But  whether  this  be,  or  be  not,  as  was  related,  in  the 
precedi.ig  flatcment,  I  am  perfe6lly  certain  there  is  no  error ;  and  the 
fatls  it  contains  are  as  well  known  to  one  of  the  mod  refp^ftable  cha- 
rafters  now  living  as  to  myfelf ; — I  mean  the  Reverend  Dr  A.  Maclaine_, 
who  was  at  tliat  time  rcfident  at  the  Hague,  and  is  now  at  Bath. 

'  Hoping  this  may  obtain  an  early  attention, 
'  I  remain.   Sir, 

'  Your  very  humble  Servant, 

*  Hannah  Sowden.  ' 


JSfc.  VIIL  ivill  be  publiJJjed  on  Wedtiefday  l^.  july  1804. 


T  H  E 

EDINBURGH    REVIEW, 

JULY     1 804. 


JV'-  YIII, 


Art.  I.  EucluUs  Ehmentorum  L'lhri  Priores  XII.  Ex  ComfnandJni  el 
G:\gorii  VerfKAi'ihus  Latinis.  In  ufum  "Juvcnttitis  Acadenncijc.  Ed'tdti^ 
phirihus  in  loc'ts  auxit,  et  In  drpravatis  emtndavit  Samuel  Epifcopus 
Rofftnjis.     Oxonii,  e  typographeo  Clarendoniano.      1802.      8vo. 


Eudidis  Datorum  Liber  aim  addifa?»entis,  nernon  TraElatus  alii  ad  Gco- 
mefriam  pertinentes,  Curavlt  et  edldit  Samuel  Epifcopus  Afaphenfis, 
Oxonii;  etc.     1803.     8vo. 

Tr  v/ill  readily  be  conceived,  that  when  we  propofe  to  review 
■*•  any  of  the  works  of  Euclid,  it  is  the  editor,  not  the  author, 
who  is  to  be  the  fubjefl  of  animadverfion.  A  geometer  who 
has  flood  the  tell  of  more  than  two  thoufand  years  ;  who  has 
refifted  the  attacks  of  fo  many  critics,  and  fupported  the  weight 
of  fo  many  commentators  ;  whofe  writings  kept  alive  the  facred 
lire  of  fcience  when  it  was  almofl:  extinguifhed  over  the  whole 
earth,  and  now  Ibine  with  undiminiihed  luftre  amidft  the  great- 
eft  fplendour  of  fcientific  difcovery — fuch  an  author  is  not  to  be 
moved  by  the  praife  or  the  cenfure  of  modern  criticifm  j  his  place 
in  the  Temple  of  Fame  is  irrevocably  fixt,  and  nothing  remains 
for  us  but  to  hail  him  as  one  of  the  immortals. 

But  the  high  privileges  to  which  fuch  an  author  may  juflly 
lay  claim,  do  by  no  means  defcend  to  his  commentators,  who, 
on  tlie  other  hand,  incur  a  refponfibility  in  proportion  to  the  va- 
lue and  dignity  of  the  work  which  they  undertake  to  explain, 
and  cannot  be  permitted  to  connect  their  names  with  one  that  is 
already  Illuflrious,  without  fatisfying  the  world  that  they  have 
a  title  to  fo  high  a  difi:ln£lIon.  Such  a  title,  indeed,  many  of 
the  commentators  on  Euclid  are  well  prepared  to  fupport :  and, 
notto  mention  Theon  and  Proclus  among  the  ancients  ;  among 
the  moderns,  (!!!om  man  dine,  Claviu?,  Gregory,  Barrow,  atid,  laft 
*"  VOL.  IV.  NO.  8.  '  R  '  of 


l^B'  B'lpoop  Horiley'j-  Edition  cf  Euclid.  July 

of  all,  SImfon,  have  claims  to  p\iblic  gratitude  which  will  be  always 
recognized.  The  latter,  in  particular,  has  reftored  that  part  of 
the  elennents  which  he  undertook  to  explain,  to  more,  we  are  well 
convinced,  than  even  its  original  excellence  ;  and  has  not  only 
purified  it  from  the  errors  w  hich  editors  and  tranfcribers  had  in- 
troduced, but  has  even  cleared  it  from  that  miftake,  into  which 
it  would  feem  the  author  himfelf  had  fallen.  His  edition  of 
Euclid  has  accordingly  been  well  received  all  over  Europe  •,  it  is 
held  in  the  higheft  eltimation;  and  an  author  who  has  writ- 
ten to  excellent  purpofe  on  the  elements,  as  well  as  on  the  high- 
er branches  of  the  mathematics,  has  remarked  that  the  publica- 
tion of  it  ought  to  be  regarded  as  an  important  event  in  the  hif- 
tory  of  geometry.  (La  CroJXy  EUmens  de  Geomet.  Difc.  Prel.  27.  } 
This,  however,  is  not  the  opinion  of  the  editor  now  before  us, 
who  often  cenfures  Sinifon  with  much  afperity  ^  but  with  what 
reafon  will  appear  more  fully  as  we  proceed. 

Dr  Horfley  has  already  eflayed  his  fkill  as  an  editor  in  more 
than  one  infiar.ce^  His  firll  attempt,  if  we  miftake  not,  was 
made  on  Apollonius's  Books  of  Inclinations,,  in  which  he  was 
more  th^n.a  mere  editor,  having  rejlorcd  that  work  from  a  fliort 
accqunt  of  its  contents  that  had  been  accidentally  preferved  in 
the  Mathem-.tical  Colle£lioi)s  of  Pappus.  In  this,  though  it  re- 
quired more  than  the  ufual  exertions  of  a  commentator,  no  very 
great  difficulty  prefented  itfelf;  and  Dr  Horfley  acquitted  himfelf 
very  much  to  the  fatisfaction  of  geometers. 

His  next  attempt  was  infinitely  more  arduous,  and  the  fuccefs 
that  attended  it  was  infinitely  lefs.  This  was  a  complete  edition 
of  the  worlyS  cf  Sir  Ifaac  Newton,  accompanied  with  notes  ;  a 
work  requiring  the  exertion  of  uncommon  talents,  and  accom- 
panied with  difficulties  which  Dr  Horfley  was  by  no  means  pre- 
pared to  overcome.  Indeed,  we  know  of  no  literary  project, 
even  in  this  age  of  literary  adventure,  of  which  the  failure  has 
been  more  complete.  The  reader,  at  every  flep,  muft  defiderate 
not  only  the  extenfive  information,  the  philofophic  views,  the 
profound  flcill  in  geometry,  but  alfo  the  patient  and  elaborate  re- 
fearch  which  ivere  indifpenfable  in  fo  great  a  work.  Thofe  ele- 
mentary parts,  of  which  Newton  has  fometimes  condefcended  to 
treat,  are  enlarged  on  by  his  commentator  at  confiderable  length  ; 
but  in  the  great  and  immortal  books,  where  every  word,  almoft, 
fupplies  matter  for  profound  invelligation,  you  may  turn  over  ma- 
ny pages  without  meeting  with  a  fingle  remark.  What  wants 
elucidation  the  moft,  is  the  leaft  treated  of  j  the  diflScult  parts  of 
the  new  analyfis  are  not  explained  ;  the  views  that  guided  New- 
ton in  his  difcoveries  are  not  unfolded,  nor  the  efFe£ls  which 
tjiofe  difcoveries  have  produced  j    the  correi^ions,  the  enlarge- 

meutSi 


1804.  Bijhop  Morfleyv  Edition  of  Euclid*  250 

ments,  the  improvements,  that  have  been  nnade  on  them  after 
a  hundred  years  of  laborious  and  profound  inveftigation — con- 
cerning all  thefe,  the  mod  perfect  filence  is  obferved.  No  hint 
cfcapes  to  make  us  fuppofe  that  the  editor  was  acquainted  with 
this  part  of  his  fubje6\  ;  and  for  any  thing  that  his  commentary 
contains,  it  might  have  been  written  the  year  after  the  book  o^ 
the  Principia  was  publifhed.  It  can  indeed  (land  in  no  compa- 
rifon,  for  utility,  vi^ith  that  of  Le  Sieur  and  Jaquier,  ,and  ftill  lefs^ 
for  elegance,  with  that  of  Madame  Chaflellet.  The  whole  carries 
with  it  the  air  of  a  work  undertaken  without  due  preparation  ; 
carried  on  v/ith  little  induftry  or  ardour,  and  abandoned,  in  ef- 
fect:, long  before  it  was  brought  to  a  conclufion.  A  philofophcr,  * 
who  has  purfucd  the  difcoveries  of  Newton  the  fartheft  of  any 
of  his  fuccelTors,  has  faid,  that  a  commentary  on  the  Principia 
of  Newton,  fuch  as  it  deferves  to  have,  will  hardly  do  lefs  ho- 
nour to  the  age  which  produces  it,  than  that  work  itfelf  did  to 
the  feventeentli  century.  We  are  well  convinced  of  the  truth 
of  this  remark.  The  glory  of  accomplilhing  fo  great  a  work  is 
a  noble  prize,  Hill  left  to  poflerity  to  contend  for. 

In  the  volume  n,ow  before  us,  as  the  learned  Bifliop  had 
not  to  encounter  the  fame  difficulties,  he  is  not  chargeable  with 
the  fame  defeats ;  and  it  will  be  readily  acknowledged,  tl.at  he 
made  a  far  jufter  eilimate  of  his  powers,  when  he  undertook  to 
comment  on  the  Elements  of  Euclid,  than  when  lie  began  to  in- 
terpret the  Principia  of  Newton.  Yet  there  are,  we  doubt  not, 
who  will  be  of  opinion,  irat  the  praife  due  to  both  works  may- 
be expreffed  nearly  in  the  fame  words,  and  that  their  merit  con- 
fifts  in  being  fuller  and  more  elegant  editions  than  are  ufually  to 
be  met  with. 

The  edition  of  Euclid  now  offered  to  the  public,  confifts  of 
the  firfl  twelve  books  of  the  Elements  ;  it  is  elegantly  pruned, 
and  does  credit  to  the  Clarendon  prefs.  The  tranflation  follow- 
ed in  the  tirft  (Ix  books,  and  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth,  is  that 
of  Com.mandine,  according  to  Keil's  edition  ;  in  the  other  four 
books,  Gregory's  tranflation  is  given,  from  the  Oxford  edition 
of  the  works  of  Euclid.  Though  the  whole  is  intended  for  the 
inflrudlion  of  fludents  in  geometry,  thofe  who  are  more  advanced 
will  certainly  be  well  pleafed  to  have  a  good  modern  edition  of  {<y 
many  of  the  books  of  Euclid,  and  will  probably  only  regret  that  the 
whole  was  not  given  in  the  fame  neat  and  commodious  form,  ^yith 
refpedl:  to  the  advantages  of  this  edition  for  the  purpofe  of  aca- 
demical inftruelion,  we  can  by  no  means  agree  with  the  editor  ; 
in  the  books   uiually   taught,  it  has  not  any  peculiar  merit ;  and 

R   2  with 

'■*  I^a  Grange. 


s6o  Bifiop  HorfleyV  Edition  of  Euclid,  July 

vitii  regard  to  the  four  books  here  introduced,  wc  arc  clearly  of 
opinion,  that  they  cannot  be  made  a  part  of  an  elementary  courfe, 
without  turning  the  attention  of  the  Itudent  away  from  more  im- 
portant branches  of  the  mathematics. 

We  muft^  however,  hear  what  Dr  Horfley  has  to  fay  on  this 
fubjecl. 

*  Prim©  igitur,  plerique  coram,  qui  in  itfiim  fludlofae  Ji:ventuti& 
Euclidem  ediderunt,  lecus  ac  nos  fecimus,  non  niii  priores  fcx  iibros 
cum  undecimo  et  duodecimo  typis  niaiidaruat  \  partim,  ut  opinamur,, 
quia  facile  fibi  perfuafcriiit,  feptimi,  octavi,  et  noni  nullatn  eos  jaAu- 
ram  fafturos  effe,  qui  vtl  in  pueroruru  Icholis,  vel  a  quocunque  demum 
prseceptore  arithmeticae  clementa  didicerint ;  partim  quia  omnem  libri 
decinii  utiLtatem  parvi  pcnderiiit,  prae  furdorum  doftrina,  prout  ab  iis 
exponitur  qui  artem  algebraicam  tradunt — quod  inerudite  magis  fac- 
tum lit,  nefcio,  an  ofcitanter ;  tam  a  rations  alt  num  ejl,  juniores  ad 
algehram  amandare,  priufquam  geomitr'ta  ehmenta  rite  calluer'mt,  e  quibus 
pendd  etiam  regnlarum  algehra'icarum  five  'Veritas  cmnis,  Jive  evtdcuiia. 
Etenim  has  ut  artem  quandam,  fi  placcat,  abfque  gcometria  quis  con- 
difcat  ;  ut  fcientiam  non  riitelligct,  nulla  geometrire  ratione  haljita,  qiuc 
ct  ea  ampkftitur,  e  quibus  generales  nuuieroium  aiTedlu*  exoriri  com- 
pcrtum  eft.  '     Prxf.  p.  2, 

It  is  plain  from  this,  that  Dr  Horfley  conhders  the  books  of 
Euclid,  ufually  taught  in  the  fchools,  as  not  hying  a  fufficiently 
broad  foundation  for  mathematical  inlfruftion  -,  and  for  that  rca- 
fon  would  introduce  the  feventh,  eighth,  ninth,  and  tenth,  a& 
sieceilary  for  demonftrating  the  rules  of  arithmetic  and  algebra — 
that  the  two  laft  are  to  be  confidered  -.'is  arts  rather  than  fcrenccs, 
which  do  not  explain  their  o\^ni  principles.  To  thefe  pofitions, 
however,  we  by  no  means  affent.  With  the  imperfe£l  numeral 
charatters  which  the  Greeks  poflefled,  it  would  be  fmgular,  in- 
deed, if  their  methods  of  unfolding  the  properties  of  number 
were  better  than  thofe  of  their  fuccefTors,  furniil>ed  with  an 
arithmetical  notation,  which,  if  any  thing  that  men  pofFefs-  may 
be  called  perfe£f,  is  deferving  of  that  epithet,  and  having  befides 
the  noble  invention  of  algebraic  language.  The  truth  is,  tliat 
the  ancients  wanted  fo  much  the  means  of  fimplifying  the  opera- 
tions of  arithmetic,  that  they  proved,  with  confiderabk  difficulty, 
many  truths  which  a  better  mode  of  expreffion  has  reduced  to 
the  clafs  of  felf-evident  propofitions.  It  cannot  be  faid,  with  any 
good  reafon,  that  arithmetic  and  algebra  do  not  poffefs  the  power 
of  demonlh'ating  their  own  principles  and  rules.  Sufficient  care 
in  explaining  the  fundamental  operations  of  thofe  fciences,  may 
riOt  always  l3e  taken  by  thofe  who  have  written  of  them.  This, 
however,  is  not  the  fault  of  the  fcience,  but  of  the  writers  oi^ 
it ;  and  it  is,  befides,  a  cenfure  that  is  by  no  means  general. 
Dr  Horfley  fays,  it  is  abfurd  to  fend  young  men  to  ftudy  alge- 
bra 


t'804.  Bifiop  IlorflcyV  Edition  of  EticliJt,  l5l' 

bra  before  they  have  learnt  the  elements  of  geometry,  on  which 
depends  the  truth  or  evidence  of  all  the  algebraic  rules.  To  us, 
sgain,  it  feems  certain,  that  algebra  can  denionftrate  its  rules, 
juft  as  well  as  geometry.  The  fciences  both  reafon  concerning 
<iuantity  ;  the  ideas,  in  both,  are  equally  clear  and  well  defined  ; 
they  make  ufe  of  the  very  fame  axioms  •,  and,  therefore,  that  the 
conclufions  of  the  one  fliould  be  more  cert^iin  than  thofe  of  the  other, 
what  reafon  can  polfibly  be  affigncd  ?  Indeed,  thofe  mathematical 
reafonings,  into  which  no  idea  of  pofition  is  introduced,  are  not, 
ftriftly  fpeaking,  geometrical ;  they  are  matliematical ;  and  if  the 
xrithmctic  fymbols  are  ufed,  which  will  ia  general  contribute 
much  to  render  them  clearer  and  more  concife,  they  become  al- 
gebraic. The  reproach,  therefore,  thrown  againft  this  foience 
is  ill-founded,  and  is  injudicious;  being  calculated  to  diminilh  the 
attention  paid  to  a  part  of  mathematical  learning  that  is  of  the 
very  firft  importance.  Farther,  it  is  fo  far  from  being  abfurd 
to  begin  the  Itudy  of  the  matliematics  with  algebra,  rather  than 
geometry,  that  it  has  been  the  practice  to  do  fo  with  fome  of 
the  nations  who  have  made  the  greateft  progrefs  in  mathematical 
learning.  One  very  great  difadvantage  that  would  neceflarily 
nrife  from  forcing  tlie  ftudent  of  mathematics  to  read  the  feventh, 
8:c.  of  the  dements,  is,  that  it  would  detain  him  long  in  the 
ftudy  of  fynthetical  reafonings,  when  he  ought  to  be  applying 
his  mind  to  thofe  that  are  analytical,  and  t"hat  lead  to  underflancl 
the  methods  of  invefti*j:ation.  The  fooner  that  the  former  method 
is  abandoned  for  the  latter,  the  fooner  are  the  powers  of  invention 
called  into  aciion,  and  the  more  fpcedily  do  we  acquire,  not 
merely  the  knowledge  of  truth,  but  the  capacity  of  difcovering 
it.  As  all  the  demonftrations  in  Ivaclid  are  fynthetical,  the  time 
fpent  in  the  lludy  of  thofe  books  we  now  fpeak  of,  would  be 
far  better  bellowed  in  gaining  a  knowledge  of  the  aiialytical  in- 
veftigations  of  algebra.  It  cannot  indeed  be  denied,  that  manv 
of  the  fundamental  truths  of  algebra  might  be  better  proved 
than  they  are  in  fome  of  the  books  of  that  fcience ;  but  this 
might  certainly  be  done  without  abandoning  the  analytical  me- 
thods, and  without  confuming  time  in  the  fludy  of  demonlha- 
tlons  which,  even  when  fully  iinderftood,  would  not  put  the 
learner  in  poffeinou  of  the  principle  on  -which  they  were  dif- 
covered. 

Too  great  an  attachment  to  fuch  demonitratlons  is  perhaps  one 
of  the  chief  reafons  why  the  mathematical  fciences  have  been  for 
a  long  time  fo  ftationary  in  this  country,  compared  with  what 
they  have  been  among  our  neighbours  on  the  Continent.  If  there 
be  any  truth  in  this  remark,  the  plan  recommended  by  the  Bilhop 
of  Rochcfler  would  tend  greatly  to  retard  the  progrefj  of  fcience 

R   3  amongit 


26  Z  Bj/hop  HorfleyV  Edition  of  Euclid.  July 

amohgft  us,  and  to  increafe  an  evil,  of  which  the  magnitude  is  al« 
yeady  fo  much  to  be  regretted.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  therefore,  that 
they  who  have  the  care  of  the  ftudies  of  the  young  men  at  the 
univerfities,  will  not  hallily  fufFcr  themfelves  to  be  led  away  by 
the  confidence  with  which  Dr  Horfley  delivers  his  opinion  on  this 
fubjecf.  The  work,  however,  contains  a  fuller  cclledlion  than 
ufual  of  the  books  of  Euclid ;  and  will,  for  that  reafon,  be  very- 
agreeable  to  thofe  who  are  already  verfed  in  mathematical  ftudies, 
though,  we  apprehend,  not  very  ufeful  to  thofe  who  are  only 
begitming  them. 

But,  waving  the  confideration  of  the  purpofe,  we  are  now  to 
examine  the  execution  of  this  work,  und  in  what  refpedts  the  edi- 
tor has  improved  on  thofe  who  went  before  him.  He  profciTes  to 
have  taken  no  afliltance  from  them,  more  cfpecially  from  Sinifon. 

*  Qujecunqug  autem  fint  ea,  vel  qualefqiiales,  quas  in  editione  hac 
noflra  rccimiis  emendationes,  ducem  in  pierifqne  eoruin  Simsonum  cer- 
tiffime  uon  fecuti  fumus.  lUud  nobis  propufitum  fuit  unice  in  EucUde 
emendando,  Euclide  ipfu  duntaxat  magiftru  uti,  per  omnia  intucri  eum, 
et  ad  illius  meiitem  quantum  lieri  potuit  omnia  componere — ■Immo  hoc 
jpfum  erat  ut  rem  non  d'ffiteamnr  quod  primo  omnium  ad  Opus  hoc 
nollrum  excitavit  nos,  certa  niminim,  et  nunquam  immutata  opinio, 
Euclldem  a  bimfono  fetmone  Afiglico  donatum  juvcntutis  academics 
iuftitutioni  non  fufficere,  aut  fatis  tideliter  veterum  gcomttrarum  me- 
thodum,  qua;  nunquam  non  ecy.^i!ii?-cir-/i  eft,  iis  in  confpedtu  ponere.  * 
(Prxf.  adlla.) 

The  maxim,  of  employing  only  Euclid  for  the  purpofe  of  elu- 
cidating Euclid,  feems  at  firit  fight  to  be  highly  commendable, 
and  to  promife  fomething  very  genuine  and  unfophiiticated.  This, 
however,  is  a  hollow  and  deceitful  appearance  ;  for,  in  fa6l,  nu 
rule  of  criticifm  can  be  more  injudicious  and  uniound.  It  is  one 
which,  if  uniformly  purfued,  mufh  prevent  the  accumulation  of 
learning  and  knowledge  \  and,  inftead  of  placing  every  fcholiail 
on  the  {boulders  of  the  preceding,  would  oblige  him  to  begin 
his  work  anew,  and  execute  the  wiiole  for  himfeif.  Had  all  men 
been  vain  enough  to  follow  this  maxim,  the  remains  of  antiquity, 
dug  out  from  under  the  ruins  of  the  barbarous  ages,  would  not 
have  gradually  aflumed  all  the  perfc6tion  and  elegance  of  the 
original  compofitions  j  and  the  clalTics  in  the  days  of  Heyne 
would  have  been  in  no  refpe^l  better  than  in  thofe  of  Chryfoloras. 
A  few  giants  in  literature  may  have  been  entitled  to  guide  them- 
felves by  thjs  rule  ;  but  even  they  would  have  done  more  honour 
to  themfelves  by  the  breach  of  it,  than  the  ohfcrvance.  Such 
pretenfioiis  are  much  more  likely  to  attend  w^nt  of  indufiiry  and 
patience  in  refearch,  or  an  excclhve  feif-confidence,  than  to  ac- 
company the  poffeihon  of  real  talents.  But  v/e  mud  not  ccnfure 
■^  -  DV 


1804.  B'tfiop  Horfley^'j  Edition  of  Euclid,  ii't'k 

I)r  Horflcy  too  fevcrely  on  this  ground  ;  for  it  will  perhaps  appeat 
that  he  has  adhered  lefs  fcntpuloufly  to  his  rule  than  tlie  prtcedhig 
pafllige  might  lead  us  to  imagine. 

As  to  what  partieularly  regards  Simfon  in  the  above  pafHige, 
we  acknowledge  that  the  conftant  attacks  made  by  the  learned 
Bilhop  on  that  excellent  geometer  has  excited  our  furprife,  and  of- 
ten our  indignation.  As  an  adept  in  the  ancient  geoJTsetry,  a  com- 
mentator on  Euclid,  and  the  reflorer  of  Apollornus,  Simfon  has 
merited  the  highelt  praife.  The  fpirit  of  the  ancient  geometry 
was  known  to  him  in  its  full  extent ;  he  ftudicd  it  with  induitry 
and  zeal ;  and  pofle^fTed  more  power  over  it,  as  an  inftrument  for 
the  difcovery  of  truth,  than  any  man  of  the  prefent  age,  if  we 
except  his  pupil  and  friend,  the  late  Dr  Mathew  Stewart.  OF 
this,  his  reftoration  of  the  Loci  PlanI,  the  Problems  in  his  Conic 
Sections,  and  his  reftoration -of  the  Porifms  of  Euclid,  bear  am- 
ple teftimony.  His  Euclid,  though  not  admitting,  like  the  works 
juft  named,  the  fame  exertion  of  original  and  inventive  powers,  is 
a  model  for  the  accuracy  of  its  reafonings.  What  Dr  Horfley  re- 
fers to,  therefore,  when  he  fpeaks  of  it  as  giving  but  an  imper- 
feft  idea  of  the  extrenie  accuracy  of  the  ancient  geometry,  we 
are  unable  to  comprehend.  Had  he  contented  himlelf  with  fay- 
ing that  Simfon  is  now  and  then  prohx,  and  that  his  notes  are 
fbmetimes  unneceiTary,  we  could  havefeen  reafon  for  what  he  faid, 
at  leaft  in  a  few  cafes  ;  but  of  this  we  cannot  find  a  fingle  inflance 
to  juftify  the  remark.  As  he  has  not  fpecified  what  he  meant 
particularly  to  fpeak  of  as  deftitute  of  geometric  ux^i/2tM  In  Sim- 
fon, we  cannot  know  precifely  at  what  point  the  defence  fhould 
be  made  ;  but  we  fhall  proceed  to  corifider  on  what  his  own  pre- 
tenfions  to  fuperior  accuracy  are  founded. 

For  that  purpofe  we  muft  look  particularly  into  thofe  parts 
where  the  elements  of  geometry  involve  fome  difficulty  in  them  ; 
and  if  Dr  Horfley  has  got  over  thofe  in  a  more  mafterly  way 
than  any  other  editor,  the  oftentatlous  difplay  in  his  preface  will 
more  eafily  be  forgiven. 

One  of  the  firft  queftions  that  has  ufually  exerclfed  the  ingenu- 
ity of  the  editors  ot  Euclid,  and  the  writers  on  elementary  geo- 
metry in  general,  relates  to  parallel  lines.  It  is  eafy  to  {how,  that 
two  lines  having  certain  relations  in  their  pofition  with  refpedl:  to 
another  line,  will  never  meet  j  but  it  is  very  difficult,  from  the 
mere  negative  confideration  of  two  lines  not  meeting,  to  (how 
what  relation  of  pofition  they  muft  neceilarily  have  to  a  third  line. 
Euclid  himfelf  could  find  no  other  method  of  doing  this,  than 
by  introducing  an  axiom,  which  almoft  every  body  has  objected 
to  as  wanting  one  very  eflentlal  property  of  an  axiom,  that 
«f  felf- evidence.     Mathematicians  have  therefore  exerted  them- 

B.  4  ftjlves, 


264  Sy^^P  HorfleyV  Edttloti  of  Euclid.  July 

felves,  In  a  variety  of  ways,  to  remove  this  difficulty,  fome  with 
jnore,  and  fome  with  lefs  fuccefs  •,  but  none  in  a  manner  that  has 
given  entire  fatisfaction.  It  has,  however,  we  think,  fared  worfe 
with  nobody  in  this  matter  than  our  author.  Euclid  hid  laid  it 
down  as  an  axiom,  that  lines  which  make  with  a  third  line  the 
two  interior  angles  lefs  than  two  right  angles,  muft  meet,  if  pro- 
duced ;  and  this  propofition  Dr  I  iorfley  endeavours  to  demon- 
ftrate  ;  but  he  does  fo  by  a  procefs  of  reafoning  whicli  involves 
another  axiom  taken  for  granted  without  being  cxprciTed  -,  this  is, 
that  lines  which  incline  toward  one  anotlicr,  or  have,  as  he  calls 
it,  their  dire£lions  ad  fe  inviceni,  muil  meet,  if  produced  ;  where 
pot  only  a  new  axiom,  but  alfo  a  new  definition  (that  of  the 
words  inclined  ad  fc  hivicem,  or  toward  one  another)  is  implied. 
Now,  if  this  definition  be  fupplied,  the  axiom  jutl  mentioned  will 
\)e  found  the  very  fame  with  that  of  Euclid,  that  is,  with  the 
propofition  which  it  was  Dr  Horflcy's  purpole  to  demonilrate  : 
His  demonftration  is  therefore  nothing  more  than  a  begging  oi 
die  cjueftion,  concealed  under  the  obfcurity  of  a  new  ajid  unde- 
fined exprefljon.  Such  is  the  firfi;  example  which  he  gives 
of  geometrical  precifion,  when  he  is  fairly  left  to  himfelf,  and 
has  not  Euclid  for  his  guide.  Dr  Simfon  has  treated  of  this 
fame  fubje^V,  with  confiderable  prolixity,  we  will  acknowledge, 
and  \(vithout  any  tiling  remarkably  happy  or  ingenious  in  his  de- 
monftration j  but  in  a  manner  perfedly  logical  and  accurate. 
Indeed,  we  are  fully  perfuatlcd,  that  if  it  had  been  propofcd  to 
that  geometer  to  commit  to  the  flames  all  that  he  had  ever  writ- 
ten concerning  Euclid,  or  to  infert  the  demonftration  which  Dr 
Poriley  has  given  of  this  propofition,  he  would  have'fubmitted 
much  more  readily  to  the  former  than  the  latter  mortification. 
The  reader  who  will  perufc  with  attention  the  corollary  which  Dr 
Horfley  has  annexed  to  the  28th  of  the  firfl  of  luiclid,  will  not 
think  that  in  thefe  remarks  we  have  done  him  any  injuflice. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  third  book  of  Euclid,  jt  is  flated  as 
a  definition,  that  equal  circles  are  thofe  of  which  the  diameters 
pre  equal.  This,  however,  is  evidently  not  a  definition,  but  a 
theorem  ;  and  is  very  improperly  given  as  a  definition  by  Euclid, 
or,  as  is  more  probable,  by  fome  of  his  editors.  Dr  llovfley 
has  made  an  axiom  of  it,  and  this  alfo  feems  not  very  agreeable 
to  ftricl  logic  J  for,  as  it  is  capable  of  being  proved,  by  laying 
the  one  circle  on  the  other,  and  fliewing  that  they  may  wholly 
coincide,  fo  it  ought  to  be  proved  in  that  manner,  becaufe  the 
notion  of  equality  has  been  before  laid  down  as  founded  on  the 
coincidence  of  magnitude  ;  and  no  other  idea  of  equality,  but 
what  is  founded  on  this  definition,  and  on  the  application  to  it 
of  the  other  two  axioms,  that  if  equals  are  added  to  ec^uals,  oy 

takei^ 


1804.  BiJJjop  Horfley'j-  Edition  of  Euclid.  265 

taken  from  them,  the  refults  are  equal,  can  ever  be  admitted  In- 
to geometry. 

The  fifth  book  of  Euclid,  which  treats  of  the  fubtle  and  dif- 
ficult fubjeft  of  proportion,  is  the  part  of  the  elements  wliich 
has  molt  exercifed  the  llcill  and  ingenuity  of  commentators,  and 
has  given  rife  to  much  difpute,  not  concerning  the  conclufions, 
but  concerning  the  mode  of  reafoning  which  the  Greek  geome- 
ter has  employed.  In  this  part  Dr  liorfley  confiders  himfelf  as 
having  made  great  improvements,  though,  when  we  compare 
his  edition  with  Simfon's,  except  in  one  particular,  we  are  quite 
at  a  lofs  to  perceive  in  what  they  confilt.  Yet,  to  hea4'  hini 
fpeak  of  them,  one  would  imagine  that,  before  his  time,  the 
lifth  of  Euclid  was  quite  unintelligible  :  '  Siquidem  omnia,  * 
fays  he,  *  a  nobis  Ita  difpofita  funt  ut  tandem  aliquando,  (aitcL 
rivtx;  o6i  Kxi  Tu%iuq  explicetur  hasc  definitionum  ferie?,  impedita  an- 
.tea,  et  mire  interturb.ua.  Fac  enim  in  iifclem  periculum,  prout 
apud  alias  elementorum  editiones  extant,  et  nihil  Inveneris,  quod 
aut  perfpicuum,  aut  ad  doclrinam  utile,  aut  denique  lis  quibus 
interpoiritur  fatis  confonum  eft.  Rem  ipfam  deinde  perpendito 
et  fubdu£tis  rationibus,  quomodo  ex  falebris  hifce  quis  fe  expe- 
diat  aliter  quam  nos  fecimus,  ut  opinor  vix  invenies  : '  (Pr.ef.  7. 
ad  fin.)  Confidering  what  men  they  are  who  have  undertaken 
to  explain  the  matter  in  queftion  before  Dr  Horfley,  this  may 
be  confidered  as  one  of  tlie  rnofl  ample  panegyrics  which  any 
mathematician,  fince  the  days  of  Cardan,  has  ventured  to  pro- 
nounce on  his  own  performances.  Yet  we  mult  acknowdedge, 
that,  after  following  the  directions  here  given  to  his  readers, 
^  fubdiiFiis  rationibusy^  the  alterations  he  fpeaks  of,  feem  all,  ex- 
cept one,  to  be  extremely  immaterial. 

This  onty  whicJi  feems  of  more  importance  than  the  reft, 
relates  to  the  feventh  definition,  that  oi  greater  and  lefs  ratioy  on 
which  Dr  Horfley  makes  a  remark,  which  we  believe  to  be  juft, 
but  by  no  means  new.  The  remark  is,  that  ratio  being  a  rela- 
tion, and  not  a  quaiuity,  greater  or  lefs,  equal  or  unequal  are 
not  predicable  of  it  •,  ib  that  to  fpeak  of  one  ratio  being  greater 
,  than  another,  is  a  eatachreftic  exprelhon.  When  we  fay,  for 
initance,  that  the  ratio  of  A  to  B  is  greater  than  that  of  C  to  D, 
we  mean  that  A  is  greater  than  that  magnitude  which  has  to  B 
the  fame  ratio  that  C  has  to  D.  This  is  without  doubt  true  in 
ftricinefs  ;  and  the  fame  obfervation  is  made,  and  very  well  il- 
iuUrated,  by  Barrow  in  his  Mathematical  Lediyes  (le(£l.  20.), 
where  he  maintains  againfl  Gregory  of  St  Vincents,  Meibomius, 
Borelli,  and  others,  that  ratio  is  not  quantity,  and  not  ftriflly 
fufceptible  of  greater  and  lels  ;  and  he  adds,  that  when  one  ra- 
rlo  is  calkd  greater  than  ^nether,  it  is  by  a  kind  of  catachrefis 

or 


*2^<5  'B'jfiop  Horfley'j  Edition  of  Euclid.  July 

tjr  metoftimy,  which  is  the  fame  langaajre  that  Dr  Horfley 
has  employed.  Barrow,  hovvever,  though  he  has  faid  every 
thing  on  the  fubje(a:  of  this  definition,  and  the  others  that  re- 
late to  proportion,  which  could  be  expected  from  a  man  oi  pro- 
found learning  and  great  acutenefs,  has  not  propofed  to  make 
any  change  on  the  definition  itfelf,  nor  on  the  demonftrations 
founded  on  it.  Dr  Horfley  has  changed  the  former  to  one  which 
he  thinks  preferable  to  what  is  ufually  given  as  Euclid's  :  feveral 
demonftrations  are  changed  in  confequence  of  this,  and  they  are 
perhaps  in  fome  refpeds  improved  ;  but  they  are  certainly  very 
different  from  the  demonftrations  of  Euclid,  and  employ  a  pof- 
tulatum  which  he  has  never  admitted  into  the  fifth  book.  This, 
however,  is  the  only  change  of  any  importance,  that  Dr  Horfley 
feems  to  have  made  in  the  doctrine  of  proportion  ;  the  advan- 
tage from  it  Is  at  beft  but  inconfiderable,  and,  at  the  fame  time, 
the  alteration  feems  rather  to  exceed  that  which  a  commentator 
has  a  right  to  make  on  his  author's  text.  * 

In  the  fixth  book  nothing  occurs  that  requires  to  be  taken  no- 
tice of.  The  four  books  that  follow  are  given  with  very  little 
change  from  Gregory's  folio  edition. 

In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth,  where  folids  are  treated  of,  the 
books  of  Euclid  have  been  thought  to  require  fome  alteration. 
In  this  part,  the  Elements  have  been  much  indebted  to  Simfon, 
«,vho  firft  (hewed  that  Euclid's  idea  of  equal  and  fimilar  folids 
was  not  accurate.  Euclid  holds  thofe  folids  to  be  equal  which 
are  contained  by  the  fame  number  of  fimilar  and  equal  plane  fi- 
gures •,  and  yet  it  can  be  (hewn,  that  folids  may  be  unequal  in 
any  proportion,  though  contained  by  fuch  planes.  This  error 
was  firll  pointed  out  by  Simfon  ;  and  Dr  Horfley,  without  tak- 
ing any  notice  of  that  circumftance,  corredts  Euclid's  idea  near- 
ly as  he  had  done.  The  great  accuracy  of  Simfon  was  eminent- 
ly (liewn  in  this  part  of  the  Elements;  and  he  was  the  firft  who 
delivered  the  method  of  comparing  folids  with  ftricSl  geometric 
accuracy.  It  is  curious  that  this  honour  fhould  have  remained 
for  a  geometer  who  wrote  fo  late  as  Simfon  ;  and  it  is  not  a  lit- 
tle extraordinary,  that  any  one  (hould  now  treat  of  the  fame 
fubje£t,  and  avail  himfelf  of  all  his  improvements,  without 
taking  any  notice  of  the  perfon  by  whom  they  were  firft  fug- 
gefted.     This  may  be  what   Dr  Horfley  means,  when  he  fays, 

*  Sivifonum 

*  Euclid  gave  no  definition  of  compound  ratio,  though  he  ufes  the 
fxpreffion,  and  though  it  is  certainly  one  that  required  to  be  explained. 
Dr  Horfley  follows  Euclid  in  this,  which  is  furely  a  dcfed  j  butj  to 
have  done  oihervvif;',  he  mull  have  followed  Sirnfoiu 


Tr804.  B'lfiop  Horfley'/  EMon  of  Etifltd.  i6f 

*  Sim/onuin  duiem  m'lnhne  Jccui'i  fiimus,  '  Not  to  acknowledge  'i 
leader,  may  certainly  be  laid,  not  to  follow  him. 

In  the  twenty- fixth  of  the  eleventh  it  is  propofed  to  make  a 
folid  an^ile  equal  to  a  given  folid  angle,  at  a  point  in  a  given 
line.  Of  this  problem,  Euclid  himfelf  has  given  a  very  im- 
perfe61:,  and  indeed^  a  faulty  folution,  for  which  Simfon  fubfti- 
tuted  another,  quite  accurate,  but  net  very  hnppily  conceived, 
nor  fo  extenfive  as  the  nature  of  the  thing  requires.  Dr  Horf- 
tey  has  been  more  fuccefsful  in  correcting  this  error  \  he  has 
given  a  very  fimple  and  general  folution  of  the  problem  ;  and 
this  faperiority,  he  does  not  leave  the  reader  to  difcgVer,  but 
announces  it  with  no  fmall  exultation.  *  Problematis  de  quo 
a:git  propofitio  libri  XI.  viceiTma  f^-xta,  fol'utionent  aiijecimus 
uberiorem  multo,  quam  quae  ex  angujlh  fids  prindpiis  a  Sira- 
fono  prolata  eft. ' 

Now,  though  it  is  true  that  Dr  Floriley's  folution  is  more 
elegant  and  more  general  than  Simfon's,  this  funeriority  might 
have  been  announced  in  lefs  ofFenfive  tern-is.  The  problem 
is  by  no  means  of  great  difficulty  ;  it  admits  of  feveral  folu- 
tion?, fome  of  them  even  more  fimpIe  than  that  of  Df  Horf- 
ley  ;  but  nothing  that  relates  to  fo  eafy  an  inveftigation  can 
decifively  mark  the  genius  of  the  inventor.  A  geometer,  be> 
caufe  his  folution  was  not  the  belt  or  mod  elegant,  fliould  not 
be  charged  with  a  limited  and  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  his  own  fcience.  Indeed, 'we  are  at  a  lofs  to  know 
what  is  here  meant  by  the  angufla  principia  of  Simfon.  His 
notions  with  regard  to  mathematics  in-  general,  might  in  fome 
refpe£ls  be  accounted  narrow  and  confined  :  he  entertained 
flrong  and  unreafonahle  prejudices  againft  the  algebraic  methods 
of  inveftigation,  and  feemed  continually  jealous  of  the  encroach- 
ments which  a  barbarous  rival  (as  he  thought  ic)  was  every  day 
making  on  his  favourite  fcience.  This  is  confcfTed  on  all  hands; 
and  to  fuch  prejudices  the  phrafe  above  quoted  might  not  im- 
properly be  applied.  But  here  the  queftion  is  only  concerning 
a  matter  of  pure  geometry,  in  which  the  extent  and  fertility  of 
his  genius  were  never  before  queftioned.  The  truth  feems  to 
be,  that  his  excellence  in  this  fcience  was  too  great,  to  allow  his 
defe£ts  to  be  eafily  palled  over. 

On  the  fubjedt  of  the  eleventh  book,  we  muft  alfo  remark, 
that  Euclid,  contrary  to  his  cuftom,  and  not  very  confiftently 
with  the  rules  of  found  logic,  has  given  two  definitions  of  a 
folid  angle,  of  which  one  only  is  retained  by  Simfon.  The  de- 
finition retained  is,  that  a  folid  angle  is  that  which  is  formed  by 
the  meeting  in  a  point  of  feveral  plane  angles  which  are  not  in 
the  fame  plane.  The  other  definition  is,  that  a  folid  angle  is 
the  mutual  inclination  of  more  than  two  ftraight  lines  which 

meet. 


t6$  B'ljhop  HorfleyV  Edition  of  Euclid,  July- 

meet,  but  are  not  in  the  fame  plane.     Dr  Horfley,  In  the  fpirit 
of  which  we  have  feen  fo  many  examples,  remarks, 

*  Infcite  admodum  Simfonus  definitlonum  anguli  folidl,  quas  duas 
Euclidis  pofui't,  altera  repudiata  alteram  illam  retinere  maluit  quse  vel 
minus  univerfalis  eft,  vel  fi  aliter,  ca  faltem  dc  qua  univerfalem  effe,  non 
eque  manifeftum  eft.  ' 

This,  we  will  not  hefitate  to  fay,  is  a  very  uncandid  criticifm. 
There  could  be  no  reafon  for  retaining  both  definitions,  as  they 
either  meant  the  fame  thing,  or  they  did  not :  If  they  meant 
the  fame  thing,  one  of  them  might  be  rejected  ;  if  they  meant 
different  things,  one  of  them  mujl  be  rejeiled,  otherwife  we 
mud  call  different  things  by  the  fame  name.  Simfon,  finding 
himfelf  in  this  dilemma,  retained  the  definition  which  mod  rea- 
dily prefents  to  the  mind  that  idea  of  a  folid  angle,  which  is  the 
fubje£t  of  invefligation  in  the  Elements.  Dr  Horfley  alleges 
that  the  other  definition  is  more  general,  and  that  Euclid  may 
have  meant  to  include  the  vertex  of  a  cone,  or  of  any  furface 
that  terminates  in  a  point,  under  the  notion  of  a  folid  angle. 
But  of  this  we  have  no  proof;  for  notliing  is  more  certain,  than 
that  he  never  takes  the  woxAs  folid  angle  in  fuch  a  fenfe,  in  any 
part  of  the  Elements.  Indeed,  to  have  done  fo,  was  quite  un- 
fuitable  to  the  ufual  accuracy  of  his  language.  If  he  had  ever 
called  a  cone  by  the  name  of  a  pyramid  ;  if  he  had  faid  that 
the  circumference  of  a  circle  was  but  a  polygon  of  an  infinite 
number  of  fides;  if  ever  he  had  made  any  fuch  deviation  from 
the  rigour  of  geometrical  language — he  might  alfo  have  faid  that 
a  conical  furface  is  made  up  of  an  infinite  number  of  infinitely 
fmall  plane  angles.  As  he  has  never  fpoken  in  this  manner,  we 
have  no  reafon  to  think  that  he  ever  meant  to  do  fo,  nor  would 
Dr  Elorfley,  we  believe,  liave  afcribed  to  him  that  intention, 
but  for  the  fake  of  accufing  tSimfon  of  ignorance,  '  Infcit}  admo- 
dum Sifrfofius. '  Our  belief,  therefore,  in  the  ignorance  of  the 
latter,  and  the  candour  of  the  former,  feems  to  reft  on  a  very 
flight  foundation. 

The  other  work  announced  at  the  beginning  of  this  article,  is 
the  book  of  Euclid's  Data,  from  the  fame  editor,  and  with  the 
addition  of  feme  mathematical  tracts  of  his  own.  This  book, 
as  being  the  foundation  of  the  geometric  analyfis,  certainly  de- 
ferves  that  the  greatefl  attention  fhould  be  exerted  to  give  it  to 
the  public  in  the  raofl  perfect  flate.  Some  few  inaccuracies 
ieem  to  have  entered  originally  into  the  compofition  of  it.  In 
the  fourth  definition,  for  example,  as  it  ftands  in  the  Greek, 
and  as  it  is  given  in  the  edition  before  us,  there  is  without  doubt 
an  error ;  for  it  is  there  faid  that  lines,  points  and  fpaces  are 
given  in  pofition  which  preferve  always  the  fame  fituation.  Now, 
\i  the  word  '  given '  were  re;^lly  taken  in  fuch  latitude  as  this, 

(fynonymou* 


1804.  B'l/hop'^QX^tfs  Edition  of  Euclid.  'zd^- 

(fynonymous  with  conftant  or  fixt)  it  would  follow,  as  Siuifon 
has  juftly  remarked,  that  a  ftraight  line  dividing  any  given  an-> 
gle,  in  any  given  ratio,  muft  be  given  in  pofition,  which  is  not 
true,  becaufe  that  pofition,  though  a  thing  determined  in  itfclf, 
cannot  be  found,  except  in  a  few  cafes,  by  plane  geometry. 
This  limit  therefore,  is  evidently  implied,  that  the  things  prov- 
ed to  be  given,  mull  be  found  by  the  rules  of  plane  geometry, 
that  is,  by  conftrudions  formed  on  the  three  populates  prefixed 
to  the  Elements.  Dr  Simfon,  therefore,  exprelTed  this  defini- 
tion ditferentiy  from  what  it  is  in  the  Greek  -,  and  faid  that 
points,  lines  and  fpaces  are  given  in  pofition,  which  have  always 
the  fame  fituation,  and  which  are  either  adlually  exhibited,  or 
can  be  found.  Even  the  addition  thus  made,  is  not  fufficiently 
precife  ;  for  by  being  actually  exhibited  or  found,  is  underftood 
that  they 'are  found  by  the  principles  explained  in  the  Elements. 

Dr  Horfley  has  paid  no  attention  to  thefe  circumflances,  but 
has  followed  exactly  the  Greek  text,  and  has  thus  difcharged  one 
part  of  the  duty  of  a  commentator  at  the  expence  of  another. 
A  fimilar  remark  may  be  made  on  his  demonftration  of  the  fe- 
cond  propoiition,  where,  by  leaving  out  a  limitation  which  Sim- 
fon had  introduced,  he  has  preferved  the  text,  to  the  great  pre- 
judice of  the  fenfe. 

In  the  general  conduct  of  the  book,  however,  little  occurs  to 
be  cenfured,  and  not  much  to  be  praifed,  if  we  confider  what 
others  had  done  before.  Simfon's  edition  of  the  Data  always 
appeared  to  us  to  be  excellent,  and  to  admit  of  very  little  im- 
provement ;  and  in  this  opinion  we  are  confirmed  by  the  work 
before  us.  Dr  Horfley,  indeed,  has  added  a  fecond  book  to  die 
Datay  and  has  given,  in  a  feparate  trad:,  a  feledion  of  problems 
refolved  by  the  geometric  analyfis.  We  doubt,  however,  whe- 
ther the  firfl;  of  thefe  is  a  work  of  real  utility  ;  not  that  we 
doubt  at  all  that  new  geometrical  truths  have  their  value,  in  what- 
ever Ihape  they  appear,  but  becaufe  they  cannot  always  be  pro- 
per for  elementary  indrudion.  Propo'fitions  of  this  nature  may 
be  multiplied  witliout  end  ;  and  it  is  neceflary  to  make  a  felec- 
tion  of  thofe  that  are  of  moil  extenfive  application,  and  are  nioft 
frequently  referred  to,  in  order  that  the  young  geometer  may 
retain  them  in  his  mind,  and  have  them  always  ready  to  be  ap- 
plied. The  great  fecret  for  preparing  a  young  man  to  exert  his 
talents  in  invelligation,  as  well  as  in  any  thing  elfe,  is  to  fend 
him  out  furniflied  with  all  the  principles  neceflary  to  be  known, 
but  loaded  with  as  few  as  poflible  of  thofe  that  are  not  neceflary, 
or  that  may  be  eafily  fupplied  by  his  own  ingenuity.  The  truths 
or  principles  that  are  not  every  day  called  for,  had  better  be 
fupplied  by  the  invention  than  the  memory. 

The 


470  BiJIjcp  HorfleyV  Edltkn  of  Euclid.  July 

The  utility  of  the  other  little  traft  juft  mentioned,  the  De- 
leBui  Probiemctirin^  cannot  be  doubted.  It  is  a  work  exa6lly  of 
the  kind  that  is  moft  wanted  as  an  elementary  jnjlituiion  in  this 
branch  of  fcience.  The  problems  are  in  general  well  chofen, 
with  ingenious  and  elegant  folutions,  laid  down  llriOiIy  accord- 
ing to  the  method  of  the  ancient  geometers- 
Some  remarks,  that  form.  ■&  fchoUii^n  at  the  end  of  the  Bata^ 
contain  an  encomium  on  the  geometric  analyfis,  but  tending  too 
much  to  deprefs  the  algebraic.  This  fhould  be  carefully  avoid- 
ed ;  and,  however  fenfible  we  may  be  of  the^  great  beauty  and 
elegance  of  the  former,  and  of  the  valuable  effe£ts  produced  by 
the  ftudy  of  it  on  the  powers  of  the  min,d,  we  fliould  not  for- 
get, that  in  tlie  moft  general  and  difficult  fpeculations  of  the 
pure  matlieniatics,  and  in  all  the  moft  important  branches  of 
the  mixt,  it  is  tlie  iatter  only  that  can  be  employed  to  advantage- 
An  accurate  inquiry  into  the  extent  of  their  different  provinces, 
and  into  the  principles  on  which  the  difference  between  the  two 
branches  of  analyfis  depends,  are  objects  tliat  well  deferve  the 
attention  of  mathematicians.  Dr  Horfley  has  not  touched  on 
that  fubjed. 

One  of  the  tracls  in  this  volume  contains  the  re-invention  of 
a  fort  of  tabic,  known  by  the  name  of  the  Sieve  of  Eratofthenes^ 
which  appears  to  be  no  other  than  a  method  of  finding  out  the 
prime  numbers.  If  the  contrivance  of  the  Greek  geometer 
was  the  fame  with  Dr  Horfley's,  which  we  think  extremely  pro- 
bable, it  was  very  fimple,  and  confifted  in  ranging  all  the  num- 
bers, I,  2,  3,  &c.  in  a  table,  and  effacing  from  that  table,  in 
fucceffion,  all  the  multiples  of  2,  of  3,  of  5,  7,  &c. ;  fo  that 
what  remained  mult  obvioufly  be  the  prime  numbers,  or  fuch  as 
are  not  multiples  of  any  other  number.  This  device,  though 
fomewhat  ingenious,  is  fimple  and  obvious  enough;  fo  that 
we  cannot  acquiefce  in  the  very  high  encomium  which  Dr 
Horfley  beftows  on  it.  *  Cribrum  igitur  Eratofthenis,  ledlor 
benevole,  jam  tibi  ut  fruaris  eo,  in  manus  traditum  eft,  non 
fitlum  aliquid  aut  adulterinum,  fed  quale  ab  au£lore  ipfo  oiim 
illud  concinnatum  effe  omnino  exiftimandum  eft.  Quin  et  illud 
te  rnonitum  effe  velim,  inter  veterum  mathematicorum  inventa, 
vix  in  aliud  quodvis  te  incidere  poffe,  quod  vel  magis  artificiofe, 
vel  magis  ad  utilitatem  (in  iis  faltem  quae  calculo  indaganda  funt) 
ufpiam  excogitatum  eft. ' 

Now,  of  the  great  ingenuity  of  this  invention,  we  fee  no 
proof:  Nothing  is  performed  here,  but  what  has  been  done, 
and  that  very  nearly  in  the  fame  way,  by  every  one  who  ever 
^^^  about  forming  a  table  of  the  divifors  of  numbers.  The 
prime  numbers  have  their  places^  in  fuch  a  table,  afcertained- 

alm.oft 


1804-  Bijljop  Horfley'j  Edition  of  Euclid.  27 1' 

almoft  exa£lly  in  the  fame  manner  as  in  the  Sieve  of  Eratoflhe- 
nes  5  and  there  feems  hardly  any  arithmetical  device  more  fim- 
ple  or  more  obvious.  Yet  Dr  Horfley  holds  it  up,  in  this  paf- 
fage,  as  one  of  the  mod  ingenious  and  fubde  inventions  of  the 
ancients  in  matters  of  arithmetic.  To  us  it  feems,  on  the  other 
hand^  that  there  is  hardly  a  problem  in  all  tl\e  thirteen  arith- 
metical books  of  Diophantus,  that  does  not  difplay  vaflly  more 
ingenuity  and  contrivance.  The  liivention  is  ufeful,  becaufe,  in 
many  refearches,  it  is  of  importance  to  dlftinguilh  the  prime 
numbers.  This,  however,  is  the  fsmpleft  problem  which  can  be 
propofed  with  refpecl  to  thefe  numbers,  and  throws  no  hght  at 
all  on  thofe  that  are  more  difficult.  If  a  number,  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  table  of  prime  numbers,  is  given  ;  to  find  whether 
it  be  a  prime  number,  or  not,  is  fometimes  a  work  of  much 
difficulty ;  and  what  is  faid  here,  will  not  help  us  to  the  folu- 
tion  of  it.  Were  it  propofed,  for  inllancc,  to  find  whether 
262657  be  a  prime  number,  we  fliould  find  the  inveftigation  re- 
quire fome  thought,  and  would .  derive  no  benefit  from  the 
Sieve. 

The  tra£i:  on  the  Sieve  of  Eratofthencs  was  publifiied  in  the 
Philofophical  Tranfactions  many  years  ago,  and  is  nov.^  repub- 
lifhed,  having,  as  the  author  informs  us,  been  abridged  and 
tranflated  into  Latin  by  the  Dean  of  Chrlft-Church.  He  alfo 
expreiTes  his  thankfulnefs  to  Dr  Jacklbn  for  affiiling  him  in  draw- 
ing up  his  prefaces  ■■,  and  adds,  '  Particeps  igitur  laborum  in  lau- 
dis  etiam  partem  veniat. '  Some  will  no  doubt  fay,  that  as  the 
labour  has  been  but  fmall,  the  glory  muft  be  little  in  proportion ; 
but  all  will  confefs,  that  the  lefs  a  morfel  is,  there  is  the  more  me- 
rit in  dividing  it  with  another ;  and  that,  on  the  prefent  occa- 
(ion,  it  is  highly  edifying  to  fee  thefe  two  great  men  fitting  down 
contentedly  to  fo  meagre  a  repaft. 

The  volume  which  we  are  now  treating  of,  befides  the  trails 
sdready  enumerated,  contains  a  book  on  Sphxricks,  from  the 
firft  and  fecond  of  Theodofius,  in  which  the  propofitlons  de- 
monftrated  are  very  elementary,  and  the  whole  not  very  interell- 
ing,  as  keeping  at  a  great  diftance  from  any  application  to  fphe- 
rical  trigonometry  :  Next  comes  the  meafure  of  the  circumfe- 
rence of  the  circle,  from  Archimedes :  And,  lalUy,  Keii's  differ- 
tatlon  on  Logarithms,  as  ufually  annexed  to  his  Euclid  ;  a  work 
of  great  merit,  and  which  is  here  accompanied  with  notes  by 
Dr  Horfley,  that  are  many  of  them  very  ufeful,  and  net  a  few 
which,  though  ufeful,  appear  ludicrous  from  the  patade  with 
which  they  are  brought  forward.  At  p.  1 34,  Dr  Horiley  finds 
the  logarithm  of  the  cube  root  of  a  decimal  fraflion  by  a  pro- 
cefs  a,  little  different  from  the  common,  and,  as  he  thinks,  fome- 
}  wha^ 


ztV^  Bi/JjopB-ox^cfs  Edition  of  Euclid.  July 

\vliat  erifjer.  He  immediately  (lops  to  admire  the  ingenuity  of  the 
proceeding ;  yet,  the  device  which  the  learned  Bilhop  efleems  fo 
ijiuch,  is  one  for  which  a  mailer  might  applaud  a  very  young  pupil 
who  had  difcovered  it  of  himlelf,  and,  in  doing  fo,  he  would  al- 
low it  its  full  meafure  of  praife  ;  for,  in   reality,  it   amounts   to 

no    more  than  that  '- is  equal  to   —  — | — .     Yet  the 

3  ..33 

conimentator  of  Newton  calls  this  a  difcovery  which  he  had 
made,  Dis  propitiis  ufus.  The  rule.  Nee  Dens  interfit  nijt  digitus 
-vitidice  nodus  accident^  was  probably  never  more  violated  in  poe- 
tical fiction  than  it  is  here,  amid  the  iobriety  of  an  arithmetical 
calculation. 

The  two  volumes  which  we  have  now  been  confidering, 
were  preceded  by  another  publiflied  in  1801,  the  whole  being 
intended  to  make  one  entire  courfe  of  elementary,  geometry. 
That  volum.e,  as  well  as  the  other  two,  contains  many  things 
ufeful  to  a  beginner,  and  particularly  in  wliat  regards  the  applica- 
tion of  arithmetic  to  geonietry.  Yet  the  three  together  will  form 
it  courfe  of  which  the  parts  are  not  very  accurately  proportioned, 
nor  very  happily  arranged  -,  and  he  who  would  ufe  it  as  his  text, 
mud  fupply  many  things,  retrench  feveral,  and  tranfpofe  not  a  few. 
.But  the  work,  whatever  may  be  its  defects,  manifeits  a  degree  of 
knowledge  .and  talent  which  would  deferve  praife,  if  it  came  for- 
ward with  lefs  ollentation,  and  a  lefs  marked  contempt  for  others. 
It  is  a  proof  of  no  common  activity  of  mind,  and  talte  for  fcience, 
in  a  llation  which  has  fometimes  been  thought  too  high,  or  too 
facrcd  for  the  exercife  of  thcfe  fublunary  virtues  :  And,  to  the 
credit  of  the  learned  Prelate,  it  fliould  alfo  be  obferved,  that  his 
love  of  fcience  has  not  turned  him  afide  from  the  duties  of  his 
profefllon  ;  that  his  invelligations  take  a  very  extenllve  range  ;  and 
that,  while  he  finds  leifure  to  comment  on  Euclid  and  Eratof- 
thenes,  he  demonllrates,  beyond  all  contradicl;ion,  that  France 
is  not  a  country  with  wings,  and  that  geographic  maps  were  un- 
known to  the  prophet  Ifaiah. 


Art, 


1804.  Hayley's  Life  of  CoiuJ>erj  FoL  III.  273 

Art.  II.  T/je  Life  and  Pofhumoiis  Writings  of  William  Coiuper,  Efq. 
fwith  an  Lnlrodu^iary  Letter  to  the  Right  Honourable  Earl  Cowper, 
By  William  Haylcy,  ETq.  Vol.  III.  410.  pp.  416.  Johnfor, 
London.     1804. 

*  I  'ttis  Is  the  continuation  of  a  v^ork  of  which  we  formerly  fub- 
•*-  milted  a  very  ample  account  and  a  very  full  charafter  to  our 
readers :  *  on  that  occafion,  we  took  the  liberty  of  obferving,  that  two 
quarto  volumes  fcemed  to  be  almolt  as  much  as  the  biography  of 
a.fecludcd  fcholar  was  entitled  to  occupy  ;  and  with  a  little  judi- 
cious compreflion,  we  are  Hill  of  opinion  that  the  life  and  corre- 
fpondence  of  Cowper  might  be  advantageoully  included  in  fomc- 
what  narrower  limits.  We  are  by  no  means  difpofed,  however, 
to  quarrel  with  this  third  volume,  which  is  more  interefting,  if 
poffibic,  than  either  of  the  two  former,  and  will  be  read,  we  have 
no  doubt,  with  general  admiration  and  delight. 

Though  it  bears  the  title  of  the  life  of  Cowper,  this  volume 
contains  no  farther  particulars  of  his  hillory,  but  is  entirely  made 
up  of  a  colle£tion  of  his  letters,  introduced  by  a  long,  rambling- 
fort  of  diflertation  on  letter- writing  in  general,  from  the  pen  of 
ins  biographer.  This  prologue,  we  think,  poffefTes  no  peculiar 
merit.  The  writer  has  no  vigour,  and  very  little  vivacity  ;  his 
mind  feems  to  be  cultivated,  but  not  at  all  fertile  •,  and,  while  he 
always  keeps  at  a  fafe  diftance  from  extravagance  or  abfurdity,  he 
does  not  feem  to  be  uniformly  capable  of  diilinguilhing  afFedtation 
from  elegance,  or  dulnefs  from  good  judgment.  This  difcourfe 
upon  letter-writing,  in  fliort,  contains  nothing  that  might  not  have 
been  omitted  with  confulerable  advantage  to  the  publication  ;  and 
we  are  rather  inclined  to  think,  that  thofe  who  are  ambitious  of 
being  introduced  to  the  prefence  of  Cowper,  will  do  well  Hot  ta 
linger  very  long  in  the  antichamber  with  RTr  Hayley. 

Of  the  letters  themfelves,  we  may  fafely  aflert,  that  we  have 
rarely  met  with  any  fimilar  colle£l:ion,  of  fuperior  intereft  or  beau- 
ty. Though  the  incidents  to  which  they  relate  be  of  no  public 
magnitude  or  moment,  and  the  remarks  Vvdiich  they  contain  be 
not  uniformly  profound  or  original,  yet  there  is  fomething  in  the 
fwcetnefs  and  facility  of  the  didlion,  and  more  perhaps  in  the 
glimpfes  they  afford  of  a  pure  and  benevolent  mind,  that  difFufes 
a  charm  over  the  whole  colleftion,  and  communicates  an  intereft: 
that  cannot  always  be  commanded  by  performances  of  greater  dig- 
nity and  pretenfion.  This  interell  was  promoted  and  affifted,  no 
doubt,  in  a  conliderable  degree,  by  that  curiofity  which  alwavs 
feeks  to  penetrate  into  the  privacy  of  celebrated  men,  and  whicli 
had  been  almoft  entirely  fruftrated  in  the  inllance  of  Cowper,  till 
the  appearance  of  this  publication.  Though  his  writings  had 
'    VOL.  IV.  NO.  8.  S  long; 

*  Vol.  IT,  p.  64,  3cc, 


T.T4  Hay  ley' J  L'/c  of  Cowpery   Vol.  Ill,  Jiily 

i'ong  been  extremely  popular,  the  author  was  fcarcely  known  to  the 
public  ;  and  having  lived  in  a  (late  of  entire  feclufion  from  the  world, 
tliere  were  no  anecdot-es  of  his  con-verfation,.  his  habits  or  opinions, 
in  circulation  among  his  admirers.  The  publication  of  his  corre- 
Ipondcnce  has  in  a  gnrat  meafure  fupplied  tliis  deficiency  \  and  wc 
BOW  know  almoil  as  much  of  Cowper  as  we  do  of  thofe  authors 
who  have  fpeut  their  days  in  the  ceat.e  and  gl 're  of  literary  or 
faihionable  notori-ity.  Thele  ktters,  however,  will  continue  to- 
be  read  long  after  the  curiofity  is  g,ratificd  to  which  perhaps  they 
owed  their  fiv'.l  celebrity ;  for  tlie  character  with  which  they 
niiiks  us  acquainted,  w'ill  always  attraft  by  its  rarity,  and  engage 
by  its  elegance.  The  feminine  delicacy  and  purity  of  Cowper's 
manners  and  difpofition,  the  romantic  and  unbroken  retirement  m 
■which  his  life  was  pailed,  and  the  hngular  gentlcncfs  and  mo- 
defty  of  his  whole  characler,  difarm  him  of  thofe  terrors  that  fo 
often  filed  an  atmofphere  of  repulfion  around  the  perlons  of  cele- 
brated writers,  and  make  us  more  indulgent  to  his  weaknefTes, 
and  more  delighted  with  his  excellences,  than  if  he  had  been  the 
centre  of  a  circle  of  wits,  or  the  oracle  of  a  literary  confederacy. 
The  iuterel'i  of  this  picture  is  flill  farther  heightened  by  the  recol- 
lection of  that  tremendous  malady,  to  the  viiitations  of  which  lie 
was  iiibjc6t-,  and  by  the  fpedtaele  of  that  perpetual  conflict  which 
was  maintained,  through  th.e  greater  part  of  his  life,  between  the 
dcprefiion,  of  thofe  Gonilituiional  horrors,  and  the  gayety  that  re- 
inked  from  a  playful  imagination,  and  a  heart  animated  by  the 
mildcll  atTeclions. 

In  tiie  letters  now  before  us,  Cowper  difplays  a  great  deal  of 
all  thofe  peculiarities  by  which  his  characler  was  adorned  or  dif- 
tlnguiflied  •,  he  is  frequently  the  fubje6t  of  his  own  obfervations,  and 
often  delineates  the  tiner  features  of  his  underftanding  with  all  the 
induftry  and  impartiality  of  a  ftranger.  But  the  mofl  interefting  traits 
are  thofe  which  are  vmintentionally  difcovered,  and  Vv^hich  the  reader 
colk6ts  from  expreffions  that  were  employed  for  very  different  pur- 
pofes.  Among  the  moll  obvious,  perhaps,  as  well  as  the  mod 
important  of  thefe,  is  that  extraordinary  combination  of  fhynefs 
and  amibition,  to  which  we  are  probably  indebted  for  the  very 
exiftence  of  his  poetry.  Being  difqualified,  by  the  former,  from 
vindicating  his  proper  place  in  the  ordinary  fcenes  either  of  bufi- 
nefs  or  of  fociety,  he  was  excited,  by  the  latter,  to  attempt  the 
only  other  avenue  to  reputation  that  appeared  to  be  open,  and  to 
aflert  the  real  dignity  of  the  talents  w^ith  which  he  felt  that  he  was 
gifted.  If  Cowper  had  acquired  courage  enough  to  read  the  jour- 
nals of  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  or  been  able  to  get  over  the  diffidence 
which  fettered  his  utterance  in  general  fociety,  his  genius  would 
probably  have  evaporated  in  converfationj  or  been  contented  with 

the 


l8f04.  HayleyV  Life  of  Cowper,  Vol.  lit.  aj^ 

the  humbler  glory  of  contributuig  to  the  Rolliad  or  the  Connoif- 
feur. 

As  the  prefent  colle(n:!on  relates  to  no  particular  fet  of  fub- 
je6ls  or  occurrences,  but  exhibits  a  view  of  the  author's  mif- 
cellaneous  correfpondence  with  the  few  intimate  friends  he  had 
retained,  it  is  impoffible  to  give  any  abftraft  of  its  contents,  oi^ 
to  obfervc  any  order  in  the  extratlis  that  may  be  made  from  it. 
We  fliall  endeavour  however  to  introduce  as  great  a  variety  as 
polhble. 

Though  living  altogether  in  retirement,  Cowper  appears  to  have 
retained  a  very  nice  perception  of  the  proprieties  of  condu6t 
and  manners,  and  to  have  exercifed  a  great  deal  of  acutenefs 
and  fagacity  upon'  the  few  fubjefts  of  practical  importance 
which  he  had  occafion  to  confider.  The  following  fketch  is  by 
a  fine  and  mafterly  hand,  and  proves  how  much  a  bafliful  reclufe 
may  excel  a  gentleman  from  the  grand  tour  in  delicacy  of  ob- 
fervation  and  juif  notions  of  politenefs. 

'  Since  I  wrote  laft,  we  had  a  vifit  from  — — .      I  did  tiot  feel  my- 

felf  vehemently  difpofed  to  receive  him  with  that  complaifance,  from 
which  a  ftranger  generally  infers  that  he  is  welcome.  By  his  manner, 
which  was  rather  bold  than  eafy,  I  judt^ed  that  there  was  no  occafion 
for  it,  and  that  it  was  a  trifle  which,  if  he  did  not  meet  with,  neither 
would  he  feel  the  want  of:  He  has  the  air  of  a  travelled  man,  but  not 
of  a  travelled  gentleman  ;  is  quite  delivered  from  that  referve,  which  ia 
8o  common  an  ingredient  in  the  Engh'fii  charafter,  yet  does  not  open 
himfelf  gently  and  gradually,  as  men  of  polite  behaviour  do,  bat  burfta 
upon  you  all  at  once.  He  talks  very  loud,  and  when  our  poor  little 
robins  hear  a  great  noife,  they  are  immediately  (eized  with  an  ambitioni 
to  fnrpafs  it — the  increafe  of  their  vociferation  occafioncd  an  increafe 
of  his,  and  his  in  return,  afted  as  a  (limulus  upon  theirs — neither  fide 
entertained  a  thought  of  giving  up  the  contctt,  which  became  conti- 
nually more  interefting  to  our  tars,  during  the  whole  vifit.  The  birds 
however,  furvived  it,  and  fo  did  we.     They   perhaps   flatter   themfelvcs 

they  gained  a  complete  viftory,   but  I  believe    Mr could   have 

killed  them  both  in  another  hour.  '      p.  17.  i8. 

Cowper's  antipathy  to  public  fchools  is  well  known  to  all  the 
readers  of  his  poetry.  There  are  many  excellent  remarks  on 
that  fubj;cl  in  thefe  letters.  We  can  only  fmd  room  for  the 
following. 

*  A  public  education  is  often  recommended  as  the  mod  efFe(Sual  re- 
medy for  that  bafhful,  and  awkward  rettraint,  fo  epidemical  among  the 
youth  of  our  couTitry.  Bat  1  vsrily  believe,  that,  inftead  of  being  a 
cure,  it  is  often  the  caufe  of  it.  For  feven  or  eight  years  of  bis  life, 
the  bov  has  hardly  feen  or  converfed  with  a  man,  or  a  woman,  except 
the  maids  at  his  boarding  houfe.  A  gentleman,  or  a  lady,  are  confe- 
quently  fuch  novelties  to  him,  that  he  is  perfectly   at   a  Lfs   to   know 

S  2  what 


27^  Bzyley' s  Life  cf  Coivpefy  Vol.  Ifl.  Ju'lf 

tvhat  fort  of  behaviour  he  fhoiild  preferve  before  them.  He  plays  with 
his  buttons,  or  the  Itrings  of  his  hat,  he  Wows  liis  nofe,  and  hangis 
down  his  head,  is  confcious  of  his  own  deficiency  to  a  degree,  that 
makes  him  quite  unhappy,  and  trembles  left  any  one  fliould  fpeak  to 
him,  becaufe  that  would  quite  overwhelm' him.  Is  not  all  this  miler- 
able  fliynefs  the  efietft  of  his  education  ?  To  me  it  appears  to  be  fo. 
If  he  faw  good  company  every  day,  he  would  never  be  terrified  at  the 
fight  of  it,  and  a  room  full  of  ladies  and  gentlemen,  would  alarm  him 
no  more  than  the  chairs  they  lit  on.  Such  is  the  cffed  of  cultom.  ' 
p.  60. 

There  is  much  acutenefs  in  the  following  examination  of 
Dr  Paley^s  argument  in  favour  of  the  Englilh  hierarchy. 

*  He  fays  firft,  that  the  appointment  of  various' orders  in  the  Church, 
is  attended  with  this  good  confequence,  that  each  clafj  of  people  is 
fupplied  with  a  clergy  of  their  own  level  and  defcription,  with  whom 
they  may  live  and  affociate  on  terms  of  equality.  But  in  order  to  ef- 
fect this  good  purpofe,  there  ought  to  he  at  leaft  three  parfons  in  every 
parifii,  one  for  the  gentry,  one  for  the  traders  and  mechanics,  and  one 
for  the  loweft  of  the  vulgar.  Neither  is  it  eafy  to  find  many  parifhes, 
where  the  laity  at  targe  have  any  fociety  with  their  miiiifter  at  all.  This 
therefore  is  fanciful,  and  a  mere  invention  :  in  the  next  place  he  fays 
it  gives  a  dignity  to  the  miniftry  itftlf ;  and  the  clergy  fliare  in  the  re- 
fpeft  paid  to  their  fuperiors.  Much  good  may  fuch  participation  do 
them  !  They  themfelves  know  how  little  it  amounts  to.  The  dignity 
a  parfon  derives  from  the  lawn  fleeves,  and  fqnare  cap  of  his  dioccfan, 
will  never  endanger  his  humility.  Again — '  Rich  and  fplendid  fitua- 
tions  in  tlie  Church,  have  been  juftly  regarded  as  prizes,  held  out  to 
invite  perfons  of  good  hopes,  and  ingenuous  attainments. '  Agreed. 
But  the  prize  held  out  in  the  fcripture,  is  of  a  very  different  kind  ;  and 
our  ecclefiaftical  baits  ate  too  often  fnapped  by  the  worthlefs,  and  pet- 
fons  of  no  attainments  at  all.  They  are  indeed  incentives  to  avarice 
and  ambition,  but  not  to  thofe  acquirements,  by  which  only  the  minii- 
terial  fuiidtion  can  be  adorned,  zeal  for  the  falvatfon  of  men,  humility, 
and  felf-denial.  Mr  Palcy  and  I  therefore  cannot  agree.  '  p.  172.  173. 
One  of  the  moft  remarkable  things  in  this  volume,,  is  the 
great  profufion  of  witty  and  humorous  paffages  which  it  con- 
tains, though  they  are  ufually  fo  fliort,  and  (land  io  much  con- 
netled  with  more  indifferent  matter,  that  it  is  not  eafy  to  give 
any  tolerable  notion  of  them  by  an  extra£l.  His  ftyle  of  nar- 
rative is  particularly  gay  and  pleafmg,  though  the  incidents  are 
generally  too  trilling  to  bear  a  feparation  froai  the  whole  tifTue 
of  the  correfpondence.  We  venture  on  the  following  account 
of  an  election  vifit. 

'  As  when  the  fea  is  uncommonly  agitated,  the  water  finds  its  way 
into  creeks  and  holes  of  rocks,  which  in  its  calmer  ftate  it  never  reaches, 
in  like  manner  the  effcdl  of  thefe  turbulent  times  is  felt  even  at  Orch- 
lard^Iide^  where  in  general  we  live  as  undifturbed  by  the  political  ele- 

icent^ 


lB04'  Haylcy*/  Life  of  Cowper,  Vol.  III.  rZJ^ 

iment,  as  Hirlmps  or  cockles  that  have  been  accidentally  depofited  in 
fome  hollow  beyond  the  water  mark,  by  the  ufual  daOiicig  of  the  waves. 
We  were  fitting  yefterday  after  dinner,  the  two  ladies  and  myfelf,  very 
compofedly,  and  without  the  leaft;  apprehenfion  of  any  fuch  intrufion, 
in  our  fnug  parlour,  one  lady  knitting,  the  other  netting,  and  the 
gentlennan  winding  worfled,  when  to  our  unfpea.kable  furprife,  a  mob 
3ppeared  before  the  window,  a  fmart  rap  was  heard  at  the  door,  the 
boys  halloo'd,  and  the  maid  announced  Mr  G .  Pufs  *  was  un- 
fortunately let  out  of  her  box,  fo  that  the  candidate,  with  all  his  good 
friends  at  his  heels,  was  refufed  admittance  at  the  grand  entry,  and 
sreferred  to  the  back  door,  as  the  only  poffible  way  of  approach. 

*  Candidates  are  creatures  not  v«ry  iuiceptible  of  affronts,  and  would 
rather,  I  fuppofe,  climb  in  at  a  window,  than  be  abfolutely  excluded. 
In  a  minute,  tfie  yard,  the  kitchen,  and  the  parlour,  were  filled.      Mr 

G ,  advancing  toward  me,   fhook  me  by  the  hand  with  a  degree 

of  cordiality  that  was  extremely  feducing.  As  foon  as  he,  and  as  many 
as  could  fiiid  chairs  were  feated,  he  began  to  open  the  intent  of  his 
vifit.  I  told  him  I  h  - 1  no  vote,  for  which  he  readily  gave  me  credit, 
I  affured  him  I  had  no  influence,  which  he  was  not  equally   inclined    to 

believe,  and  the  lef*  no  doubt   becaufe  Mr   A ,  addrcfling   him- 

felf  -to  me  at  that  moment,  informed  me  that  I  had  a  great  deal.  Sup- 
pofing  that  I  could  not  be  poffcired  of  fuch  a  treafure  without  know- 
ing it,  I  ventured  to  confirm  my  f.rft  afTcrtion,  by  faying,  that  if  I 
had  any,  I  was  utterly  at  a  lofs  to  imagine  where  it  could  be,  or  where- 
in it  confided.     Thus  ended  tlie  conference.     Mr  G — '■ fqueezed  me 

by  the  hand  again,  kiffed  the  ladies,  and  withdrew.  He  kiflcd  like- 
wife  the  maid  in  the  kitchen,  and  feemed  upon  the  v/hole  a  moll  lov- 
ing, kiffing,  kind-hearted  gentleman,  tje  is  very  youngs  genteel,  and 
handfome.  He  has  a  pair  of  very  good  eyes  in  his  head,  which  not 
being  fuificient  as  it  fhould  feem  for  the  many  nice  and  difficult  purpofes 
(,(  a  fenator,  he  had  a  third  alfo,  which  he  wore  lufpended  by  a  ri- 
band from  his  birton-holc.  The  boys  halloo'd,  the  doors  barked,  Pufs 
fcampered,  the  hero,  with  his  long  train  of  obfequious  followers,  with- 
drew. We  made  ourftlves  very  merry  with  the  adventure,  and  in  a 
'liort  time  fettled  into  our  former  tranquillity,  never  probably  to  be  thus 
interrupted  more.  1  thought  myflf  however  happy  in  being  able  to 
affirm  truly,  that  I  had  not  that  influence  for  which  he  fued,  and  for 
which,  had  1  been  polfcfled  of  it,  with  my  prefent  views  of  the  dif- 
pute  between  the  Crown  and  the  Commons,  I  mull  have  refufed  him, 
tor  he  is  op  the  fide  of  the  former.  It  is  comfortable  to'  be  of  no  con- 
ioquence  in  a  world,  where  one  cannot  exercife  any  without  difobiioiuf 
fomebody.  '     p.  242-4. 

Melancholy  and  dejefted  men  often  amufe  themfeives  wltli 
purfuits  that  feem  to  indicate  the  greated  levity.  Swift  wrote 
all  forts  of  doggrel  anil  abfurdlty  while  tormented   with   fplcen, 

^  3  giddmefs^ 

'*■   His  tame  Hare. 


278  Hayley*s  Life  of  Convper,  Vol.  UL  July 

giddinefs,  and  mifanthropy.  Cowper  compofed  John  Gilpin 
during  a  feafon  of  mod  deplorable  depreflion,  and  probably  in- 
dited the  rhyming  letter  which  appears  in  this  colle£lion  in  a 
moment  equally  glooniy.  For  the  amufement  of  our  readers, 
we  annex  the  concluding  paragraph,  containing  a  fimile,  ot 
which  we  think  they  mud  immediately  feel  the  propriety. 

'  I  have  heaid  before  of  a  room,  with  a  floor  laid  upon  fprings,  and 
fuch  like  things,  with  fo  much  art,  in  every  part,  that  when  you  went 
in,  you  was  forced  lo  begin  a  minuet  pace,  with  an  air  and  a  grace, 
fwimniing  about,  now  in,  and  now  out,  with  a  deal  of  ftate,  in  a  fi- 
gure of  eight,  without  pipe  or  firing,  or  any  fuch  thing  ;  and  now  1 
have  writ,  in  a  rhyming  fit,  what  will  make  you  dance,  and  as  you  ad- 
vance, will  keep  you  Itill,  though  againft  your  will,  dancing  away,  alert 
and  gay,  till  you  come  to  an  end  of  what  I  have  pei.u'd  ;  which  that 
you  may  do,  ere  M^dam  and  you,  are  quite  worn  out,  with  jigging 
about,  i  take  my  leave  ;  and  here  you  receive  a  bow  profound,  down 
to  the  pround,   from  your  humble  me —      W.  C.  *      p.  89. 

As  a  contrail  to  this  ridiculous  efFufion,  \re  add  the  following 
brief  ftatement,  which,  notwithftanding  its  humble  fimplicity, 
appears  to  us  to  be  an  example  of  the  true  pathetic. 

*  You   never  faid  a  better  thing  in  your  life,  than  when  you  aflured 

Jvir of  the  expedience  of  a  gift   of  bedding  to   the   poor  of 

Olney.  There  is  no  one  article  of  this  world's  comforts  with  which, 
as  FalilaflF  fays,  they  are  fo  heinoufly  unprovided.  When  a  poor  wc- 
nran,  and  an  honefb  one,  whom  we  know  well,  carried  home  two  pair 
of  blankets,  a  pair  for  herfclf  and  hufband,  and  a  pair  for  her  fix 
children,  as  foon  as  the  children  faw  them,  they  jumped  out  of  their 
ftraw,  caught  them  in  their  arms,  kiffed  them,  bleffed  them,  and  dan- 
ced for  joy.  An  old  woman,'  a  very  old  one,  the  firft  night  that  flie 
found  herfelf  fo  comfortably  covered,  could  not  fleep  a  wink,  being 
kept  awake  by  the  contrary  emotions,  of  tranfport  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  fear  of  not  being  thankful  enough  on  the  other.  '     p.  347-8.  ^ 

The  corrcfpondence  of  a  poet  may  be  expected  to  abound  in 
poetical  imagery  and  fcntinients.  They  do  not  form  the  moll 
prominent  parts  of  this  colledion,  but  they  occur  in  fuflicient 
profufion  J  and  we  have  been  agreeably  furprifed  to  find  in  thefe 
letters  the  germs  of  many  of  the  fiuefl  pafiages  in  the  *  Taflc. ' 
There  is  all  the  ardour  of  poetry  and  devotion  in  the  following 
paffiges  : 

'Oil  could  fpend  whole  days,  and  moon-light  nights,  in  feeding 
upon  a  lovely  profpe6l  !  My  eyes  drink  the  rivers  as  they  flow.  If 
every  human  being  upon  earth,  could  think  for  one  quarter  of  an  hour, 
as  I  have  done  for  many  years,  there  might  perhaps  be  many  mifcrahle 
men  among  them,  but  not  an  uiiawakeiied  one  could  be  found,  from 
the  arctic  to  the  antarctic  circle.  At  prefent,  the  difference  between 
ther.i  and  me  is  greatly  to  their  advantage.  I  dehght  in  baubles,  and 
][r.;io',r  tl-,em  to  be  fo  ;  for,  reined  n\p  ar.d  viewed,  wiUiout  a  reference  to 
'    ■     "  th'^.if 


i'S04.  Hay!ey*j  Life  of  Cou^per,  Vcl,  III.  2>9 

their  Author,  what  is  the  earth,  what  are  the  plarifts,  what  is  the  fun 
itfelf,  bat  a  bauble  ?  Better  for  a  man  never  to  have  feen  theom,  or  to 
fee  them  with  the  eyes  of  a  brute,  ftupid  and  unconfcious  of  whnt  }je 
beholds,  than  not  to  be  able  to  fay,  "  The  Maker  ef  all  thefe  woudtrs 
is  my  friend  !  "  Their  eyes  have  never  been  opened,  to  fee  tliat  they 
are  trifles ;  mine  have  been,  and  will  be,  'till  they  are  cJofed  for  ever. 
They  think  a  fine  eftate,  a  large  confervatory,  a  hot-houfe  rich  as  a 
Weil  Indian  garden,  things  of  confequence  :  vifjt  them  witli  pleafure, 
and  mufe  upon  them  with  ten  times  more.  T  am.  plea.fed  with  a  frame 
■of  four  lights,  doubtful  whether  the  few  pines  it  contains  will  ever  be 
worth  a  farthing;  amufe  myfelf  with  a  green-houfe,  wiiich  Lord  Bute's 
gardener  could  take  upon  his  back,  and  walk  away  with  ;  and  when  I 
iiave  paid  it  the  accuftomed  vifit,  and  watered  it,  and  given  it  air,  I 
fay  to  myfelf — "  This  is  not  mine,  'tis  a  plaything  lent  me  for  the  pre- 
fent,    I  mufl  leave  it  foon. "     p.  19-2  ■. 

*  We  keep  no  bees  ;  but  if"  I  lived  in  a  hive,  I  fliould  hardly  hear 
more  of  their  mufic.  All  tlie  bees  in  the  neighbourhood  refort  to  a 
bed  of  mignonette,  oppofite  to  the  window,  and  pay  me  for  the  lioney 
they  get  out  of  it,  by  a  hum,  v.-hich,  though  rather  monotonous,  is  as 
agreeable  to  my  ear,  as  the  whiftliag  of  my  linnets.  All  the  founds 
that  nature  utters  are  delightful,  at  leafe  in  this  -country.  I  fhould  not 
perhaps  find  the  roaring  of  lions  in  Africa,  or  of  bears  in  Ruffia,  very 
pleafiag  ;  but  I  know  no  beaft  in  England  whofe  voice  I  do  not  ac- 
-count  mufical,  fave  and  except  always  tite  braying  of  an  afs.  The 
notes  of  all  our  birds  and  fowls  pleaie  me,  wkhout  one  exception.  I 
fhould  not  indeed  think  of  keeping  a  goofe  ia  a  cage,  that  I  might 
hang  him  up  in  the  parlour,  for  the  fake  of  hi?  m.elody  ;  but  a  goole 
upon  a  common,  or  in  a  farm-yard,  is  no  bad  performer:  -And  as  to 
infefts,  if  the  black  beetle,  aiid  beetles  indeed  of  all  hues,  will  keep 
out  of  my  way,  I  have  no  objeolion  to  any  of  the  reft  ;  on  the  con- 
trar)',  in  whatever  key  they  fing,  from  the  gnat's  'fine  treble  to  the 
bafs  of  the  humble  bee,  I  admire  them  alL  Serioufly,  however,  it 
ftrikes  me  as  a  very  obferveable  inftanc-e  of  providential  kindnefs  to 
man,  that  fuch  an  exaft  accord  has  been  contrived  between  his  ear  and 
the  founds  with  which,  at  leaft  in  a  rural  fituation,  it  is  almoft  every 
moment  vifited.  All  the  world  is  fenfible  of  the  imcomfortable  tffe6l 
that  certain  founds  have  upon  the  nerves,  and  confequently  upon  the 
fpirits  —  And  if  a  flnful  world  had  been  filled  with  fuch  as  would  have 
curdled  the  blood,  and  have  made  tlie  fenfe  of  hearing  a  perpetual  in- 
convenience, I  do  not  know  that  we  ihould  have  had  a  right  to  com- 
plaiiv, — There  is  fonutuhere  in  infinite  fpace,  a  world  that  does  not 
roll  within  the  precinfts  of  mercy  ;  and  as  it  is  realonable,  and  even 
fcriptnral  to  fuppofe,  that  there  is  mufic  in  heaven,  in  thofe  difmal  re- 
gions  perhaps  the  reverfe  of  it  is-  found.  Tones  fo  dilm.al,  as  to  make 
woe  itfelf  more  infupportable,  and  to  acuminate  even  defpair.  But  my 
paper  admonifhes  me  in  good  time  to  draw  the  reir.s,  and  to  check  the 
defcent  of  my  fancy  into  deeps  with  which  Ihe  is  but  too  familiar. ' 
y.  ?. 8 7-2 89, 

£  4  The 


sSo  HayleyV  Life  of  Cowpey,  Vol.  HI.  July 

The  following  fhorter  fketches,  though  not  marked  with  fo 
much  enthufiafm,  are  conceived  with  the  fame  vigour  and  diftinfl- 
nefs. 

'  When  we  look  back  upon  our  forefathers,  we  feem  to  look  back 
upon  the  people  of  another  nation,  almoft  upon  creatures  of  another 
fpecies.  Their  vaft  i-ambliyg  manfions,  fpacious  halls,  and  painted  cafe- 
ments,  the  Gothic  porch  fmothered  with  honcyfuckles,  their  little  cjar- 
dens  and  high  walls,  their  box-edgings,  balls  of  holly,  and  yew-tree 
flatues,  are  become  fo  entirely  unfafliionable  now,  that  we  can  hardlv 
believe  it  poflible  that  a  people,  who  rcfemblod  us  fo  little  in  their 
tafte,  fhould  refemble  us  in  any  thing  elfe.  But  in  every  thing  clfe, 
I  fuppofe,  they  were  our  counterparts  exactly,  and  time,  that  has  few- 
ed  up  the  flalhed  fleeve,  and  reduced  the  large  trunk-hofe  to  a  neat 
pair  of  fdk  ftockings,  has  left  human  nature  juft  where  it  found  it. 
The  infide  of  the  man,  at  leaft,  has  undergone  no  change.  His  paf- 
fions,  appetites,  and  aims,  are  juft  what  they  ever  were.  They  wear 
jjerhaps  a  handfomcr  difgiiife  than  tlicy  did  in  days  of  yore  ;  for  phi- 
lofophy  and  literature  will  have  their  cfFc(5t  upon  the  exterior,  but  in 
every  other  refpecl  a  modern  is  only  an  ancient  in  a  diffcient  drcfs.  * 
p.  48. 

*  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  voyages,  which  I  received,  and 
began  to  read  laft  night.  My  imagination  is  fo  captivated  upon  thefe 
occafions,  that  1  feem  to  jjartake  with  the  navigators  in  all  the  dan- 
gers they  encountered.  I  lofe  my  anchor  ;  my  main-fail  is  rent  into 
ihreds  ;  I  kill  a  fliark,  and  by  figiis  converfe  with  a  Patagonian,  and 
all  this  without  moving  from  the  fire  fide.  The  principal  fruits  of 
thefe  circuits  that  have  been  made  around  the  globe,  feem  likely  to  be 
the  amufement  of  thofe  that  {laid  at  home.  Difcoveries  have  been 
iriadc,  but  fuch  difcovenes  as  will  hardly  fatisfy  the  expence  of  fuch 
imdcrtakings.  We  brought  away  an  Indian,  and  having  debauched 
him,  we  fent  him  home  again  to  communicate  the  infection  to  his 
countiy — fine  fport  to  be  fure,  but  fuch  as  will  not  defray  the  coft. 
Nations  that  live  upon  bread-fruit,  and  have  no  mines  to  make  them 
worthy  of  our  acquaintance,  will  be  but  httle  vifited  for  the  future. 
So  much  the  better  for  them  ;  their  poverty  is  indeed  their  mercy.  ' 
p.  20  f— 202. 

Cowper's  religious  impreffions  occupied  too  great  a  portion  of 
his  thoughts,  and  exercifed  too  great  an  influence  on  his  charac- 
ter, Hot  to  make  a  diftinguillied  figure  in  his  correfpondence. 
They  form  the  fubje6l  of  many  eloquent  and  glowing  paiTages  : 
and  have  fometlmes  fuggefted  fentiments  and  exprefhons  that  can- 
not be  perufed  without  compaffion  and  regret.  The  follovv^ing 
paflage  is  liberal  and  important : 

*  No  man  was  ever  fcolded  out  of  his  fins.  The  heart,  corrupt  as 
it  is,  and  becaufe  it  is  fo,  grows  angry  if  it  be  not  treated  with  fome 
management,  and  good  manners,  and  fcolds  again.  A  furly  maftiff  will 
bear  perhaps  to  be  ftroked,  though  he  will  growl  even  under  that  opera^ 

lion. 


1804.  lUyley' s  Life  of  Coiopr,    Vol.  JIT.  aSl 

tion,  but  if  you  touch  him  rouglily,  lie  will  bite.  There  is  no  grace 
that  the  fpirit  of  felf  can  counterfeit  with  more  fuccefs  than  a  reh- 
gious  zeal.  A  man  thinks  he  is  fighting  for  Chrift,  and  he  is  fighting 
for  his  own  notions.  He  thinks  that  he  is  feilfully  fearching  the 
hearts  of  others,  when  he  is  only  gratifying  the  malignity  of  his  own  ; 
and  charitably  fuppofes  his  hearers  deilitute  of  all  grace,  that  he  may 
fhine  the  more  in  his  own  eyes  by  comparifon. '  p.  179-180. 
The  followiiig  is  in  a  fine  ftyle  of  eloquence  : 

*  We  have  exclianged  a  zeal  that  was  no  better  than  madncfs,  for 
an  indifference  equally  pitiable  and  abfurd.  The  Iioly  fepulchre  has 
loll  its  importance  in  the  eyes  of  nations,  called  Chriftian  ;  not  becaufe 
the  light  of  true  wifdom  has  delivered  them  from  a  fuperfiitious  attach- 
ment to  the  fpot,  but  becaufe  he  that  was  buried  in  it  is  no  longer 
regarded  by  them  as  the  Saviour  of  the  world.  The  exercife  of  rea- 
fon,  enlightened  by  philofophy,  has  cured  them  indeed  of  the  mifery 
of  an  abufed  underftanding,  but  together  with  the  delufion  they  have 
loft  the  fubftanoe,  and,  for  the  fake  of  the  lies  that  were  grafted  upon 
it,  have  quarrelled  with  the  truth  itfelf.  Here,  then,  we  fee  the  ne 
fills  ultra  of  human  wifdom,  at  lealt,  in  affairs  of  religion.  It  en- 
lightens the  mind  with  refpeft  to  non-elTentials  ;  but  with  refpeft  to 
that  in  which  the  effence  of  Chriftianity  confilts,  leaves  it  perfeftly  in 
the  dark.  It  can  difcover  many  errors,  that  in  different  ages  have  dif- 
graced  the  faith  ;  but  it  is  only  to  make  way  for  the  admiffion  of  one 
more  fatal  than  them  all,  which  reprefents  that  faith  itfelf  as  a  delu- 
fion. Why  thofe  evils  have  been  permitted,  fnall  be  known  hereafter. 
One  thing  in  the  mean  time  is  certain  ;  that  the  folly  and  frenzy  of  the 
profeffed  difciples  of  the  gofpel  have  bee;i  more  dangerous  to  its  inte- 
refls  tlian  all  the  avowed  iioflihties  of  its  adverfaries. '    p.  2C0-20r. 

There  are  many  pafTages  that  breathe  the  very  fpirit  of  Chrif- 
tian gentlenefs  and  fober  judgment.  But  when  lie  talks  of  his 
friend  Mr  Newton's  prophetic  intimations  (p.  35),  and  maintains 
that  a  great  proportion  of  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  who  amufe 
themfelves  with  dancing  at  Brighthehnflone,  mud  necefTarily  be 
damned  (p.  100.),  we  cannot  feel  tlie  fame  refpe£t  for  his  un- 
derftanding, and  are  repelled  by  the  aufterity  of  his  faith.  The 
moft  remarkable  palTage  of  tliis  kind,  however,  is  that  in  which 
he  fuppofes  the  death  of  the  celebrated  Captain  Cook  to  have 
been  a  judgement  on  him  for  having  allowed  him  felf  to  be  wor- 
Pipped  at  Owhyhee.  Mr  Hayley  aflures  us,  in  a  note,  that 
Cowper  proceeded  altogether  on  a  mifapprchenfion  of  the  fa£l:. 
The  paffage,  however,  is  curious,  and  fhews  Vv'ith  what  eager- 
nefs  his  powerful  mind  followed  that  train'  of  fuperftition  into 
which  his  devotion  was  fometimes  fo  unfortunately  betrayed. 

*  The  reading  of  thofe  volumes  afforded  me  much  amufement,  and 
I  hope  fome  inftru6lion.  No  obfervation,  however,  forced  itfelf  upon 
me  v.ith  mere  violence  than  one,  that  I  could  not  help  making,  on  the 
death  of  Captain  Cook,     God   is  a  jealous  God,  and  at  Owhyhee  the 

poor 


2Bz  HayleyV  Li/^  of  Cowper,  Vol.  III.  Julj> 

pc?or  man  was  content  to  be  worfKipped.  From  that  moment,  the  rc- 
marliable  interpofition  of  Providence  in  his  favour,  was  converted  into 
an  oppofition  that  thwarted  all  his  purpofes.  He  left  the  fcene  of  His 
deification,  but  was  driven  back  to  it  by  a  moil  violent  ftorm,  in  which 
he  fuffered  more  than  in  any  that  had  preceded  it.  When  h°  departed, 
he  left  his  worfhippers  ftill  infatuated  with  an  idea  of  his  godfhip,  con- 
fequently  well  difpofed  to  ferve  him.  At  his  return,  he  found  them 
fuUen,  diftruftfulj  and  myfterious.  A  trifling  theft  was  committed, 
which,  by  a  bluiider  of  his  own  in  purfuing  the  thief  after  the  property 
had  been  reuored,  was  magnified  to  an  affair  of  the  lafl  importance. 
One  of  their  favourite  chiefs  was  killed,  too,  by  a  blunder.  Nothing, 
in  fhort,  but  blunder  and  raiftake  attended  him,  'till  he  fell  breathlefs 
into  the  water,  and  then  all  was  fmooth  again.  The  world  indeed  will 
not  take  notice,  or  fee  that  the  difpenfation  bore  evident  marks  of  di- 
rine  difpleafure  ;  but  a  mind,  I  think,  in  any  degree  fpiritual,  cannot 
overlook  them. '     p.  293— 294. 

From  thefe  extracts,  our  readers  will  now  be  able  to  form  a 
pretty  accurate  notion  of  the  contents  and  compofition  of  this 
volume.  Its  chief  merit  confifto  in  the  great  eafe  and  fami- 
liarity with  which  every  thing  is  cxprefTed,  and  in  the  fimplicity 
and  lincerity  in  which  every  thing  appears  to  be  conceived.  Its 
chief  fault,  perhaps,  is  the  too  frequent  recurrence  of  thefe  apo- 
logies for  dull  letters,  and  complaints  of  the  want  of  fubjcdis, 
that  lecm  occafionally  to  bring  it  down  to  the  level  of  an  ordinary 
Corrcfpondence,  and  to  reprefent  Cowoer  as  one  of  thofe  who 
make  every  letter  its  own  fubje£t,  and  correfpond  with  their 
friends  by  talking  about  their  correfpondence. 

Befides  the  fubjefts  of  which  we  have  exhibited  fome  fpeci- 
mens,  it  contains  a  good  deal  of  occafional  criticifm,  of  which 
we  do  not  think  very  highly.  It  is  not  eafy,  indeed,  to  fay  to 
what  degree  the  judgements  of  thofe  who  live  in  the  worM  are 
biafled  by  the  opinions  that  prevail  in  it ;  but,  in  matters  of  this 
kindy  the  general  prevnlence  of  an  opinion  is  almofl  the  only  teft 
we  can  have  of  its  truth;  and  the  judgement  of  a  fecluded  man 
Is  ahnofl  as  juftly  convitled  of  error,  when  it  runs  counter  to 
th.it  opinion,  as  it  Is  extolled  for  fagacity,  when  it  happens  to 
coincide  with  It.  The  critical  remarks  of  Cowper  furniili  us 
with  inftances  of  both  forrs,  but  perhaps  with  mofh  of  the  for- 
mer. His  admiration  of  Mrs  Macaulay's  Hiilory,  and  the  rap- 
ture with  which  he  fpeaks  of  the  Henry  and  Enima  of  Prior,  and 
the  compofuions  of  Churchill,  will  not,  we  iliould  imagine,  at- 
xxn^  the  fympathy  of  many  readers,  or  fufpend  the  fentence 
which  time  appears  to  be  pafling  on  thefe  performances.  As 
there  is  fcarcely  any  thing  of  love  in  the  poetry  of  Cowper,  it  is 
rot  very  wonderful  that  there  fliould  be  nothing  of  it  in  his  cor- 
respondence.    There  is  fonietliing  very  tender  and  ;imiable  in  his 

affetticn 


rSo4«  Hayley'/  Life  of  Co-ivpa-,  VoJ.  HI.  483 

afFeflion  for  his  coufin  Lady  Heilccth  ;  hut  we  do  not  remember 
any  paiTage  where  he  approaches  to  the  langui^c  of  gallantrvi 
or  appears  to  have  indulged  iu  the  fentiments  thnt  might  have  led 
to  its  employment.  It  is  alfo  fomewhat  remarkable,  that  during 
the  whole  courfe  of  his  retirement,  though  a  gooil  deal  embnrrafs- 
ed  in  his  circumllances,  and  frequently  very  much  diftrefl'ed  for 
w:mt  of  employment,  he  never  feems  to  have  had  an  idea  of  be- 
taking himfclf  to  any  profeflion.  The  foiution  oi  this  dilHculty 
is  probably  to  be  found  in  the  infirmity  of  his  mental  health :  but 
there  were  ten  or  twelve  years  of  his  life,  when  he  feems  to  have 
been  fit  for  any  exertion  that  did  not  require  a  public  appear- 
ance, and  to  have  fuff^red  very  much  from  the  want  of  ail  oc- 
cupation. 

This  volume  clofes  with  a  fragment  of  a  poem  by  Cowper, 
which  Mr  Hayley  was  fortunate  enough  to  difcover  by.  accident 
among  fome  loofe  papers  which  had  been  found  in  the  poet's 
ftudy.  It  confiils  of  fometliing  lefs  than  two  hundred  line^,  and 
is  addrefied  to  a  very  ancient  and  decayed  oak  in  the  vicinity  of 
Wefton.  We  do  not  think  quite  io  highly  of  this  produclion  as 
the  editor  appears  to  do  ;  at  the  fame  lime  that  we  confefs  it  to 
be  impreffed  v/ith  all  the  marks  of  Cov/per's  moft  vigorous  hand: 
we  do  not  know  any  of  his  compofitions,  indeed,  that  affords  a 
a  more  llriking  exemplification  of  moft  of  the  excellences  and 
<iefe£ls  of  his  peculiar  ilyle,  or  might  be  more  fairly  quoted  as 
a  fpecimen  of  his  manner.  It  is  full  of  the  conceptions  of  a  vi- 
gorous and  poetical  fancy,  exprefled  in  nervous  and  faniiliar  lan- 
guage ;  but  it  is  rendered  harfh  by  unneceflary  inveriions,  and 
debafed  in  feveral  places  by  the  ufe  of  antiquated  and  vulgar 
phrafes.  The  following  are  about  the  bed  lines  which  it  con- 
tains : 

*  Thou  waft  a  bauble  once  ;  a  cup  and  ball, 
Which  babes  might  play  with  ;  and  the  thievilh  jay- 
Seeking  her  food,  with  cafe  might  have  purloin'd 
The  auburn  nut  that  held  thee,  fwallowing  down 
Thy  yet  clofe-folded  latitude  of  boughs. 
And  all  thine  embryo  vaftncis,  at  a  gulp. 
But  fate  thy  growth  decreed  :    autumnal  rains. 
Beneath  thy  parent-tree,  mellow'd  the  foil 
Defign'd  thy  cradle,  and  a  llcipping  deer. 
With  pointed  hoof  dibbling  the  glebe,  prepar'd 
The  foft  receptacle,  in  which  fecure 
Thy  rudiments  fhould  fleep  the  winter  throuc"-!!.' 

'  Time  made  thee  what  thou  wail — King  of  the  woodt;  ? 
And  time  hath  made  thee  what  thou  art — a  cave 
For  owls  to  rooft  in  !      Once  thy  fp reading  boughs 
O'erhung  the  champaign,  and  the  numerous  flock 

That 


kfi4  Hayiey'x  Life  of  Coivper,  Vol.  IIL  July 

That  graz'd  it,  flood  beneath  that  ample  cope 

Uncrouded,  yet  fafe-fheltered  from  the  ftorm. 

No  flock  frequents  thee  now  ;  thou  hafl  outliv'd 

Thy  popularity,  and  art  become 

(Unlefs  verfe  refcue  thee  a  while)   a  thing 

Forgotten,  as  the  foliage  of  thy  youth  !  '  ^ 

*  One  man  alone,  the  father  of  us  all. 
Drew  not  his  life  from  woman  ;  never  gaz'd, 
With  mute  unconfcioufnefs  of  what  he  faw, 
On  all  around  him  ;  learn'd  not  by  degrees, 
Nor  ow'd  articulation  to  his  ear  ; 
But  moulded  by  his  Maker  into  man 
At  once,  upftood  intelligent,  furvey'd 
All  creatures,  with  precifion  underflood 
Their  purport,  ufes,  properties,  afTign'd 
To  each  his  name  fignificant,  and  fill'd 
"With  love  and  wifdom,  rcnder'd  back  to  Heaven 
In  praifc  harmonious,  the  firfl  air  he  drew. 
He  was  excus'd  the  penalties  of  dull 
Minority  ;  no  tutor  charg'd  his  hand 
With  the  thought-tracing  quill,  or  taflc'd  his  mind 
With  problems  ;  hiflory,  not  wanted  yet, 
Lean'd  on  her  elbow,  watching  time,  whofe  courfe 
Eventful,  fhould  fupply  her  with  a  theme  ; —  '     p.  415—416- 

On  the  whole,  though  we  complain  a  little  of  the  fize  and  the 
price  of  the  volumes  now  before  us,  we  take  our  leave  of  them 
with  relu6tancc,  and  h'y  down  our  pen  with  no  little  regret,  to 
think  that  we  (hall  review  no  more  of  this  author's  productions. 

Art.  \l.      Sur  la  Ph'ilojoph'ie  Mbieraiogique^  et  fur  I' Efpece   Miner jlo- 
gique.     Par  le  Citoyen  D.  Dolomieu.      Pjris.      An  IX. 

*  I  'HIS  is  the  laft  bequeft  made  to  fcience,  by  the  powerful  ge- 
•^  nius  of  Dolomieu.  Educated  to  the  profefhon  of  arms,  he 
was  a  late,  but  a  zealous  dilciple  of  fcience  j  and,  though  his  bell 
years  were  waited  in  the  endlefs  adjultment  of  monaltic  quarrels, 
he  has  done  more  for  geology  than  any  man  who  has  preceded 
or  followed  him,  unlefs  an  exception  be  made  in  favour  of  the  il- 
iuftrious  De  Saufl'ure.  Valuable  as  tlie  writings  of  Dolomieu  are, 
perhaps  they  do  not  convey  an  adequate  idea  of  the  capacity  of 
Ins  mind,  or  the  vaftnefs  of  his  information.  A  life  fpent  in 
continual  adtivity  left  him  few  moments  to  arrange  his  obferva- 
tions,  or  to  defcribe  the  regions  he  vifited.'  Yet  the  detached  ef- 
fays  he  has  publiilied,  are  the  molt  original  and  ingenious  fpecu- 
Jations  to  which  the  ftudy  of  the  earth  has  yet  given  rife  ;  and 
his  defcriptions  of  the  Lipari  Jiri.d  Pontian  Iflands  need  no  higher 

praifcj 


1804.     Dblomieu,  Sur  !a  Philofophie  Mineralog'ique^  ^(^.  285 

praife,  than  they  derive  from  a  comparifon  with  the  performances 
of  other  mineralogical  travellers.  His  ardent  purfuit  of  fcience 
was  aided  by  the  remarkable  acutenefs  of  his  talent  for  obferva- 
tion  ;  and  the  knowledge  which  he  had  acquired,  was  fpeedily 
difFufed  by  the  happy  perfpici^jty  of  his  defcriptioiis.  But  the 
boldnefs  and  improbability  oi  his  theories,  the  light  grounds  on 
which  they  were  afl'umed,  and  the  eai'e  with  which  they  were  re- 
linquiflied,  have  been  urged  as  proofs  that  his  mind  was  frivolous, 
and  his  judgment  defective. 

We  have  feen  too  many  rerna^rkable  inftances  of  the  triumphs 
of  imagination,  to  allow  the  a4'»'i;:£t  or  defcription  of  thofe  theo- 
retic phantoms,  -wdiich  the  wift-^^l,  of  us  are  fon)ctimes  amufed  by 
em.bodying,  to  have  much  weight  in  the  apptctiation  of  a  man's 
intelle<Stual  powers.  We  conceivtr  judgment  to  confill  rather  in 
a  nice  adjuftment  of  the  feveral  faculties  of  the  mind,  than  in 
one  independant  quality.  In  this  view,  the  judgment  of  Dolo- 
mieu  cannot  be  difputed  ;  for  he  was  moft  judicious  in  obferva- 
tion,  and  nioft  judicious  m  defcription.  So  accurate  was  his 
judgment  in  matters  of  fcience,  a)id  fo  profound  his  contempt  for 
the  little  jealoufies  of  theorifts,  that  he  repeatedly  abandoned  hii 
own  opinions,  and  adopted  thofe  fuggefled  by  others,  whole  in- 
genuity he  never  failed  to  reward  by  fuitable  praife,  and  whofe 
hints  often  received  from  him  extenfion  and  confidence.  Never 
has  the  reracity  of  Dolomieu  been  quellioned,  or  the  flighteli: 
fufpicion  arifen,  that  he  diflorted  fadls  to  favour  his  hypothetical 
affumptions  :  His  writings  are  referred  to  as  evidenrc,  by  the  moit 
oppofite  theories,  and  with  a  confidence  equally  implicit.  In 
moft  inftances,  his  opinions  are  ftill  the  ftandard  of  authority  a- 
mong  the  beft  informed  geologifls  -,  and  he  has  only  been  betray- 
ed into  idle  fpeculation  on  thofe  fubjects,  which  have  not  de- 
rived additional  illuftration  from  the  fapient  cogitations  of  ,his 
critics.  * 

Great  as  the  individual  exertions  and  fuccefs  of  Dolomieu  have 
been,  they  were  furpaffed  by  the  indirect  fervices  which  he  ren- 
dered to  fcience,  by  his  zealous  patronage  of  men  of  talents,  by 
the  frankneis  with  which  he  communicated  his  ample  (lores  of 
information  to  the  young  men  who  accompanied  him  in  his  tra- 
vels, and  by  the  unbounded  liberality  with  whicli  he  diftributed 
the  rare  and  valu.ble  fubitunces  he  collected.  Yet  nearly  two  of 
the  laft  years  of  this  man's  life  were  Ipent  in  prifons,  into  which 
he  was  thrown  by  a  violent  abufe  of  arbitrary  power  j  and  nearly 

half 


*  Sir  James  Hall  is  an  tionourabic  txcctptiua  ;  for  his  experiments  oa 
the  tranfition  from  glafs  ,t(^  iloiie  ha,ve  tntlrely  obviated  the  difHcul'v- 
which  forced  Dclomieu  into  c»iie  of  hi^  wfldsft  conjeif^ufes. 


^,56         iDolomicuj  Sur  la  Philofophie  Alifieralogique,  ^V.        July 

?ialf  of  that  time  he  was  confined  in  a  dungeon,  in  whofe  mephi- 
t-ic  atmofpheve  fufFocation  would  have  enfued  from  a  recumbent 
poflure,  and  where  the  violent  efforts,  fometimes  required  to 
maintain  refpiration,  made  him  voniit  blood.  In  the  folitude  and 
horror  of  this  dungeon,  the  plan  of  the  work  we  are  about  to 
examine  was  conceived,  and  its  arrangement  digefted.  Portions 
of  it  v/'.*re  written  between  the  lines  of  fome  books  he  acciden- 
tally r.t  lined,  with  Iplintcrs  of  wood  inftead  of  a  pen,  and  v/ith 
ink  made  bv  mixing  the  foot  of  his  lamp  with  water.  For  his 
deliverance  from  this  ftpulchral  den,  Dolomieu  was  chiefly  in- 
debted to  the  generous  interpolition  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Lon- 
<lon,  and  of  their  v^ovthy  prefident  -,  and  to  the  powerful  influ- 
ence of  an  heroic  admiral,  who  endeavoured,  by  this  aft,  to  ef- 
face the  ftains  which  his  glory  had  received  from  the  imputation 
of  a  violated  capitulation. 

The  health  of  Dolomieu,  however,  was  never  completely  re- 
ftored  ;  and  he  died  in  lefs  than  a  year  after  his  reieafe,  and  foon 
after  the  termination  of  a  journey  in  Switzerland,  during  part  of 
xvhich  he  was  accompanied  by  a  Dane,  called  Neergaard. 

This  perfonage  his  attempted  to  perform  for  Dolomieu  the 
poithumous  attentio-  s  paid  by  Bofwell  to  Dr  Johnfon,  by  Billet 
to  Buvke,  and,  in  a  mere  rec<-nt  inllance,  by  Mifs  Seward  to  Dr 
Darwin.  Like  thefe  illuftrious  biographers,  he  undoubtedly  ex- 
pecls  to  enjoy  celebrity,  as  high  prieR  in  the  Temple  of  Fame 
which  he  has  erefted  ;  and,  in  this  happy  perfuafion,  he  has -given 
to  the  world,  and  l-nore  efpecially  to  the  trunk-makers  and  paftry- 
cooks  o(  Paris,  a  performance  which  boafts  three  diflintt  titles  : 
For,  in  the  lirit  page,  it  is  called  Journal  d'jifi  Danois ;  in  the  ti- 
tle page,  JouT nal  All  dernier  Voyage  du  Citoyen  Dolomieu;  and  at 
the  top  of  the  firtl  page  of  the  text,  Journal  de  mon  Voyage  avec 
le  Citoyen  Dolomieu.  As  the  firft  and  the  bit  of  thefe  dcfcrip- 
tions  are  in  fome  degree  applicable  to  the  performance,  we  flial! 
not  flop  to  inquire  what  right  the  fecond  had  to  ufurp  the  title- 
pa<Te.  Indeed,  as  the  work  is  altogether  foreign  to  the  treatife 
we  are  about  to  confider,  we  perhaps  ought  to  difmifs  it  entirely ; 
but  there  is  fomething  fo  feducing  in  the  found  of  Dernier  Voyage 
du  Citoyen  Dolotnieu  (the  title  to  which  it  has  no  real  claim),  that 
our  readers  may  not  think  a  very  few  cbfervations  entirely  mif- 
placed,  or  devoid  of  intercft. 

Did  we  not  kno-w,  that  the  Danes,  in  general,  are  more  pru- 
dent than  witty,  we  ftiould  think  the  author  of  this  *  Journal ' 
had  been  expatriated  by  the  ridicule  of  his  countrymen  ;  but  as 
the  intelligent  part  of  them  would  certainly  have  endeavoured  to, 
keep  concealed  lb  deplorable  a  fpecimcn  cf  the  breed,  we  have 
jejeded  tliis  fuppoudon  in  favour  of  another,  which- we  have  good 

reafoa 


j8o4'      Dolomien,  Bur  la  Philofcphie  Miner alogique,  Isfc.         2^7 

reafon  to  believe  correal:.  Among  thofe  who  bear  fway  in 
Denmiirk,  fome  are  to  be  found,  who,  from  congeni;ility  of 
fentiment  and  talent,  have  gracioully  confidered  M.  Neergaarcf 
as  a  proper  perfon  to  be  fitted  out  as  a  fcientific  privateer, 
to  accumulate  and  carry  home  the  arts  and  fciences  of  Europe. 
Fortun;;tcly  for  the  fuccefs  and  economy  of  this  enterprize,  M. 
Neergaard  concentrates  the  moiil  opponte  attainments  :  he  is  e- 
qually  profound  in  painting,  mufic,  chymiftry,  mmeralogy,  belles- 
Utires^  antiquities,  and  agriculture.  In  every  page  of  this  jour- 
nal, li-e  pafles,  with  inimitable  nimblenefs  and  facility,  from  one 
of  thefe  fciences  to  another,  and  thereby  affords  an  attentive 
reader  frequent  opportunities  of  gleaning  much  diverfiiicd  mfor- 
mation. 

lie  tells  us,  that  Dolomieu  had  no  theory  at  hand  to  explain 
the  Roche  polie,  and  that  he  wondered  how  Bonaparte  and  his 
cannon  pafled  St  Gothard  ;  he  finds,  in  the  churches  of  Sion, 
The  Madonna  Santiflima  painted  with  the  face  of  a  Cretin  ;  and 
v/e  are  informed,  that  Dolomieu  gave  alms  to  a  cripple  al;  the 
baths  of  Leuk,  where  the  author  drank  excellent  Mufcat  wine. 
Moreover,  that  the  travellers  were  received  at  Leuk,  in  the  houfe 
of  a  man  who  was  '  not  an  innkeeper,  but  one  of  the  firfl  nobles 
of  the  country  ;  that  he  charged  them  the  value  of  what  they 
eat ;  and  that  Dolomieu  was  much  delighted  with  this  ^nodcrtj  hoj- 
p'itaiil\K  '  After  dcfcribing  a  cafcade,  he  fagely  remarks,  that  *  if 
travelling  is  expenfive  to  him  on  one  hand,  it  is  economical  on  the 
other ;  for  he  will  never  make  an  artificial  cafcade,  after  feeing 
thofe  of  Norway  and  Switzerland.  '  We  have  tranilated  this  re- 
mark at  full  length,  as  it  is  infinitely  the  heft  in  the  book  ;  and  if 
M.  Neergaard's  refolution  was  generally  adopted,  much  money 
might  be  laved,  and  the  difplay  of  much  bad  tafte  prevented.  As 
Sauffure  has  already  recorded  fome  inftances  ot^^  the  inhofpitality  of 
Alpine  cures,  our  readers  probably  have  been  more  furprifed  at 
M.  Neergaard's  late  effort  of  fagacity,  than  they  will  be,  at  be- 
ing informed  that  the  paftor  of  St  Roch  refufed  bread  to  the  tra- 
vellers, though  he  afterwards  gave  fome  to  their  mules.  Every 
©ne,  however,  may  not  be  aware,  that  it  is  *  the  mode  in  Swit- 
zerland, for  perfons  to  have  a  piece  of  chalk  always  in  their  hands 
to  make  calculations  ;  '  and,  accullomed  as  we  were  to  M.  Neer- 
gaard's vivacity  of  tranfition,  we  were  fomewhat  aftonifhed  at  be- 
ing told,  immediately  after  a  magnificent  declamation  of  DoJo- 
mieu's  on  the  beft  way  of  forming  fpecimens,  '  that  every  body 
there  eats  brocoli,  a  kind  of  cauliflower  very  common  in  Italy.  ' 

During  the  time  the  travellers  remained  in  the  mountains,   Do- 
lomieu is  occafionally  feen,  though  kept  as   much  as  poflible  in 
the  back- ground.     The  Dane  Neergaard  is  every  where  the  prin- 
cipal 


288         Dolomieu,  Sur  la  Philojhphie  Alineralo^iqiiet  iufc.        July 

cipal  figure ;  and  a  Benedicline  of  Difcentir,  v/liofe  brethren  ap- 
pear to  have  been  concerned  in  a  mailacre  of  French  prifoners, 
*  complimented  him  on  the  good  reception  Copenhagen  had  given 
the  EngUih.  *  Alter  their  arrival  at  Berne,  Dolomieu  almolt  en- 
tirely difappears ;  and  the  whole  attention  of  M.  Neergaard 
is  occupied  in  panegyrizing  fonie  obfcure  artiils,  moil  of  whom 
pofTefs  the  limited  and  equivocal  reputation  he  labours  to  at- 
tain for  himfelf.  The  remainder  of  the  volume  contains  fundry 
paflages  equally  precious  with  thofe  we  have  quoted  ;  but  we  do 
notpropofe  to  increafe  our  feIe6lion  -,  and  haften  to  the  conclufion, 
where  we  find,  to  our  inexpreffible  fatisfadlion,  that  the  travellers 
having  feparated  fome  days  before  the  commencement  of  Dolo- 
mieu's  fatal  illnefs,  the  tranquillity  of  his  laft  hours  was  not  dil- 
turbed  by  the  impertinence  of  hWfoi-difant  friend.  *' 

Let  us  turn  to  a  work  of  a  very  different  cafl,  '  Sur  la  Phih- 
fophie  Miiieralogique.  ' 

The  fimilarity  of  the  title  will  not,  we  hope,  induce  any  one  to 
fuppofe  that  this  tract  refembles,  in  any  refpe£i:,  a  book  called  the 
Philofophy  of  Mineralogy,  which  was  publiflied  in  this  country 
iome  years  ago.  That  was  the  crude  performance  of  a  man,  who 
had  jull  learnt  enough  of  the  German  fyflem,  to  obferve  fome 
of  its  glaring  defers,  but  who  had  not  fufficieat  genius  to  fuggell 
an  adequate  remedy  ;  who,  conceiving  nis  imperfect  and  limited 
geological  knowledge  to  comprife  all  the  arcana  of  the  Icience, 
imagined  that  an  ill  arranged  compilation  of  the  common-place 
notions  on  geology,  and  on  the  defcriptiou  and  claffification  of 
minerals,  could  deferve  the  high-founding  title  of  the  *  Philofophy 
of  Mineralogy.  ' 

The  effay  we  are  about  to  examine  '  Sur  la  Philofophie  Mineral- 

*  It  is  not  our  intention  to  be  cither  the  biographers  or  eiilogills  o{ 
Dolomieu  ;  but  we  think  It  an  honourable  department  of  our  duty  to 
refcue  illuftrious  charafters  from  mifreprefentation.  Perhaps  fome  of 
our  readers  may  not  have  been  informed,  that,  at  an  early  period  of  his 
life,  Dolomieu  faved  mofl  of  the  fick  in  an  hofpital  from  being  burnt  to 
death,  by  expofing  his  own  life  in  cutting  off  the  communication  of  the 
'  flames — that  at  the  moft  atrocious  period  of  the  Revolution  he  had  tlie 
intrepidity  to  publlfh  an  eloquent  tribute  to  the  virtues  of  the  murdered 
La  Rochefoucault,  and  a  terrible  denunciation  againfl;  his  authorifed  af- 
faffins — that  when,  on  his  releafe  from  prifon,  the  Firft  Conful  defired 
him  to  allc  what  he  pleafed,  he  was  contented  with  demanding  the  eraz- 
urc  of  his  cldeft  brother's  name  from  the  llil  of  emigrants — and  that 
when  he  was  elcfted  a  profeflbr  at  the  Jard'in  dcs  Plants^  he  rcfigned 
his  commlffion  as  engineer  of  mines,  becaufe,  he  fald,  many  men  of  me- 
rit needed  the  falary  more  than  he  didt 


;8o"4-      Dolomieu,  Sur  la  PMIofophle  Mineralogiquey  ^c.         289 

Ggiqucy '  is  the  work  of  a  man  who  was  acquainted  with  all  exift- 
in^  fyitenis,  and  (enfible  of  their  defe£i:s  j  who  had  genius  to  de- 
yife  a  remedy,  and  judgment  to  point  out  its  appUcation.  This 
work  has  nothing  to  do  with  prefent  fyftems,  but  to  expofe  their 
errors ;  and  proceeds  no  farther  in  framing  a  new  one,  than  to 
define,  clearly,  the  line  that  ihould  be  purfued. 

Mineralogy,  properly  fo  called,  may  be  practical  or  philofophi- 
cal.  Its  pra6lical  employment  confilts  in  the  refearch  and  exami- 
nation of  all  mineral  fubllances,  in  recognizing  and  diftinguifhing 
them,  in  naming  and  arranging  them  in  determinate  fpecies  and 
convenient  genera,  in  defcribing  them  with  exadlnefs,  and  alT.m- 
bling  them  to  form  collections.  To  philofophicai  mineralogy  be- 
long— the  examination  of  methods  pra£lically  employed- -the  in- 
veftigation  of  all  the  properties  of  which  minerals  are  fufceptible, 
that  from  their  comparifon  diftinCtive  and  fpecific  characters  may 
be  deduced — the  right  of  determining  the  meaning  of  the  words 
employed,  and  of  affixing  precife  and  invariable  terms  to  every 
modification  of  fubllances — the  formation  of  methods  for  the  ar- 
rangement and  defcription  of  minerals — the  right  of  criticizing 
fyftems  propofed  or  adopted — the  hiftory  of  what  has  been  done 
for  the  advancement  of  the  fcience,  and  of  the  caufes  which  have 
advanced  or  retarded  it — and  the  indication  of  every  thing  that 
can  facilitate  the  progrefs  of  the  mineralogift,  that  can  affift  his 
labours,  or  fimplify  his  refearches. 

■  Important  as  thefe  confiderations  are,  they  have  been  treated 
■with  comparative  neglett.  The  attention  of  mineralogifts  has  been 
almoft  entirely  occupied  by  the  more  fhowy  toil  of  accumulating 
fpecimens  into  clailes  and  genera,  dividing  them  into  fpecies,  and 
arranging  them  in  cabinets.  They  forgot  to  examine,  by  ftri6t 
philofophic  inquiry,  the  foundation  of  their  divifions,  the  juftice 
of  their  criteria,  or  the  propriety  of  their  arrangement.  Though 
no  mineralogift,  fince  the  time  of  Bergman,  has  written  exprefsly 
on  the  philofophicai  part  of  the  fubje£t,  many  have  indire£lly 
contributed  to  its  advancement.  Werner  did  much,  by  liiniting 
the  meaning  of  the  terms  employed,  and  by  proving  the  vaft  uti- 
lity of  external  characters  in  the  difcrimination  of  minerals.  Yet 
Werner  left  the  fubject  extremely  imperfdcf:,  by  his  voluntary, re- 
jection of  internal  characters,  and  by  his  abfolute  negltct  of  all 
fixed  rules  in  determining  the  fpecies.  This  negHgence,  indeed, 
has  been  common  to  every  fyftem  of  mineralogy  that  has  apoear- 
e4,  *  and  the  moft  extraordinary  and  prejudicial  confufion  has 

VOL   IV.  NO.  8.  r  refulted 

.  *  Wlitn  D<jloniieu  compaffd  this  eflay*  the  *  Traits  de  Min'raf. 
ogk  '.  by  Haiiy  was  not  pubiiihed,  -In  molt  refpeds  it  is  compoled  on 
fuch;a  plan  as  he  indicates. 


igcy         DdTomieu,  Sar  la  Philofophle  Mifteralogi^Cy  i^c,        Jutr 

refulted  from  it.  A  number  of  minerals,  from  fome  imagined 
fimilitude^  have  been  huddled  into  a  genus,  and  then,  from  fan- 
cied differences,  have  been  Iplit  into  fpecies.  As  the  accumula- 
tion into  genera  generally  preceded  the  divifion  into  fpecies,  that 
operation  became  a  fertile  lource  of  fubfequent  mitlakes.  Some- 
times the  groffcll  incongruities  M^ere  united  m  the  varieties  of  the 
fame  fpecies  ;  and  f-jmetimes  the  faintell  fhade  of  diflimilarity 
coniHtutcd  a  feparate  fpecies. 

With  an  amiable  attention  to  the  feelings  of  living  a/utliors, 
Dolomieu.has  fele^ted  the  inilances  by  which  he  illullrates  thefe 
abfurdities,  from  Wallerius  and  Born,  though  he  might  have 
ilrengthened  his  argument  by  approaching  nearer  to  his  own 
times.  The  arrangements  he  refers  to  are  now  generally  allowed 
to  be  defective  ;  but,  untortivnately,  the  attempts  to  reform  thent 
have,  in  too  many  inltances,  been  made  by  hands  equally  rafli 
and  indeeilive  with  thofe  that  committed  the  original  midakes. 
It  is  only  by  examining,  in  detail,  the  fources  of  error,  that  we 
can  intercept  their  operation  on  future  fyltems  ;  and  fuch  an  in- 
quiry is  certaii^ly  one  of  the  molt  important  m  which  we  can  eni- 

Nothing  has  contributed  more  copioufly  to  the  errors  of  mine- 
ralogy, than  the  perverfc  and  prevailing  fyftem  of  eftablilhing 
geniray  previous  to  the  accurate  divifion  into  fpecies.  Other  er- 
rors have  proceeded  from  confidering  compound  maffcs  as  fpe- 
cies. Addi-tional  miftakes  have  been  created,  by  confounding 
the  (inOi  mineralogical  fpecies  with  the  conventional  fpecies  of 
artills  *,  and,  from  the  cooperation  of  thefe  caufes,  fuch  confu- 
fion  has  been  protluced,  that  many  naturalilis  have  denied  the 
poflibiJiry  of  limiting  the  mineralogical  fpecies,  ar,  in  other 
words,  have  d<;nied  that  any  real  difi:in<ilion  of  fpecies  exilled. 

By  removing  from  our  view  all  the  deceptive  circumftances- 
with  which  the  confideration  of  this  fubjeft  has  been  embar- 
raffed,  we  fliall  find  that  the  mineralogical  fpecies  a£lually  ex- 
ills  }  that  it  is  defined  by  a  combination  of  the  mod  invariable 
laws  ;  that  every  fpecies  is  reprefented  by  a  molecule  pofleffing 
properties  whofe  aggregate  is  peculiar  to  itfelf ;  that  every  fpe- 
cies of  mineral  is  diflingu  fhed  by  a  peculiar  molecule,  and  that 
each  kind  of  molecule  is  always  found  in  pofieflion  of  its  charac- 
teriftic  properties  ;  that  a  combination  of  fimilar  molecules  can 
only  conftitute  one  fpecies  of  mineral,  and  that  the  aggregate  fo 
formed  will  retain  the  characters  of  the  molecules  which  form  it. 

We  are  informed  by  chemilfry,  that  fragments  from  different 
parts  of  a  homogeneous  mineral  are  fimilarly  compofed,  and 
that  minerals  of  t'  e  fame  phyfical  characters  yield  fimilar  re- 
fults  %  and  therefore  we  are  allured  that  the  compofition  of  the 

molecule 


1804.     Dolomieu,  Stir  !a  PhUofophie  Mineyatcglquey  ^c.         29 1 

molecule  is  always  the  (-Mne  in  the  fame  fpecies.  We  find  that, 
in  breaking  fuch  minerals  as  are  fufceptible  of  mechanical  divi- 
fion,  we  always  extraft  from  th6  fame  fubftance  folids  of  pre- 
cifely  fimilar  forms.  We  alfo  find  that  all  the  ciyllalline  modi- 
fications of  fuch  fubftance,  are  deducible  from  the  accumula* 
tion  of  folids  fimilar  to  thofe  which  we  have  mechanically  ex- 
rrafted  ;  and  thence  we  acquire  this  moft  important  informa* 
tion,  that  the  molecule  has  an  invariable  form,  determined 
with  geometrical  precifion.  We  find  that  falts  diflblved  and 
cryftallized  a  thoufand  times,  never  vary  in  their  cryftalline  forms; 
and  therefore  we  know  that  the  molecule  poffefles  an  inherent 
cryftalline  polarity,  which  gives  it  an  indefinite  power  of  repro- 
ducing folids  fimilar  in  form  and  compofition.  We  alfo  find  the 
magnetic  phenomena  to  be  attached  to  the  fmalleft  fragments  o£ 
fuch  bodies  as  poflefs  it  in  the  mafs  ;  and  therefore  we  know 
magnetifm  to  be  inherent  in  the  molecule. 

The  molecules  of  thofe  bodies  which,  by  refifting  ©ur  efforts 
to  difintejjrate  them,  have  hitherto  been  confidered  as  fimple, 
can  only  he  deprived  of  their  properties  by  combination  with  o- 
ther  elementary  bodies.  This  combination  generates  new  mole- 
cules, which  cannot  be  taken  away  without  efFefting  the  decom- 
pofition  and  deftru^tion  of  the  molecule.  This  may  be  accom- 
pliflied,  either  by  forming  a  new  combination  with  a  frefli  in- 
gredient, or  by  removing  fome  of  the  conftituent  elem.entary 
particles.  It  may  be  obferved,  that  this  intimate  union  of  the 
ultimate  particles  of  fubftnnces  rarely  takes  place  among  many 
ingredients,  and  that,  in  many  molecules,  only  two  ingredients 
are  eflential,  and  in  few  more  than  three. 

Each  molecule,  therefore,  however  minute,  has  a  certaia 
compofition,  is  inverted  with  a  determinate  form,  and  poiTelfed 
of  unalterable  phyfical  characters.  It  therefore  is  air  individual, 
and  the  reprefentative  of  a  fpecies.  The  accumulation  of  fiich 
molecules,  in  the  moft  favourable  circumftances,  would  gene- 
rate regular  cryftals  polfefling  the  form  of  the  molecule,  or  deriv- 
able from  it,  and  invefted  with  all  the  properties  which  the  mole- 
cule pofteflts.  The  accumulation  of  different  m.oleculeS  would 
form  another  fpecies  ;  and  there  can  be  no  binary  or  other  com- 
bination of  molecules  to  form  intermediate  fpecies; 

But  though  intermediate  fpecies  cannot  exift,  it  is  but  rarely 
that  minerals  are  found  in  a  ftate  of  aggregation  fit  for  difplay- 
ing  all  the  properties  of  the  molecule,  or  uncontaminated  by 
parafitical  fubftances.  If  the  molecules  are  fufpended  in  a  fluid, 
if  they  are  in  a  pulverulent  ftate,  or  forming  an  amorphous  mafs, 
the  developement  of  many  of  their  properties  is  necefl'arily  pre- 
vented. The  moft  important  of  them  all,  the  regularity  of 
form,   is  entirely  concealed ;    and  if  other  characfters  are   not 

X  3  fcund 

/ 


25>2        Dolomleu,  Sur  la  Philofophie  Minefaloglque^  ^c,        July 

found  fufficient  to  difcriminate  the  fpeclCvS,  recourfe  muft  be  had 
.to  the  analytic  inveftigation  of  its  components.  Thus,  if  the 
fluid  be  homogeneous,  the  fpecits  may  be  dete(il;ed  ;  if  the  pow- 
.der  be  unmixed,  its  compofition  may  be  found  out  j  the  amor- 
phous mafs  may  poffefs  iuch  internal  arrangement,  that  the  di- 
ie6lion  of  the  natural  joints  may  be  obferved,  and  confequently 
the  form  of  the  molecule  may  be  determined  ;  and,  even  when 
arrangement  is  wanting,  the  talk  of  difcrimination  may  be  per- 
formed by  numerous  diftin^l  phyfical  qualities. 

It  is  not,  however,  the  variety  of  aggregation  that  proves  the 
mofV  abundant  fource  of  error,  but  the  adventitious  additions 
which  contaminate  minerals.  Some  of  thefe  feem  to  adhere  to 
the  molecule  itfelf,  to  be  even  infiauated  as  pafhve  ingredients 
into  its  compofition,  to  be  enveloped  during  the  aggregation  of 
molecules  into  cryftals,  and,  ftiil  more  abundantly,  during  their 
confolidation  into  irregular  mailes.  Thefe  fuperfluities  In  no 
lefpedl  alter  the  form  or  properties  of  the  molecule,  and  their 
quantity  is  rarely  fufficient  to  afFeft,  in  any  confiderable  degree, 
the  apparent  refults  of  analyfis.  As  chemiftry  cannot  feparate 
them,  it  is  only  by  obferving  their  want  of  ini^uence  that  their 
Superfluity  can  be  afcertained.  Though  thefe  fuperfluities  may 
jiot  affetl  the  eflTential  properties  of  the  molecule,  there  may  be 
many  caufes  in  which  they  may  vary  fome  of  its  phyfical  cha- 
ra£lers.  Thus,  all  varieties  of  colour  are  produced  by  fuper- 
fluous  matter  v  and  when  it  is  added  in  greater  abundance,  it 
affetls  the  tranfparency,  and  perhaps  the  hardnefs  of  the  fub- 
flance,  and  may  vary  the  a£l:ion  of  chemical  tells.  The  fuper- 
fluous  matter  may  be  increafed  to  fuch  an  amount,  that  it  may 
.exceed  in  quantity  the  molecules  of  the  fubftance,  which  may 
.neverthelefs  retain  its  chara^teriftic  qualities.  Thus  the  (impro- 
_perly  fo  called)  cryfballized  fand-ftone  of  Fountainbleau,  con- 
tains more  filex  than  carbonated  lime  ;  and  yet  the  cryflials,  fo 
charged,  afl'ume  one  of  the  regular  forms  of  carbonated  lime, 
cfl'ervefce  with  acids,  and  are  decorapofed  by  heat. 

The  changes  thus  induced  in  the   phyfical  conftitutlon   of  the^ 
fpecies,  neither  form  nev^^^  fpecies,  nor  are  they  properly  varieties, 
of  the  original  one:  they. are   mere  imperfeftions.  .  Yet  even/ 
thefe  imperfections  inay  be   of  important   ufe  in   difcriminating- 
fpecies,  though  particular  care  mult  be  taken  not  to  fall  into  the 
.very  common  error  ol   founding  the  diftinclions  of  fpecies  upon' 
^them.     It  ihould  never  be  forgotten  that  the  fapphire,  the  ruby, 
and  the  topaz  of  the  Eaft,  in  defiance  of  tlie  fuperior  judgement 
of  the   natives   of    the  countries   where  they   are   found,  have 
been  feparated  into  three  fpecies  by  all  the  mineralogifts  in  Eu- 
rope, merely  becaufe  the  one  was  blue,  the  other  red,  and  the 

third 


i8o4«     Dolomieu,  Sur  la  "PhilofopJne  Miner alogiqtiey  Isfc.        "293 

third  yellow  ;  and  it  required  fome  years  of  controverfy,  with  all 
the  fagacity  of  Mr  Greville,  the  cryffcallographical  {kill  of  Count 
Bournon,  and  the  analytical  ability  of  Mr  Chenevix,  to  produce 
a  convicStion  of  their  identity.  Yet,  we  repeat  it,  there  is  no 
difference  between  thefe  bodies  except  in  colour !  The  fame  ta- 
lents that  have  determined  the  propriety  of  their  union,  have 
alfo  united  with  them  the  corundum,  or  adamantine  fpar  ;  a 
fubflance  which  prefents  much  mofe  ftriking  diverfity  to  the 
eye,  though  in  every  elTential  character  it  coincides,  and  in 
compofition  is  exadlly  the  fame.  Let  this  inllance  fufhce  to 
Ihow  the  wretched  errors  into  which  thofe  muft  fall  who  clafs 
minerals  by  the  luftre  or  the  hue,  and  who,  confequently,  are 
almoft  invariably  guided  by  their  imperfecilions  inftead  of  their 
efTential  charafters. 

In  the  formation  of  fpecies,  nothing  fhould  be  confidered  but 
the  inalienable  characters  of  the  molecule;  but;  in  the  diftribu- 
tion  of  fpecimens  to -the  fpecies  to  which  they  appertain,  re- 
courfe  muft  be  had,  not  only  to  fuch  of  the  charafters  of  the 
molecule  as  are  never  concealed,  but  alfo  to  the  paraiirical'  cha- 
radlers  caufed  by  the  fuperfluous  matter  which  attaches  itfelf  to 
the  molecules.  Though  the  conflant  occurrence  of  fimilar  im- 
perfections fliould  in  no  refpeft  wharever  influence  the  forma- 
tion of  fpecies,  they  may  afford  moft  ufeful  diftintliive  criteria; 
and  their  union  with  other  characi^ers,  in  themfelves  unimport- 
ant, may  form  an  evidence  fufBciently  decifive  of  the  nature  of 
particular  fpecimens.  •  To  llrengthen  this  evidence,  many  ex- 
trinfic  circum. fiances  may  be  tnken  into  confideration.  Independ- 
ent of  the  characters  derivable  from  the  eilential  properties  of 
the  molecule,  the  general  afTumption  of  a  particular  colour  may 
afford  a  ftrong  prefumption.  Other  fpecits  may  be  diftinguifh- 
ed  by  their  affecting  peculiar  difpofitions  of  the  molecules,  as 
by  their  cryilals  being  generally  of  one  form,  or  generally' defec- 
tive, or  afTuming  particular  indeterminate  forms,  or  being  al- 
ways amorphous.  Other  indications,  equally  important,  may 
be  derived  from  afTociation  ;  for  it  is  afcsrtained,  that  certain 
minerals  are  almoft  invariably  found  together,  and  that  others 
are  always  difunited.  In  fecondary  rocks  we  need  not  look  for  . 
primitive  minerals.  We  know  that  Ikvas  generally  contain  cer- 
tain bodies;  arid  therefore  the  knovvledge  that  the  bafis  is  a  lava, 
alFords  a  prefumption  that  the  imbedded  fobftances  only  belong 
to  a  few  fpecies  which  are  eafily  dillinguifiiable  from  one  ano- 
ther. 

It  Is  not  enough  to  be  informed  of  the  characters  which  ferve 
to  unite  individual  fpecimens  to  a  given  fpecies:  we  muft  alfo 
poffefs  a  knowledge  of  the  points  of  refemblance.  between  dlffer- 

T  3  ent 


^94        Dolomleu,  Bur  la  Ph'ilofophie  MtneralogiquCy  tsfc.       July 

ent  fpecies,  that  a  contraft  may  be  oppofed  to  each  fimilitude. 
The  chemift  finds  a  fufficient  contraft  in  the  analyfis.  The  mi- 
neralogift  feeks  it  in  the  phyfical  charadiers.  The  union  of  dif- 
tin<Slive  chara£t:ers  forms  the  fpecific  chara£ler  of  a  fpecies  which 
may  confift  of  one  property  or  of  feveral ;  and  there  are  (gw 
fubftances  which  do  not  require  the  union  of  feveral  properties 
to  form  it.  We  can  affirm  of  the  diamond,  that  it  is  harder 
than  any  known  body  ;  and  this  may  ferve  as  its  fpecific  charac- 
ter :  but  there  are  few  fubflances  which  poflefs  any  one  proper- 
ty fo  univerfally  pecuUar.  For  it  muft  be  remembered,  that 
the  fpecific  chara£ler  is  to  diftinguifii  the  fpecies  from  every  o- 
ther  fubllance,  though  each  of  the  diflin6live  chara6lers  of 
"which  it  is  compofed  may  only  ferve  to  feparate  it  from  a  par- 
ticular fpecies. 

As  the  fpecies  is  capable  of  being  defined  with  the  moft  rigo- 
rous precifion,  it  ought  to  form  the  bafis  of  every  methodical 
arrangement.  No  fubftance  can  be  admilfible  into  any  flrift 
niineralogical  fyftem,  which  is  not  referable  to  fome  fpecies  ^ 
and  every  fpecies  may  be  confidered  as  the  centre,  round  which 
all  its  varieties  are  to  be  co]lc£led.  Genera  ought  to  be  formed 
by  the  union  of  fpecies,  and  from  fimilarities  derivable  from 
their  eflential  charaiSlers,  and  not  from  their  imperfeftions. 
This  is  comparatively  an  unimportant  tallc  •,  for  it  was  truly  faid 
by  Buffbn,  that  '  fcience  makes  the  fpecies,  and  ignorance  the 
genera  ;  '  and  provided  the  analogy,  on  which  the  congregation 
into  genera  proceeds,  be  ftriclly  obferved,  it  :s  of  little  import- 
ance which  is  aliumed  of  the  numerous  relations  that  prcfent 
themfelves. 

But  it  is  obvious,  that  there  are  a  formidable  number  of  com- 
pound bodies  which  this  arrangement  would  exclude  from  me- 
thodical mineralogy,  and  which  are  of  vartly  too  great  import- 
apce  to  be  treated  with  neglccl.  Where  their  components  are 
diflinguilhable  by  the  feveral  uAis  we  have  ic  in  our  power  to 
apply,  they  may  be  clafTed  as  compounds,  '^nd  <lfcfcribtd  by  the 
enumeration  of  their  components  ;  but  in  the  more  numerous 
'mftances,  where  the  particles  that  form  them  are  too  minute  to 
be  recogtiifed,  there  feems  to  be  no  other  refource,  than  to  re- 
icr.tliem  to  geology,  to  whofe  province  they  belong,  to  arrange 
them  according  to  their  relative  pofition  and  combinations,  and 
to  defcrlbe  them  according  to  fnch  phyfical  char:i6lers  as  they 
poffefs.  As  all  thefe  fubfbances  are  liable  to  perpetual  mutabi- 
lity of  compofition,  thefe  char.irtcrs  cannot  be  permanent  or 
v.nchanging,  though  they  may  be  in  fome  degree  regulated  by 
the  geological  relations  which  afford  the  only  means  of  deter- 
iiiiuin'j!  the  nature   of  heterogeneous   mnfffs,  unlefs  recourfe  be 

■  '   "'  -  •■  had 


sS04-     Dolomieu,  S«r  la  Phikfoph'ie  Minerahgique^  \Sc,         '^95 

had  to  the  endlefs  toil  of  analyfes,  whofe  refults  muft  vary  in 
every  fpecimen.  Thefe  mafles  cannot  conftiture  fpecies,  thouLfh 
they  form  rocks  of  a  particulars^/-/;  and  that  tr-rm  feems  to  be 
the  mofl;  applicable  to  them,  as  well  as  to  thefe  conventional  fpe- 
cies depending  on  particular  and  unphilofophical  connderation<i 
which  artifts  have  laviflily  invented. 

It  feems  obvious,  that  the  adoption  of  the  ftri(f\  rules  of  in- 
veftigation  here  recommended,  would  operate  mod  beneficially 
in  ailing  the  progrefs  of  mineralogy,  and  in  facilitating  the  ac- 
quifition  of  what  is  already  known.  The  attention,  inftead  of 
being  un profitably  directed  to  frivolous  minutla^  would  be  cen- 
tred on  a  few  grand  eflentials,  the  acquifition  of  which  would 
not  merely  ferve  to  form  mineralogical  di(lin£tions,  but  to  con- 
vey an  important  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  the  fubflance,  by 
enforciniJ  attention  to  its  phyfical  properties.  Mineralogy  would 
be  fimpUfied  by  the  rejection  of  unneceflary  fpecies,  and  by  the 
fubdivifion  of  fuch  as  were  incongruoufly  comprehenfive.  The 
fubje<£Hon  of  all  unknown  fubftances  to  rigorous  examination, 
would  either  afcertain  their  union  with  a  fpecies  already  known, 
or  legitimate  their  claims  to  forming  a  feparate  fpecies.  Geolo- 
gy would  become  an  effential  branch  of  knowledge  ;  fo  that  no 
mere  mineralogift  of  the  cabinet  could  exi(l.  The  chaos  of  im- 
proper appellations  would  in  time  be  done  away  ;  and  minera- 
Jogy,  thus  fimplified  and  extended,  would  become  more  accefil- 
ble,  comprehensive,  and  important. 

In  this  (hort  abftraft,  we  have  not  exaftly  followed  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  original  work,  nor  have  we  entered  into  the 
collateral  difcuflions  which  appeared  not  intimately  conne<Sled 
with  the  fubjeft,  or  to  be  of  little  confequence  in  its  confidera- 
tion.  We  have  not  followed  Dolomieu  in  his  attempt  to  fix  the 
meaning  of  certain  words  he  employs,  becaufe  they  only  apply 
to  thofe  mittutide,  into  the  difcuflion  of  which  our  limits  do  not: 
permit  us  to  enter  ;  and  we  here  confined  our  endeavours  to  laying 
before  our  readers  the  fcope  and  the  ilrength  of  his  argument. 
Though  we  might  complain  that,  in  this  work,  Dolomieu  has 
fometimes  been  tedious,  and  fometimes  frivolous,  and  that  he 
has  too  often  reforted  to  the  inaccuracy  of  metaphorical  iliuftra- 
tion,  we  confider  his  obje«Sl  as  completely  and  decifively  efta- 
blilhed  ;  and  we  venture  to  hope,  that  no  future  fabricator  of  a 
fyftem  of  mineralogy  will  forget,  th?.t  each  fpecies  is  capable  of 
the  moft  rigorous  definition  ;  that  genera  are  to  be  formed  from 
fpecies,  and  not  fpecies  from  genera  ;  that  the  imperfeiSlions  of 
individual  fpecimens  ought  never  to  conftitute  fpecies  ;  and  that 
fuch  mafles  as,  by  the  mutability  of  their  compolltion,  or  varia- 
bility of  their  characters,  cannot  be  conftantly  referred  to  any 

T  ^  dcnnit<r' 


2Cf6         Dolom'ieu,  Si/r  la  Phllcfophie  Mirteralagique,  i^c.       July 

definite  fpecies,  are  not  to  be  intruded  into  fyftematic  mineralo- 
gy at  all,  but  are  to  be  transferred  to  their  preological  relations. 
After  fo  mafterly  an  expofition  of  the  capabilities  of  this  fcience, 
no  indulgence,  we  think,  {hould  be  {hown  to  thofe  whofe  weak- 
nefs  or  perverfion  of  intellea  (liall  hereafter  allow  them  to  ne- 
glea  or  abandon  the  ftraight  line  which  the  illuftrious  hand  of 
Dolomieu  has  traced,  and  thus  retard,  by  retrograde  or  erring 
movements,  the  march  of  that  fcience  they  pretend  to  ad- 
vance. 


Art.  IV.      The  Georglcs  of  Vitgll.     Tranfiated  into  Englifli  vcrfe  by 
William  Sotheby  Efq. 

H'^HE  author  of  this  tranflation  has  defervedlythe  charafter  of  a 
-*-  refiaed  and  elegant  fcholar.  He  is  known  to  tlie  public  by 
numerous  produdionsj  but  principally  by  the  tranflation  of  Wie- 
land's  Oberon  ;  a  charming  poem,  in  the  perufal  of  which  we 
forget  the  fober  and  fceptical  criticifm  of  the  age  in  which  we- 
jii^ye,  and  willingly  indulge  to  a  modern  writer  that  liccnfe  of  wild 
and  extravagant  fidion  which  h^s  been  ufually  confined  to  the 
ipccious  miracles  of  antiquity.  *  He  has  now  ventured  on  a 
bolder  taflc,  in  clothing  with  an  Englifli  drcfs  the  moll  perfeft, 
tliough  not  the  loftiell  monument  of  Roman  art  and  genius.  No 
writer  has  rivalled  Virgil  in  the  charms  of  his  diclion,  or  the  cla- 
jborate  beauty  of  his  phrafeology  :  and  the  poem  before  us  is  Vir- 
gil's molt  abfolute  and  complete  performance.  It  contains  no 
carelefs  pafiages,  by  improving  which  a  tranflator  may  hope  to 
3tone  for  inferiority,  where  his  original  is  diftinguifhed  by  unu- 
fual  delicacy  or  vigour.  There  is  here  no  current  of  narration, 
which,  by  interefting  the  reader  in  the  progrefs  of  events,  may 
prevent  him  from  obferving  very  carefully  the  finifhing  and  feli- 
city of  the  expreflion.  Thefe,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  cafe, 
inufi;  generally  evaporate  in  the  transfufion  from  one  language 
into  another.  Mr  Sotheby,  however,  has  difcharg'ed  his  ardu- 
ous undertaking  with  great  and  unufuai  fuccefs.     He  has  run  the 

fame 


*  It  does  not  ftem  to  be  generally  known,  in  this  country,  that  the 
t)beron  of  Wieland  is  itfelf  a  tranflation  from  an  old  French  Romance, 
entitled,  Sir  Huon  of  Boiirdeaux.  The  German  pott  has  improved 
and  decorated  the  fable  with  much  ingenuity,  but  its  groundwork  is 
not  altered.  The  ornaments,  too,  of  the  romance  and  of  the  poem, 
are  ufually  fimilar.  M.  Petit  de  la  Croix  is  faid  to  have  been  lar^rely 
indebted  to  the  fame  book  in  hia  Perfian  Tales.  The  romance  feems 
not  to  be  of  a  date  prior  to  the  invention  of  printing. 


l8o4«  Sothehy^  Tranjlntion  of  the  GforgtcK  Hc^'f 

f^me  race  with  fome  of  the  firft  and  moft  celebrated  wortKies  of 
Englilli  poetry,  and  h^  has  manifeftly  diftanced  his  competitors. 
He  will  not  thank  us  for  indifcriminate  approbation  ;  and  his  prer 
tenfions,  even  in  the  attempt  to  tranflate  the  Georgics,  are  fo  ex- 
tremely high,  that  he  muft  excufe  us,  if  at  any  time  we  may  feem 
faftidious  in  pointing  out  what  we  think  defeds  in  its  execution. 
One  obje61:ion,  in  limine,  Vv^e  feel  ourfelves  called  upon  to  make, 
to  the  Darwinian  modulation  v/ith  M'hich  Mr  Sotheby's  verfifica- 
tion  is  infedled.  Of  this  tendency  in  the  author  we  were  not 
apprifed  till  we  entered  upon  the  prefent  work.  His  Oberon,  by 
which  he  was  principally  known  to  us  before,  is  written  in  the 
ftanza  metre,  to  M^hich  the  falfe  decorations  which  Dr  Darwin 
has  introduced  into  the  common  iambic  meafure,  are  not  to  be 
ealily  transferred.  They  are  ornaments  which  can  fcarcely  be 
worn  but  with  i'' 'particular  habit.  We  think  ourfelves  fortunate 
that,  at  entering  upon  Mr  Sotheby's  verfion  of  the  Georgics,  we 
-had  no  pretious  knowledge  of  his  connexion  with  this  fchool  of 
•writing.  Such  an  impreffion  would  have  excited  in  us  fo  violent 
a  preiudice  againft  the  man  who  could  think  of  violating  the  ma- 
tron-like iimplicity  of  the  Mantuan  bard,  with  glittering  and  me- 
retricious graces,  that  we  could  hardly  have  reduced  ourfelves  to 
the  temperament  6f  impartial  judges  ;  and  in  our  indignation  at 
;thedeferters  from  genuine  Englifh,  we  fhould  not  perhaps  have 
'been  able  to  difcover  that,  though  Mr  Sotheby  had  made  feveral 
escurfions  into  the  enemy's  country,  and,  in  fome  inflances,  im- 
bibed their  manners,  and  acquired  their  complexion,  yet  that  at 
the  bottom  he  was  a  native  itiil,  and  redeemed  his  delinquency 
by  many  and  unfophifticated  excellences. 

The  reader,  however,  will  not  doubt  but  that  we  can  fubftan- 
tiate  our  charge  of  Darioinianijin ,  after  he  has  perufed  the  fol- 
lowing paffages". 

B.  11.   323.      Ver  adeh  frondi  neTnoriim,   &c.  is  thus  tranilated  : 
♦  Spring  comes,  new  bud  the  field,  the  flow'r,  the  grove 

Earth  fwells,  and  claims  the  genial  feeds  of  love  : 

-jElher,  great  lord  of  life,  his  wings  extends, 

And  on  the  bofom  of  his  bride  dcfcends. 

With  {how'rs  prolific  feeds  the  vaft  embrace 

That  fills  all  nature,  and  renews  her  race. 

Birds  on  their  branches  hymeneals  fmg, 

The  paftur'd  meads  with  bridal  echoes  ring  ; 

Bath'd  in  foft  dew,  and  fann'd  by  weftern  wind?, 

Each  field  Its  bofom  to  the  gale  unbinds  ;    ^ 

The  blade  dares  boldly  rife  new  funs  beneath, 

The  tender  vine  puts  forth  her  flexile  wreath. 

And,  freed  from  fouthern  blaft  and  northern  fhower, 

i^preads  without  fear,  each  blolfom,  leaf,  and  flower.  ' 


■It^  SothebyV  Tranjlatiofi  of  the  Ge'orgicS.  July 

IV.   "^0.      Hac  circum  cafay  Sec. 

•  There  all  her  fweets  let  favoury  exliaV, 
Thyme  breathe  her  foul  of  fragrance  on  the  gale, 
In  dulcet  ll reams  her  roots  green  cafia  lave, 
And  beds  of  violets  drink,  at  will  the  wave.  ' 

IV.   236.      I/iis  ira  jnodian  fupra  eft.,   &c. 

*  The  injur'd  fwar  rs  with  rage  infatiate  glow. 
Barb  every  Ihaft,   and  poifon  every  blow, 
Deem  life  itfelf  to  vengeance  well  refign'd, 

Die  on  the  wound,  and  leave  their  ftings  behind.  ' 
This  laft  pafiage  is  happily  rendered  ;  but  we  are  inclined  to  fuf- 
pe£l  that  the  tranflator  fancied  the  bees  of  Virgil  to  have  ranged 
in  gardens  particularly  dedicated  to  botany  ;  that  they  were  pro- 
tefted  by  *  aerial  powers  hovering  round, '  who  pointed  their 
flings,  and  animated  *  their  tiny  bands '  to  vengeance. 

A  literal  uninjured  tranfmillion  of  fentiment  from  a  dead  into  a 
living  language  is  generally  impoffibh^.  Adherence  to  the  letter, 
■where  it  enervates  the  fpirit,  is  the  mod  unpardonable  infidelity  : 
and  a  certain  degree  of  licenfe,  in  confideration  of  the  difEculty 
attending  on  his  office,  is  allowed  to  the  poetical  tranflator  ;  as, 
in  diplomacy,  confiderable  difcreiionary  powers  are  vefled  in  the 
ambaftidor  at  a  diftant  court.  A  poet  has  authority  entrufted  to 
him,  to  complete  a  pi(£l:ure  of  which,  the  outlines  only  are  fug- 
gefted  by  his  original ;  and,  while  he  preferves  the  character  of 
the  landfcape,  to  vary  the  light  and  fhade  with  which  it  is  In- 
vefted.  But  this  licenfe,  which  is  never  to  be  ufed  raflily,  is  al- 
ways dangerous  in  the  application.  It  requires  a  talle  more  tlian 
ufually  accurate,  a  thorough  perception  of  that  mind,  the  fcope 
and  lineaments  of  which  are  to  be  exprelTcd,  and  a  kindred  fpirit. 
It  is  carried,  perhaps,  to  its  greatell  allowable  extent,  where  Dry- 
den,  in  his  tranflation  of  the  I2t]i  j3i^neid,  having  defcribed  lu- 
turna  precipitating  herfelf  into  the  river  Tiber,  from  the  effect 
of  a  phrenzied  and  forrowful  dcfpair,  adds,  with  happy  audacity 
to  the  defcription  of  Virgil,  that  celebrated  line, 
*  And  her  laft  fobs  came  bubbling  up  in  air.  ' 
We  could  point  out  many  inftances  in  which  Mr  Sotheby  has 
ufed  the  fame  bold  freedom  with  felicity.  To  the  defcription  of" 
the  manner  in  which  the  bees  recruit  their  wafting  numbers,  is 
added,  with  great  happinefs,  in  the  tranflation  before  us,  the 
feafon  of  the  year  when  the  hive  may  moft  poetically  be  fuppofed 
to  acquire  this  fabled  acceffion  to  its  citizens.  B.  IV.  v.  255.  of 
the  tranflation, 

'   By  inilin6t  led,   at  fpr'tng-tidt's  genial  hour ^ 

They  gather  all  the  race  from  herb  and  flower.  ' 
So  alfo,  B.  II.   I4p.     Hie  vcr  njjldimm  citqiie  alienis  menfihiis  ttfias^ 

'     % 


x8c4«  SotliebyV  TranJIatton  of  the  GeorgUu  299 

is  converted,  with  great  tafte,  into  a  defcription  more  vivid  and 
particular, 

*  And  winter  wears  a  wreath  of  fummer  flowers. ' 
We  do  not  tliink  it  fair  to  attribute  the  luho/e  merit  of  thefe 
elegancies  to  the  rhyme  ;  though  rhyme,  probably,  is  as  often  the 
connecling  caufc  ,of  poetical  invention,  as  the  bond  by  which  it 
is  conftrained.  We  attribute  great  merit  to  Mr  Sotheby  for  the 
tranilation  of  thefe  paflages  ;  but  we  have  to  complain,  that  tliough 
he  is  to  be  commended  for  having  often  varied,  judicioufly,  the 
drapery,  he  has  aifo  often  violated  the  coftume  of  Virgil. 

The  celebrated  hues,  B.  I.  328.  Ipfe  pater  med'u  nimhorum  in 
noBey  yc.  are  rendered  by  Dryden  with  great  fpirit.  The  pre- 
fent  tranilation  has  the  merit  of  more  ftately  verfilication,  and 
greater  fidelity. 

•   The  Thunderer,  thronM  in  clouds,  with  darknefs  crown'd. 
Bares  his  red  arm,  and  flr^flies  lightnings  round. 
The  beads  are  fled  :   earth  rocks  fronn  pole  to  pole. 
Fear  walks  the  world,  and  bows  th'  aftonifh'd  foul  i 
Jove  rives  with  fiery  bolt  Ceraunia's  brow, 
Or  Athos  blazing  'mid  eternal  fnow,  ' 
It  is  to  be  regretted  that,  after  having  executed  the  refl  fo  v/ell, 
the  tranflator  fhould  have  deviated  from  his  original,  for  the  pur- 
pofe  of  introducing  fo  quaint  an   antithefis  as  this,  between  the 
cold  fnow  and  the  hot  thunderbolt  which  blazed  on  Athos.     Had 
he  been  bufied  with  the  fnowy  mantle,  the  icy  beard,  and  the 
rivers  which  trickle  down  the  chin  of  Atlas  in  the  fourth  ^Eneid, 
we  would  have  excufed  a  fimilar  addition  to  the  picture,  but  here 
every  thing  is  grand  and  fimple. 

This  *  blazing  amid  fnow'  belongs,  indeed,  partly  to  a  vitiated 
mode  of  expreflion,  to  which  Mr  Sotheby  is  partial.  Book  II. 
line  82.  of  the  tranilation,  we  have  *  toils  that  never  tire, '  with- 
out any  perceivable  reafon  why  they  fliould  not  produce  the  ufual 
effect  of  toil :  Book  I.  114.  Tr.  *  The  chill  north  blifters  as  it 
blows:'  I.  378.  Tr.,  and  again  IV.  645.  Tr.  '  The  river 
freezes  as  it  flows  : '  1.  94.  Tr.  The  vetch  and  lupine  *  Bow'd 
to  the  gale,  and  rattled  as  it  blew  : '  Book  IV.  305.  Why  fhould 
Virgil's  *  Zephyris prhnum  impellentihus  undiSf''  be  tranflated, 

*  when  firft  young  zephyr  lavea 

His  fponive  pinions  in  the  vernal  waves,  ' 
III.  49.      *  Seu  qtiis  Olympiaca  miratus  pramia  palma.* 

'  Does  fame  for  Pifa'.^  palm  the  coutfer  rear  .-" 
In  thefe,  and  in  other  paflages,  why  fhould  metaphorical  agency 
be   introduced  where  Virgil,  *  the  great  mafler  of  proprieties,  \ 
ufes  the  language  of  fimple  precept  ? 

A  fimilar  admixture  of  injudicious  circumllances,  or  afFedled 
exprelTion,  is  a  blemifh  to  this  work  in  many  of  its  molt  intereft- 

ing 


'j{66  SothebyV  Tranjlatton  of  the  Georgtcf",  '   July 

ing  parts  ;  and  it  is  a  blemifli  from  which  the  original  is  free,  be- 
yond all  other  writers.     We  wifh  that  Mr  Sotheby,  in  preparing 
a  new  edition  of  his  verfion,  which,  we  believe,  is  loudly  called 
for,  would  difcard  fuch  prettinefles,  and  aflume  a  dignity  more 
worthy  his  own  talents,  and  the  majefty  of  his  incomparable  au- 
thor.    The  taflc  will  not  be  a  long  or  tedious  one, 
To  rip  the  tinfel  '  from  the  fatin 
Of  that  pure  uncorrupted  Latin.  ' 
That  he  is  competent  to  better  things,  no  perfon  can  doubt,  who 
will  read  his  tranflation  of  that  noble  apoftrophe  to  ruftic  happi- 
nefs,  II.  459.    0  fortunatos  nimiumj   &c. 

*  Ah  !   happy  fwain  !   ah  !  race  belov'd  of  heaven  ! 
If  known  thy  blifs,  how  great  the  blefling  given  ! 
For  thee  juft  earth  from  her  prolific  beds 
'     ,  Far  from  wild  wzv  fpo.-.taneous  nurture  fheds. 

Though  nor  high  domes  through  all  their  portals  wide 
Each  morn  difgorge  the  flatterer's  refluent  tide  ; 
^ Though  nor  thy  gaze  on  gem- wrought  columns  reft. 
The  brazen  buft,   and  gold-embroider'd  veil  5 
Nor  poifoning  Tyre  thy  (nowy  fleeces  foil, 
Nor  cafia  taint  thy  uncorrupted  oil ; 
Yet  peace  is  thine,  and  life  that  knows  no  change, 
And  various  wealth  in  Nature's  boundlefs  range. 
The  grot,  the  living  fount,  the  umbrageous  glade. 
And  fleep  on  banks  of  mofs  beneath  the  Ihade  ; 
Thine,  all  of  tame  and  wild,  in  lawn  and  field. 
That  paftur'd  plains  or  favage  woodlands  yield  : 
Content  and  patience  youth's  long  toils  affuage, 
Repofe  and  reverence  tend  declining  age  : 
There  Gods  yet  dwell,  and,  as  flie  fled  mankind, 
There  Juftice  left  her  lafl:  lone  trace  behind.  ' 
This  is  admirable.     We  beg  leave  to  refer  alfo  to  Book  I.    393  & 
466;  II.  1365  and  IV.  219. 

We  have  already  adverted  to  the  known  neceffity  of  permitting 
confiderable  liberty  of  word  and  fentiment  to  a  tranllator,  that 
he  may  be  able  to  fulfil  his  part  with  vigour  and  fuccefs.  That 
thas  neceffity  has  been  much  exaggerated  by  Dryden,  and  moft 
of  the  tranllators  who  formed  themfelves  on  his  model,  the 
Georgics  now  prefented  to  the  public  are  a  fufficient  proof.  It 
is  the  clofeft  verfion  of  a  claffic  author,  that  we  have  feen,  de- 
ferving  the  name  of  poetry,  and .  it  owes  much  of  its  excellence 
.3nd  fpirit  to  its  fidelity.  Some  of  its  brighteft  paflages  are  thofe 
which  are  the  moft  literal. 

Book  I.  34. tibi  brachia  contrahit  i'ngens 

Scorpius,  &c. 
'  Scorpius,  even  now,  each  (hrinking  claw  confines. 
And  more  than  half  his^ieaven  to  thee  refigns.  ' 

Book 


l804'  Sotheby's  Tfati/Iation  of  the  Georgia.  301 

Book  I.  247.  Illic.ut  perhibent^   Sec. 

'  There  night,  eternal  night,  and  filence  fleep. 
And  gathering  darknels  broods  upon  the  deep  : 
Or,  from  our  chnie  when  fades  the  orient  ray, 
There  bright  Aurora  beams  returning  day  : 
And  when  above  Sol's  fiery  couriers  glow. 
Late  Vefper  lights  his  evening  liar  below.  ' 
If  the  laft  line  but  one  had  been  Itill  more  rigidly  exacl,  as  it 
might  eafily  have  been,  the  ftrength  and  harmony  of  the  period 
would  not  have  been  impaired. 

We  have  compared  fome  of.  Dryden's  bed  paflages  with  the 
parallel  tranflatiori  of  ^r  Sotheby  :  and  though  we  find  in  Dry- 
den  a  flow  and  exuberance  of  language  almolt  peculiar  to  that- 
great  and  intereding  poet,  it  would  be  unjuft  not  to  allow  to  the 
prefent  tranflator  the  palm  of  fuperiority.  Much  of  Dryden's 
exuberance  proceeds  from  a  want  of  fcrupulous  accuracy  :  but  it 
is  remarkable  that  he  is  often  indebted  for  his  energy  to  an  ad- 
herence to  words  which  Mr  Sotheby  has  too  hallily  forfaken,  or 
from  a  prefervation  of  individual  circumflances,  which  Mr  Sotheby 
has  reduced  to  general  terms. 

Book  I.  462. nam  /ape  videmus 

Ipfms  in  vultii  var'tos  err  are  color  es. 
*  For  oft  we  find  him  finifhing  his  race 

With  various  colours  erring  on  his  face. '  DIryden 

'  But  chief  obferve,  along  his  weftern  way. 

Each  hue  that  varies  at  the  clofe  of  day. '  Sotheey. 

In  the  ilory  of  Orpheus  too  :  Sept  em  ilium  totos,  &c.  The 
feven  continued  months  are  retained  by  Dryden ;  while,  in  the 
prefent  tranflation,  %ve  are  furprifed  to  find,  *  He  many  a  month.  * 
Is  it  poffible  that  a  man,  fo  practifed  in  poetry  as  Mr  Sotheby, 
can  be  ignorant  how  great  a  charm  is  added  to  the  expreffion  by  a 
ftudious  adherence  to  particulars  ?  Does  he  not  know  how  mean 
and  beggarly  a  namelefs  mountain  would  appear  in  coraparifon 
of  *  the  frofty  Caucafus  ? '  Would  he  fubftitute  '  many  a  fylph,' 
in  the  room  of  the  fifty  chofen  guardians  who  protect  the  petti- 
coat J  or  would  he  confent  that  an  indefinite  fea  fhould  fupplant 
*  the  Cafpian  ?'  But  *  many  a '  is  a  favourite  expi'effion  of  Mr 
Sotheby.  In  the  firll  book,  it  occurs  four  times  within  the  fpace 
of  lefs  than  forty  fines  ;  and  in  the  whole  tranflation  fo  frequent- 
ly as  to  be  difgufting. 

We  proceed  to  fome  detached  obfervations  on  certain  lines 
which  we  have  felefted  from  thofe  which  feem  to  require  altera- 
tion, without  thinking  it  neceflary  to  apologize  for  the  minute- 
nefs  of  our  obfervations.  Every  perfon  who  has  pradtifed  metri- 
cal compofition,  is  confcious  of  the  importance  of  verbal  niceties 
and  diftinti^ion ;  and^  as  has  been  before  mmtioiied,  in  a  tran- 

■        -  flatioii 


3Qi  SotliebyV  Tranjlation  of  the  Georgics.  July 

flation  of  the  Georgics,  the  ftrifleft  accuracy  may  juftly  be  ex- 
pe6led. 

I.  28.  Omnia  liherius^  &c.  *  And  the  free  earth  unaflc'd  but 
gave  the  more.  '  Liberius  ferehat  implies,  fimply,  brought  forth 
abundantly. 

I.  281.  *  Oil  Pt:lion  Offa  upheave.'  A  very  heavy  line  and 
harfh  ellfion,  produced  by  a  foolifli  attempt  at  imitative  harmony. 

II.  130.  Ac  memhr'is  agit  ntra  vefienoy  *  the  draught  of  hell, 
is  very  grating  to  our  ears  ;  and  fmiilar  expreflious  occur  more 
than  once. 

III.  1 39.  ExaHis  gravida  cum  menfihus  errant.  '  Ah  !  footh 
her  weaknefs  !  '  The  exclamation  is  mifplaced.  Virgil  would 
notliave  prefaced  his  dire6lions  with  an  Ah  !  or  with  an  O!  It 
is  eafy  to  try  the  experiment  on  the  original,  and  its  incongruous 
eiFe£l  will  immediately  be  difcovered. 

III.   201.      Ille  volat,  fimul  arva  figu^  fimiil  aquora  verrens. 
*  While  his  fleet  wings  at  once  the  earth  and  ocean  fweep.  ' 
Cannot  poets  be  taught  by  the  example  of  Pope's  Camilla,  that 
the   Alexandrine  is   a   very  unhappy  contrivance  to  exprefs  velo- 
city } 

III.  409.  Tr.  Cicada  neither  is  nor  ought  to  be  an  Englifh 
word. 

III.  417.     Stilly:  and  IV.  88.  Shrilly^  we  think  exceptionable. 

III.  437.      ^tum  pofitis  mvus  exiiviiSy   &C. 

'  When  catt  his  flough,  and  fcorii'd  Ills  famiQi'd  young.  ' 
Virgil  does  not  mean  to  intimate  any  parental  negligence  in  the 
ferpent ;  but,  in  faying  that  he  leaves  his  young,  means  fimply  to 
recal  that  period  of  year  when  the  ferpent,  in  common  with  other 
animals,  is  fiercell  and  moft  irritable.  *  Turn  fzvus  aper,  turn 
peffnna  tigris. ' 

III.  453.   Tr.      •    Breath  palpable  to  touch  at  once  defcends, 

And  rigid  ice  from  malted  beards  depends.  * 
The  fecond  of  thefe  lines  is  an  exa6l  tranflatlon.     If  the  tautology 
in  the  firft  line  had  been  omitted,  it  would  have  been  better.     If 
the  whole  line,  which  is  a  gratuitous  patch  upon  Virgil,  were  to 
be  erafed,  better  ftill. 

IV.  127.  Tr.  *  All  glorious  to  behold.'  Hardly  to  be  tole- 
rated, even  in  pfalmody. 

IV.  296.  Tr.  *  She  pours  her  pale  ray. '  We  mull  enter 
our  protell  againft  the  too  common  pra£lice  of  introducing  pale^ 
Jofty  and  fair,  and  other  Jweet  monofyllables  into  the  accented 
places  of  heroic  meafure.  * 

IV.  453-      Non  te  uullius  exercent  numinis  ira  ; 

Magna  tuis  cotnmijfu  :  tibi  has  mijerabilis  Orpheui 
Haudquaquani  cb  meritum  posnas,  ni  fata  refijlant^ 
Sufcitatf  et  rat)tu  graviter  pro  c'jnjugi' favit. 

'■  Great 


1 804.  SothebyV  Tra?ipMUon  of  the  Georglcs,  303 

*   Great  IS  thy  guilt  ;  on  thy  devoted  head 
indignant  gods  no  con:imon-  vengeance  fhed  ; 
Sad  Orpheus,  doom'd,  without  a  crime,  to  mourn 
His  ravifh'd  bride  that  never  (hall  return  ; '   &c. 
The  ff.nfe  of  the  original  we  conceive  here  to  be  entirely  miflaken. 
The  difufters  of  the  young  Theffalian  befel  him  not  as  a  puiiilli- 
ment    for  any  fuppofed  '  guilt '  which  attached  to  his  purfuit  of 
Eurvdice,  but  as  the  vengeance  of  Nemefis  for  his   having  been 
the  involuntary  occafion  of  her  death.     This  Involuntary  crime,  if 
it  may  be  fo  called,  was  the  '  commifium '  for  which  Ariftseus 
fuiicred.     The  *  Haudquaquam  ob  meritum'  in  the  third  line, 
refers  not  to  Orpheuc,  but  to   the   fame   unintentional  ofFender, 
That  ad^ions,  indifferent   in   themfelves,  from  which  death  inci- 
dentally may  have  refultcd,  required  expiation,  is  fupported  by  all 
the  concurrent  evidence  of  antiquity. 

To  conclude.  If  this  be  not  the  mofl  perfecl  tranflation  of  a 
claihc  poet  now  extant  in  our  language,  it  alTuredly  is  capable  ot  be- 
ing advanced  to  that  high  dillindion.  We  ackowiedge  ourlelves  fm- 
cerely  indebted  to  Mr  Sotheby  5  and  we  repeat  our  wifhes,  that  he 
may  l->e  difpofed  to  purfue  the  path  upon  which  he  has  fo  hap- 
pily entered.  If  he  is  inclined  to  rely  on  his  general  merits,  as  an 
excufe  for  partial  inaccuracy  in  tafte  or  in  expreffion,  we  cannot  al- 
together rtfiit  the  plea.  V/e  think  it,  however,  unbecoming  the 
tranflator  of  the  Georgics,  for  reafqns  which  we  have  already 
mentioned — the  didaftic  fcheme,  the  finifhed  elegance,  and  pu- 
rity of  the  original.  We  renew,  therefore,  our  wifhes,  that  he 
would  exert  deferved  folicitude  in  the  revifal  of  his  work,  and  that 
the  excellence  he  has  already  attained  may  be  an  incentive  to  far- 
ther improvement. 

S:T*egT>))'  iXxyj^i;,  rxvrrtv  Kcr/aei. 


Art.  V.  Indian  Recreations  :  Conjifting  chiefly  of  StriHures  on  the  Do- 
mejlic  and  Rural  Economy  of  the  Mahoihrnedans  and  Hindoos^  By  the 
Reverend  W.  Tennant,  LL.O.  M.  A.  S.  and  lately  one  of  his  Ma- 
jefty's  Chaplains  in  India.  2  Vol.  8vo.  pp.  834.  Edinburgh, 
Anderfon  :   London,   Longman  &  Rees.      1803. 

IC'rom  the  earlieft  times,  India  has  attracted  the  commercial 
•*•  enterprife  of  Europe,  and  the  acquifition  of  the  trade  of  that 
country  feems  almolt  to  have  fixed  an  sera  in  the  civilization  of 
the  nations  by  whom  it  hiS  been  fucceflively  engrolTed.  By 
England  it  has  been  cultivated  to  a  far  greater  extent  than  by  any- 
other  people.  To  our  monopoly  of  this  ancient  and  favourite 
branch  of  commerce,  we  have  added  a  vaft  dominion  ;  and  every 
difcuilion  or  refearch  conne£led  with  that  q^uarter  of  the  world 

has 


304  I^*"  Tennantv  hidian  Rect-enticnf.  July 

has  now  become  of  the  utmofi:  urgency  and  Importance,  as 
the  rapidity  vyjth  Which  our  empire  has  been  acquired  has  hi- 
therto afforded  us  but  little  leifure  to  deliberate  in  what  manner 
it  might  be  bed  fecured,  or  moft  advantageouily  governed.  The 
great  and  the  fundamental  principle  of  our  government,  indeed, 
appears  to  us  to  be  obvious,  that  the  people  inhabiting  thole 
kingdoms  and  provinces  which  have  been  reduced  under  our 
dominion  in  Afia,  are  become  in  every  refpetl  fubjedls  of  ,the 
fame  government  under  which  we  ourfelves  live,  and  are  con- 
fequently  entitled  to  all  thofe  bleilings  of  fecurity  and  protec- 
tion which  that  condition  implies.  -    • 

The  improvement  of  the  provinces  of  Bengal  and  the  Carna- 
tic  ought  therefore  to  be  as  much  an  objt-6l  cif  attention,  as  the 
cultivation  of  the  counties  of  Middlefex  and  Dublin  ;  and  the 
perfonal  rights  and  civil  liberty  of  the  inhabitants  of  India  are  in 
every  refpedl  as  much  under  the  paternal  government  of  the 
King,  as  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  people  of  the  united 
kingdom.  The  objeft  of  the  Company  being  at  firft  entirely 
commercial,  its  whole  eftablifhment  was  calculated  to  promote 
the  views  and  interefts  of  the  monopoly.  Finding  this  form  of 
adminiftration  the  mod  manageable,  and  bell  adapted  to  its  im- 
mediate views,  a  fyftem,  in  its  nature  entirely  mercantile,  and 
founded  on  the  molt  narrow  principles  of  policy,  was  extended 
to  the  government  of  diftrifts  and  of  extenfivc  provinces.  Its 
defedls  were  early  difcovered  indeed,  and  feverely  felt;  but  fuch 
is  the  force  of  eftablifhed  habits,  that  no  improvement  was  ad- 
opted until  Mr  Pitt's  bill  in  1784,  at  which  time  (though  much 
ftill  remained  to  be  done)  the  mod  prominent  and  glaring  evils 
were  undoubtedly  corredled.  It  is  to  be  recolle6ted,  however, 
that  at  that  period  the  Company's  poflefTions  were  inconfiderable, 
when  compared  with  their  prefent  extent.  A  few  agents  could 
do  all  the  bufniefs,  and  a  fmall  army  enforce  all  the  orders  of 
their  employers  ;  and  the  power  \vhich  had  not  then  excited 
univerfal  jealoufy,  could  always  command  the  afliftance  of  one 
fet  of  the  native  powers,  when  it  was  threatened  with  the 
hoilility  of  another.  Our  fituation  in  India  is  now  extreme- 
ly different.  The  finances  of  the  Company  are  confefTedly  un- 
equal to  the  maintenance  of  an  army  fufHcient  for  the  defence 
and  protection  of  our  Afiatic  dominions  *.  The  ftate  of  thefe 
poffeifions  is  fuch,  that  the  prefence  of  a  few  Europeans,  an  ir- 
ruption 

*  To  be  fatislied  of  this,  it  is  fiifHcieut  to  look  at  the  annual  ac- 
counts laid  before  Parliament  ;  the  third  report  of  the  fpecial  commit- 
tee, p.  83,  &c.  ;  and  the  Lord  Vifcount  JMclville's  letter  to  the  Chair- 
man, dated  30th  June  1801. 


1804.  Dr  Tcnmm*s  T/idlan  RccrsdiiotJfi  305 

ruption  from  Perfin,  or  an  attack  from  the  Burman  empire, 
would  flrike  our  po'-ver  to  the  foundation.  The  very  extent  of 
our  pofftflioiis  is  their  infecurity.  The  fcattered  and  uncon- 
nected (late  of  our  forces,  the  diflance  at  which  our  different 
military  pofts  necelTarily  mull  be  from  each  other,  weakens  our 
means  of  defence,  multiplies  the  opportunities  of  attack,  and 
renders  our  detachn^ents  liable  to  be  cut  off,  one  by  one,  before 
a  fufficient  body  can  be  collected  to  refift  the  torrent,  while  the 
very  afl'em.bling  fuch  a  body  of  troops  leaves  a  portion  of  coun- 
try open  to  attack,  or  a  prey  to  rebellion.  When  our  domini- 
ons did  not  include  the  whole  of  the  peninfula,  our  danger  and 
infecurity  arofe  from  the  intrigues  of  cabinets,  or  from  open  and 
avowed  hoftility  :  to  counteratl'  the  one,  or  to  avert  the  other, 
an  ambaflador  at  each  court  of  Hinduftan  was  fufficient.  But 
now  the  danger  lies  every  where  concealed  ;  it  is  not  confined  to 
one  or  two  fpots,  but  extends  itfelf  over  the  wide  and  almoft 
boundlefs  ftretch  of  Engliili  India.  An  evil  fo  extenfive  might 
efcape  the  vigilance  even  of  the  beft  conftituted  government ; 
and  it  is  not  to  be  expelled,  that  the  youth  who  is  ignorant  of 
the  language,  manners,  and  cufloms  of  the  people  over  whom 
he  is  placed,  and  with  whom  he  never  affociates,  will  be  able  to 
difcover  or  countera£l  the  fecret  machinations  of  fedition,  even 
if  he  fliould  poflefs  more  a£tivity  than  our  countrymen  in  Afia 
are  generally  found  to  ret;jin. 

Upon  a  careful  examination  of  the  fubje(£\,  it  mud  appear, 
that  the  moil  effe£lual  way  to  preferve  India  and  England  toge- 
ther for  the  greatefl:  length  of  time,  and  for  their  greateft  mu* 
tual  advantage,  is  to  permit  the  colonization  of  that  country  un- 
der proper  regulations.  The  fate  of  our  American  colonies 
feems  to  have  frightened  ftatefmen  even  from  taking  into  confi- 
deration  the  policy  of  fuch  a  meafure  •,  and  their  timidity  has 
been  feduloufly  augmented  by  the  influence  of  the  exclufive  trade. 
The  two  cafes,  when  compared,  are  however  fo  very  difTimilar, 
that  there  is  no  arguing  from  the  one  to  the  other ;  and  the  in- 
dependence of  America  can  occafion  no  feiious  alarm  as  to  the 
fecurity  of  our  Indian  poflefTions,  if  this  meafure  were  to  be  ad- 
opted. The  colonization  of  India  would  take  place  under  cir- 
cumfiances  altogether  diflerent  from  thofe  under  which  any  other 
■  fettlements  have  hitherto  been  founded  by  the  Englilh  or  any  Euro- 
pean nation.  Few  of  the  European  colonies  owe  their  exiftence 
to  great  and  liberal  views  of  policy  in  the  parent  (late.  Having 
been  efiabliflied  by  perfecution,  and  having  flourillied  from  ne- 
gle6t,  they  were  permitted  during  their  infancy  to  ftruggle  with 
ail  the  difEculty  and  mifery  of  their  fituation,  without  receiving 
any  afhftance  whatever  from  the  tendernefs  of  their  parent. 
•-    VOL.  IV.  KG.  8.  U  Their 


.^o6  Dr  TennantV  Indian  Recreation^.  l^^f 

Their  poverty,  however,  protc6led  them  from  oppreffion  ;  their 
jfUdance  and  their  wretchednefs  fecured  them  from  attack.  In- 
Greafmg  in  imnibers,  nnd  advancing  in  profperity,  their  hardy 
manner  of  life  infpired  them  with  the  love  of  freedom  ;  and,  pof- 
fefling  within  thenifejves  every  thing  neceffary  for  their  fupport, 
they  were  aware  and  jealous  of  their  importance.  This  profpe- 
lity,  which  made  them  more  avcrfe  to  dependence,  inflamed  the 
defire  of  the  mother  country  to  maintain  them  in  it  ;  and  a 
flruggle  enfued,  embittered  with  all  the  acrimony  which  the 
charges  of  rebellion  and  of  tyranny  could  occafion.  The  Euro- 
peans who  colonize  India,  will  find  themfclves  placed  in  a  fitua- 
tion  differing  in  every  particular  from  that  of  their  brethren  who 
cultivated  the  waftes  and  woods  of  America.  They  will  fetile 
in  a  country  inhabited  by  a  numerous,  induilrious,  and  in  many 
refpefts  a  highly  civilized  people,  differing  from  them  indeed  in 
religion  and  manners,  and  probably  inferior  in  vigour  of  charac- 
-ter:  Th.e  frequent  and  rapid  intercourfe  which  now  fubfifts  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  will  prcportionably  increafe,  and  Eiig- 
lifh  manners  and  ideas  ■will  receive  a  ctmftant  fupport  in  the  new 
draughts  from  Europe.  The  principle  of  felf-defence  will  oblige 
them  to  preferve  a  clofe  connexion  with  each  other,  and  to  de~ 
pend  upon  the  parent  ftate  for  afHllariCe  and  fupport  in  protect- 
ing them  ngainll  che  infurjreftion  of  the  natives,  the  inroads  of 
the  Nortli,  or  the  attacks  from  Europe  ;  nor  will  this  wealthy 
and  profpcrous  colony  have  any  reafon  to  fear  that  negle6t  which 
was  Ihown  by  the  mother  country  to  her  weak  and  indigent  fet- 
tlements  in  thq  Weft.  The  European,  by  preferving  that  fupe- 
riority  which  the  vigour  of  his  chara6ler  gives  him  over  the  na- 
tives, will  be  enabled,  with  their  afTiftance,  to  refifl  any  exter- 
nal attacks  to  which  the  Englifli  empire  may  be  expofed.  But 
the  great  and  efiential  fecurity  wliich  will  be  derived  from  the 
increafe  of  Europeans,  is  the  efl'c6tual  check  which  will  be  given 
to  all  plots  and  confpiracics  among  the  native  fubje6ts  of  our 
empire.  The  intimate  knowledge  of  their  language  and  manners, 
which  will  naturally  refult  from  a  more  extended  intercourfe,  will 
enable  us  to  difcover  and  counteract  every  ftep  which  may  be  ta- 
ken to  our  prejudice  ;  nor  will  the  period  be  very  diftant,  when 
a  ftronger  and  more  lafting  bond  of  union  will  arife,  and  a  reci- 
procity of  good  offices  attach  the  Indians  to  the  Englifh  charac- 
ter and  name. 

But  we  muft  not  deceive  ourfelves,  and  argue  as  if  we  had  it 
in  our  power  to  adopt  or  to  rejeft  this  meafure  at  our  pleafure. 
We  forget  that,  even  under  the  prefent  fyflem,  the  colonization 
of  India  is  going  on,  and  upon  the  worfl  of  all  principles  ;  We 
forget  that,  though  the  Company  can  prevent  an  individual  from 

fettling 


tBo4'  DrTennznt^s  Italian  Recreations.  3^7 

fettling  at  Calcutta,  the  obnoxious  perfo'  can  elu^le  their  power, 
by  walking  to  the  Danilh  lettlement  of  Scrampore,  a  dillancc  of 
fifteen  miles,  whence  he  can  only  h-i  removed  by  force.  A  re- 
markable inllance  of  this  happened  lately  ;  when  a  number  of 
Baptill  miflionaries,  wifliing  to  fettle  at  Calcutta,  and  being  pre- 
vented by  the  authority  of  the  Direft^-irs,  immediately  left  the 
PreriJency,  and  went  to  Stramporc,  whcf"  th^iv  were  permitted 
to  enter  upon  the  objecSl  of  their  milhon.  Whtn  the  kttle  . cit 
of  Chandernagore  is  rcitorcd  to  France,  the  danger  and  the  dif- 
ficulty will  be  increafed  in  no  fmall  degree;  and  we  have  every- 
thing to  dread  from  fuch  ^  focus  of  French  intrigue  in  the  very- 
centre  of  our  dominions.  The  condudl  purfued  by  thnt  power 
at  Pondicherry,  is  a  (triking  proof  of  the  truth  of  this  oblerva- 
tion. 

The  great  incrcafe  of  our  Afiatic  em.pire  has  been  produ6iive 
of  another  confequence,  tending  evidently  to  (hake  the  founda- 
tions ot  the  prefent  fyftem  of  Indian  government.  When  the 
trade  was  firft  eftabiiflied,  rhe  writers,  fadlors  and  mercl-mts, 
who  were  fent  out  to  manage  the  com.mercial  concerns  of  the 
company,  were  men  in  an  interior  rank  of  life  to  thofe  who  ;enti 
them  j  they  were  accuftomed  to  look  up  to  the  latter,  as  hold- 
ing a  higher  fituation  in  fociety.  To  them,  the  habits  of  obecii- 
cnce  were  already  familiar  ;  nor  was  the  capacity  of  their  maf- 
ters  unequal  to  the  adminillrarion  of  a  mercantile  concern.  As 
the  Company  extended  their  dominions,  the  plains  ot  India  be- 
gan to  offer  a  tempting  profpedt  to  the  younger  branches  of  "ur 
noble  and  ancient  iamilics,  who  flocked  tn  the  Eafl  to  accumu- 
late a  fortune,  without  tainting  their  dignity  with  the  iiz'xn  ot 
trade.  The  fame  feelings  (greatly  increafed  by  the  exercift  of 
unlimited  power,  and  by  the  indulgence  of  every  caprice)  which 
made  them  flee  from  the  excrcife  of  a  profc  (Tion,  forbad  them 
to  engage  in  the  concerns  of  the-  Company  at  home,  the  manage- 
ment of  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  an  equally  worthy,  but  lefs 
noble  fet  of  men  ;  and  as  the  fervants  furpalfed  at  home,  in  rar.k 
and  in  family  confequence,  the  mailers  whom  they  were  obliged. 
to  obey  in  India,  it  is  not  diihcult  to  perceive  that,  eveii  when 
abroad,  they  would  pay  infinitely  lefs  regard  to  the  auth.^riiv  of 
the  Company,  than  the  ten  factors  and  writers  of  the  earlier 
ages  of  its  exiftence.  This  evil,  it  may  alfo  be  obferved,  is  not 
a  little  increafed  by  the  Importance  and  rank  which  the  go's'er- 
nors  of  India  enjoy  in  England.  Indebted  for  their  fitusiion 
entirely  to  the  patronage  of  the  Crown,  a-nd  ufualiy  forming  a 
part  of  the  hereditary  branch  of  the  "Legifbture,  they  confuler 
themfelves  rather  as  the  comptrollers  of  the  Company  thai-,  the 
miuil^ers  of  its  pov/er  j  and  there  is  reafon  to  believe,  that  the 

U  ?^  Directors 


^'^'S  Dr  Tennant*j  Lidian  Recreations.  July 

Dire<flors  have  had  to  regret,  more  than  once,  that  their  power 
over  their  governors  was  not  more  extenfive,  and  their  authority 
better  refpe£led. 

The  wifdom  of  allowing  a  free  trade  has  been  pretty  generally 
allowed  in  fpeculation  by  all  ftatefmen,  politicians. and  merchants, 
ever  fince  the  publication  of  the  Wealth  of  Nations  ;  but,  great- 
ly as  this  fyftem  h<is  been  commended,  it  is  notorious  that  few 
have  afled  up  to  it,  and  that  every  one  contrives  to  difcover 
fomething  peculiar  in  his  own  cafe,  or  in  the  circumflances  of 
his  own  profelfion,  to  make  it  an  exception  to  the  general  rule. 
In  no  inftance  has  this  been  fo  univerfal  as  in  the  cafe  of  the 
commerce  between  Europe  and  Afia  ;  and  in  every  nation  of 
Europe,  it  has  been  confidently  aflerted,  that  the  trade  of  India 
mud  be  committed  to  the  charge  of  an  exclufivc  company. 
This  more  general  exception  originally  proceeded,  in  a  great 
meafure,  from  the  prejudices  of  mankind  in  favour  of  this  com- 
merce, which  tempted  them  to  buy  with  a  high  bribe  from  their 
refpeclive  governments,  exclufive  privileges  and  extenfive  power. 
In  the  prefent  day,  the  defence  of  this  falfe  policy  refts  very 
much  upon  an  inference,  which  is  wholly  inaccurate,  from  the 
hiftorical  origin  of  thofe  companies.  They  were  founded  at  a 
time  when  the  capital  of  individuals  was  undoubtedly  unequal  to 
the  taflc  of  fitting  out  vefiels  for  fo  long  a  voyage,  and  for  efta- 
blifhing  factories  in  Afia  to  colle<5l  and  provide  proper  cargoes. 
But  the  true  inference  from  this  is  only,  that  Europe  was  not  at  that 
period  ready  to  engage  in  fuch  remote  enterprifes  of  trade ;  that 
the  capital  then  embarked  in  commerce,  was  infufficienr,  with- 
out extraordinary  privileges,  to  carry  on  the  Afiatic  branch  j 
and  that  nothing  but  the  hope  of  exorbitant  profits,  which  at 
times  attend  new  adventures  wlien  protected  by  exclufive  rights, 
could  have  withdrawn  fo  much  capital  from  more  profitable  and 
natural  employments  nearer  home.  That  divifion  of  capital 
which  is  required  for  the  maintenance  of  foreign  commerce,  has 
already  taken  place.  The  merchants  who  refide  in  India  are 
pofiefled  of  fufficicnt  wealth,  (kill  and  induflry,  to  purchafe  and 
colledt  the  various  productions  which  it  is  the  obje£l  of  Europe- 
an capital  to  bring  to  this  quarter  of  the  world.  But,  owing  to 
the  reftridtions  to  which  this  trade  is  at  prefent  fub]e61:ed,  the 
Indian  capitaiifts  are  not  only  employed  in  colle6ting  goods  from 
all  parts  of  the  Afiatic  continent,  but  are  alfo  employed  in  fend- 
ing thefe  produ£lions  to  England.  If  a  more  liberal  fyflem  were 
to  be  adopted,  thefe  capitalilts  would  moll  probably  find  a  fuf- 
ficient  occupation  in  collecting  and  aflbrting  the  goods  for  the 
European  market,  and  the  carrying  trade  would  fall  into  the 
hi^rids  of  Englifh  European  capitalilts.     Of  this  fa^ft,  that  the 

capitals 


1804.  Df  TennantV  Indian  Recreations;  ^-chi^ 

capitals  of  individuals  are  now  fully  equal  to  carry  on  the  com- 
merce of  Afia,  the  ftate  of  the  private  and  foreign  trade  aflbrds 
the  moil  fatisfa£lory  proof ;  the  more  fo,  as  thofe  engaged  in  it 
are  able  to  contend  v/ith  all  the  advantages  which  the  India  Com- 
pany enjoy  as  lords  of  the  foil,  and  proprietors  cf  the  exclufive- 
trade.  The  inftance  of  the  Anglo-Americans  is  particularly 
ftrong  ;  for  if  they  who  are  fo  far  our  inferiors  In  fkill,  capital, 
and  every  other  commercial  facility,  find  it  for  their  advantage  to 
fend  their  ihips  to  India,  to  carry  their  goods  to  America,  where 
they  are  landed,  and  to  reOiip  thofe  goods  for  the  fupply  of  the 
European  market,  it  mull  furely  be  within  the  reach  of  Englift-j 
adventure  to  engage  in  that  trade,  which  is  able  to  bear  fo  circui- 
tous and  fo  expenlive  a  voyage,  even  without  taking  into  account 
the  lofs  of  time  and  the  damage  which  the  goods  mull  fufFcr  from 
their  being  landed  and  refliipped  in  America. 

The  fame  conclufion  mull  follow,  whether  the  capital  which 
is  employed  in  this  roundabout  trade  be  underilood  to  be  Englifh 
or  American.  If  it  be  Englifli  capital  (no  matter  whether  Euro- 
pean or  Afiatic)  it  is  a  pofitlve  and  unanfwerable  demonilration, 
that  the  fame  capital  which  embraces  the  roundabout,  is  fully  e- 
qual  to  the  maintenance  of  the  dire£l  trade,  and  that  It  would  not 
only  be  equal  to  this  dire6l  trade,  but  that  it  would  afford  a  confi- 
<lerable  profit,  which  might  be  advantageoully  employed  in  pro- 
moting and  carrying  on  our  manufadlures  and  commerce.  This 
profit  Is  now  given  up  to  the  Anglo-Americans,  for  the  ex- 
pence  of  landing  and  reihlpping  the  goods,  and  for  tlie  difference 
between  the  length  of  the  near  and  the  roundabout  voyage.  The 
importance  and  the  magnitude  of  this  American  trade,  is  not,  we 
believe,  fufficiently  known  or  attended  to.  According  to  accounts 
laid  before  Congrefs,  the  amount  of  Indian  goods  landed  in  the 
T-lnitcd  States  for  re-exportation,  was,  in  i  790,  2,oco,ooo  of  dollars; 
in  1800,  39,000,000  of  dollars  :  and  this  enormous  increafe  was 
underilood  to  have  arifen  almoft  entirely  from  the  Indian  trade 
liavlng  been  opened  in  the  interval  by  the  treaty  between  the 
two  countries  in  1794.  The  advantages  which  England  would 
derive  from  this  trade  being  carried  on  by  Engllfli  fnips  and  Eng- 
llfli  failors  (European  and  Afiatic)  inilead  of  American  ftiips,  mull 
be  evident  to  every  one,  and  would  infallibly  be  fecured,  if  the 
Engllfli  trader  were  relieved  from  thofe  reftraints  to  which  he  Is 
iit  prefent  fubjecled.  * 

The  more  the  fyilem  of  Indian  monopoly  is  confidered  in  its 
cffefts,  the  more  fingularly  mifchievous  it  will  appear.  It  de- 
ftroys  a  dire£l  trade  between  tv.-o  parts  of  the  fame  empire  ;  it 

U  3  forces 

*  See,  upon  this  fubjeft,  an  interelting  paifige  relative  to  the  fur 
U'li'-.f  in  Sir  Akxandci  'Mackenzie's  Voyages  in  North  America,  lutrod. 


'P.a.  Vr  TennantV  Indian  Recreations.  Ju^y 

forces  the  capital  which  would  naturally  be  employed  In  this  trade 
into  a  roundabout  trade,  at  the  fame  time  obliging  this  capital  to 
employ  In  the  roundabout  trade,  foreign  fliips  and  foreign  failors, 
while,  in  the  dire£l  trade,  Engi'fh  fhips  and  Englifh  failcrs  would 
naturally  be  ufed  ;  or,  it  forces  Englilh  capital  out  of  this  trade 
altogether,  and  ciifcourages  our  own  induftry  in  behalf  of  that  of 
our  rivals. 

But  the  v^ifdom  and  policy  of  this  meafure  is  defended,  becaufe 
every  nation  which  has  had  any  fliare  in  the  trade  of  India,  has 
uniformly  adopted  the  fame  plan,  and  has  entrufted  its  manage- 
jTj^-nt  to  the  dire61:ion  of  an  exclufive  company  !  The  fa61:  is  un- 
deniable :  but  unlefs  the  utter  ruin  of  every  monopoly  which  has 
engaged  in  this  trade,  can  be  confidered  as  an  argument  in  favour 
of  the  fyftem,  it  muft  ftill  remain  liable  to  thofe  objections  to 
which  it  has  fo  long  been  expofed.  The  fame  fcenes  of  dilapi- 
dation abroad,  of  large  profits  for  a  while  at  home,  and  of  fubfe- 
quent  ruin  every  M^here,  forms  the  hillory  of  them  all ;  and  the 
l)utch,  the  Swedifli,  the  Danifti,  and  the  French  companies, 
have  fulfilled,  in  their  turn,  the  fame  melaiicholy  deftiny-  Even 
that  arch  monopoly  of  England  has  more  than  once  experienced 
the  fate  of  its  lefs  wealthy  competitors  ;  nay,  at  this  very  moment, 
flie  exifts  but  by  the  forbearance  of  the  country.  Since  the  re- 
newal of  her  charter  in  1 794,  {he  has  been  confeffedly  unable  to 
fuliii  her  agreement  with  Government;  and  the  weight  of  her 
debts  bids  fair  again  to  fubje£l  her  to  that  fate  which  is  the  necef- 
fary  end  of  all  exclufive  companies.  * 

The  bad  fuccefs  which  attended  the  private  adventures  from 
France,  when  the  trade  between  that  country  and  India  was 
thrown  open,  has  been  triumphantly  quoted  as  an  unanfwerable 
proof  of  the  inadequacy  of  individual  capital  to  carry  on  the  trade 
of  Afia.  It  may  be  obferved,  in  the  firil  place,  that  the  commer- 
cial adventures  of  the  exclufive  companies  of  that  country,  have 
not  been  attended  with  any  better  fortune,  while  it  may  be  fug- 
gefted  that  the  ill-direded  and  puny  attempts  of  tlie  French 
traders  can  never  be  compared  with  the  great  and  extenfive  enter- 
prifes  of  the  Englifh  merchant;  and  the  failure  of  their  adven- 
tures muft  be  afcribed  to  the  fame  caufe  which  occafioned  the 
failure  of  the  more  early  private  adventures  from  the  European 
rations,  arifing  from  the  want  of  capital  and  other  commercial 
facilities  j  and  in  the  third  place,  the  inftances  of  the  Portuguefe, 
(who,  during  their  career  of  Indian  profperity,  had  no  exclufive 
company,  the  eftabliihments  in  that  country  belonging  to  thx 
llate);  the  private  traders  and  the  Atiglo-Americans,  are  perfedly 
fufficjent  to  point  out  the  fallacy  of  this  confident  ailertion. 

Theft 


rid::  Tiiird  Special  Repcrt,  p.  86  ^  feqq. 


1804.  Dr  Tennznt' s  l/iclian  Recreatiofis.  ^If 

Thefe  obfervations  are  of  confequenc  as  they  prove,  in  the 
firft  phice,  That  the  capital  of  individuals  is  now  equal  to  carry 
on  the  trade  of  Afia.  2.  That  the  India  Company  do  not  lupply 
the  European  markets  fuihciently,  ei  vice  vc}ja.  3.  That  not- 
withllanding  the  additional  lupply  which  the  private  and  foreign 
traders  furniih,  the  demand  for  Indian  productions  is  far  from 
being  fatisfied,  as  thefe  goods  ftill  bear  a  monopoly  price,  the  ex- 
pence  of  the  roundabout  trade  acting  as  fuch  upon  the  h\c 
of  thefe  commodities. 

It  would  lead  us  far  beyond  our  proper  limits,  if  we  were  to 
attempt  to  enter  into  an  invelligation  of  all  the  evils  which  the 
monopoly  produces  in  the  home  market;  i.  by  keeping  up  the 
price  of  goods ;  2.  by  preventing  a  free  importation  of  raw  ma- 
terials, to  be  worked  up  partly  for  the  fupply  of  the  European, 
partly  for  the  fupply  of  the  American,  and  partly  for  the  fupply 
-of  the  Afiatic  market ;  3.  by  preventing  a  free  exportation  of 
Englifli  goods  to  Afia.  For  the  abfurdity  is,  that  the  Company 
not  only  have  the  exclufive  trade  of  their  own  immenfe  dominions, 
but  of  all  the  eall  coail  of  Africa,  of  Arabia,  Perfia,  the  Burman. 
empire,  China,  Japan,  and  all  the  Afiatic  iflands.  With  thefe 
countries  we  have  at  prefent  no  trade ;  but  if  the  a6livity  of  in- 
dividuals were  not  fettered  by  thefe  unjuft  regulations,  there  is 
not  the  fmalleft  doubt  that  they  would  foon  open  new  and  exten- 
five  markets  for  the  fale  of  Englidi  manufaftures.  It  will  be 
faid,  indeed,  that  this  is  mere  fpeculation  ;  that  it  is  impofTible  to 
carry  it  into  pradiice ;  that  the  habits  and  the  opinions  of  the  in- 
habitants of  thefe  countries  are  fo  hollile  to  any  intercourfe  with 
Europeans,  that  the  Company  have  never  been  able  to  eftablifh 
any  connexion  with  them.  We  are  completely  aware,  that  the 
Company  has  not  eftablifhed  any  intercourfe  with  thefe  countries ; 
but  we  know  alfo,  that  the  Company  have  no  immediate  interell 
in  the  extenfion  and  fale  of  Englilli  goods,  and  that  the  young 
gentlemen  under  the  Company  are  not  of  that  rank  of  life,  and 
have  not  received  that  education  which  fhould  fit  them  for  fuch  oc- 
cupations. We  know  alfo,  that  it  is  the  interefl  of  the  Company 
that  thefe  connexions  fhould  be  checked,  and  not  encouraged  ; 
for  the  larger  the  fupply  brought  home,  the  lefs  will  be  the  pro- 
fits and  the  greater  the  expence  ;  while  the  fmaller  the  quantity 
of  goods  imported,  the  profits  will  be  the  larger. 

But  it  is  in  the  Afiatic  part  of  our  empire,  that  the  efFe£ls  of 
the  monopoly  are  principally  felt  j  and  the  profperity  of  millions 
is  facrificed  to  a  fyftem,  which  by  many  is  thought  ruinous,  bv 
all  doubtful.  The  conduft  of  the  Dutch  in  the  Spice  illands,  has 
been  jullly  held  up  to  the  difapprobation  of  the  world  j  yet  that 
sondutt  was  only  the  natural  policy  of  an  exclufive  trade ;  and 

U  4  though- 


312  Dr  T ennznt* s  Indian  Recreations.  July 

though  the  Enghfh  Company  does  not  now  a£lually  deftroy  fields 
of  rice,  or  plough  up  the  poppies  when  there  is  too  abundant  a 
crop,  *  the  fame  miferable  effedls  are  produced  from  the  opera- 
tion of  the  monopoly.  The  inveftment  of  the  Company  is  far 
from  being  equal  to  the  export  trade  of  the  Peninfula  ii/ofie,  put- 
ting the  reft  of  Afia  out  of  the  queftion.  To  keep  the  price  of 
goods  in  India  from  rifing,  to  prevent  them  falling  at  home,  every 
rival  that  they  can  exclude  is  fliut  oqt  from  the  markets  of  India. 
From  the  want  of  competition,  the  manufa6iurers  are  obliged  to 
fell  their  goods  lower  than  they  would  otherwifc  do.  Every  in- 
ducement to  exertion  is  cut  oft',  every  means  of  improvement  is 
tleftroyed.  They  can  fupply  no  more  labour  than  the  demand  of 
the  market  is  permitted  to  encourage  ;  and  the  vaft  population  of 
India  is  condemned  to  remain  for  ever  in  a  flate  of  wretchedncfs 
and  poverty.  The  poverty  of  the  manufatlurer  afl"e£l;s  the  pro- 
fperlty  of  the  hufl-)andman  ;  the  want  of  a  market  dcftroys  the 
fupply  j  and  the  whole  Hate  muft  advance,  vyith  the  moit  rapid 
ftrides,  to  degradation  and  decay. 

That  we  do  not  indulge  ourfclves  in  too  melancholy  a  view  of 
the  fituation  of  the  Company,  our  readers  may  be  convinced  by 
confulting  p.  86.  $5*  /('(]']'  of  the  3d  Report  of  the  Special  Com- 
jTiittce  of  the  Dire61:ors,  in  which  tlie  difilcultics  of  the  Company 
are  fufh'  iently,  though  not  fully  cxpofcd  ;  and  the  ftatcmcnts 
contained  in  the  accounts  annually  laid  before  Parliament. 

From  thefe  documents  it  appears  clearly,  that  during  the 
four  years  ending  in  I  Hoi,  the  Company  have  been  adding  to 
their  debt  at  the  rate  of  one  mi/lion  one  hundred  thoufand  per  an^ 
vum,  to  enable  them  to  defray  the  expences  of  government,  and 
to  tranfmit  the  ufual  invedmeius  to  this  country  ;  that  the  ])ri- 
vate  and  neutral  trade  has  increafed  in  the  fame  period  from 
3,978,1901.  to  no  lefs  than  3,580,103!.,  while  the  fales  of  the 
Company  have  diminifhed  from  8,337,0661.  to  6,648,0281.,  and 
that  the  debt  owing  by  the  Company  has  increafed  from  9,600,000). 
to  23,000,000!.  between  the  years  1787  and  1803,  even  without 
reckoning  the  fums  due  to  governai^nt  in  the  form  of  public 
■participation,  which  have  never  been  paid  fince  1794,  and  mufr 
now  amount  ro  at  leaft  4,rop,aooL  From  the  latcft  accounts 
which  bring  thofe  ftatements  down  to  the  year  1802-3  (Parlia- 
mentary Debates,  1803,  Vol.  VIL  p.  337.),  it  appear^  that  the 
livhole  concern  is  worfe  for  that  laft  year  tlian  the  preceding  by 

1,272,8801., 

*  It  is,  hovvtver,  ftroiigly  afferted,  that  a  quantity  of  opium  was 
very  lately  burnt  even  in  the  ftrects  of  our  Indian  metropolis.  How 
much  bettrr  is  fuch  condiid  than  that  of  the  Dutchmen,  which  har^ 
teeo  fc  defcTvedly  execrated!      (Henchman's  Qbfcrvjtions,  p.  353.,"'^ 


1804.  Vf  TcinunVs  Lidiari  Recreations.  313 

1,272,880!.,  although  it  had  been  faid  that,  during  that  year, 
the  Company  would  be  in  a  condition  to  appropriate  a  whole 
million  as  a  finking  fund  for  the  extinction  of  their  debt. 

l^efperate,  however,  as  the  condition  of  the  Company  appears 
to  be,  there  is  no  danger  of  it  fpeedlly  committing  an  zCt  of" 
bankruptcy  ;  and  though  it  will  continue  to  add  largely  to  its 
debts,  if  will  rtill  find  money  enough  to  borrow.  It  is  moft  im- 
portant to  inquire  in  what  manner  this  is  brought  about,  and  to 
confider  to  what  confequences  it  ultimately  leads.  By  laying 
biifore  Parlianivrnt,  yearly,  the  accounts  relative  to  the  Eaft  In- 
dia Company,  and  certain  refolutions  of  approbation  and  ac- 
quiefcence  being  conftantly  paffed,  the  legiflature,  in  fad,  has 
held  out  the  credit  of  the  country  as  the  fecurity  to  which  the 
creditors  of  the  Company  are  to  look  forward  in  cafe  of  its 
failure.  The  aflcts  and  debts  of  the  Company  pafs  unnoticed  j 
thev  never  enter  into  the  confideration  of  thofe  who  are  defir- 
ous  of  lending  money  to  the  Direftors.  There  is  not  a  man 
indeed  in  Enghmd,  who  doubts  that  if  the  Company  fliould 
fail,  the  country  would  adopt  the  debt  of  23  millions  as  its  own  ; 
and  there  is  not  a  man  who  would  hefuate  to  recommend  that 
mcafure.  Is  it  not  better,  therefore,  that  the  country  (hould 
adopt  the  debt  noiu,  when  it  is  comparatively  fmall,  than  permit 
it  to  go  on  accumulating  under  the  bad  management  of  the 
Company,  having  no  conrroul  over  its  increafe,  and  in  hCt  in- 
curring a  large  debt  which  is  borrowed  for  the  advantage  of 
individual  merchants,  not  for  the  expence  of  government  — 
always  recoUeding  that  the  efFe£l  of  the  prefent  fyftem  of  mo- 
nopoly is  to  diminifh  and  deftroy  the  refources  of  that  country 
from  which  the  interell  of  the  debt  ought  to  come  in  the  fame 
ratio  as  the  debt  itfelf  increafes  ? 

The  intereft  and  importance  of  the  fubjcfft  has  led  us  perhaps 
rather  too  far  into  thefe  general  obfervations ;  and  we  are  fome- 
what  afliamed  to  think  that  we  have  not  yet  introduced  the  name 
of  Dr  Tcnnaut  to  the  notice  of  our  readers,  To  thofe,  however, 
who  are  acquainted  with  any  thing  in  the  work  before  us  beyond 
the  title-page,  we  probably  will  not  appear  to  have  indulged  in 
any  fpeculations  that  are  not  fairly  fuggeiled  by  the  tenor  of  its 
contents.  The  title  indeed  we  think  moft.  unfortunately  chofen  ; 
and  acknowledge,  that  it  led  us  to  expeft  nothing  better  than 
a  treatife  upon  the  fports  and  amufementsof  Bengal,  interfperfed 
with  the  lively  failles,  and  moral  reflections  of  the  reverend 
author.  It  turns,  out,  however,  to  be  a  colleClion  of  difTerta- 
tions  and  ftatements  upon  fome  of  the  moll  curious  and  im- 
portant fubjedts  connected  .with  the  political   and  agricukural 

opcqnoniy 


314  DrTtnmviiS  Indian  Recreations^  July 

ceconomy  of  the  Hindus,  exprefTtd  in  a  very  difagreeable  ftyle, 
and  arr.inged  without  the  fmalleft:  regard  ro  the  connexion  of 
the  difFcreni  fuhjedts.  It  appears,  indeed,  rhat  this  confufion 
was  altogether  voluntary  on  the  part  of  the  author,  and  that  he 
claims  confiderabk  meiit  for  the  fauhs  of  his  arrangement.  In 
his  Preface  to  Vol.  II.  he  fays  that  a  perfeft  arrangement  of  the 
different  parts  of  rural  osconomy  has  not  been  fo  much  fludied 
as  variety,  and  that  it  has  been  thought  eligible  to  relieve  the  at- 
tention by  introducing  other  topics,  lefs  tedious,  and  more  in- 
terefting  to  the  generality  of  readers. 

In  the  Preface  to  his  firfl  volume,  the  author  informs  us, 
that  his  book  contains  information,  the  greater  part  of  vi^hich 
is  the  refult  of  his  own  perfonal  obfcrvation ;  but  that,  in  or- 
der to  make  it  more  compl<.te,  he  has  confulted  the  works 
of  Sir  W.  Jones,  Dr  Roxburgh,  Dr  Hunter,  Dr  Fontnno, 
and  Captain  Hardwick.  lliis,  we  mufl  acknowledge,  is  not 
exa6lly  the  account  we  (hould  have  given  of  the  volumes  be- 
fore us  :  we  do  not  remember  to  have  often  feen  a  work  of  this 
magnitude  fo  entirely  deftitute  of  any  claim  to  originality.  So 
far  from  the  greater  part  of  the  work  being  the  refult  of  actual 
obfervation,  there  is  not  one  fingle  fa£l:,  of  any  confequence, 
which  is  not  taken  from  fome  other  perfon.  Wherever  the  au- 
thor endeavours  to  give  any  information  from  himfeif,  it  is  fure 
to  be  inaccurate  and  contradictory.  It  does  not  appear  that  he 
has  even  read  over  his  compil.irion  after  it  was  put  together  ; 
for  he  has  taken  no  pains  to  reconcile  the  jarring  opinions  which 
exift  in  every  page. 

The  firft  volume  is  a  di^eft  of  fuch  authors  as  have  written 
upon  thofe  fubjefts  of  which  our  author  profeffes  to  treat,  with- 
out any  thing  new  or  curious  being  added.  In  Vol.  II.  p.  344, 
we  are  informed  that  there  is  a  printed  treatife,  which  has  not 
been  yet  publifhed,  entitled,  '  Remarks  on  the  Agriculture  and 
Commerce  of  Bengal,  by  a  Civil  Servant  of  the  Company  ;  * 
and  of  this  treatife  he  admits  that  he  has  made  ample  ufe.  But 
he  has  made  ftill  greater  ufe  of  it  than  he  is  willing  to  allow,,  as 
may  be  feen  by  comparing  the  chapter  beginning  Vol.  II.  p.  344. 
■with  this  treatife  (which,  though  not  publiihed,  has  in  part 
found  its  way  into  the  Afiatic  Ann.  Reg.  1802,  pp.  47.  53-  7'-) 
From  the  fame  treatife,  the  materials,  and,  in  many  initances, 
the  very  language  of  the  chapters  beginning  Vol.  II.  pp.  i.  8. 
75.  '289.  296.  304.  321.  328.  337.  344.  are  taken.  The  account 
of  the  cultivation  of  the  fugar  cane  is  taken  word  for  word  from 
Dr  Roxburgh's  Memoir,  which  has  been  before  the  public  for 
fome  time,  and  may  be  found  in  the  Af.  An,  Reg.  1802,  Mif- 

cel 


1804.  T)f  TennaniV  Indian  Recreations.  ^i^ 

eel.  Tra£ls,  p.  7.  The  defcriptlon  of  the  attempts  made  to  in- 
troduce the  cochineal  into  Bengal,  is  alfo  a  copy  of  Dr  Fon- 
tano,  to  be  found  in  the  fame  work  for  1799.  Tl^'  account  of 
the  agricuhural  procefles  in  the  Dooab,  p.  27^,  i?;  the  produc- 
tion of  Captain  Hoar,  The  defcription  of  the  fort  of  Allaha- 
bad, and  of  the  adjacent  country,  p.  241  to  p.  252,  is  the  ex- 
atl  copy  of  a  letter  from  an  officer  in  the  army  to  his  iriend 
in  this  country,   inferted  in  the   Farmer's   Magazine,    Vol.  III. 

Dr  lennant  is  alfo  guilty  of  a  pra£lice  extremely  common  with 
all  thofe  who  have  vifited  India  -,  we  mean,  the  cuftom  of  mak- 
ing ufe  of  Afiatic  phrales,  without  explaining  their  meaning. 
This  is  always  inconvsiiient,  but  it  is  quite  intolerable  where  the 
value  of  the  work  depends  upon  an  acquaintance  with  the 
weights  and  meafures  the  author  ufes,  as  compared  with  thofe 
of  England.  Yet  fo  it  is,  .that  the  author  never  once  thinks  of 
even  telling  us  the  value  of  the  different  rneafures  he  mentions, 
and  does  not  even  cenhne  him.felf  to  one  fet,  but  ufes,  indifcri- 
minately,  rneafures  of  different  capacities  under  the  fame  deno- 
mination. 

It  gives  us  great  concern  to  remark,  that  the  Doctor's  par- 
tiality to  his  native  country  has  fometimes  manifclled  itfelf  m  a 
way  which  may  expofe  him  to  the  ridicule  of  our  iouthern  neigh- 
bours. He  recommends,  as  an  improvement  upon  the  unen- 
clofed  ftate  of  Bengal,  the  ufe  of  Hone  dikes  or  walls;  for- 
getting that  what  is  in  a  great  meafure  the  offsprmg  of  neceflity 
in  Scotland,  would  prove  a  very  expenfive  mode  of  improvement 
in  the  fiats  of  Bengal,  where  there  is  not  a  Hone  to  be  found  ; 
and  we  are  afraid  fome  obftinate  Englifhmen  will  continue  to 
prefer  the  beauty  and  comfort  of  a  hedge  to  the  lefs  apparent 
advantages  of  a  dike. 

We  feel  dill  more  deeply,  however,  for  that  unfortunates  ne- 
gligence which  has  led  the  Do£lor  to  furniih  fo  many  ne^'  apo- 
logies for  thofe  Englifh  prejudices  which  have  fo  long  pr-^va'deti 
againll  our  claffical  learning  and  (kill  in  profody.  Dr  Turner's 
work  is  full  of  quotations  ;  but  they  are  fo  inaccurately  given, 
that  it  is  not  always  eafy  to  recognize  them. 

In  his  application  of  what  Lucan  faid  of  C?efar  to  a  certain 
merchant  of  Calcutta,  we  have  the  following  harmonious  line  ; 

'  Nil  acluni  reputans  donee  al'iquid  fupereffet  agendum. ' 
Upon  Horace  he  makes  fimilar  improvements  : 

*  Naturam  licet  furcd  expellas  tamen  ufque  recurret. ' 
And  : 

*  Qc\Jt  graviori  cafu 

decidunt  turres. ' 

Nor 


g  1 6  Dr  Tennant'j  Indian  Rect'eatiotis.  July 

Nor  does  Virgil  efcape  better  ;  for  we  find, 
*  O  fortunatos  nimlum  fua  fi  bona  norunt 

Agrlcolas ' 

And  talking  of  the  vengeance  which  England  would  infliil  up- 
on the  difloyalty  of  her  ions  in  India,  he  exclaims, 

* Manet  2\te  xcpoftum 

Spreti  injuria  regni, '   &c. 

For  inaccuracies  of  another  kind,  we  refer  our  readers  to 
Vol.  II.  p.  8.  &  185.  The  number  of  harvefts  in  p.  186.  com- 
pared with  the  number  of  ploughings  p.  196,  and  the  produc- 
tion of  opium  p.  208.  But  almoft  every  page  will  furnifli  an 
example. 

The  artificial  and  unnatural  divifion  of  a  people  into  diftinfl 
clafl'es,  is  perhaps  the  moft  efFe£lual  method  which  could  have 
been  derived  by  the  ingenuity  of  man  to  check  their  improve- 
rnent  and  reprefs  their  indullry.  Indeed,  the  natural  operation 
of  fuch  an  inftitution  is  fo  diametrically  oppofite  to,  and  incom- 
patible with  the  flrongeft  principles  of  our  nature,  that  we  are 
inclined  to  believe  that  its  exiftence  (in  a  perfe6l  (late)  is  alto- 
gether ideal  ;  and  if  it  had  ever  been  completely  carried  into 
practice,  the  baneful  effeft  would  have  been  fo  immediate,  that 
the  total  annihilation  of  public  fpirit  and  enterprife  would  have 
been  the  inevitable  confcquence. 

We  therefore  cannot  help  doubting  that  moft  authors  have, 
from  various  very  obvious  reafons,  been  led  to  exaggerate  a  little 
in  their  defcription  of  this  phenomenon  in  the  conftitution  of 
Hindu  fociety.  We  are  the  more  inclined  to  adopt  this  opi- 
nion, as  we  find  that  many  intelligent  writers  do  not  by  any 
means  confirm  the  perfe£l  feparation  of  thefe  cafts  in  tluir  in- 
tercourfe  with  fociety  •,  and  it  is  to  be  rem.arkcd,  that  the  later 
authors,  who  have  had  the  beft  opportunities  of  obferving  with 
accuracy,  are  thofe  who  have  given  ys  thi§  more  probable  ac- 
count. 

We  fiball  not  ftop,  however,  to  examine  the  various  accounts 
which  have  been  given  of  this  very  curious  and  highly  Intcrclting 
fubje£t.  The  well  known  divifion  into  four  cafts,  need  hardly  be 
mentioned,  viz.  i.  The  Btahmatis^  who  conftitute  the  higheft 
clafs,  and  from  whom  the  priefts  are  chofen,  for  all  brahmans  are 
not  priefts  :  2.  The  J^atry^  to  which  clafs  all  princes  or  rajahs 
belong,  and,  according  to  fome,  the  whole  tribe  of  rajipoots  :  3. 
The  Bhyfe^  or  Banian  caft,  under  which  are  enumerated  all  who 
cultivate  the  land,  tend  the  cattle,  buy  and  fell :  4.  The  Sordera, 
or  Sudra,  to  which  clafs  belong  all  artifans  and  labourers  of  every 
(defcription.  There  are,  befides,  a  nuinerous  body  of  putcafts, 
denoaiinated  chandalahs  or  pariahs,  who  are  fubdivided  into  two 

great 


3804.  DrliCnmxit^s  Indian  Recreations'.  31  ^ 

great  clafles,  thePariahs  and  the  Sariperes,  who  have  no  connexion 
with  each  other.  According  to  fome,  there  is  an  adventitiou:^ 
clafs  which  is  called  Burum  Shunker,  *  and  ranks  after  the  Sudra, 
and  to  it  belongs  all  artizans,  who  are  again  ranged  in  tribes  ac* 
cording  to  their  profelHons.  Thefe  great  clafles  have  been  divided 
and  fubdivided  a  thoufand  different  ways,  by  different  authors, 
no  one  agreeing  altogether  with  another.  In  ord(:;r  to  fliow  the 
obfcurity  in  which  this  fubje£l  is  left,  and  point  out  the  contra- 
dictions of  various  authors,  we  only  take  notice  of  the  following. 
Dr  Tennant  fays,  '  A  Hindoo  of  the  higher  order  cannot  contraO; 
a  marriage  with  any  inferior  clafs  to  her  own.  '  vol.  I.  p.  1 19. 
In  the  fifth  volume  of  the  Afiatic  Refearches,  Mr  Colebrook  gives 
us  an  enumeration  of  the  principal  mixt  claffes  which  have  fprung 
from  the  intermarriages  of  the  original  cajls ;  and  we  have  little 
hclltation  in  adopting  this  opinion,  and  totally  rejedling  that  ftated 
by  Dr  Tennant,  as  we  conceive  fuch  an  artificial  fociety  to  be  liter- 
ally incompatible  with  the  nature  of  man,  and  the  conftitution 
of  civil  fociety.  A  brahman  is  not  prevented  from  exercifing  an 
employment  which  is  the  ufual  occupation  of  any  of  the  inferior 
tribes;  and  we  thus  find  him  a  ftatelman,  a  cultivator  of  the  grountl 
(ryot),  and  even  ferving  in  the  ranks.  (Afiat.  Reg.  1799-  p.  5. 
note).  Nay,  he  is  obliged  at  times  to  fubmit  to  the  rfioll  mortify- 
ing and  degrading  duties.  Colonel  Jones,  in  his  Account  of  the 
PJahrattas,  fays  that  he  has  frequently  known  brahmans  of  a  very 
high  rank  preffed  to  carry  the  baggage  of  travellers,  when  none 
of  the  inferior  calls  were  to  be  found.  It  would  lead  us  far 
beyond  our  proper  bounds  to  multiply  fimilar  inllances.  But  it 
may  be  obferved,  that  the  brahman,  in  his  military  capacity,  is 
obliged  to  ferve  with  individuals  not  only  of  the  inferior  tribes, 
but  even  at  times  with  the  outcafts.  The  blood  of  a  brahman,  it 
is  true,  cannot  be  (lied  ;  but  it  did  not  require  much  ingenuity  to 
find  out,  that  by  fuffocation  the  law  was  eafily  evaded,  and  juffice 
fatisfied.  Mofl  of  our  accounts  of  the  brahminical  inftitutions 
are  taken  from  books,  and  not  from  actual  obfervation ;  and  our 
obfervations  have  been  confined  almoft:  entirely  to  the  provinces 
of  Bengal.  What  the  ftate  of  fociety  was  in  the  Myfore  under 
Tippoo,  in  the  Carnatic,  &c.  we  have  no  account ;  but,  from  the 
defpotic  power  of  thefe  princes,  and  of  the  early  conquerors  of 
India,  thexe  is  little  reafon  to  believe  that  the  brahmans  retained 
any  great  privileges  ;  and  in  the  older  provinces  of  our  empire,  the  •_ 
jultice  of  England  has  equally  fubjedled  to  its  rules  the  brahmaii 
and  the  outcalt. 

•    The 

*   According  to  Mr  Halhead,  Burum  Shunker  is  the   denominatiK.)!* 
given  to  all  thofe  produced  by  the  intermarriage  of  two  cla3e«. 


318  Dr  TenrxantV  Indian  Recreations.  July 

The  bad  efFefts  of  the  Hmdu  fyftem,  imperfe£lly  as  we  believe 
jt  to  be  enforced,  is  however  every  where  apparent.  The  power 
of  the  brahmans,  or  more  properly  the  influence  of  fuperltition, 
is  fuch,  as  to  be  incompatible  with  the  exiflence  of  a  profperous 
or  flouriihing  country ;  and  there  can  be  no  well  regulated  and 
efficient  government,  when  the  deluded  inhabitants  are  reflri6led 
in  the  choice  of  their  food,  and  condemned,  by  the  tenets  of 
their  religion,  to  poverty  and  Vi/^retchednefs.  As  the  obfervance 
of  external  forms  conllitutes  the  chief  obje£l  of  the  Indian's 
worfhip,  the  fviblime  notion  of  a  Supreme  Being  is  loft  amidft 
a  crov/d  of  inferior  deities  ;  and  the  moral  principle  of  the 
follower  of  Brahma  is  blunted  by  the  example  of  their  priefts, 
and  dcftroyed  by  the  efficacy  of  penances  and  expiations.  *  In 
this,  however,  the  Hindu  religion  is  fo  far  from  being  fingular, 
that  it  has  merely  followed  the  natural  progrefs  of  all  I'uper- 
flitions.  Even  the  pure  and  fublime  morality  of  the  Chrilfian 
fyftem  did  not  efcape  the  taint  of  human  imperfection  ;  and, 
previous  to  tlie  great  work  of  the  Reformation,  the  lives  of  the 
priefts,  and  the  fale  of  indulgences,  had  produced  nearly  the  fame 
eftl.6ls  in  Europe  as  the  fame  caufes  appear  to  have  done  in 
Inuia. 

At  this  period  of  their  progrefs,  therefore,  it  probably  would  not 
be  difficult  to  gain  over  a  great  part  of  the  people  from  their  pre- 
vailing fuperftition  •,  and  the  fuccefs  which  has  attended  the  Baptift 
raiftion  at  Serampore  gives  ground  to  believe,  that  the  exertions 
of  the  Eftablifhed  Church,  fupported  by  the  power  and  influence 
of  government,  v/oukl  be  able  to  rnake  a  rapid  progrefs  in  the 
converfion  and  confequent  inoral  improvement  of  the  Hindus. 
The  greateft  obftacle  to  the  converfion  of  any  of  the  difciples  of 
Brahma,  is  the  lofs  of  caft  which  follows  their  defertion  of  their 
religion.  It  would  therefore  be  proper  for  the  government  to 
adopt  fuch  meafures  as  may  be  necelT.iry  for  the  enaployment  and 
protection  of  thofe  who  have  facrihced  their  worldly  concerns, 
for  the  fake  of  everlafting  happinefs.  The  melancholy  fate  of 
thofe  whom  the  zeal  of  the  Baptift  million  at  Serampore  con- 
verted to  the  Chriftlan  faith,  points  cut  the  neceffity  of  adopting 
fome  fuch  meafure ;  and  it  is  well  worthy  the  atteation  of  our 
modern  government  to  inquire  how  far  it  v/ould  be  right  to  ex- 
tend a  like  prote6cion  to  the  dcferving  part  of  the  pariahs  or 
eutcafts. 

The 

*  The  Hindus  are  reported  to  have  thirty  crcre  of  deities,  and  their 
almanack  enjoins  the  obfervance  of  upwards  of  ninety  fetlivais  in  th€ 
year,  fome  of  which  engage  the  whole  time  of  the  woTfaippers  for  foiHt 
or  five  days. 


1804.  DrTtnnznt^s  Indian  Recreationf*  31^ 

The  agriculture  of  the  Hindus  is  wretched  in  the  extreme. 
The  rudenefs  of  their  implements,  the  flovenlinefs  of  their  prac- 
tice, and  their  total  ignorance  of  the  mod  finiple  principl'^s  of 
the  fcience,  are  all  equally  remarkible  The  hufbandry  of  the 
fouth  of  Europe  is  bad  j  hu- ,  when  compared  to  that  of  Irdia, 
it  is  perfcftlon.  Arnidil  the  ignoranct  and  poverty  which  dif- 
grace  the  once  fertile  provinces  of  Spain  and  Italy,  we  find 
traces  of  their  former  excellence,  and  we  can,  without  difficulty, 
perceive  in  their  tools  the  refemblance  of  thofe  which  were  ia 
ufe  two  thoufand  years  ago.  No  fuch  traces  of  former  fuperiority 
are  difplayed  in  the  hufbandry  of  India  j  and  the  rudenefs  and 
unfitnefs  of  all  their  implements  is  a  moft  curious  inflance  of 
want  of  contrivance  and  ingenuity,  in  a  people  who  have  arrived 
at  a  certain  degree  of  civilization. 

The  Hindu  farmer  is  generally  obliged  \o  fcratch  his  field  four 
times  over  before  he  is  able  to  produce  the  femblance  of  mould  j 
and,  even  then,  except  in  light  land,  the  field  remains  full  of 
dirt  and  rubbifli,  and  has  by  no  means  the  appearance  of  land 
prepared  for  feed.  In  fome  inftances,  it  is  necefiary  to  plough 
the  ^c\d.  Jlftten  times  over  in  every  direction,  before  it  is  fit  for 
fowing.  The  harrow  is  ftill  more  wretched  than  the  plough. 
It  will  fcarcely  be  believed  that  the  highly  civilized  inhabitant  of 
Hinduftan  has  no  other  fubftitute  for  that  neceflary  tool,  than  a 
bough  broken  from  the  neareft  tree.  The  engine  ufed  for  a" 
roller  is  equally  cumbrous  and  unferviceable,  *  refembling  a 
ladder  of  18  feet  long,  and  drawn  by  four  bullocks,  which  are 
guided  by  tv/o  men,  who  I'land  upon  the  inftrument,  in  order  to 
increafe  its  weight.  ' 

Unfit  as  thefe  implements  are  for  the  cultivation  of  the  ground, 
in  general,  they  are  particularly  ill-fuited  for  the  new  and  loamy- 
country  of  Bengal,  where  all  forts  of  weeds  grow  particularly 
llrong  and  thick,  as  in  every  country  in  the  fame  circumftances. 
The  fpontaneous  growth  of  vegetables  and  underwood  of  all  forts> 
makes  the  culture  of  land  an  operation  of  much  time,  of  great 
labour,  and  of  vaft  expence.  We  accordingly  find,  that  the  cul- 
tivation of  the  Dewannee  provinces  is  far  lefs  perfedl:  than  that  of 
the  lighter  foils  in  the  upper  country.  The  belt  cultivated  diftri6t 
in  this  part  of  India,  feems  to  extend  from  j>rIongheer  in  Bahar  to 
Mlrzapore.  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Mongheer  and  Patria,  in- 
deed, the  utmofi:  activity  and  induftry  prevail. 

The  more  glaring  defects  of  the  Hindu  agriculture  may  be  con- 
ceived from  the  following  (hort  flatement.  i .  The  ufe  of  ma- 
nure is  entirely  unknown  in  mod  difti-icls,  and,  where  it  is  at  all 
ufed,  it  is  in  fuch  fmall  quantities  as  not  to  form  any  material  ob- 
ie£l  of  attention,     o..  The  rotation  of  crops  is  entirely  unknown. 

The 


320  Dr  Temiant'j'  Indian  Recreatmn.  Julj^ 

The  only  object  of  the  Hindu  farmer,  is  to  raife  as  many  white 
crops  as  his  land  will  bear.  When  it  is  entirely  exhaulted,  he 
permits  it  to  lye  waltc  until  it  regains  its  productive  powers, 
when  the  fame  courfe  of  cropping  is  agv.in  puriued.  In  the  vici- 
nity of  Allahabad,  when  the  liekl  is  exhaufled,  they  turn  in  fhecp 
to  manure  it.  -3.  The  total  want  of  green  crops  is  a  formidable 
check  to  the  improvement  of  any  country,  but  more  efpecially  of 
fuch  a  country  as  Hinduilan.  Without  fuch  a  fpecits  of  crop- 
ping, the  whole  fyllem  muil  be  bad,  the  quantity  of  dung  pro- 
duced mud  be  trilling,  and  the  ifock  of  an  inferior  and  beggarly 
defcription.  4.  From  the  want  of  artificial  gralles,  the  fkiil  of  the 
farmer  and  the  improvement  of  the  country  at  large  is  confined 
within  narrow  bounds,  where  the  country  is  for  fo  confiderablc 
a  period  deprived  of  all  kind  of  vegetation  by  the  exceflive  heats. 
5.  In  the  choice  of  the  proper  feafons  for  ploughing  and  fowing, 
the  Hindu  is  equally  defe6live.  6.  The  barbarous  fyltem  of 
fowing  two  and  three  fpecies  of  grain  in  one  field,  is  of  itfelf  fuf- 
iicient  to  eltablifli  the  character  of  Hindu  hulbatidry.  7.  The 
mode  of  reaping  is  equally  dcfc6live  :  if  two  or  three  fpecies  of 
grain  are  fown  in  the  fame  field,  the  Indian  hufbandman  treads 
down  a  great  part  of  his  crop  in  order  to  coUecl  each  kind  fepa- 
rately  :  indeed,  fo  fond  is  he  of  this  method  of  proceeding,  that 
he  purfues  it  even  where  the  crop  is  all  of  one  kind,  that  he  may 
fele£l  what  he  reckons  the  ripelL  8.  The  entire  want  of  enclo- 
fures  is  an  evil  of  fuch  magnitude,  that  it  is  impoflible  to  calcu- 
late its  extent.  9.  But  the  great  drawback  to  all  improvement,  is 
the  infecurity  of  the  ryut,  who  is  ftill  far  from  being  completely 
protected,  notwithftanding  every  thing  that  may  have  been  done 
in  his  favour.  The  zemindar  raifes  his  demand  according  to  the 
produce  of  the  year  ;  and  though  an  abatement  is  made  in  an  un- 
favourable feafon,  the  uncertainty  of  rent  operates  powerfully  to 
check  all  fpirit  of  im.provement.  The  collection  of  the  rents  in 
kind  is  attended  by  all  that  lofs  and  vexation  which  are  found  to 
accompany  it  in  Europe.  Finally,  10.  In  the  want  of  capital,  the 
farmer  and  the  proprieto|  of  Hindultan  feels  an  infurmountable 
obftacle  to  all  improvement. 

In  the  lower  parts  of  India,  tlic  number  of  harvefts  are  three  ; 
two  of  rice  in  the  fummer,  and  one  of  wheat,  barley  and  peas,  in 
fpring.  It  would  have  been  entirely  inconfiftent  with  our  au- 
thor's inaccuracy  to  have  mentioned  the  different  periods  at 
which  the  ploughing,  fowing  and  reaping,  takes  place.  In  the 
upper  provinces,  the  harveits  are  two  in  number,  Kheereef  and 
Rubbeef ;  the  former  happening  in  September  and  October,  the 
latter  in  March  and  April.  The  fpecies  of  grain  cultivated  in 
Hinduftan  are  extremely  numerous,  and  in  general  diiferent  from 

thofe 


x8o4.  DrT&nnznt^s  Indian  Recreations*  yzx 

thole  wiilch  are  raifed  In  Europe.  Rice  is  the  prevailing  crop  in 
the  low  country  ;  and  along  the  courie  of  the  Jumna  and  Ganges, 
from  Allahabad  upwards,  wheat  forms  the  principal  obje£l  of  tlie 
farmer's  attention. 

The  meafures  which  occur  in  the  courfe  of  this  work  are,  for 
land,  the  cutcha  and  pukka  biggah  j  the  former  being  equal  to  one 
eighth,  the  latter  to  one  third  of  an  acre.  The  latter  is  the  moft 
generally  ufcd,  and  is  always  meant  where  biggah  occurs  without 
the  addition  of  the  adjective. 

Grain  is  meafured  by  the  weight,  viz.  by  maunds  and  feers. 
The  maund  is  74  lib.  10  oz.  10  dr.  avoirdupois,  and  a  fraftion  of 
no  great  value.  Taking  the  average  weight  of  a  bufhel  of  wheat 
at  60  lib.,  the  maund  is  i  bufliel  15  pints.  If  the  grain  is  bar- 
ley at  48  lib.  a  bufliel,  the  maund  is  1  b.  i  p.  i  p.  The  feer  is 
^'^th  part  of  a  maund,  and  is  equal  to  1  lib.  13  oz.  13  dr.  ;  about 
2  pints.  The  calculations  are  made,  taking  wheat  as  the  ftand- 
ard,  except  when  barley  is  particularly  mentioned.  The  maund 
is  taken  at  1 2  anas.  This  allowance  is  no  doubt  high  ;  but  it 
was  thought  better  to  do  fo,  as  there  was  no  average  given  The 
rupee  ufed  is  the  Sicca  rupee  (2s.  6d.),  confifting  of  16  anas,  va- 
lued at  I  Id.  each. 

The  price  of  gram  (a  fpecies  of  tare)  near  Patna,  is  a  rupee 
(2S.  6d.)  for  30  feer.  Rice  and  doht  (a  fpecies  of  pulfe)  fome- 
what  cheaper. 

The  fyftem  of  rural  economy  in  Hinduftan,  clofely  refembles 
what  in  France  was  known  by  the  title  of  the  metayer  fyftem,  but 
which,  in  fa6l,  is  to  be  found  in  all  countries  in  a  fimilar  ftate  of 
irnprovement.  The  landlord  provides  the  feed,  upon  which  he 
makes  very  confiderable  profit.  The  farmer  pays  his  ploughman, 
partly  in  wages,  and  partly  by  giving  him  fo  much  land  for  his 
own  ufe.  This  allowance  is  generally  about  1 6  biggahs,  or  5  a- 
cres  arable.  This  quantity  of  land  can  be  cultivated  with  one 
plough,  and,  in  addition  to  it,  there  is  generally  given  an  equal 
quantity  of  walle  or  pailure  land.  The  intereit  of  this  leffee  is 
merely  annual.  His  condition  is  wretched  in  the  extreme,  and 
\t  appears  that  this  clafs  is  the  moft  indigent  of  all  the  natives  of 
Bengal.  The  labourer  is  in  all  refpe£ls  in  a  much  better  fituation, 
and  the  wages  he  receives  greatly  exceeds  the  profit  of  the  poor 
metayer. 

In  this  country  there  exifts  a  burden  upon  agriculture,  which 
has  no  exaft  parallel  in  any  other  country  with  which  we 
are  acquainted.  In  the  village  of  each  zemindary,  there  are 
a  certain  number  of  officers  and  artificers  who  receive  a  per 
centage,  or  allowance  of  grain  from  each  plough,  or  at  each 
harveft.     Among  thefe  is  the  hhaut  or  poet^  the  village  prieft^^ 

VOL.  IV.  NO.  8.  X  and 


^2?  Dr  TenriantV  Indian  Recreatloni.  July 

and  the  blackfmith.  The  zemindar  is  entitled  to  have  his  fhare 
of  the  work  done  at  an  inferior  rate.  Where  a  tradefman  has 
no  plough,  he  pays  a  certain  fum  of  money.  We  can  form  no 
computation  of  the  wages  of  thefe  different  people,  as  they  re- 
ceive payment  for  their  work  befides.  In  the  Dooab,  the  tradef- 
man is  obliged  to  work  for  the  allowance.  This  great  divifion  of 
labour,  m  the  villages,  is  the  more  curious,  as  it  does  not  occur 
in  the  manufacturc^j  of  India  In  vol.  II.  p.  i8.  it  is  mentioned 
that  the  manufacturer  condu£Vs  the  whole  procefs  of  his  profef- 
fion,  from  the  formation  of  his  tools  to  the  fale  of  his  production. 
Unable  to  wait  the  market,  or  anticipate  its  demand,  he  can  only 
follow  his  trade  when  called  to  it  by  the  wants  of  his  neighbours. 
In  the  mean  time,  he  mail  apply  to  fome  otlier  employment  •,  and 
and  agriculture  is  the  general  reiource.  The  inconveniences  and 
evils  of  this  fyilem  have  been  long  felt  and  acknowledged.  The 
remedy  has  never  been  confuiercd  ;  and  there  feems  but  little 
profpe<9:  of  anv  thing  foon  being  done,  to  alleviate  the  mifery,  or 
improve  the  fituation  of  this  defcription  of  men.  The  introduc- 
tion of  Engliflv  capital,  (kill  and  induftry,  appears  to  be  the  only 
refource^  The  indocihty  and  prejudices  of  the  natives  have  been 
ftated  as  likely  to  render  even  this  ineffc6tual :  but  the  fuccefs 
which  has  attended  the  introdu6tion  of  the  potato  and  the  cultiva- 
tion of  indigo,  and  t\\c  perfccStion  which  they  have  attained  (under 
the  direfhion  of  Europeans)  in  fl:iip-building,  feem  to  prove,  that  they 
want  only  the  means  and  the  opportunity  of  becoming  a  great 
and  important  addition  to  the  ftrength  and  power  of  the  empire. 

In  the  tu'o  chapters  commencing  at  p.  183.  191.  vol.11.,  we 
have  a  detailed  account  of  a  zemindary  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Benares,  which  is  chiefly  valuable  for  the  information  it  contains 
as  to  thofe  Angular  pratUces  which  we  have  noticed  above.  The 
extent  of  the  zemindary  is  4000  cutcha,  or  1500  pukka  biggahs 
(500  acres).  Of  this,  300  acres  are  under  the  plough  ;  the  re- 
maining 200  are  wafte  or  pafture  land.  The  annual  rent  paid  to 
government  is  900  rupees  (i  12I.  los.) ;  the  proprietor's  fhare,  a- 
mounting  to  100  rupees  (12I.  los.)  cr  \o  per  cent.  The  number 
of  inhabitants  is  1000  living  in  one  village,  which,  according  to 
Dr  Tennant,  is  nearly  one  perfon  to  each  Scotch  acre.  We  believe, 
if  he  will  take  the  trouble  of  turning  up  p.  184,  vol.  II.  of  his 
own  book,  he  will  find  that  the  *  fmali  zemindary,  of  which  we 
have  lately  had  a  defcription,  *  confiils  of  Jive  hundred  acres, 
which  is  exadlly  two  perfons  to  each  acre.  The  number  of  work-* 
ing  cattle  is  400.  The  wages  of  the  ploughmen  are  five  feer  of 
the  grain  which  happens  to  be  in  cultivation,  and  two  rupees  at 
€ach  hulwary  or  ploughing  feafon,  namely,  after  the  fetting  in  of 
the  rains  in  June,  and  after  they  break  up  in  October,  X^e  a- 
:    .  mouz^t 


1804.'  DrTtnnznti's  Indian  Recrenttonr.  ^7% 

mount  of  thefe  v/ages  are  7  quarters  3  builaels  4  pecks  1 1^  pints, 
which  is  within  a  trifle  of  thi."  wages  near  Allahabad,  as  will  be 
feen  prefently.  The  wages  of  the  other  country  labourers,  are 
5  feers  of  grain,  and  a  25th  fheaf  during  harveft.  The  reapci  has 
a  tenth  of  the  coarfe,  and  a  twentieth  of  the  finer  grains  After 
all  thefe  deductions,  the  (hare  of  the  ryut  mufl:  be  inconfiderable 
indeed.  The  food  of  the  hufbandman  in  this  diftri£l:  confifts  of 
rice,  barley,  v/ith  the  various  kinds  of  pe\,  either  feparntely  or 
mixed.  Wheat  is  only  ufcd  by  the  higher  ranks.  The  moft  fub- 
ftanti-^1  meal  to  which  the  lower-  ranks  can  afpire,  is  a  lore  o£ 
porridge  of  fried  grain,  r  duced  to  flour  by  a  i.and-mill. 

In  the  diftricl  about  Allahabad,  the  whole  ftock  of  the  farmer 
is  not  worth  8  rupees  (20s.)  exclufive  of  the  value  of  his  cattle. 
Wheat  is  the  prevailing  crop.  A  man  and  tv/o  cattle  can  till  a 
biggah  many  times  in  a  day.  The  prote^lion  of  the  feed  and 
crop  from  the  birds,  is  neceffary  all  over  this  country.  This 
duty  falls  to  the  lot  of  the  women  and  boys,  though  in  feme  parts 
it  forms  the  occupation  of  the  men. 

The  rate  of  wages  in  this  diiiricl,  and  the  produce  of  an  acre, 
as  compared  with  thofe  of  England,  will  be  leen  from  the  follow- 
ing table,  taking,  according  to  Sir  George  Shuckburgh,  is.  5d.  as 
the  average  wages  of  a  labourer,  and  7s.  cd.  as  the  price  of  a 
bulhel  of  wheat.  In  order  to  get  real  and  praftical  information 
upon  the  fubjecS:,  it  is  necefl'ary  to  ftate  the  value  of  the  wages, 
&c  in  grain,  tlie  money  price  of  labour  forming  no  ftandard  o£ 
comparifon. 

Quantity  of  feed  to  an  acre  in 

India         -  _  - 

Ditto  in  England 
Produce  of  an  acre  in  India    - 
Ditto  in  England 
The  rent  of  wheat  land  in  India, 

1 8s.  9d.         -         -         -         -  -  -          I     4     I     3 

Ditto  of  arable  land  in  England, 

14s.  2id.         -         -         -         -         -  -  iio^ 

The  wages  of  a   ploughman  in 

India         --  -  -  -  -7124 

In  England         -         -         -         -         -  -         823:4 

From  this  table  It  appears,  that  the  quantity  of  feed  fown  in 
each  country  is  nearly  the  fame,  while  the  produce  is  nearly 
treble  iti  India.  The  circumllance  moft  worthy  of  attention,  is 
the  high  wages  of  the  Indian.  According  to  the  ufuai  calcula- 
tions, a  man  in  England,  confumes  a  quarter  of  whtzt  per  ci?if!um, 
and  the  inhabitants  over-head  6  buftiels.     Out  of  tha   remaunng 

X  a  '7 


ONE  HARVEST. 

\VH 

OL 

E  YEAR, 

Q^    B. 

p. 

p. 

Q; 

B. 

P.        P. 

0       2 

3 

i| 

0 

5 

2     3i 

0       2 

2 

0 

0 

2 

2     0 

6    7 

2 

3 

^3 

7 

0     6 

2     4 

0 

0 

2 

4 

0     0 

j^jf  DrTtwriTinCs  Indian  Recreafiom.  JtiTy 

7  quarters  he  has  to  pay  for  his  houfe,  his  clothes,  taxes,  and  7f 
variety  of  other  things  which  cullom  has  rendered  necellary  to  his- 
exillence.  The  Indian  kbourer  (for  the  ryut  is  by  no  means  fo  well 
otY)  receives  within  one  quarter  of  as  high  wages  as  the  Englifli 
peafant,  without  having  any  of  thofe  outgoings  to  diminifh  his  in- 
come. If  the  fa61:  is-  as  here  l^ate(i,  (and  it  agrees  with  M^iat  the 
author  himfelf  ilates  relative  to  the  wages  near  Benares),  we  are  at  a 
lofs  to  find  a  reafon  for  fuch  a  fmgular  circumflance.  The  labourer 
receives  a  certain  allowance  at  certain  periods  of  the  year,  entire-^ 
If  independent  of  his  regular  wages.  From  the  krgenefs  of  that 
allowance,  there  Js  reafon  to  think  that  it  was  fixed  in  a  period  of 
great  profperity,  or  adopted 'for  the  purpofe  of  making  the  regu- 
lation of  luages  more  eafy.  This  cuflom  prevails  alfo  in  the 
fouthern  part  of  the  peninfula.  Much  light  would  be  thrown  up- 
on the  whole  fubjeft,  if  fonie  perfon  would  communicate  to  the 
pubHc  an  account  of  the  Carnatic  and  the  Myfore.  This  clafs  cti 
day-labourers  appears  iiow  to  bear  a  very  fmali  proportion  to  the 
7fietayers. 

In  Bengal,  the  ftate  of  she  peafantry  and  produce  of  the  land 
feems  to  be  much  inferior  to, what  we  have  been  contemplating  in 
the  vicinity  of  Benares  and  Allahabad.  The  (late  of  the  new 
country  of  Bengal  muit  bid  defiance  to  the  ikill  and  implements 
of  the  country,  and  we  repeat  again,  that  the  only  remedy  tO' 
the  evil  is  by  introducing  the  indullry  and  the  capital  of  this- 
country. 

The  farmer  of  the  lower  provinces  does  not  depend,  however, 
upon  the  cultivation  of  grain  for  tshe  profit  of  his  farm.  It  is  up- 
on the  produce  of  his  dai-ry,  arifing  from  the  profits  from  the  fale 
of  milk,  of  curds,  a.-ud  of  ghee  (clarified  butter),  upon  which  a 
profit  of  no  lefs  than  33  per  cent,  might  be  made  with  a  tolerable 
capital.  The  poultry  of  Bengal  are  of  a  fmaller  fize  than  thofe  of 
Europe.  The  price  of  a  pair  of  good  turkles  in  the  Bengal  mar- 
ket is  about  30  rupees  (3I.  15s.),  for  which  fum  you  can  buy  20 
or  30  dozen  of  fowls.  lu  the  neighbourhood  of  Patna,  turkies 
coft  6  rupees  (15s.),  fowls  and  ducks  from  fix  to  ten  ana  rupees. 

From  the  introdudlion  of  that  ufeful  root  the  potato,  and  from 
its  adoption  in  fome  diftricls,  we  may  expetSl  great  and  lading 
benefits  to  the  natives  of  Hinduftan.  The  rice  crops  in  that 
country  are  liable  to  fuch  frequent  deftrutStiony  and  their  total 
failure,  when  It  happens,  is  Jikely  to  be  fo  general,  that  it  re- 
quires the  utmoft  exertion  upon  the  part  of  government  to  obviate 
the  bad  eilccls  likely  to  arife  from  fuch  a  llate  of  things.  As  a 
dry  feafon  is  the  moll  unfavourable  to  a  rice  crop,  and  is  that  in 
which  the  potato  grows  to  the  higheit  perfe£l:ion,  the  advantages 
arifing  from  having  fuch  a  fubftitute,  and  at  fuch  a  period,  muft 

be 


r8o4»  Z)k  TennantV  Indian  Recreation}',  'p.-^ 

be  produtllve  of  the  happieft:  effefts.  To  this  ufeful  plant  the 
benevolence  of  individuals  has  attempted  to  add  another,  the 
breadfruit  tree  ;  and  at  Madras,  and  upon  other  parts  of  the  Coro- 
mandel  coalt,  the  propagation  of  that  tree  has  been  attempted 
•with  fome  fuccefs. 

The  agriculture  and  commerce  of  Bengal  will  derive  much 
benefit  from  a  proper  diftribution  of  navigable  canals  through- 
out this  diftri6l  ;  by  facilitating  the  commKnication  ;  by  a  pro- 
per diftribution  of  water  for  irrigation  ;  and  by  forming  refer- 
voirs  to  receive  the  overflowing  of  the  rivers,  which  is  at  pre- 
fent  a  fource  of  deftruttion  to  the  crops  of  the  unfortunate  Ben- 
galefc. 

The  extent  and  population  of  Englifh  India  comes  now  to  be 
oonfidered.  The  pofTeflion  or  inflaence  of  the  Company  reaches 
from  lat.  60.  north  to  lat.  304  for  fuoh  w  the  magnitude  of  their 
empire,  that  miles  are  too  fmall  a  meafure  to  compute  it  by. 
The  breadth  of  thefe  poffeffions  cannot  be  fo  eafily  determined  ; 
but  the  whole  penififuJa  -Oif  India  is  •!K)w  nea-rly  fubje6led  to 
their  power.  To  our  former  poflenions  of  Bengal,  Bahar,  and 
Benares,  the  prefent  gm-ernment  of  India  has  added  the  coun- 
try lying  between  the  Ganges  and  the  Jumna,  with  the  Rohii- 
cund  ;  Oude  remains,  more  than  ever,  from  its  weaknels,  an 
appendage  of  this  Prefidency.  From  the  Nizam  has  been  ta- 
ken his  Ihare  of  the  fpoils  of  Tippoo  ;  the  Carnatic  and  Tan- 
jore  have  been  added  to  our  dominions^  and  the  choice  of  a 
prime  minifter  for  the  Rajah  of  Travancore,  was  riie  only  cir- 
cumftance,  after  he  became  tributary,  wanting  to  fubje£t  that 
country  alfo  to  our  power.  Poffcning  therefore  the  Myfore,  we 
enjoy  in  full  fovereignty  all  the  peninfula  down  to  the  fouth  of 
the  river  Toombuddra.  But,  befides  this,  the  Nizam  has  been 
fo  fond  of  the  Engliih  ever  lince  the  French  were  difmiffed  his 
fervice,  that  he  retains  in  his  capital,  Hydrabad,  an  additional 
garrifon  of  our  troops,  to  the  amount  of  4400  men.  The  Paifh- 
wah,  too,  has  not  been  wanting  in  his  proofs  of  attachment ; 
and  the  important  ccifions,  in  the  Guzerat,  of  the  coaft  between 
Surat  and  Canara,  together  with  the  province  of  Bundlecund, 
muft  confirm  the  good  opinion  which  v/e  entertained  of  his 
wifdom  and  integrity,  which  he  has  '(till  further  increafed  by 
taking  8000  of  our  troops  into  his  pay,  and  flipulating  to  make 
no  treaty  without  our  confent.     (Lord  Wellefley's  Notes.) 

The  only  powers  in  that  part  of  the  world,  who  feem  to  have 
been  infenfible  of  our  kindnefs,  are  the  Mahrattas  ;  but  they 
will  no  doubt  fpeedily  open  their  eyes  to  the  force  of  reafon  and 
of  arms.  The  defcendant  of  the  Moguls,  when  reftored  to  the 
throne  of  his  fathers,  will  require  the  affiftance  of  a  company 


326^  Dr  TennantV  Indian  Rscreatlons^  -July 

of  Engllfli  traders,  in  the  government  of  his  provinces,  and  in 
the  colledlion  of  his  revenues,  which  cannot  poflibly  be  in  kind- 
Bcfs  refufed  him.  This,  with  ihe  addition  of  the  province  of 
Cuttack,  and  fome  important  acquifitions  in  the  Guzevat,  and 
the  countries  beryeen  the  Ganges  and  the  Jumna,  which  are  juft 
united  with  our  empire,  places  the  whole  peninfula  under  our 
dominion. 

The  population  of  this  vaft  empire  is  far  from  bein^  accu- 
rately known  The  author  of  the  Indian  Recreations  has  co- 
pied irom  the  fam.e  unpublilhed  printed  work,  (Afiat.  Ann.  Reg. 
1 80 2,  Mifc.  Tr.  41.),  a  compulation  of  the  number  of  inhabitants 
in  Bengal,  &c.  It  fcarcely  need  be  ohferved,  that  no  depend- 
ence can; be  placed  on  thefe  computations,  as  they  alTume,  as 
fa(Ss,  what  we  have  no  reafon  to  believe  to  be  fo.  The  refult 
inakes  the  population  of  Bengal,  B<»har,  and  Benares,  30  mil- 
lions ;  and,  according  to  the  ideaiS  of  the  author,  the  popula- 
tion of  the  Ei.glifh  empire  in  India,  including  the  country  of 
the  Nizam  and  Qude,  will  amount  to  between  60  and  70  mil" 
lions  of  iouls. 

The  rcfources  of  the  commerce  of  this  empire  is  by  no  means 
proportioned  to  its  population.  The  nature  of  the  government 
dedioys  every  principle  of  induftiy  and  of  a£lion.  The  pro- 
fperity  of  lb  large  a  portion  of  cur  dominions,  is  undoubtedly 
an  object  of  concern  of  no  mean  importance  j  and  the  confe- 
deration of  this  qUeftion  mutt  derive  addirional  interefl  from  its 
having  been  declart^d  in  Par!iam«  nt,  by  the  higheft  authority, 
that  no  man  would  be  bold  enough  to  alk  for  a  renewal  of  the 
<eharter  on  the  footing  on  which  it  at  preftnt  ftands.  ^The  liberties 
granted  to  the  private  trader  will  be  the  firft  ftep  towards  the 
proper  colonization  of  that  country  ;  and  as  it  is  obvious  that 
the  one  cannot  be  granted  without  leading  to  the  other,  it  will 
be  much  better  to  look  to  it  fteadily,  and  confider  ferioufly' 
•u:hat  is  tlve  heft  means  to  regulate  and  dire6l  the  change.  From 
t,he  improved  fyftcm  of  government  in  the  older  provinces  of- 
the  empire,  few  can  now  hope  to  make  a  fortune  and  return 
to  this  country,  as  was  formerly  the  cafe.  Thofe  who  go  out 
muft  now. leave  this,  country  with  very  little  profpecl  of  ever 
feeing  it  a^jain  ;  and  not  having  European  females  to  adorn  and 
improve  their  fociety,  they  contribute  to  the  production  of  an 
intermediate  clafs  of  inhabitants  v,  ho  have  neither  the  education 
or  virtues  pf  their  JLuropean  par^^nrs,*  nor  the  inoifenfive  and  fub- 

riiiihvc 

*    it    is  a  hti  extremely  worthy  of    attention,   that   the   officers  who 
ftaye  dh'cipUned  and  led  on  to  a^ion  the  troops  of   Scindia,  under  the 

direftioa 


mifTive  talents  of  their  Afiatic  brethren.  TI>e  colomzatlon  of  In- 
dia, as  we  have  before  faid,  is  going  on  filcntly  and  urogref- 
(ively,  in  a  way  equally  detrimental  to  the  interefts  of  England, 
and  hoftile  to  the  welfare  of  India.  It  is  faid,  indeed,  that  by  the 
unlimited  emigration  of  Englilhmen,  the  mother  country  will  be 
depopulated,  while  the  minds  of  the  natives  will  be  alienated  by 
the  ('ifrefpfft  which  the  European  fettlers  will  (liew  to  the  reli- 
gion and  cuftoms  of  the  country.  But  the  Mahoramedans  who, 
inllead  of  refpc(£ting,  did  every  thing  in  their  power  to  fhew  their 
deteftation  for  the  worfiiip,  and  their  contempt  for  the  feelings  of 
the  inhabitants,  maintained  an  unlimited  controul  over  them  for 
many  centuries  ;  and  though  we  are  far  from  thinking  that  a 
fimilar  conduct  would  be  adopted  by  any  confidtrabie  part  of 
our  countrymen,  the  elTecb  of  the  Mahommedan  conqueft  muft 
have  blunted  the  feelings  and  moderated  the  prejudices  of  the 
Hindus.         .^  .       ■ 

It  is  proper  however  to  obferve,  that  we  by  nd  means  con- 
tend for  an  unlimited  and  unreftri6led  fettlement  of  India,  efpe- 
cially  during  the  firft  years  of  the  attempt.  At  the  fame  time, 
we  conceive  it  would  be  extremely  dangerous  to  lodge  the  power 
of  reftritf^ion  in  the  executive  government,  in  which  it  feems 
to  be  the  tendency  of  all  our  late  meafutes  to  centrle  the  whok 
patronage  of  India.  The  appoitit merit  of  the  three  governors, 
and  of  the  fupreme  judges,  tan  never,  indeed,  by  the  principles 
of  the  conditution,  he  lodged  any  where  elfe  ;  but  the  choice  of 
the  inferior  officers  might  ftill  remain  with  a  body  of  dirc£toirs 
chofen  by  the  praprietors  of  India  iiocky.  which,  in  fairnefs  Co 
the  holde,rs,  ought,  as  well  i  as  the  debt  of  the  Compaoy,  to  he 
made  a  claim  upon  the  credit  of  the  couritty.  To  thtria'tjae,  c»r 
a  fimilar  body,  might  alfo  be  entiulied  the  lieeiifing  of  thofe 
going  to  India,  after  they  had  complied  with  certau'.  regulations 
as  to  their  chara£ler  and  condu£l.  :   -    ,y 

According  to  the  laft  accounts,  the  mimber  of  the  CorarpanyTs 
civil  fervants  in  India  were  702  ;  officers:  2.141  ;  ditto  of  Ithc  ma- 
rine 122;  and  of  European  inhabitants  not  in  the  Coinpany!s 
fervice  2ji8  •,  in  all  5161.     To  this  is  to  be  added  the  humbeTS 

X-4  ':.''^u    ,":;■;;■«>  "i.   q'xrf 

. r.  vfr',; — -aU     i.nMi     fifl.; 

dIre<fkion  and  after  the  defertion  of  the  foreign  officers,  during  the  pre- 
fcnt  bloody  coiteft,  are  the  natural  ckiidr&i  of  I^ifgliihineu,  .who,,  by 
the  conftitution  of  our  Indian  government,  are  prevented  holding  any 
fittiation  under  the  Company.  Will-  it- be  faiti-tbat-tK*'  dtmger  tsrrfes 
from  the  increafe  of  fuch  a  population,  if  not  counteraitcd  by  a  more 
effe^ive  oue  froxa  Europe  I 


32S  Vr  TennantV  Indian  Recreatiofif,  Julf 

of  European  foldiers  24,000,  *  making  a  total  of  2g,x6t,  to  go- 
vern a  people  whofe  numbers  amount  to  70  millions  !  The  in- 
adequacy of  this  fyftem,  when  oppofed  by  rebellion  aided  by 
European  intrigue,  mud  be  apparent  to  every  man,  while  the 
numbers  are  fufficient  to  produce  a  race  who  will  eventually  ex- 
pel us  from  our  eaftern  empire. 

This  queftion  aflumes  new  intereft,  from  the  account  which 
our  author,  a  chaplain  in  the  King's  fervice,  gives  of  the  very 
imfatisfa^lory  condition  of  that  main  fupport  of  our  power  under 
the /)r^«^  circumftances  of  India.  The  European  part  of  the 
army,  fays  our  author,  p.  336,  *  is  a  motley  mixture  of  all  na- 
tions ;  a  f mail  bribe  might  engage  them  in  any  enterprise  ;  but  they 
are  the  moft  debauched  and  unprincipkd  troops  any  where  to  be 
met  with,  and  ivould  give  no  fitfficient  fupport  to  any  caufe,  whe- 
ther good  or  bad.'  In  page  382,  he  adds,  Great  Britain  has 
perhaps  more  to  fear  *  from  the  difloyalty  of  its  army,  than  its 
dilTipation, '  Upon  a  Sepoy  army,  according  to  our  author, 
mufl  depend  the  fafety  of  our  pcfTefTtons  in  India.  We  are 
ready  to  allow,  that,  under  Engllfh  officers,  the  fepoys  form  ex- 
cellent and  enterprizing  foldiers.  But  is  their  fidelity  fo  tried, 
and  their  attachment  to  our  caufe  fo  great,  that  no  bribe  could 
tempt,  and  no  attachment  to  their  country  prevail  upon  them  to 
defert  ?  But,  granting  that  to  us  they  are  perfe6lly  loyal,  will 
it  be  afTerted  that  they  are  at  all  equal  to  thofe  troops  of  France, 
before  whom  all  but  Engllfhmen  have  fled  ?  or  will  it  be  main- 
tained, that  the  fuperiorlty  of  the  European,  which  has  given 
India  to  our  power,  will  not  transfer  it  to  thofe  who  make  ufe 
of  fimilar  means  to  acquire  it  ?  In  the  late  contefts,  were  not 
the  Mahrattas,  bravely  and  obflinately  as  they  fought,  and  offi- 
cered by  Europeans  or  their  children,  obliged  to  give  way  to 
Englifh  bravery  and  prowefs  .'*  And  is  not  this  a  pretty  decifive 
proof,  that  India  can  never  be  defended  againft  European  forces 
by  a  native  army  alone  ?  We  have  much  to  fear  from  the  in- 
trodu£lIon  of  French  troops  into  Hindurtan ;  much  more  front 
French  intrigue,  and  more  than  all  from  the  operation  of  thofe 
principles  upon  the  rotten  and  combuftible  matter  of  our  Eu- 
ropean army,  upon  the  unfteady  and  fickle  minds  of  the  natives, 
and  upon  the  difaffe^led  and  mutinous  inhabitants  of  India, 
efpecially  thofe  numerous  and  formidable  bodies  who  have  loll  all 
means  of  obtaining  a  livelihood,  the  troops  form.erJyIn  the  fervice  of 

the 

*  This  is  the  number  ftated  by  Lord  Caftlereagh.  In  faft,  how- 
ever, there  are  not  much  more  than  half  that  number  of  EurotJeat* 
troops  in  India. 


1804.  DrTtnti^ni^j  Indtafi  RgcreattoHSl  32j> 

the  native  princes.  Unlefs  fome  fteps  are  taken  to  introduce  a 
body  of  Europeans  who  may  have  a  ftrong  and  permanent  in- 
tereft  in  the  prefervation  of  the  power  of  England,  and  frorfx 
their  fituition  be  capable  of  countera6ling  the  intrigues  of  the 
enemy,  it  is  impoffible  to  fay  how  fpeedy  may  be  the  downfal  of 
our  influence  in  India.  Such  a  line  of  conduct  is  particularly  called 
for  at  the  prefent  moment,  when  we  confider  the  precarious  ftat« 
of  our  colonial  empire  in  the  Weft.  A  complete  freedom  of 
trade  between  India  and  England  would  at  once  provide  an 
opening  for  that  capital  which  the  lofs  of  the  Weft  Indies  would 
throw  out  of  employment,  and  provide  the  means  of  inftantly 
filling  up  the  blank  which  fuch  a  difafter  would  occafion. 


Art.  VI.      Popular  Tales.     By  Maria   Edgeworth,  author   of  Praftl- 
cal  Education,  Caftle  Rackrenc,  &c.  iScc.     8vo.     3  vol.     Jobnfcn, 

London,    1804. 

*■  I  ''he  defign  of  thcfe  tales  is  excellent,  and  their  tendency  fo 
•^  truly  laudable  as  to  make  amends  for  many  faults  of  exe- 
cution. There  is  nothing  new,  indeed,  in  the  idea  of  conveying 
inflruflion  in  the  form  of  an  amufmg  narrative  ;  for  from  the 
days  of  Homer  downwards,  almofl  all  the  writers  of  fiftitious 
hiltory  have  been  thought  to  aim  at  the  moral  improvement  of 
their  readers.  The  means  which  they  have  employed  for  this 
purpofe,  however,  have  hitherto  been  but  indifFerently  calculated 
to  efFeft  it.  The  truth  is,  that  almoft  all  moral  tales  which  are 
not  exprefsly  accommodated  to  the  tafte  and  condition  of  children, 
feem  to  have  been  intended  for  the  benefit  of  perfons  of  high  fa- 
fliion  and  fpLendid  accompHfhments  only  ;  they  feldom  conde- 
fcend  to  the  incidents  or  the  duties  of  ordinary  characters  or  or- 
dinary life,  but  are  occupied  entirely  in  adjufting  the  claims  of 
nice  honour  and  heroic  affe£lion,  or  in  defcribing  the  delicate  per- 
plexities and  fantaftic  diftreffes  of  thofe  who  fet  vulgar  forrovfS 
at  defiance.  Now,  confidering  that  there  are  in  thefe  kingdoms 
at  leaffc  eighty  ihotifand  readers,  it  is  obvious,  that  no  great  moral 
utility  could  refult  from  the  general  perufal  of  thofe  brilliant  nar- 
ratives ;  and  that  the  lefTons  which  they  were  calculated  to  teach, 
were  quite  inapplicable,  to  fay  the  leail  of  them,  to  that  great 
multitude  who  are  neither  high-born  nor  high-bred.  It  is  for 
this  great  and  mofl  important  clafs  of  fociety  that  the  volumes 
before  us  have  been  written  ;  and  their  objeft  is,  to  intereft,  a- 
mufe  and  inftrucft  them  by  flories  founded  on  the  incidents  of 
common  life,  and  developed  by  the  agency  of  ordinary  chara6ters ; 
tp  witlidraw  their  attention  from  thofe  dazzling  difplays  of  fafliion- 

able 


ig^  Mifs  Edgeworlh'x  Popuiar  TaieK  -Jiily 

able  manners,  with  which  they  have  no  natural  connexion,  and 
to  fix  it  upon,  thofe  fcenes  a-nd  occvn-rences  which  have  an  imme- 
diate application  to  their  own  way  of  hfe  ;  and  in  this  vray  to 
imprfefs  upon  their  minds  the  ineftimable  value  and  fubftantial 
dignity  of  induftry,  perfeverance,  prudence,  good  humour,  and 
all  that  train  of  vulgar  and  homely  virtues  that  have  hitherto 
made  the  happinefs  of  the  world,  without  obtaining  any  great 
fliare  of  its  admiration. 

This  is  an  arttempt,  we  think,  fomewhat  fuperior  in  genius,  as 
well  as  utility,  to  the  laudable  exertions  of  Mr  Thomas  Paine  to 
bring  difaffe(3-ion  and  infidelity  within  the  comprehenfion  of  the 
common  people^  or  the  charitable  endeavours  of  Mefl'rs  Wirdf- 
worth  &  Co.  to  accommodate  them  with  an  appropriate  vein  of 
jJOetry.  ^oth  thefe  were  fuperfluities  which  they  might  have 
done  very  tolerably  without ;  hut  Mifs  Edgeworth  has  undertaken 
to  improve,  as  well  as  to  amufe  them,  and  to  bring  them  back 
from  an  admli-ation  of  pernicious  abfurdities,  to  a  relilh  for  the 
images  of  thofe  things  which  muft  make  the  happinefs  of  their 
aftual  exifhence.  In  this  view,  Ihe  rather  deferves  to  be  com- 
pared to  thofe  patriotic  worthies  who  firfl  ventured,  after  the  re- 
vival of  letters,  to  write  iii  their  native  language,  and  to  interell 
their  countrymen  in  ftories  of  their  home  manufa6lure  \  who 
jTpoke  of  love  without  allufion  to  Ovid,  conftrufted  dramas  alto- 
gether independent  of  the  Scriptures,  and  publilhed  tales  that 
we^e  not  to  be  found  in  the  Book  of  Troy.  It  required  almoft 
the  fame  courage  to  get  rid  of  the  jargon  of  fafliionable  life,  and 
the  fwarms  of  peers,  foundhngs  and  feducers,  that  infefted  our 
modern  fables,  as  it  did  in  thojfe  days  to  fweep  away  the  m.ytho- 
logical  perfonages  of  antiquity,  and  to  introduce  characters  who 
fpoke  arid  a£led  like  thofe  who  were  to  perufe  their  adventures. 

The  fuccefs  of  fuch  an  experiment  dependr/,  no  doubt,  in  % 
|;^reat  degree,  on  the  ftcill  with  which  it  is  condutSted;  nor  arc 
■we  fanguine  enough  to  hope  th^t  it  will  be  very  fuddtnly  com- 
]fcleted.  The  millinery  miffes  and  afpiring  apprentices  of  our 
<sountry  towns  will  long  haukcr,  we  are  afraid,  after  the  elegant 
ajdventures  of  counts,  baronefles,  ot  Adelines,  and.  will  think 
every  ftory  intolfrably  low  which  does  not  contain  anecdotes  of 
mafquerades  and  gaming-houfes,  elegiac  flanzas,  duels,  and 
defcriptions  of  the  Appenines.  This  clafs  will  certainly  be  the 
laft  to  be  converted.  But  in,  the  great  and  lefpsClable  multitude 
of  Englifh  tradefmen,  yeomen,  and  manafa£l.urcrs — in  that  mpft 
important  part  of  our  population  which  confiils  of  the  well- 
educated  in  the  lower  and  middling  orders  of  the  people,  we 
do  believe  that  there  is  fo  much  good  fenfe  and  good  principle, 
as  to  fecure  the  favourable  reception  ef  a  work  which  profelTes 

id 


^S,^4«  ■'W^  Eugeworth'i'  Popah-h-  TateL  ^ j  f 

to  interell  £hem  by  a  pifture'  df  their  own  condition,  to  make 
them  proud  of  their  indepentieticc,-  and  cheprful  iri  their  fub-'' 
miffion,  arxi  to.  point  out  the  Li.5i pin-.' fs'  which  is  placed  within 
the  reach  of  ^U  who  are  induitriops  and  afl->Qibnatei 

NotwithftandliAg  the  unqualified  praife  which  we  are  difpofed. 
fo  beitow  on  the  fiefign  of  this  work,'  we  cannot  help  obferving^ 
that  the  execution  is  extremely  unequaK  Maay  oY  the  incidents, 
are  childifn,  and  feveral  of  the  ftories  unmeaning^and  improbable^ 
yet  they  all  iaculcatq  an  unexceptionable  and  ^ra^lic-al  nfio.ra- 
iity,  and  are  written  throughout  in  a  rtrain  of  aHmirable  good 
fenfej  liberality,  and  cheerfulnefs..  There  is,  nothing  tawdry  or 
fophifticated  about  them  jiio  idle  defcriptipn  br  affe.£led  rejec- 
tion ;  the  ftpry  moves  on  with  'm>ir\terrupted  rap.i,dity  ^  aad  tlie 
writer  never  feems  to  paufe  to  idmicc  her  own  powers  of  com'*- 
Bofition,  or  to  wait  for  the  ad!f?»;r.ition  of  her  voailers. 

The  heft  tales  in  the  book,,  we  think,  sfK^-thafe  entitled, 
''  Lame  Gervas, '  '  the  Contraft, '  and  '  To.Mor?ow. '  We  IhaU 
make  a  few  extracts  from  thp  Jftft.,.  which  turufi,  as  might  have 
been  expecled,  on  the  dangers  of  procraftinatioh.  •  The  hero^^ 
rafter  many  mortifications  and  voWs  of  reformation,  13  at  length 
fettled  with  a  merchant  in  Philadelphia. 

*  No  one  could  be  more  afiiduous  than  I  was  for  ten  days;  and  I 
perceived  that  Mr  Crnft,  though  it  wa'i  not  his  cuRool  to  praife,  \va$" 
well  fatisfitd  with  my  diligencet  TlJi-uickily,  on-  the  elevettth  day,  I 
put  off  103  the  morninjT  making  out  an  invoice,  which  he  left  for  mc  to 
do;  and  I  was  perfuaded,  in  the  evening,  to  go  out  with  young  Mr 
Hudfon.  1  had  expreffed,  in  cotiverfatlon  with  hini,  feme  curiofity 
about  the  American  yrj^  concerts:;  of  which  I  had  read,  in  modern 
books  of  travels,  extraordinary  accounts.  Mr  Budforr  perfuaded  me  to 
accompany  him  to  a  iwamp,  at  fome  miles  dillanct'  from  Philaddphii,  to 
hear  one  of  thefe  concerts.  The  performance  lafted  fome  time,  and  Tt 
waa  late  beftsre  we  returned  to  town,  t  went  to  bed  tired  ;  and  waked 
in  the  morning  with  a  cold,  which  1  had  caught  by  'ftandingr  fo  long 
in  the  fwamp.  1  lay  an  hour  atter  I  was  called,  in  hopes  of  getting, 
rid  of  my  cold.  When  I  was  at  laft  up  and  dreffed,  I  recolledted  my 
invoice,  and  refolved  to  do  it  the  firll  thing  after  breakfafl ;  but  un-' 
luckily  1  put  it.  ofl"till  I  had  looked  for  fome  lines  in  Homer's  "  Battle 
of  the  Frogs  and  Mice.  "  There  was  no  Homer,  as  you  may  guefs, 
in  Mr  Croft's  houfe  ;  and  1  went  to  a  bookfeller's  to  borrow  one.  He. 
had  Pope's  Iliad  and  Odyffcy  ;  but  no  Battle  of  the  Frogs  and  Mice. 
I  walked  over  half  the  town  in  fearch  of  it.  At  length  I  found  it  ;  and 
was  returning  in  triumph,  with  Homer  in  each  pocket,  when,  at  the 
door  of  Mr  Croft's  houfe,  1  found  h-alf  a  dozen  porters,  with  heavy  loads 
upon  their  backs. 

"  Where  are  you  going,  my  good  fellows  ?  "  faid  I. 

'-  To  the  quay,  Sir,  with  the  cargo  for  the  Bstfey.  '* 

"  My 


534  Mifs  ^dgewortKV  Popular  Tales".  July 

.   "  My  God  !  "  cried  I,  «  Stop Can't  yon  flop  a  minute?    I  thought 

the  Betfey  was  not  to  fail  till  to-morrow.     Stop  one  minute.  " 

'*«  No,  Sir,"  faid  they,  «  that  we  can't ;  for  the  captain   bade   us 
twake  what  haSe  we  could  to  the  quay,  to  load  her.  " 

*  I  ran  into  the  houfe.  The  captain  of  the  Betfey  was  bawling  in 
the  hall,  with  his  hat  on  the  back  of  his  head ;  Mr  Croft  on  the  landing- 
place  of  the  warehoufe  ftairs,  with  open  letters  in  his  hand,  and  two  or 
three  of  the  under  clerks  were  running  different  ways,  with  pens  in  their 
mouths. 

«  Mr  Bafil !  the  invoice !  "  exclaimed  all  the  clerks  at  once,  the 
moment  1  made  my  appearance. 

«*  Mr  Bafil  Lowe,  the  invoice  and  the  copy,  if  you  pleafe, "  repeated 
Mr  Croft.  "  We  have  fent  three  meflengers  after  you.  Very  extra- 
ordinary to  go  out  at  this  time  of  day,  and  not  even  to  leave  word  where 
yon  were  to  be  found.  Here's  the  captain  of  the  Bftfey  has  been  wait- 
ing this  half  hour  for  the  invoice.  Well,  Sir  !  will  you  go  for  it  now  ? 
And  at  the  fame  time  bring  me  the  copy,  to  cnclofe  in  this  letter  to  our 
oorrefpondent  by  poft.  " 

I  ftood  petrified. — "  Sir,  the  invoice,  Sir! — Good  Heavens!  I  for- 
got it  entirely.  " 

«'  You  remember  it  now,  Sir,  I  fuppofe.  Keep  your  apologies  till 
we  have  leifure.     The  invoices,  if  you  pleafe.  '' 

"  The  invoices  !    My  God,  Sir,  1  beg  ten  thoufand  pardons !     They 
are  not  drawn  out.  " 
.  <'  Not  drawn  out. — Impoffible  !  *'  faid  Mr  Croft, 
"  Then  I'm  off!  "  cried  the  captain,  with   a  tremendous  oath.     I 
can't  wait  another  tide  for  any  clerk  breathing.  " 

«  Send  back  the  porters,  Captain,  if  you  pleafe,  "  faid  Mr  Croft, 
coolly.  "  The  whole  cargo  mull  be  unpacked.  I  took  it  for  granted, 
Mr  Bafil,  that  you  had  drawn  the  invoice,  according  to  order,  yefterday 
morning ;  and,  of  courfe,  the  goods  were  packed  in  the  evening,  i  was 
certainly  wrong  in  taking  it  for  granted  that  you  would  be  pnndual.  A 
man  of  bufinefs  (hpuld  take  nothing  for  granted.  This  is  a  thing  that 
■will  not  occur  to  me  again  as  long  as  1  live.  " 

•  I  poured  forth  expreffions  of  contrition  ;  but,  apparently  unmoved 
by  them,  and  without  anger  or  impatience  in  his  manner,  he  turned 
from  me  as  foon  as  the  porters  came  back  with  the  goods,  and  ordered 
Uiem  all  to  be  unpacked  and  replaced  in  the  warehoufe.  I  was  truly 
concerned  ! 

"  1  believe  you  fpent  your  evening  yefterday  with  young  Mr  Hud- 
fon  ?  "  faid  he,  returning  to  me. 

«<  Yes,  Sir. — 1  am  fincerely  forry " 

♦*  Sorrow,  in  thefe  cafes,  doe<:  no  good.  Sir,  "  interrupt-^d  he.  «*  I 
tliought  I  had  fufficiently  uarned  you  of  the  danger  of  forming  that 
intimacy.     Midnight  caroufing  will  not  do  for  men  of  bufinefs.  " 

«'  Caroafm^,  Sir  !  "  faid  1.  "  Give  me  leave  to  affure  you  that  W'- 
wcie  not  caroufing.     We  were  only  at  a  frog-concert.  " 

*  M;- 


l8a4«  Mifs  ^dgtv;oxt\i*s  Popular  Tatef.  333 

*  Mr  Croft,  who  had  at  leaft  fupprefled  his  difpleafure  till  now, 
looked  abfolutely  angry.  He  thought  I  was  making  a  joke  of  him. 
When  I  convinced  him  that  1  was  in  earneft,  he  changed  from 
anger  to  aftoniflunent,  with  a  large  mixture  of  contempt  in  his  nafal 
mufcles. 

**  A  frog  concert  !  "  repeated  he.  "  And  is  it  pofTible  that  any 
man  could  negledl  an  invoice,  merely  to  go  to  hear  a  parcel  of  frogs 
croaking  in  a  fwamp  ?  Sir,  you  will  never  do  in  a  mercantile  houfe.  ** 
He  walked  off  to  the  warehoufe,  and  left  me  half  mortified  and  half 
provoked.  From  this  time  forward  all  hopes  from  Mr  Croft's  fricndfliip 
were  at  an  end,  '     vol.  3.  p.  3+7-353- 

We  add  the  following  chara6leriillc  fcene,  in  honour  of  the 
fair  writer's  countrymen.  The  vi6tim  of  to-morrow  is  reduced 
to  poverty,  and  obliged  to  pawn  his  watch  to  pay  his  pafl'age 
home  to  England.  It  is  redeemed,  and  fent  back  again  by  the 
gratitude  of  a  poor  Irifhman,  to  whom  he  had  advanced  a  fmall 
fum  of  money  on  his  landing.  He  then  goes  to  make  his  ac- 
knowledgements to  this  humble  benefadlor. 

*  1  knocked  at  Mr  O'Grady's  door,  and  made  my  way  into  the 
parlour  ;  where  ]  found  him,  his  two  foos,  and  liis  wife,  fitting  very 
fociably  at  tea.  He  and  the  two  young  men  rofe  immediately,  to  fet 
me  a  chair. 

"  You  are  welcome,  kindly  welcome.  Sir,  "  faid  he.  **  This  is  an 
honour  I  never  expefted  any  u'ay.  Be  pleafed  to  take  the  feat  near 
the  fire.  'Twould  be  hard  indeed  if  you  nvould  not  have  -the  bell  feat 
that's  to  be  had  in  this  houfe,  where  we  none  of  us  never  ihould  have 
fat,  nor  had  feats  to  fit  upon,  but  for  you.  " 

*  The  fens  pulled  off  my  fhabby  great  coat,  and  took  away  my  hat, 
and  the  wife  made  up  the  fire.  There  was  fomething  in  their  manner, 
altogether,  which  touched  me  fo  much,  that  it  was  with  difficulty  I 
could  keep  mylelf  from  buriling  into  tears.  They  faw  this  ;  and  Barny 
(for  I  fhall  never  call  him  any  thing  elfe)  as  he  thought  that  I  fhould 
like  better  to  hear  of  public  affairs  than  to  fpeak  of  my  own,  began  to 
alk  his  fons  if  they  had  feen  the  day'&  papers,  and  what  news  there  was  ? 

'  As  foon  as  I  could  command  my  voice,  I  congratulated  this  family 
upon  the  happy  fituation  in  wliich  I  found  them  ;  and  afii:ed  by  what 
lucky  accidents  they  had  fucceeded  fo  well  ? 

*'  The  luckieft  accident  ever  happened  me^  before  or  fince  I  came  to 
America,  "  {aid  Barny,  "  was  being  on  board  the  fame  veffcl  with 
fuch  a  man  as  you.  If  you  had  not  given  me  the  firft  lift,  I  had  been 
down  for  good  and  all,  and  trampled  under  foot  long  and  long  ago. 
But,  after  that  firft  lift,  all  was  as  eafy  as  life.  My  two  fons  here 
were  not  taken  from  me — God  blefs  you  !  for  I  never  can  blefs  you 
enough  for  that.  The  lads  were  left  to  work  for  me  and  with  me ; 
and  we  never  parted,  hand  or  heart,  but  juft  kept  working  on  together^ 
and  put  all  our  earnings,  as  faft  as  we  got  them,  into  the  hands  of  that 
good  woman,  and  lived  hard  at  f.rftj  as  we  were  bred  and  born  to  do, 
i'  -  ■  '  *'  ii>.  "  thanks 


1^4  Mr/s  ^d^eytonh^ s  Popular  Taks.'  •j'u'y 

thanks  he  t6  I^eaven  !  Then  we  fvvore  againft  drink  of  all  forts 
entirely.  And  as  I  had  occafionally  ferved  the  mafons,  when  I  lived 
a  labouring  man  in  the  county  of  Dublin,  and  knew  fomething  of  that 
bufincfs,  why,  whatever  1  knew  I  made  the  moft  of,  and  a  trowel  felt 
no  wavs  ftrangc  to  me  ;  fo  I  went  to  work,  and  bad  higher  wages  at 
firft  than  I  deferved.  The  fame  with  the  two  boys  :  one  was  as  much 
fef  a  blackfmith  as  would  fhoe  a  hoffe  ;  and  t'other  a  bit  of  a  car- 
penter ;  and  the  one  g-ot  plenty  of  work  in  the  forges;  and  t'other  in 
the  dock  yards,  as  a  (hip-carpenter.  So,  early  and  late,  morning  and 
tvening,  we  were  all  at  the  work  ;  and  juft  went  this  way  ftrugglingf 
even  on  for  a  twelvemonth  ;  and  found,  with  the  high  wages  and 
conftant  employ  we  had  met,  that  we  were  getting  greatly  better  in  the 
Urorld.  Befides,  the  wife  was  not  idle.  When  a  girl,  fhe  had  feen 
baking,  and  had  always  a  good  notion  of  it ;  and  juft  tried  her  hand 
upon  it  now,  and  found  the  loaves  went  down  with  the  cuftomers,  and 
the  cuftomers  coming  fafter  and  fafter  for  them  ;  and  this  was  a  great 
help.  Then  I  grew  mafttr  mafon,  and  had  my  men  under  me,  and 
took  a  houfe  to  build  by  the  job,  and  that  did  ;  and  then  on  to  another, 
and  another.  And,  after  building  many  for  the  neighbours,  'twas  fit 
»nd  my  turn,  1  thou;uht,  to  build  one  for  myfelf;  which  1  did  out  of 
theirs,  without  wronging  them  of  a  penny.  And  the  boys  grew  mailer* 
men,  in  their  line.  And  when  they  [(ot  good  coats,  nobody  could  fay 
againft  them  ;  for  they  had  come  fairly  by  them,  and  became  them  well 
perhaps  for  that  rafon.  bo,  not  t6  be  tiring  you  too  much,  we  went 
on  from  good  to  better,  and  better  to  beft.  And  if  it  pleafed  God  to 
queftion  me  how  it  was  we  got  on  fo  well  in  the  world,  I  (hould  anfwer, 
Upon  my  confcience,  myfcif  does  not  know  ;  except  it  be  that  we  never 
made  faint-monday,  tior  never  put  off  till  the  morrow  what  we  could  do 
the  day   " 

♦  1  believe  I  fisThed  deeply  at  this  obfervation,  notwithftanding  the 
comic  phrafeology  in  which  it  was  exprefied. 

■  "  But  all  this  is  no  rule  for  a  gentleman  born,  "  purfued  the  good- 
natured  Barny,  in  anfwer,  I  fuppofe,  to  the  figh  which  I  uttered ;  "  nof 
is  it  any  difparagement  to  him  if  he  has  not  done  as  well  in  a  place 
like  America,  where  he  had  not  the  means;  not  being  ufed  to  brick- 
laying, and  (laving  with  his  hands,  and  ftriving  as  we  did.  Would  it 
be  too  much  liberty  to  afk  you  to  drink  a  cup  of  tea,  and  to  tafte  a 
flice  of  ray  good  woman's  bread  and  butter?  «  And  happy  the  day  we 
fee  you  eating  it,  and  only  wilh  we  could  ferve  you  in  any  way  what- 
foever.  " 

*  1  verily  believe  the  generous  fellow  forgot,  at  this  inftant,  that  he 
had  redeemed  my  watch  and  wife's  trinkets.  He  would  not  let  me 
thank  him  as  much  as  I  wifhed,  but  kept  prefiing  upon  me  frefh  offera 
cf  fervice.  When  he  found  I  was  going  to  leave  Arjaerica,  he  aflced 
what  vefTcl  we  (hould  go  in  :"  I  was  really  afraid  to  tell  him,  left 
he  ihould  attempt  to  pay  for  my  palTage.  But  for  this  he  had,  as  I 
afterward  foucd,  too  much  .delicacy  of  (entimeftt.  He  difcovered,  by 
.         .  ^ueftioniag 


lSo4-  -3///}  EdgewortK^j-  Popular  TaUs.  ^j* 

queftionlrig  the  captains,  in  what  fiiip  we  were  to  fail ;  and  when  we 
went  on  board,  we  found  him  and  his  fons  there  to  tak'-  leave  of  us, 
which  they  did  in  the  nnofl  affcdionate  manner;  and,  after  they  were 
gnne,  we  found,  in  the  ftate  cabin,  dire£led  to  me,  every  thing  that 
eould  be  ufeful  or  spreeable  to  us  as  fea-ftores  for  a  long  voyage.  * 
vol.  111.  p.  374-380. 

We  fliall  venture  on  another  extra6l  from  this  tale,  of  a  more 
tragical  defcription.  The  incorrigible  procraftinator  had  had  his 
only  fon  unfuccefsfuliy  inoculated  for  the  fmall-pox.  His  wife 
urges  him  to  have  the  operation  repeated,  and  he  replies — 

*'  Undoubtedly,  my  dear  \  undoubtedly.  But  I  think  we  had  better 
have  him  vaccincd.  I  am  not  fure,  however ;  but  I  will  ailc  Dr  — ~'€ 
opinion  this  day,  and  he  guided  by  that.  1  ihall  fee  him  at  dinner;  he 
has  promifed  to  dine  with  u^.  " 

'  Some  accident  prevtnted  him  from  coming;  and  1  thought  of 
writing  to  him  the  next  day,  bnt  afterward  put  it  off. — Lncy  came 
again  into  my  (tudy.  where  (he  was  fure  to  find  me  in  the  morning, 
•*  My  dear,  "  faid  fne,  •'  do  you  recollcft  that  you  defired  me  to  defer 
inoculating  our  little  boy  till  you  could  decide  whether'  it  be  bed  to 
inoculate  him  in  the  common  way,  or  the  vaccine?  " 

"   Yes,  my  dear,  1  recollecfl  it  perfeftly  well.      I  am  much  inclined  t» 

the  vaccine.     My  friend,  Mr  L ,  has  had  all  his  children  vaccined  ; 

and  I  j'lll  wait  to  fee  the  cfTeft.  " 

"  Oh,  my  love,  "  faid  Lucy,  "  do  not  wait  any  longer ;  for  you 
know  we  run  a  terrible  ri/lc  of  his  catching  the  fmall-pox  every  day, 
every  hour.  ^' 

•'  We  have  run  that  rifle,  and  .efcaped  for  thefe  three  years  paft,  '* 
faid  I  ;  *'  and,  in  my  opinion,   the  boy  has  had  the  fmall-pox.  " 

"  So  Mr  and  Mrs  Nun  thought  ;  and  you  fee  what  has  happened. 
Remember  our  boy  was  inoculated  by  the  fame  man.  I  am  fure,  ever 
fince  Mr  Nun  mentioned  this,  1  never  take  little  Bafil  out  to  walk,  I 
never  fee  him  in  a  fhop,  I  never  have  him  in  the  carriage  with  me, 
without  being  in  terror.  Yerterday,  a  v^^oman  came  to  the  coach-door 
with  a  child  in  her  arms,  who  had  a  breaking  out  on  his  face.  I 
thougfit  it  was  the  fmall-pox  ;  and  was  fo  terrified  that  I  had  fcarcely 
ftrength  or  prefence  of  mind  enough  to  draw  up  the  glafs.  Our  little- 
boy  wa?  leaning  out  of  the  door  to  give  a  halfpenny  to  the  child.  My 
God  !    if  that  child  had  the  f  nall-pox  !  " 

*'  My  love,  "  faid  1,"  •'  do  not  alarm  yourfelf  fo  terribly;  the  boy 
fhall  he  inoculated  to-morroio.  *' 

**  To-morrow  I  Oh,  my  deareft  love,  do  not  put  it  off  till  to-morrow,  " 
faid  Lucy  ;  "  let  him  be  inoculated  to-day.  '* 

"  Weil,  my  dear,  only  keep  your  mind  eafy,  and  he  fhall  be  inocu- 
lated to-day,  if  poffible  ;  furely  you  muft  know  I  love  the  boy  as  welt 
as  you  do,  and  am  as  anxious  about  him  as  you  can  be.  " 

"  I  am  fure  of  it,  my  love,  "  faid  Lucy.  "  I  meant  no  reproach. 
But  fmce  vou  have  decided  that  the  bcrv  fhall   be  vaccined,  let  us 

fend 


33<[J  Alifs  EdgeworthV  Popular  Tales.  July 

fend  direftly  for  the  furgcon  and  have  it  done,  and  then  he  will  be 
fafe.  " 

*  She  caught  hold  of  the  bcil-cord  to  ring  for  a  fervant — I  flopped 
her. 

*<  No,  my  dear,  don't  ring,  "  faid  I  ;  "  for  the  nnen  are  both  out. 
1  have  fent  one  to  the  library,  for  the  new  Letters  on  Education,  and 
the  other  to  the  rational  toy-fhop  for  fome  things  I  want  for  the 
child.  " 

**  Then,  if  the  fervants  are  out,  I  had  better  walk  to  the  furgeon's 
and  bring  him  back  with  me.  " 

«*  No,  my  dear,  "  faid  I  ;  <«  I  muft  fee  Mr  L— — 's  children  firft. 
1  am  going  out  immediately  ;  I  will  call  upon  them  ;  they  are  healthy 
children  ;  we  can  have  the  vaccine  infe£lion  from  them,  and  I  will  ino- 
culate the  boy  myfelf.  " 

*  LiUcy  fubmltted.  I  take  a  melancholy  pleafure  in  doing  her  juftice, 
by  recording  every  argument  that  fhe  ufed,  and  every  perfuafive  word 
that  fhe  faid  to  me,  upon  this  occafion.  I  am  anxious  to  fhew  that 
fhe  was  not  in  the  leaft  to  blame.  1  alone  am  guilty  !  I  alone  ought 
to  have  been  the  fiifferer.  It  will  fcarcely  be  believed — I  can  hardly 
believe  it  myfelf,  that,  after  all  Lucy  faid  to  me,  I  delayed  two  hours, 
and  ftayed  to  tinifh  making  an  extract  from  Rouifeau's  Emilius   before 

1  fet   out.     When    I   arrived   at    Mr  L 's,  the   children    were  juft 

gone  out  to  take  an  airing,  and  1  could  not  fee  them.  A  few  hours 
may  fometimes  make  all  the  difference  between  health  and  ficknefs, 
happinefs  and  mifery  !  I  put  off  till  the  next  day  the  inoculation  of 
my  child ! 

*  In  the  mean  time,  a  coachman  came  to  me  to  be  hired.  My  boy 
was  playing  about  the  room,  and,  as  I  afterward  collected,  went  clofe 
up  to  the  man,  and,  while  1  was  talking,  Hood  examining  a  greyhound 
upon  his  buttons.  I  afked  the  coachman  many  queftions,  and  kept  hinrj 
for  fome  time  in  the  room.  Juft  as  I  agreed  to  take  him  into  my  fervice, 
he  faid  he  could  not  come  to  h've  with  me  till  the  next  week,  bccaufe 
cne  of  his  chilJnn  nvcs  ill  of  the  fmall-pox. 

*  Thefe  words  ftruck  me  to  the  heart.  I  had  a  dreadful  prefentiment 
of  what  was  to  follow.  1  remember  ttarting  from  my  feat,  and  driving 
the  man  out  of  the  houfe  with  violent  menaces.  My  boy,  poor  innocent 
viflim,  followed,  trying  to  pacify  me,  and  holding  me  back  by  the 
ilcirts  of  my  coats.  1  caught  him  up  jn  my  arms. —  I  could  not  kifs 
him  ;  1  felt  as  if  I  was  his  murderer.  1  fet  hini  down  again  :  indeed  I 
trembled  fo  violently  that  I  could  not  hold  him.  The  child  ran  for  hi^ 
mother. 

*  I  cannot  dwell  on  thefe  things, — Our  boy  fickened  the  next 
day — and  the  next  week  died  in  his  mother's  arms !  '  Vol.  III. 
p.  386-391. 

We  would  willingly  make  fome  extradls  from  the  other  tales 
we  have  fpecified  ;  but  we  cannot  find  any,  to  which  juftice 
could  be  done,  without  quoting  a  larger  paflage  than  our  limits 

will 


1804.  Mlfs'^dgewCinii^s  Popular  Tales.  337 

will  eafily*  admit.  The  Irifh  charters,  who  are  all  admirably 
fltetched,  appear  to  us  to  be  the  moft  original  perfonages  in  the 
book.  Simon  O'Dougherty,  in  the  tale  called  '  Rofannn, '  is 
excellent.  That  horror  of  vulgarity  which  is  fo  apt  to  infeft  the  . 
wives  and  children  of  profperous  (hopkeepers,  is  well  expofed  in  * 
the  tales  called  *  the  Manufa61urers  '  and  '  Out  of  debt,  out  of  dan- 
ger. '  The  rewards  of  induftry  are  pleafingly  difplayed  in  '  Lame 
Jervas  '  and  '  Rofauna  ; '  and  the  tendency  of  good  affections  to 
lighten  or  to  remedy  every  difafter,  is  prettily  exemplified  in  '  the 
Contrail. '  '  The  Limerick  Gloves, '  and  '  the  Will, '  are  the 
moft  improbable  and  uninterefting  ftories  in  the  colle6lion  ;  and 
*  the  Grateful  Negro  '  has  more  of  the  extraordinary  and  roman- 
tic in  it  than  feems  fuitable  to  the  tenor  and  defign  of  this  publica- 
tion. 

We  have  fcarcely  any  other  remarks  to  offer.  The  pathetic 
parts  of  thefe  tales  are  in  general  the  beft  written  ;  and  yet  the 
language  is  uniformly  adapted  with  the  greateft  felicity  to  the  cha- 
racter and  ftation  of  the  parties  concerned.  We  could  not  help 
fmiling  at  the  partiality  which  has  led  Mifs  Edgeworth  to  repre- 
ient  almoft  all  herjemale  charaQcrs  in  fo  amiable  and  refpeCtable 
a  light.  There  is  not  a  tale,  we  believe,  in  which  there  is  not  fome 
wife  or  daughter  who  is  generous  and  gentle,  and  prudent  and 
cheerful :  and  almoft  all  the  men  who  behave  properly  owe  moft 
of  their  good  actions  to  the  influence  and  fuggeftions  of  thefe 
lovely  m.onitreffes.  If  the  pride  of  our  fex  would  permit  us,  we 
might  perhaps  confefs,  after  all,  that  this  reprefentation  is  not 
very  far  from  the  truth.  _„^ 

We  cannot  take  our  leave  of  thefe  volumes  without  reminding  k/ 
the  faftidious  part  of  our  readers,  that  they  were  not  written  to 
challenge  the  criticifm  of  fcholars,  or  to  gratify  the  tafte  of  per- 
fons  of  the  higheft  accomplifhments.'  They  are  not  tried  by  a 
fair  ftandard,  unlefs  the  defign  of  writing  them  be  kept  conftant- 
ly  in  view  :  and  this  defign  appears  to  us  to  be  fo  laudably  con- 
ceived, and  fo  ably  purfued,  as  to  entitle  them  to  more  confidera- 
tion  than  is  ufually  beftowed  on  vv^orks  of  this  defcription. 


Art.  VIL      Poe?ns    by    George    Rkhcrds,   M.  A.   late    Ft!lo-jj   of  Oriel 
College.     2  vol.     8vo.     Oxford  and  London.      1803. 

"IT  is  now  almoft  twelve  years,  we  believe,  fince  Mr  Richards 
■*  firft  prefented  himfelf  to  the  public  as  a  candidate  for  poeti- 
cal reputation  •,  and  from  that  time  to  the  prefent,  we  do  not  re- 
member to  have  heard  much  of  his  proceedings.  The  perufal  of 
his  early  produftions  had  left  upon  our  minds  th.e  impreiTiun  of 
luxuriant  didion,  confiderable  brilliancy"  and  richnefs  of  verfifica- 
VOL.  IV.  NO.  iJ.  Y  '  tion, 


338-  Ricl-iards'  Poems.      ,  Jufy 

tion,  and  a  ftyle  of  defcription  fomewhat  florid,  magnificent  and 
difFufe.  As  thefe  were  all  indications  of  a  genius  wlilch  time  was 
likely  to  mature  into  excellence,  and  which  could  fcarccly  fail  to 
improve  by  age  and  cultivation,  we  turned  to  the  perufal  of  the 
volumes  now  before  us  with  a  good  deal  of  interell,  and  with  ex- 
pedlations  that  have  not  been  completely  realized.  Mr  Richards 
lias  not  improved  quite  fo  much  by  practice  as  vi^e  thought  there 
was  reafon  to  expect  :  he  has  loll  fomething  of  his  luxuriance, 
without  gaining  much  in  point  of  force  or  correclncfs  ;  and  his 
ilyle,  though  lefs  declamatory,  is  not  more  natural  tiian  at  his 
qutfet :  his  vein  of  poetry  certainly  is  not  more  original  or  abun- 
dant ;  and  if  his  tade  be  fomewhat  dialler,  his  language  is  more 
artificial  and  conllrained. 

With  all  thefe  defects,  however,  thefe  little  volumes  are  ftill 
very  refpetlable  j  they  are  evidently  the  productions  of  an  elegant 
and  cultivated  mind  j  of  one  who  has  Itudicd  the  clailieal  writers 
of  antiquity  with  a  jult  relilh  of  their  beauties,  and  learned,  at 
the  fame  time,  to  ellimate  the  fubftantial  merits  of  our  great 
Engliih  poets.  If,  Sn  his  own  produttions,  he  have  oltener  itiii- 
tatt'd  than  rivalled  tlie  excellences  of  thofe  illullrious  models,  and 
feldom  given  the  reins  to  his  imagination  fo  freely  as  the  career 
of  a  poet  requires,  he  has  at  lealt  copied  them  with  gracefulnefs- 
and  judgement,  and  not  only  avoided  the  hazards  of  prefumptuous 
competition,  but  the  reproach  of  unworthy  imitation.  His  ge- 
nius perhaps  is  too  much  challlfed  and  fubdued  by  that  of  the 
mafters  upon  whom  he  has  formed  himfelf ;  but  it  is  faved,  by 
their  influence,  from  the  extravagancies  of  the  independants,  and 
rt;flecl:s  a  pleafing,  if  not  a  very  lively  image  of  fome  of  the  mod 
perfect  productions  of  the  human  underltanding.  A  confitlerable 
number  of  paflages  are  borrowed  with  great  felicity  ;  and  the  lan- 
guage pollelles,  upon  the  whole,  a  degree  of  Iweetnefs  and  ele- 
gance that  flamp  itiil  more  clearly  on  the  autlior  the  character  of 
an  accompliflied  fcholar. 

The  firil  volume  contains  two  dramas,  writteti  on  the  model 
of  the  ancient  Greek  theatre,  with  chorufes  and  continuous  fcenes  ; 
a  ftyle  of  compofition,  of  which  the  Samfon  Agoniltes  of  Milton 
affords  by  far  the  juileft  and  the  moil  flrlking  example  that  mo- 
dern literature  can  boaft  of,  though  the  feebler  and  more  orna- 
mented performances  of  ISIafon  have  become  more  popular  among 
the  unlearned  part  of  the  community  *.     In  imitation  of  Mafon, 

Mr 

*  Dr  Sayer's  Sketches  of  Northern  Mythology  delerve .  to  be  men- 
lioiied  with  diltiiiguilhed  praife  among  productions  of  this  kind  :  but 
the  belt  imitation  of  the  antient  drama  we  have  lately  met  With,  is  the 
Iphigenia  in  Tauris  of  Goethe,  tranllated,  we  believe,  by  Mr  TasV- 
lor  yf  Norwioh.     We  are  not  accjuaijited  with  the  original. 


i„8o4.  Richards'  Poems.  ^^ 

Mr  Riclvards  hn"^  attempted  to  give  each  of  his  plays  a  diftincl 
.111(1  pt'culiur  charaiici*.  Odiu  is  intended  as  a  ipecimen  of  the 
\vil(i,  the  fublime,  and  terrible  ;  and  is  written,  he  informs  i:s, 
•,K>  much  as  poluble  in  the  manner  of  iEfchylus.  Emma  is  meant 
to  exemplify  the  tender  and  pathetic,  and  was  compofcd,  we  i- 
magine,  upon  the  model  of  Euripides.  We  cannot  fay  that  either 
of  thcni  comes  very  near  the  pattern  ;  but  the  iiril  is  by  far  the 
beft. 

The  ftory  is  not  very  interefLing.  It  proceeds  upon  the  fuppo- 
fition  that  Odin  was  the  chief  of  the  Afx,  one  of  the  rude  na- 
tions between  the  Cafpian  and  Euxine  feas,  who  yielded  to  the 
victorious  arms  of  Pompey  when  he  entered  thefe  regions  in  pur- 
fuit  of  Mirhridates.  This  drama  contains  the  account  of  the  hifl: 
brittle  that  v,fas  waged  by  the  favage  monarch  in  defence  of  his 
country  •,  of  his  refolution  to  facrifice  himfelf,  with  his  whole 
tribe,  after  the  defeat ;  and  of  his  being  diverted  from  that  re- 
folution by  the  appearance  of  a  goddefs  who  directs  him  to  mi- 
grate to  the  regions  of  the  North,  where  he  is  deftined  to  be  the 
founder  of  a  mighty  empire.  There  is  nothing  very  new  or  very 
ftriking  in  the  reprefentation  which  Mr  Richards  gives  of  the 
characl-er  and  manners  of  thofe  warlike  barbarians  ;  yet  every 
thing  is  correctly  imagined,  and  fmoothly  executed.  There  is  a 
defcent  to  hell,  and  a  human  facrifice  defcribed  ;  and  the  women 
who  form  the  chorus,  abound  in  all  thofe  heroic  and  lofty  fenti- 
ments  wliich  are  faid  to  have  char(iierlfed  the  females  of  thefe  na- 
tions. The  mixture  of  feminine  tendernefs  and  weaknefs  with 
this  (train  of  magnanimity,  is  the  moil  intereiling  circumftance 
perhaps"  in  the  v>'hoIe  drama,  and  affords  a  favourable  fpecimen  of 
Mr  Richards'  dram4tlcal  talents.  We  add  the  following  paflages 
hi  illuitration  : 

<  Balder,  I  dare 

To  die  :   I  fcorn  the  wretch,  who  could  fufvive 
When  thefe  our  towers  are  Roman  :   yet  a  gloom 
Mournful  o'eifpreads  my  broalt  :   I  cannot  he?.r 
Thefe  monftrous  engines  beat  againft  our  walls, 
And  tremble  not  :   Balder,  I  cannot  gaze 
On  thofe  ray  native  nelds  far-feen  ;  on  fhrines 
Rais'd  to  our  country's  gods  ;  on  thefe  nide  hills 
Cover'd  fo  often  with  our  wailike  youth  ; 
On  yon  pild  hillocks  where  our  fathers  flcep, 
And  on  thefe  trophies  rais'd  upon  the  defarts 
To  valiant  chiefs  of  yore  :   I  cannot  gaze, 
And  tlunk  how  foon  the  Roman  Inay  poilefs  them, 
Withoul  fome  mortal  feelings,  fad  regrets, 
■Ilhat  awe  me,  holding  nobler  thoughts  enthralPd.  ' 
'■•■'•'-  Vol.  I.    p.  32.  25. 

y  cj  After 


34®  Richards*  Poemr.  July 

After  tlie  defperate  refolution  of  general  fulcide  has  been  adcpt- 
cd,  the  fvime  female  Chorus  fpeaks  as  follows  : 
*  This  pile  adorn'd  with  folemn  facrifice 
Awes  me,  a  ftranger  as  I  am  to  fear. 
And,  when  I  turn  my  eyes  to  yonder  plains 
And  vallies,  which  the  glorious  fun  illumes. 
Once  the  domain  of  Odin  and  his  Afas, 
A  forrowful  affcftion  touches  me. 
And  you,  ye  babes,  feated  upon  the  pile, 
Unconfcious  of  the  fpeedy  end  that  waits  you, 
Troubled  I  gaze  on  you  :  you  might  ha.ve  liv'd 
To  emulate  your  fathers,  to  attain 
An  equal  glory,  and  more  profperous  fortune  : 
You  might  have  crufli'd  thefe  Romans,  and  infcrib'd 
Our  rocks  and  mountains  with  your  deeda  of  valour  j 
You  might  have  died  in  all  the  pride  of  war. 
And  met  our  heroes  in  Valhalla's  courts  : 
Now  you  mull  fall  unknown,  unnam'd,  unhonour'd. 
Ere  yet  your  infant  hands  have  grafp'd  the  fword, 
Or  your  young  hearts  have  beat  to  war  and  glory.  '     p.  84.  ?i^-. 
When  the  divine  command  has  been  fignified  for  their  niigrationj 
the  Chorus  thus  addreiles  the  regions  which  they  are  about  to  ab- 
andon : 

*  One  look,  yet  one  look  more, 
Though  they  be  veil'd  beneath  the  mafic  of  night, 
Down  on  the  valleys,  dear  as  known  in  youth, 
But  now  more  dear  when  to  be  left  for  ever. 
Ye  verdant  meads,  by  cooling  rivers  fpread. 
Ye  fields,  on  which  the  fummer  fmiles,  farewell : 
Farewell,  ye  plains,  with  golden  harvefts  crown'dg 
O'er  wliich  our  infant  feet  have  roam'd  :   O  fount 
And  banks  of  Cyrus,  azure  ftream,  delight 
Of  virgins  fporting  in  thy  glafly  wave ; 
No  more  Ihall  we  behold  you  :  we  muft  go 
Far  dillant  ;   yet  in  other  valleys,  wafli'd 
By  other  fireams,  we  will  remember  you. 
Though  now  we  dwell  on  higher  joys,  more  fit 
For  years  mature  ;  yet  ne'er  (hall  the  innocent  bhfs, 
Once  known  amidfl  your  peaceful  forefts,  want 
Grateful  remembrance    but  be  oft  recall'd 
At  diftance  from  your  dells  and  copfes  green.  '     p.  1 10.  1 1 1 . 
The  preceding  extr^.ils  are  rather  favourable  fpecimens  of  the 
work  now  before  v.".     Among  other  traits  of  clafTical  imitation, 
thofe  who  are  acquainted  with  the  ftyle  of  the  Greek  tragedians 
will  recognize  the  happy  efFedl  with  which  Mr  Richards  has  in- 
troduced thofe  extended  apoilrophes  or  invocations   to  places  and 
inanimate  objeds,  which,  though  in  a  manner  profcribed  by  the 

ufagc 


1^04.  RIcl\ards*  Poems.  34! 

iifage  of  moilern  authors,  appear  to  have  been  the  favourite  fi- 
gD  e  of  the  ancient  maflers  of  eloquence.  A  great  part  of  the 
pj'  try  and  interelt  of  the  delightful  drama  of  Philodletes  in  Lem- 
nos,  will  be  found  to  confilt  in  the  ufe  of  it ;  and  we  think  Mr 
Richards  has  fhown  that  it  may  be  employed  with  a  very  happy 
effeft  in  the  more  pafTionate  parts  of  Englifh  conipofition.  Odin, 
when  about  to  immolate  himfelf,  exclaims — 
^  O  Tanais,  and  ye  fliores 

Wafli'd  by  the  founding  Euxine,  Odin  calls, 

Calls  with  his  dying  voice,  while  to  the  gods 

He  gives  himfelf, '   &c.     p.  92. 
And  the  Chorus,  in  the  fame  fpirit,  adds  the  following  clafficai 
addrefs : 

«  O  hills,  the  laft 

Of  Odin's  realm,  mountains  and  rocks,  infcrib'd 

With  Runic  rhymes,  facred  to  chiefs  of  yore, 

Ye  foon  fliall  yield  to  Rome  !      Farewell,  ye  plains, 

Farewell,  ye  llreams,  that  flowing  roam  the  vales. 

Calm  Phafis,  and  cerulean  Cyanus  ; 

Farewell,  ye  fhores,  wafli'd  by  the  Cafpian  wave. 

Once  travers'd  with  delight,  now  to  the  eye 

Difl;refsful,  fpread  around  with  Roman  tents. '     p.  24. 
Though  the  compofition  be  in  general  dignified  and  elegant,  there 
are  fome  low,  and  feveral  heavy  pa^iges.     A  warrior,  defcribing 
the  agitations  of  Odin  in  his  troubled  lleep,  fays — 

*  high  upraiii'd  his  claiched fjl 

Threatening  hejhook  ;  ' 
an  image  which  is  abfolutely  ludicrous.     Another,  while  the  bat- 
tle is  raging,  calmly  obferves — 

«  A  field  hke  this. 

Brave  Cantimir,  we  faw  fome  winters  path' 
*  Triarius  led  the  Romans  ;  we 

Were  headed  by  the  Pontic  King.      In  vain 

We  dar'd  them  to  renew  the  fight  :  nine  days 

We  flood  expedlant, '   &c. 
All   this   is  very  tame  and   injudicious ;  though,  foon  after,  v/e 
meet  with  fome  vigorous  lines  in  the   paffage  where  Odin   antici- 
pates his  dreary  march  through  the  defert  regions  of  the  North, 
*  wiiere  not  a  foe  fliall  cheer  the  way  with  conqueft. ' 

The  (lory  of  Emma,  we  think,  is  ill-chofen,  and  unfkilfully 
conduced.  W^e  have  the  fedudtion  and  fentimental  diftrefs  of  a 
modern  novel  combined  M'ith  the  ufages  of  chivalry,  and  pvefent- 
ed  in  the  form  of  a  Grecian  drama.  The  public  is  fick,  we  be- 
lieve, of  tender-hearted  daughters,  betrayed  damfcls,  and  high- 
minded  old  barons,  even  in  profe  narratives.  The  accompani- 
ments of  blank  verfe  and  moral  lyrics  are  not  likely  to  make  them 

y  3  .nipxc 


342  Richards'  Pccnis.  ,  July 

moi"e  palatable.     Yet  there  is  a  great  deal  of  elegant  language, 
and  tome  poetry  and  pathetic  efFe6l  in  this  drama  alfo.     The  fol- 
lowing fpeech  fiiould  be  good,  fmce  the  idea  is  borrowed  frona 
Homer,  and  the  call  of  the  diclion  from  Shakefpeare. 
*  Hadft  thou  been  true, 
There's  not  a  charm,  a  power  wliicli  earth  doth  own, 
Should  have  eftrang'd  my  love  ;   I  would  have  ferv'd  thee 
111  bonds  or  death  with  abfolute  devotion. 
Friends,  kindred,  brother,  father,  native  place, 
Had  been  as  nothing :  thou  to  me  hadil  been 
Father,  and  brother,  and  dear  relative, 
A  nd  friend,  and  native  place  :   I  had  trufled  thee 
With  an  unbounded  fway  o'er  my  warm  heart  : 
There's  not  a  joy,  which  the  wide  world  contains. 
But  had  been  plac'd  within  our  eafy  reach.  '      p.  196, 
The    fecond    volume  contains  mifcelLineous   poems  •,    fourteen 
'  odes,  written  in  a  yerbofe  and  heavy   ilyle,    though   not   witli- 
out  occafional  indications  of   vigour    and    genius  -,    and   fo\ir   or 
iive  other   pieces   in  the  ordinary  iambic  meafure,    all  of  them 
upon  ferious  fubje(£ts.— *  The  Dying  Penitent '  talks,  like  other 
ladies  in  lier  unhappy  fituation,  of  the  innocent  plealures  of  her 
childhood,  the  agitation  of  her  guilty  hours,  and  the  horrors  of 
her  remorfe. — '  The  Aboriginal  Britons'  is  the  work  with  whicli 
ve   have  been  longeit  acquainted,  and  which  we  are  liill  moil 
difpofed   to    a<lmiie.       It    is    more    highly    coloured,    and    more 
clofely  wrought ;    the  conceptions   are   bolder,    and   the    exprei- 
fion    more    nervous    than    in    any   of    his   later    produftions. — 
*  The  Chriitian '    is  a  dida£lic    poem,    which   profefles    to    de- 
liver, in  regular  heroic  verfe,  a  fliort  view  of  the  evidences  up- 
on which  our  facred  religion  is  founded.     There  are  fome  good 
lines  towards  the  clofe,  defcribing  the  awe  and  venc-ratioJi  Avhich 
was  felt  by  the  Gothic  invaders  of  Italy  when  they  came  fuddenly 
to  a  monaftery  where  the  holy  men  were   chanting  their  evening 
prayers. — *  Britannia  '  is  a  kind  of  war-fong  in  praife  of  the  Bri- 
tifli  navy,  and  is  written  with  a  good  deal  of  fpirit. — '  Bamborougli 
Caflle, '  which  terminates  the  volume,  was  written   fo   long  ago 
as  the  year  1792,  and   contains   fome  flrlking   Images  and  very 
harmonious  verlliication.     We  can  only  afford  tlie  following  fhor|| 
extra(ft  : 

'  At  folcmn  midnight,  when  tlic  bark  fiiall  rid-; 
With  ftreaming  pendants  o'er  the  peaceful  tide  ; 
When  trembling  moon-beams  play  along  the  brin". 
And  Itars  round  all  the  glowing  welkin  ftine  ; 
When,  filent  borne  along,  the  whitening  fails 
Swell  with  the  fummer's  gently-breathing  gales  j 
The  Pilot,  liftening  to  the  wave  below, 
'^Miich  hoarfely  breaks  againft  the  paffing  prow, 

,  ^hall 


1804.  Richards' P^w;x.  34? 

Shall  thoughtful  turn,  wlicre  dimly  to  his  eyes 

Through  the  pale  night  thefe  mellow 'd  turrets  rife  ; 

And,  as  he  mufes  on  fome  friend  mod  dear, 

Rais'd  by  thy  mercy  from  a  watery  bier, 

Swelling  at  heart,  fliall  o'er  the  tranquil  wave 

Give  thee  a  figh,  and  blefs  thy  hallow'd  grave.  '     p,  191.  192- 

Upon  the  whole,  thougli   we    do    not    thinic   Mr    Richards  a 

firft-rate  poet,  we   are   inclined   to   place  him   very  high   among 

writers  of  the  fecond  order,  and  are  fatisfiedr  that  he  has   much 

more  merit  than  many  that  make  much  loftier  pretenfions. 


Art.  VIII.  An  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Or'ig'm  of  PuU'ic  IVealth, 
and  Into  the  Means  and  Caufes  of  its  Incrcaf'.  I3y  the  Earl  of 
Lauderdale.  Svo.  pp.  486.  Edinburgh,  Conllable  &  Co.  Lon- 
don, Longman  &;  Rees. 

•^  I  Svo  good  confequences  have  aiu'ays  refulted  from  men  of  high 
•*•      rank   bellowing  their  attention   upon  literary  purfuits ;  an 
ufeful  example  has  been  fet  to  thofe  whofe  fituation  in  life  gives 
them  abundance  of  Icikire  for  fpcculative  employment ;  and  that 
occupation,  which   is   in  its   own  nature  the  moil  dignified,  has 
been  exalted  alfo  in  the  eyes  of  the  multitude.     If  any  branch  of 
fclence  defcrves  fuch  patronage,  it  is  furely  the  fludy  of  political 
ceconomy,    both  on  account  of  its  extenfive  importance  to  fociety, 
and  its  peculiar  claims   upon  thofe  who  are   born   to  a-  high  in- 
tereft  in  Itate  affairs.     We  are  inclined,  therefore,  to  offer  Lord 
Lauderdale  our  unfeigned  thanks  for  the  zeal  with  which  he  has 
devoted  his  retirement  to   the   cultivation  of  this   great   field   of 
inquiry,  and  to  exprefs  our  conviclion,  that  an  example,  fo  laud- 
able, will  be   followed   by   many   pcrfons   who  are  at  prefcnt  In- 
vifriing   tlie   influence   of  their  rank  and  fortiuie  upon  objetSls  far 
lefs  worthy  of  their  regard, — upon   tlie   affairs   of  pra6licai   po- 
licy, for  which  very  few  are  fitted  by  nature,  or  upon  the  empty 
trifles  of  fafhionable  life,  which   are   equally  below  their   ftation 
and  their  fex.     We   triift,    alfo,    that  Lord   Lauderdale    having 
begun  to  deferve  well  of  the  fcientific  world,  by  his  fair  and  ho- 
neil  endeavours,  will   be   encouraged   to  pcrfevere,  until  he  fliall 
augment   the  obligation  by  moj-e  fuccefsful  exertions.     Nor  have 
we  any  doubt,  that,  conilrained  as  we  now  are  thus  to  limit  our 
praifes,  we  ihall  obtain  from  his   candour  fuch  a   patient  perufal 
of  our  remarks,  as   may   at   once   correct   the  eftimate  which  he 
appears  to  have  formed  of  his   prefcnt  work,  and  excite  him  to 
farther  enterprifes,  which  iliall  fecure  a  tribute   of  more  unqua- 
lified approbation.     There  are  en'ors  indeed,  as  it  appears  to   us, 
in  the  prefcnt  publication,  of  a  tendency  fo  dangerous  as  to  coun- 
teract much  of  tlie  benefit  which  the  noble  author's  patronage 

Y  4  is 


^44  Lord  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth.  July 

is  calculated  to  confer  upon  the  fcience  :  and  this  confideration, 
together  with  the  unqueftionable  importance  of  the  fubjecl,  muft 
plead  our  excuf'  for  lending  the  work  a  greater  portion  of  our 
attention  than  its  a£lual  merits  may  feem  to  juftity. 

In  the  volume  now  before  us,  Lord  Lauderdale  profefles  to 
difcufs  the  moil  elementary  branches  of  political  oeconomy.  The 
practical  ^inferences  which  he  from  time  to  time  itates,  are  in- 
troduced rather  as  illuftrations  of  his  general  principles,  than 
examples  of  their  aftual  application  to  the  affairs  of  nations. 
The  abftra£t  do6lrines  of  national  riches  •,  the  diftinftions  be- 
•  tween  the  kinds  of  w.'alth  ;  the  peculiarities  in  the  modes  of  its 
dillribution  ;  the  variations  in  its  quantity,  and  in  the  fources  of 
its  production  ;  in  a  v/ord,  what  we  may  denominate  the  pure 
metaphyfics  of  political  oeconomy— form  the  whole  fubje<£l:-mat- 
ter  of  the  prefent  publication.  The  fyftem,  therefore,  of  the  au- 
thor, if  he  fhall  be  found  to  have  produced  any  thing  that  can 
deferve  fuch  an  appellation,  muft  receive  judgement  upon  the 
principles  applicable  to  mere  fpeculative  theories,  and  not  upoil 
any  views  of  its  praftical  tendency  ;  the  work  muft  be  regardetl 
altogether  as  a  piece  of  abftra6t  reafoning,  without  any  reference 
to  a£lual  policy  ;  and  the  novelty  of  a  few  paradoxical  aflertionvS 
refpetling  the  peculiar  condition  of  this  country,  can  in  nowifc 
be  admitted  to  take  it  out  of  this  general  defcription. 

Lord  Lauderdale's  pretenfions  in  the  outfet,  are  of  a  nature  to 
excite  no  inconfiderable  degree  of  expectation.  The  prefatory 
advertifement  arrogates,  with  fomc  coniidence,  the  merit  of  radi- 
cal difcovery  :  the  general  principles  which  are  unfolded,  the 
author  tells  us,  *  are  not  only  new,  but  even  repugnant  to  re- 
ceived opinions  -, '  infomuch,  that  he  has  thought  it  prudent  to 
withhold,  for  the  prefent,  another  volume,  containing  the  prac- 
tical application  of  his  do6trines. — and  to  paufe  here,  that  he  may 
judge  of  the  effect  produced  on  tbe  public  by  the  do(ftrines  which 
are  now  revealed.  He  expe6ls,  too,  it  would  appear,  to  be  *  afTiriled 
by  prejudice  J '  and  avows  his  determination,  in  fucli  a  cafe,  to 
*  defend  hmvfelf  with  obftinacy  '  The  fame  kind  of  language 
is  continued  through  the  wliole  work  j  and  the  repetition  of  thofe 
aflertions  as  to  the  author's  difcoveries,  feems  to  be  fubftituted 
for  the  fulfilment  of  the  promifes  they  imply.  It  is  very  well, 
no  doubt,  to  announce  to  us,  in  the  outlet,  that  we  ftiall  have 
the  true  nature  of  wealth  explained,  that  we  fliall  be  put  in  pof- 
feflion  of  the  juft  notion  of  value,  and  that  we  fhall  be  taughl 
the  precife  means  by  which  nations  acquire  richeg.  But  when 
we  have  perufed  the  w  hole  book,  chapter  after  chapter,  in  fearch 
,©f  thefe  things,  and  find  ourfelves  ex.a6Uy  where  we  were  at  the 
beginning,  it  is  rather  teazing  to  be  reminded,  at  every  paafe, 
ijiat  \"t  have  received  all  manner  of  inftruclioij  j  to  be  told,  that 

Jtlie 


T  8o4-  Lor  J  Lauderdale  en  Public  WcaHh.  345 

the  truth  ha  3  now,  for  the  firft  time,  been  unfolded  ;  and  to  be 
congratulated  on  our  good  fortune,  with  fundry  hints  at  the  dif- 
advantages  under  which  the  ceconomills,  and  Dr  Smith  and  o- 
thers  laboured,  who  did  not  pofiefs  the  lights  now  communicated 
fo  ourfelves. 

In  the  Introdiiciiony  Lord  Lauderdale  delivers  fome  remarks, 
rather  more  judicious  than  original,  upon  the  evils  that  have  a- 
rifen  from  th<;  ufe  of  erroneous  and  theoretical  language  in  po- 
litical fpecul.itions.  He  illullrates .  his  obfervations  bv  the  ex- 
ample of  the  mercantile  theory,  which  owed  its  origin  to  the 
vulgar  habit  of  confounding  riches  and  money  as  fynonymous. 
This  leads  him  to  remark,  that  a  flill  more  fatal  error  has  re- 
fultcd  from  confounding  together  the  mafs  of  public  or  national 
wealth,  and  the  fum-total  of  tlie  riches  of  the  individuals  who 
conllitute  the  community.  He  then  fettles  (rather  prcpoileroully, 
in  a  note)  the  nomenclature  which  he  deduces  from  the  diitiuc- 
tion  here  hinted  at,  and  premifes  that  he  is  to  ufe  '  luenith'  zi 
denoting  the  opulence  of  the  itate,  and  '  riches '  to  defignate  the 
fortunes  of  individuals.  From  thefe  preliminaries,  he  is  led. to 
lay  down  the  plan  of  the  treatife  in  *;he  following  w:^ds. 

'  As  a  clear  underflanding  of  the  relation  which  public  \7ealth  onl 
individual  riches  bear  to  each  other,  appears  of  the,  highelf  import- 
ance, in  fecuring  accuracy  in  every  fubjett  that  relates  to  th^  icience 
of  political  ceconomy  ;  the  firft  and  fecond  chapters  of  ' ::'iis  Inquiry, 
are  therefore  devoted  to  the  confideration  of  the  nature  of  valuiy  the 
poflefliGn  of  which  alone  qualifies  any  thing  to  form  a  portion  of  indi- 
vidual riches  ; — to  an  explanation  of  what  public  wealth  is,  and  of 
what  conftitutes  individual  riches  ;  — and  to  an  exa.Tiination  of  the  rela- 
tion in  which  they  Hand  to  each  other. 

'  The  meaning  aniiexed  in  this  work  to  the  phraf.'  Public  Wealth 
being  thus  explained,  tlie  third  chapter  contains  an  iaveftigation  of  the 
fourccs  of  wealth,  in  which  land,  labour,  and  capital,  are  feparately 
treated  of  as  the  fources  of  wealth  ; — an  opinion  which,  though  it  has 
been  announced  by  fome,  and  hinted  at  by  others,  does  not  feem  •  to 
have  made  on  any  autlior  fa  ilrong  an  impreffion  as  to  be  uniformly  ad- 
hered to  in  the  courfe  of  his  reafonings. 

'  An  idea  which  has  generally  prevailed  (though  it  feems  in  itfelf  a 
paradox)  that  wealth  may  be  increafed  by  means  by  winch  it  is  not 
produced,  in  particular  by  parfimony,  or  deprivation  of  expenditure, 
has  made  it  neceflary  to  inveftigate  this  fubjeft  in  the  fourth  chapter, 
as  a  preliminary  to  an  Inquiry  into  the  Means  and  Caufes  of  the  In- 
^reaTe  of  Wealth  ;  which  is  the  object  of  the  fifth  chapter.  '  P.  9.  ic. 
It  is  not  our  intention  to  follow  the  auc'ior  through  the  va- 
rious parts  of  his  Inquiry,  exactly  according  to  the  arrangement 
which  he  has  adopted.  Without  omitting  any  of  his  Ipecula- 
tions,  we  ihall  prefent  all  we  have  to  offer,  either  as  the  abftradi 


34^  Lcrd  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth.  July' 

of  his  views,  or  as  our  own  remarks  upon  them,  in  the  follow- 
ing order.  In  the  Jirji  place,  we  fhall  confider  his  fundamental 
pofition  concerning  the  difference  between  collective  and  indi- 
vidual wealth,  or  what  he  is  pleafed  to  call  public  wealth  and 
private  riches  :  This  will  compreliend  alfo  his  obfervations  upon 
the  nature  of  value.  Secotidl^  We  fliall  offer  a  few  flritlures  on 
the  theories  of  the  oeconomilts,  and  of  Dr  Smith,  refpe6ting  the 
fources  of  national  opulence.  This  fpeculation  will  lead  us,  in 
the  third  place,  to  propofe  a  theory  extremely  fimple  and  obvious 
upon  this  fubject,  and  to  examine,  by  its  affiftance,  the  obferva- 
tions which  Lord  Lauderdale  has  introduced  on  the  fources  of 
wealth,  and  the  means  of  its  increafe.  We  fliall  referve  for  a 
feparate  difcuffion,  his  ftrange  opinions  concerning  the  operation 
of  fmking  funds. 

Under  thefe  feveral  heads,  it  is  propofed  to  exhibit  a  pretty 
full  analyfis  of  our  author's  doctrines  ;  and  to  demon (trate,  as 
concifely  as  the  extenfive  nature  of  the  inquiry  will  permit,  the 
fallacies  with  which  the  work  every  where  abounds.  We  mean 
to  (late  diltindly,  that  this  book,  excepting  where  it  refutes  fomc 
errors  of  former  writers,  caimot  be  confidercd  as  an  inveftiga- 
'tion,  merely  tin£lured  with  doubtful  or  erroneous  theory  ;  but  as 
a  colleiflion  of  pofitions,  all  of  them  eithrr  felf-evldent  or  ob- 
vioufly  falfe,  and  founded  upon  errors  which  the  llightell  atten- 
tion is  fufficient  to  dete£l.  This  is  our  fair  and  candid  opinion  ; 
and  we  can  fcarcely  doubt  that  it  will  alfo  be  that  of  every  man 
M'ho  reads  the  work  now  before  us  with  any  reafonablc  know- 
ledge of  the  fubjeCl. 

Lord  Lauderdale  feems  firft  to  have  been  an  occonomill:,  and 
afterwards  to  have  difcovcred  fome  of  the  errors  of  that  led  ; — 
to  have  read  Smith,  before  he  was  weaned  from  the  prejudices  of 
Quefnai,  and,  during  that  period,  to  have  refolved  that  no  two 
pages  in  the  Wealth  of  Nations  ihould  agree  together;  — to  have 
Found  himfelf  embarraffed  for  want  of  a  theory,  and,  in  this  ilate, 
to  have  been  dazzled  by  the  lirft  paradox  which  prefented  iticlf  to 
his  fancy.  The  paradox,  as  is  uiual,  probably  appeared,  upon 
examination,  lefs  fufpicious  than  at  firil  view  ;  by  degrees,  he 
was  convinced  of  its  truth,  and  refolved  to  make  every  thing  fall 
before  it.  Not  fluisfied  with  one  fuch  paffion,  he  was  foon  Imit- 
tQ.n  with  new  objefts  of  the  fame  kind  ;  and  his  ingenuity  al- 
ways enabling  him  to  difcover  arguments  in  fupport  of  each  fuc- 
teffive  favourite,  he  at  lafl  adopted  the  whole  train,  and  has  now 
collected  and  cemented  them  together  for  public  edification. 
We  are  ferioufly  convinced,  that  nothing  but  a  halty,  unthink- 
ing proccfs,  fuch  as  this,  could  have  blunted  the  natural  acuLe- 
nels  of  our  author's  powers,  and  made  one  who  is.  uniformly  fo 

clear- 


1 804.  Lord  Lauderdale  on  Public  WtaUl.  -  547 

-clear-figlited  in  detecting  the  errors  of  others,  cbftinately  keep 
his  eyes  fliut  upon  his  own  millakes. 

I.  Vakie,  according  to  Lord  Lauderdale,  is  conftituted  by  the 
concurrence  of  two  circumftances  ; — one  or  more  (Qualities  ufeful 
or  delightful  to  man,  and  a  certain  degree  of  fcavciry.  Nothing 
cm  be  deemed  valuable  intrinfically  •,  nor  can  any  commodity, 
however  excellent  in  itielf,  be  confidered  as  of  v<ilue,  unlefs  it 
is  alfo  rare.  When  we  meafure  the  value  of  ojie  commodity  by 
comparing  it  with  another,  the  refult  is  evidently  liable  to  be  af- 
fetted  by  eight  circumtlances,  viz.  by  the  variations  in  quantity 
and  in  demand  of  both  thefe  commodities.  Thus,  if  we  would 
exprefs  tr.e  value  of  grain  in  pounds  Sterling  at  diiTercnt  times, 
our  calculation  might  be  affected  by  a  diminution  or  an  increaic 
in  the  quantity  both  of  money  and  of  grain,  and  by  a  Hmilar  di- 
n";iniition  or  increafe  in  the  demand  for  both  thele  commodities. 
It  is  not,  then,  upon  the  polleihon  of  any  inherent  quality  that 
value  depends  •,  but  upon  the  proportion  between  the  demand 
for,  and  the  fupply  of  the  valuable  commodity. 

In  all  this,  it  docs  not  appear  to  us  that  there  is  any  novelty, 
if  we  except  the  very  obvious  circumltance  of  our  author   con- 
lir.ing  liis  attention  exchifively  to  one  kind   of   value.     Former 
writers  had  couOdered  value  as  tv/ofold — value  in  ufe,  and  value 
in  exchange — or  what  rnay  be  termed  ahfohite  and   relative  value. 
The  one  of  thefe  qualities  depends  entirely  on  the  nature  of  the 
connnodity  itfelf,  and   is  wholly  uninfluenced  either  by  its  quan- 
tity or  the   demand  for  it ;  or  by  the  quan.tity  of,  and  demand 
for  any  other  commodities.     But  the  idea  of  relative  or  exchange- 
able value,  owes  its  exillence  altogether  to  the  fuppofition,  that 
an  operation  of  barter  renders  it  neceilary  to   compare   a  portion 
of  one  commodity  with  a  portion  of  another  ;  and  this  compa- 
rifon   mult   depend  on  the  ratios  between  the  fupply  ot,  and  the 
demand  fur  both  articles,      That  the   idea   of   value,    however, 
may  exilt  independently  of  all  comnii. I'ce,  no  one  can  deny,  with- 
out  a  total   perverfion  of  common  language.     If,  to  take  Lord 
l^auderdale's  own  illuitrahon,  the  quality  of  infuring   a  century 
of  robull  healtii  were  fuddenly  communicated  to  each  grain  of 
wheat,  can   any   one   doubt   the   propriety   of  laying  that  wheat 
would  initantly  become  iniinitely  more  valuable  ?     Exchangeable 
value  is  evidently  a  iecondary  coniuleration  •,  it  depends  on  the  cir- 
cumibance  of  fome  men  wanting  what  others  poillfs  \  it  depends 
on  the  unequal  diltribution  of  pofieiTions.     If  every  human  defire 
were  univerfally  gratified  in  extreme  abundance — if  all   the  com- 
modities which  we   find  necefTary   or  defireable  to  us,  were  at 
once  multiplied  beyond  the  utmofi  wants  of  the   whole   fpecies, 
it  is  true  that  all  barter  would  ceale  j  and,  confequently,  that  the 


34^  Lord  Lauderdale  on  Public  iFealth.  July- 

idea  of  exchangeable,  relative,  or  comparative  value  would  be 
fio  more.  But  would  it  not  be  a  grols  abufe  of  language,  to  fay, 
that  all  value  whatever  had  ceafed,  and  that  in  this  univerfal  a- 
bundance  nothing  valuable  remained  ?  Nay,  that  all  commo- 
dities exifting  in  an  indefinite  quantity  were  equally  valuable,  be- 
caufe  equally  abundant  ?  Would  not  grain,  for  example,  be  ftill 
more  valuable  in  itfelf  than  fand,  diamonds,  or  gold  ? — It  de- 
ferves,  in  pafTmg,  to  be  noticed,  that  certain  commodities  derive 
nearly  their  whole  value,  in  every  fenfe  of  the  word,  from  their 
extreme  fcarcity.  This,  added  to  a  trifling  portion  of  beauty, 
which  of  itfelf  would  have  been  unable  to  confer  any  value, 
renders  them  highly  valuable,  in  confequence  of  the  capricious 
talle  of  men,  and  their  defire  of  overcoming  difficulties.  Were 
food  multiplied  to  the  full  extent  of  the  demand  which  the  whole 
Ipecies  has  for  it,  and  were  every  other  objecl:  of  defire  at  the 
fame  time  equally  multiplied,  diamonds  would  ceafe  to  be  prized, 
inafmuch  as  they  derive  their  value  from  the  difficulty  of  pro- 
cm-ing  them  ;  but  food  would  continue  to  be  prized,  becaufe  it 
would  retain  its  power  of  fupporting  life. 

The  confideration  of  this  folitary  cafe,  in  which  the  caprices 
of  men  have  bellowed  a  fidlitious  value  on  the  mere  quality  of 
rarity,  feems  to  have  milled  our  author,  and  to  have  confirmed 
him  in  his  omiffion  of  one  entire  branch  of  the  fubjedt  which 
he  purpofed  to  defcribe.  The  difcuffion  may  to  fome  appear 
trivial  and  verbal ;  but  we  fhall  foon  find  that  the  fame  radical 
omiffion  pervades  the  fubfequent  part  of  his  fpeculations,  and  oc- 
cafions  Hill  more  obvious  miftakes,  of  exactly  the  fame  defcrip- 
tion,  in  the  docbrine  refpe^ling  individual  riches. 

It  follows  very  clearly  from  the  pofitions  regarding  exchange- 
able or  relative  value,  laid  down  by  Lord  Lauderdale,  and  ac- 
knowledged by  all  who  have  treated  on  thefe  matters,  that  it  is 
in  vain  to  feek  for  any  invariable  ftandard  or  meafure  of  value. 
Our  author  exemplifies  this  truth  by  feveral  pertinent  remarks, 
and  very  fuccefsfuUy  refutes  the  theory  of  Dr  Smith,  that  labour 
affords  fuch  an  unalterable  meafure,  by  fhewing,  from  different 
pafiages  in  the  Wealth  of  Nations,  how  much  the  value  of  la- 
bour varies  at  different  times,  in  remote  places,  in  different  parts 
of  the  fame  country, — and  how  much  more  incurable  fuch  va- 
riations muft  be  in  the  value  of  labour,  than  in  the  value  of  o- 
ther  commodities.— This  mode  of  argument,  however,  we  do 
not  think  altogether  adapted  to  a  general  treatile  on  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  fcience.  It  applies  with  fufficient  accuracy  to  the 
do£lrines  of  the  particular  author  in  queftion,  bivt  might  very 
poffibly  fail  to  convince  others,  who  maintain  the  fame  opinions 
-with  Dr  Smith,  upon   more   confilleiit  grounds.     In  one  or  two 

inltanccj. 


1  S<54'  Xi7r  J  Lauderdale  on  Public  JFeaith.  349P 

inftances,  the  refutation,  by  means  of  this  argumentum  ad  ho' 
minemy  v/ears  the  appearance  of  captioufnefs  and  ill-temper.  A 
paffage  is  quoted  from  the  Wealth  of  Nations,  to  ihow  that  la- 
bour alone,  of  all  commodities,  may  vary  in  its  value  at  the  fame 
time,  and  in  the  fame  place  •,  M-hereas  it  is  very  obvious  from 
the  flightefl;  attention  to  this  paflage,  that  it  will  not  admit  of 
fuch  limitation.  '  Different  prices, '  Dr  Smith  obferves,  '  are  often 
paid  at  the  fame  place,  and  for  the  fame  fort  of  labour,  not  only 
according  to  the  different  abilities  of  the  vi^orkmen,  but  accord- 
ing to  the  eafinefs  or  hardnefs  of  the  mafters. '  b.  I.  c.  8. — 
a  propofition,  appUcable  to  all  other  paymafters,  as  well  as  to 
thofe  who  pay  for  luork ;  and  v/hich  only  proves,  that  in  every 
market,  the  nverage  price,  which  the  competition  of  buyers  and 
of  fellers  regulates,  muft  be  taken  as  the  exchangeable  value  of 
the  commouity. 

Lord  Lauderdale  is  alfo  pecuHarly  fevere  upon  the  abfurdity  of 
a  writer  who  reprefents  a  great  portion  of  human  labour  as  un- 
productive, ereding  labour  into  a  ftandard  of  value.  This,  he 
obferves,  is  as  ridiculous  as  if  a  man  were  to  meafure  dimenfions 
by  a  mathematical  point  which  has  no  magnitude.  Now  fure- 
ly,  Dr  Smith,  whatever  qualities  or  effeds  he  might  attribute  to 
the  labour  v/hich  he  terms  unproductive,  never  intended  to  de- 
fcribe  it  as  a  nonentity  ;  and  even  if  fuch  had  been  his  dotlrine, 
it  is  obvious  we  could  only  have  inferred,  that  the  produftive 
kind  of  labour  is,  in  his  opinion,  the  meafure  of  value. 

Upon  the  whole,  we  are  difpofed  to  think  that  our  author  a- 
vails  himfelf  of  certain  obfcurities,  and  even  inconfiftencies  in  Dr 
Smith's  langunge,  for  the  purpofe  of  faftening  upon  him  a  much 
more  contradidory  and  erroneous  theory  than  he  ever  maintained. 
That  a  perfon  of  Dr  Smith's  metaphyfical  and  mathematical  pow- 
ers *  fliould  have  meant  to  predicate  the  abfolute  immutability  of 
any  (landard,  we  cannot  for  a  moment  imagine.  He  muft  have 
known,  that  fuch  a  propofition  v/ould  have  been  as  abfurd  as  to  a- 
fcribe  abfolute  magnitude  or  entire  immutability  to  the  Towcr 
ilandards.  We  apprehend  that  he  only  fought  for  an  approxima- 
tion, and  thought  he  had  found  it  in  that  one  commodity  winch, 
being  by  much  the  moil  frequently  exchanged  againft  all  other 
commodities,  and  of  courfe  the  moil  conltantly  brought  uito 
comparifon  with  every  objed  of  barter,  might  be  affumed  as  the 
bell  attainable  meafure  of  their  relative  value.  Lord  Lauderdale 
certainly  has  not  proved  the  contrary  of  this  propofition  to  any 
one  who  may  hold  Dr  Smith's  opinion,  without  a  minute  adher- 
ence to  his  manner  of  enunciating  and  demonftrating  it. 

We 

*  See  Profeffor  Stewart's  Li^e  of  .Smith. 


55^  Lord  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth.  Jtilv 

We  now  conic  to  our  author's  peculiar  theory  of  public  wealth, 
as  contradiftluguilhcd  from  private  or  individual  riches.  'I'hcrc 
cannot,  he  conceives,  be  a  o;reater  midake  than  to  confound  theie 
two  idea?,  and  to  cftimate  the  riches  of  a  community  by  calculat- 
ing the  aggregate  of  the  pi'ivate  fortunes  wliicli  belong  to  all  its 
members.  The  value  of  a  commodity  depending  upon  its  fcarci- 
ty,  the  riches  of  individuals  mult  be  in  proportion  to  the  fcarcity 
of  the  commodities  which  they  poiTcIs.  But  the  wliole  wealth  of 
a  nation  is  in  proportion  to  the  abundance  in  which  it  poilefies  till 
commodities  lifciul  or  delightful  to  man.  Therefore,  the  nation 
muft  be  enriched  by  that  very  plenty  which  necellkriiy  diminiilies 
the  fortunes  of  its  inhabitants.  Thus,  a  fcarcity  of  grain  renders 
the  whole  price  of  the  deficient  crop  much  greater  than  that  of  an 
ordinary  crop  ;  and  a  want  of  water  would  give  a  price  to  every 
ftream  and  fpring  in  the  country.  The  proprietors  of  grain  and 
water  would  thereby  be  enriched  ;  but  the  community  would 
evidently  be  impoveriilied.  This  is  the  v/hole  fubltance  of  the 
argument  and  its  illullration.  The  inference  is  a  propofition  ap- 
parently paradoxical,  but  highly  elbeemed  by  Lord  Lauderdale, 
both  for  its  ftricl  accuracy  and  its  important  confequenccs.  He 
thus  ftates  his  grand  difcovery. 

<  From  thefe  confiderations  it  fcems  evident,  not  only  that  the  fum- 
total  of  individual  riches  cannot  be  conlidered  as  an  accurate  defcription 
or  definition  of  the  wealth  of  a  nation  ;  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  it 
may  be  generally  affirmed,  that  an  increafe  of  riches,  when  arifing  from 
alterations  in  the  quantity  of  commodities,  is  always  a  proof  of  an  im- 
mediate diminution  of  wealth  ;  and  a  diminution  of  riches,  Is  evidence 
of  an  immediate  inereafe  of  wealth  :  and  this  propofition  will  be  found 
invariably  true,  with  the  exception  of  a  fint^le  cafe,  which  will  be  after- 
wards explained.  Thus,  it  becomes  neceffary  to  adopt  a  defniitiori  of 
Public  Wealth,  which  conveys  a  different  idea  of  it  from  that  which  has 
been  generally  received  ;  and  it  is  therefore  fubmitted,  that  Wealth  may 
be  accurately  defined,  —  to  confijl  of  all  that  man  defircs.,  as  ufj'nl  or  dc- 
ll^htjul  to  hha. 

*  But  if  National  Wealth  is  truly  and  rightly  defined,  to  confift  or 
all  that  man  defires  as  ufeful  and  delightful  to  him;  as  (from  the  ex- 
planation  that  has  been  already  given  of  the  nature  of  value,  or  of  the 
circumllances  that  entitle  any  thing  to  the  character  wliich  qualifies 
it  for  forming  a  portion  of  individual  riches)  we  know,  that  by  adding 
(the  circumftance  of  fcarcity  to  the  qualities  which  make  any  commodi- 
ty a  component  part  of  public  wealth,  we  fhould  give  It  value,  and  thus 
qualify  it  to  form  a  portion  of  individual  riches,  it  follows,  that  indivi- 
dual riches  may  be  defined, — to  confijl  of  all  that  man  dcfires  as  ufful  or' 
ddightful  to  him  ;   ivhich  ex'fls  in  a  degree  of  fcarcity.  ' 

Now,  we  imagine  that  a  very  few  iimple  confiderations  will 
inake  the  error  and  confufion  of  all  this  reafoning  extremely  evi- 
dent even  to  the  author  himfelf.  , 

When 


1804.  LofJ  L^Lndi^rdAc  en  Pul/lic  TFea/th.  35^ 

When  we  efhimate  the  wealth  of  an  individual,  we  generally 
ftate  it  in  money,  the  common  meafure  of  value  :  We  luppofe,  that 
his  whole  effcds  are  to  be  brought  into  the  market,  and  fold  at 
the  current  prices  :  Tliofe  prices  are,  of  courfe,  determined  by 
the  proportion  between  the  fupply  of,  and  the  demand  for  each 
commodity  :  Confequently,  our  eiiimate  of  the  individual's  for- 
tune is  affecied  by  the  confideration  of  relative  value— by  the 
fearclty  in  which  the  articles  he  poiT'effes  are  found.  That  this, 
hov/ever,  is  by  no  means  the  only  mode  of  inllituting  the  calcula- 
tion, is  abundantly  clear  from  what  was  faid  above  refpeding  ex- 
changeable and  iiitrinfic  value.  For,  let  us  fuppofe  that  th.e  indi- 
vidual polTelles  his  property  lb  parcelled  out,  as  to  command,  with- 
out any  exchange,  every  object:  of  hi  ^  defire— let  us  fuppofe,  far- 
ther, that  every  other  individual  polTefles  the  fame  abundance — 
Should  we,  in  this  cafe,  deny  that  the  individual,  of  whole  fortune 
we  have  been  fpeaking,  is  mailer  of  any  wealth  ?  Or  fliould  we 
be  entitled  to  fay,  that  every  perfon  in  the  community  had  bcr 
come  abfolutely  poor,  when  every  perfon  v/as  placed  in  extreme 
abundance  ?  It  is  clear,  that  the  cllimate  of  w^ealth  is  only  rehr- 
tive,  and  depends  on  a  comparifon  which  proceeds  upon  the  fup- 
pofuion  of  fome  perfons  wanting  what  others  have  to  give  away. 
When  all  are  become  equally  rich,  Lord  Lauderdale  maintains 
that  all  wealth,  /.  f.  all  individual  wealth,  has  vaniihed.  This  is. 
fuch  a  confufion  of  ideas,  and  fuch  a  plain  abufe  of  language,  as 
demands  our  unequivocal  reprobation.  Now,  when  we  eltimate 
the  coUedlive  wealth  of  a  nation,  it  is  clear,  ex  vi  termini^  that 
the  idea  of  internal  exchange  is  out  of  the  queftion.  Li  every 
fuch  exchange,  one  man  receives  what  another  gives  away  ;  and 
tiie  aesreeate  remains  unaltered.     We  (hall  afterwards   fee   how' 

1       •  -        r  •  1  1  1         1 

internal  commerce  promotes  the  mcreale  or  national  wealth  ;  but, 
in  itfelf,  the  mere  transference  of  commodities  from  hand  to  hand^ 
or  from  place  to  place,  cannot  enter  into  the  eiiimate  of  the  col- 
ledlive  wealth  of  the  counta-y,  /'.  e.  the  aggregate  of  its  commodi- 
ties, at  any  inflant  of  time.  Therefore,  it  is  the  abfolute  and  in- 
trinfic,  not  the  relative  value  of  thofe  commodities,  which  we 
confider  •,  and  internal  conmierce  being  out  of  the  queftion,  ex- 
changeable value  cannot  enter  into  the  calculation. 

Let  us  now  take  Lord  Lauderdale's  illuflration,  which  will 
ferve  equally  to  expofe  his  miilake.  If  the  quantity  of  grain  is 
diminiflied  one  half,  the  price  is  increafed  tenfold ;  and  the  whole 
value  of  the  lelTer  quantity  is  five  times  greater  than  the  value  of 
the  larger  quantity.  But  what  do  we  mean  by  the  price  beinj^ 
increafed  tenfold  ?  What,  but  that  the  confumers  of  grain  have 
now  to  pay  ten  times  more  of  their  fuperfluous  commodities  foF 
it .''     They  lofe,  therefore,  exactly  what  the  former  gains  \  and 

in 


^^T  Lord  Lauderdale  en  Public  Wealth.  July 

in  return  they  get  from  him  only  half  of  what  they  formerly 
received,  for  ?.  much  fmaller  price.  It  is  obvious  that  this  is  a 
diminution  of  public  wealth  :  But  is  it  not  alfo  exa6Hy  in  the  fame 
deiirec  a  dimirution  of  individual  riches  ?  No  ong  ever  main- 
tained, that,  in  eitimaiing  the  riches  of  a  community,  we  were 
to  confider  only  the  fortunes  of  a  part  of  its  individual  members. 
The  propofition  againfl  which  our  author  has  to  contend,  is,  thai 
the  wealth  of  the  community  is  fynonymous  with  the  wealth  of 
all  its  members  taken  together  ;  that  is,  the  wealth  of  the  farmer, 
whofe  fortune  is  augmented  by  the  fcarcity,  together  with  the 
wealth  of  the  confumers,  M-hofe  fortunes  are  diminilhed  by  the 
fcarcity. 

We  cannot  really  conceive  any  thing  more  loofe  than  Lord 
Lauderdale's  mode  of  ftating  and  anfwering  what  he  terms  the 
•  vulgar  opinion.'  He  has  not  dated  an  opinion  that  any  man  ever 
maintair.ed.  He  has  fought  with  a  creature  of  his  own  imagina- 
tion, in  order  to  defend  a  pofitlon  clearly  untenable,  and  which 
he  never  could  have  thought  of  holding,  had  he  not  involved  it 
in  the  moft  palpable  obicurity — a  mift  which  has  prevented  him. 
from  ever  getting  a  clear  view  of  it.  But  perhaps  he  will  be  fatis- 
lied  at  once  of  his  overfight,  if  we  remind  him,  that  he  has  him- 
felf  repeatedly,  though  inadvertently,  dated  with  fufficient  preci- 
fion,  the  dodlrine  maintained  by  his  adverfaries. 

'  An  incieafe  of  the  fortune  of  any  member  of  the  fociety,  if  not  at 
the  expence  of  any  indi'vulual  belonging  to  the  fame  community^  is  uniformly 
deemed  an  aiigmentation  of  national  wealth  ;  and  a  diminution  of  any 
man's  property,  if  not  prodLicinjj  an  increafc  of  the  riches  of  fome  of 
his  ttllovv-fubjedts,  has  been  cuiiidered  as  of  neceffity  occafioning  a  con- 
comitant diminutioi)  of  national  vv'ealth.  '  p.  7. 
And  again, 

«  So  much,  iiideed,  is  public  wealth  un'verfally  deemed  the  fame 
thing  with  the  main  of  private  riches,  that  there  appears  no  means  of 
incriafin^  the  fortune  of  an  individual,  nxihen  it  is  not  done  d'lreSily  at  the 
(xpence  of  another,  that  is  not  regarded  as  produdlive  of  national  0- 
pu'cnce.  '     p.  41. 

Now,  the  condition  which  is  infcrted  in  each  of  thefe  propofi- 
tions,  forms  precifely  the  foundation  of  their  truth  ;  and  it  is  by 
omitting  the  coniideration  of  this  condition  in  all  the  fubfequent 
parts  of  his  argument,  that  our  author  has  fallen  into  his  leading 
miftake  ;  for  his  whole  reafoning  on  the  tendency  of  thofe  things 
which  increafe  individual  riches,  to  diminifh  public  wealth,  pro- 
ceeds upon  the  negle£l  of  the  condition  ftated  in  the  paflages  now 
quoted.  The  increafe  of  individual  riches  in  all  his  (latements,  Is 
in  fa6l  the  gain  of  one  member  of  the  community  at  another's 
gxpence.     We  are  yet  to  learn  how  the  gain  of  any  individual, 

when 


lS')4'  Loi-d'Lzwi.txddJlt  oh  PuhUc  Wealth.  ,353' 

when  not  made  at  another's  expence,  can  be  efFefted  without  the 
very  fame  gain  to  the' commutiity.  We  hold  the  propofition  to 
fee  identical,  and  conceive  that  the  explanation  formerly  given  of 
value  and  wealth  mult  render  it  quite  evident, — that  the  riches  of 
a  nation,  and  the  furnof  the  riches  of  all  its  inhabitants,  are  ex- 
preihons  completely  fynonymous. 

It  is  not  a  little  lingular  that  the  fundamental  error  of  valuing 
every  thing  in  cafli,  which  gave  rife  to  the  mercantile  fyftem, 
ihould  be  at  the  bottom  of  all  Lord  Lauderdale's  fpeculations  a- 
bout  the  diftinclion  of  public  wealth  and  individual  riches.  He 
has  evidently  fallen  into  his  miftakes,  by  confidering  commodities 
as  worth  only  their  money  price,  and  by  entirely  forgetting,  that 
when  goods  are  eftimated  in  fpecie,  a  comparifon  or  exchange  is 
inftituted,  which  is  not  at  all  neceffary  in  order  to  confer  value 
on  the  commodities.  We  call  a  certain  proprietor  of  grain  worth 
ten  thoufand  pounds,  becaufe  it  is  poffible  that  he  might  want  the 
money,  and  his  grain  would  enable  him  to  command  it.  Were 
commerce  at  an  end,  i.  e.  were  every  one  poflefled  of  as  much 
grain  as  he  wanted,  and  of  every  other  ufeful  or  defireable  com- 
modity, the  proprietor  certainly  would  not  be  called  a  man  worth 
ten  thoufand  pounds.  Even  in  the  prefent  circumfhances,  it 
would  be  as  corre61;  to  fay  he  was  worth  fo  many  quarters  of 
wheat,  as  fo  many  thoufand  pounds.  The  comparifon  between  grain 
and  money  is  only  made  with  a  view  to  exchange  ;  and  in  this  view, 
the  ftatement  of  relation  is  affefted,  no  doubt,  by  the  quantity  of  each 
article ;  while  in  the  other  point  of  view,  fuch  a  circumllance  has 
no  place.  Our  author,  attending  to  the  view  of  exchange  only,  and 
then  confining  his  attention  exclufively  to  the  fituation  of  the  fell- 
er, has  drawn  the  abfurd  inference,  that  the  wealth  of  ail  the  in- 
dividuals in  a  ftate  is  different  from  the  wealth  of  the  Hate,  mere- 
ly becaufe  the  wealth  of  y^^/Ki?  individuals  may  be  affecled  differ- 
ently from  that  of  the  community.  We  are  inclined  to  think 
the  prejudice  of  valuing  all  things  in  money  one  of  the  moft  root- 
ed in  the  minds  of  men,  and  of  the  molt  extenfive  influence  in 
political  fpeculations.  After  all  the  expofitions  which  it  has  re- 
reived,  and  from  no  author  more  diftinclly  than  from  Lord  Lau- 
derdale, vv-e  find  him  acSlually  founding  a  theory  upon  it.  He  has 
been  led  away  by  the  form  of  expreffion  which  fubflitutes  the  mo- 
ney price  for  the  value — the  money  for  the  money's  worth.  He 
has  not  fufBciently  confidered  that  all  fuch  modes  of  fpeech  fup- 
pofe  the  comparifon  implied  in  commercial  tranfadlions  ;  he  has 
entirely  forgotten,  tliat  in  eflimating  the  aftual  amount  of  na- 
tional wealth,  when  we  fay  the  fcarcity  of  an  article  increafes  its 
price  or  its  value  in  money,  we  include  in  this  propofition,  an  af- 
iertion  that  the  money,  or,  wliat  is   the  fame  thing,  fome  other 

VOL,  iV.  NO.  8.  Z  «ommoditieSj, 


35^4  Lord  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth.  July 

commodities,  have  loft  fo  much  of  their  value  eftimated  in  the  ar- 
ticle which  has  become  fcarce.  We  are'  the  more  difpofed  to 
point  out  the  apparent  fource  of  Lord  Lauderdale's  raiftakes,  from 
cbferving  that  the  abufe  of  ordinary  terms  have  attra£led  his  par- 
ticular attention.  it  is  fomewhat  unfortunate,  that  a  theory, 
founded  upon  an  error  in  common  phrafeology,  fliould  be  pre- 
faced by  a  formal  difcourfe  on  the  vulgar  errors  of  language. 

IL  The  fwo  leading  opinions  which  divide  political  inquirers 
Hpon  the  fources  of  national  wealth,  are  thofe  of  the  Economifts 
and  of  Dr  Smith.  We  purpofe  here  to  exhibit  a  concife  view  of 
the  obje6tions  to  vvhich  both  of  thefe  doctrines  are  eminently  li- 
able. Such  a  ftatemcntf  fo  far  as  we  know,  has  never  yet  been, 
offered  to  the  public  ;  for  though  Lord  Lautlerdale  has  introduced 
fome  remarks  upon  the  fubje£t,  we  are  very  far  from  thinking 
them  fatisfadory  •,  and  are  perfuaded  that  none  of  the  adher- 
ents of  either  fe61:  will  hold  his  refutation  as  fufficient.  As  the 
general  principle  of  a  diillndl:ion  between  produ6livc  and  unpro- 
ductive labour  is  recognized  by  Dr  Smith,— -as  we  conceive  liis 
theory  to  be  extremely  inconfiftent  with  itfelf,  and  confidev  it  to 
be  an  imperfcfl  approximation  to  that  of  the  Economafts,  wf  fhall 
begin  with  a  fhort  examination  of  the  principle  on  which  it  de- 
pends. That  eminent  writer  divides  labourers  into  two  claffes  -, 
thofe  who,  by  adding  to  the  value  of  fome  raw  material,  or  by 
affifting  in  the  increal'e  of  their  quantity,  realize  or  fix  in  a  vendi- 
ble commodity  the  effects  of  their  exertions  j  and  thofe  whofe  la- 
bour leaves  nothing  in  exiftence  after  the  moment  of  exertion,, 
but  periflics  in  the  a£V  of  performance.  The  former  he  denomi- 
nates prodiiBive,  the  latter  unproducilve  labourers  ;  not  meaning 
thereby  to  undervalue  the  exertions  of  many  ufeful  kinds  of  work 
performed  by  the  unprodudlive  order,  but  merely  aficrting  that 
they  do  not  augment  the  ivenlth  of  the  community.  Thus,  the 
work  of  the  farm  fervant,  or  manufa£luring  labourer,  is  fixed  in 
a  ufeful  commodity ;  the  work  of  a  m.enial  fervant  perifhes  with 
the  motion  of  his  hands,  and  adds  to  the  value  of  nothing.  A 
man  grows  rich  by  employing  a  number  of  the  former  ;  he  ruins 
himfelf  by  keeping  a  multitude  of  the  latter. 

To  begin  with  this  illullration. — The  cafe  of  the  menial  fer- 
vant muli  not  be  compared  with  that  of  the  labourer  employed  in 
farming  or  manufaftures.  The  menial  is  employed  by  the  con- 
fumer.,  and  for  his  own  ufe  exclufively  j  the  farm-fervant  and 
journeyman  are  employed  by  another  party,  by  whom  the  con- 
fumer  is  fupplied.  The  former  is,  properly  fpeaking,  in  the  pre- 
dicament oi  a  comm.odity  bought  or  hired  for  confumption  or  ufe ; 
the  latter  rather  refen  bles  a  tool  bought  or  hired  for  working 
withal.     5ut,  at  any  rate,  there  is  no  fuch  difference  as  Dr  Smith 

fuppofea; 


1804.  Lord  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth.  j^^ 

fuppofes  between  the  effects  of  maintaining  a  multitude  of  thefe 
feveral  kinds  of  workmen.  It  is  the  extrav.igant  quantity,  not  the 
peculiar  quality  of  the  labour  thus  pai;l  for,  that  brin;',s  on  ruin. 
A  man  is  ruined  if  he  keeps  more  fervants  th.m  he  c  m  afford  or 
employ,  and  does  not  let  them  out  for  hire, — exactly  is  he  is  ruin- 
ed by  purchafing  more  food  than  he  can  confume,  or  by  employ- 
ing more  workmen  in  any  branch  of  manufactures  than  his  bufi- 
nefs  requires,  or  his  profits  will  pay. 

But  it  may  be  cSfcrved,  in  general,  that  there  is  no  folid  dl- 
ftinftion  between  tin'  effective  powers  of  the  two  cl.iffes  whom 
Dr  Smith  denominates  productive  and  unprodudive  labourers. 
The  end  of  all  labour  is  to  augment  the  wealth  of  the  community  5 
that  is  to  fay,  the  fund  from  which  the  members  of  that  comrvu- 
nity  derive  their  fubfiilence,  their  comforts  and  enjoyments.  To 
confiae  the  dennition  of  wealth  to  mere  fubfiilence,  is  abfurd. 
Thofe  who  argue  thus,  admit  butcher's  meat  and  manufactured 
liquors  to  be  fubfiflence  ;  yet  neither  of  them  are  neceffary ;  for 
if  all  comfort  and  enjoyment  be  kept  out  of  view,  vegetables  and 
water  would  futfice  for  the  fupport  of  life  ;  and  by  this  mode  of 
tea  Toning,  the  epithet  o^  produBive  would  be  limited  to  the  fort  o£' 
employment  that  raifes  the  fpecies  ot  food  which  eacli  climate  and' 
foil  is  fitted  to  yield  in  greateit  abundance,  with  the  lealt  la- 
bour,— to  the  culture  of  maize  in  ionie  countries  ;  of  rice  in  o- 
thers  ;  of  potatoes,  or  yams,  or  the  bread-fruit  tree  in  others  : 
and  in  no  country  would  any  variation  of  employment  whatever 
be  confiftent  with  the  definition.  According  to  this  view  of  the 
queition,  therefore,  the  menial  fervant.  the  judge,  the  ibidier  and 
the  buffoon,  are  to  be  ranked  in  the  fame  clafs  with  the  hufband- 
men  and  manufacturers  of  every  civilized  community.  The  pro- 
duce of  the  labour  is,  in  all  thefe  cafes,  calculated  to  fupply  ei- 
ther the  neceffities,  the  comforts,  or  the  luxuries  of  fociety  ;  and 
that  nation  has  more  real  wealth  than  another,  which  poifefles 
more  of  all  thofe  commodities.  If  this  is  not  admitted,  then  we 
can  compare  the  two  countries  only  in  refpeCt  of  their  relative 
{hares  of  articles  Indifpenfably  requifite,  and  produced  in  grer.tefl 
abundance,  confidering  the  foil  and  climate  of  each :  and,  as 
nothing  which  is  not  neceffary  is  to  be  reckoned  valuable,  a  na- 
tion wallowing  in  all  manner  of  comforts  and  enjoyment^^  is  to 
be  deemed  no  richer  than  a  horde  fed  upon  the  fnialleft  .ortion 
of  the  cheapeft  grain,  or  roots  and  water,  which  is  iufhciont  to 
fupport  human  life. 

But  it  is  maintained,  that  admitting  the  wealth  of  a  crmmunl- 
ty  to  be  augmented  by  the  labours  of  thofe  whom  Dr  S  riith  de- 
nominates unproductive,  ftill  they  are  in  a  different  predicament 
j  frpm  tic  productive  clafs,  inafmuch  as  they  do  not  augment  the 

Z  2  exchangeable 


^^6>  Lord  Lauderdale  07i  PiSIic  Wcahh.  Juij 

ejCchangeable  value  of  any  feparate  portions  of  the  fociety's  ftock — 
sieither  increafing  the  quantity  of  that  ftock,  nor  adding  to  the 
value  of  what  formerly  exiiled.  To  this,  however,  it  may  be  re- 
plied, that  it  appears  of  very  little  confcquence  whether  the  wants 
of  the  community  are  fupplied  directly  by  men,  or  mediately  by 
men  with  the  intervention  of  matter — whether  we  receive  certain, 
benefits  and  conveniences  from  thofc  men  at  once,  or  only  in  the 
form  of  inanimate  and  difpofeable  fubliances.  Dr  Smith  would. 
admit  that  labour  to  be  produdlive  which  realized  itfelf  in  a 
ftock,  though  that  flock  were  deftined  to  perifb  the  next  inftant^ 
If  a  player  or  mu{i.cian,  inilead  of  charming  our  ears,  v/ere  tO' 
produce  fomcthing  whii^h,  when  applied  to  our  fenfes,  would 
eive  us  pleafure  for  a  fingle  moment  of  time,  their  labour  would, 
be  called  produdlivc,  althougli  the  produce  were  to  perifli  m  the 
very  aft  of  employment.  Wherein^  tlien,  lies  the  difference  f 
Merely  in  this — that  we  mnft  confurae  tihe  one  prodivce  at  a  cer- 
tain time  and  place,  and  may  ufe  the  other  in  a  latitude  lome- 
what,  though  but  a  little,  more  extenfive.  This  difference,  how- 
ever, difappears  altogether,  when  we  reflet!  that  the  labour  would 
ftill  be  reckoned  productive  which  fliould  give  us  a  tangible  equi- 
valent, though  it  could  not  be  carried  from  the  fpot  of  its  produc- 
tion, and  could  lafl  only  a  (econd  in  our  hands  upon  that  fpot. 
The  mu&cian,  in  reality,  affefts  our  fenfes  by  modulating  the 
air,  7.  e.  he  works  upon  the  air,  and  renders  a  certain  portioa 
of  it  worth  more  than  it  was  before  he  manufa6larcd  it.  He 
communicates  this  value  to  it  only  for  a  moment,  and  in  one 
place  \  there  and  then  v/e  are  obliged  to  confume  it.  A  glafs- 
blower,  again,  prepares  feme  metal  for  our  amufement  or  in- 
ftruftion,  and  blows  it  up  to  a  great  volume.  He  has  now 
fixed  his  labour  in  a  tangible  commodity.  He  then  exchanges 
it,  or  gives  it  to  us,  tliat  we  may  immediately  ufe  it,  i.  e.  blow 
it  until  it  flies  to  (liivers.  He  has  fixed  his  labour,  however,, 
•we  fay,  in  a  vendible  commodity.  But  we  may  dcfire  his 
farther  afllftance — we  may  require  him  to  ufe  it  for  our  bene- 
fit ;  and,  without  any  paufe  in  his  procefs  of  blowing,  he  burils 
it.  This  cafe  approaches  as  nearly  as  polfible  to  that  of  the  mu- 
fician ;  yet  Dr  Smith  maintains  that  the  latter  is  a  different 
kind  of  labour  from  the  former.  Nay,  according  to  him,  the 
labour  of  the  glafs-blower  Is  productive,  if  he  fpoils  the  pro- 
cefs, and  defeats  the  end  of  the  experiment,  by  paufmg,  and 
giving  into  unflcllful  hands  the  bubble  before  it  burfts.  But  if 
he  performs  the  whole  of  that  inftruftive  operation,  by  con- 
templating which  Sir  Ifaac  Newton  was  -  taught  the  nature  ci 
colour,  his  labour  mud  be  denominated  unproduftive  ! 

Bui; 


3804.       '  Lot^lj?i.\x^txdiz\Q  on  Public  TVealth.  557 

But  It  is  not  fair  to  deny  that  the  clafs  called  unproductive 
fixes  its  hibour  in  feme  exifling  commodity.  Firfl,  we  may  ob~ 
ferve  that  no  labour,  not  even  that  of  the  farmer,  can  lay  claim. 
to  the  quality  of  a£lually  adding  to, the  ftock  already  in  exigence  ^ 
Man  never  creates;  he  only  modifies  the  mafs  of  matter  previouf- 
ly  in  his  poireiTion.  But,  next,  the  clafs  alluded  to  docs  attu- 
allv,  like  the  clafs  termed  protiuclive,  realize  its  labour  in  an  ad- 
ditional value  conferred  upon  the  flock  fotmerly  exifling.  The 
only  difference  is,  that  initead  of  working  upon  detached  portionsj 
this  clafs  operates  upon  the  ftock  of  the  community  in  general. 
Thus,  the  foldier  renders  every  portion  of  that  ftock  more  valu- 
able by  lecuring  the  whole  from  plunder  ;  and  the  judge,  by  fe- 
curing  the  whole  from  injury.  Dr  Smith  M'^ould  allow  that  man 
to  be  a  protHi£tive  labourer  who  fliould  manufatlure  bolts  and 
bars  for  the  defence  of  property.  Is  not  he  alfo,  then,  a  produc- 
tive labourer,  who  protecls  property  in  the  mafs,  and  adds  to 
every  portion  of  it  the  quality  of  being  fecure  ?  In  like  manner, 
thofe  who  increafe  the  enjoyments  of  fociety,  add  a  value  to  the 
ftock  previouily  exifting  ;  they  furnifh  nevv'  equivalents  for  which 
it  may  be  exchanged ;  they  render  the  ftock  worth  more,  /.  e.  ex- 
changeable for  more — capable  of  commanding  m.ore  enjoyments 
than  it  formerly  could  command.  The  ftock  of  the  community 
is  either  that  part  which  is  confumed  by  the  prodticer,  or  that 
part  which  he  exchanges  for  fome  objedt  of  deiire.  Were  ther^jj 
nothing  for  which  to  exchange  the  latter  portion,  it  would  fooa 
ceafe  to  be  produced.  Hence,  the  labour  that  augments  the 
fum  of  the  enjoyments  and  obje£ls  of  defire  for  which  this  por- 
tion may  be  exchanged,  is  indirectly  beneficial  to  produftion. 
But  if  this  portion  deftined  to  be  exchanged,  is  already  in  exift- 
ence,  the  labour  which  is  fupported  by  ir,  and  which  returns  an 
equivalent  to  the  formerowner,  by  the  nevv  enjoyraents  that  it 
yields  him,  muft  be  allowed  to  add  a  value  dirtCVly  to  the  ex- 
changeable part  of  the  ftock. 

In  every  point  of  view,  therefore,  it  appears  that  the  opinion 
of  I)r  Smitii  is  untenable.  He  has  drawn  his  line  of  diftinClion 
between  produftive  and  unproduiStive  labour  in  too  low  a  part 
ot  the  fcale.  The  labour  which  he  denominates  unproductive, 
has  the  very  fame  qualities  v/ith  a  great  part  of  the  labour  which 
he  allows  to  be  produdiive.  According  to  his  own  principles, 
the  line  fhould  have  been  drawn,  lo  as  to  cut  off,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  labour  which  apparently  increafes  the  quantity  of 
ftock,  and  to  leave,  on  the  other  hand,  all  tJiat  labour  which  on- 
ly modifies,  or  in  fome  manner  induces  a  beneficial  ciiange  up- 
on ftock  already  in  exiftence.  in  a  word,  his  principles  clearly 
^;yry  him  to  the  theory  of  the  EGOi.cnVifts  i  and,  in  order  to  bti 

1i  3  coiififtent. 


358  Lord  TuzMderdzle  ofi  Public  Wealt/j.  July 

confident,  he  ought  unqueftionably  to  have  reckoned  ajijriculture 
the  072ly  produiSlive  employment  of  capital  or  labour.  That  there 
is  only  this  one  do£i:rine  tenable,  in  confiilency  with  itfelf,  has 
been,  we  conceive,  fulRciently  proved.  We  (hall  now  confider 
whether  there  is  in  reality  any  foundation  even  for  this  ditlinc- 
tion,  which  forms  the  bafis  of  the  theory  fuppcrted  by  the  Eco- 
nomilh. 

Wlioever  has  honoured  the  foregoing  obfervations  with  his  at- 
tention, will  fpeedily  be  fatisfied  that  the  reafonings  applied  to 
Dr  Smith's  claflification  of  labour  are  applicable  alfo  to  the  more 
precife  and  confident  do6lri;ie  of  the  followers  of  O^efnai.  It 
is  the  opinion  of  thefe  ingenious  metaphyficians,  that  the  labour 
beftowed  upon  the  earth  can  alone  be  confidered  as  really  pro- 
cludlive  ;  that  all  other  labour  only  varies  the  pofition  or  the 
form  of  capital,  but  that  agriculture  increafes  its  net  amount. 
That  the  merchant  who  tranfports  goods  from  the  fpot  of  their 
abundance  to  the  quarter  where  they  are  wanted,  adds  nothing 
to  the  whole  flock,  or  to  the  value  of  the  portions  which  he  cir- 
culates, thefe  reafoners  deem  almofl  a  felf-evident  propofition. 
That  the  manufa£furer  who  faflnons  raw  materials  into  ufeful 
commodities  increafes  their  value,  the  Economifts  indeed  admit  ; 
but  they  deny  that  any  farther  addition  is  thus  made  to  the  value 
of  the  materials  than  the  value  of  the  workman's  maintenance 
while  employed  in  the  manufa6lure. 

It  feems  obvious,  at  firft  fi^ht,  to  remark,  that,  according  to 
their  own  principles,  thefe  theorills  have  committed  one  error. 
They  have  ranged  all  labour,  except  that  of  the  hufbandman,  in 
the  fame  clafs  •,  while  they  have  virtually  acknowledged  that  as 
great  a  difference  fubfiils  between  the  two  members  of  that  divi- 
sion, as  between  either  of  them  and  the  other  divifion.  For 
futely,  the  merchant,  who  adds,  according  to  them,  no  value 
to  any  material,  is  as  much  to  be  diltinguiihied  from  the  manu- 
fa(fturer  who  does  add  the  value  of  his  maintenance  to  the  raw 
produce,  as  the  manufacturer  is  to  be  diiiinguifhed  from  the 
hufbandman,  whofe  labour  returns  a  net  profit  over  and  above 
the  price  of  his  maintenance.  This  criticifm  is  almofl  decifive, 
in  a  difcuflion  which,  it  mull  be  admitted  on  all  hantis,  refolves 
into  a  queflion  of  clafTjfication.  But  the  error  of  the  Economifts 
is  flill  more  fundamental. 

There  is  no  efiential  difference  1  etween  the. powers  of  man  0- 
ver  matter,  in  agricuhure,  and  in  other  emjloyments.  It  is  a 
vulgar  error,  to  fuppofe  that,  in  the  operations  of  hufbandry, 
any  portion  is  added  to  the  ilock  of  matter  formerly  in  cxilltnce. 
The  farmer  works  up  the  raw  material,  i.  e.  the  manure,  foil 
gij4  l^eedj  inp  ^rain,  by  irseans  of  heat,  nioillure,  and  the  vege- 
tative 


1 


lSo4-  ior J  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth.  '^^^) 

tative  powers  of  nature,  in  whatever  thefe  may  confift.  The 
manufaOurer  works  up  his  raw  material  by  means  of  certain  o- 
ther  powers  of  nature.  Dr  Smith,  however,  who  dates  the 
dottrine  of  the  Ecnnomifts  in  its  greatefl  latitude,  (Chap.  V. 
Book  II.  Vol.  II.  p.  52.  8vo  edition),  aflerts,  that  in  agricul- 
ture nature  works  with  man,  and  that  the  rent  is  the  wages 
of  her  labour;  but  that,  in  manuf.i<tlures,  man  docs  every 
thing.  But  does  not  nature  work  with  man,  in  manufa£lure 
as  well  as  in  agriculture  ?  If  (he  works  -  ith  him  in  f.-rming 
a  handful  of  feed  into  a  fheaf  of  flax,  does  (he  not  alfo  work 
with  him  rq  fafhioning  this  ufelefs  fheaf  into  a  garment  ^  Why 
draw  a  line  between  the  two  eife£ls,  when  a  perfon  can  no  more 
clothe  himfelf  with  an  unwrought  fheaf  of  the  produce  than 
with  an  unfown  handful  of  the  feed  .''  Why  draw  a  Ime  between 
the  two  operations,  when  the  workman  can  no  more  chang?  '"'le 
fheaf  into  a  garment  without  the  ai''  ot  tbofe  powers  whid,  .ve 
denominate  nature,  cohcuon,  divifibihty,  hent  and  mixture, 
than  the  farmer  can  convert  the  feed  into  a  fheaf  without  the 
vegetative  powers  of  heat,  mixture  and  coheiion  .''  If,  inflead  of 
flax,  we  fuppofe  the  (lieaf  to  be  of  barley,  the  analogy  ftill  will  be 
more  apparent.  The  brewer  or  diftiller  is  certainly  a  productive 
labourer;  yet  the  changes  which  he  efFc6ls  are  as  little  thec1ire£l 
work  of  his  hands,  as  the  multiplication  of  the  feed  in  the  field. 
The  converfion  of  that  fubftance  into  an  intoxicating  beverage  is 
the  v/ork  of  nature,  as  well  as  its  growth  in  the  harveft  ;  and 
fermentation  is  as  great  a  myrtery  as  vegetation.  If  the  rent  of 
land,  again,  may  be  called  the  wages  of  nature,  in  agricultural 
operations,  the  net  profits  of  manufadluring  ftock  may  be  term- 
ed her  wages  in  our  operations  upon  raw  produce  ;  meaning  by 
net  profits  that  part  of  the  grofs  profit  which  remans  after  pay- 
ing the  labourer  who  works,  and  him  who  fuperintends  ;  that 
is,  after  deducing  wages,  and  the  profit  received  by  a  man 
trading  on  borrowed  capital :  for  we  muft  always  keep  in  view 
a  confideration,  the  omiflion  of  which,  we  will  venture  to'aflert, 
has  mifled  almoft  all  political  inquirers,  that  the  rent  of  land  is, 
properly  fpeaking,  the  net  profit  of  ftock  advanced  by  the  land- 
lord, and  that  every  thing  which  the  farmer  receives  over  and 
above  the  wages  of  his  labour,  is  the  profit  of  another  ftock, 
which  may  be  borrowed  as  well  as  the  land  ;  and  in  this  cafe 
his  whole  profit  refolves  into  wages — the  cafe  of  a  trader  hav- 
ing no  capital  whatever.  In  both  cafes,  there  is  a  clear  gain  ; 
in  both  it  is  obtained  in  the  fame  way  ;  in  both  diilributed  a- 
mong  the  fame  clafles. 

Let  us,  however,  take  an  example  or  two,  for  the  purpofe  of 

Z  4  comparing 


26%  Lord  L^iuderdzlc  on  Pul>Iic  WeaM.  July 

comparing  more  clofely  the  produftive  with  the  unprodu£^ive 
kinds  of  labour.     The  perfon  who  makes  a  plough  is,  according 
to  the  Economifts,  an  unprodu£live  labourer;  but  he  who  drives 
it  is  a  produ£live   labourer.     In  what  predicament,  then,  is  the 
labourer  who  makes  a  hedge  round  a  field  for  its  prote£lion,  or 
a  ditch  for  draining   it  ?     This   operation,  becaufe   it   is   called 
farm-work,   is  admitted    by   the   Economifts  to   be   produ6\ive. 
But  wherein  does  it  dilter  from  the  plough  manufa<£lure  ?     Both 
are  alike  fubfervient  and  neceiT^ry  to  the  operations   of  plough- 
ing and  reaping  ;  both  are   alike   perfornif  d   by  perfons  who  do 
not  raife  the  produce  that  feeds  them  ;  and    both   are  alike  per- 
formed upon  fome  materials  produced  from   the   earth   by  other 
labour.     If  the   plough   were    made   in   a  bungling  manner  by 
farm-fervants  in  the   out-houfcs  of  the   farm,  we   imagine   the 
manufa£lure  would  of  neceflity  fall  under  the  head  of  produclive 
labour,  as  well  as  the  work  of  hedging  and  ditching.     Again — 
Capital  employed  by  the  corn-merchant  in  colledling  and  circu- 
lating grain,  is  moll  unproduclively  employed  according  to   the 
Economifts.     But  the  capital   employed   in   colle£fing  feed   in  a 
barn,  carrying  it   from  thence  to  the   field,  and   rerurning  the 
crop  at   harveft,  is   employed   in   the    moft  produQive  manner 
poffible.       Can    it    be   maintained   that   there  is  any    difference 
whatever  between   thefe   two    cafes,    neceffarily  placed   by   the 
theory  of  the  Economifts  at  the  oppofite  extremes  of  their  fcale  ? 
If  the  corn-merchant  lived  on  the  ground   of  the  farmer,  and  if 
the  farmer,  from  this  convenient  circumftance,  were  enabled  to 
fell  all  his  grain  without  having  any  barns   or   granaries,  certain 
of  fupplying  himfelf  at  his  own  door  next  feed-time,  the  Econo- 
mifts would  be  forced  to  allow  that  the  capital  of  the  corn-mer- 
chant, in  fo  far  as  it  aftifted  the  farmer,  was  productively  em- 
ployed.— Wherein  lies  the  difference.? — And  thefe  obfervations 
are  applicable  to  every  cafe  of  every  manufatSlure,  and  every  fpe- 
cies  of  commerce  whatever.     They  apply  to  thole  kinds  of  em- 
ployment which  are  fubfervient  to  the  purpofes  of  comfort  and 
enjoyment,  as  well  as  to  thofe  which  adminifter  to  our  neceffary 
wants  -,  for  we  fhowed,  above,  that   there    is   no  poflibility   of 
drawing  a  line  between   the   cafes,  confiftently  with    principles 
admitted  even  by  the  Economifts  themfcives..    The  foundation 
of  all  thefe  mifapprehenfions  is  evidently  laid  in  a  negle£l  of  the 
great  principle  of  the  divifion  of  labour.     In  whatever  part  of 
a  community  the  labour  connected  with  agriculture,  immediate- 
ly or  remotely,  is  performed,  the  fubdivifion   of  the   talk  ren- 
ders it  more  produ6live  thaii  if  it  were  carried  on  upon  the  farm 
itfelf :   andj  to  deny  the  fame  properties  to  this  labour,  on  ac- 
•  -  -  count 


1804.  XorJ  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth.  351 

count  of  its  fubdivifion  and  accumulation  in   different  quarters, 
is  little  lefs  than  a  contradiction  in  terms. 

There  is  only  one  view  of  the  economical  theory  which  re- 
mains to  be  taken  \  it  is  that  mod  ingenious  argument  by  which 
the  followers  of  Quefnai  attempt  to  prove  that  manufacturing 
labour  only  adds  a  value  equal  to  its  own  maintenance.  The  a- 
bove  remarks  maylndeed  fuiEcc  for  the  refutation  of  this  doc- 
trine i  but  its  peculiar  demoniiration  merits  feparate  attention  *. 
The  works  of  the  artizan,  the  Economlfts  m.aintain,  are  in  a 
very  diiierent  predicament  from  the  produce  of  the  agricultural 
labourer.  Multiply  the  former  beyond  a  certain  extent,  and 
either  a  part  will  remain  unfold,  or  the  whole  will  fell  at  a  re- 
duced price.  Multiply  the  latter  to  any  extent,  and  ftill  the 
fame  demand  will  exift,  from  the  increafed  number  of  confum- 
ers  whom  it  will  maintain.  The  labour  of  the  artizan  is  there- 
fore limited  to  a  particular  quantity  ;  this  quantity  it  will  always 
nearly  equal,  but  never  exceed  -,  and  the  amount  is  determined 
by  the  competition  of  difrerent  artifts  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  fixed  extent  of  the  demand  on  the  other.  The  labour  of 
the  huibandman  has  no  fuch  limits.  The  extenfion  of  his  pro- 
durtions  neceiTarily  widens  his  market.  The  price  of  manufac- 
tures will  therefore  be  reduced  to  the  value  of  the  raw  material, 
of  the  workman's  maintenance,  snd  of  his  mafter's  mainte- 
nance ;  while  that  of  agricultural  produce,  having  no  fuch  li- 
mit, leaves  always  a  net  profit  over  and  above  the  farmer's  main- 
tenance. 

In  anfw'er  to  this  very  fubtle  argument,  we  may  remark,  that 
it  proceeds  on  a  total  mifconception  of  the  principle  of  popu- 
lation. It  is  abfurd  to  fuppofe  that  the  mere  augmentation  of 
agricultural  produce  extends  the  demand  for  it,  by  increafing 
the  population  of  the  community.  If  the  loweil;  means  only  of 
fubfillence  are  confidered,  and  if  men  will  be  contented  to  pof- 
fefs  only  the  fimpleft  food,  without  any  raiment,  then,  no  doubt, 
an  increafe  of  grain  and  roots  may  increafe  the  numbers  of  the 
confumers.  But  is  it  not  evident  that  men  require  more  than 
the  m.ere  neceifaries  of  life,  and  that  even  thofe  necelTaries  are  in 
part  the  produtfion  of  manufaCluring  labour  ?  Does  not  a  per- 
fon,  in  forming  his  eftimate  of  a  competency,  take  into  the  ac- 
count articles  of  manufaiflure  as  well  as  hufbandry  and  furniture,, 
clothes  and  luxuries,  gratifications  as  well  as  meat  and  drink  ? 
The  mere  augmentation  of  thofe  fimple  necelTaries  will  never 
fenfibly  increafe  the  number  of  the  confumers,  any   more  than 

the 

'*  See  this  reafoning  ftated  repeatedly  in  Dialogue  zde.^,  Phyfiocratiet^ 


3^2  Lard  Lauderdale  an  Public  JVsalth.  July 

the  mere  augmentation  of  articles  of  comfort  and  luxury.  An 
increafe  in  the  produdion  of  the  one  clafs  of  commodities  will 
operate  exa6lly  as  powerfully  on  population,  as  an  increafe  inthe 
produ£lion  of  the  other  clafs.  In  fa6l,  an  increafe  of  either 
may  fomewhat  affe<[l  the  numbers  of  the  confumers  ;  but  in  or- 
der to  produce  any  confiderable  augmentation  of  thofe  numbers, 
the  increafe  of  both  fpecies  of  produce  mull  go  on  together. 
This  argument,  then,  only  leads  us  by  a  new,  and  certainly  an 
unexped^ed  road,  to  a  novel  conclufion  in  favour  of  the  theory 
that  utterly  denies  any  diftin£lion  between  any  of  the  applica- 
tions of  capital  and  induftry,  which  are  fubfervient  to  the  wants 
and  enjoyments  of  man. 

III.  i  he  reafonings  in  which  we  hav6  been  engaged,  will 
probably  be  deemed  fufEcient  to  authorlfe  feveral  pofitive  infer- 
ences with  refpecl  to  the  nature  and  fources  of  national  wealthi 
"We  trull  that  enough  has  been  faid  to  expofe  the  inaccuracy  of 
drawing  any  line  between  the  different  channels  in  which  capi- 
tal and  labour  may  be  employed — of  feparating,  with  Dr  Smith 
arC  his  followers,  the  operations  of  agriculture,  manufatlures 
ani;  commerce,  from  thofe  arts  where  nothing  tangible  is  pro- 
ducrd  or  exchanged — or  of  placing,  with  the  Economats,  the 
dlvifion  fomewhat  higher,  and  limiting  the  denomination  oi  pre- 
duBive  to  agricultural  employment  alone.  It  may  fafely  be  con- 
cluded, that  all  thofe  occupations  which  tend  to  fupply  the  ne- 
ceffary  wants,  or  to  multiply  the  comforts  and  pleafures  of  hu- 
man life,  are  equally  produdfive  in  the  (Iri^  fenfe  of  the  word, 
and  tend  to  augment  the  mafs  of  human  riches,  meaning  by 
riches  all  thofe  things  which  are  neccffary  or  convenient  or 
delightful  to  man.  The  progrefs  of  fociety  has  been  attend- 
ed with  a  complete  feparation  of  employments  originally  u- 
nited.  At  firft,  every  man  provided  for  his  necefhties  as  well 
as  his  pleafures,  and  for  all  his  wants  as  well  as  all  his  enjoy- 
ments. By  degrees,  a  divifion  of  thefe  cares  was  introduced  ; 
the  fubfiftence  of  the  community  becanie  the  province  of  one 
clafs,  its  comforts  of  another,  and  its  gratiticitions  of  a  third. 
The  different  operations  fubfervient  to  the  attainment  of  each  of 
thefe  objeiSls,  were  then  entrufled  to  different  hands  ;  and  the 
univerfal  eftabliffiment  of  barter,  connetled  the  whole  of  thefe 
divifions  and  fubdlvifions  together ;  enabled  one  man  to  manu- 
fa£lure  for  all,  without  danger  of  flarving  by  not  ploughing  or 
hunting — and  another  to  plough  or  hunt  for  all,  w-ithout  the 
rific  of  wanting  tools  and  clothes  by  not  manufa£luring.  It  has 
thys  become  as  impoihble  to  fay  exacl;ly  who  feeds,  clothes  and 
entertains  the  community,  as  it  would  be  impofhble  to  fay  which 
©f  the  many  workmen  employed  in  the  manufaclure  of  pins  is 

t]i'3 


e8o4.  Lord  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth,  363 

the  adual  pin-maker,  or  which  of  the  farm-fervants   produces 
the  crop.     All  the  branches  of  ufeful  induftry  work  togc'h.;i    to 
the  common  end,  as  all  the  parts  of  each   branch  cooperate   to 
its  particular  objed.     If  you  fay  that  the  farmer  feeds  the  c   'U- 
munity,  and   produces  all    the:    raw   materials   which   the   other 
clafTdS  work  upon  ;  we  anfwer,  that    uniefs   thotc    other   claffes 
worked  upon  the  raw  material?,  and  fupplied  the  farmer's  necef- 
fities,  he  would  be  forced  to  allor  part  of  his  labour  to  this   em- 
ployment,  w'hilft  he  forced  others   to   aflift   in   raifing  the   rude 
produce.     In  fuch  a  complicated  fyllem,  it  is  clear  that  all  labour 
has  the  fame    efFe6l,  and    equally   increafes   the    whole    mafs  of 
wealth.     Nor  can  any  attempt   be   more   vain    than   theit's  who 
would  define  the  particular  parts  of  the  m?chine  that  produce  the 
motion,  which  is  neceffarily  the  refult  of  the  whok  powers  com- 
bined, and    depends   on   each   one   of   the  m.utually   connefted 
members.     Yet  fo  wedded  have  thofe  theorills  been  to   the  no- 
tion, that  certain  necelTary  kinds  of  employment  are  abfoluteif 
unproduftive,  that  a  writer  of  nolefs  name  than  Dr  Smith  has 
not  fcrupled  to  rank  the  capital  funk  in  the  public  debt,  or  fpent 
in  warfare,  in  the  fame  clafs  with  the  property  confumed  by  f;;^ 
and  the  labour  deftroyed  by  petlilence.     He  ought  furely  to  h.ive 
Teflecled,  that  the  debts  of  a  country  are  always  contra£l:ed,  and 
its  wars  entered  into,  for  fome  purpofe  either  of  fecurity  or  ag- 
grandizement -,  and  that  ftock  thus  employed  muft  have  produc- 
ed an  equivalent,  which  cannot  be  aflVrted  of  property  or  popu- 
lation abfolutely  dellroyed.    This  equivalent  m.^y  have  been  great- 
er or  lefs  i  that  is,  the  money  fpent  for  ufeful  purpofes  may  have 
been  applied  with  more  or  lefs  prudence   and   frugality.     Thofe 
purpofes-,  too,  may  have  been  more  or  lefs  ufeful  ;  and  a  certain 
degree  of  walle  and  extravagance  always  attends   the  operation* 
of  funding  and  of  war.     But  this  muft  only  be  lookt^d  upon   as 
an  addition  to  the  necelTary  price  at  which  the  benefits   in    View 
muft  be  bought.     The  food  of  a  country,  in  like  manner,   may 
be  ufed  with   ditTerent  degrees  of  economy  ;  and  the   neceffitf 
of  eating  may  be  fupplied  at  more  or  lefs  coft.     So  long  as  the 
love  of  war  is  a  neceflary  evil  in  human  nature,  it   is  abfurd  to 
denominate  the  cxpences  unproductive  that  are  incurred   by   de- 
fending a  country,  or,  which  is  the   fame  thing,  preventing   an 
invafion,  by  a  judicious  attack  of  an  enemy,  or,  which  is  alfo  the 
fame  thing,  avoiding  the  neceffity  of  war  by  a  prudent  fyftem  of 
foreign  policy.     And  he  who   holds   the   labour   of  foldiers  and 
failors  and  diplomatic  agents  to  be  unproducT;ive,  commits  pre- 
cifcly  the  fame  error  as  he  who  iTiould  maintain  the  labour  of  the 
hedger   unproductive,  becaufe  he   only  prote£ls,  and   does   not 
year  the  crop.     All  thofe  kinds  of  labour  and  employments  of 

itocky- 


3^4  Lord  Lauderdale  on  "Puhlic  Wealth.  July 

ftock,  are  parts  of  the  fyflem,  and  all  are  equally   productive  of 
wealth  *. 

,  The  fpeculations  in  which  we  have  been  indulging,  appear, 
in  feme  points,  to  have  partially  received  Lord  Lauderdale's  af- 
fent.  His  work  contains  a  fiatemcnt  of  feveral  of  the  propofi- 
tions  which  we  have  ventured  to  maintain  ;  and,  iu  particular, 
he  argues  againft  the  doctrines  maintained  by  the  author  of  the 
Wealth  of  Nations,  on  grounds  fimilar  to  thofe  which  we  have 
detailed.  But  although  feveral  of  his  pofitions  are  enforced  with 
confiderable  ingenuity  and  acutenefs,  and  though,  generally 
fpeaking,  we  have  to  acknowledge  a  great  degree  of  liberality  in 
his  economical  tenets;  yet  his  dedui^ions  appeared  to  us  fo  de- 
ficient in  connexion,  and  in  many  points  fo  narrow,  and  fo  lit- 
tle calculated  to  exhibit  the  fubje61:  with  the  full  effect  of  which 
it  is  capable,  that  we  have  thought  ourfelves  juftified.  in  fubmit- 
ting  to  our  readers  the  foregoing  analyfis  of  our  opinions  upon 
this  important  field  of  inquiry,  trulUng  that  fuch  a  view  of  theo- 
ries, never  before  fairly  canvaifed,  may  prove  not  unacceptable  to 
the  lludent  of  political  econcmy.  We  Ihall  now,  with  greater 
brevity,  run  over  a  few  of  the  topics  connetled  with  this  branch 
of  the  fubjeCl,  in  which  the  noble  author  appears  to  have  com- 
mitted fome  fundamental  errors,  from  his  rafli  method  of  in- 
quiring, and  his  unphilofophical  ardour  for  novelty  and  paradox. 
Lord  Lauderdale  maintains,  and  we  really   think  with   move 

parade 

*   See    Book   IL  chap.    IIL  Wealth   of  Nations,   (Vol,  IL  p.  25. 
8vo  edition.)     The  terms proc/uclivc  nnd  t4n/>ro/iudiv:'  are,  in    the    argu- 
ment of  fome  of  the  Economifts,  and  in  parts  of  Dr  Smith's  reafonings, 
fo  qualified,  as  to  reoder  the  queftion  a  difpute  about  wordr.,  or  at  moil 
about  arrangement.      But  this  is  not  the  cafe  in  many  branches  of  both 
thofe  theories,  and  efpecially  in  the  pofition  examined  in  the  text.     The 
author  aftually  remarks  how  much  richer  England  would   now   be,  had 
{he  not  w-aged  fuch  and  fuch  wars.      So  might   we  eftimate    how  m.-wiy 
more  coats  We  fliould  have,  had  we  always  gone    naked.      The  remarks 
here  Hated,  rftay  with  equal  juftice  be  applied  to  a   circum{lanc<;  iu    : 
Theory  of  the  Balance  of  Trade.     In  flating  the  proportian  of  ex; 
to  imports,  it  has  juftly  been  ouferved,  that  no  notice  ran  ever  be  \ 
en,  in  Cultom-houfe  accounte,  of  rt>oney  remitted  for  fubfidies,  or    .^ 
ihe  payment  of  our  troops  and  t' :ets  abroad.      Buc  it   has    very   iaaccu. 
jrately  been  added,  that  thefe  funis  are  fo  much  iftually  fent  out  of  tbr. 
fountry  without  an  equivalent.      In  fact,  the  equivalent  is  great  and  ob 
yious,  although  of  a  nature  whicli  cannot  be  ftated  in  figures  among  the 
imports.      The  equivalent  is  all  the  iuccefs  gained  by   our   foreign  war-, 
fare  and  foreign  policy — the  aggi-andizement  and  fecurity   of  the  ftate, 
and  the    power  of  carrying  on   that,  commerce,  without,  which  there 
|*^Quld  be  neither  exports  nor  imports  to  calculate  and  compare. 


J  Sc?4.  Lord  Lauderdale  en  'Public  IVealth,  3^5 

parade  than  is  warranted  by  any  novelty  the  propofition  can  be 
thought  to  poflefs,  that  the  fources  of  wealth  are  threefold — • 
land,  labour,  and  capital.  He  accufes  all  preceding  writers  oi 
inconfirtency  and  confulion  in  afcertaining  thofe  fources,  and  is 
peculiarly  fevere  upon  Dr  Smirh,  whofe  doctrines  are  fo  lamen- 
tably incongruous,  that,  it  feems,  *  no  opinion  has  any  where 
been  maintained  on  this  fubje£t,  which  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  adopted  in  different  parts  of  the  Inquiry  into  the  Wealth 
of  Nations.'  (p.  116,)  A  little  farther  attention  to  the  inefti- 
mable  work  of  that  profound  and  deliberate  reafoner,  and  a  more 
careful  examination  of  that  very  vague  and  arbitrary  pofition,  by 
which,  as  by  an  infallible  teft,  he  prefumes  to  try  the  very  fa- 
ther of  this  fcience,  would  probably  have  taught  the  Earl  of 
Lauderdale  to  doubt  whether  the  inconfiftency  lay  in  the  fub- 
flance  or  in  the  language  only  of  Dr  Smith's  ftatements,  and 
whether  the  miftake  was  to  be  charged  upon  the  dodlrines  of 
that  illuffcrlous  author,  or  upon  the  ftandard  which  has  now  been 
invented  for  their  admeafurement. 

It  is  obvious  to  remark,  that  no  eminent  degree  of  pralfe  is  due 
to  a  divifion  which,  for  the  fake  of  extreme  accuracy,  conftitutes 
*  capital '  a  branch  or  a  foiirce  of  wealth,  as  feparate  from  land, 
without  giving  any  definition  of  what  the  term  capital  means. 
By  capital,  when  ufed  generally,  we  underftand  the  whole  of  the 
material  world  wliich  man  can  appropriate,  as  well  as  thofe  ta- 
lents, natural  or  acquired,  which  are  the  fprings  of  his  exertions. 
In  this  fenfe  of  the  word,  it  fignifies  all  property  material  and 
mental,  or  every  thing  valuable  to  man.  Among  other  things, 
it  clearly  comprehends  land.  But  fometimes  we  fpeak  of  capital, 
in  oppofition  to  land  ;  and,  in  this  cafe,  it  comprehends  every 
thing  valuable,  except  the  ground  ;  for  it  certainly  includes  all  the 
parts  and  produilions  of  the  foil  which  are  fevered  from  it.  In 
this  fenfe,  the  divifion  nearly  refembles  the  legal  diflribution  of 
property  into  real  and  perfonal.  Both  thefe  definitions  of  capi- 
tal are  ufed  repeatedly,  and  with  equal  frequency,  by  every 
writer  on  political  economy.  A  metaphyfical  difcuifion  of  the 
fubjetf  might,  without  much  impropriety,  have  contained  fome 
inquiry  into  the  relative  propriety  of  tliofe  arrangenaents  ;  and 
we  think  a  very  little  attention  might  have  (hewn  that  the  leait 
correal,  is  that  which  is  adopted  by  our  author. 

If  capital  is  contradiftinguifhed  from  land,  the  feparatlon  is 
made  by  a  moft  indefinite  and  obfcure  boundary.  Canals,  roads, 
and  bridges,  are  as  much  a  part  of  capital,  as  any  portable  ma- 
chines, fafl-iioned  out  of  the  produce  or  parts  of  tiie  foil.  The 
fame  may  be  faid  of  fences,  drains-,  iootways,  and  in  general  of 
all  the  ollenfible  monuments  of  labour  in  an  improved  farm. 
But  is  not  the  foil  itfelf,  alfo,  referable  to  the  very  fame  clafs, 

after 


^66  Lord  Lauderdale  on  PuhJic  Weafth.  Ju!y" 

after  it  has  been  worked  up  with  manure  and  compofts,  fo  as  td 
be  highly  fertiHzed  ?  Is  not  the  whole  furface  of  an  improved 
farm,  therefore,  to  be  confidered  as  capital,  rather  than  as  land  ? 
And  when  a  perfon  buys  a  hundred  acres  of  improved  land,  how 
can  he  fay  what  part  of  the  price  is  paid  for  land,  and  what 
part  for  capital  ?  We  fpeak  indeed  of  capital  vefted  in  land, 
r»nd  ufe  the  phrafe,  until  we  atlually  think  there  is  fuch  a  thing 
as  adding  tb.e  capital  to  land  ;  whereas,  the  w'hole  meaning  of 
the  exprefFion  is,  that  capital  of  one  kind  or  other  is  given  in 
exchange  for  land,  or  that  our  property  has  become  land,  inftead 
of  fome  other  valuable  commodity — or,  according  to  what  has 
jufl  now  been  defined,  that  one  kind  of  capital  has  been  ex- 
changed for  another.  If  it  is  faid,  that  capital  is  that  in  which 
labour  has  been  fixed  and  realized,  either  by  accumulation  or  by 
change  of  form  ;  then,  it  is  very  obvious,  that  land,  in  the  molt 
extenfive  fcnfe  of  the  word,  muft  become  capital  in  order  to  be 
ufeful  •,  and  that  many  things,  ufually  reckoned  capital,  as  the 
wild  produce  which  is  raifcd  by  nature  without  human  aflifl- 
nnce,  belongs  to  the  clafs  of  land,  and  not  to  that  of  ftock, 
}5ut  a  difference  is  eftablifhed  by  fome,  efpecially  by  Dr  Smith, 
between  capital  and  the  other  parts  of  ftock  ;  capital  being,  ac- 
cording to  them,  tliat  part  which  brings  in  a  revenue.  This 
idea  clearly  appears,  by  the  wliole  of  the  illuftrations  given  of  it,, 
to  have  arifen  from  the  fundamental  error  of  confidering  no- 
thing as  prodr.6live,  which  does  not  yield  a  tangible  return,  and 
of  confounding  ufe  with  exchange.  For,  may  not  a  man  live 
upon  his  ftock,  that  is,  enjoy  his  capital,  without  either  dimi- 
nifhing  or  exchanging  any  part  of  it  .''  In  what  does  the  value, 
and  the  real  natuie  of  ftock  referved  for  immediate  confumption, 
differ  from  ftock  riiat  yields  what  Dr  Smith  calls  a  revenue  or 
profit  ?  ISlerely  in  this — that  the  former  is  wanted  and  ufed  it- 
felf  by  the  owner  ;  the  hitter  is  not  wanted  by  him,  and  there- 
fore is  exchanged  for  fomething  which  he  does  want.  There 
is  furely  no  ijther  meaning  in  the  idea  of  profit  or  revenue,  but 
this  :  and  as  the  profit  of  that  part  of  ftock  which  is  exchanged, 
and  which  the  adherents  of  this  opinion  denominate  capital,  con- 
fifts  merely  in  the  ufe  of  thofe  things  obtained  in  return — fo, 
the  profit  of  the  other  part  of  ftock,  the  portion  referved  for 
confumption,  is  the  ufe  to  which  it  is  immediately  fubfervient. 
According  to  Dr  Smith,  there  is  fome  difference  between  re- 
venue and  enjoyment ;  and  that  part  of  a  man^s  property  yields 
]him  no  profit,  which  is  moft  ufeful  and  neceffary  to  him,  by 
which  he  can  fupport  and  enjoy  life  without  the  neceffity  of  any 
epevation  of  barter. 

But  in  no  particular  is  the  conjFufion  of  our  ideas  on  thefc  fub- 

jeOs 


tSo4'  XcrJ  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth.  ^^7 

je£\s  more  remarkable,  than  in  our  mode  of  conceiving  the  fub- 
ferviency  of  different  obje£is  to  the  produ£lion  of  wealth.  Lord 
Lauderdale  feems  to  think  that  he  has  fettled  this  point  with 
unprecedented  accuracy,  by  dating,  with  great  prolixity  and  re- 
petition, that  land,  labour  and  capital,  are  the  three  fources  of 
wealth  j  and  yet  through  his  v/hole  Inquiry  he  has  never  taken 
the  trouble  to  draw  a  line  between  the  various  meanings  in  which 
he  is  obliged  to  ufe  the  term  *  fource  ; '  for  he  is  perpetually 
confounding  the  fountain  v/ith  tlie  llream — the  origin  with  the 
produce — the  caufe  of  wealth  with  the  wealth  itfelf.  It  is  ob- 
vious tliat  lajid  is  a  component  part  of  wealth,  as  well  as  a  means 
of  producing  it.  The  ufe  of  a  lawn,  or  Ration  for  building,  is 
as  much  the  enjoyment  of  land  itfelf  in  the  Oiape  of  wealth,  as 
the  ufe  of  its  produce  for  food  or  clothing  is  the  enjoyment  of 
wealth  derived  from  land.' 

To  call  capital  a  fource  of  wealth,  is  ftill  more  inaccurate. 
Capital  is  nothing  but  accumulated  ftock  ;  and  all  the  parts  of 
llock  are  much  more  frequently  to  be  confidered  as  wealth — 
fomething  from  which  enjoyment  is  immediately  derived,  than 
the  mere  inflruments  by  which  wealth  or  enjoyment  may  be 
procured."  To  clafs  the  fruits  of  the  earth  with  the  land  itfelf 
— the  fifh  with  the  water — and  the  confumeable  produce  with 
the  thing  which  produces  it,  is  evidently  no  very  fignal  proof 
of  accuracy  in  an  author  who  has  taken  fo  much  pains  to  in- 
ftru6l  the  world  in  '  the  true  nature  of  value,  and  the  difference 
between  wealth  and  riches. ' 

Labour^  on  the  other  hand,  is  fo  far  different  in  the  mode  of 
its  fubferviency  to  our  enjoyments,  that  it  can  in  no  way  be  rank- 
ed in  the  fame  clafs,  either  with  capital  or  with  land.  Labour 
is  applicable  to  both  land  and  capital.  It  is  the  means  of  ren- 
dering them  ufeful,  or  of  increafmg  their  utility.  It  is  truly  the 
erigin  and  fource  of  wealth ;  but  is,  in  no  fenfe  of  the  word, 
v/ealth  itfelf — unlefs,  indeed,  we  conceive  the  pleafure  of  fome 
kinds  of  exertion  to  be  a  ufe  of  labour  analogous  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  riches.  Nothing,  then,  can  be  lefs  clofe  and  confidtrate 
than  the  manner  in  which  Lord  Lauderdale  fettles  the  queiliori 
relative  to  the  origin  and  nature  of  wealth.  The  fubje61:,  indeed, 
does  not  admit  of  any  fuch  formal  diilinftion.  Wealth  may  be 
faid  to  be  every  thing  froni  which  man  immediately  derives  the 
fupply  of  his  wants  and  defires.  Its  component  parts  are  as  va- 
rious as  thofe  wants  and  defires,  though  it  is,  no  doubt,  fufcep- 
tible  of  various  general  divifions,  liable  to  no  jufh  exceptions  in 
point  of  accuracy.  Thus,  it  may  be  ranged  in  the  two  claffes 
cf  matter  and  mind,  or  property  and  talents ;  and  property  may  be 
4ivided  into  anim.ate  and  inanimate,  or  the  lifelefs  and  the  living 

things 


Lird  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth,  July 

things  over  which  man  has  dominion.  By  a  combination  of 
thofe  component  parts  of  wciilth — by  the  operation  of  talents  orl 
property,  and  by  a  combination  of  the  component  parts  of  pro- 
perty—  by  the  operation  of  hving  powers  upon  inert  matter,  man 
is  enabled  to  increafe  the  whole  of  his  polTeihons,  and  to  aug- 
ment the  fum  of  his  enjoyments.  In  by  far  the  fjjreatelt  num- 
ber of  inftances,  fome  exertion  of  labour  is  neccffiry  to  profit 
by  his  poii'elUons  ;  but  this  is  not  univerfally  the  cafe,  unlefs  we 
go  fo  far  ,as  to  term  that  exertion  labour,  which  confiils  in  the 
very  a£t  of  enjoym^ent,  or  of  ufe ;  for  it  would  fcarcely  be  cor- 
real, to  confidcr  the  eating  of  wild  fruits  on  the  tree  as  the  la- 
bour paid  for  the  acquifition  of  them  ;  it  is  rather  the  enjoy- 
ment of  them — and  has  nothing  in  it  analogous  to  the  previous 
-exertion  required  to  procure  fimilar  fruits  by  culture,  and  which 
ITiuIl  be  followed  by  the  fame  exertion  in  ufmg  them. 

The  foregohig  obfervations  will  enable  us,  with  fufficient  ac- 
curacy, to  appreciate  the  merit  of  Lord  Lauderdale's  theory  re- 
fpecSling  the  ufe  of  capital — the  part  of  his  writings  which,  at 
firft  fight,  appears  mod  impofing.  The  capital  accumulated  in 
every  community,  our  author  maintains,  is  ufeful  to  the  members 
o.f  that  community,  and  profitable  to  its  owners,  only  in  one  or 
both  of  the  two  following  ways — either  by  fupplanting  a  portion 
of  labour  othervvife  ncceifary,  or  by  performing  fomething  which 
no  human  labour/Could  efFeft.  In  order  to  demonftrate  this  pro- 
pofition,  we  arc  carried  through  the  five  dilFerent  modes  of  em- 
ploying capital  —  in  machinery ^  which  evidently  abridges  the  quan- 
tity, and  extends  the  powers  of  labour — in  the  home  trade  and 
manufa6lures,  which  fave  confumers  the  labour  of  purchafing  at 
the  place  of  production,  and  of  commilTioning  each  article  that 
they  may  wifli  to  have  made — in  the  foreign  trade,  which  create 
a  faving  of  the  fame  defcription — in  agriculturcy  which  has  the 
fame  effe£l  as  machinery,  and  which,  from  our  author's  own 
(bowing,  ought  to  have  been  ranged  under  the  firft  head — and, 
laftly,  in  circulation^  which  obvioufly  has  the  fame  efFe£ls  with 
commerce,  and  fliould  have  been  ranked  under  the  fecond  head, 
as  being  only  one  branch  of  trade. 

We  have  here  flated  what  appears  to  be  the  correB  meaning 
of  the  author  ;  for  he  ufes  a  language  on  this  part  of  his  fubje£t, 
which  would  lead  us  to  infer,  that  there  is  a  difference  between 
capital  and  the  objects  in  which  it  is  faid  to  be  veiled  or  em- 
ployed. It  is  obvious,  that  nothing  more  is  meant  by  capital 
employed  in  machinery,  than  that  capital  confifts  in  the  machi- 
nery and  in  the  other  property  given  in  exchange  for  it ;  and  fo 
of  the  other  cafes.  The  benefits,  then,  attilbutLd  to  the  ufe  of 
capital,  confift  merely  in  the  advantages  derived  from  the  fociety 

having 


:^3o4-  l-'^'d  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth.  g^ji 

having  accumulated  a  certain  portion  of  flock  of  various  kinds. 
Lord  Li-auderdale,  conftantly  mixing  the  idea  of  exchange  in  all 
his  poutions,  fpeaks  of  capital  as  if  it  confilled  in  the  price  paid 
for  all  tlie  objects  which  he  enumerates. 

Now,  it  appears  to  us,  that  if  the  fecond  ufe  of  capital  ftated 
by  our  author  (viz.  the  enabling  man  to  perform  what  his  la- 
bour could  not  accomplifla)  means,  its  pov/er  of  fupplying  all 
thofe  wants  which  labour  without  property  could  never  fatisfy, 
the  propofition,  that  capital  either  fupplants  labour,  or  fupplies 
what  labour  cannot  give,  is  exactly  an  identical  propofition.  For, 
furely,  it  did  not  require  an  elaborate  difcourfe  on  '  the  nature 
of  value  and  the  ufe  of  capital,'  to  convince  us,  that  the  ufe 
of  a  knife  is  to  fave  the  wafte  of  our  teeth  and  nails  -,  and  that 
if  we  had  no  food,  th«  labour  of  our  teeth  and  nails,  aflifted  by 
a  knife,  would  never  have  prevented  us  from  ftarving*  What 
more  do  we  learn  from  this  theory,  than  that  the  pofleffion  of 
matter  faves  man  trouble,  and  fupplies  wants  which  no  pains  of 
his  could,  without  the  aid  of  matter,  have  gratified  ? 

But  the  part  of  Lord  Lauderdale's  propofition  which  appears 
moll  ingenious  and  original,  is  his  explanation  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  accumulation  of  flock  is  beneficial,  by  abridging  the 
Jabour  of  the  community.  Yet  even  in  this  fpeculation  we  are 
convinced  there  is  no  folldity.  That  the  ftock  veiled  in  machi- 
nery, or,  in  other  words,  machinery  itfelf,  is  ufeful  by  abridging 
labour,  we  cannot  conceive  to  be  a  propofition  either  difputable 
or  novel.  Our  author,  indeed,  fays  that  Dr  Smith  *  did  not  per- 
ceive the  ufe  of  machinery  in  fupplanting  labour ; '  and  he  ac- 
cufes  that  celebrated  writer  of  '  a  ilrange  confufion  of  ideas^.' 
ibr  afcribing  to  machinery  the  quality  of  increafing  the  produc- 
tive powers  of  labour  j  as  if  (lays  Lord  Lauderdale)  we  fhould 
term  the  effedl  of  a  ihort  road,  that  of  increafing  the  velocity  of 
J.he  walker  (p.  185).  But  is  not  all  this  a  difpute  about  words  ? 
For  what  docs  it  fignify  whether  we  fay  that  a  cotton  mill  faves 
the  labour  of  ninety-nir.e  workmen  in  a  hundred,  or  that  it  ren- 
ders the  labour  of  the  hundredth  workman  as  productive  as  the 
labour  of  the  whole  hundred  formerly  was  ,''  Is  it  not  quite  ac- 
curate to  fay,  that  a  contrivance  which  gives  one  man  the  power 
of  a  hundred,  increafes  a  hundred  fold  the  power  of  his  labour  ? 
Until  a  machine  can  be  invented  by  which  work  can  be  done 
without  an^^  human  alfiftance,  the  form  of  expieflion  adopted  by 
Dr  Smith  will  remain  the  more  correal  of  the  two.  Befides, 
according  to  Lord  Lauderdale's  own  theory,  machmes  are  ufed 
for  purpofes  which  no  labour  could  accomplifh.  If  a  coining 
xnachine  performs  a  talk  to  which  all  the  exertions  of  human 

lOL.  IV.  NO.  8.  A  a  ha,nds 


3  7<*  Lord  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wealth*  Julf 

hands  are  incompetent ;  and  if  an  improved  farm,  denominated 
by  our  author  and  Dr  Smith  a  machine,  raifes  not  only  more 
prain  than  the  ground  naturally  produces,  but  raifes  grain  which, 
without  this  invention,  could  not  be  produced  m  tl^e  fmalleft 
quantity,  furely  it  is  mott  accurate  to  defcribe  the  ufe  of  fuch 
machinery,  by  f-iying  thjt  it  incveafes  the  produ6live  powers  of 
labour;  and  a  '  Itrange  confulion  of  ideas'  niight  have  been  more 
happily  exemplified  by  referring  to  the  work  before  us,  than  ta 
the  Inquiry  into  the  Wealth  of  Nations. 

But  the  remaining  nart  of  Lord  Lauderdale's-  theory — his  af- 
fertion,  that  the  capital  employed  in  com.merce  fupplants  a  labour 
otherwife  unavoidable,  appears  to  have  proceeded  from  an  over- 
fight  of  a  different  nature,  and  to  have  been  indebted  for  all  its 
Hovel-ty  to  a  millake  of  the  remote  for  the  proximate  caufe. — The 
accumulation  of  capital  is  neceflary  to  that  divifion  of  labour  by 
which  its  produ£live  powers  are  increafed,  and  its  total  amount 
diminiifted.  In  tjie  progrefs  of  fociety,  thefe  circumltances  ne- 
ceffarily  take  place  in  this  order  and  connexion  :  A  certain 
quantity  of  (tock  niuit  be  accumulated,  in  order  that  different 
talks  may  be  performed  by  different  clafies  of  perfons  ;  and  this 
fubdivifion  of  employments,  not  only  faves  labour  m  the  work* 
men,  by  rendering  each  artift  more  expert,  bat  faves  labour  in 
<he  confumer,  by  making  one  exertion  ferve  the  purpofes  of 
many  perfons.  All  Lord  Lauderdale's  explanation  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  mercantile  and  mauufa6luring  capital  fupplants  the 
labour  of  the  purchafcr,  rcfolves.  itfelf  into  this  dottrine  of  the 
divifjon  of  employments.  The  accumulation  of  flock  enables 
one  clafs  of  men  to  work  in  any  line  clieapcr  for  the  reft  of  the 
community,  than  if  each  clafs  worked  in  every  line  for  itfel£. 
The  immji'diate  faving  of  labour  is  here  occafioned  by  its  fubdi- 
vifion. It  is  a  confequence  of  the  fame  accumulation  of  flock, 
that  one  clafs  of  men  coUedis  the  articles  neceflary  for  the  others^ 
^11  at  once,  and  thus  faves  each  the  necclTity  of  colledling  for 
itfelf,  which  would  be  a  Fepetition  of  the  fame  toil  for  every 
tranfa6tion.  This  faving,  too.  Is  occaflone.d  by  the  divifion  of 
labour ;  and  all  writers  have  agreed  in  giving  the  fame  account 
of  the  connexion  between  the  divifion  of  labour  and  the  ac- 
cumulation of  flock.  Lord  Lauderdale's  difcovery  confiits  irv 
dropping  the  intermediate  link  of  the  chain,  and  afcribing  the 
efFeft  directly  to  what  the  fchoolmen  ufed  to  call  the  caufa  cauf<z  ; 
—it  is  exa£lly  as  if  a  philofopher  were  to  afTert,  that  it  was  the 
heat  of  fummer  which  fattened  our  fheep  and  cattle,  while  the 
vulgar  continued  to  afcribe  this  efFeft  to  the  abundance  of  the 
herbage  which  that  heat  might  have  co-operated  to  produce. 

fV^    We  now  come  to  the  laft  divifion,  under  which  it  was 

propofe^ 


1804.  Zori/ Lauderdale  on  Public  IJ^ealth.  57Y 

propofed  to  difcufs  the  juflnefs  and  importance  of  Lord  Lauder* 
dale's  difcoveries  in  political  economy — his  theory  with  refpe(£t 
to  the  increafe  of  national  wealth.  He  referves  for  the  laft 
place,  the  con  fi deration  of  the  means  by  which  wealth  is  aug- 
mented, aiKl  the  circumftances  that  regulate  its  increafe, — begin- 
ning viith  an  inquiry  into  the  pofTibility  of  increafmg  \V^calth  by 
any  way  different  from  the  mode  of  its  production.  We  fhall 
briefly  confider  the  former  of  thefe  topics,  before  we  come  to  the 
latter,  which  is  by  much  the  moft  paradoxical. 

The  only  means  of  increafmg  v^ealth  are,  according  to  Lord 
Lauderdale,  agricultural  and  manufacturing  induffcry ;  and  the 
latter  produces  this  effeCl  in  a  degree  altogether  inferior  to 
the  former.  It  is  evident  that  our  author  here  omits  the 
effectual  augmentation  of  wealth,  caufed  by  that  divifion  of  in- 
duftry  and  capital  which  is  fubfervient  to  the  collection  and 
diftribution  of  the  commodities  produced  by  the  labour  of  the 
agricultural  and  manufacturing  clalTes.  That  this  alfo  deferves 
a  place  in  his  enumeration,  muft  be  apparent  to  every  one  who 
reflects  on  the  reafons  urged  above,  to  prove  the  impollibility  o^ 
apportioning  to  each  occupation  its  peculiar  ihare  in  the  produc- 
tion of  wealth,  and  the  abfurdity  of  drawing  a  line  between 
operations  precifely  fimilar  in  their  nature,  as  well  as  in  theit 
effects.  The  fame  thing  feems  alfo  demonftrated  by  thofe  parts 
of  Lord  Lauderdale's  own  fpeculations,  in  which  he  dcfcribes 
the  ufe  of  mercantile  and  circulating  capital,  and  refolves  it  in- 
to a  faving  of  labour.  But  our  objections  to  the  remaining  part 
of  this  difcuffion  are  more  fundamental.  We  find  him  arguing 
againft  Dr  Smith  and  all  other  economical  inquirers,  that  it  is 
not  the  divifion  of  labour,  but  the  power  of  fupplanting  labour 
by  machinery  and  capital,  to  which  man  owes  his  fuperiority 
over  the  lower  anim^als,  and  v/hich  forms  the  mainfpring  of  his 
increafmg  wealth.  The  divifion  of  labour  he  views  as  ufeful 
rather  in  refining  and  improving  the  more  exquifite  fpecies  of 
commodities,  than  in  augmenting  our  wealth.  The  ufe  of  ma- 
chinery and  capital  alone  is,  according  to  him,  the  r^al,  fjlid 
means  of  enriching  the  world. 

Now,  with  rcfpecl:  to  the  ufe  of  capital  in  fupplanting  labour, 
we  have  already  Ihown  that  capital  only  faves  labour,  by  en- 
abling man  to  fubdivide  it,  unlefs  where  it  is  direCtly  vefted  in 
machinery.  The  queftion  is  therefore  reduced  to  a  comparifon 
between  the  effeCts  of  fubdivifion  of  labour  and  machinery  ;  and 
in  this  point  of  view  the -difcuffion  is  evidently,  as  our  author 
would  ftate  it,  extremely  abfurd.  For  no  one  ever  was  thought- 
lefs  enough  to  argue,  that  any  labour,  or  any  divifion  of  occupa- 
tions, could  enable  man  to  make   a  confiderable  progrefs  in  im- 

A  a  2  proving 


3k7i  ijtf/v/Iiauderdule  ou- Public  IVealtK  Ju-ly 

proving  his  condition,  without  the  alfiftance  of  thofe  iDaterial  in- 
urunients  which  conilitute  machinery.  The  idea  of  delininu; 
man  a  tool-makifig  animal,  is  at  Icall  as  oUl  as  the  earlier  days^r 
Dr  Frankhn.  And  that  the  perfection  of  tools  is  entirely  owin^^ 
to  the  manufadlure  ot  fuch  implements  becoming  the  p^  culiar 
care  of  a  clafs'  dili^erent  froni  that  which  ufes  tliem,  ana  to  the 
ftill  greater  refmement  of  confining  different  fubcrdijiate  clafles 
to  the  maniafa.dlure  of  the  various  parts  of  each  tool,  is  a  trutli„- 
of  which  no  man  ever  fliowed  himfelf  ignorant  or  carelcfs,  ex- 
cept the  author  of  the  work  now  before  us-. 

It  deferves  farther  to  be  confidered,  that  the  utmoll  pevfeftion 
of  the  tool-making  art,  the  contrivance  of  new  combinations  o£ 
tools  whereby,  the  power  of  labour  is  augmented,  can  Only  be 
afcribed  to  that  uttermoft  refinement  in  the  divifion  of  labour, 
which  forms  a  peculiar  clafs  of  fueh  men  as  Smeaton,  and  BoU 
ton,  ■  and  Watt,  and  Arkwright,  The  ufe  and  invention  of  ma- 
chinery prefent,  in  fact,  the  mod  remarkable  examples  of  the 
advantages  derived  from  a  divihon  of  labouT.  To  contrail  the 
benefits  received  from  tiiis  divifion  with  thofe  produced  by  the; 
ufe  of  machinery,  is  as  abfurd  as  to  compare  the  effe61:s  of  twa 
circumflances  intimately  and  neeeffarily  connected  ;  the  one,  iir 
fa£l,  the  immediate  refult  oi  the  other,,  and  both  infeparably 
Joined  together  in  all  their  operations;  It  is  like  quibbling  ancf 
difputing  whether  nre  or  gunpowder  produce  the  gjfeateil  aug- 
mentation in  the  aggregate  of  killed  and  wounded. 

But  the  molt  remarkable  branch  of  Lord  Lauderdale's  fpecula- 
iions  on  the  increafe  of  wealth,  is-  that  in  which  he  denies  the 
pollibility  of  augmenting  national  opulence  by  any  other  than 
the  means  of  its  produftion.  He  modifies  this  pofitibn,  however, 
in  a  very  material  degree,  when  He  comes  to  his  demonftration. 
At  firit,  we  are  led  to  fuppofe  that  he  means  roundly  to  deny 
the  reality  of  the  dilTerence  which  accumulation  makes  upon  the 
fum-total  of  wealth  ;  and  indeed  all  his  general  aflertions,  efpe- 
cially  his  invecHves  againll  thofe  who  prefer  the  condu-cl  of  the 
thrifty  to  that  of  the  prodigal,  warrant  the  idea  of  accumulation 
being,  in  our  author's  opniion,  injurious  to  fociety.  Afterwards^ 
however,  when  he  comes  to  argue  the  matter  more  methodically, 
we  find  that  his  reafons  apply  merely  to  the  e.xcefs  of  accumula- 
tion ;  and  the  only  inference  to  wliich  they  lead  is,  that  capital 
may  be  heaped  up,  by  parfimony,  fo  as  to  exceed  the  amount 
which  can  be  profitably  employed.  This  he  proves  by  a  variety 
of  illuilrations,  in  our  opinion  quite  fuperfluous.  He  quotes,. 
for  example,  the  common  faying  of  farmers,  *  as  much  has  been 
done  for  that  field  as  poffiblej'    (p.  223.)     He  fliows,  at  great 

Icngthj, 


1804.  Lord  h^uderA^le  on  Pidlic  Wealth.  2^ 

length,  that  the  produ£Hon  of  any  valuable  commodity  fuits  it- 
felf  to  the  effeflual  demand  for  it  j  and  accufes  Dr  Smith  of 
*  unaccountable  incnnfiftency  *  (p.  221.)  for  admitting  this  po- 
fition,  and  at  the  fame  time  defending  the  plan  of  accumulation. 
•But,  what  is  rather  more  than  fuperfluous  in  our  author,  and 
what  favours  flrongly  of  this  very  inconfiftency  in  one  who  de- 
nies the  general  benefits  of  accumulation,  he  accufes  Mr  Hume 
of  inattention  to  the  powers  of  human  invention  in  contriving 
means  of  fnpplanting  labour,  becaufe  that  excellent  writer  dates 
a  part  of  the  argument  againft  unlimited  accumulation,  viz.  '  the 
necclTary  checks  which  wealth  provides  to  its  farther  increafe,  * 
(p.  298.)  It  is  abundantly  clear,  th:>t  the  very  power  here  brought 
up  in  anfwcr  to  Mr  Hume,  is  one  of  the  reafons  for  believing  in 
the  effefts  of  accumulated  wealth.  ,  It  is  becaufe  new  capital,  i.  e. 
ilock  not  confumed  but  faved,  giA'cs  employment  to  new  men, 
and  fultenance  to  increafed  numbers  of  inhabitants,  and  becaufe 
it  exercifes  the  inventive  powers  of  its  p^neiTors,  that  its  accu- 
mulation may  fairly  be  faid  to  liave  no  defineable  bounds.  That 
all  expenditure  is  to  be  condemned  as  ruinous  beyond  what  is 
abfolutely  necefiary  for  fultaining  life,  is  a  G0(?l:rine  never  main- 
tained by  any  reaibner  wortii  refuting;  it  is  a  doctrine  uniform- 
ly difcountenanced  by  the  tenor  of  the  preceding  pages.  Neither 
did  any  on-e  ever  think  that  capital  could  in  no  fituation  be  heap- 
ed up  to  excefs  -,  on  the  contrary,  the  hillory  of  feveral  countries 
has  diftinftly  proved  the  poffibility  of  fuch  an  event. 

If  the  ftate  is  thoroughly  peopled  and  cultivated  j  if  its  extent 
is  lo  fmall,  as  to  leave  no  room  for  great  a.gricultural  or  manu- 
fa<£luring  rmprovements  ,  if  its  foreign  commerce  has  attained 
the  greateft  height  which  the  parfimony  of  its  inhabitants  en- 
ables it  to  attain  by  a  diminution  of  profits  5  if  nothing  but  the 
acquifition  of  new  territories,  a  recourfe  to  the  colonial  fyflem,  or 
an  emigration  of  its  capital  and  people,  can  £ive  the  wealth  of 
the  country  from  being  at  a  itand  ;  any  farther  accumulation  of 
itock  by  parfimony  nnift  then  be  unneccflary,  as  no  new  chan- 
nels of  employment  can  be  opened.  HolLmd  has  long  nearly 
reached  this  point  j  and  England  feems  tending  towards  it,  if  flie 
does  not,  as  will  be  the  neceiiiiry  e£rec^  of  her  farther  progrefs 
in  accumulation  of  capital,  attotid  more  to  her  domeflic  agricul- 
ture, and  the  improvement  of  her  noble  colonies. 
'  If,  then,  by  accumulation,  our  autiior  means  only  too  great 
accumulation  of  llock,  (that  is,  a  greater  aggregation  of  capital 
by  parfimony,  tlKm  can  be  employed),  we  have  only  to  deny  the 
Eovclty  or  importance,  not  certainly  to  difjoute  the  truth  of  his 
^otflrine.  But  we  mull  add,  that  the  fame  doclrine  mufc  be 
extended  to  all  accumulation  of  capital  whatever  ;  for,  v/hether 
^f  -It-ork  of  a  community  is  made  greater  bv  a  rerrenchment  of 

A  a  3  expenditure. 


Q'^A  Lord  Lauderdale  on  Public  Wraith,  July 

expenditure,  or  by  an  augmentation  of  production,  the  impofTi- 
bility  of  finding  profitable  employment  for  the  fuperiluous  wealth 
mull  be  equally  apparent.  The  only  difference  is,  that  this  im- 
poffibility  will,  in  the  one  cafe,  force  the  parHmonious  to  enjoy 
what  they  formerly  accumulated  ;  and,  in  the  otiier  cafe,  it  will 
force  them  to  enjoy  more  than  ever  they  could  afford  to  con- 
fume. 

If,  however,  our  author  means  to  deny,  in  general,  the  powers 
of  parfim.ony  to  increafe  wealth,  we  muft  remind  him  that  it  is 
only  by  faving  out  of  the  revenue  of  the  community  that  it  ever 
can  be  augmented  at  all  ;  for  furely  it  requires  no  form  of  rea- 
foning  to  prove,  that  if  all  the  return,  L  e.  the  confumeable  ca- 
pital with  its  profits,  were  confumcd  in  one  year,  notlung  but 
the  land  and  water  would  remain  for  the  next  j  and  that  it  this 
year's  addition,  i.  e.  the  net  profits  of  the  capital  for  one  year, 
were  v/holly  confumed,  the  fociety  would  be  no  richer  this  year 
than  the  lail.  An  author  whofe  main  do<L\rine  is,  that  capital 
a£ls  as  a  machine,  in  fupplanting  labour  and  increafing  the  na- 
tural powers  of  man,  cannot  certainly  maintain,  as  a  corollary 
from  his  propofitJon,  that  the  confumption,  in  other  words  the 
dellruftion,  of  this  machine,  makes  no  difference  upon  the  ag- 
gregate of  valuable  poffeffions. 

Lord  Lauderdale  applies,  at  very  grc'at  length,  his  doctrine  of 
accumulation  to  the.  plan  of  paying  off  public  debts  by  linkm^ 
funds.  He  is  peculiarly  fevere  upon  Mr  Pitt's  celebrated  fcheme 
for  this  purpofe  ;  and,  indeed,  fcems  difpofed  to  treat  all  fuch 
projects  with  confiderable  levity  and  contempt. 

'Fhe  obfervations  offered  above  feem  to  furnifh  a  fulBcient 
anfwer  to  his  reafoning  on  this  topic— We  requeft  the  noble 
author's  attention,  however,  to  tlie  following  particulars,  which 
his  leaning  towards  a  paradox,  and  his  apparent  prejudice  againll 
tbe  fcheme  we  have  mentioned,  appear  to  have  kept  entirely  out 
of  his  view. 

'  I.  When  Lord  Lauderdale  ridicules  the  idea  of  money  in- 
trearmg  ad  h'.finitum  by  cornpoUrid  intereft,  and  treats  as  abfurd 
the  calculations  that  have  been  inilituted  with  refpeft  to  the  fum 
which  a  penny  laid  out  in  this  way  eighteen  hundred  years  ago 
-would  now  have  produced,  he  utterly  forgets  theneceilary  conditions 
of  the  quellion,"  vzz.  that  a  revenue  Ihould  always  exill  at  lead 
proportional  to  tlie  augmentation  of  the  oiiginal  fuin.  For,  who 
ever  maintained  that,  in  point  of  facl,  a  penrjy  would  now  pro- 
duce five  hundred  millions  of  folid  globes  of  gold,  when  a  mil- 
lionth part  of  fo  much  gold  never  exiited  in  the  world  ?  If, 
hov/ever,  tlie  penny  had  been  laid  out  at  compound  interelt,  and 
\i  the  Tirocefs  ot  its  accumulation  did  not  alter  (as  it  muft  have 
•      1  4one) 


>8o4»  Lord 'LdLM^trihXe  on  Public  Wealths  37$ 

done)  the  rate  of  its  profits,  no  one  can  deny  that  the  holder 
who  to  employed  it,  would  long  ere  now  have  been  pofTelled  of 
all  the  gold  in  the  world,  and  even  of  all  that  new  gold  which 
the  demand  would  have  tended  to  produce. — It  never  was  ima- 
gined that  the  operation  of  compound  interell  actually  created 
metal,  or  made  the  penny  a  globe  of  gold  \  but  only  that  it 
^transferred  a  conltantly  increafing  amount  of  gold  into  the  accu- 
mulator's hands. 

2.  When  Lord  Lauderdale  recommends  us  to  leave  the  parfi- 
monious  plan  of  accumulating  by  finking  funds,  he  {hould  re- 
member that  this  parfimony  is  only  intended  to  corre£l  the  evil 
effects  of  former  prodigality.  No  one  can  deny  that  the  im- 
menfe  fums  formerly  withdrawn  from  private  revenue,  and  wafte- 
fuUy  fpent  by  the  public,  would  have  accumulated,  in  the  inter- 
val, by  the  thoufand  procefTes  of  private  ingenuity  and  parfi- 
mony. The  finking  fund  only  reftores  fuch  fums  to  their  former 
proprietors,  who  receive  them  gradually,  and  place  them  in  the 
channels  left  empty  by  the  loans  originally  contradied. 

3.  If  any  fudden  payment  of  a  large  capital  of  debt  were 
made,  no  doubt  it  would  be  inconvenient  to  the  public  creditor, 
who  might  not  find  it  eafy  to  difcovcr  means  of  employing  it  -, 
but  if  paid  piecemeal,  it  will  cafily  find  means  of  invellment, 
even  though  it  is  fuppofed  to  be  conftantly  creat-ed  and  not  Jhift^ 
€d ;  unlefs  we  imagine  that  all  the  channels  of  trade,  manufac- 
tures, and  agriculture,  whether  domeftic  or  colonial,  are  abfolute" 
iy  full  of  as  much  ftock  as  they  can  receive, 

4.  Let  it,  however,  be  remembered,  that  the  capital  paid  off 
by  any  operation  of  a  finking  fund,  muil  have  previoufly  exifled 
in  the  form  of  revenue.  The  Hate  malt  have  received  it  in 
taxes  upon  individuals  who  had  produced  it  as  profit  from  time 
to  time.  The  capital,  therefore,  is  only  transferred,  nay  more, 
would  a(fl:ually  have  exifted,  had  it  not  pafled  through  the  hands 
of  the  government  j  for  part  of  it  ha.s  been  neceflarily  expended 
as  revenue,  by  the  managers  of  the  funds,  which  would  have  re- 
mained in  the  hands  of  the  proaucers,  had  there  been  no  impofl 
levied. 

We  have  Ihown,  in  another  place,  that  the  proper  annual  fund 
of  taxation  is  the  overplus  of  the  net  profits  of  the  community 
in  each  year,  which  remains  after  defraying  the  capitalifts'  ex- 
pences.  The  efFeft  of  the  impofts  mull  no  doubt  be,  in  fome 
cafes,  to  diminifh  expenditure  ;  but,  in  the  great  proportion  of 
Hiftances,  it  muft  necelfiiriiy  fall  upon  that  portion  of  the  clear 
annual  gains  which,  if  left  untouched,  would  have  gone  to  in- 
creafe  the  capital,  and  be  employed  in  gaining  new  profits.  As 
xnuch  of  this  portion,  then,  as  is  railed  by  in^poil,  and  convert- 

A  a  ^  ed^ 


37^  Loral  "LzvLdtrAzle  on  PuhJic  TFealth.  July 

ed,  by  the  procefs  of  tlie  finking  fund,  into  capital,  is  only  taken 
from  one  employment  to  another ;  from  performing  the  function 
and  feeking  the  diftribution  of  ftock  in  the '  tax-payers'  hands, 
to  performing  the  fame  fun(flion  and  feeking  the  fame  diftribu- 
tion in  the  ftockholders'  hands.  But  even  if  we  fuppofe  the 
taxes  to  be  levied  entirely  on  the  portion  of  annual  profits  re- 
ferved  for  confumption,  it  is  evident  that  this  portion,  after  it 
has  been  transferred  to  the  public  creditors,  vi^ill  return  to  the 
lervice  of  the  former  owner,  if  he  can  afford  to  borrow  it,  i.  e. 
if  it  is  expedient  for  tlie  community  that  he  fhould  fpend  it ; 
fo  that  there  will  be  as  much  expenditure  iVill  as  the  fulnefs  of 
the  channels  of  employment  of  ilock  requires,  and  the  circum- 
ftances  of  the  fociety  authorifA 

"We  refer  our  readers  to  the  review  of  Bifiiop  Watfou's  Speech, 
No.  VI.  for  an  exemplification  of  the  effects  produced  by  link- 
ing funds,  the  necelliiry  elfedl:  of  the  funding  fyitem,  and  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  diftribution  of  capital  accumulated  by  this 
procefs  takes  place. 

We  Ihall  now  only  remark,  that  this  part  of  Lord  Lauder- 
dale's work  appears  to  us  the  moft  unmeafured  and  prejutHced  of 
his  whole  fpeculations.  It  is  (with  the  exception  of  a  few  jult 
remarks  on  commercial  reftraints)  the  only  practical  application 
of  his  theory  v/hich  he  has  thought  fit  to  favour  us  m  ith  ;  and, 
in  that  point  of  view,  the  exceller.ce  of  the  fruit  does  not  cer- 
tainly lead  us  to  recal  the  general  opinion  which  we  have  been 
led  to  form  of  the  tree,  by  examining  its  roots,  its  trunk  and 
ramifications. 

Before  concluding,  we  have  to  rem.ark,  that  the  ftyle  of  tliis 
work  is  by  no  means  either  elegant,  pcrfpicuous,  or  corredt.  It 
does  not  indeed  contain  any  marks  of  a  corrupted  tt^fte,  but  it 
exhibits  no  proofs  of  a  refined  one.  In  one  particular,  Lord 
Lauderdale  is  extremely  rcprehenfible  ;  he  entirely  niiftakes  t}\e 
meaning  of  feveral  very  common  phrafes,  and  even  of  fingle 
words.  There  are,  for  example,  fcarcely  two  pages  of  the  whole 
work  in.  which  we  do  not  find  him  ufing  a/ofie  for  only.  All  this, 
however,  is  of  little  confequence,  after  the  fundamental  and  uni- 
verfal  objections  which  have  been  urged  againfl  this  volume. 

We  have  now  only  to  apologize  for  drawing  this  article  to  fo 
great  a  length.  We  conceived  that  talents,  and  a  ftation  like 
Lord  Lauderdale's,  might  have  the  efledt  of  mifleading  the  pub- 
lic. Nothing  publifhed  by  fuch  an  author  can  be  ii-different  ; 
and  the  circumllances  in  which  he  Hands  have  frequently  tended 
to  impede  the  progrefs  of  fcience  which  they  have  failed  to  ac- 
«;elerate.  His  talents  and  rank,  in  the  prefent  inftance,  we  think 
greatly  mifipplied.  The  importance  of  his  fubje.61: — the  names 
"  ■     ■  ci 


1804.  Lord  Lzuderd^le  on  Public  Wealth.'-  37^ 

of  thofe  illuftrlous  men  whofe  authorities  he  has  difputed — the 
nature  of  the  truths  which  he  has  attempted  to  fubvert — all  thefe 
confiderations  have  induced  us  to  follow  him  flep  by  ftcp,  and  to 
complete,  by  this  painful  procefs,  the  proofs  on  which  our  ge- 
neral opinion  of  the  book  refts.  In  the  courfe  of  the  inquiry, 
we  have  been  led  to  a  ftatement  of  fome  fundamental  doftrines 
of  political  economy,  elofcly  conne6led  with  the  work  before 
us — and  likely,  we  fliould  hope,  to  facilitate  the  ftudy,  if  they 
fliould  not  aid  the  progrefs  of  the  mol^  valuable  of  fciences. 


Art.  IX.  Letters  ivritten  by  the  late  Earl  of  Chatham^  to  his  N'ephent} 
Thovtas  Pitt  Efquire,  afterwards  Lord  C  ante  If  or  d,  then  at  Cambridge, 
2d  Edit.     8vo.     pp,  133.     London,  Payne.      1804. 

Tt  is  fingu'iar  that  fome  of  the  rnoft.  illuftrious  perfons  in  mo- 
•*■  dern  hiitory,  after  occupying  an  unexampKrd  Ihare  of  public 
regard,  fhouid  have  gone  down  to  ihe  grave,  without  exciting 
any  of  that  poilhumous  foiicitude  which  inferior  wits  and  leaders 
of  the  faihion  in  matters  of  literature  and  fociety,  have  often 
monoplized  to  an  extravagant  degree.  The  converfations  of 
Johnfon,  the  correfptMidence  of  Gibbon,  and  the  more  trifling 
efl'ufions  of  Lady  Mary  Wortley  Montagu,  have  long  exercifed 
an  undifpured  fway  over  the  curiofity  of  the  world,  while  the 
very  inadequate  memoirs  which  liave  been  preferved  of  Lord 
Mansfield  and  Lord  Chatham  feem  to  have  com.pletely  fatisfied 
the  demand  for  uiformation  refpeCting  thofe  illuilrious  charac- 
ters. Much  of  this  indiiTerence  is  certainly  owing  to  the  belief 
that  men  of  fuch  a  (lamp  had  no  time  for  thofe  purfuits  which 
render  a  more  trivial  life  fruitful  in  aniufmg  incidents,  nor  any 
leifure  for  the  occupations  v/liich  are  calculated  to  carry  down 
their  private  character  to  polierity.  While  the  deeds  of  fuch 
men  are  matter  of  hillory,  And  fiourifh  in  the  lafling  records  of 
public  armals,  the  actions  of  the  writers  who  delight  and  in{lru<?i 
mankind  confift  in  their  feats  of  converfation,  their  ordinary 
intercourfe  with  the  world,  their  epiftolary  communications,  and 
various  other  tranfaftions  important  in  their  unvarying  and  pri- 
vate fcenes,  but  naturally  viewed  as  the  moft  trivial  of  all  the 
occurrences  which  riiverfify  the  lives  that  are  fpent  in  the  great 
tumult  of  affairs.  It  happens,  in  reality,  that  the  private  cha- 
radlers  and  familiar  intercourfe  of  tiiofe  men,  whom  of  all  o- 
(hers  it  would  be  moft.  interefling  to  follow  out  of  the  fenate  and 
the  forum,  are  in  general  marked  by  a  fpecies  of  Carelefsnefs 
and  il.itncfs,  which  tends  greatly  to  reprefs  or  to  difappoint  our 
C'jriofity  :  and  the  letters  of  Lord  Chatham  may  not  only  be  fuch 

3S 


2'jZ  Lori  Chatham'x  Letter i  to  his  Nephenvj  July 

as  would  excite  no  regard  whatever,  were  they  attached  to  an- 
other name,  but  even  fuch  as  to  raife  little  emotion,  though  giv- 
en to  the  world  as  his  authenticated  produ6llons. 

We  do  not  hefitate  to  affirm,  that  a  part  at  leafl  of  this  re- 
mark applies  to  the  volume  a£^ually  before  us.  The  letters  which 
compofe  it  derive  their  whole  intereft  from  the  charader  of  their 
author.  In  the  portfolio  of  an  ordinary  man,  they  would  have 
had  no  chance  of  beinc^  prefervcd.  But  who  is  there  that  would 
not  feize  with  eagcrnefs  upon  any  fuch  memorial  of  the  *  mini' 
^er  of  the  people^ — the  <  great  commoner* — the  ruler  of  the  houfe 
of  Brunfwick — the  conqueror  of  Indoftan  and  Canada — the  ter- 
ifor  of  the  Bourbons  in  their  proudeft  days  ?  To  have  the  power 
of  followi'^g  fuch  a  man  into  the  relaxations  and  duties  of  his 
private  hours,  is  the  diftinguilhed  privilege  of  thefe  modern 
times,  which  are  enlightened  and  adorned  by  an  univerfal  dlfFu- 
fion  of  literary  purfuits.  To  pry  into  the  retirement  of  the 
great,  is  one  of  the  exquifite  luxuries  of  learning — one  of  the 
refinements  in  which  modern  delicacy  and  tafle  indulge.  The 
name  of  Chatham  is  no  fooner  pronounced,  than  a  multitude  of 
aflbciations  are  excited  to  awaken  our  curiofity  •,  and  we  become 
fuddenly  prepared  to  feel  the  liveliefl:  intereft  in  the  moft  trivial 
document  of  his  private  occupations  and  charaQer,  which  is 
handed  down  to  us  with  fufficient  authenticity. 

Such  were  the  feelings  with  which  we  firll  opened  the  volume 
now  before  us,  hopeful  that  its  merits  might  bear  fome  inverfe 
proportion  to  its  bulk,  but  perfedlly  aflured  that  nothing  which 
related  to  fo  eminent  a  man  could  be  perufed  without  a  very 
high  degree  of  intereft.  And,  truly,  nothing  can  be  more 
pleafing  than  the  examination  actually  proves.  Literary  merit — 
depth  of  reafoning,  or  extent  and  fagacity  of  obfervation — ex- 
traordinary ftores  of  learning,  or  flafhes  of  eloquence — thefe 
certainly  are  not  what  we  wiflied  to  find  in  the  rnoft  carelefs 
and  artlefs  effufions  of  that  illuftrious  ftatefman,  in  letters  dic- 
tated by  the  warmth  of  an  afF-^£tion  almoft  maternal,  during  the 
minutes  fnatched  from  the  moft  buftling  period  of  his  political 
career.  But  we  difcover,  in  every  line  of  thefe  interefting  re- 
lics, features  of  a  mind  as  lovely,  as  we  know  from  other  fources 
that  it  was  powerful  and  accompliftied.  We  difcover  unerring 
proofs  that  Lord  Chatham  was  as  amiable  in  the  private  rela- 
tions of  life,  as  the  annals  of  the  old  and  the  new  world  pro- 
claim him  to  have  been  rranfcendently  grent  in  the  management 
of  affairs.  We  are  couftantly  delighted  with  traits  of  an  union, 
extremely  rare  in  the  human  character,  of  the  ftronger  paffions 
and  grandeft  powers  of  the  mind  with  its  finer  feelings  and  nicer 
principles:  We  meet  with  perpetual  evidence,  that  neither  thn 
'        ■  '      '  intrigues 


1804.  Lord  Qh^thzrD*s  Letters  to  his  Nipheio.  37^ 

intrigues  of  courts,  nor  the  contentions  of  popular  aflemblies, 
liad  ever  effaced  from  this  great  main's  heart  thofe  early  impref- 
fions  of  virtue  and  of  piety,  with  which  ahnofl  all  are  provided 
at  their  outfet,  but  v/hich  fo  few  are  enabled  to  preferve  even 
from  the  danj^ers  'md  feduclions  of  ati  obfcurer  fortune.  It  is 
entirely  in  this  point  of  view  that  we  are  difpofed  to  rejjard  the 
prefent  publication  ;  and,  aware  that  our  readers  may  feel  fome- 
what  of  the  fame  intereft  in  its  contents,  we  hailen  to  make 
them  acquainted  with  the  book,  chiefly  by  diretHng  their  atten- 
tion to  fuch  extratts  as  ftruck  us  mod  in  perufiug  it. 

The  letters  are  introduced  by  a  very  elegant  and  appropriate 
dedication  to  Mr  Pitt,  and  by  a  well-written  preface,  in  which 
the  editor  (Lord  Grenville)  delivers  fame  judicious  remarks  up- 
on the  valuable  remains  that  he  is  nfii^ring  into  the  world. 

'  The  following  coiTcfpondencc,  imperfeft  as  it  is,  (and  who  will 
not  lament  that  many  more  fuch  letters  are  not  preferved  ?)  exhibits  a 
great  orator,  itateiman  and  patriot,  in  one  of  the  moft  interelting  rela- 
tions of  private  fociety.  Not,  as  in  the  cabinet  or  the  fenate,  enforc- 
ing, by  a  vigorous  and  commanding  eloquence,  thofe  councils  to  which 
his  countr}-  owed  her  pre-eminence  and  glor)' ;  but  implanting,  with 
parental  kindnefs,  into  the  mind  of  an  ingenuous  youth,  feeds  of  wif- 
dom  and  virtue,  which  ripened  into  full  maturity  in  the  charadler  of  a 
moft  accomplifhed  man  ;  direfting  him  to  the  acquifition  of  knowledge, 
as  the  bell  inibument  of  aftion  ;  teaching  him,  by  the  cultivation  of 
his  reafon,  to  ftrengthen  and  eftabliih  in  his  heart  thofe  principles  of 
moral  rettitude  which  were  congenial  to  it  ;  and,  above  all,  exhorting 
him  to  regulate  the  whole  coudu(!il  of  his  life  by  the  predominant  in- 
fluence of  gratitude  and  obedience  to  God,  as  the  only  fure  ground- 
work of  every  human  duty  ! 

*  What  parent,  anxious  for  the  charafter  aiid  fuccefs  of  a  fon,  bom 
to  any  liberal  Itation  in  this  great  and  free  country,  would  not,  in  all 
that  related  to  his  education,  gladly  have  reforted  to  the  advice  of  fuch 
a  man  ?  What  youthful  fpirit,  animated  by  any  defire  of  future  ex- 
cellence, and  looking  for  the  gratification  of  that  defire  in  the  purfuits 
of  honourable  ambition,  or  in  the  confcioufnefs  of  an  upright,  ailiive, 
and  ufeful  life,  would  not  embrace,  with  tranfport,  any  opportunity  of 
liilening  on  fuch  a  fubjecl  to  the  leflbns  of  Lord  Chatham  ?  They  arc 
here  before  him.  Not  delivered  with  the  authority  of  a  preceptor,  or 
a  parent,  but  tempered  by  the  affeftion  of  a  friend  towards  a  diipofition 
and  character  well  entitled  to  fuch  regard. '     p.  x. — xiii. 

Lord  Grenville  follows  up  thefe  introdu£lovy  remarks  by  fome 
eloquent  and  profound  obfervations  upon  feveral  points,  on  which 
his  opinions  differ  widely  from  thofe  delivered  by  Lord  Chatham 
in  thcie  letters.  His  diffnit  is  chiefly  entered  on  the  two  follow- 
ing topics — the  merits  of  Lord  Bolingbroke's  *  Remarks  on  the 
Englilli  Hillory, '  which  he  juftly  thinks  Lord  Chatham  very 
much  overrated,  whether  we  confider  the  purity  and  precifion  of 

the 


§S6  Lord  Chatham*/  Letters  to  Us  Nephew,  July 

the  ftyle,  the  fagacity  of  the  remarlcs,  or  the  fidelity  of  the  nar- 
rative— an-.l  the  judgement  infinuated  by  Lord  Chatham  upon  the 
integrity  of  Lord  Clarendon's  chara6ler.  Into  the  defence  of  that 
celebrated  flatefman,  the  noble  editor  enters  with  great  earneft- 
nefs  and  irrefiftible  efFeft.  His  eloquent  expofition  of  Lord  Cla- 
rendon's conduft,  is  naturally  mingled  with  remarks  upon  the 
charafters  of  the  two  mafters  whom  he  ferved  ;  and  the  whole 
paflage  is  diftinguifhed  by  fo  much  force  of  di£lion,  and  genuine 
liberality  of  fentiment,  that  our  readers  will  thank  us  for  extraft- 
ing  it  entire.  The  tenor  of  Lord  Grenville's  public  life,  and  the 
general  principles  of  policy  which  have  guided  his  difcourfes  in 
the  fenate,  would  not,  perhaps,  lead  us  to  expe£l:  from  his  pen 
an  ample  recognition  of  true  Whig  principles,  on  a  queftion  al- 
ways taken  as  a  general  teft.  At  the  fame  time,  we  mull  dif- 
claim  any  paltry  intention  of  imputing  iuconfillency  to  that  dif- 
tinguifhed llatefman.  We  are  liill  lefs  capable,  we  hope,  of  in- 
finuating  that  his  opinions  have  been  modified,  in  any  degree,  by 
the  unprecedented  divifions  anti  combinations  which  have  iignaliz- 
ed  the  recent  hiftory  of  Britiili  parties.  We  deduce  tlie  free  cur- 
rent of  his  remarks  from  a  very  ditTerent  fource,  and  confider 
^hem  as  the  real  fentiments  which  he  has  always  entertained  up- 
on abllra6i  queftions,  and  which  he  would  have  openly  avowed, 
had  the  circumftances  of  the  times  demanded  or  julliiied  a  dif- 
cuffion  of  fuch  general  principles.  For  the  rell,  we  do  not  re- 
member ever  to  have  met  with  a  more  impartial  view  of  the 
great  queftion  regarding  the  civil  war,  than  appears  to  have  dic- 
tated the  following  ftriking  obfervntions. 

*  Clarendon  was  unqueftionably  2  lover  of  truth,  and  a  finccre  friend 
to  the  free  conftitution  of  his  country.  He  defended  that  conftitution 
in  Parliaijient,  with  zeal  and  energy,  againft  the  encroachments  of  pre- 
r<?gative,  and  concurred  in  the  eilabli (1:1  meat  of  new  fecurities  neceffary 
for  its  protcftion,  He  did,  indeed,  when  thefe  had  been  obtaiiied,  op- 
pofe,  with  equal  determination,  thofe  contiinialiy  increafing  demands  of 
Parliament,  which  appeared  to  him  to  threaten  the  cxiftence  of  the  mo- 
narchy itfeli  ;  deiirous,  if  poffible,  to  conciliate  the  maintenance  of  pu- 
blic liberty  with  the  prefervation  of  dome  flic  peace,  and  to  turn  afide 
from  his  country  all  the  evils  to  which  thofe  demands  immediately  and 
:;ianifeftly  tended. 

'  The  wifh  was  honourable  and  virtuous,  but  it  was  already  become 
:Anpra6licabIe.  The  purpofes  of  irreconcileable  ambition,  entertained 
l?v  both  the  contending  parties,  were  utterly  ii'Confiftent  with  the  re- 
eftablifliment  of  mutual  confidence.  The  parliamentary  leaders  openly 
grafped  at  the  exclufive  Tjoflelfion  of  all  civil  and  all  military  authority  : 
iYnd,  on  the  other  havid,  the  perfidy  with  which  the  King  had  violated 
Ijis  pafl  engagements,  flill  rankled  in  .the  hearts  of  <  his  ptople,  whofe 
j^jft  fufpicioas  of  his  fi'icerity  were  continually  renewed  by  the  unfteadir 
'  '  *    '  ne:[s 


lt<74-  i-o^'d  Chatham' J-  Letters  to  his  Nepheiu:'  %^y 

nefs  of  his  conducl,  even  in  the  ver)'  moments  of  frefh  concefllon ; 
while,  amongft  a  large  proportion  of  the  community,  every  circurh-* 
ftance  of  civil  injury  or  oppreffion  was  inflamed  and  aggravated  by  the 
utmoft  violence  of  religious  animofity. 

'  In  this  unhappy  Itate,  the  cakmitics  of  civil  vi'ar  could  no  longer 
be  averted  ;  hut  the  mifv^ries  by  which  the  conteft  was  attended,  and  the 
military  tyrannv  to  which  it  fo  naturally  led,  juftified  all  the  fears  of 
thofe  who  had  from  the  beginning  moft  dreaded  that  terrible  extremity, 

*  At  the  Reiloration,  the  fame  virtuous  ftatefman  protected  the  con- 
ftitution  ao-aiuil  the  blind  or  interefted  zeal  of  exceffive  loyalty  •,.  and,  if 
Monk  had  the  glory  of  reftoring  the  monarchy  of  England,  to  Claren- 
don is  afcribed  the  merit  of  re-e{labh(hing  he?  laws  and  liberties :  a  fer- 
vice  no  lefs  advantageous  to  the  crown,  tlian  honourable  to  himfelf,  but 
which  was  numbered  among  the  chief  of  thofe  offences  for  which  he 
w^as  afterwards  abandoned,  facrifked,  and  perfecuted  by  his  unfeeling, 
coiTupt,  and  profligate  maft;er, 

*  Thefe  obfervations  refpefting-  one  of  the  moft  upright  charafters  of 
our  hillory,  are  here  delivered  with  freedom,  though  in  fome  degree  op- 
pofed  to  fo  high  an  authority.  The  habit  of  forming  fuch  opinions  for 
ourfelves,  inftead  of  receiving  them  from  others,  is  not  the  leaft  among- 
the  ad\-antages  of  fuch  a  courfe  of  reading  and  reflecf^ion  as  Lore! 
Chatham  recommends. '     p.  xviii^ — xxiii. 

Having  called  the  attention  of  our  readers^  in  the  firft  inflancCg 
to  the  valuable  preface  of  Lord  Grenville,  we  mufl  be  permitted^ 
before  proceeding  to  the  work  itfelf,  to  fuggeft  one  flight  criticifm 
upon  a  quotation  which  he  has  introduced.  Speaking  of  the  late. 
Lord  Camelford,  he  exclairns,  in  the  tvordsy  perhaps — but  furely 
neither  in  the  fpirit,  nor  even  in  the  language  of  Virgil, 
*  Quse  gratia  vivo- 


-Eadem  fequitivr  telliu-e  repoftum  !'  * 


Such  applicatio:is  and  traveities-  of  claffical  auth&rs>  we  wholly 
difapprove.  The  meaning  of  the  Roman  poet,  in  the  following 
palTage,  from  which  the  preceding  words  liave  been,  picked  and  put 
together  as  they  might  have  been  from  a:  Gradus,  is,  not  that  cer- 
tain worthies  were  beloved  after  death,  as  they  had  been  during 
their  lives — but  that  charioteers  and  horfemen,  drivers  and  horfe- 
jockies,  retain  the  fame  love  of  curricles  and  horfe-flefli,  in  the 
ather  world,  v/hich  they  had  manifeltcd  on  earth— 
*  Q^^  gratia  currum 
Armorumque  fuit  -vhis,  quse  cura  nitentes 

Palcere  equos  ;  eadem  fequitur  tellure  rcpCJlos. '    ^n,  VI.  653. 
This  kind  of  quoting  and  applying  claflical  palTages,  would  juitify 
the  friends  of  a  pugilift  in  prefixing  to   his  memoirs  fome  of  the 
famous  lines  which  follow   the  paflage  already  quoted  by  Lord 
Grenville.     For  example, 

<  Hie  manus  in  patria  pugnando  vulnera  palli 

— « — Quique  fui  me  morel  alios  fecere.  '     Il'id^ 

We 


5^2  Lord  CKatKamV  Letters  to  his  Nephenv,  July 

.  We  have  already  premlfed,  that  the  epiftolary  remains  of  Lord 
Chatham  are  chiefly  interefting,  from  the  carelefs  fimplicity  and 
earneftnefs  of  heart  which  appear  to  have  didated  every  line  of 
them.  They  are  addrefled  to  a  very  young  man,  on  the  entrance 
of  his  academical  career ;  and  nothing  is  more  remarkable  than 
the  uniform  ferionfnefs  with  which  the  illuftrious  Mentor  calls 
his^ pupil's  attention  to  every  thing  allied  to  the  purfuits  of  virtue. 
This  fpirit,  indeed,  is  mingled  with  every  topic,  and  feems  to  have 
pervaded  the  whole  feelings  of  tlie  writer. 

♦  I  rejoice  (fays  he  in  Letter  II.)  to  hear  that  you  have  begun  Ho- 
mer's Iliad,  and  have  made  fo  great  a  progrefs  in  Virgil.  I  hope  you 
tafte.and  love  thofe  authors  particularly.  You  cannot  read  them  too 
much  :  they  are  not  only  the  two  greateft  poets,  but  they  contain  the 
fmeft  leflbns  for  your  age  to  imbibe  :  lefTons  of  honour,  courage,  dif- 
intereflednefs,  love  of  truth,  command  of  temper,  gentlenefs  of  beha- 
viour, humanity,  and,  in  or.e  word,  virtue  in  its  true  fignification.  Go 
on,  my  dear  nephew,  and  drink  as  deep  as  you  can  of  thefe  divine 
fprings  :  the  pleafure  of  the  draught  is  equal  at  leaft  to  the  prodigious 
advantages  of  it  to  the  heart  and  morals.  I  hope  you  will  drink  then 
as  fomebody  does  in  Virgil,  of  another  fort  of  cup  ;   Ilk  Imp'iga-  haufit 

Jpumanttni  Pateram.  '      p.  6.  7. 

That  our  author,  however,  had  juftly  appreciated  the  fubordi- 
nate  importance  of  fuch  ftudies,  is  apparent  from  a  ftriking  paf- 
fage  in  a  fubfequcnt  letter. 

*  I  beg  a  copy  of  your  elegy  on  your  mother's  pifture  :  it  is  fuch 
admirable  poetry,  that  I  beg  you  to  plunge  deep  into  profe  and  feverer 
ftudies,  aod  not  indulge  your  genius  with  verfe,  for  the  prefent.  Finj. 
timus  Oralori  Poet  a.  Siil)llitute  Tally  and  Demofthenes  in  the  place  of 
Homer  and  Virgil  ;  and  arm  yourfclf  with  all  the  variety  of  manner, 
copioufnefs  and  beauty  of  diftion,  noblenefs  and  magnificence  of  ideas 
of  the  Roman  conful  ;  and  render  the  powers  of  eloquence  complete, 
by  the  irrefiftible  torrent  of  vehement  argumentation,  the  clofe  and  for- 
cible reafoning,  and  the  depth  and  fortitude  of  mind  of  the  Grecian 
ftatefman.  This  I  mean  at  feifure  intervals,  and  to  relieve  the  courfe  of 
thofe  ftudies  which  you  intend  to  make  your  principal  objedt.'    p.  88.  89. 

Thofe  happy  fpirits  who  deride  every  thing  but  eloquence  and  wit, 
and  who  contemptuoufly  p:ifs  over  all  exhortations  to  the  purfuits 
of  virtue,  as  fermons  or  moralizing,  if  they  are  not  delivered  in 
epigram,  may  perhaps  wonder  to  find  fuch  a  pafiage  as  the  fol- 
lowing in  the  letters  of  fuch  a  man  as  Lord  Chatham  : 

'  I  fay,  you  have  the  true  clue  to  guide  you,  in  the  maxim  you  lay 
down  in  your  letter  to  me,  namely,  that  the  ufe  of  learning  is,  to  ren» 
dera  man  more  wife  and  virtuous,  not  merely  to  make  him  more  learn- 
ed- Matie  tuu  Virtute  ;  Go  on,  my  dear  boy,  by  this  golden  rule, 
and  you  cannot  fail  to  become  every  thing  your  generous  heart  prompts 
you  to  wifh  to  be,  and  that  mine  moil  affeftionately  wilhes  for  you. 
There  is  but  one  danger  in  your  way  j  and  that  is,  perhaps,  natural 

enough 


J  804.  Lord  Chzthzm^s  Letters  to  hit  NephetO.  3^5 

enough  to  your  age,  the  love  of  pleafure,  or  the  fear  of  clofe  application 
and  laborious  diligence.  With  the  laft  there  is  nothing  you  may  not 
v,-onqucr  :  and  the  firft  is  fure  to  conquer  and  enflave  whoever  does  not 
ftrenuoufly  and  gencroufly  refil't  the  firft  allurements  of  it,  left,  by  fmall 
indulgencies,  he  fall  under  the  yoke  of  irreilftible  habit.  Viianda  ejl 
Improha  Siren^  Dcfulia,  I  defire  may  be  alHxt  to  the  curtains  of  your 
bed,  and  to  the  walls  of  your  chambers.  If  you  do  not  rife  early,  you 
never  can  make  any  progrefs  worth  talking  of :  and  another  rule  is,  if 
you  do  not  fet  apart  your  hours  of  reading,  and  never  fuffer  yourfcif 
or  any  one  clfe  to  break  in  upon  them,  your  days  will  Hip  through 
your  hands  unprofitably  and  frivoloufiy  ;  unpraifed  by  all  you  wifh  to 
pleafe,  and  really  uncnjoyable  to  yourfcif.  Be  afiured,  whatever  you 
taiie  from  pleafure,  amufementf.,  or  indolence,  for  thefe  firft  few  years 
of  your  life,  will  repay  you  a  liundrcd  fold,  in  the  pleafures,  honours^ 
and  advantages  of  all  the  remaindiT  of  your  days.  My  heart  is  fo  full 
of  the  moft  earneft  defire  that  you  (hould  do  well,  that  I  find  my  letter 
has  run  into  fome  length,  which  you  will,  I  know,  be  fo-  good  to  ex- 
cufe. '     p.  10 — 12. 

Nov/,  the  perfon  wlio  felt  fo  ardently  the  force  of  moral  and 
fif  religioius  femlments,  was  not  a  mere  pedant  either  in  litera- 
ture or  fl:ate  affairs  •,  he  valued  in  their  juil  proportion  the  more 
confiderations  of  external  propriety  and  even  elegance.  The 
following  extra 61  will  lliow  how  highly  he  eftimated  thofe  accom- 
plifliments,  whicii  only  fall,  in  a  wife  man's  opinion,  when  their 
true  foundation  in  the  more  folld  graces  of  the  mind  is  removed  j 
and  never  appca  >d  ridiculous  or  difgufting,  until  Lord  Chefter- 
fiekl  w'as  fuppofed  to  have  proclaimed  them  as  the  chief  end  of 
man. 

'  Behaviour  is  of  infinite  advantage  or  prejudice  to  a  man,  as  he 
happens  to  have  formed  it  to  a  graceful,  noble,  engaging,  and  proper 
manner  ;  or  to  a  vulvar,  coarfe,  ill-bred,  or  awkward  and  u  igenteel 
one.  Behaviour,  though  an  external  thing  which  feems  rather  to  be- 
long to  the  body  than  to  the  mind,  is  certainly  founded  in  confiderable 
virtues  :  though  I  have  known  inltances  of  good  men,  with  fomething- 
very  revolting  and  ofFenfive  in  their  manner  of  behaviour,  efpccially 
when  they  have  the  misforfiuie  to  be  naturally  very  awkward  and  un- 
genteel  ^  and  which  their  miftaken  friends  have  helped  to  confirm  them  in, 
by  telling  tliem  they  were  above  fuch  triflcR,,  as  being  genteel,  d-ancing, 
fencing,  riding,  and  doing  all  manly  ex.crcifes,,  with  grace  and  vigour. 
As  if  the  body,  becaufe  inferior,  were  not  a  part  of  the  compofition 
of  man  ;  and  the  proper,  cafy,  ready,  and  graceful  ufe  of  himfelf, 
both  in  mind  and  limb,  did  not  go  to  make  up  the  character  of  an  ac- 
complifhed  man.  You  are  in  no  danger  of  falling  into  this  prepofteroua 
error :  and  I  had  a  great  pleafure  in  finding  you,  when  I  firll  faw  jom 
in  London,  fo  well  difpofed  by  nature,  and  io  properly  attentive  to 
make  yourfelf  genteel  in  perfon,  and  well-bred  in  behaviour.  I  am 
very  glad  you  have  taken  a  fencing-mailer :  that  exercife  will  give  you 
^ms.  manly,  firm,  and  graceful  attitvidss  j  ogen  your  cheftj,  place  your 


3 84  Xijn/  Chatham'j-  Letters  to  lis  Nephew.  July 

head  upright,  and  plant  you  well  upon  your  legs.  As  to  tlie  ufe  of 
the  fword,  it  is  well  to  know  it :  But  remember,  my  deareft  nephew, 
it  is  a  fcience  of  defence  :  and  that  a  fword  can  never  be  employed 
by  the  hand  of  a  man  of  virtue  in  an.y  other  caufe.  As  to  the  car- 
riage of  your  perfon,  be  particularly  careful,  as  you  are  tall  and  thin, 
not  to  get  a  habit  of  itooping  ;  nothing  has  fo  poor  a  look  :  above  all 
things,  avoid  contracting  afiy  peculiar  'geiliculations  of  the  body,  or 
movements  of  the  mulcles  of  the  face.  It  is  rare  to  fee  in  any  one  a 
graceful  laughter :  it  is  generally  better  ^o  fmile  than  laugh  out,  eipe- 
cially  to  contract  a  habit  of  laughing  at  fmall  or  no  jokes.  Sometimes 
it  would  be  afletlation,  or  worfe,  mere  morolenefs,  not  to  laugh  hearti- 
ly, when  the  truly  ridiculous  circumftances  of  an  incident,  or  the  true 
pleafantry  and  wit  of  a  thing,  call  for  and  juftify  it  ;  but  the  trick  of 
laughing  frivolouily  is  by  all  means  to  be  avoided  :  Rlfu  inepto.  Res 
inept'wr  nulla  ejl.  Now,  as  to  politenels  ;  many  have  attempted  defi- 
nitions of  it  :  I  believe  it  is  beil  to  be  known  by  defcription  ;  defini- 
tion not  being  able  to  comprife  it.  I  would,  however,  venture  to  call 
it  benevolence  in  trifles,  or  the  preference  of  others  to  ourfelves  in  little 
daily,  hourly,  occurrences  in  the  commerce  of  life.  A  better  place,  a 
more  commodious  feat,  priority  in  being  helped  at  table,  (itc.  what  is 
it,  but  facrificing  ourfelves  in  iuch  trifles  to  the  convenience  and  plea- 
fure  of  others  ?  And  this  conllitutes  true  politenefs.  It  is  a  per- 
petual attention  (by  habit  it  grovt-s  eafy  and  natural  to  us)  to  the  little 
wants  of  thofe  we  are  with,  by  which  we  either  prevent  or  remove 
them.  Bowing,  ceremonious,  formal  compliments,  ftiff  civilities,  will 
never  be  politenefs  ;  that  muft  be  eafy,  natural,  unftudied,  manly, 
noble.  And  what  will  give  this,  but  a  mind  benevolent,  and  perpe- 
tually attentive  to  exert  that  amiable  difpofition  in  trifles  towards  all 
you  converfe  and  live  with  \  Benevolence  in  greater  matters  takes  a. 
hifher  name,  and  is  the  queen  of  virtues,  '     p.  32 — 37. 

We  challenge  the  admirers  of  Lord  Chelterfield  to  produce  a 
more  winning,  and  at  the  fame  time  a  more  judicious  and  in- 
genious defence  of  all  that  part  of  manners  which  is  worthy  of 
a  realbnable  being's  regard,  in  the  whole  writings  of  their  mailer. 

The  very  trifles  of  manner  and  etiquette  appear  to  have  had 
their  juft  ihare  of  Lord  Chatham's  regard.  He  concludes  one 
of  his  graveil  letters  with  the  following  advice  :  '  Pardon  an 
obfervation  on  llyle.  /  received  yours^  is  vulgar  and  mercan- 
tile ;  your  letter  is  the  way  of  writing.  Inclofe  your  letters  in 
a  cover  ;  it  is  more  polite. '    (p.  67.) 

In  the  minuter  parts  of  condutl,  as  well  as  manners,  the  ad- 
vices given  in  tliele  Sketches  are  equally  fedulous.  Upon  the 
fubjecfl  of  early  riling,  he  is  peculiarly  importunate.  Befides  the 
paflage  above  quoted  on  this  head,  he  fays,  in  Letter  VII. 

'  i)o  you  rife  early  ?  I  hope  you  have  already  made  to  yourfelf 
the  habit  of  doing  it  :  If  not,  let  mc  conjure  you  to  acquire  it.  Re- 
member your  friend  Horace — 

«  Et 


1804.  /.2>'i/  Chatham' J-  Letters  to  his  Nephew,  "jtj 


Et  ni 


Pofces  ante  diem  libnim  cum  lumine  ;  fi  non 
Iiiteudcs  animum  Jtudiis,  et  rebiis  hoiieftisj 
Invidii  vel  amore  miier  torquebere — '     p.  51-52. 
With  Low   much  force  do  fuch  IbltMun  admonitions  on  the  fub- 
Hme  matters  of  piety   and   morals,  as  thefe  letters  all  abound  in, 
come   from   a   pevfon  fo  intimately  acquninted  with  every  variety 
of  human  life — fo  fkridtly  fpeaking  a  man  of  the  world  ! 

We  recommend  the  following  admirable  paffages  to  all  thofe 
light  and  thoughtlefs  perfons,  who  are  pleafed  to  regard  every 
fentiment,  of  amoral  or  religious  tendency,  as  the  growth  of 
monkiih  feclufion  and  ignorance  of  the  world,  or  as  the  offspring 
of  a  fullen  bigotry  and  weaknefs  of  uuderflanding  •,  only  premiiin^ 
that  they  are  the  earnell,  undifguifed  effulions  of  an  unrivalled 
ftatefmau  and  orator,  poured  forth  at  the  very  moment  in  which 
his  whole  mind  was  diltraftedby  the  weight  of  public  atPairs,  and 
the  intrigues  of  a  fattious  court  j  addreil'ed  to  an  eleve^  whom  it 
was  his  anxious  wiih  to  form  into  the  ■  habits  of  a  confummate 
politiciaii,  and  uPnered  into  the  world  by  the  two  greateil  cour- 
tiers and  public  charadl:ers  of  the  prefent  day. 

'  If  any  thing,  my  dear  boy,  could  have  happened  to  raife  you 
higher  in  my  eileem,  and  to  endear  you  more  to  me,  it  is  the  amiable 
abhorrence  you  feel  for  the  fccne  of  vice  and  folly,  (and  of  real  mifery 
and  perdition,  under  the  falfe  notion  of  pleafure  and  fpirit),  which  has 
opened  to  you  at  your  college,  and,  at  the  fame  time,  the  manly, 
brave,  generous,  and  wife  relolution  and  true  fpirit,  with  which  you 
rehiltd  and  repulfed  the  firll  attempts  upon  a  mind  and  heart,  I  thank 
God,  infinitely  too  firm  and  noble,  as  well  as  too  elegant  and  enlight- 
ened, to  be  in  any  danger  of  yielding  to  fuch  contemptible  and  wretch- 
ed corruptions. '     p.  18.  19. 

*  As  to  your  manner  of  behaving  towards  thefe  unhappy  younfj 
gentlemen  you  defcribe,  let  it  be  manly  and  eafy ;  dechne  their  parties 
with  civility  ;  retort  their  raillery  with  raillery,  always  tempered  with' 
good  breeding.  If  they  banter  your  regularity,  order,  decency,  and 
love  of  ftudy,  banter  in  return  their  neglec^t  of  them  ;  and  venture  to 
own  .frankly,  tliat  you  tame  to  Cambridge  to  learn  what  you  can,  not 
to  follow  what  they  are  pleafed  to  call  pleafure.  In  fhort,  let  your 
external  behaviour  to  them,  be  as  full  of  politenefs  and  eafe  as  your 
inward  eftimation  of  them  is  full  of  pity,  mixed  with  contempt.-  I 
come  now  to  the  part  of  the  advice  I  have  to  offer  to  you,  which  molt 
nearly  concerns  your  welfare,  and  upon  which  every. good  and  honour- 
able -  purpofe  of  your  life  will  affuredly  turn  ;  I  mean  the  keeping  up 
in  your  heart  the  true  fentiments  of  religion.  If  you  are  not  right 
towards  God,  you  can  never  be  fo  towards  man  :  The  nobleft  fenti- 
ment of  the  human  breaft  is  here  bi-ought  to  the  teft.  Is  gratitude  in 
the  number  of  a  man's  virtues  ?  If  it  be,  the  higheft  Benefaftor  de- 
mands the  warmefl  returns'  of  gratitude,  lovej  and  praif? :  Ingraium 
VOL.  IV.  NO,  8.  £  i?  aii's 


3*6.  Lotd  Chatham^/  Ldiers  io  his  Nephewl  July 

qui  dixer'it,  omnia  dixit.  If  a  man  wants  this  virtue  where  there  arc 
fnfinite  obligations  to  excite  and  quicken  it,  he  will  be  likely  to  want 
all  others  towards  his  fellow-creatures,  whofe  utmoft  gifts  are  poor, 
compared  to  thofe  he  daily  receives  at  the  hands  of  his  never-failing 
Almighty  Friend.  Reincmber  thy  Creator  in  the  days  of  thy  youth, 
is  big  with  the  deepeft  wifdom  :  The  fear  of  the  Lord  is  the  begin- 
sing  of  wifdom  ;  and,  <i%  upiight  heart,  that  is  underllanding.  This 
is  eternally  true,  whether  the  wits  and  rakes  of  Cambridge  allow  it  or 
not :  Nay,  I  muft  add  oi^  this  religious  wifdom,  lier  ways  are  ways 
of  pk-afantnefs,  and  all  her  paths  are  peace,  whatever  your  young 
geiitlemen  of  plenfure  think  of  a  whore  and  a  bottle,  a  tainted  health 
and  battered  conllitution.  Hold  faft  therefore  by  this  flicet-anchor  of 
■Jiappinefs.  Religion  ;  you  will  often  want  it  in  the  times  of  raoft  dan- 
ger— the  ftonns  and  tempefts  ©f  life.  Cherifl"^  true  religion  as  prcciouf- 
ly  as  you  will  fly  with  abhorrence  and  contempt  fuperftition  and  en- 
thufjafm.  The  firll  is  the  perfeflion  and  glory  of  the  human  nature  ;, 
the  two  laft  the  depravation  and  difgrace  of  it.  Remember  the  eflence 
of  religion  is,  a  heart  void  of  offence  towards  God  and  man  j  not  fubtle 
fpcculative  opinions,  but  an  aftive  vital  principle  of  faith.  The  words 
of  a  heathen  were  fa  fine,  that  I  mufl  give  them  to  you  :  *  Compofitum 
'Jus,  Fpfque  Anlmi,  Sun£lrjfqui  Recejjiu  Alfiith,  et  tncoHum  gcncrojo  PcSlus 
'Hortjlo'.' 

Go  on,  my  dear  chiFd,  in  the  admirable  difpofitions  you  have  to- 
U'ftrds  all  that  is  right  and  good,  and  make  yourfclf  the  love  and  ad- 
miration of  the  world  !  I  have  neither  paper  nor  words  to  tell  you 
how  tenderly  I  am  youi'S.  '     p.  24 — 28. 

Such  v/as  the  illullrious  .Lortl  Chatham  in  his  private  life  •,  and 
fo  pure  and  lovely  were  the  inmoll  fcntiments  of  that  great  fpirit 
which  humbled  France  and  fiibdued  America — which  baffled  the 
jntrigues  of  the  court,  and  overaviX'd  the  turbulence  of  the 
i'enate. 

The  publication  of  thefe  precious  remains  is  indeed  highly  im- 
portant ; — important  as  an  objedl  of  landable  and  dignified  curio- 
ilty — doubly  important  as  a  pradlical  leflbn,  and  example  of  emi- 
nent virtue. 


Art.  X.  Cdt'ic  "Rcfearches,  on  the  Origin,  Traditions  and  Language  of 
the  ylncltnt  Britnjis ;  'U'.'th  fame  Jntroducfory  Sketches  on  Primitive 
Society.  By  Edward  Davies,  Curate  of  Olvellan,  Glouceflcrfmre. 
London,  1S04.     8vo.     pp.  561. 

Tt  is  amufing  to  obferve  with  what  perfeverance  and  fuccefs  the 
"^  Celts  are  proceeding  in  their  endeavours  to  deferve  that  cha- 
ra£ler  which  has  been  fo  liberally  beftowed  upon  them  by  the 
moft  contemptuous  of  their  opponents.  Every  one  muft  remem- 
■^Iber  the  emphatic  epithets  with  which  Pinkcrton  in  particular  has 

branded 


1804.  X)avles'j  Celtic  Reji-arches.  387 

branded  this  ill-fated  race.  According  to  Iiim,  a  Celtic  under- 
flanding  is  fui  generii  :  it  readily  embraces  and  believes  whatever 
,s  reje6lcd  or  laughed  at  by  the  reft  of  mankind.  If  there  be  any 
truth  in  this  dclcription,  vv'e  think  there  is  great  reafon  to  prefume 
that  the  Celtic  writers  of  the  prefent  daV)  defpairing  perhaps  of 
deriving  the  general  population  of  Europe  from  their  own  illullri^ 
ous  ftock,  are  anxious  at  leail  to  fatisfy  the  world  that  they  them- 
felves  are  the  genuine  defcendants  of  thofe  mighty  tribes  :  and  cer- 
^ainly,  if  ftrong  mental  refemblance  and  rtriking  affinity  of  difpofi- 
flon  may  be  admitted  as  prefumptive  evidence  of  dire£l  and  pure 
delcent,  they  mull  be  coniidered  as  having  made  good  their  preten- 
fions.  Let  our  readers  only  compare  the  character  of  the  old  Celts 
as  given  by  the  ancient  writers,  particularly  by  Diodorus  Siculus, 
with  that  which  tlie  Gael  and  the  Cymri  of  the  prefent  day  ex- 
Iiiblt  in  their  writings.  Diodorus  defcribes  them  as  fond  of 
j^nigmas  j  making  general  affertions,  where  they  were  not  fup- 
ported  by  a  fuificient  number  6i  fails  j  and  hyperbolical  both  in 
praiiing  themfelves  and  in  defpiilng  others.  * 

The  INIikfian  fables  of  the  Iriih  have  long  convinced  the  world j 
more  powerfully  and  completely  than  the  moll  learned  and  po- 
fitive  authorities,  that  they  are  a  legitimate  branch  of  the  Celts. 
The  Welfh,  though  they  have  been  much  later  in  ftarting  than 
the  Irifh,  and  are  eveii  yet  lefs  Celtic  in  their  creed  and  charac- 
tei",  appear  to  have  lately  recovered  their  generic  and  difiincliive 
credulity,  in  its  utmoll  purity,  and,  of  courfe,  along  with  their 
credulity,  materials  for  authentic  hiltory,  as  far  back  as  their 
prefent  difpofitions  would  lead  them  to  defire.  The  Irifh,  now 
that  they  have  feen  a.  '  Sketch  of  the  early  Hiltory  of  the  An- 
cient Britons  from  the  year  700  before  Chrifl, '  f  mult  allow  the 
confanguinity  of  the  Cymri ;  and  attrioute  their  own  more  ve- 
nerable and  more  ample  accounts  entirely  to  their  being  defcend- 
ed  from  the  Gael,  who  firll  left  the  original  feat  of  the  Celts,  and 
may  therefore  be  luppofed  to  have  bi'ought  along  with  theiil 
more  copious  and  accurate  documents  of  the  condition  and  ex- 
ploits of  their  anceftors.  The  Welfh,  however,  need  not  defpair 
ot  fpeedily  obliterating  all  difference  between  the  Irifh  and  them- 
felvfs,  in  thefe  refpects,  if  tiiey  continue  their  efforts  to  fhake  off^ 
Gothic  fcepticifm  with  as  much  perfevcrauce  and  fucceis  as  they 
have  exhibited  within  thefe  few  years. 

Though  the  Irifh  have  great  reafon  to  be  proud  of  General 
Vallancey,  the  Welfh  need  not  flirink  back  from  the  competition, 
while  they  have  to   boail   of  Mi    Davies,  who  feems  to  unite  the 

B  b   2  inventive 

*   Diodotus  Siculiis,   lib.  V.   p.  213.   edit.  H.  Scephan. 
t  Lately  publilhed  by  the  Rev.  P,  Roberts,  M,  A. 


Duvies^x  Celtic  Refearchef,  "July 

inventive  Imagination  of  a  poet  with  that  rare  t.ilent  of  dif- 
covering  refembiance  in  objects  the  moit  diffiinilar,  which  has 
been  confidered  ■as  the  charafteriilic  of  men  of  v/it.  Like  a 
.generous  rival,  Mr  Davies  indeed  acknowledges  that  he  is  in- 
debted to  the  General  for  many  of  his  illuilratlons  and  argu- 
ments :  But  he  is  by  no  means  a  fervile  imitator ;  and,  what  will 
furprife  thofe  who  have  read  the  m  orks  of  the  General,  he  has 
even  improved  upon  what  he  has  borrowed.  •  In  the  firft  part  of 
his  work,  he  prefents  us  with  '  flcetches  of  the  ilate  and  attain- 
ments of  primitive  fociety. '  On  this  fubject  he  has  contrived  to 
make  many  furprifmg  difcoveries.  According  to  him,  philo- 
fophers  arc  utterly  miilaken  in  fuppofing  man,  in  his  primitive 
ftate,  to  have  been  a  favage  :  On  the  contrary,  he  was  intimate- 
ly acquainted,  not  only  with  moll  branclv.^s  of  fcience,  but  alfo 
with  thofe  fimple  but  fublime  truths,  for  w^hich  we  ignorantly 
imagine  curfelvcs  indebted  to  the  feeble  and  degenerated  minds 
of  a  Bacon  and  a  Smith.  To  Adam,  or,  at  leall,  to  his  imme- 
diate antediluvian  defcendants,  the  benefits  of  the  divifion  of  la- 
bour, and  the  indu£live  philofophy,  were  intimately  known  : 
(p.  8.  9.)  The  fcale  of  harmonious  founds,  of  which  the  Greeks 
were  utterly  ignorant,  was  underftood  by  primitive  man,  and 
npplied  in  the  formation  of  the  moft  intricate  and  powerful  in- 
flruments.  But,  what  is  dill  more  extraordinary,  thefe  antedi- 
luvians did  not  purfue  the  modern  tardy  courfe  of  improvement', 
but  invented  at  lirft  all  that  was  moit  difficult  and  perfe£V,  and 
left  the  ealier  talk  of  deterioration  to  their  defcendants.  Stringe<l 
inllruments  were  known  to  them,  before  wind  inltruments  -,  and 
they  could  make  brafs,  before  they  could  prepare  iron.  Mr 
Davies  is  content  with  tracing  the  Celts  up  to  Gomer.  We 
would  advife  him,  in  the  next  edition  of  hfs  work,  to  carry  them 
into  the  antediluvian  ages,  and  to  adduce  thefe  inftances  of  a  re- 
trograde underflanding,  as  proofs  that  Celts  exiited  at  that  early 
period. 

Mr  Davies,  in  his  preface,  exprefles  *  the  deep  and  permanent 
obligation '  which  he  owes  to  the  Bench  of  BiOiops  colledtively. 
In  our  opinion,  he  has  amply  repaid  them,  by  having  proved,  as 
fatisfaflorily  at  lead  as  he  has  pro%'ed  any  other  of  his  pofitions, 
that  the  *  confecration  of  tithes  did  not  originate  in  the  Levitical 
law,'  (p.  17.)  -,  but  that  the  right  to  them  is  much  more  ancient, 
and  confequently  much  more  indifputable  and  facred.  He  even 
infmuates,  that  *  the  charge  alleged  againft  Cain  of  not  rightly 
dividing^  as  it  is  rendered  by  the  Seventy, '  is  bell  explained,  by 
fuppofing  that  it  alludes  to  fome  unfair  practices  of  his  in  the 
payment  of  his  tithes. 

There  is  nothing  new^  we  are  told,  under  the  fun  j  and  fome 

perfQna 


1.304.  DavIesV  Celtic  Refenrches,  [  3^^ 

perfons  have  extended  this  doftrlne  (o  f«r,  as  to  aflent,  that  mnids 
very  iimilar  to  thole  of  the  greateil  modern  philolbphers,  mud 
h.ave  exifted  in  the  ancient  world.  Mr  Davies  is  evidently  of 
this  opinion  •,  the  primitive  ages,  according  to  him,  had  their 
*  Liimxi  and  their  Buffons,'  (p.  19.) ;  and,  in  the  eleventh  chap- 
ter of  Leviticus,  he  finds  a  complete  fyftematic  arrangement  of 
quadrupeds  and  filhes. 

In  page  33.  the  geographicai  knowledge  of  Noah  is  detailed  : 
♦  The  very  idea  of  Noah's  dividing  th'^  land  amongft  his  defcendants, 
neceffarilv  prefuppofes  his  knowledge  of  the  land  that  was  to  be  fo 
divided.  He  mud  have  defcribed  the  feveral  itatep,  their  extent  and 
boundaries,  by  certain  nannes.  And  thefe,  in  general,  could  have  been 
no  other  than  the  nanvcs  by  which  the  fame  regi,ons,  rivers  and  moun- 
tains had  been  already  known  to  him,  and  confequently,  which  they 
had  borne  before  the  flood.  Thus  may  we  account  for  the  identity  of 
the  namas  of  feveral  ftreams  and  mountains  in  ancient  geography,  from 
India  to  Britain,  aad  from  the  Northern  Ocean  to  the  Middle  of 
Africa. ' 

We  are  furprifed  that  Mr  Davies  has  not  drawn  the  natural 
inferences  from  this  difcovery  ;  and  that  he  has  not  attributed 
the  invention  of  maps  to  the  antediluvians  ;  fince,  witJiout  thefe, 
Noah  could  not  have  made  his  defcriptions  fo  convenient  and 
luminous  as  he  might  have  done  with  their  afliltance.  Several 
other  inferences  might  be  drawn,  all  of  which  are  fo  congenial 
to  a  Celtic  underftanding,  that  we  wonder  how  they  could  have 
efcaped  Mr  Davies. 

As  our  author  has  made  in  fo  very  pi-obable  that  Noah  kept  a 
regular  and  full  journal  or  log-book  of  the  occurrences  that  took 
place  in  the  ark  (p.  43 — 45. )»  ■^'S  would  ftrongly  advife  him,  or 
Iiis  fellow-labourer  General  Vallancey,  who  has  already  been  io 
fuccefsful  in  recovering  Iriih  tree-alphabets,  to  make  diligent 
fearch  for  this  valuable  relic,  wliich  will  be  very  acceptable  to  all 
gfm.'ine  antiquarians,  and  particularly  ferviceable  to  Mr  Clarke  in 
the  compilation  of  his  '  Progrefs  of  Maritime  Difcovery. ' 

We  fliall  conclude  the  confideratlon  of  the  firft  part  of  Mr 
Davies's  work,  with  laying  before  our  readers  one  ot  tlie  molt 
notable  and  curious  difcoverles  which  it  contains. 

Babe!,  it  feems,  is  not  the  proper  or  original  name  of  that 
tower,  dui'ing  the  building  of  which  the  confufion  of  tongues 
(an  event  which  has  afforded  fo  iiiucli  delight  to  etymologifts, 
that  they  have  made  great  exertions  to  bring  it  about  a  fccond 
time)  is  recorded  to  have  taken  place.  Mr  Davies  deferves  great 
credit,  both  for  having  proved  that  Babel  is  not  *  a  play  on  the 
original  name,  or  at  ail  Iimilar  to  it,'  (p.  5S.)  ;  and  for  having 
'difcovered,  after  the  kipfe  of  50C0  years,  not  micrely  what  the 
tower  was  a£h>a!ly  called,  but  wh.it  the  builrlcrs  meant  to  have 
veiled  it,  provided  they  had  completed  it. 

B  b  ^.  *  The 


3901  DavlesV  Celtic  Refearcic:,  July 

*  The  children  of  men  faid,  Let  us  build  a  city,  and  a  tower,  and 
let  us  make  a  name  or  renown.  This  was  the  order  by  which  they 
afcended  the  climax  of  their  ambition  :  but,  when  they  bad  attained 
the  higheft  top,  they  muft,  from  thence,  iiave  named  their  city.  They 
mult  have  called  it  Shem,  the  name,  or  raioivn.  The  other  degrees 
would  naturally  be  fubjoined,  to  make  out  its  dcfcription.  Thus  it 
became  "  Renown,  the  City  of  the  Tower.  "    p.  58. 

Notvvithftanding  the  originality  of  theie  fpeculations,  u-e  mud 
confcfs  that  we  turn  away,  with  feelings  of  wearinefs,  from  the 
fail  pnrt  of  our  author'ti  performaoce.  The  objetts  on  which 
his  credulity  delights  to  dwell,  are  fo  little  varied,  and  fo  unin- 
terefting  ;  and  his  conje£tures  fo  little  fupported  by  argument, 
or  adorned  by  learning,  that  we  are  more  difpofed  to  lament  the 
weaknefs  of  the  human  underftanding,  than  to  be  amufed  with 
its  eccentricities. 

In  the  fecpnd  part,  he  treats  of  tlie  *  origin  of  the  Celtoe ; 
their  inftitution  ot  Druidifm  ;  and  their  pretenfion  to  the  know- 
ledge of  letters.'  (p.  117.)  Of  our  author's  ability  to  difcufs 
points  io  remote  and  obfcure,  and  on  which  men  of  real  learning 
have  either  been  filent,  or  delivered  their  opinions  with  diffidence, 
our  readers  may  judge,  by  one  fpecimen,  taken  from  his  account 
bf  times  better  known,  and  of  a  people  with  whofe  progrels  we 
are  comparatively  well  acquainted.  ■ 

*  The  SumatK  held  thefe  territories  (Germany)  before  the  agpran- 
clifement  of  Gothic  power  !  ' — »  It  is  not  pretended  that,  at  any  time, 
this  handful  of  men  (the  Venedi  or  Wendi)  penetrated  into  the  pof- 
ft.nions  of  the  Goths,  or  acquired  an  eflablilhment  by  vidlories.  ' — 
*  The  Sarmats  then,  or  Sclavonss,  were  thofe  whom  the  Goths  found 
in  the  land  of  Riphath,  or  the  eatlern  divifiou  of  ancient  Germany.  ' 
p.  125.  1  26- 

How  fuch  aflcrtions  could  have  been  made,  in  dire£l  oppofition 
to  every  authority  on  the  fubject,  we  are  altogether  unable  to 
comprehend. 

In  page  r43.  Mr  Davies  prefents  us  with  a  very  delectable 
Ipecimen  of  a  Celtic  cortimentary  on  Virgil. 

'  This  great  bard  was  borne  in  Cifnlpine  Gaul,  and  feems,  in  hia 
youth,  to  have  courted  the  Gaulijh  mufe,  till  he  found  that  fhc  would 
Bot  advance  his  fortune — a  very  unpoetical  ground  ot  dtfertion — 

— '  Galatssa  reliquit  : 

Namque  ; — fatebor  enim — dam  me  Galatasa  tenebat, 
Ncc  fpes  libertatis  erat,   nrc  cura  peculi. 

Galat'^ea  was  the  moilur  of  the  Celtae.       Appian.  Bell,  lllyr.  * 
No  mere   Gothic   reader,  we  will  venture   to  alTcrt,  ever  fuf- 
pe£ted  the  poet  to  be  fpeakiug  of  a  perfonage   fo  dignified  ;  nor 
is  it  very  eafy   to   perceive  how  '  the  mother  of  the  Celts'  and 
'  the  Gauliih  muie  '  fhould  be  one  and  the  fame  perfoa. 


i8C4.  "Dzv'xcl^s  Celtic 'Refearcha.  .591 

As  Mr  Davies  has  fuccecded  (o  well  in  this  attempt,  we  would 
recommend  to  him  to  extend  his  commentary  to  the  writings  of 
Ovid,  where  he  will  find  a  great  deal  more  about  Galatsa.  He 
who  can  find  Celtic  traditions  in  Virj;il,  will  have  a  noble  field 
for  the  exercife  of  his  fancy,  and  the  difpluy  of  his  credulity,  iu 
the  Metamorphofes  of  Ovid. 

In  page  146,  Mr  Davies  confiders  the  antiquities  found  at 
Stonhenge,  Abury,  and  other  parts  of  Britain,  «s  Druidical. 
As  this  opinion,  which  appears  to  us  to  rell  on  very  queilionable 
grounds,  has  been  very  generally  received  by  the  writers  of  this 
country,  it  may  be  worth  while  to  confider  the  authorities  and 
arguments  on  which  it  is  founded.  It  is  neceflary,  however,  to 
premife  fome  few  obfervations  on  the  origin  and  ancient  extent 
of  the  Druidical  fuperllition. 

No  writer,  we  believe,  has  ventured  to  offer  any  thing  more 
than  mere  conjeflure  refpedling  the  origin  of  Druidifm,  except 
Mr  Pinkerton.  To  him,  conjc£ture  was  almoft  entirely  unknown, 
fince  it  implied  ditlidence  and  modelly.  He  had  gained  credit 
for  refearch  and  learning  :  he  knew  the  impofing  eifed^s  of  a 
dogmatical  and  bold  affcrtion  :  and,  when  he  was  unable  to  find 
iht  very  few  materials  which  he  required  for  the  tabrication  of 
authority,  he  came  forward  with  his  own  oracular  and  fenten- 
tious  decifion :  '  Druidifm  was  palpably  Phoenician.'*  In 
proof  of  this  aflertion,  Mr  Pinkerton  refers  us,  in  a  note,  to 
the  68th  page  of  his  Difl'ertation  on  the  Goths ;  but  in  this  paf- 
fage,  inftead  of  fupporting  his  opinion  by  authorities,  he  merely 
amplifies  and  repeats  the  alfertion.  '  The  god  Baal,  Bel,  Bele- 
nus ;  the  tranfmigration  of  f-.uls  ;  the  cofmogony  and  theogony 
(of  the  Druids)  are  wholly  Phcenician.  '  As  not  a  fingle  author 
is  quoted,  we  are  at  a  lofs  to  difcover  where  Mr  Pinkerton  learn- 
ed all  this.  The  opinion,  we  believe,  is  fupported  by  no  writer 
but  Baxter,  Horfley,  or  Macpherfon :  and  to  them  we  can 
fcarcely  believe  he  would  refer  on  fuch  an  occafion,  when  we 
recolle6l  the  anathema  he  has  pronounced  againit  thofe  who  are 
guilty  of  '  blending  authors  of  the  firft  and  fixteenth  centuries, 
that  is,  authorities  with  no  authorities. '  f.  Till  Mr  Pinkerton 
brings  forward  the  evidence,  on  which  he  grounds  his  alTcrrions, 

B  b  4  that 

*   Pinkerton's  Enquiry,   1.   i  7. 

•f-  Enquiry,  I,  409.  Aufonius,  indeed,  mentions  Belenus  in  two 
paifages,  in  connexion  with  the  Druida  ;  bat  it  cannot  from  them  be 
inferred,  either  that  it  was  the  Belenus  of  the  Phcenicians,  or  even  that 
he  was  worfhipped  by  the  Druids.  Befides,  Aufonius,  A.  D.  379,  i» 
very  iiifufficieat  evidence  of  the  original  and  fure  religion  of  the 
Druids. 


392  DavicsV  Cleltic  Refearcheu  July 

that  the  tranfmigrr.tion  of  fouls  was  a  Phccnlcian  doclnne-r— and 
that  the  cofmogony  and  theogony  of  the  Druids  were  wholly 
Phoenician  ;  we  muft  be  excufed  for  not  taking  the  trouble  to 
prove  the  contrary.  We  have  been  too  frequently  difappointed 
in  fearching  for  thofe  authorities,  to  which  Mr  Pinkerton  ex- 
prefsly  refers,  not  to  be  more  than  ufual  fufpicious,  where  he 
does  not  preferve  even  the  form  of  reference.  So  completely 
fatisfied  is  this  author,  however,  of  the  truth  of  his  own  hypo- 
thefis,  that  he  is  obliging  enough  to  explain  the  whole  procefs 
of  the  matter,  and  to  inform  us  that  the  P'lfj^nicians  gave  our 
anceftors  their  religion  in  exchange  for  tin.  *  Druidil'm  was 
taught  by  the  Phoenicians  to  the  inhabitants  of  Cornwall,  where 
they  traded  for  tin.  '  *  But,  in  the  firlt  place,  though  it  is 
highly  probable  that  the  Phoenicians  were  acquainted  with  the 
main  land  of  Britain,  yet  we  have  no  evidence  that  this  was 
actually  the  cafe.  Herodotus,  Strabo,  Sec.  mention  only 
the  Caffiterides  as  having  been  vifited  by  the  Ph.oenicians. 
But,  independently  of  any  thing  elfe,  it  is  furely  fuihciently 
iniprobable,  that  a  few  traders,  intent  only  orj  gain,  and,  of 
courfe,  not  very  zealous  about  the  religion  of  their  native  land, 
ihould  take  the  trouble  of  eflabliOiing  any  fuperflitious  rites  a- 
r;;ong  the  barbarous  natives  of  Brit:tin.  Druidifm,  too,  with  its 
human  facrifices  and  gloomy  rites,  does  not  fecra  to  have  been 
i'uch  an  attractive  or  feducing  form  of  fuperdition  as  to  be  rea- 
dily introduced  into  a  country  by  the  occalional  intercourfe  of 
foreign  merchants  :  and,  what  appears  indeed  to  be  decifive  of 
the  queftion,  no  veftiges  of  this  faith  are  to  be  found  in  Spain, 
where  the  Phoenicians  firmly  eilabliOied  tJiemftlves,  and  built 
the  city  of  Cadiz  ;  and  where,  of  courfe,  it  is  inuch  more  pro- 
bable, that  they  would  be  difpofed  and  able  to  introduce  their 
ceremonies  and  belief. 

The  conjetlure,  that  the  Druidical  fuperflition  was  taught 
the  Gauls  by  Pythagoras,  reft-s  on  no  better  foundation  than 
the  opinion  of  Mr  Pinkerton.  The  Druids,  indeed,  coincided 
with  that  philofopher,  in  the  behef  of  a  tranfmigration  of  the 
foul ;  though  it  appears,  from  the  pracElical  ufe  which  they  made 
of  this  dextrine,  in  inciting  their  followers  to  a  contempt  of 
death,  and  to  the  practice  of  virtue,  that  they  differed  from  Py- 
thagoras, by  confining  the  tranfmigration  of  the  foul  to  human 
bodies,  f  But  the  coincidence  of  two  fuperllitions  in  a  point  like 
this,  certainly  airord?   a  very   vyeak  prefumption,  that   the   one 

was 

*    Enquiry,   I.  17. 

f  Keylltr.  Antiq.  Celtic,  p.  u6  1I7»  and  the  authors  qtioted  by 
hinic  ■' 


lg04»  Ti2iV\(is^S  Celtic  Refearchcs.  35^3 

was  borrowed  from  the  other.  If,  however,  we  fuppofe  this  to 
have  been  the  cafe,  we  fhould  rather  be  inclined  to  adopt  the 
opinion  advanced  by  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  and  Eufebius,  * 
that  Pythagoras  in  his  travels  went  into  Gaul,  and  there  learned 
the  dodrine  of  the  Meterapfichofis.  It  is  but  fair,  however,  to 
mention  that  there  is  a  pafiage  of  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  which 
feems  to  favour  the  Pythagorean  origin  of  the  Druids.  This  paf- 
fage  has  hitherto  obtained  lefs  attention  and  credit  than  it  de- 
ferves,  from  having  been  fuppofed  to  contain  only  the  opinion 
or  evidence  of  Marcellinus  himfeif,  who  lived  A.  D.  360,  when 
the  ceremonies  and  traditions  of  the  Druids  were  wearing  out: 
but  whoever  examines  the  context,  f  will  be  convinced,  that  Mar- 
cellinus derived  the  whole  of  the  information  which  he  gives  re- 
fpecting  the  Gauls,  from  TimageneSj  who  lived  in  the  time  of 
Auiiullus,  and  appears  to  have  been  a  diligent,  well-informed, 
and  learned  author.  The  paffage  to  which  we  allude,  is  the 
following:  '  Inter  hos  Druida:  ingenii  celfiores,  nt  autoritas  Py- 
ihogone  decrevit^  fudalitiis  adilricli  confortiis,  quxltionib'us  oc- 
cuitarum  rerum  altarumque  erefti  funt,  et  defpe£lantes  humana 
pronuntiar-unt  nnimas  immortales.  '  %  ^^  '^''^Y  ^^  doubted,  how- 
ever, whether  Timagcnes  did  not  intend  merely  to  point  out  a 
refemblance  between  the  Druids  and  Pythagoreans,  in  the  infti- 
tution  of  fraternities  ;  though,  certainly,  if  we  adhere  to  the 
obvious  meaning  of  the  words,  we  mud  conclude,  that,  at  leaft 
in  the  opinion  of  Timagenes,  the  Druids  acknowledged  the  au- 
thority of  Pythagoras. 

We  are  ignorant  of  the  reafon  which  has  led  antiquarians  to 
rejedf  or  to  overlook  the  opinion  which  is  ftated  by  Caefar  to 
have  been  generally  entertained,  in  his  time,  in  Gaul,  refpeft- 
ing  the  origin  of  Druidifm.     To  us,  it  appears  the  bell  fupport- 

ed, 

*  Clement.  Alexand.  Stromata,  lib.  VI,  &  Eufebii  Prsepar.  Evangel, 
lib.  X.  c.  2. 

f  Ambigentes  fuper  oriijine  prima  Gallorom  fcriptorcs  veteres,  noti- 
t;a!Ti  reliqiiere  negotii  femiplenam  :  fed  poftea  Timagenes  et  diligentia 
GriBCUs  et  lingua,  q'.iJE  din  fant  if^norata,  coliegit  ex  multiplicibus  li- 
bris  :  cujiis  {idem  fcqnuti  obfcuritate  dimota,  eadem  diitin<£le  doceblmus 
et  aperte.  Amm.  Marcell.  lib.  XV.  §  9.  edit.  Lugd,  1591. — For  the 
character  of  Timagenes,  fee  C^inC^ilian,  lib.  X.  c.  i.  and  Horace,  Epitf. 
lib.  I.  Epifl:.  19.  1.   15,  16. 

:}:  A  pyflhgf  oT  Cmilar  import  is  to  be  found  in  Diodorus  Siciilus, 
lib.  V.  p.  £12,  where  he  is  fpeaking  of  the  religion  of  the  Celts — r 
*  The  opinion  of  Pythagoras  prevails  among  tliem  (^tvi^vn  ttx^  avloig  a 
U-jB-uyo^a  Ao'/6,-)  that  the  fouls  of  men  are  immortal,  and  live  agflitl 
^fter  a  certain  period,  entering  into  differen-t  bodies.  ' 


394  Davies'j-  Celtic  Refearches.  July 

ed,  and  the  mod  probable  of  any  that  have  come  down  to  us  from 
antiqufty.  Csefar  evidently  took  confiderable  pains  to  learn  eve- 
ry particular  relative  to  the  Druids  ;  and  it  may  be  remarked  as 
a  proof  both  of  the  accuracy  and  extent  of  his  information,  that 
on  this  fubjeci,  as  well  as  on  many  others  which  he  firft  invefli- 
gated,  fubfequent  authors  have  done  little  more  than  tranfcribe 
his  accounts.  He  ftates  it  to  have  been  the  received  opinion  in 
Gaul,  that  Druidifm  originated  in  Britain  ;  and  the  fadl,  which 
he  exprefsly  mentions,  that  in  his  time  thofe  who  wilhed  to  be- 
come atlepts  in  its  myfteries,  commonly  went  to  Britain  for  that 
purpofe,  (Irengthens  the  traditionary  account  of  the  place  of  its 
origin.  *  If  it  be  true  that  Druidifm  originated  in  Britain,  the 
commonly  received  opinion,  that  it  is  Itridlly  and  abfolutely  a 
part  of  the  Celtic  religion,  will  be  greatly  weakened.  Since  it 
muft  have  begun  to  exift  long  after  the  Celts  had  left  their  ori- 
ginal feitlements,  it  mull  be  confidered  as  Britifli,  and  not  Cel- 
tic; and  it  w^ould  be  as  abfurd  to  extend  it  to  all  the  Celts,  be- 
caufe  It  originated  among  one  branch  of  them,  as  it  would  be  to 
expefl  to  find  the  inftitution  of  fecret  tribunals  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  among  the  Swedes,  as  well  as  among  the  Germans, 
merely  becaufe  they  are  both  Gothic  nations.  The  fuppofed 
neceffary  connexion  between  Celtic  population  and  Druidifm, 
has  prevented  antiquarians  from  examinitig  the  quellion,  refpe£l- 
ing  the  countries  in  which  it  can  a£fually  be  proved  to  have  ex- 
ifted,  with  clearnefs  and  impartiality. 

There  is  not  a  fingle  authority  for  the  cxiftence  of  Druidifm 
any  where,  but  in  Celtic  Gaul,  and  in  part  of  England.  The 
argument,  which  is  drawn  from  the  cxiftence  of  monumtnts  fup- 
pofed to  be  Druidical,  will  be  coniidered  afterwards  :  at  prefent, 
we  fhall  {late  the  fubftance  of  thofe  paffages,  from  the  ancient 
■writers,  on  which  we  ground  our  pofition.  Cicfar  exprefsly 
fays,  that  the  Druids  ufed  to  meet  annually,  on  the  borders  of 
the  territory  of  the  Carnutes,  which  was  confidered  the  middle 
of  all  Gaul.  .  Whoever  examines  the  pofition  of  this  territory, 
will  immediately  be  convinced,  that  Cxfar,  in  this  paflage,  uled 
the  term  Gaul  in  its  limited  and  fliidl  fenfe  ;  fince,  if  Aquita- 
nla  and  Beigic  Gaul  had  been  included,  the  territory  of  the  Car- 
nutes could  not  with  any  propriety  have  been  deemed  the  centre 
of  Gaul.  V/irh  regard  to  England,  Cxfar,  although  he  defcribes 
the  Druids  in  Gaul  fo  minutely,  and  mentions  the  received  opi- 
nion, that  their  inltitutions  had  originated  in  Britain,  and  were, 
even  in  his  time,  taught  there  with  more  ftriilnefs  and  purity 
than  in  Gaul,  yet  gives  not  the  leatl  hint,  that  while  he  was  la 

Britain, 

f  C-ocfar.  de  Bcllo  Galileo,  Kb.  VI.  p.  115.  edit.  Plant.  1616. 


»804.  DaviesV  Cehlc  Reftarchcs.  395 

Britain,  he  had  either  feen  any  Druids,  or  co]le£led  any  inform- 
ation concerning  them.  We  may  therefore  renfonably  con- 
clude, that  Druidifm  was  not  known  in  thofe  parts  of  13ritaia 
with  which  he  was  acquainted.  Pacitus  is  the  fir(l,  and,  we 
beheve,  the  only  author,  who  takes  notice  of  the  exiftence  of 
Druidifm  in  Britain.  Strabo,  Pomponius  Mela,  Pliny  *  and 
Solinus,  all  of  whom  fpeak  of  its  exiitence  in  Gaul  with  afto- 
ni(hment  and  abhorrence,  fcem  iiot  to  have  heard  of  any  part  of 
Britain,  in  which  it  prevailed.  The  Romans  appear  to  have  ad- 
vanced far  into  Wales,  before  they  met  with  it.  Tacitus,  in 
his  annals,  relates,  that  Suetonius  Paulinus  was  oppofcd  in  his 
attempt  on  Mona  (Anglcfey)  by  the  army  of  the  Britons  ;  and 
that,  after  he  had  defeated  them,  he  dedroved  the  facred  groves 
of  the  Druids.  No  mention  is  made  of  Druids  in  any  other 
part  of  Britain  j  though,  had  Agricola  coiledled  any  information 
refpedling  them,  or  met  wivh  any  traces  of  their  worftiip,  dur- 
ing his  expedition  into  Scotland,  we  cannot  fuppofe  that  Taci- 
tus would  have  neglected  to  notice  them,  in  his  life  of  that  ge- 
neral. As  the  druidical  fuperftiiions  were  fo  hngular  and  fey 
monftrous,  we  may  confider  ourfeives  juftified  in  regarding  the 
hlence  of  the  ancient  writers  refpeiling  them  as  a  fulficient 
proof  that  they  did  not  exilt  in  the  countries  which  they  de- 
fcribe,  f  If,  therefore,  we  are  to  (ix  the  boundaries  of  Druid- 
ifm ilritlly  according  to  the  notices  which  thefe  authors  afford 
us,  we  mull  coincide  in  opinion  with  Mr  Pinkerton,  that  '  there 
is  no  authority  at  all  for  druids  being  known,  beyond  prefent 
North  Wales  on  the  north,  and  the  river  Garonne,  the  bound 
of  the  Celta^  in  Gaul,  on  the  fouch.  A  line  drawn  by  the  Se- 
vern in  Britain  and  Seine  in  Gaul,  forms  the  eadern  bound, 
while  the  ocean  forms  the  weftern.  *  4: 

It  is  of  fome  confequence  to  afcertain,  by  the  fame  appeal 
to  authorities,  the  nature  of  the  places  in  which  the  Druids 
performed  their  religious  ceremonies;  fince  almoll  all  Celtic 
writers,  whenever  authorities  for  the  exiitence  of  Druidifm  in 

any 

*  Pliny,  however,  fpeaks  of  Britain  as  fo  entirely  devoted  to  magic 
in  his  time,  as  to  feem  to  have  inftruft^-'d  the  Perfians  ;  but  his  expref- 
fions  are  fo  vague  and  general,  that  they  cannot  relate  to  Druidifm  ex- 
clufively.      Plin.  Nat.  Hift.  lib.  XXX.  c.  1. 

f  Pliny  and  Suetonius  relate  that  Tiberius  forbad  or  aboliflred  Druid- 
ifm among  the  Gauls:  and  the  former  author  conOders  mankind  as 
greatly  indebted  to  the  Romans,  for  having;  put  an  end  to  fuc'i  a  mon- 
itrous  and  cruel  fuperllition.  Plin.  lib.  XXX.  c.  !,  Sueton,  Tiberius, 
p.  544,  edit.  Schildii. 

I  Pinkerton's  Enquiry,  I.  406, 


556  Davles'j-  Celtic  Refearckts.  July 

iny  country,  which  they  deem  Celtic,  are  not  to  be   found,  ap- 
peal to  the  done   monuments,  which,  they   fay,  are  to  be   dif- 
covered  exclufively  in  countries  formerly  inhabited   by  the  Celts. 
Or,  on  the  other  hand,  afluming  it  as  a  fad,  that  all   the  Cehse 
were  druidical,  they  regard  thefe  remnins  of  antiquity  as  a  fufficient 
indication  that  the  country  in  which  they  are  found  was  formerly 
the  feat  of  a  Celtic  population.     All  the  parts  of  this  argument 
are  affumed.    But  even  if  we  allow  the  truth  of  both  the  circum- 
ftances  upon  which  it  is  founded,  viz.  that  all   the  Celtic    were 
druidical,  and  that  the  Druids  ercfted  enormous   (lone   temples 
or  altars,  ftill  it  by  no  means  follows  that  the  countries  in  which 
thefe  exift  were  formerly  druidical,  or  even  Celtic.     Stone   mo- 
numents, nearly   fimilar   in   form,   and   equal   in   magnitude   to 
thofe  which  are  faid  to  be  the  moft   unequivocally  druidical,  are 
found   in   countries   into  which,   according  to  the  opinion  of  all 
antiquarians,  the  Celts  never  penetrated.     In  many  parts  of  the 
north  of  Germany,  in  the  ifland  of  Zealand,  and  in  Iceland,  the 
(tone  monuments  are  fnnilar   in   form,  and    feem   to  have   been 
ere£led  for  the  fame  purpofe  with  thofe  in  Britain  and  France.  * 
Indeed,  it  is  well  known  that  the   courts   of  judicature,  as  well 
as  the  altars  of  the  Gothic  nations,  were  formed  of  huge  ftones; 
and   confequently,   it  would   be  extremely  difilcult  to  diftinguiih 
Celtic   monuments   from   thofe   of  Gothic   origin,   in   countries 
where  both  had  fettled,  even  if  it  could  be  (liownthat  the  Celte 
did  eredl  fuch  monuments,  for  the  purpofes  either  of  judicature 
or  religion.    MrDavies,  however,  and  thofe  who  contend  for  the 
Celtic  origin  of  thefe  remains,  bring  the  queftion  within    much 
,  narrower  limits.     Inllead  of  contending,  generally,  that   thefe 
'  monuments   are  Celtic,  without   fpecifying   for   what   particular 
purpofe  they  were  originally  raifed,  they  uniformly  and  pofitively 
attribute   them   to  the  Druids,  and   confider   them   as   religious 
edihces.     As  moft   of  thefe   monuments   are   fingular   both   for 
their  fize  and  ftrudure,  and  totally  unlilce  thofe  that  are  to   be 
found  in  nations  as  favage  as  the  Britons  were  when  difcovered 
by  the  Romans,  it  is  natural   to   expect   that   they   would   have 
been  noticed,  at  leaft,  by  fome  of  the  ancient  authors  who  treat 
of  the  Britons,  efpecialiy  when  we  reflect  on  the  contrail  which 
they  muft  have  formed  with  the  mlferable  caves  and  huts  of  the 
natives.     But  the  inference  from  the  fdence  of  ancient  wruers  is 
.-iecifive,  on  the  fuppofition  that  thefe  monuments  are   druidical. 
C^itifar,  Lucan,  Pliny,  and  Mela,  defcribe  the  rites  and  facrifices 
of  the   Druids  :  f  they   particularly   mention   the   facred   grove, 

and 

*   Keyfler,  p.  i — 12. 

t  Ca-far  de    Bell,  Gall.    lib.  VI.    p.  1 15.      Lucan,    riiarfal.    lilj,  I, 
I  450—462.     Pliny,  lib.  XVI.  c.  44.     Mela,  Hb.  ill.   c  2. 


S8,04.  Davies'j  Celtic  Refearchet^  297 

and  the  veneration  that  was  paid  to  the  mifletoe  of  the  o:lk ;  but 
are  entirely  fiicnt  refpe£ling  any  temple  or  altar  of  Hone.  Indeed, 
the  manner  in  which  they  fpeak  of  the  druidical  grove,  proves  it 
to  have  been  ufed  for  the  fame  purpofe  as  temples  are  :  it  waj 
not  only  a  place  of  aflembly,  but  of  facrifice :  in  it  were  per- 
formed all  their  religious  ceremonies.  Tacitus,  in  his  account 
of  the  deftruclion  of  the  feat  of  druidical  fuperftition  in  the  ifle 
of  Anglefey,  informs  us,  that  the  groves  facred  to  their  cruel 
rites  were  cut  down.  *  As  it  evidently  appears  to  have  been  the 
intention  of  Suetonius  Paulinus  to  exterminate,  if  polhble,  the 
religion  of  the  Druids,  or  at  lead  to  prevent  them  from  con- 
tinuing to  offer  up  human  viclims  i  certainly,  if  temples  had 
formed  any  part  of  their  inftitutions,  he  would  have  deltroyed 
them,  as  well  as  cut  down  the  groves.  No  mention,  how- 
ever, is  made  of  them  by  Tacitus ;  and  if  they  did  not  esift  in 
Anglefey,  which  is  known  to  have  been  one  of  the  mod  cele- 
brated and  folemn  feats  of  druidifm,  it  is  by  no  means  probable 
that  they  were  ufed  in  any  other  part  of  Britain.  Befides,  the 
vt!ry  nature  of  their  reprefentations  of  the  gods,  and  many  parts 
of  their  ceremonies,  would  render  unnecelTary  or  ufeiefs  any- 
permanent  or  extenfive  buildings  of  ftone.  Maximus  Tyrius 
informs  us,  that  their  only  fymbol  of  Jupiter  was  a  tall  oakjf 
and  Strabo  defcribes  the  druids  as  either  burning  their  human 
viclims  furrounded  with  hay,  or  failcning  them  to  trees,  and 
then  piercing  tliem  with  arrows.  The  veneration  which  the 
religion  of  the  druids  infplred  for  trees,  efpecially  for  the  oak, 
diftinguilhed  it  from  moit  others;  and  as  they  both  worfhipped 
thefe  trees,  and  immolated  their  victims  upon  them,  it  is  not  to 
be  fuppofed  that  they  would  eredl  either  temples  or  altars. 

As  all  antiquarians  arc  agreed,  that  a  grove  was  indifpenfably 
neceflary  to  the  performance  of  the  druidical  rites,  we  may  con- 
clude that  Stonehenge,  which  is  fituatcd  hi  a  plain,  where  there  is 
every  rcafon  to  fuppofe  very  few  irect)  ever  grew,  was  not  erecled 
by  the  Druids,  at  leafl  for  the  purpofes  of  religion.  With  re- 
gard to  many  other  ftones,  generally  efteemcd  druidical,  fome, 
fuch  as  the  Logan  or  rocking  Hones,  are  evidently  not  the  v/ork 
of  art ;  and  othets  are  met  with  in  countries  fo  diltant  and  difli- 
milar  in  their  ancient  manners  and  religion,  that  it  feems  molt 
rational  to  afcribe  them  rather  to  the  defign  or  caprice  of  indi- 
viduals, than  to  any  comrtion  and  permanent  motive.  This  in- 
ference, at  leaft,  we  are  julliiied  iu  drawing,  that  Druidifm  is 
not  to  be  traced  by  the  velliges  of  its  temples  or  altars,  fnice 

every" 

*   Taciti  Anna),    lib.  XIV.    c  30, 
t  Maximus  Tyrius,   Differt.  ^3. 


39^  Bavies'j  Celtk  Refearchs,  July 

every  authority  and  probability  is  againfl  the  fuppofition  that  the 
Druids  made  any  ufc  of  ilone  buildings. 

We  now  return  to  Mr  D.ivies.  — In  page  173.  we  meet  with 
the  folution  of  a  difficulty  which  has  frequently  perplexed  us  in 
perufing  the  writings  of  the  modern  Celts.  It  has  always  oc- 
curred to  us,  that  the  difcriminating'and  generic  qualities  of  the 
ancient  Celts  ought  to  have  been  almoll  entirely  worn  out,  by 
the  lapfe  of  yiars,  and  the  admixture  with  Gothic  nations.  We 
were,  therefore,  unable  to  account  for  the  ilrongly  marked  cha- 
ratler  of  almoit  all  their  modern  productions.  Whenever  they 
touched  on  the  fubjetl  of  their  defccnt,  or  antiquities,  common 
fenfe  appeared  to  defert  them  :  They  faw,  and  heard,  and  be- 
lieved, what  had  no  exigence  to  any  but  themfelves.  Now,  Mr 
Davies  f^uisfadtorily  accounts  for  this  ftrange  phenomenon. 
There  is  an  excavation,  it  icems,  rerembiing  a  couch,  on  the  very 
fummit  ol  Cader  Iclris,  which  was  formerly  the  obfervatory  of 
Idris,  the  giant  and  ailronomer  :  *  Whoever  refls  a  night  in  that 
feat,  will  be  found  in  the  morning,  eiiher  dead,  raving-mad,  or 
endued  with  fupt rnatural  genius. '  We  now  fee  clearly  by  what 
means  the  modern  Celts  have  preferved  the  intelieClual  charac- 
ter of  their  anccftors  fo  entire  :  Whenever  it  is  likely  to  become 
tainted  with  Gothic  prejudice,  a  night's  lodging  in  the  couch  of 
their  great  anceitor  rcilores  its  original  purity.  We  do  not  know 
whether  any  have  been  found  dead  in  the  chair  of  Idris  ;  nor  do 
we  recoUecl  to  have  heard  any  inltance  in  which  it  has  beftowed 
fupernatural  genius :  yet,  we  believe  that  many  have  made  trial 
of  it,  and  have  experienced  its  efficacy. 

The  theory  of  the  formation  of  language  has  eluded  the  fa- 
gacity  and  learning  of  philofophers  :  but  to  Mr  Davies,  it  is  ex- 
ceedincjly  ilmplc  and  plain. 

*  We  pvdy,  therefore,  contemplate  primitive  man,  as  prompted  by 
the  innate  pnddoction  of  talle  for  fecial  enjoyments,  to  detain,  in  his 
company,  thoie  hving  creatures,  which  had  already  received  their  be- 
ing. To  alLiaft  their  notice,  and  concihate  their  good  will,  he  ad- 
drefled  himlclf  to  tliem,  feverally,  by  defcriptivc  geftures.  Thefe  cflForts 
called  forth  the  hitherto  latent  po\\'ers  of  his  nature.  The  organs  of 
fpeech  moved  in  unifon,  and  produced  their  correfp(;nding  articulations, 
unlcfs  where  this  exertion  was  faved  by  a  fimple  repetition  of  the  voices 
wl.ich  they  uttered  :  and  thus  it  was,  that  the  names  of  the  familiar 
objefts  were  acquired,  and  the  folid  ground-work  of  human  language 
laid  upon  the  ba^s  of  naturrd  principles, '     p.  377.  378. 

'  Let  us  put  the  cafe,  that  Adam  the  firlt  man  would  inform  hns 
new-created  bride  of  the  elephant.  The  charafter,  which  he  had  al- 
ready defcribed  in  this  animal,  in  the  aft  of  naming  him,  was  probably 
his  enormous  bulk.  This  defcription  he  is  now  to  repeat.  Being  an 
inexpert   orator,    he    would    not  trull  entirely  and  exchifively  to   the 

•  powers 


I§d4'  Bavles'x  Celtic  ReparcheS,  399 

powers  of  his  voice  ;  his  arms  would  be  elevated,  and  fpread  abroad— 
in  order  to  intimate  the  comprehcnfion  of  gigantic  fpace.  This  de- 
fcriptive  gcllurc  would  be  aided  by  an  immediate  and  fpontaneous  in- 
flation of  his  cheeks,  till  his  breath  would  find  a  pafTage  through  his 
noflrils.  This  natural  dcfcription  of  a  huge  bulk  would  produce  the 
found  B — M ;  and  that  found,  rendered  articulate  by  the  intervention 
of  a  vowel,  would  defcribe  bidkinefs,  *  and  might  be  appropriated  moft 
happily  to  the  elephant,  or  great  beaft.  '     p.  382.  383. 

In  a  fimilar  manner,  Mr  Davies  explains  the  origin  of  the  pri- 
mitive names,  by  which  Adam  exprelTed  to  Eve  the  horfe,  cow, 
fheep  and  dove.  Soos^  the  Hebrew  name  of  the  horfe,  is  formed 
by  a  *  fudden  hiding  efFufion  of  his  breath  : '  An  imitation  of  the 
voices  of  the  cow  and  ft^eep,  gives  them  their  refpective  names, 
moo  and  bn. 

*  He  may  have  defcribed  the  dove  by  /lutlering  his  hand,  fo  as  to 
intimate  the  adl  of  the  wing  in  flight,  and  by  repeating  the  fyllable 
toor  toor.  He  now  walks  fortli,  accompanied  by  the  mother  of  man- 
kind. The  elephant  prefents  his  enormous  bulk  ;  the  horfe  flies  over 
the  field ;  t|ie  /vw,  and  the  y3cr,  are  foon  and  readily  diftinguiflied. 
They  are  faluted  by  the  coiv,  the  j^je  p,  and  the  -^uve  ;  the  mr,Oy  the 
ba,  and  the  toor,  are  immediately  recognized.  How  great  mull  have 
been  their  joy,  to  find  themfelves  in  pofTeliion   of  a  iocial  language  !  * 

P-  383- 

With  tliis  fublime  pafllige  we  take  our  leave  of  Mr  Davies,  of 
whom  mod  of  our  readers  will  probably  think  they  have  now 
heard  more  than  enough. 

Art.  XI.  y^n  Inquiry  conrermng  the  Nature  of  Heat,  an  I  the  mode  of 
its  Communication.  By  Benjamin  Count  of  Rumford,  V.  P.  R.  S.,  &c. 
pp.   105.      From  Phil.  Tranf.  for  1804.      Part  I. 

HPhe  labours  of  this  indefatigable  experimentalifl  have  unquef- 
^  tionably  rendered  feme  fervice  to  fcience,  by  iliiking  out 
new  paths  of  obfervatioa  which  forced  themfelves  upon  his 
view,  in  the  courfe  of  his  random  and  mifcellaneous  trials.  He 
has  alfo  evinced  fome  fagacity,  and  much  ingenuity,  in  apply- 
ing his  experiments  to  practical  ufes,  infomuch  thar,  although 
his  theoretical  conclufions  are  generally  unhappy^  his  corollarie'? 
being  derived  from  his  obfervations  of  facf,  and  not  from  hij 
fpeculative  inferences,  may  generally  be  relied  on,  and  have  of- 
ten contributed  much  afliftanee  to  the  ufeful  arts  of  common 
life.  We  profefs  to  be  of  the  daily  increaiing  number  of  thofe 
who  do  not  think  very  highly  of  Count  Rumford^s  talents  as  a 
philofopher ;  and  if  our  former  prepolleflion  required  any  con- 
firmation 

*  Mr  Davies  may  find  a  curious  inllance  of  the  lingular  aptituJ_-  of 
this  radical  to  exprefs  bulkinefs,  in  the  Meafure  for  Jvleafure  gf  Shake* 
fpeare,  Aft  11.  Scene  IV. 


400  Count- 'R.MmioxA  on  the  Nature  of  Heat.  July 

firmation  (which  it  certainly  did  not),  he  has  taken  very  great 
pains,  in  the  elaborate  performance  now  before  us,  to  lupply  a 
variety  of  new  proofs.  This  ii)quiry  deftrves  cur  ferious  atten- 
tion in  many  points  of  view:  The  exatft  coincidence  of  the 
only  valuable  and  original  matter  which  it  contains,  witji  tlie 
late  curious  and  unexpected  experiments  of  Mr  L-fiie,  throw's 
a  fufpicion  upon  ohe  or  other  of  thcfe  authors  wliich  the  public 
have  a  right  to  fee  removed. 

The  merits  of  Count   Rumford,  too,  have   been   fo   much   a 

'theme  of  converfation,  and  have  had  fuch  an  aclive  inlluence  in 
the  fafhionable  world  of  fcience,  that  it  is  proper  his  pretenfions 
fhould  at  length  be  fifted.  But,  above  all,  a  paper  filled  with 
theoretical  matter,  abouncHng  in  pulfcs,  vibrations,  internal  mo- 
tions, and  e:thereal  fluids,  deferves  to  be  expofed  ;  the  more,  be- 
caufe  thcfe  chimeras  are  mingled  with  a  portion  of  indudlion, 
and  have  received  the  ill-deferved  honour  of  a  place  in  the  Phi- 
iofophical  Tranfaiftions.  We  fliall,  tliereforc,  enter  pretty  fully 
into  the  fubjecl  of  this  inquiry,  and  are  not  without  hopes  that 
both  Count  Rumford  and  the  public  may  be  benefited  by  the 
difcufhon. 

•  We  fhall  confider  this  paper  under  Its  two  obvious  divifions — 
the  original  experiments  which  it  contains,  and  the  theories  in 
■which  thefe  are  involved. 

1.  It  is  by  no  means  our  intcntinn  to  arjjue  aj^jainll  the  origin- 
ality of  Count  Rumford,  or  of  Mr  Lellie,  from  the  circuni- 
ilance  of  their  coincidence  in  Tome  minute  particulars.  Each 
of  thefe  writers  begins  with  Itating  the  necelhty  of  previouily 
defcribing  his  apparatus  ;  and  not  only  do  the  chief  parts  of  the 
machinery  tally,  but  we  hnd  them  both  hitting,  at  the  outfet,  on 
the  fame  important  experiment,  and  then  defcribing  the  eiTciSls 
of  this  occurrence  in  opening  a  wide  held  of  new  refearch,  and 
the  eagernefs  with  \\hich  they  entered  this  held.  Such  particu- 
lars, we  are  fenhble,  may  conftitute  merely  an  accidental  coin- 
cidence ;  aad  had  the  hmilarity  of  the  two  inquiries  gone  no 
farther,  we  certainly  fhould  not  have  made  the  remark.  But  if 
we  were  to  ftate  the  opinion  with  which  a  review  of  tiie  whole 
work   has  imprelled  us,  we  fliould  fay  that  Count  Rumford  had 

■^orrowd'^  Mr  Leflic's  leading  difcovery,  without  completely  un- 
derftanding  its  nature  and  extent  ;  that  he  had  purfucd  it  ini- 
perfe£lly,  and  fo  mixed  it  up  with  error  and  fancii'ul  theory,  as 
to  disfigure  it,  and  almoft  prevent  one  from  recognizing  the 
property.  The  fame  inference  will  probably  occur  to  fuch  of 
our  readers  as  attend  to  the  following  details  ;  a|^i  we  hope  to 
make  u  flill  more  obvious  in  our  review  of  Mr  Leilic's  v/ork. 
The  apparatus  at  firll  employed  by  Count  Rumford,  confifhed 

.cf  fevexai,  very  delicate  and  accurate  tnercurial  thermometers, 

•witli 


j8o4.  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Heat.  40I' 

with  long  cylindrical   bulbs,    inferted  in  cylinders  of  fteel  or 
brafs,  to  the  whole  extent  of  the  bulb.     Thefe  cylinders  were 
fjlled  with  hot  water,  and  coated  on  the  outfide  with  various 
:hin  fubflances.     The  cooling  of  the  water  was  obferved  by  the 
linking   of   the  mercury,    and   noted   down   at   different  times. 
The  ends  of  the  cylinders  were  fometimes  defended  by  various 
bad  conductors  of  heat,  as  eider-down,  varnifh,  &c.  ;  and  firlt, 
k  was  afcertained  by  various  trials,  that  the  defcent  of  the  ther- 
mometer through  any  given  fmall  number  of  degrees,  was   per- 
formed in  equal  times,  at  all  heights  and  all  temperatures  of  the 
atmofphere,  provided  the  heights  were  equally  above  the  tem- 
perature of  the  atmofphere.     The  interval  he  generally  chofe, 
was  that  between  the  fiftieth  and  the  fortieth  of  Fahrenheit  above 
the  temperature  of  the  atmofphere.     Although  he  generally  was 
able  to  note  the  defcent  at  fmall   intervals,  yet,  for   the  fake   of 
continuity,  our  author  obferves  that  he  *  endeavoured  to  invefti- 
gate  the  law  of  the  cooling  of  hot  bodies  in   a  cold  fluid   me- 
dium, *  and  *  found  reafon  to  conclude  that  a  logarithmic   will 
liave  its  ordinates  proportional  to  the  degrees  of  the  thermome- 
ter, the   abfciffa  being  taken  proportional  to  the  times. '     He 
had,  indeed,  good  reafon  to  draw  this  conclufion  •,  for  Sir  Ifaac 
Newton  and  Brook  Taylor,  luckily  for  Count  Rumford,  long 
ago  inveftigated  this  very   law,  and  recorded  the   refult   in   the 
earlier  numbers   of  the  Philpfophical  Tranfadlions,  where   our 
author  probably  found  it,  and  thus  may  be  faid  to  have  difcover- 
cd  it.     This,  however,  was  the  general  rationale  of  the  experi- 
ments firft  performed :    we  proceed  to  the  refults  of  the  trials 
themfelves. 

One  of  the  cylinders,  prepared  and  filled  as  above,  being 
coated  with  thin  Irifh  linen,  and  the  other  expofed  to  the  air, 
bright  and  poliilied,  without  any  coating,  the  times  of  cooling 
were  repeatedly  noted.  The  covered  velTel  cooled  from  94°  to 
84"  in  36-^  minutes—the  uncovered  in  5*5  minutes.  Both  hav-. 
tng  at  laft  cooled  nearly  to  the  heat  of  the  atmofphere,  they 
were  removed  into  a  warmer  room,  and  the  covered  inflrument 
received  heat  confiderably  fafter  than  the  naked  one.  In  cafe 
the  linen  might  produce  this  effe£V  by  preventing  the  adhefioa 
of  the  air  to  the  vefTel,  the  experiment  was  repeated  with  coat- 
ings of  glue  and  of  fpirit  vaniifli,  with  the  fame  refults  ;  only, 
that  beyond  a  certain  number  of  coatings  the  pafTage  of  heat 
was  not  accelerated.  For  the  coating  of  varnifli,  black  and  white^ 
fize  paint  were  fubflituted,  and  then  the  tarnifh  of  a  candle- 
flame,  with  the  fame  effe£t.  Our  author  computes,  by  an  eafy 
calculation,  the  quantity  of  heat  which  paffes  through  the  fides 
of  the  inilrument,  that  is,  through. the  parts  compared  together; 
yo^.  IV.  NO-  8.  C  g  and 


j^p2  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Heat,  July 

and,  reducing  the  whole  of  the  refults  to  one  ftandard,  It  ap- 
pears th^t  the  velocity  with  which  the  heat  pafled  through  the 
polilhed  furface,  is  to  the  velocity  with  which  it  pafled  through 
the  fame  furface  covered  with  four  coats  of  fpirit  varnifti,  as 
4,566  to  iQjOoo,  (for  this  is  evidently  the  proportion,  though 
cur  autlior  leverfes  it  by  mi^ake  in  p.  101.);  and  that  the  velo- 
city of  its  pal7"age  through  tiie  plain  metal  is  to  the  velocity  of 
it>  p<iiT";ge  throuji^h  the  metal  tarniflied  with  fmoke,  as  5,654  to 
10,000.  The  coating  of  fmoke  which  produces  fo  great  a  dif- 
ference cannot  poffibly  be  more  than  -jVoo  of  an  inch  in  thitk- 
nefs. 

Now,  we  are  foTcibly  ftruck,  we  acknowledge,  with  the  exaft 
c'oincid<-nce  between  all  thefe  curious  experiments,  and  thofe  of 
Mr  Leilie,  as  detail'^d  in  the  fixtecnth  chapter  of  his  Inquiry 
i-nto  the  Nature  and  Propagation  of  Heat.  The  fame  feries  of 
obfervations  upon  the  couiing  of  hot  water  through  plain  and 
coated  veiTels — the  fame  fort  of  calculatious,  though  certainly  much 
better  inlVituted — ^the  fame  obfervation  of  an  uniform  increafe 
of  cooling  or  heating,  by  coats  of  ifinglafs  and  lampblack,  form 
the  prominent  features  of  both  inductions.  Mr  Leflic's  experi" 
ments,  however,  are  more  various  a'^d  maflerly  ;  his  mathema- 
tical illuftrations  and  proofs  are  much  more  fkilful;  and,  though 
we  are  not  prepared,  in  this  place,  to  examine  the  truth  of  his 
remote  theoretical  deductions,  we  are  fatisfie.d  with  the  accuracy 
of  his  intermediate  refults,  which  far  exceed  thofe  of  Count 
Rumford  in  their  number  and  generality.  The  next  part  of  the 
inquijy  now  before  us,  is,  however,  llill  more  ftriking,  from 
its  coincidence  with  Mr  Leflle,  to  whom  the  author  has  not 
been  able  to  conceal  his  obligations,  although  he  has  certainly 
abflaincd  from  acknowledging  them. 

He  commences  his  next  courfe  of  experiments  with  ftating, 
that  he  found  it  neceffary 

— *  to  contrive  an  inftrunient  for  meafuring,  or  rather  for  difcovering 
thofe  very  fmall  changes  of  temperature  in  bodies,  which  are  occafioned 
by  the  radiations  of  other  neighbouring  bodies  which  happen  to  be  at 
a  hi3;her  or  at  a  lower  temperature. '     p.  101. 

This,  too,  is  the  precife  obje£l:  of  Mr  Leflie's  differential  ther- 
mometer i  and,  how  far  the  fame  end  has  been  attained  by  fimi- 
Jar  means  in  the  two  cafes,  let  the  following  moft  fingular  paf- 
fage  determine. 

*  This  inftrument '  (fays  Count  Rumford)  *  which  I  fliall  take  the  li- 
berty to  call  a  thermofcopty  is  very  fimple  In  its  conftruftion.  Like  the 
hydrometer  of  Mr  LeJIie  (zs  he  has  c\\o(en  to  call  his  inftrument)  it  Is 
compofed  of  two  glafs  balls,  attached  to  the  two  ends  of  a  bent  glafs 
tube  ;  but  the  balls,  inftead  of  being  near  together,  are  placed  at  a 
<!Kmfi4€i^»)»l«  difUnce  kom,  eacb.  Qther ;  aod  the  tub«  v«rhich  connef^s 

them, 


1 804.  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Meat.  4C5 

tliem,  inflead  of  beings  bent  in  its  middle,  and  its  two  extremities  turn- 
ed upwards,  is  quite  ftraipht  in  the  middle;  and  its  two  extremities, 
to  which  its  two  balls  are  attached,  are  turned  perpendiculatly  upwarda, 
{a  as  to  form  each  a  ritrht  angle  with  the  middle  part  oi  the  tube,  which 
remains  in  a  horizontal  pofition. ' 

*  At  one  of  the  elbows  of  this  tube  '  (continues  our  author)  '  there 
is  inferted  a  fhort  tube  of  nearly  the  fame  diameter,  by  mears  of  which 
a  very  fmall  quantity  of  fpirit  of  wine,  tinged  of  a  red  colour,  is  in* 
troduced  into  the  inftrument  ;  and  after  this  is  done,  the  end  of  thia 
fhort  tube  (which  is  only  about  an  inch  long)  is  fealed  hermetically; 
and  all  communication  is  cut  off  between  the  air  in  the  balls  of  the  in- 
ftrument and  In  its  tube,  and  the  external  air  of  the  atmofphere. ' 

He  then  goes  on  to  explain  the  application  of  this  inftrument, 
by  palling  a  portion  of  the  liquid  into  the  horizontal  tube,  and 
allowing  it  to  remain  at  the  middle  joint,  in  which  pofition  it 
muft  continue,  while  the  temperature  of  the  air  in  the  balls, 
and  confequently  their  elufticlty,  is  equal.  But  if  bodies  radiat- 
ing unequal  degrees  of  heat  be  expofed  to  the  balls,  or  if  one 
ball  be  expofed  to  a  hot  body,  and  the  other  defended  from  it, 
then  the  liquor  will  recede  from  the  ball  expofed  to  the  greateft 
elevation  of  temperature  ;  and  if  a  cold  body  he  applied  to  one 
ball,  the  other  being  defended  from  its  influence,  the  liquor 
will  move  towards  this  ball,  fo  expofed.  All  this  he  illuftrates 
by  a  figure,  and  by  various  explanations.  We  have  defcribed  it 
fufhcientiy,  to  prove  that  the  t her mof cope  \^  exadlly  MrLeflie's  ele- 
gant inftrument,  denominated  by  him,  not  a  hygrometer,  as 
Count  Rumford  is  pleafed  to  fay,  but  a  differential  thermometer. 
According  to  the  Count's  own  ftatement,  he  borrows  tlie  whole 
idea  from  that  gentleman  j  yet,  with  an  ardour  for  difcoveries 
not  quite  fcientific,  he  talks  of  it  as  his  own  contrivance,  and, 
with  his  accuftomed  love  of  nomenclature,  he  gives  it  a  new- 
appellation.  The  changes  which  he  makes  upon  the  ftru£lure, 
are  utterly  unconnected  with  the  th-ory  of  the  inilrument ;  but 
it  muft  be  remarked  that  they  impede  the  performance  of  the 
experiment.  The  figure  of  the  tube  is  both  incommodious,  and 
lefs  adapted  to  the  eafy  paflage  of  the  fluids  ;  while  the  mode  of 
introducing  the  liquid  by  a  feparate  tube  is  extremely  clumfy, 
and  in  every  way  worfe  contrived  than  Mr  Leflic's  method. 
The  ufe  and  operation,  as  well  as  the  whole  that  is  worth  any 
thing  in  the  Count's  thermofcope,  is  precifely  Mr  Leflie's,  to 
which  he  thinks  fit  to  fay,  he  has  invented  one  •  like.  *  Indeed, 
Mr  Lefiie  had  publifhed  a  defcription  of  his  beautiful  contri- 
vance in  feveral  parts  of  NicoHon's  Journal  for  the  year  1800; 
and  every  chemift  was  acquainted  both  with  that  general  form 
of  the  inftrument,  and  with  its  application  to  the  purpofes  of  a 
photometer,  long  before  the  year  1803,  when  Count  Rumford's 

C  c  2  experiments 


■404  -Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  H^ai.  Jtily 

experiments  were  made.  As  to  what  regards  Mr  Leflle's  pecu- 
liar claims  to  priority,  it  is  fufHcient  to  remark,  in  juftice  to  him, 
that  the  whole  of  his  book  was  printed  before  the  Count's  paper 
was  communicated  to  the  Royal  Society ;  that  the  experiments 
were  performed  in  1801,  whereas  the  Count  only  began  to  ope- 
rate in  1803  ;  and  that,  in  i8c2,  Mr  Leflie's  tirft  chapters  were 
all  printed  off.  Thefe  circumUances,  which  are  partly  dated  in 
the  preface,  before  the  prefent  patt  of  the  Philofopbicnl  Tranf- 
a£lions  appeared,  and  partly  appear  from  comparing  the  dates 
of  the  two  works,  throw  the  wiiole  fiifpicion,  in  our  mind, 
upon  Count  Rumford,  and  render  it  incumbent  on  Mr  Lel- 
lic  only  to  bring  forward  fuch  fafis  as  he  may  be  in  poflef- 
i\ox\  of,  to  fhew  how  the  knowledge  of  his  experiments  may 
have  got  abroad  and  reached  Count  Rumford  while  his  work 
was  preparing  for  publication.  We  fliall  difmifs  this  part  of  the 
fubje£l  with  expreffing  our  high  admiration  of  that  very  import- 
ant and  elegant  modiiicaticn  of  the  air-thermometer  which  Mr 
Leflie,  not  Count  Rumford,  has  happily  contrived  ;  an  improve- 
ment, calculated  to  introduce  as  much  accuracy,  and  to  open  as 
wide  a  field  of  difcovery  in  the  fcience  of  heat,  as  the  combina- 
tion of  glaffes  did  in  the  fcienccs  of  allronomy  and  optics.  By  it, 
we  are  enabled  to  weigh,  with  the  utmoit  nicety,  all  proportions 
of  caloric,  and  to  ellimate,  as  correctly  as  by  a  delicate  balance, 
every  variation  of  temperature.  In  reviewing  the  application  of 
this  happy  invention  to  the  purpofes  of  inveftigation,  as  detailed 
by  the  difcoverer  himfelf,  we  (liall  have  an  opportunity  of  doing 
juftice  to  its  merits.  At  prefent,  we  haften  to  Iketch  the  ufes 
which  the  borrower  of  the  idea  has  made  of  it,  and  in  which 
we  {hall  again  be  fatisiied  hovv  unwIUing  he  has  been  to  deviate 
from  his  original. 

The  mode  in  which  Count  Rumford  operated  with  what  he 
calls  his  thennofcopey  was  by  expofing  it  to  brafs  cylinders  like 
thofe  formerly  del'cribed,  but  fixed  horizontally,  fo  as  to  prefent 
their  circular  end  to  the  ball  -of  the  inftrument.  After  afcertain- 
ing  the  exafilnefs  of  the  inftrument,  by  finding  that  the  liquor 
remained  ftationary  Vi^hen  two  cylinders  uncoated  and  filled  with 
the  fame  hot  water  were  placed  at  equal  diftances  from  the  balls, 
but  that  a  flight  variation  in  the  temperature  or  diitance  of  either 
cylinder  caufed  the  liquor  in  the  tube  to  move,  our  author  pro- 
ceeded "to  verify  by  this  delicate  teft  his  former  experiments  on 
flow  cooling.  He  found  that  the  circular  end  of  one  cylinder  be- 
ing coated  with  candle  fmoke,  while  the  other  remained  clear  j 
the  bubble  inftantly  receded  from  the  ball  expofed  to  the  former, 
and  did  not  regain  its  equilibrium  until  that  cylinder  had  been  re- 
moved to  four  times  the  diftance  of  the  other.    He  alfo  found 

that 


'1 804.  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Heat)  405?" 

that  linen,  glue,  fplrit-varnifh  and  paint,  produced  the  fame  ef- 
fe£ls  in  the  experiments  of  the  thermofcope  as  they  had  formerly- 
done  in  thofe  of  the  mercurial  thermometer.  He  then  repeated 
his  former  experiments  of  flow  cooling  with  A'-effels  of  lead  and 
tinned  iron,  and  with  the  brafs  cylinders  coated  with  .gold  and 
filver  leaf.  The  refults  entitled  him  to  believe  that  no  difference 
whatever  was  produced  by  any  change  of  the  metal  containing  the 
radiating  body.  Our  author  now  refumed  his  trials  with  the 
thermofcope,  and,  fubilituting  a  cold  for  a  hot  body  in  the  cylin- 
der, found  that  the  liquor  in  the  t^be  was  attracted  towards  the 
the  bulb  which  was  near  the  cold  cylinder,  in  proportion  to  its 
degree  of  cold  and  to  its  proximity  to  the  bulb  ;  and  that  if  two 
cylinders  equally  cold,  but  one  coated  with  candle  fmoke,  were 
prefented  to  the  balls,  at  equal  diftances,  the  liquor  moved  to- 
wards the  blackened  cylinder.  One  of  the  cylindei's  being  coated 
with  animal  membrane  was  found  to  radiate  both  heat  and  cold 
(according  to  our  author's  theory  of  frigorific  radiation)  five  times 
more  copioully  than  the  naked  cylinder.  He  alfo  found  that  if 
one  ball  x^emains  at  its  natural  temperature,  M-hile  to  the  other 
there  are  prefented  on  oppofite  fules  two  bodies,  the  one  as  much 
above  that  temperature  as  the  other  is  below  it,  no  change  what- 
ever takes  place  in  the  pofition  of  the  liquid.  The  fame  refult 
follows  from  varying  this  experiment  by  coating  both  the  cylin- 
ders with  candle-fmoke.  Previous  to  fome  ingenious  fpeculations 
on  the  practical  application  of  the  foregoing  facts,  we  are  pre- 
fented with  an  experiment  to  prove  that  both  calorific  and  frigo- 
rific radiation  is  much  more  copious  from  animal  membrane  of  a 
black  colour,  than  of  any  other  hue.  As  a  fpecimen  of  the  au- 
thor's ingenuity  in  applying  his  fa£ls,  we  fliall  extrafl  the  follow- 
ing paflage. 

'  It  is  evident,  that  the  greater  the  power  is  which  an  animal  pofTef- 
fes  of  throiulng  off  heat  from  the  fnrface  of  his  body,  Indepcndeii'ily  of 
that  which  the  furrounding  air  takes  off,  the  lefs  will  his  temperature 
be  affeCied  by  the  occafioiial  changes  of  temperature  whicii  take  place 
in  the  air,  and  the  Icfs  will  he  be  opprcfl'ed  by  the  intenfe  heats  of  hot 
climates. 

*  It  is  well  known  that  negroes  and  people  of  colour  fiipport  the  heats 
of  tropical  climates  much  better  than  white  people.  Is  it  not  proba- 
ble that  their  colour  may  enable  them  to  throw  off'  calorific  rays  with 
great  facility  and  in  great  abundance,  and  that  it  is  to  this  circumftancc 
they  owe  the  advantage  they  poffcfs  over  xvhite  people  in  fuoporting 
heat  ?  And  even  fliould  it  be  tiue,  that  bodies  are  cooled,  not  in  con- 
fcqucnce  of  the  rays  thty  emit,  but  by  the  aftion  of  thofe  frigorific 
rays  they  receive  from  other  colder  bodies  (which  1  much  fufpett  to  be 
the  cafe),  yet  as  it  has  been  found  by  experiment,  that  thofe  bodies 
which  emit  calorific  rays  in  the  grcatcU  abiu-dar.ct  are  alfu  moll  affed- 

C  c  'i  ed 


406  Count  Rumford  en  the  Nature  of  Heat.  July 

ed  by  the  frigorific  rays  of  colder  bodies,  it  is  evident  t'uat,  in  a  very 
hot  country,  where  the  air  and  all  other  furrounding  bodies  are  but 
very  little  colder  than  the  furface  of  the  {]:in,  thofe  who  by  their  colour 
are  prepared  and  difpofed  to  be  cooled  with  the  greatdt  facility,  will  be 
the  leaft  likely  to  be  oppreffed  by  the  accimuil-ition  of  the  heat  gene- 
rated in  them  by  refpiration,  or  of  that  excited  by  the  fun's  rays.  * 
p.  129. 

We  have  here  anneunced  to  us,  not  merely  the  exiftence,  but 
the  operation  of  cold,  and,  it  would  appear,  the  banifliment  of 
heat.  But  the  pafllige  is  full  of  contradiftions.  For,  do  not  all 
the  experiments  formerly  analyfed  prove  that  the  exiflence  of 
heat  and  cold  is  uniformly  correlative — that  the  quantity  of  the 
one  is  inverfely  as  the  quantity  of  the  other — and  that  when  a 
certain  portion  of  heat  has  radiated  from  a  body,  it  ceafes  to 
give  out  any  moye  ?  But  can  it  be  made  to  confill  with  all  this, 
that  bodies  "can  only  be  cooled  by  abforbing  cold,  and,  confe- 
queiitl),  that  they  can  only  be  heated  by  abforbing  heat  ?  If 
thefe  two  fubftances  have  e.ich  a  real  and  feparate  exiftence, 
liow  lliould  it  happen  that  equal  quantities  of  them,  v/hen  mixed, 
exad^tly  go  for  nothing,  inflead  of  forming  a  third  body  com- 
pounded of  the  other  two  ?  Befides,  let  it  be  remembered,  that 
we  have  the  very  fame  evidence  to  prove  tlie  radiation  of  heat 
from  the  thermofcope  to  the  cold  body,  that  we  have  to  prove 
the  radiation  of  heat  from  the  hot  body  to  the  tliermofcope. 
Coafequeiitly,  when  the  negro's  (kin  is  expofed  to  the  atniof- 
phere  of  tropical  climates,  its  colour  and  confillency  operates  in 
heating  or  in  cooling  him  more  rapidly  than  a  white  man,  pre- 
cifely  as  the  atmofphere  is  hotter  or  colder  than  his  body.  If  the 
air  is  cold,  then  he  is  cooler  than  other  men  j  but  if,  which  is 
the  cafe  to  be  explained,  the  air  is  hot,  then  he  is  inuch  hotter 
ihan  other  men.  It  is  in  vain  to  fay  that  lie  radiates  iieat,  and 
receives  cold  more  abundantly.  The  experiments  of  the  ther- 
mofcope prove,  that  as  long  as  he  is  at  all  cooler  than  the  cli- 
mate, he  mufl  be  receiving  heat  more  c'opioufly  than  a  white 
man  ;  and  if  he  has  any  frigorific  particles  to  radiate  (as  he  muft, 
according  to  Count  Rurnford's  theory  coupled  with  his  fails) 
when  the  air  is  hotter,  he  gives  out  thefe  much  more  copioully 
ilian  a  white  man. 

The  ingenuity  of  the  following  paHage  is  rather  pleafmg, 
though  it  is  liable  to  fome  of  tlie  foregoing  objections. 

*  Several  of  the  favage  tribes  which  inhabit  very  cold  cpuntries  be- 
fmear  their  flcius  with  oil;  which  gives  them  a  (hining '  appearance. 
-The  rays  of  light  are  reflected  copi<Jiiily"  from  the  furface  of  their  bo- 
dies. Ma}'^  not  the  frigorific  rays  which  arrive  at  the  'furface  of  their 
^kin,  be  alfo  refltrctcd  by  the  highly  polifhed  furface  of  the  oil  with 
which  it  ib  covered  ? 

«  If 


1804«  Counf  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Heett^  4*7 

*  If  tKit  (Vould  be  the  cafe,  inftead  of  defpifinpr  thcfe  poor  crea- 
tures for  tl  e'r  attachment  to  a  ufelefs  and  loathfoine  habit,  we  fhould 
be  difpof\;a  to  admire  tiieir  ingenuity,  or  rather  to  admire  and  adore 
the  g'oodnefs  of  their  invifible  Guardian  and  Inftniftor,  who  teaches^ 
them  to  like  and  to  pra(?i:ife  what  he  knows  to  be  ufeful  to  them. 

*  The  Hottentots  befmear  themfelves,  and  cover  their  bodies  in  a 
manner  ilill  more  difgultiiig.  They  think  themfelves  Jine  when  they 
are  befmeared  and  drelTed  out  according  to  the  loathfom.e  cuftotn  of 
their  country.  But  who  knows  whether  they  may  not  in  faft  be  more 
comfortMe^  and  better  able  to  fupport  the  exceflive  heats  to  which 
they  are  expofed?  From  feveral  experiments  which  I  made  w"ith  a 
view  to  ehicidate  this  point,  (of  which  an  account  will  be  given  to  this 
Society  at  fome  future  period),  I  have  been  induced  to  conclude,  that 
the  Hottentots  derive  advantages  from  that  praftice  exaftly  funilar  to 
thofe  which  negroes  derive  from  their  blaclc  colour. 

*  It  cannot  furely  be  fuppofed  tlrat  I  could  ever  think  of  recom- 
mending ferioufly  to  polifhed  nations  the  filthy  praAices  of  thefe  fa- 
vages.  This  is  very  far  indeed  from  being  my  intention  :  For  I  have 
€ver  confidered  cleanlinefs  as  being  fo  indifpenfably  neceflary  to  com- 
fort and  happinefs,  that  we'  can  have  no  real  enjoyment  without  it  : 
But  ftill  I  think,  that  a  knowledge  of  the  phyfical  advantages  which 
thofe  favages  derive  from  fuch  pra<ftices,  may  enable  us  to  acquire  the 
fame  advantages  by  employing  more  elegant  means.  A  knowledge  of 
the  manner  in  which  heat  and  cold  are  excited,  would  enable  us  to 
take  meafures  for  thefe  important  purpofes  with  perfect  certainty  :  In 
the  mean  time,  we  may  derive  much  ufL-fui  information  by  a  careful  ex- 
amination of  the  phenomena  which  occafionaliy  fall  under  our  obfer- 
vation. 

*  If  it  be  true,  that  the  black  colour  of  a  negro,  by  rendering  him  more 
fenfible  to  the  i^w  frigorific  rays  which  are  to  be  found  in  a  very  hot 
country,  enables  him  to  fupport  the  great  heats  of  the  tropical  climates 
without  inconvenience,  it  might  be  aflted,  how  it  happens  that  he  i» 
able  to  fupport,  naked,  the  direft  rays  of  a  burning  fun  ? 

*  Thofe  who  have  feen  negroes  expofed  naked  to  the  fun's  rays  in 
hot  countries,  muft  have  obferved  that  their  fldns  in  that  Jtfuation  are 
always  very  fhining.  An  oil  exudes  from  their  flcin,  which  gives  it  that 
ihining  appearance  ;  and  the  poHfhed  furface  of  that  oil  reflects  the  fun's 
calorific  rays. 

*  If  the  heat  be  very  intenfe,  fweat  makes  its  appearance  at  the  fur- 
face  of  the  fkin.  This  watery  fluid  not  only  refle(5ts  very  powerfully 
the  calorific  rays  from  the  fun,  which  fall  on  its  polilhed  furface,  but 
alio  by  its  evaporation  generates  cold. 

*  When  the  fun  is  gone  down,  the  fweat  difappears  ;  the  oil  at  the 
furface  of  the  (kin  retires  inwards  ;  and  the  flvin  is  left  in  a  ftate  very 
favourable  to  the  admiflion  of  thofe  feeble  frigorific  rays  which  arrive 
from  tlie  neighbouring  objedls.  '     p.  132. 

It  is  fcarcely  neceflary  to  remark  how  completely  all  this  ex- 
planation is   at  variance  with  the   fpeculative   obfervations  laii. 

C  c  4  <juotetir 


4o8  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Heat.  July 

quoted.  There  we  were  taught  to  confider  cooling  as  the  efFeft 
only  of  abforbing  frigorific  particles  ;  now,  the  exclufion  of  heat- 
is  the  caufe  of  comfort  to  the  negro.  Formerly,  we  were  told, 
that  he  only  benefited  from  his  colour  by  abforbing  an  extraor- 
dinary portion  of  cold  ;  now,  he  Is  provided  with  a  coat  of 
greafe,  which  muft  exclude  both  heat  and  cold.  Thefe  fanciful 
remarks  are  followed  by  fome  experiments  to  prove  that  the' 
cooling  of  hot  bodies  depends  on  tlie  abforption  of  frigorific  rays. 
They  are  inconclufive  ;  becaufe  they  either  prove  that  the  cool- 
ing body  abforbs  heat,  or  that  the  cooled  body  abforbs  cold  *, 
and  in  every  inftance  the  effecls  are  exatlly  proportional,  and 
the  terms  of  the  explanation  convertible.  The  author  is  re- 
duced, at  every  ftep,  to  this  dilemma  -,  either  cold  exifts  without 
heat,  ■which  muft  follow  if  you  maintain  that  bodies  are  cooled 
only  by  receiving  cold,  and  that  they  are  heated  only  by  giving 
out  cold  ;  or  heat  can  never  be  emitted  without  an  equal  abforp- 
tion of  cold,  nor  cold  emitted  without  an  equal  abforption  cf, 
heat.  If  you  chufe  the  latter  pofition,  what  fort  of  feparately, 
exifting  bodies  muft  thofe  be  which  are  fo  mutually  dependent 
on  each  other  ?  If  you  take  the  former,  are  there  net  at  leaft  as 
many  proofs  adducible  of  the  exiftence  of  heat,  as  of  the  exift- 
ence  of  cold  ? 

Before  leaving  the  experimental  branch  of  this  fubje61;,  we 
fhall  notice  the  moft  original  of  all  Count  Rumford's  experiments 
— thofe  which  he  made  to  prove  the  great  effect  of  poliftied 
furfaccs  in  refledling  heat.  They  do  not  indeed  demonltrate  any 
new  propofition,  but  there  is  fomewhat  in  the  refults  of  them, 
and  in  his  way  of  ftating  others,  which  cannot  fail  to  furprife  us. 
A  drop  of  water  rolls  about  on  a  red-hot  iron  without  evapora- 
tion, becaufe  its  furface  becomes  fo  higlily  poliflied  as  to  i-efle6t 
all  the  heat.  If  tlie  heat  be  lefs,  the  water  penetrates  the  pores 
of  the  oxidated  iron,  and,  lofing  its  polifh,  is  evaporated.  If  the 
metal  be  lefs  oxidable,  the  water  remains  unevaporated  even  at 
a  low  temperature.  If  the  infide  of  a  filver  fpoon  be  covered 
with  candle  fmoke,  and  a  drop  of  water  be  put  into  it,  you  may 
hold  the  fpoon  over  a  lamp  until  it  becomes  violently  heated, 
without  affecting  the  water,  which  is  fcarcely  warm.ed  by  the 
heat :  at  laft,  the  foot  adiiering  to  the  drop,  facilitates  the  tranf- 
miffion  of  heat,  and  the  water  gradually  evaporates.  A  drop 
may,  in  like  manner,  be  introduced  into  the  centre  of  a  lamp 
flame,  v/ithout  being  affetied,  until  tt  receives  heat  by  the  con- 
ducting power  of  the  body  which  holds  it.  This  laft  experiment, 
by  the  way,  appears  to  be  explicable  on  the  commonly  received 
do6trine,  that  the  ceptre  of  a  flame,  having  no  accefs  to  oxyge- 
nous gas,  is  not  in  a  ftate  of  combuftion  at  all,  while  the  furface 

of 


l8o4«  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Heat.  409I 

of  the  vapour,  being  expofed  to  the  aftion  of  the  air,  is  burning 
rapidly. 

II.  We  fhall  now  enter  more  fully  into  fome  of  the  general 
inferences  deduced  by  Count  Rumford  from  the  foregoing  ex- 
periments. "We  have  already  hinted  at  feveval  objeftions  to  one 
of  his  theories  •,  we  fliall  prefeiitly  find,  however,  that  the  work 
teems  with  many  abfurdities  ftill  more  glaring. 

In  expounding  his  peculiar  theory  of  heat,  our  author  begins 
by  remarking,  that  there  is  no  fuch  thing  as  reft  in  the  univerfe 
—that  all  the  bodies  of  which  v/e  have  any  knowledge  ai-e  in  a 
ilate  of  motion — and  that  probably  the  particles  of  thofe  bodies 
are  alfo  moving  among  themfelves.  He  then  fuppofcs  the  cafe 
of  a  perfeftly  elaftic  boll  being  (Iruck  while  furrounded  by  other 
elaftic  bodies  in  an  elaftic  medium,  and  conceives  that  1  if  the  vi- 
brations of  the  bell  were  more  rapid  than  thofe  of  the  other 
bodies,  an  equilibrium  would  take  place;  that  if  all  the  bodies 
were  in  equal  vibration,  no  efFedl  would  be  produced  by  their 
mutual  atSlions  ;  and  that  if  the  bell's  vibrations  were  flower, 
they  would  gradually  be  increafed.  This  he  thinks  is  a  cafe  ex- 
actly fimilar  to  that  of  calorific  and  frigorific  radiation  ;  and  as 
we,  on  the  other  hand,  are  convinced  that  a  better  expofition  of  " 
his  doiSlrine  of  vibrations  could  not  be  imagined,  than  the  one 
prefented  by  purfuing  this  illuftration,  and  comparing  it  with 
our  author's  inference,  we  fhall  give  his  application  in  his  own 
words. 

'  The  rapid  undulations  occafioned  in  the  furrounding  ethereal  fluid 
by  the  fvvift  vibrations  of  the  hot  body,  will  aft  as  calorific  rays  on 
the  neighbouring  colder  fohd  bodies ;  and  the  flower  undulations  occa- 
fioned by  the  vibrations  of  thofe  colder  bodies  will  act  as  frigorific  rays 
on  the  hot  body;  and  thefe  reciprocal  aftions  will  continue,  but  with 
decreafing  intenfity,  till  the  hot  body  and  thofe  colder  bodies  which - 
furround  it  fhall,  in  confequence  of  thefe  aftions,  have  become  of  the 
fame  temperature,  or  until  their  vibrations  have  become  ifochronous. 

'  According  to  this  hypothefis, '  he  adds,  '  cold  can  with  no  more, 
propriety  be  confidered  as  the  abfence  of  heaty  than  a  low  or  a  grave 
found  can  be  confidered  as  the  abfence  of  a  higher  or  more  acute  note  ; 
and  the  admilTion  of  rays  which  generate  cold,  involves  no  abfurdity, 
and  creates  no  confufion  of  ideas.  '     p.  157. 

Nothing,  in  our  apprehenfion,  could  have  more  demonftrative- . 
ly  Ihown  the  fallacy  of  the  author's  whole  theory  than  this  il- 
luftration and  application.  ^  If  frigorific  rays  are  to  be  confidered 
as  exifting  fubftances,  o*f  a  nature  elTentially  different  from  calo- 
rific rays,  what  can  be  lefs  applicable  than  the  cafe  of  vibrations 
differing  from  other  vibrations  only  in  degree  of  ftrength  ?  A 
frigorific  ray  can  never,  according  to  Count  Rumford's  theory, 
produce  gny  of  the  effects  of  a  calorific  ray,  modify  either  as 

yovr' 


410  Count  V.um^6x^  on  the  Nature  of  Heat,  July^ 

you  pleafe.  But  a  flow  undulation  refemblea  a  quick  one  in 
every  particular,  and  produces  all  the  fame  effedis  in  a  fmaller 
degree.  A  frigorific  ray  can  never  become  calorific  by  any 
change  :  A  flow  undulation  becomes  a  quick  one  by  the  eafieft 
tranfition  imaginable.  If  wotds  have  any  meaning,  it  is  impof- 
iible  to  draw  the  line  between  quick  and  flow  undulations  -,  for 
thefe  terms  are  merely  expreflions  of  a  mutual  relation.  But 
furely  nothing  can  be  more  definite  than  the  boundary  between 
pofitive  heat  and  pofitive  cold,  according  to  our  author's  doftrine. 
Suppofe  a  quickly  vibrating  body  is  brought  into  the  neighbour- 
hood of  a  quiefcent  one,  the  vibrations  of  the  former  will  be  di- 
minifhed.  If  it  be  brought  into  the  neighbourhood  of  a  body 
vibrating  flower  than  itfelf,  its  vibrations  will  flill  be  diminifhed, 
but  not  fo  much  as  if  the  fecoiid  body  had  no  motion  at  all.  But 
will  a  hot  body  be  more  cooled  by  the  neighbourhood  of  a  body 
radiating  neither  heat  nor  cold,  tlian  by  the  neighbourhood  of 
one  radiating  cold  ?     The  propofition  is  a  contradidtion  in  terms. 

It  alfo  deferves  to  be  confidered  how  Count  Rumford  intro- 
duces an  ethereal  fluid  into  his  theory,  filently,  and  witliout  giving 
his  readers  any  warning  of  fuch  a  poftulate.  It  is  true  that, 
without  it,  he  cannot  proceed  a  flep  ;  yet  furely  fo  extravagant 
a  demand  fhould  have  been  explicitly  Hated,  inrtead  of  being 
tacitly  aflumed.  But  it  appears  to  us,  that  the  ether  never  was 
introduced  with  lefs  felicity.  When  the  exiilence  of  certain  fub- 
ftances  has  been  admitted  ;  when,  for  example,  Sir  Ifaac  Newton 
|>rocceded  upon  the  pofition  that  the  rays  of  light  are  folid  parti- 
cles of  matter,  at^ing  on  and  affefted  by  other  parts  of  matter  (a 
p6frtion  which  he  had  himfelf  confirmed  by  his  dilcoverics),  it 
"Was  then  fufficiently  confiftent  to  confider  how  fuch  material  par- 
ticles would  aflv^fl,  or  be  afFe(9:ed  by,  a  furrounding  medium  like 
the  fubtile  ether,  fuppofing  fuch  a  fluid  to  exill.  But,  in  the  pre- 
fent  cafe,  the  whole  qucflion  relates  to  exigence ;  the  matter  in 
difpute  is  the  reality  of  heat  or  of  cold,  or  of  both,  or  of  nei- 
ther. To  fettle  this  point,  our  author  fancies  an  ether  -,  he  intro- 
duces a  nonentity  as  a  ftep  in  his  reafonings  upon  the  exiftence 
of  other  bodies.  We  are  difcufl^ing  the  fubje6t,  whether  caloric 
is  a  fubftance  ?  Count  Rumford  tells  us  he  can  fettle  that  que- 
ftion  ;  and  he  begins  his  decifion  by  faying,  *  for  the  ether. ' 
What  ether  ?  He  cannot  tell.  But  fuppofe  an  ether. — Why  not 
fuppofe  a  caloric — the  point  at  ifl'ue  ?  and  then  we  are  at  leaft 
fpared  the  labour  of  all  his  prolix  and  ufelels  argumentation. 

Let  us,  however,  admit  this  important  preliminary,  and  fee 
whether  the  clumfy  theory  has  even  the  paltry  merit  of  explaining 
the  phsenomena  :  On  the  contrary,  it  is  hardly  reconcileable  to  a 
fioele  fa6t.  We  fhall  only  take  a  few  fpecimeiis  of  its  powers  in 
this  wav. 
^  '      .  If 


1804.  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Heat,  41 1 

If  heat  confifls  in  the  internal  motions  of  the  particles  of  bo- 
dies, the  queftion  immediately  occurs,  how  do  bodies,  by  any 
modifications  of  fuch  motlotis,  change  their  (late  from  folidity  to 
fluidity  ?  and  how  does  the  idea  of  motion  accommodate  itfelf  to 
the  fa£i:  of  heat  being  abforbed  in  fufion,  afterwards  to  be  given 
out  again  upon  the  body  refuming  the  folid  form.  Count  Rum- 
ford  explains  this  in  the  following  llrange  manner.  We  choofe 
to  quote  his  own  words,  leil  our  readers  (liould  be  difpoied  to 
difbelieve  any  abridgement  which  imputed  fuch  opinions  to  an  au- 
thor of  his  note. 

*  Whatever  may  be  the  figures  of  the  orbits  which  the  particlts  of  a 
liquid  defcribe,  the  mean  diftancea  of  thefe  particles  from  each  other  re- 
main the  fame  as  when  they  conftituted  a  folid,  as  appears  by  the  fmall 
change  of  fpecific  gravity  which  takes  place  when  a  folid  is  melted  and 
becomes  a  liquid  ;  and,  on  a  fuppofition  that  their  motions  are  regulated 
by  the  fame  laws  which  regulate  the  folar  fyilem,  it  is  evident  that  the 
additional  motion  they  muit  neceflarily  acquire,  in  order  to  their 
taking  the  fluid  form,  cannot  be  loft,  but  mult  continue  to  refide  in  the 
liquid,  and  muft  again  make  its  appearance  when  the  liquid  changes  its 
form  and  becomes  a  folid. 

*  It  is  well  known, '  he  continues,  *  that  a  certain  quantity  of  heat 
Is  requifite  to  melt  a  folid  ;  which  quantity  difappears  or  remains  latent 
in  the  liquid  produced  by  that  proccfs  ;  and  that  the  fame  (Ijuantity  of 
heat  reappears  when  this  fluid  is  congealed  and  becomes  a  folid  body.  ' 
p.  160. 

A  certain  quantity  of  motion  abforbed,  remaining  latent,  and 
then  after  an  interval  reappearing  !  What  is  abforbed,  or  latent, 
or  quiefcent  motion  ?  Is  it  not  reft  ?  and  what  power  can  put 
particles  into  an  intermitting  motion,  that  is,  a  motion  to  be  faf- 
pended,  and  then  to  be  revived  again,  without  any  new  impulfe  ? 
Have  we  not  here  only  a  choice  of  impoilibilities  and  contradic- 
tions— either  that  motion  is  fomething  which  may  be  concealed 
and  then  developed,  i.  e.  may  remain  at  reji — or  that,  after  being 
annihilated,  it  may  be  regenerated,  without  any  new  impulfe,  2.  e. 
may  be  produced  anew  without  a  caufe  ?  Indeed,  the  confufion 
'  of  ideas  which  pervades  the  whole  of  this  explanation,  is  not  on- 
ly like,  it  is  exactly  the  fame,  with  that  which  Swift  has  ridiculed 
in  his  pi£f  ure  of  the  Laputan  proje£l:or,  who  Wafted  his  life  in 
extracting  fun-beams  from  cucumbers,  in  order  to  preferve  the 
rays  for  ufe  during  winter ; — and  with  a  ftlU  more  palpable  ab- 
furdity  that  has  become  matter  of  com.mon  ridicule,  the  cold 
which  froze  up  men's  words,  until,  at  the  approach  of  fpring, 
the  fpeeches  made  during  winter  began  to  thaw  of  themfelves. 

But  it  is  not  only  in  the  more  abftrufe  parts  of  the  theory  of 
heat  that  Count  Rumford's  explanation  fo  miferably  fails, — it  is 
6C|ually  inadequate  to  account  for  the  moft  ordinary  appearances, 

although. 


412  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Heat.  July 

although,  here,  its  difcrepancy  with  the  fa(?l:s  may  not  at  firfl: 
fight  appear  fo  .palpable.  Let  us  fee  how  it  is  reconciled  with 
the  expanfive  power  of  caloric. 

So  long,  according  to  our  author,  as  the  internal  and  inceffant 
motions  among  the  particles  of  bodies  remain  the  fame,  no  fenfi- 
ble  alteration  can  take  place  in  their  qualities  or  appearance.  But 
when  the  radiations  of  hotter  bodies,  that  is,  the  impulfes  of  par- 
ticles moving  more  rapidly,  communicate  to  the  former  fubltan- 
ces  a  greater  degree  of  internal  motion,  their  particles  mud  vi- 
brate more  rapidly ;  the  arches  of  their  undulations  mud  be  e- 
longated,  and  the  vifible  magnitude  of  the  whole  mafles  increafed. 
In  like  manner,  if  the  bodies  are  cooled,  that  is,  if  their  ntotions 
are  diminifhed,  the  undulations  will  be  contra6led,  and  the  vo- 
lume of  the  mafl'es  diminifhed. 

Now,  furely,  it  feems  obvious  to  anfwer,  that  if  the  inci'eafe 
of  volume  were  produced  entirely  by  an  augmented  vibration,  it 
would  be  much  eafier  tlian  we  actually  find  it,  to  prevent,  by  ex- 
ternal prelTure,  the  expanfion  of  a  heated,  body.  If  the  force 
were  exerted  not  fteadlly  in  one  diredlion,  from  the  centre  to  the 
furface  of  the  body,  but  alternately  and  equally  backwards  and 
forwards,  a  very  little  comprefiion  would  fulHce  to  flop  this  vi- 
bration. Befides,  the  appearance  of  a  body  vibrating  in  this  man- 
ner, however  rapidly,  would  certainly  be  very  differv.-nt  from  that 
of  a  body  gradually  and  fleadily  expanded  in  all  its  dimcnfions  by 
heat.  But  two  confiderations  are  of  themfelves  quite  fufficient  to 
overthrow  the  whole  of  this  reafoning. 

In  the  Jirjl  place,  it  is  admitted  that  heat  expands  bodies  equal- 
ly in  all  directions.  But  vibratory  motions  can  take  place  only  in 
the  directions  determined  by  the  initial  iinpuifcs  ;  the  wave  niuft 
always  be  in  the  plane  of  the  line  m  which  the  firll  firoke  is  com- 
municated to  the  undulating  body.  According,  therefore,  as  heat 
is  radiated  in  one  line  or  another,  we  might  cxpetl  to  fee  the  di- 
menfions  of  the  heated  body  expanded  in  one  direction  or  ano- 
ther. It  would  always  be  poifiblc,  too,  by  oppofnig  oppofite 
forces,  to  counteradt  the  effects  of  thdfe  impulfes  ;  that  is  to  fay, 
it  would  be  poflible  to  ftop  the  vibrations  by  oppofite  radiation, 
or  to  prevent  the  body  from  expanding  by  the  application  of  more 
heat.  We  do  not  here  flop  to  inquire  how  thistiieory  may  be 
accommodated  to  the  anomalous  eifeCts  of  cold  in  expanding  cer- 
tain bodies,  as  water  and  ice. 

Secondly^  If  we  attend  to  the  nature  of  elafticlty,  and  the  laws 
of  perculfion,  we  fliall  be  completely  fatlsfied  that  all  this  theory 
of  motion  is  utterly  unfounded  ;  and  the  argument  which  we  are 
now  about  to  iuggell,  is  fubmitted  as  one  that  muit  be  declfivc 
even  with  Count  Rumford  himfelf.  Suppofe  a  radiation  to  acce- 
lerate 


1 804.  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Hettt.  *\  i.^ 

.krat(^  the  vibratory  motion  of  a  central  particle,  and  of  courfe  to 
propagate  its  impulfe  through  the  line  of  fucceflive  particles,  at 
the  extremity  of  wliich  this  one  firfl  ftruck  is  fituated  ;  let  us 
confider  what  muft  neceflarily  take  place.  The  whole  row  of  par- 
ticles are  actuated  by  an  impulfe.  But  fuppofe,  firft,  that  only 
one  impulfe  is  communicated;  the  particles  being  all  elaflic  by  the 
hypothefis,  the  motion  vifibly  affe^ls  none  but  the  laft.  If  a 
number  of  ivory  or  glafs  balls  are  fufpended  by  feparate  threads 
in  a  ftraight  line,  and  apparently  touching  each  other,  and  the 
ball  at  one  end  is  made  to  vibrate  againft  the  one  next  in  fuccef- 
fion,  the  whole  line  will  remain  unmoved,  except  the  ball  at  the 
other  extremity,  which  will  fly  off  with  the  whole  impuifc.  This 
is  a  well  known  confequence  of  the  common  laws  of  percuflion, 
and  the  experiment  Is  perfetlly  familiar  to  every  one.  If,  inftead 
of  one  impulfe,  a  conftant  fucceffion  of  impulfes  be  communi- 
cated to  the  firft  ball,  or  to  each  of  the  others  ;  flill  the  fame 
confequence  follows,  only  the  laft  ball  flies  ofF  with  greater  force, 
viz.  with  the  accumulated  force  of  all  the  impulfes, — while  the 
other  balls  remain  at  rell  as  before.  Precifely  the  fame  confe- 
quence muft  follow,  if  the  number  of  the  balls  is  Indifinitely  in- 
creafed,  their  diameters  diminifhed,  and  their  neutral  contact  ren- 
dered more  clofe.  We  have  now  exactly  the  line  of  partlclevS 
iirft  fuppofed  in  the  heated  body ;  and  the  radiation  muft  pro- 
duce the  fame  efFett,  according  to  Count  Rumford,  as  the  per- 
culhon  of  the  balls.  Therefore,  the  whole  particles,  inftead  of 
vibrating,  will  remain  at  reft,  and  the  laft  particle  alone  fly  otT. 
This  muft  happen  in  every  row  of  particles  in  the  body ;  confe.- 
quently,  the  application  of  heat,  inftead  of  expanding  the  dimen- 
.  fions  of  the  body,  will  only  caufe  its  anterior  furface  to  fplit  and 
fly  off^ln  fplinters,  in  a  direction  determined  by  the  mode  of  ap- 
plying the  heat.  If  the  heat  is  radiated  from  one  fide  only,  the 
.  oppofite  furface  will  fly  off.  If  It  is  radiated  fi^om  two  contiguous 
fides,  the  extreme  parts  will  fly  off  diagonally.  If  it  is  radiated 
from  the  centre,  both  furfaces  will  fplinter ;  and  if  it  is  equally 
radiated  from  oppofite  fides,  the  whole  body  will  be  Ihaken,  but 
no  other  change  whatever  will  be  produced.  So  confonaiit  to 
iz€t  is  this  theory  of  vibration  and  incelTant  motion  ! 

We  here  take  leave  of  Count  Rumford's  fpfculations  upon  the 
nature  of  heat.  After  the  ample  difcuffion  we  have  beitowed 
upon  them,  it  would  be  very  unneceflliry  to  recapitulate  tlie  ma- 
nifold objedlions  to  which  they  are  obvioufly  liable.  We  (hall, 
therefore,  only  exprefs  an  earneft  wifli  that  this  ingenious  and  per- 
fevering  obferver  would  leave  the  amufement  of  framing  hypothe- 
fes  to  inferior  men,  who  cannot  fubftantlaliy  affift  the  progrefs  of 
indu6live  philofophy,  andwhofe   errors  or  fancies  can  have  no 

detrimcutai 


4t4  'Couf:t  Rumford  on  tie  feature  of  Heaf»  July 

detrimental  confequences  to  fcience.  That  we  do  not  value,  with- 
out feme  reafon,  Count  Rumford's  talents  as  an  experimentalift, 
and  as  a  reafontr  on  a  confined  fcale,  from  the  proximate  doc- 
trines of  his  expt  riments  to  the  ufeful  arts,  may  be  gathered 
partly  from  the  illuftrations  formerly  quoted,  and  partly  from  the 
pratlical  applications  with  which  his  paper  concludes.  Thefe 
are  indeed,  in  t'is  inllance,  the  applications  of  difcoverles  not  his 
own  ;  but  thty  fhcw  as  much  ufeful  ingenuity,  as  if  he  had  him- 
felf  contrived  the  inllruments  and  performed  the  fundamental  ex- 
periments, of  which  we  have  been  conilraincd  to  deny  him  the 
merit.  We  fliall  now  conclude  with  a  (hort  abflradl  of  thofe 
pradlical  remarks. 

The  brighter  the  polifli  of  veflels  defigned  to  keep  m.eat,  water, 
&c.  hot,  fo  much  the  better  will  they  anfwer  this  purpofe.  On 
the  other  hand,  veflels  ufed  for  cooling  hot  bodies  fliould  be  made 
rough,  and  covered  with  fome  paint  or  varnifli.  Veflels  ufed  for 
Iieating  fubftances,  fliould  be  kept  bright  on  all  the  fides,  except 
that  expofed  to  the  fire,  which  fliould  be  coated  with  lamp-fmoke 
or  black.  Wood  is  better  than  metal  for  cooling  vefTels,  as  the 
Hats  in  which  brewers  cool  their  wort ;  and  thick  wood  is  prefer- 
able to  thin.  Tubes  ufed  for  heating  rooms,  by  fteam  or  hot  air, 
iliould  be  painted  or  coated  on  the  outf.de  j  but  thofe  which  are 
employed  for  the  purpofe  of  conveying  fteam  or  hot  air  from 
place  to  place,  fliould  be  kept  poliflied,  or  wrapt  up  with  warm 
covering.  Thus,  the  cylinders  and  principal  tubes  of  fteam- 
eugines  fliould  l>e  well  covered  and  coated  with  polifiied  brafs. 
Blaf.k  fruit  walls,  though  hotter  in  the  day,  are  colder  in  the  night 
than  others.  Thefe  vicifiitudes  may  be  lefs  favourable  to  trees 
than  is  generally  fuppofed.  Black  clothes  are  in  the  fame  predica- 
ment •,  and  in  a  cold  climate  no  colour  is  more  chilling.  Clothes, 
whofe  furface  is  polifned,  are  by  much  the  coolefi:  in  fummer,  and 
warmeft  in  winter.  Fur  garments  fliould  always  be  worn  (in  win- 
ter) with  the  hair  outwards.  The  change  of  colour  in  winter, 
from  dark  to  white,  of  fome  delicate  animals  in  cold  climates,  is 
extremely  favourable  to  their  warmth  ;  and  fome  animals  inhabit- 
ing climates  where  they  are  expoled  alternately  to  excefilve  cold 
and  violent  funfliine  are  alv.-ays  white.  Our  author  concludes  by 
ftating  as  a  query,  whether  the  practice,  prevalent  in  hot  climates, 
of  fleeping  on  the  roofs  of  houfes,  may  not  be  advantageous,  by 
expofing  the  body  to  thofe  frigorific  rays  which  he  imagines  are 
always  arriving  on  the  earth  from  every  part  of  the  heavens. 

Before  concluding  this  article,  we  muft  be  permitted  to  add  to 
the  cenfures  already  pafled  on  Count  Rumford's  paper,  by  one 
remark.  We  allude  to  the  want  of  arrangement  •,  the  prolixity 
and  repetition  ;  the  perpetual  digreftions  and  deviations  either  in- 
to difFsrent  topics,  cr  into  general  obfervations,  which  form  dl- 

ilinguijQiing 


l'8o4>  Count  Rumford  on  the  Nature  of  Heai.  4,15^ 

ftinguifhing  features  of  our  author's  ftyle  of  writing.  His  gene- 
ral remarks,  too,  are  far  from  being  either  original  or  important, 
and  ferve  rather  to  diminlih  than  to  increafe  our  refpedl  tor  the 
author's  philofophical  powers.  Style  and  diclion  are,  in  matters 
of  pure  fciente,  very  fubordinate  confid'^rations ;  nor  have  we 
any  criticifm  to  make  on  the  Count's  manner  of  exprelling  him- 
felf.  But  we  cannot  avoid  obfcrving,  that  he  is  ratlier  too  fond 
of  felf-grattd.ition  ;  of  ben;owing  epithets  upon  himfelf  and  his  ex- 
periments ;  of  indulging  in  well-turned  compliments  to  his  fuc- 
cefs  and  dejcterity.  To  find  fpecimens  of  this  ftrange  pradlice, 
it  is  only  necefTary  to  open  his  volume.  He  never  maitions  or 
refers  to  one  of  his  experinients,  without  calling  \t  mojl  interejling 
or  highly  inJiruElive — ox  Jtngularly  beautiful — or  at  once  Jiinple  atid 
dt'cifive.  All  his  inqvuries  are  '  exticniely  important^ '  or  *  vitluabls 
arid  nenvy '  or  ^  Jlnhng  a?id  condufive^ '  or  '  calculated  to  elucidate 
ivhat  ivas  enveloped  in  ohfcuriiy. '  We  do  not  at  all  exaggerate, 
when  we  fay,  that  this  routine  of  complimentary  epithets  is  io 
unvaried,  as  to  become  a  kind  of  ordinary  nomenclature,  and  fo 
indlfcriminate  as  frequently  to  becon->e  fornewhat  ludicrous.  The 
fimplcft  experinjent  or  remark,  when  touched  by  the  finger  of 
Count  Rumford,  is  covered  with  brilliancy,  fwelied  into  grand- 
eur, and  branched  into  fruitful  confequences.  In  the  prefent 
publication,  the  effect  of  fuch  a  ftyle  is  heightened  by  the  con- 
itant  recurrence  of  the  remarks  formerly  offered  on  thic  properf^ 
of  the  dlfcoveries.  The  grave  and  repeated  encomiums  which  he 
beftows  on  the  iiiflrument,  which  is  nothing  when  called  an  hy- 
grometer, and  ufed  by  the  original  inventor,  but  fuddenly- be- 
comes every  thing  that  is  valuable  and  powerful,  when  denomi- 
nated a  thermofcope,  and  invented  over  again  by  Count  Rum- 
ford— are  rather  too  ridiculous  not  to  difcompofe  the  gravity  of  a 
fcientific  inquiry.  The  conitant  cxpreffion  of  furprife  and  felf- 
fatisfaclion  at  the  refult  of  proceffes  which  others  had  previoufly 
contrived  and  performed,  belongs  to  the  fame  clafs  of  figures^ 
which  we  heartily  wifli  had  not  been  fo  vet-y  ill-placed  in  this  ela- 
borate production. 


Art.  XII.  An  Account  of  a  curious  Phenomenon  obfervcd  in  the  Gla* 
ciers  of  Chamouny  ;  together  ^vith  fme  occafiotial  Obfrvjtions  concern^ 
ing  the  Propagation  of  Heat  in  Fluids.  By  Benjamin  Count  of  Rum- 
ford.    V.  P.  R.  &c.     From  PhU.  Trans.    Part  I.  for  1804. 

Tn  paffmg  over  the  region  of  the  Glaciers  of  Chamouny,  deno- 
■*•  minated  Mer  de  Glace,  Count  Rumford  and  Mr  Pidet  of 
Geneva  obferved  a  cylindrical  pit,  fevcu  inches  in  diameter,  and 

fgup 


4l5         C(5««/ Rumford  on  a  Phanomenon  in  the  Gla£ieys.         July 

four  feet  deep,  in  a  vafl:  mafs  of  folid  ice.  The  cavity  was  filled 
with  water,  its  fides  were  polifiaed,  and  its  bottom  was  hemifphe- 
rical  and  definite.  It  was' a  little  inclined  to  the  plane  of  the  ho- 
rizon ;  and  the  travellers  learned  from  their  guides  that  fuch  pits 
are  extremely  common  all  over  the  lower  parts  of  the  Glaciers  ; 
that  they  are  formed  during  fumnier,  gradually  increafe  during 
the  fummer  months,  and  difappear  in  winter,  the  water  being 
then  frozen  up. 

•  The  explanation  which  Count  Rumford  fuggefi;*  of  this  fingu- 
lar  appearance,  is  very  ingenious,  and  proceeds  upon  his  peculiar 
theory  of  the  non-condudting  nature  of  water.  The  hot  winds, 
he  conceives,  which  pafs  continually  over  the  furface  of  the  ice 
during  fummer,  communicate  a  certain  degree  of  heat  to  the  fur- 
face  of  the  water  in  the  pit.  The  heated  particles  of  the  water, 
formerly  ice  cold,  are  increafed  in  fpecific  gravity,  and  defcend 
through  the  colder  particles  of  the  column  till  they  reach  the  bot- 
tom, where  they  melt  the  ice,  and  regain  their  former  temper- 
ature. A  fucceifion  of  defcending  particles  is  thus  maintained, 
and  heat  is  conveyed  from  the  furface  to  the  bottom  of  the  pit, 
without  heating  either  the  fides  or  the  column  of  water. 

Now,  to  this  ingenious  explanation,  a  variety  of  obje6lion$ 
occur,  in  our  apprchenfion  altogether  infuperable. 

In  the  firft  place,  no  account  whatever  is  given,  or  pretended 
to  be  given  of  the  circular  form  and  inclined  diredlion  of  the  pits. 
We  are  left  to  guefs  how,  in  the  whole  Aler  de  Glace^  a  few  infu- 
lated  fpots  alone  lliould  be  thus  fingularly  afFefted  by  the  hot 
winds,  while  all  the  rell  of  the  ice  remains  unmelted  ;  why  thefe 
fpots  fliould  be  of  a  circular  form ;  and  why,  inftead  of  the  pits 
being  v^ercical,  as  they  undoubtedly  ought  to  be  according  to 
Count  Rumford's  explanation,  by  the  defcent  of  heavy  particleb, 
they  are  a£lually  inclined  at  a  confiderable  angle  to  the  plane  of 
the  horizon. 

>^'ext,  it  muft  be  obferved,  that  our  author,  partly  to  get  rid  of 
the  former  obje£l:ion,  and  partly  for  another  reafon,  fuppofes  the 
pit  to  be  already  formed  and  filled  with  water  to  a  certain  depth, 
before  his  explanation  commences.  He  then  fhows  how  the' 
heated  particles  would  fink  and  thaw  the  bottom,  upon  the  fup- 
pofition,  be  it  always  remembered,  that  a  particle  of  water  can- 
not diredlly  communicate  heat  to  another  particle  j  for  it  is 
reafoning  in  a  circle,  to  affume  the  phenomenon  in  queftion  as 
a  new  proof  of  the  theory  here  alluded  to.  But,  to  pafs  over 
this  fallacy,  and  admitting  that  theory — if  the  commencement  of 
the  pit  is  confidered,  we  cannot  eafily  perceive  how  the  finking 
of  the  heated  particles  is  to  have  a  beginning.  Suppofe  that, 
from  any  caufe,  a  circular  lamina  of  ice  is  melted — it  appears 

inconceivable 


lS'04-      Coufit  tlumford  an  a  Phanotntnoh  in  tfie  GlacteVs.        417 

mconceivatle  that  the  power  of  the  hot  wind  over  the  ice-cold 
water,  thus  formed,  (iiould  be  greater  than  the  power  of  all  the 
mafs  of  Ice  by  which  this  (lender  film  of  freezing  water  is  fur- 
rounded  on  every  other  fide.  But  admitting  that  a  fufficient 
quantity  of  water  is  formed,  we  do  not  fee  how  it  could  melt 
the  ice  in  a  cylindrical  tube.  The  lamina  of  heated  water  al- 
ways defcending  from  the  furface,  would  melt  the  fides  as  well 
as  the  bottom  of  the  pit  \  by  degrees,-  the  dimenfions  of  the  hole 
would  enlarge  on  every  hand  into  a  conical  form;  and  the  de- 
fcending film  would  be  fo  fpread  when  it  reached  the  bottom,  as 
not  to  have  any  effecl  whatever  on  the  ice. 

Indeed,  it  is  fcarcely  necefiary  to  obferve,  that  there  is  in  this 
sppearance  a  great  deal  of  inexplicable  matter,  but  not  more 
than  in  a  thoufand  others  which  pafs  daily  before  our  eyes  un- 
heeded. The  form  of  every  crack  and  fiffure  in  the  earth,  of 
every  nocky  fragment  broken  from  a  mountain,  of  every  cloud 
in  the  heavens,  and  of  every  pool  of  water  on  the  ground — all 
thefe  things  are  as  difficult  to  be  accounted  for  as  the  water  pits 
?n  the  Mer  de  Glace,  except  only  in  the  alleged  refemblance  of 
thofe  pits  to  each  other,  of  which  Count  Rumford  has  no  know- 
ledge from  obfervation.  We  are  in  general  fatisfied  with  faying, 
*  Thofe  things  are  accidental ; '  by  which  we  mean,  if  our  words 
have  any  fignification,  that  we  are  ignorant  of  the  caufes  which 
have  produced  and  modified  them  ;  and  that  on  a  curfory  in- 
fpefbion,  we  perceive  fo  little  analogy  between  fuch  appearances 
and  other  fails  already  claffified,  that  we  think  them  unworthy 
of  farther  examination.  Unlefs  Count  Rumford  has  fome  new 
and  more  folid  explanation  to  beflov/  on  the  phasaomenon  jufl: 
now  defcribed,  we  muft  rank  it  in  the  faitie  moll  numerous  and 
mortifying  colleilion' of  natural  occurrences. 

The  remainder  of  this  (hort  paper  is  occupied  with  detached 
Remarks  an  the  objeftions  which  have  been  urged  againll  his 
theory  of  the  non-conduitiug  power  of  fluids.  The  tone  of 
thefe  remarks  ftrikes  us  as  fomewhat  unbecoming.  It  is  not 
very  decorous  in  one  who  has  advanced  a  doctrine  which  over- 
throws all  former  articles  of  belief  upon  the  fubje£l  of  heat,  to 
betray  marks  of  indignation  and  impatience  at  being  anfwered 
by  new  and  contradiclory  experiments  ;  and  to  evince  a  fort  o£ 
fapercilious  contempt  for  ail  who  venture  to  maintain  the  old 
opinions.  There  is  an  arillocracy,  as  it  were,  in  the  Count's  man- 
fier  of  treating  his  adverfaries,  which  we  do  not  very  well  under- 
(land,  and  which  is  little  fuited  to  the  republican  conflitution  of 
the  fclentlfic  world — the  only  region  where  we  hope  to  fee  the 
column  relil},  for  ages,  all  attempts  at  giving  it  a  Corinthian 
capital.  To  juftify  thi?  ftridure,  we  refer  to  the  faucy  defiance 
'   ¥ot,  ly.  NO.  8.  Jt?  d  in 


j^iH         Cou.ft  Run>iord  on  a  Phd^ismetion  In  the  Glaciers,        July 

ia  page  27th,  where  Count  Rumford  fays,  *  I  wifh  that  gentle- 
men who  refufe  to  aiTent  to  the  opinions  I  have  advanced  re- 
fpecling  the  caufes  of  this  curious  phenomenon,  would  give  a, 
better  explanation  of  it  than  that  which  I  have  ventured  tf> 
offer.  1  could  llkewife  wifti  that  they  would  inform  us  how  it 
happens,  *  &c.  Is  this  th€  language  of  fcience,  or  of  parlia- 
mentary difputation  ?  What  rule  of  philofophifing  has  this  au- 
thor invented,  which  ordains  us  to  adopt  the  firfl  explanation 
that  may  be  offered,  provided  no  better  happens  to  occur  at  the 
Tuomeni  ?  Is  it  luditElioti — is  it  philcfophifing — to  prefume  that  rv 
pofition  mufl  be  admitted,  whatever  obje£lions  are  urged  againft 
it,  merely  becaufe  no  other  is  offered  ?  Let  tlie  Count  recoIlcsSl:, 
that  we  are  m  nowife  bound  to  receive  his  explanations,  unlefs 
they  ftand  the  teft  of  examination  or^  their  own  merits  ;  that  a 
do6lrine  IS  only  good  becaufe  it  is  abfolutely  true,,  not  becaufe  it  is 
kfs  erToneous  than  others  v  and  that  there  is^no  demand  in  fcience 
for  iiypothefes,  as  there  is  for  commodities  in  a  market,,  where, 
©f  courfe,  if  what  is  good  cannot  be  had,  what  can  be  had  mufl 
be  taken.  We  lio  not  recolle£l  that  Sir  Ifaac  Newton,  or  Dr Black 
ever  defended  their  difcoveries  w\  fuch  grounds.  The  language 
of  thefe  men  was  more  tame  and  fubdued.  They  did  not  drill 
us  Into  their  dodlrines  by  th-e  word  oi  command,  or  force  their 
opinions  »pon  us  by  big  words  and  authoritative  menaces.  And, 
after  all,  there  is  fomewhat  in  the  example  of  thofe  two  men 
that  will  probably  command  as  much  iefpe£l  as  the  imperious 
poflulates  of  Count  Rumford. 

Another  rule  of  philofophizlng  is- equally  peculiar  to  the  prac- 
tice of  this  author.  It  happens  that  fome  ingenious  men,  par- 
ticularly Dr  Thomfon  of  Edinburgh,  have  called  in  queftion 
Count  Rumford's  theory  of  afcending  and  defcending  currents. 
They  have  accounted  for  the  phsenomena  which,  according  to 
them,  milled  the  Count,  by  ftiowing  that  the  fame  appearances, 
are  the  refuk  of  perfectly  diftin£l  caufes.  Now,  to  all  their 
experiments  and  reafonings,  this  phUcfopher  is  pleafed  to  make 
anfwer,  not  by  oppofite  experiments  and  arguments,  but  by  an 
appeal  to  his  own  authority,  delivered  in  a  tone  abfolutely  in- 
fupportable  in  a  fcientific  controverfy — *  I  am  forry,  '  fays  he^ 
*  that  fo  mean  an  opinion  of  my  accuracy  as  an  obferver  Ihould 
have  been  entertained,  as  to  imagine  that  I  could  have  been  fo 
cafdy  deceived.  *  p.  28.  After  all  this  (and  this  is  all  the  kind 
of  reply  he  deigns  to  make)  it  was  really  quite  unnecefTary  for 
Count  Rumford  to  apologize,  as  he  does  in  page  29.,  for  having 
entered  into  a  controverfy,  and  to  promife  that  he  will  always 
abftain  from  literary  difputes  for  the  future.  In  the  concluding 
fentence  we  meet  with  the  fame  fupercilious — we  had  almoft 

faid> 


l8o4-      Count  Rumford  on  a  Pk^namenon  in  the  Glaciers.         419 

fald,  infufFerable  (lyje  of  indignant  talking.  *  I  am  refponfible 
to  the  public  for  the  accuracy  of  the  accounts  which  I  have 
publiflied  of  my  experiments ;  but  it  cannot  rcafonably  be  ex- 
pected that  I  fliould  anfwer  all  tiie  objeiSlions  that  may  be  made 
to  the  cojiclufions  which  I  have  drawn  from  them.  It  will, 
however,  '  he  adds,  *  at  all  times  aiJbrd  me  real  fatisfadion  to 
fee  my  opinions  examined,  and  my  miftakes  corre£ied  ;  for  my 
firft  and  molt  earned  wiili  is,  to  contribute  to  the  advancement 
of  ufeful  knoviledge. '  We  have  addreffed  oar  remarks  to  Count 
Rumford,  as  the  author  of  the  latter  part  of  this  paifage,  rather 
than  of  the  former,  and  have  (haped  our  examination  of  his 
pofitions  to  meet  the  fpirit  of  condefcenfion  which  feems  for  a 
moment  to  have  diredled  him  in  this  fentence.  We  truft  that 
our  endeavours  have  not  been  thrown  away,  and  entertain  fome 
hopes  that  the  labour  we  have  bellowed  upon  the  correction  of 
bis  errors,  particularly  in  the  preceding;  article,  will  afford  him 
fomething  of  the  fame  fatisfadlion  which,  We  doubt  not,  will 
be  felt  by  all  the  friends  of  fcicnce  at  the  detection  of  his 
plagiarifm. 


Art.  XIII.  j1  Tour  through  the  Britifh  IVeJl  Indies,  In  the  years 
1 80  2  and  1803  ;  ^'ving  a  Particular  /Iccount  of  the  Bahama  JJlands. 
By  D.  M'Kinnen  Efquire.  8vo.  pp.  280.  London.  White. 
1804. 

A  LTHOUGH  no  part  of  the  globe  prefents  a  greater  field  of  irt- 
•^  ^  tereiting  obiervation  than  the  \Vcfl  Indies,  whether  we  re- 
gard the  beautiful  fcenery  of  thofe  tropical  regions,  or  the  pecu- 
liar political  and  moral  circumilances  of  their  inhabitants,  or  their 
high  importance  to  the  wealth  and  power  of  the  mother  coun- 
try ;  yet  it  has  happaned  that  they  have  fcarcely  ever  been  vifited 
by  any  of  thofe  communicative  travellers  whole  pens  have  been 
exhaulted  in  defcribing  the  familiar  features  of  the  European 
world.  In  truth,  a  climate  very  unfavourable  to  European  con- 
ftitutions,  and  a  Hate  of  fociety  as  little  congenial  to  the  habits 
of  men  accuftomed  to  the  more  polite  and  fecure  intercourfe  of 
the  old  world,  have  confpired  to  render  tlie  fouthern  colonies  of 
America  an  ineligible  refidence,  and  converted  them  into  a  place 
of  temporary  reiort  for  thofe  adventurers  alone  whofe  wants 
can  reconcile  them  to  danger,  and  who  delay  not  a  moment 
longer  than  is  necefTary  their  return  to  the  eaftern  hemif- 
phere.  A  few  perfons  engaged  in  purfuits  of  a  more  than  or- 
dinary affinity  to  fpoculative  inquiries,  have  indeed  prefented  us, 
from  f^imc  to  time,  with  felutir  obfervations  upon  the  phyfical  »nd 

D  d  2  moral 


'^b'^  M'KlnncnV  Tour  vi  the  WeJ?  Indie!.  Ju%' 

3«oraI  peculiarities  of  tliofe  fplendid  and  interefling  fcenes :  But 
their  accounts  have  been  deficient  in  the  v.rnous  attractions  that 
render  the  information  fo  fafcinating  which  is  commimrcatcd  iiv 
the  lliape  of  narrati%'e,  and  incorporated  with  perfonal  anecdote. 
Hence  it  is,  that,  in  the  foarcitr  of  V/elt  Indian  travels,  we  arb' 
j^Iad  to  fix  even  upon  fo  meagre  and  unf^itrsfatlory  a  traC^'  as  Sir 
WilHam  Young's  I'our  tlirough  th.e  Windward  lilantls  •,  and  per- 
life,  with  an  intcrcfl  dafproportioned  to  its  merits,  this  foHtary^ 
labourer  in  that  rich  and  ncgledled  field,  in  fpite  of  the  more 
than  fuipicious  fidehty  of  the  narrative,  where  it  to*uches  upon 
controverted  point's  of  Wefl  Indian  poHcy.  For  the  fame  reafon, 
we  eagerly  follow  the  author  of  the  book  mcnr  before  us  in  his* 
more  extenlTve  wanderings,  and  hafK'n  to  make  our  readers  ac- 
quainted with  what  is  to  be  found  in  a  work  fo  rare,  as  a  Tour 
through  the  Weft  Indies.  Although  we  are  far  from  praifing  it 
as  a  maflorpiece,  and  have  reafon  to  wdhd'er  hotr  fo  Httle  no- 
velty and  intereft  could  be  infufed  into  furh  a  fubjbdl;,  we  can 
promife  thofe  Tvho  may  be  inclined  to-  accompany  us,  that  their 
trouble  will'  be  rewarded  both  by  amufement  ami  inftruct'ion.  ^ 

The  tour  of  this  gentleman  was  pei-formetl  in  the  years  1802: 
ilnd  1*803,  and  his  route  lay  tlirough  both  the  Windward  and' 
Leeward  Chatibbee.',  the  Great  Antilles,  and  the  Bahamas.  He. 
landed  at  Barbadoes>  of  wliich  his  account  is  pretty  minute  and' 
particular — proceeded:,,  without  flopping  at  the  intermediate  fet- 
tlements,  to  Dominica,,  of  which  a  fliort  and  general  notice  is 
given — and  from  thence  continued  his  voyage  to  Antigua.  In 
his  account  of  tliis  valuable  little  ifland,  he  introduces  a  difcuf- 
fion,  whether  the  v/liofc  of  the  Britiih  windward  colonies  lliould 
not  be  incorporated  in  the  f^ime  government,  and  joined,  as  the 
Leeward  Charaibean  part  of  the  chain  are,  under  one  governor,, 
council,  and;  repreft-ntat-ive  aflembly  ?  The  reafons  which  he- 
offers  on  the  oppofite  fides  of  this  queftion,  are  fo^  contradiclory,; 
the  views  are  fi>  narrow  and  ill  defined,  and-  the  inferences  fo. 
hefitating  and  obfcure,  rhat  we  are  impre.*Jed  with  an  unfavour- 
able opinion  of  the  author's  fkill  in  colonial  alTairs.  His  defcrip- 
tions  of  Weft  Indian  fcenery  are  generally  lively,  and  we  knov*'- 
them  to  be  f.iithful.  As  a  fpecimen,  we  may  felecl  the  fol- 
lowing fketch  of  tlie  Antigua  landfcape. 

*  This  valuable  little  ifliuid  is  for  the  moil  part  encircled  by  a  range 
6f  hills,  which  rife  to  a  Gonlideral)le  height  in  the  fouth  and  foiith- 
weflern  quarters.  The  interior,  with  the  exception  of  feme  fpots  of- 
liigh  llony  ground  and  tradls  of  j)ailure,  exhibits  a  level  and  well  cul- 
tivated furface  or'  rich  cane  land. — From  a  central  height  turning  to 
the  eail,  and  thence  northerly  to  the  town  of  St  Johns,  the  eye  tra-: 
verfes  a  view  of  one  of  the  fairefl  and  befl  cultivated  trails  of  country 
in  the  Windward  Iflands.     It  is  highly  pleafing  to  a  perfon  who  ha*> 

recently; 


1804.  iSVKinnon'.r  To!/'/ w  rhTFe/I  TnSies.  421 

recently  come  from  the  woods  and  mountains  of  the  more  fouthern 
colonies,  to  behold  fo  extenfive  a  fcene  of  cleared  land.  I'he  whole  of 
the  interior,  thoui^li  divefled  for  tlie  moft  part  of  its  native  Avood,  as 
"by  no  means  under  cultivation  of  the  hoe  :  A  confidcrable  part  of  the 
5lland,  wJjere  the  foil  is  unfit  for  canes  (which  fcem  particularly  to  en- 
gage the  attention  of  the  planters  in  Antigua),  is  laid  out  in  pallures, 
and  covered  with  herds, of  cattle.  Here  and  thci-e  I  obferved  fonae 
fmall  groves,  conillling  principally  of  white  cedars  ;  and  on  the  pallure 
grounds  an  abundance  of  the  guava  buflaes,  yielding  that  fruit  from 
whence  the  excellent  confen'es  of  guava  marmalade?  and  jelly  are  made. 
Nothing  appears  more  completely  like  a  garden,  than  the  fugar  planta- 
tion under  good  cultivation  ;  and  fuch  is  the  prevailing  fcencry  in  the 
interior  of  this  ifiand  where  it  is  fufceptible  of  tillage.  The  green 
"fields  of  cane  (which,  when  I  faw  them,  in  many  places  had  (hot  up 
into  feather)'  tops  previous  to  their  ripening)  were  intermixed  witli 
provifion  grounds  of  yams  and.  eddoe^,  or  the  dark  and  regular  par- 
terres of  holed  land  prepared  for  the  reception  of  the  fiicceeding  year's 
plant-canes.  A  large  windmill  on  each  eltate;  the  planter's  dwelling- 
houfe  and  fugar-worka,  with  the  negro  huts,  in  their  beautiful  groves 
of  oranges,  plantains,  and  cocoa-nut  trees,  cotnpleted  a  landfcape  that 
continually  recun-ed  in  paffing  over  the  ifiand. '     p.  51," — 58^ 

From  Antigua,  Mx"  M'Kinnen  returned  to  Barbad©es  for  the 
|-)eneFit  of  the  trade-wind",  and  went  from  thence  to  Jamaica. 
His  account  of  this  iiland  is  unpardonal)ly  fcantyj  and  we  have 
particularly  to  blame  a  perfon,  reliding  how  fhort  a  time  foever 
in  that  great  fettlement  during  fo  interefting  a  period,  for  not 
procuring  fome  accurate  infon^nation  refpec^ing  the  feelings  ex- 
cited in  all  ranks  and  orders  of  the  people  by  the  -events  then 
confummating  in  8t  Domingo.  Not  a  word  is  to  be  found  upon 
this  fubjetl;  in  any  part  of  the  hook  ^  But  our  author  agrees  with 
all  former  writers  on  colonial  topicSj  in  his  account  ol  the  ge- 
neral uncomfortable  chara<9.er  of  the  fociety  even  in  that  exten- 
five fettlement. 

The  Bahama  Iflantls  were  .the  next  object:  of  Mr  M'Kinncn's 
attention  j  and  as  his  refidence  tliere  was  much  longer,  his  ac- 
count of  them  is  more  copious,  and  we  recommend  it  to  the 
attention  of  our  readers,  as  the  oi^ly  defcription  of  thefe  inter- 
efting fpots  which  has  yet  been  given  to  the  public.  In  the 
mean  time,  we  haflen  to  feled.  a  ft:\v  particulars  for  their  en- 
tertainment. 

The  account  of  the  wrcch-rs  is  perhaps  the  mofi:  fingular  part 
of  the  whole  narrative.  Thefe  perlbns  derive  their  livelihood 
and  diftinguiibing  chara61:er  from  the  very  dangerous  navigation 
of  the  Bahama  Channel.  The  immenfe  variety  of  banks,  fhal-  • 
lows,  and  unknown  paflages  and  coalls  with  which  thofe  lllands 
I'above  feven  hundred  in  number)  are  furrounded,  render  the 
.^    -•  D  d  ;:j  chanc? 


42  2  ISl'Kmnen' s  Tour  in  the  Wejt  Itidiej.  July 

chance  ot  fliipwreck  greater  perhaps  in  this  quarter  than  In  any 
other  part  of  the  ocean.  In  order  to  fave  the  crews  and  the 
property  thus  continually  expofed  to  danger,  the  governor  of  the 
Bahamas  licenfcs  a  nun)ber  of  very  daring  nautsial  adventurers, 
who  confbantly  ply  about  thofe  feas  and  channels,  in  order  to 
obtain  a  certain  falvage,  uliich  thev  are  allowed  on  all  goods 
which  they  fave  from  iliipwreck.  Until  the  An\erican  rebellion 
drove  thither  a  number  of  loyalifls,  the  inhabitants  of  tlie  Ba- 
hamas were  all  engaged  either  in  hilling  or  in  this  dcfperate  oc- 
cupation of  wrecking,  or  in  piracy.  A  race  of  men  more 
hardy — more  fuilful  in  the  management  of  fmall  veffels,  and 
more  inured  to  all  the  dangers  and  viciihtudes  of  the  feafaring 
life,  were  never  prodnced. — As  a  fpecimen  of  the  kind  of  cha- 
ra6ler  and  fentiments  which  thefc  occupations  formed,  we  may 
allude  to  a  converfation  related  by  our  author  in  p.  139.  He 
afked  a  wrecker  what  fuccefs  they  lately  had  .''  The  reply  was, 
that  there  had  been  above  forty  fail  of  wreckers  lying  along  the 
Florida  coafl  for  four  months.  Mr  M*Kinnen  obferved,  that 
they  mufl  have  rendered  great  fervice  to  the  crews  wrecked  on 
that  dangerous  pall'age.  The  wrecker  faid,  *  No — they  generally 
nvent  on  in  the  night. '  *  But  could  not  you  light  up  beacons  on 
Ihore,  or  fliow  your  own  lights  ? '  *  No,  no, '  faid  he,  laugh- 
ing :  '  we  always  put  them  out  for  a  better  chance. '  *  But  it 
would  have  been  more  hunune.  '  f  I  did  not  go  tliere  for  hu- 
manity—  I  went  racking. ' 

Our  author  alfo  relates  the  following  fingular  anecdote  of  one 
of  thefe  men,  which  we  extra(!l  as  a  curious  illuitration  of  the 
power  which  a  life  of  conftant  vicilTitudes  has  to  render  any  ilate 
comfortable. 

'  A  fiflierman  at  anchor  in  a  boat,  while  attentively  employed  iii 
calling  his  nets  at  a  fmall  diftance  from  the  fliorc  of  an  adjacent  illand, 
towards  the  duflc  of  the  evening,  was  furprilcd  by  a  fuddcn  guli  c£ 
wind  coming  off  the  land.  His  boat,  notwitliftanding  all  his  excitioris, 
was  foon  driven  from  her  mooring,  and,  drifting  before  the  wind  out 
of  fight  of  land,  was  expofed  to  the  fwell  of  an  increafing  lea,  which 
overtopped  and  threatened  to  overwhelm  her  every  inftant  as  it  pafied. 
The  boat  continued,  however,  to  float  till  the  night  was  fomewhat  ad- 
vanced ;  and,  in  the  awful  expectation  of  his  fate,  the  fiiherman,  who 
now  had  fcarcely  any  thoughts  of  relief,  heard  the  found  of  breakeis 
at  a  diftance.  This,  which  at  ariother  time  would  have  excited  the 
greateil  alarfn,  afforded  him  at  that  defperate  crifis  a  ray  of  hope. 
Scarcely  had  he  begun  to  diftingniih  their  foam  in  the  darknefs  of  the 
tiiglit,  when  he  found  himfelf  plunged  into  the  midit  of  them,  and  his 
b(nit  dafhed  upon  the  rocks  on  the  eaftern  cdig^  of  the  Great  Bahama 
Bank.  At  a  fmall  diilance  from  thefe  rocks  lay  a  key  or  bank  called 
'iuipgfJ  Ijh.nd  i   and,  floating   nlmofl   fenfelefs    on    the   water,  he    was 

■     _  iking 


1 8o4'  M'KinnenV  Tour  in  the  We/l  Indies.  423 

flung  upon  this  defolate  ifland.  Though  now  preferved  from  the  waves, 
there  was  neither  water  nor  food  to  be  found  on  the  key,  which  pro- 
duced only  a  fe-w  fruitlefs  fhrubs.  But  as  he  had  been  accuftomed  tcj 
dive  for  conchs,  which  abound  in  many  places  on  the  coalls  of  the 
Bahamas,  he  fwam  to  iome  diftance  from  the  fhore,  and  fortunately,  on 
fearching  the  bottom,  difcovered  a  fufficient  quantity  of  thefe  (hdl- 
fifli  for  his  fubfiftence.  For  nearly  fix  weeks  he  lived  entirely  oa 
conchs,  their  liquor  fupplying  the  place  of  water.  During  that  time, 
iiaving  erefted  a  fignal  on  fhore,  he  obferved  feveral  velTels  pals  without 
noticing  if:  But  fo  well  reconciled  had  this  Crufoe  become  to  his  de- 
fcrt  ifland,  that  he  declared,  when  taken  off,  had  his  wife  been  with 
him,  he  could  have  lived  very  happily  there  for  life.  '     p.  141-143. 

The  account  given  by  Mr  M'Kiunen  of  John  Teach,  the  fa- 
mous pirate,  known  in  the  Bahainas  by  the  name  of  Black  Ikard, 
is  extremely  entertaining  j  and  ftows,  that  at  a  period  much  more 
recent  than  the  age  of  the  Buccaneers,  the  trade  of  depredation 
was  carried  on  fyflematically,  and  to  an  enormous  extent,  in  the 
Charaibeon  feas.  This  freebooter  hved  in  the  reign  of  George 
the  Second, 

*  This  extraordinary  man  had  united  in  his  fortunes  a  defperate  and 
formidable  gang  of  pirates,  ityling  himfelf  their  Commodore,  and  affum- 
iag  the  autliority  of  a  legitimate  chie£  Uudcr  a  wikl  fig-tree,  the 
trunk  of  wliich  ftill  remains,  and  was  ihowu  to  me  in  the  'eaftern  part 
of  the  town,  he  ufcd  -to  lit  in  council  aduongll.  his  banditti,  concerting 
or  promulgating  his  plans,  and  exercising  the  autliority  of  a  magillrate. 
His  piracies  were  often  carried  on  near  the  Englifh  fettlemeuts  on  the 
coall  of  North  America,  where  he  met  with  extraordinary  fuccefs. 
Perhaps  in  the  hittory  of  human  depravitj^  it  would  lie  difficult  to  fe- 
left  aftions  more  brutal  and  extravagant  than  Black  Beard's  biographer 
has  recorded  of  him.  As  the  narrative  to  which  I  allude  is  generally 
credited,  and  Ijcars  ftrong  iitternal  evidence  of  truth,  it  may  be  amuf- 
ing  to  mention  a  few  particulars  of  a  man  who  was  for  fome  time  con- 
iidered  as  fovereign  of  this  rfland. 

*  In  pefibn,  as  well  as  difpofition,  this  defperado,  who  was  a  native 
of  England,  feems  to  have  been  qualified  for  the  chief  of  a  gang  of 
thieves.  The  effeCl  of  his  beard,  which  gave  a  natural  ferocity  to  his 
countenance,  he  was  always  folichous  to  heighten,  by  fuffering  it  to 
grow  to  an  immoderate  length,  and  twilling  it  about  in  fmall  tails  like 
a  Ramillies  wig  ;  whence  he  derived  the  name  of  Black  Beard.  His 
portrait  in  time  of  adion  i«  defcribed  as  that  of  a  complete  fury ;  with 
three  brace  of  piiiols  in  holiiors  faing  over  liis  fhoulders  like  bandoliers, 
and  lighted  matches  under  his  hat,  flicking  out  over  each  ot  his  ears. 
All  authority  as  well  as  admiration  amongfl  the  pirates  was  conferred  on 
thofe  who,  committing  every  outrage  on  humanity,  difplayed  the  great- 
eft  audacity  and  extravagance.  Black  Beard's  pretenlions  to  an  elevated 
rank  in  the  eftimation  of  his  alTociates,  may  be  conceived  from  the  cha- 
Ja^et  of  his  jokes.     Having  often  exhibited  himfelf  before   them   as  4 

D  d  4  daemon. 


424  M'KinnenV  Tour  in  tht  Weji  Indies.  Jiiiy 

daemon,  he  determined  once  to  fliow  them  a  hell  of  his  own  creation. 
For  this  purpofe,  he  collefted  a  quantity  of  fulphur  and  combullible 
materials  between  the  decks  of  his  veffel ;  when,  kindling  a  flame  and 
fhutting  down  the  hatches  upon  his  crew,  he  involved  hirafelf  with  them 
literally  in  hre  and  brimftone.  With  oaths  and  frantic  gcilures,  he 
then  afted  the  part  of  the  devil,  as  little  affected  by  the  fmoke  as  if  he 
had  been  born  in  the  infernal  regions,;  till  his  companions,  nearly  fuffo- 
cated  and  fainting,  compelled  him  to  releafe  them.  His  convivial  hu- 
mour was  of  a  fimilar  call.  In  one  of  his  ecftacies,  whild  heated  with 
liquor  and  fitting  in  hir!  cabin,  he  took  a  piftol  in  each  hand  ;  then, 
cocking  them  under  the  table,  blew  out  the  candles,  and,  croffnig  his 
hands,  fired  on  each  fide  at  his  companions :  *  One  of  tlicm  received 
a  Ihot  which  maimed  him  for  life.  His  gaMantry  alfo  was  of  the  fame 
complexion  as  this  vein  of  humour.  He  had  fourteen  wives,  if  they 
may  be  fo  called.  But  his  couduft,  towards  one  of  thern  appears  to 
have  been  too  unfeehng  and  unmanly  to  admit  of  dcfcription.  ' 
p.  240 — 243. 

He  was  afterwards  conquered,  rather  than  apprehended,  by  an 
expedition  fitted  out  for  the  purpofe,  after  a  moll  defper-Ate  refin- 
ance, in  which  he  killed  almoll  all  the  crews  of  the  veflels  fent  a- 
gainil  him;  and  he  died,  with  moll  of  l;is  own  gang,  in  tb.e 
battle. 

We  now  proceed  to  bring  together,  in  one  funimar)',  the  ftate- 
mentsof  Mr  M'Kinnen  which  throw  any  light  Upon  the  great 
queftlons  of  Weft  Indian  policy.  In  p.  90,  he.  diflin(ftly  mcntion& 
the  increafing  cultivation  ^i  coffee  in  Jamaica,  ftnce  the  n)isfor- 
tunes  which  have  befallen  the  French  colonies.  Almoll  the 
whole  of  the  mountainous  diftricts  of  that  ifland  are  well  adapted 
for  this  culture  •,  and  our  author,  by  admitting  that  the  fpirit  of 
Weft  Indian  fpeculation  is  dnngeroufly  rapid  in  entering  every 
new  channel  (infomuch  that  the  growth  of  coffee  has  increafed  a 
fourth  in  one  year),  has  granted,  that  as  long  as  the  flavt-trade  Is 
permitted,  an  indefinite  demand  for  new  fupplies  will  be  kept  up 
even  in  our  oldeft  illands,  although  no  new  vent  for  capital fliould 
be  opened  by  farther  conqucfts. 

Nothing,  however,  is  more  immediately  conne£l;ed  with  the 
ftate  of  the  flaves,  than  the  non-refidence  of  the  proprietors. 
From  not  attending  to  this  charafteriftic  feature  of  Weft  Indian 
ibciety,  the  friends  o{  the  abolition  have  frequently  loft  fome 
forcible  points  of  attack  ;  and  the  phnters  have  with  fome  reafon 
imagined  that  the  argument  from  ill  treatment,  which  fhould  be 
chiefly  levelled  at  the  overfeers  and  ailing  managers  of  eftates-,  was 
pointed  at  themfelves.     In  faft,  the  non-rcfidcnce  of  the  mafter, 

—  who 


*   One  of  the  guefls,  who  related  this  anecdote,  perceiving  what  -was 
likely  to  happen,  adroitly  took  himfeif  off. 


J  804.  jVI'KinneuV  Tour  in  the  WeJ},  Indlesl  "41^ 

who  is  priiKipally,  perhaps  exclufively  interefted  in  the  good 
treatment  of  the  ftock,  leaves  the  fiave  a  prey  to  the  caprice  and 
mifmanagement  of  the  fervanr,  who  has  only  to  return  a  tlue 
quantity  of  fugar,  and  draw  his  bills  for  the  price  of  new  negroes. 
Mr  M'Kinnen  mentions  a  circumilance  firikingly  illuftrative  o£ 
the  degree  in  which  (laves  mull  be  at  the  mercy  of  thofe  moft 
likely  to  maltreat  them.  In  one  of  the  richefl  diilri£ts  of  Jamaica, 
containing  80  eftates,  not  three  proprietors  refide.  The  reft 
are  domeliicated  in  England,  and  their  plantations  are  managed 
by  temporary  agents. 

Although  we  are  not  difpofed  to  accufe  Mr  M'Kinnen  of  an 
unfair  ftatement  of  fa£l:s  on  this  important  queftion,  we  think 
that,  as  he  himfelf  fairly  admits  (p.  220.))  the  ihortnefs  of  hi« 
iVay,  and  his  intercourfe  with  prejudiced  and  interefted  perfons 
niav  have  exerted  an  inliuence  on  his  mi"nd  unfavourable  to  accu- 
rate deciiion.  He  feems  indeed,  like  many  others,  to  have  ex- 
pected nothing  but  one  unvaried  fcene  of  ilagcllation  and  torture  5 
and,  finding  the  reality  not  quite  fo  terrible  as  he  had  apprehend- 
tS,  he  is  almoft  tempted  to  believe  that  it  is  not  terrible  at  all, 
and  that  the  condition  of  the  flaves  is  tolerably  eafy  and  comfort- 
able, becaufc  the  laHi  is  not  always  applied,  and  the  fiave  is  fome- 
times  merry.  In  defcrihing  the  work  of  a  gang,  he  fays  the  driv- 
er did  not  exercife  his  wldp,  but  ftood  over  the  fiaves  direfling 
2nd  Jiinju/athig  che  work,  p.  2B.  Now,  this  is  all  that  the  intel- 
ligent abolitionilh  ever  contcQded  for.  They  never  maintained 
that  the  lafh  vras  conftantly  cracking,  any  more  than  they  v/ould 
fay  that  a  waggoner  is  conitantly  whipping  his  horfes  ;  they  aver- 
red that  the  laili  is  the  Jlimuhiting  caufe  of  work  in  both  cafes  ; 
tliat  the  fear  of  it  may  prevent  its  application,  but  that,  if  necef- 
fary,  the  llroke  is  at  hand  to  remind  the  negro,  as  well  as  to 
quicken  the  horfe.  Our  author  is  alfo  furpriied  to  find  the  ne- 
groes fo  cheerful  when  landed  from  the  vellel,  and  fo  men-y  in 
dieir  amufeiT.ents,  p.  9,  &c.  But  furely  it  is  an  indifferent  proof 
cf  their  luppinefs,  that  they  are  glad  to  gain  any  change  after  the 
horrors  of  the  iraddle  palliige  ;  and  it  is  no  very  decifive  -proof  of 
their  general  comfwrt,  that  during  the  Chriilmas  holidays  they 
V^'cre  not  without  feme  noify  revelling.  We  acknowledge,  that  the 
thing  which  pleafed  us  lealt  in  perufing  this  work,  was  the  infuiu- 
ation  frequently  repeated,  that  the  condition  of  Weft  Indian  ©ond'^ 
age  is  not  much  more  wretched  than  that  of  the  negroes  m  Afrin 
ea,  becaufe  we  have  always  confidercd  the  argument  which  pre- 
tends to  juftify  the  flave  trade,  on  the  ground  of  its  improving  the 
]ot  of  the  Africans,  as  the  molt  intolerable  of  all  the  fophifms  en- 
gendered by  this  fertile  <:ontroverfy — as  a  defence  cf  the  traffic, 
Whish  adds  infult  and  mockery  to  the  original  crime.  If  any 
'      '  '  tiling- 


%2H  M*KInneflV  Touy  in  the  Wejl  Itid'tes.  July 

tiling  could  increafe  this  feeling,  it  would  be  the  recollection  of 
the  purpofes  to  "which  fuch  topics  have'  been  formerly  applied  ; 
and  Mr  M'Kinnen  has  himfelf  given  a  very  touching  account  of 
sai  inftance  perfe£lly  in  point,  which  we  cannot  forbear  extract- 
ing. 

"'  *  I  could  not  behold  the  beautiful  and  fragrant  woods  over  the  white 
(Irand,  without  recurring  to  the  fate  of  that  innocent  race  of  people 
tvhofe  name  it  bears,  but  who  have  long  fmce  been  dragged  from  their 
native  fhores  by  the  mercilefs  ambition  and  avarice  of  their  European 
vifitors.  A  paffage  in  Herrera  came  forcibly  to  my  recolleftion  whilft 
meditating  on  the  fubjeft,  in  which  he  fays,  that  on  the  firft  arrival  of 
the  Spaniards,  this  unfnfpefting  but  devoted  people  were  never  fatisfied 
with  lookinfT  at  them  :  they  knelt  down,  litted  up  their  hands  and  gave 
thanks  to  God,  inviting  one  another  to  admire  the  heavenly  men. 
Twenty  years,  however,  had  fcarcely  elapfed,  before  thefe  heavenly 
iJ»en  found  it  convenient  to  tranfport  them,  by  force  or  artifice,  to  dig 
in  the  mines  of  Hifpaniola  ;  a  meafure  to  which  the  court  of  Spain  was 
tempted  to  give  its  affent  by  the  plaufible  fuggeftion  that  it  would  be  the 
moft  effeftual  mode  of  civilizing  and  inltrufting  them  in  the  Chriftian  reli- 
gion. Upon  this  pretence  40,000  iouls  (probably  the  whole  population  of 
the  iflands)  were  tranfported  to  Hifpaniola,  So  exaked  was  the  opinion 
which  this  fimple  people  entertained  of  their  deftroyers,  and  fo  ftrong 
and  univerfal  is  the  perfuafion  of  the  human  mind  that  a  deftiny  awaits 
it  beyond  the  mifcries  and  difappointments  of  its  prefent  bounded  exift- 
ence,  that  many  of  the  Lucayans  were  induced  with  cheerfulnefs  to  a- 
bandon  their  homes,  under  a  perfuafion  that  they  fliould  meet  in  a 
happier  country  the  fpirlts  of  their  deceafed  friends,  with  whom  the 
Spaniards  reprefented  themfelves  as  living  in  a  ftate  of  fociety. '  p.  263. 
264.  265. 

The  laft  fa£l:  which  this  work  prefents  to  us  on  this  intercfting 
queftion,  is  one  of  very  confiderable  importance,  and  may  juftly 
fill  with  fatisfaClion  thole  who  have  of  late  years  difcufled  thefe 
fubjeCls  in  a  fpeculative  point  of  view.  The  treatment  of  the 
negroes  in  the  Bahama  Iflands  is  much  more  lenient  than  that 
v/hich  prevails  over  the  more  fouthern  and  populous  colonics. 
Talk- work  is  univerfally  introduced. 

'  Their  labour,  '  fays  our  author,  *  Is  allotted  to  them  dally  and  in- 
dividually according  to  their  Hrength  ;  and  if  they  are  fo  diligent  as  to 
have  finlfhed  it  at  an  early  hour,  the  rell  of  the  day  is  allowed  to  them' 
for  amufement  or  their  private  concerns.  The  mader  alfo  frequently 
fuperintends  them  hirafelf ;  and  therefore,  it  rarely  happens  that  they 
are  fo  much  fubjecft  to  the  difclpline  of  the  whip  as  where  the  gangs 
^re  large,  and  diretled  by  agents  or  ovtrfeers.  '     p.  172. 

New,  what  is  the   confequence  of  thefe   moll  important  cir- 

cumltances?     '  The  negroes  in  the  Bahama  iflands  difcover  in 

::eneral  n;ore  fpirit  and  exertion  than  in  the  fouthern  parts  of 

*  the 


iSo4.  M^KmntYiS  Tour  in  the  Wefl  India,  42  f 

the  Well  Indies,  '  il>id-  ;  and,  of  this,  various  proofs  occur  in  this 
work.  Collateral  evidence,  if  it  were  necefTary,  could  alfo  be 
adduced  from  Mr  M'Kinnen's  narrative,  to  prove  the  adaptation 
of  talk-work  to  produce  induftry.  He  tells  us  that  *  the  negroes 
never  difplay  fo  much  ingenuity  or  patience  as  in  the  purfuit  of 
prey,  '  p.  188. ;  and  we  meet  with  repeated  proofs  of  their  fuc- 
cefs  in  fhip-buildinj^  and  the  manajjement  of  fmall  craft  at  fea  ; 
occupations,  in  which  the  compulfive  labour  extorted  by  the 
cart-whip  is  exchanged  for  voluntary  fervice. 

Before  concluding  our  obfervations  on  this  work,  we  have  to 
repeat  that  it  is  much  lefs  full  and  inftru£live  than  might  have 
been  wiflied.  The  ftyle  of  Mr  M'Kinnen  is  unambitious -and 
inoffenfive  ;  It  aims  at  nothing  elegant  or  adorned  ;  but  is  not 
always  pure  or  correfl.  A  few  of  his  obfervations  border  on 
the  ludicrous,  chiefly  from  awkwardnefs  of  manner.  He  tell.s 
us,  for  example,  that  the  governor  of  Barbadoe§,  *  fromfomK 
indiftindtnefsof  hearing,  generally  paffes  by  the  arguments  ot' 
counfel,  and  confults  only  the  authorities,  '  &c.  p.  32.  -  It. ap- 
pears, however,  that  this  unhiippy  circumftance  does  not  at  all 
prevent  the  gentlemen  of  the  long  robe  from  exercifmg  their  e- 
ioquence,  to  a  judge  who  cannot  hear  one  word  they  utter,  itid,' 
The  author's  long  declamation  on  the  bad  paving  of  the  King- 
fton  ftreets  (p.  83.)  might  alfo  have  been  fpared,  or  referved  at 
lead  for  the  Governor  of  Barbadoes  ;  and  the  dignity  of  the  re* 
mark,  *  that  pleafure  is  not  generally  the  offspring  of  expefta- 
tion  in  this  life,  *  p.  7^^.  would  have  accorded  with  a  more  lofty 
occafion  than  that  of  the  veifel  arriving  in  port  a  few  hours  be- 
yond the  expelled  time.  The  candid  and  modeft  fpirir,  how- 
ever, which  prevails  through  the  whole  of  this  little  work> 
would  have  amply  atoned  for  much  greater  violations  of  correal" 
tafte  than  any  which  we  have  been  able  to  difcover  in  the  Kourfe 
of  a  very  careful  perufal. 


Art.  XIV.  Sir  Trijlrem,  a  Mdr'ical  Romance  of  the  I'^ih  Century  ; 
by  Thomas  of  ErcUJouTie,  called  the  Rhymer.  Edited  from  the 
Auchlnleck  MS.  by  Walter  Scott  Efq.  Advocate,  iloyal  Svo. 
pp.  506.  Printed  by  J.  Ballantyne,  for  Arch.  Conflable  &  Co. 
Edinburgh,  and  Longman  &  Rees,  London.      1804. 

TDefore  we  proceed  to  examine  the  merits  of  this  work,  we 
■*-'  think  it  our  duty  to  exprefs  our  difapprobation  of  the  very 
high  price  affixed  to  it  by  the  publilhers.  We  do  not  affe£t  to 
fympathize  with  the  author  of  the  Purfuits  of  Literature,  in  his 
iickly  antipathy  to  cream-coloured  paper,  hot-prelTed  pages,  large 
i:nargins,  and  beautiful  types  ;    on  the  contrary,  we  remarked 

with 


4a8  Sir  Trifirnii  a  Metrical  Romanee.  July 

with  pleafure,  In  our  review  of  the  Mlnftrelfy  of  the  Scotifh  Bord- 
er, that  the  printer,  Mr  Ballantyne,  had  contributed  no  common 
{hare  of  elegance  to  that  very  pleafing  and  popular  work:  But  we 
can  fee  no  reafon  why  the  bard  of  Ercildoun  (hould  be  diftingulQi- 
ed  from  all  his  fuccefibrs  by  a  more  gigantic  page  *,  and  flill  lefs 
can  we  approve  the  limitation  of  a  new  edition  to  a  very  fmall 
number  of  copies  as  an  excufe  for  an  advanced  price.  Perhaps 
it  may  add  to  our  indignation,  that  our  own  labour  is  thus  con- 
siderably increafed,  becaufe  it  becomes  neceflary  that  we  fliould 
defcribe  more  particularly  the  contents  of  a  valuable  work  which 
cannot  be  known  to  the  whole  number  of  our  readers.  Be  this 
as  it  may,  we  (hall  now,  after  difcharging  our  fpleen,  proceed  to 
our  analyfis. 

We  know  from  various  authorities,  that  the  metrical  tale  of 
Sir  Triftrem,  compofed  by  Thomas  of  Ercildoun,  was  among 
the  iirft  romantic  poems  exhibited  in  our  language  j  and  we 
know  alfo,  that  it  was  univerfally  confulered  as  the  belt.  If, 
therefore,  the  copy  now  edited  by  Mr  Scott  from  the  Auchinleck 
MS.  can  be  admitted  as  a  tolerably  corre£l  tranfcript  of  the 
original,  it  will  afford  us  the  purefl  model  of  the  language  and 
talle  of  our  remote  anceflors;  and  as  every  romance  relleils  the 
manners  of  the  times  in  which  it  was  compofed,  this  very  early 
fpecimen  of  our  poetry  will  prefent  many  valuable  materials  to  the 
future  hiftorian.  The  editor  therefore  has  collected,  in  a  fhort  but 
clear  and  comprehenfive  introdu<flion,  all  the  information  which 
the  reader  can  expecEl  relating  to  his  author ;  he  has  accumu- 
lated, in  a  large  body  of  notes,  various  illuftratlons  of  the  text, 
from  the  romances  of  hillory  in  the  middle  ages ;  he  has  pre- 
fixed, to  each  of  the  three  *  fyttes  '  into  which  he  has  divided 
the  poem,  a  fort  of  tranflatlon,  which  will  be  found  very  con- 
venient by  the  curfory  reader  -,  and  he  has  added  a  glolTary  for 
the  ufe  of  the  more  attentive  fludent.  We  fhall  prefently  exa- 
mine, as  minutely  as  our  liaiiis  will  permit,  tiie  labours  of  the 
editor;  but  we  wifh,  in  the  lirll  inllance,  to  lay  before  our  readers 
a  fhort  outline  of  the  ftory. 

In  a  country  called  Ermonie,  of  which  the  latitude  and  longi- 
tude may  be  left  to  the  reader's  difcretion,  provided  that  he  do 
not  place  it  at  too  great  a  diftance  from  Cornwall,  lived  two 
great  feudal  barons,  one  of  whom  was  called  Duke  Morgan, 
and  the  other  Rouland  Rife.  After  a  war,  in  which  Morgan 
had  'peen  the  aggreflbr,  but  had  been  compelled  to  accept  as  a 
favour  a  truce  of  feven  years,  Rouland  repaired  to  the  court  of 
Mark  king  of  England  j  dillinguKhed  himfelf  at  a  tournament.; 
and  gained  the  heart  of  Blanche-flour  the  king's  filter.  Un- 
fortunately, he  had  been  feyercly  wounded  at  the  combat ;  and^ 

ftill 


1^04".  ^^^  Trijlrem,  a  Metncat  Romaftce.  42^ 

i\ill  more  unfortunately,  the  lovely  Blanche-flour,  who  flew  to 
his  afliftance,  and  fucceeded  In  curin^r  his  wound,  found  herfelf 
with  child  during  the  progrefs  of  his  recovery.  To  complete 
her  dirtrefs,  not  many  months  had  elapfed  when  Rouland  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  his  faithful  friend  Rohand,  announcing  that 
Morgan  had  broken  the  truce,  and  wa?  advancing  at  the  head  of 
a  vaft  army  to  feize  the  dominions  of  lits  rival.  No  time  was  to 
be  loft.  Rouland  haftened  to  the  defence  of  his  territories, 
accompanied  by  his  miftrefs,  who  became  his  wife  at  the  Caftle 
of  Rohand,  but  had  the  misfortune  of  witnelTing,  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  the  defeat  and  death  of  her  hulhand.  This  fad 
event  haftened  her  delivery,  which  proved  fatal :  After  giving 
birth  to  a  fon,  on  v.'hom  fhe  impofed  the  name  of  Triftrem,  flfic 
delivered  to  Rohand  a  ring,  formerly  the  prcfent  of  King  Mark, 
as  a  token  which  might  hereafter  identify  the  child ;  recom- 
mended fhe  infant  to  the  Baron's  protection,  and  expired. 

Rohand,  anxious  for  the  fafety  of  his  charge,  directed  his 
Tvife  to  feign  a  fecond  delivery  j  adopted  the  infant  as  his  fon  j 
called  him  by  the  inverted  name  of  Tremtrift  ;  gave  him  an 
excellent  preceptor,  under  whom  he  y?«JirV(i  in  bocfk  till  he  was 
able  to  puzzle  his  mafters;  made  him  a  perfect  proficient  in  all 
pofhble  games ;  and  taught  him  the  myfteries  of  hunting,  which 
fhe  youth  had  improved  into  a  fcience,  fo  as  confiderably  to 
excel  the  fyftem  of  Manejius,  the  moft  fagacious  writer  on  the 
fabje«fl. 

Triftrem  was  fifteen  years  of  age,  when  a  Norwegian  veflel, 
principally  freighted  with  hawks,  arrived  at  Rohand's  caftle. 
The  boy  went  on  board  with  his  reputed  father-,  challenged  the 
captain  to  play  with  him  at  chefs ;  won  all  his  beft  hawks  from 
him,  which  he  diftrlhuted  to  Rohand  and  his  attendants,  who 
retired  with  their  prize ;  and  keeping  with  him  only  his  tutor, 
purfued  his  fuccefs  tili  he  had  nearly  beggared  his  antagonift. 
But  the  captain  refle<fting  that  it  was  cheaper  to  leave  the  port 
than  to  pay  the  money,  fuddcnly  gave  orders  for  failing,  and 
having  put  the  tutor  into  a  fmall  boat,  carrifjd  Triftrem  off  to' 
fea.  Heaven,  however,  interfered  for  his  deliverance.  The 
vefl'cl  was  roffed  to  and  fro,  till  the  pirates,  in  utter  defpair, 
jelinquiftied  their  prize,  and  fet  the  bey  on  iliore,  with  all  his 
winnings,  on  the  coafl  of  Cornwall.  Two  palmers,  whom  he 
met  in  a  foreft,  were  induced  by  a  reward  of  20s.  to  accompany 
him  to  court.  On  their  way  they  found  a  party  of  huntero, 
whofe  awkwardnefs  in  cutting  up  the  hart  which  they  had  killed 
was  juftly  cenfured  by  Triftrem  :  He  aifumed  the  knife  j  carved 
she  bqaft  with  unexampled  dexterity ;  blew  the  tshenifig  or  death- 
rrote  on  the  horn  j  a^d  having  aftoni(hsd  tlie  forefters  by  his 

fcicntific 


430  Sir  Trifir-entf  a  Metrical  Romanef.  l^^f 

fcientific  inftruftions,  was  conveyed  by  them  in  triumph  to  the 
court  of  King  Mark,  who  received  the  accomphflied  ftranger 
with  fuitable  attention.  The  introduction  of  a  minftrel  after 
dinner  afforded  a  freOi  triumph  toTriftrem;  who,  taking  the 
harp,  extorted  from  the  Cornifli  mufician  an  unwilling  admiflioa 
of  his  fuperiorlty. 

In  the  mean  time,  Rohand,  who  had  long  wandered  in  fearch 
ef  his  foller-fon,  having  m.et  one  of  the  palmers,  learned  from 
him  the  fate  of  Triftreni ;  arrived  at  Mark's  court ;  and,  after 
gaining  admittance  with  much  difficulty,  told  him  the  real  ftory 
of  tlie  young  man,  and  fiiewed  him  the  ring ;  in  confequence  of 
which,  Triftreni  was  publicly  acknowledged  as  his  nephew.  A 
farther  explanation  with  Rohand  inflamed  the  young  hero  with 
an  ardent  defire  to  revenge  his  father's  death.  Mark,  after  fome 
dilhculties,  conferred  on  him  the  order  of  knighthood,  furnifliing 
him  with  a  fmall  but  chofen  army  of  I  coo  men,  who  failed  with 
him  to  Rohand's  callle.  Soon  after.  Sir  Triftrem,  attended  by 
fifteen  knights  all  bearing  boars'  heads,  and  clofely  followed  by 
Rohand  and  his  troops,  appeared,  a  moft  unexpe£led  and  un- 
welcome gueft  at  Duke  Morgan's  table.  A  fcene  of  mutual 
infult  was  terminated  by  a  battle,  in  which  the  ufurpej  loft  hi', 
life;  and  Triftrem,  having  recovered  his  hereditary  dominions, 
which  he  conferred  on  his  excellent  friend  Rohand,  returned  to 
the  court  of  Cornwall. 

Mark  and  all  his  courtiers  were  at  this  moment  In  great 
tribulation.  Moraunt,  the  champion  of  Ireland,  was  come  to 
claim  the  accuftomed  tribute,  and  the  Cornifta  barons  were  dif- 
pofed  to  unlimited  fubmiftion  •,  but  Triftrem  ordered  the  tribute 
to  be  withheld,  repaired  in  perfon  to  Moraunt,  and  defied  him 
to  combat.  The  encounter,  which  took  place  on  an  ifland,  was 
long  and  obftinate ;  but  at  length,  tliough  Tfiftrem  received  a 
fevere  wound  in  the  hip,  he  had  the  honour  to  kill  his  antagonift 
by  a  tertibie  blow  on  the  head,  in  which  Triftrcm's  fword  was 
broken,  and  left  its  point  firmly  fixed  in  the  (kuU  of  Moraunt. 
The  deliverer  of  Cornwall  was  now  declared  heir  to  the  crown ; 
but  his  wound,  which  had  been  infii£led  by  a  polfoned  weapon, 
became  daily  more  froublefome  -,  and  after  baffling  the  {kill  of 
all  the  Cornlfti  phyficians,  rendered  the  patient  fo  difgufting, 
that  none  of  his  attendants,  excepting  Gouvernail  his  faithful 
fervant,  had  the  courage  to  come  near  his  perfon.  And  thus 
ends  the  firft  fytte  of  the  poem,  containing  102  ftanzas. 

After  three  years  of  torture,  Triftrem  requefted  frorn  his 
uncle  a  fliip,  with  a  fufHcIency  of  provifions,  and,  attended  only 
by  the  faithful  Gouvernail,  abandoned  himfelf  to  the  chance  of 
the  winds  and  wjivesj  which  at  laft  brought  him   to  Dublin. 

Calling 


s3a4.  Sir ''Trtjirenij  a  Metrical  Romance^  451 

Calling  hlmftlf  Tremtilft,  and  alleging  that  he  was  a  merchant 
wounded  by  pirates,  he  continued  in  the  harbour  to  folacc 
himfelf  with  his  harp,  the  found  of  which  attracled  daily 
crowds  to  his  (liip  ;  and  at  lad  procured  for  him  a  viHt  from 
the  (lueen,  who  was  admirably  (killed  in  medicine,  and  foon 
undertook  and  accompliflied  his  cure.  He  was  called  to  court; 
and  became  the  inftruftor  of  the  beautiful  Yfonde  the  king's 
daughter,  in  the  various  games  of  chefs  and  tables,  and  in  the 
arts  of  mufic  and  poetry;  fo  that  his  fair  pupil,  already  a  paragon 
of  beauty,  fliortly  became  a  model  of  elegaiK  accomplifhments. 
But  the  hero  of  Cornwall,  the  conqueror  of  the  fierce  Moraunt,- 
grew  tired  of  his  dilguife,  and  of  living  as  a  preceptor  to  the 
niece  of  his  flaughtcred  enemy.  He  alked  leave  to  depart,  and 
returned  to  the  court  of  Mark,  to  whom  he  praifed  fo  warmly 
the  charms  of  the  fair  Yfonde,  that  the  amorous  monarch  con- 
jured him  ro  return  and  obtain  her  from  her  parents,  while  tha. 
envious  barons  llrongly  preiTed  him  to  undertake  an  embafiy 
which,  if  his  real  name  lliould  be  difcovered,  muft,  as  they  fup- 
pofed,  prove  fatal  to  the  ambaflador. 

Triftrem,  perfe£fly  aware  of  his  danger,  but  Indifferent  to  it3 
confequences,  undertook  the  commifTion,  and  carrying  with  him 
fifteen  knights,  all  like  himfelf  difguifed  as  merchants,  arrived 
in  Dublin  harbour  at  a  moment  when  its  inhabitants  were  in  ex- 
treme confternation  at  the  approach  of  a  terrible  dragon.  As 
kings  never  kill  dragons  with  their  own  hands,  the  King  of  Ire- 
land contented  himfelf  with  offering  the  poffeflion  of  his  daugh- 
ter to  him  who  Ihould  deftroy  the  monller.  Triftrem,  of  courfe, 
undertook  the  talk  ;  and  though  his  armour  was  all  burnt  off  his 
back  by  the  fiery  breath  of  the  dragon,  killed  him,  cut  out  his 
tongue,  and  putting  it  into  his  boot,  prepared,  as  his  horfe  had 
been  deftroyed,  to  walk  home  in  triumph.  But  Triftrem  was 
unlucky  about  poifons.  The  poifonous  tongue  of  the  dragon 
threw  him  into  a  fwoon  •,  and  while  he  lay  fenfelefs,  the  king's 
fleward,  finding  the  dragon  quite  dead,  cut  off  its  head,  haften- 
ed  to  court,  and  obtained  the  hand  of  Yfonde.  Luckily  that 
lady  had  great  doubts  of  the  fteward's  courage.  She  repaired 
with  her  mother  to  the  fpot  where  the  dragoo  lay,  found  Sir 
Triftrem  in  a  fwoon,  poured  an  antidote  down  his  throat,  and 
having  thus  recovered  him,  foon  learned  from  his  own  mouth 
that  he  was  the  real  viflor,  and  prepared  to  prove  it  in'  the  teeth 
of  the  falfe  fteward.  They  then  carried  him  home,  and  placed 
him  in  a  bath  \  but  Yfonde,  fufpe£ting  the  pretended  merchant 
to  be  her  old  preceptor,  drew  and  examined  the  fword,  com- 
pared its  broken  point  with  the  fragment  extracted  from  the 
flcull  of  Moraunt,  and  difcovered  that  he  was  certainly  the  fame 
wicked  Triftrem  who  had   kUleti   her   uncle.     She  now  piouily 

determined. 


43^  olr  Tri/lf-ein^  a  Metrical  ttoniaTil'/l  Ifuiy 

tletermlned  to  murder  him  in  the  bath  •■,  and  her  mother,  on 
learning  his  name,  readily  concurred  in  this  laudable  pioje(fl:  ; 
But  the  arrival  of  the  king  fortunately  faved  his  life. 

Triftram,  fniilin^^  at  their  rajje,  related  liis  pafl  a(tventure.r, 
pleaded  his  fervices  in  the  character  of  Trenr.trift,  and  the  late 
death  of  the  dragon,  in  extenuation  of  his  victory  over  Morauntj 
and  fo  well  fatisfied  the  king,  that  on  his  promife  to  fee  Yfonde 
married  to  the  King  of  Cornwall,  flie  was  immediately  entrufted 
to  his  proteQion. 

At  their  dcparttfte  the  queen  mother,  anxious  to  infure  th* 
Jiappinefs  of  the  married  couple,  prepared  and  delivered  to 
Brengwain,  Yfondc's  favourite  damfel,  a  *  drink  of  might, ' 
or  philtre,  with  dire6\ions  that  it  ftiould  be  divided  between  the 
bride  and  bridegroom  on  the  wedding  evening.  But  fortune  de- 
cided otherwife.  During  a  contrary  wind,  when  Triftrem  was 
faint  with  heat  and  thirft  from  the  fatigue  of  rowing,  Yfcnde 
called  for  fome  liquor  to  refrefh  him,  and  Brengwain  inadver- 
tently brought  the  fatal  •  drink  of  might,  *  of  which  Triftrem 
and  Yfonde  having  partaken,  they  imbibed  the  fudden  and  re- 
fiftlefs  pafTion  which  death  alone  could  overcome.  Even  a  dog 
named  Hodain,  who  licked  the  cup  after  it  was  fet  down,  felt 
its  invincible  power,  and  became  their  infeparable  companion. 
Yfonde  arrived,  was  married,  and  efcaped  the  detection  of  her 
guilt,  by  fubftiruting,  on  the  firlt  night  of  the  nuptials,  the 
faithful  Brengwain,  whom  {lie  afterwards  Ungratefully  purpofed 
to  facrifice  to  her  fecurity,  but  was  fortunately  prevented. 

Soon  after  the  marriage,  an  odd  incident  occurred.  An  Irifh 
Earl,  long  in  love  with  Yfonde,  came  to  court  difguifed  as  a 
harper  ;  and  refuHng  to  Oiew  his  {kill  till  the  king  fhould  have" 
granted  him  a  boon,  obtained  as  that  boon  poireflion  of  Yfonde, 
and  carried  h.er  off.  She  was  aflually  embarked,  when  Triftrem, 
who  only  learned  the  event  on  his  return  from  hunting,  feized 
his  rote  (a  mulical  inftrament  often  mentioned  in  romances) 
Tode  haftily  to  the  (liore,  and  beginning  to  play,  caught  the  ear 
of  his  miftrefs.  The  Karl,  to  whom  his  perfon  was  unknown, 
was  perfuaded  by  her  to  land,  hoping  to  engage  the  mufician  in 
his  fervice  ;  but  Triftrem,  feizing  her  horfe's  bridle,  plunged 
with  her  into  the  foreft,  and  after  a  taunting  reproach  to  his  ri* 
val,  difappeared.  The  lovers  fpent  a  week  in  the  foreft,  after 
which  the  knight  reftored  Yfonde  to  her  hufband,  with  a  proper 
reprimand  for  his  exceihve  generoflty  to  minftrels. 

From  henceforth  their  happinefs  was  continually  difturbed  by 
tiie  watchfiilnefs  of  two  fpies  •,  the  one,  Meriadok,  a  wicked 
Cornifti  knight ;  the  other  the  court  dwarf,  who  conftantly  kept 
awake  the  jealoufy  of  the  indolent  Mark.     One  night,  after  a 

heavy 


l8o4i  Bir  Triflremj  a  Melrica!  P.omancei.  '       433 

heavy  fall  of  fnow,  Triftrem  being  afrai^l  that  his  footfteps  would 
betray  him  in  his  paflage  to  Yfonde's  apartment,  tied  on  his  feet 
a  fort  of  fnow  flioes  which  would  have  faved  him  from  detec- 
tion, but  that  a  piece  of  his  kirtle,  being  fliut  in  by  the  Aiding 
board  through  which  he  entered  the  queen's  chamber,  unluckily 
attracted  the  eye  of  Meriadok.  Another  time,  Triftrem,  being 
feparated  from  his  miftrefs,  contrived  to  correfpond  with  her  by- 
means  of  fmall  bits  of  wood,  on  which  were  engraved  fecret 
characters,  and  which  were  floated  down  a  fmall  ftream  which 
ran  through  the  orchard  of  Yfonde's  country  refidence.  In  this 
orchard  their  afugnations  were  carried  ^n,  till  they  were  difco- 
vered  by  the  dwarf  concealed  in  a  tree.  The  King  was  after- 
ward hidden  in  the  fame  tree  ;  but  Triftrem  luckily  perctived 
his  (liadow,  and  by  a  pretended  altercation  with  his  miftrefs, 
quieted  Mark's  fufpicions  fo  efFe6lually  as  to  obtain  a  three  years 
interval  of  tranquillity.  A  third  artifice  of  Meriadok  was  more 
fuccefsful.  Triftrem,  at  that  time  high  conftable,  flcpt,  in  vir- 
tue of  his  office,  in  the  queen's  apartment.  One  night  whea 
the  king,  by  the  advice  of  Meriadok,  had  caufed  himfelf,  his 
wife,  and  his  nephew  to  be  let  blood,  and  the  floor  of  the 
queen's  room  to  be  fprinkled  with  flour,  Triftrem  hoped  to  evade 
dete£lion  by  fpringing  a  diftance  of  thirty  feet  from  his  own 
bed  to  that  of  Yfonde.  But  his  wound  opened  from  the  eff^ort; 
the  fheets  were  ftained  with  blood,  and  he  was  baniftied  from 
court,  whilft  his  miftrefs  undertook  to  purge  herfelf  of  the  im- 
puted crime  by  oath,  and  by  the  fiery  ordeal.  Her  lover,  in  a 
mean  difguife,  joined  the  retinue  during  the  march  of  the  court 
to  Weftminfter  ;  and  at  the  paflage  of  the  Thames,  was  chofeii 
by  Yfonde  to  carry  her  from  the  fhore  to  the  boat.  On  landing, 
he  contrived  to  fall  with  her  in  a  moft  indecent  attitude ;  and 
the  queen  having  fworn  that  no  man  had  ever  familiarity  with 
her  perfon  excepting  the  king,  and  this  awkward  peafant,  fear- 
lefsly  offered  to  hold  the  heated  iron,  but  was  abfolved  by  her 
huftjand  from  this  dangerous  trial.  The  fecond  fytte,  which 
concludes  in  this  place,  contains  107  ftanzas. 

Triftrem,  not  venturing  to  return  to  Cornwall,  undertook  the 
defence  of  Triamour,  King  of  Wales,  againft  Urgan  who  had 
invaded  his  dominions.  Urgan  was  a  giant,  with  all  the  vices 
which  attach  to  the  gigantic  character,  and  befides,  brother  to 
the  Duke  Morgan  ;  and  he  fought  with  a  club  twelve  feet  long. 
They  foon  met  in  fingle  combat,  in  the  courfe  of  which  Triftrem. 
cut  off"  the  giant's  right  hand,  yet  he  continued  to  fight  with  his 
left,  and  once  felled  his  adverfary  to  the  ground  ;  but  at  length 
fled  to  his  caftle,  while  Triilirem  picked  up  the  hand,  and  rode 
«fF.     Urgan,  howeverj  fpeedily  returned  with  fome  falvcs  for 

VOL.  IV.  NO.  8.  E  e  th« 


^.j/j  Sir  Trijiremy  a  Metrical  Romance.  Jufy; 

the  purpofe  of  reuniting  the  hand  to  the  (lump  ;  and  not  find- 
ing it,  fiercely  purfued  Triftrem  to  a  bridge,  on  which  they 
renewed  tlie  encounter.  Triftrcm  was  now  hardly  preffed,  his 
■fliield  being  broken  by  a  blow  of  the  club  •,  but,  evading  the 
next  ilroke,  he  pierced  his  enemy  to  the  heart,  and  Uigan,  in 
the  agonies  of  death,  fprang  from  the  bridge  into  the  river. 
Triamour,  thus  delivered  from  the  giant,  beftowed  on  his  pro- 
tector the  fovereignty  of  Wales,  together  with  a  little  dog  called 
Peticrewe,  who  was  fpotted  with  red,  blue  and  green  -,  and 
Trillrem,  immediately  refloring  the  crown  to  Blanche-flour  the 
king's  daughter,  fent  the  little  particoloured  dog  as  a  prefent 
to  the  fair  Yfonde. 

The  increafe  of  fame  attending  this  fignal  vi£lory  obtained  for 
Triftrem  a  reconciliation  with  his  uncle.  He  was  appointed  high- 
fteward  ;  and  the  '  drink  of  might '  ftill  continuing  to  operate,  re- 
commenced his  amours  with  Yfonde,  and  was  again  difcovered  by 
Markv  who  baniilied  him  from  court  together  with  his  paramour. 
The  lovers,  retiring  into  the  forell,  found  a  cavern  conftruded 
in  old  times  by  the  giants  ;.  contentedly  fixed  their  abode  in  it ;, 
and  fubfilling  on  the  venifon  taken  by  their  dogs  Hodain  and 
Peticrewe,  enjoyed  almoll  a  year  of  repofe  and  happinefs.  One 
day,  the  attendants  of  Mark,  who  was  hunting  in  the  foreftj 
difcovered  them  allecp  in  their  cavern,  and  made  their  report  ta 
the  king  ;  but  it  accidentally  happened  that  Triflrem  had  placed 
the  drawn  fword  with  which  he  had  probably  been  cutting  up  a 
deer,  between  himfelf  and  his  mlftrels  ;  and  Mark,  who  on  vi- 
fiting  the  cavern,  found  his  wife  and  nephew  flill  afleep,  M^as  fully 
convinced,  by  this  circumftance,  of  their  perfect  innocence.  He 
Hopped,  with  his  glove,  a  crevice  in  the  rock  through  which  a 
ray  of  the  fun  darted  on  the  face  of  the  beautiful  Yfonde,  and  re- 
tired ;  and  the  lovers  who,  on  waking,  recognized  with  furprife 
the  royal  glove,  were  ftill  more  furprifed  by  the  arrival  of  a  nu- 
merous retinue,  who  condu6led  them  in  triumph  to  court.  But 
the  officious  dwarf  was  indefatigable.  Through  his  means  the 
lovers  were  detected  by  the  king  at  a  ftolen  interview,  and  Trif- 
trem  wa^  again  obliged  to  fly.  After  traverfing  Spain,  where  he. 
flew  three  giants,  and  vifiting  the  fons  of  Rohand  in  Ermonie,  ha 
paffed  into  Brittany,  entered  into  the  fervice  of  Duke  Florentin, 
and  having  conquered  all  his  enemies,  firmly  eftabliflied  his  au- 
thority. Florentin  had  an  only  daughter  named  Yfonde  with  the 
White  Hand,  who  hearing  Triftrem  fing  a  lay  in  praife  of  his 
miftrefs,  of  which  fiie  fuppofed  herfelf  the  obje6t,  iiientioned  the 
circumftance  to  her  father,  in  confequence  of  which,  the  duke 
readily  offered  to  Triftrem  the  hand  of  his  daughter.  The  knight, 
having  reflected  that  a  life  of  incell  and  adultery  was  certainly 
^  .  finfuU 


i8o4.  Blr  TrtJJrenty  d  Metrical  Romance.  43  j; 

finful,  and  that  a  life  of  exile  was  not  pleafant,  accepted  the  of- 
fer, and  the  marriage  ceremony  was  performed.  But  on  paffing 
to  the  bridal  chamber,  his  ring,  the  prefent  of  his  millrefs,  dropt 
from  his  finger.  On  this  accident  his  former  pafllon  returned 
with  redoubled  violence  ;  his  heart  reproached  him  with  his  infi- 
delity, which  he  determined  not  to  carry  any  farther ;  and  in 
fpite  of  his  wife's  uncommon  beauty,  which  was  only  furpafled 
by  that  of  his  millrefs,  he  adhered  through  life  to  this  determi- 
nation. 

Triftrem  had  received,  as  a  nuptial  prefent,  a  tract  of  country 
immediately  adjoining  to  the  territories  of  a  ferocious  giant  named. 
Beliagog ;  but  with  the  ilrift  injun£lion  from  Florentin  that  he 
ihould  abllain  from  hunting  on  the  lands  of  that  monfter,  who 
was  brother  to  Morgan,  Urgan,  and  Moraunt.  Triftrem,  of 
courfo,  could  not  refift  the  temptation  of  trying  his  ftrength  a- 
gainft  the  laft  of  this  tall  family  ;  he  hunted  over  his  lands,  in- 
fulted  him,  fought  him,  and  ultimately  cut  off  his  leg  :  after 
v/hich,  Beliagog,  who  did  not  poflefs  the  fecret  of  Urgan's  falve, 
fued  for  mercy,  and  became  his  valTal.  Triftrem  ordered  him  to 
build  a  hall  in  honour  of  Yfonde  and  Brengwain  •,  and  Beliagog, 
who  feems  to  have  poirefted  much  more  ingenuity  than  ufualiy 
belongs  to  a  giant,  faithfully  completed  it  within  his  caftle,  to 
which  he  taught  Triftrem  a  fecure  and  fecret  approach,  and  a- 
dorned  it  with  fculptures  exaftly  reprefenting  the  whole  hiftory 
of  his  former  life,  with  exaft  likeaeiTes  of  Yfonde,  Brengwain, 
Mark,  Meriadok,  Hodain,  and  Peticrewe. 

The  wonderful  excellence  of-  thefe  fculptures  produced  an  ex- 
traordinary accident.  Ganhardin,  brother  to  Triftrem's  vdfe, 
having  difcovered,  from  an  expreffion  artlefsly  dropt  from  his 
fifter,  the  fingular  continence  of  her  huiband,  and  having  exprefTed 
his  refentment  to  the  Cornilh  hero,  received  in  anfwer  fuch  a  de- 
fcription  of  the  Irifh  Y fo nde's  beauty,  that  he  felt  a  ftrong  cu- 
riofity  to  fee  her,  and  became,  from  this  time,  the  confident  of 
his  brother.  Being  condu£l:ed  by  Triftrem  to  the  Marvellous 
Caftle,  which  he  could  fcarcely  approach  without  trembling,  and 
having  viewed  the  portraits  of  Yfonde  and  Brengwain,  he  was  fo 
alioniihed  with  their  beauty  that  he  ilaggered,  fell  backwards  in 
a  fort  of  fwcon,  and,  on  his  recovery,  found  hirafelf  with  a  great 
contufion  on  his  head,  and  a  violent  palhon  for  the  charms  of 
Brengwain,  whom  he  determined  to  fee  in  perfon  without  lofs  of 
time.  Triftrem  was  not  lels  impatient  to  revifit  his  miftrefs  ;  and 
the  two  friends  departed  together.  In  the  mean  time  Mark  had 
appointed  a  new  conftable,  named  Canados,  who  in  his  turn  be- 
came in  love  with  Yfonde,  tortured  her  by  his  importunate  ad~ 
<i'eiTes,  and,,  in  hopes  of  advancing  his  fuit,  tauntingly  informed 
.  E  c  2  her 


42^  Sir 'Trjjirem,  a  Metrical  E.omance.  JaW 

her  of  Trlflrem's  marriage  in  Brittany.  Yfonde,  much  clifturhed, 
retired  with  Brengwain  and  her  attendants  into  the  foreft  to  in- 
dulge her  grief,  at  the  moment  when  Tridrem  and  his  compa- 
nion arrived  there  :  The  meeting  between  the  lovers  foon  pro- 
duced a  fatisfa£tory  explanation  ;  their  ufual  intercourfe  was  re- 
newed ;  and  Ganhardin  was  betrothed  to  the  faitliful  Brengwain. 
But  Canados  being  informed  of  what  had  paffed,  colle£led  the 
whole  force  of  the  country,  and  marched  to  furprife  his  rival, 
who,  though  apprifed  of  his  danger  by  a  letter  from  his  friend 
Gouvernail,  had  no  time  to  prepare  for  refiftance  i  but,  after  con- 
cealing himfelf  in  the  foreft,  affumed  the  difguife  of  a  beggar 
with  *  cup  and  clapper, '  and  remained  near  the  court,  while 
Ganhardin  efcapcd  to  Brittany.  Fortunately  Brengwain  found 
means  to  excite  the  jealoufy  of  Mark  againll  Canados,  and  that 
troublefome  favourite  was  difgraccd  and  baniihed.  She  then,  at 
the  requeft  of  Triftrem,  procured  a  tournament  to  be  proclaimed, 
at  which  he  and  Ganhardin,  after  defperately  wounding  Meria- 
dok  and  Canados,  took  a  fignal  vengeance  on  *  all  the  courtly 
tale-bearers  j '  and,  without  difcovcring  their  names,  returned  to 
Brittany.  Here,  a  young  knight,  aUb  named  Triftrem,  accofting 
the  hero  of  Cornwall,  requefted  h/is  afliftance  for  the  recovery  of 
his  miftrefs,  whom  a  raviflier,  aided  by  fifteen  knights,  was  then 
bearing  oiF  to  a  neighbouring  caftle.  Triftrem  readily  aflented, 
attacked  the  fpoilers,  and,  though  his  young  companion  was  flain 
in  the  conflift,  fucccede4  in  defeating  the  fifteen  knights.  But 
he  was  hurt  by  an  arrow  in  his  old  wound — and  thus  ends  the 
ancient  MS.  The  ftory  is  concluded  by  the  editor,  in  the  fame 
antiquated  language  and  metre,  from  the  materials  fupplied  by  an 
old  French  metrical  fragment. 

Triftrem's  wound  growing  daily  worfe,  is  at  length  declared 
incurable,  except  by  the  medical  ikill  of  Yfonde,  who  had  pro- 
bably inherited  from  her  mother  the  receipts  which  cured  his  firft 
gangrene  in  Ireland.  Trirtrem  fends  Ganhardin  with  his  ring 
to  implore  her  aihftance,  direOing  him  to  ailume  the  difguife  of 
a  merchant,  to  haften  her  embark  ition,  and,  in  his  return,  to  no- 
tify his  fuccefs  by  hoifting  a  white  fail,  or  his  failure  by  hoifting 
a  black  one.  Ganhardin  executes  his  commiffion  with  great  ad- 
drefs,  and  brings  over  the  Queen  of  Cornwall :  But  Yfonde  of 
Brittany,  who,  had  overheard  the  dii-e£lions,  fired  with  indigna- 
tion and  jeaJoufy  at  the  approach  of  her  rival,  makes  a  falfe  re- 
port to  Iier  hufljand  ;  and  Triftrem,  hearing  that  the  black  fail  is 
hoifted,  yields  to  defpair  and  dies.  The  Queen  of  Cornwall  re- 
ceiving the  fad  news  on  her  arrival,  ruflies  to  the  caftle  where  his 
'corpfc  ";:■'•  '-id  out,  throws  herfcif  on  the  bier,  and  expires  with 
grief. 

Such 


2804.  Sir  Trijremy  a  Metrical  Romance,  437 

Such  is  the  outHne  of  the  ftory  now  edited  by  Mr  Scott  from 
the  Auchlnleck  MS. ;  and  the  veader  will  probably  admit,  that  it 
contains  more  variety  of  incident,  and  more  natural  delineations 
of  charader,  than  could  be  reafonably  expe6led  from  a  compofi- 
tion  of  the  early  period  to  which  ,it  is  afcribed.  That  Thomas 
of  Erceldoune  compofed  a  romance  on  this  fubje£t,  and  that  it 
was  preferred  by  his  contemporaries  to  every  minllrel  tale  of  the 
time,  is  a  well  known  hiflorical  fa£l.  The  queflion  is,  whether 
this  be  that  identical  work  ;  and  the  difcuffion  of  this  fubjet^-, 
which,  as  Mr  Scott  has  managed  it,  is  conne6led  with  much  cu- 
rious and  interefting  matter,  fliall  now  be  fhortly  examined. 

His  Introduftion  contains,   i.  Some  account  of  Thomas  of  Er-  , 
cildoune ;    2.   A   hiilory   of  the   romance   of  Sir  Triilrem  j  and, 
3.  Obfervations  on  the  copy  now  publiflied. 

On  the  firft  of  thefe  points,  the  editor  has  coUefted  all  the  in- 
formation which  could  be  derived  from  hiftorians  or  poets,  from 
tradition,  or  from  ancient  charters  j  yet  the  reader  will  perhaps  be 
furprifed  to  find,  that  this  information  amounts  to  no  more,  than 
that  Thomas,  to  whom  an  obfcure  tradition  has  given  the  furname 
of  Learmont,  and  who  acquired,  from  his  poetical  talent,  the  ap- 
pellation of  the  Rhymer,  poflelTed  certain  lands  at  Ercildoune, 
now  called  Earlfton,  a  village  fituated  on  the  Leader,  about  two 
miles  above  its  jun6lion  with  the  Tv/eed,  which  lands  were  grant- 
ed, after  his  death,  to  the  Trinkj^-houfe  at  Sottra,  by  Thomas, 
who  calls  himfelf  '  fon  and  heir  of  Thomas  the  Rhymer  of  Er- 
cildoune. '  In  fa£l:,  many  of  the  documents  refpecTting  this  fin- 
guLir  man  relate  only  to  his  prophetic  charafter,  which  is  no  longer 
interefting  •,.  but  Mr  Scott  has  been  able  to  afcertain,  within  very 
narrov/  limits,  one  very  important  point,  viz.  the  time  at  which  the 
Rhymer  may  be  fuppofed  to  have  produced  his  romance  of  Sir 
Triilrem.  The  following  are  the  data  for  this  approximation. 
The  deed  of  conveyance  figned  by  his  fon  and  heir,  which  is 
printed  in  the  Appendix,  is  dated  in  1 299  :  the  father,  therefore, 
was  then  dead.  But,  if  we  may  truil  to  the  authority  of  Henry 
the  Minftrel,  he  muft  have  furvived  1 296 ;  in  which  cafe  we  can- 
not err  very  much  in  placing  his  death  in  1297.  Concerning  his 
birth  we  have  no  dired:  teliimony  ;  but  its  date  may  be  thus  in- 
ferred. The  Rhymer  was  witnefs  to  a  deed  granted  by  Petrus  de 
Haga  de  Bemerfyde  :  they  therefore  were  contemporaries.  But 
Petrus  de  Haga  was  himfelf  a  witnefs  to  another  charter,  by 
which  Richard  de  Moreville,  Conftable  of  Scotland,  granted  cer- 
tain ferfs  to  Henry  St  Clair.  Moreville  was  Conftable  from  1 162 
to  1 1  89  :  this  laft  year,  therefore,  is  the  very  lateft  which  can 
be  afligned  as  a  date  to  the  grant.  But  no  man,  probably,  could 
fee  chofen  as  a  competent  witnefs  before  twenty  years  of  age,  fo 

E  e.3  that 


43  S  Sir  Trijirem,  a  Metrical  Romance.  July 

that  the  birth  of  Petrus  de  Haga  cannot  be  brought  lower  than 
1 1 69  ;  and  if  we  afiign  feventy  years  to  his  life,  v/hich  is  certain- 
ly a  large  allowance,  we  Ihall  place  his  death  in  J  239.  There- 
fore Thomas,  who,  having  been  a  witnefs  to  a  charter  granted  by 
him,  was  confequently  twenty  years  old  at  that  time,  muft  have 
been  born  as  early  as  1219  ;  and  is  very  likely  to  have  compofed 
his  poem  about  the  year  1250.  This  dedu£l:ion  leads  us  to  thinU 
that  Mr  Scott,  from  the  fear  of  exaggerating  the  antiquity  of  his 
author,  has  fallen  into  the  oppofite  extreme  in  placing  his  birth 
between  1226  and  1229  ;  a  date  which  we  alfo  think  at  variance 
with  that  which  he  has  aihgned  to  the  compofition  of  the  poem. 

We  will  now,  for  the  fake  of  connexion,  examine  the  third  di- 
vifion  of  Mr  Scott's  eflay,  referving  the  fecond,  which  is  by  fay 
the  moft  important  of  the  whole,  for  a  feparate  confideration. 

The  poem  now  printed  begins  by  the  following  Hnes  : 
*   I  v,"is  at  Erceldounc, 

With  Thomas  fpak  I  thare  ; 
Ther  herd  Yrede  in  roune 

Who  Triftrem  gat  and  bare,  *  &c. 
It  therefore  does  not  profefs  to  have  been  written  by  Thomas,  not 
dictated  by  him,  hut  to  have  been  taken  from  ^he  recitation  of  a 
minftrel  who  had  heard  and  retained  in  his  memory  the  words  of 
the  Rhymer  ;  and  it  remains  to  be  feen,  how  far  thefe  pretenfiong 
are  founded  on  external  or  internal  evidence.  The  laree  volume 
from  which  Mr  Scott's  tranfcript  was  taken,  called  the  Auchinleck 
MS.,  was  compiled,  as  the  editor  fuppofes,  in  fome  Anglo^Nor=. 
man  convent:  it  contains,  in  its  prefent  Hate,  333  leaves  and  42 
different  pieces  of  poetry  (of  v/hich  a  defcription  is  given  in  the 
Appendix),  many  of  great  length,  and  all  originally  ornamented 
"with  illuminations,  which  have  been  torn  out.  From  fome  paf- 
fages  contained  in  it,  we  learn  that  the  compilation  cannot  have 
been  completed  till  1330,  that  is  to  fay,  till  thirty-three  years  after 
the  death  of  Thomas  ;  but  even  tliis  interval  is  not  fufficieutly 
long  to  invalidate  the  preceding  affertion  of  the  reciter  j  and  be- 
fides,  it  is  evident  that  fuch  volumes  as  this  were  not  the  work  of 
2  fingle  year.  The  paintings  alone  were  fom.etimes  the  occupa- 
tion of  alnioft  a  wliole  Hfe.  Neither  were  minibehs  the  conftant 
inhabitants  of  convents.  Their  recitations  were  apparently  taken 
down  during  their  occafional  vifits,  and  afterwards  fairly  tranfcrib- 
ed  and  illuminated  in  the  conventual  volume,  or  perhaps,  being 
firft  written  on  feparate  ficins  of  parchment,  were  afterwards 
bound  up  together.  There  is  therefore  no  reafon  for  doubting, 
that  the  poem  before  us  may  have  been  written  from  the  dictation 
t.f  a  miniirel  who  had  atluaily  feen  and  converfed  with  the  Rhymer, 
r>at  allowing  this,  it  is  llill  polTible   that  the  exilliiig  poem  may 

have 


5804.  Sir  Trljlrem^  a  Metrical  Romance.  43^ 

have  been  modernized  and  interpolated  ;  and  Mr  Scott  is  of  opi- 
nion that  this  muil  have  been  the  cafe  :  but  he  contends,  ami,  as 
we  think,  very  juilly,  that  the  fpecific  marks  by  which  Robert  de 
Brunne  (in  a  paflage  which  we  Ihall  prelently  notice)  defcribes  it, 
that  is,  the  quaint  Englip^  and  the  complicated  conllru^lion  of 
the  Itanza,  which  was  fo  difficult  to  retain  in  the  memory — toge- 
ther with  a  brevity  and  concifenefs  of  narration  totally  different 
from  the  common  ftyle  of  romance,  and  an  elliptical  and  Indefi- 
nite mode  of  exprellion,  which  is  the  ufual  charafteriftic  of  an 
infant  language — concur  in  proving  that  the  general  phrafeology 
of  the  poem  has  not  been  very  materially  altered.  Indeed  it  ap- 
pears to  us,  that  the  interpolation  of  many  new  ftanzas  of  eleven 
lines  would  have  baffled  the  fkill  of  any  writer  of  the  thirteenth 
or  fouTteentli  century,  unlefs  he  had  pofleffed  that  very  uncom- 
mon facility  of  arranging  fimilar  final  founds,  which  procured  to 
Thomas  the  diilinftivc  appellation  of  the  Rhymer. 

Having  thus  far  confidered  the  authenticity  and  antiquity  of  the 
poem,  we  proceed  to  its  hillor)',  which  forms  the  fecond  divifidn 
of  Mr  Scott's  introdu6lory  effigy.  There  can  be  no  doubt  refpe6t- 
ing  the  people  from  whom  the  materials  of  the  ft;ory  are  derived, 
becaufe  Triftrem  is  confelTeclly  a  Celtic  hero.  He  is  often  men- 
tioned in  the  Welfh  triads,  and  by  the  Welfh  poets  5  and  his 
fame  is  ft  ill  preferved  in  the  traditions  of  Brittany.  Marie,  a 
Norman  poetefs  of  the  thirteenth  century,  in  her  *  lai  dee  che- 
vrefoil'  (of  which  a  tranflation  is  publlflied  by  Mr  Scott)  re- 
cords one  of  his  adventures  which  fhe  profefles  to  have  tranllat- 
ed  from  a  Breton  lay,  and  founds  on  this  afTertion  her  claim  to 
credit  for  its  authenticity.  Bat  fiie  alludes  at  the  fame  time  to 
a  French  written  hlftory  of  Triftrem  ;  and  the  king  of  Navarre, 
who  writes  his  fongs  at  the" commencement  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  Chreltien  de  Troys,  who  flourifhed  at  the  end  of 
the  twelfth,  bear  witnefs  to  the  popularity  of  the  ftory  in  their 
time.  Thefe  paffages  alfo  are  quoted  by  the  editor  ;  but  he  ftill 
contends  that  Thomas  did  not  tranfiate  his  work  from  any 
French  original,  but  derived  his  materials  immediately  from  a 
Celtic  fource ;  and  he  defends  his  opinion  not  only  by  very 
plaufible  reafoning,  but  by  direft  and  pofitive  authority. 

Our  readers  will  recolleft  that,  during  feveral  ages  after  the 
arrival  of  the  Saxons,  the  whole  weftern  coail:  of  this  iJland,  as 
far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Clyde,  was  ftill  occupied  by  the  Britons; 
aiid  that  the  northern  kingdoms  of  Cumbria  and  Strathclyde 
gave  birth  to  three  of  the  moft  celebrated  Weifli  poets,  namely 
Aneurin,  Merlin  the  Wild,  and  Llywarch-Hen.  The  Saxon  chro- 
nicle relates  that  the  "Welfli  of  the^e  diftii/ils  voluntarily  put 
themfelves  under  the  proteftion  of  Edward  of  Athelftan ;  but, 

£  e  4  fops 


44^  ^^^  TriJIremy  a  Metrical  Romance.  July 

foon  after  this,  they  became  tributary  to  the  Scotifli  kings,  with 
whofe  fubje£ls  they  were   by  degrees   completely  amalgamated  ; 
though  there  can  be  no   doubt   that   they  retained,  till   a  much 
later  period   than   that  when   Thomas   wrote,  their  diflin£tive 
language,  traditions  ^nd  cuftoms.     Now  the  pofition   of  Ercil- 
doune,  or  Earlllon,  is  on   the  borders  of  the   Celtic   diilricl   of 
Reged,  the  kingdorn  of  .Urien,  and   of  Ywain,  two  celebrated 
heroes  of  romance  ;   and   it  is   certainly   natural  that  Thomas 
fhould  found,  on  this   favourable  pofition   of  his  refulence,  the 
pretenfion  of  fuperior  authenticity  for  his   mode   of  relating  a 
ftory  already  popular,  and  that  his  pretenfion  jQiould  be  allowed 
by  his  hearers.      Accordingly,  Mr  Scott  has  given    us   a  tranflar 
tion  of  two  metrical  French   fragments  of  the   hiftory  of  Trif- 
trem,  which  he  conje£lures  to  be  the  compofition   of  a   certaita 
Raoul  de  Beauvais  who  wrote  in  1257,  and  in  which  the  author 
profefles  that  his  narrative   is  perft£tly   conformable  to   that  of 
^Thomas.     It  is  alfo  firi^tly  conformable  to  the  ftory  now  pubiilh- 
ed  ;  and  this  coincidence  feems  to  prove  that  the   perfoa   meant 
can  be  no  other  than  the  Rhymer;  becaufe,  if  we   ihould   fup- 
pofe  two  perfons  of  the  fame  name,  both  poets,  and  both  choofing 
the  fame  fubjed,  it  is  Scarcely  credible  that   both  {hould   fele^t, 
from  the  great   variety  of  matter   which  was  offered  to' them, 
precifely  the  fame  materials,  and  arrange  them  in  the  fame  man- 
he'r.     The  fame  rcafoning  does  not  ap[)ly  with  equal   force  to  a 
quotation  from  another  French   minftrel,  who  in  a  metrical   life 
of  King  Horn,  appfals  alfo  to  a  Thomas   as  the  original  author 
of  that  romance.     Here  indeed  there  is  a  prefumption,  becaufe, 
the  fcene  is  laiil  in  Northumberland,  and  the  names  of  the  cha- 
racters are  purelj  Saxon  ;  but,  as  Mr  Scott  candidly  admits,  we 
have  no  hiftorical  evidence  which  attribut,is  the  poem   in   quef- 
tion  to  the  Rhymer  of  Ercildoune,     But  be  this  as  it  may,  we 
are  now  entitled  to  infer  not  only  that  the   Rhymer,  being  an- 
terior even  to  Robert  of  Gloucefter,  is  by  far  the  earlicfi:  Englifh 
i)OCt  of  eminence,  but  alfo  that  our  language  was  fo  far  cultivat- 
ed as  to   be   fit   for   the   purpofes   of  compoGtion   much  fooner 
■ivithinthe  Scotifh  dominions,  than  in  what  was  then  called  Eng- 
land.    This  has  beeii  fufpe^hed  by  others,  but  its  truth  has  been 
afcertained  by  Mr  Scott,  who  has  firfh  explained  a  paiTage  of  an 
ancient    hiftorian   (Robert   de  Brunne)   which   has  often  been 
quoted  but  always  mifunderftood. 

*   I  made  noght  for  no  difoursy 
Ne  for  no  feggours,   no  harpottrsy 
Bot  for  the  luf  of  fymple  men, 
That  Jlrange  Inglis  cannot  ken.-— 
I  fee  in  fong,  in  fedgeyng  tale. 
Of  Ercildoune  and  of  Kindalej 

Nen 


t804.  Sir  Trijiremy  a  Metrical  Romattee.  44% 

2^on  thum  fiy'ts  as  that  tha'tm  wroghty 

j^nd  in  thir  faying  it  femes  noghr. 

That  Miay  thou  here  in  Sir  Triflretn  ; 

Over  geftes  it  has  the  l^eem, 

Over  dil  that  is  or  was. 

If  meii  it  fayd  as  made  Thomas. 

Bo*  I  ■■•ere  it  no  mm  Jo    ay  ; 

Th.tt  of  fom  corple  fom  is  a-zuay. 

So  thare  fay  re  laying  here  b.eforne. 

Is  thare  travaile  nere  forlorn  ; 

The'  fayd  it  for  pride  and  nMeye^ 

That  ivere  not  fuylke  as  thai — 

Thai  fayd  it  in fi  quaint  Inglisy 

That  many  tvate  not  ivhat  it  is — 

And  torfoth  1  couth  no.rht 

Sojlrange  Inglis  as  thai  wroo;ht,  '  &c. 
■  It  was  always  fuppofed,  that,  in  thefe  lines,  the  author  meant 
to  accufe  the  difoun  ox  feggoursy  of  perverting  the  phrafeology  of, 
the  metrical  tales  which  they  undertook  to  recite  ;  inftead  of 
which,  as  Mr  Scott  juftly  obferv -s,  he  certainly  intended  to  de- 
fcribe  the  ftyle  of  the  Rhymer  and  of  Kendale  as  abounding  with 
Jlrnrige  and  quaint  Inglis,  and  the  poem  ot  the  former  as  com- 
pofed  of  couples  or  itanzas  fo  complicated,  that  few  vulgar  hear- 
ers could  comprehend  their  meaning,  and  no  reciter  was  able  to 
recollecl:  the  "whole,  but  always  left  fome  ftanza  imperfect.  He 
alfo  Itates,  that  thefe  poets  wr»te  for  '  pride  and  nobleye,*  for 
the  great  and  powerful,  not  for  fuch  as  his  fimple  brethren ;  and 
though  he  mentions  only  tvo  by  name,  he  apparently  means  to 
defcribe  the  northern  minflrels  in  general,  whofe  fuperior  Ikill  is 
attefted  by  the  general  tenor  of  all  our  early  poetry,  and  whofe 
peculiar  privileges  are  recorded  in  ancient  Scotifh  ftatutes,  in 
which  they  are  ranked  with  knights  and  heralds,  and  permitted  to 
wear  filk  robes,  a  drefs  limited  to  perfons  who  could  fpend  a  hun- 
dred pounds  of  land-rent.  While  the  fouthern  Englifh  dialed, 
which  apparently  had  its  origin  in  the  towns,  was  baniflied  from 
the  callles  of  the  Anglo-Norman  kings  and  nobles,  the  northern 
dialect,  compofed  of  the  fame  elements,  and  encouraged  by  the 
patronage  of  the  Scotifh  fovereigns,  made  daily  advances  to  per- 
fedtion  ;  and  became  the  vehicle  of  much  fpirited  and  original 
poetry,  before  Robert  of  Glouccfter  had  been  able  to  complete 
the  long  firing  of  rhymes  which  conftitute  his  hiftory.  The 
fragments  of  Gawain  and  Gologras,  and  Galoran  of  Galoway, 
pubUfhed  by  Mr  Pinkerton,  are  probably  anterior  even  to  SirTrif- 
trem,  and  have  certainly  no  marks  of  tranflation.  Many  others 
of  equal  antiquity  are  likely  to  have  perifhed ;  but  the  cloud  of 
tranflated  romances,  moft  of  which  are  in  the  northern  dialed-, 

and 


44*  "S'^  Trlfrenty  a  Metrical  Romance.  July 

and  unqueflionably  written  in  the  early  part  of  the  I4i:h  century, 
fill  up  a  confiderable  chafm  in  our  literary  hiilory,  and  furnifh  a 
regular  gradation  of  ftyle  from  Thomas  of  Ercildoune  to  Chau- 
cer. 

Upon  the  whole,  we  are  much  difpofed  to  adopt  the  general 
inferences  drawn  by  Mr  vScott  from  his  authorities,  and  have 
great  pleafure  in  bearing  tedimony  to  the  very  uncommon  dili- 
gence which  he  has  evinced  in  colle£l:ing  curious  materials,  and 
to  the  tafte  and  fiigacity  with  which  he  has  employed  them. 
But  there  is  one  of  his  opinions  to  which  we  cannot  fubfcribe. 
He  fays,  (p.  lii.  &  liii.)  *  It  may  be  thought  that  the  Britifli  fpo- 
ken,  as  we  have  feen,  by  tne  tribes  of  Cumbria  and  Strath-Clwyd, 
as  well  as  the  proper  Scots,  ought  to  have  entered  into  the  com- 
pofition  of  the  new  language.  But,  although  poffcfling  beauties 
of  its  own,  the  Celtic  has  every  where  been  found  incapable  of 
being  amalgamated  vidth  the  Gothic  dialers,  from  which  it  is  ra- 
dically and  totally  diftin£l. '  We  prefume  that  there  is  here  an 
accidental  inaccuracy  of  expreihon,  or,  more  probably,  an  error 
of  the  prefs,  fnice  it  cannot  be  meant  to  Hate  that  the  Britifh 
was  the  language  of  the  proper  Scots.  But  we  obje6t  to  the  po- 
fition-,  becaufe  we  apprehend,  that  the  elements  of  any  language 
are  capable  of  being  admitted  into  any  other. 

The  modern  Wehh,  we  believe,  have  adopted  many  Englifh 
as  well  as  Freuch  words,  only  fubjecling  them  to  the  Celtic  mu- 
tations ;  the  Saxons  have  receive^  many  from  the  Wellh,  having 
firfl,  of  courfe,  fupprefied  fuch  mutations.  The  French,  and  o- 
ther  romance  languages,  contain,  together  with  Latin,  much  Cel- 
tic and  fome  Gothic,  that  is  to  fay,  fuch  a  combination  as  is  here 
flated  to  be  impofhble.  If  the  Anglo -Danifli  colony  of  Bernicia 
had  borrowed  from  the  Britiih  dialed  as  much  as  the  Danes  of 
Neuftria  did  from  the  fpeech  of  that  province,  they  might  polli- 
bly  have  formed  a  language  not  very  diffimilar  to  the  Norman  ; 
becaufe  the  Britons,  like  the  Gauls,  probably  received  from  Rome, 
together  with  the  arts  of  civilized  nations,  moft  of  the  terms  by 
which  they  were  denominated.  To  explain,  ftep  by  ftep,  the 
nearly  contemporary  formation  of  our  mixed  language  in  England 
and  Scotland,  under  very  dilTcrent  political  circumllances,  is  a 
difhcult  taflcj  and  we  fliall  not  confider  the  problem  as  definitive- 
ly folved,  until  more  light  fhall  have  been  thrown  on  the  filiation 
of  the  other  European  languages. 

We  have  extended  this  article  to  fuch  a  length,  that  we  muft 
forbear  to  ente?  on  an  examination  of  the  notes  and  gloflary, 
which  form  about  one  third  of  the  volume.  Of  the  lail,  it  is 
perhaps  fufficient  to  fay,  that  it  explains  whatever  is  not  inexpli- 
cable i  and  that  we  could  not,  if  wc  wiflied  to  do  fo,  point  out 

above 


I.3o4'  "S/r  Tri/lrem,  a  Metrical  Romance.  443 

above  tlirec  or  four  paflages  where  the  fagaclty  of  the  editor  ap- 
pears to  have  been  foiled  by  the  author's  obfcurity.  With  legard 
to  the  notes,  they  contain  an  almoit  infinite  variety  of  curious  in- 
formation, which  had  been  hitherto  unknown  or  unnoticed  j  and 
we  are  perfuaded,  that  they  vi'ould  afford  much  amufement  even 
to  thofe  readers  wlio  may  be  too  indolent  to  derive  any  from  the 
fuperannuated  poetry  of  Thomas  of  Ercildoune.  We  muft  there- 
fore conclude,  as  we  began,  by  exprefling  our  regret  that  the  ve- 
ry limited  and  fcanty  edition  now  print;ed  will  preclude  many 
from  pofleiTing  a  work  which  has  been  compiled  with  much  la- 
bour, and  which  is  no  lefs  creditable  to  the  taite  and  genius,  than 
to  the  learning  of  the  editor. 


Art.  XV.  /In  Account  of  Travels  into  the  Inferior  of  Southern  Africa. 
Ey  John  Barrow,  Efq.  late  Secretary  to  Lord  Macartney,  Auditor- 
General  of  Public  Accounts  ac  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  Secretary 
to  Lieutenant-General  Francis  Dundas  during  his  Government  there. 
Volume  Second.     4to.    pp.  464.    Cadell  5c  Davies.     Londou  1804, 

"  I  '"HE  title  of  this  volume  is  calculated  to  deceive  the  reader. 
•*-  With  the  exception  of  a  fmgle  excurflon  up  the  country, 
narrated  in  one  chapter,  the  work  has  no  relation  whatever  to 
travels,  and  appears  to  have  obtained  that  title,  merely  from  the 
circumftance  of  the  author  having  formerly  publifned  a  book  of 
travels  nearly  of  the  fame  fize.  Confidered,  however,  in  its 
proper  light,  of  a  difTertation  upon  the  importance  of  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope,  the  work  is  extremely  valuable.  It  contains  a 
very  full,  indeed  rather  a  prolix  flatement  of  the  argument  for 
taking  and  retaining  poffeluon  of  that  fettlement.  It  abounds  in 
all  the  matters  of  fact  which  can  be  brought  to  the  decifion  of 
this  interefting  queflion  ;  and  is  interfperfed  with  a  confiderable 
portion  of  new  information  relative  to  the  points  at  iiTue.  For 
our  own  parts,  we  never  entertained  any  doubts  upon  the  fub- 
jeft  -,  but,  had  we  been  difpofed  to  hefitate,  the  demonftration 
of  Mr  Barrow  would  have  fixed  our  opinion.  At  the  prefent 
moment,  it  is  highly  important  that  the  public  fliould  be  fairly 
informed  upon  fo  intereiling  a  topic  of  practical  policy.  We 
{hall  therefore  lay  before  our  readers,  an  abftra^t  of  the  argu- 
ment, interfperfing  fuch  obfervations  as  appear  neceffary  to  its 
farther  elucidation,  and  pointing  out,  as  we  proceed,  the  errors 
into  which  Mr  Barrow's  manifeit  ignorance  of  political  economy 
has  frequently  betrayed  him.  We  mult  premife^ne  remark  up- 
on the  manner  in  which  the  work  is  dated  to  have  been  written. 
*  If,  *  fays  hcj  <  any  of  the  hints  thrown  out  in  this  volume  fhould 
prove  beneficial  to  my  country,  by  fuggefting  fuch  meaCiu-es  as  may  a- 

vert 


444  Barrovv'j-  Travels  in  Southern  Africa^  Vol.  II.  July 

vert  the  evils  which  now  threaten  our  trade  and  fettlements  in  the  Eaft, 
I  (hall  confider  the  labour  and  application  of  thi-ee  months  not  to  have 
been  beftowed  in  vain.  '     p«  3i- 

If  this  filly  boafl  were  juflified  by  the  fafV,  our  contempt  for 
the  author  of  it  would  only  be  increafed.  A  huge  quarto  writ- 
ten in  three  fbort  month?,  does  not  anfwer  our  ideas  of  the  re- 
fpeO:  due  to  the  public,  and  to  a  grave  and  exteiifive  fubjeft. 
The  confequence  is,  that  Mr  Bnrrow  has  made  a  very  inditFer- 
ent  book.  The  whole  of  the  cafe  is  indeed  to  be  found  withia 
its  four  corners.  But  the  argument  is  as  ill  arranged  and  as  ill 
brought  forward  as  can  eafily  be  imagined.  The  materials  arc 
badly  difpofed,  and  the  whole  reafoning  produces  a  feeble  ef- 
fefl.  The  force  of  the  fadls  is  dilated  by  repetition  ;  and  the 
flyle  is  fo  inaccurate  and  inelegant,  that  we  heartily  vvifh  the 
manufafturer  had  divided  his  labours  with  other  artifts,  and  fet 
abler  hands  upon  thofe  crude  materials  which  he  could  furniQi, 
but  had  no  time,  if  any  talents,  to  work  up.  We  fee  in  his  blank 
pages  the  promife  of  another  large  book  ;  and  we  do  earneftly 
exhort  him  to  give  up  the  foolifh  idea  of  writing  at  the  rate  of 
four  quartos  per  annum. 

The  preliminary  chapter  opens  with  fome  fenftlefs  declamar. 
tlon  againft  the  French  emigrants,  for  their  partiality  towards 
France,  and  their  antipathy  to  her  enemies.  Although  it  is  by 
no  means  our  intention  to  vindicate  the  whole  of  that  unhappy 
race  for  their  conducl,  during  tlie  unexampled  difficulties  in 
■which  they  were  involved,  yet  we  mull  be  permitted  to  demand 
that  their  numbers  on  the  one  hand  and  their  trials  on  the  other 
be  fairly  taken  into  the  account.  It  would  have  been  miracu^? 
lous  indeed,  had  fo  many  thoufands  of  all  ages,  taken  from  the 
clafTes  of  fociety  leafl  accuftomed  to  the  vicilTiuuies  of  fortune,  and 
plunged  into  every  variety  of  wretchednefs,  maintained  through- 
out a  uniform  propriety  and  unimpeachable  wifdom  of  demean- 
our. But  if  faults,  or  even  crimes,  have  been  committed  among 
them,  fure  we  are,  that  Mr  Barrow  has  not  fpecified  any  matter 
of  accufation  which  deferves  our  regard,  when  he  only  charges 
them  with  an  invincible  attachment  to  their  unhappy  country. 
As  a  fpecimen  of  all  kinds  of  enormity,  he  extrails  a  moft  af- 
fecting pafTage  from  the  Due  de  Rochefoucault's  travels.  It  is  a 
pifture  of  natural  and  amiable  feeling,  which  cannot  be  contem- 
plated without  the  livelieft  emotion.  That  ill-fated  nobleman 
there  exprefl'es  the  greateft  affeftion  and  gratitude  towards  Eng- 
land, and  the  abhorrence  which  he  feels  for  the  revolutionary  enor- 
mities of  his  countrymen  ;  but,  with  a  juft  and  generous  warmth, 
he  paints  the  contending  emotions  by  which  he  is  unavoidably 
agitated — remembers  that  France,  though  fhe  abufed  and  de- 

fpitefully 


<B04'  "Barroi?i^V  Travels  in  Southern  Afnca^   Vol.  11.  445" 

fpitefully  ufed  him,  is  {1111  his  country — owns  himfelf  ftill  intereft- 
cd  in  her  fortunes — defcribes  how  painful  it  is  to  receive  loud 
congratulations  from  her  enemies  upon  her  miferies  and  humi- 
liations—rand (liows  that  he  has  a  heart  not  entirely  alienated 
from  the  place  of  his  birth,  and  the  land  of  his  fathers,  although 
it  is  no  longer  his  happy  lot  to  be  numbered  among  her  children. 
We  are  aftoniftied  that  Mk"  Barrow,  whofe  own  patriotifm  isi 
fo  ardent,  (hould  have  no  fympathy  for  the  feelings  of  thia 
illuftrious  exile.  For  our  parts,  we  are  far  indeed  from  wifhing 
to  fee  fuch  cofmopolitifm  prevail,  as  that  which  (hould  teach  all 
men  to  alienate  their  hearts  from  their  country  as  foon  as  the 
wickednefs  of  a  few  of  her  inhabitants  had  delivered  her  up  to 
civil  diffenfions ;  and,  for  us,  that  patriotifm  has  no  charms 
which  can  change  its  objeft  without  a  pang,  and  take  root  in 
each  hoftile  ground,  affimilating  itfcif  fucceffively  to  every  va- 
riety of  expofure. 

Our  author,  in  the  courfe  of  his  introductory  remarks,  ex- 
prefles  his  furprlfe  at  the  (inguiar  dilFerence  between  the  charac- 
ter of  the  Dutch  in  their  own  country  and  in  the  colonies.  He 
defcribes  them  as  the  moft  indolent  and  prodigal  of  all  nations  in 
the  latter  fituation  ;  whereas,  at  home,  they  are  noted  for  fruga- 
lity and  induftry.  This  ftatement  is  important — it  is  quite  new 
to  us — and  It  is  totally  falfe.  The  colonial  induftry  and  wealth 
of  the  Hollanders,  is  as  confpicuous  as  their  toils  and  opulence  at 
home.  It  is  in  vain  that  Mr  Barrow  tells  us,  they  devolve  their 
labour  upon  flaves  ;  that  at  the  Cape,  the  purchafe  of  a  flave  is 
the  firll  ufe  a  man  makes  of  a  little  money  which  he  may  ac- 
quire ;  and  that,  at  Batavia,  1 00,000  Chinefe  do  all  the  bufinefs 
of  the  colony.  This  only  proves  that  the  conftitution  of  Eu- 
ropeans in  thofe  climates  is  ill  adapted  to  hard  work  ;  and  that 
the  Cape  planters  and  Batavian  fettlers,  like  the  planters  of  Suri- 
nam and  Demerary,  ufe  flaves  as  we  do  beads  of  burthen.  No 
man  can  deny  the  prodigies  which  Dutch  induftry  have  performed 
en  the  coaft  of  Guiana  j  yet  you  may  traverfe  ail  Ouiana  without 
feeing  a  white  man  at  work,  except  in  his  cornptoir  or  ware- 
houfes.  Many  of  the  facls  ftated  by  our  author  prove  that  the 
analogy  of  the  Dutch  character  in  the  eaft  and  in  the  weft  is  com- 
plete. Their  domeftic  flaves  are  treated  with  too  much  indul- 
gence ;  while  their  field  flaves,  and,  above  all,  their  Hottentot 
labourers,  are  the  victims  of  a  cruelty  and  avarice  equal  to  that 
for  which  the  Dutch  name  has  uniformly  been  infamous  in  the 
new  world.     {Vid.  p.  108.  135.) 

Before  proceeding  to  the  main  obje<Sl  of  this  volume,  we  fhali 
notice  the  chief  information  communicated  by  Mr  Barrow  in  iiis 
narrative  of  the  military  expedition  to  the  Kaffer  frontier  :  this  re- 
lates to  the  iiiterior  of  Africa. 

Our 


44<5  ISarrowV  Travels  in  Southern  Africa^  Vot.  ft,  July 

Our  readers  will  probably  recolleft,  that  M.  Le  Vaillant,  after 
being  flopped  in  his  progrefs  northward  by  want  of  water  and  fe- 
veral  untoward  accidents,  found  that  had  he  begun  his  journey 
about  this  part  of  the  country  (what  he  calls  the  country  of  the 
Houfonanas)  he  might  have  proceeded  with  eafe,  from  the  high 
flate  of  its  cultivation  compared  with  the  barbarity  of  the  Hot- 
tentots. INIr  Barrow  prefents  us  with  fonie  interefting  particu- 
lars refpedf  ing  the  Boofliooanas,  of  whom  Le  Vaillant  evident- 
ly fpeaks,  and  whofe  country  he  muft  only  have  known  by 
report.  This  people  is  a  tribe  of  the  Kaffers  ;  the  men  are  of  a 
tall  athletic  form ;  of  fimple,  paf^oral  manners ;  living  almoll  en* 
tirely  on  milk  and  vegetables,  and  following  the  occupation  of  Ihep- 
herds.  Two  commiirioners,  fent  from  the  Cape  by  government 
in  i8or,  for  the  purpofe  of  procuring  draught  oxen,  reached 
their  capitnl,  Leetakoo.  It  is,  according  to  their  report,  fituated 
in  a  finely  cultivated  and  enclofcd  country,  and  is  very  large  and 
populous.  The  commillioners  ellimated  its  fize  at  between  two 
and  three  thoufand  houfes,  and  its  population  at  from  ten  to  fif- 
teen thoufand.  It  lies  nearly  in  latitude  26°  30'  fouth,  and  lon- 
gitude 27°  ealt  from  Greenwich.  The  chief  received  them  with 
hofpitality,  and  introduced  them  to  his  wives  and  families.  The 
following  is  the  defcription  given  of  their  houfes  : 

«  His  houfe,  like  all  the  reil  in  the  town,  was  built  in  a  circular 
form,  being  about  fixteen  feet  in  diameter.  The  bottom  part,  to  the 
height  of  four  feet  from  The  ground,  was  flone  laid  in  clay,  and  wooden 
fpars  erecfted  at  certain  diflances.  On  the  eafl  fide  of  the  circle,  about 
the  fourth  part  of  the  hqufe  was  open,  the  other  three  fourths  entirely 
clofed.  A  round  pointed  roof  covered  the  whole  in  the  form  of  a 
tent,  well  thatched  with  long  reeds,  or  with  the  ftraws  of  the  holcus. 
From  the  centre  to  the  back  part  of  the  houfe,  a  circular  apartment  13 
made  off,  with  a  narrow  entrance  into  it,  where  the  head  of  the  family 
takes  his  nightly  rell  ;  the  other  members  of  the  family  fleep  in  the 
fore  part,  or  between  the  large  and  fmall  circles  of  the  houfe.  All  the 
houfes  were  enclofed  by  pallifades  ;  and  the  fpace  between  thefe  and 
the  dwelling  ferves  for  a  granary  and  ffore  for  their  grain  and  pulfe. 
Thefe  granaries  were  conftrufted  in  the  form  of  oil  jars,  of  baked  clay, 
the  capacity  of  each  being  at  the  leaft  two  hundred  gallons  ;  and  they 
were  fupported  on  tripods,  compofed  of  the  fame  material,  which  raifed 
them  about  nine  inches  above  the  ground.  They  were  covered  with  a 
round  flraw  roof  eredfed  on  poles,  and  fufEciently  high  to  admit  an 
opening  into  the  jars,  the  upper  edges  of  which  were  from  five  to  fix 
feet  from  the  ground.  '     p.  3 15. 

The  flate  of  fociety  may  be  gathered  pretty  accurately  from 
what  our  author  rebtes  concerning  the  women,  who,  as  is  ufual 
in  favage  communities,  performed  all  the  drudgery  of  the  family» 

*  They  not  only  performed  the  tallc  of  breaking  up  the  ground  with 
a  kind  of  hoe  made  of  iron,  and  afterwards  planted  it,  but  thev  con- 

ftrnaed 


l8o4'         BarroVlf  Travels  In  Southern  Africa ^  Vol.  II,  44;^ 

ftrufttd  their  habitations,  and  coUedled  the  materials  that  were  necef- 
fary  for  the  fame.  They  reaped  the  grain,  cleared  it  from  the  liulk, 
and  laid  it  up  in  the  granaries,  which,  with  other  earthen  pots  and 
wooden  vciTcls,  were  the  work  of  their  hands.  The  men  prepare  the 
ilcins  and  hides  which  ferve  for  flioes,  and  make  them  up  into  cloaks  for 
themfclvcs,  their  wives,  and  children  ;  they  attend  alfo  the  cattle,  milk 
the  cows,  and  hunt  the  antelopes  and  other  game,  with  a  weapon  called 
the  Hafiagai,   which  is  uCed  alfo  in  batllc.  '      p.  l  16.  I  17. 

Our  author  has  a  peculiar  theory,  which  we  think  by  no  means 
void  of  probability  as  to  the  origin  of  the  KafFers.  He  thinks 
that  they  are  the  defcendants  of  a  tribe  of  Beduin  Arabs  ;  and 
Supports  his  opinion  by  a  reference  to  their  paftoral  habits,  their 
holpitable  manners,  their  tent- llraped  houfes,  their  pradlice'of 
circumciiing,  and,  above  all,  their  phyfiognomy.  He  is  perfuad- 
fd  that  the  KalTcrs  extend  fartlier  to  the  northward  than  is  gene- 
rally believed,  and  fuppoies  tliat  a  line  drawn  from  the  24th  pa- 
rallel of  fouth  latitude  on  the  eall  coail  to  the  20th  on  the  weft, 
would  feparate  the  Kaffers  from  the  Negroes.  The  Portuguefe, 
whofe  fettlement  of  De  la  Goa  borders  on  their  country,  have 
never  ventured  to  introduce  the  Cave  trade  among  them.  To  the 
r.orth  of  the  Boolhooanas,  the  commiffioners  were  informed,  that 
a  much  more  powerful  tribe  lived  in  a  cultivated  tra£l  of  coun- 
try, under  the  fouthern  tropic ;  they  are  called  the  Baroloos, 
Their  manners  are  kind  and  hm pie  ;  taey  are  acquainted  with  the 
art  of  fmelting  copper  and  iron,  for  which  they  have  furnaces 
credled  ;  they  are  extremely  rich  in  cattle  ;  their  lands  and  houfes 
are  much  better  than  thofe  of  the  Boofliooanas  ;  and  their  chief 
town  was  reprcfented  as  lo  extcnlive,  that  it  was  faid  to  be  a  day's 
iourney  in  length,  and  extremely  populous.  Information  was  re- 
ceived from  a  Portuguefe  flavc-merchant,  that  the  Portuguefe 
have  a  dlre£l  communication  acrofs  tlie  continent,  from  Loango 
to  Mozambique,  for  the  purpofcs  of  trade,  the  ftaple  of  which  is 
Haves  ;  and  that  negi-o-merchants  are  eftablifhed  in  different  parts 
of  this  long  route.  This  confirms  a  ftatement  given,  we  know 
not  on  what  authority,  by  Mr  B.  Edwards,  in  the  fecond  volarue 
of  his  Hiftory  of  the  Weft  Indies. 

Upon  all  this  interefting  information,  we  ha\'e  two  remarks  to 
offer,  in  thtfirji  place,  why  have  the  two  commiilioners,  who- 
faw  fo  much  more  of  the  interior  of  Africa  than  any  preceding 
travellers,  not  publifhed  any  account  of  their  difcoverles  .'*  We 
call  upon  thofe  gentlemen,  MelTrs  Somm.erville  and  Tvutter,  to 
gratify  the  very  juft  curiofity  of  the  public  on  this  point.  We 
would  alfo  fuggell  to  the  African  affociation  the  expediency  of  at- 
tempting to  penetrate  illU  farther  tov^-ards  tlic  north  by  the  fame 

route- 


44^  Barrow* J-  Travels  in  Southern  Africa^  Vol.  It.  July 

route.  It  is  evidently  much  more  fafe  and  accefllble  than  the 
track  by  the  weft  coaft  ;  for  the  traveller  has  no  Moors  to  encoun- 
ter, and  can  fufFer  little  or  no  inconvenience  from  the  eiFe£l:s  of 
the  flave-trade.  Secondly^  We  muft  entreat  the  attention  of  our 
readers  to  the  fmgular  coincidence  of  all  the  information  now  ob- 
tained, with  that  procured  from  the  African  travellers  to  the 
north  of  the  line,  regarding  the  fuperior  civilization  of  the  inte- 
rior of  this  unhappy  continent.  It  is  the  peculiar  fate  of  Africa, 
to  have  its  progrefs  in  improvement  reprefled  by  the  crimes  of 
diftant  nations  oh  all  its  coafts.  The  Mahometans  on  the  eaft 
and  north  ;  the  Portuguefe  on  the  fouth-eaft  ;  the  Dutch  on  the 
fouth  ;  the  Englifli,  French,  Dutch  and  Portuguefe  on  the  weft — 
have  all,  in  their  feveral  departments,  kept  the  coafts  of  that  vaft- 
region  in  barbarifm  and  darknefs.  As  we  penetrate  towards,  the 
interior,  from  either  of  thefe  quarters,  we  find  that  darknefs  gra- 
dually difpelled,  and  a  faint  ray  of  civilization  beginning  to  dawn. 
Entering  from  the  weft,  we  find  the  negroes,  as  v^^e  advance,  be- 
come more  numerous,  more  wealthy,  more  cultivated  and  more 
refined,  as  loon  as  we  pafs  the  peculiar  region  of  the  flave-trade. 
Entering  from  the  fouth,  we  have  no  fooner  pafl'ed  the  bomida- 
ries  of  the  Dutch  boors  (who  hold  all  the  natives  of  that  quarter 
in  a  ftate  of  pitylels  fubjeclion),  than  we  find  large  and  populous 
cities,  a  country  cultivated  like  a  garden,  and  a  fine  race  of  peo- 
ple, poflefled  of  the  more  difficult  arts  of  life.  To  the  north  of 
this  happer  diftricl,  there  ri^ns  a  line  of  country  defolated  by  the 
flave-trade  •,  and  as  we  approach  it,  the  Kaffers,  though  ftill  free, 
begin  to  degenerate,  (^/fl't- Barrow,  p.  ii8.)  When  this  line, 
through  the  narrower  part  of  the  continent,  is  crofled,  we  again 
come  among  more  improved  tribes,  provided  w-e  keep  in  the  in- 
land pprta,  and  do  not  approach  the  haunts  of  civiHzed  and  Chril- 
tian  ftrangers. — The  moral  of  all  this  we  leave  to  our  readers. 

We  are  now  to  confider  the  principal  fubje£l  of  this  volume — 
the  importance  of  the  Cape  as  a  colonial  eftablifhment  to  Great 
Britain.  Its  value  is  difcufled  by  our  author  in  four  points  of 
view — as  a  military  ftation — as  a  naval  ftation — as  a  commercial 
ftation  and  port  of  outfit  for  the  fiiheries — and  as  a  territorial  ac- 
quifition.     We  Ihall  briefly  view  it  in  thefe  four  lights. 

I.  The  central  fituation  of  the  Cape,  as  well  as  its  phyfical 
circumftances,  peculiarly  adapt  it  both  for  a  .  depot  of  formed 
troops,  and  a  ftation  where  they  may  be  formed.  Its  diftance 
from  South  America  is  the  voyage  of  a  month ;  from  Guiana  and 
the  Weft  Indies,  fix  weeks  ;  from  the  Red  Sea,  fix  weeks  ;  from 
England  and  from  India  two  months  The  climate  is  fo  favour- 
able, that  invalids  from  India  recovtir  there  with  furprifing  rapi- 
dity. 


•.  fi?ti4'       .  BatrdwV  ST/^aw/r  z>;  Sotithern  Jfrkdy   Vol.  II.         '449 

mity.  Wliile  we  had  the  fettlement  lafl;  war,  and  kept  there  a 
^larfilyn  of  more  than  50CO  men,  there  was  actually  no  occafion 
for  an  hojpital  Stail",  and  it  was  accordingly  broken  up.  It  is 
well  known  how  extremely  fatal  long  voyages  are  to  raw  troops  ; 
.md  nothing  can  be  more  advuntagfous  than  fu.ch  a  llation  (half- 
way between  England  and  India)  for  feafoning  our  recruits  on 
their  way  thither.  The  t-wo  boy  regiments,  carried  out  in  1799* 
;xrrived  ti-vere  in  a  molt  fickly  condition,  and,  at  any  rate,  were 
mere  raw  recruits,  unfit  for  fervice.  In  two  years  they  became 
iss  fine  a  corps  as  any  in  the  Britiih  fervice.  A  refidence  at  the 
Cape  has  been  found  I'o  much  to  invigorate  the  conltitution,  that 
tlie  regiments  fent  irom  thence  to  India  and  Egypt,  lalt  war,  fuf- 
tained,  without  lofs  or  inconvenience,  both  the  paiTage  and  the 
climate,  and  the  fervice,  immediately  on  their  arrival.  It  is  alfo 
well  knowir  how  important  to  the  event  of  the  war,  the  large  de- 
tachments proved,  which  were  fent  at  a  moment's  warning  from 
the  Cape  to  India  and  Egypt.  Our  author  jultly  dates,  that  re- 
cruits can  at  all  times  be  fent  out,  with  peculiar  fafety  and  cheap- 
nefs,  in  fmall  numbers,  on  board  the  outward  bound  Indiamen, 
private  traders,  and  whalers.  'J'he  importance  of  the  Cape  as  a 
station  from  whence  Eigypt  may  be  attacked,  and  the  pafl'age  of  the 
enemy  from  thence  to  India  obllrutted,  deferves  peculiar  atten- 
tion. If  the  French  are  in  pofleflion  of  Egypt,  and  defign  to 
ihip  an  army  from  Suez  or  Cofir  for  Iirdia,  the  fecuring  of  tlte 
fmall  iiland  of  Pernri,  which  commands  the  Straits  of  Babelmari- 
dclj  aud  has  a  commodious  harbour,  might  be  fpeedily  effedled 
by  a  fmall  force  from  the  Cape,  antl  would  be  by  far  the  fureit 
and  cheapeft  method  of  keeping  the  French  force  deitined  for  In- 
dia in  check.  Indeed,  our  author  proves,  very  fatisf actor ily, 
that  fo  long  as  we  have  Malta  and  the  Cape,  the  two  keys  of  In- 
di<i,  in  our  poflcHlon,  we  need  not  fear  any  force  which  our  ene- 
mies can  fend  againll  our  invaluable  Ealtera  empire.  He  alfo 
ihovvs  how  eafdy  the  Cape  nright  be  takeii,  and  kept  by  a  fmali 
iorce  ;  and  argues,  t^iat  the  Dutch  are  10  little  anxious  about 
keeping  it,  that  they  would  at  different  tunes  have  fold  it  for  a 
tmall  funi  of  money. 

To  t.his  lalt  deduction  we  have  fotne  objections  to  urge.  It 
is  no  Icfs  than  a  contradiction  in  political  reafonings,  to  fay  that 
your  enemy,  or  the  fubmiihve  allies  of  your  enemy,  will  eafily 
give  up  what  is  of  fuch  vaft  importance  to  your  power  and 
wealth  as  the  Cape  is  here  proved  to  be.  The  Dutch,  too,  mutt 
be  blind  indeed,  if  they  do  not  quickly  perceive  the  immenfe 
benelits  which,  by  a  wife  fyllem  of  colonial  policy,  they  might 
derive  from  {his  important  fettlement.  It  is  true  that,  hither^ 
;o,  it  .has  rather  been  a  burthen  than  a  gain  to  their  ireafury-* 

Vftt.  jv.  NO.  S.  F  f  13u 


4'SO  Barfow'j  Travels  in  Southern  Africa^  Vol.  II.  Jsty 

B'ut  its  management  has  been  the  word  that  can  be  imagined. 
Its  grawth  has  been  ftudioufly  checked  by  every  baneful  reguU- 
tion  which  the  monopolizing  fpirrt  of  their  Eafl  India  Company 
could  fuggeft.  It  was  reduced  to  a  mere  half-way  houfe,  and 
prevented  from  benefiting  by  its  lituntion,  left:,  inftead  of  being 
a  place  of  refrefliment  to  the  Company's  fliips,  it  fhould  become 
a  flouriftiitig  fettlemenr,  and  a  rival  to  their  trade.  A  reftri£tion 
was  actually  enforced,  which  prevented  the  population  of  the 
country  from  increafing  ;  for  the  grants  of  land  weire  not  fub- 
divifible,  and  no  perfon  could  fettle  within  a  certain  dif^ance 
of  another  planter.  No  wonder,  then,  that  fuch  a  miferable 
eolcny  Ihould  prove  burthenfome  to  the  mother  country,  which 
was  thus,  under  the  femblance  of  maintaining  a  fettlement, 
paying  for  the  aecommodation  and  for  the  monopoly  of  the  Eaft: 
India  Company.  '  But  a  wife  policy,  the  creation  of  a  free  port, 
the  more  liberal  treatment  of  the  Boors,  an  encouragement  to 
fettle  there,  a  better  fyftem  of  adminiftration,  the  introdu6^ion 
of  Chinefe  labourers,  and  a  variety  of  other  improvements  which 
may  be  eafily  imagined,  and  many  of  which  have  frequently 
been  under  the  confidcration  oi  the  Batavian  government,  would 
fpeedily  render  the  Cape  a  rival  to  Batavia  and  Guiana — a  pof- 
feflion,  as  well  worth  keeping  for  its  own  fake,  as  to  prevent  the 
benefits  which  the  enemy  of  France  and  Holland  muft  quickly 
reap  from  it.  Holland  knows  full  well,  that,  in  her  circum- 
ilances,  tiiere  is  no  falvation,  certainly  no  renovation  for  her 
ftrength,  but  by  a  wife  recurrence  to  the  fyllem  of  colonizing. 
This  is  her  policy,  more  than  that  of  any  other  European  power  j 
and  as  nothing  but  the  thraldom  in  which  flie  has  lately  been 
kept,  and  which  naturally  difcourages  her  from  fowing  what 
another  may  reap,  could  have  rendered  her  deaf  to  fuch  loud 
•calls  of  obvious  policy — fo,  any  approach  towards  independence 
will  certainly  be  attended  with  a  recurrence  to  the  fyftem  now 
{ketched  out.  It  cannot  be  diflembled,  then,  that  on  every 
account,  both  fhe  and  France  will  throw  various  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  that  plan  which  fo  many  invincible  reafons  force 
upon  England;  and  that  the  retention  of  the  Cape,  in  concluding 
a  treaty  of  peace,  will  be  oppofed  by  numerous  obftacles  for  which 
our  author  has  made  no  allowance. 

Under  the  head  of  military  advantages,  Mr  Barrow  mentions 
as  a  very  obvious  one,  the  great  cheapnefs  of  provifions — info- 
much,  that  at  the  Cape,  alone,  can  our  government  maintain 
troops  without  the  lofs  arifing  from  the  inadequacy  of  their  pay 
to  fupport  them.  Government,  indeed,  gains,  according  to  our 
author,  a  clear  profit ;  that  is,  if  we  rightly  underftand  him. 
Government  deducts  as  much  from  the  pay  of  the  troops  as 
"^  would 


I8d'4.         BarrowV  Travels  in  Southern  AfricHy  Vol.  II.  451 

would  fuhfift  them  In  a  dearer  country,  for  example  at  home, 
and  feeds  them  at  the  Cape  fomewhat  cheaper.  The  fairnefs  of 
this  praftice  depends  exactly  on  the  contra£l  originally  entered 
into  with  the  men.  If  they  ought  to  be  paid  in  money,  and  not 
in  kind,  the  gain  is  at  their  expence. — But  another  fource  of 
revenue  is  ftated,  fo  extraordinary,  that  we  muft  take  fome 
notice  of  it.  The  colonial  paymafters  drew  bills  on  the  pay- 
mafter-general  at  home,  and  thefe  bore  a  premium,  of  20  per  cent. 
at  an  average.  The  Governmfrnt,  therefore,  derived  a  profit 
upon  the  bills,  equivalent  to  this  per  centage  ;  and  credit  is  ta- 
ken for  fuch  a  profit  on  the  whole  expenditure  while  the  Cape 
was  in  our  polTeflion.  We  queftion  if  fo  grofs  a  blunder  was 
ever  made  before.  Government  iflued  bills,  and  the  colonial 
currency,  being  depreciated,  was  20  per  cent,  worfe  than  thofe 
bills  I  be  troops  were  paid  according  to  the  colonial  currency, 
and  the  provifions  were  bought  according  to  it  alfo.  As  to  the 
provifions,  this  is  only  reftating  the  itetn,  formerly  noted,  of 
cheapnefs  ;  for  it  fignifies  nothing  what  the  relation  was  between 
goods  and  colonial  currency,  when  government  had  to  buy  a 
certain  quantity  with  its  own  bills.  As  to  the  pay,,  which  the 
men  received  in  colonial  currency,  tliis  is  indeed  a  itrange  tranf- 
.adlion  ;  and  what  Mr  Barrow  is  pleafed  to  term  aprofit  on  ex- 
change, becomes  a  per  centage  levied  on  the  mens  pay — it  was 
in  fa6t  paying  the  army  with  debated  money.  It  is  very  clear, 
that,  confittently  with  fairncfs,  government  could  never  derive 
a  profit  from  exchange,  unlefs  by  becoming  bullion  merchant, 
and  receiving  the  profits  of  exporting  fpecie.  All  the  other 
part  of  difference  of  exchange  confifts  in  the  depreciation  of  our 
currency  ;  and  to  profit  by  this  circumltance,  is  exadlly  10  de- 
fraud the  creditor.  But  Mr  Barrow  does  not  flop,  here.  Go- 
vernment, it  appears,  ilTued  copper  money  with  a  profit  of  cent. 
per  cent.  L.  4000  uere  fent  out  in  penny  pieces,  and  v/ere 
circulated  in  the  fettlement  for  twopenny  pieces ;  and  hence, 
fays  this  eminent  financier,  there  accrued  a  profit  of  4000I.  } 
This  is  exactly  the  operation  which  we  have  been  accuitomed  to 
call  raifmg  the  denomination  of  the  currency  ;  and,  admit tmj* 
the  copper  and  Er)gliih  bills  to  have  been  on  a  par,  the  rife  thus 
made  was  in  facl  80  per  cent.  The  foldiers  were,  if  paid  iit 
copper,  defrauded  to  this  amount,  befides  a  proportion  of  the 
remaining  20  per  cent,  equal  to  the  nominal  difference  between 
the  exchanges.  We  do  fincerely  hope  that  this  ftatement  arifes 
from  the  author's  marvellous  ignorance  of  the  fubjeiSij  and  is 
not  founded  in  fait.  He  likewiie  takes  credit  for  a  fum  as  the 
intereft  of  50,0001.  of  paper  money,  circulated  by  government, 
and  not  rsdeemed  for  feven  years..     But  all. this  is  coo  abfurd.  to 

F  f   -  detain 


IfyS  Barrow*/  Trah)vh  in  Southern  Jft-'ica,  VcL  IL  July 

detain  our  readers  any  longer.  We  never  yet  faw  a  budget  like 
Mr  Barrow's  Cape  budget,  by  which  he  blunders  into  a  profit 
of  above  153,000!.  J^ut  if  it  is  confiftent  witli  fact  that  thofe 
things  were  committed,  Mi  Barrow's  ignorance  is  by  much  the 
"jmoft  harmlefs  part  of  the  bufinefs;  at  any  rate,  the  fat^s  re- 
quire explanation,  and  government  cannot  give  it  too  foon  or  too 
fully. 

II.  As  a  iwval  flation,  the  importance  of  the  Cape  deferves 
equal  attention.  Although  no  thips  in  the  world  can  fo  eafily 
perform  the  whole  Eail  Indian  voyage  without  Hopping  half 
way,  as  the  veflels  of  our  own  nation  •,  vet,  in  certain  circum- 
ftances,  it  is  necefl'ary,  even  for  them,  to  have  fuch  a  place  of 
Shelter  and  refreOnnent  as  the  Cape.  In  the  homeward-bound 
voyage,  the  Itrefs  of  weather  which  Ihips  meet  with  on  L'Aguii- 
Jas  Bank,  renders  it  very  often  expedient  to  call  at  fome  friendly 
port  to  refit.  During  war,  the  Company's  fliips  are  in  part 
manned  with  Lafcars  ;  and  thefe  men,  it  is  well  known,  cannot 
poflibly  endure  fo  long  a  run  as  from  India  to  Europe.  Vef- 
iels  carrying  new  troops,  or  crowded  with  foldiers  of  any  defcrip- 
tion,  are  equally  incapable  of  making  the  whole  voyage  at  once, 
Befides,  the  conftant  accidents  of  fea  voyages  render  a  friendly 
harbour,  in  a  central  pofition,  the  mod  valuable  of  all  acquifi- 
tions  to  a  country  whofe  maritime  concerns  are  fo  very  extenlive 
as  thofe  of  England  in  the  fouthcrn  and  eafl:ern  feas.  It  deferves 
alfo  to  be  conlidered,  that  half  the  tonnage  will  do  for  provifi- 
ons,  if  the  Ihips  can  be  completely  vidualled  half  way;  and  no 
place  is  better  adapted  for  this  purpofe  than  the  Cape. — In  the 
lame  divifion  with  thefe  circumitances,  our  author  dilates  on 
the  advantages  of  having  a  Nation  which  commands  the  entrance 
to  the  Indian  feas,a!id  which  has  a  ready  communication  with  the 
reft  of  the  world,  with  Egypt,  the  Weft  Indies,  &:c.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  all  this  fell  properly  under  the  firft  head,  where  he 
prelected  on  it«  importance  as  a  military  ftation.  Accordingly, 
there  is  a  great  degree  of  repetition  in  the  fecond  branch  of  the 
argument ;  and  we  think  that,  befides  the  llatement  which  we 
have  jull  abridged,  it  contains  nothing  peculiarly  referable  to  the 
head  of  naval  advantages,  except  the  circumftance  of  tlie  Cape 
forming  a  convenient  port  of  outfit  for  privateers  and  frigates  tv> 
annoy  the  enemy's  Indian  trade. 

This  fecond  head  involves  alfo  fome  difputable  points.  We 
cannot  imagine,  for  example,  upon  what  oux*  author  founds  his 
opinion,  that  all  other  nations  fliould  be  moll  willing  to  fee  the 
Cape  in  other  hands,  becaufe,  *  from  the  general  policy  of  Eng- 
hmd,  and  the  favourable  circumilances  in  which  her  commerce 
and   navigation  arc  now  placed,   the   Cape,   in  her  pofTcflion, 

would 


1S04.         Barrov/j-  Travels  in  Southern  Africa^  P"oL  II.  4^3 

W(jiild  always  be  open  to  foreign  (liipping,  and  refreiliments 
fupplied  to  them  on  equal  terms  as  to  her  own.  '  (p.  233.) 
Does  Mr  Barrow  allude,  here,  to  the  equal  terms  on  which  fo- 
reigners arc  permitted  to  fliare  our  Indian  trade,  or  to  the  liberal 
policy  which  opens  that  lucrative  commerce  to  all  our  own  coun- 
Trynien  ?  or  docs  he  refer  particularly  to  that  free  fyfteni  of  uni- 
verlal  traffic,  commonly  known  by  the  title  of  the'  *  Navigation 
Adt  r  *  or  has  he  more  immediately  in  view  the  Hate  of  perpetual 
peace  which  this  country  has  for  centuries  enjoyed  ?  or  is  it  the 
pra£lice  of  abftaining  from  all  maritime  blockades,  and  fearches 
tor  contraband,  which  has  marked  our  proceedings  towards  fo- 
reign powers,  that  gave  rife  to  the  patriotic  eftufion  above  quot- 
ed ?  Surely,  if  Mr  Barrow  had  not  written  his  book  in  a  quar- 
ter of  a  year,  he  would  have  difcovered  that  fome  nation,  feldom 
engaged  in  warfare,  and  unconnefled  with  -either  EaR  or  Weft 
Indies,  is  the  proprietor  whom  the  European  world  in  general 
Should  wifli  to  fee  poflclled  of  the  Cape.  It  is  enough,  in  this 
place,  to  prove  its  value  to  England.  Mr  Barrow  uuilertook  too 
rauch,  when  he  bethought  him  of  proving  that  other  nations  alfo 
fhould  fympathife  with  his  very  proper  feeling  for  his  own  coun- 
try. 

He  concludes  liis  fecond  divifion  of  the  fuhjecl:,  by  ftating  the 
natural  difficulties  attending  the  pollefRon  of  the  Cape,  in  a  naval 
point  of  view.  Thefe  are  indeed  very  formidable,  and  they  arife 
chiefly  from  the  badnefs  of  the  harbours,  and  the  conllant  high 
<eas  that  prevail  at  the  fouthcrn  promontory  of  Africa.  But  after 
confidering  tliem  all,  and  coupling  this  flatement  with,  that  of  the 
ineilimable  advantages  derivable  from  the  poirenion  in  a  naval 
point  of  view,  we  are  fully  prepared  to  agree  with  our  autlior  in 
ins  conclulion,  that  *  with  all  the  imperfeclions  of  this  fouthern 
angle  of  Africa,  with  regard  to  its  bavs  and  conveniences  for 
Jhippmg,  its  geographical  pofition  on  tlie  globe  will  always  render 
it  a  powerful  inllrument  In  the  hands  of  a  maritime  nation,  to  di- 
.redl  the  commerce  of  India  and  China  into  new  channels,  to  en- 
rich its  owners,  anil  to  diilrefs  their  enemies. '     p.  264. 

III.  The  Cape  territory  furnllhet;  various  articles  of  value  for 
confumption  and  exportation.  Of  thefe,  the  llaples  are  grain, 
particularly  a  wheat,  of  a  fmall  kind,  which  yields  fometimes 
eighty  for  one, —  and  the  produce  of  the  vineyard  \  than  which, 
nothing  can  be  more  luxuriant,  even  in  the  prefent  wretched  ilate  of 
its  culture.  Befules  thefe  Itaples,  the  vail  herds  of  excellent  cattle, 
together  with  good  bay  fait,  produce  all  kinds  of  dairy  articles, 
as  well  as  fait  meat,  tallow  and  hides,  in  great  abvmdance  arid 
perfection.  There  arc  other  produ6ls  of  inferior  value  to  fwell 
(he  nil ;  as  aloes,  ivorv,  fruits,  wool,  and  tobacco, 

rf3  But 


454  Barrow'j-  Travels  in  Southern  Jfrha,  Vo!.  II.  July 

But  the  confideration  chiefly  deferving  our  notice,  under  the 
head  of  commercial  advantages,  relates  to  the  policy  or  impolicy 
of  allowing  other  nations  to  fliare  in  the  trade  of  a  fettlement 
fo  well  adapted  to  become  a  depot  of  Indian  and  European 
.commodities.  And  our  author  particularly  difcuiTes  the  effe6ls 
Tikely  to  refult  to  England  from  any  arrangement  which  fliould 
Conltitute  this  fettlement  a  free  port.  If  the  foreign  nations, 
who  at  prefenr  rrfort  to  the  London  market  for  Eaft  India 
goods,  under  all  the  puzzling  circumftances  of  drawbacks,  &c. 
Avhich  arife  out  of  the  complicacy  of  our  cudomhoufe  laws,  pof- 
fefled  the  power  of  purchaling  at  the  Cape,  our  author  conceives 
-they  would  prefer-  this  traffic,  ceteris'  paribus.  The  Americans, 
we  know,  profit  next  to  ourfelvcs  by  the  India  trade,  as  it  {lands 
at  prefent  How  much  more  advantageous  would  the  fliorter 
voyage  to  the  Capcprove  to  them,  when  it  is  certain  that  even 
now  tht-y  can  underfell  us  in  the  Weft  Imlia  market  for  A- 
fiatic  goods  ?  Britilh  capital,  too,  would  be  embarked  in  veflels 
trading  under  foreign  flags,  to  the  infinite  detriment  of  the  pre* 
fent  fyltem.  Upon  alj  this  we  hav  ■  only  one  remark  to  offer — 
Our  author's  argument  is  addreH'fd  to  the  Eaft  India  Company 
exclufively ;  and  the  only  inference  deducible  from  it  is,  that  the 
Company's  intereft  is  incompatible  with  the  freedom  of  the  Cape 
as  an  emporium.  If  that  important  fettlement  were  to  become 
the  Tyre  or  Alexandria  of  modern  times,  who  can  doubt  that 
the  whole  world,  and  Great  Britain  moft,  in  proportion  to  her 
gre  iter  commercial  ftake,  would  benefit  by  fo  fplcndid  a  creation  ? 
Tyre  and  Alexandria  ! — That  is  not  enough; — thofe  ancient  marts 
were  nothing  to  what  the  C  ipe  might  be  made,  open  as  it  is  to 
,the  New  as  well  as  to  the  Old  World  -  to  the  treafures  of  the 
•  Antilles  and  Peru,  as  well  As  to  ajl  the  riches  of  the  Eaft.  Frona 
fuch  a  profpeft,  what  advantages  do  not  inftantly  rife  before  us 
to  this  country  ?  PolTciTed  of  all  the  Indian,  and  fo  much  of  the 
weftern  world,  we  muft  infallibly  be  the  chief  traders  with  the 
aiew  emporium.  And  can  any  tliiitg  be  more  obvious  than  the 
eafe  with  which  we  could  m,onopolize  its  fupply  from  a  large 
portion, of  Alia  and  Ameii-ca,  without  contra<f^ing  our  market  for 
fear  of  interference  .'*  What  mighty  advantages  would  tlius  ac- 
crue to  all  British  India,  and  to  our  cxtcnfive  poflcirions  in  New 
Holland,  as  v/ell  as  to  the  continent  of  Africa  itielf  ? 

Our  author  alfo  ft  ites  the  comparative  advantages  and  fhfad- 
yantages  of  making  the  Cape  an  entrepot  for  Indian  produce-,  un- 
der the  Eaft  Indii  Company'^s  diveclion.  ?le  fuppofes  that  this 
would  lead  to  what  he  terms  '  a  diminution  of  his  IMajefty's  cuf- 
toms  '  (p.  275.)*  aiid  that  it  would  deprive  the  London  market 
€i  the  fupplvj  at  prefent  furniftied  to  foreigners,  of  fuch  articles 

(not 


sB04.  BarrowV  Travels  hi  Southern  Africa,  Vol.  U.  iiJ55 

(not  Indian)  as  they  take  from  finding  them  ready  aflbrtedv  when 
they  are  laynig  in  theii'  Eaft  Indian  cargo.  lie  does  not  think  it 
enough  to  luggelt  the  right  anfwer  to  this,  which  is  evidently, 
that  our  produce  would  naturally  be  fent  to  the  Cape,  if  it  did 
not  find  another  vent ;  but  he  enters  into  a  needlefs,  and  we  think 
a  very  incorredt  llatement,  of  the  full  competency  of  the  Eall 
India  Company's  trade  to  fupply  the  Indian  market,  and  the  ina- 
bility of  private  traders  to  interfere  in  it,  even  to  the  amount  of 
the  tonnage  allowed  by  the  Company's  charter.  This  ftateinent 
is  taken  from  the  reports  of  the  dire 61: or s  ;  and  we  think  it  is 
more  than  of  fufpicious  authority.  But  an  emporium,  deftined 
to  thrive,  like  Tyre-  and  Alexandria,  under  the  direfbion  of  the 
committees  in  LeadenliaU  Street,  is  to  our  minds  a  contradicflion 
in  terms,  as  much  as  the  idea  of  a  fenfitive  plant  growing  to  luxu- 
riance and  beauty  under  the  prefTuro  of  a  millfhone.  Charters  of 
monopoly  are  not  fitted  to  aid  the  growth  of  commercial  cities, 
in  which  the  monopolifts  do  not  themfelves  refide  j  and  indeed 
the  continuance  of  the  Company  in  their  mercantile  fun6tions, 
feems  to  us  equally  incompatible  with  the  increafing  profperity  of 
the  Cape,  and  with  that  of  their  prefent  dominions. 

In  order  to  perceive  the  benefits  that  muft  refult  from  fuch  a 
ftation  as  the  Cape,  in  fubfcvviency  to  our  fouthern  whale  filhery, 
we  have  only  to  recollect  its  relative  pofition  to  the  feas  where 
that  fifliery  is  carried  on,  and  the  great  abundance  of  whales 
which  fwarm  in  the  feas  round  the  fouth  coafl  of  Africa  itfelf. 
Without  any  farther  flatement  of  the  faifts  referable  to  this 
bran<:h  of  the  argument,  we  may  fafely  conclude  with  Mr  Bar- 
row, that 

— -*  the  Cape  might  be  rendered  eflentiaily  ufeful  to  the  fouthern  whale 
fifhery,  fo  important  to  the  commerce  and  na'.'igation  of  Great  Britain  ; 
but  that,  during  war,  the  fame  place  in  the  pofltSion  of  an  enemy  may 
be  the  means  of  obltrudting  this  valuable  branch  of  tr;ide,  and  muft  at 
all  events  render  it  forced  and  precarious.''     p.  322. 

IV.  We  cojue  now,  in  the  lad  place,  to  view  the  Gape  as  a 
territorid  acquifition.  And  here  we  muft  remark,  that  Mr  B^ir- 
row's  argument  branches  into  a  diffufe  ftatlllical  and  topogra- 
phical detail,  while  the  moft  material  points  of  faft  that  bear 
upon  the  queftion  might  have  been  concilely''enunclated  ;  and  the 
defcription  fhould  evidently  have  formed  an  introducftory  dilTerta- 
tion,  equally  applicable  to  all  the  other  heads  of  the  argument. 
The  population  of  the  colony,  in  1798,  confiiled  of  21,746  Chrif- 
tians,  25,754  flaves,  and  14,447  Hottentots,  fcattered  over  fo 
large  a  fpace  as  left  only  one  perfon  to  two  fquare  miles.  Much 
of  the  foil  is  fandy  and  barren  for  want  of  water  ;  but  in  many 
parts  the  land  is  highly  fertile.  Butchers'  meat  and  grain,  as  well 
as  wine  and  fruits,  might  be  had  in   great  abundanqe  and  cheap- 

F  f  4  nefs, 


45.^  BarrowV  Travels  in  Southern  Afi-u::,  Vffl.  11.  July 

nefs,  under  a  more  liberal  fyftem  of  police  ;  and  our  rr.ithor  con- 
cludes with  iuggelHng  fomc  improvements,  well  wortliy  the  at- 
tention of  whatever  mother  country  this  important  colony  may 
be  deilined  to  belong  to.  We  cxtracl  tlie  following  fpeculation 
upon  a  moll  interelcing  topic,  and  venture  to  pronounce  it,  in 
fpite  of  its  apparent  imprafticability,  equally  fohd  and  ingeni- 
ous : 

*  Before  any  cotifiderable  degree  of  improvement  can  be  espciftrd 
in  thofe  parts  of  the  country,  not  very  dilbnt  from  the  Cape,  it  will 
be  necefTary,  by  fonie  means  or  other,  to  increafc  the  quap^tty  and  to 
reduce  the  prefent  enormous  price  of  labour.  The  mutt  tftl-clual  way, 
perhaps,  of  doing  this,  would  be  the  introdu(5lit>n  of  Chiiltfe.  Were 
about  ten  thoufand  of  this  induftrious  race  of  nien  diitributcd  over  the 
Cape  dillri(ft,  and  thofe  divffions  of  Stelk'Tibolch  and  Drakcnfteiij  which 
lye  on  the  Cape  fide  of  the  mountftins,  the  face  of  the  country  would 
exhibit  a  very  different  appearance  in  the  courfc  of  a  few  years  ;  the 
markets  would  be  better  and  more  reafonably  fupplied,  and  an  abund- 
ance of  furphis  produce  acquired  for  exportation.  It  is  not  here  meant 
that  thefe  Chinefe  ibould  be  placed  under  the  farmers  ;  a  fituation  in 
which  they  might  probably  become,  like  the  poor  Hottentots,  rather 
a  load  and  an  incumbrance  on  the  colony,  than  a  bcnelit  to  it.  Th6 
pooreft  peafant  in  Chitia,  if  a  free  man,  acquires  notions  of  property. 
After  paying  a  certain  proportion  of  hip  produce  to  the  ftate,  which  is 
limited  and  dcfnied,  the  reft  is  entirely  his  own  ;  and  though  the  Em- 
peror is  confidered  as  the  fqlc  proprietary  of  the  foil,  the  land  is  nevet 
taken  from  him  fo  long  as  he  continues  to  pay  his  proportion  of  pro- 
duce to  Government. 

*  1  fliould  propofe,  then,  that  all  the  pieces  of  ground  intervening 
between  the  large  farms  and  other  wafte  lands  ihould  be  granted  to  the 
Cliinefe,  on  payment  of  a  moderate  rent  after  the  tirlt  feven  years. 
The  Britijh  Government  would  find  no  difficulty  in  prevailing  upon 
that,  or  a  greater  number  of  thefe  people  to  leave  China  ;  nor  is  tlie 
Government  of  that  country  fo  very  ilri(it  or  follcitous  in  preventing  its 
fubjeels  fror.-(  leaving  their  native  land  as  is  ufiictlly  fuppofed.  The 
maxims  of  the  State  forbade  it  at  a  time  when  jt  was  more  politic  to 
prevent  emigrations  than  now,  when  an  abundant  population,  occafion- 
•&lly  above  the  level  of  the  means  of  fublifkence,  fubicfks  thoufands  to 
perifh  at  home  for  want  of  the  ncceffaries  of  life.  Emijjrations  take 
place  every  year  to  Manilla,  Iktavia,  Prince  of  Wales's  I  Hand,  and  to 
other  parts  of  the  eaflem  world.  '     Vol.  II.    p.  43c.  431. 

The  ablhatt  which  we  have  attempted  to  give  of  the  argunient 
upon  this  very  important  queftion,  will  probably  er>able  oiu  read- 
ers to  form  a  definite  judgement  on  \\>.  m.erits.  W'e  have  feldona 
attended  to  a  difculhon  in  which  all  tbe  reafon  feems  to  lye  fo 
entirely  upon  one  fide.  That  the  C'pe  ought  never  to  have  been 
ceded — that  it  ought  as  foon  as  poihble  to  be  regained-^ahd  that 
no  inducement  ought  to  njake  Englatid  p  irt   witli   i*:.  at  arnothe;r 


-?&C4.         Barrow*/  Tra'Oeh  into  Southern  Afru-Qy  Vol.  IT.         4^^ 

treaty  of  peace,  are  pofitlons  proved  to  a  demonftratlon  in  th« 
•work  now  before  us,  and  recommended  to  our  ftntefmen  \tith 
all  the  force  of  obvious  necellity.  One  farther  confideration,  not 
hinted  at  by  Mr  Ba-rrow,  has  great  weight  in  our  minds.     If  wfc 

do  not  make  u-ar  in  owe  point,  we  muft  in  another ;  if  we  do  not 
att:ick  the  Cape,  we  ihail  probably  attack  the  Dutch  and  French 
iettlemeiits  in  the  Weit  Indies  : — And,  that  fuch  a  policy  is  Un- 
wile  in  the  extreme,  who  can  doubt,  that  knows  any  thing  of 
colonial  affairs  ?  Ihe  conquell  of  Ouiana,  lad  war,  enriched 
the  Dutch  planters  at  our  expence.  Our  capitalifts  poured  into 
their  fcrvice  above  fixteen  millions  in  loans,  tempted  by  the 
profits  on  conlignment?,  which,  after  the  refticution  of  the 
colonies,  they  could  no  longer  receive  \  and  now,  in  order  to 
obtain  even  the  trifling  intereft  of  the  Dutch  money  market,  and 
to  prevent  their  debtors  from  breaking,  thoufands  after  thoufands 
of  pounds  muft  be  fent  over  to  prop  the  credit  of  the  Dutch 
planters,  while  our  own  colo!>ifts  cannot  raife  a  fhilling  on  good 
i'ecurity.  The  enemy  knows  thvs  golden  rule,  and  allows  us  to 
take  his  (larved  concern  off  his  hands  •, — he  is  fare  that  we  fliall 
rellore  it  in  the  betl  polTibie  condition.  But  •ztv,  whofe  fate  it 
always  is  to  pay  che  reckoning,  muft  continue  vv^ar  after  war  in 
the  fame  train  of  dupery  ;  and,  not  content  with  paying  all  our 
allies  in  Europe  for  defending  themfelves,  we  muft  needs  beftow 
donations  upon  our  enemies  in  the  form  moft  acceptable  to  hiij 
wilhes  and  w-ants.  We  are  happy  to  think  that  there  is  fome 
chance  of  fuch  fatal  impolicy  being  at  lait  abandoned-,  and  we 
rejoice  in  the  wholefome  kibftitute  which  the  Cape  furniflies  for 
it.  To  tiie  author  of  the  prefent  work,  much  gratitude  is  due^ 
We  only  lament  that  his  imperfecl:  knowledge  of  political  fcience, 
and  his  unfortunate  hurry  of  compofition,  has  prevented  our 
obligations  fvcm  being  fo  large  as  his  natural  acutenefs  and  happy 
opportunities  were  calculated  to  make  them.  This  work,  with 
all  its  imperfedlions,  is  a  valuable  addition  to  our  knowledge, 
and  mult  tend  materially  to  benefit  both  the  fpeculative  and  the 
practical  part  of  the  political  world. 


Art.  XVI.  The  Synonymcs  of  the  Latin  Language ^  aJf'LabeiicaUy  ar* 
nuv^cd ;  fji'lth  Critical  D/Jprtijiions  upon  the  f'^rce  if  its  Prepojittons^ 
hoih  In  a  fnriple  and  conipoiitid  J}iile,  By  John  liill,  LL.D.  Profeffor 
of  Humanity  in  the  Llniverliiy,  and  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society 
01  Edii:burgh.  4to.  pp.  782.  Printed  by  Janus  Ejllanrync,  for 
T.ongmdn  &  Rces,  London  j  and  Manners  &  Miller,  Edinburgh. 
i  804. 

A    QUARTO  volume  of  Latin  fynoriymes,  ufiiered  into  the  world 
*  ^    .bv.'thc  ProfelTor  of  Ilumaniry  at  lidinburgh,  could  not  fail 


145$  *  ■25>'  Hill'.j'  Latin  Syttonytms.   '  •  July 

to  excite  in  us  the  greateft  poffible  interefl  and  expectation..  The 
lituation,  fo  l<^ng  and  fo  ably  filled  by  the  learned  author,  made 
'US  rejoice  at  the  opportunity  *thus  offered  to  him  of  difpiaying 
to  the  world  the  foundnefs  of  his  erudition,  and  the  acutenefs 
of  his  criticifms.  We  looked  forward  to  him  for  the  illuftration 
of  many  doubt<uI  pafTages  in  thofe  authors  who  have  been  re- 
garded, for  ages,  as  the  flandards  of  correal  tafle  and  literary 
excellence;  we  anticipated  much  curious  information  concerning 
the  original  fignification  of  words,  and  their  feveral  fubfequent 
varieties  and  modifications  ;  and  we  expe6led  to  be  fhown  how 
terms  which,  at  firft,  were  appropriated  to  exprefs  particular 
cufloms,  fuperflitions,  and  laws,  came  gradually  to  acquire  a 
more  extenfive  fignification,  and  ferved  at  lall  to  embellifh  the 
general  declamations  of  the  mofl  celebrated  poets,  hiflorians,  and 
orators  of  ancient  Rome. 

We  will  confefs,  too,  that  our  national  vanity  was  flattered 
by  the  annunciation  of  this  work;  we  hailed  it  as  likely,  on  the 
one  hand,  to  furnifh  the  bed  anfwer  -to  the  afperfions  (if  thofe 
can  be  called  afperfions  which  are  only  employed  in  the  way  of 
fair  and  honourable  emulation)  thrown  out  againft  us.  by  our 
ibuthern  neighbours  for  our  neglec'^  of  clafTical  learning ;  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  as  a  work  which  would  well  illuftrate  the 
utility  of  our  more  favoured  ftudies  by  an  application  of  meta- 
phyfical  principles  to  the  general  theory  of  grammar.  It  was 
pleafant,  at  the  fame  time,  to  refleCl,  that  the  materials  for  fuch 
a  work  were  abundant,  and  by  no  means  difficult  of  accefs. 
Although  no  remains  of  the  etymological  labours  of  Julius  Csefar 
.are  extant,  flill  the  acutenefs  of  a  writer  on  this  fubjetfl  would 
be  much  aided  by. whatever  of  the  precious  fragments  of  Varro 
have  been  handed  down  to  our  times,  by  the  critical  difculTions 
on  the  force  of  words  every  where  interfperfed  in, the  works  of 
Cicero  and  Quintilian,  and  even  of  Seneca  and  other  writers, 
who,  towards  the  decline  of  the  Roman  Empire,  turned  their 
attention  to  philological  purfuits.  Much,  too,  -might  be  col- 
lecled  from  the  works  of  the  learned  civilians  ;  much  from  the 
labours  of  Servius,  Prifcianus,  Sannazarius,  Scaliger,  VofTius, 
and  the  innumerable  hoft  of  commentators  of  the  middle  and 
later  ages.  The  laft  century,  above  all,  produced  the  Thefaurus 
of  Gefner  and  of  Facciolati ;  works  of  fo  comprehcnfive  a  nature, 
and  executed  with  fuch  indefatigable  induftry,  that  it  may  not 
perhaps  be  too  much  to  affert,  that  if  every  other  Jbook  on  the 
fubjeit  had  periflied,  thefe  two  alone  might  have  fiipplied  all 
the  materials  for  an  txcell-'  nt  treatife  on  Litin  fynonymes. 

It  is  not  by  any  means  our  intention,  however,  to  infinuate 
that  ^he  talk  of  compofing  fuch  a  work  would  be  eafy.     The. 

dilEcuhics 


i2C4'  .2)*"  Hill'j"  La/in  Synvnymei.  455; 

dliHcuhles  attending  the  execution  of  it  are  unqueflionaKly  for- 
midable ;  and  the  mere  fact  of  its  being  a  dead  language  prefents 
the  greateft  of  obllacles.  We  know  the  miftakes  to  which  every 
one  is  liable  who  attempts  for  the  firft  time  to  fpeak  any  of  thofe 
languages  of  modern  Europe  which  he  has  previoufly  known 
only  from  books.  A  little  confideration  will  Convince  us,  that 
thefe  difhculties  arife  principally  from  the  impolTibility  of  feiz- 
ing  the  nice  differences  and  fliades  of  meaning  which,  the  fame 
words  are  capable  of  bearing  in  dilTcrent  fituations;  in  a  word, 
that  they  originate  chiefly  from  the  want  of  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  fynonymous  terms  of  the  language.  As  this  is  a 
difficulty  which  can  fcarcely  be  furmonted  without  the  alfiftance 
of  frequent  colloquial  intercoufe,  it  is  obvious  that  it  mufl  prove 
almofh  infuperable  in  the  cafe  of  a  language  which  has  long 
ceafed  to  be  fpoken,  and  where  we  cannot  have  recourfe  to 
the  aid  of  converfation  to  refolve  our  doubts  and  rfeftify  our 
miflakes.  Nor  are  thefe  diiTiculries  in  any  way  diminillied.  by 
the  confideration  that  the  language  in  queftion  ran  a  longer 
career  than  moft  others  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  and 
participated  in  the  progrefs  of  a  people  who  extended  not  only 
their  dominion  but  their  laws  and  culloms  over  the  greateft  part 
of  the  civilized  world.  Should  it  be  fuggefted  that  thofe  writers, 
however,  on  whofe  authority  alone  we  could  rely,  all  exifted 
about  the  fame  period,  and  confequently  that  the  fphere  of  our 
inquiry  need  not  be  extremely  extenfive,  it  may  eafily  be  replied, 
in  the  firft:  place,  that  from  them  alone  we  iliould  never  be  ablp 
to  trace  that  hillorical  progrefs  of  the  language  by  which  alone 
its  fignificance  is  often  determined;  and,  fecondly,  that  the  writers 
alluded  to,  contributing  by  their  own  exertions  to  the  refinement 
and  perfi^rtion  of  their  language,  indulged  in  fo  wide  a  range  of 
metaphorical  expreilion,  that  a  thorough  acquaintaince  with 
the  military  difcipline,  the  civil  and  religious  inllitutions  of  the 
Roman  people,  is  indifpenfably  necefTary  for  thofe  who  wifh  to 
feel  the  full  force  of  the  fynonymous  and  figurative  exprefTions 
which  abound  in  the  compofitions  of  the  purefl  writers  of  the 
Auguflan  age. 

But  if  Dr  Hill  had  to  encounter  confiderable  difficulty  in  di- 
gefting  the  matter  of  fuch  a  work,  he  had  every  advantage  and 
facility,  we  think,  in  reducing  it  to  order  and  form.  A  treatife 
on  fynonymes  was  no  longer  a  novelty  in  the  literature  of  Europe, 
nor  could  the  author  of  it  be  at  any  lofs  how  to  employ  and  dif- 
pofe  his  materials  in  fuch  a  way  as  to  infure  the  approbation  of 
the  public.  The  Abbe  Girard  alone  has  the  merit  of  originality 
in  this  refpe^b.  His  book  has  profelTedly  ferved  as  the  model  for 
all  the  authors  who,  fince  his  time,  have  written  on  fimilar  fub- 

jeds. 


%6b  Dr  HIIIV  Lntin  SytiOMymes.  July 

jc£ls.  In  his  own  language  lie  has  been  followed,  and  in  fome 
refpefts  fvjrpaiTed  by  Rouland.  A  book  alfo  on  the  fynonymes 
of  the  Italian  language  was  publifhed  at  Parnia^  A.  1).  1778,  by 
Aleflandro  Maria  Bandieva  ;  and  what  is  more  to  our  purpofe, 
M.  Dumefnil,  a  profcfior  in  the  univerfity  of  Paris,  has  given  to 
the  world  a  book  entitled,  *  Synonynies  L-.itins,  et  leurs  diffe- 
rentes  fignifications,  avec  Ics  exemples  tires  des  meilleurs  au- 
teurs,  a  I'imitation  de  M.  L'Abbe  Girard. '  Thi>,  tliough  not 
'A'ithout  its  faults,  may  be  confulered  as  a  prototype,  in  many  re- 
fpe£ts  well  worthy  the  imitation  of  fucceeding  writers.  Suppof- 
ing,  however  (which  we  fearccly  can  fuppofe),  that  Dr  Hill  was 
Ignorant  of  the  exillence  of  Dumefnil's  book,  ilill,  from  his  own 
confeflion,  he  was  no  flrangcr  to  that  of  Girard  ;  and  the  truth 
h,  that  however  the  original  author  of  a  work  on  fynonymes  may 
be  deemed  inferior  to  Rouland  in  the  pvofoundnels  of  his  learn- 
ing and  the  folidity  of  his  arguments,  he  ftands  (and  probably 
pver  will  fland)  unrivalled  for  the  perfpicuity  of  his  Ityle,  the 
ncatnefs  of  his  illullration,  and  fc)r  the  happy  faculty  he  poflefles 
of  keeping  alive  the  attention  of  his  reader,  and  mingling  enter- 
tainment with  his  inftruttion. 

Unfortunately  for  us,  our  learned  ProfefPir  })as  not  imitated 
the  excellences  of  Girard's  Murk,  even  where  they  Mere  molb 
open  to  his  imitation.  Inltcad  of  contenting  himfelf  with  a  clear 
and  concife  definition  of  all  the  words  he  has  undertaken  to  di- 
ilinguilh,  Dr  Hill,  by  conilantly  aiming  at  fubtlc  and  compre- 
henfive  (lifquifitions,  fo  contufes-  and  bewilders  liimfelf,  that  it  is 
frequently  dangerous  to  attenipt  to  follow  liim  through  all  the 
mazes  and  windings  of  his  intricate  courfe. 

Ne  labyrinteis  I'  Jir/ibus  egredicfiteifi 
'TcFti  j-niftrartUtr  incxtricahilis  error. 

The  nature  and  extent  of  the  faults  into  which  he  Itis  fallen 
will  be  bell  judged  of,  however,  by  an  examination  of  the  work 
Itfclf.     We  jnay  begin  v»-ith  tlie  Preface. 

After  giving  us  fome  ufeful  advice  concerning  tac  delicate  tua- 
pagement  of  e  young  philologijJy  our  author  proceeds  to  iTiform  us, 
that  in  order  to  make  liis  views  inteilii^ible  on  a  fubjecl  to  which 
few  grammarians  have  as  yet  paid  the  attention  it  deferve§,  he 
Vhall 

— <  nrfl  ftaite  precifely  what  he  means  by  fynonymous  teims,  and  then 
flicvv  the  caufcs  of  the  ambiguity  tlu-y  fomctimi-s  uccafion,  to^etiier 
vyith  the  means  by  which  this  may  be  removed, 

<  The  word  fynonymous  (he  adds)  is  fiippofed  to  be  applicable  to 
fuch  tL-rms  only  as  denote  prtcifely  the  fame  conception.  I'hough  this 
uie  of  it  be  Icgithmle  and  confi/lent  -:nlh  its  I'tymuiogyy  it  muit  not  be  un- 
■^crftood  to  be  its  only  one. '      p.  iii. 

Ilerc,  by  the  way,  wc  may  alk  how  this  ufc  '.>f  k  is  confufent 


1  go4.  Dr  HIUV  Latin  Symnpj^ti  ^6t 

with  Its  etymology.  Scalig^r  was  of  a  contrary  opinion,  when, 
after  citing  efijis,  fpafha,  and  gladiusy  as  terms  which,  in  the  ge- 
neral acceptation  of  the  world,  were  called  fynonymous,  lie  adds, 
*  Grivci  \vxc  •jraX-jM'ivux,  quidain  e  noltris  crvuvwux  falso — fortafle 
autem  reclius  locuti  client  Circeci  fi  f^y^v^yj^  appellaflent,  qua;  folo 
nomine  extarent  indicantia  res  diverlas. ' 

But  to  return   to  our    author.     '  Some   words  occur,   in  the 
different  languages,  l"o  llriftly  equivalent,  that  their  meaning   is 
not  to  be  diitinguiihed. '    (p.  iii.)     It  is  not  without   fome  diih- 
culty  that  we  can   ailent  to  this   propofition,  when  we  vecollecl: 
with  what  learning  and  ingenuity  Scaliger  and   Sannazarius  have 
maintained  that  there  are  no  two  words  in  the  Latin  language  that 
have  exactly  the  fame  fignification.     For  our  parts,  however,  we 
are  inclined  to  think  that  many  terms  come  to  be   nearly  or  alto- 
gether fynonymous  in  the  progrefs  of  language,  though  we  are 
perfectly  perfuaded  that  each  of  them  had  originally  a  diltincl  fig- 
nification, and  either  reprefented  a  diti'ercat  object,  or  fuggeiled 
the  fame  objcdl  by  its  relation  to  dltlbrent  ideas.     In  ftrictnefs  of 
fpeech,  therefore,  we  cannot  admit  that  there  are  any  words  ex- 
actly equivalent  in  meaning,  though  ther^  are  many  undoubtedly 
that  may  be  ufually  fubilituted  for  each  other.     The  parent  Hock 
of  fynonymes  are  thole  great  families  of  tropes  and  figures,  by  the 
multiplication  of  which,  language  becomes  abllracted  and  refined  ; 
and  in  thele  it  is  aKvavs  to  be  recoUeCled  that  there  is  a  direct 
and  original  meaning,  beiides  that  which  is  adventitious  and  meta- 
phorical.    Tliis  fecondary  meaning  is  fometimes  imperfe£tly  elhi- 
bliihed,  and  fometimes  the  word  continues  to  perform  both  func- 
tions with  equal  propriety.     Thus,  when  Homer  ufes  the  expref- 
fion  (Iliads  i<^4')  "^'th  ****'  "/M^n — yAnV-^  is  admirably  employed  as  a 
fvnonymous  term  fur  Kaieri,  a  word  for  which,  in  its  primary  fenfe, 
it   could   not  be  fubilituted.     In  like  m^innev  iinptdi/ae/itum  is  in- 
one  fenfe   fynonymous  to  morn ,-   in  another,  when,  for  reafons 
fufhciently  obvious    (being  perhaps  one  of  the  moll  exprefhve 
words  in  any  language),  it  figniiies  the  baggage  of  an  army,  it 
may  be  fubftituted  ioxjarc'm^. 

Dr  Hill  goes  on  : 

*  The  multiplicity  of  J  uch  terms  ^  (viz.  ivords  Jlr'iSl)'  equivalent')  *>  }n- 
creafes  the  harmony  of  fpeech ^  ami  gives  the  poet  and  the  orator  an  adr 
vantage  in  the  pra^lce  of  their  refperiive  arts, 

*  But,  although  this  copiouhicfs  may,  when  in  a  certain  degree,  be 
an  article  of  fuperiority,  yet  it  is  polfible  for  it  to  degenerate  into  a 
hurtful  redundance.  The  lieadinefs  of  mens'  ccmceptions  may  be  Ihaken 
by  a  fuperfluous  variety  in  their  figns,  and  obfcurities  created  by  the 
a!bufe  of  a  number  of  tliefe,  as  well  as  by  a  fcarcity.  Vv'ere  a  redun- 
dance of  this  kind  to  pervade  a  language  completely,  the  fame  people 
jnlght  fee  faid  to  fpesltj  at  leaft,  two  languages  at  once.     Though  the 

ejiallifbed 


4^*  Dr  Hill*/  Latin  Symnymes.  July 

(JiahltJIoed  fy?:tax  vi'ight  apply  equally  to  every  fet  of  terms,  yet  the  uhmean- 
ing  inuluplictty  ivoiild  only  prove  the  folly  of  thofe  tvho  forjiitd  it.  '     p.  iii. 

This  paffage  is  fo  contradictory,  and  I'o  confufed,  as,  at  firft 
{ight,  to  appear  almofl  unintelligible  ;  the  meaning,  however,  it 
was  intended  to  convey,  may  be  readily  difcovered  in  an  extract 
from  a  celebrated  French  grammarian,  which  Dr  Hill  feems  to 
have  been  willing  to  borrow  :  '  Cette  variete  de  mots  met  dans  le 
difcours  beaucoup  d'embarras,  et  de  richeiTe  •,  eile  eft  tres  incom- 
mode pour  le  vulgaire  &  pour  les  philofophes  qui  n'ont  d'autre 
but  en  parlant,.  que  de  s'expliquer  clairement  j  elle  aide  infiniment 
aupoete  et  a  I'orateur  en  donnant  une  grande  abondance  a  la  partie 
materielle  de  leur  ilyle.     (Dcs  Brcffes  fur  la  fcrmaUon  des  langues.) 

He  is  not  much  more  perfpicuous,  however,  when  he  trufts 
folely  to  the  light  of  his  own  genius  for  his  dire6lion.  In  pour- 
traying  the  character  of  t\\Q  good  gra777}narian,  he  tells  us,  that 

— '  he  (tiie  grammarian),  of  all  men,  has  leaft  right  to  be  arrogant  ; 
becaufe,  from  the  nature  ot"  things,  it  is  impofiiblc  but  that  he  mujl  im- 
pcrfetlly  execute  the  tafk  impofed  up:,n  hipi. ' 

And  foon  afterwards  he  puts  the  finlfhlng  ftroke  to  the  portrait 
of  the  faid  good  grammarian,  by  dating, 

— ♦  he  has  a  right  to  fuppole  that  the  combination,  tn  refpifl  to  each, 
mafs  of  matter,  to  whatever  ufe  it  has  been  turned,  has  been  duly  af- 
certained.  To  the  moit  con  e6^  ufe  of  the  term  he  requires  a  rigid  adhe- 
rence, and  he  pardons  neither  the  inaccuracies  that  fpr'mg.  from  dulnefs,  nor 
the  inno'vations  that  fpring  from  conceit.  *      (p.  viii.) 

In  an  elaborate  panegyric  on  the  piirejl  writers,  he  defcribes 
fhem,  in  one  place,  *  as  fneering  at  the  fetters  with  which 
fe^ere  critics  would  bind  them  ; '  and,  in  another  place,  *  as 
hiaving  forgotten,  in  the  glow  of  compofition,  the  ftandard  they 
had  eflabliflied. '  Ncverthelefs,  we  are  informed  in  the  fequel, 
that  '  they  ^lever  had  lofi  ftght  of  the  diftinflive  character  of  the 
term,  and  that  the  feemingly  anojnalous  exprejfion  may  be  reconciled 
with  what  is  primary.'  (p.  xi.)  Thus  pure  writers  are  allowed 
to  forget,  in  the  glow  of  compofition,  that  which  has  never  beeti 
out  of  their  fight ! 

The  ninth  page  commences  with  the  following  extraordinary 
fentence  : 

«  By  means  of  this,  the  nominal  efiencei  of  fubftances,  which  alone 
can  be  laid  hold  of, '   &c. 

We  do  not  pretend  to  underftand  exadly  what  the  nominal  ef- 
fence  of  a  fubftance  is  •,  but  we  will  venture  to  aflert,  that  if  a 
fubftance  hath  any  component  part,  any  quality,  relation,  or  affi- 
nity, %hich  it  mull  be  particularly  difficult  to  lay  hold  of,  its  no- 
minal eflence  muil  be  the  mod  impalpable.  We  cannot  help 
regretting,  indeed,  that  Dr  Hill  ffiould  not  have  thought  it 
worth  his  while  \o  take  a  little  more  pains  than  he  feems  to  have 

done 


l304«  ■-O*'  Hiirj  Laihi  Symnytnes,  46^ 

done  with  the  ftyle  of  thefe  introductory  obfervations.  There  is 
a  great  want  of  perfpicuity  throughout,  and  very  many  deviations 
from  the  rules  of  coireft  compofition.  We  do  not  lay  much  ftrefs 
on  the  many  clumfy  expreilions  which  every  where  occur  ;  as,  for 
inllance,  '  Every  Jlgn  has  its  oivn  conception ' — '  No  difference  is 
at  fometunes  perceived' — '  Before  ^.'i/^zV^'^/z^- the  juftnefs  of  this  re- 
mark, '  &c.  &c. — though  we  f^^ar  our  Engliih  readers  will  clafs 
them  under  tlie  geni^ral  head  of  Scoticifms.  We  have  remarked,  alfo, 
that  he  fometimes  falls,  as  it  were,  under  the  dominion  of  a  word  : 
Thus,  in  the  courfe  of  fourteen  pages,  we  find  mention  made  of 
delicate  management,  ■  ^f/m//f  variety,  delicate  analogies,  delicate 
^igns,  and  delicate  beauties.  This  exprelhun,  however,  is  evident- 
ly borrowed  from  certain  French  writers  on  this  fubjeft. 

We  have  dwelt  the  longer  on  this  part  of  the  work,  becaufe 
it  furniflies  an  excellent  fpecimen  of  the  ftyle  which  the  reader 
may  expedl  to  encounter,  ihould  he  continue  his  courfe  through 
the  remainder  of  the  volume  ;  and  we  have  done  this  the  rather, 
becaufe  we  think  tliat  an  author,  who  pretends  to  point  out  the 
nice  dillincilions  of  language,  ought  to  be  peculiarly  attentive  to 
the  purity  of  his  own  expreflions :  if  thefe  appear  in  the  out- 
fet  to  be  unufually  inaccurate  and  confufed,  he  cannot  complain 
if  the  reader  Ihould  call  in  quellion  his  competency  to  execute  the 
talTc  he  has  undertaken.  ■    ;   , 

Though  Dr  Hill  has  candidly  allowed  that  his  HH:  of  fyno- 
nymes  inuy  be  .capable  of  addition,  he  neverthclefs  boldly  afferts, 
*  that  by  far  the  greateft  number  of  Latin  words  that  can  be 
juftiy  oppofed,  are  to  be  met  with  in  this  colie£lion  *  (Preface, 
p.  xi.);  and  the  fii::e  of  the  book  appears,  no  doubt,  to  warrant 
this  alfertion  \  but  a  clofe  inveitigation  of  it  will  Ihew  that  the' 
omiflions  are  really  one  of  its  moft  characileriific  faults.  Syno- 
nymous words,  obvious  to  the  mereil  fchooiboy,  are  unnoticed; 
as,  for  inftance,  Regnutn,  Imperium,  Dominium — Vtiltus,  Os,  Fa^ 
cies — Sermo,.  Oratio,  Loquela — T'repidaiio,  Terror^  Horror^  Timor, 
Pavor—lmuSy  Inferusy  Infimus — EtiftSy  Gladius — Simula  Una — - 
AntiqtiiiSy  Vetusy  Vetuftus — Crimen,  DeliBumy  Culpa — Poculunif 
Cyathus,  Scyphus — 'TaluSy  Securus — Nomen,  Vocahulum—Comay 
Ciinisy  Ci'.pillus — Collis,  Clivusy  McnSy  Tumulus — Letiisy  Mitis^ 
Suavisy  Manjuetus — Alafe,  PelaguSy  &c.-  &-C.  When  words 
of  this  ftamp  are  omitted,  we  cannot  be  aftonilhed  that  no 
names  whatever  are  inferted,  fuch  as  Cynthiuy  Diandy  PhxbuSy 
^/a/Zo, •  &c.-,- and -that  there  are  few  words  included,  which 
by  their  explanation  would  ferve  to  Illuftrate  the  civil  and 
military  inftitutions  of  the  Roman  people.  Accordingly,  we 
find  no  mention  made  of  Asy  Hcereditas — AccenfuSy  Lictor — 
ManipuluSy    Legio,    Cohors — Tutor^     Curatsr — Eptjiola,    Lltter^y 

Rejcripta- 


Refcripla^  Codicil  It  —  lilarjcipiwrt.  Nexus  —  Ufucaplo;  XJfusfriic-' 
tus — Foffejjio,  Ftcuuiay  Feculiutti^  Ar^etittivi — Adoptio,  yirrcgatio—' 
Iter,  Acliis- — CodeXy  Tejlamenttnn^  Qera.  To  multiply  examples 
would  be  tedious.  iSuiiice  it  to  Itatc,  that  fome  hmulrdds  might 
be  added  to  this  ltd.  As  a  proof  of  this,  we  diall  only  obi'erve, 
that  Dr  Hill  (exchifive  of  his  prepolitions,  wh.ich  are  thirty-three 
in  number)  has  only  338  lieads  (if  ve  may  be  allowed  the  ex- 
preffion)  ot  iynonymous  wordt  •,  whereus  M.  Dumefr/ii's  book 
contains  253B.  ^'\'^c  will  aduiir  that  the  laft  mentioned  writer 
has  -clafled  togeth'cr  many  words  wiiich  are  not  in  any  fenfe  fy- 
nonymous  \  but  Ur  Hill  has  been  guilty  of  the  fame  faulc 
(as  in  Vicus  and  Villa^  Ahnormis  and  JS.normis^  Favilla  and  Sciti^ 
tillay  Ejurare  and  A/yurjrc',  Cv/ebs  and  In/iupta,  Sec.)  and 
nearly  in  the  fame  proportion.  We  may  alfo  obferve,  that 
M.  Dumefnil's  heads  are  inliuitely  more  copious  than  our  au- 
thor's. In  one  inftance  (that  of  the  word  Navis)  he  has  gone  fo 
far  as  to  range  togetlier  24  fynonymous  words.  JNI.  Dumefnil's 
book  is  alfo  much  lefs  bulky  than  Dr  Hill's. 

Befidcs  the  reilundancies  and  defects  which  liave  fuggefted 
the  foregoing  remarks,  we  have,  in  our  progrefs  tlirough  this 
large  volume,  had  occafion  to  object — to  the  puerile  and  frivo- 
lous matter  which,  without  any  r<;ference  to  the  fubje<^l.  in  quef- 
tion,  is  fo  frequently  obtruded  on  the  reader, — to  the  author's 
curious  attempts  to  give  free  tran{l;itions  to  feveral  pafl'ages  in 
the  Latin  dallies, — and,  ladly,  to  the  manner  in  which  he  has 
miflaken  or  perverted  the  nieaning  of  feveral  Latin  words.  We 
purpofe  citing  a  few  examples  of  all  thefe  defec^ts,  and  will  be- 
gin with  fome  inllanccs  of  his  puerile  and  frivolous  obferva- 
tions. 

Thus  when,  to  explain  the  force  of  the  verb  occulerey  he  cites 
from  Virgil, 

*  Sparge  timo  pingui,  et  multa  memor  occule  terra, ' 
he  favours   us  with  liis  ideas   on  gardening,   and   abruptly  re- 
marks, 

♦  That  without  payirii^fuch  attentions  as  thofe  lierc  recommended,  the 
improver  may  lole  his  labour  from  the  fcverity  of  the  feafoni  '    (p.  15.) 

In  p.  20.  '  Nilllam  a  nie  epiftolam  ad  te  fuio  abfque  argumento  ac 
fcntentia  pervenire.  Csc.  F.p.  ad  Ait.  J.  19.  Cicero  here  announces 
his  rcfpeft  for  his  correfpondent  by  his  attention  to  the  letters  he  fent 
him.  He  was  anxiuus  that  theyjhould  be  nsne  of  thofe  filly  ccmptfttions , 
which,  though  they  get  the  name  of  letters,  yet,  by  being  void  of 
matter,  are  in  fafl  not  worth  reading.  * 

In  p.  23.  <  — . amnifque  vadyfi 

Accold  Vulturnia.  * 
Thofe  who  know  the  fituation  of  this  river  in   Italy,  could   be  at  no 
lofs  to  di(tingui(h  the  people  whcfe  territory  was  bounded  by  it. ' 

In 


1B04.  I^f  Hiirj-  Latin  Synonymes.  46^ 

In  p.  494. 

»  Primus  vere  rofam,  atque  autiimno  carpere  poma. 

ViRG.  Georg.  4.  134. 

*  The  rofes  pulled  by  this  Corycian  old  mat)  zre/uppofeJ  to  have  been  na- 
ther  iinhlo-ivn  nor  faciei^,  and  h-s  apples  to  have  been  neither  green  nor 
rotten.  * 

In  p.  321.  Errare  is  applied  to  j?nmals  grazing. 
<  — They  dlre<?t  their  motion  not  In  a  itraight  line,  and  may  often  mifs 
the  bell  of  the  pafture  they  are  in  queft  of. 

<  Milie  me*e  Siculis  errant  in  montibus  agnae. ' 

ViRG»  Ec,  2.  zr. 

In  p.  535,  after  feveral  confufed  obfervatlons  on  the  meaning 
of  nefandus^  one  of  the  plaineft  of  words,  he  obferves — *  The 
fhort  e  in  nefandiis  often  fuits  the  poets  when  the  long  i  in  ififandiis 
is  inadmifTible. '  From  this  remark,  however,  we  may  colleft, 
that  our  author  is  aware  that  there  is  a  metre  to  be  preferved  in 
Latin  verfe  ;  whereas,  from  the  quotation  he  has  given  us  from 
Theocritus,  (p.  74.))  we  might  almoft  be  tempted  to  fuppofe  him 
ignorant  of  this  fa£t  with  refpeft  to  Greek  literature.  He  has 
given  us  at  leait  a  reading  of  the  paflage  above  alluded  to,  which, 
whatever  other  merit  it  may  poflefs,  certainly  has  not  that  of  be- 
ing an  hexameter  verfe. 

We  will  now  felecl  a  few  inllances  of  Dr  Hill's  free  tranfla- 
tions  {tradtiBions  libres  as  the  French  would  call  them)  of  certain 
paflages. 

Inp.  713- 

'  Haec  fuper  impofuit  liquidum,  et  gravitate  carentem 
-cEthera,  nee  quidquam  tcrrenae  y^t/j  habentem.  ' 

*  Ovid  has  fuppofed  F<ex  to  exiil  in  a  thinner  fluid  than  either  'wine  or 
■watery  and  referred  it  to  particles  of  earth  refiding  in  pure  lether.  * 

Inp.  715. 

'  Streuiui  nos  exercet  inertia,  navibus  atque 
Quadrigis  petimus  bene  vivere,  quod  petis  hie  eft  : 
Eft  Ulubris,  animus  fi  te  non  deficit  aequus.  ' 
'  The  activity  of    the  Strenui  was  fruftrated  by  the  unflcilfulnefs  of  the 
Inertes.      By  an  unavailing  pother,  no  progrefs  can  be  made  in  the  moft: 
important  of  all  purfuits  :  and  men   vainly  fatigue  themfelves,  chafing 
7i  phantom  abroad,  when  the  reality  is  at  home. ' 

As  if  this  explanation  was  not  lufficient,  in  p.  594  he  thus 
comments  on  the  fame  lines : 

*  The  poet  by  no  means  accufes  men  of  inadlivity  ;  but  he  bkmes'the 

*  anile  fiudium,  *  the  unavailing  pother,  which  comes  ftiort  of  the  end, 
by  either  miftaking  the  means,  or  by  the  want  of  abihty  to  employ 
them. ' 

In  p.  581. 
*  Sic  ne  perdidcrit,  non  ceffat  perdere  lufor.  ' 

*  Th^  gamefter  encounters  the  hazard  with  \ui  eyes  open,  and,  for  the 

vol..  IV.  NO.  8.  G  g  *  fake 


^66  -Dr  H'iiVs  Lat'm  S^notiymes.  July 

fake  of  an  uncertain  addition  to  his  fortune,  makes  a  voluntary,  furren- 
der  of  the  vyhole.  ' 

'  Foenus  agitare,  et  in  ufuras  extendere  ignotum  eft.  '  Tacit,  de 
Mor.  Gcr.  .26. — The, hiftorian  fays,  in  the  flrft  member  of  this  fentence, 
that  the  Germans  lent  no  money  upon  terms  that  might  have  been  e- 
quitable,  and,  in  the  fecond,  that  they  were  guilty  of  no  oppreffion, 
«-hen  reiievjug  the  indigmit,  by  affording  them  the   ufe  of  their  pro- 

Ill  the  fame  fpirit  of  free  tranfiatlon,  he  informs  us,  (p.  T3  2.)v 
that  ckviiim JiOTitum  \'a  *  a  courtezan,  not  entirely  abandoned,  and, 
as  it  w^ere,  iion  in  via  proftaris.'     He  tranllates  cuUidus^   (p.  122.), 

*  ?t  fort  of  f[ight-of-hand  witli  v^'hich  tlie  n-»ind  is  little  acquainted  ; ' 
and  piger^i  he  has  the  goodnefs  to  inform  us,  is  *  a  difpofition  to  fit 
with  the  arms  folded, '  -Sec.  &c. 

The  courfe  of  our  inquiry  will  next  lead  us  to  produce  fonie 
inilances  of  move  important  errors,  in  whicli  we  fuppofe  him  to 
have  midaken  or  perverted  the  meaning  of  words. 

In  p.  1  74,  he  has  confounded  tlie  meaning  of  caper  and    hirciis.. 

*  Thefe  words  (h.e  fa^s)  agree  in  denoting  a  he-goat;  but  the  for- 
mer is  applicable  tg  him  in  a  patural  ilate,  or  otherwife,  the  lat- 
ter is  applicable  to  him  only  when  he  is  mutilated, '  We  conceive 
the  meaning  of  khcus  to  be  directly  the  reverfe,  and  that  this 
word  is  never  applied  to  the  he-goat  when  he  is  in  what  Dr  Hill 
terms  his  mutilated  ftate.  The  real  force  of  hirctis  is  wed  illuf- 
trated  by  the  manner  in  which  it  is  oppofcd  to  caper,  in  an  tpi- 
grarr}.  of  Martial  quoted  by  our  author,  to  prove  the  meaning  of 
the  latter  word..  : 

*  Dum  jugulas  hircum,  faftus  es  ipfe  caper.  * 
Affuredly  hircus  muft  here  be  underftood  in  a  different  fcnfe  from 
that  which  Dr  Hill  allows  it  to  have. 

In  p.  1  8. — *  Rufticiis,  abnormis  fapiens,  craflaque  Priinerva.  ' 
He  tranflates  ^^«or/?;;V  '  llightly  deviating  from  the  common  rule.* 
This  we  apprehend  to  be  a  miltake  :  abnormis  fapiens  means,  wife 
without  inilrutflion,  without  any  rule  or  norma  at  all,  as  Cicero 
has  exprefled  the  fame  idea,  *  Non  ad  aliorum  normam  fapiens.  * 
Dr  Hill,  we  conceive,  is  equally  miflaken  as  to  the  meaning  of 
ctiormiSf  when  he  obferves,  *  that  had  Horace  employed  the  word 
enormis  in  this  paffage,  he  would  have  deftroyed  the  quality  of  the 
wifdom  by  the  greateil  implied  deviation  from  the  rule  eftabhflied.* 
The  faiSl  is,  that  abnormis  means,  without  any  ftandard  at  all  i, 
^nd  efwrmisy  differing  from  a  given  ftandard.  When  enormis 
means,  as  it  frequently  does,  immoderate  bulk,  it  is  becaufc  the 
fize  of  the  thing  fpoken  of  greatly    xceeds  the  ordinary  meafure. 

Nothing  can  be  more  different  from  the  idea  we  have  ever  en- 
tertained of  the.  meaning  of  fcintUIaf  than  the  explanation  give?i 

.  of 


tSo4«  ■C)r  Hill' J-  Latin  Synonymes.  /^6* 

of  it  in  p.  359. ;  viz.  *  Favilla  often  denotes  hot  afhes  or  embers, 
a?id  m  that  view  only  is  fytionymous  with  fcintilla. '  We  after- 
wards learn,  however,  that  '  bcttitilla  ditfcrs  from  favilla  in  hav- 
ing tio  reference  to  ajhes  ;  '  but  tlien  he  leaves  embers  as  the  point 
of  meaning  at  which  thcfe  two  words  are  fynonymous.  Scin- 
tilla^ however,  never  can  be  rendered  by  embers,  and  never  can 
be  fynonymouS  to  favilla.  The  real  difference  between  thefe  two 
words  may  be  diftintlly  feen  in  a  paiTage  from  Ovid,  which  has 
been  clunvfily  introduced  by  Dr  Hill : 

'  Ut  folet  a  veatis  alimeata  refiimere,  qujeque 

Parva  fub  indufta  Intuit  fcintilla  '  favilla  ' 

Crefcere,  et  in  veteres  agitata  refurgere  vii^es.  ' 
In  p.  06.  he  aflerts,  that  the  s&vhfortiory  when  rendered  in  its 
flriitc'll  fcnie,  fuppofes  *  the  acquirer  to  avail  himfeif  of  a  chance 
of  which  he  was  thoroughly  aware  j '  and,  as  a  ftrong  inftance  of 
ir,  gives  us  the  following  pafTage  from  Horace  : 
'  felicem  dicere  non  hoc 

Me  poffiim  cafu,  quod  te  fortitus  amicum. '  Hor.  Sat.  I.  6.  52. 
Now,  we  cowccisrt  fort  tor  y  in  its  primary,  and  confequently  in 
its  purelt  fenfe,  to  be  *  to  call  lots  ; '  in  its  fecondary  fenfe,  it 
may  be  ufed  for  '  to  obtain  by  lot ; '  and  in  this  laft  fenfe  we 
underdand  it  here  ;  and  tliink,  if  any  doubt  could  be  entertained  of 
its  meaning,  it  would  be  cleared  up  by  the  fubfequent  paflage  in 
the  fatire,  '  Nulla  etenim  mihi  ttfors  obtulit. '  [Hor.  Sat.  I.  6.  ^%.) 
Oar  readers  are  well  aware,  that  the  Romans  were  one  of  the 
moll  fuperltitious  nations  that  ever  exifled,  and  that  they  left  af- 
fairs of  the  greateft  moment  to  the  decifion  of  chance.  By  the 
calling  of  lots,  it  was  decided  which  of  their  Confuls  (hould  take 
the  command  of  their  armies  :  by  the  fame  award,  it  was  deter- 
mined who  fliould  adminiiler  the  holieft  offices  of  their  religion. 
From  a  knowledge  of  the  Roman  cuitoms  in  this  particular, 
the  fecondary  meaniiig  of /?ri'/(5r  may  eafily  be  deduced.  It  would 
naturally  (it  might  almoft  be  faid  neceffarily)  follow,  that  fortior 
would  obtain  fuch  a  fignification  as  that  in  which  Horace  has  here 
iifed  it.  Juvenal  and  Ovid  have  the  word  in  the  fame  fenfe. 
' '  homines  venerabile  foli 

Sortiti  ingeiiium  ' Sat.  XV.    i.;8. 

*  Tu  a  Msonium  vatem  fortita  faifTi-'S.  '      OviJ,   Trif.  I.   6.  2r. 
We  cannot  enough  regret,  that   Dr  Hill   never   avails  himfeif  of 
any  opportunity  of  explaining  any  of  the  cuitoms   or   manners   of 
that  people  whofe  language  has  occupied  fo  much  of  his  attention 
and  refearch. 

In  p.  712.  he  obferves,  that /^/A?/iir  comes  from  fquamuy  and  fup- 
pofes different  malles,  refembling  the  fcales  of  fifhes,  creating  the 
nuifance,  and  defding  the  body. '  In  proof  of  this,  he  adduces 
rhe  follo^ying  fenrence  from  Aulus  Gellius :  '  In  corporibus  incuh- 

G  e   2  tis 


4^^  /)/•  Ilili'j-  Latin  Synonymes.  Jutf 

tis  fquamofifque  alta  congeries  fordium  fqualor  appelhtur. '  H^d 
he  examined  a  little  more  accurately  the  author  from  whom  this 
extra£l  is  made,  he  would  liave  difcovcred,  that  j'qunloi\  in  its 
primitive  fenfe,  means  that  roughncfs  which  cliaraclerires  the  fcales 
of  fiflies  and  fcrpcnts.  In  this  fenfe  it  is  ufed  by  Virgil  a«d  others^ 
without  any  reference  to  filth  or  niilfance.  We  will  now  lay  before 
our  readers  the  criticifai  on  the  meaning  of  this  word,  as  it  ftands 
fn  Aulus  Gellius,  merely  to  ih-ow  how  wilfully  our  learned  au- 
thor feems  to  have  millaken  the  fpirit  of  it. 

'  Tcrtium  reilat  ex  iis,  qua;  rc-prchenfa  fuiit,  qnia  "  trmicam  fqual- 
lentem  auro  "  dixit,  id  autcm  fignificat  copiam  deufitatemque  auri  in. 
fquamarum  fpeciem  intexti.  fqiialTere  enim  dittuin  elt  a  fquamaruin  ere- 
fcritate  afperitateque  ;  quce  in  ferpeutium  pifeiumcjue  coriis  vifuntui . 
quam  rem  ct  siii,  et  hicqiiidem  poeta  locia  aTiqivot  demonftrat  ; 
Qncm  pelli*,  inquit,  ahenis  ' 
In  plumam  fqiiamis  auro  conferta  tegebat, 

*  Ik  alio  loco, 

Jamque  adeo  rutilum  thoraca  indutus  ahenis 
Horrebat  fquainifi. 

*  Accius  in  Pclopidis  ita  fcribit, 

Ejus  ferpentis  fquamae  yy.7.7///V/o  auro  et  purpura  pnetexta?^. 

'  ^jficqvtd  igitur  mmis  Inculcatum  ob/iturjique  aliqua  re  erat,  uc  incuierr) 
•u'lfent'ibm  Jack  nova  horrorcm,  id fqiiallcre  dicehatur.  Jic  in  corporihus  in- 
cuhis  fquamofifqns  alta  congeries  fordium  fqtiall'/r  appellatiiv.  ciijus  fignifica- 
iienis  inulto  ajiduf^que  u/h,  totum  id  iierbum  ita  contaminutum  .  cj},  iit  jam 
fqiiallor  de  nulla  aliit  re,  quifm  de  folis  inquinamentis  dici  ccoperit.  ' 
Aul.  GeL  liL  2.  s.  6. 

In  Squa/or^  then,,  as  Tentarey  Scrtiriy  Chirographum^  Condere^ 
and  many  other  inftances,  Dr  Hill  has  given  us  the  fecondary 
meaning  of  the  term,  without  any  referer  ce  to  its  primary  iignr- 
fication.  Here  the  miftake  is  the  more  glaring,  as  he  gives  the 
fecondary  as  the  only  fenfe  of  which  the  word  is  capable. 

In  p.  43.  Blandiri  is  faid  to  differ  from  /IduJari,  •  in  referring,  not  to 
the  meannefs  and  the  variety  of  ftratagems  adopted  by  the  flatteier,  but 
to  his  conltaiuly  taking  advantage  of  the  perCoi>  he  means  to  cozen.  "^ 

We  are  of  opinion,  however,  that  the  real  meaning  of  B'Ltn-' 
cliri  is  to  carefs  by  the  touch,  as  appears  by  a  pafiage  in  Proper- 
tius,  where  the  participle  is  ufed  io  hgnify  touching  gently  and 
pleafantly. 

'  Blandltseqne  fluant  per  mea  coHa  rof;3.  * — Prop.  4.  6.  72. 

M.  Dumefnil  has  been  very  happy  in  the  explanation  he  has^ 
given  of  the  difference  between  diis  word  and  its  fynonymes» 
We  will  fubjoin  his  remarks  on  this  fubje^l,  both  becaufe 
Dr  Hill  has  omitted  all  the  fynonymous  words  oppofed  to  Blan- 
dus  by  Dumefnil,  and  becaufe  we  are  very  defirous  of  laying  be- 
iore  cur  readeis  a  fpecimea  of  Dumefaira  ftyle. 

*  Bkndiiip 


i8os|.  Dr  llilVs  Latin  S'ymnywcs*  469 

«  Blandus,  Diikis,  Len'is,  Suavis,  MemfuetuSf  Mifis. 
<  Bland  us  fe  d'lt  du  toucher,  Jlattatitf  carejfant  de  la  main.  Lacertls 
blandis  tenere  colla.  Ovid.  Canes  blandi.  Vir^.  Ju  ft^'fCy  infinuant. 
Blanda  oratioiie  fall!.  Cic.  Blaiidic  mendacia  lingua:.  Ovid,  tit  puer- 
is  dant  olitrv  cruflula  blandi  dodorcs.  Hor.  Bulcis,  doux  au  gotit. 
Mullum  dulce.  Virg.  Diilcior  mclle.  Ovid.  Aufgnrc:  Dulclffima 
epiftola.  Cic.  Dulcis  inexpeitis  cultura  potentis  amici,  txpertus  mc- 
tuit.  Hor.  LtNts,  doux  au  ioucltr.  Lene  &  alperiim.  Cic.  An  f~ 
pure  :  Non  lenis  dominus.  Hor.  Lene  confilium.  Id.  Nunc  lenitate 
dulces  fiimiis.  Cic.  Suavis  convient  a  I'odorat.  Odor  fuavis  &  jiicun- 
dii8.  Cic.  An  figure :  Siiavis  liomn.  Tcr.  Suavis  confuetudo.  Cic. 
Mansuetus,  (quafi  manu!  affuetus)  donx  traitahk.  ■Qiijero  cur  tam 
■fubito  manfiietup  in  Senatii  fiierit,  cum  in  edictis  tam  fui^Fet  ferus.  Cic. 
Ex  feris  &  immanibus  mites  reddidit  &  manfuetos.  id.  Lenitatis  & 
manfuetudinis  genus,  cui  opponitur  vehemens  &  atrox.  Id.  MiTis  je 
■d'tt  du  fifiit  7niU\  Sunt  nobis  milia  poma.  Au  fignri  :  Patient ia  mi- 
tiorem  dolorem  facit.  Cic.  Thucydidcs  fi  pofierius  fuiffct,  imilto  ma- 
-tiirinr  fuijTrt  ac  mitior.  Id.  0^.  pcut  oppofr  ]enis  a  a(pcr  ;  nu  figure,  h 
crudelis  ;  fiiavis  ^  graveolens  ;  au  figure,  ^  tetricus  ;  a  blandus,  mnlcf- 
tus,  contumeliofiis  ;  a  dulcis,  amarus  j  aujigur^^  u  injucundus,  invifus  ; 
Si  mitif,  acerbiis   ' 

It  is  quite  ■unneceffixry  to  remark  with  what  diilui61nefs  the 
xiifference  bctjveen  the  original  and  iigurative  ft- nfe  of  all  tRefe 
w^rds  is  here  pointed  out,  or  the  neat  and  appropriate  examples 
by  which  their  refpe^tive  meaiiings  are  iliultiated.  Dr  Hill  un- 
fortunately has  aimeci  at  moving  in  a  higher  and  more  difBcuk 
Iphere  j  and  has  run  fo  keenly  after  Jiu'tajihyficai  ami  fubtle  dif- 
tinclions,  ,as  feklom  to  convey  more  than  vague  and  indi{lt:i(2: 
notions  of  the  propoiitions  he  wonki  wifh  to  impreid  upon  his 
readers,  and  frequently  to  bewilder  hinifelf  in  ma7.es  which  have 
confounded  many  a  cleaver  head,  and  led  tliem  on 

'  Through  n^ire  and  itanding  pools  to  feck  their  ruin,' 

We  fhall  add  a  few  more  inllances. 

The  dilUniilion  attempted  at  p.  79.  between  auf  and  vei  Is  al- 
icgether  unintelligible.  If  any  two  words  be  ftriclly  fynonymcus, 
we  conceive  tiiat  thefe  are  fo.  Dr  Hill  might  have  remembered 
that  Ccefar,  in  the  fame  chapter,  has  the  two  following  fen- 
tences  :  '  C^ehir  fatis  e^Te  cauflk  arbltrabatur  quare  in  eum,  ant 
ipfe  animadverteret,  aut  civitatem  animadvcrtere  juberet ; '  and, 
*  Petit  atque  hortatur,  ut  v-el  ipfe  de  eo  caufli  cognita  ilatuat,  vet 
civitatem  liatuere  jubeat. ' 

What  fhall  we  fay  of  the  confiftencv'  of  the  following  pbferva- 
tions :  *  FCRUS  aki-ays  implies  that  the  animal  marked  by  it  en- 
joys his  liberty  uncontrouled,  and  Ihows  a  diipolition  to  prey 
jupon  others.  This  diipofition  is  not  the  univerfal  concomitant 
g>i  the   quality  exprelTed  hy  fcnis,^  &c.     Oi  fer'mii<y  lie  makes 

<'^  ^  ^  another 


470  J-^i'  Hill'j-  Latin  Syfiofsymes.  July 

another  fynonyme  ;  and  informs  us,  that  *  it  denotes  fiich  qua- 
lities of  wild  beafts  as  relate  to  their  mode  of  living,  their  fiefli, 
their  milk,  and  their  cries. '  He  really  does  not  feem  to  fufpe61: 
that  it  is  the  common  poffeffive  adje£live  forn^ed  from  ferus,  in 
the  fame  way  as  can'inus  from  canlsy  vitulinus  from  viiulus,  equi" 
nus  from  equiis^  &c. 

The  diftindtion  between  Interea  r.nd  Interim  appears  to  be 
palpably  falfe,  from  the  very  inftances  that  are  quoted  in  fup- 
port  of  it,  (p.  460.)  It  is  not  clear  to  us  that  Interea  is  plural  % 
the  long  a  in  the  clofe  rather  fupports  an  oppofue  conclufion. 

I'e/iere  dsul  T ruder e  axe  itrangely  confounded  (P'57i-)i  'he 
latter  is  faid  '  to  differ  from  the  former  in  implying  that  a  great- 
er impulfe  is  rcquifite  to  drive  the  body  receiving  it  from  the 
point  it  occupies,  and  that  the  line  of  diredlion  is  limited.  '  To 
us  it  appears  plain  that  the  diftinclion  is  founded  in  very  differ- 
ent coniiderations.  In  tn/Jiofi,  the  moving  body  is  fuppofed  to 
follow  in  clofe  contaft  with  the  body  moved,  and  to  continue  its 
aftion  on  it ;  which  does  not  take  place  in  pulfion.  In  piiljiofi^ 
again,  it  is  always  implied  that  the  impelling  body  was  in  mo- 
tion before  it  began  to  acl  upon  the  other,  which  is  by  no  means 
necelf^ry  in  the  cafe  of  trufion 

Infiiiari  is  faid  (p.  537-)  to  fignify  a  known  violation  of  truth  ; 
nnd  in  confirmation  of  this,  the  author  not  only  quotes  but  traiif- 
jates  a  palfage  in  which  it  fv^nifies  to  maintain  the  truth  •,  the 
words  are,  *  Multi  mori  maluerunt  falfum  fatendo,  quam  tnfiti- 
ando  dolere.  '  The  author  is  fpeaking  of  the  eflcfts  of  judicial 
torture. 

In  p.  757.  we  learn  that  Vm  may  be  *  applied  to  evry  part  of 
the  earth's  furface  that  may  be  travelled  over.  He  who  formed 
a  road  where  there  was  none  before,  was  faid  '  Munire  viam  ; 
the  furface  was  of  courfe  a  vm  before  any  thing  was  done  to  it. ' 
This  we  conceive  to  be  founded  entirely  on  mifconception- 
jMtmire  v'lam  fignifies  to  make  a  v-'ay,  juft  zsfacere  viam  does  :  it 
is  of  no  conlequence  whether  the  gener;il  word  be  uffd,  or  a 
more  fpccific  one,  defcribing  the  method  of  making.  If  Dr  Hill's 
reafoiiiug  be  rijiht,  the  y-hr.iits  pieHere  corcnnin^  or  to^'quere  funeni^ 
fhould  imply  that  the  flowers  on  the  hcrhp  were  already  entitled 
to  th'^  name  of  garlands  and  ropes  before  the  operations  defcrib- 
ed  by  thefe  words  were  begun  upon  them. 

Servus  and  Verna  are  faid  *  to  difr'er  according  as  the  ft'ate  of 
fiivery  is  more  or  lefs  opprcinve;  '  the  latter  is  faid  to  imply 
niore  comfort  —  rhe  fo.'mcr  to  be  confillent  with  greater  dignity. 
This  really  appears  to  us  to  be  perplexing  a  very  plain  di!Hr)c- 
tion.  Hervusy  we  underftand,  is  the  generic  terra  in  which  Fer- 
na  is  included  ;  Verna  is  that  fpecies  of  Jerviis  v/ho  is  reared  in 

'.  '.  '  the 


1804.  -Dr  Hill'j  Latin  Synovyirres.  47'! 

the  fan-Uy.  The  lad  quotafion  from  Plaufus  is  moft'  perverft;ly 
mifinterpreted. 

The  only  other  inflance  we  fliall  give  of  what  we  cannot  heH 
connrlc-ring  as  very  unaccountable  neglii»ence  or  inarruracy  in 
Dr  Hill's  performance,  is  his  account  of  the  terms  Ufura  and 
Fcenus  as  applied  to  the  intereft  of  money.  To  us  it  appears 
that  thefe  words  have  precifely  the  fame  mearlin^,  though  de- 
rived from  different  views  of  the  fubjcdl.  U/ttra  is  the  rent 
or  hire  paid  for  the  ufe  of  money  •■,  Foentis^  derived,  according 
to  Feftus  and  Varro,  from  the  old  verb  />i>,  to  produce,  fignifies 
the  j5/'0c/«^i?  of  the  loan,  and  is  equivalent  to  the  Greek  tsxoj,  a 
term  appropriated  under  tlie  fame  analogy.  Dr  Hill,"  however, 
is  bv  no  means  fatisfied   with   the   fimplicity  of  this   ftatement. 

*  Ufuray  '  he  fays,  '  is  applicable  to  any  rate  of  intereft,  whe- 
ther moderate  or  opprefTive  ;  but  Foenus  carries  in  itfelf,  without 
the  addition  of  any  term,  a  reference  to  a  regulated  intereft.  ' 
p.  778.  The  vaguencfs  of  Ufitrn,  he  adds,  is  limited  by  the 
epithets  which  are  joined  to  it,  and,  when  ufed  along  with  Foe- 
nns^  it  always  fignifies  fomething  more  oppreflive.  It  might  be 
fufficient,  perhaps,  to  obferve,  that  there  is  no  foundation  what- 
foever  for  this  diftin£lion,  and  that  its  fallacy  is  completely  e- 
ftablifiied  by  the  paflages  which  Dr  Hill  quotes  in  fupport  of  it. 
But  there  is  fomething  fo  extraordinary  in  the  ufe  which  the 
learned  author  has  made  of  his  proofs,  that  it  is  worth  while  to 
attend  to  them  a  little  more  particularly.  To  prove  that  Ufura 
is  the  more  general  term,  and  that  it  fignifies  fomething  mors 
oppreflive  than  Foenus^  he  quotes  thefe  words   from  Suetonius, 

*  Pecunias  levioribus  ufuris  mutuati  j  '  and  there  he  ftops.  I5 
it  poflible  that  Dr  Hill  did  not  know  that  the  remaining  claufe 
of  the  fentence  is  *  graviore  foenori  coliocaftl-nt  ?  ' — which  is  in 
dire6l  contradiction  to  the  whole  of  his  theory.  He  is  after- 
wards pleafed  to  refer,  in  proof  of  his  pofition  that  Fcemis  al- 
ways relates  to  a  regulated  intereft,  to, this  line  of  Horace, 

*  Dives  agris,  dives  pofitis  in  fgenore  mimmis.  ' 
And  adds,  *  this  perfon  had  laid  his  money  out  at  intereft,  and, 
we  are  led  to  fuppofe,  received  in  return  for  it  neither  rAore  nor 
lefs  whan  what  was  ufually  given.  '  Here,  again,  we  find  it 
diflicult  to  conceive  how  Dr  Hill  fliould  have  forgotten  that  this 
very  line  forms  part  of  the  charadler  of  an  ufurer,  who  is  repre- 
fented  as  lending  his  money  to  young  heirs,  &c.  at  the  exorbi- 
tant intereft  oi  fixty per  ctnt.^  and  making  them  pay  even  this  in 
advance  ;  and  whofe  chara£ter  appears  to  have  been  fo  far  re- 
moved from  any  thing  that  was  ufual,  that  the  poet  clofes  it  by- 
faying, 

* Maxi.-n^  qijis  non 

Jupiter!  exclamat  fimul  atque  audlvit  i'  ' — Sat.  L  2.  12. 

G  g  4  As 


47^  Dr  Hill'j  Latin  Synonymes.  July 

As  to  the  reft,  we  find  Cicero  applying  the  epithets  of  magmwiy 
grave,  and  iniqu'ijjimum^  to  Fosnus  ;  and  in  a  palTage  quoted  by  Dr 
Hill  himfelf  it  is  termed  avidnm.  Indeed,  he  reafons  about  it 
till  he  comes  to  this  oracular  conclufion,  '  that  the  term  Fcenus 
fuppofes  the  poflible  exiilence  of  a  certain  latitude  ;  but  not  in  the 
degree  in  which  it  exifts  in  VJnrn,  from  which  the  idea  of  a  limi- 
tation on  either  fide  of  a  ftandard  is  baniflied.  ' 

In  the  courfe  of  his  fpeculations  on  thefe  words,  the  learned 
author  is  led,  almoll  for  the  only  time  in  the  whole  work,  to 
favour  his  readers  with  fome  difctifTion  on  the  ufaj^e.s  and  infti- 
tutions  of  the  people  whofe  language  he  is  explaining,  and  en- 
ters at  fome  length  into  an  account  of  the  rates  of  intereft  eita- 
bliflied  among  the  Romans,  and  of  the  terms  employed  to  ex- 
prefs  them.     Aftf^r  fome  preliminary  remarks,  he  obferves, 

'  Centefima,  which  in  calculations  of  this  kind  was  tlie  integral  num- 
ber, by  being  doubled,  cxpreffed  a  fradlion  that  was  preciftly  the  half 
of  its  own  amount.  Thus,  the  tax  innpofed  upon  Cappadocia,  at  the 
rate  of  twelve  per  cent.,  was  reduced  to  fix  by  the  einperor  Tiberius. 
"  Levare  veftigal  centefjmse  et  ducentefimam  ftatuit,  " 

What  fort  of  integral  number  that  mud  be,  which,  upon  be- 
ing doubled^  exprelled  a  fra6lion  of  its  own  amount,  we  leave  to 
our  readers  to  conjecture ;  but  it  is  evident,  that  here,  and 
throughout  the  whole  difciilTion,  Dr  Hill  entirely  overlooks  the 
rationale  of  the  terms  he  profcfies  t^  interpret.  The  words  Cen- 
tefinia  ox  Ducetiteftma^  do  not  in  reality  (land  here  in  coiicord  with 
tlj'ura  or  VeBigal^  with  which  Ur  Hill  connects  them,  but  with 
the  vfox(\  pars  underftood.  Centefiina  ufura,  therefore,  ought  not 
to  be  confidered  as  a  fubftantive  and  adjective,  but  as  two  fubftan- 
tives  put  together,  like  urhs  Roma^  Cicero  oraior .-  and  the  mean- 
ing is,  that  the  hundredth  part  of  the  capital  was  paid  month- 
ly as  intereft — Centeftma  pars  fortis^  ufura.  If  Centeftma  fignified 
the  hundredth  part,  however,  there  is  no  difficulty  in  per- 
ceiving that  Ducenteftmay  which  fignified  the  two  hundredth 
part,  implied  an  intereft  one  half  lighter,  without  fuppofing 
that  an  integral  number  became  a  fraction  of  itfelf  by  being 
doubled.  Finally,  as  if  i,t  were  predeftlned  that  no  part  of 
this difcufhon  ihquld  be  free  from  blunder,  it  maybe  remark- 
ed, that  there  is  no  allufion,  in  the  pafTage  qunted  from  Ta- 
citus, to  any  tax  of  12  per  cent,  impofed  on  Cappadocia,  and 
and  reduced  by  Tiberius  to  fix  -.  all  that  the  l.iltorian  fays,  is, 
that  by  reducing  Cappadocia  to  a  province,  tht:  empt-ror  was 
enabled,  by  this  increafe  of  revenue,  to  reiluce  the  tax  of  the 
hundredth  penny,  formerly  levied  upon  falcs  all  over  the  em- 
pire, to  the  two  hundredtji,  Tlicfe  obfervations  are  minute, 
we  confefs,  and  may  probably  appear  tedious  to  the  reader  ; 
■^ut  a  colle(3;ioi?  of  fynonymes  contains  iv.y  geuerrd  doQrin?',  ond 


x8o4'  JDr  HlllV  Latin  Syndnymes,  473 

muft  be  judged  of  according;  to  the  accuracy  which  prevails  in 
thofe  minute  difcuflions  of  which  it  mud  be  compofed. 

If  our  readers  are  defirous  of  feeing  further  proofs  of  the 
load  of  fuperflunus  matter  with  which  this  '.vork  is  incumbered, 
we  will  refer  them  to  the  fix  pages  which  are  taken  up  in 
dating  the  different  meanings  of  JBqualisy  Par  and  SimUisy  or 
rather  in  dating  that  thefe  words 

— ♦  agree  in  denoting  certain  diftinft  relatione  by  which  feparate  fub- 
flances  may  be  allied.  ' 

It  dill  remains  for  us  to  take  fome  notice  of  that  part  of  the 
work  which  the  author  is  pUafed  to  term  the  *  Philofophy  of  Pre- 
pofitions  : '  this  indeed  feems  his  darling  topic  ;  it  is  here  that 
he  has  flirouded  himft;lf  under  the  mod  impenetrable  veil  of 
xnydery  ;  and  hence  he  would  fend  forth  his  di<£tates  as  oracles 
to  the  unenlightened  inquirers  after  truth.  After  much  Invedi- 
Jiation,  however,  we  are  under  the  necefluy  of  remarking, 
that  the  obfervation  of  an  eminent  French  writer  is  applicable 
to  this,  as  well  as  to  other  parts  of  the  work  under  our  con- 
fideration. 

*  Tout  ce  que  varie,  tout  ce  que  fe  charge  de  termes  donteax  et  eve- 
lopes,  a  toujours  paru  fufpeft,  et  non  fpuletnent  f*-audulei!x  mais  abfolu- 
mcnt  faux — parcequ'il  marque  un  embarras  que  la  verity  ne  connoit 
pas.  ' 

His  plan  fecms  to  be,  to  collect  a  number  of  pafiages  from 
.the  Latin  dailies,  in  which  the  prepolnion  under  confideration 
is  ufed,  and,  from  an  invedigation  of  ail  thef.?,  to  deduce  and 
clafs  in  order  the  different  fignitications  he  fuppofes  it  to  be  ca- 
pable of  bearing, — and  to  conclude  by  pointing  out  and  illuf- 
trating,  by  fimilar  examples,  the  force  and  power  he  conceives 
it  to  have  in  compofition. 

To  take  the  fird,  ^,  ah,  ahs. — 0n  the.  philcfophy  of  thefe  words 
he  has  favoured  us  with  nearly  twelve  quarto  pages.  After  two 
of  frivolous  and  irrelev;!int  matter  (in  ihe  courfe  of  which  he 
completely  confounds  in  feveral  pafiages  the  meaning  of  ab  with 
that  of  prope)  he  makes  this  fingular  obfervation  :  *  Thefe  pre- 
pofitions  //,  ab  and  abs\,  have  in  themfelves  the  power  of  denot- 
ing nenrnefs ;  '  and,  among  other  examples  adduced  to  prove 
this,  he  gives  this  one  from  Cicero's  Epiitles,  viz. 

*  Plerasque  Epiftoloe  mihi  niintiabanr  ubi  efTe.s  quod  erant  abs  te.  ' 
CAc.  Ep.  /itt.  4.  16. 

And  then  obferves, 
I — «   If  we  abihatl  the  notion  of  vicinity  from  the   prepofitlon,  the   a- 
bove  fentencc  would  be  void  of  meaning,  ' 

\i  mud  be  clear,  we  think,  to  every  unprejudiced  perfon,  that 
<7/'.r  is  ufed  here  in  its  ordinary  fjgnification  ;  /'.  e.  it  points  out 
j[imply  didance  or  feparation,  however  fa^.ill  \  and  indead  of  de-  ^ 

noting 


5Cf74  -Dr  Hill'j  Latin  Bytiojiymes,  July 

noting  nearriefs.  It  marks  the  nivifion  which  mud  necefTarily  exift 
between  a  thing  and  that  from  which  it  proceeds.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  idea  of  'vicinity  which  Dr  Hill  would  affix  to  abs  in  the 
above  paflage  from  Cicero,  would  totally  deftroy  the  meaning 
of  it :  it  implies  diftance,  becaufe  the  letters  proceeded  from  a 
perfon  who  was  abfent.  The  learned  profefTor  has  evidently  at- 
tempted to  eftablifh  many  of  his  dedutiions  on  the  principles  of 
quiefcence  and  motion  as  laid  down  by  the  author  of  Hermes. 
{Herm.  p.  261.)  In  attempting  this,  he  has  naturally  enough 
fallen  into  the  fame  errors  as  Mr  Harris  •,  that  is  to  fay,  he  has 
almoft  invariably  given  to  the  prepofition  the  meaning  of  fome 
other  word  in  the  fentence.  It  was  a  fimilar  miftake  that 
led  Dr  Johnfon  and  Greenwood  into  all  their  errors  on  this 
fubjedl ;  errors  which  we  fuppofed  to  have  been  long  ago  ex- 
ploded by  the  learned  author  of  'ETnx  Urt^oiylcc 

Proceeding  however  on  thefe  grounds,  Dr  Hill  has  deduced 
only  10  (for  in  ad  he  has  difcovered  16)  different  meanings  for 
a,  ab  and  ah.  We  will  not  trefpafs  on  our  readers  by  enumerat- 
ing them,  becaufe  we  are  of  opinion  that  thefe  prepofuions  have 
always  one  clear,  diftin6l  and  definite  meaning. 

From  our  author's  method  of  treating  the  fmiple  prepofitions, 
it  will  be  eafy  to  trace  all  thofc  extraordinary  miftakes  he  h;is 
made  when  he  proceeds  to  confider  them  in  their  compound 
ftate.  Hence  we  were  hot  furprifed  at  his  traniVdUng  ahfiegni  e 
*  to  deny  tuith  pofitive  keerinefs, '  or  at  his  giving  a  wrong  con- 
flruftion  to  abfimiUs  and  abjlergere.  In  all  of  thefe  words,  the 
original  power  of  ab  is  fufficiently  obvious.  Hence  too  he  em'- 
barraffes  himfelf,  and  completely  mifies  his  objeft,  when  he 
attempts  to  mark  the  difference  between  abdere,  abjcotidcre  and 
conderCy  and  between  abnormis  and  enorwis,  ,&c.  &c. 

From  what  we  have  now  faid,  our  readers  will  probably  be 
able  to  form  a  pretty  correal  idea  of  what  we  confider  as  mofl 
reprehenfible  in  the  execution  of  this  work.  But  thou>:h  we 
have  been  induced  to  exprefs  our  difapprobation  at  fufficient 
length,  we  would  not  be  underftood  as  wifhing  to  deny  that  the 
book  has  very  confiderable  merit.  The  author  is  certainly  en- 
titled CO  much  credit  for  the  great  labour  which  he  has  evidently 
beftowed  upon  the  fubjed  ;  and  though  his  unfortunate  predilec- 
tion for  that  fort  of  metaphyfical  difcuffion,  for  which  he  does 
not  feem  eminently  qualified,  has  frequently  led  him  away  from 
the  plain  path  of  his  duty,  it  muft  be  admitted  that  as  often  as 
he  has  been  enabled  to  refifl  this  feduftion,  he  has  difplayed 
very  confiderable  fagacity  and  acucenefs;  and  manifell:ed  a  fami- 
liar acquaintance'with  the  rnoit  important  paffages  of  the  bed 
claffical  authors.     He  deferves  great  praife,  aifo,  for  having  on 

every 


1804.  '  Dr  Hill'j;  Lathi  Syncnymes.  475 

every  occaGon  confulted  the  works  of  Cicero,  and  for  having, 
lod  no  opportunity  of  fetting  before  his  readers  any  of  the 
philological  flillinftions  of  thnt  great  writer,  which  were  in 
any  way  applicable  to  the  fubjetl:  under  diftufTion. 

We  ihould  have  great  plea'ure  in  laying  before  our  readers 
foine  fpecimens  of  Dr  Mill's  more  fuccelsful  exertions ;  but  our 
hmits  will  no  longer  admit  of  a  coniiderable  extra(^.  We  give 
the  following  as  the.  mod  concife' that  prefents  itfdf. 

'  Eloquens,  DisERTUS — agree,  in  denoting  the' , power  of  utter- 
ing animated  conceptions,  by  means  of  fpeech,  but  differ,  in  refped;  to 
the  degree  in  which  that  power  is  poffeffcd.  The  firft  term,  from 
eloqu'i^  implies  the  perfeftion  of  that  art  by  which  himian  thought  is 
communicated.  It  fuppofts  that  the  idea  is  accurately  formed,  and 
that  the  cxpreffion  is  fo  precife,  as  to  ftate  it  exad,ly  as  it  is.  Mr 
Pope's  dciinition  of  a  perfon  to  whom  cloquins  is  apphcable,  is  a  happy 
one, 

'   Fit  words  attended  on  his  weighty  fenfe.  ' 
*   Is  crit   eloque'u,  qui  ad  id  quodcunque  docebit,  poterit  accommodare 
orationem  ;  qui   parva   fubmiffe,  modica  temperate,  magna'  graviter  di'^ 
cere   potefl.  '      Cic,    Oral,   208. — '   Nihil   aliiid    elt   eloquentia   quam 
copiofe  loquens  fapientia.  *     Cic.  Part.  Or  at.  236. 

'  Difcriiis  comes  from  dt/feren;  which,  properly,  denotes  the  acl  of 
feparating  different  feeds,  and  fowing  each  in  its-  proper  place.  '  XJt 
oiitor  differit  in  areas  fuas  cujufque  generis  res,  iic  in  oratione  qui 
facit,  dilertus.  '  Var.  L.  L.  5.  7. — ^^The  native  power  of  this  verb 
appears  in  fuch  a  fentence  as  the  following,  from  Columella.  '  Bac- 
cas  lauri  et  myrti,  cseterorumque  viridium  femina  in  areclas  difTerere.  * 
11.2.  50. — This  derivative  adjeftive,  d'tftrtus,  denotes  a  degree  of  a- 
bility,  in  the  ufe  of  fpeech,  fuperior  to  what  is  generally  met  with, 
but  inferior  tg  that  fuggefted  by  eloqums.  The  following  definition, 
from  Cicero,  is  decifive  as  to  both  terms.  '  CiJer  tuus  difeitns  eii 
magis  quam  fapiens.  •  Difeilos  me  cognofTe  nonnullos  fcripfi,  eloquen- 
tem  adhuc  neminem  :  quod  eum  flatuebam  difertnm,  qui  poffet  fatis 
acute  atque  dilucide  apud  m.ediocres  homines  ex  communi  quadam  ho- 
minum  opinione  dicere  :  eloquentem  vero  qui  mirabilius  et  magnifi- 
centius  augere  poffet,  atque  ornare  quse  vellet,  omnefque  omnium  re- 
rum,  qux  ad  dicendum  pertinerent  fontes,  animo  ac  memoria  conti- 
neret. '  Ep.  ad  Att.  10.  i. — *  Difertis  fatis  putat,  dicere  quse  opor* 
teat;  ornate  autem  dicere  proprium  eil  eloquentiflimi.  '  Quint,  in 
Proam.  8. 

*  In  caufa  facih  cuivis  licet  effe  diferto.  *     Ovid.  Tr'tji.  11.  21. 

We  may  add  the  following  elegant   and   happily   chofen  iiiuf- 
tration  of  the  meanings  of  velle,  cupere  and  optare. 
•  Quid  facias  quasris  ?    quasras  hoc  fcilicet  ipfum  ; 
Invenies,  vere  fi  reperire  "  voles.  " 
*'  Velle  "  parum  eft  :    "  cupias, "  ut  re  potiaris,  oportet  ; 
Et  faciat  fomnos  hsec  tibi  cura  breves. 

"  VeUe 


^yC  Dr  HSWs  Latift' Syttoftyms.  July 

«  Velle  *'  reor  multos.     Quis  enim  mihi  tarn  fit  iniquus 

Op/et  ut  exilium  pace  caiere  mcum  ? 
Peftore  tc  toto  cunftifque  incumbere  nervis, 
Et  niti  pro  me  no£le  dieque  decet.  ' 

Ovid.  Ep.  ex  Ponto,  3.  I.  33. 
Upon  the  whole,  though  this  work  indicates  extenfive  read- 
ing, and  very  confiderabie  acutenefs,  we  cannot  fay  that  it  is 
executed  with  judgement,  or  likfjly  to  be  eminently  ufeful.  It 
is  liable  to  great  objcdlions  for  its  omifTions  ;  and  to  ftill  greater 
for  its  redundancies.  An  ambitious  difplay  of  philofophical 
fubtlety  has  placed  the  work  altogether  beyond  the  comprehen- 
fion  of  a  learner ;  and  the  merit  of  thefe  extraneous  difcufTions 
is  rarely  fuch  as  to  attract  the  attention  of  a  fcholar.  The  work 
is  printed  with  great  neatnefs,  and  with  very  tolerable  corre£l- 
rjefs,  except  in  the  Greek  quot^itions,  in  which  the  accents  are 
either  omitted  or  inferted  partially. 


Art.  XVII.  j4  Concife  Siatetncnt  of  the  ^lejllon  regarding  the  /Aboli- 
tion of  the  Slave  Track.  Third  Edition.  8vo.  pp.  ic8.  Hatchard, 
6:c.  London.     1804. 

THIS  little  publication  is  underftood  to  contain  an  authentic  ftate- 
ment  of  the  grounds  upon  which  the  parliamentary  advocates 
for  the  abolition  of  the  flave  trade  have  avowedly  rerted  their 
caufe  \  and  has  heen  generally  received  as  the  official  manifefto 
of  thofe  by  whom  the  difcuffion  of  this  gre-nt  queftion  has  been 
recently  promoted.  Though  we  do  not  ufually  indulge  ourfelves 
in  any  obfervations  on  thofe  meafures  of  practical  policy  that  are 
immediately  under  the  confideration  of  the  Legiflature,  we  flatter 
ourfelves  that  we  fhall  not  incur  any  very  weighty  cenfure  for  pre- 
fenting  our  readers  with  fome  account  of  this  intereiling  perform- 
ance. The  fate  which  the  queftion  has  repeatedly  experienced 
proves  but  too  clearly,  that  it  has  no  connexion  with  party  divi- 
fions  or  points  of  conllitutional  principle  ;  and  its  importance  is 
fuch,  as  may  probably  excite  the  attention  of  thofe  who  feel  very 
little  interefl  in  the  diOblution  of  a  parliament,  or  the  downfal  of 
an  .adminillration.  It  is  a  queftion,  indeed,  upon  the  decifion  of 
which  we  cannot  help  thinking  that  mightier  and  more  extenfive 
confequences  depend,  than  were  ever  fufpended  before  upon  the 
deliberations  of  any  human  affembly  :  it  is  a  queftion  in  which 
intereft,  or  an  apprehenfion  of  intereft,  is  more  nakedly  and  dar- 
ingly oppofed  to  humanity  an<l  juftice,  than  in  any  other  cafe  with 
which  we  are  acquainted  ;  and  it  is  the  only  queftion  we  remem- 
ber to  have  heard  of,  in  which  an  admitted  wrong  has  been  pub- 
licly defended,  wit^iout  any  allegation  of  ftate  neceifity. 
'■  '     '  '  '  It 


l8o4'        ConftdcrationscntheAbotiHonoftheBlatieTrade.         47^ 

It  IS  wifely  provided,  that  we  Ihould  be  but  flight!/  afFe£led 
with  the  fortunes  of  thofe  who  are  little  conne6led  with  us,  and 
that  the  miferies  of  a  remote  quarter  of  the  world  (hould  concern 
us  lefs  than  the  difcomfort  of  our  parilli  at  home.  But  the  clofeffc 
connexion  that  man  can  have  with  niifcry,  is,  to  be  the  caufe  of 
it ;  and  in  every  cz{t  but  this,  a  much  fmaller  violation  of  juflice 
has  uniformly  excited,  even  againft  a  remote  offender,  a  fenti-' 
ment  of  more  decided  reprobation.  If  a  tyrannical  government 
facrifices  a  few  thoufands  of  its  fubjects  in  a  funtaltic  quarrel — \t 
an  Emperor  Paul,  or  an  Emperor  Napoleon,  tranfport  a  few  hun- 
dreds to  Siberia  or  Cayenne — if  an  Algerine  carry  ofF  fome  fcores 
of  Chriftians  into  captivity,  ail  Europe  relbunds  with  indignationi 
and  prepares  itfclf  for  vengeance  •,  w'hile  we  liften  calmly  to  the 
defence  of  a  traffic  vi^hich  condemns  a  whole  quarter  of  the  world 
to  unceafing  and  ferocious  warfare,— which  annually  exterminates 
more  men  than  fall  during  the  bloodicft  campaign  of  European 
hoftility,  and  regularly  tranfports,  every  fix  months,  in  circum- 
ftances  of  unparalleled  affli(^tion,  more  innocent  perfons  than  fuf- 
fer  in  a  century  from  the  opprefhon  of  all  the  tyrannies  in  the 
world.  Such  a  lubject,  we  apprehend,  is  level  to  every  compre- 
henfion,  and  muft  excite  an  interell  in  all  who  can  be  brought  to 
attend  to  the  ftatements  in  wdiich  it  is  involved.  Extenfively  as 
we  have  reafon  to  believe  this  little  volume  has  ali-eady  circulated, 
we  feel  it  therefore  to  be  our  duty  to  contribute  to  its  farther  no- 
toriety, and  to  engage  as  many  of  our  readers  as  pofTible  in  the 
confideration  of  a  quellion,  to  which  we  conceive  that  no  one 
can  be  indifferent  who  is  not  utterly  inattentive. 

It  is  fcarcely  neceiTary  to  premife,  that  the  advocates  for  the  a- 
bolition  of  the  Have  trade  mod  cordially  reprobate  all  idea  of  eman-' 
cipathig  the  (laves  that  are  already  in  our  plantations.  Such  a 
fcheme,  indeed,  is  fulliciently  anfvvcred  by  the  ftory  of  the  galley-^ 
Haves  in  Don  Quixote,  and,  we  are  perfuaded,  never  had  any 
place  in  the  minds  of  thofe  enliglitened  ;md  judicious  perfons  who 
have  contended  for  the  abolition  with  fo  much  meritorious  perfe- 
vcrance.  In  this  pamphlet,  accordingly,  ws  find  none  of  that 
fentimental  rant  and  fonorous  philanthropy  by  which  the  caufe 
of  humanity  has  been  fo  often  expofcd  to  ridicule.  The  argu- 
ment, on  the  contrary,  is  conducled  with  the  greateft  moderation, 
fobriety  and  good  knfe  j  the  author  is  mailer  not  only  of  his  ?^i&jecl: 
but  of  ins  temper  j  and  his  antagonifts  will  feldom  haveanopportvuii- 
ty  either  to  triumph  in  the  inaccuracy  of  his  ftatements,  or  to  com- 
plain of  the  manner  in  which  they  are  delivered.  But  though 
this  author  has  prudently  declined  the  ufe  of  that  warm  and  pa- 
thetic eloquence  that  is  apt  to  give  a  romantic  and  theatrical  air  to  a 
grave  and  important  difcuflion,  he  is  too  wife  to  confider  this  as 
a-(^ueftien  of  expediency  aione^  or  to  argue  as  If  It  were  to  be  de- 
cided 


478  Cmfideratiom  on  the  Aholttlon  of  the  SlaveTvaie.        Jul}' 

tided  by  a  balance  of  profit  and  lofs.  He  has  taken  the  moral  ele- 
ments alfo  hito  his  calculation  ;  and,  afluming  that  it  is  unjuftifi- 
able  to  deprive  human  beings  of  Hfe,  liberty  or  happiiiefs,  v/ithout 
fome  unequi\'oc:d  neceflity,  he  has  examined,  in  detail,  the  mo- 
tives v/i,ich  the  friends  of  this  traffic  have  urged  for  its  continu- 
ance, and  weighed  -igainfl  each  other  the  good  and  the  evil  that 
will  refpectiveiy  follow  on  its  cefl'ation. 

It  is  the  bafis  of  this  argument,  that  the  flave  trade  occafions 
fome  mifery  ;  and  its  object  is  to  fhow,  that  this  raifcry  is  not 
compenfifted  by  any  of  the  advantages  which  it  produces.  The 
bafiS,  we  fhould  think,  might  have  been  very  fafely  alTumed  : 
but  as  perfons  have  be^n  found  v/ho  maintain  that  the  flave  trade 
acluaily  conduces  very  much  to  the  happinefs  and  comfort  of  the 
Africans,  our  author  icrupuloufly  begins  with  a  Ihort  expofition 
of  the  fuiTerings  it  infiicls  on  that  unfortunate  race — in  their  na- 
tive country — on  the  middle  pajTiige — and  after  their  arrival  in  our 
colonies. 

From  Africa  it  is  certaijr  that  they  are  carried  off  agahiil 
their  will,  and  moil  frequently  in  all  the  agonies  of  the  molt 
poignant  affliction.  This  is  not  denied  :  but  it  is  faid  that 
they  confift  of  captives  who  would  otherwife  be  flain,  or  crimi- 
nals coiulemncd  by  courts  of  jiiitice.  The  anfwer  is,  and  it  is 
proved  beyond  all  polhbility  of  contradiction,  that  wars  are  now 
undertaken,  inceffantly,  for  the  exprefs  purpofe  of  procuring 
flaves  for  the  market,  and  that  fmce  the  eilablifhment  of  this  traf- 
fic, every  crim.e  is  punifliod  by  felling  the  offender  to  a  dealer : — 
accufations  of  witchcraft  or  adultery  are  always  at  hand  to  infure 
a  fupply  to  the  traders  on  the  coaft  \  and  if  thefe  fail,  it  is  admit- 
ted that,  by  advancing  a  little  brandy  or  gunpowder  to  the  na- 
tives, a  whole  village  may  be  legally  carried  off  in  fatisfa£tion  of 
the  debt. 

The  horrors  of  the  middle  pafTage  need  not  be  defcribed. 
To  fay  nothing  of  the  mental  agony  impHed  in  this  forcible 
reparation  from  their  friends  and  their  country,  it  is  quite  e- 
nough  to  mention,  that  upon  an  average  no  lets  than  feventeen 
in  tiie  hundred  die  before  they  are  landed  ;  and  that  there  is  a 
farther  lofs  of  thirty-three  in  the  fealbning,  arifing  chiefly  from 
difeafes  contracted  during  the  voyage.  One  half  of  the  vi6tims 
of  this  trade  perifli  therefore  in  the  rude  operation  of  tranfplant- 
ing  them  j  and  probably  not  lefs  than  fifty  thoufand  men  are  cut 
off  thus  miferably,  every  year,  without  taking  into  account  the 
multitudes  that  are  flaughtercd  in  the  wars  to  which  this  traffic 
gives  occafion,  and  the  numbers  that  muff,  perifh  more  gradually 
by  being  thus  deprived  of  their  parents  or  protestors. 

Of  their  fituation  in  the  Well  Indies,  few  that  defire  to  be  inform- 
ed need  now  be  :i^norar.t.     They  are  driven  at  work,  like  a  team  of 

horfes 


lSo4«     Conftderatmis  07%  i%e  AholiUon  of  the  Blave  Trade.  47^ 

liorfes  or  a  yoke  of  oxen,  by  the  terror  of  the  whip.  No  breathing 
time  or  paufe  of  languor  is  allowed  :  they  mull  work,  as  cattle 
ilravv,  altogether,  and  keep  time  exaftly  in  all  the  movements  wliich 
their  drivers  enjoin.  Of  the  infelicity  of  this  condition,  fome  ef- 
timate  may  be  formed  from  the  precautions  that  are  neceflary  to 
withhold  them  from  fuicide,  and  from  the  infurreclions  which  no 
precaurlons  can  ever  long  avert.  After  urging  thefe  confidera- 
tions,  and  making  a  diilinct  reference  to  the  authorities  upon 
which  they  are  founded,  the  author  maintains  that  the  friends  of 
the  abolition  have  undoubtedly  made  out  their  cafe. 

*  For,  if  what  is  moft  improperly  denominated  a  trade  appears  clearly 
to  be  a  national  crime,  can  any  thing  be  urged  in  its  defence  upon 
grounds  of  expediency  ?  Do  we  vindicate  an  act  of  violence  ;  a  cruel, 
mercenary  murder,  for  example,  by  proving  that  it  has  been  profitable  ? 
If  the  wages  of  national  giuit  are  a  fufficient  vindication  of  it,  let  us 
at  leaft  not  lofe  the  benefits  of  this  golden  maxim  ;  let  ua  be  confiftent 
with  ourfelves,  and  employ  our  navy  in  a  general  fyllem  of  piracy  upou 
all  the  lefier  powers  of  Europe — Or  if  we  are  afraid  of  them,  let  us  en- 
rich ourfelves  at  the  expence  of  thofe  infignificant  Hates  in  Afia,  and 
the  north  of  Africa,  who  fend  any  veffels  to  fea.  The  advantages  of 
fuch  a  fcheme  are  infinitely  more  undeniable  than  any  that  have  ever 
been  afcribed  to  the  flave  trade  by  its  warmeft  advocates  ;  and  the  guilt 
of  the  tranfaftion  would  be  lefs,  in  the  proportion  of  robber;/  to  torture 
and  murder.  '     p.  31.  32. 

Though  v/e  are  ourfelves  very  much  incKned  to  reft  in  this 
concluHon,  yet,  in  order  to  fliow  how  very  little  temptation  there 
is  to  perfift  in  a  pradlice  fo  indefenfible,  the  author  proceeds  to 
confider  the  amount  of  thofe  reafons  of  expediency  which  are 
pleaded  in  apology  of  its  continuance,  Thefe  he  coniiders,  either 
as  they  relate  to  thofe  by  whom  the  trade  is  carried  on,  or  to  the 
ttate  of  th.e  Well  Indian  colonies. 

The  firft  plea  that  is  maintained  by  the  traders,  is,  that  3 
great  capital  has  been  inveiled  in  this  branch  of  commerce  under 
the  fan6lion  of  the  Legiflature  *,  and  that  the  abolition,  by  throw- 
ing it  out  of  employment,  v^ould  occafiou  ftrious  lofs  or  in- 
convenience to  its  holders.  To  this  it  might  be  anfwered,  in 
the  firft  place,  that  a  fufhcicnt  warning  was  given  to  fuch  per- 
fonS,  when,  in  1792,  it  was  refolved  by  tlie  Houfe  of  Commons, 
that  the  trade  ihould  ceafe  in  1796.  But  the  author  of  the 
work  before  us,  takes  up  the  queftion  on  a  much  broader  and 
more  indifputable  ground.  He  {hews  that  the  whole  capital  an- 
nually veiled  in  this  trade  amounts,  at  a  large  calculation,  to 
very  little  more  than  one  million,  while  the  whole  annual  ex- 
ports of  the  country  amount  to  no  lefs  than  forty  millions  •,  and 
he  aiks  if  it  be  pofilble  to  conceive  that  any  ferious  inconvenience 

would 


4.S'a         ConfiderGtions  an  the  Akltt'ion  of  the  Slave  Trade.         July 

would  be  produced  by  throwing  cne  fortieth  part  of  our  capital 
out  of  a  particular  employment,  and  compelling  it  to  feek.  for 
another.  In  a  country  like  this,  he  obfervesj  it  is  always  qa^^ 
to  fiud  employment  for  a  much  larger  increafe  of  capital  than 
this;  and  mentions  as  an  inltance,  that  in  1800  the  exports  of 
Great  Britain  were  more  confiderable  by  very  nearly  twelve  mil- 
lions than  they  were  in  1796;  and  yet  employment  was  found 
immediately,  and  without  the  lead  difficulty,  for  all  that  prodi- 
gious mafs  of  additional  capital.  At  the  commencement  of  aU 
moft  every  war,  he  obierves,  a  much  larger  quantity  of  ftoclc 
IS  neceflarily  thrown  out  of  employment  than  will  be  dnven  in- 
to new  channels  by  the  abolition  of  the  Have  trade  ;  and  thoucrV 
the  nation  has  certainly  fuffcred  occafional  inconvenience  fro^m 
that  circumftance,  it  has  never  been  thought  a  fufhcient  reafon 
for  our  remaining  at  peace,  when  we  were  called  to  arms  by  a 
lenfe  of  national  dignity,  or  national  faith  and  repuration.  In  al! 
fuch  wars,  too,  there  is  a  dircd  wafte  of  blood  and  of  treafure  ; 
but  here,  where  dignity  and  judice  make  tlie  loudefl  appeal', 
there  is  neither  hazard  nor  expence,  nor  any  thing  whatever  to 
be  dreaded,  but  the  rilk  of  this  trifling  difplacement  of  a  capital 
that  can  eafily  inveil  itfelf  in  more  beneficial  employment. 

Another  popular  plea  has  been,  that  this  trade  is  a  valuable 
nurfery  for  our  feamen.  When  the  facto  are  attended  to,  our  read- 
ers will  probably  be  furprifcd  that  fucli  a  propofition  ihould  ever 
have  been  hazarded.  The  trade  employs  only  about  one  fixtieth 
part  of  our  tonnage,  and  lefs  than  one  twenty- third  part  of  our  fea- 
men :  But  the  mofl  important  fadl  is,  that  fuch  is  the  unhealthi- 
nefs  of  this  baneful  traffic,  that  it  appears  from  the  mufter-rolls 
of  Liverpool  and  Brifhol,  that  out  of  1  2,263  perfons,  not  Ufs  than 
2643  ^^^  ^£/?  ^"  ^  y^^ :  fomething  more,  that  is,  than  one  fixth 
part  of  the  whole,  and  nearly  ten  times  as  many  as  pcrifli  out  of 
the  fame  number  in  the  Well  Indian  trade,  which  was  formerly 
looked  upon  as  the  moll;  unwholefome  branch  of  our  commerce-, 
if  any  eltimatioa  be  put  upon  the  lives  of  the  ufeful  men  thus 
iofb  to  their  country,  it  will  appear  that  befides  operating  as  a  fa- 
tal drain  to  our  naval  llrength,  this  traffic  adually  impoverifhes 
the  country  in  a  much  greater  proportion  than  its  remote  confe- 
quences  can  enrich  it. 

With  regard  to  the  Weft  Indian  colonies,  the  firft  and  the  mofl 
ufual  argument  for  the  continuation  of  the  trade  is,  that  it  is  ne- 
cefTary  for  keeping  up  that  flock  of  negroes,  without  which  the 
plantations  cannot  be  cultivated.  Now,  here  the  author  mofl 
juftly  remarks,  tliat  this  ftatement  mufl  either  be  falfe,  or  the 
llaves  mufl  neceflarily  be  treated  with  all  that  inhumanity,  at  the 
imputation  of  which  the  friends  of  this  fyftem  are  fo  exceflively 

indignant. 


tSo4.       Canftdeyations  on  the  Mditton  of  the  Slave  Trade.         48 1 

indignant  Men,'  efpecially  men  for  wliofe  labours  there  i^  a  <le* 
mand,  will  multiply  and  increafe^  it  is  well  known,  in  every  gene- 
i^ation,  unlefs  their  numbers  be  reduced  by  ill  treatment,  accident 
--^r  difeaie.  if  the  ftock  of  negroes  therefore  cannot  be  kept  up 
by  breeding-,  without  importation,  it  is  indifputablc  that  this  can 
only  be  owing  to  the  obllacies  that  are  thrown  in  the  way  of  their 
multiplication  by  the  cruelty  of  their  overfeers  ;  and  the  abolition 
of  the  trade  would  necelTarily  produce  fuch  an  amelioration  of 
their  lrea'tmt;nt,  as  would  enable  them  at  lead  to  continue  their 
prefent  numbers.  But  the  author  fhews,  in  the  fecond  place, 
from  documents  fumilhed  by.  the  colonial  governments  of  Barba- 
does  and  Jamaica,  that,  in  thefe  two  illands  at  leaft,  the  (lock  of 
negroes  has  been  uniformly  maintained,  by  breeding,  fince  I774» 
and  that  the  importation  has  gone  altogether  to  increafe  the  a." 
mount  of  that  ftock,  and  to  extend  the  cultivation  of  the  iflands. 

From  thefe  fadls  the  author  infers,  that  the  only  fubftantial 
ground  upon  v^hich  the  Weil  Indian  planters  can  reft  their  de- 
ience  of  this  tratie,  is  that  which  has  lately  been  urged  for  them, 
though  with  more  evident  em.barraffment  than  any  of  the  former 
topics,  viz.  that  without  an  importation  of  negroes,  the  new  plan- 
tations could  not  be  brought  into  profitable  cultivation,  nor  the 
limits  of  our  old  ones  very  rapidly  extended.  Now,  though  the 
truth  of  tliis  ftatement  may  be  admitted,  we  prefume  it  will  not 
be  Kiiouily  argued,  that  all  the  miferies  of  this  traffic  fliould  be 
perpetuated,  only  that  a  few  individuals  may  not  be  difappointed 
in  making  that  addition  to  their  riches  which  the  profpe£t  of  ita 
continuance  may  have  led  them  to  expe6l.  The  cefTation  of  the 
trade  will  not  take  a  farthing  from  any  man  j  it  will  not  put  a 
fnigle  cane-piece  out  of  cultivation  ;  nay,  it  will  add  to  the  value 
of  all  that  are  now  in  exiftence  :  But  it  will  give  fome  check  to 
the  rapidity  of  their  multiplication,  and  difappoint  a  few  avari- 
cious fpecuiators  of  the  profits  they  had  reckoned  upon  making 
in  their  new  plantations.  It  is  impofiible,  we  conceive,  that  a 
hardfliip  of  this  nature  fhould  ever  enter  into  competition  with 
all  the  guilt  and  the  niifery,  at  the  expence  of  which  alone  it  cari 
be  averted.  If  a  praftice  be  admitted  to  be  criminal,  and  it  be 
proposed  to  make  a  lav/  for  its  fuppreffK^i,  it  is  furely  enough  if 
thole  who  have  protitcd  by  it  are  rendered  fecure  in  their  acqui- 
fitions  :  it  would  be  too  much  to  provide  an  indemnity  for  all 
who  might  have  hoped  to  make  gain  by  its  continuance.  But  the 
force  of  this  confideration  is  flill  farther  weakened,  by  recollecl- 
ing,  that  this  pi'oje£led  improvement  and  extenfion  of  our  colonies 
will  not  be  by  any  means  defeated,  but  only  a  little  delayed,  by  the 
abolition  of  the  flave-trade.  It  has  been  proved,  that  the  negroes 
a<Sl:ually  keep  up  their  prefent  numberS|  even  uijdef  the  negligent 
VOL.  IV.  NO.  S-.  H  h  Mid 


4S2         Catiftderat'tons  oil  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade.  Jury 

and  cruel  treatment  which  they  occafionally  meet  with.  If  the 
planters  were  made  to  depend  entirely  upon  their  natural  multipli- 
ilation,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  their  numbers  would  be  very  ra- 
pidly increafed.  The  chief  obllacles  to  their  multiplication,  at  pre- 
fent,  are  the  fmall  proportion  of  females  among  the  imported  ilaves,. 
'the  contagious  dileafes  brought  by  them  from  Africa,  or  contracted 
on  the  paflage^  and  the  hard  treatment  they  too  frequently  meet 
with.  The  two  tirll  of  thefe  obftacles  would  difappear  beicre  one 
generation  was  extinguilhed  ;  and  the  latter  would  be  removed 
from  the  moment  that  it  became  impof&ble  to  replace  a  difabled 
flave  by  purchafe.  The  expanfive  force  of  population,  relieved 
from  the  preflure  of  thefe  cruel  obftacles,  and  llimulated  by  the 
extraordinary  demand  for  additional  labourers,  would  fpeedily  ex- 
tend the  black  population  of  our  colonies  over  every  region  ta 
which  the  commercial  enterprife  of  the  planters  might  direft  it, 
and  enable  them,,  in  the  courfe  of  twenty  or  thirty  years,  to  ac- 
complifii,  with  fecurity  and  comfort,  what  they  might  now  per- 
haps effedl:  in  ten  or  twelve,  at  the  expence  of  inexpreflible  cmel- 
ty  and  ii^calculable  danger. 

In  the  part  of  this  work  which  we  have  now  abftra£led,  the 
author  has  applied  himfelf  {lri<Stly  to  appretiate  the  value  of  tbofe 
views  of  expediency,  upon  which  the  defenders  of  this  traffic 
have  ufually  pretended  that  it  might  be  julHfied.  He  proceeds, 
in  the  laft  place,  to  fliow,  not  only  that  the  fyftem  to  which  it  is 
fubfervient  is  more  ruinoufty  expenfive  than  any  other,  but  that 
the  continuance  of  it  muft  endanger  the  very  exiftence  of  our 
"Weft  Indian  pofleffions^  By  the  introdudlion  of  talk-work,  and 
fuch  other  ameliorations  in  the  condition  of  the  flaves  as  may  be 
confiftent  with  the  fecurity  of  their  mailers,  he  lays  it  down,  in 
the  firft  place,  that  their  labour  will  become  more  produtSlivc  , 
and  refers,  not  only  to  the  authority  of  all  general  reafoners  on 
the  fubjeft,  but  to  a  report  of  the  aiVembly  of  Grenada,  the  terms- 
of  which  are  too  ftriking  to  be  omitted.  In  anfwer  to  certain 
queries  of  a  parliamentary  committee,  thofe  planters  report,  that 
out  of  crop  time  it  is  cultomary  to  allow  the  negroes  one  after- 
noon in  every  week  to  themfelves  : 

•  And  it  is  to  be  obferyed,  that  although  the  negroes  a-re  allowed  the 
.afternoon  only  of  a  day  in  every  we&k,  yet  a  negro  luill  Jo  as  much  work 
in  that  afternoon^  luhen  employed  for  his  own  benefty  as  in  a  whole  day^ 
nvhen  employed  in  his  majlcr's  fervice.  '     p.  56. 

With  regard  to  the  other  point,  it  is  proved,  not  only  by  gene- 
ral reafonings,  but  by  an  unanfwerable  appeal  to  fa£ts,  that  in- 
furre61:ions  are  always  produced  by  the  concurrence  of  two  caufea 
— the  bad  treatment  of  the  flaves — and  a  rapid  importation  of 
new  negroes,  the  pride  and  ferocity  of  whofe  fpirits  have  not  been 

fubdued 


l804'        Cofijiderations  on  the  Abolittpri  of  the  Slave 'Trade.         483 

fubJued  by  the  habit  and  example  of  fubmifllve  fefvlfude.  In  thefe 
circumftances  it  is  not  a  little  alarming  to  confider  with  what  a  pro- 
greffive  rapidity  our  annual  importations  have  been  lately  increafed ; 
iznd  it  is  obvious,  that,  under  the  prefent  fyftem,  the  falter  the 
Haves  multiply,  the  more  rigid  their  treatment  muft  become.  In 
any  fituation  of  the  Antilles,  fuch  a  ftate  of  things  might  weU 
be  contemplated  with  folicitude  and  apprehenfion,  and  might  fair- 
ly be  faid  to  be  approaching  to  a  crifis,  the  event  of  which  it  is 
not  eafy  to  contemplate  with  compofure.  But  the  iflue  of  the 
late  conteft  in  St  Domingo  has  brought  this  crifis  much  nearer, 
and  exhibited  a  more  lively  pi£lure  of  the  horrors  with  whith  it 
may  be  terminated. 

*  In  the  middle  of  the  flavd  colonies,  almoft  within  the  vlfible  hori- 
zon of  our  largeft  ifland,  a  commonwealth  of  favage  Africans  is  at  this 
moment  eftabllfhed,  infpired  with  irreconcileable  enmity  to  all  that 
bears  the  name  of  negro  bondage,  and  a  rooted  horror  of  that  fubordi- 
nate  ftate  which  their  efforts  have  enabled  them  to  fliake  off.  Does 
any  one  imagine  that  the  flaves  of  Jamaica  are  ignorant  of  the  proud 
fuperiority  of  their  free  brethren  on  the  oppofite  fhore  ?  Is  it  probable 
that  they  now  kifs,  with  more  devotion  than  ever,  the  chains  which  their 
fellow  flaves  in  the  next  fettlement  have  triumphantly  broken  ?  Ad- 
mitting that  cur  colonies  are  fafe  from  the  rifle  of  being  attacked  by  the 
new  negro  power, — ^an  attack  which  in  all  probability  would  be  joined 
by  every  difcontenLe  J,  and  every  newly  imported  (lave — is  not  the  con- 
flant  example  of  the  neighbouring  ifland  a  fufficient  reafon  for  depre- 
cating, beyond  every  thing,  the  maltreatment  of  flaves,  the  difpropor- 
tion  of  whites,  the  increafe  of  unfeafoned  negroes,  which  arc  the  necef- 
fdry  confequences  of  continuing  the  African  trade  ?  When  the  enemy's 
forces  are  btlieging  you,  is  it  prudent  to  excite  mutiny  in  your  garrifon, 
and  to  admit  uito  the  heart  of  your  fortrcfs  the  beft  allies  that  your 
rnemy  has  ? — When  thi?  fire  is  raging  to  windward,  is  it  the  proper 
time  for  flirring  up  every  thing  that  is  combuftible  in  your  wari^houfes, 
and  throwing  into  them  new  loads  of  materials  ftill  more  prone  to  explo- 
sion ?  Surtly,  furely,  thefe  moft  obvious  confidcratlons  need  but  be 
hinted  at,  to  demonltrate,  that,  independent  of  every  other  argument 
againft  the  negro  trafHc,  the  prefent  ftate  of  the  French  Weft  Indies 
renders  the  idea  of  continuing  its  exiftence  for  another  hour  worfc  than 
infanity.  Were  thtre  not  another  objeftion  to  the  commerce,  the  rdvo- 
iution  of  St  Domicgj  is  enough,  both  as  a  fad  monument  of  its  fatal 
tendency,  and  as  an  event  which  tias  unfortunately  changed  the  ver^ 
nature  of  the  cafe  ;  aggravating,  a  thoufand  fold,  every  danger  where- 
with the  fyfttm  was  originally  pregnant.  The  planters  have  now  to 
choofe  betwee;.  the  furrender  of  the  flave  trade  and  the  facrifice  of  their 
pofTelfiotiS — between  the  civilization  of  Africa,  and  the  lafting  barba- 
rifm  of  the  Weft  Indies — between  the  peaceful  improvement  of  the  ne- 
groes in  their  own  country,  and  the  riiafterful  domination  of  favage  meii 
in  the  American  iflands — between  the  immediate  total  abolition  of  tH«J 

H  h  3  IJave 


4^4  Conjtiuyatiatis  on  the  Ahotition  of  the  Slave  Trade.         July 

flavc  trade,  and  the  abolition  of  that  flavery  which  alone  can  prefcrve 
the  exiile'nce  of  white  men  in  the  Charaibean  fea.  That  there  is  no 
cjihi^r'^kefnative,  the  late  hiftory  of  the  Weft   Indies   proves  in  every 

i  In  an  appendix  to  this  argumentative  and  mafterly  trai^,  the 
J^uthor  eonnders  the  comparative  merits  of  an  immediate  or  a  gra- 
.  dual  abolition,  and  gives  his  opinion  decidedly  in  favour  of  the 
formet.  A  gradual  abolition,  he  obferves,  can  only  mean,  either 
that  the  trade  Ih.dl  ceafe  altogether  after  a  certain  period,  or  that 
,ks  extent  fliall  be  gradually  diminifbed  from  the  prefent  moment, 
till,  at  lail  it  decline  into  nothing.  With  regard  to  the  firll  pro- 
jecl,  he  judicioufiy  obferves — 

'The  interval  will  be  employed  by  the  i^frican  traders  in  drawing 
rt:)illiuns  from  the  other  branches  of  commerce,  to  pour  them  into  the 
iiegro  traffic,  and  in  rftanning  every  vtflel  that  can  keep  the  fea,  with- 
liilopB,  fwept  from  the  wholcfome  lines  of  navigation,  and  hurried  into 
the  moft  peftijential  of  all  employments.  The  demand  for  flaves  fiid- 
denly  inoeafcd,  can  only  be  anfwered  by  a  frightful  aggravation  of  all 
the  miferits  to  which  Africa  ha«  been  doomed  by  her  communication 
with  Europe.  The  eagernefs  of  our  traders  to  profit  by  the  interval, 
yfi^l  ui-gc  them  to  commit  new  breaches  of  the  (lave  carrying  aft,  and 
to  augment  incalculably  the  dcpiorable  cruelties  of  the  middle  paliage. 
i3;Ut  what  will  be  the  confeqnence  of  this  fuddcn  accumulation  of  new 
flavts  in  the  Weil  Indits  ?  What  to  this  was  the  paltry  increafe  of 
new  hands  previous  to  1789,  which  brought  about  the  dreadful  revo- 
lution of  St  pomingo  I  How  well  is  it  for  thofe  who  fhudder  at  the 
proff>edt  of  the  immediate  abolition,  becaufe  it  is- a  fudden  innovation, 
to  embrace  a  projeft  the  molt  full  of  change — the  moft  pregnant  with 
violent  alteration  — the  moft  certainly  prolific  in  wide  fpreading  revolu- 
tion of  any  that  the  imagination  can  paint  ?  Sudden  innovation  is  in- 
deed to  be  dreaded  at  all  times,  and  in  every  ftate;  but  rn  no  aera,  and 
in  no  region  fo  much,  as  in  the  firft  year  of  the  independence  of  Hay- 
ti — in  the  flave  colonies  which  almoft  touch  the  (hores  of  Guadaloupe 
and  St  Domingo. '     p.  83.  84. 

With  regard  to  the  fecond  plan,  of  gradually  dtminifliing  the 
numbers  allowed  to  be  imported,  he  obferves,  tliat  it  would  be  ut- 
terly impoffible  to  determine  what  traders  or  what  colonies  fhouM 
have  the  preference  in  this  limited  traffic,  oj  to  countera6l,  by 
any  regulations,  the  prevalence  of  a  contraband  trade  ;  and,  in 
general,  he  fuggefts,  that  the  queftion  is  now  agitated  during  a 
great  crifis  of  our  Weft  Indian  colonies,  and  that  nothing  but  de- 
cifive  meafures  can  fave  them  from  the  dangers  to  which  the  im- 
providence of  commercial  avarice  has  already  expofed  them. 

The  laft  argument  to  which  he  directs  his  attention,  is  that 
which  is  moft  frequently  in  the  mouths  of  fuperficiai  difputants, 
though  it  admits  all  the  iniquity,  and  much  of  the  impQlicy  of 

the 


ito4^       Cotifideratkns  on  tke  Abiiitkn  of  the  S/avi  Tr^dZ^        485. 

the  traffic  ;  it  Is,  that  the  abolition  of  the  flave-trade  is  imprafiiK 
cable,  becaufe  (laves  will  be  fmuggled  in  fpite  of  every  prohibition^ 
and  becaufe,  if  we  were  to  renounce  the  traffic,  it  would  be  t2*J 
ken  up  by  other  nations.  With  regard  to  the  danger  of  fmug- 
gling,  it  is  enough  perhaps  to  obferve,  in  the  words  of  the  au- 
thor before  us, 

♦  It  h  evident  that  no  contraband  article  is  fo  eafily  detefted  as  a 
cargo  of  men,  differing  from  their  crew  in  every  obvious  particular,  and 
imprifoned  in  all  parts  of  the  veffel  againft  their  will  ;  nor  can  any  copi-^ 
modity  be  fo  difficult  to  fmuggle  into  a  country  as  new  flaves,  kept  in 
fubjeftion  by  main  force.  '     p.  88. 

As  to  the  other  objecSlion,  we  will  acknowledge  that  we  have 
never  been  able  to  fee  in  what  manner  it  could  apply  to  the  quef- 
tix>n  ti'.w  under  confideration.  If"  we  are  determined  to  abjure 
this  cruel  trade,  from  our  regard  to  juftice  and  our  fears  for  our 
own  fecurity,  of  what  confequence  is  it,  whether  other  nations 
have  the  virtue  or  the  prudence  to  follow  our  example  ?  Their 
perfeverance  in  what  we  know  to  be  iniquitous  and  full  of  dan- 
ger, can  be  no  reafon  for  our  not  leaving  it.  Our  example  may 
5raw  them  after  us  ;  but  theirs  can  never  jultify  this  our  mod  pe- 
rilous delinquency.  If  the  Africans  made  flaves  of  our  country- 
men, there  might  be  fomething  intelligible  in  juftifying  our 
pradlice  by  theirs  •,  but  it  is  not  eafy  to  fe-e  why  we  fhould  reta- 
liate upon  them  all  the  wrongs  that  are  committed  by  our  Euro- 
pean neighbours  ;  and  it  is  but  an  indifferent  reafon  for  continu- 
ing to  torture  and  murder  them,  againft  our  confcience  and  our 
intereft,  that  other  nations  may  perhaps  perfill  in  thefe  outrages 
after  we  have  abandoned  them. 

The  abolition  of  the  Britifh  Have  tra4e  will  wafh  away  from 
the  reputation  of  this  country  the  liain  of  this  moft  infamous 
traffic.  It  will  fave  the  lives  and  the  fufferings  of  thirty  or 
forty  thoufand  Africans  annually  imported  into  our  dominions  ; 
it  will  ameliorate  the  condition  of  half  a  million  more,  who  now 
ianguilh  in  the  bonds  of  the  moft  deplorable  fervitude  that 
ever  humiliated  the  nature  of  man  ;  and  it  will  fecure,  if  any 
thing  can  fecure  our  invaluable  pofTeffions  in  the  Weft  Indie* 
from  that  tremendous  deftiny  with  which  they  are  fo  immj- 
^lently  threatened.  If  the  advantages  of  the  meafure  were  to 
ceafe  here,  we  think  that  its  promoters  would  have  matter  e- 
nough  for  rejoicitig  and  trium.ph.  But,  in  the  prelent  fitua- 
tion  of  the  European  world,  it  feems  evident  that  the  abo- 
lition of  the  Britifh  trade  would  be  equivalent  to  its  total 
celTation,  and  that  a  ftop  might  be  put  at  once  to  that  fruit- 
ful fource  of  mifery  to  all  the  natives  of  Africa.  Neither 
France  nor  Holland  can  import  a  fingle  negro  during  the  fub- 

H  h  3  iilknce 


4S6         (jonjtderaiions  on  the  AhoHtion  of  the  Slave  Trade.         July, 

fidence  of  the  war,  and  we  may  fcize,  when  we  think  proper» 
upon  all  the  iflands  that  remain  to  them.  Denmark  has  long 
ago  declared  her  willingnefs  to  abandon  this  trade  •,  and  the 
intereft  which  Sweden  has  in  its  continuance  is  too  trifling 
to  engage  her  in  a  branch  of  commerce  to  which  (he  has  hi- 
therto been  a  ftranger.  The  importation  of  flaves  is  already 
prohibited  all  over  America,  except  only  in  the  ftate  of  South 
Carolina;  and  the  trade  is  there  fubje£ted  to  very  giievous 
difcouragements.  The  Spanifh  and  Portuguefe  fettlements  have 
always  been  fupplied  chiefly  by  breeding,  and  will  moft  pro- 
bably be  determined,  by  the  late  events  in  St  Domingo,  to 
betake  themfelves  altogether  to  that  fafer  fyftem,  and  to  aban- 
don a  traffic  in  which  they  have  lefs  intereft  than  any  other 
colonial  power,  and  which  they  muft  carry  on  to  great  difad- 
vantage  without  our  affiftance.  Every  thing  induces  us,  there- 
fore, to  put  a  ftop  to  this  defolating  trade  at  a  moment  when 
cur  influence  is  fo  extenfive.  If  it  be  once  efFeciually  abo- 
lifhed,  we  fhould  have  but  little  fear  of  its  revival ;  the  cla- 
morous band  of  commercial  adventurers  would  be  difperfed 
into  other  departments ;  the  experience  of  tranquillity  would 
render  the  planters  averfe  to  the  renewal  of  danger ;  and,  af- 
ter fome  years  eftrangement  and  difufe,  we  vcrilv  believe  that 
men  would  feel  fomething  of  the  fame  compunction  and  hor- 
ror at  the  idea  of  returning  to  that  bloody  market,  which  fa- 
va^'^s  reclain!ted  from  cannibalifm  are  faid  to  do  at  the  recol- 
lection of  their  inhuman  banquets. 

It  appears  to  us,  in  (hort,  that  the  Parliament  of  England  have 
it  now  in  their  power  to  do  a  more  magnificent  aft  of  humanity 
and  juftice  than  was  ever  before  in  the  gift  of  a  legiflative  aflera- 
bly  j  and  that  by  this  one  law,  they  may,  without  injury  to  their 
coui:try,  deliver  more  men  from  fufFering,  and  exert  a  far  more 
lafting,  extenfive  and  beneficial  influence  on  the  fortunes  of  man- 
kind, than  by  all  the  triumphant  campaigns  and  fuccefsful  nego- 
tiations of  a  century.  To  thofe  who  wiih  to  be  more  particu- 
larly informed  of  the  magnitude  and  the  merits  of  this  queftion, 
we  recommend  the  perufal  of  this  very  able  fummary,  and  of  the 
,^jithorities  referred  to  by  the  author. 


(Quarterly 


tSo4.  (    487     ) 

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feveral  curious  Plates.      2s.  6d. 

Grammaire  Prad^ique  de  la  Langue  Allemande  et  Fran^aife,  a  I'ufage 
des  Officiers  De  L'Annee  des  Colleges  MiHtaires  et  de  Toutes  lea 
Ecoles  en  Genera!.     Par  Le  Dofteur  Render,     izmo.  6s.  boards. 

HSRALDRY. 


4^0  ^atierly  Liji  of  New  PublicatioHl.  July 

HERALDRY. 

The  New  Baronetage  of  England  j  containing  as  well  a  concife  Ge- 
nealogical Hiftor}',  as  an  Accouiit  of  the  prefent  State  and  Alliances 
of  the  Englifti  Baronets  and  Baronets  of  Great  Britain,  from  the  Infti- 
tution  of  the  Order  in  i6i  I  to  the  Union  with  Ireland  ;  with  a  Lift  of 
the  Baronets  created  fince  that  period.  2  vol.  (uniform  with  Debret's 
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HISTORY. 

•  Celtic  Refearches  on  the  Origin,  Traditions,  and  Language  of  the 
Ancient  Britons.  With  introduftoiy  Sketches  on  primitive  Society. 
By  the  Rev.  Edward  Davies.     Royal  8vo.      1 2s.  boards. 

An  Account  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  ;  containing  an  hiftorical 
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a  View  of  the  Commercial  and  Political  Advantages  which  might  be 
derived  by  its  pofleflion  by  Great  Britain.  By  Captain  Robert  Per- 
civaL     4to.   il.  boards. 

Hiftorical  Out'-ines  of  the  Papal  Power.  AddrefTed  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  Priefts  of  Ireland.     By  Henry  Card.     8vo.   3s.  6d. 

A  compendious  View  of  Univerfal  Hiftory,  from  the  year  1753  td 
the  Treaty  at  Amiens,  1802  ;  with  Notes  to  verify  or  elucidate  the 
PafTages  to  wliich  they  refer.  By  Charles  Mayo,  LL.  B.  4  vol. 
4to.     61.  6s.  boards. 

The  Hiftor)'  of  the  Spanifli  Invafion,  and  the  Armada  ftyled  Invin- 
<jjble.     Tranflated  from  the  Latin  of  Grotius.     6d. 

An  Account  of  the  Fall  of  the  RepubHc  of  Venice,  and  of  the  Cir- 
cumftances  attending  that  Event.  Tranflated  from  the  original  Italian. 
5  s.  fewed. 

Notes  of  the  TranfaiSions  in  the  Mahratta  Empire,  dated  Fort- 
Wiliiam,  15th  December  1803  ;  with  official  Documents.  Illuftrated 
with  Engravings  of  the  different  Actions.     410.   il.  is.  boards. 

The  Hiftory  and  Life  of  King  James  VI.  written  towards  the  latter 
part  of  the  i6th  century. — Printed  from  an  authentic  MS.  and  is  the 
genuine  publication  of  wiiat  Diiviu  Crar.ford  of  Drumfoy  inteTjx)lated 
and  publilhed  under  the  title  of  <  Meraoi;  3  of  the  Affairs  of  Scotland. ' 
8vo.    I  OS.  boards. 

The  Hiftory  of  Canada,  from  its  firft  DJfcovery  ;  comprehending  an 
Account  of  the  original  Eilabliinment  of  the  Colony  of  Louili'-ina.  By 
George  Herii^t,  Efq.     8vo.   12s.  boards. 

The  Hiffoiy  of  Athens,  ?cc.  5  including  a  Commentary  on  the  Prin> 
ciples,  Policy,  and  Praftice  of  Republican  Government ;  and  of  the 
Caufes  of  Elevation  and  of  Drchne  which  operate  in  every  free  and 
commercial  State.  By  Sir  William  Young,  Bart.  With  fine  Prints. 
Royal  8vo.    los.  boards. 

A  concife  Hiftory  of  the  Englifli  Colony" in  Ne%v  South  Wales,  from 
\\\e  landing  of  the  Governor  in  1788  to  May  1803  ;  defcribing  alfo 
the  Natives  :  With  Remarks  on  the  'i'rcatrncut  and  behaviour  of  the 
Gonvi6ts  Slid  Free  Settlers,  Sec,  &c.     8vo,   130  pages.     2s.  6d. 

TJie 


l804»  ^arterly  Lifi  of  New  Puhlications.  49'^ 

The  Chronicles  of  England,  France,  Spain,  and  other  countries  «i- 
joining.  By  Sir  John  Froiffart.  Newly  tranflated  from  the  bell  French 
Editions ;  with  Additions  from  many  celebrated  Manufcripts ;  by 
Thomas  Jones,  Efq.  M.  P.  lUuftratcd  by  a  number  of  Tracings  in 
Aquatinta,  from  Manufcripts  iu  the  Britifh  Miifeum  and  elfewhere. 
Vol.  I.  Royal  4to. — The  Work  will  be  comprifed  m  four  Volumes. 
The  fecond  Volume  is  in  forwardiiels. 

The  Hiflory  and  Antiquities  of  the  County  of  Surrey.  By  the  late 
Rev.  Owen  Manning,  S.  T.  B.  (With  a  Fac-fimile  Copy  of  Doomef. 
day,  engraved.)  Continued  to  the  preiVut  Time,  by  William  Bray,  Efq. 
Fellow  and  Treafurer  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  of  London.  Folio, 
Vol.  I.     4I.  4s.  fewed. 

An  Introduftion  to  a  General  HiHor)'  of  Ireland  ;  in  which  the 
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great  Confequence  of  the  Work  to  Hiilory  in  general,  and  to  the  Elu- 
cidation of  the  Greek  and  Roman  Accounts  of  the  Celtze  in  particu- 
lar, is  demonftrated.  By  S.  O'Halloran,  Efq.  M.  R.  I.  A.  &c.  11- 
luftrated  with  Plates.     3  vol.   8vo.    il.  lis.  6d.  boards. 

Volney's  View  of  the  Climate  and  Soil  of  the  United  States  of  North 
America.  To  which  are  annexed,  fome  Accounts  of  Florida,  the 
French  Colony  on  the  Scioto,  certain  Canadian  Colonies,  and  the  Sa- 
vages or  Natives.  Tranflated  from  the  French  of  C.  F.  Volney.  With 
Maps.     Large  8vo.   12s.  boards. 

LAW. 

Clarke's  New  LaWlL-ifl,  corre£ted  up  to  the  18th  of  April  1804. 
By  Samuel  Hill.     5s. 

A  Digefted  Index  to  the  Modem  Reports  of  the  Courts  of  Com- 
mon Law,  previous  to  the  commencement  of  the  Term  Reports ;  in- 
cluding W.  Blackftoiie,  Burrows,  Cowper,  Douglas,  Loft,  Lord  Ray- 
mond, Salkeld,  Strange,  Willis,  and  Wilfon.  By  John  Ilderton  Bum, 
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The  pradice  of  the  Commiflioners,  Colle<9:or8,  and  other  Officers, 
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Barrifter.     4s,  6d.  boards. 

The  Income  Aft  explained  ;  wherein  its  Intricacies  are  rendered  in- 
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The  important  Trial,  John  and  Geohge  Cowell  verfua  the  Treafurer 
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in  which  Mr  Garrow's  fpeech  is  given  verbatim,      if. 

Tlie  Trial,  A.  Wallace  and  Co.  veifus  the  Treafurer  of  the  Well 
India  Dock  Company,  relative  to  an  Order  prohibiting  Brokers  and 
Agents  from  following  their  accuftomcd  Bufmefs ;  with  Mr  Garrcw's 
Speech.      IS. 

The  Trial  at  large  of  William  Sparling,  Efq.  and  Sa:nuel  Martiti 
Col'^pitt,  Efq.  at  the  Afiizcs  held  i-x  Lancafter,  April  the  4th,  on  an 

I^diftme^t 


49"^^  ^iorierly  Lift  of  New  PuhlicationL  July 

Ird"6tTrtent  for  the  Murder  of^  Mr  Edward  iGrrayfon,  of  Liverpool,  in 
a  I>ucL     3s.  ■ 

Reportj  of  Cafes  deter^iined  in  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  in  Hil- 
ary Term,  44  Geo.  111.  1804.  By  Edward  Hyde  Eaft.  Vol.  IV. 
Part  in.     With  IndextS  completing  the  4th  Volume.     Bvo.  7s. 

MEDICAL. 

An  EfTay,  Medical,  Philofophical,  and  Chemical,  on  Drunkennefs, 
atid  its  Effeds  on  the  Human  Body.  By  Thomas  Trotter,  M.  D. 
Svo.     56.  boards. 

An  Improved  Method  of  treating  Stridlures  of  the  Urethra.  By 
Thomas  Whatley,  Surgeon,  5s. 

An  EfTay  on  Refpiration,  Parts  I.  and  II.  By  John  Bollock,  M.  D. 
6s.  boards. 

Pharmacopcela  Medici  Prafticne  Univerfaiis,  Siftens  Medicamenta 
Fraeparata  &  Compofita,  cum  eorum  ufu  &  dofibus.  Auftore  F.  Swec 
diaur,  M-  D.      2  vol.  i2mo.  6s.  fcwed. 

Obfervations  on  the  DifeaL-s  called  the  Plague,  the  Dyfentery,  the 
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on  the  Yellow  Fever  of  Cadiz  '  and  the  Defcription  end  Plan  of  an 
Hofpital  for  the  Reception  of  Patients  affl  dtd  with  epidemic  and  con- 
tagious Difeafes.  By  P.  Affahni,  M.  D.  one  of  the  chief  Surgeons 
of  the  Confular  Guards,  &c.  Tranflated  from  the  French,  by  Adam 
Neale,  Surgeon.     With  Plates.     4s.  boards. 

Outlines  of  a  Treatife  on  the  difordered  State  of  the  Lungs,  intend- 
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ment and  Prevention.      8vo.  5s. 

A  DifTertation  on  Arthritis  cr  Gout  ;  exhibiting  a  new  View  of  the 
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trated  by  original  and  communicated  Cafes.  By  Robert  Kinglakc, 
M.  D.     8vc. 

An  Enquiry  into  the  Rot  in  Sheep  and  other  Animals  ;  in  which  a 
Connexion  is  pointed  out  between  it  and  fome  obfcure  and  important 
Diforders  of  the   human  Conftitution.     By  Edward  Harrifon,  M.  D. 

29. 

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eafes ;  with  Obfervations  on  the  Nature  of  Fevers,  &c.  By  James 
Currie,  M.  D.  A  new  Edition,  very  confidcrably  enlarged.  2  vol. 
Svo. 

Obfervations  on  the  Caufe  and  Formation  of  Cancers.  By  Wm. 
Craddock  Bulh,  Surgeon,     is. 

Medical  Sketches  of  the  Expedition  to  Eygpt  from  India.  By 
James  M'Gregor,   A.  M.     Svo.      ys,  boards. 

Surgical  Obfervations  ;  containijjg  a  Claffihcatlon  of  Tumours,  with 
Cafes  to  illuftrate  the  Hiftory  of  each  Species  ;  an  Account  oF  Ijiu-afes 
which  ftriftly  refemble  the  Venereal  Difeafe,  and  various  cafes  lUuitra- 
tive  of  different  Surgical  Subjefts.  By  John  Aberpethy,  F.  R.  S, 
Svo.     €a  boards. 

Cafea 


l804.^  ^artevly  Lift  of  New  Pfihllcatmu  493 

Cafes  of  Small  Pox  fubfequent  to  Vaccination  ;  with  Fa£ls  and  Ob« 
fervationf!,  read  before  the  Medical  Society  at  Portfmouth,  in  March 
1804.      By  William  Goldfon.      is.  6d. 

The  Medical  and  Phyfical  Journal,  conduced  by  T.  Bradley,  M.  D.  j 
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Diftindtion  of  the  utmQil  Importance,  as  the  Latter  leaves  the  Body 
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Memoirs  on  Refpiration.  By  Lazarus  Spallsnzanl.  Edited  from 
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Obfervations  on  the  Treatment  of  Schirrhous  Tumours,  and'  Cancers 
of  the  Bread.      By  James  Nooth,   Surgeon,     3s. 

The  London  Difieftor  ;  or,  a  Compendium  of  Praftical  Anatomy  :^ 
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by  M.  Fanell,  M.  D.     2  vols.  8vo.      1  js;  boards. 

MISCELLANIES. 

4  The  Correfpondence  of  Samuel  Richardfon,  Author  of  Pamela, 
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fcripts  bequeathed  by  him  to  his  Family,  and  now  firft  publifhed  ;  to 
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America.  By  Charks  Lee  Lewis,  Comedian.  With  a  Portrait,  4?. 
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A  Refutation  of  the  Libel  on  the  Memory  of  the  late  King  of  France, 
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aatlity  were  betweeo  the  years  1780  and  1790,  when  Ireland  was  fup- 
pofed  to  have  arrived  at  its  higheft  Degree  of  Profperity.  By  Robert 
Bell,  LL.  B.     25. 

Tbe 


494.  ^arteriy  LiJ  of  New  Publications.  .  Jdlf 

The  Journal  of  Andrew  Elllcot,  Cotnniiflioner  on  Behalf  of  the  U- 
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marks on  the  Situation,  Soil.  Rivers,  Natural  Produftions,  and  Dif- 
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of  Mexico.     I Uuft rated  with  Maps.      il.  lis.  6d.      Boards. 

Tranfaftions  of  th6  Atrerican  Philofophlcal  Society.  Vol  IV. 
ll.  lis.  6d.     Vol.  V.    il.  IS. 

The  Royal  Kalcndar  ;  a  new,  correAed  Edition  ;  including  the  late 
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Obfervations  tending  to  expofe  the  Unfairnels  of  fomc  Cenfures  on 
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3<^-  ... 

Maxims   and    Opinions,  Moral,    Political,    and   Economical ;    with 

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Portrait  and  a  Fac-fimil(.'.     2  Vol.     Small  8vo.     los.  boards. 

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«)s.  boards. 

Letter^ 


l8a4«  ^iarterty  Ltjl  of  iWw  PubltcatiofiS.  49 j^ 

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The  Correfpondence  of  Mr  Drake  ;  to  which  are  prefixed,  the  Re^ 
port  of  the  Chief  Conful ;  with  an  Explanation  of  the  fictitious  Names 
mentioned  in  the  Letters,      is.  6d. 

Striftures  on  the  NecelTity  of  inviolably  maintaining  the  Navigation 
and  Colonial  Syilem  of  Great  Britain.      By  Lord  Sheffield.      2s.  6.d. 

Refleftions  proper  for  the  prefent  Times.      6d.  or  5s.  a  dozen. 

Fa£ls  and  Ilhiilrations  relative  to  the  Mifitary  Preparations  carried  on 
in  France,  between  the  Conclufion  of  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  and  the 
Commencement  of  the  prefent  War.  From  the  French  of  Sir  Francis 
D'lvernois.     8vo.     23.  6d. 

Ikemarks  addreffed  to  the  Country,  not  to  Parties,      i  s.  6d. 

Fafts  better  tlian  Arguments  ;  a  Letter  to  the  Right  Hon.  Wilham 
Wyndham.     By  a  Volunteer.     4s. 

Patriotifm  ;  or,  the  Love  of  our  Country.  Illultrated  by  Examples 
from  Ancient  and  Modern  Hiflory.  By  William  Frend,  Efq.  Svo. 
?s.  boards. 

Reflexions  on  the  Subjeft  of  Mr  Pitt's  New  Adminiftration. 

Letter  to  Lord  Archibald  Hamilton  on  the  occafion  of  liis  late 
Pamphlet,  in  which  the  fatal  Confequences  of  the  King's  Melancholy 
State  of  Health  are  particularly  confidered.      8vo.      i  s.  6d. 

POLITICAL    ECONOMY. 

An  Inquiry  into  the  real  Difference  between  AAual  Money,  coufiil- 
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alfo,  an  Examination  into  the  Conflitutlons  of  Banks,  and  the  Inipof- 
fibility  of  their  combining  the  two  Charafters.  of  Bank  and  Exche<;uer, 
By  Magens  D.  Magens,  Efq. 

Striftures  on  the  Second  Report  of  the  CommifQoncrs  of  Naval  En- 
quiry under  the  Abufe  Aft,  relative  to  Chatham 'Cbell.  By  an  old 
G-overnof  of  that  IniUtution.     2s. 

Ii3  A 


JJSZ  ^a^rterly  Lijl  of  Neiv  Puhlifatiotis.  July 

An  Inquiry  into  the  Depreciation  of  Iriih  Bank  Pdper,  its  EfFefts 
and  Caufes  ;  and  Kennedy  propofed..      is. 

An  Account  of  tlie  Ladits'  Society  for  the  Education  and  Employ- 
merit  of  the  Female  Poor.      6d. 

A  Letter  to  the  Right  H'>n.  Lord  Pclham,  on  the  State  of  Mendi. 
city  in  the  MetropoHs.      By  Matihew  Martii),  Efq.      is.  6d. 

Letters  addreffef'  to  a  Nibble  Lord,  on  the  Man'jfa£lur£s,  Agricul- 
ture, and  apparent  Profpciity  of  Scotland  ;  with  Srrifturcs  on  the  Spe- 
ciiin'ions,  Morale,  and  Manners,  of  the  Nineteenth  Century.      is.  6d. 

D--ruUory  Obfervations  on  the  A£l  of  the  laft  Sclfion  of  Parliament, 
for  granting  a  Contribution  on  the  Profits  arifing  frotn  Property,  Pro» 
ftfiions,  Trade,  ai'd  Offices.     Addreflcd  to  the  Landed  Inteveil.    js.  6d. 

On  the  Landed  Pr  perty  of  England  ;  an  elementary  and  praftical 
Treatife  :  contaiping  the  Parchafc,  the  Improvement,  and  the  Manage- 
ment of  Landed  Eftates.      By  Mr  Marlhall.    410.     }\.  I  Is.  6d.   boards. 

A  View  of  the  prcftnt  State  of  the  Queilion  regarding  the  Aboli- 
tion of  the  Slave  Trade.  Thir.l  Edition.  With  an  Appendix,  con- 
taiiung  a  Statement  of  the  Qneftion  of  gradual  and  immediate  Aboli- 
tion •,  and  ExtraAs  from  the  Writings  of  Authors  who  have  defended 
the  Slave  Trade.     3s.     The  Appendix  feparately,    is. 

Pjrnel's  Obfervations  on  the  Currency  of  Ireland,  and  upon  the 
Courfe  of  Exchange  betv/een  London  and  Dublin.  A  new  Edition, 
With  an  additional  Appendix,  containing  the  Subllance  of  the  Evi- 
dence given  before  the  Committee  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons.      2S. 

An  Inquiry  into  th.e  prefent  C'>ndition  of  the  Navy  of  Great  Bri- 
tain and  its  Refources  ;  v\ith  Suggcflions  calculated  to  remedy  Evils, 
the  Exitlence  of  which  is  made  apparent.      is.  6d. 

PHlLOSOPHy,. 

The  Second  Volume  of  the  Abridgment  of  the  Philofophical  Tranf-« 
actions.      2I.  2s.     boards. 

Elements  of  Natural  Philofophy  ;  explaining  the  Laws  and  Princi- 
ples of  Attrattioii,  Gravitation,  Mechanics,  Pneumatics,  Hydroftatics, 
Hydraulics,  Ele6tricity,  and  Optics  :  with  a  general  View  of  the  Solar 
Syftem,  adapted  to  piiblic  and  private  luilrnftion  ;  illultrated  with 
Diagrams.      By  John  Webfter.      8vo.      6s.     boards. 

An  Experimental  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Propagation  of  Heat. 
By  John  Lefiie.      Illuitrated  with  Plates.      8vo,      78.  6d. 

An  Effay  on  the  Modification  of  Clouds,  and  on  the  Principles  of 
their  Produdlion,  Sufpenlion,  and  Deftruclion,  B/  Luke  Howard. 
Read  before  the  Aflcefian  Society  in  the  S.fiion  1802-3,  and  publilhcd 
by  Direction  of  the  Society,     8vo.     2-.  6d. 

RURAL   IMP«.OVfcMEhT. 

Hints  for  Pi<Surefque  Improvements  in  ornamented  Cptt^ges,  and 
their  Scenery  ;  inchiding  Obfervations  on  tlie  Labourer  and  his  Cot- 
tage. By  Edmund  Bartlett,  Jun.  llluilrated  with  Plates.  Bvo. 
I  OS.  6d.      boardi. 

THEOLOGY. 

A  I)jfcourre  011  the  Duties  which  Biitcus  owe,  efpecially  in  the  pre- 


1804.  ^iai-ierly  Lffi  of  New  Piihlications.  503 

fcnt  eventful  Criiis,  to  themfelves,  their  Ki'n^  and  their  Country,  par- 
ticularly addiefTed  to  the  Caftor,  Alfworth,  Upton,  and  Sutton  Loyal 
Volunteer  Infantry,  on  their  tirft  Appearance  at  Church.  By  the  Rev. 
C.  Hodgfon,   LL.B.  '  IS. 

A  Sermon  delivered  previous  to  the  Piefeiitation  of  Colours  to  the 
Wakham  Abbey  Volunteers.      Bv  John  Mullens,  A.  M.     4to.     is.  6d. 

Rtfltftions  upon  the  Chapters  of  the  New  Teftament,  fele<^ed  from 
the  Writings  of  approved  Divines  of  the  Church  of  England.  i2mo. 
49.  6d.      boards. 

Sermon  on  the  Deatli  of  Dr  Prieftley,  preached  at  Leeds,  by  W. 
Wood,  F.  L.  S.      IS.  6d. 

Sermons,  by  the  Rev.  Dr  Martin,  Monimail.      8vo.      ys.  6d.   boards. 

The  Unhappy  EffcAs  of  Enthufiafm  and  Superftition,  a  Sermon, 
preached  May  23.  1S04,  ^'^  ^^'^  Annual  Meeting,  Deptford,  by  John 
Evans,  A.  M,      IS. 

A  Guide  to  the  Church,  in  feveral  Difcourfes ;  to  which  are  added, 
two  Poltfcripts  ;  the  fit  ft,  to  thofe  Members  of  the  Church  ■*f\\o  occa- 
fionally  frequent  other  Places  of  Worfhip  ;  the  fecond,  to  the  Clergy  ; 
with  an  Appendix,  in  which  the  Principles  advanced  in  the  Guide  are 
more  fully  maintained,  in  Anfwer  to  Objections.  By' the  Rev.  Charles 
Daubeny,      2  vol.      8vo. 

Sermons,  delivered  to  the  Congregation  of  Proteftant  Diflenters  at 
Call-Lane  Chapel,   Leeds.      By  Jofeph  Bowden.      8vo,      7s.  6d. 

An  Illultration  of  the  Morning  Service  of  the  Church  of  England  ; 
fliewing  not  only  the  Ufe  and  Defign  of  its  various  Parts,  and  the  great 
Propriety  with  which  they  arc  arranged  ;  but  alfo  the  Neceffity  of  of- 
fering our  Devotions  with  the  Worlhip  of  the  Heart,  no  lefs  than  witU 
the  Service  of  the  Lip.      l2mo.      3s.      boards. 

A  Sermon  delivered  to  the  Waltham  Abbey  Volunteers  on  the  Pre- 
fentation  of  their  Colours,  by  the  Rev    S.  Mullen,   A.  M.  4to.    is.  6d. 

A  Courfe  of  Leftures  on  the  Evidence  and  Nature  of  Chriftianity, 
delivered  at  the  New  Meeting-Houfe,  Great  Yarmouth.  By  W.  Wal- 
ford.      8vo.     7s.  6d.     boards. 

Britain's  Echo  !  or,  the  King's  Prayer  and  the  Subjeft's  Amen  ;  a 
Sermon,  preached  May  25.  1804,  by  George  Phillips,  Paftor  of  the 
Baptill  Church,      is. 

The  Sacred  Tree.      By  John  Bentley.      i2mo.      24  pages.      6d. 

The   Royal  Penitent,  a  facred  Drama.      By  John  Bentley.      is. 

Leftures  on  that  Part  of  the  Liturgy  of  the  Church  of  England, 
contained  in  the  Morning  Prayer.  By  Thomas  Rogers,  M.  A.  2  vol. 
Svo.      i2s.     boards. 

Three  Sermons  on  the  Lord's  Prayer  ;  in  which  is  fet  forth  that  this 
Divine  Prayer  contains,  a  Summary  of  the  Commandments,  the  FuU- 
nefs  of  the  Prophecies,  and  the  perftft  Form  of  our  Woriliip  in  one 
only  God,  manifefted  in  the  Mefiiah.      is.  6d. 

A  Sermon  preached  at  the  Anniverfary  of  the  Royal  Humane  So- 
ciety, April  I  J.  1804,  by  the  Bilhop  of  St  David's  ;  to  which  is  add- 

114  cdg 


504  ^mrterly  LiJ  of  New  Publications.  *     July 

ed,  an  Appendix  of  Mifcellaneous  Obfervations  on  Rcfufcltation,  by 
the  Society.     8vo. 

Thoughts  on  the  Calviniftic  and  Armenian  Qbntroverfy.  By  Ceo, 
Stanley  Faber,   B.  D.      8vo.      is.  6d. 

Tlie  Charafter  of  the  Chriflian  Teacher  delineated,  and  the  Means 
of  forming  it  reprefented,  in  a  Difcourfe  delivered  at  Hackney,  Jan.  R. 
3804,  for  the  Benefit  of  the  Academical  Inttitulion  at  Exeter.  By 
Thomas  Belfham.      is. 

The  Trial  of  the  Spirits  ;  a  feafonaWe  Caution  againU  Spiritual  De- 
lufion  :   in  three  Diicourfes.      By  the  Rev,  Chailes  Daubcny.      t:s. 

Sermons  on  fcveral  Subjefts  and  Occdllons.  By  George  Vanburgh, 
X.L.D.      8vo.      1  So  pages. 

Regular  Attendance  at  Church  the  pofitive  Duty  of  a  Chrillian  ;  or, 
the  Sin  and  Danger  of  neglcAIng  the  Public  WoHhip  of  God  ;  a  New 
Year's  Gift  for  the  Parifli.      8vo. 

Sermons  defigned  to  elucidate  fome  of  the  leading  Doftrince  of  the 
Gofpel.     By  the  Re%'.  Edward  Cooper.      5s.     boards. 

A  Sermon  on  the  Death  of  the  Rev.  Jofeph  Priellley.  By  John 
Difney,  D.  D.     is. 

A  Sermon  on  the  fame  Occafion.     By  the  Rev,  J.  Edwavds.     is.  6d, 

Realons  for  fcparating  from  the  Church  of  Scotland.  By  William 
Innes,  Minifter  of  the  Gofpel,   Dundee.      is.  6d. 

A  Word  to  the  Wife,  and  a  Hint  to  the  Unthinking.  3d.  or  is.  6d. 
per  dozen. 

The  moft  important  Truths  and  Duties  of  Chriftlanity  fiated.      2d. 

A  Difcourfe  delivered  at  Huckncy,  on  Occafion  of  the  Death  of  Dr 
Prieftley  ;  to  which  are  annexed  a  Brief  Memoir  of  Dr  PrieiHey's  Life 
and  Writings  ;  and  a  Letter  from  his  Son,  containing  the  Particulars 
of  iiis  laft  llhiefs.      By  Thomas  Bellham.      2S. 

The  Duty  of  the  Relations  of  thofe  who  are  in  dangerous  ilhiefs  ; 
and  the  Hazard  of  hally  Interments  }  a  Sermon  preached  at  LancalUr, 
Jaiv  1803.      By  the  Rev.  S.  Girle.     6d.  or  js.  per  dozen. 

A  Sertnon  prtnched  before  the  Society  for  the  Supprefiion  of  Vice, 
at  St  George's,  Hanover-Square,  May  1804,  by  the  Billiop  of  Llan- 
daff.      IS. 

The  Providence  of  God,  a  Norifian  Pri/.e  Effay.  By  James  George, 
Durham.     2S. 

A  Sermon  preached  before  the  Judges  of  Affize,  at  Kingftun  on 
Thames,  2 ill  March  1804.  By  the  Rev.  John  Barwis,  A.M.  410. 
i  7  pagei>. 

Practical  Difcourfes.  By  the  Rtv.  R.  Warner,  z  vol.  8vo.  149. 
boards. 

Chrlftian  Theology  ;  or,  an  Int^uiry  into  the  Nature  arid  general 
Cl.arafter  of  Revelation.      By  the    Rev.  Richard   Lloyd,  A.  I*L      Svc. 

An  Antidote  to  Infidelity  oppofed- to  the  Anticbriflian  Striaures 
of  Mr  Gibbon  ;  containing  Expofitions  on. the.  Prophecies  of  ow:  Sa- 
viour, in   Matthev/  24.   Maik  i'3»  L'jke  21.     Witli   other   interelting 

P'fqui  fit  ions 


l8o4.  ^tarterly  Lijl  of  Ni'-iu  Publfcat'iom^  '505 

Difqulfiuons  to  fimllar  EfFedl ;  with  fome  few  original  Remarks.  43. 
boards. 

Sermons  on  the  Evils  that  are  in  the  World,  and  on  various  other 
Topics,  from  the  German  of  the  Rev.  G.  J.  Yollikofer.  By  the  Rev. 
William  Tooke,   F.  R.  S.      2  vol.   8vo.      il.  is.     boards, 

*^*  The  concurrent  tcftimony  of  all  the  periodical  journals,  both 
at  hojne  and  abroad,  in  favour  of  the  fcrmons  and  devotions  of  this  ce- 
lebrated divine,  not  only  on  account  of  the  unafTefted  and  captivating 
ilrain  of  eloquence  in  which  they  fiow,  but  for  the  benign  and  truly 
evangelical  ipirit  with  vvhicii  they  are  animated,  is  fufficientiy  known. 
That  they  breatlie  the  pure  and  genuine  fpirit  of  Chriitianity,  and  ex- 
hibit religion  to  our  view  in  a  form  the  moll  animated  and  alluring,  is 
indeed  their  peculiar  praife,  as  thoufands  can  happily  tcftify,  from  their 
(iwn  experience  of  the  cheerful  and  placid  influence  they  have  had  upon 
their  heart  and  life. 

The  Authenticity,  Uncorrupted  Prefervation,  and  Credibility  of  the 
New  Teftament.  By  Godfrey  Lcfs,  late  Profeffor  in  the  Univerfity  o? 
Gottlngen,  &c.  Tranllated  from  the  laft  Edition  of  ihe  German,  by 
Roger  Kingdon,  A.  M.  of  St  John's  College,  Cambridge.  8vo.  7s. 
boards. 

Sermons,  by  the  Rev.  C.  P.  Layard,  D.  D.  F.  R.  S.  and  F.  A.  S., 
late  Dean  of  Britlol.     8vo.      12s.     boards. 

Firil  Principles  of  Chriftian  Knowledge  ;  confifling  of,  i.  An  Ex- 
planation of  the  more  difficult  Terms  and  D»<ftrines  of  the  Church  Ca- 
techifm  and  Office  of  Confirmation  ; — and,  2.  The  Apoftles  and  Ni- 
cene  Creeds  exemplified  and  proved  from  the  Scriptures.  To  which  is 
prefixed,  an  IntroduAion  on  the  Duty  of  conforming  to  the  Ellabliihed 
Church,  as  good  Subjects  and  good  Chriftians.  By  the  Right  Rev. 
Thojcnas  Eurgcfs,  D.  D.  Biihop  of  St  David's,      ixmo.     js.  6d. 

TOPOGRAPHY. 

A  general  Itinerary  of  England  and  Wales,  and  Part  of  Scotland  ; 
comprifing  the  Direct  and  Crofs  Roads,  from  aftual  Admeafurement ; 
with  the  Population  of  every  Market-town,  and  Notices  of  Noblemen's 
and  Gentlemen's  Seats,  &c.  &c.  On  a  new  Plan,  The  Whole  com- 
piled by  David  Ogilvy,  jun.      ys.  6d.     boards. 

The  Scenery,  Antiquities,  and  Biography  of  South  Wales,  from 
Materials  colle6ied  during  Excurfions  in  the  year  1803.  By  Benjamin 
Heath  Malkin,  M.  A.  F.  S.  A.  lUuilrated  with  Vietvs,  &c.  4to. 
2I.  I  2s.  6d.     boards. 

Seleci  Views  of  Londofi  and  its  Environs,  cHgraved  by  Storer  and 
Greig ;  with  copious  Defcriptions.  Part  1.  of  Volume  I.  4to, 
xh  I  IS.  6d. 

The  Scarborough  Tour,  in  iSo^.  By  William  Hutton,  Efq. 
F.  A.  S.  S.  ;  containing  a  Defcrlption  of  York  and  Scarborough  ;  with 
Remarks  on  other  Places.      8vo.      6s. 

The  Antiquities  of  the  Inns  of  Court  and  Chancery  ;  containing 
Hilforical  and  Defcriptiwe  Sketches,  rebcive  to  their  original  Founda- 
rioiij  Cufloms,  &c.  ;  with  an   Introdudtion.     By  W.  Herbert.     lHuf- 

trated 


^6  ^/arierly  Lift  of  Neiv  Publkations.  July 

tsrated  witfi  Views.    4to.     With  fiift  Imprcffions.    2I.  2S.    8vo.    il.  js. 
boards. 

Patcrfon's  Roads.      In  a  Pocket  Size.     5s.  6d.     fewed. 

The  New  Cambridge  Guide,  for  1804.      2s.  6d. 

TRAVELS. 

A  Sporting  Tour  through  the  Northern  Parts  of  England,  and  great 
part  of  the  Highlands  of  Scotland  ;  including  Remarks  on  Englifh 
and  Scotifh  Landi'cape  ;  and  General  Obfervations  on  the  State  of  So- 
ciety and  Manners.  By  Colonel  Tliornton.  410.  Illuftratcd  with 
Plates,     il.  15s.     boards. 

A  Tour  through  the  Britifh  Wefl  Indies,  in  the  Years  1802  and 
1803  ;  giving  a  particular  Account  of  the  Bahama  Iflands.  By  Da- 
niel M'Kinnen,   Efq.      8vo. 

Travels  in  China  ;  containing  Defcriptions,  Comparifons,  &c.  made 
and  colledled  in  the  Courfe  of  a  fhort  Refidence  at  the  Palace  of  Yuen- 
rnin-yuen,  and  on  a  fubfequent  Journey  through  the  Country  from  Pe- 
Icin  to  Caiiton  ;  in  which  it  is  attempted  to  appreciate  the  Rank  which 
this  extraordinary  Empire  may  be  confidered  to  hold  in  the  Scale  of  ci- 
vilized Nations.  By  John  Barrow,  Efq.  late  private  Secretary  to  the 
Earl  or  Macartney,  and  one  of  his  Suite  as  A  'baflador  from  Great 
Britain  to  the  Emperor  of  China.      4to.      Ilhiftraied  with  Plates. 

Letters  written  during  a  Tour  through  bouth  Wales,  in  the  Year 
1803  ;  containing  Vifv;  of  the  Hiftory,  Cuftoms,  S:c.  of  that  Part  of 
the  Principality  ;  with  Obfervations  on  its  Scenery,  Agriculture,  Trade, 
&c.     By  the  Kev.  J.  Evit;,s.     8vo.     8s.      boards. 

Obfervations  on  a  Tour  maae  in  the  Simimer  of  1803,  to  the  Weft- 
efn  Highlands  of  ScoUand,  intetfperfed  with  original  Pieces  of  Dcfcrip- 
tive  and  Epiilolary  Poetry.      i2mo.      4s.   boards. 

Travels  in  Switzerland.  Tranflated  from  the  French  of  E.  F.  Lan- 
tier,  by  Frederick  Shobcrt.  6  vol.  izmo.  il  4s.  boards;  »r  with 
folio  plates,  4I.  4s. 

North  Wales  ;  including  its  Scenery,  Antiquities,  Cuftoms,  and  fomc 
Sketches  of  its  Natural  Hiftory  ;  delineated  from  two  excurfjons  through 
all  the  interefting  Parts  of  that  Country,  during  the  Summers  of  1798 
and  1801.  By  the  Rev.  W.  Bingley,  A.  M.  lliullrated  with  a  Map, 
Frontifpiece  and  Mufic.     2  vol.     8vo.      il.  is.  boards. 

SURVEYING. 

The  Elements  and  Practice  of  Menfuration  and  Land-Surveying  ; 
with  an  Appendix  containing  Rules  for  meafuring  Hay-ftacks,  Marl- 
pit.s,  and  Canals  ;  with  numerous  Figures  and  Copperplates.  By  Jofeph 
Becket.     8vo.     8s.  boards. 

VETERINARY. 

An  Addrefs  to  Yeomanry  Cavalry,  lefpcfting  the  Management  of 
their  Horfes  j,  pointing  out  the  Accident?  and  Difeafes  that  are  likely 
to  happen  in  the  Field,  and  the  moft  efftdual  Means  for  recovering 
them  :  together  with  Direftions  for  Shoeing,  and  practical  Obferva- 
tions on  the  Prevention  and  Cure  of  Lament^.  By  James  White,  Ve- 
terinary burgeon.     23.  6d. 

•  A 


1804.  ^larterly  Li/l  of  New  Publtcations.  50-7 

A  complete  Syftem  of  Veterinary  Meciicine.  By  James  White. 
Vol.  II.  containing  the  Materia  Mtdica  and  Pharmaccpceia.  i2mo. 
5  s.  boards. 

VOYAGES. 

The  Narrative  of  a  Voyage  of  Discovery,  performed  In  the  Lady 
Nelfon,  in  ^he  Years  i8co-i  and  2,  to  Mew  South  Wales.  By  Janes 
Grant,  Lieutenant  in  the  Rryal  Nuvy  ;  Including  Remarks  on  the  Cape 
de  Verd  Iflands,  Cape  o*"  G  )od  Hope,  the  hithert"  unknown  Parts  of 
New  Holland,  diTcovtred  by  hiu-  in  his  Paffa<re  throuoih  the  Sireights, 
feparating  that  Ifland  from  the  Land  difcovered  by  Van  Diemen  ;  to- 
gether with  Obfervations  on  the  Soil,  Natural  Prodnftions,  &c.  of  New 
South  Wales;  and  an  Account  of  the  prefent  State  of  the  Falkland 
Iflands ;  to  which  is  prefixed,  an  Account  of  the  Origin  of  Sliding 
Keels,  and  the  Advantages  refultinu',  from  their  Ufe.  4to.  il.  is. 
boards. 

A  Voyage  of  Difcovery  to  the  North  Pacific  Ocean  ;  in  which  the 
Coaft  of  Afia,  from  the  Latitude  of  35  to  52  Deg.  North,  the  Ifland 
of  Infu"  (or  Land  of  Jeflb),  the  North,  South,  and  Eafl  Coafts  of  Ja- 
pan, Lieuchieux,  and  the  adjacent  Ifles,  as  well  as  the  Coaft  of  Cofea, 
have  been  examined  and  furveycd.  Performed  In  the  Sloop  Providence, 
in  the  Years  1795-6-7  and  8.  By  Captain  Robert  Broughton.  With 
Charts  and  other  Engravings.     4ro.     1I.  5s.  boards. 


mDEX 


INDEX. 


A 

/^Jr'ica^  fuperior  civilization  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  interior  parts  of, 

America,  probable  confequences  of  her  attaininp^  pofiefllon^of  St  Domingo, 
54 — magnitude  of  the  private  trade  of,  with  India,  309. 

Antigua,  (ketch  of  the  landfcape  in,  420. 

Arthur,  Vroki^ov,  fome  account  of  his  parentage,  &c.  169 — pecuh'arity 
in  his  charafter,  170 — fubjefts  treated  of  in  his  difcourfes,  171 — 
inference  drawn  from  the  marks  of  defign  in  the  univerfe  placed  by 
him  on  its  true  foundation,  ib. — Goodnefs  of  the  Deity  defended,  172 
■ — communication  of  happinefs  not  the  fole  principle  of  aftion  in  the 
Divine  Mind,  175 — remarks  on  a  future  ftate,  174 — Varieties  in  the 
fentimeuts.  excited  by  inanimate  objefts,  175 — little  variety  among 
men  in  their  fentiments  concerning  beauty  and  fublimity,  ib. — illuf- 
trated  in  the  external  objefta  which  occalion  the  fenfation  of  beauty, 
ib. — Illuftrated  in  the  verdure  of  nature,  ib. — obfervations  on  the 
alleged  influence  of  cuftom  in  matters  of  tafte,  177. 

Auchlnleck  manufcript,  account  of,  438. 

B 

Bahel.,  curious  difcovery  with  regard  to,   389, 

Bahama  iflands,  account  of  the  wreckers  in,  421 — treatment  of  th"!; 
negroes,  426. 

Baroloosy  an  African  tribe,  account  of,  447. 

Btauty,  what  the  circumftances  in  external  objefts  which  occafion  the 
fenfation  of,    i  75 — illuftrated  in  the  verdure  of  nature,  ib. 

Benares,  account  of  a  zemiudary  in    the   neighbourhood  of,  322. 

Bitigal,  ftate  of  the  pedantry,  &c.  in,  324. 

Bentharn's  treatile  on  legiflatiun,  &c.  Angularity  attending  the  publica- 
tion of,  1 — general  character  of  ihe  author's  former  works,  ib. — plan 
of  the  prefent  performance,  3 — divifiou  of  the  fubjeft,  ib. — what 
the  principle  on  which  his  fyitem  depends,  4— enumeration  o£  the 
pleafures  of  which  man  is  lufceptible,  5 — in  what  ways  pain  may  be 
attached  to  particular  actions,  6 — upon  what  the  value  of  a  pleafui?ft 
or  pain  depends,  ib. — catalogue  of  circumftances  by  which  the  fer.- 
fibility  is  affeftcd,  ib. — claffification  of  evils,  7 — inquiry  into-  thp 
difference  between  the  principles  of  legiOation  and  morality,  8 — falle 
principles  that  have  been  permitted  to  interfere  with  the  ftridl  notions 
of  utility,  9 — examination  of  Mr  Bentham'8  fyfttm,   10. 

Bonaparte,  Mr  Holcroft's  character  of,  95. 

Becjhooanas,  a  tribe  of  KafFers,  fome  particulars  refpefting,  446-— d^ 
icriptiea  of  fchcir  hgufes,  ib.— ^^-ite  ?f  feciety  arcocg,  ju.- 


5l5  INDEX. 

Boulevards,  piAure  of  the,  pi. 

Britcwi^  Druidifm  foppofed  to  have  originated  in,   394.. 

Brown's,  Dr,  fermftns,- 1 90 — -charafter  vvhich'a  Chrhlian  preacher  (hould 
endeavour  to  maintain,  191 — religion  favourable  to  the  enjoyment  of 
life,  193 — interells  of  the  Society  for  Relief  of  the  Sick  Poor  re- 
commended, 19J — general  reniarks  on  the  divifion,  ftyle,  &c.  of  thefe 
difcourfes,    196. 

C 

C^i?r-Wri6,"  wonderful  effefts  of  an  excaratiort  in,   398, 

Cape  of  Good   Hope,  importance  of  to  Britain,  from  it8  central  fitua- 

^     ti;on,   448 — as  a  naval   Ration,  ^^2 — as  furnidiing  taluable   articles 

for   confumption    and   exportation^  4J3 — as  a  territorial  acquifition, 

455 — method  fuggeftcd  of  iniproving  the  neighbouring  country,  456. 

Capital,  definition  of,   365. 

Carew,  fpecimen  from,  of  the  amatory  ftyle  of  the  reign  of  Chafks  I.  163. 

Cc'Uic  underitanding,  Pmkerton'g  defmition  of,  386. 

Chcvnouny,  curious  phenomenon  in  the  Glaciers  of,  4r5. 

Charity  recommended,    195. 

Ckalham,  letters  of  the  Eirl  of,  377 — what  the  public  ought  to  expeA 
from  n  work  of  this  kind,  378 — introduftory  remarks  by  Lord 
Grenville,  379 — obfervations  on  the  charafter  and  condudl  of  Cla- 
rendon, 380 — lludy  of  the  clalTics  recommended,  382 — deicriptioH 
of  good  nianners,^  383 — piety  recommended,  ^85. 

Chalfertoti,  Thomas,  works  of,  214 — caufe  of  the  delay  of  the  publica- 
tion, 215 — fpecimen  of  the.  author's  early  talent*  for  verfification, 
216 — remarks  on  his  life,  prefixed  by  Dr  Gregory,  217 — to  what 
the  inconfilkncies  of  Chaiterton's  charafter  and  conduft  may  be  a- 
fcribed,  218— divifion  of  his  poems,  219 — -thofe  afcribed  by  him  to 
Rowley  fuperior  to  his  own  avowed  performances,  ib. — inferiority  of 
the  latter  accounted  for,  220 — initances  of  his  ftrange  rage  for  lite- 
rary impolture,  234 — fubjefts  of  his  avowed  poems,  226 — of  his 
profe  pieces,  227 — curious  milbkcs  he  has  committed  iu  his  forge- 
ries, 228 — reflcftions  on  his  unhappy  fate,   230. 

Chineje,  plan  for  improving  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  by  the  introduc- 
tion of,  456. 

Chriftianity,  importance  of  the  doftrines  peculiar  to,    192. 

Circumjlances  in  external  objefts  which  occafion  the  fenfation  of  beauty^ 
17,5 — illuftratcd  in  the  verdure  of  nature,  ib. 

Clarendon,  Lord,  obfervations  on  the  charafter  and  conduft  of,   380. 

Claffics,  ftudy  of  recommended,   382. 

Company,  Eaft  India,  rapid  increale  of  their  debt,  312 — decreafe  of 
their  fales,  ib. — extent  and  population  of  their  poffcfiions,  324 — ■ 
number  of  their  fervants,  &:c.   327. 

Courage,  how  it  may  be  acquired,   114. 

CozLper,  life  and  pollhumous  writings  of,  273 — remarks  on  public 
fchools,  275 — examination  of  Dr  Paley's  argument  in  favour  of  the 
Englilh  hierarchy,   276 — account   of  an  ek-ftion  vifity  ib- — death  of 

Captai.^. 


I'SQt't,  511 

Csplain  Cook  fuppofed  to  be  a  divine  judp;ment,   281— extraft  from 
a  poem  addrefled  to  an  ancient  and  decayed  oak,   283. 

Ciificm,  obfervattons  upon  the  alleged  influence  of,  in  matters  of  tafte,  X77. 

D 

Darwin,  Dr,  Mifs  . Seward's  memoirs  of  the  life  of,  230 — matter  and 
arrangement  of,  231 — of  the  charafter  and  manners  of  the  doflor, 
2:52 — pccident  he  met  with,  234 — philofuphical  obfervation  on,  by 
Mifs  Seward,  ib. — commences  his  Zoonomia,  235 — forms  a  botani- 
cal foclety,  ib. — purchafes  a  rural  retreat  near  Litchfield,  237 — in 
what  the  originality  of  manner  of  his  poetry  is  fuppofed  to  confift, 
238 — that  manYier  anticipated  by  a  much  earlier  writer,   239. 

Dmis,  Mr,  Ills  Celtic  refearches,  386- — remarks  on  the  clafs  of  writers 
to  which  he  belongs,  ib. — geographical  knowledge  of  Noah  detailed, 
389 — curious  difcovery  with  regard  to  Babel,  ib. — commentary  on  a 
pafTage  of  VirgiL  390 — probability  of  Stonehenge,  &c.  being  druidi- 
cal  monuments  confidered,  391 — theory  of  the  formation  of  lan- 
guage,  398 — origin  of  the  primitive  names,   399. 

Deity,  goodnefs  of,  defended,  172 — communication  of  happinefs  npt 
his  only  principle  of  atlion,    173. 

Dolomieu  his  mode  of  explaining  the  fufion  of  lavas,  36 — high  value  of 
his  writings.  2S4  —  unmerited  fufferings  he  underwent,  285 — his 
death,  ib. — fome  account  of  his  biographer,  286 — of  the  philofo- 
phy  of  mineralogy,  288 — definition  of  mineralogy,  practical  and 
philofuphical,  289 — to  what  the  attention  of  raineralogifts  has  been 
chiefly  directed,  ib. — fources  of  the  confufion  that  prevails  in  that 
fcience,   290. 

Druidifm  aflerted  to  be  of  Phoenician  origin,  391 — faid  to  be  taught 
the  Gauls  by  Pythagoras,  392 — afkrted  with  more  probability  to 
have  originated  in  Britain,  394 — confined  to  fome  parts  only  of  that 
ifland,  39^ — general  boundaries  of,  fixed,  395 — 'nature  of  the  places 
in  which  its  ceremonies  were  performed,  ib. 

Dutchman,  charafter  of,  by  Mr  HijJcroft,  8'7. 

Dumifn'il,  explanation  by,  of  the  difference  between  the  word  blandus 
and  its  fvno-iymes,  469. 

E 

£cli[ervirt/},  Mifs,  her  popular  tales,  laudable  deflgn,  &c.  of,  329 — 
dangers  of  procraftinafion  exemplified,  331 — general  efllmate  of  the 
work,  337.^ 

Eratojlhems,   lie%'e  of,  reinvented  by  Dr  Horfley,  270. 

Euclid,  works  of,  not  a  fubjccl  for  modern  cricicifm,  258— account  of 
Dr  Horfley's  edition  of,  239 — of  his  execution  of  that  work,  262. 

JEvils,  Mr  Bentham's  clafiilication  of,  7. 

F 

Fiiir,  Dutch,  account  of,  87. 

F'ljljerraan.,   fingular  a.jccdote  of,  422. 

France,  unmenfe  natural  refources  of,  48 — remarks  on,  49 — confe- 
quences  piognoflicatfd  ft-,  ,  the  revoh  licn  in,  50 — military  refources, 
?5 — inquiry  into  the  line  of  condudl  which  fhe  will  probably  purfue 

towarda 


5J2  ll«iDEX» 

towards  Ruflia  and  England,  57 — confeqnences  of  an  alliance  Lr- 
tween  France  and  Riiffia,  61 — plan  of  defence  which  onght  to  b" 
adopted  by  Britain  againft,   62. 

French,  obfervations  on  the  prefent  coflume  of  the,  90. 

G 

Georgii's  of  Virgil,  Sotheby's  tranflatinn  of,  296 — a  woik  of  ereat  merit, 
296 — has  a  tfndtncy  towardr.  the  Darwinian  manner  of  writing,  297. 

Glackrs  of  Cbamouiiy,  curious  jihenomenon  obferved  in,  41  j — explaiia^- 
tion  of,  by  Count  Rumford,  416 — objections  to,  ib. 

Good-li\ed'ing,  defcription  of,  ^'t^T,. 

Goivcr,  Dan.  chaiadier  of  his  Coiifcfiio  Amantis,  156. 

Grannnarian,  good,  character  of  a,  462. 

Grenville,  Lord,  introduAory  rtmaiks  on  Lord  Chatham's  letters  to 
his  nephew,  by,  379. 

Grows,  indifpeni'ably  nectfiary  to  the  performance  of  the  rites  of  Dni- 
idifm,  397. 

H 

Happhiffs,  communlcaticn  cf,  not  the  fole  principle  of  action"  in  the  di- 
vine mind,  1  75. 

Heat,  great  effect  of  polifiied  fubHances  in  redtcling,  408 — pra£llcal  re- 
marks on  the  nature  of,  414. 

Herring  fi/hery,  caufe  of  its  being  fo  unprodiidive  afTigntd  by  Dr  Walk- 
er, 71. 

Highlcind  Society,  what  the  objcAs  of,  6^  —  remarks  upon,  ib. — review 
of  papers  in  the  fecond  volume  of  its  trnnfactions,  Ctj. 

Hill,  ProftfTor,  his  fynonymcs  of  the  Latin  language,  457 — great  ex- 
•pedaiions  excited  by,  4^?— -difficulties  attending'  fuch  a  work,  459 
faults  the  author  has  committed,  460 — in  introducing  frivolous  and 
extraneous  matter,  464 — in  hi;;?  free  tranflations,  465 — in  perverting 
the  meaning  of  words — of  the  philofophy  of  prepofitions,  473 — ex- 
amples of  his  more  fuccefbfnl  cxertiops,  475 — general  character,  476, 

Hindoos,  divifion  of  into  cafts,  316 — Bad  clTccls  of  that  fyiU"i  of  fo- 
ciety,  318— grealeR  obftacle  to  the  conveifjon  of  to  Chrilljanity,  319 
—  Rude  ftatc  of  their  agriculture,  ib. — wretched  implements  of,  ib. 
— moft  glaring  deftfts  in,  ib. — number  of  harvefts,  and  grains  prin- 
cipally raifed,  321 — grain,  how  meafurcd,  ib. — fyftem  of  rural  eco- 
nomy fimilar  to  the  French  metayer  fyllem,  ib. — fmgular  burden  up- 
on agriculture,  ib. — account  of  a  zemindary  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Benares,  322 — quantity  of  feed  and  produce  of  an  acre  in  India  and 
England  compared,  323. 

Holcroft's,  travels,  remarks  on  the  ftyle  of,  84.— what  the  profefled  ob- 
jeft  of,  ib. — general  contents,  85 — tobacco-fmoking  anecdote,  ib, — 
Harburg,  86 — Groningen,  ib. — defcription  of  a  Dutchman,  87 — 
of  a  Dutch  fail-,  ib. — why  no  watei'-mills  in  Holland,  88 — fingulari- 
fy  in  the  French  landfcape,  ib. — reflections  on  approaching  Paris,  89 
— entry  into  the  city,  ib. — obfervations  on  the  prefent  coftume  of 
the  Flench  nation,  90 — on  the  French  charader,  ib. — pidvn-e  of  the 

Boulevards 


INDEX..  ^{"^ 

Boulevards,  91— of  the  French  women,  93 — Jlfufe  of  hats  iiijurioiis 
to  chaftity,  94 — number  of  filicides  in  Paris,  95 — character  uf  Bo- 
.  luiparte,  .ib.. — phyhognomical  flcetch,  96  —  general  remarks,  ib. 

flor/kv,  Y)r;,  hi:  edition  of  EucUd,  257 — remarks  on  former  labours  of 
the  editor,  258 — on  the  ftudy  of  mathematics,  260 — maxim  of  em- 
ployin'T  only  Euclid  for  elucidating  Euclid  examined,   262. 

hunter,  William,  his  travels  through  France,  &c.  207 — remarks  on 
writers  of  voyages  and  tiaveb  in  general,  ib. — chara6ler  of  the  pre- 
fent  w()rk,  208 — grand  lecret  in  the  author's  art  of  writing,  209 — 
arguments  againft  plundering  lliipwrecked  mariners,  210 — hint  for 
augmenting  the  public  revenue,  2  1 2 — remarks  on  the  author's  llyle 
of  language,   213. 

yackfon\  remarks  on  military  medicine,  motives  of  the  publication  of, 
178 — his  propofal  of  a  medical  fchool,  179 — management  of  thehof- 
pital  in  the  ifle  of  Wight,  181 — mannei^  of  detailing  the  pheno- 
unena  of  febrile  difeafes,  185 — term  rhythm  of  movement  applied  by 
the  author  to  the  living  human  body,  185 — remedies  for  reftoring  it 
when  dellroyed,    187. 

India,  great  importance  of  every  difcuffion  concerning,  303 — difference 
between  our  iituation  there  at  prefent,  and  what  it  was  formerly,  ib.— • 
what  the  mod  effectual  way  to  preferve  India  to  Britain  for  the  great- 
eft  length  of  tiirie,  305  -colonization  of  compared  with  that  of  A- 
merica,  ib. --wifdom  of  allowing  a  free  trade  with,  examined,  308—— 
magnitude  of  the  American  trade  with,  309 — bad  effects  of  the  fyf- 
tem  of  Indian  monopoly,  ib. — m  the  home  market,  311  —  in  the  A- 
fiatic  part  of  our  empire,  ibl — rapid  increafe  of  the  Company's  debt, 
312 — decreafe  of  their  falcs,  ib.  —  divifion  of  the  natives  into  cafts, 
316— bad  effffts  of  that  fyflem  of  fociety,  3  1  8— wretched  Hate  of 
their  agiiculture,  319 — grains  principally  raifed  in  India,  320 — 
weights^jand  meaf Hires  in  uie,  321 — fyflem  of  rural  economy,  ib. — 
Ihigulai  %'Urden  upon  agriculture,  ib. — acc;-unt  of  a  zemindary  in 
tlie  neighbourhood  of  Benares,  322 — quantity  of  feed  and  produce 
of  an  acre  in  India  and  England. compared,  323 — extent  and  popu- 
lation of  the  Enghih  dominions  in  India,  324 — number  of  the  Com- 
pany's fervants,  &c.  327 — ^fufiiciency  of  the  prefent  military  elta- 
blifhment  to  protect  our  lettlements,  doubtful,   32$. 

Indies^   Weft^  impolicy  of  attempting  concjuefts  in,   457. 

Italy,  great  variety  of  volcanic  pliei-oniena  in,   27. 

.         .  i^ 

Kafftrs,  fuppofed.to  be  the  defcendants  of  a  tribe  of  Bedouin  Arabs, 

447- 

L 
JLahour,  effefts  of  fubdivilion  of,  compared  with  machinery,   371. 
LaLoiircrs,  Dr  Smith's  divillon   of,  into   productive  and   unproductive, 

354 — -no  folid  dillinction  betv.een  the  elTective  powers  of,   355. 
Lanouages  of  modern  Europe,  from  what  fources  derived,   152 — hiflory 

of,  intimately  conaefted  with  that  of  poetry,  ib. — inq^uiry  into  the 

VOL.  IV.   NO.  S.  Iv  k  origin 


Zi4  INDEX. 

origin  of  the    Scotifh  language,   i^y — Mr  Davies*s  theory   of  tfie 
formation  of  language,   398. 

La'ja,  inquiry  ijito  the  di\'erfities  of,  33 — opinion  of  Werner  with  re- 
gard to  the  formation  of,  34 — of  Breiflac  and  Thomfon,  ib. — of  M» 
Patrin,   35 — of  Dolomieu,   36. 

LoiKterciak  (Lord)  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Ongin  of  Public 
Wealth,  by,  34^ — good  confequences  refulting  from  men  of  high 
rank  turning  their  attention  to  literary  purfuits,  ib. — what  the  fub- 
jefts  profeiTed  to  be  difcufled  in  the  prefent  treatife,  344 — plan  of, 
345 — value  of  a  commodity  how  eflimated,  347 — definition  of  pub- 
lic wealth,  350 — wealth  of  an  individual,  how  to  be  eflimated,  351 
— A  •  fundamental  error  in  Lord  Lauderdale's  fpeculations  expofed^ 
353 — leading  opinions  which  divide  political  inquirei-s  upon  the 
fources  of  national  wealth,  35-4 — objeftions  to,  ib. — inferences  with 
refpedt  to  the  nature  and  fources  of  national  wealth,  362 — fources 
of  wealth  alleged  to  be  threefold,  365 — definition  of  capital,  ib. — 
juftnefs,  &c.  of  Lord  Lauderdale's  difcoverics  in  pohtical  economy 
difcufTed,  371 — means  of  increafing  wealth  accoitling  to  him,  ib. — 
efFetls  of  fubdiviiion  of  labour  and  machinery  compared,  ib. — poffi- 
bility  of  augmenting  national  opulence  by  any  other  than  the  means 
of  its  production  examined,   372 — general  obfervations,   374. 

Laiv,  Agrarian,  oppofed  by  the  people  of  Nonnaiidy,    103. 

jAUcitr.f  frequently  found  in  lavas,   40. 

Lifly  Quarterly,  of  New  Publications,   242.487. 

Xo^aw-ftones,  not  the  work  of  art,   397. 

Lydgatey  cxtraft  from  his  Buoke  of  Troy,    158. 

M 

M'Kirmen  (Mi)  Tour  through  the  Britifh  Weft  Indies,  by,  419— 
fcarcity  of  books  on  that  fubjcft,  ib. — flvetch  of  the  Antigua  land- 
fcape,  420 — account  of  the  wreckers,  421  —  Anecdote  of  a  fifher- 
man,  422 — account  of  Teach  the  pirate,  423  —  remarks  on  the 
treatment  of  the  flaves,  424 — refleftions  on  the  fate  of  the  original 
inhabitants,  426. 

Medicmfy  hiftory  of,  little  elfe  than  a  fucceflion  of  fanciful  fyftems, 
185 — whence  the  opinion  that  all  theory  in,   is  ufelefs,  184. 

Mineralogy,  philofophical  definition  of,   289. 

JWincrals  eje6ted  unaltered  by  Vefuvius,  40. 

MontagUy  Lady  Mary  Wortley,  ftatement  of  fadls  refpefting  the  firfl: 
publication  of  her  Letters,  254. 

Morgan'?,  Comparative  View  of  the  Public  Finances,  &c.  75 — general 
pofitions  maintained  in,  ib. — objeftions  to,  76 — average  amount  of 
the  expences  of  the  war  eftablifliment  during  feveral  periods,  ib. — 
permanent  taxes,  &c.  77 — general  table  of  the  relative  expences  of 
the  three  laft  wars,  78 — means  employed  by  miniftry  for  raifing  mo- 
ney, 79 — objeftions  to  Mr  Morgan's  arguments  againft  the  profufion 
of  miniftry,  81. 


INDEX.  -.515; 

N 

"Names,  primitive,  origin  of,  399. 

Nations,  remarks  on  the  progrefs  of,   from  weaknefs  to  maturity,   47. 

Neerpaar(},  the  biographer  of  Dolomieu,  286 — verfatility  of  his  gejiius,, 
287 — fpecimen  of  the  information  he  furnifhes,  ib. 

Negroes,  heats  of  tropical  climates  better  fupported  by,  than  by  white 
people,  405 — caufe  of,  explained,  407. 

Neivton,  Sir  Ifaac,  remarks  on  Dr  Horfley's  edition  of  the  works  of, 
258. 

Noah,  geographical  kncfwledge  of,   ^89. 

O 

Oak,  veneration  of  the  Druids  for,  397. 

Objeffs,  inanimate,  varieties  in  the  fenfations  excited  by,  174-^^xter^ 
nal,  circumftances  which  occafion  the  fenfation  of  beauty  in,   175. 

Odin,   Richards',  a  drama,  ftory  of  and  extra&s  from,   339. 

P 

Palladium,  examination  of  the  properties  of,  164 — remarkable  circum- 
ftances in  its  compofition,   167. 

Phcenicians,  acquainted  with  the   Britlfh  ifles,   392. 

Principles,  of  legiflation  and  morality,  inquiry  into  the  difference  be- 
tween, 8. 

Piety,  recommended,  3S5. 

Pleajures,  Mr  Bentham's  enumeration  of  thofe  of  which  man  is  fuf- 
ceptible,  5. 

Poetical  cyitra&.s — from  Lydgate,  158 — from  Carew,  163 — from  Chat- 
terton,  216 — from  a  poem  entitled  •  Univerfal  Beauty,  '  239 — from 
Cowper,  283 — -from  Sotheby's  tranflation  of  Virgil's  Georgics,  297 
—from  Richards,   339. 

Preacher,  Chriftian,  charafter  he  fhonld  endeavour  to  maintain,   191. 

Prepqfitions,   Latin,  remarks  on  Dr  Hill's  philofophy  of,  473. 

Procrajlmatlon,  dangers  of,  exemplified,  331. 

Pulffaye,  M.  caufes  to  which  he  afcribes  the  French  revolution,  100 — 
fome  account  of  him,  104 — part  he  afted  in  the  debates  of  the  chamr 
her  of  nobles,  106 — takes  the  conftitutional  oath,  107 — coiifequences 
of  the  king's  flight  to  Varennes,  108 — examination  of  the  policy  of 
the  other  European  powers  at  the  time  of  the  French  revolution,  109 
— -conduA  of  the  emigrants,  i  re — Puiffaye  raifes  a  body  ot  royaliils, 
ib. — is  feconded  by  Baron  Wimpffen,  iii — marches  to  oppoie  the 
troops  of  the  convention,  112- — defeats  them,  113 — his  troops  feized 
with  a  panic,  ib. — retires  into  Brittany,  1 14 — rtileftions  on  courage, 
ib. — He  fets  out  for  England,  1 1 6. 

^tefnai,  what  fort  of  labour  really  produftive,  according  to,  358 — 
argument  of  his  followers  concerning  the  value  of  labour  anfvvered, 
361. 

R 
"Rajhleighf  Mr,  his  laudable  difpofition  to  diffufe  information,  117. 

K  k   2  Religion^ 


'$1^  INDEX. 

Religion,  Chrlftian,  Importance  of  the  doctrines  pecuiiar  to,    igz — In- 
fluence of,  favourable  to  the  enjoyment  of  life,   19^. 
Revolution,  French,  caufes  which  produced  it,    100. 
R-chards,  George,   his   poems,   337 — expeitations  raifed  by  his  earlier 
performances,  ib. — not   fully  gi'atified   in  the   prefent  workj   338-- 
general  eftimate  of  its  merits,  ib — .contents  of  the  firft  volume,  ib.— 
flory  of,  and  extrads  from  his  Odin,  339 — contents,   &c.  of  the  fe- 
cond  volume,  342. 
Rumford,  Count,   Inquiry  concerning  the  nature  of  heat,   &c.   by,   399 
— fervice  rendered  to  fcience  by  his  experiments,  ib. — oripinal  expe- 
riments of,  40c — account   of  the  apparatus  employed   by  him  in  his 
inveftigations  of  the  nature  of  heat,  ib. — dcfcription  of  a  tliermofcope, 
402 — method   of  employing  it,  404— beneficial   efFefts  refulting  to 
the  natives  of  cold  climates'  from  fmearing  themfelves  with  oil,  406 — 
of  a  fjmilar  praftice  of  the  Hottentots,  407 — hOw  the  negroes  are 
enabled  to  fupport  the  heats  of  tropical  climates,  407 — examination 
of  fome  of  the  general  inferences  deduced  by  the  Count  froni  his  ex- 
periments,  409 — pradical   remarks,   414 — diilinguiihiig  features  of 
the  author's  ilyle  of  writing,  415 — curious  phenomenon  obferved  by 
him  in  the  glaciers  of  Chamouny,  415 — his  exjjlanation  of,  416 — ob- 
jeftions  to,  ib. 
Rujpa,  in  what  degree  her  interefts  are  connefted  with  thofe  of  other 
nations,  59.       ■  - 

S 
Salmon,  their  manner  of  depofiting  their  fpawn,   72 — enemies  of,   73. 
Serjdnlity^  circumftances  by  which  it  is  affefted,  6.  ' 

Sermcns,  reniarks  on  the  compofition,  &c.  of,    1 90- 
Sketches  on  the  intrinfic  ttrength,   S:c.  of  France  and  Ruflla,  a  fingiilar 
performance,  43.      Renaikson  the  talents  of  the  author,  ih.     On  the 
piugrefs  of  nations  from  wcaknefs  to  lYiaturity,  47.       His  opinion  pf 
the  immenfe  natural  refources  of   France    examined,  48.      His  defici- 
ency in  general  views,   49       Confequcnces   prognolticated    from    the 
French  revolution,  50.      Obfervations  on   the   Itate   of  St  Domingo, 
92.      Military  refoUrces  of  France  confidered,   55.      Line  of  conduft 
which  (lie  will  probably  purfue  towards  Rufiia  and  England,  5"'.     Of 
the  connexion  between  Ruffia  and  other  nations,  59.      Conftqucnces 
v'hich  may  refult  to  Great  Britain  from   an    alliance   between  France 
and  Rufiia,  6r.      Meafures  of  direCl  hoflility  to  be  apprehended  from 
thence,  ib.     Hov?  to  be  guarded  againrt,  ^4. 
a^if  trade,  great  importance  of  the   quellion    regarding  its    abolition, 
476.       Unparalleled    fufferings   occaiioned    by,  478.     Pleas  of  the 
traders  for  its  continuance  confidered,  47';. 
c^lr.ves,  remarks  on  the  treatment  of,   in  tht  Weft  Indies,   424. 
Smith,   Dr,   atheory  of,  refuted  by  Lord  l^auderdale,   348.      His  divi- 
fion  of  laboi;rers  into  productive  and    ii;iprodu6tive,   3C4.      No   folid 
diiliiiction  between  the  effetlive' powers  of'the  two  clafTctJ,  355.     .De- 
finition of  capital,  366.       '  '' 
rf>t?!er,  fome  account  of,  161.     Shdrt  critique  upon  hia  ftyle  of  poetry, 


Sfaie,  future,  remarks  on,   174.      ■ 

Sulphur,  fuppofed  an  agent  in  tlie  fiifion  of  lavas,   36. 

Synonymous,  definition  of  the  word,  '4'6o. 

T  .  '      :. 

Table,  pjeneral,  of  the  relative  expeftces  of  the  three  lad  wars,   78. 

Tajle,  oblervations  on  the  influence  of  cimrtm  in  matters  of,    177.' 

Teach,  John,   the  famous  pirate,   aceouiit  of,  423. 

Theory  of  the  formation  of  lanpi'uage,   398. 

Ther>/:rJcOpe,   defcription  of,   402. 

Ti'^/zy/i;/,  Dr,' his  fyftein  of  chemiilry,  120.  Remarks  on  the  preface 
to,  121.  What  the  profeflVd  ohjcA  ot  the  work,  i^-  Divifion  of 
the  fubjeft,  1  22.  Divifion  of  fimple  fubllaiices,  i  24.  Of  compounds, 
125.  Subdivifions  of  the  primary  compounds,  126.  Definition  of 
chemiftry,  127.  Manner  of  treating  of  the  fimple  bodies,  ih.  Of 
the  fimpie  combuftibles,  128.  OF  caloric,  129..  Of  the  equal  dif- 
tribution  of  temperature,  13 1,  Effe(?Js  of  heat,  ib.  Capacity  of 
bodies  for  heat,  132.  Tables  of  the  difference  of  fpecific  caloric  in 
bodies,  6cc.  13^.  Of  cold,  134.  Of  the  fources  of  caloric,  135. 
Tables  of  the  conftituent  parts  of  water,  136.  Divifion  of  acids,  ib. 
Table  of  the  conliituent  parts  of  oil,  137.  Of  falts,  138.  OF  affi- 
nity, 140.  Contiguous  attraftion,  141.  Cohefion,  ib.  OF  hetero- 
geneous afliaity,  142.  Confideration  of  the  methods  propofed  to 
exprtfs  the  rtrength  of  every  affiiiity  in  numbers,  144.  Of  compound 
affinity,  14).  Chemical  examination  of  nature,  I4<^.  Of  the  at- 
mofphere,  ib.  Pefinition  of  miner^lo2y^l47.  Ciafiification  of  mi- 
nerals,   147.  •    -  ■  - 

Torre  del  Greco,  tffefts  of  an  eruption  of  lava  on,  37.        '        ' 

TranfaSinns  of  the  Highland  Society,  of  Scotland,  63.  W'lat  the  ob- 
jects of  the  Society,  ib.  Walker  on  peat,  66.  On  the  cattle  and 
corn  of  the  Plighlands,  6'^.  Macnab,  &c.  on  black  cattle,  69.  So- 
merville  on  the  growth,  &c.  of  corns,  ib.  On  heath,  70.  Mac- 
donald  on  manufadures,  ih.  Rennie's  plan  of  an  inland  village,  ib. 
Walker  on  the  natural  hiftory  of  the  herring,  71.  On  the  natural 
hiftory  of  the  falmon,  72.  Melville  on  the  fifheries  of  Scotland,  73. 
Headrick  on  improvements  in  the  Highlands,  ib.  General  remarks 
on  the  preceding  papers,   74. 

Tr'ijlrem,  Sir,  a  romance,  by  Thomas  the  Rhymer,  427.  Outline  of 
the  ftory  of,  428.  Some  account  of  the  author,  437.  Inquiry  in- 
to the  antiquity,  &c.  of  the  poem,   438.     Hiftory  of,  439. 

u 

Value  of  a  commodity,  how  conftituted,  according  to  Lord  Lauderdale, 
347.     As  confidered  by  former  writers,  ib. 

Vefuvius,  account  of  an  eruption  of,  30. 

Virgil,  curious  commentary  on  a  paffage  of,   390. 

Univerfc,  inference  drawn  from  the  marks  of  defign  in,  placed  on  its  true 
foundation,    171. 

Yolcanoes,  caufes  of  the  erroneous  defcriptions  of  the  eruptions  of,  28. 
Suppofed  formerly  to  be  erudations  of  a  central  fire,  32.  Objec- 
tions to  that  hypothefis,  ib. 


5  iB  INDEX. 

W 

Wealth,  how  diftinguiflied  from  riches  by  Lord  Lauderdale*  345.     Pub« 
lie,  definition  of,  350.     Of  an  individual,  how  to  be  eftimated,  35 1 . 
Wreckers,  account  of,  42 1 . 

Y 
Teaman,  English,  fituation  of  during  the  middle  ages,   159. 

Z 
Zemtndary  in  the  nrighbourhood  of  Benares,  account  of,  322. 


END   OF  VOLUME   FOURTH. 


No.  IX.  nvUl  he  publifjcd  on  Thurjday  \^th  OBober  1804. 


Printed  by  D.  Willifon,  Craig's  Clofc,  Edinburgh. 


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