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Full text of "The Edinburgh review, or, Critical journal"

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IVIicrosoft Corporation 



littp://www.arcli ive.org/details/edinburglireviewo04macauoft 



THE 

EDINBURGH REVIEW, 



OR 



CRITICAL JOURNAL: 



FOR 



APRIL 1 804 JULY 1804. 



TO BE CONTINUED ^ARTEELT. 



JUDEX DAMNATtJR CUM NOOENS ABSOLVITUR. 

PUBLIUS STRU3. 



VOL. IV. 



g 'V<»"'°«i 'S, —4s 



PRINTED BY D. WILLISON, CRAIG's CLOSS, 

FOR ARCH. CONSTABLE Sff CO. EDINBURGH, 

AND T. N. LONGMAN £5* O. REES, 

LONDON. 

1 804. 



CONTENTS OF No. VII. 



Art. I. Benthara, Traites fur les Principes de Legiflation Civile 

et Penale - _ - _ Page £ 

JJ. BrciQac, Voyage Phyfique et Lithologique dans la Cam- 

panie, &c. - - - - 26 

III. Sketches on the intrinfic Strength, Military and Naval 

Force of France and Ruflia, &c. - - 4^ 

IV. Prize Effays and Tranfadlions of the Highland Society 

of Scotland, vol. II, - - - 6:5 

V. Morgan's Comparative View of the Public i inances, from 

the beginning to the clofe of the late ^idminillr .on 75 

VI. Holcroft's Travels from Hamburg, through Wellphalia, 

Holland, and the Netherlands, to Paris - 84 

VII. Memoires du Compte de PuifTaye, qui pourrorit fervir 

a I'Hiftolre du Parti Royalifte Frangois - gcj 

VIII. Rafhleigli's Specimens of Britifii Minerals - 117 

IX. Dr Thomfon's Syllem of Chem.iftry - - 120 

X. Eihs's Specimens of the Early Englifh Poets - 151 

XI. Chenevix's Inquiries concerning the Chemical Properties 

of Palladium - - - - 1 63 

XII. Profeflbr Arthur's Difcourfes oa Theological and Lite- 

rary Subjects - - - ' - 1 63 

XIII. Dr Jackfon's Remarks on the Conftitutiou of tlie Medi- 

cal Department of the Britifli Army, &c. - 17§ 

XIV. Dr Brown's "Sermons - - - - 190 
XV. Turner's Vindication of the Welch Bards »■ - 198 

XVI. Hunter's Travels through France, H^ungary, and Turkey, 

in 1793 . _ . - . 20J 

XVII. Chatterton's Works, by Southey and Cottle - 214 

XVIir. Mifs Sew^ard's Memoirs of the Life of Dr Darwin 230 

Quarterly Lift of New Publications - - 242 

Appendix — Statement of Facts refpefting the Firft Pub- 
lication of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's Works 254 



CONTENTS OF No. VIII. 



Page 
Art. I. Birtiop Horfley's edition of the Elements, 5:c, of Euclid 257 
11. Hayley's Life and Pofthumous Writings of William 

Cowper Efq, Vol. III. - - 273 

III. Dolomieu fur la Philofophie Mineralogique, et fur 

I'Efpece Mineralogique - - ^84 

IV. Sotheby's Tranflation of the Georgics of Virgil 296 
V. Dr Tennant's Indian Recreations - - 3^3 

VI. Mifs Edge\rorth's Popular Tales - - 329 

VII. Richards's Poems -' - - 337 

VIII. Lord Lauderdale's Inquiry into the Nature and Origin 

of Public Wealth - - 345 

IX. Lord Chatham's Letters to his Nephew Thomas 

Pitt Efq. afterwards Lord Camelford - 377 

X. Davies's Celtic Refearches, on the Origin, Traditions 

and Language of the Ancient Britons - 386 

XI. Count Rumford's Inquiry into the Nature of Heat and 

the Mode of its Communication - - 359 

XII. Count Rumford's Account of a Phenomenon in the 

Glaciers of Chamouny, &c. - - 415 

XIII. M'Kinnen's Tour through the Britifh Well Indies 419 

XIV. Sir Triftrem, a Metrical Romance of the 13th Century. 

fedited from the Auchinleck MS. By Walter 
Scott, Efq. - - - - 427 

XV. Barrow's Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa 443 
XVI. Dr Hill on the Synonymes and Prepofitions of the 

Latin Language - - - 4^7 

XVII. A Concife Statement of the Queilion regarding the 

Abohtion of the Slave Trade - = 47<> 



ERRATA. 

V. 258. line 6. for that miftake, read fome millakcs 
393. line 3. from foot, for m^vn, read iriT^vu. 



THE 

EDINBUSGH REVIEW. 

APRIL 1804. 



jr°- YII. 



Art. I. Tra'ilt's de Legijlatlon C'l'vUc et Penale ; precedes de Pr'incipei 
Generaux de Legt/latlon, et d\ine Viie d^un Corps complet de Droit ; 
termi?ies par un EJfa'i fur V Iiiflucnce des tems et des lieux relat't-vsment aux 
Lois. Par M. jeremie Bentham, Jurifconfulte Anglois. Publics en 
Francois par M. Dumont de Geneve, d'apres les Manufcrits confies 
par I'A'Jteur. 8vo. 31001. Paris, an X. i8®2. 

nPi-iE title-page of this work exhibits a curious Inftance of the 
■*- divifion of labour, and of the combinutions that hold to- 
gether the Hterary commonwealth of Europe. A living author 
confents to give his produtlions to the world in the language 
of a foreign editor ; and the fpeculations of an Englifli phllofopher 
are publiihed at Paris under the dirediion of a redaBeur from 
Geneva. This arrangement is not the mod obvious or natural 
in the world; nor is it very flattering to the literature of this 
country ; but we have no doubt that it was adopted for fufficlent 
reafons. 

It is now about fifteen years fince Mr Bentham firft announced 
to the world his defign of compofing a great work on the principles 
of morals and legiilation. The fpecimen which he then gave of 
his plan, and of his abilities, was calculated, we think, to excite 
coninierable expectation and confiderable alarm in the reading part 
of the community. While the author difplayed, in many places, 
great- originality and accuracy of thinking, and gave proofs 
throughout of a very uncommon degree of acutenefs and impar- 
tiality, it was eafy to perceive that he was encumbered with the 
magnitude of his fubjed:, and that his habits of difcufllon were 
but ill adapted to render it popular with the greater part of his 
readers. Though fully poffelled of his fubjedl:, he fcarcclyever 
appeared to be mafter of it, and feemed evidently to move in his new 
career with great anxiety and great exertion. In the fubordinate 

VOL., IV. NO. 7. ' A details 



2 Ecntliam, Pnndpes dt Legijlation, par Dumonf, April- 

details of his work, he is often extremely ingenious, clear, and 
fatisfa(9:ory, but in the ;i reaping and diftribution of thefe parts, he 
is apparently irrefolure cr capricious ; and he has multiplied and 
diftinguiilied then by fuch Tl- profufion of divifions and fubdivifions, 
th;it the underftanding is nearly as much bewildered from the 
excemve labour and complexity of the arrangement, as it could 
have been from its abfolute omiflion. In following out the dif-' 
eulTions into which he is^ tempted by every incidental fuggeftion, 
he is fo anxious to fix and to limit an ultimate principle of judge- 
ment, that he not only lofes fight of the general fcope of hi-5 
peribrmance, but pufnes his metaphyfical analyfis to a degree of 
fubtlety and minutenefs that muft. prove repulfive to the greater 
part of his readers. In the extent and the finenefs of thefe fpecu- 
iations, he fometimes appears to iofe all recolle£Vion of his fubje£t, 
and often feems to tdlk his ingenuity to weave fnarcs for his un- 
derflanding." 

The powers- and the peculiarities which were thus indicated by 
the preUminary treatife, were certainly fuch as to juftify fomc 
folicitude as to the execution of the principal work. While it 
■was clear that it would be well wortli reading, it was doubtful if 
it would be capable of being read : and while it was certain that ■ 
it would contain many admirable remarks, and much profound 
and original reafoning, there was fome room for apprehending 
that the author's propcnfity to artificial arrangement and me« 
t^phyfical diftinctions might place his difcoveries beyond the 
reach of ordinary fludents, and repel the curiofity which the 
importance of the fubjecl was fo likely to excite. Ailuated pro- 
bably, in part, by the confcioufnefs of thofe propenfities (which 
nearly difquilified him frora being the editor of his own fpecu- 
lations), and flill too bufily occupied with the profecution of 
bis great work, to attend to the nice finifliing of its parts, Mr 
Bentham, about fix y^^ars ago, put inta the hands of M. Dumont 
a large colle;^ion of manufcripts, containing the greater part of 
the reafonings and obfervations which he propofed to embody in- 
to his projected fyllem. Thefe materials, M. Dumont aflures us,, 
though neither arranged nor completed, were rather redundant 
than defective in quantity, and left notliing to tlie redacleur, but 
the occafional labour of feleftion, arrangement, and comprelTion. 
This talk he has performed as to a confidcrable part of the papers 
entrulted to him in the work now before us ; and has certainly 
given a very fair fpecimen both of the merit of the original 
fpeculations, and of his own powers of expreflion and diftribu- 
tion. There are fome pafTages, perhaps, into which a degree of 
flippancy has been introduced, that does not harmonife with the 

general 



1 804. Benttiani, Priticlpes de Legijlat'iony par Dumonf. 3 

general tone of the compofition, and others in tvhich we mlfs. 
fomethmg of that richnefs of illuftratlon and homely vigour o£ 
reafoning which delighted us in Mr Bentham's original publi- 
cations ; but in point of neatnefs and perfpicuity, coricifenefs and 
precifion, we have no fort of doubt that M. Dumont has been o£ 
the moft eflential fervice to his principal, and are inclined to fufpe£fc 
that, without this afliftance, we ftiould never have been able to give 
any account of his labours. 

The plan which Mr Bentham has chalked out for himfelf In 
this undertaking, is more vaft and comprehenOve, we believe, 
than was ever ventured upon before by the ambition of any one 
individual. It embraces almofl every thing that is important ia 
the fcience of human nature, and not only touches upon all the 
higher quedions of government and legiflation, but includes 
moft of the abftra£l principles of ethics and metaphyfics, and 
profeffes to delineate thofe important rules by which the finefi: 
(peculations of philofophy may be made to exert their influence 
on the adual condition of fociety. M. Dumont has exhibited, 
in his preface, a fliort catalogue of the articles which Mr Ben- 
tham has enabled him to finifti by delivering the rn.inufcripts 
to his cuftody ; and declares that they form but a part of the 
gigantic fyftem upon which he is ftill engaged. What Mr Ben- 
tham has already executed, is as follows t i. The general prin-. 
ciples of morals and legiflation : 2. The principles of law as 
applicable to civil quedions : 3. The principles of criminal 
law: 4. A detailed code of criminal law in termwis : 5. The 
principles of a code of remuneratory law : 6. A plan for the 
organization of the judiciary fun£lion : 7. A complete fyftem 
of legal procedure, comprehending the whole law of evidence, 
and all the forms of litigation : 8. A fyftem of political oeco- 
nomy : and 9. A fyftem of tallies for legiflative affemblies, or 
of the rules according to which they fhould be conftituted and 
fhould condu£l their deliberations. There are, befides, fix fe- 
parate treatifes on ' Invencion in the Science of Legiflation ; on 
the art of accommodating law to a change of time or place ; on 
the methods of promulgating the law, ' &c. &c. The prefent 
volumes do not by any means contain the whole of thefe differ- 
tations ; but M. Dumont alTures us, that all the materials are 
in his hands, and that he has already brought them into fuch 
form and order, as to fecure their fucceffue publication at no 
great diftance of time. 

The work now before us confifts of four principal parts, r. 
A general view of the principles of legiflation, compofed, ia 
a good degree, from * the rntfoduclloii * fdrmerly publifhed ia 

A z Englifh 



;| Bentham, Prlnclpes ie Legt/atmy par Dumofi% April 

Englifh In 1789: 2. A general (ketch of the complete fyftetn 
of laws which Mr Bentham propofes to ere£l upon thofe princi- 
ples : 3. The application of thofe principles to the law in civil" 
queftions: and 4. The application of the fame principles to the 
law with regard to crimes. To thefe are added, three detached 
treatifes; one on the eftabllfhrnent of a new fort of houle of 
corre£lion, to be called the Panoptiqtie ; another on the method 
of promulgating the law ; and the third on the influence of 
time and place in queftions of legiilation. From this flrort ac- 
count of the contents of this publication, our readers will eafily 
perceive that the merit of the whole fyftem mud depend upon 
the foundnefs of the principles upon which it is prolefTedly 
founded, and that the character of the book muft be determin- 
ed, in a great degree, by the manner in which thtjirj} part of it 
is executed. As the fubje£ls which are there treated of, are of 
the greatefl: rntereft in themfelves, and as they are difcufTed in 
a manner which the author at lead conceives to be perfectly ori- 
ginal, we (hall endeavour to lay before our readers, a full view, 
both of the dotirines which he has delivered, and of the obfer- 
vations which have been fuggefted to us by their perufai, 

M. Dumont, who has more than the common right of an edi- 
tor to be partial to the work he has brought into the world, is 
perfuaded that this publication muft make an epoch and a revolu- 
tion in the fcience of which it treats ; and afTures us, that the 
' Introdu6lion, ' upon the principles of which it is founded, though 
not hitherto diftinguiihed by any great fliare of popular applaufe, 
is already confidered in that light by the fmall number of compe- 
tent judges by whom its merits have been appretiated. To this 
privilege, he fays, Mr Bentham's fpeculations are entitled, be- 
caufe they have fet the example of a new method of philofophifing 
in politics and morality, and becaufe they contain the elements 
of a new fyftem of logic, by means of which ethics and legifia- 
tion are for the firft time advanced to the dignity of a fcience. 
Thefe pretenfions, it cannot be denied, are fulHciently magnili-- 
cent ; and the confidence with which they are announced, natu- 
rally leads us to inquire into the fatSts by which they are fup- 
ported. 

The principle upon which the whole of Mr Bentham's fyftem 
depends is, that utility^ and utility alone, is the criterion of right 
and wrong, and ought to be the fole obje6l of the legiilator. Thisi 
principle, he admits, has often been fuggefted, and is familiarly 
recurred to botli in aftion and deliberation : but he maintains that 
it has never been purfued with futTicient fteadinefs and refolution, 
«lnd that the neceflity of afiuming it as the exclufive teft of our 

proceeding;? 



;j8o4« Bentliam, JPrlncipes cle Legijlatmi, par 3inno}tt. § 

proceedings has never been fufficiently underflood. There are 
two principles, he alleges, that have been admitted to a (hare of 
that moral authority which belongs of right to that of utility 
alone, and have exercifed a controul over the condudl and opi- 
nions of fociety, by which legillators have been very frequently 
milled. The one of thefe he denominates the afcetic principle, or 
that which enjoins the mortification of the fenfes as a duty, and 
profcribes their gratification as a fm ; and the ether, which has 
had a much more extenfive i-nfiuence, he calls the principle offym- 
pnthy or antipathy, under which name he com.prehends all thofe 
fyftems which place the bafis of morality in the indications of a 
moral fenfe, or in the maxims of a rule of right, or which, under 
any other form of exprelRon, decide upon the propriety of hu- 
man aclions by any internal, unacqauntabie feelings, without any 
view to their' confequehces. In this place he introduces, by 
way of parenthefis, a technical enumeration of the fources 
and caufes of antipathy, of which he reckons fix — the repug- 
nance of the fenfes — mortified pride — difappointcd endeavours, 
*cc. &c. 

He then fets himfelf to (how that thefe principles have in 
many inftances faperfeded the lawful authority of utility in 
the laws of moft countries •, and imputes to this caufe the il- 
lufion which has led fo many legillators to negleft t!ie fub- 
ftantial happinefs of their country, while they limited all their 
exertions to the promotion of its riches, its power, or its freedom. 

In the next place' he comb;'ts, with great ability, the argu- 
ments of thofe who have affetted to confider the principle of 
utility as a dangerous guide for our conduiSl, and endeavours to 
Ihow that fuch reafonings really amount to a contradiction ia 
terms -, fince, to fay of any a£tion that it is hurtful, dangerous, 
or improper, is jufi to fay that it cannot have been adopted upon 
the principle of utility. 

As utility is thus aifumed as the teft and ftandard of adlion 
and approbation, and as it confifts in procuring pleafure, and 
avoiding pain, Mr Bentham has thought it neceffary, in this 
place, to introdi*ce a catalogue of all the pleafures and pains of 
which man is fufceptible, ijnce thefe, he alleges, are the ele- 
ments of that moral calculation in which the wifdom and the 
duty of legillators and individuals muft ultimately be found to 
confift. The fimple pleafures of which man is fufceptible are 
fourteen in number, and are thus enumerated — i. pleafures of 
fenfe : 2. of wealth : 3. of dexterity : 4. of good character : 
5. of fviendfhip : 6. of power : 7. of piety : 8. of benevolence : 
9. of malevolence : 10. of memory : 1 1. of imagination : 12. of 
iicpe : 17, of ^jjTociatioii : 14. of relief frgiji pain. Tl^e pains, 

" ^ ' A3. OUT 



$ Bentham, Princlpes de LegifiaiUny far Dutncttii. Aprli 

our leaders will be happy to h«ar, are cniy eleven, and are al- 
mofl cxadlly the counterpart of the pleafures that have now been 
enumerated. The conftru<rtion of thefe catalogues M. Dumont 
ponfiders as by far the greateft improvement that has yet been 
made in the phllofophy of human nature. 

It is chiefly by the fear of pain that men are regulated in the 
choice of their deliberate actions ; and Mr Bentham finds that 
pain may be attached to particular actions in four different ways, 
I. by nature : 2. by public opinion : 3. by pofitite enactment: 
3nd 4 by the doftrlnes of religion. Our inftitutions will be 
perfect when all thcfe difFerent fan£licns are in har^iony with 
pach other. 

The moll difficult part of our author's tafk remains. In or- 
der to make any ufe of thefe * elements of moral arithmetic, ' 
which are conftituted by the lifts of our pleafures and pains, it 
was evidently neceffary to afcertain their relative value, fo as to 
enable him to proceed in his leglOative calculations with fome 
degree of affurance. Under this head, however, we are only 
told that the value of a pleafure or a pain, confidered in itfelf, 
<iepends, i. upon its intenfity, 2. upon its proximity, 3. upon 
its duration, and 4. upon its certainty j and that, confidered 
with a view to its confequences, its value is farther afTe6led, 
I. by ns feanidity, t. e. its tendency to produce other pleafures 
or pains ; 2. by its purity^ i. e. its being unmixed with other 
fenfations -, and 3. by the number of perfons to whom it may 
extend. Thefe confiderations, however, the author jullly con- 
siders as inadequate for his purpofe ; for by what means is the 
inte?iftty of any pain or pleafure to be meafured, and how, with- 
out this knowledge, are we to proportion punifliments to temp- 
tations, or adjuil the meafures of recompenfe or indemnifica- 
tion .? To folve this problem, Mr B-^ntham feems to have had 
• recourfe to his favourite fyftem of enumeration, and to have 
thought nothing elfe neceflary than to make out a fair catalogue 
of * the circumftances by which the fenfibility is aifccled.' 
Thefe he divides into two branches — the primary and the f - 
condary. The firfl; he determines to be exactly fifteen, viz, 
temperament — health — ftrength — bodily imperfection — intelli- 
gence — ftrength of underftanding — fortitude — perfeverance— 
difpofitions — notions of honour — notions of religion — fvmpathies 
— antipathies—folly or derangement — fortune. The fecondary 
circumftances that determine the degree of fenfibility to good 
and evil, are only nine, viz. fex — age — rank — education — pro- 
fefiion — climate — creed — government — religious creed. By at- 
tending to thefe circumllancesj Mr Bsntham is of opinion that 

ws 



i'So4' Bentiiam,^ Pniuipes Je Legijlatiotj^ par Dumorif. 

we may be able to eftimate the v.ilue of any particular pleafure 
or pain to an iqdividual, witli fulEcient ex.icliiefs, to judge of 
the comparative magnitude of criines, and of the proportionate 
amount of pains and compenfaticns. 

He now comes a little clofer to his fubje6l, and enters into an 
examination of the nature of thofe evils which it is the bufmcfs 
of the legillator to prevent or alleviate. Evils are then arranged, 
with Mr Bentham'i ufual partiality for clafufication, under a great 
variety of divifions. Evils of the fir jl order ^ are thofe which full 
immediately upon one or a few fpecific individuals j evils of the fe- 
tond order ^ are thofe tliat fall upon entire claffes of men under fome 
particular defcription \ and ev'ils of the third crder, are thofe that 
affe£l the condition of the whole community where they occur. 
Murder or theft is an inftance of the firft ; perfecution or cruelty 
to heretics, priells, rich men, parents, &c. &c. of the fecond \ 
and all forts of diforder and mifmanagement, by which the fecu- 
rity of the whole community is endangered, are infhances of the 
third. Evils of the firft order niay be analyfed into the primitive, 
cr direft evil to the fufFerer himfelf ; and the derivative^ or confe- 
quential evil that refults to thofe conne-£led with him, from the 
efFe£ts of his fuifering. Evils of the fecond order confift, again, 
chiefly either in the alarm which is necelTarily felt by all that 
defcription of perfons upon wlioni it threatens to fail, or the 
danger which may a<2:ua]ly exift in a degree either greater or 
fmaller than the alarm. Evils of the third order are produced 
altogether by the alarm and apprehenfion of danger, wliich relaxes 
the exertions of induftry, and gives a check to every" fort of 
profperity or improvement. Evils are alfo diftinguiihed by Mr 
Bentham into fuch as are either immediate or confequential — 
extenfive or divilible — permanent or evanefcent, &c. ; but we do 
not obferve that thefe diftinftions, which indeed are capable of 
being multiplied to infinity, are made the bafis of any part of his 
fyftem. 

Mr Bentham is nov/ arrived at the proper objeft of his reafon- 
ing. Certain actions fliould be prevented, becaufe they give rife 
to pains or evils ; and to thofe under the name of crimes, the 
interefts of fociety require certain punifhments to be applied, in 
order to reprefs and prevent them effectually. But no adlion is 
deliberately performed by any reafonable creature, without the 
expectation of confequential good or pleafure to himfelf; and this 
pleafure is to be taken into account in fixing the meafure of 
punifhment, or beftowing the appellation of guilt. The conftruc- 
tion of the criminal code comes then entirely to a matter of 
calculation. The gratification of the delinquent individual is to 

' A 4 kc 



8 Bentham, Pnndpes de Legijlai'iou^ far Bumonti April 

be taken into account on the oiie hand, and the fufFiving of the 
offended party on the other; and it is only where the latter 
evidently preponderates, that the a£t fnould be denominated a 
crime. In this comparifon it will generally be found, that alliens 
have been ftigmatifed as criminal, much more on account of, the 
evil of the fecond crder they produce, by the alarm and danger 
which they occafion to every one in a f\milar fituation with the 
fufFerer, than on account of the dire£l detriment that is fuftained 
by the fufferer individually. In the cafe of offences againft property, 
for inftaiKC, it may frequently happen that the gratification of the 
robber is fully greater than the mortification of the perlbn whom 
he plunders ; but the alarm and danger that would refult from the 
impunity of fuch a6lions makes the whole mafs of evil incompar- 
ably greater than that of good, and juftifies the fevere fan(fl:ions 
by which law has generally endeavoured to reprefs fuch a£ls of 
depredation. 

In thefe particulars, Mr Bentham thinks that the principles of 
legiflation and morality cxadtly coincide : the objeft of bath is 
the fame — the multiplication of human pleafures, and the dimi- 
nution of pains. What then is the difference between the two 
codes, and how are their mutual limits to be afcertained ? Legi- 
giflation, Mr Bentham conceives, is merely morality inveiled with 
power ; but this power it cannot exercife up to the very limits to 
■which morality would carry its fancllon of difapprobation. The 
reafons why law mull always fall ihort of perfe6b juftice, arc, 
I. Becaufe law mult operate chiefly by punilhments which are 
evils in themfelves ; and that, to ena6t pofitive puniftiments for 
many noxious actions which are either eafily concealed or of flight 
importance, would be to create a greater evil for the purpofe of 
reprcffmg a fmaller one : and 2. Becaufe many offences confifting in 
degree and continuance, fuch as unkindnefs, ingratitude, &c. are 
really incapable of being defined or eftabllOied with precilion, fo 
that any law againft them would either be ineffectual, or would 
produce more uneafinefs by the general dread of profecution, than 
it could cure by the example. Mr Bentham then goes on to 
lliew, that moral duties may be divided into prudence, probity, and 
benevolence. The firft requires no fanftion on the part of the 
legiflature ; the fecond is the proper fphere of law ; and the third, 
though it may in general be left to the wifdom and the feeling of 
tevery individual, may yet be enforced by law in a greater number 
of cafes than lawgivers have hitherto provided for. Inflances of 
barbarous unkindnefs, and a6S:s of cruelty to animals, ought, ac- 
cording to Mr Bentham, to be claffed among offences ccgnifable 
by tlie law. ' 



1 804. Bentham, Fyhidpes de Legijlaiion, par DumonP. ^ 

This properly completes Mr Bentham's general view of the 
principles of legifiation. But in order to imprefs his readers mors 
ftrongly with a fenfe of their importance and novelty, he proceeds, 
in a very long and a very able chapter, to exemplify and expofe 
the various errors into which legiflators have been led, by taking 
for their guide fome other principle than that of utility. This 
chapter is divided into ten fecStions, under each of which he gives 
an inftancc of fonie falfe principle that has occafionally been per- 
mitted to hitcrfere with thole firift notions of utility by which the 
legifiature ought to have been uniformly dire&ed. Thus he fays, 
I. The antiquity of a law is no reafon for adhering to it : 2. The 
pretended authority of religion is no fufficient ground for legiila- 
tion : 3. The dread of innovation is no ground for withholding 
improvements : 4. An arbitrary definition can never be received 
as a reafon for the authority of law : When Montefquieu defined 
the laws to be * eternal relations, ' and when F^GiifTeau called 
them ' the expreffion of the general will, ' they both endeavoured 
to found, upon arbitrary ailumptions, that authority which is only 
due to their acknowledged utility. 5. A metaphor is no reafon 
for a law. In Mr Bcntham's opinion, however, the proceedings 
of many wife legiflatures have been governed by fuch llight ana- 
logies. In England a man's houfe is his ccjlle^ and therefore it is 
to prote6l him even againfl the officers of the law. In Italy a 
church is the houfe of God, in which criminals m"ay therefore defy 
the juilice of men. The ideas unluckily affociated with fuch phra- 
fes as ' the balance of trade, ' — ' mother country, ' &c. have given 
rife, according to l^Ir Bentham, to a great number of abfurd re- 
gulations. 6. A law fhould never be fupported by fitfions : cor- 
ruption of blood, the fovereign'b ubiquity, immortality, &c. and 
the imaginary contra^s upon which many writers have founded 
the whole fabric of fociety, are bad fynonym.es, or worfe fubfti- 
tutes for utility. 7. A fantaftic reafon is no reafon for a law. 
Why fhould a father have authority over his children, becaife 
they are born in his houfe, or hecanfe they are fornied of his fub- 
f^ance i The true reafon is the utility. 8. Antipathies, or fym- 
pathies, are no reafons for an ena£iment : if they are founded in 
experience of utility, it is more fatisfadory to go at once to the 
foundation : if they cannot be juftified on that ground, they fliould 
have no authority whatsoever. 9. Affumption of the points in dif- 
pute, is no reafon for a law. If luxury be denned a vicious or 
exceffive indulgence in plea hire, then it certainly ought to be re^ 
preffed ; but before any law is made to reprefs it, it fnould be 
proved that it is really vicious ; that is, that it is produ£live of 
ivil, Lafdj^ A real |aw c^n never be juftiiied by appealing to 
■ ' ths 



fti B.ejiti.affl, Prlficipes ce Legtftallon, par DumjfiL April 

the authority of an Imaginary one. It is frying nothing, to fay 
that the ianv of nature^ or the rule of right, requires fuch and 
fuch an enactment. Thefe high-founding words mean nothing 
inore than the private opinion or inclination of the individual who 
'ufes them. Every reafon, in (hort, that can be given for any en- 
a<Slment or inftltntion, inuft either refolve itfclf into die affertiou 
of its utility, or be rejeded as perniciou?. The legillator has 
but one fiinple m?xim to obfewe — to rcnrefs all thofe a6tions which 
tend to produce more pain than pleafure, and to promote all thofc 
TK'hich produce more pleafure than pain. 

Having thus endeavoured to lay before our readers a very con- 
cife, but, we hope^ a tolerably full and di{tin£l account of JMr 
Bentham's principles of legiflation, we fhall now take the liberty 
of making a few of tliofe obfervations, M^hich could not have 
been dated before, without breaking the connexion of the fubjcft, 
and obfcuring the evidence upon which the fyftem is founded. 
The firR remark that fuggefls itfelf is, that if there is little that 
is falfe or pernicious in this fyftem,' there is little that is either 
new or important. That laws were made to promote the general 
welfare of fociety, and that nothing fnould be ena£led which has 
31 different tendency, are truths tlvat can fcarcely claim tlie merit 
of novelty, or mark an epoch by the date of their promulgation. 
The technical apparatus which Mr Bentham has employed to en- 
force thefe tenets upon his readers, appears to us to have been al- 
together unnecefiary ; and we have not yet been able to difcover 
that it can be of any fervice in improving their pra£lical applica- 
tion. There are many things, indeed, that feem to be v:.ry in- 
accurately laid down in the detail of thefe principles, and a flill 
greater num.ber that are aiTumed with too little limitation. 

The bafis of the whole fyftem is the undivided fovereignty of 
the principle of utility, and the necelTity which there is for re- 
curring ftricLly to it in every queftion of legiflation. Moral feel- 
ings, it is admitted, will frequently be found to coincide w'*h it j 
but they are on no account to be trufted to, till this coincidence 
has been verified ; they are no better than fympathies and antipa- 
thies, mere private and unaccountable feelings, that may vary in 
the cafe of every individual 5 and therefore can afford no fixed 
standard for general approbation or enjoyment. We cannot help 
thinking, that this fundamental propofition is very defe6live, both 
in logical confiftency, and in fubftantial truth. In the firft place, 
it feems very obvious to remark, that the principle of utility is 
liable to the fame objedicns, on the force of which the authority 
pi moral im.preffions has been fo pofitively denied. How fliall 
-utility itfelf be recognifed, but by a feeling fimjlar to that which 

J5 



J So4.. Bentham, Prlacipes de Legjfatlon, par DuniQut. \ i 

is ftlgmatifed ?.s capricious and unaccountable ? How are plea- 
fures and pains, and the degrees and relative magnitude of plea- 
fures and pains to be diflinguiflied, but by the feeling and expe- 
rience of every individual ? And what greater certainty can there 
be in the accuracy of fuch determinations, than in the refults of 
other feelings no lefs general and diilinguiilvable ? If right and 
wrong be not precifely the .fame to every individual, neither ire 
pleafure and pain ; and if there be delpotifm and abfurdity in itr- 
pofing upon another, one's own impretiions of wifdom and pro- 
priety, it cannot be juft and reafonuble to erect a ftandard of et - 
joyment, and a rule of conduil:, upon the narrow bafis of our 
own mcafure of fenfibillty. It is evident, therefore, that by af- 
fuming the principle of utility, we do not get rid of the rilk of 
variable feeling ; and that we are iliil liable to all the uncertainty 
that may be produced by this caufe, undt:r the influence cf any 
other principle. 

The truth is, however, that tins uncertainty is in ali cafes of 
a very limited nature, and that the common impresTions of mora- 
lity, the vulgar dilf in(S\ions of right and wrong, virtue and vie*', 
-arc perfe£lly iufficient to dire£t the conduct of the individual, 
and the judgement of the legiflator, without any reference to the 
nature or origin of thofe diftindlions. In many refpetSts, indeed, 
we conceive tliem to be litter for this purpofe than Ivir Bentham's 
oracles of utility. In the firft place, it is .neceffary to obferv , 
that it is a very grof^ and unpardonable millake to reprefent thofe 
notions of right and wrong as depending altogether upon the pri- 
vate and capricious feelings of an individuaL Certainly no man 
was ever fo arrogant or fo foolilh, as to infiil upon eitabliiliing 
Ids own individual perfuafion as an infallible teft of duty and 
wifdom to all the reft of the w^crld. The moral feelings, of 
which Mr Bentham would make fo fmali account, are tbe feel- 
ings which obfervation teaches us to impute to all men ; thofe 
in which, under every variety of circumftances, they are found 
pretty conflantly to agree, and as to which their uniformity rnay 
be reafoned and reckoned upon with almoil as mucli fecurity as 
in the cafe 'of their external perceptions. The exiftcnce of fuch 
feelings, ,and the uniformity with v.hich they are excited in aU 
men by the fame occafions, are fafts that admit of no difpute ; 
and, in point of certainty and precifion, we have feen already, 
tiiat they are exacily on a footing M-ith thofe perceptions of uti- 
lity that can only be relied on after they have been verified bv a 
fimilar procefs of obfervation. Now, we are inclined to think, 
in oppoiition to Mr Bentham, that a legiflator will proceed more 
i^afely by foilowing the indications of thofe moral diftin<Stions as 

t» 



12 Bentham, Prwdpes de Legijlatiotiy par Dtimont, April 

to which all men are agreed, than if he refolves to fet them al- 
together at defiance, and to be guided by nothing but thofe per- 
ceptions of utility vvhich he niuft colled: from the fame general 
agreement. It is now, we believe, univerfuUy admitted, that no- 
thing can be generally the objedi of moral approbation, which 
does not tend, upon the whole, to the good of mankind -, and we 
are not even difpofed to difpute with Mr Bentham, that the true 
fource of this moral approbation is in all cafes a perception or ex- 
perience of utility in the a£Hon or object which excites it. The 
difference between us, however, is confiderable ; and it is pre- 
cifely this — Mr Bentham maintains, that in all cafes we ought to 
difregard the prefuniptions arifing from moral approbation, and, 
by a refolute and fcrupulous analyfis, to get at the naked utility 
upon which it is founded ; and then, by the application of his 
new moral arithmetic, to determine its quantity, its compofition, 
and its value, and, according to the refult of this invelligatlon, 
to regulate our moral approbation for the future. We, on the 
other hand, are inclined to hold, that thefe feelings, where they 
are uniform and decided, are by far the fureft tefts of the quan- 
tity and value of the utility by which they are fuggefted ; and 
that if we difcredit their report, and attempt to afccrtain this 
value by any formal procefs of calculation or analyfis, we defert 
a fafe and natural ftandard, in purfuit of one for the con{lru6lion 
of which we have yet no rules nor materials. A very few ob- 
fervations, we truft, will fet tbia in a clear light. 

The amount, degree, or intcnfity of any pleafure or pain, is 
afcertained by feeling, and not determined by reafon or reflec- 
tion. Thefe feeUngs are tranfitory in their own nature, and arc 
not eafily recalled with fuch precifion as to enable us, upon re- 
colle61:ion, to adjuil their relative values. When they pr'fait 
themfelves, however, in combinations, or in rapid lucceffion, 
their relative magnitude or intcnfity is perceived by the mind with- 
out any exertion, and rather by a fort of immediate feeling, than 
in conlequence of any intentional comparifon. When a particu- 
lar combination or fucceffion of fuch feelings is repeatedly fug- 
gefted to the memory, the relative value of all its parts is per- 
ceived with great readinefs and rapidity, and the general refult is 
fixed In the mind without our being confcious of any a<5l of re- 
flection, in this way, moral maxims and impreflions arife in the 
minds of all men, from an inftinfilve and involuntary valuation 
of the good and the evil wdiich they perceive to be connected 
with certain a£lions or habits ; and thofe impreffions may fafely 
be taken for the juft refult of that valuation which we may after- 
wards attempt unfuccefsfuUy with great labour to repeat. They 

iiKiy 



tJo^* 'Bcnthmii Prificlpa de Legi/Jatiottf par Dumofi.t, t^ 

may be compared, on this view of the matter, to thofe acquired 
perceptions of fight by which the eye is enabled to judge of dif- 
tances ; and by which we (hall be much more fafely and com- 
modioufly guided, within the range of our ordinary occupations, 
than by any formal fcientific calculations, founded on the faint- 
nels of the colouring, and the magnitude of the angle of vifion, 
compared with the average tangible bulk of the kind of obje6fc 
in quefllon. 

The comparative value of fuch good and evil, we have already 
obferved, can be determ.ined by feeling alone ; fo that the interfei*- 
ence of technical and elaborate reafoning, though it may well be 
fuppofed to diilurb thofe perceptions upon the accuracy of v/hicli 
the determination mull depend, cannot in any cafe be of the 
fmalleft affiftance. Where the pi-eponderance of good or evil 
is diftin£Hy felt by all perfons to whom a certain combination of 
feelings has been luggeiled, we have all the evidence for the reali- 
ty of this preponderance that the nature of the fubjefl will 
admit, and mult try in vain to traverfe that judgement by any 
fubfequent exertion of a faculty that has no jurifdi6lion in the 
caufe. The eltabliihed rules and Imprefhons of morality, there- 
fore, we confider as the grand recorded refult of an infinite mul- 
titude of experiments upon human feeling under every varie-' 
ty of circumftances, and as affording by far the neurell approxi- 
mation to a juft flandard of the good and the evil that human 
condu6l is concerned with, which the nature of our faculties will 
allow. In endeavouring to correct or amend t,his general verdift 
of mankind in any particular Inftance, we not only fubllitute our 
own individual feelings for that large average which is implied in 
the prevalence of moral imprefhons, but we run the common rifk 
of omitting or miftaking fome of the mofl important elements of 
the calculation. Every one at all accuftomed to reflect upon the 
operations of his mind, mult be confcious how difficult it is to re- 
trace exa£tly thofe trains of thought which pafs through the undtT- 
flanding aimoit without giving us any intimation of their exiftence, 
and how impoflible k frequently is to repeat any procefs of thoughc 
when we propofe to make it the fubjedt of obfervation. Our 
feelings are not in their natural itate v/hen we can Itudy their 
afpefts attentively •, and tl\eir force and dire£iion are better eltl- 
mated from the traces which they leave in their i"pontaneous vifi- 
tations, than from any forced revocation of tUem for the purpofc 
of being meafured or compared. "Wlien the obje6t Itfelf is inac- 
ceffibie, it is wifeft to com.pute its magnitude from its firadow ; 
where the caufe cannot be directly examined, its qualities are moft 
fecursly inferred from its efFe<2;;^^ 

One 



f^- Benthan-j Trlsiclpcs Je Legifiaftony par Dumont. April 

One of the mofl obvious confequences of dlfregardlng the ge- 
neral imprcffions of morality, and determining every individual' 
•qi'.eftion upon a rigorous eftimation of the utility it might ap- 
pear to involve, would be, to give an additional force to the 
principles by vi^hich our judgments are apt to be perverted, and 
entirely to abrogate the authority of thofe general rules by which 
alone men are commonly enabled to judge of their own conduct 
with any tolerable acgxec of impartiality. If v^& were to difmifs 
altogether from our conhderation thofe authoritative maxims 
which have been fantlicned by the general approbation of man- 
kind, and to regulate our conduft entirely by a view of the 
good and the evil that prcrnifes to be the conftquence of every 
particular action, there is reafon to fear, not only that inclina- 
tion might flip ill a. faife weight into the fcale, but that many 
of the mod important confequences of our actions might be 
overlooked. Thofe adions are bad, according to Mr Bentham, 
that produce more evil than good : but atlions are performed 
by individuals, and all the good may be to the individual and 
all the evil to the community. There are innumerable cafes, in 
which the advantages to be gained by the commiflion of a crime 
are incalculably greater than the evils to which it may expofe the 
criminal. Thjs holds in almoft every inftance where unlawful 
paffions may be gratified with very little rilk of detedlion. A 
mere calculation of utilities would never prevent fuch actions ; 
and the truth undoubtedly is, that the greater part of men arc 
only withheld from committing them by thofe general imprc'hons 
of morality, which it is the objett of Mr Bentham's fyftem to fu- 
perfede. Even admitting, wdiat might very eafdy be denied, that, 
in all cafes, the utility of the individual is infeparably connefted 
with that of foeiety, it will not be difputed, at leaft, that this 
connexion is of a nature not very ftriking or obvious, and that it 
may frequently be overlooked by an individual deliberating on the 
coi^fcquences of his projected aftions. It is in aid of this over- 
ilght, of this omifTion, of this partiality, that we refer to the gene- 
ral rules cf morality ; rules, which have been fuggefted by a 
larger obfervation, and a longer experience, than any individual 
can dream of pretending to, and which have been accommodated 
by the joint acSlion of our fympathies with delinquents and fuf- 
ferers to the adual condition of human fortitude and infirmity. 
If they be founded on utility, it is on a utility that cannot always 
be difcovered, and that can never be correctly eftimated in deli- 
berating upon a particular meafure, or with a view to a fpecific 
courfe of conduct ; it' is on a utility that does not difcover itfelf 
till it is accumulatedj and only becomes apparent after a large 

Golle(Slion 



l'8o4' Bentham, Prlndpes de Legijlathnf par Hiimont,- rj 

collection of examples have been embodied in proof of it. Such 
fumir,aries of utility, fuch records of uniform obfervation, we 
conceive to be the general rules of morality^ by which, and by 
which alone, legiflators or individuals can be fafely directed in 
determining on the propriety of any ccurfe of conduft. They 
are obfervations taken in the calm, by which v/e muft be guided 
in the darknefs and the terror of the tempeft ; they are beacons 
and ftrongholds erefted in the day of peace, round which we 
mufl rally, and to which we muft betake ©urfelves in the hour o£ 
contjft and alarm. 

For thefe reafons, and for others which our limits will not 
permit us to hint at, we are of opinion, that the old eftablifiied 
morality of mankind ought upon no account to give place to a 
bold and rigid inveftigation into the utility of any courfe of ac- 
tion that may be made the fubje£l of deliberation ; and that the 
fafefl and the fiiorteft way to the good which we all defire, is 
the beaten highway of morality, v»'hidh was formed at firlt by 
the experience of good and of ev jl. 

But our objections do not apply merely to the foundation of 
Mr Bentharn's new fyfterri of morality : We think the plan and 
execution of the fuperllrufture itfelf defective in many particu- 
lars. Even if we could be perfuaded that it would be wifer in 
general to follow the dictates of utility than the impreflions o£ 
moral duty, we ihould be fully at liberty to fay that the fyfteni 
contained in thefe volumes does not enable us to adopt that fub- 
flitute : it prefents us with no means of meafuring or comparing 
utilities. After perufing M. Dumont's eloquent obfervations on the 
incalculable benefits which his author's difcoveries v/ere to con- 
fer on the fcience of legiHation, and on the genius and good 
fortune by which he had been enabled to reduce morality to the 
precifion of a fcience, by fixing a precife flandard for the good' 
and evil of our lives, we proceeded with the perufal of Mr 
Bentharr/s endlefs tables and divifjons, with a mixture of itr.pi.- 
tience, expectation and difappointment. Now that Vi'e have 
finifhed our talk, the latter fentiment alone remains ; for we 
perceive very clearly, that M. Dumont's zeal and partiality have 
impofed upon his natural fagacity, and that Mr Bentham has 
juft left the fcience of morality in the fame imperfeCt condition 
in which it was left by his predeceifors. The whole of Mr 
Bentham's catalogues and diftinctions tend merely to point cut the 
number of the caufes that produce our happinefs or mifery, but 
by no means to afcertain their relative niagnitude or force ; and 
the only efteCt of their introduction into the fcience of morality 
feems to be, to embarrafs a popular fubjeCt with a technical no- 
menclature. 



'.li^ "^jilLi^liUi friueipes de Ligation, par Duf^O^h^ April 

menclature, and to perplex familiar truths with an unneceflary 
ihtricacy of arrangement. Of the juftice of this remark, any 
one may fatisfy himfelf, by turning back to the tables and claffi- 
fications which w6 have exhibited in the former part of this ana- 
lyfis, and trying if he can find there any rules for eftimating the 
comparative value of pleafures and pains^ that are not perfeftly 
familiar to the mod uninilru6ted of tlie fpecies. In the table 
of fimple pleafures, for Inftance, what fatisfaciioil can it afford, 
to find the pleafure of riches fet down as a didincl; genus from 
the pleafure of power and the pleafure of the fenfes, unlefs 
fome fcale were annexed by. which the refpedlive value of thefe' 
pleafures might be afcertained ? If a man is balancing between 
the pain of privation andthe pain of fliame, how is he relieved' 
by finding thefe arranged under feparate titles ? or, in either 
cafe, will it give him any information to be told, that the value 
of a pain or pleafure depends upon its intenfity, its. duration^ 
or its certainty ? If a legiflator is defirojjs to know whether: 
murder or forgery be the greatefl; crime, will he be contented to 
hear that the evil of every crime is either of the firft, the fecond, 
or the third order, and that all crimes produce the two firft, and 
have a tendency to produce the latctr alfo, if they be not vigoroufly 
reprefled ? If he wilh to learn what degree of punilhment is fuir- 
able to a particular offence, will he be greatly edified to read that 
the fame punifliment maybe more or lefs fevere according to the 
temperament, the intelligence, the rank, or the fortune of the de- 
linquent ; and that the circivm (lances that influence fenfibiiity, 
though commonly reckoned to be only nine, may fairly be fct 
down at fifteen ? Is there any thing, in fliort, in this whole 
book, that realifes the trimphant Introdu£tion of the editor, or 
that can enable us in any one inftance to decide upon the rela- 
tive magnitude of an evil, otherwife than by a reference to the 
common feelings of mankind ? It is true, we are perfectly per- 
fuaded, that by the help of thefe feelings, we can form a pretty 
correcl judgement in molt cafes that occur ; but Mr Bentham is 
not perfuaded of this j and infiils upon our renouncing all faith 
in fo incorre£l a ftandard, while he promifes to furnifh us with 
another that is liable to no fort of inaccuracy. This promife 
we do not think he Uas fulfilled; becaufe he has given us no 
rule by which the intenfity of any pain or pleafure can be deter- 
mined, and furnilhed us with no' inftrument by which we may 
take the altitude of enjoyment, or fathom the depths of forrow. 
It is no apology for having made this promife, that its fulfilment 
■was evidently impoffible. 

In multiplying thefe diftlnQiions and divifions which form" the 
bSfis of his fyllem, Mr Bentham appears to us to bear lefe re-i 

fcmblanec 



lC04« Bcnthail:!, Ihina'pes de Lfgif.atmi^ par Dumontr if 

femblance to a philofopher of the prcfent times, thnn to one of 
the old fcholaftlc doclors who fubftituted claiTificacion for rtfa- 
foning, and looked upon the ten categories as the moft ufeful 
of all human inventions. Their diftin£lions were generally real 
as well as his, and could not have been made without the mif- 
application of much labour and ingenuity ; but it is now gene- 
rally admitted that they are of no ufe, either for the promotion 
of truth, or the dete£lion of error ; and that they only ferve to 
point out differences that cannot be overlooked, or need not 
be remembered. ■ There are many differences and man^ points 
of refemblance in all actions, and in all fubftances, that are ab- 
folutely indifferent in any ferious reafoning that may be entered 
into with regard to them •, and though much induflry and much 
accutenefs may be difplayed in finding them out, the difcovery 
is juft as unprofitable to fcience as the enumeration of the ad- 
verbs in the creed, or the diffyllabks in the decalogue, would be 
to theology. The greater number of Mr Bentham's diftinftions, 
however, are liable to cbje6llon, becaufe they ftate, under an 
intricate and technical arrangement, thofe fa£ts and circum- 
flances only that are neceffarily familiar to all mankind, and 
cannot poiubly be forgotten on any occafion where it is of im- 
portance to remember them. In perufing his book, we fre- 
quently found it neceffary to beftow a good deal of attention 
upon a diftin£lion or propofition that, when it was fully appre- 
hended, turned out to be abfolutely feif-evident or obvious ; and 
indeed we can fcarcely remember any one of his practical max- 
ims that can poffibiy be conceived to be .overlooked for a mo- 
ment by the legiilatures for whofe illumination this work is in- 
tended. If bad laws have been enabled, it certainly is not from 
having forgotten that the good of fociety is the ultimate objedt 
of all law, or that it is abfurd to reprefs one evil by the creation 
of a greater. Legiflators have oiten bewildered themfelves in 
the choice of means, but they have never fo grofsiy miilaken 
the ends of their inftitution as to need to be reminded of theie 
apparent trutlis. 

If there be any part of Mr Bentham's claffification that can be 
fuppofed to affift us in appretiating the comparative value of 
pleafurcs and pains, it muft certainly be his enumeration of the 
circumftanccs that zfFe.0: the fenfibility of individuals. Even if.this 
table were to fulfil all that it promifes, however, it would itili 
leave ihe fyftem fundamentally deficient, as it does not enable 
us to compare the relative amcmnt of any two pleafures or pains 
to individuals in the fame circumiL^nces. In its particular ap- 
plication, however, it is no iei^s defeflive ; for though weiirc told 

VOL. iV. NO, 7. B that 



rg Bentham, Prlnctpes de Legljlation^ par Dumcnt.. April 

that temperament^ intelligence, '&C. {lioiild vary the degree of pu- 
nifliment or reward, we are not toid to what extent, or in v/hat 
^n-oportions, it fhould be varied by thefe circumitances. Till 
this be done, however, it is evident that the elements of Mr 
Benthan-/s moral arithtnetic have no determinate value,, and that 
it is perfeilly impofhble to work any practical problem in legi« 
fiation by tri-- help of them. It is fcatcely ntcelTiiry to add, tha': 
even if this were atcomplifhed, and the co£;nifance of all thefe 
particulars diilinf^ly enjoined by the law, the only effete would 
be, to introduce a puerile and fantallic complexity into our fyf- 
tems of jurifprudence, and to incumber judicial procedure with 
a multitude of frivolous obfcrvanccs. The circumftances, in 
eonfjderation of which Mr Bentham would have the laws vary 
the puniihmetn, a-re fo niuTiLVOus and fo indefinite, that it would 
require a vail deal more labour to afcertain their exiilence, than 
to eftabliih the principal offence. The firft is Temperament j 
and in a cafii of hogging, we fuppofe Mr Bentham would remit 
a few laflies of the fentence to a fanguine and irritable delinquent, 
and lay on a few additional ftripes on a phlegmatic or pltuitous 
one. But hew is the temperament to be given in evidence ? or are 
the judges to aggravate or alleviate a punifiiment upon a mere 
infpeftion of the prifoner's complexion ? Another circumltance 
that Ihould affc<^ the pain, is the offendeTs firmnefs of mind ; 
and another his llrength of underflanding. liow is a court to 
take cognifance of thefe qualities ? or in what degree are they 
to affe6l their proceedings ? If we are to admit fuch confidera- 
tions into our law at all, they ought to be carried a great deal 
farther than Mr Bentham has indicated ; and it Ihould be ex- 
preffed in the ftatutcs, what alleviation of punilhment fliould be 
awarded to a culprit on account of his wife's pregnancy, or the 
Golour of his childrens hair. We cannot help thinking that the 
undiftinguilhing groffnefs of our aOual practice is better than 
fuch foppery. We fix a puniflmient which is calculated for the 
common, average condition of thefe to whom it is to be applied j 
and, in almoft all cafes, we leave with the judge a difcretionary 
power of accommodating it to any peculiarities that may {cf^n 
to require an exception. After all, this is the moft piaufible 
part of Mr Benthara's arrangements. 

In what he has faid of the falfe notions which legiflators have 
frequently follov/ed in preference to the polar light of utility, 
we think we difcover a good deal of inaccuracy, rnid fome little 
want of candour. Mr Bentham muft certainly be copfcious that 
no one ever pretended that the mere antiquity of a law was a 
fufficient reafon for retaining it in fpite of its evident inutility ; 



t"o'. Benlham, Princtpcs de Legijlatlon, par Dumont. . I9 

but when the utility of parting with it is doubtful, its antiquity 
may fairly be urged as affording a prefumption in its favour, 
and as a reafon for being cautious at lead in the removal o£ 
what mud be incorporated with fo many other inflitutions. We 
plead the antiquity of our conflitution as an additional reafon for 
not yielding it up to innovators : but nobody ever thought, we be- 
lieve, of advancing this plea in fupport of the (latutes agaiuft witch- 
craft. In the fame way, we think there is more wit than reafon. 
in afcriblng the errors of many legiflators to their being mifled by 
a metaphor. The metaphor, we are inclined to think, has ge- 
nerally arifen from the pradice which Mr Bentham would de- 
rive from it. The law of England refpe£ls the fanQity of a free 
citizen's dwelling, fo much, as to yield it forne privilege ; and 
therefore an Engliftiman's houfe is called his caflle. . The piety 
or fuperftition of fome nations has determined that a criminal 
cannot be arrefted in a place of worfliip. This is the whole 
fa£l : the ufage is neither explained nor convi£led of abfurdity, 
by faying that fuch people call a church the houfe of God. If 
it were tlie houfe of God, does Mr Bentham conceive that it 
ought to be a fancluary for criminals .'' In what is faid of the 
fi£lionc of law, there is much of the fame mifapprehenfion. Mea 
neither are nor ever were mifguided by thcfe fidlions ; but the 
fictions arc merely certain quaint and (Iriking methods of ex- 
prefling a rule that has been adopted in an apprehenfion of its- 
utility. To deter men from committing treafon, their offspring 
is aflbciated to a certain extent in their punilhment. The mo- 
tive of this law is plain enough ; and calling the effe6t ' cor- 
ruption of blood,' will neither aggravate nor hide its injuftice. 
When it is faid that the heir is the fame perion with the de- 
ceafed, it is but a pithy way of intimating that he is bound iti 
all the obligations, and entitled to all the rights of his prede- 
ceflbr. 'i'hat the King never dies, is only another phrafe for- 
exprefung that the oflice is never vacant ; and that he is every- 
where, is true, if it be lawful to fay that a perfon can zck by 
deputy. In all thefe obfervations, and in many that are icat^ 
tered through the fubfequent part of his book, Mr Bentham 
feems to forget that there is fuch a thing as common fenfe in 
the world, and to take it for granted, that if there be an open- 
ing in the letter of the law for folly, mifapprehenfion, or abufe, 
its minifters will eagerly take advantage of it, and throw the 
whole frame of focieiy into diforder and wretchednefs. A 
very flight obfervation of the adual bufmefs of life might have 
taught him, that expciiency may be readily and certainly dil- 
tovered by thofe who are intertfted in finding itj and that iv. a- 

B 3 certairi 



* 

■$&. ttnt\\JirA, Pf'ittcipes de Leg'f/at7oni p^ Dufksfi/t Apni' 

(Certain ftage of civilization there is generated fuch a quantity of 
intelligence and good fenfe as to difarm abfurd inftitutions of 
their power to do mifchief, and to adminifter defeftive laws into 
a fyftrm of perfect equity. This is the grand correclive which 
femedies all the errors of le^iflitors, and retrenches all that is 
pernicious in prejudice. It mvjkes us ind'pendent of technical 
fyfteins, and inctilterent to fpt-cuhtive irregularities. He who 
could increafe its quantity, or confirm its powcTy would do more 
fervice to mankind than all the philofophers that ever fpeculated 
on the ftieans of their reformation. 

As the fubfequent part of Mr Bentham's work is really in a 
confiderable degree what it profefles to be altogether, a detailed 
application of the prtcfdino: principles to the codes of civil ;md 
of criminal law, it will be lefs necelTary for us, after fo full an 
examination of thofe principles, to fpend much time in the 
analyfis of their application. There are feattered throughout 
the whole book a great number of profound remarks and acurc 
and valuable fuggeftions : but many things are advanced with 
confidence, that appear to us to be very qutfli mable ; and the 
general plan and diltribution of the fubjecls feems to be both 
artificial and imperfe61:. 

Mr Bentham'& paflion for claflification and diftin<£lions, ma- 
nlfeils itfelf.jn a very ftriking way in the introduCTiory chapter 
to the fecond part of his work, where he enumerates all the di- 
vifions of which law is fufccptible, and delights himfelf with 
many puzzling remarks on the relative completenefs of a diftri- 
bution into internal and external law — civil and criminal — tem- 
poral and fpiritual — fubftantive and adjeftive — general and par- 
ticular — punifhing and rewarding, &c. &c. Sec 

In the following chapter we meet with a perplexity which,' 
though more ingerioufly produced, appears to us to be equally 
gratuitous. Mr Bentham for a long time can fee no diftindtion 
between civil and criminal jurifprudence, and infifts upon it^ 
that rights and crimes neceflariiy and virtually imply each other. 
If I have a right to get your horfe, it is becaufe it v/ould be a 
crime for you to keep him from me ; and if it be a crime for 
me to take your horfe, it is becaufe you have a right to keep him. 
This we think is very pretty reafoning ; but the difl:in6l!on be- 
tween the civil and the criminal law is not the lefs fubftantial 
and apparent. The civil law is that which directs and enjoins — 
the criminal law is that which punifhes. This is enough for the 
legiflator, and for thofe who are to obey him. It is a curious 
inquiry, no doubt, how far all rights may be confidered as the 
•ounterpart of crimes,- and whether every regulation of the civit 

cods 



^So4' Bcntham, Prlnctpes de Leglfiation^ par Dumoni. 2* 

cor'e neceflarily implies a delist in the event of its violation. 0» 
this head there is room for a good deal of fpeculation ; and ira 
our opinion Mr Bentham pufhes the principle rather too far. 
■There feems to be nothing gained, for inftance, either in th€ 
way of cleaYnf^fs or conllftency, by arran^nng under the head of 
^criminal law thofe cafes of refufal to fuliil contrails, or to per- 
form obligations, for vi-hich no other punifhment is provided 
•but a compulfory fulfihnent or performance. This is mcrfly 
following out the injunction of the civil code, and cannot, either 
in law or in logic, be correclly regarded as a puni(hment. The 
proper pra6lical tefl of a crime, is where, over and above the 
reltitution of the violated right {where that is poffibie), the vio^ 
lator is fubjedied to a dirt<ft p,:in, in order to reprcfs the repe- 
tition of fuch offences. 

In conformity, however, witl: his 'notion of the necefHiry 're^ 
<iprocation of crimes and rights, Mr Benthara carries his idea of 
the extent and dominion of the law a gre^t deal farther than 
any other writer we have met with. As crimes are clearly the 
creatures of law and pofitive inftitution, fo, he holds, muft rights 
be aifo ; and accordir.gly, he does not feruple to aiTert, pofitive- 
ly and exprefsly, that it is from the law alone that we enjoy the 
right of getting up or lying down, of w^.iking out into the fields, 
or of moving our hands to our heads. This paradox he explains, 
•by ftating that we can only be faid to have a right to do tliefe 
things, becaufe tlie law has made it a crime for any one to dif- 
turb us in doing them. By the fame procefs of raafoning it may- 
be fhewn, that it is from the law alone that we derive the right 
of breathhig or of living. But this view of the matter is evi-.- 
dently quite forced and unnatural. The law can only be faid 
to coiifer thofe rights which could not be exercifed without its 
proteftion ; and in this way, perhaps, ail rights of property, of 
privilege and inheritance, arid all claims upon formal contrails, 
may be faid to owe their exigence to law, as they would un- 
doubtedly be defeated by an abfolute abrogation of all fuch au-? 
thoritative rules. But with regard to thofe acts th. t are implied 
in the very being of man, and which we cannot ceafe to exer- 
cife while we continue to exift, it feems evident that we derive 
our right to exercife them from a fi:ill higher authority ; and that 
human inftitutions, though they may punilh the vioiatqr of tne 
right, can never pretend to have created it. Mr Bentham fees 
the a£t and the authority of law in every thing, becauie, he fays, 
every thing is either enjoined by it, or permitted with a prohi- 
bition againft its being interrupted. We, on the other hand, 
pnly recognife the operation of law where it interferes Vv'ith hu-? 
^lan inciiQationSi or propenfities. We fee it puly where it 

jB 3 fnioins 



C9 Bentham, Prwcipts de LegiJIat'wn, par 'Dninont, Apiil 

enjoins or prohibits ; and where it prohibits, we fee it only 
in the reftraints which it inipofeSj and not at all in thofe 
afts which its prohibition may render more iecure. If there 
be any truth in Mr Bentham's general pofition, we fliould fay 
that rivers are dependent upon law for their right to run in- 
to the fea, fince in many cafes it has made it a crime to obftru£l 
or divert them. 

We fhould now prepare to accom.pany Mr Bentham into the 
detail of his civil and criminal code \ but the imraenfe extent of 
the fubjeft, even more than the great length of the preceding 
obfervations, deters us from engaging in a talk fo form id able , 
We mull confine our remarks, therefore, to a few of the moft 
jnterefting points of difculTion. In entering on his expofition of 
the principles of the civil code, Mr Bentham appals us by an 
abftraft divifion of the obje£l:s of utility, or the elements of hap- 
pinefs, into, i. Subfiflence, 2. Abundance, 3. Equality, 4. Se- 
curity. We are then told, that of thefe, fecurity ihould be the 
chief objeft of the legiflator, and that, by providing for it, the 
xefl will follow of their own accord. There are fome very good 
remarks on the effects of the full fecurity of property on the 
whole frame of fociety, illultrated by an eloquent contrail: of the 
condition of the Turkilh Emjnre and the United States of Ame- 
rica. Upon the fubjeft of the maintenance of the poor, there 
is an excellent abftraft of all the material points in difpute be- 
tween the advocates and opponents of a legal affeffment. Mr 
Bentham decides in favour of it, chiefly on account of the uncer- 
tainty, the inequality, and the inadequacy of a voluntary con- 
tribution. 

Upon the fubjecSt of the acquifition and tranfmiffion of pro- 
perty, there are a good number of puzzling diftindlions, and a 
good deal of old do6lrine delivered in new language. The moil 
important of the novelties, is Mr Bentliam's law of inteilate 
iuccellion. He abrogates, of courfe, all diilindtion between 
inale and female, elder and younger \ he gives all to the de-* 
fcendants, to. the exclufion of the parents ; to the father and 
mother where tliere are no children ; to the brothers and fillers 
v/here the parents alfo are deceafed ; and, on failure of parents 
and brothers, to the Jlate^ to the utter ei;clufion of all remoter 
collaterals, and only under the condition of their paying the in- 
tereft of tlie fucceilion to the furviving relations- in the diredt 
]ine of afcent. We are not at all aware of the expediency of 
l^his innovation. Mr Bentham further approves of the pov/er 
of making teltaments, but v/iflies to referve a certain portion to 
the chiidrtn, and to reftri<fl the right of tellation to one half of 
tlie deiiUicl's property, where he hus no relations to interfere, 

witi^ 



■1S04. Bentliam, Pr'mdpes de Legiflutkn, par Dumonf. 2,3 

w'th the ftr^e's cl:um to the mheritance. The efTeft of all tliefe 
regulations, M'e think, is to diminilh the value of property, by 
limitiiip; the powers of the proprietor, and in that way to Vi'^eakea 
the incitements to induflry. 

Upon the laws arihng from the different civil relations of private 
life, v/e do not meet with many new obfen^ations, though the rea- 
fons and confequences of CA-ery thing are (ifced and analyfcd in 
a much more rigorous manner than is ufu;iL Tlicre are fonie 
excellent remarks upon flavery, which Mr Bentham thinks would 
be aboliilied with the leafi; danc^er, either if the flaves were pei"- 
mitted to redeem their' liberty by their own extraordinary in- 
ilultry, or if a certain proportion of them were let free on th's 
death of the proprietor. The latter fcheme Mr Bentham allows 
to be attended with fome rilk, and we believe it would produce 
more difappointnient than fatisfa£tion. Upon the fubjeCt of 
marriage, there is a ^-qtv mallei-ly differtation : But v/e cannot 
agree with the author, that the permilhon of divorce, on the 
joint application of the parties, would tend to promote the feli- 
city of this inllitiition. Mr Hume's argument upon this fubject 
■we take to be quite unanfwerable, and are perfuaded that Mr 
Bentham has not fufficiently wcirjhed the advantages that are de- 
rived from the indiBblubility of this contract, both with refpe£i: 
to the precautions it infpiresj and to its tendency to reprefs thofe 
diflenfions which would be apt to tear afunder a more precarious 
tie, before habit and reciprocal benefits had come to confirm and 
to endear it. In fome of the remarks which occur upon this 
fubjeft, we think we can difcover a tone that is not originally 
Englilli, and fufpe£l this to be one of the paflages where M. 
Dumont has thought it proper to amplify and to animate hi$ 
author. 

In paffing to the code of criminal law, Mr Bentham does not 
forget the neceflity of claffifying and dividing. Deli61:s, accord- 
ing to him, are either, i . Private, or againft one or a fev/ indivi- 
duals ; 2. Refie6tive, or againil the delinquent himfelf ; 3. Se- 
mipubUc, or againft fome clafs or description of perfons ; and, 
■finally, public, or againil the whole community. Private de- 
ii£ls, again, relate either to the perlbn, the property, the repu- 
tation or the condition j and they are dillributed into complex 
and fimple, principal and acceffory, pofitive and negative, &c. 
&:c. The chief evil of a crime is the alarm which it excites in 
the community ; and the degiee of this alarm, Mr Bentham af- 
fumes, depends upon eight circumllances, the particular fituation 
pf the delinquent, his motives, his notoriety, his character, the 
difficulties or faciUties of the attempt, &c. Without following 
<put the enuuieral^on^ it (eQfl^s quite enough to fay, that the a- 

XJ 4 hrm 



24 Bentham, Prlncipes de LegtJIationj par Diiniont. Apiil 

larm is increafed oy every thing M^hich renders it probable that 
fuch a£ts may be frequently repeated. In one cafe, and one of 
confiderable atrocity, there is no alarm at all ; becaufe the only 
beings who can be affefted by it, are incapable of fear or fuf- 
picion — this is the cafe of infanticide ; and Mr Bentham inge- 
iiioufly obferves, that it is probably owing to this circumftance 
that tl.e laws of many nations have been fo extremely indiiTereut 
on that fubje^l. In modern Europe, however, he conceives that 
they are barbaroufly fevere. In the cafe of crimes againft the 
comitiunitv, fu-ch as mifgovernment of all kinds, the danger a- 
gain is generally infinitely greater than the alarm. 

The remedies which law has provided againft the mifchief of 
crimes, Mr Benthahi fays, are of four orders ; preventive — re- 
prelTive — compenfatory — or fimply penal. Upon the fubjeft of 
compenfation or fatisfa£lion, Mr Bentham iS moft copious and 
moft original ', and under the title of fatisfa6i:ion in honour, he 
prefents us with a very cool, acute, and judicious inquiry into 
the elto6ts of duellirig, vt^hich he reprefents as the only remedy 
wliich the impolicy or impotence of our legiflators has left for 
fuch offences. We do not think, however, that the fame good 
fenfe prevails in the Iketch which he fubjoins of the means that 
might be employed to punifli infults and attacks upon the honour 
of individuals. ' According to the enormity of the offence, he h 
for makingthe delinquent pronounce a difcourfe of humiliation, 
eitlicr Handing or on his knees before the offended party, and 
clothed in embleVnatical robes, with a mafk of a charadleriflic 
nature on his head, &c. There are countries perhaps where 
fuch contrivances might anfwer ; but, with us, they would not 
only be inefFe6luaI, but ridiculous. 

In the choice of punifliments, Mr Bentham wifhes legiflators 
to recolleft, that punifhment is itfelf an evil, and that it confifts 
of five parts ; the evil of rcflraint — the evil of fuffering — the 
evil of apprehenfion — the evil of groundlefs perfecution, and the 
evils that extend to the innocent connexions of the delinquent. 
For thefe reafons, he is anxious that no punifliment fhould be 
inflifted without a real caufe, or without being likely to influ- 
ence the will, or where ether rem.edies might have been em- 
ployed, or in cafes where the crime produces lefs evil than the 
puiiifhment. Thefe admonitions are proper, and, Vv^e dare fay, 
fir; cere ; but they certainly are not recommended • by their no- 
velty. The pUnifnments which Mr Bentham approves, are fuch 
as are fufcepttble of degrees, uniform in their nature, anajogou.'i 
to the oifencG, proportionate to the temptation, economical and 
remillible. He does not approve of punifliing Math death, and 
makes a remark upon the penal code of Engkindj which has bjeea 

fcj 



«So4. Bentliam, Prtncipes de Legijlathn, par Dumanfi i^ 

fo often repeated by foreigners that it feems no longer to operate 
as a reproach on the natives. 

Jn the fedion upon the indire6l means of preventing crimes, 
there is a great deal of genius and ftrong reafoning, though there 
are many things that are fet down in too rafli and peremptory 
a manner, and fome that are fupported v/ith a degree of flip- 
pancy * not very fuitable to the occafion. The five main fources 
of offence he thinks are, want of occupation, the angry pafiions, 
the paffion of the fexes, the love of intoxication, and the love 
of gain. As fociety advances, all thefe lofe a good deal of their 
mifchievous tendency, excepting the laft; againll v/hich, of courfe,^ 
the legislature fliould be more vigilant than ever. In the gradual 
predominance of the avaricious paffions over all the reft, how- 
ever, Mr Bentham fees many topics of confolation, and con- 
cludes this part of his work with declaring that it fhould be the 
great object of the criminal lav/ to reduce all offences to that 
fpecies which can be com.pletely atoned for and repaired by 
payment of a fum of money. It is a part of his fyfterh, wliich 
we have forgotten to mention, that perfons fo injured lliould in 
ail caxes be entitled to reparation out of the public purfe. 

This clofes Mr Bentham's view of the principles of criminal 
jurifprudence, and terminates that portion of his great work 
which is contained in the pi-efent publication. The feparate 
differtations which are annexed, and occupy the greater part of 
the third volume, relate to the fame general fubjedl, and poffefs 
a confiderable degree of intereft. The firft is a propofal for 
conftrucling prifons and houfes of correition, in fuch a form, 
as to admit of the whole interior being feen at once from a 
central point, where Mr Bentham is for having a fniall chamber, 
fitted up with blinds, vv^here the infpedof either is, or is fup- 
j)ofed to be, conftantly prefent. This he calls a Panoptiquey and 
promifes rather greater things from its adoption than are very 
likely to follow. It has been adopted, however, we believe, in 
feveral parts of England with confiderable advantage. A bridcr 
well upon the fame conPcrudion has fubijfted for upwards of ten 
years in this city. 

The next differtation is on the methods and the expediency of 
promulgating the laws, and the reafons on which they are 
founded : iliuftrated by an extraft from the penal code which 
Mr Bentham promifes one day to give to the world. 

The lad difcourfe, which is by far the xnoft interefting, is up- 
on the influence of time and place in quellions of legiflation,, 
Mr Bentham illuftrates his notions as to the cautions to be ob- 

ferved 

* See in particular Vol. IIL p. 36. 57, 6:c. 



11,6 Bentham, Princlperde Legtfi,athn^ par "Diimont. April 

tferveH in the trraifphntation of laws, by ftating, with fome de- 
tail, the changes and qualifications that would be neceiTary in 
transfering to Bengal thofe laws that are generally admired and 
approved of in England. He then examines the effecls of time 
on laws and on fociety, and, with his ufual acutenefs and pre- 
cifion, points out the obvious errors into which thofe philofophers 
have been betrayed who have either called in quefLion the pof- 
fibility of great ameliorations, or indulged in vihons of abiblute 
pgrfc£libi!ity. The whole of this treatife, which coincides in fub- 
jetl with the great work of Montefquieu, is written with much 
force of reafoning and vivacity of manner. We regret that our 
limits will not permit us to enter more fully into the fubjccc, 
and can fafely recommend the perufal of it to a larger clafs of 
readers than we can venture to befpeak for the reft of the publi- 
cation. 

Upon the whole, we take cur leave of this publication witli 
fome feelings of fatigue, but with fentiments of the greateft re- 
fpecl for the talents of the author. It muft be our fault if our 
readers feel only the former. So large a quantity of original 
reafoning has feldorn, we beUere, been produced by one man ; 
and the defetts of Mr Bentham's book, as well as its excellences, 
are fuch as to alTure us, that he has drawn the whole of it from 
rthe ftorcs of his own underdsjiding, and fcarcely ever conde- 
Icended either to affiil or to correct his fpeculalions by the lights 
which m-ight have been furnilhed from v/ithout. Notwithllandiiig 
all that M. Dumont has done to render the work popular, we are 
afi-aid that it "will have fewer readers than it deferves. Thofe 
who do read it, will alfo diffent, we Ihould imagine, from many 
of the author's fundamental principles ; but they will infallibly 
be delighted with the fagacity and independence which dif- 
tinguilhes all his fpeculations, and will look forward with impa- 
tience to the publication of his entire fyftem. 

Art. II. V'oynge Phyjique et L'ltbologiqut dans la CawpanL', ^c. Par 
Scipion BreiHac. Tradiilt du Manufcrit Italien, par le General 
Poraraereuil, en deux Volumes. Paris, an XL liJoj. 

AFTER contemplating the agitations of the moral and political 
world, and the annihilation of the prejudices and v/reck of 
the inflitutions which ages had held facred, we furvey with com- 
placency the ■ immutable tranquillity of the earth, the peaceful 
fucceffion of the feafons, and the uniform reprcdu£lion of animal 
and vegetable life. Yet this earth, apparently fo tranquil, is preg- 
nant with the moft tremendous caules of defolation, and fome- 
times abandons devoted diftricts to all the horrors of volcanic ex- 
plofion, and the awful attendant phenomena. Countries the moft 



l204- "Zxtx^^Ci Voyage LMohgiquc dans !a Cnnpamey l^c. T] 

rich in fertility and cultivation, pities the moft ancient and popu* 
lous, have been loft beneath Oones and aflies, or overwhelmed by 
iicry torrents ; their very fite has been ingiilpbed, and become the 
vortex of eruption, or the bafon of a pcluilential lake. Equally 
beyond the power of human prefclence to forcfce, or of human 
energy to controul, thefe terrible operations are fometinies direct- 
ed to devaftate countries of ancient formation, and fometimes to 
create new territories, whofe future fertility tends to repay tht; 
deloiaiion that accompanied their production. 

The moll celebrated and molt ddightful portions of Italy have 
been modified or formed by the agency of fire. The rock of the 
Capitol, which Roman vanity called eternal, is the totteruig edj:e 
of a crater ; and the Campania Felice has been the creation of 
fucceilive lavas, and owes its exuberant fertility to frequent 
iQiov/ers of volcanic aihes. 

Italy prefents every variety and gradption of volcanic and pfeudo- 
volcanic pha^nomena. Near its northern boundary, tlic bafalts 
snd amygdaloids of the Vincentine are of dubious formation ; and 
the Euganean mountains in the Paduan territory have not an iit^ 
difputtd claim to an igneous origin. The tranfverfe portion of 
the Appenines, from-Parmn to Bologna, is noted for eructations 
of mud, and emiffions of inflamed gas ; and the fouth of Tuica- 
ny contains the celebrated Lagoni, and the extin6l volcanoes of 
Monte Flora and Radicofani. The weilcrn dates of tiie Church 
prefent a vail extent of territory, univerfally allowed to be volca- 
nic, ftretching, without interruption, from Aquapendr^nte to Ve- 
letri, forming the environs of the lake of Bolfena, the hills of 
Montefiafcone and the Montagna di Viterbo, extending ead to 
between Borghetto and Otricoli, and fpreading over the vail plain 
of Rome. It touches the limcftone of the Appcnines at Tivoli, 
forms the hills of Frafcati, furrounds the huge crater that con- 
tains the lake of Albano, and probably communicates by the val- 
ley of Anagni with the volcanic diftVi6l of the Terra di Lavoro. 

The limcftone of the Appenines, which ikirt the Pontine murfh- 
es from Piperno to Terracina, extends along the coaft by Fondi 
to Gaeta, and nearly to the River Liris or Garigliano. Thefe 
volcanic fubftances appear to form the bafis of the valley, and 
probably extend to Soza and Anagni. Towards the fouth, Mig- 
nano, Teano, Calvi, Capua, Caferta, Nola Sarno, and Sorrento, 
are all fituated within the eailern boundary of the volcanic terri- 
tory, which comprehends the whole fpace weftward to the fea, 
forming the celebrated Campania Felice. It is encircled by lime- 
ftone, ilretching from Gaeta to the Cape of Minerva ; and, ex- 
cepting the Monte Madico, and the hill near Calvi, which are 
liinellone, ^U mgl\ide4 ift Uiis boundary is entirely of igneous 

origin. 



28 Brelilac, Vopge Lithologique dans la Campante, bff. April 

origin. Nor are the volcanic fubftances confined within thefe li- 
mits. They form the bafis of the valley of the VoUurnus, and 
the whole extent between Cerelo and St Agata di Goti ; they 
reach up the Calore towards Beneventum, up the Claudine val- 
ley ; and, ftretching beyond Nocerra, they form the bans- oa 
which ftands Salerno. 

The various parts of this ertenfive diftrift will be regarded with 
unequal intereft. The lavas of SeiTa, Rocca, Monfine, and Teano, 
flowed at a period far antecedent to hiftory ; tlie fertile foil of the 
Campania conceals the pumices, tufas, and aflies, which form its 
bafis ; and they, in their turn, bury the lavas, Mfhich are only dif- 
covered in profound excavations. But, towards the fouth, wc 
fmd the iflands of Ifchia, of Procida, and the whole territory 
from Cuma to Naples, rough with craters, and fuming with ex- 
halations ; and near thefe half-extincl remains, we find the formi- 
dable Vefuvius reiling from tlae work of defolation, and concen- 
trating his energies for another overwhelming explofion. 

Of more than two hundred authors, who have written on the 
volcanic produdions of the kingdom of Naples, very icw have 
been guided m their invelligations by fcientific views. AtFe£led 
by the conilernation and furprife, which pl^asnomena fo tremen- 
dous and extraordinary naturally excite, they have endeavoured 
to transfufe into the minds of their readers the feelings which o- 
verpowered themfelves, and tried to make amend^ for tile inaccu- 
racy of their defcriptions by vague exaggeration and magnificent 
miftatement. Nothing in the neighbourhood of a volcano was to 
be explained in an obvious or ordinary.manner ; clouds of duft 
were traniLited into fmoks, fragments of pumice into ignited 
rocks ; and (bowers of rain, with the fubfequent troubled ftreams 
which furrowed the mountain, were magnified into mud- lavas, or 
into (iifgorged torrents of water, which v/ere boiling hot, or fait, 
or both, according to the caprice of the narrator. Thefe awful 
operations of nature were eagerly feized on by the priefts, as a 
certain mode of obtaining afcendancy over the mind'^^ of the hi- 
gotted populace y and the members of the celeftial hierarchy were 
promoted or degraded, as their votaries deemed them capable of 
controuling the fury of the dreaded volcano *. 

Even thofe who 'fiudied the mountain with calmer attention, 
were b. trayed, by preconceived opinions, into the rnoft extraor- 
dinary miftakes. The Pere della Torre, with fingular pcrverfion 
of obfcrvation, fays, f that ' Vefuvius is not a mountain produced 
by an eruption, or formed litde by fittle, but made of ftrata of 

dlllerent 



* St-e Breiilac, vol. I. p. 2 2y, note. 
..'I; Sioria e fenomeni del Vefiivio, p. 23, 



tie^i B^erflaCj Voyage Lithohgique dam fa Campankf 6fr<; -ip 

different matters like all other mountains, and corifumed by per- 
petual fire, vv'hich it contains within its bowels. ' He alfo ob- 
ferves, * that in the interior rocks of the Sommaj and of Otta- 
jano, no velliges of fire are to be feen. ' Though free from aiJ 
fuch errors, the magnificent work of Sir William Hamilton on 
the Cam.pi Phlegraci, * decorated with fplendrd engravings, is ra- 
ther calculated to give an idea of the fcenery of the difi:ri61:, and 
the pi£lurefque elteft and charafber of the volcano, than to be a 
vehicle of fcisntlfic information. The works of the Abbate Botis, 
»nd the Gabinetto del Vefuvio, by the Duke dclla Torre, contain 
inany valuable obfervatioiis, and curious details ; but it was not 
till Gioenl's book, on the lithology of Vefuvius, f made its ap- 
pearance, that any general and accurate defcription of Vefuvian 
fiibfl:ances was given. 

This intelligent obferver has prefaced his defcripttve catalogue 
by preliminary remarks of confiderable merit, and has inter- 
fperfed noises from which much important information may be 
gleaned j but he has attended too much to the diverfities of in- 
dividual fpecimens, and too little to general formations. In 
volcanoes, each eruption forms an epocha j and it is only by fe- 
parating the products of one eruption from thofe of another, and 
by noting the attendant phjenomena, that we can regiller theif 
hiftory, or reafon on their operations. Gioeni only incidentally 
coitrafts the peculiarities obfervable in lavas of different anti- 
quities ; and his obfervations are confined to Vefuvius, where: 
indeed he found diverfity enough to occupy him. The confide- 
ration of that fingle mountain, however, is not enough ; and 
the examination of its ifolated produ£ls can only be confrdered 
as "ftabhihing a partial fl.andard of comparifon for the fubrtances 
afforded by the whole extent of the volcanic difi:ri£l, of which 
it foims a fmall part. An iiweitigatioa of the phyfical confbitu- 
tion of the Campania, wa^ ciiential to the cori'e6cion and en- 
largement of our ideas refpe(^ing Vefuvius itfelf ; and for its 
accomplifiiment we muft ever hold oarfelves indebted to the in- 
defatigable perfeverrxnce and fagacious refearches of Scipio 
Breiflac 

. The firfi: edition of this work was printed in Italian, at Flo- 
rencCj in 1798. It has been increafed by numerous fubfequent 
obfervatio»is, and fome new maps. The tranilation into French 
has been performed by General Pommereuil, who has taken ncr 
fmall pains in its naturalization. The Italian meafures of Breif- 

lac 

4ltr. • ■■ ■ : • ■■ . . 

* Publifhed at Naples in 1776. 

t ►^aggio di JLitelogia Vefuviana dal Car. Guiftppe Gioeni* Napoli^ 
1791. 



3©. Breiflac, Voyage Liihotogique 3cm la Campatuey t^c, Api"!!' 

lac have been tranfmuted into French metres, which arrogantly 
figure in the text, v/hile the original expreffion is degraded to 
the notes. Many of Breiflac's appreciations of diftance, where 
perfedl accuracy was not intended, and could not be attained, 
founded very well as leagues or miles, but are perfe(!i!lly ridicu- 
loiis when reduced to kilometres, he£lometres, metres, and cen- 
timetres. This pretended preciGon would be only abfurd, if it 
were correftly founded upon the original ; but it frequently ap- 
pears, that the General gives his kiion-etrcs in round num- 
bers, when the true converiion of liis author would have afford- 
ed a fradliion. Dates, of courfe, are rendered conformable to 
the Republican kaiendar *, and even the nomenclature of miner- 
als has not efcaped. The denominations invented by Haliy are 
familiarly introduced into tlie text ; and the names by which 
the fubftances had been previoufly diPcinguiihed, and by which 
alone they are flili known to nine tenths of the mineralogilfs of 
Europe, are termed ci-devant. We can hardly fuppofe it was 
modedy that induced the General to afford his readers no mode 
of didingulihing his notes from thofe of the author, except the 
internal evidence arifing from the diverfity of their ftyle and 
matter. To readers of ordinary difcrimination, however, this 
tell is fufficient ; for no di(lin(Slions can be more marked, than 
between fagacious obfervation and frivolous impertinence. 

It is far from being our intention to follow the author through 
the whole extent of his laborious inveftigations, becaufe we are 
fully convinced of his accuracy in obferving, and his fidelity in 
reporting ; but we (hall bellow a few fentences on the eruption 
of 1 794, becaufe it prefents fome of the moll (hiking volcanic 
phenomena, and ferves to correct fome former errors. 

On the evening of the 15th of June 1794, after fome preli- 
minary (liocks, the bafe of the cone of Vefuvius opened to 
the weft, and a torrent of lava gufhed out. Five fmall crat- 
ers were formed in its courfe, and eje<Sled highly ignited ftones 
with violence and in rapid fucceffion. The lava in fix hours 
flowed three miles, and, after deilroying the town of Torre del 
Greco, ran 362 feet into the fea*. The fudden cooling it there 
underwent, did not affecl its texture, or render it prifmatic. 
This lava is of an earthy grain, uneven fraiflure, and variable 

porofity. 

* Sir William Hamilton fays, that according to the meafurement of 
the Duke della Torre, ' the new promontory which the lava formed 
was 1204 Engliih feet broad ; its height above the fea was 12 feet,- 
and as many feet under the water ; fo thac its whole height was 24 feet. 
It extended into the fea 6}^ f«;c- ' See Phil. Traal. for 1795, p. 7^^. 



1S04. Breiflac, Voyage Lltholcg'rque daus la Campame, ^c. 3$ 

porofity. It will ftrike fire with ftecl, and is of a dark grey 
colour. It abounds in green augites, and contains nnica rarely. 
It is faid to have formed augites by fublimation on the walls 
of the church at Torre del Greco, Glafs was converted by it 
into Reaumur's porcelain. Iron was generally oxidated, rarely 
combined with fulphur. Copper was fofteued and oxidated ; 
filver was fufed. Whilil the lava continued to flow from the 
wtllern bafe of the cone, another opening v/as formed on the 
eaftern fide, at a rather lefs elevation, and a dream of lava iiTued 
from it, and flowed f.uggiOily near a mile. On the morning of 
the i6th5 the lava ceafed to flow from the vi'eftern opening, and 
the mouth of the volcano refnmed its activity. It remained for 
four days covered by a cloud of ailies v^hich it eje<!:led, and 
which ihoweved over the adjacent country, and fell on an ave- 
ran^e 14 inches thick. At Caferta, more than ten miles front 
Vefuvius, torches were obliged to be \xiii6. at mid-day, and the 
gloom was only broken by the frequent ilailies of lightning 
which partially difplayed the mountain. 

On the 20th afhes ceafed to fall, and Vefuvius became againt 
vifible ; but during the preceding convulfion, part of its fum- 
mit had fallen in, and the crater was coniiderably enlarged. It 
i:ow ejctled, violently, vail numbers of Hones ; and denfe 
clouds iflaed from it in continual fuccelLon, and afcended to 
feveral times the height of the mountain, dilating as they rofe. 
Thefe clouds feemed chiefly compofed of minute fragments of" 
lava, pumice. Sec. Thefe phenomena continued till the fth 
of July ; ap.d during that period, every cloud that appeased on 
the horizon was attra£ted to Vefuvius. Violent rains, mixing 
with the loofe alhes, formed impetuous torrents of thin mud, 
which carried devaftation everywhere. Exhalations of carbo- 
nic acid mixed with azote, and fome fulphureous acid, infelted 
the cellars of Portici and Refina, and diffufed themfelves over 
particular dillri^ls of the country, where they were equally fa- 
tal to animal and vegetable life f . The vapours emitted by the 
volcano, during this eruption, M'ere chiefly muriatic acid, and 
the muriates of foda and ammonia were abundant in the hol- 
lows of the lava. Sulphur and fulphureous acid were of rare 
occurrence, though the lava fometimes contained the fulphates 
of irOn and lime •, it alfo contained the oxides of iron and ar- 
fenic. The humid vapours, exhaled by the lava, rapidly form- 
ed thin fdicious ftaladlites, by which, near the new craters, frag- 
ments of pumice and alhes were agglutinated. 

We 

f Olives and pear-trees alone were exempted from the evil efF<<3;3 of 
this foourge. See Breiflac, vol. 1. p. 2Zi, 



^Z l5reilac, Voye:^e Lithlogiqtie ddns la Carj]panlei i^i, Apnl 

We wifli the attention of our readers to be particularly fixed 
on fome of tbefe recent £.nd well authenticated facts, as they 
are of much importance in explaining the general operations of 
volcanoes. 

They fliould partkularly obferve the rapidity with which the 
lava moved — the heat that it communicated to fubftances at Torre 
del Greco — the fcarcity of fulphur, proved by the lava convert- 
ing the metallic bodies it approached into oxides, inftead of ful- 
phurets or fulphates — the formation of filicicus ftaiadites, by 
the hot, humid vapours — and the inundations of mud caufed by 
the mixture of allies and rain. Thefe facls appear not eafily 
reconciled with the afiertions of many able naturaliiis refpecling 
the imperfecl fluidity of lavas, their low temperature, and the 
abundance of fulphur they contain, which has been regarded as 
the vechicle of their particles, and the pabulum of their inflam- 
mation. The rain and alhv^s forming a pafte, and overflowing 
the country if, feem to account for tlie formation of tufas and 
imperfe6lly confoliJated volcanic bodies, without having re- 
courfe to an eruption of mud ; and the formation of filicious 
ftala£Utes opens a wide field to curious invefllgation. In order 
to appreciate the full importance of thefe remarks, it is necef- 
fary to confider fome of the opinions on the rnoft important 
queftlons fnggefted by inquiries into the conftltutlon of volca- 
noes, which have been fupported by the greateil ingenuity, and 
fan^lioned by the moft accurate obfervatioiis. 

The moPc ancient and the moil fimple mode of accounting for 
Volcanoes, is that which attributes them to the eructations of a 
central fire occupying the interior of the earth. To this theory 
it may be objeiSted, i. That it is founded on an entirely gratui- 
tous afiumption ; 2. That It is extremely improbable ; and, 3, 
That it is inadequate to explain the phenomena. The two firlt 
propofitions require no proof ; on the third It may be remarked, 
that admitting the centre of the -earth to be melted matter, it 
muft, from the duration of the fufion, have obtained perfe6t 
homogeneiety. There can be no grounds for fuppofing that it 
>Vas not originally conftitutcd homogeneous ; but even if it was 
©riginally heterogeneous. Its long continued fluidity niufh have 
produced a complete and chemical mixture. A fluid. In fuch 
a fbate, mud be completely quiefcent ; and its tranquil exiilence 
in the centre of the earth will not avail in accounting for vol- 
canoes. 
^ ' . . ' Wc. 

X Sir William Hamilton obferves, that the mud fonned ' by rain and 
afhes became in a few days fo hard a.s to require a pick,-axe to break 
It. Set -his ' Account of the late eruption of Vefuvius, ' in the Fki- 
lofoph'. Tranfatt. for 1794, p» 73. 



>'3o4'. Brelflac, Voyage Llthohglque dans la Campanie^ ^c, 3j 

We are indeed told by the ableft advocate of this fyftem, that, 
in the mineral regions, the only efFc£ls of heat are fufion and ex- 
panfion *. How is this expanfion produced ? It cannot refult 
from the continuance of the fame degree of heat. There are no 
methods we can devifc, by which a homogeneous fluid can be 
expanded by heat, but by increafing the temperature till the fluid, 
itfelf be rarefied, or by introducing fome new fubftance whofe 
folution may produce an evolution of gas. But what is this fub- 
ftance to be, and whence is it to come ? It will require a new 
afllimption to provide the leaven which is to fct the bowels of the 
earth in fermentation. The expanfion by increafe of heat can- 
not take place, becaufe the theorifts themfelves have aflTigned its 
limits, by depriving the central fire of all pabulum. Increafe 
being impofl'ible, it muft, in conformity with the laws of heat, dimi- 
nifh,"^ by equalizing the temperature of the furvounding bodies, and 
therefore cannot produce an expanfion. It is in vain that water 
is prefumed to trickle on it from above. It is equally in vain that 
the fea is fuppofed to be introduced- This might produce earth- 
quakes, with furious emiflions of gafes and fleam, but no lava. 
The water mull find its way into the interior of the melted mafs, 
before it could produce the expulhon of a lava ; and fuch an in- 
trodu£Lion is effectually prevented by the inferiority of its fpecific 
gravity. Pour water on melted iron, and there is no explofion j 
pour melted iron into water, and iVill there is no explofion •, en- 
clofe a drop of water in the heated metal, and no known power 
can controul it. 

Befides, admitting the homogeneiety of the melted mafs, which 
we think cannot be denied, whence come the diverfities or lavas ? 
Why have we bafalt, which is a lava, according to this fyllein, 
in one place ; and glafs in another ; pum.ice in a third, and the 
earthy lavas in a fourth ? Why have we fometimes fulphureouj; 
vapours, fometimes muriatic acid, and fometimes hydrogene gas ? 
In fhort, whence arife the perpetual variations of volcanic pro- 
ductions ? The fpecific gravity of the earth, taken coIle£l:ively, 
is found to be nearly double the average gravity of the rocks which 
compofe its furface. The central fluid muil therefore be of at 
leaft double the average gravity of rocks. How comes it that 
lavas and volcanic glafs are generally under the medium gravity 
of rocks, and that bafalts are very little above it I "We have dif- 
cufled this ingenious theory at fome length, becaufe it has beeii 
adopted by men of talents, and becaufe, at fivfl fight> it appears 
completely to overcome every difficulty, by airuming all that is 
VOL. IV. NO. 7. C required 

* See ilUiftraUons of ibe Huttoniau Theory, by VinU^^^x Plavfai?3 
I 89. 



34 Brelflac, Vo)\^.ge Lithohgique dans la C&mpctnte, BV. A^tTi 

required to be proved. But it appears to us, that, granting this 
unwarrantable pollulatum in its utmoft extent, it is infufficient t® 
provide tlie elucidation required. 

Werner, who had ftudied the extraordinary appearances pro- 
duced on fuperinGnmbent rocks by the combuftion of beds of 
coal, applied thefe fa£ls to the explanation of volcanic fires •, and 
fuppofed lavas were formed by the fufion of bafalt. This opinion 
has fome plaulibility ; but it is wholly incapable of accounting 
for the duration of volcanoes, for their intermittence, or the ex- 
tent of their operations. Still lefs probable were the opinions of 
the philofophcrs who recurred to petroleum and to fulphurets 
of iron. Breiflac, who, like mod; men of very extenfive ob- 
fervation, is little addifted to theorizing, has been rather unfor- 
tunate where he has attempted it. He finds nothing incongrious 
in the joint action of coal, pyrites and petroleum. He diico- 
vers a bed of coal a foot thick near Beneventum, which he re- 
gards with much exultation •, though he might as well think of 
feeding a furnace v/ith a fheet of paper, as of flimulating a vol- 
cano by fuch a fapply. By decompoliing his pyrites, he dlftils 
petroleum from the limeflone of the Appenines ; it carries with 
it fome phofphoric matter, {created exprefsly we prefume), and 
finds its way to commodious refervoirs under Vefuvius. There, 
water faturated v/ith common fait waits to receive it, and their 
union is cemented by the Hymeneal torch of eleftric flame. The 
ufual confequences of matrimony, difcord, fury, and uproar, en- 
fue •, and the unnatural parents turn out of aoors the lava they 
engender between them. 

Theoriits who thus endeavoured to account for the inflamma- 
tion of Vefuvius, were much embarrafled to obtain the necefTary 
fupplies of oxygene. Dr Thomfon, whofe refidence at Naples af- 
forded him ample opportunities of obfervation, and whofe acute 
genius has in feveral inftances thrown light on volcanic operations, 
has devifed an explication of this diitlcuky, more remarkable for 
its boldncfs than its probability. He fuppofcs that, at certain de- 
grees of heat, the oxygene contained in the carbonic acid of the 
limeftone of the Appenines, may be inclined to enter into nev/ 
combinations ; and he iliuftrates this do6lrine by the beautiful 
and well known experiirient of Tennant, who operated the de» 
compofition of carbonic acid by means of phofphorus *. On this 
tlieory, it may be obferved, that it commences by fuppcfing the 
previous exiflence of a heat of great intenfity, without providing 
any means for its produtlion : 2. It fuppofcs the application of 
fome unfpecified bafe to the carbonic acid, to attra6l the oxy- 
gene ; 

* GiornaleLvtterario di Napoli, vol. 106, p. 5. 



i8o4« Bre'illac, Foyage Lithologr-que dans la Campa^iie, isfc. 3^ 

■:iene ; he ainnot pofTibly fuppofe the phofphoirefcent limeftone to 
jontjin phofphorus enough for this purpofvi : 3. It alibrcis no 
employment for the charcoal 01 ^e carbonic acid, which' is left 
to cryiuUize into diamonds, plumbago, or what it likes bed : 
4. There is no way of difpoling of the immenfe quantity of quick- 
lime which this proccfs would produce ; part of it may be incor- 
Dorated with the Iav;:s, but the whole cannot be employed in this 
way, without renderhig their bafis almoil entirely lime, which is 
iiotorioufly not the cafe. 

But the-pahn of fupcrior originality, in this contefi: of theoretic 
invention, muii be accorded to the genius of M. Patrin, who has 
long been advantageouily known to the world by his travels 'n\ 
Siberia, and his fpiendid collection of Siberian minerals. In au 
eiTay read at the Inilitute, and afterv/ards publifhed in a feparate 
form, he procures muriatic acid from common fait by a rather 
arbitrary procefs, and decompofes pyrites by its means f . He 
fuppofes fuiphur to be concrete eledlricity, and then identifies ic 
with phofphorus t. He manufactures calcareous earth from 
thunder and lightning § ; and he difcovers a metalliferous fluid, 
which is at once the bafe of the muriatic acid, and the generator 
of metallic veins. It affifts phofphorus in fixing oxygene under 
an earthy form * ; and, with the united aid of the other fubflan- 
ces we have enumerated,- he very fuccefsfully accounts for every 
exifting phenomenon. On this theory, we do not prefume to 
oifer any obfervations. 

Refearches into the original caufes of volcanic inflammatiom 
may well admit of divevfity of opinion, w^here the .operations, 
from which our information ihould be derived, are fo profound- 
ly concealed. The products only are fubmitted to examination ; 
and though they are prodigioully abundant, and the obfervers 
proportionably numerous, there is a woful fcarcity of confiitent 
evidence. Yet there ai^e fome points on which all agree ; and per- 
haps it may be potable to arrange the principal fa£fs, fo that they 
may not appear contradittory. 

Much difputation has arifen refpccling the intenfity of the vol- 
canic heat. Thofe who derived it from the inexhauftible maga- 
zine of central fire, were laviih of it to a degree which very ill 
failed the parfimony with which thofe Were obliged to hufband 
their fuel, who truiled to coal and petroleum for a fupply. ''They 

C 2 contended. 



■\- Recherches fur les Vokans, p. 8. 5: 9. 

4:. Id. p. lot 

§ Id. p. .11. 

* Id. p. 17. & 2-. 



%6 >Breii].ac, Voyage Lkhdogiqtie dans la Caritpanie^ l^c. April 

contended, tijat the heat of volcanoes was extremely fmall, be- 
caufe it was incapable of altering the forms of the leucites, augitesy 
and feldfpars, v.'hich lava fo abundantly contained. Even the il- 
iuft:rious Dolomieu, the father of corre£t obfervations on volca- 
noes, was fwayed by this confideration fo much, as to adopt a 
very improbable mode of explaining the fufion of lavas, at a low- 
temperature, by means of fulpliur. 

Obferving the fimilitude of lavas to primitive rocks, he con- 
cluded that igneous fulion was not produced, but that the heat 
cxp.^nded the lubfbance, and allowed its particles to Hide on one 
another. Even this operation was confined to the bafis ; for he 
fuppofes the fcldlpars, angites and leucites, to be wholly unchang- 
ed. Though he appears to attribute very myfherious effefts to 
the long continuance of heat, he was fo confcious of the impro- 
bability of his theory, that he endeavoured to render it more re- 
concileable to the known laws of nature, by fuppofing that this 
ilrange fufion was operated by introducing between the particles 
an intermediary fubftance in which they v/ere to be fufpended, 
and v/hich was to be the vehicle of their apparent fluidity. When 
this fubftance was removed, they approached, and were reunited 
into a rock refembling that which they had formed previous to 
the operation. This convenient agent was fulphur ; and Dolo- 
mieu attempted to eftabliih an analogy between its fuppofed action 
in rendering rocks eafily fufible, and the action of phofphorus in 
facilitating the fufion of platina *. No analogy, however, ex- 
ifts b tween thefe operations. Phofphorus chem.ically cpmbines 
•with platina, but fulphur does not enter into any fuch combina- 
tion with lavas ; and Spallanzani determined, by direct experi- 
ment, that the addition of fulphur nowife aflilted their fufion. 

Even fuppofing that the particles of lava were thus fufpended, it 
is obvious that, the moment the vehicle was taken away, as Dolo- 
mieu fuppofes the fulphur to have been by combullion, the parti- 
cles, inilead of confoiidating, would be left difunited like land, 
tinlefs the heat was fulficient to produce their agglutination by- 
igneous fufion •, and if it was fo great, the fulphur would be on- 
ly an unneceflary incumbrance. It may be farther obferved, that 
this theory aflumes the exiftence of an immenfe quantity of ful- 
phur, and fuppofes its lavifh combuftion in every eruption. But 
the vapours of Vefuvius contain very finall quantities of fulphu- 
yeous fumes. They confift principally of muriatic acid, or hy- 

drogene 5 

* V'tdv Dolomieu, Lipari, p. 95. 

Id, Journal de Phyfique, an 2. tome i. p. 118— 120) 
Id. Sht les lUes Polices, p. iq^^ &^ 



t"So4. Brelflac, Voyage Llthologique ^ans la Campame^ isfc. 37 

♦irogene ; and the lava of 1794 contained few traces of fulphui> 
and abounded in oxygene *. 

Though we have no means of determining the heat of a Jai'a 
when it firfi iffues from its cuter, perfc;"!!-/ liquiti and in violent 
■ebulHtion, the deftruftion of T.jrre (iel Greco h.is pruvide*' us 
with an approximation to the heat it could communicate after it 
had been fix hours emitted, had traverfed an extent of country 
three miles in length, and had beeii refrigerated by the ccuiacl: 
of paved ftreets and houfes. We find t jat, in the ruins ot ihat 
unfortunate town, the window-glafs near th^^ lava was converted 
into porcelain jafper ; that pretty large rnnff.'S of iron were oxi- 
dated to the heart ; that copper was oxidated and fofteuf^d, and 
that filver was melted. Fine fdver is faid to melt at 28° of 
Wedgwood's pyrometer, or at 4720° o( Fahrenheit. T!ie por- 
tions of lava which adled on thefe metals, mufl have been very 
confiderably cooled by the pavements and walls of the houfes j 
and, befides, it was not in immediate conta6t: with the metals. 
We mufl; therefore affign it a much higher temperature than that 
which was* communicated to the fubftances affc£led. What tl'.at 
temperature was, we do not prefume to determine. Brciflac 
mentions ©ne circumftance that indicates a tremendous heat. 
He fays augites v^ere formed on the walls of the church by fub- 
Himation from the lava. In this particular, however, we can- 
not help thinking that his ufual accuracv murt have failed him, 
as no other of the obferved effcils appears at ail proportioned to 
this. 

Adtnitting the lava to have been quite hot enough to have 
ilowed with the ufual fluidity of glafs, it need not have been fo 
hot as to deftroy the fubftances contained in it j for none of 
them will melt at a 'lower temperature than 120° ot Wedgwood, 
The grand difficulty, however, flill remains ; for how does it 
happen that lavas are almoft univerfally found with a ftony frac- 
ture and texture, when a portion of the fame lava melted pro- 
duces a glafs .? Even for this enigma we are now provided with 
a folution. 

The converfion of glafs into a ftony fubRance, improperly 
called porcelain, was difcovered by Reaumur, and wt'uld have 
unveiled the whole myftery, had the circumltances in which it was 

C 3 operated 

* The obfervatlons of Dolomicu are very fboiig coiitradidlions to 
his theory. In his catalogue of the lavas of Etna, p. 370, he ob- 
ierves, that the fublimation of fulphtir is more abundant in half cxtinft 
volcanoes, like the Solfatara, than in thofe which have frequent eruptions- 
Etna only forms it in the principal crater, and in.faiall quantity. 



38 Brelflac, Voyage Lithologlqtie dans la CampaniCy bfc. April 

operated been carefully obfeived. This was the fird dawn of 
difcoveries of inconceivable importance atui extent ; and it 
feems more remarkable that their complete developement 
Jfhould have followed fo flowly, than that extenfive corollaries 
iliould now be deduced. Mr K-ir, in 1776, diretled the pub- 
lic attention to the crydallizations formed in glafs by cooling, 
and the (lony texture which glafs flowly cooled affumes. % Thck. 
fa6ls were not confidently applied to account for the (lony ap- 
pearances of lavas, till Sir James Hall, in 1790, prnjttted, and 
partly performed fome experiments, the completion of whjcl* 
was referved to 1798. Dr Beddoes, in a paper contained in the 
Philofophical Tranfaftions for 1791, amidft a chaos of inaccu- 
rate obfervations, diftinclly points out the change from the vi- 
treous to the ftony texture produced by gradu.il cooling, ar.d 
applies it to lavas, and illullrates it by indancing Reaumun'v^ 
porcelain and the cryftailization of flags.- This dottrine received 
its full elucidation, when Dr Thomfon, in 1795, publiflied his 
iketch of a claflification of volcanic products, in which he boldly 
and clearly ailumes it as the bafis of his arrangement. * He 
maintains all lavas to have been in a vitreous llate, and to have 
become ftony by flow cooling. We find that Ikeifl.ic iiuUnes 
to the fame opinion. Sir James Hall has fmce fynthetically de- 
termined the point by the fatisfaclory refults of his well imagined 
experiments. Indeed, it is wonderfid how it fo long eluded ob- 
fervation, when the flag of every furnace exhibits k in the molt 
Itriking manner. 

If it be inquired, how the known exigence of volcanic glafs* 
fometimes in very large mafles, f is to be reconciled to this theory, 
it may be anfwered, that as the materials of lava appear to be 
conftantly varying, fome glaiTes may be found lefs difpofed to 
cryftallize than others, and require a longer continuance in a 
regulated temperature. 2. Tiiat we know of no inilanccs of 
folid mafl'es of volcanic glafs of great thicknefs j foi;, refpecting 
thofe of Lipari, Spalianzani esprefsly dates the facility \y\'d\ 
which they were divitible into thin flaby, which he attributes to 
a fmall quantity of earth interpofed between each ILib. This 

datement 

% See Phil. Tranf. for 1776, Vol, LXVI. p. 53c. Ten years af- 
ter, M. Pagot de Charmcs publiilied fome obfervations in the Journal 
de Phyfiqiie, Tom, XXXIII. Part II. p. 21 r. on the cryiials of glafs; 
and M. D'Hcrminat afterwards added fonie iiluftrations. Thefe gentle- 
men, however, do not appear to have attribnted the fornnation of the 
cryftals to the gradual refrigeration of the glal'"s. 

* Giornale Letterario di Napoli, Vol. XLI. p. 59. 

-j- Spalianzani Viaggio alie due Siciiie. 



rSo4- Breiflac, Voyage Lilhologique dafis la Campaniei ^(, j§; 

ftatement leaves no doubt that thefe maiTes were formed by the 
accumiilation of fucctffive coats of very fluid lava, which, run- 
ning over a large furface, and being in confequence very fpeed- 
lly refrigerated, retained its vitreous texture* We may remark 
as an additional confirmation, that the eruption of Vefuvius in 
1779, when the lava was chiefly thrown up in a fountain from 
the crater, and was in cojiftquence rapidly cooled, produced 
more vitrifications than all the other eruptions of Vefuvius taken 
colle(3:iveiy. 

If the ilony texture of lavas be confidered as accounted for, 
and it be admitted that they have all fultained the igneous fu- 
sion, and been in a vitreous ftate, ail controverfy concerning 
their bafes may terminate. Dr Thomfon has obferved, that we 
can only judge of the bafis of a lava, by the portions of unal- 
tered ftones which are found in it. * Even this ic obvioufly an 
incorredl: teil j for a lava may flow over and envelope ftones of 
all defcriptions. The bafes of lavas have been deduced from the 
fubftances contained in the lava, and fuppofed not to be gene- 
rated \n it. Thus, porphyry or granite furniflied the feldfpars j 
augites were found occafionally in bafalt.j but unfortunately no 
known rock contained the leucites which form fo abundant an 
ingredient in the lavas of Italy, f There feems no way of over- 
com'ng this difficulty, but by fuppoilng either that the volcano 
had pierced through ail the ftrata which appear on the furface of 
the globe, and had difcovered fome unknown rock which ferv- 
ed as its pabulum ; or, more fn-nply, by holding that the leucites 
were generated in the lava. This opinion feems infinitely the 

C 4 moft 



* Abozzo d'una fciagrafla Volcanica, nel Giornale Letterario di Na- 
foli, Vol. XLL 

-j- \Ve believe this ailcrtion to be corre6^. Many miRakes have arifen 
from confounding the ^eolythe dure cryllaliized in 24dro£i,s (the anal- 
cime trapezoidal) with the leucite. It is readily diftinguifnahle by the 
great fufibillty of the aiialcime. The leucites which Faujas St Fond 
imagined he found near Glafgovv, were anak:itr.e8. Gioeni mpntions 
leucites in limeftone cjefted from Vefuvius ; but as he does not fecm 
aware of the approximation of form which the analcime is capable of 
afluming, ther^ is reafon to doubt to which fpecies they belonged. Do- 
lomieu in the Journal de Phijlque, Tom. 11. An II. fays he poffefles a 
fpecinien of gold ore from Mexico accompanied by minute leucites ; 
and that Lelievre had found leucites in a granitic fubftance, near Ga- 
verne, in the Pyrenees. He probably aflumed them to be lc;ucites from 
their external form only, as no experiment is cited in confirmatioi). 
Even admitting the c'lilknce of theff detached iiiilanccsj the general 
jppfition U not invalidgted. 



40 Breifiac, Voyage Lithokgjqu£ dans Ja Campame, ^c. AprU 

moft rational, and is ftrengthened by numerous arguments de- 
rived from the conlideration of thoie lavas in which leucites 
exift. 

Leucites are often foun<l to contain a minute central nucleus, 
which not unfrcquentiy appears to be a fpeck of lava. Glo- 
bules, of a fubilance exactly (imilar to the enveloping bafis, are 
often found in the interior of leucites. They frequently con- 
tain augites, partly projecSling into the bafis, partly imbedded 
in the leucite ; and the leucites have been obferved to be 
elongated in the direction of the pores of the lava. * Lavas 
«re often compofed almoft entirely of leucites which abfo- 
lutely touch one another, and are adjnfted fo as fcarcely to 
afford any interftices for the bafis which conne£ls them ; and ex- 
tremely minute leucites form not unfrequentiy a kind of bafis 
for large cryftals of augite. Admitting the leucites to be gene- 
lated in the lava, there can be no reafon for denying the fame 
origin to augites and feldfpars, and to other fubftances contained 
in lava, provided they are more diffieult to ftife than the bafis in 
•which they are engaged. After obferving the various iiifulated 
eiyflals that are formed in glaffes in cooling, the probability of 
fuch an origin cannot be denied. But it is equally clear, that 
all cryftallized fubftances which are more fujihle than the bafis, 
mult be of pofterior formation. They never are conftituents of 
che lava, and are found exifting ifolated in its cavities. 

Subftancts generated in the lava, and thofe which have been 
afterwar^ls introduced, have a (Iriking difiimilitude in the man- 
ner of their connexion with it. The firit are commonly clofely 
•enveloped, the bafis of the lava applying itfelf to them in com- 
plete contaCi ; or if it recedes, as it fometimes does, from leu- 
cites, it beais an impreffion of their fides, which fliows that it 
merely retired in ccnfequence of contra6lion ; and tlie impref- 
(ion is fo foarp, as to prove how perfe6lly it had accommodated 
itfelf to the form of the leucite. When any of this clafs of 
fubftances appear in the cavities of the lava, m'c always find one 
end of the cryftal entering the folic! mafs •, and it is cvirient that 
the apparent protrufion of the other part is merely in confe- 
quence of the cavity being formed by feme evolution of gas after 
tlie cryllal was formed \ the gas forced afide the fiuid bafis, and 
the cryftal remained projefting. The fubftances of fubfequent 
formation have no fuch connexion with the bafis of the lava. 
The line of their feparation is perfedlly define4 by the bounda- 
ries of the cavity in which they are formed, and a very flight 

eiFott 

* .§£0 Breifiac, Vol, 11. p. lo. 



1804. Breiflac, Voyage Lithologique datis la Can^panie, i^r. 4I 

effort detaches them entirely. Of this defcription are the zeo- 
lytes, calcareous fpars, &c. which are frequently found in the 
cavities of the lavas of the Somma, and not unfrequently in thofe 
of more recent origin, particularly in the lava near Portlci, called 
••the Granitello. * Breiflac tells us, that even water is fometinies 
found in the interior cavities of lava, and endeavours to account 
for its being there by a rather myflerious application of the doc- 
trine of infinite pttdure. Admitting the preflure in the inte- 
rior of the volcano to be fo great as to confine a fjlobule of red- 
hot water in lava, that preflure is removed the moment the lavs 
iffues from the mountain, and the water mud inflantly forc<r 
its way out. On the fame principle, zeolites containinj^ water 
in a Rate capable of being cafiiy difhpated by heat, cannot be ge* 
nerated in lava during its ignited Itate ; and to account for their 
after exiftence in it, we fee no better mode than to recur to the 
theory of infiltration introduced by Dolomieu. This do£i;rine 
does not meet indeed with M. Breiflac's approbation ; though 
we confefs ourfelves fomewhat at a iol's to perceive the force 
of his arguments, after confidcring the fa6ts he has himfelf pre- 
fented us with, refpefting the daily furmation of filicious ftalac- 
tites, from hot humid vapours percolating through the cracks of 
lavas and other ftones, and even penftiating their apparently 
folid fubflance, and lining their cavities with filicious pearls. 

A fubje£t of much curious inquiry remains, refpefting the mi- 
lUeralo ejefted unaltered by Vefuvius. The greater part of thefc 
confifts of varieties of carbonate of lime, fpathofe, ihifhofe, gra- 
nular, compact, and fometimcs containing ihells. The do£trine 
of preflure has been applied to explain this phenomenon alfo ; and 
we are farther told by the ingenious Dr Thomfon, whofe opinion 
Breiflac feems inclined to adopt, that thefe fliiltofe or granular 
and apparently primitive limeitones are nothing but the common 
fplintery limellone of the Appenines modified by heat and prcf- 
iure. He does not explain how the fpecimens containing petri- 
factions efcaped change ; and, befides, this explanation fails as 
the former one did ; for if the internal heat was fufficient to 
change the texture of the limeftone, or the preflixre great enough 
to confine its carbonic acid, flill, at the moment of its expulfion, 
it muft have been intenfely hot, relieved from prefliire, and ex- 
pofcd in open air. Why was it not reduced to quicklime ? 

We think it more probable that thefe limellones have never 
been adled on by fhe volcano at all. When Vefuvius made it? 

fint 

* Profcffor Playfair, in his liluftrations of the • Huctoiiian theory, 
§ 62, affirms that zeolite and calcareous fpar are never found in lavas, 
and applies this obfervation; In diftlngiiifhiug lava from what he terrai 



42 Brelflac, Voyage Lkholcgiqus dans la Campaniey Id'c. April 

firit eruption, it is probable it broke through a roof of calcareous 
rock, the portions of which afforded thefe fragments. Thefe 
would be expelled by the elaftic force of the efcaping vapours ; 
numbers of them lighting on the interior edge of the newly form- 
ed cone, would again fall in, and probably be again expelled with- 
out remaining a moment, as often happens repeatedly to the fame 
ilone in every eruption. From the degradation of the cone dur- 
ing intervals af quiefcence, a large portion of thefe ftones would 
again fall in, and with other rubbifl:. choke the crater, as always 
happens in the intermiffions of volcanic fury, till the next erup- 
tion drives them all out. Thus the fame ftone may be again and 
again ejeded from the volcano, without ever approaching the 
heated part. It may be oblerved, that excepting fuch ftones as 
may have been accidentally lodged in the crater, Vefuvius has 
never ejefted iimeftones in its recent eruptions. The limtftones 
and the other prcmordial fubilances are ail found buried in the 
rubbifli of the Somma, and are only revealed by the ravages of 
torrents. Gioeni has been induced to attribute them all to one 
epocha, which perfe£lly accords with the explication that has 
been attempted above. 

As to the other fuppofed primitive ftones which Vefuvius has 
ejected, there feems lefs reafon to difcufs tliem. If they be pri- 
n^itive, the fame explication which ferves for the limeftone may 
account for their remaining untouched. Some of them have hi- 
therto been deemed peculiar to this mountain, and they are aflb- 
ciated with the limeftone and with each other in a manner which 
has never been obferved in any other part of the worid. 

We have entered at fuch length into thefe intevefting fpccula- 
tions, that many points of inferior confcquence remain undifcufled j 
and we relinquilh their farther confideration with the lefs regret, 
becaufe there are not many occafions on which we are inclined to 
difi'ent from the opinions of Scipio Brcillac. For the many cu- 
rious and valuable fa6i:s which he details, we muft refer our read- 
ers to the work itfelf, which they will lind illuftrated by a general 
geological map of the Campania, and by other maps of particular 
diftricls. 

We cannot conclude without exprefung our v.-ifli that he may 
be enabled to complete what he hns projetled, and that a furvsy 
of the volcanic diftricls of the ftates of the Church may be added 
to his prcfent work. 



Aft, 



\t^04' Shiches en the RefcureeSi^c. of France and Rujfia. 43 

Art. III. Sketches on the intnnfic S'rengthy Mil'itary and Naval Force 
of Frar.ce and RttJJliJ ; lu'tlh Remarks on their pvefent Connexion, Politic 
cr.l Influence, and fuinre Proj-'d.s. In two Parts. l\irt 1. London, 
1803. pp. 216. 

T^His is altogether a very finp;uhr work. The language is that 
-*- of a foreigner pretty well acquainted with Engliih, or of an 
Englifhraan who, by long refidence abroad, lias both !oil the free 
ufe of his native tongue, and mingled it with foreign idioms. 
From internal evidence we are inclined to believe the author's own 
aliertion, tliat he is a Briton : for his fentiments, though with 
fome confiderabie exceptions, are generally of that defcription 
which we ufuaiiy compliment wath the epithet of BritiJJj ; an ap- 
pellation more honourable, if poffible, in the prefent day, than at 
any former period of our (lory. The typography of this book is 
certainly foreign, although London is marked on the title-page, 
without either printer's or publiHier's name. The preface is dat- 
ed from the Hague, and the poftfcript from Paris. Not even in 
external character is it eafy to claffify this curious performance. 
Its ihape is ibniething between that of a quarto and an o£favo ; 
and its leaves are of a confidency between that of paper and of 
pafteboard. The matter and iiyle of the book are not lefs origi- 
nal j and v/e think they are of fufhcient intereft to warrant a pret- 
ty full charafter and abflraft, with fpecimeno. 
' Although Vv-e differ widely from the author in many parliculars, 
and highly difapprove of the ipirit in which fome of his ilatements 
are conceived, we ihouid nevertheleis find it verydiilicultto enter into 
any general refutation of his dodirines, or to give a full examination 
of the foundations upon v/hich he refls them. This difhculty arifes 
from the want of general principles, which prevails througli all 
his fpeculatlons, and from the very quellionable fliape in wiiich 
his fadls come before us. He appears to have wandered a good 
deal over tiie Continent, and to have obferved, and perhaps in- 
quired, with fome acutenefs, but, we are convinced, without any 
great diligence or minutenefs, and, we are perfedly certain, with- 
out the guidance of thofe enlarged views which alone can enfure 
accuracy of detail, or render it at all ufeiul in fyifematic reafonings. 
Not that he can be accnfed of feeing without a preconceived theo- 
ry ; on the contrary, like ail tliofe who ailume the title of pliii?i 
matter of facl metiy he is perpetually under the influence of fome 
vague hypothecs, rafhly adopted from a limited range of obferva^- 
tion, and confidently relied upon as a fafc guide, from ignorance 
of the maxim, that, in political fcience, infulated facts can never 
lead to any foiid or general conclufions. He has thus acquired 
the habit of for;Viing the moil haily opinions on things neceflarily 

involved 



44 Slefches Oft the Rejources, Itijluenetj April 

invoh^ed in all manner of difficulty and doubt; of ilating, as mat- 
ter of fact, things which no man can fee or know without a long 
and delicate procefs of reafoning ; and of drawing pofitive infer- 
ences from fuch ilatements, as if, in the firit place, they were 
capable of being verified, and as if, in the next, they formed, 
jhowcver true, the whole materials of the calculation. This in- 
trepid reafoner fees no difficulties in queflions the mod complex, 
and treads the delicate ground of political arithmetic as confi- 
dently as he could plod in the fure tracks of abftraft mathematics. 
Ke regulates the internal arrangem.ents of Hates by the compafs 
Jind fquare, as if thofe ftruftures were built of inanimate mate- 
rials ; and applies his raflr and partial calculations to the adion of 
the great political machine, as if it moved without either fridiion 
or refiilance. He frequently difplays livelincfs of fancy, and 
fometimes acutenefs and powers of difcrimination ; but we look 
in vain for enlargement and expanfion of intelle£l, or even for 
fuch a reach of thought as would be required to manage a long 
chain of obvious reafoning. If he obferve on a fmall fcale, he 
reafons on one yet more confined, feeing only a part of what he 
looks at, and comparing only parts of what he fees. 

To the limited endowments of our author, however, the bold- 
refs of his affertions, and the contemptuous arrogance of his 
ftyle, form a contrail; fufficiently ftriking. In thefe common fail- 
ings of political theoriits, he, indeed, very far exceeds the ordi- 
nary meafure. Without giving the fanciion of a name to his 
ttatements, and without referring to any authority, he challen- 
ges our affent to a mafs of fa£ls, many of them perfedlly new 
and aimoft all bordering upon improbability; Many of thofc 
fiatements may be true, or they may not. "We are told that 
iome are the refult of perfonal obfervation, and others of in- 
quiries among intelligent freinds. We are not told v,'hich of* 
them reft upon the writer's authority and that of his friends, 
and what proportion is derived from fources open to public 
inveftigation ; nor ate we informed who this author and his cor- 
refpondents are, that we fnould give credit to their averments. 
The confequence of fo great a defect inevitably is, that we can 
only confide in fuch of the fa^s narrated, as are confident with, 
nay fupported by other authorities; and even, after making this 
dedu£tion, there ftill remains field for fcepticifm, fince many of 
the ftatements given under the name of fadts, belong to a clafs 
which no man can poffibly know with certainty, and could only 
exhibit the ignorance or prefumption of him who might bring 
them, forward, if he fhould avow his name. We have already 
mentioned one chara6lerifi:ic of our author's manner — the high 
ti^ne in which he delivers his information, and dictates bis opi- 

jiicsis. 



J 804. ^nd ProjeSis of France a7jd Riij^ni^ ^5? 

nions. Far from recommending to fpi'cularive writers an ex- 
cc-fuve modeily or punclilious caution, we think the formxT i<> 
generally the outfide of emptinel's and impotence, whi!c the 
latter is too often allied, in reafoning as well as in condu£l, to 
that baftard kind of prudence, the offspring of cunning, and 
the cloke of timidity. But on points neceffarily involved in ob- 
fctirity, an inquirer lliould fpeak with a correfponding degree 
of heiitation. On matters which no man can fee clearly, it is 
unbecoming to dogmatize, as if no one lliould dare to doubt. 
It is (till more abfurd to defpife the world for the hentation with 
which your dogmas may be received, when you proclaim tliat 
you alone have been able to apprehend their truth. Nor fljould 
It ever be forgotten, that an aiTe<n:ation of fuperior intelligence 
upon fubjects in their own nature extremely dark, is mere quack- 
ery, if the m.aterials of the calculation are concealed •, and thag 
an obfcure individual, who rails abufively at * kingdoms, prin- 
cipalities, and powers, ' fadly miftakes petulance for dignity and 
force. 

Of thei"? very obvious confiderations, the author of the work 
before . us, feems to be little aware. We have feldom been 
fchooled by a more dictatorial or prefumptuous mafler ; and 
when he changes the didactic {lyle for invcftive, his lan- 
guage is generally that of coarfe and vulgar abufe. He is fond 
of calling names, when he wifhes to be ftrong ; and the appel- 
lations which he fele£ls, are frequently cant phrafes, or fcurrilous 
epithets. From railing at ' worthy John Bull's magnanimity, ' 
and other heavy ingredients ; or, fcouting the ignorance of 
* our dotard countrymen, ' he fometimes defcends to individual 
abufe; coile£ls farcafms againft the conduct of the Britilh re- 
prefentatives in foreign courts, or reviles the ' peiliferous infti- 
rutions' of fuch * errant quacks as Baron Voght and Count 
Rumford. ' In the part of thefe iketches, already publiihed, the 
fubjeft admits lefs of this perfonal kind of inveftive -, but it v/e 
may judge of the fecond part by the table of contents annexed 
to the firfi, it muff confift almoft entirely of that fcandal, half 
political and half perfonal, which travellers may fo eafily pick 
up abroad, concerning the ambafiadors of their own country, 
and to which thofe, who the belt difcharge their duty, and pre- 
ferve the dignity of tlieit ftation, are commonly moft expofed. 
It is fingular, that one fo well verfed in what is called fecret 
hiftory, as our author appears to be, fhould not have rcfletled 
on the abfurdity of anonymous publications in this ilippery and 
dangerous branch of literature. When he comes forward "with 
his fecond part, we truft he will rocolleft that the individuals 
egainfl wliom it is IcTelled^ h^ye a "gljt to demand his name 

and 



.\S Sketches on the RefourceT^ Injliicnct^ April 

and Ins authorities ; and we think this claim fafficlently author- 
ifed by a confiderable portion of the prefent volume. 

Our author has thrown toj^ether his thoughts in a more care- 
lefs manner, and delivered them with much lefs regard to me- 
thod than ever\ the title of ' llcetches ' might have led us to ex- 
pe<£l. For this defe<fl: he in p.irt apologifes, by faying, that his 
remarks vt^ere printed at different times vvhilit he was travelling 
on the continent. There are, however, in the whole dellgn oi 
his work, clumfy and inconvenient irregularities which no de- 
gree of hafle in the execution can excufe. He appears to have 
allowed himfeif as little time for thinking and digellinp;, as for 
comparing and correfling. He brings out his ideas piecemeal, 
and then quits the topic, until fome cafuai affociation recals 
it ; when he repeats and enlarges, and frequently modifies what 
he had formerly begun to explain. The notes which accompa- 
ny every page, afford a clear proof that hs is deficient in that 
luminous arrangement of ideas which is equally neceiliiry to the 
formation of accurate or enlarged views, and to the communi- 
cation of knowledge in an intelligible manner. Thofe notes ar = 
nearly equal in bulk to tlie text ; and they cont^iin no digrefiions 
or additional illuftrations, but effential parts of the author's opi- 
nions and arguments, which he ought to have incorporated witit 
the reft, as they are, indeed, frequently of much more import- 
ance to the fubjeft than the text itfelf. Upon the whole, it is 
cur opinion, that this writer poffefles confiderable acutencfs and 
great a£livity of mind ; that he has profited lefs by his appar- 
rent opportunities of information, than a man of cooler 
judgement and greater ftores of previous knowledge might 
have done •, but that he has proved himfeif capable of af- 
fording valuable hints upon parts of the great quellions which 
he difcuffes; — provid-ed he can bring himfeif to reafun more deli- 
berately ; to refill the glare of a paradox; to think more modeft- 
ly of his owit powers and acquirements; and to carry with great- 
er hefitation into the affairs of ttates, that -arithmetic, which he 
may perhaps have found eafy and infallible in the bufinefs of 
his comptoir. His capacity of fyllematic inquiry, or long, con- 
nejfxed, comprehenfive reafoning, we are dlfpofed entirely to 
doubt ; and as a patient, difcviminating obferver of events, he 
ranks Hill lower in our eftimation. 

We proceed to bring before our readers, a view of the very 
interefting topics which thefe ' fketches' are intended to difcufs. 
After the general remark which we have made upon the doubt- 
ful authority of the matter of fact contained in them, it will 
net be necellary particularly to indicate all thofe ftatements 
which, from their mere want of fupport, appear to defervc no 

confideration. 



jgQ4. and ProjcBs cf Prance and R'jjfic 47 

confideration. We fliall from time to time fuggefl fuch obfer- 
vations as may fnew how inaccurately a great proportion of the 
facls have been colleileil ; and it furniilies no weak argument 
againll the whole mafs, unautheaticated as it is, if we find a 
confulerable part at variance with accurate information, or re- 
puf^nant to the unquellionable principles of reafoning. 

The Introdu£tion confilb of a few general remarks upon the 
progrefs of nations, from weaknefs to maturity, and on the means 
of arrefling their retrograde motion. In the early ages of fociccy, 
men are eaiily roufed to m.artlal purfuits, and, as aggrcirion is 
generally attended with fuccefs, their conquefts are rapid ?^A<^ 
extenfive. Arrived at a certain pitch of greatnefs, when offenfivc 
meafures ;»re no longer neceffary to fecure independence, they arc 
apt to be fatisiied with the power already acquired, and their 
rulers are flattered with the ideas of enjoying in peace and fafety 
the prefent extent of dominion. This period, ufuaily denominated 
the maturity of tlie (late, our author regards as the moll critical 
ftage of its exiftence. To the activity and energy by which the 
height was gained, a dangerous indolence aud effeminacy fucceedsj 
and, after a mom.entary paufe, a rapid and univerfal depravation 
begins to fpread. Who, he demands, fliall check this evil, and 
fave the nation ? The rulers partake in, and profit by the genei-al 
corruption of the people ; and the effort, v/hich is too great for 
their virtues or their talents, is, in others, deemed patriotifm, only 
if fuccefsful ; and if it fails, is denominated rebellion. But, in 
monarchies rightly .condituted, there is an exception to the rule. 
Hereditary fovereigns are hereditary patriots ; their only good lies 
in the profperity of their people. When all ranks are funk in 
apathy and vice, a patriot king retains the pov/er of faving and 
reitoring the nation. He has only to ufe his authority according 
to the dictates of his real interclls ; for, 

■ — * fuch a government will always have the vvil!, the phyfical and moral 
powers of the ratio;) at its unconditional difpofal. With thefe — tn con- 
foHdate the rank and profperity of a once independent ilate, it is only 
ijeccifary to make the wealth of the nation the fpring of national in- 
duitry, and combine enjoyment with morality, fo as to oiake QQlhjTimu'us 
to public fpirit and national improvemeiit. ' p. 6. 

If, by this introduftory dlffertation, our author means to illuf- 
trate the aiTertion, that a nation cannot remain Kationary, but 
muft be either on the advance or decline, v/e are little difpofcd 
to difpute with him, except as to the method which he has taken 
to prove it. For it does not appear how external caufes mufi: 
neceffarily operate the dov^-nfal of a community as loon as it ha's 
reached a certain pitch of grandeur ; and, Uill lefs, bow a ilate 
of repofe from aggreffive warfare fhould neceffarily be fatal to tlic 

jnternr.l 



4^ Bketches on the RefoiirceSf LrfluenUi Aprif 

internal profperlty and the Independence of the people. On the 
other hand, we are at a lofs to imagine how even an hereditary 
■2nd patriot kin^ could regenerate a people fo deplorably funk in 
ciTeminacy and vice as he fuppofes ; or from what foreign region 
fach a fovereign Is, In this pollure of affairs, to fumnion all the 
* refpe6l, experience, vigorous integrity, and known talents,' with 
■«which he Is * by a fingle nod of command ' to * fill the public 
fjmfllons of the ftate. ' 

The ' Sketch ' commences with fome declamation agalnft that 
mutual jeaioufy which has fo long divided nations, and more 
efpecially the cabinets of their rulers ; which has converted politics 
into the art of tricking, has perpetuated wars, and drained coun- 
tries of their uleful hands, while it loaded them with opprefTive 
taxes. Indudry, he maintains, has thus been burthened in the 
lower ciders, and enjoyment abridged in the higher. UniverfaJ. 
difcontent with the ruling powers has arifen from the ground* 
which they have afforded to popular murmurs ; and not from the 
writings of fpeculatlve malcontents, who, but for the errors of 
practical llatefmen, would have had no materials upon which to- 
work. Our author next lays It down as Indifputable, that the 
madery of the European continent is now divided between RufPia 
and France ; the former ruling either dire£lly or indirectly the 
north and the eaft ; the latter pofTefhng the fame Influence or fway 
over the well and the fouth. If thefe great powers unite, nothing 
in our hemifphere can withlland them. Auftria and Prufha, while 
independent of each other, may be allowed to remain nominally 
independent of Ruilia and France •, but the moment of their 
union, if we rightly comprehend the author, will be the fignal 
of their delhudtion. The plan of thcfe fketches is, therefore, to 
confider the prefent refources and views, firll of France, and 
then of Rufna •, and to point out their relations tov/ards Great 
Britain. 

I. To hear of the imrnenfe natural refources of France, is 
linlxappily far from being a novelty. Our author's calculations, 
hov/ever, both of their prefent extent and their probable Improve- 
ment, are conftrufted on a fweeping fpecies of arithmetic, to 
which v/e are not altogether accuftomed. Previous to the Revo- 
lution, it feems, only two fifths of the land fufceptlble of culture 
were in cultivation ; and the fyflem of management to which that 
portion v/as fubieCled, only produced a third of what ordinary 
good hufbandry might have obtained. Even under this manage- 
ment, however, we are told that the government drew eight 
jnilJions Sterling from the produce of agriculture, and the church 
2S much. The whole burdens upon the produce of agriculture, 
iifficunted to tv/enty-one millions, and this may be increjifed at leail 

a 



1804'. <?«^ Pvojjcls of France'nnd Riifftai', 45>. 

a million ; to which eight may be added for duty on the corfump- 
tion of thofe detached from the foil, but living by its produce ; , 
and a territorial revenue of 30 millions will thus be eafily raifed, 
after abating two fevenths of the burdens impofed by tlie old 
government. . . . 

Upon all this we have two remarks to offer. — -In tlie firji place, . 
how did the -author diuover that jull two fifths, and no more, . 
of the arable land in France was in cultivation, and that this . 
portion was managed exactly fo as to produce one third of what . 
ordinary hufbandry might have drawn from the ground ? In 
other words, how did he find out that precifely two fifteenths 
were raifed of the produce which m.ight and fhould have been 
raifed 5 and that, of tourfe, a territorial revenue of above 157 
millions Sterling might have been collefted, had the foil been 
only tolerably well managed ? But, fecondiyy we perceive he has 
committed an obvious millake in eftimating the rife which may be. 
expe£led in the territorial revenue. When he . at firft talks of 
excife on the confumption of thofe whole manufaftureyand trade 
are iupport^d by agricultural produce, we do not clearly fee his 
meaning ; but as he fpecifies this branch of revenue under the 
name of a territorial import, and as he afterwards, in confirming 
his ellimate by a detail of the old revenue, enumerates the barrier 
duties under the name of excife and confumption duties, we per- 
ceive that the eight millions which are to arife from the con- 
fumption of thofe who manufa^lure agricultural produce are to 
come from a dire£l impofi: upon the tranfit of that produce. A 
great allowance fhould therefore have been made in eftimating the 
rife of tliis tranfit duty ; becaufe. the government is fuppofed to 
come into the place of the church and crown with refpedl to an- 
nexed lands; and this duty is one M'hich muft fall immediately upon 
rent. It will not diminifli either the viiigtlemes or tithes ; but it 
mull be deducted from the profits of domains which accrue to ths 
itate, not as tribute, but as rent. 

If we were required to point out a fpecimen of our author's 
deficiency in general views, proportioned to this ralhnefs in cal- 
culation, we fhould refer to his unqualified and dogmatical afier- 
tion, that the firil ftep neceiTary for the agricultural improvemient 
of the republic, is entirely, and at all times, to prohibit the ex- 
portation of corn. This amounts, in the prefent d^iy, wc conceive, 
to a downright contradiction in terms. We might alfo mention 
his idea of a juft land-tax, — which, he fays, ought not to be 
proportioned to the rental, for that is fallacious — or to the pro- 
ducer, for that would be unjufl-— but fixed by a cadajlrz made upon 
ii£tual furvcy of the quality of each acre. Such a method of 
raifing a tax, we imagine, would not only be in the higheft degree 

VOL. IV. NO. 7. D expenfive. 



■^'•^ ^Utches on fie Refources^ Influence^ April 

expenfive, but it would either be unjuft or arbitrary. It would 
be unjuft, if the aflcfTmeut were made according to the quality of 
the foil, by an abfolute and univerfal flandard, becaufe a man 
would then pay for the indolence, or ignorance, or poverty of hi* 
predecclTijrs. It would be extremely arbitrary,. if it were laid on. 
by a fluctuating rule, becaufe this muft vary with the pleafure of 
the alTeiTors, who muft of courfe repeat, every year, their furvey 
and valuation. We fliall, however, proceed to the other lights in 
which the refources of France are viewed. 

From the confequences of the revolution, our author prog- 
iiofticates a great improvement and extenfion of manufatlur-ing 
jnduftry. The ancient prejudices againft this branch of employ- 
ment are done away ; the deftrutlion of paper has fecured ihc 
level of prices ; and the preponderance of French influence in 
other countries, may fccure to the produce of the national in- 
(duftry a preference in foreign markets. All the advantages 
which France now enjoys over the reft of the continental ftates, 
give her goods a natural preference in thofe markets \ and the 
riik of competition from Great Britain is prevented by the high 
price of labour in that country. The Biitilh workmen, indeed, 
he aRows are more fkilful •, but he adds, the French may be 
taught, and the cheapnefs of provifions will compel the Englifh 
workmen to emigrate. Thus, then, does this author clearly fore- 
fee, that the fuperior excellence of Britifh manufaftured pro- 
duce will be of no avail in retaining a command of the Euro- 
pean market, becaufe foreigners may become as (kilful ; and 
that the high price of provifions will induce emigration among 
thofe claftes, who are ruining us by the price at which they felt 
their labour. To the former prediction, it is an obvious anfwer, 
that by the fame kind of reafoning every fuperiority may be ar- 
gued away. Capital may be acquired by other nations, which 
will lower their profits ; their population may increafe, and 
their labour diminifli in price ; their foil may be explored, and 
its produce varied. How impoflible would it be, then, for any 
Hate to reckon upon maintaining its comparative advantages irh 
manufaflurcs or trade .'' The comfort is, that by the fame pro- 
phetic powers, we may forefee fome chance of changes beneficial 
to Great Britain. The eyes of continental ftates may be opened, 
and their courage roufed againft France •, the French thcmfeives 
may difcover that peace is neceflary to the improvement of their 
commerce •, and the powers of Europe may learn, that their 
fafety depends on a recurrence to ancient principles of interna- 
tional policy, and a confidence in that nation, whofe magnani- 
mity has never forfaken, and whofe good faith has never be- 
trayed them. 

The 



t8o4i cftd Pro] eHs of France and RuJJid, '^ 

The predidlon, of Englini artlds emigrating to France for 
the fake of cheap livlns;, is, if poflible, flill more ridiculous. 
Do labourers ever attend half fo much to the price of provihonSj 
as to the price of labour; aud would not any fuch emigration 
produce at once four confequences fufficient to check its progrefs 
— a rife of provifions — and a diminution of wages in France — a 
rife of wages in England — and a diminution in the price of pro- 
viiions ? For the reft, we recommend to the author's attention 
a view of fome fads, which demonllrate, what indeed fcarcely 
required any proof, the unwiliingnefs of artilts to quit their 
own country, however oppirelFed by high prices, or even by hea- 
vy direct imports, and fcanty wages. It is not from Holland, 
but to Holland, that we have feen emigrations both of capitalifts 
and artizans take place \ yet in no country are profits fo low, or 
ra\e6 fo high \ in no (late does the govenmient fliare io largely 
the incon^e of the people, or diminilh the real enjoyments of 
the trader and the workman io grievoufly, in proportion to their 
grofs profits and wages. * After all that has been faid ' (Dr 
Smith obferves *) ' of the levity and Inconftancy of human na- 
ture, it appears evidently from experience, that a man is, of all 
forts of luggage, the moft difficult to be tranfported. ' 

In ellimating the probable increafe of manutatturing induftry 
iu France, our author a!lov/s a great deal too much for the influ- 
ence of political fuperiority in forcing a market. He commits 
the fame error, when he proceeds to confider the future agmen- 
tation of the French trade and fifheries. But, admitting that 
the power of the republic fhall remain in its prefent ilatc, and 
that her commercial and maritime refources are to be extended 
entirely by peaceable means, he contends that the circumftances 
of her utuation are fufficient to operate a very rapid develppe- 
ment of thofe refources. 

The abolition of ilri£l Roman Catholic difcipline will increafe 
the confumption of fifli, by rendering it an article of luxury ov 
cheapnefs, not a mark of penance. Inftead of 2,500,000 quin- 
tals, formerly confumed in France, Spain, and Italy, there will 
now be a demand for three millions ; and the fupply of this 
(which he feems to aifume France will poflefs exclufively) muft 
maintain jufl: 20,000 able feamen, belides young men and boys. 
In like manner, he allows 5000 able feamen for the 150 veflels 
which the Greenland trade will fpeedily employ, and fo on for 
the other fiilieries in proportion ; eftimating that 45,000 able 
leamen will be required in all for the filheries alone, befide 
%-oung men and boys, whom he calculates at an equal number. 

D 2 Now, 



Wealth of .Nations, B. I. c. viti. 



52, BhtchescftkeRpfourceSy'ItiJlttencef .April 

Now, admiaino; that France (hall fuddenly become much more 
expert th:^n England and Holland in fi{heries, and in the carriage 
of fifh, and iha}l thus engrofs the Mediterranean market, as well 
as fupply her own home confumption, we think our author's 
calculations are here, as ufual, made very much at random, and 
we know that in many points they are inaccurate, it would fol- 
low, for example, from his eflimate of the whale fiihcry, that 
the veflels engaged in it required above fixty-fix men each •, 
"whereas, the average of the crews in the Britiih whalers, from 
1798 to 1800, both inclufjve, was only tliirty-four •, and if the 
French veflels are manned nearly at twice the expence, how is 
the blubber trade to be carried on in the face of Britiih competi- 
tion ? — not to mention that he has alFumed the creation of a 
French whale fiihery in two years, nearly twice as extenfive as 
the Britiih- whale fiihery is at this mo^nent. Our author ap- 
plies the fame fpecies of arithmetic to the colony and coafl- 
ing trade of France : He fuppofes, that the former will em- 
ploy i:;o,ooo feamen of all kinds- We know that the Britifli 
colonies do not at prefent occupy above one iourth part of this 
number ; and that the French colonies, in their molt fiourifliing 
Hate, never employed above 33,000, although the veflels were 
manned on fo expenfive a fcale, as to render the price of freight 
a great deal higher than it ought to have been. Altogether, he 
concludes that the French fiiheries and trade v;ill employ 1 20,000 
able feamen, and about the fame number of young men and 
boys. We have been thus minute in our remarks upon the firfl 
calculations in which the author indulges, that, after affording a 
fpecimen of his ralhnefs in treating one very important branch 
of the fubje<£l:, we may be at liberty to follow him more gene- 
rally in the remaining parts of his fpeculations. 

One very prevailing opinion, which occurs in various form.s 
through thefe Iketches, is the extreme danger to which England 
is expofed by St Oomirgo remaining in the poileihon of France. 
We extra(ft the following obfervations upon this l'ubje£l as new, 
and affording a fair average fpecimen of his ftyle : 

< Of the numerous faults and blunders committed by the feveral par- 
ties concerned in the late revolutionary war, next to Great Britain, the 
government of America has made the moil irretrievable. To enter in- 
to war, for the mere purpoie of ailing upon the defcnlivc, is the moft 
ridiculous of all political abfurdilics. Such parties generally receive 
more blows than they give ; and in 'the end, they are fpurned at by 
their friends, and dcfpifed by their enemies. 

' As the United States are fituate, poflelling an immenfe length of 
coafl, a great number of mercantile ports, and the feveral provinces 
producing but little variation in their exportable commodities j to enable 

their 



l804« ajid Projects of France and Rujpa. 5.3 

their rapidly iiioreafing' population to maintain' a proHtable intercoiirfc 
with the reft ot the world, a certain portioi) of the fugar trade is \n~ 
difpcnrably tieceiTiry. A {"mail fcttlenient or two would be of little 
importance to America ; inor can it be expected tiiat this grovernment 
will be fatibtied with iuch. B'lt how are they now to acquire any great 
poff-iflion ? 

,*.Diirit)iy her warfare with France, or at any: time prior to the de- 
.ftrudlion of Touff'ii'inty America' might have ealily fecwred Si; Domingo:; 
la fiogle pireclamation* declaring' that iflaud an integral part of the fede- 
ral iSepiiblic, and an independent ftate in the union, would have initatl- 
taneoufly' rallied hoth J'l'^c.ks and 'whites around her ftaiidard. ■ And 
-Wha.tjiad. the United 'States toapprehend from France? Cureffes d.nt 
Mjtcniion : but certainly nb fo'-t of danger. 

j* i he acquiritionof St Domingo would have been, both in a com- 
jnerci^land political conhJeration, every thing tl'.at America could ra- 
tionally defne : it would, have enabled the United States to carry on a 
wide, exterifive, and profitable maritime trade ; and, as it would have 
.rendered the political and -mercantile intereils of America and Great 
Britain reciprocal and- mutual, by fecuring the Britifh pofTcflions in the 
Weft Indies, it would have raifed an Jnfuperable barrier between the 
United States and their perfidious fifter, the French Republic. 

* The opportunity is now loft ! The partial patriotifm of her chief 
rnagiftrate, has, to all appearance, deprived America, perhaps for ever, 
of becoming that confpicuous nation, which nature, and the fplrit pf 
lier inhabitants, certainly defigncd her to be in a few years. The poli- 
tics of the aftlng prefideht feem'to be guided by no other fyftem, than 
the perlonnl animofities of Mr Jeffcrfon ; he feems to bear malice a- 
gainft tlie Bvitilh governmei)t ; and that hatred is, with him, a fufficient 
reafon to make America the unconditional dupe of the French Re- 
public. 

* St Domingo loft, the Americans have turned tlieir views towards 
>the iflaiid of Cuba ; they confider the acquifition of that fettlement, 

as the certain refnlt of a quarrel with Spain, and they pretend to have 
already a plaufihle pretext to make a claim upon that forlorn monarchy. 
■But will France, now military miftrefs of the gulph or Mexico, fufFer 
to fettle, under the lee of St Domingo, ^ power which might thereby 
became her rival in the colony trade ? Certainly not ; the very idea is 
repugnant to common fenfe. The Confulate may pe'haps permit, and 
even encourage America to quarrel with Spain, with Portugal, or with 
Great Britain ; but the Republic will relerve to herfelf the obje<Sls of 
their differences, as a pledge of their future tranquillity. 

' Although the rulers of France know enough of the principles of 
found policy, not to build the peimanency of their government upon 
the caprice or partiality of temporary minifters ; yet we fee their 
leading iyftem is, to manage the official and public men in other coun- 
tries, fo as to render their influence, ignorance, and credulity fubfer- 
ylent to the confohdation of the Confular Republic. The J-'erfaiUian 

D 3 poliejr 



^4 Sketches of the Refotirces, Influeneej - Apjil 

policy of the Confulate, being well feconded by a revolutionary auda- 
city, andfuppr>rted with energetic firmnef", has contributed more thah 
all the Jacobin armies of France, to fubdue the corrupt and cowardly 
governnnents of other ftates. The Confuls have been remarkably fortu- 
nate in finding aianageable men abroad, it is true, and it mud be con- 
fefied they have known to make ufe of them ; for fhould tire goveru- 
meiits of Europe and America hereafter fee their errors, the Confulati'. 
has taken fpecial care, that they fhall not have the tneans to retriet-e 
thsm. The French are now in po-nVflion of the whoie illand of St 
Domingo, with all their former fettlemcnts in that quarter, and Loui- 
iian.-. is ceded if; fovereignty to the republic ; fo, in all probability, are 
the Floridas : With thefe poffcffions, (he is indifputably miftrcfs of the 
Gulph of Mexico ; General Bowles and his Creek nations will foon be- 
come her auxiliaries ; and flie will either fr'atefnize, or revplutfonize the 
Southern States of America, already difpofed to break up the Union. 

' Thefe, we think, will in all probability b^e the confequences of Pre- 
fident Jefferfon's fhort-meafurcd politics.' p. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 

We fhall very briel'.y point out a few of the various coilfi dera- 
tions which are here overlooked. In the frj? place, admitting 
that a proclamation might have feciu'ed the colony to Americu, 
file would have been involved in war with France upon Weft 
Indian territory, and "w^oijld in all time coming have been impli- 
cated both with Britain' and France in tlie famie part oi^. the 
'world. S'econd/y, The jealoufy of Britain mufi: have been e^~ 
"cited againft a neighbour like the United States, indopenderit anji 
fubje^t to none of the checks. necefTarily impofcd on colonial 
dominions, extending herfelf in a qiiarter where the Britifli fel- 
tlement$ .are peculiarly, valuable, andj, unfortunately, not ,le(s 
weak, than worthy of being retained, thirdly, It is unlikely 
that France, after lofing almoft all her dominions in tlfie.'.Weft 
Indies, would be prepared (as our author thinks, p. 32, nOtte); tp 
unite with her natural enemy in preventing the farther progrefc 
of the new Weft Indian power. It is rather to be apprehended, 
that {he would alhft America in her dcfigns upon the reft of the 
jilands. LaJJlyf The author forgets in what ftate St Domingo 
has been for thirteen years ; hov/ long a period muft elapfe, after 
the nominal reftoration of the mother country's authority, bcfcie 
a con'.plete reellabli{lii1"ient of order and confolidation of re- 
fources can be efre(5led ; how heavy a burthen the colony mufl 
in the mean time prove to every political movement ; aiiclhoW 
material a diverfion its rebellious population will for "many yeaxs 
create in all military operations which France may undertake in 
the Gulph of Mexico. He has argued as if that illand were as 
peaceful as it is fertile, and as fecure for defence, or for a point 
of attack, as any department of the mother country. W'hile we 
jigtee with him, in williing that France could, by any fiife means, 

bq 



l8o4« and ProjeBs of France and RiiJJia, < 5| 

be deprived of the colony, we conceive tliat much lefs danger 
can rcfult from her retaining it, than from its being transferred 
to the negroes, or even to the United Stkes, poifefled, as the 
federacy nov/ is, of Louifiana. And even if France regains h^r 
authority in the ifiand, vp-e are convinced it niufl be for many 
years a pledge of peaceful conduit, in fo far as its commerce 
and cultivation may be deemed valuable, and in as much as its in- 
ternal organization muft remain infecure. 

From the commercial refources of France, our author proceeds 
to confider her profpecls in a military point of view. After re- 
marking that the national preeminence, acquired by acciuental 
circumltances, fuch as the appearance of illultrious individuals, is 
necefiarily fliort-lived, he inveighs againft the * invidious doftrine,' 
as he terms it, that a peoplcj, fighting in their ov.;n caufe, are 
more energetic and efFeclive, than a nation contending for law- 
ful i-ulers. Ke maintaitis, that the rabble will always pafs froin 
one mafter to another ; that national fpirit is of no avail, with- 
out obedience to a chief; and that a country pofielTcs. military 
ftrength exailly in proportion to its population and - means of 
fubfiitence. On this, it is obvious to remark, that the fjJirit 
with which a nation is animated, mud always enter as an ele- 
ment into the calculations of the force which may be derived 
from its numbers ar^d wealth. An undifciplined rabble is not, 
indeed, a very dangerous enemy, in v/hatever caufe it attempts 
to acl. But it is to be hoped that order may eafily be united 
with zeal, and that the feeling of intereil which infpires a mul- 
titude in a particular conteft, may lead them to act againft the 
enemy with the force derived from difcipline, as well as the vi- 
gour that may be excited by thcpailioiis — may at once increafe 
their fpirit of iubordination, and inflame their denre of conqueft. 
We fondly cheriili fuch hopes, more efpeciaiiy in the prefent 
crifis, becaufe we conceive there is no other profpecc of fafety 
for England. 

The natural advantages of France in a military point of view, 
our author conceives to be juft twenty per cent, higher than thole 
of any other continental territory equally extenfive and populous. 
Auflria, he allows, may, with a population of. twenty njililons, 
maintain a peace eftablifhment of 260,000 men. And France, 
having thirty millions of uihabitants, mufh, by the proportion 
juit now ftated, be able to fupport an army of 450,000. By a 
iimilar application of his rule, he efhimates the v/ar eltabhlh- 
ments of Auflria, Pruflia, Sweden, Denmark, and the Germanic 
powers, at 760,000 ; of which 370,000 v/ould be necellary for 
the internal arrangements of thole ftates, while France could 
fend beyond the frontiers an ading army of qcjo^ooo mQn. 

D 4 "' la 



f<5 Sketches of the Refciurcex^ Injlttcnce^ April 

In point of revenue, lier advantage is ftill greater. She can 
ralfe, by an average affiiTment of 15 per cent on the national in- 
come, as much as all the other independent powers of the confi-- 
nent can procure by a burthen of 30 per cent. The data by wliich 
this part of his calculation is fupported, are peculiarly gratuitous 
and unauth£>rifed. How can this man, or any man, tell, th^it the 
'Auftrian landholders' pay altogether jufl 33 per cent, of their in- 
come, the cultivators or peafants ci^o per cent. y and the burghers 
"20 per cent. ? Vv^e know that thp Bavarian peafantry have gene- 
rally been reckoned the moll opprefied of any in the empire ; and 
Mirabcau computes their burthens at only 44 per cent, of their 
income, eflimating the latter fo low as 5 per cent, on their flock. 
Bat we give almoft as little credit to the one as to the otlier of 
thefe random valuations, 

The military organization of France is defcvibed by our author 
iis peculiarly well adapted to call forth the whole energies of the 
neople. There are more than fix millions able to bear arms, and 
two millions and a half of thefe are between eighteen and 
twenty-three years of age. No degree of rank or wealth ex- 
empts men from confcription j and this evil, fo much inveighed 
againft, is only hard upon the opulent and indolent part of the 
community. We doubt extremely if the confcription' be prac- 
tically of this univerfal and unfparing operation. If it be, the 
danger from the republican conftitutlon is indeed imminent to 
the reil of Europe ; but we imagine it muft be iliort-lived in the 
fame proportion. A ftate of things, more incompatible with in- 
ternal liability and the deveiopement of national refources, could 
not eafily be figured. 

The frontier of the republic, always ftrong and flanked as it 
now is by \S.Yt moll advantageous vv-orks (Hollaiid, Switzerland, 
'md Italy), is conudered by our author, and we think mod julliy 
ContideVed, as formidable to all her neighbours in an unprece- 
dented degree. Her colonies, however unneceiTary to a nation 
poiTeffed of fuch internal capabilities, are extremely important 
as f lations - from which Greaf Britain may be attacked in her 
t'^ndereftt point— her foreign fett'ements and trade ; and as the 
jneans, alfo, -of commanding either the property, or, if it Ihill 
be deemed Aipre advantageous, the conmiercej of the Spanifh aiid 
Portug-uefe territories in the New World. In Europe, we are 
told, that France may fopn add a. -navy to her prefent enormous, 
forces; but that her fhips of war will probably be iltll found 
tjnequal to copfe with thofe of Britain — and that inoft danger is 
to be apprehended from her light flotillas,' not only in Europe, 
imt-in the coloi lies. Our author adds, that depots are preparing 
alpng th-Q north 'coait of . France for 1500 or 2coo light VeiTeiti 
--■ - • '': ^ always 



'l8o4- ond Proje&s of France and RuJJta,- 57 

always to be kept in readinefs, and tlint the fai-ne fyfleni is to beJ 
extended to America and the Weft Indie<'. This we renlly be- 
lieve \vas written during a period of apparently profound peace, 
and deferves fome attention. ' 

The remaining part of the fpeculations on France, is occupied 
with an inquiry into the line of conducl: wliich llie will probably 
purfue towards the only t\'S'-o powers which can now give her any 
trouble, Ruilia and England. Tl;e fubitance of our author'tr 
opinion upon this intei"eftirtg t:o];jic, may be comprife-d in a few 
fimple propofitions. • '• 

_ ''i. ^ Franco and Ruflsa are the only powers in modern Europe 
that have adled fyftennatrcally for any coniiderable length of time. 
(He feerns to forget the whole hiilory of PruiTia.)'^ I'he plans of 
Louis XIV. have now been completed ; the d^pendenceof Spain 
fecured ; the fovereignty of Holland acquired^ and 'Auftria great-? 
ly weakened. Between France and Rulha' there i'S'^oaiy a iron-- 
tier and it few neutral -ports. The object of the former is ta 
overcome the latter ; and for effefting this, it will be enough, if 
Ihe obtains an aicendancy in'the affiiivs of Turkey •, a confidera- 
tion which fulRcicntly explains her uniform repugnance to take 
any joint' meafures with Ruflia againil: the Porte. '' But, ' - ^nshriT 
■ 2. France -will begin by' endeavouring to rid' herfelf of' iaH- 'iti- 
cumbrances which might hang upon lier re.^r ; and will, there- 
fore, remain at peace with Ruffia, until flss can fecure the de- 
fenfive inaftivity of Great Britain. This ihe ex:pe£ts to com-- 
mand^ by affording no points of attack, and by completing the ruin 
of our iinances ; an objetl eaiily attainable^ ihe thinks, by forcing 
us to keep up expenfive preparations, and by excluding us' from 
the commerce of the continent. 

3. Our author conceives the rupture of France and P..uiiia to 
be tlie moft fatal iflue of the prcfent crifiv. to the other poAvers 
of Europe. It mult terminate • in the univerfal fovereignty of 
either one or other of thole overgrown itates. ■ ' );';Hrf;y 

We lliall now {iiortiy indicate what appear toTus the funda- 
mental errors in all thofe dogmas'. Admitting that France could 
reduce Britain to inaclivity by the means above fpeciiled, it does 
not feeni to follow that fuch inaftivity would be more than tem- 
porary. As foon as the reft of the plan was attempted, — as loon 
as France began to attack the reft ot the European poM^ers, — Bri- 
tain would be at full liberty to repay, as ihe has often before 
repaid, their cowardly or jealous backwardnefs in her cauie, by 
making a diverfion in -their favour, and aififting them to repel 
the common enemy. But farther — Although we were to admit 
that Auftria and Pruffia are unable, by their union, to refilt- the 
power of France cr of Ruflia, it would by no means follow, that 
■ ■ tliey 



5$ Shtches of the Refoiirces^ Influence^ Apriyi 

^ey could oppofe no barrier tolaer attacks upon Ruffia, or that 
tliey could not give a check to Ruffia^ were fhe to form the de- 
iign of penetrating into the welt of Europe. And it is very 
evident, that while the exigence of thofe ilates is continued, even 
if they are reduced to a fubordinate rank, they mud be ready 
to avail themfelves of the rupture which may take place between 
the great eaftern and weftern members of the federal common- 
wealth. Nay, fuch a rupture will .even give the fbill more de- 
pendent branches of the community, the northern powers, Italy 
and Spain, the power of throwing off that yoke under which 
they at prefent groan. While Britain is attacking France, and 
while Spain, for example, fhall be able to maintain a fleet of 
fixty fail of the line, according to our author's eftimate (p. 65, 
note), is it not clear, that fo important a Hate will find it eafy 
to (hake off its dependence at tlie firil change of fortune which 
may attend the French arms ,'' If, on the other hand, Ruffia 
Ihould remain m.after of the field, can fiie at o-nce retain her 
dominion over the enemy whom (he fhall have fubdued, and 
forge chains for the allies by whofe affiflance fhe has conquer- 
ed .'*. We fee no proof whatever in thefe * Sketches, ' that the 
prefent fituation of affairs, difmal as it is in fome refpe6ls, par- 
ticularly in regard to the leffer flates of Europe, will lead to a 
total dereliction" of thofe found and natural principles of policy 
which have hitherto preferved the independence of the chief 
aations in the European commonwealth. 

We have one more remark to offer upon the unqualified li- 
cenfe of calculation which our author uniformly affumes, when- 
ever it is neceffary for his argument, to exalt the probable force, 
or wealth or energy of either France or Ruffia. He thinks it 
fufficient to confider the natural advantages of thofe ftatcs, and 
to contemplate the tendency of luch relburccs to expand in the 
courfe of a few years. Fie forgets that a proportional or a 
greater augmentation may in the fame time be preparing the 
other ftates for coping with the increafed forces of thofe two 
powers j and that nothing is more likely to accelerate this con- 
temporary progrefs, than the very fcircumllance which renders 
it fo defirable. This confideration is too obvious to require far- 
ther illullration. It is exemplified in the whole courfe of mo- 
dern hillory j it is prefented to us by a. view of the comparative 
advances which the nations of , Europe have made in all the 
branches of their wealth, their accompliihments, -and their di- 
rect military pov/er ; it applies to every fpeculation in wliich our 
author has indulged— to his eflimates of manufacturing and 
mercantile refources, as v/oil as to his eflimates of revenue and 
force j and it tendsj in no fniail degree, to dif^el the apprehen- 

iion^ 



t804' ^''^ PrsJeBs of France and Rujj'ia. ■^^. 

ficns wliich his gloomy pencil miglit have raifed in thofe whcJ 
conte'Tsplate his very partial * Sketches ' of our politicp.l views. 

II. The next object of attention is the Rullian empire j and 
in this branch of his fpeculations the author has, in our opinion^ 
difplayed both more fobriety and more acutenefs of thought. Tha 
introduflory obfervations, however, bear the fame marks of a 
prefumptuous and hafty invefrigation, v»'hich we fo fvecjuently re-i 
Cognifed \n the former part of his work. 

He lays it broadly down, that the interefts of Ruffia (which 
form the fole guide of the government), are as little connedled 
with thofe of other nations, as the'court etiquette at Peking is with 
the ceremonies of the conclave at Rosiife. She has no natural 
ally. Her frontiers are m\:u'.'\::' 

~^' one halt lunounded with an unnavfgnble ocean ; fix-fcvenths of the 
other half are covered with Afiatic natioiui and wandering tribes, and 
miilrefs of the Baltic and Black Sea ; the remainin;-;; part is inacceflible ; 
that is, the fpace, we may fay iilhauis, between Riga and Ocza-* 
kow, is the only frontiet the Ruffian government has to guartl ; an4 
Europe cannot organize a force that couid now make any imprefilon oii 
that quarter. Were thehcro of Marengo, with al! his veterans, on the 
batiks of the Borifthenes, it is by no meaus likely that he would ri.Ov a 
jaurnee de Pultava.' p. xc8. 

Inflead of enumerating any of ibe various arguments which 
immediately fuggeit themfeives to refute this itvange do6lrine— 
flrange at lealt in the extent to which it is here pullied — we may 
only refer to the greater part of the fpecula|;ions into which the 
^jit^or has himfelf entered in the preceauig .half pi his work ; 
more efpecially to the following palTage, fo Angularly dcmonftra- 
tive of his detached and exciufive manner of viewmg^- each part 
of his fubjefit. ' r > , , - > 

^ in the prefeat ftate of thing^', can Rvifiia tind republican France 
go, mutual fiiarers in the trade and governmeht.of the Tvnkiih empire I 
^liis is by no means likely ; nay, we m^fy venture to fay, it is imppf- 
|ible. Which of the parties 'then Is to give up itspretcnfion? The ca- 
binet of Peterrourgh muft certainly know, that fh-ould the Cobfuld'te be 
aliowed to aflume an afcendancy at Cotiftantinople, or to ili'ferrneddle 
ii'v f lig affairs of Turky, the fate of Muicow may again be dtfpirtcd .at 
Puhava! ' p. 72.' :'1j'A -.a' i > 

We likewife find him roundly afTei'ting, by fome tniaccbtmtablc 
miftake or caricature of the economical theory, that the inhabi- 
tants of any country vi^ho live by trade and manufactures, * arfi 
not only themfeives unprofitable confumicrs, but their fubfif^enc^ 
and gains are taxes or burthens on the induilry and confumption 
of others.' (p. 182.) ' The expence of this clafs in E-tigland is 
greater, ' he adds, ' than that of the whole Rulhan arm.y ; but 
while the latter is now and then adding a nev/ kingdom to the 

empircv 



6o ^ketches of the Refource'Sy Injluence, April 

empire, tne former are depreffing the n?.tional fpirit, and corrupt- 
ing the nioraUty of their country. ' — This has Cs-rtainly not even 
the paltry merit of a good paradox, and may be ranked with the 
author's ov/a pecuHar notions of the corn-trade or tire land- 
tax. 

The lengtli to wliich our remarks have already extended, pre- 
vents -us from entering into a minute difcuflion of the do6trincs 
maintained in the diilertation upon the foreign relations of the 
Rufhan empire. Although we ^are very far from agreeing with 
our author in the conclufions which he forms on this impOitant 
fubjecij we tliink he has ifated thern with fome force, and, in 
rnany points, has argued the quelfion with confiderabio piauiibi- 
lity. — Much of his reafoning is, however, founded upon f^tts 
which we have no opportuiiity of veritying; and the mofb im- 
portant part of thefe fadf s, the aflertious refpcdiing the contra- 
band trade of the neutral powers, confiits of fecrct hiftory, or 
allufions to private anecdotes, not authenticated by refcrenc-S to 
a fmgle name. We entertain more than fufpicions ot his v/hole 
information with regard to the condu/A of tlie Britiih diplomatic 
affairs in the northern courts during the late war. 
■ Ruffia, ourauthor maintains, has little or no iiitereil in the 
commerce of Europe. Her immenfe refources are all internal 
and independent. With fcarcely any frontier to defend, flie has 
the moft ample means of annoying both Europe and Afia. Great 
Britain cannot invade her foveveignty of the Baicic, without the 
co-operation either of Sweden or Denmark, all chance of obtain- 
ing which has been entirely loft, together with the good-will of 
the reft of the world, by the unjuft and irritable condudl: of the 
late adminiftration. He inveighs with peculiar bitternefs agaiilfl 
the whole proceedings of Great Britain towards the fecomlarv 
powers, and particularly, thofe of the Baltic ; and accufes her of 
firft forcing them into the arms of Ruffia, and tlien wreaking up- 
on their heads, that vengeance which flie dared not vent againft 
the Great Northern Empire. He draws a comparifon between 
the condu£l of Britain and France towards the allies whom thev 
lyifh to gain over, and determines the preference clearly in favour 
of the latter.— He is decidedly of opinion, that Ruffia will foon 
make an attempt upon- our dominions in the-Eaft ; and recom- 
mends, in a very earneft manner, the acquifition of Brazil by this 
country. All thefe topics, which we have only Iketched v/ith 
concifenefs as the refults of his fpfculatipns, are illuftrated at 
length, and many of them with much ingenuity. We particular- 
ly reler to his remarks upon the conduct of affairs in the Baltic ; 
his ftatcments rcfpetling the difficulties, we fear the infurmount- 
able difficulties, of repeating in that quarter the navai campaign 



1804. ' tiful Prcjc^s of France and RH__^a. 6l 

of i?oi, and, flill more, of extending out attacks to the Swedifh 
or Riiihcm polts j and his oblervations on the means which Ruf- 
fia pofi'efles of annoying our Ealt Indian empire. 

III. In the laft part of thefe ' Sketches, ' entitled, ' France 
and Ruflia, ' we are prefented with a view of the confequences 
which may refult to Great Britain from the continued alUance of 
thcle powers. It is obvious that fuch an inquiry mufh involve in 
a great meaiure a repetition of the previous fpeculatijjns. We 
iLail only notice, in a very general way,, the fubltance of fuch ot 
cur i.uthor's conclufions as have not already come under our re-? 
view. 

He contend;?, that the two great nations will endeavour to unite 
the Euit Indian powers againtt Britain, and encourage difaffedion 
among the Britiih and native troops j that they will in iiice man-, 
ner feduce the Weft Indian coionifts, by a promife of extending 
their market, and intimidate them by threats of underreiling, or 
of conquering them j that they will prevent Great Britain from 
receiving fupplies of grain either from Europe or America j fpare 
no expence to create mutiny among bur forces, and -diffenfions 
among our manufaftuvers ; and carry on an unceafnig war againft 
our finances in every quarter of the globe. Such are the indirecl 
and fecret meafures of hoitility to which we fhall be expofed 5 
and in order to countera£l them, feveral expedients are pointed 
out by this hold and ingenious proje£lor. We muft entirely con- 
quer, the native princes of the Peninfula v and, after cOiilolidatmg 
our Indian empire by force, we muft fecure its future growth, 
as well as the continuance of fubordmation, by reforming the in- 
ternal adminiftratlon, deftroying all the fettlements of foreign na- 
tions, and abolifuing the mor*opiily : We muft at once fecure our 
Weft Indian property and compel other nations to permit a free 
colony trade, by laying open the commerce of our own fettle- 
ments. At home, m'C muft cultivate our wafte lands, abohfh all 
premiums and bounties in the provifion trade, and treat our forces 
with liberal attention 5 employing our land troops, during peace, 
in national improvements, and our I'eamen in the extenfion of the 
fifheries. He adds, that we ought perpetually to watch the oper- 
ations of the enemy ; and to confider every atl: of preparatior, 
not inftantly explained, as a ground of hoftility. The other re- 
medies for the injuries which our finances may fuftain, are vague- 
ly and unintelligibly ftated. 

The meafures of direcl hoftility to which the alliance of France 
and Ruflia muft expofe this country, are next defcribed. They 
confift, chiefly, in the formidable armament of above 230 fail of 
tfce line, between two and three thoufand fmall craft, and ■:5 00,000 
iand forces, by which they will furround us from North Berge:i 

to 



Cz Sketches of the "Refources, ^6. of France and Rifjia. April 

to Cadiz •, thus hemming us in upon every fide, and compelling 
us to concentrate ail our ilrength at home ; while they carry into 
efFecl their favourite purpofe of difmembering the more remote 
parts of the Britiih empire. In the Mediterranean a fleet of 6c 
fail of the line, with fmall craft in proportion, will be ftationed 
to protect the fouth of Europe from our attacks, and to cover the 
projected defcent upon our eafcern fettlements. In the well, our 
chief danger arifcs from flotillas and other light armaments. To 
defend this ifiand, the author decidedly prefcribcs the plan of 
multiplying our naval flations on the eait coail, and maintains 
tliat the fyTtem of blocking up an enemy in his ports, at all times- 
extremely difficult, will be utterly chimerical in the juncture now 
under contemplation. The fame objecSi: may, hcwever, be attain- 
ed with complete certainty, he thinks, by a fleet of 40 fail fta- 
tioned between the Downs and Buchannefs, at points where they 
may have good anchorage and proper fea-room. The fecurity of 
our affairs in the Eaft and the Mediterranean is to be commanded 
by the pofleffion of Malta, or fome fuch impregnable flation be- 
tween Toulon and the Dardanelles. The pi-ojecls of the enemy 
in the Weft Indies, are to be oppofed, our empire there augment- 
ed, and our whole dominions, in every quarter of the globe, 
raifed both in wealth and in military ftrength, by the acquifition 
of Brazil, or of fome territory advantageoully fituated, and fit 
for the creation of a powerful army -, and by maintaining, at the 
fame timic, a right intelligence with the United States upon the 
diftributlon of the larger illands. 

On the many curious and important queftions to which thefe 
various fchemes give rife, we do not purpofe at prefent to offer 
any remarks. We muft, however, obferve, that it would be un- 
fair to judge hallily of feveral of them, which, like all projecls 
of political change, when fuperficially viewed, and detached from 
tlie fads and arguments that lead to their formation, appear 
very rafti and extravagant. It feems to us, on the contrary, that 
many very plaufible fpeculations are fuggefted by our author in 
fuppOTt even of what timid reafoners may be difpofed to call his 
wildeil projecls. And we are convinced, that ieveral important 
fonfideratious, of which he feems not to have been aware, may 
be urged in favour of the extenfion of our colonial dominions, at 
ieaft in the New World — a part of his theory which will proba- 
blv ftartle moft of his readers. 



Art. 



j8o4« Tranfaclions of the Highland Society , Vol. IT. 6y 

Art. IV. Prize EJfays and TranfuB'tons of the Highland Society of 
Scotland. To which is prefixed, an Account of thv? Principal Pro- 
ceedingi? of the Society, fince 1799. By Henry M'KenzIe Efquire, 
one of the Direftors. Vol. II. Edinburgh, Creech, Hill, and 
Conftable. 1803. 8vo. pp. 556. 

IN the account prefixed to the firft volume of thefe Tranfac- 
tious, we are informed, that the objeQs of the Society are, 
I. An inquiry into the prefent ftate of the Highlands and Iflands 
of Scotland, and the condition of their inhabitants : 2. An in- 
quiry into the means of their improvement: and, 3. An atten- 
tion to the prefervation of the language, poetry, and mufic of 
the Highlands. Before we proceed to particularize and to ex- 
am ine the papers v/hich are contained in this fecond volume, it 
may not be improper to premife a few obfervations 011 each of 
thefe objecls. 

It is evident, that no regular and fyfteraatic plan of im.prove- 
ment can be laid down or purfued, until the prefent fituation of 
the Highlands, and of their inhabitants, is fairly and fully af- 
certained. Thofe particular plans, indeed, which have been 
found to anfwer, in carrying on the improvement of other coun- 
tries, may afford fome general principles, which mud be fer- 
viceable even in the Highlands •, but this diftrift of the empire 
differs in fo many material points from every other, that the in- 
formation which may be derived from the fyftems of improve- 
ment purfued in other countries, will either be too general, and 
confequently in a great degree ufelefs, or, if adopted experi- 
mentally, will be found in many particulars inapplicable, if not 
prejudicial. We are therefore furprifed that, in the two vo- 
lumes which the Highland Society have publifhed, there is only 
one very Ihort and unfatisfa£lory paper on the obftacles to im- 
provements in the Highlands. As we can entertain no doubt 
of the fincerity and zeal of the Society, we certainly expecled, 
before this time, to have received, at their hands, a full, clear, 
and impartial account, not merely of the foil, climate, and pro- 
duce of the Highlands, but alfo of thofe obdacles to their im- 
provement, which are known to exift in the prejudices and in- 
dolence of tlie peafantry, and in the (late of dependence or vaf- 
falage in which they are generally held by their tackfmen. It is 
abfurd to expert, that the Highland peafantry will be inclined 
to take the trouble, and to run the riOc of introducing the 
culture of wheat, rye, cabbages, &c. all of which are recom- 
mended in thefe Tranfa6lions, unlcfs it be previoufly afcertain- 
ed, from a fair reprefentation of the foil and climate of their 
CQUurry, not only that they can be raifed, but that chey will be 

productive 



€4 ^rc.7ifacl\tins of the Highland Sodety, , Fol. II. Aprii- 

frodu£live o£ more, advantage than. can he.rtlerlved from any 
other mode of employing their ground. \''y ! 

With regard to the lecond obje£l of the Society — an inquiry 
into the means of improving the Highlands, we apprehend, that 
they ought, at the very commencement of their proceedings, to 
have applied themfelves to the determination of a fevt' general 
queftions, and to have been guided, in their particular inquiries, 
by the refuhs of fuch invclHgations. In this way, it aj)ptars to 
us, that they ought, nril of all, to have afcertained, whether it 
would be better to extend the culture of grain, or to keep the 
Highland difttidls entirely in pnflure ; and if the propriety and 
utility oi the latter meafure had been determined, to have then 
.difcufled, whether the Highlands ought to be Hocked with hliwk 
iattle or with JJjeep. In the Appendix to the fecond volume, a 
premium is otFcred for the befl efTay on the introduction of 
fheep farming. If this queflion had been previoufly difcufled 
with ability and fairnefs, with the afliftance of full informatioii 
rerpe£ling the produce and population lefulting from the prefent 
agriculture of tl)e Highlands, the pages now occupied with edays 
on arable hulLandry, would have been more ufelully filled with 
important practical obfervations on the proper breeds of fheep, 
.and their management. It would not be difficult to prove, that 
by the introdudlion of the flieep hufbandry, a much greater 
.quantity of food would be raifed at much lefs expence, and 
with much Icfs labour or rifle. The objection is (Irong, merely 
when it appeals to cur feelings, or to our national partiality : it 
v/ill not bear to be examined cooly and fairly. Even if we grant 
that the neceflary confequence of the introduction of the fheep 
hufbandry would be, that many of the Highlanders would be 
obliged to leave their mountainous diftri£ts, and feek employ- 
ment in the low country, it may very well be doubted, whether 
this flep would not be productive of great national benefit, even 
without the facrifice of any real individual h?ppinefs. At pre- 
lent, the Highlands afford a fcanty and precarious fubfiftence to 
a thin population. The Highlanders themfelves arf indolent, 
becaufe they perceive that no exertion or labour can fecure them 
a fuhfilience from their own foil. Under the flieep hufbandry, 
the Highlands would produce fubfiftence for at leaft four times 
as many human beiiigs as they now maintain, while their prefcnl; 
inhabitants,, if they could not be employed in their native coun- 
try, might find an ample and much more ufeful field for their 
exertions in a climate and foil that would more gratefully repay 
them. There is great reafon to believe, however, that thefe 
benefits might be obtained, without the expatriation of thofe 
individaali who (lill cling to their mouatains with fo afFe<5tjdna"te 

a 



It 804. TranfaFiwfiS of the Highland Society ^ Vol. IL 6^ 

a partiality : if the fheep hufbandry were introduced, and the 
fiflieries properly managed,, there would be employment for 
many more people than the Highlands now contain. The in- 
trodu6lion of fheep would fapply the raw material for the 
woollen manufaftures ; and the immenfe quantities of pear, and 
the powerful watcrfals that abound in all quarters, would fup- 
port machinery at little expence. Such a fyftem would alfo be 
of fervice to the other parts of the empire. At prefent, fome 
of the finefi: counties in England are almoft entirely in pafture, 
though no doubt can be entertained that they are well fuited for 
raifing grain, and that, if thus employed, they would afford 
fubfiftence to a much greater number of inhabitants than they 
row do. If, therefore, the Highlands produced that quantity 
of animal food which thefe counties do at prefent, the latter 
might, by becoming chiefly arable, increafe the population of 
the country. It is necefTary, no doubt, that there fhould be a 
certain proportion of every farm devoted to the feeding of cattle, 
in order that manure may be fupplied for the arable part ; but, 
perhaps, it would be for the advantage of the kingdom, if thofe 
diftriirs which are fuited to the raifing of grain, fnould have no 
more than that proportion fet apart for the feeding of cattle — 
and if thofe which, from their foil, fituatlon, or climate, were 
unfavourable to grain, fhould be principally fet apart for the 
purpofes of pafture. Another regulation, not unconne6ted with 
our prefent fubjeft, may be fuggefted ; that manufa£lures, ia 
order that they might interfere as little as poffible with agricul- 
ture, fiiould, in general, be eftablifhed in grazing diftriils, where 
few hands are required by the farmer. We apprehend that none 
of our readers will confider thefe remarks as foreign to the 
prefent fubje£l:, whatever opinion they may entertain of their 
juftnefsi as, certainly, in every attempt to improve the High- 
lands, it ought to be recoUetSled that they form but a part of the 
empire ; and every plan or faggeftion ought to have reference to 
them, not as a feparate whole, but as a dependent and connected 
part. 

The third obje(£l: of the Society — an attention to the preferva- 
tion of the language, poetry, and mufic of the Highlands, we 
confider as in a great degree incompatible with the introduction 
of improvement. A difference of language not only prefents a 
formidable barrier to the introdu£lion oi ufeful knowledge, but 
mud alfo tend to perpetuate thefe prejudices which it is abfo- 
iutely neceffary to deftroy, before any general or permanent 
improvement can take place. E'very method, on the contrary, 
ought to be taken to identify the Highlander, in language and 
manners, with the other inhabitants of the f mpire i and his 

vot. IV. NO. 7. E prejudices! 



(^" *Tranfa£ilons of the Highland Sockly, Vol. 11. April- 

prejudices, already very ftrong, ought not by any means to be 
cheriflied and continued. As the mofb effeftual plans of im- 
provement muft, in the firft inftance at lead, depend in a great 
meafure upon ftrangers, every obftacle which is prefented by sr 
difference of language and manners, and by the powerful pre- 
judices which the Highlanders entertain, ought to be done away 
as fpeedily and completely as poflible. 

We have been induced to oflTer thefe preliminary remarks 
from a firm convi£lion of the importance of the ultimate objecfl: 
which the Society has in view, and from a wifh that they may, 
in all their proceedings, clearly perceive it, and purfue it by the 
mofl: dire6l and efFc£tual means. We Ihall now proceed to 
examine the feveral papers which compofe the fecond volume. 

The firft paper is entitled * An Effay on Peat, by the [late] Rev. 
Dr Walker, Profeffor of Natural Hiftory in Edinburgh. ' This 
ellay, confifting of 136 pages, contains much ufeful and curious 
information, conveyed in a very loofe and defultory manner. 
That part of it which relates to the chemical analyfis of peat, 
is very inaccurate and incomplete. The reverend author appears 
to have been well acquainted with chemidry as it exided in the 
middle of the lad century •, but either to have entirely negle6led, 
or to have learned very imperfe<SHy} the important difcoveries 
that have been made in that fcience by the labours of the latl: 
twenty years. It is evident, however, that whoever attempts to 
afcertain the chemical principles of vegetables, ought to have 
made himfelf perfe£lly acquainted with the pneumatic chemiftryj 
and the analyfis of volatile produQs. At the fame time, it muft be 
confefTed, that the following obfervations of Dr Black, contained 
in a letter to Dr Walker, and given by him in a note to this 
paper, are perfettly juft and correal. 

< The proccfs hitherto named the chemical analyfis of vegetables, carr- 
not be confidered as an analyfis now, (fince the difcoveries in pneumatic 
chemlftry). It is to be viewed as a diliinftion, by which the natural 
combination of their principles is undone, and thefe principles enter 
into new combinations, very different from thofe that took place in the 
vegetable matter, in the uncorrupted vegetable matter, thefe principles 
are united together with an arrangement and connexion, of which we 
have not the fmalleit knowledge. We only know, that it Is eafily 
dcftroyed by heat and by putrefaftion, whicii produce new arrangements 
and combinations of thefe principles, and rhus form compounds endued 
with particular qualities, which did not exift in the vegetable matter 
before. ' p. 29. 

Among the inaccuracies Into which the learned Doc):or is 
betrayed, by his inattention to thefe particulars, we need only 
Specify the following. At p. 2.4. he fays, that * calcareous earth 



1 8d4« Tranfa^ilons of the Highland Society y Vol. It. Cf 

is known to promote the putrefa£lion of anima\^ and vegetable 
fubftances \ ' and that the peat of Lifmore is very putrid, in 
confequence of its mixture with the limeftone of the illand. 
Now if, by calcareous earth, the Dotlor means carbonate of 
lime, he is miftaken in aiTerting that it promotes the putrefaflion 
of veofctable and animal matter. If he means quicklime, the 
inflance he adduces is not to the point, as the limeftone in the 
ifland of Lifmore is certainly the carbonate of lime. Befides, 
in p. 55:, he aflerts, not very confiftently, that no degree of 
putrefaction in peat earth could be difcovercd from the mixture 
of either mild or cauftic lime. 

The Do6lor aflcs (p. 31,.) why we fliould omit azote as one 
of the effential elements of plants, as they all afford volatile alkali 
on putrefa6lion. The fa6l is, that no vegetable fubftances, ex- 
cept the gramineous and cruciform plants (tetradynamia) afford 
ammonia on putrefatlion. 

After having enumerated and explained the properties of peat 
as a foil, the Do6lor proceeds to confider what plants ought to 
be cultivated in it. We have already given it as our opinion, 
that the arable hufbandry is not fuited to the Highlands ; and we 
think that the peat, there, would be moll advantageoufly employ- 
ed as fuel for manufactures or for lime-kilns : the DoClor's ob- 
fervations, however, may be ufeful to thofe Lowland proprietors 
or tenants who pofTefs peat, though even by them, in mofl cafes, 
peat would be more profitably employed as a manure than as a 
foil. Where it can be advantageoufly ufed as a foil, we would 
recommend the red oat^ in preference to the Friefland, or indeed 
any other kind. The Do£lor feems inclined to think, that bean, 
crops would anfwer on moify foils, as the root of this plant goes 
deep, and requires a foft foil : but it is well known, that in a foft 
foil, the bean, though luxuriant in ffraw, is by no means pro- 
ductive in feed, and would be found a very improper crop for 
mofTy foils. 

In the fourth divifion of the Doctor's eflay, and in the fecond 
paper in this volume, by Lord Meadowbank, * On making com- 
pofl dunghills from peat mofs, ' very clear and full directions 
rare given for this application of peat ; and from the refults ob- 
tained by Lord Meadowbank, in particular, after repeated and 
careful experiments with this compolf, we think no farmer will 
liefitate to employ his peat rather as a manure than as a foil. 

The third paper, * On burning lime with peat, by Mr Jona- 
than Radcliff, ' prefents a very clear detail of a procefs, by which 
peat may be ufed to fupply the want, or to prevent the eonfump- 
u<-t\ of fcals in lime-kilns. 

E 2 The 



68 ^ranfacltom of the Highland Boelety, Vol. II. April 

■ The next effay, ' On the cattle and corn of the Highlands, by 
Dr Walker, ' is divided into five fe£tions. In the firlt fetlion it 
i5 admitted, that the crops of oats and bear (big) are often much 
damaged by bad feafons ; and tliat * the mildnefs of the\ climate 
on the coafts ot the Highlands in winter, is greatly overbalanced 
by the vi-ant of thofe degrees of heat in fummer, which prevail 
in the fouth, by a Icfs early autumn, and by the frequency and 
viDlcnce of the winds and rain. ' (p. 167.) Surely theie circum- 
ftances point out the impropriety of endeavouring to extend the 
arable hufbandry in thefe diftrifts, and the. neceflity of effetling 
an entire and radical change in the fyftem of improvement. The 
Dotlor mull certainly be millaken in affirming, that the bear 
ufually yields between ten and fifteen fold, notwithftanding the 
badnefs of the chmate arid the wretched ftate of hufbandry. 
Unlefs, hov/ever, the quantity of feed be fpecified, this mode of 
aftertaining the produce is very vague and uncertain. 

We fhould not wifli to offer any ftronger and more decifive 
fatls to prove the neceflity of removing black cattle, and fubfti- 
tuting iheep, than thofe contained in the fecond feftion of this 
eflay, ' On the ftate of the Highland cattle during winter. ' 
■Green crops, or grafles proper for hay, can never be railed in 
fuch certain abundance, as regularly to fupply the cattle from the 
.id of February to the end of April, if the Highlands, in general, 
\vere to be ftocked with them. Some fpots, no doubt, might be 
found, in which winter food, and confequently black cattle, might 
be introduced with advantage ; but in hilly countries, and in a 
climate where the making of hay muft be fo very precarious, 
(heep ought, in general, to be preferred. ^ 

The plants recommended by the Do6lor in the third fe£tion, 
are very proper for fuch fpots in the Highlands as ought to be till- 
ed, t)r kept in hay ; and feveral of them might be advantageouHy 
cultivated in the Lowlands. Befides thofe enumerated, we would 
recommend to the attention of all farmers, who are pofieiTed of 
3 light fandy foil, the corn fpurrey {spergula arvetijis.) This plant 
is much cultivated in Brabant, Holland, and Germany, and is 
found to be a very nourifhing and acceptable food to cattle, both 
when green and when made into hay. 

The ruta baga was introduced into Sweden from Lapland, and 
not from this country, as the Do£lor affirms ; who, moreover, 
feems to confound the turnip-rooted cabbage with the Swedifh 
turnip. Nothing can prove more clearly, that the Doftor paid 
but little attention to the foil and climate of the Highlands, than 
his indifcriminate recommendation of beans and peas, wheat, and 
the Tartarian oat. By his own account, clay is rarely to be found 
in thefe diftri(^s ; and the moft common foil is a hazel mould, 

often 



l8o4« TranfaBlons of the Highland Sodety^ Vo:. IT. 69 

often participating largely of fand and gravel. Beans, therefore, 
we (hould think, are ablblutely inadmiilible. I'artavian oats are 
more apt to be lodged than any o#ier kind, and are therefore im- 
proper in a climate fo windy and wet. Peas, which anlwer well 
in England, are, in general, very uncertain and unproduclive, 
even in the fouth of Scotland. Wheat is entirely out of the 
queftion. In whatever parts of the Highlands the arable huf- 
bandry can be followed, the following crops and rotation may, 
from their having fucceeded in htuations and a climate very limi- 
iar, be faicly recommended. 1 . Turnips, or potatoes drilled -, 
2. Bear, or ^ perhaps, the common Scotilli barley; 3. Grafs feeds, 
confifting of clover and rye grafs, or any other of the numerous 
grafles, which might be found to fuit the cHmate and foil ; and, 
4. Red oats. 

It is abfurd to Imagine (p. 2o2.) that feed corn brought from 
Norway would ripen in as ihort a fpace ©f time in the Highlands, 
as it did in its native country ; fnice the eflential circumltance is 
wanting in the Highlands, which accelerated its grov/th, viz. the 
very great ditFerencc between the temperature of the fummer and 
that of the wintex-, and the fudden and permanent change. 

The two next elliys, by Alexander Macnab and Duncan Stew- 
art, containing ' Obfervations on the economy ot black cattle 
farms under a breeding flock, ' appear to be written by perfons 
of much practical information, which is conveyed in a plain and 
perfpicuous manner. The catalogue of difeafes, to which the 
Highland cattle are liable, prefents another powerful argument, 
why Iheep fhould, in general, be introduced in their place ; as 
we are informed by Mr Macnab, that * the diftempers incident to 
Highland cattle, refult chiefly from fcanty feeding and want of 
water in winter. ' Now, it is well known, that fheep will live 
and fatten, where cattle would llarve, and that they require very 
little water. 

In the feventh EiTay by (the late) Mr Somerville, clear and 
decifive anfwers, founded on careful obfervations, and dire6l 
and repeated experiments, are given to the inquiries — * What 
are rhe ftages of growth and ripenefs, and what are the pecu- 
liar ftates of the weather, and other circumflances, in which 
corns, particularly oats, are rendered unfit for feed, by froft, 
or confiderable degrees of cold, and by what changes or modi- 
fications of thefe flages, ftates or circumflances, do the powers 
of vegetation remain unhurt ? Will oats, that are ill- filled, or 
ill-ripened ferve for feed ; and, by what appearances, can th« 
point of diftinclion between the good and the bad be readily 
afcertained ? ' 

.E 3 I^ 



7®* ^ranfaSlions of the Highland Society y Vol. JL April 

In the ' Obfervations on the obftacles to the improvement of 
the Highlands, ' the author particularly notices the diftance, 
at which many of the fadiors (fte wards) refidej and their con- 
fequcnt ignorance of the improvements which particular dif- 
tri<3:s may admit or require ; — the numerous commons ; — and 
the advantages which would refult from long leafes, and from 
laifing plantations on the barren hills and moors. 

Mr Somerville, in the Ninth Eflay, recommends the total era- 
dication of heath, where the foil and climate will admit the 
cultivation of any more ufeful plant ; and the burning of it in 
fuch a manner, as to defhroy the tough, hard parts, and to atFord 
room and nourifhment for the tender and juicy fhoots, in every 
fituation where no plants of greater value can be produced. 
In order to effedl the former purpofe, the heath ought to be 
burnt in the autumn when it is in flower, as it may then be 
completely deftroyed. But, when the objedl is to preferve the 
root, and to afford warmth and manure to the tender fhoots, 
the operation ought to take place in the fpring. The tender 
and juicy (hoots, which might thus be made to fpring annually 
from the burnt heath, ought to be ufed not only for pafture, 
as Mr Somerville dire£ls, but alfo for hay. In S^veden t})i.9 
practice is commonly followed, and found to anfwer. 

Mr Angus M'Donald, in his paper * on manufadlures, * offers 
fome judicious obfervations on the linen and woollen manufac- 
tures of the Highlands ; — points out the advantage'^, which they 
enjoy in thofe refpe£ts 5 — and fuggefts feveral dift'trent modes, 
in which they might be improved and extended. We perfe£lly 
agree with him, that the Highlands might, by proper manage- 
inent and encouragement, become the feat of valuable v/oollerx 
inanufaclures ; but we imagine, in that cafe, that the raifing 
and manufafturing of flax would be generally given up, as com- 
paratively uncertain and unproduGive. We are furprifed that 
lie fliould lay it down, as * a fundamental maxim in commerce^ 
that no manufacture can be firmly eftablifhed in a country 
which does not produce the raw materials which it employs, ' 
p. 242. What manufa6lure is more firmly eftablifhed, and the 
fource of employment and wealth to a greater number of per- 
fons, than the cotton manufactures of Lancafnire and Glaf- 
gow ? In direct oppofition to what he fays, refpecfing the 
profit arifing from bees, we can pofitively aliirm, that they are 
unprofitable in a clim.ate much more favourable than that ot the 
Highlands, p. 249. 

The two next papers contain * the plan of an inland village, 
by the Reverend Robert Rennie ; and remarks on the plan, by 
Colonel Dirom. ' This plan^ if altered according to the fug- 

C'sflions 



1804. TranfaB'ions of the Highland Society, Fol. 11. 71 

.geftlons of the Colonel, would certainly be well calculated to 
fecure health, clcanlinefs and convenience, all of which aie 
very much neglected in the villages of Scotland : — but, till ma- 
nufadures are eftablilhed, it feems premature to be either build- 
ing or planning villages. We entirely agree with Mr ReuniCj 
that in a manufaduring village, it is much better that every feu- 
ar (every perfon who pays a ground rent) Ihould have only half 
as much as he might wifh to have, than a fingle rood too much, 
p. 262. Where manufactures are introduced, the divifion of 
labour ought to be as complete as poflible j but if every manu» 
facturer poffeffes an acre or more, either his ground or his pro- 
feffional bufznefs muft be negleded •, and, if he hire the labour 
of another perfon, the produce of his land will moll probably 
■coft him more than its real value. 

In the * Extrafts from an Effay on the Natural, Commercialp 
and Economical Hiftory of the Herring, by Dr Walker, ' we 
meet with almoft all the fads which are known refpeding the 
fiatural hiftory of this fifli ; — a very long and tedious hiftoricai 
account of the herring fifhery from its commencement in the 
fourteenth century to 1786 i— and an enumeration of the caufes, 
whichj in the opinion of the Doclor, have lately rendered this 
fifhing fo unprodudive. One of the caufes, it feems, is our 
■injudicious imitation of the Dutch, in fiihiiig with large veffels^ 
we, on the contrary, are difpofed to coincide with Mv Headrick, 
who maintains, in a paper which will afterwards be confideredj, 
that if thefe large vei?els were employed by us, as the Dutch, 
employ them, in fifiiing in the open fea, herrings might be ta^ 
ken during more months, and at a time when they are in the 
higheit perfedion. The bufles, at prefent, to which alone the 
bounty is given, are employed only in the lochs ; and, when a 
fhoal of herrings appear, fend out their boats in fuch numbers, 
find with fo much confufjon, that they are both in a great mea- 
fure unfuccefsful themfelves, and prevent the crews of thofe 
vefiels which, on account of their fmall fize, are not allowed 
the bounty, from attempting to iiih at the fame time. 

We are ftrongly difpofed to quefrion the policy of granting 
any bounty ; but if it be continued, it ought to be given to the 
bulTes, on the exprefs provifion, that they go out into the open 
fea, and there follow the Dutch mode of filhing ; perhaps a fi- 
miiar bounty ought to be given to undecked vefTcls, which alone 
ought to be allowed to continue in the lochs. The method, 
which has been long pradifed near Gottenburgh, and vt-hich, 
on a fmailer fcale has lately he<rn fuccefsfully adopted on the 
Fife coaft, would moft probably anfwer in the Highland lochs. 
Irj the neighbourhood of Gottenburgh, eight boats, each con- 

];■ 4 tsining 



'^l TranfaBlofis of the Highland Society, Vol. 11. Aprfl 

taining two or three fifliermen, draw one large net, enclofing a 
ilioal of herrings, into a creek or finall bay, and the fifli being 
Shovelled onjhe fnore, the boats refume their work. The ad- 
vantages of this mode, over that commonly pradifed^ are evident 
and important. 

We are furprifed that only conjectures are offered on the food 
of the herrings. As the food foon becomes imperceptible in 
their ftoraachs, from their ftrong digeftive "powers, it is indeed 
jmpoffible to afcertain all the kinds : but it is well known, that 
a fmall fpecies of crab, the cancer halecum^ which abounds in 
the north feas, is devoured by them in great quantities. 

We coniider it neceflary merely to notice and to recommend 
jhe two next papers * On the different forts of herrings which 
frequent-the coafts of Scotland; with obfevvations on the pre- 
fen4: mode of condufting the herring fifhery, by Mr M'Kenzic-, * 
— and • An account of the Dutch herring fifhery, with the pla- 
tart of the ftates of Holland rcfpedmg it. ' The latter paper 
ought to be circulated as widely as poff.ble, and followed ae 
clofely as a difference of circumllances will admit. 

In the four papers * on the Natural Iliftory of the Salmon, 
by Dr Walker, Mr Mackenzie, Mr Morrifon, and Archibald 
Druramond Efq. ' the fa£ts and conjedlures brought forward 
are, in general, rather curious than ufeful in a pra£lical point of 
view. This obfervation applies principally and moft llrongly to 
Dr Walker's paper, which is charaderifed by the fame faults, 
as thofe papers of his which we have already noticed. It is full 
and minute, even to tedioufnefs, in that part v/hich can be in- 
terefting only to the naturaUlt ; while it is defedive, or merely 
conjectural, with regard to thofe circumftances which may be 
ufeful to the falmon fifheries. As the Dodor appears to have 
derived mofh of his information from books, and, in fome in- 
iliances, to have carelefsly received it from the unexamined and 
uncompared teftimony of others \ it is no wonder that he 
not only differs from the other gentlemen, but advances v/hat 
reflection might have taught him could not be the fad. In 
page 349, he defcribes the Vidge which is raifed by the falmon 
over the place where they depofit their fpawn, as from ' three 
to five inches high. ' Now, it is evident, that as this depofitation 
always takes pla'ce where the ftrcam is rapid, the ridge and the 
fpawn would foon inevitably be fwept away. Mr Drunimond 
(whofe effay fully deferves the charader given of k by the edi- 
tor, p. 39.!. note), rectifies this miftakeu notion, (in which, how- 
,cver, the Doctor is joined by all thofe naturalift s who read, ra- 
ther than obferve and examine), and exprefsly afferts, that the 
'crave!, under which, the fp.iwn is depolitedj is always levelled 

with 



!8c4. TranfaSilons of the Highland Socitty, Vol. IT. 7;^ 

VfXxh. a wonderful nicety (p. 402). If Mr Morrifonbe corre£l, m 
afTerting that the operation of fpawning lulls eight or ten days 
(p. 390), we fhould be inclined to diflfent from the commoniy 
received opinion, that the fpawn is laid all together in holes, 
and then covered with gravel, fince, if it were left fo long un- 
covered, it would neceffarily be carried away by the ftream. 
Some naturaiifts have been induced, from careful obfervation, to 
maintain, that the fpawn is not covered up at all, but fufFered to 
float down the ftream till it naturally finks to the bottom. 

As it is of the utmoft importance to know ail the animals 
which are deftructive to the falmon, the porpus [delphinus 
phocana) and the feal [phoca vituUnn) ought to have been men- 
tioned by Mr Drummond (p. 409). The former is often feen 
cruizing acrofs the mouth of the Tweed, and not only dedroying 
the falmon, but preventing them from entering the river. The 
latter fometimes purfues the falmon a connderahle way up the 
river : they are alfo equally inveterate and deilrutlive enemies of 
the herring. 

Mr Meivill, in his paper * On the Fifheries of Sco'.land, ' re- 
commends that the mode of filhing for cod and ling purfued by 
the Engliib and Dutch, fhould be adopted by the Scotch. The. 
fingle, undoubted, and glaring fa£l:, that the former nations, by 
their fuperior ingenuity, carry away imraenfe quantities of thefe 
filh, from the very coalls of the latter, proves the propi'iety of 
this admonition. The remarks already offered, make it unne- 
celTary to analyfe or examine the latter part of this paper, which 
relates to the herring faliery. 

The Rev. James Headrick, in his paper * On Improvements in 
the Highlands, ' appears carefully to have examined the country, 
before he offered his fuggeftions. They are, therefore, much 
rrore worthy of attention, than the crude ideas and fanciful fpe- 
eulations of thofe, who have no accurate or praclical knowledge 
of the (late of the country. The laft feftion of this eflay offers 
to our view a very probable fource of employment and wealth, 
and, perhaps, the rnofl proper application of the vaiC quantities 
of peat, in the Highlands. Mr Headrick propofes, that an ex- 
perim.ent (hould be tried, to afcertain * whether charred peat 
might not anfwer as well in rendering iron malleable, or in con- 
verting it into Heel, as charred wood,' (p 466). If it were 
found to anfwer, iron-ftones and bog-ore of iron might be ob- 
tained hi great abundance in many parts of the Highlands. We 
have already expreffed our doubts, how far the railing and mnnn-- 
facturing of flax or hemp, which Mr Headrick recom.mends, 
would be pra£licable in the Highlands, or defireable, after thc- 
woollen rnanufa^diures Y/erc firmly and generally eftablifhed. We 

do 



7;4 Tranfa^ions of the Highland Society^ Vol. II. April 

do not perceive how it can ' have been clearly demonjl rated, that 
the mode of occupying land, which renders it capable of yielding 
the greateft rent to the proprietor, is alfo mod beneficial to the 
public,' (p. 455). Failure land, in many parts of the kingdom, 
yields as much rent, as arable land, to the proprietor j and yet it 
cannot be confidered as equally beneficial to the public ; fince an 
acre under tillage will fupport many more people, than an acre 
in pafture. The propriety of converting the Highlands into Iheep 
walks, ought not to be refted on this principle, which is not only 
in many inllances falfc, but will always be regarded with a fuf- 
picious eye by the bulk of mankind. No doubt, when it is apr- 
plied to the Highlands, it is perfectly true, fmce a fheep farm, 
producing fubfillence for 100 people with the labour of ten, 
which, while under tillage, or flocked with cattle, could not fup- 
port thirty people, though they all laboured on it, muH of courfe 
afford a higher rent to the landlord, and benefit the public in a 
ftill greater degree ; as the labour of the twenty fpare hand* 
may be rendered more profitable and fuccefsful. 

The lafl paper contains an * Account of the Culture and Produce 
of a Field of Potatoes in the vicinity of Leith, ' communicated by 
James Bell, Efq. 

The * Account and Defcription of the Manner of Peparing any 
ordinary Ship's Boat, fo as to render it in the highefl degree ufeful 
in Preferving Lives in cafes of Shipwreck, by the Rev. James 
Bremner, ' contained in the Appendix, promifes to be of great 
utility j as the Society, after having received a very favourable 
report of the boat from fsveral competent judges, who examined 
and tried it, have diredled copies of a defcription and delineation 
pf it to be fent to the different fea-ports of Scotland. 

On the whole, we coniider the DifTertations on Rural Economy, 
which occupy a great part of this volume, as almofl entirely in- 
applicable to the flate of the Highland dlllrictS, and unueceflary 
in the other parts of the kingdom. More full, accurate, anti im- 
partial pra£lical information mull be obtained, before any gtmeval 
or permanent fyftem of improvement can take place in the High- 
lands. The prejudices and indolence of the peafantry, and the 
feudal interefls of the landlords, mufl not be fuffered to interfere 
jn the fmallell degree. If work cannot be found for the former in 
their native country, it will be m.ueh better for the public, and ulti- 
mately for themfelves, that they fhould go where it can be found, 
than that they fhould continue to exill and multiply in indolence 
and v/retchednefs at home, neither able to fupport themfelves, nor 
'vvilling that others fhould take their place. But we apprehend no 
i^emoval would be neceliary : The fhcep hufoandry would bring 
in with it manufadures, and, confequently, villages and towns j 

which 



l804. Trartfa^lons of the Highland Society^ Vol. IT. 7-5 

which it is vain for the Society to plan, or the proprietors to 
build, (except on the fea-coafl for the encouragement of the 
fiflicries), while the prefent fyftem of hufhandry is followed. The 
landed intercfl ought certainly to confider the increafe of rent, 
which the flieep hulhandry would introduce, as a fufficient com- 
penlation for the lois of their feudal honours, power, and at- 
tendance. 

If, befide an entire change in t'ne fyftem of hufbandry, the 
fifheries, and the manufad:ures of woollen and bar iron w-ere 
properly eftabliihed and regulated, the Highlands, inftead of being 
thinly peopled with an indolent and wretched race, would become 
the abode of induilry and comfort, and fupport an increafed popu- 
lation, not only in its own mountainous diilrids, but over every 
part of the empire. 



Art. V. J Comparattve Vienv of the Pullic Finances, from the begin- 
ning io the chfe of ike late Advunijhat'ivn. By William Morgan, F. R. S. 
Second Edition. With a Supplemerrt, oontainiiig an account of the 
Management of the Finances to the prefent tisne, London. Long- 
man & Rees. 1803. 8vo. pp. if 5. 

QuCH of our readers as intereft thcmfelves in the financial affairs 
^ of Great Britain, tr^uft be well acquainted with the writings 
of this acute and diligent calculator. The traft now before us, 
may be confidered as a continuation of his ' Fafls, ' publiflied 
m the year 1796. The obje£l of both thefe performances, is 
to fubftantiate the charge of extreme profufion of the public 
money againfl; the late Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and, in 
both, nearly the fame mode of demonilration is adopted. Our 
author details the various items of the national expenditure — the 
Joans negotiated for providing fupplies — the differences between 
the fums received and the debt created — the permanent addition 
to our public burthens in confequence of the augmented debt— - 
and the flownefs of the procefs of liquidation, when compared 
with thefe augmentations. He lays before us a full view of all 
thofe circumiiaacds of lofs and burthen, and compares their 
extent, during the lafl war, with their extent during the Seven- 
years war, and the American war. He finds that the amount 
of the loffes incurred, and burthens impofed in confequence of 
she financial operations which the late conteft rendered neceffary, 
txceed in a very great proportion the fimilar loffes and butthen* 
entailed upon the country by the two preceding wars, even after 
all due aHowance is made for tlie different durations of the 
}4ofi|iUtLe5 in ihe tl^ree periods ; and he infers, that the minifters 

undei^ 



*j6 Morgan'/ Comparative View of the Finances. April 

tinder whofe aufpices fuch operations were carried on, are en- 
titled, beyond any former adminiftration, to the appellation of 
extravagant ;' that the late war has been ruinous beyond all 
previous example ; and that the accumulated burthens of this 
country have now brought it to the very brink of dcftruclion. 

It is by no means our intention to follow Mr Morgan through, 
all the ftatements by which he fupports thefe gener.il pofitions. 
We fhall, however, endeavour to exhibit a fhort abilraOi: of the 
refuits of his calculations, which are formed apparently with 
great accuracy, and are certainly detailed in a very diftinCl and 
luminous manner. We fhall then ftate the general objt^lions 
which we have to urge againft the conclufions which lie has 
thought proper to found upon thefe premifes. 

I. The chief expences of a war-eftablifhment, are tliofe of tlie 
army, navy, and ordnance. The average amount of the annual 
charges referable to thefe heads during the five years of war 
from 1755 to 1759 (both inclufive) was fomewhat lefs than 
8,8oo,oool. •, the greatefl: expenditure in any one year was above 
13 millions; and the whole ailual expence of that period, ex- 
ceeded the whole eftimatcd expence in the proportion of 1.43 to 
I nearly. The average amount of annual charges during the five 
years of war from 1778 to 1782 (both inclufive) was fomewhat 
lefs than 17,600,000!.; the greatefl annual expenditure about 
21^ millions; and the proportion of the whole a£lua!, to the 
whole eftimated expences, nearly thatof 1.76 to I. The average 
of the annual charges during the five years of war from 1793 ^'^ 
1797 (both inclufive), was above 25,800,0001.; the greatefl 
yearly expenditure, about 29^ millions; and the proportion of 
the whole atlual, to the whole eltimated expences, that of 1.92 
to I. In the five years from 1798 to 1802 (both inclufive), the 
average yearly expenditure was above 29,400,000!. ; the greatefl: 
annual expence upwards of 34 millions; and the proportion of 
the whole a£lual, to the whole eftimated expences, that of 1.27 
to I nearly. * 

II. In order to defray thefe extraordinary expences of the war 
cilablifhment, loans to a great amount have always been required. 
During the Seven-years M^ar, from 1756 to 1762 (both inclufive), 
48,600,0001. were raifed in this way ; during the American war, 
(1776 to 1782, both inclufive), 57^ millions were borrowed; 
during the firil feven years of the late war, 141 millions, ex- 
clufive of the Imperial loan ; and, during the three laft years, 

nearly 

* In the extraordiuaries ot this period, are reckoned various fublidies, 
\iz. the Imperial, Ruffian, Portugucze, and EavariaOy which are all 
charged to the army txtraordinarjeeo 



l8o4« Morgan'/ Comparative V'leiv of the Finances. 'jf 

nearly 76 millions were ralfed in the fame manner. When thefe 
v;ift fums were borrowed, the credit of government was almoft 
always fo low as to render neceflary the creation of a confider- 
able fiditious capital of debt. In this way, the country, ia 
conftquence of its difficulties, and of the fcarcity of capital, 
came to be loaded with a debt much greater in amount than the 
money really received from the lenders ; that is to fay, it becam.e 
hound to pay intereft for more than they actually advanced, and 
could only redeem the principal at par, by paying the whole 
nominal amount. Calculating the annuities according to their 
value at the period of their commencement, the difFevence be- 
tween the funded debt created, and the money received, was, 
during the Seven-years war, near pi millions; during the Ame- 
rican war, near 29 millions; during the firlt feven years of the 
lad war, about 77-^, exclufive of the lofs on the Imperial loan j 
and during the lall three years of that v/ar, above 39. 

III. For paying the intereft and other "yearly expences of the 
debt thus contracted, various permanent taxes have become ne- 
ceflary, befides thofe extraordinary contributions which were 
levied during that part of the laft war viTien an attempt was 
made to raife the fupplies within the year. The burthens im- 
pofed in confequence of the debt incurred during the Seven- 
years war, amount to above 1,900,000]. ; the American war 
added nearly 3^ millions; the feven iirft years of the lalt war 
rendered an increafe of nearly 6^ millions necelTary ; aad the 
three laft years of the war entailed upon the country a farther 
load of above 2,900,000!., not including the income tax, upon 
which upv/ards of 56 millions v/ere fecured, and the repeal of 
which rendered nevi' permanent taxes requifite ; fo that the 
permanent addition made to the public burtheniS by the loans of 
the feven firft years of the late war, may be reckoned at above 
7 1 millions, and the addition occaficned by the three laft years, 
at more than 3I- millions. 

We (hall now endeavour to exhibit, in the form of a Table, 
a comparative view (according to the foregoing details) of the 
expences, debts, and public burthens which have been occafioned 
by the three laft years ; affuming the ftatements for the Seven- 
vears war as unity, except where a proportion is given. 



73 



Morgan'j- Comparative View of the rinancei, April 



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ito^' Morgan'/ Comparative Vieiv of the Finance!. 'J0 

This Table condenfes the whole argument which can be drawn 
againft the late war, and the financial operations that accom- 
panied it, from contrafting its expences with thofe of the glorious 
conteft which gained America and India, or with thofe of the 
difaftrous liruggle which deprived us of half our foreign domi- 
nions, and {hook the whole empire. By comparing columns 
I, III, V, and VI, an eftimate is eafily formed of the relative 
efFeds produced by the three wars, during the fame period of 
five years ; a comparifon of columns II, IV, and VXI, exhibits 
the relative etfe£ts of the wars during the fame period of feveu 
years i and the VIII. column continues the comparifon through 
the lad three years of the late war. All Mr Morgan's accufation.j 
againft the lare adminiftration, derived from comparing it with 
formicr miniftries, are therefore comprehended in this Table ; 
while the whole cafe is thus brought forward, as well as the part 
favourable to his fide of the queflion. 

* From thefe ftatements (fays our author) the predeceffors of My 
Pitt, by a fyftem of progreffive extravagance, appear, during the courfe 
of a century, to have accumulated a debt of two hundred and thirty- 
two millions, which their more prodigal fuecelTor, in feventeen years, 
has increafed to more than five hundred millions. Compared, therefore, 
with thofe of the late minilter, how weak and contemptible are all 
former exertions ! The raafs which, in other hands, required one hun- 
dred years for its formation, has, under his management, been doubled 
in one twentieth part of the time ; and the nation, long accuftomed to 
regard the approach of the debt to one hundred millions as an approach 
to certain bankruptcy and ruin, have been led, by the experience of his 
adminiftration, to believe that public credit is almoft as boundlefs as 
minifterial profufion. Befides the addition of three hundred millions to 
the funded debt of the kingdom within the laft eight years, a further 
fum of fix millions Sterling has been annually raifed, from the year 
3798, by triple afleffments, voluntary contributions, income-tax, convoy 
duty, and other meafures of finance, equally new and extraordinary, 
Hdd thefe enormous fums been procured, like the reil of the fupplies, 
by the ufual method of a loan, it would have appeared that the ex- 
penditure of the prefent war had already added above three hundred 
and fifty millions to the capital of the Public Debt, or one hundred and 
twenty millions more than all the wars that have defolatcd the country 
fince the Revolution. ' p. 13. 14. 

The means by which the late miniftry were enabled to borrow 
fuch vaft fums, and to provide for the intereft of the loans, arc dif- 
cuffed by Mr Morgan in a fuperficial and partial manner. The 
negotiation of loans could not. he thinks, b?j facilitated by the 
opulence of the nation, nor by the ftate of its credit, lince the 
poor-rates have been rapidly increafing, and the funds have been 
Idwcr than in any former period of our hiftory. As foon as 



S» l^Iorgan'/ ^mparaiz've View of the Finances Aprs! 

the terms of borrowing began to rife confiderably, various expe- 
<lients were adopted for raifing great part of the fupplies within 
the year. During three years, extraordinary burthens were im= 
pofed, in the form of triple afleffments, voluntary contribu- 
tions, and income tax, until the whole of the new fyilem of fi- 
nance being found inadequate, and the calculations of its pro- 
du£live powers being completely difappointed, recourfe was a- 
gain had to the funding fyflem j and this has been revived with 
increafed vigour, partly in confequence of the relief given to 
the funds by the new meafures of the former years, but princi- 
pally in confequence of the fufpenfion of fpecie payments at the 
Bank of England, which enables that body to afhft fpeculators 
with unlimited credit, and of the difaflrous ftate of trade which 
turns an unnatural proportion of the national capital into the 
public funds. He roundly afcribes the ftoppage of bank pay- 
ments to the exportation of fpecie occafioned by the foreign 
loans and fubfidies. The means adopted for providing the inte- 
reft upon the new loans, have been taxes which are chiefly pro- 
ductive during a feafon of war ; and many of them have already 
failed in fupplying the requifite fums. If, before the peace, 
thofe impoRs prcfcnted a deficit of half a million, our author 
predi£ls that more than eight times this fum will be wanting 
after the war is concluded. With refpe£l to the furplus of the 
confolidated fund, a full and clear ftatement is given of the ef- 
fe6ts which the war produced upon that part of the refources ; 
and it is proved, we think, with fufficient precifion, that Mr 
Pitt's eftimaces of the increafe were generally much above the 
truth. According to our author, it would appear that, during 
feveral years of the war, the ftatement of certain fums as arif- 
ing from the furplus, was only a transference to the fame 3- 
mount from monits raifed by loan, or, in other words, cer- 
tain fums ,were borrowed and applied in defraying the char- 
ges upon the confolidated fund, in order to be ftated as a fur- 
plufage in the produce of that fund. He admits, however, that 
in the earlier part of the war, the real furplus was confiderable, 
;<t one ti'me even much greater than its average amount during 
the previous years of peace. As to the ftate of the fund during 
the prefent adralniftration, our author declares that it is aimoft 
impoflibie to comprehend this or any other part of the finances, 
from the great obfcurity and confufion which prevails through 
the whole revenue department. Several examples which he 
gives are, if accurately ftated, fufficiently demonftrative of this 
levere charge. 

^ In fhort, ' he obf?rves^ ' the further we proceed in Inveftigatiag- 
the ftateiTifnts given of the pvsblic finances, t^e more we iViall find the 

difficulty 



l8o4. Morgan'/ Comparative Vie'iv of the Finances, %i 

difficulty increafe of obtaining any fatisfadlory information from them. 
i do not know, indeed, that theie accounts were ever remarkable for 
their pcrlplcuity, or for according with each other. But what was 
formerly perplexed is now rendered unintelligible ; and the talk of tho- 
roughly underftanding the prefent fyftem of finance, is become as hope- 
lefs as the attempt to reform it. ' p. 95. 

We have now laid before our readers the fubftance of the 
grounds upon which Mr Morgan accufes the late adminiftration 
of unexampled profufion, and predidls the ruin of the finances 
from tjie difafters entailed by the late war on our national reve- 
nue. Without entering into a minute detail of the obje£lions 
that may be urged againft his ftatements, we lliall proceed to 
point out, as briefly as pofTible, the general defe£ls which we 
perceive in the chain of his argument, more efpecially in that 
very iinportant link of it, which connects all his calculations 
and fa£ls with the conclufions they are made to fupport. 

In the Jirj? place, admitting the general method of reafoning to 
be corre(^, which our author adopts, it may be obferved, that the 
eafe made out againft the financial operations of the late war, by the 
comparative view formerly given, is far from being fo ilrong as he 
v/ouid have it to appear. The argument, in this point of view, ap- 
pears to be, that all the difaftrous confequences of the Seven-years 
war, were aggravated in the American war; and that, in the late con- 
tell, the evil has advanced with ftrides Hill more gigantic. Now, 
this is by no means confiftent with the detail, as may be feen from 
the comparative table above drawn up. Several very important 
effe6ts of the war eftablifhment upon the finances of the country, 
^re proved, by that table, to have increafed in a much fmaller 
proportion during the late war, compared with the American, 
than during the American compared with the Seven-years war. 
Tiie average expence of the military and naval departments, for 
inftance, was twice as much in the American as in the Seven- 
years war. 1'he fame expence was increafed by confiderably lefs 
than one half in the late v/ar, compared with the American. Had 
the proportion been continued, that is, had the expence of the 
late war borne to the expence of the A^mcrican war, the fame 
proportion which the expence of the American bore to that of the 
Seven-years war, the miiirury and naval eftabiilhment would have 
been as 4.000 inftead of 2.944 (Table, col. V.) The fame remark 
may be made upon the greatell annual expenditure, and upon the 
excels of the a£lual above the eftimated expences of the war. 
In the ftill mere important article of the ficSlitious capital added 
to the debt by thofe war:, the late war appears alio to fall Ihort 
of the proportion. The difference between the money received 
and the ilcck created. -r:-3 abave three times greater in the Ame- 

voL. iv, xo, 7. F vican' 



$i MorgauV Coiyiparailve View of the Finances, .April 

lican than in the Seven-years war. This difference was, in the 
Jaft war, much lefs than three times its amount in the American 
war. (See Table, col. II. IV. & VII.) A great number of ma- 
terial confiderations have, therefore, been altogether omitted by 
lAt Morgan on one fide of the account, while he is endeavouring 
to ftrike a balance.- 

But we m^ay obferve, in the next place, that fuch comparifons 
are extremely unfair, if made without a much fuller confidera- 
tion of circumitances. The fuc^clFive v>;-ars in which a {fate en- 
gages at Oiort intervals of time, are far from being unconneftcd 
with each other in a inaneial point of view. They are not infur- 
iated events, which may be compared without any allowance for 
their reciprocal Influence, The credit of the country, in every 
conteft, is neccflarily afFe£ted by the event of the feveral previous 
contells which have in former years brought it into difficulties^ 
if fifty millions were added to the public debt in the Seven-years 
war, much more than the fame fum muft have been added to the 
debt in the American war, rn order to raife as much money as 
was formerly procured for fifty millions. And, in like manner, 
the amount of the debt in confequence of the two previous wars, 
neceflarily rendered its increafe more rapid during the late war 
than it would have been, if no former burthens of this nature had 
exifted. 

But, in the third place, we have a general and peremptory ob- 
jection to the whole method of argument ufed by Mr Morgan ir^ 
this performance. His obje6t is to prove, not that our expences 
have been increafed, but that our Government has been ex- 
travagant. Now, wc do no* conceive it poihble to ellimate the 
extravagance of Gox'ernment during any war, by merely fumming 
up the money difburfed, and the debt contracted. This is only 
one fide of the account ; and to infer, from the refult of the cal- 
culation, any pofitive charge of profufion againft thofe who fu- 
perintended the diiturfement, is to be guilty of the fame error 
tliat a merchant would commJt, were he to boaft of his profits,, 
or complain of his lolTes, widiout ftriking a balance in his books- 
Mr Morgan, in faiSi-, endeavours to foive the queftion, without ac- 
lending to the neceffary data; and the whole refult of his calcu- 
iation muft, of confequence, be indeterminate. There are only 
two ways in which a war can be demonftrated to be extravagant- 
ly carried on. Either we may deny its iKceffity and utility, which 
are indeed one and the fame thing; or maintain that the fame obje£l 
might have been obtained at a fmaller expence. Mr Morgan ex- 
prefsly difclaims all political difcuflions that are not neceflarily involv- 
ed in his examination of our finances : but we conceive that the po- 
Etical queftion of the origin of the war, en the one hand, and 



T8<i4' Morgati'j- Comparative View of tke PifiafiCei', £3 

the peculiar metlvod of conducting its expenditure, on tlie other,- 
are necelliirily invoh'ed in tlic inquiry which he has undertaken 
to condu6l. In his fofmer works, he feemed to be aware of this 
confideration ; for he there attempted to fliow, that the loans 
migltt have been negotiated on terms more advantageous to tlie 
public. In the prefent efTay, he never once points at any fuch 
comparifon ; and, without a proof of this nature, or a demon- 
ftr.ition that the war ought not %<:> have been waged, or, if vvaged, 
that it could have been carried on with fmaller military and na- 
val eftablilhmcnts, or a Itatenaent of the favings which might 
have been made in the difpofal of the revenue, all his calculations 
of the abfolute amount of loans, expenditure and taxes,-prefent 
us only with a view of one fide of the account — one part of the: 
data^ froin which no conclufion whatever can be drawn as to the 
pfofufion or economy of the Government. 

Such being our general objection to the political logic of Mr 
Morgan in this pamphlet, we are the l6ls anxious about the par- 
ticular arguments which he has taken occafion to intermix with 
his calculations. The melancholy profpeft which he holds out of 
the diminution that the revenue appi'opriated to defray the ex- 
pences of the debt muil experience after a peace, has been con*- 
tradifted by the imrrienfe increafe of that revenue during the lad 
two years. The idea of the unlimited iflue of bank paper allow- 
ing every needy fpeculator to bid for loans in fafety, is too ob- 
vioufly inconfiltent with the facts refpedling the bank bufinefs, to 
require any detailed refutation. The notion, that the unfavour- 
able courfe of exchange which led to the fufpenuon of cafli pay- 
riients at the bank was produced by the exportation of bullion to 
iubfidize foreign princes, can fcarcely be deemed any thing lef& 
than thoughtlefs and violent party declamation, in one who is fo 
well acquainted with the vaft commercial refources of this ifland, 
who ftates the whole amount of the foreign fubfidies at little more 
than the comparatively pakry fum of five millions, and who ought 
to be acquainted with the plainelt principles of this branch of po*i 
litical economy. In fatt, notwithilanding our author's apparent 
predile£tion for argumen-ts ftridlly arithmetical, and his careful 
difavowal of any deiire to enter upon political topics, we cannot 
help fufpefting that he has adopted this mode of reafoning from 
figures, as the moft plaufible and fpecious plan of atta-cking the 
financial operations of the late miniilry, and has avoided the dif- 
ufTion of more general fubjeCls, only becaufe the refult of fueh 
a difcuffMsn iftuft have effentially alfefted the application of his 
political arithmetic to the quellion at ifTue. In fpite of the purely 
•atithrhetical guife in which he attempts to veil his fpeculations, 
and the unqu^ilioriable ikill v/ith which he Condufi? all- his numer- 

F 2 icul 



g^ Morc^an'j Csfuparathc Vie%v of t%e Financ'er. AptH 

leal operations, we have no hefitation in pronouncing the perfrr- 
mance to be completely fadious in its whole delign and execution, 
and eminently inconclufive in its principles of reaioning. 



Art. VI, Travels from Hamburg, through Wrflphaliaf Holiand, and 
the Neihtrlandsy to Parts. By Thomas Holctoft. Two vol. 410, 
with folio plates, pp- 950- London, Philips, 1804. 

FROM the pen of Mr Holcroft we expelled at leaft fomething 
amufiug ; but the greater part of this work does not rife 
above the denomination of light reading ; and light reading, when 
it is dilated iTito two capacious quartos, is apt to become as bur- 
dcnfome to the intellect as matter more fubitantiah 

Thefe travels are evidently compofed in imitation of the Senti- 
jmental journey of Sterne j and the model has been copied with 
fuch fcrupulcus exa£lnefs of imitation, that none of its faults are 
omitted. The offenfive familiarity, the aff'e6ied oddity and abrupt- 
nefs, the frequent i-nterjeiflions, the -apoftrophes to imaginary per- 
fons, the egotifm and levity that ditlinguiih the ftyle of iSterne, 
are at leaft as remarkable in his imitator, as his wit, pathos, or 
originality. Such a manner of writing could only pleafe, we 
(hould imagine, in the hands of the original inventor ; and though 
it might help to fet oft a feries of appropriate fi£lions, was evi- 
dently unfuitable for a diftincSl; and continued narrative of real oc- 
currences. Such is the flyle, however, which Mr Holcroft has 
thought proper to adopt as the vehicle of all that profound ob- 
fervation, authentic anecdote, and philofophical defcription, by 
which he flatters himfelf that he has paved the way to * the form- 
ation of an univerfal and permanent code of ethics, ' Of the 
common offences of fuch imitators, vulgarity, pertncfs, and trif- 
ling or abfolute fdlincfs, Mr Holcroft has certainly his full fhare 
to anfwer for : It would be unjult, however, not to add, that he 
is occafionally lively, ingenious and amufing ; that he is generally 
good-natured and tolerant ; and that there is an air of authenti- 
city in moft of his narratives, that recommends them to the be- 
lief of the reader, in fpite of the affectation of the language in 
which they are dehvered. 

The profeffed obje<tl: of Mr Holcroft's book is to delineate the 
manners of the people among whom he travels ; and, by fixing the 
fa6ts and the philofophy of national character in the moft im- 
portant part of Europe, to enlarge the fphere, and increafe the ac- 
curacy of our moral obfervations. He contrives, however, not 
to be very much conftrained by the exclufive nature of his objeft ; 
for whenever he finds himfelf difpofed to defcribe a building, a 

* picture. 



iSa^. lloXcxoh^ s Travels frotn H'jDihiirg to Paris. %^ 

picture, or a dinner, he immediately difcovers that the manners 
and chara6ler of a people cannot polRbly be better elucidated than 
by an inquiry into their tafle in aichiteciure and the other arts of 
refined life. In devoting himfelf to the delineation of national 
manners, Mr Holcroft was probably determined, not merely by 
the great intereft and attrad^ion of the fubjetl, but, in fome 
degree, by a tonfcioufnefs of the limits of his Q§i'n qualifica- 
tions. To the naturaliil — the man of fcience — the ai>riculturift — 
the merchant, or even the admirer of the pi61urcfque, he docs 
not pretend to be capable of affording either inforination or de- 
liglit._ 

This book is entitled, Trnvels through Holland, Weftphalia, 
&c. to Paris : but tlie reader will be grievoufly difappoinied, if 
he expects to be amufed with a moving picture, or a fuccclFion of 
new fccnes and adventures through the w^hole of the performance. 
About one third of the firit volume conducts Mr Holcroft and 
his family from Hamburg to Paris ; and the remaining 800 quar- 
to pages are entirely occupied with the defcription of that city, 
and with a full and particular account of every thing the author 
faw, heard, did, read, felt, thought or imagined, during the 
eighteen months that he remained among its inhabitants. 

Mr Holcroft begins his work with fome good plain obfervations 
upon the pain of parting with friends, and gives us a fober, dull 
narrative of the manner in which he was cheated by his landlady 
at Hamburg ^ — but he does not grovel long in this vulgar track i in 
the third page he flies oft in this dramatic exclamation. 

* How forgetful I am 1 Or rather how much 1 have to remember ! 
Do, my good and dear Doftor, accompany thefe ladies, to whom you 
have always been fo friendly, as far as the boat. I muft run to the 
banker, and the bookfeller, and above all to the man who has fo difin- 
tereftedly and effentially ferved me, the friend whom 1 fhall not eafily 
forget, Mr Schuchmacher ; with whom I have ftill fome bufniefs to ar- 
lange. 

* When did M* ****** refuie a kind ofilce ? ' p. 3. 

He gets over all his engagements, however, and arrives at the 
boat-houfe foon enough, as he elegantly exprefles it, * to take a 
parting glafs ' with his friends. 

The next chapter fets off with this fplendid fpecimen of the 
onomatopoeia — which is meant, it feems, to reprefent the adlion 
of fmoking a pipe. 

« Pff! pfF! Hu, hu, hu ! I am ftifled !— Will you be kind enough, 
Sir, to let this lady fit on the other fide of you ? ja zuohlt me'm Herr .' 
aler — " Willingly, Sir : but — " 

* This but was very fignificant. Every man had his pipe ; and It 
was in vain to change places. We bad lived two years among thefe 
eternal fmokers, ' p. 5, 

F 3 In 



$6 Holcroft'x Travels from H&mhiu'g to Farts. April 

In the end of the fame chapter we have a very fair fpeeimen 
of the felf-eomplaceney vrith which Mr Holcroft purfues his lu- 
cubrations, of the eafe of his ftyle, and the finenefs of his feel- 
ings. 

* Thefe marfh lands are uncommonly prolific ; and their inhabitants 
are a very good kind of people. So be it. I blefs my ftars, 1 am but 
a paflenger. ^ 

< I had fuppofed Harburg to be a village : and the imagination had 
feme relief, as I approached, to difcoyer it was a fortified town. 

* It had juft been taken poileffion of by the PrulTians ; and this was 
another fubje£l for meditation. It afftfted me. It brought to remem- 
brance the contefts of power, the fiiffcrings of the unoffending, and 
the whole train of melancholy reflexions by which the mind, difpirited, 
fitigued, and worn, had been funk to apathy or dcfpair. What do 
thefe men do here ? faid I. Why do they not Hay at home ; and build 
bridges, repair roads, drain bogs, and frnrlify the barren fands of Bran- 
denburg ? Would not this be to gain territory ? Cannot ambition oc- 
cupy itfelf more profitably and more robly than in rapine :\ Ambition 
a noble quality ? Oh, no ! It is blind, fi:lti!n, lltipid, and almoft as 
ignorant as it is hateful. ' p. 6. 7. 

Of the country, ^Ir Holcroft allures us tliat ^ nothing could be 
fcen except cold ami green nakednefs ; ' — the iuu':, too, were very- 
bad, and the J^uhl-iiuigfJi jolted abominably. At Bremen he meets 
with a German pctit-maitre, who is not ill defcribed ; and at Del- 
inanhorft the light of fomc PruOlm foldiers reminds iiim that the 
great Frederic was * great for dealing in human flxngliter. ' At 
Groningen, where fome of the natives were rude enough to laugh 
at the outlandifn appearance of his party, Mr Holcroft takes oc- 
■cafion to make the following profound and intercfling obferva- 
tions. 

* Thefe are trifles ; and in faft v;c lai]ghed in turn. I fnppofe it 
was virtue in us, that we concealed our laughter from the obiQ^ts of it : 
though I leave it to better cafnifts to decide hovv far this kind «f laugh- 
ter, or, if they are in the humour to difpute, any kind of laughter, is 
a mark of found fenfe. I ov^n, i wifh I could laugh oftentr : yet I 
i>m very wrong, \^ I wiOi for folly ; and I do not very well know how 
pure wifdom ihould excite Igughter. Blefs us 1 we have many doubts 
to folve ; and, as I fear, much rubbifn to remove. 

* Are we in the latid ox metaphyfics ; or of moral philofophy ; or 
where ? We ought to be at Groningen : fobcr Groningen : where the 
people appear to have a deal of commor. fenfe. Be it remarked, how- 
t.'Ycr, that here, in fober Groningen, wc met with the firll tree of H- 
bcrty. 

* What warring rtiifatlons did the ught of it infpire 1 What is a re- 
irohiticn r* And what has this revolution eftt<£led ? The mafs of evil, 
^nd the maffi of good, put in oppofite fcalts : \vhich fhall preponder- 
ate ? I (oIctKnly declare, iu iLc fage of jpankind, my \itw\ aches, op- 

jprelR-d 



?So4. HolcroftV Travels from Hanihurg to Paris. S} 

preffcd with a fenfe of pad miferles, though I ardently hope, nay am 
ferioufly convinced, ' &c. p 42. 

Mr Holcroft however does not always trifle or rave fo ab- 
surdly. His defcription of a Dutchman, though not <irigiiial, is 
corretl and amufing. 

' The Dutchman, living in coiTtiinial danger cf inundsition, and of 
iofing, not only the fruits of his induft-y, but his life, becomes habi- 
tually provident. His fore fight is admirable, his perfeverance not to 
he conquered, and his labowrs, unlefs feen, not to be believed. 

* They aftoniili the more, when the phlegm of his temper and the 
flownefs of his habits are confidered. View the minutenefs of his eco- 
nomy, the fohcitude of his precaution, and the inflexibility of his me- 
thodical prudence! V/ho would not pronounce him incapable of great 
f nterprize ? He builds himfelf a dwelling: it is a hut in fize ; it 
"is a palace in neatnefs. It is neccflarily fituated aiivong damps, upon a 
flat, and perhaps behind the l^ank of a fluggUh canal : yet he writes 
upon it. My Goejre^qr, " My Delight ; "-—LandluJ, " Country plea- 
fiires ; " — LanH/tgt, " Count^-y profped ; " — or forne irvfcription that 
might charafterize the vale of Tcmpe, cr the garden cf Eden. He 
cuts his trees into fantaflicai forms, hangs his awning round with fmali 
bells, and decorates his Sunday jacket with dozens cf little buttons. 
Too provident to wafle his fweets, he cunningly puts a bit (jf fugar- 

candy in his mouth, and dririks his tea as it melts .: one morfel ferves, 
let him drink as long as he pleafes. Around him is every token of 
care, caution, and cleanlinefs ; but none, in \\h domeftic habits, of 
magnificence, or grandeur of defign. 

* Having well confidered him in tbefe his private propenfitieS, th-e 
eye turns with amazement on his public works. The coviutry, which 
nature appears to have doomed to ftagnaat waters and everlalling agues, 
his daring and laborious arm has undertaken to drain, has overfpread 
with verdure, and lias covered v,'ith habitations. The very element, 
\vhich feemed to bid him utter defiance, he has fubdiicd aiid rendered 
his moft ufeful {lave, ' Sec Vol. L p. 37. 58. 

To this may be added, the foUowing account of the general 
appearance of the lower orders at a Dutch fair : 

* The chief thing \\'\\\c\i aifcfts the eye of a foreigner, as fomething 
iiuufual, is the general coftume ; tire drelTes, phyfiogiiomies, and pecu- 
liar appearance of the lower claiTes, decked iu their holiday finery. 
Broad pev^-ter and filvcr buckles ; !arge and fmaO buttons, both in ex- 
cefs, and both of ancient ufag-e ; fome with feart velts, and others with 
coats down to their heels, eacli of tlicm fitting clofe, and fhuwing ther 
waifl ; projedling hips, the men wearing eight or ten pair ot breeches j 
the women at leaft as m.any petticoats ; ftockings of various colours, 
not excepting purple, red, and yellow ; peafant girls m fhort jackets, 
\vith their gold ornaments and rich Bruflels lace ; tobacco pipes, various 
in .their form aud fize 5 and countenances with a freq^uent tinge of the 

F 4. hyii., 



$% HolcroftV Travels from Hamburg to Paris, April 

livid. Thefe are a few of the m^ny marks which catch the ftranger'? 
eye, and characlerife the people.' Vol. I. p. 91. 92. 

It is not long, however, before Mr Holcroft returns to his fa- 
vourite ftyle of confequential trifling ; and, among other things^ 
is obliging enough to communicate the procefs of thought by 
which he was enabled to difcoyer how there were no water-m.ills 
in a country where there was no running water. This is done with 
great folemnity, as follows : 

' An obfer\'ation had forced itfelf upon me, f^on after I entered tht 
United Provinces. The country abounds in water, and the Dutch ne- 
gleS no opportunity of profiting by the gifts of nature ; yet I do not 
recollect to have feen a fingle v.ater-milL The reafon was before us. 
There were innumerable canals, but no ftrearas : it was almoll a level 
furface. ' VoL I- p. 77- 

As an inftance of great humour and originality, we then find 
the pleafjare of meeting with an intelligent man, who fpeaks your 
language abroad, compared ' to the green mould of Chefliire 
eheefe ; ' and afterwards, upon mentioning the fatigue which his 
wife fulTered from the rough (liaking of the diligence, an imagi- 
nary perfonage is brought in to fay — 

' But how could you be fo cruel to your wife as not to travel in your 
own carriage, fo built as that fhe might repofe at her eafe ? 

* Ay, dear Madam, how indeed ! And how could you and others, 
who may queftion me, be fo cruel as not to provide her with fuch a 
carriage ? Though I perfeiStly know the dlfgrace annexed to it, I will 
\vliifper a fecret to you, truiting to your generofity not to make it pub* 
lie. The man, to whom Fortunatus left his purfe, was not a poet. 
Do not imagine, dear Madam, that I complain. Oh no I ' &c. VoL 1. 
p. 117. 

A little farther on, we are told — 

* Cars drawn by dogs is a comnson praSice here. It is highly con- 
uenmed by fome writers in Paris, where likewife the praftice is not un- 
known ; and I do not think the powers of the animal are well calcu- 
lated for thig labour. Is it not veiy wrong to pervert the animal powers? * 
Vol. I. p. 127. 

If Mr Holcroft had not written his novels v/ith a little more 
fpirit and meaning, we can fcarccly imagine th^t they would 
have been in fuch rccjueft even at the circulating libraries. In- 
entering France, he endcivours to compare the imprcffions which 
the general appearance of the country makes upon him, with 
thofe which he received when he fird viiiied it in 1783. The 
iollowing remarks are rather interefting. 

' In paffing through France formerly, the variegated colours of the 
land in cultivation always caught the eye of an Englifnman, as a fingu- 
•arity. In perfpeftive, they looked hke long ftripes of riband ; it. 
:iiiT-ient llades jf /:;llow, brown d.nd ?x.^-^ir. The reafon 'of this was, 

tk'-t 



x8o4. Holcroh^ s Travels from HamLurg to P^ris. %(j 

tliat different peafants had each his long flip of land to cultivate, and 
that each grew the fpecies of plant or grain which fuited his purpofe, 
or pleafed him beft. We remarked thefe appearances ftill, but I think 
iuuch Icfs frequently. 

« The wretched nuid huts, of which I had formerly fcen fuch num- 
bers, many of them ilill remain : I believe, but dare not affirm, they 
are diminifhed. 

* Tv-'O things to the advantage of the pref>?nt moment 1 ran ipeak 
of, without any doubt or fear of misleading : the peafants are now 
better clothed, in general, than they were ; and their Woks I will not 
kxy are more merry, but rather more fedate, yet more truly cheerful, 
'inhere Hill are many beggars among them ; but the numbers now are 
not fo great. If the large and fpreading pifture of poverty, I may fay 
of wretchednefs, be not exceedingly lellened, I am exceedingly deceived. 




en. The rags, the poverty, the haraffed looks, the iivid tints, the 
-icluves of mifery, I had formerly feen, cannot be ibrgotten. ' \''ol. I. 
p. 134. 135. 

All traces of fobcr inquiry, or rational fpccubtlon, ho\vever> 
'are difpelled as foon as he comes Vv^ithia light of Paris ; and he 
breaks forth into this edifying foliloquy : 

« Permit me to paufo. RecoUedion is a duty. Why am I here ? 
The queilion confounds. I have parental ties that call on me, and fa- 
mily affeftions to indulge : bat tlie grand purpofe of my journey is to 
examine and endeavour to underftand a nation, by v.'hich, dunng twelve 
years, the world has been held in aftonifliment. And who am I, that 
I fhould undertake this labour ? It is no trick, no oratoncal fiourifh : 
no ; by the honeily of my foul, I ihrink and tremble at m.y ov.-n teme- 
rity ! Paris, the city which fat in judgement on ages paft, while the 
piefent, involved in the decree, waited in dread to hear ! Paris, whofe 
mandates to-day were the emanations of diviiiity ; to-morrow, the rules 
and ordinances of the damned ! Paris, whofe intrigues nothing Icfs than. 
omnifcience could comprehend, nothing lefs than omnipotence could 
difentangle ! Paris, whofe frivolities Folly herfelf defpifes, while Wif- 
dom ibmds enraptured at her fcience ! Pretend to give the world a 
picture of Paris ? Let me recover! ' Vol. I. p. 139. 140. 

The entree itfelf, v/hich was made at tnidnighr, is defcribed in. 
a very pompous manner, but not without ibme iorce of colour- 
ing. 

' The ftreets reverberated ; the reflefting lamps call: the broad fliades 
of the mafry ftone buildings : they were fo lofty that they concealed 
the Ikies ; and we feemed to be winding through intricate and endlcfi 
caverns. Thefe are not fanciful pifturcs, but real imprcflions, fuch a:> 
the place is calculated to give. La rue Bouloi is in the centre of Paris : 
aifd to that v/e were diiveri. ' Vcl. I, p. 143. 
' ' Ainong 



^« HolcrolV/ Travels Jt'om Hamburg to Farts, April 

Among other bizarre refle£llons that fug^eft themfeh-es at the 
view of thoie barriers by which the profcribed were formerly Ihut 
in for cleftru£lion, Mr Holcroft, to prove his orthodoxy, ohferves, 
* Would they had been the walls of Jericho, and that the horns 
of rams had been founded before them ! * There is then a long 
account of his negociation about lodgings.; and in the i6Gth 
page he finally takes a portion, and begins his grand work of ob- 
fcrvation. 

Of the remainder of this work, we find it extremely difficult 
to give any diftincl account. It is made up of fuch a multitude 
of unnconne6led trifles, and exhibits fuch a col]e£lion of fuper- 
ficiai and minute obfervations, that it is utterly impoffible to give any 
intelligible abftra£l, and extremely difficult to find any grotinds for 
feletlion. CoiFee-houfes, quack-do6lors, fign-pofts, hand-bills, 
illuminations, feflivals, public places, courtezans, education, a- 
dultery, actors, artifts, &c. &c. are all treated of by Mr Hol- 
croft in the moft copious, diforderlj', and defultory manner ima- 
ginable. The defcription of what he fees, bears but an inconfider- 
able proportion to the expofition of what he thinks ; and the ne- 
ceffity of making a large book, has diflended the account of what 
he reads, to a bulk ftilJ greater than either. In going over this 
mifcellaneous aflcrtment, we fhsU no longer pretend to follow 
the arrangement of the author, or to prefent our readers with 
any thing like a complete account of the innumerable objects 
he has introduced to their notice. As a fpecimen of the kind of 
entertainment that may be expelled from this great work, how- 
ever, we {hall endeavour to give a view of thofe parts of it that 
appeared to us mofl extraordinary and amufing. 

As wo cannot perfuade ourfelvcs, with Mr Holcroft, that the 
moft infcruclive traits of national charaOer are to be found among 
the hawkers, the jugglers and balhui-fmgers of a great city, we 
rather choofe to extratl the following general cbfen'ations on tlie 
prefent coftume of the nation. 

* The revolutionary fpirit has not been limited to political aud civil 
iuflitutions ; it has pen'aded every department of hi:e. Monks and ab- 
hes, with muffs, filk coats, arm hats, and all the affimilating coftume, 
have difappeared. The well-drcffed men are either military, or hahitc d 
fo like the Englifh as to feem almoft the fame people. They are chiefly 
to he diflinguifhed from us by difference of dcportnient, difference of 
phyfiognomy, and by an overgrown bufh of hair on each cheek. 

' But tlic v^TclWrefTed men are very few : the revolution has far from 
entirely corrected the propenfity of the lower orders to (lovenlinefs. 
Long pantalopns, once put on and never changed till they arc exitirely 
worn out, linen not fit to be feen and therefore concealed, a great coat 
dangling to tlie calf of the leg, buttoned up and- worn aJfo while it w'AV 

iaitj 



l804« Holcioh^s Travels ft'om Hamburg to Pans. ^i 

lail, a nifty round haf', uncombed hair, fierce whi/kers, a dirty chin, 
and a handkerchief tied not under but over it, and not of rnunin or lillc 
but of coJirfe-CQlourod linen rarely waflied ; fuch is the figure not pcf'* 
haps of the mujority, but cerlfiinly of great nvimbers of the irjen to be 
met of an evening, even in cofTee-'hoyfes ; fach are hundreds of the fi-» 
Cjurcs that crowd tog-ether at all hora-s of the day, and walk the 
J'alais Royal, fil! the ])illiard rooms, and exhibit tliemfelves in all public 
places where tlic entrance is free. At foinc even of the dancing gar-» 
dens on the Bou/t"var,-/s, they find it necefiary to write over the door — 
' Admittance to perfoijs decently dreffed. ' 

' The French character is ciiteVprifing, forward, impelled by curio- 
fitv, not eafily repulfed, and with little of that fhyncfs which in the 
Engljfn is fometimes pride, and fometimes a fooliOi feeling of fhame, 
but often likewife a decent fenfe of propriety. It appears as if a 
Frenchman imagines he has only to fhow himfelf to be admired. If he 
publicly write, fpeak, or aet, he affumes importance. If his portrait 
be painted, his h.ead muft be thrown back, his breaft forv%'ard, and hie 
air m\ift either be fmilir.g, dignified, or difdainful ; in his own language 
it muft inipofc' p. 169- I 70. 

The reader may alio take the following pic-ture of the BouIC" 
vards- 

* Stalin of dirty books ; treiTels with toys ; fellers of cakes ahd canes j 
fan-meriders, head-ftringers, beggars, quacks, tumblers, arid ihow-booth« ; 
fellows difpla-ying tricks uf legerdemain ; venders of miraculous dyes 
arid pov.-'ders, \vho dip bits of wiute ribbon in a liquor that turn? them 
pink ; orators parotting over twopenny fyftems of geulogy, and the or- 
der of the univerfe ; teachers of fecrets th^t will enable the buyer tp 
cut glafs under water, etch landf-apes upon egg^fhello, engrave portraits 
by pricking paper with pins and dufting it with larnp^black : thcfe, in-f 
termingled with the difplay of milHaers, linen-drapers, print-fellers, aud 
a variety of trades, continued tiirough an avenue t-\vo miles in length, 
fpacious, enlivened as I have faid with carriages, and adorned by lofty 
trees, gardens, and hotels, with the gates, or rather the triumphal 
arches of St Denis and St Martin, the ftrufture that was the Opera 
Houfe ; thcfe, I fay, and thoufands of other objcfts, which no memory 
can retain, if the reader can arrarige and put them together, will form a 
fomething that he may imagine to be the Boulevards of Paris. ' 

After four or five chapters of fimihir, but moi-e detailed de- 
fcription, INIr Holcroft comes to give an account of the national 
fe/livals which he had occafion to witnefs during his ftay- in Paris. 
Upon this fubjetl, our readers will perhaps be fiirprifed to hear 
that he has bellowed upwards of i 20 pages, although tlic fpeSfacle 
and preparations were very nearly the fame in every one of them. 
Concerts, illuminations, temples of painted boards, firing of ar- 
tillery, dancing and difplays of agility, formed the grand ingre- 
dients of all thofe exhibitions ; but though Mr Holcroft goes over 
aU this detail with as much fatiguing cxa£tiiefs as could be found 

in 



$■2 Holcroft'j Travels from Hamburg io Pa^tf. Aptii 

in a herald's account of a coronation, it would ftill have been im- 
poffible for him to have filled one third part of the fpace we have 
mentioned, had it not been for two notable devices. The one is, 
by taking a retrofpeaive view of all the feftivals, procefTions, and 
public rejoicings which hiftofy reprefents as having taken place 
fmce the foundation of the royalty within the precin£ls of Paris. 
By the aiTiflance of Saint Foix and Dulaure, he accordingly goes 
back to the time of Charles VI. and Louis XT., and entertains his 
readers with a long and particular account of the myfteries and 
pantomimes, and the faints and heathen deities that were con- 
jured up for the delight of the Sovereigns and people of thofe days. 
He then comes to the tournaments and emblematic pageantries of a 
fucceeding age ; and paffing leifurely through the clalhcal alTeda- 
tions of Louis XIV., terminates his hiftorical review with a mi- 
nute defcription of the great feflival of the Federation, which was 
celebrated in the Champ de Mars on the 14th July 1790. Haviivr 
thus arrived at the modern period of the hiftory of French feflivals^ 
when books can no longer be found to tranfcribe, Mr Holcroft has 
recourle to his fecond contrivance for prolonging his own defcrip- 
tions, and the gratification of his readers. This conlilb in tran- 
fa-ibing at full length the various addrefles, decrees or enadments 
by which the folemnity was appointed, and alfo fairly copyin?' 
over the program or advertifement in which the particulars of it 
are always announced to the public. With this advertifement in 
his hand, Mr Holcroft then proceeds to furvey the adual. ap- 
pearance of the exhibition ; and is mifchievoufly particular in 
pointing out where the execution was defe£live, and in what 
particulars the preparations were incomplete. Few things, we 
acknowledge, have been more fatiguing to us than this pro'cefs of 
verification : nor are we to this hour altogether fatisfied that the 
national character is completely elucidated by dating that the 
Temple of Concord, which ought to have been open in the nam- 
ing, was not ready till the afternoon, or that the national column 
\vas ereded of rafters covered over with painted paper. In a 
humour if pofiiL^e ftill more childifhly fentimental, Mr Holcroft 
then exclaim.s againft the abominable brutahty of making dif- 
charges of artillery a part of any joyful folemnity, and laments 
that * the peaceable world fhould be thus wantonly reminded of 
carnage, deftru-ftion and horror, by the command of its gover- 
liors. ' , A little after, we have a coarfer fentence about * the ox 
and frog monument of that chief of the Bobadils, Louis XIV. ' 

After Mr Holcroft is happily delivered of his differtation on. 
feftivals, he prefents us v/ith a number of loofe remarks upon 
national prejudices, which are lefs novel than juft, and more re- 
markable for t};eir liberality than -their acuteu^^fs. He then ftringa 

together 



1 3 04'. Holcroft'j- Travels from Hamburg to Parh. ^J 

torrether a number of common-place anecdotes, and ftories of 
Gafcons, waiting-women and profeflbrs. We do not think any of 
them worth repeating. After fome bewildering difcourfes on the 
nature and caufes <of a Frenchman's partiality to Paris, we are 
furprifed to find ourfelves engaged all at once in an abllract dif- 
iertation on the ambiguity of language. This iffues at lad in fome 
common-place lamentations over the unfettled notions of honour 
that prevail in the world ; and fo totally does Mr Holcroft forget 
that he is writing travels in France, or at leafl a defcription of 
Paris, that he favours his Englilh readers with a diatribe on the 
liorrors of boxing, and coolly copies ®ut for them the account 
given in the Morning Chronicle of the famous match betweerj 
Belcher and Firby in April 1S03. From this he makes an eafy 
tranfition to the fubjecf of duelling, the antiquities of which he 
details with great precifion, and digreffes into the kindred topic 
of ordeals by fire an-d water ; upon all which he is as learned 
and fatisfactory as if his fubjedl had compelled him to treat of 
them upon a very (hort warning. 

Thefe difquifitions carry us a little way into the fecond vo- 
lume, when we meet fomewhat abruptly with this pathetic ex- 
clamation — 

< Honefty and precifion of language, oh ! when fliall your benign 
influence purify the heart, make it blufh at its cowardly glossaries, 
bid it fhrink from diflimulation, and, virhile it detefts the praAice, ac~ 
Ciiftom it to abhor the confequences of hypocrify ! ' Vol. II. p. 26. 

This pious ejaculation turns out to be the prelude to a long- 
hiftorical account of the gallantry and habitual adultery of the 
French, in which is engroffed an abridged hillory of all the 
royal rpiftrefles from the days of Philip the Long and Charles 
VII. down to thofe of Louis XV. This edifying legend occu- 
pies nearly forty pages ; and twenty more are filled with extracts 
and tranilations from interludes, epigrams, and fatires, iiluftrating 
the unaltered corruption of modern manners. Upon this im- 
portant fubje£tj we cannot help regretting, that Mr Holcroft ha* 
not been able to come to a clearer conclanon. This is the ora- 
cular fentence with which he difmifles it — 

* Though I dare not afErm, I hope and bdt. vi the num.ber of 
wives faithful to their huftands is the greatell : yet what I have fo 
frequently obfcfved makes it with me (xcenlirigly doubtful. Vol. II, 
p. 61. 

He adds in another place — 

' I can teftify that Fiench women, as well young as old, will, with- 
out fcruple, and it may by miracle "be without meaning, beftow their 
kiffes unaflced, and defcribe charming gardens and retired groves, in which 
they wiU invite you to walk, propofing themfelves to be vour guide. ' 
Vol. II, p. 84. ' ^ 

Upoi: 



94 HoIcfofiV 'Trctvels from Hamhurg to Parts, April 

Upon the fubjeci of decency and cleanlinefs, Mr Holcroft phi-* 
lofophizes and exemplifies, in a manner that is in the higheff 
degree naufeous and difgufting, though we really believe that 
he does not intend to give any offence. This inquiry ends in a 
difcourfe upon drefs ; for the full elucidation of which, all the 
fafhions from the time of Francis I. are made to pafs in review ^ 
and upon the akernationd of fafhion between London and Paris, 
he is pleafed to obferve, that * it cannot be denied that thcfc 
things are indications of that highelt of all high confiderations, 
the ftate of mind and of morals.' A little after, he fays, with 
ftill more folemnity, but at the fame time with all the laudable 
caution that was natural in venturing upon fo alarming a remark, 

' There is an aptitude in the mind to A'llcmatizc on its own con- 
ijeftures : Of this, I wifli the reader to be aware, when I fay I am 
millaken if female decency, nay, if chaliity and morals, be not injured 
by the difufe of hats v/hich has fo lung prevailed in France. ' Vol. 11. 
p. 117. 

We pafs over the author's treatifes on courtezans and on nurfes, 
in the latter of which he maintains that many an old woman has 
more power than Bonaparte. Ou the new plan of education, 
by central and departmental fchools, he only obferves, that the 
Firft Conful has engrofled to himf<.df the whole patronage and 
regulation of thefe inftitutions ; and that, in the polytechnic 
fchool at Paris, in particular, it is an undcritood thing, that ii 
the father or relation of any Itudent e.xprefs difapprobation of the 
government, the boy is immediately expelled. During the war 
with Toulfaint, all the youths of colour were difmifl'ed with ig- 
nominy. 

Mr Holcroft admits that the French have fome pretenfions 
to politenefs, though their merit in this way, he fays, lies 
chiefly in that forbearance by which quarrels and outrages are 
generally avoided. Many of the obfervances to which they a- 
fcribe fo much importance, he juflly confiders as mere local and 
arbitrary ufages \ and, in fome points, he endeavours to fliow 
that their manners are abfolutely rude. In proof of this, he al- 
ludes to the quix-zing which his fpeftacles and fpencer drew up- 
on him from the populace, and to the ingratitutle of diverfe in- 
dividuals to whom he lent books at the opera, and fhowed other 
' civilities. The charge, however, we will confefs, becomes more 
ferious, when he adds, that he repeatedly faw women of the 
town kicked in the Palais Royal by the waiters ; and that in one 
of the theatres, an old geatieman" a£f ually ftruck a lady with his 
fill, in confequence of fome difpute about a place. The pit, he 
adds, is always extremely turbulent at Paris, and abfolutely rages 
as often as a lady lays her cloak or handkerchief over a box, or 
turns hfr back u:;on the audience- 
Mr 



3 3c4» 'B.olcToh''s Travels /rom Hamturg to Paris* pjf 

Mr Holcroft next calls In queftlon that gayety of heart on 
which the French are fo apt to value themfeives. His firft rea- 
fons for doubting hs reahty, did not indeed appear to us to be 
very fubilantial — the height of their houfes, for inftance, and 
the darknefs of their court-yards and portes cocheres^ or the 
heavy form and duiky colour of their furniture. The frequency 
of fuicide, however, is an ai'gunient rather more convincing. 
In the Morgue^ a place in Paris where dead bodies are depofited 
sill they be reclaimed, upwards of 1 30 are fuppofed to be annual- 
ly expofcd ; but as the fafhionable mode of death is by drown- 
ing, the vi<!.'iims muft be much more numerous- Mr Holcroft 
was informed from a very refpedlable quarter, that there had 
been 193 fuicides in the metropolis v/itliin the laft ten m.onths, and 
about as many in tlie departments. Beggars are more numerous 
in Paris than in I^ondon, but, in general, not fo importunate. 
Credulity and fuperilition ftill retain a good deal of influence over 
the lower orders, though Mr Holcroft thinks that the hierarchy 
will never be able to renew either its tyranny or its impoflures. 

The aiTociation of ideas by v/hich Mr Holcroft is guided in the 
dillribution of his fubjects, is rather more capriciour, than moft; 
authors would choofe to follow in a ferious compofition. In 
fpeaking of credulity, he happens to g^lance incidentally at tha 
general behaviour of the Pariiians in places of worfliip •, and thi-s 
leads him to give fome account of the feftival obierved on ti\e 
birtli-day of Bonaparte, hecaufe the greater part of it was fo- 
lemnlfed in churches : and then, the mention of this feftival na- 
turally leads hiiii to fay fomething of the characSler of the Firlt 
Conful himfelf. This, however, is a fubjecSl which cannot fail 
to attract curiofity in whatever way it may be introduced; andr 
Mr Holcroft has contributed his quota of anecdotes and rejec- 
tions with great good will and liberality. The great interefl of 
thefe fpeculations, however, is now over : among fhofe who live 
beyond the fphere of his power, there is no longer any dilpute 
about the charafter of this fortunate ufurper. Mr Holcroft, with 
all his admiration for energies and fublime capabilities, is obliged 
to admit the felfilh littienefs and violence of his temper, and to 
allow that he is merely adling over die vulgar part of an ambi- 
tious tyrant, with all its common accompaniments of rant and 
atrocity. There is fomething of a poetical rapture in the ftyle 
which he aiTumes upon this occafion ; but it is the beft writters 
part, we think, of his performance. 

* Of republicans he was the firft, the moft. magnanimous, and the 
leaft to be fufpedled : the love of freedom, the emancipation of (laves, 
and the utter expulfion of bigotry, were the pidlures he delighted to- 
ejAibit to the admiring world. Cscfar, nay, AleJtander himfelf, who 

r>rofeffv'rl 



^6 riokroft'j- T^ravcis from Hamhurg to Paris. AprM 

profefTed to conquer only to civilife, appeared to be outdone by a 
ftripling ; a fchoiar from the military fchool ; concerning whom his 
playmates began now to ranfack memory, that they might difcover in 
what he had differed from themfelves. ' Vol. II. p. 272. 

The world, in general, only changed their opinion by degrees 5 
laut Mr Holcroft detected the Iiypocrite in one deciiive atl. 

* The unhappy period at length approached, that was to fliow him 
a charadler of vice and virtue fo dangeroufly combined, as to alarm pe- 
netration, and warn the world to beware. He landed in Egypt ; and, 
by a flroke of his pen, he and his whole army became Muffulmen. 

< Every doubt was then removed : he was a man to whom, couLi he 
but gain the end in view, all means were good. ' VoL 11. p. 273. 

The fame propenfity to account for every thing by the fuppofi- 
tlon of feme hngle and palpable caufe, induces Mr Holcroft to af- 
fure us, that the tyranny of Bonaparte arifes almoft exclufively 
from his having been accuflomed to command armies before he 
afcended the feat of civil dominion. The followhig obfervations, 
however, are entitled to attention. 

' Accuilomed to gain the grandefl advantages by fecrecy of plan, 
celerity of aftion, atid thofe ftratagems that bell can maflv and millead, 
the fame habits remain, and the fame means are adopted, when the 
conqueror feizes on the rule of ftates as when he fends forth his co- 
horts to the plunder of cities, and the capture of provinces. He alone 
muft projeft ; he alone muft command ; reward and punifhment mufl 
be at his fole difpofal : no community, no fmgle creature muft adl but 
as he wills. That to make his will known is impoffible ; that it varies 
in himfelf from day to day ; that men cannot relign their intellect, can- 
not refift the impnlfes of habits and the decii^ons of the judgement ; and 
that the taflc of regulating the aftions of m- ''>ons by the will of an in- 
dividual is the molt extravagant and abfur V .)f attempts— are truths 
of which he has no knowledge, or has loft ^' . recoUedion. ' Vol. IL 
p. 277. 

The barefaced violence by which all the journals were filenced, 
but thofe which became the organs of the government, has been 
long known over all Europe. Mr Holcroft adds a number of 
well authenticated fafts of the fame nature, and mentions the 
names of feveral unfortunate authors who were fentenced to ba- 
nilhment or imprifonment for having Vvritten what did not meet 
with the approbation of the Flril Conful. Even his philofophical 
aflbciates are now excluded from his prefence ; and, on fome oc- 
cafions, the contempt with which he treats the adulation which 
liis tyranny has extorted, reminds us of the capricious infults ot 
Tiberius to his degraded fenate. 

' In the true fpirit of French declamation, fome one affirmed, fpeak- 
ing to Bonaparte, that England was far behind France in truly under- 
ita^uding the principles cf liberty : To which he rephed, " It would 

be 



l8o4' Holcroft'j- Travels from Hamburg to Pari!, P7 

be well for the latter, if it did but enjoy one tenth part of Englifh 
freedom. " 

* He will feldom condefcend to argue ; and, when he does, he con- 
Hders It as infolence, in any one, who dares to be of a different opi- 
nion. ' Vol. II. p. 288. 289. 

In every fociety, Mr Holcroft aiTures us, Moreau is praifed, 
and advantageoLilly contralted with Bonaparte. ' Their bufts, * 
he adds, * are expofed to fale on every ftall ; and before I left 
Paris, that of Moreau was faid to fell much the beft. ' 

* According to good information, the ungovernable anger of Bona- 
parte is become fo exceffive, that, when a meflenger brings unpleafant 
news of any kind, but efpecially if it relate to foreign affairs, the per- 
fons in waiting are each afraid of being the reporter. His fits of 
paffion are fo violent, that it is faid he is now frequently provoked to 
flrike ; and that it is very common for his footmen to receive blows. * 
VoL II. p.\30i.^ 

Mr Holcroft fays, that he has every reafon to believe that the- 
angry and intemperate attacks upon the Englifh nation, which 
appeared in the Aloniteurs during the peace, were written by the 
Firlt Conful hirnfelf. 

' From an engineer, who was with him in Egypt, I learned that it 
was his cuftom, when he had fummoned a council of war, to lillen to 
the opinions of others, to give no opinion himfelf, to aft in a manner 
that could be leafl expected, and to do this with fuch determination 
and celerity, that, faid the narrator, it was like a torrent. So great 
was his afcendancy, that, when he was prefent, the generals acting un«> 
der hira appeared like fo many fchoolboys. ' Vol. II. p. 303. 

In executing thefe plans it is notorious that he is utterly in- 
different to the walle of e that may be occafioned : he has no 
fympathy with the fuiFer gs of Iiis followers. 

' During the extreme fm.imer heats in Italy, it happened that the ene- 
my was certain on fuch a day that his army was at fuch a diflance. It 
Avas well known that forced marches wcroi with him common occur- 
rences : but the feafon would not admit of them, without an abfolute 
and certain lofs of men ; which mufl be exceflive in proportion as their 
fpeed fhould be great. 

' . Bonaparte was not to be retarded by fuch motives. On this very 
occafion, he iffued his orders as he lay in the v/arm bath, of which he 
makes frequent uie, and the men were driven, forward, the foot by the 
horfe, with fuch violence that thoufands perilhed on the march. Seme 
rem.onftrances were attempted by the officers, but they were repulfed 
with contempt and threats. The horfe and advanced troops fecured 
various palTes, the fuppofed irnpofiibiliiy was overcome, the enemy at-, 
tacked, and the end of the conqueror obtained.^ Av/hole dHlriti fell 
the common prey; arid the living, in the triumph of victory and the 
revel of plunder, thought no more of the dead. 

* The contributions he laid -.vere without raercT | a:;d his tre?traent 

Toto n\ KG, 7, G *i 



Q§i Holcroft'j- Travels from Hamburg to Paris. April 

of the magiftrates of the conquered, when they ventured to make any 
ilrong appeal againft cruelty or injuftice, v/as fuch as man would fcarce- 
ly bellow on a dog. ' Vol. II. p. 307. 308. 

We fnali conclude thefs extracts with the following phyfiog- 
noinical fketch. 

.•'Sallow complexion, length of face, a pointed nofe, a projefling 
chin, and prominent cheek-bones, have diflinguifhed the countenances 
of fanatics and perfecutors. Fanatics and perfecutors were often men 
of powerful minds, but violent pafllons ; and between fuch men and 
Bonaparte, allowing for times and circumllances, in phyfiognomy, in 
talents, and in manner of a£iing, there is great refemblance. * Vol. II. 
p. 320. 

We cannot go through the remainder of this work. It con- 
fills principally of a catalogue raifonnee of all the public perform- 
ers of any eniinence, and of the men of letters and authors 
whofe names are in circulation in Paris. It alfo comprehends a 
rapturous account of the national mufeum, o£ which the follow- 
ing fentence may ferve as a fpecimen. 

^ The harmonious Guldo ; Barbieri, Conrgw, Tidan, Da Vinc't, and 
Raphael! Giants, that extermiiiare their imitators: each a Saturn, 
devouring his children. 

' Why do 1 indulge in a flyk that refembles rhapfody ? It is, that 
I am vainly ftruggling to perform a tafli to which I am unequal. It is, 
that multitude and volume palfy all eflort to individualize, and give mt 
the right to fay, go, and behold, that thy eyes may bear teftimony to 
the truth. ' Vol. II. p. 439. 

After a Ihort refumc of his obfervations on cofFee-houfes, gam- 
ing-Iioufes, and prifons, Mr Hcyicroft leaves Paris, and return* 
to^ England by die way of Calais, without meeting with any 
adventure. 

Upon the whole, we tlnnk tlr.'t this book is a great deal too 
long, and that it has attained this magnitude by the inoft intre- 
pid and extenfive application of the approved recipes for book- 
making that has yet come under our confideration. If every- 
thing were deducted that has no. relation to the prefent ftate of 
the countries which the author propofes to defcribe, and every 
thing which is tranfcribcJ from books that might as well have 
been confulted at hoine, the publication, we are perfuaded, would 
be reduced to one third of its prefent bulk. The lofty preten- 
ifions, too, with whicli the author fets out, and the foiemnity 
■with which he coiitinually fpeaks of his labours, form a ridicu- 
Jous contrail with the iuiignificauce of the matters upon which 
lie has relied hi- attention. Inftead of dwelling only upon thofef 
things which policiTed in thernlelves fome degree of interell or 
attraction, he has attempted to tranfport his readers into Paris, 
by letting before their eyes every thing which his own could dif- 
' - ' <lbvcr 



1S64. HolcroftV Travels from tiamhurg to Paris. 



pr) 



cover in that fituation ; and has thought there was no way fo 
lure of omitting nothing chara£leriftic or important, as by fet- 
ting down every thing that occurred, and thinking nothing too 
trifling to be omitted. In this way, he has undoubtedly brought 
forward fome groupes in a Hvely and animated manner j but he 
has taken all dignity, unity and diftindlnefs from his perform- 
ance, confidered as a whole ; and has crowded and confufed its 
inferior compartments in fuch a manner as fcarcely to leave any 
other impreiTiou on the eye of the obferver, but that of difor- 
der and fatigue. 

Of the ftyle and language of this book, a tolerable judgement 
may be formed from the extracts we have already given. Its 
ruling vice is aiFe£lation, which is frequently combined with a 
greater degree of grammatical inaccuracy than is ufual, even in 
works of this defcription. In the preface, the author informs us, 
that * his principal fubje6l is the city of Paris, its inhabitants, 
and the marks by which they are diftinguiflied from other cities 
and other nations. ' A fev/ pages afterwards, he chooies to fay, 
* In their common difcourfe much, and in their daily adlions 
more, the opinions of a people are broadly written. ' He talks 
alfo of * murders and atrocities, fuch as the very image of makes 
the foul revolt ; ' and of ' four children, none of whom not having 
a parent's care,' &c. He informs us, moreover, that * cars 
drawn by dogs is a pra£lice, ' &c. j and that a man with a dirty 
hlk coat was ' furveyed ivith continued repetition by his com- 
panions. * 

This book is very handfomely printed, and the plates have the 
dimeniions at lead of magnificence : the greater part of them, 
however, are very indifferently executed ; and the two general 
views of Paris are in every refpe£t abominable. The vignettes 
are by far the beft, and many of them are both defigned and 
nniflied with great tafle and ^legance. 



Art. VI I. Metnoires Ju Cotr.pte Jcftph de Puifaye^ Lieutenant Gen:- 
raly isfc, ^c. qui pourrcnt fervir a P Hifoire clu Parti Royalife Fran- 
goij, durant la derniere Revolution, 2 vol. London, E. Harding 
& Dulaw. 1803. 

'^ PuifTaye has devoted his retirement, in Canada to the viri- 
'^"■*" dication of his chara6ter from charts which have ob- 
tained a very extenhve circulation. He informs the public, that 
he has compofed thefe volumes under the prefTure of an almofl 
uninteriuptcd ilatc of bad health, and that, from that caufe, 

G ^ he 



I«« Pulflaye, Ahmoires du Parti Roya/j^e. . April 

he is obliged to offer them to the world in an unfmifhed ftate ; 
and it is (o uncertain whether he fliall live to complete the 
tafk he has begun, that he has made arrangements for the pub- 
lication of the papers to which he meant to refer, in cafe of 
his deceafe. 

In the flrft of thefe volumes, he delivers his fentiments on 
the caufes which produced the French Revolution, and the 
events which followed, down to the dilFolution of the firft 
National Affembly. The fecond volume contains an account 
of the meafures adopted by M, PuilFaye to form a Royalill army 
in Normandy and Brittany, down to Septismber 1794, when 
he came to England to concert meafures with the Britiih Go- 
vernment. In this volume M. PuifFaye's perfonal adventures 
and condu£l occupy the greater part of the narrative ; and 
many hiilorical anecdotes are related, which have hitherto been 
little known to the public. 

M. Puiflaye's reflections on the caufes which produced the French 
revolution, are delivered with lingular temper and moderation. He 
imputes the whole to the divifions and difunion which prevailed in 
every order of the State. Our readers are probably well acquaint- 
ed with many of the abufes which led to the downfal of the arif- 
tocracy of France ; but much more than ufual is afcvibed by our 
autlior to the divifions which prevailed between the noblt-fle of the 
Court and of the provinces. The courtiers were poflefTed of all 
fituations of power or emolument, while the provincial nobility 
were precluded, by the prejudices of their order, from filling many 
of the mod important fituations in life. The lludy of the fciencesj 
the exercife of the liberal arts, and the adminillration of juftice, 
were almofl; entirely engrolTed by men whom the higher nobili- 
ty confidered as an inferior clafs. Although they occupied no- 
minal fituations, and pofielTed a {j6titious preeminence, they 
had loll every thing which could give them a real prepondei- 
ance in the event of a ftruggle. Their degradation was com- 
pleted by the venality of the Court. Every office, every fpecies 
of diftin£lion, was bought and fold. Titles were fo rapidly 
multiplied, that every frefli creation made thofe who had for- 
merly been enobled impatient for fome new promotion'. At the 
fame time that the flate of the nobility was fuch as indicated 
the weaknefs of the government, the people poiTefTed few privi- 
leges which could give them any attachment to the conflitution 
of their country. Some of the provinces indeed had the right 
of holding meetings -^f the ftates according to the capitulation* 
by which they had ''been united to the Crown of France j and 
hough this privilege had been reduced to the right of making 
yemonftrances, which were generally reprefled by menaces, or 

anfwered 



1804' PuinUye, Metnoires clit Parti Royalyh. \tl 

anfwered Hy letters de cachet, yet M. Puiffiiye afTures us, that 
even this (liadow of liberty was not without eftV£l •, awd that to 
it mufl: be attributed the fuperior degree of cuerviy which thefe 
provinces difplayed in the combat which they afterwards main- 
tained for their laws and their reUgion. 

« Their conduft' he obferves (p. 49.) 'ought to recal to the re- 
collection of thofe who govern, a truth too often forgotten, that the 
maintenance of the rights of fubjeAs affords the moll folid fuppOrt 
to the authority of the fovereign. ' 

In the other provinces of France, the Parliaments were the 
only barrier between the iinlimiteil authority of the Prince, and 
the abjefl: condition of the people. Our author is loud in his 
praifes of the character and condu£l of the members of thet'e 
aflemblles ; and his fentiments on* this fubje6l form a ftrong 
contraft to thufe of M. Mounier. Both the nature of thefe in- 
Hitutions, and the general condu(?t and charafter of the mem- 
bers, meet with his decided approbation ; and although he ap- 
pears to admit that the legiflative powers which they affumed, 
v/ere ufurped, he at the fame time aflerts that they were uni- 
formly executed for the advantage of the nation. 

To remove any fufpicion which might attach to the very de- 
cided approbation which M. Puiflaye bellows upon the Par- 
liaments of France, he aflures us that he has no motive of 
profeflional or family attachment which could bias his judg- 
ment. 

« I have heard the Parliaments' (fays M. Puiflaye, p. 51.) * calum- 
niated by men attached to the Court : That was to be expefted ; for 
the Court feared them, and had determined on their deftrudlion. I 
have fince heard them calumniated by the oppofite party : That was 
alfo to be looked for ; that party found it neceffary to deftroy them. I 
have feen them aft throughout with dignity and courage, fuffering at 
one period for their oppofition to the enterprizes of arbitrary power, 
on another occalion vidlims of their zeal for the fupport of lawful au- 
thority. ' 

M. Puiflaye obferves, that many perfons have exprefled their 
furprife, that the ablell miniilers France ever produced in the 
•war and marine departments had been homines de robe. Our au- 
thor remarks that this fa6l may be eafily accounted for. 

* A well informed man, poffefled of habits of application, can in a 
fliort time make himfelf fit for any fituation ; while a man who is igno- 
rant, and who believes that he is poflefTed of an extenfive right to office, 
from birth, from favour, or from fortune, is incapable of any employ- 
ment. ' 

He aflerts accordingly, that thefe men would probably have ac- 
quired the fame reputation in the command of armies. The 

G 3 ftatefmen 



1 02 Pulflaye, Memoires du Parti Royalijie. April 

ftatefmen and generals of the Greek and Roman republics were 
at the fame time their magiftrates. 

If the members of the French Parliaments were defervlng of 
the eulogium beftowed upon them by our author, they certain- 
Jy form a flriklng inftance of the powerful inlluence of moral 
fituation. They muft have felt that the place which they were 
to hold in the public eftimation depended upon their own con- 
du£l j and, amidft the contempt into which the other inftitii- 
tions of the fbate had fallen, they could only preferve the pow- 
ers which they had in fome meafure ufurped, by fhowing that 
they pofleffed thofe qualities which infpire confidence and com- 
mand admiration. 

Divifions, equally fatal to the repofe of the (late, fubfiile,. 
betv/een the dignified clergy who reuded at court, and the 
cures who lived among the people and poflelTcd great inlluence 
over them. It thus appears, from a view of all the inflitutions 
upon which the permanence and liability of a government rautb 
depend, that the monarchy of France was reduced to fuch a 
flate of difunion, that it was unable to refifh any violent im- 
pulfe. M. PullTnye enumerates other caufes which increafecl 
the diforders of the ftate, and weakened the authority of the So- 
vereign. The profligacy of the government during the minori- 
ty of Lewis XV., gave rife to a fpirit of irreliglon and immora- 
lity throughout the country, which the feeblenefs of his mea- 
fures tended to confirm. The corruption of manners was com- 
pleted by the influence of the prefs, which difl^ufed vifionary 
and immoral publications of every defcription. It was feldorn 
that any attempt was made to reprefs them ; and fuch was the 
weaknefs of the rulers, that the authors of thefe publications 
even courted perfecution. Men, who would have Hood in awe 
of a well-ordered government, and who would have trembled 
at a fevere one, embraced thofe opportunities of obtaining credit 
for courage and fortitude which they did not poffefs. 

We have endeavoured to give our readers fome idea of the 
view which M, PuiflTaye takes of the caufes of the French Re- 
volution. For a more detailed ftatement of them, we mufk re- 
fer to the book itfelf. The general principle which he maintains 
IS, that the germs of political diforder and confufion exifhed in 
every order and department of fociety, and that the caufes 
which produced the calamities of France were fuch as have 
been obferved and will be obferved in the diflTolution of every 
empire. 

* Men of all countries and of all ages * fays our author * who fhall 
one day read the hiftory of the misfortunes of France, will only have 
^9 change the names, and thofe fubordinate circumftances which are va- 



tS04' PuhTaye, Memo'ins du Parti Royalije. ■ 1€5 

Tied by time, place and accident, and they will read the hiftory of their 
fathers, of their defcendants, or perhaps of their own sra. ' 

The refuk of M. PuilTaye's reafoning is, that a foundation 
had longj before been laid for the French revolution ; and if the 
fame opening had prefented itfelf, a political change of the fame 
magnitude might have taken place in the time of Lewis XV. 
Thefe obfervations bring forcibly to our recolledtion a ftriking 
palTage in one of Lord Cheilerfield's letters. After taking no- 
tice of the chaftges which had taken place in the opinions of the 
French nation, upon matters of religion and government, his 
Lordlhip concludes : * In fliort, all the fymptoms which I have 
ever met with in hillory, previous to great changes and revolu- 
tions in government, now exilt and daily incrcafe in France *. ' 
This opinion was delivered at a time when many perfons, de- 
ceived by the exterior fpiendour of the French monarchy, con- 
fidered it as fixed on the fared foundations, and when difap- 
pointed politicians lamented the inllability of a mixed govern- 
iTient. 

The preliminary part of the work before us prefents fo large 
a field for obfervation, that we feel qurfelves obliged to omit 
many difculhons which the perufal of it has fuggefted. There 
is one fa6t which we have already taken notice of, which appears 
well worthy of obfervation ; that a ftriking difference was per- 
ceived between the conducl of thofe provinces which pofTefTed 
fome (hadow of a free government, and that of thofe which en- 
joyed no protection againft the inroads of arbitrary power, — 
that thefe provinces afterwards fiiowed a fuperior degree of 
energy and refolution in arming themfelves againft the tyranni- 
cal meafures of the revolutionary government. This fadt is pe- 
culiarly important, from the ftriking illuftration It affords of the 
energy with which men poiTeiled of rights and of privileges may 
be expeded to atl, when they are forced into a contefl with ty- 
ranny and oppreiTion. 

Another fad: of the fame defcrlption occurs in the courfe of 
the narrative. The emliTaries of the convention endeavoured to 
ftir up the people of Normandy, by propofing an agrarian law ; 
a doctrine which has fo many charms for the lower ranks of eve- 
ry fociety. The landholders in this province were, however, fo 
much more numerous than in other parts of France, that the 
orators found themfelves obliged to relinquifh that topic, and 
were in danger of being deftroyed even by the populace whom 
they had endeavoured to feduce. 

We Ihall now lay before our readers, fome of M. Pulflaye's 
reflections upon the particular events which preceded the Revo- 

G 4 lution, 

* December 25. 1753. 



3 34 Pulflaye, Memoires dii Pat'ti Royalijle. April 

iution, during the reign of Lewis XVI. Our author pronounces 
a moft eloquent eulogium upon that unfortunate Monarch ; and 
afcribes his misfortunes to the meannefs and perfidy of his cour- 
tiers. We are told, that when they deceived him, they availed 
jhemfelves of his love of juftice, his regard for worth, and his 
diffidence in his own talents. The Queen is defcribed as pof- 
feflint^ every thing which could render her an objefi: of love and 
admiration. But ihe was furrounded by courtiers, whofe com- 
pofition was perfidy, whofe profefiion was deceit. They had 
recourfe to every art, and aflumed every difguife ; and feemed 
by turns humane, companionate, difinterefted, enthufiaftic in 
behalf of virtue, and indignant at vice. In the midft of fuch ^ 
fcene of deception, it was almoft impoflible tor perfons of vir- 
tue to approach. All lucrative fituations were fecured by the 
flatterers ; but from the divifions which took place amongit 
them, the miniftry was always in too precarious a fituation to 
be an object of their ambition. They preferred the advantage 
of difpofing of it, to the rifle of poffeffing it. 

The events which more immediately led to the Revolution, 
are already known to our readers*. Our author's remarks up- 
on them are thofe of a difpafTionate obferver. The only charac- 
ter to which he difcorers any partiality, is that of M. Calonne ; 
and he records fome anecdotes f, that rclle^l great honour upon 
the memory of that unfortunate ftatefman. 

M. Puiffaye concludes the general view he takes of the caufes 
of the Revolution, with obferviog, that although his fpecula- 
tions upon them may appear very remote from the hiftory of his 
life, he conceived it neceiTary to enable his contemporaries to 
judge of his conduct (ince the Revolution, by putting them in 
pofleflion of the opinions and principles which he held before Jt„ 
He then enters upon his private hiftory. He is defcended of 
one of the moft diftinguiftied families in Perche, and was ori- 
ginally deftined for the church ; but abandoned his ftudies at an 
early age, and obtained a commUlion in a regiment of cavalry^ 
He afterwards left the army, and married in 1788. In the year 
following, he was elected to reprefent the nobility of Perche \n 
the States-General, without any felicitation on his part. The 
inftru£f ions with which he was then provided were, to renounce 
for his conftituents all claim to pecuniary immunities; but not 
to confent to any impoft until the conllitunon fhould be fettled 
upon the bafis of an acknowledgemL^nt of the inherent powers 
of the States- G'.neral to make laws and impofe taxes. It was 
recommended to him to fupport the divifion of the States into 
feparate deliberative bodies. 

The 

^___™ — ■ ■:•••; - a .^.^ --^ " • • '•' ■ . — 

* No. 1. Art.- I. - f'Vol. ll.p. 9. 



r8o4. V\x\Kz'^ty Memcires du Parii RoyaliJIi', I of 

The firfl; qneftion which divided the Nobles was, whether the 
powers they received from their conftituents (hould be examined 
by all the orders, or by each order feparately ? Both the ni:jo- 
rity and minority of the Chamber of Nobles co:iridered this as 
decifive of the great queftion, whether the three orders fliould 
deliberate together, or feparately ? Oar author, M'ith a degree 
of refinement which fuch quellions do not appear to adinit, 
voted for having the powers of each reprefentative examined -y 
all the orders, though he, upon all occafions, declared his tcfo- 
lution to oppofe the legiflative jundlion of the thiee orders. In 
^indication of this conducl, M. PuilFaye maintains, that ever/ 
member of the alTembly had a juft right to be farisfied with the 
powers of thofe who exercifed legiilative functions. The que- 
ftion he confidered as in itfelf too tiifling to be contefted, and as 
likely to exafperate the third eftate, from whom more fubftan- 
tial conceflions were to be required. We mult obferve, that, 
independently of the endlefs difputes to which fuch an examina- 
tion would give rife, tlie members of every reprefentative body 
are beft acquainted with the rights of their conftituents, and are 
mod interefted to preferve them. It may fometimes be necef- 
fary, in order to counteract the efFe£ls of partiality and intrigue, 
to delegate fuch a taik to a fmaller number, on Whom the re- 
ftraints of character and refponfibiliry may operate more power- 
fully. But it never can be a wife meafure, to place minute and 
tedious inveftigations in the hands of a more numerous body. 
Neither can we agree with M. PuilTaye, that fuch a conccffioa 
was likely to product any good efFcCls. 

Our author gives many llriking initances of the intrigues and 
cabals which prevailed at this time. He complains loudly of the 
monotony of talent? which prevailed, and of the want of a maa 
of commanding genius, able to awe and "reprefs the filly orators, 
who daily came forward, and who were ready to facrifice every 
principle to the pleafure of making a fpeech. What our author 
lamented, was a matter of exultation to others. A courtier 
who fat near M. Fuiffaye could not conceal his fatisfaclion * at 
having as yet heard nothing which made him feel any apprehen- 
fions ; ' and added, that * he began to think that he would have 
fome weight.' Vol. I. p. 223. 

M. Puiflaye then illuilrates his favourite pofition, that tlie down- 
fal of the monarchy cannot be attributed to the effort of any indi- 
vidual, or of any party, by a fketch which he draws of Orleans. * 
It is too long to lay before our readers j but we ilrongly recom- 
mend 

* Vol. 1.. p. 238. 



fo6 Fuifiaye, Memoires du Parti Royallje. Apili 

mead it to their perufal, as fliowing uncommon acutenefs, and 
great powers of obfervation. The conclufion which he forms is, 
that no party extfted during the firfl years of the Revolution. 
No faiStion poffeiTed that degree of union, attachment, or mutual 
cooperation which could entitle them to fuch appellation. The 
Orleans faftion, he obfervcs, fo far from forming a party, to which 
the fail of the ftate can be attributed, was merely the refult of 
iht general relaxation of order, and the imbecility of the govern- 
ment. 

M. PuiiTaye, from having voted with the minority on the firft 
oueition, was invited to attend their meetings, and was at laft 
perfuaded to go to one held at the Marquis of Montefquiou'Sj 
mafter of the horfe to Monfieur, now Lewis XVIII. He was 
then furprifed to find, along with the deputies of the minority, 
at leaft an equal number of thofe who in public acted along with 
the majority. Nothing remarkable took place at this meeting, 
or nothing which could induce our author to vary from 
the principles which he had already adopted, of avoiding all 
political connexions. In conformity with the inftruftions of his 
conilituents, and his own opinion, he fteadily oppofed the mea- 
fure of uniting the three orders into one chamber. This import- 
ant meafure was at length agreed to by the Court, after a feeble 
Ihow of oppofition, which deprived them of any temporary popu- 
larity which fo Important a conceffion might have produced. Our 
author confidered this as a meafure which was calculated to lead 
to all the diforders which afterwards took place ; and his firit re- 
folution was to refign his feat, and retire to his provin-^e, until 
he fhould be called upon to att. By the advice of his friends, 
however, and the entreaties of his conilituents, he was prevailed 
upon to remain ; but when he returned to the Aflembly, he gave 
in a proteft againll the union of the three orders, and refufed to 
deliver up the ln{lru6tions of his conilituents. After giving an 
accoutit of the violent meafures which were daily adopted by the 
Afiembly, our author enlarges upon the difgraceiul partiality with 
which they pafied over the riots of tlie 5th and 6th of O6lober, 
in which, according to the report of the Chatekty the Duke of 
Orleans, Mirabeau, and many others of the Aflembly, were deeply 
implicated. Some of the minority figned a proteft againft it. 
Our author, who had not been acquainted v/ith their intentions, 
drew up a declaration of the -fame nature for himfelf, which was 
inferted in the Gazette of Paris. * M. Fuiffaye complains that 

fome 

* M. Fuiffaye cautions the reader agalnfl confounding the Gazette de 
^arh with the Journal de Park^ — papers, diametrically oppofite. 



j3o4- PuIITaye, Memoh'es du Parti 'Ro^alifle^ 107 

fome of the agents of the Royalift: party at Paris afterwards en- 
deavoured to fpread a report, that he had belonged to the faftlou 
of Orleans ; and he refers to a letter from Brothier and La Villt' 
heur/uif, which proves that they wrote to him that they intended 
to reprint M. PuilTiiye's declaration, and to diftribute it anew, at 
the very moment when they were privately propagating thefe 
falfchoods. This, our author obferves, is but a fmall fpecimen 
of the intrigues and infamous devices by which he has been affailed. 
for a long courfe of years. 

Though M, Puiffaye had retained his feat in compliance with 
the wifhes of his conftituents, and occafionally attended the meet- 
ings of the National Affembly, he determined to take no active 
fliare in its deliberations. He felt that even reafon, eloquence, 
and truth, could have no effed upon men who were determined to 
refill conviciion -, and he therefore refolved not to fanftion the 
proceedings of an Affembly which he confidered as illegal, by 
becoming one of its orators. He then lays before his readers a 
letter addreffed to the Compte d'Artois, in 1797, in which he 
vindicates himfeif from the charge of having fat on the left fide 
of the Aff=mbiy. He throughout kept the fame feat which had 
been appointed for him as a reprefentative of the nobility ; and when 
the members afterwards came to arrange themfelves according to 
their faO:ions, the one upon the extremity of the left fide, and 
the others upon the right, he, along with fome other reprefenta- 
tives of the nobility, retained the feat which had been originally 
afligned him. He conceived that llruggles and intrigues in that 
place could now be of no avail ; and he endeavoured to form thofe 
connexions which might be of ufe in the more ferious conteft. 
which he forefaw to be approaching. He occafionally attended 
the Afi~embly, to prevent any fufpicions being entertained with 
regard to him •, but he refufed to becbme a member of any of \ht 
committees for which he was ele6led, and avoided all connexion 
with clubs or fecret affemblies. When the King came to the 
Affembly, M. Puiffaye took the confi:itutional oath along with the 
other members. He was, however, by no means blind to the 
glaring defeats which that Conftitution contained. After expreiling 
his contempt for its authors, and enumerating its defe6l3, he ok- 
jferves — 

* This is, however, that conftitution which I have fworn to maintain 
along with twenty-nine thirtieths of France. I do not blame thofe 
who refufed to do fo ; but I confidered it as the laft rcfource, as the 
only weak prop which might ftill fupport for a time the ftate, which 
was already on the point of diffolution ; and I have not hefitated to 
facrifice my own ideas and perfonal interefts to that motive. ' Vol. I, 

P- 372- 

The 



Jo8 PuiiTaye, Memotres dti Parti Royalifte. April 

The ftate of affairs, at this period, was widely different from 
what it was at the commencement of the Revolution, when delay 
and uncertainty were mod pernicious ^ but, now, it M'as by delay 
alone that a favourable opportunity could be obtained. The next 
remarkable circumftance which occurred after the King's accept- 
ance of the conftitution, was his flight to Varennes ; a ftep, which 
was occafioned by the outrages of the one party, and the foHcita- 
tions of the other. Our author obferves, that on this, as well as 
on many other occafions, the Royaliil party adopted the very 
meafures which their enemies wiflied them to take. After tlie 
King's flight to Varennes, and his arreil, he no longer enjoyed 
even the appearance of freedom which made his orders binding j 
and our author felt that the conftitutional oath was annulled in 
point of fa(5l, and that the time was come when force alone could 
rcfcue France from the abyfs in which it was almoll fwallowed 
up. Our author had to choofe between two meafures — that of 
emigration or infurre^lion ; and he preferred the latter. Subfe- 
quent events, he affures us, have not affeded his opinion upon 
that fubje6l. He felt that it v/as his duty to fave his King and 
his coimtry j and it did not occur to him to begin by abandoning 
both. (Vol. II. p. 6.) The interior of the kingdom offered much 
greater refources for the formation of a Royalifl army \ and 
the meafure of aflembling an army in a foreign country, where 
they mull be entirely dependent on the pov/crs with which they 
connecled themfelves, was calculated to defeat the 'fuccefs of the 
plan. 

M. Puiffayc enters into a difcuffion of the policy which it was 
expedient for foreign nations to obferve when the French Revolu- 
tion broke out \ and he maintains, that the true interefl of foreign 
powers was to avoid all offen^vc meafures, and to form a defenfive 
league to prevent any encroachment upon the part of the Revolu- 
tionary government. Before the Revolution, France was an object: 
of jealoufy to the other powers of Europe, from the extent of its 
territory, and the charader of its population. When it changed 
its government, it was likely to become ftill more formidable. 
Offenfive operations were, however, diredly calculated to increafe 
the power of the Revolutionary rulers, and to afford the means 
of forcing various clafles of men to concur in their meafures, who 
were otherwife difpofed to oppofe them. The fame concluftons 
are drawn from a particular confideration of the policy of each in- 
dividual nation. The combined powers, according to M. Puiffaye, 
deviated from that policy, from views of aggrandizement whicli 
t;Jiey were encouraged to entertain from the affurances they re- 
ceived of the weskucfs of the French government. The retreat 

of 



l8o4. fui^A^jCy Meinotrti du ?arti Ro'jalijie, i€>g 

of die Duke of Brunfwick, which has often been confidered as 
fo great a myftery, may thus be explained upon obvious prin- 
ciples. He entered France with the idea that he was to meet 
troops without courage or difcipline, and an army whofe officers 
were either ignorant ot their profeflion, or difpofcd to betray them. 
The arrangement which had been made in that perfuafionj and 
the expe6latlons wliich had been built upon ir, fell at once to the 
ground, when he found liirnfelf oppofed by an army commanded 
by a molb fkilful general, who, after retreating from one ftrong 
pofition, was able to occupy another ftill more formidable. It is 
natural to fuppofe, that Pruiha then perceived its miilake, and 
returned to that fyltem of policy which [he ought at firft to have 
obferved. It is noway improbable, however, that many fccret 
intrigues may have taken place at this period. They would de- 
pend upon the ftate of the Prufiian Court, and may have been as 
extraordinary and as myfterions as fome writers have reprefented 
them. They are however to be confidered, in that inilance, as 
the refult of a change of policy which naturally took place when 
that power difcovered the grofs error upon which it had proceeded, 
and not as the caufes which produced it. 

M. PuiBaye, although he expofes the errors committed by the 
emigrants, profelles the higheft veneration for many individuals 
who were the victims of a high fenfe of honour, and of the moll 
difintereiled attachment to the caufe of Royalty. The meafure 
of emigrating, he obieives, was adopted at the iniligaticn of 
men who were ftrongly influenced by their own perfonal fitu- 
ation ; whereas thofe who were able to remain in France, and 
who were by far the moft numerous body, were the perfons 
whofe interefts ought to have been principally confulted. M. 
Puiffaye calculates that the emigrant arm.y, before it was dif- 
miffed, amounted to no more than 30^00 men ; while fome 
infolated individuals in PoitoUy in Brittcmyy and Anjouy raifed 
at different times upwards of 500,000 men. M. Puiflaye there- 
fore conceives that he does not overrate the magnitude of the 
army which might have been raifed, if the French noblemen 
liad remained in the country, when he Hates it at a million. 
He then anfwers the objedlion, that if the nobles had remain- 
ed in the country, they would have been mallacred in detail 
without being able to make any refillance. He obferves, that the 
greater part of thofe who emigrated, were obliged to leave their 
aged relations, their wives, and their children behind them, ex- 
pofed to all the violence of the reigning tyrants ; and from his 
ewn experience, he declares, that the republicans were not fo 
much difpofed to indulge in maflacre or pillage, when they knew 

ther* 



110 VmiXz-yjQ, Meinolres du Parti Royalijie. April 

there was a powerful party in the country able to retaliate upon 
their perfons and their property. In juftice to the emigrant ar- 
mies, he obferves, that their conduct has furFiciently iliov/n, that 
the nobility of France were eager to expofe their lives, v/here 
that could promote the fuccefs of their caufe : And if they had 
remained in the country, many of the maflacres would have been 
prevented by the apprehenfions of the cowardly aflafTuis who ef- 
fected them. If the emigrants had remained in the country, 
they would have had no occafion to court the protection of fo- 
reign powers ; and therefore, any n?gociations they entered into 
with them, would have been made upon a more independent 
footing, and they might have ailed in concert with them without 
injuring their own caufe. 

M. Puiffkye endeavoured to follovv' out the views of infurrec- 
tlon which he had formed. The inhabitants of MeitilteSy who 
were fufficiently numerous to form a battalion, unanimoully chofe 
him their commander. The diilricl of Devereux afterwards had 
recourfe to him to fuperintend its organization, and he obtained 
the command of about 4000 men. TJiC meafure of emigration 
now came to operate generally, and thofe who reforted to that 
meafure adopted it with enthufiafm. : on the other hand, tliofc 
who did not concur in it, becam.e violent on the other fide. The 
refufal of invitations to emigrate produced reproaches, which were 
fcllov/ed by threats. The Royalifts even went fo far as to kee'» 
lifts of the dates of emigrations j and a week fooner or later was 
held to form a fliade of difference in their pretenfions. So confi- 
dent were they of fuccefs, that they confidered thofe who v/ero 
late in joining them, as intruders among thofe on whom the re- 
wards of the refloration were to be bellowed. In thefe circum- 
ftances, few men could remain neutral, except thofe feeble fpirits 
who, in times of diftradlion, endeavour to fave themfelves by 
keeping up connexions with both parties. The number of fuch 
men, we are told, was immenfe (Vol. II. 68, 69.) j and it 
v/as only in Brittany, Poitou, Anjou, and forne of the fouth- 
crn parts of France, that any energy was fhown. M. FuiiTaye, 
however, found a fulhcient number of men whom he could 
depend upon, to intrull with the moft important ftations. All 
that he could do Math the reit, was to lead them indirect iy 
to the objeft he had in view. Wliile he v/as employed in 
procuring the. information, and forming the arrangements necef- 
fary for his purpofe, the horrors of the loth of Auguft took 
place. The elecloral ailemblics were at that time convoked, t<? 
eiedl their reprefentatives in the Convention. M. Puiflaye was 
upon the point of being chofen ; but the Jacobins had reccurfe to 

an 



1S04. V\xiSzyQi Memo'ires dii Parti Royalijle. Ill 

an intrigue, which prevented his cleclion. Our author declares, 
that although he took no fteps to obtain votes, he v^^ould have ac- 
cepted the fituation. He had no longer the fame motives to re- 
ftrain him from afting, which had operated fo powerfully upon 
him in the Conflituent AlTembly •, and he thouglit tliat his efforts 
might have contributed to preferve the life of the King, and tliat 
the fituation would have been favourable to the plans he had in 
view. 

Baron JFinipffe?jy the defender of Thicjivtlle^ v/as one of the 
perfons whofe afliftance M. Puiffaye was moil defirous to pro- 
cure. He did not at once difclofe to him his ultimate defigns, 
but propofed to him the meafure of raifing an army of the line in 
Normandy. He reprefented to him the probability, that undif- 
ciplined troops raifed in other parts, would be fent there under 
the command of fome ignorant and inexperienced Jacobin, and 
that this inconvenience would be avoided by raifmg an army 
entirely compofed of men in the country commanded by IM. 
WimpfFen. M. PuifEiye engaged to get the two departments of 
rOrne and V Eiire to propoic? the plan, v/hile WimpiTeu under- 
took for the departments of Calvados and La Blanche. M. 
"Wimpffen appeared to enter Tnto all his views, and M. Puiffaye 
entertained hopes of faving the King, which were foon afterwards 
difappointed by his fudden trial and execution. After tJiis event. 
General Wimpffen was chofen commander of the army which 
was to be raifed in Normandy, and our author v/as placed at the 
head of his flaff. The army was to confift of 17 or i8,oco in- 
fantry and 3000 cavalry. There v/as at that time at Cain a re- 
giment of light cavalry newly raifed, com.manded by Colonel Du- 
-mont., a brave and loyal officer. 

While M. Puiffiye was employed in carrying on thefe arrange- 
ments, the do\^T.fal of tlie Girotidijls took place. The mem- 
bers of that party who efcaped from Paris, endeavoured to pre- 
vail upon the provinces to take up arms in their behalf. M. 
Puiffaye had no attachment to their charafters or plans ; and 
declares he has no doubt that, if they had fucceeded, they 
would have fubjecled France to a tyranny not lefs odious 
than that which was ultimately impofed upon it, though proba- 
bly more permanent, as the v/ork of greater reflection. In 
the prefent ftate of his preparations, he felt that adopting their 
cauie would be ruinous to his defigns ; though, if his preparations 
had been farther advanced, he might have availed himfelf of the 
opportunity to overthrow the power of the convention. He was 
invited to attend a general affembly of the members of the diftricls 
iiiid municipalities at Akn^on ; and the meeting feemed difpofed 

to 



J 2 5 Puiilaye, Memoifes du Parti Royalifie* Aprii 

to adopt tlie caufe of tlie fugitives, when his opinion was afkcd. 
He prevailed upon them to take no further ftep than that of fend- 
ing deputies to confult witli the other departments. He was pre- 
vailed upon to go as one of thefe deputies ; and on his way he 
received intelligence that Wimpjfen had been forced to accept the 
command of the infurreftion, and that when he at firft refufed to 
do fo, his life was threatened. M. Puifiaye felt himfelf called 
upon to abandon his own opinion, and join his commandtr. 
When they n-ietjWimpiTen confirmed the accounts which he had re- 
ceived upon the road, and, from the language he held, fhowed 
he had no expe£lation of fuccefs. M. PuilHiye now felt himfelf 
bound to ufe every exertion to fupport his friend and com.miander. 
When he returned to Alenr^on^ he found that a material change had 
taken place in the fentiments of the people. The Jacobins had 
ufed every meafure to make themfelves popular ; and M. Puiflaye 
was reminded tliat he had held very different fentiments a few 
days before. It was in vain he reprefented that the other de- 
partments had not at that time declared themfelves, and that it 
was neceffary to do nothhig with precipitation ; but that after 
having determined, it was their intcreil and duty to join in a 
caufe which was now no longer that of individuals. The intrigues 
and money of the Convention, however, prevailed, and it was 
with dilEculty that our author efcaped from AUngon. 

The events which followed are minutely detailed, and are 
fuch as might be expe£led to take place in an infurre^tion of 
men, whofe fentiments and ideas were fo widely different. 
Sc/rccrer^ afterwards minilter of war, was appointed to command 
the troops oppofed to them by the Convention. M. Puiflaye 
was fent to ftop his march ; and took the poft of Cojherily 
after a flight rehftance. In this command, he had many dif- 
ficulties to contend with. Each of the battalions of volun- 
teers brought along vi'ith them one or two commiffaries frorA 
their refpetlive departments, who claimed a right to dire6l, 
or at leail to be confulted upon all occafions. Bougon, pro- 
cureur-general of the department of CrJvadjs, was particu- 
larly abfurd and troublefome. Some perfons fufpected him of 
holding a correfpondence with the Convention. M. Puiffaye ac- 
quits him of that charge ; but, at the fame time, defcribes him 
as one of thofe vain and weak chara£lers, who, while they grafp 
at every peifonal advantage, in cafe their party (hall fucceed, 
endeavour to fecure a retreat in cafe of failure. When M. 
Puiflaye determined to attack the enemy, Bou^on, after ufing 
every expedient to prevent a meafure fo oppofite to his fenti- 
ments, confoled himfelf, by 'irav^ing up a proclamation, which 

he 



l304. PuifTaye, Mrmo'tra ihi Farti Royalijle. JI3 

he infifted on having read, even after the enemy had begun 
their fire, in order, as he faid, that it miy;ht nt lead be known 
that they had begun firft. The en(>;ai:(enn£nt took place upon tlie 
14th of July, near the Cailie of Brecourt^ which is fituated be- 
tween the forefts of Vernon and Pacy. The troops of the con- 
vention began ^he attack. They were, however, thrown into 
confufion upon the lirft charge. M! Puiflaye was then defirous 
to purfue them •, but he found that his cavalry, who were not 
accuilomed to the found of cannon, were thrown into confufion 
— the enemy got into the woods — and the commiiTaries jnfifted 
upon the danger of ambufcades and malked batteries in cafe 
they puvfued. M.Puiflaye then wiflied to return to P^r^i, where 
he would be fecure from furprife ; but the commiffaries oppofed 
this alfo, and magnanimoufly inrdl:ed upon keeping pofTeflion of the 
field of battle. After giving orders for placing the proper guards, 
M. Puiffaye, who had fufFered feverely from excefhve fatigue and 
the heat of the weather, which had brought on an attack of the 
eryfipelas, had not been above two hours in bed, when he was 
awaked by an at|ack of the enemy. Finding that they were not 
purfued, the conventional troops had rallied, and had pafled the 
outpoft§, without being perceived by the guards, who had fallen 
t\fleep. The greater part of M. PuilTaye's troops immediately 
took flight, and cried out they were betrayed. One corps alone 
remained. In the midft of the confufion, M. Puiflaye, with 
feme difficulty, got two guns pointed at the enemy, which dif- 
mounted one of their cannon. They immediately ceafed firing, 
took to flight, and their cavalry did not flop until it arrived near 
Verfailles. The confufion on the part of the vicSlorious troops 
was however irretrievable. Although there was no enemy near 
them, no perfuafion could induce them to return to the ground 
they had occupied. Even the patroles that were fent out, were 
fo much terrified, that before they had gone a mile and a half, 
they returned with alTurances that the enemy was in their im- 
mediate neighbourhood. This panic was decifive of the fate of 
the infurre6lion. The money diftrlbuted by the emifTaries of 
the convention completed what terror had begun; and M. Puif- 
faye was obliged to follow his troops to EveretiXy and afterwards 
to Caen. JVhnpffen propofed, if he could have obtained a thou- 
iand men, to have maintained a ftrong pofition before Caen j 
but none were willing to engage in the fcrvice, and they were 
obliged to feparate. 

The whole of thefe tranfa6lions, are extremely char£leriflic 
of the flate of the country, and of the conduCl: of the per- 
fors and troops engaged in the bufinefs upon both fides. 
The infurgents either retired to places of concealment, or 
endeavoured to obtain terms from the convention. Carrier 

VOL. iv. NO. 7. H entered 



ij^ Puiffaye, T^hmoires du Parti Rcyatijh. April 

entered Rennes, and made all that affefled difplay of huma- 
•nity which the revolutionary cut-throats at one time thought 
proper to profefs. Tranfparent lamps, reprefenting the nation- 
al colours, were hung up in the flreets upon a rejoicing which 
took place. Carrier went up and down the flreets breaking 
with his ftick thofe tranfpnrencies which were red. ' That 
colour,' faid he, * fills m£ with horror — it conveys ideas of 
blood.' Carrier held this language ! Vol. II. p. 2.16. 

M. Puifl'aye, with fome other afibciates, retired into Brittany, 
where he remained for fome time in concealment. We do not 
wifli to diminifh the interefl our readers will take in reading the 
book, by anticipating the account of the many efcapes and ad- 
ventures he pafled through. He found a great party of the 
people difcontented with the Convention, and others decided 
Royalifts. Mod of their priells ftill remained among them 
in difguife, and were concealed in mines and places under 
ground. M. Puifll^ye vindicates them, from the charge which 
has been made againft them, of endeavouring to excite their pa- 
rifhioners to revolt, by employing tricks and||fanatical devices. 
Our author declares, that in the m.idll of all their perfecutions, 
they uniformly preached doctrines .of the pureft morality. M. 
Puiffaye gradually obtained the confidence of the people among 
whom he was concealed, and was invited to place himfelf at 
their head. His plan was:^ to form his partizans into very fmall 
parties, and to accuftom them gradually %o face an enemy. He 
was aware that if men are undifcipllned, it is impoffible for 
:hem to acl with effc£l in large bodies. His reJ&eftions up- 
on this fubjedl, though they have rather the air of a; moralift 
than of a revolutionary leader, fliovv great powers of difcrimi- 
nation. 

* True courage, ' he obfcrvep, ' is the refult of refi'e£\jon. It is a 
prollitution of that woid to apply it to the effefts of any pafTion, al- 
though they fometimes fupply us place. Experience confirms and de« 
velopes it. T have feen a man who had run away befoie my eyes at the 
lirtl: found of a fiiot, after fome experience face the grtatell dangers 
with intrepidity- It is abfurd to fay fuch a nation is brave — fuch ano- 
ther is not. There is not a nation, on the face of the earth, which 
has not at fome periods been diftingnifned for its valour. If we go 
back to thofe periods, we {hall fee, tliat this courage, fo rnuch cele- 
brated, proceeded from long fervlce. There is no more merit in being 
brave after a few battles, than in making good Hioes after a long ap- 
prenticeship. A foldier is formed like an artizan. The firft National 
Guards of France began by flying tumultuoufly before the allied armies. 
Hardened by experience, they would have removed the frontier* 
of their country to the boundaries of Europe, and overturned the 
wcrld. In thk refpeft, thpfe powers^ vrhofc aimies took but a fmall 

fcare 

/ 



is 04- V\xiKd,y6) Memoires du Parti Royalijle. ilj 

fhare in the lafl war, have loft more than they are aware of. In cafe, 
what is more than probable, Europe fhall again become the theatre otf 
war, before the other nations fliall have loft, by repofe and tranquillity, 
the incalculable fuperiority they have received. This obfervation the 
accuracy of which is proved by every day's experience, confirmed mc 
in my fixed refolution never to expofe myfelf to an important defeat by 
aiTembling too great bodies together, and to fpare the live* of men who^ 
although at firlt timid, and perhaps, even on a fecond occafion not: 
much at their eafe, would fuoner or later become excellent foldiers. Oa 
this account, I had at firil introduced the cuflom of difperfing, if vic- 
tory did not very foon declare itfelf In our favoun All rtie roads and 
by-paths were known to our troops ; the enemy, who were ignorant 
of them, found it impoffible to purfue ; and the Inhabitants of the 
Country either gave them falfe information, or condufted them Into am- 
bufcades. When the enemy was broken, that circumftance operated 
againft them. Their defeats were followed with (laughter. Thofe of 
the Royaliils did not coft them the life of a man. ' vol. II. p. 416. 

From other pafTages which occur in thefe Memoirs, thefe re- 
marks mull be underflood with confiderable limitations, and 
as applying only to the mechanical or inftinftive influence of 
fear. M. PuilTaye feems fully aware of the powerful effeft of 
moral rnotives upon the condi3£l of men, in enabling them to 
aft with fuperior courage and energy. In the courfe of thefe 
Memoirs, he frequently celebrates the heroic qualities of his 
countrywomen. Upon mod occafions he employed them to re- 
connoitre the enemy, and to procure intelligence, and they ex- 
ecuted their truft with great intrepidity and addrefs. 

The tyranny of the Convention, and the cruelties exerclfed by 
the Jacobins, greatly augmented the numbers of M. Puiflaye's 
partizans. The frequent executions which took place, while 
they awed the inhabitants of the towns, roufed the inhabitants 
of the country to revolt. The viftims were by no means fe- 
Ie6led from the higher ranks of the people : the lowefl clafles 
fufFered equally* After the decree which was paflcd againffc 
what were called the enemies of the people, perfons of all de- 
fcriptions were involved in the maflacres which took place. The 
firft perfon who was condemned in confequence of this decree, 
was a hackney-coachman, accufed of having formed a confpiracy 
againfl the people. M. Puiffaye affures us, (vol.11, p. 491.), that 
befides the regulations which carried away men of thefe clafles 
from their wives and children, and the gblood they fhed in 
order to raife a few of their pretended friends to fituations in 
which they infulted their mifery, nine tenths of the viftims who 
perifhed on the revolutionary fcafFolds, in noyades and fuftUades, 
were compofed of the loweft clafles of the people. Amidft the 
many melancholy reflexions to which the perufal of thefe ftate- 

H 9 ments 



fidf "Paiff^yCi Memoires ciu Parii Royali/^s'. AplII 

ments muft naturally give rife, tlie mind Is fomewhat relieved 
by the many inftances which are related of humanity, fidelity^ 
and heroifm upon the part of the lower ranks. At a time when 
the tyranny exercifed by the Jacobins was fuch, that tlie difco- 
very of any article of drefs of a finer texture, a ftiirt or a piece 
of fine linen, was fufficient ground for condemning the inhabit- 
ants of the houfes, M. Piiiflliye met with kindnefs, fidelity, and 
prote61:ion. In all the plans which he afterwards formed, the 
great caufe of his fuccefs was the tyranny of the Jacobins; and 
the moft formidable obftacles he encounteredj arofe from the 
imprudence of the emigrants, and the conduft of the allied 
powers. Political information was now widely diiTufed through 
all ranks of the people. They required fome afTurance that the 
threats originally held out by the Royalifts iliould not be realized,, 
and that the abufes of the old government fhould not be re- 
ftored. M. Puiflaye obferves, that the French Princes have been 
ftrangely deceived when they were told (p. 395.) that a word 
or an order was fufficient to put all the Royalifis in France ia 
motion. This v/as not language to be held, when they were 
not able to afford protefbion or offer rewards, and had not a gun 
or a piece of money to beftow, M. Puiffiyc obferves, that 

— ' attachment to principles,^ lave of your country and your king, 
and devotion to the caufe of religion and of the laws, are affuredly re- 
fpeftable and powerful principles ; but it is chimerical to fuppofe that 
they are fufficient, if they are not fupported by the feeling of individual 
intcreft, which is ennobled by thcfe motives. That feeling is ncceflary 
to bind together a mafs compofed of fuch various and unequal materials. 
I have feen few Royalifts v/ho have not fuffered more or Icfs from th-j 
efFeds of the Revolution. 1 have not feen one of the partizans of that 
party who did not expeft to gain more or lefs by declaring in favour 
of it. ' 

There appears a great deal of truth in thefe obfervations, 
though it will not be eafy to perfuade princes of their juftice. 

M. Puiffaye fleadily adhered to his plan of organizing a large 
force, and avoiding any great enterprize, until he fliould have a 
reafonable piofpe^t of fuccefs. In order to complete his ar- 
rangements, he left the departments of He andVilainey in which 
he had chiefly refided, and traverfed that of Morbihan. After 
having acquired the neceffa,ry information, he fet out, on the 
15th of September 1794, fo'r England, in order to concert mea- 
fures for a cooperation upon the part of that power. 

Thefe inteiefting Memoirs here terminate where they become 
moft important; and it is with fome anxiety we look for the 
continuation of them which is promifed, and which will include 
an account of the events which led to the peace of Prevalayef and 
the fate of the expedition to Quiberon. 



lgo4« Fulffaye, Metnoires du Parii Royaiifie. ll'j 

It would be premature to ofFer any obfervations upon M. 
PuiiTaye's condu£t:, before we are poiTeiTed of the fubfequeut 
part of his Memoirs. It is in that part we expeft to find an 
anfwer to the moil important charges which have been brought a- 
sainfl: him. We have no hcfitation in recommending thefe two vo- 
lumes to our readers as the work of a man of very fuperior talents. 
The occafion upon which they are written, and the fituation in 
which they were compofed, are a fufficient excufe for many de~ 
fedls which a little care and attention might have removed. We 
<:annot help, however, exprelFing our regret that an author who 
is able to v/rite fo well, Ihould have fo frequently fallen into that 
difFufe and declamatory ityle which has for many years been too 
prevalent among French writers. 

The political refledlions which are made in the courfe of thefe 
Memoirs, are a fuCBcient proof that the author is polTeired of an 
acute and penetrating underfcanding^ which has been carefully 
cultivated ; and we are anxious for the continuation of a work 
from which we expert to derive much interefting and curious 
information. * 



Art. VIII. Specimens of Bril'ijh Minerals ^ fdeSed from the Cabinet of 
Philip RaJJjlelgh, of MenablUy, Efq. M, P. F. R. S. ^ F. A. S. 
Londonj Part L 1797- Fart 11. 1802. Quarto. 

''yHEY are truly wife who, when poflefled of the rarer produ£ls 
-^ of nature or of art, are libera! enough to gratify public 
curlofity. Gold has no value in the ftrong-bcx •, it is only when 
put into circulation that it repays the toils of acquifition •, and 
rarities are only valuable to molt coilediors, in proportion to the 
current coin of admiration for which the fight of them can be 
exchanged ; and this fpecies of barter is fo agreeable and advan- 
tageous to both parties, that no means lliould be negledted to 
encourage and extend it. 

The remote fituation of Menabilly prevents many mineralogifls 
from availing themfelves of the liberality with which Mr RaOileigh 
exhibits his c^Ueclion of minerals. With a highly laudable difpo- 
iltion to diffufe infovmafion, he has publii-hed this work, decorated 
by delineations of fele£l fpecimens, and illuitrated by fhort de- 
fcriptions of the minerals, and indications of their localities. He 
modellly difclaims an intimate acquaintance with the refinements 
of modern mineralogy and chemillry \ and, contented with a 
fimple llatement of fa<3;s, leaves to his readers the amufement of 
accommodating them to their favourite hypothefis. 

We need not beftow any particular confideration on the text, 
■^'hieh is obvioufiy introduced merely to reader the plates intelli- 

H 3 S'W?< 



ii8 RafhIcigUV Specimens of BrlttJIj Mlnet'als. April 

gible. The few explanatory obfervations are fo unobtruGve and 
unpretending, that they afford little room for rem^irk ; and 
though we regret that they leave us with only limited information 
of the objects they mention, we cannot jullly complain of that 
being only imperfe£lly done, the performance of which we harl 
:io reafon to expe6l. Though the modern changes in chemical 
nomenclature may not be familiar to the writer, yet we may 
obferve, that as his work is chiefly intended for the amufement 
and inftru<5lion of thofe who are remote from Cornwall, he 
fhould not have ufcd the technical provincialifms without expla- 
nation. We fear that to the inhabitants of the greater part of 
Britain, lodes and elvans will found rather unintelligible. 

The plates form the mod important part of this work •, and 
upon them we {hall venture fome obfervations. There is no 
department of natural hiftory which has not been made the 
fubje£l of painting-, but all its branches are not equally capable 
of being illuftrated by the imitative art. Generally fpeakingj 
there is no vifible obje£l, of which painting cannot comnranicate 
a more or lefs perfect idea j but the important application of 
luch reprefcntations tQ fcientific purpofes, muft depend on the 
facility and precifion with which the elTential characteriftics of 
the object can be exprefled. The three great divifions of natural 
obje^ls are very varioully fufceptible of illullration from paint- 
ing. Of animals it affords the moft correct and intelligible 
defcription •, for nearly all their characEteriftics are eafily and 
dldindtly repreiented •, and fo trifling are the differences between 
thofe of the fame kind, that a fpecies is eafily recognifed from 
the portrait of an individual. The divcrfities of vegetables of 
the fame fpecies being greater than thofe of animals, and the 
eflential chara£\eriftics being lodged in the parts of fru6lification, 
which are often fo minute as not to be exprefTed by the pencil 
with proper diftiuctnefs, render their delineation a lefs perfect 
defcription. In vegetables, however, as well as animals, the 
efTentials are always apparent*, and the application of painting 
to their defcription is only regulated by the facility of the teprc- 
fentation. But in minerals, the efl'ential charatleriftic feldom 
refides in the vifible external characters, except in cafes of accurate 
cryftaliization. The hardnefs, the fpecihc gravity, tlie tenacity, 
rnuft all be known 5 the fracture remains for painting, but even 
that cannot be exprefTed with any correct refemblance of the 
natural appearance. Colour may indeed be approximated ; but 
in minerals, it is of all characters the m.oft unimportant, and the 
peculiarities of luftre, which are of more confequence, are 
proportionably difficult to reprefent. It is not enough that a 
general fimiiituds be attained. Place the obje^ jtfclf at a fmall 

difta;ice;, 



T 

SB04. RaflileighV Specimens of BritiJI} Minernh, ^l^ 

dlftance, and no mineralogift can afcertain its fpecies. It may 
be cinnabar, or red copper, or iron ore, or red jafper, or a piece 
of brick. A near and minute examination of texture, colour, and 
luftre, may reveal what the fubftance is \ but, let the painter 
attempt to transfer thefe peculiarities to his canvas, and the 
patience of a Mceris or a Gerrard David will fmk in the attempt. 
Delineation can only be effentially advantageous to mineralogy, 
by tracing cryftalline forms with precifion; but, for that purpofe, 
the ruier and compafTes are wanted — away v.'ith the pencil and 
colours. 

The fplendid vohimes before us afTord a ftrlking illuftratlon 
of thef« remarks. Almoft every one of the highly coloured 
plates which it contains, bears a ftrong general refemblance to 
the delineated object. To the fuperficial obferver, this may ap- 
pear quite enough ; and to thofe who merely look at minerals 
as children do at pictures, to regale their eyes with vivid co- 
lours, this vvork will be a treafure. Surely it was not for their 
ufe only that it was defigned j and yet v/e fear few others will 
find it profitable. 

We cannot attribute this failure (for fuch we muft confider 
it) to any negied on the part of Mr Rafldeigh to give his book 
€vei-y perfcftioH of which it was fufceptible. The ftyle In 
which the plates are executed, proves him to have em.ployed an 
artiil of confiderable ability, who has only failed, in not being 
able to extend the empire of painting over a province which we 
fear will ever refufe Ker fway. He has, however, given us 
many brilliant and beautiful, if not char?.£leriltic and inftruc- 
tlve engravings ; and the delineations of two organic bodies, a 
foITil bivalve iheil and an echinus, ferve to illuftrate his own fkillj 
and define the boundaries of his art. 

He feems very waturaliy to have Ihrunk from the difficulties 
of his undertaking, and to have preferred a general felicity of 
€ffeft, to an accuracy which, however defirable, prodigious la- 
bour might have failed in attaining ; to have dallied out groups 
of cryftais with daring indiftintlnefs, and to have trailed to the 
outline of a detached cryftal, magnified, for conveying a more 
correal idea of the objeft intended to be reprefented. Even 
thefe detached figures are inaccurately drawn ; and the artiit 
feems to have depended more on delicate tints, than on the cor- 
redlnefs of his forms. 

Though the colours that adorn fome minerals are fuperb, it 
rnuft not be imagined that every fpecimen glows with the prif- 
matic hues, though this is an opinion which the greater number 
of thefe prints is calculated to diifeminate. Yet fome allowance 
mvSk be made for the inaccuracy of the inferior artifts who are 

H 4 employed 



J 2® RaflilelghV Spec'tmens of Britijh Minerals. April 

employed to transfer to prints the tints of an original draw- 
ing. 

The minerals reprefented in this work are moftly extra£led 
from the mines of Cornwall, and not a few of them are peculiar 
to that difhrift. The fibrous tin ore, very improperly called 
wood tin, has never been found elfewhere ; and the continent- 
al mines have only produced very iinperfeft fpecimens of arfen- 
iate of copper, a fabftance whofe beautiful and numerous vaiie- 
ties have been the fubjc£l of the accurate analyfjs of Mr Chene- 
vix, and of a cryftallographical defcription by the Count de 
.Bournon, in the Philofophical Tranfa<Sl;ions. Mr Raflileigh has 
favoured us with a drawing of bydrophanous chalcedony in- 
veiling tin ore. We are furprifed that the beautiful (lal^ictitic 
capillary and invefting chalcedonies of Trcvafkus mine have 
been omitted by him, and that he has given us no drawing of 
the fchorls, of which Cornwall produces beautiful fpecimens. 
The phofphates of lime adhering to talc^ prefent fome of the 
rare cryftalline modifications; but no notice is taken of them, or 
of the capillary native filver of Herland mine, or of many o- 
ther fingular produdlis of the country. Such minerals would, 
we think, have proved more generally intcrefling than the Der- 
byfhire calcareous fpars and fluors, or the foffd fliiell and the 
efchinus in fluid, which lad is far from appearing to us a clear 
demonftration of the Neptunian origin of the flint. The agen- 
cy of the aqueous formation would have been more (Irikingly 
illuftrated by fome of the fpecimens of martial pyrites invefting 
pieces of unaltered wood, and fometimes completely affuming its 
form, by pervading its fubilance; which are abundantly found in 
the peat that covers the gravel mixed with tin ore at the ft earn 
work at Carnon. 



Art. IX. A Syftem of Chcr.iijlry. In Four Volumes. By Thomas 
Thomfon M. JJ. Lefturer on Chemiftry in Edinburgli. The Se- 
cond Edition. Edinburgh : Printed for Bell & Bradfute ard E, 
Balfour ; G. & J. Robiufon, London ; and Gilbert 6c Hodges, Dub- 
lin. 4 vol. 8vo, 263 S pages. 

"T^HE fir ft edition of this work was publifned a little while be- 
■*■ fore the commencement of our undertaking; and we are 
much pleafed to find that its fiiccefs has been fo great, as already 
to give us an opportunity of noticing it in its prtfent improved 
flate. With the very great merits of the former edition we 
were well acquainted •, and muft regret, with every lover of the 
fcience, that it met even with one folitar.y inftance of uncandid 
f6v-erity. 

• - We 



1 8o4» ^^ Thomfon'j- Syftem of Chetniflry, s a i 

We perufed the nrft part of the preface with much fatisfac- 
tion. We admired the author's fpirired defence of the (late of 
chemiflry in Britain, againd the mifrepvefcntations of foreign- 
ers ; and fully fubfcribed to the juft encomium uhich he finds 
it necclTary to pronounce on his own merits. The fecoud 
part, however, in which he in fome meafure developes the 
plan of his work, rather checked our growing ■ partiality ; for, 
inftead of returning thanks to our fellow labourers on the 
other fule of the Tweed, for the a'lmoft unqualified appro- 
bation which tliey beftowed on his former edition, or folicit- 
ing the famt- aitention to the prefent, he boldly fets our whole 
corporation at defiance, and denies the competency of our tri- 
bunal. Indeed, it is not difficult to difcover that it is the Doc- 
tor's honeft opinion, that no perfon is qualified to judge of his 
performance but himfeJf; for who elfe is there * v^ho has the 
fame turn of thinking, who pofTciTes the fame information, and 
who has bePtowed on the fubjeft the fame patient meditation ?* 
In the defcription of thofe capable of criticizing his arrange- 
nient, he is, if pofiible, ftill more faflidious. They muft not 
only pofiefs all the neceiTary mental qualifications, but they muft 
be authors or teachers, and muft have no arrangement of their 
own. In fhort, Dr Thomfon's arrangement muft not be criti- 
cized. But if, in our author's opinion, extraordinary qualifica- 
tions be necefiary to judge of his plan and arrangement, ftill 
more extraordinary abilities were necefiary to contrive it. * Few 
confider that the art of arranging is one of the moft difficult 
talks of the philofopher ; that it requires a comprehenfivenefs 
of mind, a clearnefs of judgement, and a patience of labour, 
which fall to the lot of a fmall number only of the human race. ' 
Whatever Dr Thomfon may think of his own abilities, com- 
pared with thofe of other m.en, there is certainly fome degree of 
imprudence in this publication of his fentiments ; for he ought 
to be aware, that though men may fometimes forget to applaud 
t\\Q modefty of an author, they never fail to reient his arro- 
gance. 

' The object of this \vork is to exhibit as complete a view as 
pofiible of the prefent ftate of chemiftry, and to trace at the 
fame time its gradual progrefs, from its firft dawnings as a fci- 
ence, to the improved ftate which it has now attained. * It 
clfo comprehends * the application of that fcience to fubftances, 
23 they exift in nature, conftituting the animal, vegetablcj^ 
and mineral kingdoms. ' The plan, abftra£liy confidered, is tx-^ 
cellent ; but there have been, it feems, fome people fo narrow- 
minded, and others fo extravagant in their idea?, as not to be 
pleafed with it; the one fet pretending that it contains too little, 
" ?he other that it contains too much. Thefe oppofite opinions, 

our 



122 Dr mhomion* s Syficm of Chemi/lry. April 

our author thinks, refute and exa6lly neutralife each other, and 
fuggeft to him this very comfortable conclufion, that in all pro- 
bability he has not deviated very far from that happy middle 
path which he ought to follow. But, in the fuinefs of his joy, 
he feems to have forgotten that thefe premifes afford room for 
another conclufion, namely, that it may contain too much of 
what it fhould not contain, and too little of what it fhould con- 
tain ; too little chemiftry, for example, and too much extrane- 
ous matter. This, at ieait fo far as regards the manner in 
which the plan is executed, appears to us to be really the cafe *, 
but our reafons for entertaining this opinion, will appear as we 
proceed in the analyfis of the work. 

The v.^ork is divided into two principal parts ; the firfl; com- 
prehending the fcience of chemiftry, and the fecond the chemi- 
cal examination of nature. The firft part contains three books, 
which treat, in fiicceflion, of fimple fubftances-— of compound 
bodies — and of yliinity. The two firft claffes are again divided 
and fubdivided into orders and fpecics. Nothing can be more 
fimple, fcientific and beautiful than the arrangement. Indeed, 
our author feems fo much enamoured of it himfeif, that he 
gives it as his decided opinion, that * if this work pofTefs any 
fuperiority over others, if it be more perfpicuous or complete, 
we muft afcribe it to the arrangement. ' The fuperiority of this 
book to moft other fyftems of chemiftry we are not difpofed to 
deny ; but we are lefs inclined to afcribe it to the merit of the 
arrangement, than to the circumftance of its having been writ- 
ten after all the other fyftems, and to the patient induftry of 
the author in obferving and collecting fa6\s. Indeed, fo well 
has Dr Thomfon availed himfeif of thefe advantages, that we 
have no doubt but his fyftem will be confidered as a valuable re- 
pofitory of fafis long after the peculiarities of its arrangement 
mall be forgotten. It may appear ftrange, that we ftioujd value 
•at fo low a rate an arrangement which, we are told by its con- 
triver, * is independent of hypothecs, and as nearly inductive 
or analytical as was confiftent with the ftate of the fcience, ' 
which * prefuppofes no previous knowledge of the fubjedf, and 
begins with thofe parts which have been moft fuccefsfully invef- 
tigated, and v/hich therefore admit of a plainer and (Trnpler 
mode of illuftration. ' To the whole of this eulogium, how- 
ever, we can by no means fubfcribe ; on the contrary, we are 
inclined to think that an arrangement, poffelhng all the advan- 
tages he defcribes, is, in the prefent ftate of the fcience, im- 
practicable ; and that Dr Thomfon himfeif has found it fo. 

The firft peculiarity of Dr Thomfon's arrangement, is the at- 
tempt to communicate the knowledge of a phyfical fcience in the 
fame way in which it was originally acquired, by fimply ftating, in 

th(? 



i8o4. Vr'XhomioViS S^/iem of Chemijlry* 123 

the firft place, all the particular facts, and gradually afcertaming 
the general laws by indn6lion. This method certainly poflefTes one 
evident advantage. The general principles of the fcience can be 
afterwards explained in the fulled and more fatisfa£lory manner, 
as we are already in pofiefiion of the immenfe mafs of fafts 
from which they are derived, and by which they may be illuf- 
trated. But the difadvuntages with which it is attended are in- 
finitely greater. From having no general principles to dire£l us 
at the outfet, the detail of fadls mutl be dry and uninterefting-, 
their relative importance cannot be perceived when they are ilat- 
ed ; their connexion with each other will be overlooked, andl 
they will be remembered with infinitely greater difficulty, while 
the general do6Vrines may be fuihciently explained by number- 
lefs familiar fa£ls and illuftrations, eafily underftood by every 
one entering on the ftudy of chemiftry. Thus, Dr Thomfofi 
himfelf, under the very firft article, Oxygen, finds himfelf o- 
bliged to explain the general do£lrine of Affinity ; and under 
the fecond, Sulphur, gives an account of the different theories 
of combuftion. We are therefore inclined ftill to prefer the 
common dida6lic method of firft explaining the more general 
do£lrines, to Dr Thomfon's apparently m.ore philofophical ar- 
rangement of arriving at all his general do<fl:rines by induflion. 

The other peculiarity of Dr Thomfon's arrangement, if we 
can call that a peculiarity which has been adopted by others, Is 
the divlfion of bodies into fimple and compound. Now, the 
Dotlor has told us, that ' very poffibly the bodies, which we 
reckon fimple, may be compound ; but, till this has been aftu- 
ally proved, we have no right to fuppofe it , ' and as fome fub- 
ftances which have not been decompofed, are very analogous in. 
their properties to others whofe compofition is afcertained. It 
necefl^arily follows, that if we arrange them among the com- 
pound bodies, our fyftem becomes hypothetical ; and if we rank 
them as fimples, it becomes artificial and unnatural. Befides, 
there are very few, even of thofe which are confidered as fimple 
fubftances, which ever were the obje£ls of any of our fenfes, 
except in a ftate of compofition. Let us examine, for inftance, 
thofe called fimple fubftances by our author. His iinconjinahle 
bodies, light and caloric, are refrangible, and may be decom- 
pofed into rays. Of the confinable fubftances, the metals and 
fimple combuftibles, according to the hypothefis which our au- 
thor adopts, are compounds of an unknown bafe and light. A- 
zote and muriatic acid are fufpefted by him to be compounds. 
At any rate, they, as well as oxygen (the only remaining fimple 
fubftance) never exift but in a ftate of com.bination. 

5ut even granting, for the fake of argument, that the prefencc 

of 



ti4 ■^'' Thomfon'j System of Chemiflry. April 

of tbe unconfinable bodies does not make fubftances compound, 
which would otherwife be fimple, DrThomfon has found hirafelf 
under the necefiity of departing moft materially from the principles 
of his arrangement, the moment he attempts to apply them. 
Two alkalies and nine earths, although they have never been 
decompofed, are clafTed by him among the compounds ; and, on 
the contrary, of thirty-feven acids, three only have not been 
decompofed ; and of thefe three, two are left among the comi- 
pound bodies ; while one, the muriatic, is feparated from all 
the others, and placed among the fimple fubftances. Nothing 
can demonftrate more forcibly that thefe principles are either 
fundamentally erroneous, or at lead inapplicable in the preferit 
(late of the fcience. The earths and alkalies are claiTed with 
compounds, not only on account of their analogy to ammonia, 
but becaufe all other fimple bodies, it feems, are conneded toge- 
ther, either by common properties, or by the part which they a£l 
in combuftion ; whereas thefe have no fuch connexion. The lat- 
ter of thefe two arguments is of no weight whatever ; for it cer-. 
tainly does not follow, that becaufe fome fimple bodies have an 
affinity for oxygen, all fimple bodies mud have fuch an affinity. 
The analogy to ammonia is not more fatisfaftory ; for if Dr 
Thomlon had followed up his own principles of arrangement, and 
divided compounds, as he has done fimple bodies, into fupport- 
ers, combuftibles, and incombuftibles, the fubftances in que-, 
ftion mull have been feparated from ammonia ; that alkali 
being combuftible, and the earths and other alkalies incom- 
buftible. The analogical reafons for claffing the muriatic 
acid among fimple bodies, are ilill lefs convitKing. ' Even 
muriatic acid, ' fays our author himfelf, ' though its re- 
femblance to azote is ftriking, ditl'ers from it in fo many parti- 
culars, that I dare not venture to feparate it from the clafs of 
acids under which it has been hitherto arranged. ' Since our 
author himfelf confeiTes that azote, and muriatic acid, differ in 
many particulars from each other, it will fave us the trouble of 
proving it \ but we muft obferve, that although he has not ven- 
tured to feparate muriatic acid from the clafs of acids, an ac^ 
count of its charatleriftic properties occupies the fecond fecfion 
of the chapter on fimple incombuftibles, while, in compliance 
with the ufualcuftom of chemifts, he has referved an account of 
the properties of liquid muriatic acid for the chapter on acids, 
where it is again miiplaced among the acid fupporters. In all, 
this, there is much of that inconfiftency which muft neceflarily. 
^rife when we attempt to accommodate faiSls to an arbitrary and 
artificial fyftem. 

His fimple fubftances are fubdivided into confinable and un- 
(pcjifinabk. One reafon given for employing thefe words, is fa- 

tisfa^ory-^. 



1804. -^^ Thomfon'j- ^y/tem of Chemiftr'y. i2'|' 

tisfa£lory — that they were neceiTary to exprefs the ideas he meant 
to convey ; namely, * that we are able to confine the firft fet in 
vefTels, but that the fecond cannot be confined in any veflel. * 
But when we come to find the ufe he makes of thefe terms, 
and efpecially when he adds, that ' all the terms that have 
been hitherto employed to characterife thefe two fets of bo- 
dies, convey iome hypothefis or other, which, in a woric 
of this kind, it is neceflary as much as poflible to avoid,* 
we find curfelves compelled to obje£t, firit, that the appli- 
cation of his terms is inconfiftent with fa6t ; and, fecondly, 
that other terms have been already employed which conveyed 
no hypothefis. It appears to us, that whatever can be excluded, 
can alfo be confined j and whatever can be impeded in its pro- 
grefs, is not abfolutely unconfinable. The bodies which he calls 
unconfinable are, light, caloric, eie6lricity, and magnetifm. The 
two laft are not treated of in this work. With regard to calo- 
ric, the difficulty with which it permeates certain bodies is weii 
known. Clothing is ufed to confine the warmth of the body,' 
our furnaces are conftrudled of bad conduftors, to prevent the 
diflipation of the heat •, and caloric may be abfolutely confined 
in a veflel of ice, as long as the veflel itfeif will laft. Light is 
flill more confinable. Every room is furniilied with fhutters to 
exclude it, and the dark-lanthorn was contrived to confine ic. 
The circumllancc of thefe bodies pofiefling no determinable gra- 
vity, or being imponderable, which has been already employed 
to charatlerife them, is the fimple enunciation of a fa£t, and 
not liable to fimilar obje£lions. Dr Thomfon's confinable bo- 
dies are fubdivided into oxygen, fimple combuliibles, and fimole 
jncombuftibles. 

The compounds are divided into primary and fecondary. The 
former confifl: of two or more fimple bodies united together, 
and the latter of two or more compounds. In this arrangement, 
there is no place allotted for the combinations of compounds 
with fimple bodies. But befides this omiflion, the divifion of 
compounds iutu primary and fecondary in the preftnt ftate of 
the fcience, mull be entirely arbitrary or hypothetical. It is 
not only expofed to the general objeftion arifing from our total 
ignoiince of what bodies arc really fimple 5 but many of our au- 
thor's primary compounds are, in fact, only known to us in a 
ftate of farther compofition. Almoft all the acids, as objects of 
our fenfes, are compounds of acid and water; and many of 
them, independently of this, are fecondary compounds in the 
ftridl fenfe of the word. But, waving as frivolous this objec- 
tion, which applies to all fubltances compofed of two ingredi- 
ents which combine in more proportions than one, we are com- 
pletely ignorant of the nature of the combiaations fortned by the: 

'~^' union 



J 26 Dt" ThOmfonV ^yf;etn of Chemljlrp April 

iinion of three or ir.ore fimple fabftances. We do not know whe- 
ther the Immenfe variety of thefe are primary compounds, refuhing 
from various proportionr. of A, B, C, or whether A iirft unites with 
B, and then forms a fecondary compound with C. Indeed, ac- 
cording to the opinions which Dr Thomfon afterwards advances 
when trestine of afTinity, there can be no fecondary compounds. 

In his fubdivifions of the prim.iry compounds, Dr Thomfon 
entirely renounces his general principles, and arranges them un- 
der the five heads of alkalies, earths, oxides, acids, and com- 
pound combuftibles — natural claffes which have been adopted 
by all preceding fyftematic writers. In thus deviating from his 
own peculiar principles, Dr Thomfon is certainly inconfiftent ; 
nor are we fatisfied with his reafons for being fo. Thefe are 
ftated in a preliminary note, in which he gives us a fketch of 
the arrangement he might have followed -, and adds, * but in 
the prefent imperfeft (late of the fcience, the advantages at- 
tending this arrangement would not compenfate for the violence 
of the changes which it would introduce. It would oblige us to 
clafTify fubftances together, which have always been confidered 
as diftincl: ; and to feparate many bodies which have hitherto 
been always grouped together. Befides, we would be forced to 
omit a number of fubllances which are dill undecompounded, 
and which are not the lefs important, becaufe they cannot with 
propriety be introduced among the fimple fubftances. ' The 
firft argument, we confefs, we did not expe6l from our author, 
•who on fo many occaGons calls in qucftion opinions the mofl 
univerfally received, and advances others fo contradiclory to all 
former obfervation, that he is in greater danger of being accuf- 
ed of temerity, and afFc61:ation of fingularity, than of being 
blamed for blindly following eftabliftied authorities, or regarding 
the prejudices of others. The fecond argument militates direct- 
ly againft the v,^hole fyflem. For what are we to think of an 
arrangement, in which a number of important bodies cannot with 
propriety be clafTed among the fimple fubftances, and yet are 
pofitively excluded from any place among the compounds ? Vv e 
are the more aftonifiied at this reafon being given by our author 
for not following up the principles of his arrangement, as the 
cbje£tion might have been eahiy removed, and indeed, in ftrict 
conformity to the phiiofophy of arrangement, ought to have 
been removed, by adopting the fame cliarailers for diftinguifti- 
ing the orders of the compounds with thofe employed for the 
iimple fubftances. Compound fupporters, combuftibles, and in- 
combuftibles, would have comprehended every compound body. 

Under the head of fecondary compounds, are included forne 
commonly received and natural families ; but the claihfication is 
exceedingly defective- 

Th^ 



l8o4. Dr Thom(on*s Sj^em of Chojtljlry, ' i2J 

The third book of the firft part treats of AfRnity. 

The fecond part of this great work contains the chemical exa- 
mination of nature ; a fubjecSl certainly mofh intimately conne£t» 
ed with the fcience of chemiilry, but fo far diftinfl from it, as 
not to be a necelTary part of an elementary treatife, which ought 
tO contain a complete view of the principles of the fcience, to- 
tally independent of its application to any purpofe whatever. 

We have been thus particular in our account of the arrange- 
ment of this work, becaufe fo much fuperiority has been afcrib- 
cd to it by its author, and, in our opinion, without fufficient 
reafon. It is every where inconfiftent with its own principles ; 
it is incomplete ; it fometimes clafTes together bodies which have 
little analogy ; but more frequently divides and fubdivides the ac- 
count of a conne<£led fubje6l into minute portions, which are 
fcattered through very diftant parts of the work. If it had been 
rendered totally independent of hypothefis, and completed on 
the fame general principles, it might have afforded a very good 
tabular view of the fcience ; but, as the outline of a detailed 
fyftem, or as the text-book of a lecturer, it feems to be by no 
means preferable to thofe in common ufe. 

It now remains to examine the execution of the work. In 
doing this, it v^ill only be poflible to notice fuch parts as appear 
particularly interefting, mure efpecially thofe in which an au- 
thor, of fo great reputation, has committed errors, which might 
miilead readers lefs difpofed. to queftion his infallibiHty than wc 
are. The definition of Chemiitry is as unintelligible as abftra£l: 
definitions of fcience ufually are. It is faid to be * that fcience 
which treats of thofe events or changes which are not accompa" 
nud by fenfible motions. ' Dr Thomfon may probably confider 
it as an inftance of vulgar prejudice ; but we muft confefs that 
we have always confidered the buriling of a bomb-ihell and the 
elevation of the pifton of a fleam-engine as fenfible motions. 
The definition is alfo particularly defective, in taking no notice 
of the mofi: indifpenfalile condition of chemical adlion, namely, 
the reciprocal attion of at lead two kinds of matter, and the 
change of properties occafioned by it. 

After mentioning concifely the different epochs in the hiftory 
of chemidry, Dr Thomfon enters upon his account of the fim- 
ple bodies. The general manner in which he treats each of 
thefe, is, firfl to tell how it is procured, then to mention its phy- 
fical properties, and, iaftly, to detail its mode of a<£tion upon 
thofe other bodies which have been already defcribed. The ac- 
count of oxygen is necelfarily very brief, as not one of its che- 
mical properties can be explained, without fuppofing fome pre- 
vious chemical knowledge. This inconvenience is not peculiar 
to Dr Thomfoa'# arrangenrtem, and indeed cannot eafily be a- 

voiddd. 



1 2){ Df Thomfon'j' SysUm of Chemistry. April 

voided. But it would furely have been better to have commenced 
with a clafs of tangible bodies, than to have plunged his readers, 
in the very firft page, into all the intricacies ot the defcription 
of a pneumatic apparatus, and to have perplexed them with dif- 
ferent kinds of gafes, before they can be fappofed to have form- 
ed any conception of air being a body polTeiling chemical pro- 
perties, or indeed to have any conception of chemical properties, 
at all. This feclion concluJes with an explanation of aflinity ; 
which fhews, in the dv^ place, that Dr Thomfon cannot pro- 
ceed a fingie ftep, without explaining the general dodrines of 
chemiftry ; and, fecondly, how few fads are futiicient to make 
them intelligible even to beginners. 

The fecond chapter treats of the fimp]e corabuftibles ; and. 
firft, of fulphiir ; which gives Dr Thomfon an opportunity of 
briefly explaining the theories of combuilion propofed by Stahl 
and Lavoilier. The other feclions treat of pliofphorus, carbon, 
and hydrogen. Carbon is here fynonymous with diamond •, of 
courfe, Lavoifier's carbon becomes carbonous oxide, or charcoal. 
But, throughout the whole work, Dr Thomfon has negleded to 
attend to this diftindlion ; and confequently, in the very next 
chapter, we are prefented with a pretty full account of the car- 
buretted .hydrogen gafes, chiefly taken from the experiments of 
Mr Cruickfhank ; although we think that neither their ingenious 
contriver nor Dr Thomfon has drawn from them the conclufions 
they warranted. For example, in the third experiment, i6 grains 
of carburetted hydrpgen were detonated with 40 of oxygen ; the 
produ61;s were 36 grains of carbonic acid gas, and 20 of water. 
Now, 36 grains of carbonic acid gas are compofed of 29.56 
oxygen, and 6.44 carbon , and 2o of water of 17.12 ox^/gen, and 
2.88 hydrogen. From the total quantity of oxygen in the pro- 
dud, 46.68, dedud the 40 added, and we have 6.68 oxygen, 
2.88 hydrogen, and 6.44 carbon, as the elementary conftituents 
of the 16 grains of carburetted hydrogen. 

The following table exhibits a view of the conftituents of all 
the fpecies calculated in this way, and as given by Dr Thomfon.. 

Oxygen. Carbon. UydrogiH. VVaUr. 

Carb. hyd. from ilasc-l , , . o /r 

* «. « r 35-54 + 46.40 4- 18.06 

nant water, &c. jo:>-)'rrT'r "t 

52.35 4- 9.60 4- 38.05 DrT. 



From ether ....... 


• 13'^^ + 45-15 + 
45 + 


19.83 

15 4-40 


Dr T. 


•I'rom alcohol 


. 41.76 4- 40.23 4- 
44.1 4- 


i6.ox 

. !.8 + 44.T 


DrT. 


From wet charcoal . . 


. ?8.77 4- 23.4^ 4- 


17. So 





28 4-9 4-63 DrT. 



1 B04. Dy Thbmfon'j- Syshm of Chemistvy, 1 79 

Thefe ditferences arife from two caufes. Mr Cruickfliank did 
not calculate the conflituents of the carbonic acid produced ac- 
cording to its analyfis by Morveau \ and he fuppofed that the 
whole water produced exifted in the gas in a ikate of folution. 
But it is highly improbable that any gas is capable of diflblving 
its own v/eight of water ; and as the carbonic acid gas produced, 
mull: be faturated with vapour, it is, on the contrary, probable, 
that the whole watqr precipitated was formed at the moment of 
decompofition. We therefore think ourfelves warranted to con- 
clude, that thefe gafes are not carbureted hydrogen, holding their 
own weight of water in folution, but that they are hydro-carbo- 
nous oxides, and therefore fliould be referred to a different place 
in Dr Thomfon's arrangement from that which is now aligned 
Aem. 

The chapter on Combuftibles is concluded, as indeed all the 
cliapters are, with fome general reflections. The next chapter 
treats of the Simple Incombuftibles, in which the affbciation of 
azote and muriatic acid as analogous bodies, is the only thing re- 
markable. An account of the metals concludes the fimple con* 
finable bodies. 

The fecond divition of the fimple bodies comprehends thofc 
which Dr Thomfon has denominated wKonJitiable. In this work, 
he only treats of light and caloric ; but we are happy to learn, 
that an author fo capable of doing juftice to the fubject propofeS 
to confider electricity in a feparate work. The chapter on Light 
is exceedingly well written. That on Caloric, is perhaps the 
moft remarkable in the whole work, from the very curious fpe-. 
culations which it contain?. 

Caloric pafl'cs through fome bodies with the velocity of light, 
and through others extremely flowly. Its motion in the firft 
cafe in which it is faid to be tranfmitted, is explained by fup- 
pofing the particles of caloric to repel each other 5 but the ex- 
planation of its fecond kind of motion is not fo eafy. It has 
hitherto been confidered as the operation of a pofitive force, 
which has been called the conducting power ; and bodies wera 
named good or bad condu6lors, in proportion as caloric moved 
through them with greater or lefs facility. Dr Thomfon has, 
however, advanced an hypothefis directly the revcrfe of this , 
for, obferving that caloric is tranfmitted through fome bodies 
with immen/e velocity, he has feen the neceflity of accounting 
for th^ retardation of its progrefs when it enters condtuftors, 
Thii^ he afcribes to an attraclion or affinity exifling between the 
particles of caloric and thofe of the conductor, by whigh the 
ialoric^is dntangled and detained,-, fo that bodies which were 
va.lied bad conductors, are.ia fact ^qo6. r€t>irds.rs ; and the con-: 
.- M^^^-^iv. xo. 7. ' I "' ' duding 



13* £)r Thomfon'j- System of Chemisiry. Apr'iJ 

dudlng power is a mere nonentity. This opinion might have 
appeared extremely ingenious to a chemift ignorant of the prin- 
ciples of mechanical fcience. But furejy, if Dr Thomfon, wha 
fo often ni :,kes ufe of algebraic expreihons to render unintelligible 
to many oi' his readers what, in common language, could have 
been miftaken by no one, had allov/ed himfelf time for reflec- 
tion, he never would have committed an error . which has be- 
trayed him into fo many inconfiftencies. He has himfelf proved 
that affinity is capable of accounting for the motion of caloric 
thrdugh coiKiuftors j it cannot therefore retard the motion which 
caloric is fuppofcd to derive from its repulfive force, unlefs it 
afts in an oppofite diredion : but in the cafe of condu6ting bo- 
dies, the aifinity always ads in the fame diredion with the re- 
pulfive force 5 and, inltead of retarding the progrefs of caloric, it 
ought therefore to accelerate it. But fome bodies condudl ca- 
loric better than others ; and Dr Thomfon thinks it * probable 
that their affinity is in all cafes in the inverfe ratio of their con- 
ducing power. ' The originality of this opinion is truly fingu- 
lar ; for no common mind would have conceived that an etfedt 
could be invcrjely as its caufe. Bodies alfo diiTer in the diftance 
to which they are capable of conducing caloric ; and this differ- 
ence, Dr Thomfon tells us, ' is always proportional to the tem- 
perature to which that body can be raifed before it changes its 
ftate. * The reafoning upon which this opinion is hazarded, is 
perfeftly inconclufive ;. for it proceeds on the fuppofition, not on- 
ly that the decreafing fcries of affinities for additional dofes of 
caloric, is the fame in all bodies, but alfo that the conducing 
power depends etitirely on affinity. Now, the firft fuppofition is 
altogether arbitrary, and the fecond abfolutely erroneous. Dr 
Thomfon's general law is equally contradidied by experiment j 
for lead, tin, and the other fufible metals, conduct caloric much 
farther than glafs ; and that moft i-efradoty fubftance, pure clay, 
cannot be made, by any intenfity of heat, to condu£l caloric far- 
ther than the fufible metals. 

All folids conduB caloric ; but fluids alfo carry it. Count 
Rumford was the firit who paid particular attention to this fub- 
je£t ; and endeavoured to prove, by the mcit ingenious experi- 
ments, that fluids only carry caloric, and never condu6l it. This 
opinion of the Count, however, is now completely difproved, e- 
fpecially by the experiments of Mr Murray. On this fubjedt, 
Dr Thomfon has entered at more than ufual length, and has 
divided, between himfelf and Mr Dalton, the merit of hav- 
ing been the firft who, by various experiments, rendered the 
Count's opinion improbable ; although it is inconceivable that he 
iltiould be ignorant of being antigipaied by Dr Hope, whofe in- 

geniou* 



1^64.' I^f^ ThomfonV System of Chemistry', 1^1' 

genious experiments on the fame fubje6l were publicly exhibited 
in his leftures. 

The tables of the condu£ling power of different bodies are 
extremely imperfect, and are conftru6led upon no uniform prin- 
ciple. For example, M. Meyer's table is given, without any ex- 
planation, immediately after Dr Ingenhouz's •, although the ex- 
periments of the latter (howed the comparative length of wax- 
coating, which cylinders of different metals melted when their 
extremities were plunged in boiling water, and, thofe of the 
former, the times which equal fpheres of wood took to cool the 
fame number of degrees, from which the conducing powers were 
calculated, on the hypothetical fuppofition that they were in- 
verfely as the times of cooling. Dr Thomfon has alfo deter- 
mined the conducing power of fome fluids from his own ex- 
periments ; but his ftatements can be of no ufe, until we know 
the data on which they are founded. He has, however, erro- 
neoully calculated the affinity of thefe bodies for caloric, fronx 
thefe obfervations on their powers of conducting it. 

The next feftion is on the Equal Diftribution of Temperature, 
Some bodies cool much more quickly than others j and Dr Thom- 
fcn tells us, * that, in general, other things being the fame, the 
rate of cooling may be confidered as nearly inverfely as the con- 
ducing power of fluids. ' But he before attempted to prove, 
that the affinity was inverfely as the conducing power ; fo that 
the rate of cooling fhould be direBly as the affinity, or, in othei: 
words, thofe bodies which have the ilrongeft affinity for caloric, 
ffiould part with it moft readily ! The equilibrium of tempera- 
ture is principally produced by the repulfive force of the par- 
ticles of caloric, which always tends to feparate them, until it ba 
counterbalanced by an equal preffure in the oppofite diretlion. 
That affinity has alfo fome iliare in this procefs, feems to be 
proved, by the rate of cooling being flower in vacuo than in air. 
But if the effefts of this caufe were very confidcrable, bodies 
Ihould heat quickly and cool flowly, in proportion to their af- 
finity, which, as far as we know, is not the cafe. 

The next feftion treats of the EffeCls of Heat, the firft of 
which, Expanfion, is well explained according to the original and 
intereiling ideas of Mr Dalton. In his obfervations on the ca- 
loric of fluidity, we meet with another inftancc of our author's 
raffinefs in drawing general conclufions. In all Dr Irvine's ex- 
periments on this fubje<Sl, he fees * this rule to hold, that the 
caloric of fluidity increafes with the temperature at -^rhich liqui* 
dity takes place. ' Dr Thomfon has evidently been induced to 
draw this concluGon^ by imagining that Dr Irvine's numbers ex- 
|treffs;d the caJcnc of fluidity of the fubftance? which he exa- 

I 2 mined I 



■jTz • 2)r ThoiVifohV Syst^hi of Chemlstr^l April. 

mined i whereas they only exprefs the number of degrees by 
which the temperature of thefe bodies refpeftively would have 
mu't raifed by the quantity of heat abfotbed during their lique- 
faction. For example^, during the liquefaftion of ice, as much 
caloric is abforbed as would have incre^fed its temperature 140° ; 
and during tl;^t of tin, as much as would have incrcafed its 
temperature 500° ; but the fpeeific caloric of ice is to that of tin 
as 90S10 to 661 ', therefore, the caloric v/hich is abforbed during 
the melting of tin, would only have incrcafed the temperature 
of ice i,6.']2°y while that abforbed by ice would have increafed 
the temperature of tin 1 906° ; whence it follows, that the caloric 
of fluidity of ice is 3.81 times as much as that of tin ; or, taking 
fhat of ice as a llandard, a» 1 to 0.262, and not at all propor- 
tionate to their melting point. 

The next fubjeft treated of is the Capacity for Heat, or fpe- 
eific caloric, of bodies i on which our author, as ufual, attempts 
to reafon profoundly, and to point out fome great general- law 
which has efcaped the obfervation of all former philofophers. 
Unfortunately, however, his whole reafoning *c built upon erro- 
neous data ; and his law is inconlillent with iati. The experi- 
ment, by means of which he explains what is meant by fpeeific 
caloric, he has moft unaccountably miftated ; for he tells us, that 
the calorie which raifes the temperature of water 1°, will raife 
that of the fame iveight of mercury 3.16^. Now, Crawford tells 
us, that the caloric which heats water 1°, heats mercury no lefs 
than 28°. At firll, we thought Dr Thomfon had fallen into this 
important error, by inadvertently fubltituting equal weights for 
equal bulks : But even this will not aniwer ; for the caloric which 
heats water 1°, heats an equal bulk of mercury only 1.5°. From 
whatever caufe this miftatement may have arifen, it certaii^ly 
cannot be afcribed to an error of the prefs y for it is the bafis of 
a. great deal of the fucceeding reafoning. 

Becaufe fcarcely any two metals, v/hen converted into oxides, 
combine with precifely the fame quantity of oxygen, Dr Thomfou 
fomehow concludes (vol.1, p. 394.), that the difTerence of fpeeific ca- 
loric in bodies mull therefore depend upon the affinity which exifts 
between bodies and caloric \ and thinks it probable, that the fpe- 
eific caloric of bodies is always proportional to their affinity for 
caloric, and inverfely as their conducting power. This conclu- 
fion our author elleems of confiderable importance, not only be-* 
caufe it fimplihes the theory of the combinations of caloric with 
bodies, but becaufe it enables us to determine the conduct- 
ing power of bodies from their fpeeific caloric, or the contrary. 
He is, however, fufficiently modefl. to acknowledge that a fet of 
experiments would be necellary to eftablifti it completely. But;^, 

m 



Bf Thomfon'i' System of Chemistry. 



m 



in thofe fubftances which he has examined, he finds the differ- 
ence between the conducling power, as afcertained by experiment 
and by theory, lei's than could be iinaghicd. In proof of which, 
he prefents us with the following table. 



Bciiie 



Water . . . 
Mercury . . 
Linfeed oil 



Spccif.c 

Caloric. 



I. 

0.31 

0.9403 



Conducing Poller 
by Theory. byExpcr'lment 



3.22 
1.06 



4.600 
1.085 



Buffe: 



Q 
-f 1.38 

4- 0.02 



A more erroneous table was perhaps never prefented to the 
public. Of the three fubilances which it contains, the firft is 
the only one whofe forrefponding numbers are right. Ol the 
other eight numbers, feven are wrong : — one, we are perfu.'ded, 
in confequence of a typographical error; four from being cal- 
culated on erroneous data ; and the lail two, the mod iiiiiportant 
in the whole table, fi-om miftatement. The fpeciiic caloric of 
mercury is fet down as ten times greater than it fhould be ; 
while, in the cafe of linfeed oil, we actually find its fpecific 
gravity fubflituted initead of its caloric *. When thefe inexcufe- 
able errors are corrected, Dr Thorn fon will have little roafon to 
boaft of the coincidence between his theoretical and experimental 
eflimation of conducing powers. 



Bcdies. 



Specific 
I. aLoric. 



by Theory. i>y Experiment 



Difference. 



Water . . . 
Mercury . . 
Linfeed oil 



0.031 
0.528 



I. 

32.26 
■•894 



I. 

4.800 

i-<^85 



27.49 
.809' 



In the general table of fpecific calorics, there are many errors 
not merely typographical, fuch as the remarkable one of mer- 
cury, but ariiing from Dr Thomfon inferting the m^an of the 
obfervations of different experimenters, made in veiy different 
ivays, initead of felecting that v/hich appeared to be derived 
from the juileft principles, and moit accurate experiments. 

In treating of the abfolute quantity of caloric in bodies, Dr 
Thomfon examines, and endeavours to refute, the hypothefis of Dr 
Irvine and of Mr Dalton. The futility of his objeciions to the 
former, was fo completely expoied by Mr Irvine, in Nichollbn's 
iournal, vol. V. p. 29, that we are ailonilhed to fee them retain 

I 3 their 

* This has probably happened in confequence of Dr Thomfon fol- 
lowing his own direAions of infpefting his general table for the fo^-. 
cific fnjpric, and flumbling' upon the wrong column^ 



f^4 DrThomlovLs System of Chemistry. Apni 

their place in this new edition ; and his obfervations on the latter 
^re equally inconclufive. 

On the fubjedt of Cold, Dr Thomfon quotes Pi<Stet's celebrat- 
ed experiment of its apparent radiation, as thp only fa6l which 
gives any countenance to the opinion, that cold is a body. But 
although Prevoft's explanation of this phenomenon is, as Dr 
Thomfon juflly obferves, unfatisfaftory, we fee nothing in it 
bur an example of the radiation of caloric. If we had room 
in this place for fuch a difeuflion, we think it would' not be 
difficult to ihou', from what is now eftablifhed as to the ra- 
diation and refledlion of heat, that the finking of the thermo- 
meter in ISl. Filet's experiment, is to be imputed entirely to 
the fubtra£lion of caloric occafioned by the introduction of a 
cold body ; and that, in .confequence of the intercepting and 
reflecting powers of the mirrors, this caloric is drawn in 
Jarger quantities from the focus where the thermometer is 
placed, than from any other point in the circumference. The 
heat which ^ows into the cold body is radiated in part from 
the furface of the nearell mirror, and the heat thus drawn 
from its furface is fupplied again by parallel rays reflected 
from the furface of the oppofite one, the whole of whicK 
will be found, from the angle of their reflection, to proceed 
from that focal point in which the thermometer is Ctuated. 
There is a greater drain upon the caloric of that focus, there- 
ioxe, than upon any other point in the circumference ; and 
its temperature is lowered proportionally. Thi« explanation, 
perhaps, is too concife to be fatisfaCtory j but we are per- 
fuaded, that all the fa£t:s may be accounted for by the radiation 
of caloric, and that the apparatus merely determines the point 
from which the radiation is to begin. The curious faCl difcov- 
ered by Mr Dalton, that the expanfion of water is the fame 
ior any number of degrees above or below 42.5, is a much 
flronger argument for believing that cold is a body, and, if the 
fame law obtained in all other bodies, would be almoft unan- 
iVerableo 

The Sources of Caloric form the next fubjeCt of confideration. 
Of thefe, Coinbuftion is treated in a mallerly manner. In the 
hiftory of its theory, the opinions of others are fairly and can- 
didly ftated •■, while, in the account of that hypothefis which is 
adopted by our author, he allows their full fhare of merit to the 
German philofophers who advanced it, and ftates his own opi- 
jnions, which are very ingenious, with a degree of modefty and 
philofopliical doubt which are extremely honourable to him. 

The heat produced by percuflion, is afcribed entirely to con- 
dcnfation. This unqueftionably is a fource of heat, but appears 
t.ptal!y infufpcient to account for the great increafe of tempera- 
tars 



l8o4- -^'' Thomfon'j- System of Chemistry^ 13-5 

turc produced by percufTion. Iron is eafrly heated to rcdnefs by 
hammering ; yet it only fufFers a condeiiration of T-f r- Air, 
condenfed to ^, fcarcely raifes the moil delicate thermometer a 
few decrees. Mr Dalton (hews indeed, by calculation, that the 
real incieafe of temperature is 50'' ; but this would be very trif- 
ling in proportion to the caloric given out by hammering iron, 
if we were to eRimate what is M'afted during the operation. 
The brittlenefs of iron hammered to rednefs, was afcribed by 
Dr Black to the deficiency of the caloric thus expicfled from it ; 
and upon this hint, DrThomfon, filled with the philofophic fpi- 
xlt of generalization, at once perceives, that ' brittlenefs feems 
in mojl cafes owing to the abfence of the ufual quantity ot calo- 
ric ; ' and refers, for the illuftvation of his opinion, to the phe- 
nomena of unanealed gbfs. But he has not only failed alto- 
gether in proving that glafs, cooled quickly, contains at the fame 
temperature lefs caloric than glafs cooled llowly, but, in a fub- 
fequent part of his wotk, he has, with more truth, afcribed the 
brittlenefs in the former cafe to its unequal contradion. 

It is undoubtedly true, that water conftitutes a part of almofl: 
all mixtures in which a change of temperature takes place •, but 
our author certainly goes much too far in Hating it to be eflen- 
tial ; for, befides the mixture of gafcs which he mentions as the 
only apparent exception to this rule, there is an extrication of 
heat and light when fulphur a^ts upon the metals, and probably 
in many other inftances. Water, indeed, is no more efTential 
to the production of heat from mixture, than it is to chemical 
aftion in general. 

Having concluded the fubjeft of caloric, our author fubjoins 
fome obfervations on fimple bodies in general, which are only 
remarkable for the ingenuity with which he moulds nature to 
fuit his particular opinions, by firft limiting the fimple fubftan- 
ces to thofe concerned in combuftion, and then fagacioufly ob- 
ferving, that oxygen is capable of uniting with all fimple confin- 
able bodies. 

We are now come to our author's Compound Subftances ; but, 
from the very great extent of the work before us, and the im- 
menfe variety of fubje£ls which it embraces, it would far exceed 
our limits to notice the whole of thefe in the manner they deferve ; 
and as their arrangement has been already pretty fully explained, 
we fhall confine ourfelves to a few curfory obfervations. In juf- 
tice to our author, however, we muil not omit to mention, that 
they will principally regard his own opinions, when they appear 
to us erroneous or doubtful. Whatever we pafs over in filence, 
is at lead good ; often excellent. In the account of the compofi- 
tion of water, fome errors have crept into his calculation, which 
differs from the ftatement given under hydrogen. As an accu- 

I 4 rate 



136 Dr ThomfonV System of Chemistry. April 

rate knowledge of the conftituents of water is of great is-nportance 
in analyfis, and as the calculations have not been revifed fince the 
real conftituents of carbonic acid have been difcovered, we have 
corredlcd them from the original data. The quantity of gafes em- 
ployed were, 

Hydrogen - 25980.563I 

Oxygen - - 13475.198 > French cubic inches. 

Atmofpheric air 15. j 

The products of the combuftion were, 
Azote - - 467 "j 
59 L 



Carbonic add 39 I Cubic inches. 

Oxygen .^1 

Hydrogen 



Oxygen - 465 f 
16-' 



Water - 7^45 French grains. 

The carbonic acid was produced from a fmall quantity of carbon 
diflblved in the hydrogen. It wciglied 25.9 grains, and contained 
22.09 oxygen, and 4.81 carbon. From the hydrogen employed, 
the 16 inches in the refiduura mud be deducled \ and the remain- 
der, 25964.563, muItipHcd by its weight per inch 0.040452, gives 
1050.32 grains; from which, the 4,81 of carbon, being dedutl- 
ed, leaves 1045.51 grains as the real weight of hydrogen confum- 
ed. But the oxygen contained 404.256 cubic inches of azote 
mixed with it ; which, with 465 of oxygen found in the refiduum, 
being dedu£led, and the 4 contained in the 15. atmofpheric air 
being added, gives 12609.942 of oxygen. This, multiplied by its 
weight per inch 0.493986, gives 6229.33 grains; from which the 
22.09 expended in the formation of carbonic acid, being deducted, 
leaves 6207.24 oxygen. There were therefore confumed, 

French grains. Troy grains. Decimals, 

Hydrogen 1045.51 =: 857.736 = 14.42 
Oxygen 6207.24 =; 5092.420 = 85.58 



7253.75 5950- » 5^ ^o<^ 

which is but 7.75 French grains, or 6.36 Troy, more than the 
water obtained. 

That important clafs of bodies, the Acids, are divided by our 
author into produ6ls, fupporters, and combuftible acids ; a divi- 
lion, which is of fome ufe in cur general views of the fubjett, but, 
on the other hand, would become inconvenient if ftridly follow- 
ed in the detail. To this chapter fome obfervations on the acid 
principle are prefixed, in which our author endeavours to fhew 
that oxygen is not an eflential conftituent of acids. But we think 



1804. J^f' ThomfonV System of Chemistry. I'^'f 

the matter ftlll doubtful ; for, befides the three undecompounded 
acids, the only others in which Dr Thomfon has denied the pre- 
fence of oxygen, are, the Prufhc acid and fulphureted hydrogen. 
Now, the former certainly contains oxygen ; for if Vauquelin's 
experiments were not of themfelves fufficient to prove it, an ox- 
ide of carbon, charcoal, is admitted to be one of its conftituents ; 
and our acquaintance with the compofition of the latter is certain- 
ly not enough to allow us to aiTert that it contains no oxygen *. 

The clafs of compound combuftibles is exceedingly deficient. 
It ought to have contained the greater part of animal and vege- 
table fubftanccs ; and our author's reafons for excluding them are 
moft unfatisfaftory — ' They are too little known, and their utihty 
as chemical inflruments is too fnconfiderable ! ' A fyftem of che= 
miftry ought to be complete in its arrangement, and totally inde- 
pendent of any elTays on meteorology, mineralogy, or phyfiology. 
Thefe form, it is true, beautiful applications of the fcience, and 
they cannot be underftood without it ; but they have no more 
pretenfions, than the chemical arts and other ufeful applications, 
to be forced in as eflentlal parts of a fyftera of chemiftry. To 
the chernift, each individual fubftance is the fame, from whatever 
kingdom of nature it may be derived, and to whatever purpofe it 
may be applicable. 

Our author gives an erroneous idea of the compofition of fixed 
oil, in allerting it to confift of carbon and hydrogen only. It is 
a compound oxide. Lavoifier's analyfis, by burning oil with ox«^ 
ygen gas, gives the following refults. 

Employed. J*rodu£ls» 

Olive oil 15-79 Carbonic acid 44.50 

Oxygen 50.86 Water 22.15 

66.65 66.6^ 

Now the elementary conftituents of thefe are, 

Carbon. Cxygen. Hydrogen. 

7.9566, 3^'5434> — ^'^ "^^ ^cld. 

18.95597, 3.19403 in the water. 



55-49937 
From which — 50.86 employed in the combuftlon 

being deducted, 4.63937 are left, which, with the car- 

bon 

* In the Appendix we find our opinion confirmed by Dr Thomfon 
liimfelf, who, fpeaking of an oxide of fulphur he has difcovered con- 

taining^ 



133 DfT\iOn\(on^s Syjiem (f Chemijr^y. April 

bon and hydrogen, exactly amount to the 15.7.9 grains of oil 
burnt. Therefore the conllituents of oil are, 

I 



Carbon 5^-39 

Hydrogen 20.225 
Oxygen 29.385 



100 



And not 79. Carbon 

21. Hydrogen 

1 00 of Dr Thomfoi 



The analyfis, given by our author, is that of Lavoifier ; but 
Lavoifier was unacquainted with pure carbon, and gave that de- 
fignation to charcoal, which is an oxide of carbon. Therefore, 
in fpeaking of Lavoifier's carbon, Dr Thomfon lliould have al- 
ways diftinguifhed it by the appellation of charcoal; and in all 
analyfes have remembered that it was an oxide, which he has fel- 
dom if ever done. His negligence in this refpeci is the more In- 
excufable, as, by ufmg one term to exprefs two very different 
fubftances, he has often both mifled himfclf, and rendered his 
ftatements ambiguous to others. Thefe obfervations apply ftill 
more llrongiy to his account of the compofition of wax and alco- 
hol, becaufe he has founded on the prefence of oxygen in thefe 
fubftances, as demonftrated by various experiments, to prove 
that the experiments of Lavoifier, from which that philofophcr 
concluded that the former connfted of carbon and hydrogen, 
and the latter of carbon, hydrogen and water, are not to be 
depended on. Unexceptionable they are not ; but, for tlic 
prefent ftate of the fcience, they are remarkably accurate ; and 
until we have better data to go upon, we muft confider them 
highly valuable. When the calculation from them is corrected, 
their compofition appears to be 

IVax. Alcohol. 

Carbon 53-12 18.2 

Hydrogen 16.91 16.7(5 

Oxygen 29.97 ' 65-04 

.- fOO ICO 

Whether any of the hydrogen and oxygen exiiled combined ia 
the ftate of water, we have no means of afcertaining. 

The Salts are the moft important clafs of the fecondary com- 
pounds. The common diftribution of thefe into the two great 
families of the metalline, and earthy and alkaline falts, is proper- 
ly retained ; the genera of the latter being diftinguifhed by the 
acid, and of the former by the metal they contain. The alkaline 

and 

tainino- 6.2 per cent, oxygen, fays, * i have fincc found reafon to be- 
lieve that it is this oxide, and not pure fulphur, which exifts in fulphur- 
(itcd hydrogen gis, and probably in all the hydro-fulphurets, * 



'iSo'^.u :I)r Thomton*s S)i/!gm of Chemijfrp -139 

and earthy falts are moreover divided by Dr Thomfoh into the 
two orders of combuftible and incombulLible ; but it would have 
been more confiflent with other parts of his arrangement, to have 
formed a third order of the detonating or fupporting falts» which 
.are at prefcnt clafled with the incombuftible. We may alfo men- 
tion, that the ammoniacal falts are all combuftible, and therefore, 
in fome inftances, do not properly belong to the fame order with 
the other fpecies of the genera. 

The genera of the metalline falts are not eafily claiTed in differ- 
ent orders j but the fpecies of each genus form feverai natural 
groups. Our author has divided them into detonating, incom- 
buftible, combuftible, metallic, and triple falts. This arrange- 
ment is deficient with regard to unity ; for it is formed upon t%u9 
principles, which interfere with each other ; the three firft divi- 
fions' being taken from the properties, and the two lall from the 
rompofition of the falts. The two laft indeed appear to be alto- 
gether unneceflary j for all the metallic and triple falts are ei- 
ther detonating, incombuftible, or combuftible. They form, how- 
ever, very natural fubdivifions of thefe groups. The faks are 
by far too numerous, for us to enter into any examination of our 
iiuthor's account of them. We may only mention, that he feem.s 
to have been rather hafty, notwithftanding Chenevix's excellent 
experiments, in annihilating the genus of oxymuriats ; for it h 
certain, that many of them poflefs the property of bleaching, 
which, in all probability, depends on their containing oxymuria- 
tic acid, fince neither the muriatic, nor hyper-oxymuriatic acid, 
deftroys vegetable colours. The hydro-fulphurets and foaps are 
the only other fecondary compounds noticed, although there arc 
feverai other claffes of them. 

Having finiflaed his account of the fecondary compounds, Dr 
Thomfon proceeds, as ufual, to draw fome general inferences 
from the fads he has detailed 5 and, in the prefent inftances, he 
feems extremely imfortunate •, for not one of the four he has ftat- 
ed is admifiible : i . He has difcovered '^ a ftngular and remark- 
able correfpondence between fecondary compounds and fimple bo- 
dies ; for neither of them poflefs that a6livity, that violent aciioit 
upon other bodies, which diftinguifh primary compounds. ' This 
is not fimply a miftake ; it is a miftatement. Our author feleds 
fuch fubftances, and places them in fuch circumftances, as fuit 
his purpofe, although numerous fads exift in obvious and direct 
cppofition to his general conclufion. Does he confider combuf- 
tion as a proof of the inadivity of oxygen, and of the fimple com- 
buftibles .'' or do the oxymuriats and metalline falts appear t(; hiui 
examples of the inertnefs of fecondary compounds ? Nay, he 
himfelf has quoted potafs as the extreme example of the adivity 
«f primary compounds 5 but until he j)roYes pQtafs to be a com- 
pound 



S4» JDr ThamCon^s System of Chetnisiyyl >!\pfli 

pound body, it completely difproves his conclufion. 2. * No fe- 
condary compound is gafeous. ' V/hat is etherized nitrous gas ? 

3. * None of them are combuftible. ' Spirit varnilli is not com- 
buftible ! The detonating falts are not fecondary compounds ! ! 

4. * The fecondary compounds have been mveftigated with more 
precifion than any other clafs of bodies ; from them almoft all our 
notions of affinity have been derived ; it is.to them we have always 
recourfe to illuftrate thefe notions,' &c. &c. But of the primary 
compounds we were alfo told (vol.11, p. 263.), that they were the 'clafs 
of bodies which have been the longed known, which have been moft 
accurately ftudied, and which conltitute, without doubt, the moft 
important inftruraents of chemillry ; ' and, in the preface, it was 
mentioned as one of the charaiSieriftic merits of our author's ar* 
rangement, that it begins with thofe parts which have been mod 
fuccefsfully invedigated. But this kind of inconfillency is of very 
little confequence, if it at all promote our author's view of ex- 
citing the attention of his readers, by exaggerating the import- 
ance of every fubjeffc which fucceflively engages thern. 

Having colle£ted the immenfe mafs of fa£ls contained in the 
two lirft books, our author now proceeds to treat, in the third, of 
thofe general laws by which the whole are regulated. Our im- 
perfect knowledge of thefe, is afcribed by him partly to the un- 
accountable negligence of the greater num.ber of chemifts, * who 
have been more anxious to afcertain particular fa£l:s, than to in- 
veftigate general principles, and who have often feemed to look 
upon general principles as altogether foreign to their fcience. ' 
There may be fome truth in this obfervation i but, fuch an opi- 
nion, coming from fo high an authority, may be attended with 
very bad confequences, in mifleading young men to walte their 
time and labour on idle fpecularions, and to defpife the iefs bril- 
liant, but more fubllantiai reputation, of increafing our ilore of fa£t3. 
For our part, we are perfuadcd that even Dr Thonifon himfelf, 
notwithftanding the extent of his knowledge, and the univerfality 
of his talents, has done infinitely mor- fervice to chemiib y ly his 
induftry as a compiler, and his afhduity in obferving the refulto of 
mixtures, undirected by general views, than by all his attempts 
at generalization. 

The lirft chapter of this book is faid to treat of Affinity in ge- 
neral. Many chemiils diflike the term affinity altogether j but 
with Dr Robifon we think it is of ufe, as ' it diftinguiflies very 
compendiouily the phenomena of combination (which are the 
chief obje6ts of chemiftry) from the phenomena of cohefion, ad- 
fiefion, capillary attraction, ' &c. In th's limited fenfe alone, as 
iynonymous with chemical attra£lion, -ind in contradiflinclion to 
eo|iefjon and the other fpecies of attraction, has it been hitherto 

employe^* 



jZ64* DtlihomiQVLS System of Chemhtry. i^t 

employed. By Dr Thomfon, however, it is arbitrarily, and, we 
think, injudicioufly extended to include, as a generic term, every 
fpecies of contiguous attraction, and to comprehend thofe very 
forces from which it was invented — to difcriminate that attra£\ion 
which is properly chemical. The neceffary confequence of thisf 
innovation is not only embarralTajent to Dr Thomson's readers, 
but real ambiguity snd confufion in his writings, w^here it is fome- 
times employejd in the limited, and fometimes in the extended fig- 
nification. Adhefion and cohehon are clafled together, as * ho- 
mogeneous affinities, ' while chemical attraftion is dillinguilhed' 
by the phrafe * heterogeneous affinity. ' But thefe innovations are 
at variance with fa6l ; for heterogeneous bodies adhere, and, if 
we miflake not, cohere alfo, as in fome compound ilones. Since, 
therefore, heterogeneous bodies attraft each other, independently 
of combination, heterogeneous affinity is an inaccurate expreffion 
for chemical attradlion. 

Contiguous attraiOiion is faid by our author to refemble fenfibie 
attraction, in increafmg with the mafs of the attracting bodies, and 
diminifliing as the diftance increafes. Of this, however, he is a- 
ble to adduce no proof ; and the refemblance muft be therefore 
confidered as merely hypothetical. Indeed, he confelies himfelf 
unable to determine, whether contiguous, like fenfibie attraction, 

decreafes in the ratio -r^, or in a greater ratio ; but if it be at all pro- 
portionate to diftance, it muft follow a much greater ratio ; for, 
at a diftance greater than contiguity, it becomes altogether infen- 
fible, or bears no proportion to the force of gravitation ; whereas, 
whenever it becomes fenfibie, jt is more intenfe than gravitation^ 
But tiie moft important charaCter of contiguous attraction is, that 
it varies in intenfity in dilrerent particles j on which occafion, our 
auLTior indulges himfeif in fpeculating, whether it be one force, 
or many forces j whether it be owing to the figure of the parti- 
cles, or whether it be the fame witli gravitation ; and after exert- 
ing all his ingenuity, he leaves himfelf and his readers juft as wife 
as 'vhen he began. Cohefion is treated at confiderable length, 
according to the hypothefis of Bofcovich ; and we are told, that 
it is dcferving of notice, that the cohefive force of fimple bodies 
is greater than that of compounds, except in the cafe of the me- 
tals and claftic fluids — that is, except in 26 cafes out of 29 ! Tc 
v/hich lift of exceptions he ftiould have added fulphur and phofpho- 
rus, which are not fo ha;rd as moft. of the fulphats and phofphats t 
fo that diamond turns out to be the only fimple fubftance which is 
harder than all its compounds. Haiiy's theory of cryftallization 
is very neatly ftated j but the influence of the free acceis ot air 
in promoting cryftaffig^tion, cannot be explained on the fuppofi- 

*■" ,"'"'■ tiou 



tion that it carries off caloric ; for, upon that fuppofition, cryftal- 
iization Ihould take place at the fame temperature, whether the 
air be excluded or admitted. 

We now come to the moft important chapter in the whole' 
work, that on Heterogeneous Affinity. From the arrangement 
adopted by our author, the expedlations of his readers may reafon- 
ably be raifed to the higheft pitch ; but we are much afraid that 
their .difappointment will be equally great, not, however, from any^ 
inability or negligence on his part, but from the view he has taker*. 
of the fubjeiSl. Inftead of being fatisfied with afcertaining the 
general laws of combination by fair indu£t:ion, he has treated che- 
millry as a mere branch of mechanical philofophy ; he has conft- 
fiered chemical attraction as the fame force with adhefion, and aa 
fubje£l to tlie fame laws ; and is fo completely abforbed in the at- 
traftion and repulfion of particles, that he lofes all fight of what iff 
peculiar to ch.emiflry, and only notices its laws accidentally in the. 
courfe of his more general and abftrufe fpeculations. Thefe, we 
confefs, are not uninterefting, and may be acceptable to thofe who 
delight in what may be called philofophical intoxication, but ap- 
pear to us extremely mifplacetl in an elementary work, whick 
iliould be adapted to the capacity of all its readers ; and, if it ever 
enter into fuch fpeculations, fliould treat them merely as of fe-^ 
condary importance, and matters of curiofity. Our opinion, in- 
deed, may be the effect of prejudice ; for we may be mifled by 
the high authority of our initru6lors in chemiftry and mechanical- 
philofophy, the one of whom thus fpeaks of the manner in which, 
the other confidered this very fubje£t : « The worthy author ofi 
thefe lectures was always more anxious to communicate what 
ijiay be called a clear and confident knowledge of the docStrines o£ 
pure chemiflry, than to lead liis pupils into abftrufe or refined; 
fpeculations on the unfeen and unknown immediate caufes of che- 
mical combination. He confidered every fuch queftion as rather 
cut of the pale of chemical fcience ; and fo it certainly is. 
Whenever we fpeculate about the attraftions and repulfions oi 
particles, as the immediate agents in effecting the chemical 
cliariges, we are no longer chemills, but mechanicians. Wc 
are confidering queftions about local motion, and the mathema- 
lical determinations of the effects of moving force*. Not only; 
is the occupation not chemical, but the queftions themfelves 
give little addition of chemical knowledge *. * 

Dr Thomfon, however, thinks otherwife ; and it isourdufyc 
to follow him in his fpeculations ; the firft of which is, that 
be cvonfiders it very probable, that there exifts a reciprocal 
affinity between every fpecie* of the particles of bodies. But 

hi« 

;* Black's X-cdyits^ fc^y frcfcffgr Robifooji vol, I. p. ^12. 



l8o4- ^^ Thomfon'x ^jlem of Chemljlr'j, 143 

his proofs of its exiftence in thofe numberlefs cafes where it 
is commonly denied, are very unfatisfa£lory. For, the folu- 
tion of foap in water, and lime in nitric acid, certainly do not 
prove that oil has any affinity for water, or lime for azote. 
In this lafl cafe, as well as in many others, a fubilance is 
found to have a ftrong affinity for a compound, which, in. 
every circumftance, refufes to unite with either of its con-; 
IVitaents ; while, on the contrary, there are alfo numerous, 
examples of fubflances refufsng to unite with a compound, whiclx 
have a flrong affinity for its conftituents. But this change 
of property, which is the ilrongefl charafter of chemical sec- 
tion, feems to be totally overlooked by our author in all his rca- 
fonings about affinity. Bodies are in general believed to differ in 
the intenfity of their affinity for each other ; and M. Berthollet 
has lately ffiewn, that this is much modified by their comparative 
malTes. But it by no means follows from the nature of affinity, 
that if a panicle A attract B with a force = «■, that tv/o particles 
A ought to attraO: B with a force at leaft = y -:p^ x ; for B may- 
unite with one particle A, and form a compound C, which has no 
affinity for a fecond particle A. The fame argument is equally 
concluiive againft the opinion fupported by our author — that dif- 
ference of intenfity of affinity is infufficient to account for de- 
compofition, unlefs fome other force, fuch as eiafticity or cohelion, 
intervene to determine the excluiion of fon-ic particular bodies. 
Indeed, if this opinion be true, when compound bodies unite, 
the combination does not take place between them as compounds, 
but amongll the elementary particles of which they are compofed ^ 
and no fuch thing as a fecondary compound can exift. Saturation 
is fufficiently well defined — the balancing of affinity v/ith its anta- 
gonift forces, coheflon and eiafticity. It is owing to this that 
the freezing point of v/ater is lov/ered when it holds fome bodies 
in folution. But our author carries his reafoning rather a little 
too far, Vv'hen he concludes that a table of the freezing noints. 
of different faline folutions would be a pretty accurate indication 
of the affinity of the different falts for water. On this principle, 
hov/ will he account for the fa£l:, that fulphuric acid, combin- 
ed with a certain proportion of water, actually raifes its freez^ 
ing point, .but v.'ith a larger quantity lowers it confiderably .<* And 
;js the fame reafoning ought to apply to vaporization, how comes 
the boiling point of fome faline folutions to be lower than that of 
water ? Neutralization takes place, when bodies unite in fuck 
proportions that they mutually deftroy or difguife the properties of 
each other. In this ftate, our author fuppofes their combination 
to be as perfeft as poffible, and that their affinities are equal, that 
is, that the affinity of A for B \i- equal to that of B for A. He 

nsit 



^44 -^^ Thomfon'j System of Cheml/hyl, Apfil 

next proceeds to demohftrate, " that, in all combinations, there is 
a maximum and minimum in the proportions of the conllituents, 
beyond which tliey can nes'er pafs •, but he cannot determine whe- 
ther they are capable of combining in any indefinite proportion 
between thefe hmits, or only in certain de'terrjoinate proportions. 
In the latter cafe, therefore, with unufual caution he confults ex- 
perience j and he certainly would have a«Sled more wifely to have 
done the fame in the form.er cafe.; for his reafoning is founded 
on principles purely hypothetical, and leads him to conclufions di- 
redAly contrary to fa£t — for example, that elafhic bodies can only 
combine with each other in one proportion. Now, azotic gas 
combines with oxygen gas in four proportions ; and the propor- 
tions of the carbonates of ammonia are the mod unfteady of all the 
cryflallizabie faits. We are alfo told, that ail compounds, of which 
the ingredients combine only in certain determinate proportions, 
have an elaftic fluid for one of the ingredients •, yet we have the 
tartrat and fuper-tartrat of potafs, the fulphureta and fuper-ful- 
phurets of the metais, &c. 

We now comie to tiie conuderation of the various methods 
which have been propofed to exprefs the ftrengh of every affi- 
nity in numbers. The nrft that meets with our author's approba- 
tion, is that of Morveau, founded on the fuppofition that the af- 
finity of bodies for each other is directly as tlie force necelTary te 
overcome the adhefion of their furfaces. But, befides the im- 
pra6licabiiity of carrying it into effecl:, which even the ingenious 
i'uggeftions of our author will not remove, it is merely hypotheti- 
cal, and cannot be admitted unlefs it be found to coincide with 
faft. But a dilk of glafs adhered to water with a force of 258 
grains, and to a foiution of potafs, though denfer, only with a 
force of 210; yet water has no chemical action on glafs, and a 
foiution of potafs has. From a feries of hypothetical principles, 
•Berthollet concluded, that the aihuities of bodies were inverfely 
as the mafs of each body capable of neutralizhig the other ; and, 
to bring this conclufion to the teft of experience, our author ha& 
calculated the affinities of the acids and bafes for each other fro.m 
Kirwan's laft table of the falts ; from which he concludes, that it 
is exceedingly probable that the real order of affinities does not 
deviate far from that given in his tables, derived from thefe calcu- 
lations. Now, the beft way of afcertaining the probability of 
fuoh an hypothefis, is to compare it with the fa6ls. Accordingly, 
this has been very properly done by Dr Tliomlon j and he finds 
that the affinity of the bafes for the acids follow precifely the in- 
verfe order of that given by Bergman. This objedlion, however, 
is of little importance ; for Bergman trufted to the clumfy mode; 
of experiment, by afcertairang what falts decompofed each other 5, 

and 



l8o4' Dt" Thomion* s System 0/ ChmiJIrf. 145 

and decompofition is certainly no teft of the ftrength of affinity. 
The aftinities of the acids follow the order which has long been 
recognized in the metallic falts. it is true, they are apparently 
different in the falts from which thefc tables have been calculated : 
but that, according to Dr Thomfon, is of no confequence, as the 
muriats are all more foluble than fulphats. With regard to the 
carbonic acid, its affinities as calculated from thefe tables are 
inconfiftent with fa6l \ but they muft not be taken into confidera- 
tion, becaufe the compofition of the carbonats is very imperfedlily 
determined. This kind of reafoning, however, we cannot admit. 
The compofition of the carbonats was afcertaincd by Kirwan as 
well as that of the other fl^lts, and is equally entitled to our Con- 
iidence ; and although, in confequence of the atlion of mafs> 
elafticity and cohefion, the order of affinity may be different from 
that of decompofition, it furnifilies no argument to prove that Ber- 
thollet's hypothefis is more probable than the dire6Uy oppofite one 
of Kirwan, or than any other vv^uch m,ay be iinagined by any fuc- 
ceeding philofopher. It is, on the contrary, in favour of Kirwatt's 
hypothefis that it in general coincides with the order of decompo- 
fition ; for the adlion of mafs, cohefion and elaflicity, may enable 
him to explain the few apparent exceptions. But Berthollet, al- 
though he were to fucceed in the more arduous talk of proving 
that the order of decompofition is in almoft every inftance wrong, 
has not advanced one ftep in eftabUfhing the probability of that 
which he has adopted. Now, befides the affinities of carbonic 
acid, there are others, derived from his hypothefis, which cannot 
be accounted for. For example, the affinity of lime to fulphuric 
acid is fi:ated to be ilronger than that of potafs or foda, and its 
affinity to nitrous and to muriatic acid weaker than that of mag^ 
iiefia : the affinity of muriatic acid, again, to foda, is ftated to be 
nearly twice as fh-ong as that of fulphuric acid : which are all con- 
trary to the order of decompofition, and oppofed alfo, in thefe inftan- 
«es, by the aclion of cohefion. BerthoUet's hypothefis, therefore, 
appears to us inconfiftent with fadl. Another way of examining 
the validity of any hypothefis of this nature, is to carry them as 
far as they will go, and fee to what conclufions they will lead* 
Now, if the principles of either Kirwan or Berthollet were true, 
ihe affinities of bafes for all acids, and of acids for all bafes, 
ihould follow the fame ratio ; which is alfo contrary to fadi. 
Thefe fpeculations, therefore, do not feem to have increafed our 
knowledge of the comparative affinities of bodies ; and we muft 
sdll refort to the humble and tedious method of experiment to af- 
eertain them. 

The next fubje(^ treated of, is Compound Affinity, concerning 
"vvhich wx find nothing very remarkable. It does not appear to us 

VOL. jv. i'C 7. . K by 



1^6 JDr TKomfon^j System of Chemijty^. Apnli 

by any means certain, that faline folutions, which niay be inixed 
without precipitation, combine ; for example, that when folutions 
of fuiphat of potafs and muriat of foda are mixed, thefe com- 
pound faks do not remain entire, but that a folution is formed, 
GOntainivrg fulphuric acid, mm-iatic acid, potafs and lime, uni- 
formly combined ; for, ts-pon the fame principle, there fliould he 
no fecondary compounds, and the phenomena of chemiftry fljould 
be different from, what they really are. The effc£l of the infolubi- 
Jity of falts, as explained by Berthoiiet, is true to a certain ex- 
tent •, but it is not without exceptions. In the tables of afhnity 
ior nitric and muriatic acid, calculated on his own principles,, 
llrontian is placed belo-w foda and potafs, although the falts of 
ilirontian are the mod foluble. The laft chapter is on Repulfion ; 
and it might have been entirely omitted, without any injury to 
the book as a fyflem of chemiftry. To moll of his readers, it 
will be totally unin$:elligib!e, and by many it will be eftecmied as 
a wonderful effort of learning and ingenuity. 

Notwithftanding the great Icngdi of thefe obfcrvation^, a volume 
and an half ftill remain to be noticed, containing the fecond part 
of the work, entitled the Chemical Examination of Nature. It will 
not, however, detain us long •, as we confider by far the grcatell 
part of what is here collected under this title, as mifplaced in a 
fyflem of cbemiflry ; and the remainder is merely the application 
of the knowledge contained in the former part, to the examina- 
tion of nature. The means of analyzing the atmofphere, mine- 
ral waters, minerals, and animal and vegetable fubftances into 
their immediate principles, and the invefligation of whatever che- 
mical changes they undergo, belong properly to chemiftry, and. 
would have formed a very natural fequel to a general fyflem of 
the fcience ; while the greater part of the meteorology, mineralo- 
gy and phyfiology belong to other departments. 

The account, of the atmofphere is in general well executed ; 
but Dr Thomfon has committed an error in his calculation of the 
proportion of weight of its conflituents.. From his own data, in- 
ftead of 74 azotic gas and 2.6 oxygen, the refults are 75.12 and 
24.88 ; but he has fuppofetl the relative fpecific gravity of oxygen 
gas to that of azotic gas to be as 135:1 15, whereas they are as 
13^^56:1 189 : the real refults are 75.67 azotic gas, and 24.33 °^y" 
gen. Our author differs from Mr Dalton in believing afnofpheric. 
air to be a chemical compound. Only one of his arguments, how- 
ever, appears to us to be relevant, viz. that derived from the expe- 
riments by which Humbolat and Morozzo endeavoured to eflablifh 
a difference of properties between atmofpherical air and an artifi- 
cial mixture of its conftituents, though the refult was owing to 
an excefs of oxygen in their mixture. In fpeaking of the compa- 
jf?tive XQcrits pf the muriatic and nitric acid fumes in deilroying 

contagion,. 



i804. i^^' ThomfonV Syitem of Chemijirp ^4^ 

contagion, Dr Thomfon certainly does not fpeak from experience, 
when he prefers the former, not only on account of their fuperior 
efficacy, but alfo becaufe the latter are attended with inconveni- 
ence, from bcinjT almoft always contaminated with nitrous gas. 
To what inconvenience he alludes, we know not ; but it is certain 
that the nitric acid fumes, diffufed according to Dr C. Smyth's 
directions, do not render the removal of the patients during the 
fumigation at all neceffary, which the muriatic acid gafes do. 

Mineralogy, we are told, is * that branch of chemiftry which 
treats of Minerals ; ' and in conformity with this opinion, Dr Thom- 
fon has filled almoft a volume of his work with this fubie^t. Eul* 
Mineralogy is certainly a branch of Natural hlftory, which is as 
intimately connefted v/ith the phyfical as with the chemical pro- 
perties of its obje6ls. If Dr Thomfon believed himfelf qualified 
to write a better fyftem of mineralogy than any of thofe we pof- 
fefs, it would have been Iiigldy acceptable as a feparate publica- 
tion ; but we think that, by introducing it in this work, he has 
unneceflarily increafed its expence. In compiling it, our author 
is principally indebted to Haiiy and Brochant. In the arrange- 
ment, indeed, he feems to think he poflefles confiderable merit, 
though we cannot perceive upon what grounds. The principle is 
taken from Bergman ; and in its application, Dr Thomfon devi- 
ates from it almoft as frequently as he adheres to it. In other 
fyitems, minerals have been clalfed in genera, according to the 
naLure of the earth from which they derive their characteriftic 
properties ; and from this characlcriftic earth the genera have re- 
ceived their names. Dr Thomfon claiTes them in eenera accord- 
ing to the proportions of their conftituents, and gives them fym- 
bolic names, formed by arranging the firft letter of every fubftance 
which enters in any confiderable quantity into their compofition^ 
in the order of their proportions. Now, it appears to us, that 
every argument which Dr Thomfon adduces againft the common 
arrangement, applies as forcibly againft this, and that it is at- 
tended with other infurmcuntable inconveniences. Before any 
Ipecimen can be arranged, it muft not only be analyzed, but its 
analylis muft be perfe6t -, and even if analyfis were as eafy as it is 
difficult, it would often oblige us to place different fpecimens of 
the lame mineral in different parts of the fyftem. To pi'ove the. 
truth of this opinion, we need only examine a few of Dr Thomfon's 
genera. The firft is entitled A, wlWch, according to his principles, 
are minerals confifting entirely of alumina. It contains two fpe- 
cies ; the fn-ft, Diafpore, contains alfo 1 7 water and 3 oxide of 
iron, and fhould tlicrcfore be defignated by the fymbol A W, if 
not AW I; the frcond, Native Alumina, contains only 45 alu- 
mina, i7 water, and 24 fulphat of lime — its iymboi is tlierefore 

K 2 AWL, 



J48 Dr ThomicmV Sptttn of Chenujhy- ApTil 

A W L, or, as Dr Thomfon overlooks falts, A W. The fecond 
genus is A S. The firfl fpecies, Corundum, contains the orien- 
tal ruby and fapphire, corre6lly placed here according to M. 
Chenevix's analyfis ; but, according to Mr Klaproth's, fapphire be- 
longs to A, of the imperfe£l: corundums •, that from China, as well 
as Emery, belong to A I S-, as the quantity of iron exceeds that 
of filica. The (econd fpeeies, Chryfoberyl, contains 6. of lime, 
and therefore belongs to A S- L. The third, the Topaz, is rights 
as well as the FibroJite, alfo numbered the third by millake, and 
the fourth Sommite. The third genus is A M. The firll fpe- 
cies. Spinel Ruby, belongs, by Vauquelin's analyfis, to A M C, 
and by Klaproth's to ASM -, and the fecond, 'the Ceylanite, to 
AIM. From thefe three firfl: genera our readers v/ill be able 
to judge of the others. In this edition, a chapter is added on 
compound minerals, tranflated from Brochunt ; and the laft chapi- 
ter treats of the analyfis of minerals. 

The fourth book treats of Vegetables ; and- the fifth, which 
concludes the work, of Animals. No part of the work has un- 
dergone fo many alterations in thi& edition as the chapter which 
treats of the ingredients of vegetables. The author's ideas on 
the importance of this fubjeft feem to have undergone a very 
great char^ge, and: to this change of opinion his readers are in- 
debted for much very valuable information v for, inftead of 60 
pages, it now occupies t(5o j although there is very little of it, 
except what is derived from his owrv experiments, which was 
3iot known to pharmaceutifl:3 when the farmer edition was pub- 
lifhed. But vegetable chemiftry has become fafliionable, and 
Dr Thomfon has applied to it with very great fueccfs, in his 
experiments on gum, farcocol-, aiid the bitter principle. 

An appendix is added, containing thofe difcoverics of import- 
ance which were made during the printing of the work ; and we 
are forry that we mull conclude our analyfis, by hmenting that 
the index is not more copious. 

Dr Thomfon has, in general, adoj^ted M. Chenevix's nomen- 
clature ; but we have occafioaally obferved deviations inconfillent 
with it, as tannat and other ats for combinations of fubftances 
which are not acid. Thefe, however, we believe to be acci- 
dental. 

Dr Thomfon'a method of diftinguifliing the degrees of oxida- 
tion in the metaUic oxides, by prefixing the firll fyllable of the 
Greek ordinal numbers to the word oxide, as prot-oxide, deut-= 
oxide, &c., and the maxhmnn of oxidation by per-oxide, we 
tliink is an improvement. On the other hand, we trufb that our 
author's example will induce no one to follow him in diflinguifli" 
Jng thofe metalline falts which contain the metal in the Hate of 



-s8o4» DrT'homhn's Syjiem i>f Zi/:emistfy. I49 

per-oxide, by prefixing the particle oxy to the name of the acid, 
as that form of expreuion has already another much mere natural 
meaning. * Capacity for caloric, ' is alfo ufed by Dr Tliomfon 
to exprefs the quantity of caloric in equal bulks of bodies, al- 
though it has hitherto always had a reference to equal weights. 
Our author fecms alfo to have a very great diHike to fuperfluous 
letters, not only in the names of iuoftanccs, but alfo in thofe of 
■the German chemills j but Hcrmilad, Humbolt, Weilrum, &c. 
will appear to a German eye as awkwardly exotic as Tomfon 
would do to our author's. 

The references to authorities with which this work abounds, 
are extremely valuable ; and, in general, Dr Thomfon gives a 
due degree of credit to the difcoverers af particular fafts ; and 
if, in fome inftances, through ignorance or inadvertence, the real 
difcoverer is not mentioned, in others his praife almoft amounts 
to flattery. For example, his gratitude to tiiat excellent che- 
mifl Mr Hatchett, for having communicated to him his un- 
pwbliflied experiments on refins, has led him to exaggerate their 
importance to a degree that we conceive muft be difpleafing to 
that gentleman's modefty, efpecially as -moft of the ia£ls, which 
Dr Thomfon feizes every poflibie opportunity of announcing as 
Mr Hatchett'« difcoveries, v.'ere previoufly known. His general 
ftatement is in the following words t * Hitherto it has been af- 
firmed by all cheraiits, ancient and modern, that the alkalies do 
not exert any adlion on refins. Fourcroy, for inftance, in his lalt 
v.'-Drk, affirms this in the moll pofitive manner ; but the experi- 
ments of Mr Hatchett have dcmonftrated this opinion to be com- 
pletely erroneous, ' And after ftating the experiments, he pro- 
ceeds, * Nothing can afford a more ftrilcing proof, than this, of 
the necefiTity of repeating the experiments of o.ur predecefibrs 
before we put implicit confidence in their aficrtions. The well- 
known fact, that the foap-makers in this country conftantly mix 
rofin with their foap ; that it owes its yellow colour, its odour, 
and its eafy folubiliiy in nxuilei' to this addition, (?) ought to have 
icd chemills to hav-e fufpec'fled the folubility of refins in the al- 
kalies. No fuch confequence, however, was drawn from this 
notorious facl. ' In oppofition to all this, we fhall quote only one 
inodern chemitt, Gren, who cxprefsly fays that ' the refins alfo 
form, v/ith the caullic alkalies, foapy combinations- ' Again, * It 
has been fuppofed alfo, ' fays Dr Thomfon, * that the acids are 
incapable of a£llng upon the refins ; Fourcroy is equally pofitive 
with regard to this ; and Gren fpeaks of it in fuch a manner 
that every reader muft conclude tliat he had tried the efi^eft of 
nitric acid upon refins. Yet Mr Hatchett has afcertained this 
ppinion likewife to be erroneous, at leaft as far as nitric acid is 

K 3 concerned. * 



ij* DrThomiovUs System of Che mis try, April 

concerned. ' The following is the manner in which Gven fpeaks 
of it : * Concentrated nitnc acid aSis upon powdered rofin very 
poiverfullyy and nitrous gss is evolved ; but the running together 
of the rofin into lumps, ir^akes its complete foiution in nitric acid 
extremely difhcult. ' 

To his predecelTors in the laborious tall: of corapilation, Dr 
Thomfon feldom makes any acknowledgment, although we think 
it woCild have been but juft, to have mentioned in the preface 
his obligations to them, efpccially to Fourcroy, from whom he 
has often borrowed largely. In feme iaftanccs, an author of this 
dcfcription is quoted for a particular fa£t, although the whole 
palfage be borrowed from him. A very flagrant example of tliis 
kind occurs in vol. IV. p. 129, when i>rochant is quoted in fuch 
a manner as to make it appear that nothing but the enumeration 
.of Werner's clafTes is taken from him, whereas the whole chap- 
ter, Of compound minerals^ extending to twenty^five pages, is an 
abridged tranflation of Brochant, with tlie addition of three ana- 
lyfes by Dr Kennedy and IM. Klaproth, and one obfervation by the 
ivjthor. 

Upon the whole, notwithftanding the numerous errors which 
\ve have difcovered, or believe we have difcuveied, in this work, 
they are much more than counterbalanced by its general merits. 
The immenfe quantity of chemical information which it contains, 
is highly creditable both to the abilities and the induftry of tlie 
iiuthor ; and if, in a future edition, he will reftrain a little his 
propenfity to premature generalization, and free his numerical 
exprefFions from the numberlefs errors which now render it im- 
polTible to trufl to any of his calculations with fecqrity, we have 
TiO doubt that it will continue to maintain its reputation as the 
befl repofitory of chemical knowledge that has yet been offered 
to the public. 

If toy of our readers fliould be incnned to objeO-, that the 
general tone of the preceding obfervations does not accord very 
harmoniouily with this concluding eulogium, or to accufe us of 
Iiaving fpecilied little more than the defects of a work of fuch un- 
queflionable merit, we would beg leave to remind them, that Dr 
Thomfon is neither humble nor obfcure enough to ftand in need 
cf recommendation or encouragement from us. The public has 
already done ample juftice to his talents \ and he is himfelf per- 
fectly aware of the extent of his claims on their favour. In this 
utuatlon, while it is almoffc unneceflary to proclaim his merits, 
it becomes 01 the greateft confequence to point out his miftakes 
and iniperfeclions. Under the fanCtion of fo great an a>athority, 
errors are propagated with a very mifchievous rapidity, and the 
<iUthor himfelf is apt to become prefumptuous and precipitate, 
>%'hen lio u:ie is to be found who will admoailh him of his failures 

and 



1804. EUisV specimens of Earhj Englijh Pactry. -i^J 

and faults. Notwithftanding the freedom of our remarks, we 
doubt it any of Dv Thomfon's readers h?.ve a higher i'enfe tlnni 
we have of the value of this publication ; the perufal of which 
we verv earnellly recommend*to every fludent of cliemillry. 



Art. X. Spec'imcTis of the Early EngliJJj Poets : To 'which is pre- 
fixed. An Htjhr'ical Sketch of the Rf and Proyrefs of the Erffi/h 
PoL-try and Lnfiguage. By Gccrge Ellis Efq. The Third EJition, 
Correcicd. 3 vul. 8vo. 

HPhe firft edition cf this interefting work appeared in 1790, 
-*■ compriGng in one volume many of the moii beautiful fmall 
poems whicli had appeared during the fixteeuth and feventeenth 
centuries. The plan was certainly worthy of being enlarged -, 
and accordingly, in the fecond edition, publiftied about a year 
ago, and rapidly difpofed of, as well as in that which is now be- 
fore us, it has received fuch confiderabie additions, that the work 
has increafcd to thrice the oTlginai lize j and T-zIr Ellis has eltabiifh- 
ed his claim to the chara*£ler of an original author, as well as to that 
of a judicious collector and editor of the forgotten poems of anti- 
quity. The firft volume contains the preliminary hiilorical fketch 
of the rife and progrefs of Englifh poetry and language j the fecond 
and third are occupied by thofe fpecimens which give name to the 
whole. We IhaO endeavour fucceffively to anaiyie the contents, 
and examine the merits, of thefe two divifions of the work. 

It is obvious to every one who has fludied our language, whe- 
ther in profe or poetry, that a luminous hiftory of its rife and 
progrefs muft neceiTarily involve more curious topics of difcuflion 
than a Cmilar work upon any other European language. This 
opinion has not its fource in national partiality, but is didfated by 
the very peculiar circumftances under which the Englifh language 
was formed. The otiier European tongues, fuch at leaft as have 
been adapted to the purpofes of literature *, may be divided in- 
to two grand claiTes — thofe which are derived from the Teutonic, 
and thofe which are formed upon the Latin. In the former 
clafs, we find the German, the Norfe, the Swedifh, the Danifh, 
and the Low-Dutch, all of which, in words and conftruifion, 
are dialedls of the Teutonick, and preferve the general character 

K 4 of 

■ '''■■'■ " '' ' ■ ' ■ ' t I i t 

* We do not mention the dia'edls founded on the Celtic and Sla- 
vonic languages, becaufe they have not been ufed in literary compofi- 
tion ; nevcrthelefs, the fame obfervation applies to them as to the 
others ; they have each their derivation from a fingk mother-root, and 
we aotj like the Englifb, a compounded or mingled language. 



152 Ellis' J- Specimens of Early Enghjh Poetry. April 

of their common fource, although enriched and iinproved ly 
terms of art or of fcience adopted from the learned languages, or 
from thofe of other kingdoms of civilized Europe. The fecond 
clafs comprehends the Italian, the Spanifn, and tiie French in all its 
branches. It is true, the lall'of thefe has, in modern times, owing to 
the number of French writers in every ciafs and* upon every fubjcft, 
departed farther from its original than the two others •, but ftiil the 
ground-work is the Latin ; and the more nearly any fpecimen 
approaches to it, it may be fafely concluded to be the more an- 
cient ; for, in truth, we know no other rule for afcertaining the 
antiquity of any particular piece in the Romans, language, than 
by its greater or llightcr refemblance to the fpeech of the ancient 
Romans, from which it derives its name. Thus every language 
pf civilized Europe is formed of a uniform pattern and texture^ 
either upon the Teutonick, or upon the Latin. But tlie fame- 
chance which has peopled Britain with fuch a variety of tribes 
and nations, that we are at a lofs to conceive how they fliould 
have met upon the fame fpot — and that, comparatively, a fmail 
pne — has decreed that the language of Locke and of Shake- 
ipeare fhould claim no peculiar aihnity to either of thefe grand 
fources of European fpeech ; and that if, on the one hand^ 
its conformation and conflrudion be founded on a dialc<I^i ot 
the Tei^tonick, the greater number of its vocables fhould, on 
the other, be derived from the Romanz, or corrupted Latin of 
the Normans. It is interelling to obferve how long thefe lan- 
guages, uncongenial in themfelves, and derived from fources 
widely different, continued to exift feparatcly, and to be fpokcu 
refpedlilvely by the Anglo-Norman conquerors and the vanquilh- 
ed Anglo-Saxons. It is ftill more interelling to obferve how, after 
having long flowed each in its feparate channel, they at length unit- 
ed and formed a middle diale^Sl, which, though employed at firll 
for the mere purpofe of convenience and mutual intercourfe be- 
twixt the two nations, at length fuperfeded the individual fpeech 
of both, and became the apt record of poetry and of philolophy. 
The hiftory of poetry is intimately connecSlcd with that of lan-r 
guage. Authors in the infancy of compofition, like Pope \\\ that 
of life, may be faid to * lifp in numbers.' Hiiiory, religion, 
morality, whatever tends to agitate or to footh the paflipns, is, 
during the ealier flages of fociety, celebrated in verfe. This 
may be partly owing to the eafe v/ith which poetry is retained 
upon the memory, in thofe ruder ages, when written monu- 
ments, if they at all exift, are not calculated to promote general 
information ; and it may be partly owing to that innate love of 
fong, ajid fenfibility to the charms of flowing numbers, which ij 
c|illinguifliabie even among the moil favagc people. But_, what- 

ever 



i8o4' ' Ellis'/ Specimens of Early Englijh Poetiry, 153 

ever be the caiife, the cfTefb is moft certain ; the early works of 
<'X\ nations have been written in verfe, and the hiiiory of their 
poetry is the hifiory of the language itfclf. It therefore feems 
lurprifmg, that, v/here the fubjecl is interefl:ing in a peculiar as 
well as in a general point of view, a diftinft and connected hiilory 
of our poetry, and of the language in which it is written, Ihould 
lo long have been a dejtderatiim in Englifh literature ; and the 
wonder becomes greater when we recollect, that an attempt to 
fupply the deticiency was long fince made by a perfon who feemed 
to unite every quality neceflary for the tafk. 

The late Mr Warton, v/ith a poetical enthufiafm which con- 
verted toil into pleafure, and gilded, to kimfeif and his readers, 
the dreary fubjecls of antiquarian lore, and with a capacity of la- 
bour apparently injconfilteiit with his more brilliant powers, has 
juoduced a work of great fize, and, partially fpeaking, of great 
intereft, Irom the pcrufal of which we rife, our fancy delighted 
with beautiful imagery, and with the happy analyfis of ancient 
tale and fong, but certainly with very vague ideas of the hiftory 
of Englilh poetry. The error feems to lye in a total negle£t of 
plan and fyltem ; for, delighted with every interefling topic 
which occurred, the hiftorical poet purfued it to its utmoft 
verge, without confidering that thcfe digreffions, however beau- 
tiful and interelling in themfelves, abftra6ted alike his own at- 
renrion, and that of the reader, from the profefled purpofe of 
his book. Accordingly, Warton's hifiory oi Englifh poetry has 
remained, and will always remain, an immenfe common-place 
book of memoirs to ferve for fuch an hifiory. No antiquary can 
open it, without drawing information from a mine which, though 
darkj is inexhaultible in its treafures ; nor will he who reads mere- 
ly for amufement ever fl^iUt it for lack of attaining his end ; while 
both may probably regret the defultory excurfions of an author, 
who wanted only fyftem, and a more rigid attention to minute 
accuracy, to have perfected the great talk he has left incomplete. 

It is therefore with t:o little pleafure that we fee a man of 
tafte and talents advance to fuppiy the deficiency in fo interefl- 
ing a branch of our karning ; a talk, to which Johnfon was un- 
equal through ignorance of our poetical antiquities, and in which, 
Warton failed, perhaps, becaufe he was too deeply enamoured 
of them. This is the arduous attempt of Mr Ellis j and it re- 
mains to inquire how he has executed it. 

The elemental part of the Engiifh language, that from which 
it derives, not indeed the greater proportion of its word.;, but 
Jhe rules of its grammar and conftrucflion, is the Anglo-Saxon ; 
and Mr Ellis has dedicated his firfl chapter to make the Englifh 
reader acquainted with it. The example of their poetry, which 
he has chofen So sxhibitj is the famous war-fong in praife of 

Athditane'g 



154 ^ EllisV Specintens of £ariy Englijh Poetry, April 

Athelftane's victory in the battle of Brunenburgh ; an engage- 
ment which checked for ever the viclorious progrefs of the Pidls 
and Scots, and Hmited their reign to the northern part of Bri- 
tain. We cannot, from this poem, nor indeed from any other 
remnant of Anglo-Saxon poetry, determine what were the rules 
of their verfe. Rhime they had none ; their rythm feems to 
liave been uncertain ; and perhaps their whole poetry confifted 
in the adaptation of the words to fome fimple tune; although 
Mr Ellis feems inclined to think, with Mr Tyrwhitt, that the 
verfe of the Saxons was only diilingulfhed from their profe by 
< a greater pomp of di£lion, and a more (lately kind of march. * 
To this fpecimen of Saxon poetry, Mr Ellis has fubjoined a 
tranflation of it into the Englifli of the age of Chaucer, which we 
recommend to our readers as one of the beft executed imitations 
that we have ever met with. It was written by a friend of Mr 
Ellis (Mr Frere, if we miftake not) while at Eton fchool, and 
ftruck us with fo much furprife, that we are obliged to extract 
a paffage, at the rilk of interrupting our account of Mr Ellis's 
plan, to juftify the extent of our panegyric. 
* The Mercians fought 1 underftond. 

There was gamen of the hond. 

AUe that with Aulof hir way horn 

Over the fcas in the fchippes worn, 

And the five fonnes of the kyuge, 

Fel mid dint of fword-fightinge. 

Hii feven eriis died alfo ; 

Mony Scottes were killed tho, 

The Normannes for their mighty boft 

Went home with a lytyl hoft. 

In Dacie of that gaming 
-' Mony wemen hir hondis wnng. 
The Normannes pafled that rivere. 
Mid hevy hart and forry cherc. 
The brothers to WefTex yode, 
Leving the crowen and the todc, 
HawkcB, doggis and wolves, tho 
Egles and mony other mo, 
With the dede men for their mede. 
On hir corfes for to fede. 
Sen the Saxonis firfl, come 
* In fchippes over the fea-fomc. 

Of the yeres that ben for gone 
Greater bataile was never none. ' 
This appears to us an exquifite imitation of the antiquated 
Engliih poetry J not depending on an accumulation of hard words, 

like 



1 8c 4. EUisV Specimens of Early Evglipi Poetry, 1 55 

like the ]anp;uage of Rowley, which, in every thin^ clfe, is 
refined and harmonious poetry, nor upon an agglomeration of 
confonants in the orthography, the rt-fource of later and more 
contemptible forgers, but upon the flyie itfelf, upon its alter» 
natc (Irength and weaknefs, now nervour> and concife, now dif- 
fufe and eked out by the feeble aid of expletives. In general, 
imitators vvilh to write like ancient poets, without ceafing to 
ufe modern meafure and phrafeology ; but had the confcience of 
this author permitted him to palm thefc verles upon the public 
as an ori^unal produ^lion of the fourteenth century, we know 
no internal evidence by which the impollure could have been 
dete£led. 

From conndering the (late of the Anglo-Saxon poetry at and 
previous to the Conqueft, Mr Ellis turns his confideration to that 
of the invaders, and treats at cunGderable length of what may be 
called the Anglo-Norman literature. It is well known, that the 
monarchs who immediately fucceeded the conqueror, adopted 
his policy, in foftering the language and arts of Normandy, ixi 
oppofitlon to thofe of the Anglo-Saxons, whom they opprelied, 
and by whom they were detelled. The French poetiy was not 
neglected ; and it is now confidcred as an eftablilhed point, that 
the moll ancient metrical romances exilling in that language, 
were compofed, not for the court of Paris, but for that of Lon- 
don j atid hence a Britith flory, the glories of King Arthur, be- 
came their f.tvourite theme. The ingenious Abbe de la P^ue 
wrote feveral eflays, printed \n the Archceologi:^, which throv/ 
great light upon the Anglo-Norman poets; and of this informa- 
tion Mr Ellis has judicioufly availed himfelf. But he alfo dif- 
covers by the explanations attached to his extra£ls from Wace, 
that intimate acquaintance with the Romanz language, which is 
at once fo difficult to acquire, and fo indirpenfablc to the execu- 
tion of his hidory. 

In the third chapter, we fee the lad rays of Saxon literature, 
in a long extract from Layamon's tranflatiori of the Brut of 
Wace. But fo little were the Saxon and Norman languages 
calculated to amalgamate, that though Layamon wrote in the 
reign of Henry II, his language is almofl pure Saxon ; and 
hence it is probable, that if the mixed language now called Eng- 
liiii at all exlfted, it was deemed as yet unfit for compofition^ 
and only ufed as a pie-bald jargon for carrying on the indifpenf- 
abie intercourfe betwixt the Anglo-Saxons and Normans. Itf 
procefs of time, however, the dialect fo much defplfed made 
its way into the fervice of the poets, and feems to have fuper- 
feded the ufe of the Saxon, although the French, being the 
pourt language^ continued to maintain its ground till a later pe- 
riod. 



156" Elils'j- Specimens of Early Englijh Poetry, April 

liod. Mr Ellis has traced this change with a heedful and dif- 
criminating eye, and has guided us through the harfh numbers 
of the romancers and the compilers of legends, and through the 
wide wafle of profaic verfe, in which it was the pleafure of Robert 
of Gloucefter and Robert de Brunne to record the hiftory of 
their country, down to that period when Englifh poetry began 
to aflume a clafiical form, and to counterbalance, in the efteem 
even of the kings and nobles, the hitherto triumphant Anglo- 
Norman. This grand change was doubtlefs brought on by very 
flow degrees, and it is difficult exa6Uy to afcertain its progrefs. 
The hiftory of Englifh Minftrelfy, in oppofition to that of the 
Anglo-Normans, would probably throw great %ht on this fub- 
je6t ; for thefe itinerant poets mud have made ufe of the Eng- 
lifh long before it was thought fit for higher purpofes. Mr El- 
lis has obfcrved, juftlyj that the hiftory alluded to is involved in 
great obfcurity : neverthelefs, before concluding, we intend to 
recommend it to his further attention. 

The epoch from which Englilh may be confidered as a claffical 
language, may be fixed in the reign of Edward III, the age of 
Gower and of Chaucer, in which it was no longer confined to 
what the latter has called * the drafty riming ' of the wander- 
ing rainftrel, but employed in the compofition of voluminous 
and ferious produftions by men poflefTed of all the learning of 
the times. The ConfeJJio Amantis of Dan. Gower is thus cha- 
racterized by Mr Ellis. 

• This poem is a long dialogue between a lover and his confeffor, who 
je a prieft of VenOs, and is called Genius. As every vice is in its na- 
ture unaniiable, it ought to follow, that immorality is unavoidably pu- 
Difhed by the indignation of the fair fex ; and that every fortunate lover 
muft of neceflity be a good man, and a good chriftian ; and upon this 
prefumption, which perhaps is not ilriflly warranted by experience, the 
confefTor pafie= in review all the deftds of the human character, and 
carefully fcrutinizes the heart of his penitent with rcfpeft to each, be- 
fore he w^U confent to give him abfolu^ion. 

* Becaufe example is more itr.prefilve than precept, he illuftrates his 
{njun6tioas by a feries of appofile tales, with the morality of which our 
lover profefies himfclf to be highly edified ; and being of a more inqui- 
fitive turn than lovers ufually are, or perhaps hoping to fubdue his mif- 
trefsby direAing againft her the whole artillery of fciencc, he gives his 
confefTor an opportunity of incidentally inllrufting him in chemiflry, 
and in the Ariftotelian philofophy. At length, all the intereft that he 
has endeavoured to excite, by the long and minure details of his fuffer- 
ing3, and by manifold proofs of his patience, is rather abruptly and 
unexpeftedly extinguifhed : for he tells us, not that his miftrefs i« in- 
flexible or faithlefs, but that he is arrived at fuch a good old age, that 
the fubmiflion of his fair enemy would not have been fufficient for en- 
furing hia Iriamph. * 



1804. Ellis'j' Specimens cf Early Engli/fj Poeiry. 

We regret that our limits do not permit us to include our au-- 
thor's account of Chaucer, and his poetry. It has been warmly dif- 
puted in what particular manner the father of Englifti poetry con- 
tributed to its improvement. Mr Ellis, with great plaufibility, 
afcribes this efFeft chiefly to the peculiar ornaments of his ftyle, 
confiding in an afFc<£lation of fplendour, and efpecially of latinity, 
which is not'to be found in the fimple itralns of Robert of Glou- 
cefter, or any of the anterior poets, nor indeed in that of Lau- 
rence Minot, or others about his own time. 

In chapter ninth, the language of Scotland, and the hiftory of 
her early poetry, comes into confideration. This is a thorny point 
with every antiquary. The Englifti and Scotifh languages are in 
early times exadly fimilar ; and yet, from the circumftances of 
the two countries, they muil necelTarily have had a feparate origin.. 
Mr Ellis feems difpofed to adopt the folutlon of Mr Hume, who 
fuppofes the Saxon language to have been impofed upon the Scotifli, 
by a feries of fuccefsful invafions and conqueits, of which hiftory 
takes no notice. To this propolition, in a limited degree, we are 
inclined to fubfcribe ; for there is no doubt that the Anglo-Saxons 
of Bernicia extended themfelves, at leaft occafionaliy, as far as 
the frith of Forth, occupied the Merfe and Lothian, introduced 
into them their language, and, when conquered by the Scots and 
Pi<Sls, were in facl the Angli^ to whom, as fubjetts of the Crown 
of Scotland, our Kings' charters were fo frequently addreiTed- 
But we cannot admit thefe conquefts to be fuppofed farther than 
they are proved ; nor do we conceive that one province, though 
a rich one, could have impofed its language upon the other fuo- 
je6ts of tiie Kings who acquired it by conqueft. There muft 
have been fome other fource from which the Scoto-Teutonick is 
derived, than the Anglo-Saxon fpoken in Lothian. This grand 
fource v,-e conceive to have been the language of the ancient 
Pi6ts •, nor would it be eafy to alter ' our opinion, Thofe who 
are connoifleurs in the Scotiih dialedls as now fpoken, will obferve 
many infbances of words in the idiom of Angus- fhire (the feat 
of the Pi6ls) which can only be referred to a Belgic root ; where- 
as diofe of South-country idiom may almoil univerfally be traced 
to the Anglo-Saxon. I'he Norman, from which, as Mr Ellis 
juftly remarks, the Scotifh dialect, as foon as we have a fpecimen 
c-f it, appears to have borrowed as xn\xcl\ as the Engllfli, was pro- 
bably introduced by the inSux of Norman nobles, whom the op- 
preflion of their own King3 drove into exile, or whom their na- 
tive chivalrous and impatient temper urged to feck fortune and 
adventures in the court of Scotland. Having traced the origin 
of our language, the earlier Scotifh poets Barbour and Winton 
parfs in revicvv^ with fpecimena from each^ very happily felecled^ 

to 



158 EUis'j- Bpedmcr.s of Early Englifi Poetry: April 

to illuftrate at once their own powers of compofitlon, and the 
manners of the age in which they wrote. Thefe are intermingled 
with criticifms, in which the reader's attentiop is directed to what 
is moft worthy of notice, and kept perpetually awake by the lively 
and happy ftyle in which they are conveyed. 

The merit of Occleve and Lydgate are next examined, wlio, 
with equal popularity, but with merit incalculably inferior, fup- 
ported the renown of EngH{h poetry after the death of Chaucer. 
One fpecimen from the latter we cannot help extracting as irre- 
fiftibly ludicrous. 

* One of the moft amufing pafTages in this poem (the Book of Troy) 
is contained in the feventeenth chapter, and relates to a well known e- 
vent in the life of Venus. Lydgate thus exprefles his indignation a- 
gainft Vulcan. 

* The /mot ry * fmith, this fvvarte Vulcanus, 
That v/hilom in hearte was fo jealous 
Toward Venus that was his wedded wife, 
Whereof there vofe a deadly mortal Itrife, 
When he v/ith Mars gan her firft efpy. 
Of high malice, and cruel falfe envy, 
Through the fhining of Phebus' beams bright. 
Lying a-bed with Mars her owne knight. 
For which in heart he brent as any glede, f 
Making the flander all abroad to fprede. 
And gan thereon falfely for to" mufe. 

And God forbid that any man accufe 
For so LITTLE any woman ever! 
Where love is fet, hard is to diffever ! 
For though they do fuch thing of gentlenefs, 
Pafs overlightly, and bear none heavinefs, 
Lfil that thou be to woman odious ! 
And yet this fmith, this falfe Vulcanus, 
Albe that he had them thus efpied, 
Among Paynims yet was he defied ! 
And, for that he so falsely them awoke, 
I have him fet laft of all my boke, 

Am^ong the goddes of falfe mawmentry|,' &c. (Sign. L. i.) 
« Upon this occafion, the morals of our poetical monk are fo very 
pliant, that it is diificuk (o fuppofe him quite free from perfonai mo- 
tives which might have influenced his doftrine. Perhaps he had been 
incommoded by fome intrufive hufband, at a moment when he felt tired 

of 

* Smoky or fmutty. f A burning coal. LoJx. 

■\. Mahometry, i. e. idolatry. It may be proper to obferve, that no 
part of this paflage is to be found in Colonna's original. In general, 
indeed, Lydgate's is by no means a tranllation, .but a vgry loofe para- 

phrafe. 



l304. EllisV Specimens of Early Eriglijh Poetrf, 1^^ 

of celebacy, and wifhed to indulge in a temporary relaxation from the 
fcverity of monadic difcipline *. ' 

From Lydgate our author proceeds to James I. of Scotland, 
upon whofe perlbnal qualities he pronounces a merited panegyric, 
accompanied with fevcral extracts from the *Kingis Quair. ' The 
next chapter is peculiarly interefting. It contains a retrofpeft of 
the conclufions to be drawn from the information already convey- 
ed ; and this introduces a well v/ritten and plealing digrelhon up- 
on the private life of the Englifti during the middle ages. We 
iearn that, even in that early period, the life of the Engliih farm- 
er or yeoman was far fuperior in eafe and comfort to that of perfons 
of the fume rank in France. Pierce Ploughman, a yeoman appar- 
ently, polTciTed a cow and calf, and a cart-mare for tranfpoiting 
manure j und although, at one time of the year, he fed upon 
cheefe curds and oat cakes, yet after Lammas, when his harveft 
was got in, he could * drefs his dinner to his own mind. ' We 
alfo learn, that the peafants were fo far independent, as to exaft 
great wages ; and doubtlefs thefe circumllances, combined with 
the prucliice of archery, gave the Englifii infantry fuch an infinite 
advantage over thofe of other nations, confiding of poor half-fed 
ierfs, and gained them fo many battles in fpite of the high-foul'd 
chivalry of France, and the obftinate and enduring courage ot' 
cur Scotilh anceftors. Mr Ellis remarks, on this fubje£l: — ' It is 
very honourable ta the good fenfe of the Englifh nation, that our 
two beft early poets have highly extolled this ufeful body of men, 
while the French m.inftrels of the twelfth, thirteenth, and four- 
teenth centuries, univerfally feem to approve the fupercilious con- 
tempt with which the nobles afFe6led to treat them f . ' We have 
alio much curious information concerning the drefs of the period, 
particularly of the ladies, who in the day-time feem to have been 
wrapt up in furs, and in the night-time to have flept without 
rhifts. The ferenades, the amufcments, the food, the falliions, 
the manners of the period, are all illuilrated by quotations frorrv 
♦he authors w^ho have referred to them ; and, with the fingular 

.advantage 

* SuipecSling that Lydgate had borrowed this fingular paffage from 
fome French paraphrafe of Colonna's work, I examined the anonymous 
tranflation in the Mufeum, (Bibl. Reg. 16. F. IX.), but could not 
Snd any traces of fuch a deviation from the original. 

+ We have noticed a folitary exception to this general rule, 
* Quoique je di, et quoique non 
Nus n'eft vilains fe de cuer non ; 
Vilains eft qui fait vilenie, 
Ja taat iert de haute lignie. ' 

Fablisu di ChnaV'cr dts Ckrs et Jet yilahf,. 



I(5@ t,l\Ws Spec'imoiis of £arly Engli/h Pceirf. Apifi 

advantage of never lofing fight of hts main fubjeft, Mr Ellis has 
brought together much information on collateral points of interefl 
and curiofity, which will be new to the modern reader, and pleaf- 
ing to the antiquary, by placing, at once, under his review, cir- 
cumftances difperfed through many a weary page of black letter. 

The reign of Henry VI., and thofe of the fucceeding mo- 
narchs, down to Henry VIII., feem to have produced few poets 
worthy of notice. Two tranflators of feme eminence occur 
during the former period, and the latter is graced by Harding 
(a kind of Robert of Glocefter redivivus) \ Hawes, a bad imita- 
tor of Lydgate, ten times more tedious than his original ; the 
Ladie Juliana Berners, who wrote a book upon hunting in exe- 
crable poetry ; and a few other rhimers, who, excepting per- 
haps Lord Rivers, are hardly worth naming. Daring tliis period, 
however, the poetry of Scotland was in its higheft Hate of per- 
fection ; and Mr Ellis finds ample room, both for his critical 
and hiilorlcal talents, in celebrating Plenry the Minftrel, Henry- 
foun, Johnftoun, Merear, Dunbar, and Gawain Douglas. Up- 
on the works of the two lall, Mr Ellis dwells with pleafure ; and 
his opinion may have fome eiTe6t in refrefhing their faded lau- 
rels. In the reign of Henry VIII., the Scotifh bards continue 
to preferve their fuperiority ; for, furely, the ribald Skelton, 
and the tirefome John Heywood, cannot be compared to Sir 
David Lindfay of the Mount, or to the anonymous author of the 
Mourning Maiden. In this lall beautiful poem, the following 
paflage embarraffes Mr Ellis : 

♦ Sail never berne gar breif the bill 
At bidding me to bow. ' 
The meaning feems to us to be, * No one fnall enrol the fum- 
mons, which fhall force me to yield to his fuit. ' With this 
poem Mr Ellis clofes the firft part of his work, being the hillo- 
ry of the Engliili poetry and language. 

We have already taken notice of the very extenfive range of 
difcuflion which this Iketch embraces. It was therefore almod 
unavoidable, that there Ihould remain fubjefts on which we might 
have wiftied for farther information. The hiftory of Englilb Min- 
(Irelfy, in particular, makes too important a part of Mr Ellis's fub- 
je6t, for us to permit him to efcape from it fo flightly. As he has:' 
announced his intention to publiflr a fecond feries of fpecimens, fc- 
le6ted from the early metrical romances, we recommend ftrongly 
to him, to prefix fuch a prefatory memoir as may fill up this wide 
blank in the hiilory of our language. We are the more earnei-; 
in this recommendation, becaufe we know, from experience, that 
Mr Ellis will manage, with the temper becoming a gentleman, a 
difpute which, though the circumltance feems to us altogether 

aftonilhing. 



jSo;1. Ellis'/ specimens of Early EngliJJj Poetry. l6l 

ailoniflilng, has certainly had a prodigious efFe61: in exciting the 
irritable pafTions of our antiquaries, and has been managed with a 
degree of acrimony only furpafied by the famous and rancorous 
tjuarrel about the Scots and Pi61:s. We obferve, vdth pleafure, 
that, in repelling fome attacks upon his firft and fecond editions, 
Mr Ellis has uniformly ufed the lance of courtefyy as a romancer 
would have faid •, and truly we have no pleafure in feeing his 
contemporaries fpur their hobby -horfes headlong againfl each o- 
ther, and fight at oittrance^ and with fer eniAdu. Mr Ellis's ftyle 
is uniformly chafte and fimple, diveriiFied by a very happy gaiety 
which enlivens even the moft unpromifing parts of his fubjecl. 
AVe have only to add, that no author has pafled over his own 
pretenfions v/ith fuch unar7e£led modeily, or given more liberal 
praife to the labours of others. 

It cannot be expefted, after dwelling fo long upon the original 
part of the work, that we fliould have much to f;iy upon tlie fpe- 
cimens which occupy the two lalt volumes. To each reign is 
prefixed a general character of the literature of the period ; and to 
each fet of fpecimens fome account of the author and his writings. 
That of Spenfer contains fome new and curious particulars, with 
a fliort and able critique upon his ftyle of poetry. We therefore 
extract it at length. 

< From fatisfaitury Information that has lately been procured, it ap- 
pears that Spenfer was born about I553j ^^^ ^^^^ ^'* ^59^"9' ^^^ "^^' 
educated at Pembroke- Hal!, Cambridge, which he quitted in 1576 ; 
and, retiring into the north, compofed his * Shepherd's Calendar, ' the 
dedication of which feems to have procured him his firil introduction to 
Sir Philip Sidney, In 1579, ^^ ^^^ employed by Leicefler, to whom 
lie had been recommended by Sidney, in fome foreign commiflion. In 
1580, he became fecretary to Lord Gray of Wilton, then appointed 
I^ord Deputy of Ireland; and, in 1582, returned with him to Eng- 
land. In 158G, he obtained a grant of 3000 acres of land in the coun- 
ty of Cork, and in the following year took poireffion of his eftate, where 
he generally continued to refide till 1598, when, as Drummond relates 
on the authority of Ben Juhnfon, his houfe was plundered and burnt by 
the irifli rebels ; his cliild murdered ; and himfelf, with his wife, driven 
in tlie greateit diftrefs to England. It was in the courfe of eleven years, 
paffcd in Ireland, that he compoled his ' Fairy Queen. ' 

< If thefe dates be corrett, it will follow, that notwithftanding the 
illiberal oppofition of Lord Burleigh, whofe memory has been devoted 
10 ignominy by every admirer of Spenfer, the period during which our 
amiable poet v/as condemned 

To fret his foul with croffes and with cares, 
! , ■. To eat his heart wich comfortlers defpairs, 
wras not very long protraded; Unce he began to enjoy the advantaged 
of puhhc office at the age of 2,6,^ and) at jj, was re\varded by an am- 
7. L pie 



NOi 



102 EllIsV specimens of Early Englijh Poetry. April 

p!e and independent fortune, of which he was only deprived by a gene- 
ral and national calamity. Few candidates of court favour, with na 
better pretenfions than great literary merit, have been fo fuccefsful. 

* Mr Warton has offered the belt excufes that can be alleged for the 
defcfts of the ' Fairy Queen, ' afcribing the wildncfs and irregularity 
of its plan to Speiifer's prediledlion for Ariofto. But the ' Orlando 
Furiofo, ' though abfurd and extravagant, is uniformly amufing. We 
are enabled to tiavcl to tlie conclufion of our journey without fatigue, 
though often bewildered by the windings of the road, and furprifed by 
the abrupt change of our travelling companions ; whereas it is fcarcely 
pofliblc to accompany Spenfer's allegorical heroes to the end of their 
excuifioRS. They want fledi and blood ; a want, for which nothing 
can compenfate. The perfonification of abftradl ideas furniflies the 
moft brilliant images of poetry ; but thefe meteor forms, which (lartle 
and delight us when our fenfts are flurried by paffion, muft not be fab- 
mitted to our cool and deliberate examination. A ghoft muft not be 
dragged into day-light. Perfonification, protracted into allegory, af- 
fects a modern reader almoft as difagreeably as infpiration continued to 
madnefs. 

* This however was the fault of the age ; and all that genius could 
do for fijch a fubjcft, has been done by Spenfer. His glowing fancy, 
his unbounded command of language, and his aftonifhing facility and 
fwectnefs of verfificalion, have placed him in the firft rank of Englifii 
poets. It is hoped that the following fpecimens, felefted from his mi- 
nor compofitions, will be found to be tolerably illullrative of his poeti- 
cal, as well as of his moral charafler. 

* The three fird books of the ' Fairy Queen ' were printed in quarto, 
3590 ; and again, with the three next, in 1596. ' 

From the works of voluminous authors Mr Ellis has feletfted 
fuch paflages as might give the bell general idea of tlieir manner ; 
but he has alfo been indefatigable in feeking out all fuch beautiful 
fmaller pieces as ufcd to form the little collections, called, in the 
quaint language of the times, Garlands. His own work may be 
confidered as a new garland of withered rofes. The lift con- 
cludes with the reign of Charles II. The publication feems to 
have been made with the ftritleft attention to accuracy, except 
that, throughout the whole, the fpelling is reduced to the mo- 
dern ftandard, for which we fear Mr Ellis may undergo the cen- 
fure of the more rigid antiquaries. For our part, as all the an- 
tique words are carefully retained and accurately interpreted, wc 
do not think that, in a popular work, intelligibility fhould be fa- 
crificed to the prefervation of a rude and uncertain orthography. 
As an example of the amatory ftyle of Charles the Firft's reign, 
from which our later poetafters have fecurely pilfered for their 
miftrefles' ufe fo many locks of gold and teeth of pearl, not to 
mention rofes and lilies, we infert the following fong from Ca* 

rew. 

* Afe 



1 804. Ellis'^ Specimens of Early Englifi Poetry. 5(53 

* Afl< me no more where Jove beftowg, 
When June is paft, the fading rofe ; 
For in your beauty's orient deep, 
Thefe flowers as in their caufes fleep. 

Arte me no more whither do ftray 
The golden atoms of the day ; 
For in pure love heaven did prepare 
Thofe powders to enrich your hair. 

Afk me no more whither doth hafte 
The nightingale, when May is pait ; 
For in your fweet dividing throat 
She winters, and keeps warm her note. 

Aflc me no more where thofe ftars light, 
That downwards fall at dead of night ; 
For in your eyes they fet, and there 
Fixed become as in their fphere. 

Aflc me no more if eaft or weft 

The phosnix builds her fpicy neft ; 

For unto you at lall fhe flies, 

And in your fragrant bofom dies. ' 
It only remains to mention, that there are prefixed to thefe vo- 
lumes two accurate lifts of Englifh poets, one chronological, and 
the other alphabetical, from 1230 to 1650; and that there is an 
Efl'ay at the conclufion, in which the author's opinion concerning 
the origin of language is condenfed and recapitulated. 



Art. XI. Inquiries concerning the Nature of a Metallic Suhjlance, lately 
fold in London as a Neiv Metal, under the Title of Palladium. By 
llichard Chenevix Efq. F. R. S. and M. R. 1. A. From Philo- 
fophical Tranfaftions for 1S03. Part il. 

TT7"e confider this as a very excellent paper ; and, fmce the fubf 
je£l is not only curious in detail, but may lead to feveral 
important general views, we (hall devote a few pages to fuch an 
account of Mr Chenevix's inquiries, as may introduce them to 
the acquaintance of our readers. 

An advertifement was circulated laft fpring, defcribing the che- 
mical properties of a new noble 7netaly called palladium, or neiu 
ftlver. Specimens of it vv'ere expofed to fale ; and no account 
whatever was given of tlie manner or the place in which they had 
been procured. They had all undergone the operation of the 
Hatting mill, and were formed into thin laminie. Nothing like 
an unwrouglit fpecia\en, a bit of the ore, or a portion of its ma- 

L 2 trix. 



i64 Chenev-ix, o?i' the Chemical Properiles of Paiutdhwi. Afnt 

trix, was either defcribed or exhibited. No pcrfon of fcientific 
authority came forward to vouch for tJie accour^t given of the fin- 
gular properties vi'hich this fubllaTice was f^iid to pollefs ; and 
thofe properties were only unfolded as an advertifement of an 
article of commerce. AH theie circumftances contributed to in- 
volve the authenticity of the fpecimens in a great degree of fuf- 
picion, and to render it extremely probable that the iubftance ex- 
pofed to falo as a new metal, was only a compound or other modi- 
fication of known minerals, effected by artificial means. With a 
view to the determ.ination of this point, Mr Chenevix undertook 
the courfe of experiments which forms the fubjecfl of tlie paper 
now before us. An.d, as he very foon difcovered, in the famples 
which he examined, properties extremely different from thofe of; 
the known metals, hu; was led to extend his inquiries, and to pro- 
cure, for this purpofe^ the whole of tb.e fpecimens offered to the 
public by tlie proprietor. In prefenting our readers with an ab- 
ilrad: of this inveitigation, we fliall confidcr, f'-jh the experi- 
ments made upon the pi'opeities and habitudes of this doubtful 
fubftance : thefe did not fuffice to determine its precife nature, 
which wa« only difcovered, by attempting to form a fnnilar body 
from a union of fimple fubltances. We ihali', in the fecond place, 
confider the fynthetical experiments. After having by this pra- 
cefs afcertained the component parts of palladium, our author en- 
deavoured to feparate the compovmd body into its ingredients,: 
Thefe attempts to analyfe the alloy will form the lail objetl of 
attention. 

I. The fpecific gravity of the fpecimens varied from 10.972 
to I J. 482: a heat much greater than that of melting gold was 
required to fufe thcin ; and the fpecific gravity of the button was 
incrcafed to 11.871. Sulphur makes it melt at a low tempera- 
ture, and forms with it a very brittle fulphusate. Charcoal ap- 
pears to have no fort of affinity with palladium. This fubftaace, 
when polilhed, refembles platina very nearly j when melted,' it 
alTumes the appearance of cryllallization, and is extremely mal- 
leable. 

The alloy of n illadium with eq.uiil parts of filver, had a lower 
jfpecific gravity than palladium itfelf : the alloy with platina had 
a much greater fpecific gravity : the alloys with lead and bifmuth 
bore a llriking refemblance to each other ; a new circumftance, 
our readers will remark, in the analogy formerly pointed out be- 
tween thofe two metals by Mr Hatchett. (No. VI. p. 454.) 

The alkalies act weakly on palladium, with the aihltance of at- 
mofphericai air. The mineral acids a£l much more violently, 
particularly the nitric and muriatic, and moll of all the nitro- 
muriatic acid. Witli all thefe folveilts it forms a red liquor, 

frottz 



if B 0^5' Ghenevlx, oji the Chemical Pr6perties of Palladium, "at^ 

•from which it is precipitated in the form of an orangc-colonreei 
poM^der, by alkalies, earths, and all the metals except gold, filver, 
and platina. 

Notwithltanding the analogy of many of the properties of pal- 
ladium to thofe of platina, yet, in feveral rcfpe6ts, the above ex- 
periments were entirely rrreconcileable with the known habi- 
tudes either of that fubitance, or of gold or filver. ,Some other 
telts M-hich -our author applied, rendered it equally improbable 
that either lead, copper, or jmercury,.ihould have contributed to thr? 
formation of this fingular body. Above all, the fpecific gravity 
of palladium and its habitudes, both with the acids and with re~ 
lpe61: to the other metals, were fucli as could never have been ex- 
pected from the known properties either of platina or mercury ; 
and yet our author found, rather by a cafual experiment than by 
the refult of the trials above analyfed, that thofe two metals 
might be fo united as to form a compound in which the moft ob- 
vious properties of each were entirely concealed, and new proper- 
ties exhibited, exaftly corresponding with thofe of palladium, 

II. When a folution of platina is made by nitro-muriatic acid, 
and red oxide of mercury made by nitric acid is added to tiie 
former folution until it is Saturated ; and v/hen the whole mixture 
is heated with green fulphate of iron ; a copious precipitate of me~ 
•t.dlic powder is formed, which is with diihculty fufible into a but- 
ton, which readily melts when fulphur is added, is ibluble in nitric 
acid, has a fpecihc gravity of 1 1.2, and is entirely ilmilar to pal- 
ladium. This alloy contains about one part of mercury and two 
of platina. 

If in this experiment there be fiibftituted for fulphate of iron, 
either iron, zinc, or phofphate of ammonia, no palladium is pro- 
duced \ )K)r can platina and mei»jury be united fo as to form pal- 
ladium, either by direct trituration anil digefllon, or by mixture 
of their Solutions in acids, or by expofing the two bodies toge- 
ther to vioknt degrees of heat, or by palling the vapours of the 
one over the other iu a llate of intenfe fuiion, or by exhibiting- 
tlie metals to each other under the atfion of tlie moll powerful 
galvanic pile. By two m.ethods befides the one firft afcertained, 
palladium ma^r be formed; Sulphurated hydrogen. gas may be 
palled through the mixed folution of platina and mercury •, or the 
precipitate of platina by amnionia, from its folution iu nitro- 
mvu-iatic acid, may be triturated with mercury, and then expoSecl 
to a \dolent heat. The SucceSs of both thcSe methods, however, 
is extremely uncertain; and the union of the metals in every way^ 
<^xcept the proceSs of reduction by Sulphate of iron, feems to de- 
pend upon fo great a number of unknown circumflances, that the 
'Operation may fairly be conSidered as one of the molt capricious 

Li 'x ill 



l66 Chencvix, on the Cheinical Proper ties of Palladium. April 

in chcmiflry. We are, lioM'ever, warranted in concluding, that 
various alloys of mercury and platina may be formed, which do 
not poflefs the diftinguifhing properties of palladium. To unite 
the two metals fo as to increafe the fufibility and diminilh the 
fpecific gravity of the platina, is by no means diihcult : But the 
compound does not acquire the chara6leriftic cjualities of palla- 
diuiTi until a much greater proportion of the mercury has been 
combined j and its folubility in nitric acid only takes place when 
the fpecific gravity has been reduced to 12 or i2.c;. 

III. It is fingular with what force the component parts of 
palladium are united, notwithftanding their repugnance to enter 
into combination. All the experiments which our author made 
with a view to analyfe this fubdance, completely failed. He 
tried the converfe of all his fynthetical operatiotis without ef- 
fe£f. He expofcd palladium to a violent heat ; fubjefled it to 
cupellation \ burnt it both in oxygen gas and by means of the 
galvanic pile, without the flighteft tendency to feparation being 
evinced by the component parts. When it was burnt, a thick 
white fmoke arofe, which, on being colleiled, was found to 
confift of palladium, entirely unafl'cfted by the operation. Thefe 
experiments were tried not only upon the fpecimens expofed to 
fale, but upon the fubllance produced by our author's experi- 
ments ; and, what is not a little remarkable, it wau found as 
impolhble to decompofe the imperfect kind of palladium, formed 
by a flight union of platina and mercury, as to feparatc thefe 
two metals, from the union of which tliey are fufceptible in the 
largell proportions. 

Mr Chenevix concludes his paper with fome experiments upon 
the mutual aOinitles of metals, and the affinities of platina with 
acids. The former clafs of e\*;)eriments is not very interefl.- 
ing : in the latter, it is afcertained that fulphuric acid has a 
Itrongcr affmity for platina. than muriatic acid ; from whence 
our author infers, that the opinion is fallacious which accounts 
for the folution of platina in nitro-muriatic acid, upon the fup- 
pofition tkat the muriatic acid afiilis the procefs in the fame 
manner as fulphuric acid aids the decompofuion of water by 
iron. One argument, which he emits to adduce on this point, 
may be drawn from the opinion now univerfally entertained by 
the beft chemifis, that, in the nitro-rouri^tic acid, neither of the 
com.pijnent acids exiils entire, as the fulphuric acid exifts in its 
mixture with water; but that, in fa£l, a nev/ acid, with a fepa- 
raie radical, is formed by the combination of the other xwo. 

ISlr Clifnevix has in this, as in all his other pnpers, needitfsly 
t-vpofed him.felt to criticiim, both by the atFeitation of his no- 
menclature, and by the introduclion of general rciietlions ; a de- 
partment 



,1803. Chencvli, en the Chemical "Properties of PaVUidiam, .167 

partment of writing in which he does not very e«iinentlyexct]. W« 
are at a lofs to perceive the necefTity of rejeclit)^ the xt\vci'iox-';g'enate 
and oxidate, for oxygcjitze znd oxidize, with their clunii'"y derivatives^ 
cxvgeuizeme/it and oxidizemetit. Coneaitrate (for <:oncenti-aicd) we 
are inclined to rank among errors in grammar, rather than neo^ 
Jogifms. Solidification is a word which we apprehend owes its 
being to Mr Chenevix \ and it is rather unaccount^ible how fo 
fcrupulous a nomenclitor iliould retain the old barbarous term 
dnnahar. We are happy to obferve, however, that he has over- 
come his antipathy to the term oxide, founded, if we rightly re- 
inember, on the notion that this word is apt to be confounded 
with ox-hide. And, whatever objections our author's fcientific 
phrafeology may be liable to, we would infinitely rather have 
him coin as many new words, or revive as many obfolete ones 
as he pleafes, than continue his forjner practice of ftopping per- 
petually to introduce a differtation upon the propriety of his 
language. 

With refpeft to his genera! obfervations, the following extra6t 
may perhaps juftify our inability to applaud his talent for this 
fpecies of writing. 

* If a theory is fometimes ufcful as a ftandard to which we may re- 
fer our knowledge, it is at other times prejudicial, by creating an at- 
tachment in our minds to preconceived ideas, which have been admit- 
ted, without inquiring whether from truth or from convenience. We 
eafily corre<3: our judgement as to fafts ; and the evidence of experiment 
is equally convincing to all perfons. But theories not admitting of ma- 
thematical demonftration, and being but the interpretation of a feries 
of fa6ls, are the creatures of opinion, and are governed by the various 
imprcflions made upon every individual. Nature laughs at our fpecu- 
lations ; and though from time to time we receive fuch warnings as 
jfhould awaken us to a due fenfe of our limited knowledge, we are pre- 
fented v^'ith an ample compenfation in the extenfion of our views, and a 
nearer approach to immutable truth.* p. 317. 

The two mod remarkable circumftances in the conftitution 
of palladium, for the knowledge of which the fcientific world 
is indebted to Mr Chenevix, are the peculiarity of the properties 
that diilinguifli it from every other metal, and the impolTibility 
of decompounding it by any known procefs. He has infifted a 
good deal upon the fingularity of its qualities differing fo wide- 
ly from thofe of mercury and platina ; but we acknowledge our- 
felves unable to perceive any thing peculiar in this difi^erence. 
It is one of the moft general laws of elective attra£lion, that 
the compound body poflefles properties entirely different from 
the ingredients by the union of which it is formed. Nothing 
furely can lefs refemble fulphuric acid, than fulphate of foda ; 
nor can any bodies exhibit lefs fimilarity than water or fteam, 

\^ 4 and 



l58 Chenevix, on the Chemical Properties of Palladium. April 

and the two gafes which compofe it. The efFe£ls produced by 
a variation in the proportions of the conilituent parts of palla- 
dium, are not to be compared M'ith the changes produced by 
varying the proportions of the two gafes which compofe the at- 
mofphere : no amalgam or alloy of mercury and platina differs 
fo effentially from palladium as atmofpherical air ditTers from 
nitrous gas and nitric acid. The conltitution of the vegetable 
oils and alcohol, and of the different vegetable acids, affords 
various other inllances of a m.uch greater dillimilarity between 
compound bodies and their component parts, and of a much 
greater diverfity produced by changing the relative proportions 
of the ingredients, than any which the experiments of Mr Che- 
nevix have exhibited in the cafe of the metals. 

We muft therefore confine our acknowledgement of the im- 
portance of thefe experiments to the circumllance of a metallic 
fubftance being prefented by them, entirely different from, every 
other •, and though evidently a compound, yet incapuble of di- 
redl analyfis by any known proccfs. The indifputabic certainty 
of this faft may teach us to regard with lefs contempt the great 
objefl of the earlier chemical expeiimentaliils ; and, without di- 
minifliing our juft reprobation of the unphilofophicai fpirit in 
which their inquiries were condnfted, may incline us to believe 
in the poffibility of thofe tranfmutations, the purfuit of which ha.v 
covered with ridicule every thing that bears the name of al- 
chemy. 



I 



Art. XII. D'tfcourfcs on Theological and Literary Std/cfls : By the late 
Rev. Archibald Arthur, M. A. Profcffor of Moral Philofnpljy in the 
Univerfity of Glafgow. IFifh an yiccotait of fome Pa'-ticulars in his 
Life and Chara&er : By William Ricliardfori, M. A. ProfcfFor of 
Humanity in the Univerfity of Glafgow. Glaf^ow, at the Univerfity 
Prefs: Printed by J. Si J. Scrimgeour. Loiignnan & llees, London. 
1803. 

N an advertifement prefixed to this work, we are informed hy 
the learned editor, that the ' following Dlfcourfes were not 
intended by their author to be publiflied as they now appear. 
With the exception of three or four, none of them ever feeni 
to have been written over by him twice. The liberty taken ia 
offering them to the public, was from the wifn entertained by 
his near relations, of preferving and doing honour to his me- 
mory 5 which they thought could be done, even though the 
works to be publiflied were as imperfe^l as has now been men- 
tioned. ' Such an intimation as this would neceffarily preclude 
much cf the feyerity of criticifnij eve;a if ^h? Difcourfes t p which 
" ■ ' ' it 



1804. ProfeJJbr hxihnx^s Difmtrfes. t6^ 

it relates were renlly lefs vaUmble than we have found them; 
but as maijy of them poirefs confiderable merit, we are fenfible 
of the benefit which his relations and the editor have conferred 
on the public by printinjj them, fuch as they are. Before pro- 
ceeding to the work iifelf, we (hall notice a few particulars in 
the account of the author's lite and character, which the editor 
has fubjoined in the form of an Appendix. 

' His father (we are informed) was a conliderabl- farmer in Renfrew- 
fiijre ; and his parents, being pe:fons of great worth, and havinjr Inch a 
conriderable degree of knowledge as is not unufiial among refpe<liable 
farmers in Scotland, were capable, while teaching their foti to read 
Englifh, of imparting to him other ufefiii information ; and of awaken- 
ing in the tender mind of the child, thofe affcftions, and that fenfe of 
duty, which might afterwards be required of him in diicharging the im- 
portant functions of manhood. ' p, 493. 494. 

After pr.ili'ag fome years at a gramtmar fchool in Paifley, he 
was removed, in his fourteenth year, to the Univerfity of Glaf- 
gow ; th<i fcene of his future labours. Here his abilities foon 
attrat'vted the notice of Mr Moorhead and Dr Moor, the teachers 
of the Latin and Greek languages at that time; * men (fays Mr 
Richardfon) not more eminent for their talle and erudition, 
than for their goodnefs of heart and attachment to early me- 
rit. ' As he made choice of the clerical profeiTion, (we are told) 
that * he applied with great diligence to that courfe of philo- 
fophical iludy which is held neceilary to the knowledge o£ 
theology, and the duties of a clergyman.' This we certainly 
find no difficulty in believing ; but we muft fufpeft the partiality 
.of friendihip, when INlr Richardfon proceeds to transform Mr 
Arthur into a kind of Sir Ifaac Newton, telling us that the 

— ' capacity of his mind enlarging itfelf in the courfe of intdle«flual 
exertion, became fo great, that in his riptr years no difcovery in fcience 
was too cxtciifive, or too vaft for his compreht'oGon. Along v/ith this, 
his habits of profound and accurate thinking difcovered themfelvcs by 
the furprifing facility with which he was able to apprehend the moll 
abftrufe and difficult fubjefts of philofophical and abilradl inquiry. Nor 
was there any difquifition fo intricate, as that his acutenefs and perfpi- 
cuity could not unravel and unfold its perplexities. Nor were hi?; talents 
for extenhvc comprehenfion, and the ready conception of fcientific know- 
ledge, confined to any one department. ' p. 497. 498. 

The fa6l which follows this fplendid encomium is, however, 
a proof that he was a man of uncommon and various acquire- 
ments: * Both before and after his appointment to a profelTor- 
Ihip, he lectured, when occafion required, in logic, botany, and 
humanity ; ' and, ' during the ncceiiary ribfence of the Profeflbv 
of Church Hiftory, he lectured for a whole rcffion of Coliewe, iu 
|hat depnrtmentj, ' with very great reputation, 

Sooti 



170 pyofcffcr Atth^x'c'sDifcourfes. April 

; Soon after obtaining his licenfe from the Prefbytery, he was 
appointed chaplain to the Univerfity of Glafgow, and was much 
efteemed as a preacher. He became likeuife librarian to the 
Univerfity, and gave general fatisfadtion to that learned body, 
by making a moi't diftincl catalogue of the books contained in 
the college library. His merit as a preacher had already ob- 
tained for him an additional appointment, in being made aftiftant 
to Dr Craig, a clergyman of great eminence in Glafgow ; and 
he was foon about to receive a ftill more confpicuous mark of 
the value in which big attainments were held by men of difcern- 
irient, in being recommended by Dr Reid to the Univerfity as a 
fit perfon to affift and fucceed him in the honourable capacity of 
Profeflbr of Moral Philofophy. While he was yet but little known 
to that judicious philofopher, he preached a fermon in his hearing, 
of fo much merit, that, at the conclufion, Dr Reid whifpered to 
one of his brethren, * This is a very fenfiblc fellow, and, in 
my opinion, would make a good profefibr of morals. ' Dr Reid 
lived fifteen years after Mr Arthur was nominated to this ?.p- 
jiointment ; and the latter enjoyed it only one year after the 
death of the former. Some fpecimens of his ability as a profefibr 
are now given to the public in the firft part of the following 
Difcourfes. 

In his moral charadler, Mr Arthur appears to have been 
amiable and benevolent, fleady in his purpofes, and friendly to 
the good order and peace of fociety. His greateft peculiarity 
was 

— * an Invincible baflifulnefs, of which the habit continued to clog his 
Rianner, or Impede his exertions, during the whole courfe of his life ; 
and which contributed, perhaps, to promote, or to confirm a flight, but 
ungainly hcfitation in his fpeech ; from which he was never, but very 
feldom, or occafionally releafcd. On fome occafions, however, when he 
arrived at manhood, and in the after conrfe of his life, he experienced 
fuch releafe. There were luminous moments, which his friends can 
never forget, when the eafe of intimacy, and the hilarity of focI.il 
enjoyment, unbarred his utterance, and gave vent to a torrent of moft 
jmpredive elocution, rich in fcience, abounding with information, and 
flowing in a llream of corrcft, yet fpirited diftion ; of which the effed 
feemed to be fo much the more powerful, that its commencements were 
fo reluctant. ' p. 494. 495. 

He died In 1797. And here mod biographers would have 
ftopped ; but ihc learned Profefibr has made an effort to afto- 
nifti us, by concluding his narrative with a laboured and pue- 
rile imitation of that fplendid palTage in Tacitus's Life of Agri- 
cola, in wliich the Roman hiltorian expreffes his aflurance that 
Agricola, though dead, ftill enjoys a perpetuity of exiftence 
and of happinefs^ We certainly are not at all inclined to 

doubt 



2 8c4" Profe/for Arthur'/ D'tfcourfes. 171 

doubt that Mr Arthur has received tiie reward of lils virtues; 
but we cannot help thinking that the learned biographer has 
thrown a degree of ridicule both upon fiis friend, and on a very 
important do6lrine, by his affedled and ftraincd manner of ex- 
prefling himfelf on the fubje6l. For inftance, he mult quote 
Milton, and tell us, that • funk thoujih he be — fo finks the 
day-ftar in the ocean-bed,' &c. If Mr Richardfon t'link it 
ablblutely necelTary to quote poetry, and to turn Jiis friend into 
a flar, we would recommend a line of Virgil as conliderably 
more appropriate — 

* Arcturum, pluvlafque Hyadas, geminofqne Triones. ' 

It will be a relief to our readers to turn from this inftance of 
falfcttOy to the found and plain fenfe difplayed in Mr Arthur's 
own compofitions. He is very far from ever being perverfely or 
abfurdly eloquent ; and, indeed, if tlv^re be any defc6t in his 
ftyle, it is, that his fimplicity approaches to tamenefs. 

The Difcourfes are divided into two parts ; the firll of which 
comprehends Theological, and the fecond Literary Difcourfes. 
The {xx'k are a fpecimen of Mr Arthur's Le£lures ; the fecond 
were chiefiy read in a literary fociety of wnicli he was a mem- 
ber. The fubje6ls of the Theological Difcourfes are as follows : 
I. On the argument for the exiilence of God, from the ap* 
pearances of dengn in the univerfe : 2- Obfervations by Mr 
Hume, on the exiftence of God, confidered : 3. The goodnefs 
of God defended from the obje£lions of Mr Hume : 4. On the 
juftice and moral government of God : 5. Of evils and their 
caufes, and of the fyftcms refpefling them. 

It cannot be fuppofed that we Ihould enter into a minute 
analyfis of the different reafonings contained in thefe Difcourfes. 
The fubjeft precludes any thing like novelty; and very probably 
all the reafonings which Mr Arthur has advanced on thefe firft 
principles of religion may be found in the v/ritings of thofc 
diftinguiflied men who preceded him in the fame v/aik. We may 
however affirm, that he has always treated his fubje6l with preci- 
fion and clearnefs ; and is both very candid to the acute adverfary 
whom he oppofes, and very fuccefsful in wielding thofe weapons 
whicli Dr Reid had put into his hands. In the firfb Difcourfe, 
for inftance, after Hating, as is commonly done, the evident 
marks of defign in the univerfe, he places upon its true founda- 
tion the inference which we draw, that thefe muft necellarily 
have been produced by intelligence or a defigning caufe. 

' Thefe judgements which we form concerning Caufes, from obfervio'S" 
their Effects, mult be founded upon an original principle in our confti- 
lution. They are univerfal, and yet nobody affigns a reafon for them. 
They are evidently not conchifions from rcafoning. It is impoflible to 

point 



172 ProfeJJor ArthurV Dlfcourfes. April 

point out any intermediate fteps by which they are proved ; and nobody 
has attempted it. No man can give any argument by which it can be 
(hewn, that a mathematical figure muft be the work of an intelh'gent 
being, and could not be the work of a fowl or of a quadruped. We 
judge indeed in this manner, but we can affign no reafon for our judge- 
ment, any more than we can affign any reafon why we judge that two 
and two make four. Neither did we learn to judge in this manner by 
experience. From experience we can acquire knowledge only concern- 
ing contingent truth or matters of faft, which '^ay be, or may not be, 
without any abfurdity. We can never learn from experience any know- 
ledge concerning neceffary truths which muft be, and which it involves 
" an abfurdity to fuppofe not to be. We may learn from experience, that 
bodies gravitate. This is not a neceffary tnjth ; it is only contingent, 
and depends on the will of the Creator ; and if He had pleafed, body 
might have had oppofite properties, or might not have exilled. But 
we cannot learn from experience, that the whole is equal to all its parts. 
This is a neceffary truth, and neceffarily flows from the notions we have 
of a whole and of its parts. It muft be true ; and it is impoflible, 
and involves abfurdity, to think otherwife. Now, our judgements con- 
cerning the connexion of effedls and caufes, are judgements concerning 
neceffary truths. We do not judge that the connexion may take place, 
but that it mtijl take place. Thefe judgements, therefore, are of fuch a 
nature, as experience cannot fuggeft. ' p. 15-17. 

The principles ftated in this quotation are afterwards applied 
very fuccefsfully to the confutation of Mr Hume ; and although 
■we refrain from entering more minutely into this fpeculation, 
we will not hefitate to recommend to the attention of our 
readers, particularly thofe who may have been perplexed by IVIr 
Hume's ingenuity, thefe Difcourfes of T\Ir Arthur, who has col- 
le6led into one point of view all the fcattered reafonings of Dr 
Reid on the fubje(£l, and illuftrated every pofition with familiar 
and ftriking iniiances. 

In the third Difcourfe, he defends the goodnefs of the Deity 
from the obje£lions of the fame able and fagacious difputant. 
He begins with ftating, that the chief obje£lions to the goodnefs 
of God arife from exaggerated and gloomy pictures of human 
mifery. That fuch views are far from being correcl, he proves 
from feveral confiderations. The following obfervations, we think 
well worthy attention. 

' If we were to refer the matter to every man's determination, and if 
every man were to declare honeftly what he had felt, the determination of 
the queftion, with refpeft to human happinefs, might be reduced to a very 
{larrow compafs. There is no man who has not fpent many more days 
pf happinefs than of mifery. Confider the fituation of the generality 
of mankind, and think what can be added to their felicity. Almoft the 
whole pf them wi.fli fpr fomething uiore than they have.. This is a fpqr 

%9 



l8o4. Prrfejfor Arthur^ Dlfcoiirjis^ f 73| 

to their exertion. But what they have in view is generally a trifie, In 
comparifon of what they already actually poflefs. If a man be provided 
with the necefTaries of hfe, or be able to provide them by his labour ; 
if he enjoy tolerable health, and be confcioua of no crime; be can hardly 
feel much uneafinefs, unlefs he be haunted by fomc of thofe phantoms of 
the imagination which men fometimes raife to difturb their own repofe. ^ 
p. 65. 66. 

The limitation of bis dodrine in the following pafTage is ftated, 
we think, with great candour and moderation. 

• If God had fo pleafed, he could undoubtedly have renJered every 
being, he has formed completely happy. He could have made them 
incapable even of rendering themfelves miferable ; He could have made 
them necelFary, inftead of voluntary agents ; and compclkd them to aft 
in the way that would infallibly have produced felicity ; or he might 
have contrived things in fuch a manner, that they mud have been happy 
in whatever way they afted. He has not ordered matters in any fuclii, 
way J and therefore we may be fure that he never intended to do fo. 
Every thing is fo conduced, that his creatures arife to greater and 
greater degrees of happinefs, in confeqnence of their own exertion, and 
in confequence of the improvement which, by his appointment, follows 
from their exertions, The more wife and the more virtuous they 
become, the more happy they are of confequence. It is evident, there- 
fore, though the Deity intended to communicate happinefs, and has 
done fo in the moil liberal manner, yet this was not the only end which 
he had in view. His beneficence muft be coufidered as connefted with 
the other active principles of his nature. He intended to make man 
happy ; but it was in a particular manner, which he knew would at laft 
contribute to the greatett general felicity of the fpecies. If we fuppofe 
benevolence, or the dlfpofition to confer immediate or unqualified hap- 
pinefs, to be the only principle of aftion in the Divine Mind, we can 
fee no reafon why there (hould be evil of any kind in the world at all ; 
fmce, undoubtedly, his wildom was fufficient to forefee it, and his power 
to prevent it. But fmce there is much more happinefd than mifery 
in the world, we have fufScient reafon to conclude that he afted from 
benevolence. The prefumption arifing from this coniideration evidently 
is, that he muft have alfo had other principles of a6lion befides benevo- 
lenccr ; but whether fubfetvient to it, upon the whole, or not, is not the 
prefent queftion. ' p. 82. 83. 

To Mr Hume's ingenious argument againft afcribing any higher 
degree of goodnefs to the Deity than is difplayed in his works, 
Mr Arthur alfo makes a very fatisfadlory anfwer in the latter part 
of this difcourfe. 

In the fourth difcourfe, on the juftice and moral government of 
God, we meet with fome very elegant obfervations on the punifh- 
ment which vice neceffarily carries along with it. 

The remarks on a future ftate, with which the difcourfe con- 
cludes, appear to us to place tli'? resifonablenefs of that do6lrine 
in a very Itriking light. 

* The 



174 Profejjor Arthur'/ Difcourfes^ April 

* The prefent plan of the Divine Government renders this expefta- 
tion more ihong and better founded, than it would have been upon any 
other fuppofition. If there had been no tendency in virtue to produce 
happincf?, nor in vice to produce mifery at prefent, we could not have 
had any certainty that there is a moral adminiftration eftablifhed ; and 
from obfcrving the prefent conrfe of things, and feeing that virtue and 
happinefs were pesfetlly difanlted, we would have been apt, from anar 
logy, to conclude, that they would always be difunited, and that there 
' would be no [late of retribution. Perceiving no reafon to believe that 
God isjuft, we could not, on fuch a fuppofstion, be led to conclude, 
that he would fome time or other aft as a jull and impartial judge. If, 
on the contrary, virtue had been always fully and invariably rewarded 
in this (late of things, and vice, in like manner, fully and invariably 
punilhed ; if happinefs and virtue, vice and mifery, had been uniformly 
united, and never been feparated ; we might have been much more un- 
certain of a future (late, than we are at prefent. Such a Hate would 
be a perfeft Hate, and we could perceive no end that could be ferved by 
any alteration in it. If men, therefore, died under fuch a difpenfation ; 
or, in other words, went out of that ftate ; we might be apt to think 
they had fully received their reward, and were never more to exift. 

< There is, however, another view of the matter, even upon this fup- 
pofition, that would Hill leave the queftion in fufpenfe ; for if God be 
good and juil, it cannot be believed, that he would exterminate from 
exillence, thofe whom he had already countenanced and rewarded : And 
therefore, if he took, them away from their prefent condition, it mull 
be to anfvvrrfome good ends to them ; and fince they were happy here, 
the only end he could have in view, would be to render them Hill hap- 
pier in another Hate. The government, however, that is in faft eHa- 
bliPncd, in which we fee clear and maniftft marks of a moral adminiHra- 
tion of juflice and equity, but intermixed with certain irregularities and 
exceptions, furnifaes ue with an argument in favour of a future Hate of 
cxiHence, mnch more convincing than any that could be fuggeHed by 
an adminiftration apparently more perteft and impartial. It leads us to 
confider ourfclves as only in the beginning of onr exiftence, in a Hate 
of trial and of difcipline ; and it neceHarily direfts our views to another, 
connefted with and founded upon it, which will be a Hate of final re- 
tribution. ' p. 125. 126. 

We have already given fo many quotations from thcfe difcourfes, 
that we are afraid to enter on the next, * of evils and their caufes, 
and of the fyPcems refpecling them, ' left we fhould be tempted to 
fwell this article greatly beyond its proper bounds, We (hall 
therefore leave the depths of theology, with once more affuring 
our readers, that if they are inclined to venture into thefe arduous 
paths, they cannot eafily intruft themfclves to the conduct of a 
I'aier or more intelligent guide than Mr Arthur. 

Mr Arthur's liril diicourfe, in the fecond part of the v/ork, is 
* on qualities of inanimate objects, which excite agreeable fenfa- 
tions. ' He obfcrves that there are varieties in tUeie fenfations. • 

« A 



1804. 'ProfclJar Kx\hm^s Difcoitrfef, i*] ^ 

* A gentle flowing rivulet, and an impetuous torrent, do not affefh 
us in the fame manner. The mind is difpofed to tranquifh'cy by the 
one, and roufed and agitated by the other. The diftind^ion between 
the fenfations occafione i by fublime and by beautiful objcfts-, is unlver- 
faliy known. The charafters of thefe fentiments are exceedingly dif- 
ferent. The fenfrtion of beauty is gay and enlivening. The fenfation 
of fublimity is folemn and elevating. ' p. 184. t8j. 

The fentiments of men, however, are not always uniforiTi, in 
thefe refpedls : Some men have emotions of fublimity and beauty, 
from perceptions which do not occalion thefe feelings in others ; 
but notwithitanding fuch diverfities, there is a regularity in thefe 
fentiments, on tlie whole, which is a proof that they are not 
founded on caprice. 

' When men are placed in fituatlons in which their pallions are alto- 
gether unintertfled, they difcover little variety in their judgments con- 
cerning beauty and fublimity. The rainbow and the morning Hey have' 
called forth the fame fenfations in all ages : The parterre of modern times 
•exhibits the fame flowers that were cultivated by former generations : 
The forms of human beauty which charmed the remote ages of antiqui-: 
ty, tranfmitted to future times by the art of the llatuary, are Hill look- 
ed upon as patterns of excellence.' p. 189. 

Mr Arthur endeavours to point out, in this difcourfe, the cir- 
curnitances in the colour and figure of external objects, which 
occafion the fenfation of beauty. Mofh of our readers are pror 
bably acquainted with the elegant tlieory of Mr Aiifon, which ac- 
counts for all our perceptions of fublimity or beauty in inanimate 
objefts, from their habitual afTociation v/ith fome firaple ideas of 
emotion, and the confequent fuggeftion of fomething interefting 
to our felfifh or fympathetic feelings. This theory, which had 
been imperfeclly anticipated by thofe who refolved the impreffions 
of beauty into a perception of utiiiry, fitnefs, &c. had not been 
communicated to the public when Mr Arthur compofed thefe dif- 
courfes. He accordingly follows the footfleps of Hogarth, Hu- 
chefon and Burke, in afcribing the emotions produced by beauti- 
ful objefts to the diretl agency of their external qualities, and 
applies himfelf to the enumeration of thofe properties that appear 
to produce this efFe6t. In his opinion, the circumilances in ex- 
ternal objects which occafion the fenfation of beauty, are ' infen- 
Cble connexion ' and ' quick fucceflion ' of fhades in colour, and 
parts in figure. He illuilrates this pofition from the example of 
the verdure of nature. 

' It is equally removed from the fiercenefs of tlie red, and the lan- 
guor of the violet. The furfaces on which it is ufually feen, are fmooth 
and gloffy. Hence the different lights exhibit upon them, all the ihadejj 
of this colour, from that which approaches the blue to that which joins 
the yellow, infeafibly connefted with one another. At the fame time, 

uu 



i^fi Profejfor ArthurV Dlfcourfes. April 

jio one {liadc occupies (o large a fpace as to be contemplated by Itfelf, 
feparately from the (hades cotinefted with it. Thefe two circumftancea 
of infenfiblc connexion, and quick fucctffion among the different fhadcs, 
feem to be the caiife that this colour upon vegetables is fu highly agree- 
able, as all acknowledge it to be. By means of the irffenfible and un- 
interrupted connexion which fiibfifts among the different fir.ides, It af- 
fumes the appearance of a regular whole, and enters the mind with tiie 
greatcft facility. The qulckncfs of the fuccefiion occafions the gaiety 
of the fenfation. When the mind broods over a fingle thought, it is 
in a folemn ftate ; but when a variety of ubjecl^, fo united as not to 
embarrafs It, are prefented before it, it is gay and cheerful. Similar 
cbfervutlons may be made on all the other beautiful colours. ' p. i r; i • 
192. 

Similar obfervations he applies to figure ; and tliofe on Mr Ho- 
garth's line of beauty appear to be jull and ingenious. He then 
proceeds to fhew, in oppofition to Mr Burke, that angular figure.^ 
are frequently beautiful, although he admits that a (quare is lefs 
beautiful than a circle. 

* The parts of which it u compofed are connefted, as belonging ta 
a whole ; but they are large and few, and do not follow one another m 
quick fuccelfion. The fenlation, therefore, has little gaiety. ' p. 195. 

To render his opinions more precife, he tells us, that forming- 
our conceptions of beauty, it is proper to throw out of confider- 
ation every thing except colour znd figure ; and that though utiU- 
ty, or other confiderations, may render the fight of an objedt agree- 
able or defirable, it is always eafy to dillinguifli this fort of affec- 
tion from that which is produced dircdly by its beauty. Beauty, 
he concludes, is not the common name of every thing which ex- 
cites agreeable fenfations : * it is a property of colour and figure 
alone, and belongs to nothing elfe, in a proper fenfe. * 

Now, even if we could pals over the fundamental error of tliis 
theory, it appears to us that it is evidently liable to the charge of 
inconfiflency. Beauty, according to Mr Arthur's own hypothe- 
fis, is not perceived immediately by any organ or faculty of the 
mind ; it refults merely from the excitation of lively and various 
ideas, fuggeiled by the rapid fuccefiion of connedled parts in a 
beautiful objeft : but if this be the cafe, every thing elfe that ex- 
cites a rapid and lively fucceluon of ideas, fhould be denominated 
beautful, as well as the alterations of colour and figure ; and if 
it be undeniably true, that many external objefts do fuggeft a va- 
riety of lively ideas, that have no connexion with colour or form, 
it feems altogether unreafonable to deny that their beauty is in- 
creafed or occafioned by thefe afToclations. The beauty of any 
objed, according to Mr Arthttr's definition of it, confifts in its 
power of exciting lively ideas ; and it is evident that he has given 
a defective account of the caufes of their beauty, if fuch ideas 

may 



1804. Profe£or Axihm^s Difcourfes. 1^7 

may be excited, as they Indubitably may, by other qualities than 
rlie fliape and the colour. 

In the two following difcourfes, however, Mr Arthur proceeds 
fo accommodate the theories of Mr Burke and Dr Hutchefon, 
concerning beauty, to his own ; and he certainly points out, with 
great acutenefs, what is erroneous in their opinions ; and fliews 
ijiat, in as far as they are correct, they coincide very much with 
rhofe which he had prcvioufly ailerted. Our limits will not now 
permit us to enter into an invcftigation of our author's do61:rines 
in the fubfequeut ellays. We add the following judicious obferva- 
tions iipon the alleged influence of cuilom in matters of tafte. 

^ Suppofe a man to have fpciit the whole of his life in a village, in 
which there is only one elegant houfe, and all the reft are mean cot- 
taores ; will not this perfon pronounce that houfe the moll beautiful in the 
villa<je ? On what does he foiind his judgment ? It is, no doubt, the 
moft rate form of a houfe he has ever feen ; but furely it is not alfo the 
moft common, for all the other houfes in the village refemble one and- 
ther more than they refemble it. Let a man who has vifited all the ca- 
thedrals in the kingdom, be brought to St Paul's, it will appear to him 
unlike any of tholc which he had formerly vifited. AH thofe great 
buildings which he had been examining^ were built in the form of a 
crofs, and in the Gothic ftyle of architedlure : All of them had a 
confiderable refemblance to one another. He now beholds a building of 
a very different kind ; but it will not, on that account, appear to him 
deformed or monftrous. He will certainly admire it as a noble piece of 
srchitcdlure. — Is there a child who does not prefer a fmooth fnrface to 
a rough one ; and a regular figure, in which all the parts are connefted 
with one another,' to an unformed and unconnefted mafs ? The long 
arched neck of the fwan is fingular among birds, and the branching ant- 
lers of the Hag among beads ; but they are not upon this account reck- 
oned ugly or monftrous : On the contrary, all acknowledge that they 
are beautiful. ' p. 3^2-3. 

' It is readily acknowledged, that agreeable fenfations are derived 
from an attention to the laws of cullom and fafliion, Thcfe, how- 
ever, ought to be diilinguilhed from thofe plcalures of tafte which are 
derived from what is really beautiful or grand in the works of nature or 
of art. In all probdhility, it has principally been owing to a negle£l of 
this important dillmction, that the principles of talic have fometimes 
been reprcfented as arbitrary and capricious. Every thing which en- 
tirely depends upon cutlom, is certamly capricious. But there are ma- 
ny agreeable objeAs that have continued throughout all ages to be agree-' 
able. Faihion may fometimes oppofe the natural principles of beauty 
and elegance ; but whenevtr it docs fo, it cannot be very lafting. The 
love of grace and elegance muft at laft prevail, though it ihould be after 
a tedious! ftruggle. The fcihion in gardening, and m building, is now 
more fuitable to TOture than it formerly was ; and, in all probability, it 
will Idll much Linger than thofe faftiiona which immediately preceded it, 

VOL. IT. H9. 7. M , it 



ifS Profejor Atthm^s Di/couf/es. April 

It 18 not to be fufpeAed that the opulent will foon return to the Gothic 
arch, the narrow-grated window, the long avenue, the formal terrace- 
walk, the jet-4'eau from the mouth of a triton, and the cafcade fuppli- 
ed from the temple of a water-nymph, ' p. 339. 

On the whole, although there is nothing very original in Mr 
Arthur's fpecuiations, yet they always indicate a clear and intelli- 
gent, if not a very profound, mind. If they will not add much 
to the informution of the philofopher, they M'iil at lead aflilt the 
conceptions of the ftudcnt ; and, in point of writings they are 
certainly of a fi>perior order to the compohtions which generally 
fall under our review. Making allowance for a few Scoticifmsy 
which the learned editor might have taken upon him to correct,, 
without any fear of abufnig the trufl rcpofed in him, the lan- 
guage is, in general, pure, diafte, and unaftetled ; although, as 
we have already hinted, bordering too frequently on feebienefs 
and languor. 

Having faid this, we think we have faid enough ;. and are not 
confcious of lying under any obligation to promife immortality tcf 
thefe difcourfes, as Mr Richardfon appears inclined to do in the 
concluding paragraph of his biographical &etch. Speaking of 
Mr Arthur's relafeions, he fays, 

* They have ehua erefted a monument to his memory, more perma- 
nent, and more fatisfaftory, than any that eould have been executed by 
the chiffel or by the pencil. Thefe muft perilh ; but this will endure % 
and, if their partiality does not deceive them, will tranfmit to pofterity 
the portraiture and Ukcnefs, not of a frail and perifhing body, but of 
a mind aftuated by the bell principles, and endowed with fuperior 
powers. * p» 5 1 7- 

This is no doubt very fine, although not quite equal to the pat- 
itf^n pafi'age in Tacitus ; but we fufpe£l there is more eloquence 
in it than the occafion required. Indeed, that immortality which 
authors and their friends are fo fond of predi61:ing, is a poor bufi- 
nefs at the bell j and the frequent failure of the prophecy gives 
a ludicrous air to its repetition. It will be enough if the author 
fucceed in edifying the prefent generation. 



Art. XIII. Remarks on the Conjlituiiotj of the Medical Department of 
the Britijh ^rmy ; nvit/j a Detail of Hofpital Management ; and an 
y^ppendixy attempting to explain the u48ion of Caufes in producing Fever y 
and the Operation of Remedies in cjfeBing Cure. . By Robert Jackfon, 
M. D. 8vo. London, 1803. pp. 351. 

TThe fingular and motley produ£lion before us was written, 
^ as we are informed in the preface, with the twofold de- 
%ivof directing, the attention of Government to the improve- 
ment 



1 6o4« jf^>* J^ckfonV Remarks on Military Medicitiey i^^-c. 1 79 

ment of military medicine, and of vindicating the reputation of 
the author from certain charges of mal-praclice and mifmanage- 
ment, which were preferred againft him while phyfician to the 
hofpltal of the Army-Depot in the Kle of Wight. For the cre- 
dit, however, of the writer, (whofe former works are not en- 
tirely unknown to us), and for the honour of the medical pro- 
feflion, we could have willied that it had not appeared j for we 
do not recoiletfl to have ever waded through fo great a mafs of 
matter, with fo little pleafure or inftru6lion ; and nothing but 
the extreme Importance of the fubje£l, and the dangerous ten- 
dency of many of the dodlrines inculcated in the prefent volume, 
could have led us to offer any animadverfions upon it. 

In the obfervations contained in the Firft Part, concerning the 
bad effetls that refult from the various and deficient educatioa 
of regimental furgeons, the improper management of hofpitals, 
and the necefilty of a reform of thefe abufes, we find no- 
thing which difcovers much profound reflexion or laborious 
refearch, or which can be ranked above common-place re- 
mark. To obviate the firft of thefe evils, Dr 'Jackfon, in 
imitation of fome former projeftors, fuggefts the propriety of 
inftituting a Medical School, for the education of military fur- 
geons ; and, as the recruits aflembled at the Axmy-Dcpot in the 
Ifle of Wight require a medical eftablilTiment, he thinks this 
fchool may be very conveniently placed there. The pupils ad- 
mitted into the feminary mufl be of the age of twenty to twenty- 
three years, poilefled of a liberal and clafiical education, and all 
the information neceflary for the exercife of their profefTion in 
civil life, with unequivocal teftimonies of a good r^ofal conduct. 
After remaining for the fpace of twelve months in this inftitu- 
tion, and acquiring, under the guidance of an able teaclier, a 
thorough knowledge of the difeafes moft incident to armies in 
different climates and in different fituations, and a fufficient ac- 
quaintance with the management of hofpltals, they may be con- 
fidered as qualified to become candidates for the commifiions of 
affiftanc-furgeons in regiments of the line. To the general plan 
of this eftablifhment, we have little to obje£t ; but we {hould 
be inclined to oppole its foundation, on the fame principle that 
Dr Jackfon has cenfured the regulations of the Medical Board 
reftri^ling the advancement of Army furgeons, viz. that it would 
be extremely injurious to preclude deferving individuals from all 
pofTibility of fcrving in the medical department of the Army, 
merely becaufe they had not gone through a ftated, though, per- 
haps, not necelTary form of education. Indeed, we are at fome 
lofs ta conjecture the reafons which led Dr Jackfon to fix upon 
i.he Ills of Wight (a moft fequeftered fpot) as the proper place 

M 2 for 



l8o Z^r Jackfopi'j Remarks on Military Medicine^ tsfc, .April 

for fuch a fchool, or the motives which could induce him to 
propofe that the fuperin tendance of- it, as well as of all mili- 
tary hofpitals, fliould be confined to one medical chief; unlefs 
that Dr Jackfon, from his extenfive experience, deem hirofelf 
the fole perfon endowed with the rare and fuperior qualifica- 
tions requifite for thefe important offices. Of his mode of rea- 
foning on this fubjeft, the following quotations may ferve as 
fpecimens. 

* An army, ' fays Dr Jackfon in his figurative language, ' is an ant- 
mated machine, coniifting of many parts or inftruments, of different de- 
grees of power and importance, in a general purpofe. It is organized 
upon a common principle ; it is bound together by a common conne- 
xion ; and it is moved by a common impulfe : but, though fo organiz- 
ed, fo connected, and fo moved in its artificial arrangement, its diffci-- 
ent parts, which are perfedt in themfelves individually, are animated in- 
dependently, and, in obeying their own laws of motion, are expofed to 
the aftion of a variety of caufes, which have a tendency to derange or 
deftroy their elementary exillence. ' (p. 2,) — ' Thcire ia only one mi- 
litary chief in an army ; there can only be one chief in an hofpital, and 
he muft be a medical one ; for health is the objett of hofpital eftablilh- 
ments, and the concerns of health cannot be fuppofcd to be well under- 
ftood, except by perfons of the medical profefllon, and thofe of the moll 
enlightened clafs. — The conftruftion, therefore, of the medical machine, 
in order to be efFeftive of its purpofts, muft hinge upon a fimple prin- 
ciple ; for deviation from fimplicity leads to error, or produces non- 
effea. ' p. 27-8. 

Contrafting the arrangement of the foreign medical ellablifii- 
ments with that of the Britifli army, he obferves, 

♦ The Auftrian hofpital is regular in its movement as the duty of 
the military parade ; and the efficiency of the organizing principle me- 
chanically arranges new materials in their proper places, w^ithout con- 
fufion, and without lofs of time. ' p. 11. 

To our minds, however, this regularity of operation and uni- 
formity of pra£lice appear to be the grand and fundamental 
defe£ls of the fyftem which Dr Jackfon fo warmly recom- 
mends, and to form the flrongeft arguments againft the imitation 
of fuch a mode of proceeding. In fa£l, we can conceive no- 
thing more prejudicial to the welfare of his patients, than the 
• habit of condu6l mechanically correal, * which he propofes 
for adoption ♦ in the management of hofpitals. ' (p. 46.) Edu- 
cated in the camp, and accuftomed to the routine of military o- 
perations, Dr Jackfon feems to think, that the various afFe6lions 
of the living fyftem may be as eafily difpofed of as the different 
articles of a foldier's equipment, and that, at the command of 
a * medical chief, ' difeafes (hould perform their evolutions, and 
arrange themfelves in any order he is pleafed to di(Sate j but fad 

experience, 



1B04. -D^ Jackfon'j- Remarks on Military Medicine, t^c. v8r 

experience, we believe, will inform him, that they are not al- 
ways fo fubmiflive and obedient, but will often rife in mutiny, 
and difpure his mofl; peremptory decifions. 

The fecond divifion of the * Remarks' is occupied with an ac- 
count of the management of the hofpital in the Ifle of Wight, 
under the fuperintendance of the author. From this narrative 
it appears, that Dr Jackfon, when he firil became entruited 
with the care of the fick in Packhurft barracks, judged it necef- 
fary, or expedient, to deviate from the plan generally purfued in 
fimilar fituations. Thus he divided his patients into different, 
clafTes according to their particular complaints i allotted to each 
clafs a feparate ward •, and, when they recovered to a certain 
degree, removed them to apartments deftined folely for the re- 
ception of thofe in a convalefcent (late: if they fuffered a re- 
lapfe, he caufed them to retrace their fteps to their former a- 
partments. — Thefe regulations, to a certain extent, feem not 
improper; but we can by no means approve of the principle 
which led Dr Jackfon to fix the diet of all the patients in the 
fame ward at the fame general ftandard ; for it muft be obvious 
to every one the ieaft converfant with difeafe, that appetite does 
not always keep equal pace with the other fymptoms of ficknefs 
or recovery, and that it varies very much according to the mode 
of life and conftitution of the patient. Nor can we, after much 
ferious confideration, difcover the vaft fuperiority of verbal in- 
ftruftions to written orders, v/ith regard to the duties of hofpi- 
tal attendants. The following obfervations, connecSled with this 
fubjeft, appear to border a little on the ludicrous. 

* It is a duty of the medical chief to fan the fparks of affeftion as 
they fliew themfelves ; to fofter them with care, till they alTume a good 
and fteady growth. The growth, even among foldiers and foldien* 
wives, is not reluctant, if ter.derly nurfed ; but it does not thrive under 
harfh and rigorous treatment. The nurfes and attendants of the fick, 
who poffefs fenfibility of heart, are cordially engaged in their duties, 
by being confidentially treated, fo as to be made, in fome meafure, a 
part of the medical eltabliihment. If they poffefs confidence, their be- 
nevolence is warmed ; they feel an intereil in tlie fate of their charge ; 
and participate all the anxieties, and all the pleafures of the phyfician. ' 

P- 94- 

Thefe improvements or alterations in hofpital pra£l;ice, which 

Dr Jackfon was defirous of having generally introduced, did not, 
however, meet with the approbation of thofe to whofe confider- 
ation they were fubmitted. A confiderable mortality had taken 
place among the foldiers in the Ifle of Wight, towards the end 
of the year 1801 ; and fome eye-witneffes of the mode of treat- 
ment followed by the author, thought it their duty to lay an ac- 
count of it before the Army Medical Board, who highly difap- 

M 3 proved 



i82 Dr Jsickion* s Remarks on MMifAr^ Midicinc, 15lc. April 

proved of it, attributing to it the great decline and lofs of the 
troops under Dr Jackfon's care. * It appears, ' they obferve in 
a letter addrefled to the Secretary at \Var, * that Dr Jackfon's 
mode of carrying on the Ifle of Wight Hofpltal, is an apparent 
faving of money ; but at the Ifle of Wight, and lately at Chat- 
ham, we have obferved an unprecedented number of deaths, 
(viz. 27 in the laft month, and 21 in the laft two weeks), fre- 
quent relapfes, and tedious recoveries, with a debilitated flats 
of the patients ; therefore, fo far from opconomy being effected, 
tliere has been a very ferious lofs of men, and ultimately a great 
expenditure. Thefe returns called upon us to recommend, that 
two phyficlans (hould be fent imraediately to the Ifle of Wight. ' 

To jufiiify himfelf from thefe allegations, Dr Jackfon, en,dca- 
vours to fhev/, that the great number of deaths among tlie foldiers 
arofe from the mahgnant nature of the difoj-ders with which they 
were affe^led ; and the four phyficians, who were deputed by the 
Medical Board to examine, and prefent a report of the ftate of 
Packhurft Hofpital, feem dlfpofed to refer them to the fame caufe, 
aggravated by the crowded llate and foul air of the wards. Nor 
does this mortality appear to have been diminiflaed under the 
phyficians v/ho fucceedcd Dr Jackfon in the charge of: Packhurit 
Hofpital ; but, on the contrary, very much increafed, •, having 
been, from the i8th of July to the 31ft of December i8oi (the 
time of Dr Jackfon's fuperintcndaiice), in the proportion of i 
m 15^ J while, from the ill of January to the 30th April 180?,, 
it was no lefs than i in 8. This diflerence, however, may have 
been owing to accidental circumflances, and cannot be regarded 
as attributable to neglect or improper inanagement on the part of 
the phyficians, to ■whom the care of the fick was entrufled after 
Dr Jackfon's demiffion. 

So far we think the author's vindication of hirjifelf. pbufible^ 
Into the merits, liowever, of the remaining part of his opology, wk 
are not prepared to enter very fully, as the documents with which 
he has furniflied us are too fcanty and imperfedl to enable us to 
form any decided opinion with regard to the juflnefs of his caufe. 
The fpecimens, however, which he has given us of his pra£lice 
in the courfc of the * Remarks, ' and which he has developed at 
full length in the Appendix, call for the feverefl cenfure, and 
feem to juftify mofl completely the conduct of the Medical I3oard 
towards Dr Jackfon. We agree with the late Dr M'Laurin (to 
whom the author feems to have had a very unjuft antipathy) in 
deprecating ' the horrid fyflem of depletion j ' and we perufed, with 
no fmall degi-ee of terrific anxiety, the account given by Dr Jack- 
fon of a patient in the firft ftage of typhus fever, whozn he bled 
at once to ffty-f^x ounces ^ and who^ in three or four days, after 



1^04 • jOr JackfonV Rejnarks on Military MeSeine, £*J*r. l8| 

the plentiful ufe of opium, hot and nourifhing drinks, &c. was 
able to return to his duty ! This inftance of bold and unprin- 
cipled proceeding, which is cited by the author with fo much 
triumph, may ferve to evince the great powers of nature, but 
can never form the criterion of rational practice or true profel- 
fional ikill. Similar confideratlons would lead us to difapprove 
■of Dr Jackfon's treatment of patients in a convalefcent ftate. 
imbued with all the prejudices, of the humoral pathologifts, he 
roundly afTerts that relapfe is the general confequence of reple- 
tion. Although we ihould be fiir from recommending the prac- 
tice of gorging patients during recovery from difeafe, of forcing 
them to eat againfl their inclination, or allowing them, perhaps, 
to indulge fo mucli in the ufe of ftimulating drinks as they are 
often inclined ; yet nothing, furely, can be more injurious, than 
to ftint convalefcents in their allowance of generous diet, which, 
when freely exhibited, fo manifeftly tends to aid and accelerate 
their progrefs towards recoveiy. So little do we imagine relapfe 
to be the confequence of repletion, that v/e believe it proceedsj 
in many cafes, from a contrary caufe \ as niuft be well known to 
thofe whofe profeiTionai avocations have afforded them the means 
of knowing the hcakh, and witnelhng the mode of living, of the 
lower claifes of fociety, among whom, chili penury, aud its con- 
fequent inconveniences, are generally reckoned among the moft 
common caufes of the diforders to which they are fo frequently 
liable. 

The Appendix {to ■\xh'\c\\ we (hall now direft our attention) 
occupies about one h;ilf of the volume, and adds one to the nu- 
merous inllnnces we already poflefs of the futility of medical 
theories when founded pn no juft or^ rational data, but when 
merely the ofFdpring of erroneous deduftion or difeafed imagina- 
tion. — A predilection for vague and frivolous hypothecs has long 
been deetiied the opprobrium tKedlcoruin ; and, indeed, if we exa- 
mine the hiitory of medicine from its firft origin <k>wn to the 
prefent time, we fliall behold little elfe than a fuccefhon of fan- 
ciful fyftems, founded on a few fcattered obfersj^ations, and erect- 
ed, it would often appear, only to gratify tlte vanity of their pro* 
jeclors, and which have ferved little other purpofe than to per- 
petuate the folly and abiurdity of the times which gave them, 
birth. Tlie different fymptoms of difeafe have been confounded, 
and its different llages blended togetlier ; the variety of the pri- 
mary and fecondary a£lion of remedies has been overlooked ; and 
a few infuiatcd fa£ts have been grafped at, as fufhcient to explain 
all the phenomena of animated nature. In this country, how- 
ever, where phyficai fcience has, of late, made fuch rapid ad- 
I'ances, phyficians now appear to have run into the oppofite ex- 

M 4 treme j 



184 •^'* Jackfon'j- Remarks on Military Medicine^ t^fc. April 

treme ; and, from their anxiety to avoid thofe fatal errors of rea- 
fonin_2j and pradlice, to which the fpeculations of too many medi- 
cal theorifts have given hirth, have rejedled with difdain, and 
without difcrimination, all attempts to genera]i;?e and improve the 
principles of medical fcience. Hence has arifen an opinion, that 
all theory in medicine was ufelefs, or, at leaf!, of little moment in 
a pra£lical point of view ; and that experiefice was the only guide 
in which a prudent phyfician v.nuld confide. Tliis opinion we 
hold to be equally ill-founded and dangerous ; for, whatever dif- 
ference may exift between the flow dedu(ftions of experience and 
the more prompt conckifions of a theorifing mind, there cannot 
be a doubt, that all legitimate generaUfation muft reft on the 
firm bafis of obfervation and experiment. However much, then, 
we may reprobate the hafty affumption of thofe puerile hypothefes, 
to which we are fo often referred for proofs of the inutility of 
theories in medicine, and which, when applied to practice, may 
undoubtedly prove the fources of pernicious error, we muft, on 
the other hand, allow, that a fair and cautious induction of ge- 
neral principles may be of the higheft utility in medical refearch, 
and, by facilitating the acquifition of neceflnry knowledge, will 
give us a more ready and certain command over it when obtained, 
and enable us to accommodate our practical condu6l to the dif- 
ferent unforefeen occurrences that are conftantly obtruded upon 
lis in the exercife of our profeftion. Till, however, the rules of 
the Induiftive philofophy be more fully miderftood and praftifcd 
by phyficians ; till the fcience of phyfiology be improved, and 
the fyftem of medical education reformed, we defpair of feeing 
:my extenfive and fuccefsful adoption of general principles in me- 
dicine ; for it cannot be expected, tliat mankind will ever be led 
to acknowledge their importance, till they become acquainted with 
all the circumftances neceffary for their induction and application. 
One other caufe, v/hich is, in fome meafure, connedled with 
the former, and which powerfullv retards the advaticement of 
medical knowledge, deferves to be fpecified, viz. the vague and 
undetermined ufe of language, and the improper application of 
terms, borrowed from other fciences, to explain the phenomena 
of the animal econoinv in the various ft;ates of health and difeafe. 
Thus, the language of chemiftry, of mechanics, of morals, and 
of metaphyfics, has been fuccefhvely adopted in medicine, with- 
out much regard to the propriety of the iniiovation, and with ftill 
Jefs concern for tlie honour of the profeftio!!, and the general 
welfare of mankind. The author of the prefent work, however, 
rot content with retracing many of the errors of his predeceflbrs, 
h;js advanced a ftep beyond them, andj by a free and promifcu- 
oui ufe of thofe tcdinioal terms wi^'ivjuich he was moft fami- 

i- " ' liarly 



1804. ly^ Jackfon'x Rewarhs on Military Medicine^ i^c. 185 • 

Ihrly acquainted, has framed a phrafeology to defcribe the atlions 
of the living fyftem, which, in ridiculous abfurdity, far eclipfes all 
former attempts of a fimilar defcription, and bids defiance, in ex- 
r.rava<Tancy, to the rhapfodies of Paracelfus, or the reveries of 
the enthufiaft Van Helmont. Of this jumble of theories, this 
mixture of languages and confufion of tongues, it is difficult to ■ 
<nvQ any regular and precife account ; for, in it, arts and fciences 
dance together in * various circles of movement,' vtdthout any 
proper time, place, or riieafure, fo as, at laiV, to produce the 
moll confufed, chaotic mafs. A few extrafts, perhaps, may ac- 
compliih what no analyfis is adequate to, and ferve to give our 
readers fome diltant idea of this curious jargon, which we hope 
will long remain imiqiie. 

When detailing the phenomena of febrile difeafes, Dr Jackfon's 
favourite exprefllons feeni to be borrowed from tlie language of 
profody, and through the whole of his Appendix our ears are 
ftunned with an unceafing and unvarying ring upon the terms 

* rhythm of movement ^ ' ' rhythmical niG-vemefit,' ' rule of har- 
motiyy ' &c. * A certain rliythm of movement, ' he ftiys, ' is a 
condition infeparable from a living animal body •, as the integrity ' 
of tl^.e order and force of that i-.hythni is the index of 'health. ' 
But as movement is an expreition of the prefence of life, and 
rhythmical movement an expreiriQii of health ; fo, the mode of ' 
health is liable to be perverted, the motions of fhe machine to be .. 
even finally arrefted or annulled. ' (p. 188,), Sometimes he af- ' 
fumes the airs of a dancing-mafber j^ and informs us,, that, ' In 
health, a variety of operations are carri<jd- on in various circles of 
movement, under different figures or forms of action,' (206;); 
and that * a change in the rhythm pf,,moyemerit- is the firfl vi- 
/ible llep of aiSfion, or even fuppofable flep of ,a6bion, arifing 
from the operation of the caufes')of. fever, ' (191 ):• Then he 
plays the part of a teacher o( mufic ; and, comparing the hu- 
man body to the inflrimients of his profelhon, defcribes * the 
fcale of health,' * the key of movement;' and ihews >us, that 
the movement of health, ' though various, is in unifon in the 
parts and in the whole ; ' but that * tlie modeS: in the- fcale of 
perverted rhythm, or difeafed a6lion, appear to be various, and 
the meafure of the movement is different. In fome it is rapid, in 
others it is flow ' (206.); and * that means, which tunc toliarmony . 
in one cafe, loofen the cords of life in another. ' Now he takes 
up the tools of the joiner, and frames debility into * the primary 
hinge of aftion in febrile difeafes' (190.), and bleeding into 

* the cardinal hinge of medical means ' (231.) ; or he borrows the 
truth and pallet of the painter, to pourtray * the various fliades, * 

* the variety of configuration, ' and * the outlines of general 
charader, ' of difeafe. Again, he reforts to the terms cf mili- 
tary 



\Z6 Dr JackfonV Remarks on Military Medici tre^ tsi'c; April 

tajy art, obferving, that * previous to reftoring the natural har- 
mony of movement, it Is often neceflary to arreft the irregular 
courife of the exifting motions, in order to bring back, with 
greater facility and certainty, the form of the rhythm which has 
been loft j in the fame manner as It is often neceffary to caufe a 
military column to halt, when moving incorre6lly, fo that it may 
more eafily lay hold of the regular cadence of the Hep ' (230). And, 
finally, to crown this climax of abfurdity, he calls to his aid the 
faience of the bombardier, talks of the * explofions ' of the ex- 
citability of the fyftem, and alTures us, that in vitiated atmof- 
pheres * febrile motions do not ordinarily explode with force, * 
(199.) ; and that ' there is evidently a point of explofive revolu- 
tion in the animal machine, conne6ted witli time ; but not con- 
nected with it by a fixed and invariable law, as meafured by the 
artificial hour ' (331). 

One paflage more we (hall take the liberty of fubjoining, as 
affording a fpecimen of the author's happy talent for fine writing 
and elegant illuftration. 

* If the apparent debility of fevers be a proper fpecific a£lion, and 
not the expreffion of the effeft of a preceding operation, viz. the per- 
verted or diflurbed rhythm of movement, the event is totally inex- 
plicable. Without fupematural aid, the machine muft reft for ever ; 
for debility ftands here like a cart before the horfe. In this pofition 
arofe the vis tmdicatrix naturxf like a fairy queen, to put the wheel 
in motion. The mis mcdicatrix tiatura is a loofe terrri ; but it is fup- 
pofed to confift in a power given to the animal machine, not explicable 
by the common laws of its meclianifm, to raife efforts to combat the 
aftion of the caufes of difeafes, and to avert their deftruftive tendency. 
It is thus a fpecies of proviiional power ; and, as fuch, proceeding 
from wifdom which cannot err, it cannot be fuppofed to be otherwife 
than perfeft. ' p. 204. 5. 

The varieties and caufes of fever naturally arrefl our author's 
attention. With fingular infelicity of language, he terms epidemic 
<lifeafe, when it affiimes a malignant form, * a manufaaure from 
Naturo's florehoufe; ' and conje6tures, that * when widely extend- 
ed, it muft be fuppofed to depend upon fome hidden derangement 
in the materials of the earth, — on a movement of parts into new 
contacl, giving out a new or unufual produdl. ' (221.) The ope- 
ration of contagion he deems to be of a ftimulant nature, * loof- 
ening, in an inexplicable manner, the hinges of organization. ' 
(p. 225.) And here we find another inftance of the want of 
fyftematic reafoning among phyficians, vi^ho argue not from 
fafts, but from the chimeras of their own imaginations 5 and, 
without taking the pains to examine whether the phenomena in 
queftion accord with their defcription, refer them indifcriminate- 

ly 



1 804- -D^ JackfonV Remarks en Military Medici fie, isfc* 1 5^ 

ly to a Syfteni, admirable, Vv'ithout doubt, for the fimplicity of. 
its foiuidatioji, but deficient to an extreme la the eretbiou and 
arrangement of the fuperftrutture. 

Among the remedies v»^hic]i Pr Jackfon, recommends for re- 
ffcoring * the natural rhythm of movement, ' arQ venefoftion, 
bathing, and geitation. Reafoning from the well known con- 
fcquences of bleeding in cafes of obftructed circulation, Dr Jack- 
fon, with an unparalleled degree of temerity, has inferred, that 
thefe were the general eilectb of the remedy ; and, becaufc tlic 
pulfe was, in fome cafes, remarkably ftrengthened by evacua- 
tipn, concluded, that ' its efiefts are ftimulative. ' — * The idea, 
tJiat abilra£tion is dire£lly and unqualifiedly debilitating, and ad- 
dition the contrary, could only have arifen at the table of the 
feaft. From thence it has borrowed all its illullrations. ' 
(p. 2^,!;. 6.) And in fupport of his reafoning, he, with much 
iagacity remarks, ' The ahftratlion of blood, by its exprefs ef- 
fe6f., dimdnilhes tlie quantity of a body to be moved ; and there- 
py increafes the power of the mover: It thus facilitates mo- 
uon. ' (p. 2,3.7.) But can tlae Doctor be fo ignorant of the 
laws of the animal economy, as not to know, that the ftimulus 
Vvhich ci: cites the heart and blood vellMs to proper a<5lion, is the 
very fubftance which he abHiraiCls, in order to roufe tlieir en- 
ergy ; and, although its removal certainly facilitates tlie due. 
performance of the functions of the vafcular fy^em, when it 
£orms congeflions near to the centre of the circulation, yet this 
^ffe£l is to be explained in a much more funple way ? But tliis. 
infatuated adherent to tlie fyflem of plethora^ reafons where he 
fhould have obferved ; perverts the moil obvious fa(£ls, in order 
to fubjecl them to his own erroneous tlieory ; and boldly recom- 
mends iiis rafh pernicious practice to general and ahnofh unlimited 
adoption. AVe know not in what circle the movements of Dr 
Jackfon's ideas are performed, but we truft that ' fome remedy, 
t^xifts in Nature's llorehoufe ' for, tlie cure of Inch miftaken 
judgement, and for warding off the fatal eiFecU that vjould en- 
fue, were Ins opinions univerfally received, and Ms exajnpie uni- 
verfally followed. 

In his obfervations on the ufe of the cold and "vvarm afFu- 
fion in fever, Dr Jackfon, with fentiments of envy, and a fpirit. 
of illiberality which we cannot fuificiently deprecate, endeavours, 
to detratt from the well-earned reputation of Dr Currie, and 
arrogates to himfelf the merit of having employed tliis eihcaciou^ 
iremedy as early as the year 1774, although, he allows, * the dif- 
coverers are not of this age or country. ' Let Dr Jackfon, how- 
ever, remember, that, according to his own ingenuous confefhon, 
JiC went put to Jamaica in 1774* ^ at an early period of life, and 



188 Dt Jackfon'j- Remarks on MUltary Medicine, Is'c April 

with only a fmall fliare of profefTional information ; ' and tliat it 
■was not till 1778, when he firftvifited America, in the capacity of 
affift vnt-furgeon, that ' fome dawnings of fcience ' began to arile 
in his mind. If he employed the cold affufion fo eai'ly as he 
pretends, the details of its efFedls do not, in all pro.bability, re- 
dound very much to his credit •, and thefe he has accordingly 
very prudently fupprefled. We know not what fpecific meaning 
Dr Jackfon attaches to the words * popular manner, in wliich, ' 
he fays, * the fubje£t has been treated by Dr Currie of Liver- 
pool ; ' but we are acquainted with no book, in the whole range 
of medical literature, which combines, in a more eminent de- 
gree, foundnefs of argument with accuracy of obfervation and 
elegance of compofition, than Dr Currie's * Medical Reports ' — 
a work, which we may fafely recommend, with the precept * tioc- 
turna verfate tnanu, verfate diurna, ' to all future medical writers 
and inquirers. 

AVere this the proper place, we might animadvert at fome length 
on that invidious rage, which has led fo many modern authors to 
exalt the ancients at the expence of their own more deferving 
contemporaries. We doubt not, that fome obfcure hints of the 
moft / remarkable difcoveries, which mankind have hitherto ef- 
fefted, may be traced in the writings of the ancients, either by 
dire£t inference, or by implication ; but the authority of anti- 
quity has long enough retarded the improvement of fcience ; and 
fui"ely the moderns ought to have their due, who have perfeiled 
the half-formed arts of their predeceflbrs, and reduced to a more 
rational fyftem their crude and indigefted information. It is not 
for the merit of the invention of the affufion of water in fever, 
that we commend Dr Currie, but for the excellent rules, which 
he has laid down for its application, by which means a powerful 
remedy becomes the moil effectual method of cure, while, in 
unlkilfui hands, it Vv'ould only tend to aggravate the difeafe. 

But the fzO: is, that the credit of the invention was never 
claimed by Dr Currie, or by Dr Wright, who preceded him in 
its ufe, and to whom the former has fully acknowledged his ob- 
ligations. It was ufed by the latter gentleman in his own cafe, 
during his pailage from the Weft Indies in the year 1777 ; and 
an account of his cure was publiflied by himfclf in the year 1786, 
at leaft, five years prior to the appearance of Dr Jaekfou's firft pub- 
lication on fever. Both thefe writers {Dr Currie and Dr Wright) 
have exprefsly Ifated, that tlxe employment of cold water in fe- 
ver was no new improvement of practice, but merely the revival 
of an ancient cuftom ; and in fupport of this affertion, they have 
cited the works of many ancient and modern authors. Thefe 
iiud ether confiderationo render to. us fufpicious the account 



1^04. Dr Jackfon'j- Remarh on Milltnry Medicine^ Is^c. i^g 

which Dr Jackfon has given of his own pra<3tice and fucccfs with 
this remedy. One circumftance is fomewhat remarkable, that, 
among the iirft modern adopters of the afFufion in fever, Dr Jack- 
fon has (with no flight geographical inaccuracy) mentioned De 
Hahn as having ufed it at JVarJaw in 1 737. Now, Dr de Hahn 
is particularifed by Dr Wright, as the employer of this remedy, 
■At Brejlai(*y in his Eflay publifhed in the year 1786, to which 
Dr Jackfon has made no reference, although he could not be, or 
ought not to have been, ignorant of its publication. 

If, however, by any accident, it fhould happen that thefe two 
refpe6lable writers entered the lifts with Dr Jackfon, we are 
convinced, that they would foon yield to him all the aiTumed 
merit of the pratlice, as he employs it. Inilead of accounting 
for its operation on known and rational principles, he explains it 
by abfurd illullration, and in his uncouth phrafeology. Inilead 
of deducing from experience the laws of its adoption and regu- 
lation, he recommends it at random, and in cafes, where it mull 
prove the harbinger of death, rather than the reilorer of health. 
How much information, for infbance, do we receive from the 
remark, that * bathing, Hke every other power in nature, a£l:s 
upon the excitability of organifm, and produces, more obvioufly 
than mod others, an efFeft upon organic movement! ' (p. 269.) 
What depth of fcience do not the following reflections betray I 
* A thermometer only meafures abfolute quantity ; it gives no infor- 
mation on the fubje£t of quality, whether of the kind confiftent 
with life, or of the kind which indicates the prefence of a procefs 
leading to diforganization and deilruftion^' (p. 273.) How abfurd 
the vulgar idea, that cold-bathing produces an abilraftion of ca- 
loric ! But when Dr Jackfon informs us, that it aCts, * by reftor- 
ing the natural rhythm of movement in the organic ftrufture, by 
the force of a new ftimulus, it preferves a coniillent, intelligible, 
and clear explanation throughout. ' (p. 276.) After fuch obfer- 
vations as thefe, we were not much furprifed to find the principles 
which guided the author in the ufe of this remedy, undecinve 
and contradictory, or to learn that, in his hands, it had fome- 
times proved uniuccefsiul. To prepare his patients for the cold- 
bath, he vomits, purges, and bleeds profufely (fo as to place 
* the ivhole inov'wg poiuers upon a tickli/lj balatice')., employs the 
water as near the freezing point as poflibie, in the latefl ftagcs of 
the difeafe, however cold the Ikin, or however debilitated the 
patient ! 

In the latter part of the Appendix, the author lays claim to the 
merit of having firll introduced a new remedy in fever, from 

which, 

* London Medical Jourual, Vil. Fart II. p. lop. 



"^pb Ur Jackfon',r Remdr'h on Military Medicine 3 l^c, April 

which, he aflerts, much benefit may be derived, after all other 
medicines have failed, in acconiplilhing a cure -, and which was 
iirft fuggefted to him by the good efFe£ls that refulted from a 
journey, which he was obliged to perform, in an open convey- 
ance, when labouring under fever. It happened to rain heavily 
all the time he was upon the road, io that he was completely 
drenched ; but at the end of the journey, he found himfelf con- 
(iderably refrefhed and invigorated. Thefe effects he afterwards 
had an oppoi'tunity of feeing exemplified in a confiderable por- 
tion of the fick of his regiment, when conveyed from one ftation 
to another, in the manner above defcribed, and * expofod to 
dews by night, to a fcorching fun by day, and to occafional 
fhowers of rain. ' Reafoning from theie facts, the Do£tor very 
gravely recommends, that patients in the laft ftage of fever 
fhould be carried, for the fpace of fix or eight hours at a time, 
in open carts, over n ugh roads, through woods or lawns, and, 
at the fame time, bled, foufed with water, and bled again ! 

We llvall now take leave of Dr Jackfon and his gejiatory plan 
of cure. Were his ideas likely to gain univerfal adoption, we 
Ihould have entered much more fully into their refutation : but 
fortunately they are fo enveloped in the obfcurity of language, 
that only a fele6l few can comprehend and meafure their depth ; 
although this very circumflance may prove a recommendation to 
fome, whofe intelledls are placed in the fame * key of move- 
ment ' with the author's, and who, poflelfrng all his enthufiaflic 
fpirit, may be led to praclife his rafh and injudicious precepts. 



Art. XIV. Sermons. By William Laurence Brown, D. D. Prin- 
cipal of Marifchal College and Ui)iverfity ; ProfcfTor of Divinity, 
and Miniiter of Grey-Friar's Church, Aberdeen. Edinburgh and 
London. 8vo. pp. 491. 1803. 

THE compofition of fermons was one of the firft exercifes of 
the reviving literature of Chriftendom ; and it has ever fince 
fuppiied occupation to a greater number of authors than all the 
other departments of learning put together. The multitude of 
labourers, however, has not yet brought this field into fo perfect 
a ftats of cultivation as might have been expelled ; and innumer- 
able volumes have been publiflied upon the fame fubjed:s, with- 
out fixing any unexceptionable ftandard for the diftribution oi 
the arguments, or the regulation of the ilyle. Among the o- 
ther obvious caufes that concurred to retard the improvement of 
this branch of compofition, we know thaf, m the Prefbyteriaii 

churches, 



igo4. Dr'^xovft^s Sermofis* ^l 

churches, there formerly prevailed an opinion, that divine truths 
did not require the decorations of human eloquence, and that it 
•was a fort of profanation to wade any care upon the manner, when 
the matter was of fuch awful importance. In thofe days of zeal 
and orthodoxy, however, the matter was ferioufly laboured ; and 
if we are frequently oiFended with the flovenly ftyle of our older 
preachers, we are almoft as ottcn delighted with the vigour of 
their reafonings, and the earneftnefs of their exhortations. Of 
late, our language has become fufficiently polifhcd : and we are 
never difgulled with that kind of harfhnefs, at leaft, which pro- 
ceeds from concifenefs or ftrength. Every thing is delivered, 
too, with the moft exemplary coolnefs and moderation : the 
preacher retains a perfect command of himfelf throughout the 
whole performance, and never runs the rillc of betraying his 
readers into any improper degree of emotion. Whether this 
change be owing to any general mollification of the clerical tem- 
perament, or only to the alteration of their tafte, and whether 
we are to impute the prevailing charafter of our modern fermons 
to a defe£l of zeal and induftry in their authors, or to a predi- 
le6hion for fmooth and elegant phrafeology, we do not prefume 
to determine. It will be generally allowed, we believe, that thofe 
fermons are the beft which unite the polilli of the modern fchool 
with the llrength and folidity of the old. 

The volume before us, which, with a fmgular degree of li- 
berality, is infcribed by a Prefbyterian Profefler of Divinity to the 
firlt dignitary of the Church of England, appears to us to be a 
very refpe(?l;ab}e attempt at the union of which we have been 
fpeaking. The difcourfes contain a greater portion of earned and 
fubflantial reafoning than we have generally met with in fimilar 
publications ; and the language throughout is pure, nervous, and 
harmonious. The fubjefts, which are almoft entirely of a prac- 
tical nature, appear to be judicioufly fele<Sled, and the duties of 
which they treat are explained with perfpicuity, and enforced with 
great earneilnefs and addrefs. 

The firft fermon, which treats of * the duty and character of 
a Chriftian preacher,' fpecifies, in the firil place, the nature of 
the inftrudtions which a preacher fliould deliver, and then deli- 
neates, in a very flrlking manner, the charadler which he fliould 
endeavour to maintain. 

With regard to the firft of thefe, the Doctor fays, p. e. 
— * While we preach Chri/l Jefus the Lord, it is therefore abfurd to 
fuppofe that we Ihould be unmindful of the principles of natural reli- 
gion, which are implied in the divine mifiion of the Author and Finijhcr 
of our faith, or that, in illuftrating thefe, and enforcing moral duties, 
we preach not the Gofpel of Chrift. Confider how much of our Sa- 
"vieu!r'» diicourfes, and of the epiftles of his apoftles, is employed in in- 
culcating 



. 192 X>t Brown' J- SermoffS. April 

culcating tlie ,piu-eft principles of morality, and in preparing .men for 
heaven by rendering them ' virtuous on earth ; you will find that one 

• principal objefl of the Gofpel is to reftore that image of God wliicli 

■ had been defaced in the foul of man ; to renew that purity of heart ant] 
rectitude of conduct of "which the world had loll even the conception, 
and neither Pagan pliilofophers, nor Jewifh prophets, had ever been abk- 

■ to produce the refemblance among their difciples. 

* This very coafideration, however, mull conltantly remind us of the 
infinite importance of the doclrines peculiar to Chriftianity, and of the 
diflinttive and appropriate chai-adtcr of its precepts. When we refleft 

- that, for our guilty race^ the chief point is, not merely to be informed, 
but alio to be Javrd^ how friutlefs, how vain, how devoid of comfort, 
are the moil ingenious and accurate refearches into the nature and at- 
tributes of the Supreme Being, and the relation which man bears to his 
Creator, unlefs they be accompanied with the pofitive alfurance of par- 
don, and rellored favour ! How ufelefs, how mortifyinn- are the inofl 
beautiful precepts of morality, attended with the refleftion that they 

. only ellablifh oi't guilt and degradation ! When we tremble to look to 
eternity, how difmal is tlie certainty of a future Hate ! Thofe very 
informations and rules of life which, to creatures either innocent, or re- 
cor.cikd to their offended Creator, are produdlive of comfort and com- 
placency, become, to thofe who feel themfelves in a ilate of condemna- 
tion, fubjefts of averfion and ten-or. Is not the criminal more alarmed, 
when he is informed of the fpecific fandions of the law which he has 
violated, and of the juit and fleady character of the Judge by whom he 

• mull be condemned ? ' 

The duties of morality, enforced by the peculiar doclrines of 
the Gofpelj ought certainl)«to be regarded by the Chriiliai> di- 
vine as entitled to occupy a very large proportion of his public 
clifcourfes. We have been furprifed at the fenfelefs cry, which 

■ has forrietimes been railed againft preaching the duties of morif- 
lity, as if morality vi^ere fomething oppofed to the Gofpel of 
Chrill. The Scriptures afluredly contain a fyftem of the pureffc 

■morality, and no preacher difcharges his duty who negle£ls to 

-enforce it. At the fame time, we equally agree with our author 
in the importance of the doclrines peculiar to Chriftianity. While 
it is of great moment to inculcate the duties of morality^ they 
ought always to be inculcated on Chriftian principles. A Chriltiaji 
preacher fliould never' conceal the peculiarities of Chriftianity, 
nor, in teaching men their duty, ftiould he negletl the motives 
which his religion fo amply furnilhes. The difference between a 
minifter of Chrill and a dilciple of Socrates, would not, in many 

'cafes, be fo great in the condudl which they would recommend, -sx 

• in the motives which they would fuggelt : here indeed the Chriftian 
' iiaa infinitely the advantage, and he ought to avail h|mfelf of it. 

The fecond and third iermons are on ' the love of 'God, ' and 
the joy and peace which refult from believing arfd pradifmg tht 

■ Gofpel. 



1804. ^r Browii'y SernwfiJt. I93 

Gofpel. Thefe two cllfcourfes illuflrate fome of the afre£lIons 
xvhich religion commands us to cherifh ; and we are pleafed to 
fee a preacher of found judgement engage in the difcuflion of 
topics which have been fo often perverted by the unfkilful. While 
ludicious and acute men have fometimes explained the doftrines^ 
and often inculcated the duties of religion, it has been left, too 
generally, to enthufiafts to defcribe religious affeftions and feeU 
ings. Few things, w^e believe, have tended more to the general dif- 
credit of religion, than that men of found underftandiiigs fliould 
fo often appear to difcard all feeling from their fyftem ; and fliould. 
have left it to be afTumed as the peculiar property, and dirtinguifh-' 
Ing chara^leriftic of bigotted or de/igning men. When almoll all 
the popular topics, and all the warmth and activity are found on 
one hand, and dry difcufTion conduced with a coolnefs, eafily 
miflaken for indifference, on the other, is it furprifing that the 
multitude fhould flock to the fanatics and enthufiafts ? The ene- 
mies of religion, befides, avail themfelves of this circumftance : 
they impute the irregularities of fuch men to religion itfelf, and 
allege the coolnefs of others as a proof of infincerity. If rational 
preachers would infufe a little more fpirit into their difcourfes, and 
not treat their hearers quite fo much as if they were beings of pure 
intelleft, we are inclined to think that there would be fewer en- 
thufiafts. Extremes produce extremes j immoderate zeal has led 
to indifference -, and indifference has increafed the zeal with which 
it is contrafted. The fanaticifm which, at one time, prevailed in 
England, led the bulk of the clergy in that country into a ftudied 
coolnefs, which had all the appearance of indifference ; and their 
coolnefs, irx its turn, occafioned the unmeaning rant of the modern 
Methodills. There is fome reafon to apprehend that fimilar caufes 
may produce fimilar effefts in our own part of the ifland, where the 
people are not naturally inclined to any great excels of devotional 
ardour. 

Religion has fometimes been reprefented as unfavourable to the 
enjoyment of life : in the following paffages, this fentiment is 
refuted, and the fuperior excellence of religious joy maintained, 
with much juftnefs, and with much eloquence. 

' So far is an implicit conformity to the dictates of our religion from 
being inconfiflent with a proper care of worldly concerns, that, if we 
had no higher aim in view than merely to promote, or to fecure, our 
temporal interells, we could hardly puifue a lafer and more certain 
courfe, than a fcrnpulous ohfervance of the rules prefcribed by Chriftia- 
liity, for conducing us to future happinefs. To increafe or to preferve 
2 fortune, what better means could we employ, than Chriftian diligence 
and honefty ? To rife to preferment and honour, what fo efficacious 
as that inflexible integrity, that clicerful and ready fubmiffion to lawful 
fupeviors, that affable condi'fcenfion to inferiors, " that meeknefs and 
■ VOL. fv. NO. 7. N complaifance 



Ip4 J^^ BrowuV Sermons* April 

coraplaifance towards all, which the Gofpel enjoins ? To enfure good 
will, to maintain a character, to acquire reputation, could we adopt a 
better plan, than to cultivate Chriltian prudence and fortitude, joined 
with Chriftian reftitude and charity ; or, as our Saviour beautifully and 
emphatically exprefles it, than to be ivlfe as f^-rpetits, and barmkfs as 
doves ? In fine, if our fole objeft were to preferve health, to prolong 
life, or even to give a true reliih to fenfual enjoyment, could we follow 
any better courfe, than to praftife Chriitian activity in bufmefs, in con- 
junflion with Chriftian moderation and temperance ? * — * Thefe are joys 
pure and fubftantial, fiiited to the dignity of the rational nature, inde- 
pendent of our brutal part. Thefe can never be carried to excefs, never 
lucceeded by coiToding refleftion. Pleafing once, they pleafe and de- 
light us for ever. Thofe, neither birth, nor external events, nor the 
difpofitions of men, nor difeafe, nor age, can affeft. They attend us in 
fociety, and forfake us not in folitude. When enemies perfecute us, 
they infpire us with courage, and endue us with ftrengtlu When fallc 
fi-iends abandon us, they remain. They folace adveriity, and enhance 
and adorn profperous circumftanc-es. They lighten the burdens of hfe, 
and difarm death of his terrors ! Compared with thefe, affluence is 
poor, grandeur is contemptible, fenfual pleafure is dffgulling. Exter- 
nal circumflances are appropriated to no inherent dignity of charafter, 
and are often the means of debafing it. But religious and moral enjoy- 
vnents are the peculiar privileges of the wife and gfX)d, who are not ex- 
cluded from their fhare of worldly pofleJTions, and can enjoy them with 
the higheft rehlh. Still, Ihould thefe be withheld, fiipported by their 
internal refources, by confcioiis integrity, by the exhilarating fenfe of 
the Divine favour, and by tlie glorious profpcft of a blcffed immorta- 
lity, the pioufly wife muft, even in adverhty and affliftion, be poiFelfed 
of a more abundant llore of happinefs than can belong to the impious 
and the wicked, placed on the fummit of power, ballcing in the fun- 
fhine of profperity, and refounding the loudeil ftrains of diflblute miilh. 
Like a rock lowering above the deep, the man of piety and virtue be- 
holds the ftorms of calamity roar around him, without fhaking his re- 
folution, or impairing his ftrength. When the tempeft affails thofe of 
a contrary charadter, they are tofled, like the fand, from furge to furge, 
and, when the calm returns, fmk under the weight of their own depra- 
vity. * 

Sermon fourth, ' On the Nature, Caufes, and E£re,£ls of Indif- 
ference with regard to Religion, ' was preached before the So- 
ciety in Scotland for propagating Chriftian Knowledge, and pub- 
liflied originally at their defire. It is written in fo mafterly a 
manner, that if the learned author had publiflied nothing more> 
it would have been enough to eftablifli his character as no ordi- 
nary preacher. The nature of this indifference is diftinguifhed 
with great precifiori, from moderation on the one hand, and the 
total want of religious principle on the other : the caufes and ef- 
fects of Uiis fpirit are traced with equal ciearnefs ; and feveral 

conlideratioas 



i8o4'~ J^^ BrownV Sermciis. t^J 

conficleratlons atlded, which are well calculated to put Chriflians 
on tlieir guard againll it. 

The fifth Sermon is * on the Folly of Procraftination with re- 
gard to the Concerns of Religion ; ' the lixth is '' on the Vanity 
of Religion, unlefs confidered as the chief good, and accompa- 
nied with Zeal and Perfeverartce •, ' the feventh is * on the Na- 
ture, the Effedls, and the Rewards of Perfeverance in Religion ; * 
the eighth is on ' the Progreffive Nature of Religion in the Soul. *- 
The next three fermons are * on the Specific Qualities of Pru- 
dence and Simplicity, ' the union of thefe qualities, and the mo- 
tives to cultivate them. On each of thefe topics the reader will 
find much iifefui matter, dated with accuracy and difcrimination. 
Three difcourfes follow * on Agur's Prayer, ' in which the au- 
thor defcribes the happinefs of a mind open to the convi<3:ion o£ 
truth, and attached to duty, the temptations and dangers of opu- 
lence and exalted ftation, and the temptations and dangers of po- 
verty, with the happinefs of the middle condition. Some of thefe 
are fubjefts upon which declaimers have enlarged with peculiar 
complacency ; and on the temptations and vices of the great 
and profperous, many a lofty mora lift has made himfelf popu- 
lar at little coll. In thefe difcourfes, the dangers of opulence 
and of poverty are flated with equal impartiality, and in a man- 
ner judicious and manlv, without any aid of fanciful embeliifli- 
nieut. 

In the next difcourfe, * Pride ' is very accurately diflinguifhed 
from vanity, and from that becoming felf-eitimation which is of- 
ten neceflary to our protection from infult. The grounds of pride 
are examined in another difcourfe ; and birth, titles, offices, 
riches, corporeal advantages, and mental endowments, are clearly 
fliown to afford no fulhcient ix-afon for this temper. The next 
difcourfe is on the nature and efFe£ls of * Humility, ' which 
forms a very proper contrail to the fubje6l of the two preceding 
fermons. The iaft fermon is on * Cliarity, ' and was preached 
before a Society inftituted for the Relief of the Sick Poor. The 
Text is, * chanty never faileth ; ' and the author takes occafion to 
fhow, that, while many gifts bellowed on men, and high attain- 
ments reached by them, ihall ceafe with this life, charity Ihall 
continue and fioarifla in another flate ; and, from its unfaihng na- 
ture, he powerfully urges the exercife of it. From confidering 
the nature of charity in general, he eafdy pafTes to that exercife 
of it which confiils in relieving the necelTitous, and tlms ilrongly 
recommends the interelts of that Society for -which lie plt-uds. 

* Ye who enjoy every conveinence and comfort of life ! ro v.'honi, 
when you are laid on a bed of fickiicfs, every foothing aid, every 
kelp of medicine, every relief that money or tendernefs can fup- 

N 2 ply. 



tp^. Di' Brown'j- Sermom, Aprrlf 

ply, are provided ; refleft how you endured the pains and languors, 
<3f dlfeafe, though mitigated and foftened by all that human art or 
kindnefs could devife i Did you happen to be removed from your 
abode when fome fevere and dangerous malady afTailed you, how 
were you overwhelmed by the abfencc of domeflic charity and con- 
■cenience ? But the poor man has no hame for ficknefs ! Health is 
neceffary to procure him ordinary comfort, is neceiTary to provide him 
and his family with the means of daily fubfiftence. Laid on the bed of 
iaii^uijh'mgf perhaps on the bed of dtath, he beholds his wife and chil- 
dren difconfolate around him. They can prefent to him none of the 
cordials and fupports of ficknefs ; for his interrupted labour deprives 
them of the flaff of life. His dlftr^'s and theirs are unknown to the 
ear of opulence. The rich, or thoft who employ him, recognife him- 
only by the price of his labour. When fixed to a fickbed, which 
:ferves rather to augment than to alleviate his malady, he ccafes to at- 
tend his work, he ceafes alfo to be prefent to their minds. Another 
comes, occupies hi? place, receives the wages he ufed to earn — and the 
fick man is forgotten \ Difeafe continues to prey upon his frame till 
he expires ! He fs configned to the grave, of difficult purchafe, and to 
oblivion : or is remembered only by the beggary of his family, often 
accounted importunate and trouhlefome i ' — * But, do not you then re- 
joice, that a Society exifts under the title of The Sick Man^s Friend^, 
whofe objeft is to penetrate into the recelTes of mifery, to difcnver the 
fick poor, of whatever religious feft or party they may be, and to af- 
ford them every relief which charity can fupply ? Db you not rejoice, 
that, without encroaching on your ordinary bufinefs, abridging your 
pleafures, or diminifiiing in any perceptible degree your ftores, you 
may heal or alleviate the difeafes of your poorer brethren, by contri- 
buting a fmall portion of your fuperabundance ? Will you not, then, 
command that portion to fpi-ed, under th<l management of faithful men, 
to the habitations of the poor and the difeafed, to fappiy the ftrengthen- 
ing cordial to the fick heart, to adminifier the cooling potion to the 
feverlfh frame, to mitigate the convulfive pangs of acute diftemper, and 
even to fmooth the bed of death V p. 458. 

'In perufing fome of thefe difcourfes, we have been difpofed to 
wilh that the inferior dlvifions or parts had been more diftinilly 
marked. We have no defire to fee a difcourfe fplit down Into an 
intricate variety of dlvifions and fiabdivlfions ^ this would generally 
be abfurd, and could feldom be ufeful ; but where topics, necef- 
farily dlftlntl, are introduced, it unqueillonably roufes the atten- 
tion, and aflifts the memory, to find them diltinftly announced. 
In the ninth and tenth fermons, for example, the eifefts relulting 
from the union of prudence and fimplicity, and the motives to 
cultivate them, are pointed out in a very mafterly manner ; yet, 
though feveral dlftin6t topics are introduced under each of thefe 
heads,, none of them is formally ftated. This, we are perfuaded, 

while 



'i^04. -^^* Brown' J- Sermons. IJgfJ 

while it has no influence on the unity of the difcourfcs, niuft di- 
minifh their impreflion. The unity of a difcourfe, is deftroye^, 
?A^e apprehend, by crowding a variety of fubjc6ts into it, and not 
by clearly diftinguifliing the different parts of the fame fubjecSl. 
Fafhion, we are aware, may perhaps be pleaded againll us, though 
we beliex'e Dr Brown would fcorn to avail himfelf of fuch an 
authority ; but we cannot permit fafhion to decide againft utility. 
She may be allowed to regulate the furniture of the circulating 
libraries ; but it will be as well, perhaps, that fhe be not much 
confulted in the compofition of ferraons. 

From the extradis which we have given, our readers may be 
able to judge with regard to the llyle of thefe difcourfes : it is 
well fuited to the nature of the fubje<£l:s, eafy, flowing, and dig- 
nified ; it never finks to meaimefs ; it is never turgid : the author 
dates his fentiments with precifion, and enforces them with ani- 
mation 5 he never forgets the importance of his fubjeft, nor fuf- 
fers his reader to forget it ^ he always conceives clearly what he 
intends tw exprefs, and is never at a lofs for appropriate expref- 
fions to convey his meaning. He has very much enriched his 
difcourfes by an abundant ufe of tiie language of Scripture, which 
be has applied with much felicity, and often employed to ex- 
prefs his own fentiments, in a manner that gives much dignity 
to the Ityle. 

We cannot avoid obferving, that too little attention appears to 
have been bellowed on the mechanical part of this publication, 
and that the author has fuffered his compofitions to meet the 
public eye under the difadvantage of many grofs typographical 
errors. Thefe we hope to fee removed in a fecond edition ; and, 
on a further revifioa of his work, Dr Brown will probably dif- 
cover that thefe are not the only errors which require correclioru 
Where there is fo much to praife, we feel the more anxious for 
the purification of his fhyle from thofe flighter faults and inac- 
curacies by wliich it is occafionally degraded ; and we are fully 
confident that the exercife of his own tafte will enable him to ex-r 
hibit his work in ,a fi:ate ftill more unexceptionable;. 



N 5 Aj.7% 



jpS Turner'j- Vitidicatiou of the WelJJj Bards. April 

Art. XV. yi V'lndtcaiiofi of the Genuinenefs of the Anuenf Br'tfijh 
Poems of ^neurln, Tal'iefn, Llywarch Hen, and IMcrdhm, rvltb fpe- 
chvrns of the Poems. By Sliaron Tinner, F. A. S. JLondon. Wil- 
liams, Strand. 1803. 8vo. pp. 284. 

'T^HE predilettion of the "Welfti for the antiquities of their na- 
."*- tive country, and the jealous eye v/ith whicli they Hill re- 
gard the interference of a &axon in this facred fubjccl, are fo no- 
torious, that we are ftrongly inclined to indulge a fufpicious fmile 
nt their allowing Mr Turner to anticipate themfeh-es in vindicating 
tKe genuinene'fs of their mod ancient and favourite bards. No 
doubt can be entertained, that many of the Welfli antiquaries 
are infinitely fuperior in point of knowledge and zeal to Mr Tur- 
ner : if, then, the caufe which he has undertaken had, in their 
opinion, been tenable, can we fuppofe that they would have fo 
long endured the fcolTs of unbeliever's, and at lad have permit- 
ted a ftranger to enter the lifts, and bear off the prize } AVe are 
therefore reduced to the necelTity of fuppofing that Mr Turner 
polTefies zeal, without their knowledge and prudence. Although, 
however, the Wellh antiquaries hive not come dire^lly forward 
on this important occafion, yet one of the moft dlftinguilhed of 
them has given his fanclion to Mr Turner's M'ork fo direclly and 
flrongly, that they mull fliarc in his difgrace if he fail in his at- 
tempt, without being able tx) claim any of the lioiiour if he fuc- 
ceed. * 

Mr Turner need not have informed his readers, that he had ap- 
plied only fome part of the leifure of the fummer to the confi- 
deration of this quelfion ; fince the total M'ant of arrangement, 
argument, and correft compofition, fuihciently proves his work to 
liave been a hafty performance. It has, indeed, many of the ex- 
ternal marks of a methodical and logical treatife : the propofition 
is formally ftated ; the evidence is * divided J:nt6 two forts, the 
external and the internal ' (16.); and there are eight divifionsj 
-befides fubdivifions without number, under each * fort ' of evi- 
dence. All this looks as if Mr Turner intended, when he begaii 
his M'Orkj that it fliould be clear, fyftematical, and full, even if he 
could not make it convincing or fatisfaclory. But he taficed him- 
folf beyond his powers. Some of the divifions, which are laid 
down in the beginning of his work, ai'e entirely omitted in the 
elucidation of tiie evidence ; and thofe v/hich are noticed, occur 
in a very difterent order. This dcfecl, however, we might have 
endured ; or perhaps v/c might iiave endeavoured to remedy it 

■ ^ ___^ 

? Oiven's Cambrian Biograpl-y. Fref, p. 5, 



tSo4- Tnrntt's Vindication of the We.1j7j. Bards* tg:^ 

by a difFercnt arrangement, if the matter had appeared worth the 
trouble. But we do not remember ever to have met with anv 
thins disjnified with the name of evidence, which bore fo httle 
refemblance to auth.ority or argument. As we have neither time 
nor patience to examine, feparately, the innumerable divilions of 
external and internal evidence, we fhall feleft a few, and arrange 
them with more regard to method and order than Mr Turner Has 
difcovered. "VVe ffiall not, however, infult the undcrilandings of 
our readers, by entering into a formal and direct refutation ; but, 
in fome inftances, fhall merely ftate jthe fubfiance of Mr Turner's 
evidence ; and, in no initance, offer inore than general remarks. 

We fliall begin with the propofition, that Aneurin, Taliefm, 
Llywarch Hen, and Merdhin, were Britifh bards, who lived in 
the fixth century ; which is the fixth in the order of examina- 
tion ([09.), and the fourth in the order in which they are laid 
dowli in the beginning of the work (17). The teftimony of Nen- 
nius is firlt adduced (115). Mr Turner obferves, * that Gale 
places him in the feventh century ; he may have belonged to the 
ninth.' Now, the author of the hiflory attributed to Nennius 
wrote, as he exprefsly informs us in his preface, in 858, * and 
confequently is veiy infuflicient autliority for the exiflence of 
bards in the fixth century. But, feccnuilyy the paflage alluded to 
is not in the printed copy : it is found only in one MS. ; and 
the very llyle and contents of the whole chapter in which the 
paflage occurs, prove it to have been the addition of a different, 
and, mod probably, a later writer. And, thirdly^ the pallage, as 
it ftands, mentions no bard but Taliefm : ' Item, Talhearn Ta» 
langu'^n in pocmate claruit, ct Nuevin, ^ Taliefm, & Bluchbar, 
& Cian qui vocatur Gueinanguant, fimul uno tempore in poe- 
mate Britannico floruerunt. ' Hence, allowing that Nennius 
wrote in the feventh century, and that this paflage is really ge-. 
nuine^ Hill we mult grant Mr Turner another favour before it 
can be of much advantage to him. By the afiiftance of Mr 
Evans he changes Nuevin hito Aneurin, and Bluchbar into Lly- 
warch. So that Mr Turner merely requefls his reader to allow 
him to fix the :era of an author ; to attribute X.o him, on the flight 
authority of one MS., a chapter not found in the other MSS., 
and very different in llyle and matter ; and to alter the words as 
he pleafes ; — and then he undertakes to prove his propofition. " 

This is not the only inftance in which Mr Turner has recourfe 
to MSS. which have been rcjccfed by the editors, whom, how- 

N 4 ever, 

* Nennius apud Gale, I. 94. Nlcholfon, however, is inclined to 
place him in 828. Encr. Hiilor, Lihrar. p. 33, 3d Edit, fol. 



io» Turner'j Vindication of the Weljfj Bards. April 

ever, we muft fuppofe to have been more impartial and cotnpe- 
tent judges than himfelf. In a MS. of" the laws of Howel Dha, 
he finds fome lines cited and afcribed to Taliefin •, and thefe he 
brings forward in evidence, without ftating on what grounds he 
confiders this MS. as more corre6l and genuine than the others j 
and not in the leaft ftartled at meeting with a quotation from a 
poet in a book of laws, — and that quotation fo Uttle to the pur- 
pofe, and fo awkwardly introduced, that it bears every mark of 
an interpolation. 

We imagine that the credibility of that notorious fabulift, 
Geoffrey of Monmouth, and tiie genuinenefs of the Welfh triads, 
ought to be eftabliflred, before they can with any propriety be 
introduced as unexceptionable and iatisfatlory evidence. (119 — 

135-) 
We fhall now turn back to the firll divifion of the external 

evidence — that there are old MSS. exilling of thefe poems, (21.) ; 
which merely amounts to this, that there are * two, if not three, 
ancient MSS. extant, which have no appearance of having been 
written later than the twelfth century,' (24.) And this very 
guarded and very vague polition does not rell on the authority 
of Mr Turner. He does not appear to have examined thefe 
MSS. himfelf-, — he does not even mention the qualifications or 
names of thofe to whofe examination he has trulled ; nor Hate 
the evidence which is fuppofed to prove their antiquity : He 
merely fays, he underllands (27.), he is informed (28.), he is 
aflured (29.) that they are ancient. It is unnecefTary to expofe 
the weaknefs of this evidence. In pages 37 — 87, he endeavours 
to prove, that Aneurin, Taliefin, &c. and their vi'orks, * have 
been mentioned or alluded to by a feries of bards, whofe works 
Hill exift, undifputed, from before the twelfth century to a re- 
cent period. ' The difbelievers in the genuinenefs of the poems 
attributed to the bards of the fixth century, maintain, that tliey 
were forged in tlie twelfth century. They ground tlieir opinion 
on two undifputed facts, — that the Welfn do not pretend to pof- 
lefs the works of any bards between the fixth and the eleventh or 
twelfth centuries, and that all the Welfh MSS. appear to have been 
written in the twelfth century. Mr Turner, imagining that the 
Welfli had unguardedly granted too much, contends (269), that 
there are fmall poems Hill extant, which were written in the 
feventh, eighth, and tenth centuries ; but as he has offered no 
arguments in fupport of their genuinenefs, we mull, beg leave 
not only to objedl to them as authorities on the prefent fubjetl, 
but alfo to fufpeft their antiquity. There are, however, fuc 
notices, ' taken from poems which, according to tlie confent of 
the belt Welih critics, were written before the twelfth century. ' 



3 



1804. Turner'j- Vindication of the Weljh Bards. iof 

(^7 — y),) Thefe notices prove, merely, that the names of Ta- 
liefin, Mcrdhin, Llywarch, Avaon, and Kennyd, and fhort pro- 
verbial fentences attributed to them, floated on the breath of tra- 
dition ; but by no means that their poems were then written, or 
even in exiltence. On the contrary, the very e\prelfion, * Haft 
thou not heard what Llywarch Tang — Greet kindly, though there 
be no acquaintance,' iutticiently points out what parts of the 
poems of this bard were preferved, and how they were preferved. 
The other notices are exactly of the fame kind, and exprefled in 
the fame manner. 

It is now necefiary to turn from the 39th to the 112th page, 
where, in perfeft confiileney with the total want of arrange- 
ment of the work, the remaining part of this divilion of the ex- 
ternal evidence is confidered. Giraldus Cambrenfis is cited \ 
and his evidence is faid to be complete and deeifive. In one paf- 
fage, he exprefsly fays, that, in the twelfth century, the Cam- 
brian bards, and fingers or reciters, have the genealogy of their 
princes written in their ancient and authentic books in Welfh. 
The poems of the bards are not mentioned ; yet Mr Turner af- 
firms tlaat * he fpeaks of the genealogies but as a part of the 
contents of thefe ancient and authentic books. ' In the other 
pallage, tlie words of Giraldus are, * Rex Angliye Henricus Se- 
cundus, ficut ab hiilorico cantore Britone audiverat antiquo.' — 
Mr Turner hence infers, * that the ancient Britifh had hiftorical 
(-ingers, that is, ancient bards who had left hlilorical poems, which, 
in the days of Henry the Second, were deemed ancient, and refer- 
red to •, and which, therefore, mull have been fome centuries old 
jn that age. ' (144.) Cannot Mr Turner perceive that the words 
exprefsly declare, that King Henry had heard (concerning Ar- 
thur) from an ancient Briti/lj bard ? 

After thefe fpecimens of Mr Turner's commentary and argu- 
ments, which are not fele61:ed, and are even furpafled in almoft 
every page, it furely is not neceflary to examine, or even ftate 
any other paiTagcs, which he has adduced in fupport of this part 
of the external evidence. We may, however, remark, that the 
entire filence of Giraldus Cambrenfis, a writer who is fo very 
full and particular in every thing relative to Wales, and feems to 
have poirefl'ed confiderable knowledge as well as zeal, renders it 
extremely probable, that in his time (about 1 200) there were no 
poems of an ancient date, either tradition.d or written. In one 
palTage, indeed, he refers to the prophecies of Merdhin, and de- 
clares that he had tranflated them into Latin. But Mr Turner 
confiders the prophetic works afcribed to Merdhin, which have- 
come down to us, as unqueftionably either interpolated or fur- 
feptitious, (149.) How then can this paflag'e of Giraldus prove 

the 



SJ02 . Turner'j- Viudicdticn of the Wtijfj Bards. April 

the exiftence of the genuine poems of Merdhin in the twelfth 
century ; or appljs with any propriety or force, to the only poem 
of this bard, at pvefent allowed to be genuine, the Availenau, 
which the hiftorian never mentions ? 

In p. 197, Mr Turner maintains that the obfcure and unin- 
telligible paflagi^s, which abound in the poems of Taliefin, &c. 
are a ftrong prefumptive evidence rhat they are genuine. If Mr 
Turner will turn back to page 164, he will there find, that he 
leaves to * its fate ' the myftical, unintelligible poetry of Taliefin, 
and confiders as genuine only his hiftorical elegies, and his poems 
on Urien and Elphin : In other words, he gives up the defence of 
thofe, which bear the moft unequivocal marks of antiquity, and 
feledls, as genuine, only thofe which, according to his own cri- 
terion, are deftitute of them. 

In page 136, he affirms that the Britons had the ufe of letters 
in the fixth century. It is evident that, unlefs by this he meant 
that the Welfh was a written language at that period, he will 
have gained nothing by proving his point. But, fo far from 
having been able to fubftantiate what he muft have meant, he 
has not adduced even the fhadow of an argument in fupport of 
Avhat he has a£lually faid. Several Latin infcriptions (of which, 
however, he notices only tv/o, both the work of one man) have 
been found in Wales, of the' date of the fixth century. How to- 
tally dellitute of judgment muft that man be, who can from this 
circumltance infer, that the Britons had the ufe of letters at that 
sera, or that, becaufe a Wellh ecclefiaftic could then write La- 
tin, therefore the Welfh was a written language ! — It may be 
obferved^ that, according to the very nature of the bardic fyilem, 
it would neither be neceflary nor defirable, that their poems 
fhould be committed to writing ; and, iii all probability, ihey 
dvere not^ till the profeflion became lefs numerous, when it would 
be necefiary to prefcrve in writing, what recitation or tradition 
could no longer fufficiently fpread or fecure from obUvion *, 
On the contrary, the laws of a country would prefentthe ftrong- 
eft claim to be firft committed to written language \ and accord- 
ingly, the oldeft indifputably genuine work in Welfli, is Howel 
Dha's Laws, of the tenth century. 

We fhall now proceed to confider fome parts of the internal 
evidence produced by Mr Turner: and here, tlie fame confufion 
and imbecility of underllanding are difcovered. The mind of 
the reader is never exercifed, even in detetSling fophiftry \ but 

is 

* Mr Turner himfelf informs us (Hillory of the Anglo-Saxons, 
I. 196.) that * the bardic dot^rines were orally communicated from 
bard to bard. ' 



2 804» Turner'/ Vindicaihu of the Weljh Banlsi: 301 

is perpetually wearied in arranging and unravel 1 in]:, what, after 
.all the labour beftowed upon it, is always devoid of ingenuity^ 
and fometimes even inconfiftent with itfelf- 
. One of his moll forcible arguments is, * that the fubj-e^ls of 
fhefe ancient poems were the nioft unlikely of all others for ^ 
/orger to have chofen ' (J53-) Thefe poems, in general, re* 
cord the defeats of the Britons. This very circumftance. Mr 
Turner, by a itrange perverilon of intelle£l:, confiders as a. proof 
rhat they were written by bards who lived at the time of thefe 
defeats: whereas, mo(l pi his readers, we imagine, "will confi- 
der it as a ftrong prefum.ptive, proof that they were written fix 
centuries after thefe defeats, and not at the very period in which 
ihey happened. Mr Turner is of opinion that a forger would 
not have chofen the difafters and fubjugation of his countrymen 
fox the fubje^cs of his poems : But what other fubjects could he 
ponfiRently have chofen, if he wldied his poems to be.attributed 
to bards in- the fixth century, at which period it was well known 
10 the contemporaries of the forger, that the bards, if they fung 
of battles, mufl have recorded the difgrace and difallexs of the 
Britons ? — The manner, in which Arthur is fpoken of in thefe 
^jncient poems, Mr Turner coniiders as anotlier proof,, that they 
pould not have been written in the twelfth century. According 
to Mr Turner's own account, ic was in the twelfth century that 
Arthur's fame acquired a ' gigantic ftiape'; and he feems to 
ponfider the hiftory of Geoffrey as having firil given it this mag-' 
nitude. Hence, in direct oppoi'ition to Mr Turner, we would 
infer, that a forger, of the lead fivill or knowledge, would not 
•reprefent Arthur, in poems which he wifhed to be attributed 
to the fixth century, as that romantic and fabulous character, 
which he was not fuppofed to have been, till the publication of 
Geoffrey's hiflory. 

Among other * traits of genuinenefs ' in tliefe poems, -on 
which Mr Turner defcants for thirty pages, without ever be- 
traying any mark of itigenuity, there is one which we do 
net hefitate to confider as a llrong * trait ' of forgery. Merd- 
bin, according to the Wellh traditions, was fubjc6l to fits of 
infanity during the latter part of his life ; and, while he was 
in thar fituation, he is faid to have compofed his Avallenau. 
* He retired into a Caledonian wood, in which, at lucid in- 
tervals, he deplored his mifery * ' We fliall pafs over the 
-improbability, that fuch a madman would -amufe himfelf with 
compofing poems ; and the much greater Improbability, that if 
he did compofe poems in this Caledonian wood, and uttered 

theoi 

* Tvifner'e Anglo-Sfixons, I. 205. 



204 ■ Turner'/ Vwdlcation of the Weljh Bards^ April 

them ill the hearing of any perfons, they would think the rav- 
ings of a madman worthy of being committed to memory. — We 
fhall even fuppofe, that thefe circumftances did take place; or 
that Merdhin, in his lucid intervals, came out of his retirement, 
and wrote his poems : Surely even Mr Turner's crednlity will 
not defire more from us. — Let us now confider the * trait of ge- 
rtuinenefs. * — In Merdhin's Avallenau, there is alfo much difplay 
of natural feelings appropriate to his chara£ter. The aliufian to 
his infanity is interefting : 

' i myfelf am a wild horrible fcreamer— -. 
1 am pierced with horrors — I am 

Covered by no raiment ! ' p. 192. 
We merely a(k, is it in the leaft confident with the known cha- 
Ta£ler of madmen, that they fhould, in their lucid intervals, 
Ipeak of their calamity ? Does not this very palTage, at leart, 
render it very probable that the poem is a forgery .'' It is much 
more likely that a forger {hould be fo forgetful, or fo ignorant 
of human nature, as to introduce this paflage, than that Merd- 
hin (hould differ fo eflentially from all others in his fituation. 

When we firft read over the divifions of the internal evidence, 
we were particularly {Iruck with the fixth — * That the hiftorlcal 
allufions of the WeKh bards are true. ' After having feen in 
what manner Mr Turner treated the other divifions, our curiofity 
was excited to examine this important pofition, which certainly 
affords opportunity for confiderable ingenuity and refearch. But 
there is not even the femblance of either. At the fame time, we 
return our thanks to Mr Turner for his concifenefs, and for 
having given his proof fo nearly in a fyllogiftic form, that, by 
fimply ilating the fubftance of it ex61:Iy in that form, we can fave 
our readers from the trouble of following us through a tedious 
expofition of its weaknefs. 

* Geoffrey is efteemed by the world a " fabler : " 

But the Welfh bards are very unlike Geoffrey, and fometimes 
contradiA him : 
Therefore, the poems of the Welfli bards are genuine and au- 
thentic. ' (199.) 

The entire filence of the Saxon Chronicle refpe6ling all the 
battles recorded by the Welfh bards, efpecially the battle of 
Cattereth, which is reprefented, in the Gododin, as having been 
fo extremely fatal to the Britons, that of the three hundred and 
fixty-three nobles who were engaged, only three furvived it,— 
3nd the mention, in that Chronicle, of battles not nearly fo de- 
il:ru£live or difgraceful to the Britons, which were fought in the 
^ame century, prefent a formidable objedlion to the geuuinenefs 
?.ȣ the poems, which Mj: Turner has not even noticed. 



iSo4. Turner*/ Vindication of the Welfj Bard*. 20^ 

In p. 250, Mr Turner confiders the * chief obje£llons urged 
againlt thefe poems. ' It Is not our Intention to examine his 
replies feparately or minutely. * With regard to the firft ob- 
je£lIon, ' that rime was not known to Europe in the fixth cen- 
tury, and therefore thefe rimed Welfh poems could not have 
been compofed at that period,' we never confidered it as decifive, 
or even very formidable ; fmce rime may have exifted in the 
Welfh fome centuries before it had been attempted in other 
languages, efpecially in the languages of thnfe nations which 
were unconne6led with the Welfli. Mr Turner, however, has 
enumerated eleven authors, between the fixth century and the 
ninth, in whofe writings rime occurs ; and has traced it back 
even to St Auflin, in the fourth century. If the obje6llon from 
the ufe of rime by the Welfli bards be ftated in another form, 
we think it would be much more powerful. There are extant 
two poems in the Anglo-Saxon ; one written by C:edm.on, in the 
feventh century ; the other anonymous, compofed in the tenth, 
on the battle of Brunanburgh; f neither of which exhibits any 

appearance 

* We have carefully examined Mr Turner's two effays on the early 
ufe of the rime in the Archaeologia, (vol. XIV. 168-204,), to whichi 
he refers, p. 251. They confirm the opinion, that rime originated 
with the monks; and that it was transferred from their I>atin poems 
into the modern languages. If the Latin borrowed It from the Gothic 
or Celtic, as Mr Turner fuppofes, how fhall we account for its exiltence 
in the Latin poems of Aldheim, A. D. 700, an Anglo-Saxon bifhop ; 
whereas, two centuries afterwards, it is not found in the fong, writtea 
in the vernacular tongue, on a popular fubjeft, the Battle of Brunan- 
burgh ? It IS fo extremely difTicult to avoid rime in the Latin language, 
from the nu.merous correfponding terminations of its nouns and verbs, 
that, inllead of confidering the few inilnnces produced by Mr Turner 
in his fecond effay, as intentional, we are ailonidied at the extreme care 
vphich the claffical writer mult have taken to prevent the frequent 
recurrence of rime. But, as the monks weie utterly devoid of tafte, 
and excefTively indolent, they would Confider the facility of riming, 
which the Latia language pref(;ntcd to them, as a beauty and an ad- 
vantage ; and accordingly fubftitute it, infttad of inverfion and metrical 
feet. The rimes, of which modern languages are fufceptible, are compa- 
ratively fo few, that it is very improbable that this mode of compofition 
originated in them. They are continued in modern languages, not, as 
Mr Turner maintains, becaufe they are natural 10 them, but becaule they 
produce greater laiisfadtion from being lefs eafy aud obvious. Laing'a 
S:oilanci, 1, 525. 

f There are three copies of Caidmon's poem — In HIckcs Thefaur. 
J. 197. — Whdock's Anglo-Saxon Bede, p, 597. — and in Wanky's 



5o§ Turner'/ VMicahon of the We!Jh 'Bar'M Aprl! 

appearance of rime. Now, as the ufe of rime mufl have greatly 
facilitated the remembrance of the latter poem, which evidently 
appears to h?,ve been compofed for the purpofe of being com- 
mitted to memory, at a time when few could write or read j it 
is extremely probable, that if rime had been fo.long and generally 
in ufe among their neighbours the Wel{lT,.the Anglo-Saxons 
would have adopted it in their poetry, efpecially where the fub- 
jecfi and the intention of the poems were the fame in both 
languages. 

Mr Turner has clearly proved that Giraldus Cambrenfis e\"- 
prefsly mentions rimed fongs in the twelfth century, in the 
very pailiige which has been produced to fliow that he was not 
acquainted with rime. In * cantilenis rythmicis et di6lamine 
tam fubtiles inveniuntur, ' &c. rythmicis is evidently the ad- 
jeCLive agreeing with catitilenisy and not a fubftantive j and, 
even if it be confidered as a fubftantivc, it will not bear the 
meaning which the objector has given it, lince it never fignifies 

• verfes. ' 

Mr Turner replies to the obje£lion, that no poems occur be- 
tween the fixth and the twelfth century, i. By taking for granted 
the genuinenefs of poems attributed to the intermediate centuries: 
2. by proving, principally from the fufpicious teitimony of the 
Welih triads, that bards exifted during that period : and, 3. By 
illuitrating, at great length, xht profound and tfr/^/««/ obfervation, 

* that the ravages of time are capricious, and that fimilar chafms 
occur in the literary hiftory of other countries. ' (269.) "We 
apprehend, that the fimple ftatement of fuch modes of proof, is a 
fuihcient cxpofition of their weaknefs. 

Of the ftyle of this work we fhould have faid nothing, if Mr 
Turner had not rendered it nectirary, by holding it forth as a 
proof of his * reformation, ' in this refpccl, fince he wrote his 
hillory. He exhibits the fame kind of reformation, of which 
that man might boaft who thould throw off his gaudy and fan- 
tallic drcfs, and appear before the public covered with rags, and 
befpattered with dirt. Moft people, we imagine, would prefer 
his former mode of exhibiting himfelf ; as it would, at leail, be 
.the fource of occafional amufeinent ; whereas his reformed drefs 
could only ficken and difguft. \Ve ' fubmit, ' therefore, (to ufe 
a favourite expreflion of our author's), that when he again ap- 
pears before the public, he {hould refume his former ftyle ; fince^ 
of the two evils, to one of which his readers muft be expofed, 
they would certainly confider it as the lead offenfive. 

Art.' 

Anliq Liter. Septen. p. 287. The poem on the battle of Brunan* 
burgh, is gixcn by Gibfon in his Sason Chronicle, and by Johnitonc in 
kis Antia, Cclto-Swndicse* 



1804. Hnnt&X^s Travels' through France, ^c: in i']g2. ibf 

Art. XVI. Traveh throtigh France, Tuthy, and Hungary, in 1 792 ; 
to ^uhich are added. Several Tours in Hungary, in i']ijijand iSoo. 
In a Series of Letters to bis Sifter in England. J3y William Hunter, 
Efq. of the Inner- Temple. Third edition. 2 vol. 8vo. pp. 937. 
London. White. 1803. 

T^^HERR nre fome departments of literature which require greater 
— exertions than are neceflary for the mere compofition of' 
t!^.c works that belong to them. Of this defcrlption are voyages 
and travels ; not to mention the walks of experimental philofo- 
phy- The author of a very inditF<;rent book upon any of thefe 
fubjefts, may be entitled to a great portion of appiaufe for the 
adions wliith lie has performed ; and it may even happen that 
confiderable praife is due to the adlive exertions which the tra- 
veller or experim^ntslift has made, although neither important 
difcoveries nor intereiiing writings ihould be the refult of his la- 
bours. The various difHcultifcS which mull be furmounted be- 
fore any long journey or couife of experin)ents can be perform- 
ed, are certainly deferving of our notice, to whatever termina- 
tion the path may lead ; yet mankind judge only by the event, 
and leave out of the calculation every thing which belongs in 
common to the efforts of the fuccefsful and the unfortunate can- 
didate for fame. It has been alleged, therefore, that the bufi- 
nefs of criticifm is to award this due tribute of approbation even 
to the lefs happy adventurer, and to moderate the ufual tone of 
iiricl impartiality in favour of a department never likely to be 
cverilocked with competitors. We are decidedly of opinion, 
that fuch a bounty would be in the hightft degree improper ; 
that it would tend dire£lly to the difcouragement of the refpe£t- 
able trader, by confounding the diftin£lion between good and 
bad wares ', that the more llri£liy merit is meafured by iuccefs, 
and rewards proportioned to merit, the greater will be the com- 
petition for the prize, and the higher the value of the work. 

But although fuch confiderations induce us to think that no 
relaxation whatever of critical feverhy Ihould be granted to this 
department of literary labour, we conceive that the peculiarities 
above mentioned authorife us to treat it with fome favour of an- 
other kind. We are of opinion, that books ot travels deferve a 
greater degree of attention, in proportion to their merits, than 
other works of more ordinary and eafier compofition ; and we- 
have, therefore, during the courfe of our undertaking, been dif- 
pofed to relax in their favour that itrift rule of fele£tiun, which 
has been our guide in fome other branches ot literature. Un- 
happily, we have hitherto found very little room for bellow mg 
any further marks of admiration on the writings in queilion ; 

and 



■%3S. HunterV Travea through Francty \^c. In l'jg2'. April 

and our review of the volumes row before us, will furnlfh at 
once a proof of our eagernefs to find out fomething worthy of 
ilotice in this favourite line of exertion, and a new inftance of 
rhoft unmlngled difappointment. Thus much it was necefTary 
to premife, as an apology for making fuch a work the fubjefl: or 
an article. 

The letters of Mr William Hunter to his filler Eliza, exceed, 
in a confiderable degree, the average dulnefs of tliis popvdar fpe- 
cies of compofition, even if we include in our eftimate the ma- 
nufcript fpecimens which it has been our lot to pevufe. The two 
or three firft epiflles are quite futncient to correct any hopes of 
amufement which the reader of the title-page may unwarily have 
formed. He foon finks into a kind of unvaried reverie, like that 
produced by the conllant and uniform repetition of any heaw 
found; — in this he is not even dillurbed by any very ftriking dif- 
cord ; — he continues turning over page after page, to the number 
of near a thoufand, without finding a fingle interruption of his 
repofe. The author is a fafe and fmooth goer; he avoids giving 
the fmallell variety either of pleafure or pain ; he maintains this 
happy medium with inimitable dexterity ; and, after the lapfe of a 
certain time, the reader finds himfelf happily arrived at the end of 
his Journey, without the recollection even of a jolt, which might re- 
mind him of the talk he has performed. Such, at Icafl, was the un- 
ruffled ftate of mind in which we firft pafT'd over this work ; a'; 
our efforts of critical vigilance could only ward off total fleep. In 
fpite of our utmoft attention, we could not avoid that minor fort 
of trance into which Mr Hunter has the fecrct of plunging his 
vi<3:ims ; and we gave way, after fome ineffectual itruggles, to 
the uncommon powers of this moft Ikilful magnetifer. Our cu- 
riofity was, however, not unnaturally excited to difcover the 
myiterious charm which he fo evidently was in poffeffion of. AVc 
therefore fubmitted once more to his operations; and are now fo 
far acquainted with the fecret of his art, that we can venture to 
difclofe it with fome confidence, both for the benefit of future 
authors and for the warning of our readers. 

And, firit of all, the praCtitioner of this new art finds it pro- 
per to obtain a due portion of cuftomers. For this end, it is 
fitting that he Ihould entice the paffenger by his fign-poft ; and 
as it is of the very nature of figns to have no fort of refemblance 
to the thing fignified, fo he depidts, on the outfct, not the fare 
which the paffenger fliall find within, but that which may tempt 
him molt readily to enter. Thus, as the head of the Grand Turk, 
and, Itill morti, the words * neat luinesy' are in nowife defcrip- 
tive of the liquors wliich fuch devices are meant to rcprefent, fo 
is the nam*:' of Mr Hunter's article very far diltant from couvey- 



lSo4« TluiiterV Travels through Prance, l^c, in iy^2» 209 

ing any foretafle of its true nature or obje£i. The unwary paf- 
fenger fees written, in great charafters, * Travels in France dur- 
ing the heat of the Revolution, ' Sec vtdth a head of the Grand 
Seignior ; he buys *, and ftraightway begins to turn over a few- 
leaves. Left, however, the deception fliould too fuddenly hz 
perceived, and the drug not taken in a fuflicient dofe, it is cover- 
ed over with fuch devices as the following — which excite a little 
attention by the obfcuvity of their meaning, or at lead tend to 
keep up the appearance. 

* I do not propofe to bind myfelf down by any fixed rules. My di- 
greffions will probably be numerous ; and, as my inclination prompts 
me, I may yield to the diibites of reafon, or indulge in the fpeculations 
of conjefture, or be feduced by the allurements of imagination. If 
this plan be defultory, I have only flcetched it out, becaufe I conceive 
that it will afford you more entertainment than any other ; for there is 
an irrefiftible charm in variety, which carries the feelings lightly along ' — ' 
and fo forth. I- 3. 

By fuch means the reader is enticed, and fubmits himfelf to the 
farther operations of the fpell, which very fpeedily begin to be 
felt. 

The great fecret of Mr Hunter's art confifts in avoiding every 
thing which may in the fmalleft degree difturb the repofe of his 
reader by exciting emotions of any fort ; and this he chiefly ac- 
compliflies, by curioully fele£ling all thofe incidents which are 
of the mod ordinary recurrence, mixing them up with fuch re- 
inarks as are equally plain, and interfperfing them with long 
difcuffions, to prove what is either intuitively true, or intuitive- 
ly falfe ; thus, in both cafes, contriving to render any exertion 
of intelleiSl as unneceffary in us, as it would be impoffible in 
him. For thefe ends, he juflly confiders that the molt familiar 
actions of a man's life are eating and fleeping at the ftated times ; 
and that when a perfon travels, the moft ordinary occupation is 
that of moving from one place to anotlier ; fetting off at a cer- 
tain hour of the morning, and arriving at a particular hour in 
the evening ; and, it may be, paying the expence incurred. 
Extending fomewhat further his views of human affairs, he finds 
that proviiions are either good, or bad, or indifferent ; that the 
fame general obfervation applies alfo to beds ; and that all thefe 
objects may likewife be diftinguifhed by another principle of 
claflTification derived from attending to their prices. From this 
view of the fubjeft, tke tranfition is eafy to roads and ferries, 
including tolls and bridges, with the accefTbry matter of horfes 
and carriages. The fame love of generalizing, leads him to a 
contemplation of the works of nature ; and he furveys, with 
ah accurate and difcriminating eye, the whole ftate of the wea- 

voL. IV. NO. 7. O thcr. 



'S.l.p HunterV Travels through FrancCy Is'c. ifi ifgi. Apuil 

ther, which, like the inns and roads, is remarkable for being 
fometirnes better, and fometimes worfe. And thefe are the main 
.incidents of this excellent writer. 

, Jn the choice of his remarks and difquifitions, he is equally 
judicious: they are indeed of a touching fimplicity ; they are 
conftantly introduced, left the uniformity of the narrative might 
difpofe us tq.wander entirely from the page -, and are delivered 
in language'-fo, monotonoufly refembling their meaning, (when 
they chah'cfricK h«ve any), that, in very truth, the found may 
be calied a.fj' ec^w. -to the fenfe. In the extenfion of this branch of 
hui Wpxk, Mr Hunter proceeds upon one fundamental principle, 
„of -a mblVuniverfaJ application, — that the felf-evident truth of any 
•jrro}D^4^,ti6/i is4|OT{;afon why it Ihould be either fupprefled or aflum- 
jcd, h^ that, on' the contrary, it fhould, on this precife ground, 
he ofti^n- repeated, fupported by numberlefs arguments, and en- 
iofced.by much declamation ; rightly judging, that lo invaluable 
"a treafure as plain truth can never be too ftrongly guarded, or 
•too vv:itri"ily cekbrated. It would be endlefs to coUedf fpecimens 
«f tlie j'Bicity with which this principle is followed out in all 
its ramifications ; it forms, indeed, the cement of the whole 
■work — x.l\c\caliida jiiticlura by which all the parts are held toge- 
ther — and fo fmoothed as not to ruffle the moft irritable and 
active of readers. In juitice to Mr Hunter, we fliall cull a 
few famples. How convincing are his arguments to fhow that 
it is wrong to plunder a Ihipwvecked mariner! 

* To take advantage, ' faith he, ' of a man who is an unequal op- 
ponent, is the a<5l of a coward ; but to llrip of what little he Hill pof- 
fefles, the unfortunate being who throws himfelf on your mercy, who 
implores your afiiftance, and whofe life and fortune might be refcued 
by a trifling exertion of charity, is a cendudt io much at variance with 
the common feelings of nature, that we are at a lofs how to account 
for fuch barbarous and complicated depravity. Why is the law, ' &;c. 
&c. (I. 142.) 

By topics, no lefs judicioufly fele6led, does the mafler prove, 
that a tale of complicated ' villany and perfecution ' createti 
* emotions of horror and indignation.' — * A propenfity to hate 
our enemies, ' he remarks, * and to avenge the wrongs they 
have infli£led on us, is a principle which is coeval with the in- 
ftinftive feelings of the human frame. ' The perception of this 
truth fuddenly tranfports him ; he is rapt in the fervour of 
infpiration ; and gives loofe to the burftings of his heart — ■* It 
has an eternal bafis in nature, and prevails throughout the ex- 
tent of the animal creation. It is a fundamental law, which is 
univerfally eftablifhed in the breaft, and is neither to be fub- 

verted 



1804. HunterV Travels through France, ^c. In I'^c^l- 211 

verted by fophiflry, nor invalidated by perfuafion, nor extir- 
pated, by power.' . (T. 3';3-4-) Whoever, would be convinced 
that fighting againft one's country is criminal, and that a bloody- 
field of battle is a difmal objeft, may. be accommodated with 
the proper arguments by turning to pages 379. and 383* of the 
firft volume. A long inveftigation is undertaken, in two whole 
pages, (:^9i-2), to Ihow that cheating at cards is improper; 
and after much reafbning, we are gently led to the conclulion, 
that • thofe whofe fentiments of honour are fo relaxed, as to 
allow them, without repugnance, to cheat at cards, mud be of 
a mean and fordid difpofition. ' The following remark on hu^ 
man nature is of the mod general kind, and evidently flows 
from what is called * a fenlible man.' — ' Such is the folly and 
fallibility, or the perverfenefs and obduracy of human nature» 
that the mod facred obligations are very frequently either openly- 
infringed, or artfully evaded, when they are repugnant to our 
ideas ©f liappinefs, or inconfiflent with aur views of pleafure, 
convenience, or profit. ' (II. 72.) — If any one has occafion for 
a fermon upon loiles fuftained by fire, or homilies proper to dif- 
fuade the Turk from ufing -Wine, and the dervifes from leading 
irregular lives, or lectures againft the ufe of flays, he may be 
conveniently fupplied at p. 4. 72. 78. and 102. of vol. II. — We 
extra£l the following brief and elegant definition of comfort : 
* Comfort gladdens and warms the heart wherever it is found \ 
it is the animating fpring of focial life ; and in proportion as it 
is diifufed, is our fatisfaciion in beholding it increafed.' (II. 156.) 
After a large difiertatioti on matrimony, Mr Hunter takes oc- 
cafion to inform lis, that he is * convinced that private virtue is 
the only folid bafis of public happinefs and profperlty ; and that 
the religion, the morality, and the freedom of a ftate, derive, 
in no fmall degree, both their origin and prote£lion from the 
purity of domeftic life.' (II. 2:6.) We cannot help regard- 
ing it as rather a fingular deviation from his ufual plan, that he 
does not explain at length the reafons on which fo very ftrange 
an opinion is founded. 

The plain downright falfehood of fome pofitions illuftrated in 
thefe volumes, is as remarkable as the fclf-evident truth of o- 
thers : in no cafe is any thing left to doubt or ingenuity. 
While, at one time, we are reafoned into a f(jnvi6\ion, that it 
is more agreeable to gaze upon young and beautiful girls, than 
on the old aitd the ugly ; at another we are defired to believe, 
on the evidence of the author's own obfervatlon, that the fear- 
city in 1 80 1 was entirely fi6fitious, and that the arts of mono- 
polifts muft for the future be checked by legillative iriterference, 
ctherwife the country will be ftarved,' (11. 130.) Page after 

O 1 page 



ttl Hunter J- Travels through France, ^c* in 1792. Apnl 

page is filled with demonftrations that there is fomething impro- 
per in defpotifm, and fomething unhappy in the fituation of a 
tyrant. Then we are told, that a great capital * drains a conn- 
try of its wealth and ptovifions, ' (II. 185.) Sometimes the de- 
fcription of a diftrift is, that its produce confifts either of ani- 
mals, vegetables, or minerals ; and fometimes we have a mu- 
feum mentioned, as containing * minerals, foffils, fpars, petri- 
factions, marbles, opals, fiiells, metals, and volcanic produc- 
tions,' (II. 197-) But none of Mr Hunter's feats of (kill gives 
his reader lefs trouble than the argument to prove that the pub- 
lic revenue ihould be augmented by an open and avowed inereafc 
in the denomination of the coin ; for fuch we conceive to be the 
meaning of the following difiertation : 

* Thefe mines bring in a confiderable revenue to the Crown, by which 
the chief part of their produce is purchafed. Copper fimply renned 
fetches thirty-fix florins a cwt. ; and, when manufaftured into bars and 
plates, about forty-eight. But the mofl lucrative ufe to which it is ap- 
plied by the government is converting it into coin, as by this operation, 
one cwt., which coils originally thirty-fix florins, yields about eighty in 
money, leaving a profit of ^^per cent. * This, to be fare, is not clear 
gain, as the expences of coinage muil be dedu(fled ; but thefe are coui- 
paratively triffing. Such immenfe advantages might furnifli a hint to 
our own govern-ment, ' &c. (11. 271.) 

By a careful adherence to this method of compofition, and 
more efpeciaily by a frequent introdu£lion of his own concerns 
and feelings, Mr Hunter has happily attained the perfeftion of 
Xht fedaiivs art in writing, l^ut as it is not the objeft of this 
art, entirely to lull the reader, and flill lefs to rifle his fuddenly 
ihutting the book, whereby the fpell would at once be diflblved, 
the fkilful pra£litioner well knows how to excite from time to 
time a molt gentle titillation of curiofity or hope, never indeed 
to be gratified, but juft fufEeient to maintain a flight degree of 
attention, and to continue the exercife of his power — as the 
magnctizer renders his fubjeft obedient, and keeps up the trance, 
without permitting him either to lleep or awake, by tickling his 
nerves in a certain fmall degree at proper periods of the opera- 
tion. In this branch of the art, Mr Hunter mainly excels. 
The travels of an Engliflvman, according to immemorial ufage, 
begin with a ftorm in the Channel. Now, Mr Hunter's ftorm, 
in which he * one moment rides on a boifterous wave, the next 
bumps on an inhofpitable rock ' (I. 8.), might peradventure have 

brought 

* The whole of the blunder here is indeed arlthmei'tcal ; but one part 
of it is ftill more palpably fo than the reft j for the alleged profit JhouM 
be above zzz per cf»t, inltcad of 44. 



l?'04' Hunter'/ Travels t/jrougfj FratJcSf ^c. in 1792. 2 If 

brought the reader's repofe to a premature end, had he not, with 
wonderful adroitnefs, made ufe of the tickling procefs, and pro- 
mifed an * anecdote of a lufty gentleman. * This proves to be, 
that the perfon in queftion fwore a little becaufe he was dropt 
into the water ; that his oaths were in Englifh, he not under- 
ftanding French -, and that, having nobody to carry him, he 
M'alked afliore on foot. Thus the titiliation is allayed, without 
having been produdtiv« of the flighted gratifkation to difturb 
our repofe. The fame procefs is very often i^epeated, efpecially 
at Paris and Conftantinople ; and in no part of the route more fre- 
quently than in the unexplored coiintry of Hungary, and the 
military frontiers of the two emperors- Sometimes he avails 
himfelf dexteroufly of the influence of afibciation; and by com- 
mencing a (ketch with the fame lines by which a celebrated maf- 
ter has formerly pourtrayed it, leads us to expert a continued 
refemblance of tlie picture. It muft be admitted, however, that 
he is apt occafionally to mingle a little difappointment, by the 
fudden tranfition ; as, for example, in the following inftance: 

* The poor Q^een of France, 10 lately an obje<3; of envy ! Who 
can reflect; on her fudden reverfe of fortune, on her unmerited fufferings, 
on the favage infults to which Ihe has been expofed, without being^ / 
ftruck with that entire change of fentioient and opinion, which at pre- 
fent agitates and direfts the minds of this fickle people ? Tiiofe who 
once idolized the charms of beauty, and the pomp of royalty, are now 
become liieir bittereft perfecutors. The age of chivalry is, indeed, 
gone with (^em. and with it all tlmfe milder and more rational virtues 
by which it was fupplanted. Chivalry was an enthuCafra, which, as it 
efpoufed the caufe and aflertcd the rights of unprotedied innocence and 
female youth and beauty, was highly ferviceable to the ftate of fociety 
under which it prevailed. It fprang ' — with a good deal more to the 
fame purpofe, vol. I. p. 32-3-4. 

As our duty enjoins ftricl impartiality, we cannot avoid hint- 
ing to Mr Hunter, that this forms fome deviation from the or- 
dinary harmlefsrefs of his profe, and ought, in future editions, 
to be placed at a greater diftance from the beginning, that the 
reader may fir ft be well dozed before fo trying an experiment is 
made upon his temper. 

The general mufic of Mr Hunter's language is intended, for 
fimilar reafons, to refcmble that of Dr Johnfon. The likenefs 
between the two flyles is indeed pretty exa6l, unlefs that Mr 
Hunter's has not the fenfe, nor the variety, nor the juftnefs of 
his model ; fo that he has, we apprehend, produced fuch a pa- 
rody, as the memorable * fong by a perfon of quality' is of a 
fong by a poet. To which may be added, that he has borrow- 
ed fomewhat from a female authority, of a more impure age, 
the elo(^uent Mrs Malaprop — uHng, after her example, fuch 

Q 3 doubtful 



a 14 HunterV Travels through France, isfc. in 1792^ April 

doubtful forms of fpecch, ?s errant for arrant^ (II. 99.) > fnit for 
Juke; i>iter<:hang£ for changt, (II. 4.3'6.) •, alter luitely iox at once^ 
(I, 407.) : — and betra.ying, moreover, a tafte in grammar fome- 
what fufpicious, as ' women fent in prejents^ ' (I. 295.) ; * majo- 
jority, clergy, number; &c. ^V ■ (palfim) ; • enemy- are' (I. viii.) j 
♦ after lue^ (JI. 50.) In gratitude to 'Mr Hunter, we farther 
recommend, that if he ihould at -any time have occafion again to 
defcribe tl\c extreme of * inipoJItbUity, ' he would not make choice 
qf. a figure which denotes pofjibiHty^ and indeed alludes to a cir- 
-cumftance of hourly occurrence.!; In vol. II. p. 5. lie talks of 
i'dmething being * at> impoiilble as it is to reftore life when every 
pulfe has ceaftd to vibrate. * We arealfo inclined to hint at the 
propriety of omitting fuch anecdotes about liarams, llallions, 
and brood-mareSj as occur in vol. I. 309. 311. and II. 457., 
"when hefliail at any future period Indite letters to his 'filter. 
•Thefe are points of dodlrine not ellentially necelFary to female 
education, and may tend to interrupt the flumbers of the young 
Indies who Ihall haply follow our preferi{)tion, and make ufe of 
•JVIr Hunter's volumes. For we now tliink it our duty, noL\vith- 
flanding the above trifling exceptions, to recommend this work 
as in every refpe6l the bed and fafell fedative of the kind which 
the prefs hath of lace times produced ; and the moll commodi- 
ous fimple which thofe perfons of quality, country gentlemen, 
and young oilicers can take, who'^have got into the habit of turn- 
ing over the leaves of books during a certain part of the morn- 
ing. Its operation is certain, agreeable, and efficacious ; and 
poflTefTes the notable advantage, 'of not " interrupting other pur- 
iui.ts, or confining the patient for any lingtii of time to his 



room. 



.'.^^ 



:lw 



j,Vrt. XVII. The IVorki.of Thomas Chattertim ; inntaiinvg his Life, by 
G. Gregory, D. D. and JMifcellaneous /^jOcms,^ London. Longman 
&. Rees. 3 vols. 8vo. ii>o^. ■ ,,^ . , 

TpHE works of Chatterton, whofe life and death will be the 
^ -"^ lading honour and Indelible difgrace of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, a-re at length, after the lapre.,of more tlian thirty years, 
editM ill. a colle£led date.. "We were' at fome lofs, to conceive 
•wliat could have occafiqiied. the long delay of fo intereding a 
publication 3 and the explanation has -proved rather mortify- 
ing. \-u4 priori, fuch a work feeUied particularly calculated to 
cngag<i:the public attention. 7'o the i;iternal merit of tht poems., 
now at. length publiflied, is united all the intered exci,ted by 
the'rpmanti^p hKlory^a-nd lamentable .death qf .the wonderful au- 
Vlibi-, 'a^ well. aV tlfat'.'wljch ariies .from tlie excrcife of critical in? 
■■""'."•""' "" '"'" '■''"'' . • •' veftigatiorij 



1804. Chatterio7i's Works hy Southey and Co a\^\ 215 

veftigation, and the ardour of literary controverfy. N<;verthe- 
lefs.the delay may be attended by its own -advanraijes in aiding 
us to afcertain the real merits of the difputed queftion. The 
works of Chatterton, or the poems of Rowley, have furvived 
the controverfy which atttnded their appearance in 1770. Of 
the aflailants and defenders of their originaHty, many have paid 
the debt to nature, and others will remember their ardour in 
the contell as the emotions of an apitating dream. It may 
therefore be fuppofed that the public will coolly and impartially 
determine the controverfy (if it yet remains a controverfy) upon 
the folid grounds of evidence ; and it might alfo have been hop- 
ed, that circumllances of additional proof, fupprelled or mifre- 
prefcnted while the feelings of being duped were yet too acute, 
might now have been recovered. We will endeavour to ihew 
how far we have been gratified by the prefent edition, and in 
what rcfpecls it has fallen (liort of our expectation. 

The preface bears the well known and refpeCiiable name of 
Mr Robert. Suuthey -, but we are informed that fo much of the 
buunefs has devolved upon Mr Cottle, that it becomes neceffary 
to ufe the term Editors in the plural. Both poets, and both na- 
tives oi Briftol, we may fuppole that thefe gentlemen felt a deep 
and peculiar interelt in the tallc they have undertaken, of ren- 
dering a jutl homage to the genius of their wonderful fellow- 
citizen,^ and of contributing to the intereft of his furviving rela- 
tion. The purpofes to which the profits of the publication are 
dedicated, are thus exprefled in the preface •, and the circumftan- 
ces, while they do honour to the liberality of the editors and pub- 
iifliers, account for the delay of which we have complained, in a 
manner deeply difgraceful to the talle and feelings of the public. 

' In the winter of 1799, a fubfcription edition of the works of Chat- 
terton was publicly propofed for Ids lifter's benefit. Thefe works had 
hitherto been publifhed only for the emolument of llrangers, who pro- 
cured them by gift or pnrchafe from the author himfelf, or pilfered them 
from his family. From the intereft which thefe circumftances and the 
whole of Chatterton's hiftory had excited, more fuccefs was expected 
than has been found. At the end of two years, the fubfcription would 
not have defrayed the cofts of publication. 

' An arrangement was then made with Meft'rs -Longmair & Rees, 
who have publiftred the work at' their own cxpence, and allowed Mrs 
Newton a handfome number of copies, with a reveriionary intereft in 
any future edition. ' . . • 

The friends and patrons of Chatterton, as well as the former 
collectors of his poems, have been liberal in their communica- 
tions to the prefent editors ; and the book accordingly contains 
many of his productions which have been hitherto inedited. We 
dy not aver that, in general, thefe additionijto his works tend to 

O 4 augnieiit 



2i6 Chaiterton's Works by Southey and Cottle. April 

augment his fame ; on the contrary, as feme of them have been 
written ahnoft during infancy, as others are merely unfinifhcd 
fragments, and as all fecm incorreft and hally produ£lions, we 
cannot but confider them as far inferior to the poems afcribed to 
Rowley, and even to thofe which Chatterton was himfelf pleafed to 
own during his life. But, in another point of view, thefe early and 
unhnlflied compofitions are very interefling. In Chatterton, above 
all other poets, we would wifh not merely to admire the works up- 
on which he may fafely reft his claim to immortal fame, but al- 
fo to inveftigate die performances in which his exertions have 
been lefs fuccefsful ; and, by comparing them together, to form, 
if it be pofhble, fome idea of the ftrength and weaknefs of this 
prodigy of early talent. We therefore approve of publi(hing fuch 
plecc.i as * Sly Dick' and ' Apoilate Will,' vrhich difplay the 
early fatirical propenllties of young Chatterton ; with the elegie?, 
fongs, and burlettas, by which he endeavoured rather to fupply 
his pecellities, and poltpone the dreadful crifis of his fate, than 
to indulge his genius, or extend his poetical fame. One of his 
juvenile producHons, now pubUflied for the firlt time, is a hymn 
foi- Chrillmas-day, which, if really written about the age of 
eleven, bears ample tellimony to tlje prematuire powers of the 
author. We extradl a verfe or two, which, when the harmony 
raid eafe of exprefhon are contrafted with the author's bovhood, 
inexperience, and want of inftruclion, appear almoft miracu- 
Jous. 

* Almighty Framer of the flcies, 

O let our pure devotion rife 
Like inccnfe in thy light ! 

Wrapt in impenetrable fliade, 

The texture of our fouls were made, 
Till thy command gave light;- 

The Sun of glory gleamed the ray, 
Refined the darknefs into day, ' 

And bid the vapours flv : 
Impelled by His eternal love. 
He left his palaces above, 

To cheer our gloomy fl<y. 

How fhall we celebrate the day 
When God appeared in mortal clay, 

The mark of wordly fcorn. 
When the Archangel's heavenly lays 
Attempted the Redeemer's praifc. 

And hailed Salvation's morn ? 

A humble fonn the Godhead wore, 
The pains of poverty he bore, 



l8o4« Chaitertoth Works by Southey and Cottle. ixy 

To gaudy pomp unknown : 
Tho' in a human walk he trod, 
Still was the man Almighty God, 

In glor)' all his own. 

Defpifed, oppreffed, the Godhead bears 

The torments of this vale of tears. 
Nor bid his vengeaivce rife : 

He fav^' the creatures he had made 

Revile his power, his peace invade, 
He faw with mercy's eyes. ' 
Such was the early command of lanc^uage difplaycd by a child; 
who, when a bcardlefs youth, was to gull a whole fynod of 
grizzled deans and antiquaries. 

The life of Chatterton, prefixt to thefe volumes, was writ- 
ten by Dr Gregory of London for the Biographia Britannica, 
and, by his permillion, has been reprinted upon this occafion. 
Although it feems to be compiled with great fidelity, and proba- 
bly contains all the material fa6ls known upon the fubjeft ; we 
cannot fupprefs our hearty wifli, that either of the prefent editors 
had himfelf undertaken the taflc of Chatterton's biographer. Many 
obfervations muft have occurred to them, while preparing thefe 
volumes for the prefs, which have efcaped Dr Gregory, writ- 
ing many years ago, and for a more limited purpofe. This 
was the more incumbent upon the editors ; becaufe, from perfons 
of poetical talle, fo long employed in examining Chatterton's 
productions, the public muft have expected fome light upon the 
Rowleian controverfy. Dr Gregory, unwilling, or un.able to form 
a judgement upon this mofl important point of the life of the 
youthful poet, has arranged, with great impartiality, the argu- 
ments upon both fides, in battle array againft each other, leav- 
ing his reader to draw fuch conclufions as his own tafte or judge- 
ment may enable him to form. Now, this might be very ex- 
cufeable, in the original circumftances in which Dr Gregory's life 
of Chatterton was publifhed \ for the Biographia Britannica is 
not a natural field for literary controi'erfy, though often occupied 
as fuch. But in publifl:iing a formal edition of the \vhoIe works 
of Chatterton, in v/hich thofe articles afcribed to Rowley are in- 
cluded, the public had a riglit to expect: from the editors, their 
full fentiments upon the point of moft eflential intereft to their 
author's fame, efpecially as Mr Cottle, at leaft, has formed and 
exprelTed a decided cpiiiion upon the fubjedl. Befides, without 
depreciating the labours of Dr Gregory, who has produced a plain 
and fimple account of Chatterton's life, we mufr exprefs ourfelves 
difappointcd, that we have not, from the hand of a poet like 
Scuthey. a memorial of his ill-fated brother bard. Few fubjedls 

of 



■2 1 3 Clmttertoii s Woth by Southey atui Cottle. AP^^^ 

of compofition, equally affecting or elevating, can ever occur ; 
for when we confider the llrange ambiguity ot Chatterton's cha- 
radcr, his attainments under circumftances incalculably difadvan- 
tageous, and his wiih to difgiiife them under the name of ano- 
ther •, his high fpirit of independence, and the ready verlatllity 
with which he Hooped to the mcanell political or literary drudgery; 
the amiable and interefting aiTediou which he dilplays towards 
his family, with a certain loofeneis of morality which approaches 
to profligacy, — we cannot but regret that a fubjc(S\, uniting fo 
ftrong an alternation of light and ihade, had not been Iketched by 
the hand of a mailer. We will not fuppofe that Mr Southey,. or 
his brother editor, reti-eated from the talk of becoming Chatter- 
ton's biographer through mere indolence ; for, the liberality of 
their purpofc towards his filler, is a pledge fo us, that they would 
rot readily * wax weary in well-doing. ' We content ourfelves 
with lamenting that any i-eafoii Ihould have occurred to deprive 
us of the fatisfacliou which we would have reaped in feeing a 
new life of Chatterton, with a full view of the Rowley contro- 
verfy, upon which, in many particulars, the book before us, 
and the detached notes of the editors, throw fo much light. 
One general remark we cannot help deducing from the me- 
lancholy pi£lure of the life before us. The inconliilencles of 
Chatterton's conduct and characler may be, in fome mealm^e, 
afcribed to his fituation and extreme youth ; yet we fear their 
original fource vi'as in tliat ineijuality of fpirits with which Pro- 
vidence, as in mockery of the moll fplendid gifts of genius 
and fancy, has often conjoined them. This Itrange difordcr 
of the mind, often confounded by the vulgar with actual infa- 
nity, of which perhaps it is a rejiiote ihade, is follered by the 
workings of an ardent imagination as it is checked and fub- 
dued by mathematical or philofopliical refearch. It is reconcile- 
iible (as is actual inlanity) with the exertion of the greatelt ad- 
tlrels in gaining a particular point, or in impormg upon the relt oi 
mankuul. In both cafes, tiie object to be attained, is ufuaily,. 
in the eyes of the world, either altoijether undeiirable, or totally 
inadequate to the trouble and addreis expended in attaining it. 
This difeafe (for fuch it is, and of a dreadful complexion) may 
^Uo, like tire extremity of mental derangemciit^ be admitted to 
palliate rhj^ idcviations from truth and moral rectitude, which it 
is pecnjiarly apt to occafion. Without confidering, the forgery of 
Ivow|j.'y's poems ,in fo heinous <i light as if they luid been a bill 
or bpndy ^mcj pecuniary advantage the object of the fraud, we 
cannot regard the impoiture at; of an indiil'orent. or harmlefs na- 
ture. _ Kcitlicr was the end p,ropoi©d, being apparently the mere 
internal l.itisfaclion of impofiitg upon tlie world, ov,. at bell, the. 
iviUen obflinacy of maintaining an allcrtion vv'hich Irad been hafiny , 

made.' 



l"8o4. Chattertcni's Works by Sxjutliey and Cottle. 219 

made, apparently adequate to the immenfe labour noccflary to 
fuilain the credit of" Rowley. But the ardent mind of Chatter- 
ton, who had pitched the llandard of his honour on this particu- 
lar ground, urged him to maintain it at the facrificc of the poe- 
tical reputation he might have acquired by i-enouncing a phantom 
of his imagination, and at the yet more important tlerelitl:ion of 
perfonal truth and moral rectitude. 

The alternate fits of melancholy and burfls of liigh fpirits 
which Chatterton manifeiled; the itrange paper entitled his luill, 
in which, with a mixture of levity, of bitter fatire and adlual 
defpair, he announces a purpofe of felf-deftruclion j above all, 
the extravagant hopes which marked his arrival in London, and 
the fuicide which finally clofed his fhort and eventful career,— 
all announce to us that irregular ambition, and impatience of the 
natural progrefs of fociety, which indicate an inllamed imagina- 
tion and a precarious judgement. 

Before leaving the life of Chatterton, we mu(l intimate, that 
we are fomewhat difpleafed with the recommendatory and laud- 
atory fcraps of verfe and profe which, in revival oi a good old 
cuftom, are tacked to the works of the author. Dr Vicefimus 
Knox leads the van with a heavy and dolorous imitation of Sterne 
(which lumbers along like INIr Shandy's chaife when it was drag- 
ged into Lyons without the wheels), followed in forrowful pro- 
cefTion by the Laureate, by Mrs Cowley, Mrs Robinfon, Mils 
Helen Maria Williams, ^Ir Herbert Croft, and other perfons 
(as the ncwfpapers have it) of talents and dlilinclion. We con- 
fefs that we think Chatterton little honoured by their tribute 
of mawkiili, and affeded fympajihy. It is diigulting to hear blue- 
ftocking ladies jingle their rhymes, and pedantic fchoolmafters 
pipe upon their fentimental whiftles a dirge over the grave of 
departed genius. We except fron:^ 'this cenlure a monody of 
i\lr Coleridge, which, though very unequal, and carelefsly exe- 
cuted, exhibits in many pailages the feeling and poetical talent 
which that gentleman always. pofleffes, and fometimes chufes to 
difplay. We alfo except fome verfes by Mr Hayley, the fubje^t 
having raifed him on this occafion confiderably above ti^ne cold, 
corrc£t mediocrity, of his ufual tone of poetry. 

The poems of Chatterton may be divided into two grand 
clalfes — thofe afcribed to Rowley j for furely, to ufe Mr Cottle's 
exprefTion, it is time to pluck the borrowed plunaes from the 
|i£litious monk, and to place them on the brow of the real poet; — 
gnd thofe which the bard of Briftol avowed to be his ow.n com- 
policion. Of thefe clalfes, the former is incalculably fuperior to 
t-hc latter in poetical powers and diction. This is a remarkable 
circumllance, and forms, we think, the only forcible argument 

in 



■t 

220 Chatiertofi^s Works hy Southey and Cottle. April 

in fupport of the exiftence and claims of Rowley. But there is 
a fatisfactory anfwer, founded upon more than one reafon, for 
the inferiority betwixt the avowed and concealed produdtions of 
Chatrerton. He produced thofe antiquated poems which he 
afcribed to Rowley when a youth of fixteen ; and his education 
had been fo limited, that his general acquirements were beneath 
thofe of boys of the fame age, fince he was neither acquainted 
with French nor Latin. If, therefore, there is other evidence 
to prove that the poems of Rowley were his own compofition, 
it follows, that the whole powers and energies of his extraordi- 
nary talents muft have been converted to the acquifition of the ob- 
folete language, and peculiar ftyle neceflary to fupport this deep- 
laid deception. He could have no time for the ftudy of our mo- 
dern poets, their rules of verfe, or modes of expreflion, while 
his whole faculties were intenfely employed in the herculean 
talk of creating the perfon, hiftory, and language of an ancient 
poet, which, vafl: as thefe faculties were, was furely fufficient 
■wholly to engrofs, though not to overburden them. When, 
therefore, due time is allowed for a boy of fixteen to have ac- 
quired the aftoniftiing (kill ' in antique lore ' neceflary to the exe- 
cution of this great project, it will readily be allowed that he 
muft have come to the compofition of modern poetry a mere no- 
vice, deftitute of all adventitious fupport, and relying only on the 
flrength of his own genius, which, powerful as it was, had hither- 
to been ufed in a different and fomewhat inconfiftent dire£tion. 
In the poems of Rowley, therefore, we read the exertions of 
Chatterton in the line of his own choice, aided by all the informa- 
tion which his refearches had enabled him to procure, and ftimu- 
lated by his favourite ambition of impofing upon the literary 
world; but, in his modern poems, he is engaged in a flyleof com- 
pofition to which he was comparatively a ftranger, and to which 
the bent of his mind and turn of his iludies had not naturally in- 
clined him. Although this argument feems to account, in a 
manner fufRciently fatisfa£tory, for the inequality of thofe produc- 
tions in which Chatterton has thrown afide the maflc of Rowley, it 
is not the only one which can be offered. Let it be remembered, 
that, admitting Chatterton to be engaged in a deception, he had 
pledged himfelf to maintain it ; he was therefore carefully to avoid 
whatever might tend to remove the veil which he had fpread over it ; 
and fuch was his firmnefs of pcrfeverance, that he feems to attefl the 
originality of Rowley, even in the luill which he wrote before his pro- 
je6ted fuicide *. Without therefore fuppofing that he had under ivrit- 

ten 

* This circumftance is much founded on by the believers. To us 
it " ooly affords aa additional proof of the unconquerable and haughty 

jperfeyerance 



ten his own poems, in order to fet off thofe of Rowley, It is obviou'? 
that the former mull have been executed under a degree of em- 
barraffment highly unfavourable to poetical compofition. As 
Rowley, Chatterton had put forth his whole ftrength, and exerted 
himfelf to the utmoft in defcribing thofe fcenes of antique fplen- 
dour which captivated his imagination fo ftrongly. But when he 
wrote in his own character, he was under the neceflity of avoid- 
ing every idea, fubjecl, or expreflion, however favourite, which 
could tend to identify the ftyle of Chatterton with that of Rowley •, 
and furely it is no more to he expected that, thus cramped and 
trammelled, he fliould equal his unreftrained efforts, than that a 
man fliould exert the fame fpeed with fetters on Iiis limbs as if 
they were at liberty. Let it be further confidered, that there exill: 
perfons to v/hom nature has granted the talent of mimicking, 
not merely the voice and gefture, but the expreffion, ideas, and 
manner of thinking of others, and who, fpcaking in an afllimed 
charafter, difplay a fire and genius which evaporates when they 
refume their own. In like manner, Chatterton, with all his 
wonderful powers, appears, from the habit of writing as a fic- 
titious perfonage, and in a itrangely antiquated dialect, to have 
in fame degree formed a character to his fuppofed Rowley, fupe- 
rior to what he was able to maintain in his own perfon when his 
difguife was laid afide. The veil of antiquity alfo, the hard, and 
often inexplicable phrafes, which he felt himfelf at liberty to ufe 
under his aflumed charadler of a poet of the fifteenth century, 
ferve, in a confiderable degree, to blind and impofe upon the 
reader, who does not find himfelf entitled to condemn what he 
does not underftand, and who is inclined, from the eminent 
beauty of many pafTages, to extend his gratuitous admiration to 
thofe which are lefs intelligible. But, when writing in modem 

Englifh, 

perfevergnce of Chatterton's charafter. We attach no implicit faith to 
dying declarations ; for, upon points in which fame is implicated, the 
voice of the paflions is heard tven in the hour of death. We difclaim 
every application of the illuftration which can be difrefpeftful to the 
memory of Chatterton ; but it is well known, that criminals, whofe 
crimes are not of a nature to meet public fympathy, often at their death 
endeavour, by a denial of guih mod fatisb.ctorily proved, to avert the 
odium attached to their perfons and memory. It may be thought that 
Chatterton would have better confulted his own fame, by avowing thefc 
beautiful poems ; but the pride of every one Is not fuftained by the 
fame nutriment. He probably deprecated the doubtful fame of an in- 
genious but detected impoftor, and preferred the internal confciouf- 
nefs, chat, by perfiiling in the deception he had commenced, future 
ages might venerate the poems of Chatterton, under patronage of the 
SAitioBs Rowkv. 



221 Cihaif^rlott^s Worirhy'^dnCiityatid QoifXe. ApTU 

Englifli, tMs advantage is loft, aiid we ftre often (hocked with z 
bald aud profaic tautology, with bombaft, and wdth coarlenefs oi? 
exprelhon, all the delects, not of Chatterton's natural genius, 
but of his extreme youth and deficient education, and many in- 
ftances of M^hich will be found to exift by curious inquirers, even 
under the feemly and antique Alhan of the Deigne 'Thomas Rciv- 
leie^ Preljle of Si Joharis, Brijlowe. 

When the believers in Rowley are driven from this ftrong 
ward, we apprehend they can hardly make good their footing in 
any other. Two or three gentlemen, companions of Chatterton 
while at fchool, have ventured to give it as their decided opinion, 
that, according to their eftimation of his talents, he was unable 
to compofe the poems of Rowley. Mr Cottle treats with well- 
merited contempt, the evidence of thefe perfons\ who, from re- 
coUeclion of an opinion formed w^hile fchoolboys, conceive the 
plummet of their underftanding adequate to fathom the depth of 
Chatterton's genius. A lift is given of the parchments which 
have been produced as remnants of Rowley's MSS. ; all of which, 
from the ftvape and texture, as well as from the handwriting, are 
very evidently forgeries by the unfortunate young man from whom 
they were recovered. 

Above all, the internal evidence arifing from the poems them- 
felves, has always appeared to us to convey decifive marks of mo- 
dern origin. The Imoothnefs of the verfe, which, in moft cafes, 
Tefembles the moft correct modern poeti^y, as well as the compli- 
cated nature of the ftanza, are highly fufpicious. It is no doubt 
true, that, in fome compofitions of a lyrical nature, the old Eng- 
liih poets attained a confiderable degree of eafe and fluency, chief- 
ly fuch as were adapted to the mufie of the minftrels, when the 
necellity of following the tune, compelled the poet to obferve a 
regularity of rythm. Such, for example, are the poems of Law- 
rence Minot. But thefe poems are flimfy fongs, in which the 
fame idea, and often the fame words, are repeated and chimed 
upon, in order to attain the neceflary Imoothnefs. Take, for ex- 
ample, a verfe of Minot, which, fpr the fake of the uninitiated, 
we have ftripped of the antique fpelling, 
' Sir David the Bruce 
Was at dillance, 

When Edward the Baliolfe 
Rode with his lance : 

The north end of England 
Teached him to dance^ 

When he was met on the moor 
With mikell mifchaunce, 

Sir Philip the vglayfe 
■ ■ Might not him advance j 

The 



i8o4- Chaiierioti^s Worhs hy Sdutney and Cottle. 223 

The flowers that fair were 

Ar fallen in France : 
The flowers are now fallen. 
That fair were and fell : 
A boar with his battaille 
Has don thtm to dwell. ' 
The eafe of thefe Hues is the fmoothnefs of mere ballad, at- 
t.ilncd by the tenuity of j(k'a, and the tautology of cxpreilion. 
But the fmoothnefs of Rowley is combined with all the graces 
and refinement of modern poetry. Take two llanzas at haz ,.rd, 
tlivelled of tlie artificial patina^ or rufl of antique orthography — 
' The fun was gleaming in the midll of day, 
Dead-flill the air, and eke the welkin blue. 
When from the fea arofe in drear array, 

A heap of cloud.-=, of fable, fullen h;ie, 
The which full fall unto the woodland drew. 
Hiding at once the fiinnes feflive face ; 
And the black temped fwell'd, and gather'd up apace. 



The galhev'd ftorm is ripe •, the big drops fall ; 

The fun-burnt meadows fmoke, and drink the rain ; 
The coming gbajimfj doth the cattle 'pal ; 

And the full flockes are driving o'er the plain. 
Dafli'd from the clouds the waters fly again, 
The welkin opes, the yellow levin flies, 
And the hot liery fleam in the wide flafliing dies, * 
Can any one read this beautiful defcription of a laudfcape over- 
fnaded by a thunder florm, and doubt for a moment that it is by 
a modern hand ? — yet we have only difcarded hihrlng^ fetyve^for^ 
fivaiy and fmothe^ all other differences betwixt our copy and the 
text being merely in fpelling. Chatterton's anfwer to the flrong 
objetStion arihng from the fmoothneis of Rowley's poetry, when 
ftated to him by Horace Walpole, is very remarkable — ' The har- 
mony is not lb extraordinary, as Jofeph lleam is altogether as har- 
monious. ' Now, as Jofeph Ifcam Is equally a perfon of dubious 
exillence, this is a curious inltance oi placing the elephant upon 
the torto'ife. It is not our wifh to engage farther in the contro- 
verfv. If any one refills the internal evidence of the flyle of 
Rowley's poems, we make him welcome to the refl of the ar- 
gument ; to his belief that the Saxons imported heraldry, and 
gave armorial bearings (which were not knowai till the time of 
the Crufades) •, that Mr Robert Canning, in the reign of Ed- 
ward IV, encouraged drawing, and had private theatricals ; that 
Mr Burgum, the pewterer of Briitol, derived his defcent from 
Simon de Leyndte Lyze, al'im; Senkv, who married Matilda, 

daughter 



^44 Chatffft9H*s U^crh hySoutiiCy and Cottlt^. April 

daughter of Waltheof Earl of Northumberland, Northampton, and 
Huntingdon ; that Mr Stephens of SalHbury drew his anceftry 
from Od, Earl of Blois and Holdemefs, who fiouriflied about 
1095 } and that Chatterton himfelf reprefented the Sieur de Chaf- 
teautonne, of the houfe of Rollo, the firft Duke of Normandy. 

Quibus fi credideris, 

Expe£tare potcris 

Arthurum cum Britonibus. 
Nothing can be more extraordinary than the dehght wliich 
Chatterton appears to have felt in executing tliefe numberlels 
and multifarious impofitions. His ruling paflion was not the 
vanity of a poet who depends upon the opinion of others for its 
gratification, but the floical pride of talent, which felt nourifh- 
ment in the folitary comtemplation of fupcriority over the dupe«J 
who fell into his toils. He has himfelf defcribed this leading 
feature of his character in a letter to Mr Barret. 

* It is my pride, my damned, native, unconquerable pride, that 
plunges me into diftradlon. You muit know that i9-20th of my 
compofition is pride. I muft either live a flave — a fervant — have no will 
of my own which I may fairly declare as fuch, or die. ' Vol. III. 
p. 419. 

The art and avidity with which the youtliful poet feized every 
opportunity, * through an excefs of ingenuity in a literary fenfe, 
to impo/e on the credulity of others ^ is juftly remarked by Mr Cottle 
to be * the predominant quality which elucidates his character, 
and is deferving of minute regard by all who attempt to decide 
on the Rowleian controverfy. ' We ihall extra£l the inllances 
which the editor has brought together, forming a curious picture 
of a mod a6live and powerful mind, embucd with a ilrange rage 
for the pradice of literary impofture 5 omitting, however, the 
notes, that we may not exceed our bounds. 

* I. A new bridge is jull completed over the Avon at Briftol. — 
Chatterton fends to the printer a defcription of the palling over the 
old bridge^ for the firfl time, in the thirteenth centuiy ; on which oc- 
cafion two fongs are fung by two faints, of whom nobody ever heard, 
and in language precifely the fame as Rowley's, although he Lved two 
hundi-ed years after the event was faid to have taken place. 

* H. Mr Burgum is a man attached to heraldic honours — Chatter- 
ton gives him his pedigree from the time of William the Conqueror, 
and allies him to fome of the moft ancient families in the kingdom ! 

* III. Mr Burgum is one of the firft perfons who exprcfles an opi- 
nion of the authenticity and excellence of Rowley's poems. Chatter- 
ton, pleafed with this firft bloflbm of credulity, and from which he 
prefaged an abundant harveft, with an elated and grateful heart, pre- 
lents him with the * Romaunt of the Cnyghte, ' a poem, written by 
* John oe Berg ham,' one of his oivn anceftors, about four hundred 

and 



1804. Chaiterton^s Woris^ by Southey and Ccttle. 22^ 

and fifty years before ; and the more effeAuRlly to exclude fufpicion, 
he accompanies it with the fame poem, modernized by hfrnfflt ! 

' IV. Chatterton wifhcs to obtain the good opinicri of his relation, 
Mr Stepliens of Saliffcury, and, from fomething whica it is poffibJe h\%. 
keen obfervation had remarked in Mr Stephens, he deems it the moft 
effeftual way, by informing him that he is dcfcended from Fitz-Stephen, 
grandfon of the venerable Od, Earl of Blois, and Lord of Holdernefs,, 
who flourifhed about the year 1095 ! 

' V. Mr Catcott is a worthy and religious man ; and who, fromi 
never intending to deceive, fufpefts no deception in others. — Chatter- 
ton, who is a ficilfal engineer, adapts the nature of his attack to the 
ftrength of the fortrefs, and gives him an ancient fragment of a fer- 
mon on the Di\'inity of the Holy Spirit, as ^aroien by Thomas 
Rowley ! 

* VI. Mr Barrett is zealous to prove the antiquity of Briftol. — As a 
ilemonftrable evidence, Chatterton fends him an efcutcheon (on the 
authority of the fame Thomas Rowley) bonie by a Saxon, of the name 
of Ailward, who refided in Bryloiv in the year */ 18 ! 

' VII. Mr Barrett is alfo writing a comprehenuve hilloiy of Briftol, 
and is felicitous to obtain all poflible infonnation concerning it. — Chat- 
terton feizes the opportunity, and prefents him, at dijfcr:- it times, with 
an account of all the churches and chapels of Briilol, as they ap- 
peared three hundred years before, and accompanies it with drawings 
and defcriptions if the callle ; the whole of this information being 
unfupported by either document or tradition, and refting alone on the 
evidence of ' the gode prieUe Thomas Roiol-y^ ' between whom and 
Thomas Chatterton, prejudice itfelf muft allow, there was a great equa- 
lity of talent, as well as a great fimihtude of purfuits. They were 
both poets, both antiquarians, and both perpetually adverting to he-r 
raldry. 

' VIII. Public curiofity and general admiration are excited b^/ tranf? 
lations from the Erfe of Offian. — Chatterton, who gave precedence to 
none in ' catching the manners living as they rife, ' publi/hes a fuc- 
ceffion of poems frorti the Saxon and Welch, indifft-rent to tlie incon- 
fiilency, or otherwife not aware, that he had profefiedly tranflated 
works in the fame llyle, and with the f:ime imageiy, from the Teu- 
tonic and Celtic, two languages of different origin and genius, and 
whofe poetry, of all their writings, has ever been conlidered as the 
paoft dilnmilar. 

* IX. Mr Walpole is writing the hiftory of Britifh painters. — Chat- 
terton, (who, to a confidential friend, had before exprefled an opinion 
that it was p-jjjihle, by judicious management, to deceive even this niaf- 
ter in antiquities), with full confidence fends him an account of einiuv:it 
* Carvellers * and ' Peyndiers, ' and informs him of others who c .ce 
flourifhed in Bristol ! but of whom the prefent inhabitants of Br'lol 
never heard, and who are mortified at having no other evidence of 'he 
diftinguiflied honour afcribed to them, than the folemn affeveration of 
that * fomcthing, nothing, not to be defined, ' Thomas Rowley ! 

yoL. IV. NO. 7- P ■ But 



•io^ Chattertor^s Worhf b^ Soathey atid Cottle^ April 

* But tliefe are all fubordinate deceptions. Chatterton's ambition 
efmbraced a larger range, and was circumfcribed by no other limit, 
than, in the perfon of Rowley, of deceiving the whole world. And, 
that he fucceeded in a great and unaccountable degree, is attefted- 
by the voluminous controverfies of antiquarians, hiflorians, and poets,. 
The objeft befpoke the comprehenfion of his mind ; and its partial fuc- 
cefs is a lading monument of what perfeverance may effect when fup=> 
ported by genius. ' p. 509 — 514. 

This curious detail of repeated impodure, rej^ularly executed 
at the time when circumftances appeared to give an opening for 
them, may furely fuffice to excite the fufpicion of the mofl cre- 
dulous believer in Rowley. Alike a forger of ftyle, of MSS., 
and of drawings, nothing efcaped the imitation of a youth, born 
as it were with the rare talents of executing fuch multiplied de- 
ceptions, and with a temper framed to delight in his fuccefs, 
which it may be hoped is ftill rarer. Of the merit of the Row- 
ley Poems, in a critical point of view, it is not here the place, 
or now the time to fpeak. They have been long fubjefled to 
the public \ and in fpite of their being written in a dialect which 
refembles the ancient or modern language of England, hardly 
more nearly than the vocabulary of George Pfalraanazar did that 
of Formofa, they have been ever efteemed compofitions of the 
higheft merit. The drama called Ella, many parts of the Battle 
of Haftings, the Ballad of Charity, that of Sir Charles Bawdin 
(which fomewhat refembles the antique flyle of minftrel poetry), 
the Dirge, and feveral of the Eclogues, may rank with the la- 
bours of our mofl: difl:inguiflied poets. Pity it is, that the cir- 
'cumftances and temper of the author combined to fliorten a life 
diftinguifhed by fuch works of excellence during its limited ca- 
reer. 

The poems avowed by Chatterton were, with a few excep- 
tions, fatirical or amatory. In xhc former line, his inclination 
for feverity is more remarkable than his fuccefs. Perhaps he 
adopted this fl:yle of compofition, not only in compliance with a 
natural acerbity of temper aggravated by his dependant fituation, 
but alfo as mofb remote from the walk of the moral and heroic 
Rowley. Satire, however, in a poliflied age, requires more 
than mere genius and the force of numbers. General inve6tive, 
however coarfe and vehement, falls heavily to the ground, un- 
lefs fharpened and guided by that accurate and difcriminating 
knowledge of men and manners which is not often acquired in 
early youth, or eafily attained in obfcure circumftances. The 
perfonal refledtions which his fatires level againfl: thofe perfons 
in Briftol to whom Chatterton is admitted to have owed the 
deepefl: obligations, do little honour to their author. "We hardly 
know whether to laugh or grieve, when he reproaches Catcott,. 

down' 



i8o4. CL-a/m-ton's Wdyks vy Sonthey afid Cottle. 227 

down whofe throat he had crammed the improbable tale o£ 
Rowley with grofs ardulity, becaufe he was a believer in reve- 
lation ! The amatory poems are pretty much what might have 
been expedted from his declared intention • of making; acquaint- 
ance with a girl in the neighbourhood, fuppofing it might foften 
the aufterity of temper ftudy had occafioned. ' Accordingly, 
* he wrote a poem to her, and they commenced correfponding 
acquaintance. ' Little was to be expected from verfes written 
by a lover who had adopted his fentiments of preferentie pour fe 
deffiinuytr. In fome of his other poems, particularly the elegy 
upon Mr Fairford, traces are remarked by Dr Gre;iory, of the 
defcriptive and perfonifying powers exerted in the poems of 
Rowley. 

Of Chatterton's profe pieces, the lefs that is faid, the kinder 
we flrall be to his reputation. In the eilays which he wrote for 
periodical publications, as, ' the Hunter of Oddities, ' * Adven- 
tures of a Slave, ' and the like, he difplays little humour, and 
great inclination to fubftitute in its place perfonal abufe and pri^ 
vate flander. The imitations of Oflian, publlfhed as tranflation!; 
from the Saxon, are not only utterly incongruous with the ftyle 
of the language from which he pretended to have rendered them, 
but are incalculably inferior to the fophifticated productions of 
Macpherfon. This is not to be wondered at. Macpherfon, with 
powers infinitely inferior to thofe of Chatterton, had the advan- 
tage of an intimate acquaintance wath the Celtic poetry, much of 
which he probably interweaved with his own imitations : The 
bard of Briftol had only Macpherfon to ftudy •, and, at an age 
when bombaft is feldom diftinguiihed from fublime, he carica- 
tured, in his Saxon poems, the worft paflages of the Pfeudo- 
Offian. 

The prefent edition contains many profe imitations of the an- 
vique, publilhed from Chatterton's MSS. in the Britifh Mufeum*. 
Thefe are very important, as throwing light upon the Rowleian 
poems. Some curious paflages occur in thefe documents. While 
Chatterton wrote plain narrative, he imitated, with confiderable 
iuccefs, the dry, concife ftyle of an antique amialift j but when 
any thing required a more dignified or fentimental ftyle, he 
mounted the fatal and eafily recognized car of the fon of Fingal. 
Thus, in an account of St Marie Magdalene's chapelle, after in- 
forming us it * was ybuilden hie Elle, warden of the caftle near 
Elle-gate, Sythina cleilen, New-gate — yn this chapelle was yfworne 
a treatye betweene Goddwynne Erie or Abthane of Kent, Harold 
eftfoons Kynge of England, ' &c. &c. ; he of a fudden thus 
changes his tone in commemorating his favourite Elle — ' Elle, 
tiefceuded from the kyngelie bloude of Mercyans, raged in the 

P 2 fyghte 



52? ChatUrtons Worh ly Southey and Cottle. April 

fyghte like a wilde boare in the woode ; drearie as a blacke cloude 
yn unp-entle wedder he fvveept whole rankes to helle. Lyke to 
th callle of Bryghftovv-e was his mind gentle and meeke, ' &c. &c. 
Again, in ?. very fober narrative of the * Ryfe of Peyncleyne in 
Enghindc, ' '^ricten by Rowley for his friend Cannynge, after a 
fort of matter of fadl account of various artifts, we come to one 
called Apmiy a notable perjourmer of the counynge mvjleric of Jiein- 
eynge glaffe. This perfon was taken by the Danes, and ordered 
to be flain. The Dane to v/hom the execution was entrufted, 
difcovered Aflem to be his brother. At this crilis, Rowley tucks 
up his monkiih frock, and mounts the Celtick Pegafus. * Affrighte 
cJiaynede uppe hys foule ; ghaftnefl'e dwelled yn his breafle. 
Ofcarre (a name of fome import, as proving the exilling idea in 
the mind of the author) — Ofcarre, the greate Dane, gave hifte 
he fhould be forflagen j no teares colde availe ; the morning, 
cLidde in robes of ghaftneffe, was come, ' &c. &c. An inilance 
of a curious miitake committed by Chattorton, occurs in thefe 
excerpts from tlie Ffeudo-Rowley profe writirigs. In a MS. in 
Chatterton's liandwriting, in the Mufeum, there occur feveral ex- 
cerpts from Chaucer, apparently culled to bolller out fome in- 
temled imitations. Among others we find the two lines refpeil- 
ing the morraal on the leg of the pilgrim's cook. 

* But great barm was yt, as it thought me. 
That ou his ficinne a mormall had he. ' 
Skinne is here mif-copied for f.'in. This miflakc, and another 
more whimfical, -yve can trace into the ' Rolle of Scyn6le Bartho- 
Ixmeweis Priorie, ' printed in Barret's hiftory of Brillol, to whom 
it was communicated by Chatterton. Among a liil of medical 
books, faid to be preferved in the Infirmary, or Ache-chamber of 
the Priorie, we find, * Gylbertines rolle of Ypocrates : the fame 
fryarres booke of brenninge Johati Stoive of the cure of mormalla 
and the luaterie leprofie : the rolle of the blacke niaingcr. ' In a 
note on thefe two laft articles, we are told, ' Chaucer lays, on his 
(kin a mormalie had he and a blacke manger. ' Now, in the firft 
place, Chatterton adhf ring to his erroneous tranfcript from Chau- 
cer, oi fkinne iox Jhinncy has made Johan Stowe lecture on the 
cure oi mormalles, as if they were, like the leprofy, a cutaneous 
diftcmpcr, and not a cancer upon the bone. But, befides, he has 
fo far rniftaken his author, as to take blanc-manger, a difh of ex- 
quifite cookery, which is pronounced by Chaucer to be the cook's 
mafter-piece of (kill, for blacke manger^ fome ftrange and non- 
defcript difeafe, under which he laboured, in addition to his 
mormal ; and upon which there was a roll or efTay in the Ache* 
chamber of St Bartholomew's priory. Chaucer's words are, 

« Bufc 



l3o4 Chatterioi^s Works by Southey and Cottle. 229 

* But grct harm was it, as it thoiighte mc, 
That on his Jlotnne a mornial haddc he. 
For blanc-matiger that made he with the belt. ' 
The principal ingredient of blanc-manger (if wj recollcO) wa$ 
a cock brayed in a mortar. The refemblance of the letters « and 
ti in the black-letter, probably led Chatterton to read blauc for 
Mane ; and as he underftood no French, his judgement could not 
corredl: his eyCk AVe are thus able decidedly to trace the tafte 
and the errors of Chatterton into the produdions of Rowley. 
We do not, hov/ever, fuppofe that all the information contained 
in the works of Rowley was actually the invention of Chatterton. 
The keen eye and ardent refearch of the young poet, probably 
traced and interweaved with his i^arrative traditionary anecdotes 
prefervcd in his native city. Nothing that had an antique or un- 
couth appearance feems to have efcaped his notice. Mr Tyrwhitt 
detected a curious inltance of his minuteneis of remark. In the 
Ballad of Charite, mention is made of a horfe-milhinere, a phrafe 
at which the reader has ufually paufed with furprife. In the town 
of Briftol, and precifely in the ftreet through which Chatterton 
paiTed to fchool, is hung forth a wooden horfe decorated with 11b- 
bons, purporting to be the fign of a horfe-millaiiere. 

Nothing can afford a ftronger picture of the force and weak- 
nefs of the human mind, than the readinefs with which Chatter- 
ton fupplied himfelf and his particular friends with flourifhiiig 
trees of genealogy, in which the fextons and pewterers of Brl'loi 
are deduced from a line of anceftry, which Howards and Halt- 
ings might envy, and decorated with all the fplendid emblazon- 
ment of heraldry. We are mute with aftonifhment at t'ic grave 
and fober advice of the fexton's fon of RadclifFe to his relation 
Mr Stevens of Salifbury : * When you quarter your arms, in tiie 
mullet, fay Or, a fefs, vert, by the name of Chatterton. I trace 
jrour family from Fitz-Stephen, fon of Stephen Earl of Aumerle, 
in 1095, fon of Od, Earl of Bloys, and Lord of Holdernefle. * 
If the imagination of Chatterton was not aftually fo far vitiated, 
as in fome degree to believe the reveries which he impofed upon 
Others, we cannot help thinking that, as Johnfon fays of Milton, 
his impudence muft have been at lealt equal to his ftupendous 
abilities. We were alfo diverted with the conclufion of the pedi- 
gree made out for Mr Burgura of Briftol, which begins with the 
Conqueror, and very prudently concludes about the reign of 
Charles II., when Mr Burgum might perhaps know fomething of 
his anecftors. Chatterton linked and gilded this fplendid chain of 
anceftry through all the ages remote enough to leave unbounded 
fcope for fi£lion : when he approached the regions of probability^ 
lie let the end loofej that his friend might attach himfelf to it the 

P -X - bell 



23 » Chatferton*s Works i>y Southey and Coitlc. April 

beft way he could. There is in Cumberland an ancient family, 
who have long poflefled and taken their name from the manor of 
Brougham, to which Chatterton feems to allude, when he men- 
tions the Caftle of Bourgham in Northumberland. But the callle 
was, we believe, an appanage, not of the De Bourghams, lords 
of the manor, but of the Veteriponts and Cliffords. 

We now difmifs the works of the unfortunate Chatterton, 
heartily wifhing they may experience from the public kinder 
treatment than their unfortunate and proud-fpirited author. To 
the admirers of poetry thev will ever be acceptable ; nor can 
their hiftory be heedfully perufed, without imparting an awful 
leffon ; for the fame of Chatterton is not merely a light to be 
\vondered at — it Ihines as a beacon to point out the flioals upon 
"which he was wrecked. The youtlitul reader, if ccnfcious of 
powers which elevate him above his fituatioti in life, may learn 
to avoid an overweening reliance upon his abilities, or an in- 
judicious and unfair exertion of thtm. He may learn, that if 
negledl or contempt obflruil: him in the fair purfuit of fame, it 
is better to prefer obfcurity, than to attain, by the crocked patli 
of literary forgery, the ambiguous reputation of an ingenious 
impoftor. Above all, he may learn to guard againR thofe fallies 
of an ill-regulated imagination, which buoyed up Chatterton'with 
the moft unreafonable expectations, only to plunge him into 
defpair and fuicide. And if there be one who, confcious of 
inferior mental powers, murmurs at being allotted but * the 
fmgle talent, ' and looks with envy on the flights of fuperior 
genius, let him read the life of Chatterton, and remember thai 
of him it may be truly faid, — 

' Largiis et exundans Ictho ded'it wgcnii fovs. ' 



Art, XVI II. Memoirs of the Life of Dr Darzv'ui, chiefly during his 
rejidetice at Lichfield ; iL'ith Anecdotes of his Friends, and Crilicifms on 
his Writings. By Anna Seward. London. 1804. 8vo. pp.430, 

Tt has been long held, on high critical authority, that liiftory muft 
•^ always pleafe, independently of the particular mode, and even 
in fpite of the defedls, of its execution : and unqueilionably even 
that moderate portion of fa<il: which may be reafonably expt6l:ed 
in the life of every eminent indiviHual, can fcarcely be prcfentcd 
•under any difguife fo perverfely abfurd, as entirely to diveft it of 
inteiefl. Under the influence of ftubborn curiofity, we have been 
accordingly carried through a faithful perufal of thefe Memoirs of 
the celebrated author of ' the Botanic Garden : ' and although we 
are bound to admit that cur labour has not been entirely urfi 

rewarded^ 



S804. Mi/s SewzrA's Memoirs of Dr Darwiti. 231 

.rewarded, yet Mifs Seward mufl forgive us, if we add, that the 
moft ftriking leflbn we have derived from her volume, has been 
the truly wonderful extent of that tolerant maxim to which we 
have alluded. The fliare which flie appears to have long enjoyed 
of the intimate fociety of Dr Darwin, and her opportunities of 
accurate information relative at lead to a confiderable portion of 
his life, had given to Mlfs Seward feme peculiar advantages in 
becoming, as flie terms it, * the recorder of vanifhed genius. ' 
It is therefore the more to be regretted that (he fliould not have 
been reilrained, by fame vifitations of a better tafte, from clothing 
her narrative in a garb fo iniudicious and fantaftic. But it would 
appear that Mifs Anna Seward has been too long accuPiomed to 
foar into the high and giddy regions of verfe, to be able to tread 
with fober (lep and becoming gravity of air in the humbler path- 
way of profe. 

Of the matter and arrangement of thefe Memoirs, the Pieface 
gives us the following notice : 

* My work confifts of the f<jllowing particulars: — tbe perfon, the 
mind, the temper of Dr Darwin; his powers as a Phyfician, Philofoplier, 
and Poet ; the peculiar traits of his manners; his excellences and fau^^s; 
jhe Petrarchan attachment of hia middle life, more happy in its ".efult 
than was that of the Bard of Vauclule ; the beautiful poetic tellimouies 
of its fervor, while yet it remained hopelefs ; an inveftigation of the 
conllituent excellences and defefts of his mag:iiiicent poem, the Botanic 
Garden ; remarks upon his philofophic profe writings ; the charaft*-rs 
and lalents of thcfe who formed the circle of his friends while he refided 
in Lichfield ; and the very fingular and intereftinfr hiftory 'of one of 
them, well known in the lettered world, [IMr Thomas D^y] whofe 
domeftic hiftory, remarkable as it is, has been unaccountably omitted by 
the gentleman who wrote his life. ' Prcf. p. v. vi. 

After perufing this table of contents, the reader will have 
himfeif alone to blame if he expe6l in this volume any exa6l or 
orderly deduftion of the hOs of Dr Darwin's life. Mifs Seward 
apparently fpurns the fetters of vulgar, chronological narration; 
and has chof::n rather to expatiate, free and at large, under the 
impulfe of her own fpontaneous feelings, or accidental aflb-^ 
ciavions. After having followed her with patience through 
her eccentric and capricious evolutions, we are unable to fay 
that our progrcfs has been rendered more pleafing by this 
irregular variety, or that it has aiTorded us any tolerable com- 
penfation for the want of a diftinci and intelligible narrative. 
An analyfis of the firft chapter ol the work may ferve fufhciently 
to juftiiy thefe remarks, and may furnilh a fufHcient fpecunen of 
ks plan and execution. 

On the birth, parentage, and education of her hero, Mifs 
^vW.ard ha^ not deigned to beftow a fniglc line. We are abruptly 

V 4 jntroduced 



232 M'tfs Seward'/ Memoirs of Dr Dartuln. April 

introduced to him at the age of twenty-four, when he firft came 
to pra6life phyfic at Lichfield in the autumn of the year 1756; 
and even then, inflead of proceeding dire6lly in her narrative, 
fhe ftops on the threfhold to give us a ' fketch of his chara£ler 
and manners, ' fuch as they had appeared to her in the fubte- 
quent courie of Dr Darwin's life. This inverfion of the ufual 
arrangement in biographical writing may be perfeclly confonant 
to ihe defultory plan of thefe memoirs ; but, in itfelf, it is fo pal- 
pably injudicious, that thejre is very little hazard of its adoption 
as a model. Within thefe few years, a fimilar innovation was 
attempted by a Scotifh hiilorian, who, at the comm.encement of 
every reign, introduced that general delineation of the charadler 
of the fovereign, which has uiuaily found a place at the ciofe : 
but, if we may judge from our own feelings, the example of Mr 
Pinkerton will not probably prove more feducing than that of 
Mifs 3eward. 

Of this * fketch of the character and manners of Dr Darwin, ' 
we can only fay, that it leaves no very dillind: impreffion on the 
mind •, and that impreffion, fuch as it is, has not, in our own cafe 
at leail, been extremely favourable. But Mifs Seward does not 
lland^ forth as the indifcriminating panegyrill of her deceafed 
friend ; nor does flie appear to have been withheld, by any vio- 
lent or undue partialities, from difcharging thofe * facred duties 
of biography,' — * beneath the ever prefent confcioufnefs ' of whicii 
flic would be underftood to have proceeded. Of the jutt ice of 
her claims to the praife of rigid impartiality, thof:; only can be 
competent judges, to whom Dr Darwin was perfon-^dly known \ 
but it lb perhaps lefs diiiicult to difcovcr that Mifs Seward was 
not altogether equal to the tafk of delineating with truth, the va- 
rious parts of his character, or of appreciating the qualities of 
■which it w^s compofed. In this preliminary fketch, and in other 
parts of her work, we are, indeed, pvefenfk.d with a number of 
Itriking traits of temper and of manners, fuch as mufl have been 
obvious to common obfervation •, but in her attempts to mark the 
exte!]t, the limitations, and the peculiar chara£ler and complexion 
of thofe higher powers of mind, by which alone the poffeftbr 
becoir.es an cbje^f of ferious intereft — her dtfcription becomes 
feeble and indiilintt, and fhe takes refuge in vague, general, or 
exaggerated Itatement. Thus, we are informed, that * beauty 
and fymmetvy had not been propitious to liis exterior; ' that * he 
ftammered extremely;' that he was ' fore upon oppolltion, ' and 
overbearing and iarcaftic in converfation ; but whether from the 
' cor,Jr'iovf?u'Js of great native elevation above the general fi and ard 
cf iiitelitB^* we m.ay be permitted to doubt. Moreover, we are 

told, that ' extretr.e was his fcepticifm to human truth j ' — that 

...,,.., . .,. . - , , - - . habits 



i8o4. Mifs SewardV Memoirs of Dr Darwin. 233 

habits of diftruft tintftured his converfiition with an apparent 
want of confidence in mankind ; — and that * perhaps this prone- 
nefs to fulpicion mingled too much of art in his wifdom. ' Far- 
ther, we are told that he abftained from * yinous fluid ; ' that he 
had * an abfolute horror of fpirits of ali forts ; ' that his only 
tolerance was in favour of home-made wines ; that ' acid fruits, 
with fugar, and all fort of creams and butter, were his luxuries j ' 
but that * he always ate plentifully of animal food. ' Of iiia vir- 
tues and talents, we learn that * profefTional gencrofity diflin- 
guifhed Dr Darwin's medical pradlice ; ' that " his was the cheer- 
ful board of open-houfed hofpitality ; ' and that * gi.ierofity, wit 
and fcience were his houlehoid gods •, ' that nature had bt.ltowe4 
on him * the feducing and often dangerous gift of a highly poe^ 
tic imagination ; ' but that * through the firft twenty- three years 
of his pradtice as a phylician, Dr Darwin, witii the v/ifdom of 
UlylTes, bound himfelf to the medical mait, that he might Kot: 
follow thofe delufive fyrens, the mufes, or be confidered as thei? 
avowed votary ; ' nor was it till then, tbut * t^e impregnable, roch 
on which his medicinal and philofophical reputation were placed. 
Induced him to contend for that fpccies of f.ime which f),ioiilcJ 
entwine the Parnafhan laurel with the balm of Pharmacy. * 

Such, we can afTure our readers, is the amount of the informa- 
tion rcfpecfing the chara61;er and manners of Dr Darwin, for 
which we are here indebted to his biographer. It may perlvaps 
ferve to moderate the expeftations of thofe who may have un-< 
warily looked only to the enviable opportunities of obicrvation 
which fne appears to have enjoyed. 

On ' returning 10 the dawa of Dr Darwin's profefTional efta- 
bliflimenf, ' we are informed by Mifs Seward of the fadden f.inie 
he acquired by his fuccefs in a defperate cafe of fever, and of 
the imputations of rafhnefs which were ignorantly attached to 
his pra6\ice. Mrs Darwin is then Introduced on, the fcene ; 
and from the account given by Mifs Seward, fhe appears to have 
been an interefting and accompUihed woman : but we mud be 
forgiven if we are not greatly charmed with the foiicity of a long 
oration which is put into her mouth while on her deathbed. 

Soon after this lady's death, Dr Darwin purchafed an old 
houfe In the city of Lichfield, on the lilliputian improvem.ents 
of wliich Mifs Seward has lavifhed all her powers of pi6lurefque 
defcription. 

' To this riis it: urhe, of Darwinian creation, reforted, from its eariv 
rifme, a k-.iot of philofophic friends in frequent vifitatiori. The Rev. 
Mr Michell, many years dcccafed. He was ficilled in aflronomic fcience, 
raodeft and wife. The ingenious Mr Kler of Weft Bromich, then Cap- 
tain Kier. Mr Boulton, known and refpefted wherever mechanic phi- 
" lofophy is underftood. Mr Watt, the celebrated improver of the fleam 

engine..- 



234 Mtfs Seward'j Memoirs of Dr Dar%vin. April 

engine. And, above all others In Dr Darwin's perfonal regard, the 
accomplifhed Dr Small of Birmingham, who bore the blulhing honours 
of his talents and virtues to an untimely grave. ' 

Tired already of her proper fubjedt, Mifs Seward again di- 
greffes into the private hiftory of thofe who moved in • the Dar- 
winian fphere •, ' — of Mr Edgw^otth and his wives ; of Dr Small, 
and the elegies and epitaphs written by his friends ; and particu- 
larly of Mr Thomas Day, the author of the popular little vo- 
lumes of Sand ford and Merton. Of the laft of thefe gentlemen, 
a very full and difproportioned account is given, and a great 
many anecdotes are told, which we (hall not attempt to retail, 
but which, in their proper place, might ferve to illudrate the 
fmgularly romantic and hair-brained character of this modern 
philofopher. With the hiftory of Dr Darwin's life they have no 
intimate connexion : And fo ends the firft chapter. 

On ' refuming the recollected circijmftances of Dr Darwin's 
life, ' Mifs Seward is unable for a moment to withftand her 
wayward propenfity to digreffion ; and our attention is inftantly 
drawn afide to the contemplation of new groupes of vifitors and 
friends who made their appearance at Lichfield ' after Di Small 
and Mr Michell had vanifted from the eatth, and Mr Day and 
Mr Edge worth, in the year 1772, had left the Darwinian fphere. * 
But it would be vain to follow this lady in her meandering courfe ; 
and by attempting it, we fliould equally fatigue our readers and 
ourftlves. Throughout the whole of that portion of the work 
which bears the f. mblance of narrative, it is only for a moment 
that we catch a glirnpfe of the principal figure; and even tlien, 
eur gratification is too often duihed by the frivolity of the infor- 
mation which is conveyed. The reader may lock in vain for 
any thing which merits the name of juft biographical narrative. 
Even when Dr Darwin is thi' fubj^^dl, little elfe is to be found 
than an inflated tranfiaticn of ti;e tea-t.ible talk of Lichfield -, nor 
will all the good things which have been uttered on fundry oc- 
cafions by the choice fplrits of the place, be felt as any adequate 
Compenfation for this radical defeft. 

* In the year 1768,* we are told, * Dr Darwin met with an 
accident of irretrievable injury in the human frame : ' he was 
thrown from a whimfical carriage of his own invention, and 
broke the patella of his riyht knee. For the edification of the 
curious reader, we extraft a philofophical obfervation fuggLfled 
to Mifs Seward by this occurrence. 

* It is remarkable, that this uncommon accident happened to three 
of the inhabitants of Lichfield iti the courfe of one year j firft, to tlie 
puthor of thefe memoirs in the prime of her youth ; next, to Dr Dar- 
win j and, lafliy, to the late Mr Levett, a gcutlemau of wealth and 

■ ■ ' confeq^uenc^ 



i8o4* Mi/s Sew2ird*s Metjjoirs of Dr Darwin. 235 

confequence in the town. No fiich misfortune was previoufly remem- 
bered in that city, nor has it once recurred through all the years which 
have fince elapfed. ' p. 62. 

While Dr Darwia refided at Lichfield, Dr Johnfon was re- 
peatedly there on his vifitations to Mifs Lucy Porter. Mifs 
Seward informs us, that * they had one or two interviews, but 
never afterwards fought each other. Mutual and flrong diflike 
fubfuled- between them. ' Mifs vSeward goes on to remark as 
curious, that, in Johnfon's correfpondence, * the name of Dar- 
win fhould not be found, nor indeed that of any of the ingeni- 
ous and lettered people who lived there ; while of its more 
common-life characters there is frequent mention, with many 
hints of Lichfield's intellectual barrennefs, while it could boaft 
a Darwin and other men of claffical learning, poetic talents, and 
liberal information. ' Of thefe ingenious and lettered perfons, 
Mifs Seward here gives the reader a farther enumeration, ac- 
companied with fpecimens of their poetic and colloquial talents, 
which we fhall not prefume to injure by a mutilated extra£l. 
That Dr Johnfon's colloquial defpotifm iliould have alarmed the 
felf-importance of a man like Darwin, who was ambitious of 
being himfelf a defpot in his own ' fphere, ' and who is de- 
fcribed as ' fore upon oppofition, whether in argument or con- 
dudl, ' can hardly be matter of much furprife. '^Fhe colloquial 
intrepidity of Johnfon was unqueftionably too firm to have fuf- 
fered him to fhrink from the fociety of any man ; but if he was 
avoided by Darwin and the Lichfield coterie, as Mifs Seward fetms 
to admit, his filence cannot well be accufed of injuftice to their' 
talents and accomplilhments. 

* About the year 1771 commenced that great work, the Zoo- 
nomia, firft publillied in 1794; the gathered wifdom of three 
and twenty years. ' With fomewhat more hardihood than pru- 
dence, his biographer has attempted to define the character of 
this work as a philofophical compofition, and to appreciate its 
fpeculative merits and its practical utility. It cannot be difputed 
that the work is enriched with a vaft variety of curious, though 
too often doubtful and incautious ftatements of fa6l, and that it 
everywhere difplays uncommon powers of ingenious combina- 
tion ; but we are by no means prepared, with Mifs Seward, to 
extol it as a model of philofophical inveftigatlon, or to recom- 
mend it to the daily and nightly meditation of the youthful 
ihident. 

Before he quitted his tefidence at Lichfield, Dr Darwin formed 
a botanical fociety, confifling of three perfons, — wliich, we be- 
lieve, is held to be the m'tvAmian of a body corporate. The two 
uther members were Sir Brooke Boothby and a proclor of the 

nanie 



236 Mifs St\vzxd!'s Memoirs of Dr Dariuin. April 

name of Jrickfon, Vv'hom Mifs Seward has chara^lerifed as * a 
would-be philofopher, a turgid and folemn coxcomb ; ' but who 
was the chief operator in the tranflarion of the Linnean Syftem 
of Vegetation, which was publifhed in the name of this fociety. 
• His uluilrious coadjutors exadled of him fidelity to the fenfe 
of their author, and they corrc6led Jackfon's inelegant Englifh, 
weedirg it of its pompous coarfenefs- ' 

It w-as about this time alfo tliat Dr Darwin firft became ac- 
quainted with Mrs Pole of Radburn, who was the obje6l of 
what INIifD Seward has calK'd ' the Petrarchan attachm.ent of his 
middle life, more happy in its refult than was that of the bard 
of V^a-jJufe. ' It \v,is in confequence of his marriage to this 
jiady in 1781 that he removed from Lichfield to Derby; and it 
was to her, in her married or widowed Hate, that he addrefled 
feveral copies of verfes, which have fince been circulated in pe- 
riodical publications. But thefe, with the whole hiftory of this 
tender attachment, and various other matters of a more digref- 
five and extraneous nature, we are compelled to leave without 
further notice. 

From the period of his quitting Lichfield, Mifs Seward does 
not attempt to give more than a flight outline of the domeftic 
hiitory of Dr Darwin. Tlie completion of the tafk is refervcd, 
we are told, for ' his fome time pupil, and late years friend, 
the ingenious Mr Dewhurfl Eilfborrow, who is now writing, 
or has written, his life at large. ' Her information relative to 
this latter period is avowedly imperfecfl; ; and it is to be regret- 
ted, that, with better oppovtunines vi-itiiin her reach, (^.e fhould 
have fuiFered herfelf to be mifled by erroneous report. In the 
year 1799, Dr Darwin had tjie m.isfortune to lofe his eldell fon, 
in circumftances extremely diflrtfling. On firft perufing the 
account given by Mifs Seward, of the * ftoical fortitude ' of the 
father, we were certainly much fhocked, and could have par- 
doned his biographer for a lefs rigid adherence to the duty of 
fpeaking the whole truth. We are pleafed now to find, that 
the ftatement is partly erroneous, and are happy to afford Mifs 
Seward the prefent opportunity of corredling it. * We now 

turn 

* The following note has been communicated to the Editor of this 
Review. 

' The author of the Memoirs of Dr Darwin, fince they were pub- 
lifhed, has difcovcred, on the atteftation of his family, and of the other 
perfons prefent at the junfture, that the fiatemtnt given of his txcla- 
niation, page 406, on the death of Mr Erafm.Dfe Darwin, is entirely with- 
out fouDdatiou, and that the Dodor, on that melancholy event, gave, 

amcnvft 



J 804. Mifs SewardV Memoirs of Dr Darnvin. 1y] 

turn to the account which (he has given of the poem of ' the 
Botanic Garden, ' of which an elaborate analyfis and criticifm 
occupies nearly a half of the volume. 

About the year 1777, Dr Darwin ha;! purchafed * a little, 
wild, umbrajreous valley, ' in the neighbourhood of Lichfield, 
whicli he cultivated with great tafte ; aiming, as Mifs Seward 
cxprelTcs it, * to unite the I^innean fcience with the charm of 
landfcapc. ' On her fi'rft folitary vifit to * this luxuriant retreat, 
with her tablets and pencil, and feated on a flower bank.' Mifs 
Seward wrote a little poem of about fifty lines, addrelTed to Dr 
Darwin, under the characler of the genius of the place ; in praife 
of which, it is enough to fay, that, with fome alterations, it 
was afterwards adopted, v/ithout acknowledgement, as the in- 
troduclion to the firit canto of • the Botanic Garden. ' This 
we confider as the moft curious anecdote in the volume before 
us ; and the correftnefs of the (latement is placed beyond a 
doubt, by the appearance of her verfes as fuch in the periodical 
publications of the year in which they were written. 

According to Mifs Seward's account, it was the perufal 
of her lines that fuiigefted the idea of a great poem * on the 
Linnean fyrtem. ' The compofition of it was begun very foon 
afterwards, but advanced fo flowly, that ten years elapfed before 
the date of publication. By ' an inverfion of all cuftom, ' the 
fecond part was firft given to the world in 1789 ; from a con- 
fcioufnefs, as Mifs Stward fuppofes, that, in a new and unu- 
fuai flyle of poetry, ' the loves of the plants' would be more 
likely to fccure immediate popularity, than the bolder concep- 
tions, and Hill more fplendid imagery of ' the Economy of Ve^ 
getation. ' 

The long and elaborate analyfes of thefe poems, which Mifs 
Seward has thought fit to give, will, by many readers, be con- 
fidered as prolix and uninterelling. They are certainly difpro- 
portioned to the bulk and nature of her work, if a work fo 
immethodical and defultory can be tried by ordinary rules j 
but at the fame time they will be found interfperfed with many 

critical 

amoiiglt his own family, proofs of ftrong fenfibilitjr at the time, and 
of fucceeding regard to the memory of his fon, which he feemed to 
have a pride in concealing from the world. In juftice to his memory, 
fhe is defirous to correi^t the mifmformation (he had received, and will 
therefore be obliged to the Editor of the Edinburgh Review to notice 
the clrcumftance in the criticifms of the book, fince, unlefs a fecond 
edition fliould be called for, fhe has no means fo effedual cf counter- 
acting the miftake. ' 



•913^ -3f j/y SewardV Memoirs of Dr Dar^u'in. April 

cTitical remarks, which difplay great juflnefs of poetical tafte 
and feeling. 

We have* formerly had occafion, at fufficient length, to {late 
our conceptions of the peculiar character and merit of Ur Dar- 
win's poetry ; and at prefent it is not our intention to refume 
the fubjeft in the point of view under which it was then con- 
fidered. In truth, the opinions entertained by his biographer, 
and by thofe whofe criticifms fhe has adopted, coincide fo nearly 
with thofe which we had expreffed, that there is nothing to 
juftify or provoke a farther difcuflion. In one refpe£l, hovi'- 
ever, we feel ourfelves compelled to diflent from an opinion en- 
tertained by moft of the admirers of Dr Darwin, and by none 
more firmly than Mifs Seward. « One extraordinary, and in 
a poet of fo much genius, unprecedented, inftance of plagiarifm 
excepted, ' fays iVlifs Seward, ' not one great poet of England 
is more original than Darwin. His defign, his ideas, his ftyle, 
his manner, are wholly his own.' 

If it were alked in what chieily confifts the originality of man- 
ner which is fuppofed to charaiSlerife the new Darwinian fchool 
of Englifh poetry, it would probably be anfvvered, in the fij} 
place, that the general defign of clothing the philofophy of na- 
tural hillory in the gay attire, and with all the higher graces of 
poetry, was novel, at leaft in any Engliih poet ; in the feconJ 
place, that his pidurefque ftyle of poetical defcription, fuftaincd 
by bold perfonifications and metaphors, addrelled exclufively 
to the eye, is, in a great degree at leaft, his own ; and, lajly, 
that, in the loftinefs of his laboured and inverted didion, and 
in the ftately march of his highly polilhed verfification, there 
are peculiarities of manner which it may be difficult to defcribe, 
but which muft at once be felt as diftinguiftiing him widely from 
his great predeceflbrs in Englifh poetry. 

It is not our intention to arraign Dr Darwin of literary 
depredation on the property of others, of the felonious kind 
complained of fo juftly by Mifs Seward ; nor (hall we venture 
dogm.atically to affert that this peculiar manner to which he has 
bequeathed his name, was formed on a fervile imitation of any 
exifting model. It is true, notwithftanding, that for nearly 
feventy years there has exifted, in obfcurity and negled, a phi- 
lofophical poem in the Englifti language, ftamped incontroverti- 
bly with all thofe peculiar charatfers of the JDariuinian fchool to 
which we have alluded. • It is that obfcurity and neglect alone 
which could have exempted Dr Darwin from the charge of hav- 
i"g 

* Review, No. IV. Art. XX. 



1 804. Mtfs SewardV Memoirs cf Dr Darwinl :?3S>' 

ing imitated an unfuccefsful original ; and although it may 
poflibly be true that the poem in queltion was unknown to him, 
it will at lead become neceflary hereafter to date the origin of 
the fchool at an earlier period. 

The poem Was publifhed * anonymoufly in the year 1735 ; and 
of its author we have not obtained any information. It is en- 
titled ' Univerfal Beauty ; ' and its general object is an expofi- 
tion of whatever is beautiful in the plan and economy of the 
univerfe in all its parts. In the profecution of this objeft, the 
author takes a very wide compafs ; and the general laws which 
bind the planetary fyftem, the phyfical laws which peculiarly re- 
gulate the globe which we inhabit, the phenomena and provifions 
of the mineral, the vegetable and the animal kingdoms, are all 
brought under poetical review 5 and the more remote and fanci- 
ful allufions of the text are illuftrated by a feries of philofophical 
notes. That the refemblance does not ftop here ; but extends 
ilill more ftrikingly to the other chara£leriftic peculiarities of ' the 
Darwinian manner, ' may be moft effedtually illuftrated by a fev/ 
extra£ts, taken at random. 

In the third part, which contains a ' furvey of vegetable nature,' 
after tracing the analogy of animal and vegetable life, we have 
the following lines, in illuftration of * the various provifions of 
nature, for protecting and fupportiiig the indigent, as the ftraw- 
berry, cinque-foil, &c. ; and fupporting the feeble, as the vine, 
bryony, ivy, &c. ; and thus equally propagating and fpreading a 
univerfality of delights, pleafures, and enjoyments. ' 
* Thus mantling fnug beneath a verdant veil, 
The creepers draw their horizontal trail ; 
Wide o'er the bank, the plantal reptile bends ; 
Adown its item, the rooty fringe depends, 
The feeble boughs with anch'ring fafety binds. 
Nor leaves precarious to infulting winds ; 
The tendrils next of flender, helplefs fize, 
Afcendant thro' luxurious pamp'ring rife ; 
Kind nature foothes their innocence of pride. 
While buoy'd aloft the flow' ring wantons ride. 
With fond adhefion round the cedar cling, 
And wreathing, circulate their am'rous ring. 
Sublime, with winding maturation grow, 
And clench'd retentive gripe the topmoit bough j 
Here climb d:rc6t, the minilterial rock. 
And clafping firm, its fteepy fragments lock ; 

Or 

* • Univerfal Beauty, a Poem.' Loudor, : J.VViic.x. 1735« 
Folio. It confifts of fix parts, publifhed fiicctfiively, containing eacl> 
abcu^ 40-3 lines. 



'24® ^^ip SewardV Memoirs of Dr Darwrn, Maf 

Or various, with agglutinating guile ; 
Cement tenacious to fome neighb'ring pile j 
Invefting green, fome fabric here afcend, 
Aad clud'ring, o'er its pinnacles depend. ' 

Part III. 1. 271 — 290. 
In allufion to thofe plants which are fuppofed to obey the in- 
fluence of the fun and moon, we find the following lines : 
* Here, winding to the Sun's magnetic ray, 
The folar plants ai3ore the Lord of Day ; 
With Pcrfian rites idolatrous incline, 
And worfhip towards his confecrated flirine ; 
By fouth, from caft to weft, obfcquious turn. 
And mov'd with fympathetic ardours burn. 
To thefe adverfe, the Lunar fefts diflent, 
With convolution of oppofed bent ; 
From well to eaft by equal influence tend. 
And towards the Moou'b attradlive crcfcence bend j 
There nightly worfhip with Sidonian zeal, 
And Queen of Heaven, Aftarte's idol hail.' 

Part III. 1. 313 — 324. 
We regret that our limits do not admit of the author's defcrip*- 
tion (Part IV. 1. X2o — 204.) of the circulation of the blood in 
animals, illutoated by a picfturefque analogy to the motions of 
the fluid parts of the globe. The following lines, taken from 
Part v., refer to that fpccies of infects which, like the beetle, 
* by a furprifmg macliinery of little fprings and hinges, ere<£t the 
fmooth covering of tlieir backs, and unfolding their wings that 
were moft neatly difi-)ofed within their cafes, prepare for flight. ' 
* Or who a twofold apparatus Ihare, 
Natives of earth, and habitants of air, 
Like warriors flride, oppreffed with fhining mail. 
But furl'd beneath, their fdken pennons veil. 
Deceived our fellow reptile we admire 
His bright endorfement and compaft attire, 
When lo ! the latent fprings of motion play. 
And rifiug lids difclofe the rich inlay ; 
The tiffu'd wing its folded membrane frees, 
And with bhthe quavers fans the gathering breeze ; 
Elate tow'rds heav'n the beauteous wonder flies, 
And leave: the mortal wrapp'd in deep furprife. 

So when the guide led Tobit's youthful heir» 
Eleft, to win the fev'n times widow'd fair, 
Th' angelic form, conceal'd in human guife, 
Deceiv'd the fearch of his afTociate's eyes ; 
Till fwift each charm burlls forth like iffuing flarti?. 
And circling rays confefs his heav'nly frame ; 

Th- 



1804. 'M'ff SewardV Memoirs of Dr Darnvln. 24 1 

The zodiac round his wafte divinely turns, 

And waving radiance o'er his plumage burns ; 

In awful tranfports rapt, the youth admires. 

While light from earth the dazzling fliape afpires. ' 

Part V. 1. 127—148. 
We cannot refrain from giving a part of this AA'viter's dcfcrip- 
tion of the creation of thofe pl.mctary fyftems of which the uni* 
verfe is compofed. It is a favourite topic with both poets. 
' Swift roll'd the fpheres to their appointed place^ 

Jocund through heaven to run the various race ; 

Orb within orb in living circlets turn. 

And central funs through every fyllem burn ; 

Revolving planets on their gods attend. 

And towards each fun with awful reverence bend ; 

Still towards the loved, enlivening beam they wheel, 

And pant, and tremble like the amorous fteel. 

They fpring, they revel in the blaze of day, 

Bathe in the golden ftream, and drink tlie orient ray ; 

Their blitlie fatellites with lively glance 

(Celeftial equipage) around them dance ; 
. All, diftance due, and beauteous order keep, 

And Ipiuning foft, upon their centres fleep. ' 

Part I. 1. 91 — io4« 
SimilrtT paiTages mijrht eaiily be accumulated, but thefe may 
ierve as a ipecimen of the peculiar manner of this forgotten 
poet. Of its refemblance to that of Dr Darwin, we fl^iall leave 
our readers to judge. That there are obvious fliades of differ- 
ence, w-e have no hefitation to admit j nor do we call in queilioii 
the decided fuperioi-ity of the latter. The poem of * Univerfai 
Beauty' is indeed extremely unequal : pafiages occur which arci 
worthy of Sir Richard Blackmore 5 and in others there may be 
.difcovered an unfuccefsful efFort to imitate the fafliionablo anti- 
thetic m.anner of Pope. Whether or not the poetry of Darwin 
would, in the age oi Pope, have incurred th.e fame hazard of 
hegleci with that of tlie writer whom we have ventured to ex- 
lubit as his prototype, we {hall not prefume to conjcclure. 



VOL. IV. xo. 7. fO OUAR. 



(• 242 ) Apr'rf 

ou'arterly list of new publications. 

From 20. Jamiaryy to i8- April 1804. 



ACRreOLTURE. / 

The Farmer's Calendar. By Arthur Young. 8vo. los. 6d. boards. 
Communications of the Board of Agiiculture. 410. Vol. IIL 

t*art II. iSs. boards." 

General View of the Agriculture of Shropfhire. By Plymby. 

8vo. 7s. 6d. boards, 

ARCHITECTURE. 

A Supplement to a Treatife on the Conftruftion and Properties oT 
Arcnes, publiflied in i8or. By George Atwood Efq. 7s. 6d. fewed. 

ASTRONOMY. 

A Geographical, Nautical, Mechanical, and Mathematical View of 
the Univerfe. By W. Parker. 8vo. 3s. 

BIOGRAPHY. 

A Biographical Ditlionary of celebrated Women of every Age and 
Country. By Matilda Betham. Embelliflied with five Heads. 8vo. 
12s. and izmo. 7s* boards. 

Memoirs cf the Life of Dr Darwin, chiefly during his refidence at 
Lichfield: With Anecdotes of his Friends, and Criticifms on hi» 
Writings. By Anna Seward. 8vo. 7s. 6d. boards. 

Sketches of the Lives and Charafters of Eminent Civilians : With 
an Enumeration of the whole Scries of Academic Graduates admitted 
into the College of Advocates for nearly three centuries .paft, 4S» 
fewed.^ 

BOTANY. 

Smith's Flora Britanniea, Vol. III. 8vo. los. 6d. boards. 

CHEMISTRY. 

Refearches into the Laws of Chemical Affinity. 8vo. 7s. boards. 
A Syftem of Cliemiltry, by Thomas Thomfon M. D. Second 
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DRAMA. 

Almahide and Hamet, a Tragedy : To which is prefixed, a Letter 
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Malkin, M. A. Royal 8vo. 6s. boards. 

The Britifli Drama, comprehending (with the exception of Shake- 
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3 vol. Royal 8vo. 3I. 6s. boards. 

The Soldier's Daughter, a Comedy, now performing at tJie Theatre 
Royal, Drury-lane. Written by C. Cherry. 2S. 6d. 

Twenty-one ; an Operatic After-piece : Altered from the French 
of Du\-al. By James Wild. With an Engraving. Being No. I. of 
a Series of Dramas adapted to the E'lglifli Stage from the original 

Freach. IS. 

The 



1 804. ^tarterly Lift of New Publications. 243 

The Counterfeit ; a Farce, in Two Afts, performed at the Theatre 
Royal, Drury-lane. By Andrew Franklin. 8vo. 2s. 

EDUCATION. 

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Juvenile Dialogues, French and Englifh, to facilitate the Reading 
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Summary of Ancient Hiftory, from the earlieft Ages to the Diflb- 
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Stories for Children. By Annabella Plumptre. 2s. 

Englifti Parfing ; comprifrng the Rules of Syntax, exemplified by 
appropriate Leflbns. By James Giles. 2s. 

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An Eafy Introduftion to Monf. Wailly's French Grammar. By 
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By John Holland. i2moi 

CL2 LAW. 



244 ^arterly Ltjl of NenBPablicatiofts. April 

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Obferv^tions on the Statute of the ill of William and Mary, ch. )8. 
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eafc*. 



l8p4-. ^mrterly Lijl of Neiv Ptihlications, 



=4j 



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Q 3 MliCElr- 



24^ Quarterly Liji of New Publications. April 

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TW, 



1804. ^iartcrty LtJ} of New Publ'ications. 247 

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j^ftuunj Apoftolorum et Epiftolarum tam Catholicarum quam Pau- 
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>So4. ^larterly Lijl of New Puhlications. 249 

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APPENDIX. 



STATEMENT OF FACTS RESPECTING THE FIRST PUBLICATION Qt 
LADY MARY WORTLEY MONTAGU's LETTERS. 

1 N our Review of the ' Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, * 
(No. IV. p. 512.), we laid before our readers the account given by 
Mr Dallaway of the firft publication of thefe celebrated Letters. Il: 
is remote from our plan to enter into controverfy on a fubjeft of this 
nature ; yet we cannot refufe a place to the ftatement of fads contain- 
ed in the following letter from Mifs Sowden, the daughter of the vejy 
refpedtable clergyman alluded to by Mr Dallaway. 



* TO THE EDITOR OF THE EDINBURGH REVIEW. 

« SIR, Bath, yaaaary 31. 1804. 

' As you have noticed the new edition of ' Lady Mary Wortley 
Montagu's Works' in your Review, No. IV. and there quoted a 
rtrange ftory given by the editor, as a recent and curious difcoveiy ; 
you will, I hope, permit me, through the medium of your widely cir- 
culating Journal, to pronounce it an idle fabrication, as void of foun- 
dation, as of probability ; — No perfon having ever been fent by the late 
Countefs of Bute to my father, and no one having ever impofcd oa 

him. 



1804. APPENDIX. 255 

him, by ftealing a copy of the MSS. in his pofTeffion. So far is this 
laft aflcrtion from being true, that, though he hved twenty years after 
their pubhcation, he never had the fmalleft chie with which to trace 
the by-way path through which they got into print. 

' The following are fafts, which I have too frequently heard re- 
peated by my father, not to be able to (late accurately. 

' At the clofe of the year 1761, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, 
pafiing through Holland in her way to this country, was detained many 
weeks at Rotterdam by a fevere froft. My father was one of a few 
hterary men, who, after paying his refpeds, frequently repeated his 
vifits to her Ladyfliip. In one of thcfe vifits, Lady W. M. lent him 
thefe celebrated letters for his perufal ; and on his returning them, ex- 
prefTed a great dehre of having a fair copy taken, mixed with fome 
fears of confiding them to any one of whole probity flie was not pre- 
vioufly well alTured. My father, confidering this as an indirect mode 
of apphcation to himfelf, offered faithfully to traafcribe and return the 
original and copy to her Ladyfliip as foon as completed. She gladly 
accepted this propofal in part ; but added, that the MS. in her own 
handwriting fhould be his, and at his entire difpofal. 

« My father, however, reflefted that a gift of that magnitude might 
draw after it fufpicions unfavourable to himfelf, and on this account 
declined its acceptance. Upon which her Ladyfliip faid, ' If that be 
aU, Mr Sowden, I will foon make you eafy ; ' and taking her pen, 
wrote on the cover the words contained in the fac fim'tle. 

' The copy was not completed when Lady M. W. M. died ; and no 
fooner was the event known to my father, than he prepared a letter for 
the Countefs of Bute, to inform her of the MS. in his hands, and of 
his intention to pubhfh it ; not thinking it corretl to proceed other- 
ways. But before this letter could be difpatched, he received one 
from her Ladyfhip, ftating, that by fom.e letters of his, which fhe had 
found among the papers of the deceafed, flie perceived there were fuch 
MSS. in his hands ; which fhe requelted might be tranfmitted to her 
without delay. The anfwer informed her Ladyfhip, that though fhe 
was right as to the fact, fhe mifapprehended die tenure ty which he held 
thofe letters ; which was not as a depoflt, but as a gift : In proof of 
which, he inclofed a copy of the deed of gift. Still her Ladyfhip 
perfiiled in her defire to have them ; and, in her reply, aflied, ' What 
he mvji have for them ? ' But my father, little accuftomed to make 
bargains, fent them, original and copy, contrary to the advice of fome 
of his mercantile friends, to Lady Bute, without flipulating for terms ; 
faying, he made no difEculty of relying on her Ladyfhip's generofity. 

» Several weeks now elapfed, and he heard no more. At length, he 
was informed that aji order was given to her banker to pay him three 
hundred pounds. At this juncl;u:-e, the work was advertifed — and the 
order flopped. 

' When my father faw the work announced in the public papers, he 
ronclHded it came frttm tiie family ; while Lady Bute had djubtlef;, 

oa 



25<5 APPENDIX. April 1804. 

ten her pail, fufpicions unfavourable to him. Thefe, however, wer6 
foon done away, and the three hundred pounds paid. 

* About a do7:en years fmce, a gentleman, to whom I had mention- 
ed the above particulars, informed me, with an air of confidence which 
inclined me to credit his nan-ative, ' That the Countcfs of Bute had 
entrufted tliis MS. to a Noble Duke, now no more, for his opinion, 
previous to its being made public. His Grace was at that time con- 
ncAed v/ith a gentleman (from v/hom he aftenvards faw reafon to dif- 
engage himfelf), w.'ioie general character it was, through life, to be 
both querulous and neccfiitons, though by no means deficient in un- 
derftandiiig or talents. To his addrefs on the one hand, and fmall 
fcrupulofity on the other, it was faid, the public owed the firft appear- 
ance of thefe Letters, for which he, no doubt, received a coufiderablc 
remuneration. ' — But whether this be, or be not, as was related, in the 
precedi.ig flatcment, I am perfe6lly certain there is no error ; and the 
fatls it contains are as well known to one of the mod refp^ftable cha- 
rafters now living as to myfelf ; — I mean the Reverend Dr A. Maclaine_, 
who was at tliat time rcfident at the Hague, and is now at Bath. 

' Hoping this may obtain an early attention, 
' I remain. Sir, 

' Your very humble Servant, 

* Hannah Sowden. ' 



JSfc. VIIL ivill be publiJJjed on Wedtiefday l^. july 1804. 



T H E 

EDINBURGH REVIEW, 

JULY 1 804. 



JV'- YIII, 



Art. I. EucluUs Ehmentorum L'lhri Priores XII. Ex ComfnandJni el 
G:\gorii VerfKAi'ihus Latinis. In ufum "Juvcnttitis Acadenncijc. Ed'tdti^ 
phirihus in loc'ts auxit, et In drpravatis emtndavit Samuel Epifcopus 
Rofftnjis. Oxonii, e typographeo Clarendoniano. 1802. 8vo. 



Eudidis Datorum Liber aim addifa?»entis, nernon TraElatus alii ad Gco- 
mefriam pertinentes, Curavlt et edldit Samuel Epifcopus Afaphenfis, 
Oxonii; etc. 1803. 8vo. 

Tr v/ill readily be conceived, that when we propofe to review 
■*• any of the works of Euclid, it is the editor, not the author, 
who is to be the fubjefl of animadverfion. A geometer who 
has flood the tell of more than two thoufand years ; who has 
refifted the attacks of fo many critics, and fupported the weight 
of fo many commentators ; whofe writings kept alive the facred 
lire of fcience when it was almofl: extinguifhed over the whole 
earth, and now Ibine with undiminiihed luftre amidft the great- 
eft fplendour of fcientific difcovery — fuch an author is not to be 
moved by the praife or the cenfure of modern criticifm j his place 
in the Temple of Fame is irrevocably fixt, and nothing remains 
for us but to hail him as one of the immortals. 

But the high privileges to which fuch an author may juflly 
lay claim, do by no means defcend to his commentators, who, 
on tlie other hand, incur a refponfibility in proportion to the va- 
lue and dignity of the work which they undertake to explain, 
and cannot be permitted to connect their names with one that is 
already Illuflrious, without fatisfying the world that they have 
a title to fo high a difi:ln£lIon. Such a title, indeed, many of 
the commentators on Euclid are well prepared to fupport : and, 
notto mention Theon and Proclus among the ancients ; among 
the moderns, (!!!om man dine, Claviu?, Gregory, Barrow, atid, laft 
*" VOL. IV. NO. 8. ' R ' of 



l^B' B'lpoop Horiley'j- Edition cf Euclid. July 

of all, SImfon, have claims to p\iblic gratitude which will be always 
recognized. The latter, in particular, has reftored that part of 
the elennents which he undertook to explain, to more, we are well 
convinced, than even its original excellence ; and has not only 
purified it from the errors w hich editors and tranfcribers had in- 
troduced, but has even cleared it from that miftake, into which 
it would feem the author himfelf had fallen. His edition of 
Euclid has accordingly been well received all over Europe •, it is 
held in the higheft eltimation; and an author who has writ- 
ten to excellent purpofe on the elements, as well as on the high- 
er branches of the mathematics, has remarked that the publica- 
tion of it ought to be regarded as an important event in the hif- 
tory of geometry. (La CroJXy EUmens de Geomet. Difc. Prel. 27. } 
This, however, is not the opinion of the editor now before us, 
who often cenfures Sinifon with much afperity ^ but with what 
reafon will appear more fully as we proceed. 

Dr Horfley has already eflayed his fkill as an editor in more 
than one infiar.ce^ His firll attempt, if we miftake not, was 
made on Apollonius's Books of Inclinations,, in which he was 
more th^n.a mere editor, having rejlorcd that work from a fliort 
accqunt of its contents that had been accidentally preferved in 
the Mathem-.tical Colle£lioi)s of Pappus. In this, though it re- 
quired more than the ufual exertions of a commentator, no very 
great difficulty prefented itfelf; and Dr Horfley acquitted himfelf 
very much to the fatisfaction of geometers. 

His next attempt was infinitely more arduous, and the fuccefs 
that attended it was infinitely lefs. This was a complete edition 
of the worlyS cf Sir Ifaac Newton, accompanied with notes ; a 
work requiring the exertion of uncommon talents, and accom- 
panied with difficulties which Dr Horfley was by no means pre- 
pared to overcome. Indeed, we know of no literary project, 
even in this age of literary adventure, of which the failure has 
been more complete. The reader, at every flep, muft defiderate 
not only the extenfive information, the philofophic views, the 
profound flcill in geometry, but alfo the patient and elaborate re- 
fearch which ivere indifpenfable in fo great a work. Thofe ele- 
mentary parts, of which Newton has fometimes condefcended to 
treat, are enlarged on by his commentator at confiderable length ; 
but in the great and immortal books, where every word, almoft, 
fupplies matter for profound invelligation, you may turn over ma- 
ny pages without meeting with a fingle remark. What wants 
elucidation the moft, is the leaft treated of j the diflScult parts of 
the new analyfis are not explained ; the views that guided New- 
ton in his difcoveries are not unfolded, nor the efFe£ls which 
tjiofe difcoveries have produced j the correi^ions, the enlarge- 

meutSi 



1804. Bijhop Morfleyv Edition of Euclid* 250 

ments, the improvements, that have been nnade on them after 
a hundred years of laborious and profound inveftigation — con- 
cerning all thefe, the mod perfect filence is obferved. No hint 
cfcapes to make us fuppofe that the editor was acquainted with 
this part of his fubje6\ ; and for any thing that his commentary 
contains, it might have been written the year after the book o^ 
the Principia was publifhed. It can indeed (land in no compa- 
rifon, for utility, vi^ith that of Le Sieur and Jaquier, ,and ftill lefs^ 
for elegance, with that of Madame Chaflellet. The whole carries 
with it the air of a work undertaken without due preparation ; 
carried on v/ith little induftry or ardour, and abandoned, in ef- 
fect:, long before it was brought to a conclufion. A philofophcr, * 
who has purfucd the difcoveries of Newton the fartheft of any 
of his fuccelTors, has faid, that a commentary on the Principia 
of Newton, fuch as it deferves to have, will hardly do lefs ho- 
nour to the age which produces it, than that work itfelf did to 
the feventeentli century. We are well convinced of the truth 
of this remark. The glory of accomplilhing fo great a work is 
a noble prize, Hill left to poflerity to contend for. 

In the volume n,ow before us, as the learned Bifliop had 
not to encounter the fame difficulties, he is not chargeable with 
the fame defeats ; and it will be readily acknowledged, tl.at he 
made a far jufter eilimate of his powers, when he undertook to 
comment on the Elements of Euclid, than when lie began to in- 
terpret the Principia of Newton. Yet there are, we doubt not, 
who will be of opinion, irat the praife due to both works may- 
be expreffed nearly in the fame words, and that their merit con- 
fifts in being fuller and more elegant editions than are ufually to 
be met with. 

The edition of Euclid now offered to the public, confifts of 
the firfl twelve books of the Elements ; it is elegantly pruned, 
and does credit to the Clarendon prefs. The tranflation follow- 
ed in the tirft (Ix books, and in the eleventh and twelfth, is that 
of Com.mandine, according to Keil's edition ; in the other four 
books, Gregory's tranflation is given, from the Oxford edition 
of the works of Euclid. Though the whole is intended for the 
inflrudlion of fludents in geometry, thofe who are more advanced 
will certainly be well pleafed to have a good modern edition of {<y 
many of the books of Euclid, and will probably only regret that the 
whole was not given in the fame neat and commodious form, ^yith 
refpedl: to the advantages of this edition for the purpofe of aca- 
demical inftruelion, we can by no means agree with the editor ; 
in the books uiually taught, it has not any peculiar merit ; and 

R 2 with 

'■* I^a Grange. 



s6o Bifiop HorfleyV Edition of Euclid, July 

vitii regard to the four books here introduced, wc arc clearly of 
opinion, that they cannot be made a part of an elementary courfe, 
without turning the attention of the Itudent away from more im- 
portant branches of the mathematics. 

We muft^ however, hear what Dr Horfley has to fay on this 
fubjecl. 

* Prim© igitur, plerique coram, qui in itfiim fludlofae Ji:ventuti& 
Euclidem ediderunt, lecus ac nos fecimus, non niii priores fcx iibros 
cum undecimo et duodecimo typis niaiidaruat \ partim, ut opinamur,, 
quia facile fibi perfuafcriiit, feptimi, octavi, et noni nullatn eos jaAu- 
ram fafturos effe, qui vtl in pueroruru Icholis, vel a quocunque demum 
prseceptore arithmeticae clementa didicerint ; partim quia omnem libri 
decinii utiLtatem parvi pcnderiiit, prae furdorum doftrina, prout ab iis 
exponitur qui artem algebraicam tradunt — quod inerudite magis fac- 
tum lit, nefcio, an ofcitanter ; tam a rations alt num ejl, juniores ad 
algehram amandare, priufquam geomitr'ta ehmenta rite calluer'mt, e quibus 
pendd etiam regnlarum algehra'icarum five 'Veritas cmnis, Jive evtdcuiia. 
Etenim has ut artem quandam, fi placcat, abfque gcometria quis con- 
difcat ; ut fcientiam non riitelligct, nulla geometrire ratione haljita, qiuc 
ct ea ampkftitur, e quibus generales nuuieroium aiTedlu* exoriri com- 
pcrtum eft. ' Prxf. p. 2, 

It is plain from this, that Dr Horfley conhders the books of 
Euclid, ufually taught in the fchools, as not hying a fufficiently 
broad foundation for mathematical inlfruftion -, and for that rca- 
fon would introduce the feventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth, a& 
sieceilary for demonftrating the rules of arithmetic and algebra — 
that the two laft are to be confidered -.'is arts rather than fcrenccs, 
which do not explain their o\^ni principles. To thefe pofitions, 
however, we by no means affent. With the imperfe£l numeral 
charatters which the Greeks poflefled, it would be fmgular, in- 
deed, if their methods of unfolding the properties of number 
were better than thofe of their fuccefTors, furniil>ed with an 
arithmetical notation, which, if any thing that men pofFefs- may 
be called perfe£f, is deferving of that epithet, and having befides 
the noble invention of algebraic language. The truth is, tliat 
the ancients wanted fo much the means of fimplifying the opera- 
tions of arithmetic, that they proved, with confiderabk difficulty, 
many truths which a better mode of expreffion has reduced to 
the clafs of felf-evident propofitions. It cannot be faid, with any 
good reafon, that arithmetic and algebra do not poffefs the power 
of demonlh'ating their own principles and rules. Sufficient care 
in explaining the fundamental operations of thofe fciences, may 
riOt always l3e taken by thofe who have written of them. This, 
however, is not the fault of the fcience, but of the writers oi^ 
it ; and it is, befides, a cenfure that is by no means general. 
Dr Horfley fays, it is abfurd to fend young men to ftudy alge- 
bra 



t'804. Bifiop IlorflcyV Edition of EticliJt, l5l' 

bra before they have learnt the elements of geometry, on which 
depends the truth or evidence of all the algebraic rules. To us, 
sgain, it feems certain, that algebra can denionftrate its rules, 
juft as well as geometry. The fciences both reafon concerning 
<iuantity ; the ideas, in both, are equally clear and well defined ; 
they make ufe of the very fame axioms •, and, therefore, that the 
conclufions of the one fliould be more cert^iin than thofe of the other, 
what reafon can polfibly be affigncd ? Indeed, thofe mathematical 
reafonings, into which no idea of pofition is introduced, are not, 
ftriftly fpeaking, geometrical ; they are matliematical ; and if the 
xrithmctic fymbols are ufed, which will ia general contribute 
much to render them clearer and more concife, they become al- 
gebraic. The reproach, therefore, thrown againft this foience 
is ill-founded, and is injudicious; being calculated to diminilh the 
attention paid to a part of mathematical learning that is of the 
very firft importance. Farther, it is fo far from being abfurd 
to begin the Itudy of the matliematics with algebra, rather than 
geometry, that it has been the practice to do fo with fome of 
the nations who have made the greateft progrefs in mathematical 
learning. One very great difadvantage that would neceflarily 
nrife from forcing tlie ftudent of mathematics to read the feventh, 
8:c. of the dements, is, that it would detain him long in the 
ftudy of fynthetical reafonings, when he ought to be applying 
his mind to thofe that are analytical, and t"hat lead to underflancl 
the methods of invefti*j:ation. The fooner that the former method 
is abandoned for the latter, the fooner are the powers of invention 
called into aciion, and the more fpcedily do we acquire, not 
merely the knowledge of truth, but the capacity of difcovering 
it. As all the demonftrations in Ivaclid are fynthetical, the time 
fpent in the lludy of thofe books we now fpeak of, would be 
far better bellowed in gaining a knowledge of the aiialytical in- 
veftigations of algebra. It cannot indeed be denied, that manv 
of the fundamental truths of algebra might be better proved 
than they are in fome of the books of that fcience ; but this 
might certainly be done without abandoning the analytical me- 
thods, and without confuming time in the fludy of demonlha- 
tlons which, even when fully iinderftood, would not put the 
learner in poffeinou of the principle on -which they were dif- 
covered. 

Too great an attachment to fuch demonitratlons is perhaps one 
of the chief reafons why the mathematical fciences have been for 
a long time fo ftationary in this country, compared with what 
they have been among our neighbours on the Continent. If there 
be any truth in this remark, the plan recommended by the Bilhop 
of Rochcfler would tend greatly to retard the progrefj of fcience 

R 3 amongit 



26 Z Bj/hop HorfleyV Edition of Euclid. July 

amohgft us, and to increafe an evil, of which the magnitude is al« 
yeady fo much to be regretted. It is to be hoped, therefore, that 
they who have the care of the ftudies of the young men at the 
univerfities, will not hallily fufFcr themfelves to be led away by 
the confidence with which Dr Horfley delivers his opinion on this 
fubjecf. The work, however, contains a fuller cclledlion than 
ufual of the books of Euclid ; and will, for that reafon, be very- 
agreeable to thofe who are already verfed in mathematical ftudies, 
though, we apprehend, not very ufeful to thofe who are only 
begitming them. 

But, waving the confideration of the purpofe, we are now to 
examine the execution of this work, und in what refpedts the edi- 
tor has improved on thofe who went before him. He profciTes to 
have taken no afliltance from them, more cfpecially from Sinifon. 

* Qujecunqug autem fint ea, vel qualefqiiales, quas in editione hac 
noflra rccimiis emendationes, ducem in pierifqne eoruin Simsonum cer- 
tiffime uon fecuti fumus. lUud nobis propufitum fuit unice in EucUde 
emendando, Euclide ipfu duntaxat magiftru uti, per omnia intucri eum, 
et ad illius meiitem quantum lieri potuit omnia componere — ■Immo hoc 
jpfum erat ut rem non d'ffiteamnr quod primo omnium ad Opus hoc 
nollrum excitavit nos, certa niminim, et nunquam immutata opinio, 
Euclldem a bimfono fetmone Afiglico donatum juvcntutis academics 
iuftitutioni non fufficere, aut fatis tideliter veterum gcomttrarum me- 
thodum, qua; nunquam non ecy.^i!ii?-cir-/i eft, iis in confpedtu ponere. * 
(Prxf. adlla.) 

The maxim, of employing only Euclid for the purpofe of elu- 
cidating Euclid, feems at firit fight to be highly commendable, 
and to promife fomething very genuine and unfophiiticated. This, 
however, is a hollow and deceitful appearance ; for, in fa6l, nu 
rule of criticifm can be more injudicious and uniound. It is one 
which, if uniformly purfued, mufh prevent the accumulation of 
learning and knowledge \ and, inftead of placing every fcholiail 
on the {boulders of the preceding, would oblige him to begin 
his work anew, and execute the wiiole for himfeif. Had all men 
been vain enough to follow this maxim, the remains of antiquity, 
dug out from under the ruins of the barbarous ages, would not 
have gradually aflumed all the perfc6tion and elegance of the 
original compofitions j and the clalTics in the days of Heyne 
would have been in no refpe^l better than in thofe of Chryfoloras. 
A few giants in literature may have been entitled to guide them- 
felves by thjs rule ; but even they would have done more honour 
to themfelves by the breach of it, than the ohfcrvance. Such 
pretenfioiis are much more likely to attend w^nt of indufiiry and 
patience in refearch, or an excclhve feif-confidence, than to ac- 
company the poffeihon of real talents. But v/e mud not ccnfure 
■^ - DV 



1804. B'tfiop Horfley^'j Edition of Euclid, ii't'k 

I)r Horflcy too fevcrely on this ground ; for it will perhaps appeat 
that he has adhered lefs fcntpuloufly to his rule than tlie prtcedhig 
pafllige might lead us to imagine. 

As to what partieularly regards Simfon in the above pafHige, 
we acknowledge that the conftant attacks made by the learned 
Bilhop on that excellent geometer has excited our furprife, and of- 
ten our indignation. As an adept in the ancient geoJTsetry, a com- 
mentator on Euclid, and the reflorer of Apollornus, Simfon has 
merited the highelt praife. The fpirit of the ancient geometry 
was known to him in its full extent ; he ftudicd it with induitry 
and zeal ; and pofle^fTed more power over it, as an inftrument for 
the difcovery of truth, than any man of the prefent age, if we 
except his pupil and friend, the late Dr Mathew Stewart. OF 
this, his reftoration of the Loci PlanI, the Problems in his Conic 
Sections, and his reftoration -of the Porifms of Euclid, bear am- 
ple teftimony. His Euclid, though not admitting, like the works 
juft named, the fame exertion of original and inventive powers, is 
a model for the accuracy of its reafonings. What Dr Horfley re- 
fers to, therefore, when he fpeaks of it as giving but an imper- 
feft idea of the extrenie accuracy of the ancient geometry, we 
are unable to comprehend. Had he contented himlelf with fay- 
ing that Simfon is now and then prohx, and that his notes are 
fbmetimes unneceiTary, we could havefeen reafon for what he faid, 
at leaft in a few cafes ; but of this we cannot find a fingle inflance 
to juftify the remark. As he has not fpecified what he meant 
particularly to fpeak of as deftitute of geometric ux^i/2tM In Sim- 
fon, we cannot know precifely at what point the defence fhould 
be made ; but we fhall proceed to corifider on what his own pre- 
tenfions to fuperior accuracy are founded. 

For that purpofe we muft look particularly into thofe parts 
where the elements of geometry involve fome difficulty in them ; 
and if Dr Horfley has got over thofe in a more mafterly way 
than any other editor, the oftentatlous difplay in his preface will 
more eafily be forgiven. 

One of the firft queftions that has ufually exerclfed the ingenu- 
ity of the editors ot Euclid, and the writers on elementary geo- 
metry in general, relates to parallel lines. It is eafy to {how, that 
two lines having certain relations in their pofition with refpedl: to 
another line, will never meet j but it is very difficult, from the 
mere negative confideration of two lines not meeting, to (how 
what relation of pofition they muft neceilarily have to a third line. 
Euclid himfelf could find no other method of doing this, than 
by introducing an axiom, which almoft every body has objected 
to as wanting one very eflentlal property of an axiom, that 
«f felf- evidence. Mathematicians have therefore exerted them- 

B. 4 ftjlves, 



264 Sy^^P HorfleyV Edttloti of Euclid. July 

felves, In a variety of ways, to remove this difficulty, fome with 
jnore, and fome with lefs fuccefs •, but none in a manner that has 
given entire fatisfaction. It has, however, we think, fared worfe 
with nobody in this matter than our author. Euclid hid laid it 
down as an axiom, that lines which make with a third line the 
two interior angles lefs than two right angles, muft meet, if pro- 
duced ; and this propofition Dr I iorfley endeavours to demon- 
ftrate ; but he does fo by a procefs of reafoning whicli involves 
another axiom taken for granted without being cxprciTed -, this is, 
that lines which incline toward one anotlicr, or have, as he calls 
it, their dire£lions ad fe inviceni, muil meet, if produced ; where 
pot only a new axiom, but alfo a new definition (that of the 
words inclined ad fc hivicem, or toward one another) is implied. 
Now, if this definition be fupplied, the axiom jutl mentioned will 
\)e found the very fame with that of Euclid, that is, with the 
propofition which it was Dr Horflcy's purpole to demonilrate : 
His demonftration is therefore nothing more than a begging oi 
die cjueftion, concealed under the obfcurity of a new ajid unde- 
fined exprefljon. Such is the firfi; example which he gives 
of geometrical precifion, when he is fairly left to himfelf, and 
has not Euclid for his guide. Dr Simfon has treated of this 
fame fubje^V, with confiderable prolixity, we will acknowledge, 
and \(vithout any tiling remarkably happy or ingenious in his de- 
monftration j but in a manner perfedly logical and accurate. 
Indeed, we are fully perfuatlcd, that if it had been propofcd to 
that geometer to commit to the flames all that he had ever writ- 
ten concerning Euclid, or to infert the demonftration which Dr 
Poriley has given of this propofition, he would have'fubmitted 
much more readily to the former than the latter mortification. 
The reader who will perufc with attention the corollary which Dr 
Horfley has annexed to the 28th of the firfl of luiclid, will not 
think that in thefe remarks we have done him any injuflice. 

In the beginning of the third book of Euclid, jt is flated as 
a definition, that equal circles are thofe of which the diameters 
pre equal. This, however, is evidently not a definition, but a 
theorem ; and is very improperly given as a definition by Euclid, 
or, as is more probable, by fome of his editors. Dr llovfley 
has made an axiom of it, and this alfo feems not very agreeable 
to ftricl logic J for, as it is capable of being proved, by laying 
the one circle on the other, and fliewing that they may wholly 
coincide, fo it ought to be proved in that manner, becaufe the 
notion of equality has been before laid down as founded on the 
coincidence of magnitude ; and no other idea of equality, but 
what is founded on this definition, and on the application to it 
of the other two axioms, that if equals are added to ec^uals, oy 

takei^ 



1804. BiJJjop Horfley'j- Edition of Euclid. 265 

taken from them, the refults are equal, can ever be admitted In- 
to geometry. 

The fifth book of Euclid, which treats of the fubtle and dif- 
ficult fubjeft of proportion, is the part of the elements wliich 
has molt exercifed the llcill and ingenuity of commentators, and 
has given rife to much difpute, not concerning the conclufions, 
but concerning the mode of reafoning which the Greek geome- 
ter has employed. In this part Dr liorfley confiders himfelf as 
having made great improvements, though, when we compare 
his edition with Simfon's, except in one particular, we are quite 
at a lofs to perceive in what they confilt. Yet, to hea4' hini 
fpeak of them, one would imagine that, before his time, the 
lifth of Euclid was quite unintelligible : ' Siquidem omnia, * 
fays he, * a nobis Ita difpofita funt ut tandem aliquando, (aitcL 
rivtx; o6i Kxi Tu%iuq explicetur hasc definitionum ferie?, impedita an- 
.tea, et mire interturb.ua. Fac enim in iifclem periculum, prout 
apud alias elementorum editiones extant, et nihil Inveneris, quod 
aut perfpicuum, aut ad doclrinam utile, aut denique lis quibus 
interpoiritur fatis confonum eft. Rem ipfam deinde perpendito 
et fubdu£tis rationibus, quomodo ex falebris hifce quis fe expe- 
diat aliter quam nos fecimus, ut opinor vix invenies : ' (Pr.ef. 7. 
ad fin.) Confidering what men they are who have undertaken 
to explain the matter in queftion before Dr Horfley, this may 
be confidered as one of tlie rnofl ample panegyrics which any 
mathematician, fince the days of Cardan, has ventured to pro- 
nounce on his own performances. Yet we mult acknowdedge, 
that, after following the directions here given to his readers, 
^ fubdiiFiis rationibusy^ the alterations he fpeaks of, feem all, ex- 
cept one, to be extremely immaterial. 

This onty whicJi feems of more importance than the reft, 
relates to the feventh definition, that oi greater and lefs ratioy on 
which Dr Horfley makes a remark, which we believe to be juft, 
but by no means new. The remark is, that ratio being a rela- 
tion, and not a quaiuity, greater or lefs, equal or unequal are 
not predicable of it •, ib that to fpeak of one ratio being greater 
, than another, is a eatachreftic exprelhon. When we fay, for 
initance, that the ratio of A to B is greater than that of C to D, 
we mean that A is greater than that magnitude which has to B 
the fame ratio that C has to D. This is without doubt true in 
ftricinefs ; and the fame obfervation is made, and very well il- 
iuUrated, by Barrow in his Mathematical Lediyes (le(£l. 20.), 
where he maintains againfl Gregory of St Vincents, Meibomius, 
Borelli, and others, that ratio is not quantity, and not ftriflly 
fufceptible of greater and lels ; and he adds, that when one ra- 
rlo is calkd greater than ^nether, it is by a kind of catachrefis 

or 



*2^<5 'B'jfiop Horfley'j Edition of Euclid. July 

tjr metoftimy, which is the fame langaajre that Dr Horfley 
has employed. Barrow, hovvever, though he has faid every 
thing on the fubje(a: of this definition, and the others that re- 
late to proportion, which could be expected from a man oi pro- 
found learning and great acutenefs, has not propofed to make 
any change on the definition itfelf, nor on the demonftrations 
founded on it. Dr Horfley has changed the former to one which 
he thinks preferable to what is ufually given as Euclid's : feveral 
demonftrations are changed in confequence of this, and they are 
perhaps in fome refpeds improved ; but they are certainly very 
different from the demonftrations of Euclid, and employ a pof- 
tulatum which he has never admitted into the fifth book. This, 
however, is the only change of any importance, that Dr Horfley 
feems to have made in the doctrine of proportion ; the advan- 
tage from it Is at beft but inconfiderable, and, at the fame time, 
the alteration feems rather to exceed that which a commentator 
has a right to make on his author's text. * 

In the fixth book nothing occurs that requires to be taken no- 
tice of. The four books that follow are given with very little 
change from Gregory's folio edition. 

In the eleventh and twelfth, where folids are treated of, the 
books of Euclid have been thought to require fome alteration. 
In this part, the Elements have been much indebted to Simfon, 
«,vho firft (hewed that Euclid's idea of equal and fimilar folids 
was not accurate. Euclid holds thofe folids to be equal which 
are contained by the fame number of fimilar and equal plane fi- 
gures •, and yet it can be (hewn, that folids may be unequal in 
any proportion, though contained by fuch planes. This error 
was firll pointed out by Simfon ; and Dr Horfley, without tak- 
ing any notice of that circumftance, corredts Euclid's idea near- 
ly as he had done. The great accuracy of Simfon was eminent- 
ly (liewn in this part of the Elements; and he was the firft who 
delivered the method of comparing folids with ftricSl geometric 
accuracy. It is curious that this honour fhould have remained 
for a geometer who wrote fo late as Simfon ; and it is not a lit- 
tle extraordinary, that any one (hould now treat of the fame 
fubje£t, and avail himfelf of all his improvements, without 
taking any notice of the perfon by whom they were firft fug- 
gefted. This may be what Dr Horfley means, when he fays, 

* Sivifonum 

* Euclid gave no definition of compound ratio, though he ufes the 
fxpreffion, and though it is certainly one that required to be explained. 
Dr Horfley follows Euclid in this, which is furely a dcfed j butj to 
have done oihervvif;', he mull have followed Sirnfoiu 



Tr804. B'lfiop Horfley'/ EMon of Etifltd. i6f 

* Sim/onuin duiem m'lnhne Jccui'i fiimus, ' Not to acknowledge 'i 
leader, may certainly be laid, not to follow him. 

In the twenty- fixth of the eleventh it is propofed to make a 
folid an^ile equal to a given folid angle, at a point in a given 
line. Of this problem, Euclid himfelf has given a very im- 
perfe61:, and indeed^ a faulty folution, for which Simfon fubfti- 
tuted another, quite accurate, but net very hnppily conceived, 
nor fo extenfive as the nature of the thing requires. Dr Horf- 
tey has been more fuccefsful in correcting this error \ he has 
given a very fimple and general folution of the problem ; and 
this faperiority, he does not leave the reader to difcgVer, but 
announces it with no fmall exultation. * Problematis de quo 
a:git propofitio libri XI. viceiTma f^-xta, fol'utionent aiijecimus 
uberiorem multo, quam quae ex angujlh fids prindpiis a Sira- 
fono prolata eft. ' 

Now, though it is true that Dr Floriley's folution is more 
elegant and more general than Simfon's, this funeriority might 
have been announced in lefs ofFenfive tern-is. The problem 
is by no means of great difficulty ; it admits of feveral folu- 
tion?, fome of them even more fimpIe than that of Df Horf- 
ley ; but nothing that relates to fo eafy an inveftigation can 
decifively mark the genius of the inventor. A geometer, be> 
caufe his folution was not the belt or mod elegant, fliould not 
be charged with a limited and imperfect knowledge of the prin- 
ciples of his own fcience. Indeed, 'we are at a lofs to know 
what is here meant by the angufla principia of Simfon. His 
notions with regard to mathematics in- general, might in fome 
refpe£ls be accounted narrow and confined : he entertained 
flrong and unreafonahle prejudices againft the algebraic methods 
of inveftigation, and feemed continually jealous of the encroach- 
ments which a barbarous rival (as he thought ic) was every day 
making on his favourite fcience. This is confcfTed on all hands; 
and to fuch prejudices the phrafe above quoted might not im- 
properly be applied. But here the queftion is only concerning 
a matter of pure geometry, in which the extent and fertility of 
his genius were never before queftioned. The truth feems to 
be, that his excellence in this fcience was too great, to allow his 
defe£ts to be eafily palled over. 

On the fubjedt of the eleventh book, we muft alfo remark, 
that Euclid, contrary to his cuftom, and not very confiftently 
with the rules of found logic, has given two definitions of a 
folid angle, of which one only is retained by Simfon. The de- 
finition retained is, that a folid angle is that which is formed by 
the meeting in a point of feveral plane angles which are not in 
the fame plane. The other definition is, that a folid angle is 
the mutual inclination of more than two ftraight lines which 

meet. 



t6$ B'ljhop HorfleyV Edition of Euclid, July- 

meet, but are not in the fame plane. Dr Horfley, In the fpirit 
of which we have feen fo many examples, remarks, 

* Infcite admodum Simfonus definitlonum anguli folidl, quas duas 
Euclidis pofui't, altera repudiata alteram illam retinere maluit quse vel 
minus univerfalis eft, vel fi aliter, ca faltem dc qua univerfalem effe, non 
eque manifeftum eft. ' 

This, we will not hefitate to fay, is a very uncandid criticifm. 
There could be no reafon for retaining both definitions, as they 
either meant the fame thing, or they did not : If they meant 
the fame thing, one of them might be rejected ; if they meant 
different things, one of them mujl be rejeiled, otherwife we 
mud call different things by the fame name. Simfon, finding 
himfelf in this dilemma, retained the definition which mod rea- 
dily prefents to the mind that idea of a folid angle, which is the 
fubje£t of invefligation in the Elements. Dr Horfley alleges 
that the other definition is more general, and that Euclid may 
have meant to include the vertex of a cone, or of any furface 
that terminates in a point, under the notion of a folid angle. 
But of this we have no proof; for notliing is more certain, than 
that he never takes the woxAs folid angle in fuch a fenfe, in any 
part of the Elements. Indeed, to have done fo, was quite un- 
fuitable to the ufual accuracy of his language. If he had ever 
called a cone by the name of a pyramid ; if he had faid that 
the circumference of a circle was but a polygon of an infinite 
number of fides; if ever he had made any fuch deviation from 
the rigour of geometrical language — he might alfo have faid that 
a conical furface is made up of an infinite number of infinitely 
fmall plane angles. As he has never fpoken in this manner, we 
have no reafon to think that he ever meant to do fo, nor would 
Dr Elorfley, we believe, liave afcribed to him that intention, 
but for the fake of accufing tSimfon of ignorance, ' Infcit} admo- 
dum Sifrfofius. ' Our belief, therefore, in the ignorance of the 
latter, and the candour of the former, feems to reft on a very 
flight foundation. 

The other work announced at the beginning of this article, is 
the book of Euclid's Data, from the fame editor, and with the 
addition of feme mathematical tracts of his own. This book, 
as being the foundation of the geometric analyfis, certainly de- 
ferves that the greatefl attention fhould be exerted to give it to 
the public in the raofl perfect flate. Some few inaccuracies 
ieem to have entered originally into the compofition of it. In 
the fourth definition, for example, as it ftands in the Greek, 
and as it is given in the edition before us, there is without doubt 
an error ; for it is there faid that lines, points and fpaces are 
given in pofition which preferve always the fame fituation. Now, 
\i the word ' given ' were re;^lly taken in fuch latitude as this, 

(fynonymou* 



1804. B'l/hop'^QX^tfs Edition of Euclid. 'zd^- 

(fynonymous with conftant or fixt) it would follow, as Siuifon 
has juftly remarked, that a ftraight line dividing any given an-> 
gle, in any given ratio, muft be given in pofition, which is not 
true, becaufe that pofition, though a thing determined in itfclf, 
cannot be found, except in a few cafes, by plane geometry. 
This limit therefore, is evidently implied, that the things prov- 
ed to be given, mull be found by the rules of plane geometry, 
that is, by conftrudions formed on the three populates prefixed 
to the Elements. Dr Simfon, therefore, exprelTed this defini- 
tion ditferentiy from what it is in the Greek -, and faid that 
points, lines and fpaces are given in pofition, which have always 
the fame fituation, and which are either adlually exhibited, or 
can be found. Even the addition thus made, is not fufficiently 
precife ; for by being actually exhibited or found, is underftood 
that they 'are found by the principles explained in the Elements. 

Dr Horfley has paid no attention to thefe circumflances, but 
has followed exactly the Greek text, and has thus difcharged one 
part of the duty of a commentator at the expence of another. 
A fimilar remark may be made on his demonftration of the fe- 
cond propoiition, where, by leaving out a limitation which Sim- 
fon had introduced, he has preferved the text, to the great pre- 
judice of the fenfe. 

In the general conduct of the book, however, little occurs to 
be cenfured, and not much to be praifed, if we confider what 
others had done before. Simfon's edition of the Data always 
appeared to us to be excellent, and to admit of very little im- 
provement ; and in this opinion we are confirmed by the work 
before us. Dr Horfley, indeed, has added a fecond book to die 
Datay and has given, in a feparate trad:, a feledion of problems 
refolved by the geometric analyfis. We doubt, however, whe- 
ther the firfl; of thefe is a work of real utility ; not that we 
doubt at all that new geometrical truths have their value, in what- 
ever Ihape they appear, but becaufe they cannot always be pro- 
per for elementary indrudion. Propo'fitions of this nature may 
be multiplied witliout end ; and it is neceflary to make a felec- 
tion of thofe that are of moil extenfive application, and are nioft 
frequently referred to, in order that the young geometer may 
retain them in his mind, and have them always ready to be ap- 
plied. The great fecret for preparing a young man to exert his 
talents in invelligation, as well as in any thing elfe, is to fend 
him out furniflied with all the principles neceflary to be known, 
but loaded with as few as poflible of thofe that are not neceflary, 
or that may be eafily fupplied by his own ingenuity. The truths 
or principles that are not every day called for, had better be 
fupplied by the invention than the memory. 

The 



470 BiJIjcp HorfleyV Edltkn of Euclid. July 

The utility of the other little traft juft mentioned, the De- 
leBui Probiemctirin^ cannot be doubted. It is a work exa6lly of 
the kind that is moft wanted as an elementary jnjlituiion in this 
branch of fcience. The problems are in general well chofen, 
with ingenious and elegant folutions, laid down llriOiIy accord- 
ing to the method of the ancient geometers- 
Some remarks, that form. ■& fchoUii^n at the end of the Bata^ 
contain an encomium on the geometric analyfis, but tending too 
much to deprefs the algebraic. This fhould be carefully avoid- 
ed ; and, however fenfible we may be of the^ great beauty and 
elegance of the former, and of the valuable effe£ts produced by 
the ftudy of it on the powers of the min,d, we fliould not for- 
get, that in tlie moft general and difficult fpeculations of the 
pure matlieniatics, and in all the moft important branches of 
the mixt, it is tlie iatter only that can be employed to advantage- 
An accurate inquiry into the extent of their different provinces, 
and into the principles on which the difference between the two 
branches of analyfis depends, are objects tliat well deferve the 
attention of mathematicians. Dr Horfley has not touched on 
that fubjed. 

One of the tracls in this volume contains the re-invention of 
a fort of tabic, known by the name of the Sieve of Eratofthenes^ 
which appears to be no other than a method of finding out the 
prime numbers. If the contrivance of the Greek geometer 
was the fame with Dr Horfley's, which we think extremely pro- 
bable, it was very fimple, and confifted in ranging all the num- 
bers, I, 2, 3, &c. in a table, and effacing from that table, in 
fucceffion, all the multiples of 2, of 3, of 5, 7, &c. ; fo that 
what remained mult obvioufly be the prime numbers, or fuch as 
are not multiples of any other number. This device, though 
fomewhat ingenious, is fimple and obvious enough; fo that 
we cannot acquiefce in the very high encomium which Dr 
Horfley beftows on it. * Cribrum igitur Eratofthenis, ledlor 
benevole, jam tibi ut fruaris eo, in manus traditum eft, non 
fitlum aliquid aut adulterinum, fed quale ab au£lore ipfo oiim 
illud concinnatum effe omnino exiftimandum eft. Quin et illud 
te rnonitum effe velim, inter veterum mathematicorum inventa, 
vix in aliud quodvis te incidere poffe, quod vel magis artificiofe, 
vel magis ad utilitatem (in iis faltem quae calculo indaganda funt) 
ufpiam excogitatum eft. ' 

Now, of the great ingenuity of this invention, we fee no 
proof: Nothing is performed here, but what has been done, 
and that very nearly in the fame way, by every one who ever 
^^^ about forming a table of the divifors of numbers. The 
prime numbers have their places^ in fuch a table, afcertained- 

alm.oft 



1804- Bijljop Horfley'j Edition of Euclid. 27 1' 

almoft exa£lly in the fame manner as in the Sieve of Eratoflhe- 
nes 5 and there feems hardly any arithmetical device more fim- 
ple or more obvious. Yet Dr Horfley holds it up, in this paf- 
fage, as one of the mod ingenious and fubde inventions of the 
ancients in matters of arithmetic. To us it feems, on the other 
hand^ that there is hardly a problem in all tl\e thirteen arith- 
metical books of Diophantus, that does not difplay vaflly more 
ingenuity and contrivance. The liivention is ufeful, becaufe, in 
many refearches, it is of importance to dlftinguilh the prime 
numbers. This, however, is the fsmpleft problem which can be 
propofed with refpecl to thefe numbers, and throws no hght at 
all on thofe that are more difficult. If a number, beyond the 
limits of the table of prime numbers, is given ; to find whether 
it be a prime number, or not, is fometimes a work of much 
difficulty ; and what is faid here, will not help us to the folu- 
tion of it. Were it propofed, for inllancc, to find whether 
262657 be a prime number, we fliould find the inveftigation re- 
quire fome thought, and would . derive no benefit from the 
Sieve. 

The tra£i: on the Sieve of Eratofthencs was publifiied in the 
Philofophical Tranfactions many years ago, and is nov.^ repub- 
lifhed, having, as the author informs us, been abridged and 
tranflated into Latin by the Dean of Chrlft-Church. He alfo 
expreiTes his thankfulnefs to Dr Jacklbn for affiiling him in draw- 
ing up his prefaces ■■, and adds, ' Particeps igitur laborum in lau- 
dis etiam partem veniat. ' Some will no doubt fay, that as the 
labour has been but fmall, the glory muft be little in proportion ; 
but all will confefs, that the lefs a morfel is, there is the more me- 
rit in dividing it with another ; and that, on the prefent occa- 
(ion, it is highly edifying to fee thefe two great men fitting down 
contentedly to fo meagre a repaft. 

The volume which we are now treating of, befides the trails 
sdready enumerated, contains a book on Sphxricks, from the 
firft and fecond of Theodofius, in which the propofitlons de- 
monftrated are very elementary, and the whole not very interell- 
ing, as keeping at a great diftance from any application to fphe- 
rical trigonometry : Next comes the meafure of the circumfe- 
rence of the circle, from Archimedes : And, lalUy, Keii's differ- 
tatlon on Logarithms, as ufually annexed to his Euclid ; a work 
of great merit, and which is here accompanied with notes by 
Dr Horfley, that are many of them very ufeful, and net a few 
which, though ufeful, appear ludicrous from the patade with 
which they are brought forward. At p. 1 34, Dr Horiley finds 
the logarithm of the cube root of a decimal fraflion by a pro- 
cefs a, little different from the common, and, as he thinks, fome- 
} wha^ 



ztV^ Bi/JjopB-ox^cfs Edition of Euclid. July 

\vliat erifjer. He immediately (lops to admire the ingenuity of the 
proceeding ; yet, the device which the learned Bilhop efleems fo 
ijiuch, is one for which a mailer might applaud a very young pupil 
who had difcovered it of himlelf, and, in doing fo, he would al- 
low it its full meafure of praife ; for, in reality, it amounts to 

no more than that '- is equal to — — | — . Yet the 

3 ..33 

conimentator of Newton calls this a difcovery which he had 
made, Dis propitiis ufus. The rule. Nee Dens interfit nijt digitus 
-vitidice nodus accident^ was probably never more violated in poe- 
tical fiction than it is here, amid the iobriety of an arithmetical 
calculation. 

The two volumes which we have now been confidering, 
were preceded by another publiflied in 1801, the whole being 
intended to make one entire courfe of elementary, geometry. 
That volum.e, as well as the other two, contains many things 
ufeful to a beginner, and particularly in wliat regards the applica- 
tion of arithmetic to geonietry. Yet the three together will form 
it courfe of which the parts are not very accurately proportioned, 
nor very happily arranged -, and he who would ufe it as his text, 
mud fupply many things, retrench feveral, and tranfpofe not a few. 
.But the work, whatever may be its defects, manifeits a degree of 
knowledge .and talent which would deferve praife, if it came for- 
ward with lefs ollentation, and a lefs marked contempt for others. 
It is a proof of no common activity of mind, and talte for fcience, 
in a llation which has fometimes been thought too high, or too 
facrcd for the exercife of thcfe fublunary virtues : And, to the 
credit of the learned Prelate, it fliould alfo be obferved, that his 
love of fcience has not turned him afide from the duties of his 
profefllon ; that his invelligations take a very extenllve range ; and 
that, while he finds leifure to comment on Euclid and Eratof- 
thenes, he demonllrates, beyond all contradicl;ion, that France 
is not a country with wings, and that geographic maps were un- 
known to the prophet Ifaiah. 



Art, 



1804. Hayley's Life of CoiuJ>erj FoL III. 273 

Art. II. T/je Life and Pofhumoiis Writings of William Coiuper, Efq. 
fwith an Lnlrodu^iary Letter to the Right Honourable Earl Cowper, 
By William Haylcy, ETq. Vol. III. 410. pp. 416. Johnfor, 
London. 1804. 

* I 'ttis Is the continuation of a v^ork of which we formerly fub- 
•*- milted a very ample account and a very full charafter to our 
readers : * on that occafion, we took the liberty of obferving, that two 
quarto volumes fcemed to be almolt as much as the biography of 
a.fecludcd fcholar was entitled to occupy ; and with a little judi- 
cious compreflion, we are Hill of opinion that the life and corre- 
fpondence of Cowper might be advantageoully included in fomc- 
what narrower limits. We are by no means difpofed, however, 
to quarrel with this third volume, which is more interefting, if 
poffibic, than either of the two former, and will be read, we have 
no doubt, with general admiration and delight. 

Though it bears the title of the life of Cowper, this volume 
contains no farther particulars of his hillory, but is entirely made 
up of a colle£tion of his letters, introduced by a long, rambling- 
fort of diflertation on letter- writing in general, from the pen of 
ins biographer. This prologue, we think, poffefTes no peculiar 
merit. The writer has no vigour, and very little vivacity ; his 
mind feems to be cultivated, but not at all fertile •, and, while he 
always keeps at a fafe diftance from extravagance or abfurdity, he 
does not feem to be uniformly capable of diilinguilhing afFedtation 
from elegance, or dulnefs from good judgment. This difcourfe 
upon letter-writing, in fliort, contains nothing that might not have 
been omitted with confulerable advantage to the publication ; and 
we are rather inclined to think, that thofe who are ambitious of 
being introduced to the prefence of Cowper, will do well Hot ta 
linger very long in the antichamber with RTr Hayley. 

Of the letters themfelves, we may fafely aflert, that we have 
rarely met with any fimilar colle£l:ion, of fuperior intereft or beau- 
ty. Though the incidents to which they relate be of no public 
magnitude or moment, and the remarks Vvdiich they contain be 
not uniformly profound or original, yet there is fomething in the 
fwcetnefs and facility of the didlion, and more perhaps in the 
glimpfes they afford of a pure and benevolent mind, that difFufes 
a charm over the whole colleftion, and communicates an intereft: 
that cannot always be commanded by performances of greater dig- 
nity and pretenfion. This interell was promoted and affifted, no 
doubt, in a conliderable degree, by that curiofity which alwavs 
feeks to penetrate into the privacy of celebrated men, and whicli 
had been almoft entirely fruftrated in the inllance of Cowper, till 
the appearance of this publication. Though his writings had 
' VOL. IV. NO. 8. S long; 

* Vol. IT, p. 64, 3cc, 



T.T4 Hay ley' J L'/c of Cowpery Vol. Ill, Jiily 

i'ong been extremely popular, the author was fcarcely known to the 
public ; and having lived in a (late of entire feclufion from the world, 
tliere were no anecdot-es of his con-verfation,. his habits or opinions, 
in circulation among his admirers. The publication of his corre- 
Ipondcnce has in a gnrat meafure fupplied tliis deficiency \ and wc 
BOW know almoil as much of Cowper as we do of thofe authors 
who have fpeut their days in the ceat.e and gl 're of literary or 
faihionable notori-ity. Thele ktters, however, will continue to- 
be read long after the curiofity is g,ratificd to which perhaps they 
owed their fiv'.l celebrity ; for tlie character with which they 
niiiks us acquainted, w'ill always attraft by its rarity, and engage 
by its elegance. The feminine delicacy and purity of Cowper's 
manners and difpofition, the romantic and unbroken retirement m 
■which his life was pailed, and the hngular gentlcncfs and mo- 
defty of his whole characler, difarm him of thofe terrors that fo 
often filed an atmofphere of repulfion around the perlons of cele- 
brated writers, and make us more indulgent to his weaknefTes, 
and more delighted with his excellences, than if he had been the 
centre of a circle of wits, or the oracle of a literary confederacy. 
The iuterel'i of this picture is flill farther heightened by the recol- 
lection of that tremendous malady, to the viiitations of which lie 
was iiibjc6t-, and by the fpedtaele of that perpetual conflict which 
was maintained, through th.e greater part of his life, between the 
dcprefiion, of thofe Gonilituiional horrors, and the gayety that re- 
inked from a playful imagination, and a heart animated by the 
mildcll atTeclions. 

In tiie letters now before us, Cowper difplays a great deal of 
all thofe peculiarities by which his characler was adorned or dif- 
tlnguiflied •, he is frequently the fubje6t of his own obfervations, and 
often delineates the tiner features of his underftanding with all the 
induftry and impartiality of a ftranger. But the mofl interefting traits 
are thofe which are vmintentionally difcovered, and Vv^hich the reader 
colk6ts from expreffions that were employed for very different pur- 
pofes. Among the moll obvious, perhaps, as well as the mod 
important of thefe, is that extraordinary combination of fhynefs 
and amibition, to which we are probably indebted for the very 
exiftence of his poetry. Being difqualified, by the former, from 
vindicating his proper place in the ordinary fcenes either of bufi- 
nefs or of fociety, he was excited, by the latter, to attempt the 
only other avenue to reputation that appeared to be open, and to 
aflert the real dignity of the talents w^ith which he felt that he was 
gifted. If Cowper had acquired courage enough to read the jour- 
nals of the Houfe of Lords, or been able to get over the diffidence 
which fettered his utterance in general fociety, his genius would 
probably have evaporated in converfationj or been contented with 

the 



l8f04. HayleyV Life of Cowper, Vol. lit. aj^ 

the humbler glory of contributuig to the Rolliad or the Connoif- 
feur. 

As the prefent colle(n:!on relates to no particular fet of fub- 
je6ls or occurrences, but exhibits a view of the author's mif- 
cellaneous correfpondence with the few intimate friends he had 
retained, it is impoffible to give any abftraft of its contents, oi^ 
to obfervc any order in the extratlis that may be made from it. 
We fliall endeavour however to introduce as great a variety as 
polhble. 

Though living altogether in retirement, Cowper appears to have 
retained a very nice perception of the proprieties of condu6t 
and manners, and to have exercifed a great deal of acutenefs 
and fagacity upon' the few fubjefts of practical importance 
which he had occafion to confider. The following fketch is by 
a fine and mafterly hand, and proves how much a bafliful reclufe 
may excel a gentleman from the grand tour in delicacy of ob- 
fervation and juif notions of politenefs. 

' Since I wrote laft, we had a vifit from — — . I did tiot feel my- 

felf vehemently difpofed to receive him with that complaifance, from 
which a ftranger generally infers that he is welcome. By his manner, 
which was rather bold than eafy, I judt^ed that there was no occafion 
for it, and that it was a trifle which, if he did not meet with, neither 
would he feel the want of: He has the air of a travelled man, but not 
of a travelled gentleman ; is quite delivered from that referve, which ia 
8o common an ingredient in the Engh'fii charafter, yet does not open 
himfelf gently and gradually, as men of polite behaviour do, bat burfta 
upon you all at once. He talks very loud, and when our poor little 
robins hear a great noife, they are immediately (eized with an ambitioni 
to fnrpafs it — the increafe of their vociferation occafioncd an increafe 
of his, and his in return, afted as a (limulus upon theirs — neither fide 
entertained a thought of giving up the contctt, which became conti- 
nually more interefting to our tars, during the whole vifit. The birds 
however, furvived it, and fo did we. They perhaps flatter themfelvcs 

they gained a complete viftory, but I believe Mr could have 

killed them both in another hour. ' p. 17. i8. 

Cowper's antipathy to public fchools is well known to all the 
readers of his poetry. There are many excellent remarks on 
that fubj;cl in thefe letters. We can only fmd room for the 
following. 

* A public education is often recommended as the mod efFe(Sual re- 
medy for that bafhful, and awkward rettraint, fo epidemical among the 
youth of our couTitry. Bat 1 vsrily believe, that, inftead of being a 
cure, it is often the caufe of it. For feven or eight years of bis life, 
the bov has hardly feen or converfed with a man, or a woman, except 
the maids at his boarding houfe. A gentleman, or a lady, are confe- 
quently fuch novelties to him, that he is perfectly at a Lfs to know 

S 2 what 



27^ Bzyley' s Life cf Coivpefy Vol. Ifl. Ju'lf 

tvhat fort of behaviour he fhoiild preferve before them. He plays with 
his buttons, or the Itrings of his hat, he Wows liis nofe, and hangis 
down his head, is confcious of his own deficiency to a degree, that 
makes him quite unhappy, and trembles left any one fliould fpeak to 
him, becaufe that would quite overwhelm' him. Is not all this miler- 
able fliynefs the efietft of his education ? To me it appears to be fo. 
If he faw good company every day, he would never be terrified at the 
fight of it, and a room full of ladies and gentlemen, would alarm him 
no more than the chairs they lit on. Such is the cffed of cultom. ' 
p. 60. 

There is much acutenefs in the following examination of 
Dr Paley^s argument in favour of the Englilh hierarchy. 

* He fays firft, that the appointment of various' orders in the Church, 
is attended with this good confequence, that each clafj of people is 
fupplied with a clergy of their own level and defcription, with whom 
they may live and affociate on terms of equality. But in order to ef- 
fect this good purpofe, there ought to he at leaft three parfons in every 
parifii, one for the gentry, one for the traders and mechanics, and one 
for the loweft of the vulgar. Neither is it eafy to find many parifhes, 
where the laity at targe have any fociety with their miiiifter at all. This 
therefore is fanciful, and a mere invention : in the next place he fays 
it gives a dignity to the miniftry itftlf ; and the clergy fliare in the re- 
fpeft paid to their fuperiors. Much good may fuch participation do 
them ! They themfelves know how little it amounts to. The dignity 
a parfon derives from the lawn fleeves, and fqnare cap of his dioccfan, 
will never endanger his humility. Again — ' Rich and fplendid fitua- 
tions in tlie Church, have been juftly regarded as prizes, held out to 
invite perfons of good hopes, and ingenuous attainments. ' Agreed. 
But the prize held out in the fcripture, is of a very different kind ; and 
our ecclefiaftical baits ate too often fnapped by the worthlefs, and pet- 
fons of no attainments at all. They are indeed incentives to avarice 
and ambition, but not to thofe acquirements, by which only the minii- 
terial fuiidtion can be adorned, zeal for the falvatfon of men, humility, 
and felf-denial. Mr Palcy and I therefore cannot agree. ' p. 172. 173. 
One of the moft remarkable things in this volume,, is the 
great profufion of witty and humorous paffages which it con- 
tains, though they are ufually fo fliort, and (land io much con- 
netled with more indifferent matter, that it is not eafy to give 
any tolerable notion of them by an extra£l. His ftyle of nar- 
rative is particularly gay and pleafmg, though the incidents are 
generally too trilling to bear a feparation froai the whole tifTue 
of the correfpondence. We venture on the following account 
of an election vifit. 

' As when the fea is uncommonly agitated, the water finds its way 
into creeks and holes of rocks, which in its calmer ftate it never reaches, 
in like manner the effcdl of thefe turbulent times is felt even at Orch- 
lard^Iide^ where in general we live as undifturbed by the political ele- 

icent^ 



lB04' Haylcy*/ Life of Cowper, Vol. III. rZJ^ 

iment, as Hirlmps or cockles that have been accidentally depofited in 
fome hollow beyond the water mark, by the ufual daOiicig of the waves. 
We were fitting yefterday after dinner, the two ladies and myfelf, very 
compofedly, and without the leaft; apprehenfion of any fuch intrufion, 
in our fnug parlour, one lady knitting, the other netting, and the 
gentlennan winding worfled, when to our unfpea.kable furprife, a mob 
3ppeared before the window, a fmart rap was heard at the door, the 
boys halloo'd, and the maid announced Mr G . Pufs * was un- 
fortunately let out of her box, fo that the candidate, with all his good 
friends at his heels, was refufed admittance at the grand entry, and 
sreferred to the back door, as the only poffible way of approach. 

* Candidates are creatures not v«ry iuiceptible of affronts, and would 
rather, I fuppofe, climb in at a window, than be abfolutely excluded. 
In a minute, tfie yard, the kitchen, and the parlour, were filled. Mr 

G , advancing toward me, fhook me by the hand with a degree 

of cordiality that was extremely feducing. As foon as he, and as many 
as could fiiid chairs were feated, he began to open the intent of his 
vifit. I told him I h - 1 no vote, for which he readily gave me credit, 
I affured him I had no influence, which he was not equally inclined to 

believe, and the lef* no doubt becaufe Mr A , addrcfling him- 

felf -to me at that moment, informed me that I had a great deal. Sup- 
pofing that I could not be poffcired of fuch a treafure without know- 
ing it, I ventured to confirm my f.rft afTcrtion, by faying, that if I 
had any, I was utterly at a lofs to imagine where it could be, or where- 
in it confided. Thus ended tlie conference. Mr G — '■ fqueezed me 

by the hand again, kiffed the ladies, and withdrew. He kiflcd like- 
wife the maid in the kitchen, and feemed upon the v/hole a moll lov- 
ing, kiffing, kind-hearted gentleman, tje is very youngs genteel, and 
handfome. He has a pair of very good eyes in his head, which not 
being fuificient as it fhould feem for the many nice and difficult purpofes 
(,( a fenator, he had a third alfo, which he wore lufpended by a ri- 
band from his birton-holc. The boys halloo'd, the doors barked, Pufs 
fcampered, the hero, with his long train of obfequious followers, with- 
drew. We made ourftlves very merry with the adventure, and in a 
'liort time fettled into our former tranquillity, never probably to be thus 
interrupted more. 1 thought myflf however happy in being able to 
affirm truly, that I had not that influence for which he fued, and for 
which, had 1 been polfcfled of it, with my prefent views of the dif- 
pute between the Crown and the Commons, I mull have refufed him, 
tor he is op the fide of the former. It is comfortable to' be of no con- 
ioquence in a world, where one cannot exercife any without difobiioiuf 
fomebody. ' p. 242-4. 

Melancholy and dejefted men often amufe themfeives wltli 
purfuits that feem to indicate the greated levity. Swift wrote 
all forts of doggrel anil abfurdlty while tormented with fplcen, 

^ 3 giddmefs^ 

'*■ His tame Hare. 



278 Hayley*s Life of Convper, Vol. UL July 

giddinefs, and mifanthropy. Cowper compofed John Gilpin 
during a feafon of mod deplorable depreflion, and probably in- 
dited the rhyming letter which appears in this colle£lion in a 
moment equally glooniy. For the amufement of our readers, 
we annex the concluding paragraph, containing a fimile, ot 
which we think they mud immediately feel the propriety. 

' I have heaid before of a room, with a floor laid upon fprings, and 
fuch like things, with fo much art, in every part, that when you went 
in, you was forced lo begin a minuet pace, with an air and a grace, 
fwimniing about, now in, and now out, with a deal of ftate, in a fi- 
gure of eight, without pipe or firing, or any fuch thing ; and now 1 
have writ, in a rhyming fit, what will make you dance, and as you ad- 
vance, will keep you Itill, though againft your will, dancing away, alert 
and gay, till you come to an end of what I have pei.u'd ; which that 
you may do, ere M^dam and you, are quite worn out, with jigging 
about, i take my leave ; and here you receive a bow profound, down 
to the pround, from your humble me — W. C. * p. 89. 

As a contrail to this ridiculous efFufion, \re add the following 
brief ftatement, which, notwithftanding its humble fimplicity, 
appears to us to be an example of the true pathetic. 

* You never faid a better thing in your life, than when you aflured 

Jvir of the expedience of a gift of bedding to the poor of 

Olney. There is no one article of this world's comforts with which, 
as FalilaflF fays, they are fo heinoufly unprovided. When a poor wc- 
nran, and an honefb one, whom we know well, carried home two pair 
of blankets, a pair for herfclf and hufband, and a pair for her fix 
children, as foon as the children faw them, they jumped out of their 
ftraw, caught them in their arms, kiffed them, bleffed them, and dan- 
ced for joy. An old woman,' a very old one, the firft night that flie 
found herfelf fo comfortably covered, could not fleep a wink, being 
kept awake by the contrary emotions, of tranfport on the one hand, 
and the fear of not being thankful enough on the other. ' p. 347-8. ^ 

The corrcfpondence of a poet may be expected to abound in 
poetical imagery and fcntinients. They do not form the moll 
prominent parts of this colledion, but they occur in fuflicient 
profufion J and we have been agreeably furprifed to find in thefe 
letters the germs of many of the fiuefl pafiages in the * Taflc. ' 
There is all the ardour of poetry and devotion in the following 
paffiges : 

'Oil could fpend whole days, and moon-light nights, in feeding 
upon a lovely profpe6l ! My eyes drink the rivers as they flow. If 
every human being upon earth, could think for one quarter of an hour, 
as I have done for many years, there might perhaps be many mifcrahle 
men among them, but not an uiiawakeiied one could be found, from 
the arctic to the antarctic circle. At prefent, the difference between 
ther.i and me is greatly to their advantage. I dehght in baubles, and 
][r.;io',r tl-,em to be fo ; for, reined n\p ar.d viewed, wiUiout a reference to 
' ■ " th'^.if 



i'S04. Hay!ey*j Life of Cou^per, Vcl, III. 2>9 

their Author, what is the earth, what are the plarifts, what is the fun 
itfelf, bat a bauble ? Better for a man never to have feen theom, or to 
fee them with the eyes of a brute, ftupid and unconfcious of whnt }je 
beholds, than not to be able to fay, " The Maker ef all thefe woudtrs 
is my friend ! " Their eyes have never been opened, to fee tliat they 
are trifles ; mine have been, and will be, 'till they are cJofed for ever. 
They think a fine eftate, a large confervatory, a hot-houfe rich as a 
Weil Indian garden, things of confequence : vifjt them witli pleafure, 
and mufe upon them with ten times more. T am. plea.fed with a frame 
■of four lights, doubtful whether the few pines it contains will ever be 
worth a farthing; amufe myfelf with a green-houfe, wiiich Lord Bute's 
gardener could take upon his back, and walk away with ; and when I 
iiave paid it the accuftomed vifit, and watered it, and given it air, I 
fay to myfelf — " This is not mine, 'tis a plaything lent me for the pre- 
fent, I mufl leave it foon. " p. 19-2 ■. 

* We keep no bees ; but if" I lived in a hive, I fliould hardly hear 
more of their mufic. All tlie bees in the neighbourhood refort to a 
bed of mignonette, oppofite to the window, and pay me for the lioney 
they get out of it, by a hum, v.-hich, though rather monotonous, is as 
agreeable to my ear, as the whiftliag of my linnets. All the founds 
that nature utters are delightful, at leafe in this -country. I fhould not 
perhaps find the roaring of lions in Africa, or of bears in Ruffia, very 
pleafiag ; but I know no beaft in England whofe voice I do not ac- 
-count mufical, fave and except always tite braying of an afs. The 
notes of all our birds and fowls pleaie me, wkhout one exception. I 
fhould not indeed think of keeping a goofe ia a cage, that I might 
hang him up in the parlour, for the fake of hi? m.elody ; but a goole 
upon a common, or in a farm-yard, is no bad performer: -And as to 
infefts, if the black beetle, aiid beetles indeed of all hues, will keep 
out of my way, I have no objeolion to any of the reft ; on the con- 
trar)', in whatever key they fing, from the gnat's 'fine treble to the 
bafs of the humble bee, I admire them alL Serioufly, however, it 
ftrikes me as a very obferveable inftanc-e of providential kindnefs to 
man, that fuch an exaft accord has been contrived between his ear and 
the founds with which, at leaft in a rural fituation, it is almoft every 
moment vifited. All the world is fenfible of the imcomfortable tffe6l 
that certain founds have upon the nerves, and confequently upon the 
fpirits — And if a flnful world had been filled with fuch as would have 
curdled the blood, and have made tlie fenfe of hearing a perpetual in- 
convenience, I do not know that we ihould have had a right to com- 
plaiiv, — There is fonutuhere in infinite fpace, a world that does not 
roll within the precinfts of mercy ; and as it is realonable, and even 
fcriptnral to fuppofe, that there is mufic in heaven, in thofe difmal re- 
gions perhaps the reverfe of it is- found. Tones fo dilm.al, as to make 
woe itfelf more infupportable, and to acuminate even defpair. But my 
paper admonifhes me in good time to draw the reir.s, and to check the 
defcent of my fancy into deeps with which Ihe is but too familiar. ' 
y. ?. 8 7-2 89, 

£ 4 The 



sSo HayleyV Life of Cowpey, Vol. HI. July 

The following fhorter fketches, though not marked with fo 
much enthufiafm, are conceived with the fame vigour and diftinfl- 
nefs. 

' When we look back upon our forefathers, we feem to look back 
upon the people of another nation, almoft upon creatures of another 
fpecies. Their vaft i-ambliyg manfions, fpacious halls, and painted cafe- 
ments, the Gothic porch fmothered with honcyfuckles, their little cjar- 
dens and high walls, their box-edgings, balls of holly, and yew-tree 
flatues, are become fo entirely unfafliionable now, that we can hardlv 
believe it poflible that a people, who rcfemblod us fo little in their 
tafte, fhould refemble us in any thing elfe. But in every thing clfe, 
I fuppofe, they were our counterparts exactly, and time, that has few- 
ed up the flalhed fleeve, and reduced the large trunk-hofe to a neat 
pair of fdk ftockings, has left human nature juft where it found it. 
The infide of the man, at leaft, has undergone no change. His paf- 
fions, appetites, and aims, are juft what they ever were. They wear 
jjerhaps a handfomcr difgiiife than tlicy did in days of yore ; for phi- 
lofophy and literature will have their cfFc(5t upon the exterior, but in 
every other refpecl a modern is only an ancient in a diffcient drcfs. * 
p. 48. 

* I am much obliged to you for the voyages, which I received, and 
began to read laft night. My imagination is fo captivated upon thefe 
occafions, that 1 feem to jjartake with the navigators in all the dan- 
gers they encountered. I lofe my anchor ; my main-fail is rent into 
ihreds ; I kill a fliark, and by figiis converfe with a Patagonian, and 
all this without moving from the fire fide. The principal fruits of 
thefe circuits that have been made around the globe, feem likely to be 
the amufement of thofe that {laid at home. Difcoveries have been 
iriadc, but fuch difcovenes as will hardly fatisfy the expence of fuch 
imdcrtakings. We brought away an Indian, and having debauched 
him, we fent him home again to communicate the infection to his 
countiy — fine fport to be fure, but fuch as will not defray the coft. 
Nations that live upon bread-fruit, and have no mines to make them 
worthy of our acquaintance, will be but httle vifited for the future. 
So much the better for them ; their poverty is indeed their mercy. ' 
p. 20 f— 202. 

Cowper's religious impreffions occupied too great a portion of 
his thoughts, and exercifed too great an influence on his charac- 
ter, Hot to make a diftinguillied figure in his correfpondence. 
They form the fubje6l of many eloquent and glowing paiTages : 
and have fometlmes fuggefted fentiments and exprefhons that can- 
not be perufed without compaffion and regret. The follovv^ing 
paflage is liberal and important : 

* No man was ever fcolded out of his fins. The heart, corrupt as 
it is, and becaufe it is fo, grows angry if it be not treated with fome 
management, and good manners, and fcolds again. A furly maftiff will 
bear perhaps to be ftroked, though he will growl even under that opera^ 

lion. 



1804. lUyley' s Life of Coiopr, Vol. JIT. aSl 

tion, but if you touch him rouglily, lie will bite. There is no grace 
that the fpirit of felf can counterfeit with more fuccefs than a reh- 
gious zeal. A man thinks he is fighting for Chrift, and he is fighting 
for his own notions. He thinks that he is feilfully fearching the 
hearts of others, when he is only gratifying the malignity of his own ; 
and charitably fuppofes his hearers deilitute of all grace, that he may 
fhine the more in his own eyes by comparifon. ' p. 179-180. 
The followiiig is in a fine ftyle of eloquence : 

* We have exclianged a zeal that was no better than madncfs, for 
an indifference equally pitiable and abfurd. The Iioly fepulchre has 
loll its importance in the eyes of nations, called Chriftian ; not becaufe 
the light of true wifdom has delivered them from a fuperfiitious attach- 
ment to the fpot, but becaufe he that was buried in it is no longer 
regarded by them as the Saviour of the world. The exercife of rea- 
fon, enlightened by philofophy, has cured them indeed of the mifery 
of an abufed underftanding, but together with the delufion they have 
loft the fubftanoe, and, for the fake of the lies that were grafted upon 
it, have quarrelled with the truth itfelf. Here, then, we fee the ne 
fills ultra of human wifdom, at lealt, in affairs of religion. It en- 
lightens the mind with refpeft to non-elTentials ; but with refpeft to 
that in which the effence of Chriftianity confilts, leaves it perfeftly in 
the dark. It can difcover many errors, that in different ages have dif- 
graced the faith ; but it is only to make way for the admiffion of one 
more fatal than them all, which reprefents that faith itfelf as a delu- 
fion. Why thofe evils have been permitted, fnall be known hereafter. 
One thing in the mean time is certain ; that the folly and frenzy of the 
profeffed difciples of the gofpel have bee;i more dangerous to its inte- 
refls tlian all the avowed iioflihties of its adverfaries. ' p. 2C0-20r. 

There are many pafTages that breathe the very fpirit of Chrif- 
tian gentlenefs and fober judgment. But when lie talks of his 
friend Mr Newton's prophetic intimations (p. 35), and maintains 
that a great proportion of the ladies and gentlemen who amufe 
themfelves with dancing at Brighthehnflone, mud necefTarily be 
damned (p. 100.), we cannot feel tlie fame refpe£t for his un- 
derftanding, and are repelled by the aufterity of his faith. The 
moft remarkable palTage of tliis kind, however, is that in which 
he fuppofes the death of the celebrated Captain Cook to have 
been a judgement on him for having allowed him felf to be wor- 
Pipped at Owhyhee. Mr Hayley aflures us, in a note, that 
Cowper proceeded altogether on a mifapprchenfion of the fa£l:. 
The paffage, however, is curious, and fhews Vv'ith what eager- 
nefs his powerful mind followed that train' of fuperftition into 
which his devotion was fometimes fo unfortunately betrayed. 

* The reading of thofe volumes afforded me much amufement, and 
I hope fome inftru6lion. No obfervation, however, forced itfelf upon 
me v.ith mere violence than one, that I could not help making, on the 
death of Captain Cook, God is a jealous God, and at Owhyhee the 

poor 



2Bz HayleyV Li/^ of Cowper, Vol. III. Julj> 

pc?or man was content to be worfKipped. From that moment, the rc- 
marliable interpofition of Providence in his favour, was converted into 
an oppofition that thwarted all his purpofes. He left the fcene of His 
deification, but was driven back to it by a moil violent ftorm, in which 
he fuffered more than in any that had preceded it. When h° departed, 
he left his worfhippers ftill infatuated with an idea of his godfhip, con- 
fequently well difpofed to ferve him. At his return, he found them 
fuUen, diftruftfulj and myfterious. A trifling theft was committed, 
which, by a bluiider of his own in purfuing the thief after the property 
had been reuored, was magnified to an affair of the lafl importance. 
One of their favourite chiefs was killed, too, by a blunder. Nothing, 
in fhort, but blunder and raiftake attended him, 'till he fell breathlefs 
into the water, and then all was fmooth again. The world indeed will 
not take notice, or fee that the difpenfation bore evident marks of di- 
rine difpleafure ; but a mind, I think, in any degree fpiritual, cannot 
overlook them. ' p. 293— 294. 

From thefe extracts, our readers will now be able to form a 
pretty accurate notion of the contents and compofition of this 
volume. Its chief merit confifto in the great eafe and fami- 
liarity with which every thing is cxprefTed, and in the fimplicity 
and lincerity in which every thing appears to be conceived. Its 
chief fault, perhaps, is the too frequent recurrence of thefe apo- 
logies for dull letters, and complaints of the want of fubjcdis, 
that lecm occafionally to bring it down to the level of an ordinary 
Corrcfpondence, and to reprefent Cowoer as one of thofe who 
make every letter its own fubje£t, and correfpond with their 
friends by talking about their correfpondence. 

Befides the fubjefts of which we have exhibited fome fpeci- 
mens, it contains a good deal of occafional criticifm, of which 
we do not think very highly. It is not eafy, indeed, to fay to 
what degree the judgements of thofe who live in the worM are 
biafled by the opinions that prevail in it ; but, in matters of this 
kindy the general prevnlence of an opinion is almofl the only teft 
we can have of its truth; and the judgement of a fecluded man 
Is ahnofl as juftly convitled of error, when it runs counter to 
th.it opinion, as it Is extolled for fagacity, when it happens to 
coincide with It. The critical remarks of Cowper furniili us 
with inftances of both forrs, but perhaps with mofh of the for- 
mer. His admiration of Mrs Macaulay's Hiilory, and the rap- 
ture with which he fpeaks of the Henry and Enima of Prior, and 
the compofuions of Churchill, will not, we iliould imagine, at- 
xxn^ the fympathy of many readers, or fufpend the fentence 
which time appears to be pafling on thefe performances. As 
there is fcarcely any thing of love in the poetry of Cowper, it is 
rot very wonderful that there fliould be nothing of it in his cor- 
respondence. There is fonietliing very tender and ;imiable in his 

affetticn 



rSo4« Hayley'/ Life of Co-ivpa-, VoJ. HI. 483 

afFeflion for his coufin Lady Heilccth ; hut we do not remember 
any paiTage where he approaches to the langui^c of gallantrvi 
or appears to have indulged iu the fentiments thnt might have led 
to its employment. It is alfo fomewhat remarkable, that during 
the whole courfe of his retirement, though a gooil deal embnrrafs- 
ed in his circumllances, and frequently very much diftrefl'ed for 
w:mt of employment, he never feems to have had an idea of be- 
taking himfclf to any profeflion. The foiution oi this dilHculty 
is probably to be found in the infirmity of his mental health : but 
there were ten or twelve years of his life, when he feems to have 
been fit for any exertion that did not require a public appear- 
ance, and to have fuff^red very much from the want of ail oc- 
cupation. 

This volume clofes with a fragment of a poem by Cowper, 
which Mr Hayley was fortunate enough to difcover by. accident 
among fome loofe papers which had been found in the poet's 
ftudy. It confiils of fometliing lefs than two hundred line^, and 
is addrefied to a very ancient and decayed oak in the vicinity of 
Wefton. We do not think quite io highly of this produclion as 
the editor appears to do ; at the fame lime that we confefs it to 
be impreffed v/ith all the marks of Cov/per's moft vigorous hand: 
we do not know any of his compofitions, indeed, that affords a 
a more llriking exemplification of moft of the excellences and 
<iefe£ls of his peculiar ilyle, or might be more fairly quoted as 
a fpecimen of his manner. It is full of the conceptions of a vi- 
gorous and poetical fancy, exprefled in nervous and faniiliar lan- 
guage ; but it is rendered harfh by unneceflary inveriions, and 
debafed in feveral places by the ufe of antiquated and vulgar 
phrafes. The following are about the bed lines which it con- 
tains : 

* Thou waft a bauble once ; a cup and ball, 
Which babes might play with ; and the thievilh jay- 
Seeking her food, with cafe might have purloin'd 
The auburn nut that held thee, fwallowing down 
Thy yet clofe-folded latitude of boughs. 
And all thine embryo vaftncis, at a gulp. 
But fate thy growth decreed : autumnal rains. 
Beneath thy parent-tree, mellow'd the foil 
Defign'd thy cradle, and a llcipping deer. 
With pointed hoof dibbling the glebe, prepar'd 
The foft receptacle, in which fecure 
Thy rudiments fhould fleep the winter throuc"-!!.' 

' Time made thee what thou wail — King of the woodt; ? 
And time hath made thee what thou art — a cave 
For owls to rooft in ! Once thy fp reading boughs 
O'erhung the champaign, and the numerous flock 

That 



kfi4 Hayiey'x Life of Coivper, Vol. IIL July 

That graz'd it, flood beneath that ample cope 

Uncrouded, yet fafe-fheltered from the ftorm. 

No flock frequents thee now ; thou hafl outliv'd 

Thy popularity, and art become 

(Unlefs verfe refcue thee a while) a thing 

Forgotten, as the foliage of thy youth ! ' ^ 

* One man alone, the father of us all. 
Drew not his life from woman ; never gaz'd, 
With mute unconfcioufnefs of what he faw, 
On all around him ; learn'd not by degrees, 
Nor ow'd articulation to his ear ; 
But moulded by his Maker into man 
At once, upftood intelligent, furvey'd 
All creatures, with precifion underflood 
Their purport, ufes, properties, afTign'd 
To each his name fignificant, and fill'd 
"With love and wifdom, rcnder'd back to Heaven 
In praifc harmonious, the firfl air he drew. 
He was excus'd the penalties of dull 
Minority ; no tutor charg'd his hand 
With the thought-tracing quill, or taflc'd his mind 
With problems ; hiflory, not wanted yet, 
Lean'd on her elbow, watching time, whofe courfe 
Eventful, fhould fupply her with a theme ; — ' p. 415—416- 

On the whole, though we complain a little of the fize and the 
price of the volumes now before us, we take our leave of them 
with relu6tancc, and h'y down our pen with no little regret, to 
think that we (hall review no more of this author's productions. 

Art. \l. Sur la Ph'ilojoph'ie Mbieraiogique^ et fur I' Efpece Miner jlo- 
gique. Par le Citoyen D. Dolomieu. Pjris. An IX. 

* I 'HIS is the laft bequeft made to fcience, by the powerful ge- 
•^ nius of Dolomieu. Educated to the profefhon of arms, he 
was a late, but a zealous dilciple of fcience j and, though his bell 
years were waited in the endlefs adjultment of monaltic quarrels, 
he has done more for geology than any man who has preceded 
or followed him, unlefs an exception be made in favour of the il- 
iuftrious De Saufl'ure. Valuable as tlie writings of Dolomieu are, 
perhaps they do not convey an adequate idea of the capacity of 
Ins mind, or the vaftnefs of his information. A life fpent in 
continual adtivity left him few moments to arrange his obferva- 
tions, or to defcribe the regions he vifited.' Yet the detached ef- 
fays he has publiilied, are the molt original and ingenious fpecu- 
Jations to which the ftudy of the earth has yet given rife ; and 
his defcriptions of the Lipari Jiri.d Pontian Iflands need no higher 

praifcj 



1804. Dblomieu, Sur !a Philofophie Mineralog'ique^ ^(^. 285 

praife, than they derive from a comparifon with the performances 
of other mineralogical travellers. His ardent purfuit of fcience 
was aided by the remarkable acutenefs of his talent for obferva- 
tion ; and the knowledge which he had acquired, was fpeedily 
difFufed by the happy perfpici^jty of his defcriptioiis. But the 
boldnefs and improbability oi his theories, the light grounds on 
which they were afl'umed, and the eai'e with which they were re- 
linquiflied, have been urged as proofs that his mind was frivolous, 
and his judgment defective. 

We have feen too many rerna^rkable inftances of the triumphs 
of imagination, to allow the a4'»'i;:£t or defcription of thofe theo- 
retic phantoms, -wdiich the wift-^^l, of us are fon)ctimes amufed by 
em.bodying, to have much weight in the apptctiation of a man's 
intelle<Stual powers. We conceivtr judgment to confill rather in 
a nice adjuftment of the feveral faculties of the mind, than in 
one independant quality. In this view, the judgment of Dolo- 
mieu cannot be difputed ; for he was moft judicious in obferva- 
tion, and nioft judicious m defcription. So accurate was his 
judgment in matters of fcience, a)id fo profound his contempt for 
the little jealoufies of theorifts, that he repeatedly abandoned hii 
own opinions, and adopted thofe fuggefled by others, whole in- 
genuity he never failed to reward by fuitable praife, and whofe 
hints often received from him extenfion and confidence. Never 
has the reracity of Dolomieu been quellioned, or the flighteli: 
fufpicion arifen, that he diflorted fadls to favour his hypothetical 
affumptions : His writings are referred to as evidenrc, by the moit 
oppofite theories, and with a confidence equally implicit. In 
moft inftances, his opinions are ftill the ftandard of authority a- 
mong the beft informed geologifls -, and he has only been betray- 
ed into idle fpeculation on thofe fubjects, which have not de- 
rived additional illuftration from the fapient cogitations of ,his 
critics. * 

Great as the individual exertions and fuccefs of Dolomieu have 
been, they were furpaffed by the indirect fervices which he ren- 
dered to fcience, by his zealous patronage of men of talents, by 
the frankneis with which he communicated his ample (lores of 
information to the young men who accompanied him in his tra- 
vels, and by the unbounded liberality with whicli he diftributed 
the rare and valu.ble fubitunces he collected. Yet nearly two of 
the laft years of this man's life were Ipent in prifons, into which 
he was thrown by a violent abufe of arbitrary power j and nearly 

half 



* Sir James Hall is an tionourabic txcctptiua ; for his experiments oa 
the tranfition from glafs ,t(^ iloiie ha,ve tntlrely obviated the difHcul'v- 
which forced Dclomieu into c»iie of hi^ wfldsft conjeif^ufes. 



^,56 iDolomicuj Sur la Philofophie Alifieralogique, ^V. July 

?ialf of that time he was confined in a dungeon, in whofe mephi- 
t-ic atmofpheve fufFocation would have enfued from a recumbent 
poflure, and where the violent efforts, fometimes required to 
maintain refpiration, made him voniit blood. In the folitude and 
horror of this dungeon, the plan of the work we are about to 
examine was conceived, and its arrangement digefted. Portions 
of it v/'.*re written between the lines of fome books he acciden- 
tally r.t lined, with Iplintcrs of wood inftead of a pen, and v/ith 
ink made bv mixing the foot of his lamp with water. For his 
deliverance from this ftpulchral den, Dolomieu was chiefly in- 
debted to the generous interpolition of the Royal Society of Lon- 
<lon, and of their v^ovthy prefident -, and to the powerful influ- 
ence of an heroic admiral, who endeavoured, by this aft, to ef- 
face the ftains which his glory had received from the imputation 
of a violated capitulation. 

The health of Dolomieu, however, was never completely re- 
ftored ; and he died in lefs than a year after his reieafe, and foon 
after the termination of a journey in Switzerland, during part of 
xvhich he was accompanied by a Dane, called Neergaard. 

This perfonage his attempted to perform for Dolomieu the 
poithumous attentio- s paid by Bofwell to Dr Johnfon, by Billet 
to Buvke, and, in a mere rec<-nt inllance, by Mifs Seward to Dr 
Darwin. Like thefe illuftrious biographers, he undoubtedly ex- 
pecls to enjoy celebrity, as high prieR in the Temple of Fame 
which he has erefted ; and, in this happy perfuafion, he has -given 
to the world, and l-nore efpecially to the trunk-makers and paftry- 
cooks o( Paris, a performance which boafts three diflintt titles : 
For, in the lirit page, it is called Journal d'jifi Danois ; in the ti- 
tle page, JouT nal All dernier Voyage du Citoyen Dolomieu; and at 
the top of the firtl page of the text, Journal de mon Voyage avec 
le Citoyen Dolomieu. As the firft and the bit of thefe dcfcrip- 
tions are in fome degree applicable to the performance, we flial! 
not flop to inquire what right the fecond had to ufurp the title- 
pa<Te. Indeed, as the work is altogether foreign to the treatife 
we are about to confider, we perhaps ought to difmifs it entirely ; 
but there is fomething fo feducing in the found of Dernier Voyage 
du Citoyen Dolotnieu (the title to which it has no real claim), that 
our readers may not think a very few cbfervations entirely mif- 
placed, or devoid of intercft. 

Did we not kno-w, that the Danes, in general, are more pru- 
dent than witty, we ftiould think the author of this * Journal ' 
had been expatriated by the ridicule of his countrymen ; but as 
the intelligent part of them would certainly have endeavoured to, 
keep concealed lb deplorable a fpecimcn cf the breed, we have 
jejeded tliis fuppoudon in favour of another, which- we have good 

reafoa 



j8o4' Dolomien, Bur la Philofcphie Miner alogique, Isfc. 2^7 

reafon to believe correal:. Among thofe who bear fway in 
Denmiirk, fome are to be found, who, from congeni;ility of 
fentiment and talent, have gracioully confidered M. Neergaarcf 
as a proper perfon to be fitted out as a fcientific privateer, 
to accumulate and carry home the arts and fciences of Europe. 
Fortun;;tcly for the fuccefs and economy of this enterprize, M. 
Neergaard concentrates the moiil opponte attainments : he is e- 
qually profound in painting, mufic, chymiftry, mmeralogy, belles- 
Utires^ antiquities, and agriculture. In every page of this jour- 
nal, li-e pafles, with inimitable nimblenefs and facility, from one 
of thefe fciences to another, and thereby affords an attentive 
reader frequent opportunities of gleaning much diverfiiicd mfor- 
mation. 

lie tells us, that Dolomieu had no theory at hand to explain 
the Roche polie, and that he wondered how Bonaparte and his 
cannon pafled St Gothard ; he finds, in the churches of Sion, 
The Madonna Santiflima painted with the face of a Cretin ; and 
v/e are informed, that Dolomieu gave alms to a cripple al; the 
baths of Leuk, where the author drank excellent Mufcat wine. 
Moreover, that the travellers were received at Leuk, in the houfe 
of a man who was ' not an innkeeper, but one of the firfl nobles 
of the country ; that he charged them the value of what they 
eat ; and that Dolomieu was much delighted with this ^nodcrtj hoj- 
p'itaiil\K ' After dcfcribing a cafcade, he fagely remarks, that * if 
travelling is expenfive to him on one hand, it is economical on the 
other ; for he will never make an artificial cafcade, after feeing 
thofe of Norway and Switzerland. ' We have tranilated this re- 
mark at full length, as it is infinitely the heft in the book ; and if 
M. Neergaard's refolution was generally adopted, much money 
might be laved, and the difplay of much bad tafte prevented. As 
Sauffure has already recorded fome inftances ot^^ the inhofpitality of 
Alpine cures, our readers probably have been more furprifed at 
M. Neergaard's late effort of fagacity, than they will be, at be- 
ing informed that the paftor of St Roch refufed bread to the tra- 
vellers, though he afterwards gave fome to their mules. Every 
©ne, however, may not be aware, that it is * the mode in Swit- 
zerland, for perfons to have a piece of chalk always in their hands 
to make calculations ; ' and, accullomed as we were to M. Neer- 
gaard's vivacity of tranfition, we were fomewhat aftonifhed at be- 
ing told, immediately after a magnificent declamation of DoJo- 
mieu's on the beft way of forming fpecimens, ' that every body 
there eats brocoli, a kind of cauliflower very common in Italy. ' 

During the time the travellers remained in the mountains, Do- 
lomieu is occafionally feen, though kept as much as poflible in 
the back- ground. The Dane Neergaard is every where the prin- 
cipal 



288 Dolomieu, Sur la Philojhphie Alineralo^iqiiet iufc. July 

cipal figure ; and a Benedicline of Difcentir, v/liofe brethren ap- 
pear to have been concerned in a mailacre of French prifoners, 
* complimented him on the good reception Copenhagen had given 
the EngUih. * Alter their arrival at Berne, Dolomieu almolt en- 
tirely difappears ; and the whole attention of M. Neergaard 
is occupied in panegyrizing fonie obfcure artiils, moil of whom 
pofTefs the limited and equivocal reputation he labours to at- 
tain for himfelf. The remainder of the volume contains fundry 
paflages equally precious with thofe we have quoted ; but we do 
notpropofe to increafe our feIe6lion -, and haften to the conclufion, 
where we find, to our inexpreffible fatisfadlion, that the travellers 
having feparated fome days before the commencement of Dolo- 
mieu's fatal illnefs, the tranquillity of his laft hours was not dil- 
turbed by the impertinence of hWfoi-difant friend. *' 

Let us turn to a work of a very different cafl, ' Sur la Phih- 
fophie Miiieralogique. ' 

The fimilarity of the title will not, we hope, induce any one to 
fuppofe that this tract refembles, in any refpe£i:, a book called the 
Philofophy of Mineralogy, which was publiflied in this country 
iome years ago. That was the crude performance of a man, who 
had jull learnt enough of the German fyflem, to obferve fome 
of its glaring defers, but who had not fufficieat genius to fuggell 
an adequate remedy ; who, conceiving nis imperfect and limited 
geological knowledge to comprife all the arcana of the Icience, 
imagined that an ill arranged compilation of the common-place 
notions on geology, and on the defcriptiou and claffification of 
minerals, could deferve the high-founding title of the * Philofophy 
of Mineralogy. ' 

The effay we are about to examine ' Sur la Philofophie Mineral- 

* It is not our intention to be cither the biographers or eiilogills o{ 
Dolomieu ; but we think It an honourable department of our duty to 
refcue illuftrious charafters from mifreprefentation. Perhaps fome of 
our readers may not have been informed, that, at an early period of his 
life, Dolomieu faved mofl of the fick in an hofpital from being burnt to 
death, by expofing his own life in cutting off the communication of the 
' flames — that at the moft atrocious period of the Revolution he had tlie 
intrepidity to publlfh an eloquent tribute to the virtues of the murdered 
La Rochefoucault, and a terrible denunciation againfl; his authorifed af- 
faffins — that when, on his releafe from prifon, the Firft Conful defired 
him to allc what he pleafed, he was contented with demanding the eraz- 
urc of his cldeft brother's name from the llil of emigrants — and that 
when he was elcfted a profeflbr at the Jard'in dcs Plants^ he rcfigned 
his commlffion as engineer of mines, becaufe, he fald, many men of me- 
rit needed the falary more than he didt 



;8o"4- Dolomieu, Sur la PMIofophle Mineralogiquey ^c. 289 

Ggiqucy ' is the work of a man who was acquainted with all exift- 
in^ fyitenis, and (enfible of their defe£i:s j who had genius to de- 
yife a remedy, and judgment to point out its appUcation. This 
work has nothing to do with prefent fyftems, but to expofe their 
errors ; and proceeds no farther in framing a new one, than to 
define, clearly, the line that ihould be purfued. 

Mineralogy, properly fo called, may be practical or philofophi- 
cal. Its pra6lical employment confilts in the refearch and exami- 
nation of all mineral fubllances, in recognizing and diftinguifhing 
them, in naming and arranging them in determinate fpecies and 
convenient genera, in defcribing them with exadlnefs, and alT.m- 
bling them to form collections. To philofophicai mineralogy be- 
long — the examination of methods pra£lically employed- -the in- 
veftigation of all the properties of which minerals are fufceptible, 
that from their comparifon diftinCtive and fpecific characters may 
be deduced — the right of determining the meaning of the words 
employed, and of affixing precife and invariable terms to every 
modification of fubllances — the formation of methods for the ar- 
rangement and defcription of minerals — the right of criticizing 
fyftems propofed or adopted — the hiftory of what has been done 
for the advancement of the fcience, and of the caufes which have 
advanced or retarded it — and the indication of every thing that 
can facilitate the progrefs of the mineralogift, that can affift his 
labours, or fimplify his refearches. 

■ Important as thefe confiderations are, they have been treated 
■with comparative neglett. The attention of mineralogifts has been 
almoft entirely occupied by the more fhowy toil of accumulating 
fpecimens into clailes and genera, dividing them into fpecies, and 
arranging them in cabinets. They forgot to examine, by ftri6t 
philofophic inquiry, the foundation of their divifions, the juftice 
of their criteria, or the propriety of their arrangement. Though 
no mineralogift, fince the time of Bergman, has written exprefsly 
on the philofophicai part of the fubje£t, many have indire£lly 
contributed to its advancement. Werner did much, by liiniting 
the meaning of the terms employed, and by proving the vaft uti- 
lity of external characters in the difcrimination of minerals. Yet 
Werner left the fubject extremely imperfdcf:, by his voluntary, re- 
jection of internal characters, and by his abfolute negltct of all 
fixed rules in determining the fpecies. This negHgence, indeed, 
has been common to every fyftem of mineralogy that has apoear- 
e4, * and the moft extraordinary and prejudicial confufion has 

VOL IV. NO. 8. r refulted 

. * Wlitn D<jloniieu compaffd this eflay* the * Traits de Min'raf. 
ogk '. by Haiiy was not pubiiihed, -In molt refpeds it is compoled on 
fuch;a plan as he indicates. 



igcy DdTomieu, Sar la Philofophle Mifteralogi^Cy i^c, Jutr 

refulted from it. A number of minerals, from fome imagined 
fimilitude^ have been huddled into a genus, and then, from fan- 
cied differences, have been Iplit into fpecies. As the accumula- 
tion into genera generally preceded the divifion into fpecies, that 
operation became a fertile lource of fubfequent mitlakes. Some- 
times the groffcll incongruities M^ere united m the varieties of the 
fame fpecies ; and f-jmetimes the faintell fhade of diflimilarity 
coniHtutcd a feparate fpecies. 

With an amiable attention to the feelings of living a/utliors, 
Dolomieu.has fele^ted the inilances by which he illullrates thefe 
abfurdities, from Wallerius and Born, though he might have 
ilrengthened his argument by approaching nearer to his own 
times. The arrangements he refers to are now generally allowed 
to be defective ; but, untortivnately, the attempts to reform thent 
have, in too many inltances, been made by hands equally rafli 
and indeeilive with thofe that committed the original midakes. 
It is only by examining, in detail, the fources of error, that we 
can intercept their operation on future fyltems ; and fuch an in- 
quiry is certaii^ly one of the molt important m which we can eni- 

Nothing has contributed more copioufly to the errors of mine- 
ralogy, than the perverfc and prevailing fyftem of eftablilhing 
geniray previous to the accurate divifion into fpecies. Other er- 
rors have proceeded from confidering compound maffcs as fpe- 
cies. Addi-tional miftakes have been created, by confounding 
the (inOi mineralogical fpecies with the conventional fpecies of 
artills *, and, from the cooperation of thefe caufes, fuch confu- 
fion has been protluced, that many naturalilis have denied the 
poflibiJiry of limiting the mineralogical fpecies, ar, in other 
words, have d<;nied that any real difi:in<ilion of fpecies exilled. 

By removing from our view all the deceptive circumftances- 
with which the confideration of this fubjeft has been embar- 
raffed, we fliall find that the mineralogical fpecies a£lually ex- 
ills } that it is defined by a combination of the mod invariable 
laws ; that every fpecies is reprefented by a molecule pofleffing 
properties whofe aggregate is peculiar to itfelf ; that every fpe- 
cies of mineral is diflingu fhed by a peculiar molecule, and that 
each kind of molecule is always found in pofieflion of its charac- 
teriftic properties ; that a combination of fimilar molecules can 
only conftitute one fpecies of mineral, and that the aggregate fo 
formed will retain the characters of the molecules which form it. 

We are informed by chemilfry, that fragments from different 
parts of a homogeneous mineral are fimilarly compofed, and 
that minerals of t' e fame phyfical characters yield fimilar re- 
fults % and therefore we are allured that the compofition of the 

molecule 



1804. Dolomieu, Stir !a PhUofophie Mineyatcglquey ^c. 29 1 

molecule is always the (-Mne in the fame fpecies. We find that, 
in breaking fuch minerals as are fufceptible of mechanical divi- 
fion, we always extraft from th6 fame fubftance folids of pre- 
cifely fimilar forms. We alfo find that all the ciyllalline modi- 
fications of fuch fubftance, are deducible from the accumula* 
tion of folids fimilar to thofe which we have mechanically ex- 
rrafted ; and thence we acquire this moft important informa* 
tion, that the molecule has an invariable form, determined 
with geometrical precifion. We find that falts diflblved and 
cryftallized a thoufand times, never vary in their cryftalline forms; 
and therefore we know that the molecule poffefles an inherent 
cryftalline polarity, which gives it an indefinite power of repro- 
ducing folids fimilar in form and compofition. We alfo find the 
magnetic phenomena to be attached to the fmalleft fragments o£ 
fuch bodies as poflefs it in the mafs ; and therefore we know 
magnetifm to be inherent in the molecule. 

The molecules of thofe bodies which, by refifting ©ur efforts 
to difintejjrate them, have hitherto been confidered as fimple, 
can only he deprived of their properties by combination with o- 
ther elementary bodies. This combination generates new mole- 
cules, which cannot be taken away without efFefting the decom- 
pofition and deftru^tion of the molecule. This may be accom- 
pliflied, either by forming a new combination with a frefli in- 
gredient, or by removing fome of the conftituent elem.entary 
particles. It may be obferved, that this intimate union of the 
ultimate particles of fubftnnces rarely takes place among many 
ingredients, and that, in many molecules, only two ingredients 
are eflential, and in few more than three. 

Each molecule, therefore, however minute, has a certaia 
compofition, is inverted with a determinate form, and poiTelfed 
of unalterable phyfical characters. It therefore is air individual, 
and the reprefentative of a fpecies. The accumulation of fiich 
molecules, in the moft favourable circumftances, would gene- 
rate regular cryftals polfefling the form of the molecule, or deriv- 
able from it, and invefted with all the properties which the mole- 
cule pofteflts. The accumulation of different m.oleculeS would 
form another fpecies ; and there can be no binary or other com- 
bination of molecules to form intermediate fpecies; 

But though intermediate fpecies cannot exift, it is but rarely 
that minerals are found in a ftate of aggregation fit for difplay- 
ing all the properties of the molecule, or uncontaminated by 
parafitical fubftances. If the molecules are fufpended in a fluid, 
if they are in a pulverulent ftate, or forming an amorphous mafs, 
the developement of many of their properties is necefl'arily pre- 
vented. The moft important of them all, the regularity of 
form, is entirely concealed ; and if other characfters are not 

X 3 fcund 

/ 



25>2 Dolomleu, Sur la Philofophie Minefaloglque^ ^c, July 

found fufficient to difcriminate the fpeclCvS, recourfe muft be had 
.to the analytic inveftigation of its components. Thus, if the 
fluid be homogeneous, the fpecits may be dete(il;ed ; if the pow- 
.der be unmixed, its compofition may be found out j the amor- 
phous mafs may poffefs iuch internal arrangement, that the di- 
ie6lion of the natural joints may be obferved, and confequently 
the form of the molecule may be determined ; and, even when 
arrangement is wanting, the talk of difcrimination may be per- 
formed by numerous diftin^l phyfical qualities. 

It is not, however, the variety of aggregation that proves the 
mofV abundant fource of error, but the adventitious additions 
which contaminate minerals. Some of thefe feem to adhere to 
the molecule itfelf, to be even infiauated as pafhve ingredients 
into its compofition, to be enveloped during the aggregation of 
molecules into cryftals, and, ftiil more abundantly, during their 
confolidation into irregular mailes. Thefe fuperfluities In no 
lefpedl alter the form or properties of the molecule, and their 
quantity is rarely fufficient to afFeft, in any confiderable degree, 
the apparent refults of analyfis. As chemiftry cannot feparate 
them, it is only by obferving their want of ini^uence that their 
Superfluity can be afcertained. Though thefe fuperfluities may 
jiot affetl the eflTential properties of the molecule, there may be 
many caufes in which they may vary fome of its phyfical cha- 
ra£lers. Thus, all varieties of colour are produced by fuper- 
fluous matter v and when it is added in greater abundance, it 
affetls the tranfparency, and perhaps the hardnefs of the fub- 
flance, and may vary the a£l:ion of chemical tells. The fuper- 
fluous matter may be increafed to fuch an amount, that it may 
.exceed in quantity the molecules of the fubftance, which may 
.neverthelefs retain its chara^teriftic qualities. Thus the (impro- 
_perly fo called) cryfballized fand-ftone of Fountainbleau, con- 
tains more filex than carbonated lime ; and yet the cryflials, fo 
charged, afl'ume one of the regular forms of carbonated lime, 
cfl'ervefce with acids, and are decorapofed by heat. 

The changes thus induced in the phyfical conftitutlon of the^ 
fpecies, neither form nev^^^ fpecies, nor are they properly varieties, 
of the original one: they. are mere imperfeftions. . Yet even/ 
thefe imperfections inay be of important ufe in difcriminating- 
fpecies, though particular care mult be taken not to fall into the 
.very common error ol founding the diftinclions of fpecies upon' 
^them. It ihould never be forgotten that the fapphire, the ruby, 
and the topaz of the Eaft, in defiance of tlie fuperior judgement 
of the natives of the countries where they are found, have 
been feparated into three fpecies by all the mineralogifts in Eu- 
rope, merely becaufe the one was blue, the other red, and the 

third 



i8o4« Dolomieu, Sur la "PhilofopJne Miner alogiqtiey Isfc. "293 

third yellow ; and it required fome years of controverfy, with all 
the fagacity of Mr Greville, the cryffcallographical {kill of Count 
Bournon, and the analytical ability of Mr Chenevix, to produce 
a convicStion of their identity. Yet, we repeat it, there is no 
difference between thefe bodies except in colour ! The fame ta- 
lents that have determined the propriety of their union, have 
alfo united with them the corundum, or adamantine fpar ; a 
fubflance which prefents much mofe ftriking diverfity to the 
eye, though in every elTential character it coincides, and in 
compofition is exadlly the fame. Let this inllance fufhce to 
Ihow the wretched errors into which thofe muft fall who clafs 
minerals by the luftre or the hue, and who, confequently, are 
almoft invariably guided by their imperfecilions inftead of their 
efTential charafters. 

In the formation of fpecies, nothing fhould be confidered but 
the inalienable characters of the molecule; but; in the diftribu- 
tion of fpecimens to -the fpecies to which they appertain, re- 
courfe muft be had, not only to fuch of the charafters of the 
molecule as are never concealed, but alfo to the paraiirical' cha- 
radlers caufed by the fuperfluous matter which attaches itfelf to 
the molecules. Though the conflant occurrence of fimilar im- 
perfections fliould in no refpeft wharever influence the forma- 
tion of fpecies, they may afford moft ufeful diftintliive criteria; 
and their union with other characi^ers, in themfelves unimport- 
ant, may form an evidence fufBciently decifive of the nature of 
particular fpecimens. • To llrengthen this evidence, many ex- 
trinfic circum. fiances may be tnken into confideration. Independ- 
ent of the characters derivable from the eilential properties of 
the molecule, the general afTumption of a particular colour may 
afford a ftrong prefumption. Other fpecits may be diftinguifh- 
ed by their affecting peculiar difpofitions of the molecules, as 
by their cryilals being generally of one form, or generally' defec- 
tive, or afTuming particular indeterminate forms, or being al- 
ways amorphous. Other indications, equally important, may 
be derived from afTociation ; for it is afcsrtained, that certain 
minerals are almoft invariably found together, and that others 
are always difunited. In fecondary rocks we need not look for . 
primitive minerals. We know that Ikvas generally contain cer- 
tain bodies; arid therefore the knovvledge that the bafis is a lava, 
alFords a prefumption that the imbedded fobftances only belong 
to a few fpecies which are eafily dillinguifiiable from one ano- 
ther. 

It Is not enough to be informed of the characters which ferve 
to unite individual fpecimens to a given fpecies: we muft alfo 
poffefs a knowledge of the points of refemblance. between dlffer- 

T 3 ent 



^94 Dolomleu, Bur la Ph'ilofophie MtneralogiquCy tsfc. July 

ent fpecies, that a contraft may be oppofed to each fimilitude. 
The chemift finds a fufficient contraft in the analyfis. The mi- 
neralogift feeks it in the phyfical charadiers. The union of dif- 
tin<Slive chara£t:ers forms the fpecific chara£ler of a fpecies which 
may confift of one property or of feveral ; and there are (gw 
fubftances which do not require the union of feveral properties 
to form it. We can affirm of the diamond, that it is harder 
than any known body ; and this may ferve as its fpecific charac- 
ter : but there are few fubflances which poflefs any one proper- 
ty fo univerfally pecuUar. For it muft be remembered, that 
the fpecific chara£ler is to diftinguifii the fpecies from every o- 
ther fubllance, though each of the diflin6live chara6lers of 
"which it is compofed may only ferve to feparate it from a par- 
ticular fpecies. 

As the fpecies is capable of being defined with the moft rigo- 
rous precifion, it ought to form the bafis of every methodical 
arrangement. No fubftance can be admilfible into any flrift 
niineralogical fyftem, which is not referable to fome fpecies ^ 
and every fpecies may be confidered as the centre, round which 
all its varieties are to be co]lc£led. Genera ought to be formed 
by the union of fpecies, and from fimilarities derivable from 
their eflential charaiSlers, and not from their imperfeftions. 
This is comparatively an unimportant tallc •, for it was truly faid 
by Buffbn, that ' fcience makes the fpecies, and ignorance the 
genera ; ' and provided the analogy, on which the congregation 
into genera proceeds, be ftriclly obferved, it :s of little import- 
ance which is aliumed of the numerous relations that prcfent 
themfelves. 

But it is obvious, that there are a formidable number of com- 
pound bodies which this arrangement would exclude from me- 
thodical mineralogy, and which are of vartly too great import- 
apce to be treated with neglccl. Where their components are 
diflinguilhable by the feveral uAis we have ic in our power to 
apply, they may be clafTed as compounds, '^nd <lfcfcribtd by the 
enumeration of their components ; but in the more numerous 
'mftances, where the particles that form them are too minute to 
be recogtiifed, there feems to be no other refource, than to re- 
icr.tliem to geology, to whofe province they belong, to arrange 
them according to their relative pofition and combinations, and 
to defcrlbe them according to fnch phyfical char:i6lers as they 
poffefs. As all thefe fubfbances are liable to perpetual mutabi- 
lity of compofition, thefe char.irtcrs cannot be permanent or 
v.nchanging, though they may be in fome degree regulated by 
the geological relations which afford the only means of deter- 
iiiiuin'j! the nature of heterogeneous mnfffs, unlefs recourfe be 

■ ' "' - •■ had 



sS04- Dolomieu, S«r la Phikfoph'ie Minerahgique^ \Sc, '^95 

had to the endlefs toil of analyfes, whofe refults muft vary in 
every fpecimen. Thefe mafles cannot conftiture fpecies, thouLfh 
they form rocks of a particulars^/-/; and that tr-rm feems to be 
the mofl; applicable to them, as well as to thefe conventional fpe- 
cies depending on particular and unphilofophical connderation<i 
which artifts have laviflily invented. 

It feems obvious, that the adoption of the ftri(f\ rules of in- 
veftigation here recommended, would operate mod beneficially 
in ailing the progrefs of mineralogy, and in facilitating the ac- 
quifition of what is already known. The attention, inftead of 
being un profitably directed to frivolous minutla^ would be cen- 
tred on a few grand eflentials, the acquifition of which would 
not merely ferve to form mineralogical di(lin£tions, but to con- 
vey an important knowledge of the nature of the fubflance, by 
enforciniJ attention to its phyfical properties. Mineralogy would 
be fimpUfied by the rejection of unneceflary fpecies, and by the 
fubdivifion of fuch as were incongruoufly comprehenfive. The 
fubje<£Hon of all unknown fubftances to rigorous examination, 
would either afcertain their union with a fpecies already known, 
or legitimate their claims to forming a feparate fpecies. Geolo- 
gy would become an effential branch of knowledge ; fo that no 
mere mineralogift of the cabinet could exi(l. The chaos of im- 
proper appellations would in time be done away ; and minera- 
Jogy, thus fimplified and extended, would become more accefil- 
ble, comprehensive, and important. 

In this (hort abftraft, we have not exaftly followed the ar- 
rangement of the original work, nor have we entered into the 
collateral difcuflions which appeared not intimately conne<Sled 
with the fubjeft, or to be of little confequence in its confidera- 
tion. We have not followed Dolomieu in his attempt to fix the 
meaning of certain words he employs, becaufe they only apply 
to thofe mittutide, into the difcuflion of which our limits do not: 
permit us to enter ; and we here confined our endeavours to laying 
before our readers the fcope and the ilrength of his argument. 
Though we might complain that, in this work, Dolomieu has 
fometimes been tedious, and fometimes frivolous, and that he 
has too often reforted to the inaccuracy of metaphorical iliuftra- 
tion, we confider his obje«Sl as completely and decifively efta- 
blilhed ; and we venture to hope, that no future fabricator of a 
fyftem of mineralogy will forget, th?.t each fpecies is capable of 
the moft rigorous definition ; that genera are to be formed from 
fpecies, and not fpecies from genera ; that the imperfeiSlions of 
individual fpecimens ought never to conftitute fpecies ; and that 
fuch mafles as, by the mutability of their compolltion, or varia- 
bility of their characters, cannot be conftantly referred to any 

T ^ dcnnit<r' 



2Cf6 Dolom'ieu, Si/r la Phllcfophie Mirteralagique, i^c. July 

definite fpecies, are not to be intruded into fyftematic mineralo- 
gy at all, but are to be transferred to their preological relations. 
After fo mafterly an expofition of the capabilities of this fcience, 
no indulgence, we think, {hould be {hown to thofe whofe weak- 
nefs or perverfion of intellea (liall hereafter allow them to ne- 
glea or abandon the ftraight line which the illuftrious hand of 
Dolomieu has traced, and thus retard, by retrograde or erring 
movements, the march of that fcience they pretend to ad- 
vance. 



Art. IV. The Georglcs of Vitgll. Tranfiated into Englifli vcrfe by 
William Sotheby Efq. 

H'^HE author of this tranflation has defervedlythe charafter of a 
-*- refiaed and elegant fcholar. He is known to tlie public by 
numerous produdionsj but principally by the tranflation of Wie- 
land's Oberon ; a charming poem, in the perufal of which we 
forget the fober and fceptical criticifm of the age in which we- 
jii^ye, and willingly indulge to a modern writer that liccnfe of wild 
and extravagant fidion which h^s been ufually confined to the 
ipccious miracles of antiquity. * He has now ventured on a 
bolder taflc, in clothing with an Englifli drcfs the moll perfeft, 
tliough not the loftiell monument of Roman art and genius. No 
writer has rivalled Virgil in the charms of his diclion, or the cla- 
jborate beauty of his phrafeology : and the poem before us is Vir- 
gil's molt abfolute and complete performance. It contains no 
carelefs pafiages, by improving which a tranflator may hope to 
3tone for inferiority, where his original is diftinguifhed by unu- 
fual delicacy or vigour. There is here no current of narration, 
which, by interefting the reader in the progrefs of events, may 
prevent him from obferving very carefully the finifhing and feli- 
city of the expreflion. Thefe, from the very nature of the cafe, 
inufi; generally evaporate in the transfufion from one language 
into another. Mr Sotheby, however, has difcharg'ed his ardu- 
ous undertaking with great and unufuai fuccefs. He has run the 

fame 



* It does not ftem to be generally known, in this country, that the 
t)beron of Wieland is itfelf a tranflation from an old French Romance, 
entitled, Sir Huon of Boiirdeaux. The German pott has improved 
and decorated the fable with much ingenuity, but its groundwork is 
not altered. The ornaments, too, of the romance and of the poem, 
are ufually fimilar. M. Petit de la Croix is faid to have been lar^rely 
indebted to the fame book in hia Perfian Tales. The romance feems 
not to be of a date prior to the invention of printing. 



l8o4« Sothehy^ Tranjlntion of the GforgtcK Hc^'f 

f^me race with fome of the firft and moft celebrated wortKies of 
Englilli poetry, and h^ has manifeftly diftanced his competitors. 
He will not thank us for indifcriminate approbation ; and his prer 
tenfions, even in the attempt to tranflate the Georgics, are fo ex- 
tremely high, that he muft excufe us, if at any time we may feem 
faftidious in pointing out what we think defeds in its execution. 
One obje61:ion, in limine, Vv^e feel ourfelves called upon to make, 
to the Darwinian modulation v/ith M'hich Mr Sotheby's verfifica- 
tion is infedled. Of this tendency in the author we were not 
apprifed till we entered upon the prefent work. His Oberon, by 
which he was principally known to us before, is written in the 
ftanza metre, to M^hich the falfe decorations which Dr Darwin 
has introduced into the common iambic meafure, are not to be 
ealily transferred. They are ornaments which can fcarcely be 
worn but with i'' 'particular habit. We think ourfelves fortunate 
that, at entering upon Mr Sotheby's verfion of the Georgics, we 
-had no pretious knowledge of his connexion with this fchool of 
•writing. Such an impreffion would have excited in us fo violent 
a preiudice againft the man who could think of violating the ma- 
tron-like iimplicity of the Mantuan bard, with glittering and me- 
retricious graces, that we could hardly have reduced ourfelves to 
the temperament 6f impartial judges ; and in our indignation at 
;thedeferters from genuine Englifh, we fhould not perhaps have 
'been able to difcover that, though Mr Sotheby had made feveral 
escurfions into the enemy's country, and, in fome inflances, im- 
bibed their manners, and acquired their complexion, yet that at 
the bottom he was a native itiil, and redeemed his delinquency 
by many and unfophifticated excellences. 

The reader, however, will not doubt but that we can fubftan- 
tiate our charge of Darioinianijin , after he has perufed the fol- 
lowing paffages". 

B. 11. 323. Ver adeh frondi neTnoriim, &c. is thus tranilated : 
♦ Spring comes, new bud the field, the flow'r, the grove 

Earth fwells, and claims the genial feeds of love : 

-jElher, great lord of life, his wings extends, 

And on the bofom of his bride dcfcends. 

With {how'rs prolific feeds the vaft embrace 

That fills all nature, and renews her race. 

Birds on their branches hymeneals fmg, 

The paftur'd meads with bridal echoes ring ; 

Bath'd in foft dew, and fann'd by weftern wind?, 

Each field Its bofom to the gale unbinds ; ^ 

The blade dares boldly rife new funs beneath, 

The tender vine puts forth her flexile wreath. 

And, freed from fouthern blaft and northern fhower, 

i^preads without fear, each blolfom, leaf, and flower. ' 



■It^ SothebyV Tranjlatiofi of the Ge'orgicS. July 

IV. "^0. Hac circum cafay Sec. 

• There all her fweets let favoury exliaV, 
Thyme breathe her foul of fragrance on the gale, 
In dulcet ll reams her roots green cafia lave, 
And beds of violets drink, at will the wave. ' 

IV. 236. I/iis ira jnodian fupra eft., &c. 

* The injur'd fwar rs with rage infatiate glow. 
Barb every Ihaft, and poifon every blow, 
Deem life itfelf to vengeance well refign'd, 

Die on the wound, and leave their ftings behind. ' 
This laft pafiage is happily rendered ; but we are inclined to fuf- 
pe£l that the tranflator fancied the bees of Virgil to have ranged 
in gardens particularly dedicated to botany ; that they were pro- 
tefted by * aerial powers hovering round, ' who pointed their 
flings, and animated * their tiny bands ' to vengeance. 

A literal uninjured tranfmillion of fentiment from a dead into a 
living language is generally impoffibh^. Adherence to the letter, 
■where it enervates the fpirit, is the mod unpardonable infidelity : 
and a certain degree of licenfe, in confideration of the difEculty 
attending on his office, is allowed to the poetical tranflator ; as, 
in diplomacy, confiderable difcreiionary powers are vefled in the 
ambaftidor at a diftant court. A poet has authority entrufted to 
him, to complete a pi(£l:ure of which, the outlines only are fug- 
gefted by his original ; and, while he preferves the character of 
the landfcape, to vary the light and fhade with which it is In- 
vefted. But this licenfe, which is never to be ufed raflily, is al- 
ways dangerous in the application. It requires a talle more tlian 
ufually accurate, a thorough perception of that mind, the fcope 
and lineaments of which are to be exprelTcd, and a kindred fpirit. 
It is carried, perhaps, to its greatell allowable extent, where Dry- 
den, in his tranflation of the I2t]i j3i^neid, having defcribed lu- 
turna precipitating herfelf into the river Tiber, from the effect 
of a phrenzied and forrowful dcfpair, adds, with happy audacity 
to the defcription of Virgil, that celebrated line, 
* And her laft fobs came bubbling up in air. ' 
We could point out many inftances in which Mr Sotheby has 
ufed the fame bold freedom with felicity. To the defcription of" 
the manner in which the bees recruit their wafting numbers, is 
added, with great happinefs, in the tranflation before us, the 
feafon of the year when the hive may moft poetically be fuppofed 
to acquire this fabled acceffion to its citizens. B. IV. v. 255. of 
the tranflation, 

' By inilin6t led, at fpr'tng-tidt's genial hour ^ 

They gather all the race from herb and flower. ' 
So alfo, B. II. I4p. Hie vcr njjldimm citqiie alienis menfihiis ttfias^ 

' % 



x8c4« SotliebyV TranJIatton of the GeorgUu 299 

is converted, with great tafte, into a defcription more vivid and 
particular, 

* And winter wears a wreath of fummer flowers. ' 
We do not tliink it fair to attribute the luho/e merit of thefe 
elegancies to the rhyme ; though rhyme, probably, is as often the 
connecling caufc ,of poetical invention, as the bond by which it 
is conftrained. We attribute great merit to Mr Sotheby for the 
tranilation of thefe paflages ; but we have to complain, that tliough 
he is to be commended for having often varied, judicioufly, the 
drapery, he has aifo often violated the coftume of Virgil. 

The celebrated hues, B. I. 328. Ipfe pater med'u nimhorum in 
noBey yc. are rendered by Dryden with great fpirit. The pre- 
fent tranilation has the merit of more ftately verfilication, and 
greater fidelity. 

• The Thunderer, thronM in clouds, with darknefs crown'd. 
Bares his red arm, and flr^flies lightnings round. 
The beads are fled : earth rocks fronn pole to pole. 
Fear walks the world, and bows th' aftonifh'd foul i 
Jove rives with fiery bolt Ceraunia's brow, 
Or Athos blazing 'mid eternal fnow, ' 
It is to be regretted that, after having executed the refl fo v/ell, 
the tranflator fhould have deviated from his original, for the pur- 
pofe of introducing fo quaint an antithefis as this, between the 
cold fnow and the hot thunderbolt which blazed on Athos. Had 
he been bufied with the fnowy mantle, the icy beard, and the 
rivers which trickle down the chin of Atlas in the fourth ^Eneid, 
we would have excufed a fimilar addition to the picture, but here 
every thing is grand and fimple. 

This * blazing amid fnow' belongs, indeed, partly to a vitiated 
mode of expreflion, to which Mr Sotheby is partial. Book II. 
line 82. of the tranilation, we have * toils that never tire, ' with- 
out any perceivable reafon why they fliould not produce the ufual 
effect of toil : Book I. 114. Tr. * The chill north blifters as it 
blows:' I. 378. Tr., and again IV. 645. Tr. ' The river 
freezes as it flows : ' 1. 94. Tr. The vetch and lupine * Bow'd 
to the gale, and rattled as it blew : ' Book IV. 305. Why fhould 
Virgil's * Zephyris prhnum impellentihus undiSf'' be tranflated, 

* when firft young zephyr lavea 

His fponive pinions in the vernal waves, ' 
III. 49. * Seu qtiis Olympiaca miratus pramia palma.* 

' Does fame for Pifa'.^ palm the coutfer rear .-" 
In thefe, and in other paflages, why fhould metaphorical agency 
be introduced where Virgil, * the great mafler of proprieties, \ 
ufes the language of fimple precept ? 

A fimilar admixture of injudicious circumllances, or afFedled 
exprelTion, is a blemifh to this work in many of its molt intereft- 

ing 



'j{66 SothebyV Tranjlatton of the Georgtcf", ' July 

ing parts ; and it is a blemifli from which the original is free, be- 
yond all other writers. We wifh that Mr Sotheby, in preparing 
a new edition of his verfion, which, we believe, is loudly called 
for, would difcard fuch prettinefles, and aflume a dignity more 
worthy his own talents, and the majefty of his incomparable au- 
thor. The taflc will not be a long or tedious one, 
To rip the tinfel ' from the fatin 
Of that pure uncorrupted Latin. ' 
That he is competent to better things, no perfon can doubt, who 
will read his tranflation of that noble apoftrophe to ruftic happi- 
nefs, II. 459. fortunatos nimiumj &c. 

* Ah ! happy fwain ! ah ! race belov'd of heaven ! 
If known thy blifs, how great the blefling given ! 
For thee juft earth from her prolific beds 
' , Far from wild wzv fpo.-.taneous nurture fheds. 

Though nor high domes through all their portals wide 
Each morn difgorge the flatterer's refluent tide ; 
^ Though nor thy gaze on gem- wrought columns reft. 
The brazen buft, and gold-embroider'd veil 5 
Nor poifoning Tyre thy (nowy fleeces foil, 
Nor cafia taint thy uncorrupted oil ; 
Yet peace is thine, and life that knows no change, 
And various wealth in Nature's boundlefs range. 
The grot, the living fount, the umbrageous glade. 
And fleep on banks of mofs beneath the Ihade ; 
Thine, all of tame and wild, in lawn and field. 
That paftur'd plains or favage woodlands yield : 
Content and patience youth's long toils affuage, 
Repofe and reverence tend declining age : 
There Gods yet dwell, and, as flie fled mankind, 
There Juftice left her lafl: lone trace behind. ' 
This is admirable. We beg leave to refer alfo to Book I. 393 & 
466; II. 1365 and IV. 219. 

We have already adverted to the known neceffity of permitting 
confiderable liberty of word and fentiment to a tranllator, that 
he may be able to fulfil his part with vigour and fuccefs. That 
thas neceffity has been much exaggerated by Dryden, and moft 
of the tranllators who formed themfelves on his model, the 
Georgics now prefented to the public are a fufficient proof. It 
is the clofeft verfion of a claffic author, that we have feen, de- 
ferving the name of poetry, and . it owes much of its excellence 
.3nd fpirit to its fidelity. Some of its brighteft paflages are thofe 
which are the moft literal. 

Book I. 34. tibi brachia contrahit i'ngens 

Scorpius, &c. 
' Scorpius, even now, each (hrinking claw confines. 
And more than half his^ieaven to thee refigns. ' 

Book 



l804' Sotheby's Tfati/Iation of the Georgia. 301 

Book I. 247. Illic.ut perhibent^ Sec. 

' There night, eternal night, and filence fleep. 
And gathering darknels broods upon the deep : 
Or, from our chnie when fades the orient ray, 
There bright Aurora beams returning day : 
And when above Sol's fiery couriers glow. 
Late Vefper lights his evening liar below. ' 
If the laft line but one had been Itill more rigidly exacl, as it 
might eafily have been, the ftrength and harmony of the period 
would not have been impaired. 

We have compared fome of. Dryden's bed paflages with the 
parallel tranflatiori of ^r Sotheby : and though we find in Dry- 
den a flow and exuberance of language almolt peculiar to that- 
great and intereding poet, it would be unjuft not to allow to the 
prefent tranflator the palm of fuperiority. Much of Dryden's 
exuberance proceeds from a want of fcrupulous accuracy : but it 
is remarkable that he is often indebted for his energy to an ad- 
herence to words which Mr Sotheby has too hallily forfaken, or 
from a prefervation of individual circumflances, which Mr Sotheby 
has reduced to general terms. 

Book I. 462. nam /ape videmus 

Ipfms in vultii var'tos err are color es. 
* For oft we find him finifhing his race 

With various colours erring on his face. ' DIryden 

' But chief obferve, along his weftern way. 

Each hue that varies at the clofe of day. ' Sotheey. 

In the ilory of Orpheus too : Sept em ilium totos, &c. The 
feven continued months are retained by Dryden ; while, in the 
prefent tranflation, %ve are furprifed to find, * He many a month. * 
Is it poffible that a man, fo practifed in poetry as Mr Sotheby, 
can be ignorant how great a charm is added to the expreffion by a 
ftudious adherence to particulars ? Does he not know how mean 
and beggarly a namelefs mountain would appear in coraparifon 
of * the frofty Caucafus ? ' Would he fubftitute ' many a fylph,' 
in the room of the fifty chofen guardians who protect the petti- 
coat J or would he confent that an indefinite fea fhould fupplant 
* the Cafpian ?' But * many a ' is a favourite expi'effion of Mr 
Sotheby. In the firll book, it occurs four times within the fpace 
of lefs than forty fines ; and in the whole tranflation fo frequent- 
ly as to be difgufting. 

We proceed to fome detached obfervations on certain lines 
which we have felefted from thofe which feem to require altera- 
tion, without thinking it neceflary to apologize for the minute- 
nefs of our obfervations. Every perfon who has pradtifed metri- 
cal compofition, is confcious of the importance of verbal niceties 
and diftinti^ion ; and^ as has been before mmtioiied, in a tran- 

■ - flatioii 



3Qi SotliebyV Tranjlation of the Georgics. July 

flation of the Georgics, the ftrifleft accuracy may juftly be ex- 
pe6led. 

I. 28. Omnia liherius^ &c. * And the free earth unaflc'd but 
gave the more. ' Liberius ferehat implies, fimply, brought forth 
abundantly. 

I. 281. * Oil Pt:lion Offa upheave.' A very heavy line and 
harfh ellfion, produced by a foolifli attempt at imitative harmony. 

II. 130. Ac memhr'is agit ntra vefienoy * the draught of hell, 
is very grating to our ears ; and fmiilar expreflious occur more 
than once. 

III. 1 39. ExaHis gravida cum menfihus errant. ' Ah ! footh 
her weaknefs ! ' The exclamation is mifplaced. Virgil would 
notliave prefaced his dire6lions with an Ah ! or with an O! It 
is eafy to try the experiment on the original, and its incongruous 
eiFe£l will immediately be difcovered. 

III. 201. Ille volat, fimul arva figu^ fimiil aquora verrens. 
* While his fleet wings at once the earth and ocean fweep. ' 
Cannot poets be taught by the example of Pope's Camilla, that 
the Alexandrine is a very unhappy contrivance to exprefs velo- 
city } 

III. 409. Tr. Cicada neither is nor ought to be an Englifh 
word. 

III. 417. Stilly: and IV. 88. Shrilly^ we think exceptionable. 

III. 437. ^tum pofitis mvus exiiviiSy &C. 

' When catt his flough, and fcorii'd Ills famiQi'd young. ' 
Virgil does not mean to intimate any parental negligence in the 
ferpent ; but, in faying that he leaves his young, means fimply to 
recal that period of year when the ferpent, in common with other 
animals, is fiercell and moft irritable. * Turn fzvus aper, turn 
peffnna tigris. ' 

III. 453. Tr. • Breath palpable to touch at once defcends, 

And rigid ice from malted beards depends. * 
The fecond of thefe lines is an exa6l tranflatlon. If the tautology 
in the firft line had been omitted, it would have been better. If 
the whole line, which is a gratuitous patch upon Virgil, were to 
be erafed, better ftill. 

IV. 127. Tr. * All glorious to behold.' Hardly to be tole- 
rated, even in pfalmody. 

IV. 296. Tr. * She pours her pale ray. ' We mull enter 
our protell againft the too common pra£lice of introducing pale^ 
Jofty and fair, and other Jweet monofyllables into the accented 
places of heroic meafure. * 

IV. 453- Non te uullius exercent numinis ira ; 

Magna tuis cotnmijfu : tibi has mijerabilis Orpheui 
Haudquaquani cb meritum posnas, ni fata refijlant^ 
Sufcitatf et rat)tu graviter pro c'jnjugi' favit. 

'■ Great 



1 804. SothebyV Tra?ipMUon of the Georglcs, 303 

* Great IS thy guilt ; on thy devoted head 
indignant gods no con:imon- vengeance fhed ; 
Sad Orpheus, doom'd, without a crime, to mourn 
His ravifh'd bride that never (hall return ; ' &c. 
The ff.nfe of the original we conceive here to be entirely miflaken. 
The difufters of the young Theffalian befel him not as a puiiilli- 
ment for any fuppofed ' guilt ' which attached to his purfuit of 
Eurvdice, but as the vengeance of Nemefis for his having been 
the involuntary occafion of her death. This Involuntary crime, if 
it may be fo called, was the ' commifium ' for which Ariftseus 
fuiicred. The * Haudquaquam ob meritum' in the third line, 
refers not to Orpheuc, but to the fame unintentional ofFender, 
That ad^ions, indifferent in themfelves, from which death inci- 
dentally may have refultcd, required expiation, is fupported by all 
the concurrent evidence of antiquity. 

To conclude. If this be not the mofl perfecl tranflation of a 
claihc poet now extant in our language, it alTuredly is capable ot be- 
ing advanced to that high dillindion. We ackowiedge ourlelves fm- 
cerely indebted to Mr Sotheby 5 and we repeat our wifhes, that he 
may l->e difpofed to purfue the path upon which he has fo hap- 
pily entered. If he is inclined to rely on his general merits, as an 
excufe for partial inaccuracy in tafte or in expreffion, we cannot al- 
together rtfiit the plea. V/e think it, however, unbecoming the 
tranflator of the Georgics, for reafqns which we have already 
mentioned — the didaftic fcheme, the finifhed elegance, and pu- 
rity of the original. We renew, therefore, our wifhes, that he 
would exert deferved folicitude in the revifal of his work, and that 
the excellence he has already attained may be an incentive to far- 
ther improvement. 

S:T*egT>))' iXxyj^i;, rxvrrtv Kcr/aei. 



Art. V. Indian Recreations : Conjifting chiefly of StriHures on the Do- 
mejlic and Rural Economy of the Mahoihrnedans and Hindoos^ By the 
Reverend W. Tennant, LL.O. M. A. S. and lately one of his Ma- 
jefty's Chaplains in India. 2 Vol. 8vo. pp. 834. Edinburgh, 
Anderfon : London, Longman & Rees. 1803. 

IC'rom the earlieft times, India has attracted the commercial 
•*• enterprife of Europe, and the acquifition of the trade of that 
country feems almolt to have fixed an sera in the civilization of 
the nations by whom it hiS been fucceflively engrolTed. By 
England it has been cultivated to a far greater extent than by any- 
other people. To our monopoly of this ancient and favourite 
branch of commerce, we have added a vaft dominion ; and every 
difcuilion or refearch conne£led with that q^uarter of the world 

has 



304 I^*" Tennantv hidian Rect-enticnf. July 

has now become of the utmofi: urgency and Importance, as 
the rapidity vyjth Which our empire has been acquired has hi- 
therto afforded us but little leifure to deliberate in what manner 
it might be bed fecured, or moft advantageouily governed. The 
great and the fundamental principle of our government, indeed, 
appears to us to be obvious, that the people inhabiting thole 
kingdoms and provinces which have been reduced under our 
dominion in Afia, are become in every refpetl fubjedls of ,the 
fame government under which we ourfelves live, and are con- 
fequently entitled to all thofe bleilings of fecurity and protec- 
tion which that condition implies. - • 

The improvement of the provinces of Bengal and the Carna- 
tic ought therefore to be as much an objt-6l cif attention, as the 
cultivation of the counties of Middlefex and Dublin ; and the 
perfonal rights and civil liberty of the inhabitants of India are in 
every refpedl as much under the paternal government of the 
King, as the rights and privileges of the people of the united 
kingdom. The objeft of the Company being at firft entirely 
commercial, its whole eftablifhment was calculated to promote 
the views and interefts of the monopoly. Finding this form of 
adminiftration the mod manageable, and bell adapted to its im- 
mediate views, a fyftem, in its nature entirely mercantile, and 
founded on the molt narrow principles of policy, was extended 
to the government of diftrifts and of extenfivc provinces. Its 
defedls were early difcovered indeed, and feverely felt; but fuch 
is the force of eftablifhed habits, that no improvement was ad- 
opted until Mr Pitt's bill in 1784, at which time (though much 
ftill remained to be done) the mod prominent and glaring evils 
were undoubtedly corredled. It is to be recolle6ted, however, 
that at that period the Company's poflefTions were inconfiderable, 
when compared with their prefent extent. A few agents could 
do all the bufniefs, and a fmall army enforce all the orders of 
their employers ; and the power \vhich had not then excited 
univerfal jealoufy, could always command the afliftance of one 
fet of the native powers, when it was threatened with the 
hoilility of another. Our fituation in India is now extreme- 
ly different. The finances of the Company are confefTedly un- 
equal to the maintenance of an army fufHcient for the defence 
and protection of our Afiatic dominions *. The ftate of thefe 
poffeifions is fuch, that the prefence of a few Europeans, an ir- 
ruption 

* To be fatislied of this, it is fiifHcieut to look at the annual ac- 
counts laid before Parliament ; the third report of the fpecial commit- 
tee, p. 83, &c. ; and the Lord Vifcount JMclville's letter to the Chair- 
man, dated 30th June 1801. 



1804. Dr Tcnmm*s T/idlan RccrsdiiotJfi 305 

ruption from Perfin, or an attack from the Burman empire, 
would flrike our po'-ver to the foundation. The very extent of 
our pofftflioiis is their infecurity. The fcattered and uncon- 
nected (late of our forces, the diflance at which our different 
military pofts necelTarily mull be from each other, weakens our 
means of defence, multiplies the opportunities of attack, and 
renders our detachn^ents liable to be cut off, one by one, before 
a fufficient body can be collected to refift the torrent, while the 
very afl'em.bling fuch a body of troops leaves a portion of coun- 
try open to attack, or a prey to rebellion. When our domini- 
ons did not include the whole of the peninfula, our danger and 
infecurity arofe from the intrigues of cabinets, or from open and 
avowed hoftility : to counteratl' the one, or to avert the other, 
an ambaflador at each court of Hinduftan was fufficient. But 
now the danger lies every where concealed ; it is not confined to 
one or two fpots, but extends itfelf over the wide and almoft 
boundlefs ftretch of Engliili India. An evil fo extenfive might 
efcape the vigilance even of the beft conftituted government ; 
and it is not to be expelled, that the youth who is ignorant of 
the language, manners, and cufloms of the people over whom 
he is placed, and with whom he never affociates, will be able to 
difcover or countera£l the fecret machinations of fedition, even 
if he fliould poflefs more a£tivity than our countrymen in Afia 
are generally found to ret;jin. 

Upon a careful examination of the fubje(£\, it mud appear, 
that the moil effe£lual way to preferve India and England toge- 
ther for the greatefl: length of time, and for their greateft mu* 
tual advantage, is to permit the colonization of that country un- 
der proper regulations. The fate of our American colonies 
feems to have frightened ftatefmen even from taking into confi- 
deration the policy of fuch a meafure •, and their timidity has 
been feduloufly augmented by the influence of the exclufive trade. 
The two cafes, when compared, are however fo very difTimilar, 
that there is no arguing from the one to the other ; and the in- 
dependence of America can occafion no feiious alarm as to the 
fecurity of our Indian poflefTions, if this meafure were to be ad- 
opted. The colonization of India would take place under cir- 
cumfiances altogether diflerent from thofe under which any other 
■ fettlements have hitherto been founded by the Englilh or any Euro- 
pean nation. Few of the European colonies owe their exiftence 
to great and liberal views of policy in the parent (late. Having 
been efiabliflied by perfecution, and having flourillied from ne- 
gle6t, they were permitted during their infancy to ftruggle with 
ail the difEculty and mifery of their fituation, without receiving 
any afhftance whatever from the tendernefs of their parent. 
•- VOL. IV. KG. 8. U Their 



.^o6 Dr TennantV Indian Recreation^. l^^f 

Their poverty, however, protc6led them from oppreffion ; their 
jfUdance and their wretchednefs fecured them from attack. In- 
Greafmg in imnibers, nnd advancing in profperity, their hardy 
manner of life infpired them with the love of freedom ; and, pof- 
fefling within thenifejves every thing neceffary for their fupport, 
they were aware and jealous of their importance. This profpe- 
lity, which made them more avcrfe to dependence, inflamed the 
defire of the mother country to maintain them in it ; and a 
flruggle enfued, embittered with all the acrimony which the 
charges of rebellion and of tyranny could occafion. The Euro- 
peans who colonize India, will find themfclves placed in a fitua- 
tion differing in every particular from that of their brethren who 
cultivated the waftes and woods of America. They will fetile 
in a country inhabited by a numerous, induilrious, and in many 
refpefts a highly civilized people, differing from them indeed in 
religion and manners, and probably inferior in vigour of charac- 
-ter: Th.e frequent and rapid intercourfe which now fubfifts be- 
tween the two countries, will prcportionably increafe, and Eiig- 
lifh manners and ideas ■will receive a ctmftant fupport in the new 
draughts from Europe. The principle of felf-defence will oblige 
them to preferve a clofe connexion with each other, and to de~ 
pend upon the parent ftate for afHllariCe and fupport in protect- 
ing them ngainll che infurjreftion of the natives, the inroads of 
the Nortli, or the attacks from Europe ; nor will this wealthy 
and profpcrous colony have any reafon to fear that negle6t which 
was Ihown by the mother country to her weak and indigent fet- 
tlements in thq Weft. The European, by preferving that fupe- 
riority which the vigour of his chara6ler gives him over the na- 
tives, will be enabled, with their afTiftance, to refifl any exter- 
nal attacks to which the Englifli empire may be expofed. But 
the great and efiential fecurity wliich will be derived from the 
increafe of Europeans, is the efl'c6tual check which will be given 
to all plots and confpiracics among the native fubje6ts of our 
empire. The intimate knowledge of their language and manners, 
which will naturally refult from a more extended intercourfe, will 
enable us to difcover and counteract every ftep which may be ta- 
ken to our prejudice ; nor will the period be very diftant, when 
a ftronger and more lafting bond of union will arife, and a reci- 
procity of good offices attach the Indians to the Englifh charac- 
ter and name. 

But we muft not deceive ourfelves, and argue as if we had it 
in our power to adopt or to rejeft this meafure at our pleafure. 
We forget that, even under the prefent fyflem, the colonization 
of India is going on, and upon the worfl of all principles ; We 
forget that, though the Company can prevent an individual from 

fettling 



tBo4' DrTennznt^s Italian Recreations. 3^7 

fettling at Calcutta, the obnoxious perfo' can elu^le their power, 
by walking to the Danilh lettlement of Scrampore, a dillancc of 
fifteen miles, whence he can only h-i removed by force. A re- 
markable inllance of this happened lately ; when a number of 
Baptill miflionaries, wifliing to fettle at Calcutta, and being pre- 
vented by the authority of the Direft^-irs, immediately left the 
PreriJency, and went to Stramporc, whcf" th^iv were permitted 
to enter upon the objecSl of their milhon. Whtn the kttle . cit 
of Chandernagore is rcitorcd to France, the danger and the dif- 
ficulty will be increafed in no fmall degree; and we have every- 
thing to dread from fuch ^ focus of French intrigue in the very- 
centre of our dominions. The condudl purfued by thnt power 
at Pondicherry, is a (triking proof of the truth of this oblerva- 
tion. 

The great incrcafe of our Afiatic em.pire has been produ6iive 
of another confequence, tending evidently to (hake the founda- 
tions ot the prefent fyftem of Indian government. When the 
trade was firft eftabiiflied, rhe writers, fadlors and mercl-mts, 
who were fent out to manage the com.mercial concerns of the 
company, were men in an interior rank of life to thofe who ;enti 
them j they were accuftomed to look up to the latter, as hold- 
ing a higher fituation in fociety. To them, the habits of obecii- 
cnce were already familiar ; nor was the capacity of their maf- 
ters unequal to the adminillrarion of a mercantile concern. As 
the Company extended their dominions, the plains ot India be- 
gan to offer a tempting profpedt to the younger branches of "ur 
noble and ancient iamilics, who flocked tn the Eafl to accumu- 
late a fortune, without tainting their dignity with the iiz'xn ot 
trade. The fame feelings (greatly increafed by the exercift of 
unlimited power, and by the indulgence of every caprice) which 
made them flee from the excrcife of a profc (Tion, forbad them 
to engage in the concerns of the- Company at home, the manage- 
ment of which fell into the hands of an equally worthy, but lefs 
noble fet of men ; and as the fervants furpalfed at home, in rar.k 
and in family confequence, the mailers whom they were obliged. 
to obey in India, it is not diihcult to perceive that, eveii when 
abroad, they would pay infinitely lefs regard to the auth.^riiv of 
the Company, than the ten factors and writers of the earlier 
ages of its exiftence. This evil, it may alfo be obferved, is not 
a little increafed by the Importance and rank which the go's'er- 
nors of India enjoy in England. Indebted for their fitusiion 
entirely to the patronage of the Crown, a-nd ufualiy forming a 
part of the hereditary branch of the "Legifbture, they confuler 
themfelves rather as the comptrollers of the Company thai-, the 
miuil^ers of its pov/er j and there is reafon to believe, that the 

U ?^ Directors 



^'^'S Dr Tennant*j Lidian Recreations. July 

Dire<flors have had to regret, more than once, that their power 
over their governors was not more extenfive, and their authority 
better refpe£led. 

The wifdom of allowing a free trade has been pretty generally 
allowed in fpeculation by all ftatefmen, politicians. and merchants, 
ever fince the publication of the Wealth of Nations ; but, great- 
ly as this fyftem h<is been commended, it is notorious that few 
have afled up to it, and that every one contrives to difcover 
fomething peculiar in his own cafe, or in the circumflances of 
his own profelfion, to make it an exception to the general rule. 
In no inftance has this been fo univerfal as in the cafe of the 
commerce between Europe and Afia ; and in every nation of 
Europe, it has been confidently aflerted, that the trade of India 
mud be committed to the charge of an exclufivc company. 
This more general exception originally proceeded, in a great 
meafure, from the prejudices of mankind in favour of this com- 
merce, which tempted them to buy with a high bribe from their 
refpeclive governments, exclufive privileges and extenfive power. 
In the prefent day, the defence of this falfe policy refts very 
much upon an inference, which is wholly inaccurate, from the 
hiftorical origin of thofe companies. They were founded at a 
time when the capital of individuals was undoubtedly unequal to 
the taflc of fitting out vefiels for fo long a voyage, and for efta- 
blifhing factories in Afia to colle<5l and provide proper cargoes. 
But the true inference from this is only, that Europe was not at that 
period ready to engage in fuch remote enterprifes of trade ; that 
the capital then embarked in commerce, was infufficienr, with- 
out extraordinary privileges, to carry on the Afiatic branch j 
and that nothing but the hope of exorbitant profits, which at 
times attend new adventures wlien protected by exclufive rights, 
could have withdrawn fo much capital from more profitable and 
natural employments nearer home. That divifion of capital 
which is required for the maintenance of foreign commerce, has 
already taken place. The merchants who refide in India are 
pofiefled of fufficicnt wealth, (kill and induflry, to purchafe and 
colledt the various productions which it is the obje£l of Europe- 
an capital to bring to this quarter of the world. But, owing to 
the reftridtions to which this trade is at prefent fub]e61:ed, the 
Indian capitaiifts are not only employed in colle6ting goods from 
all parts of the Afiatic continent, but are alfo employed in fend- 
ing thefe produ£lions to England. If a more liberal fyflem were 
to be adopted, thefe capitalilts would moll probably find a fuf- 
ficient occupation in collecting and aflbrting the goods for the 
European market, and the carrying trade would fall into the 
hi^rids of Englifh European capitalilts. Of this fa^ft, that the 

capitals 



1804. Df TennantV Indian Recreations; ^-chi^ 

capitals of individuals are now fully equal to carry on the com- 
merce of Afia, the ftate of the private and foreign trade aflbrds 
the moil fatisfa£lory proof ; the more fo, as thofe engaged in it 
are able to contend v/ith all the advantages which the India Com- 
pany enjoy as lords of the foil, and proprietors cf the exclufive- 
trade. The inftance of the Anglo-Americans is particularly 
ftrong ; for if they who are fo far our inferiors In fkill, capital, 
and every other commercial facility, find it for their advantage to 
fend their ihips to India, to carry their goods to America, where 
they are landed, and to reOiip thofe goods for the fupply of the 
European market, it mull furely be within the reach of Englift-j 
adventure to engage in that trade, which is able to bear fo circui- 
tous and fo expenlive a voyage, even without taking into account 
the lofs of time and the damage which the goods mull fufFcr from 
their being landed and refliipped in America. 

The fame conclufion mull follow, whether the capital which 
is employed in this roundabout trade be underilood to be Englifh 
or American. If it be Englifli capital (no matter whether Euro- 
pean or Afiatic) it is a pofitlve and unanfwerable demonilration, 
that the fame capital which embraces the roundabout, is fully e- 
qual to the maintenance of the dire£l trade, and that It would not 
only be equal to this dire6l trade, but that it would afford a confi- 
<lerable profit, which might be advantageoully employed in pro- 
moting and carrying on our manufadlures and commerce. This 
profit Is now given up to the Anglo-Americans, for the ex- 
pence of landing and reihlpping the goods, and for tlie difference 
between the length of the near and the roundabout voyage. The 
importance and the magnitude of this American trade, is not, we 
believe, fufficiently known or attended to. According to accounts 
laid before Congrefs, the amount of Indian goods landed in the 
T-lnitcd States for re-exportation, was, in i 790, 2,oco,ooo of dollars; 
in 1800, 39,000,000 of dollars : and this enormous increafe was 
underilood to have arifen almoft entirely from the Indian trade 
liavlng been opened in the interval by the treaty between the 
two countries in 1794. The advantages which England would 
derive from this trade being carried on by Engllfli fnips and Eng- 
llfli failors (European and Afiatic) inilead of American ftiips, mull 
be evident to every one, and would infallibly be fecured, if the 
Engllfli trader were relieved from thofe reftraints to which he Is 
iit prefent fubjecled. * 

The more the fyilem of Indian monopoly is confidered in its 
cffefts, the more fingularly mifchievous it will appear. It de- 
ftroys a dire£l trade between tv.-o parts of the fame empire ; it 

U 3 forces 

* See, upon this fubjeft, an interelting paifige relative to the fur 
U'li'-.f in Sir Akxandci 'Mackenzie's Voyages in North America, lutrod. 



'P.a. Vr TennantV Indian Recreations. Ju^y 

forces the capital which would naturally be employed In this trade 
into a roundabout trade, at the fame time obliging this capital to 
employ In the roundabout trade, foreign fliips and foreign failors, 
while, in the dire£l trade, Engi'fh fhips and Englifh failcrs would 
naturally be ufed ; or, it forces Englilh capital out of this trade 
altogether, and ciifcourages our own induftry in behalf of that of 
our rivals. 

But the v^ifdom and policy of this meafure is defended, becaufe 
every nation which has had any fliare in the trade of India, has 
uniformly adopted the fame plan, and has entrufted its manage- 
jTj^-nt to the dire61:ion of an exclufive company ! The fa61: is un- 
deniable : but unlefs the utter ruin of every monopoly which has 
engaged in this trade, can be confidered as an argument in favour 
of the fyftem, it muft ftill remain liable to thofe objections to 
which it has fo long been expofed. The fame fcenes of dilapi- 
dation abroad, of large profits for a while at home, and of fubfe- 
quent ruin every M^here, forms the hillory of them all ; and the 
l)utch, the Swedifli, the Danifti, and the French companies, 
have fulfilled, in their turn, the fame melaiicholy deftiny- Even 
that arch monopoly of England has more than once experienced 
the fate of its lefs wealthy competitors ; nay, at this very moment, 
flie exifts but by the forbearance of the country. Since the re- 
newal of her charter in 1 794, {he has been confeffedly unable to 
fuliii her agreement with Government; and the weight of her 
debts bids fair again to fubje£l her to that fate which is the necef- 
fary end of all exclufive companies. * 

The bad fuccefs which attended the private adventures from 
France, when the trade between that country and India was 
thrown open, has been triumphantly quoted as an unanfwerable 
proof of the inadequacy of individual capital to carry on the trade 
of Afia. It may be obferved, in the firil place, that the commer- 
cial adventures of the exclufive companies of that country, have 
not been attended with any better fortune, while it may be fug- 
gefted that the ill-direded and puny attempts of tlie French 
traders can never be compared with the great and extenfive enter- 
prifes of the Englifh merchant; and the failure of their adven- 
tures muft be afcribed to the fame caufe which occafioned the 
failure of the more early private adventures from the European 
rations, arifing from the want of capital and other commercial 
facilities j and in the third place, the inftances of the Portuguefe, 
(who, during their career of Indian profperity, had no exclufive 
company, the eftabliihments in that country belonging to thx 
llate); the private traders and the Atiglo-Americans, are perfedly 
fufficjent to point out the fallacy of this confident ailertion. 

Theft 



rid:: Tiiird Special Repcrt, p. 86 ^ feqq. 



1804. Dr Tennznt' s l/iclian Recreatiofis. ^If 

Thefe obfervations are of confequenc as they prove, in the 
firft phice, That the capital of individuals is now equal to carry 
on the trade of Afia. 2. That the India Company do not lupply 
the European markets fuihciently, ei vice vc}ja. 3. That not- 
withllanding the additional lupply which the private and foreign 
traders furniih, the demand for Indian productions is far from 
being fatisfied, as thefe goods ftill bear a monopoly price, the ex- 
pence of the roundabout trade acting as fuch upon the h\c 
of thefe commodities. 

It would lead us far beyond our proper limits, if we were to 
attempt to enter into an invelligation of all the evils which the 
monopoly produces in the home market; i. by keeping up the 
price of goods ; 2. by preventing a free importation of raw ma- 
terials, to be worked up partly for the fupply of the European, 
partly for the fupply of the American, and partly for the fupply 
-of the Afiatic market ; 3. by preventing a free exportation of 
Englifli goods to Afia. For the abfurdity is, that the Company 
not only have the exclufive trade of their own immenfe dominions, 
but of all the eall coail of Africa, of Arabia, Perfia, the Burman. 
empire, China, Japan, and all the Afiatic iflands. With thefe 
countries we have at prefent no trade ; but if the a6livity of in- 
dividuals were not fettered by thefe unjuft regulations, there is 
not the fmalleft doubt that they would foon open new and exten- 
five markets for the fale of Englidi manufaftures. It will be 
faid, indeed, that this is mere fpeculation ; that it is impofTible to 
carry it into pradiice ; that the habits and the opinions of the in- 
habitants of thefe countries are fo hollile to any intercourfe with 
Europeans, that the Company have never been able to eftablifh 
any connexion with them. We are completely aware, that the 
Company has not eftablifhed any intercourfe with thefe countries ; 
but we know alfo, that the Company have no immediate interell 
in the extenfion and fale of Englilli goods, and that the young 
gentlemen under the Company are not of that rank of life, and 
have not received that education which fhould fit them for fuch oc- 
cupations. We know alfo, that it is the interefl of the Company 
that thefe connexions fhould be checked, and not encouraged ; 
for the larger the fupply brought home, the lefs will be the pro- 
fits and the greater the expence ; while the fmaller the quantity 
of goods imported, the profits will be the larger. 

But it is in the Afiatic part of our empire, that the efFe£ls of 
the monopoly are principally felt j and the profperity of millions 
is facrificed to a fyftem, which by many is thought ruinous, bv 
all doubtful. The conduft of the Dutch in the Spice illands, has 
been jullly held up to the difapprobation of the world j yet that 
sondutt was only the natural policy of an exclufive trade ; and 

U 4 though- 



312 Dr T ennznt* s Indian Recreations. July 

though the Enghfh Company does not now a£lually deftroy fields 
of rice, or plough up the poppies when there is too abundant a 
crop, * the fame miferable effedls are produced from the opera- 
tion of the monopoly. The inveftment of the Company is far 
from being equal to the export trade of the Peninfula ii/ofie, put- 
ting the reft of Afia out of the queftion. To keep the price of 
goods in India from rifing, to prevent them falling at home, every 
rival that they can exclude is fliut oqt from the markets of India. 
From the want of competition, the manufa6iurers are obliged to 
fell their goods lower than they would otherwifc do. Every in- 
ducement to exertion is cut oft', every means of improvement is 
tleftroyed. They can fupply no more labour than the demand of 
the market is permitted to encourage ; and the vaft population of 
India is condemned to remain for ever in a flate of wretchedncfs 
and poverty. The poverty of the manufatlurer afl"e£l;s the pro- 
fperlty of the hufl-)andman ; the want of a market dcftroys the 
fupply j and the whole Hate muft advance, vyith the moit rapid 
ftrides, to degradation and decay. 

That we do not indulge ourfclves in too melancholy a view of 
the fituation of the Company, our readers may be convinced by 
confulting p. 86. $5* /('(]']' of the 3d Report of the Special Com- 
jTiittce of the Dire61:ors, in which tlie difilcultics of the Company 
are fufh' iently, though not fully cxpofcd ; and the ftatcmcnts 
contained in the accounts annually laid before Parliament. 

From thefe documents it appears clearly, that during the 
four years ending in I Hoi, the Company have been adding to 
their debt at the rate of one mi/lion one hundred thoufand per an^ 
vum, to enable them to defray the expences of government, and 
to tranfmit the ufual invedmeius to this country ; that the ])ri- 
vate and neutral trade has increafed in the fame period from 
3,978,1901. to no lefs than 3,580,103!., while the fales of the 
Company have diminifhed from 8,337,0661. to 6,648,0281., and 
that the debt owing by the Company has increafed from 9,600,000). 
to 23,000,000!. between the years 1787 and 1803, even without 
reckoning the fums due to governai^nt in the form of public 
■participation, which have never been paid fince 1794, and mufr 
now amount ro at leaft 4,rop,aooL From the latcft accounts 
which bring thofe ftatements down to the year 1802-3 (Parlia- 
mentary Debates, 1803, Vol. VIL p. 337.), it appear^ that the 
livhole concern is worfe for that laft year tlian the preceding by 

1,272,8801., 

* It is, hovvtver, ftroiigly afferted, that a quantity of opium was 
very lately burnt even in the ftrects of our Indian metropolis. How 
much bettrr is fuch condiid than that of the Dutchmen, which har^ 
teeo fc defcTvedly execrated! (Henchman's Qbfcrvjtions, p. 353.,"'^ 



1804. Vf TcinunVs Lidiari Recreations. 313 

1,272,880!., although it had been faid that, during that year, 
the Company would be in a condition to appropriate a whole 
million as a finking fund for the extinction of their debt. 

l^efperate, however, as the condition of the Company appears 
to be, there is no danger of it fpeedlly committing an zCt of" 
bankruptcy ; and though it will continue to add largely to its 
debts, if will rtill find money enough to borrow. It is moft im- 
portant to inquire in what manner this is brought about, and to 
confider to what confequences it ultimately leads. By laying 
biifore Parlianivrnt, yearly, the accounts relative to the Eaft In- 
dia Company, and certain refolutions of approbation and ac- 
quiefcence being conftantly paffed, the legiflature, in fad, has 
held out the credit of the country as the fecurity to which the 
creditors of the Company are to look forward in cafe of its 
failure. The aflcts and debts of the Company pafs unnoticed j 
thev never enter into the confideration of thofe who are defir- 
ous of lending money to the Direftors. There is not a man 
indeed in Enghmd, who doubts that if the Company fliould 
fail, the country would adopt the debt of 23 millions as its own ; 
and there is not a man who would hefuate to recommend that 
mcafure. Is it not better, therefore, that the country (hould 
adopt the debt noiu, when it is comparatively fmall, than permit 
it to go on accumulating under the bad management of the 
Company, having no conrroul over its increafe, and in hCt in- 
curring a large debt which is borrowed for the advantage of 
individual merchants, not for the expence of government — 
always recoUeding that the efFe£l of the prefent fyftem of mo- 
nopoly is to diminifh and deftroy the refources of that country 
from which the interell of the debt ought to come in the fame 
ratio as the debt itfelf increafes ? 

The intereft and importance of the fubjcfft has led us perhaps 
rather too far into thefe general obfervations ; and we are fome- 
what afliamed to think that we have not yet introduced the name 
of Dr Tcnnaut to the notice of our readers, To thofe, however, 
who are acquainted with any thing in the work before us beyond 
the title-page, we probably will not appear to have indulged in 
any fpeculations that are not fairly fuggeiled by the tenor of its 
contents. The title indeed we think moft. unfortunately chofen ; 
and acknowledge, that it led us to expeft nothing better than 
a treatife upon the fports and amufementsof Bengal, interfperfed 
with the lively failles, and moral reflections of the reverend 
author. It turns, out, however, to be a colleClion of difTerta- 
tions and ftatements upon fome of the moll curious and im- 
portant fubjedts connected .with the political and agricukural 

opcqnoniy 



314 DrTtnmviiS Indian Recreations^ July 

ceconomy of the Hindus, exprefTtd in a very difagreeable ftyle, 
and arr.inged without the fmalleft: regard ro the connexion of 
the difFcreni fuhjedts. It appears, indeed, rhat this confufion 
was altogether voluntary on the part of the author, and that he 
claims confiderabk meiit for the fauhs of his arrangement. In 
his Preface to Vol. II. he fays that a perfeft arrangement of the 
different parts of rural osconomy has not been fo much fludied 
as variety, and that it has been thought eligible to relieve the at- 
tention by introducing other topics, lefs tedious, and more in- 
terefting to the generality of readers. 

In the Preface to his firfl volume, the author informs us, 
that his book contains information, the greater part of vi^hich 
is the refult of his own perfonal obfcrvation ; but that, in or- 
der to make it more compl<.te, he has confulted the works 
of Sir W. Jones, Dr Roxburgh, Dr Hunter, Dr Fontnno, 
and Captain Hardwick. lliis, we mufl acknowledge, is not 
exa6lly the account we (hould have given of the volumes be- 
fore us : we do not remember to have often feen a work of this 
magnitude fo entirely deftitute of any claim to originality. So 
far from the greater part of the work being the refult of actual 
obfervation, there is not one fingle fa£l:, of any confequence, 
which is not taken from fome other perfon. Wherever the au- 
thor endeavours to give any information from himfeif, it is fure 
to be inaccurate and contradictory. It does not appear that he 
has even read over his compil.irion after it was put together ; 
for he has taken no pains to reconcile the jarring opinions which 
exift in every page. 

The firft volume is a di^eft of fuch authors as have written 
upon thofe fubjefts of which our author profeffes to treat, with- 
out any thing new or curious being added. In Vol. II. p. 344, 
we are informed that there is a printed treatife, which has not 
been yet publifhed, entitled, ' Remarks on the Agriculture and 
Commerce of Bengal, by a Civil Servant of the Company ; * 
and of this treatife he admits that he has made ample ufe. But 
he has made ftill greater ufe of it than he is willing to allow,, as 
may be feen by comparing the chapter beginning Vol. II. p. 344. 
■with this treatife (which, though not publiihed, has in part 
found its way into the Afiatic Ann. Reg. 1802, pp. 47. 53- 7'-) 
From the fame treatife, the materials, and, in many initances, 
the very language of the chapters beginning Vol. II. pp. i. 8. 
75. '289. 296. 304. 321. 328. 337. 344. are taken. The account 
of the cultivation of the fugar cane is taken word for word from 
Dr Roxburgh's Memoir, which has been before the public for 
fome time, and may be found in the Af. An, Reg. 1802, Mif- 

cel 



1804. T)f TennaniV Indian Recreations. ^i^ 

eel. Tra£ls, p. 7. The defcriptlon of the attempts made to in- 
troduce the cochineal into Bengal, is alfo a copy of Dr Fon- 
tano, to be found in the fame work for 1799. Tl^' account of 
the agricuhural procefles in the Dooab, p. 27^, i?; the produc- 
tion of Captain Hoar, The defcription of the fort of Allaha- 
bad, and of the adjacent country, p. 241 to p. 252, is the ex- 
atl copy of a letter from an officer in the army to his iriend 
in this country, inferted in the Farmer's Magazine, Vol. III. 

Dr lennant is alfo guilty of a pra£lice extremely common with 
all thofe who have vifited India -, we mean, the cuftom of mak- 
ing ufe of Afiatic phrales, without explaining their meaning. 
This is always inconvsiiient, but it is quite intolerable where the 
value of the work depends upon an acquaintance with the 
weights and meafures the author ufes, as compared with thofe 
of England. Yet fo it is, .that the author never once thinks of 
even telling us the value of the different rneafures he mentions, 
and does not even cenhne him.felf to one fet, but ufes, indifcri- 
minately, rneafures of different capacities under the fame deno- 
mination. 

It gives us great concern to remark, that the Doctor's par- 
tiality to his native country has fometimes manifclled itfelf m a 
way which may expofe him to the ridicule of our iouthern neigh- 
bours. He recommends, as an improvement upon the unen- 
clofed ftate of Bengal, the ufe of Hone dikes or walls; for- 
getting that what is in a great meafure the offsprmg of neceflity 
in Scotland, would prove a very expenfive mode of improvement 
in the fiats of Bengal, where there is not a Hone to be found ; 
and we are afraid fome obftinate Englifhmen will continue to 
prefer the beauty and comfort of a hedge to the lefs apparent 
advantages of a dike. 

We feel dill more deeply, however, for that unfortunates ne- 
gligence which has led the Do£lor to furniih fo many ne^' apo- 
logies for thofe Englifh prejudices which have fo long pr-^va'deti 
againll our claffical learning and (kill in profody. Dr Turner's 
work is full of quotations ; but they are fo inaccurately given, 
that it is not always eafy to recognize them. 

In his application of what Lucan faid of C?efar to a certain 
merchant of Calcutta, we have the following harmonious line ; 

' Nil acluni reputans donee al'iquid fupereffet agendum. ' 
Upon Horace he makes fimilar improvements : 

* Naturam licet furcd expellas tamen ufque recurret. ' 
And : 

* Qc\Jt graviori cafu 

decidunt turres. ' 

Nor 



g 1 6 Dr Tennant'j Indian Rect'eatiotis. July 

Nor does Virgil efcape better ; for we find, 
* O fortunatos nimlum fua fi bona norunt 

Agrlcolas ' 

And talking of the vengeance which England would infliil up- 
on the difloyalty of her ions in India, he exclaims, 

* Manet 2\te xcpoftum 

Spreti injuria regni, ' &c. 

For inaccuracies of another kind, we refer our readers to 
Vol. II. p. 8. & 185. The number of harvefts in p. 186. com- 
pared with the number of ploughings p. 196, and the produc- 
tion of opium p. 208. But almoft every page will furnifli an 
example. 

The artificial and unnatural divifion of a people into diftinfl 
clafl'es, is perhaps the moft efFe£lual method which could have 
been derived by the ingenuity of man to check their improve- 
rnent and reprefs their indullry. Indeed, the natural operation 
of fuch an inftitution is fo diametrically oppofite to, and incom- 
patible with the flrongeft principles of our nature, that we are 
inclined to believe that its exiftence (in a perfe6l (late) is alto- 
gether ideal ; and if it had ever been completely carried into 
practice, the baneful effeft would have been fo immediate, that 
the total annihilation of public fpirit and enterprife would have 
been the inevitable confcquence. 

We therefore cannot help doubting that moft authors have, 
from various very obvious reafons, been led to exaggerate a little 
in their defcription of this phenomenon in the conftitution of 
Hindu fociety. We are the more inclined to adopt this opi- 
nion, as we find that many intelligent writers do not by any 
means confirm the perfe£l feparation of thefe cafts in tluir in- 
tercourfe with fociety •, and it is to be rem.arkcd, that the later 
authors, who have had the beft opportunities of obferving with 
accuracy, are thofe who have given ys thi§ more probable ac- 
count. 

We fiball not ftop, however, to examine the various accounts 
which have been given of this very curious and highly Intcrclting 
fubje£t. The well known divifion into four cafts, need hardly be 
mentioned, viz. i. The Btahmatis^ who conftitute the higheft 
clafs, and from whom the priefts are chofen, for all brahmans are 
not priefts : 2. The J^atry^ to which clafs all princes or rajahs 
belong, and, according to fome, the whole tribe of rajipoots : 3. 
The Bhyfe^ or Banian caft, under which are enumerated all who 
cultivate the land, tend the cattle, buy and fell : 4. The Sordera, 
or Sudra, to which clafs belong all artifans and labourers of every 
(defcription. There are, befides, a nuinerous body of putcafts, 
denoaiinated chandalahs or pariahs, who are fubdivided into two 

great 



3804. DrliCnmxit^s Indian Recreations'. 31 ^ 

great clafles, thePariahs and the Sariperes, who have no connexion 
with each other. According to fome, there is an adventitiou:^ 
clafs which is called Burum Shunker, * and ranks after the Sudra, 
and to it belongs all artizans, who are again ranged in tribes ac* 
cording to their profelHons. Thefe great clafles have been divided 
and fubdivided a thoufand different ways, by different authors, 
no one agreeing altogether with another. In ord(:;r to fliow the 
obfcurity in which this fubje£l is left, and point out the contra- 
dictions of various authors, we only take notice of the following. 
Dr Tennant fays, ' A Hindoo of the higher order cannot contraO; 
a marriage with any inferior clafs to her own. ' vol. I. p. 1 19. 
In the fifth volume of the Afiatic Refearches, Mr Colebrook gives 
us an enumeration of the principal mixt claffes which have fprung 
from the intermarriages of the original cajls ; and we have little 
hclltation in adopting this opinion, and totally rejedling that ftated 
by Dr Tennant, as we conceive fuch an artificial fociety to be liter- 
ally incompatible with the nature of man, and the conftitution 
of civil fociety. A brahman is not prevented from exercifing an 
employment which is the ufual occupation of any of the inferior 
tribes; and we thus find him a ftatelman, a cultivator of the grountl 
(ryot), and even ferving in the ranks. (Afiat. Reg. 1799- p. 5. 
note). Nay, he is obliged at times to fubmit to the rfioll mortify- 
ing and degrading duties. Colonel Jones, in his Account of the 
PJahrattas, fays that he has frequently known brahmans of a very 
high rank preffed to carry the baggage of travellers, when none 
of the inferior calls were to be found. It would lead us far 
beyond our proper bounds to multiply fimilar inllances. But it 
may be obferved, that the brahman, in his military capacity, is 
obliged to ferve with individuals not only of the inferior tribes, 
but even at times with the outcafts. The blood of a brahman, it 
is true, cannot be (lied ; but it did not require much ingenuity to 
find out, that by fuffocation the law was eafily evaded, and juffice 
fatisfied. Mofl of our accounts of the brahminical inftitutions 
are taken from books, and not from actual obfervation ; and our 
obfervations have been confined almoft: entirely to the provinces 
of Bengal. What the ftate of fociety was in the Myfore under 
Tippoo, in the Carnatic, &c. we have no account ; but, from the 
defpotic power of thefe princes, and of the early conquerors of 
India, thexe is little reafon to believe that the brahmans retained 
any great privileges ; and in the older provinces of our empire, the •_ 
jultice of England has equally fubjedled to its rules the brahmaii 
and the outcalt. 

• The 

* According to Mr Halhead, Burum Shunker is the denominatiK.)!* 
given to all thofe produced by the intermarriage of two cla3e«. 



318 Dr TenrxantV Indian Recreations. July 

The bad efFefts of the Hmdu fyftem, imperfe£lly as we believe 
jt to be enforced, is however every where apparent. The power 
of the brahmans, or more properly the influence of fuperltition, 
is fuch, as to be incompatible with the exiflence of a profperous 
or flouriihing country ; and there can be no well regulated and 
efficient government, when the deluded inhabitants are reflri6led 
in the choice of their food, and condemned, by the tenets of 
their religion, to poverty and Vi/^retchednefs. As the obfervance 
of external forms conllitutes the chief obje£l of the Indian's 
worfhip, the fviblime notion of a Supreme Being is loft amidft 
a crov/d of inferior deities ; and the moral principle of the 
follower of Brahma is blunted by the example of their priefts, 
and dcftroyed by the efficacy of penances and expiations. * In 
this, however, the Hindu religion is fo far from being fingular, 
that it has merely followed the natural progrefs of all I'uper- 
flitions. Even the pure and fublime morality of the Chrilfian 
fyftem did not efcape the taint of human imperfection ; and, 
previous to tlie great work of the Reformation, the lives of the 
priefts, and the fale of indulgences, had produced nearly the fame 
eftl.6ls in Europe as the fame caufes appear to have done in 
Inuia. 

At this period of their progrefs, therefore, it probably would not 
be difficult to gain over a great part of the people from their pre- 
vailing fuperftition •, and the fuccefs which has attended the Baptift 
raiftion at Serampore gives ground to believe, that the exertions 
of the Eftablifhed Church, fupported by the power and influence 
of government, v/oukl be able to rnake a rapid progrefs in the 
converfion and confequent inoral improvement of the Hindus. 
The greateft obftacle to the converfion of any of the difciples of 
Brahma, is the lofs of caft which follows their defertion of their 
religion. It would therefore be proper for the government to 
adopt fuch meafures as may be necelT.iry for the enaployment and 
protection of thofe who have facrihced their worldly concerns, 
for the fake of everlafting happinefs. The melancholy fate of 
thofe whom the zeal of the Baptift million at Serampore con- 
verted to the Chriftlan faith, points cut the neceffity of adopting 
fome fuch meafure ; and it is well worthy the atteation of our 
modern government to inquire how far it v/ould be right to ex- 
tend a like prote6cion to the dcferving part of the pariahs or 
eutcafts. 

The 

* The Hindus are reported to have thirty crcre of deities, and their 
almanack enjoins the obfervance of upwards of ninety fetlivais in th€ 
year, fome of which engage the whole time of the woTfaippers for foiHt 
or five days. 



1804. DrTtnnznt^s Indian Recreationf* 31^ 

The agriculture of the Hindus is wretched in the extreme. 
The rudenefs of their implements, the flovenlinefs of their prac- 
tice, and their total ignorance of the mod finiple principl'^s of 
the fcience, are all equally remarkible The hufbandry of the 
fouth of Europe is bad j hu- , when compared to that of Irdia, 
it is perfcftlon. Arnidil the ignoranct and poverty which dif- 
grace the once fertile provinces of Spain and Italy, we find 
traces of their former excellence, and we can, without difficulty, 
perceive in their tools the refemblance of thofe which were ia 
ufe two thoufand years ago. No fuch traces of former fuperiority 
are difplayed in the hufbandry of India j and the rudenefs and 
unfitnefs of all their implements is a moft curious inflance of 
want of contrivance and ingenuity, in a people who have arrived 
at a certain degree of civilization. 

The Hindu farmer is generally obliged \o fcratch his field four 
times over before he is able to produce the femblance of mould j 
and, even then, except in light land, the field remains full of 
dirt and rubbifli, and has by no means the appearance of land 
prepared for feed. In fome inftances, it is necefiary to plough 
the ^c\d. Jlftten times over in every direction, before it is fit for 
fowing. The harrow is ftill more wretched than the plough. 
It will fcarcely be believed that the highly civilized inhabitant of 
Hinduftan has no other fubftitute for that neceflary tool, than a 
bough broken from the neareft tree. The engine ufed for a" 
roller is equally cumbrous and unferviceable, * refembling a 
ladder of 18 feet long, and drawn by four bullocks, which are 
guided by tv/o men, who I'land upon the inftrument, in order to 
increafe its weight. ' 

Unfit as thefe implements are for the cultivation of the ground, 
in general, they are particularly ill-fuited for the new and loamy- 
country of Bengal, where all forts of weeds grow particularly 
llrong and thick, as in every country in the fame circumftances. 
The fpontaneous growth of vegetables and underwood of all forts> 
makes the culture of land an operation of much time, of great 
labour, and of vaft expence. We accordingly find, that the cul- 
tivation of the Dewannee provinces is far lefs perfedl: than that of 
the lighter foils in the upper country. The belt cultivated diftri6t 
in this part of India, feems to extend from j>rIongheer in Bahar to 
Mlrzapore. In the neighbourhood of Mongheer and Patria, in- 
deed, the utmofi: activity and induftry prevail. 

The more glaring defects of the Hindu agriculture may be con- 
ceived from the following (hort flatement. i . The ufe of ma- 
nure is entirely unknown in mod difti-icls, and, where it is at all 
ufed, it is in fuch fmall quantities as not to form any material ob- 
ie£l of attention, o.. The rotation of crops is entirely unknown. 

The 



320 Dr Temiant'j' Indian Recreatmn. Julj^ 

The only object of the Hindu farmer, is to raife as many white 
crops as his land will bear. When it is entirely exhaulted, he 
permits it to lye waltc until it regains its productive powers, 
when the fame courfe of cropping is agv.in puriued. In the vici- 
nity of Allahabad, when the liekl is exhaufled, they turn in fhecp 
to manure it. -3. The total want of green crops is a formidable 
check to the improvement of any country, but more efpecially of 
fuch a country as Hinduilan. Without fuch a fpecits of crop- 
ping, the whole fyllem muil be bad, the quantity of dung pro- 
duced mud be trilling, and the ifock of an inferior and beggarly 
defcription. 4. From the want of artificial gralles, the fkiil of the 
farmer and the improvement of the country at large is confined 
within narrow bounds, where the country is for fo confiderablc 
a period deprived of all kind of vegetation by the exceflive heats. 
5. In the choice of the proper feafons for ploughing and fowing, 
the Hindu is equally defe6live. 6. The barbarous fyltem of 
fowing two and three fpecies of grain in one field, is of itfelf fuf- 
iicient to eltablifli the character of Hindu hulbatidry. 7. The 
mode of reaping is equally dcfc6live : if two or three fpecies of 
grain are fown in the fame field, the Indian hufbandman treads 
down a great part of his crop in order to coUecl each kind fepa- 
rately : indeed, fo fond is he of this method of proceeding, that 
he purfues it even where the crop is all of one kind, that he may 
fele£l what he reckons the ripelL 8. The entire want of enclo- 
fures is an evil of fuch magnitude, that it is impoflible to calcu- 
late its extent. 9. But the great drawback to all improvement, is 
the infecurity of the ryut, who is ftill far from being completely 
protected, notwithftanding every thing that may have been done 
in his favour. The zemindar raifes his demand according to the 
produce of the year ; and though an abatement is made in an un- 
favourable feafon, the uncertainty of rent operates powerfully to 
check all fpirit of im.provement. The collection of the rents in 
kind is attended by all that lofs and vexation which are found to 
accompany it in Europe. Finally, 10. In the want of capital, the 
farmer and the proprieto| of Hindultan feels an infurmountable 
obftacle to all improvement. 

In the lower parts of India, tlic number of harvefts are three ; 
two of rice in the fummer, and one of wheat, barley and peas, in 
fpring. It would have been entirely inconfiftent with our au- 
thor's inaccuracy to have mentioned the different periods at 
which the ploughing, fowing and reaping, takes place. In the 
upper provinces, the harveits are two in number, Kheereef and 
Rubbeef ; the former happening in September and October, the 
latter in March and April. The fpecies of grain cultivated in 
Hinduftan are extremely numerous, and in general diiferent from 

thofe 



x8o4. DrT&nnznt^s Indian Recreations* yzx 

thole wiilch are raifed In Europe. Rice is the prevailing crop in 
the low country ; and along the courie of the Jumna and Ganges, 
from Allahabad upwards, wheat forms the principal obje£l of tlie 
farmer's attention. 

The meafures which occur in the courfe of this work are, for 
land, the cutcha and pukka biggah j the former being equal to one 
eighth, the latter to one third of an acre. The latter is the moft 
generally ufcd, and is always meant where biggah occurs without 
the addition of the adjective. 

Grain is meafured by the weight, viz. by maunds and feers. 
The maund is 74 lib. 10 oz. 10 dr. avoirdupois, and a fraftion of 
no great value. Taking the average weight of a bufhel of wheat 
at 60 lib., the maund is i bufliel 15 pints. If the grain is bar- 
ley at 48 lib. a bufliel, the maund is 1 b. i p. i p. The feer is 
^'^th part of a maund, and is equal to 1 lib. 13 oz. 13 dr. ; about 
2 pints. The calculations are made, taking wheat as the ftand- 
ard, except when barley is particularly mentioned. The maund 
is taken at 1 2 anas. This allowance is no doubt high ; but it 
was thought better to do fo, as there was no average given The 
rupee ufed is the Sicca rupee (2s. 6d.), confifting of 16 anas, va- 
lued at I Id. each. 

The price of gram (a fpecies of tare) near Patna, is a rupee 
(2S. 6d.) for 30 feer. Rice and doht (a fpecies of pulfe) fome- 
what cheaper. 

The fyftem of rural economy in Hinduftan, clofely refembles 
what in France was known by the title of the metayer fyftem, but 
which, in fa6l, is to be found in all countries in a fimilar ftate of 
irnprovement. The landlord provides the feed, upon which he 
makes very confiderable profit. The farmer pays his ploughman, 
partly in wages, and partly by giving him fo much land for his 
own ufe. This allowance is generally about 1 6 biggahs, or 5 a- 
cres arable. This quantity of land can be cultivated with one 
plough, and, in addition to it, there is generally given an equal 
quantity of walle or pailure land. The intereit of this leffee is 
merely annual. His condition is wretched in the extreme, and 
\t appears that this clafs is the moft indigent of all the natives of 
Bengal. The labourer is in all refpe£ls in a much better fituation, 
and the wages he receives greatly exceeds the profit of the poor 
metayer. 

In this country there exifts a burden upon agriculture, which 
has no exaft parallel in any other country with which we 
are acquainted. In the village of each zemindary, there are 
a certain number of officers and artificers who receive a per 
centage, or allowance of grain from each plough, or at each 
harveft. Among thefe is the hhaut or poet^ the village prieft^^ 

VOL. IV. NO. 8. X and 



^2? Dr TenriantV Indian Recreatloni. July 

and the blackfmith. The zemindar is entitled to have his fhare 
of the work done at an inferior rate. Where a tradefman has 
no plough, he pays a certain fum of money. We can form no 
computation of the wages of thefe different people, as they re- 
ceive payment for their work befides. In the Dooab, the tradef- 
man is obliged to work for the allowance. This great divifion of 
labour, m the villages, is the more curious, as it does not occur 
in the manufacturc^j of India In vol. II. p. i8. it is mentioned 
that the manufacturer condu£Vs the whole procefs of his profef- 
fion, from the formation of his tools to the fale of his production. 
Unable to wait the market, or anticipate its demand, he can only 
follow his trade when called to it by the wants of his neighbours. 
In the mean time, he mail apply to fome otlier employment •, and 
and agriculture is the general reiource. The inconveniences and 
evils of this fyilem have been long felt and acknowledged. The 
remedy has never been confuiercd ; and there feems but little 
profpe<9: of anv thing foon being done, to alleviate the mifery, or 
improve the fituation of this defcription of men. The introduc- 
tion of Engliflv capital, (kill and induftry, appears to be the only 
refource^ The indocihty and prejudices of the natives have been 
ftated as likely to render even this ineffc6tual : but the fuccefs 
which has attended the introdu6tion of the potato and the cultiva- 
tion of indigo, and t\\c perfccStion which they have attained (under 
the direfhion of Europeans) in fl:iip-building, feem to prove, that they 
want only the means and the opportunity of becoming a great 
and important addition to the ftrength and power of the empire. 

In the tu'o chapters commencing at p. 183. 191. vol.11., we 
have a detailed account of a zemindary in the neighbourhood of 
Benares, which is chiefly valuable for the information it contains 
as to thofe Angular pratUces which we have noticed above. The 
extent of the zemindary is 4000 cutcha, or 1500 pukka biggahs 
(500 acres). Of this, 300 acres are under the plough ; the re- 
maining 200 are wafte or pafture land. The annual rent paid to 
government is 900 rupees (i 12I. los.) ; the proprietor's fhare, a- 
mounting to 100 rupees (12I. los.) cr \o per cent. The number 
of inhabitants is 1000 living in one village, which, according to 
Dr Tennant, is nearly one perfon to each Scotch acre. We believe, 
if he will take the trouble of turning up p. 184, vol. II. of his 
own book, he will find that the * fmali zemindary, of which we 
have lately had a defcription, * confiils of Jive hundred acres, 
which is exadlly two perfons to each acre. The number of work-* 
ing cattle is 400. The wages of the ploughmen are five feer of 
the grain which happens to be in cultivation, and two rupees at 
€ach hulwary or ploughing feafon, namely, after the fetting in of 
the rains in June, and after they break up in October, X^e a- 
: . mouz^t 



1804.' DrTtnnznti's Indian Recrenttonr. ^7% 

mount of thefe v/ages are 7 quarters 3 builaels 4 pecks 1 1^ pints, 
which is within a trifle of thi." wages near Allahabad, as will be 
feen prefently. The wages of the other country labourers, are 
5 feers of grain, and a 25th fheaf during harveft. The reapci has 
a tenth of the coarfe, and a twentieth of the finer grains After 
all thefe deductions, the (hare of the ryut mufl: be inconfiderable 
indeed. The food of the hufbandman in this diftri£l: confifts of 
rice, barley, v/ith the various kinds of pe\, either feparntely or 
mixed. Wheat is only ufcd by the higher ranks. The moft fub- 
ftanti-^1 meal to which the lower- ranks can afpire, is a lore o£ 
porridge of fried grain, r duced to flour by a i.and-mill. 

In the diftricl about Allahabad, the whole ftock of the farmer 
is not worth 8 rupees (20s.) exclufive of the value of his cattle. 
Wheat is the prevailing crop. A man and tv/o cattle can till a 
biggah many times in a day. The prote^lion of the feed and 
crop from the birds, is neceffary all over this country. This 
duty falls to the lot of the women and boys, though in feme parts 
it forms the occupation of the men. 

The rate of wages in this diiiricl, and the produce of an acre, 
as compared with thofe of England, will be leen from the follow- 
ing table, taking, according to Sir George Shuckburgh, is. 5d. as 
the average wages of a labourer, and 7s. cd. as the price of a 
bulhel of wheat. In order to get real and praftical information 
upon the fubjecS:, it is necefl'ary to ftate the value of the wages, 
&c in grain, tlie money price of labour forming no ftandard o£ 
comparifon. 

Quantity of feed to an acre in 

India - _ - 

Ditto in England 
Produce of an acre in India - 
Ditto in England 
The rent of wheat land in India, 

1 8s. 9d. - - - - - - I 4 I 3 

Ditto of arable land in England, 

14s. 2id. - - - - - - iio^ 

The wages of a ploughman in 

India -- - - - -7124 

In England - - - - - - 823:4 

From this table It appears, that the quantity of feed fown in 
each country is nearly the fame, while the produce is nearly 
treble iti India. The circumllance moft worthy of attention, is 
the high wages of the Indian. According to the ufuai calcula- 
tions, a man in England, confumes a quarter of whtzt per ci?if!um, 
and the inhabitants over-head 6 buftiels. Out of tha remaunng 

X a '7 



ONE HARVEST. 


\VH 


OL 


E YEAR, 


Q^ B. 


p. 


p. 


Q; 


B. 


P. P. 


2 


3 


i| 





5 


2 3i 


2 


2 








2 


2 


6 7 


2 


3 


^3 


7 


6 


2 4 








2 


4 






j^jf DrTtwriTinCs Indian Recreafiom. JtiTy 

7 quarters he has to pay for his houfe, his clothes, taxes, and 7f 
variety of other things which cullom has rendered necellary to his- 
exillence. The Indian kbourer (for the ryut is by no means fo well 
otY) receives within one quarter of as high wages as the Englifli 
peafant, without having any of thofe outgoings to diminifh his in- 
come. If the fa61: is- as here l^ate(i, (and it agrees with M^iat the 
author himfelf ilates relative to the wages near Benares), we are at a 
lofs to find a reafon for fuch a fmgular circumflance. The labourer 
receives a certain allowance at certain periods of the year, entire-^ 
If independent of his regular wages. From the krgenefs of that 
allowance, there Js reafon to think that it was fixed in a period of 
great profperity, or adopted 'for the purpofe of making the regu- 
lation of luages more eafy. This cuflom prevails alfo in the 
fouthern part of the peninfula. Much light would be thrown up- 
on the whole fubjeft, if fonie perfon would communicate to the 
pubHc an account of the Carnatic and the Myfore. This clafs cti 
day-labourers appears iiow to bear a very fmali proportion to the 
7fietayers. 

In Bengal, the ftate of she peafantry and produce of the land 
feems to be much inferior to, what we have been contemplating in 
the vicinity of Benares and Allahabad. The (late of the new 
country of Bengal muit bid defiance to the ikill and implements 
of the country, and we repeat again, that the only remedy tO' 
the evil is by introducing the indullry and the capital of this- 
country. 

The farmer of the lower provinces does not depend, however, 
upon the cultivation of grain for tshe profit of his farm. It is up- 
on the produce of his dai-ry, arifing from the profits from the fale 
of milk, of curds, a.-ud of ghee (clarified butter), upon which a 
profit of no lefs than 33 per cent, might be made with a tolerable 
capital. The poultry of Bengal are of a fmaller fize than thofe of 
Europe. The price of a pair of good turkles in the Bengal mar- 
ket is about 30 rupees (3I. 15s.), for which fum you can buy 20 
or 30 dozen of fowls. lu the neighbourhood of Patna, turkies 
coft 6 rupees (15s.), fowls and ducks from fix to ten ana rupees. 

From the introdudlion of that ufeful root the potato, and from 
its adoption in fome diftricls, we may expetSl great and lading 
benefits to the natives of Hinduftan. The rice crops in that 
country are liable to fuch frequent deftrutStiony and their total 
failure, when It happens, is Jikely to be fo general, that it re- 
quires the utmoft exertion upon the part of government to obviate 
the bad eilccls likely to arife from fuch a llate of things. As a 
dry feafon is the moll unfavourable to a rice crop, and is that in 
which the potato grows to the higheit perfe£l:ion, the advantages 
arifing from having fuch a fubftitute, and at fuch a period, muft 

be 



r8o4» Z)k TennantV Indian Recreation}', 'p.-^ 

be produtllve of the happieft: effefts. To this ufeful plant the 
benevolence of individuals has attempted to add another, the 
breadfruit tree ; and at Madras, and upon other parts of the Coro- 
mandel coalt, the propagation of that tree has been attempted 
•with fome fuccefs. 

The agriculture and commerce of Bengal will derive much 
benefit from a proper diftribution of navigable canals through- 
out this diftri6l ; by facilitating the commKnication ; by a pro- 
per diftribution of water for irrigation ; and by forming refer- 
voirs to receive the overflowing of the rivers, which is at pre- 
fent a fource of deftruttion to the crops of the unfortunate Ben- 
galefc. 

The extent and population of Englifh India comes now to be 
oonfidered. The pofTeflion or inflaence of the Company reaches 
from lat. 60. north to lat. 304 for fuoh w the magnitude of their 
empire, that miles are too fmall a meafure to compute it by. 
The breadth of thefe poffeffions cannot be fo eafily determined ; 
but the whole penififuJa -Oif India is •!K)w nea-rly fubje6led to 
their power. To our former poflenions of Bengal, Bahar, and 
Benares, the prefent gm-ernment of India has added the coun- 
try lying between the Ganges and the Jumna, with the Rohii- 
cund ; Oude remains, more than ever, from its weaknels, an 
appendage of this Prefidency. From the Nizam has been ta- 
ken his Ihare of the fpoils of Tippoo ; the Carnatic and Tan- 
jore have been added to our dominions^ and the choice of a 
prime minifter for the Rajah of Travancore, was riie only cir- 
cumftance, after he became tributary, wanting to fubje£t that 
country alfo to our power. Poffcning therefore the Myfore, we 
enjoy in full fovereignty all the peninfula down to the fouth of 
the river Toombuddra. But, befides this, the Nizam has been 
fo fond of the Engliih ever lince the French were difmiffed his 
fervice, that he retains in his capital, Hydrabad, an additional 
garrifon of our troops, to the amount of 4400 men. The Paifh- 
wah, too, has not been wanting in his proofs of attachment ; 
and the important ccifions, in the Guzerat, of the coaft between 
Surat and Canara, together with the province of Bundlecund, 
muft confirm the good opinion which v/e entertained of his 
wifdom and integrity, which he has '(till further increafed by 
taking 8000 of our troops into his pay, and flipulating to make 
no treaty without our confent. (Lord Wellefley's Notes.) 

The only powers in that part of the world, who feem to have 
been infenfible of our kindnefs, are the Mahrattas ; but they 
will no doubt fpeedily open their eyes to the force of reafon and 
of arms. The defcendant of the Moguls, when reftored to the 
throne of his fathers, will require the affiftance of a company 



326^ Dr TennantV Indian Rscreatlons^ -July 

of Engllfli traders, in the government of his provinces, and in 
the colledlion of his revenues, which cannot poflibly be in kind- 
Bcfs refufed him. This, with ihe addition of the province of 
Cuttack, and fome important acquifitions in the Guzevat, and 
the countries beryeen the Ganges and the Jumna, which are juft 
united with our empire, places the whole peninfula under our 
dominion. 

The population of this vaft empire is far from bein^ accu- 
rately known The author of the Indian Recreations has co- 
pied irom the fam.e unpublilhed printed work, (Afiat. Ann. Reg. 
1 80 2, Mifc. Tr. 41.), a compulation of the number of inhabitants 
in Bengal, &c. It fcarcely need be ohferved, that no depend- 
ence can; be placed on thefe computations, as they alTume, as 
fa(Ss, what we have no reafon to believe to be fo. The refult 
inakes the population of Bengal, B<»har, and Benares, 30 mil- 
lions ; and, according to the ideaiS of the author, the popula- 
tion of the Ei.glifh empire in India, including the country of 
the Nizam and Qude, will amount to between 60 and 70 mil" 
lions of iouls. 

The rcfources of the commerce of this empire is by no means 
proportioned to its population. The nature of the government 
dedioys every principle of induftiy and of a£lion. The pro- 
fperity of lb large a portion of cur dominions, is undoubtedly 
an object of concern of no mean importance j and the confe- 
deration of this qUeftion mutt derive addirional interefl from its 
having been declart^d in Par!iam« nt, by the higheft authority, 
that no man would be bold enough to alk for a renewal of the 
<eharter on the footing on which it at preftnt ftands. ^The liberties 
granted to the private trader will be the firft ftep towards the 
proper colonization of that country ; and as it is obvious that 
the one cannot be granted without leading to the other, it will 
be much better to look to it fteadily, and confider ferioufly' 
•u:hat is tlve heft means to regulate and dire6l the change. From 
t,he improved fyftcm of government in the older provinces of- 
the empire, few can now hope to make a fortune and return 
to this country, as was formerly the cafe. Thofe who go out 
muft now. leave this, country with very little profpecl of ever 
feeing it a^jain ; and not having European females to adorn and 
improve their fociety, they contribute to the production of an 
intermediate clafs of inhabitants v, ho have neither the education 
or virtues pf their JLuropean par^^nrs,* nor the inoifenfive and fub- 

riiiihvc 

* it is a hti extremely worthy of attention, that the officers who 
ftaye dh'cipUned and led on to a^ion the troops of Scindia, under the 

direftioa 



mifTive talents of their Afiatic brethren. TI>e colomzatlon of In- 
dia, as we have before faid, is going on filcntly and urogref- 
(ively, in a way equally detrimental to the interefts of England, 
and hoftile to the welfare of India. It is faid, indeed, that by the 
unlimited emigration of Englilhmen, the mother country will be 
depopulated, while the minds of the natives will be alienated by 
the ('ifrefpfft which the European fettlers will (liew to the reli- 
gion and cuftoms of the country. But the Mahoramedans who, 
inllead of refpc(£ting, did every thing in their power to fhew their 
deteftation for the worfiiip, and their contempt for the feelings of 
the inhabitants, maintained an unlimited controul over them for 
many centuries ; and though we are far from thinking that a 
fimilar conduct would be adopted by any confidtrabie part of 
our countrymen, the elTecb of the Mahommedan conqueft muft 
have blunted the feelings and moderated the prejudices of the 
Hindus. .^ . ■ 

It is proper however to obferve, that we by nd means con- 
tend for an unlimited and unreftri6led fettlement of India, efpe- 
cially during the firft years of the attempt. At the fame time, 
we conceive it would be extremely dangerous to lodge the power 
of reftritf^ion in the executive government, in which it feems 
to be the tendency of all our late meafutes to centrle the whok 
patronage of India. The appoitit merit of the three governors, 
and of the fupreme judges, tan never, indeed, by the principles 
of the conditution, he lodged any where elfe ; but the choice of 
the inferior officers might ftill remain with a body of dirc£toirs 
chofen by the praprietors of India iiocky. which, in fairnefs Co 
the holde,rs, ought, as well i as the debt of the Compaoy, to he 
made a claim upon the credit of the couritty. To thtria'tjae, c»r 
a fimilar body, might alfo be entiulied the lieeiifing of thofe 
going to India, after they had complied with certau'. regulations 
as to their chara£ler and condu£l. : - ,y 

According to the laft accounts, the mimber of the CorarpanyTs 
civil fervants in India were 702 ; officers: 2.141 ; ditto of Ithc ma- 
rine 122; and of European inhabitants not in the Coinpany!s 
fervice 2ji8 •, in all 5161. To this is to be added the humbeTS 

X-4 ':.''^u ,":;■;;■«> "i. q'xrf 

. r . vfr' , ; — -aU i.nMi fifl.; 

dIre<fkion and after the defertion of the foreign officers, during the pre- 
fcnt bloody coiteft, are the natural ckiidr&i of I^ifgliihineu, .who,, by 
the conftitution of our Indian government, are prevented holding any 
fittiation under the Company. Will- it- be faiti-tbat-tK*' dtmger tsrrfes 
from the increafe of fuch a population, if not counteraitcd by a more 
effe^ive oue froxa Europe I 



32S Vr TennantV Indian Recreatiofif, Julf 

of European foldiers 24,000, * making a total of 2g,x6t, to go- 
vern a people whofe numbers amount to 70 millions ! The in- 
adequacy of this fyftem, when oppofed by rebellion aided by 
European intrigue, mud be apparent to every man, while the 
numbers are fufficient to produce a race who will eventually ex- 
pel us from our eaftern empire. 

This queftion aflumes new intereft, from the account which 
our author, a chaplain in the King's fervice, gives of the very 
imfatisfa^lory condition of that main fupport of our power under 
the /)r^«^ circumftances of India. The European part of the 
army, fays our author, p. 336, * is a motley mixture of all na- 
tions ; a f mail bribe might engage them in any enterprise ; but they 
are the moft debauched and unprincipkd troops any where to be 
met with, and ivould give no fitfficient fupport to any caufe, whe- 
ther good or bad.' In page 382, he adds, Great Britain has 
perhaps more to fear * from the difloyalty of its army, than its 
dilTipation, ' Upon a Sepoy army, according to our author, 
mufl depend the fafety of our pcfTefTtons in India. We are 
ready to allow, that, under Engllfh officers, the fepoys form ex- 
cellent and enterprizing foldiers. But is their fidelity fo tried, 
and their attachment to our caufe fo great, that no bribe could 
tempt, and no attachment to their country prevail upon them to 
defert ? But, granting that to us they are perfe6lly loyal, will 
it be afTerted that they are at all equal to thofe troops of France, 
before whom all but Engllfhmen have fled ? or will it be main- 
tained, that the fuperiorlty of the European, which has given 
India to our power, will not transfer it to thofe who make ufe 
of fimilar means to acquire it ? In the late contefts, were not 
the Mahrattas, bravely and obflinately as they fought, and offi- 
cered by Europeans or their children, obliged to give way to 
Englifh bravery and prowefs .'* And is not this a pretty decifive 
proof, that India can never be defended againft European forces 
by a native army alone ? We have much to fear from the in- 
trodu£lIon of French troops into Hindurtan ; much more front 
French intrigue, and more than all from the operation of thofe 
principles upon the rotten and combuftible matter of our Eu- 
ropean army, upon the unfteady and fickle minds of the natives, 
and upon the difaffe^led and mutinous inhabitants of India, 
efpecially thofe numerous and formidable bodies who have loll all 
means of obtaining a livelihood, the troops form.erJyIn the fervice of 

the 

* This is the number ftated by Lord Caftlereagh. In faft, how- 
ever, there are not much more than half that number of EurotJeat* 
troops in India. 



1804. DrTtnti^ni^j Indtafi RgcreattoHSl 32j> 

the native princes. Unlefs fome fteps are taken to introduce a 
body of Europeans who may have a ftrong and permanent in- 
tereft in the prefervation of the power of England, and frorfx 
their fituition be capable of countera6ling the intrigues of the 
enemy, it is impoffible to fay how fpeedy may be the downfal of 
our influence in India. Such a line of conduct is particularly called 
for at the prefent moment, when we confider the precarious ftat« 
of our colonial empire in the Weft. A complete freedom of 
trade between India and England would at once provide an 
opening for that capital which the lofs of the Weft Indies would 
throw out of employment, and provide the means of inftantly 
filling up the blank which fuch a difafter would occafion. 



Art. VI. Popular Tales. By Maria Edgeworth, author of Praftl- 
cal Education, Caftle Rackrenc, &c. iScc. 8vo. 3 vol. Jobnfcn, 

London, 1804. 

*■ I ''he defign of thcfe tales is excellent, and their tendency fo 
•^ truly laudable as to make amends for many faults of exe- 
cution. There is nothing new, indeed, in the idea of conveying 
inflruflion in the form of an amufmg narrative ; for from the 
days of Homer downwards, almofl all the writers of fiftitious 
hiltory have been thought to aim at the moral improvement of 
their readers. The means which they have employed for this 
purpofe, however, have hitherto been but indifFerently calculated 
to efFeft it. The truth is, that almoft all moral tales which are 
not exprefsly accommodated to the tafte and condition of children, 
feem to have been intended for the benefit of perfons of high fa- 
fliion and fpLendid accompHfhments only ; they feldom conde- 
fcend to the incidents or the duties of ordinary characters or or- 
dinary life, but are occupied entirely in adjufting the claims of 
nice honour and heroic affe£lion, or in defcribing the delicate per- 
plexities and fantaftic diftreffes of thofe who fet vulgar forrovfS 
at defiance. Now, confidering that there are in thefe kingdoms 
at leaffc eighty ihotifand readers, it is obvious, that no great moral 
utility could refult from the general perufal of thofe brilliant nar- 
ratives ; and that the lefTons which they were calculated to teach, 
were quite inapplicable, to fay the leail of them, to that great 
multitude who are neither high-born nor high-bred. It is for 
this great and mofl important clafs of fociety that the volumes 
before us have been written ; and their objeft is, to intereft, a- 
mufe and inftrucft them by flories founded on the incidents of 
common life, and developed by the agency of ordinary chara6ters ; 
tp witlidraw their attention from thofe dazzling difplays of fafliion- 

able 



ig^ Mifs Edgeworlh'x Popuiar TaieK -Jiily 

able manners, with which they have no natural connexion, and 
to fix it upon, thofe fcenes a-nd occvn-rences which have an imme- 
diate application to their own way of hfe ; and in this vray to 
imprfefs upon their minds the ineftimable value and fubftantial 
dignity of induftry, perfeverance, prudence, good humour, and 
all that train of vulgar and homely virtues that have hitherto 
made the happinefs of the world, without obtaining any great 
fliare of its admiration. 

This is an arttempt, we think, fomewhat fuperior in genius, as 
well as utility, to the laudable exertions of Mr Thomas Paine to 
bring difaffe(3-ion and infidelity within the comprehenfion of the 
common people^ or the charitable endeavours of Mefl'rs Wirdf- 
worth & Co. to accommodate them with an appropriate vein of 
jJOetry. ^oth thefe were fuperfluities which they might have 
done very tolerably without ; hut Mifs Edgeworth has undertaken 
to improve, as well as to amufe them, and to bring them back 
from an admli-ation of pernicious abfurdities, to a relilh for the 
images of thofe things which muft make the happinefs of their 
aftual exifhence. In this view, Ihe rather deferves to be com- 
pared to thofe patriotic worthies who firfl ventured, after the re- 
vival of letters, to write iii their native language, and to interell 
their countrymen in ftories of their home manufa6lure \ who 
jTpoke of love without allufion to Ovid, conftrufted dramas alto- 
gether independent of the Scriptures, and publilhed tales that 
we^e not to be found in the Book of Troy. It required almoft 
the fame courage to get rid of the jargon of fafliionable life, and 
the fwarms of peers, foundhngs and feducers, that infefted our 
modern fables, as it did in thojfe days to fweep away the m.ytho- 
logical perfonages of antiquity, and to introduce characters who 
fpoke arid a£led like thofe who were to perufe their adventures. 

The fuccefs of fuch an experiment dependr/, no doubt, in % 
|;^reat degree, on the ftcill with which it is condutSted; nor arc 
■we fanguine enough to hope th^t it will be very fuddtnly com- 
]fcleted. The millinery miffes and afpiring apprentices of our 
<sountry towns will long haukcr, we are afraid, after the elegant 
ajdventures of counts, baronefles, ot Adelines, and. will think 
every ftory intolfrably low which does not contain anecdotes of 
mafquerades and gaming-houfes, elegiac flanzas, duels, and 
defcriptions of the Appenines. This clafs will certainly be the 
laft to be converted. But in, the great and lefpsClable multitude 
of Englifh tradefmen, yeomen, and manafa£l.urcrs — in that mpft 
important part of our population which confiils of the well- 
educated in the lower and middling orders of the people, we 
do believe that there is fo much good fenfe and good principle, 
as to fecure the favourable reception ef a work which profelTes 

id 



^S,^4« ■'W^ Eugeworth'i' Popah-h- TateL ^ j f 

to interell £hem by a pifture' df their own condition, to make 
them proud of their indepentieticc,- and cheprful iri their fub-'' 
miffion, arxi to. point out the Li.5i pin-.' fs' which is placed within 
the reach of ^U who are induitriops and afl->Qibnatei 

NotwithftandliAg the unqualified praife which we are difpofed. 
fo beitow on the fiefign of this work,' we cannot help obferving^ 
that the execution is extremely unequaK Maay oY the incidents, 
are childifn, and feveral of the ftories unmeaning^and improbable^ 
yet they all iaculcatq an unexceptionable and ^ra^lic-al nfio.ra- 
iity, and are written throughout in a rtrain of aHmirable good 
fenfej liberality, and cheerfulnefs.. There is, nothing tawdry or 
fophifticated about them jiio idle defcriptipn br affe.£led rejec- 
tion ; the ftpry moves on with 'm>ir\terrupted rap.i,dity ^ aad tlie 
writer never feems to paufe to idmicc her own powers of com'*- 
Bofition, or to wait for the ad!f?»;r.ition of her voailers. 

The heft tales in the book,, we think, sfK^-thafe entitled, 
'' Lame Gervas, ' ' the Contraft, ' and ' To.Mor?ow. ' We IhaU 
make a few extracts from thp Jftft.,. which turufi, as might have 
been expecled, on the dangers of procraftinatioh. • The hero^^ 
rafter many mortifications and voWs of reformation, 13 at length 
fettled with a merchant in Philadelphia. 

* No one could be more afiiduous than I was for ten days; and I 
perceived that Mr Crnft, though it wa'i not his cuRool to praife, \va$" 
well fatisfitd with my diligencet TlJi-uickily, on- the elevettth day, I 
put off 103 the morninjT making out an invoice, which he left for mc to 
do; and I was perfuaded, in the evening, to go out with young Mr 
Hudfon. 1 had expreffed, in cotiverfatlon with hini, feme curiofity 
about the American yrj^ concerts:; of which I had read, in modern 
books of travels, extraordinary accounts. Mr Budforr perfuaded me to 
accompany him to a iwamp, at fome miles dillanct' from Philaddphii, to 
hear one of thefe concerts. The performance lafted fome time, and Tt 
waa late beftsre we returned to town, t went to bed tired ; and waked 
in the morning with a cold, which 1 had caught by 'ftandingr fo long 
in the fwamp. 1 lay an hour atter I was called, in hopes of getting, 
rid of my cold. When I was at laft up and dreffed, I recolledted my 
invoice, and refolved to do it the firll thing after breakfafl ; but un-' 
luckily 1 put it. ofl"till I had looked for fome lines in Homer's " Battle 
of the Frogs and Mice. " There was no Homer, as you may guefs, 
in Mr Croft's houfe ; and 1 went to a bookfeller's to borrow one. He. 
had Pope's Iliad and Odyffcy ; but no Battle of the Frogs and Mice. 
I walked over half the town in fearch of it. At length I found it ; and 
was returning in triumph, with Homer in each pocket, when, at the 
door of Mr Croft's houfe, 1 found h-alf a dozen porters, with heavy loads 
upon their backs. 

" Where are you going, my good fellows ? " faid I. 

'- To the quay, Sir, with the cargo for the Bstfey. '* 

" My 



534 Mifs ^dgewortKV Popular Tales". July 

. " My God ! " cried I, « Stop Can't yon flop a minute? I thought 

the Betfey was not to fail till to-morrow. Stop one minute. " 

'*« No, Sir," faid they, « that we can't ; for the captain bade us 
twake what haSe we could to the quay, to load her. " 

* I ran into the houfe. The captain of the Betfey was bawling in 
the hall, with his hat on the back of his head ; Mr Croft on the landing- 
place of the warehoufe ftairs, with open letters in his hand, and two or 
three of the under clerks were running different ways, with pens in their 
mouths. 

« Mr Bafil ! the invoice ! " exclaimed all the clerks at once, the 
moment 1 made my appearance. 

«* Mr Bafil Lowe, the invoice and the copy, if you pleafe, " repeated 
Mr Croft. " We have fent three meflengers after you. Very extra- 
ordinary to go out at this time of day, and not even to leave word where 
yon were to be found. Here's the captain of the Bftfey has been wait- 
ing this half hour for the invoice. Well, Sir ! will you go for it now ? 
And at the fame time bring me the copy, to cnclofe in this letter to our 
oorrefpondent by poft. " 

I ftood petrified. — " Sir, the invoice, Sir! — Good Heavens! I for- 
got it entirely. " 

«' You remember it now, Sir, I fuppofe. Keep your apologies till 
we have leifure. The invoices, if you pleafe. '' 

" The invoices ! My God, Sir, 1 beg ten thoufand pardons ! They 
are not drawn out. " 
. <' Not drawn out. — Impoffible ! *' faid Mr Croft, 
" Then I'm off! " cried the captain, with a tremendous oath. I 
can't wait another tide for any clerk breathing. " 

« Send back the porters, Captain, if you pleafe, " faid Mr Croft, 
coolly. " The whole cargo mull be unpacked. I took it for granted, 
Mr Bafil, that you had drawn the invoice, according to order, yefterday 
morning ; and, of courfe, the goods were packed in the evening, i was 
certainly wrong in taking it for granted that you would be pnndual. A 
man of bufinefs (hpuld take nothing for granted. This is a thing that 
■will not occur to me again as long as 1 live. " 

• I poured forth expreffions of contrition ; but, apparently unmoved 
by them, and without anger or impatience in his manner, he turned 
from me as foon as the porters came back with the goods, and ordered 
Uiem all to be unpacked and replaced in the warehoufe. I was truly 
concerned ! 

" 1 believe you fpent your evening yefterday with young Mr Hud- 
fon ? " faid he, returning to me. 

«< Yes, Sir. — 1 am fincerely forry " 

♦* Sorrow, in thefe cafes, doe<: no good. Sir, " interrupt-^d he. «* I 
tliought I had fufficiently uarned you of the danger of forming that 
intimacy. Midnight caroufing will not do for men of bufinefs. " 

«' Caroafm^, Sir ! " faid 1. " Give me leave to affure you that W'- 
wcie not caroufing. We were only at a frog-concert. " 

* M;- 



l8a4« Mifs ^dgtv;oxt\i*s Popular Tatef. 333 

* Mr Croft, who had at leaft fupprefled his difpleafure till now, 
looked abfolutely angry. He thought I was making a joke of him. 
When I convinced him that 1 was in earneft, he changed from 
anger to aftoniflunent, with a large mixture of contempt in his nafal 
mufcles. 

** A frog concert ! " repeated he. " And is it pofTible that any 
man could negledl an invoice, merely to go to hear a parcel of frogs 
croaking in a fwamp ? Sir, you will never do in a mercantile houfe. ** 
He walked off to the warehoufe, and left me half mortified and half 
provoked. From this time forward all hopes from Mr Croft's fricndfliip 
were at an end, ' vol. 3. p. 3+7-353- 

We add the following chara6leriillc fcene, in honour of the 
fair writer's countrymen. The vi6tim of to-morrow is reduced 
to poverty, and obliged to pawn his watch to pay his pafl'age 
home to England. It is redeemed, and fent back again by the 
gratitude of a poor Irifhman, to whom he had advanced a fmall 
fum of money on his landing. He then goes to make his ac- 
knowledgements to this humble benefadlor. 

* 1 knocked at Mr O'Grady's door, and made my way into the 
parlour ; where ] found him, his two foos, and liis wife, fitting very 
fociably at tea. He and the two young men rofe immediately, to fet 
me a chair. 

" You are welcome, kindly welcome. Sir, " faid he. ** This is an 
honour I never expefted any u'ay. Be pleafed to take the feat near 
the fire. 'Twould be hard indeed if you nvould not have -the bell feat 
that's to be had in this houfe, where we none of us never ihould have 
fat, nor had feats to fit upon, but for you. " 

* The fens pulled off my fhabby great coat, and took away my hat, 
and the wife made up the fire. There was fomething in their manner, 
altogether, which touched me fo much, that it was with difficulty I 
could keep mylelf from buriling into tears. They faw this ; and Barny 
(for I fhall never call him any thing elfe) as he thought that I fhould 
like better to hear of public affairs than to fpeak of my own, began to 
alk his fons if they had feen the day'& papers, and what news there was ? 

' As foon as I could command my voice, I congratulated this family 
upon the happy fituation in wliich I found them ; and afii:ed by what 
lucky accidents they had fucceeded fo well ? 

*' The luckieft accident ever happened me^ before or fince I came to 
America, " {aid Barny, " was being on board the fame veffcl with 
fuch a man as you. If you had not given me the firft lift, I had been 
down for good and all, and trampled under foot long and long ago. 
But, after that firft lift, all was as eafy as life. My two fons here 
were not taken from me — God blefs you ! for I never can blefs you 
enough for that. The lads were left to work for me and with me ; 
and we never parted, hand or heart, but juft kept working on together^ 
and put all our earnings, as faft as we got them, into the hands of that 
good woman, and lived hard at f.rftj as we were bred and born to do, 
i' - ■ ' *' ii>. " thanks 



1^4 Mr/s ^d^eytonh^ s Popular Taks.' •j'u'y 

thanks he t6 I^eaven ! Then we fvvore againft drink of all forts 
entirely. And as I had occafionally ferved the mafons, when I lived 
a labouring man in the county of Dublin, and knew fomething of that 
bufincfs, why, whatever 1 knew I made the moft of, and a trowel felt 
no wavs ftrangc to me ; fo I went to work, and bad higher wages at 
firft than I deferved. The fame with the two boys : one was as much 
fef a blackfmith as would fhoe a hoffe ; and t'other a bit of a car- 
penter ; and the one g-ot plenty of work in the forges; and t'other in 
the dock yards, as a (hip-carpenter. So, early and late, morning and 
tvening, we were all at the work ; and juft went this way ftrugglingf 
even on for a twelvemonth ; and found, with the high wages and 
conftant employ we had met, that we were getting greatly better in the 
Urorld. Befides, the wife was not idle. When a girl, fhe had feen 
baking, and had always a good notion of it ; and juft tried her hand 
upon it now, and found the loaves went down with the cuftomers, and 
the cuftomers coming fafter and fafter for them ; and this was a great 
help. Then I grew mafttr mafon, and had my men under me, and 
took a houfe to build by the job, and that did ; and then on to another, 
and another. And, after building many for the neighbours, 'twas fit 
»nd my turn, 1 thou;uht, to build one for myfelf; which 1 did out of 
theirs, without wronging them of a penny. And the boys grew mailer* 
men, in their line. And when they [(ot good coats, nobody could fay 
againft them ; for they had come fairly by them, and became them well 
perhaps for that rafon. bo, not t6 be tiring you too much, we went 
on from good to better, and better to beft. And if it pleafed God to 
queftion me how it was we got on fo well in the world, I (hould anfwer, 
Upon my confcience, myfcif does not know ; except it be that we never 
made faint-monday, tior never put off till the morrow what we could do 
the day " 

♦ 1 believe I fisThed deeply at this obfervation, notwithftanding the 
comic phrafeology in which it was exprefied. 

■ " But all this is no rule for a gentleman born, " purfued the good- 
natured Barny, in anfwer, I fuppofe, to the figh which I uttered ; " nof 
is it any difparagement to him if he has not done as well in a place 
like America, where he had not the means; not being ufed to brick- 
laying, and (laving with his hands, and ftriving as we did. Would it 
be too much liberty to afk you to drink a cup of tea, and to tafte a 
flice of ray good woman's bread and butter? « And happy the day we 
fee you eating it, and only wilh we could ferve you in any way what- 
foever. " 

* 1 verily believe the generous fellow forgot, at this inftant, that he 
had redeemed my watch and wife's trinkets. He would not let me 
thank him as much as I wifhed, but kept prefiing upon me frefh offera 
cf fervice. When he found I was going to leave Arjaerica, he aflced 
what vefTcl we (hould go in :" I was really afraid to tell him, left 
he ihould attempt to pay for my palTage. But for this he had, as I 
afterward foucd, too much .delicacy of (entimeftt. He difcovered, by 
. . ^ueftioniag 



lSo4- -3///} EdgewortK^j- Popular TaUs. ^j* 

queftionlrig the captains, in what fiiip we were to fail ; and when we 
went on board, we found him and his fons there to tak'- leave of us, 
which they did in the nnofl affcdionate manner; and, after they were 
gnne, we found, in the ftate cabin, dire£led to me, every thing that 
eould be ufeful or spreeable to us as fea-ftores for a long voyage. * 
vol. 111. p. 374-380. 

We fliall venture on another extra6l from this tale, of a more 
tragical defcription. The incorrigible procraftinator had had his 
only fon unfuccefsfuliy inoculated for the fmall-pox. His wife 
urges him to have the operation repeated, and he replies — 

*' Undoubtedly, my dear \ undoubtedly. But I think we had better 
have him vaccincd. I am not fure, however ; but I will ailc Dr — ~'€ 
opinion this day, and he guided by that. 1 ihall fee him at dinner; he 
has promifed to dine with u^. " 

' Some accident prevtnted him from coming; and 1 thought of 
writing to him the next day, bnt afterward put it off. — Lncy came 
again into my (tudy. where (he was fure to find me in the morning, 
•* My dear, " faid fne, •' do you recollcft that you defired me to defer 
inoculating our little boy till you could decide whether' it be bed to 
inoculate him in the common way, or the vaccine? " 

" Yes, my dear, 1 recollecfl it perfeftly well. I am much inclined t» 

the vaccine. My friend, Mr L , has had all his children vaccined ; 

and I j'lll wait to fee the cfTeft. " 

" Oh, my love, " faid Lucy, " do not wait any longer ; for you 
know we run a terrible ri/lc of his catching the fmall-pox every day, 
every hour. ^' 

•' We have run that rifle, and .efcaped for thefe three years paft, '* 
faid I ; *' and, in my opinion, the boy has had the fmall-pox. " 

" So Mr and Mrs Nun thought ; and you fee what has happened. 
Remember our boy was inoculated by the fame man. I am fure, ever 
fince Mr Nun mentioned this, 1 never take little Bafil out to walk, I 
never fee him in a fhop, I never have him in the carriage with me, 
without being in terror. Yerterday, a v^^oman came to the coach-door 
with a child in her arms, who had a breaking out on his face. I 
thougfit it was the fmall-pox ; and was fo terrified that I had fcarcely 
ftrength or prefence of mind enough to draw up the glafs. Our little- 
boy wa? leaning out of the door to give a halfpenny to the child. My 
God ! if that child had the f nall-pox ! " 

*' My love, " faid 1," •' do not alarm yourfelf fo terribly; the boy 
fhall he inoculated to-morroio. *' 

** To-morrow I Oh, my deareft love, do not put it off till to-morrow, " 
faid Lucy ; " let him be inoculated to-day. '* 

" Weil, my dear, only keep your mind eafy, and he fhall be inocu- 
lated to-day, if poffible ; furely you muft know I love the boy as welt 
as you do, and am as anxious about him as you can be. " 

" I am fure of it, my love, " faid Lucy. " I meant no reproach. 
But fmce vou have decided that the bcrv fhall be vaccined, let us 

fend 



33<[J Alifs EdgeworthV Popular Tales. July 

fend direftly for the furgcon and have it done, and then he will be 
fafe. " 

* She caught hold of the bcil-cord to ring for a fervant — I flopped 
her. 

*< No, my dear, don't ring, " faid I ; " for the nnen are both out. 
1 have fent one to the library, for the new Letters on Education, and 
the other to the rational toy-fhop for fome things I want for the 
child. " 

** Then, if the fervants are out, I had better walk to the furgeon's 
and bring him back with me. " 

«* No, my dear, " faid I ; <« I muft fee Mr L— — 's children firft. 
1 am going out immediately ; I will call upon them ; they are healthy 
children ; we can have the vaccine infe£lion from them, and I will ino- 
culate the boy myfelf. " 

* LiUcy fubmltted. I take a melancholy pleafure in doing her juftice, 
by recording every argument that fhe ufed, and every perfuafive word 
that fhe faid to me, upon this occafion. I am anxious to fhew that 
fhe was not in the leaft to blame. 1 alone am guilty ! I alone ought 
to have been the fiifferer. It will fcarcely be believed — I can hardly 
believe it myfelf, that, after all Lucy faid to me, I delayed two hours, 
and ftayed to tinifh making an extract from Rouifeau's Emilius before 

1 fet out. When I arrived at Mr L 's, the children were juft 

gone out to take an airing, and 1 could not fee them. A few hours 
may fometimes make all the difference between health and ficknefs, 
happinefs and mifery ! I put off till the next day the inoculation of 
my child ! 

* In the mean time, a coachman came to me to be hired. My boy 
was playing about the room, and, as I afterward collected, went clofe 
up to the man, and, while 1 was talking, Hood examining a greyhound 
upon his buttons. I afked the coachman many queftions, and kept hinrj 
for fome time in the room. Juft as I agreed to take him into my fervice, 
he faid he could not come to h've with me till the next week, bccaufe 
cne of his chilJnn nvcs ill of the fmall-pox. 

* Thefe words ftruck me to the heart. I had a dreadful prefentiment 
of what was to follow. 1 remember ttarting from my feat, and driving 
the man out of the houfe with violent menaces. My boy, poor innocent 
viflim, followed, trying to pacify me, and holding me back by the 
ilcirts of my coats. 1 caught him up jn my arms. — I could not kifs 
him ; 1 felt as if I was his murderer. 1 fet hini down again : indeed I 
trembled fo violently that I could not hold him. The child ran for hi^ 
mother. 

* I cannot dwell on thefe things, — Our boy fickened the next 
day — and the next week died in his mother's arms ! ' Vol. III. 
p. 386-391. 

We would willingly make fome extradls from the other tales 
we have fpecified ; but we cannot find any, to which juftice 
could be done, without quoting a larger paflage than our limits 

will 



1804. Mlfs'^dgewCinii^s Popular Tales. 337 

will eafily* admit. The Irifh charters, who are all admirably 
fltetched, appear to us to be the moft original perfonages in the 
book. Simon O'Dougherty, in the tale called ' Rofannn, ' is 
excellent. That horror of vulgarity which is fo apt to infeft the . 
wives and children of profperous (hopkeepers, is well expofed in * 
the tales called * the Manufa61urers ' and ' Out of debt, out of dan- 
ger. ' The rewards of induftry are pleafingly difplayed in ' Lame 
Jervas ' and ' Rofauna ; ' and the tendency of good affections to 
lighten or to remedy every difafter, is prettily exemplified in ' the 
Contrail. ' ' The Limerick Gloves, ' and ' the Will, ' are the 
moft improbable and uninterefting ftories in the colle6lion ; and 
* the Grateful Negro ' has more of the extraordinary and roman- 
tic in it than feems fuitable to the tenor and defign of this publica- 
tion. 

We have fcarcely any other remarks to offer. The pathetic 
parts of thefe tales are in general the beft written ; and yet the 
language is uniformly adapted with the greateft felicity to the cha- 
racter and ftation of the parties concerned. We could not help 
fmiling at the partiality which has led Mifs Edgeworth to repre- 
ient almoft all herjemale charaQcrs in fo amiable and refpeCtable 
a light. There is not a tale, we believe, in which there is not fome 
wife or daughter who is generous and gentle, and prudent and 
cheerful : and almoft all the men who behave properly owe moft 
of their good actions to the influence and fuggeftions of thefe 
lovely m.onitreffes. If the pride of our fex would permit us, we 
might perhaps confefs, after all, that this reprefentation is not 
very far from the truth. _„^ 

We cannot take our leave of thefe volumes without reminding k/ 
the faftidious part of our readers, that they were not written to 
challenge the criticifm of fcholars, or to gratify the tafte of per- 
fons of the higheft accomplifhments.' They are not tried by a 
fair ftandard, unlefs the defign of writing them be kept conftant- 
ly in view : and this defign appears to us to be fo laudably con- 
ceived, and fo ably purfued, as to entitle them to more confidera- 
tion than is ufually beftowed on vv^orks of this defcription. 



Art. VIL Poe?ns by George Rkhcrds, M. A. late Ft!lo-jj of Oriel 
College. 2 vol. 8vo. Oxford and London. 1803. 

"IT is now almoft twelve years, we believe, fince Mr Richards 
■* firft prefented himfelf to the public as a candidate for poeti- 
cal reputation •, and from that time to the prefent, we do not re- 
member to have heard much of his proceedings. The perufal of 
his early produftions had left upon our minds th.e impreiTiun of 
luxuriant didion, confiderable brilliancy" and richnefs of verfifica- 
VOL. IV. NO. iJ. Y ' tion, 



338- Ricl-iards' Poems. , Jufy 

tion, and a ftyle of defcription fomewhat florid, magnificent and 
difFufe. As thefe were all indications of a genius wlilch time was 
likely to mature into excellence, and which could fcarccly fail to 
improve by age and cultivation, we turned to the perufal of the 
volumes now before us with a good deal of interell, and with ex- 
pedlations that have not been completely realized. Mr Richards 
lias not improved quite fo much by practice as vi^e thought there 
was reafon to expect : he has loll fomething of his luxuriance, 
without gaining much in point of force or correclncfs ; and his 
ilyle, though lefs declamatory, is not more natural tiian at his 
qutfet : his vein of poetry certainly is not more original or abun- 
dant ; and if his tade be fomewhat dialler, his language is more 
artificial and conllrained. 

With all thefe defects, however, thefe little volumes are ftill 
very refpetlable j they are evidently the productions of an elegant 
and cultivated mind j of one who has Itudicd the clailieal writers 
of antiquity with a jult relilh of their beauties, and learned, at 
the fame time, to ellimate the fubftantial merits of our great 
Engliih poets. If, Sn his own produttions, he have oltener itiii- 
tatt'd than rivalled tlie excellences of thofe illullrious models, and 
feldom given the reins to his imagination fo freely as the career 
of a poet requires, he has at lealt copied them with gracefulnefs- 
and judgement, and not only avoided the hazards of prefumptuous 
competition, but the reproach of unworthy imitation. His ge- 
nius perhaps is too much challlfed and fubdued by that of the 
mafters upon whom he has formed himfelf ; but it is faved, by 
their influence, from the extravagancies of the independants, and 
rt;flecl:s a pleafing, if not a very lively image of fome of the mod 
perfect productions of the human underltanding. A confitlerable 
number of paflages are borrowed with great felicity ; and the lan- 
guage pollelles, upon the whole, a degree of Iweetnefs and ele- 
gance that flamp itiil more clearly on the autlior the character of 
an accompliflied fcholar. 

The firil volume contains two dramas, writteti on the model 
of the ancient Greek theatre, with chorufes and continuous fcenes ; 
a ftyle of compofition, of which the Samfon Agoniltes of Milton 
affords by far the juileft and the moil flrlking example that mo- 
dern literature can boaft of, though the feebler and more orna- 
mented performances of ISIafon have become more popular among 
the unlearned part of the community *. In imitation of Mafon, 

Mr 

* Dr Sayer's Sketches of Northern Mythology delerve . to be men- 
lioiied with diltiiiguilhed praife among productions of this kind : but 
the belt imitation of the antient drama we have lately met With, is the 
Iphigenia in Tauris of Goethe, tranllated, we believe, by Mr TasV- 
lor yf Norwioh. We are not accjuaijited with the original. 



i„8o4. Richards' Poems. ^^ 

Mr Riclvards hn"^ attempted to give each of his plays a diftincl 
.111(1 pt'culiur charaiici*. Odiu is intended as a ipecimen of the 
\vil(i, the fublime, and terrible ; and is written, he informs i:s, 
•,K> much as poluble in the manner of iEfchylus. Emma is meant 
to exemplify the tender and pathetic, and was compofcd, we i- 
magine, upon the model of Euripides. We cannot fay that either 
of thcni comes very near the pattern ; but the iiril is by far the 
beft. 

The ftory is not very interefLing. It proceeds upon the fuppo- 
fition that Odin was the chief of the Afx, one of the rude na- 
tions between the Cafpian and Euxine feas, who yielded to the 
victorious arms of Pompey when he entered thefe regions in pur- 
fuit of Mirhridates. This drama contains the account of the hifl: 
brittle that v,fas waged by the favage monarch in defence of his 
country •, of his refolution to facrifice himfelf, with his whole 
tribe, after the defeat ; and of his being diverted from that re- 
folution by the appearance of a goddefs who directs him to mi- 
grate to the regions of the North, where he is deftined to be the 
founder of a mighty empire. There is nothing very new or very 
ftriking in the reprefentation which Mr Richards gives of the 
characl-er and manners of thofe warlike barbarians ; yet every 
thing is correctly imagined, and fmoothly executed. There is a 
defcent to hell, and a human facrifice defcribed ; and the women 
who form the chorus, abound in all thofe heroic and lofty fenti- 
ments wliich are faid to have char(iierlfed the females of thefe na- 
tions. The mixture of feminine tendernefs and weaknefs with 
this (train of magnanimity, is the moil intereiling circumftance 
perhaps" in the v>'hoIe drama, and affords a favourable fpecimen of 
Mr Richards' dram4tlcal talents. We add the following paflages 
hi illuitration : 

< Balder, I dare 

To die : I fcorn the wretch, who could fufvive 
When thefe our towers are Roman : yet a gloom 
Mournful o'eifpreads my broalt : I cannot he?.r 
Thefe monftrous engines beat againft our walls, 
And tremble not : Balder, I cannot gaze 
On thofe ray native nelds far-feen ; on fhrines 
Rais'd to our country's gods ; on thefe nide hills 
Cover'd fo often with our wailike youth ; 
On yon pild hillocks where our fathers flcep, 
And on thefe trophies rais'd upon the defarts 
To valiant chiefs of yore : I cannot gaze, 
And tlunk how foon the Roman Inay poilefs them, 
Withoul fome mortal feelings, fad regrets, 
■Ilhat awe me, holding nobler thoughts enthralPd. ' 
'■•■'•'- Vol. I. p. 32. 25. 

y cj After 



34® Richards* Poemr. July 

After tlie defperate refolution of general fulcide has been adcpt- 
cd, the fvime female Chorus fpeaks as follows : 
* This pile adorn'd with folemn facrifice 
Awes me, a ftranger as I am to fear. 
And, when I turn my eyes to yonder plains 
And vallies, which the glorious fun illumes. 
Once the domain of Odin and his Afas, 
A forrowful affcftion touches me. 
And you, ye babes, feated upon the pile, 
Unconfcious of the fpeedy end that waits you, 
Troubled I gaze on you : you might ha.ve liv'd 
To emulate your fathers, to attain 
An equal glory, and more profperous fortune : 
You might have crufli'd thefe Romans, and infcrib'd 
Our rocks and mountains with your deeda of valour j 
You might have died in all the pride of war. 
And met our heroes in Valhalla's courts : 
Now you mull fall unknown, unnam'd, unhonour'd. 
Ere yet your infant hands have grafp'd the fword, 
Or your young hearts have beat to war and glory. ' p. 84. ?i^-. 
When the divine command has been fignified for their niigrationj 
the Chorus thus addreiles the regions which they are about to ab- 
andon : 

* One look, yet one look more, 
Though they be veil'd beneath the mafic of night, 
Down on the valleys, dear as known in youth, 
But now more dear when to be left for ever. 
Ye verdant meads, by cooling rivers fpread. 
Ye fields, on which the fummer fmiles, farewell : 
Farewell, ye plains, with golden harvefts crown'dg 
O'er wliich our infant feet have roam'd : O fount 
And banks of Cyrus, azure ftream, delight 
Of virgins fporting in thy glafly wave ; 
No more Ihall we behold you : we muft go 
Far dillant ; yet in other valleys, wafli'd 
By other fireams, we will remember you. 
Though now we dwell on higher joys, more fit 
For years mature ; yet ne'er (hall the innocent bhfs, 
Once known amidfl your peaceful forefts, want 
Grateful remembrance but be oft recall'd 
At diftance from your dells and copfes green. ' p. 1 10. 1 1 1 . 
The preceding extr^.ils are rather favourable fpecimens of the 
work now before v.". Among other traits of clafTical imitation, 
thofe who are acquainted with the ftyle of the Greek tragedians 
will recognize the happy efFedl with which Mr Richards has in- 
troduced thofe extended apoilrophes or invocations to places and 
inanimate objeds, which, though in a manner profcribed by the 

ufagc 



1^04. RIcl\ards* Poems. 34! 

iifage of moilern authors, appear to have been the favourite fi- 
gD e of the ancient maflers of eloquence. A great part of the 
pj' try and interelt of the delightful drama of Philodletes in Lem- 
nos, will be found to confilt in the ufe of it ; and we think Mr 
Richards has fhown that it may be employed with a very happy 
effeft in the more pafTionate parts of Englifh conipofition. Odin, 
when about to immolate himfelf, exclaims — 
^ O Tanais, and ye fliores 

Wafli'd by the founding Euxine, Odin calls, 

Calls with his dying voice, while to the gods 

He gives himfelf, ' &c. p. 92. 
And the Chorus, in the fame fpirit, adds the following clafficai 
addrefs : 

« O hills, the laft 

Of Odin's realm, mountains and rocks, infcrib'd 

With Runic rhymes, facred to chiefs of yore, 

Ye foon fliall yield to Rome ! Farewell, ye plains, 

Farewell, ye llreams, that flowing roam the vales. 

Calm Phafis, and cerulean Cyanus ; 

Farewell, ye fhores, wafli'd by the Cafpian wave. 

Once travers'd with delight, now to the eye 

Difl;refsful, fpread around with Roman tents. ' p. 24. 
Though the compofition be in general dignified and elegant, there 
are fome low, and feveral heavy pa^iges. A warrior, defcribing 
the agitations of Odin in his troubled lleep, fays — 

* high upraiii'd his claiched fjl 

Threatening hejhook ; ' 
an image which is abfolutely ludicrous. Another, while the bat- 
tle is raging, calmly obferves — 

« A field hke this. 

Brave Cantimir, we faw fome winters path' 
* Triarius led the Romans ; we 

Were headed by the Pontic King. In vain 

We dar'd them to renew the fight : nine days 

We flood expedlant, ' &c. 
All this is very tame and injudicious ; though, foon after, v/e 
meet with fome vigorous lines in the paffage where Odin antici- 
pates his dreary march through the defert regions of the North, 
* wiiere not a foe fliall cheer the way with conqueft. ' 

The (lory of Emma, we think, is ill-chofen, and unfkilfully 
conduced. W^e have the fedudtion and fentimental diftrefs of a 
modern novel combined M'ith the ufages of chivalry, and pvefent- 
ed in the form of a Grecian drama. The public is fick, we be- 
lieve, of tender-hearted daughters, betrayed damfcls, and high- 
minded old barons, even in profe narratives. The accompani- 
ments of blank verfe and moral lyrics are not likely to make them 

y 3 .nipxc 



342 Richards' Pccnis. , July 

moi"e palatable. Yet there is a great deal of elegant language, 
and tome poetry and pathetic efFe6l in this drama alfo. The fol- 
lowing fpeech fiiould be good, fmce the idea is borrowed frona 
Homer, and the call of the diclion from Shakefpeare. 
* Hadft thou been true, 
There's not a charm, a power wliicli earth doth own, 
Should have eftrang'd my love ; I would have ferv'd thee 
111 bonds or death with abfolute devotion. 
Friends, kindred, brother, father, native place, 
Had been as nothing : thou to me hadil been 
Father, and brother, and dear relative, 
A nd friend, and native place : I had trufled thee 
With an unbounded fway o'er my warm heart : 
There's not a joy, which the wide world contains. 
But had been plac'd within our eafy reach. ' p. 196, 
The fecond volume contains mifcelLineous poems •, fourteen 
' odes, written in a yerbofe and heavy ilyle, though not witli- 
out occafional indications of vigour and genius -, and fo\ir or 
iive other pieces in the ordinary iambic meafure, all of them 
upon ferious fubje(£ts.— * The Dying Penitent ' talks, like other 
ladies in lier unhappy fituation, of the innocent plealures of her 
childhood, the agitation of her guilty hours, and the horrors of 
her remorfe. — ' The Aboriginal Britons' is the work with whicli 
ve have been longeit acquainted, and which we are liill moil 
difpofed to a<lmiie. It is more highly coloured, and more 
clofely wrought ; the conceptions are bolder, and the exprei- 
fion more nervous than in any of his later produftions. — 
* The Chriitian ' is a dida£lic poem, which profefles to de- 
liver, in regular heroic verfe, a fliort view of the evidences up- 
on which our facred religion is founded. There are fome good 
lines towards the clofe, defcribing the awe and venc-ratioJi Avhich 
was felt by the Gothic invaders of Italy when they came fuddenly 
to a monaftery where the holy men were chanting their evening 
prayers. — * Britannia ' is a kind of war-fong in praife of the Bri- 
tifli navy, and is written with a good deal of fpirit. — ' Bamborougli 
Caflle, ' which terminates the volume, was written fo long ago 
as the year 1792, and contains fome flrlking Images and very 
harmonious verlliication. We can only afford tlie following fhor|| 
extra(ft : 

' At folcmn midnight, when tlic bark fiiall rid-; 
With ftreaming pendants o'er the peaceful tide ; 
When trembling moon-beams play along the brin". 
And Itars round all the glowing welkin ftine ; 
When, filent borne along, the whitening fails 
Swell with the fummer's gently-breathing gales j 
The Pilot, liftening to the wave below, 
'^Miich hoarfely breaks againft the paffing prow, 

, ^hall 



1804. Richards' P^w;x. 34? 

Shall thoughtful turn, wlicre dimly to his eyes 

Through the pale night thefe mellow 'd turrets rife ; 

And, as he mufes on fome friend mod dear, 

Rais'd by thy mercy from a watery bier, 

Swelling at heart, fliall o'er the tranquil wave 

Give thee a figh, and blefs thy hallow'd grave. ' p, 191. 192- 

Upon the whole, thougli we do not thinic Mr Richards a 

firft-rate poet, we are inclined to place him very high among 

writers of the fecond order, and are fatisfiedr that he has much 

more merit than many that make much loftier pretenfions. 



Art. VIII. An Inquiry into the Nature and Or'ig'm of PuU'ic IVealth, 
and Into the Means and Caufes of its Incrcaf'. I3y the Earl of 
Lauderdale. Svo. pp. 486. Edinburgh, Conllable & Co. Lon- 
don, Longman &; Rees. 

•^ I Svo good confequences have aiu'ays refulted from men of high 
•*• rank bellowing their attention upon literary purfuits ; an 
ufeful example has been fet to thofe whofe fituation in life gives 
them abundance of Icikire for fpcculative employment ; and that 
occupation, which is in its own nature the moil dignified, has 
been exalted alfo in the eyes of the multitude. If any branch of 
fclence defcrves fuch patronage, it is furely the fludy of political 
ceconomy, both on account of its extenfive importance to fociety, 
and its peculiar claims upon thofe who are born to a- high in- 
tereft in Itate affairs. We are inclined, therefore, to offer Lord 
Lauderdale our unfeigned thanks for the zeal with which he has 
devoted his retirement to the cultivation of this great field of 
inquiry, and to exprefs our conviclion, that an example, fo laud- 
able, will be followed by many pcrfons who are at prefcnt In- 
vifriing tlie influence of their rank and fortiuie upon objetSls far 
lefs worthy of their regard, — upon tlie affairs of pra6licai po- 
licy, for which very few are fitted by nature, or upon the empty 
trifles of fafhionable life, which are equally below their ftation 
and their fex. We triift, alfo, that Lord Lauderdale having 
begun to deferve well of the fcientific world, by his fair and ho- 
neil endeavours, will be encouraged to pcrfevere, until he fliall 
augment the obligation by moj-e fuccefsful exertions. Nor have 
we any doubt, that, conilrained as we now are thus to limit our 
praifes, we ihall obtain from his candour fuch a patient perufal 
of our remarks, as may at once correct the eftimate which he 
appears to have formed of his prefcnt work, and excite him to 
farther enterprifes, which iliall fecure a tribute of more unqua- 
lified approbation. There are en'ors indeed, as it appears to us, 
in the prefcnt publication, of a tendency fo dangerous as to coun- 
teract much of tlie benefit which the noble author's patronage 

Y 4 is 



^44 Lord Lauderdale on Public Wealth. July 

is calculated to confer upon the fcience : and this confideration, 
together with the unqueftionable importance of the fubjecl, muft 
plead our excuf' for lending the work a greater portion of our 
attention than its a£lual merits may feem to juftity. 

In the volume now before us, Lord Lauderdale profefles to 
difcufs the moil elementary branches of political oeconomy. The 
practical ^inferences which he from time to time itates, are in- 
troduced rather as illuftrations of his general principles, than 
examples of their aftual application to the affairs of nations. 
The abftra£t do6lrines of national riches •, the diftinftions be- 
• tween the kinds of w.'alth ; the peculiarities in the modes of its 
dillribution ; the variations in its quantity, and in the fources of 
its production ; in a v/ord, what we may denominate the pure 
metaphyfics of political oeconomy— form the whole fubje<£l:-mat- 
ter of the prefent publication. The fyftem, therefore, of the au- 
thor, if he fhall be found to have produced any thing that can 
deferve fuch an appellation, muft receive judgement upon the 
principles applicable to mere fpeculative theories, and not upoil 
any views of its praftical tendency ; the work muft be regardetl 
altogether as a piece of abftra6t reafoning, without any reference 
to a£lual policy ; and the novelty of a few paradoxical aflertionvS 
refpetling the peculiar condition of this country, can in nowifc 
be admitted to take it out of this general defcription. 

Lord Lauderdale's pretenfions in the outfet, are of a nature to 
excite no inconfiderable degree of expectation. The prefatory 
advertifement arrogates, with fomc coniidence, the merit of radi- 
cal difcovery : the general principles which are unfolded, the 
author tells us, * are not only new, but even repugnant to re- 
ceived opinions -, ' infomuch, that he has thought it prudent to 
withhold, for the prefent, another volume, containing the prac- 
tical application of his do6trines. — and to paufe here, that he may 
judge of the effect produced on tbe public by the do(ftrines which 
are now revealed. He expe6ls, too, it would appear, to be * afTiriled 
by prejudice J ' and avows his determination, in fucli a cafe, to 
* defend hmvfelf with obftinacy ' The fame kind of language 
is continued through the wliole work j and the repetition of thofe 
aflertions as to the author's difcoveries, feems to be fubftituted 
for the fulfilment of the promifes they imply. It is very well, 
no doubt, to announce to us, in the outlet, that we ftiall have 
the true nature of wealth explained, that we fliall be put in pof- 
feflion of the juft notion of value, and that we fhall be taughl 
the precife means by which nations acquire richeg. But when 
we have perufed the w hole book, chapter after chapter, in fearch 
,©f thefe things, and find ourfelves ex.a6Uy where we were at the 
beginning, it is rather teazing to be reminded, at every paafe, 
ijiat \"t have received all manner of inftruclioij j to be told, that 

Jtlie 



T 8o4- Lor J Lauderdale en Public WcaHh. 345 

the truth ha 3 now, for the firft time, been unfolded ; and to be 
congratulated on our good fortune, with fundry hints at the dif- 
advantages under which the ceconomills, and Dr Smith and o- 
thers laboured, who did not pofiefs the lights now communicated 
fo ourfelves. 

In the Introdiiciiony Lord Lauderdale delivers fome remarks, 
rather more judicious than original, upon the evils that have a- 
rifen from th<; ufe of erroneous and theoretical language in po- 
litical fpecul.itions. He illullrates . his obfervations bv the ex- 
ample of the mercantile theory, which owed its origin to the 
vulgar habit of confounding riches and money as fynonymous. 
This leads him to remark, that a flill more fatal error has re- 
fultcd from confounding together the mafs of public or national 
wealth, and the fum-total of tlie riches of the individuals who 
conllitute the community. He then fettles (rather prcpoileroully, 
in a note) the nomenclature which he deduces from the diitiuc- 
tion here hinted at, and premifes that he is to ufe ' luenith' zi 
denoting the opulence of the itate, and ' riches ' to defignate the 
fortunes of individuals. From thefe preliminaries, he is led. to 
lay down the plan of the treatife in *;he following w:^ds. 

' As a clear underflanding of the relation which public \7ealth onl 
individual riches bear to each other, appears of the, highelf import- 
ance, in fecuring accuracy in every fubjett that relates to th^ icience 
of political ceconomy ; the firft and fecond chapters of ' ::'iis Inquiry, 
are therefore devoted to the confideration of the nature of valuiy the 
poflefliGn of which alone qualifies any thing to form a portion of indi- 
vidual riches ; — to an explanation of what public wealth is, and of 
what conftitutes individual riches ; — and to an exa.Tiination of the rela- 
tion in which they Hand to each other. 

' The meaning aniiexed in this work to the phraf.' Public Wealth 
being thus explained, tlie third chapter contains an iaveftigation of the 
fourccs of wealth, in which land, labour, and capital, are feparately 
treated of as the fources of wealth ; — an opinion which, though it has 
been announced by fome, and hinted at by others, does not feem • to 
have made on any autlior fa ilrong an impreffion as to be uniformly ad- 
hered to in the courfe of his reafonings. 

' An idea which has generally prevailed (though it feems in itfelf a 
paradox) that wealth may be increafed by means by winch it is not 
produced, in particular by parfimony, or deprivation of expenditure, 
has made it neceflary to inveftigate this fubjeft in the fourth chapter, 
as a preliminary to an Inquiry into the Means and Caufes of the In- 
^reaTe of Wealth ; which is the object of the fifth chapter. ' P. 9. ic. 
It is not our intention to follow the auc'ior through the va- 
rious parts of his Inquiry, exactly according to the arrangement 
which he has adopted. Without omitting any of his Ipecula- 
tions, we ihall prefent all we have to offer, either as the abftradi 



34^ Lcrd Lauderdale on Public Wealth. July' 

of his views, or as our own remarks upon them, in the follow- 
ing order. In the Jirji place, we fhall confider his fundamental 
pofition concerning the difference between collective and indi- 
vidual wealth, or what he is pleafed to call public wealth and 
private riches : This will compreliend alfo his obfervations upon 
the nature of value. Secotidl^ We fliall offer a few flritlures on 
the theories of the oeconomilts, and of Dr Smith, refpe6ting the 
fources of national opulence. This fpeculation will lead us, in 
the third place, to propofe a theory extremely fimple and obvious 
upon this fubject, and to examine, by its affiftance, the obferva- 
tions which Lord Lauderdale has introduced on the fources of 
wealth, and the means of its increafe. We fliall referve for a 
feparate difcuffion, his ftrange opinions concerning the operation 
of fmking funds. 

Under thefe feveral heads, it is propofed to exhibit a pretty 
full analyfis of our author's doctrines ; and to demon (trate, as 
concifely as the extenfive nature of the inquiry will permit, the 
fallacies with which the work every where abounds. We mean 
to (late diltindly, that this book, excepting where it refutes fomc 
errors of former writers, caimot be confidercd as an inveftiga- 
'tion, merely tin£lured with doubtful or erroneous theory ; but as 
a colleiflion of pofitions, all of them eithrr felf-evldent or ob- 
vioufly falfe, and founded upon errors which the llightell atten- 
tion is fufficient to dete£l. This is our fair and candid opinion ; 
and we can fcarcely doubt that it will alfo be that of every man 
M'ho reads the work now before us with any reafonablc know- 
ledge of the fubjeCl. 

Lord Lauderdale feems firft to have been an occonomill:, and 
afterwards to have difcovcred fome of the errors of that led ; — 
to have read Smith, before he was weaned from the prejudices of 
Quefnai, and, during that period, to have refolved that no two 
pages in the Wealth of Nations ihould agree together; — to have 
Found himfelf embarraffed for want of a theory, and, in this ilate, 
to have been dazzled by the lirft paradox which prefented iticlf to 
his fancy. The paradox, as is uiual, probably appeared, upon 
examination, lefs fufpicious than at firil view ; by degrees, he 
was convinced of its truth, and refolved to make every thing fall 
before it. Not fluisfied with one fuch paffion, he was foon Imit- 
tQ.n with new objefts of the fame kind ; and his ingenuity al- 
ways enabling him to difcover arguments in fupport of each fuc- 
teffive favourite, he at lafl adopted the whole train, and has now 
collected and cemented them together for public edification. 
We are ferioufly convinced, that nothing but a halty, unthink- 
ing proccfs, fuch as this, could have blunted the natural acuLe- 
nels of our author's powers, and made one who is. uniformly fo 

clear- 



1 804. Lord Lauderdale on Public WtaUl. - 547 

-clear-figlited in detecting the errors of others, cbftinately keep 
his eyes fliut upon his own millakes. 

I. Vakie, according to Lord Lauderdale, is conftituted by the 
concurrence of two circumftances ; — one or more (Qualities ufeful 
or delightful to man, and a certain degree of fcavciry. Nothing 
cm be deemed valuable intrinfically •, nor can any commodity, 
however excellent in itielf, be confidered as of v<ilue, unlefs it 
is alfo rare. When we meafure the value of ojie commodity by 
comparing it with another, the refult is evidently liable to be af- 
fetted by eight circumtlances, viz. by the variations in quantity 
and in demand of both thefe commodities. Thus, if we would 
exprefs tr.e value of grain in pounds Sterling at diiTercnt times, 
our calculation might be affected by a diminution or an increaic 
in the quantity both of money and of grain, and by a Hmilar di- 
n";iniition or increafe in the demand for both thele commodities. 
It is not, then, upon the polleihon of any inherent quality that 
value depends •, but upon the proportion between the demand 
for, and the fupply of the valuable commodity. 

In all this, it docs not appear to us that there is any novelty, 
if we except the very obvious circumltance of our author con- 
lir.ing liis attention exchifively to one kind of value. Former 
writers had couOdered value as tv/ofold — value in ufe, and value 
in exchange — or what rnay be termed ahfohite and relative value. 
The one of thefe qualities depends entirely on the nature of the 
connnodity itfelf, and is wholly uninfluenced either by its quan- 
tity or the demand for it ; or by the quan.tity of, and demand 
for any other commodities. But the idea of relative or exchange- 
able value, owes its exillence altogether to the fuppofition, that 
an operation of barter renders it neceilary to compare a portion 
of one commodity with a portion of another ; and this compa- 
rifon mult depend on the ratios between the fupply ot, and the 
demand fur both articles, That the idea of value, however, 
may exilt independently of all comnii. I'ce, no one can deny, with- 
out a total perverfion of common language. If, to take Lord 
l^auderdale's own illuitrahon, the quality of infuring a century 
of robull healtii were fuddenly communicated to each grain of 
wheat, can any one doubt the propriety of laying that wheat 
would initantly become iniinitely more valuable ? Exchangeable 
value is evidently a iecondary coniuleration •, it depends on the cir- 
cumibance of fome men wanting what others poillfs \ it depends 
on the unequal diltribution of pofieiTions. If every human defire 
were univerfally gratified in extreme abundance — if all the com- 
modities which we find necefTary or defireable to us, were at 
once multiplied beyond the utmofi wants of the whole fpecies, 
it is true that all barter would ceale j and, confequently, that the 



34^ Lord Lauderdale on Public iFealth. July- 

idea of exchangeable, relative, or comparative value would be 
fio more. But would it not be a grols abufe of language, to fay, 
that all value whatever had ceafed, and that in this univerfal a- 
bundance nothing valuable remained ? Nay, that all commo- 
dities exifting in an indefinite quantity were equally valuable, be- 
caufe equally abundant ? Would not grain, for example, be ftill 
more valuable in itfelf than fand, diamonds, or gold ? — It de- 
ferves, in pafTmg, to be noticed, that certain commodities derive 
nearly their whole value, in every fenfe of the word, from their 
extreme fcarcity. This, added to a trifling portion of beauty, 
which of itfelf would have been unable to confer any value, 
renders them highly valuable, in confequence of the capricious 
talle of men, and their defire of overcoming difficulties. Were 
food multiplied to the full extent of the demand which the whole 
Ipecies has for it, and were every other objecl: of defire at the 
fame time equally multiplied, diamonds would ceafe to be prized, 
inafmuch as they derive their value from the difficulty of pro- 
cm-ing them ; but food would continue to be prized, becaufe it 
would retain its power of fupporting life. 

The confideration of this folitary cafe, in which the caprices 
of men have bellowed a fidlitious value on the mere quality of 
rarity, feems to have milled our author, and to have confirmed 
him in his omiffion of one entire branch of the fubjedt which 
he purpofed to defcribe. The difcuffion may to fome appear 
trivial and verbal ; but we fhall foon find that the fame radical 
omiffion pervades the fubfequent part of his fpeculations, and oc- 
cafions Hill more obvious miftakes, of exactly the fame defcrip- 
tion, in the docbrine refpe^ling individual riches. 

It follows very clearly from the pofitions regarding exchange- 
able or relative value, laid down by Lord Lauderdale, and ac- 
knowledged by all who have treated on thefe matters, that it is 
in vain to feek for any invariable ftandard or meafure of value. 
Our author exemplifies this truth by feveral pertinent remarks, 
and very fuccefsfuUy refutes the theory of Dr Smith, that labour 
affords fuch an unalterable meafure, by fhewing, from different 
pafiages in the Wealth of Nations, how much the value of la- 
bour varies at different times, in remote places, in different parts 
of the fame country, — and how much more incurable fuch va- 
riations muft be in the value of labour, than in the value of o- 
ther commodities.— This mode of argument, however, we do 
not think altogether adapted to a general treatile on the prin- 
ciples of the fcience. It applies with fufficient accuracy to the 
do£lrines of the particular author in queftion, bivt might very 
poffibly fail to convince others, who maintain the fame opinions 
-with Dr Smith, upon more confilleiit grounds. In one or two 

inltanccj. 



1 S<54' Xi7r J Lauderdale on Public JFeaith. 349P 

inftances, the refutation, by means of this argumentum ad ho' 
minemy v/ears the appearance of captioufnefs and ill-temper. A 
paffage is quoted from the Wealth of Nations, to ihow that la- 
bour alone, of all commodities, may vary in its value at the fame 
time, and in the fame place •, M-hereas it is very obvious from 
the flightefl; attention to this paflage, that it will not admit of 
fuch limitation. ' Different prices, ' Dr Smith obferves, ' are often 
paid at the fame place, and for the fame fort of labour, not only 
according to the different abilities of the vi^orkmen, but accord- 
ing to the eafinefs or hardnefs of the mafters. ' b. I. c. 8. — 
a propofition, appUcable to all other paymafters, as well as to 
thofe who pay for luork ; and v/hich only proves, that in every 
market, the nverage price, which the competition of buyers and 
of fellers regulates, muft be taken as the exchangeable value of 
the commouity. 

Lord Lauderdale is alfo pecuHarly fevere upon the abfurdity of 
a writer who reprefents a great portion of human labour as un- 
productive, ereding labour into a ftandard of value. This, he 
obferves, is as ridiculous as if a man were to meafure dimenfions 
by a mathematical point which has no magnitude. Now fure- 
ly, Dr Smith, whatever qualities or effeds he might attribute to 
the labour v/hich he terms unproductive, never intended to de- 
fcribe it as a nonentity ; and even if fuch had been his dotlrine, 
it is obvious we could only have inferred, that the produftive 
kind of labour is, in his opinion, the meafure of value. 

Upon the whole, we are difpofed to think that our author a- 
vails himfelf of certain obfcurities, and even inconfiftencies in Dr 
Smith's langunge, for the purpofe of faftening upon him a much 
more contradidory and erroneous theory than he ever maintained. 
That a perfon of Dr Smith's metaphyfical and mathematical pow- 
ers * fliould have meant to predicate the abfolute immutability of 
any (landard, we cannot for a moment imagine. He muft have 
known, that fuch a propofition v/ould have been as abfurd as to a- 
fcribe abfolute magnitude or entire immutability to the Towcr 
ilandards. We apprehend that he only fought for an approxima- 
tion, and thought he had found it in that one commodity winch, 
being by much the moil frequently exchanged againft all other 
commodities, and of courfe the moil conltantly brought uito 
comparifon with every objed of barter, might be affumed as the 
bell attainable meafure of their relative value. Lord Lauderdale 
certainly has not proved the contrary of this propofition to any 
one who may hold Dr Smith's opinion, without a minute adher- 
ence to his manner of enunciating and demonftrating it. 

We 

* See Profeffor Stewart's Li^e of .Smith. 



55^ Lord Lauderdale on Public Wealth. Jtilv 

We now conic to our author's peculiar theory of public wealth, 
as contradiftluguilhcd from private or individual riches. 'I'hcrc 
cannot, he conceives, be a o;reater midake than to confound theie 
two idea?, and to cftimate the riches of a community by calculat- 
ing the aggregate of the pi'ivate fortunes wliicli belong to all its 
members. The value of a commodity depending upon its fcarci- 
ty, the riches of individuals mult be in proportion to the fcarcity 
of the commodities which they poiTcIs. But the wliole wealth of 
a nation is in proportion to the abundance in which it poilefies till 
commodities lifciul or delightful to man. Therefore, the nation 
muft be enriched by that very plenty which necellkriiy diminiilies 
the fortunes of its inhabitants. Thus, a fcarcity of grain renders 
the whole price of the deficient crop much greater than that of an 
ordinary crop ; and a want of water would give a price to every 
ftream and fpring in the country. The proprietors of grain and 
water would thereby be enriched ; but the community would 
evidently be impoveriilied. This is the v/hole fubltance of the 
argument and its illullration. The inference is a propofition ap- 
parently paradoxical, but highly elbeemed by Lord Lauderdale, 
both for its ftricl accuracy and its important confequenccs. He 
thus ftates his grand difcovery. 

< From thefe confiderations it fcems evident, not only that the fum- 
total of individual riches cannot be conlidered as an accurate defcription 
or definition of the wealth of a nation ; but that, on the contrary, it 
may be generally affirmed, that an increafe of riches, when arifing from 
alterations in the quantity of commodities, is always a proof of an im- 
mediate diminution of wealth ; and a diminution of riches, Is evidence 
of an immediate inereafe of wealth : and this propofition will be found 
invariably true, with the exception of a fint^le cafe, which will be after- 
wards explained. Thus, it becomes neceffary to adopt a defniitiori of 
Public Wealth, which conveys a different idea of it from that which has 
been generally received ; and it is therefore fubmitted, that Wealth may 
be accurately defined, — to confijl of all that man defircs., as ufj'nl or dc- 
ll^htjul to hha. 

* But if National Wealth is truly and rightly defined, to confift or 
all that man defires as ufeful and delightful to him; as (from the ex- 
planation that has been already given of the nature of value, or of the 
circumllances that entitle any thing to the character wliich qualifies 
it for forming a portion of individual riches) we know, that by adding 
(the circumftance of fcarcity to the qualities which make any commodi- 
ty a component part of public wealth, we fhould give It value, and thus 
qualify it to form a portion of individual riches, it follows, that indivi- 
dual riches may be defined, — to confijl of all that man dcfires as ufful or' 
ddightful to him ; ivhich ex'fls in a degree of fcarcity. ' 

Now, we imagine that a very few iimple confiderations will 
inake the error and confufion of all this reafoning extremely evi- 
dent even to the author himfelf. , 

When 



1804. LofJ L^Lndi^rdAc en Pul/lic TFea/th. 35^ 

When we efhimate the wealth of an individual, we generally 
ftate it in money, the common meafure of value : We luppofe, that 
his whole effcds are to be brought into the market, and fold at 
the current prices : Tliofe prices are, of courfe, determined by 
the proportion between the fupply of, and the demand for each 
commodity : Confequently, our eiiimate of the individual's for- 
tune is affecied by the confideration of relative value— by the 
fearclty in which the articles he poiT'effes are found. That this, 
hov/ever, is by no means the only mode of inllituting the calcula- 
tion, is abundantly clear from what was faid above refpeding ex- 
changeable and iiitrinfic value. For, let us fuppofe that th.e indi- 
vidual polTelles his property lb parcelled out, as to command, with- 
out any exchange, every object: of hi ^ defire— let us fuppofe, far- 
ther, that every other individual polTefles the fame abundance — 
Should we, in this cafe, deny that the individual, of whole fortune 
we have been fpeaking, is mailer of any wealth ? Or fliould we 
be entitled to fay, that every perfon in the community had bcr 
come abfolutely poor, when every perfon v/as placed in extreme 
abundance ? It is clear, that the cllimate of w^ealth is only rehr- 
tive, and depends on a comparifon which proceeds upon the fup- 
pofuion of fome perfons wanting what others have to give away. 
When all are become equally rich, Lord Lauderdale maintains 
that all wealth, /. f. all individual wealth, has vaniihed. This is. 
fuch a confufion of ideas, and fuch a plain abufe of language, as 
demands our unequivocal reprobation. Now, when we eltimate 
the coUedlive wealth of a nation, it is clear, ex vi termini^ that 
the idea of internal exchange is out of the queftion. Li every 
fuch exchange, one man receives what another gives away ; and 
tiie aesreeate remains unaltered. We (hall afterwards fee how' 

1 • - r • 1 1 1 1 

internal commerce promotes the mcreale or national wealth ; but, 
in itfelf, the mere transference of commodities from hand to hand^ 
or from place to place, cannot enter into the eiiimate of the col- 
ledlive wealth of the counta-y, /'. e. the aggregate of its commodi- 
ties, at any inflant of time. Therefore, it is the abfolute and in- 
trinfic, not the relative value of thofe commodities, which we 
confider •, and internal conmierce being out of the queftion, ex- 
changeable value cannot enter into the calculation. 

Let us now take Lord Lauderdale's illuflration, which will 
ferve equally to expofe his miilake. If the quantity of grain is 
diminiflied one half, the price is increafed tenfold ; and the whole 
value of the lelTer quantity is five times greater than the value of 
the larger quantity. But what do we mean by the price beinj^ 
increafed tenfold ? What, but that the confumers of grain have 
now to pay ten times more of their fuperfluous commodities foF 
it .'' They lofe, therefore, exactly what the former gains \ and 

in 



^^T Lord Lauderdale en Public Wealth. July 

in return they get from him only half of what they formerly 
received, for ?. much fmaller price. It is obvious that this is a 
diminution of public wealth : But is it not alfo exa6Hy in the fame 
deiirec a dimirution of individual riches ? No ong ever main- 
tained, that, in eitimaiing the riches of a community, we were 
to confider only the fortunes of a part of its individual members. 
The propofition againfl which our author has to contend, is, thai 
the wealth of the community is fynonymous with the wealth of 
all its members taken together ; that is, the wealth of the farmer, 
whofe fortune is augmented by the fcarcity, together with the 
wealth of the confumers, M-hofe fortunes are diminilhed by the 
fcarcity. 

We cannot really conceive any thing more loofe than Lord 
Lauderdale's mode of ftating and anfwering what he terms the 
• vulgar opinion.' He has not dated an opinion that any man ever 
maintair.ed. He has fought with a creature of his own imagina- 
tion, in order to defend a pofitlon clearly untenable, and which 
he never could have thought of holding, had he not involved it 
in the moft palpable obicurity — a mift which has prevented him. 
from ever getting a clear view of it. But perhaps he will be fatis- 
lied at once of his overfight, if we remind him, that he has him- 
felf repeatedly, though inadvertently, dated with fufficient preci- 
fion, the dodlrine maintained by his adverfaries. 

' An incieafe of the fortune of any member of the fociety, if not at 
the expence of any indi'vulual belonging to the fame community^ is uniformly 
deemed an aiigmentation of national wealth ; and a diminution of any 
man's property, if not prodLicinjj an increafc of the riches of fome of 
his ttllovv-fubjedts, has been cuiiidered as of neceffity occafioning a con- 
comitant diminutioi) of national vv'ealth. ' p. 7. 
And again, 

« So much, iiideed, is public wealth un'verfally deemed the fame 
thing with the main of private riches, that there appears no means of 
incriafin^ the fortune of an individual, nxihen it is not done d'lreSily at the 
(xpence of another, that is not regarded as produdlive of national 0- 
pu'cnce. ' p. 41. 

Now, the condition which is infcrted in each of thefe propofi- 
tions, forms precifely the foundation of their truth ; and it is by 
omitting the coniideration of this condition in all the fubfequent 
parts of his argument, that our author has fallen into his leading 
miftake ; for his whole reafoning on the tendency of thofe things 
which increafe individual riches, to diminifh public wealth, pro- 
ceeds upon the negle£l of the condition ftated in the paflages now 
quoted. The increafe of individual riches in all his (latements, Is 
in fa6l the gain of one member of the community at another's 
gxpence. We are yet to learn how the gain of any individual, 

when 



lS')4' Loi-d'Lzwi.txddJlt oh PuhUc Wealth. ,353' 

when not made at another's expence, can be efFefted without the 
very fame gain to the' commutiity. We hold the propofition to 
fee identical, and conceive that the explanation formerly given of 
value and wealth mult render it quite evident, — that the riches of 
a nation, and the furnof the riches of all its inhabitants, are ex- 
preihons completely fynonymous. 

It is not a little lingular that the fundamental error of valuing 
every thing in cafli, which gave rife to the mercantile fyftem, 
ihould be at the bottom of all Lord Lauderdale's fpeculations a- 
bout the diftinclion of public wealth and individual riches. He 
has evidently fallen into his miftakes, by confidering commodities 
as worth only their money price, and by entirely forgetting, that 
when goods are eftimated in fpecie, a comparifon or exchange is 
inftituted, which is not at all neceffary in order to confer value 
on the commodities. We call a certain proprietor of grain worth 
ten thoufand pounds, becaufe it is poffible that he might want the 
money, and his grain would enable him to command it. Were 
commerce at an end, i. e. were every one poflefled of as much 
grain as he wanted, and of every other ufeful or defireable com- 
modity, the proprietor certainly would not be called a man worth 
ten thoufand pounds. Even in the prefent circumfhances, it 
would be as corre61; to fay he was worth fo many quarters of 
wheat, as fo many thoufand pounds. The comparifon between grain 
and money is only made with a view to exchange ; and in this view, 
the ftatement of relation is affefted, no doubt, by the quantity of each 
article ; while in the other point of view, fuch a circumllance has 
no place. Our author, attending to the view of exchange only, and 
then confining his attention exclufively to the fituation of the fell- 
er, has drawn the abfurd inference, that the wealth of ail the in- 
dividuals in a ftate is different from the wealth of the Hate, mere- 
ly becaufe the wealth of y^^/Ki? individuals may be affecled differ- 
ently from that of the community. We are inclined to think 
the prejudice of valuing all things in money one of the moft root- 
ed in the minds of men, and of the molt extenfive influence in 
political fpeculations. After all the expofitions which it has re- 
reived, and from no author more diftinclly than from Lord Lau- 
derdale, vv-e find him acSlually founding a theory upon it. He has 
been led away by the form of expreffion which fubflitutes the mo- 
ney price for the value — the money for the money's worth. He 
has not fufBciently confidered that all fuch modes of fpeech fup- 
pofe the comparifon implied in commercial tranfadlions ; he has 
entirely forgotten, tliat in eflimating the aftual amount of na- 
tional wealth, when we fay the fcarcity of an article increafes its 
price or its value in money, we include in this propofition, an af- 
iertion that the money, or, wliat is the fame thing, fome other 

VOL, iV. NO. 8. Z «ommoditieSj, 



35^4 Lord Lauderdale on Public Wealth. July 

commodities, have loft fo much of their value eftimated in the ar- 
ticle which has become fcarce. We are' the more difpofed to 
point out the apparent fource of Lord Lauderdale's raiftakes, from 
cbferving that the abufe of ordinary terms have attra£led his par- 
ticular attention. it is fomewhat unfortunate, that a theory, 
founded upon an error in common phrafeology, fliould be pre- 
faced by a formal difcourfe on the vulgar errors of language. 

IL The fwo leading opinions which divide political inquirers 
Hpon the fources of national wealth, are thofe of the Economifts 
and of Dr Smith. We purpofe here to exhibit a concife view of 
the obje6tions to vvhich both of thefe doctrines are eminently li- 
able. Such a ftatemcntf fo far as we know, has never yet been, 
offered to the public ; for though Lord Lautlerdale has introduced 
fome remarks upon the fubje£t, we are very far from thinking 
them fatisfadory •, and are perfuaded that none of the adher- 
ents of either fe61: will hold his refutation as fufficient. As the 
general principle of a diillndl:ion between produ6livc and unpro- 
ductive labour is recognized by Dr Smith,— -as we conceive liis 
theory to be extremely inconfiftent with itfelf, and confidev it to 
be an imperfcfl approximation to that of the Economafts, wf fhall 
begin with a fhort examination of the principle on which it de- 
pends. That eminent writer divides labourers into two claffes -, 
thofe who, by adding to the value of fome raw material, or by 
affifting in the increal'e of their quantity, realize or fix in a vendi- 
ble commodity the effects of their exertions j and thofe whofe la- 
bour leaves nothing in exiftence after the moment of exertion,, 
but periflics in the a£V of performance. The former he denomi- 
nates prodiiBive, the latter unproducilve labourers ; not meaning 
thereby to undervalue the exertions of many ufeful kinds of work 
performed by the unprodudlive order, but merely aficrting that 
they do not augment the ivenlth of the community. Thus, the 
work of the farm fervant, or manufa£luring labourer, is fixed in 
a ufeful commodity ; the work of a m.enial fervant perifhes with 
the motion of his hands, and adds to the value of nothing. A 
man grows rich by employing a number of the former ; he ruins 
himfelf by keeping a multitude of the latter. 

To begin with this illullration. — The cafe of the menial fer- 
vant muli not be compared with that of the labourer employed in 
farming or manufaftures. The menial is employed by the con- 
fumer., and for his own ufe exclufively j the farm-fervant and 
journeyman are employed by another party, by whom the con- 
fumer is fupplied. The former is, properly fpeaking, in the pre- 
dicament oi a comm.odity bought or hired for confumption or ufe ; 
the latter rather refen bles a tool bought or hired for working 
withal. 5ut, at any rate, there is no fuch difference as Dr Smith 

fuppofea; 



1804. Lord Lauderdale on Public Wealth. j^^ 

fuppofes between the effects of maintaining a multitude of thefe 
feveral kinds of workmen. It is the extrav.igant quantity, not the 
peculiar quality of the labour thus pai;l for, that brin;',s on ruin. 
A man is ruined if he keeps more fervants th.m he c m afford or 
employ, and does not let them out for hire, — exactly is he is ruin- 
ed by purchafing more food than he can confume, or by employ- 
ing more workmen in any branch of manufactures than his bufi- 
nefs requires, or his profits will pay. 

But it may be cSfcrved, in general, that there is no folid dl- 
ftinftion between tin' effective powers of the two cl.iffes whom 
Dr Smith denominates productive and unprodudive labourers. 
The end of all labour is to augment the wealth of the community 5 
that is to fay, the fund from which the members of that comrvu- 
nity derive their fubfiilence, their comforts and enjoyments. To 
confiae the dennition of wealth to mere fubfiilence, is abfurd. 
Thofe who argue thus, admit butcher's meat and manufactured 
liquors to be fubfiflence ; yet neither of them are neceffary ; for 
if all comfort and enjoyment be kept out of view, vegetables and 
water would futfice for the fupport of life ; and by this mode of 
tea Toning, the epithet o^ produBive would be limited to the fort o£' 
employment that raifes the fpecies ot food which eacli climate and' 
foil is fitted to yield in greateit abundance, with the lealt la- 
bour, — to the culture of maize in ionie countries ; of rice in o- 
thers ; of potatoes, or yams, or the bread-fruit tree in others : 
and in no country would any variation of employment whatever 
be confiftent with the definition. According to this view of the 
queition, therefore, the menial fervant. the judge, the ibidier and 
the buffoon, are to be ranked in the fame clafs with the hufband- 
men and manufacturers of every civilized community. The pro- 
duce of the labour is, in all thefe cafes, calculated to fupply ei- 
ther the neceffities, the comforts, or the luxuries of fociety ; and 
that nation has more real wealth than another, which poifefles 
more of all thofe commodities. If this is not admitted, then we 
can compare the two countries only in refpeCt of their relative 
{hares of articles Indifpenfably requifite, and produced in grer.tefl 
abundance, confidering the foil and climate of each : and, as 
nothing which is not neceffary is to be reckoned valuable, a na- 
tion wallowing in all manner of comforts and enjoyment^^ is to 
be deemed no richer than a horde fed upon the fnialleft .ortion 
of the cheapeft grain, or roots and water, which is iufhciont to 
fupport human life. 

But it is maintained, that admitting the wealth of a crmmunl- 
ty to be augmented by the labours of thofe whom Dr S riith de- 
nominates unproductive, ftill they are in a different predicament 
j frpm tic productive clafs, inafmuch as they do not augment the 

Z 2 exchangeable 



^^6> Lord Lauderdale 07i PiSIic Wcahh. Juij 

ejCchangeable value of any feparate portions of the fociety's ftock — 
sieither increafing the quantity of that ftock, nor adding to the 
value of what formerly exiiled. To this, however, it may be re- 
plied, that it appears of very little confcquence whether the wants 
of the community are fupplied directly by men, or mediately by 
men with the intervention of matter — whether we receive certain, 
benefits and conveniences from thofc men at once, or only in the 
form of inanimate and difpofeable fubliances. Dr Smith would. 
admit that labour to be produdlive which realized itfelf in a 
ftock, though that flock were deftined to perifb the next inftant^ 
If a player or mu{i.cian, inilead of charming our ears, v/ere tO' 
produce fomcthing whii^h, when applied to our fenfes, would 
eive us pleafure for a fingle moment of time, their labour would, 
be called produdlivc, althougli the produce were to perifli m the 
very aft of employment. Wherein^ tlien, lies the difference f 
Merely in this — that we mnft confurae tihe one prodivce at a cer- 
tain time and place, and may ufe the other in a latitude lome- 
what, though but a little, more extenfive. This difference, how- 
ever, difappears altogether, when we reflet! that the labour would 
ftill be reckoned productive which fliould give us a tangible equi- 
valent, though it could not be carried from the fpot of its produc- 
tion, and could lafl only a (econd in our hands upon that fpot. 
The mu&cian, in reality, affefts our fenfes by modulating the 
air, 7. e. he works upon the air, and renders a certain portioa 
of it worth more than it was before he manufa6larcd it. He 
communicates this value to it only for a moment, and in one 
place \ there and then v/e are obliged to confume it. A glafs- 
blower, again, prepares feme metal for our amufement or in- 
ftruftion, and blows it up to a great volume. He has now 
fixed his labour in a tangible commodity. He then exchanges 
it, or gives it to us, tliat we may immediately ufe it, i. e. blow 
it until it flies to (liivers. He has fixed his labour, however,, 
•we fay, in a vendible commodity. But we may dcfire his 
farther afllftance — we may require him to ufe it for our bene- 
fit ; and, without any paufe in his procefs of blowing, he burils 
it. This cafe approaches as nearly as polfible to that of the mu- 
fician ; yet Dr Smith maintains that the latter is a different 
kind of labour from the former. Nay, according to him, the 
labour of the glafs-blower Is productive, if he fpoils the pro- 
cefs, and defeats the end of the experiment, by paufmg, and 
giving into unflcllful hands the bubble before it burfts. But if 
he performs the whole of that inftruftive operation, by con- 
templating which Sir Ifaac Newton was - taught the nature ci 
colour, his labour mud be denominated unproduftive ! 

Bui; 



3804. ' Lot^lj?i.\x^txdiz\Q on Public TVealth. 557 

But It is not fair to deny that the clafs called unproductive 
fixes its hibour in feme exifling commodity. Firfl, we may ob~ 
ferve that no labour, not even that of the farmer, can lay claim. 
to the quality of a£lually adding to, the ftock already in exigence ^ 
Man never creates; he only modifies the mafs of matter previouf- 
ly in his poireiTion. But, next, the clafs alluded to docs attu- 
allv, like the clafs termed protiuclive, realize its labour in an ad- 
ditional value conferred upon the flock fotmerly exifling. The 
only difference is, that initead of working upon detached portionsj 
this clafs operates upon the ftock of the community in general. 
Thus, the foldier renders every portion of that ftock more valu- 
able by lecuring the whole from plunder ; and the judge, by fe- 
curing the whole from injury. Dr Smith M'^ould allow that man 
to be a protHi£tive labourer who fliould manufatlure bolts and 
bars for the defence of property. Is not he alfo, then, a produc- 
tive labourer, who protecls property in the mafs, and adds to 
every portion of it the quality of being fecure ? In like manner, 
thofe who increafe the enjoyments of fociety, add a value to the 
ftock previouily exifting ; they furnifh nevv' equivalents for which 
it may be exchanged ; they render the ftock worth more, /. e. ex- 
changeable for more — capable of commanding m.ore enjoyments 
than it formerly could command. The ftock of the community 
is either that part which is confumed by the prodticer, or that 
part which he exchanges for fome objedt of deiire. Were ther^jj 
nothing for which to exchange the latter portion, it would fooa 
ceafe to be produced. Hence, the labour that augments the 
fum of the enjoyments and obje£ls of defire for which this por- 
tion may be exchanged, is indirectly beneficial to produftion. 
But if this portion deftined to be exchanged, is already in exift- 
ence, the labour which is fupported by ir, and which returns an 
equivalent to the formerowner, by the nevv enjoyraents that it 
yields him, muft be allowed to add a value dirtCVly to the ex- 
changeable part of the ftock. 

In every point of view, therefore, it appears that the opinion 
of I)r Smitii is untenable. He has drawn his line of diftinClion 
between produftive and unproduiStive labour in too low a part 
ot the fcale. The labour which he denominates unproductive, 
has the very fame qualities v/ith a great part of the labour which 
he allows to be produdiive. According to his own principles, 
the line fhould have been drawn, lo as to cut off, on the one 
hand, the labour which apparently increafes the quantity of 
ftock, and to leave, on the other hand, all tJiat labour which on- 
ly modifies, or in fome manner induces a beneficial ciiange up- 
on ftock already in exiftence. in a word, his principles clearly 
^;yry him to the theory of the EGOi.cnVifts i and, in order to bti 

1i 3 coiififtent. 



358 Lord TuzMderdzle ofi Public Wealt/j. July 

confident, he ought unqueftionably to have reckoned ajijriculture 
the 072ly produiSlive employment of capital or labour. That there 
is only this one do£i:rine tenable, in confiilency with itfelf, has 
been, we conceive, fulRciently proved. We (hall now confider 
whether there is in reality any foundation even for this ditlinc- 
tion, which forms the bafis of the theory fuppcrted by the Eco- 
nomilh. 

Wlioever has honoured the foregoing obfervations with his at- 
tention, will fpeedily be fatisfied that the reafonings applied to 
Dr Smith's claflification of labour are applicable alfo to the more 
precife and confident do6lri;ie of the followers of O^efnai. It 
is the opinion of thefe ingenious metaphyficians, that the labour 
beftowed upon the earth can alone be confidered as really pro- 
cludlive ; that all other labour only varies the pofition or the 
form of capital, but that agriculture increafes its net amount. 
That the merchant who tranfports goods from the fpot of their 
abundance to the quarter where they are wanted, adds nothing 
to the whole flock, or to the value of the portions which he cir- 
culates, thefe reafoners deem almofl a felf-evident propofition. 
That the manufa£furer who faflnons raw materials into ufeful 
commodities increafes their value, the Economifts indeed admit ; 
but they deny that any farther addition is thus made to the value 
of the materials than the value of the workman's maintenance 
while employed in the manufa6lure. 

It feems obvious, at firft fi^ht, to remark, that, according to 
their own principles, thefe theorills have committed one error. 
They have ranged all labour, except that of the hufbandman, in 
the fame clafs •, while they have virtually acknowledged that as 
great a difference fubfiils between the two members of that divi- 
sion, as between either of them and the other divifion. For 
futely, the merchant, who adds, according to them, no value 
to any material, is as much to be diltinguiihied from the manu- 
fa(fturer who does add the value of his maintenance to the raw 
produce, as the manufacturer is to be diiiinguifhed from the 
hufbandman, whofe labour returns a net profit over and above 
the price of his maintenance. This criticifm is almofl decifive, 
in a difcuflion which, it mull be admitted on all hantis, refolves 
into a queflion of clafTjfication. But the error of the Economifts 
is flill more fundamental. 

There is no efiential difference 1 etween the. powers of man 0- 
ver matter, in agricuhure, and in other emjloyments. It is a 
vulgar error, to fuppofe that, in the operations of hufbandry, 
any portion is added to the ilock of matter formerly in cxilltnce. 
The farmer works up the raw material, i. e. the manure, foil 
gij4 l^eedj inp ^rain, by irseans of heat, nioillure, and the vege- 
tative 



1 



lSo4- ior J Lauderdale on Public Wealth. '^^^) 

tative powers of nature, in whatever thefe may confift. The 
manufaOurer works up his raw material by mea