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rhe.. Encampment \vithout the 
City (Cairo) 

t'rom --:ntíng- 1--- Theodore Frere 



 i!;istnry nf iEgypt 


n. ilubylnuin. nuÌI 1\!U1yrta 

 By G. MASPERO, Honorable Doctor of Civil Laws, 

 and Fellow of Queen's College, Oxford; Member of 

 the Institute and Professor at the College of France 

 Edited by A. H. SAYCE, Professor of Assyriology, Oxford 

 Translated by M. L. McCLURE, Member of 

 the Committee of the Egypt Exploration Fund 












 \'OL 'II 

 Containing O'Ver Twel'lJe Hundred 

 Colored PlateJ and Illustrations 
11 TH L (; R () [ [E R 
 0 C [ E T Y I 



'JUN 1 2 ff't;3 

Printed b) 





Assur-nazir-pal (885-860 B. c.) and Shalmaneser lIT. (860-823 B. c.)- 
The Kingdom of Urartu and its Conquering Princes: l\lenuas and 
Argistis 3 


FROM 745 TO 722 B. c. 

Failure of Urartu and Reconquest of Syria - Egypt Again United uuder 
Ethiopian Auspices - Piônkhi - The Downfall of Damascus, of 
Babylon, and of Israel 175 


SARGON OF ASSYRIA (722-705 B. c.) 
Sargon as a'Varrior and as a Builder 

. 337 


The Encampment without the City, Cairo 
A mountain raid of AssJ7ian cavalry 
An Assyrian horseman armed with the sword . 
A mounted Assyrian archer with his attendant, charging . 
The movable sow making a breach in the wall of a fortress 
The turreted battering-ram attacking the walls of a town. 
The besieged endeavoring to cripple or destroy the battering-ram 
The Escarpments of the Zab 
The site of Shadikanni at Arban, on the Khabur 
Enamelled brick and fragmflnt of mural paintiug (Kimrod) 
One of the winged bulls fouud at Arban 
Stele from Arban 
The Zab below the passes of Alân, the ancient Ilaniu 
Bas-relief from a building at Sil1jîrli . 
Jibrîn, a village of conical huts, on the Plateau of Aleppo 
The war-chariot of the Khâti of the Kinth Century B. C. . 
The Assyrian war-chariot of the NInth CentuQ' B. C. 
A king of the Khâti hunting a lion in his chariot 
The god Hadad . 
Religious scene displaying Egyptian features 
The mounds of Calah 
Stele of Assur-1\ azir-Pal at Ca]ah 
The winged bulls of Assur-Xazir-Pal. 
Glazed tile from palace of Calah 
Lion from Assur-Nazir-Pal's palace . 
A corner of the ruined palace of Assur-Kazir-Pal 
Shalmaneser III. 
The two peaks of :Mount Ararat 
Fragment of a votive shield of Lrartian work 










Site of an Urartian town at Toprah-Kaleh. 
The ruins of a palace of Urartu at Toprah-Kaleh 
Temple of Khaldis, at l\Iuzazîr, pillaged by the Assyrians. 
Assyrian soldiers carrying off or destroying the furniture of an Urartian 
Shalmaneser III. crossing the mountains in his chariot 
The people of 
hugunia fighting against the Assyrians 
Prisoners from Shugunia, with their arms tied and yokes on their necks 
Sacrifice offered by Shalmaneser III. to the gods of Lake Van, and erec- 
tion of a triumphal stele 
Costumes found in the Fifth Tomb of the Kings to the East. Thebes 
Shua, King of Gilzân, bringing a war-horse fully caparisoned to Shal- 
maneser 100 
Dromedaries from Gilzân . 101 
Tribute from Gilzân . 102 
Tribute from Garparuda, King of the Patinâ 102 
l\IoLite stone or stele of l\Iesha . . 123 
Jehu, King of Israel, sends presents to Shalmaneser . . 131 
Part of Israel's tribute to Shalmaneser 132 
A mountain village . 134 
Elephant and monkeys brought as a tribute to Nineveh by the people of 
. 1\1 uzri . 
Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III. 
Stag and lions of the country of Sukhi 
The bronze-covered gates of Balawât . 
l\lonolith of Samsi-Rammân IV. 
Triumphal stele of l\Ienuas at Kelishin 
The Gardens and -Hill of Dlmspas or Van. 
"Crartian stele on the rocks of Ak-Keupru 
Com bat before the walls of a fortress 
A vista of the Asiatic Steppe 
Specimens of Hebrew pottery 
Israelites of the higher class in the time of Shalmaneser III. 
Judæan peasants 
"Tomen and children of Judæa . 
Prayer at sunset. 
Egyptian altar at Deir-el-Bahari 
Principal peak of Mount Bikni (Demavend) 
View of the Mountains which guard the southern border of Urartu . 
Bird's-eye view of the Royal Castle of Zinzirli as restored 
Tiglath-Pileser III. in his state chariot 




. 144 


. 191 
. 201 
. 203 
. 218 
. 221 
. 227 
. 232 


The rock and citadel of Van at the present day. 
Entrance to the modern citadel of Van frpm the westward 
HeLrew inscription on the Siloam aqueduct 
Bronze statuette of Osorkon 1. . 
The great temple of Bubastis during N aville's excavations 
Gate of the festival-hall at Bubastis . 
::'mall bronze sphinx of Siamun. 
Ruins of the temple at Khninsu after N aville's excavations 
King Petubastis at prayer . 
View of a part of the rnins of Kapata 
Gebel-Barkal, the sacred mountain of X apata 
Ruins of the Temple of Amon at Napata 
.Å nearly pure Ethiopian type 
:Mixed negro and Ethiopian type 
Ruins of Oxyrrhynchos and the modern town of Bahnesa . 
King N amrôti leading a horse to Pîônkhi . 
Ruins of the temple of Thoth at Hermopolis the great 
King Tafnakhti presents a field to Tunm and to Bastit 
)Iount Hermon . 
An Arab 
Ieharis ridden down by the Assyrian cavalry . 
Arab School 
A Kaldu 
Tiglath-Pileser III. besieging a rebellious city . 
A herd of horses brought in as tribute 
Typical Cappadocian horse 
The foundation of a Bît-Khilâni at Zinjirli 
Base of a column at Zinjirli 
Stele of Bel-Harrân-Beluzur 
l\Ianuscript on papyrus in hieroglyphics 
Sargon of Assyria and his vizier 
The l\Iound of Khorsabad before Botta's excavations. 
Assyrian soldiers pursuing Kaldâ refugees in a bed of reeds 
A reed-hut of the Bedawin of Irak 
Brick bearing the name of the Susian King Shilkhak-Inshushinak 
Bas-relief of Naram-sin, transported to Susa by Shutruk-Xakhunta . 
The great rock bas-relief of l\lalamîr 
Iaubidî of Hamath being flayed alive 
Taking of a castle in Zikartu 
Taking of the city of Kishîsim by the Assyrians 


. 235 
. 236 
. 2-11 
. 242 
. 243 
. 245 
. 24t) 
. 249 
. 253 
. 255 
. 257 
. 260 
. 2GO 
. 263 
. 266 
. 276 
. 288 
. 289 
. 290 
. 291 
. 294 
. 315 
. 318 
. 320 
. 322 
. 334 
. 339 
. 343 
. 344 
. 346 
. 348 
. 349 
. 356 
. 364- 
. 369 



The town of Bît-Bagaîa burnt by the Assyrians 
King Bocchorifì giving judgment betw
en two women, rival claimants to a 
child . 
Taking of a town in Crartu by the Assyrians 
The seal of Crzana. King of ltluzazîr. 
The Assyrians taking a l\ledian town 
Stele at Larnaka 
Part of the enamelled course of a gate 
Bird's-eye view of Sargon's palace at Dur-Sharrukîn . 
One of the gates of the palace at Dur-Sharrukín 
One of the bronze lions from Dur-Sharrukín 
A hunting expedition in the woods near Dur-Sharrukîn 
The Ziggurât at Dur-Sharrukíll 
Section of a bedroom in the Harem . 
l\Iain door of the harem at Dur-Sharrukîn. 


. 4U5 
. 408 
. 409 


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ASSUR.'SAZIR-PAL (883-860 B.C.) AXD SIIAL'IANESER III. (860-825 B.C.)- 

The line of Assyrian kings ofter Assurirba, and the Babylon-ian d!Jnastie.;;: 
tlte u
ar between Rammân-nirâ.ri III. ann Shamash-mudammiq; /tis victories 
over Babylon; Tukulti-ninip II. {8!)o-883 B.c.)-Tlte empire at the acressio'll 
of Assur-nazir-pal: t/te Assyrian army and the progress of military tactics; 
cavalry, military engines; the cond'ition of Ass!fria's neigltbou1's, methods of 
Assyrian conquest. 

TIle first campaigns of Assur-nazir-pal in J\'TQ1'ri and on the Kltabur 
(885-882 B.c.): Zanma reduced to an Assyrian province (881 n.c.)-Tlw fourth 
campaign in NaÎri and tlte war on the Eltpltrate.<J (880 B.c.); tlw fi1'st conquest 
of Bít-Adini-Northern S!Jria at the opening of the IX tl . centllr!J : ,its ch'ilisation, 
arts, army, and religion-The submission of tlte Hittite states and of the Patina: 
the Assyr'ians reaclt the lJ[erliterranean. 

Thl' empire after the u'ars of AS81lr-1'flzir-p r tl-Building of the palace at 
Calalt: Assyrian arcltitecture and sculplure hz the Ly't
 centll1'y-The t/tnnel of 



2 ) 

N'>[Jnb and the palu('c of BalnwrÎt - The last years of Assllr-nazir-pal: his cwn- 
paign of the year 867 in Nairi-Tlte death of Assw'-nazir-pal (860 n,c.): his 

ShalmaneseJ' III. (860-825 B.C.): the state of the empire at his access,itJn- 
Urartlt: its physical fp(tlures, races, towns, temples, 'its de'ities-Slwlmaneser's 
first campaign ,in Frm'tll: he penetmtes as far as Lake ran (860 B.C.)-TltP 
conquest of BÎt-Ad'ini ancl of Nat?'i (859-855 B.C.) 
The attaclc on Damascus: the battle of Qarqar (854 B.C.) and tlte 'war 
against Babylon (832-851 B.C.)-Tlw alliance bdween Jlldah and Israel, ilU' 
death of Ahab (853 B.C.); Dalnftscns successfully resists the attacks of Assyr'ia 
(849-8-!6 B.c.)-lJ.foab delivered from Israel, 1flesltrt; the death of Bell-hadar1 
(Admli(l1-'i) and the accession of Hazacl; thc fall of the house of Omri.Jelw 
(843n.c.)-Tlw drfeat of Hazael and the homage of Jelw (84
-839 B.C.). 

lVurs in Cilicia and in Namri (838-835 B.f'.): the last battles of Slwl- 
maneser III.; /tis buildinJ works, the revolt of Assur-dain-pal-Samsi-rmn1llâ?
IV. (825-812 B.C.), his first three exped'itions, his campaigrlS again8t Babylon- 
Rammlln-rl'Írâ?'i IV, (812-783 B.C. )-Jelm, Athaliah, Joash: the Sllprl'ma('y of 
IIazael over Israel and Judah- "Victory of Rmmnan-nirâri orer ][ar-i, and illP 
submission of all Syria to lhe Assyrians (803 B.C.), 

The growth (If Urartul: the rnnquesfs of lJlenllas and A?'gistis I., thei'i' 
victorics o't'er A8syria-Slutlmaneser IV. (783-772 B.c.)-Assnrdân III. 
(772-754 B.c.)-AH"lltr-nirâri Ill. (754-745 B.c.)-The downfall of Assyr'ia 
(wd the t1"iwlllJ1t of Urartzt. 



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Assur-nazir-pal (885-8GO) and Sbalmaneser III. (8GO-825).- 
The kingdom of U rartu and its conquering princes: 
l\lenuas and Argistis. 

ASSYRIA was the first to reappear on the 
. scene of action. Less hampered by all 
ancient past than Egypt and Chaldæa, she was 
the sooner able to recover her strength after 
any disastrous crisis, and to assume again the 
offensive along tho whole of her frontier line. 
During the years immediately following the 
victories and reverses of Assurirba, both the 

1 Drawn by Faucber-Gudin, from a bas-relipf at Koyunjik of tbp tiUlf' of 
Scnnacherib. Tbe initial cut, which is also by Faucbpr-Gudin, rf'presents 
the broken nhf'lisk of Assur-nazir-pal, the bas-rclipfs of wbich are as yet 


country and its I'ulers are plunged in the obscurity of 
oblivion. Two figures at length, though at what date is 
uncertain, emerge from the darkness-a certain Irbarallllnân 
and an Assur-nadinakhê II., whom we find engaged in 
building palaces and making a necropolis. They ,vere 
followed towards 930 by a Tiglath-pileser II., of whom 
nothing is known but his name. l He in his turn was 
succeeded about the year 935 by one Assurdân II., who 
appears to have concentrated his energies upon public 
,vorks, for we hear of him digging a canal to supply his 
capital with water, restoring the temples and fortifying 
towns. Rammân-nirâri III., who followed him in 912, 
stands out more distinctly from the mists which envelop the 
history of this period; he repaired the gate of the Tigris 
and the adjoining wall at Assur, he enlarged its principal 
sanctuary, reduced several rebellious provinces to obedience, 
and waged a successful warfare against the neighbouring 
inhabitants of I{arduniash. Since the extinction of the 
race of N ebuchadrezzar 1., Babylon had been a prey to 
civil discol'd and foreign invasion. The Aramæan tribes 
mingled with, or contiguous to the remnants of the 
Cossæans bordering on the Persian gulf, constituted 
possibly, even at this period, the powerful nation of the 
I{aldâ. 2 It has been supposed, not without probability, 
that a certain SiInashshikhu, Prince of the Country of 

lOur only know le(lge of Tiglath-pileser II. is from a brick, on which he 
is mentioned as being the grandfather of Rammân-nirâri II. 
2 The names Chald::ca and Chaldæans being ordinarily used to designate 
the territory and people of Babylon, I shall f'mploy the term Kaldu or Kaldâ 
in trC' of tllf' Aramæan tribes who constitut.ed the actual Chaldæan 



the Sea, who iInmediately followed the last scion of the 
line of Pashê,l was one of their chiefs. He endeavoured 
to establish order in the city, and rebuilt the temple of 
the Sun destroyeù by the nomads at Sippar, but at the 
end of eighteen years he was assassinated. His son 
Eâmnkinshumu remained at the head of affairs some three 
to six months; I{ashshu-nadinakhê ruled three or six years, 
at the expiration of which a man of the house of Bâzi, 
Eulbar-shakinshumi by name, seized upon the crown. 2 His 
dynasty consisted of three menibers, himself included, and 
it was overthrown after a duration of twenty years by an 
Elamite, who held authority for another seven. 3 It was a 
period of calamity and distress, during which the Arabs or 
the Aramæans ravaged the country, and pillaged without 
cOlnpunction not only the property of the inhabitants, but 
also that of'the gods. The Elamite usurper having died 

1 The name of thi
 prince has been read Simbarshiku by Peiser, a reading 
adopted hy Rost; Simbarshiku would have been shortened into Sibil', and 
we should have to identify it with that of the Sibil' mentioned by Assur- 
nazir-pal in his Annals, col. ii. 1. 84, as a king of Karduniash who lived before 
his (Assur-nazir-pal's) time (see p. 38 of the present volume). 
2 The name of this king may be read Edubarshakîn-shumi. The house 
of Dâzi takes its name from an ancestor who must have founded it at some 
uuknown date, but who never reigned in Chaldæa. Winckler has with 
reason conjectured that the name subsequently lost its meaning to the 
Babylonians, and that they confused the Chaldæan house of Bâzi with thp 
Arab country of Bâzu: this may explain why in his dynasties Berosos 
attributes an Arab origin to that one which comprises the short-Ih-ed line 
of Bît- Bâzi. 
3 Our knowledge of these events is derived solely from the texts of the 
Babylonian Canon published and translated by G. Smith, by Pinches, and 
by Sayee. The inscription of Nabubaliddin informs us that Kashu-nadinakhê 
and Eulbar-shâkinshumu continued the works begun by 8imashshiku in the 
temple of the Sun at Sippar. 


about the year 1030, a Babylonian of noble extraction 
expelled the intruders, and succeeded in bringing the 
larger part of the kingdom under his rule. I Five or six 
of his descendants had passed away, and a certain Sham ash- 
llludammiq was feebly holding the reins of government, 
when the expeditions of Rammân-nirâri III. provoked war 
afresh between Assyria and Babylon. The two armies 
cncountered each other once again on their former battle- 
field between the Lower Zab and the Turnat. Shamash- 
Inudammiq, after being totally routed near the Yalmân 
mountains, did not long survive, and N aboshumishkun, who 
succeeded him, showed neither more ability nor energy 
than his l1redecessor. The Assyrians .wrested from hin1 the 
fortresses of Bambala and Bagdad, dislodged hÏ1n from the 
positions where he haù entrenched himself, and at length 
took him prisoner while ill flight, and condemned him to 
perpetual captivity.2 His successor abandoned to. the 

I The names of the first kings of this dyna
ty are destroyed in the 
copies of the Royal Canun which have come down tu us. The three pre- 
ceding dynasties are restored as follows :- 

RUIASH-SHIKU . . . 18 years 5 months { or acCOrding } 17 years 3 months. 
E:UIUKîN-SIIUMU , , 5 months to another 3 months. 
KASIIU-NADîNAKIIÊ. . 3 years computatiun 6 years. 
Total for the dynasty 
of the Sea Country 21 years 10 months 
EULllAR-SH1KIN-SIIUl\IU 17 years 
Total for the dynasty 
of l
âzi . . . . 20 years 3 months. 


23 years (j month
15 years. 
2 years. 
3 mOllths. 



3 months 


2 Shamash-mudammiq appears to hMe died about 900. Raboshumish- 
kun probably reigned only one or two years, from 900 to 89Ð or to 898. 
The name of his successor is destroyed in the SYllchro1l0:l8 Hist01"y; it might 



Assyrians most of the districts situated on the left bank 
of the Lower Zab between the Zagros mountains and the 
Tigris, and peace, which was speedily secured by a double 
marriage, remained unbroken for nearly half a century. 
Tukulti-ninip II. was fond of fighting; "he overthrew his 
adversaries and exposed their heads upon stakes," but, 
unlike his predecessor, be directed his efforts against N aîri 
and the northern and western tribes. \Ve possess no 
details of his campaigns; we can only surmise that in 
six years, froin 890 to 885, 1 he brought into subjection the 
valley of the Upper Tigris and the mountain provinces 
which separate it from the Assyrian plain. Having 
reached the source of the river, he carved, beside the 
image of Tiglath-pileser I., the following inscription, which 
may still be read upon the rock. "With the help of Assur, 
Shamash, and Rammân, the gods of his religion, he reached 
this spot. The lofty mountains he subjugated from the sun- 
rising to its down-setting; victorious, irresistible, he came 
hither, and like unto the lightning he crossed the raging 
rivers." 2 

He did not live long to enjoy his triumphs, but his 

be N abubaliddin, who seems to have had a long life, but it is wiser, until 
fresh light is thrown on the subject, to admit that it is some prince other 
than Nabubaliddin, whose name is as yet unknown to us. 
1 The parts preserved of the Eponym canon begin their record in 893, 
about the end of the reign of Rammân-nirâri II. The line which di:-;- 
tinguishes the two reigns from one another is drawn between the name of 
the personage who corresponds to the year 890, and that of Tukulti-ninip 
who corresponds to the year 889: Tukulti-ninip II., therefore, begins his 
reign in 890, and his death is six years later, in 885. 
2 This inscription and its accompanying bas-relief are mentioned in the 
Annals of Assllr-lluzir-pal. 


death lllade no impression on the impulse given to the 
fortunes of his country. The kingdom which he left to 
Assur-nazir-pal, the eldest of his sons, embraced scarcely 
any of the countries which had paid tribute to former 
sovereigns. Besides Assyria proper, it cOll1prised lllerely 
those districts of N aîri which had been annexed within 
his own generation; the remainder had gradually regained 
their liberty: first the outlying dependencies-Cilicia, 
l\lelitene, Northern Syria, and then the provinces nearer 
the capital, the valleys of the ]\lasios and the Zagros, the 
steppes of the I(habur, and even some districts such as 
Lubdi anù ShuI)l'ia, which had been allotted to Assyriall 
colonists at various times after successful can1paigns. 
N early the whole ell1pire had to be reconquered under 
llluch the same conditions as in the first instance. Assyria 
itself, it is true, had recovered the vitality and elasticity 
of its earlier days. The people were a robust and energetic 
race, devoteù to their rulers, and ready to follow thenl 
blindly and trustingly ,vherever they might lead. The 
army, while composed chiefly of the same classes of troops 
as in the time of Tiglath-pileser I. ,-spearmen, archers, 
sappers, and slingers,-now possessed a new element, 
whose appearance on the field of battle was to revolutionize 
the ,vhole method of warfare; this was the cavalry, properly 
so called, introduced as an adjunct to the chariotry. The 
number of horsemen forIlling this contingent was as yet 
small; like the infantry, they wore casques and cuirasses, 
but were clothed with a tight-fitting loin-cloth in place 
of the long kilt, the folds of which would have embarrassed 
their lllovements. One-half of the 111en carried sword and 



lance, the othel' Imlf sword and bow, tI:e latter of a smaller 
ljnd than that used by the infantry. Their horses were 
bridled, and bore trappings on the forehead, but had no 
saddles; their riders rode bareback \vithout stirrups; they 
sat far back with the chest thrown forward, their knees 

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drawn up to grip the shoulùer of the animal. Each horse- 
man was attended by a groom, who rode abreast of him, 
and held his reins during an action, so that he ll1ight be 
free to make use of his weapons. This body of cavalry, 
having little confidence in its own powers, kept in close 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a bas-relief in bronze on the gate of 
Balawât. The Assyrian artist has shown the head and legs of the second 
horse in profile behind the first, hut he has forgotten to represent the rest 
of its body, and also the man riding it. 


contact with the main body of the army, and was not used 
in independent manæuvres; it ,vas associated with and 
formed an escort to the chariotry in expeditions where 
speed was essential, and where the ordinary foot soldier 

If II 




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would have hampered the movements of the charioteers. 2 
The army thus reinforced was at all events more efficient, 

1 Drawn by :Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bronze has-reliefs of the gate 
of Balawât. 
2 Isolated hursemen must no doubt haye existed in the Assyrian just as 
in the Egyptian army, but we never find any mention of a body of cavalry in 
inscriptions prior to the time of Assur-nazir-pal; the introduction of this 
new corps must consequently have taken place between the reigns of Tiglath- 
pileser and Assur-nazir-pal, probably nearer the time of the latter. Assur- 
nazir-pal himself seldom speaks of his cavalry, but he constantly makes 
mention of the horsemen of the Aramæan and Syrian principalities, whom he 
incorporated into his own army. 


if not actually Inore powerful, than fOrInerly; the discipline 
luaintained was as severe, the military spirit as keen, the 
equipment as perfect, and the tactics as skilful as in former 
tÏ1nes. A knowledge of engineering had improved upon 
the former methods of taking towns by sapping and scaling, 
and though the number of military engines was as yet 
limited, the besiegers were well able, when oC0asion 
demanded, to Ì111provise and make use of machines capable 
of demolishing even the strongest ,vans. 1 The Assyrians 
were familiar with all the different kinds of battering-ram; 
the hand variety, which ,vas merely a beam tipped with 
iron, worked by some score of men; the fixed ram, in 
which the beam was suspended from a scaffold and moved 
by Ineans of ropes; and lastly, the movable ram, running 
on four or six wheels, which enabled it to be advanced or 
withdrawn at will. The military engineers of the day 
allowed full rein to their fancy in the many curious shapes 
they gave to this latter engine; for example, they gave 
to the mass of bronze at its point the form of the head 
of an animal, and the whole engine took at times the 
form of a sow ready to root up with its snout the founda- 
tions of the enemy's defences. The scaffolding of the 
Inachine was usually protected by a carapace of green 
leather or some coarse woollen material stretched over it, 
which broke the force of blows from projectiles: at times 

1 The battering-ram had already reached such a degree of perfection 
under Assur-nazir-pal, that it must have been invented some time before the 
execution of the first has-reliefs on which we I:;ee it portrayed. Its points of 
resemblance to the Greek battering-ram furnish{'d Hæfcr with one of his 
main arguments for placing the monuments of Khorsabad and Koyunjik as 
late as the Persian or Parthian period. 


it had an aùùitional arrangement ill the shape of a cupola 
or turret in which archers were stationed to sweep the 
face of the wall opposite to the point of attack. The 
battering-rams were set up and placed in line at a short 
distance from the ralnparts of the besieged town; the 

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ground in front of them was then levelled and a regular 
causeway constructed, which was paved ,,'ith bricks 
wherever the soil appeared to be lacking in firmness. 
These preliminaries accomplished, the engines were pushed 
forward by relays of tl'OOPS till they reached the required 
range. The effort needed to set the ram in motion severely 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the brollze bas-reliefs of tbe gate 
of I3alawât. 



taxeù the strength of those engaged in tho work; for the 
size of the heatH was enormous, anù its iron poiut, or the 
square mass of metal at the enù, was of no light weight. 
The besieged did their best to cripple or, if possible, 
destroy the engine as it approached them. Torches, 
lighted tow, burning pitch, and stink-pots were hurled 

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ùown npon its roofing: attempts were made to seize the 
head of the ram by means of chains or hooks, so as to 
prevent it from moving, or in order to drag it on to the 
battlements; in some cases the garrison succeeded in 
crushing the machinery with a mass of rock. rrhe 
Assyrians, however, did not allow themselves to be dis- 
couraged by such trifling accidents; they would at once 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Guclin, from ::L has-relief brought from Nimroud, 
now in tlw British :Museum. 


extinguish the fire, release, by sheer force of llluscle, the 
beams which the enemy had secured, anù if, notwith- 
standing all their efforts, Olie of the machines became 
injured, they had others ready to take its place, and the 
raIn would be again at work after only a few minutes' 


-- " 

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delay. Walls, even when of burnt brick or faced with 
small stones, stood no chance against such an attack. 
The first blow of the ram sufficed to shake them, and an 
opening was rapidly made, so that in a few days, often 
in a few hours, they l1ecame a heap of ruins; the foot 
soldiers could then enter by the breach which the pioneers 
had effected. 

1 Drawn by Fauchpr-Gudin, from a bas-relif'f from Nimroul1, now in the 
British l\I useum. 


It must, however, be remembered that the strength and 
discipline which the Assyrian troops possessed in such a 
high degree, ,vere comn10n to the military forces of all the 
great states-Elam, Damascus, N aîri, the Hittites, and 
Chaldæa. It was owing to this, and also to the fact that 
the armies of all these Powers were, as a I'ule, both in 
strength and numbers, much on a par, that no single state 
was able to inflict on any of the rest such a defeat as would 
end in its destruction. What decisive results had the 
terrible struggles produced, which stained almost 
periodically the valleys of the Tigris and the Zab with 
blood? After endless loss of life and property, they had 
nearly always issued in the establishment of the belligerents 
in their respective possessions, with possibly the cession of 
some few small towns or fortresses to the stronger party, 
most of which, however, were destined to come back to its 
former possessor in the very next campaign. The fall of 
the capital itself was not decisive, for it left the vanquished 
foe chafing under his losses, while the victory cost his rival 
so dear that he was unable to maintain the ascendency for 
more than a few years. Twice at least in three centuries a 
king of Assyria had entered Babylon, and twice the 
Babylonians had expelled the intruder of the hour, and had 
forced him back with a blare of trumpets to the frontier. 
Although the Ninevite dynasties had persisted in their 
pretensions to a suzerainty which they had generally been 
unable to enforce, the tradition of which, unsupported by 
any definite decree, had been handed on from one genera- 
tion to another; yet in practice their kings had not 
succeeded in "taking the hands of Bel," aud in reigning 

] Ü 

personally in Babylon, nor in extorting froIll the native 
sovereign an official acknowledgment of his vassalage. 
Profiting doubtless by past experience, Assur-nazir-pal 
resolutely avoided those direct conflicts in which so many 
of his predecessors had wasted their lives. If he did not 
actually renounce his hereditary pretensions, he ,vas 
content to let them lie dormant. He preferred to accom- 
modate himself to the terms of the treaty signed a few 
years previously by Rammân-nirâri, even when Baby Ion 
neglected to observe them; he closed his eyes to the many 
ill-disguised acts of hostility to which he was exposed, 1 and 
devoted all his energies to dealing with less dangerous 
enemies. Even if his frontier touched l{arduniash to the 
south, elsewhere he was separated from the few states 
strong enongh to menace his kingdom by a strip of varying 
wiclth, comprising several less important tribes and cities; 
-to the east and north-east by the barbarians of obscure 
race whose villages and strongholds were scattered along 
the upper affiuents of the Tigris or on the lower terraces of 
the Iranian plateau: to the west and north-west by the 
principalities and nomad tribes, mostly of Antmæan 
extraction, who now for a century had peopled the 
mountains of the Tigris and the steppes of l\Iesopotamia. 
They were high-spirited, warlike, hardy populations, proud 
of their independence and quick to take up arms in its 
ùefence or for its recovery, but none of them possessed 
more than a restricted dom
in, or had more than a handful 

1 He did not make the presence of Cossæan troops among the alIips of 
the Sukhi a caSUR belli, eyen though th('y wpre commancl('(l hy a brother and 
by one of the principal officers of the King of Babylon. 



of soldiers at its disposal. At titnes, it is true, the nature 
of their locality befriended them, anù the advantages of 
position helped to compensate for their paucity of numbers. 
Sometimes they were entrenched behind one of those rapiù 
watercourses like the Radanl1, the Zab, or the Turnat, 





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--rs OF TIlE Z.\.B. 1 

which are winter tOlTents rather than streams, and are 
overhung by steep banks, precipitous as a wall above a 
moat; sometimes they too
 refuge upon some wooded 
height and awaited attack amid its rocks and pine woods. 
Assyria was superior to all of them, if not in the val our of 
its troops, at least numerically, and, towering in the midst 
of them, she could single out at win ,vhichever tribe offered 
1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph hy l\f. Binder. 




the easiest prey, and falling on it suddenly, .would crush it 
by sheer force of weight. In such a case the surrounding 
tribes, usually only too well pleased to witness in safety the 
fall of a dangerous rival, would not attempt to interfere; 
but their turn was ere long sure to come, and the pity 
which they had declined to show to their neighbours was in 
like manner refused to them. The Assyrians ravaged their 
country, held their chiefs to l'anOOill, razed their strong- 
holds, or, when they did not demolish them, garrisoned 
them with their own troops who held sway over the country. 
The revenues gleaned from these conquests 'would swell 
the treasury at Nineveh, the native soldiers would be 
incorporated into the Assyrian army, and when the smaller 
tribes had all in turn been subdued, their conqueror would, 
at length, find himself confronted with one of the great 
states from wbich he had been separated by tbese buffer 
communities; then it was that the men and money he had 
appropriated in bis conquests would embolden him to 
provoke or accept battle with some tolerable certainty of 
Immediately on his accession, Assur-nazir-pal turned his 
attention to the parts of his frontier where the population 
was most scattered, and therefore less able to offer any 
resistance to his projects.! He lnarched towards the 

1 The principal documf'nt for the history of Assur-nazir-pal is the- 
Ionolith of Nimrud, >1 discovered by Layal'd in the ruins of the temple of 
Ninip; it bears the same inscription on both its sides. It is a compilation 
of various documents, comprising, first, a consecutive account of the cam- 
paigns of the king's first six years, terminating in a summary of the results 
obtained durin
 that period; secondly, the account of the campaign of his 
sixth year, followed hy three campaigns not dated, the last of which was in 

 NAÎRI 19 

north-western point of his territory, suddenly invaded 
N lunmi, 1 and in an incredibly short time took Gubbê, 
its capital, and SaIne half-dozen lesser places, among them 
Surra, Abuku, A.rura, and Arubi. The inhabitants 
assembled upon a 1110untain ridge which they believed 
to be inaccessible, its peak being likened to "the point of 
an iron dagger," and the steepness of its sides such that 
"no winged bird of the heavens dare venture on them." 
In the short space of three days Assur-nazir- pal succeeded 
in climbing its precipices and forcing the entrenchments 
which had been thrown up on its summit: two hundred 
of its defenders perished sword in hand, the remainder 
were taken prisoners. The Kirruri,2 terrified by this 

Syria; and thirdly, the history of a last campaign, that of his eighteenth 
year, and a second summary. A monolith found in the ruins of Kurkh, at 
SDme distance from Diarbekîr, contains some important additions to the" 
account of the campaigns of the fifth year. The other numerous inscriptions 
of Assur-nazir-pal which have come down to us do not contain any informa- 
tion of importance which is not found in the text of the Annals. The 
inscription of the broken Obelisk, from which I have often quoted, con- 
tains in the second column some mention of the works undertaken by this 
1 Nummi or 
immi, mcntiOlwd already in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser 
T., has been placed by Hommel in the mountain group which sf'parates Lake 
Van fmm Lake Urumiah, but by Tiele in the regions situated to the south- 
east of Nineveh; the observations of Delattre show that wp ought perhaps 
to look for it to the north of thp Arzania, certainly in thp valley of that 
river. It appears to me to an<;wer to' the cazas of Varto and Boulaník in 
the sandjak of 
rush. The name of the capital may be identified with the 
present Gop, chief town of the caza of Boulanik i in this case Abuku might be 
rppresented lJY the village of Biyonkh. 
2 The Kirruri must have had their habitat in the depression around Lake 
U rumiah, on the western side of the lake, if we are to believe Schrader; 
Delattre has pointe(l out that it ought to bf' sought elsewherp, nf'ar t1w 
sources of the Tigris, not far from the 1\[ urad-suo The connection in which 


example, submitted unresel'vedly to the conqueror, yielded 
him their horses, mules, oxen, sheep, wine, and brazen 
vessels, and accepted the Assyrian prefects appointed to 
collect the tribute. rrhe neighbouring districts, Adaush, 
Gilzân, and Khubushkia, followed their example; 1 they 
sent the king considerable presents of gold, silver, lead, 
and copper, and theil' alacrity in buying off their conqneror 
saved them from the ruinous infliction of a garrison. The 
Assyrian army defiling through the pass of Khulun next 
fell upon the Kirkhi, dislodged the troops stationed in the 
fortress of Nishtun, and pillaged the cities of }\:hatu, 
I\:hatara, Irbidi, Arzania, Tela, and Khalua; 2 Bubu, the 

it is here cited obliges us to place it in the immediate neighbourhood of 
:N ummi, and its relative position to Adaush and Gilzfm makes it probable 
that it is to be sought to the west and south-west of I...ake Van, in the cazas 
of :Mush and Sass un in the sandjak of 1\Iush. 
1 Kirzâu, also transcribed Gilzân and Guzân, hås been relegated by the 
older Assyriologists to Eastern Armenia, and the site further specified as 
being between the ancient Araxes and Lake U rumiah, in the Persian 
provinces of Khoî and :ì\larand. The indications given in our text and the 
passages brought together by Schrader, which place Gilzân in direct con- 
nection with Kirruri on one side and with Kurkhi on the other, oblige us 
to locate the country in the upper basin of the Tigris, and I should place it 
near Bitlis-tchaî, where different forms of the word occur many times on the 
map, such as Ghalzan in Ghalzan-dagh; Kharzan, the name of a caza of the 
sandjak of Sert; Khizan, the name of a caza of the sandjak of Bitlis. 
Girzân-Kilzån would thus be the Roman province of Arzanene, Ardzn in 
Armenian, in which the initial 9 or k of the ancient name has bpen replaced 
in the process of time by a soft aspirate. Khubushkia or Khutushkia has 
been placed by Lenormant to the east of the Upper Zab, and south of 
Arapkha, and this identification has been approved by Schrader and also hy 
Delitzsch ; according to the passages that Schrader himself has cited, it must, 
however, have stretched northwards as far as Shatakh-su, meeting Gilzân 
at one point of the sandjaks of Van and Hakkiari. 
2 Assur-naÚr-pal, in going from Kirruri to Kirkhi in the basin of the 
Tigris, could go either by the pass of Bitlis or that of Sassun; that of Bitlis 



Chief of Nishtun, I ,vas sent to Arbela, flayed alive, and his 
skin nailed to the city wall. In a small town near one of 

the sources of the Tigris, Assur-nazir-pal founded a colony 
on which he imposed his name; he left there a statue of 

is excluded hy the fact that it lies in Kirruri, and Kirruri is not mentioned 
in what follows. But if the route chosen was by the pass of Sassun, Khulun 
necessarily must have occupied a position at the entrance of the defiles, per- 
haps that of the pre
ent town of Khorukh. The name Khatu recall
of the Khoith tribe which the .\..rmenian historians mention as in this 
locality. Khaturu is perhaps Hatera in the caza of Lidjê, in the sandjak of 
Diarbekîr, and Arzania the ancient Arzan, Arzn, the ruins of which may be 
seen near Sheikh-Y unus. Tila-Tela is not the same town as the Tela in Meso- 
potamia, which we shall have occasion to speak of later, but is probahly to 
be identified with Tìl or Tilleh, at the confluence of the Tigris and the 
Bohtan-tcha. Finally, it is possible that the name Khalua may be pre- 
served in that of Halewi, which Layard gives as belonging to a village 
situaterl almost halfway between Rundvan and Til. 
I Nishtun was probably the most important spot in this region: from its 
position on the list, between Khulun and Khataru on one side and Arzania 
on the other, it is evident we must look for it somewhere in Sassun or in the 
direction of )Iayafarrîkin. 

bÜllself, with an inscription celebrating his exploits carved 
on its base, and having done this, he returned to Nineveh 
laden with booty. A few weeks had sufficed for him to 
complete, on this side, the work bequeathed to him by his 
father, and to open up the neighbourhood of the north- 







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east IJrovinces; he was not long in setting out afresh, 
this time to the north-west, in the direction of the Taurus. 2 
He rapidly skirted the left bank of. the Tigris, burned some 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from a sketch taken hy Layard. 
2 The text of the" Annals" declares that these events took place" in 
this same limlllu," in what the king calls higher up in the column "the 
beginning of my royalty, the first year of my reign." We must therefore 
suppose that he ascended the throne almost at the beginning of the yea.', 
SInce he was able to make two campaigns under the same eponym. 



score of scattered hamlets at the foot of Nipur and Pazatu,x 
crossed to the right bank, above Amidi, and, as he 
approached the Euphrates, received the voluntary homage 
of Kummukh and the 11ushku. 2 But while he was com- 
placently engaged in recording the amount of vessels of 
bronze, oxen, sheep, and jars of wine which represented 
their tribute, a messenger of bad tidings appeared before 
him. Assyria was bounded on the east by a line of small 
states, comprising the Katna 3 and the Bît-I\:.halupi;' whose 

1 Kipur or Nibur is the Nibaros of Strabo. If we consider the general 
direction of the campaign, we are inclined to place Nipur close to the bank 
of the Tigris, east of the regions traversed in the preceding campaign, and 
to identify it, as also Pazatu, with the group of high hills called at the 
present day the Ashít-dagh, between the Kharzan-su and the Batman- 
2 The 1\Iushku (1Ioschiano or l\Ieshek) mentioned here do not represent 
the main body of the tribe, established in Cappadocia; they are the 
descendants of such of the l\Iushku as had crossed the Euphrates and con- 
tested the possession of the regions of Kashiari with the Assyrians. 
3 The name has been read sometimes Katna, sometimes Shuna. The 
country included the two towns of Kamani and Dur-Katlimi, and on the 
south adjoined Bit-Khalupi; this identifies it with the districts of l\Iagada 
and Sheddadîyeh, and, judging by the information with which Assur-nazir- 
pal himself furnishes us, it is not impossible that Dur-Katline may have 
been on the site of the present l\Iagarda, and Kamani on that of Shedda- 
diyeh. Ancient ruins have been pointed out on both these spots. 
" Suru, the capital of Bît-Khalupi, was built upon the Khabur itself 
where it is navigable, for Assur-nazir-pal relates further on that he ha(l his 
royal barge built there at the time of the cruise which he undertook on 
the Euphrates in the Vlth year of his reign. The itineraries of modern 
travellers mention a place called es-Sauar or es-Saur, eight hours' march 
from the mouth of the Khabur on the right bank of the river, situated at 
the foot of a hill some 220 feet high; the ruins of a fortified enclosure 
and of an ancient town are still visible. Following Tomkins, I should there 
place Suru, the chief town of Khalupi; Bit-Khalupi would be the territory 
in the neighbourhood of es-Saur. 


towns, placed alternately like sentries on each side the 
Khabur, protected her from the incursions of the Bedâwin. 
They were virtually Chaldæan cities, having been, like 
most of those which flourished in the 1\1esopotamian plains, 
thoroughly impreg- 
nated with Baby- 
lonian civilisation. 
Shadikanni, the most 
irnportant of them, 
commanded the right 
bank of the KhaLuI', 
and also the ford 
where the road froln 

 ineveh crossed the 
river on the route to 
Harrân and Carche- 
mish. The palaces of 
its rulers were deco- 
rated with ,-ringed 
bulls, lions, stelæ, 
and bas - reliefs 
carved in marble brought from the hills of Singar. The 
people seem to have been of a capTicious temperament, 
and, nothwithstanding the supervision to ,vhich they were 
subjected, few reigns elapsed in which it was not necessary 
to put down a rebellion among them. Bît-IChalupi and 
its capital Stun had thrown off the Assyrian yoke after 
the death of Tuknlti-ninip; the populace, stirred up no 
doubt by Aramæan emissaries, had assassinated the 


1 Drawn by J!'aucher-Gudin, from a sketch by Layard. 


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 ".rHE KHABUR 23 

Hamathite who governed them, and had sent for a certain 
Akhiababa, a man of base extraction from Bît-Adini, 
whom they had proclaimed king. This defection, if not 
promptly dealt with, was likely to entail serious conse- 
quences, since it left an important point on the frontier 
exposed; and there now re
mained nothing to prevent 
the people of Adini or their 
allies from spreading over the 
country between the Khabur 
and the rigris, and even pusb- 
ing forward their marauding 
Lands as far as the very walls 
of Singar and Assur. vVith- 
out losing a moment, Assur- 
nazir-pal marched down the 
course of tbe Kbabur, hastily 
collecting tbe tribute of tbe 
cities through wbich he 
passed. The defenders of 
Suru ,vere disconcerted by 
his sudden appearance before their town, and their rulers 
came out and prostrated themselves at the king's feet: 
"Dost thou desire it? it is life for us ;-dost thou desire 
it? it is death ;-dost thou desire it? what thy heart 
chooseth, that do to us !" But the appeal to his clemency 
was in vain; the alarm had been so great and the danger 
so pressing, that Assur-nazir-pal was pitiless. The town 
was handed over to the soldiery, all the treasure it 


1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Layard's sketch. 


contained was confiscated, and the women and children of 
the best families were made slaves; somo of the ringleaders 
paid the penalty of their revolt on the spot; the rest, 
with Akhiababa, were carried away and flayed alive, some 
at Nineveh, some elsewhere. An Assyrian garrison was 
installed in the citadel, and an ordinary governor, Azilu 
by name, l"eplaced the dynasty of native In"inces. The 
l'eport of this ten'ible retribution induced the Laqî 1 to 
tender their submission, and their example was followed 
by l{haian, king of I{hindanu on the Euphrates. He 
bought off the Assyrians with gold, silver, lead, precious 
stones, deep-hued purple, and dromedaries; he erected 
a statue of Assur-nazir-pal in the centre of his palace as 
a sign of his vassalage, and built into the wall near the 
gates of his town an inscription dedicated to the gods 
of the conquerOl". Six, or at the most eight, months had 
sufficed to achieve these rapid successes over various foes, 
in twenty different directions-the expeditions in N ummi 
and Kirruri, the occupation of Kurnmukh, the flying 
marches across the mountains and plains of :Thiesopotalnia- 
dU1'Ïng all of which the new sovereign had given ample 
proof of his genius. He had, in fine, shown himself to be 
a thorough soldier, a conquerol' of the type of Tiglath- 
pileser, and Assyria by these victories had l'ecovered hel' 
rightful rank among the nations of vVestern Asia. 
The second year of his reign was no less fully occupied, 
nor did it prove less successful than the first. At its very 

1 The Laqî were situated on both banks of the Euphrates, principally on 
the right bank, between the Khabur and the Balikh, interspersed among 
the Sukhi, of whom they were perhaps merely a dissentient fraction. 



beginning, and even before the return of the favourable 
season, the Sukhi on the Euphrates made a public act 
of submission, and their chief, llubâni, brought to Nineveh 
on their behalf a large sum of gold and silver. He had 
scarcely left the capital when the news of an untoward 
event effaced the good impression he had made. The 
descendants of the colonists, planted in bygone times by 
Shalmaneser 1. on the western slope of the l\Iasios, in the 
district of I{halzidipkha, had thrown off their allegiance, 
and their leader, Khulaî, was besieging the royal fortress 
of Damdamusa. 1 Assur-nazir-pal marched direct to the 
sources of the Tigris, and the lnere fact of his presence 
sufficed to prevent allY rising in that quarter. He took 
advantage of the occasion to set up a stele beside those 
of his father Tukulti-llinip and his ancestor Tiglath-pileser, 
and then having halted to receive the tribute of Izalla,2 

1 The position of Khalzidipkha or KhalÚlukha, as well as that of Kina- 
bu, its stronghold, is shown approximately by what follows. Assur-nazir- 
pal, marching from the sources of the Supnat towards Tela, could pass 
either to the east or west of the Karajah-dagh; as the end of the campaign 
finds him at Tushkhân, to the south of the Tigris, and he returns to N aîri 
and Kirkhi hy the eastern side of the Karajah-dagh, we are led to conclude 
that the outgoing march to Tela was by the western side, through the 
country situated between the Karajah-dagh and the Euphrates. On 
referring to a modern map, two rather important places will be found in this 
locality: the first, Arghana, commanding the road from Diarbekîr to Khar- 
put; the other, Severek, on the l'o':!te from Diarbekîr to Orfah. Arghana 
appears to me to correspond to the royal city of Damdamusa, which would 
thus have protected the approach to the plain on the north-west. Sevcl'ek 
corresponds fairly well to the position which, according to the Assyrian text, 
Kinabu must have occupied; hence the country of Khalzidipkha (Khalzi. 
lukha) must be the district of Severek. 
2 Izalla, written also Izala, Azala, paid its tribute in sheep and oxen, 
and also produced a wine for which it continued t,o be celebrated down 


he turned southwards, and took up a position on the slopes 
of the Kashiari. At the first news of his approach, Khulai 
had raised the blockade of Damdamusa and had entrenched 
himself in Kinabu; the Assyrians, however, carried the 
place by stonn, and six hundred soldiers of the garrison 
were killed in the attack. The survivors, to the number 
of three thousand, togetheI' with many women and children, 
were thrown into the flames. The people of Mariru 
hastened to the rescue; 1 the Assyrians took three hundred 
of them prisoners and burnt them alive; fifty others were 
ripped up, but the victors did not stop to I'educe their 
town. The district of Nirbu was next subje
ted to 
systematic ravaging, and half of its inhabitants fled into 
the Mesopotamian desert, while the remainder sought 
refuge in Tela at the foot of the Ukhira. 2 The latter place 
,vas a strong one, being surrounded by three enclosing 
walls, and it offered an obstinate resistance. N otwith- 
standing this, it at length fell, after having lost three 

to the time of N ebuchadrezzar II. Lenormant and Finzi place this country 
near to Nisibis, where the Byzantine and Syrian writers mention a district 
and a mountain of the same name, and this conjecture is borne out by the 
passages of the Annals of Assur-nazir-pal which place it in tbe vicinity of 
\.dini and Bît-Ijakhiâni. It has also been adopted by most of the 
historians who have recently studied the question. 
1 The site of ]Uariru is unknown; according to the text of the Annals, 
it ought to lie near Severek (Kinabu) to the south-east, since after having 
mentioned it, Assur-nazir-pal speaks of the people of Nirbu whom he engaged 
in the desert before marching against Tela. 
2 Tila or Tela is the Tela Antoninopolis of the writers of the Roman 
period and the present V cranshehr. The district of Nirbu, of which it was 
the capital, lay on the southern slope of the Karajah-clagh at the foot of 
:\lount U rkhira, the central group of the range. The name Kashiari is 
d to the whole mountain group which separates the basins of the 
Tigris and Euphrates to the south and south-west. 


thousand of its defenders :-some of its garrison were 
condemned to the stake, some had their hands, noses, or 
ears cut off, others were deprived of sight, flayed alive, 
or impaled amid the smoking ruins. This being deemed 
insufficient punishment, the conqueror degraded the place 
from its rank of chief town, transferring this, together with 
its other privileges, to a neighbouring city, TushkLân, 
which had belonged to the Assyrians from the beginning 
of their couquests. 1 The king enlarged the place, adùed 
to it a strong enclosing wall, and installed within it the 
survivors of the older colonists who had been dispersed 
by the war, the majority of whom had taken refuge in 
Shupria. 2 He constructed a palace there, built storehouses 
for the reception of the grain of the province; and, in 
short, transformed the town into a stronghold of the first 

1 From this passage we learn that Tushkhân, also ca1led Tushkha, was 
situated on the border of Nirbu, while from another passage in the cam- 
paign of the Vth year we find that it was on the right bank of the Tigris. 
Following H. Rawlinson, I place it at Kurkh, near the Tigris, to the east of 
Diarbekîr. The existence in that locality of an inscription of Assur-nazir- 
pal appears to prove the correctness of this identification; we are aware, in 
fact, of the particular favour in which this prince held Tushkhân, for he 
speaks with pride of the buildings with which he embellished it. Hommel, 
however, identifies Kurkh with the town of }Iatiâtê, of which mention is 
made further on. 
2 Shupria or Shupri, a name which has been read Ruri, had been brought 
into submission from the time of Shalmaneser T. We gather from the 
passages in which it is mentioned that it was a hilly country, producing 
wine, rich in flocks, and lying at a short distance from Tushkhân; per- 
haps l\Iariru, mentioned on p, 28, was one of its towns. I think we may 
safely place it on the north-western slopes of the Kashiari, in the modern 
caza of Tchernik, which possesses several vineyards held in high estimation. 
Knudtzon, to whom we are indebted for the reading of this name, places the 
country rather furtlH'r north, within the fork formed by the b\ 0 upper 
hrancheq of t he Tigris. 

30 A

order, capable of serving as a base of operations for his 
armIes. The surrounding princes, in the meanwhile, 
rallied round him, including Ammibaal of Bît-Zamani, ana 
the rulers of SLupria, N aîri, and Urumi; 1 the chiefs of 
Eastern Nirbu alone held aloof, emboldened by the rugged 
nature of their mountains and the density of their forests. 
Assur-nazir-pal attacked them on his return journey, dis- 
lodged them from the fortress of Ishpilibria where they 
were entrenched, gained the pass of Buliani, and emerged 
into the valley of Luqia. 2 At Ardupa a brief halt was 
lllade to receive the ambassadors of one of the Hittite 
sovereigns and others from the kings of Khanigalbat, 
after which he returned to Nineveh, where he spent the 
winter. .Lts a matter of fact, these were but petty wars, 
and their immediate results appear at the first glance quite 
inadequate to account for the contemporary enthusiasm 

1 The position of Bît-Zamani on the banks of the Euphrates was 
determined by Delattre. U rumi was situated on the right bank of the same 
river in the neighbourhood of Sumeisat, and the name has survived in that 
of U rima, a town in the vicinity so called even as late as Roman times. 
Nirdun, with :Madara as its capital, occupied part of the eastern slopes of 
the Kashiari towards Ortaveran. 
2 Hommel identifies the I,uqia with the northern affluent of the 
Euphrates called on the ancient monuments Lykos, and he places the scene 
of the war in Armenia. The context obliges us to look for this river to the 
south of the Tigris, to the north-east and to the past of the Kashiari. Thl' 
king coming from Nirbu, the pass of Buliani, in which he finds the towns of 
Kil'khi, must be the valley of Khaneki, in which the road winds from )Tardîn 
tu Diarbekîr, and the Luqia is probably the most important stream in this 
re,!:{ion, the Sheikhân-Su, which waters Savur, chief town of the caza of 
Avineh. Ardupa must have been situated near, or on the actual site of, tho 
present J\Iardîn, whose Assyrian name is unknown to us; it "as at all 
f'v('nts a military station on the road to Nineveh, along whieb the king 
returned ,-ictorious with the spoil. 



they excited. The sincerity of it can be better understool1 
when we consider the miserable state of the country 
twenty years previously. Assyria then comprised two 
territories, one in the plains of the middle, the other in 
the districts of the upper, Tigris, both of considerable 
extent, but almost without regular intercommunication. 
Caravans or isolated messengers might pass with tolerable 
safety from Assur and Nineveh to BingaI', or even to 
Nisibis; but beyond these places they had to brave the 
narrow defiles and steep paths in the forests of the 
through ,vhich it was rash to venture without keeping 
eye and ear ever on the alert. The mountaineers and 
their chiefs recognized the nominal suzerainty of .rtssyria, 
but refused to act upon this recognition unless constrained 
by a strong hand; if this control were relaxed they levied 
contributions on, or massacred, all who came within their 
reach, and the king himself never travelled from his own 
city of Nineveh to his own town of Amidi unless accom- 
panied by an army. In less than the short space of three 
years, Assur-nazir-pal had remedied this evil. By the 
slaughter of some two hundred men in one place, three 
hundred in another, two or three thousand in a third, 
by dint of impaling and flaying refractory sheikhs, burn- 
ing villages and dismantling strongholds, he forced the 
marauders of N aîri and Kirkhi to l'espect his frontiers 
and desist froin l)illaging his country. The two divisions 
of his kingdom, strengthened by the military colonies in 
Nirbu, were united, and became welded together into a 
compact whole froll1 the banks of the Lower Zab to the 
sources of the I(habur and the Bupnat. 


During the following season the course of events 
diverted the king's efforts into quite an opposite direction 
(B.C. 882). Under the name of Zamua there existed a 
number of small states scattered along the western sl01)e 
of the Iranian Plateau north of the Cossæans. 1 lVlany 
of them-as, for instance, the Lulhullê-had been civilized 
by the Chaldæans almost from time immemorial; the most 
southern among them were perpetually oscillating between 
the respective areas of influence of Babylon and Nineveh, 
according as one or other of these cities was in the 
ascendant, but at this particular moment they acknow- 
ledged Assyrian sway . Were they excited to rebellion 
against the latter power by the emissaries of its 1'Ïval, or 
did they merely think that Assur-nazir-pal was too fully 
absorbed in the affairs of N aîri to be able to carry his arms 
effectively elsewhere? At all events they coalesced under 
N urramn1âu, the sheikh of Dagara, blocked the pass of 
Babiti which led to their own territory, and there massed 
their contingents behind the shelter of hastily erected 
ramparts. 2 Assur-nazir-pal concentrated his army at 

1 According to Hommel and Ticle, Zamua would be the country extend- 
ing from the sources of the Radanu to the southern shores of the lake of 
U rumiah; SchradC'r believes it to have occupied a smaller area, and pla.ces 
it to the east amI south-west of the lesser Zab. Delattre has shown that a 
distinction must be made between Zamua on Lake Van and the well-known 
Zamua upon the Zab. Zamua, as descrihed by Assur-nazir-pal, answers 
approximately to the present sandjak of Suleimaniyeh in the vilayet of 

2 Hommel believes that Assur-nazir-pal crossed the Zab near 
keupru, and he is certainly correct; but it appears to me from a passage in 
the Annals, that instead of taking the road which leads to Bagdad hy 1\:('1'- 
kuk and Tuz- Khurmati, he marched along that which l<,ads eastwards in the 
direction of Suleimalliy<,h. Th<' pass of Habiti must have lain between 



I(akzi, l a little to the south of Arbela, and promptly 
marched against them; he swept all obstacles before him, 
killed fourteen hundred and sixty men at the first 
onslaught, put Dagara to fire and sword, and soon defeated 
N urrammân, but without effecting his capture. As the 
campaIgn threatened to be prolonged, he formed all 

" ...JCa 

L - Thwlher. dal' 

entrenched camp In a favouI'able position, and stationed 
in it some of his troops to guard the booty, while he 
dispersed the rest to pillage the country on all sides. 
One expedition led him to the mountain group of Nizir, 
at the end of the chain known to the people of Lullumê 

Gawardis and Bibân, facing the Kissê tchai, which forms the western branch 
of the Radanu. Dagara would thus be represented by the district to the 
east of Kerkuk at the foot of the Kara-dagb. 
1 Kakzi, sometimes read Kalzi, must have been situated at Shemamek or 
Shamamik, near Hazeh, to the south-west of Erbil, the ancient Arbela, at 
the spot where Jones noticed important Assyrian ruins excavated by 




as the Kinipa. 1 He there reduced to ruins seven towns 
whose inhabitants had barricaded themselves in urgent 
haste, collected the few herds of cattle he could find, 
and driving them back to the camp, set ont afresh towards 
a part of N izir as yet unsubdued by any conqueror. The 
stronghold of Larbusa fell before the battering-ram, to be 
followed shortly by the capture of Bara. Thereupon the 
chiefs of Zamua, convinced of their helplessness, purchased 
the king's departure by presents of horses, gold, silver, 
and corn. 2 NUrramll1ân alone remained impregnable in 
his retreat at Nishpi, and an attempt to oust him resulted 
solely in the surrender of the fortress of Birutu. 3 The 
campaign, far from having been decisive, had to be con- 
tinued during the winter in another direction where revolts 
had taken place,-in Khudun, in I(issirtu, and in the fief 
of Arashtua,4 all three of ,vhich extended over the upper 
valleys of the lesser Zab, the Radanu, the Turnat, and 

1 :Mount Kinipa is a part of Nizir, the Khalkhalân-dagh, if we may 
judge from the direction of the Assyrian campaign. 
:3 None of these places can be iùentified with certainty. The gist of the 
account leads us to gather that Bara was situated to the east of Dagara, and 
formed its frontier; we shall not be far wrong in looking for all these 
districts in the fastnesses of the Kara-dagh, in the caza of Suleimaniyeh. 
:Mount Ni
hpi is perhaps the Segirmê-dagh of the present day. 
3 The Assyrian compiler appears to have made u
e of two slightly differ- 
ing accounts of this campaign; he has twice repeated the same facts without 
noticing his mistake. 
4 The fief of Arashtua, situated beyond the Turnat, is probably the 
district of Suleimaniyeh; it is, indeed, at this place only that the upper 
course of the Turnat is sufficiently near to that of the Radanu to make the 
marches of Assur-nazir-pal in the direction indicated by the Assyrian scribe 
possible. According to the account of the Annals, it seems to me that we 
must seek for Khudun and Kissirtu to the south of the fief of Arashtua, in 
the modern cazas of Gulanbar or Shehrizôr. 



their affiuents. The king once more set out from Kakzi, 
crossed the Zab and the Radanu, through the gorges of 
Babiti, and halting on the ridges of l\Iount Simaki, 
peremptorily demanded tribute from Dagara. 1 This was, 
however, merely a ruse to deceive the enemy, for taking 
one evening the lightest of his chariots and the best of 
his horsen18n, he galloped all night without drawing rein, 
crossed the rrurnat at dawn, and pushing straight forward, 
arrived in the afternoon of the same day before the walls 
of ...\mmali, in the very heal.t of the fief of Arashtua. 2 
The town vaillly attempted a defence; the whole popula- 
tion was reduced to slavery or dispersed in the forests, 
the ramparts were demolished, and the houses reduced 
to ashes. I(hudun with twenty J and I(issirtu with ten 
of its villages, Bara, I(irtiara, DUl'-Lullumê, and Bunisa, 
offered no further resistance, and the invading host halted 
within sight of the defiles of I(hashmar. 3 One kinglet, 
however, Amika of Zamru, showed no intention of 
capitulating. Entrenched behind a screen of forests and 
frowning mountain ridges, he fearlessly awaited the 

1 The Annals of .Assur-nazir-pal go on to mention that Mount Simaki 
extended as far as the Turnat, and that it was close to Mount Azîra. This 
passage, when compared with that in which the opening of the campaign is 
described, obliges us to recognise in Mounts Simaki and Azîra two parts of 
the Shehrizôr chain, parallel to the Seguirmé-dagh. The fortress of :\lizu, 
mentioned in the first of these two' texts, may perhaps be the present Gurân. 
2 Hommel thinks that Ammali is perhaps the present Suleimaniyeh; it 
is, at all events, on this side that we must look for its site. 
3 I do not know whether we may trace the name of the ancient :l\Iount 
Khashmar.Khashmir in the present Azmir-dagh; it is at its feet, probably 
in the valley of Suleimanabad, that we ought to place the passes ùf Khash. 


attack. Tbe only access to the remote villages over 
which he ruled, was by a few rough roads hemmed in 
between steep cliffs and beds of torrents; difficult and 
dangerous at ordinary times, they were blocked in 
war by temporary barricades, and dominated at every 
turn by some fortress perched at a dizzy beight above 
theIn. After his return to the camp, where his soldiers 
were allowed a short respite, Assur-nazir-pal set out against 
Zamru, though he was careful not to approach it directly 
and attack it at its most formidable points. Between two 
peaks of the Lara and Bidirgi ranges he discovered a path 
which had been deemed impracticable for horses, or even 
for heavily armed men. By this route, the king, un- 
suspected by the enemy, made his way through the 
mountains, and descended so unexpectedly upon Zamru, 
that Amika had barely time to make his escape, abandoning 
everything in his alarm-palace, treasures, harem, and 
even his chariot. l A body of Assyrians pursued him hotly 
beyond the fords of the Lallu, chasing him as far as l\fount 
Itini; then, retracing their steps to headquarters, they 
at once set out on a ii'esh tl'ack, crossed the ldir, and 
proceeded to lay 'waste the plains of llanin and Suâni. 2 

1 This raid, which started from the same point as the preceding one, ran 
eastwards in an opposite direction and ended at :l\Iount Itini. Leaving the 
fief of Arashtua in the neighbourhood of Suleimaniyeh, Assur-nazir-pal 
crossed the chain of the Azmir-dagh near Pir-Omar and Gudrun, where we 
must place Mounts Lara and Bidirgi, and emerged upon Zamru ; the only 
places which appear to correspond to Zamru in that region are Kandishin 
and Suleimanabad. Hence the LaHu is the river which runs by Kandishîn 
and Suleimanabad, and Itini the mountain which separates this ri,
er from 
the Tchami-Kizildjîk. 
2 I think we may recognise the ancient name of Ilaniu in that of Alân, 



Despairing of taking ...\mika prisoner, Assul'-nazir-pal 
allowed him to lie hidden among the brushwood of l\lount 
Sabua, while he himself called a halt at Parsindu,I and 
set to work to organise the fruits of his conquest. He 

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""T IL.\XI"L. 2 

placed garrisons in the principal towns-at Parsindu, 
Zaml'u, and at Arakdi in Lullumê, which one of his 

now borne by a district on the' Turkish anf! Persian fronti('r, situated 
between Kunekdji-dagh and the town of Scrdesht. The expedition, coming 
from the fief of Arashtua, must have marched northwar(!s: the Idir in this 
case must he the Tchami-Kizildjìk, ancll\fount Sabun. the chain of mountains 
above Serdesht. 
1 Parsindu, mentionf'(! between l\fount Ilaniu and the town of Zn.mru, 
ought to lie somewhf're in the valley of Tchami-Kizildjik, near )1 urana. 
2 Drawn hy Domlicr, from n. photograph by )L de :\Iorgan. 


predecessors had re-named Tukulti-Ashshur-azbat,t -" I 
have taken the help of Assur." He next imposed on the 
surrounding country an annual tribute of gold, silver, 
lead, copper, dyed stuffs, oxen, sheep, and wine. Envoys 
from neighbouring kings poured ill-from I{hudun; 
l(hubushkia, and GilzfLu, and the whole of Northern 
Zamua bowed "before the splendour of his arms;" it 
now needed only a few raiùs resolutely directed against 
l\Iounts Azîra and Simaki, as far as the Turnat, to 
achieve the final pacification of the South. \Vhile in 
this neighbourhood, his attention was (lirecteù to the 
old town of At1ïla, 2 built by Sibir, 3 an ancient king of 
l{arduniash, but which had been half ruined b J T the bar- 
barians. He re-named it Dur-Assur, "the fortress of 
Assur," and built himself within it a palace and storehouses, 
in which he accumulateà large quantities of corn, making 
the town the strongest bulwark of his po,ver on the 
Cossæan border. The two cRlnpaigns of B.C. 882 and 881 

1 The approximate site of 
\rakdi is indicate-d in the itinerary of Assur- 
nazir-pal itself; the king comes from Zamru in the neighbourhood of Rulei- 
manabad, crosses :Mount Lara, which is the northern part of the Azmir-dagh, 
and arri,"es at Arakdi, possibly somewhere in Surtash. In the (""urse of the 
preceding campaign, after having laid waste Hara, he set out from this same 
town (Arakdi) to subdue Nishpi, all of which bears out the position I have 
indicated. The present town of naÚ:1n would answer fairly well for the sitp 
of a place destined to protect the Assyrian frontier on this side. 
2 Given its position on the Chaldæan frontier, Atlîla is probably to be 
identified with the Kf'rkuk of the present day. 
3 Hommel is inclined to believe that Sibil' was the immediate predecessor 
of N almbaliddin, who reigned at Babylon at the same time as Assur-nazir- 
pal at Nineyeh; consequently he would he a contemporary of Rammân- 
nirâri III. ancl of Tukulti-ninil) II. Peiser and H.ost have identified him 


\.IrrI 39 

had cost Assur-nazir-pal great efforts, and their results 
had been inadequate to the energy expendeù. His two 
principal adversaries, N urramnlân and Alnika, had eluded 
him, and still preserved their independence at the eastern 
extremities of their fOrIller states. :Thlost of the mountain 
tribes had acknowledged the king's suprmnacy merely 
provisionally, in order to rid theIllselves of his presence; 
they had been vanquished scores of tÜnes, but were in 
no sense subjugated, and the mOIllent pressure was with- 
drawn, they again took up arIllS. The districts of ZaIllua 
alone, which bordered on the .Assyrian plain, and had 
been occupied by a military force, fOrIlled a province, 
a kind of buffer state between the mountain tribes 
and the plains of the Zab, protecting the latter from 

. . 
Assur-nazir-pal, feeling himself tolerably safe on that 
side, made no further demands, and \yithdrew his battalions 
to the westward part of his northern frontier. He hoped, 
no doubt, to complete the subjugation of the tribes who 
still contested the possession of various parts of the 
Kashiari, and then to push forward his main guard as 
far as the Euphrates and the Arzania, so as to fOrIll around 
the plain of Amidi a zone of vassals or tutelary subjects 
like those of ZaIllua. 'Vith this end in view, he crossed 
the Tigris near its source at the traditional fords, and 
made his way unmolested in the bend of the Euphrates 
froIll the palace of Tilluli, where the accustomed tribute 
of l{ummukh was brought to him, to the fortress of 
Ishtarâti, and fro In thence to I{ibaki. The town of 
i\Iatiatê, having closed its gates against hÌIn, was at once 


sacked, and this example so stiIllulated the loyalty of the 
l{urkhi chiefs, that they hastened to welcollle him at the 
neighbouring military station of Zazabukha. The king's 
progress continued thence as before, broken by frequent 
halts at the most favourable points for levying contribu- 
tions on the inhabitants.! Assur-nazir- pal encountered no 
serions difficulty except on the northern slopes of the 
Kashiari, but there again fortune smiled on him; all the 
contested positions were soon ceded to him, including even 
Madara, whose fourfold circuit of walls did not avail to 
save it from the conqneror. 2 After a brief respite at 
Tushkhân, he set out again one evening with his lightest 
chariots and the pick of his horsemen, crossed the Tigris 
on rafts, rode all night, and arrived unexpectedly the next 
morning before Pitura, the chief town of the Dirræans. 3 
It was surrounded by a strong double enceinte, through 
which he broke after forty-eight hours of continuous 

1 It ig difficult to place any of these localities on the map: they ou
all to be found between the ford of the Tigris, at Diarbekîr and the 
Euphrates, probably at the foot of the l\Iihrab-dagh and the Kirwântchemen- 
2 :l\Iadara belonged to a certain Lapturi, son of Tubusi, mentioned in the 
campaign of the king's second year. In comparing the facts given in the 
two passages, we see it was situated en the eastern slope of the Kashiari, 
not far from Tushkhan on one side, and Ardupa-that is probably l\Iardìn- 
on the other. The position of Ortaveran, or of one of the" tells" in its 
neighhourhood, answers fairly well to these conditions. 
3 According to the details given in the Annals, we must place the town 
of Ditura (or Pitura) at about 19 miles from Kurkh, on the other side of 
the Tigris, in a north-easterly direction, and conseque 1 ltly the country of 
Dirrâ would be between the Hazu-tchaî and the Batman-t.chaÎ. The 1\Iatni, 
with its passes leading in to Naîri, must in this case be thp mountain group 
to the north of l\Iayafarrikîn, known as the Dordoseh-dagh or the Darkôsh- 



assault: 800 of its men perished in the breach, and 700 
others were impaled before the gates. Arbaki, at the 
extreme limits of Kirkhi, was the next to succumb, after 
which the Assyrians, having pillaged Dirra, carried the 
passes of 1\latni after a bloody combat, spread themselves 
over N aîri, burning 250 of its towns and villages, and 
l'etm'ned with ÍlnInense booty to Tushkhân. They had 
been there merely a few days when the ne"ws arrived that 
the people of Bît-Zamâni, always Ílnpatient of the yoke, 
had murdered their prince Ammibaal, and had proclaimed 
a certain Bun'amman in his place. Assur-nazir-pal marched 
upon Sinabll 1 and repressed the insurrection, reaping a rich 
harvest of spoil-chariots fully equipped, 600 draught- 
horses, ] 30 pounds of silver and as much of gold, 6600 
pounds of lead and the same of copper, 19,800 pounds of 
iron, stuffs, furniture in gold and ivory, 2000 bulls, 500 
sheep, the entire harem of Ammibaal, besides a number 
of maidens of noble family together with their dresses. 
Bun'amman was by the king's order flayed alive, and 
Arteanu his brother chosen as his successor. Sinabu and 
the surrounding towns formed part of that network of 
colonies which in times past Shalmaneser T. had organised 
as a protection froIn the incursions of the inhabitants of 
Nairi; Assur-nazir-pal now used it as a rallying. place for 
the remaining Assyrian fa
i1ies, to whom he distributed 
lands and confided the guardianship of the neighbouring 

1 Hommel thinks that Sinabu is very probably the same as the Kinabu 
mentioned above; but it appears from Assur-nazir-pal's own account that 
this Kinabu was in the province of Khalzidipkha (Khalzilukha) on the 
Kashiari, whereas SillaLu was ill Bit-Zamâni. 


strongholds. The results of this measure were not long 
in making themselves felt: Shupria, Ulliba, and Nirbu, 
besides other districts, paid their dues to the king, and 
Shura in Khalllann/ which had for some tiIlle held out 
against the general movement, was at length constrained 
to SUblllit (880 B.C.). However high ,ve lllay rate the 
value of this carnpaign, it was eclipsed by the folIo-wing 
one. The .Âramæans on the IChabur and the middle 
Euphrates had not witnessed without anxiety the revival 
of Ninevite activity, and had begged for assistance against 
it from its rival. Two of their principal tribes, the Sukhi 
and the Laqi, had addressed themselves to the sovereign 
then reigning at Babylon. He was a restless, ambitious 
prince, named N abu-baliddin, who asked nothing better 
than to excite a hostile feeling against his neighbour, 
provided he ran no risk by his interference of being 
drawn into open warfare. He accordingly despatched to 
the Prince of Sukhi the best of his Cossæan troops, com- 
manded by his brother Zabdanu and one of the great 
officers of the crown, Bel-balicldin. In the spring of 879 
B.C., Assur-nazir-pal determined once for all to put an end 
to these intrigues. He began by inspecting the citadels 
flanking the line of the l{harmish 2 and the l{habur,- 

1 Shur is mentioned on the return to N aîri, possibly on the road leading 
from Amidi and Tushkhân to Nineveh. Hommel believes that the country 
of Khamanu was the Amanos in Cilicia, and he admits, but unwillingly, that 
Assur-nazir-pal made a detour beyond the Euphrates. I should look for 
Shura, and consequently for Khamanu, in the Tur-Abdîn, and should 
identify them with Saul', in spite of the difference of the two initial articula- 
2 The Kbarmish bas been idf'ntifierl with the IIirmâs, the river flowing 
Ly NiHibis, and now called the N ahl'-J aghjagha. 

\.)lP .AIGX O


Tabiti,l itIagarisi, 2 Shaclikanni, Shuru in Bît-li.halupi, and 
Sirki. 3 Between the embouchures of the Iüabur and the 
Balîkh, the Euphrates winds across a vast table-land, 
ridged with marly hills; the left bank is dry and sterile, 
shaded at I'are intervals by sparse woods of poplars or 
groups of palms. The right bank, on the contrary, is 
seanled with fertile valleys, sufficiently well watered to 
permit the growth of cereals and the raising of cattle. 
The river-bed is almost everywhere wide, but strewn \vith 
dangerous rocks and sandbanks which render navigation 
perilous. On nearing the ruins of Halebiyeh, the river 
narrows as it enters the Arabian hills, and cuts for itself 
a regular defile of three or four hundred paces in length, 
which is approached by the pilots with caution. 4 Assur- 
nazir-pal, on leaving Sirki, made his .way along the left 
bank, levying toll on Supri, :K aqarabâni, and several other 
villages in his course. Here and there he called a haIt 
facing some town on the opposite bank, but the boats 
which could have put him across had been removed, and 
the fords were too well guarded to permit of his hazarding 
an attack. One town, however, Khindânu, made hÏIll a 

1 Tahiti is the Theheta (Thebet) of Roman itineraries and Syrian writers, 
situated 33 miles from Nisibis and 52 from ::;ingara, on the Nahr-Hesawy or 
one of the neighhouring wadys. 
2 .ßIagarisi ought to be found on' the present N ahr-J aghjagha, near its 
confluence with the Nahr-Jerrflhi and its tributaries; unfortunately, thiH 
part of :Mesopotamia is stilI almost entirely unexplored, anù no satisfactory 
map of it exists as yet. 
3 Sirki is Circesium at the mouth of thp Khabur. 
4 It is at t'his defile of EI-Hammeh, and not at that of Birejîk at the 
end of the Taurus, that we must place the JOlin'll sltrt Pumti-the narrows 
of the Euphrates-so often mentioned in the account of this campaign. 


voluntary offering which he affected to regard as a tribute, 
but J{haridi and 
\.nat appeared not even to suspect his 
presence in their vicinity, and he continued on his way 

without having obtained from them anything which could 
be construed into a mark of vassalage.! At length, on 

1 The detailed narrative of the Annals informs us that Assur-nazir-pal 
encamped on a mountain between Khindânu and Rìt-Shabaia, and this 
information enables us to determine on the map with tolerable cf'rtainty th<.' 
localities mentioned in this campaign. The mountain in question can he 
none other than El-llammeh, the only one met with on this bank of the 
Euphrates between the confluents of the Euphrates and the Khabur. Khin- 
dânu is therefore identical with the ruins of Tabus, the Dabausa of Ptolemy; 
hence Rupri and Naqabarâni are situated between this point and Sirki, the 
former in the direction of Tayebeh, the latter towards EI-Hoseîniyeh. On 
the other hand, the ruins of J{ahr Abu-Atîsh would correspond very well to 
llît-Shabaia: is the name of Abu-Sbé borne by the Arabs of that neighbour- 
hood a relic of that of Shabaia 1 Kharidi ought in that case to be lookell 
for on the opposite bank, near Abu-Subân and AksuìJi, where Chesney points 



reaching Shuru, Shadadu, the Prince of Sukhi, trusting 
in his Cossæans, offered him battle; but he .was defeated 
by Assur-nazir-pal, who captured the l(ing of Babylon's 
brother, forced his way into the town after an assault 
lasting two days, and returned to Assyria laden 'with 
spoil. This might almost be considered as a repulse; for 
no sooner had the king quitted the country than the 
Aramæans in their turn crossed the Euphrates and ravaged 
the plains of the l{habur. 1 Assur-nazir-pal resolved not 
to return until he was in a position to carry his arms into 
the heart of the enemy's country. He built a flotilla at 
Shuru in Bît-l{halupi on which he embarked his troops. 
\Vherever the navigation of the Euphrates proved to be 
difficult, the boats were drawn up out of the water and 
dragged along the banks over rollers until they could 
again be safely launched; thus, partly afloat and partly 
on land, they passed through the gorge of Halebiyeh, 
landed at Kharidi, and inflicted a salutary punishment on 
the cities which had defied the king's wrath on his last 
expedition. l{hindâuu, l{haridi, and l{ipina 'were reduced 
to ruins, and the Sukhi and the Laqi defeated, the 
Assyrians pursuing them for t,vo days in the Bisuru 
mountains as far as the frontiers of Bît-Adini. 2 A complete 

out ancient remains. A day's march beyond K.abr Abu-Atish brings us to 
EI-Khass, so that the town of Anat would be in the Isle of l\Ioglah. Shuru 
must be somewhere near Olie of the two Tell,.)Ienakhîrs on this side the 
1 The Annals do not give us either the limmu or the date of the year for 
this new expedition. The facts taken altogether prove that it was a con- 
tinuation of the preceding one, and it may therefore be placed in the year 
B.C. 878. 
2 The campaign of B.C. 878 had for it::, arena that of the Euphrates which 


submission was brought about, and its permanency secured 
by the erection of two strongholds, one of which, Kal'- 
assur-nazir-pal, commanded the left, and the other, 
Nibarti-assur, the right bank of the Euphrates.! 
This last expedition had brought the king into contact 
with the most important of the numerous Aramæan states 
congregated in the western region of l\1esopotamia. This 
was Bît-Adini, .which lay on both sides of the middle 
course of the Euphrates. 2 It incluc1ed, on the right bank, 
to the north of Carcheluish, between the hills on the 8ajur 
and ArabtLn- 8u, a mountainous but fertile district, dotted 
over with towns and fortresses, the names of some of which 
have been preserved-,Pakarrukhbuni, Sursunu, Paripa, 
Dabigu, and 8hitamrat. 3 Tul-Barsip, the capital, was 
situated on the left bank, cOlumanding the fords of the 
modern Birejîk,4 and the whole of the territory between 

lies between the Khabur and the Dalikh; this time, however, the principal 
operations took place on the right bank. If :l\Iount Bisuru is the J ebel- 
Eishri, the town of Kipina, which is mentioned between it and Kharidi, 
ought to be located between l\Iaidân and Sabkha. 
1 The account in the .A ?lnals is confused, and contains perhaps somc 
errors with regard to the facts. Tho site of the two towns is nowhere 
indicated, but a study of the map shows that the Assyrians could not become 
masters of the country without occupying the passes of the Euphrates; I 
am inclined to think that Kar-assur-nazir-pal is El-Halebiyeh, and Nibarti- 
assur, Zalebiyeh, the Zenobia of Roman times. 
2 Bît-Adini appears to have occupied, on the right bank of the Euphrates, 
a part of the cazas of Aîn-Tab, Rum-kaleh, and Birejîk, that of Suruji, minus 
the nakhiyeh of Harrân, the larger part of the cazas of l\Iembîj and of 
Rakkah, and part of the caza of Zôr, the cazas being those represented on 
the maps of Vital Cuinet. 
3 None of these localities can be identified with certainty, except per- 
haps Dabigu, a name we may trace in that of the modern village of Dehbek. 
4 Tul-Barsip has been identified with Birejîk. 



this latter and the Balîkh acknowledged the rule of its 
princes, whose authority also extended eastwards as far 
as the basaltic plateau of Tul-Abâ, in the 1\lesopotamian 
desert. To the south-east, Bît-Adini bordered upon the 
country of the Sukbi and the Laqi/ lying to the east of 
Assyria; other principalities, mainly of Aramæan origin, 
formed its boundary to the north and north-west-Shugab 
in the bend of the Euphrates, from Birejîk to Samosata,2 
Tul-Abnî around Edessa,3 the district of HarrtLu/ Bît- 
Zamani, Izalla in the Tektek-dagh and on the Upper 
I{habur, and Bît-Bakhiâni in the plain extending from the 
I(habur to the E:.harmish. 5 Bît-Zamani haù belonged to 
Assyria by right of conquest ever since the death of 
Ammibaal; Izalla and Bît-Bakbiâni had fulfilled their 
duties as vassals whenever Assur-nazir-pal had appeared 
in their neighbourbood; Bît-...\.dini alone had remained 
independent, though its stl'ength was more apparent tban 

1 In his previous campaign Assur-nazir-pal had taken two towns of BIt- 
Adilli, situated on the right bank of the Euphrates, at the eastern extremity 
of l\Iount Bisuru, near the frontier of the Lâqi. 
2 The country of Shugab is mentioned between Birejîk (Tul-Barsip) and 
TIìt-Zamani, in one of the campaigns of Shalmaneser III., which obliges U8 
to place it in the caza of Rum-kaleh; the name has been read Sumu. 
3 Tul-Abnî, which was at first sought for near the sources of the Tigris, 
has been placed in the :l\Iesopotamian plain. The position which it occupies 
among the other names obliges us to put it near Bît-Adini and Bit Zamani : 
the only possible site that I can find "for it is at Orfah, the Edessa of classical 
4 The country of Harrân is nowhere mentioned as belonging either to 
Bit-Adìni or to Tul-Abnî: we must hence conclude that at this period it 
formed a little principality independent of those two states. 
5 The situation of Bît-Bakhiâni is shown by the position which it occupies 
in the account of the campaign, and by the names associated with it in 
another passage of the Annals. 


real. The districts which it included had never been able 
to form a basis for a powerful state. If by chance some 
small kingdom arose within it, uniting under one authority 
the tribes scattered over the burning plain or along the 
river banks, the first conquering dynasty which sprang up 
in the neighbourhood would be sure to effect its downfall, 
and absorb it under its own leadership. As Mitâni, saved 
by its remote position from bondage to Egypt, had not 
been able to escape from acknowledging the supremacy 
of the I(hâti, so Bit-Adini was destined to fall almost 
without a struggle under the yoke of the Assyrians. It 
'vas protected from their advance by the volcanic groups 
of the Urâa and Tul-Abâ, which lay directly in the way 
of the main road from the marshes of the I(habur to the 
outskirts of Tul-Barsip. Assur-nazir-pal, who might have 
worked round this line of natural defence to the north 
through Nirbu, or to the south through his recently 
acquired l)fovince of Lâqi, preferred to approach it in 
front; he faced the desert, and, in spite of the drought, 
he invested the strongest citadel of Tnl-.AJJâ in the month 
of June, 877 B.C. The name of the place was Kaprabi, 
and its inhabitants believed it irnpregnable, clinging as it 
did to the mountain-side" like a cloud in the sky." 1 The 
king, however, soon demolished its walls by sapping and 
by the use of the ram, killed 800 of its garrison, burned 
its houses, and carried off 2400 men with their families, 

1 The name is commonly interpreted" Great Rock," and divided thus- 
Kap-rabi. It may also be considered, like Kapridargila or Kapranishâ, as 
being formed of Kaprn and abi; this latter element appears to exist in the 
ancient name of Telaba, Thallaba, now Tul-Abâ. Kapr-abi might be ß 
fortress of the province of Tul-Abâ. 



wbom he installed in one of tbe suburbs of Calab. Akbuni, 
wbo was tben reigning in Bît-Adini, bad not anticipated 
tbat tbe invasion would reacb bis neigbbourbood: be at 
once sent bostages and purcbased peace by a tribute; 
tbe Lord of Tul-Abnî followed bis example, and the 
dominion of Assyria was car1'Ïed at a blow to the very 
frontier of the Kbâti. It was about two centuries before 
this that .Assurirba had cl'ossed tbese frontiers with his 
vanquished army, but the remembrance of his defeat had 
still remained fresh in the memory of the people, as a 
warning to the sovereign who sbould attempt the old 
hazardous enterprise, and repeat the exploits of Sargon 
of .l\gadê or of Tiglath-pileser I. Assur-nazir-pal made 
careful preparations for tbis campaign, so decisive a one 
for his own prestige and for the future of the empire. 
He took witb him not only all the Assyrian troops at his 
disposal, but requisitioned by tbe way the armies of his 
most recently acquired vassals, incorporating them with 
his own, not so much for the purpose of augmenting his 
power of action, as to leave no force in his rear when 
once he was engaged hand to hand with tbe Syrian legions. 
He left Calah in the latter days of April, 876 B.C., l re- 
ceiving the customary taxes from Bît-Bakhiâni, Izalla, and 
Bît-Adini, which comprise
 horses, silver, gold, copper, 
lead, precious stuffs, vessels of copper and furniture of 
ivory; having reached Tul-Barsip, he accepted tbe gifts 
offered by Tul-.l\bni, and crossing the Eupbrates upon 

1 On the 8th Iyyâr, but without any indication of limnw, or any number 
of the year or of the campaign; the date 876 D.C. is admitted by the 
majority of historians. 


rafts of inflated skins, he marched his columns against 
The political 
remained entirely 

ol'ganisation of Northern Syria had 
unaltered since the days ,vhen Tiglath- 
pileser made his 
first victorious 
inroad into the 
country. The 
Cilician empire 
'v h i c h s u c- 
ceeded to the 
Assyrian-if in- 
ùeeù it ever ex- 
tended as far as 

some suppose- 
did not last long 
enough to dis- 
turb the balance 
of power among the various 
races occupying Syria: it had 
subjugated then1 for a time, 
but had not been able to break 
them up and reconstitute them. 
J..t the downfall of the Cilician 
Empire the small states were 
still intact, and occupied, as of 
old, the territory comprising the ancient N aharaim of the 
Egyptians, the plateau between the Orontes and the 
Euphrates, the forests and marshy lowlands of the Amanos, 
the southern slopes of Taurus, and the plains of Cilicia. 





ì .t 





Of these states, the most famous, though not then the 
most redoubtable, was that with which the name of the 
IChâti is indissolubly connected, and which had Carchenlish 
as its capital. This ancient city, seated on the banks 
of the Euphrates, still maintained its supremacy there, 
but though its wealth and religious ascendency were 
undiminished, its territoTY had been curtailed. The people 
of Bît-Adini bad intruded thernselves between this state 
and Kumrnukb, Ârazik hemmed it ill on the south, 
l{hazazu and l{halmân confined it on the west, so that 
its sway was only freely exercised in the basin of the 
Sajur. On the north-west frontier of the IChâti lay 
Gurgum, whose princes resided at l\larqasi and ruled 
over the central valley of the Pyramos together with 
the entire basin of the A.k-su. 1\Iikhri, l laudi, and 
SamaHa lay on the banks of the Saluara, and in the forests 
of the .A_manos to the south of Gurgum. ICui maintained 
its uneventful existence amid the pastures of Cilicia, near 
the marshes at the mouth of the Pyramos. To the south 
of tbe Sajur, Bît-Agusi 2 baITed the way to the Orontes; 
and from their lofty fastness of .Axpad, its chiefs kept watch 
over the caravan road, and closed or opened it at their 
will. They held the key of Syria, and though their 
territory was small in extent, their position was so strong 
that for more than a century and a haH the majority of 

1 :\Iikhri or Ismikhri, i.e. "the country of larches," was the name of a 
part of the Amanos, possibly near the Pyramos. 
2 The real name of the country was lakhânu, but it was called Bît-Gusi 
or Dît-Agusi, like Bît-Adini, Bît-ßakhiåni, Bît-Oulri, after the founder of 
the reigning dynasty. 'Ve must place Iakhânu to the south of Azaz, in the 
neighbourhood of Arpad, with this town as its capital. 


the l\ssyrian generals preferred to avoid this stronghold 
by making a detour to the west, rather than pass beneath 
its walls. Scattered over the plateau on the borders of 
Agusi, or hidden in the valleys of Amanos, were several 
less important pTincipalities, most of them owing allegiance 
to LnbaTna, at that time king of the Patinâ and the most 
powerful sovereign of the district. The Patinâ had 
appaTently replaced the Alasia of Egyptian times, as 

/' Ø,\ 1 1 I 






 , .. l 

'I -L 

't J 



-'t, \ 

,,) . 




. ) 






Bît-Adini had superseded J\litâni; the fertile Ineadow- 
lands to the south of SamaHa on the Afrîn and the Lower 
Orontes, together with the mountainous district between 
the Orontes and the sea as far as the neighbourhood of 
Eleutheros, also belonged to the Patinâ. On the southern 
frontier of the Patinâ lay the important Phænician cities, 
Arvad, Arka, and Bin a ; and on the south-east, the 
fortresses belonging to Hamath and Damascus. The 
characteristics of the country remained unchanged. 
Fortified towns abounded on all sides, as well as large 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a !:iketch by Perrot and Chipiez. 



walled villages of conical huts, like those whose strange 
outlines on the horizon are familiar to the traveller at 
the present day. The manners and civilisation of Chaldæa 
pervaded even more than formerly the petty courts, but 
the artists clung persistently to Asianic tradition, and the 
bas-reliefs which adorned the palaces anù temples were 



: I 
... .... 

.... - I 

, '
rl \'-I:{'

. -41"...... 
, "'" ..... " 

 .L -,,- .
 'is-ff .. 



... - 

JJj) ... 







.., *":.. 




.. .1io,.'.- 

; . 


, ....:;,... I*' 
. J'
" .... 
--9-.. "1"....". . 


.. 4;"_"' 
,l 'f" ',-1,,' 
.' <

... .- 


. ".. 
Lt....::-:...."'_,;r :-:. , '.\..-- 4 . ':", 
i . -... ._ _ . 

to'" . 



JmnÎY, A nLT

similar in charactel' to those we find scattered throughout 
Asia l\Iinor; there is the same inaccurate dra wing, the 
same rough execution, the same tentative and awkward 
composition. The scribes' from force of custom still 
employed the cuneiforrn syllabary in certain official 
religious or royal inscriptions, but, as it was difficult to 
manipulate and limited in application, the speech of the 
Aramæan immigrants and the Phænician alphabet gradually 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph repl'Oduced in Peters. 


superseded the ancient language and mode of writing. 1 
Thus these Northern Syrians became by degrees assimilated 

 ,,<i ,j-,' ,: .ð' .A.

 '11r:' -" 
. '

' " 
..-r d .J ,,:h '\' 
';f:- '- ,1 

r:tt! L 
. Pb. -t'" '. lti f ::.. 

;!! '-",,}t
. '. ^ 
J (,
.çf} t 
, '-;:.j:t-q".!!: 
r .' 

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o /, - "'fA 

.)t'" ,.
J3 .", 
i . 
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'. <</ {b
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. <ik., 'I:.,
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.. I
i' I ,- - 

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.' . ti ( , ' , ",.,. 
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. \ '. -,,'{:':,"
, , 
.. $
'"' ,: :..... "" < , 
".i ]I ... 

, '" 
,.'" ,,) I . ' 
, ' '""' ." L'_ . 

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:\ ; -.tL 
f '.'" ' 
.:::.f f 
i' _\ '7
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É. .'., . 

. 'Sv.
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>/' ., -'i."'-f'
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, , 

 _w :
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 . ' ' . ':'-. f "",;-\ 
;, '.' f'%".'..' >"'.1- ., ",. " .-f
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J:1" f' -j 


to the people of Babylon and Nineveh, much as the 

1 There is no monument bearing an inscription in this alphabet which 
can be referred with any cf'rtainty to the time of Assur-nazir-pal, but the 
inscriptions of the kings of SamaHa. date back to a period not more than a 
century and a half latf'r than his reign; we may therefore consider the 
Aramæan alphabet as being in current use in N orthern 
yria at the begin- 
ning of the ninth century, some forty years before the date of 1\Iesha's 
inscription (i.e. the 1\Ioabitc stone). 
:! Drawn hy Boudier, from a bas-relief. 

gYRI _\.

inhabitants of a remote province nowadays adapt their 
dress, their architecture, their implements of husbandry 
and handicraft, their military equipment and organisation, 
to the fashions of the capita1. 1 Their armies were modelled 
on similar lines, and consisted of archers, pikemen, slingers, 




.... -;"\wJ. 


i -l:!:: , 
, . 
It' . 

- . 


 " - - 
t;; , 
__ I 

 ' .,' 

. '(110, 
__ . r 
_' 1",. 
----.... ", r 

,. " 

.: \ =:i 
" -:;- ,
",..., / 
 '",.".".. . 


., . 





---- / 
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J =:-=-1" 




and those troops of horsemen which accompanied the 
cbariotry on flying raids; tbe chariots, moreover, closely 
followed the Assyrian type, even down to the padded bar 
with embroidered hangings, which connected the body of 
the chariot with the end of the pole. The Syrian princes 

lOne can judge of their social condition from the e
umeration of the 
objects which formed their tribute, or the spoil which the Assyrian kings 
carried off frum their country. 
2 Drawn hy Faucher-Gudin, from a brunze bas-relief on the gates of 


did not aLlopt the tiara, but they wore the long fringed 
robe, confined by a girdle at the waist, and their mode 
of life, with its ceremonies, duties, and recreations, differed 
little from that prevailing in the palaces of Calah or 
Babylon. They hunted big game, including the lion, 
according to the laws of the chase recognised at Nineveh, 
priding themselves as much on their exploits in hunting, 

 é't"- 4
1I :'=
if." c','..." -: ',\:,,- 
 ' 1 '.A "" 
 . 1:( "' , t 
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l ,,, -ø,-,.Ain .. '\:' {.'. l -i-l!! fE- -:ö.'
 1 ". \ 
- . , . ,'\fì "V 'I'J>' t ',' 

', ' 
 F, '} , 

ttÿn4"' . I
 till t', , ,' ..... 
. 'Ï\ f!
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<1:""'__, -..... 
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\- ,;

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A.t,. < 

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;. '" -'. ,;:\ " ,..; - - . 

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\' "ãlt.
Vcj ,:.:'I'l
 .' or ' . 
<): . f'. " F' """> t
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 .....-ii.. = ......


as on their triumphs in war. Their religion was derived 
from the common source which underlay all Semitic 
religions, but a considerable number of Babylonian deities 
were also worshipped; these had been introduced in some 
cases without any modification, whilst in others they bad 
been assimilated to more ancient gods bearing similar 
characteristics: at N erab, among the Patinâ, N usku and 
his female companion Nikal, both of Chaldæan origin, 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Hogarth, published in the 
Recueil de Tmvltllx. 

claimed the homage of the faithful, to the disparagement 
of Shahr the moon and Shamash the sun. Local cults 
often centred round obscure deities held in little account 
by the dominant races; thus SamaHa reverenced U ru the 
light, Rekubêl the wind, the chariot of 
El, not to mention EI himself, Resheph, 
Hadad, and the Cabiri, the servants of 
Resheph. These deities were mostly of 
the Assyrian type, and if one may draw 
any conclusion from the few representa- 
tions of them already discovered, their 
rites must have been celebrated in a 
manner similar to that followed in the 
cities on the Lower Euphrates. Scarcely 
any signs of Egyptian influence survived, 
though here and there a trace of it 
might be seen in the figures of calf or 
bull, the vulture of l\Iut or the sparrow- 
hawk of Horus. Assur-nazir-pal, march- 
ing from the banks of the l{habur to 
Bît-Adini, and from Bît-Adini passing 
on to Northern Syria, might almost ï , 
have imagined himseH still in his own 
dominions, so gradual and imperceptible 
were the changes in language and civilisation in the 
country traversed between Nineveh and Assur, Tul-Barsip 
and Samalla. 
His expedition was unattended by danger or bloodshed. 
Lubarna, the reigning prince of the Patinâ, was possibly at 




'. :I

- , {

, "J1

 \ . 
:"-. . 





" - 

} 't-,o 
. P$' 


. '...' 

. -:..-. 



. " 
.)- , 
-... ,1. I 


1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the photograph in Luschan. 


that juncture meditating the formation of a Syrian empire 
under his rule. U nki, in which lay his capital of l{
\vas one of the richest countries of Asia, l being well watered 
by the Afrin, Orontes, and Saluara; 2 no fields produced such 
rich harvests as his, no meadows pastured such cattle or 
'were better suited to the breeding of war-horses. His 
mountain provinces yielded him wood and minerals, and 




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provided a reserve of semi-savage woodcutters and herds- 
men froIn which to recruit his numerous battalions. The 
neighbouring princes, filled with uneasiness or jealousy by 
his good fortune, saw in the Assyrian monarch a friend and 

1 The U nki of the Assyrians, the U niuqa of the Egyptians, is the valley 
of Antioch, the Amk of the present day. Kunulua or K.inal!a, the capital of 
the Patinâ, has been identified with the Gindaros of Greek times; I prefer 
to identify it with the existing Tell-Kunâna, written for Tell-Kunâla by the 
common substitution of n for I at the end of proper names. 
2 The Saluara of the Assyrian texts is the present Kara-su, which flows 
into the Ak-Denîz, the lake of Antioch. 
3 Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudin, from the impression taken from a Hittite 


a liberator rather than an enemy. Carchemish opened its 
gates and laid at his feet the best of its treasures-twenty 
talents of silver, ingots, l'ings, and daggers of gold, a 
hundred talents of copper, two hundred talents of iron, 
bronze bulls, cups decorated with scenes in relief or outline, 
ivory in the tusk or curiously wrought, purple and em- 
broidered stuffs, and the state carriage of its I\:ing Shangara. 
The IIittite troops, assembled in haste, joined forces with 
the Arall1æan auxiliaries, and the united host advanced on 
Cæle-Syria. FJ.lhe scribe commissioned to record the 
history of this expec1ition bas taken a delight in inserting 
the most minute details. Leaving Carchemish, the army 
followed the great caravan route, and winding its way 
between the hills of 1\1 unzigâni and I\:.hamurga, skirting 
Bit-Agusi, at length arrived under the walls of Khazazu 
among the Patinâ. 1 The town having purchased immunity 
by a present of gold and of finely woven stuffs, the army 
proceeded to cross the Apriê, on the bank of which an en- 
trenched camp was formed for the storage of the spoil. 
Lubarna offered no resistance, but nevertheless refused 
to acknowledge his inferiority; after SOine delay, it was 
decided to make a direct attack on his capital, I\:unulua, 
whither he had retired. The appearance of the Assyrian 
vanguard put a speedy end to his ideas of resistance: 
prostrating himself before his powerful adversary, he offered 
hostages, anù emptied his palaces and stables to provide a 

1 Khazazu being the present Azaz, the Assyrian army must haye followed 
the route which still leads from J erabîs to this town. .Mount l\Iunzigâni and 
Khamurga, mentioned between Carchemish and Akhânu or lakhânu, must 
lie between the Hajur and the Koweîk, nf'ar Shehab, at the only point on 
the route where the road passes between two ranges of lofty hills. 


ransom. This comprised twenty talents of silver, one 
talent of gold, a hundred talents of lead, a hundred talents 
of iron, a thousand bulls, ten thousand sheep, daughters of 
his nobles with befitting changes of garments, and all the 
pal'aphernalia of vessels, jewels, and costly stuffs which 
formed the necessary furniture of a princely household. 
The effect of his submission on his own vassals and the 
neighbouring tribes ,vas shown in different ways. Bît- 
Agusi at once sent messengers to congratulate the 
conqueror, but the mountain provinces awaited the in- 
vader's nearer approach before following its example. 
Assur-nazir-pal, seeing that they did not take the initiative, 
crossed the Orontes, probably at the spot where the iron 
bridge now stands, and making his way through the 
country between Iaraku and Iaturi,l l'eached the banks of 
the Sangura 2 without encountering any difficulty. After a 

1 The spot where Assur-nazir-pal must have crossed the Orontes is deter- 
mined by the respective positions of Kunulua and Tell-Kullâlla. At the iron 
bridge, the modern traveller has the choice of two roads: one, pas
ing Antioch 
and Bcît-el-l\Iâ, leads to U rdeh on the :K ahr-el- K ebîr; the other reaches the 
same point by a direct route over the Gebel Kosseir. If, as I belie\-e, Assur- 
nazir-pal took the latter route, the country and l\Iount Iaraku mu
t be the 
northern part of Gebel Kosseir in the neighbourhood of Antioch, and Iaturi, 
the southern part of the same mountain near Derkush. Iaraku is mentioned 
in the same position by Shalmaneser 111., who rf'ached it after crossing the 
Orontes, on descending from the Amanos en route for the country of Hamath. 
2 The Sangura or Sagura has been identified by Delattre with the N ahr- 
el-Kebîr, not that river which the Greeks called the Eleutheros, but that 
which flows into the sea near Latakia. Before naming the Sangura, the 
A'finals mention a country, whose name, half effaced, ended in -kzt: I think 
we may safely restore this name as [Ashtama ]kou, mentioned by ShaI- 
maneser III. in this region, after the name of Iaraku. The country of 
Ashtamaku would thus be tbe present canton of Urdeh, whicb is traversed 
before re&çþing the banks of the Nahr-el-Kebîr. 



brief halt there ill camp, he turned his back on the sea, and 
passing between Saratini and Duppâni,l took by assault the 
fortress of Aribua. 2 This stronghold commanded all the 
surrounding country, and was the seat of a palace which 
Lubarna at times used as a similar residence. Here Assur- 
nazir-pal took up his quarters, and deposited within its 
walls the corn and spoils of Lukhuti ; 3 he established here 
an Assyrian colony, and, besides being the scene of royal 
festivities, it became henceforth the centre of operations 
against the mountain tribes. The forts of the latter were 
destroyed, their houses burned, and prisoners were impaled 
outside the gates of their cities. Having achieved this 
noble exploit, the king crossed the intervening spurs of 
Lebanon and marched down to the shores of the l\1editer- 
ranean. Here he bathed his weapons in the waters, anù 
offered the customary sacrifices to the gods of the sea, 
while the Phænicians, with their wonted prudence, hastened 
to anticipate his demands-Tyre, Sidon, Byblos, l\Iahallat, 

1 The mountain cantons of Saratini and Duppâni (Kalpâni 
situated immediately to the south of the N ahr-el-Kebîr, correspond to the 
southern part of Gebel-el-Akrad, but I cannot discover any names on the 
modern map at all resembling them. 
2 Beyond Duppâni, Assur-nazir-pal encamped on the banks of a river 
whose name is unfortunately effaced, and then reached Aribua; this itine- 
rary leads us to the pastern slope of the Gebel Ansarieh in the latitude of 
Hamath. The only site I can find in'this direction fulfilling the requirements 
of the text is that of l\Iasiad, where there still exists a fort of the Assassins. 
The name Aribua is perhaps preserved in that of Rabaô, er-Rabahu, which 
is applied to a wady and village in the neighbourhood of 
3 Lukhuti must not be sought in the plains of the Orontes, where Assur- 
nazir-pal would have run the risk of an encounter with the King of Hamath 
or his vassals; it must represent the part of the mountain of Ansarieh lying 
between Kadmus, l\Iasiad, and Tortosa. 


Maîza, I(aîza, the Aillorites and Arvad,l all sending tribute. 
One point strikes us forcibly as we trace on the map the 
march of this victorious hero, namely, the care with which 
he confined himself to the left bank of the Orontes, and the 
restraint he exercised in leaving untouched the fertile fields 
of its valley, whose wealth was so calculated to excite his 
cupidity. This discretion 'would be inexplicable, did we not 
know that there existed in that l'egion a forrnidable power 
which he may have thought it imprudent to provoke. It 
was Damascus which held sway over those territories whose 
frontiers he respected, and its kings, also suzerains of 
Hamath and masters of half Israel, were powerful enough 
to resist, if not conquer, any enemy who might present 
himself. The fear inspired by Damascus naturally explains 
the attitude adopted by the Hittite states towards the 
invader, and the precautions taken by the latter to restrict 
his operations within somewhat narrow limits. Having 
accepted the complimentary presents of the Phænicians, 
the king again took his way northwards-making a slight 
detour in order to ascend the Amanos for the purpose of 
erecting there a stele commemorating his exploits, and of 
cutting pines, cedars, and larches for his buildings-and 
then returned to Nineveh amid the acclamations of his 
In reading the history of this campaign, its plan and 
the principal events which took place in it appear at 

I The point where Assur-nazir-pal touched the sea-coast cannot be exactly 
determined: admitting that he set out from l\lasiad or its neighbourhood, 
he must have crossed the Lebanon by the gorge of the Eleutheros, and 
reached the sea-board somewhere near the mouth of this river. 



times to be the echo of what had happened some centuries 
before. The recapitulation of the halting-places near the 
sources of the rrigris and on the banks of the Upper 
Euphrates, the marches through the valleys of the Zagros 
or on the slopes of I{ashiari, the crushing one by one of 
the l\Iesopotalnian races, ending in a triumphal progress 
through Northern Syria, is almost a repetition, both as 
to the names and order of the places mentioned, of the 
expedition made by Tiglath-pileser in the first five years 
of his reign. The question may ,veIl arise in passing 
,vhether Assur-nazir-pal consciously modelled his campaign 
on that of his ancestor, as, in Egypt, Ramses III. imitated 
Ramses II., or whether, in similar circumstances, he in- 
stinctively and naturally followed the same line of march. 
In either case, he certainly showed on all sides greater 
wisdom than his predecessor, and having attained the 
object of his ambition, avoiJed compromising his success 
by injudiciously attacking Damascus or Babylon, the two 
powers who alone could have offered effective l'esistance. 
The victory he had gained, in 879, over the brother of 
N abu-baliddin had immensely flattered his vanity. His 
panegyrists vied with each other in depicting Karduniash 
bewildered by the terror of his majesty, and the Chaldæans 
overwhelmed by the fear of his arms; but he did not 
allow himself to be carried away by their extravagant 
flatteries, and continued to the end of his reign to ohserve 
the treaties concluded between the two courts in the tirne 
of his grandfather Rammân-nirâri. 1 He had, however, 

1 His frontier on the Chaldæan side, between the Tigris and the 
mountains, was the boundary fixed by Rammân-nirâri. 


sufficiently enlarged his dominions, in less than ten years, 
to justify some display of p1'Ïde. He himself described his 
empire as extending, on the west of Assyria proper, from 
the banks of the Tigris near Nineveh to Lebanon and 
the Mediterranean; 1 besides which, Sukhi was subject 
to him, and this included the province of Rapiku on the 
frontiers of Babylonia. 2 He had added to his older pro- 
vinces of Amidi, l\rlasios and Singar, the whole strip of 
Armenian territory at the foot of the Taurus range, 
from the sources of the Supnat to those of the Bitlis- 
tchaî, and he held the passes leading to the banks of 
the Arzania, in Kirruri and Gilzân, while the extensive 
country of N aîri had SWOl'n him allegiance. Towards 
the south-east the wavering tribes, which alternately gave 
their adherence to Åssur or Babylon according to cir- 
cumstances, had ranged themselves on his side, and 
formed a large frontier pI'ovince beyond the borders 
of his hereditary kingdom, between the Lesser Zab and 
the Turnat. But, despite repeated blows inflicted on 
them, he had not succeeded in welding these various 
factors into a compact and homogeneous whole; some 
small proportion of them were assimilated to Assyria, 

1 The expression employed in this description and in similar passages, 
ishtllJ ibirtan nrîru, translated from the ford O'l'er the river, or better, fro'in Ow 
other side of the river, must be understood as referring to Assyria proper: 
the territory subject to the king is measured in the direction indicated, 
starting from the rivers which formed the boundaries of his hereditary 
dominions. Front tlte other banlc of the Tigris means from the bank of the 
Tigris opposite Nineveh or Calah, whence the king and his army set out on 
their campaigns. 

 Rapiku is mentioned in several texts as marking the frontier between 
the Sukhi and Chaldæa. 



and were governeù directly by royal officials,l but the 
greater number were merely dependencies, more or less 
insecurely held by the obligations of vassalage or servitude. 
In some provinces the native chiefs were under the 
surveillance of Assyrian residents; 2 these districts paid an 
annual tribute proportionate to the l'esources and products 
of their country: thus !(irruÚ and the neighbouring states 
contributed horses, mules, bulls, sheep, wine, and copper 
vessels; the 
\.ramæans gold, silver, lead, copper, both 
wrought and in the ore, purple, and coloured or embroidered 
stuffs; while Izalht, Nirbu, Nirdun, and Bît-Zalnâni had 
to furnish horses, chariots, metals, and cattle. The less 
civilised and more distant tribes ,vere not, like these, 
subject to regular tribute, but each time the sovereign 
traversed their territory or approached within reasonable 
distance, their chiefs sent or brought to him valuable 
presents as fresh pledges of their loyalty. Royal outposts, 
built at regular intervals and carefully fortified, secured 
the fulfilment of these obligations, and served as depôts 
for storing the commodities collected by the royal officials; 
such outposts ,vere, Damc1amusa on the north-west of the 
l(ashiari range, Tushkhân on the Tigris, Tilluli between 
the Supnat and the Euphrates, Aribua among the Patinâ, 
and others scattered irregula!ly bet,veell the Greater and 
Lesser Zab, on the Khabur, and also in Naîri. These 
strongholds served as places of refuge for the residents 

1 There were royal governors in SUl'U in Bit.Khalupi, in l\latiâte, in 
:Madara, and in N aîri. 
2 There were Assyrian' residents in Kirruri and the neighbouring 
countries, in Kirkhi, and in K aìri. 




and their guards in case of a revolt, and as food-del)ôts 
for the armies in the event of war bringing thelll into 
their lleighboudlood. In addition to these, Assur-nazir-pal 
also strengthened the defences of Assyria proper by build- 
ing fortresses at the points most open to attack; he l o e- 
paired or completed the defences of l{aksi, to command 
the plain between the Greater and Lesser Zab and the 
Tigris; he Tebuilt the castles 01' towers which guarded the 
river-fords and the entrances to the valleys of the Gebel 
1\lakWub, and erected at Calah the fortified palace which 
his successors continued to inhabit fOT the ensuing five 
hundred years. 
Assur-nazir-pal had resided at Nineveh from the time of 
his accession to the throne; from thence he had set out on 
four successive campaigns, and thither he had returned at 
the head of his triumphant troops, there he had received 
the kings who came to pay him homage, and the governors 
who implored his help against fOl'eign attacks; thither he 
had sent rebel chiefs, and there, after they had lllarched in 
ignominy through the streets, he had put them to torture 
and to death before the eyes of the crowd, and their skins 
were perchance still hanging nailed to the battlements 
when he decided to change the seat of his capital. The 
ancient capital no longer suited his present state as a 
conqueror; the accommodation was too restricted, the 
decoration too poor, and probably the number of apart- 
ments was insufficient to house the troops of women and 
slaves brought back from his wars by its royal master. 
Built on the very bank of the Tebilti, one of the tributaries 
of the l{husur, and hemmed in by three temples, there was 

\.LACE AT G.\.LAH 07 

no I)OssiLility of its cnlargemellt-tt cliHiculty which often 
occurs in ancient citios. rrhe necessary space for llew 
buildings could only have been obtained by altering the 
course of the stream, and sacrificing a large part of tl1e 
adjoining quarters of the city: Assur-nazir-pal therefore 
preferred to abandon the place and to select a new site 

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THE I110{;XD::i OF C.\LAII. 1 

where he would have alnple space at his disposal. lIe 
founù what he required close at hand in the half-ruined 
city of Calah, where many of his most illustrious 
predecessors had in times past sought refuge from the heat 
of Assur. It was now n1erely an obscure and sleepy tov{n 
about twelve miles south of Nineveh, on the right bank of 
the Tigris, and almost at the angle made by the junction of 
this river with the Greater Zab. The place contained a 
palace built by Shalmaneser I., which, owing to many 

1 Drawn hy Boudier, from Layard. The pointed mound on the left near 
the centre of the picture represents the ziggurât of the great temple. 


years' neglect, had become uninhaLitable. Assur-nazir-pal 
1l0t only razed to the ground the palaces and temples, but 
also levelled the mound 011 which they had been built; he 
then cleared away the soil down to the water level, and 
threw up an immense and al- 
most rectangular terrace 011 
which to layout his new build- 
ings. The king chose Ninip, 
the god of war, af:> the patron of 
the city, and dedicated to 
;;" him, at the north-west corner 
, -, of the terrace, a ziggurât 
"with its usual temple pre- 
cincts. Here the god 
,vas represented as a bull 
with a man's head and 
bust in gilded alabaster, 
and two yearly feasts 
were instituted in his 
honour, one in the month 
Sebat, the other in the 
month UlnI. The zig- 
gurât was a little over 
two hundred feet high, 
and ,vas probably built in seven stages, of which only 
one now remains intact: around it are found several in- 
dependent se1"Ìes of chambers and passages, which may have 
been parts of other temples, but it is now impossible 
to say which belonged to the local Belît, which to Sin, 

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:::.TELE OF AS:Sült-X

lR-PAL AT C.-\.LAH.1 

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1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by :l\Iansell. 


to Gnla, to Ramlnân, or to the ancient deity ELi. At 
the entrance to the largost chalnber" on a rectangular 
pedestal, stood a stele "with rounded top, after the Egyptian 
fashion. On it is depicted a figure of the king, standing 
erect and facing to the left of the spectator; he holds 
his mace at his side, his right hand is raised in the atti- 
tude of adoration, and above bim, on the left upper edge 
of the stele, are grouped the five signs of the planets; at 
the base of the stele stands an altar with a triangular 
pedestal and circular slab ready for the offerings to be 
presented to the royal founder by priests or people. The 
palace extended along the south side of the terrace facing 
the to"\vn, and with the river in its rear; it covered a 
space one hundred and thirty-one yards in length and a 
hundred and nine in breadth. In the centre was a large 
court, surrounded by seven or eight spacious halls, appro- 
priated to state functions; between these and the court 
were many rooms of different sizes, forming the offices and 
private apartments of the royal house. The whole palace 
was built of brick faced with stone. Three gate,vays, 
flanked by winged, human-headed bulls, afforded access to 
the largest apartment, the hall of audience, where the king 
received his subjects or the envoys of foreign powers. l The 
doorways and walls of some of the rooms were decorated 
with glazed tiles, but the majority of them were covered 
with bands of coloured 2 bas-reliefs which portrayed various 

1 A t the east end of the hall Layard found a hlock of alabaster covered 
with inscriptions, forming a sort of platform on which the king's throne may stood. 
2 Layard points out the traces of colouring still yisiLle when the 
excava.tions were made. 


episodes in the life of the king-his state-councils, his lion 
hunts, the reception of tribute, marches ovor lllountains 
and rivers, chariot-skirmishes, sieges, and the torture and 
carrying away of captives. Incised in bands across these 
pictures are inscriptions extolling the olllnipotence of Assur, 
while at intervals genii with eagles' beaks, or deities in 
human form, imperious and fierce, appear with hands full of 


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offerings, or in the act of brandishing thunderbolts against 
evil spirits. The architect ,vho designed this irnposing 
ùecoratioD, and the sculptors ,vho executed it, closely 
follo,ved the traditions of ancient Chaldæa in the drawing 
and composition of theÜ' designs, and in the use of colour 
or chisel; but the qualities and defects peculiar to their 
own race give a certain character of originality to this 
borro,ved art. They exaggerated the stern and athletic 
aspect of their models, making the figure thick-set, the 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a sketch by Layard. 

\L_\CE 71 

lnuscles extraonlinarily enlarged, and the features ludicrously 
accentuated. Their pictures produce an impression of 
awkwardness, confusion and heaviness, but the detail is 
so minute and the animation so great that the attention of 

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the spectator is forcibly arrested; these uncouth beings 
impress us with the sense of their self-reliance and their 
confidence in their master, as we watch them brandishing 
their weapons or hurrying to the attack, and see the shock 
of battle and the death-blows given and received. The 
human-headed bulls, standing on guarù at the gates, exhibit 

1 Drawn by Boudier, after Layard. 


the calm and pensive dignity befitting creatures conscious 
of their strength, while the lions passant who sometimes 
l'eplace them, snarl and show their teeth 'with an almost 
alarming ferocity. The statues of men and gods, as a rule, 
are lacking in originality. The heavy l'obes ,vhich drape 
them from head to foot give them the appearance of 


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_\ZIR-rAL'S r.\LACE. 1 

cylinders tied in at the centre and slightly flattened 
to,van1s the top. The head surmounting this shapeless 
bundle is the only life-like part, and even the lower half 
of this is rendered heavy by the hair and beard, whose 
tightly curled tresses lie in stiff rows ono above the other. 
The upper l)art of the face which alone is visible is correctly 
dra'wn; the expression is of l'ather a commonplace type of 

1 Drawn by Boudi('r, from a photograph of the sculpture in the British 



nobility-respectable but self-sufficient. The features- 
eyes, forehead, nose, mouth-are all those of Assur-nazir- 
pal; the hair is arranged in the fashion he affected, and the 
robe is embroidered with his jewels; but amid all this we 
miss the keen intelligence always present in Egyptian 
sculpture, whether under the royal head-dress of Cheops or 
in the expectant eyes of the sitting scribe: the Assyrian 
sculptor could copy the general outline of his model fairly 
well, but could not infuse soul into the face of the conqneror, 
whose" countenance beamed above the destruction around 
him. ' , 
The water of the Tigris being muddy, and unpleasant 
to the taste, and the wells at Calah so charged with lime 
and bitumen as to render them unwholesome, Assur-nazir- 
pal supplied the city with water from the neighbouring 
Zab. 1 An abundant stream was diverted from this river at 
the spot now called N egub, and conveyed at first by a 
tunnel excavated in the rock, and thence by an open canal 
to the foot of the great terrace: at this point the flow of 
the water was regulated by dams, and the surplus was 
utilised for irrigation 2 purposes by means of openings cut 
in the banks. The aqueduct was named Bâbilat-khigal- 
the bringer of plenty-and, to justify the epithet, date- 
palms, vine
, and many k
nds of fruit trees were planted 

1 Thf' preSf'nce of bitumen in the waters of Calah is due to the hot springs 
which rise in the bed of the hrook Shor-derreh. 
2 The canal of N egub-Negub signifies hole in Arabic-was discoverpd 
by Layard. The Zab having changf'd its course to the south, anù scooped 
out a deeper bed for itself, the double arch, which serves as an entrance to 
thf' canal, is actuallyabovp the> O1odinary If'yel of the river, and the water 
flows through it only in flood-time. 

7-1 .ASSYRL\.

along its course, so that both banks soon asslllueù the 
appearance of a shaùy orchard interspersecl with small 
towns and villas. The population rapidly increased, partly 
through the spontaneous influx of Assyrians themselves, 
but still more through the repeated introduction of bands of 


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foreign prisoners: forts, established at the fords of the 
Zab, 01' commanding the I'oads which cross the Gebel 
l\Iakblub, kept the country in subjection and formed an 
inner line of defence at a short distance from the capital. 
Assl1r-nazir-pal kept up a palace, garden, and small temple, 
near the fort of Imgur-Bel, the modern Balawât: thither 
he repaired for intervals of repose from state affairs, to 
enjoy the pleasures of the chase and cool air in the hot 
1 Drawn hy lloudier, from a. photograph hy H.assam. 


season. He did not entirely aùandon his other capitals, 
Nineveh and Assur, visiting them occasionally, but Calah 
.was bis favonrite seat, and on its adornment be spent the 
greater part of his wealth and most of his leisure hours. 
Only once again did he abandon his peaceful pursuits 
and take the field, about the year 897 n.c., during the 
eponymy of Shamashnurî. The tribes on the northern 
boundal'y of the empire had apparently forgotten the 
lessons they had learnt at the cost of so much bloodshed 
at the beginning of his reign: many had omitted to pay 
the tribute due, one chief had seized the royal cities of 
Amidi and Damdamusa, and the rebellion threatened to 
spread to ....\.ssyria itself. Assur-nazir-pal girded on his 
armonI' and led his troops to battle as vigorously as in the 
days of his youth. He hastily collected, as he passed 
through their lands, the tribute due from I{ipâni, Izalla, 
and I\:.ummukh, gained the banks of the Euphrates, 
traversed Gubbu burning everything on his way, made a 
detour through Dirria and l{irkhi, and finally halted before 
the .walls of Damdamusa. Six hundred soldiers of the 
garrison perished in the assault and four hundred .were 
taken prisoners: these he carried to Amidi and impaled as 
an object-lesson round its walls; but, the defenders of tbe 
town remaining undaunted, he raised the siege and plunged 
into the gorges of the Kashiari. Having there reduced 
to submission U dâ, the capital of Lapturi, son of Tubisi, 
be returned to Calah, taking with him six thousand 
p1'Ìsoners whom he settled as colonists around his favou1'Ìte 
residence. This was Lis last exploit: he never subse- 
quently quitted his hereditary domain, but there passed 


the remaining seven years of his life in peace, if not in 
idleness. lIe died in 8GO B.C., after a reign of twenty- 
five years. His portraits represent him as a vigorous 
man, with a brawny neck and broad shoulders, capable 
of bearing the weight of his armour for many hours 
at a time. He is short in the head, with a somewhat 
flattened skull and low forehead; his eyes are large and 
deep-set beneath bushy eyebrows, his cheek-bones high, 
and his nose aquiline, with a fleshy tip and wide nostrils, 
while his mouth and chin are hidden by moustache and 
beard. The whole figure is instinct with real dignity, yet 
such dignity as is due rather to rank and the habitual 
exercise of power, than to the innate qualities of the man. 1 
The character of Assur-nazir-pal, as gathered from the dry 
details of his Annals, seems to have been very complex. 
lIe was as ambitious, resolute, and active as any prince in 
the world; yet he refrained froln offensive warfare as soon 
as his victories had brought under his rule the majority of 
the countries formerly subject to Tiglath-pileser I. lIe 
knew the crucial moment for ending a campaign, arresting 
his progress where one more success might have brought 
him into colJision with some formidable neighbour; and 
this wise pruùence in his undertakings enabled him to 
retain the principal acquisitions won by his arms. As a 
\vorshipper of the gods he showed devotion and gratitude; 
he was just to his subjects, but his conduct towards Ilis 

1 Perrot and Chipiez do not admit that the Assyrian sculptors intí'nded 
to represent the features of their kings; for this they rely chiefly on the 
remarkahle likeness Letween all the figures in the same serieR of bas-rcJicfR. 
.:\Iy own hcJief is that in Assyria, as in Egypt, thí' sculptora took thf' 
}Jortrait of thf' rf'igning sovereign as the model for aU their figurf's. 

enemIes was so savage as to appear to us crnel even for 
that terribly pitiless age: no king ever employed such 
horrible punishments, or at least none has described with 
such satisfaction the tortures inflicted Oll hiH vauquiHhed 
foes. Perhaps snch measures were 
necessary, and the harshness with 
which he repressed insurrection 
prevented more frequent outbreaks 
and so averted greater sacrifice of 
life. But the horror of these 
scenes so appals the modern 
l'eader, that at first he can only 
regard Assur- nazir- pal as a royal 
butcher of the worst type. 
Assur-nazir-palleft to his suc- 
cessor an overflowing treasury, a 
valiant army, a people proud of 
their progress and fully confident 
in their own resources, and a 
kingdom which had recovered, 
during several years of peace, from 
the strain of its previous con- 
quests. Shalmaneser III.. dre,v 
largely on the reserves of men 
and money which his father's foresight had prepared, 
and his busy reign of thirty-five years saw thirty-two 



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· [The Shalmaneser III. of the text is the Shalmaneser II. of the notes. 
1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by :L\lansell, taken from the 
original stele in the British l\Iuseum. 


caulpaigns, conducted almost without a break, on every 
side of the elnpire in succession. A double task awaited 
bim, 'which he conscientiously and successfully fulfilled. 
Assul'-nazir-pal had thoroughly reol'ganised the empire 
and l"aised it to the rank of a great po,ver: he had 
confirmed his provinces and vassal states in their allegi- 
ance, and had subsequently reduced to subjection, or, at 
any rate, penetrated at various points, the little buffer 
principalities between Assyria and the po,verful kingdoms 
of Babylon, Damascus, and Urartu; but he had avoided 
engaging anyone of these three great states in a struggle 
of which the issue seemed doubtful. Shalmaneser could 
not maintain this policy of forbearance ,vithout loss of 
prestige in the eyes of the world: conduct which might 
seem prudent and cautious in a victorious lllOnal'ch like 
Assur-nazir-pal would in him have argued timidity or weak- 
ness, and his rivals would soon have provoked a quarrel if 
they thought him lacking in the courage or the means to 
attack them. Immediately after his accession, therefore, he 
assumed the offensive, and decided to measure his strength 
first against U rartu, which for some years past had been 
showing signs of l'estlessness. Few countries are more 
rugged or better adapted for defence than that in which his 
annies were about to take the field. The volcanoes to 
which it owed its configuration in geological times, had 
become extinct long before the appearance of man, but the 
surface of the ground still bears evidence of their former 
activity; layers of basaltic l"ock, beds of scoriæ and cinders, 
streams of half-disintegrated mud and lava, and more or less 
perfect cones, meet the eye at eve1'Y turD. Subterranean 

r.l'HE SXü\V-CLAD PE.,lKS 


disturbances have not entirely ceased even now, for certain 
craters-that of Tantlurek, for exanlple-sonlctirnes exhale 
acitl fUlnes; while hot springs exist in the neighLourhooù, 
from ,vhich steaming waters escape in cascades to the 
valley, and earthquakes and strange subterranean noises are 
not unknown. The backbone of these Armenian mountains 

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joins towards the south the line of the Gordyæan range; 
it runs in a succession of zigzags from south-east to north- 
west, meeting at length the mountains of Pontus and the 
last spurs of the Caucasus.. Lofty snow-clad peaks, chiefly 
of volcanic origin, l'ise here and there among them, tho 
most impol'tant being Akhta-dagh, Tandurek, Ararat, 
Bingæl, and Palandæken. The two unequal pyramids 
which form the summit of Ararat are coverfld with per- 
petual snow, the higher of them being 16,916 feet above 
1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by A. Tissandier. 


the sea-level. The spurs 'which issue from the principal 
chain cross each other in all directions, and make a net- 
work of rocky basins where in former times water collected 
and formed lakes, nearly all of 'which are no\v dry in 
consequence of the breaking down of one or other of 
their enclosing sides. Two only of these mountain lakes 
still remain, entirely devoid of outlet, Lake Van in the 
south, and Lake U rumiah further to the south-east. The 
Assyrians called the former the Upper Sea of N aîri, and 
the latter the Lower Sea, and both constituted a defence for 
U rartu against their attacks. To reach the centre of the 
kingdom of U rartu, the Assyrians had either to cross the 
mountainous strip of land between the two lakes, or by 
making a detour to the north-west, and descending the 
difficult slopes of the valley of the Al'zania, to approach the 
mountains of Armenia lying to the north of Lake Van. 
The march was necessarily a slo\v and painful one for both 
horses and men, along narrow 'winding valleys down which 
rushed rapid streams, over raging torrents, through tangled 
forests where the path had to be cut as they advanced, and 
over barren wind-swept plateaux \vhere rain and mist 
chilled and demoralized soldiers accustomed to the warm 
and sunny plains of the Euphrates. The majority of the 
armies which invaded this region never reached the goal of 
the expedition: they retired after a few engagements, and 
withdrew as quickly as possible to more r genial climes. 
The main part of the U ral'tu remained almost always 
unsubdued behind its barrier of woods, rocks, and lakes, 
which protected it from the attacks levelled against it, and 
no one can say how far the kingdom extended in the 



direction of the Caucasus. It cel'taillly included the valley 
of the _\ and possibly part of the valley of the I{ur, 
and the steppes sloping towards the Caspian Sea. It was 
a region full of contrasts, at once favoured and ill-.treated 
by nature in its elevation and aspect: rugged peaks, deep 
gorges, dense thickets, districts sterile froll the heat of 
subterranean fires, and sandy wastes barren for lack of 
moisture, \vere intersperseù with shady valleys, sunny vine- 
clad slopes, and wide stretches of fertile land covered with 
rich layers of deep alluvial soil, where thick-standing corll 
and meado\v-Iands, alternating with orchards, repaid the 
cultivator for the slightest attempt at irrigation. 
History does not recorù who were the former possessors 
of this land; but towards the middle of the ninth century 
it was divided into several principalities, whose positioll 
and boundaries cannot be precisely determined. It is 
thought that Urartu lay on either side of l\Iount Ararat and 
on both banks of the Araxes, that Biainas hLY around Lake 
Van, l and that the l\Iannai occupied the country to the 
north and east of Lake U rumiah ; 2 the positions of the 

1 Urartu is the only name by which the Assyrians knew the kingdom of 
Van; it has been recognised from the very beginning of Assyriological 
studies, as well as its identity with the Ararat of the Bible and the 
Alarodians of Herodotus. It was also generally recognised that the name 
Biainas in the Vannic inscriptions, ,
hich Hincks read Bieda, corresponded to 
the U rartu of the Assyrians, but in consequence of this mistaken reading, 
efforts have been made to connect it with Adiabene. 
ayce was the nrst to 
show that Biainas was the name of the country of Van, anll of the kingdom 
of which Van was the capital; the word Bitâni which Sayce connects with 
it is not a secondary form of the name of Van, but a present day term, 
and should be erased from the list of geographical names. 
2 The 
I::mnai are the 1\Iinni of Jeremiah (Ii, 27), and it is in their 
country of l\Iinyas that OIle tradition made the ark rest after the' l>duge. 


other tribes on t.he different tributaries of tho Euphrates or 
the slopes of the Armenian mountains are as yet uncertain. 
The country ,vas probably peopled by a very mixed race, 
for its mountains have always afforded a safe asyhun for 
refugees, and at each Inigration, which altered the face of 
Western Asia, some fugitives from neighbouring nations 
drifted to the shelter of its fastnesses. The principal 

element, the Khaldi, 'were akin to that great family of 
tribes which extended across the range of the Taurus, from 
the shores of the J\lediterranean to the Enxine, and in- 
cluded the J{halybes, the 11usbku, the Tabal, and the 
I{háti. The little presel'ved of theÏl' language resembles 
what we know of the idioms in use among the people of 
Arzapi and l\litânni, and their religion seems to have been 
somewhat analogous to the ancient worship of the Hittites. 
The character of the ancient Arnlenians, as revealed 
to us by the monuments, 1'ese111Lles in its Inain features 



that of the ,..\..rmenians of the present time. They appear 
as tall, strong, muscular, anù determined, full of zest for 
work and fighting, aud proud of their inùependence. Sonle 
of them led a pastoral life, wandering about with their 
flocks during the greater part of the year, obliged to seek 
pasturage in valley: forest, or mountain height according 
to the season, 
while in winter 
they remained 
frost-bound in 
semi - subter- L ____ 
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ings sÜuilar to 
.... , 
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descendants Immure 
themselves at the 
present clay. "\Vhere 
the soil lent itself to agricul- 
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ture, they proved excellent 
husbandmen, and obtained J:'R.\.G:\lI:
abundant crops. Their inge- 
nuity in irrigation \vas remarkable, and enabled them to 
bring water by a system of trenches from distant spriugs to 
supply their fields and gardens; besides which, they knew 
how to terrace the steep hillsides so as to prevent the 
rapid draining a\vay of moisture. Industries were but littIe 
developed among them, except perhaps the 'working of 
metals; for 'vere they not akin to those Chalybes of the 
Pontus, ,,-hose n1ines and forges already furnished iron to 





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1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Hormuzd Has


the Grecian ,vorld? Fragments have been discovered ill 
the ruined cities of Urartu of statuettes, cups, and votive 
shields, either embossed or engraved, and decorated with 
concentric bands of anÍ1nals or men, treated in the Assyrian 
lllanner, but displaying great beauty of style and remarkable 






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fÌllish of execution. TheÎ1' towns were generally fortified or 
perched on heights, rendering them easy of defence, as, for 
example, Van and Toprah-I{aleh. Even such towns as 
were l'oyal residences were small, and not to be cOlnparec1 
with the cities of Assyria 01' Aran1; their ground-plan 
generally assull1ed the form of a rectangular oblong, not 
1 DI'awn by lloudier, from a photograph lJY 1\1. Binder. 



always traced with equal exactituc1e. The walls were built 
of hlocks of roughly hewn stone, laid in regular courses, but 
without any kind of mortar or celllent; they ,vere sur- 
mounted by battlelnents, and flanked at intervals by square 
towers, at the foot of 'which were outworks to protect the 

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points most open to attack.. The entrance was approached 
by narrow and dangerous pathways, which sometimes loan 
on ledges across the precipitous face of the rock. The 
dwelling-houses were of very simple construction, being 
merely square cabins of stone or brick, devoid of any 
external ornanlent, and pierced by one ]o,v doorway, but 
1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Hormu7d Rassam. 


sOll1etinles surmounted by an open colonnade supported by 
a row of sm,all pillars; a flat roof with a parapet crowned 
the whole, though tbis was often replaced by a gaLled top, 
which ,vas better adapted to withstand the rains and snows 
of winter. The palaces of the chiefs differed from the 
private houses in the size of their apartments and the 
greater care bestowed upon their decoration. Their 
ades were sometimes adorned with columns, and orna- 
mented with bucklers or carved discs' of metal; slabs of 
stone covered with inscriptions lined the inner halls, but 
we do not know whether the kings added to their dedica- 
tions to the gods and the recital of their victories, l)ictlues 
of the battles they had fought and of the fortresses they 
had destroyed. The furniture resembled that in the houses 
of Nineveh, but was of simpler workmanship, and perhaps 
the most valuable articles were imported from Assyria or 
'vere of l\ramæan lllanufactnre. The ternples seemed to 
have differed little from the palaces, at least in external 
appearance. The masonry was more regular and more 
skilfully laid; the outer court was filled with brazen lavers 
and statues; the interior was furnished with altars, 
sacrificial stones, idols in human or animal shape, and 
bowls identical \vith those in the sanctuaries on the 
Euphrates, but the nature and details of the rites in which 
they were employed are unknown. One snpreme deity, 
I{haldis, god of the sky, was, as far as we can conjecture, 
the protector of the whole nation, and their name was 
derived from his, as that of the Assyrians was from Assur, 
the Cosseans from Kashshu, and the I{hâti from E::hâtu. 
This deity was assisted in the government of the universe 

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by Teisbas, god of the air, and ArùinÎs the sun-god. 
Groups of secondary deities were l"allged around this sove- 
reign triad-Auis, the water; Ayas, the earth; Selardis, 
the moon; l{harubainis, Irmusinis, Adarutas, and Arzi- 
Inelas: one single inscription enumerates forty-six, but 
some of these were worshipped III special localities only. 


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It would appeal' as if no goddesses were included in the 
native Pantheon. Saris, the only goddess known to us 
at present, is probably merely a variant of the Ishtar of 
Nineveh or Arbela, borrowed from the Assyrians at a later 
The first Assyrian conquerors looked upon these 
northern regions as an integral pal't of N aîri, and included 
them under that name. They knew of no single state in 

1 Drawn hy Faucher-Gudin, from Botta., Scribes are weighing gold, 
and soldiers destroying the sta.tue of a. god with their axes. 


the district whose power uâght successfully withstand their 
own, but were mere]y acquainted with a group of hostile 
provinces whose internecine conflicts left them ever at the 
mercy of a foreign foe. l Two kingdoms had, however, risen 
to some ÏInportance about the beginning of the ninth 
century-that of the 11annai in the east, and that of 
Urartu in the centre of the country. Urartu comprised 

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the district of Ararat proper, the province of Biaina, 
and the entire basin of the Arzania. Arzashkun, one 
of its capitals, situated probably near the sources of 
this river, was hidden, and protected against attack, by an 
extent of dense forest almost impassable to a regular army. 
The powûr of this kingdom, though as yet unorganised, 

1 The single inscription of Tiglath-pileser 1. contains a list of twenty- 
thrf'e kings of Naîri, and mentions sixty chif'fs of the same country. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs on the hronzf' 
gates of BalawEtt. 



had already begun to inspire the neighbouring states 'with 
uneasiness. Assur-nazir-pal speaks of it incidentally as 
lying on the northern frontier of his empire,l but the care 
he took to avoid arousing its hostility shows the respect 
in which be held it. lIe was, indeed, as much afraid of 
U rartu as of Damascus, and though he approached quite 
close to its boundary in his second campaign, he preferred 
to check his triumphant advance rather than risk attacking 
it. It appears to have been at that time under the undis- 
puted rule of a certain Sharcluris, son of Lutipri, and 
subsequently, about the ulÍddle of Assur-nazir-pal's reign, 
to have passed into the hands of Aramê, who styled himself of N aîri, and whose ambition n1ay have caused those 
revolts which forced Assur-nazir-pal to take up arms in the 
eighteenth year of his reign. On this occasion the 
Assyrians again confined themselves to the chastisement 
of their own vassals, and checked their advance as soon as 
they approached U rartu. Their success was but temporary; 
hardly had they withdrawn from the neighbourhood, when 
the disturbances were renewed with even greater violence, 
very probably at the instigation of Aramê. Shalmaneser 
III. found matters in a very unsatisfactory state both on 
the west ancl south of Lake Van: some of the peoples who 
had been subject to his father-the Khubushkia, the 
pastoral tribes of the G'orc1yæan mountains, and the 

1 Arzashku, Arzashkun, seems to be the Assyrian form of an U rartian 
name ending in -ka, fonllcù from a proper name Armsh, which recalls the 
name Arsenf', Arsissa, applied by the ancients to part of Lake Yan. 
Arzashkun mÏI
ht represent the ArùZlk of the Armenian historians, west of 
::\ I a I asgert


Aramæans of the Euphrates-had transferred their allegi- 
ance elsewhere. lIe Ünmec1iately took llleasures to recall 
theJn to a sense of their duty, and set out from Calah only 
a few days after succeeding to the crown. He marched at 
first in an easterly direction, and, crossing the pass of 
Sinlisi, burnt the city of Aridi, thus proving that he was 
fully prepared to treat I'ebels afteI' the same fashion as 
his father. The lesson had immediate effect. All the 
neighbouring tribes, I{hargæans, Simisæans, the people of 
Simira, Sirisha, and Ulmania, hastened to pay him homage 
even before he had struck his camp near Aridi. Hurrying 
across country by the shortest route, which entailed the 
making of I'oads to enable his chariots anù cavalry to follow 
him, he fell upon I{hubushkia, and reduced a hundred 
towns to ashes, pursuing the king I{akia into the depths 
of the forest, and forcing hÜn to an unconditional sur- 
render. Ascending thence. to Shugunia, a dependency of 
Aramê's, he laid the principality waste, in spite of the 
desperate resistance made on their mountain slopes by 
the inhabitants; then proceeding to Lake Van, he per- 
fOI'med the ceremonial rites incumbent on an Assyrian king 
'whenever he stood for the first time on the shores of a new 
sea. He washed his weapons in the ,vaters, offered a 
sacrifice to the gods, casting some portions of the victim 
into the lake, and before leaving carved his own Ünage on 
the surface of f1 commanding rock. On his homeward 
march he received tribute from Gilzân. This expedition 
was but the prelude of further successes. After a few 
weeks' repose at Nineveh, he again set out to make his 
authority felt in the western portions of his dominions. 



Akhuni, chief of Bît-..A..dini, whose position was the first to 
be menaceù, had formed a league with the chiefs of all the 
cities which had formedy bowed before Assur-nazir-pal's 
victorious arms, Gurgum, SamaHa, I\:uî, the Patinâ" Car- 
chemish, and the I\:hâti. Shalmaneser seized Lalati 1 and 

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Bllrmarana, two of Akhuni's towns, drove him across the 
Euphrates, and following close on his heels, collected as he 
passed the tribute of Gurgum, and fell upon SamaHa. 
Under the waHs of Lutibu he overthre"w the com bined 
forces of Adini, SamaHa, and the Patinâ, and raised a 

1 Lahti is probably the Lulati of the Egyptians. The modern site is 
not known, nor is that of Burmarana. 
2 Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs on the bronze 
gates of Balawât. 


trophy to COnll11emoratû his victory at the sources of the 
Saluara; then turning sharply to the south, he crossed the 
Orontes ill pursuit of Shapalulmê, I(ing of the Patinâ. 
Not far from ..AJizir he encounteloed a fresh army raised by 
Akhuni and the I(ing of SamaHa, with contingents from 
Carchen1ish, I\.uî, Cilicia, and lasbuki: 1 having routed it, 


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he burnt the fortresses of Shapalulmê, and after occupying 
hiInself by cutting do,vn cedars and cypress trees on tho 
Amanos in the province of Atalur, he left a triulnphal 
stele engraveù on the mountain-side. N ext turning east- 
wards, he received the homage offered with alacrity by the 

1 The country of T asbuki is represent('cl by Ishbak, a son of Ahraham 
and Keturah, mentioned in Genesis (XXY. 2) in connection with Shuah. 

 Drawn hy Faucher-Gmlin, from one of the bas-rcJiefs on the hronZl 
gates of I3alawftt. 


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towns of Taia, I\:hazazu, N ulia, and Butalnn, and, with a 
final tribute from Agusi, he returned in triumph to 
Nineveh. The motley train which accompanied hinl showed 
by its variety the immense extent of country he had 
traversed during this first campaign. Among the prisoners 
were representatives of widely different races ;-Khâti with 
long robes and cumbrous head-dresses, following naked 
mountaineers from Shugunia, who marched with yokes on 
their necks, and wore those close-fitting helmets with short 
crests which have such a strangely modern look on the 
Assyrian bas- reliefs. The actual results of the campaign 
were, perhaps, hardly commensurate with the energy 
expended. This expedition from east to west had certainly 
inflicted considerable losses on the rebels against whom it 
had been directed; it had cost them dearly in men and 
cattle, and booty of all kinds, and had extorted from them 
a considerable amount of tribute, but they remained, 
notwithstanding, still unsubdued. As soon as the Assyrian 
troops had quitted their neighbourhood, they flattered 
themselves they were safe from further attack. No doubt 
they thought that a show of submission would satisfy the 
new invader, as it had satisfied his father; but Shalmaneser 
was not disposed to rest content with this nominal depend- 
ence. He intended to exercise effective control over all 
Lhe states won by his sword, and the proof of their subjection 
was to be the regular payment of tribute and fulfilment 
of other obligations to their suzerain. Year by year he 
unfailingly enforced his rights, till the subject states 'were 
obliged to acknowledge their master and resign themselves 
to servitude. 




The nalTative of his reiterated efforts is a monotonous 
one. The king advanced against Adini in the spring 
of 859 B.C., defeated Akhuni near Tul-barsip, transported 
his victorious regiments across the Euphrates on rafts 
of skins, seized Surunu, Paripa, and Dabigu/ besides six 
fortresses and two hundred villages, and then advanced 
into the territory of Carchemish, which he proceeded to 
treat with such severity that the other Hittite chiefs 
hastened to avert a similar fate by tendering their sub- 
mISSIon. The very enumeration of their offerings proves 
not only their wealth, but the terror inspired by the 
advancing Assyrian host: Shapalulmê of the Patinâ, for 
instance, yielded up three talents of gold, a hundred talents 
of silver, three hundred talents of copper, and three 
hundred of iron, and paid in addition to this an annual 
tribute of one talent of silver, two talents of purple, and 
two hundred great beams of cedar-wood. SamaHa, Agusi, 
and Kummukh were each laid under tribute in proportion 
to their resources, but their surrender did not necessarily 
lead to that of Adini. Akhuni realised that, situated as be 
was on the very borders of Assyrian territory, there was no 
longer a chance of his preserving his semi-independence, 
as was the case with his kinsfolk beyond the Euphrates; 
proximity to the capital would involve a stricter servitude, 
which would soon reduce him from the condition of a 
vassal to that of a subject, and make him merely a 

1 Shalmaneser crossed the Euphrates near Tul-barsip, which would 
lead him into the country between Birejîk, Rum-kaleh, and Aintab, and 
it is in that district that we must look for the towns subject to Akhuni. 
Dabigu, I consider, corresponds to Dehbek on Rey's map, a little to the 
north-east of Aintab; the sites of Paripa and Surunu are unknown. 

^ ^ 

governor where he had hitherto l'eigned as king. Aban- 
doned by the I{hâti, he sought allies further north, and 
entered into a league with the tribes of Nairi and Urartu. 
\Vhen, in 858 B.C., Shalmaneser III. forced an entrance 
into Tul-barsip, and drove back what was left of the 
garrison on the right bank of the Euphrates, a sudden 
movement of Aramê obliged him to let the prey escape 
from his grasp. Rapidly fortifying Tul-barsip, N appigi, 
Aligu, Pitru, and J\lutkînu, and garrisoning thmn with 
loyal troops to command the fords of the river, as his 
ancestor Shalmaneser I. had done six centuries before, 1 he 
then l'e-enteloed N aîri by way of Bît-Zamani, devastated 
Inziti with fire and sword, forced a road through to the 
banks of the Arzania, pillaged Sukbmi and Dayaîni, and 
appeared under the walls of Arzashkun. Aramê withdrew 
to J\lount Adduri and awaited his attack in an almost 
impregnable position; he was nevertheless defeated: 3400 
of his soldiers fell on the field of battle; his camp, his 
treasures, his chariots, and all his baggage passed into 
the hands of the conqueror, and he himself barely escaped 
with his life. Shalmaneser ravaged the country "as a 
savage bull ravages and tramples under his feet the fertile 
fields ;" he burnt the villages and the crops, destroyed 

1 Pitru, the Pethor of the Bible (Numb. xxii. 5), is situated near the 
confluence of the Sn:jur and the Euphrates, somewhere near the encampment 
called Oshériyéh by Sachau. 1\1 utkînu was on the other bank, perhaps 
at Kharbet-Beddaî, nearly opposite Pitru. Nappigi was on the left bank 
of the Euphrates, which excludes its identification with Mabog-Hierapolis, 
as proposed by Hommel; N abigath, mentioned by Tomkins, is too far east. 
Nappigi and Aligu must both be sought in the district between the 
Euphrates and the town of Saruj. 


Arzashkun, and raised before its gates a pyramid of human 
heads, surrounded by a circle of prisoners impaled on 
stakes. He climbed the mountain chain of Iritia, and 
laid waste Aramali and Zanziuna at his leisure, and 
descending for the second time to the shores of Lake 
Van, renewed the rites he had performed there in the 



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first year of his reign, and engraved on a neighbouring 
}'ock an inscription recording his deeds of pro,vess. He 
made his way back to Gilzân, where its king, Shua, brought 
him a war-horse fully caparisoned, as a token of homage. 
Shalmaneser graciously deigned to receive it, and further 
exacted from the king the accustomed contributions of 
chariot-horses, sheep, and wine, together with seven 
dromedaries, whose strange forms amused the gaping 

1 Drawn by Faucber-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs on the Black 


crowds of Nineveh. After quitting Gilzân, Shalmaneser 
encountered the people of }{hubushkia, ,vho venttued to 
bar his way; but its king, Kakia, lost his city of Shilaia, 
and three thousand soldiers, besides bulls, horses, and 
sheep innumerable. Having enforced submission in }{hu- 
bushkia, Shalmaneser at length returned to Assur through 

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tho defiles of Kirruri, and came to Calah to enjoy a 
well-earned rest after the fatigues of his campaign. But 
Akhuni had not yet lost heart. Though driven back 
to the right bank of the Euphrates, he had taken advantage 
of the diversion created by Aramê in his favour, to assume 
a strong position among the hills of Shitamrat with the 
l'Ìver in his rear. 2 Shalmaneser attacked his lines in 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs on the bronze 
gates of Balawât. 
2 The position of Shitamrat may answer to the ruins of the fortress 
of RUlll-kaleh, which protected a ford of the Euphrates in Byzantine times. 


front, and broke through them after three days' preliminary 
skirmishing; then finding the enemy drawn up in battle 
a.rray before their last stronghold, the king charged without 
a moment's hesitation, drove them back and forced them 
to surrender. Akhuni's life was spared, but he was 
sent with the remainder of his army to colonise a village 

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in the neighbourhood of Assur, and Adini became hence- 
forth an integral part of Assyria. The war on the western 
frontier was hardly brought to a close when another broke 
out in the opposite direction. The king I'apidly crossed 
the pass of Bunagishlu and fell upon 
iazamua: the 
natives, disconcerted by his impetuous onslaught, neverthe- 
less hoped to escape by putting out in their boats on 
the broad expanse of Lake U rumiah. Shalmaneser, how- 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs on the Black 

L\SCUS 103 

ever, constructed rafts of inflated skins, on which his 
men ventured in pursuit right out into the open. The 
natives were overpowered; the king "dyeù the sea with 
their blood as if it had been wool," and did not withdraw 
until he had forced them to appeal for mercy. 
In five years Shalmanesel' had destroyed Adini, laid 
low U rartu, and confirmed the tributary states of Syria 
in their allegiance; but Damascus and Babylon were as 
yet untouched, and the Inoment was at hand when he 
would have to choose between an arduous conflict with 
them, or such a l'epI'ession of the "warlike zeal of his 
opening years, that, like his father Assur- nazir- pal, he 
would have to repose on his laurels. Shalmanesel' was 
too deeply imbued with the desire for conquest to choose 
a peaceful policy: he decided at once to assume the 
offensive against Damascus, being probably influenced by 
the news of Allab's successes, and deeming that if the 
King of Israel had gained the ascendency unaided, Assur, 
fully confident of its own supel'iority, need have no fear 
as to the result of a conflict. The forces, however, at the 
disposal of Benhadad II. (Adadidri) were sufficient to cause 
the Assyrians some uneasiness. The King of Dalllascus 
was not only lord of Cæle- Syria and the Haurân, but he 
exercised a suzerainty more or less defined over Hamath, 
Israel, Ammon, the Arabian and Idumean tribes, Arvad 
and the principalities of Northern Phænicia, U sanata, 
Shianu, and Il'kanata; 1 in all, twelve peoples or twelve 

1 Irkanata, the Egyptian Arqanatu, perhaps the Irqata of the "Tel. 
el-Am3.rna tablets, is the Arka of Phænicia. The other countries 
enumerated are likewise situated in the same locaJity. Shianu (for a long 


kings owned his sway, and their forces, if united to his, 
would provide at need an army of nearly 100,000 men: 
a few years might see these various elements merged in 
a united empire, capable of withstanding the onset of any 
foreign foe. l Shalmaneser set out from Nineveh on the 
14th day of the month Iyyâr, 854 B.C., and chastised on 
his way the Aramæans of the Balikh, whose sheikh 
Giamrnu had shown some inclination to assert his in- 
dependence. He crossed the Euphrates at Tul-barsip, 
and held a species of durbar at Pitru for his Syrian 
subjects: Sangar of Carchemish, I(undashpi of l{ummukh, 
Aramê of Agusi, Lalli of Melitene, I{haiani of SamaHa, 
Garparuda who had succeeded Shapalulmê among the 
Patinâ, and a second Garparuda of Gurgum, rallied around 
him with their presents of welcome, and probably also with 
their troops. This ceremony concluded, he hastened to 
Khalmân and reduced it to submission, then plunged into 
the hill-country between l{halmân and the Orontes, and 
swept over the vvhole territory of Hamath. Â few easy 
victories at the outset enabled him to exact l'ansom from, 

time read as Shizanu), the Sill of the Biblc (Gen. x. 17), is mentioncd by 
Tiglath-pileser III. under the name Sianu. U shanat is called U znu 
by Tiglath-pileser, and Delitzsch thought it represented the modern Kalaat- 
el-Hosu. "\Vith Aryad it forms the ancient Zahi of the Egyptians, which 
was then subject to Damascus. 
1 The suzerainty of Bcn-hadad over these twelve peoples is pro\'cd 
by the way in which they are enumerated in the Assyrian documents: 
his name always 
tands at the head of the list. The manner in which 
the Assyrian scribes introduce the names of these kings, mentioning some- 
times one, sometimes two among them, without subtracting them from the 
total number 1
, has been severely criticised, and Schrader excused it 
by saying that 12 is here used as a round number somewhat vaguely. 



or burn to the ground, the cities of ..Ltdinnu, Mashgâ, 
..Arganâ, and Qarqar, but just beyond Qarqar he encountered 
the ad vance-guard of the Syrian army. 1 Ben-hadaù had 
called together, to give him a fitting reception, the 
whole of the forces at his disposal: 1200 chariots, 1200 
horse, 20,000 foot-soldiers from Damascus alone; 700 

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chariots, 700 horse and 10,000 foot from Hamath; 2000 
chariots and 10,000 foot belonging to Ahab, 500 soldiers 

1 The position of these towns is uncertain: the general plan of the 
campaign only pro yes that they must lie on the main route from Aleppo to 
Kalaat-Sejar, by Barâ or by l\Iaart.t-Em-Nômån and Kalaat-el-::\Iudîq. It is 
agreed that Qarqar must be sought not far from Hamath, whatever the 
exact site may Le. An examination of the map shows us that Qarqar 
corresponds to the present Kalaat-el-:Mudîq, the ancient Apamæa of 
Lebanon; the confederate army would command the ford which led to the 
plain of Hamath by Kalaat-Sejar. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the Las-reliefs 011 the Black 


from I\uî, 1000 mountaineers from the Taurus, l 10 chariots 
and 10,000 foot from Irkanata, 200 from Arvad, 200 fronl 
U sanata, 30 chariots and 10,000 foot from Shianu, 1000 
camels from Gindibu the Arab, and 1000 Ammonites. 
The battle was long and bloody, and the issue uncertain; 
Shalmaneser drove back one wing of the confederate army 
to the Orontes, anù forcing the other wing and the centre 
to retire from Qarqar to IGrzau, claimed the victory, 
though the losses on both sides were equally great. It 
would seem as if the battle were indecisive-the Assyrians, 
at any rate, gained nothing by it; they beat a retreat 
immediately after their pretended victory, anù returned to 
their own land without prisoners and almost without booty. 
On the \vhole, this first conflict had not been unfavourable 
to Damascus: it had demonstrated the powel' of that state 
in the eyes of the most incredulous, and proved how easy 
resistance would be, if only the various princes of Syria 
would lay aside their differences and all unite under the 
command of a single chief. The effect of the battle in 
Northern Syria and among the recently annexed Aramæan 
tribes was very great; they began to doubt the omni- 
potence of Assyria, and their loyalty was shaken. Sangar 
of Carchemish and the Khâ ti refused to pay their tribute, 
and the Emirs of Tul-Abnî and Mount Kashiari broke out 
into open revolt. Shalmaneser spent a whole year in 
suppressing the insurrection; com plications, moreover, 
arose at Babylon which obliged him to concentrate his 

1 The people of the J\Iuzri next enumerated have long been considered 
as Egyptians; the juxtaposition of their name with that of Kuî shows that 
it refers here to the J\Iuzri of the Taurus. 



attention and energy on Chaldæan affairs. Nabu-baliddin 
had always maintained peaceful and friendly relations with 
Assyria, but he had been overthrown, or perhaps assassi- 
nated, and his son lHarduk-nâdin-shumu had succeeded 
him on the throne, to the dissatisfaction of a section of 
his subjects. Another son of N abu-baliddin, J\larduk- 
belusâtê, claim
d the sovereign power, and soon won over 
so much of the country that Mal'duk-nâdin-shumu had fears 
for the safety of Babylon itself. He then probably re- 
membered the pretensions to Kharduniash, which his 
Assyrian neighbours had for a long time maintained, and 
applied to Shalmaneser to support his tottering fortunes. 
The Assyrian monarch must have been disposed to lend 
a favourable ear to a request which allowed him to inter- 
vene as suzerain in the quarrels of the rival kingdom: he 
mobilised his forces, offered sacrifices in honour of Rammân 
at Zabân, and crossed the frontier in 853 B.C. 1 
The war dragged on during the next two years. The 
scene of hostilities was at the outset on the left bank of 
the Tigris, which for ten centuries had served as the 
battle-field for the warriors of both countries. Shalma- 
neser, who had invested Mê- T urn at at the fords of the 
Lower Dîyalah, at length captured that fortress, and after 
having thus isolated the -rebels of Babylonia proper, 
turned his steps towards Gananatê. 2 Marduk-belusâtê," a 

I The town (Jf Zahân is situated on the Lesser Zab, but it is impossible 
to fix the exact site. 
2 Mê-Turnat, :J\Iê-Turni, "the water of the TurD.c:'1t," stood upon the 
Dîyalah, prubably near the site of Bakuba, where the most frequented 
route crosses the river; perhaps we may identify it with the Artemita 
of classic'al authors. Gananatê must be sought higher up near the 


vacillating king, incapable of directing his o,vn affairs," 
came out to meet him, but although repulsed and driven 
within the town, he defended his position with such spirit 
that Shalmanesel' was at length obliged to draw off his 
troops after having cut down all the young corn, felled the 
fruit trees, disorganised the whole system of irrigation,-in 
short, after having effected all the damage he could. He 
returned in the following spring by the most direct route; 
Lakhiru fell into his ha.nds, l but l\larduk-belusâtê, having 
no heart to contend with him for the possession of a 
district ravaged by the struggle of the preceding summer, 
fell back on the mountains of Yasubi and concentrated 
his forces l'ound Al"rnân. 2 Shalmaneser, having first 
wreaked his vengeance upon Gananatê, attacked his 
adversary in his self-chosen position; Arrnân fell after 
a desperate defence, and lVlarduk-belusâtê either perished 
or disappeared in a last attempt at retaliation. l\Iarduk- 
nadîn-shumu, although rid of his rival, was not yet master 
of the entire kingdom. The Aramæans of the l\larshes, 
or, as they called themselves, the Kaldâ, had refused him 
their allegiance, and were ravaging the regions of the 
Lower Euphrates by their repeated incursions. They con- 
stituted not so much a compact state, as a confederation 

mountains, as the context points out; I am inc1ined to place it near the 
site of Khanekîn, whose gardens are still celebrated, and the strategic 
importance of which is considerable. 
1 Lakhiru comes before Gananatê on the dirf'ct road from Assyria, to the 
south of the Lower Zab, as we learn froUl the account of the campaign 
itself: we shall not do wrong in placing this town either at Kifri, or in its 
neighbourhood on the present caravan route. 
2 :Mount Yasubi is the mountainous district which selmrates Khanekîn 
from Holwân. 



of little states, alternately involved in petty internecine 
quarrels, or temporarily reconciled under the precarious 
authority of a sole monarch. Each separate state bore 
the name of the head of the family-real or mythical- 
from whom all its lllembers prided themselves on being 
descended,-Bît-Dakkuri, Bît-Adini, Bît-Amukkâni, Bît- 
Shalani, Bît-Shalli, and finally Bît- Yakîn, which in the 
end asserted its predominance over all the rest. l In 
demanding Shalmaneser's help, l\larduk-nadîn-shumu had 
virtually thrown on him the responsibility of bringing these 
turbulent subjects to order, and the Assyrian monarch 
accepted the duties of his new position without demur. 
He marched to Babylon, entered the city and went direct 
to the temple of E-shaggîl: the people beheld him approach 
with reverence their deities Bel and Belît, and visit all 
the sanctuaries of the local gods, to whom he made end- 
less propitiatory libations and pure offerings. He hail 
worshipped Ninip in Kuta; he was carefulllot to forget 
N abo of Borsippa, while on the other hand he officiated 
in the temple of Ezida, and consulted its ancient oracle, 
offering upon its altars the flesh of splendid oxen and 
fat lambs. The inhabitants had their part in the festival 
as well as the gods; Shalmaneser summoned them to 
a public banquet, at which be distributed to them 
embroidered garments, and plied them with meats and 
wine; then, after renewing his homage to the gods of 

1 As far as we can judge, Bît-Dakkuri and Bît-Adini were the most 
northerly, the latter lying on Loth sides of the Euphrates, the former on 
the west of the Euphrates, to the south of the Bahr-i-Rejîf; Bît-Yakîn was 
at the southern extremity near the mouths of the Euphrates, and on the 
western shore of tbe Persian Gulf. 


Babylon, he recommenced his campaign, and set out in 
the direction of the sea. Baqâni, the first of the Chaldæan 
cities which Jay on his route, belonged to Bît-Adini,I one 
of the tribes of Bît- Dakkuri; it appeared disposed to resist 
him, and was therefore promptly dismantled and burnt- 
an example which did not fail to cool the warlike inclina- 
tions which had begun to manifest themselves in other 
parts of Bît-Dakkuri. He next crossed the Euphrates, 
and pillaged Enzudî, the fate of which caused tbe remainder 
of Bît-Adini to lay down arms, and the submission of the 
latter brought about that of Bît- Y akîn and Bît-Amukkani. 
These were all rich provinces, and they bought off the 
conqueror liberally: gold, silver, tin, copper, iron, acacia- 
wood, ivory, elephants' skins, were all showered upon 
the invader to secure his mel
CY. It must have been an 
intense satisfaction to the pride of the Assyrians to be 
able to boast that their king bad deigned to offer sacrifices 
in the sacred cities of Accad, and that he had been borne 
by his war-borses to the shores of the Salt Sea; these 
facts, of little moment to us now, appeared to the people 
of those days of decisive importance. No king who was 
not actually master of the country would have been 
tolerated within the temple of the eponymous god, for 
the purpose of celebrating the rites which the sovereign 
alone was empowered to pel'form. Marduk-nadîn-shumu, 

1 The site of Baqâni is unknown; it should be sought for between 
Lamlum and 'Varka, and Eît-Adini in Bît-Dakkuri should be placed 
between the Shatt-et-Kaher and the Arabian desert, if the name of Enzudî, 
the other royal town, situated to the west of the Euphrates, is found, 
as is possible, under a popular etymology, in that of Kalaat ain-Saîd or 
Kalaat ain-es-Said in the modern maps. 


in recognising Shalmaneser's right to act thus, thereby 
acknowledged that he himself was not only the king's 
ally, but his liegeman. This bond of snpremacy doubtless 
did not weigh heavily upon him; as soon as his suzerain 
had evacuated the country, the two kingdoms remained 
much on the same footing as had been established by the 
treaties of the three previous generations. Alliances were 
made between private families belonging to both, peace 
existed between the two sovereigns, interchange of com- 
merce and amenities took place between the two peoples, 
but with one point of difference which had not existed 
formerly: Assur protected Babel, and, by taking pre- 
cedence of l\larduk, he became the real head of the peoples 
of the Euphrates valley. Assured of the subordination, 
or at least of the friendly neutrality of Babylon, Shalma- 
neser had now a free hand to undertake a campaign in 
the remoter regions of Syria, without being constantly 
haunted by the fear that his rival might suddenly swoop 
down upon him in the rear by the valleys of the Radanu 
or the Zabs. He now ran no risks in withdrawing his 
troops from the south-eastern frontier, and in marshalling 
his forces on the slopes of the Armenian Alps or on the 
banks of the Orontes, leaving merely a slender contingent 
in the heart of AssYl'ia proper to act as the necessary 
guardians of order in the capital. 
Since the indecisive battle of Qarqar, the western 
frontier of the empire had receded as far as the Euphrates, 
and Shalmaneser had been obliged to forego the collection 
of the annual Syrian tribute. It would have been an 
excellent opportunity for the I{bâti, while they enjoyed 


this accidental respite, to come to an understanding with 
DalllaSCUS, fOI' the purpose of acting conjointly against 
a comInon enemy; but they let the right moment slip, 
and their isolation made submission inevitable. The effort 
to subdue them cost Shalmaneser dear, both in time and 
men; in the spring of each year he appeared at the fords 
of Tul-barsip and ravaged the environs of Carchemish, 
then marched upon the Orontes to accomplish the 
systematic devastation of some fresh district, or to inflict 
a defeat on such of his adversaries as dared to encounter 
him in the open field. In 850 B.C. the first blow was 
struck at the I\:hâti; Agusi 1 was the next to suffer, and 
its king, Aramê, lost AIoniê, his royal city, .with some 
hundred more townships and strongholds. 2 In 849 B.C. 
it was the turn of Damascus. The league of which Ben- 
hadad had proclaimed himself the suzerain was still in 
existence, but it had recently narrowly escaped dissolution, 

1 Historians have up to the present admitted that this campaign of 
the year 850 took place in Armenia. The context of the account itself 
shows us that, in his tenth year, Shalmaneser advanced against the towns of 
Aramê, immediately after having pillaged the country of the Khâti, which 
inclines me to think that these towns were situated in Northern Syria. 
I have no doubt that the Aramê in question is not the Armenian king 
of that name, hut Aramê the sovereign of Bît-Agusi, who is named several 
times in the Annals of Shalmaneser. 
2 The text of Bltllllo. 1 adds to the account of the war against Aramê, 
that of a war against the Damascene league, which merely repeats the 
account of Shalmaneser's eleventh year. It is generally admitted that the 
war against Aramê falls under his tenth year, and the war against Bf'n- 
hadad during his eleventh year. The scribes must have had at their 
disposal two different versions of one document, in which these two wars 
were described without distinction of year. The compiler of the inscription 
of the Bulls wouM have considered them as forming two distinct accounts, 
which he has placed one after the other. 


and a revolt had almost deprived it of the adherence of 
Israel and the house of Omri-after Hamath, the most 
active of all its members. The losses suffered at Qarqar 
had doubtless been severe enough to shake Ahab's faith 
in the strength of his master and ally. Besides this, it 
would appear that the latter had not honourably fulfilled 
all the conditions of the treaty of peace he had signed 
three years previously; he still held the important fortress 
of Ramoth-gilead, and he delayed handing it over to ..Ahab 
in spite of his oath to restore it. Finding that he could 
not regain possession of it by fair means, Ahab resolved 
to take it by force. l A great change in feeling and politics 
had taken place at Jerusalem. Jehoshaphat, ,vho occupied 
the throne, ,vas, like his father, a devout worshipper 
of J ahveh, but his piety did not blind him to the secular 
needs of the moment. The experience of his predecessors 
had shown that the union of the twelve tribes under the 
rule of a scion of Judah was a thing of the past for ever; 
all attempts to restore it had ended in failure and blood- 
shed, and the house of David had again only lately been 
saved from ruin by the dearly bought intervention of 
Ben-hadad 1. and his Syrians. J ehoshaphat from the 
outset clearly saw the necessity of avoiding these errors 
of the past; he accepted the situation and sought the 
friendship of Israel. 
\.n alliance between two princes so 
unequal in power could only result in a disguised suzerainty 
for one of them and a state of vassalage for the other; 
what Ben-hadad's alliance was to Ahab, that of Ahab 
was to J ehoshaphat, and it served his purpose In spite 
lIKings xxii. 3. 




of the opposition of the prophets. 1 The strained relations 
between the two countries were relaxed, and the severed 
tribes on both sides of the frontier set about repairing their 
losses; while Hiel the Bethelite at length set about 
re building Jericho on behalf of Samaria, 2 J ehosba phat was 
collecting around him a large army, and strengthening 
Lillself on the west against the Philistines and on the 
south against the Bedawîn of the desert. 3 The marriage 
of his eldest son J ehoram * with Athaliah subsequently 
bound the two courts together by still closer ties; 4 mutual 

1 The subordinate position of J ehoshaphat is clearly indicated by the 
reply which he makes to Ahab when the latter asks him to accompany him 
on this expedition: "I am as thou art, my people as thy people, my horses 
as thy horses" (1 Kings xxii. 4). 
2 1 Kings xvi. 34, where the writer has preserved the remembrance of a 
double human sacrifice, destined, according to the common custom in the 
whole of the East, to create guardian spirits for the new building: "he laid 
the foundation thereof with the loss of Abiram his firstborn, and set up the 
gates thereof with the loss of his youngest son Segub; according to the word 
of the Lord." [For the curse pronounced on whoever should rebuild Jericho, 
see Josh. vi. 26.--TR.] 
3 2 Citron. xvii. 10-19, where the narrative must haye some basis of 

 [Following the distinction in spelling given in 2 ]Gngs viii. 25, I have 
everywhere written Joram (of Israel) and Jehoram (of Judah), to avoid 
4 Athaliah is sometimes called the daughter of Ahab (2 Kings viii. 18), 
and sometimes the daughter of Omri (2 ]Gngs viii. 26 ; cf. 2 Chron. xxii. 2), 
and several authors prefer the latter filiation, while the majority see in it a 
mistake of the Hebrew scribe. It is possible that both attributions may be 
correct, for we see by the Assyrian inscriptions that a sovereign is called the 
son of the founder of his line even when he was several generations removed 
from him: thus, 
lerodach-baladan, the adversary of Sargon of Assyria
himself son of Iakîn, although the founder of the Bît-Iakîn had been dead 
many centuries before his accession. The document used in 2 Kings viii. 26 
may have employed the term c7auJ7ttcr of Omri in the same manner 



visits \vere exchanged, and it was on the occaSion of a 
stay made by J ehoshaphat at J ezreel that the expedition 
against Ramoth was finally resolved on. It might well 
have appeared a more than foolhardy enterprise, and it 
was told in Israel that J\ficaiah, a prophet, the SOIl of 
Imlah, had predicted its disastrous ending. "I saw," 
exclaimed the prophet, "the Lord sitting on His throne, 
and all the host of heaven standing on His right hand 
and on His left. And the Lord said, 'Vho shall entice 
Ahab that he may go up and fall at Ramoth-gilead? 
.Lind one said on this manner, and another said on that 
manner. And there came forth a spirit, and stood before 
the Lord, and said, I will entice him. And the Lord 
said unto him, \Vherewith? And he said, I will go forth, 
and will be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets. 
And He said, Thou shalt entice him, and shalt prevail 
also: go forth, and do so. Now theI'efore, behold, the 
Lord hath put a lying spirit in the mouth of all these 
thy prophets; and the Lord hath spoken evil concerning 
thee." 1 
'The two kings thereupon invested Ramoth, and 
Ben-badad hastened to the defence of his fortress. 
Selecting thirty-two of his bravest charioteers, he com- 
manded them to single out Ahab only for attack, and not 
fight \vith others until they had slain him. This injunction 
happened in some way to come to the king's ears, and he 
therefore disguised himself as a common soldier, while 

merely to indicate that the Queen of Jerusalem belonged to the house of 
lIKings xxii. 5-23, reproduced in 2 Citron. xviii.. 4-22. 


,J ehoshaphat retained his ordinary dress. Attracted by the 
richness of the latter's armour, the Syrians fell upon hinl, 
but on his raising his war-cry they perceived their mistake, 
and turning from the Ring of Judah they renewed their 
quest of the Israelitish leader. \Vhile they were vainly 
seeking him, an archer drew a bow "at a venture," and 
pierced him in the joints of his cuirass. ""\Vherefore he 
said to his charioteer, Turn thine hand, and carry me out of 
the host; for I am SOl'e wounded." Perceiving, however, 
that the battle was going against him, he revoked the order, 
and remained on the field the ,vhole day, supported by Lis 
armour-bearers. He expired at sunset, and the news of his 
death having spread panic through the ranks, a cry arose, 
" Every man to his city, and every man to his country! " 
The king's followers bore his body to Samaria, l and Israel 

lIKings xxii. 28-38 (cf. 2 Citron. xviii. 28-34), with interpolations in 
verses 35 and 38. It is impossible to establish the chronology of this period 
with any certainty, so entirely do the Hebrew accounts of it differ from the 
Assyrian. The latter mention Ahab as alive at the time of the battle of 
Qarqar in 854 B.C. and J elm on the throne in 842 D.C. "7" e must, therefore, 
place in the intervening twelve years, first, the end of Ahab's reign; 
secondly, the two years of Ahaziah; thirdly, the twelve years of Joram; 
fourthly, the beginning of the reign of Jehu-in all, possibly fourteen years. 
The reign of J oram has been prolonged beyond reason by the Hebrew 
ts, and it alone lends itself to be curtailed. Admitting that the 
siege of Samaria preceded the battle of Qarqar, we may surmise that the 
three years which elapsed, according to the tradition (1 Kings xxii. 1), 
between the triumph of Ahab and his death, fall into two unequal periods, 
two previous to Qarqar, and one after it, in such a manner that the revolt 
of Israel would have been the result of the defeat of the Damascenes; Ahab 
must have died in 835 B.C., as most modern historians agree. On the other 
hand, it is scarcely probable that Jehu ascended the throne at the very 
moment that Shalmaneser was defeating Hazael in 842 B.C.; we can only 
carry back his accession to the preceding year, possibly 843. The duration 



again relapsed into the position of a vassal, probably under 
the same conditions as before the revolt. Ahaziah survived 
his father two years, and was succeeded by his brother 
Joram. 1 'Vhen Shalmaneser, in 849 B.C., reappeal'ed in the 
valley of the Orontes, J oram sent out against hiln bis 
prescribed contingent, and the conquered Israelites once 
more fought for their conqueror. The Assyrians had, as 
usual, maltreated the Khâti. After baving pillaged the 
towns of Carchemish and Agusi, they advanced on the 
Amanos, held to ransom the territory of the Patinâ 
enclosed within the bend of the Orontes, and descending 
upon Hamath by way of the districts of Iaraku and Ashta- 
maku, they came into conflict with the army of the twelve 
kings, though on this occasion the contest was so bloody 
that they were forced to withc1ra w immediately after their 
success. They had to content themselves with sacking 
A pparazu, one of the citadels of Aramê, and with collecting 
the tribute of Garparuda of the Patinâ; which done, they 
skirted the Amanos and provided themselves with beams 

of two years for the reign of Ahaziah can only be reduced by a few months, 
if indeed as much as that, as it allows of a full year, and par
 of a second 
year (cf. 1 King8 xxii. 51, where it is said that Ahaziah ascended the throne 
in the 17th year of Jehoshaphat, and 2 Kings iii. 1, where it states that 
.loram of Israel succeeded Abaziah in the 18th y('ar of the same Jehosha- 
phat); in pla.cing the!'Je two years between 853 and 8:;1, there will remain 
for the reign of Joram the period comprised between 851 and 843, namely, 
eight years, instead of the twelve attributed to him by biblical traflition. 
1 The Hebrew documents merely make mention of Ahaziah's accession, 
length of reign, and death (1 King8 xxii. 40, 31-53, and 2 King8 i. 2-17). 
The Assyrian texts do not mention his name, but they state that in 84D 
" the twelve kings" fought against Shalmaneser, and, as we baye already 
sepn, one of the twelve was King of Israel, here, therefore necessarily 
Ahaziah, whose successor was Joram. 


from its cedars. The two following years were spent in 
harrying the people of Paqarakhbuni, on the right bank of 
the Euphrates, in the dependencies of the ancient kingdom 
of Adini (848 B.C.), and in plundering the inhabitants of 
Ishtaratê in the country of Iaîti, near the sources of the 
Tigris (84'7 B.C.), till in 846 they returned to try their 
fortune again in Syria. They transported 120,000 men 
across the Euphrates, hoping perhaps, by the mere mass 
of such a force, to crush their enemy in a single battle; 
but Ben-hadad was supported by his vassals, and their 
combined army must have been as formidable numerically 
as that of the Assyrians. As usual, after the engagement, 
Shalmaneser claimed the victory, but he did not succeed 
in intimidating the allies or in wresting from them a single 
rood of territory.l Discouraged, doubtless, by so many 
fruitless attempts, he decided to suspend hostilities, at all 
events for the present. In 845 B.C. he visited N aîri, and 
caused an "image of his royal l\Iajesty" to be carved at 
the source of the Tigris close to the very spot where the 
stream first rises. Pushing forward through the defiles of 
Tunibuni, he next invaded U rartu, and devastated it as 
far as the sources of the Euphrates; on reaching these he 
purified his arms in the virgin spring, and offered a sacrifice 
to the gods. On his return to the frontier, the chief of 
Dayaini " embraced his feet," and presented him with some 
thoroughbred horses. In 844 B.C. he crossed the Lower 
Zab and plunged into the heart of Namri; this country 

1 The care which the king takes to specify that "with 120,000 men he 
crossed the Euphrates in flood-time" very probably shows that this number 
was for him in some respects an unusual one. 


had long been under Babylonian influence, ana its princes 
b01'e Selnitic names. :ßlardukmndamrniq, who was then 
its ruler, betook himself to the mountains to preserve his 
life; but his treasures, idols, and troops were carried off to 
Assyria, and he was superseded on the throne by Ianzu, 
the son of I{hambâu, a noble of Cossæan origin. As might 
be expected after such severe exertions, Shalmaneser 
apparently felt that he deserved a time of }'epose, for his 
chroniclers merely note the date of 843 B.C. as that of an 
inspection, terminating in a felling of cedars in the 
Amanos. As a fact, there was nothing stirring on the 
frontier. Chalùæa itself looked upon him as a benefactor, 
almost as a suzentin, and by its position between Elarn and 
Assyria, protected the latter from any quarrel with Susa. 
The nations on the east continued to pay their tribute 
without coercion, and N amri, ,vhich alone entertained 
pretensions to independence, had just received a severe 
lesson. U rartu had not acknowledged the supremacy 
of Assnr, but it had suffered in the last invasion, and 
Aramê had shown no further sign of hostility. The tribes 
of the Upper Tigris-Knmmukh and Adini-accepted their 
position as subjects, and any trouble arising in that quarter 
was treated as merely an ebullition of local dissatisfaction, 
and was promptly crushed. The !{hâti were exhausted by 
the systematic destruction of their towns and their 
harvests. Lastly, of the principalities of the Amanos, 
Gurgum, SamaHa, and the Patinâ, if some had occasionally 
taken part in the struggles for independence, the others hall 
always remained faithful in the performance of their duties 
as vassals. Datuascus alone held out, ana the valonr with 


which she had endured all the attacks made on her showed 
no signs of abatement; unless any internal disturbance 
arose to diminish her strength, she was likely to be able to 
resist the growing power of Assyria for a long time to come. 
It was at the very time when her supremacy appeared 
to be thus firmly established that a revolution broke out, 
the effects of which soon undid the work of the preceding 
two or three generations. Ben-hadad, disembarrassed of 
Shalmaneser, desired to profit by the respite thus gained 
to make a final reckoning with the Israelites. It would 
appear that their fortune had been on the wane ever since 
the heroic death of Ahab. Immediately after the disaster 
at Ramoth, the 
loabites had risen against Ahaziah/ and 
their king, JYIesha, son of I(amoshgad, had seized the 
territory north of the Arnon 'which belonged to the tribe 
of Gad; he had either killed or carried away the Jewish 
population in order to colonise the district with lYfoabites, 
and he had then fortified lTIOst of the towns, beginning 
with Dhibon, his capital. Owing to the shortness of his 
reign, Ahaziah had been unable to take measures to hinder 
him; but Joram, as soon as he was firmly seated on the 
throne, made every effort to regain possession of his 
province, and claimed the help of his ally or vassal 
J ehoshapl1at. 2 The latter had done his best to l'epair the 

1 2 Kings iii. 5. The text does not name Ahaziah, and it might be con- 
cluded that the revolt took place under J oram; the expression employpd by 
the Hebrew writer, however, "when Ahab was dead. . . the King of 
:Moab rebelled against the King of Israel," does not permit of it being placed 
otherwise than at the opening of Ahaziah's reign. 
2 2 Kin!Js iii. 6, 7, where J ehoshaphat replies to J oram in the samc terms 
which he had used to Ahab. Tht' chronological difliculties induced Ed, 



losses caused by the war with Syria. Being Lord of Edam, 
he bad been tempted to follow the example of Solomon, 
and the deputy who commanded in his name had con- 
structed a vessel * at Ezion-geber" to go to Ophir for 
gold;" but the vessel was wrecked before quitting the 
port, and the disaster was regarded by the king as a 
punishment from J ahveh, for ,vben Ahaziah suggested 
that the enterpl'ise should be renewed at their joint 
expense, he refused the offer. l But the sudden insurrection 
of l\1oab threatened him as luuch as it did J oram, and he 
gladly acceded to the latter's appeal for help. Apparently 
the simplest way of approaching the enemy would have 
been from the north, choosing Gilead as a base of 
operations; but the line of fortresses constructed by l\1esha 
at this vulnerable point of his frontier was so formidable, 
that the allies resolved to attack from the south after 

Meyer to replace the name of Jehoshaphat in this passage by that of his son 
Jehoram. As Stade has remarked, the presence of two kings both bearing 
the name of Jehoram in the same campaign against 1\:loab would have been 
one of those facts which strike the popular imagination, and would not have 
been forgotten; Ü the Hebrew author has connected the 1\:loabite war with 
the name of J ehoshaphat, it is because his sources of information furnished 
him with that king's name. 
=11= [Both in the Hebrew and the Septuagint the ships are in the plural 
number in 1 Kin!Js xxii. 48, 49.-TR.] 
lIKings xxii. 48, 4D, where the Hebrew writer calls the vessel con- 
structed by J ehoshaphat a "ship of Tarshish;" that is, a vessel built to 
make long voyages. The author of the Chronicles thought that the .Jewish 
expedition to Ezion-geber on the Red Sea was destined to go to Tarshish in 
Spain. He has, moreover, transformed the vessel into a fleet, and has 
associated Ahaziah in the enterprise, contrary to the testimony of the Book 
of Kings; finally, he has introduced into the account a prophet nam('d 
Eliezer, who represents the disaster as a chastisement for the alliance with 
Ahaziah (2 CItron. xx. 33-3;), 


passing the lower extremity of the Dead Sea. They 
marched for seven days in an arid desel.t, digging wells 
as they proceeded for the necessary supply of water. 
]Uesha awaited them with his hastily assernbled tl'OOPS on 
the confines of the cultivated land; the allies routed him 
and blockaded hÜn within his city of Kir-hareseth. 1 Closely 
beset, and despairing of any help from man, he had 
recourse to the last resource which religion provided for 
his salvation; taking his firstborn son, he offered him to 
Chemosb, and burnt him on the city wall in sight of the 
besiegers. The Israelites knew what obligations this 
sacrifice entailed upon the 
Ioabite god, and the succour 
which be would be constrained to give to his devotees in 
conseqnence. They thel'efore raised the siege and dis- 
banded in all directions. 2 l'tlesha, delivered at the very 
momeut that his cause seemed hopeless, dedicated a stele 
in the temple of Dhibôn, on which he recorded his victories 
and related what meaSUl'es he had taken to protect his 
people. s He still feared a repetition of the invasion, but 

1 IGr-Hareseth or Kir-l\Ioab is tbe present Kerak, the Krak of mediæval 
2 The account of the campaign (
 Kings iii. 8-27) belongs to the pro- 
phetic cyclE" of Elisha, and seems to give merely a popular version of thp 
event. A king of Edam is mentioned (9-10, 12-13), while elsewhere, under 
Jeboshaphat, it is stated" there was nu king in Edom" (1 Kings xxii. 47); 
the geography also of the route taken by the expedition is somewhat con- 
fused. Finally, thp account of the siege of Kir-hareseth is mutilated, and 
the compiler has abridged the episode of the human sacrifice, as being too 
conducive to the honour of Chemosh and to the dishonour of Jahveh. The 
main facts of the account are correct, but the details are not clear, and 
do not all bear the stamp of veracity. 
S This is the famous :,Moahite Stone or stele of Dhibûn, discovered by 
Clermont-G anneau in 1868, and now preserved in the Lou Yre. 



this misfortune was spared him; J ehoshaphat was gatbel'ec1 
to bis fathers/ and bis Edomite subjects revolted on 
receiving the news 
of his death. J eho- 
ram, his son and 


1 The date of the death 
of J ehoshaphat may be 
fixed as 849 or 848 B.C. 
The biblical documents 
give us for the period of 
the history of Judah fol- 
lowing on the death of 
Ahab: First, eight years 
of Jehoshaphat, from. the 
17th year of his reign (1 
Kings xxii. 51) to his 25th 
(and last) year (1 Kinas 
xxii. 42); secondly, eight 
years of J ehoram, son of 
J ehoshaphat (2 Kinas viii. 
17); thirdly, one year of 
Ahaziah. son of Jehoram 
(2 Kings viii. 2G)-in all 
17 years, which must be 
reduced and condensed into 
the period between 853 
D.C., the probable date of 
the battle of Ramoth, and 
843, the equally probable 
date of the accession of 
Jehu. The reigns of the 
two Ahaziahs are too short 
to be further abridged; we must therefore place the campaign against 1\Ioab 
at the earliest in 850, during the months which followed the accession of 
Joram of Israel, and lengthen Jehoshaphat's reign from 830 to 849. There 
will then be room between 849 and 844 for five years (instead of eight) for 
the reign of J ehoram of Judah. 
2 From a photograph by Faucher-
udin, retouched by l\Iassias from the 






. .' 


.. POi. 





successor, at once took up arms to bring them to a sense 
of their duty; but they surrounded his camp, and it was 
with difficulty that he cut his way through their ranks 
and escaped during the night. The defection of the old 
Canaanite city of Libnah followed quickly on this reverse, 1 
and J ehoram was powerless to avenge himself on it, the 
Philistines and the Bedâwin having threatened the western 
part of his territory and raided the country.2 In the midst 
of these calamities Judah had no leisure to take further 
measures against Mesha, and Israel itself had suffered too 
severe a blow to attempt retaliation. The advanced age 
of Ben-hadad, and the unsatisfactory l'esult of the campaigns 
against Shalmaneser, had furnished J or am with an occasion 
for a rupture with Damascus. War dragged on for some 
time apparently, till the tide of fortune turned against 
J oram, and, like his father Ahab in similar circumstances, 
he shut himself within Samaria, where the false alarm of 
an Egyptian or Hittite invasion pI'oduced a panic in the 
Syrian camp, and restored the fortunes of the Israelitish 
king. 3 Ben-hac1ad did not long survive the reverse he 

Ol'iginal in the Louvre. The fainter parts of the stele are the portions 
restored in the original. 
1 2 J(ings viii. 
O-22; cf. 2 Chron. xxi. 8-10. 
2 This war is mpntioned only in 2 Chron. xxi. 1 G, 17, where it is represented 
as a chastisement from Jahveh; the Philistines anù "the Arabs which al'e 
beside thp Ethiopians" (Kush) seem to have taken Jerusalem, pillaged the 
palace, and carried away the wives and children of the king into captivity, 
" so that there was never a son left him, save J choahaz (AhazÏah), the 
youngest of his sons." 
3 Kuenen has proposed to take the whole account of the reign of Joram, 
son of Ahab, and transfer it to that of J ehoahaz, son of J el1U, and this theory 
has bpen approved hy sf'veral recent critics and historians. On the other 
hand, some have desired to connect it with the account of the siege of 


1 ')- 

had experienced; he returned sick and at the point of 
death to Damascus, where he was assassinated by Hazael, 
one of his captains. Hebrew tradition points to the 
influence of the prophets in all these events. The aged 
Elijah had disappeared, so ran the story, caught up to 
heaven in a chariot of fire, but his mantle had fallen on 
Elisha, and his power still survived in his disciple. l Fronl 
far and near Elisha's counsel was sought, alike by Gentiles 
as by the followers of the true God; whether the suppliant 
was the weeping Shunamite mourning for the loss of her 
only son/ or N aaman the captain of the Damascene 
chariotry,3 he granted their petitions, and raised the child 
from its bed, and healed the soldier of bis leprosy. During 
the siege of Samaria, he had several times frustrated the 
enemy's designs, and had predicted to Joram not only 
the fact but the hour of deliverance, and the circumstances 
which would accompany it. 4 Ben-hadad had sent Hazael 
to the prophet to ask him if he should recover, and Elisha 
had wept on seeing the envoy-" Because I know the evil 
that thou wilt do unto the children of Israel; their strong- 
holds wilt thou set on fire, and their young men wilt thou 
slay with the sword, and wilt dash in pieces their little 
ones, and rip up theil' women with child. And Hazael 
said, But what is thy serv,ant which is but a dog, that 
he should do this great thing? And Elisha answered, 
The Lord hath showed me that thou shalt be king over 

Samaria in Ahab's reign. I fail to see any reasonable argument which can 
be brought against the authenticity of the main fact, whatever opinion may 
be held with regard to the details of the biblical narrative. 
I 2 Kings ii, 1-15. 2 2 Kings iv. 8-37. 
3 2 Kings v. 4 2 Kings vi. 8-33; vii. 


Syria." On l'eturning to Damascus Hazael gave the 
l"esults of his mission in a reassuring manner to Ben-hadad, 
but" on the morrow. . . he took the coverlet and dipped 
it in water, and spread it on his face, so that he died." 1 
The deed which deprived it of its king, seriously 
affected Damascus itself. It ,vas to Ben-hadad that it 
owed most of its prosperity; he it was who had humiliated 
Hamath and the princes of the coast of Arvad, and the 
nomads of the Arabian desert. He had witnessed the rise 
of the most energetic of all the Israelite dynasties, and he 
had curbed its ambition; Omri had been forced to pay him 
tribute; Ahab, Ahaziah, and Joram had continued it; 
and Ben-hadad's suzerainty, recognised more or less by 
their vassals, had extended through Moab and Judah as far 
as the Red Sea. Not only had he skilfully built up this' 
fabric of vassal states which made him lord of two-thirds of 
Syria, but he had been able to preserve it unshaken for a 
quarter of a century, in spite of rebellions in several of his 
fiefs and reiterated attacks from Assyria; Shalmaneser, 
indeed, had made an attack on his line, but without 
breaking through it, and had at length left him master of 
the field. This superiority, however, which no reverse 
could shake, lay in himself and in himself alone; no sooner 
had he passed away than it suddenly ceased, and Hazael 
found himself restricted from the very outset to the 
territory of Damascus proper. 2 Hamath, Arvad, and the 

 Kings viii. 7-15. 
2 From this point onward, the Assyrian texts which mentioned the 
twelve llings of the Khâti, lrkhulini of Hamath and Adadidri (Ben-hadad) of 
Damascus, now only llalliC Klwzailzt of the country of Damascus. 



northern peoples deserted the league, to return to it no 
more; J oram of Israel called on his nephew Ahaziah, who 
had just succeeded to J ehoram of Judah, and both together 
marched to besiege Ramoth. The Israelites ,vere not 
successful in their methods of carrying on sieges; J oram, 
wounded in a skirmish, retired to his palace at J ezreel, 
where Ahaziah joined him a few days later, on the pretext 
of inquiring after his weHare. 1 The prophets of both 
kingdoms and their followers had never forgiven the family 
of Ahab their half-foreign extraction, nor their eclecticism 
in the matter of religion. They had numerous partisans in 
both armies, and a conspiracy was set on foot against the 
absent sovereigns; Elisha, judging the occasion to be a 
propitious one, despatched one of his disciples to the canlp 
with secret instructions. The generals were all present at 
a banquet, when the messenger arrived; he took one of 
them, Jehu, the son of Nimshi, on one side, anointed him, 
and then escaped. Jehu returned, and seated himself 
amongst his fellow-officers, who, unsuspicious of what had 
happened, questioned him as to the errand. "Is all well ? 
\Vherefore came this mad fellow to thee? And he said 
unto them, Ye know the man and what his talk was. And 
they said, It is false; tell us now. And he said, Thus and 
thus spake he to lne, saying, Thus saith the Lord, I have 
anointed thee king over Israel. Then they hasted, and 
took every man his gannent and put it under him on the 
top of the stairs, and blew the trumpet, saying, Jehu is 
king." He at once marched on J ezreel, and the two kings, 
surprised at this movement, went out to meet him with 

1 2 Kings viii. 28, 29. 


scarcely any escort. The two parties had hardly met when 
J oram asked, "Is it peace, Jehu? " to which Jehu replied, 
"What peace, so long as the whoredoms of thy mother 
J ezebel and her witchcrafts are so many?" \Vhereupon 
J oram turned rein, crying to his nephew, "There is 
treachel'y, 0 Ahaziåh." But an arrow pierced him through 
the heart, and he fell forward in his chariot. Ahaziah, 
wounded near Ibleam, managed, however, to take refuge in 
l\Iegiddo, ,vhere he died, his servants bringing the body 
back to J erusalem. 1 When J ezebel heard tbe news, she 
guessed the fate which awaited her. She painted her eyes 
and tired her head, and posted herself in one of the upper 
windows of the palace. As Jehu entered the gates sbe 
l'eproached him with the words, "Is it peace, thou Zimri-..- 
thy In aster's murderer? And he lifted np his face to the 
windo,v and said, Who is on my side-who? Two or three 
eunuchs rose up behind the queen, and he called to them, 
Thl'ow her down. So they tbrew her down, and some of 
her blood was sprinkled on the wall and on tbe horses; and 
he trode her under foot. And when he was come in he did 
eat and drink; and he said, See now to this cursed woman 
and bury her; for sbe is a king's daughter." But nothing 
was found of her except bel' skull, hands, and feet, which 
they buried as best they could. Seventy princes, the 
entire family of Ahab, ,vere slain, and their heads piled up 
on either side of the gate. The priests and worshippers of 

1 According to the very curtailed account in 2 Chron. xxii. 9, Ahaziah 
appears to have hidden himself in Sam aria, where he was discovered and 
taken to Jehu, who had him killed. This account may perhaps have 
belonged to the different version of which a fragment has been preserved in 
2 Kings x. 12-17. 


Baal l'mnained to be dealt with. Jehu summoned them to 
Sall1aria on the pretext of a sacrifice, and Inassacred them 
before the altars of their god. l According to a doubtful 
tradition, the brothers and relatives of Ahaziah, ignorant of 
what had happened, came to salute J orain, and perished in 
the confusion of the slaughter, and the line of David 
narrowly escaped extinction with the house of Omri. 2 
Athaliah assulned the regency, broke the tie of vassalage 
which bound Judah to Israel, and by a singular irony of 
fate, J erusalen1 offered an asylum to the last of the children 
of Ahab. 3 The treachery of Jehu, in addition to his 
inexpiable cruelty, terrified the faithful, even while it served 
their ends. Dynastic crimes were common in those days, 
but the tragedy of J ezreel eclipsed in horror all others that 
bad preceded it; it was at length felt that such avenging 
of J ahveh was in His eyes too l'uthless, and a century later 
the Prophet Hosea saw in the misery of his people the 
divine chastisement of the house of Jehu for the blood shed 
at his accession. 4 
The report of these events, reaching Calah, awoke the 
alnbition of Shalmaneser. \Vould Damascus, mistrusting 
its usurper, deprived of its northern allies, and ill-treated by 

1 2 Kings ix.; x. 1-12, 18-27. 
2 2 Kings x. 12-14. Stade has shown that this account i!'l in direct con- 
tradiction with its immedia.te context, and t.hat it belonged to a version of 
the events differing in (letail from the one which has come down to us. 
According to the latter, Jehu must at once have met J ehonadab the son of 
Rechab, and have entered Samaria in his company (vel's. 15-17); this would 
have been a poor way of inspiring the priests of Baal with the confidenc(> 
necessary for drawing them into the trap. According to 2 Citron. xxii. 8, 
the massacre of the princes of Judah preceded the murder of Ahaziah. 
3 2 Kings xi. 1; d. 2 Clt1'On. xxii. 10. 4 Hosea Í. 4, 5. 




the Hebrews, prove itself as invulnerable as in the past? 
At all events, in 842 n.c., Shalmaneser once more crossed 
the Euphrates, marched along the Orontes, probably 
receiving the homage of Hamath and Arvad by the way. 
Restricted solely to the resources of Damascus, Hazael did 
not yenture to ad vance into Cæle-Syria as Ben-hadad had 
always done; he barricaded the defiles of Anti-Lebanon, 
and, entrenched on 1\fount Shenir with the flower of his 
troops, prepared to await the attack. It proved the most 
bloody battle that the Assyrians had up to that period ever 
fought. Hazael lost 16,000 foot-soldiers, 470 horsemen, 
1121 chariots, and yet succeeded in falling back on 
Damascus in good order. Shalmaneser, finding it 
Ì111possible to force the city, devastated the surrounding 
country, burnt numberless villages and farms, and fened all 
the fruit trees in the Haurân up to the margin of the desert. 
This district had never, since the foundation of the 
kingdom by Rezon a century before, suffered at the hands 
of an enemy's army, and its population, enriched as much 
by peaceful labour as by the spoil of its successful 'wars, 
offered a prize of incalculable value. On his return lnarch 
Shalmaneser raided the Bekaa, entered Phænicia, anù 
carved a triumpha1 stele on one of the l'ocks of Baalirasi. 1 
The I\:ings of Tyre and Sidon hastened to offer hÌ1n 

1 The site of Baalirasi is left undecided by A!'Isyriologists. The cyents 
which follow enable us to affirm with tolerable certainty that the point on 
the coast where Sha]maneser received the tributes of Tyre and Sidon is none 
other than thf' mouth of the Nahr-el-Kelb: the name Baa]irasi, "the master 
of the ]1('ad," would then be applicable to the rocky point which rises to the 
south of the river, and on which Egyptian kings had already sculptured their 


numerous gifts, and Jehu, who owed to his presence 
temporary itnrnunity from a Syrian invasion, sent his 
envoys to greet him, accompanied by offerings of gold and 
silver in bars, vessels of gold of various forms, situlæ, 
salvers, cups, drinking-vessels, tin, sceptres, and wanùs of 
precious woods. Shalmaneser's pride was flattered by this 
homage, and he carved on one of his monurnents the 

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representation of this first official connection of Assyria 
with Israel. The chief. of the em1Jassage is shown pros- 
trating himself and kissing the dust before the king, while 
the rest advance in single fi
e, some with vessels in their 
hands, some carrying sceptres, or with metal bowls 
snppoTted on their heaùs. The prestige of tbe house of 
Olnri ,vas still a living influence, or else the Ninevite 
scribes were imperfectly informed of the internal changes 

1 Dm,wn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the scenes reprcsentpd on the 
Black Obelisk. 


which had taken place in Israel, for the inscril)tion 
accompanying this bas-relief calls Jehu the son of Olnri, 
and grafts the regicide upon the genealogical tree of his 
victÌIns. Shalmaneser's victory had been so dearly bought, 
that the following year the Assyrians merely attelnpted an 
expedition for tree-felling in the Amanos (841 B.C.). Their 

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next move 'was to push forward into IÜlÎ, in the direction of 
the Pyramos and Saros (840 B.C.). In the summer of 8S0 
they once more ventured southwards, but this time Hazael 
changed his tactics: pitched battles and massed move- 
ments, in which the fate of a campaign was decided by one 
cast of the dice, were now avoided, and ambuscades, guerilla 
warfare, and long and tedious sieges became the order of 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs of the Black 

 JEHU 133 

the day. By the tir.p.e that four towns had been taken, 
Sl1almaneser's patience was worn out: he drew off his 
troops and fell back Oll Phænicia, laying Tyre, Sidon, 
and Byblos under tribute before returning into l\lesopo- 
tamia. I-Iazael had shown himself possessed of no less 
energy than Ben-hadad; and Damascus, isolated, had 
proved as formidable a foe as Damascus surrounded by its 
vassals; Shalmaneser therefore pl'eferred to leave matters 
as they were, and accept the situation. Indeed the results 
obtained were of sufficient importance to warrant his feeling 
some satisfaction. He had l'uthlessly dispelled the dream 
of Syrian hegemony which had buoyed up Ben-badad, he 
had forced Damascus to witbdraw' the suzerainty it had 
exercised in the south, and he had conquered Northern 
Syria and the lower basin of the Orontes. Before running 
any furtber risks, he judged it prudent to strengthen his 
recently acquired authority over these latter countries, and 
to accustom the inhabitants tü their new position as subjects 
of Nineveh. 
He showed considerable wisdom by choosing the tribes 
of tho Taurus and of the Cappadociall marches as the first 
objects of attack. In regions so difficult of access, war 
could only be carried on with considerable hardship and 
severe loss. The country ,vas seamed by torrents and 
densely covered 'with undergrowth, while the towns and 
villages, which clung to the steep sides of the valleys, 
had no need of walls to becoIl1e effective fortresses, for 
the bouses rose abruptly one above another, and fonned 
so many redoubts which the enelny would be forced to 
attack and take one by one. Few pitched battles could 

13-1 ASSYRL\.

be fought in a district of this description; the Assyrians 
W01'e themselves out in incessant skirmishes and endless 
petty sieges, and were barely compensated by the meagre 
spoil which such warfare yielded. In 838 B.C. Shalmaneser 
swept over the country of Tabal and reduced t'wenty-four 




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of its princes to a state of subjection; proceeding thence, 
he visited the mountains of Turat/ celebrated from this 
period downwards for their silver mines and quarries of 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Alfred Boissier. 
2 The position of the mountains of Turat is indicated by the nature of 
their products: ,,"T e know of a 'mine at l\Iarash and an iron mine not 
worked, and two fine quarries, one of pink and the other of black marble." 
Turat, therefore, must be the 
Iarash mountain, the Aghir-Dagh and its 
spurs; hence the two sorts of stone mentioned ill the Assyrian text would 
be, the one the pink, the other the black marble. 

"\v AHS I


valuable marbles. In 837 he seized tbe stronghold of 
U êtash in 1\lelitene, and laid Tabal under a fresh contribu- 
tion; this constituted a sort of advance post for Assyria 
in the sight of those warlike and continually fluctuating 
races situated between the sources of the Halys and the 
desert border of Åsia 1\linor. 1 Secure on this side, he 
was about to bring matters to a close in Cilicia, when 
the defection of Ianzu recalled him to the opposite ex- 
tremity of the empire. He penetrated into N amri by the 
defiles of I{bashmur,2 made a hasty march through Sik- 
hisatakb, Bît-Tamul, Bît-Shakki, and Bît-Shedi, surprised 
the rebels and drove them into the forests; he then bore 
down on Parsua 3 and plundered twenty-seven petty kings 

1 A fragment of an anonymous list, discovered by Delitzsch, puts the 
expedition against the Tabal in 837 B.C. instead of in 838, and consequently 
makes the entire series of ensuing expeditions one year later, up to the revolt 
of Assur-dain-pal. This is evidently a mistake of the scribe who compiled 
 edition of the Canon, and the chronology of a contemporary monument, 
such as the Black Obelisk, ought to obtain until further light can be thrown 
on the subject. 
2 For the site of Khashmur or Khashmar, cf. supra, p. 33, note 3. The 
other localities cannot as yet be identified with any modern site; we may 
conjecture that they were scattered about the basin of the upper Dîyalah. 
3 Par sua, or with the native termination Parsuash, has been identified 
first with Persia and then with Parthia, and Rost still persists in its 
identification, if not with the Parthia of classical geographers, at least with 
the Parthian people. Schrader has sþown that it ought to be sought between 
Namri on the south and the Jlannai on the north, in one of the valleys of 
the Gordyæan mountains, and his demonstration has been accepted with a 
few modifications of detail by most scholars. I believe it to be possible to 
determine its position with still further precision. Parsua on one side lay 
on the border of Namri, which comprises the districts to the east of the 
Dîyalah in the direction of Zohab, and was contiguous to the l\Iedes on the 
other side, and also to the l\Iannai, who occupied the southern regions of Lake 
U rumiah ; it also lies close to Bìt-Khamban, the principal of the Cossæan 


consecutively; skirting 1\lisi, Amadai, Araziash,t and 
I{harkhar, and most of the districts lying on tho middle 
heights of the table-land of Iran, he at length came up 
with Ianzu, whom he seized and brought back prisoner to 
Assyria, together ,vith his family and his idols. It was 
at this juncture, perhaps, that he received from the people 
of 1\1 uzri the gift of an elephant and some large monkeys, 
representations of which he has left us on one of his bas- 
reliefs. Elephants 'were becoming l'are, and it was not 
now possible to kill them by the hundred, as fOrIl1erly, in 
Syria: this particular anirnal, therefore, excited the 
wonder of the Ninevites, and the possession of it flattered 
the vanity of the conqueror. This was, however, an inter- 
lude of shOl't duration, and the turbulent tribes of the 
Taurus recalled him to the west as soon as spring set in. 

tribes, as it would appear. I can find only one position on the map which 
would answer to all these requirements: this is in the main the lJasin of the 
Gavê-rud and its small affiuents, the Ardelân and the sources of the Kizil- 
U zên, and I shall there place Par sua until further information is forthcoming 
on the subject. 
1 Amadaî is a form of l\ladaî, with a prothetical a, like Agusi or Azala, 
by the side of Guzi and Zala. The inscription of Shalmane8er III. thus 
giyes us the first mention of the classical l\ledes. Araziash, placed too far 
to the east in Sagartenê by Fr. Lenormant, has been located furlher west- 
wards by Schrader, near the upper course of the Kerkhâ; but the documents 
of all periods show us that on one side it adjoined Kharkhar, that is the 
basin of the Gamas-âb, on the other side l\Iedia, that is the country of 
Ramadan. It must, therefore, be placed between the two, in the northern 
part of the ancient Cambadenê in the present Tchamabadân. Kharkhar in 
this case would be in the southern part of Cambadene, on the main road 
which leads from the gates of the Zagros to Ramadan; an examination of 
the general features of the country lead
 me to belieye that the town of 
K.harkhar should occupy the site of Kirmânshahân, or rather of the ancient 
city which preceded that town. 


He laid waste I{ui in 83G n,c., destroyed Timur, its 
capital, and on his return march revenged himself on 
Aramê of Agusi, \vhose spirit was still unbroken by his 
fornler misfortunes. Tanakun and Tarsus fell into his 
hands 835 B.C.; Shalmaneser replaced Irati, the King of 
I{uî, by his brother I{irri, and made of his dominions a 

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kind of buffer state between his own territory and that of 
Panlphylia and Lycaonia. He had now occupied the 
throne for a quarter of a century, not a year of which 
had elapseù without seeing the monarch gird on his 
armour and lead his soldiers in person towards one or 
other points of the horizon. He was at length weary of 
such perpetual warfare, and aùvancing age perchance pre- 
vented hinl from leading his troops with that dash and 

1 Drawn lJ)' Fauchcr-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs of the Black 


vigour which are necessary to success; however this might 
be, on his return from Cilicia he laid aside his armonr 
once for all, and devoted himself to peaceful occupations. 
But he did not on that account renounce all attempts 
at conquest. Conducting his campaigns by proxy, he 
delegated the command of his army to his Tartan Dayân- 
assur, and the northern tribes were the first on whom 
this general gave proof of his prowess. Urartu had passed 
into the hands of another sovereign since its defeat in 
845 B.C., and a second Sharduris 1 had taken the place of 
the Aramê who had ruled at the beginning of Shalma- 
lioser's reign. It would appear that the accession of this 
prince, who was probably young and active, \vas the 
signal for a disturbance among the people of the Upper 
Tigris and the l\lasios-a race always impatient of the 
yoke, and ready to make common cause ,vith any fresh 
enemy of Assyria. An insurrection broke out in Bît- 
Zanlani and the neighbouring districts. Dayân-assur 
quelled it offhand; then, quitting the basin of the Tigris 
by the defiles of Armash, he crossed the Arzania, and 
entered Urartu. Sharduris came out to meet him, and 
,vas defeated, if \ve may give credence to the official record 
of the campaign. Even if the account be an authentic 
one, the victory was of no advantage to the Assyrians, 
for they were obliged to retreat before they had subjugated 

1 The name is written Siduri or Seduri in the text of the Obelisk, pro- 
bably in accordance with some popular pronunciation, in which the r was 
but slightly rolled and finally disappeared. The identity of Seduri and Shar- 
duris, has been adopted by recent historians. Bcle l -: and Lehmann have 
shown that this Seduri was not Sharduris, son of Lutipris, but a Sharduris 
II., probably the son of Aramê. 


the enemy, and an insurrection among the Patiuâ pre- 
vented them from returning to the attack in the following 
year. 'Vith obligations to their foreign master on one 
hand and to their own subjects on the other, the princes 
of the Syrian states had no easy life. If they failed to 
fulfil their duties as vassals, then an Assyrian invasion 
would pour in to their country, and sooner or later their 
ruin would be assured; they .would have before theIn the 
prospect of death by impaling or under the knife of the 
Hayer, or, if they escaped this, captivity and exile in a 
far-off land. Prudence therefore dictated a SCrul)ulous 
fidelity to their suzerain. On the other hand, if they 
resigned themselves to their dependent condition, the 
people of their towns would chafe at the payment of 
tribute, or some ambitious l"elative would take advantage 
of the popular discontent to hatch a plot aud foment a 
revolution, and the prince thus threatened would escape 
from an Assyrian reprisal only to lose his throne or fall 
by the blow of an assassin. In circumstances such as 
these the people of the Patinâ murdered their king, Lubarna 
II., and proclaimed in his l"oom a certain Surri, who had 
no right to the crown, but who doubtless undertook to 
liberate thern from the foreigner. Dayân-assur defeated 
the rebels and blockaded the remains of their army in 
I(inalua. They defended themselves at first energetically, 
but on the death of Surri from some illness, their courage 
failed them and they offered to deliver over the sons of 
their chief if their o"n lives might be spared. Dayân-assur 
had the poor wretches impaled, laid the inhabitants under 
a heavy contribution, and appointed a cel"tain Sâsi, son of 


1.Jzza, to be their king. The remainder of Syria gave no 
further trouble-a fortunate circumstance, for the countries 
on the Armenian border revolted in 832 n.c., and the 
whole year was occupied in establishing order a.mong the 
herdsmen of l{irkhi. In 831 n.c., Dayân-assur pushed 
forward into l{hubushkia, and traversed it from end to 
end without encountering any resistance. He next 
attacked the Thfannai. 
rheir prince, U alki, quailed before 
his onslaught; he deserted his royal city Zirtu/ and 
took refuge in the mountains. Dayân-assur pursued him 
thither in vain, but he was able to collect considerable 
booty, and turning in a south-easterly direction, he fought 
his W
1Y along the base of the Gordyæan mountains till 
he reached Parsua, which he laid under tribute. In 830 
B.C. it was the turn of l\fuzazir, which hitherto bad escaped 
invasion, to receive a visit from the Tartan. Zap11aria, 
the capital, and fifty-six other towns were given over to 
tho flames. From thence, Dayân-assur passed into U rartll 
proper; after having plundered it, he fell back on tbe 
southern provinces, collecting by the way the tribute of 
Guzân, of the l\lannai, of Andiu, 2 and Parsua; he then 
pushed on into the heart of N amri, and having razed to 

1 The town is elsewhere called lzirtu, and appears to have been 
designated in the inscriptions of Van by the name of Sisiri-Khadiris. 
2 Andia or Andiu is contiguous to N aîri, to Zikirtu and to Karalla, 
which latter borders on Manna; it bordered on the country of l\Iisa or 
l\lisi, into which it is mergf'd under the name of l\Iisianda in the time of 
Rargon. Delattre places Andiu in the country of the classical l\Iatienæ, 
between the 
Iatiænian mountains and Lake U rumiah. The position of l\lisu 
on the confines of Araziash and Media, somewhere in the neighbourhood of 
Talvantu-Dagh, obliges us to place Andiu lower down to the south-east, near 
the di
tl'ict of Kurdasil". 

the ground two hundred and fifty of its towns, returned 
with his troops to _\..ssyria by the l1efiles of Shimishi and 
through Khalman. This was per- 
haps the last foreign campaign of 
Shalmaneser 111.'8 reign; it is at all 
events the last of which we possess 
any history. The record of his ex- 
ploits ends, as it had begun more 
than thirty years previously, with a 
victory in N amri. 
Tho aged ki
g had, indeed, well 
earned the right to end his allotted 
days in peace. Devoted to Calah, 
like his predecessol', he bad there 
accumulate(l the spoils of his cam- 
paigns, and had made it the wealthi- 
est city of his empire. He continued 
to occupy the palace of Assur-nazir- 
pal, which he had enlarged. vVher- 
ever he turned within its walls, his 
eyes fell upon some trophy of his wars 
or panegyric of his virtues, whether 
recorded on mural tiles covered 
with inscriptions and bas-re
iefs, or 
celebrated by statues, altars, and BL\.CK OTIELISK OF SIL\.L- 
triumphal stelæ. The most curious !lL\SESER 1II. 1 
among all tbese is a square-based block terminating in 
three receding stages, one above the other, like tbe stump 





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1 Dmwn by Faucher-Gudin, from the cast in the Louvre. [The original 
is in the Brit. l\Iu


of an Egyptian obelisk surmounted by a stepped pyramid. 
Five rows of bas-reliefs on it represent scenes most flatter- 
ing to Assyrian pride ;-the reception of tribute from 
Gilzân, l\luzri, the Patinâ, the Israelitish Jehu, and 

Iarcluk-abal-uzur, l{ing of the land of Sukhi. The latter 
knew his suzerain's Jove of the chase, and he proviùed hiIn 
with anÌ1nals for his preserves, including lions, anù rare 

" :w. . y è'!=_ 
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species of deer. The inscription on the monument briefly 
relates the events which bad occurred between the first and 
the thirty-first years of Shalmaneser's reign ;-the defeat of 
Damascus, of Babylon and U ral'tu, the conquest of 
N ortherll Syria, of Cilicia, and of the countries bordering 
on the Zagros. 'Vhen the king left Calah for some country 
residence in its neighbourhood, similar records and calT- 
ings would meet his eye. At Imgur-Bel, one of the gates 

1 Drawn by Fauchcr.Gudin, from one of the bas-rpliefs of thp Black 



of the palace was covered with plates of bronze, on which 
the skilful artist had embossed and engra vea \vith the 
chisel episodes from the campaigns on the Euphrates and 
the Tigris, the crossing of mountains and rivers, the 
assault and burning of cities, the long lines of captives, the 
mêlée with the enemy and the pursuit of the chariots. All 
the cities of Assyria, Nineveh,t Arbela, Assur, even to the 
Inore distant to\vns of Harrân 2 and Tushkhân,3-vied with 
each other in exhibiting proofs of his zeal for their gods 
and his affection for their inhabitants; but his prec1ilection 
for Calah filled them with jealousy, and ASBur particularly 
could ill brook the growing aversion with which the 
Assyrian kings regarded her. It was of no avail that she 
continueù to be the administrative and religious capital of 
the empire, the storehouse of the spoil and annual tribute 
of other nations, and \vas continually embellishing herself 
with fresh monuments: a spirit of discontent was daily 
increasing, and merely awaited some favourable occasion to 
break out into open revolt. Shalmaneser enjoyed the dignity 
of lÏ1n'ìnu for the second time after thirty years, and had 
celebrated this jubilee of his inauguration by a solemn 
festival in honour of ...l.ssur and Rammân. 4 It is possible 

1 Nineveh is mentioned as thE' s
arting-place of nearly all the first cam- 
paigns in the inscription on the ][onolith; also in the Balaw:1t inscription, 
on the other hand, towards the (lnd of the reign, Calah is gi,-en as the 
residence of the king on the Black Obrlislc. 
2 Mention of the buildings of Shalmaneser III. at IIarrân occurs in an 
inscription of N abonidus. 
3 The 1\1onolith discovered at Kurkh is in itself a proof that Shalmaneser 
executf'(l works in this town, the Tushkhân of the inscriptions. 
4 Any connection established between this thirty-year jubilee and the 


tLat he may have thought this a favourable moment for 
presenting to the people the son whom he had chosen froln 
among his children to succeed hÜu. At any rate, .A.ssur- 
dain-pal, fearing that one of his brothers might be preferred 
before hiIn, proclaiIneù himself king, and nearly the whole 
of .A.ssyria gathered 
around his stanclal'd. 
Assur and twenty- 
six more of the most 
important cities re- 
volted in his favour 
-Nineveh, Ilngur- 
bel, Sibaniba, Dur- 
balat, Arbela, ZaLân 
III the Chaldæan 
marches, .-'\rrapkha 
in the valley of the 
Upper Zab, and 
most of the colonies, 
both of ancient and 
recent foundation- 
Amidi on the Tigris, 
Ir.hindanu near the 
mouths of the l{ha- 
bur and Tul-Abni on the southern slopes of the 1\1 asios. 
The aged king remained in possession only of Calah 
and its immediate environs-Nisibis, Harrân, Tushkhân, 

.. ..r- ----- 

THL nROSZE-COVLRED G.\.T.cS OF ß.\Lxw.h'.1 

thirty years' festival of Egypt rests on facts which can be so Iittlp relipd on, 
that it must be accepted with considerable reserye. 
1 Drawn by };'aucher-Gudin, from the sketch by Pinches. 

\)nL\X TY. 145 
and the most recently subdued provinces on the banks 
of the Euphrates and the Orontes. It is probable, how- 
ever, that the al'lIlY remained faithful to him, and the 
support which these ,yell-tried troops afforded him enabled 
the king to act with promptitude. The ,veight of years 
did not permit him to comilland in person; he there- 
fore entrusted the conduct of operations to bis son 
Samsi-ranlmân, but he did not live to see the end of the 
struggle. It embittered his last days, and \vas not termi- 
nated till 822 B.C., at which date Shalmaneser had been dead 
two years. This prolonged crisis had shaken the kingdom 
to its foundations; the Syrians, the 1\ledes, the Babylonians, 
and the peoples of the Armenian and Aramæan marches 
were rent from it, and though Samsi-l'ammân IV. waged 
continuous warfare during the twelv
 years that he governed, 
he could only partially succeed in regaining the territory 
which had been thus lost. l His first three campaigns were 
directed against the north-eastern and eastern provinces. 
He began by attempting to collect the tribute from N aîri, 
the payment of \vhich had been suspended since the out- 
break of the revolution, and he re-established the dominion 
of r\..ssyria from the district of Paddir to the township of 
Kar-Shulmânasharid, which his father had founded at the 
fords of the Euphrates opposite to Carchemisb (821 B.C.). 
In the following campaign he did not personally take part, 
but the Rabshakeh 
futarriz-assur pillaged the shores of 

\n that we know of the reign of Samsi-rammân IV. comes from an 
inscription in archaic chara.cters containing the account of four campaigns, 
without giving the years of each reign or the liìl/1/w, and historians haye 
classified thpU1 in diticrent ways. 

YOLo 'II. 


146 _\SSYRIA

Lake U rllmiah, and then made his way towards U rartu, 
where he destroyed three hundred tov\Tns (820). The third 
expedition was directed against 
Iisi and Gizilbuncla beyond 
the Upper Zab and 
Iount Zilar. 1 The inhabitants of 
entrenched themselves on a wooded ridge commanded by 
three peaks, but were defeated in spite of the advantages 
which their position secured for them; 2 the people of 
Gizilbunda were not more fortunate than their neighbours, 
and six thousand of them perished at the assault of Urash, 
their capita1. 3 1\Iutarriz-assur at once turned upon the 

1 :l\1ount Zilar is beyond the Upper Zah, on one of the roads which lead 
to the basin of Lake U rumiah, prohably in Khubushkia. There are two of 
these roads-that which passes over the neck of Kelishin, and the other 
which runs through the gorges of Alàn; "with the pxception of these two 
points, the mountain chain is absolutely impassable." According to the 
general direction of the campaign, it appears to me probable that the king 
crossed by the passes of Alân; )Iount Zilâr would therefore be the group of 
chains which cover the district of Pîshder, alld across which the Lesser Zab 
passes before descending to the plain. 
2 The country of l\Iisi adjoined Gizilbuuda, l\Iedia, Araziâsh, and Anrliu. 
All these circumstances incline us to place it in the south-eastern part of 
Kur(listan of Rihmeh, in the upper 'Talley of Kisil- U zên. The ridge, over- 
looked by three peaks, on which the inhabitants took refuge, cannot be 
looked for on the west, where there are few important heights: I should 
rather identify it with the part of the Gordyæan mountains which bounds 
the basin of the Kisil- U zên on the west, and which contains three peaks of 
12,000 feet-the Tchehf'l-tchechma, the Derbend, a.nd the Nau-Kân. 
3 The name of the country has been read Giratbunda, Ginunbunda, 
Gimbbunda; a variant, to which no objections can be made, has furnished 
Gizilbunda. It was contiguous on one side to the l\Iedes, and on the other 
to the ßlannai, which obliges us to place it in Kurdistan of Germs, on the 
Kizil-Uzên. It may be asked if the word Kizil which occurs several times 
in the topographical nomenclature of these regions is not a relic of the name 
in question, and if Gizil-hunda is not a compound of the same class as KiÚl- 
uzên, Kizil-gatchi, KiÚI-aJtlll, Ki7iI-IrÞk, whether it h(\ that part of the 
population spuke a language analogous to the dialects now in use in these 



l\Iedes 1 vanquished them, and drove them at the point of 
the sword into their remote valloys, returning to the district 
of Araziash, which he laid waste. .t\.. score of chiefs with 
barbarous names, alarmed by this exarnple, hastened to 
prostrate themselves at his feet, and submitted to the 
tribute which he inlposed on them. .Assyria thus regained 
in these regions the ascenàency which the victories of 
Shalmaneser III. in their time had ,von for her. 
Babylon, which had endured the suzerainty of its rival 
for a quarter of a century, seems to have taken advantage 
of the events occurring in Assyria to throw off the yoke, by 
espousing the cause of Assur-dail1-pal. Samsi-ramrnân, 
therefol'e, as soon as he was free to turn his attention frorn 
l\Iedia (818), directed his forces against Babylonia. l\letur- 
l1ât, as usual, was the first city attacked; it capitulated at 
once, an
 its inhabitants were exiled to Assyria. Karni to 
the south of the Turnat, and Dibina on 
lonllt Yalmân, 
suffered the same fate, but Gananâtê held out for a time; 
its garrison, however, although reinforced by troops from 
the surrounding country, was utterly routed before its 
walls, and the survivors, who fled for refuge to the citadel 
in the centre of the town, were soon dislodged. The 
Babylonians, who had apparently been taken by snrpl'ise 
at the first attack, at length made preparations to resist 
the invaders. The Prince of Dur-papsukal, who owned 
allegiance to l\fanluk-balatsu-ikbi, I{ing of Babylon, had 
disposed his troops so as to gnard the fords of the TigriR, in 
order to prevent the enemy from reaching his capital. But 

districts, or that the ancif>nt word has b('en prcs('rve(l by later conquerors 
and assimilated to c;ome well-known word in th('ir own language. 


Samsi-rammân dispersed}his aùvanced force, killing tl1Ìrteen 
thousand, besides taking three thousand prisoners, anù 
finally I'educed Dur-papsukal to 
ashes. The respite thus obtained 
gave l\laTduk - balatsu - ikbi suf- 
ficient tilne to collect the lllain 
body of his troops: the arnlY 'was 
recruited from Iialdâ and Ela- 
mites, soldiers from N anl1'i, and 
Aramæan contingents, and the 
united force awaited the enemy 
behind the ruins of Dur-papsukal, 
along the banks of the DaLtLll 

 . I canal. Five thousand footmen, 
two hundred horsenlen, one 
''; hundred chariots, besides the 
king's tent and all his stores, fell 
into the hands of the Assyrians. 
The victory was complete ; 
Babylon, Iiuta, and Eorsippa 
capitulated one aftel' the other, 
:\IOXOLlTII OF S.\:\ISI-RA:\D1'\.N Iy. 1 
and the invaders penetrated as 
far as the land of the Kaldâ, and actually l"eached the 
Persian Gulf. SalI1si-rall1mân offered sac1'Ífices to the gods, 
as his father had done before him, and concluded a treaty 
with l\Ianluk-oalatsu-ikbi, the terms of which included 
rectification of boundaries, payment of a subsidy, and the 
other clauses usual in such circumstances; the peace 'was 

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1 Drawn hy Fauchf'r-Gudin, from a phot.ograph hy 1\Iansell. The original 
is in the British 
l useUlll. 

^ ^ 
\1U III. 


probably ratified by a matrimonial alliance, ooncluded 
between the Babylonian princess Sammuramat and 
Rammán-nirâri, son of the conqueror. In this manner the 
hegemony of Assyria over I{al'duniash was established even 
more firmly than before the insurrection; but all available 
resonrces had been utilised in the effort necessary to secure 
it. Samsi-rammân had no leisure to l'econquer Syria or 
Asia 1\linor, and the Euphrates l'emained the western 
frontier of his kingdom, as it had been in the eady days of 
Shalmaneser III. The peace with Babylon, moreover, did 
not last long; Bau-akhiddîn, who had succeeded l\larduk- 
balatsu-ikbi, refused to observe the terms of the treaty, and 
hostilities again broke out on the Turnat and the Tigris, as 
they had done six years previously. This war ,vas pro- 
longed from 813 to 812 B.C., and was still proceeding when 
n died. His son Rammân-nirâri III. quickly 
brought it to a successful issue. He carried Bau-akbiddîn 
captive to Assyria, with his family and the nobles of his 
court, and placed on the vacant throne one of his own 
partisans, while he celebrated festivals in honour of his 
own supremacy at Babylon, I{uta, and Borsippa. I\.ardu- 
niash made no attempt to rebel against Assyria during the 
next half-century. Rammân-nirâri proved himself an 
energetic and capable sovel'eign, and the thirty years of bis 
reign were by no means inglorious. We learn from the 
eponym lists what he accomplished during that time, and 
against which countries he ,vaged war; but we have not 
yet recovered any inscription to enable us to fill in this 
outline, and put together a detailed account of his reign. 
His first expeditions were directed against 1\ledia (810), 


Gozân (809), and the l\lanntti (8Ut3-807); he then crossed 
the Euphrates, and in four successive years conducted as 
lllnny vigorous campaigns against Arpad (8U6), I\:.hazazu 
(803), the town of Baali (804), and the cities of the 
PL.ænician sea-board (803). The plague interfering ,vith 
his advance in the latter direction, he again turned his 
attention eastward and attacked l\:.hubushkia in 802, 792, 
and 784; l\Iedia in 801-800, 7D4.-793, and 7DO-787; Lushia 
in 7DD; N alnri in 798; Diri in 7Dß-7D5 and 785; Itua in 
1, 783-782; I\:.ishki in 785. This Lare enunleration 
conjures up a vision of all enterprising and victorious 
monarch of the type of Assur-nazir-pal 01' Shalmaneser III., 
one .who perhaps succeeded even where his redoubtable 
ancestors had failed. The panoramic survey of his ern}JÏre, 
as unfolded to us in Oile of his inscriptions, includes the 
mountain l'anges of Illipi as far as Mount Siluna, 
I(harkhar, Araziash, 1\1isu, l\fedia, the whole of Gizilbunda, 
l\lau, Parsua, Allabria, Abdadana, the extensive territory of 
N aîri, far-off Andiu, and, westward3 beyond the Euphrates, 
the I\:.bâti, the entire country of the Amorites, Tyre, Sidon, 
Israel, Edom, and the Philistines. Never before had the 
Assyrian empire extended so far east in the direction of the 
centre of the Iranian tableland, nor so far to the south-west 
towards the frontiers of Egypt. l 

1 Allabria or Allahur is on the borders of Parsua and of KaraIla, whieh 
allows us to locate it in the basins of the Kerkhoráh and the Saruk, 
trihutaries of the J agatu, which flow into Lake U rumiah. Abdadana, 
which borders on AUabria, and was, according to Rammán-nirâl'i, at the 
extreme end uf N aîri, was a little further to the east or north-east; if I am 
not mistaken, it corresponds pretty nearly to U riâd, on the banks of the 
Kizil- U zên. 


In two only of these regions, namely, Syria and 
Armenia, do native documents add any information to the 
meagre summary contained in the Annals, and give us 
glimpses of contemporal'Y 1'ule1's. The retreat of Shal- 
maneser, after his partial success in 839, had practically 
left the ancient allies of Ben-hadad II. at the mercy of 
IIazael, the new King of Damascus, but he did not 
apparently attempt to assert his supremacy over the whole 
of Cæle-Syria, and before long several of its cities acquired 
consideraLle Ï1nportance, first l\lansuate, and then 
IIadrach/ both of which, casting Hamath into the shade, 
succeeded in holding their own against Hazael and his 
successors. He renewed hostilities, however, against the 
IIebrews, and did not relax his efforts till he had 
thoroughly brought them into subjection. Jehu suffered 
loss on all his frontiers, " from Jordan eastward, all the 
land of Gilead, the Gadites, the Reubenites, and the 
l\Ianassites, from Aroer, which is by the valley of Arnon, 
even Gilead and Bashan." 2 Israel became thus once more 
entirely dependent on Damascus, but the sister kingdom of 

Iansuati successfully resisted Rammân-nirâri in 7CJ7 D.C., but 
he probably caused its ruin, for after this only expeditions against Hadrach 
are mentioned. :1Iansuati was in the basin of the Orontes, and the manner 
in which the Assyrian texts mentipn it in connection with Zimyra seems to 
show that it commanded the opening in the Lebanon range hetwef'Il 
Cæle-Syria and Phænicia. The site uf Khatarika, the Hadrach of Zcch. 
ix. 1, is not yet precisely determined; but it must, as well as l\Iansuati, 
have been in the neighbourhood of Hamath, perhaps between Hamath and 
Damascus. It appears for the first time in 772. 
2 2 Kings x. 32, 33. Even if verse 33 is a later addition, it gives a 
correct idea of the situation, except as regards Bashan, which had been lost 
to Israel for some time already. 


Judah still escaped its yoke through the energy of her 
rulers. Athaliah reigned seven years, not ingloriously; 
but she belonged to the house of Ahab, and the adherents 
of the prophets, whose party had planned Jehu's revolution, 
could no longer witness with equanimity one of the 
accursed race thus prospering and ostentatiously practising 
the rites of Baal-worship within sight of the great temple 
of J ahveh. On seizing the throne, Athaliah had sought 
out and put to death all the members of the house of 
David who had any claim to the succession; but J eho- 
sheba, half-sister of Ahaziah, had with difficulty succeeded 
in rescuing J oash, one of the king's sons. Her husband 
was the high priest J ehoiada, and he secreted his nephew 
for six years in the precincts of the temple; at the end of 
that time, he won over the captains of the royal guard, 
bribed a section of the troops, and caused them to swear 
fealty to the cbild as theÌ1' legitimate sovereign. Athaliab, 
hastening to discover the cause of tbe uproal', was 
assassinated. l\fattan, chief priest of Baal, shared her 
fate; and J ehoiada at once restored to J ahveh the pre- 
eminence which the gods of the alien had for a time 
usurped 1 (837). At first his influence over his pupil was 
supreme, but before long the memory of his services faded 
away, and the king sought only how to rid himself of a 
tutelage which had grown irksome. The temple had 
suffered during the late wars, and I'epairs ,vere much 
needed. J oash ordained that for the future all moneys put 

1 2 Kings xi.; cf. 2 Chron. xxii. 10-12, and xxiii. The author of 
2 Citron. xÀii. 11 alone states that Jehosheba was the wife of the high 

\.EL AXD J C D_\.H Y A

L\.LS Ol
 IL\.ZAEL 153 

into the sacred treasury-which of right belonged to the 
king-should be placed unreservedly at the disposal of the 
priests on condition that they should apply them to the 
maintenance of the services and fabric of the temple: the 
priests accepted the gift, but failed in the faithful observ- 
ance of the conditions, so that in 814 B.C. the king 
was obliged to take stringent measures to compel them 
to repair the breaches in the sanctuary walls: 1 he there- 
fore withdrew the privilege which they had abused, and 
henceforth undertook the administration of the Temple 
Fund in person. The beginning of the new order of things 
was not very successful. Jehu had died in 815, after a 
disastrous reign, and both he and his son J ehoahaz had 
been obliged to acknowledge the supremacy of Hazael : not 
only was he in the position of an inferior vassal, but, in 
order to preclude any idea of a revolt, he was forbidden to 
maintain a greater army than the small force necessary for 
purposes of defence, namely, ten thousand foot-soldiers, 
fifty horsemen, and ten chariots. 2 The power of Israel 
had so declined that Hazael was allowed to march through 
its territory unhindered on his way to wage ,varin the 
country of the Philistines; which he did, doubtless, in order 

1 2 Kings xii. 4-16; cf. 2 Chron. xxiv. 1-14. The beginning of the 
narrative is lost, and the whole has ,probably been modified to make it agree 
with 2 Kings xxii. 3-7. 
2 2 Kings xiii. 1-7. It may be noticed that the number of foot-soldiers 
given in the Bible is identical with that which the Assyrian texts mention 
as Abab's contingent at the battle of Qarqar, viz. 10,000; the number of 
the chariots is very different in the two cases. Kuenen and other critics 
would like to assign to tbe reign of J ehoahaz the siege of Samaria by 
. the Syrians, which the actual text of the Book of the Kings attributes to 
the reign of J oram. 

154 AS

to get possession of the Blain route of Egyptian COlllmerce. 
The Syrians destroyed Gath/ reduced Pentapolis to subjec- 
tion, enforced tribute fronl Edom, and then Inarched 
against Jerusalem. J oash took from the treasury of 
J ahveh the reserve' funds which his ancestors, J ehoshaphat, 
Joram, and A.haziah, had accumulated, and sent them to 
the invadel', 2 together with all the gold which \vas found 
in the king's house. From this time forward Judah 
became, like Israel, Edo111, the Philistines and Alllillonites, 
a mere vassal of Hazael; 'with the possiLle exception of 
l\loab, all the peoples of Southern Syria were now. subject 
to Damascus, and fonned a league as strong as that which 
had successfully l'esisted the power of Shalmaneser. 
llamlnân-llirâri, therefore, did not venture to attack Syria 
during the lifetime of Hazael; but a change of sovereign 
is always a critical moment in the history of an Eastern 
empire, and he took advantage of the confusion caused by 
the death of the aged king to attack his successor l\Iari 
(803 B.C.). l\fari essayed the tactics which his father had 
found so successful; he avoided a pitched battle, and shut 
himself up in Damascus. But he was soon closely block- 
aded, and forced to SUbluit to terms; Rammân-nirâri 
demanded as the price of withdrawal, 23,000 talents of 

1 The text of 2 King8 xii. 17 merely says that Hazael took Gath. Gath 
is not named by ..Amos among the cities of the Philistines (Amus. i. 6-8), but 
it is one of the towns cited by that prophet as examples to Israel of the 
wrath of J ahveh (vi. 2). It is probable, therefore, that it was already 
destroyed in his time. 
2 2 Kings xii. 17, 18; cf. 2 Citron. xxiv. 22-24, where the expedition 
of Hazael is represented as a punishment for the murder of Zechariah, son 
of J ehoiada. 


silver, 20 talents of gold, 3000 of copp
r, 5000 of iron, 
besides embroidered and dyed stuffs, an ivory couch, and a 
litter inlaid with ivory,-in all a considerable IJart of the 
treasures amassed at the expense of the Hebrews and their 
neighbours. It is doubtful ,vhether Rammân-nirâ1"Ï pushed 
further south, and penetrated in person as far as the 
deserts of Arabia Petræa-a suggestion which the mention 
of the Philistines and Edomites among the list of his 
tributary states might induce us to accept. Probably it 
was not the case, and he really ,vent no further than 
Damascus. But the submission of that city included, in 
theory at least, the submission of all states subject to her 
sway, and these dependencies may have sent some presents 
to testify their desire to conciliate his favour; their names 
appear in the inscriptions in order to s\vell the number of 
direct or indirect vassals of the empire, since they ,vere 
subject to a state which had been effectually conquered. 
Rammân-nirâri did not meet with such good fortune 
in the North; not only did he fail to obtain the brilliant 
successes which elsewhere attended his arms, but he 
ended by sustaining considerable reverses. The Ninevite 
historians reckoned the two expeditions of 808 and 807 B.C. 
against the l\Iannai as victories, doubtless because the 
king returned with a train, of prisoners and loaded with 
spoil; but the Vannic inscriptions l'eveal that Urartu, 
which had been rising into Pl'ominence during the reign 
of Shalmaneser, had no.w grown still more powerful, and 
had begun to reconquer those provinces on the Tigris 
and Euphrates of which the Assyrians thought themselves 
the undoubted lords. Sharduris II. had been succeeded, 


about 828, by his son Ishpuinis, \vho had perhaps measured 
his strength against Samsi-rarnmân IV.l Ishpuinis appears 
to have conquered and reduced to the condition of a 
province the neighbouring principality of Biainas, \vhich 
up to that time had been governed by a semi-independent 
dynasty; at all events, he trans- 
felTed thence his seat of govern- 
ment, and made Dhuspas his 
favourite residence. To- 
wards the end of his reign 
he associated with him 
on the throne his son 

Ienuas, and made him 
commander - in - chief of 
the army. l\lenuas proved 
a bold and successful 
general, and in a few years 
had doubled the extent of 
his dominions. He first 
delivered from the As- 
THI1'3Il'IUL STELE OF MEXt:.\.S AT KELISIIIX.2 syrian yoke, and plundered 
on his father's account, the tribes on the borders of Lake 
Urumiah, Muzazir, Gilzân, and Kirruri; then, crossing 
the Gorclyæan mountains, he burnt the towns in the 
valley of the Upper Zab, which bore the uncouth names 
of Teraîs, Ardis, Khanalis, Bikuras, Khatqanas, Iuuas, 
and Nibur, laid waste the 1110re fertile part of IChubushkia, 




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1 Ishpuinis is probably the U shpina mentioned by Hamsi-rammân among 
the conquered kings of N aîri. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by J. de .Morgan. 



and carved triumphal stelæ in the Assyrian aud Vannie 
scripts upon the rocks in the pass of Rowandiz. It was 
probably to recover this territory that Rammân-nÌ1'âri 
waged war three times in Khubushkia, in 802, 792, and 
785, in a district which had formerly been ruled by a 
prefect from Nineveh, but had now fallen into the bands 
of the enemy.l Everywhere along the frontier, from the 
Lower Zab to the Euphrates, l\lenuas overpowered and 
drove back the Assyrian outposts. He took from them 
Aîdus and Erinuis on the southern shores of Lake Van, 
compelled Dayaini to abandon its allegiance, and forced 
its king, U dhupursis, to surrender his treasure and his 
chariots; then gradually descending the valley of the 
ATzania, he crushed Seseti, I(ulmê, and Ekal'zu. In one 
year be pillaged the 
Iannai in the east, and attacked 
the I{hâti in the west, seizing their fortresses of Surisilis, 
Tarkhigamas, and Sarduras; in the province of Alzu he 
left 2113 soldiers dead on the field after one engagement; 
Gupas yielded to his sway, followed by the towns of 
I{huzanas and Pnteria, whereupon he even crossed the 
Euphrates and levied tribute from J\Ielitene. But the 
struggle against Assyria absorbed only a portion of his 
energy; we åo not know what he accomplished in the 
east, in the plains sloping ,towards the Caspian Sea, but 
several monuments, discovered near Armavir and Erzerum, 

1 It is probable that the stele of Kelishin, belonging to the joint reign 
of Ishpuinis and )Ienuas, was intended to commemorate the events which 
led Rammân-nirâri to undertake his first expedition; the conquest by 

Ienuas will fan then in 804 or 803 n,c. The inscription of l\Ieher-Kapussi 
contains the names of the (1Ïvinities helonging to several conquered towns, 
and may have been engraved on the return from this war. 


testify that he pushed his arms a considorable distance 
towards the north and north-west. l He obliged Etius 
to acknowledge his supremacy, sending a colony to its 
capital, Lununis, whose narne he changed to l\fenua
lietzilinis. 2 Towards the end of his reign he partly 
subjugated the l\fannai, planting colonies throughout their 
territory to strengthen his hold on the country. By these 
campaigns he had formed a kingdom, which, stretching 
from the south side of the Araxes to the upper reaches of 
the Zab and the Tigris, was quite equal to Assyria in size, 
and probably surpassed it in density of population, for it 
contained no barren steppes such as stretched across 
l\fesopotamia, affording support merely to a few wretched 
Bedâwin. As their dominions increased, the sovereigns 
of Biainas began to consider themselves on an equality 
with the kings of Nineveh, and endeavoured still more to 
imitate them in the luxury and display of their domestic 
life, as well as in the energy of their actions and the 
continuity of their victories. They engraved everywhere 
on the rocks triumphal inscriptions, destined to show to 
posterity their own exploits and the splendour of their 
gods. Having made this concession to their vanity, they 
took effective measures to assure possession of their 

1 The inscription of "Erzerum, discoverpd by F. de Raulcy amI puLlislwfl 
by him, shows that l\Ienuas was in possession of thp district in which this 
town is situated, and that he rebuilt a palace there. 
2 Inscriptions of Yazli-tash and Zolakert. It follows from these texts 
that the country of Etius is the district of Arrnavir, and Lununis is the 
ancient name of this city. The new name hy which l\lenuas replaced 
the name Lununis signifies tlte abod(' of tlw p('ople of ]J[erlllrt,'1; like many 
names :uising from special circumst:1l1ccS, it ndurally passed away with the 
rule of the people who had imposed it. 

lE:NU.'\S 159 

conquests. They selected in the various provinces sites 
ùifficult of access, cOl1nnanding some defile in the 
mountains, or ford over a river, or at the junction of two 
roads, or the approach to a plain; on such spots they 
would build a fortress or a town, or, finding a citadel already 
existing, they would repair it and reII?-odel its fortifications 
so as to render it impregnable. At lialajik, Ashrut-Darga, 
and the older )Iukhrapert may still be seen the ruins of 
ramparts built by Ishpuinis. :ßIenuas finished the buildings 
his father had begun, erected others in all the districts 
where he sojourned, in time of peace or war, at Shusbanz, 
Sidra, l Anzaff, Arzwapert, Geuzak, Zolakert, Tashtepê, and 
in the country of the :ThIannai, and it is possible that the 
fortified village of :Thlelasgerd still bears his name. 2 His 
wars furnished him with the men and materials necessary 
for the rapid completion of these works, while the statues, 
valuable articles of furniture, and costly fabrics, vessels of 
silver, gold, and copper carried off from Assyrian or Asiatic 
cities, provided him with surroundings as luxurious as those 
enjoyed by the kings of Kineveh. IIis favourite residence 
was amid the valleys and hills of the south-western shol'e 
of Lake Van, the sea of the rising sun. IIis father, 
Ishpuinis, had already done much to embellish the site 
of Dhuspas, or lihaldinas as it was called, froIIl the goù 

] The name of thf' ancient place corresponding to the modern village of 
Sirka was probably Artsunis or Artsuyunis, according to the Vannie 
2 A more correct form than 
lelas-gerd is l\Ianas-gert, the city of ]J[anas, 
where :l\Iallas would represent 
\Ienuas: one of the in,;criptions of Aghtamar 
speaks of a cf'rtain ::\lenuakhillas, city of ]Jlenllas, which may be a primitiye 
version of the same name. 


}\:halc1is; he had surrounded it with strong walls, and 
within them had laid the foundations of a magnificent 
palace. l\lenuas carried on the work, brought water to 
the cisterns by subterranean aqueducts, planted gardens, 
and turned the whole place into an impregnable fortress, 



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where a Sillall but faithful garrison could defy a large army 
for several years. Dhuspas, thus cOlllpleted, formed the 
capital and defence of the kingdom during the succeeding 
Menuas was gathered to his fathers shortly before 
the death of Ralnmân-ninlri, perhaps in 781 B.C. 2 He 'was 

1 Drawn by lloudicr, from a photograph by l\L Bindf'r. 
2 This date SCf'ms to agrf'f' with thf' text of the Annals of A1'gisti.ç:, as far 
as we are at present acquainted with them; 
lüI1f'r has shown, in fact, 



engaged up to the last in a quarl'el with the princes who 
occupied the mountainous country to the north of the 
Araxes, and his son Argistis spent the first few years of 
his reign in completing bis conquests in this region. 1 He 
crushed with ease an attempted revolt in Dayaîni, and 
then invaded Etius, systematically devastating it, its king, 
Udnris, being powerless to prevent his ravages. All the 
principal towns succumbed one after another before the 
vigour of his assault, and, from the numbers killed and 
taken prisoners, we may surmise the importance of his 
victories in these barbarous districts, to which belonged 
the names of Seriazis, Silins, Zabakhas, Zirimutaras, 
Babanis, and U rmias, 2 though we cannot definitely locate 
the places indicated. On a single occasion, the assault 
on U reyus, for instance, Argistis took prisoners 19,255 
children, 10,140 men :fit to bear arms, 23,280 women, and 
the survivors of a garrison which numbered 12,675 soldiers 
at the opening of the siege, besides 1104 horses, 35,016 

that they contain the account of fourteen campaigns, probably the first 
fourteen of the reign of .Argistis, and he has recognised, in accordance with 
the observations of Stanislas Guyard, the formula which separates the 
campaigns one from another. There are two campaigns against the peoples 
of the Upper Euphrates mentioned before the campaigns against Assyria, 
and as these latter follow continuously after 781, it is probable that the 
former must be placed in 783-782, which would give 783 or 784 for the 
year of his accession. . 
1 The Annals of Argistis are inscribed on the face of the I'Ock which 
crowns the citadel of Van. The inscription contains (as stated in note 
above) the history of the first fourteen yearly campaigns of Argistis. 
2 The site of these places is still undetermined. Seriazis and Silius 
(or Tarius) lay to the north-east of Dayaîni, and Urmias, Urmê, recalls the 
modern name of Lake "l'" rumiah, but was probably situated on the left bank 
of the Araxes. 




cattle, and more than 10,000 sheep. Two expeditions 
into the heart of the country, conducted between 784 and 
782 B.C., had greatly advanced the work of conquest, 
when the accession of a new sovereign in Assyria made 
Argistis decide to risk a change of front and to concentrate 
the main part of his forces on the southern boundary of 
his empire. Rammân-nirâri, after bis last contest in 
l{hubushkia in 784, had fought two consecutive campaigns 
against the Aramæan tribes of Itua, near the frontiers 
of Babylon, and he was still in conflict with them when 
he died in 782 B.C. His son, Shalmaneser IV., may have 
wished to signalise the commencement of his l'eign by 
delivering from the power of Urartu the provinces which 
the kings of that country had wrested from his ancestors; 
or, perhaps, Argistis thought that a change of ruler offered 
hirn an excellent opportunity for l'enewing the struggle 
at the point where l\lenuas had left it, and for conquering 
yet more of the territory which still relnained to his 
rival. vVhatever the cause, the Assyrian annals show 
us the two adversaries ranged against each other, in a 
struggle which lasted from 781 to 778 B.C. Argistis had 
certainly the upper hand, and though his advance was 
not rapid, it was never completely checked. The first 
engagement took place at N irbu, near the sources of the 
Supnat and the Tigris: Nirbu capitulated, and the enemy 
pitilessly ravaged the Hittite states, which were subject 
to Assyria, penetrating as far as the heart of Melitene 
(781). The next year the armies encountered each other 
nearer to Nineveh, in the basin of the Bitlis-tchaî, at 
I{hakhias; and, in 779, Argistis expressly thanks his 


gods, the K.haldises, for having graciously bestowed upon 
him as a gift the armies and cities of Assur. The scene 
of the war had shifted, and the contest was now carried 
on in the countries bordering on Lake Urnmiah, Bnstus 
and Parsua. The natives gained nothing by the change 
of invader, and were as hardly used by the King of U rartu 
as they had been by Shalmaneser III. or by Samsirammân : 
as was invariably the case, their towns ,vere given over 
to the flames, their fields ravaged, their cattle and their 
families carried into captivity. Their resistance, however, 
was so determined that a second campaign was required 
to complete the conquest: and this time the Assyrians 
suffered a serious defeat at Surisidas (778), and a year at 
least was needed for their recovery froIn the disaster. 
During this l'espite, Argistis hastened to complete the 
pacification of Bustus, Parsua, and the small portion of 
1Ian which had not been reduced to subjection by I\lenuas. 
'Vhen the Assyrians returned to the conflict, he defeated 
them again (776), and while they withdrew to the .Àmanus, 
where a rebellion had broken out (773), he reduced one by 
one the small states which clustered round the eastern and 
southern shores of Lake U rumiah. He was conducting a 
campaign in N amri, when Shalmaneser IV. made a last 
effort to check his advanc,e; but he was again victorious 
(774), and from henceforth these troubled regions, in which 
Nineveh had so persistently endeavoured for more than 
a century to establish her own supremacy, became part 
of the empire of Urartu. Argistis's hold of them proved, 
however, to be a precarious and uncertain one, and before 
long the same difficulties assailed him which had restricted 


the power of his l'ivals. He was forced to return again 
and again to these districts, destroying fortresses and 
pursuing the inhabitants over plain and mountain: In 










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773 we find him in U rmes, the territory of Bikhuras, and 
Barn, in the very heart of N amri; in 772, in Dhuaras, 
and Gurqus, among the Mannai, and at the city of Uikhis, 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by 1\1. Ximéues. 



in Bustus. l\Ieanwhile, to the north of the .Araxes, several 
chiefs had taken advantage of his being thus engaged in 
warfare in distant regions, to break the very feeble bond 
,vhich held them vassals to Urartu. Etius was the 
fountain-head and main support of the rebellion; the 
rugged mountain range in its rear provided its chiefs with 
secure retreats among its woods and lakes and valleys, 
through which flowed rapid torrents. Argistis inflicted 
a final defeat on the 
Iannai in 771, and then turned his 
forces against Etius. He took by storm the citadel of 
Ardinis which defended the entrance to the country, 
ravaged Ishqigulus,t and seized Amegu, the capital of 
Uidharus: our knowledge of his wars comes to an end 
in the following year with an expedition into the" land 
of Tarius. The monuments do not tell us what he accom- 
plished on the borders of Asia l\Iinor; he certainly won 
some considerable advantages there, and the influence 
which Assyria had exercised over states scattered to the 
north of the Taurus, such as 1\Ielitene, and possibly Tabal 
and I\:ummukh, which had formed the ol'iginal nucleus 
of the Hittite empire, must havë now passed into his 
hands. The form of Argistis looms before us as that 
of a great conqueror, worthy to bear comparison with the 
most indefatigable and triumphant of the Pharaohs of 
Egypt or the lords of Chaldæa. The inscriptions which 
are constantly being discovered within the limits of his 
kingdom prove that, following the example of all Oriental 

1 Sayee shows that Ishqigulus was the district of Alexandropolis, to the 
east of Kars; its capital, lrdanius, is very probably either the existing walled 
village of K.alinsha or the neighbouring ruin of Ajuk-kaleh, on the Arpa-tchâì. 


sovereigns, he delighted as much in building as in battle: 
perhaps we shall some day recover a sufficient number 
of records to enable us to restore to their rightful place 
in history this great king, and the people wbose power 
be developed more than any other sovereign. 
Assyria had thus lost all her possessions in tbe northern 
and eastern parts of her empire; turning to the ,vest, how 
mucb still remained faitbful to her? After tbe expedition 
of 775 B.C. to the land of Cedars, two consecutive campaigns 
are mentioned against Damascus (773) and Hadrach (772) ; 
it was during tbis latter expedition, or immediately after it, 
that Shahnaneser IV. died. Northern Syria seems to bave 
been disturbed by revolutions which seriously altered the 
balance of power within her borders. The ancient states, 
whose growth had been arrested by the deadly blows 
inflicted on them in the ninth century by Assur-nazir-pal 
and Shalmaneser III., had become reduced to the condition 
of second-rate powers, and their dominions bad been split 
up. The Patinâ was divided into four small states-the 
Patinâ proper, U nki, Iaudi, and SamaHa, the latter falling 
under the rule of an Aramæan family; 1 perhaps the 
accession of Qaral, the founder of this dynasty, had been 
accompanied by convulsions, which might explain the 
presence of Shalmaneser IV. in the Amanos in 775. All 
these principalities, whether of ancient or recent standing, 
ranged themselves under one of two kingdoms-either 
Hadracb or Arpad, whose names henceforth during the 

1 The inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III. mention U nku, Iaudi, SamalIa, 
and the Patinâ, in the districts where the texts of Assur-nazir-pal and 
Shalmaneser III. only know of the Patinâ. 


following half-century appear in the front rank whenever a 
coalition is formed against Assyria. Carchemish, whose 
independence was still respected by the fortresses erected 
in its neighbourhood, could make no move without exposing 
itself to an immediate catastrophe: Arpad, occupying a 
prominent position a little in front of the Afrîn, on the 
main route leading to the Orontes, had assullled the 1'ûlc 
which Carchemish was no longer in a position to fill. 
Agusi became the principal centre of resistance; all battles 
were fought under the walls of its fortresses, and its fall 
involved the submission of all the country between the 
Euphrates and the sea, as in former times had been the 
case with I{inalua and I{hazazu. 1 Similar to the ascendency 
of Arpad over the plateau of Aleppo was that of Hadrach in 
the valley of the Orontes. This city had taken the position 
fOl'lnerly occupied by Hamath, which was now possibly one 
of its dependencies; it owed no allegiance to Damascus, 
and rallied around it all the tribes of Cæle-Syria, whose 
assistance Hadadezer, but a short while before, had claimed 
in his war with the foreigner. Neither .Arpad, Hadrach, 
nor Damascus ever neglected to send the customary 
presents to any sovereign who had the temerity to cross 
the Euphrates and advance into their neighbourhood, but 
the necessity for this act of.homage became more and more 
infrequent. During his reign of eighteen years Assurdân 
III., son and success
r of Shalmaneser IV., appeared only 
three times beneath their walls-at Hadrach in 766 and 

1 That Arpad was in Agusi is proved, among other places, by the 
inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III., which show us from 743 to 741 the king 
at war with )Iatílu of Agusi and his suzerain Sharduris III. of "G rartu. 


755, at l\..rpad in 750, a few months only before his death. 
Assyria ,vas gradually becoming involved in difficulties, and 
the means necessary to the preservation of its empire wel'e 
less available than formerly. Assurdân had frankly 
renounced all idea of attacking Urartu, but he had at least 
endeavoured to defend himse1f against his enemies on the 
southern and eastern frontiers; he had led his armies 
against Gananâtê (771,767), against Itua (769), and against 
the 1Iedes (766), before risking an attack on Hadrach (765), 
but more than this he had not attempted. On two 
occasions in eight years (768, 764) he had preferred to 
abstain from offensive action, and had remained inactive in 
his own country. Assyria found herself in one of those 
crises of exhaustion which periodically laid her low after 
each outbreak of ambitious enterprise; she might ,yell be 
compared to a man worn out by fatigue and loss of blood, 
who becomes breathless and needs repose as soon as he 
attempts the least exertion. Before long, too, the scourges 
of disease and civil strife combined with exhaustion in 
hastening her ruin. The plague had broken out in the very 
year of the last expedition against Hadrach (765), perhaps 
under the walls of that cit)7. An eclipse of the sun 
occurred in 763, in the month of Sivân, and this harbingel' 
of woe was the signal for an outbreak of l'evolt in the city 
of Assur. 1 From Assur the movement spread to Arrapkha, 
and wrought havoc there from 761 to 760; it then passed 
on to Gozân, where it was not finally extinguished till 758. 
The last remains of Assyrian authority in Syria vanished 

1 The ideas which Orientals held on the subject of comets renders the 
connection between the two event
 very likely, if not certain. 



during this period: Åssurdâll, after two years' respite, 
endeavoured to re-establish it, and attacked successively 
Hadrach (755) and Arpad (754). This was his last exploit. 
His son Assur-nirâri III. spent his short reign of eight 
years in helpless inaction; he lost Syria, he carried on 
hostilities in N amri from 749 to 748-whether against the 
Aramæans or Urartians is uncertain-then relapsed into 
inactivity, and a popular sedition drove him finally from 
Calah in 746. He died some months later, without having 
repressed the revolt; none of his sons succeeded him, and 
the dynasty, having fallen into disrepute through the 
misfortunes of its last kings, thus came to an end; for, on 
the 12th of Iyyâr, 742 B.C., a usurper, perhaps, the leader of 
the revolt at Calah, proclaimed himself king under the 
name of Tiglath-pileser. 1 The second ÅssyIian empire had 
lasted rather less than a century and a half, from Tukulti- 
ninip II. to Assur-nirâri 111. 2 

1 :l\Iany historians have thought that Tiglath-pileser III. was of 
Babylonian origin; most of them, however, rightly considers that he was 
an Assyrian. The identity of Tiglath-pileser III. with Pulu, the Biblical 
Pul (2 Kings xv. 19) has been conclusively proved by the discovery of the 
Babylonian Chronicle, where the Babylonian reigns of Tiglath-pileser III. 
and his son Shalmaneser V. are inserted where the dynastic lists give Pulu 
and Ululaî, the Poros and Elulæos of Ptolemy. 
2 Here is the concluding portion of the dynasty of the kings of Assyria, 
from Irba-rammân to Assur-nirâri III. :- 

IRBA-RAl\uI1N . . . . 
T U K U L T I - P AL- E S H A R R A 
ASSUR- D.\N II.. . 






. 782-772 



In the manner in which it had accomplished its work, 
it reselnbled the Egyptian empire of eight hundred years 
before. The Egyptians, setting forth from the Nile valley, 
had overrun Syria and had at first brought it under their 
suzerainty, though without actually subduing it. They had 
invaded AnlulTu and Zahi, N aharaÏlll and l\litanni, where 
they had pillaged, burnt, and massacred at will for years, 
without obtaining from these countries, which were too 
remote to fall naturally within their sphere of influence, 
more than a temporary and apparent submission; the 
regions in the neighbourhood of the isthmus alone had been 
regularly administered by thë officers of Pharaoh, and when 
the country between l\lount Seir and Lebanon seemed on 
the point of being organised into a real empire the invasion 
of the Peoples of the Sea had overthrown and brought to 
nought the work of three centuries. The AssyIians, under 
the leadership of aillbitious kings, had in their turn carried 
their arms over the countries of the Euphrates and the 
1\!Iediterranean, but, like those of the Eg)7ptians before 
them, their expeditions resembled rather the destructive 
raids of a horde in search of booty than the gradual and 
orderly advance of a civilised people aiming at establishing 
a permanent empire. Their campaigns in Cæle-Syria and 
Palestine had enriched their own cities and spI'ead the 
terror of their name throughout the Eastern 'world, but 
their supremacy had only taken firm I'Oot in the plains 
bordering on l\lesopotamia, and just when they were 
preparing to extend their rule, a power bad sprung up 
beside them, over which they had been unable to tIiumph: 
they had been obliged to withdraw behind the Euphrates, 


and they might reasonably have asked themselves whether, 
by weakening the peoples of Syria at the price of the best 
blood of their own nation, they had not merely laboured for 
the benefit of a rival power, and facilitated the rise of 
Urartu. Egypt, after her victory over the Peoples of the 
Sea, had seemed likely, for the moment, to make a fresh 
start on a career of conquest under the energetic influence 
of Ramses III., but her forces proved unequal to the task, 
and as soon as the master's hand ceased to urge her on, she 
shrank back, without a struggle, within her ancient limits, 
and ere long nothing remained to her of the Asiatic empire 
carved out by the warlike Pharaohs of the Theban 
dynasties. If Tiglath-pileser could show the same courage 
and capacity as Ramses III., he might well be equally 
successful, and raise his nation again to power; but time 
alone could prove whether Nineveh, on his death, would be 
able to maintain a continuous effort, or whether her new 
display of energ)7 would prove merely ephemeral, and her 
empire be doomed to sink into irremediable weakness under 
the successors of her deliverer, as Egypt had done under the 
later Ramessides. 

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f 745 TO 722 B.C. 


Assyria and its neiglLbours at the accession of Tiglath-pileser III. : progress 
of the Aramæans in tlte va.<l.Ín of tlte ]Iiddle Tigris- Urartn and its expansion 
into ille north of Syria-Damascus ({'lid Isr'ael- Vengeance nf Israel on 
Damascus-Jeroboam II.-Civilisatio'il (if tlte Hevre'w 7.ingdnrns, thdr commerce, 
industries, private life, and political organisation-Dlt'wn of IIevrew literature: 
ilte two ltistoria1ls of Ismel- The priesthood and the prophets- The prophecy 
of Amos at Bethel; denunciation 0/ Israel by Hosea. 

Early carnpa-igns of Tiglath-pileser III. in Kardzmiaslt and in ]Iedia-lle 
deterndnes to attaclc Urartu in Syria: defeat of Slwrduris, campaign around 
Arpad, and capture of ill at city-Homage paid by tlte Syrian princes, by 
J.llenaltern amZ Rezin II.-Second campaign against the ]Iedes-Invasion 
of Urnrtu an(l end of its supremacy-Alliance of Pckah and Rezin against 
Alwz: the 'war in Jlldæa and siege of JCfllsalf'1n. 

( 174 

Eyypt undcr the kings of the XXIl'ld d1/,wsty-Tltf' Theban principality, 
its pricsts, pallacides, and recolts ; the XXIlr d Tanitc dynasty- Tafnakltti and 
tlte rise of the Saite far;âly-The Egyptian lângrlom of Etltiopia: thcocratic 
nature of its dynasty, annexation of the Thebaid by thp kingdom of Napata- 
Piûnlchi-Jllrwmn; his generals in Middle Egypt; submission of Khmunu, of 
]Iemphis, and of Tafnalcltti-E.fject produced in Asia by the Et7tiopiall 

The proplwt L
aiah, ltis rise 1tndcr Alwz-Intervention of Tiglath-pileser 
III. in Hebrew a..ffairs; the campaign of 733 B.C. against L
of Rezin, and the downfall of Damascus-NabunaZÎr; Ow IÚrlrlâ and the close 
of the Babylonian dynasty; usurpation of Uldnzîr-Oampaigil against 
Ukînzlr; capture of SllQpía and of Babylon-Tiylath--pileser ascends the 
throne in the last-named city under tlte name of Fulzt (729 B.c.)-Deatlt of 
Tiglath-pileser III. (727 B.C.) 

Reorganisation of the Assyrian empire; provinces and feudatory states- 
Kardu'm'ash, Syria- TVlwlesale deportatiun of conquered races-Provincial 
administrators, their military and financial arrangcments-Buildings erected by 
Tigl(tt7t-pileser at Oalah-Tlte BÎt-Kltilâni-Foltndation of feudal lordsltips- 
Bellwrrcîn-behtzw' - Shalmancser r. and Egypt: rebellion of Hnsltea, tlip 
siege of Smnaria, and the prophecies of Isaiah-Sargon-De;;trllction of the 
kingdom of Israel. 



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Failure of Umrtu and re-conquest of Syria-Egypt 
again united under Ethiopian auspices--Piônkhi 
-The downfall of Damascus, of Babylon, and of 

EVENTS proved that, in this period, at 
any rate, the decadence of Assyria 
was not due to any exhaustion of the race 
or impoverishment of the country, but 
"Tas mainly owing to the incapacity of its 
kings an.d the lack of energy displayed 
by their generals. If 1\Ienuas and 
Al'gistis had again and again triumphed 

.:,"_ .... ,.:- \ over the Assyrians during 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from Layard. 
The vignette, also by Boudier, repre- 
sents a bronze statuette of Queen Karomama, now in the Louvre. 



half a century, it was not because their bands of raw 
recruits were superior to the tried veterans of Rammân- 
nirâri in either discipline or courage. The Assyrian troops 
had lost none of their former valour, and their muster-roll 
showed no trace of diminution, but their leaders had lost 
the power of handling their men after the vigorous fashion 
of their predecessors, and showed less foresight and tenacity 
in conducting their campaigns. Although decimated and 
driven from fortress to fortress, and from province to 
pJ;ovince, hampered by the rebellions it was called upon 
to suppress, and distracted by civil discord, the Assyrian 
army still remained a strong and efficient force, ever ready 
to make its full power felt the moment it realised that 
it was being led by a sovereign capable of employing its 
good qualities to advantage. Tiglath-pileser had, doubt- 
less, held a military command before ascending the throne, 
and had succeeded in winning the confidence of his men: 
as soon as he had assumed the leadership they regained 
their former prestige, and restored to their country that 
supremacy which its last three rulers had failed to 
maintain. l 

1 The official documents dealing with the history of Tiglath-pileser III. 
have been seriously mutilated, and there is on several points some difference 
of opinion among historians as to the proper order in which the fragments 
ought to be placed, and, consequently, as to the true sequence of the various 
campaigns. The principal documents are as follows: (1) The Annals in the 
Central Hall of the palace of Shalmaneser III. at Nimroud, partly defaced 
by Esarhaddon, and carried off to serve as materials for the south-western 
palace, whence they were rescued by Layard, and brought in fragments 
to the British :l\Iuseum. (2) The Tablets, K. 3571 and D. T. [J, in the 
British :l\Iuseum. (3) The Slavs of Nimrud, discovered by Layard and G. 

THE \.R \.l\lÆAXS T

The empire still included the original patrimony of 
Assur and its ancient colonies on the Upper Tigris, the 
districts of l\Iesopotamia won from the Aramæans at 
various epochs, the cities of Khabur, Khindanu, Laqî, and 
Tel-Abnî, and that portion of Bît-Adini which lay to the 
left of the Euphrates. It thus formed a compact mass 
capable of successfully resisting the fiercest attacks; but 
the buffer provinces which Assur..nazir-pal and Shalmaneser . 
III. had grouped round their own immediate domains on 
the borders of N amri, of N aîri, of l\tlelitene, and of Syria 
had either resumed their independence, or else had thrown 
in their lot with the states against which tbey had been 
intended to watch. The ,..\.ramæan tribes never let slip an 
opportunity of encroaching on the southern frontier. So 
far, the migratory instinct which had brought them from 
the Arabian desert to the swamps of the Persian Gulf had 
met with no check. Those who first reached its shores 
became the founders of that nation of the Kaldâ which 
had, perhaps, already furnished Babylon with one of its 
dynasties; others had soon after followed in their footsteps, 
and passing beyond the Kaldâ settlement, had gradually 
made their way along the canals which connect the 
Euphrates with the Tigris till they had penetrated to the 
lowlands of the Uknu. Towards the middle of the eighth 
century B.C. they wedged 'themselves in between Elam and 
l{arduniash, forming so many buffer states of varying size 
and influence. They extended from north to south along 
both banks of the Tigris, their different tribes being known 
as the Gambulu, the Puqudu, the Litau, the Damunu, the 
Ruuâ, the Khindaru, the Labdudu, the Harîlu, and the 




Rubuu ; 1 the Itua, who formed the vanguard, reached 
the valleys of the Turnat during the }'eign of Rammân- 
nirâri III. Th'ey were defeated in 791 n.c., but obstinately 
renewed hostilities in 783, 782, 777, and 769; favoured by 
circumstances, they ended by forcing the cordon of Assyrian 
outposts, and by the time of Assur-nirâri had secured a 
footing on the Lower Zab. Close by, to the east of them, 
lay N amri and :M
edia, both at that time in a state of 
absolute anarchy. The invasions of J\Ienuas and of Argistis 
had entirely laid waste the country, and Sharduris 111., the 
king who succeeded Argistis, had done nothing towards 
permanently incorporating them with Urartu. 2 Sharduris, 
while still heir-apparent to the throne, had been appointed 
by his father governor of the recently annexed territory 
belonging to Etins and the J\tlannai: 3 he made Lununis 
his headquarters, and set himself to subdue the barbarians 
who had settled between the Kur and the Araxes. \Vben 
he succeeded to the throne, about 760 B.C., the enjoyment 
of supreme power in no way lessened l1Ïs activity. On the 
contrary, be at once fixed upon the sort of wide isthmus 
which separates the Araxes from Lake U rumiah, as the 
goal of his incursions, and overran the territory of tbe 
Babilu; there he carried by storm three royal castles, 

1 The list of Aram
ean tribes, and the positions occupied by them 
towards the middle of the eighth century, have been given us by Tiglath- 
pileser III. himself. 
2 Tiglath-pileser did not encounter any Urartian forces in these regions, 
as would almost certainly bave been the case had these countries remained 
subject to Urartu from the invasions of 1\fenuas and Argistis onwards. 
3 Argistis tells us in the Annals that he had made his son satrap 
over the provinces won from the :l\Iannai and Etius: though his name 
is not mentioned, Sayce believes this son must have been Sharduris. 


twenty-three cities, and sixty villages; he then fell back 
upon Etius, passing through Dakis, Edias, and U rmes on 
his way, and brought back with him 12,735 children, 46,600 
women, 12,000 men capable of bearing arms, 23,335 oxen, 
58,100 sheep, and 2,500 horses; these figures give some 
idea of t
e importance of his victories and the wealth of 
the conquered territory. So far as we can learn, he does 
not seem to have attacked Khubushkia,l nor to have 
entered into open rivalry with Assyria; even under the 
rule of Àssur-nil'âri III. Assyria showed a bold enough 
front to deter any enemy from disturbing her except 
when forced to do so. Sharduris merely strove to recover 
those portions of his inheritance to which _'\.ssyria attached 
but little value, and his inscriptions tell us of more than 
one campaign waged by him with this object against the 
mountaineers of 1\1elitene, about the year 758. He captured 
most of their citadels, one after another: Dhumeskis, 
Zapsas, fourteen royal castles, and a hundred towns, in- 
cluding l\lilid itself, where King Khital'uadas held his 
court. 2 At this point two courses lay open before him. 
He could either continue his march westwards, anù, 
penetrating into Asia :Nlinor, fall upon the wealthy and 

1 It is evident from the account of the campaigns that Tiglath-pileser 
occupied Khubushkia from the very commencement of his reign; we must 
therefore assume that the invasions of Argistis had produced only transient 
2 These campaigns must have preceded the descent into Syria, and 
I believe this latter to have been anterior to the expedition of Assur-nirâri 
against Arpad in 754: B.C. Assur-nirâri probably tried to reconquer the 
tribes who had just become subject to Sharduris. The desc('nt of this lattpr 
into Syria probably took place about ,56 or 755 B.C., and his wars against 
Melitene about 758 to 757 B.C. 

180 TIGL

industrious races who led a prosperous existence between 
the Halys and the Sangarios, such as the Tabal, the 
Chalybes, and the Phrygians, or he could turn south- 
wards. Deterred, apparently, by the dreary and mono- 

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he chose the latter course; he crossed 
l\fount Taurus, descended into Northern Syria about 
756, and forced the Khâti to swear allegiance to him. 
Their inveterate hatred of the Assyrians led the Bît- 
Agusi to accept vvithout much reluctance the supremacy 
of the only power which had shown itself capable of with- 
standing their triumphant progress. A1'Pad became for 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Alfred Boissier. 


several years an unfailing SUppOl.t to Urartu and the basis 
on which its rule in Syria rested. Assur-nirâri had, as we 
know, at first sought to recover it, but his attempt to do 
so in 754 B.C. was unsuccessful, and merely served to 
demonstrate his own weakness: ten years later, Carchemish, 
Gurgum, Kummukh, SamaHa, U nki, Kul -in a word, all 
the Aramæans and the I{bâti between the Euphrates and 
the sea had followed in the steps of the Agusi, and had 
acknowledged the supremacy of Sharduris. 1 This prince 
must now have been sorely tempted to adopt, on his own 
account, the policy of the Ninevite monarchs, and push 
on in the direction of Hamath, Damascus, and the 
Phænician seaboard, towards those countries of Israel and 
Judah which were nearly coterminous with far-off Egypt. 
The rapidity of the victories which he had just succeeded 
in winning at the foot of Mount Taurus and Mount 
Amanus must have seemed a happy Olllen of what awaited 
his enterprise in the valleys of the Orontes and the Jordan. 
Although the races of southern and central Syria had 
suffered less than those of the north from the ambition of 
the Ninevite kings, they had, none the less, been sorely 
tried during the previous century; and it might be 
questioned whether they had derived courage from the 
humiliation of Assyria, C?r still remained in so feeble a 
state as to present an easy prey to the first invader. 
The defeat inflicted on l\lari by Rammân-nirâri in 803 
had done but little harm to the prestige of Damascus. The 

1 The minimum extent of the dominions of Sharduris in Syria may 
be deduced from the list of the allies assigned to him by Tiglath-pileser 
in 743 in the Annals. 

influence exercised by this state from the sources of the 
Litâny to the brook of Egypt" was based on so solid a 
foundation that no temporary reverse had power to weaken 
it. Had the Assyrian monarch thrown himself more 
seriously into the enterprise, and reappeared before the 
ramparts of the capital in the following year, l'efusing to 
leave it till he had annihilated its armies and rased its 
'walls to the ground, then, no doubt, Israel, Judah, the 
Philistines, Edom, and Ammon, seeing it fully occupied in 
its own defence, might have forgotten the ruthless severity 
of Hazael, and have plucked up sufficient courage to 
struggle against the Dalnascene yoke; as it was, Rammân- 
nirâri did not return, and the princes who had, perhaps, for 
the moment, regarded him as a possible deliverer, did not 
venture on any concerted action. J oash, ICing of J udab, and 
J eboahaz, King of Israel, continued to pay tribute till both 
their deaths, within a year of each other, J ehoahaz in 797 
B.C., and J oash in 796, the first in his bed, the second by 
the hand of an assassin. 1 Their children, Jehoash in IsraeJ, 
AmazÏah in Judah, were, at first, like their parents, merely 
the instruments of Damascus; but before long, the con- 
ditions being favourable, they shook off their apathy and 
jnitiated a more vigorous policy, each in his own kingdom. 
l\lari had been succeeded by a certain Ben-hadad, also a 

*' [Not the Nile, but the 'Yady el Arish, the frontier between Southern 
Syria and Egypt. Cf. Josh. X'7. 47; 2 Kh/[J8 xxiv. 7, called "river" of 
Egypt in the A.V.-TR.] 
1 2 Kings xii. 20, 21, xiii. 9; cf. 2 Citron. xxiv. 22-26, where the 
death of Joash is mentioned as one of the consequences of the Syrian 
invasion, and as a punishment for his crime in killing the sons of 
J ehoiada. 


son of Hazael,l and possibly this change of kings was 
accompanied by one of those revolutions which had done so 
much to weaken Damascus: J ehoash rebelled and defeated 
Ben-hadad near Aphek and in three subsequent engage- 
ments, but he failed to make his nation completely indepen- 
dent, and the territory beyond Jordan still remained in the 
hands of the Syrians. 2 'Ve are told that before embarking 
on this venture he went to consult the aged Elisha, then 
on his deathbed. He wept to see him in this extremity, 
and bending over him, cried out, "J\ly father, my father, 
the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof!" The 
prophet bade him take bow and arrows and shoot from the 
window toward the East. The king did so, and Elisha 
said, "The Lord's arrow of victory * over Syria; for thou 
shalt smite the Syrians in Aphek till thou have consnnled 
them." Then he went on: "Take the arrows," and the 
king took them; then he said, " Smite upon the ground," 
and the king smote thrice and stayed. And the man of 
God was wroth ,vith him, and said, "Thou shouldest have 
smitten five or six times; then hadst thou smitten Syria 
till thou hadst consumed it, whereas now thou shalt smite 

1 2 Kings xiii. 24, 25. 'Vinckler is of opinion that 1.Iari and Ben- 
hadad, son of Hazael, were one and the same person. 
2 2 Kings xiii. 25. The term "saviour" in 2 Kings xiii. 5 is generally 
taken as referring to Joash : Winckler, however, prefers to apply it to the 
King of Assyria. The biblical text does not expressly state that Joash 
failed to win back the districts of Gilead from the Syrians, but affirms that 
he took from them the cities which Hazael "had taken out of the hand 
of J ehoahaz, his father." Ramah of Gilead and the cities previously 
annexed by J ehoahaz must, therefore, have remained in the hands of 
* [Heb. "salvation;" A.V. " deliverance."-TR.] 


Syria Lut thrice." 1 Amaziah, on his side, had I'outed the 
Edomites in the Valley of Salt, one of David's former 
battle-fields, and had captured their capital, Sela. 2 Elated 
by his success, he believed himself strong enough to break 
the tie of vassalage which bound him to Israel, and sent a 
challenge to J ehoash in Samaria. The latter, surprised at 
his audacity, replied in a parable, "The thistle that ,vas in 
Lebanon sent to the cedar that was in Lebanon, saying, 
Give thy daughter to my son to wife." But" there passed 
by a wild beast that was in Lebanon and trode down the 
thistle. Thou hast indeed smitten Edom, and thine heart 
hath lifted thee up: glory thereof and abide at home; for 
why shouldest thou meddle to thy hurt that thou shouldest 
fall, even thou, and Judah with thee?" They met near 
Beth-shemesh, on the border of the Philistine lowlands. 
Arnaziah was worsted in the engagement, and fell into the 
power of his rival. J ehoash entered Jerusalem and dis- 
mantled its walls for a space of four hundred cubits, "from 
the gate of Ephraim unto the corner gate;" he pillaged 
the Temple, as though it had been the abode, not of 
J ahveh, but of some pagan deity, insisted on receiving 
hostages before he would release his prisoner, and returned 
to Samaria, where he soon after died (781 B.C.). 3 Jeroboam 
II. completed that rehabilitation of Israel, of which his 

1 2 Kings xiii. 14-19. 
2 2 Kings xiv. 7; cf. 2 Citron. xxv. 11, 12. Sela was rebuilt, and 
received the name of J oktheel from its Hebrew masters. The subjection 
of the country was complete, for, later on, the Hebrew chronicler tells 
of the conque
t of Elath by J{ing Azariah, son of Amaziah (2 Kings 
xiv. 22). 
3 2 Kings Áiv. 8-16' cf. 2 Chron. xxv. 17-24. 



fathcr had but sketched the outline; he maintained his 
suzerainty, first over Amaziah, and when the latter was 
assassinated at Lachish (764)/ over his son, the young 
Azariah. 2 After the defeat of Ben-hadad near Aphek, 
Damascus declined still further in power, and Hadrach, 
suddenly emerging from obscurity, cOlupletely barred the 
valley of the Orontes against it. An expedition under 
Shalmaneser IV. in 773 seems to have precipitated it to 
a lower depth than it had ever l'eached before: Jeroboam 
was aLle to wrest from it, almost without a struggle, the 
cities which it had usurped in the days of Jehu, and Gilead 
was at last set free from a yoke which had oppressed it for 
more than a century. Tradition goes so far as to affirm 
that Israel reconquered the Bekaa, Hamath, and Damascus, 
those northern territories once possessed by David, and it is 
quite possible that its rivals, menaced from afar by 
Assyria and hard pressed at their own doors by Hadrach, 
may have resorted to one of those propitiatory overtures 
which eastern monarchs are only too ready to recognise 
as acts of submission. The lesser southern states, such as 
A.mmon, the Bedâwin tribes of Hauran, and, at the 
opposite extremity of the kingdom, the Philistilles,3 who 
had bowed themselves before Hazael in the days of his 

1 2 Kings xiv. 19, 20; cf. '2 Cltron. xxv. '27, 28. 
2 The Hebrew texts make n
 mention of this subjection of Judah to 
Jeroboam II.; that it actually tuok place must, however, be admitted, 
at any rate in so far as the first half of the reign of Azariah is concerned, as 
a necessary outcome of the events of the I>receding reigns. 
3 The conquests of J eroLoam II. are indicated very briefly in 2 Kings 
xiv. 25-28: cf. Amos vi. 14, where the expressions employed by the prophet 
imply that at the time at which he wrote the whole of the ancient kingdom 
of David, Judah included, was in the possession of Israel. 


prosperity, now transferred their homage to Israel. l\Ioab 
alone offered any serious resistance. It had preserved its 
independence ever since the reign of Mesha, having escaped 
from being drawn into the wars which had laid waste 
the rest of Syria. It was now suddenly forced to pay the 
penalty of its long prosperity. Jeroboam made a furious 
onslaught upon its cities-Ar of l\Ioab, Kir of Moab, Dibon, 
l\ledeba, Heshbon, Elealeh-and destroyed them all in 
succession. The lVloabite forces can"ied a part of the 
population with them in their flight, and all escaped to- 
gether across the deserts which enclose the southern basin 
of the Dead Sea. On the frontier of Edom they begged 
for sanctuary, but the I{ing of Judah, to whom the Edomite 
valleys belonged, did not dare to shelter the vanquished 
enemies of his suzerain, and one of his prophets, forgetting 
his hatred of Israel in delight at being able to gratify his 
grudge against lYloab, greeted them in their distress with a 
hymn of joy-" I will water thee with my tears, 0 Heshbon 
Elealeh: for upon thy summer fruits and upon thy harvest 
the battle shout is fallen. And gladness is taken away and 
joy out of the fruitful fields; and in the vineyards there shall 
be no singing, neither joyful noise; no treader shall tread 
out wine in the presses; I have made the vintage shout to 
cease. Wherefore my bowels sound like an harp for l\Ioab, 
and my inward parts for Kir-Heres. And it shall come to 
pass, when Moab presenteth himself, when he wearieth 
himself upon the high place, and shall come to his 
sanctuary to pray, he shall not prevail! " 1 

1 Isa. xv. 1-9; xvi. 1-12. This prophecy, which had been pronounced 
against ,l\Ioab "in the old days," and which is appropriated by Isaiah 



This revival, like the former greatness of David and 
Solomon, was due not so much to any inherent energy 
on the part of Israel, as to the weakness of the nations 
on its frontiers. Egypt was not in the habit of intervening 
in the quarrels of Asia, and Assyl'ia was suffering from a 
temporary eclipse. Damascus had suddenly collapsed, 
and Hadrach 01' 11ansuati, the cities which sought to take 
its place, found themselves fully employed in repelling the 
intermittent attacks of the Assyrian; the Hebrews, for a 
quarter of a century, therefore, had the stage to themselves, 
there being no other actors to dispute their possession of 
it. During the three hundred years of their existence as 
a monarchy they had adopted nearly all the laws and 
customs of the races over whom they held sway, and by 
whom they were completely surrounded. The bulk of the 
people devoted themselves to the pasturing and rearing of 
cattle, and, during the better part of the year, preferred 
to live in tents, unless war rendered such a practice 
impossible. l They had few industries save those of the 
· potter 2 and the smith,3 and their trade was almost entirely 

(xvi. 13, 14), has been attributed to Jonah, son of Amittaî, of Gath-Hepher, 
who actually lived in the time of Jeroboam II, (2 Kings xiv. 23). It is now 
generally recognised as the production of an anonymous J udæan prophet, 
and the earliest authentic fragment of prophetic literature which has come 
down to us. 
1 Cf. the passage in 2 Kings xiii. 5, "And the children of Israel d wel t 
in their tents as beforetime." Although the word ôhel had by that time 
acquired the more general meaning of Jtabitatio
, the context here seems to 
require us to translate it by its original meaning tent. 
2 Pottery is mentioned in 2 Sam. xvii. 28; numerous fragments 
dating from the monarchical period have been found at Jerusalem and 
3 The story of Tubal-Cain (Gen. iv. 22) shows the antiquity of the 


in the hands of foreigners. "\Ve find, however, Hebrew 
merchants in Egypt,l at TYI'e, and in Cæle-Syria, and they 
were so numerous at Damascus that they requested that a 
special bazaar might be allotted to them, similar to that 
occupied by the merchants of Darnascus in Samaria from 
time immemorial. 2 The Hebrew monarchs had done their 
,--. best to encourage this growing desire fOI' 
\':-/: ,',
Ìi" trade. It was only the complicated state of 
- '.., Syrian politics that 
 prevented them 
1..: '

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 far-famed COUll- 
Sl'ECIl\IESS OF HEBREW POTTERY,3 tries of Ophir, 
either in competition with the Phænicians or under 
their guidance. Indeed, as we have seen, J ehoshaphat, 
encourqged by his alliance with the house of Omri, tried 
to establish a seagoing fleet, but found that peasants could 
not be turned into sailors at a day's notice, and the vessel 
built by him at Eziongeber was wrecked before it left the 

ironworker's art among the Israelites; the smith is practically the on]y 
artisan to be found amongst nomadic tribes. 
1 The accurate ideas on the subject of Egypt possessed by the earliest 
compilers of the traditions 
ontajned in Genesis and Exodus, prove that 
Hebrew merchants must have been in constant communication with that 
úountry about the time with which we are now concerned. 
2 I Kings xx. 34; cf. what has been said on this point in vol. vi. 
pp, 432, 441. 
3 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from sketches by Warren. 


harbour. l In appearance, the Hebrew towns closely 
resembled the ancient Canaallite cities. Egyptian 
influences still predominated in their architecture, as may 
be seen from what is still left of the walls of Lachish, and 
they were fortified in such a way as to be able to defy 
the military engines of besiegerso This applies not only 
to capitals, like Jerusalem, Til'zah, and Samaria, but even 








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to those towns which commanded a road or mountain pass, 
the fOl'd of a river, or the entrance to some fertile plain; 
there were scores of these on the frontiers of the two 
kingdoms, and in those portions of their territory which 
lay exposed to the attacks of Damascus, l\Ioab, Edom, or 
the Philistines. l The daily life of the inhabitants was J 

lIKings xxii. 49, 50; 2 Citron. xx. 35-37; cf. p. 120, supra. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs of the Black 
3 2 Cltron. xi. 6-10, where we find a list of the towns fortified by 


to all intents, the same as at Arpad, Sidon, or Gaza; and 
the dress, dwellings, and customs of the upper and middle 
classes cannot have differed in any marked degree from 
those of the corresponding grades of society in Syria. The 


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men wore over their tunic a fringed kaftan, with shol,t 
sleeves, open in front, a low-crowned hat, and sandals or 

Rehoboam: Eethlehem, Etam, Eeth-zur, Boco, Adullam, Gath, l\Iareshah, 
Ziph, Adoraim, Lachish, Azekah, Zorah, Ajalon, Hebron. 
1 Drawn by Boudier, from Layard. These figures are taken from 
a bas-relief which represents Sennacherib receiving the submission of Judah 
before Lachish. 


shoes of pliant leather; 1 they curled their beards and bail', 
painted their eyes and cheeks, and 'wore many jewels; 
while their wives adopted 
all the latest refinements 
in vogue in the harems 
of Damascus, Tyre, or 
Nineveh. 2 Descendants 
of ancient families paid 
for all this luxury out of 
the revenues of the wide 
domains they had In- 
hel'ited; others kept it up 
by less honourable means, 
by usury, corruption, and 
by the exercise of a ruth- 
less violence towards 
neighbours who were un- 
able to defend themselves. 
The king himself set them 
an evil example, and did 
not hesitate to assassinate 
one of his subjects in order 
that he might seize a vine- 
yard which he coveted; 3 










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 OF Jl!DÆ.\. C 

1 The kaftan met with in these parts seems to correspond to the mell 
(R.V. "ephod ") of the biblical texts (1 Sam. ii. 19 ; xviii. 4, etc.). 
2 lsa. iii. 1 ß-24 describes in detail the" hule equipment of jewels, paint, 
and garments required by the fashionable women of Jerusalem during the 
last thirty years of the eighth century B.C. 
3 Cf. the well-known episode of N aboth and Ahab in 1 Kings xxi. 
4 Drawn by Boudicr, fmill Layard. 


it was not to be wondered at, thel'efore, that the nobles of 
Ephraim" sold the righteous for silver, and the needy for a 
pair of shoes; "1 that they demanded gifts of wheat, and 
"turned the needy from their right" when they sat as a 
jury" at the gate." 2 From top to bottom of the social 
ladder the stronger and wealthier oppressed those who were 
weaker or poorer than themselves, leaving them with no 
hope of redress except at the hands of the king. 3 U n- 
fortunately, the king, when he did not himself set the 
example of oppression, seldom possessed the resources 
necessary to make his decisions effective. True, he was 
chief of the most influential family in either Judah or 
Israel, a chief by divine appointment, consecrated by the 
priests and prophets of Jahveh, a priest of the Lord/ and 
he was master in his own city of J ern salem or Samaria, 
but his authol'ity did not extend far beyond the walls. 
It was not the old tribal organisation that embarrassed 
him, for the secondary tribes had almost entirely given 
up their claims to political independence. The division 
of the country into provinces, a consequence of the 
establishment of financial districts by Solomon, had broken 
them up, and they gradually gave way before the two 
houses of Ephraim and Judah; but the great landed 

1 Amos ii. 6. 2 Amos v. 11, 12. 
3 2 Kings vi. 26-30; viii. 3-8, where, in both instances, it is a woman 
who appeals to the king. Cf. for the period of David and Solomon, 2 Sam. 
xiv. 1-20, and 1 Kings iii. 16-27. 
4 Cf. the anointing of Saul (1 Sam. ix. 16; x. 1; and xiv. 1), of David 
(1 Sam. xvi, 1-3, 12, 13), of Solomon (1 Kingfl i. 34, 39, 45), of Jehu 
(2 IGngs ix. 1-10), and compare it with the unction received by the priests 
on their admission to the priesthood (Exod. xxix. 7; xxx. 22, 23; cf. 
Lev. viii. 12, 30; x. 7). 



proprietors, especially those who held royal fiefs, enjoyed 
ahllost unlimited power within their own domains. They 
were, indeed, called on to render military service, to furnish 
forced labour, and to pay certain tl'Ìfling dues into the 
royal treasury; 1 but, otherwise, they were absolute masters 
in their own domains, and the sovereign was obliged to 
employ force if he wished to extort any tax or act of 
homage which they were unwilling to render. For this 
purpose he had a standing army distributed in strong 
detachments along the frontier, but the flower of his forces 
was concentrated round the I'oyal residence to serve as a 
body-guard. It included whole companies of foreign 
mercenaries, like those Cretan and Carian ,varriors who, 
since the time of David, had kept guard round tbe J{.ings 
of Judah; 2 these, in time of war,3 were reinforced by 
militia, drawn entirely from alnong the landed proprietors, 
and the whole force, when comlnanded by an energetic 
leadel', formed a bost capable of meeting on equal terms 
the armies of DaInascus, Edam, or 1Yloab, or even the 
veterans of Egypt and Assyria. The reigning pl'Ìnce was 
heredital'y comlnander-in-chief, but the shar zaba, or 
captain of the troops, often took his place, as in the time 

lIKings xv. 22 (cf. 2 Citron. xvi. 6), where "King Asa made a 
proclamation unto all Judah; none ,was exempted," the object in this case 
being the destruction of Ramah, the building of which had been begun by 
2 The Carians or Cretans are again referred to in the history of Athaliah 
(2 Kings xi. 4). 
3 Taking the tribute paid by 1\Ienahem to Pul (2 Kings xv. IU, 20) as a 
basis, it has been estimated that the owners of landed estate in Israf'l, who 
were in that capacity liable to render military service, numbered 60,000 in 
the time of tha t king; all others were exempt fWID military service. 




of David, and thereby became the most important person 
in the kingdom. 1\10re than one of these officers bad 
already turned against their sovereign the forces which 
he had entrusted to them, and these revolts, 'when crowned 
with success, had, on various occasions, iu Israel at any 
rate, led to a change of dynasty: Omri had been sItar zaba 
when he mutinied against Ziull'i, the assassin of Elah, and 
Jehu occupied the same position ,,,hen Elisha deputed him 
to destroy the house of Onui. 
The political constitutions of Judah and Israel were, on 
the whole, vel'y similar to those of the nUmel"OUS states 
which shared the territory of Syria between them, and 
their domestic history gives us a fairly exact idea of the 
revolutions which agitated Damascus, Hamath, Carchemish, 
Arpad, and the principalities of Ålllanos and Lebanon 
about the same period. It ,vould seem, however, that none 
of these other nations possessed a literary or religious life 
of any great intensity. They had their archives, it is true, 
in which ,vere accumulated documents l'elating to their 
past history, theÏ1' rituals of theology and religious worship, 
their collections of hymns and national songs; but none of 
these have survived, and the very few inscriptions that have 
come down to us merely show that they had nearly all of 
them adopted the alphabet invented by the Phænicians. 
The Israelites, initiated by them into the art of ,vriting, 
lost no tÜne in setting down, in their turn, all they could 
recall of the destinies of their race from the creation of the 
world down to the time in which they lived. From the 
beginning of the monarchical epoch onwards, their scribes 
collected together in the Book of the TY"al's ()j
 tlte Lord, the 



Buok Of Jas/tar, and ill other works the titles of which have not 
survived, lyrics of diffel'ent dates, in which nameless poets 
had sung the victories and glol'ious deeds of their national 
heroes, such as the Song of the vVell, the Hymn of 110ses, 
the triumphal Ode of Deborah, and the blessing of J acob. 1 
They wel'e able to draw upon traùitions which preserved 
the memOl'y of what had taken place in the time of the 
Judges; 2 and when that patriarchal form of government 
was succeeded by a monarchy, they had narratives of the 
ark of the Lord and its wanderings, of Sallluel, Saul, David, 
and Solomon,3 not to mention the official records which, 

1 The books of Jasltar and of the JVars of the Lord appear to date from 
the IX th century B.C.; as the latter is quoted in the EÌohist narrative, 
it cannot have been compiled later than the beginning of the VIIph century 
B.C. The passage in Numb. xxi. 14b, 15, is the only one expressly attributed 
by the testimony of the ancients to the Book of tlte Wars of tlte Lord, 
but modern writers add to this the Song of tlw Well (Numù. xxi. I.ù, 18), 
and the 
ong of Victory over :àloaL (Nwnb. xxi. 27b-30). The S(lng of tlte 
Bow (:1 Sam. i. 19-:17) admittedly formed part of the Boule of Ja:>7wr. 
Joshua's Song of Victory over the Amorites (Joslt. x. 13), and very probably 
the couplet recited by Solomon at the dedication of the Temple (1 Kings viii. 
I:], 13, placed by the LXX. after verse 53), also formed part of it, as also 
the Song of Deborah and the Blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 1-:17). 
2 'Vellhausen was the first to admit the existence of a Book of Judges 
prior to the epoch of Deuteronomy, and his opinion has been adopted by 
Kuenen and Driyer. This book was pI:obably drawn upon by the two 
historians of the IXth and Vllph centuries B.C. of whom we arc about to 
speak; some of the narratives, such as the story of Abimelech, and possibly 
that of Ehud, may have been take
 from a document written at the end of 
the X th or the beginning of the IX th centuries B.C. 
3 The revolutions which occurred in the family of David (
ix.-xx.) bear so evident a stamp of authenticity that they have been 
attributed to a contemporary writer, perhaps .Ahimaaz, son of Zadok 
(2 Sam. xv, 27), who took part in the events in question. But apart from 
this, the existence is generally admitted of two or three books which were 
drawn up shortly after the separation of the tribes, containing a hind 

lûß Tfl

since then, had been continuously produced and accumu- 
lated by the court historians. l It may be that more than 
one writer had already endeavoured to evolve from these 
materials an Epic of J ahveh and His faithful people, but in 
the second half of the IX th century B.C., pedlaps in the 
time of J ehoshaphat, a member of the tribe of Judah 
undertook to put forth a fresh edition. 2 He related how 
God, after creating the universe out of cLaos, had chosen 
His own people, and had led them, after trials innumerable, 
to the conquest of the Pl"Olnised Land. He showed, as he 
went on, the origin of the tribes identified with the 
children of Israel, and the covenants made by J ahveh with 
1\loses in the Arabian desert; while accepting the stories 
connected with the ancient sanctuaries of the north and 
east at Shechem, Bethel, Peniel, 1Iahanaim, and Succoth, 
it ,vas at Hebron in Judah that he placed the principal 
residence of i\brahalll and his descendants. His style, 
while simple and direct, is at the same time singularly 
graceful and vivacious; the incidents he gives are carefully 
selected, apt and characteristic, while his narrative passes 
fl'oril scone to scene without trace of flagging, unburdened 

of epic of the history of the first two kings; the one dealing with Saul, for 
instance, was probably written in the time of Jeroboam. 
] The two lists in which the names of the principal personages at the 
court of David are handed down to us, mention a certain Jehoshaphat, 
son of Ahilud, who was mazkir, or recorder; he retained his post under 
Solomon (1 Kings iv. 3). 
2 The approximate date of the composition and source of this first 
JellO'âst is still an open question. Reuss and J{uenen, not to mention 
others, helie,-e the .Tehovist writer to ha,-e heen :t natIve of the northern 
kingdom; I have adopted the opposite view, which is supported by most 
modern critics. 


by useless details, and bis dialogue, always natural and 
easy, rises without effort fron1 the level of familiar con- 
versation to heights of impassioned eloquence. His aÏ1n 
was not merely to compile the history of his people: he 
desireti at the same time to edify them, by showing how sin 
first came into the world through disobedience to the 
con1n1andments of the l\[ost High, and how man, pl'osperous 
so long as he kept to the laws of the covenant, fell into 
difficulties as soon as he transgressed 01' failed to respect 
them. His concept of J ahveh is in the highest degl'ee a 
concrete one: he regards Him as a Being superior to other 
beings, but maùe like unto theIn and moved by the same 
passions. He shows anger and is appeased, displays 
sorrow and l'epents Him of the evil. 1 'Vhen the descend- 
ants of Noah build a tower and a city, He dra'\Vs nigh 
to examine what they have done, anu having taken account 
of their work, confounds their language and thus prevents 
them from proceeding farther. 2 He desires, later on, to 
confer a favour on His servant Abraham: He appears to 
him in human form, and eats and drinks with him. 3 
Sodom and Gomorrah had committed abominable iniquities, 
the cry against them was great and their sin very grievous: 
but before punishing them, He tells Abrahan1 that He \vill 
"go down and see whether they have ùone according to the 
cry of it which is come unto Me; and if not, I will know.".( 

I Exod. iv. 14 and xxxii. 10, anger of Jahveh against l\Ioscs and against 
Israel; Gen. vi. G, 7, where He repents and is sorry for having created 
man; and Exod. xxxii. 14, where He repents Him of the evil He had 
Ï1ltended to do unto Israel. 
2 Gen. 
i. 5-8. 3 GC'ft. xviii. 
.( Gen. xviii. and xix. 


Elsewhere He 'wrestles a whole night long with Jacob; 1 or 
falls upon 
loses, seeking to kill hiIn, until appeased by 
Zipporah, who casts the blood-stained foreskin of her child 
at her husband's feet. 2 This book, though it breathes the 
spirit of the prophets and was perhaps written in one of 
their schools, did not, however, include all the current 
narratives, and omitted many traditions that were passing 
from lip to lip; moreover, the excessive materialism of its 
treatment no longer harolonised with that more idealised 
concept of the Deity 'which had already begun to prevail. 
Consequently, within less than a century of its appearance, 
more than one version containing changes and interpolations 
in the narrative came to be circulated,3 till a scribe of 
Ephraim, who flourished in the time of Jeroboam II., took 
np the subject and dealt with it in a different fashion. 4 
Putting on one side the primitive accounts of the origin of 

I Gen. xxxii. 24, 25. 2 Exo(l. iv. 24-2G. 
3 Schrader and 'Yellhausen have drawn atten
ion to contradictions in 
the primitive history of humanity as present
d Ly the Jehovist w1ich 
forbid us to accept it as the work of a single writer. N or can these 
inconsistencies be due to the influence of the Elohist, since the latter 
did not deal with this period in his book. Budde has maintained that the 
primitive work contained no account of the Deluge, and traced the descent 
of all the nations, Israel included, back to Cain, and he declares he can 
detect in tbe eat,Ji{'r chapters of Genesis traces of a first Jehovist, whOln he 
calls JI. A second Jehovist, J2, who flourished between 800 and 700 D.C., is 
suppospd to have added to the contribution of the first, certain details 
l)()rrowecl from the BahyJonian tradition, sucb as the Delugp, the story of 
Xoab, of Nimrod, etc. Finally, a third Jehm'ist is said to have thrown 
the versions of his two predecessors into one, taking J2 as thp basis of 
his work. 
.( The date and origin of the Elohist have given rise to no less 
controversy than those of thf' .J ehoyist: the view most generally adortf'd is 
that he was a natiye of the northern kingdom, and flourished about 750 B.C. 



the hUlnan race which his predecessors had taken pleasure 
in elaborating, he confined his attention solely to events 
since the birth of Abraham; 1 his origin is betrayed by the 
preference he displays for details calculated to flatter the 
self-esteem of the northern tribes. To his eyes, Joseph is 
the noblest of all the sons of Jacob, before whorn all the 
rest must bow their heads, as to a king; next to Joseph 
cornes Reuben, to whom-rather than to Judah 2-be gives 
the place as firstborn. He groups his characters round 
Bethel and Shechem, the sanctuaries of Israel; even 
Abraharll is represented as residing, not at Hebron in 
J l1dæa, but at Beersheba, a spot held in deep veneration 
by pilgrims belonging to the ten tribes. 3 It is in his 
concept of the Supreme Being, however, that he differs 
most widely from his pl'edecessors. God is, according to 
him, widely removed from ordinary humanity. He no 
longer reveals Himself at all times and in all places, but 
works rather by night, and appears to men in their dreams, 
or, when circumstances require His active interference, is 
content to send His angels rather than come in His own 
1)erson. 4 Indeed, such cases of active interference are of 
rare occurrence, and He prefers to accolllplish His purpose 

1 Budde seems to have prov('d conclusively that the Elohist did not 
writp any part of the primitive history of mankind. 
2 Gen. xxxvii. 21, 

, 29, 30; xlii. 
::!, 27; whpreas in Gen. xliii. 3, 
8-10, where the nal'rati ve is from the pen of thp J dlOvist, it is ,Judah that 
plays the principal part: it is possible that, ill Gen. xxxvii. 21, Reuben has 
heen substituted in the existing text for .J udah. 
3 Gen. xxi. 31, 33; xxii. 19; tlw importancE' of Bf'ershf'ha as a holy 
place resorted to by pilgrims fl'Oll
 the northern kingdom is shown in 1 Ki'll!/8 
xix. 3, and Anw.'l v. j; viii. 14. 
4 Got. xx. 3-8; x x.viii. 11-13; xxxi 
4; Numb. xxii. 8-1
, 20. 


through hUll1an agents, who act unconsciously, or even in 
direct contravention of their own clearly expresseJ inten- 
tions. 1 J\loreover it was only by degrees that He revealed 
His true nature and title; the patriarchs, .t\..braham, Isaac, 
Jacob, and Joseph, had called Him Elohim, or "the gods," 
and it was not until the coming of J\loses that He disclosed 
His real name of J ahveh to His worshippers. 2 In a word, 
this new historian shows us in every line that the 
theological instinct has superseded popular enthusiasm, 
and his work loses unmistakably in literary interest by the 
change. vVe feel that he is wanting in feeling and inspi- 
ration; his characters no longer palpitate with life; his 
narrative drags, its interest decreases, and his language 
is often deficient in force and colour. 
But while writers, trained in the schools of the prophets, 
thus sought to bring home to the people the benefits which 
their God had showered on them, the people thell1Sel yes 
showed signs of disaffection towards Him, or were, at any 
rate, inclined to associate with Him other gods borrowed 
from neighbouring states, and to overlay the worship they 
rendered Him with ceremonies and ideas inconsistent with 
its original purity. The permanent division of the nation 
into two independent kingdoms had had its effect on their 
religion as well as on their political life, and had separated 
the worshippers into two" hostile camps. The inlutbitants 
of Judah still continued to build altars on their high places, 

1 Gen. 1. 20, end of the story of .Joseph: "And as for you, ye meant 
evil :tg3.inst me; but God meant it for good, to bring it to pass as it is this 
day, to save much peop1p alive." 
, 2 E.rod. iii. 13, 14; verse I;') is an interpolation of much later date. 

Prayer at Sunset 

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as they had done ill the time before David; there, the 
devout prostrated themselves before the sacred stones and 
before the Asherah, or went in unto the kecleshûth in honour 
of Astarte, and in J ahveh's own temple at Jerusalem they 
had set up the image of a brazen serpent to which they 
paid hOlllage. l The feeling, however, that the patron deity 
of the chosen people could have but one recognised 
habitation- the temple built for HÜu by Sololuon-and 
that the priests of this temple were alone qualified to 
officiate there in an effective manner, carne to prevail more 
and n10re strongly in Judæa. The king, indeed, continued 
to offer sacrifices and 11rayer there, 2 but the COm1110n people 
could no longer intercede with their God except through 
the agency of the priests. The latter, in their turn, tended 
to develop into a close corporation of faluilies consecrated 
for genel'ations past to the priestly office; they came in 
time to form a tribe by themselves, which took rank among 
the other tribes of Israel, and claimed Levi, one of the 
twelve sons of Jacob, as its ancestor. Their head, chosen 

1 Of. what we are told of idolatrous practices in Judah under Rehoboam 
and Abijam (1 Kings xiv. 22-24; xv. 3), and of the tolerance of high 
places by Asa and J ehoshaphat (1 Kings X'". 14; xxii. 44); even at the 
period now under consideration neither Amaziah (2 KingR xiv. 4) nor 
Azåriah (2 Kings xv. 4) showed any disposition to prohibit them. The 
brazen serpent was still in existence in the time of Hezekial., at the close of 
tbe Yllpb century B.C, (2 Kings xvíii. 4). 
2 2 Kings x\-i. 10-16, where Ahaz is described as offering sacrifice and 
giving instructions to the high priest U rijah as to the reconstruction and 
service of the altar; cf. 2 Chron. xxvi. 16-21, where similar conduct on the 
part of U zziah is rf'corded, and where the leprosy by which he wa.c;; attacked 
is, in accordance with the belief of later times, reprf'sented as a punishment 
of the sacriIe
e committed by him in attempting to perform the sacrifice 
in person, 


from alIlong the descendants of Zadok, who had been the 
first high priest in the reign of Solomon, was by virtue of 
his office one of the chief ministers of the crown, and 'we 
know what an inlportant part was played by J ehoiadah in 
the revolution which led to the deposition of Athaliah; the 
high pTiest was, however, no less subordinate to the supreme 
power than his fellow-ministers, and the sanctity of his 
office did not avail to protect him fronl ill-treatment or 
death jf he incurred the displeasure of his sovereign. l He 
had control over a treasury continually enriched by the 
offerings of the faithful, and did not always tnrn his trust 
to the best uses; in times of extreme distress the king used 
to borrow froin him as a last resource, in order to 1Jring 
about the withdrawal of an invader, or purchase the help of 
a powerful ally. 2 The capital of Israel was of too recent 
foundation to allow of its chapel royal becor.ning the official 
centre of national worship; the temple and priesthood of 
Samaria never succeeded in effacing the prestige enjoyed 
by the ancient oracles, though in the reign of both the first 
and second Jeroboam, Dan, Bethel, Gilgal, and :ßIizpah had 
each its band of chosen worshippers. 3 At these centres 

I In order to form an idea of the rplative positions occupied by the king 
and thp high priest, we must rea(l what is told of Jehoiadah and Joa'ih 
(2 Kings xii. 6-16), or Urijah and Ahaz (2 K'iu!/s xvi. 10-16) ; the story 
runs that Zechariah was put to death by Joash (2 Citron. xxiv. 22). 
2 Asa did so in order to secure Ben-hadad's help against Da..'1sha (1 
Kings xv. 18, 19; cf. 2 Citron. xvi. 2, 3): as to the' reyenues hy which 
the treasury of the temple was supported and the special ùues appropriated 
to it, cf. 2 K'inr;s Àii. 4, 5, 7-16, and xxii. 4-7, 9. 
3 In the time of Jeroboam II., Bethel, Gilgal, and Dan are mentioned 
by .Amos (iv. 4; v. [), 6; viii. 14), by Hosea (iv. 1:>; ix. 1.'); xii. 12). 
:\Iizpah is mentioned by Hosea (v. 1), and so is Tabor. The altar of Jahveh 
on :\Iount Carmel was restored by Elijah (1 Kings xviii. 30). 

 THE TE)lPLES 203 

adoration was rendered to the animal presentment of 
J ahveh/ and even prophets like Elijah and Elisha did not 
condemn this as heretical; they had enough to do in 
hunting down the followers of Baal ,vithout entering into 
open conflict with the worshippers of the golden calf. The 
priesthood of the northern kingdom was not confined to 
members of the family of Levi, but was recruited from all 
the tribes; it levied a tithe on the harvest, l'eserved to 
itself the pick of the offerings and victims, and jealously 
forbade a plurality of sanctuaries. 2 The Book of tltf 

- \ J :=ï
" 1 
L i 
- -...- ("-. . 
 .H '" :1" .,i'. 'f N 


Covenant 4 has handed down to us the regulations in force 
at one of these temples, perhaps that of Bethel, one of the 

1 The golden calves at Dan and Bethel are referred to by Amos 
(viii. 14) and Hosea (x. 3), where Bethel is called Beth-aven; as to the 
golden calf at Sam aria, d. A11ws viii. 14 and HOB. viii. 5, 6. 
2 Amos iv. 4, 5; v. 
3 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a restoration by :Kaville. 
4 This is the title given in Exo(l. xxiv. 7 to a writing in which )[oses is 
said to have entered the covenant made between Jahveh and Israel; 
it is preserved, with certain interpolations and alterations, in Exod. xx. 23 
-xxiii. .33. It was inserted in its -entirety in the Elohist narrative, there 
taking the place at present occupied by Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch, 
viz. that of the covenant made between Jahveh and Israel prior to the 
crossing of the Jordan (KUE
, H. O. Ondcrzoel..., i. 9 13, No. 32). Reuss 
tries to make out that it was the code promulgated on the occasion of 
J ehosbaphat's legal reforms, which is only referred to in 2 Citron. xvii. 
7 -9; d. xix. 5. A mOl'e probable theory is that it was the "custom" of 
one of the great sanctuaries of the nort.hern kingdom reduced to writing at 
the end of the Xu. or dUl'ing the IXth century B.C. 

201 TH1L

wealthiest of thelll all. The directions ill regard to l'itual 
are extremely sÏInp1e, and the Inoral code is based through- 
out on the inexorable lex talionis, " Liîe for life, eye for eye, 
tooth "for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burning for 
bUl'ning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe." 1 This brief 
code must have been almost universally applicable to 
every conjuncture of civil and religious life ill J uùah no 
less than in Israel. On one point only do we find a 
disagreement, and that is in connection with the one and 
only Iloly of Holies to the possession of which the southern 
kingdom had begun to lay claim: in a passage full of 
significance J ahveh declares, "An altar of earth thou shalt 
Inake unto 1\1e, and shalt sacrifice thereon thy burnt 
offerings and thy peace offerings, thy sheep and thine 
oxen: in every place where I record 1\1'y name I will come 
unto thee and I will bless thee. And if thou make 1\1:e an 
altar of stone, thou shalt not build it of hewn stones : for if 
thou lift up thy too] upon it, thou hast polluted it. Neither 
shalt thou go up by steps unto l\:1ine altar, that thy naked- 
ness be not discovered thereon. " 2 The patriarchs and 
early ancestors of the race had performed their sacrifices in 
the open air, on rude and low altars, differing widely from 
lofty and elaborately ornanlented erections like those at 
Jerusalem, which seem to have borne a resemblance to the 
altars of the Egyptians: the author of the Book of tlte 
Covenant advises the faithful to follow the example of those 
great men rather than that of the Levites of Judah. 
Nevertheless this multiplicity of high places was not 
without its dangers; it led the common people to confuse 

1 E.rod. xxi. 23-23. 

 Exod, xx. 24-2G. 



J ahveh with the iùols. of Canaan, and encouraged the 
spread of foreign superstitions. The misfortunes which had 
come thick and fast upon the Israelites ever since the 
division of the kingdom had made them only too ready to 
seek elsewhere that support and consolation which they 
could no longer find at home. The gods of Damascus and 
Assur who had caused the downfall of Gath, of CaIneh, and 
of Halllath,t those of Tyre and Sid on who lavished upon 
the Phænicians the wealth of the seas, or even the deities 
of Ammon, J\loab, or Edorn, might ,yell appear more desir- 
aLle than a Being \Vho, in spite of His former promises, 
seemed powerless to protect His own people. A number 
of the Israelites transferred their allegiance to these 
powerful deities, prostrated themselves before the celestial 
host, flocked round the resting-places of I(evan, the star 
of El, and carried the tabernacles of the King of heaven; 2 
nor was Judah slow to follow their example. The prophets, 
however, did not view their persistent ill-fortune in the 
same light as the common people; far from accepting it as 
a proof of the power of other divinities, they recognised in it 
a mark of J ahveh's superiority. In their eyes J ahveh was 
the one God, compared with Whom the pagan deities were 
no gods at all, and could not even be said to exist. He 
might, had He so willed it, bave bestowed His protection 
on anyone of the numerous I'aces whom He had planted 
on the earth: but as a special favour, which He was under 
no obligation to confer, He had chosen Israel to be His 
own people, and had promised them that they should 

1 Amos vi. 2; with regard to the destruction of Gath by Hazae1. 
2 AI/lOB v. 26, 27. 


occupy Canaan so long as they kept free from sin. But 
Israel Lad sinned, ISl'ael had followeJ aftel' idols; its mis- 
fortunes .were, therefore, but the j list penalty of its unfaith- 
fulness. Thus conceived, J ahveh ceased to be lllerely the 
god of a nation-He became the God of the whole ,vorId; 
and it is in the guise of a universal Deity that some, at allY 
I'ate, of the prophets begin to represent Him from the time 
of Jeroboam II. ollwards. 
This change of view in regard to the Being of J ahveh 
coincided with a no less lnarked alteration in the character 
of His prophets. .At first they had taken an active part 
in public affairs; they had thrown themselves into the 
political movements of the time, and had often directed 
their course, l by persuasion when persuasion sufficed, by 
violence when violence was the only means that was left 
to them of enforcing the decrees of the l\Iost High. Not 
long before this, ,ve find Elisha secretly conspiring against 

1 Cf. the part .taken by Nathan in the conspiracy which raised Solomon 
to the throne (1 Kings i. 8, et seq.), and previous to this in the story 
of David's amour with Bathsheba (2 Sam. xii. 1-23). Similar]y, we find 
prophets such as .\.hijah in the reign of Jeroboam 1. (1 Kings xi. 2Ð-3Ð ; 
d. xiv. 1-18; xv. 
Ð, 30), and Shemaîah in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Ki1lgB 
xii. :!2-:H), Jehu son of Rananiah under Baasha (1 Kings xvi. 1-4, 7, 
12, 13), l\Iicaiah son of Imla, and Zedekiah under Ahab (1 Kings xxii. 
5-28), not to speak of those mentioned in the Chronicles, e.g. Azariah son of 
Oùed (2 Citron. xv. 1-8), and Ranani under Asa (2 Citron, xvi. 7-10), 
Jahaziel (2 Citron, xx. 14-19), and Eliezer, son of Doda,.ahu (j CItron. 
xx. 37), in the time of Jehoshaphat. No trace of any writings composed 
by these prophets is found until a very late date; but in Chronicles, in 
addition to a letter from Elijah to Jehoram of Juda (2 Citron. xxi. 12-15), 
we find a reference to the commentary of the prophet Iddo in the time of 
Abijah (2 Chron. xiii. 22), and to the" History of Jehu the son of Ranani, 
which is inserted in the book of the kings of Israel" (
 Clzron. xx. 34), in 
the time of J ehoshaphåt. 



the successors of Altab, and taking a decisive part in the 
revolution which set the house of Jehu on the throne in 
place of that of Omri; but during the half-century which 
had elapsed since his death, the revival in the fortunes of 
Israel and its growing prosperity under the rule of an 
energetic king had furnished the 11rophets with but fe"w 
pretexts for interfering in the conduct of state affairs. 
frhey no longer occupied themselves ill resisting the king, 
but addressed themselves to the people, pointed out the 
heinousness of their sins, and threatened them with the 
wrath of J ahveh if they persisted in their unfaithfulness: 
they came to be spiritual advisers rather thall political 
partisans, and orators. rather than men of action like th
predecessors. Their discourses wel'e carefully prepared 
beforehand, and were written down either by themselves 
or by some of their disciples for the benefit of posterity, 
in the hope that future genel'ations \vould understand the 
dangers or witness the catastrophes which their contem- 
poraries lllight not live to see. About 760 B.C., Amos of 
Tekôa, l a native of J udæa, suddenly made his appearance 
at Bethel, in the 11lidst of the festivals which pilgrims had 
flocked to celebrate in the ancient temple erected to 
Jabveh in one of His animal forms. His opening words 
filled the listening crowd with wonder: "The high places 
of Isaac shall be desolate," he proclaimed, "and the 
sanctuaries of Israel shall be laid waste; and I will rise 

1 The title of the Book of Amos fixes the date as being "in the days of 
U zziah king of Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam the son of J oash king 
of Israel" (i. 1), and the state of affairs described by him corresponds 
pretty closely with what we know of this period. :Most critics fix the 
date somewhere between 760 and 750 B.C., but nearer 760 than 750. 


against the house of J ero boarll with the sword." 1 .Yet 
Jeroboam had by this time gained all his victories, and 
never before had the King of Samaria appeared to be more 
firmly seated on the throne: what, then, did this intruder. 
mean by introducing himself as a messenger of wrath in 
the name of Jahveh, at the very moment when Jahveh 
was furnishing His worshippers with abundant signs of His 
favour? Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, interrupted him as 
he went on to declare that "Jeroboam should die by the 
sword, and Israel should surely be led away captive out 
of his land." The king, informed of what was going on, 
ered Amos into exile, and Amaziah undertook to com- 
municate this sentence to him: "0 thou seer, go, flee 
thee away into the land of Judah, and there eat bread, 
and prophesy there : but prophesy not again any more at 
Bethel: for it is the king's sanctuary, and it is a royal 
house." And Amos replied, "I was no prophet, neither 
was I a pl'ophet's son; but I was a herdman, and a dresser 
of sycomore trees: and the Lord took me from following 
the flock, and the Lord said unto me, Go, prophesy unto 
1\1y people Israel. N ow therefore hear thou the word of 
the Lord: Thou sayest, Prophesy not against Israel, and 
drop not thy word against the house of Isaac: therefore 
thus saith the Lord: Thy wife shall be an harlot in the 
city, and thy sons and thy daughters shall fall by the 
sword, and thy land shall be divided by line; and thou 
thyself shalt die in a land that is unclean, and Israel shall 
surely be led away captive out of his land." 2 This 
prophecy, first expanded, and then written down with a 

1 Amos vii. Ð. 

 Amoß vii. 9-17. 


purity of diction and loftiness of thought 'which prove 
Amos to have been a master of literary art, l was widely 
circulated, and gradually gained authority as portents 
indicative of the divine wrath began to accumulate, such 
as an earthquake which occurred two years after the 
incident at Bethel, 2 an eclipse of the sun, drought, famine, 
and pestilence. 3 It foretold, in the first place, the down- 
fall of all the surrounding countries-Damascus, Gaza, 
Tyre, Edom, Ammon, Thloab, and Judah; then, denouncing 
Israel itself, condemned it to the same penalties for the 
same iniquities. In vain did the latter plead its Inivileges 
as the chosen people of J ahveh, and seek to atone for its 
guilt by endless sacrifices. cc I hate, I despise your feasts, J) 
declared J ahveh, "and I ,vill take no delight in your 
solemn assemblies. Yea, though ye offer 1\Ie your burnt 
offerings and meat offerings, I will not accept them: 
neither will I l'egard the peace offerings of your fat 
beasts. Take thou away from 1\le the noise of thy 
songs; for I will not hear the melody of thy viols. But 
let judgment roll down as waters, and righteousness 
as a mighty stream." 4 The unfaithfulness of Israel, 
the corruption of its cities, the pI'ide of its nobles, had 
sealed its doom; even at that momcnt the avenger ,vas 

1 S. Jerome describes ....\mos as " ru
ticus" and "imperitus sermone," but 
modern writers are generally agreed that in putting forward this view 
he was influenced by the statement as to the peasant origin of the prophet. 
2 Amos i. 1; reference is made to it by the unknown prophet whose 
words are preserved in Zcch. xiv. 5. 
3 The famine is mentioned in Amos iv. 6, the drought ill Amos iv. 7, 8, 
the pestilence in Amos iv, 10. 
4 .Amos v, 21-24. 




at hand on its north-eastern border, the Assyrian al)pointed 
to carry out sentence upon it. l Then follow visions, each 
one of which tends to deepen the effect of the seer's words 
-a cloud of 10custs, 2 a devouring fire, 3 a plumb-line in the 
hands of the Lord, 4 a basket laden with summer fruit 5_ 
till at last the whole people of Israel take refuge in their 
temple, vainly hoping that there they may escape from 
the vengeance of the Eternal. "rrhere shall not one of 
them flee away, and there shall not one of them escape. 
Though they dig into hell, thence shall lHine hand take 
them; and though they clirnb up to heaven, thence wiU I 
bring them down. And though they hide themselves in 
the top of Carmel, I will search and take them out thence; 
and though they be hid from 1\ly sight in the bottom of 
the sea, thence will I command the serpent, and he shall 
bite them. And though they go into captivity before their 
enemies, thence will I command the sword, and it shall 
ay them; and I will set l\line eyes upon them for evil 
and not for good." 6 For the first time in history a 
prophet foretold disaster and banishment for a whole 
people: love of country ,vas already giving place in the 

Iost commentators admit that the nation raised up by J ahveh to 
s Israel "from the entering in of Hamath unto the brouk of the 
..Arabah" (Amos vi. 14) was no other than Assyria. At the very period 
in which Amos flourished, Assurdân made two campaigns against Hadracb, 
-ill 763 and 735, which brought his armies right up to the Israelite 
frontier (SCIIRADEH, Keilinscltriftliche Bibliothf'lc, 1'01. i. pp. 210-213). 
2 Amus "ii. 1-3. 3 Amos vii. 4-6. 
4 Amos vii. 7-9. It is here that the speech delivered by the prophet 
at Bethel is supposed to occur (vii. 9); the narrative of what aften\ards 
happened follows immediately (Amos vii. 10-17). 
5 .LLlloS viii. 1-3. L Amos ix. 1--1. 

 OF ISltAEL BY HO::;EA 211 

heart of .L\..mos to his conviction of the universal jurisdiction 
of God, and this conviction led hirn to regard as possible 
and probable a state of things in which Israel should have 
no part. Nevertheless, its decadence was to be Iuerely 
temporary; J ahveh, though prepared to chastise the 
posterity of Jacob severely, could not bring Himself to 
destroy it utterly. The kingdom of David was soon to 
flourish anew: "Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, 
tha t the plowman shall overtake the reaper, and the 
treaùer of grapes him that soweth seed; and the mountains 
shall drop sweet wine, and all the hills shall melt. .And I 
will bring again the captivity of l\Iy people Israel, and they 
shall build the waste cities, and inhabit them; and they 
shall plant vineyards, and drink the wine thereof; they 
shall also make gardens, and eat the fruit of them. l\..nd I 
will plant them upon their land, and they shall no more 
be plucked up out of their land ,vhich I have given them, 
saith the Lord thy God." 1 
The voice of Amos was not the only one raised in 
warning. From the midst of Ephraim, another seer, this 
time a priest, Hosea, son of Beeri, 2 was never weary of 
1 Amos ix, 13-13. 
2 Hoshea (or Hosea) was regarded by the rabbis as the oldest of the 
lesser prophets, and his writings were placed at the head of their collected 
works. The title of his book (Hos. i. 1), where he begins by stating that 
be preached" in the days of Jeroboam, the son of Joash (Jehoash), King of 
Israel," is a later interpolation; the additional mention of Uzziah, Jotham, 
Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, is due to an attempted analogy with 
the title of Isaiah. Hosea was familiar with the prophecies of Amos, and 
his own predictions show that the events merely foreseen by his predecessor 
were now in course of fulfilment in his day. The first three chapters 
probably date from t.he end of the reign of Jeroboam, ahout 7:iO B.C.; the 
others were cornpileù under his successors, and hefore 734-733 ll,C., since 

212 TIGL

reproaching the tribes with their ingratitude, and persisted 
in his foretelliug of the desolation to come. The halo 
of grandeur and rello.wn with which Jeroboam had 
surrounded the kingdom could not hide its ,vretched 
and paltry character from the prophet's eyes; "for yet 
a little while, and I will avenge the blood of J ezreel upon 
the house of Jehu, and will cause the kingdom of the 
house of Israel t.o cease. And it shall come to pass at that 
day that I will break the bow of Israel in the valley of 
J ezreeL" 1 Like his predecessor, he, too, inveighed 
against the perversity and unfaithfulness of his people. 
The abandoned wickedness of Gomer, his ,vife, had brought 
him to despair. In the bitterness of his heart, he demands 
of Jahveh why He should have seen fit to visit such humi- 
liation on His servant, and persuades hÜnself that the 
faithlessness of which he is a victim is but a feeble type 
of that which J ahveh had suffered at the hands of His 
people. Israel had gone a-whoring after strange gods, and 
the day of retribution for its crimes ,vas not far distant: 
" The children of Israel shall abide many days without king 
and 'without prince, and without sacrifice and without 
pillar, and without ephod or teraphim; afterward shall the 
children of Israel Teturn, and seek the Lord their God, and 
David their king; and shall COlne with fear unto the Lord 
and to His goodness in the latter days." 2 \Vhetber the 

Gilead is there mentioned as still forming part of Israel (HoB. vi. 8; xii. 12), 
though it was in that year laid waste and conquered by Tiglath-pileser III. 
Duhrn has suggested that Hosea must haye been a priest from the tone 
of his writings, and this hypothesis is generally accepted by theologians. 
1 Il(.s. i. 4, 5, 
2 HOB. i.-iii. Is the story of Hosea and his wife an allegory, or does it 



decadence of the Hebrews was or was not due to the purely 
lIloral and l'eligious causes indicated by the prophets, it 
was only too real, and even the least observant among 
their contemporaries must have suspected that the two 
kingdoms were quite unfitted, as to their numbers, their 
military organisation, a.nd monetary reserves, to resist 
successfully any determined attack that lllight be maùe 
upon them by surrounding nations. An armed force 
entering Syria by way of the Euphrates could hardly fail 
to overcome any opposition that might be offered to it, 
if not at the first onset, at any rate after a very brief 
struggle; none of the minor states to be met upon its way, 
such as Damascus or Israel, mllch less those of Hamath 
or Hadrach, were any longer capable of barring its 
progress, as Ben
hadad and Hazael had arrested that of 
the Assyrians in the time of Shalnlaneser III. The efforts 
then made by the Syrian kings to secure their inùe- 
pendence had exhausted their resources and worn out 
the spirit of their peoples; civil war had prevented them 
from making good their losses during the breathing-space 
afforded by the decadence of .A.ssyria, and now that N atl1re 
herself had afflicted them with the crowning misfortunes 
of famine and pestllènce, they were reduced to a mere 
shadow of what they had been during the previous century. 
If, therefore, Shard uris, after lllaking himself master of 
the countries of the Taurus and Amanos,4 had turned his 
steps towards the valley of the Orontes, he might have 

rest on a basis of actual fact 7 1\Iost critics now seem to incline to thp 
yiew that the prophet has here Sf't down an authpntic episode from his own 
career, and uses it to point the moral of his work. 


secured possession of it without llluch difficulty, and after 
that there ,vould have been nothing to prevent his soldiers 
from pressing on, if need be, to the walls of Samaria or 
even of Jerusalem itself. Indeed, he seems to have at last 
made up his mind to embark on this venture, when the 
revival of Assyl'ian power put a stop to his ambitious 
schemes. Tiglath-pileser, hard pressed on every side by 
ùaring and restless foes, began by attacking those 'who 
were at once the most troublesome and most vulnerable- 
the Aran1æan tribes on the banks of the Tigris. To give 
these incorrigible banditti, ,vho boldly planted their 
outposts not a score of leagues from his capital, a free 
hand on his rear, and brave the fortune of war in Armenia, 
or Syria, without first teaching them a lesson in respect, 
would have been simply to court serious disaster; an 
Aramæan raid occurring at a time when he was engaged 
elsewhere with the bulk of his army, might have made 
it necessary to break off a successful campaign and fall 
back in haste to the relief of Nineveh or Calah (I{alakh), 
just as he was on the eve of gaining some decisive 
advantage. 1\foreover, the suzerainty of Assyria over 
I{arduniash entailed on him the duty of safeguarding 
Babylon from that other horde of Aralnæans which 
harassed it on the east, while the I(aldâ were already 
threatening its southern frontier. It is not quite clear 
,vhether N abunazîr who then occupied the throne implored 
his help: 1 at any rate, he took the field as soon as he felt 
that his own crown was secure, overthrew the ...\.ramæans 

1 NabunazÎr is the Nabonassar who afterwards gave his name to the era 
employed by Ptolcmy. 

D :\IEDL\ 21;:' 

at the first encounter, and drove theln back from the banks 
of the Lo\ver Zab to those of the Uknu: all tbe countries 
which they had seized to the east of the Tigris at once fell 
again into tbe hands of the Assyrians. This first point 
gained, Tiglath-pileser crossed the river, ana made a 
demonstration in force before the Babylonian fortl'esse
He visited, one after another, Sippar, Nipur, Babylon, 
Borsippa, Kuta, Kîshu, Dilbat, and U ruk, "cities without 
peer," and offered in all of them sacrifices to the gods,-to 
Bêl, to Zirbanit, to Nebo, to Tashmît, and to Nirgal. 
I\:arduniash bowed down before him, but he abstained fron1 
giving any provocation to the ICaldâ, and satisfied with 
having convinced N abunazîr that Assyria had lost none 
of her former vigour, he made his way back to his 
hereditary kingùom. l The lightly-won success of this 
expedition produced the looked-for result. Tiglath-pilesel' 
had set out a king de facto; but no,v that the gods of the 
ancient sanctuaries had declared themselves satisfied with 
his homage, and had granted him that l'eligious consecra- 
tion which had before been lacking, he returned a king 
de jure as well (743 B.C.). His next campaign completed 
what the first had begun. The subjugation of the plain 
would have been of little advantage if the highlands had 
been left in the power of tribes as yet unconquered, and 
allowed to pour down with in1punity bands of rapacious 

1 l\Iost historians believe that Tiglath-pileser entered Karduniash as an 
('nemy : that he captured several towns, and allowed tbe others to ransom 
themselves on payment of tribute. The way in which the texts known to 
us refer to this expedition seems to me, however, to prove that he set out 
as an ally and protector of Nabonazir, and that his visit to the Babylonian 
sanctuaries was of a purely pacific naturc. 


freebooters on the newly liberated provinces: security 
between the Zab and the Uknu could only be attained by 
the pacification of N amri, and it was, therefore, to N amri 
that the sea of war ,vas transferred in 744 B.C. AU the 
Cossæan and Babylonian races intermingled in the valleys 
on the frontier were put to ransom one after another. 

These included the Bît-Sangibuti, the Bît-I{hambân, the 
Barrua, the Bît-Zualzash, the Bît-Thfatti, the U mliash, the 
Parsua, the Bît-Zatti, the Bît-Zabdâdani, the Bît-Ishtar, 
the city of Zakruti, the Ninâ, the Bustus, the Arakuttu, by 
which the conqueror gradually made his way into the heart 
of Thledia, reaching districts into which none of his prede- 
cessors had evel' penetrated. Those least remote he 
annexed to his own en1pire, converting them into a 



province under the rule of an Assyrian governor; he then 
returned to Calah with a convoy of GO,500 p1"Ìsoners, and 
countless herds of oxen, sheep, mules, and dromedaries. 
Whilst he was thus employed, Assur-dainãni, one of his 
generals to whom he had entrusted the pick of his army, 
pressed on still further to the north-east, across the almost 
waterless deserts of 1\1edia. The mountainous district on 
the shores of the Caspian hacl for centuries enjoyed a 
reputation for wealth and fertility among the races settled 
on the banks of the Euphrates and Tigris. It was from 
thence that they obtained their lapis-lazuli, and the hills 
froIn which it was extracted were popularly supposed to 
consist almost entirely of one compact mass of this 
precious mineral. Theil' highest peak, now known as the 
Demavend, was then called Bikni/ a name which had COlne 
to be applied to the whole ðistrict. To the Assyrians 
it stood as the utmost boundary mark of the known world, 
beyond which their imagination pictured little more than 
a confused mist of almost fabulous regions and peoples. 
Assur-daintlni caught a distant glimpse of the snow-capped 
pyramid of Demavend, but approached no nearer than its 
lower slopes, whence he retraced his steps after having 
levied tribute from their inhabitants. The fame of this 
exploit spread far and ,vide in a marvellously short space 
of time, and chiefs who till then had vacillated in their 
decision now crowded the path of the victor, eager to pay 
him homage on his return: even the I{ing of Illipi thought 
it wise to avoid the risk of invasion, and hastened of his 

1 The country of Bikni is probabJy Hhagian :Media and ,Mount Bikni, the 
modern Demavend. 


own accord to meet the conqueror. fIere, again, Tiglath- 
pileser bad merely to show LiII1self in order to re-establish 
the supremacy of Assyria: the races of the plain, for many 
years familiar with defeat, made no pretence of serious 
resistance, but bowed their necks beneath a fresh yoke 
alrnost without pro- 



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'. I'IUXCIl'.\L PE.\K OF 

Having thus secured his I'ear from attack for some 
years at any rate, Tiglath-pileser no longer hesitated to 
try conclusions with Urartu. The struggle in which he 
now deliberately engaged could not fail to be a decisive 
one; for Urartu, buoyed up and borne on the wave of 
some fifty years of prosperity, bad almost succeeded in 
reaching first rank among the Asiatic powers: one more 

} Drawn by TIoudier, from a photograph by 1\1. ùe ßlorgan. 

 SYRIA 219 

victory over Nineveh, and it would become-for how long 
nOlle might say-undisputed mistress of the whole of Asia. 
Assyria, on the othel' hand, had reached a point where 
its whole future hung upon a single issue of defeat or 
victory. The prestige with which the brilliant campaigns of 
Assur-nazir-pal and Shalmaneser III. had invested its name, 
if somewhat diminished, had still survived its recent 
reverses, and the terror inspired by its arms was so great 
even among races who had witnessed them from a distance, 
that the image of Assyria rose involuntarily before the 
eyes of the Hebrew prophets as that of the avenger 
destined to punish Israel for its excesses. l No doubt, 
during the last few l'eigns its prosperity had waned and 
its authority over distant provinces had graduaUy become 
relaxed; but now the old dynasty, worn out by its own 
activity, had given place to a new one, and with this 
change of rulel:s the tide of ill-fortune was, perhaps, at 
last about to turn. At such a juncture, a successful cam- 
paign meant full compensation for all past disasters and 
the attainment of a firmer position than had ever yet been 
held; whereas another reverse, following on those from 
which the empire had already suffered, would render their 
effect tenfold more deadly, and, by letting loose the hatred 
of those whom fear alone still held in check, cOlllplete 
its overthrow. It was essential, therefore, before entering 
on the struggle, to weigh well every chance of victory, 
and to take every precaution by which adverse contin- 
gencies might be, as far as possible, eliminated. The 
army, encoluaged by its success in the two preceding 
1 Of. Amos vi. 4, 


calnpaigns, was in excellent fighting order, and ready to 
lllarch in any direction without a moment's hesitation, 
confident in its ability to defeat the forces of U rartu as 
it had defeated those of the 1\ledes and Aramæans; but 
the precise point of attack needed careful consideration. 
Tiglath-pileser must have been sorely tempted to take the 
shortest route, challenge the enemy at his most vulnerable 
point on the shores of Lake Van, and by a well-aimed 
thrust deal him a blow from which he would never, or 
only by slow degrees, recover. But this vital region of 
Urartu, as we have already pointed out, presented the 
greatest difficulties of access. The rampart of mountain 
and forest by which it was protected on the Assyrian 
side could only be traversed by means of a few by,vays, 
along which bands of guerrillas could slip down easily 
enough to the banks of the Tigris, but which were quite im- 
passable to any army in full marching ord
r, hampered by 
its horses, chariots, and baggage-train: compelled to thread 
its way, with columns unduly extended, through the woods 
and passes of an unknown country, which daily use had 
long made familiar to its adversaries, it would have run 
the risk of being cut to pieces man by man a dozen times 
before it could hope to range its disciplined masses on 
the field of battle. Former Assyrian invasions had, as a 
general rule, taken an oblique course towards some of the 
spurs of this formidable chain, and had endeavoured to 
neutralise its defences by outflanking them, either by pro- 
ceeding westwards along the basins of the S
lpnat and 
the Arzania, or eastwards through the countries bordering 
on Lake Urumiah; but even this method presented tOQ 



lnany difficulties and too little certainty of success to 
warrant Tjglath-pileser ill staking the reviving fortunes 
of his empire on its adoption. He rightly argued that 
Sharduris would be most easily vulnerable in those 
provinces \vhose allegiance to him was of recent date, 
and he resol ved to seek out his foe in the heart of 


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Northern Syria. There, if anywhere, every chance was 
in his favour and against tho Armenian. The scene of 
operations, while it had long been familiar to his own 
generals and soldiers, was, on the other hand, entirely 
new ground to those of the enemy; the latter, though 
unsurpassed In mountain warfare, lost nluch of their 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by 1\1. Binder. at 
J ulamerk, near the junctiun of the mountain tracks lea.ding from the Zab 
,alley tu the south-eastern corner uf the basin of Lake Van. 


superiority on the plains, and could not, with all their 
courage, make up for their lack of -experience. l\foreover, 
it must not be forgotten that a victory on the banks of 
the Afl'În or the Orontes would have more important 
results than a success gained in the neighbollrhood of 
the lakes or of U l'artu. Not only would it free the AssYl'ians 
from the only one of their enemies ,,,horn they had any 
cause to fear, but it would also bring back the Hittite 
hings to their allegiance, and restore the Assyrian suprem- 
acy over the wealthiest regions of Western .A..sia: they 
would thus disable Urartu and l'econquer Syria at one 
and the same time. Tiglath-pilesel', therefore, crossed 
the Euphrates in the spring of 743 B.C., neither :Thlatîlu 
of Agusi, I\:ushtashpi of I\:ummukh, nor their allies daring 
to interfere with his progress. He thus advanced as far 
as Arpad, and, in the first moment of surprise, the town 
threw open its gates before him. l There, while he was 
making I'early to claim the homage of the surrounding 
countries, he learnt that Sharduris was hastening up to 
the rescue. He at once struck his camp and nlarched 
out to meet his rival, coming up with him in the centre 
of I\:ummukh, not far from the Euphl'ates, between 

1 Different writers haye given different versions of this campaign. Some 
think that Arpad resisted, and that Tiglath-pileser was laying siege 
to it, when the arrival of Shard uris compelled him to retire; otherl:> prefer 
to believe that Arpad was still in the hands of the Assyrians, and tha,t 
Tiglath-pileser used it as his base of operations. The formula ina Arpaclda, 
in the 1:.'pon!J1n Canon proves that Tiglath-pileser was certainly in Arpacl: 
since Arpad belonged to the Dît-Agusi, and they were the allies or vassals of 

harduris, we must assume, as I ha\ e done here, that in the absence of the 
U rartians they did nòt dare to resist the Assyrians, and opened their gates 
to them. 



Ii.isbtàn and Ii.halpi. SharduI'is ,vas at the head of his 
Sy1'Ïan contingents, including the forces of Agusi, JUelitene, 
I(umlTIukh, and Gurgum-a formidable army, probably 
superior in point of numbers to that of the Assyrians. 
The stl'uggle lasted a whole day, and in the course of 
it the two kings} catching sight of one another on the 
field of battle, engaged in personal combat: at last, 
towards evening, the chariots and cavalry of Ural'tu gave 
way and the rout began. The victors Inade their way 
into the camp at the heels of their flying enemies. 
Sharduris abandoned his chariot, and could find nothing 
but a mare to aid him in his flight; he threw himself 
upon her back, careless of the ridicule at that time 
attached to the use of such a mount in Eastern countries, I 
fled at a gallop all through the night, bard pressed by 
a large body of cavalry, crossed the hills of Sibak, and 
with much difficulty reached the bridge over the Euphrates. 
lIis pursuers drew rein on the river-bank, and Sharduris 
re-entered his kingdom in safety. He had lost neady 
73,000 men, killed or taken prisoners, in addition to his 
chariots, and neady the whole train of horses, asses, 
servants, and artisans attached to his army; he left his 
tent still standing, and those who were first to enter 
it laid hands on his furpiture and effects, his royal 
ornaments, his bed and portable throne, with its cushions 
and bearing-poles, none of which had he found time to 
take with hirn. rriglath-pileser burnt then1 all on the 
spot as a thank-offering to the gods who had so signally 

1 DO, too, later on, in the time of Sargon, Rusas, when defeated, gets on 
the back of a mare and rides off. 


favoured him; the bed alone he retained, in order that 
he might dedicate it as a trophy to the goddess Ishtar 
of Nineveh. 
He had covered himself with glory, and might well 
be proud of his achievement, yet the victory was iu no 
way a decisive oue. The damage inflicted on the allies, 
considerable though it was, had cost Lim dear: the forces 
left to him ,vere not sufficient to enable him to finish the 
campaign, and extort oaths of allegiance froln the Syrian 
princes before they Lad recovered from the first shock 
of defeat. He returned to Nineveh, and spent the whole 
winter in reorganising bis troops; while his enemies, on 
the other band, made 11l"eparations to repel the attack 
energetically. Sharduris could not yet venture outside 
his lnountain strongholds, but the hope of being rein- 
forced by him, as soon as he had got together another 
army, encouraged the Syrian kings to remain faithful to 
him in spite of his reverses. 1 l\fatîlu of Agusi, unable 
to carry the day against the Assyrians in the open field, 
distributed his men anlong his towns, and resisted all 
attacks with extraordinary persistence, confident that 
Sharduris would at length come to help hÏIn, and with 
this hope he held out for tInee years in his town of 
Arpad. This protracted resistance need no longer astonish 
us, now that we know, from observations made on the 
spot, the marvellous skill displayed in the fortification 

1 The part played by Sharduris in the events of the years which followed, 
passing mention of which was made by 'Vinckler (Gesch. Baù. ltrld Ass., pp. 
224, 225), have been fully dealt with by HeIck and Lehmann (Clwldisclte 
Fnrsclwngcn, in Verlul1ldl. da Bcrliner antltropol. Gesl'llsclwft, 1895, pp. 


of these Asiatic towns. The ruins of Arpad have yet 
to be explored, but those of Samalla have been excavated, 
and show us the methods adopted for the defence of a 
royal residence about the middle of the century with 
which 'we are now concerned. The practice of building 
citadels on a square or rectangular plan, which prevailed so 
largely under the Egyptian l'ule, had gradually gone out of 
fashion as the knowledge of engineering advanced, and 
the use of mines and military engines had been more 
fully developed among the nations of '-tVestern Asia. It 
was found that the heavily fortified angles of the en- 
closing wall merely presented so many weak points, easy 
to attack but difficult to defend, no matter how care- 
fully they might be protected by an accumulation of 
obstacles. In the case of fortresses built on a plain, 
where the plan was not modified by the nature of the 
site, the enclosing wall was generally round or oval in 
shape, and free from useless angles which might detract 
from its strength. The walls were surmounted by battle- 
ments, and flanked at short intervals by round or square 
towers, the tops of which rose but little, if indeed at 
all, above the level of the curtain. In front of this 
main wall was a second lower one, also furnished .with 
towers and battlements, which followed the outline of 
the first all the way round at an interval of some yards, 
thus acting as a sort of continuous screen to it. rrhe 
gates were little less than miniature citadels built into 
each line of ramparts; the gate of the outer wall was 
often surrounded by lower outworks, two square bastions 
and walls enclosing an outer quadrangle which had to 
. Q 


be crossed before the real gate was reached. "\Vhen a 
breach had been made ill this double enclosure, though 
the town itself might be taken, 
the labours of the attacking 
force 'were not yet over. In 
the very centre of the place, 
on a sort of artificial mound- 
or knoll, stood the royal castle, 
and resistance on the part of 
its gal'rison 'would make it 
necessary for the enemy to 
undertake a second siege no 
less deadly and protracted than 
the first. The keep of Zinjirli 
gate approached by a narrow causeway. 


Lad only a single 
"\Vithin, it was 
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no mercy at the hands of the Assyrians; he therefore 


1 A reproduction by Faucher-Gudin of the first plan published by 
2 Heproduction hy Faucher-Gudin of the sketch published by Luschan. 



struggled on to the last, and when at length obliged to 
surrender, in the year 740 B.C., he paid for his obstinacy by 
the loss of his throne, and perhaps also of his life. l The 
inaction of Shard uris clearly showed that he was no longer 

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In a position to protect his. allies, and that the backbone 
of his kingdom was broken; the kings who had put faith 
in his help now gave him up, and ambassadors flocked 

lOur knowledge of these events is imperfect, OUI' only information being 
derived from the very scanty details given in the Eponym Canon; up to the 
present we can do no more tban trace the general course of events. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from tbe plan published in Luschan. 


in from all parts, even from those which ,vere not as 
yet directly threatened. l(ushtashpi of Kummukh, Tark- 
hulara of Gurgum, Pisiris of Carchemish, U riaik of Kuî, 
came to Arpad in pel'son to throw themselves at the 
conqueror's feet, bringing with them offerings of gold and 
silver, of lead and iron, of ivory, carved and in the tusk, 
of purple, and of dyed or embroidered stuffs, and were 
confirmed in the possession of their respective territories; 
Hiram II. of Tyre, moreover, and Rezin of Damascus 
sent their greetings to him. l The Patinâ, who in days 
gone by had threatened the fortunes of Assur-nazir-pal, 
once again endeavoured to pose as the rivals of Assyria, 
and Tutammû, sovereign of Unki, the most daring of 
the minor states into which the Patinâ had been split 
up, declined to take part in the demonstrations made 
by his neighbours. Tiglath-pileser marched on l{inalua, 
sacked it, built a fortress there, and left a governor anù 
garrison behind him: Agusi and U nki henceforth sank 
down to the level of mere provinces, administered by 
royal officers in the king's nallle, and permanently occupied 
by Assyrian troops. 
Northern Syria was thus again incol'porated ,vith the 
empire, but U rartu, although deprived of the resources 
with ,vhich Syria had supplied it, continued to give cause 
for apprehension; in 739 B.C., however, a large proportion 
of the districts of N aîri, to which it still clung, was wrested 
from it, and a fortress was built at Ulluba, ,vith a view to 

1 Annals of Tiglath-pileser JIl, where the statement at the close indicates 
that Tiglath-pileser received the tributary kings of Syria" in Arpad," after 
he had captured that city. 



proviJing a stable base of operations at this point on the 
northern frontier. 
\. rebellion, instigated, it n1ay be, by 
his own agents, recalled Tiglath-pileser to the Aillanus in 
the year 738. The petty kings who shared with Assyria 
the possession of the mountains and plains of the Afrîn 
could not succeed in living at peace with one another, and 
every now and then their disputes bl'oke out into open 
warfare. SamalIa was at that time subject to a family of 
which the first members known to history, Qaral and 
Panammu, shared Yaudi equally between them. Barzur, 
son of Panammn 1., had reigned there since about 705 B.C., 
and there can be little doubt that he must bave passeù 
through the same vicissitudes as his neighbours; faithful 
to Urartu as long as Shard1.lris kept the upper hand, and 
to Assyria as soon as Tiglath-pileser had humiliated Urartu, 
he had been killed in a skirmish by some rival. His son, 
Panammu II., came to the throne merely as a nominee of 
his suzerain, and seems to have always rendered him 
faithful service; unfortunately, Yaudi was no longer 
subject to the house of Panammu, but obeyed the rule of 
a certain Azriyahu, who chafed at the presence of an alien 
power.! Azriyahu took advantage of the events which kept 
rriglath-pileser fully occupied in the east, to form a 

1 Azriyahu of Yaudi was identified with Azariah of Judah by G. Smith, 
and this identification was for a long time accepted without question by 
most Assyriologists. After a violent controversy it has finally been shown 
tbat the Yal,di of Tiglatb-pileser IlL's inscriptions ougbt to be identified 
with the Yadi or Ya1ldi of tbe Zinjirli inscriptions, and consequently that 
Azriyahu was not king of Judah, but a king of N ortbern Syria. This view 
appears to me to harmonise so well witb what remains of the texts, and with 
QUI' knowledge of the events, that J have had no hesitation in acll.ptillg it. 


coalition in favour of hirnself anlong the states on the 
banks of the OI'ontes, including some seventeen provinces, 
dependencies of Hamath, and certain turbulent cities of 
Northern Phænicia, such as Byblos, Arka, Zitnyra, U SllÛ, 
Siallnu, Cæle-Syria, and even Hadrach itself. It is not 
quite clear whether Damascus and the Hebrews took part 
in this movement. Jeroboam had died in 740, after a 
prosperous reign of forty-one years, and on his death Israel 
seems to have fallen under a cloud; six months later, his 
son Zechariah was assassinated at Ibleam by SLallum, son 
of J abesh, and the prophecy of Amos, in which he decl
that the house of Jeroboam should fall beneath the sword 
of J ahveh, 1 was fulfilled. Shallulll himself reigned only 
one month: two other competitors had presented them- 
selves immediately after his crime; 2 the ablest of these, 
J\lenahem, son of Gadi, had come fron1 Tirzah to Samaria, 
and, after suppressing his rivals, laid hands on the crown. 3 
He lllust have made himself master of the kingdom little 
by little, the success of his usurpation being entÌ1'ely due 
to the ruthless energy invariably and everywhere displayed 
by hirn; as, for instance, when Tappuakh (Tiphsah) refused 
to open its gates at his summons, be broke into the town 
and slaughtered its inhabitan ts. 4 All the defects of organi- 

1 AulOS vii. 9. 
2 The nameless prophet, whose prediction is handed down to us in ZrcTt. 
ix.-xi., speaks of three shepherds cut off by Javeh in one month (xi. 8); two 
of these were Zechariah and Shallum; the third is not mentioned in the 
Book of Kings. 
 Kin;;s Xl\'. 23-29; xv. 8-15. 
4 2 Kings xv. 16. The l\Iassoretic text gives the name of the town as 
Tipsab, but the Septuagint has Taphôt, which If'd Thenius to suggest Tap- 
puakh as an emendation of Tipsah: Stade prefers the emendation Tirzah. 



sation, all the sources of weakness, which for the last 
half-century had been obscured by the glories of Jeroboam 
11., now came to the sluface, and defied all human efforts 
to avert their consequences. "Then," as Hosea con1- 
plains, "is the iniquity of Ephraim discoyered, and the 
wickedness of Samaria; for they commit falsehood: and 
the tbief entereth in, and the troop of robbers spoileth 
without. And they consider not in their hearts that I 
(J ahveb) remember all their wickedness: now have their 
own doings beset them about; they are before l\Iy face. 
rrhey make the king glad ,vith their wickedness and the 
princes with their lies. They are all adulterers; tbey are 
as an oven heated by the baker. . . . They . . . devour 
their judges; aU their kings are fallen; there is none 
alnong tbem that calleth unto :ßle." 1 In Judah, A z
(D zziah) bad at first shown some signs of ability; he had 
completed the conquest of Idumæa [Edorn J, and had 
fOl,tified Elath,2 but he suddenly found himself stricken 
with leprosy, and was obliged to hand over the reins of 
government of J otham. 3 His long life had been passed 
uneventfully, and without any distlubance, under the pro- 
tection of Jeroboam; but the very same defects which had 
led to the ruin of Israel were at work also in Judah, and 

Tappuakh was a town situated on the borders of Ephraim and 
(Joslt. xvi. 8; xvii. 7, 8). 
1 Hos. vii. 1-4, 7. 
2 2 Kings xiv. 22; in 2 Cllron. xxvi. 6-15 he is credited with the re- 
organisation of the army and of the J udæan fortress, in addition to cam- 
paigns ag'1inst the Philistines and Arabs. 
3 2 Kings xv. 5; cf. 2 Cllron. xXTi. 19-21. Azariah is also abbreviated 
into U zziah. 

232 TIGL

J\Ienahem, in spite of his enfeebled condition, had nothing 
to fear in this direction. The danger which menaced hÜn 
came ratber from the east and the north, where Damascus, 
aroused from its state of lethargy by Rezôn [RezinJ II., had 
. again begun to strive after the hege- 
Inony of SYI'ia. 1 All these princes, 

.-. t when they found that the ambition 

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of Tiglath-pileser threatened to interfere with their own 
intrigues, were naturally tempted to combine against him, 
and were willing to postpone to a more convenient season 

1 The name of this king, written Hezin in the Bible (2 I\.in;p
 xv. 37 ; 
xvi. 5, G, !)), is given as Razll1/lt in the Assyrian texts; he was therefore 
Rezôn II. A passage in the Annals seems to imlicate that Rezin's father was 
prince of a city dependent on Damascus, not. king of Damascus itself; un- 
fortunately the text is too much mutilated to warrant us in forming any 
definite conclusion on this point. 
:J Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a sketch puLlished Ly Layanl. 



the settlement of their own domestic quan'rels. But 
Tiglath-pileser did not give them time for this; he routed 
Azriyahu, and laid waste l{,ullani, l the chief centre of 
revolt, ravaged the valley of the Orontes, and carried off 
the inhabitants of several towns, replacing them with 
prisoners taken the year before during his campaign in 
N aîri. After this feat the whole of Syria surrendered. 
Rezin and 11enahem were among the first to tender their 
homage, and the latter paid a thousand talents of silver for 
the finnctn which definitely confirmed his tenure of the 
throne; the princes of Tyre, Byblos, Hamath, Carchemish, 
l\Iilid, Tabal, and several others followed their example- 
even a certain Zabibi, queen of an Arab tribe, feeling com- 
pelled to send her gifts to the conqueror. 
A sudden rising among the Aramæan tribes on the 
borders of Elam obliged Tiglath-pileser to depart before he 
had time to take full advantage of his opportunity. The 
governors of Lullumi and N aîri promptly suppressed the 
outbreak, and, collecting the most prominent of the rebels 
together, sent them to the king in order that he might 
distribute them throughout the cities of Syria: a colony 
of 600 prisoners from the town of Amlati was established 
in the territory of Damaunu, 5400 from Dnr were sent to 
the fortresses of Unki, l{,unalia, Khuzarra, Taî, Tarmanazi, 
l{"ulmac1ara, Khatatirra, and Sagillu, while another 10,000 
or so were scattered along the Phænician seaboal'd and 
among the adjacent mountains. The revolt had meanwhile 

] Kullani is the Calno or Calneh mentioned by Isaiah (x. 9) and .Amos 
(yi. 2), which lay somewhere between Arpad and Hamath; the precise spot 
is not yet known. 


spread to the nations of l\[edia, where it ,vas, perhaps, 
fomented by the agents of Ural'tu; and for the second time 
within seven years (737 B.C.) Tiglath-pileser trampled under- 
foot the countries over which he bad ridden in triumph at the 
beginning of his career-the Bît- Kapsi, the Bit-Sangibuti, 
the Bît-Tazzakki, the Bît-Zulazash, the Bît-l\Iatti, and 
Umliasb. The people of Upash, among the Bit-I{apsi, 
entrenched tbemselves on the slopes of l\Iount Abirus; 
but he carried their entrenchments by storm. U shunt 
of Taddiruta and Burdadda of Nirutakta were seized with 
alarm, and hid themselves in their mountain gorges; 
but he climbed up in pursuit of them, drove tbem out 
of their hiding-places, seized their possessions, and made 
them prisoners. Similar treatment was meted out to all 
those who proved refractory; some he despoiled, others 
he led captive, and "bursting upon the remainder like 
the downpour of Ramrnân," permitted none of thern to 
escape. He raised trophies al1 along his line of march: 
in Bau, a dependency of Bît-Ishtar, he set up a pointed 
javelin dedicated to Ninip, on which he had engraved 
a panegyric of the virtues of his master Assur; near 
Shilkhazi, a town founded, in bygone days, by the Baby- 
lonians, he erected a statue of himse1f
 and a pillar 
consecrated to l\farduk in Til-asbsh ur. In the fol1owing 
year be again attacked Urartu and occupied the mountain 
province of Nâl, which formed one of its outlying defences 
(736). The year after he entered on the final struggle 
with Sharduris, and led the flower of his forces right 
under the walls of Dhuspas/ the enemy's capital. 
\ The name is written Turuspas in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III. 


Dhuspas really consisted of two towns joined together. 
One of these, extending over the plain by the banks of 
the .Alaig anù in the direction of the lake, was surrounded 
by fertile gardens and villas, in \vhich the inhabitants 
spent the summel' at their ease. It \vas protected by 
an isolated mass of white and red nummulitic chalk, the 
steep sides of which are seamed with fissures and tunnelled 



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with holes and caverns from top to bottom. The plateau 
in which it terminates, and which rises to a height of 
300 feet at its loftiest point, is divided into three main 
terraces, each completely isolated from the other two, 
and forming, should occasion arise, an independent fortress, 
Ishpuinis, l\Ienl.las, Argistis, and Shal'duris II. had laboured 
from generation to generation to make this stronghold 
impregnable, and they had succeeded in the attempt. 

There can be little or no doubt, however, that this is merely a variant of the 
name usually written as Tuspas, Tuspana, Dhuspana, the Thospia of classical 
times; properly speaking, it was the capital of Eiainas. 
1 Drawn by Eoudier, from a photograph by 1tL Binder. 


The only access to it was from the western side, by a 
narrow bridle-path, which almost overhung the precipice 
as it gradually mounted to the summit. This path had 
been partially levelled, and flanked with walls and towers 
which commanded the approach throughout its whole 
length; on the platforms at the summit a citadel had 
been constructed, together with a palace, temples, and 

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storehouses, in which was accumulated a sufficient supply 
of arms and provisions to enable the garrison to tire out 
the patience of any ordinary foe; treason or an unusually 
onged siege could only get the better of such a position. 
Tiglath-pileser invested the citadel and l'avaged its out- 
skirts without pity, hoping, no doubt, that he would 
thus provoke the enemy into capitulating. Day after day, 
Sharduris, perched in his lofty eyrie, saw his leafy gardens 
laid bare under the hatchet, and his villages and the 
1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by 1\1. Binder c 


palaces of his nobles light up the country I'ound as far 
as the eye could Teach: he did not flinch, howeveT, 
and when all had been laid waste, the Assyrians set up 
a statue of theiT king before the pTincipal gate of the 
fortress, broke up their camp, and leisurely retired. They 
put. the country to fire and sword, destroyed its cities, 
led away every man and beast they could find into cap- 
tivity, and then returned to Nineveh laden with plunder. 
U rartu was still undaunted, and Sharduris remained king 
as before; but he was utterly spent, and his power had 
sustained a blow from which it never recovered. He 
had played against Assur with the empire of the whole 
Asiatic world as the stake, and the dice had gone against 
him: compelled to renounce his great ambitions froln 
henceforth, he sought merely to preserve his independence. 
Since then, Armenia has more than once challenged 
fortune, but always with the same result; it fared no 
better under Tigranes in the Roman epoch, than under 
ShaTd uris in the time of the Assyrians; it has been 
within an ace of attaining the goal of its ambitions, then 
at the last moment its strength has failed, and it has 
been forced to retire worsted from the struggle. Its 
position prevented it from exercising vel'y wide influence; 
hidden away in a cornel' of Asia at the meeting-point 
of three or four great mountain ranges, near the source 
of four rivers, all flowing in different directions, it has 
lacked that physical homogeneity without which no people, 
however gifted, can hope to attain supremacy; nature has 
doomed it to I'emain, like Syria, split up into compart- 
ments of unequal size and strength, which give shelter 


to half a score of independent principalities, each one 
of them perpetually jealous of the rest. From time to 
time it is invested with a semblance of unity, but for 
the most part it drags on an uneventful existence, dis- 
membered into as many fragments as there happen to be 
poweTful states around it, its only chance of complete 
reunion lying in the possibility of one or other of these 
attaining sufficient predominance to seize the shal'e of 
the others and absorb it. 
The subjection of Urartu freed Assyria from the only 
rival which could at this moment have disputed its 
supremacy on the banks of the Euphrates and the Tigris. 
11he other nations on its northern and eastern frontiers as 
yet possessed no stability; they might, in the course of 
a passing outburst, cut an army to pieces or annex part 
of a province, but they lacked strength to follow up their 
advantage, and even their most successful raids were sure, 
in the IQng run, to lead to terrible reprisals, in which their 
gains weTe two or three times outweighed by their losses 
in men and treasure. For nearly a hundred years Nineveh 
found its hands free, and its rulers were able to concentrate 
all their energy on two main points of the frontier-to the 
south-west on Syria and Egypt, to the south-east on 
Chaldæa and Elam. Chaldæa gave little trouble, but the 
condition of SyTÏa presented elements of dangeT. The 
loyalty of its princes was more appal'ent than Teal; they 
had bowed their necks after the fall of U nki, but afterwards, 
as the years Tolled on without any seeming increase in the 
power of Assyria, they again took courage and began once 
more to quarrel among themselves. Menahem had died, 



soon after he had paid his tribute (737 B.C.); his son 
Pekahiah had been assassinated less than two years later 
(736), 1 and his murderer, Pekah, son of Remaliah, was 
none too firmly seated on the throne. Anarchy was 
triumphant throughout Israel; so much so that Judah 
seized the opportunity for throwing off the yoke it had 
borne for well-nigh a hundred yeal'S. Pekah, conscious of 
his inability to suppress the rebellion, called in Rezin to 
help him. The latter was already on the way when 
J otham was laid with his fathers (736 B.C.), and it ,vas 
Ahaz, the son of J otham, ,vho had to bear the brunt of 
the assault. He was barely twenty years old, a volatile, 
presumptuous, and daring youth, who "was not much 
dismayed by his position. 2 J otham had repaired the 
fortifications of Jerusalem, which had been left in a 
lamentable state ever since the damage done to thew in 
the reign of Amaziah; 3 his successor now set to work to 
provide the city with the supply of water indispensable 
for its defence, 4 and, after repairing the ancient aqueducts, 

1 2 Kings xv. 22-26. The chronology of the events which took place 
between the death of l\Ienahem and the fall of Samaria, as presented by the 
biblical documents in the state in which they have been transmitted to us, 
i::; radically inaccurate: following the example of most recent historians, I 
have adhered exclusively to the data furnished by the Assyrian texts, merely 
indicating in the notes the reasons which have led me to adopt certain dates 
in preference to others. 
2 2 Kings xv. 38, xvi. 1,
. Ahaz is called Iaukhazi, i.e. J ehoahaz, in the 
Assyrian texts, and this would seem to have been the original form of the 
3 The restoration of the walls of Jerusalem by Jotham is only mentioned 
in 2 Chron. xxvii. 3. 
4 'Ve may deduce this from the words of Isaiah (vii. 3), where he repre- 
\haz " at the end of the conduit of the upper pool, in the highway of 


conceived the idea of constructing a fresh one in the spur 
of l\lount Sion, which extends southwards. As time 
pressed, the ,york was begun simultaneously at each end; 
the workmen had made a wide detour underground, 
probably in order to avoid the caves in which the kings 
of Judah had been laid to Test ever since the time of 
David/ and they were beginning to despair of ever uniting 
the two sections of the tunnel, when they suddenly heard 
one anotheT through the wall of rock which divided them. 
A few blows with the pick-axe opened a passage between 
them, and an inscription on the wall adjoining the entrance 
on the east side, the earliest Hebrew inscription we possess, 
set forth the vicissitudes of the work for the benefit of 
future generations. It was scarcely completed when Rezin, 
who had joined forces with Pekah at Samaria, came up and 
laid regular siege to Jerusalem. 2 The allies did not propose 
to content themselves \vith exacting tribute from the young 
king; they meant to dethrone him, and to set up in his 
room a son of Tabeel, whom they had brought with them; 
they were nevertheless obliged to retire without effecting 
a breach in his defences and leave the final assault till the 
following campaign. Rezin, however, had done as much 
inj UTY as he could to Judah; he had laid waste both 

the fuller's field." Ahaz had gone there to inspect the works intended for 
the defence of the aqueduct. 
1 This is the highly ingenious hypothesis put forward and defended with 
much learning by Clermont-Ganneau, in order to account for the large curve 
described by the tunnel. 
2 2 Kings xvi. 5; cf. 2 Citron. xxviii. 5-8. It was on thi8 occasion that 
Isaiah delivered the prophecies which, after subsequent revision, furnished 
the bulk of chaps. vi. I-x. 4. 



mountain and plain, had taken Elath by storm and restored 
it to the Edomites, l and had given a free hand to the 
Philistines (735).2 The whole position seemed so hopeless, 




that a section of the people began to propose surrendering 
to the mercy of the Syrians. 4 Ahaz looked around binl in 

 Kings XYi. 6, where the l\Iassoretic text states that the Syrians 
retained the town, while the Septuagint maintain that he restored it to the 
:J CItron. xxviii. 18, where a list is given of the towns wrested from Judah 
by the Philistines. The delight felt by the Philistines at the sight of 
Judah's abasement seems to be referred to in the short prophecy of Isaiah 
(xiv. 29-3
), wrongly ascribed to the year of Ahaz's death. 
3 A direct reproduction from a plaster cast now in Paris. The inscription 
discovered by Schick, in 1880, has since been mutilated, and only the frag- 
ments are preserved in the museum at Constantinople. Some writers think 
it was composed in the time of Hezekiah; for my own part, I agree with 
Stade in assigning it to the period of Ahaz. 
4 This seems to be an obvious inference from the words of Isaiah (viii. 
6): "Forasmuch as this people hath refused the waters of Shiloah that go 
softly, and lose couragc because of Rczin and Rcmaliah's son." [The R.V. 
reads "reJoice in" Rezin, etc.- TR. ] 




search of SOlne one on whom he might call for help. All 
his immediate neighbours were hostile; but behind them, 
III the background, were two great powers who might be 
inclined to listen to his appeal-Egypt and 
Assyria. Ever since the expedition of Sheshonq 
'. ;., 1
 ' into Asia, Egypt seemed to have lost all interest 
in foreign politics. Osol'kon had not inhel'ited 
the warlike propensities of his father, and bis 
son, Takelôti T., and his grandson, Osorkon II., 
followed his example. l These monarchs 


 regarded themselves as traditionary 
SUZel'aIllS of the country of IOlaru, i.e. 

1 The chronology of this period is still very uncertain, 
and the stelæ of the Serapæum, which enable us to fix 
the order of the various reigns, yield no information as to 
thcir length. Sheshonq I. did not reign much longer than 
twenty-one years, which is his latest known date, and we 
may take the reign of twenty-one years attributed to him 
by l\Ianetho as being substantially correct. The latest 
dates we possess are as follows: Osorkon I., twelfth year, 
and Takelôti I., sb,th year or seventh year. Lastly, we 
have a twenty-ninth year in the case of Osol'kon II., with 
a reference in the case of the twenty-eighth year to the 
fifth year of a Takelãti whose first cm'touche is missing, 
and who perhaps died before his father and co-regent. In 
l\Ianetho, Osorkon I. is credited with a reign of fifteen 
years, and his three next successors with a total of 
twenty-five years between them, which is manifestIy 
incorrect, since the monuments give twenty-nine years, or twenty-three at 
the very Ieast, if we take into account the double date in the case of the 
first two of these kings. The wisest course seems to be to alJow forty-five 
years to Osorkon aud his two successors: if Sheshonq, as I beIieve, died in 
9:]4, the fifty years allotted to the next three Pharaohs would bring us down 
to 880, and it is in this year that I am, for the present, inclined to place the 
death of Osorkon II. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Lanzone'::, statuette. 



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of Israel, Judah, Ammon, and :ßloab, and their authority 
may perhaps have been recognised by the P1Ülistines in the 
main, but they seldom stirred from their own territory, and 
contented thelnselves with protecting their frontiers against 

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Tm: C:llE.-\T TE)IPLE OF 

_\.VlLLE'S EXC.-\.V.\.TIOXS,l 



( . 

the customary depre- 
dations of the Libyan and 
Asiatic nomads. 2 Under 
their rule, Egypt enjoyed 
fifty years of profound peace, which was spent in works of 
public utility, especially in the Delta, where, thanks to their 


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1 Drawn by Boudier, fl'om a photograph by Navillf'. 
2 Repressive measure
 of this kind are evidently referred to in passages 
similar to those in which OSOl'kon 110 boasts of having" overthrown beneath 
his feet the Upper and Lower Lotanu," and speaks of the exploits of the 
sons of Queen Kalamâît against certain tribes whose name, though mutilated, 
seems to have been Libyan in character. 

efforts, Bubastis came to be one of the most splendid alllong 
the cities of secondary importance. 1 Its temple, whi
h had 
been rebuilt by Ramses II. and decorated by the Rames- 
sides, was in a sorry plight when the XXllnd dynasty came 
into power. Sheshonq I. did little or nothing to it, but 
Osorkon I. entirely remodelled it, and Osorkon II. added 
several new halls, including, amongst others, one in which 
he celebrated, in the twenty-second year of his reign, the 
festival of his deification. A record of some of the 
ceremonies observed has come down to us in the mural 
paintings. There we see the king, in a chapel, consecrating 
a statue of himself in accordance with the ritual in use 
since the time of Amenôthes III., and offering the figure 
devout and earnest worship; all the divinities of Egypt 
have assembled to witness the enthronement of this new 
member of their confraternity, and take part in the 
sacrifices acconl panying his consecration. This gathering 
of the gods is balanced by a human festival, attended by 
N ubians and Kushites, as well as by the courtiers and 
populace. The proceedings terminated, apparently, with 
certain funeral rites, the object being to make the 
identification of Osorkon with Osiris complete. The 
Egyptian deities served in a double capacity, as gods of 
the dead as well as of the living, and no exception could 
be made in favour of the deified Osorkon; while yet living 
he became an Osiris, and his double was supposed to 
animate those prophetic statues in which he appeared as 
a mummy no less than those which represented him as 

1 All our knowledge of tbe history of the temple of Bubastis dates from 
Naville's excavations. 


still alive. Another temple of slnall size, also dellicated 
to Bastît 01' Pasht, which had been built in the time of 


II., was enlarged by Osol'kon I., a nd richly 
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dowed with workshops, lands, cattle, slaves, and precious 
metals: Tumu-Khopri of Heliopolis, to mention but one of 
the deities worshipped there, received offerings of gold in 
value by weight Æ120,OOO, and silver ingots worth Æ12,OOO.2 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a restoration by Naville. 
2 This is the small temple afterwards described by Herodotus as being 
dedicated to Hermes. 




A country which could afford to indulge in extravagances 
of this natul'e must have been in a flourishing condition, 
and evel'ything goes to prove that Egypt prospered under 
the rule of the early Bubastite kings. 
The very same causes, however, which had ruined the 
Ramessides and the Tanites were now openly compassing 
the downfall of the Bubastite dynasty. The military 
feudalism from which it had sprung, suppressed for a time 
by Sheshonq 1., developed almost unchecked under his 
successors. They had thought to break it up and turn it 
to their own advantage, by transferring the more important 
religious functions and the principal :fiefs to their own sons 
or nephews. They governed Memphis through the high 
priests of Phtah; a prince of the blood represented them 
at I(hmunu,l another at Khninsu 2 (Heracleopolis), and 
others in various cities of the Delta, each of them being 
at the head of several thousand l\lashauasha, or Libyan 
soldiers on whose fidelity they could entirely rely. Thebes 
alone had managed to exclude these representatives of the 
ruling dynasty, and its princes, guided in this particulal' by 
the popular prejudice, persistently refused to adlnit into 
their bodyguard any but the long-tried l\Iâzaîu. l\Ioreover, 
Thebes lost no opportunity of proving itself to be still 
the most turbulent of the baronies. Its territory had 
suffered no' diminution since the time of Hrihor, and half 

1 E.g. Namrôti, under Piônkhi-
1îamun, whose rights were such that he 
adopted the protocol of the Pharaohs. 
2 Stele 1959 of the Serapæum contains the names of five successi,'e 
princes of this city, the first of whom was N amrõti, son of Osorkon II., and 
high priest of Thebes; a member of the same family, named Pefzââbastît, 
had taken cartouches under Osorkon lIT. of the XXllpd dynasty. 


of Upper Egypt, from Elephantinê to Siut, acknowledged 
its sway.l Through all the changes of dynasty its political 
constitution had remained unaltered; Amon still ruled 
there supreme as ever, and nothing was done until he had 
been formally conslùted in accordance with ancient usage. 
Auputi, in spite of his being a son of Sheshonq, was corn- 
pelled to adopt the title of high priest in order to rule 
in peace, and had married some daughter or niece of the 
last of the Paînotmu. After his death, good care was 
taken to prevent the pontificate from passing to one of 
his children, as this ,vould have re-established a Theban 
dynasty which might have soon proved hostile to that of 
Bubastis. To avoid this, Osorkon I. made over the office 
and fief to his own son Sheshonq. The latter, after a time, 
thought he was sufficiently powerful to follow the example 
of Painotmu and adopt the royal cartouches; but, \vith 
all his ambition, he too failed to secure the succession 
to the male line of his descendants, for Osorkon II. 
appointed his own son N amrðti, alreacly prince of Khninsn, 
to succeed him. The amalgamation of these two posts 
invested the person on whom they were conferred with 
almost regal power; Khninsu was, indeed, as we know, 
the natural rampart of l\lemphis and Lower Egypt against 
invasion from the south, and its possessor was in a position 

1 It is evident that this was so from the first steps taken by Piônkhi- 
l\Iiamun's generals: they meet the army and fleet of Tafnakhti and the 
princes of the north right under the walls of Hermopolis, but say nothing of 
any feudal princes of the south. Their silence is explained if we assume 
that Thebes, being a dependency of Ethiopia, retained at that date, i.e. in 
the time of the XXlIIrd dynasty, the same or nearly the same boundaries 
which it had won for itself under the XXIst. 


to control the fate of the empire almost as he pleased. 
Osorkoll nlust have had weighty reasons for taking a step 
which placed him practically at the mercy of his son, and, 
indeed, events proved that but little reliance could be 
placed on the loyalty of the Thebans, and that energetic 
measures were imperative to keep them in the path of 
duty or lead them back to it. The decadence of the 
ancient capital had sadly increased since the downfall of 


- / . 
- - \ 






the descendants of Hrihor. The few public \vorks which 
they had undertaken, and which Sheshonq I. encouraged 
to the best of his ability, had been suspended owing to 
want of money, and the craftsmen who had depended on 
them for support were suffering from poverty: the makers 
of small articles of a religious or funel'ary character, carvers 
of wood or stone, joiners, painters of mummy-cases, and 
workers in bronze, alone managed to eke out a bare liveli- 
hood, thanks to commissions still given to them by officials 
attached to the temples. Theban art, which in its best 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Guclin, from the original now in the Louvre. 



period had excelled in planning its works on a gigantic 
scale, now gladly devoted itself to the production of mere 
knick-knacks, in place of the colossal figures of earlier days. 
"\Ve have statuettes some twelve or fifteen inches high, 
crudely coloured, "Wooden stelæ, shapeless ushabti redeemed 
froIn ugliness by a coating of superb blue enamel, and, 

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above all, those miniature sphinxes representing queens or 
kings, which present with two human arms either a table 
of offerings or a salver decorated with cartouches. The 
starving populace, its interests and vanity alike mortified 
by the accession of a northern dynasty, refused to accept 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph in Naville. The illustration 
shows what now remains of the portions of th
mple rebuilt in the time of 
Ramses II. 


the decay of its fortunes with resignation, and this spirit 
of discontent was secretly fomented by the priests or by 
members of the numerous families which boasted of their 
descent from the Ramessides. Although hereditary claims 
to the throne and the pontificate had died out or lost their 
force in the male line, they were still persistently urged 
by the women: consecrated from their birth to the service 
of Amon, and originally reserved to sing his praises or 
share his nuptiaJ couch, those of them who married 
transmitted to their children, and more especially to their 
daughters, the divine germ which qualified them for the 
throne. They and their followers never ceased to look 
for the day when the national deity should shake off his 
apathy, and, becoming the champion of their cause against 
the Bubastite or Tanite usurpel's, restore their city to the 
rank and splendour from which it had fallen. N amrôti 
married one of these Theban princesses, and thus contrived 
to ward off the danger of revolt during his lifetime; but 
on his death or disappearance an insurrection broke out. 
Sheshonq II. had succeeded Osorkon II., and he, in his 
turn, was followed by Takelôti II. Takelôti chose Kala- 
mâit, daughter of N amrôti, as his lawful wife, formally 
recognised her as queen, and set up numerous statues and 
votive monuments in her honour. But all in vain: this 
concession failed to conciliate the rebellious, and the whole 
Thebaid rose against him to a man. In the twelfth year 
of his reign he entrusted the task of putting down the 
revolt to his son Osorkon, at the same time conferI'Ïng 
upon him the office of high priest. It took several years 
to repress the rising; defeated in the eleventh year, the 



rebels still held the field in the fifteenth year of the king, 
and it 'was not till some time after, between the fifteenth 
and twenty-second year of Takelôti 11., that they finally 
laid down their arms. l At the end of this struggle the 
king's power was quite exhausted, while that of the 
feudal magnates had proportionately increased. Before 
long, Egypt was split up into a number of petty states, 
some of them containing but a few towns, while others, 
follo,ving the example of Thebes, boldly annexed several 
adjacent nomes. A last remnant of respect for the 
traditional monarchy kept them from entirely repudiating 
the authority of Pharaoh. They still kept up an outwarcl 
show of submission to his rule; they paid him military 
service when called upon, and appealed to him as umpire 
in their disputes, without, however, always accepting his 
rulings, and when they actually caJne to blows among 
themselves, were content to exercise their right of pTivate 
warfare under his direction. 2 The royal domain gradually 
became narrowed down to the 1\Iemphite nome and the 
private appanages of the reigning bouse, and soon it no 
longer yielded the sums necessaTY for the due performance 
of costly religious ceremonies, such as the enthronement 
or burial of an Apis. The pomp and luxury usually dis- 
played on such occasions grew less and less under the 
successors of Takelôti II., Sbesbonq III., Fimi, and 
Sheshonq IV. 3 V\Then the last of these passed awayafteT 

1 The story of these events is told in several greatly mutilated inscriptions 
to be found at Karnak on the outer surface of the south wall of the Hall of 
2 It is evident that this was so, from a romance discovered by Krall. 
3 One need only go to the Louvre and compare the Apis st('læ erected 



an inglorious reign of at least thirty-seven years, the 
prestige of his race had so completely declined that the 
country would have no more of it; the sceptre passed into 
the bands of another dynasty, this time of Tanite origin. l 
It was probably a younger branch of the Bubastite family 
allied to the Ramessides and Theban Pallacides. Petn- 
bastis, the first of the line, secured recognition in Thebes,2 
and throughout the rest of Egypt as well, but his influence 
was little greater than that of his predecessors; as in the 
past, the real power was in the hands of the high priests. 
One of them, Auîti by name, even went so far, in the 
fourteenth or fifteenth year, as to declare himself king, and 

during this period with those engraved in the time of the XXVph dynasty, 
in ordC'r to realise the low ebb to which the later kings of the XXIInd dynasty 
had fallen: the fact that the chapel and monuments were built under their 
direction shows that they were still masters of :l\Iemphis. We have no 
authentic date for Sheshonq II., and the twenty-ninth year is the latest 
known in the case of Takelôti II., but we know that 
heshonq III. reigned 
tifty-two years, and, after two years of Pimi, we find a reference to the 
thirty-seventh year of Sheshonq IV. If we allow B. round century for these 
last kings we are not likely to be far out: this would place the dose of the 
Bubastite dynasty somewhere about 780 B.C. 
I The following list gives the names of the Pharaohs of the XXIInd 
dynasty in so far as they have been ascertained up to the present :- 
2 This fact has recently been placed beyond doubt by inscriptions found 
on the quay at Karnak near the water-marks of the Nile. 


had his cartoucbes inscribed on official documents side by 
side witb tbose of tbe Tanite monarcb. l His kingsbip died 
with him, just as tbat of Paînotmu had done in similar 
circumstances, and two years later we find bis successor, 
Harsiisît, a mere bigb priest witb- 
out pretensions to royalty. Doubt- 
less bis was not an isolated case; 
all tbe grandees wbo bappened to 
be nearly I'elated eitber to tbe 
dethroned or to the reigning houses 
acted in like manner, and for tbe 
first time for many years Egypt 
acknowledged the simultaneous 
sway of more tban one legitimate 
Pharaob. l\latters became still 
worse under Osorkon III. ; altbough 
he, too, introduced a daugbter of 
AmOll into his harem, this alliance 
failed to give him any hold over 
Thebes, and even tbe Seven N omes 
and the Delta were split up to such 
an extent 'that at one time tbey 
included sometbing like a score of 
independent principalities
 three of wbich, Hermopolis, 

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PR.\. YER. 2 

1 No. 26 of Legrain's inscriptions tells us the height of the Nile in the 
sixteenth year of Petubastît, which was also the second year of King Auîti. 
Seeing that Auîti's name occurs in the place occupied by that of the high 
priest of Thebes in other inscriptions of the same king, I consider it probable 
that he was reigning in Thebes itself, and that he was a high priest who had 
become king in the same way as Paînotmu under the XXIst dynasty. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a small door now in the Louyre. 


Heracleopolis, and Tentramu, ,vere administered by kings 
who boasted cartouches similar to those of Tanis and 
About 740 B.C. there appeared in the midst of these 
turbulent and extortionate nobles a man ,vho, by sheer 
force of energy and talent, easily outstripped all com- 
petitors. Tafnakhti was a chief of obscure origin, whose 
hereditary l'ights extended merely over the village of 
N utirît and the outskirts of Sebennytos. One or two 
victories gained over his nearest neighbours encouraged 
him to widen the sphere of his operations. He first of 
all laid hands on those nOllles of the Delta which extended 
to the west of the principal arm of the Nile, the Saite, 
Athribite, Libyan, and l\femphite nomes; these he 
administered through officers under his own immediate 
control; then, leaving untouched the eastern provinces, 
over which Osorkon III. exercised a lllake-shift, easy- 
going rule, he made his way up the 1'Ïver. l\laitumu and 
the Fayum accepted him as their suzerain, but Khninsn 
and its king, Pefzââbastît, faithful to their allegiance, 1 
offered strenuous resistance. He then crossed over to 
the right bank, and received the of Heliopolis 
and Pnebtepahê; he put the inhabitants of U abu to 
ransom, established a close blockade of Khninsu, aud 
persuaded N amrôti, King of Khmunu, to take an oath 
of allegiance. At length, those petty kings and princes 
of the Saîd and the Delta who still remained unconquered 
called upon Ethiopia, the only powel' capable of holding 

1 Pefzââbastît, King of Herac1eopolis, seems to be identical with the 
Pharaoh Pefzâbastît of the Berlin sarcophagus. 



its ground against him, for help. The "vile Kaushu" 
(Cush) probably rose to be an independent state about 
the time when Sheshonq and the Bubastite kings came 
into power. Peopled by Theban settlers, and governed 
by the civil and religious code of Thebes, the provinces 
which lay between the cataract of Hannek and the 



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confluence of the two Niles soon becanle a second 
Thebaid, more barren and less wealthy than the first, but 
no less tied to the traditions of the past. N apata., its 
capital, lay in the plain at the foot of a sandstone cliff, 
which rose perpendicularly to a height of nearly two 
hundred feet, its summit, when viewed from the south- 
west, presenting an accidental l'eselliblance to a human 

1 Reproduced by Faucher-Gudin, from a lithograph published in 


profile. 1 This was tho Du-uabll, or Sacred 1Iount, in 
the heart of which the god was supposed to have his 
dwelling; the ruins of several temples can still be seen 
near the western extremity of the bill, the finest of theIl1 
being dedicated to a local Amon-râ. This Aillon \vas 




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 OF N.\PAT.\.2 

a l'eplica of the Theban Amon on a smaller scale, and 
was associated with tbe same companions as bis prototype, 
1Iaut, bis consort, and Kbonsu, his son. He owed bis 
origin to the same religious concepts, and \vas the central 
figure of a similar myth, the only difference being that 

1 The natives believe this profile to have been cut by human hands-an 
error which has been shared by more than one modern traveller. 
2 Repro( luced by Faucher-Gudin, from a lithograph in Cailliaud" 

THE GOD ",L\lOX-H4\ 


he was represented in COIn posite shape, ,vith a ranl's head; 
perhaps a suryival from SOlne earlier indigenous deity, 
such as Didull, for instance, who had been previously 

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worshipped in those parts; his priests lived in accordance 
with the rules of the Theban hiel'archy. "\Ve can readily 

1 Reproduced by Faucher-Cudin, from a lithograph published by 




believe that when Hrihor extorted the title of "Royal 
Son of l{aushu" fronl the weaklings who occupied the 
throne at the close of the Ramesside dynasty, he took 
care to install one of the members of his family as high 
priest at N apata, and fron1 henceforward had the whole 
country at his bidding. Subsequently, when Paînotmu II. 
""as succeeded by Auputi at Thebes, it seems that the 
Ethiopian priests refused to ratify his election. "\Vhether 
they conferred the supreme power on one of their own 

o.c.. o .... 









nurnber, or whether some son of Paînotlllu, flying from 
the Bubastite kings, arrived at the l'ight Dloment to 
provide then1 ,yith a master, is not quite clear. The kingR 
of Ethiopia, priests from the first, never lost their 
sacerdotal character. They continued to be men of 
God, and as such it was necessary that they should be 
chosen by the god himself. On the death of a sovereign, 
Amon at once became l'egent in the person of his prophet, 
and continued to act until the funerall'ites were celebrated. 
As soon as these ceremonies were completed, the army 
and the people collected at the foot of the Sacred 
the delegates of the various orders of the state were 

1 R('produccd by Fauchcr-Gudin, from the plan drawn up and published 
by Cailliaud. 

 ARCH 25û 

led into the sanctuary, and theIl, in their presence, all 
the males of the royal fan1ily-" the king's brothers," as 
they were called-were paraded before the statue of the 
god; he on whom the god laid his hand as he passed was 
consiùered to be the chosen one of Amon, and consecrated 
king without delay.l .As may be readily imagined, the 
ne\v monarch thus appointed by divine dictation was 
cornpletely under the control of the priests, and before 
long, if be failed to prove sufficiently tractable, they 
claimed the right to dispense with him altogether; they 
sent him an order to commit suicide, and he obeyed. 'rhe 
boundaries of this theocratic state varied at different 
epochs; originally it was confined to the l'egion between 
the First Cataract and the mouth of the Blue Nile. The 
bulk of the population consisted of settlel's of Egyptian 
extraction and Egyptianised natives; but isolated, as 
they were, from Egypt proper by the rupture of the 
political ties which had bound them to the metropolis, 
they ceased to receive fresh reinforcements from the 
northern part of the valley as they had formerly done, 
and daily became more closely identified with the l'aces 
of various origin which roamed through the deselts of 
Libya or Arabia. This constant infiltration of free or 
slavish Bedâwin blood a
d the large number of black 
wornen found in the harems of the rich, and even in 
the huts of the common people, quickly impaired the 

1 This is the ritual described in the Stell' of the Enthronement. Perhaps 
it was already in use at Thebes under the XXpt and XXIJnd dynasties, at 
the election of the high priest, whether he happened to be a king or not; at 
any rate, a story of the Ptolemaic period told !Jy Synesius in Tlw Emw tian 
seems to point to this conclusion, 


purity of the race, even among the upper classes of the 
nation, and the type came to resemble that of tho ncgl'o 
tl'ibes of Equatorial Africa. 1 
The language fared no better 
in the face of this invasion, 
and the written character soon 
became as corrupt as the 
langnage; words foreign to the 
Egyptian vocabulal-Y, incor- 
rect expressions, and barLarous 
errors in syntax ,yere multi- 
plied without stint. The taste 
for art decayed, and technical 
ability began to deteriorate, 
the moral and intellectual standal'd declined, and the mass 
of the people showed signs 
of relapsing into bal'barisrn: 
the leaders of the aristocracy 
and the scribes alone preserved 
almost intact their inheritance 
from an older civilisation. 
Egypt still attracted them: 
they looked upon it as their 
rightful possession, torn from 
them by alien usurpers in dc- 
D E'fllIOl'IAN TYI'E.2 :fiance of all sense of right, 

.... _ 

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1 Taharqa furnishes us with a striking example of this degeneration of 
the Egyptian type. His face shows the characteristic features of the hlack 
race, both on the Egyptian statue as wpll as on the AssJrian stele of Sinjirli. 
2 Drawn hy Faucher-Gudin, from Ll"psius. 


and they never ceased to hope that some day, when the god 
saw fit, they would win back their heritage. Were not 
their kings of the posterity of Sibu, the true representatives 
of the Ramessides and the solar race, compared with 
'whom the northern Pharaohs, even those whose mothers 
ranked as "worshippers" of Amon, were but l11ero 
rnushroom kings? Thebes admitted the validity of their 
claims: it looked to them for help, and the l'evolts 
by which it had been torn ever since the reign of 
Osorkon II. 'were, perhaps, instigated by the partisans 
of Ethiopia. In the time of Petubastis its high priests, 
Harsiisît and Takelãti, were still connected with the 
rranites; after that it placed itself under the immediate 
orders of Ethiopia, and the pontificate disappeared. The 
accession of a sovereign who was bimself invested by 
hereditary right with the fUllctions and title of high priest 
of Amon henceforth rendered the existence of such an 
office superfluous at Thebes: it would almost have meant 
an impe1'iuJrL in imptrio. The administration of religious, 
and perhaps also of political, affairs was, therefore, handed 
over to the deputy prophet, and this change still further 
enhanced the importance of the "female worshippers 
of the god." In the absence of the king, who had his 
capital at N apata, they r
lllained the sole representatives 
of legitilnate anthol'ity in the Thebaid: the chief an10ng 
them soon came to be regarded as a veritable Lady if 
17iCves, and, subject to the god, mistress of the city and its 
It is not quite clear whether it was Piônkhi 
or one of his immediate predecessors who took possession 


of the city. The nomes dependent on Amon followed 
the example of the capital, and the whole Theban territory 
as far as Siut had been occupied by Ethiopian troops, 
,vhen in the twenty- 
first year of the king's 
reigu the princes of 
the Delta and :Thliddle 
Egypt appealed to 
the court of N apata 
for help. Even had 
they not begged it to 
do so, it would have 
lJeen compelled before 
long to intervene, for 
Tafnakhti was already 
on his way to attack 
it; Piônkhi charged 
Luâmarsakni and Pu. 
arama, the generals 
he had already sta- 
tioned in the Thebaid, 
to hold Tafnakhti in 
check, till he was 
able to get together 
the remainder of his 
army and descend 
the Nile to support 
theln. Their instructions 'were to spare none of the 
rebellious towns, but to "capture their lllen and their 
beasts, and their ships on the riyer;' to allow none of 

duriug tI:e Campwgn 

Scale . 





the fellaheen to go out into the fields, liar any labourer 
to his labour, but to attack Hennopolis and harass it 
daily." They followed out these orders, though, it would 
seem, without l'esult, until the reinforcements from Nubia 
came up: their movements then became more actively 
offensive, anù falling on Tafnakhti's ships, which were 
making for rrhcbes 
heavily laden with 
men and stores, 
they sunk several 
of them. Anxious 
to profit by this 
first success, they 
made straight for 
Heracleopolis with 
a view to reliev- 

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ing it. Tafnakhti, accompanied by the two kings N amTôti 
and Auputi, was directing the siege in person; he had 
under his command, in addition to contingents from 
Busiris, J\lendès, Thoth, "and Pbarbæthos, all the vassals 
of Osorkon III., the successor of Petubastis and titular 
Pharaoh of the whole country. The Ethiopian fleet 
engaged the Egyptian ships at the end of the island of 
Heracleopolis, near the mouth of the canal leading from 

1 Drawn by Doudier, from an engmving in Vivant Dcnon. 

2ü! TIGL

the Nile to the Balu-Yusuf. 1 Tafnakhti was defeated, 
and the l'emnants of his squadron took l'efuge in Pipuga 
under cover of his land forces. 2 At dawn, the next day, 
the Ethiopians disembarked and gave battle. The struggle 
was long and fierce, but indecisive. Luâmarsakni and 
Puarama claimed the victory, but were obliged to effect 
a retreat on the day following their so-called success, and 
when they dropped anchor in the harbour of Hermopolis, 
they found that N aml'ôti had made his way back to the 
city by land and forestalled them. Powerless to hold 
the field without support, he collected all the men and 
cattle he could lay hands on, and awaited the progress 
of events behind his ramparts. The Ethiopians invested 
the toWIl, and wrote to inform Piônkbi of what they had 
done-not, however, without some misgiving as to the 
reception which awaited their despatches. And sure 
enough, "His l\fajesty became enraged thereat, even as 
a panther: 'If they have allowed a remnant of the warriors 
of the north to l'emain, if they have let one of them 
escape to tell of the fight, if they make him not to die 
in their slaughter, then by my life, by the love of Râ, by 
the praise of Amon for me, I will myself go døwn and 
overthrow that \vhich Tafnakhti hath dOlle,s I will compel 

1 The ancient geographers looked upon the nomf' uf Heracleopolis as a 
large island, its southern boundary heing, probably, the canal of Harabshent : 
the end of the island, which the Egyptians called" the forepart of Khninsu," 
was probably Harabshent and its em-irons. 
2 Pi-puga is probably EI-Fokâ, on the JSîle, to the north of Harabshent. 
3 The king does not mention his adversary by name in the text; he is 
content to indicate him by a pronoun in the third pel'son-" that which lie 
hath done . . . then will I make him taste," etc. 


him to give up war for ever! Therefore, after celebrating 
the festivals of the New Year, when I shall have sacrificed 
to Amon of [N apata], my father, in his excellent festival 
whel'ein he appears in his procession of the New Year, 
when he shall have sent me in peace to look upon the 
[Theban] Amon in his festivals at Thebes, and when I 
shall have carried his image in procession to Luxor, in 
the festival celebrated in his honour among the festivals 
of Thebes, on the night of the feast appointed in the 
Thebaid, established by Râ, at the creation, when I have 
led him in the procession and brought him unto his throne, 
on the day for introducing the god, even the second of 
Athyr, then will I make the enemy taste the savour of 
my claws.'" The generals did their very utmost to 
appease their master's wrath before he appeared on the 
scene. They told off a force to keep watch over Hermo- 
polis while they themselves marched against the nome 
of Uabu; they took Oxyrrhynchos by storm, with "the 
fury of a water-spout," and informed the king of this 
achievement; but" his heart was not softened thereby." 
They crossed over to the right bank; they crushed the 
people of the north under the walls of Tatehni/ they 
forced the walls of the town with the battering-ram, and 
killed many of the inhabitants, amongst others a son of 
Tafnakhti, whose body they sent to the king; but "his 
heart was not softened thereby." They then pushed on, 
as far as Haît Bonn 
 and sacked it, but still failed to 

1 The modern Tchneh, on the right bank of the Nile, a little below 
2 HÚit-Bonu, 01' HÚbonu, is the IIipponon of the Greco-Homan geographers. 


regain favour. On the 9th of Thoth, Piônkhi came down 
to Thebes, and after hasty attendance at the services 
to Amon, went to rejoin the vanguard of his army under 
the walls of Hermopolis. ' , No sooner had his l\lajesty 
quitted the cabin of his ship, than the horses were 
harnessed and the charioteers in their places; the feal' 
of his l\lajesty spread even to the Nomads of Asia, and 
all hearts tremLled before him." 
Piônkhi drove back the enemy 
behind their walls, pitched his 
.' tent to the south"west of the 
, city, threw up 
earth - works, 
and built ter- 


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races so as to 
place his bow- 
'\-. men and sting- 
ers on a level 
with the bat- 
tlements of its 
towers. At the 
end of three days, N amrôti, findi:1g himself hard pressed 
on every side, resolved to surrender. He sent envoys to 
Piônkhi laden with rich presents, and despatched Queen 
N sitentmahît after them to beg for ll1ercy from the women 
who had accompanied the Ethiopian, his wives, concu- 
bines, daughters, or royal sisters. Their entreaties were 
graciously received, and N amrôti ventured to COIDe in 








\ llOIt:::\E TO PIÔKKHI. 1 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from an impression of the stele in the Gîzeh 


porson, leading a horse with his right hand and shaking 
in his left a sistrum of gold and lapis-lazuli; he knelt 
down and presented with his salutations the long train 
of gifts ,vhich had gone before him. Piônkhi visited the 
temple of Thotb, and there, amidst the acclamations of 
soldiers and priests, offered up the customary Bacrifices. 
lIe then made his way to the palace and inspected its 



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courts, chanlbers, treasury, and storehouses, and reviewed 
the whole household, including even N alnl'ôti's own wives 
and daughters, though "he turned not his face towards 
anyone of them." He next went on to the stud-farms, 
and was indignant to find, that the horses had suffered 
from hunger during the siege. Thoroughbreds were 
probably somewhat scarce at N apata, and he had, no 
doubt, reckoned on obtaining new blood and a complete 

1 Drawn by Boudier, from an engraving in Vivant Denon. The portico 
was destroyed about 1820 by the engineers who constructed the sugar 
rcfinery at Rodah, and now only a few shapeless fragments of it remain. 


relay of chargers from the Egyptian stables; his chances 
of doing so seemed likely to vanish if brood mares and 
stallions had everywhere been debilitated by the hardships 
of war. He reserved a part of the booty for himself, 
handed over the balance to the priests of Amon at Karnak, 
and also, before he left, received tribute from Heracleopolis. 
Pefzââbastît brought him horses, the pick of his stables, 
slaves laden with gold and silver and precious stones; 
then burying his face in the dust, he offered worship to 
his liberator: "Hell had swallowed me up, I was plunged 
into darkness, and 10, now a light has been given me. 
Since I have found no man to love Ine in the day of 
adversity, or to stand by me in the day of battle, save 
only thee, 0 victorious king, who hast torn away the 
night from above me, I will be thy servant, I and all my 
house, and Khninsu shall pay tribute into thy treasury. 
For, as to thee, thou art Harmakhis, chief of the imperish- 
able stars, thou art king, even as he is king, and even 
as he doth not destroy himself, neither shalt thou destroy 
thyself! " 
The downfall of Khmunu led all who might still have 
shown resistance in Middle Egypt to lay down their arms 
also. The fortress of Pisakhmakhpirrî 1 dominated the 
gorges of Lahunît, and thus commanded the entrance to 
the Fayum; but the son of Tafnakhti agreed to surrender 
it, provided he were allowed to march out with the honours 

1 This fortress, which bears a name compounded with that of Osorkon I., 
must have been rebuilt by that monarch on the site of an earlier fort; the 
new name remained in use under the XXllnd and XXIJIrd dynasties, after 
which the old one reappears. It is llIahun, where Petrie discovered the 
remains of a flourishing town of the Bubastite epoch. 



of war. Shortly after, J\laîtuUlu threw open its gates, and 
its example \vas followed by Titauî; at l\laìtumu there was 
rioting among the Egyptians in the streets, one party 
wishing to hold out, the other to surrender, but in the end 
the latter had their way.l Piônkhi discharged his priestly 
duties wherever he went, and received the local taxes, always 
being careful to reserve a tenth for the treasury of Amon- 
R,â; the fact that his army was kept under rigid control, 
and that he showed great clemency to the vanquished, 
helped lal'gely to conciliate those who were not bound by 
close ties of interest to the cause of Tafnakhti. On reaching 
lIemphis, Piõnkhi at once had recourse to the persuasive 
methods which had hitherto served him so well, and 
entered into negotiations with the garrison. "Shut not 
yourselves up in forts, and fight not against the Upper 
Country,2 for Shu the god of creation, when I enter, he 
entereth, and when I go out, he goeth out, and none may 
repel my attacks. I will present offerings to Phtah and to 
the divinities of the "\Vhite Wall, I will honour Sokal'i in 
his mysterious coffer, I will contemplate Rîsânbuf/ then I 

1 J\laritumu, or 1\Iaîtumu, is the modern 1\IeÎdum, associated in the 
inscription with the characteristic epithet, Pisolcari-Nibu-Suazu, or "temp]e 
okari, mastpr of the transfiguration." TitauÎ lay exactly on the frontier 
between Upper and Lower Egypt-hence its name, which signifies "COlU- 
manding the two regions;" it was in th(' Memphite nome, and Erugsch 
identifies it with the Greek city of Acanthos, near Dahshur, but this position 
appears to me to be too close to )Iemphis and too far from the boundary of 
the nome; I should prefer to place Titauî at Kafr el-Ayat or thereabouts. 
2 I.e. against Piônkhi, who was master of the Upper Country, that is, of 
Theùes and Ethiopia, and the forces from the whole of the valley tu the 
south of :l\Iemphis who accompanied him. 
3 Lit., "lIe who is on the South of his \Yall," a name gi\yen to one of 


will return from thence in peace. If ye will trust in me, 
l\lemphis shall be prosperous and healthy, even the children 
shall not ClOY therein. Behold the nomes of the South; not 
a soul has been massacl'ed there, saving only the impious 
who blasphemed God, and these rebels have been executed." 
This eloquence, however, was of no avail. A detachment 
of archers, sailors, and engineers sent to make a recon- 
naissance of the harbour was taken by surprise and routed 
with loss, and on the following night Tafnakhti suddenly 
made his appearance on the spot. lIe had the 8000 men 
who were defending it paraded before him, and made them 
a speech, in which he pointed out the great natural strength 
of the position, the stoutness of the walls and the 
abundance of provisions; he then mounted his horse, and 
making his way a second time through the enemy's out- 
posts, headed straight for the Delta in order to levy rein- 
forcements there. The next day, Piônkhi went in pel'son to 
examine the appI'oaches of the city in which his ancestors 
had once been throned. There was a full Nile, and the 
river caIne right up to the walls. He sailed close in along 
the whole of the eastern front, and landed on the north, 
much vexed and discomfited at finding it so strongly 
fortified. Even the comnlon soldiers were astonished, and 
began to discuss among themselves the difficulties of the 
undertaking with a certain feeling of discouragement. It 
would be necessary, they declared, to open a regular siege, 
" to make an inclined plane leading to the city, throw up 
earthworks against its walls, bind ladders, set up masts and 

the quarters of :l\Iemphis, and afterwards applied to the god Phtah, who was 
worshipped in that quartf'r. 



erect spars all around it." Piõnkhi burst into a rage when 
these l'emarks were repeated to hirn: a siege in set forill 
would have been a Illost serious enterprise, and would have 
allowed the allied princes time to get together fresh troops. 
He drove his ships full speed against the line of boats 
anchored in the harbour, and bl'oke through it at the first 
onset; his sailors then scaled the bank and occupied the 
houses which overlooked it. Reinforcements concentrated 
on this point gradually penetrated into the heart of the city, 
and after two days' fighting the garrison threw down their 
anns. The victor at once occupied the temples to save 
them from pillage: he then puÚfied Memphis with water 
and natron, ascended in triumph to the temple of Phtah, 
and celebrated there those rites \vhich the king alone ,vas 
entitled to perfonn. The other fortresses in the neighbour- 
hood surrendered without further hesitation. I{ing Auputi 
of Tentramu/ prince Akaneshu/ and prince Petisis tendered 
the homage of their subjects in person, and the other 
sovereigns of the Delta merely waited for a demonstration 
in force on the part of the Ethiopians before following 
their example. Piônkhi crossed the Nile and marched in 
state to Heliopolis, there to receive the royal investiture. 

1 Probably the original of the statue discovered by N ayille at Tel-el- 
Yahudîyeh. Tentramu and Taânu, the cities of Auputi, are perhaps identical 
with the bihlical Elìm (Exod. xvi. 1) and the Daneon Portu
 of Pliny on thf' 
Hed Sea. but Naville prefers to identify Daneon with the Tonu of the Berlin 
 No.1. I believe that we ought to look for the kingdom of Auputi 
in the neighbourhood of 
Ienzaleh, near Tanis. 
2 Akaneshu ruled oyer Sebennytos and in the XYIlth nome. NayiIle 
discovered at Samannud the statue of one of his descendants, a king of the 
same name, pel'hap
 his grandson, who was prince of 
ebennytos in the time 
of Psammetichus T. 

272 TIGL

lIe offered up prayers at the various holy placos aloug the 
route, such as the sanctuary of TUluu at I(hrifthu and the 
temple of the Ennead who dwelt in the cavern from which 
the N orthern Nile was supposed to spring; he then crossed 
over ]\Iount Ahu, bathed his face in the l'eputed source of 
the river, and at length penetrated into the dwelling-place 
of Ri. He ascended the steps leading to the great chapel 
in order that he might there "see Râ in HfLÎt-Banbonu 
even himself. All unattended, he drew the bolt, threw 
open the doors, contemplated his father Râ in Hâit- 
Banbonu, adjusted Râ's boat 1\1âdît and the Saktit of Shu, 
then closed the doors again, affixed a seal of clay, and 
impressed it with the royal signet." He had thus sub- 
mitted his conduct for the approval of the god in 'whom all 
attributes of royalty were vested, and the god had legitima- 
tised his claims to universal rule: he was henceforth the 
master, not merely de jure but de facto as well, and the 
kings who had hitherto declined to recognise him were now 
obliged to bow reverently before his authority. 
Osorkon was the first to submit, and did so before the 
close of Piônkhi's stay at Heliopolis; when the latter 
pitched his calnp near I\::ahani 1 in the Athribite nome, the 
nobles of the Eastern Delta, both small and great, came 
one after another with their followers; among them 
tinifi of Pisapti, PaÜnau of Busiris, Pahìsa of Khriâhu 
and of Pihâpi, 2 besides a dozen others. He extended his 

1 Kahani is, perhaps, the modern Kaha, some distance to the north of 
2 Pisapti stood on the present site of Shaft-el- Hineh. Khriâhu, as we 
know, formed part of the Heliopolitan nome, and is, very possibly, to be 



favour to all alike, ll1erely stipulating that they should 
give him the best of their horses, and undertake to keep 
careful watch over the prosperity of their stud farms. But 
Tafnakhti still held out, and seemed determined to defy 
him to the end; he had set fire to his palace and taken 
refuge in the islands on the river, and had provided a 
hiding-place for himself at l\Iasudît among the marshes on 
the coast in case of final defeat. A victory gained over 
hÜn by the Ethiopian generals suddenly induced him to 
sue for peace. He offered to disband his men and pay 
tribute, provided he was guaranteed undisturbed possession 
of Sais and of the western districts of the Delta; he 
refused, however, to sue for pardon in person, and asked 
that an envoy should be sent to receive his oath of 
allegiance in the temple of Nit. Though deserted by 
his brother princes and allies, he still retained sufficient 
power to be a thorn in his conqueror's side; his ultimate 
overthrow was certain, but it would have entailed many 
a bloody struggle, while a defeat ll1ight easily have shaken 
the fidelity of the other feudatory kings, and endangered 
the stability of the new dynasty. Piônkhi, therefore, 
accepted the terms offered him without modification, and 
asked for no guarantee beyond the oath taken in the 
presence of the gods. New,s was brought hiIn about this 
time that Cynopolis and Aphroditopolis had at last thrown 
open their gates, and accordingly he summoned his vassals 
for the last time to his call1p near Athribis. 'Vith the 
exception of 'l'afnakhti, they all obeyed the call, including 

identitif'd with Babylon of Egypt, the Fostât of the Ar::tl,s; PihÚpi was a. 
place not far from the supposed sOUJ'Cf' of the Suuthern Nile. 




two minor kings of Upper and two of Lo,ver Egypt, 
together with barons of lesser rank; but of these, N amrôti 
alone 'vas admitted to the royal apartments, because he 
alone was circumcised and ate 110 fish; after this the camp 
was broken up, and the Ethiopians set out on their l'eturn 
journey southwards. Piônkhi may well have been prolla 
of the result of this campaign, both for himself and for 
his country. The empire of the Pharaohs, which had for 
the last hundred and fifty years been divided, was now 
l'e-established from the confluence of the Kiles to the 
shores of the l\Iediterranean, but it was no longer Egypt 
that benefited by the change. It was now, after many 
years of slavery, the turn of Ethiopia to rule, and the seat 
of power was transferred from Thebes 01' l\lempbis to 
N apata. As a matter of fact, the fundamental constitution 
of the kingdom underwent no great modification; it had 
merely one king the more to rule over it-not a stranger, 
as we are often tempted to conclude, when "we come to 
measure these old-world revolutions by our modern 
standards of patt'iotism, but a native of the south, who 
took the place of those natives of the north who had 
succeeded one another on the throne since the days of 
Smendes. In fact, this newly crowned son of Râ lived 
a very long way off; he had no troops of his own further 
north than Siut, and he had imposed his suzerainty on the 
rival claimants and reigning princes without thereby 
introducing any change in the constitution of the state. 
In tendering their submission to him, the heads of the 
different nomes had not the slightest intention of parting 
with their liberty; they still retained it, even though 



nominally dependent, and continued, as in the past, to 
abuse it without sCl'uple. N amrôti was king at I(hmunu, 
PefzââLastît at Khninsu, Auputi at Teutramu, and Osorkon 
III. at Bubastis; the prestige investing the Tanite race 
persisted so effectively that the annalists give to the last- 
named precedence over the usurpers of the Ethiopian 
dynasty; the Tanites continued to be the incarnate repre- 
sentatives of legitimate power, and when Osorkon III. died, 
in 732, it was his son Psamutis who was regarded as the 
Lorù of Egypt. Tafnakhti had, in his defeat, gained 
formal recognition of his royalty. He was no longer a 
mere successful adventurer, a hero of the hour, whose 
victories were his only title-deeds, ,vhose rights rested 
solely on the argument of main force. Piônkhi, in granting 
him amnesty, had conferred official investiture on him and 
on his descendants. Henceforth his rule at Sais was every 
whit as legitimate as that of Osorkon at Bubastis, and lIe 
was not slow in furnishing material proof of this, for he 
granted himself cartouches, the uræus, and all the other 
insignia of royalty. These changes must have been 
quickly noised abroad throughout Asia. Commercial 
intercourse between Syria and Egypt was maintained as 
actively as ever, and the merchant caravans and fleets 
expol'ted with regularity th
 news of events as well as the 
natural products of the soil 01' of industry. The tidings of 
an Ethiopian conquest and of the re-establishment of au 
undivided empire in the valley of the Nile, coming as they 
did at the very moment when the first effects of the 
ASRyrian reyival began to be so keenly felt, could not fail 
to attract the attention and arouse the hopes of Syriau 


stateSll1en. The Philistines, who had nevel' entirely 
released thmllselves from the ties which bound thelli to the 
Pharaohs of the Delta, felt no repugnance at asking for a 


... . &tJ;::. .r . 

l'enewal of their former protection. As for the Phænicians, 
the Hebrews, Edom, 
loab, Ammon, and Damascus, they 
began to consider whethel' they had not here, in Africa, 
among the members of a race favourably disposed towards 

1 Drawn hy TIouùie'r, from :Mallet's photograph of the stek in the' )Iuscum 
at Athens. 



them by the memories of the past and by its ambition, 
hereditary allies against Nineveh. The fact that Egypt 
,vas torn by domestic dissensions and divided into a score 
of rival principalities in no way diminished their traditional 
admiration for its wealth or their confidence in its power; 
Assyria itself was merely an agglomeration of turbulent 
provinces, vassal cities, and minor kingdoms, artificially 
grouped round the ancient domain of Assur, and yet the 
convulsions by which it was periodically shaken had not 
prevented it from developing into the most formidable 
engine of war that had ever threatened the peace of Asia. 
The African hosts, whether led by ordinary generals or by 
a king of secondary rank, formed none the less a compact 
army well fitted by numbers and organisation to hold its 
own against any forces which Tiglath-pileser might put 
into the field; and even should the supreme Pharaoh be 
unwilling to throw the full weight of his authority into the 
balance, yet an alliance with one of the lesser kings, such 
as the lord of Sais or of Bubastis, would be of inestimable 
assistance to anyone fortunate enough to secure it. It is 
true that, in so far as the ultimate issue was concerned, 
there was little to be gained by thus pitting the two great 
powers together and persuading one to fight against the 
other; the victor must, in the long run, remain master 
alike of those who had appealed for help and of those who 
had fought against him, and if Egypt emerged triumphant, 
there would be nothing for it but to accept her supremacy. 
In either event, there could be no question of indepen- 
dence; it was a choice between the hegemony of Egypt or 
that of Assyria. 

From the moment that Tiglath-pileser had made his 
appearance on the northern horizon, the nations of Southern 
Syria had instinctively looked to Pharaoh for aid. There 
seems to have been an Egyptian faction in Samaria, even 
during the disorders which broke out after the death of 
Jeroboam II., and perhaps it was a hope of overcoming it 
easily which led Menahem of his own accord to invoke the 
still remote suzerainty of Nineveh, after the fall of Dnki 
in 738; 1 later on, when Pekah had assassinated Pekahiah 
anù entered into alliance with Rezin, he adopted the view 
of those who saw no hope of safety save from the banks 
of the Nile, his only reason for doing so being, apparently, 
because the kings of the fallen dynasty had received 
support from the valley of the Tigris. Hosea continually 
reproached his countrYlnen with this vacillating policy, 
and pointed out the folly of it: "Ephraim is like a silly 
dove without understanding; they call unto Egypt, they 
go unto Assyria; when they shall go I will spread 
ly' net 
upon. them," said the Eterna1. 2 They were to be given 
up to Assyria and dispersed, and while some were to go 

1 The 
xistence of an Egyptian faction at this period has been admitted 
by Kittel. 'Yinckler has traced to the Arabian or Idumæan l\Iuzri every- 
thing previously referred to Egypt. His arguments seem to me to be, in 
many cases, convincing, as I shall point out where necessary, but I think he 
carries his theory too far when he systematically excludes Egypt and puts 
l\luzri in its place. Egypt, even in its decadent state, was a far more 
important power than the Arabian l\Iuzri, and it seems unreasonable to 
credit it with such a limited share in the politics of the time. I cannot 
believe that any other power is intended in most of those passages in the 
Hebrew writings and Assyrian inscriptions in which the words l\lizraÎm 
and l\Iuzri occur. 
2 Hos. vü. 11, 12. 


into Assur and eat unclean food, Ephraim was to return 
into Egypt; "for, 10, they are gone away from destruction, 
yet Egypt shall gather them up, J\1emphis shall bury 
them." 1 Nevertheless, they persisted in negotiating with 
Egypt, and though there was as yet no formal alliance 
between Samaria and Bais or Tanis, their relations were 
so close that no enemy of Israel could look for protection 
from Psamuti or his vassals. Ahaz had, therefore, nothing 
to hope from this quarter, and was com pelIed by the force 
of circumstances to throw bimself into the arms of Assyria, 
if he decided to call in outside aid at all. His prophets, 
like those of Pekah, strenuously forbade him to do so, 
and among them was one who was beginning to exel't a 
marvellous influence over all classes of society-Isaiah, the 
son of Amoz. He had begun his career in the year that 
U zziah died, 2 and had continued to prophesy without 
interruption during the brief reign of J otham. 3 vVhen 
J ahveh first appeared to him, in the smoke of the altar, 
seated on a throne and surrounded by seraphim, a sense 
of his own unworthiness filled him with fear, but an angel 
purified his lips with a live coal, and he heard the voice 
of the Lord saying, "Whom shall I send, and who will 
go for us?" and he replied, "Here am I; send me," 
whereupon Jahveh gave him this message: "Hear ye 

1 Hos. ix. 3-6. 2 Isa. vi. 1. 
S The fragments which can be assigned to this period now occur as 
follows: chap. ii. 2-5 (verses 2-4 are also found in lIlirah iv. 1-3, and were, 
perhaps, borrowed from some third prophet), ii. 6-:!2, iii., iv., v. 1-24 (the 
Parable of the Vineyard), and lastly, chap. vi., in so far as the substance 
is concerned; it seems to haye been put into its present form long after the 


indeed, but understand not; and see ye indeed, but 
perceive not. l\iake the heart of this people fat, and make 
their ears heavy, and shut their eyes; lest they see with 
their eyes and hear with their ears, and understand with 
their heart, and turn again and be healed. " Then the 
prophet asked, "Lord, how long?" And Jahveh answered, 
" Until cities be waste without inhabitant and houses 
without man, and the land become utterly waste, and 
Jahveh have removed men far away, and the forsaken 
places be many in the midst of the land. And if there be 
yet a tenth in it, it shall be eate1;l up; as a terebinth, and 
as an oak, whose stock remaineth when they are felled, 
so the holy seed is the stock thereof." 1 Judah, though 
less powerful, was quite as corrupt as his brethren of Israel, 
and the divine wl'ath threatened him no less than them; 
it rested with himself, howevel', to appease it by repentance, 
and to enter again into divine favouI' after suffering his 
punishment; the Eternal would then gather together on 
Mount Sion those of His faithful people ,vho had sUl'vived 
the crisis, and would assure them a long period of prosperity 
under His law. The prophet, convinced that men could 
in no wise alter the decrees of the Highest, save by 
repentance alone, was astonished that the heads of the 
state should strive to impede the progress of events that 
were happening under their very eyes, by the elaborately 
useless combinations of their worldly diplomacy. To his 
mind, the invasion of Pekah and Rezin was a direct 
manifestation of the divine anger, and it filled him with 
indignation that the king should hope to escape from it 
1 Isa. vi. 9-13. 


by begging for an alliance against them with one of the 
great powers: \vhen Jahveh should decide that the punish- 
ment was sufficient for the crime, He would know ho\v 
to shatter His instruments without any earthly help. 
Indeed, Isaiah had already told his master, some days 
before the allied kings appeared, while the latter was busy 
superintending the works intended to supply Jerusalem 
with water, to "Take heed, and be quiet; fear not, neither 
let thy heart be faint, because of these two tails of smoking 
fÌ1"ebrands. 1 . . . Because Syria hath counselled evil against 
thee, Ephraim also, and the son of Remaliah, saying, Let 
us go up against Judah, hem it in, carry it by storm, and 
set up the son of Tabeel as king: thus saith the Lord God, 
It shall not stand, neither shall it come to pass." 2 If, 
however, the course of the divine justice 'was to be dis- 
turbed by the intervention of a purely human agency, the 
city would doubtless be thereby saved, but the matter 
'would not be allowed to rest there, and the people would 
suffer even more at the hands of their allies than they had 
formerly endured from their enemies. "Behold, a virgin 
shall conceive and bear a son, and shall call his name 
Immanuel-God with us. . . . For before the child shall 
know to refuse the evil and choose the good, the land 
whose two kings thou abhorrest shall be forsaken," and 
yet" Jahveh shall bring upon thee, and upon thy people, 
and upon thy father's house, days that have not come, 

1 An explanatory gloss, " the fierce angf'r of Rezin and 
yria and of the 
son of Remaliah," which formed no part of the original prophecy, is here 
inserted in the text. 
2 Isa. vii. 1-9. 

282 TIGL

from the day that Ephraim departed from Judah." 1 And 
then, employing one of those daring apologues, common 
enough in his tirne, the prophet took a large tablet anù 
wrote upon it in large letters two symbolical names-Spoil- 
speedeth, Prey-Iutsteth-and set it up in a prominent place, 
and with the knowledge of credible witnesses went in unto 
the prophetess his wife. 'Vhen the child was bOTn in due 
course, J ahveh bade him call it Spoil-specdetlt, Prey-Izastcth, 
"for before he shall bave knowledge to cry, J\1y father, 
and, l\Iy mother, the riches of Damascus and the spoil of 
Samaria shall be carried away before the I\:ing of Assyria." 
But the Eternal added, "Forasmuch as this people hath 
refused the waters of Shiloah that go softly, and rejoice in 
Rezin and Remaliah's son; now therefore, behold, the 
Lord bI'ingeth up upon them the waters of the river [the 
Euphrates], strong and many: 2 and he shall come up over 
all his channels, and go . over all his banks: and he shall 
sweep onward into Judah; he shall overflow and pass 
through; he shall reach even to the neck, and the 
stretching of his wings shall fill the breadth of thy land, 
o Immanuel [God-with-us]!" 3 
Finding that Egypt was in favour of his adversaries, 
...L\.haz, in spite of the pI'ophet's warnings, turned to Assyria.' 
At one time he had found himself so hard PI'essed that 

1 Isa. vii. 10-17. 
2 A marginal gloss has here been inserted in the text, indicating that it 
was "the King of Assyria and all his glory" that the prophet referred to. 
3 Isa. viii. 1-8. . 
4 The following portions of Isaiah are accepted as belonging to the period 
of this Syrian war: in addition to chap. vii., chaps. viii.-Îx. 6; xi. 1-!); 
xxii. 1-11; i. 4-9, 18-32; to these Kuellen adds chap. xxiii. 1-14. 



5 0 


\ '- 
\ .... 


I S O K. 


he invoked the aid of the Syrian goùs, and made his eldest 
son pass tLrough the fire in order to propitiate them: 1 
he collected together all the silver and gold he could 
find in his own treasury or in that of the temple and 
sent it to Tiglath-pileser, with this message: "I am thy 
servant and thy son: come up and save me out of the 
hand of the l{ing of Syria, and out of the hand of the 
l{ing of Israel, which l'ise up against me." 2 Tiglath- 
pileser came in haste, and Rezin and Pekah, at the mere 
tidings of his approach, desisted from their attack on 
J erusaleln, separated, and retired each to his own king- 
dom. The Assyrian king did not immediately follow 
them up. He took the road leading along the coast, 
after leaving the plains of the middle Orontes, and levied 
tribute froln the Pbænician cities as he passed; he then 
began by attacking the western frontier of Israel, and 
sent a body of troops against the Philistines, who were 
ceaselessly harassing .Judah. Hannon, King of Gaza, did 
not await the attack, but fled to Egypt for safety, and 
Ahaz breathed freely, perhaps for the first time since 
his acceSSIon. Th
s, however, was only a beginning; 
the l'eal struggle took place in the following year, and 
was hotly contested. In spite of the sorry pass to which 
its former defeats and present discords had brought it, 
Damascus still possessed immense wealth, and its army, 
when reinforced by the Arabian and Israelite contingents, 

1 2 Kings xvi. 3 (cf. 2 Chron. xxviii. 3). There is nothing to indicate t.he 
date, but most historians place the event at the beginning of the Syrian 
war, a little hefore or durin
 the sie
:! Kill!!.'! xvi. 7, 8 j cf. 2 Chrrm, xxviii. I G, 20, 21. 


was capable of holding its own for a long tÏ1ne against 
the battalions of Assyria, even if it could not hope to 
conquel' them. Unfortunately for its chances, Rezin had 
failed to inherit the military capacity of his great prede- 
cessors, Ben-hadad and Hazael; he allowed Tiglath-pileser 
to crush the Hebrews without rendering them any effective 
assistance. Pekah fought his best, but he lost, one 
after another, the strongholds which guarded his northern 
frontier-Ijon, Abel-beth-maacah, J anoah, Kedesh, and 
Hazor; he SRW the .whole of N aphtali and Gilead laid 
waste, and their inhabitants carried off into Assyria with.. 
out his being able to prevent it; he himself being obliged 
to evacuate Samaria and take refuge in the mountains 
almost unattended. Judah followed, with mingled exul- 
tation and disquietude, the vicissitudes of the tragic drama 
which was thus enacted before its eyes, and Isaiah 
foretold the speedy ruin of the two peoples .who had 
but yesterday threatened to enslave it. He could already see 
the following picture in his mind's eye: "Danlascus is taken 
away from being a city, and it shall be a ruinous heap. 
The cities of Aroêr are forsaken: they shall be for flocks, 
which shall lie down, and none shall make them afraid. l 
The fortress also shall cease from Ephraim, and the king- 
dom from Damascus, and the remnant of Syria: they shall 
be as the glory of the children of Israel, saith the Lord 

1 Both of these Aroêrs lay beyond Jordan-one in Reuben, afterwards 
:l\Ioab (Judg. xi. 26; Jer. xlviii. 19); the other in Ammon, afterwards Gad 
(Joslt. xiii. 25; 2 Sam. xxiv. 5); here they stand for the countries beyond 
Jordan which Tiglath-pileser had just laid waste. The tradition preserved 
in 1 Cltron. v. 26 stated that thf'se inhabitants of Gad and Heuben Wf're led 
into captiyity by Pul, i.e. Tiglath-pileser. 


of hosts! And it shall come to pass in that day, that 
the glory of Jacob shall be made thin, and the fatness 
of his flesh shall wax lean. And it shall be as when 
the harvestman gathereth the standing corn, and his arm 
reapeth the ears; yea, it shall be as when one gleaneth 
ears in the valley of Rephaim. Yet there shall be left 
therein gleanings, as the shaking of an olive tree, two 
or three berries in the top of the uppermost bough, 
four or five in the outmost branches of a fruitful tree, 
saith J ahveh, the God of Israel! . . . In that day shall 
his strong cities be as the forsaken places in the wood, 
and on the mountain top, which wel'e forsaken from before 
the children of Israel: 1 and it shall be as a desolation. 
For thou hast forgotten the God of thy salvation." 1 
Samaria was doomed to helplessness for many a day to 
come, if not for ever, but it had taken a whole year 
to lay it low (733); Tiglath-pileser returned in 732, anù 
devoted yet another year to the war against Damascus. 
Rezin had not been dismayed by the evil fortune of 
his friends, and had made good his losses by means of 
fresh alliances. He had persuaded first 
I utton II. of 
Tyre, then J\Iitinti of Askalon, and with the latter a 
section of the Philistines, to throw in their lot with him; 
he had even won over Shamshieh, queen of the Arabs, and 
with her a number of the most warlike of the desert 
tribes; for himself, he had taken up a position 011 the 
further side of Anti-Lebanon, and kept strict watch from 

1 This is probably an allu
ion to the warlike exploits pf'rformed during 
He:zin and Pekah's invasion of J udæa, a year or two previously. 
218ft. xyii. 1-6, 9, 10. 


Ionnt Hermon on the roaùs leading from the valley of 
the Jordan to the plains of the Abana, in order to prevent 
the enemy from outflanking him and taking him in the 
rear. But all to no purpose; Tiglath-pileser bore directly 
down upon him, overwhelmed him in a pitched battIe, 



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:!\IOrXT I1ER:\IOX.l 

obliged bim to take refuge behind the walls of Damascu
and there besieged bim. The city was well fortified, 
amply supplied with Pl'ovisions, and strongly garrisoned; 
the siege was, therefore, a long one, and the Assyrians 
filled up the time by laying waste the fertile country 
at the foot of Anti-Lebanon. At last Rezin yielded, gave 
himself up unconditionally, and was forthwith executed: 
eight tbousanc1 of his followers were cfu'ried off to 

1 Drawn hy Uoudicr, from a photograph brought back by Lort('t. 



I{:îr, on the confines of Elam,t bis kingdom was 
abolished) and a Ninevite governor was installed in his 
palace, by whom the former domain of Damascus and 
the territory lately wl'ested from Israel were henceforth 
to be administered. The coalition 
he had formed did not long survive 
its leader. 2 1lutton bastily came 
to an understanding with the con- 
queror; :\litinti, like Hannon, fled 
into Egypt, and his place was taken 
by Rukibtu, a partisan of Assyria. 
Hoshea, son of Elah, rebelled 
against Pekah, assassinated bim, AY AIUß. 3 
and purchased the right to reign over wbat ,vas left of 
Israel for ten talents of gold. 4 Shamsbieh alone held out. 

....... . 

1 2 Kings xvi. 9. Kîr is generally located in Armenia, )Iedia, or 
Babylonia; a passage in Isaiah (xxii. 6), however, seems to point to its 
having been somewhere in the direction of Elam, and associated with the 
Aramæans on the banks of the Tigris. The Assyrian monuments have not, 
as yet, yielded confirmation of the details given by the Book of the Kings in 
regard to the captivity of the inhabitants of Damascus. A fragmentary 
tablet, giving an account of the death of Rezin, was discovered by H. Raw- 
linson, but it was left in Assyria, and no one knows what has since become 
of it. 
2 The following is a list of the kings of Damascus from the time of 
David, as far as is known up to the pr
sent time:- 




3 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Layard. 
4 2 Kings xv. 30. The inscription published by H. Rawlinson, mereiy 

290 TIGL

She imagined herself to be safe among the sands of the 
desert, and it never occurred to her that the heavy masses 
of the Assyrian army would dream of venturing into these 
solitudes. Detachments of light cavalry were sent in 
pursuit of her, and at first met with some difficulties; 
they \vere, however, eventually successful; the Armenian 
and Cappadocian steeds of the Ninevite horsemen easily 

\ " 
( \ 

.:I '- 
----- ,. 












{ -- 
. \. 
. - 





rode down the queen's 1neharis. Theil' success made a 
great impression on the Arab tl'ibes,. and induced the 
J\tlashaî, TiInaî Sabæans, Khaiapæans, Badanæans, and 
l{hattiæans to bend the knee before Assyria: They all 
sent envoys bearing presents of gold and silver, camels, 
both male and female, and spices: 2 even the ßf uzri, 

states that" they overthrew Pekah, their king, and I promoted Auzi [to 
the kingship] over them. I received [from him] X talents of gold and . . . 
talents of silver. . . . 
1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the bas-relief reproduced by Layard. 
2 Delitzsch has identified the names of seyeral of these races with 
names mentioned in the Bible, such as the Temah, 1\lassah, Ephah, 

.. Arab School 

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i.t ,^' 
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\.STY 201 

whose territory lay to the south of the Dead Sea, followed 
their example, and a certain ldibiel was appointed as 
their chief. l While his lieutenants wel'e settling out
standing issues in this fashion, Tiglath-pileser held open 
courts at Damascus, where he received the visits and 
homage of the Syrians. They came to assure themselves 
by the evidence of their own eyes of the downfall of 
the po'wer 'which had for more than one hundred years 
checked the progress of Assyria. Those 'who, like U assarmi 
of Tabal, showed any sign of disaffection were removed, 
the remainder were confirmed in their dignities, subject 
to payment of the usual tribute, and Mutton of Tyre 
was obliged to give one hundred talents of gold to 
ransom his city. Ahaz came to salute his preserver, 
and to obtain a nearer view of the soldiers to whom 
he owed continued possession of Jerusalem; 2 the kings 
of Ammon, Moab, Edom, and Askalon, the Philistines 
and the nomads of the Arabian desert, carried a-way by 
the general example, followed the lead of Judah, until 
thel'e was not a single pTÍnce or 10l'a of a city from 
the Euphrates to the river of Egypt who had not 
acknowledged himself the humble vassal of Nineveh. 
With the downfall of Rezin, Syria's last hope of 
recovery had vanished; the few states which still enjoyed 
some show of independence were obliged, if they wished 
to retain it, to make a parade of unalterable devotion to 

1 The name 1\1 uzri, as Winckler has shown, here refers, not to Egypt, 
but to a canton near Edom, the Nabatæa of the Greco-Roman geographers. 
2 2 Kings xvi. 10-12. The Nimroud Inscrip. merely mentions his tribute 
among that of the Syrian kings. 


their Ninevite master, or-if they found his suzerainty 
intolerable-had to 1'Ïsk everything by appealing to Egypt 
for help. 
J\fuch as they may have wished from the very first to 
do so, it was too early to make the attempt so soon after the 
conference at Damascus; Tiglath-pileser had, therefore, no 
cause to fear a rebellion among them, at any rate for some 
years to come, and it was just as well that this was so, for 
at the moment of his triumph on the shores of the 
Mediterranean his interests in Cbaldæa 'were threatened by 
a serious danger. N abonazir, I{ing of l{arduniash, had 
never swe!'ved from the fidelity which he had sworn to bis 
mighty ally after the events of 745, but the tranquillity of 
his reign had been more than once disturbed by revolt. 
Borsippa itself had risen on one occasion, and endeavoured 
to establish itself as an independent city side by side with 
When N abonazîr died, in 734, he was succeeded by his 
son N abunâdinzîri, but at the end of a couple of years 
the latter was assassinated during a popular outbreak, 
and N abushumukîn, one of his sons, .who had been 
implicated in the rising, usuTped the crown (732). He 
wore it fOT two months and twelve days, and then abdicated 
in favou!" of a certain UkînzÎr. 1 The latter was chief of the 

1 The following is as complete a list as can at present be compiled of this 
Babylonian dynasty, the eighth of those registered in Pinches' Canons (d. 
ROST, Untcrsuch. 2ur altorient. Gcscll , p. 2;) :- 


:MAUDL"I{-N."\D1X-snu:\1U . 


Bìt-Amukkâni, one of the most important among the 
Cha1dæan communities; I the descendants of the Aramæan 
nomads were thus once more placed upon the throne, and 
their accession put an end to the relations which had 
existed for several centuries bet"een Assyria and 
Karduniash. These marauders, who had always shown 
themselves impatient of any settled authority, and had 
never proffered more than a doubtful submission to even the 
most triumphant invader, were not likely to accept the 
subordinate position which members of the presiding 
dynasty had been, for the most part, content to occupy. 
It was more probable that they would, from the very first, 
endeavoul' to throw off the suzerainty of Xineveh. Tiglath- 
pileser gave the new dynasty no time to settle itself firmly 
on the throne: the year after his return from Syria he got 
together an army and marched against it. He first cleared 
the right bank of the Tigris, where the Pukudu (Pekod) 
offered but a feeble resistance; he annexed their territory 
to the ancient province of À1Tapkha, then crossed the river 


......... .. 


.x ABG-S"_\ZIR (X ABüX.\.SSAR). 
X ABC"-SHL"\lL"KI:s'. 

It included 
wenty-two kings, and l
ted for about three hundred and fifty 
1 The chronicle is silent with regard to the origin of rkinzîr, but 
Tiglath-pileser, who declines to give him the title of cc King of Babylon," 
says that he was mar Amukkám' = son of _\.mukkâni. Pinches' Canon 
indicates that "Ckînzìr belonged to a. dynasty the name of which ma.y be 
read either Shashi or Shapi. The reading Shapi at once recalls the name 
of bhapia, one of the chief cities of the Bit-Amukkâni; it would thus con- 
firm the evidence of the Simroud Inscription. 


and attacked the Kaldi scattered among the plains and 
marshes of the Shatt el-Haî. The Bit-Shilâni were the 
first to succumb; their king N abushabshi was impaled 
before one of the gates of his capital, Sarrabânu, the town 
itself was taken by storm, plundered and dismantled, and 
55,000 of its inhabitants were led captive into Assyria. 
After the Bît- Shilâni, came the turn of the Bît- Shaali. 
Dur-Illataî, their capital, was razed to the ground, and its 
population, numbering 50,400 men and 
women, was deported. Their chief, 
Lakiru, who had shown great bravery 
in the struggle, escaped impalement, but 
\ \ \ was sent into captivity with his people, 
a Ninevite governor being appointed in 
"\ " 
his place. Ukînzîr, who was, as we 
know, hereditary prince of the Bît-Amuk- 
kâni, came up in haste to defend his 
appanage, and thI'ew himself into his fortress at Shapîa: 
Tiglath-pileser cut down the gardens and groves of palms 
which lent it beauty, burnt the surrounding farms and vil- 
lages, and tried, without success, to make a breach in the 
walls; he still, however, maintained the siege, but when 
winter came on and the place still held out, he broke up his 
camp and retreated in good oloder, leaving the districts 
which he had laid waste occupied by an Assyrian fOI'ce. 
Before his depaI'ture, he received homage and tribute fronl 
most of the Aramæan chiefs, including those of Balasu and 
the Bît- Dakkuri, of N adînu, and even of the Bît- Yakin and 
l\1:erodach-baladall, whose ancestors had never before 


! .. 

A KALDu. 1 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a woodcut published by Tomkins. 

IIR AXD .AKK \.D 205 

"kissed the foot" of an Assyrian conquerol'. In this 
call1paign he had acquired nearly three-fourths of the whole 
Babylonian kingdom; but Babylon itself still refused to 
yield, and it was no easy task to compel it to do so. 
Tiglath-pileser spent the whole of the yeal' 730 in preparing 
for another attack, and in 729 he again appeared in front of 
Shapîa, this time with gl'eater success: Ukînzîr fell into 
his hands, Babylon opened its gates, and he caused himself 
to be proclaimed !{illg of Sumir and Akkad within its walls. 1 
:ßIany centuries had passed since the two empires bad been 
united under the rule of a single master, or an Assyrian 
king had "taken the hands of Bel." Tiglath-pileser 
accepted the condition attached to this solemn investiture, 
which obligeù him to divide his time between Calah and 
Baby lon, and to repeat at every festival of the N ew Year 
the mystic cel'emony by which the god of the city con- 
firmed him in his office. 2 His Babylonian subjects seem to 
have taken a liking to him, and perhaps in order to hide 
from themselves theÏ1' dependent condition, they shortened 
his purely Assyrian name of Tukulti-abal-esharra into the 
familial' sobriquet of Puru or Palu, under which appellation 
the native chroniclers later on inscribed him in the official 
list of kings: he did not long survive his triumph, but died 

1 Contemporary documents do not furnish us with any information as to 
these events. The Eponym Canon tells us that" tIte king took the hands of 
Bel." Pinches' Chronicle adds that" in the third year of Ukìnzîr, Tiglath- 
pileser marched against Akkad, laid waste the Bît-Amukkâni, and took 
Ukînzîr prisoner; Ukînzîr had reigned three years in Babylon. Tiglath- 
pileser followed him upon the throne of Babylon," 
2 The Eponym Canon proves that in 728 B.C., the year of his death, he 
once more took the hands of Bel. 


in the month of Tebeth, 728 B.C., after having reigned 
eighteen years over Assyria, and less than two years over 
Babylon and Chaldæa. 
The formulæ employed by the scribes in recording 
historical events vary so little from one reign to another, 
that it is, in most cases, a difficult matter to make out, 
under the mask of uniformity by which they are all 
concealed, the true character and disposition of each 
successive sovel'eign. One thing, however, is certain- 
the monarch who now came upon the scene after half 
a century of reverses, and in a brief space restored to 
his armies the skill necessary to defeat such formidable 
foes as the Armenians or the Syrians of Damascus, must 
have been an able general and a born leader of men. Yet 
Nineveh had never suffered long from a lack of capable 
generals, and there would be little to distinguish Tiglath- 
pileser from any of his predecessors, if we could place 
nothing more than a few successful campaigns to his 
credit. His claim to a pre-eminent place among them 
rests on the fact that he combined the talents of the 
soldier with the higher qualities of the administrator, and 
organised his kingdom in a manner at once so simple 
and so effective, that most of the Oriental powers down 
to the time of the Grecian conquest were content to 
accept it as a model. As soon as the ambition of the 
Assyrian kings began to extend beyond the region confined 
between the Khabur and the Gl'eater Zab, they found it 
necessary to parcel out their ten'itory into provinces under 
the authority of prefects for the pUl'pose of preserving 
order among the vanquished peoples, and at the same 



time of protecting them from the attacks of adjacent 
tribes; these representatives of the central power were 
suppol'ted by garrisons, and were thus enabled to put down 
such minor insurrections as broke out from time to time. 
Some of these provinces were already in existence in the 
reigns of Shalmaneser or Tiglath-pileser I.; after the 
reverses in the time of AssuTirba, their number decreaseà, 
but it grew rapidly again as Assur-nazir-pal and Shal- 
maneser III. gradually extended the field of their operations 
and of their victories. From this epoch onwards, the 
monuments mention over a score of them, in spite of 
the fact that the list thus furnished is not a comptete 
one; the pl'ovinces of which we know most are those whose 
I'ulers were successively appointed to act as limrni, each 
of them giving their name to a year of a reign. Assyria 
proper contained at least four, viz. Assur (called the 
country, as distinguished from all others), Calah, Nineveh, 
and Arbela. The basin of the Lesser Zab was divided 
into the provinces of Kakzi, Arrapkha, and Akhizukhîna; 1 
that of the Upper Tigris into those of Amidi, Tushkhân, 
and Gôzan. KÜ'ruri was bounded by ]'fazamua, and 
1lazamua by Arrapkha and Lake Urumiah. We hear of 
the three spheres of N azibina (Nisibis), Tela, and Razappa 
in 1\lesopotamia, 2 the two former on the southern water- 
sheds of the 11asios, on the highways leading into Syria; 

1 .,A.khizukhîna is probably identical with Arzukhîna = "the City of 
Zukhîna," which is referred to as being situated in the basin of the Lesser 
2 Razappa is the biblical Rezeph (2 Kings xix. 12; [sa. xxxvii. 12) and 
the Resapha of Ptolemy, now Er-Rasafa, to the south of the Euphrates, on 
one of the routes leading to Palmyra. 


the latter to the south of the Euphrates, in the former 
kingdom of the Laqî. 
lost of them included-in addition 
to the territory under the immediate control of the 
govel'nor-a number of vassal states, kingdoms, cities, 
and tribes, which elljoyed a certain measure of indepen- 
dence, but were liable to pay tribute and render military 
service. Each new country was annexed, as soon as 
conquered, to the nearest province, or, if necessary, was 
converted into a distinct province by itself; thus we find 
that Assur-nazir-pal, aftel' laying hanùs on the uPIJer 
valleys of the Radanu and the Turnat, rebuilt the ruined 
city of At1îla, re-named it Dur-Assur, placed a com- 
mandant, cavalry, and eunuchs there, and established 
,vithin it storehouses for the receipt of contributions from 
the neighbouring barbarians. He followed the same course 
on each occasion when the fortune of war hI'ought him 
fresh subjects; 1 and his successors, Shalmaneser 111., 
Samsi-rarnmân IV., and Rammân-nirâri did the same thing 
in l\Iedia, in Asia l\Iinor, and in Northern Syria; 2 Tiglath- 
pileser III. had only to follow their example and extend 
the application of their system to the countries which 
he gradually forced to submit to his rule. 3 In his case, 
however, certain elenlents came into play which forced 

1 'Ve read of the appointment of å governor in Bît-Khalupi, at Tush- 
khân, in N aîri, and in the country of the Patinâ. 
2 The territory of the Bît-Adini was converted into a province by Shal- 
maneser III. 
3 "\Ve find the formation of an Aramæan province, with Kar-AEsur as its 
capital, mentioned in the .Annals ()f Tiolath-pileser IlL Provinces were alsu 
established in 
Iedia, in U nki, in the basin of the Orontes, and in Lebanon, 
from nineteen districts formerly helonging to Hamath, six maritime pro- 
vinces in Northern Phænicia and in Cæle-8yria, in Galilee, at Gaza. 



him to modify several of their methods, and to have 
recourse to others which they had seldom or never em- 
ployed. The majority of the countries hitherto incor- 
porated had been near enough to the capital-whether 
it were Assur, Calah, or Nineveh-to permit of strict 
watch being kept for any sign of disaffection, and they 
could be promptly recalled to order if they attempted to 
throw off the yoke. These provinces were, mOl'eover, of 
moderate area and sparsely populated: once drawn within 
the orbit of Assyria's attraction, they 'were unable to 
escape froln its influence by their own unaided efforts; 
on the contrary, they gradually lost their individuality, 
and ended by becoming merged in the body of the nation. 
The Aramæan tribes of the I{habur and the Balikh, the 
Cossæans of the Turnat, the marauding shepherds of the 
Gordyæan hills and the slopes of the l\lasios, gradually 
became assimilated to their conquerors after a more 01' 
less protracted resistance, till at length-in spite of 
differences of origin, creed, and speech-they became the 
best of Assyrians, every whit as devoted to the person 
of their king and as jealous of his honour as the aboriginal 
Assyrians themselves. A similar result could not be 
looked for in the case of the cities recently subdued. It 
was not to be expected that Babylon and Damascus-to 
name but two of the most important-would allow them- 
selves to be influenced and to become reconciled to their 
lot by artifices which had been successful enough with the 
11edes and in the country of Tul-Abnt 
To take the case of Babylon first. It was no mere 
conglomeration of tribes, nor a state of minor importance, 


but an actual empire, nearly as large as that of Assyria 
itself, and almost as solidly welùed together. It extended 
from the Turnat and the mountains of Elam to the Arabian 
desert and the Nâr-lVlarratûm, and even though the 
Cossæans, Elamites, Kaldâ, Sumerians, Akkadians, and 
other remnants of ancient peoples who formed its some- 
what motley population, had dwelt there for centuries 
in a state of chronic discord, they all agreed-in theory, 
at any rate-in recognising the common suzerainty of 
Babylon. Babylon was, moreover, by general acknowledg- 
ment, the ancient metropolis to which Assyria owed its 
whole civilisation; it was the holy city whose gods and 
whose laws had served as a prototype for the gods and 
laws of Assyria; from its temples and its archives the 
Assyrian scribes had drawn such knowledge as they 
had of the history of the ancient world, their religious 
doctrines and ceremonies, their methods of interpreting 
the omens and of forecasting the future-in sbort, their 
whole literature, both sacred and profane. The King 
of Nineveh might conquer Babylon, might even enter 
within its gates in the hour of triumph, and, when once 
he had it at his mercy, might throw down its walls, 
demolish its palaces, destroy its ziggu".ât, burn its bouses, 
exterminate or carry off its inhabitants, and blot out 
its name from the list of nations; but so long as he 
recoiled from the sacrilege involved in such irreparable 
destruction, he was not merely powerless to reduce it to 
the level of an ordinary leading provincial town, such as 
Tela or Tusbkbân, but he could not even deprive it in 
any waJ? C}{ its rank as a capital,. or bope to make it



anythillg less than the second city of his empire. As 
long as it remained in existence, it necessarily took 
precedence of all others, thanks to its extensive area, 
the beauty and antiquity of its buildings, and ,the number 
of its inhabitants. The pride of its nobles and priests, 
subdued for a moment by defeat, would almost instantly 
have reasserted itself, had the victor sought to lower 
the dignity of their city; Babylon only consented to accept 
an alien master provided he bowed himself respectfully 
before its superiority, and was willing to forget that he 
was a stranger within its gates, and was ready to comply 
with its law8 and masquerade as a Babylonian. Tiglath- 
pileser III. never dreamt, therefore, of treating the 
Babylonians as slaves, or of subordinating them to their 
Assyrian descendants, but left their liberties and territory 
alike unimpaired. He did not attempt to fuse into a 
single empire the two kingdoms which his ability had 
won for him; he kept them separate, and was content 
to be monarch of both on similar terms. He divided 
himself, as it were, into two persons, one of whom reigned 
in Calah, while the other reigned in Karduniash, and 
his Chaldæan subjects took care to invest this dual 'rôle 
-based on a fiction so soothing to their pride-with 
every appearance of reality; he received from them, 
together ,vith all the titles of the Babylonian kings, that 
name of Pulu, which later on found its way into their 
chronicles, and which was so long a puzzle to historians, 
both ancient and modern. Experience amply proved 
that this was the only means by which it was possible 
to yoke temporarily together the two great powers of 


the Euphrates and the Tigris. Among the successors of 
Tiglath-pileser, the only sovereigns to rule over Babylon 
without considerable difficulty were those who followed 
the precedent set by him and were satisfied to divide their 
functions and reign as dual kings over a dual kingdom. l 
This combination, while gratifying to the ambition of 
its rulers, was, perhaps, more a source of loss than of gain 
to Assyria itself. It is true that the power of Karduniash 
had decreased under the previous dynasty, but it had 
still been strong enough to hold back the Aramæans of 
the Persian Gulf on one side, and the Elamite hordes 
on the other. It lay like a broad barrier Letween these 
barbarians and the cities of the Middle Tigris; when an 
unusually vigorous attack compelled it to give way at 
some point, it appealed to Nineveh for help, and an 
Assyrian army, entering the country at the fords of the 
Zab, hastened to drive back the aggressors to the place 
fron1 which they had set out. When, however, the kings 
of Assyria had become kings of Babylon as well, the 
situation was altered. Several branches of the Kaldâ 
had hitherto held possession of the city, and still possessed 
l'epresentatives and allies among the other tribes, especially 
among the Bît- Y akin, 'who believed themselves entitled 
to reassert their supl'emacy within in. The Elamite 
princes, on their part, accustomed to descend at will 
into the plains that lay between the Tigris and the 

1 This was so in the case of Tiglath-pileser III.'s immediate successor, 
Shalmaneser V., of Esarhaddon, and of Assur-bani-pal; Shalmaneser was 
known at Babylon by the name of Ululaî, Assur-bani-pal by that of Kanda- 



Euphrates, and to enrich themselves by frequent raids, 
could not make up their minds to change the habits of 
centuries, until they had at least crossed swords with 
the ne"\v despot, and put his n1ettle to the test. The 
Ninevite King of Babylon was thus in duty bound to 
protect his subjects against the sallie enemies that had 
ceaselessly harassed his native-born predecessors, and 
as the unaided resources of l{arduniash no longer enabled 
him to do so effectively, he was, naturally, obliged to fall 
back on the forces at his disposal as King of Assyria. 
Henceforward it was no longer the Babylonian army that 
protected Nineveh, but rather that of Nineveh which had 
to protect Babylon, and to encounter, almost every year, 
foes whom in former days it had met only at rare intervals, 
and then merely when it chose to intervene in their affairs. 
\Vhere the Assyrian sovereigns had gained a kingdom for 
themselves and their posterity, Assyria itself found little 
else but fresh battle-fields and forn1Ìdable adversaries, in the 
effort to overcome whom its energies were all but exhausted. 
In Syria and on the shores of the 11editerranean, 
Tiglath-pileser had nations of less stuhborn vitality to 
deal with, nor was he bound by the traditions of a common 
past to show equal respect to their prejudices. Arpad, 
U nki, the Bekâa, Damascus, and Gilead were all con- 
secutively swallowed up by Assyria, but, the work of 
absorption once completed, difficulties were encountered 
which now had to be met for the first time. The 
subordinate to whom he entrusted the task of governing 
these districts 1 had one or two Assyrian regiments assig:ued 

1 The governor was called Sltalc1w = " he whom the king has established 




him as bis body-guard,l and these exercised the same 
ascendency over the natives as the Egyptian archers bad 
done in days gone by: it was felt that they had the whole 
might of Assyria behind them, and the mere fact of their 
presence in the midst of the conquel'ed country was, as 
a rule, sufficient to guarantee the safety of the Assyrian 
governor and ensure obedience to his commands. This 
body-guard ,vas never a very numerous one, for the army 
would have melted away in the course of a campaign or 
two, had it been necessary, after each fresh conquest, to 
detach fronl it a sufficient force to guard against rebellion. 
It was strengthened, it is true, by auxiliaries enlisted on 
the spot, and the tl"ibutary chiefs included in the provincial 
dist1'Ïct were expected to furnish a reasonable quota of 
n1cn in case of need; 2 but the loyalty of all these people 
was, at the best, somewhat doubtful, and in the event of 
their proving untrustworthy at a critical moment, the 
little band of Assyrian horse and foot would be left to 
deal with the revolt unaided until such time as the king 
could come and relieve them. The distance between the 

in his place," and pcldtU = "the pilot," "the manager," whence piklwtu = 
"a district," and bel-pilchati = " the master of a district." It seems that 
the Rhalmu was of higher rank than the bel-pilthati, and often had the latter 
under his command. 
1 Thus Assur-nazir-pal selected the horsemen and other soldiers who 
were to form the body-guard of the governor of Parzimlu. 
2 In a despatch from Belibni to Assur-bani-pal we find AramæallS from 
the Persian Gulf submitting to the authority of an A:-;sy,'ian officer, and 
fighting in Elam side by side with his troops. Again, under Assur-balli-pal, 
an army sent to repress a revolt on the part of Kf'dar and the N abatæans 
included contingents from Ammon, :l\Ioab, and Edom, together with the 
Assyrian garrisons of the IIaur:1n ane 1 Zobah. 



banks of the Jordan or Abana and those of the Tigris 
was a long one, and in nearly every instance it would 
have been a question of months before help could arrive. 
l\feanwhile, Egypt was at hand, jealous of her rival, who 
was thus encroaching on territory which had till lately 
been regarded as her exclusive sphere of influence, anù 
vaguely apprehensive of the fate which might be in store 
for her if some Assyrian army, spul'red by the lust of 
conquest, were to cross the desert and bear down upon 
the eastern frontiers of the Delta. Distrustful of her 
own powel'S, and unwilling to assume a directly offensive 
attitude, she did all she could to foment continual dis- 
turbances among the Hebrews and Phænicians, as well 
as in Philistia and Aram; she carried on secret intrigues 
with the independent princes, and held out tempting hopes 
of speedy intervention before the eyes of their peoples; 
her influence could readily be traced in every seditious 
movement. The handful of men assigned to the governors 
of the earlier provinces close to the capital would have 
been of little avail against perils of this kind. Though 
Tiglath-pileser added colony to colony in the distant 
regions annexed by him, he organised them on a different 
plan from that which had prevailed before his time. His 
predecessors had usually sent Assyrians to these colonies, 
and filled the _villages vacated by them with families taken 
from the conquered region: a transfer of inhabitants was 
lnaùe, for instance, from N aîri or from l\iledia into Assyria I 
and vice versÛ. By following this system, Tiglath-pileser 
would soon have scattered his whole people ovel' the 
dependencies of his empire, and have found his hereditary 


states peopled by a motley and incohel'ent collection of 
aliens; he therefore left his Assyrians for the most part 
at home, and only effected exchanges between captives. 
In his eadier campaigns he brought back with him, on 
one occasion, 65,000 prisoners from the table-land of Iran, 
in order to distribute them over a province which he 
was organising on the banks of the TUl'nat and the Zab : 
he levied contributions of this kind without mercy from 
all the states that he conquered from year to year, and 
dispersed the captives thus obtained over the length and 
breadth of his empire; he transplanted the Aramæans 
of the :ftlesopotamian deserts, and the Kaldâ to the slopes 
lount Amanus or the banks of the Orontes, the 
Patinians and Hamathæans to Ulluba, the inhabitants of 
Damascus to Kîr or to the borders of Elam,t and the 
Israelites to some place in Assyria. 2 He aUowed them 
to take with them their wives and their children, their 
herds, theÍ1' chattels, their gods, and even their money. 
Drafted into the towns and country districts in batches 
sufficiently numerous to be self-su11porting, but yet not 
large enough to allow of their at once re-establishing 
themselves as a distinct nation in their new home, they 
seem to have formed, even in the midst of the most 
turbulent provinces, settlements of colonists who lived 
unaffected by any native influence or resentment. The 
aborigines hated them because of their religion, their 
customs, their clothing, and their language; in their 
eyes they were mere interlopers, who occupied the property 
of relations or fellow-countrymen who had fallen in battle 

1 2 Kings xyi. 9. 

2 2 Kings xv. 29. 


or had been spirited away to the other end of the world. 
And even when, after many years, the native owners of 
the soil had become familiarised ,vith them, this mutual 
antipathy had struck such deep root in their minds that 
any understanding between the natives and the descendants 
of the immigrants was quite out of the question: what 
had been formerly a vast kingdom, occupied by a single 
homogeneous race, actuated by a common patriotic spirit, 
became for many a year a region capriciously subdivided 
and torn by the dissensions of a number of paltry 
antagonistic communities. The colonists, exposed to the 
same hatreds as the original Assyrian conquerors, soon 
forgot to look upon the latter as the oppressors of all, 
and, allowing their present grudge to efface the memory 
of past injuries, did not hestitate to make common cause 
with them. In time of peace, the governor did his best 
to protect them against molestation on the part of the 
natives, and in return for this they rallied round him 
whenever the latter threatened to get out of hand, and 
helped him to stifle the revolt or hold it in check until 
the arrival of reinforcements. Thanks to their help, the 
empire was consolidated and maintained without too many 
violent outbreaks in regions far removed from the capital 
and beyond the immediate 
each of the sovereign. 
We possess very few details with regard to the adminis.. 
tration of these prefects. 2 The various functionaries, 

1 This was the history of the only one of those colonies whose fate is 
known to us-that founded at Samaria by Sargon and his successors. 
2 The texts contain a certain number of names of offices, the precise 
nature of which it is not easy to ascertain, e.g. the Khâzanu, the Labuttu, 


govel'nors of towns, tax-collectors, heads of stations, and 
officers whose duty it was to patrol the roads and look 
after the safety of merchants, were, for the most part, 
selected from among natives who had thrown in their 
lot with Assyria, and probably fe,v Assyrians were to be 
found outside the more turbulent cities and inlportant 
fortresses. The kings and chiefs whose territory ,vas 
attached to a given province, either took their instructions 
direct from Nineveh, or were sometimes placed nnder 
the control of a resident, or kipu, 'with some sort of escort 
at his back, who kept watch over their movements and 
reported them to the suzerain, and saw that the tribute 
was paid regularly, and that the military service provided 
for in the treaties was duly rendered. Governors and 
residents alike kept up a constant correspondence 'with 
the court, and snch of their letters as have chanced to 
come down to us show what a minute account of even 
the most trifling occurrences was required of them by the 
central authorities. They were not only obliged to report 
any fluctuation in the temper or attitude of their subordi- 
nates, or any intrigues that were being entered into across 
the frontier; they had also to record the transfer of troops, 
the return of fugitives, the pursuit of deserters, any chanèe 
scuffie between soldiers and natives, as well as the punish- 
ment inflicted on the rebellious, the appearance of a 
portent in the heavens, or omens noticed by the augurs. 
There were plenty of envious or officious tongues among 

and others. One of them, apparently, should be read Slwpars}wk, and identical 
with one of the titles mentioned in Ezra (v. 6, vi. 6) as being in existence 
during the Persian epoch. 



their followers to report to headquarters the slightest failure 
of duty, and to draw attention to their negligence. 1\lo1'e- 
over, it seems certain that the object of thus compelling 
them to refer to the king at every turn, was not merely 
in order to keep him informed of all that took place 
in his dependencies, but also to lay bare the daily life 
of his prefects before his eyes. The latter were entrusted 
,,'ith the command of seasoned troops; they had consider- 
able sums of money passing through their hands, and 
,vere often obliged to take prompt decisions and enter 
into diplolllatic or military transactions on their own 
responsibility; in short, most of them, at any rate, who 
,vere stationed at the furthest confines of the empire 
were really kings in all but title, insignia, and birth. 
There was always the danger lest some among them 
should be tempted to reassert, in their own interest, the 
independence of the countries under their rule, and seek 
to found a dynasty in their midst. The strict supervision 
maintained over these governors generally nipped any 
ambition of this kind in the bud; in some cases, however, 
it created the very danger it was intended to prevent. 
If a governor who had been recalled to Nineveh or Calah 
in order to explain his conduct failed to clear himself 
completely, he at once fell into disgrace; and disgrace 
in Assyria, as in other countries of the East, meant, nine 
times out of ten, confiscation of property, mutilation and 
lifelong imprisonment, or death in its most hideous form. 
He would, therefore, think twice before quitting his post, 
and if he had any reason to suppose himself suspected, 
or viewed with disfavour in high quarters, he would be 


in no hurry to obey a summons to the capital. A revolt 
,vas almost certain to be crushed without fail, and offered 
merely a very precarious chance of escape, but the governor 
was seldom likely to hesitate between almost certain 
condemnation and the vague possibility of a successful 
nSlng; ill such a case, therefore, he staked everything 

 _ on a single throw. 
The system was 
a defective one, 
in that it exposed 
to strong tern pta- 

 tion the very 
,;... functionaries 
whose loyalty was 
 most essential to 
the proper work- 
ing of the admin- 
istration, but its 
 dangers were out- 
-... -
wei g hed b y such 
important advan- 
tages that we cannot but regard it as a very real im- 
provement on the haphazard methods of the l)ast. In 
the first place, it opened up a larger recruiting-ground 
for the army, and, in a measure, guaranteed it against that 
premature exhaustion which had already led more than 
once to an eclipse of the Assyrian power. It may be that 
the pick of these provincial troops were, preferably, told off 
for police duties, or for the defence of the districts in which 

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they were levied, and that they seldom left it except to 
do battle in the adjacent territory; 1 but, even with these 
limitations they were none the less of inestimable value, 
since they relieved the main army of Assyria from garrison 
duties in a hundred scattered localities, and allowed the 
king to concentrate it almost in its entirety about his o"\yn 
person, and to direct it en 'mas:.;e upon those points where 
he wished to strike a decisive blow. On the other hand, 
the finances of the kingdom were put on a more stable 
and systematic basis. For nearly the whole of the two 
previous centuries, during ,vhich Assyria had resumed its 
victorious career, the treasury had been filled to some 
extent by taxes in kind or in money, and by various dues 
claimed from the hereditary kingdom and its few immediate 
c1ependencies, but mainly by booty and by tribute levied 
after each campaign from the peoples who had been 
conquered or had voluntarily submitted to Assyrian rule. 
The result was a budget which fluctuated greatly, since 
all forays were not equally lucrative, and the new depend- 
encies proved so refractory at the idea of perpetual tribute, 
that frequent expeditions were necessary in order to 
persuade them to pay their dues. \Ve do not know how 
Tiglath-pileser III. organised the finances of his provinces, 
but certain facts recorded here and there in the texts 
show that he must have drawn very considerable amounts 
from them. vVe notice that twenty or thirty years after 
his time, Carchemish was assessed at a hundred talents, 
Arpad and Kuî at thirty each, Megiddo and 1vlanzuatu at 

1 Thus, in the reign of Assur-bani-pal, we find the militia of the governor 
of Uruk marching to battle against the Gambulu. 


fifteen, though the purposes to which these sums '\ve1'e 
applied is not specified. On the other hand, we know 
the precise object to which the contributions of several 
other cities were assigned; as, for instance, so much for 
the maintenance of the throne in the palace, or for the 
divans of the ladies of the harem; so much for linen 
garments, for dresses, and for veils; twenty talents from 











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_ --arc 


_\. HElm OF llüR8E8 mWI:GHT IX .\.8 TlUBI:TE.l 

Nineveh for the armaments of the fleet, and ten from 
the same city for firewood. Certain provinces '\vere 
expected to maintain the stud-farms, and their contribu- 
tions of horses were specially valuable, now that cavalry 
played almost as important a part as infantry in military 
operations. The most highly prized animals came, 
perhaps, from Asia Minor; the nations of l\lount Taurus, 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bronze bas-reliefs on the 
gates of Balawat. The breed here represented seems to have been common 
in U rartu, as well as in Cappadocia and Northern Syria. 


who had supplied chargers to Israel and Egypt five 
centuries earlier, now furnished war-horses to the 
squadrons of Nineveh. The breed was small, but robust, 
inured to fatigue and hard usage, and in every way similar 
to that raised in these countries at the present day. In 
'wai', horses formed a very considerable 11roportion of the 

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'fYPIC.\.L C.U'I' .\DOCI.-\.S uomu:. 1 

booty taken; in time of peace, they were used as part of 
the payment of the yearly tribute, and a brisk trade in 
thern was carried on with :M
esopotamia. After the king had 
deducted from his receipts enough to provide amply for 
the wants of his family and court, the salaries of the 
various functionaries and officials, the pay and equipment 
of his army, the maintenance and construction of palaces 
1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by 
I. ...\.lfred Boissier. 


and fortresses, he had still sufficient left over to form 
an enormous reserve fund on which he and his successors 
might draw in the event of their ordinal'y sources of 
income being depleted by a series of repeated reverses. 
Tiglath-pileser thus impressed upon Åssyria the character 
by which jt was known during the most splendid century 
of its history, and the organisation which he devised for 
it was so admirably adapted to the Oriental genius that it 
survived the fall of Nineveh, and served as a model for 
every empire-maker down to the close of the l\lacedonian 
era and even beyond it. The 
wealth of the country grew 
rapidly, owing to the influx 
of capital and of foreign 
population; in the intervals 
between their campaigns its 
rulers set to work to remove 
all traces of the ruins which had been allowed to accu- 
mulate during the last forty years. The king had built 
himself a splendid palace at Calah, close to the monu- 
ments of Assur-nazir-pal and Shalmaneser III., and its 
terraces and walls overhung the waters of the Tigris. 
The main entrance consisted of a B2t-khilâni, one of 
those porticoes, flanked by towers and supported by 
columns or pillars, often found in Syrian towns, the 
fashion for which was now beginning to spread to Western 
Asia. 2 Those discovered at Zinjidi afford fine examples 


1 Reproduced by Faucher-Gudin, ftom the restoration published by 
2 The precise nature of the edifices referred to in the inscriptiom! under 

^ ^ 


of the arrangements adopted in buildings of this kind; 
the lower part of the walls was covered with bas-reliefs, 
figures of gods and men, soldiers mounted or on foot, 
victims and fantastic animal shapes; the columns, where 
there were any, rested on the back of a sphinx or on a 
pair of griffins of a type which shows a curious mixture 




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of Egyptian and Semitic influences. The wood- 'work of 
the Ninevite Blt-khilâni was of cedar from l\Iount Amanus, 
the door-frames and fittings were of various rare woods, 

the name of Bît-khilâni is still a matter of controversy. It has been identified 
with the pillared hall, or audience-chamber, such as we find in Sargon's 
palace at Khorsabad, and with edifices or portions of edifices which varipd 
according to the period, but which were ornamented with columns. It seems 
clear, however, that it was used of the whole series of chambers and buildings 
which formed the monumental gates of Assyrian palaces, something analogous 
to the lJ'li!ldol of Ramses III. at l\Iedinet-Habu, and more especially to the 
gates at Zinjirli. 
1 Drawn by Boudier, from a sketch publish{'d by Luschan. 

inlaid with ivory and metal. The entrance was guarded 
by the usual colossal figures, and the walls of the state 
reception-rooms were covered with slabs of alabaster; on 
these, in accordance with the usual custom,1 ,,"ere carved 
scenes from the royal wars, with explanatory inscriptions. 
The palace was subsequently dismantled, its pictures 
defaced and its inscl'iptions obliterated, 2 to mark the hatl'ed 

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felt by later generations towards the hero whom they were 
pleased to regard as a usurper; we can only partially succeed 
in deciphering his annals by the help of the fragmentary 
sentences which have escaped the fury of the destroyer. 
The cities and fortresses which he raised throughout the 
length and breadth of Assyria proper and its more l'ecently 
acquired provinces have similarly disappeared; we can 

1 The building of Tiglath-pileser's palace is described in the Ni11lroud 
Inscription. It stood near the centre of the platform of Nimroud. 
2 The materials were utilised by Esarhaddon, but it does not necessarily 
follow that the palace was dismantled by that monarch; this was probably 
done by 8argon or by Sennacherib. 
3 Drawn Ly Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph published by Luschan. 


only conjecture that the nobles of his court, fired by his 
example, must have built and richly endowed more than 
one city on their hereditary estates, or in the territories 
under their rule. Bel-harrân-beluzur, the marshal of the 
palace, who twice gave his name to years of the king's 
reign, viz. in 741 and 727 B.C., possessed, it would seem, 
an important fief a little to the nOl,th of Assur, near the 
banks of the Tharthar, on the site of the present Tel-Abta. 
The district was badly cultivated, and little better than a 
wilderness; by express order of the celestial deities- 
1\larduk, N abu, Shamash, Sin, and the two Ishtars-he 
dug the foundations of a city ,vhich he called Dur-Bel- 
tn-beluzur. The description he gives of it affords 
conclusive evidence of the power of the great nobles, and 
shows how nearly they approached, by their wealth, and 
hel'editary privileges, to the kingly rank. He el'ected, we 
are told, a ziggurât on a raised terrace, in which he placed 
his gods in true royal fashion; he assigned slaves, landed 
property, and a yearly income to their priests, in order 
that worship might be paid to them in perpetuity; he 
granted sanctuary to all freemen who settled within the 
,valls or in the enviJions, exemption from forced labour, 
and the right to tap a water-course and construct a canal. 
A decree of foundation was set up in the temple in memory 
of Bel-harrân-beluzur, precIsely as if he were a crowned 
king. It is a stele of common grey stone with a circular 
top. The dedicator stands el'ect against the background 
of the carving, bare-foot and bal'e-headed, his face clean- 
shaven, dressed in a long robe embroidered in a chess- 
board pattern, and with a tunic pleated in horizontal 

320 TIGL

rows; his 1'Ìght elbow is supported by the left band, 
while the right is raised to a level witb bis eyes, his 
fist is clenched, and the thumb inserted between tbe first 
and second fingers 
in the customary 
gesture of adora- 
tion. 'Vhat the pro- 
\ vost of the palace 
, had done on his land, 
the other barons in 
all probability did 
on theirs; most of 
the deparhnents 
which had fallen 
awayand languished 
during the disturb- 
ances at the close 
of the previous 
dynasty, took a new 
lease of life under 
their protection. 
Private documents 
-which increase in 
-BELuzun.l number as the cen- 
tury draws to an end-contracts, official reports, ana 
letters of scribes, all give us the impression of a wealthy 
and industrous country, stirred by the most intense 
activity, and in the enjoyment of unexampled prosperity. 
The excellent administration of Tiglath-pileser and his 

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nobles had paved the way for this sudden improvement, 
and had helped to develop it, and when Shalmaneser V. 
succeeded his father on the throne it continued unchecked. 1 
The new-comel' made no changes in the system of govern- 
ment which had been so ably inaugurated. He still kept 
Assyria separate from Karduniash; his Babylonian subjects, 
faithful to ancient custom, soon devised a nickname for 
him, that of Ululai, as though seeking to persuade thenl- 
selves that they had a king who belonged to them alone; 
and it is under this name that their annalists have in- 
scribed him next to Pulu in the list of their dynasties. 2 
His reign was, on the whole, a calm and peaceful one; 
the Kaldâ, the l\ledes, U rartu, and the races of l\lount 
Taurus remained quiet, or, at any rate, such disorders 
as may have arisen among them were of too trifling a 
nature to be deemed worthy of notice in the records of 
the time. Syria alone \vas disturbed, and several of its 
independent states took advantage of the change of rulers 
to endeavour to shake off the authority of Assyria. 

1 It was, for a long time, an open question with the earlier Assyriologists 
whether or not Shallllaneser and Sargon were different llames for one and 
the same monarch. As for monuments, we possess only one attributed to 
Shallllaneser, a weight in the form of a lion, discovered by Layard at Nilll- 
roud, in the north-west palace. The length of his reign, and the scanty 
details we possess concerning it, have been learnt from the Eponym Oanon 
and Pinches' Babylonian Chronicle, and also from the Hebrew texts (2 Kin[Js 
xvii. 3-6; xviii, 9-1
2 The identity of Ululai and Shalmaneser V., though still questioned by 
Oppert, has been proved by the comparison of Baby Ionian records, in some 
of which the names Pulu and Ululai occur in positions exactly correspond- 
ing with those occupied, in others, by Tiglath-pileser and Shalmaneser. The 
name Ululai was given to the king because he was born in the month of 
UIul; in Pinches' list we find a gloss, "Dynasty of Tinu," which probably 




Egypt continued to give them secret encouragement 
In these tactics, though its own internal dissensions 
prevented it from offering any effective aid. The Tanite 
dynasty was in its death-throes. Psamuti, the last of 
its kings, exercised a dubious sovereignty over but a 
few of the nomes on the .Arabian frontier. l His neigh- 
bours the Saites were gradually gaining the upper hand 
in the Delta and in the fiefs of middle Egypt, at first 
under Tafnakhti, and then, after his death, under his son 
Bukunirînif, Bocchoris of the Greek historians. They 
held supremacy over several personages who, like them- 
selves, claimed the title and rank of Pharaoh; amongst 
others, over a certain Rudamanu l\1îamun, son of Osorkon: 
their power did not, however, extend beyond Siut, near 
the former frontier of the Theban kingdom. The with- 
drawal of Piônkhi-l\fîamun, and his subsequent death, 
had not disturbed the Ethiopian rule in the southern 
half of Egypt, though it somewhat altered its character. 
While an unknown Ethiopian king filled the place of 
the conquerer at N apata, anothe
' Ethiopian, named 
Kashta, made his way to the throne in Thebes. It is 
possible that he was a son of Piônkhi, and may have 
been placed in supreme power by his father when the 
latter reinstated the city in its place as capital. With 
all their partiality for real or supposed descendants of the 

indicates the Assyrian town in which Tiglath-pileser III. and his son were 
1 He is the Psammous mentioned by l\Ianetho. The cartouches 
attributed to him by Lepsius really belong to the Psammuthis of the XXIX'" 
dynasty. It is possible that one of the marks found at Karnak indicating 
the level of the Nile belong to the reign of this monarch. 

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Raluesside dynasty, the Thebans were, before all things, 
proud of their former greatness, and eagerly hoped to 
regain it without delay. 'Vhen, therefore, they accepted 
this Kushite king who, to their eyes, l'epresellted the 
only falnily possessed of a legitimate claim to the throne, 
it was mainly because they counted on him to restore them 
to their former place among the cities of Egypt. They IllUSt 
have been cruelly disappointed when he left them for the 
Sacred l\1ountain. His invasion, far -- 

from reviving their prosperity, merely t
served to ratify the suppression of that (: . . 
 I S-:
P ontificate of Amon-Râ ,vhich was :' . 1'
 , '
7 '

the last remaining evidence of their \ ':' _
,' , 
past splendour. All hope of re-estab- -
lishing it had now to be abandoned, 
COXE llE.AlU.M.. 'fUE X.DIE 
since the sovereign who had come to OF KASH'f.A AXD OF IllS 
them from N apata was himself by birth D.AUGHTEH A
and hereditary pri vilege the sole priest of Amon: in his 
absence the actual head of the Theban religion could lay 
claim only to an inferior office, and indeed, even then, 
the only reason for accepting a second prophet was that 
he might direct the worship of the temple at Karnak. 
The force of circumstances compelled the Ethiopians 
to countenance in the Thebaid what their Tanite or 
Bubastite predecessors had been obliged to tolerate at 
Hermopolis, Heracleopolis, Bais, and in many another 
lesser city; they turned it into a feudatory kingdom, 
and gave it a I'uler who, like Auîti, half a century earlier, 
had the right to use the cartouches. Once installed, 
1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, after Prisse d'Avennes. 


Kashta employed the usual methods to secure his seat 
on the throne, one of the first being a marriage alliance. 
The disappearance of the high priests had naturally in- 
creased the ÏInportance of the princesses consecrated to 
the service of .Amon. From henceforward they ,vero 
the sole visible intermediaries between the god and his 
people, the privileged guardians of his body and his 
double, and competent to perpetuate the line of the 
solar kings. The Theban appanage constituted their dowry, 
and even if their sex prevented them from discharging 
all those civil, military, and religious duties required vy 
their position, no one else had the right to do so 011 
their behalf, unless he was expressly chosen by them 
for the purpose. \Vhen once married they deputed 
their husbands to act for them; so long as they re- 
lnained either single or ,vidows, some exalted personage, 
the prophet of .Amon or :l\1
ontu, the ruler of Thebes, 
or the administrator of the Saîd, managed their houses 
and fiefs for them with such show of authol"ity that 
strangers were at times deceived, and took him for the 
reigning monarch of the countl'y.l The Pharaohs had, 
therefore, a strongel" incentive than ever to secure exclusive 
possession of these women, and if they could not get 
all of theln safely housed in their harems, they en- 
deavoured, at any rate, to reserve for themselves the 
chief among them, ,yho by purity of descent or seniority 

1 Thus Harua, in the time of Amenertas, was prince and chief over the 
servants of the "Divine 'V ol'shipper." l\Iantumihâit, in the time of 
Taharqa and of Tanuatamanu, wa;; ruler of Thebes, and fourth prophet of 
Amon, and it is he who is described in the Assyrian monuments as King of 

ESER V. 323 

In age had attained the grade of Diânc JVorshippcr. 
I(ashta married a certain Shapenuapît, daughter of 
Osorkon III. and a Theban pallacide; I it is uncertain 
whether he eventually became king over Ethiopia and 
the Sudan or not. So far, we have no proof that he did, 
but it seenlS quite possible when ,ve relnember that one 
of his children, Shabaku (Sabaco), subsequently occupied 
the throne of Napata in addition to that of rrhebes. Kashta 
does not appear to have possessed sufficient energy to 
prevent the Delta and its nomes from repudiating the 
Ethiopian supremacy. The Saites, under Tafnakhti or 
Bocchoris, soon got the upper hand, and it was to them 
that the Syrian vassals of Nineveh looked for aid, when 
death removed the conqueror who had tralnpled them so 
ruthlessly underfoot. Ever since the fall of Arpad, 
Hadrach, and Damascus, Shabaraîn, a town situated some- 
where in the valley of the Orontes or of the Upper Litâny/ 
and hitherto but little known, had served as a rallyinß'- 
point for the disaffected Aramæan tribes: on the accession 
of Shalmaneser V. it ventured to rebel, probably in 727 B.C., 

I It may be that, in accordance with a custom which obtained during 
the generations that followed, and which possibly originate(l about this 
period, this daughter of Osorkon III. was only the adoptiye mother of 
2 Shaharaîn was originally confounded with Samaria by the early com- 
mentators on the Bahylonian Chro
icl(>. Hal{'vy, very happily, referred it to 
the biblical Sepharvaîm, a place always illpntioned in connection with 
JIamath and Arpad (2 Kings xvii. 24, 31 ; xviii. 34; xix. 13: cf. Is((. xxxd. 
19; xxxvii. 13), amI to the Sibraîm of Ezekiel (xlvii. 1G), called in thp 
amarêim. Its identification with Samaria has, since then, been 
generally rejected, and its connection with Sihraîm admitted, Sibraîm (or 

epharvaîm, or 8amari"Ìm) has b('cn located at ShomerÎyeh, to the east of thp 
IJahr-Katles, and south of lI:uuath. 


but was overthrown and destroyed, its inhabit.ants being 
led away captive. This achievement proved, beyond the 
possibility of doubt, that in spite of their change of rulers 
the vengeance of the Assyrians was as keen and sharp 
as ever. Not one of the Syrian towns dared to stir, 
and the Phænician seaports, though their loyalty had 
seemed, for a nlornent, doubtful, took care to avoid any 
action which might expose them to the terrors of a like 
severity.l The Israelites and Philistinès, alone of the 
western peoples, could not resign themselves to a prudent 
policy; after a short period of hesitation they drew the 
sword from its scabbard, and in 725 war bl'oke out. 2 

1 The siege of Tyre, which the historian l\Ienander, in a passage 
quoted by Josephus, places in the reign of Shalmaneser, ought really to be 
l'derred to the r('ign of Sennachel'ib, or the fragment of l\Ienandcr must 
Le dh-ided into three parts dealing with three different Assyrian cam- 
paigns against Tyre, under Tiglath-pileser, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon 
2 The war cannot have begun earlier, for the Eponyrn Canon, in dealing 
with 726, has the words" in the country," thus proving that no expedition 
took place in that year; in the case of the year 725, on the other hand, it 
refers to a campaign against some country whose name has disappearpd. 
The passages in the Book of King.'! (2 Kings xvii. 1-6, and xviii. 9-1
2) which 
deal with the close of the kingdom of Israel, have been interpreted in such 
n way as to give us two campaigns by Shalmaneser against Hoshea: (1) 
IIoshea having failed to pay the tribute imposed upon him by Tiglath-pileser, 
Shalmaneser made war upon him and compelled him to resume its payment 
(2 King.q xvii. 1-3); (2) Hoshea haying intrigued with Egypt, and declined 
to pay tribute, Shalmaneser again took thp field against him, rnadp him 
prisoner, and besieged Samaria for three years (2 Kings xvii. 4-6; xviii. 
9-12). The first expedition must, in this case, have taken place in 727, 
while the second must have lasted from 725-722. l\[ost modern historians 
believe that the Hebrew writer has ascribed to Shalmaneser the subjection 
of lIoshea which was really the act of Tiglath-pileser, as well as the final 
war against Israel. According to \Yinclder, the two portions of th(' narrative 

L\L\RL\. 327 

Hoshea, who hall ascended the throne with the consent 
of Tiglath-pilesel', was unable to keep them quiet. The 
whole of Galilee and Gilead was now an Assyrian province, 
subject to the governor of Damascus; Jerusalem, 1\loab, 
Ammon, and the Bedâwiu had transferred their allegiance 
to Nineveh; and Israel, with merely the central tribes of 
Ephraim, J\Ianasseh, and Benjamin left, was now barely 
equal in area and population to Judah. Their tribute 
weighed heavily on the Israelites; passing armies had laid 
waste their fields, and townsmen, merchants, and nobles 
alike, deprived of their customary resources, fretted with 
impatience under the burdens and humiliations imposed 
on them by their defeat; convinced of their helplessness, 
they again looked beyond their own borders for some 
nation or individual who should restore to them their lost 
prosperity. Amid the tottering fortunes of their neigh- 
bours, Egypt alone stood erect, and it was, therefore, to 
Egypt that they turned their eyes. Negotiations were 
opened, not with Pharaoh himself, but with Shabi, one of 
the petty kings on the eastern frontier of the Delta, whose 
position made him better qualified than any other to deal 
with Syrian affairs. l Hannon of Gaza had by this time 
returned from exile, and it was, doubtless, owing to Shabi's 
support that he had been able to drive out the Assyrian 

must have been borrowed from two different versions of the final war, which 
the final editor inserted one after the other, heedless of the contradictions 
contained in them. 
1 This individual is called Sua, Seveh, and So in the Hebrew text (2 King3 
xvii. 4), and the Septuagint gives the transliteration Sebek side by side with 
gôs. He is found again under the forms Shibahi, 8habi, Shabé, in Sargon's 


generals and recover his crown. l The Israelite aristocracy 
was led away by his example, but Shalmaneser hastened 
to the spot before the Egyptian bowmen had time to cross 
the isthmus. Hoshea begged for mercy, and was deported 
into Assyria and condemned to lifelong imprisonment. 2 
Though deserted by her king, Samaria diel not despaÌ1"; 
she refused to open her gates, and, being strongly fortified, 
compelled the Assyrians to lay regular siege to the city. 
It would seeln that at one moment, at the beginning of 
operations, when it was rumoured on all sides that Pharaoh 
would speedily intervene, Ahaz began to fear for his own 
personal safety, and seriously considered whether it would 
not be wiser to join forces with Israel or with Egypt. 3 
The rapid sequence of events, however, backed by the 
counsel of Isaiah, speedily recalled him to a more reason- 
able view of the situation. The prophet showed him 
Samaria spread out before him like one of those wreaths of 
flowers which the guests at a banquet bind round their 

I This seems to be the inference from Sargon's inscription, in which he 
i'3 referred to as relying on the army of Shabi, the tartan of Egypt. 
2 2 Kings xvii. 4. 
3 The Second Book of Kings (xviii. 9, 10 j cf. xvii. G) places the beginning 
of the siege of Samaria in the seventh year of Hoshea (= fourth year of 
He7.ekiah), and the capture of the town in the ninth year of Hoshea ( = sixth 
year of Hezekiah) j further on it adds that Sennacherib's campaign against 
Hezekiah took place in the fourteenth year of the latter's reign (2 l\.ings 
xviii. 13 ; cf. Isa. xxxvi. 1). Now, 
ennacherib's campaign against Heze- 
kiah took place (as will be shown later on, in vol. viii. Chapter I.) in 702 
B.C., and Samaria was captured in 722. The synchronisms in the Hebrew 
narrative are therefore fictitious, and rest on no real historical basis-at any 
rate, in so far as the king who occupied the throne of Judah at the time of 
the fall of Samaria is concernf'd; Aha7. was still alive at that date, and 
continued to reign till 71G or 715, or perhaps only till 720. 



"brows, and which gradually fade as their wearers drink 
deeper and deeper. " Woe to the crown of pride of the 
drunh.ards of Ephraim, and to the fading flower of his 
glorious beauty, which is on the head of the fat valley of 
them that are overcome with wine. Behold, the Lord hath 
a mighty and strong one; as a tempest of hail, a destroying 
storm, as a tempest of mighty waters overflowing, shall he 
cast down to the earth with violence. The crown of the 
pride of the drunkards of Ephraim shall be trodden under- 
foot, and the fading flower of his glorious beauty, which 
is on the head of the fat valley, shall be as the fhst ripe fig 
before the summer; which when he that looketh upon it 
seeth, ,vhile it is yet in his hand he eateth it up." While 
the cruel fate of the perverse city was being thus accom- 
plished, J ahveh Sabaoth was to be a crown of glory to those 
of His children who remained faithful to Him; but Judah, 
far from submitting itself to His laws, betrayed Him even 
as Israel had done. Its prophets and priests were likewise 
distraught with drunkenness; they staggered under the 
effects of their potations, and turned to scorn the true 
IH'ophet sent to proclaim to them the will of Jehovah. 
"'Yhom," they stammered between their hiccups-" "Thorn 
will He teach knowledge? and whom will He make to 
understand the message? them that are weaned from the 
milk and drawn from the' breasts? For it is precept upon 
precept, precept upon precept, line upon line, line upon 
line, here a little and there a little!" And sure enough 
it ".as by the mouth of a stammering people, by the lips 
of the Assyrians, that J ahveh was to speak to them. In 
vain did the prophet implore them: "This is the rest, give 


yo rest to him that is weary; " they did not listen to him, 
and now J ahveh turns their own gibes against them: 
"Precept upon precept, precept upon precept, line upon 
line, line upon line, here a little and there a little," -" that 
they may go and fall backward, and be broken and snared 
and taken." There was to be no hope of safety for 
Jerusalem unless it gave up all dependence on human 
counsels, and trusted solely to God for protection. 1 
Samaria was doomed; this was the general belief, and men 
went about repeating it after Isaiah, each in his own 
words; everyone feared lest the disaster should spreaJ 
to Judah also, and that J ahveh, having once determined 
to have done with the northern kingdom, ,vould turn His 
wrath against that of the south as well. Micah the 
l\forashtite, a prophet born among the ranks of the middle 
class, went up and down the land proclaiming misery to be 
the common lot of the two sister nations sprung from the 
loins of Jacob, as a punishment for their common errors 
and weaknesses. "The Lord cometh forth out of His 
place, and will come and tread upon the high places of the 
earth. And the mountains shall be molten under Him, 
and the valleys shall be cleft, as wax before the fire, as 
waters that are poured down a steep place. For the trans- 

1 lsa. xxviii. Giesebrecht has given it as his opinion that only verses 
I-G, 23-29 of the prophecy were delivered at this epoch: the remainder 
he believes to have been written during Sennacherib's campaign against 
Judah, and suggests that the prophet added on his previous oracle to them, 
thus diverting it from its original application. Others, such as Stade and 
"\Vellhausen, regard the opening verses as emhodying a mere rhetorical 
figure. Jerusalem, they say, appeared to the prophpt as though changed 
into Samaria, and it is this transformed city'" hich he calls " the crown uf 
pride of the drunkards ùf Ephraim." 



gresslon of Jacob is all this, and for the sins of the house 
of Israel. vVhat is the transgression of Jacob? is it not 
Samaria? and what are the high places of Judah? are they 
not Jerusalem?" The doom pronounced against Samaria 
was already being carried out, and soon the hapless city 
was to be no more than" an heap of the field, and as the 
plantings of a vineyal'd; and I will pour down the stones 
thereof into the valley," saith the Lord, "and I will dis- 
coyer the foundations thereof. .And all her graven images 
shall be beaten to pieces, and all her hires shall be burned 
with fire, and all her idols will I lay desolate; for of the 
hire of an harlot bath she gathered them, and into the 
hire of an harlot shall they return." Yet, even while 
mourning over Samaria, the prophet cannot refrain from 
thinking of his own people, for the terrible blow which had 
fallen on Israel "is come even unto Judah; it reacheth 
llnto the gate of my people, even to Jerusalem." 1 Doubt- 
less the Assyrian generals kept a watchful eye upon Ahaz 
during the whole time of the siege, from 724 to 722, and 
when once the first heat of enthusiasm bad cooled, the 
presence of so formidable an army within s
riking distance 
must have greatly helped the king to restl'ain the ill- 
advised tendencies of some of his subjects. Samaria still 
helel out when Shalmaneser died at Babylon in the month 
of Tebeth, 722. vVhèther he had no son of fit age to 
succeed him, or whether a revolution, similar to that which 
had helped to place Tiglath-pileser on the throne, broke out 
as soon as he had drawn his last breath, is not quite clear. 
At any I'ate, Sargon, an officer who had served under him, 
1 lIlicalt i 3-9. 


was proclaimed king on the 22nd day of Tebeth, and his 
election was al1proved by the whole of Assyria. After 
some days of hesitation, Babylon declined to recognise 
him, and took the oath of allegiance to a Kaldu named 
l\Iarduk-abalidinna, or 1\ierodach-baladan. \Vhile these 
events were taking place in the heart of the eml1ire, 
Samaria succumbed; perhaps to famine, but more probably 
to fOI'ce. It was sacked and dismantled, and the bulk of 
its population, amounting to 27,280 souls, were carried 
away into 1\1esopotamia and distributed along the Balîkh, 
the I(habur, the banks of the river of Gozàn, and 
among the towns of the 1\ledian frontier.! Sargon 
nlade the whole territoI'y into a province; an Assyrian 
governor was installed in the palace of the kings of 
Israel, and soon the altars of the strange gods smoked 
triumphantly by the side of the altars of Jahveh (722 
B.C.). 2 

1 Sargon doe!; not mention where he deported the Israelites to, but we learn 
this from the Secowl Book of Kings (xvii. G; xviii. 11), Therp has been much 
controversy as to whetllf'r Samaria was taken by Shalmaneser, as the Hebrew 
chronicler seems to believe (2 Kings xvii. 3-6; xviii. 9, 10), or by 
argon, as 
the Assyrian scribes a!;sure us. At first, !;everal scholars suggested a solution 
of the difficulty by arguing that Shalmaneser and Sargon were one and the 
same person; afterwards the theory took shape that Samaria was really 
captured in the reign of Shalmaneser, but by Sargon, who was in command 
of the besieging army at the time, and who transferred this achievement, of 
which he was natural1y proud, to the be
inning of hig own reign. Thp 
simplest course seems to be to accept for the present the testimony of 
contemporary documents, and place the fall of Samaria at the beginning 
of the reign of Sargon, being the time indicated by Sargon in his 
2 2 Kings xvii. 24-41, a passage to which I shall have occasion to rf'ff'r 
farther on in thp present volumf'. The following Í!; a list of the kings of 
Israel, after the division of the tribes :- 


Thus fell Samaria, and with Samaria the kingdom of 
Israel, and ,vith Israel the last of the states which had 
aspired, ,vith some prospect of success, to rule over Syria. 
They had risen one after another during the four centuries 
in which the absence of the stranger had left them masters 
of their own fate-the Hittites in the North, the Hebrews 
and the Philistines in the South, and the Al'amæans an d 
Damascus in the centre; each one of these races had 
enjoyed its years of glory and ambition in the course of 
which it had seemed to prevail over its rivals. Then those 
,,,hose territory lay at the extremities began to feel the 
disadvantages of their isolated position, and after one or 
two victories gave up all hope of ever establishing a 
supremacy over the whole country. The Hittite sphere of 
influence never at any time extended much further south- 
vlards than the sources of the Orontes, while that of the 
Hebrews in their palmiest days cannot have gone beyond 
the vicinity of Hamath. And even progress thus far had 
cost both Hebrews and Hittites a struggle so exhausting 
that they could not long maintain it. No sooner did they 
relax their efforts, than those portions of Cæle-Syria which 
they had annexed to their ol"iginal territol'y, being too 

T I 


X VI. l\IE"XAllE!lI. 

VI. O:mH. 
I . 
VII. A lIA B. 
... I 
IX. J ORAj[. 
[In this table father and son are shown by a perpendicular line. 
name in italics signifies that he died a violent death.-TR.J 

IV. E"All. 
Y. ZlJ,IRI. 

XV. SHALLltr. 


The king's 


remote from the seat of power to feel its full attraction, 
gradually detached themselves and resumed their indepen- 
dence, their temporary suzerains being too mucb exhausted 
by the intensity of their own exertions to retain hold over 

7--; ':;'" '


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"fj (1". o:{t , 
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Æ- ) __ 
J( """', 


them. Damascus, which lay almost in the centre, at an 
equal distance from the Euphrates and the "river of 
Egypt," could have desired no better position for grouping 
the rest of Syria round her. If any city had a chance of 
establishing a single kingdom, it was Damascus, and 
Damascus alone. But lulled to blissful slumbers in her 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a sketch by Flandin. 


shady gardens, she did not awake to political life and to the 
àesire of conquest until after all the rest, and at the very 
moment when Nineveh was beginning to recover from her 
early reverses. Both Ben-hadads had had a free hand 
given them during the half-century wbich followed, and 
tbey had taken advantage of tbis respite to reduce Cæle- 
Syria, the Lebanon, Arvadian Phænicia, Hamatb, and tbe 
Hebrews-in fact, two-thirds of the whole country-to 
subjection, and to organise that league of the twelve kings 
which reckoned Ahab of Israel among its leaders. Tbis 
rudimentary kingdom had scarcely come into existence, 
and its members had not yet properly combined, when 
Shalmaneser III. arose and launched his bands of veterans 
against them; it however successfully withstood tbe shock, 
and its stubborn resistance at tbe beginning of the struggle 
shows us what it might have done, had its founders been 
allowed time in which to weld togetber tbe various 
elements at their disposal. As it was, it was doomed to 
succumb-not so much to the superiority of the enemy as 
to the insubordination of its vassals and its own internal 
discords. The league of the twelve kings did not survive 
Ben-hadad II.; Hazael and his successors wore tbemselves 
out in repelling the attacks of the Assyrians and in 
repressing the revolts of Israel; when Tiglath-pileser III. 
arrived on the scene, both princes and people, alike at 
Damascus and Samaria, were so spent that even their final 
alliance could not save them from defeat. Its lack of 
geographical unity and political combination had once 
more doomed Syria to tbe servitude of alien rule; the 
Assyrians, with methodical procedure, first conquered and 


then made vassals of all those states against which they 
lliight have hurled their battalions in vain, had not fortune 
kept them divided instead of uniting thelll in a compact 
mass under the sway of a single ruler. From Carchemish 
to Arpad, from Hamath to Damascus and Samaria, their 
irresistible advance had led the Assyrians on towards 
Egypt, the only other power which still rivalled their 
prestige in the eyes of the world; and no\v, at Gaza, on the 
frontier between Africa and Asia, as in days gone by on the 
banks of the Euphrates or the Balîkh, these two powers 
,vaited face to face, hand on hilt, each ready to stake the 
empire of the Asiatic ,vorId on a single throw of the dice. 

; : 


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b-::- _-? 


SARGON OF ASSYRTL\ (722-705 B.c.). 



The orlgm of Sargon IL: the revolt (1 Babylon, lIIerodaclt-
aladan and 
Elam-Tlw lângdom of Elam fmm tlte time of the first Baùylonian cmpire; ilte 
conquests of Slwtruk-nalc7LUula L; tlte princes (if lIIalmnÎr-Tlw .first e1Zcounlrr 
of Assyria and Elmn, the battl{' of Dllrilu (721 B.c.)-Revolt of Hyria, Iaztùírli 
of Hmnath and Hannon (if Gaza-Boeclwris aud the XXIvch Egyptian 
dynasty; the first encounter of AssY1"ia with Egypt, lite ùattle (if Rapltia 
(720 B.C.). 

Urartu and the coalition of the peoples of the north-east an(Z '11M th-west- 
Dlfeat of Zilcartu (719 B.C.), of the Taùal. (718), of the Kltâti (717), of the 
Jlannai, of the Nelles and Ellipi (716), and of tlte lIIedcs (715)-Commenccment 
of XXVth Ethiopian dynasty: Sabaco (716)-Tlte fall of Urzana and Rilsas 
(714) and the formation of an Assyrian province in Cappadocia (713-710)- 
Tlw revolt and fall of Aslzdod. 

Tlw defeat of ])[crodaeh-ùal(ulan and (If Sll1lfruk-naklwnta IL: Sargorz 
conquers Baùylun (710-709 B.C. )-Success of the Assyrians at lIIllshki: homage 



( 338 ) 

of the Greeks of c!JpntS (710)-Tlw buildings of Bargon: Dltr-slwrrukîll-Tlw 
gates and walls of Dur-slwrrukîn; the city and its J>o]Jltlation-Thc royal 
palace, its c01lrts, tILe ziggurtit, the hm'crn- Revolt of Kll1nnml.-h (709 B.C.) and 
of Ellipi (708 B.c.)-Inauguration of Dur sharrukîn (706 B.c.)-.1.1Iurdcr of 
Sargon (705 B.C.): !tis chamcter. 

b 1 


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Sargon as a warrior and as a builder. 

'VHETHER Sargon was even re- 
motely connected with the royal 
line, is a question which for the 
present must remain unanswered. He 
mentions in one of his inscriptions the 
three hundred princes 'who had pre- 
ceded him in the government of 
Assyria, and three lines further on 
be refers to the kings his ancestors, 
but he never mentions his own father 
by name, and this omission seems 
to prove that he was not a direct 

1 Drawn by Boudier, after Flandin. The vignette is copied by Faucher- 



desoenùant of Shahnaneser V., nor of Tiglath-pileser III. 
nor indeed of any of their immediate predeoessors. It is, 
however, probable, if not oertain, that he could olaim 
SOlne sort of kinship with them, though more or less 
remote. It was oustomary for the sovereigns of Nineveh 
to give their daughters in marriage to important offioials 
or lords of their oourt, and owing to the oonstant oon- 
traotion of suoh allianoes through several oenturies, there 
was hardly a noble family but had some royal blood 
in its yeins; and that of Sa.rgon was probably no ex- 
oeption to the rule. His genealogy was traoed by the 
ohroniolers, through several hundred generations of princes, 
to the semi-Inythioal heroes ,vho had founded the oity 
of Assur; but as Assur-nazir-pal and his desoendants 
had olaimed Bel-kapkapi and Sulili as the founders of 
their raoe, the Sargonids ohose a differðnt tradition, and 
dre,v their desoent froln Belbâni, son of Adasi. The 
oause and inoidents of the revolution ,vhioh raised Sargon 
to the throne are unknown, but we may surmise that 
the polioy adopted with regard to Karduniash was a faotor 
in the oase. Tiglath-pileser had hardly entered Babylon 
before the fasoination of the oity, the charm of its 
assooiations, and the saored oharaoter of the legends 
,vhioh hallowed it, seized upon his imagination; he re- 
turned to it twioe in the spaoe of two years to "take the 
hands of Bel," and Shalmaneser V. muoh préferred it to 
Calah or Nineveh as a plaoe of residenoe. The Assyrians 
doubtless soon beoalne jealous of the favour shown by 
their prinoes to their anoient enemy, and their disoontent 
must have doubtless oonduoed to their deoision to raise 


a new Inonarch to the throne. The Babylonians, on the 
other hand, seem to have realised that the change in 
the dynasty presaged a disadvantageous alteration of 
government; for as soon as the news reached them a 
movement was set on foot and seaTch made for a 
rival claimant to set up in opposition to Bargon. 1 
Of all the nations who had in turn occupied the 
plains of the Lower Euphrates and the marshes border- 
ing on Arabia, the Kaldâ alone had retained their full 
vitality. They were constantly recruited by Ünmigrants 
from their kinsfolk of the desert, and the continual infil- 
tration of these selni-barbarous elements kept the race 
from becoming enervated by contact ,vith the indigenous 
population, and more than compensated for the losses 
in their ranks occasioned by war. The invasion of 
Tiglath-pileser and the consequent deportations of prisoners 
had decimated the tribes of Bît-Shilâni, Bît-Bhaali, and 
Bît-.Ltmubhâni, the principalities of the Kaldâ which lay 
nearest to Babylonian territory, and which had borne 
the brunt of attack in the preceding period; but their 
weakness brought into notice a power better equipped 
for ,varfare, whose situation in their rear had as a rule 

1 The succession of events, as indicated in Pinches' Babylonian Cllron , icle 
serms indeed to imply that the, Babylonians waited to ascertain the dis- 
position of the new king before they decided what line to adopt. In fact, 
Shalmaneser died in the month Tebeth, and Sargon ascended the throne at 
Assur in the same month, and it was only in the month Nisân that l\Iero- 
dach-baladan was proclaimed king. The three months intervening between 
the accession of Sargon and that of :\lerodach-baladan evidently represent a 
period of indecision, when it was not yet known if the king would follow the 
policy of his predecessors with regard to Babylon, or adopt a different attitude 
towards her. 



hitherto preserved it ii'om contact with the Assyrians, 
namely, Bît- Y akin. The continual deposit of alluvial soil 
at the mouths of the rivers had greatly altered the coast- 
line froin the eadiest historic times do,vnwards. The 
ancient estuary was partly filled up, especially on the 
.western side, where the Euphrates enters the Persian 
Gulf: a narrow barrier of sand and silt extended between 
the marshes of Arabia and Susiana, at the spot where 
the streams of fresh water met the tidal waters of the 
sea, and all that was left of the ancient gulf was a vast 
lagoon, or, as the dwellel's on the banks called it, a kind 
of brackish river, Nâ7' m,arratU1n. Bît-Yakîn occupied the 
southern and western portions of this district, from the 
mouth of the Tigris to the edge of the desert. The 
aspect of the country was constantly changing, and pre.. 
sented no distinctive features; it was a l'egion difficult 
to attack and easy to defend; it consisted first of a 
spongy plain, saturated with water, ,vith scattered artificial 
nlounds on 'which stood the clustered huts of the villages; 
between this plain and the shore stretched a labyrinth 
of fens and peat-bogs, irregularly divided by canals 
and channels freshly formed each year in flood-time, 
llieres strewn with floating islets, iminense reed-beds 
where the neighbouring peasants took refuge froIIl 
attack, and into which no one would venture to 
penetrate without hiring some friendly native as a 
guide. In this fenland dwelt the Kaldâ in their low, 
small conical huts of reeds, somewhat resembling giant 
beehives, and in all respects similar to those which the 
Bedawin of lrak inhabit at the present day. Dur-Yakîn, 


their capital, was probably situated on the borders of 
the gulf, near the Euphrates, in such a position as to 
command the mouths of the 1"1 vel'. 11erodach-baladan, 
wbo was I(ing of Bît-Yakîn at the time of Sargon's 
acceSSIon, had becolne subject to Assyria In 729 B.C., 


and had paid tribute to Tiglath-pilesel', but he was 
nevertheless the most powerful chieftain who had borne 
rule over the Chaldæans since the death of UkînzÎr. 2 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a bas-relief reproduced in Layard. 
2 Dur-Yakìn was situated on the shores of the Persian gulf, as is proved 
by a passage in the Bull Inscript-ion, where it is stated that Sargon threw 
into the sea the corpses of the soldiers killed during the siege; the neighbour- 
hood of tllf' Euphrates is implied in the text of the Inscription des FasteR, 
and thf' AnnalR, where the measures taken by ::\If'rodach-baladan to defend 



It was this prince whom the Babylonians chose to succeed 
Shalmaneser V. He presented himself before the city, 
,vas received with acclamation, and prepared without delay 
to repulse any hostilities on the part of the Assyrians. 

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He found a well-disposed ally in Elam. From very 
ancient times the masters of Susa had aspired to the 
possession of Mesopotamia or the suzerainty over it, and 

his capital are described. The name of Bît-Yakin, and probably also that of 
Vur-Yakin, have been preserved to us in the name of Aginis or Aginnê, the 
name of a city mentioned by Strabo, and by the historians of Alexander. 
Its site is uncertain, but can be located near the present town of Kornah. 
1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph in Peters. 



fortune had seyeral times favoured their ambitious designs. 
On one occasion they had pressed forward their victorious 
arms as far as the 
lediterranean, and from that time 
forward, though the theatre of their operations was more 
restricted, they had never renounced the right to interfere 
in Babylonian affairs, and indeed, not long previously, 
one of them had reigned for a period of seven years in 
Babylon in the interval between two dynasties. Our 
information with regard to the order of succession and the 
history of these energetic and warlike monarchs is as yet 
very scanty; their names even are for the most part lost, and 
only approximate dates can be assigned to those of WhOll1 
we catch glimpses from time to time. l Khumban-numena, 
the earliest of whom we have any record, exercised a 
doubtful authority, froln Anshân to Susa, somewhere about 
the fourteenth century B.C., and built a temple to the goù 
Iririsha in his capital, Liyan. 2 His son Undasgal carried 
on the works begnn by his father, but that is all the 

1 These names are in the majority of cases found written on stamped and 
baked bricks. They were first compared with the names contained in the 
Annals of Hargon and his successors, and assimilated to those of the princes 
who were contemporary with Sennacherib and Assur-bani-pal; then th{>y 
were referred to the time of the great Elamite empire, and one of them was 
identifi{>d with that Kudur-Nakhunta who had pillaged Uruk 1635 years 
before Assur-bani-paL Finally,_ they were brought down again to an inter- 
mediate period, more precisely, to the fourteenth or thirteenth century B.C. 
This last date appears to be justified, at lea'3t as the highest permissiùle, ùy 
the mention of Durkurigalzu, in a text of U ndasgal. 
2 Jensen was the first to recognise that Liyan was a place-name, and the 
inscriptions of Shilkhak-Inshusinak add that Liyan was the capital of the 
kingdom; perhaps it was the name of a part of Husa. Khurnban-numella 
has left us no monuments of his own, but he is mentioned on those of his 

information the inscriptions afforù concerning him, and 
the mist of oblivion which for a moment lifteù and 
allowed us to discern dimly the outlines of this sovereign, 
closes in again and hides everything from our view for 
the succeeding forty or fifty years. .About the thirteenth 
century a gleam 
onoe more pleroes 
the darkness, and 
a raoe of warlike 
and pious kings 
emerges into view 
shushinak, his 
son Sbutruk-nak- 
hunta, the latter's 
two sons, I(utur- 
nakhunta and 
Shilkhak - Inshu- 
shinak, l and then 
perhaps a oertain 
 KIXO SHILKllAK- I(utir _ khuban. 
The insoriptions 
on their brioks boast of their power, their piety, and their 
inexhaustible 'wealth. One after another they repaired and 
enlarged the temple built by I(hurnban-nulnena at Liyan, 
ereoted sanotuaries and palaoes at Susa, fortified their 



! .'\... 

, '-. 





1 The order of succession of these princes is proved by the genealogies 
with which their hricks are covered. Jensen has shown that we ought to 
read Khallurlush-Inshushinak and Shilkhak-Inshushinak, instead of the 
shorter forms Khalludush and Shilkhak read previously. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by :Marcel Dieula.foy. 

\.KHUXTA I. 347 

royal citadel, and ruled over HaLardîp and the Cossæans 
as well as over Anshân and Elam. They vigorously con- 
tested the possession of the countries on the right Lank 
of the Tigris with the Babylonians, and Shutruk-nakhunta 
even succeeded in conquering Babylon itself. He deprived 
Zamâmâ-shumidclin, the last but one of the Cossæan 
kings, of his sceptre and his life, placed his own son 
I\:utur-nakhunta on the throne, and when the vanquished 
Babylonians set up Bel-nadinshumu as a rival sovereIgn, 
he laid waste I{arduniash with fire and sword. After the 
death of Bel-nadinshumu, the Pashê princes continued 
to offer resistance, but at first without success. Shutruk- 
nakhnnta had taken away from the temple of Esagilla 
the famous statue of Bel-l\Ierodach, whose hands had 
to be taken by each newly elected king of Babylon, and 
had carried it off in his waggons to Elam, together with 
Illuch spoil from. the cities on the Euphrates. l Nebu- 
chadrezzar 1. brought the statue back to Babylon after 
many vicissitudes, and at the same time recovered most 
of his lost provinces, but he had to leave at Susa the 
Lulk of the trophies which had been collected there in 
course of the successful wars. One of these represented 
the ancient hero N aram-sin standing, mace in hand, on 
the summit of a hiB, :while his soldiers forced their way 

1 The name of the king is destroyed on the Babylonian document, but 
the mention of Kutur-nakhunta as his son obliges us, till further information 
comes to light, to recognise in him the Shutruk-nakhunta of the bricks of 
Susa, who also had a son Kutur-nakhunta. This would confirm the restoration 
of :-;hutruk-nakhunta as the name of a sovereign who IJoasts, in a mutilated 
inscription, that he had pushed his victories as far as the Tigris, and even up 
to the Euphrates. 



up the slopes, driving before them the routed bostR of 
Susa. Shutruk-nakhllnta left the figures and names nn- 
tonched, but carved In one corner of the bas-relief a 
dedicatory inscription, trans- 

. ' 
 ,>Y forming this ancient proof of 
" wi 
 "). , 

 . _ Babylonian victories over 
t ,'
 C. If. . >, . Elam into a trophy of Elamite 
l.,' :'" L':')J -, ' victories over Babylon. His 
>.1 r 1#.: 
__ descendants would assuredly 

.L \>0,...;" have brought Mesopotamia 
11' G" 4
 into lasting subjection, had 
. iIi,4:.':} f( ::, 
 ,;. i, not the feudal organisation 
.. ,H. ç, '.Lli'
 7'" .1!.\.,
. of their empire tolemted the 

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if J ..) j. I :,d', , /-,," ,,' I'
 local dynasties, the members 
r' !
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i ' J\ ' . I, Í.) ,.. O f7' .,
 of which often dis p uted the 
J}..& -t 'f t ... . . 

 I, .
', ,'-.r
J,-:c supreme authority váth the 
'O! r,j , 
I, ' l' ....,J. 
I 0 -.1..,' .' 
 , · I l'Ü:!htful king". The d y nast y 
(r. f . ' 
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#v . 6 ' l ,
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 to '.. .!... - ,vhich ruled Habardî p 1 seeIns 
" "t- . , ;l{-.1 , .. 
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:' to have had its seat of 
'-:.: r . ....ìt? ,,
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" :",,";

J , :(P
t":{:... <hi;., 
,j), f government a al'l'lS 1a In t Ie 
BAS-RELIEF OF NARAM-SIN, TRAXSP;RTED valley of J\falamîr. 2 Three 
TO S1JS.\. BY SIIt:TUUK-NAKIIU:XTA. 3 hundred figures carved singly 
or in groups on the rocks of Kul-Firaun portray its 
princes and their ministers in every posture of adoration, 

1 The princp represented on the bas-reliefs giyes himself the title Apirra, 
the name of Apîr, Apirti, or Habardîp. 
2 Tarrisha is the name of a town, doubtless the capital of the fief of 
)Ialamîr; it is probably represented by the considerable ruins" bich Layard 
idt'ntified as t]w remains of the Sassanid city of Aidej. 
3 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by 1\1. de l\Iorgan. 



but most of them have no accompanying inscription. One 
large bas-relief, however, forIns an exception, and from its 
legend we learn the name of l{hanni, son of Takhkhi- 
khîkhutur. 1 This prince, even if possessed of no royal 

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protocol, was none the less a powerful and wealthy person- 
age. His figure dominates the picture, the central space of 
which it completely fills; 3 his expression is calm, but 

I The name of Khanni bas been explained by Sayee as the dcsirable, and 
that uf his father, Takhkhi-khîkhutur, as help this thy servant. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Babin and Houssay. 
3 PCn'ût and Chipiez, misled hy the analogy of the Hittite bas-relief at 
Ibrîz, - took the largest figure for the image of a god. The inscription 



somewhat severe. His head is covered by a low cap, fronl 
which long locks escape and flow over his shoulders; 
the hair on his face is symmetrically curled above the 
level of his mouth, and terminates in a pointed beard. 
The figure is clothed from head to foot in a stiff robe 
and Inantle adorned with tufted fringes, and borders of 
embroidered rosettes; a girdle at the waist completes 
the misleading resemblance to the gala-dress of a Ninevite 
monarch. The hands are crossed on the breast in an 
attitude of contemplation, while the prince gazes thought- 
fully at a sacrifice which is being offered on his behalf. 
At the bottom of the picture stands a small altar, behind 
'which a priest in a short tunic seems to be accornplish- 
ing some ceremonial rite, while two men are cutting 
the throat of a ranl. Higher up the heads of three rams 
lie beside their headless trunks, which are resting on the 
ground, feet in the air, while a servant brandishes a short 
sword ,vith which he is about to decapitate the fourth 
beast. Above these, again, three musicians march in 
procession, one playing on a harp, another on a five- 
stringed lyre, and the third on a tambourine. An at- 
tendant holding a bow, and the minister Shutsururazi, 
stand quietly waiting till the sacrifice is accomplished. 
The long text which runs across several of the figures 
is doubtless a prayer, and contains the nmnes of peoples 
and princes mingled with those of deities. The memory 
of these provincial chiefs ,vould be revived, and more 

engrave(l on the robe, U Kllanni s7t(tl
 TnkHti-lchíkutur, "I am Khanni, son 
of Takhkhi-khíkhutur," If'aves no doubt that the figure represents the prince 
himself, and not a divinity. 


of their monuments discovered, if the mountains and 
inaccessible valleys of ancient Elam could be thoroughly 
explored: it is evident, from the small portion of their 
history which has been Lrought to light, that they must 
have been great sources of trouble to the dynasties 
which reigned in Susa, and that their revolts must often 
have jeopardised the safety of the empire, in spite of 
the assistance afforded by the Aralllæans from the tenth 
or eleventh centuries onwards. All the semi-nomadic 
tribes which densely peopled the banks of the Tigris, 
and ,vhose advance towards the north had been temporarily 
favoul'ed by the weakness of Assyria-the Gambulu, the 
Pukudn, the Rutu, and the Itua-had a natural tendency 
to join forces with Elam for the purpose of raiding the 
wealthy cities of Chaldæa, and this alliance, or subjec- 
tion, as it might be more properly termed, always insured 
them against any reprisals on the part of their victirns. The 
unknown king who dwelt at Susa in 745 B.C. cOlllmitted 
the error of allowing Tiglath-pileser to crush these allies. 
l{humban-igasb, who succeeded this misguided monarch 
in 742 B.C./ did not take up arms to defend Bit-Amuk- 
kâni and the other states of the Kaldâ from 731 to 720, 
but experience must have taught him that he bad made 
a mistake in remaining an unmoved spectator of their 
misfortunes; for when" l\Ierodacb-baladan, in quest of 

1 The date of his accession is furnished by the passage in Pinchcs' 
Babylonian Chroniclc, where it is stated that he ascended the throne of Elam 
in the fifth year of Nabonazir. The Assyrian and Babylonian scribes 
assimilated the Susian b to the ?n, and also suppressed the initial 
aspirate of the Elamite name, writing generally Umman-igash for Khum- 



allies, applied to him, he unhesitatingly promised him his 
support. 1 
Assyria and Elam had hitherto seldom encountered one 
another on the field of battle. A wide ban'ier of semi- 
barbarous states had for a long time held them apart, and 
they would have had to cross the territol'y of the Baby- 
lonians or the Cossæans before coming into contact with 
each other. Tiglath-pileser I., however, had come into 
conflict with the northern districts of Elam towards the 
end of the twelfth century B.C., and more recently the 
igns of Assur-nazir-pal, Shalmaneser III., and 
Rammân-nirâri had frequently brought these sovereigns 
into contact with tribes under the influence of Susa; but 
the "Wildness and poverty of the country, and the difficulties 
it offered to the manæuvres of large armies, had always 
prevented the Assyrian generals from advancing far into 
its mountainous regions. The annexation of Aramæan 
territory beyond the Tigris, and the conquest of Babylon 
'iglath-pileser III., at length broke through the barrier 
and brought the two powers face to face at a point where 
they could come into conflict ,vithout being impeded by 
almost insurmountable natural obstacles, namely, in the 
plains of the U mliash and the united basins of the Lower 
Ulai and the Uknu. Ten years' experience had probably 
sufficed to convince Khumban-igash of the dangers to 
which the neighbourhood of the Assyrians exposed bis 
subjects. The vigilant watcb whicb the new-comers kept 
over their frontier rendered I'aiding less easy; and if one 

1 Sargon declares distinctly that l\leroclach-baladan had invoked the aid 
of Khumban-igash. 

\.SSYRIA .AXD ELA.:\1 353 

of the border chieftains were inclined to harry, as of old, 
an unlucky Babylonian or Cossæan village, he ran the risk 
of an encounter with a well-armed force, or of being 
plundered in turn by way of reprisal. An irregular but 
abundant source of revenue was thus curtailed, without 
taking into consideration the wars to which such incidents 
must perforce lead sooner or later. Even unaided the 
Elamites considered themselves capable of repelling any 
attack; allied with the Babylonians or the l{aldc1, they felt 
certain of victory in any circumstances. 8al'gOll realised 
this fact almost as fully as did the Elan1Ïtes themselves; as 
soon, therefore, as his spies had forewarned him that an 
invasion was imminent, he resolved to take the initiative 
and crush his enemies singly before they succeeded in 
uniting their forces. Khulnbau-igash had advanced as far 
as the walls of Dnrîlu, a strongbolù which commanded 
tbe U mliash, and be there awaited the advent of his allies 
before laying siege to the town: it was, however, the 
Assyrian army whicb came to meet bim and offered him 
battle. The conflict was a sanguinary one, as became an 
engagement between such valiant foes, and both sides 
claimed the victory. The Assy1'Ïans maintained their 
ground, forcing tbe Elamites to evacuate their positions, 
and tarried some weeks longer to chastise those of their 
Aramæan subjects who had made common cause with 
the enemy: they carried away the Tumuna, who bad 
given up their sheikb into the hands of the emissaries 
of the Kaldâ, and transported the whole tribe, without 
l\lerodach-baladan making any attempt to save his allies, 
although his army had not as yet struck a single 
VOL. Vil. 2 A 



blow. l Ilaving accomplished this act of vengeance, the 
Assyrians suspended operations and returned to N inevel1 
to repair their losses, probably intending to make a great 
effort to regain the whole of Babylonia in the ensuing year. 
Grave events which occurred elsew here prevented them, 
however, from carrying this ambitious project into effect. 
1'he fame of their war against Elam had spread abroad in 
the \Vestern provinces of the empire, and doubtless ex- 
aggerated accounts circulated with regard to the battle of 
Durîlu had roused the spirit of dissatisfaction in the ,vest. 
Sargon had scarcely seated himself securely on a throne 
to which he was not the direct heir, when he was menaced 
by Elanl and repudiated by Chaldæa, and it remained to 
be seen whether his resources would prove equal to main- 
taining the integrity of his elnpire, or whether the example 
set by l\ferodach -baladan would not speedily be in1Ïtated 
by all who groaned under the Assyrian yoke. Since the 
decline of Damascus and Arpad, IIamath had again taken 
a prominent place in Northern Syria: pro1l1pt submission 
had saved this city from destruction in the tirne of 
Tiglath-pileser 111., and it had since prospered under the 
foreign rule; it was, therefore, on Hamath that all hopes 

1 The history of this first campaign against :Merodach-baladan, which is 
found in a mutilated condition in the Annals of Sargon, exists nowhere else 
in a complete form, but the facts are very concisely referred to in the Fastc8 
and in the Cylinders. Th
 general sequence of events is indicated by 
Pinclte8' Babylonian Chronicle, but the author places them in 720 B.C., the 
second year of l\Ierodach-baladan, contrary to the testimony of the Annals, 
and attributes the victory to the Elamites in the battle of Durîlu, ill 
deference to Babylonian patriotism. The course of events after the battle 
of seems to prO\ e clearly that the Assyrians remained m&sters of the 

of deliverance still cherished by rulers and people now 
centred. A low-born fello\v, a smith named Iaubîdi, rose 
in rebellion against the prince of Hamath for being mean- 
spirited enough to pay tribute, proclaimed himself king, 
and in the space of a few months revi ved under his 
own leadership the coalition which Hadadezer and Rezon 
II. haJ formed in days gone by. Arpad and Bît-Agusi, 
Zimyra and Northern Phænicia, Damascus and its 
dependencies, all expelled their .Assyrian garrisons, and 
Samaria, though still suffering from its overthrow, 
sumrnoned up courage to rid itself of its governor. 
1Ieanwbile, Hannon of Gaza, recently reinstated in his 
city by Egyptian support, was carrying on negotiations 
with a view to persuading Egypt to interfere in the 
affairs of Syria. The last of the Tanite Pharaohs, 
Psalluti, was just dead, and Bocchoris, who bad long 
been undisputed master of the Delta, had now ventured 
to assume the diadem. openly (722 B.C.), a usurpation 
which the Ethiopians, fully engaged in the Thebaid and 
on the Upper Nile, seemed to regard with equanimity. 
As soon as the petty kings and feudal lords had recog- 
nised his suzerainty, Bocchoris listened favourably to the 
entreaties of Hannon, and promised to send an army to 
Gaza under the command of his general Shabê. Sargon, 
threatened with the loss of the entire western half of his 
empire, desisted for a time from his designs on Babylon, 
Khumban-igash was wise enough to refrain from pro- 
voking an enemy who left him in peace, and 1Ierodach- 
baladan did not dare to enter the lists without the support 
of his confederate: the victory of Durîlu, thO
lgh it had 



not succeeded in gaining a province for Nineveh, had 
at least secured the south -eastern frontier from attack, 
at all events for so long as it should please Sargoll to 
rernalll at a distance. 










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The league formed by Hamath had not much power 
of cohesion. laubîdi had assembled his forces and the 
contingents of his allies at the town of Qarqar as 
Hadadezer had done before: he was completely defeated, 
taken prisoner: and flayed alive. His kingdom was 
annexed to the Assyrian empire, Qarqal' was burnt to 
1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a sketch by Flandin. 


the ground, the fortifications of IIalllath were demolished, 
alid the city obliged to furnish a force of two hundred 
charioteers and six hundred horsemen, probaLly recruited 
from among the families of the upper classes, to serve 
as hostages as well as auxiliaries. Arpad, Zimyra, 
Damascus, Sarnaria, all succumbed without serious oppo- 
sition, and the citizens who had been most seriously 
compromised in the revolt paid for their disaffection 
with their lives. This success confirmed the neighbour- 
ing states of rryre, Sidon, Judah, Ammon, and l\Ioab 
in their allegiance, which had shown signs of 'wavering 
since the commencement of hostilities; but Gaza re- 
mained unsubdued, and caused the more uneasiness because 
it was perceived that behind her was arrayed all the majesty 
of the Pharaoh. The Egyptians, slow to bestir themselves, 
had not yet crossed the Isthmus when the Assyrians 
appeared beneath the walls of Gaza: Hannon, "\vorsted 
in a preliminary skirmish, retreated on Raphia, where 
Shabê, the Egyptian general, had at length arrivecl, and 
the decisive battle took place before this town. It was 
the first time that the archers and charioteers of the Kile 
valley had measured forces with the pikemen and cavalry of 
that of the Tiglis; the engagement was hotly contested, 
but the generals and s
ldiers of Bocchoris, fighting ac- 
cording to antiquated methods of warfare, gave way 
before the onset of the Assyrian ranks, who were better 
equipped and better led. Shabê fled "like a shepherd 
whose sheep had been stolen," Hannon was taken prisoner 
and loaded lvith chains, and Raphia fen into the hands 
of the conqueror; the inhabitants who survived the sack 



of their city were driven into captivity to the number of 
9033 men, with their flocks and household goods. The 
manifest superiority of Assyria was evident from the first 
encounter, but the contest had been so fierce and the 
result so doubtful that Sargon did not consider it pru- 
dent to press his advantage. He judged rightly that 
these troops, whom he had not dispersed without con- 
siderable effort, constituted merely an advanced guard. 
Egypt was not like the petty kingdoms of Syria or Asia 
l\linor, which had but one army apiece, and could not 
risk more than one pitched battle. Though Shabê's force 
was routed, others ,vould not fail to take its place and 
contend as fiercely for the possession of the country, 
and even if the Assyrians should succeed in dislodging 
them and curbing the power of Bocchoris, the fall o! 
Sais or l\1emphis, far from putting an end to the war, 
would only raise fresh complications. Above Memphis 
stretched the valley of the Nile, bristling with fortresses, 
K.hininsu, Oxyrhynchus, Hermopolis, Siut, Thinis, and 
Thebes, the famous city of Amon, enthroned on the banks 
of the river, whose very name still evoked in the minds 
of the Asiatics a vivid remembrance of all its triumphal 
glories.] Thebes itself formed merely one stage in the 
journey towards Syene, Ethiopia, N apata, and the un- 
known regions of A
rica which popular imagination filled 
with barbarous races or savage monsters, and however 

1 Thebes was at that time known among the Semites by its popular 
name of tlte city of Amon-which the Hebrew writers transcribed as Nô-Amon 
(Nahum iii. 8) or Nô alone (Jer. :xlvi. 25; Ezelc. xxx. 14, 15, 16), and the 
Assyrians by K i. 


far an alien army might penetl'ate in a southerly direc- 
tion, it would still meet with the language, customs, 
and divinities of Egypt-an Egypt wbose boundary seemed 
to recede as the invader advanced, and which ,vas ever 
ready to oppose the enemy with fresh forces whenever 
its troops had suffered from his attacks. Sargon, baving 
reached Raphia, halted on the very threshold of the 
unexplored realrn whose portals stood ajar ready to admit 
hirn: the same vague disquietude which had checked 
the conquering career of the Pharaohs on the borùers 
of Asia now stayed his advance, and bade him turn back as 
he was on the point of entering Africa. He bad re- 
pulsed the threatened invasion, and as a l'esult of his victory 
the princes and towns which had invoked the aid of the 
foreigner lay at his mercy; he proceeded, therefore, to 
reorganise the provinces of Philistia and ISl'ael, and re- 
ceived the homage .of Judah and her dependencies. Ahaz, 
while all the neighbouring states were in revolt, had not 
wavered in his allegiance; the pacific counsels of Isaiah 
had once more prevailed over the influence of the party 
which looked for s
fety In an alliance with Egypt. l 

1 Sargon prubablyalludes to homage received at this time, when he 
styles himself" the subduer of far-off Judah." It is not certain that Ahaz 
was still King of Judah; it was for a long time admittf'd that Hezekiah was 
already king when these events took place, in accordance with 2 Kings xviii. 
9, 10, where it is stated that Sam aria was destroyed in the sixth year of 
Hezekiah.. I consider, in agreement with several historians, that the date 
of Sennacherib's invasion of Judah must have remained more firmly fixed in 
the minds of the Jewish historians than that of the taking of Samaria, and 
as 2 Kings xviii. 13 places this invasion in the fourteenth year of Hezekiah, 
which corresponds, as we shall see, to the third year of Sennacherib, or 702 
D.C., it seems_ better to place the accession of Hezekiah about 71,), and 



The whole country froln the Orontes to the mountains of 
Seir and the river of Egypt was again reduced to 
obedience, and set itself by peaceful labours to repair 
the misfortunes which had befallen it during the pl'evious 
quarter of a century. Sargon returned to his capital, but 
fate did not yet ,allow him to renew his projects against 
Babylon. Rarely did an insurrection break out in any 
part of the country on the accession of a new king at 
Nineveh without awaking echoes in the distant provinces 
of the empire. The l'eport of a revolt in Chaldæa roused 
a slumbering dissatisfaction among the Syrians, and finally 
led them into open rebellion: the episodes of the SYI'ian 
campaign, narrated in Armenia or on the slopes of the 
Taurus with the thousand elnbellishments suggested by 
the rancour of the narrators, excited the minds of the 
inhabitants and soon rendered an outbreak inevTitable. 
The danger ,vonld have been serious if the suppressed 
hatred of all had found vent at the same moment, and 
if insurrections in five or six different parts of his empire 
had to be faced by the sovereign simultaneously; but 
as a rule these local wars broke out without any con- 
centrated plan, and in localities too remote from each 
other to permit of any possible co-operation between 
the assailants; each chief, before attempting to assert 
his independence, seemed to wait until the Assyrians 
had had ample time to crush the rebel who first took 
the field, having done which they could turn the whole 
of their forces against the latest foe. Thus laubîdi did 

prolong the reign of Ahaz till after the campaign of Sargon against Hannon 
of Gaza. 



not risk a campaign till the fall of Elam ana l{.al'duniash 
had been already decided on the field of Durîlu; in the 
same way, the natiolls of the North and East refrained 
from entering the lists till they had allowed Sargon 
time to destroy the league of Hamath and l'epel the 
attack of Pharaoh. 
They were secretly incited to rebellion by a power 
which played neady the same part with regard to them 
that Egypt had played in Southern Syria. U rartu had 
received a serious rebuff in 735 B.C., and the burning of 
Dhuspas had put an end to its ascendency, but the victOl'y 
had been effected at the cost of so much bloodshed that 
Tiglath-pileser was not inclined to risk losing the advantage 
already gained by pushing it too far: he withdrew, there- 
fore, without concluding a treaty, and did not Teturn, being 
convinced that no further hostilities would be attempted 
till the vanquished enemy had recovered from his defeat. 
He was justified in his anticipations, for Sharduris died 
about 730, without having again taken up arms, and his 
son Rusas 1. had left Shalmaneser V. unmolested: 1 but 
the accession of Sa.rgon and the revolts which harassed him 
had awakened in Rusas the warlike instincts of his race, 
and the moment appeared advantageous for abandoning his 
policy of inactivity. The remembrance of the successful 
exploits of Thlenuas and Ai'gistis still lived in the minds of 

1 The name of this king is usually written Ursa in the Assyrian inscrip- 
tions, but the Annals of Baryon give in each case the form Husâ, in 
accordance with which Sayce had already identified the Assyrian form Ursâ 
or Rusâ with the form Rusas found on some U rartian monuments. Belck 
and Lehmann have discO\"ered several monuments of this Rusas I., son of 


 II. OF 

his people, and more than one of his generals had entered 
upon their military careers at a time when, from Arpad and 
Carchemish to the country of the Th1edes, quite a third of 
the territory now annexed to Assyria had been subject to 
the king of Urartu; Rusas, therefore, doubtless placed 
before himself the possibility of reconquering the lost 
provinces, and even winning, by a stroke of fortune, more 
than bad been by a stroke of fortune wrested from his 
father. He began by intriguing with such princes as were 
weary of the Assyrian rule, among the Mannai, in 
Zikartu, l among the Taba1, and even among the Khâti. 
Iranzu, who was at that time reigning over the l\Iannai, 
refused to listen to the suggestions of his neighbour, but 
two of his towns, Shuandakhul and Durdukka, deserted hin1 
in 719 B.C., and ranged themselves under 
1itâtti, chief of 
the Zikartu, while about the same time the strongholds of 
Sukkia, Bala, and Abitikna, which were on the borders of 
Urartu, broke the ties which had long bound them to 
Assyria, and concluded a treaty of alliance with Rusas. 
Sargon was not deceived as to. the meaning of these events, 
and at once realised that this movement was not one of 
those local agitations which broke out at intel'vals in one 
or other of his provinces. His officers and spies must have 
kept him informed of the machinations of Rusas and of the 
revolutions which the migrations of the last thirty years 
had provoked among the peoples of the Iranian table-land. 
A new race had arisen in their rear, that of the Cimmerians 
and Scythians, which, issuing in irresistible waves from 

1 Zikruti, Zikirtu, Zikartu, may probably be identified with the Sagartians 
of Herodotus. 


the gorges of the Caucasus, threatened to overwhelm the 
whole ancient world of the East. The stream, after a 
moment's vacillation, took a westerly direction, and flooded 
Asia Minor from one end to the other. Some tribes, 
however, which had detached themselves from the main 
movement sought an outlet towards the south-east, on to 
the rich plains of the Araxes and the country around Lake 
U rumiah. The native races, pressed in the rear by these 
barbarians, and hemmed in on either side and in front by 
Urartu and Assyria, were forced into closer proximity, and, 
conscious of their individual weakness, had begun to form 
themselves into three distinct groups, varying considerably 
in cOlupactness,-the J\fedes in the south, 11isianda in the 
north, with Zikartu between them. Zikartn was at that 
time the best organised of these nascent states, and its 
king, 1litâtti, was not deficient either in milital'y talent or 
political sagacity. The people over whom he ruled were, 
moreover, impregnated with the civilisation of Mesopo- 
tamia, and by constantly meeting the Assyrians in battle 
they had adopted the general principles of their equipment, 
organisation, and military tactics. The vigour of his 
soldiers and the warlike ardour which inspired them 
rendered his armies formidable even to leaders as 
experienced, and warriOl"S as hardened, as the officers and 
soldiers of Nineveh. l\fitâtti had strongly garrisoned the 
two rebel cities, and trusted that if the Assyrians were 
unable to recapture them without delay, other towns would 
not be long in followÌng their example; Iranzu would, no 
doubt, be expelled, his place would be taken by a hostile 
chief, and the :\lannai, joinÜig hands with Urartu on the 


 II. OF 

right and Zikartll on the left, woulù, with these two states, 
form a compact coalition, whose combined forces would 
menace the northern frontier of the empire from the Zagros 
to the Taurus. Sal'gon, putting all the available Assyrian 
forces into the field, hurled them against the rebels, and 
this display of power had the desired effect upon the 
neighbouring kingdoms: Rusas and 
litâtti did not dare to 




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interfere, the two cities were taken by assault, burnt and 
razed to the ground, and the inhabitants of the surrounding 
districts of Snkkia, Bala, and Abitikna were driven into 
exile among the I(hâ tie The next year, however, the war 
thus checked on the Iranian table-land broke out in the 
north-west, in the mountains of Cilicia. A Tabal chief, 
Kiakku of Shinukhta, refused to pay his tribute (718). 
Sal'gon seized him and destroyed his city; his family and 
adherents, 7500 persons in all, were carried away captives 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the facsimile by Flandin. 



to Assyria, and his principality was given to a rival chief, 
l\Iatti of Atuna, on a promise fr<;>m the latter of an increased 
amount of tribute. l In 717 B.C. more serious dangers openly 
declared themselves. The I{hâti had not forgotten that 
they had once been the allies of Urartu, and that their king, 
Pisiris, together with J\Iatîlu of ..c\..gusi, had fought for 
Sharduris against Tiglath-pileser III. Pisiris conspired with 
l\litâ, chief of the 1\1 ushki, and proclaimed his indepen- 
dence; but vengeance swiftly and sUl'ely overtook him. 
He succumbed before his accomplice had time to come 
to his assistance, and was sent to joill Kiakku and his 
adherents in prison, while the districts which he had ruled 
were incorporated into Assyrian territory, and Carchemish 
became the seat of an Assyrian prefect \vho ranked among 
the limmi from whom successive years took their names. 
The fall of Pisiris made no impression on his con- 
temporaries. They had witnessed the collapse of so many 
great powers-Elam, Urartu, Egypt-that the misfortunes 
of so insignificant a personage awakened but little interest; 
and yet with him foundered one of the most glorious 
wrecks of the ancient wodd. For more than a century the 
Khâti had been the dominant power in North-western 
Asia, and had successfully withstood the power of Thebes; 
crushed by the Peoples of the Sea, hemmed in and 
encroached upon by the rising wave of Aramæan invasion, 
they had yet disputed their territory step by step with the 

1 The name of Atuna is a variant of the name Tuna, which is found in 
the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III., and Tuna recalls the name of the old 
city of Tyana, or that of Tynna or Tunna, near Tyana, in the Taurus. Shin- 
ukhta, not far from Atuna, must be the capital of a district situated on the 
Karmalas or the Saros, on the borders of Cilicia or Cataonia. 



AssYl'ian generals, and the area over which they spread can 
be traced by the monuments and inscriptions scattered ovel' 
Cilicia, Lycaonia, Cappadocia, and Northern Syria as far as 
the basins of the Orontes and the Litâny. So lasting had 
proved their influence on all around them, and so fresh was 
the memory of their greatness, that it would have seemed 
but natural that their vitality should survive this last blow, 
and that they should enjoy a prosperous future which 
should vie ,vith their past. But events proved that their 
national life was dead, and that no recuperative power 
remained: as soon as Sargon had overthrown their last 
prince, their tribes became merged in the general body of 
Aramæans, and their very name ere long vanished from the 
pages of history. 
Up to this time Rusas had not directly interfered in 
these quarrels between the suzerain and his vassals: he 
may have incited the latter to revolt, but he had avoided 
compromising himself, and was ,vaiting till the :Thlannai 
had decided to make common cause with him before 
showing his hand openly. Ever since the skirmish of the 
year 719, l\Iitâtti had actively striven to tempt the :Thlannai 
from their allegiance, but his intrigues had hitherto proved 
of no avail against the staunch fidelity first of Irâuzu and 
then of Azâ, ,vho had succeeded the latter about 718. _\.t 
the beginning of the year 716 l\Iitâtti was more successful; 
the l\.fannai, seduced at length by his promises and those 
of Rusas, assembled on l\lount U aush, murdered their king, 
and leaving his corpse unburied, hastened to place them- 
selves under the command of Bagadatti, regent of U mildîsh. 
Sargon hurried to the spot, seized Bagadatti, and had him 


flayed alive on 
Iount U aush, which had just ,vitnessed the 
lllurder of Azâ, and exposed the mass of bleeding flesh 
before the gaze of the people to demonstrate the fate 
reserved for his enemies. But though he had acted 
speedily he was too late, and the fate of their chief, far 
from discouraging his subjects, confirmed them in their 
rebellion. They had placed upon the throne Ullusunu, 
the brother of Azâ, and this prince had immediately con- 
cluded an alliance with Rusas, 
litâtti, and the people of 
..A.ndia; his example was soon followed by other Eastern 
chiefs, Assurlî of Karallu and Itti of Allabria, whereupon, 
as the spirit of revolt spread from one to another, most of 
the districts lately laid under tribute by Tiglath-pileser 
took up arms-Niksama, Bîtsagbati, Bîtkhirmâmi, Kilam- 
bâti, Armangll, and even the parts around I{harkhar, and 
Ellipi, with its reigning sovereign Dalta. The general 
insurrection dreaded by Sargon, and which Rusas had 
for five years been fomenting, had, despite all the efforts 
of the Åssyrian goyernment, at last broken out, an
whole frontier was ablaze from the borders of Elam to 
those of the ßIushku. Sargon turned his attention to 
.where danger was most urgent; he made a descent on 
the territory of the J\Iannai, and laid it waste "as a 
swarm of locusts might .have done;" he burnt their 
capital, IzÜotu, demolished the fortifications of Zibia and 
Armaîd, and took Ullusunu captive, but, instead of con- 
demning him to death, he restored to him his liberty 
and his crown on condition of his paying a regular tribute. 
This act of clemency, in contrast with the pitiless severity 
shown at the beginning of the insurrection, instantly 




produced the good effects he expected: the 1\fannai laid 
do'wn their arms and swore allegiance to the conqueror
and their defection broke up the coalition. Sargon did 
not give the revolted provinces time to recover from the 
dismay into 'which his first victories had thrown them, 
but marched rapidly to the south, and crushed them 
severally; commencing with Andia, where he took 4200 
prisoners with their cattle, he next attacked Zikartu, 
whose king, 1\1itâtti, took refuge in the mountains and 
thus escaped death at the hands of the executioner. 
.1tssurlî of l{aralla had a similar fate to Bagadatti, and 
,vas flayed alive. Itti of Allabria, with half of his subjects, 
,vas carried away to Hamath. The towns of N iksam
Shurgadia ,vere annexed to the province of Parsuash. The 
town of Kisbîsim ,vas reduced to ashes, and its king, 
Belsharuzur, together with the treasures of his palace, 
was carried away to Nineveh. Kharkhar succumbed after 
a short siege, received a new population, and was hence- 
forward known as Kar-Sharrukîn; Dalta was restored to 
favour, and retained his dominion intact. N ever had so 
great a danger been so ably or so courageously averted. 
It ,vas not without good reason that, after his victory 
over the J\lannai, Sargon, instead of attacking Rusas, the 
most obstinate of his foes, turned against the Medes. 
Ellipi, Parsuash, and l{harkbar, comprising half the 
countries which had joined in the insurrection, were on 
the borders of Elam or had frequent relations ,vith that 
st.ate, and it is impossible to conjecture what turn affairs 
might have taken had Elam been induced to join theiI 
league, and had the Elamite armies, in conjunction with 


those of 
Ierodach-baladan, unexpectedly fallen upon the 
.A.ssyriarll rear by the valleys of the Tigris or the Turnât. 
Had the Elamites, however, entertained a desire to mingle 
In the fray, the promptness .with which Sargon had re- 

. <to 


; , 


c H



established order lllUSt have given them cause to reflect 
and induced them to maintain their neutrality. The year 
which had opened so inauspiciously thus ended in victory, 
though the situation was still fraught with danger. The 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the facsimile by Flandin. The figures 
resembling stags' horns, which crown three of the upper towers, are tongues 
of flame, as was indicated by the red colouring which stilll'emained on them 
when the bas-relief was discovered. 


2 B 



agitation which had originated in the east and north- 
east in 716 reached the north-west in 715, and spread as 
far as the borders of Southern Syria. Rusas had employed 
the winter in secret negotiations with the 
lannai, and 
had won over one of their principal chiefs, a certain 
Dayaukku, whose name seems to be identical with that 
which the Gl'eeks transliterated as Deiokes. 1 As soon as 
spring bad returned he entered the territory of Ullusunu, 
and occupied twenty-two strongholds, ,vhich were probably 
betrayed into his hands by Dayaukku. While this ,vas 
taking place 1\litâ of 1\1 ushki invaded Cilicia, and the 
Arab tribes of the Idumæan desel't-the Thamudites, the 
Ibadites, the J\1Iarsimann, and Khayapâ-were emboldened 
to carry their marauding expeditions into Assyrian territory. 
The Assyrian monarch was thus called on to conduct three 
distinct wars simultaneously in three different directions; 
he was, moreover, surrounded by wavering subjects WhOll1 
terror alone held to their allegiance, and whorn the 
slightest imprudence 01' the least reverse might turn into 
open foes. 
Sargon resolutely faced the enemy at all three points of 
attack. As in the previous year, he reserved fcr himself 
the position where danger was most threatening, directing 
the operations against the 
lannai. lIe captured one 
by one the twenty-two strongholds of Ullusunu which 
Rusas had seized, and laying hands on Dayaukku, sent 
him and his family into exile to Hamath. This display 
of energy determined Ianzu of N aîri to receive the 

1 The identity of the name Dayaukku with that uf Deiokes is admitted 
by all historians. 



s'yrian monarch courteously within the royal residence 
of Khubushkia and to supply him with horses, cattle, 
sheep, and goats in token of homage. Proceeding from 
thence in an oblique direction, Sargon reached Andia 
and took prisoner its king Tilusìnas. Having by this 
exploit reduced the province of :ßIannai to order, he 
restored the twenty-two towns to Ullusunu, and haIting 
some days in Izirtu, erected there a statue of himself, 
according to his cllstom, as a visible witness of Assyrian 
supremacy, having done which, he retraced his steps to 
the south-east. The province of l{harkhar, 'which had 
been reduced to subjection only a few months previously, 
was already in open revolt, and the district of l{ar- 
Sharrukîn alone remained faithful to its governor: Sargon 
had to reconquer it completely, town by town, imposing 
on the four citadels of Kishislu, Kindâu, Bit-Bagaiâ, and 
Zaria the new names of Kar-N abu, I{ar-Sin, Kar-RanllI
and Kar-Ishtar, besides increasing the fortifications of 
l{ar-Sharruldn. The l\Iedes once more acknowledged his 
suzerainty, and twenty-two of their chiefs came to tender 
the oath of allegiance at his feet; two or three districts 
which remained insubordinate were given up to pillage 
as far as Bit-Khambân, and the inhabitants of Kim.irra 
were sent into captivity. _ The eastern campaign was 
thus brought to a most successful issue, fortune, mean- 
while, having also favoured the Assyrian arms in the 
other menaced quarters. l\litâ, after pushing forward at 
one point as far as the 1Iediterranean, had been driven 
back into the mountains by the prefect of I{uî, and the 
Bedâ win of the south had sustained a serious reverse. 

3 "'') 


These latter were mere barbarians, ignorant of the arts 
of reading and 'writing, and hitherto unconquered by any 
foreign power: their survivors were removed to Samaria, 
where captives from Hamath bad already been established, 
and where they ,vere soon joined by further exiles from 
Babylon. This episode had greater effect than its impor- 


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T 131' TIlE 

tance warranted; or perhaps the majority of the neighbour- 
ing states made it a convenient pretext for congratulating 
Sargon on his victories over mOJe serious enemies. He 
received gifts from Shamshiê, the Arabian queen who 
had formerly fought against Tiglath- pileser, fTom Itamar 
the Sabæan, and the sheîkhs of the desert, from the 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the facsimile by Flandin. The tongues 
of flame which issue from the towers still bore traces of red and yellow 
colouring when the bas-relief was discovereù. 




kings of the :\Iediterranean sea-boarù, and frorn the 
Pharaoh hÏ1n s elf. Bocchoris had died after a troublous 
reign of seven years. l His real character is unknown, 
but as he left a deep impression on the memories of his 
people, it is natural to conclude that he displayed, at 
times, both ability 
nd energy. 
fany legends in which 
the miraculous element prevailed were soon in circulation 
concerning him. He was, according to these accounts, 
weak in body and insignificant in appearance, but maùe 
up for these defects by mental ability and sound judgment. 
He was credited with havillg been simple in his mode 
of life, and was renowned as one of the six great legislators 
pI"oduced by Egypt. A law concerning debt and the 
legal rates of interest, was attributed to him; he was 
also famed for the uprightness of his judgments, which 
were regarded as due to divine inspiration. Isis had 
bestowed on him a serpent, which, coiling itself round 
his head when he sat on the j lldgment-seat, covered him 
with its shadow, and admonished him not to forget for 
a moment the inflexible prin
iples of equity and truth. 

1 The two dynasties of Tanis and :Sais may be for the present recon- 
stituted 3.S follows:- 

XXIII. (Tanite) Dynasty. 



XXIV. (Saite) Dynasty. 


Neither Tafnakhti nor any of the local soyereign<; mentioned on t.hf' stele of 
Piônkhi were comprised in the official computat.ion; there is, therefore, no 
rf'ason to add them to this list. 



A collection of the decisions he was reputed to have 
delivered in famous cases existed in the Græco-Rornan 
period, and one of them is quoted at length: he had 
very ingeniously condemned a courtesan to touch the 
shadow of a purse as payment for the shadowy favours 
she had bestowed in a dream on her lover. An Alexandrian 
poet, Pancrates, versified the accounts of this juridical 
collection, 1 and the artists of the Imperial epoch drew 


from it motives for mural decoration; they portrayed the 
king pronouncing judgment between two mothers who 
disputed possession of an infant, between two beggars 
laying claim to the SaIne cloak, and between three men 
asserting each of them his right to a wallet full of food. 3 
A less favourable tradition represents the king as an 
avaricious and irreligious sovereign: he is said one day 

1 Pancrates lived in the time of Hadrian, and Athenæus, who has pre- 
served his memory for us, quotes the first book of his Bocchoreidion. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin. 
3 Considerable remains of this decorative cycle have been discovered at 
Pompeii and at Rome, in a series of frescoes, in which I.JUmbroso and E. Læwy 
recognise the features of the legends of Bocchoris ; the dispute between the two 
mothers recalls the famous judgment of Solomon (1 Kin[J8 iii. 16-28). 


to have conceived the sacrilegious desire to bring about 
a conflict between an ordinary bull and the l\lnevis adored 
at Heliopolis. The gods, doubtless angered by his crimes, 
are recorded to have called into being a lamb with eight 
feet, which, suddenly breaking into articulate speech, 
predicted that Upper and Lower Egypt would be disgraced 
by the rule of a stranger. 1 The monuments of his reign 
which have come down to us teIl 
us nothing of his deeds; we can 
only conjecture that after the 
defeat sustained by his genorals at 
Raphia, the discords which had 
ruined the preceding dynasties 
again broke out with renewed vio- 
lence. Indeed, if he succeeded ill 
preserving his crown for several 
years longer, he owed the fact more 
to the feebleness of the Ethiopians 
than to his own vigour: no sooner did an enterprising 
prince appear at Barkal and demand that he should render 
an account of his usurpation, than his po,ver came to an 
end. Kashto having died about 716/ his son Shabaku, 
the Sabaco of the Greeks, inherited the throne, and his 


 I ' 







1 This legend, preserved by 1\Ianetho and Ælian is also known from the 
fragments of a demotic papyrus at Vienna, which contains the prophecy of 
the lamb. 
2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Lepsius. 
3 The date of the accession of Sabaco is here fixed at 716-715, because 
I follow the version of the lists of 1\lanetho, which gives twelve years as the 
reign of that prince; an inscription from Hammamât mentions his twelfth 



daughter Arnenertas the priesthood and principality of 
Thebes, in right of her mother Shapenuapît. Sabaco was 
an able and energetic prince, who could by no means 
tolerate the presence of a rival Pharaoh in the provinces 
which Piônkhi had conquered. He declared war, and, being 
doubt1ess supported in his undertaking by all the petty 
kings and great feudal nobles whose jealousy was aroused 
by the unlooked-for prosperity of the Saite monarch, he 
defeated Bocchoris and took him prisoner. Tafnakhti had 
formerly recognised the Ethiopian supremacy, and Boc- 
choris, when he succeeded to his father's dominions, had 
himself probably sought investiture at th,e hands of the 
l{ing of N apata. Sabaco treated him as a rebel, and 
either burnt or flayed him alive (715).1 The struggle was 
hardly over, when the ne\vs of Sargan's victories reached 
Egypt. It was natural that the new king, not yet securely 
seated on his throne, should desire to conciliate the 
friendship of a neighbour \vho was so successful in war, 
and that he should seize the first available pretext to 
congratulate him. The Assyrian on his part received 
these advances with satisfaction and pride: he perceived 
in them a guarantee that Egyptian intrigues with Tyre 
and Jerusalem would cease, and that he could henceforth 
devote himself to his projects against Rusas without being 
distracted by the fear of an Ethiopian attack and the 
subversion of Syria in his I'ear. 
Sargon took advantage of these circumst
nces to strike 
a final blow at U rartu. He began in the spring of 714 by 

1 According to :I\Ianetho, he was burnt alive; the tradition which 
mentions that he was flayed ali\Te is found in John of Antioch. 


collecting among the J\lannai the tribute due from Ullusuna, 
Da1tâ, and the J\ledian chiefs; then pushing forward into 
the country of tlie Zikartu, he destroyed three forts and 
twenty-four villages, and burnt their capital, Parda. 
:ßlitatti escaped servitude, but it was at the price of his 
power: a proscribed fugitive, deserted by his followers, 
he took refuge in the woods, and never submitted to his 
conqueror; but he tI'oubled him no further, and disappeared 
from the pages of history. Having achieved this result, 
Sal'gon turned towards the north-west, and coming at 
length into close conflict with Rusas, did not leave his 
enemy till he had crushed him. He drove him into the 
gorges of U aush, slaughtered a lal'ge number of his troops, 
and swept away the whole of his body-guard-a body of 
cavalry of two hundred men, all of whom were connected 
by blood with the reigning family. Rusas quitted his 
chariot, and, like his father Shardu1'Ïs on the night of the 
disaster at Kishtân, leaped upon a Inare, and fled, over- 
whelmed with shame, into the mountains. His towns, 
terror-stricken, opened their gates at the first summons 
to the victor; Sargon burnt those which he knew he could 
not retain, granted the district of U aush to his vassal 
Ullusunu as a recompense fOI' his loyalty, and then marched 
up to rest awhile in N aÎI'i, where he revictualled his troops 
at the expense of Ianzu of l{hubushkia. He had, no doubt, 
hoped that Urzana of 1\luzazîr, the last of the friends of 
Rusas to hold out against Assyria, would make good use of 
the respite thus, to all appearances unintentionally, afforded 
him, and would come to terms; but as the appeal to his 
clemency was delayed). Sargon suddenly deterIllilled to 



assume the aggressIve. !\luzazîr, entrenched within its 
mountain ranges, was accessible onlr by. one 01' two 
dangerous passes; U rzana had barricaded these, and 
believed himself in a position to defy every effort of the 
Assyrians. Sargon, equally convinced of the futility of 
a front attack, had recourse to a surprise. Taking with 
him his chariots and one thousand picked horsemen, he 


left the beaten track, and crossing the four or five mountain 
chains-the Shiak, the Ardinshi, the Ulayau, and the 
Alluria-which lay between him and l\Iuzazîr, he un- 
expectedly bore do\Vll upon the city. Urzana escaped after 
a desperate l'esistance, but the place was taken by assault 
and sacked, the palace destroyed, the temple overthrown, 
and the statues of the gods Khaldîa and Bagbartu dragged 
from their sanctuary. The entire royal family were sent 
into slavery, and with them 20,170 of the inhabitants who 
had survived the siege, besides G90 mules, 920 oxen, 
1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudill, from the dl'D,wing by Botta. 


100,225 sheep, and incalculable spoils in gold, silver, 
bronze, iron, and precious stones and stuffs, the furniture 
of U rzana, and even his seal, being deposited in the 
treasury at Nineveh. The disaster at 1\luzazÎr was the 
final blow to Urartu; it is impossible to say what took 
place where Rusas himself was, and whether the feudatories 
refused him any further allegiance, but in a short time he 
found himself almost forsaken, without friends, troops, or 
a place of refuge, and 
reduced to choose be- 
tween death or the degra- 
dation of appealing to 
the mercy of the con- 
queror. He stabbed him- 
self rather than yield; 
and Sargon, only too 
thankful to be rid of such 
a dangerous adversary, stopped the pursuit. Argistis II. 
succeeded to what was left of his father's kingdom,2 and, 
being anxious above all things to obtain peace for his sub- 
jects, suspended hostilities, without however disarming bis 
tl'OOpS. As was the case under Tiglath -pileser III., U rartu 
neither submitted to Assyria, nor was there any kind of 
treaty between the bellige
ents to prescribe the conditions 

. ß 'r:" ''' J I
? r
---...-- -=-- 
" '-4 .=!.'''f.;.'rr-l-j: 

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)'" "(

Æ.Ú :- \ 
\ /.., 'P' l1:1':J:' 

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 r,'Jrt J r 
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1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from an impression of the original seal 
which is preserved at the Hague. 
2 No text states positively that Argistis II. immediately succeeded his 
father; but he is found mentioned as King of Urartu from 708 onwards, 
and hence it has been concluded) not without some reason, that such was the 
fact. The Vannie inscriptions have not as yet given us this sovereign's 



of this temporary truce. Both sides maintained their 
positions on their respective terl'itories: Sargon kept the 
frontier towns acquired by him in previous years, and which 
he had annexed to the border provinces, retaining also 
his suzerainty over Muzazîr, the lYlannai, and the 1ledian 
states implicated in the struggle; Argistis, on his side, 
strengthened himself in the regions around the sources 
of the Euphrates and Lake Van-in Biaînas, in Etius, and 
in the plains oi the AI'axes. The material injuries which 
he had received, however considerable they may appear, 
were not irreparable, and, as a fact, the country quickly 
recovered from them, but the people's confidence in their 
prince and his chiefs was destroyed. The defeat of 
Sharduris, following as it did on a period of advantageous 
victories, may have seemed to Argistis one of those 
unÜnp"ortant occurrences 'which constantly take place in 
the career of the strongest nations; the disaster of Rusas 
proved to bim that, in attempting to wipe out his first 
repulse, he had only made matters worse, and the conviction 
was borne in upon his princes that they were not in a 
position to contest the possession of Western Asia with the 
Assyrians. They therefore renounced, more from instinct 
than as the result of deliberation, the project of enlarging 
their borders to the south, and if they subsequently re- 
appeal'ed on the Mesopotamian plains, it was in search of 
booty, and not to acquire territory. Any attempt to stop 
their incursions, or to disturb them in their mountain 
fastnesses, found them prepared to hold their own with 
the same obstinacy as of old, and they were q:uite able to 
safeguard their independence against an intruder.. Besides 

this, the Cimmerians and the Scythians ,vel'e already 
pressing on their frontier, and were constantly harassing 
them. This fresh danger absorbed their entire attention, 
and from this time forward they ceased to playa part in 
general history; the centul'y which had seen the rise and 
growth of their 1 _ _ --= - 
power was also a 
witness of their 
downfall under the 
attacks of Assyria. 
During the last 
11lonths of 714, the 
tribes.whichhad for- 
merly constituted 
the kingdom of 
}{aralla mutinied 
against the tyranny t I 
of their governor, '__r_.
and invited Am i- 
tashshi, the brother of their ancient lord Assurlî, to rulé 
over them. Sargon attacked them in the spring of 713, 
dispersed their troops, held them to ransom, and after 
having once more exacted homage from Bit-Dayaukku,2 

DEFEAT 0):1' A)lIT 



-' þ



::; 'L\.KlSG A :MEDL\.l'l TOWS. l 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, f
om the facsimile by Flandin. It seems 
that this town was called Amkaru, and its name appears, as far as I know, 
in none of the accounts which we possess of the campaigns. The town was 
apparently situated in Karalla or in 
Iedian territory. 
2 The Dayaukku who gave his name to this province was at first con- 
founded with the personage who was entangled in the affairs of Ullusunu, 
and was then banished by Sargon to Hamath. A !{ood number of historians 
now admit that they were d.ifferent persons. Bít-Dayaukku is evidently the 
d.istrict of Ecbatana. 



Ellipi, and Allabria, made a raid extending as far as the 
confines of the Iranian desert, the barren steppes of 
Eastern Arabia, l and the district of N agira belonging to 
the "powerful" Manda. 2 v
hile he was thus prepa1'Ïng 
the way for peace in his l\ledian domains, one of his 
generals crossed the Euphrates to chastise the Tabal for 
their ill deeds. 
rhe latter had figured, about the year 
740 B.C., among the peoples who had bowed before the 
supremacy of U rartu, and their chief, U assarmi, had been 
the ally or vassal of Sharduris. Contemptuously spared 
at the taking of Arpad, he had not been able to resign 
himself to the Assyrian yoke, and had, in an ill-timed 
moment, thrown it off in 7Rl; he had, however, been 
overcome and forced to surrender, and Tiglath-pileser had 
put in his place a man of obscure birth, named I(hulli, 
whose fidelity had remained unshaken throughout the 
reign of Shalmaneser V. and the first years of Sargon. 
I(hulli's son, Ambaddis, the husband of a Ninevite princess, 
who had brought him as dowry a considerable part of 
.Cilicia, had been unable to resist the flattering offers of 
Rusas; he had broken the ties which attached him to the 
new Assyrian dynasty, but had been left unmolested so 
lon!j as U rartu and 
luzazîr remained unshaken, since 

1 The Eastern Arabs mentioned here were nomadic, and inhabited the 
confines of the Great Desert to the south-east of :l\Iedia, or the steppes of 
Northern Iran. They are those mentioned in a passage of Appian, together 
with Parthians, Bactrians, and Tapyræans, as having submitted to Seleucus. 
2 The "powerful" :l\Ianda, encamped in the mountain and de
ert, and 
who were named after the Eastern Arabs, must be the peoples situated 
between the Caspian and the steppes of the Iranian plateau, and a branch of 
the Scythians who are soon to appear in Asiatic history. 


his position at the western extremity of the empIre 
prevented him from influencing in the smallest degree 
the issue of the struggle, and it ,vas well known that 
when the fall of Rusas took place Ambaridis would be 
speedily brought to account. He was, in fact, seized, 
banished to the banks of the Tigris, and his hereditary 
fief of Bît-Burutash annexed to Cilicia, nnder the rule 
of an Assyrian. The following year was signalised by a 
similar execution at which Sargon himself deigned to 
preside in person. Tarkhunazi, the King of l\liliddu, not 
only had taken advantage of the troubles consequent on 
the Arrnenian war to rebel against his master, but had 
attacked Gunzinânu, 'who held, and had ruthlessly pillaged, 
the neighbouring district of Kammanu. 1 Sargon overcame 
him in the open field, took from him his city of J\liliddu, 
and stormed the town of Tulgarimmê in which he had 
taken refuge. 2 Here again the native kingdom dis- 
appeared, and was replaced by an Assyrian administration. 
!{ammanu, wedged in between Ul'artu and l\lushki, 
separated these two countries, sometimes l"ivals to each 
other, but always enemies to Nineveh. Its maintenance 
as an independent kingdom prevented them from com- 
bining their efforts, and obtaining that unity of action 
.which alone could ensure for them, if not a definite 
triumph, at least preservation from complete extinction 

1 Kammanu is probab1y not the Kammanênê of the Greek geographers, 
",.hich is too far north relatively to l\Ielitêllê, but is probab1y Comana of 
Cappadocia and its district. 
2 Tu1garimmê has been connected with the Togarmah of the Bible (Gen. 
x. 3) by Haléyy and Delitzsch, and their views on this subject have b
adopted by most historians. 


 II. OF 

and an opportunity of maintaining their liberty; the 
importance of the position, however, rendered it particularly 
perilous to hold, and the Assyrians succeeded in so doing 
only by strongly fortifying it. vVaIls were built round 
ten cities, five on the U rartian frontieI', tbree on that 
of Mushki, and two on the north, and the countI'Y which 
they pI'oteéted was made into a new province, that of 
Tuigarimlllê, the district of l\Iilic1du being confided to 
the care of l\1utaIlu, Prince of Kummukh (710). An incident 
which took place in the following year furnished a pretext 
for completiug the ol'ganisatioll and military defence of 
this western border province. Gurgum had been for thirty 
yeal's or more in the possession of Tarkhulara; this prince, 
after having served Sharduris, had transferred his Lomage 
to Tiglath-pileser, and he had thenceforward pr.ofessed an 
unwavering loyalty to the Assyrian sovereigns. This accom- 
modating personage was assassinated by his son l\lutaIlll; 
and Sargon, fearing a revolt, hastened, at the head of a 
detachment of picked troops, to avenge hÏ111. The murderer 
threw down his arms almost without having struck a blow, 
and GUI'gum was thenceforward placed under the dÜ'ect 
rule of Nineveh. The affair had not been brought to a 
close before an outbreak took place in Southern Syria, 
which might have entailed very serious consequences had 
it not been promptly dealt with. Egypt, united from 
end to end undeI' the sceptre of Sabaco, jealously kept 
watch over the political complications in Asia, and though 
perhaps she was not sure enough of her own strength to 
interfere openly before the death of Rusas, she had renewed 
negotiations with the petty kingdoms of the Hebrews and 


Philistines. Ashdod had for some time past showed signs 
of discontent, and it had Leen found necessary to replace 
their king, Azuri, ,vho had refused to pay triLute, by his 
brother Akhirniti; shortly after this, however, the people 
had risen in rebellion: they had massacred Akhimiti, 
WhOlll they accused of being a mere thrall of Assyria, 
and had placed on the throne Yamani, a soldier of fortune, 
probably an adventurer of Hellenic extraction. l The other 
Philistine cities had immediately taken up arms; Edom 
and l\Ioab were influenced by the general movement, and 
Isaiah was st1'Ìving to avert any imprudent step on the 
part of Judah. Sargon despatched the Tal'tan,2 and the 
rapidity with which that officer carried out the campaign 
prevented the movement from spreading beyond Philistia. 
He devastated Ashdod, and its vassal, Gath, carried off 
their gods and their inhabitants, and peopled the cities 
afresh with !)1'Ìsoners frolll Asia l\finor, U rartu, and l\ledia. 
Yam ani attempted to escape into Egypt, but the chief 
of l\lilukhkha intercepted him on his way, and handed 
him over in chains to the conqueror. 3 The latter took 

1 This prince's name, usually written Yamani, is also written Yatnani in 
the Annals, and this variation, which is found again in the name of the 
island of Cyprus and the Cypriotes, giyes us grounds for believing that the 
Assyrian scribe took the race-name of the prince for a proper name: the 
new king of Ashdod would have bee
 a Yamani, a Greek of Cyprus. 
2 The ..Assyrian narratives, as usual, give the honour of conducting the 
campaign to the king. Isaiah (xx. 1) distinctly says that 
argon sent the 
Tartan to quell the reyolt of Ashdod. 
3 The Annal
 state that Yamani was made prisoner and taken to Assyria. 
The Fastes, more accurate on this point, state that he escaped to l\Iuzri, and 
that he was given up by the King of ::\Iilukhkha. The :\Iuzri mentioned in 
this passage very probably here means Egypt. 


2 c 


\.RGUX ll. OF AS

care not to call either 1\loab, Edom, or J udall to account 
for the part they had taken in the movement, perhaps 
because they were not mentioned in bis instructions; or 
because he preferred not to furnish them, by an untitllely 
interference, with a pretext for calling in the help of 
Egypt. The year was doubtless too far advanced to allow 
him to dream of marching against Pharaoh, and moreover 
tl1at would have been one of those important steps which 
the king alone had the right to take. There ,vas, however, 
no doubt that the encounter bet-ween the two mnpires 
was itnminent, and Isaiah ventured to predict the precise 
date of its occurrence. He ,valked stripped and varefoot 
through the streets of J erusalem-a strange procedure 
which he explained by the words which Jahveh had put 
into his lips: "Like as 1\ly servant Isaiah hath vvalked 
naked and barefoot three years for a sign and a wonùer 
upon Egypt and upon Kush (Ethiopia); so shall the King 
of Assyria lead away the captives of Egypt and the exiles 
of I\:ush, young and old, naked and barefoot, and ,vith 
buttocks uncovered, to the shame of Egypt. And they 
shall be dismayed and ashamed, because of I{ush their 
expectation, and of Egypt their glory. And the in- 
habitants of this coastland shall say in that day, Behold, 
such is our expectation, whither we fled for help to be 
deli vered from the I{ing of Assyria: and we, how shall 
,ve escape? " 1 
The fulfilment of this prophecy did not take place as 
quickly as the prophet perhaps desired. Egypt appeared 
too strong to be openly attacked by a mere section of the 

1 Iso. xx. 

"\Y_\R Al

 ....l 387 

battalions at the disposal of A.ssyria, and besides, it lllay 
have been deemed iIuprudent to involyo the army to any 
serious extent on so distant a field as Africa, when Babylon 
was ready and waiting to fall upon the very heart of 
.--\.ssyria at the first news of a real or supposed l'everse. 
Circumstances seemed, moreover, to favour a war against 
ßlerodach-baladan. This sovereign, who had been received 
with acclamation by tho Babylonians, had already lost the 
popularity he had enjoyed at his accession. The fickle 
character of the people, which nlade thenl nearly always 
welcome a fresh master with enthusiasm, soon led them 
from love and obedience to hatred, and finally to revolt. 
!\lerodach-baladan trusted to the I{aldâ to help him to 
maintain his position, and their rude barbarity, even if it 
protected him against the fickleness of his nloro civilised 
subjects, increased the discontent at l{utha, Sippar, and 
Borsippa. He removed the statues of the gods frOIll these 
towns, imprisoned the most turbulent citizens, confiscated 
their goods, and distributed them among his own followers; 
the other cities took no part in the movement, but Sargon 
must have expected to find in them, if not effective support, 
at least sympathies which would facilitate his work of 
conquest. It is true that Elam, whose friendship for the 
Aramæan was still undirninished, remained to be reckoned 
with, but Elam had lost much of its prestige in the last few 
years. The aged Khumban-igash had died in 717/ and his 

1 The date of the death of Khumban-igash is indirf'ctly givf'n in the 
pa"sage of the Bnb!llonian Chrnnicle nf Pinches, where it is said that in 
the first year of Ashshur-nâdin-shumu, King of Babylon, Ishtar-khundu 
(= Shutruk-nakhunta) was dethroned hy his brother, Khallushu, after 



successor, Shutrllk-nakhunta, had not apparelltly inherited 
all the energy of his father/ and it is possible that troubles 
had arisen among the vassals of his own kingdom which 
prevented bim from interfering on behalf of his ally. 
Sargon took account of all these circumstances in arranging 
his plan of campaign. He divided his army into two forces, 
one of which, under his own command, was to be directed 
against 1\lerodach-baladan, while the other was to attack 
the insurgent Aramæans on the left bank of the rrigris, and 
was to be rnanæuvred so as to drive Shutrllk-nakhunta, 
back on the marshes of the Uknu.
 The eastern force was 
the first to be set in movement, and it pushed forward into 
the territory of the G
unbulu. These latter had con- 
centrated themselves round Dur-Atkharas, one of their 
citadels; 3 they had increased the height of the walls, and 

baving reigned over Elam eighteen years: these events actually took place, 
as we shall see below, about the year G!)!) before our era. 
1 Shutruk-nakhunta is the 
usian form of the name; tbe Assyrian text::; 
distort it into Shutur-nankhundi, and the Bab!Jlonian Chronicle of PincltCJ
into Ishtar-khundu, owing to a faint resemblance in the sound of the name 
of the goddess Isbtar witb the form Slmtztr, Stltztr, it
elf derived from Shutruk, 
with which the name began, 
2 The earlier historians of Assyria, misled in the first place by the form 
in which the scribes have handed down the account in the Ann(ds and the 
Fastes, assumed the existence of a single army, led by Sargon himself, and 
which would have marcbed on all the above-mentioned places of the country, 
one by one. Tiele was the first to recognise that Sargon must have left part 
of his forces to the command of one of his lieutenants, and "Tinckler, en- 
larging on this idea, showed that there were then two armies, engaged at 
different seats of war, but manæuvring as far as possible by mutual arrange- 
3 The site of Dur-Atkharas is unknown. Billerbeck places it hypotheti- 
cally on the stream of l\Iencleli, and his conjecture is in itself very plausible. 
I should incline, however, to place it more to the south, on account of the 

\ II. 389 

filled the ditches with ,vater brought fro III the Shurappu Ly 
means of a canal, and having received a l'einforcelnellt of 
GOO horsemen and 4000 foot soldiers, they had drawn thern 
up ill front of the ramparts. A single morning sufficed to 
disperse them, and the Assyrians, entering tho city with 
the fugitives, took possession of it on the same day. They 
made IG,H)O prisoners, and seized horses, mules, asses, 
mUllels, and both sheep and oxen in large numbers. Eight 
of the chiefs of the neighbourhood, who l'uled over the flat 
country between the Shurappu and the Uknu, begged for 
mercy as soon as they learned the result of tho engagen1ent. 
The name of Dur-Atkharas was changed to that of Dur. 
N ebo, the territory of the Gambulu was converted into a 
province, and its organisation having been completed, the 
army continued its march, sweeping before it the Rnâ, the 
l{hindaru, the Puqudu, in short, all the tribes occupying 
the district of Y atbur. The chiefs of these provinces 
sought refuge in the morasses of the lower l{erkha, but 
finding themselves surrounded and short of provisions, they 
were forced by famine to yield to the enen1Y, and came to 
terms with the Assyrians, who imposed a tribute on therll 
and included then1 ,vithin the Dew province of Gambulu. 
The goal of this expedition was thus attained, and Elam 
separated from I{arduniash, but the issue of the war 

passage in which it is said that the Kald:1, to complete the defences of the 
town, brought a canal from the Shurappu and fortified its banks. The 
Shurappu, according to Delitzsch, would he the Shatt U mm-el-J emâl ; 
according to Delattre, the K.erkha; the account of the campaign under con- 
sideration would lead me to recognise in it a watercoursp likp the Tîb, which 
runs into the Tigris near Amara, in which case the ruins of Kberîo would 
perhaps correspond with the site of Dur-Atkhams. 



rell1aiuell undecided as long as Shntruk-nakhunta held the 
cities at the cdge of the plain, frolll which he couIll elnerge 
at will into the heart of the Assyrian position.. The 
conqueror therefore turned in that direction, rapidly took 
from him the citadels of Shamuna and Babdl1ri, then those 
of Lakhirimmu and Pillutu, and pitched his calnp on the 
bank of the N aditi, fron1 whence he despatched marauding 
bands to pillage the country. Dismay spread throughout 
the district of Rashi; the inhabitants, abandoning their 
cities-Tîl- I{hulnba, Dunnishamash, Bubî, and I{hamanu- 
migrated as far as Bît-Imbi; Shutruk-nakhunta, overcon1e 
with fear, took refuge, so it was said, in the distant 
mountains to preserve his life. l Sargon, meanwhile, had 
crossed the Euphrates \vith the other force, and had 
marched straight upon Bît-Dakkuri; having there noticed 
that the fortress of Dnr- Ladînu was in ruins, he rebuilt it, 

1 None of these places can be identified with certainty. So far as I can 
follow the account of this campaign on the map, it 
eems that the attacks 
upon Shutruk-nakhunta took place on the plain and in the mountains hetween 
the Ab-î-Gengir and the Tib, so that the river Naditi would be the Aftâh or 
one of its tributaries. If this were so, Lakhirimmu and Pillutu would be 
situated somewhere near the Jughaî ben Buan and the T,";pê Ghulamen of 
de :\Iorgan's map of Elam, Shamuna near Zirzir-têpî, Babclurî near Hosseini- 
Yf'h. But I wish it to be understood that I do not considr>r these com- 
parisons as more than simple conjectures. Bît-Imbi was certainly out of the 
reach of the Assyrians, since it was used as a place of refuge by the inhabi- 
tants of Rashî; at the same time it must have bef'n close to Rashî, since tb(> 
pf'ople of this country fled thither. The site of Ghilân which de 
Iorgan has 
adopted on his map seems to me to he too far north to comply with these 
conditions, and that of Tapa, approved by Billerbeck, too southerly. If, as 
I helieye, Rashî corresponds to the regions of Pushti-kuh which lie' on both 
sides of the uppe'r waters of the l\lendeli stream, we ought to look for Bît- 
Imhi somewhere' near the Desht-Î-Ghoaur and the Zenjan, near:t point whC'l'e 
communication with the banks of the Ab-Î-K.irind would Le easy. 



and, fiL'lllly installed within tho heart of the country, he 
patiently waited until the eastern force had accolnplished 
its n1Íssion. Like his adversal'y, l\Ierodach-baladan, he had 
no desire to be drawn into an engagmnent until he knew 
what chance there was of the latter being reinforced by the 
IGng of Elam. At the opening of hostilities l\Ieroc1ach- 
baladan claimed the help of the Elamite king, and lavished 
on hinl magnificent presents-.a couch, a throne, a portable 
chair, a cup for the royal offerings, and his own pectoral 
chain; these all reached their destination in good con- 
clition, and were graciously accepted. But before long the 
Elalnite prince, threatened in his own domain, forgot 
everything except his own personal safety, and declared 
himself unable to render :àIerodach-baladan any assistance. 
The latter, on receiving this news, threw himself with his 
face in the dust, rent his clothes, and broke out into loud 
weeping; after which, conscious that his strength would 
not pel'n1Ït of his meeting the enenlY in the open field, he 
withdrew his men from the other side of the Tigris, escaped 
secretly by night, and retired with his troops to the fortress 
of lkbîbel. The inhabitants of Babylon and Borsippa did 
not allow themselves to be disconcerted; they brought the 
arks of Bel, Zarpanît, N ebo, and Tashmît out of their 
sanctuaries, and came forth with chanting and musical 
instrunlents to salute Sargon at D ûr-Laàînu. He entered 
the city in their company, and after he had celebrated the 
customary sacrifices, the people enthroned hÜn in 
::\Ierodach-baladan's palace. Tribute was offered to him, 
but he refused to accept any part of it for his personal nse, 
and applie<1 it to a work of public utility-the repairing of 



the ancient canal of Borsippa, which bad become nearly 
filled np. This done, he detached a body of troops to occupy 
Sippara, and returned to Assyria, there to take up his 
winter quarters. 
Once again, therefore, the ancient metropolis of the 
Euphrates was ruled by an Assyrian, ,vho united In one 
protrocol the titles of the sovereigns of Assur and !{ar- 
duniash. Babylon possessed for the kings of K ineveh 
the same Irind of attraction as at a later date drew 
the German Cæsars to Rome. Scarcely had the Assyrian 
monarchs been crowned within their own domains, than 
they turned their eyes towards Babylon, and their 
ambition knew no rest till the day came for them to 
present thenlselves in pomp within the tem'ple of its goù 
and implore his solemn consecration. 'Vhen at length 
they had received it, they scrupulously secured its renewal 
on every occasion which the law prescribed, and their 
chroniclers recorded a.mong the iinpol'tant events of the 
year, the ceremony in which they "took the hand of 
Bel." Sargon therefore returned, in the month Nisan 
of the year 709, to pl'eside over the procession of the 
goù, and he devoutly accomplished the rites which con- 
stituted him the legitimate successor of the semi-fabulous 
hel'oes of the old empire, foremost among "Thorn was his 
namesake Shargâni of Agadê. He offered sacrifices to 
Bel, N ebo, and to the divinities of Sumir and Akkad, 
and he did not return to the camp until he had fulfilled 
all the duties incurnbent on his new dignity. He was in- 
volved that year in two important 'wars at opposite 
points of his empire. One ,vas at the north-western 


extrelllity, against the :Jlushki and their king J\Iita, who, 
after having supported Rusas, was now intriguing with 
Argistis; the other in the south-east, against the ICaldâ, 
and probably also against Elmll. He entrusted tile 
conduct of the former to the governor of I(uî, but 
reserved to himself the final reckoning with J\ferodach- 
balaùan. The Babylonian king had made good use of 
the respite given him during the winter months. Too 
pruùent to meet Lis enemy in the open plain, he had 
transformed his hereditary principality into a formidable 
citadel. During the preceding campaign he had devas- 
tated the whole of the country lying between the 
marshes and the territory occupied by the Assyrians, 
and had withdrawn the inhabitants. J\Iost of the 
towns-Ikbîbel, Uru, Uruk, I(ishik, and Nimid-Iaguda- 
were also deserted, and no garrisons were left in them. 
lIe had addeù to the fortifications of Dur- Yaldn, and 
enlarged the moat till it was two hundred cubits wide 
and eighteen deep, so as to reach the level of infil- 
tration; he then turned into it the waters of the Euphrates, 
so that the town appeared to be floating on a lake, 
without either briùges or quays by means of which the 
besiegers might have brought their machines within Tange 
and their troops been able to approach for an assault. 
ì\Ierodach-baladan had been careful not to shut himself 
within the town, but had taken up a position in the 
marshes, and there awaited the arrival of the Assyrians. 
Sargon, having left Babylon in the month of Iyyâr, 
encountered him within sight of Dnr-Yakîn. The Ara- 
mæan infantry were crushed by repeated charges from 


 II. 011' ASSYR L\ 

the Niuevite chariotry and Ct"tvalry, who pursued the 
fugitives to the outer side of the llloat, and seized the 
camp with all its baggage and the royal train, includ- 
ing the king's tent, a canopy of solid silver which 
protected the throne, his sceptre, weapons, and stores of 
all kinds. The peasants, to the number of 90,580, crowdec1 
within the lines, also fell into their hands, together with 
their flocks ana herds-2500 h01'ses, 010 lllules, and 
854 carnels, as well as sheep, oxen, and asses; the re- 
mainder of the fugitives rushed within the outworks for 
refuge "like a pack of wild boars," and finally were 
driven into the interior of the place, or scattered among 
the beds of reeds along the coast. Sargon cut down 
the groves of palm trees which adorned the suburbs, 
and piled up their trunks in the Inoat, thus quickly 
fonning a causeway right up to the walls. l\Ierodach.. 
baladan had been wounded in the arm during the 
engagement, but, nevertheless, fought stubbornly in defence 
of his city; when he saw that its fall was inevitable, 
he fled to the other side of the gulf, and took refuge 
among the mud flats of the Lower UiaL Sargon set 
fire to Dur- Y akîn, levelled its towers and walls with the 
ground, and dell10lished its houses, telnples, ancl palaceR. 
It had been a sort of penal settlenlent, to which the 
IÜt1dâ rulers used to consign those of their subjects 
belonging to the old aboriginal race, who hacl rendered 
themselves obnoxious by their wealth or independence 
of character; the nunlber of these prisoners was consider- 
able, Babylon, Borsippa, Nipur, and Sippar, not to Rpeak 
of Urn, Uruk, Eridu, Larsalll, ana l{isl1îk, l1aving all 



of them furllisheù their share. Sargon released them 
all, and restored their gods to the temples; he eXl)elled 
the nOlllads from the estates which, contrary to all 
justice, had been distributed among them in preceding 
years, and reinstated the former owners. I(arduniash, 
which had been oppressed for twelve long years by a 
semi-barbarian despot, now breathed again, and hailed 
Sargon as its deliverer, while he on his part was actively 
engaged in organising his conquest. The voluntary sub- 
n1ission of Upiri, Iring of Dihnun, who lived isolated in 
the open sea, "as though in a bird's nest," secured to 
Sargon possession of the watercourses which flowed 
beyond the Chahlæan lake into the Persian Gulf: no 
sooner had he obtained it than he quitted the neigh- 
bourhood of Dur- Y akîn, crossed thE-' Tigris, and reinforced 
the garrisons which lined his Elamite frontier on this 
siùe. lIe had just finished building a strongly fortified 
citadel on the site of Sagbat,t when ambassadors arrived 
from l\Iitâ. The governor of I(uî had at length triumphed 
over the obstinacy of the nlnshki, and after driving them 
from village to village, had compelled them to Slle for tenns : 
the tidings of the victories over the I(aldâ had doubtless 
hastened their decision, but they "
ere still SO povlerful 
that it was thought wiser not to impose too rigorous 
conditions upon then1- . :\Iitâ agreed to P[ty tribute, and 
surrendered one or two districts, which were turned into 

1 This Sagbat, which must not he confused with the district of nît- 
Saghati mentioned in the reign of Tiglath-pih\ser ITI., sef'ms to correspoJ1(l 
with a post to the south of Durílu, perhaps tbe ruins of Baksayeh, on the 



an Arall1æan settlement: the inhabitant:::; were transferred 
to Bît- Yakîn, where they had to make the best they 
could of lands that had been devastated by war. At this 
juncture the Greeks of Cyprns flattered the pride of the 
Assyrians in a n10st unexpected way: after the rnanner 
of their race they scoured the seas, and 
their fleets persistently devastated the 
coasts of Syria and Cilicia. Seven of 
their kings were so far alarmed by the 
.:- report of Sargon's achievements as to 
dread punishment for their misdeeds. 
'llhey therefore sent him presents, and, 
for the moment, abandoned their pirati- 
cal expeditions in Phænician waterA. 
The homage of these inveterate robbers 
raised Sargol1 in his own eyes and in 
I. f those of his subjects. SOlne years later, 
about 708 B.C., he pres
nteù thern with 
a stele of black marble, on which he 
had engraved his own portrait, together 
with a long inscription setting forth Lis 
most glorious exploits. They set it up 
STELE AT J..\RX.\K.\.l at I(ition (Citium), where it has been 
preserved amongst the ruins, a priceless witness to the 
greatness of Assyria. 
While war thus raged around him, Sargon still found 
tÌlne for works of a peaceful character. He set hÌlllself 
to remodel and cOll1plete the system of irrigation in the 
Assyrian plain; he repaired the dykes, and ('leaned out 
1 Dr.'1.wn hy Faucher-Gudill, from the plaster cast in the Louvre. 



and lnade good the beùs of the canals which had Leen 
neglected during the troublous times of the last generation. 
He erected buildings at Calah 1 and at Nineveh, but ill 
these cities evel'ything seemed to recall too vividly the 
memory of the sovereigns \vho had gone before him: he 
wished for a capital which should belong to himself alone, 
w here he would not be reminded of a past in which he had 
no part. .After lneditating day and night, his choice fell 
upon the village of l\Iaganubba, a little to the north-east 
of Nineveh, in a wide plain which extends from the banks 
of the Khuzur to the hills of l\Iuzri, and by a single decree 
he expropriated all its inhabitants. lIe then built on the 
land which he had purchased from theIll a city of unrivalled 
magnificence, which he called by his own name, Dur- 
Sharrukîn. 2 The ground plan of it is of rectangulal' shape, 
the sides being about 1900 yards long by 1800 yards wide, 
each corner exactly facing one of the four points of the 
compass. Its \valls rest on a limestone sub-structure sorne 
three feet six inches high, and rise fifty-seven feet above 
the ground; they are strengthened, every thirty yards or 

1 At Calah, he lived in an old palace of Assur-nazir-paJ restored and 
adapted for his use, as shown by the inscription published by Layard. 
2 In most of the texts the village of )Iaganubba is not named; it is 
mentioned in the Cylindcr Inscription, and this document i
 the only one 
which furnishes details of the expropriation, etc. The modern Harne of thE' 
place is Khorsabad, the city nf Klwsrucs, but the name of its founder was still 
Hssociatecl with its ruins, in the time of Yakut, who mentions him under the 
Ilame of Sarghun. I t was first explored in 1843 by Botta, then by Place and 
Oppert. The antiquities collected there by Botta and Place constitute the 
hulk of the Assyrian l\Iuseum in the Louvre; unfortunately, a part of the 
objects collected by Place went to the bottom of the Tigris with the lighter 
which was carrying them. 



so, by battlementeJ towers which project thirteen feet from 
the face of the wall and stalld sixteen feet higher than the 
ralnparts. 1 Access ,vas gained to the interior by eight 
gates, two on each side of the square, each of them marked 




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by two towers separated from one another by the width of 
the bay. Every gate bad its patron, chosen froIn among 
the gods of the city; there was the gate of Shamash, the 

1 Place reckoned the hpight of the wall at 73 feet, a measurement 
adopted by Perrot and ChilÜez; Dieulafoy has shown that the height of the 
wall must be reduced to 47 feet, and that of the towers about 65 feet. 
2 Reduction by Faucher-Gudin, from the plan published in Place. 

TilE G
\XD 'VALLS 01 1 ' Dù H-SH
\RRLKîX 300 

gate of Rauuuâu, those of Bel and Beltis, of ÅllU, of Ishtar, 
of Eâ, and of the Lady of the Gods. Each of them ,vas 
protected externally by a ntigdoZ, or sillall castle, built in 
the Syrian style, and flanked at each corner by a lo,v tower 
thirteen yards in width; five allowed of the l)assage of 
beasts as well as men. It was through these that the 
peasants came in every morning, driving their cattle before 
them, or jolting along in waggons lallen with fruit and 
vegetables. After passing the outposts, they crossed a 
paved courtyard, then made their ,vay between the t"wo 
towel'S through a vaulted passage over fifty yards long, 
intersected at almost equal intervals by two transverse 
galleries. The other three gates had a special arrangernent 
of their own; a flight of twelve steps built out in front 
of the courtyard rendered them inaccessible to animals or 
vehicles. At the entrance to the passage towered two 
colossal bulls with human heads, standing like sentinels- 
their faces and foreparts tUl'ned outward, their hind-quarters 
ranged along the inner walls-as though gazing before 
them into space in company with two "ringed genii. The 
arch supported by their mitred heads was ornamented by 
a course of enamelled bricks, on which other genii, faeing 
one allothel' in pairs, offel'ed pine-cones across a circular 
ornament of many colours. These 'vere the mystic 
guardians of the city, who shielded it not only from tho 
attacks of men, but also from invasions of evil spirits and 
pernicious diseases. The rays of the sun made the fore- 
court warn1 in ,vinter, while it was always cool under the 
archway in summer; the gates served as resorts for pleasure 
or business, where old men and idlers congregated to discuss 



llOÜ affairs and settle the destinies of the State, merchants 
bargained and disposed of their goods, and the judge and 
notables of the neighbouring quarter held. their courts. 
It was here that the king generally exposed to view tho 
chieftains anù kings whom he had taken captive; here 
they lay, chained like dogs in cages, dependent on the 
pity of their guarùs or of passers-by for such miserable fare 


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lELLED COURSE OF A (;.\1.'1':.1 

as might be flung to them, and, tIle first feeling of curio
once passed, no longer provoking even the jeers of the 
crowd, until a day came when their victor took it into his 
head to remove theln froln their ignoll1Ïnious position, and 
either restored them to their thrones or sent them to the 
executionel'. 2 The to,vn itself, being built from plans 
ùrawn up Ly one luind, lllust have presented few of the 
irregularities of outliue characteristic of ancient cities. 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a drawing published in Place. 
2 To mention but a single instance, it was in this way that Assur-bani. 
pal treated the Arab kings captured by him. 

 01 1 -' THE CITY 


The streets lcaùing from the gates were of uniform breadth 
throughout, from one side of the enclosure to the other. 
They \vere paved, had no sideways or footpaths, and crossed 
one another at right angles. Tl1e houses on either side 
of them seem, for the most part, to have consisted of a 
single story. They wel'e built of bricks, either baked or 
unbaked, the outer surfaces of which were covel'ed with 
wLite or tinted rough-casting. The 11Ïgh and narrow doors 
were nearly always hidden away in a corner of the front; 
the bare Inonotony of the walls was only relieveù here and 
there at long intervals by tiny windows, hut often instead 
of a flat roof the building was surmounted by a conical 
dome 01' by semi-cupolas, the concave siùes of which were 
turned inwards. The inhabitants varied greatly in race 
and 13;nguage: Sargon had filled his city with Pl'isoners 
collected from all the four quarters of his empire, from 
Elam, Chaldæa, and JUedia, from U rartu and Tabal, Syria 
and Palestine, and in order to keep these incongruous 
elements in check he added a number of .Ltssyrians, of the 
rnercantile, official, or priestly classes. He could overlook 
the whole city from the palace which he had built on both 
sides the llorth-eastel'n wall of the town, half within and 
half without the ramparts. Like all palaces built on the 
Euphratean rnodel, this royal castle stood on an artificial 
eruinence of bricks formed òf two rectangles joined together 
in the shape of the letter T. The only entrance to it 'was 
on the city side, foot-passengers being admitted by a double 
flight of steps built out in front of the ramparts, horsemen 
and chariots by means of an inclined plane which rose in a 
gentle gradient along the right flank of the lllasonry \York, 
YOLo VII. 2 D 



and terminated on its eastern front. Two maIn gates 
corresponded to these two means of approach; the one 
on the north-east led straight to the royal apartrnents, the 
other faced the city and opened on to the double staircase. 
It ,vas readily distinguishable from a distance by its two 





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nnm's EYE nEW OF SARGOX'S r.\.L.\.CE .\.T DC'U-SII.unn:KÎx. 1 

flagstaffs bearing the royal standard, and its two towers, 
at the base of which were 'winged bulls and colossal figures 
of Gilgames crushing the lion. Two bulls of stil1 more 
monstrous size stood sentry on either side of the gate, the 
arch was outlined by a course of enamelled bricks, while 
higher up, iml11ediately beneath the battlmnents, was an 
enalnelled mosaic showing the king in aU his glory. This 

1 Drawn by Roudier, from the restoration by Thomas ill Place. 


triulllphal arch was reserved for his special use, the 
common people being admitted by two side doors of 
smaller size less richly decorated. 
Sargon resided at Calah, ,yhere he had taken np his 
quarters In the former palace of Assur- 
nazir- pal, while " his new city was still 

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in the hands of the builders. Every moment that he could 
spare from his military and administrative labours was 
devoted to hastening on the progress of the ,york, and when- 
ever he gained a victory or pillaged a district, he invariably 
set aside a considerable part of the booty in order to meet 
the outlay which the building involved. Thus we find tbat 

1 Drawn Ly Fauchcr-Gudin, from the restoration by Thomas, in 



on returning from his tenth carnpaign he Lrought with him 
an immense convoy laden with timber, stone, and precious 
Inetals 'which he had collected in the neighbourhood of 
l\lount Taurus or among the mountains of Assyria, includ- 
ing coloured marùles, lapis-lazuli, rock cl'ystal, pine, cedar, 
and cypress-wood, gold, silvel', and bronze, all of which 
was destined for Dur-Sharrukîn; tbe quantity of silver 
included among these 
Inaterials was so great 
that its value fell to a 
level with that of copper. 
The interior of the build- 
ing, as in the case of the 
old Chaldæan palaces, 
,vas separated into two 
well- marked divisions. 
The larger of these was 
used by the king ill his 
public capacity, and to 
\S OF TIlE EXC.\YXfED POltTIONS OF THE this the nobles and sol- 
diers, and even the COll- 
Inon IJeople, ,vere admitted under certain conditions and on 
certain days prescribed by custom. The outer court was 
lined on three sides by \varehouses and depôts, in wbich 
,vere stored the provisions, commodities, and implements 
required for the host of courtiers and slaves who depended 
on the sovereign for support. Each room had, as may 
still be seen, its own special purpose. There were cellars 
for wine and oil, with theil' rows of large oblong jars; 

1 Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudill, from the plan by Thomas, in Place. 


then there 'were store-rooms for implements of iron, which 
Place found fnll of rusty helmets, swords, pieces of al'mour, 
Illaces, and lìloughshares; a little further on were rOOlllS 
for the storage of copper weapons, enalnelled bricks, ana 
precious nletals, and the king's private treasury, in which 
were hidden away the spoils of the vanquished or the 
regulnr taxes paiù by his subjects; sOlne fine bronze lions 

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of m
1TYellous workmanship and lifelike expression were 
found still shut up hel'e. The kitchens adjoined the 
pantl'ies, and the stables for horses and camels COID- 
111unicated direct with the coach-houses in which the 
state chariots were kept, while the privies were discI'eetly 
hidden in a secluded corner. On the other side, among 
the buildings occupying the southern angle of the court- 
yard, the Inenials of the palace lived huddled together, 
each family quartered in small, dark rooms. The royal 
apal'tn1ents, properly so called, stood at the back of 

1 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the original in the Louvre. 



these dOlnestic offices, facing the south-east, near the 
spot ,vhere the inclined plane debouched on to the city 
ramparts. The monumental entntllce to these apartlnents 
was guarded, in accordance with religious custom, by a 
company of "\vinged bulls; behind this gate was a lawn, 
then a second gate, a corridor and a grand quadrangle In 


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the very centre of the palace. The king occupied a suite 
of some twenty rooms of a rathel' simple character; here 
he slept, ate, worked, and transacted the greater part of bis 
daily business, guarded by his eunuchs and attended by his 
Ininisters and secreta1"Ïes. The remaining rooms Wel"e apart- 
Inellts of state, all of the same pattern, in which the cro'wd 
of courtiers and employés assembled while waiting for a 
p1'Ìvate audience or to intercept the king as he passed. 
A subdued light Inacle its way from above through narrow 

1 Drawn hy Faucher-Gudin, from a drawing by Flandin, in Botta. 


winùows let into the massive arches. The walls were lined 
to a, height of over nine feet from the floor with endless bas- 
reliefs, ill greyish alabaster, picked out in bright colours, and 
illustrating the principal occupations in which the sovereign 
spent his days, such as the audiences to ambassadors, 
hunting in the woods, sieges and battles. A few brief 
inscriptions interspersed above pictures of cities and 
persons indicated the names of the vanquished chiefs or 
the scenes of the various events portrayed; detailed 
descriptions were engraved on the back of the slabs 
facing the brick wall against ,vhich they rested. This 
was a precautionary measure, the necessity for which 
had been but too plainly proved by past experience. 
Everyone-the king himself included-well knew that 
some day or other Dur-Sharrnl\În would be forsaken just 
as the palaces of previous dynasties had been, and it 
was hoped that inscriptions concealed in this manner 
would run a better chance of escaping the violence of 
Ulan or the l'avages of time; preserved in then1, the 
memory of Sargon would rise triumphant from the ruins. 
The gods reigned supreme over the north-east angle 
of the platform, and a large irregular block of buildings 
was given up to their priests; their cells contained nothing 
of any particular interest, merely white walls and black 
plinths, adorned here and there with frescoes embellished 
by arabesques, and pictures of animals and symbolical 
genii. The ziggurât rose to a height of some 141 feet 
above the esplanade. It had seven storeys dedicated 
to the gods of the seven planets, each storey being painted 
in the special colour of its god-the first white, the second 



black, the third purple, the fourth blue, the fifth a 
vermilion reù; the sixth was coated ,vith silver, and the 
sevouth gilded. There 'was no chamber in tho centre 
of the tower, but a small gilded chapel probably stood 
at its base, which was used for the worship of Assur 
or of Ishtar. The harem, or Bît-riduti, 'was at the 
southern corner of the enclosure, almost in the shadow 
of the ziggu'J'(lt. Sargon had pro- 
bably three queens 'when he 
-ill I II r founded his city, for the harem 
. . 'f" j . '1 . i' mr , ' : . .' is divided into three separate 
 II.!:! t l, 
. d. '. . . " " .'" . 'I.. 
 aparbllents, of which the t,,
..' l! I ,.1. . '

WJ..V1JJj lm.ger look out on the same 
'. quadrangle. Two. courses 

 n rrr : r '[ !I : II: I! I : mu [ " of enamelled bncks ran 
. . I t:I' IN < . . .J. . . ",
 . along the vase of the 
ÍiI[! [I " II I 1111 :", I,: , H' . 
! . ." _ " ' .'....' façaùe, whIle statues 
were placed at intervals 
againt the wall, and the 
bay of the gateway was framed by two bronze palm trees 
gilt: the palm being the emblem of fruitfulness and grace, 
no lliore fitting decoration could have been chosen for 
this pal't of the building. The arrangement was the sallie 
in all three divisions: an ante-challiber of greater width 
than length; an apartment, one half of which was 011en 
to the sky, while the other was covel'ed by a half-dollie, 
and a flight of twelve steps, leading to an alcove in 
which stooù a high ,vooden couch. The queens an(l 
princesses Rpent th
ir lives in this prison-like !J2t-'J'Ùlut i : 

THE ZIGGCn1T _'\.T nrn-SIIAnn1:KÎN.l 

1 Drawn by Fauch('r-Gudin, from the restoration by Thomas, in Place. 



their time was taken up with dress, embroidery, needle- 
work, ùancing ana sillgiug, the lûonotony of this routino 
Loing relieveLl by enùless quarrels, feuds, ana intrigues. 
The lilale children l'eIllained In tho hareJ-ll until the age 
of puberty, when they 
left it in order to COD- 
tinue their education as 
princes and soldiers 
under the guidance of 
their father. l This group 
of buildings was C0111- 
pIeted by a park, in 
whichcedarsaf Lebanon, 
pines, cypresses,gazelles, 
stags, wild asses and 
cattle, ana even lions, 
were acclimatised, in ad- 
dition to a heterogeneous 
collection of other trees 
and anirnals. IIere, the 
king gave himself up to 
the pleasures of the chase, and sometimes invited one or 
other of his wives to come thither and banquet or Llrink 
with him. 
After l\litâ,'s surrender
 Sargon had hoped to be allowe<l 
to finish building his city in peace; out an ill-advised 

 OF _\ ßI:DllOO:)I I
 TIlE IL\llE)I. 2 

1 An inscription of Assur-bani-pal, giveR a summary description of the> 
life l('d in the harem hy heirs to tlH' throne, anù ù('scribps gpnprally the kind 
of education received hy them fl'om tlwir parlipst childhood. 
2 Dmwn hy Faucher-Gudin, from the restoratiun by Thomas, in Place, 



movement in I{ulnmukh obligeù hÏ1n to don his harness 
again (708 B.C.). l{ing l'vIutallu had eutereù into all 
alliance with .r\rgistis of U rartu, and took the field with 
his army; but when details of what had taken place in 
Chalùæa reachetl his ears, and he learnt the punislllnent 
that ha.d been inflicted on the people of Bìt-Yakin, his 

! :1 

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courage failed him. He flea without waiting for the 
Assyrians to appear, and so great was his haste that he 
bad no time to take his farnily and treasure with hiIl1. 
Sargon annexed his kingdom, placed it under the govern- 
ment of the tartan, and incorporated into his own the 
whole army of !{umlnnkh, including 150 cbariotR, 1500 
horsemen, 20,000 archers, and 10,000 pikemen. In thp 
fol1owing year (707) his vassal Dalta died, leaving two 
1 Drawn Ly Faucher-Gudin, from the restoration Ly Thomas, in Place. 



SOllS, Nibi and Ishpabara, both of whom claimed possession 
of the fief of Ellipi; Nibi appealed to Elam for help, and 
Ishpabara at once turned for aid to Assyria. Sargon sent 
him a body of troops, commanded by seven of his generals, 
while Shutruk-nakhunta lent his prot(;gé 4500 bowmen; 
Ishpabara won the day, took the city of J\larnbishti by 
storm, and compelled his brother to take refuge in Susian 
territory. The affair was over so quickly that it caused 
IJractically no delay in the completion of the works at 
the capital. The consecl'ation of a new city necessitated 
the observance of a host of complicated ceremonies, which 
extended over several months. First of all provision had 
to be made for its l"eligious \vorship; the omens were 
consulted in order to determine which of the gods \\ere 
to be invoked, and, when this was decided, there followed 
the installation of the various statues and arks which \vere 
to preside over the destinies of the city and the priests to 
whom they were intrusted; the solemn inauguration took 
place on the 22nd day of Tisri, in the 
Y'ear 707 B.C., and 
froin that day forward Dur-Sharrnkîn occupied the Tank 
officially assigned to it among the capitals of the en1pire. 
Sargon, however, did not formally take up his residence 
within it till six months later, on the 6th day of Iyyâr, 
706. He must, by this time, have been advancing in 
years, and even if we assume him to have been a young 
11lan when he ascended the throne, after the sixteen years 
of bodily fatigue and mental worry through which he had 
passed since coming into power, he must have needed 
repose. He handed over the government of the northern 
provinces to his eldest son Sin-akhê-irba, better known to 



ns as Sennacherib, whom he regarded as his successor; 
to hitll he transferred the responsibility of keeping watch 
over the lllovellents of the .l\Iannai, of U rartu, and of the 
restless barbarians who dwelt beyond the zone of civilised 
states on the banks of the Halys, or at the foot of the 
distant Caucasus: a revolt among the Tabal, in 70ß, was 
prolllptly suppressed by his young and energetic deputy. 
.A.s for Sargon himself, he was content to retain the direct 
control of the more pacific provinces, such as Babylon, the 
regions of the l\liddle Euphrates, and Syria, and he doubt- 
less hoped to enjoy during his later years such tl'anquillity 
as was necessary to enable him to place his conquests on 
a stable basis. The envious fates, however, allo,ved him 
but little I))Ore than twelve short Inonths: he perished 
early in 703 D.C., assassinated by some soldier of alien birth, 
if I interpret l'ightly the mutilated text which furnishes 
us with a brief mention of the disaster. Sennacherib W3,S 
l'ecalled in haste from the frontier, and proclaimed king 
innneJiately on his an'ival, thus ascending unopposed to 
the throne on the 12th day of Ab. His father's body had 
been left unburied, doubtless in order that he might verify 
with his own eyes the truth of what had been told hÜ)) 
concerning his death, and thus have no ground for harbour- 
ing suspicions that would have boded ill for the safety of 
the late king's councillors and servants. He looked upon 
his fathel"s J))iserable ending as a punishment for some 
unknown transgression, and consulted the gods to learn 
what it was that had aroused their anger, l'efnsing to 
authorise the burial within the palace until the various 
expiatory rites RuggesteJ by the oracle had been duly 


IJerfol'lIled. 1 Thus mysteriously ùisappeared the founùel' of 
the mightiest dynasty that ever I'uled in Assyria, perhaps 
even in the ,vhole of 'Vestel'n Asia. At first sight, it 
would seem easy enough to determine what manner of 
man he was and to what qualities be owed bis greatness, 
thanks to tho abundance of documents which his con- 
temporaries have bequeathed to us; but when we come 
to eXaInine more closely, ,ve soon find tbe task to Le by no 
means a simple one. The inscriptions maintain so discreet 
a silcnce with regarù to the antecedents of the kings 
before their accession, and concerning their eùucation and 
private life, that at this distance of time we cannot succeed 
in forming any clear idea as to their individual tempera- 
ment and character. The monuments recorù such achieve- 
ments as they took pride in, in terms of unifonn praise 
which conceal or obliterate the personality of the king in 
question; it is always the ideal Assyrian sovereign who 
is held up for our admiration under a score of different 
names, and if, here and there, we come upon some trait 
which indicates the special genius of this or that monarch, 
we may be sure that the scribe has allowed it to slip in 
by accident, quite unconscious of tbe fact that be is thus 
afforùing us a glimpse of his master's true character and 

1 This is my interpretation . of the text published and translated hy 
'Vinckler. "
inckler sees in it the account of a campaign during which 

al'gon was killed by mountaineers, as was Cyprus in later times by the 
.l\lassagetm; the king's body (according to him) remained unburied, and was 
recovered by Sennacherib only after considerable dPlay. In support of his 
,ersion of this event 'Vincklcr citf's the passage in 180. xiv. 4-20a, which he 
takes as having bCf'n composefl to exult over the death of Sargon, and then 
aftcrwards adapted to the death of a king of Babylon. 



disposition. A study of Sargon's campaigns as revealed 
in his annals will speedily convince us that he was son1e- 
thing more than a fearless general, with a keen eye to 
plunder, who could see nothing in the most successful 
expedition but a means of enriching his people or adding 
to the splendours of his court. He was evidently con- 
vinced that certain nations, such as U rartu and Elaln, 
would never l'eally assimilate with his own subjects, anù, 
in their case, he adhered strictly to the old system of 
warfare, and did all he could to bring about their ruin; 
other nations, on the contrary, he regarded as capable of 
amalgamation with the Assyrians, and these he did his 
best to protect from the worst consequences of their re- 
bellion and l'esistance. He withdrew them from the 
influence of their native dynasties, and converted their 
territol'ies into provinces under his own vigilant administra- 
tion, and though he did not scruple to send the more 
turbulent elements among theln into exile, and did his 
best to \veaken them by founding alien colonies in their 
midst, yet he respected their religion, customs, and laws, 
and, in return for their obedience to his rule, guaranteed 
them an equitable and judicious government. ßIoreovcr., 
he took quite as much interest in their \vell-being as in 
his own military successes, and in the midst of his heroic 
struggles against Rusas and l\lerodach-baladan he con- 
trived to find time for the consideration of such prosaic 
themes as the cultivation of the vine and of corn; he 
devoted his attention to the best lncthods of storing wine, 
and sought to prevent "oil, which is the life of lnan and 
healeth wounds, frolH rising in price
 and the cost of 



sesame from exceeding that of wheat." 'Ve seem to see 
in him, not only the stern and at times cruel conqueror, 
but also the gl'acious monarch, kind anù. considerate to 
his people, and merciful to the vanquished when policy 
permitted him to indulge his natural leaning to clemency. 



Adaush, 20 
Agusi. See Bit-Agusi 
Ahab, 103, 105, 113-115, 126, 335 
Ahaz, 23U, 291, 328, 359 
Ahaz appeals to Assyria, 282, 285 
Ahaziah (of Israel), 117-128 
Ahaziah (of Judah), 126, 127 
Akhiababa, 25 
Akhuni, 49, H;J-101 
Akkadians, 302 
Allabria, 367, 368, 382 
Amadaî (Madaî). See 
Amanos. See Amanus 
Amanus (or Amanos), 117, 119, 132, 163, 
Amaziah, 182, 184, 239 
Ambaridis (Ambaris), 383 
Amika (of Zamru), 35-89 
Ammibaal (Prince of Bît-Zamani), 30, 
Ammon (or Ammonites), 103, 106, 154, 
291, 327 
Amon, Priests of, 253, 261, 322, 324 
Amorites, The, 62 
Amos (the prophet), 209, 210 
Anshân, or Anzan, 315, 347 
Aramæan tribes, 304 
Aramæans, The, 63, 214, 233, 305, 308, 
Aramê (King of Bit-Agusi), 104, 112, 119, 
Aramê (King of Nairi), 91, 90, 101 
Ararat, Mount, 79 
Arashtua, 24, 35 
Araziash, 150 
Arbela, 144, 297 
Argistis 1. (st-e also Urartu), 161, 162, 
lü5, 175, 283 
Argistis II., 380, 410 
Aribua, 65 
Aridi, 92 
Armân, 108 
Armenia, 151 
Arpad, 51, 1.50, 166, 170, 222, 225, 305, 


Arpad, Assyrian campaign around, 224 
Arrapkha, 144, 168 
Arvad, 62, 104, 106, 126 
Arzashkun, 100 
Ashdod, 3
Asherah, The, 201 
Asia Minor, 179, 298 
Asianic steppes, 1RO 
Åssur (the city), 143, 1ß8 
Assur (the god), 111, 143, 234 
Assur Fio'htinO' for the kino' 1 
Assur' (As
yria), Limmu of
Assur-dain-pal, 144-147 
Assurdân II., 4 
Assurdân III., 167 
Assurirba, 3, 48 
Assur-nadinakhê 11., 4 
Assur-nazir-pal, Frontispiece, 8, 18, HI, 
Campaign on the Euphrates, 43, 44 
Character of, 75 
Extent of his empire, 63 
Flotilla of, 45 
Mediterranean reached by, 61 
Obelisk of, 3 
Stele of, 68 
Winged bulls of, 70 
Assur-nirâri III., 160, 179 
Assyria (or Assur), lû2, 351 
Art of, 70, 400 
Cities of, 143 
First encounter of with Egypt, 3,)3 
Hebrew ideas of, 219 
Limits of, 177 
Limmi in. 297 
Losses in Syria, 165 
Map of, 209 
State of, under Assur-nazir-pal, 30 
Assyrian attack on a fortress, 175 
Assyrian battering-ram, 12, 1:3 
Assyrian besieging engines, 11, 12 
Assyrian cavalry, 9, U, 290 
Assyrian carrying an inflated skin, 339 
Assyrian finance, 3] 3 
Assyrian head, Ivory, 171 
Assyrian militia, 313 

Assyrian provincial administrators, 310, 
311 . 
Assyrian soldier, crossing a river, 2 
Assyrian war-chariot, 55 
Athaliah, 114, 152, lû3 
Atlíla (or Dur-Assur), 38 
Azariah (Czziah) of Judah, 185, 231, 
Azriyahu, 229, 231 


Baalirasi, Stele at, 130 
Babylon, 142, 148, 149, 341, 347, 392 
Babylonian army, 305 
Babylonian Canon, The, 5 
Babylonian empire, 302 
Balawât, Bronze gates of, 90-93, 10], 
144, 314 
Baqâni, 110 
Bau-akhiddîn (King of Babylon), 149 
Bâzi, 5 
Bedâwin, The, 3il 
"Bel, Taking the hands of," 15, 295, 
340 392 
ân-beluzur, Stele of, 320 
Bel-:\lerodach, or l\larduk, Statue of, 
Bel-nadinshumu, 347 
Benhadad I., 104, 113, 335 
Benhadad II. (Adadidri or Hadadezer), 

, 115-120, 124 (death of), 125, 
Benhadad III. (see also Mari), 154, 181 
Bethel, 210 
Biainas (or Biaìna), 90, 158, 380 
Bît-Adini (in Bit-Dakkuri), 100, 110 
Bít-Adini (in Mesopotamia), 45-49, 93, 
98-102, 118, 119 
Bît-Agusi (Iakhânu), 51, 97, 104, 117, 
167, 180, 224, 228, 355 
Bît-Amukkâni, 100, 110, 293, 294 
Bît-Bagaîa, Town of, 371 
Bit-Bakhiâni, 47, 40 
Bît-Dakkuri (or Bît-Dakuri), 109, 390 
Bit-Khalupi, 2:3, 24 
halani, 109 
Bit-ShaUi, 109 
Bit- Yakîn, 109, HO, 304, 342, 343, 410 
Bît-Zamani, 41, 65, 138. See also Am- 
Black obelisk, The, 105, 13.j, 141, 189 
Bocchorsi (Bukunirînif), 3i2, 373 
Borsippa, 149 
Borsippa, Canal of, 392 
Bubastis, Festival hall at, 245 
Bubastis, Temple of, 243 
Byblos, 133, 230 



Calah, 169, 297, 340, 397, 403 
Calah, Palace of, 06, 67, 73, 75 
Cappadocia, 366, 383 
Carchemish, 50, 59, 94-98, 181, 228 
C'archemish, an Assyrian prefecture, 365 
Chaldæa, 401. See also Karduniash 
Chalybes, 180 
Cilicia, 94, 135, 138, 306, 383, 396 
Cilician empire, 50 
Cimmerians, The, 381 
Cæle-Syria, 167 
Cossæans, The, 4, 301, 347 
Cyprus submits to Sargon, 395 


Dagara, 32, 33 
Damascus, 62, 103, 105, 111, 119, 124, 
126, 142, 166, 181, 1
2, 185, 286, 
305, 334, 354 
Fall of kingdom of, 287 
List of kings of, 280 
Map of kingdom of, 283 
Damdamusa, 27,28, 65, 75 
Damunu, 177 
Dayaîni, 161 
Dayân-assur, 138-140 
Delta, The, 253-255 
Demavend (Bikni), 217 
Demavend, Peaks of, 218 
Dhibon (Dibon), 120, 122, 186 
Dhuspas, 159. See also Van 
Dirræans, The, 40 
Duril u, 353 
Dur-Ladînu, 390, 391 
Dur-papsukal, 148 
Dur-Sharrukîn, 397, 402-408 
Palace at, 403, 404 . 
Plan of, 402 
Dur- Y akîn, 342, 344, 394, 395 


Eâmukîn-shumu, 5, 6 
Edom (see also Idumea), 154, 23], 2m, 
Edomites, The, 184 
Egypt, Brook of (Wady-el-Arish), 182, 
First encounter of, with Assyria, 3:)7 
Isaiah's prophecy against, 385 
Map of middle Egypt, 262 
Egyptian altar, 203 
Egyptian ivory from Nineveh, 171, 337 
Elam, 343, 347, 351, 367, 303, 401 
Elamites, 302 
. Elealeh, 186 

Elephants as tribute, 137 
Elijah, 125 
Elisha, 125, 183, 206 
Ellipi, 367, 382, 411 
Eponym Canon, 7 
Ethiopia, 254, 
Ethiopian empire in Egypt, 275 
Ethiopian kings, The, 255 
Ethiopian types, 2150 
Ethiopians, The, 253 
Etius (Etiaus), 165, li9, 380 
Eulbar-shakinshurui, 4, Õ 
Euphrates, The, 43, 342 
Ezion-geber, 121, 188 


Fariua (or Paripa), 98 


Gambulä (or Gambulu), The, 177, 351, 
388, 38!J 
Gananatê, 107, 168 
Garparuda, 104 
Gath, 154 
Gaza, 386, 355, 357 
Gebel-Barkal, 256 
Gilead, 151, 30.:> 
Gilzân, 20, 38, 92, 142, 156 
Gilzân, Tribute from, 100-103 
Gizilbunda, 146, 150 
Gordyæan mountains, 79, 91, 140, 156 
Gozân, 150 
Gurgum, 51, 93, 104, 181, 223, 228, 384 


Habardip, 347, 348 
Hadad. The god, 57 
Hadadezer (or Adadidri). See Benhadad 
Hadrach (Katarika), 151, 16ü, 180, 230 
Halebiyeh, Gorge of, 4:3. 45 
Hamath, 61, 103. 105, II7, 126, 181, 185, 
354. 370, 372 
Hamath, Captive from, 151 
Hannon of Gaza, 35.:>, 357 
Harilu, The, 177 
Harrân, 143, 144 
Harsüsit, 258 
Hauran, The, 1
Hazael, 125, 151, 182, 335 
Hebrew literature, ] g.') 
Hebrew merchants, 188 
Hebrews, 187, 3:35 
Dress of, 100 
Industry and commerce of, 187 
Political organization of, 192 


Trade of, 187 
Heliopolis, 245 
Heracleopolis, 246, 264 
Hermon, Mount, 288 
Hermopolis, 246 
Hermopolis, Temple of, 263 
Heðh bon, 186 
Hittite, 30 
Hittite empire, 165 
Hittite states, 62, 162 
Hittites, The, 82, 333. See also Khâti 
and Patinâ 
Hittites, Submission of, 39 
Horses as tribute, 314, 315 
Hosea (the prophet), 211, z31 
Hoshea, King of Israel, 289, 327 

lanzu, The, 1 UJ 
Iasbuki, 94 
laubidi of Hamath, 354, 357 
laubidi flayed alive, 356 
laudi, 166 
Idumea, 103. See aloJo Edom 
Ilaniu, 36, 37 
Imgur-Bel (Balawât), 74 
Iranzu, 302 
Irba-rammân, 4 
Irkanata (Arqanatu), 103 
Isaiah, the prophet, 279, 328, 359, 385 
Isaiah's prophecy against Egypt, 3b6 
Ishpuinis (Cshpina), 156-160, 235 
Israel, 103, 116, 153 
Fall of, 333 
Kingdom of, ] 51 
Tribute to Shalmaneser, 132 
Israelite captives, 152 
Israelites, The, 326 
Bas-relief of, 189 
Itua, 178 
Izalla, 27, 47, 65 
Izirtu. See Zirtu 


Jehoahaz (of Israel), 153, 182 
Jehoa)5h (of Israel), 182, 18:
Jehoram (of Judah), 114, 123 
Jehoshaphat, 114, 115, 121, 12:3, 188 
Jehu, 127-129, 142, 151, 158, 207 
Jehu, Tribute of, 131 
Jeroboam II., 185, 231, 278 
Jerusalem, 128, 281, 327 
Besieged by Rezin, 2-11 
Jewish concepts of God, 198, 199 
Jewish histories, 197 
Jewish priesthood, 201 
Jewish prophets, 205 
Jezebel, 128 

J ezreel, 129 
Joash (of Judah), 152, 153, 182 
Joram (of Israel), 116, 120, 12:3, 127 
Jotham (of Judah), 231, 239, 279 
Judah, Kingdom of, 113, 114, 152, 153, 
Judah, Kings of 
Subjects of, 190, 191 
Their mercenaries, 192 


Kakzi, 33 
Kalakh. See Calah 
Kaldâ, The (or Aramæans), 4, 106, 148, 
150, 177, 215, 289, 296, 304, 345, 
351, 387, 393 
Kaldâ refugees, 343 
Kaldu, A, 294 
Kammanu (Comana), 383 
Karduniash (or Babylonia), 149, 214, 
304, 347, 395 
Karomama, Statuette of Queen, 175 
Kashshu-nadînakhê, 5 
Kashta, 322-325 
Kelishin, Stele of, 156, 157 
Khabur, The, 22 
Khaldi, The, of "Crartu, 82 
Khaldis (the L"rartian god), 86, 87, 160 
Khalludush, 346 
Khalybes, The, 83 
Khalzidipkha, 27 
Khamanu, 42 
Kharkhar, 371 
Kharu (see also Israel, Judah, Ammon, 
and Moab), 243 
Khatárika, 151. See also Hadrach 
Khâti, The, 48, 49. 82, 111, 119, 157, 
180, 181, 362-365. See also Hittites 
Khâti, Chariot of, 54 
Khâti, Twelve kings of, 103, 126 
Khindânu, 26, 43, 45 
Khindaru, 177 
Khirki, 20 
Khmunu, 246 
Submission of, 269 
Khninsu (Heracleopolis - Ahnas), 246 
Khninsu, 246, 254, 258 
Khninsu, Temple at, 249 
Khubushkia, 20, 38, 92, 101, 140, 150, 
156, 162, 179, 371, 377 
Khudun, 34, 35 
Khumbân-igash, 35] 
Khumban-numena, 345 
Kinalua, 139, 167, 228 
Kir-hareseth, or Ker-l\loab (Kerak), 122 
Kirkhi, 20, 30 
Kir of Moab (same as Kir-hareseth), 186 
Kirruri, 19, 20 
Kishîsim, City of, 369 


Kissirtu, 34, 35 
Kition, or Citium (Amathus), 396 
Kuî, The, 93, 94, 106, 132, 137, 181, 371, 
393, 395 
Kummukh, 23, 39, 51, 98, 181, 222, 384. 
Kunulua, 58 
Kurkh, Monolith of, 143 
Kurkhi, 40 
Kush, 386. See also Ethiopia 
Kuta, 149 
Kutur-nakhunta, 346 


Labdudu, 177 
Lachish (Tell-el-Hesyf, 185 
Lalati (or Lulati), 93 
Laqi, 26, 42, 45 
Libnah, 124 
Limmi, The, 297 
Litau, 177 
Liyan, 345 
Lubarna, 52, 57-61 
Lubarna II., 139 
Lullumê, 32 


Malamîr, Bas-relief of, 349 
l\lalamir, Princes of, 349 
Manda, The, 382 
Mannai, The (tl1e l\linni), 81, 90, 140, 
150, 153, 157, lü4, 363, 366, 3G8, 371 
Mansuati (or l\Iausuate), 151, 187 
Marduk, 107 
l\Iarduk-abal-uzur, 142 
Marduk-balatsu-ikbi (l\:ing of Babylou)
147, 148 
l\Iarduk-belusâtê, 107, 108 
Marduk-murlammiq of Kamri, 119 
l\1arduk-uadin-shumu, 107-109 
Mari (see also Beuhadad III.), 104, 181 
Mariru, 28 
Mashauasha, The plaxyes), 246 
Matiatê, 39 
Medes, The, 168, 363 
Defeat of, by Sargon, 371 
Media, 150, 216, 234, 208, 401 
Map of, 216 
:\ledian town, 381 
Mediterranean reached by Assur-nazir- 
pal, 62 
Megiddo, 128 
l\1elitene, 104, 157, 223 
Memphis, 246, 3;)8 
Captured by Pionkhi. 271 
Menahem, 193. 232, 238, 278 
Homage of, 233 

)Ienuas, 156, 1i5, 235 
Conquests of, 157 
::\Ierodach- baladan, or :\-Iard uk-abalidinna 
(King of Babylon), 332, 343, 387, 
)Iesha (King of )Ioab), 120, 122 
)Iesha, Stele of, 122, 194 
)Iesopotamia, :\Iap of, 44 
)lê-Turnat (or )leturnât), 107, 147 
)Iilidd n, 883, 384 
)Iisi (or )Iisu), 146, 150 
:\Iisianda in the :North (see also 1\Iisi), 
:\Iitâ (of :\Iushki), 370, 3!).:>, 409 
:i\Iitâtti, 362-308, 377 
::\Ioab, 121, 189, 2üI, 327, 385 
1Ioab, delivered from hrael, 122 
:\Ioabite stone, 12:3, 193 
:\Iushezìb-marduk, The, submit to Sar- 
gon, 395 
:i\Iushku (or Mushki), The, 23, 82, 393, 
1Iutton II. (or 
Iattan), 280, 201 
:\Inzazir, 87, 140, 156, 3i9 
1Iuzri, 137, 142 
::\Iuzri, Tribute of, 137 


Naaman, 125 
Kabonazir (or 
abunazir), King of Baby- 
lon, 215, 202 
Naboshumishkun, 6 
:Kabu-baliddill, 5, 63, 107, 215 
Naíri, 7, 30, 31, 64, 99, 118 
(Assur-nazir-pal's First Campaign in), 
(Assur-nazir-pal's Second Campaign 
in), 27 
(Assur-nazir-pal's Third Campaign in), 

(Assur-nazir-pal's Fourth Campaign 
in), 31 
Ianzu of, 370 
1Iap of, 21 
Kamri, 119, 135, 140, 150, 163, 164, 169, 
l' amrôti, 247, 2,)0, 254, 263, 264, 275 
K apata, 255 
Huins of, 255 
Temple of Amon at, 257, 258 
N appigi, 99 
Nârmarratum, The, 342 
Naram-sin, Bas-relief of, 348 
Negub (tunnel of), 73 
Xineveh, 143, 301, 340, 397 
Ninip (patron of Calah), 68 
:Kinip-kudurusur, 6 
Nirbu, 28, 29, 65, 162 


ishpi, 34 
Sisibis, 144 
K omes, The seven, 253 
Xummi (or :Kimmi), 19 
Nurrammâll (sheikh of Dagara), 32, 33. 


Obelisk (Black). See Black 
Omri, 126, 194 
Omri, Fall of the house of, 129 
Orontes, 52 
Osorkon I., 244, 24.:> 
Osorkon I., Statuette of, 242 
Osorkon II., 244, 247, 250 
Osorkon III., 2.)
, 275 
Oxyrrhynchos, Ruins of, 203 


Palestine, 401 
Paripa (or Farina), 98 
Parsua (Parsuash), 135, 140, 150, 163,. 
Patinâ, The, 52, 93, 94, 98, 104, 117,. 
139, 142, 166 
Captivity of, 151 
Gods of, 56 
Submission of, 59 
Tribute from, 105 
Pefzââbastît, 251, 268, 275 
Pekah, 239, 240, 278, 285 
Persian Gulf, 342 
Petubastis, King, 252, 253 
Philistines, The, 153, 276, 285, 291, 326,. 
333, 385 
Phænicia, 103, 150 
Cities of, 52, 01, 230, 285 
:Korth ern, 355 
Phænician alphabet, 195 
Phæniciall bowl with Egyptian decora- 
tion, 17:3 
Phænician intaglio, belonging to 1\1. de 
Rougé, 338 
Phrygians, 180 
Piðnkhi, 261, 322 
Piðnkhi captures :i\Iemphis, 271 
Piðnkhi invades Middle Egypt, 263 
Pitru (Pethor), 99 
Psamuti, 322, 355 
Pukudu (or Puqudu), The (Pekod), 177, 
298, 351, 389 
Pu1 (or Pulu). See also Tiglath-pileser 
III., 169 


Qarqar, 105. Ill, 3;")6 
Qarqar, Battle of, lUO, 153 


Rammân-nirâri II., 4 
Hanllllân-nirâri 111., 4, 140, 154, 178 
Ramoth (Gilead), 115, 18
Haphia, 3i 5 
Raphia, Battle of. 357 
Razappa. See Hezeph 
Rezeph (Razappa), :;Wi 
Rezin II. (or Hezon), 232, 230, 240, 288 
Fall of, 291 
Homage of, 283 
Rowandiz, Stele of (see also Kelishin, 
Stele of), 136 
Rubuu, The, 17
Rasas I.. 361, 302, 366, 307, 3iO 
Ruuâ, The, li8 


Sabaco (Shabaka), 32;), 375. 384 
SamaHa, 52, 93-98, 104, W6, 181, 225, 
SamaHa. Gods of, 57 
Samaria, 114, 124, 2:31, 327, :35;) 
Egyptian factioll m, 27b 
Fall of, 332 
Hevolt of, under Hosea, :3
Samsi-rammân IV., 145, 148, 149, 156, 
Samsi-rammân, :Monolith of, 148 
Sargon of Assyria, 334, 339 
Bas-relief of, 334 
])eath of, 413 
Defeats the 1\Iedes, 371 
Glass vessel bearing name of, 336 
Stele of, at Kition, :
Sargon's conquest of Babylon, 391 
Sargonids, The, :UO 
Scythians, The, 382 
Sennacherib (Sin-akhê-irba), 412 
Sepharvaim (or Sibraim), :
Shabaka. See Sabaco 
Shabaku. See Sabaco 
Shabaraîn. See Sepharvaim 
Shadikanni, 24 
Shalmaneser III. (known also as Shal- 
maneser II,), 77, 8U, 101, 29" 335 
Building works of, 141 
Campaigns of, n, 137 
In Syria, 116 
In "Lrartu, 90 
In Van, m 
'Val' against Babylon, 107 
Shahnaneser IV., 1ß2, lEt') 
Campaigns in l:'"rartu, Ifj:) 
Shalmaneser V. (Glulai), WO, 321, 331, 


Shapalulumê, 94, 98 
Sbarduris I., Ring of "Grartu, 91 
Sharduris II. (or Seduri), 138, 155, 213. 
221, 22:3, 234 
Sbarduris III., 178, 179 
Sheshonq II., 232 
Shianu (Sin) or Sianu, 103, 106 
Shilanimshukamuna, 6 
Shilkhak-inshushinak, Brick of, 346 
Sbugunia, Prisoners from, H4 
Shupria, 20 
Shutruk-nakbunta I., 347, 348 
Shutruk-nakhunta II., :389 
Siam un, Sphinx of, :!48 
Sidon (see also Tyre), 133 
Siloam, Hebrew inscription of, 241 
Simashsbikhu (or Simbarshiku). 4, <> 
Simbarshikhu. See SimashshikllU 
Sippara, 392 
Sukhi, 42, 45, 64, 142 
Sukhi, Country of, 142 
Sumerians, 302 
Suru, 25 
Susa, 345 
Susa, Kings of, 346 
Syria, 8, 50, 151, 321, 401 
l\Iap of, 50 
:K orthern, 03, ] 80, 228, 2!18, 306 
Rm'olt of, 335 
Tiglath-pileser III.'s campaigns 111, 288 
Syrian armies, 55 
Syrian arts, 55 
Syrian religions, 55 
Syrian states aud civilisation, 51 


Tabal, The, 82, 134, 180, 304, 882. 4u1. 
Tafnakhti, 262, 2i3, 322 
Tafnakhti's offerings, 2,6 
Take]ôti II., 230, 2.j} 
.. Tarshish, Ship of," 121 
Tartan, The, 13
 ; of :2 Kings xviii. 1 i, 
202 ; of Isaiah xx. 1. 385 
Teisbas (l:'"rartian god). t'!I 
Tela or Tîla (in :Kirbu), 20, 28 
Tentramu. 254 
Thebes, 209, 255, 358 
Thebes, Principality of. 247 
Tiglath-pileser II., 4 
Tiglath-pileser III. (or Pul), 1(30, 175, 
] n
, 2%, 310 
Campaigns in Karduniash and 
Campaigns against "Lkiuzîr, 
In his chariot, 2;]
In Syria, 2F:tì 
Takes Babylon, 205 

Tila. See Tela 
Tilluli, (;.') 
Toprab-Kaleh, 84, 85 
Tukulti-ninip, 27 
Tukulti-ninip II., 7 
Tul-Abni, 106 
Tul-Barsip (capital of Bît-Adini), 46, 98, 
9H, 104, 112 
Tnlgarimmê, 38:3, 3
Tnrat, Quarries of, 134 
Tuoshkbân, 2D, 42, 6;), 143, 144 
Tyre, 130, 13;


Ukînzîr, 292, 204 
Ukînzîr, Tiglatb-pileser III., Campaigns 
against. 2U:3 
Ullusunu, 367, 370, 377 
Unki, 58, 16ü, 181, 228, 238, 305 
Grartian empire, Close of, :3ïû 
Grartian stele, 164 
Ul'artu, or Kingdom of Van (Armenia), 
78, 81, 90, 99, 119, 138, 140, 142, 
1G8, 228, 234, :362, 401 
Assyrian conquest of, 237 
As:syrian invasion of, 219 
Civilisation of, 83 
Expansion of, 181 
Growth of, 1.')5 
In Syria, 218 
:\Iap of, 82 
Shalmaneser III. in, Sf! 
Shalmaneser IV., campaigns in, 163 


Town in, 378 
View of, 2
Lrumiab, Lake (Lower Rea of Naîri), 80, 
81, 102, 140, 1;)6, 162, 163 
Urzana, 3ïH 
[;' sauata, JOO 
Lshanat (Lznu), 104 
Lzziab (see also Azariah), 279 


Van, Lake (Lpper Sea of Xaîri), 80, 81, 
Van, Lake, Gods of, f)!) 
Van (or Dhuspas), 84, WO, 101 
Citadel of, WI 
View of, 235 


Zab, the lesser (Zab ::-;hupalu), 34, 178 
Zab, the gl'er..ter (Zabu Ilu), 1:5, 17, 73 
Zamru. See Amika 
Zamua, 32, 34, 3;) 
Zam ua, Map of, 33 
Zikartu, 368, 364, 368, 377 
Zinjîrli (or Sinjîrli), 52 
Column at. 318 
Gates of, 221i 
Plan of, 2
Portico at, 316 
Royal ('astle of, 227 
Zirtu (Izirtu), 140 





























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