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Full text of "Eikon basilike, or, The King's book"

This book belongs to 

THE LIBRARY 

of 
VICTORIA UNIVERSITY 

Toronto 5, Canada 



THE KING'S CLASSICS UNDER 
THE GENERAL EDITORSHIP OF 
PROFESSOR GOLLANCZ 



EIKON BASILIKE 



EIKON BASILIKE, OR 
THE KING'S BOOK 
EDITED BY EDWARD 
ALMACK F.S.A 



ALEXANDER MORING LIMITED 
THE DE LA MORE PRESS 298 
REGENT STREET LONDON W 1904 



3 



SO FALLS THAT STATELY CEDAR ; WHILE IT STOOD 

THAT WAS THE ONELY GLORY OF THE WOOD ; 

GREAT CHARLS, THOU EARTHLY GOD, CELESTIAL MAN, 

WHOSE LIFE, LIKE OTHERS THOUGH IT WERE A SPAN : 

YET IN THAT SPAN, WAS COMPREHENDED MORE 

THAN EARTH HATH WATERS, OR THE OCEAN SHORE; 

THY HEAVENLV VIRTUES, ANGELS SHOULD REHEARSE, 

IT IS A THEAM TOO HIGH FOR HUMANE VERSE : 

HE THAT WOULD KNOW THEE RIGHT, THEN LET HIM LOOK 

UPON THY RARE-INCOMPARABLE BOOK, 

AND READ IT O*RE AND O*RE ; WHICH IF HE DO, 

HEE'L FIND THEE KING, AND PRIEST, AND PROPHET Too ; 
AND SADLY SEE OUR LOSSE, AND THOUGH IN VAIN, 
WITH FRUITLESSE WISHES, CALL THEE BACK AGAIN. 
NOR SHALL OBLIVION SIT UPON THY HERSE, 
THOUGH THERE WERE NEITHER MONUMENT NOR VERSE 
THY SUFF'RINGS AND THY DEATH LET NO MAN NAME ; 

IT WAS THY GLORV, BUT THE KINGDOMS SHAME. 

I. H 



PREFACE 
General Consideration of Authorship. 

The authorship of the Eikon Basilike, from the very 
first appearance of the book, has been the subject of 
endless controversy. 

In my Bibliography of the King's Book Blades, East 
and Blades, London, 1896 I attempted a survey of 
the evidence brought forward in support of the rival 
claims, and expressed my own conclusions on the 
matter. 

(i) King Charles the First, the second son of 
James the First and Anne of Denmark, was born at 
Dunfermline on November I9th, 1600. He became 
heir to the throne, on the death of his brother 
Prince Henry, in 1612. In early years Charles suffered 
from great weakness, but gradually gained health and 
strength. Following the literary tastes of his father 
and his brother, he studied extensively, and became 
very familiar with the theological controversies of the 
ix 



times. On February i/th, 1623, Charles and Buck- 
ingham started for Madrid, to make the acquaintance 
of the Infanta Maria, daughter of Philip III. ; and, 
curiously enough, in passing through Paris, saw the 
Queen of France with her daughter Henrietta Maria, 
whom he really was destined to marry. On March 
2yth, 1625, James died, Charles succeeded to the 
throne, and in the same year Henrietta Maria became 
his Queen. 

Disputes between Charles and his Parliaments cul- 
minated in the outbreak of Civil War in the month 
of August 1642. 

On May 5th, 1646, Charles surrendered himself 
into the hands of the Scotch Army at Newark. Soon 
afterwards the English Army appointed Holmby 
House for his residence. There he was well treated, 
and consulted his favourite authors. Passing over the 
incidents of his capture, and the Hampton Court 
period, we next find him at Carisbrooke under Colonel 
Hammond. The latter, as governor, had exceptional 
facilities for studying the habits of his royal prisoner, 
and it is remarkable that it is from him that we get 
the following important testimony : " Part of that 
book, if not the whole, was writ when he was my 
prisoner in Carisbrook Castle, where I am sure he 



had nothing but a Bible, pen, ink and paper; and 
going to call him out of his closet to dinner, which I 
always did, I found him still a-writing, and staying 
behind to see what he writ, the paper being still wet 
with ink, I read at several times most of that book." 

(ii) John Gauden, who when the book had been 
printed many years made a claim that he had written 
it, was son of the Vicar of Mayland in Essex, and was 
born in 1605. Educated first at Bury St. Edmunds 
School, he went from there to St. John's College, 
Cambridge, and took his B.A. and M.A. degrees in 
due course. In 1630 he was tutor at Oxford to two 
sons of Sir William Russell, Baronet, and in the same 
year he became a commoner of Wadham. In 1635 
he took his B.D. degree, and proceeded D.D. in 1641. 
On November agth, 1640, he preached before the 
House of Commons. In the next year he was nomin- 
ated by the parliament to the Deanery of Becking. 
In November 1660, by a method of sycophancy, and 
by pleading that Eikon Basilike, both book and figure, 
was wholly and only his own invention, making and 
design, in order to vindicate the King's wisdom, 
honour, .and piety he obtained the Bishopric of 
Exeter. 

In 1662, Gauden, hungering for yet further pre- 
xi 



ferment, succeeded in obtaining his own election to 
the bishopric of Worcester. He died on September 
20th, 1662. 

Internal Evidence as to Authorship. But 
as a matter of fact the internal evidence supplied by 
the Eikon itself affords the strongest possible refutation 
of the claims of Dr. Gauden to its authorship. 

Dr. Gauden published a book called ^Tparocm?- 
XLTCVTIKOI, " a Just Invective against those of the Army 
and their Abettors, who murdered King Charles I." 
This book, he tells us, he wrote upon February loth, 
immediately after the murder of the King ; that is, 
probably not more than a month or two after he must 
have composed the closing chapters of the Eikon. (In 
Dugard's affidavit, see pages 6 and 7 of the Bibli- 
ography, we have the date of Gauden' s work con- 
firmed.) 

Let us take a passage or two from his address to the 
Army, and compare it with what we have learned of 
the temper of the King that temper so emphatically 
expressed by the word " Remember." * 

1 The King's dying reminder to Bishop Juxon, that none, 
but his actual murderers, should ever be punished. 



xii 



Extracts from Gauden's 
* Just Invective. 9 



Extracts from ' Eikon 



11 Go on, you Appollyons, 
you Abaddons, in the spirit of 
Antichrist to fill up the 
measure of your abomina- 
tions, till you are drunk 
with blood, and stumble and 
fall together. O you locusts, 
the blackest smoke and noi- 
somest vapour that ever the 
breath of the bottomless Pit 
exhaled, or sent forth into 
the Christian world. . . . 

" We assure you that you 
are now looked upon by all 
sober and honest minds, as 
the heaviest and filthiest 
Incubuses that ever oppressed 
Church or State ; as the 
Legions of unclean Spirits, 
which by diabolical arts and 
magic of hypocrisy, have 
got possession of this Church 
and Kingdom, till Christ by 
his power cast you out, and 
suffer you like the De- 
moniack Swine, through 
the just judgment of God, 
to be hurried headlong by 
your own terrors, and de- 
spairs, into the Lake that 
burns with fire and brimstone. 

"You are like accursed 
CJiams, not mockers only, 
but murtherers, of the Father 
of your country ; impudent 



" If Thou wilt bring me 
again with peace, safety and 
honor, to my chiefest City, 
and my Parliament ; 

" If thou wilt again put 
the sword of Justice into my 
hand to punish and to 
protect : 

"Then will I make all the 
world to see, and my very 
enemies to enjoy, the benefit 
of this Voiv and Resolution 
of Christian Charity, which 
I noiv make unto Thee, O 
Lord. As I do freely pardon, 
for Christ's sake, those that 
have offended me in any 
kind ; so my hand shall never 
be against any man, to re- 
venge what is past, in regard 
of any particular injury done 
to me. 

" We have been mutually 
punished in our unnatural 
divisions. For Thy sake, 

Lord, and for the love of 
my Redeemer, have I pur- 
posed this in my heart, that 

1 will use all means in the 
way of amnesty and in- 
demnity, which may most 
fully remove all fears, and 
bury all jealousies in for- 
getfulness. 

" Let Thy Mercies be to- 



ravishers both of Church 
and State, to satisfy your 
most abominable lusts of 
tyranny, covetousness, and 
all licentious prophaneness. 

"Monsters of men, putid 
Apostates, execrable Saints, 
shameless Sinners, traitorous 
Tyrants, what have you to 
plead for, or palliate with 
your late horrid outrages, 
and unparalleled villainies? 

"Nor do we doubt but 
all the curses in the book 
of God, (which like that 
of Meroz, have been cause- 
lessly, factiously, and falsely, 
by some of your double- 
faced Januses ") he here 
refers to his friend and 
neighbour, Stephen Mar- 
shall "formerly imprecated 
upon the King, and his 
loyalest subjects, will cer- 
tainly overtake and fall upon 
both you and your viperous 
Generation. . . . 

" We tell you, we are so 
far from counting you Saints 
and Saviours, that we look 
upon you as the Tophet 
which God hath indeed pre- 
pared for the King, and these 
kingdoms, to try and correct 
them awhile. But, we doubt 
not, God will at last cast you, 
who are our Sin, our Death, 
and our Hell, into the Lake 



wards Me and Mine, as my 
resolutions of truth and peace 
are toward my people. 

"Hear my prayer, O Lord, 
which goeth not out of 
feigned lips." (Chap, xxv.) 

From the Chapter " To the 
Prince of Wales " . 

" But as soon as the forked 
arrow of factious emulations 
is drawn out, use all princely 
arts and clemency, to heal 
the wounds ; that the smart 
of the cure may not equal 
the anguish of the hurt. 

"I have offered Acts of 
Indemnity and Oblivion to 
so great a latitude, as may 
include all that can . but 
suspect themselves to be 
any way obnoxious to the 
Laws : and which might 
serve to exclude all future 
jealousies and insecurities. 

"I would have you always 
prepense to the same way. 
Whenever it shall be desired 
and expected, let it be 
granted ; not only as an 
act of State-Policy, but of 
Christian charity and choice. 

" It is all I have now left, a 
power to forgive those that 
have deprived me of all. 
And I thank God that I have 
a heart to do it: and joy as 
much in this grace which 
God hath given me, as in 



that burns with fire and 
brimstone for ever." 

Lastly : 

" How can Zimris, who 
have so traitorously slain 
such a King, their Lord 
and Master, ever hope to 
have peace, or impunity in 
this, or the other world? . . . 
Nor will, we hope, our 
Solomon" [Charles II.] " by 
God's blessing, and his 
subjects' assistance, suffer 
the hairy scalps of those who 
were the chief Counsellors 
and Actors, in destroying his 
dear Father, and our dread 
Sovereign, to go down to 
the grave in peace, or to die 
a dry death, who have shed 
the blood of war, in a time 
when all differences were by 
a treaty drawn to a peace 
and union." 



all my former enjoyments. 
For this is a greater argu- 
ment of God's love to me 
than any prosperity can be." 

from the end of the book : 

"O Lord, Thou knowest 
I have found their mercies to 
me, as very false, so very 
cruel ; who, pretending to 
preserve me, have meditated 
nothing but my ruin. 

" O deal not with them as 
bloodthirsty and deceitful 
men : but overcome their 
cruelty with Thy compassion 
and my charity. 

"And when thou makest 
inquisition for my blood, O 
sprinkle their polluted, yet 
penitent souls, with the blood 
cf Thy Son, that Thy destroy- 
ing Angel may pass over 
them. 

" Though they think my 
kingdoms on earth too little 
to entertain at once both 
them and me ; yet let the 
capacious kingdom of Thy 
infinite Mercy at last receive 
both Me and my Enemies. 

"When being reconciled 
to Thee in the blood of the 
same Redeemer, we shall 
live far above these ambitious 
desires, which beget such 
mortal enmities." 



There is of course much more that could be said 
upon the same question of internal evidence, but as 
to do so would take me beyond the limits of this 
introduction, I must refer the reader to pages II and 
seq. of the Bibliography, where the subject has been 
treated at greater length than is here possible. 

Here it will be sufficient to remark that whereas 
Mr. Doble, following other writers on the subject, 
considered the Eikon too ecclesiastical in style for a 
king, Dr. Gardiner, on the contrary, in his Life of 
Charles the First, (Die. Nat. Biog.) affirmed that the 
King was very much at home in using the weapons of 
religious controversy. This was always stated by the 
King's contemporaries, but it is worth while to note 
Dr. Gardiner's confirmation. This argument of 
Mr. Doble's, as is the case with several other arguments 
advanced by him, 1 has really proved an additional 
justification of the title of King Charles I. to the 
authorship of Eikon Basilike. 2 

1 See page 1 1 of the Bibliography. 

2 In speaking to me in about 1898, Dr. Gardiner said that 
he had read and studied the Eikon Basilike, and was struck 
by constantly coming upon sentences expressing just what 
Charles the First would naturally have expressed, and ex- 
pressed too just in his way, whether rightly or not. 



External witnesses in favour of the King's 
Authorship. 

1645. ^ r Rhodes, Incumbent of Haughton and Thorpe, 
near Newark (quoted by his widow and son). See 
Dr. Hollingworth's Defence of K. Charles the First's 
Holy and Divine Book, called Eikon Basilike ; against 
the Rude and Undutiful Assaults of the late Dr. Walker, 
of Essex, proving By Living and Unquestionable Evi- 
dences, the aforesaid Book to be that Royal Martyr's, 
and not Dr. Gauden's. London, 1691. See page 89. 
Thomas Wagstaffe : A Vindication of King Charles the 
Martyr, Proving that His Majesty was the Author of Eikon 
Basilike. Against a Memorandum, Said to be Written by 
The Earl of Anglesey : and Against the Exceptions of Dr. 
Walker, and Others. The Second Edition, with Additions. 
Imprimatur. Junii 8. 1693. Charles Heron. London : Printed 
for H. Hindmarsh, at the Golden-Ball over against the Royal 
Exchange. 1697. See page 84. 

Captain Wade, of the Parliamentary Army. See, as 
above, Hollingworth, page 22, and Wagstaffe, page 98. 

Mr. Reading, in attendance on the King. See Wagstaffe 
again. Page 104. 

Bishop Juxon and Sir John Brattle. See Hollingworth 
again. Page 9. 

Colonel Hammond, ot Carisbrooke Castle. See again 
Wagstaffe. Page 100. 

In the Library of Lambeth Palace, Archbishop Tenison's 
copy of Eikon Basilike, with a note in his hand, according to 
the statement to him of Dr. Mew, Bishop of Winchester. 

1648. Clarendon's Full Answer to the Parliament's Declara- 
tion of No More Addresses. Page 150. 

1649. Milton's Eikonoklastes, passim. 

The Princely Pelican : royall resolves Presented in sundry 
choice observations Extracted from his Majesty's Divine 
Meditations. With Satisfactory Reasons to the whole 
Kingdom, that his Sacred Person was the only Author 



of them. Epictet. in Enchirid. Subditis regere, Regibus 
subjici! Quid iniquius ? Printed Anno Dom. 1649. 
See page 74. Author unknown. Also Chapter VIII., 
page 287. 
W. Dugard, the printer's statement preserved in the 

Record Office, and given in full here. See page 7. 
EIKHN H HI2TH or, The Faithfull pourtraicture of a Loyall 
Subject, in Vindication of Eikon Basilike. Otherwise In- 
tituled, the Pourtraicture of His Sacred Majestic, in his 
solitudes and sufferings. In Answer to an insolent 
Book, Intituled EIKHN AAH0INH : whereby occasion 
is taken, to handle all the controverted points relating 
to these times . . . 
Printed in the year 1649. 
See pages 4 and 8. The author of the above is not 

known. It is attributed by Dr. Wordsworth to Endymion 

Porter. 

1656. A non-conforming Minister, quoting Major Hunt- 

ington. See again Hollingworth. Page 21. 
Dr. Robert Hall (quoting Major Huntington), and 
Richard Duke, Esq., J.P. Both corroborated by Sir 
William Courtney (quoted by Dr. Walker), in Dr. 
Wordsworth's Who Wrote Eikon Basilike? Page 89. 

1658. Wm. Sanderson, Life and Reign of King Charles I. 
Page 524. 

1663. Heath's Chronicle. Describing Cornet Joyce's seizure 
of the King at Holdenby. 

1690. October 26th. Statement by Wm. Levet, the King's 
page. See Hollingworth Page 8 ; also Wagstaffe. 
Page 38. 

1691. April 29th. Letter from Wm. Levet to Seymour 
Bourman, Esq. See Wagstaffe. Page 38. 

1692. July 1 9th. Statement of Wm. Read, Archdeacon of 
Sarum. See Dr. Walker's True, Modest, and Faithful 
Account of the Author of Eikon Basilike, Strictly Exam- 
ined, and Demonstrated to be False, Impudent, and 
Deceitful. In Two Parts. The first disproving it to be 

xviii 



Dr. Gauden's. The second proving it to be King 
Charles the First's. By Thomas Long, B.D. . . . 
London : Printed, and are to be sold by R. Talor, near 
Stationers-Hall. 1693. Page 37. 
1693. Rev. Wm. Carl Beck, at page 36 of the last-named 

work. Also quoted at page 27 of Hollingworth. 
1699. May 22nd. Statement of John Holme, apothecary, 
reporting Levet. See Wagstaffe. Page 87. 

May 1 2th. Statement of Sir P. Whichcott. See 
Wagstaffe. Page no. 

Statement of J. Clifford to Dr. Hollingworth. See 
Hollingworth. Page 13. 

Statement of Robert Hearne, Sir P. Warwick's aman- 
uensis. See Hollingworth's Character of King Charles 
I. Page 9. 

Evidence in favour of Gauden's Authorship. 

The following Documents are in State Papers collected 
by Edward Earl of Clarendon. Volume III. Appendix. 
1660. January 2ist (/ e. 1660-1). Letter from Gauden 
(Bishop of) to Clarendon, claiming to have written 
every word of the book. 

Mrs. Gauden's Narrative, stating that Gauden wrote 
all except two chapters. 

Letter from the Bishop of Exeter to the Lord 
Chancellor. 

January 25th. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter to 
the Lord Chancellor. 

February 2oth. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter to 
the Lord Chancellor. 

March 6th. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter to 
the Lord Chancellor. 

St Thomas's Day. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter 
to the Lord Chancellor. 

Morrow after Christmas Day. Letter from the 
Bishop of Exeter to the Lord Chancellor. 



December 28th. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter 
to the Lord Chancellor. 
1 66 1-2. March 2oth. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter to 

the Earl of Bristol. 

1662. March 26th. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter to 
the Earl of Bristol. 

March zyth. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter to 
the Earl of Bristol. 

April ist. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter to the 
Earl of Bristol. 

May i st. Letter from the Bishop of Exeter to the 
Earl of Bristol. 

July 9th. Two letters on this day from the same to 
the same ; but now the signature is John " Worcester," 
not John Exeter. 

1692. Dr. Walker's True account of the Authour of a Book, 
entituled Eikon Basilike, or the Portraiture of his Sacred 
Majesty in his solitudes and sufferings, proved to be 
written by Dr. Gauden, late Bishop of Worcester. 1692. 

Preparation for the Press. The most striking 

figures associated with the publication of Eikon 
Basilike, are Symmonds, Royston, and Dugard. 

The Reverend Edward Symmonds, Rector of the 
parish of Rayne in Essex, was entrusted by the King 
with the manuscript when ready for the press. 

James Clifford, Reader at Sergeants Inn, and who 
had been turned out of Magdalen College, Oxford, 
for his loyalty after alluding to the King's entrusting 
his book to the Reverend Edward Symmonds to have 
it printed, records : 



"After the printing of which, a great part was seized 
in Mr. Symmons lodgings; and he, though in a 
shepherds habit, was so far discovered, as that he was 
pursued into Great Carter Lane, by the rebels ; 
where he took refuge, and the bloody villains fired 
two pistols at him, which frighted him upstairs, and 
out of the garret window he made his escape over 
the houses." 

Richard Royston (see Mr. Tedder's article in D.N.B.) 
was bookseller to Charles I., Charles II., and James II. 
On July 3 1st, 1645, he was charged by John Wright, 
parliamentary printer, as being the constant factor 
for all scandalous books and papers against the pro- 
ceedings of Parliament, and he was sent to the Fleet 
prison. At the Restoration, Charles the Second 
granted to Richard Royston the monopoly of printing 
the works of Charles the First " in testimony of 
his fidelity and loyalty and of the great losses and 
troubles he hath sustained in the printing and pub- 
lishing of many messages and papers of our said Blessed 
Father, especially those most excellent discourses and 
soliloquies by the name of Eikon Basilike." 

William Dugard, or Du Gard, the son of the Reverend 
Henry Dugard, was born in 1606. He became B.A. 
in 1626, and M.A. in 1630. He made teaching his 



profession. In 1637 ^ e was ma ^ e Master of Col- 
chester Grammar School, and increased the number 
of boys from nine to sixty-nine. In 1644 he was 
made Head Master of Merchant Taylors School. 

He died on December 3rd, 1662. 

The following extract is from the Record Office : 

Feb. i, 1650. Council of State. To write the 
Company of Merchant Tailors of London, to elect 
a schoolmaster, Mr. Dugard having shown himself 
an enemy to the State by printing seditious and scan- 
dalous pamphlets, and therefore unfit to have charge 
of the education of youths. 

John Armstrong, corrector to Mr. Dugard's printing 
press, to be apprehended, and brought before Council. 

To Joseph Hunscott, officer of the Stationers' 
Company. 

To seize the printing presses and stock of William 
Dugard, Schoolmaster of Merchant Taylors' school, 
for publishing certain scandalous and seditious books. 

Feb. 2. To Keeper of Newgate. To receive 
William Dugard into his custody for printing several 
scandalous books against the commonwealth. 

The First Edition. The King was executed on 
January 3Oth, 1649, and the first edition was issued 
within a few hours of this. Copies were eagerly 
xxii 



bought and carefully treasured. Forty-six editions of 
it were issued in English during the first twelve 
months of its sale, as well as three editions of it in 
Latin, four in French, two in Dutch, and one in 
German. Since then, it has been reprinted fifteen 
times. 

Present Edition. The present edition has been 
set up from an " advance copy " of the first edition, 
which was apparently hidden by " John Armstrong, 
corrector to Mr. Dugard's Press," who was afterwards 
ordered to be " apprehended and brought before 
Council." The text, including the list of errata, is 
identical with that of the first edition ; but the title- 
page bears the imprint : " London. Printed for 
R. Royston in Ivie-lane." This, however, would 
have guided the enemy, and hence was omitted when 
the book was issued, and the space occupied by two 
" rules." Later, when there was more time, an 
ornamental block was inserted in its place. 

Although five editions of the book have been 
issued since 1875, these have all been taken from 
modern versions. There has not appeared, in the 
last hundred years, any edition giving the old spelling 
of the book, as it was printed in England in 1648-9. 

E. A, 
xxiii 



EIK&N BASIAIKH 

I . Upon His Majesties calling this last Parliament. 

THIS last Parliament I called, not more by 
others advise, and necessity of My affaires, 
then by My owne choice and inclination ; who have 
alwaies thought the right way of Parliaments most 
safe for My Crowne, and best pleasing to My People : 
And although I was not forgetfull of those sparks, 
which some mens distempers formerly studied to 
kindle in Parliaments, (which by forbearing to con- 
vene for some yeares, I hoped to have extinguished) 
yet resolving with My self to give all just satisfaction 
to modest and sober desires, and to redresse all 
publique grievances in Church & State ; I hoped 
by My (freedome and their moderation) to prevent 
all misunderstandings, and miscarriages in this : In 
which as I feared affaires would meet with some 
passion and prejudice in other men, so I resolved 
they should find least of them in My selfe ; not 



doubting, but by the weight of Reason I should 
counterpoize the over-ballancings of any factions. 

I was, indeed, sorry to heare, with what partiality 
and popular heat Elections were carried in many 
places ; yet hoping that the gravity and discretion of 
other Gentlemen would allay and fix the Commons 
to a due temperament, (guiding some mens wel- 
meaning zeale by such rules of moderation as are best 
both to preserve and restore the health of all States 
and Kingdomes:) No man was better pleased with 
the convening of this Parliament, then My self; 
who knowing best the largenesse of my owne Heart 
toward My Peoples good and just contentment, 
pleased My self most in that good and firme under- 
standing, which would hence grow between Me and 
My people. 

All Jealousies being laid aside, My owne and My 
Childrens Interests gave me many obligations to seek 
and preserve the love and welfare of my Subjects. 
The onely temporall blessing that is left to the 
ambition of just Monarchs, as their greatest honour 
and safety, next Gods protection ; I cared not to 
lessen My selfe in some things of My wonted Pre- 
rogative ; since I knew I could be no loser, if I might 
gaine but a recompence in My Subjects affections. 

2 



I intended not onely to oblige My friends, but 
Mine enemies also : exceeding even the desires of 
those, that were factiously discontented, if they did 
but pretend to any modest and sober sense. 

The odium and offences which some mens rigour or 
remissnesse in Church, and State, had contracted upon 
My Government, I resolved to have expiated by such 
Lawes, and regulations for the future, as might not 
onely rectifie what was amisse in practise, but supply 
what was defective in the constitution : No man 
having a greater zeale to see Religion setled, and 
preserved in Truth, Unity, and Order, then My 
selfe ; whom it most concernes both in piety, and 
policy ; as knowing, that, No flames of civil dissen- 
tions are more dangerous then those which make 
Religious pretensions the grounds of Factions. 

I resolved to reforme, what I should by free and 
full advice in Parliament be convinced to be amisse ; 
and to grant whatever My Reason & Conscience told 
Me, was fit to be desired ; I wish I had kept My 
self within those bounds, and not suffered My owne 
Judgment to have been over-borne in some things, 
more by others Importunities, than their Arguments ; 
My confidence had lesse betrayed My selfe, and My 
Kingdomes, to those advantages, which some men 
3 



sought for, who wanted nothing but power, and 
occasion to do mischief. 

But our sinnes being ripe, there was no preventing 
of Gods Justice, from reaping that glory in our 
Calamities, which we robb'd him of in our Prosperity. 



For thou (O Lord) hast made us see, that Resolu- 
tions of future Reforming doe not alwaies satisfie thy 
Justice, nor prevent thy Vengeance for former mis- 
carriages. 

Our sinnes have overlaid our hopes ; Thou hast 
taught us to depend on thy mercies to forgive, not on 
our purpose to amend. 

When thou hast vindicated thy glory by thy Judg- 
ments, and hast shewed us, how unsafe it is to offend 
thee, upon presumptions afterwards to please thee ; 
Then I trust thy mercies will restore those blessings 
to us, which we have so much abused, as to force thee 
to deprive us of them. 

For want of timely repentance of our sinnes, Thou 
givest us cause to Repent of those Remedies we too 
late apply. 

Yet I doe not Repent of My calling this last 
Parliament ; because, O Lord, I did it with an 
4 



upright intention, to Thy glory, and My Peoples 
good. 

The miseries which have ensued upon Me and 
My Kingdomes, are the Just effects of thy displeasure 
upon us ; and may be yet (through thy mercy) pre- 
paratives to us of future blessings, and better hearts to 
enjoy them. 

O Lord, though thou hast deprived us of many 
former comforts ; yet grant Me and My people the 
benefit of our afflictions, and thy chastisements ; that 
thy rod as well as thy staffe may comfort us : Then 
shall we dare to account them the strokes not of an 
Enemy, but a Father : when thou givest us those 
humble affections, that measure of patience in repent- 
ance, which becomes thy Children ; I shall have no 
cause to repent the miseries this Parliament hath 
occasioned, when by them thou hast brought Me and 
My People, unfeignedly to repent of the sinnes we 
have committed. 

Thy Grace is infinitely better with our sufferings, 
then our Peace could be with Our sinnes. 

O thou soveraigne goodnesse and wisdome, who 
Over-rulest all our Counsels ; over-rule also all our 
hearts ; That the worse things we suffer by thy 
Justice, the better we may be by thy Mercy. 
5 



As our sinnes have turned our Antidotes into 
Poyson, so let thy Grace turne our Poysons into 
Antidotes. 

As the sins of our Peace disposed us to this 
unhappy Warre, so let this Warre prepare us for thy 
blessed Peace. 

That although I have but troublesome Kingdoms 
here, yet I may attaine to that Kingdome of Peace 
in My Heart, and in thy Heaven, which Christ hath 
Purchased, and thou wilt give to thy Servant (though 
a Sinner) for my Saviours sake, Amen. 

2. Upon the Earle <?/ Straffords death. 

I LOOKED upon my Lord of Straffbrd, as a 
Gentleman, whose great abilities might make 
a Prince rather afraid, then ashamed to employ him, 
in the greatest affaires of State. 

For those were prone to create in him great confi- 
dence of undertakings, and this was like enough to 
betray him to great errours, and many enemies : 
Whereof he could not but contract good store, while 
moving in so high a spheare, and with so vigorous a 
lustre, he must needs (as the Sun) raise many envious 
exhalations, which condensed by a popular odium, were 
6 



capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest merit, and 
integrity. 

Though I cannot in My Judgment approve all he 
did, driven (it may be) by the necessities of times, 
and the Temper of that People, more then led by 
his owne disposition to any height and rigour of 
actions : yet I could never be convinced of any such 
criminousnesse in him, as willingly to expose his life 
to the stroke of Justice, and malice of his enemies. 

I never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of 
affaires, then in the businesse of that unfortunate 
Earle : when between My owne unsatisfiednesse in 
Conscience, and a necessity (as some told me) of 
satisfying the importunities of some people ; I was 
perswaded by those, that I think wished me well, to 
chuse rather what was safe, then what seemed just ; 
preferring the outward peace of My Kingdoms with 
men, before that inward exactnesse of Conscience 
before God. 

And indeed I am so farre from excusing or denying 
that complyance on My part (for plenary consent it 
was not) to his destruction, whom in my Judgment I 
thought not, by any cleare Law, guilty of death : 
That I never bare any touch of Conscience with 
greater regret : which, as a signe of My repentance, 
7 



I have often with sorrow confessed both to God and 
men, as an act of so sinfull frailty, that it discovered 
more a feare of Man, than of God, whose name and 
place on Earth no man is worthy to beare, who will 
avoid inconveniences of State, by acts of so high 
injustice, as no publique convenience can expiate or 
compensate. 

I see it a bad exchange to wound a mans owne 
Conscience, thereby to salve State sores ; to calme the 
stormes of popular discontents, by stirring up a 
tempest in a mans owne bosome. 

Nor hath Gods Justice failed in the event and sad 
consequences, to shew the world the fallacy of that 
Maxime, Better one man perish (though unjustly) then the 
people be displeased, or destroyed. For, 

In all likelyhood, I could never have suffrcd, with 
My People, greater calamities, (yet with greater com- 
fort) had I vindicated Strajfora"; innocency, at least by 
denying to Signe that destructive BILL, according to 
that Justice, which My Conscience suggested to Me, 
then I have done since I gratified some mens un- 
thankfull importunities with so cruell a favour. And 
I have observed, that those, who counselled Me to 
signe that Bill, have been so farre from receiving the 
rewards of such ingratiatings with the People, that no 



men have been harassed and crushed more than they : 
He onely hath been least vexed by them, who 
counselled Me, not to consent against the vote of My 
owne Conscience ; I hope God hath forgiven Me 
and them, the sinfull rashnesse of that businesse. 

To which being in My soule so fully conscious, 
those Judgements God hath pleased to send upon 
Me, are so much the more welcome, as a meanes (I 
hope) which his mercy hath sanctified so to Me, as to 
make Me repent of that unjust Act, (for so it was to 
Me) and for the future to teach Me, That the best 
rule of policy is to preferre the doing of Justice, 
before all enjoyments, and the peace of My Conscience 
before the preservation of My Kingdomes. 

Nor hath anything more fortified My resolutions 
against all those violent importunities, which since 
have sought to gaine alike consent from Me, to Acts, 
wherein my Conscience is unsatisfied, then the sharp 
touches I have had for what passed Me, in My Lord 
of Stafford's Businesse. 

Not that I resolved to have employed him in My 
affaires, against the advice of My Parliament, but I 
would not have had any hand in his Death, of whose 
Guiltlesnesse I was better assured, than any man 
living could be. 

9 



Nor were the Crimes objected against him so cleare, 
as after a long and faire hearing to give convincing 
satisfaction to the Major part of both Houses ; especi- 
ally that of the Lords, of whom scarce a third part 
were present, when the Bill passed that House : And 
for the House of Commons, many Gentlemen, disposed 
enough to diminish My Lord of Straffbrds greatnesse 
and power, yet unsatisfied of his guilt in Law, durst 
not Condemne him to die : who for their Integrity 
in their Votes, were by posting their Names, exposed 
to the popular calumny, hatred, and fury ; which 
grew then so exorbitant in their clamours for Justice, 
(that is, to have both My selfe and the two Houses 
Vote, and doe as they would have us) that many ('tis 
thought) were rather terrified to concurre with the 
condemning party, then satisfied that of right they 
ought so to doe. 

And that after Act vacating the Authority of the 
precedent, for future imitation, sufficiently tells the 
world, that some remorse touched even his most 
implacable enemies, as knowing he had very hard 
measure, and such as they would be very loath should 
be repeated to themselves. 

This tendernesse and regret I find in my soul, for 
having had any hand (and that very unwillingly God 
10 



knowes) in shedding one mans bloud unjustly, (though 
under the colour and formalities of Justice, and 
pretences of avoyding publick mischeifes) which may 
(I hope) be some evidence before God and Man, to 
all Posterity, that I am far from bearing justly the 
vast load & guilt of all that bloud which hath been 
shed in this unhappy Warre ; which some men will 
needs charge on Me, to ease their own soules, who 
am, and ever shall be, more afraid to take away any 
mans life unjustly, then to lose my owne. 



But thou, O God of infinite mercies, forgive me 
that act of sinfull compliance, which hath greater 
aggravations upon Me then any man. Since I had 
not the least temptation of envy, or malice against 
him, and by my place should, at least so farre, have 
been a preserver of him, as to have denied my consent 
to his destruction. 

O Lord, I acknowledge my transgression, and my 
sin is ever before me. 

Deliver me from bloud guiltinesse O God, thou 
God of my salvation, and my tongue shall sing of thy 
righteousnesse. 

Against thee have I sinned, and done this evjll in 



thy sight, for thou sawest the contradiction between 
my heart and my hand. 

Yet cast me not away from thy presence, purge me 
with the blood of my Redeemer, and I shall be clean ; 
wash me with that pretious effusion, and I shall be 
whiter then snow. 

Teach me to learn Righteousnesse by thy Judg- 
ments, and to see my frailty in thy Justice : while I 
was perswaded by shedding one mans bloud to prevent 
after-troubles, thou hast for that, among other sinnes, 
brought upon me, and upon my Kingdomes, great, 
long, and heavy troubles. 

Make me to prefer Justice, which is thy will, before 
all contrary clamours, which are but the discoveries of 
mans injurious will. 

It is too much that they have once overcome me, 
to please them by displeasing thee : O never suffer 
me for any reason of State, to goe against my Reason 
of Conscience, which is highly to sinne against thee, 
the God of Reason, and Judge of our Consciences. 

What ever, O Lord, thou seest fit to deprive me of, 
yet restore unto me the joy of thy Salvation, and ever 
uphold me with thy free Spirit ; which subjects my 
will to none, but thy light of Reason, Justice, and 
Religion, which shines in my Soul, for Thou desirest 



Truth in the inward parts, and Integrity in the 
outward expressions. 

Lord hear the voice of thy Sons, and my Saviours 
Bloud, which speaks better things ; of make me, and 
my People, to hear the voyce and Joy and Gladnesse, 
that the bones which thou hast broken, may rejoyce 
in thy salvation." 

3. Upon His Majesties going to the House of Commons. 

MY going to the House of Commons to demand 
Justice upon the 5 Members, was an act, which 
My enemies loaded with all the obloquies and exasper- 
ations they could. 

It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and 
feares ; yea, and many of My friends resented it as a 
motion rising rather from Passion then Reason, and 
not guided with such discretion, as the touchinesse of 
those times required. 

But these men knew not the just motives, and 
pregnant grounds, with which I thought my self so 
furnished, that there needed nothing to such evidence, 
as I could have produced against those I charged, save 
only a free and legall Triall, which was all I desired. 

Nor had I any temptation of displeasure, or re- 



Venge against those mens persons, further then I had 
discovered those (as I thought) unlawfull correspond- 
encies they had used, and engagements they had 
made, to embroyle my Kingdomes : of all which I 
missed but little to have produced writings under 
some mens own hands, who were the chief contrivers 
of the following Innovations. 

Providence would not have it so, yet I wanted not 
such probabilities as were sufficient to raise jealousies 
in any Kings heart, who is not wholly stupid and 
neglective of the publick peace, which to preserve by 
calling in Question half a dozen men, in a fair and 
legall way (which God knowes was all my design) 
could have amounted to no worse effect, had it 
succeeded, then either to do Me, and My Kingdom 
right, in case they had been found guilty ; or else to 
have cleared their Innocency, and removed my sus- 
picions ; which, as they were not raised out of any 
malice, so neither were they in Reason to be 
smothered. 

What flames of discontent this sparke (though I 
sought by all speedy and possible means to quench 
it) soone kindled, all the world is witnesse : The 
aspersion which some men cast upon that action, 
as if I had designed by force to assault the House of 



Commons, and invade their priviledge, is so false, 
that as God best knowes, I had no such intent ; so 
none that attended could justly gather from any- 
thing I then said, or did, the least intimation of any 
such thoughts. 

That I went attended with some Gentlemen, as it 
was no unwonted thing for the Majesty and safety of 
a King so to be attended, especially in discontented 
times ; so were my followers at that time short of 
my ordinary Guard, and no way proportionable to 
hazard a tumultuary conflict. Nor were they more 
scared at my comming, then I was unassured of not 
having some affronts cast upon me, if I had none 
with me to preserve a reverence to me ; For many 
people had (at that time) learned to think those hard 
thoughts, which they have since aboundantly vented 
against Me both by words and deeds. 

The summe of that businesse was this. 

Those men, and their adherents were then looked 
upon by the affrighted vulgar, as greater protectors 
of their Lawes and Liberties, then my self, and so 
worthier of their protection. I leave them to God, 
and their own Consciences, who, if guilty of evill 
machinations ; no present impunity, or popular 
'5 



vindications of them will be subterfuge sufficient to 
rescue them from those exact Tribunalls. 

To which, in the obstructions of Justice among 
men, we must religiously appeal, as being an argu- 
ment to us Christians of that after un-avoidable 
judgement, which shall re-judge, what among men is 
but corruptly decided, or not at all. 

I endeavoured to have prevented, if God had seen 
fit, those future commotions, which I fore-saw, would 
in all likelyhood follow some mens activity (if not 
restrained) and so now hath done to the undoing of 
many thousands ; the more is the pitty. 

But to over-awe the freedome of the Houses, or to 
weaken their just Authority by any violent impres- 
sions upon them, was not at all my designe ; I 
thought I had so much Justice and Reason on my 
side, as should not have needed so rough assistance ; 
and I was resolved rather to bear the repulse with 
patience, then to use such hazardous extremities. 



But thou, O Lord, art my witnesse in heaven and 
in my Heart : If I have purposed any violence or 
oppression against the Innocent : or if there were 
any such wickednesse in my thoughts. 
16 



Then let the enemy persecute my soule, and tread 
my life to the ground, and lay mine Honour in the dust. 

Thou that seest not as man seeth, but lookest 
beyond all popular appearances, searching the heart, 
and trying the reines, and bringing to light the 
hidden things of darknesse, shew thy selfe. 

Let not my afflictions be esteemed (as with wise 
and godly men they cannot be) any argument of my 
sin, in that matter : more then their Impunity among 
good men is any sure token of their Innocency. 

But forgive them wherein they have done amisse, 
though they are not punished for it in this world. 

Save thy servant from the privy conspiracies^ and 
open violence of bloody and unreasonable men, ac- 
cording to the uprightnesse of my heart, and the 
innocency of my hands in this matter. 

Plead my cause, and maintain my right, O thou 
that sittest in the Throne, judging rightly, that thy 
servant may ever rejoyce in thy salvation. 



4. Upon the Insolency of the Tumults. 

1 NEVER thought anything (except our sins) more 
ominously presaging all these mischeifes, which 
have followed, then those Tumults in London and 
1.7 c 



Westminster y soone after the Convening of this Parlia- 
ment ; which were not like a storm at Sea, (which 
yet wants not its terror) but like an Earth-quake, 
shaking the very foundations of all ; then which 
nothing in the world hath more of horrour. 

As it is one of the most convincing Arguments 
that there is a God, while his power sets bounds to 
the raging of the Sea : so tis no lesse, that he re- 
straines the madnesse of the people. Nor doth any 
thing portend more Gods displeasure against a Nation, 
then when he suffers the confluence and clamours of 
the vulgar, to passe all boundaries of Lawes, and 
reverence to Authority. 

Which those Tumults did to so high degrees of 
Insolence, that they spared not to invade the Honour 
and Freedome of the two Houses, menacing, reproach- 
ing, shaking, yea, & assaulting some Members of both 
Houses, as they fancyed, or disliked them : Nor did 
they forbear most rude and unseemly deportments 
both in contemptuous words and actions, to My selfe 
and My Court. 

Nor was this a short fit or two of shaking, as an 
ague, but a quotidian feaver, alwaies encreasing to 
higher inflammations, impatient of any mitigation, 
restraint, or remission. 

iS 



First, they must be a guard against those feares, 
which some men scared themselves and others withall ; 
when indeed nothing was more to be feared and lesse 
to be used by wise men, then those tumultuary con- 
fluxes of meane and rude people, who are taught first 
to petition, then to protect, then to dictate, at last to 
command and overawe the Parliament. 

All obstructions in Parliament (that is, all free- 
dome of differing in Votes, and debating matters with 
reason and candour) must be taken away with these 
Tumults : By these must the Houses be purged, and 
all rotten Members (as they pleased to count them) 
cast out : By these the obstinacy of men resolved to 
discharge their Consciences must be subdued, by 
these all factious, seditious, and schismaticall proposalls 
against Government Ecclesiasticall or Civil, must be 
backed and abetted, till they prevailed. 

Generally, who ever had most mind to bring forth 
confusion and ruine upon Church and State, used the 
midwifery of those Tumults : whose riot and im- 
patience was such, that they would not stay the 
ripening and season of Counsels, or fair production 
of Acts, in the order, gravity, and deliberatenesse 
befitting a Parliament ; but ripped up with 
barbarous cruelty, and forcibly cut out abortive 



Votes, such as their Inviters and Incouragers most 
fancyed. 

Yea, so enormous and detestable were their out- 
rages, that no sober man could be without an infinite 
shame and sorrow to see them so tolerated, and 
connived at by some, countenanced, incouraged and 
applauded by others. 

What good man had not rather want anything he 
most desired, for the Publique good, then obtaine it 
by such unlawfull and irreligious meanes ? But mens 
passions and Gods directions seldome agree ; violent 
designes and motions must have sutable engines, such 
as too much attend their owne ends, seldome confine 
themselves to Gods meanes. Force must crowd in 
what Reason will not lead. 

Who were the chief Demagogues and Patrones of 
Tumults, to send for them, to flatter and embolden 
them, to direct and tune their clamorous impor- 
tunities, some men yet living are too conscious to 
pretend ignorance : God in his due time will let 
these see, that those were no fit meanes to be used for 
attaining his ends. 

But, as it is no strange thing for the Sea to rage, 
when strong winds blow upon it ; so neither for 
Multitudes to become insolent, when they have Men 

20 



of some reputation for .parts and piety to set 
them on. 

That which made their rudenesse most formidable, 
was, that many Complaints being made, and Messages 
sent by My selfe and some of both Houses ; yet no 
order for redresse could be obtained with any vigour 
and efficacy, proportionable to the malignity of that 
now far-spread disease, and predominant mischiefe. 

Such was some mens stupidity, that they feared no 
inconvenience ; Others petulancy, that they joyed to 
see their betters shamefully outraged, and abused, 
while they knew their only security consisted in 
vulgar flattery : So insensible were they of Mine, or 
the two Houses common safety and Honours. 

Nor could ever any order be obtained, impartially 
to examine, censure, and punish the knowne Bou- 
tefeus, and impudent Incendiaries, who boasted of 
the influence they had, and used to convoke those 
Tumults as their advantages served. 

Yea, some (who should have been wiser States- 
men) owned them as friends, commending their 
Courage, Zeale, & Industry ; which to sober men 
could seem no better then that of the Devil, who 
goes about seeking whom he may deceive, and devoure. 

I confesse, when I found such a deafnesse, that no 
21 



Declaration- from the Bishops, who were first fouly 
insolenced and assaulted ; nor yet from other Lords 
and Gentlemen of Honour ; nor yet from My self 
could take place for the due repression of these 
Tumults ; and securing not onely Our freedome in 
Parliament, but Our very Persons in the streets ; I 
thought My selfe not bound by My presence, to 
provoke them to higher boldnesse and contempts ; I 
hoped by My withdrawing to give time, both for the 
ebbing of their tumultuous fury, and others regaining 
some degrees of modesty and sober sense. 

Some may interpret it as an effect of Pusillanimity 
for any man for popular terrours to desert his publique 
station. But I think it a hardinesse, beyond true 
valour, for a wise man to set him self against the 
breaking in of a Sea ; which to resist, at present, 
threatens imminent danger ; but to withdraw, gives 
it space to spend its fury, and gaines a fitter time to 
repaire the breach. Certainly a Gallant man had 
rather fight to great disadvantages for number and 
place in the field, in an orderly way, then skuffle with 
an undisciplined rabble. 

Some suspected and affirmed that I meditated a 
Warre, (when I went from Whitehall onely to redeem 
My Person, and Conscience from violence) God 
^^ 



knowes I did not then think of a Warre. Nor will 
any prudent man conceive that I would by so many 
former, and some after Acts, have so much weakned 
My selfe, if I had purposed to engage in a Warre, 
which to decline by all meanes, I denyed My self in 
so many particulars : 'Tis evident I had then no 
Army to flie unto, for protection, or vindication. 

Who can blame Me, or any other, for a with- 
drawing our selves from the daily baitings of the 
Tumults, not knowing whether their fury and dis- 
content might not flie so high, as to worry and teare 
those in pieces, whom as yet they but played with in 
their pawes ? God, who is My sole Judge, is My 
Withesse in Heaven, that I never had any thoughts 
of going from My House at Whitehall, if I could have 
had but any reasonable faire Quarter ; I was resolved to 
beare much, and did so, but I did not think My self 
bound to prostitute the Majesty of my Place and Person, 
the safety of My Wife and Children, to those, who are 
prone to insult most, when they have objects and oppor- 
tunity most capable of their rudenesse and petulancy. 

But this businesse of the Tumults (whereof some 

have given already an account to God, others yet 

living know themselves desperately guilty) Time and 

the guilt of many hath so smothered up, and buried, 

23 



that I think it best to leave it, as it is ; Onely I 
believe the just Avenger of all disorders, will in time 
make those men, and that City, see their sinne in the 
glasse of their punishment. 'Tis more then an even- 
lay that they may one day see themselves punished 
by that way they offended. 

Had this Parliament, as it was in its first Election 
and Constitution, sate full and free, the Members of 
both Houses being left to their freedome of Voting, 
as in all reason, honour, and Religion, they should 
have been ; I doubt not but things would have been 
so carried, as would have given no lesse content to all 
good men, then they, wished or expected. 

For, I was resolved to heare reason in all things, 
and to consent to it so farre as I could comprehend 
it : but as Swine are to Gardens and orderly Planta- 
tions, so are Tumults to Parliaments, and Plebeian 
concourses to publique Councels, turning all into 
disorders and sordid confusions. 

I am prone sometimes to think, That had I called 
this Parliament to any other place in England (as I 
might opportunely enough have done) the sad con- 
sequences in all likelyhood, with Gods blessing, might 
have been prevented. A Parliament would have 
been welcome in any place ; no place aiforded such 
24 



confluence of various and vitious humours, as that 
where it was unhappily convened. But we must 
leave all to God, who orders our disorders, and 
magnifies his wisdome most, when our follies and 
miseries are most discovered. 



But thou O Lord art My refuge and defence, to 
thee I may safely flic, who rulest the raging of the 
Sea, and the madnesse of the People. 

The flouds, O Lord, the flouds are come in upon 
me, and are ready to overwhelme me. 

I looke upon My sinnes, and the sinnes of My 
people, (which are the tumults of our soules against 
thee O Lord) as the just cause of these popular in- 
undations which thou permittest to overbeare all the 
banks of loyalty, modesty, Lawes, Justice, and Religion. 

But thou that gatheredst the waters into one place, 
and madest the dry land to appeare, and after did'st 
asswage the floud which drowned the world, by the 
word of thy power ; Rebuke those beasts of the 
people, and deliver Me from the rudenesse and 
strivings of the multitude. 

Restore, we beseech thee, unto us, the freedomes 
of our Councels and Parliaments, make us unpassion- 
2 5 



ately to see the light of Reason, and Religion, and 
with all order, and gravity to follow it, as it becomes 
Men and Christians ; so shall we praise thy name, 
who art the God of order and counsell. 

What man cannot, or will not represse, thy omni- 
potent Justice can and will. 

O Lord, give them that are yet living, a timely 
sense and sorrow for their great sinne, whom thou 
knowest guilty of raising or not suppressing those 
disorders : Let shame here, and not suffering hereafter 
be their punishment. 

Set bounds to our passions by Reason, to our 
errours by Truth, to our seditions by Lawes duely 
executed, and to our schismes by Charity, that we 
may be, as thy Jerusalem, a City at unity in it selfe. 

This grant, O My God, in thy good time for Jesus 
Christs sake, Amen. 

5. Upon His Majesties passing the Bill for the 
Triennial/ Parliaments : And after setting thls^ 
during the pleasure of the two Houses. 

r ^HAT the world might be fully confirmed in 
JL My purposes at first, to contribute, what in 
Justice, Reason, Honour, and Conscience, I could, to 
26 



the Happy successe of this Parliament, (which had in 
Me no other designe but the Generall good of My 
Kingdomes) I willingly passed the BILL for Trienniall 
Parliaments : which, as gentle and seasonable Physick, 
might (if well applied) prevent any distempers from 
getting any head or prevailing ; especially, if the 
remedy proved not a disease beyond all remedy. 

I conceived, this Parliament would find worke with 
convenient recesses for the first three Years ; But I 
did not imagine that some men would thereby have 
occasioned more worke rather then they found to 
doe, by undoing so much as they found well done to 
their hands. Such is some mens activity that they 
wil needs make worke rather then want it ; and 
chuse to be doing amisse, rather then doe nothing. 

When that first Act seemed too scanty to satisfie 
some mens feares, and compasse publique affaires ; I 
was perswaded to grant that Bill of Sitting during 
the pleasure of the Houses, which amounted in some 
mens sense to as much as the perpetuating this 
Parliament. By this Act of highest confidence, I 
hoped for ever to shut out, and lock the dore upon 
all present Jealousies, and future mistakes : I confesse 
I did not thereby intend to shut My self out of 
dores, as some men have now requited me. 



True, It was an Act unparalell'd by any of My 
Predecessours ; yet cannot in reason admit of any 
worse interpretation then this, of an extreame con- 
fidence I had, that My Subjects would not make ill 
use of an Act, by which I declared so much to trust 
them, as to deny My self in so high a point of My 
Prerogative. 

For good Subjects will never think it just or fit 
that My condition should be worse by My bettering 
theirs ; Nor indeed would it have been so in the 
events, if some men had known as well with modera- 
tion to use, as with earnestnesse to desire advantages 
of doing good, or evill. 

A continuall Parliament (I thought) would but 
keep the Common-weale in tune, by preserving 
Lawes in their due execution and vigour, wherein 
My interest lies more than any mans, since by those 
Lawes, My rights as a KING, would be preserved no 
lesse than My Subjects ; which is all I desired. 
More than the Law gives Me I would not have, and 
lesse the meanest Subject should not. 

Some (as I have heard) gave it out, that I soon 

repented Me of that setling Act : and many would 

needs perswade Me, I had cause so to doe ; but I 

could not easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude 

28 



in Men of Honors. That the more I granted them, 
the lesse I should have, and enjoy with them. I still 
counted My self undiminished by My largest conces- 
sions, if by them I might gaine and confirm the love 
of My People. 

Of which, I doe not yet dispaire, but that God 
will still blesse Me with increase of it : when Men 
shall have more leisure, and lesse prejudice ; that so 
with unpassionate representations they may reflect 
upon those, (as I think) not more princely then 
friendly contributions, which I granted towards the 
perpetuating of their happinesse, who are now onely 
miserable in this, That some mens ambition will not 
give them leave to enjoy what I intended for their good. 

Nor doe I doubt, but that in Gods due time, the 
Loyal and cleared affections of My people will strive 
to returne such retributions of Honour, and Love to 
Me or My Posterity, as may fully compensate both 
the acts of My confidence and My sufferings for them ; 
which (God knowes) have been neither few, nor small, 
nor short ; occasioned chiefly by a perswasipn I had, 
that I could not grant too much, or distrust too 
little, to Men, that being professedly My Subjects, 
pretended singular piety, and religious strictnesse. 

The Injury of all Injuries is, That which some 



men will needs load Me withall ; as if I were a 
wilfull and resolved Occasioner of My owne and My 
Subjects miseries ; while (as they confidently, but 
(God knows) falsly divulge) I repining at the establish- 
ment of this Parliament, endeavoured by force and 
open hostility to undoe what by My Royall assent I 
had done. Sure it had argued a very short sight of 
things, and extreame fatuity of mind in Me, so farre 
to bind My owne hands at their request, if I had 
shortly meant to have used a Sword against them. 
God knows, though I had then a sense of Injuries ; 
yet not such, as to think them worth vindicating by 
a War : I was not then compelled, as since, to injure 
My self by their not using favours, with the same 
candour wherewith they were conferred. The 
Tumults indeed threatned to abuse all Acts of 
Grace, and turne them into wantonnesse ; but I 
thought at length their owne feares, whose black arts 
first raised up those turbulent Spirits would force 
them to conjure them downe againe. 

Nor If I had justly resented any indignities put 
upon Me, or others, was I then in any capacity to 
have taken just revenge in an Hostile and Warlike 
way upon those, whom I knew so well fortified in 
the love of the meaner sort of the people, that I could 
30 



not have given My enemies greater, and more desired 
advantages against Me, then by so unprincely Incon- 
stancy, to have assaulted them with Armes, thereby 
to scatter them, whom but lately I had solemnly setled 
by an Act of Parliament. 

God knowes I longed for nothing more then that 
My self, and My Subjects might quietly enjoy the 
fruits of My many condescendings. 

It had been a Course full of sinne, as well as of 
Hazard, and dishonour for Me to goe about the 
cutting up of that by the Sword, which I had so 
lately planted, so much (as I thought) to My Subjects 
content, and Mine own too, in all probability : If 
some men had not feared where no fear was, whose 
security consisted in scaring others. 

I thank God I know so well the sincerity and up- 
rightnesse of My owne heart, in passing that great 
Bill, which exceeded the very thoughts of former 
times ; That although I may seeme lesse a Polititian 
to men, yet I need no secret distinctions or evasions 
before God. Nor had I any reservations in My 
owne Soule, when I passed it ; nor repentings after, 
till I saw that My letting some men go up to the 
Pinnacle of the Temple, was a temptation to them to 
cast Me down head-long. 



Concluding, that without a miracle, Monarchy it 
selfe, together with Me, could not but be dashed in 
pieces, by such a precipitious fall as they intended. 
Whom God in mercy forgive, and make them see at 
length, That as many Kingdomes as the Devill shewed 
our Saviour, and the glory of them, (if they could be 
at once enjoyed by them) are not worth the gaining, 
by wayes of sinfull ingratitude and dishonour, which 
hazards a Soule worth more Worlds then this hath 
Kingdomes. 

But God hath hitherto preserved Me, and made 
Me to see, That it is no strange thing for men, left 
to their owne passions, either to doe much evill them- 
selves, or abuse the over-much goodnesse of others, 
whereof an ungratefull Surfet is the most desperate 
and incurable disease. 

I cannot say properly that I repent of that Act, 
since I have no reflexions upon it as a sin of my will, 
though an error of too charitable a judgement : 
Onely I am sorry other mens eyes should be evill, 
because mine were good. 



To Thee (O my God) doe I still appeale, whose 
All-discerning Justice sees through all the disguises of 
3* 



mens pretensions, and deceitfull darknesses of their 
hearts. 

Thou gavest me a heart to grant much to My 
Subjects ; and now I need a Heart fitted to suffer 
much from some of them. 

Thy will be done, though never so much to the 
crossing of ours, even when we hope to doe what 
might be most comformable to thine and theirs too ; 
who pretended they aimed at nothing else. 

Let thy grace teach me wisely to enjoy as well the 
frustratings, as the fulfillings of My best hopes, and 
most specious desires. 

I see while I thought to allay others feares, I have 
raised Mine owne ; and by setling them, have 
unsetled My selfe. 

Thus have they requited Me evil for good, and 
hatred for My good will towards them. 

O Lord be thou My Pilot in this dark and 
dangerous storme, which neither admits My returne 
to the Port whence I set out, nor My making any 
other, with that safety and honour which I designed. 

Tis easie for Thee to keep Me safe in the love and 
confidence of My people ; nor is it hard for Thee to 
preserve Me amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies 
of too many, which thou has suffered so far to pre- 
33 D 



vaile upon Me, as to be able to pervert and abuse 
My acts of greatest Indulgence to them, and assurance 
of them. 

But no favours from Me can make others more 
guilty then My Selfe may be, of misusing those many 
and great ones, which Thou, O Lord, hast conferred 
on Me. 

I beseech Thee give Me and them such Re- 
pentance, as thou wilt accept, and such Grace as we 
may not abuse. 

Make Me so far happy as to make a right use of 
others abuses, and by their failings of Me, to reflect, 
with a reforming displeasure, upon My offences 
against Thee. 

So, although by My sins I am by other mens sins 
deprived of thy temporall blessings, yet I may be 
happy to enjoy the comfort of thy mercies, which 
often raise the greatest Sufferers to be the most 
glorious Saints. 



34 



6. Upon His Majesties retirement frzm West- 
minster. 

WITH what umvillingnesse I withdrew from 
Westminster, let them judge, who, unpro- 
vided of tackling, and victuall, are forced by Sea to a 
storm ; yet better do so, then venture splitting or 
sinking on a Lee shore. 

I stayed at Whitehall, till I was driven away by 
shame more than feare ; to see the barbarous rudenesse 
of those Tumults who resolved they would take the 
boldnesse to demand any thing, and not leave either 
My self, or the Members of Parliament the liberty of 
our Reason, and Conscience to deny them anything. 

Nor was this intolerable oppression My case alone, 
(though chiefly Mine) For the Lords and Commons 
might be content to be overvoted by the major part of 
their Houses, when they had used each their owne 
freedome. 

Whose agreeing Votes were not by any Law or 
reason conclusive to My Judgment ; nor can they 
include, or carry with them My consent, whom they 
represent not in any kind ; Nor am I further bound 
to agree with the Votes of both Houses, then I see 
them agree with the will of God, with My just 
35 



Rights, as a King, and the generall good of My 
People. I see that as many men they are seldome of 
one mind ; and I may oft see, that the major part of 
them are not in the right. 

I had formerly declared to sober and moderate 
mindes, how desirous I was to give all just content, 
when I agreed to so many Bills, which had been 
enough to secure and satisfie all : If some mens 
Hydropick insatiablenesse had not learned to thirst 
the more by how much more they drank ; whom no 
fountain of Royall bounty was able to overcome ; so 
resolved they seemed, either utterly to exhaust it, or 
barbarously to obstruct it. 

Sure it ceases to be Councell ; when not Reason is 
used, as to men to perswade ; but force and terrour 
as to beasts, to drive and compell men to assent to 
what ever tumultuary patrones shall project. He 
deserves to be a slave without pitty, or redemption, 
that is content to have the rationall soveraignty of his 
Soul, and liberty of his will, and words so captivated. 

Nor do I think My Kingdomes so considerable as 
to preserve them with the forfeiture of that freedome ; 
which cannot be denied Me as a King, because it 
belongs to Me as a Man, and a Christian ; owning 
the dictates of none, but God, to be above Me, as 
36 



obliging Me to consent. Better for Me to die enjoy^ 
ing this Empire of My Soul, which subjects Me only 
to God, so farre as by Reason or Religion he directs 
Me, then live with the Title of a King, if it should 
carry such a vassalage with it, as not to suffer Me to 
use My Reason and Conscience, in which I declare 
as a King, to like or dislike. 

So farre am I from thinking the Majesty of the 
Crown of England to be bound by any Coronation 
Oath, in a blind and brutish formality, to consent to 
what ever its subjects in Parliament shall require ; as 
some men will needs inferre ; while denying Me any 
power of a Negative voice as King, they are not 
ashamed to seek to deprive Me of the liberty of using 
My Reason with a good Conscience, which themselves, 
and all the Commons of England enjoy proportionable 
to their influence on the publick ; who would take it 
very ill to be urged, not to deny, whatever My self, 
as King, or the House of Peeres with Me should, not 
so much desire as enjoyn them to passe. I think My 
Oath fully discharged in that point by My Governing 
only by such Lawes, as My People with the House of 
Peeres have Chosen, and My self have consented to. 
I shall never think My self conscientiously tied to goe 
as oft against My Conscience, as I should consent to 
37 



such new Proposalls, which My Reason, in Justice, 
Honour, and Religion bids Me deny. 

Yet so tender I see some men are of their being 
subject to Arbitrary Government, (that is, the Law j 
of anothers will, to which themselves give no consent) 
that they care not with how much dishonour and 
absurdity they make their King the onely man, that 
must be subject to the will of others, without having ; 
power left Him, to use His own Reason, either in 
Person, or by any Representation. 

And if My dissentings at any time were (as some 
have suspected, and uncharitably avowed out of error, 
opinion, activenesse, weaknessc, or wilfulnesse, and 
what they call Obstinacy in Me (which not true 
Judgement of things, but some vehement prejudice or 
passion hath fixed on My mind ;) yet can no man 
think it other then the Badge and Method of Slavery, 
by savage rudenesse, and importunate detrusions of 
violence, to have the mist of His Errour and Passion 
dispelled, which is a shadow of Reason, and must 
serve those that are destitute of the substance. Sure 
that man cannot be blameable to God or Man, who 
seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things, 
and faithfully followes what he takes for Reason : 
The uprightnesse of his intentions will excuse the 
38 



possible failings of his understandings ; If a Pilot at 
Sea cannot see the Pole-star, it can be no fault in him 
to steere his course by such stars as do best appear to 
him. It argues rather those men to be conscious of 
their defects of Reason, and convincing Arguments, 
who call in the assistance of meer force to carry on 
the weaknesse of their Councells, and Proposalls. I 
may, in the Truth and uprightnesse of My heart, 
protest before God and Men ; that I never wilfully 
opposed, or denied any thing, that was in a fair way, 
after full and free debates propounded to Me, by the 
two Houses, Further then I thought in good reason I 
might, and was bound to do. 

Nor did any thing ever please Me more, then 
when My Judgment so concurred with theirs, that I 
might with good Conscience consent to them : yea, 
in many things where not absolute and morall necessity 
of Reason, but temporary convenience on point of 
Honour was to be considered. I chose rather to 
deny My self, then them ; as preferring that which 
they thought necessary for My Peoples good, before 
what I saw but convenient for My self. 

For I can be content to recede much from My 
own Interests, and Personall Rights, of which I con- 
ceive My self to be Master ; but in what concernes 
39 



Truth, Justice, the Rights of the Church, and My 
Crown, together with the generall good of My 
Kingdomes ; (all which I am bound to preserve as 
much as morally lies in Me ;) here I am, and ever 
shall be fixt and resolute, nor shall any man gain My 
consent to that, wherein My Heart gives My tongue 
or hand the Lie ; nor will I be brought to affirme 
that to Men, which in My Conscience I denied 
before God. I will rather chuse to wear a Crown of 
Thornes with My Saviour, then to exchange that of 
Gold (which is due to Me) for one of lead, whose 
embased flexiblenesse shall be forced to bend, and 
comply to the various, and oft contrary dictates ot 
any Factions ; when instead of Reason, and Publick 
concernments, they obtrude nothing but what makes 
for the interest of parties, and flowes from the 
partialities of private wills and passions. 

I know no resolutions more worthy a Christian 
King, then to prefer His Conscience before His 
Kingdomes. 



O my God, preserve thy servant in this Native, 
Rationall and Religious freedome ; For this I believe 
is thy will, that we should maintaine : who, though 
40 



thou dost justly require us, to submit our understand- 
ings and wills to thine ; whose wisdom and goodnesse 
can neither erre, nor misguide us, and so farre to deny 
our carnall reason, in order to thy sacred Mysteries, 
and commands, that we should believe and obey 
rather then dispute them ; yet dost thou expect from 
us, only such a reasonable service of thee, as not to 
doe any thing for thee, against our consciences ; and 
as to the desires of men, enjoynest us to try all things 
by the touch-stone of Reason and Lawes, which are 
the rules of Civill Justice ; and to declare our consents 
to that only which our Judgements approve. 

Thou knowest, O Lord, how unwilling I was to 
desert that place, in which thou hast set me, and 
whereto the affaires of My Kingdoms at present did 
call me. 

My People can witnesse how far I have been con- 
tent for their good, to deny My self, in what thou 
hast subjected to My disposall. 

O Let not the unthankfull importunities, and 
tumultuary violence of some mens Immoderate de- 
mands, ever betray Me to that degenerous and 
unmanly slavery, which should make Me strengthen 
them by My consent in those things which I think 
in My Conscience to be against thy glory, the good 
4' 



of My subjects, and the discharge of My own duty to 
Reason and Justice. 

Make Me willing to suffer the greatest indignities, 
and injuries they presse upon Me, rather then commit 
the least sinne against My Conscience. 

Let the just liberties of My people be (as well they 
may) preserved in faire, and equall wayes, without 
the slavery of My soul. 

Thou that hast invested Me by thy favours, in the 
power of a Christian King, suffer Me not to subject 
My Reason to other mens passions, and designes, which 
to Me seems unreasonable, unjust, and irreligious : So 
shall I serve thee in the truth and uprightnesse of My 
heart, though I cannot satisfie these men. 

Though I be driven from among them, yet give 
Me grace to walk alwayes uprightly before thee. 

Lead Me in the way of Truth and Justice, for 
these, I know, will bring Me at last to peace and 
happinesse with thee ; though for these I have much 
trouble among men. 

This I beg of thee for My Saviours sake. 



7 Upon the )ueenes departure, and absence out of 
England. 

ALTHOUGH I have much cause to be troubled 
at My Wifes departure from Me, and out of 
My Dominions ; yet not Her absence, so much, as 
the scandall of that necessity, which drives her away, 
doth afflict Me. That She should be compelled by 
My owne Subjects, and those pretending to be Pro- 
testants, to withdraw for Her safety : This being the 
first example of any Protestant Subjects, that have 
taken up Arms against their King, a Protestant : For 
I look upon this now done in England, as another 
Act of the same Tragedie which was lately begun in 
Scotland ; the brands of that fire being ill quenched, 
have kindled the like flames here. I fear such 
motions (so little to the adorning of the Protestant 
profession) may occasion a farther alienation of mind, 
and divorce of affections in Her, from that Religion, 
which is the only thing wherein we differ. 

Which yet God can, and I pray he would in time 
take away ; and not suffer these practises to be any 
obstruction to Her judgement ; since it is the motion 
of those men, (for the most part) who are yet to seek 
and settle their Religion for Doctrine, Government, 
43 



and good manners, and so not to be imputed to the 
true English Protestants ; who continue firme to their 
former setled Principles and Lawes. 

I am sorry My relation to so deserving a Lady, 
should be any occasion of her danger and affliction ; 
whose merits would have served her for a protection 
among the savage Indians ; while their rudenesse and 
barbarity knowes not so perfectly to hate all Vertues, 
as some mens subtilty doth ; among whom I yet thinke 
few are so malicious as to hate Her for Her selfe. 
The fault is, that she is My wife. 

All justice then as well as affection commands Me, 
to study her Security, who is only in danger for My 
sake ; I am content to be tossed, weather-beaten, and 
shipwrackt, so as she may be in safe Harbour. 

This comfort I shall enjoy by her safety in the 
midst of My Personall dangers, that I can perish but 
halfe, if she be preserved : In whose memory, and 
hopefull Posterity, I may yet survive the malice of 
My enemies, although they should be satiated with 
My bloud. 

I must leave her, and them, to the Love and 

Loyalty of My good Subjects ; and to his protection, 

who is able to punish the faults of Princes, and no 

lesse severely to revenge the injuries done to Them, by 

44 



those who in all duty and Allegiance, ought to have 
made good that safety, which the Lawes chiefly 
provide for Princes. 

But common civility is in vaine expected from those, 
that dispute their Loyalty : Nor can it be safe (for 
any relation) to a King, to tarry among them who 
are shaking hands with their Allegiance, under 
pretence of laying faster hold on their Religion. 

Tis pitty so noble and peacefull a soule should see, 
much more sufter, the rudenesse of those who must 
make up their want of justice, with inhumanity, and 
impudence. 

Her sympathy with Me in My afflictions, will 
make her vertues shine with greater lustre, as stars in 
the darkest nights ; and assure the envious world, 
that she loves me, not My fortunes. 

Neither of us but can easily forgive, since We do 
not much blame the unkindnesse of the Generality, 
and Vulgar ; for we see God is pleased to try both 
our patience, by the most selfe-punishing sin, the 
Ingratitude of those, who having eaten of our bread, 
and being enriched with Our bounty, have Scornfully 
lift up themselves against Us ; and those of Our owne 
Houshold are become Our enemies. I pray God lay 
not their sin to their charge : who thinke to satisfy 
45 



all obligations to duty, by their Corban of Religion : 
and can lesse endure to see, then to sin against their 
benefactours as well as their Soveraignes. 

But even that policy of my enemies is so farre 
veniall, as it was necessary to their designes, by 
scandalous articles, and all irreverent demeanour, to 
seeke to drive her out of My Kingdomes ; lest by 
the influence of her example, eminent for love as a 
Wife, and Loyalty, as a Subject, she should have 
converted to, or retayned in their love, and Loyalty, 
all those whom they had a purpose to pervert. 

The lesse I may be blest with her company, the 
more I will retire to God, and My owne Heart, 
whence no malice can banish Her. My enemies 
may envy, but they can never deprive Me of the 
enjoyment of her vertues, while I enjoy My self. 



Thou O Lord, whose Justice at present sees fit to 
scatter us, let thy mercy, in thy due time, reunite us, 
on earth, if it be thy will ; however bring us both at 
last, to thy heavenly Kingdomc. 

Preserve us from the hands of our despitefull and 
deadly enemies ; and prepare us by our sufferings for 

thy presence. 

46 



Though we differ in some things, as to Religion, 
(which is my greatest temporall infelicity) yet Lord 
give, and accept the sincerity of our affections, which 
desire to seek, to find, to embrace every Truth of 
thine. 

Let both our Hearts agree in the love of thy selfe, 
and Christ crucified for us. 

Teach us both what thou wouldst have us to know, 
in order to thy glory, our publique relations, and our 
soules eternall good, and make us carefull to doe what 
good we know. 

Let neither Ignorance of what is necessary to 
be knowne, nor unbelief, or disobedience to what 
we know, be our misery or our wilfull default. 

Let not this great Scandall of those my Subjects, 
which professe the same Religion with me, be any 
hindrance to her love of any Truth thou wouldst 
have her to learne, nor any hardning of her, in 
any errour thou wouldst have cleared to her. 

Let mine and other mens constancy be an Antidote 
against the poyson of their example. 

Let the Truth of that Religion I professe, be re- 
presented to her Judgment, with all the beauties of 
Humility, Loyalty, Charity, and Peaceablenesse ; which 
are the proper fruits, and ornaments of it : Not 
47 



in the odious disguises of Levity, Schisme, Heresie, 
Novelty, Cruelty, and Disloyalty, which some mens 
practices have lately put upon it. 

Let her see thy sacred and saving Truths, as Thine ; 
that she may believe, love and obey them as Thine, 
cleared from all rust and drosse of humane mixtures. 

That in the glasse of thy Truth she may see thee, 
in those mercies which thou hast offered to us, in thy 
Sonne Jesus Christ, our onely Saviour, and serve thee 
in all those Holy duties, which most agree with his 
holy doctrine, and most imi table example. 

The experience we have of the vanity, and 
uncertainty of all humane Glory, and greatnesse 
in our scatterings and Eclypses, let it make us both so 
much the more ambitious to be invested in those 
durable honours, and perfections, which are onely to 
be found in thy self, and obtained through Jesus 
Christ. 

8. Upon His Majesties repulse at Hull, and the 
fates of the Hothams. 

MY repulse at Hull seemed at the first view an 
act of so rude disloyalty, that My greatest 
enemies had scarce confidence enough to abett, or 
48 



owne it : It was the first overt Essay to be made, 
how patiently I could beare the Losse of My 
Kingdomes. 

God knows, it affected me more with shame and 
sorrow for others, then with anger for My selfe ; nor 
did the affront done to Me trouble Me so much as 
their sinne, which admitted no colour or excuse. 

I was resolved how to beare this, and much more, 
with patience : But I foresaw they could hardly 
conteine themselves within the compasse of this one 
unworthy act, who had effrontery enough to commit, 
or countenance it. This was but the hand of that 
cloud, which was soone after to overspread the whole 
Kingdome, and cast all into disorder and darknesse. 

For tis among the wicked Maximes of bold and 
disloyall undertakers : That bad actions must alwayes 
be seconded with worse, and rather not be begun 
then not carried on, for they think the retreat more 
dangerous then the assault, and hate repentance more 
then perseverance in a Fault. 

This gave Me to see clearly through all the pious 
disguises, and soft palliations of some men ; whose 
words were sometime smoother then oyle, but now I 
saw they would prove very Swords. 

Against which I having (as yet) no defence, but 
49 E 



that of a good Conscience, thought it My best policy 
(with patience) to bear what I could not remedy : 
And in this (I thank God) I had the better of 
Hotham, that no disdain, or emotion of passion trans- 
ported Me, by the indignity of his carriage, to doe or 
say any thing, unbeseeming My self, or unsutable to 
that temper, which, in greatest injuries, I think, best 
becomes a Christian, as comming nearest to the great 
example of Christ. 

And indeed, I desire alwaies more to remember I 
am a Christian, then a King ; for what the Majesty 
of one might justly abhor, the Charity of the other is 
willing to bear ; what the height of a King tempteth 
to revenge, the humility of a Christian teacheth to 
forgive. Keeping in compasse all those impotent 
passions, whose excess injures a man, more then his 
greatest enemies can ; for these give their malice a 
full impression on our souls, which otherwaies cannot 
reach very far, nor doe us much hurt. 

I cannot but observe how God not long after 
so pleaded, and avenged My cause, in the eye of 
the world, that the most wilfully blind cannot avoid 
the displeasure to see it, & with some remorse and 
fear to own it as a notable stroke, and prediction of 
divine vengeance. 

5 



For, Sir John Hotkam unreproached, unthreatned, 
uncursed by any language or secret imprecation of 
Mine, onely blasted with the conscience of his owne 
wickednesse, and falling from one inconstancy to 
another, not long after paies his owne and his eldest 
Sons heads, as forfeitures of their disloyalty, to those 
men, from whom surely he might have expected 
another reward then thus to divide their heads from 
their bodies, whose hearts with them were divided 
from their KING. 

Nor is it strange that they who imployed them at 
first in so high a service, and so successfull to them, 
should not find mercy enough to forgive Him, who 
had so much premerited of them : For, Apostacy unto 
Loyalty some men account the most unpardonable 
sinne. 

Nor did a solitary vengeance serve the turne, the 
cutting off one head in a Family is not enough to 
expiate the affront done to the head of the Common- 
weale. The eldest Son must be involved in the 
punishment, as he was infected with the sinne of the 
Father, against the Father of his Country : Root and 
branch God cuts off in one day. 

These observations are obvious to every fancy : 
God knows, I was so farre from rejoycing in the 
5 1 



Hothanfs ruine, (though it were such as was able to 
give the greatest thirst for revenge a full drought, 
being executed by them who first employed him 
against Me) that I so farre pitied him ; as I thought 
he at first acted more against the light of his Con- 
science, then I hope many other men doe in the 
same Cause. 

For, he was never thought to be of that super- 
stitious sowrenesse, which some men pretend to, in 
matters of Religion ; which so darkens their judgment 
that they cannot see anything of Sinne and Rebellion 
in those meanes, they use, with intents to reforme to 
their Models, of what they call Religion, who think 
all is gold of piety, which doth but glister with a 
shew of Zeale and fervency. 

Sir John Hotham was (I think) a man of another 
temper, and so most liable to those downright 
temptations of ambition, which have no cloake 
or cheat of Religion to impose upon themselves or 
others. 

That which makes me more pity him is, that after 
he began to have some inclinations towards a repent- 
ance for his sinne, and reparation of his duty to Me, 
He should be so unhappy as to fall into the hands of 
their Justice, and not My Mercy, who could as 
5* 



willingly have forgiven him, as he could have asked 
that favour of Me. 

For I think clemency a debt, which we ought to 
pay to those that crave it, when we have cause to 
believe they would not after abuse it, since God him- 
self suffer us not to pay any thing for his mercy but 
onely prayers and praises. 

Poor Gentlemen, he is now become a noteable 
monument of unprosperous disloyalty, teaching the 
world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle, that the 
rude carriage of a Subject towards his Soveraigne 
carries alwaies its own vengeance, as an unseperable 
shadow with it, and those oft prove the most fatall, 
and implacable Executioners of it, who were the first 
Imployers in the service. 

After-times will dispute it, whether Hotham were 
more infamous at ////, or at Tower-hill ; though 'tis 
certain that no punishment so stains a mans Honour, 
as wilfull preparations of unworthy actions ; which 
besides the conscience of the sinne, brands with most 
indelible characters of infamy, the name and memory 
to posterity, who not engaged in the Factions of the 
times, have the most impartiall reflections on the 
actions. 



53 



But thou, O Lord, who hast in so remarkable a 
way avenged thy Servant, suffer me not to take any- 
secret pleasure in it, for his death hath satisfied the 
injury he did to me, so let me not by it gratifie any 
passion in me, lest I make thy vengeance to be mine, 
and consider the affront against me, more than the 
sin against thee. 

Thou indeed, without any desire or endeavour ot 
mine, hast made his mischief to returne on his owne 
head, and his violent dealing to come down on his 
owne pate. 

Thou hast pleaded my cause, even before the sonnes 
of men, and taken the matter into thine owne hands ; 
that men may know it was thy work, and see that 
thou, Lord, hast done it. 

I do not, I dare not say, so let mine enemies perish 
O Lord ! yea Lord, rather give them repentance, 
pardon, and impunity, if it be thy blessed will. 

Let not thy justice prevent the objects and op- 
portunities of my mercy ; yea, let them live and 
amend who have most offended me in so high a 
nature ; that I may have those to forgive, who beare 
most proportion in their offences to those trespasses 
against thy majesty, which I hope thy mercy hath 
forgiven me. 

54 



Lord lay not their sins (who yet live) to their charge 
for condemnation, but to their consciences for amend- 
ment : Let the lighting of this thunderbolt, which 
hath been so severe a punishment to one, be a terrour 
to all. 

Discover to them their sinne, who know not they 
have donne amisse, and scare them from their sinne, 
that sinne of malicious wickednesse. 

That preventing thy judgments by their true re- 
pentance, they may escape the strokes of thine eternall 
vengeance. 

And doe thou, O Lord, establish the Throne ot 
thy servant in mercy, and truth meeting together ; 
let my Crowne ever flourish in righteousnesse, and 
peace, kissing each other. 

Heare my prayer, O Lord, who hast taught us to 
pray for, to doe good to, and to love our enemies, for 
thy sake ; who hast prevented us with offertures of 
thy love, even when we were thine enemies, and hast 
sent thy Sonne Jesus Christ to die for us, when we 
were_ disposed to crucifie him. 



55 



9- Upon the lifting^ and raising Armies against the 
KING. 

I FIND that I am at the same point and posture 
I was, when they forced Me to leave White-hall ' : 
what Tumults could not doe, an Army must ; which 
is but Tumults listed, and enrolled to a better order, 
but as bad an end : My recesse hath given them 
confidence that I may be conquered. 

And so I easily may as to any outward strength, 
which, God knowes, is little or none at all : But I 
have a Soule invincible through Gods grace enabling 
Me ; here I am sure to be Conquerour, if God will 
give Me such a measure of Constancy, as to feare him 
more than man : and to love the inward peace of My 
Conscience, before any outward tranquillity. 

And must I be opposed with force, because they 
have not reason wherewith to convince me ? O my 
Soule ! be of good courage, they confesse their knowne 
weaknesse, as to truth, and Justice, who chose rather 
to contend by Armies, than by Arguments. 

Is this the reward and thanks that I am to receive 
for those many Acts of Grace I have lately passed, 
and for those many Indignities I have endured ? Is 
there no way left to make me a glorious KING but by 
My sufferings ? 

56 



It is a hard and disputable choice for a King, that 
loves his People, and desires their love, either to kill 
his owne Subjects, or to be killed by them. 

Are the hazards and miseries of Civil War in the 
bowels of My most flourishing Kingdome, the fruits I 
must now reap after 17 years living and reigning 
among them, with such a measure of Justice, Peace, 
Plenty, and Religion, as all Nations about either 
admired, or envied ? notwithstanding some miscar- 
riages in Government, which might escape ; rather 
through ill counsell of some men driving on their 
private ends, or the peevishnesse of others envying the 
publique should be managed without them, or the 
hidden and insuperable necessities of State, then any 
propensity, I hope, of my self either to injuriousness 
or oppression. 

Whose innocent bloud during My Reigne have I 
shed, to satisfie My lust, anger, or covetousnesse ? 
what Widowes or Orphans tears can witnesse against 
me ; the just cry of which must now be avenged with 
My owne bloud ? For the hazards of Warre are equall, 
nor doth the Cannon know any respect of Persons. 

In vaine is My Person excepted by a Parenthesis of 
words, when so many hands are armed against Me 
with Swords. 

57 



God knowes how much I have studied to see what 
Ground of Justice is alledged for this Warre against 
Me ; that so I might (by giving just satisfaction) 
either prevent, or soone end so unnaturall a motion ; 
which (to many men) seemes rather the productions 
of a surfeit of peace, and wantonnesse of mindes, or 
of private discontents, Ambition and Faction (which 
easily find, or make causes of quarrell) then any 
reall obstructions of publick Justice, or Parliamentary 
Priviledge. 

{-' But this is pretended, and this I must be able to 
avoid and answer before God in My owne Conscience, 
however some men are not willing to beleeve Me, 
lest they should condemne themselves. 

When I first withdrew from White-hall, to see if I 
could allay the insolency of the Tumults, (the not 
suppressing of which, no account in Reason can be 
given, (where an orderly Guard was granted) but only 
to oppresse both Mine and the Two Houses freedome 
of declaring and voting according to every mans 
Conscience) what obstructions of Justice were there 
further then this, that what seemed just to one man, 
might not seeme so to another ? 

Whom did I by power protect against the Justice 
of Parliament ? 

58 



That some men withdrew, who feared the partiality 
of their tryall, (warned by My Lord of Strafords 
death) while the vulgar threatned to be their Op- 
pressors, and Judgers of their Judges, was from that 
instinct, which is in all creatures to preserve them- 
selves. If any others refused to appear, where they 
evidently saw the current of Justice and freedom so 
stopped and troubled by the Rabble, that their lawfull 
Judges either durst not come to the Houses, or not 
declare their sense with liberty and safety ; it cannot 
seem strange to any reasonable man when the sole 
exposing them to publick odium was enough to ruine 
them, before their Cause could be heard or tryed. 

Had not factious Tumults overborne the Freedome 
and Honour of the two Houses ; had they asserted 
their Justice against them, and made the way open 
for all the Members quietly to come and declare their 
Consciences : I know no man so deare to Me, whom 
I had the least inclination to advise either to with- 
draw himself, or deny appearing upon their Summons, 
to whose Sentence according to Law (I think) every 
Subject bound to stand. 

Distempers (indeed) were risen to so great a height, 
for want of timely repressing the vulgar insolencies ; 
that the greatest guilt of those which were Voted and 
59 



demanded as Delinquents was this, That they would 
not suffer themselves to be over-aw'd with the Tumults, 
and their Patrones ; nor compelled to abet by their 
suffrages, or presence ; the designes of those men who 
agitated innovations, and ruine, both in Church and 
State. 

In this point I could not but approve their generous 
constancy and cautiousnesse ; further then this I did 
never allow any mans refractorinesse against the 
Priviledges and Orders of the Houses ; to whom I 
wished nothing more, then Safety, Fulnesse, and 
Freedome. 

But the truth is, some men, and those not many, 
despairing in faire and Parliamentary wayes by free 
deliberations, and Votes to gain the concurrence of 
the Major part of Lords and Commons, betook them- 
selves (by the desperate activity of factious Tumults) 
to sift and terrific away all those Members whom 
they saw to be of contrary minds to their purposes. 

How oft was the businesse of the Bishops enjoying 
their Ancient places, and undoubted Priviledges in 
the House of Peeres, carried for them by farre the 
Major part of Lords. Yet after five repulses, contrary 
to all Order and Custome, it was by tumultuary, 
instigations obtruded again, and by a few carried, 
60 



when most of the Peeres were forced to absent 
themselves. 

In like manner, as the Bill against Root and Branch, 
brought on by tumultuary Clamours, and schismaticall 
Terrours, which could never passe, till both Houses 
were sufficiently thinned and over-awed. 

To which Partiality, while in all Reason, Justice 
and Religion, My conscience forbids Me by consent- 
ing to make up their Votes to Acts of Parliament ; 
I must now be urged with an Army, and constrained 
either to hazard My owne, and My Kingdomes ruine, 
by my Defence ; or prostrate My Conscience to the 
blind obedience of those men, whose zealous super- 
stition thinks, or pretends, they cannot do God and 
the Church a greater service, than utterly to destroy 
that Primitive, Apostolicall, and anciently Universall 
Government of the Church by Bishops. 

Which if other mens judgements bind them to 
maintain, or forbids them to consent to the abolishing 
of it ; Mine much more ; who, besides the grounds 
I have in My judgement, have also a most strickt and 
indispensable Oath upon My Conscience, to preserve 
that Order, and the Rights of the Church ; to which, 
most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury, most un- 
beseeming a Christian King, should I ever by giving 



My Consent be betrayed, I should account it infinitely 
greater misery, then any hath, or can befall Me ; in 
as much as the least sinne hath more evill in it then 
the greatest affliction. Had I gratified their Anti- 
episcopall Faction at first in this point, with My 
consent, and sacrificed the Ecclesiasticall Government, 
and Revenues, to the fury of their covetousnesse, 
ambition, and revenge, I believe they would then 
have found no colourable necessity of raising an Army 
to fetch in, and punish Delinquents. 

That I consented to the Bill of putting the Bishops 
out of the House of Peers, was done with a firm per- 
swasion of their contentednes to suffer a present 
diminution in their Rights, and Honour for My sake, 
and the Common-weals, w ch I was confident they 
would readily yeeld unto, rather then occasion (by 
the least obstruction on their part) any dangers to 
Me, or to My Kingdome. That I cannot adde My 
consent for the totall extirpation of that Government 
(which I have often offered to all fit regulations) hath 
so much further tie upon My Conscience, as what I 
think Religious and Apostolicall ; and so very Sacred 
and Divine, is not to be dispensed with, or destroyed, 
when what is only of civill Favor, and priviledge 
of Honour granted to men of that Order, may 
6z 



with their consent, who are concerned in it be 
annulled. 

This is the true state of those obstructions pre- 
tended to be in point of Justice and Authority of 
Parliament ; when I call God to witnesse, I knew 
none of such consequence as was worth speaking of a 
Warre, being only such as Justice, Reason, and Re- 
ligion had made in My owne and other mens 
Consciences. 

Afterwards indeed a great shew of Delinquents was 
made ; which were but consequences necessarily fol- 
lowing upon Mine, or others withdrawing from, or 
defence against violence : but those could not be the 
first occasion of raising an Army against Me. 7 Where- 
in I was so far from preventing them, (as they have 
declared often, that they might seeme to have the 
advantage and Justice of the defensive part, and load 
Me with all the envy and injuries of first assaulting 
them) that God knows, I had not so much as any 
hopes of an Army in My thoughts. Had the Tumults 
been Honourably and Effectually repressed by ex- 
emplary Justice, and the liberty of the Houses so 
vindicated, that all Members of either House might 
with Honour and Freedome, becomming such a 
Senate, have come and discharged their Consciences, 
63 



I had obtained all that I designed by My withdraw- 
ing, and had much more willingly, and speedily 
returned then I retired ; this being My necessity 
driving, the other My choise desiring. 

But some men know, I was like to bring the same 
judgement and constancy, which I carryed with Me, 
which would never fit their designes : and so while 
they invited Me to come, and grievously complained 
of My absence, yet they could not but be pleased with 
it : especially when they had found out that plausible 
and popular pretext of raising an Army to fetch in 
Delinquents : when all that while they never punised 
the greatest and most intolerable Delinquencie of the 
Tumults, and their Exciters, which drave My selfe, 
and so many of both Houses from their places, by 
most barbarous indignities, which yet in all Reason 
and Honour, they were as loath to have deserted, as 
those others were willing they should, that so they 
might have occasion to persecute them with the 
Injuries of an Army, for not suffering more tamely 
the Injuries of the Tumults. 

That this is the true state, and first drift and de- 

signe in raising an Army against Me, is by the sequell 

so evident, that all other pretences vanish. For 

when they declared by Propositions, or Treaties, 

64 



what they would have to appease them ; there was 
nothing of consequence offered to Me, or demanded 
of Me, as any originall difference in any point of 
Law, or order of Justice. But among other lesser 
Innovations, this chiefly was urged, The Abolition of 
Episcopall, and the Establishment of Presbyterian 
Government. 

All other things at any time propounded were 
either impertinent as to any ground of a War, or 
easily granted by Me, and onely to make up a 
number, or else they were meerly consequential!, and 
accessary, after the War was by them unjustly began. 

I cannot hinder other mens thoughts, whom the 
noise and shew of piety, and heat for Reformation 
and Religion, might easily so fill with prejudice, that 
all equality and clearnesse of judgement might be 
obstructed. But this was, and is, as to my best ob- 
servation, the true state of affaires betweene us, when 
they first raised an Army, with this designe, either to 
stop My mouth, or to force My consent : and in this 
truth, as to My conscience, (who was (God knowes) 
as far from meditating a War, as I was in the eye of 
the world from having any preparation for one) I 
find that comfort, that in the midst of all the un- 
fortunate successes of this War, on My side, I doe not 
65 



think My Innocencie any whit prejudiced or darkned ; 
Nor am I without that Integrity, and Peace before 
God, as with humble confidence to addresse My Prayer 
to Him. 



For Thou, O Lord, seest clearly through all the 
cloudings of humane affaires ; Thou judgest without 
prejudice : Thy Omniscience eternally guides thy 
unerrable Judgement. 

O my God, the proud are risen against me, and 
the assemblies of violent men have sought after my 
soule, and have not set Thee before their eyes. 

Consider My enemies, O Lord, for they are many, 
and they hate me with a deadly hatred without a 
cause. 

For Thou knowest, I had no passion, designe or 
preparation to embroyle My Kingdomes in a Civill 
Warre ; whereto I had least temptation ; as knowing 
I must adventure more then any, and could gaine 
least of any by it. 

Thou, O Lord, art my witnesse how oft I have 

deplored, and studied to divert the necessity thereof, 

wherein I cannot well be thought so prodigally thirsty 

of my Subjects blood, as to venture my own Life, 

66 



which I have been oft compelled to doe in this un 
happy Warre ; and which were better spent to save 
then to destroy my People. 

O Lord, I need much of thy grace, with patience 
to bear the many afflictions thou hast suffered some 
men to bring upon me ; but much more to bear the 
unjust reproaches of those, who not content that I 
suffer most by the Warre, will needs perswade the 
world that I have raised first, or given just cause to 
raise it. 

The confidence of some mens false tongues is such, 
that they would make me almost suspect my own 
innocency : Yea, I could be content (at least by my 
silence) to take upon me so great a guilt before men, 
If by that I might allay the malice of my Enemies, 
and redeeme my People from this miserable Warre ; 
since thou O Lord knowest my Innocency in this 
thing. 

Thou wilt finde out bloudy and deceitfull men ; 
many of whom have not lived out half their daies, in 
which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the 
fruits of their violent and wicked Counsells. 

Save, O Lord, thy servant, as hitherto thou hast, 
and in thy due time scatter the people that delight 
in Warre. 

67 



Arise O Lord, lift up thy self, because of the rage 
of mine Enemies, which encreaseth more and more. 
Behold them that have conceived mischief, travelled 
with iniquity, and brought forth falshood. 

Thou knowest the chief designe of this Warre is, 
either to destroy My Person, or force My Judgment, 
and to make me renege my Conscience and thy 
Truth. 

I am driven to crosse Davids choise and desire, 
rather to fall into the hands of men, by denying 
them, (thought their mercies be cruell) then into thy 
hands by sinning against My Conscience, and in that 
against thee, who art a consuming fire ; Better they 
destroy Me, then thou shouldst damne Me. 

Be thou ever the defence of My soul, who wilt 
save the upright in heart. 

If nothing but My bloud will satisfie My Enemies, 
or quench the flames of My Kingdomes, or thy 
temporall Justice, I am content, if it be thy will, that 
it be shed by Mine owne Subjects hands. 

But o let the bloud of Me, though their King, 
yet a sinner, be washed with the Bloud of My In- 
nocent and peace-making Redeemer, for in that thy 
Justice will find not only a temporary expiation, but 
an eternall plenary satisfaction ; both for my sins, and 
68 



the sins ot my People ; whom I beseech thee still own 
for thine, and when thy wrath is appeased by my 
Death, O Remember thy great mercies toward them, 
and forgive them ! O my Father, for they know not 
what they doe. 

I o. Upon their seizing the Kings Magazines, Forts, 
Navy, and Militia. 

HOW untruly I am Charged with the first raising 
of an Army, and beginning this Civill Warre, 
the eyes that only pitty Me, and the Loyall hearts 
that durst only pray for Me, at first, might witnesse, 
which yet appear not so many on My side, as there 
were men in Arms listed against Me ; My unprepared- 
nesse for a War may well dis-hearten those that would 
help Me ; while it argues (truly) My unwillingnes to 
fight ; yet it testifies for Me, that I am set on the 
defensive part ; having so little hopes or power to 
offend others, that I have none to defend My self, or 
to preserve what is Mine own from their proreption. 

No man can doubt but they prevented Me in their 

purposes, as well as their injuries, who are so much 

before- hand in their preparations against Me, and sur- 

prisalls of My strength. Such as are not for Them, yet 

69 



dare not be for Me ; so over-aw'd is their Loyalty by 
the others numbers and terrours. I believe My In- 
nocency, and unpreparednesse to assert My Rights and 
Honour, makes Me the more guilty in their esteeme ; 
who would not so easily have declared a War against 
Me, if I had first assaulted them. 

They knew My chiefest Armes left Me, were those 
only, which the Ancient Christians were wont to use 
against their Persecutors, Prayers and Teares. These 
may serve a good mans turne, if not to Conquer as a 
Souldier, yet to suffer as a Martyr. 

Their preventing of Me, and surprizing my Castles, 
Forts, Armes, and Navy, with the Militia, is so farre 
best for me, That it may drive me from putting any 
trust in the arme of flesh, and wholly to cast my self 
into the protection of the living God, who can save 
by few, or none, as well as by many. 

He that made the greedy Ravens to be Ellas Caterers, 
and bring him food, may also make their surprisall of 
outward force and defence, an opportunity to shew 
me the speciall support of his power and protection. 

I thank God I reckon not now the want of the 
Militia so much in reference to My own protection 
as My Peoples. 

Their many and sore oppressions grieve Me, I am 
70 



above My owne, what I want in the hands of Force 
and Power, I have in the wings of Faith and Prayer. 

But this is the strange method these men will needs 
take to resolve their riddle of Making Me a glorious 
King, by taking away my Kingly power : Thus I shall 
become a support to My Friends, and a Terrour to 
My Enemies by being unable to succour the one, or 
suppresse the other. 

For thus have they designed, and proposed to Me, 
the new modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship, as 
without any reality of power, or without any necessity 
of subjection and obedience : That the Majesty of 
the Kings of England might hereafter, hang like 
Mahomets Tomb, by a magnetique Charme, between 
the Power and Priviledges of the two Houses, in an 
aiery imagination of Regality. 

But I believe the surfeit of too much Power, which 
some men have greedily seized on, and now seek 
wholly to devour, will ere long make the Common- 
wealth sick both of it and them, since they cannot 
well digest it ; Soveraigne Power in Subjects seldome 
agreeing with the stomacks of fellow Subjects. 

Yet I have even in this point of the constant Militia 
sought, by satisfying their feares, and importuni- 
ties, both to secure My Friends, and overcome Mine 



Enemies, to gaine the peace of all, by depriving My 
selfe of a sole power to help, or hurt any : yielding 
the Militia (which is My undoubted Right no lesse 
than the Crowne) to be disposed of as the two Houses 
shall think fit, during My time. 

So willing am I to bury all Jealousies in them, of 
Me, and to live above all Jealousies of them, as to My 
self ; I desire not to be safer than I wish them and 
My People ; If I had the sole actuall disposing of the 
Militia, I could not protect My People, further than 
they protected Me, and themselves : so that the use 
of the Militia is mutuall. I would but defend My 
self so far, as to be able to defend My good Subjects 
from those mens violence and fraud, who conscious 
to their owne evill merits and designes, will needs 
perswade the world, that none but Wolves are fit to 
be trusted with the custody of the Shepherd and his 
Flock. Miserable experience hath taught My Sub- 
jects, since Power hath been wrested from Me, and 
imployed against Me & Them ! that neither can be 
safe if both be not in such a way as the Law hath 
entrusted the publique safety and welfare. 

Yet even this Concession of Mine as to the exercise 
of the Militia, so vast and large, is not satisfactory to 
some men ; which seem to be Enemies not to Me 



onely, but to all Monarchy ; and are resolved to 
transmit to posterity such Jealousies of the Crowne, 
as they should never permit it to enjoy its just and 
necessary Rights, in point of Power ; to which (at 
last) all Law is resolved, while thereby it is best 
protected. 

But here Honour and Justice due to My Successors, 
forbid Me to yeild to such a totall alienation of that 
power from them, which civility & duty (no lesse 
then justice and honour) should have forbad them to 
have asked of Me. 

For, although I can be content to Eclypse My owne 
beames, to satisfie their feares ; who think they must 
needs be scorched or blinded, if I should shine in the 
full lustre of Kingly Power, wherewith God and the 
Lawes have invested Me : yet I will never consent 
to put out the Sun of Soveraignty to all Posterity, 
and succeeding Kings ; whose just recovery of their 
Rights from unjust usurpations and extortions, shall 
never be prejudiced or obstructed by any Act of 
Mine, which indeed would not be more injurious 
to succeeding Kings, than to My Subjects ; whom I 
desire to leave in a condition not wholly desperate for 
the future ; so as by a Law to be ever subjected to 
those many factious distractions, which must needs 
73 



follow the many-headed Hydra of Government : 
which as it makes a shew to the People to have more 
eyes to foresee; so they will find it hath more mouthes 
too, which much be satisfied : and (at best) it hath 
rather a monstrosity, than any thing of perfection, 
beyond that of right Monarchy ; where counsell may 
be in many as the senses, but the Supreme Power can 
be but in One as the Head. 

Happily where men have tried the horrours and 
malignant influence which will certainly follow My 
enforced darknesse and Eclypse, (occasioned by the 
interposition and shadow of that body, which as the 
Moone receiveth its chiefest light from Me) they 
will at length more esteeme and welcome the restored 
glory and blessing of the Suns light. 

And if at present I may seem by My receding so 
much from the use of My Right in the Power of the 
Militia, to come short of the discharge of that trust 
to which I am sworne for My Peoples protection ; I 
conceive those men are guilty of the enforced perjury, 
(if so it may seeme) who compell Me to take this new 
and strange way of discharging My trust, by seeming 
to desert it ; of protecting My Subjects by exposing 
My self to danger or dishonour, for their safety and 
quiet. 

74 



Which in the conflicts of Civill Warre and advan- 
tages of Power cannot be effected but by some side 
yeilding ; to which the greatest love of the publique 
Peace, and the firmest assurance of Gods protection 
(arising from a good conscience) doth more invite Me, 
than can be expected from other mens fears ; which 
arising from the injustice of their actions (though 
never so successfull) yet dare not adventure their 
Authours upon any other way of safety then that of 
the Sword and Militia ; which yet are but weak 
defences against the stroaks of divine vengeance, 
which will overtake ; or of mens owne Consciences, 
which alwaies attend injurious perpetrations. 

For My self, I doe not think that I can want any 
thing which providentiall necessity is pleased to take 
from Me, in order to My Peoples tranquillity and 
Gods glory, whose protection is sufficient for Me ; 
and he is able by his being with Me, abundantly to 
compensate to Me, as he did to Job, what ever honour, 
power, or liberty the Caldeans, the Sabeans, or the 
Devill himself can deprive Me of. 

Although they take from me all defence of Armes 

and Militia, all refuge by land, of Forts, and Castles, 

all flight by Sea in my Ships, and Navy ; yea, though 

they study to rob me of the Hearts of my Subjects, 

75 



the greatest Treasure and best ammunition of a King, 
yet cannot they deprive me of my own innocency, or 
Gods mercy, nor obstruct my way to Heaven. 



Therefore, O my God, to thee I flie for help, if 
thou wilt be on my side, I shall have more with me 
then can be against me. 

There is none in Heaven, or in Earth, that I desire 
in comparison of thee : In the losse of all, be thou 
more than all to me : Make hast to succour me, thou 
that never failest them, that put their trust in thee. 

Thou seest I have no power to oppose them that 
come against me, who are encouraged to fight under 
the pretence of fighting for me : But my eyes are 
toward thee. 

Thou needest no help, nor shall I, if I may have 
thine ; If not to conquer, yet at least to suffer. 

If thou delightest not in my safety, and prosperity, 
behold here I am willing to be reduced to what thou 
wilt have me ; whose Judgments oft begin with thy 
owne Children. 

I am content to be nothing, that thou mayst be 
all. 

Thou hast taught me, That no King can be saved 



by the multitude of an Host ; but yet thou canst save 
me by the multitude of thy mercies, who art the 
Lord of Hosts, and the Father of mercies. 

Help me, O Lord, who am sore distressed on every 
side, yet be thou on my side, and I shall not feare 
what man can doe unto mee. 

I will give thy Justice the glory of my distresse. 

O let thy mercy have the glory of my deliverance 
from that them persecute my Soule ! 

By my sinnes have I fought against thee, and robbed 
thee of thy glory, who am thy subject, and justly 
mayst thou, by my owne Subjects, strip me of my 
strength, and eclypse my glory. 

But shew thy self, O my hope, and onely refuge ! 
Let not mine enemies say, There is no help for him 
in his God. 

Hold up my goings in thy paths, that my footsteps 
slip not. 

Keep me as the apple of thine eye, hide me under 
the shadow of thy wings. 

Shew thy marveilous loving kindnesse, O thou that 
savest by thy right hand them that put their trust in 
thee, from those that rise up against them. 

From the wicked that oppresse me, from my deadly 
enemies that compasse me about. 
77 



Shew me the path of life. In thy presence is 
fulnesse of joy, at thy right hand there are pleasures 
for evermore. 



II. Upon the 19. Propositions first sent to the KING ; 
and more afterwards. 

A LTHOUGH there be many things, they de- 
j^j^mand, yet if these be all, I am glad to see at 
what price they set My owne safety, and My Peoples 
peace ; which I cannot think I buy at too deare a 
rate save onely the parting with My Conscience & 
Honour. If nothing else will satisfie, I must chuse 
rather to be as miserable, and inglorious, as My ene- 
mies can make or wish me. 

Some things here propounded to Me have been 
offered by Me ; Others are easily granted ; The rest 
(I think) ought not to be obtruded upon Me, with 
the point of the Sword ; nor urged with the injuries 
of a War ; when I have already declard that I cannot 
yield to them, without violating My Conscience : 
'tis strange, there can be no method of peace, but by 
making warre upon My soule. 

Here are many things required of Me, but I see 
nothing offer'd to Me, by the way of gratef ull exchange 
78 



of Honour ; or any requitall for those favours, I have, 
or can yet grant them. 

This honour they doe Mee, to put Mee on the 
giving part, which is more princely and divine. They 
cannot aske more than I can give, may I but reserve 
to My self the Incommunicable Jewell of my Con- 
science ; and not be forced to part with that, whose 
losse nothing can repaire or requite. 

Some things (which they are pleased to propound) 
seeme unreasonable to me, and while I have any Mas- 
tery of my Reason, how can they think I can consent 
to them ? Who know they are such as are inconsist- 
ent with being either a King, or a good Christian. My 
yeilding so much (as I have already) makes some men 
confident I will deny nothing. 

The love I have of my Peoples peace, hath (indeed) 
great influence upon me ; but the love of Truth, and 
inward peace hath more. 

Should I grant some things they require, I should 
not so much weaken my outward state of a King ; as 
wound that inward quiet of my Conscience, which 
ought to be, is, and ever shall be (by Gods grace) 
dearer to me then my Kingdomes. 

Some things which a King might approve, yet in 
Honour and Policy are at some time to be denied, to 
79 



some men, lest he should seeme not to dare to deny 
any thing ; and give too much incouragement to 
unreasonable demands, or importunities. 

But to bind myself to a generall and implicite 
consent, to what ever they shall desire, or propound, 
(for such is one of their Propositions) were such a 
latitude of blind obedience, as never was expected 
from any Free-man, nor fit to be required of any man, 
much lesse of a King, by His own Subjects ; any of 
whom he may possibly exceed as much in wisdome, as 
He doth in place and power. 

This were as if Sampson should have consented, not 
only to binde his own hands, and cut off his haire, 
but to put out his own eyes, that the Philistins might 
with the more safety mock, and abuse him ; which 
they chose rather to doe, then quite to destroy him, 
when he was become so tame an object, and fit 
occasion for their sport and scorne. 

Certainly, to exclude all power of deniall, seemes 
an arrogancy, least of all becomming those who 
pretend to make their addresses in an humble and 
loyall way of petitioning ; who by that sufficiently 
confesse their owne inferiority, which obligeth them 
to rest, if not satisfied, yet quieted with such an 
answer as the will and reason of their Superiour 
80 



thinkes fit to give ; who is acknowledged to have a 
freedome and power of Reason, to Consent, or Dis- 
sent, else it were very foolish and absurd to ask, what 
another having not liberty to deny, neither hath power 
to grant. 

But if this be My Right belonging to Me, in Reason, 
as a Man, and in Honour as a Soveraign King, (as un- 
doubtedly it doth) how can it be other then extream 
injury to confine my Reason to a necessity of granting 
all they have a mind to ask, whose minds may be as 
differing from Mine both in Reason & Honour, as 
their aims may be, and their qualities are ; which 
last God & the Laws have sufficiently distinguisht, 
making me their Soveraign, and them my Subjects : 
whose Propositions may soon prove violent oppositions, 
if once they gain to be necessary impositions upon the 
Regall Authority. Since no man seekes to limit and 
confine his King, in Reason, who hath not a secret 
aime to share with him, or usurp upon him in Power 
and Dominion. 

But they would have me trust to their moderation, 
& abandon mine own discretion ; that so I might 
verifie what representations some have made of me 
to the world, that I am fitter to be their Pupill then 
their Prince. Truly I am not so confident of my 

8l G 



own sufficiency, as not willingly to admit the Counsell 
of others : But yet I am not so diffident of my selfe, 
as brutishly to submit to any mens dictates, and at 
once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in my Soul, 
and the Majesty of my own Crown to any of my 
Subjects. 

Least of all have I any ground of credulity, to 
induce me fully to submit to all the desires of those 
men, who will not admit or doe refuse, and neglect 
to vindicate the freedome of their own and others, 
sitting and voting in Parliament. 

Besides, all men that know them, know this, how 
young States-men (the most part) of these propounders 
are ; so that, till experience of one seven years hath 
shewed me, how well they can Governe themselves, 
and so much power as is wrested from me, I should 
be very foolish indeed, and unfaithfull, in my Trust, 
to put the reins of both Reason and Government, 
wholly out of my own, into their hands, whose driving 
is already too much like Jehues ; and whose forward- 
nesse to ascend the throne of Supremacy pretends more 
of Phaeton then of Pbebus ; God divert the Omen if 
it be his will. 

They may remember, that at best they sit in Par- 
liament, as my Subjects, not my Superiours ; called to 



be my Counsellours, not Dictatours : Their Summons 
extends to recommend their advice, not to command 
my Duty. 

When I first heard of Propositions to be sent Me, I 
expected either some good Lawes, which had been 
antiquated by the course of time, or overlayd by the 
corruption of manners, had been desired to a restaura- 
tion of their vigour and due execution ; or some evill 
customes preterlegall, and abuses personall had been 
to be removed : or some injuries done by My selfe, 
and others, to the Common-weale, were to be re- 
paired : or some equable offertures were to be tendred 
to Me, wherein the advantages of My Crowne being 
considered by them, might fairly induce Me to con- 
discend, to what tended to My Subjects good, without 
any great diminution of My selfe, whom nature, 
Law, Reason, and Religion, bind Me (in the first 
place) to preserve : without which, 'tis impossible to 
preserve My People according to My Place. 

Or (at least) I looked for such moderate desires of 
due Reformation of what was (indeed) amisse in 
Church and State, as might still preserve the founda- 
tion and essentials of Government in both ; not shake 
and quite overthrow either of them, without any 
regard to the Lawes in force, the wisdome and piety 
83 



of former Parliaments, the ancient and universal! prac- 
tise of Christian Churches ; the Rights and Priviledges 
of particular men : Nor yet any thing offered in lieu, 
or in the roome of what must be destroyed, which 
might at once reach the good end of the others 
Institution, and also supply its pretended defects, 
reforme its abuses, and satisfie sober and wise men, 
not with soft and specious words, pretending zeale 
and speciall piety, but with pregnant and solid reasons 
both divine and humane, which might Justine the 
abruptnesse and necessity of such vast alterations. 

But in all their Propositions I can observe little of 
these kinds, or to these ends : Nothing of any Laws 
dis-jointed, which are to be restored ; of any right 
invaded ; of any justice to be un-obstructed ; of any 
compensations to be made ; of any impartiall reforma- 
tion to be granted ; to all, or any of which, Reason, 
Religion, true Policy, or any other humane motives, 
might induce me. 

But as to the maine matters propounded by them 
at any time, in which is either great novelty, or 
difficulty. I perceive that what were formerly look'd 
upon as Factions in the State, and Schismes in the 
Church, and so, punishable by the Lawes, have now 
the confidence, by vulgar clamours, and assistance 
84 



(chiefly) to demand not onely Tolerations of them- 
selves, in their vanity, novelty, and confusion ; but 
also Abolition of the Lawes against them : and a 
totall extirpation of that Government, whose Rights 
they have a mind to invade. 

This, as to the maine ; other Propositions are (for 
the most part) but as waste paper in which those are 
wrapped up to present them somewhat more hand- 
somely. 

Nor doe I so much wonder at the variety, and 
horrible novelty of some Propositions, (there being 
nothing so monstrous, which some fancies are not 
prone to long for.) 

This casts me into, not an admiration, but an 
extasie, how such things should have the fortune to be 
propounded in the name of the two Houses of the 
Parliament of England: among whom, I am very 
confident, there was not a fourth part of the Members 
of either House, whose judgments free, single, and 
apart did approve or desire such destructive changes 
in the Government of the Church. 

I am perswaded there remaines in farre the Major 
part of both Houses, (if free, and full) so much Learn- 
ing, Reason, Religion, and just moderation, as to 
know how to sever between the use and the abuse 



of things ; the institution, and the corruption, the 
Government and the Mis-government, the Primitive 
Patterns, and the aberrations or blottings of after 
Copies. 

Sure they could not all, upon so little, or no Reason 
(as yet produced to the contrary) so soon renounce all 
regard to the Laws in force, to antiquity, to the piety 
of their reforming Progenitors, to the prosperity of 
former times in this Church and State, under the 
present Government of the Church. 

Yet, by a strange fatality, these men suffer, either 
by their absence, or silence, or negligence, or supine 
credulity (believing that all is good, which is guilded 
with shewes of Zeale and Reformation) their private 
dissenting in Judgement to be drawne into the common 
sewer or streame of the present vogue and humour ; 
which hath its chief rise and abetment from those 
popular clamours and Tumults : which served to give 
life and strength to the infinite activity of those men, 
who studied with all diligence, and policy, to improve 
to their Innovating designes, the present distractions. 

Such Armies of Propositions having so little, in 

My Judgment, of Reason, Justice, and Religion on 

their side, as they had Tumult and Faction for their 

rise, must not go alone, but ever be backt and seconded, 

86 



with Armies of Soldiers : Though the second should 
prevaile against My Person, yet the first shall never 
overcome Me, further than I see cause ; for, I look 
not at their number and power so much, as I weigh 
their Reason and Justice. 

Had the two Houses first sued out their livery, and 
once effectually redeemed themselves from the Ward- 
ship of the Tumults, (which can be no other than the 
Hounds that attend the cry, and hollow of those Men, 
who hunt after Factious, and private Designes, to the 
ruine of Church and State.) 

Did My judgment tell Me, that the Propositions 
sent to Me were the Results of the Major part of their 
Votes, who exercise their freedome, as well as they 
have a right to sit in Parliament : I should then suspect 
My own judgment, for not speedily and fully con- 
curring with every one of them. 

For, I have charity "enough to think, there are wise 
men among them : and humility to think, that, as in 
some things I may want ; so 'tis fit I should use their 
advice, which is the end for which I called them to a 
Parliament. But yet I cannot allow their wisdome 
such a compleatnesse and inerrability as to exclude 
My self ; since none of them hath that part to Act, 
that Trust to discharge, nor that Estate and Honour 
87 



to preserve as My selfe ; without whose Reason con- 
current with theirs (as the Suns influence is necessary 
in all natures productions) they cannot beget, or 
bring forth any one compleat and authoritative Act 
of publique wisdome, which makes the Lawes. 

But the unreasonablenesse of some Propositions is 
not more evident to Me than this is, That they are 
not the joynt and free desires of those in their 
Major number, who are of right to Sit and Vote in 
Parliament. 

For, many of them savour very strong of that old 
leaven of Innovations, masked under the name of 
Reformation ; (which in My two last famous Pre- 
decessours daies, heaved at, and sometime threatned 
both Prince and Parliaments :) But, I am sure was 
never wont so far to infect the whole masse of the 
Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdome ; however it 
dispersed among the Vulgar : Nor was it likely so 
suddenly to taynt the Major part of both Houses, as 
that they should unanimously desire, and affect so 
enormous and dangerous innovations in Church and 
State, contrary to their former education, practise, 
and judgement. 

Not that I am ignorant, how the choice of many 
Members was carried by much faction in the Countries; 



some thirsting after nothing more, than a passionate 
revenge of what ever displeasure they had conceived 
against me, my Court, or the Clergy. 

But all Reason bids me impute these sudden and vast 
desires of change to those few, who armed themselves 
with the many-headed, and many-handed Tumults. 

No lesse doth Reason, Honour, and Safety both of 
Church and State command me, to chew such morsels, 
before I let them downe ; If the straitnesse of my 
Conscience will not give me leave to swallow down 
such Camels, as others doe of Sacriledge, and injustice 
both to God and man, they have no more cause to 
quarrell with me, than for this, that my throat is not 
so wide as theirs. Yet by Gods help I am resolved, 
That nothing of passion, or peevishnesse, or list to 
contradict, or vanity to shew my negative power, 
shall have any byas upon my judgment, to make me 
gratifie my will, by denying any thing, which my 
Reason and Conscience commands me not. 

Nor on the other side, will I consent to more than 
Reason, Justice, Honour, and Religion perswade me, 
to be for Gods glory, the Churches good, my Peoples 
welfare, and my owne peace. 

I will study to satisfie my Parliament, and my 
People; but I will never, for feare, or flattery, gratifie 
8 9 



any Faction, how potent soever ; for this were to 
nourish the disease, & oppresse the body. 

Although many mens loyalty and prudence are 
terrified from giving me, that free, and faithfull 
counsell, which they are able and willing to impart, 
and I may want ; yet none can hinder me from 
craving of the counsell of that mighty Counsellour, 
who can both suggest what is best, and incline my heart 
stedfastly to follow it. 



O thou first and eternall Reason, whose wisdome is 
fortified with omnipotency, furnish thy Servant, first 
with cleare discoveries of Truth, Reason, and Justice, 
in My Understanding : then so confirme My will and 
resolution to adhere to them, that no terrours, injuries, 
or oppressions of my Enemies may ever inforce me 
against those rules, which thou by them hast planted 
in My Conscience. 

Thou never madest me a King, that I should be 
lesse than a Man ; and not dare to say, Yea, or Nay, 
as I see cause ; which freedome is not denied to the 
meanest creature, that hath the use of Reason, and 
liberty of speech. 

Shall that be blameable in Me, which is commend- 
able veracity and constancy in others ? 
90 



Thou seest, O Lord, with what partiality, and in- 
justice, they deny that freedome to Me their KING, 
which Thou hast given to all Men ; and which Them- 
selves pertinaciously challenge to themselves ; while 
they are so tender of the least breach of their prive- 
ledges. 

To Thee I make my supplication, who canst guide 
us by an unerring rule, through thy perplexed Laby- 
rinths of our owne thoughts, and other mens proposalls; 
which, I have some cause to suspect, are purposely 
cast as snares, that by My granting or denying them, 
I might be more entangled in those difficulties, where- 
with they lie in wait to afflict Me. 

Lord, make thy way plaine before Me. 

Let not My owne sinfull passions cloud, or divert 
thy sacred suggestions. 

Let thy glory be my end, thy word my rule, and 
then thy will be done. 

1 cannot please all, I care not to please some men ; 
If I may be happy to please thee, I need not feare 
whom I displease. 

Thou that makest the wisdome of the world foolish- 

nesse, and takest in their owne devices, such as are 

wise in their owne conceits, make me wise by thy 

Truth, for thy honour, my Kingdoms generall good, 

91 



and my owne soules salvation, and I shall not much 
regard the worlds opinion, or diminution of me. 

The lesse wisdome they are willing to impute to 
me, the more they shall be convinced of thy wisdome 
directing me, while I deny nothing fit to be granted, 
out of crosnesse or humour; nor grant any thing which 
is to be denied, out of any feare, or flattery of men. 

Suffer me not to be guilty, or unhappy, by willing 
or inconsiderate advancing any mens designes, which 
are injurious to the publique good, while I confirme 
them by my consent. 

Nor let me be any occasion to hinder or defraud 
the publique of what is best, by any morose or perverse 
dissentings. 

Make me so humbly charitable, as to follow their 
advise, when it appeares to be for the publique good, 
of whose affections to me, I have yet but few evidences 
to assure Me. 

Thou canst as well blesse honest errours, as blast 
fraudulent counsells. 

Since we must give an account of every evill and 
idle word in private, at thy Tribunall ; Lord make 
me carefull of those solemne Declarations of my mind 
which are like to have the greatest influence upon 
the Publique, either for woe, or weale. 
9* 



The lesse others consider what they aske, make me 
the more solicitous what I answer. 

Though Mine owne, and My Peoples pressures 
are grievous, and peace would be very pleasing ; yet 
Lord, never suffer Me to avoid the one, or purchase 
the other, with the least expense or wast of my 
Conscience ; whereof thou O Lord onely art deservedly 
more Master than My self. 

12. Upon the Rebellion, and troubles in Ireland. 

THE Commotions in Ireland were so sudden, and 
so violent, that it was hard at first either to 
discerne the rise, or apply a remedy to that precipitant 
Rebellion. 

Indeed, that sea of bloud, which hath there been 
cruelly and barbarously shed, is enough to drowne 
any man in eternall both infamy and misery, whom 
God shall find the malicious Authour or Instigator of 
its effusion. 

It fell out, as a most unhappy advantage to some 
mens malice against me; that when they had im- 
pudence enough to lay any thing to my charge, this 
bloudy opportunity should be offered them, with 
which I must be aspersed. Although there was 
93 



nothing which could be more abhorred to me, being 
so full of sin against God, disloyalty to my selfe, and 
destructive to my Subjects. 

Some men took it very ill not to be believed, when 
they affirmed, that what the Irish Rebels did, was 
done with my privity (at least) if not by my Com- 
mission : But these knew too well, that it is no news 
for some of my Subjects to fight, not onely without 
my Commission, but against my Command, and Person 
too ; yet all the while to pretend, they fight by my 
Authority, and for my Safety. 

I would to God the Irish had nothing to alledge 
for their imitation against those, whose blame must 
needs be the greater, by how much Protestant Prin- 
ciples are more against all Rebellion against Princes, 
then those of Papists. Nor will the goodnesse of 
mens intentions excuse the scandall, and contagion 
of their Examples. 

But who ever faile of their Duty toward me, I must 
bear the blame ; this Honour my Enemies have 
alwaies done me, to think moderate injuries not pro- 
portionate to me, nor competent trialls, either of my 
patience under them, or my pardon of them. 

Therefore with exquisite malice they have mixed 
the gall and vinegar of falsity and contempt, with the 
94 



cup of my Affliction; Charging me not only with 
untruths, but such, as wherein I have the greatest 
share of losse and dishonour by what is committed ; 
whereby (in all Policy, Reason, and Religion, having 
least cause to give the least consent, and most grounds 
of utter detestation) I might be represented by them 
to the world the more inhumane and barbarous : 
Like some Cyclopick monster, whom nothing will 
serve to eat and drink, but the flesh and blood of my 
own Subjects ; in whose common welfare my interest 
lies as much as some mens doth in their perturbations : 
who think they cannot doe well but in evill times, 
nor so cunningly as in laying the odium of those sad 
events on others, wherewith themselves are most 
pleased, and whereof they have been not the least 
occasion. 

And certainly, tis thought by many wise men, that 
the preposterous rigour, and unreasonable severity, 
which some men carried before them in England, was 
not the least incentive, that kindled, and blew up into 
those horrid flames, the sparkes of discontent, which 
wanted not pre- disposed fewell for Rebellion in 
Ireland ; where despaire being added to their former 
discontents, and the feares of utter extirpation to 
their wonted oppressions, it was easie to provoke to 
95 



an open Rebellion, a people prone enough, to break 
out to all exorbitant violence, both by some Principles 
of their Religion, and the naturall desires of liberty ; 
both to exempt themselves from their present re- 
straints, and to prevent those after rigours, wherewith 
they saw themselves apparently threatned, by the 
covetous zeal, and uncharitable fury of some men, 
who think it a great Argument of the truth of their 
Religion, to endure no other but their own. 

God knowes, as I can with Truth wash my hands in 
Innocency, as to any guilt in that Rebellion ; so I 
might wash them in my Teares, as to the sad appre- 
hensions I had, to see it spread so farre, and make such 
waste. And this in a time, when distractions, and 
jealousies here in England, made most men rather 
intent to their own safety, or designes they were 
driving, then to the relief of those, who were every 
day inhumanely butchered in Ireland : Whose teares 
and bloud might, if nothing else, have quenched, or 
at least for a time, repressed and smothered those 
sparks of Civill dissentions, and Jealousies, which in 
England some men most industriously scattered. 

I would to God no man had been lesse affected 
with Ireland; sad estate then my self ; I offered to 
goe my self in Person upon that expedition ; But 
96 



some men were either afraid I should have any one 
Kingdome quieted ; or loath they were to shoot at 
any mark here lesse then my self ; or that any should 
have the glory of my destruction but themselves. 
Had my many offers been accepted, I am confident 
neither the ruine had been so great, nor the calamity 
so long, nor the remedy so desperate. 

So that, next to the sin of those, who began that 
Rebellion, theirs musts needs be : who either hindred 
the speedy suppressing of it by Domestick dissentions, 
or diverted the Aides, or exasperated the Rebells to 
the most desperate resolutions and actions, by threat- 
ning all extremities, not only to the known heads, 
and chief incendiaries, but even to the whole com- 
munity of that Nation ; Resolving to destroy Root 
and Branch, men, women and children ; without any 
regard to those usuall pleas for mercy, which Con- 
querours, not wholly barbarous, are wont to hear from 
their own breasts, in behalf of those, whose oppressive 
faces, rather then their malice, engaged them ; or 
whose imbecility for Sex and Age was such, as they 
could neither lift up a hand against them, nor dis- 
tinguish between their right hand and their left : 
Which preposterous, and (I think) un-evangelicall Zeal 
is too like that of the rebuked Disciples, who would 
97 H 



goe no lower in their revenge, then to call for fire 
from Heaven upon whole Cities, for the repulse or 
neglect of a few ; or like that of Jacobs sons, which 
the Father both blamed and cursed : chusing rather 
to use all extremites, which might drive men to des- 
perate obstinacy, then to apply moderate remedies ; 
such as might punish some with exemplary Justice, 
yet disarme others, with tenders of mercy upon their 
submission, and our protection of them, from the 
fury of those, who would soon drown them, if they 
refused to swim down the popular stream with them. 

But some kind of Zeale counts all mercifull modera- 
tion, luke-warmnesse ; and had rather be cruell then 
counted cold, and is not seldome more greedy to kill the 
Bear for his skin, then for any harme he hath done. 
The confiscation of mens estates being more bene- 
ficiall, then the charity of saving their lives, or re- 
forming their Errours. 

When all proportionable succours of the poor 
Protestants in Ireland (who were daily massacred, and 
overborne with numbers of now desperate Enemies) 
was diverted and obstructed here ; I was earnestly 
entreated, and generally advised by the chief of the 
Protestant party there, to get them some respite and 
breathing by a cessation, without which they saw no 
98 



probability (unlesse by miracle) to preserve the remnant 
that had yet escaped : God knowes with how much 
commiseration and solicitous caution I carried on 
that businesse, by persons of Honour and Integrity, 
that so I might neither incourage the Rebells Insolence, 
not discourage the Protestants Loyalty and Patience. 

Yet when this was effected in the best sort, that the 
necessity and difficulty of affaires would then permit, 
I was then to suffer again in my reputation and Honour, 
because I suffered not the Rebels utterly to devour 
the remaining handfuls of the Protestants there. 

I thought, that in all reason, the gaining of that 
respite could not be so much to the Rebels advantages 
(which some have highly calumniated against me) as 
it might have been for the Protestants future, as well 
as present safety ; If during the time of that Cessation, 
some men had had the grace to have laid Ireland* sad 
condition more to heart ; and laid aside those violent 
motions, which were here carried on by those, that 
had better skill to let bloud than to stanch it. 

But in all the misconstructions of my actions, 
(which are prone to find more credulity in men to 
what is false, and evill, than love or charity to what 
is true and good) as I have no Judge but God above 
me, so I can have comfort to appeale to his omni- 
99 



science, who doth not therefore deny my Innocence, 
because he is pleased so farre to try my patience, as 
he did his servant Job's. 

I have enough to doe to look to my owne Conscience, 
and the faithfull discharge of my Trust as a KING ; I 
have scarce leisure to consider those swarmes of re- 
proaches, which issue out of some mens mouthes and 
hearts, as easily as smoke, or sparks doe out of a fornace ; 
Much lesse to make such prolix Apologies, as might 
give those men satisfaction : who conscious to their 
owne depth of wickednesse, are loath to believe any 
man not to be as bad as themselves. 

'Tis Kingly to doe well, and heare ill : If I can but 
act the one, I shall not much regard to beare the other. 

I thank God I can heare with patience, as bad as my 
worst enemies can falsly say. And I hope I shall still 
doe better than they desire, or deserve I should. 

I believe it will at last appear, that they who first 
began to embroyle my other Kingdomes, are in great 
part guilty, if not of the first letting out, yet of the 
not-timely stopping those horrid effusions of bloud 
in Ireland. 

Which (whatever my Enemies please to say, or 
thinke) I looke upon, as that of my other Kingdomes, 
exhausted out of my owne veins ; no man being so 



much weakned by it, as my selfe ; And I hope, though 
mens unsatiable cruelties never will, yet the mercy 
of God will at length say to his justice, It is enough : 
and command the Sword of Civill Wanes to sheath it 
self : his mercifull justice intending, I trust, not our 
utter confusion, but our cure : the abatement of our 
sinnes, not the desolating of these Nations. 



O my God, let those infinite mercies prevent us 
once againe, which I and my Kingdomes have formerly 
abused, and can never deserve, should be restored. 

Thou seest how much cruelty among Christians is 
acted under the colour of Religion ; as if we could not 
be Christians, unlesse we crucifie one another. 

Because we have not more loved thy Truth, and 
practiced in charity, thou hast suffered a Spirit of 
Errour and bitternesse, of mutuall and mortall hatred 
to rise among us. 

O Lord, forgive wherein we have sinned, and 
sanctifie what we have suffered. 

Let our Repentance be our recovery, as our great 
sinnes have been our mine. 

Let not the miseries I and my Kingdomes have 
hitherto suffered seeme small to thee : but make our 

101 



sins appeare to our consciences, as they are repre- 
sented in the glasse of thy judgments ; for thou never 
punishest small failings with so severe afflictions. 

O therefore, according to the multitude of thy 
great mercies, pardon our sinnes, and remove thy 
judgements which are very many, and very heavy. 

Yet let our sinnes be ever more grievous to us, than 
thy judgments ; and make us more willing to repent, 
than to be relieved ; first give us the peace of penitent 
consciences, and then the tranquillity of united 
Kingdomes. 

In the sea of our Saviours bloud drowne our sinnes, 
and through this red sea of our own bloud bring us at 
last to a state of piety, peace, and plenty. 

As my publique relations to all, make Me share in all 
My Subjects sufferings ; so give Me such a pious 
sense of them, as becomes a Christian King, and a 
loving Father of My People. 

Let the scandalous and unjust reproaches cast upon 
Me, be as a breath, more to kindle my compassion ; 
Give me grace to heap charitable coles of fire upon 
their heads to melt them, whose malice or cruell 
Zeale hath kindled, or hindred the quenching of 
those flames, which have so much wasted my three 
Kingdomes. 

IOZ 



O rescue and assist those poore Protestants in 
Ireland, whom thou hast hitherto preserved. 

And lead those in the waies of thy saving Truths, 
whose ignorance or errours have filled them with 
rebellious and destrustive principles ; which they act 
under an opinion, That they doe thee good service. 

Let the hand of thy justice be against those, who 
maliciously and despitefully have raised, or fomented 
those cruell and desperate Warres. 

Thou that art far from destroying the Innocent 
with the Guilty, and the Erroneous with the Malicious ; 
Thou that hadst pity on Niniveh for the many 
Children that were therein, give not over the whole 
stock of that populous and seduced Nation, to the 
wrath of those, whose covetousnesse makes them 
cruell ; nor to their anger, which is too fierce, and 
therefore justly cursed. 

Preserve, if it be thy will, in the midst of the fornace 
of thy severe justice a Posterity, which may praise 
thee for thy mercy. 

And deale with Me, not according to mans unjust 
reproaches, but according to the Innocency of my 
hands in thy sight. 

If I have desired, or delighted in the wofull day 
of my Kingdomes calamities, if I have not earnestly 
103 



studied, and faithfully endeavoured the preventing 
and composing of these bloudy distractions ; then let 
thy hand be against me, and my Fathers house. O 
Lord, thou seest I have enemies enough of men ; as 
I need not, so I should not dare thus to imprecate thy 
curse on me and mine, if my Conscience did not 
witnesse my integrity, which thou O Lord knowest 
right well ; But I trust not to my owne merit, but 
thy mercies ; spare us O Lord, and be not angry with 
us for ever. 



13. Upon the Calling in of the Scots, and their 
Camming. 

THE Scots are a Nation, upon whom I have not 
onely common ties of Nature. Soveraignty, 
and Bounty, with My Father of blessed memory ; 
but also speciall and late obligations of favours, having 
gratified the active Spirits among them so farre, that 
I seemed to many, to prefer the desires of that Party, 
before My owne interest and Honour. But, I see, 
Royall bounty emboldens some men to aske, and act 
beyond all bounds of modesty and gratitude. 

My charity, and Act of Pacification, forbids Me to 
reflect on former passages ; wherein I shall ever be 
104 



farre from letting any mans ingratitude, or incon- 
stancy, make Me repent of what I granted them, for 
the publique good : I pray God it may so prove. 

The comming againe of that Party into England, 
with an Army, onely to conforme this Church to their 
late New modell, cannot but seeme as unreasonable, 
as they would have thought the same measure offered 
from hence to themselves. 

Other errand I could never understand, they had, 
(besides those common and vulgar flourishes for Re- 
ligion and Liberty) save only to confirme the Pres- 
byterian Copy they had set, by making this Church 
to write after them, though it were in bloudy 
Characters. 

Which designe and end, whether it will Justine the 
use of such violent meanes, before the divine Justice : 
. I leave to their Consciences to judge, who have already 
felt the misery of the meanes, but not reaped the 
benefit of the end, either in this Kingdome, or 
that. 

Such knots and crosnesse of grain being objected 
here, as will hardly suffer that forme which they cry 
up, as the only just reformation, and selling of Govern- 
ment and discipline in Churches, to go on so smoothly 
here, as it might doe in Scotland ; and was by them 
105 



imagined would have done in England, when so many 
of the English Clergy, through levity, or discontent, 
if no worse passion, suddenly quitted their former 
engagements to Episcopacy, and faced about to their 
Presbytery. 

It cannot but seeme either passion, or some self- 
seeking, more then true Zeal, and pious Discretion, 
for any forraigne State or Church to prescribe such 
medicines only for others, which themselves have used, 
rather successefully then commendably; not consider- 
ing that the same Physick on different constitutions, 
will have different operations ; That may kill one, 
which doth but cure another. 

Nor do I know any such tough and malignant 
humours in the constitution of the English Church, 
which gentler applications then those of an Army, 
might not easily have removed : Nor is it so proper 
to hew out religious Reformations by the Sword, as to 
polish them by faire and equall disputations among 
those that are most concerned in the differences, 
whom not force, but Reason ought to convince. 

But their design now, seemed rather to cut off all 

disputation here, then to procure a fair and equall 

one ; For, it was concluded there, that the English 

Clergy must conforme to the Scots patterne before 

106 



ever they could be heard, what they could say for 
themselves, or against the others way. 

I could have wished fairer proceedings both for 
their credits, who urge things with such violence ; 
and for other mens Consciences too, who can receive 
little satisfaction in these points which are maintained 
rather by Souldiers fighting in the Field, than Schollars 
disputing in free and learned Synods. 

Sure in matters of Religion those truths gain most 
on mens Judgements and Consciences, which are 
least urged with secular violence, which weakens 
Truth with prejudices ; and is unreasonable to be 
used, till such meanes of rationall conviction hath 
been applied, as leaving no excuse for ignorance, 
condemnes msns obstinacy to deserved penalties. 

Which no charity will easily suspect of so many 
learned and pious Church-men in England; who 
beingalwayes bred up, and conformable to the Govern- 
ment of Episcopacy, cannot so soone renounce both 
their former opinion and practise, only because that 
Party of the Scots will needs, by force assist a like 
Party here, either to drive all Ministers, as sheep into 
the common fold of Presbytery, or destroy them ; 
at least fleece them, by depriving them of the benefit 
of their Flocks. If the Scotch sole Presbytery were 
107 



proved to be the only institution of Jesus Christ, for 
all Churches Government ; yet I believe it would be 
hard to prove that Christ had given those Scots, or 
any other of my Subjects, Commission by the Sword 
to set it up in any of my Kingdomes, without my 
Consent. 

What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles 
pay'd to the cheif Governours of States, where they 
lived is very clear in the Gospell ; but that he, or 
they ever commanded to set up such a parity of 
Presbyters, and in such a way as those Scots endeavour ; 
I think is not very disputable. 

If Presbytery in such a supremacy be an institution 
of Christ ; sure it differs from all others ; and is the 
first and only point of Christianity, that was to be 
planted and watered with so much Christian bloud ; 
whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that of 
the Primitive planters, both of Christianity and 
Episcopacy, which was with patient shedding of their 
own bloud, not violent drawing other mens ; sure 
there is too much of Man in it, to have much of 
Christ, none of whose institutions were carried on, or 
begun with the temptations of Covetousnesse or 
Ambition; of both which this is vehemently suspected. 

Yet was there never any thing upon the point, 
108 



which those Scots had by Army or Commissioners to 
move me with, by their many Solemne obtestations, 
and pious threatnings, but only this ; to represent 
to me the wonderfull necessity of setting up their 
Presbytery in England, to avoid the further miseries 
of a Warre ; which some men cheifly en this designe 
at first had begun, and now further engaged them- 
selves to continue. 

What hinders that any Sects, Schismes, or Heresies, 
if they can get but numbers, strength and oppor- 
tunity, may not, according to this opinion and patterne, 
set up their wayes by the like methods of violence ? 
all which Presbytery seekes to suppresse, and render 
odious under those names ; when wise and learned 
men think, that nothing hath more marks of Schisme, 
and Sectarisme, then this Presbyterian way, both as 
to the Ancient, and still most Universal! way of the 
Church-government, and specially as to the particular 
Lawes and Constitutions of this English Church, 
which are not yet repealed, nor are like to be for 
me, till I see more Rationall and Religious motives, 
then Souldiers use to carry in their Knapsacks. 

But we must leave the successe of all to God, who 
hath many wayes (having first taken us off from the 
folly of our opinions, and fury of our passion) to teach 
109 



us those rules of true Reason, and peaceable Wisdome, 
which is from above, tending most to Gods glory, & 
his Churches good ; which I think my self so much 
the more bound in Conscience to attend, with the 
most judicious Zeal and care, by how much I esteem 
the Church above the State, the glory of Christ above 
mine Own ; and the salvation of mens Soules above 
the preservation of their Bodies and Estates. 

Nor may any men, I think, without sinne and pre- 
sumption, forcibly endeavour to cast the Churches 
under my care and tuition, into the moulds they 
have fancied, and fashioned to their designes, till they 
have first gained my consent, and resolved, both my 
own and other mens Consciences by the strength of 
their Reasons. 

Other violent motions, which are neither Manly, 
Christian, nor Loyall, shall never either shake or settle 
my Religion ; nor any mans else, who knowes what 
Religion meanes : And how farre it is removed from 
all Faction, whose proper engine is force ; the arbi- 
trator of beasts, not of reasonable men, much lesse of 
humble Christians, and loyall Subjects, in matters 
of Religion. 

But men are prone to have such high conceits of 
themselves, that they care not what cost they lay out 
no 



upon their opinions ; especially those, that have some 
temptation of gain, to recompence their losses and 
hazards. 

Yet I was not more scandalized at the Scots Armies 
comming in against my will, and their forfeiture of 
so many obligations of duty, and gratitude to me : 
then I wondered, how those here, could so much 
distrust Gods assistance ; who so much pretended 
Gods cause to the People, as if they had the certainty 
of some divine Revelation ; considering they were 
more then competently furnished with my Subjects 
Armes and Ammunition ; My Navie by Sea, my 
Forts, Castles, and Cities by Land. 

But I find, that men jealous of the Justifiablenesse 
of their doings, and designes before God, never think 
they have humane strength enough to carry their 
worke on, seem it never so plausible to the People ; 
what cannot be justified in Law or Religion, had need 
be fortified with Power. 

And yet such is the inconstancy that attends all 
minds engaged in violent motion, that whom some 
of them one while earnestly invite to come into their 
assistance ; others of them soone after are weary of, 
and with nauseating cast them out : what one Party 
thought to rivet to a setledness by the strength and 
in 



influence of the Scots, that the other rejects and 
contemnes ; at once, despising the Kirk Government, 
and Discipline of the Scots, and frustrating the successe 
of so chargable, more then charitable assistance : 
For, sure the Church of England might have pur- 
chased at a farre cheaper rate, the truth and happinesse 
of Reformed government and discipline (if it had 
been wanting) though it had entertained the best 
Divines of Christendome for their advice in a full and 
free Synod ; which, I was ever willing to, and desirous 
of, that matters being impartially setled, might be 
more satisfactory to all, and more durable. 

But much of Gods justice, and mans folly will at 
length be discovered, through all the filmes and pre- 
tensions of Religion, in which Politicians wrap up 
their designes ; In vaine do men hope to build their 
piety on the ruines of Loyalty. Nor can those con- 
siderations or designs be durable, when Subjects 
make bankrupt of their Allegiance, under pretence 
of setting up a quicker trade for Religion. 

But, as My best Subjects of Scotland never deserted 
Me, so I cannot think that the most are gone so far 
from Me, in a prodigality of their love and respects 
toward Me, as to make Me to despaire of their returne ; 
when besides the bonds of nature and Conscience, 



which they have to Me, all Reason and true Policy 
will teach them, that their chiefest interest consists 
in their fidelity to the Crowne, not in their service- 
ablenesse to any Party of the People, to a neglect and 
betraying of My Safety and Honour for their owne 
advantages : However the lesse cause I have to trust 
to men, the more I shall apply My self to God. 



The Troubles of My Soule are enlarged, O Lord, 
bring thou me out of My distresse. 

Lord direct thy Servant in the waies of that pious 
simplicity, which is the best policy. 

Deliver Me from the combined strength of those, 
who have so much of the Serpents subtilty, that they 
forget the Doves Innocency. 

Though hand joyne in hand, yet let them not 
prevaile against My soule, to the betraying of My 
Conscience, and Honour. 

Thou, O Lord, canst turne the hearts of those 
Parties in both Nations, as thou didst the men of 
Judah and Israel, to restore David with as much 
loyall Zeale, as they did with inconstancy and eager- 
nesse pursue Him. 

Preserve the love of thy Truth and uprightnesse 
"3 * 



in Me, and I shall not despaire of My Subjects 
affections returning towards Me. 

Thou canst soone cause the overflowing Seas to 
ebbe, and retire back again to the bounds which thou 
hast appointed for them. 

O My God, I trust in thee ; let me not be ashamed ; 
let not My enemies triumph over Me. 

Let them be ashamed who transgresse without a 
cause; let them be turned back that persecute My 
Soule. 

Let integrity and uprightnesse preserve Me, for I 
wait on thee O Lord. 

Redeeme thy Church, O God, out of all its Troubles. 



14. Upon the Covenant. 

THE Presbyterian Scots are not to be hired at 
the ordinary rate of Auxiliaries ; nothing will 
induce them to engage, till those that call them in, 
have pawned their Soules to them, by a Solemne 
League and Covenant : 

Where many engines of religious and faire pre- 
tensions are brought chiefly to batter, or rase Epis- 
copacy ; This they make the grand evill Spirit, which, 
with some other Imps purposely added, to make it 
114 



more odious, and terrible to the Vulgar, must by so 
solemne a charm & exorcism be cast out of this Church, 
after more than a thousand yeares possession here, 
from the first plantation of Christianity in this Island, 
and an universall prescription of time and practise in 
all other Churches since the Apostles times till this 
last Century. 

But no Antiquity must plead for it, Presbytery, 
like a young Heyre, thinks the Father hath lived long 
enough, and impatient not to be in the Bishops Chaire 
& Authority (though Lay-men go away with the 
Revenues) all art is used to sink Episcopacy, and lanch 
Presbytery in England ; which was lately boyed up in 
Scotland by the like artifice of a Covenant. 

Although I am unsatisfied with many passages in 
that Covenant (some referring to My selfe with very 
dubious and dangerous limitations) yet I chiefly 
wonder at the designe and drift touching the Dis- 
cipline and Government of the Church ; and such a 
manner of carrying them on to new waies, by Oaths 
& Covenants, where it is hard for men to be engaged 
by no lesse, then swearing for, or against those things, 
which are of no cleare morall necessity ; but very 
disputable, and controverted among learned and 
godly men : whereto the application of Oaths can 
"5 



hardly be made and enjoyned with that judgment, 
and certainty in ones selfe, or that charity and candour 
to others of different opinion, as I think Religion 
requires, which never refuses faire and equable de- 
liberations ; yea, and dissentings too, in matters onely 
probable. 

The enjoyning of Oaths upon People must needs in 
things doubtfull be dangerous, as in things unlawfull, 
damnable ; and no lesse superfluous, where former 
religious and legall Engagements, bound men suffici- 
ently, to all necessary duties. Nor can I see how they 
will reconcile such an Innovating Oath and Covenant, 
with that former Protestation which was so lately 
taken, to maintaine the Religion established in the 
Church of England : since they count Discipline so 
great a part of Religion. 

But ambitious minds never think they have laid 
snares and ginnes enough to catch and hold the Vulgar 
credulity : for by such politicke and seemingly pious 
stratagems, they think to keep the popularity fast to 
their Parties under the terrour of perjury : Whereas 
certainly all honest and wise men ever thought 
themselves sufficiently bound by former ties of 
Religion, Allegiance, and Lawes, to God and man. 

Nor can such after-Contracts, devised and imposed 
116 



by a few men In a declared Party, without My consent, 
and without any like power or president from Gods 
or mans laws, be ever thought by judicious men 
sufficient either to absolve or slacken those morall and 
eternall bonds of duty which lie upon all My Subjects 
consciences both to God and Me. 

Yet as things now stand, good men shall least offend 
God or Me, by keeping their Covenant in honest and 
lawfull waies ; since I have the charity to think, that 
the chief end of the Covenant in such mens intentions, 
was, to preserve Religion in purity, and the Kingdoms 
in peace : To other then such ends and meanes they 
cannot think themselves engaged ; nor will those, 
that have any true touches of Conscience endeavour 
to carry on the best designes, (much lesse such as are, 
and will be daily more apparently factious and am- 
bitious) by any unlawfull meanes, under that title of 
the Covenant : unlesse they dare preferre ambiguous, 
dangerous and un-authorized novelties, before their 
knowne and sworne duties, which are indispensable, 
both to God and My selfe. 

I am prone to believe and hope, That many who 

took the Covenant, are yet firme to this judgment, 

That such later Vowes, Oaths, or Leagues, can never 

blot out those former gravings, and characters, which 

"7 



by just and laWfull Oaths were made upon their 
Soules. 

That which makes such Confederations by way of 
solemn Leagues & Covenants more to be suspected, 
is, That they are the comon road, used in all factious 
& powerfull perturbations of State or Church : When 
formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never 
more studied and elaborate, then, when Politicians 
most agitate desperate designes against all that is 
setled, or sacred in Religion, and Laws, which by such 
scrues are cunningly, yet forcibly wrested by secret 
steps, and lesse sensible degrees, from their known rule 
and wonted practise, to comply with the humours 
of those men, who ayme to subdue all to their owne 
will and power, under the disguises of Holy Com- 
binations. 

Which cords and wythes will hold mens Consciences 
no longer, then force attends and twists them : for 
every man soone growes his owne Pope, and easily 
absolves himselfe of those ties, which, not the com- 
mands of Gods word, or the Lawes of the Land, but 
onely the subtilty and terrour of a Party casts upon 
him ; either superfluous and vaine, when they were 
sufficiently tied before ; or fraudulent and injurious, 
if by such after-ligaments they find the Imposers 
118 



really ayming to dissolve, or suspend their former, 
just, and necessary obligations. 

Indeed, such illegall waies seldome, or never, in- 
tend the engaging men more to duties, but onely to 
Parties ; therefore it is not regarded how they keep 
their Covenants in point of piety pretended, pro- 
vided they adhere firmly to the Party and Designe 
intended. 

I see the Imposers of it are content to make their 
Covenant like Manna (not that it came from Heaven, 
as this did) agreeable to every mans palate and relish, 
who will but swallow it : They admit any mens 
senses of it, the diverse or contrary ; with any salvoes, 
cautions, and reservations, so as they crosse not though 
chief e Designe which is laid against the Church, 
and Me. 

It is enough if they get but the reputation of a 
seeming encrease to their Party ; So little doe men 
remember that God is not mocked. 

In such latitudes of sense, I believe many that love 
Me, and the Church well, may have taken the Cove- 
nant, who yet are not so fondly and superstitiously 
taken by it, as now to act clearly against both all piety 
and loyalty : who first yeilded to it, more to prevent 
that imminent violence and ruine, which hung over 
119 



their heads in case they wholly refused it, than for 
any value of it, or devotion to it. 

Wherein, the latitude of some generall Clauses may 
(perhaps) serve somewhat to relieve them, as of 
Doing and endeavouring what lawfully they may, in 
their Places and Callings, and according to the Word 
of God: for, these (indeed) carry no man beyond 
those bounds of good Conscience, which are certaine 
and fixed, either in Gods Lawes, as to the generall ; 
or the Lawes of the State and Kingdome, as to the 
particular regulation and exercise of mens duties. 

I would to God such as glory most in the name of 
Covenanters, would keep themselves within those 
lawfull bounds, to which God hath called them : 
Surely it were the best way to expiate the rashnesse of 
taking it : which must needs then appeare, when 
besides the want of a full and lawfull Authority at 
first to enjoyne it, it shall actually be carried on 
beyond and against those ends which were in it 
specified and pretended. I willingly forgive such 
mens taking the Covenant, who keep it within such 
bounds of Piety, Law, and Loyalty, as can never hurt 
either the Church, My self, or the Publique Peace : 
Against which, no mans lawfull Calling can engage 
him. 

IZO 



As for that Reformation of the Church, which the 
Covenant pretends, I cannot think it just or comely, 
that by the partiall advise of a few Divines, (of so 
soft and servile tempers, as disposed them to so sudden 
acting and compliance, contrary to their former judg- 
ments, profession, and practise) such foule scandals 
and suspitions should be cast upon the Doctrine 
and Government of the Church of England, as was 
never done (that I have heard) by any that deserved 
the name of Reformed Churches abroad, nor by any 
men of learning and candour at home : all whose 
judgments I cannot but prefer before any mens now 
factiously engaged. 

No man can be more forward than My self to carry 
on all due Reformations, with mature judgement, and 
a good Conscience, in what things I shall (after im- 
partiall advise) be, by Gods Word, and right reason, 
convinced to be amisse, I have offered more than ever 
the fullest, freest, and wisest Parliaments did desire. 

But the sequele of some mens actions makes it 
evident, that the maine Reformation intended, is the 
abasing of Episcopacy into Presbytery, and the robbing 
the Church of its Lands and Revenues : For, no men 
have been more injuriously used, as to their legall 
Rights than the Bishops, and Church-men. These, 

IZI 



as the fattest Deare, must be destroyed ; the other 
Rascal-herd of Schismes, Heresies, &c. being leane, 
may enjoy the benefit of a Toleration : Thus Naboth's 
Vineyard made him the onely Blasphemer of his City, 
and fit to die. Still I see, while the breath of Religion 
fills the Sailes, Profit is the Compasse, by which 
Factious men steer their course in all seditious 
Commotions. 

I thank God, as no men lay more open to the 
sacrilegious temptation of usurping the Churches 
Lands, and Revenues, (which issuing chiefly from the 
Crowne, are held of it, and legally can revert onely 
to the Crowne with My Consent) so I have alwaies 
had such a perfect abhorrence of it in My Soule, that 
I never found the least inclination to such sacrilegious 
Reformings : yet no man hath a greater desire to have 
Bishops and all Church-men so reformed, that they 
may best deserve and use, not onely what the pious 
munificence of My Predecessours hath given to God 
and the Church, but all other additions of Christian 
bounty. 

But no necessity shall ever, I hope, drive Me or 

Mine to invade or sell the Priests Lands, which both 

Pharaoh's divinity, and Joseph's true piety abhorred 

to doe : So unjust I think it both in the eye of Reason 

its 



and Religion, to deprive the most sacred employment 
of all due incouragements ; and like that other hard- 
hearted Pharaoh, to withdraw the Straw, and encrease 
the Taske ; so pursuing the oppressed Church, as 
some have done, to the red sea of a Civill Warre, 
where nothing but a miracle can save either It, or 
Him, who esteems it His greatest Title to be called, 
and His chiefest glory to be The Defender of the Church, 
both in its true Faith, and its just fruitions ; equally 
abhorring, Sacriledge, and Apostacy. 

I had rather live as my Predecessour Henry 3. 
sometime did, on the Churches Almes, then violently 
to take the bread out of Bishops and Ministers mouths. 

The next work will be Jeroboam's reformation, con- 
secrating the meanest of the People to be Priests in 
Israel, to serve those Golden Calves who have enriched 
themselves with the Churches Patrimony & Dowry ; 
which how it thrived both with Prince, Priests, & 
People, is well enough known : And so it will be here, 
when from the tuition of Kings and Queens, which 
have beene nursing Fathers and Mothers of this 
Church, it shall be at their allowance, who have 
already discovered, what hard Fathers, and Step- 
mothers they will be. 

If the poverty of Scotland might, yet the plenty of 
123 



England cannot excuse the envy and rapine of the 
Churches Rights and Revenues. 

I cannot so much as pray God to prevent those sad 
consequences, which will inevitably follow the parity 
and poverty of Ministers, both in Church and State ; 
since I think it no lesse than a mocking and tempting 
of God, to desire him to hinder those mischiefs 
whose occasions and remedies are in our owne power ; 
it being every mans sinne not to avoid the one, and 
not to use the other. 

There are waies enough to repaire the breaches of 
the State without the ruines of the Church ; as I 
would be a Restorer of the one, so I would not be 
an Oppressour of the other, under the pretence of 
Publique Debts : The occasions contracting them were 
bad enough, but such a discharging of them would 
be much worse ; I pray God neither I, nor Mine, 
may be accessary to either. 



To thee, O Lord, doe I addresse My prayer, be- 
seeching thee to pardon the rashnesse of My Subjects 
Swearings, and to quicken their sense and observation 
of those just, morall, and indispensable bonds, which 

KZ4 



thy Word, and the Lawes of this Kingdome have laid 
upon their Consciences ; From which no pretensions 
of Piety and Reformation are sufficient to absolve 
them, or to engage them to any contrary practices. 

Make them at length seriously to consider, that 
nothing violent and injurious can be religious. 

Thou allowest no mans committing Sacriledge under 
the Zeale of abhorring Idols. 

Suffer not sacrilegious designes to have the counten- 
ance of religious ties. 

Thou hast taught us by the wisest of Kings, that 
it is a snare to take things that are holy, and after 
Vovves to make enquiry. 

Ever keep thy Servant from consenting to per- 
jurious and sacrilegious rapines, that I may not have 
the brand and curse to all posterity of robbing Thee 
and thy Church, of what thy bounty hath given us, 
and thy clemency hath accepted from us, wherewith 
to encourage Learning and Religion. 

Though My Treasures are Exhausted, My Revenues 
Diminished, and My Debts Encreased, yet never suffer 
Me to be tempted to use such profane Reparations ; 
lest a coal from thine Altar set such a fire on My 
Throne and Conscience as wil be hardly quenched. 

Let not the Debts and Engagements of the Publique, 
125 



which some mens folly and prodigality hath contracted, 
be an occasion to impoverish thy Church. 

The State may soone recover, by thy blessing of 
peace upon us ; The Church is never likely, in times, 
where the Charity of most men is growne so cold, and 
their Religion so illiberall. 

Continue to those that serve Thee and thy Church 
all those incouragements, which by the will of the 
pious Donours, and the justice of the Lawes are due 
unto them ; and give them grace to deserve and use 
them aright to thy glory, and the relief of the poore ; 
That thy Priests may be cloathed with righteousnesse, 
and the poore may be satisfied with bread. 

Let not holy things be given to Swine ; nor the 
Churches bread to Dogs ; rather let them go about 
the City, grin like a Dog, and grudge that they are 
not satisfied. 

Let those sacred morsels, which some men have 
already by violence devoured never digest with them, 
nor theirs ; Let them be as NabotWs Vineyard to 
Ahab, gall in their mouths, rottennesse to their names, 
a moth to their Families, and a sting to their Con- 
sciences. 

Break in sunder, O Lord, all violent and sacrilegious 
Confederations, to doe wickedly and injuriously. 
126 



Divide their hearts and tongues who have bandyed 
together against the Church and State, that the folly 
of such may be manifest to all men, and proceed no 
further. 

But so favour My righteous dealing, O Lord, that 
in the mercies of thee, the most High, I may never 
miscarry. 



1 5.* Upon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals 
cast upon the KING, to stlrre up the People 
against Him. 

IF I had not My own Innocency, and Gods 
protection, it were hard for Me to stand out 
against those stratagems & conflicts of malice, which 
by Falsities seek to oppresse the Truth ; and by 
Jealousies to supply the defect of Reall causes, which 
might seem to Justine so unjust Engagements against 
Me. 

And indeed, the worst effects of open Hostility 
come short of these Designes : For, I can more will- 
ingly loose My Crownes, than My Credit ; nor are 
My Kingdomes so deare to Me, as My Reputation 
and Honour. 

127 



Those must have a period with My life; but these may 
survive to a glorious kind of Immortality, when I am 
dead & gone : A good name being the embalming of 
Princes, and a sweet consecrating of them to an 
Eternity of love and gratitude among Posterity. 

Those foule and false aspersions were secret engines 
at first employed against My peoples love of Me : 
that undermining their opinion and value of Me, My 
enemies, and theirs too, might at once blow up their 
affections, and batter downe their loyaltie. 

Wherein yet, I thanke God, the detriment of My 
Honour is not so afflictive to Me, as the sin and danger 
of My peoples soules, whose eyes once blinded with 
such mists of suspicions, they are soone mis-led into 
the most desperate precipices of actions : wherein 
they doe not onely, not consider their sin and 
danger, but glory in their zealous adventures ; while 
I am rendred to them so fit to be destroyed, that many 
are ambitious to merit the name of My Destroyers ; 
Imagining they then feare God most, when they least 
honour their King. 

I thanke God, I never found but My pity was above 

My anger ; nor have My passions ever so prevailed 

against Me, as to exclude My most compassionate 

prayers for them, whom devout errours more than 

128 



their own malice have betrayed to a most religious 
Rebellion. 

I had the Charity to interpret, that most part of 
My Subjects fought against My supposed Errours, not 
My Person ; and intended to mend Me, not to end 
Me : And I hope that God pardoning their Errours, 
hath so farre accepted and answered their good in- 
tentions, that as he hath yet preserved Me, so he 
hath by these afflictions prepared Me, both to doe 
him better service, and My people more good, than 
hitherto I have done. 

I doe not more willingly forgive their seductions, 
which occasioned their loyall injuries, then I am 
ambitious by all Princely merits to redeem them from 
their unjust suspicions, and reward them for their 
good intentions. 

I am too conscious to My own Affections toward 
the generality of My people, to suspect theirs to Me ; 
nor shall the malice of My Enemies ever be able to 
deprive Me of the comfort, which that confidence 
gives Me ; I shall never gratifie the spightfulnesse 
of a few with any sinister thoughts of all their Alle- 
giance, whom pious frauds have seduced. 

The worst some mens ambition can do, shall never 
perswade Me, to make so bad interpretations of most 
129 K 



of My Subjects actions ; who possibly may be 
Erroneous, but not Hereticall in point of Loyalty. 

The sense of the Injuries done to My Subjects is as 
sharp, as those done to My self ; our welfares being 
inseparable ; in this only they suffer more then My 
self, that they are animated by some seducers to 
injure at once both themselves and Me. 

For this is not enough to the malice of My Enemies, 
that I be afflicted ; but it must be done by such 
instruments, that My afflictions grieve Me not more, 
then this doth, that I am afflicted by those, whose 
prosperity I earnestly desire, and whose seduction I 
heartily deplore. 

If they had been My open and forraigne Enemies, 
I could have borne it ; but they must be My own 
Subjects, who are next to My Children, dear to Me : 
And for the restoring of whose tranquillity, I could 
willingly be the Jonah ; If I did not evidently foresee, 
that by the divided Interests of their and Mine 
Enemies, as by contrary winds the storm of their 
miseries would be rather encreased then allayed. 

I had rather prevent My peoples ruine then Rule 

over them ; nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion 

which is but My Right, as of their happinesse ; if it 

could expiate, or countervail such a way of obtaining 

130 



it, by the highest injuries of Subjects committed 
against their Soveraign. 

Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of life, and 
die many deaths, then shamefully to desert, or dis- 
honourably to betray My own just Rights and Sove- 
raignty ; thereby to gratifie the ambition, or justifie 
the malice of My Enemies ; between whose malice, 
& other mens mistakes, I put as great a difference, as 
between an ordinary Ague and the Plague ; or the 
Itch of Novelty, and the Leprosie of Disloyalty. 

As Liars need have good memories, so Malicious 
persons need good inventions ; that their calumnies 
may fit every mans fancy ; and what their reproaches 
want of truth, they may make up with number and 
shew. 

My patience (I thank God) will better serve Me to 
bear, and My charity to forgive, then My leisure to 
answer the many false Aspersions which some men 
have cast upon Me. 

Did I not more consider My Subjects Satisfaction, 
then My own Vindication ; I should never have given 
the malice of some men that pleasure, as to see Me 
take notice of, or remember what they say, or object. 

I would leave the Authors to be punished by their 
own evill manners, and seared Consciences, which 
131 



will, I believe, in a shorter time then they be aware of, 
both confute and revenge all those black and false 
Scandalls, which they have cast on Me ; And make the 
world see, there is as little truth in them, as there was 
little worth in the broaching of them, or Civility, 
(I need not say Loyalty) in the not-suppressing of 
them ; whose credit and reputation, even with the 
people, shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath 
of that same fornace of popular obloquy, and de- 
traction, which they have studied to heat and inflame 
to the highest degree of infamy, and wherein they have 
sought to cast and consume My Name and Honour. 

First, nothing gave Me more cause to suspect, and 
search My own Innocency ; then when I observed 
so many forward to engage against Me, who had made 
great professions of singular piety ; For this gave to 
vulgar mindes so bad a reflection upon Me, and My 
Cause, as if it had been impossible to adhere to Me, 
and not withall part from God ; to think or speak well 
of Me, and not to Blaspheme him ; so many were 
perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent, 
to be at once Loyall to Me, and truly Religious toward 
God. 

Not but that I had (I thank God) many with Me, 
which were both Learned and Religious, (much above 
132 



that ordinary size, and that vulgar proportion, wherein 
some men glory so much) who were so well satisfied in 
the cause of My sufferings, that they chose rather to 
suffer with Me, then forsake Me. 

Nor is it strange that so religious Pretensions as 
were used against Me, should be to many well-minded 
men a great temptation to oppose Me ; Especially, 
being urged by such popular Preachers, as think it no 
sin to lie for God, and what they please to call Gods 
Cause, cursing all that will not curse with them ; 
looking so much at, and crying up the goodnesse 
of the end propounded, that they consider not the 
lawfulnesse of the means used, nor the depth of the 
mischeif, chiefly plotted and intended. 

The weakness of these mens judgments must be 
made up by their clamours and activity. 

It was a great part of some mens Religion to scan- 
dalize Me and Mine, they thought theirs could not 
be true, if they cried not downe Mine as false. 

I thank God, I have had more triall of his grace, as 
to the constancy of My Religion in the Protestant 
profession of the Church of England, both abroad, 
and at home, than ever they are like to have. 

Nor doe I know any exception, I am so liable to, 
in their opinion, as too great a fixednesse in that 
J 33 



Religion, whose judicious and solid grounds, both 
from Scripture, and Antiquity, will not give My 
Conscience leave to approve or consent to those many 
dangerous and divided Innovations, which the bold 
Ignorance of some men would needs obtrude upon 
Me, and My People. 

Contrary to those well tried foundations both of 
Truth, and Order, which men of far greater Learning, 
and clearer Zeal, have setled in the Confession and 
Constitution of this Church in England, which many 
former Parliaments in the most calme, and unpassionate 
times, have oft confirmed ; In which I shall ever, by 
Gods help, persevere, as believing it hath most of 
Primitive Truth and Order. 

Nor did My using the assistance of some Papists, 
which were my Subjects, any way fight against My 
Religion, as some men would needs interpret it : 
especially those who least of all men cared whom they 
imployed, or what they said, and did, so they might 
prevaile. 

'Tis strange that so wise men, as they would be 
esteemed, should not conceive, That differences of 
perswasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out, 
where there is the samenesse of duty, Allegiance, and 
subjection. The first they owne as men, and Christians 



to God ; the second, they owe to Me in Common, as 
their KING ; different professions in point of Religion 
cannot (any more than in civill Trades) take away 
the community of relations either to Parents, or to 
Princes : And where is there such an Oglio or medley 
of various Religions in the world again, as those men 
entertain in their service (who find most fault with 
me) without any scruple, as to the diversity of their 
Sects and Opinions ? 

It was, indeed, a foule and indelible shame, for such 
as would be counted Protestants, to enforce Me, a 
declared Protestant, their Lord and King, to a 
necessary use of Papists, or any other, who did but 
their duty to help Me to defend My self. 

Nor did I more than is lawfull for any King, in 
such exigents to use the aide of any his Subjects. 

I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense 
of their Allegiance, than many Protestant Professours ; 
who seem to have learned and to practise the worst 
Principles of the worst Papists. 

Indeed, it had been a very impertinent and un- 
seasonable scruple in Me, (and very pleasing no doubt 
to My Enemies) to have been then disputing the 
points of different beliefs in My Subjects when I was 
disputed with by Swords points : and when I needed 



the help of My Subjects as men, no lesse then their 
prayers as Christians. 

The noise of My Evill Counsellours was another 
usefull device for those, who were impatient any mens 
counsels but their owne, should be followed in Church 
or State ; who were so eager in giving Me better 
counsell that they would not give Me leave to take it 
with freedome, as a Man ; or honour, as a King ; 
making their counsels more like a drench that must 
be powred downe, than a draught which might be 
fairly and leisurely dranke, if I liked it. 

I will not justifie beyond humane errours and 
frailties My selfe, or My Counsellours : They might 
be subject to some miscarriages, yet such as were farre 
more reparable by second and better thoughts, than 
those enormious extravagances, wherewith some men 
have now even wildred, and almost quite lost both 
Church and State. 

The event of things at last will make it evident to 
My Subjects, that had I followed the worst Counsels, 
that My worst Counsellours ever had the boldnesse 
to offer to Me, or My self any inclination to use ; I 
could not so soon have brought both Church and 
State in three flourishing Kingdomes, to such a 
Chaos of confusions, and Hell of miseries, as some 
136 



have done ; out of which they cannot, or will not in 
the midst of their many great advantages, redeeme 
either Me, or My Subjects. 

No even were more willing to complain, than I was 
to redresse what I saw in Reason was either done or 
advised amisse ; and this I thought I had done, even 
beyond the expectation of moderate men : who were 
sorry to see Me prone even to injure My self, out of 
a Zeal to relieve My Subjects. 

But other mens insatiable desire of revenge upon 
Me, My Court, and My Clergy ; hath wholly be- 
guiled both Church and State, of the benefit of all 
My, either Retractations, or Concessions ; and withall, 
hath deprived all those (now so zealous Persecutors) 
both of the comfort and reward of their former pre- 
tended persecutions, wherein they so much gloried 
among the vulgar ; and which, indeed, a truly humble 
Christian will so highly prize, as rather not be relieved, 
then be revenged, so as to be bereaved of that Crown 
of Christian Patience, which attends humble and 
injured sufferers. 

Another artifice used to withdraw My peoples 

affections from Me, to their designes, was, The noise 

and ostentation of liberty, which men are not more 

prone to desire, then unapt to bear in the popular 

137 



sense ; which is to doe what every man liketh 
best. 

If the Divinest liberty be to will what men should, 
and to do what they so will, according to Reason, 
Lawes, and Religion ; I envie not My Subjects that 
liberty, which is all I desire to enjoy My self ; So 
farre am I from the desire of oppressing theirs : Nor 
were those Lords and Gentlemen which assisted Me 
so prodigall of their liberties, as with their Lives and 
Fortunes to help on the enslaving of themselves and 
their posterities. 

As to Civill Immunities, none but such as desire to 
drive on their Ambitious and Covetous designes over the 
ruines of Church and State, Prince, Peeres, and People, 
will ever desire greater Freedomes then the Lawes allow; 
whose bounds good men count their Ornament and 
Protection ; others their Menacles and Oppression. 

Nor is it just any man should expect the reward 
and benefit of the Law, who despiseth his rule and 
direction ; losing justly his safety while he seekes an 
unreasonable liberty. 

Time will best informe My Subjects, that those are 
the best preservers of their true liberties, who allow 
themselves the least licentiousnesse against, or beyond 
the Lawes. 

138 



They will feel it at last to their cost, that it is 
impossible those men should be really tender of their 
fellow-subjects liberties, who have the hardinesse to 
use their King with so severe restraints ; against all 
Lawes, both Divine and Humane, under which, yet, 
I will rather perish, then complain to those, who 
want nothing to compleat their mirth, and triumph, 
but such musick. 

In point of true conscientious tendernesse (attended 
with humility and meeknesse, not with proud and 
arrogant activity, which seekes to hatch every egge of 
different opinion to a Faction or Schisme) I have oft 
declared, how little I desire My Lawes and Scepter 
should intrench on Gods Soveraignty, which is the 
only King of mens Consciences ; and yet he hath laid 
such restraints upon men, as commands them to be 
subject for Conscience sake, giving no men liberty to 
break the Law established, further then with meek- 
nesse and patience, they are content to suffer the 
penalties annexed, rather then perturb the publick 
Peace. 

The truth is, some mens thirst after Novelties, 
others despair to relieve the necessities of their For- 
tunes, or satisfie their Ambition, in peaceable times, 
(distrusting Gods providence, as well as their own 



merits) were the secret (but principall) impulsives to 
these popular Commotions, by which Subjects have 
been perswaded to expend much of those plentiful! 
Estates the/ got, and enjoyed under My Government, 
in peaceable times ; which yet must now be blasted 
with all the odious reproaches, which impotent malice 
can invent ; and My self exposed to all those con- 
tempts, which may most diminish the Majesty of a 
King, and encrease the ungratefull insolencies of My 
People. 

For Mine Honour, I am well assured, that as Mine 
Innocency is clear before God, in point of any 
calumnies they object ; so My reputation shall like 
the Sun (after Owles and Bats have had their freedome 
in the night and darker times) rise and recover it self 
to such a degree of splendour, as those ferall birds 
shall be grieved to behold, and unable to bear. For 
never were any Princes more glorious, than those 
whom God hath suffer' d to be tried in the fornace of 
afflictions, by their injurious Subjects. 

And who knows but the just and mercifull God 
will doe Me good, for some mens hard, false, and 
evill speeches against Me ; wherein they speak rather 
what they wish, than what they believe, or know. 

Nor can I suffer so much in point of Honour, by 
140 



those rude and scandalous Pamphlets (which like fire 
in great conflagrations, flie up and downe to set all 
places on like flames) than those men doe, who pre- 
tending to so much piety, are so forgetfull of their 
duty to God and Me : By no way ever vindicating the 
Majesty of their KING against any of those, who 
contrary to the precept of God, and precedent of 
Angels, speake evill of dignities, and, bring railing 
accusations against these, who are honoured with the 
name of Gods. 

But 'tis no wonder if men not fearing GOD, should 
not Honour their KING. 

They will easily contemne such shadowes of God, 
who reverence not that Supreme, and adorable 
Majesty, in comparison of whom all the glory of Men 
and Angels is but obscurity ; yet hath he graven such 
Characters of divine Authority, and Sacred power 
upon Kings, as none may without sinne seek to blot 
them out. Nor shall their black veiles be able to hide 
the shining of My face, while God gives Me a heart 
frequently and humbly to converse with him, from 
whom alone are all the traditions of true glory and 
majesty. 



141 



Thou, O Lord, knowest My reproach, and My 
dishonour, My Adversaries are all before thee. 

My Soule is among Lyons, among them that are 
set on fire, even the Sons of Men ; whose teeth are 
spears and arrows ; their tongue a sharp sword. 

Mine enemies reproach Me all the day long, and 
those that are mad against Me are sworne together. 

O My God, how long shall the sonnes of men turne 
My glory into shame ? how long shall they love 
vanity, and seek after lies ? 

Thou hast heard the reproaches of wicked men on 
every side. Hold not thy peace, lest My Enemies 
prevaile against me, and lay mine Honour in the dust. 

Thou, O Lord, shalt destroy them that speak lies ; 
the Lord will abhorre both the bloud- thirsty, and 
deceitfull men. 

Make my righteousnesse to appeare as the light, 
and mine innocency to shine forth as the Sun at 
noone day. 

Suffer not my silence to betray mine innocence, 
nor my displeasure, my patience ; That after my 
Saviours example, being reviled, I may not revile 
againe ; and being cursed by them, I may blesse them. 

Thou that wouldst not suffer Shimei's tongue to go 
unpunished ; when by thy judgements on David he 
142 



might seem to justifie his disdaintull reproaches, give 
me grace to intercede with thy mercy for these my 
enemies, that the reward of false and lying tongues, 
even hot burning coals of eternall fire, may not be 
brought upon them. 

Let my prayers, and patience, be as water to coole 
and quench their tongues, who are already set on fire 
with the fire of Hell, and tormented with those 
malicious flames. 

Let me be happy to refute, and put to silence their 
evill-speaking by well-doing ; and let them enjoy not 
the fruit of their lips, but of my prayer for their 
repentance, and thy pardon. 

Teach me Davids patience and Hezekiah's devotion, 
that I may look to thy mercy through mans malice, 
and see thy justice in their sin. 

Let Sbeba's seditious speeches, Rabshekab's railing, 
and Shimefs cursing, provoke, as my humble prayer 
to thee, so thy renewed blessing toward me. 

Though they curse, doe thou blesse, and I shall be 
blessed ; and made a blessing to my people. 

That the stone, which some builders refuse, may 
become the head-stone of the corner. 

Looke downe from heaven, and save me, from the 
reproach of them that would swallow me up. 
H3 



Hide me in the secret of thy presence, from the 
pride of man, and keep me from the strife of tongues. 



1 6. Upon the Ordinance against the Common- 
Prayer-Booke. 

IT is no news to have all Innovations ushered in 
with the name of Reformations in Church and 
State, by those, who seeking to gaine reputation with 
the Vulgar for their extraordinary parts, and piety, 
must needs undoe whatever was formerly setled never 
so well and wisely. 

So hardly can the pride of those that study Novel- 
ties, allow former times any share or degree of wisdome 
or godlinesse. 

And because matter of prayer and devotion to God 
justly beares a great part in Religion, (being the 
Soules more immediate converse with the divine 
Majesty) nothing could be more plausible to the 
People than to tel them, They served God amisse in 
that point. 

Hence our publique Liturgy, or Formes of constant 
Prayers must be (not amended, in what upon free 
and publique advice might seem to sober men incon- 
venient for matter or manner, to which I should easily 
144 



consent, but) wholly cashiered, and abolished, and 
after many popular contempts offered to the Booke, 
and those that used it according to their Consciences, 
and the Lawes in force, it must be crucified by an 
Ordinance, the better to please either those men, who 
gloried in their extemporary veyne and fluency : or 
others, who conscious to their owne formality in the 
use of it, thought they fully expiated their sin of not 
using it aright, by laying all the blame upon it, & a 
totall rejection of it as a dead letter, thereby to 
excuse the deadnesse of their hearts. 

As for the matter contained in the Booke, sober 
and learned men have sufficiently vindicated it against 
the cavils and exceptions of those, who thought it a 
part of piety to make what profane objections they 
could against it; especially for Popery & Superstition; 
whereas no doubt the Liturgy was exactly conformed 
to the doctrine of the Church of England ; and this by 
all Reformed Churches is confessed to be most sound 
and Orthodox. 

For the manner of using Set and prescribed Formes, 
there is no doubt but that wholsome words being 
knowne and fitted to mens understandings, are soonest 
received into their hearts, and aptest to excite and 
carry along with them judicious and fervent affections. 
145 L 



Nor doe I see any reason why Christians should be 
weary of a wel-composed Liturgy (as I hold this to be) 
more than of all other things, wherein the Constancy 
abates nothing of the excellency and usefulnesse. 

I could never see any Reason, why any Christian 
should abhorre, or be forbidden to use the same 
Formes of prayer, since he praies to the same God, 
believes in the same Saviour, professeth the same 
Truths, reads the same Scriptures, hath the same 
duties upon him, and feels the same daily wants for 
the most part, both inward and outward, which are 
common to the whole Church. 

Sure we may as wel before-hand know what we 
pray, as to whom we pray ; and in what words, as to 
what sense ; when we desire the same things, what 
hinders we may not use the same words ? our appetite 
and disgestion too may be good when we *use, as we 
pray for, our daily bread. 

Some men, I heare, are so impatient not to use in 
all their devotions their owne invention, and gifts, 
that they not onely disuse (as too many) but wholly 
cast away and contemn the Lord's Prayer ; whose 
great guilt is, that it is the warrant and originall 
patterne of all set Liturgies, in the Christian Church. 

I ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens 
146 



abilities for invention, and the vaine affectations of 
variety for expressions, in Publique prayer, or any 
sacred administrations, merits a greater brand of sin, 
than that which they call Coldnesse and Barrennesse : 
Nor are men in those novelties lesse subject to formall 
and superficiall tempers (as to .their hearts) than in the 
use of constant Formes, where not the words, but 
mens hearts are too blame. 

I make no doubt but a man may be very formall in 
the most extemporary variety ; and very fervently 
devout in the most wonted expressions : Nor is God 
more a God of variety, than of constancy : Nor are 
constant Formes of Prayers more likely to flat, and 
hinder the Spirit of prayer, and devotion, than un- 
premeditated and confused variety to distract, and 
lose it. 

Though I am not against a grave, modest, discreet, 
and humble use of Ministers gifts, even in publique, 
the better to fit, and excite their owne, and the 
Peoples affections to the present occasions ; yet I 
know no necessity why private and single abilities 
should quite justle out, and deprive the Church of 
the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of many 
learned and godly men ; such as the Composers of 
the "Service- Booke were ; who may in all reason be 
147 



thought to have more of gifts and graces enabling 
them to compose with serious deliberation & con- 
current advise, such Forms of prayers, as may best fit 
the Churches common wants, informe the Hearers 
understanding, and stirre up that fiduciary and fervent 
application of their spirits (wherein consists the very 
life and soule of prayer, and that so much pretended 
Spirit of prayer) than any private man by his solitary 
abilities can be presumed to have ; which, what they 
are many times (even there, where they make a great 
noise and shew) the affectations, emptinesse, imper- 
tinency, rudenesse, confusions, flatnesse, levity, 
obscurity, vain, and ridiculous repetitions, the sense- 
lesse, and oft-times blasphemous expressions ; all these 
burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length, 
do sufficiently convince all men, but those who glory 
in that Pharisaick way. 

Wherein men must be strangely impudent, & 
flatterers of themselves, not to have an infinite shame 
of what they so do and say, in things of so sacred a 
nature, before God and the Church, after so ridiculous, 
and indeed, profane a manner. 

Nor can it be expected, but that in duties of 
frequent performance, as Sacramentall administrations, 
and the like, which are still the same ; Ministers must 
148 



either come to use their own Formes constantly, 
which are not like to be so sound, or comprehensive 
of the nature of the duty, as Formes of Publick com- 
posure ; or else they must every time affect new 
expressions when the subject is the same ; which can 
hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies 
not to want (many times) much of that compleat- 
nesse, order, and gravity, becomming those duties ; 
which by this means are exposed at every celebration 
to every Ministers private infirmities, indispositions, 
errours, disorders, and defects, both for judgment 
and expression. 

A serious sense of which inconvenience in the 
Church unavoidably following every mans severall 
manner of officiating, no doubt, first occasioned the 
wisdome and piety of the Ancient Churches, to 
remedy those mischiefs, by the use of constant Liturgies 
of Publick composure. 

The want of which I believe this Church will 
sufficiently feel, when the unhappy fruits of many 
mens un-governed ignorance, and confident defects, 
shall be discovered in more errours, schimes, disorders, 
and uncharitable distractions in Religion, which are 
already but too many, the more is the pity. 

However, if violence must needs bring in, and 
149 



abett those innovations, (that men may not seeme to 
have nothing to do) which Law, Reason, and Religion 
forbids, at least to be so obtruded, as wholly to justle 
out the publick Liturgie. 

Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partiall 
severity of those men, who either lately had sub- 
scribed to, used and maintained the Service-book ; 
or refused to use it, cried out of the rigour of Lawes 
and Bishops, which suffered them not to use the 
liberty of their Consciences, in not using it. 

That these men (I say) should so suddenly change 
the Lyturgie into a Directory, as if the Spirit needed 
help for invention, though not for expressions ; or 
as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and 
obstruct the Spirit, as if it were cloathed in, and 
confined to, fit words : (So slight and easie is that 
Legerdemain which will serve to delude the vulgar.) 

That further, they should use such severity as not 
to suffer without penalty, any to use the Common- 
prayer-Book publickly, although their Consciences 
bind them to it, as a duty of Piety to God, and 
Obedience to the Lawes. 

Thus I see, no men are prone to be greater Tyrants, 
and more rigorous exacters upon others to conform 
to their illegall novelties, then such, whose pride was 
150 



formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawfull 
Constitutions ; and whose licentious humours most 
pretended Conscientious liberties, which freedome, 
with much regret they now allow to Me, and My 
Chaplains, when they may have leave to serve Me, 
whose abilities, even in their extemporary way comes 
not short of the others, but their modesty and learning 
far exceeds the most of them. 

But this matter is of so popular a nature, as some 
men knew it would not bear learned and sober debates, 
lest being convinced by the evidence of Reason, as 
well as Lawes, they should have beene driven either 
to sin more against their knowledge, by taking away 
the Liturgie ; or to displease some faction of the 
people by continuing the use of it. 

Though I beleeve they have offended more con- 
siderable men ; not onely for their numbers and 
estates, but for their weighty and judicious piety, 
than those are, whose weaknesse or giddinesse they 
sought to gratifie by taking it away. 

One of the greatest faults some men found with the 
Common-Prayer-Book, I beleeve, was this, That it 
taught them to pray so oft for Me ; to which Petitions 
they had not Loyaltie enough to say Amen, nor yet 
Charity enough to forbeare Reproaches, and even 



Cursings of Me in their owne formes, instead of 
praying for Me. 

I wish their Repentance may be their onely punish- 
ment ; that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of 
publique Liturgies hath already produced, they may 
restore that credit, use, and reverence to them, which 
by the ancient Churches were given to Set Formes 
of sound and wholsome words. 



And thou, O Lord, which art the same God, blessed 
for ever : whose mercies are full of variety, and yet of 
constancy ; Thou deniest us not a new and fresh sense 
of our old and daily wants ; nor despisest renewed 
affections joyned to constant expressions. 

Let us not want the benefit of thy Churches united 
and wel-advised Devotions. 

Let the matters of our prayers be agreeable to thy 
will, which is alwaies the same, and the fervency of 
our spirits to the motions of thy holy Spirit in us. 

And then we doubt not, but thy spirituall perfec- 
tions are such, as thou art neither to be pleased with 
affected Novelties for matter or manner, nor offended 
with the pious constancy of our petitions in them both. 

Whose variety or constancy thou hast no where 



either forbidden or commanded, but left them to the 
piety and prudence of thy Church, that both may be 
used, neither despised. 

Keep men in that pious moderation of their judg- 
ments in matters of Religion ; that their ignorance 
may not offend others, nor their opinion of their owne 
abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they 
may lawfully and devoutly use, to help their infirmities. 

And since the advantage of Errour consists in 
novelty and variety, as Truths in unity and constancy : 
Suffer not thy Church to be pestered with errours, 
and deformed with undecencies in thy service, under 
the pretence of variety and novelty. Nor to be 
deprived of truth, unity, and order, under this fallacy, 
That constancy is the cause of formality. 

Lord keep us from formall Hypocrisie in our owne 
hearts, and then we know that praying to thee, or 
praising of thee (with David, and other holy men) in 
the same formes cannot hurt us. 

Give us wisdome to amend what is amisse within 
us, and there will be lesse to mend without us. 

Evermore defend and deliver thy Church from the 
effects of blind Zeale, and over-bold devotion. 



'53 



ij. Of the differences between the KING and the 
two Houses, in point of Church-Government. 

TOUCHING the GOVERNMENT of the Church 
by Bishops, the common Jealousie hath been 
that I am earnest and resolute to maintaine it, not 
so much out of piety, as policy, and reason of 
State. 

Wherein so far indeed reason of State doth induce 
Me to approve that Government above any other, as 
I find it impossible for a Prince to preserve the State 
in quiet, unlesse he hath such an influence upon 
Church-men ; and they such a dependance on Him, 
as may best restraine the seditious exorbitancies of 
Ministers tongues ; who with the Keyes of Heaven 
have so farre the Keys of the Peoples hearts, as they 
prevaile much by their Oratory to let in, or shut out, 
both Peace and Loyalty. 

So that I being (as KING) intrusted by God, and 
the Lawes, with the good both of Church and State ; 
I see no Reason I should give up, or weaken by any 
change, that power and influence which in right and 
reason I ought to have over both. 

The moving Bishops out of the House of Peers (of 
which I have elswhere given an account) was sufficient 



to take off any suspicion, that I encline to them for 
any use to be made of their Votes in State affaires : 
Though indeed I never thought any Bishop worthy to 
sit in that House, who would not Vote according to his 
Conscience. 

I must now in Charity be thought desirous to pre- 
serve that Government in its right constitution, as 
a matter of Religion ; wherein both My judgment 
is fully satisfied, that it hath of all other the fullest 
Scripture grounds, and also the constant practise of 
all Christian Churches ; till of late yeares, the tumultu- 
arinesse of People, or the factiousnesse and pride of 
Presbyters, or the covetousnesse of some States and 
Princes, gave occasion to some mens wits to invent 
new models, and propose them under specious titles 
of Cbrists Government, Scepter, and Kingdome ; the 
better to serve their turns, to whom the change was 
beneficiall. 

They must give Me leave, having none of their 
temptations to invite Me to alter the Government of 
Bishops, (that I may have a title to their Estates) not 
to believe their pretended grounds to any new waies : 
contrary to the full, and constant testimony of all 
Histories, sufficiently convincing unbiased men ; that 
as the Primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed 



by the Apostles and their immediate Successors 
the first and best Bishops ; so it cannot in reason or 
charity be supposed, that ail Churches in the world 
should either be ignorant of the rule by them pre- 
scribed, or so soon deviate from their divine and holy 
patterne : That since the first Age, for 1500 years 
not one example can be produced of any setled 
Church, wherein were many Ministers and Congre- 
gations, which had not some Bishop above them, 
under whose jurisdiction and government they were. 

Whose constant and universall practise agreeing 
with so large, and evident Scripture-directions and 
examples, are set down in the Epistles to Timothy and 
Titus, for the setling of that Government, not in the 
persons onely of Timothy and Titus, but in the suc- 
cession ; (the want of Government being that, which 
the Church can 110 more dispense with, in point of 
wel-being, than the want of the word and Sacraments, 
in point of being.) 

I wonder how men came to looke with so envious 
an eye upon Bishops power and authority, as to 
oversee both the Ecclesiasticall use of them, and 
Apostolicall constitution : which to Me seems no 
lesse evidently set forth as to the maine scope and 
designe of those Epistles, for the setling of a peculiar 
156 



Office, Power, and Authority, in them as President- 
Bishops above others, in point of Ordination, Cen- 
sures, and other acts of Ecclesiastical! discipline; then 
those shorter characters of the qualities and duties of 
Presbyter-Bishops, and Deacons, are described in 
some parts of the same Epistles ; who in the latitude 
and community of the name were then, and may now 
not improperly be call'd Bishops ; as to the oversight 
and care of single Congregations, committed to them 
by the Apostles, or those Apostolicall Bishops, who 
(as Timothy and Titus) succeeded them in that ordinary 
power, there assigned over larger divisions, in which 
were many Presbyters. 

Th humility of those first Bishops avoiding the 
eminent title of Apostles, as a name in the Churches 
stile appropriated from its common notion (of a 
Messenger, or one sent) to that speciall dignity which 
had extraordinary call, mission, gifts, and power 
immediately from Christ : they contented themselves 
with the ordinary titles of Bishops and Presbyters, 
untill use, (the great arbitrator of words, and master of 
language) finding reason to distinguish by a peculiar 
name those persons, whose power and office were 
indeed distinct from, and above all other in the 
Church, as succeeding the Apostles in the ordinary 



and constant power of governing the Churches, the 
honour of (whose name they moderately, yet com- 
mendably declined) all Christian Churches (submitting 
to that speciall authority) appropriated also the name 
of Bishop, without any suspicion or reproach of 
arrogancy, to those, who were by Apostolicall pro- 
pagation rightly descended & invested into that 
highest and largest power of governing even the most 
pure and Primitive Churches : which, without all 
doubt had many such holy Bishops, after the pattern 
of Timothy and Titus ; whose speciall power is not 
more clearly set down in those Epistles (the chief 
grounds and limits of all Episcopall claime, as from 
divine right) then are the characters of these perilous 
times, and those men that make them such ; who not 
enduring sound doctrine, and cleare testimonies of all 
Churches practise, are most perverse Disputers, and 
proud Usurpers, against true Episcopacy : who, if they 
be not Traytours and Boasters, yet they seem to be 
very covetous, heady, high-minded ; inordinate and 
fierce, lovers of themselves, having much of the forme, 
little of the power of godlinesse. 

Who, by popular heaps of weak, light, and un- 
learned Teachers, seek to over-lay and smother the 
pregnancy & authority of that power of Episcopall 
158 



Government, which, beyond all equivocation and 
vulgar fallacy of names, is most convincingly set 
forth, both by Scripture, and all after Histories of 
the Church. 

This I write rather like a Divine, than a Prince, that 
Posterity may see (if ever these Papers be publique) 
that I had faire grounds both from Scripture-Canons, 
& Ecclesiastical examples, whereon My judgement 
was stated for Episcopall Government. 

Nor was it any policy of State, or obstinacy of will, 
or partiality of affection, either to the men, or their 
Function which fixed Me : who cannot in point of 
worldly respects be so considerable to Me as to re- 
compence the injuries and losses I, and My dearest 
relations with My Kingdomes have sustained, and 
hazarded, chiefly at first upon this quarrell. 

And not onely in Religion, of which, Scripture is 
the best rule, and the Churches Universall practise 
the best commentary, but also in right reason, and 
the true nature of Government, it cannot be thought 
that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters, or 
Ministers, should be any more against Christianity, 
then it is in all secular and civill Governments, where 
parity breeds Confusion and Faction. 

I can no more beleeve, that such order is incon- 



sistent with true Religion, then good features are 
with beauty, or numbers with harmony. 

Not is it likely that God, who appointed severall 
orders, & a Prelacie, in the Government of his Church, 
among the Jewish Priests, should abhor or forbid them 
among Christian Ministers ; who have as much of 
the principles of schisme and division as other men ; 
for preventing and suppressing of which, the Apos- 
tolicall wisdome (which was divine) after that Christians 
were multiplied so many Congregations, and Presbyters 
with them, appointed this way of Government, which 
might best preserve order and union with Authority. 

So that I conceive it was not the favour of Princes 
or ambition of Presbyters, but the wisdome and piety 
of the Apostles, that first setled Bishops in the Church ; 
which Authority they constantly used, and injoyed 
in those times, which were purest for Religion, though 
sharpest for Persecution. 

Not that I am against the managing of this Pre- 
sidency and Authority in one man, by the joynt 
Counsell and consent of many Presbyters : I have 
offered to restore that, as a fit meanes to avoid those 
Errours, Corruptions, and Partialities, which are 
incident to any one man ; Also to avoid Tyranny, 
which becomes no Christians, least of all Church- 
160 



men ; besides, it will be a meanes to take away that 
burden, and odium of affaires, which may lie too 
heavy on one mans shoulders, as indeed I think it 
formerly did on the Bishops here. 

Nor can I see what can be more agreeable both to 
Reason and Religion, then such a frame of Govern- 
ment which is paternall, not Magisteriall ; and wherein 
not only the necessity of avoiding Faction and Con- 
fusion, Emulations and Contempts, which are prone 
to arise among equals in power and function ; but 
also the differences of some Ministers gifts, and apti- 
tudes for Government above others, doth invite to 
imploy them, in reference to those Abilities, wherein 
they are Eminent. 

Nor is this judgement of Mine touching Episcopacy, 
any pre-occupation of opinion, which will not admit 
any oppositions against it : It is well known I have 
endeavoured to satisfie My self in what the chief 
Patrons for other wayes can say against this, or for 
theirs : And I find they have, as farre lesse of Scripture 
grounds, and of Reason ; so for examples, and practice 
of the Church, or testimonies of Histories, they are 
wholly destitute, wherein the whole stream runs so 
for Episcopacy, that there is not the least rivulet for 
any others. 

161 M 



As for those obtruded examples of some late re- 
formed Churches, (for many retain Bishops still) 
whom necessity of times and affaires rather excuseth, 
then commendeth for their inconformity to all An- 
tiquity ; I could never see any reason why Churches 
orderly reformed and governed by Bishops should be 
forced to conform to those few, rather then to the 
Catholick example of all Ancient Churches, which 
needed no Reformation : And to those Churches at 
this day, who Governed by Bishops in all the Christian 
world, are many more then Presbyterians or Inde- 
pendents can pretend to be ; All whom the Churches 
in My three Kingdomes lately Governed by Bishops, 
would equalize (I think) if not exceed. 

Nor is it any point of wisdom or charity, where 
Christians differ, (as many do in some points) there 
to widen the differences, and at once to give all the 
Christian world (except a handfull of some Protest- 
ants) so great a scandall in point of Church-govern- 
ment ; whom, though you may convince of their 
Errours in some points of Doctrine, yet you shall 
never perswade them, that to compleat their Reforma- 
tion, they must necessarily desert, and wholly cast off 
that Government, which they, and all before them have 
ever owned as Catholick, Primitive, and Apostolicall : 
162 



So far, that never Schisma ticks, nor Hereticks (except 
those Arians) have strayed from the Unity, and Con- 
formity of the Church in that point ; ever having 
Bishops above Presbyters. 

Besides, the late general! approbation and submis- 
sion to this Government of Bishops, by the Clergy, as 
well as the Laity of these Kingdomes, is a great con- 
firmation of My Judgment ; and their inconstancy is 
a great prejudice against their novelty ; I cannot in 
charity so far doubt of their learning or integrity, as 
if they understood not what heretofore they did ; or 
that they did conform contrary to their Consciences ; 
So that their facility and levity is never to be excused, 
who, before ever the point of Church-government 
had any free & impartiall debate, contrary to their 
former Oathes and practice, against their obedience 
to the Lawes in force, and against My consent, have 
not only quite cryed down the Government by 
Bishops ; but have approved and incouraged the 
violent and most illegall stripping all the Bishops, 
and many other Church-men, of all their due Authority 
and Revenues, even to the selling away, and utter 
alienation of those Church-lands from any Ecclesi- 
asticall uses : So great a power hath the stream of 
times, and the prevalency of parties over some mens 
163 



judgements ; of whose so sudden and so totall change, 
little reason can be given, besides the Scots Army 
comming into England. 

But the folly of these men will at last punish it self, 
and the Desertors of Episcopacy will appeare the 
greatest Enemies to, and Betrayers of their owne 
interest ; for Presbytery is never so considerable or 
effectuall, as when it is joyned to, and crowned with 
Episcopacy. All Ministers wil find as great a differ- 
ence in point of thriving, between the favour of the 
People, and of Princes, as plants doe between being 
watered by hand, or by the sweet and liberall dews 
of Heaven. 

The tenuity and contempt of Clegy-men will soone 
let them see, what a poore carcasse they are, when 
parted from the influence of that Head, to whose 
Supremacy they have been sworne. 

A little moderation might have prevented great 
mischiefs ; I am firme to Primitive Episcopacy, not 
to have it extirpated, (if I can hinder it.) Discretion 
without passion might easily reforme, whatever the 
rust of times, or indulgence of Laws, or corruption of 
manners have brought upon it. It being a grosse 
vulgar errour to impute to, or revenge upon the 
Function, the faults of times, or persons ; which 
164 



seditious and popular principle, and practise, all wise 
men abhorre. 

For those secular additaments and ornaments of 
Authority, Civill Honour and Estate, which My 
Predecessours, and Christian Princes in all Countries 
have annexed to Bishops and Church-men ; I look 
upon them, but as just rewards of their learning, and 
piety, who are fit to be in any degree of Church- 
Government ; also enablements to works of Charity, 
& Hospitality, meet strengthenings of their Authority 
in point of respect, and observance ; which in f peacefull 
times is hardly payed to any Governours by the 
measure of their vertues, so much, as by that of their 
Estates ; Poverty and meannesse exposing them and 
their Authority to the contempt of licentious minds, 
and manners, which persecuting Times much re- 
strained. 

I would have such men Bishops, as are most worthy 
of those incouragements, and best able to use them : 
if at any time My judgment of men failed My good 
intention made My errour veniall : And some Bishops, 
I am sure, I had, whose learning, gravity, and piety, 
no men of any worth or forehead can deny : But, of 
all men, I would have Church-men, especially the 
Governours to be redeemed from that vulgar neglect ; 
165 



which (besides an innate principle of vitious opposition, 
which is in all men against those that seem to reprove, 
or restraine them) will necessarily follow both the 
Presbyterian parity, which makes all Ministers equall ; 
and the Independent inferiority, which sets their 
Pastors below the People. 

This for My judgment touching Episcopacy, 
wherein (God knows) I doe not gratifie any designe 
or passion with the least perverting of Truth. 

And now I appeale to God above, and all the 
Christian world, whether it be just for Subjects, or 
pious for Christians, by violence, and infinite indig- 
nities, with servile restraints to seek to force Me their 
KING and Soveraigne, as some men have endeavoured 
to doe, against all these grounds of My Judgment, to 
consent to their weak and divided novelties. 

The greatest Pretender of them desires not more 
than I doe, That the Church should be governed, as 
Christ hath appointed, in true Reason, and in Scrip- 
ture ; of which, I could never see any probable shew 
for any other waies : who either content themselves 
with the examples of some Churches in their infancy 
& solitude ; when one Presbyter might serve one 
Congregation, in a City or Countrey ; or else they 
deny these most evident Truths, That the Apostles 
166 



were Bishops over those Presbyters they ordained, 
as well as over the Churches they planted ; and that, 
Government being necessary for the Churches wel- 
being, when multiplied and sociated, must also neces- 
sarily descend from the Apostles to others, after the 
example of that power and superiority, they had above 
others ; which could not end with their persons ; 
since the use and ends of such Government still 
continue. 

It is most sure, that the purest Primitive and best 
Churches flourished under Episcopacy ; and may so 
still, if ignorance, superstition, avarice, revenge, and 
other disorderly and disloyall passions had not so 
blowne up some mens minds against it, that what 
they want of Reasons or Primitive Patterns, they 
supply with violence and oppression ; wherein some 
mens zeale for Bishops Lands, Houses, and Revenues 
hath set them on worke to eate up Episcopacy : which 
(however other men esteem) to Me is no lesse sin, 
than Sacriledge ; or a robbery of GOD (the giver of 
all we have) of that portion which devout mindes 
have thankfully given againe to him, in giving it to 
his Church and Prophets ; through whose hands he 
graciously accepts even a cup of cold water, as a 
libation offered to himselfe. 
167 



Furthermore, as to My particular engagement above 
other men, by an Oath agreeable to My judgement, 
I am solemnly obliged to preserve that Government, 
and the Rights of the Church. 

Were I convinced of the unlawfullnesse of the 
Function, as Antichristian, (which some men boldly, 
but weakly calumniate) I could soone, with Judg- 
ment, break that Oath, which erroneously was taken 
by Me. 

But being daily by the best disquisition of truth, 
more confirmed in the Reason and Religion of that, 
to which I am Sworn ; How can any man that wisheth 
not My damnation, perswade Me at once to so 
notorious and combined sins, of Sacriledge and Per- 
jury ? besides the many personall Injustices, I must 
doe to many worthy men, who are as legally invested 
in their Estates, as any, who seek to deprive them ; 
and they have by no Law, been convicted of those 
crimes, which might forfeit their Estates and Lively- 
hoods. 

I have oft wondred how men pretending to tender- 
nesse of Conscience, and Reformation, can at once 
tell Me, that My Coronation Oath binds Me to 
Consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Me, 
(which they urge with such violence) though contrary 
168 



to ail that Rationall and Religious freedome which 
every man ought to preserve ; & of which they seem 
so tender in their own Votes, yet at the same time 
these men will needs perswade Me, That I must, and 
ought to dispence with, and roundly break that part 
of My Oath, which binds Me (agreeable to the best 
light of Reason and Religion I have) to maintain the 
Government, and legall Rights of the Church. 'Tis 
strange My lot should be valid in that part, which 
both My self, and all men in their own case, esteem 
injurious & unreasonable, as being against the very 
naturall and essentiall liberty of our soules ; yet it 
should be invalid, and to be broken in another clause, 
wherein I think My selfe justly obliged, both to God 
and Man. 

Yet upon this Rack chiefly have I been held so long, 
by some mens ambitious Covetousnesse, and sacrilegi- 
ous Cruelty ; torturing (with Me) both Church and 
State, in Civill dissentions ; till I shall be forced to 
consent, and declare that I doe approve, what (God 
knowes) I utterly dislike, and in My Soul abhor; 
as many wayes highly against Reason, Justice, and 
Religion : and whereto, if I should shamefully, and 
dishonourably give My consent; yet should I not 
by so doing, satisfie the divided Interests and Opinions 
169 



of those Parties, which contend with each other, as 
well as both against Me and Episcopacy. 

Nor can My late condescending to the Scots in 
point of Church-government, be righly objected 
against Me, as an inducement for Me, to consent to 
the like in My other Kingdoms, For it should be 
considered that Episcopacy was not so rooted and 
setled there, as 'tis here ; nor I (in that respect) so 
strictly bound to continue it in that Kingdom 
as in this ; for what I think in My judgment best, I 
may not think so absolutely necessary for all places, 
& at all times. 

If any shall impute My yeilding to them, as My 
failing and sin, I can easily acknowledge it ; but that 
is no argument to do so again, or much worse ; 
I being now more convinced in that point : nor 
indeed hath My yeilding to them been so happy and 
successefull as to incourage Me to grant the like to 
others. 

Did I see any thing more of Christ, as to Meeknesse, 
Justice, Order, Charity, and Loyalty in those that 
pretend to other modes of Government, I might 
suspect My judgment to be biassed, or fore-stalled 
with some prejudice and wontednesse of opinion ; 
but I have hitherto so much cause to suspect the 
170 



contrary in the manners of many of those men, that 
I cannot from them gain the least reputation for 
their new wayes of Government. 

Nor can I find that in any Reformed Churches 
(whose paternes are so cryed up, and obtruded upon 
the Churches under My Dominion) that either Learn- 
ing, or Religion, workes of Piety or Charity have 
so flourished beyond what they have done in, My 
Kingdomes (by Gods blessing) which might make Me 
believe either Presbytery or Independency have a more 
benigne influence upon the Church and mens hearts 
and lives, than Episcopacy in its right constitution. 

The abuses of which, deserve to be extirpated, as 
much as the use retained ; for I think it farre better 
to hold to primitive and uniforme Antiquity, than 
to comply with divided novelty. 

A right Episcopacy would at once satisfie all just 
desires and interests of good Bishops, humble Pres- 
byters, and sober People ; so as Church affaires should 
be managed neither with tyrannic, parity, nor popu- 
larity ; neither Bishops ejected, nor Presbyters 
despised, nor People oppressed. 

And in this integrity both of My Judgment and 
Conscience, I hope God will preserve Me. 



171 



For Thou, O Lord, knowest my uprightnesse, and 
tendernesse, as thou hast set me to be a Defender of 
the Faith, and a Protectour of thy Church, so suffer 
me not by any violence, to be overborne against my 
Conscience. 

Arise, O Lord, maintaine thine owne Cause, let not 
thy Church be deformed, as to that Government, 
which derived from thy Apostles, hath been retained 
in purest and primitive times, till the Revenues of 
the Church became the object of secular envy ; 
which seeks to rob it of all the incouragements of 
Learning and Religion. 

Make me, as the good Samaritan, compassionate, 
and helpfull to thy afflicted Church ; which some men 
have wounded and robbed ; others passe by without 
regard, either to pity, or relieve. 

As my power is from thee, so give me grace to use 
it for thee. 

And though I am not suffered to be Master of my 
other Rights as a KING, yet preserve me in that liberty 
of Reason, love of Religion, and thy Churches welfare, 
which are fixed in my Conscience as a Christian. 

Preserve, from Sacrilegious invasions, those tem- 
porall blessings, which thy providence hath bestowed 
on thy Church for thy glory. 
171 



Forgive their sinnes and errours, who have de- 
served thy just permission, thus to let in the wild 
Boare, and subtill Foxes, to wast and deform thy 
Vineyard, which thy right hand hath planted, and 
the dew of Heaven so long watered to a happy and 
nourishing estate. 

O let me not beare the infamous brand to all 
Posterity of being the first Christian KING in this 
Kingdome, who should consent to the oppression of 
thy Church, and the Fathers of it ; whose errours I 
would rather, with Constantine, cover with silence, 
and reforme with meeknesse, than expose their 
persons, and sacred Functions, to vulgar contempt. 

Thou, O Lord, seest how much I have suffered 
with, and for thy Church ; make no long tarrying O 
my God, to deliver both me, and it, from unreason- 
able men ; whose counsels have brought forth, and 
continue such violent confusions, by a precipitant 
destroying the ancient boundaries of thy Churches 
peace ; thereby letting in all manner of errours, 
schismes, and disorders. 

O thou God, of order, and of truth, in thy good 
time, abate the malice, aswage the rage, and confound 
all the mischievous devices of thine, mine, and thy 
Churches enemies. 



That I, and all that love thy Church, may sing 
praises to thee, and ever magnifie thy salvation, even 
before the sons of men. 



1 8. Upon Uxbridge-Tra7/y, and other offers made 
by the KING. 

I LOOK upon the way of Treaties, as a retiring 
from fighting like Beasts, to arguing like Men ; 
whose strength should be more in their understandings, 
than in their limbs. 

And though I could seldome get opportunities to 
Treat, yet I never wanted either desire or disposition 
to it ; having greater confidence of My Reason, than 
My Sword : I was so wholly resolved to yeild to the 
first, that I thought neither My selfe, nor others, 
should need to use the second, if once we rightly 
understood each other. 

Nor did I ever think it a diminution of Me, to 
prevent them with Expresses of My desires, and even 
importunities to Treat : It being an office, not onely 
of humanity, rather to use Reason, than Force ; but 
also of Christianity to seek 'peace and ensue it. 
As I am very unwillingly compelled to defend My 
174 



self with Armes, so I very willingly embraced any 
thing tending to Peace. 

The events of all Warre by the Sword being very 
dubious, and of a Civil Warre uncomfortable ; the 
end hardly recompencing, and late repairing the 
mischief of the means. 

Nor did any successe I had ever enhaunce with Me 
the price of Peace, as earnestly desired by Me as any 
man ; though I was like to pay dearer for it than any 
man : All that I sought to reserve was, Mine Honour, 
and My Conscience ; the one I could not part with 
as a KING, the other as a Christian. 

The Treaty at Uxbridge gave the fairest hopes of an 
happy composure ; had others applied themselves to 
it with the same moderation, as I did, I am confident 
the War had then ended. 

I was willing to condescend, as far re as Reason, 
Honour, and Conscience, would give Me leave ; nor 
were the remaining differences so essentiall to My 
Peoples happinesse ; or of such consequence ; as in 
the least kind to have hindred My Subjects either 
security, or prosperity ; for they better enjoyed both, 
many years, before ever those demands were made, 
some of which, to deny, I think the greatest Justice 
to My self, and favour to My Subjects. 



I see, Jealousies are not so easily allayed, as they are 
raised : Some men are more afraid to retreat from 
violent Engagements, than to Engage : what is want- 
ing in equity, must be made up in pertinacy. Such 
as had little to enjoy in peace, or to lose in warre, 
studied to render the very name of Peace odious and 
suspected. 

In Church affaires, where I had least liberty of pru- 
dence, having so many strict ties of Conscience upon 
Me ; yet I was willing to condescend so farre to the 
selling of them, as might have given fair satisfaction 
to all men, whom faction, covetousnesse, or super- 
stition had not engaged more, than any true zeale, 
charity, or love of Reformation. 

I was content to yeild to all that might seem to 
advance true piety ; I onely sought to continue what 
was necessary in point of Order, Maintenance, and 
Authority to the Churches Government ; and what 
I am perswaded (as I have elswhere set downe My 
thoughts more fully) is most agreeable to the true 
Principles of all Government, raised to its full stature 
and perfection, as also to the primitive Apostolicall 
patterne, and the practise of the Universall Church 
conforme thereto. 

From which wholly to recede, without any prob- 
176 



able reason urged or answered, onely to satisfie some 
mens wills and fantasies (which yet agree not among 
themselves in any point, but that of extirpating Epis- 
copacy, and fighting against Me) must needs argue 
such a softnesse, and infirmity of mind in Me, as wfll 
rather part with Gods Truth, than Mans Peace, and 
rather lose the Churches honour, than crosse some 
mens Factious humours. 

God knowes, and time will discover, who were most 
too blame for the un-succesfulnesse of that Treaty, 
and who must bear the guilt of after-calamities. I 
believe, I am very excusable both before God, and all 
unpassionate men, who have seriously weighed those 
transactions, wherein I endeavoured no lesse the 
restauration of Peace to My people, than the pre- 
servation of my own Crowns to my Posterity. 

Some men have that height, as to interpret all faire 
Condescendings, as Arguments of feeblenesse, and 
glory most in an unflexible stifnesse, when they see 
others most supple and inclinable to them. 

A grand Maxime with them was alwaies to aske 
something, which in reason and honour must be 
denied, that they might have some colour to refuse 
all that was in other things granted; setting Peace 
at as high a rate, as the worst effects of Warre ; en- 
177 N 



deavouring first to make Me destroy My selfe by dis- 
honourable Concessions, that so they might have the 
lesse to doe. 

This was all which that Treaty, or any other pro- 
duced, to let the world see, how little I would deny, 
or they grant, in order to the Publique peace. 

That it gave occasion to some mens further restive- 
nesse, is imputable to their owne depraved tempers, 
not to any Concessions or Negations of Mine : I have 
alwaies the content of what I offered, and they the 
regret, and blame, for what they refused. 
?< The highest tide of successe set me not above a 
Treaty, nor the lowest ebbe below a Fight : Though 
I never thought it any signe of true valour, to be 
prodigall of mens lives, rather then to be drawne to 
produce our owne reasons, or subscribe to other mens. 

That which made Me for the most part presage the 
unsuccesfulnesse of any Treaty, was, some mens un- 
willingnesse to Treat : which implied some things 
were to be gained by the Sword, whose unreason- 
ablenesse they were loath to have fairly scanned, 
being more proper to be acted by Souldiers, than by 
Counsellours. 

I pray God forgive them that were guilty of that 
Treaties breaking ; and give them grace to make their 
178 



advantages gotten by the Sword a better opportunity 
to use such moderation, as was then wanting ; that 
so though Peace were for our sins justly deferred, 
yet at last it may be happily obtain'd ; what we 
could not get by our Treaties, we may gaine by our 
Prayers. 



O Thou, that art the God of Reason, and of Peace, 
who disdainest not to Treat with Sinners, preventing 
them with offers of attonement, and beseeching them 
to be reconciled with thy selfe : who wantest not 
power, or justice, to destroy them ; yet aboundest 
in mercy to save : soften our hearts by the bloud of 
our Redeemer, and perswade us to accept of Peace 
with thy self, and both to procure and preserve peace 
among our selves, as Men and Christians, How oft 
have I intreated for Peace, but when I speak thereof, 
they make them ready to Warre. 

Condemne us not to our passions, which are 
destructive, both of our selves, and of others. 

Cleare up our understandings, to see thy Truth, 
both in Reason, as Men ; and in Religion, as Christians : 
and encline all our hearts to hold the unity of the 
Spirit, in the bond of Peace. 
179 



Take from us that enmity which is now in our 
hearts against thee; and give us that charity which 
should be among our selves. 

Remove the evils of Warre we have deserved, and 
bestow upon us that Peace, which only Christ our 
great Peace-maker can merit. 

19. Upon the various events of the Warre ; 
Victories^ and Defeats. 

THE various Successes of this unhappy war, have 
at least, afforded Me variety of good Medita- 
tions : sometimes God was pleased to trie Me with 
Victory, by worsting My Enemies, that I might know 
how with moderation and thanks to owne, and use 
his power, who is onely the true Lord, of Hosts ; able 
when he pleases to represse the confidence of those, 
that fought against Me, with so great advantages for 
power and number. 

From small beginnings on My part he let Me see, 
that I was not wholly forsaken by My peoples love, 
or his protection. 

Other times God was pleased to exercise My 
patience, and teach Me not to trust in the arme of 
Flesh, but in the living God. 
180 



My sins sometimes prevailed against the justice of 
My Cause : & those that were with Me wanted not 
matter and occasion for his just chastisement both 
of them, and Me : Nor were My enemies lesse 
punished by that prosperity, which hardened them 
to continue that injustice by open hostility, which 
was began by most riotous and unparliamentary 
Tumults. 

There is no doubt but personall and private sins 
may oft-times over-balance the Justice of Publick 
engagements ; nor doth God account every gallant 
Man (in the worlds esteem) a fit instrument to assert 
in the way of War a righteous Cause ; The more men 
are prone to arrogate to their own skill, valour and 
strength, the lesse doth God ordinarily work by them 
for his own glory. 

I am sure the event or successe can never state the 
Justice of any Cause, nor the peace of mens Consciences, 
nor the eternall fate of their Soules. 

Those with Me had (I think) clearly and undoubtedly, 
for their Justification the Word of God, and the Lawes 
of the Land, together with their own Oathes ; all 
requiring obedience to My just Commands ; but to 
none other under Heaven without Me, or against Me, 
in the point of raising Armes. 
Ill 



Those on the other side are forced to flie to the 
shifts of some pretended Feares, and wild funda- 
mentals of State (as they call them) which actually 
overthrow the present fabrick, both of Church and 
State ; being such imaginary Reasons for self-defence 
as are most impertinent for those men to alledge, who 
being My Subjects, were manifestly the first assaulters 
of Me and the Lawes : first by unsuppressing the 
Tumults, after by listed Forces : The same Allegations 
they use, will fit any Faction that hath but power and 
confidence enough to second with the Sword, all their 
demands against the present Lawes & Governours ; 
which can never be such as some side or other will 
not find fault with, so as to urge what they call a 
Reformation of them to a Rebellion against them, 
some parasitick Preachers have dared to call those 
Martyrs, who died fighting against Me, the Lawes, 
their Oathes, and the Religion Established. 

But sober Christians know, That glorious Title, 
can with Truth be applied only to those, who sincerely 
preferred Gods Truth, and their duty in all these 
particulars before their lives, and all that was dear 
to them in this world ; who having no advantageous 
designes by any Innovation, were religiously sensible 
of those ties to God, the Church, and My self, which 
182 



lay upon their Souls, both for obedience and just 
assistance. 

God could, and I doubt not but he did through his 
mercy, crown many of them with eternall life, whose 
lives were lost in so just a Cause ; The destruction of 
their bodies being sanctified, as a means to save their 
Soules. 

Their wounds, and temporall ruine serving as a 
gracious opportunity for their eternall health and 
happinesse ; while the evident approach of death did, 
through Gods grace, effectually dispose their hearts to 
such Humility, Faith, and Repentance, which together 
with the Rectitude of their present engagement, would 
fully prepare them for a better life then that, which 
their enemies brutish and disloyall fiercenesse could de- 
prive" them of ; or without Repentance hope to enjoy. 

They have often indeed, had the better against 
My side in the Field, but never, I believe, at the 
barre of Gods Tribunall, or their own Consciences ; 
where they are more afraid to encounter those many 
pregnant Reasons, both from Law, Allegiance, and 
all true Christian grounds, which conflict with, and 
accuse them in their own thoughts, then they oft 
were in a desperate bravery to fight against those 
Forces, which sometimes God gave Me. 
183 



Whose condition conquered, and dying, I make no 
question, but is infinitely more to be chosen by a 
sober man, (that duly values his duty, his soul, and 
eternity, beyond the enjoyments of this present life) 
then the most triumphant glory, wherein their and 
Mine Enemies supervive ; who can hardly avoid to 
be daily tormented by that horrid guilt, wherewith 
their suspicious, or now convicted Consciences do 
pursue them, especially since they and all the world 
have seen, how false and un-intended those pretensions 
were, which they first set forth, as the only plausible 
(though not justifiable) grounds of raising a War, and 
continuing it thus long against Me, and the Lawes 
established ; in whose safety and preservation all 
honest men think the welfare of their Country doth 
consist. 

For, and with all which, it is farre more honourable 
and comfortable to suffer, then to prosper in their 
mine and subversion. 

I have often prayed, that all on My side might joyn 
true piety with the sense of their Loyalty ; and be as 
faithfull to God and their own soules, as they were to 
Me. That the defects of the one might not blast 
the endeavours of the other. 

Yet I cannot think, that any shewes, or truth of 
184 



piety on the other side were sufficient to dispence 
with, or expiate the defects of their Duty and Loyalty 
to Me, which have so pregnant convictions on mens 
Consciences, that even profaner men are moved by 
the sense of them to venture their lives for Me. 

I never had any victory which was without My 
sorrow, because it was on Mine owne Subjects, who, 
like Absolom, died many of them in their sinne : And 
yet I never suffered any Defeat, which made Me 
despaire of Gods mercy and defence. 

I never desired such Victories, as might serve to 
conquer, but onely restore the Lawes and Liberties of 
My people ; which I saw were extreamly oppressed, 
together with My Rights by those men, who were 
impatient of any just restraint. 

When Providence gave Me, or denied Me Victory, 
My desire was neither to boast of My power, nor to 
charge God foolishly ; who I believed at last would 
make all things to work together for My good. 

I wished no greater advantages by the War, then 
to bring My Enemies to moderation, and My Friends 
to peace. 

I was afraid of the temptation of an absolute 
conquest, and never prayed more for victory over 
others, than over My self. When the first was denied, 
185 



the second was granted Me, which God saw best for 
Me. 

The different events were but the methods of 
divine justice, by contrary winds to winow us : That, 
by punishing our sinnes, he might purge them from 
us ; and by deferring peace, he might prepare us more 
to prize, and better to use so great a blessing. 

My of ten Messages for Peace shewed, that I delighted 
not in Warre : as My former Concessions sufficiently 
testified, how willingly I would have prevented it ; 
and My totall unpreparednesse for it, how little I 
intended it. 

The conscience of My Innocency forbade Me to 
feare a Warre ; but the love of My Kingdomes com- 
manded Me (if possible) to avoid it. 

I am guilty in this Warre of nothing, but this, 
That I gave such advantages to some men, by con- 
firming their power, which they knew not to use with 
that modesty, and gratitude, which became their 
Loyalty and My confidence. 

Had I yeilded lesse, I had been opposed lesse ; 
had I denied more, I had been more obeyed. 

'Tis now too late to review the occasions of the 
Warre ; I wish onely a happy conclusion, of so unhappy 
beginnings : The unevitable fate of our sinnes was 
iff 



(no doubt) such, as would no longer suffer the divine 
justice to be quiet : we having conquered his patience, 
are condemned by mutuall conquerings, to destroy 
one another : for, the most prosperous successes on 
either side, impaire the welfare of the whole. 

Those Victories are still miserable, that leave our 
sinnes un-subdued ; flushing our pride, and animating 
to continue injuries. 

Peace it self is not desireable, till repentance have 
prepared us for it. 

When we fight more against our selves, and lesse 
against God, we shall cease fighting against one 
another ; I pray God these may all meet in our hearts, 
and so dispose us to an happy conclusion of these 
Civil Warres ; that I may know better to obey God, 
and govern My People, and they may learn better to 
obey both God and Me. 

Nor doe I desire any man should be further subject 
to Me, then all of us may be subject to God. 



O my God, make me content to be overcome, when 
thou wilt have it so. 

Teach me the noblest vistory over my self, and my 
Enemies by patience ; which was Christs conquest, 
and may well become a Christian King. 
187 



Between both thy hands, the right sometimes sup- 
porting, and the left afflicting ; fashion us to that 
frame of piety thou likest best. 

Forgive the pride that attends our prosperous, and 
the repinings, which follow our disastrous events ; 
when going forth in our owne strength thou with- 
drawest thine, and goest not forth with our Armies. 

Be thou all, when we are something, and when we 
are nothing ; that thou mayst have the glory, when 
we are in a victorious, or inglorious condition. 

Thou O Lord knowest, how hard it is for me to 
suffer so much evill from my Subjects, to whom I 
intend nothing but good ; and I cannot but suffer in 
those evils which they compell me to inflict upon 
them ; punishing my selfe in their punishments. 

Since therefore both in conquering, and being 
conquered, I am still a Sufferer ; I beseech thee to 
give me a double portion of thy Spirit, and that 
measure of grace, which onely can be sufficient for me. 

As I am most afflicted, so make me most reformed : 
that I may be not onely happy to see an end of 
these civill distractions, but a chiefe Instrument to 
restore and establish a firme, and blessed Peace to my 
Kingdomes. 

Stirre up all Parties pious ambitions to overcome 
188 



each other with reason, moderation, and such self- 
deniall, as becomes those, who consider, that our 
mutuall divisions are our common distractions, and 
the Union of all is every good mans chiefest interest. 

If O Lord, as for the sinnes of our peace, thou hast 
brought upon us the miseries of warre ; so for the 
sinnes of warre thou shouldst see fit still to deny us 
the blessing of peace, and so to keep us in a circulation 
of miseries ; yet give me thy Servant, and all Loyall, 
though afflicted Subjects, to enjoy that peace which 
the world can neither give to us, nor take from us. 

Impute not to me the bloud of my Subjects, which 
with infinite unwillingnesse and griefe, hath been 
shed by me, in my just and necessary defence ; but 
wash me with that pretious bloud, which hath been 
shed for me, by my great Peacemaker, Jesus Christ. 
Who will, I trust, redeem me shortly out of all my 
troubles : for, I know the triumphing of the Wicked 
is but short, and the joy of Hypocrites is but for a 
moment. 



189 



2O. Upon the Reformations of the Times. 

NO Glory is more to be envied than that, of due 
Reforming either Church or State, when de- 
formities are such, that the perturbation and novelty 
are not like to exceed the benefit of Reforming. 

Although God should not honour Me so farre, as to 
make Me an Instrument of so good a worke, yet I 
should be glad to see it done. 

As I was well pleased with this Parliaments first 
intentions to reform what the Indulgence of Times, 
and corruption of manners might have depraved ; so 
I am sorry to see after the freedome of Parliament 
was by factious Tumults oppressed, how little regard 
was had to the good Laws established, and the Re- 
ligion setled ; which ought to be the first rule and 
standard of reforming : with how much partiality, 
and popular compliance the passions, and opinions of 
men have been gratified, to the detriment of the 
Publique, and the infinite scandall of the Reformed 
Religion. 

What dissolutions of all Order, and Government, in 

the Church ; what novelties of Schismes, and corrupt 

opinions ; what undecencies and confusions in sacred 

administrations ; what sacrilegious invasions upon the 

190 






Rights and Revenues of the Church ; what contempt 
& oppressions of the Clergy ; what injurious diminu- 
tions and persecutings of Me, have followed, (as 
showres do warm gleames) the talke of Reformation, all 
sober men are Witnesses, and with My self, sad 
Spectators hitherto. 

The great miscarriage I think is, that popular 
clamours and fury, have been allowed the reputation 
of Zeale, and the publique sense ; so that the study 
to please some Parties hath indeed injured all. 

Freedome, moderation, and impartiality are sure 
the best tempers of reforming Councels, and en- 
deavours : what is acted by Factions, cannot but 
offend more, than it pleaseth. 

I have offered to put all differences in Church 
affaires and Religion to the free consultation of a 
Synod or Convocation rightly chosen ; the results of 
whose Counsels as they would have included the 
Votes of all, so its like they would have given most 
satisfaction to all. 

The Assembly of Divines, whom the two Houses 
have applyed (in an unwonted way) to advise of 
Church Affaires, I dislike not further, then that they 
are not legally convened and chosen ; nor Act in the 
name of all the Clergy of England ; nor with freedome 
191 



and impartiality can doe any thing, being limited 
and confined, if not over-awed, to do and declare 
what they do. 

For I cannot think so many men cryed up for 
learning and piety, who formerly allowed the Liturgy 
and Government of the Church of England, as to the 
maine, would have so suddenly agreed quite to abolish 
both of them, (the last of which, they knew to be of 
Apostolicall institution, at least ; as of Primitive and 
Universall practice) if they had been left to the 
liberty of their own suffrages, and if the influence of 
contrary Factions had not by secret encroachments 
of hopes, and feares, prevailed upon them, to comply 
with so great and dangerous Innovations in the Church ; 
without any regard to their own former judgment and 
practice, or to the common interest and honour of all 
the Clergy, and in them of Order, Learning, and 
Religion against examples of all Ancient Churches ; 
the Lawes in force, and My consent ; which is never 
to be gained, against so pregnant light, as in that 
point shines on My understanding. 
, For I conceive, that where the Scripture is not 
so clear and punctuall in precepts, there the constant 
and Universall practice of the Church, in things not 
contrary to Reason, Faith, good Manners, or any 
192 



positive Command, is the best Rule that Christians 
can follow. 

I was willing to grant, or restore to Presbitery, what 
with Reason or Discretion it can pretend to, in a 
conjuncture with Episcopacy ; but for that wholly 
to invade the Power, and by the Sword to arrogate, 
and quite abrogate the Authority of that Ancient 
Order, I think neither just, as to Episcopacy, nor safe 
for Presbitery ; nor yet any way convenient for this 
Church or State. 

A due reformation had easily followed moderate 
Counsells ; and such (I believe) as would have given 
more content, even to the most of those Divines, who 
have been led on with much Gravity and Formality, 
to carry on other mens designes : which no doubt 
many of them by this time discover, though they 
dare not but smother their frustrations, and dis- 
contents. 

The specious and popular titles, of Christs Govern- 
ment, Throne, Scepter, and Kingdome, (which cer- 
tainly is not divided, nor hath two faces, as their 
parties now have, at least) also the noise of a through 
Reformation, these may as easily be fined on new 
models, as fair colours may be put to ill-favoured 
figures. 

193 o 



The breaking of Church-windowes, which Time had 
sufficiently defaced ; pulling down of Crosses, which 
were but civill, not Religious marks ; defacing of the 
Monuments, and Inscriptions of the Dead, which 
served but to put Posterity in mind, to thank God, 
for that clearer light, wherein they live ; The leaving 
of all Ministers to their liberties, and private abilities, 
in the Publick service of God, where no Christian 
can tell to what he may say Amen ; nor what adven- 
ture he may make, of seeming, at least, to consent to 
the Errours, Blasphemies, and ridiculous Undecencies, 
which bold and ignorant men list to vent in their 
Prayers, Preaching, and other Offices. The setting 
forth also of old Catechismes, and Confessions of Faith 
new drest,' importing as much, as if there had been 
no sound or clear Doctrine of Faith in this Church, 
before some four or five yeares consultation had 
matured their thoughts, touching their first Principles 
of Religion. 

All these, and the like are the effects of popular, 
specious, and deceitfull Reformations, (that they 
might not seem to have nothing to do) and may give 
some short flashes of content to the vulgar, (who are 
taken with novelties, as children with babies, very 
much, but not very long) But all this amounts not to, 
194 



nor can in Justice merit the glory of the Churches 
thorow Reformation ; since they leave all things more 
deformed, disorderly, and discontented, then when 
they began, in point of Piety, Morality, Charity, and 
good Order. 

Nor can they easily recompense or remedy the 
inconveniences and mischiefs, which they have pur- 
chased so dearly, and which have, and every will 
necessarily ensue, till due remedies be applied. 

I wish they would at last, make it their Unanimous 
work, to doe Gods work, and not their own : Had 
Religion been first considered (as it merited) much 
trouble might have been prevented. 

But some men thought, that the Government of 
this Church and State, fixed by so many Lawes, and 
long Customes, would not run into their new moulds, 
till they had first melted it in the fire of a Civill 
Warre ; by the advantages of which they resolved, 
if they prevailed, to make My self & all My Subjects 
fall down, and worship the Images they should form 
and set up : If there had been as much of Christs 
Spirit, for meeknesse, wisdome, and charity, in mens 
hearts, as there was of his name used in the pretensions, 
to reform all to Christs Rule, it would certainly have 
obtained more of Gods blessing, and produced more 



of Christs Glory, the Churches good, the Honour of 
Religion, and the Unity of Christians. 

Publick Reformers had need first Act in private, and 
practise that on their own hearts, which they purpose 
to trie on others ; for Deformities within, will soon 
betray the Pretenders of publick Reformations, to 
such private designes as must needes hinder the publick 
good. 

I am sure the right Methods of Reforming the 
Church cannot consist with that of perturbing the 
Civill State, nor can Religion be justly advanced by 
depressing Loyalty, which is one of the chiefest 
Ingredients, and Ornaments of true Religion, for next 
to fear God, is, Honour the King. 

I doubt not but Christs Kingdome may be set up 
without pulling down Mine ; nor wil any men in 
impartiall times appear good Christians, that approve 
not themselves good Subjects. 

Christ's Government will confirme Mine, not over- 
throw it, since as I owne Mine from Him, so I desire 
to rule for his Glory, and his Churches good. 

Had some men truly intended Christ's Government, 
or knew what it meant, in their hearts, they could 
never have been so ill governed in their words, and 
actions, both against Me, and one another. 
196 



As good ends cannot justifie evill means, so nor will 
evil beginnings ever bring forth good conclusions ; 
unlesse God, by a miracle of Mercy, create Light out 
of Darknesse, order out of our confusions, and peace 
out of our passions. 



Thou, O Lord, who onely canst give us beauty for 
ashes, and Truth for Hypocrisie ; suffer us not to be 
miserably deluded with Pharisaicall washings, instead 
of Christian reformings. 

Our greatest deformities are within, make us the 
severest Censurers, and first Reformers of our owne 
soules. 

That we may in clearnesse of judgment, and up- 
rightnesse of heart be meanes to reforme what is indeed 
amisse in Church and State. 

Create in us cleane hearts, O Lord, and renew right 
spirits within us ; that we may doe all by thy directions, 
to thy glory, and with thy blessing. 

Pity the deformities, which some rash and cruell 
Reformers have brought upon this Church and State ; 
Quench the fires which Factions have kindled, under 
the pretence of Reforming. 

As thou hast shewed the world by their divisions, 
197 



and confusions, what is the pravity of some mens 
intentions, and weaknesse of their judgements ; so 
bring us at last more refined out of these fires, by the 
methods of Christian and charitable Reformations ; 
wherein nothing of ambition, revenge, covetousnesse, 
or sacriledge, may have any influence upon their 
counsels, whom thy providence in just and lawfull 
waies shall entrust with so great, good, and now most 
necessary worke. That I and my People may be so 
blest with inward piety, as may best teach us how to 
use the blessing of outward peace. 



2 1 . Upon His Majesties Letters taken and divulged. 

THE taking of My Letters was an opportunity, 
which, as the malice of Mine enemies could 
hardly have expected ; so they know not how with 
honour and civility to use it : Nor doe I think with 
sober and worthy minds any thing in them, could tend 
so much to My reproach, as the odious divulging of 
them did to the infamy of the Divulgers : The 
greatest experiments of vertue and Noblenesse being 
discovered in the greatest advantages against an 
enemy, and the greatest obligations being those, which 
198 



are put upon us by them, from whom we could least 
have expected them. 

And such I should have esteemed the concealing of 
My Papers ; The freedome and secresie of which, 
commands a civility from all men, not wholly bar- 
barous ; nor is there any thing more inhumane than 
to expose them to publique view. 

Yet since providence will have it so, I am content so 
much of My heart (which I study to approve to 
Gods omniscience) should be discovered to the world, 
without any of those dresses, or popular captations, 
which some men use in their Speeches, and Expresses ; 
I wish My Subjects had yet a clearer sight into My 
most retired thoughts : 

Where they might discover, how they are divided 
between the love and care I have, not more to 
preserve My owne Rights, than to procure their peace 
and happinesse, and that extreame grief to see them 
both deceived and destroyed. 

Nor can any mens malice be gratified further by 
My Letters, than to see My constancy to My Wife, 
the Lawes, and Religion. Bees will gather Honey 
where the Spider sucks Poison. 

That I endeavour to avoid the pressures of my 
Enemies, by all fair and just correspondencies ; no 
199 



man can blame, who loves me, or the Common-wealth, 
since my Subjects can hardly be happy if I be miserable, 
or enjoy their peace and liberties while I am oppressed. 

The world may see how soon mens design, like 
Absoloms, is by enormous actions to widen differences, 
and exasperate all sides to such distances, as may make 
all reconciliation desperate. 

Yet I thank God I can not only with patience bear 
this, as other indignities, but with Charity forgive 
them. 

The integrity of My intentions is not jealous of any 
injury, My expressions can do them, for although the 
confidence of privacy may admit greater freedom in 
writing such Letters, which may be liable to envious 
exceptions ; yet the Innocency of My chief purposes 
cannot be so obtained, or mis-interpreted by them, 
as not to let all men see, that I wish nothing more then 
an happy composure of differences with Justice and 
Honour, not more to My own, then My peoples 
content, who have any sparks of Love or Loyalty 
left in them : who, by those My Letters may be 
convinced, that I can both mind and act My own, 
and My Kingdomes Affaires, so as becomes a Prince ; 
which Mine Enemies have alwayes been very loath 
should be bel eved of me, as if I were wholly confined 



to the Dictates and Directions of others ; whom 
they please to brand with the names of Evill 
Counsellours. 

Its probable some men will now look upon me as 
my own Counsellour, and having none else to quarrell 
with under that notion, they will hereafter confine 
their anger to my self : Although I know they are 
very unwilling I should enjoy the liberty of my own 
Thoughts, or follow the light of my own Conscience, 
which they labour to bring into an absolute captivity 
to themselves ; not allowing me to think their 
Counsels to be other then good for me, which have 
so long maintained a War against Me. 

The Victory they obtained that day, when my 
Letters became their prize, had been enough to have 
satiated the most ambitious thirst of popular glory 
among the Vulgar ; with whom prosperity gaines the 
greatest esteem and applause ; as adversity exposeth 
to their greatest slighting and dis-respect : As if good 
fortune were alwayes the shadow of Vertue and Justice, 
and did not oftner attend vitious and injurious 
actions, as to this world. 

But I see no secular advantages seeme sufficient to 
that cause, which began with Tumults, and depends 
chiefly upon the reputation with the vulgar. 



They think no Victories so effectual! to their de- 
signes as those, that most rout and waste my Credit 
with my People ; in whose hearts they seek by all 
meanes to smother and extinguish all sparks of Love, 
Respect, and Loyalty to Me, that they may never 
kindle again, so as to recover Mine, the Lawes, and 
the Kingdomes Liberties, which some men seek to 
overthrow : The taking away of my Credit is but a 
necessary preparation to the taking away of my Life, 
and my Kingdomes ; First I must seem neither fit to 
Live, nor worthy to Reign ; By exquisite methods 
of cunning and cruelty, I must be compelled, first to 
follow the Funeralls of my Honour, and then be 
destroyed : But I know Gods un-erring and impartiall 
Justice can, and will overrule the most perverse wills 
and designes of men ; He is able, and (I hope) will 
turn even the worst of mine Enemies thoughts and 
actions to my good. 

Nor doe I think, that by the surprize of my Letters, 
I have lost any more then so many papers : How 
much they have lost of that reputation, for Civility 
and Humanity (which ought to be pay'd to all men, 
and most becomes such as pretend to Religion) 
besides that of respect and Honour, which they owe 
to their KING, present, and after-times will judge. 
202 



And I cannot think that their owne consciences are 
so stupid, as not to inflict upon them some secret 
impressions of that shame and dishonour, which 
attends all unworthy actions, have they never so 
much of publique flattery, and popular countenance. 
I am sure they can never expect the divine appro- 
bation of such indecent actions, if they doe but 
remember how God blest the modest respect and 
filiall tendernesse, which Noatfs Sonnes bare to their 
Father ; nor did his open infirmity justifie Chams 
impudency, or exempt him from that curse of being 
Servant of Servants ; which curse must needs be on 
them who seek by dishonourable actions to please the 
Vulgar, and confirme by ignoble acts, their dependance 
upon the People. 

r Nor can their malitious intentions be ever either 
excusable, or prosperous ; who thought by this means 
to expose Me, to the highest reproach and contempt 
of My People ; forgetting that duty of Jinodest con- 
cealment, which they owed to the Father of their 
Country, in case they had discovered any reall un- 
comelinesse ; which, I thank God they did not ; who 
can, and I believe hath made Me more respected in 
the hearts of many (as he did David') to whom they 
thought, by publishing My private Letters, to have 
203 



rendred Me as a Vile Person, not fit to be trusted or 
considered, under any Notion of Majesty. 



But thou, O Lord, whose wise and all-disposing 
providence, ordereth the greatest contingences of 
humane affaires ; make me to see the constancy of 
thy mercies to me, in the greatest advantages thou 
seemest to give the malice of my Enemies against me. 

As thou didst blast the counsel of Acbitopbel, 
turning it to Davids good, and his owne ruine : so 
canst thou defeat their designe, who intended by 
publishing my private Letters, nothing else, but to 
render me more odious and contemptible to My 
People. 

I must first appeale to thy Omniscience, who canst 
witnesse with my integrity, how unjust and false those 
scandalous misconstructions are, which my enemies 
endeavour by those Papers of mine to represent to 
the world. 

Make the evill they imagined, and displeasure 
they intended thereby against me, so to returne on 
their owne heads, that they may be ashamed, and 
covered with their owne confusion ; as with a Cloake. 

Thou seest how mine Enemies use all meanes to 
204 



cloud mine Honour, to pervert my purposes, and to 
slander the footsteps of thine Anoynted. 

But give me an heart content to be dishonoured for 
thy sake, and thy Churches good. 

Fix in me a purpose to honour thee, and then I know 
thou wilt honour me, either by restoring to me the 
enjoyment of that Power and Majesty, which thou 
hast suffered some men to seek to deprive me of ; or 
by bestowing on me that crowne of Christian patience, 
which knows how to serve thee in honour, or dishonour, 
in good report or evill. 

Thou, O Lord, art the fountaine of goodnesse, 
and honour ; thou art clothed with excellent Majesty ; 
make me to partake of thy excellency for wisdome, 
justice, and mercy, and I shall not want that degree 
of Honour, and Majesty, which becomes the Place in 
which thou hast set Me ; who art the lifter up of My 
head, and My salvation. 

Lord, by thy Grace, lead Me to thy Glory, which is 
both true and eternall. 



zo 5 



22. Upon His Majesties leaving Oxford, and going 
to the Scots. 

ALTHOUGH God hath given Mee three King- 
domes, yet in these He hath not now left Me 
any place, where I may with Safety & Honour rest 
my Head : Shewing me that himself is the safest 
Refuge, and the strongest Tower of defence, in which 
I may put my Trust. 

In these extremities, I look not to man so much as 
to God, He will have it thus ; that I may wholly 
cast my self, and my now distressed affaires upon his 
mercy, who hath both hearts and hands of all men in 
his dispose. 

What Providence denies to Force, it may grant to 
Prudence : Necessity is now my Counsellour, and 
commands me to study my safety by a disguised 
withdrawing from my chiefest strength, and adven- 
turing upon their Loyalty, who first began my 
Troubles. Happily God may make them a means 
honourably to compose them. 

This my confidence of Them, may dis-arme and 
overcome them ; my rendring my Person to Them, 
may engage their affections to me, who have oft 
professed, They fought not against Me, but for Me. 
106 



I must now resolve the riddle of their Loyalty : 
and give them opportunity to let the world see, they 
meane not what they doe, but what they say. 

Yet must God be My chiefest Guard ; and My 
Conscience both My Counsellour and My Com- 
forter : Though I put My Body into their hands, yet 
I shall reserve My Soule to God, and My selfe ; nor 
shall any necessities compel Me, to desert Mine 
Honour, or swerve from My Judgment. 

What they sought to take by force, shall now be 
given them in such a way of unusuall confidence of 
them, as may make them ashamed not to be really 
such, as they ought, and professed to be. 

God sees it not enough to desert Me of all Military 
power to defend My self ; but to put Me upon 
using their power, who seem to fight against Me, yet 
ought in duty to defend Me. 

So various are all humame affaires, and so neces- 
sitous may the state of Princes be, that their greatest 
danger may be in their supposed safety, and their 
safety in their supposed danger. 

I must now leave those, that have Adhered to Me, 
and apply to those that have Opposed Me ; this 
method of Peace may be more prosperous, than that 
of Warre, both to stop the effusion of bloud, and to 



close those wounds already made : and in it I am no 
lesse solicitous for My Friends safety, than Mine owne ; 
chusing to venture My selfe upon further hazards, 
rather than expose their resolute Loyalty to all ex- 
tremities. 

It is some skill in play to know when a game is 
lost ; better fairly to goe over, than to contest in 
vaine. 

I must now study to re-inforce My judgement, and 
fortifie My mind with Reason and Religion ; that 
I may not seem to offer up My Souls liberty, or make 
My Conscience their Captive ; who ought at first to 
have used Arguments, not Armes, to have perswaded 
My consent to their new demands. 

I thank God no successe, darkens or disguises Truth 
to me ; and I shall no lesse conforme my words to 
my inward dictates now, than if they had been, as the 
words of a KING ought to be among loyall Subjects, 
full of power. 

Reason is the divinest power. I shall never think 
my self weakned while I may make full and free use 
of that. No eclypse of outward fortune shall rob 
me of that light ; what God hath denied of outward 
strength, his grace, I hope, will supply with inward 
resolutions ; not morosity to deny, what is fit to be 
208 



granted ; but not to grant any thing, which Reason 
and Religion bids me deny. 

I shall never think my self lesse than my self while 
I am able thus to preserve the Integrity of my Con- 
science, the onely Jewell now left me, which is worth 
keeping. 



O thou Soveraigne of our Soules, the onely Com- 
mander of our Consciences ; though I know not what 
to doe, yet mine eyes are toward thee : To the pro- 
tection of thy mercy I still commend my selfe. 

As thou hast preserved me in the day of Battaile, 
so thou canst still shew me thy strength in my weak- 
nesse. 

Be thou unto me in my darkest night, a pillar of 
fire, to enlighten and direct me ; in the day of my 
hottest affliction, be also a pillar of cloud to over- 
shadow and protect me ; be to me, both a Sun and 
a Shield. 

Thou knowest, that it is not any perversnesse of 
will, but just perswasions of Honour, Reason, and 
Religion, which have made me thus farre to hazard 
my Person, Peace, and Safety, against those, that by 
force have sought to wrest them from Mee. 

2O<) F 



Suffer not my just resolutions to abate with my out- 
ward Forces ; let a good Conscience alwaies accompany 
Me, in My solitude and desertions. 

Suffer me not to betray the powers of Reason, and 
that fortresse of My Soule, which I am intrusted to 
keep for thee. 

Lead Me in the paths of thy righteousnesse, and 
shew me thy salvation. 

Make my waies to please thee, and then thou wilt 
make Mine Enemies to be at peace with Me. 



23. Upon the Scots delivering the KING to the 
English ; and His Captivity at Holmeby. 

YET may I justifie those Scots to all the world in 
this, that they have not deceived me ; for I 
never trusted to them further, than to men : if I am 
sold by them, I am onely sorry they should doe it ; 
and that my price should be so much above my 
Saviours. 

These are but further Essays, which God will have 
me make of mans uncertainty, the more to fix me on 
himself ; who never faileth them that trust in him ; 
Though the Reeds of gypt break under the hand of 



him that leans on them : yet the Rock of Israel will 
be an everlasting stay and defence. 

Gods providence commands me to retire from all 
to himself, that in him I may enjoy my self, which I 
lose, while I let out my hopes to others. 

The solitude and captivity, to which I am now 
reduced, gives me leisure enough to study the worlds 
vanity, and inconstancy. 

God sees 'tis fit to deprive me of Wife, Children, 
Army, Friends, and Freedome, that I may be wholly 
his, who alone is all. 

I care not much to be reckoned among the Un- 
fortunate, if I be not in the black List of irreligious, 
and sacrilegious Princes. 

No Restraint shall ensnare my Soule in sin ; nor 
gaine that of me, which may make my Enemies 
more insolent, my Friends ashamed, or my Name 
accursed. 

They have no great cause to triumph, that they 
have got my Person into their power ; since my Soule 
is still my owne ; nor shall they ever gaine my Consent 
against my Conscience. 

What they call obstinacy, I know God accounts 
honest constancy, from which Reason and Religion, 
as well as Honour, forbid me to recede. 

2X1 



'Tis evident now, that it was not Evil Counsellours 
with me, but a good Conscience in me, which hath 
been fought against ; nor did they ever intend to 
bring me to my Parliament, till they had brought my 
mind to their obedience. 

Should I grant what some men desire, I should be 
such as they wish me ; not more a King, and farre 
lesse both Man and Christian. 

WhatTumults and Armies could not obtaine, neither 
shall Restraint ; which though it have as little of safety 
to a Prince, yet it hath not more of danger. 

The feare of men shall never be my snare ; nor 
shall the love of any liberty entangle my soule : 
Better others betray me, than my self : and that the 
price of my liberty should be my Conscience ; the 
greatest injuries my Enemies seek to inflict upon me, 
cannot be without my owne consent. 

While I can deny with Reason, I shall defeat the 
greatest impressions of their malice, who neither 
know how to use worthily, what I have already 
granted ; nor what to require more of me but this, 
That I would seem willing to help them to destroy 
My self & Mine. 

Although they should destroy me, yet they shall 
have no cause to despise me. 

212 



Neither liberty nor life are so deare to me, as the 
peace of my Conscience, the Honour of my Crownes, 
and the welfare of my People ; which my Word may 
injure more than any Warre can doe ; while I gratifie 
a few to oppresse all. 

The Lawes will, by Gods blessing, revive, with the 
love and Loyalty of my Subjects ; if I bury them not 
by my Consent, and cover them in that grave of 
dishonour, and injustice, which some mens violence 
hath digged for them. 

If my Captivity or death must be the price of their 
redemption, I grudge not to pay it. 

No condition can make a King miserable, which 
carries not with it, his Souls, his Peoples, and Posterities 
thraldome. 

After-times may see, what the blindnesse of this 
Age will not ; and God may at length shew my 
Subjects, that I chuse rather to suffer for them, than 
with them ; happily I might redeem my selfe to some 
shew of liberty, if I would consent to enslave them : 
I had rather hazard the ruine of one King, than to 
confirme many Tyrants over them ; from whom I 
pray God deliver them, whatever becomes of Me, 
whose solitude hath not left Me alone. 



213 



For thou, O God, infinitely good, and great, art 
with Me, whose presence is better than life ; and whose 
service is perfect freedome. 

Owne Me for thy Servant, and I shall never have 
cause to complaine for want of that liberty, which 
becomes a Man, a Christian, and a King. 

Blesse Me still with Reason, as a Man; with Religion, 
as a Chrictian ; and with Constancy in Justice, as a 
King. 

Though thou sufferest Me to be stript of all outward 
ornaments, yet preserve Me ever in those enjoyments, 
wherein I may enjoy thy selfe ; and which, cannot 
be taken from Me against my will. 

Let no fire of affliction boyle over My passion to 
any impatience, or sordid feares. 

There be many say of Me, There is no help for Me : 
doe thou lift up the light of thy Countenance, upon 
Me, and I shall neither want safety, liberty, nor 
Majesty. 

Give Me that measure of patience and Constancy, 
which my condition now requires. 
' My strength is scattered, My expectation from Men 
defeated, My Person restrained : O be not thou farre 
from Me, lest My Enemies prevaile too much against 
Me. 



I am become a wonder, and a scorne to many : O 
be thou my Helper and Defender. 

Shew some token upon me for good, that they that 
hate me may be ashamed, because thou Lord hast 
holpen and comforted me : establish me with thy 
free Spirit, that I may do, and suffer thy will, as thou 
wouldst have me. 

Be mercifull to me, O Lord, for my Soule trusteth 
in thee : yea and in the shadow of thy wings will I 
make my refuge untill these calamities be overpast. 

Arise to deliver me, make no long tarrying, O my 
God. Though thou killest me, yet will I trust in thy 
mercy, and my Saviour merit. 

I know that my Redeemer liveth ; though thou 
leadest me through the vayl and shadow of death, yet 
shall I feare none ill. 



24. Upon their denying His Majesty the Attendance 
of His Chaplaines. 

WHEN Providence was pleased to deprive Me of 
all other civill comforts and secular attendants, 
I thought the absence of them all might best be 
supplyed by the attendance of some of My Chaplaines ; 
whom for their Function I reverence, and for their 
215 



Fidelity I have cause to love. By their learning, 
piety, and prayers, I hoped to be either better enabled 
to sustaine the want of all other enjoyments, or better 
fitted for the recovery and use of them in Gods good 
time : so reaping by their pious help a spirituall harvest 
of grace amidst the thornes, and after the plowings of 
temporall crosses. 

The truth is, I never needed or desired more the 
service and assistance of men judiciously pious, and 
soberly devout. 

The solitude they have confined Me unto, adds 
the Wildernesse to my temptations ; For the com- 
pany they obtrude upon Me, is more sad than any 
solitude can be. 

If I had asked My Revenues, My Power of the 
Militia, or any one of My Kingdomes, it had been no 
wonder to have been denyed in those things, where 
the evill policy of men forbids all just restitution, 
lest they should confesse an injurious usurpation : 
But to deny Me the Ghostly comfort of My Chaplaines 
seemes a greater rigour and barbarity, then is ever 
used by Christians to the meanest Prisoners, and 
greatest Malefactors ; whom though the Justice of 
the Law deprive of worldly comforts, yet the mercy 
of Religion allows them the benefit of their Clergy, 
216 



as not ayming at once to destroy their Bodies, and 
to damne their Soules. 

But My Agony must not be relieved with the 
presence of any one good Angell ; for such I account 
a Learned, Godly, and Discreet Divine : and such I 
would have all Mine to be. 

They that envy My being a King, are loath I should 
be a Christian ; while they seek to deprive Me of all 
things else, They are afraid I should save my Soul. 

Other sense, Charity it self can hardly pick out of 
those many harsh Repulses I received, as to that 
Request so often made for the attendance of some of 
My CHaplaines. 

I have sometime thought the Unchristiannesse 
of those denialls might arise from a displeasure some 
men had to see me prefer my own Divines before their 
Ministers : whom, though I respect for that worth 
and piety which may be in them ; yet I cannot 
thinke them so proper for any present comforters or 
Physitians ; Who have (some of them at least) had so 
great an influence in occasioning these calamities, and 
inflicting these wounds upon Me. 

Nor are the soberest of them so apt for that de- 
votionall complyance, and juncture of hearts, which I 
desire to bear in those holy Offices, to be performed 
217 



with Me, and for Me ; since their judgements standing 
at a distance from me, or in jealousie of me, or in 
opposition against me, their Spirits cannot so har- 
moniously accord with mine, or mine with theirs, either 
in Prayer, or other holy duties, as is meet, and most 
comfortable ; whose golden Rule, and bond of Per- 
fection consists in that of mutuall Love and Charity. 

Some remedies are worse then the disease, and some 
comforters more miserable then misery it self ; when 
like Jobs friends, they seek not to fortifie ones mind 
with patience ; but perswade a man by betraying his 
own Innocency, to despair of Gods mercy ; and by 
Justifying their injuries, to strengthen the hands, and 
harden the hearts of Insolent Enemies. 

I am so much a friend to all Church-men, that have 
any thing in them beseeming that sacred function, that 
I have hazarded my owne Interests, chiefly upon Con- 
science and Constancy to maintaine their Rights; whom 
the more I looked upon as Orphans, and under the 
sacrilegious eyes of many cruell and rapacious Re- 
formers ; so I thought it my duty the more to appeare 
as a Father, and a Patron for them and the Church. 
Although I am very unhandsomly requited by some 
of them ; who may live to repent no lesse for My 
sufferings, than their own ungrateful! errours, and that 
218 



injurious contempt and meannesse, which they have 
brought upon their Calling and Persons. 

I pity all of them, I despise none : onely I thought 
I might have leave to make choice of some for My 
speciall Attendants, who were best approved in My 
Judgment, and most sutable to My affection. For, 
I held it better to seem undevout, and to heare no 
mens prayers, than to be forced, or seem to comply 
with those petitions, to which the heart cannot 
consent, nor the tongue say Amen, without contradict- 
ing a mans owne understanding, or belying his owne 
soule. 

In Devotions I love neither profane boldnesse, nor 
pious non-sense ; but such an humble and judicious 
gravity as shews the Speaker to be at once considerate 
both of Gods Majesty, the Churches honour, and 
his owne Vilenesse ; both knowing what things God 
allows him to ask, and in what manner it becomes a 
Sinner to supplicate the Divine Mercy for himself, 
and others. 

I am equally scandalized with all prayers, that 
sound either imperiously, or rudely, and passionately ; 
as either wanting humility to God, or charity to 
men, or respect to the duty. 

I confesse I am better pleased, as with studied and 
119 



premeditated Sermons, so with such publique Formes 
of Prayer, as are fitted to the Churches and every 
Christians daily & common necessities ; because I am 
by them better assured, what I may joyn My heart 
unto, than I can be of any mans extemporary suffici- 
ency ; which as I doe not wholly exclude from pub- 
lique occasions, so I allow its just liberty and use in 
private and devout retirements ; where neither the 
solemnity of the duty, nor the modest regard to 
others, doe require so great exactnesse as to the 
outward manner of performance. Though the light 
of understanding, and the fervency of affection, I 
hold the maine and most necessary requisites both 
in constant, and occasional!, solitary, and sociall 
Devotions. 

So that I must needs seem to all equal minds with 
as much Reason to prefer the service of My own 
Chaplains before that of their Ministers, as I do the 
Liturgy before their Directory. 

In the one, I have been alwaies educated and 
exercised ; In the other, I am not yet Catechized, nor 
acquainted : And if I were, yet should I not by that, 
as by any certain rule and Canon of devotion, be 
able to follow or find out the indirect extravagancies 
of most of those men, who highly cry up that as a 



piece of rare composure and use ; which is already as 
much despised and disused by many of them, as the 
Common-prayer sometimes was by those men ; a 
great part of whose piety hung upon that popular pin 
of rayling against, and contemning the Government, 
and Liturgy of this Church. But, I had rather be 
condemned to the woe of Va soli y than to that of 
Vts vobis Hypocritis, by seeming to pray what I doe 
not approve. 

It may be, I am esteemed by My Denyers sufficient 
of My selfe to discharge My duty to GOD as a Priest, 
though not to Men as a Prince. 

Indeed, I think both Offices, Regall and Sacerdotall, 
might well become the same Person ; as anciently they 
were under one name, & the united rights of primo- 
geniture : Nor could I follow better presidents, if I 
were able, than those two eminent Kings, David, and 
Solomon ; not more famous for their Scepters and 
Crownes, than one was for devout Psalmes and Prayers ; 
the other for his divine Parables and Preaching : 
whence the one merited and assumed the name of a 
Prophet, the other of a Preacher. Titles indeed of 
greater honour, where rightly placed, than any of those 
the Roman Emperours affected from the Nations they 
subdued : it being infinitely more glorious to convert 

221 



Soules to Gods Church by the Word, than to conquer 
men to a subjection by the Sword. 

Yet since the order of Gods wisdome and providence 
hath, for the most part, alwaies distinguished the 
gifts and offices of Kings, of Priests, of Princes and 
Preachers ; both in the Jewish and Christian Churches : 
I am sorry to find My selfe reduced to the necessity 
of being both, or enjoying neither. 

For such as seek to deprive Me of Kingly Power 
and Soveraignty ; would no lesse enforce Me to live 
many Months without all Prayers, Sacraments, and 
Sermons, unlesse I become My owne Chaplaine. 

As I owe the Clergy the protection of a Christian 
KING, so I desire to enjoy from them the benefit of 
their gifts and prayers ; which I look upon as more 
prevalent than My owne, or other mens ; by how 
much they flow from minds more enlightned, and 
affections lesse distracted, than those, which are en- 
combred with secular affaires : besides, I think a 
greater blessing and acceptablenesse attends those 
duties, which are rightly performed, as proper to, 
and within the limits of that calling, to which God 
and the Church have specially designed and con- 
secrated some men : And however, as to that Spirituall 
Government, by which the devout Soule is subject 
222 



to Christ, and through his merits daily offers it self 
and its services to GOD, every private believer is a 
King and Priest, invested with the honour of a Royall 
Priesthood ; yet as to Ecclesiasticall order, and the 
outward polity of the Church, I think confusion in 
Religion will as certainly follow every mans turning 
Priest or Preacher, as it will in the State, where every 
one affects to rule as King. 

I was alwaies bred to more modest, and I think 
more pious Principles : the consciousnesse to My 
spirituall defects makes Me more prize and desire 
those pious assistances, which holy and good Ministers, 
either Bishops or Presbyters, may afford Me ; especi- 
ally in these extremities, to which God hath been 
pleased to suffer some of My Subjects to reduce Me : 
so as to leave them nothing more, but My life to take 
from Me : and to leave Me nothing to desire, which 
I thought might lesse provoke their jealousie and 
offence to deny Me, than this of having some meanes 
afforded Me for My Soules comfort and support. 

To which end I made choice of men, as no way 
(that I know) scandalous, so every way eminent for 
their learning and piety, no lesse than for their 
Loyalty : nor can I imagine any exceptions to be 
made against them, but only this, that they may seem 
"3 



too able and too well affected toward Me and My 
service. 

But this is not the first service (as I count it the 
best) in which they have forced Me to serve My self ; 
though I must confesse I beare with more grief & 
impatience the want of My Chaplaines, than of any 
other My Servants ; and next (if not beyond in some 
things) to the being sequestred from my Wife and 
Children, since from these indeed more of humane 
and temporary affections, but from those more of 
heavenly and eternall improvements may be expected. 

My comfort is, that in the inforced (not neglected) 
want of ordinary meanes, God is wont to afford 
extraordinary supplies of his gifts and graces. 

If his Spirit will teach Me and help My Infirmities 
in prayer, reading and meditation (as I hope he will) 
I shall need no other, either Oratour or Instructer. 



To Thee therefore, O My God, doe I direct My 
now solitary prayers ; what I want of others help, 
supply with the more immediate assistances of thy 
Spirit, which alone can both enlighten My darknesse, 
and quicken My dulnesse. 

224 



O thou Son of righteousnesse, thou sacred Fountaine 
of heavenly light and heat, at once cleare and warme 
my heart, both by instructing of me, and interceding 
for me : In thee is all fulnesse : From thee all-suffi- 
ciency : By thee is all acceptance. Thou art company 
enough, and comfort enough : Thou art my King, be 
also my Prophet and my Priest. Rule me, teach me, 
pray in me, for me ; and be thou ever with me. 

The single wrestlings of Jacob prevailed with thee, 
in that sacred Duell, when he had none to second him 
but thy selfe ; who didst assist him with power to 
overcome thee, and by a welcome violence to wrest 
a blessing from thee. 

O look on me thy Servant, in infinite mercy, whom 
thou didst once blesse with the joynt and sociated 
Devotions of others, whose fervency might inflame 
the coldnesse of my affections towards thee ; when 
we went to, or met in thy House with the voice of 
joy and gladnesse, worshipping thee in the unity 
of spirits, and with the bond of Peace. 

O forgive the neglect, and not improving of those 
happy opportunities. 

It is now thy pleasure that I should be as a Pelican 
in the wildernesse, as a Sparrow on the house top, and 
as a coale scattered from all those pious glowings, and 



devout reflections, which might best kindle, preserve, 
and encrease the holy fire of thy graces on the Altar 
of my heart, whence the sacrifice of prayers, and 
incense of praises, might be duly offered up to thee. 

Yet O thou that breakest not the bruized Reed, nor 
quenchest the smoaking Flax, doe not despise the 
weaknesse of my prayers, nor the smotherings of my 
soule in this uncomfortable lonenesse ; to which I am 
constrained by some mens uncharitable denialls of 
those helps, which I much want, and no lesse desire. 

O let the hardnesse of their hearts occasion the 
softnings of mine to thee, and for Them. Let their 
hatred kindle my love, let their unreasonable denials 
of my Religious desires the more excite my prayers to 
thee. Let their inexorable deafnesse encline thine 
eare to me ; who art a God easie to be entreated ; 
thine eare is not heavy, that it cannot, nor thy heart 
hard, that it will not heare ; nor thy hand shortned, 
that it cannot help Me thy desolate Supplyant. 

Thou permittest men to deprive me of those 
outward means, which thou hast appointed in thy 
Church ; but they cannot debarre me from the 
communion of that inward grace, which thou alone 
breathest into humble hearts. 

O make me such, and thou wilt teach me ; thou 



wilt heare me, thou wilt help me : The broken and 
contrite heart I know thou wilt not despise. 

Thou, O Lord canst at once make me thy Temple, 
thy Priest, thy Sacrifice, and thine Altar ; while from 
an humble heart I (alone) daily offer up in holy 
meditations, fervent prayers, and unfeigned teares my 
self to thee ; who preparest me for thee, dwellest in 
me, and acceptest of me. 

Thou O Lord didst cause by secret supplies and 
miraculous infusions, that the handfull of meale in the 
vessell should not spend, nor the little oyle in the 
cruise fayle the Widow during the time of drought 
and dearth. 

O look on my soul, which as a Widow, is now 
desolate & forsaken : let not those saving Truths I have 
formerly learned now fail my memory ; nor the sweet 
effusions of thy Spirit, which I have sometime felt, 
now be wanting to my heart in this famine of ordinary 
and wholsome food for the refreshing of my Soule. 

Which yet I had rather chuse than to feed from those 
hands who mingle my bread with ashes, and my wine 
with gall ; rather tormenting, than teaching me ; 
whose mouths are proner to bitter reproaches of me, 
than to hearty prayers for me. 

Thou knowest, O Lord of Truth, how oft they wrest 

2Z7 



thy holy Scriptures to My destruction, (which are cleare 
for their subjection, and my preservation) O let it not 
be to their damnation. 

Thou knowest how some men (under colour of long 
prayers) have sought to devoure the houses of their 
Brethren, their King, and their God. 

O let not those mens balmes break my head, nor 
their Cordialls oppresse my heart, I will evermore 
pray against their wickednesse. 

From the poyson under their tongues, from the 
snares of their lips, from the fire, and the swords of 
their words ever deliver Me, O Lord, and all those 
Loyall and Religious hearts, who desire and delight 
in the prosperity of my soul, and who seek by their 
prayers to relieve this sadnesse, and solitude of thy 
servant, O my King and my God. 



25. Penitential! Meditations and Vowes in the 
KING'S solitude at Holmeby. 

GIVE ear to my words O Lord, consider my 
Meditation, and hearken to the voice of my cry, 
my King and my God, for unto thee will I pray. 
I said in my haste I am cast out of the sight of 
zzS 



thine eyes ; neverthelesse thou hearest the voice of my 
supplication, when I cry unto thee. 

If thou Lord shouldst be extream to mark what is 
done amisse, who can abide it ? But there is mercy 
with thee, that thou mayest be feared ; therefore 
shall sinners fly unto thee. 

I acknowledg my sins before thee, which have the 
aggravation of my condition ; the eminency of my 
place adding weight to my offences. 

Forgive, I beseech thee, my Personall, and my 
Peoples sinnes ; which are so farre mine, as I have not 
improved the power thou gavest me, to thy glory, 
and my Subjects good : Thou hast now brought me 
from the glory and freedome of a King, to be a 
Prisoner to my own Subjects : Justly, O Lord, as to 
thy over-ruling hand, because in many things I have 
rebelled against thee. 

Though thou hast restrained my Person, yet enlarge 
my heart to thee, and thy grace towards Me. 

I come far short of Davids piety ; yet since I may 
equall Davids afflictions, give me also the comforts 
and the sure mercies of David. 

Let the penitent sense I have of my sins, be an 
evidence to me, that thou hast pardoned them. 

Let not the evills, which I and my Kingdomes have 
219 



suffered, seem little unto thee ; though thou hast 
not punished us according to our sins. 

Turne thee (O Lord) unto me ; have mercy upon 
me, for I am desolate and afflicted. 

The sorrowes of my heart are enlarged ; O bring 
thou me out of my troubles. 

Hast thou forgotten to be gracious, and shut up thy 
loving kindnesse in displeasure ? 

remember thy compassions of old, and thy loving 
kindnesses, which have been for many generations. 

1 had utterly fainted, if I had not beleeved to see 
thy goodnesse in the land of the living. 

Let not the sinnes of our prosperity deprive us of 
the benefit of thy afflictions. 

Let this fiery triall consume the drosse, which in 
long peace and plenty we had contracted. 

Though thou continuest miseries, yet withdraw not 
thy grace ; what is wanting of prosperity, make up in 
patience and repentance. 

And if thy anger be not to be yet turned away, but 
thy hand of justice must be stretched out still ; Let 
it I beseech thee be against me, and my Fathers house ; 
as for these sheep, what have they done ? 

Let my sufferings satiate the malice of mine, and 
thy Churches Enemies. 

230 



But let their cruelty never exceed the measure of 
my charity. 

Banish from me all thoughts of Revenge, that I 
may not lose the reward, nor thou the glory of my 
patience. 

As thou givest me a heart to forgive them, so I 
beseech thee doe thou forgive what they have done 
against thee and me. 

And now, O Lord, as thou hast given me an heart 
to pray unto thee ; so hear and accept this Vow, 
which I make before thee. 

If thou wilt in mercy remember Me, and my King- 
domes ; In continuing the light of thy Gospell, and 
selling thy true Religion among us. 

In restoring to us the benefit of the Lawes, and the 
due execution of Justice. 

In suppressing the many Schismes in Church, and 
Factions in State. 

If thou wilt restore me and mine to the Ancient 
rights and glory of my Predecessours. 

If thou wilt turne the hearts of my people to thy 
self in Piety, to me in Loyalty, and to one another 
in Charity. 

If thou wilt quench the flames, and withdraw the 
fewell of these Civill Warres. 



If thou wilt blesse us with the freedome of public 
Counsels, and deliver the Honour of Parliaments from 
the insolencie of the vulgar. 

If thou wilt keep me from the great offence of 
enacting any thing against my Conscience ; and espe- 
cially from consenting to sacrilegious rapines, and 
spoilings of thy Church. 

If thou wilt restore me to a capacity to glorifie thee 
in doing good, both to the Church and State. 

Then shall my soul praise thee, and magnifie thy 
name before my People. 

Then shall thy glory be dearer to me then my 
Crownes ; and the advancement of true Religion 
both in purity and power be my chiefest care. 

Then will I rule my People with Justice, and my 
Kingdomes with equity. 

To thy more immediate hand shall I ever own as 
the rightfull succession, so the mercifull restauration 
of My Kingdomes, and the glory of them. 

If thou wilt bring Me again with peace, safety, 
and honour, to My chiefest City, and my Par- 
liament. 

If thou wilt againe put the Sword of Justice into 
My hand to punish and protect. 

Then will I make all the world to see, and my very 
232 



Enemies to enjoy the benefit of this Vow and re- 
solution of Christian charity, which I now make unto 
thee O Lord. 

As I doe freely pardon for Christ's sake those that 
have offended me in any kind ; so my hand shall never 
be against any man to revenge what is past, in regard 
of any particular injury done to me. 

We have been mutually punished in our unnaturall 
divisions ; for thy sake O Lord, and for the love of my 
Redeemer, have I purposed this in my heart, That I 
will use all means in the waies of amnesty, and in- 
dempnity, which may most fully remove all feares, 
and bury all jealousies in forgetfulnesse. 

Let thy mercies be toward me and mine, as my 
resolutions of Truth and Peace are toward my People. 

Heare my prayer O Lord, which goeth not out of 
fayned lips. 

Blessed be God, who hath not turned away my 
prayer ; nor taken his mercy from me. 

O my soule, commit thy way to the Lord, trust in 
him, and he shall bring it to passe. 

But if thou wilt not restore me and mine, what am 
I that I should charge thee foolishly ? 

Thou O Lord hast given, and thou hast taken, 
Blessed be thy name. 

133 



May my People and thy Church be happy, if not 
by me, yet without me. 



26. Upon the Armies Surprisall of the KING at 
Holmeby, and the ensuing distractions in the 
two Houses, the Army, and the City. 

WHAT part God will have me now to act or 
suffer in this new and strange scene of affaires, 
I am not much solicitous ; some little practise will 
serve that man, who onely seeks to represent a part of 
honesty and honour. 

This surprize of Me tells the world, that a KING 
cannot be so low, but He is considerable ; adding 
weight to that Party where he appeares. 

This motion, like others of the Times, seems ex- 
centrique and irregular, yet not well to be resisted 
or quieted : Better swim down such a stream, than in 
vain to strive against it. 

These are but the struglings of those twins, which 
lately one womb enclosed, the younger striving to 
prevaile against the elder ; what the Presbyterians 
have hunted after, the Independents now seek to 
catch for themselves. 



So impossible is it for lines to be drawn from the 
center, and not to divide from each other, so much 
the wider, by how much they go farther from the 
point of union. 

That the Builders of Babel should from division fall 
to confusion, is no wonder ; but for those that pretend 
to build Jerusalem, to divide their tongues and hands, 
is but an ill omen ; and sounds too like the fury of 
those Zealots, whose intestine bitternesse and divisions 
were the greatest occasion of the last fatall destruction 
of that City. 

Well may I change my Keepers and Prison, but 
not my captive condition, onely with this hope of bet- 
tering, that those who are so much professed Patrons 
for the Peoples Liberties, cannot be utterly against the 
Liberty of their KING ; what they demand for their 
owne Consciences, they cannot in Reason deny to 
Mine. 

In this they seem more ingenuous, than the Pres- 
byterian rigour, who, sometimes complaining of 
exacting their conformity to laws, are become the 
greatest Exactors of other mens submission to their 
novell injunctions, before they are stamped with the 
Authority of Lawes, which they cannot well have 
without My consent. 



'Tis a great argument, that the Independents think 
themselves manumitted from their Rivals service, in 
that they carry on a businesse of such consequence, 
as the assuming My Person into the Armies custody, 
without any Commission, but that of their owne will 
and power. Such as will thus adventure on a King, 
must not be thought over-modest, or timerous to 
carry on any designe they have a mind to. 

Their next motion menaces, and scares both the 
two Houses and the City : which soone after acting 
over again that former part of tumultuary motions, 
(never questioned, punished or repented) must now 
suffer for both ; and see their former sinne in the glasse 
of the present terrours and distractions. 

No man is so blind as not to see herein the hand of 
divine justice ; they that by Tumults first occasioned 
the raising of Armies, must now be chastened by their 
owne Army for new Tumults. 

So hardly can men be content with one sin, but 
adde sin to sin, till the latter punish the former ; such 
as were content to see Me and many Members of 
both Houses driven away by the first unsuppressed 
Tumults, are now forced to flie to an Army, or defend 
themselves against them. 

But who can unfold the riddle of some mens 
236 




justice ? the Members of both Houses who at first 
withdrew, (as My self was forced to doe) from the 
rudenesse of the Tumults, were counted Desertors, 
and outed of their Places in Parliament. 

Such as stayed then, and enjoyed the benefit of the 
Tumults, were asserted for the onely Parliament-men : 
now the Fliers from, and Forsakers of their Places, 
carry the Parliamentary power along with them ; 
complaine highly against the Tumults, and vindicate 
themselves by an Army : such as remained and kept 
their stations, are looked upon as Abettors of tumultuary 
insolencies, and Betrayers of the freedome and honour 
of Parliament. 

Thus is Power above all Rule, Order, and Law ; 
where men look more to present Advantages than 
their Consciences, and the unchangeable rules of 
Justice ; while they are Judges of others, they are 
forced to condemn themselves. 

Now the plea against Tumults holds good, the 
Authours and Abettors of them are guilty of pro- 
digious insolencies ; when as before, they were 
counted as Friends and necessary Assistants. 

I see Vengeance pursues and overtakes (as the Mice 
and Rats are said to have done a Bishop in Germany} 
them that thought to have escaped and fortified 



themselves most impregnably against it, both by 
their multitude and compliance. 

Whom the Laws cannot, God will punish, by their 
owne crimes and hands. 

I cannot but observe this divine Justice, yet with 
sorrow and pity ; for, I alwaies wished so well to 
Parliament and City, that I was sorry to see them doe, 
or suffer, any thing unworthy such great & considerable 
bodies in this Kingdome. 

I was glad to see them onely scared and humbled, 
not broken by that shaking : I never had so ill a 
thought of those Cities as to despaire of their Loyalty 
to Me ; which mistakes might eclipse, but I never 
believed malice had quite put out. 

I pray God the storme be yet wholly passed over 
them ; upon whom I look, as Christ did sometime 
over Jerusalem, as objects of my prayers and teares, 
with compassionate griefe, foreseeing those severer 
scatterings which will certainly befall such as wantonly 
refuse to be gathered to their duty : fatall blindnesse 
frequently attending and punishing wilfulnesse, so 
that men shall not be able at last to prevent their 
sorrows who would not timely repent of their sins ; 
nor shall they be suffered to enjoy the comforts, who 
securely neglect the counsels belonging to their peace. 



They will find that Brethren in iniquity are not farre 
from becomming insolent enemies, there being nothing 
harder then to keep ill men long in one mind. 

Nor is it possible to gaine a faire period for those 
notions which go rather in a round and circle of 
fansie, than in a right line of reason tending to the 
Law, the onely center of publique consistency ; 
whither I pray God at last bring all sides. 

Which will easily be done, when we shall fully see 
how much more happy we are, to be subject to the 
knowne Laws, than to the various wils of any men, 
seem they never so plausible at first. 

Vulgar compliance with any illegall and extravagant 
waies, like violent motions in nature, soon grows 
weary of it self, and ends in a refractory sullennesse : 
Peoples rebounds are oft in their faces, who first put 
them upon those violent strokes. 

For the Army (which is so far excusable, as they act 
according to Souldiers principles, and interests, de- 
manding Pay and Indempnity) I think it necessary, 
in order to the publike peace that they should be 
satisfied, as far as is just ; no man being more prone to 
consider them than My self : though they have 
fought against Me, yet I cannot but so farre esteem 
that valour & gallantry they have sometime shewed, 



as to wish I may never want such men to maintain 
My selfe, My Lawes, and My Kingdoms, in such a 
peace, as wherein they may enjoy their share and 
proportion as much as any men. 



But thou, O Lord, who art perfect Unity in a 
sacred Trinity, in mercy behold those, whom thy 
Justice hath divided. 

Deliver Me from the strivings of My People, and 
make Me to see how much they need My prayers and 
pity, who agreed to fight against Me, and yet are 
now ready to fight against one another ; to the 
continuance of My Kingdomes distractions. 

Discover to all sides the waies of peace, from which 
they have swarved : which consists not in the divided 
wills of Parties, but in the point and due observation 
of the Lawes. 

Make Me willing to go whither thou wilt lead Me 
by thy providence ; and be thou ever with Me, that 
I may see thy constancy in the worlds variety and 
changes. 

Make me even such as thou wouldst have Me, that 
I may at last enjoy that safety and tranquillity which 
thou alone canst give Me. 
240 



Divert, I pray thee, O Lord, thy heavy wrath 
justly hanging over those populous Cities, whose 
plenty is prone to add fewell to their luxury, their 
wealth to make them wanton, their multitudes tempt- 
ing them to security, & their security exposing them 
to unexpected miseries. 

Give them eyes to see, hearts to consider, wils to 
embrace, and courage to act those things which 
belong to thy glory and the publique peace, lest their 
calamity come upon them as an armed man. 

Teach them, That they cannot want enemies who 
abound in sinne, nor shall they be long undisarmed 
and un-destroyed, who with a high hand persisting to 
fight against thee and the cleare convictions of their 
owne consciences, fight more against themselves than 
ever they did against Me. 

Their sinnes exposing them to thy Justice, their 
riches to others injuries, their number to Tumults, 
and their Tumults to confusion. 

Though they have with much forwardnesse helped 
to destroy Me, yet let not my fall be their ruine. 

Let Me not so much consider, either what they 

have done, or I have suffered, (chiefly at first by 

them) as to forget to imitate My crucified Redeemer, 

to plead their ignorance for their pardon ; and in My 

241 R 



dying extremities to pray to thee O Father to forgive 
them, for they knew not what they did. 

The teares they have denied Me in My saddest 
condition, give them grace to bestow upon themselves, 
who the lesse they were for Me, the more cause they 
have to weep for themselves. 

O let not My bloud be upon them and their 
Children, whom the fraud and faction of some, not 
the malice of all, have excited to crucifie Me. 

But thou, O Lord, canst, and wilt (as thou didst 
My Redeemer) both exalt and perfect Me by My 
sufferings, which have more in them of thy mercy, 
than of mans cruelty or thy owne justice. 



27. To the Prince of Wales. 

SON, if these papers, with some others, wherein 
I have set down the private reflections of My 
Conscience, and My most impartiall thoughts, touch- 
ing the chiefe passages, which have been most re- 
markable, or disputed in My late troubles, come to 
your hands, to whom they are chiefly designed ; 
they may be so far usefull to you, as to state your 
judgement aright in what hath passed ; whereof, a 
pious is the best use can be made ; and they may also 
242 



give you some directions, how to remedy the present 
distempers, and prevent (if God will) the like for 
time to come. 

It is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury 
of My long restraint, when I find My leisure and 
solitude have produced something worthy of My 
self, and usefull to you ; That neither you, nor any 
other, may hereafter measure My Cause by the Suc- 
cesse ; nor My Judgment of things by My misfortunes ; 
which I count the greater by farre, because they have 
so farre lighted upon you, and some others, whom 
I have most cause to love as well as My self ; and of 
whose unmerited sufferings I have a greater sense 
then of Mine own. 

But this advantage of wisedome you have above 
most Princes ; that you have begun, and now spent 
some yeares of discretion, in the experience of troubles, 
and exercise of patience, wherein Piety, and all 
Vertues, both Morall and Politicall, are commonly 
better planted to a thriving (as trees set in winter) 
then in the warmth, and serenity of times ; or amidst 
those delights, which usually attend Princes Courts 
in times of peace and plenty ; which are prone, either 
to root up all plants of true Vertue and Honour ; 
or to be contented only with some leaves, and withering 



formalities of them, without any reall fruits, such as 
tend to the Publick good ; for which Princes should 
alwayes remember they are born and by providence 
designed. 

The evidence of which different education the 
holy Writ affords us in the contemplation of David 
and Reboboam : The one prepared, by many afflictions 
for a flourishing Kingdom, the other softned by the 
unparalel'd prosperity of Solomons Court ; and so 
corrupted to the great diminution, both for Peace, 
Honour, and Kingdome, by those flatteries, which 
are as unseparable from prosperous Princes, as Flies 
are from fruit in summer ; whom adversity, like cold 
weather, drives away. 

I had rather you should be Charles le Bow, then le 
Grand, good, then great ; I hope God hath designed 
you to be both, having so early put you into that 
exercise of his Graces, and gifts bestowed upon you, 
which may best weed out all vicious inclinations, 
and dispose you to those Princely endowments, and 
employments, which will most gain the love, and 
intend the welfare of those, over whom God shall 
place you. 

With God I would have you begin and end, who is 
King of Kings ; the Soveraign disposer of the King- 
244 



domes of the world, who pulleth downe one, and 
setteth up another. 

The best Government, and highest Soveraignty 
you can attain to is, to be subject to him, that the 
Scepter of his Word and Spirit may rule in your heart. 

The true glory of Princes consists in advancing 
Gods Glory in the maintenance of true Religion, and 
the Churches good : Also in the dispensation of civill 
Power, with Justice and Honour to the Publick Peace. 

Piety will make you prosperous ; at least it will 
keep you from being miserable ; nor is he much a 
loser, that loseth all, yet saveth his owne soule at last. 

To which Center of true Happinesse God, I trust, 
hath and will graciously direct all these black lines 
of Affliction, which he hath been pleased to draw on 
me, and by which he hath (I hope) drawn me nearer 
to himself. You have already tasted of that cup 
whereof I have liberally drank, which I look upon as 
Gods Physick, having that in healthfulnesse which it 
wants in pleasure. 

Above all, I would have you, as I hope you are 
already ; wel-grounded and setled in your Religion : 
The best profession of which, I have ever esteemed 
that of the Church of England, in which you have 
been educated ; yet I would have your own Judge- 



ment and Reason now seal to that sacred bond which 
education hath written, that it may be judiciously 
your own Religion, and not other mens custome or 
tradition, which you professe. 

In this I charge you to persevere, as comming nearest 
to Gods Word for Doctrine, and to the primitive 
examples for Government, with some little amend- 
ment, which I have otherwhere expressed, and often 
offered, though in vain. Your fixation in matters of 
Religion will not be not more necessary for your soules 
then your Kingdomes peace, when God shall bring you 
to them. 

For I have observed, that the Devill of Rebellion, 
doth commonly turn himself into an Angell of Re- 
formation ; arid the old Serpent can pretend new 
Lights : When some mens Consciences accuse them 
for Sedition and Faction, they stop its mouth with 
the name and noise of Religion ; when Piety pleads 
for peace and patience, they cry out Zeale. 

So that, unlesse in this point You be well sctled, 
you shall never want temptations to destroy you and 
yours, under pretensions of reforming matters of 
Religion ; for that seemes, even to worst men, as the 
best and most auspicious beginning of their worst 
designes. 

246 



Where, besides the Novelty which is taking enough 
with the Vulgar, every one hath an affectation, by 
seeming forward to an outward Reformation of Re- 
ligion, to be thought zealous ; hoping to cover those 
irreligious deformities, whereto they are conscious 
by a severity of censuring other mens opinions or 
actions. 

Take heed of abetting any Factions, or applying to 
any publick Discriminations in matters of Religion, 
contrary to what is in your Judgement, and the Church 
well setled ; your partiall adhering, as head, to any 
one side, gaines you not so great advantages in some 
mens hearts (who are prone to be of their Kings 
Religion) as it loseth you in others ; who think them- 
selves, and their profession first despised, then per- 
secuted by you : Take such a course as may either 
w th calmnes & charity quite remove the seeming 
differences and offences by impartiality, or so order 
affaires in point of Power that you shal not need to 
fear or flatter any Faction. For if ever you stand in 
need of them, or must stand to their courtesie, you 
are undone : The Serpent will devour the Dove : 
you may never expect lesse of loyalty, justice, or 
humanity, than from those, who engage into religious 
Rebellion ; Their interest is alwaies made Gods ; 
247 



under the colours of Piety, ambitious policies march, 
not onely with greatest security, but applause, as to 
the populacy ; you may heare from them Jacob's 
voice, but you shall feele they have Esau's hands. 

Nothing seemed lesse considerable than the Presby- 
terian Faction inEngland, for many yeares ; so com- 
pliant they were to publique order : nor indeed was 
their Party great either in Church, or State, as to 
mens judgments : But as soone as discontents drave 
men into Sidings (as ill humours fall to the disaffected 
mart, which causes inflamations) so did all, at first, 
who affected any novelties, adhere to that Side, as 
the most remarkable and specious note of difference 
(then) in point of Religion. 

All the lesser Factions at first were officious Servants 
to Presbytery their great Master : till time and 
military successe discovering to each their peculiar 
advantages, invited them to part stakes, and leaving 
the joynt stock of uniforme Religion, pretended each 
to drive for their Party the trade of profits and pre- 
ferments, to the breaking and undoing not onely of 
the Church and State, but even of Presbytery it self, 
which seemed and hoped at first to have ingrossed all. 

Let nothing seem little or desplicable to you in 
matters which concerne Religion and the Churches 



peace, so as to neglect a speedy reforming and effectual 
suppressing Errours & Schismes, which seem at first 
but as a handbredth, by seditious Spirits, as by 
strong winds are soon made to cover and darken the 
whole Heaven. 

When you have done justice to God, your own soule 
and his Church, in the profession and preservation 
both of truth and unity in Religion : the next main 
hinge on which your prosperity will depend, and 
move, is, that of civill Justice, wherein the setled 
Laws of these Kingdomes, to which you are rightly 
Heire, are the most excellent rules you can governe 
by ; which by an admirable temperament give very 
much to Subjects industry, liberty, and happinesse ; 
and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and prerogative 
of any King, who ownes his People as Subjects, not 
as Slaves ; whose subjection, as it preserves their 
property, peace, and safety, so it will never diminish 
your Rights, nor their ingenuous Liberties ; which 
consists in the enjoyment of the fruits of their industry, 
and the benefit of those Lawes to which themselves 
have consented. 

Never charge your Head with such a Crowne, as 
shall by its heavinesse oppresse the whole body, the 
weaknesse of whose parts cannot returne any thing 
249 



of strength, honour, or safety, to the Head, but a 
necessary debilitation and ruine. 

Your Prerogative is best shewed, and exercised in 
remitting, rather than exacting the rigor of the 
Lawes ; there being nothing worse than legall 
Tyranny. 

In these two points, the preservation of established 
Religion, and Lawes, I may (without vanity) turne 
the reproach of My sufferings, as to the worlds 
censure, into the honour of a kind of Martyrdome, 
as to the testimony of My owne Conscience ; The 
Troublers of My Kingdomes having nothing else to 
object against Me but this, That I preferre Religion, 
and Lawes established before those alterations they 
propounded. 

And so indeed I doe, and ever shall, till I am con- 
vinced by better Arguments, than what hitherto have 
been chiefly used towards Me, Tumults, Armies, and 
Prisons. 

I cannot yet learne that lesson, nor I hope ever 
will you, That it is safe for a King to gratifie any 
Faction with the perturbation of the Lawes, in 
which is wrapt up the publique Interest, and the 
good of the Community. 

How God will deale with Me, as to the removall of 



these pressures, & indignities, which his justice by 
the very unjust hands of some of My Subjects, hath 
been pleased to lay upon Me, I cannot tell : nor am 
I much solicitous what wrong I suffer from men, 
while I retaine in My soule, what I believe is right 
before God. 

I have offered all for Reformation and Safety, that 
in Reason, Honour, and Conscience I can ; reserving 
onely what I cannot consent unto, without an irre- 
parable injury to My own Soule, the Church, and My 
People, and to You also, as the next and undoubted 
Heire of My Kingdomes. 

To which if the divine Providence, to whom no 
difficulties are insuperable, shall in his due time after 
My decease bring You, as I hope he will ; My 
counsell and charge to You, is, That You seriously 
consider the former, reall, or objected miscarriages, 
which might occasion My troubles, that You may 
avoid them. 

Never repose so much upon any mans single 
counsell, fidelity and discretion, in managing affaires 
of the first magnitude, (that is, matters of Religion 
and Justice) as to create in Your selfe, or others, a 
diffidence of Your owne judgment, which is likely 
to be alwaies more constant & impartiall to the 
251 



interests of Your Crowne and Kingdome than any 
mans. 

Next, beware of exasperating any Factions by the 
crosnesse, and asperity of some mens passions, humours, 
or private opinions, imployed by You, grounded onely 
upon the differences in lesser matters, which are but 
the skirts and suburbs of Religion. 

Wherein a charitable connivence and Christian 
toleration often dissipates their strength, whom 
rougher opposition fortifies ; and puts the despised 
and oppressed Party, into such Combinations, as may 
most enable them to get a full revenge on those they 
count their Persecutors, who are commonly assisted 
by that vulgar commiseration, which attends all, that 
are said to suffer under the notion of Religion. 

Provided the differences amount not to an insolent 
opposition of Lawes, and Government, or Religion 
established, as to the essentials of them, such motions 
and minings are intolerable. 

Alwaies keep up solid piety, and those fundamentall 
Truths (which mend both hearts and lives of men) 
with impartial! favour and justice. 

Take heed that outward circumstances and formal- 
ities of Religion devoure not all, or the best incourage - 
ments of learning, industry, and piety ; but with an 
252 



equall eye, and impartiall hand, distribute favours 
and rewards to all men, as you find them for their 
reall goodnesse both in abilities and fidelity worthy 
and capable of them. 

This will be sure to gaine You the hearts of the 
best, and the most too ; who, though they be not 
good themselves, yet are glad to see the severer 
waies of virtue at any time sweetned by temporall 
rewards. 

I have, You see, conflicted with different and op- 
posite Factions ; (for so I must needs call and count 
all those, that act not in any conformity to the Lawes 
established, in Church and State) no sooner have they 
by force subdued what they counted their Common 
Enemy, (that is, all those that adhered to the Lawes, 
and to Me) and are secured from that feare, but 
they are divided to so high a rivalry, as sets them more 
at defiance against each other, than against their first 
Antagonists. 

Time will dissipate all factions, when once the 
rough homes of private mens covetous and ambitious 
designes, shall discover themselves ; which were at 
first wrapt up & hidden under the soft and smooth 
pretensions of Religion, Reformation, and Liberty : 
As the Wolfe is not lesse cruell, so he will be more 
253 



justly hated, when he shall appeare no better than 
a Wolfe under Sheeps cloathing. 

But as for the seduced Traine of the Vulgar, who 
in their simplicity follow those disguises ; My charge 
and counsell to You, is That as You need no palliations 
for any designes, (as other men) so that you study 
really to exceed (in true and constant demonstrations 
of goodnesse, piety, and virtue, towards the People) 
even all those men, that make the greatest noise and 
ostentations of Religion ; so You shall neither feare 
any detection, (as they doe, who have but the face 
and maske of goodnesse) nor shall You frustrate the 
just expectations of Your People ; who cannot in 
Reason promise themselves so much good from any 
Subjects novelties, as from the vertuous constancy of 
their King. 

When these mountaines of congealed factions shall 
by the sunshine of Gods mercy, and the splendor of 
Your virtues be thawed and dissipated ; and the 
abused Vulgar shall have learned, that none are 
greater Oppressours of their Estates, Liberties, and 
Consciences, than those men, that entitle themselves, 
The Patrones and Vindicators of them, onely to 
usurp power over them ; Let then no passion betray 
You to any study of revenge upon those, whose 
254 



owne sinne and folly will sufficiently punish them in 
due time. 

But as soone as the forked arrow of factious emula- 
tions is drawn out, use all princely arts, and clemency 
to heale the wounds ; that the smart of the cure may 
not equall the anguish of the hurt. 

I have offered Acts of Indempnity, and Oblivion, 
to so great a latitude, as may include all, that can 
but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to 
the Laws ; and which might serve to exclude all 
future Jealousies and insecurities. 

I would have You alwaies propense to the same 
way, when ever it shall be desired and accepted, let it 
be granted, not onely as an Act of State-policy and 
necessity, but of Christian charity and choice. 

It is all I have now left Me, a power to forgive those, 
that have deprived Me of all ; and I thanke God, I 
have a heart to doe it ; and joy as much in this grace, 
which God hath given Me, as in all My former 
enjoyments ; for this is a greater argument of Gods 
love to Me, than any prosperity can be. 

Be confident (as I am) that the most of all sides, 
who have done amisse, have done so, not out of 
malice, but mis-information, or mis-apprehension of 
things. 



None will be more loyall and faithfull to Me and 
You, than those Subjects, who sensible of their 
Errours, and our Injuries, will feel in their owne 
Soules most vehement motives to repentance ; and 
earnest desires to make some reparations for their 
former defects. 

As Your quality sets You beyond any Duell with 
any Subject ; so the noblenesse of Your mind must 
raise You above the meditating any revenge, or 
executing Your anger upon the many. 

The more conscious You shall be to Your owne 
merits, upon Your People, the more prone You will 
be to expect all love and loyalty from them ; and to 
inflict no punishment upon them for former mis- 
carriages : You will have more inward complacency 
in pardoning one, than in punishing a thousand. 

This I write to you, not despairing of Gods mercy, 
and my Subjects affections towards You ; both which, 
I hope You will study to deserve, yet We cannot 
merit of God, but by his owne mercy. 

If God shall see fit to restore Me, and You after 
Me, to those enjoyments, which the Lawes have 
assigned to Us ; and no Subjects without an high 
degree of guilt and sinne can devest Us of ; then may 
I have better opportunity, when I shall be so happy 
256 



to see You in peace, to let You more fully understand 
the things that belong to Gods glory, Your own honour, 
and the Kingdoms peace. 

But if You never see My face againe, and God will 
have Me buried in such a barbarous Imprisonment & 
obscurity, (which the perfecting some mens designs 
require) wherein few hearts that love me are per- 
mitted to exchange a word, or a look with Me ; I 
doe require and entreat You as your Father, and 
your KING, that You never suffer Your heart to 
receive the least check against, or disaffection from 
the true Religion established in the Church of 
England. 

I tell You I have tried it, and after much search, 
and many disputes, have concluded it to be the best 
in the world ; not onely in the Community, as 
Christian, but also in the speciall notion, as Reformed ; 
keeping the middle way between the pomp of super- 
stitious Tyranny, and the meannesse of fantastique 
Anarchy. 

Not but that (the draught being excellent as to 
the maine, both for Doctrine and Government, in the 
Church of England) some lines, as in very good figures, 
may happily need some sweetning, or polishing ; 
which might here have easily been done by a safe 
257 s 



and gentle hand ; if some mens precipitancy had not 
violently demanded such rude alterations, as would 
have quite destroyed all the beauty and proportions 
of the whole. 

The scandall of the late Troubles, which some may 
object, and urge to You against the Protestant Re- 
ligion established in England, is easily answered to 
them, or Your owne thoughts in this, That scarce 
any one who hath been a Beginner, or an active 
Prosecutor of this late Warre against the Church, the 
Lawes, and Me, either was, or is a true Lover, Em- 
bracer, or Practiser of the Protestant Religion, estab- 
lished in England : which neither gives such rules, nor 
ever before set such examples. 

'Tis true, some heretofore had the boldnesse to 
present threatning Petitions to their Princes and 
Parliaments, which others of the same Faction (but 
of worse Spirits) have now put in execution : but let 
not counterfeit and disorderly Zeale abate Your 
value and esteem of true piety, both of them are to 
be knowne by their fruits; the sweetnesse of the Wine 
& Figtree is not to be despised, though the Brambles 
and Thornes should pretend to beare Figs and Grapes, 
thereby to rule over the Trees. 

Nor would I have You to entertain any aversation, 
258 



or dislike of Parliaments ; which in their right con- 
stitution with Freedome and Honour, will never 
injure or diminish Your greatnesse, but will rather 
be as interchangings of love, loyalty, and confidence, 
between a Prince, and his People. 

Nor would the events of this black Parliament have 
been other than such (however much biassed by 
Factions in the Elections) if it had been preserved 
from the insolencies of popular dictates, and tumult- 
uary impressions : The sad effects of which will no 
doubt, make all Parliaments after this more cautious 
to preserve that Freedome, and Honour, which 
belongs to such Assemblies (when once they have 
fully shaken off this yoke of Vulgar encroachment) 
since the publique interest consists in the mutuall 
and common good both of Prince and People. 

Nothing can be more happy for all, than in faire, 
grave, and Honourable waies to contribute their 
Counsels in Common, enacting all things by publique 
consent ; without tyranny or Tumults. We must 
not starve our selves, because some men have surfeited 
of wholsome food. 

And if neither I, nor You, be ever restored to 
Our Rights, but God in his severest justice, will punish 
My Subjects with continuance in their sinne, and 
259 



suffer them to be deluded with the prosperity of their 
wickednesse ; I hope God will give Me, and You, 
that grace, which will teach and enable Us, to want, 
as well as to weare a Crowne, which is not worth 
taking up, or enjoying upon sordid, dishonourable, and 
irreligious tearms. 

Keep You to true principles of piety, vertue, and 
honour, You shall never want a Kingdome. 

A principall point of Your honour will consist in 
Your deferring all respect, love, and protection to 
Your Mother, My Wife ; who hath many waies 
deserved well of Me, and chiefly in this, that (having 
been a means to blesse Me with so many hopefull 
Children ; (all which, with their Mother, I recom- 
mend to Your love, and care) She hath been content 
with incomparable magnanimity and patience to 
suffer both for, and with Me, and You. 

My prayer to God Almighty is (whatever becomes 
of Me, who am, I thank God, wrapt up and fortified 
in My own Innocency, and his Grace) that he would 
be pleased to make You an Anchor, or Harbour rather, 
to these tossed and weather-beaten Kingdomes ; a 
Repairer by Your wisdome, justice, piety, and valour, 
of what, the folly and wickednesse of some men have 
so farre ruined, as to leave nothing entire in Church 
z6o 



or State ; to tke Crown, the Nobility, the Clergy, 
or the Commons ; either as to Lawes, Liberties, 
Estates, Order, Honour, Conscience, or lives. 

When they have destroyed Me, (for I know not 
how farre God may permit the malice and cruelty of 
My Enemies to proceed, and such apprehensions 
some mens words and actions have already given Me) 
as I doubt not but My bloud will cry aloud for 
vengeance to heaven ; so I beseech God not to poure 
out his wrath upon the generality of the People, who 
have either deserted Me, or engaged against Me, 
through the artifice and hypocrisie of their Leaders, 
whose inward horrour will be their first Tormenter, 
nor will they escape exemplary judgments. 

For those that loved Me, I pray God, they may 
have no misse of Me, when I am gone ; so much I 
wish and hope, that all good Subjects may be satisfied 
with the blessings of Your presence and virtues. 

For those that repent of any defects in their duty 
toward Me, as I freely forgive them in the word of a 
Christian KING, so I believe You will find them truly 
Zealous, to repay with interest that loyalty and love 
to You, which was due to Me. 

In summe, what good I intended, doe You per- 
forme ; when God shall give You power : much good 
z6i 



I have offered, more I purposed to Church & State, 
if times had been capable of it. 

The deception will soone vanish, and the Vizards 
will fall off apace ; This maske of Religion on the 
face of Rebellion (for so it now plainly appears, since 
My Restraint and cruell usage, that they sought not 
for Me, as was pretended) will not long serve to hide 
some mens deformities. 

Happy times, I hope, attend You, wherein Your 
Subjects (by their miseries) will have learned, That 
Religion to their God, and Loyalty to their King, 
cannot be parted without both their sin and their 
infelicity. 

I pray God blesse You, and establish Your 
Kingdomes in righteousnesse, Your Soule in true 
Religion, and Your honour in the love of God and 
Your people. 

And if God will have disloyalty perfected by My 
destruction ; let My memory ever, with My name, 
live in you ; as of Your Father, that loves You : and 
once a KING of three flourishing Kingdomes ; whom 
God thought fit to honour, not onely with the Scepter 
and Government of them, but also with the suffering 
many indignities, and an untimely death for them ; 
while I studied to preserve the rights of the Church, 
^6^ 



the power of the Lawes, the honour of My Crowne, 
the priviledge of Parliaments, the liberties of My 
People, and my owne Conscience, which, I thank 
God, is dearer to Me than a thousand Kingdomes. 

I know God can, I hope he yet will restore Me 
to My Rights. I cannot despaire either of his mercy, 
or of My Peoples love and pity. 

At worst, I trust I shall but go before You to a 
better Kingdome, which God hath prepared for Me, 
and Me for it, through My Saviour Jesus Christ, to 
whose mercies I commend You and all Mine. 

Farewell, till We meet, if not on Earth, yet in 
Heaven. 



Meditations upon Death^ after the Votes of Non- 
Addresses^ and His MAJESTIES closer Imprison- 
ment In Carisbrooke-Castle. 

AS I have leisure enough, so I have cause more 
than enough, to meditate upon, and prepare 
for My Death : for I know, there are but few steps 
between the Prisons and Graves of Princes. 

It is Gods indulgence, which gives Me the space, 
but Mans cruelty, that gives Me the sad occasions 
for these thoughts. 

263 



For, besides the common burthen of mortality, which 
lies upon Me, as a Man ; I now bear the heavy load 
of other mens ambitions, fears, jealousies, and cruell 
passions, whose envy or enmity against Me makes their 
owne lifes seem deadly to them, while I enjoy any 
part of Mine. 

I thank God, My prosperity made Me not wholly 
a Stranger to the contemplations of mortality : 

Those are never unseasonable, since this is alwaies 
uncertaine : Death being an eclipse, which oft 
happeneth as well in clear, as cloudy daies. 

But My now long and sharp adversity hath so 
reconciled in Me those naturall Antipathies between 
Life and Death, which are in all men, that I thank 
God, the common terrors of it are dispelled ; and 
the speciall horrour of it, as to My particular, much 
allayed : for, although My death at present may 
justly be represented to Me with all those terrible 
aggravations, which the policy of cruell and implac- 
able enemies can put upon it, (affaires being drawn 
to the very dregs of malice) yet I blesse God, I can 
look upon all those stings, as unpoysonous, though 
sharp ; since My Redeemer hath either pulled them 
out, or given Me the antidote of his Death against 
them ; which as to the immaturity, unjustice, shame, 
264 



scorne, and cruelty of it exceeded, whatever I can 
feare. 

Indeed, I never did find so much, the life of Re- 
ligion, the feast of a good Conscience, and the brazen 
wall of a judicious integrity and constancy, as since I 
came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts of 
Death. 

I am not so old, as to be weary of life ; nor (I hope) 
so bad, as to be either afraid to die, or ashamed to 
live : true, I am so afflicted, as might make Me 
sometime even desire to die ; if I did not consider, 
That it is the greatest glory of a Christians life to 
die daily, in conquering by a lively faith, and patient 
hopes of a better life, those partiall and quotidian 
deaths, which kill us (as it were) by piece-meales, and 
make us overlive our owne fates ; while We are 
deprived of health, honour, liberty, power, credit, 
safety, or estate ; and those other comforts of dearest 
relations, which are as the life of our lives. 

Though, as a KING, I think My self to live in 
nothing temporall so much, as in the love and good- 
will of My People ; for which, as I have suffered 
many deaths, so I hope I am not in that point as yet 
wholly dead : notwithstanding, My Enemies have 
used all the poyson of falsity and violence of hostility 



to destroy, first the love and Loyalty, which is in 
My Subjects ; and then all that content of life in 
Me, which from these I chiefly enjoyed. 

Indeed, they have left Me but little of life, and 
only the husk and shell (as it were) which their further 
malice and cruelty can take from Me ; having be- 
reaved Me of all those worldly comforts, for which 
life it self seems desirable to men. 

But, O My Soule ! think not that life too long, or 
tedious, wherein God gives thee any opportunities, 
if not to doe, yet to suffer with such Christian patience 
and magnanimity in a good Cause, as are the greatest 
honour of our lives, and the best improvement of 
our deaths. 

I know that in point of true Christian valour, it 
argues pusillanimity to desire to die out of wearinesse 
of life ; and a want of that heroick greatnesse of spirit 
which becomes a Christian in the patient and generous 
sustaining those afflictions, which as shadows necessarily 
attend us, while we are in this body ; and which are 
lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our prosperity 
moves higher, or lower : whose totall absence is best 
recompensed with the Dew of Heaven. 

The assaults of affliction may be terrible, like Samp- 
son's Lyon, but they yeild much sweetnesse to those, 
266 



that dare to encounter and overcome them ; who know 
how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds with- 
out discontent or peevishnesse, while they may yet 
converse with God. 

That I must die as a Man, is certain ; that I may 
die a King, by the hands of My own Subjects, a 
violent, sodain, and barbarous death ; in the strength 
of My years ; in the midst of My Kingdoms ; My 
Friends and loving Subjects being helplesse Spectators ; 
My Enemies insolent Revilers and Triumphers over 
Me, living, dying, and dead, is so probable in humane 
reason, that God hath taught me not to hope other- 
wise, as to mans cruelty ; however, I despaire not of 
Gods infinite mercy. 

I know My Life is the object of the Devils & 
wicked mens malice ; but yet under Gods sole custody 
& disposall : Whom I do not think to flatter for longer 
life by seeming prepared to die ; but I humbly desire 
to depend upon him, & to submit to his will both in 
life & death, in what order soever he is pleased to 
lay them out to Me. I confesse it is not easie for Me 
to contend with those many horrours of death, 
wherewith God suffers Me to be tempted ; which 
are equally horrid, either in the suddennesse of a 
barbarous Assasination : or in those greater formalities, 



whereby My Enemies (being more solemnly cruell) 
will, it may be, seeke to adde (as those did, who 
Crucified Christ) the mockery of Justice, to the cruelty 
of Malice : That I may be destroyed, as with greater 
pomp and artifice, so with lesse pity, it will be but 
a necessary policy to make My death appeare as an 
act of Justice, done by Subjects upon their Soveraigne ; 
who know that no Law of God or Man invests them 
with any power of Judicature without Me, much 
lesse against Me : and who, being sworn and bound 
by all that is sacred before God and Man, to endeavour 
My preservation, must pretend Justice to cover their 
Perjury. 

It is, indeed, a sad fate for any man to have his 
Enemies to be Accusers, Parties, and Judges ; but 
most desperate, when this is acted by the insolence of 
Subjects against their Soveraigne ; wherein those, who 
have had the chiefest hand, and are most guilty of 
contriving the publique Troubles, must by shedding 
My bloud seem to wash their own hands of that 
innocent bloud, whereof they are now most evidently 
guilty before God and man ; and I believe in their 
owne consciences too, while they carried on unreason- 
able demands, first by Tumults, after by Armies. 
Nothing makes meane spirits more cowardly-cruell 
268 



in managing their usurped power against their 
lawfull Superiours, than this, the Guilt of their unjust 
Usurpation ; notwithstanding, those specious and 
popular pretensions of Justice against Delinquents, 
applied onely to disguise at first the monstrousnesse 
of their designes, who despaired, indeed, of possessing 
the power and profits of the Vineyard, till the Heire, 
whose right it is, be cast out and slaine. 

With them, My greatest fault must be, that I 
would not either destroy My selfe with the Church 
and State by My Word, or not suffer them to doe it 
unresisted by the Sword ; whose covetous ambition 
no Concessions of Mine could ever yet, either satisfie, 
or abate. 

Nor is it likely they will ever think, that Kingdome 
of brambles, which some men seek to erect (at once, 
weak, sharp, and fruitlesse, either to God or man) is 
like to thrive till watered with the Royall bloud of 
those, whose right the Kingdome is. 

Well, Gods will be done, I doubt not but my 
Innocency will find him both My Protectour, and My 
Advocate, who is My onely Judge, whom I owne as 
King of Kings, not onely for the eminency of his 
power and majesty above them ; but also for that 
singular care and protection, which he hath over 
269 



them : who knows them to be exposed to as many 
dangers (being the greatest Patrones of Law, Justice, 
Order, and Religion on earth) as there be either Men 
or Devils, which love confusion. 

Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in 
their Babel, who build it with the bones and cement 
it with the bloud of their Kings. 

I am confident they will find Avengers of My 
death among themselves : the injuries I have sus- 
tained from them shall be first punished by them, 
who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing Me. 

Their impatience to beare the loud cry of My bloud, 
shall make them think no way better to expiate it, 
than by shedding theirs, who with them, most thirsted 
after Mine. 

The sad confusions following My destruction, are 
already presaged and confirmed to Me by those I 
have lived to see since My troubles ; in which, God 
alone (who onely could) hath many waies pleaded My 
cause ; not suffering them to go unpunished, whose 
confederacy in sinne was their onely security ; who 
have cause to feare that God will both further divide, 
and by mutuall vengeance, afterward destroy them. 

My greatest conquest of Death is from the power 
and love of Christ, who hath swallow'd up death in 



the victory of his Resurrection, and the glory of his 
Ascension. 

My next comfort is, that he gives Me not onely the 
honour to imitate his example in suffering for right- 
eousnesse sake, (though obscured by the foulest charges 
of Tyranny and Injustice) but also, that charity, which 
is the noblest revenge upon, and victory over My 
Destroyers : By which, I thank God, I can both for- 
give them, and pray for them, that God would not 
impute My bloud to them further then to convince 
them, what need they have of Christs bloud to wash 
their soules from the guilt of shedding Mine. 

At present, the will of My Enemies seems to be 
their onely rule, their power the measure, and their 
successe the Exactor, of what they please to call 
Justice ; while they flatter themselves with the fancy 
of their owne safety by My danger, and the security 
of their lives designes by My Death : forgetting, that 
as the greatest temptations to sinne are wrapped up in 
seeming prosperities, so the severest vengeances of 
God are then most accomplished, when men are 
suffered to compleat their wicked purposes. 

I blesse God, I pray not so much, that this bitter 
cup of a violent death may passe from Me, as that 
of his wrath may passe from all those, whose hands 
171 



by deserting Me, are sprinkled, or by acting and con- 
senting to My death are embrued with My bloud. 

The will of God hath confined, and concluded Mine; 
I shall have the pleasure of dying, without any pleasure 
of desired vengeance. 

This I think becomes a Christian toward his Enemies, 
and a King toward his Subjects. 

They cannot deprive Me of more than I am content 
to lose, when God sees fit by their hands to take it 
from me ; whose mercy I believe, will more then infi- 
nitely recompence what ever by mans injustice he is 
pleased to deprive me of. 

The glory attending my death will farre surpasse 
all I could enjoy, or conceive in life. 

I shall not want the heavy and envied Crownes of 
this world, when my God hath mercifully crowned 
and consummated his graces with glory ; and ex- 
changed the shadows of my earthly Kingdomes among 
men, for the substance of that heavenly kingdome 
with himself. 

For the censures of the world ; I know the sharp 
and necessary tyranny of my Destroyers will sufficiently 
confute the calumnies of tyranny against me ; I am 
perswaded I am happy in the judicious love of the 
ablest and best of my Subjects, who doe not onely 
272 



pity and pray for me, but would be content even to 
die with me, or for me. 

These know, how to excuse my failings, as a man, 
and yet to retaine, and pay their duty to me as their 
King ; there being no religious necessity binding any 
Subjects by pretending to punish, infinitely to 
exceed, the faults and errours of their Princes ; 
especially there, where more then sufficient satisfaction 
hath been made to the publike ; the enjoyment of 
which, private ambitions have hitherto frustrated. 

Others, I believe, of softer tempers, and lesse 
advantaged by my ruine, doe already feel sharp 
convictions, and some remorse in their consciences ; 
where they cannot but see the proportions of their 
evill dealings against me in the measure of Gods 
retaliations upon them, who cannot hope long to 
enjoy their owne thumbs and toes, having under 
pretence of paring others nailes been so cruell as to 
cut off their chiefest strength. 

The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate 
may be like that of Korab & his Complices (at once 
mutining against both Prince & Priest) in such a 
method of divine justice, as is not ordinary ; the 
earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon 
them, and swallowing them up in a just disdaine 
273 T 



of their ill-gotten and worse-used Authority : upon 
whose support and strength they chiefly depended 
for their building and establishing their designes against 
Me, the Church, and State. 

My chiefest comfort in death consists in my peace, 
which I trust, is made with God ; before whose exact 
Tribunal I shall not feare to appeare, as to the Cause, 
so long disputed by the Sword, between me and my 
causlesse Enemies : where I doubt not, but his right- 
eous judgment will confute their fallacy, who from 
worldly successe (rather like Sophisters, than sound 
Christians) draw those popular conclusions for Gods 
approbation of their actions ; whose wise providence 
(we know) oft permits many events, w ch his revealed 
Word (the onely cleare, safe and fixed rule of good 
actions and good consciences) in no sort approves. 

I am confident the Justice of my Cause, and clear- 
ness of My Conscience before God & toward my people 
will carry me, as much above them in Gods decision, 
as their successes have lifted them above me in the 
Vulgar opinion : who consider not, that many times 
those undertakings of men are lifted up to Heaven in 
the prosperity and applause of the world, whose rise 
is from Hell, as to the injuriousnesse and oppression 
of the designe. The prosperous winds which oft fill 
Z74 



the sayles of Pirats, doth not justifie their piracy and 
rapine. 

I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet 
of Soule, to have been worsted in my enforced con- 
testation for, and vindication of the Laws of the Land, 
the freedome and honour of Parliaments, the rights 
of my Crown, the just liberty of my Subjects, and 
the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine, Govern- 
ment and due encouragements, then if I had, with 
the greatest advantages of successe, overborne them 
all ; as some men have now evidently done, whatever 
designes they at first pretended. 

The prayers and patience of my Friends and loving 
Subjects will contribute much to the sweetning of 
this bitter cup, which I doubt not but I shall more 
cheerfully take, and drink as from Gods hand (if it 
must be so) than they can give it to me, whose hands 
are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against me. 

And, as to the last event, I may seem to owe more 
to my Enemies, than my Friends ; while those will 
put a period to the sinnes and sorrows attending this 
miserable life ; wherewith these desire, I might still 
contend. 

I shall be more than Conquerour through Christ 
enabling me ; for whom I have hitherto suffered : 



as he is the Authour of Truth, Order, and Peace ; 
for all which, I have been forced to contend against 
Errour, Faction, and confusion. 

If I must suffer a violent death, with my Saviour, 
it is but mortality crowned with martyrdome : where 
the debt of death, which I owe for sinne to nature, shall 
be raised, as a gift of faith and patience offered to 
God. 

Which I humbly beseech him mercifully to accept ; 
and although death be the wages of my owne sinne, 
as from God, and the effect of others sinnes, as men, 
both against God and me ; yet as I hope my own 
sinnes are so remitted, that they shall be no ingre- 
dients to imbitter the cup of my death, so I desire 
God to pardon their sins, who are most guilty of my 
destruction. 

The Trophees of my chanty will be more glorious 
and durable over them, than their ill-managed victories 
over me. 

Though their sin be prosperous, yet they had need 
to be penitent, that they may be pardoned : Both 
which, I pray God they may obtain ; that my tem- 
porall death unjustly inflicted by them, may not be 
revenged by Gods just inflicting eternall death upon 
them : for I look upon the temporall destruction of 
276 



the greatest King, as farre lesse deprecable, than the 
eternall damnation of the meanest Subject. 

Nor do I wish other, than the safe bringing of the 
ship to shore, when they have cast me overboard ; 
though it be very strange, that Mariners can find no 
other means to appease the storme, themselves have 
raised, but by drowning their Pilot. 

I thank God, my Enemies cruelty cannot prevent 
my preparation ; whose malice in this I shall defeat, 
that they shall not have the satisfaction to have 
destroyed my Soul with my Body ; of whose salvation, 
while some of them have themselves seemed, and 
taught others to despaire, they have only discover'd 
this, that they do not much desire it. 

Whose uncharitable and cruell Restraints, denying 
me even the assistance of any of my Chaplains, hath 
rather enlarged, than any way obstructed my accesse 
to the Throne of Heaven. 



Where thou dwellest, O King of Kings ; who 
fillest Heaven and Earth, who art the fountaine of 
eternall life, in whom is no shadow of death. 

Thou O God art both the just Afflicter of death 

277 



upon us, and the mercifull Saviour of us in it, and 
from it. 

Yea, it is better for us to be dead to our selves, and 
live in thee ; than by living in our selves to be deprived 
of thee. 

O make the many bitter aggravations of My death 
as a Man, and a King, the opportunities and advan- 
tages of thy speciall graces and comforts in My Soule, 
as a Christian. 

If thou Lord wilt be with Me, I shall neither feare 
nor feel any evill, though I walke through the valley 
of the shadow of death. 

To contend with death is the worke of a weake and 
mortall man ; to overcome it, is the grace of thee 
alone, who art the Almighty and immortall God. 

O My Saviour, who knowest what it is to die with 
Me, as a Man ; make Me to know what it is to passe 
through death to life with thee My God. 

Though I die, yet I know, that thou my Redeemer 
livest for ever : though thou slayest Me, yet thou 
hast incouraged me to trust in thee for eternall life. 

O withdraw not thy favour from me, which is better 
than life. 

O be not farre from me, for I know not how neer a 
violent and cruell death is to me. 
278 



As thy Omniscience, O God, discovers, so thy 
Omnipotence can defeat the designes of those who 
have, or shall conspire my destruction. 

O shew me the goodnesse of thy will, through the 
wickednesse of theirs. 

Thou givest me leave as a man to pray, that this 
cup may passe from me ; but thou hast taught Me as 
a Christian by the example of Christ to adde, not My 
will, but thine be done. 

Yea Lord, let our wills be one, by wholly resolving 
mine into thine: let not the desire of life in me be 
so great, as that of doing or suffering thy will in 
either life or death. 

As I believe thou hast forgiven all the errours of my 
life, so I hope thou wilt save me from the terrours of 
my death. 

Make me content to leave the worlds nothing, that 
I may come really to enjoy all in thee, who hast made 
Christ unto me in life, gaine ; and in death, advantage. 

Though my Destroyers forget their duty to thee 
and me, yet doe not thou, O Lord, forget to be 
mercifull to them. 

For, what profit is there in my bloud, or in their 
gaining my Kingdomes, if they lose their owne Soules ? 

Such as have not onely resisted my just Power, but 
279 



wholly usurped and turned it against my self, though 
they may deserve, yet let them not receive to themselves 
damnation. 

Thou madest thy Sonne a Saviour to many, that 
Crucified Him, while at once he suffered violently 
by them, and yet willingly for them. 

O let the voice of his bloud be heard for My 
Murtherers, louder than the cry of mine against them. 

Prepare them for thy mercy by due convictions of 
their sinne, and let them not at once deceive and 
damne their owne Soules by fallacious pretensions 
of Justice in destroying me, while the conscience of 
their unjust usurpation of power against me, chiefly 
tempts them to use all extremities against me. 

O Lord, thou knowest I have found their mercies 
to me as very false, so very cruell ; who pretending to 
preserve me, have meditated nothing but my ruine. 

O deale not with them as bloud- thirsty and deceitfull 
men ; but overcome their cruelty with thy compassion 
and my chanty. 

And when thou makest inquisition for My bloud, 
O sprinkle their polluted, yet penitent Soules with 
the bloud of thy Sonne, that thy destroying Angel 
may passe over them. 

Though they think my Kingdomes on earth too 
280 



little to entertaine at once both them and me, yet let 
the capacious Kingdome of thy infinite mercy at last 
receive both me and my enemies. 

When being reconciled to thee in the bloud of the 
same Redeemer, we shall live farre above these am- 
bitious desires, which beget such mortall enmities. 

When their hands shall be heaviest, and cruellest 
upon me, O let me fall into the armes of thy tender 
and eternall mercies. 

That what is cut off of my life in this miserable 
moment, may be repaied in thy ever-blessed eternity. 

Lord, let thy Servant depart in peace, for my eyes 
have seen thy salvation. 

Vota dabunt, qute bella neg&runt. 



FINIS 



28l 



APPENDIX I 

IN Lambeth Palace Library is Archbishop Tenison's 
copy of Eikon Basilike, in which he has himself written 
as follows : " Dr. Mew, Lord Bishop of Winchester, 
had often told me and repeated it again before ye 
Bishop of Peterburgh in ye Bishop's chamber, on 
January 3Oth, 1698, before we went to Westminster 
Abbey, that at Naseby fight he saw ye King's Closet 
Keeper, before ye fight began, carry out the King's 
papers to ye Camp ; and that after ye fight he saw 
divers of them torn, and amongst these fragments 
took up some pieces of Eikon Basilike, written with ye 
King's own hand. THO. CANTUAR." l 

The Rev. Dr. Gorge, Chaplain to Charles the 
First, and present at the battle of Naseby, June I4th, 
1645, told Dr. George Bull, afterwards Bishop of 
St. Davids, that he was employed by His Majesty 

1 Bibliography, p. 15. 
283 



after that defeat, to retrieve certain papers lost in his 
cabinet, in which some private thoughts and medita- 
tions of that good King were set down, the loss of 
which troubled him more than all the other papers of 
his which fell into his enemies' hands that day. It 
was with some difficulty that they were obtained 
from the Conqueror, but restored they were ; and 
Dr. Gorge said he found they were the same as to 
the matters preceding that dismal day with those 
printed in Eikon Basilike. 1 

The following two statements of William Levet, 
page of the bedchamber to the King, are very clear. 
The latter was addressed to Seymour Bourman, Esqre., 
Lincoln's Inn Fields : " If any one has a desire to 
know the true author of a book, entitled Eikon Basilike, 
I, one of the servants of King Charles the First, in 
his bedchamber, do declare, when his said Majesty 
was prisoner in the Isle of Wight, that I read over 
the above mentioned book (which was long before the 
said book was printed) in his bedchamber, writ with 
His Majesty's own hand, with several interlinings. 
I can testify also, that Royston the printer told me, 
that he was imprisoned by Oliver Cromwell, the 
Protector, because he would not declare that King 
1 Bibliography, p. 88. 
284 



Charles the First was not the author of the said 
book. 

" Signed and sealed, October i6th, 1690. 

" WILLIAM LEVET." l 

" DEAR BROTHER, 

" I waited on His Majesty, as page of the 
bedchamber in ordinary, during all the time of his 
solitudes (except when I was forced from him). 
And specially being nominated by His Majesty to be 
one of his servants, among others, that should attend 
him during the treaty of Newport, in the Isle of 
Wight, I had the happiness to read the same often- 
times in manuscript, under His Majesty's own hand, 
being pleased to leave it in the window in his own 
bedchamber, where I was always obliged to attend 
His Majesty's coming thither." 2 

Then going on to describe the arrest and removal 
of the King to Hurst Castle, he writes : 

" During the time of His Majesty's making himself 
ready, he concerned himself only how to secure this 
book of his, and a small cabinet, wherein he secured 
his letters to his Queen, who was then beyond the 
sea. And His Majesty having procured a pass for me 
1 Bibliography, p. 90. 2 Ib. p. 91. 



from the said Governor, that I should wait on him 
there, he gave me in charge this said book, and small 
cabinet, which I faithfully presented to His Majesty's 
own hands that night in Hurst Castle. But the 
Governor, by what information is too tedious to 
insert here at this time, and therefore I omit it, did 
on Saturday banish me out of the castle. I should 
have sent you a relation, which I had of Royston the 
King's printer, for the printing of the said book, by 
His Majesty's special command, brought to him by 
a Divine, but not to be printed till after the King's 
death, which he observed accordingly. For which 
Cromwell sent for him to Whitehall, not only promis- 
ing rewards, but also threatening punishments, if he 
would not deny that he printed it by His Majesty's 
order. Which he refusing to do, did imprison him 
for about a fortnight ; but seeing he could not work 
upon him, released him. 

" Which is all at present from your affectionate 
brother to serve you, 

"WILLIAM LEVKT."! 

1 Bibliography, p. 91. 



286 



APPENDIX II 

A COPY of the first edition, in contemporary black 
morocco ; inscribed " For my Lady Boteler," in the 
handwriting of Sir Philip Warwick. When the Civil 
War began, Sir William Boteler, Lady Boteler's first 
husband, raised and armed, at his own expense, a 
regiment for the King, and was killed, fighting desper- 
ately for the King, at Cropredy Bridge. The Round- 
heads afterwards turned his widow out of house and 
home, fining her heavily for her loyalty. Later she 
married Sir Philip Warwick, a devoted cavalier like 
her first husband. Sir Philip Warwick, after fighting 
valiantly for the King, became his private Secretary. 1 

Another copy, also in the old black morocco, 
and therefore still wearing the mourning it put on 
at the author's death. This book in its first days 
has belonged to Jane Burton, and also to a kinswoman 
of hers, Jane Elmes. Jane Burton was daughter of 
Sir Thomas Burton ; of whom, with nine others, 
1 Bibliography, p. 31. 



including Sir William Halford, first husband of Jane 
Burton's mother, Lloyd 1668 has recorded : 
" Need no other history than the first commission of 
array, in their own county, Leicestershire, wherein 
they were inserted ; the catalogue of compounders, 
wherein they are furnished between them 20,000 ; 
the paper of Loan, wherein they contributed towards 
His Majesties service 25,642 ; the several imprison- 
ments they suffered and sequestration they endured." 1 
Yet another just similar copy on my bookshelves 
belonged first to the Earl of Glamorgan, son of the 
aged Marquis of Worcester, who was the first man 
to raise and equip a regiment for the King. Eliot 
Warburton records : " The princely old marquis and 
his sons contributed nearly a million pounds to the 

royal cause Last of all the royal strongholds 

in England fell Raglan Castle, transmitting to this 
day in its time-honoured, war-worn battlements, 
visible testimony of its brave defence. Lord Saye 
and Cromwell helped themselves to a considerable 
portion of the Somerset estates, and to this day that 
noble house feels the consequences of its devoted 
loyalty." 2 

1 Bibliography, p. 32. 2 Ib. p. 32. 

288 



APPENDIX III 

SEPTEMBER 2Oth, 1647: The Commons passed an 
ordinance against the printing and publishing of 
unlicensed books, pamphlets, ballads, and other papers, 
the offenders to be apprehended by mayors and other 
local officials with an act of indemnity, and the offenders 
to be fined, the writer forty shillings ; the printer 
twenty shillings, and his press and letter broken. 
The bookseller to be fined ten shillings, and the 
mercuries and hawkers to have their books taken from 
them, and be whipt as common rogues, if they carry 
such unlicensed books. And for treason, sedition, and 
blasphemy, the fines not to save them harmless. 1 

September 1649 : That the Lawes made formerly, 
and now in force for Punishment of Devisers and 
spreaders of false and seditious News, Lyes, and 
Rumours, by writing, printing, speaking, or otherwise, 
shall be put in due and diligent execution. 

1 Bibliography, p. 42. 

189 c 



The author to forfeit 10 or be imprisoned in the 
common gaol of the county the printer to forfeit 
j 5 or be imprisoned, and likewise have his press and 
implements of printing seized and broken in pieces. 

The bookseller to forfeit forty shillings, or be 
imprisoned. 1 

That if any Person happen to buy any such seditious 
books, and do not within twenty-four hours after 
knowledge thereof bring them to the Lord Mayor 
of London, or to some other Justice of the Peace, and 
give notice likewise of the party of whom he had or 
bought the same .... penalty twenty shillings for 
each offence. 2 

And for better discovery of malignant booksellers, 
who make a trade of vending and dispersing to their 
customers in the country, in Packets, by the Post, 
Carriers, etc, unlicensed, scandalous, and seditious 

books, etc any two magistrates .... shall 

have power to grant warrants for searching of Packs 
and Packets, and seizing the same. 8 

1 Bibliography, p. 25. 2 Jb. p. 25. 3 Ib. p. 27. 



290 



APPENDIX IV 



THE ELEVEN INITIAL LETTERS HERE 

GIVEN IN FACSIMILE, ARE FROM A 

VERY RARE EDITION. 

THIS block represents the initial 
letter " I " which opens Chapter 2. 
There can be no doubt that the 
subject represented is the execution 
of the Earl of Strafford, the King's 
favourite, to which the King was 
so reluctantly forced to give his consent. 



This block forms the initial "T" 
(small) of Chapter 5. A similar 
block will be found on page 45 
of my Bibliography, but with one 
important difference, viz. the legend 
"FiDEi DEFENSOR" at the top of 
291 





the block, these words not appearing in the edition 
here followed. In the Newcastle papers printed for 
R. Royston in 1649 tn ^ s same block appears at the 
beginning of the " First Paper," but with the initial 
altered from "T" to "M," and the superscription 
" Fid. Def. Angl. & Sc. Eccl." The figure represented 
is of course that of King Charles the First, who is 
engaged in writing. 



This block represents the initial 
" A " of Chapter 7, depicting King 
Charles the First and his Queen 
Henrietta Maria, with the rose ot 
England between their joined hands. 
It is also used at the beginning of 
the "Dedication to the Lady Cordell," in " Aeter- 
na/ia" ... by Francis Craven, in 1677. 





This block represents the initial 
letter "M " which opens Chapter 8, 
and which figures the King on 
horseback, calling upon Sir John 
Hotham to surrender Hull to his 
rightful sovereign. 



This block represents the initial 
"T" which opens Chapter 12 ; 
and which is a little larger than the 
" T " opening Chapter 5. Its sub- 
ject is no doubt the Rebellion and 
Troubles in Ireland, which are 



dealt with by the King in this particular chapter. 




This block represents the initial 
letter "N" which opens Chapter 20, 
" Upon the Reformations of the 
Times," and is evidently intended 
to depict the iconoclastic spirit in 
which the most bigoted of the 
Puritans set about their pretended " reforms." 




This block represents the initial 
"A" with which Chapter 22 opens, 
depicting two horsemen riding at 
a gallop past the walls of a fortified 
town. It is probably meant to 
figure the departure of the King 

from Oxford, on his way to join the Scots the 

subject of the chapter. 

293 





This block represents the initial 
letter " Y" which opens Chapter 23 ; 
there can be little doubt that it 
represents the subject of the chapter, 
viz. the delivering of the King to 
the English by the Scots. 



This block, representing the initial 
" S," which opens Chapter 27, has 
figures of Charles the First and 
his son Charles the Second. This 
chapter, which is addressed to the 
young prince, opens with the word 
" Son." The same block, but with the initial letter 
"T," opens Chapter I "Upon his Majesties calling 
this last Parliament." 




Most editions of Eikon Basilike, after the first two 
or three, include, after the Eikon, the King's last 
prayers, and his farewell injunctions to his children. 
Thus there are two more letters of this rare set, one 
showing the King in the act of prayer, while the last, 
the most charming of all, gives us the King taking 
leave of his children. 







This block, with the initial letter 
" O," occurs at the commencement 
of his Majesty's Prayers. Charles in 
his robes, but without his crown, 
which rests on the ground beside 
him, is seated on a cushion with 
his hands clasped in supplication. 

The block with the initial " H " 
shows the King taking leave of 
his children. It formed the initial 
letter of the following " Relations," 
which were printed in the small 
rare editions of the Eikon Basilike 
from which these blocks were taken, but which were 
not included in the Editio Princeps used for the text 
of this book. 




Munday 29 Januarie. 1648. 

A true Relation of the Kings Speech to the Lady 

Elisabeth, and the Duke of Glocester, the day before 

his Death. 

HIS Children being come to meet him, he first 
gave his Blessing to the Ladie Elisabeth ; and 
bade her remember to tell her Brother James, when 
ever she should see him, That it was his Fathers 
last desire, that he should no more look upon Charts 
as his eldest Brother onely, but be obedient unto 
him, as his Sovereign ; and that they should love 
one another and forgive their Fathers Enemies. 
Then said the King to her, Sweet-heart you'l forget 
this : No (said she) I shal never forget it while I 
live : And pouring forth abundance of Tears, 
promised him to write down the Particulars. 

Then the King taking the Duke of Glocester upon 
his knee, said, Sweet-heart, now they will cut off 
thy Fathers Head, (Upon which words, the Child 
296 



looked very stedfastly on Him.) Mark Child what 
I say, They will cut off My Head, & perhaps 
make thee a King : But mark what I say, You must 
not be a King, so long as your Brother Charls and 
James do live, For they will cut off your Brothers heads 
(when they can catch them) and cut off thy head 
too at the last : and therefore, I charge you do not 
be made a King by them. At which the Child, 
sighing, said, I will be torn in pieces first, Which 
falling so un-expectedly from one so young, it made 
the King rejoyce exceedingly. 

A Relation from the Lady Elisabeths own Hand. 

What the King said tome the nine and twentieth 
of January 1 648 : being the last time I had the 
happinesse to see Him ; He told me, He was glad 
I was come, and although he had not time to say 
much, yet somewhat he had to say to me, which he 
had not to another, or leave in writing, because he 
feared their Crueltie was such, as that they would not 
have permitted Him to write to me. He wished me 
not to grieve and torment my self for Him ; for that 
would be a glorious Death that He should die ; it 
being for the Laws and Liberties of this Land, and 
297 



for maintaining the true Protestant Religion. He 
bid me read Bishop Andrews Sermons, Hookers 
Ecclesiastical Polity, and Bishop Lauds Book against 
Fisher, which would ground me against Poperie. 
He told me, He had forgiven all his Enemies, and 
hoped God would forgive them also ; and commanded 
Us, and all the rest of my Brothers and Sisters to 
forgive them : He bid me tell my Mother ; that his 
thoughts had never straied from Her, and that His 
Love should be the same to the last. Withall He 
commanded me and my Brother to be obedient to 
Her. And bid me send his Blessing to the rest of 
my Brothers and Sisters, with Commendation to all 
his Friends : So after He had given me His Blessing, 
I took my leave. 

Further, He commanded Us all to forgive those 
People but never to trust them ; for they had been 
most false to Him, and to those that gave them 
power, and He feared also to their owne souls : And 
desired me not to grieve for Him, for He should die 
a Martyr ; And that He doubted not but the Lord 
would settle His Throne upon His Son and that We 
should be all happier, than We could have exspected 
to have been, if He had lived : with many other 
things, . which at present I cannot remember. 
z 9 8 



Another Relation from the Lady Elisabeth. 

The KING said to the Duke of Gkcester, that He 
would say nothing to him but what was for the 
good of his soul : He told him, that He heard that 
the Armie intended to make him King, but it 
was a thing not for him to take upon him, if he re- 
garded the welfare of his Soul ; for he had two 
Brothers before him ; and therefore commanded him 
upon His Blessing, never to accept of it, unlesse it 
redounded lawfully upon him : And commanded him 
to fear the Lord, and he would provide for him. 



299 



LIST OF CONTEMPORARY CUSTOMS 

PROVERBIAL PHRASES 

INDEX 



361 



CONTEMPORARY CUSTOMS AND FIGURES 
OF SPEECH 



A nimals : 
beasts of the people, 25 

Boare, and . . . Foxes to wast 
. . . Vineyard, 173 

enjoy their own thumbs and 
toes, having under pretence of 
paring others nails . . . cut 
off their chiefest strength, 
273. Probably a reference to 
cutting the claws of wild 
beasts, e.g. the bear. See 
also Games (Bear-baiting) and 
Hunting 

instinct of self-preservation of, 59 

rough hornes of private mens 
. . . designes, 253 

sheep into the . . . fold . . . 
fleece them, 107 

Swine, in gardens, 24 

Wolfe in sheeps cloathing, 
253. Caxton's version (^Esop_ s 
Fables) was reprinted in 
1647 

Wolves . . . trusted with Shep- 
herds and Flock, 72 

See also Games and Hunting 

Archery : 
hung upon that popular pin, /. e. 

upon the centre of the target, 

221 
shoot at any mark, 97 

See also War 



Birds : 
ferall birds (shun the light), 140 

Black magic .' 
black arts, 30 
black arts . . . raised up ... 



by 



Spirits, 

cast out, 115 



rm and exorcism 



grand evill spirit . . . with some 
other Imps, 114 

Canals .' 

sewer or streame ... of vogue 
86 

Care of children : 
children taken with babies, 194 
nursing Fathers and Mothers, 

123 

over-lay and smother, 158 
Stepmothers, 123 

Carpentry : 

hew out ... and polish, 106 
knots and crosnesse of grain, 

ips 
mam hinge, to depend and 

move on, 249 

Coining : 
counterfeit, 258 

stamped with the Authority of 
Lawes, 235 



Conjuring: 

Legerdemain, 150 

Drawing and painting : 
draught, the, being excellent as 
to the maine . . . some lines 
. . . need . . . polishing . . . 
rude alterations . . . destroy- 
ed beauty and proportions of 
the whole draught (i. e. 
draughtsmanship), 257. Van 
Dyke was brought to England 
by Charles I., knighted in 
1632 ; painted portraits in 
England from 1635-1640 
fined on new models . . . fair 
colours . . . put to ill-favour- 
ed figures, 193 

Dress : 
cloake or cheat of religion, 52 

Duelling : 
Duell, 25 
gives . . . the Lie, 40 

Eating and drinking * 
appetite and digestion, 146 
drawn to the very dregs, 264 
feast of a good Conscience, 265 
oglio or medley, 135 
palate and relish, 119 
surfeited of, 259 

Farming : 
Bee-keeping : 

stings, unpoysonous, though 

sharp, 264 
swarmes . . . which issue, 

100 

Gardening : 
enjoyment of fruits, 249 
flies and fruit in summer, 244 
husk and shell, 266 
plants . . . watered by hand, 
or by . . . dews of Heaven, 
464. Cp. loS 
trees set in winter, 243 



weed out all vicious inclina- 
tions, 244 

Ploughing: 

thornes . . . after the plow- 
ings, 216 

Poultry-keeping : 

hatch . . . egge ... of 
opinion, 139 

Sifting: 
sift and terrific away, 60 

Feudalism : 
vassalage, 37 

Fire: 

fire in great conflagrations . . . 
set all places on like flames, 
141 

give beauty for ashes, 197 
smother and extinguish . . . 

sparks, 204 
smotherings of ... soule, 226 

Fortifications : 

brazen wall of ... integrity, 
265 

Funerals : 

embalming of princes, 128 
Funeralls of my Honour (the 
Latin obsequice), 202 

Games : 
Bear-baiting: 

daily baitings . . . might . . . 
flie so high, as to worry and 
teare those in pieces whom, 
as yet they but played with 
in their pawes, 23 

Bowls : 

byas upon ray 'judgment, 
89 

Gambling : 
evenlay, 24 
part stakes, 248 
skill in play, a!o8 



304 



Tennis : 
rebounds, 239 
See also A rchery 

Gents : 

Conscience, the onely Jewell 
now left, 209. Cp. 79 

Geometry : 
Center, black lines directed to, 

2 45 
impossible is it for lines . . . 

drawn from the center . . . 

not to divide, 235 
motion . . . excentrique and 

irregular, 234 
round and circle ... a right 

line . . . tending to center, 

239- 

Growth of towns : 
skirts (i. e. outskirts) and sub- 
urbs of Religion, 252 

Hunting and trapping : 
fattest Deare . . . Rascal-herd 

of Schismes, 121 
Hounds . . . hollow . . . hunt, 

87 

kill the Bear for his skin, 98 
laid snares and ginnes, 1 16 

Legal terms : 
benefit of Clergy, 216 
dead letter, 145 
sued out their livery, 87 

Locks and keys : 

Keyes of Heaven, 154 

Keys of the Peoples hearts, 154 

Shut out, and lock the dore, 27 

Mask-wearing : 
maske of goodnesse, 254 
maske of Religion on the face 
of Rebellion, 262 

Mazes : 

Labyrinths of ... thoughts, 



Medicines : 

antidote, 264 

antidote and poyson, 6, 47 

applications, 106 

better ... let bloud than . . . 
stanch it, 99 

drench or draught, 136 

exhausted out of my owne veins, 
100 

Gods physick, 245 

Hydropick (i. e. dropsical), 36 

ill humours, which cause in- 
flammations, 248 

Incubuses, xiii 

Itch of Novelty, 131 

Leprosie of Disloyalty, 131 

Midwifery of those tumults, 

x ? 

motion, in 

nauseating, in 

nourish the disease, . . . op- 
presse the body, 90 

ordinary Ague, 131 

Physitians, 217 

Plague, 131 

poyson of falsity, 265 

prescribe . . . medicines, 106 

quotidian deaths, which kill 
... by piece-meales, 265 

quotidian feaver, 18 

returne anything ... to the 
Head, 249. Harvey dis- 
covered the circulation of 
the blood in 1628 

Surfet, an ungratefull, 32 

Metal-working : 
Gold : 
touch-stone of Reason, 41 

Mining .* 
extemporary veyne, 145 

Smelting : 
blowne up ... mens minds, 

167 

coale scattered from . . . 
pious glowings, 226 



35 



fewell, to add, to . . . luxury, 

241 
fiery triall consume . . . 

drosse, 230 

fornaceof . . . justice, 103 
fornace of ... obloquy, 

132 
fornace, sparks out of a, 

100 
run into their new moulds 

when . . . melted in the 

fire, 195 
rust and drosse of humane 

mixtures, 48 
tried in the fornace, 140 

Music : 

keep ... in tune, 28 
nmsick, to complete mirth and 
triumph, 139 

Natural phenomena : 

cloudings of humane affaires, 
66 

congealed mountains thawed by 
sunshine, 254 

earthquake, . . . shaking founda- 
tions, 1 8 

Eclypse, caused by interposition 
of the Moone, 74. Cp. 48, 

73> 264 

mist, the, of his Errour, 38 
mists of suspicions, 128 
precipices of actions, 128 
showres follow warm gleames, 

191 

SunofSoveraignty, put out, 73 
suns influence, 88 
thunderbolt, lighting of, 55 

Pawnbroking : 
pawned their Soules, 114 

Proscription : 
black List, 211 

Reflection : 

glasseof . . . judgments, 102 
glasse of punishment, 24 



306 



Riddles : 

resolve their riddle, 71. Cp. 
207, 236 

Sea and seafaring : 

Anchor, or Harbour, 260 

contrary winds to winnow us, 
186 

drowning the pilot, 277 

highest tide of successe . . . 
lowest ebbe, 178 

Pilot, 33 

Pole-star, the, 39 

prosperous winds ... fill the 
sails of pirates, 275 

sink Episcopacy, and lanch Pres- 
bytery, 115 

splitting or sinking on a Lee 
shore, 35 

unprovided of tackling and vic- 
tuall, 35 

Shadows : 

shadow, an unseparable, 53 
shadow of vertue, 201 
shadows, ... as the Sun . . 

moves higher or lower, 266 
shadowes of God, 141 

Slavery : 

brand and curse, 125 
brand of sin, 147 
enslaving, 138 
infamous brand, 173 
manumitted, 236 
Menacles, 138 
Slavery, Badge and Method of, 

yoke, 259 

Torture : 
cords and wythes . . . then 

force . . . twists them, 118 
removall of these pressures, 250, 

251. Can this be a reference 

to "torture by pressure" 

(peine forte et dure) ? 
stop the mouth of, 65 






such scrues are cunningly, yet 

forcibly wrested, 118 
upon this Rack . . . held . . . 

torturing, 169 

Trade : 
Business : 

drive a trade to ingross all (ref. 
to monopolies?), 248 

Failure : 

bankrupt of ... Allegiance, 
112 

War: 

batter or rase Episcopacy, 114 
cashiered, i. e. disbanded (of 

soldiers), 145 
engines ... to blow up ... 

and batter downe, 128 
forked arrow . . . wounds, 255 
minings, and motions, 252 



rout and waste my Credit, 202 
Souldiers . . . Knapsacks, 109 
stratagems ... of malice, 127 
Sword of Civill Warres, the, 

101 

Vizards will fall off apace, 262 
words . . . Swords, a frequent 
pun, 49 

Writing and printing : 

blot out . . . gravings and 
characters, 117 

blottings of after Copies, 86 

Characters of divine Authority, 
141 

flourishes . . . Copy . . . write 
after ... in bloudy Char- 
acters, 105 

Parenthesis of words, excepteJ 
by a, 57 

waste paper, 85 



PROVERBIAL PHRASES 



Better Charles le Bon than 

Charles le Grand, 244 
Fear God . . . Honour the King, 

141. Cp. 196 

Good ends cannot justifie evill 
. Cp. 175 
ave eood 



means, 197. 
Liars need h 



memories, 



Mend Me, not . . . end Me, 129 
Not all is gold . . . which doth 

but glister, 52 
Nothing succeeds like success, 

201 
Remedies . . . worse than the 

disease, 218. Cp. 255 



Seasonable Physick prevents dis- 
tempers, 27. Cp. " A stitch 
in time," etc. 

Swim down the popular stream, 
98 

That may kill one, which doth 
but cure another, 106 

The Cannon is no respecter of 
Persons, 57 

The more is the pity, 149 

There are but few steps between 
the Prisons and Graves of 
Princes, 263 

Words not deeds, 207 



37 



INDEX 



ABADDON (Hebr.), "the De- 
stroyer," i. e, the Devil, xiii. 
See Apollyon 

Absplom, 185, 200 

Achitophel, 204 

Additaments, i. e. additions, 165 

Afflictive, i. e. painful, 128 

Agitate, i. e. instigate, 118 

Anarchy, 257 

Anne of Denmark, ix 

Apollyon (Gk.), " the Destroyer," 
i. e. the Devil, xiii. See Abad- 
don 

Apostles as Bishops, 166 

" Apostles," etymology of, 157 

Arians, 163 

Armstrong, John, corrector to 
Mr. Dugard's Press, xxii, 
xxiii 

Army, the New modell, 105 

Assassination, barbarous, 267. 
An allusion to the death of 
Buckingham 

Attonement, i.e. reconciliation, 
179. 

Auxiliaries, 114 

Aversation, i. e. dislike, 258 

Babel, 235, 270 

Bandyed together, i.e. united 

themselves, 127 
Bibliography of the King's Book, 

ix 
Bill, that destructive : the one that 



sanctioned the execution of 
the Earl of Strafford, 8 

Bill, the Triennial, passed in 1641, 
27 

Bill, Sitting, passed in 1641, 27 

Bishops Chaire, 115 

Bishops moved out of the House 
of Peers, 154 

Bishops, spoliation of, 163 

Bocking, deanery of, xi 

Boteler, Lady, 286 

Boteler, Sir William, 286 

Bourman, Seymour, 284 

Boutefeus (Fr.), *". e. incendiar- 
ies, 21 

Buckingham, x 

Bull, Dr. George, Bishop of St. 
Davids, 283 

Burton, Jane, 287 

Burton, Sir Thomas, 287 

Bury St. Edmunds School, xi 

Caldeans, 75 

Calumniate, i.e. falsely allege, 



99,168 
ambr 



Cambridge, xi 

Canterbury, Thomas, Archbishop 

of, 283 

Carisbrooke, x 
Cavils, i. e. objections, 145 
Cham, /. e. Shem, the son of Noah, 

203 
Charles the First, account of, ix ; 

children of, 260 ; education in 



39 



the Church, 220 ; his wife's 
departure, 43 ; imprisonment of, 
257 ; letters of, 200 ; letters of, 
captured, 201 ; letters to his 
Queen, 285 ; price of surrender 
by the Scots (400,000), 210 ; 
wife of (Henrietta Maria), 260 
Church-lands, alienation of, 163 
Church of England, the best in 

the world, 257 

Churches Universall practice, 159 
Church-windowes, breaking of, 

Civil War, outbreak of, x 

Clifford, James, xx 

Colchester Grammar School, xxii 

Constantine, 173 

Corban of Religion, i. e. their 
corban or offering to God, 46 

Coronation Oath, 37, 168 

Covenant, the, 117 

Cowardly-cruell, more ; a com- 
pound comparative, 268 

Credulity, i. e, inclination to belief, 

99 
Cried out of, i. e. exclaimed upon 

or complained of, 150 
Cromwell, Oliver, Protector, 284, 

286, 288 

Cropredy Bridge, battle of, 286 
Crosses, pulling down of, 194 
Cyclopick monster, 95. Ref. to 

Homer, Od. vL 5, etc. 

David, 113, 142, 143, 153, 203, 

204, 221, 229 
Deacons, 157 
Defender of the Faith, 172. See 

Appendix IV. 
Deformities, i. e, abnormalities, 

247 
Demoniack Swine, the (St. Luke 

viii. 32), xiii 

Diminution, /. e, degradation, 62 
Directory, 150 
Doble, Mr., xyi 
Dugard, William, xx, xxi ; affi- 



davit of, xii ; his presses seized, 
xxii 
Dunfermline, ix 

Eikon Basilike : Archbishop Teni- 
son's copy, 283 ; Earl of Gla- 
morgan's copy, 288 ; Jane Bur- 
ton's copy, 287 ; ' pieces of, 
written with ye King's own 
hand," 283 ; question of author- 
ship, ix; Sir Philip Warwick's 
copy, 286 ; the first edition, 
xxiii ; the present edition, xxiii 

Elias, 70 

E'.mes, Jane, 287 

Enormous, i. e. abnormal, 200 

Episcopacy, 161 

Esau, 248 

Exeter, Bishop of, Gauden, xi 

Exigents, i. e. exigencies, 135 

Fantasies, i. e. fancies, 177 
Filmes, i.e. concealments, 112 
Fire from Heaven, 98 
Flat, to, i. e. depress, 147 
Floud, the, 25 
Forehead, men of, 165 
Fundamentals of State, 182 

Gardiner, Dr., his ' Life of Charles 

the First,' xvi 
Gauden, j[ohn, account of, xi ; 

authorship, evidence in favour 

of, xix ; ' Just Invective,' xiii 
Glamorgan, the Earl of, 288 
Gorge, the Rev. Dr., Chaplain to 

Charles the First, 283, 284 
Government of the Church by 

Bishops, 61 

Halford, Sir William, 287 
Hammond, Colonel, x 
Hampton Court, x 
Hand of that cloud, the, 49 
Heat, i. e. zeal, 65 
123 



Henry 3, i 
Hezekiah, 



310 



Holmby House, x 

Hotham, Sir John, 50, 51, 52, 53 

Hothams, the fate of, 48 

Hull, 48, S3 

Humour, /. e. ill-humour, 92 

Hunscott, Joseph, xxii 

Hurst Castle, arrest and removal 

of the King to (in 1648), 285 
Hydra, many-headed, 74 
Hydropick, i. e. dropsical, 36 

Imbecility, i. e. immaturity, or 
weakness (of women and chil- 
dren), 97 

Impertinent, i.e. irrelevant, 65 

Incendiaries, i. e. instigators of 
revolution, 97 

Inconformity to, /. e. want of 
conformity with, 162 

Inerrability, i. e. infallibility, 87 

Infanta Maria, x 

Injuriousness, i. e. insolence, 57 

Ireland, Commotions in, 1641- 
l6 43> 93 

Ireland, those . . . butchered in, 
96 

I vie- lane (nr. Paternoster Row), 
xxiii 

Jacob, 98, 248 ; wrestlings of, 225 

ames the First, ix 

anuses, doublefaced, xiv 

ealousies, i. e. suspicions, 255 

ehu, 82 

eroboam, 123 

erusalem, 26, 235, 238 

ewish Priests, 160 

ob, 75, 100, 218 

onah, 130 

oseph, 122 

uncture of hearts, /. e. union of 
hearts, 217 
Juxon, Bishop, xii 

King's Authorship, the, witnesses 

in favour of, xvii 
King's Closet Keeper, 283 



Kirk Government, 112 
Korah and his Complices, 273 

Lambeth Palace Library, 283 

Largest, *. e. most liberal, 158 

Leicestershire, 287 

Levet, William, 284 

Like a young Heyre, 115. Possibly 

a reference to the well-known 

passage in Shakespeare 
Lincoln's Inn Fields, 284 
Lloyd, his record of Jane Burton, 

287 

London, tumults in, 17 
Lord's Prayer, the, 146 

Madrid, x 

Magisteriall, i.e. despotic or 
autocratic, 161 

Mahomet's Tomb, 71. A reference 
to the well-known belief that 
Mahomet's Tomb was suspended 
midway between earth and 
heaven 

Manna, nq 

Marshall, Stephen, xiv 

Maxime, *. e. principle, 177 

Mayland, in Essex, xi 

Members, the five (whose sur- 
render Charles demanded from 
the House of Commons in 1642), 
13. They were Pym, Hampden, 
Hazlerigg, Holies, and Strode 

Menacles, i. e. manacles, 138 

Merchant Taylors' School, xxii 

Meroz, in Palestine, xiv 

Metz, Bishop of, eaten by rats, 
237 

Mew, Dr., Lord Bishop of Win- 
chester, 283 

Minings, i. e. undermining, 252 

Miscarriage, i. e. mistake, 191 

Monuments, defacings of, 194 

Mutining, i. e. mutinying, 273 

Naboth's Vineyard, 126 
Naseby, June i4th (1645), 283 



311 



Newark, x 

Newgate, the keeper of xxii 
Newport, treaty of, 283 
Niniveh, 103 
Noah's Sonnes, 203 
Noise of Religion, . e. fame or 
reputation, 246 

Offertures, /. e. overtures, 55 

Ordination, 157 

Orthodox, 145 

Outed, i. e. expelled from, 237 

Oversight, i. e. supervision, 157 

Oxford, xi 

Palliations, i. e. excuses, 254 
" Parasitick Preachers," 182 
Parliament (convening of Charles's 

last, in 1640), 1 8 
Parliament, this black, 259 
Parliament-men, 237 
Particular, my, i.e. my own 

person, 264 
Pate, :'. e. head, 54 
Patrons for, i.e. advocates of, 

161 

Peevishnesse, /. e. petulance, 267 
Pelican in the wilderness, 225 
Pertinacy, *. e. pertinacity, 176 
Peterburgh, Bishop of, 283 
Phaeton and Phebus, 82 
Pharaoh, 122, 123 
Philip II I., x 
Philistins, 80 
Pillar of cloud, 209 
Posture, *'. e. position, 56 
Precipitant, i. e. precipitate, 173 
Presbyterian parity, 166 
Prevent, i. e. anticipate 55 
Prince Henry, ix 
Printing (Laws of, 1647), 288 ; (of 

1649), 289 
Propense, i. e, inclined to, 255 

Quited, i. e. quieted, 97 
Rabshekah, 143 



Raglan Castle, 288 

Rayne (a place in Essex), xx 

Recesse, *'. e, retirement, 56 

Reeds of ./Egypt, 210 

Rehoboam, 244 

" Remember ' (Charles's admoni- 
tion to Bishop Juxon), xii 

Renege, t. e. deny, 68 

Restoration, the, xxi 

Rock of Israel, 211 

Roman Emperors, titles of, 221 

Root and Branch introduced 
(1641), 51 

Roundheads, the, 286 

Royston, Richard, printer, xx, 
xxi, xxiii, 284, 286 

Russell, Sir William, xi 

Sabeans, 75 

St. Davids, Bishop of, Dr. George 

Bull, 283 

St. John's College, Cambridge, xi 
Salvoes, i.e. reservations, 119 
Sampson, 8p, 266 
Savage Indians, 44 
Saye, Lord, 288 
Scotch Army at Newark, x 
Scots, calling in of the, 104 
Scripture-Canons, 159 
Seal to (/. e. sign) the bond which 

education hath written, 246 
Sectarisme, 109 
Sequestred from, *". e. separated, 

224 

Sheba, 143 
Shimei, 142, 145 
Sinister, i. e. evil, 129 
Softnesse, i. e. weakness (of mind), 

177 
Solemne League and Covenant, 

114 

Solomon, 221, 244 
Solomon, our, Charles II., xv 
Somerset estates, 288 
States-men, i. e. politicians, 82 
Strafford, the Earl of (executed in 

1641), 6, 59 



, 
Symmonds, the Rev. Edward, xx 

Tedder, Mr., article in D.N.B., 

xxi 

Temple, the pinnacle of, 31 
Temptations, /. e. trials, 216 
Tenison, Archbishop, 283 
" This I write rather like a Divine, 

than a Prince," 159 
Timothy and Titus, Epistles to, 

!56 

Tophet, xiv 

Tough, /. e. stubborn, 106 
Tower-hill, 53 
Travelled, /. e. travailed, 68 
Tumults, the insolency of (in 

1640), 58 

Undertakers, i. e. conspirators, 

49 
Unerrable, i. e. infallible, 66 



Vineyard, parable of the, 269 

Wadham College, Oxford, xi 

Warburton, Eliot, 288 

Warwick, Sir Philip, 286, 287 

Westminster, Charles's withdrawal 
from, 35 

Westminster, tumults in, 18 

Westminster Abbey, 283 

Whitehall, 22, 23, 35, 56, 58, 286. 
Charles lived at Whitehall, and 
it was from one of its windows 
that he stepped to the scaffold 

Widow's cruse, the, 227 

Wight, Isle of, 284 

Winchester, Bishop of, Dr. Mew, 
283 

Wine & Figtree (Parable), 258 

Worcester, Bishop of, Gauden, xii 

Worcester, the Marquis of, 288 

Wright, John, xxi 

Zimri, xv 



33 



I i