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Da muss sich raanches Ratsel losen 
Doch manches Ratsel kniipft sich auch. 

Goethe^ Faust. 








OF Sanskrit, Old Iraiqan (Avestic and Old Persian), Old Armenian, 

Ore£k, Latin. Umbro-Samnitic, Old Irish, Gothic, Old High German, 

Lithuanian and Old Church Slavonic 

















rr-/ r' 

Printed by G. 1 1 o , Darmstadt, 








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When in 1889 I brought out the part of my work 
containing the account of Noun Morphology, I had in my 
mind, and partly on paper, a simpler plan for the remainder of 
the work than that which the reader has before him. I meant 
it to include the presentation of the forms of declension and 
conjugation , and little more. In view of the confusion and 
uncertainty that reigned in this department, where many 
questions of origin and history seemed utterly unsettled, I 
then thought it best to restrict the work to these limits; and 
I only hoped that perhaps after the lapse of years, if a 
second edition should be called for, the further developement 
of a science which had already made such rapid progress 
would have put me in a position to give a practical and 
useful history of Noun and Yerb Inflexion. But in the course 
of my work I was gradually converted from this pessimism; 
the difficulties no longer seemed insurmountable; and I at 
length decided to attempt a more complete account, not merely 
exhibiting the results of the different developements, but even 
now as far as possible tracing their course. Thus the work 
grew; and thus it comes about that the size of the latter part 
is 80 greatly out of proportion to that of the former. 

In giving up my first plan, I was influenced not a little 
by my belief, that from a comprehensive work such as this, 

VIII Author's Preface. 

a work in which it is sought to present the facts and problems 
of language in connected form, more might reasonably be 
expected than what I had at first proposed, A student might 
fairly ask that the many questions which await an answer 
should not be simply avoided, but that some honest attempt 
should be made to advance a step towards their answering. 
It must surely be useful that he should not only read that 
which can be called certain, not only be taught well establisht 
facts, but that he should at the same time find the various 
problems and puzzles, with which the study of Indo-Germanic 
inflexion abounds, at least briefly mentioned and conveniently 
arranged. So will the scholar guard best against the mistake 
which not the best scholar is wholly free from, the danger 
that in trying to bring order and light into his palace of 
knowledge, he may leave some dark riddle unattempted, and 
only move it from one corner to another. If amidst these 
shifting theories I have often taken a decided stand , and 
declared myself for one or other of them, adding therewithal 
other and many new views and explanations, I am yet far 
from believing that I have placed beyond all doubt the view 
which I have preferred. In these matters to indicate a path 
for future research or simply to establish a prima facie case is 
far harder than most people think; and many a theory which 
seemed to be fixt on the firmest foundation and to offer no 
point to attack, has been broken down in the end. I can only 
hope that the mistakes which these volumes must inevitably 
contain, may help to supply the means for their own correction. 
A few of my readers perhaps may wonder why certain 
new and some very recent theories upon Ablaut, proethnic 
Accent, formation of Roots and Suffixes, and other such 
matters, have in these last volumes been either altogether 
disregarded or only just glanced at. A good deal of the most 
recent work I would indeed have included in this last volume 

Author^s Preface. IX 

but that it had to be finisht in 1891J) In other cases I saw 
before me hypotheses, which attractive as they are, and fruitful 
as they may prove to be, at the time of their publication were 
too slightly worked out by their authors, and had been too 
little tested to allow of my making them the basis of my own 
account. In this volume I have practically not touched the 
newest theories of Ablaut; I confess that I approach the glib 
and symmetrical systems of Ablaut Series (cp. Bartholomae in 
Bezzenberger's Beitrage, xvn 105) with very little confidence, 
and I must refer to what is said on this matter in Yol. I 
§ 309. Even a question of Yerb Morphology so important as 
the form of proethnic Roots (whether they were monosyllabic 
or not) I have left on one side; I believe neither the one 
thing nor the other, but only that in the present state of 
our knowledge we can know nothing about it. If in spite 
of this I have used hyphens freely, I would remind the 
reader that the hyphen means a real point of composition in 
such words as Aioo-y.ovqoi^ rov-roy ava-^oi'k'kco, e-cpsgov^ but in 
ay-o-jLisv or (pig-o-jLisv it only shows the etymological and 
morphological likeness of certain elements. And though I now 
as ever call -o- in uy-o~/n£v a suffix, I do not thereby commit 
myself to the statement that such elements were originally 
independent words. See I § 14 pp. 16 ff., II § 8 pp. 18 ff. 

Whether in all these things I have been so happy as to 
hit the golden mean, scholars must decide. Bearing in mind 

1) Since then I have had to do without any systematic examination 
and use of the new works which keep streaming in, or my book would 
never have come to an end. Only now and then have even the more 
important works been used, such as those of Bartholomae, Bechtel, Buck, 
Johansson, G. Meyer, Per Persson, von Planta, W. Schulze, Streitberg, 
and others; Streitberg's work Zur Germanischen Sprachgeschichte first 
reached me (in proof sheets) after my book was in print as far as the 
Additions and Corrections; in these I was able to make reference to it. 
However, I was glad to observe that I am in agreement with many others 
in matters not a few. 

Author's Preface. 

the paramount object of this work, I would rather be blamed 
for giving too little space to the newest speculations than 
give any reason for the reproach that I have allowed them 
too much. 

A word is necessary as to the principle on which the 
labours of my fellow-workers have been cited or not cited in 
the text. Complaints have not been wanting that in giving 
various theories and views I have not always given the name 
of him who first suggested them, or mentioned others who 
before me had thought of much the same thing. My principle 
has been as a rule not to mention the originator of each view, 
or all those who ante me mea scripsere, except in such cases 
as Yerner's Law, which I mention under his name. My book 
does not in the least aspire to be a compendious history of the 
new school of philology, or to display the part each of us has 
taken in the gathering of the spoil. Where reference is made 
in the text to the works of other scholars, this is done for 
practical ends and no other. 

In these last two volumes I have had from Thurneysen 
the same generous and ready help as before in all that refers 
to Keltic. Here, as before, the reference to his advice in 
a few special paragraphs does not in any degree express 
my obligation to his aid. If the treatment of Irish questions 
(for I have rarely touched on the British dialects) is at all on 
a level with recent research, and sometimes even carried 
beyond it, this is due to Thurneysen. But I must again beg 
that he be not held responsible for any errors I may have 
made in using his communications, or for anything but the 
paragraphs in which his own words are given. I have also 
to thank Hiibschmann for a number of communications on 

In the text a number of corrections (mostly in unimportant 
details) have been silently made, which I have received from 

Author's Preface. XI 

reviews and from private letters of fellow-scholars, ^ among- 
whom I would specially name Messrs. Conway, Holthausen, 
Leskien, Leumann, Osthoif, and Rouse. More detailed additiona 
which should bring the first parts of the work up to date, I am 
obliged to forego, since thanks to the rapid progress of our 
science, whole paragraphs and pages would have to be 
remodelled. Naturally enough I am now in a position to 
improve upon many of the views I formerly exprest, 
particularly in the Phonology (Vol. I) publisht six years ago. 
Some of these I have expressly corrected, some tacitly. The 
reader should therefore consult in each case the explanation 
which I have given latest. 

Leipzig, July 2. 1892. 


1) Lith. gain ('I can*) and the like forms are not misprints or 
oversights; see I § 26 p. 29. To avoid misunderstanding, I again call 
attention to the fact that while for (Ger. aus) denotes a regular phonetic 
connexion, instead of (Ger. /wr), denotes analogical substitution. Thu» 
^^dov/xev for <piXeo^uev\ but **Att. SaC/uoni instead of pr. Gr. *Saiua-a". 


The list of Additions and Corrections given in the 
concluding part of the German edition have been here put in 
their proper place in the text. Some few alterations have also 
been made, with Prof. Brugmann's sanction, by way of making 
clear what from its terseness might have been misunderstood. 
A list of misprints is given, but I fear there must be others; 
I hope that these will be forgiven, in view of the exceeding 
difficulty of correcting proof with so many different diacritic 

It may be well to point out that the word "Re duplicator" 
has been used as equivalent to Reduplicating Syllable or 
Syllable of Reduplication ; and that "Phrase" has been extended 
to apply to a short complete sentence which fuses into a single 
w^ord, as fere-ham^ ddtdsmi (see page 444). 

In this volume as before I have to thank Mr. Conway for 
valuable help. 

The Indices are nearly ready, and it is hoped they may 
be publisht along with this volume, or at least with small delay 

Cheltenham, July 17. 1894. 

W. H. D. ROUSE. 



translator's preface XII 


VERBS: Formation of the Stem, and Inflexion or Conjugation. 

General Remarks (§§ 460—463) 1 

Reduplicated Verb-Forms (§§ 464-476) 10 

The Augment (§§ 477-483) 24 

The Tense Stem. 

General Remarks (§§ 484-489) 33 

The Present Stem (Imperfect Present and Aorist Present). 

Introductory Remarks (§§ 490-491) 48 

(A) Classes I— VIII: Simple Root, or Root with -o-, for the 

Present Stem ; sometimes Reduplicated 51 

Class I (Skr. ds-ti): Simple Root used for the Present 
Stem. Idg. (§§493-497). Aryan (§§ 498-500). Ar- 
menian (§ 501). Greek (§§ 502—504). Italic (§ 505). 
Keltic (§ 506). Germanic (§§ 507-509). Balto-Sla- 

vonic (§§ 510—512) 51 

Class II (Skr. hhar-a-ti sphur-d-ti) : Root + Thematic 
Vowel forming the Present Stem. General Remarks 
(§ 513). Class II A: the Root Syllable accented and 
in the Strong Grade (§§ 514—522). Class II B: the 
Accent falls upon the Thematic Vowel, and the Root 

is Weak (§§ 523—535) 78 

Class III (Skr. bi-bhe-ti): Reduplication ending in -i or 
-ii + simple Root forming the Present Stem (§§ 536 

-546) 97 

Class IV (Sks. a-ji-jan-Qt Gr. yi-yv-f-rm) : Reduplication 
ending in -* or m + Root + Thematic Vowel, forming 
the Present Stem. Preliminary (§ 547). Class IV A\ 
Strong Root Syllable (§ 548). Class IV B: Weak Root 
Syllable (§§ 549-554) 105 

XIV Contents. 

Class V (Skr. dd-dha-ti): Reduplication ending in -e (-e) 

+ Simple Root forming the Present Stem (§§ 555-560) 108 

Class VI (Skr. sd-sc-a-ti) : Reduplication in -e (-e) ■\- Root 
+ Thematic Vowel forming the Present Stem (§§ 561 
-566) 110 

Class VII (Skr. cdr-kar-ti) i Complete Reduplication -f 

Root forming the Present Stem (§§ 567—569) ... 112 

Class VIII (Skr. dar-dir-a-t): Complete Reduplication + 
Root + Thematic Vowel forming the Present Stem 

(§§ 570-571) 113 

(B) Class IX (Skr. vdm-i-ti brdv-i-ti): Root -f -a- or Root 
4- -l-<i with or without Reduplication, forming the 

Present Stem (§§ 572-577) 114 

{C) Classes X and XI: Root -f -a-, -e- or -o- forming the 
Present Stem. 

General Remarks (§ 578) 118 

Class X (Skr. dr-d-ti): Unreduplicated Root -f -a-, -e- 
or -0- forming the Present Stem. Root -f -a- (§§ 579 
—586). Root -f -e- -o- (§§ 587—593) 121 

Class XI (Skr. ji-ga-ti): Reduplicated Root -f -a-, -e- 
or -0- forming the Present Stem. Reduplicator in -i- 
(§ 594). Complete Reduplication (§ 595) 134 

(D) Classes XII to XVIII: Nasal Present Stems. 

General Remarks (§ 596) 136 

Class XII (Skr. mr-na-H) : Root + -na- -nd- -n- forming 
the Present Stem (§§ 597—606) 141 

Class XIII (Skr. inr-nd-ti): Root + -no- forming the 
Present Stem (§§°607-615) 148 

Class XIV (Skr. is-ana-t): Root + --^no- -enO' -ono- 
forming the Present Stem (§§ 616— 624) 154 

Class XV (Skr. yundk-ti): Root -|- Nasal Infix forming 
the Present Stem (§§ 625—626) 162 

Class XVI (Skr. yunj-d-ti): Root -f Nasal Infix + The- 
matic Vowel forming the Present Stem (§§ 627-637) 163 

Class XVII (Skr. r-rio-ti): Root -r- -neu' -mi- forming 

the Present Stem (§§ 638—647) 176 

Class XVIII (Avest. ker^-nav-a-iti Skr. r-nv-d-ti) : Root + 
-ney^-o- or -n^-o- forming the Present Stem (§ 648). 
Class XVIII A: suffix -neu-o- (§ 649). Class XVIII B: 

suffix -uu-o- (§§ 650-654) 184 

<E) Classes XIX -XXI: Present Stems with -s-. 

General Remarks (655) 189 

Class XI K (Skr. dvB-s-H): Root -f -s-, -es- or -as- 
forming the Present Stem (§ 656) 190 

Class XX (Skr. tq-sa-ti tr-dsa-ti): Root -f -so- or -eso- 
forming the Present Stem (§§ 657—665) 191 

Contents. XV 

Class XXI (8kr. fi-sttr-Ha-tiJ: Root + -so- -eso-, with 
Reduplication ending in t (or U), forming the Present 
Stem (§§ 666-668) 198 

(F) Classes XXII and XXIII: Present Stems with -sko-. 

General Remarks (§ 669) 200 

Class XXII (Skr. yd-cha-ti Avest. is-asa-iti) : Root -|- 

'Sko- -esko- forming the Present Stem (§§ 670—677) 202 
Class XXIII (Gr. Si-Sd{K)-nxta): Reduplicated Root + 

-skO' forming the Present Stem (§ 678) 210 

(G) Class XXIV (Skr. ci-ta-ti): Root + -to- (-t-) forming 

the Present Stem (§§ 679-687) 211 

(H) Class XXV (Skr. t/0-(7/ia-<i kur-da-U): Root -}- -dho- -do- 

forraing the Present Stem (§§ 688—701) 218 

(J) Classes XXVI to XXXI: Present Stems with -{o-. 

General Remarks (§§ 702-704) 228 

Class XXVI (Skr. hdr-ya-H dfl-yd-te): Root + -io- -iio- 

forming the Present Stem (§§ 705-727) 233 

Class XXVII (Skr. dg-dil-yd-tej : Reduplicated Root + 

'io- -iio- forming the Present Stem (§§ 728-733) . . 259 
Class XXVIII (Skr. tr-a-yd-U) '. Root + -a-, -c- -o- + 

-io- forming the Present Stems (§§ (734-741) ... 261 
Class XXIX (Skr. is-an-yd-ti) -. Nasal Stems + -io- for- 
ming the Present Stem (§§ 742—745) 265 

Class XXX (Skr. tq-s-yd-W: Root + s-suffix + -io-. 
(A) Forms with Present Meaning (§ 746). (BJ With 
Future Meaning , Stems in -sio- and -dsio- (-esio-)^ 
Aryan futures with -sia- and -isia-, Greek futures with 
-fro-, -fo- -an- -oo- -uo-, -fffo-, Lithuanian futures with 

-sia- (§§ 747-761) 268 

Appendix to Classes XXVII— XXX: Extension of Stems 
in -skO', -to-, and -dho- -do- by the Suffix -io- (§§ 762 

-765) 279 

Class XXXI (Skr. dSvn-yd-ti) : Later Group of Denomina- 
tives with Present Suffix -io-. General Remarks (§ 766). 
Pr. Idg. (§§ 767-773). Aryan (§ 774). Armenian 
(774 a). Greek (§ 775—776). Italic (§§ 777-778). 
Keltic (§§ 779—780). Germanic (§ 781). Balto-Sla- 

vonic (§§ 782-787) 281 

(K) Class XXXII (Skr. ved-dya-ti) : Root + -Hp- forming the 
Present Stem. 

General Remarks (§§ 788—793) 318 

Proethnic Indo-Germanic (§ 794) 326 

Aryan (§§ 795-799) . 330 

Armenian (§ 800) 335 

Greek (§ 801) 335 

Italic (§ 802) 338 

XVI Contents 

Keltic (§ 803) 339 

Germanic (§§ 804-806) 339 

Balto-Slavonic (§§ 807—809) 343 

The s-Aorists. 

General Remarks (§ 810) 346 

(A) Stems in -s- and so-. 

I. Unthematio s-stems (§§ 811—832) ....... 348 

II. Thematic s-stems (§ 833) 369 

(B) Stems in -es-^ -as-, and -is-. 

General Remarks (§ 834) 371 

I. es-stems (Gr. ^Ssa^ Lat. agerent) (§§ 835—838) . . 372 

II. as-stems (Skr. dstarisam) (§§ 839—840) 375 

III. is-stems (Lat. vidistis^ Skr. dgrahlsamj (§ 841) . . 378 

CO Stems with -s-s- (§ 842) 380 

The Perfect. 

General Remarks (§§ 843-845) 381 

Proethnic Indo-Germanio (§§ 846—848) 387 

Aryan (§§ 849-854) 395 

Armenian (§ 855) 404 

Greek (§§ 856-866) 404 

Italic (§§ 867-875) 414 

Keltic (§§ 876—881) 424 

Germanic (§§ 882—893) 429 

Balto-Slavonic (§ 894) 442 

Periphrastic Formations (§§ 895— 903) 444 

Unexplained Formations. 

Preliminary (§ 904) 452 

Aryan 3rd ging. aor. pass, in -/ (§ 905) 452 

Armenian aor. yeregi and the like (§ 905 ») 453 

Irish 'Secondary Present' (§ 906) 453 

Germanic Weak Preterite (§ 907) 453 

Lithuanian Imperfect in -davau (§ 908) 455 

The Mood Stem. 

Injunctive (§ 909) 456 


General Remarks (§ 910) 459 

I. Conjunctive where the Indicative Stem ends in a Con- 
sonant or has a thematic Vowel. 

(AJ The Indie. Stem ends in a Consonant (§§ 911—917) 461 
(BJ The Indie. Stem has a Thematic Vowel (§§ 918 

-929) 465 

11. Conjunctive where the Indicative Stem ends in a Long 
(A) The Indie. Stem end in -a-, -e- -o- without 

Gradation (§ 930) 475 

(BJ The ludic. Stem has a Long Final Vowel, with 

Gradation (§§ 931-937) 476 

Contents. XVII 


General Remarks (§ 938) 479 

I. Optative with -iB- -I- (§§ 939-949) 480 

11. Optative with -oi- (§§ 950-955) 493 


General Remarks (§ 956) 406 

I. The Proethnic Imperative. 

(A) Bare Tense Stem as 2'd Sing. act. (§ 957 958) . 497 

(B) 2nd Person Singular in -dhi (§§ 959-962) ... 502 
(CJ The Forms in -tod (§§ 963-967) 505 

II. Some Imperative Forms peculiar to certain languages. 

Aryan (§ 968) 510 

Greek (§ 969) 511 

Germanic (§ 970) 511 

Signs of the Persons and of Middle and Passive Voice. 

General Remarks (§§ 971—975) 512 

Active Endings. 

l«t Person Singular (§§ 976-983) 517 

2od Person Singular (§§984-991) 523 

3rd Person Singular (§§ 992-999) 528 

l«t Person Plural (§§ 1000-1008) 534 

2nd Person Plural (§§ 1009-1016) 540 

3rd Person Plural (§§ 1017—1026) 543 

l»t Person Dual (§§ 1027-1030) 554 

2nd Person Dual (§§ 1031-1036) 556 

3rd Person Dual (§§ 1037 1040) 557 

Middle Endings. 

I9t Person Singular (§§ 1041-1046) 558 

2nd Person Singular (§§ 1047—1053) 560 

3rd Person Singular (§§ 1054-1059) 563 

l»t Person Plural (§§ 1060-1062) 566 

2'd Person Plural (§§ 1063-1065) 567 

3nd Person Plural (§§ 1066-1071) 568 

The Dual (§§ 1072-1075) 571 

Aryan, Italic, ami Keltic endings with R (§§ 1076 - 1083) . . 572 

Periphrastic Middle (Reflexive) (§§ 1084 - 1086) 579 

Tables of the Verb Finite 582 

The Verb Infinite (Verbal Nouns). 

Preliminary (§ 1087) 594 

Verbal substantives (§§ 1088-1098) 507 

Verbal Adjectives (§§ 1099-1106) 605 

XX Corrections and Additions. 

'page 249 line 14 inf. read d^av/ua instead of ^av/ua. 

„ 253 „ 5 read classification. 

„ 268 ., 9 „ There ^ ^ These. 

„ 272 „ 2 inf. „ 257 . „ 267. 

^ 277 „ 4 „ „ would ^ ,, whould. 

., 290 „ 5 „ ,, XS-OL-(; ., „ iS-Qi-;;. 

„ 291 „ 8 inse7't stop after above. 

„ 292 „ 1 1 inf. read neck instead of neek. 

„ 296 „ 3 „ daii instead of dofi. 

„ „ „ 10 „ siu'ti ^ y, siu-ti. 

„ 347 „ 17 inf. „ -sir „ ^ -siv- and -tjy instead of t]v. 

„ 349 „ 19 read aotjy-wv instead of aQyjy-wv. 

„ 428 „ 3 infra read statements. 

„ 434 „ 2 „ „ line. 


page vii line 8 inf. read be instead of by. 
„ 57 „ 3 read of sound „ ^ sound of. 


page 7 line 9 inf. prefix § 463. 

„ 10 prefix § 464. 

„ 17, § 472 Remark^ add: Further, it is assumed by Johansson 
(Bezz. Beitr. xm 125) that ai in Gothic perfects like 
rai-rop sai-so is a long (open) e. But the change 
which he assumes seems to me insufficiently supported. 

„ 28 line 13 infra^ add: The es of the comedians is perhaps better 
read ess, corresponding with the forms terr and ferr 
(page 501 footnote 1). 

„ 78 „ 5 „ „ 71V&-0- instead of 7rv9-6-. 

„ 81 „ 16 „ „ measuredst instead of measurest. 

„ 83 „ 3 read -ho. 

„ 95 „ 2 „ didst accuse instead of pullest. 

„ „ „ 2 inf. read say „ „ I say. 

„ 96 „ 2 „ „ bl^t-e-tU, omitting *. 

., 98 „ 8 „ ^ Skr. da-thd instead of O.H.G. 

„ 106 footnote 1 inf. read alSsojuai „ „ alSljuvti. 

„ 162 line 12 „ . vol, I p. 410 footnote. 

« « n 4 „ „ I § 404. 2 p. 299. 

„ 198, title to Class XXI, read -eso- instead of -dso-. 

„ 235 line 3 inf. in the text, read bin „ „ bin. 

„ 398 „ 7 read no-nav-i-ti instead of -tiv. 



§ 460. Two kinds of words go to make up a verbal 
system. On the one hand there are the forms of the Indica- 
tive, Conjunctive, Injunctive, Optative (or Precative), and 
Imperative; those, that is, which belong to what is called the 

1) General Works on the Verb in Indo-Germanic. 
Bopp, Vergl. Gram., n» §§ 426 ff. pp. 255 ff., m §§ 672 ff. pp. 1 ff. 
Schleicher, Compendium* pp. 644 flf. Fr. Muller, Grundr. der 
Sprachw. , iii pp. 580 ff. Bopp, Uber das Conjugationssystem der 
Sanskritssprache in Vergleichung mit jenem der griech., lat. , pers. und 
german. Sprachen, 1816. W. Wackernagel, tJber Conjugation und 
Wortbildung durch Ablaut im Deutsch., Griech. und Lat., Seebode und 
Jahn's Jahrbb., Supplementband i (1831) pp. 17 ff. F. Graefe, Das 
Sanskrit-Verbum im Vergleich mit dem griech. und lat, aus dem Gesichts- 
punkte der class. Philologie , St. Petersburg, 1836. A. Kuhn, De con- 
jugatione in -ui linguae Sanscritae ratione habita, Berlin 1837. C. W. 
Bock, Analysis verbi oder Nachweis der Entstehung der Formen des 
Zeitwortes namentlich im Griech., Sanskr., Lat. und Tiirk., Berlin 1845. 
M. Rapp, Der Verbal - Organismus der indisch - europaischen Sprachen, 
3 vols., 1859 (i. Das ind., das pers., und das slaw. Verbum; u. Das griech. 
und das roman. Verbum ; iii. Das goth., das skand., und das sachs. Ver- 
bum). Fr. Muller, Der Verbalausdruck im ^risch-semitischen Sprach- 
kreise, Vienna 1858. Stenzler, tJber die versohiedenen Conjugationen 
etc. (see footnote to page 52, vol. III). Schleicher, Die Unterscheidung 
von Nomen und Verbum in der lautlichen Form, 1865. Asooli, Studj Srio- 
semitici, Articolo secondo, letto alia Classa di lettere, etc. [del R. Instituto 
Lombardo], Milan 1865; treats of the Idg. verb as affecting the question 
how the Idg. languages are related to the Semitic. Merguet, Welche 
Beweiskraft hat das Verbum possum fur die Entstehung der Verbal- 
endungen aus Hilfsverben, Gumbinnen 1869. Idem^ Die Ableitung der 

Brugmann, Element*. IV. 1 

2 The Verb : General Remarks. § 4fi0. 

Finite Yerb. The other class consists of verbal nouns; the 
forms of the Infinitive (including the Supine), Gerund, and 
Participle (including the Gerundive). The last class is called 
the Yerb Infinite. 

Verbalendungen aus Hilfsverben, Berlin 1871. Idem, Die Hilfsverba als 
Flexionsendungen, Fleckeisens Jahrbb. 1874 pp. 145 ff. Idem^ Bemer- 
kungen zur lat. Formenbildung , Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxn 141 ff. Pauli, 
Die Ableitung der Verbalendungen aus Hilfsverben, ibid, xx 321 ff. 
Leo Meyer, Uber Vocalsteigerung , insbes. in der Yerbalflexion , ibid. 
XXI 341 ff. Westphal, Das indogerm. Verbum nebst einer Ubersicht 
der einz. idg. Sprachen und ihrer Lautverhaltnisse , 1873. A. Kerb or, 
Gedanken uber die Entwickelung der Conjugation; Erstes Heft: Einleitung, 
Prasens, Rathenow 1873. Grotemeyer, Ub. die Verwandtschaft der 
idg. und semit. Sprachen, part 3: Das Yerbum, Kempen 1876 (compare 
part. 4, ibid. 1877). W. Scherer, Zur Gesch. der deutschen Spraohe^ 
pp. 212 ff. The Author, Das verbale Suffix a im Idg., die griech. 
Passivaoriste und die sogen. aolische Flexion der verba contracta, Morphol. 
Unters. ilff. J. Schrammen, tJber die Bedeutung der Formen des 
Verbum, Heiligenstadt 1884. Moult on. Notes in Verbal Morphology, 
Amer. Journ. Phil, x 280 ff. H. D. M ii 1 1 e r , Zur Entwickelungsgeschichte 
des idg. Verbalbaues, 1890. 

Aryan. Bartholomae, Zur [ar.] Verbalflexion , Ar. Forsch. ii 
61 ff. Idem, Zur [ar.j Verballehre, in *Beitrage zur Flexionslehre der 
idg. Sprachen', 1888, pp. 1 ff (= Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxiv 271 ff.). Whit- 
ney, Sanskrit Gramm. pp. 200 ff. Idem, The System of the Sanskrit 
Verbs, Proceedings of the Americ. Philol. Assoc, 1876, pp. 6 ff. Idem, 
Sanskrit Roots and Verb-forms (Supplement to Skr. Gr.) 1885. Delbriick, 
Das altind. Verbum aus den Hymnen des Rigveda seinem Baue nach dar- 
gestellt, 1874. J. Avery, Contributions to the History of Verb-Inflection 
in Sanskrit, Journ. Amer. Orient. Soc, X 217 ff. Neisser, Zur ved. 
Verballehre, Bezzenberger's Beitr. vn 211 ff. Bartholomae, Handb. 
der altiran. Dialekte pp. 113 ff. Idem, Das altiran. Verbum in Formen- 
lehre und Syntax dargestellt, 1878. Spiegel, Gramm. der altbaktr. 
Sprache pp. 205 ff. Idem, Die altpers. Keilinschr.^ pp. 184 ff. Idem, 
Der Organismus des neupers. Verbums, Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. n 464 ff, 
H. A. Barb, Der Organismus des pers. Verbums, Vienna 1860. Fr. 
Miiller, Die Conjugation des neupers. Verbums, sprachvergleichend dar- 
gestellt, Vienna 1864. Idem, Die Conjugation des avghanischen Verbums, 
sprachvergleichend dargestellt, Vienna 1867. Idem, Die Grundziige der 
Konjugation des ossetischen Verbums, Vienna 1864. Salemann, Versuch 
fiber die Conjugation im Ossetischen, Kuhn-Schleichers Beitr. viii 48 ff. 

Armenian. Fr. Miiller, Beitrage zur Conjugation des armen. 
Verbums, Vienna 1863 (see the same scholar's Armeniaca II, Vienna 1870, 
pp. 1 ff.). 

§ 461. The Verb: General Remarks. 8 

§ 461. The forms of the Finite Verb grew out of the 
connexion of subject and predicate. In the parent language, 
phrases made up of a word denoting some condition or action 
and a personal pronoun, used as a sentence in which the latter 
was subject and the former predicate, coalesced, and became u 

Greek und Latin. V. Henry, Precis de grammaire compar^e 
du greo et du latin*, pp. 264 ff. King and Cookson, The Principles 
of Sound and Inflection as illustrated in the Greek and Latin Languages, 
pp. 373 ff". G. Curtius, Die Bildung der Tempera und Modi im Griech. 
und Lat., sprachvergleiohend dargestellt, 1846. Landvoigt, Die Formen 
des griech. und lat. Verbums untereinander verglichen, Merseburg 1847. 
Birkenstamm, Uber die lat. Conjugation in Vergleichung mit der 
griech., Rinteln 1869. Frohde, Zur griech. und lat. Conjugation, Bezzen- 
berger's Beitr. ix 107 ff. 

Greek. Kiihner, Ausfiihrl. Gramm. der griech. Spr., i* pp. 490 ff. 
G. Meyer, Greek Gramm.^ pp.402 ff. The Author, Greek. Gramm. 
(I. Miiller's Handb. der klass. Altertumswiss., u*) pp. 144 ff. Pezzi, La 
lingua greca antica pp. 216 ff. Monro, A Grammar of the Homeric 
Dialect pp. 1 ff. Lobeck, Rhematicon, sive verborum Graecorum et 
nominum verbalium teohnologia, 1846. Curtius, Das Verbum der griech. 
Sprache, seinem Baue nach dargestellt, i* 1877, n* 1880. Ah reus, tJber 
die Conjugation auf ^t im Homerischen Dialekte, Nordhausen 1838. 
L. Junius, On the Evolution of the Greek Verb from Primary Elements, 
London 1843. A. Haacke, Die Flexion des griech. Verbums in der att. 
und gemeinen Prosa, Nordhausen 1850. Inama, Osservazioni sulla teoria 
della conjugazione greca, Rivista di filol. i 149 ff. Fick, Zum Aorist- und 
Perfectablaut im Griech., Bezzenberger's Beitrage iv 167 ff. Bloom fie Id, 
The *Ablaut' of Greek Roots which show variation between e and o, Amer. 
Journ. Phil, i 281 ff. J. Wackernagel, Der griech. Verbalaccent, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxui 457 ff. Vogrinz, Beitrage zur Formenlehre des 
griech. Verbums, 1886. Von der Pfordten, Zur Geschichte der griech. 
Denominativa, 1886. Johansson, De derivatis verbis contractis linguae 
Graecae, Upsala, 1886. Lautensach, Verbalflexion der att. Inschriften, 
Gotha 1887. G. Mekler, Beitrage zur Bildung des griech. Verbums 
(1. Verba contracta mit langem Themenvokal, 2. die Flexion des activen 
Plusquamperfects) , Dorpat 1887. G. Traut, Lexicon iiber die Formen 
der griech. Verba, 1867. Veitch, Greek Verbs Irregular and Defective, 
their forms, meaning, and quantity, embracing all the tenses used by the 
Greek writers, with references to the passages in which they are found, 

new ed., Oxford 1887. A, A. ^axsXXaqto z ^AvcofiuXa xai fXXiniJ ^/juara 
TTfCwr avYYS<'9>ft*>y »«« noitjrSv rrjq ^EiXtjvix^g yXwaatjg^ 5**» ed., Athens 1877. 
C. Thiemann, Homerisches Verballexicon, 1879. Fr oh we in, Verbum 
Homericum, die homer. Verbalformen zusammengestellt, 1881. F. ZtjxiSrji 
dflixov andvTuiv rwv ^ijuartav t^$ ^AttikTJ; StaieTov , fteqikxov xai rvnovg el 


4 The Verb- General Remarks. §461. 

single word; this is the origin of all the finite verb-forms. 
The pronouns which specified the persons of whom the predi- 
cation was made (it is these which we call the personal endings 
of the verb) always come second in these combinations; as in 

"Attixwv fniyoatptav xtI, Athen 1888. A. Hogue, The Irregular Verbs of 
Attic Prose, their forms, prominent meanings, and important compounds, 
Boston 1869. 

Latin. Kiihner, Ausfiihrl. Gramm. der lat. Sprache i pp. 428 ff. 
Stolz, Lat. Gramm. (L Miiller's Handb. der klass. Altertumswiss., i^) 
pp. 356 if. Neue, Formenlehre der lat. Spr., ii^ 529 ff. Merguet, 
Die Entwickelung der lat. Formenbildung pp. 167 ff. K. L. Struve, 
tJber die lat. Declination und Conjugation, 1823. K. Hag en a, tJber die 
Einheit der lat. Conjug. Oldenburg 1833. Heffter, Uber den TJrsprung 
von Bildungen von Verben und der Conjugationsformen in der lat. Sprache, 
Seebode und Jahn's Jahrbb., iv. Supplementb. (1836), pp. 114 ff. Fuchs, 
tJber die sogen. unregelmassigen Zeitworter in den roman. Sprachen, 1840. 
Seemann, De conjugationibus Latinis, Culm 1846. A. Tobler, Dar- 
stellung der lat. Conjugation und ihrer romanischen Gestaltung, Zurich 
1857. Westphal, Die Verbalflexionderlat. Spr., 1872. L. C. M. Aubert, 
Den latinske Verbalflexion, Christiania 1875. W. Eisenlohr, Das lat. 
Verbum, Heidelberg 1880. Stolz, Zur lat. Verbal-Flexion; i, 1882. 
A. Probst, Beitrage zur lat. Gramm., i. Zur Lehre vom Verbum, 1888. 
M. Engelhardt, Die lat. Conjugation, nach den Ergebnissen der Sprach- 
vergleiohung dargestellt, 1887. — G. Koffmanne, Lexicon lateinischer 
Wortformen, 1874. Georges, Lexikon der lat. Wortformen, 1889 (in 

Keltic. Zeuss-Ebel, Gramm. Celt, pp.410 ff. Windisch, Die 
ir. Auslautsgesetze, Paul-Braune's Beitr. iv pp. 204 ff. Lottner, Die 
altir. Verbalclassen, Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. ii 322 ff. Stokes, Bemer- 
kungen iiber das altir. Verbum, ibid, in 47 ff., vi 459 ff., vii Iff. Idem, The 
Old-Irish Verb Substantive. Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvm 55 ff. Ebel, Celtische 
Studien: Aus der Konjugation, Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. m 257 ff. , Das 
Verbum, ibid. vlff. Zimmer, Keltische Studien, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxviii 
313 ff. (Das sog. ^Futurum); 328 ff. (Das sog. 6-Prateritum) ; 335 ff. (Das 
sogen. M-Imperf.); 342 ff. (Deponentiale Conjunctivformen auf -ra); 348 ff. 
(3. sing. prat. pass, auf -as)', 352 ff. (3. plur. praet. pass, auf -ait)', 363 ff. 
(3. sing, praet. auf -ta, -tJia); xxx 112 ff. (Die Schicksale des idg. s-Aorists 
im Ir. und die Eutstehung des kelt. s-Praterituras) ; 198 ff. (Das sogen. 
^-Prateritum der kelt. Sprachen). Loth, Essai sur le verbe neoceltique 
en irlandais ancien et dans les dialectes modernes, son caractere, ses 
transformations, Paris 1882. Ebel, De verbi Britannici future et con- 
iunctivo, Schneidemiihl 1866. Stokes, Die mittelbretonischen unregel- 
massigen Verba, Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. v 306 ff. Loth, L'optatif, les 
temps secondaires dans les dialectes britanniques, Mem. de la soc. de lingu. 

§461. The Verb: General Remarks. 5 

*ei-mi (= Skr. ^-mi Gr. f7-///), which consists of \^ei' *go* and 
-mi, a pronoun connected with Skr. ma Or. /Lte 'me* (it will 
appear by and by that the -i of -m/ orin^inally was no part of 

V 133 ff. Ernault, Etudes bretonnes, vi: La conjugaison personelle et 
le verbe 'avoir*, Rev. Celt, ix 245 ff. ; vii: 8ur Tanalogie dans la conju- 
gaison, ibid. XI 94 ff. Nettlau, Observations on the Welsh Verbs, 

Y Cymmrodor ix pp. 56 ff. Rhys, Notes etc., Revue Celt, vi 14 ff. 

Germanic. Grimm, Deutsche Gramm. I^ (1870J pp. 754 ff. 
Kluge, Noreen, Behaghel, J. te Winkel, Siebs, Paul's Grundr, 
I 369 ff., 509 ff., 592 ff., 663 ff., 749 ff. Braune, Got. Gramm.' pp. 66 ff. 
Idem, Althochd. Gramm. pp. 209 ff. C h. 8. Th. Berndt, Die doppel- 
form. Zeitworter d. deutsch. Sprache mit Zuziehung der verwandten Sprachen, 
Aix and Leipzig 1837. H. Schweizer, Die zwei Hauptklassen der 
unregelmassigen Verba im Deutschen, Hofer's Zeitschr. fur die Wissensch. 
der Spr. in 74 ff. Ch. W. M. Grein, Ablaut, Reduplication und secun- 
dSre Wurzeln der starken Verba im Deutschen, 1862. Braune, Ub. den 
grammatischen Wechsel in der deutsch. Verbalflexion, Paul-Braune's Beitr. 
1 513 ff. Kluge, Beitrage zur Geschichte der germ. Conjugation (Quellen 
und Forschungen xxxil), 1879. Grein, Das got. Verbum in sprachver- 
gleichender Hinsicht, 1872. C. H. F. Walter, Die starke Conjugation 
im Tatian, 1868. J. Kelle, Otfrid's Verbalflexion ausfuhrlich erlautert, 
Zeitschr. f. deutsch. Altert. xii 1 ff. Idem, Verbum und Nomen in 
Notker's Boethius, Sitzungsber. der Wiener Ak., cix (1885) pp. 229 ff. 
I dent y Verbum und Nomen in Notker's Aristoteles, Zeitschr. fiir deutsche 
Phil., XVIII 342 ff. Idetn^ Verbum und Nomen in Notker's Capella, 
Zeitschr. fiir deutsch. Altert. xxx 295 ff. C. Giinther, Die Verba im 
Altostfries., 1880. 

Balto-Slavonic. A. Ludwig, Der Infinitiv im Veda, mit einer 
Systematik des lit. und slav. Verbs, 1871. Schleicher, Lit. Gramm. 
pp. 221 ff. Kurschat, Gramm. der littau. Spr. pp. 270 ff. Bezzen- 
berger, BeitrSge zur Gesch. der lit. Spr. pp. 192 ff. Miklosich, Vergl. 
Gramm. der slav. Spr. iii^ 62 ff. Leskien, Handbuch der altbulg. Spr.* 
pp. 99 ff. Miklosich, Lehre von der Conjugation im Altsloven., Denk- 
schriften der Wiener Akad., i (1850) pp. 167 ff. P. Pfuhl, De verborum 
Slavicorum natura et potestate, Dresd. 1857. Miklosich, Beitrage zur 
altsloven. Gramm. (part, praet. act. I; part, praes. act. auf e statt auf y; 
Aorist; die Personalsuffixe des Dualis; Imperativ), Vienna 1875. Leskien, 
Die Prftsensbildungen des Slav, und ihr Verhaltniss zum Infinitivstamm, 
Archiv fur slav. Philol. V 497 ff. 0. Wiedemann, Beitrage zur altbulg. 
Conjugation, St. Petersburg 1886. A, Kalina, Przyczynek do historyi 
konjugaoyi slowianskiej, Warsaw 1889. 

Works dealing specially with t h e formation o f Tense 
or Mood, or of Persons, and so forth, will be cited below in 
their proper place. 

6 The Verb: General Remarks. §461. 

the first personal pronoun). Personal endings make the chief 
difference between Yerbs and Nouns or Pronouns. 

But it would be a mistake to explain all the Indo- 
Germanic personal endings which we find actually used 
as being without exception personal pronouns. Once the 
Yerb was created by aid of real personal pronouns, forms 
of different origin might be associated with it, and used as 
though they had a personal pronoun tacked on to the end. 
In this way, to take an example, the Latin participial form 
legi-mini = Gr. Xfy6-/nsvoi -/Lisvai was associated with the in- 
dicative legor etc. (see II § 71 p. 165); and the Romans felt 
no difference between -mim and -mur or -ntur. Again, many 
different languages employ infinitive forms, which are cases of 
nomina actionis^ as imperatives used of a particular person. 
In the same way it is probable that some of the personal 
endings which have come down from the parent language were 
not really personal pronouns to begin with. 

Another point is to be noticed. There are some forms 
without any personal ending at all which have been used like 
genuine verbal forms from the parent language onwards. The 
2°** sing, imperative pr. Idg. *bhere (= Skr. bhdra Gr. (p^ps etc.) 
is simply the present stem. It must be a survival from 
the time when tense-stems could be used as independent 
words. Undoubtedly *bhere had at first a wider use, which 
narrowed by degrees to the use which it must have had ever 
since the end of the proethnic period. In the end, the form 
was quite clearly marked off from all others of its verbal 
system by the absence of any inflexion, in the same way as 
the voc. "nns or the nom. /(OQa were distinguished from all 
other of their associated cases (see III § 186 pp. 62, 63). 

Remark. Although personal endings were a sine qua non for the 
use of a verb form as an ordinary sentence (except *bhere and a few 
others like it), or as a copula in a sentence, still a sentence could exist 
without them. At all periods, the Indo - Germanic languages have 
used sentences that had no finite verb at all. See Paul, Principien^ 
pp. 99 ff. 

§462. Tho Verb: General Remarks. 7 

§ 462. The Verb Infinite consisted of noun forms, chiefly 
nomina ayentis or actionis, Tho difference between these and 
nouns in the ordinary sense is that these share in certain verbal 
peculiarities; they have tense, they distinguish between momen- 
tary, continuous, or inceptive actions, they have voice, and can 
govern nouns. The participles were already a large and 
ramifying group in the parent language; and time has brought 
about no important change in them. But most of the forms 
classed as infinitives have arisen since the proethnic period 
came to an end. 


^iThe distinction between the finite verb and the verb in- 
finite is not always kept; for, as we saw in § 461, forms of 
the latter kind sometimes came to be used in the same way 
as forms with genuine personal endings. Nor is a line al- 
ways drawn between the verb infinite and nouns; this we saw 
in vol. II § 144 pp. 456 f., and § 156 pp. 470 f. 

The forms of the Verb Infinite have been discussed under 
the head of Stem-Formation and Inflexion, so far at least as 
concerns their formative and inflexional suffixes. We have 
now to examine the points which mark them as members of a 
verbal system, connecting, for example, "kdncov with kslnw^ 
Xi7T(i)v with eXiTJov , Xdrpoiv with Xsir/fco. But for convenience' 
sake verbal nouns will be only cited now and then while we 
deal with the various groups of the verb infinite, and the 
whole of them will be afterwards collected and examined in 

Verbal Compounds, such as would be formed by joining 
a real verb-stem to a form of the finite verb, and would 
answer to O.Pers. hama-pitd = Gr. n/tio-ndTcoo among noun 
compounds, never existed as a distinct category, either in the 
later stages of the parent language, or since. The only ex- 
ceptions are reduplicated verb forms such as Skr. ddr-darti 
*he bursts, breaks to pieces', so far as these can rightly be 
called compounds (§ 464). We must however not forget that 
the reduplication of uninflected "roots" was certainly older, on 

8 The Terb: General Remarks. §462. 

the whole, than the fusion of roots with personal pronouns 
into verbal forms. 

Whether the tense sign -s- in Gr. dsiy-oo) s-Ssi^-aa etc. was 
the verb subst. es-; whether -dh- in Skr. sd-dhati Gr. ^ad-io 
(y/^ed-) s-a/s-^ov O.C.Sl. i-dq etc. is the verb dhB- 'ri^tvai*; 
and whether these originally acted as auxiliaries, are questions 
which must be left alone. Even if this be the truth about 
them, they must have sunk to the level of inflexions long 
before the end of the proethnic period, and they could no 
longer be the type for compounds consisting of verb + verb. 

Nor do we find in the periods for which there is direct 
evidence either noun stems compounded with genuine verb 
forms, or genuine verbal stems compounded with nouns. We 
cannot class under the second head words like Gr. a(>/£-xaxo^ 
(from ap/w), ini/aips-xaxog (from s-niyaiQH))^ ^rrjo-ayogrjc (from 
't'OTTjoa)^ H.G. wetZ'Stein 'whetstone' melk-fass 'milkpail' (from 
wetze^ melke). These are due merely to a perversion or in- 
terpretative corruption, and the imitation of older compounds 
which had a noun stem for the first member. They are not 
real compounds of a verbal stem with a noun. See II § 30 
pp. 51 ff., § 41 pp. 74 f., § 47 p. 86.1) 

Forms of the finite verb are clearly seen in composition 
only in the following classes of words; and here too one 
of the two parts has usually sunk to a kind of suffix 
or prefix. 

1. A Yerb form is compounded with Adverbial words; as 
Gr. a-n-eif-u Lat. ab-eo^ Lat. ne-scio^ pr. Idg. *^-d{koni = Gr. 
€-Soa'/.ov (I regard the augment as a temporal particle); 
Pruss. quoiti'lai 'he may wish, he might wish*, pr. Idg. *bheret-u 
Skr. bhdrat-Uj — and also -i in Hheret-i "^bheres-i (beside 
*bheret *bheres) was probably a demonstrative particle. 

1) There is a new essay by W. Christ, Abhangigkeitskomposita des 
Griechischen , Berichte der k. bayer. Akad., 1890 pp. 187 ff. I cannot 
agree with the theory for which Christ takes up the cudgels again 
(pp. 184 ff.j, that "Ayf-^Mo; arose from the imperative phrase aye Wy, 
and that aq^L-d^iwoo; came from aq'^f-^twooi by phonetic change of t to ». 

§ 462. The Verb : General Remarkt. 9 

2. A Verb form is compounded with a Case, being itself 
the final member of the compound. The case, at the time of 
combination, was either a living case, or some kind of infini- 
tive. Examples: Skr. datdsmi (periphrastic future) for datd 
asmi 'dator sum', Lat. possum for potis sum^ vBnun-do vBnum-do 
pessun-do^ Lat. arB-bam are-facio O.C.Sl. nes^-achu (III § 275 
p. 177), Fr. aimerai (O.Fr. amerai) for amClre habeo, Lith. opt. 
!•* pi. Siikfum-bime, etc. 

The line between these two classes is not absolutely fixed, 
as we see from such words as Skr. astam-eti 'goes down' (of 
the sun), which has for its first part dsta-m 'to one's house, 

Remark. There is no class of Verbal Compounds answering to 
Class I of Noun Compounds (^ouo-tjcitmo), which might have been a model 
for later formations. It seems therefore best not to give a special 
chapter to Verb Compounds, as was done to Nouns, but to describe the 
various kinds in the place they most naturally come , along with the 
Tenses, the Personal Endings, or as it may be. 

One point, however, should be touched on here. It is a matter of 
wider interest, and well illustrates an important principle of word-forma- 
tion. When a sentence becomes a single word, it may be treated like a 
simple word, and it may be inflected or otherwise modified just as the 
simple word can. Lith. du-k 'give' et-k 'go' (both imperative), con- 
sisting of the 2°<i sing. *du (cp. Lat. ce-do) and *ei -f the particle -A;, are 
the foundation for a 2'*^ pi. dukite ^ eikite etc.; and again eiksz 'come 
here*, which itself is ei-k + szk 'here', produced eVcsz-te. Pruss. quoiti-lai 
'he might wish' {lai = O.C.Sl. li 'vel, aut') suggested the 2^^ sing, quoiti- 
lai-si and 2^"^ pi. quoitllai-ti. Slav, daj-mi and Mod. Gr. (h'g-nov 'give me* 
produced the 2^^ pi. daj-mi-te and (Jog-aou-Tf. Of the same kind were 

Gr. a^d pi. ayfTio-v ayfTto-nay (2nd ging. fX,9fTio-s Hosych). Lat. 2^^ pi. 

agito-te, since Idg. -uge-tod was a compound of the imperative *age with 
the adv. (abl.) *t6d 'thence, then'. Also, according to Osthoff and Bugge, 
Gr. S(Stoxa/u fy SeSiaxaTf] they explain St-'^uixf as *SeSio = Skr. dada(u) -f 
the particle xe = Lat. ce in cedo. Analogous forms of nouns or pronouns 
are: Gr. « J ro-,- aVrtj aoc. toiTto-v Boeot. ovto-v etc., formed from the nom. 
*ov-T(t *av-To^ whose second part was a particle (cf. O.C.Sl. kii'to 'who'), 
see II § 4 p. 9, III § 415 p. 337 ; Mid. Ir. instr. pi. donafl-b built up on 
O.Ir. donaib-(h)l^ see footnote on page 357 ; O.H.G. gen. deses dat. desemo 
following de-se 'this* with the particle se^ see III § 414 pp. 335 f.; Skr. 
dat. asmd-bhyam Lesb. nom. a^ne-g following aco. *tiS'me (Lesb. auuf) 
with the particle sme^ see § 436 pp. 367 f., § 443 p. 379; Pol. gen. sing. 
sztukatHi'^si/ following nom. sztukamiqsa 'a piece of meat', where mi\$a is 
the gen. of miqso. 

10 Eednplicated Verb-Forms. §462. 


9 -^^^f Reduplication, the repetition of a word or other element 
of speech with the same grammatical force, to express that an 
action or state is repeated, or to intensify it, is certainly older 
than the modes of forming cases or parts of the finite verb 
which we actually see in use. It had at first no special con- 
nexion with either verbs or nouns, but was used with both; verb 
types such as Skr. ddr-dar-ti 'it bursts, breaks up* da-dh^s-imd 
*we have ventured' ci-kit-e *he knows', and noun types like 
Skr. dar-dar-a-s 'broken' da-dhfs-d-s 'venturesome, bold' ci-kit 
'knowing* may have been formed quite independently of each 
other. Compare II § 6 pp. 12 ff., § 51 ff. pp. 94 ff. i) 

Root reduplication in verbs came to be very important, 
and this very early in the history of the parent language, 
because it was turned to account in the formation of tenses. 

1) Works on Reduplication in general have been cited in the foot- 
note to vol. II page 12. On Verbal Reduplication see the following. 
A. Williams, On Verb-Reduplication as a Means of Expressing Com- 
pleted Action, Transactions of the Amer. Phil. Assoc, 1875 pp. 54 ff. 
Pauli, Das praeteritum reduplicatura der idg. Sprachen und der deutsche 
Ablaut, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xii 50 ff. Osthoff, Zur Greschichte des Per- 
fects, pp. 264 ff. and passim. — Ernault, Du parfait en grec et en 
latin, pp. Iff. — Ebel, Reduplicierte Aoriste im Griech., Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
11 46 ff. — Von der Pfordten, Zur Gesch. des griech. Perf., pp. 42 ff. 
— Deecke, De reduplicato linguae Latinae praeterito, Lips. 1869. - 
Stokes, Reduplication im altir. Verbum, Kuhn- Schleicher's Beitr. ii 
396 ff. Windisch, Das reduplicierte Perfectum im Ir., Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
xxiii 201 ff. — A. M oiler, Die reduplicierenden Verba im Deutschen 
als abgeleitete Verba, eine etymologische Untersuchung, Potsdam 1866. 
Scherer, Die reduplicierten Praeterita, Zeitschr. f. osterr. Gymn, xxiv 
295 ff., and Zeitschr. f. deutsch. Altert. xix 154 ff., 390 ff. Si overs. 
Die reduplicierten Praterita, Paul-Braune's Beitr. i 504 ff. Pokorny, 
tJber die redupl. Praet. der germ. Sprachen und ihre Urawandlung in ab- 
lautende, Landskron 1874. Holthausen, Die reduplicierenden Verba 
im Germ., Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvii 618 ff. Hoffory, Die reduplicierten 
Praeterita im Altnord., ibid. 593 ff. — See also the works cited under 
the head of Tense-stems. 

§465. Reduplicated Yerb-forms. 11 

It was used to distinguish various kinds of action, and also 
the time at which the action took place. For these purposen 
Reduplication was very widely used, not only in the parent 
language but in most of its offshoots far on into the historical 
period. The wide use of verbal reduplication gave great im- 
pulse to similar reduplication in nouns. Noun - reduplication 
was at first a principle not very active or far-reaching; but 
thus reinforced it lasted much longer than it would have done, 
and in later times, under the influence of reduplicated forms 
in the verb infinite, reduplicated noun-forms appeared again 
where the proethnic reduplicated type had lost all its repro- 
ductive power. Examples are Gr. xexpay-uo-g (Eur.) itsaoay'ua 
(Aristoph.) *cry, outcry', xf^xodn-TTj-g *one who cries aloud* 
(Aristoph.) beside xs-xgay-cog xt-xpay-a^ ■ns7iol&-r}6i~g 'trust' 
(Josephus, Philo) beside ns-Tioid-'wg ni'-noid-'a^ Mod.H.G. zitterig 
'tremulous' beside zittere *I tremble' = pr. Germ. *ti-trd'mi. 

§ 465. The following Idg. types may be distinguished, 
according to the form of the reduplication: 

I. Root-syllable and reduplication-syllable show the same 
vowel, or two ablaut-grades of the same vowel. 

a. The Root begins and end in a consonant, and the 
syllable of reduplication, or Reduplicator, ends in a consonant 
which is taken from the final of the Root (we count as conso* 
nants the second part of the diphthongs ai an and so forth). 
Of this there are three varieties; the first being a fairly exact 
reduplication, the second replacing a liquid by a nasal in the 
reduplicator, and the third inserting I. 

1. Aryan. Sanskrit had-hadhe ^^^ sing, of hodh- 'press'. 
ddr-dar-si 2"** sing, of dar- (y^der-) 'split, break', tar-tUr-ya' 
-ntB S'^ pi. of tar- {\/^te7'-) 'pass over*, vdr-vft-ati S*"** pi. of 
varU (v^w^rf-) 'vertere', mar-mfj-yd't^ S'** sing, of marj- 
(\/^merg-) 'wipe', jato-ghan-ti S'** sing, of han- {y/^qhen-) 
'strike, kill', nam-naml'ti S'** sing, of nam- (\/^?ie?n-) 'bend', 
ddn-daS-aria-s partic. of dqS- (\^da'nlc-) 'bite', jan-jahh-yd-te 
3'** sing, of jambh' (\^gembh-) 'snap'. vE-ve-ti 3'** sing, of 
m- 'appetere', ve-vi-ya-te S""** sing, of vt- 'flutter', nS-nik-te S^^ 

12 Reduplicated Verb-Forms. § 465. 

sing, of nij- W^neiq-) Vasli'. nd-nu-mas P* pi. of nu- 'cry 
out*, co-sku-yd'te 3"^** sing, of sku- 'cover, So-Suc-ana-s partic. 
of Sue- 'light, brighten', a-no-nud-ya-nta S"^^ pi. of nud- push'. 
Avestic car^-ker^-maJii V^ pi. of kar- 'think of (Skr. imper. 
ca-kf-dhi). daf^-dois-t S*"** sing, of dis- {\/^deiJc-) 'show' (Skr. 
S^^ sing, de-dis-te). zao-zao-ml P* sing, of zu- 'call' (Skr. jo- 

Greek -noQ-ffvQ-M 'I move restlessly' for *-ff)v^-t,(o : cp. 
Skr. jdr-hhurl-ti 'moves convulsively, throbs, palpitates'. f.ioQ- 
'(.ivQfo 'I roar, murmur' for '^-(.ivQ-i.ur. cp. Lat. murmurare^ 
O.H.G. murmuron (§ 595). yaQ-yalg-M 'I swarm' for *-yao-iso 
(ydgyaga neut. pi. 'swarm*), yay-yalveiv ' to /u^rd ytXcorog tiqoo- 
-nalCfiv Hesych. (Schmidt conjectures yayyavsvtiv): cp. O.C.Sl. 
gq-gnajq *l murmur, growl' (adj. gqgnivu). 7ia/Li-(pulvw 'I shine 
clearly' for ^-qav-t^co, Epic partic. Tja/nqavocovj the root was 
hha-^ and the nasal of the verb was therefore a present-suffix, 
see §§ 601, 611. «tt« Hom. dioao) 'rush, run at something 
i. e. ""fai'ftx'i^fo (I § 96 p. 90, § 131 pp. 119 f.) may be con- 
nected with Skr. ve-vij-yd-te {vij- 'quicken, burst out') by 
assuming an Idg. ^aHq-uaSg- (cp. I § 469. 7 p. 346). 

Remark. The origin of m and oi is obscure in the reduplicating 

syllable of the following words: /utti-^aw^ Ttai-fpdnno), TTKi-ndUn), (^ai-dvnafa^ai 

(^fXxea^ai Hesych.), noi-tpvnata^ Tiot-nvvu) and Others. The «-diphthong 
recals a reduplicative i in Skr. bhdri-bhr-ati and in Skr. bi-bhar-ti Gr. yi- 
yro-um. See § 473 Rem. p. 17. 

Latin, mur-murdre (murmur): cp. Gr. (.logf-wQco O.H.G* 
murmuron. tin-tmnare tin-tinare, tin-tinmre beside tinnire. 

Keltic. Mid. Ir. der-drethar 'there is a sound, or a cry', 
s-pret. derdrestar, cp. II § 52 pp. 94, 95. 

Germanic. O.H.G. miir-miirom mur-mulom 'I murmur* 
(Mid.H.G. murmer murmel 'murmur, growl'): cp. Gr. /tiop/uvgw 
Lat. munnurare. O.H.G. rerein 'I bleat, bellow, roar, pr. Germ. 
P* sing. *rai-reid^ cp. Litt. reju 'I bellow'. This verb changed 
its inflexion on the analogy of verbs like pr. Germ, '^pide-io 
(Goth, pula O.H.G. dolem), see §§ 592, 708, 739 ; hence A.S. 
rarian^ with the same change to the 2^*^ weak conjugation as 
is seen in dolian and some others. 

§§466,467. Reduplicated Verb-Forms. 13 

Slavonic. 0.C.81. glagoljq *I speak* for ^gol-goljq, (gla- 
golu 'word'); mrumurjq, 1 gnaw, nibble*; gqgnajq 'I murmur, 
growl*, cp. above, Gr. yayyaivtiv. 

§ 466. 2. The reduplicating syllable has a Nasal in- 
stead of a Liquid; see I § 282 p. 226. Skr. caft-curyatS 
'moves quickly or repeatedly'. Gr. yoy-ytXlM 'I round' (ydyyvXo-c 
'round'), Tov-d^ogiXcf *I murmur*. Lat. gin-grwe. 

This nasal reduplication passed on from roots ending in a 
nasal (see § 465) or a liquid to a few others: as Skr. janja'p- 
ydte from jap- whisper, say half-aloud*, dandahiti dandahyate 
from dah' 'burn' (which seemed natural in Skr. after such 
a form as dan-dak- from ^defik- 'bite*), Gr. yoy-yvt(o 
1 growl*. 

§ 467. 3. In Sanskrit, i or i is often inserted between 
the reduplicating syllable and the root; the Yedic language 
has I before single consonants, i before more than one (com- 
pare AVackernagel , Das Dehnungsgesetz , p. 18). E. g. bhdri- 
-bhr-ati 3'^ pi. of bhar- 'carry', vdrT-Vfj-at- partic. of var^'- 
'turn, twist', ghdni-ghn-at- partic. of han- 'strike, kill*, gam- 
-gan-ti 3""*^ sing, gdni-gm-at- partic. of gam- *go*, Jca7ii-krad- 
-yd-rnana- partic. of krand- 'bellow*, ndvi-no-t 3'"^ sing, of nu- 
'cry out'. 

"Where -f- comes after the root syllable, -I- is never 
found after the syllable of reduplication; thus we have only 
no-navi- and navi-no-. 

Forms with an aspirate at the beginning of the redupli- 
cator, such as b/idri-bhr-ati ghdni-ghn-at-^ are the older and 
are phonetically correct ; but those like ddvi-dhv-at- and pdni- 
-phan-at- have been altered, the former from *dhdvi-dhv-aU 
following dd'dhavt-ti (cp. I § 480 pp. 354 f.), the latter from 
*phdni-pha7]i-at- following pam-phan-at- (cp. I § 475 p. 350). 
Thus at a later stage we find ban-bhar-tl instead of bhdrf- 
'bhar-ti too. 

How to regard this f is' not quite clear. Thus much, 
however, seems to me certain, that it is the same as an I, 

14 Reduplicated Verb-Forms. §§468,469. 

also of varying quantity, which characterises Class III of our 
reduplicated forms; and I shall give in the Remark to § 473 
a conjecture as to its origin. 

§ 468. 4. Gr. kygrj-yooa *I am awake' has the suffix -6- 
in the reduplicating syllable after the root (§§ 587 ff.), cp. 
iygi'l-GOM I am"awake*, beside iyg-i-ro *awoke', sysl()M *I arouse' 
for '^iysp-ao. Perhaps the same -e- is contained in Skr. cava- 
-cards 'going far away', ghana-ghand-s 'killing easily' and 
similar words (cp. sarf-s^pd-s 'creeping, crawling' and the like). 

§ 469. b. The Root begins and ends in a consonant, 
and contains an i- or w-diphthong. This diphthong is represented 
in the reduplicator by i and u sonant, sometimes t and ^*, not 
followed by any consonant. Skr. bi-bhe-mi 1 fear' S^^ dual bi-bhi-tas 
partic. bi-bhy-at conj. ^^^ sing, bz-bhay-a-t^ O.H.G. bi-be-m 'I 
shake'. Skr. di-dhy-e 'I behold', Avest. df-da^iti 'beholds'. Skr. 
pret. a-ci-ksip-a-t from ksip- 'throw', a-rl-ris-a-t from m- *be 
hurt'. Skr. desid. ti-tik-sa-te from tij- 'be sharp'. Gr. ni-nt-ami 
^I give to drink' : cp. Skr. 2°** pi. pi-py-a-ta 2°*^ sing, pf-pi-hi 
{pi- 'make overflow, give plenty to drink'), dlto/nai *I seek, 
strive' (orig. gaze at something') for *di-df.-0'iLiai (on MCrjfAui see 
§ 594): cp. Skr. 2°<* sing, dl-df-hi S'^ pi. dt-dy-ati^ dt- *shine, 
be bright* (dcha di- 'direct one's mind to'). Goth, rei-rdi-p 
'shakes, trembles': cp. Skr. le-ldya-ti 'moves, trembles* with 
reduplication of the type of a (1) above (§ 465); the inflexion 
reira reirdis etc. is explained by the analogy of verbs like 
paha 'taceo', see §§ 592, 708, 739. Skr. ju-ho-ti 'offers', pret. 
a-cu-krudh-a-t from krudh- 'grow angry'^ a-du-dus-a-t from 
dus- 'grow bad, perish', desid. bu-bhut-sa-ti from budh- wake, 

Be mark 1. Despite such forms as Skr. si-iu-s a-pi-plav-a-m 
Or. Ti-Tvaxofitti TTi-rpavaxu} (cp. II § 52 Rem. p. 97), I yet believe that where 
the t-roots had originally i in the reduplication, w-roots had u. The 
palatal consonant in the reduplicator of verbs whose root initial is a 
velar consonant does not prove that Ju-ho-ti is instead of *Ji-h6-ti, a-cu- 
'hrudh-a-t instead of *a-cl-krudh-a't, or bu-bhut-sa-H instead of *bi-bhut- 
sa-ti (cp. bi-bhar-ti a-pi-sprt-a-t etc., § 473); for ku- may have become 
cu- on the analogy (say) of a-ci-hrad-a-t ^ and of perfect forms such a 
-cu-krodha cu-krudhur where cu- is instead of *ca- = Idg. *qe- (cp. Rem. 2). 

§§470,471. Reduplicated Verb-Fomii. 15 

Remark 2. » or m in the reduplicator of perfects like the follow- 
ing is not original : 8kr. ri-rica cu-krOdha i-ydja wvdca Lat 8ci-cidi 
tU'tudi^ O.Ir. ro chuala for ^cwclova, see § 851, 868, 878. 

§ 470. c. The Root begins in a sonant and ends in a 
consonant, and so also the Reduplicator. 

1. Roots ending in a single consonant. Skr. dl-ar-ti 
'moves', CLm-am-a-t *he was hurt'. Armen. ar-ar-i *I made* 
(pres. ar-fie-m), beside Gr. do-aQ-taxo) *I join to*, 7J()-a()'0'v dg- 
'OQ'Hv; perf. aQ-iiQ-a. Gr. ily-ay-o-v dy-ay'HV from dyco *I lead*, 
w()-o(>-o-v oQ'op-sTy from 6q-vv(.u *I arouse*, perf. 6()-(OQ-a 'I have 
arisen, I move', on-wn-a 'I have seen, see*. 

2. Where roots end in two consonants, only the first 
appears in the reduplicator (cp. Skr. vdr-vart-ti from \/^uert- 
etc, § 465). Gr. dX-aXx-t *he warded off'. Skr. perf. dn-qSa 
(pres. aS^no-ti 'attains' for *^£*-) O.Ir. perf. t-anac *I came' (-c- 
for -7tc-) Gr. aor. sv-syx-tTv 'to bring* (cp. Skr. dticlSa Gr. xar- 
-^voxu § 846), Skr. perf. an-dUja (aflj- 'anoint*). On the ana- 
logy of these perfects arose in Sanskrit an-arca (arc- 'shine, 
praise*), see § 851. 

§ 471. II. The reduplicating syllable ends in e or e, no 
matter to what vowel grade the root belongs. This was the 
kind of reduplication used for the Perfect and for certain 
classes of the Present and Aorist, both in the parent language 
and later. I have by no means convinced myself that e be- 
longed originally only to forms with e in the root syllable, 
and that it was the echo of the root; nor that its use with 
other roots is due to analogy. See § 473, Remark. 

First, forms with e short in the reduplication. 

Perfect. Skr. ba-bhuva Gr. ns-ipvaai, y/^bJie^- 'become, 
be*. Skr. ta-sthimd Gr. t-ara/nsv Lat. ste-timus, y/^stcL 'stand*. 
Gr. ns-naya ns-nrjya Lat. pe-pigl Goth, fai-fahy y/^pOk- pCtg- 
*make fast*. Gr. ys-ysvfiai O.Ir. do-roigu for *-r6-gegu (§ 878), 
V^§e^s- 'taste, try, enjoy*. Gr. Af-Aoma, y/^leiq- 'leave*. 
O.Lat. pe-pugj. By late re-formation, as has been pointed out 
(§ 469, Rem. 2), we get Skr. ri-reca cu-krodha i-yaja u-vdca 
Lat. sci'Cidl pu-pugl tu-tudl, O.Ir. ro chuala. 

16 Reduplicated Verb-Forms. §471. 

Pr. Ar. "^sa-zd- {= Avest. hazd-) became Skr. sed-^ e. g. 
P* pi. sedimd (I § 591 p. 447), and pr.Ar. *ia-it- became 
Skr. yet-^ as mid. yet-e (Avest. P* pi. act. yaep^ma). e, which 
here and in similar examples is regular, spread by analogy, and 
thus we get petimd instead of pa-pt-imd (the older form, used 
along with the later), y/^paU 'fly, fall', and neiimdy from \/^naS- 
*be destroyed*. Then again e in Irish arose by compensatory 
lengthening, as perf. ro genar 'natus sum* for *ge-gn- (\/^gen-), 
see I § 523 p. 380, § 620 p. 467. Lat. sedimus might be 
derived from *se-zdimus (I § 594 p. 450), and legimus venimus 
be explained on the same principle as Skr. petimd. But of 
Germ, forms like* Goth, setum {sat *I sat') metum {mat *I mea- 
sured') qemum {qam 1 came'), and of Lith. forms like part. 
sed-^s {sedu *I sit') beg-qs {begu 1 run') Ml-qs {kelu i. e. "^kel- 
-iu 1 lift') vem-qs {vemiu *I break wind*), there is none which 
can be due to compensatory lengthening in these several lan- 
guages. We must therefore assume that here the unreduplicated 
root with Idg. e, the 3''*' strong grade of the e-series, acted as 
the weak stem for the perfect. This form of the root is quite 
clearly the perfect stem in Skr. sdh-vds- beside pres. sdh-a-ti 
=- Idg. *segh-e-tij and in O.Ir. ro mldar 'iudicavi' beside 
Gr. jU7Jd-f-Tai^ and others. See § 480 Rem., and § 494. mSt- 
in Goth, metum must therefore be identified with O.Ir. mid- 
Gr. (.tt]d'. Weak reduplicated stems often became hard to 
pronounce; and hence they were often exchanged for this 
kind of unreduplicated form in the Germanic and Baltic 
branches, and perhaps in Latin too. See further in §§ 848 
and 893. 

The discovery of these doublet stems in the Idg. perfect, 
se-zd- and sed-^ makes it anything but certain that "^ed- was a 
contraction of reduplicated "^e-ed- in Skr. adima Lat. edimus 
Goth, -ettim Lith. edqs O.C.Sl. jadu (from \/^ed- *eat*). '-^ed- 
may have been a stem like *sed-; and this to me seems more 
likely to be true. See § 848. 3. 

Present and Aorist. Skr. 3''*^ pi. sa-Sc-ati 3^^ sing. 
sd-ic-a-ti Gr. s-an-oiTOj \/^seq- 'sequi'. Gr. sln-a (Gort. ngo- 

§§472,473. Reduplicated Verb-Forms. 17 

-feinurw) stem Idg. *ue-^'^ Skr. d-vOc-a-t Or. i-tm-O'V stem 
Idg. *ue'Wl'0'', V^U^q- 'speak* (cp. §§ 557, 561). 

§ 472. B is less frequent than e in the reduplicator. 
Many perfects in the Vedas have a = Idg. g, as dd-dhara 
(dhar- 'hold'), ma-mjfjur {marj- 'wipe'), vd-vaSur (vak- 'desire*); 
an example of this kind in Avestic is Gathic S'** sing. vCL- 
'Ver'zdi (var'z- Vork*). 

The same a is found in Intensives through all periods of 
Sanskrit; e. g. dCL-dhar-ti beside dar-dhar-ti, ba-badh-e beside 
bad-badh-e (badh- 'press, oppress'), pa-pac-ya-tB (pac- 'cook*). 
A similar agreement between the reduplicators of the perfect 
and the present intensive is seen in perf. d%-dhay-a and pres. 
intens. dl-dhe-ti, from dlil- 'think'. It is obvious that the 
closely allied in meaning of the completed perfect (or present 
perfect) and the intensive had some part in the spread of 
reduplicating a in the Yedic perfect. 

Analogous Greek forms are the perfect ^yrj-ys^-inai from 

V^ger- 'awake', which agrees with Skr. jO-gar-a ja-gf-vas- 

(present jo-gar-ti jd-gi'-hi)^ and the Homeric present Srj-Six- 

-arai 'they welcome' (§ 560). 

Remark. Some have wished to see this redupl. e in other Greek 
perfects. But the view is uusafe. See the Author, Gr. Gr.* § 131 p. 164. 
Nothing much is proved by Cret. un-yjare/ixf (Cauer, Del.^ no. 132. 5) and 
T-Y^itTTai ^-YQa^n^'vo^ (J. Baunack, Berl. Phil. Wochensohr., 1887, col. 60; 
Th. Baunack , Philologus XLix 594) , since it is very doubtful whether - ' L ^%/ 

they come from *arj-nTel- and *yr)-yqa(p- (cp. § 476, Rem. 2). • /^ i<jAV*eV-t#w« m-*^-^* 

§ 473. III. The Reduplicator ends in i or I, the Root 

having a different vocalism. This is the prevailing mode, and 

has been since proethnic times, with certain classes of aorist 

and present stems. I am very far from satisfied with the 

view that this i originally was used only with roots containing 

i (as Skr. bi-bhS-ti, type I 6. § 469), which it merely echoed, 

and that it only spread to other roots by analogy. 

Remark. The t of Skr. d-ji-jana-t hl-hhar-ti Gr. yi-yyo-/nat^ as 
has been said in § 467 pp. 13 f., I would identify with i in the Skr. inten- 
sives hhdn-hhar-ti hhdri-hhr-ati etc. These and the like reduplicative 
syllables may once have had a real independence , and -i -i may have 
been some inflexion, perhaps a case ending. These were doubtless 

Brugmann, Element!. IV. 2 

18 Reduplicated Verb-Forms. §473. 

sentences of the same kind as Lith. delete dega *it burns up clear* (§ 260. 
p. 161), Umbr. sitbocau suhoco 'invoco invocatione, I appeal appealingly'; 
for similar phrases from other languages, see Pott, Doppelung, 151 ff. 
If this is correct, the i of *gi-gen- and similar forms originally 
came from roots ending in a vowel, such as *dt-dd- (r^/vWi), *dJn-dhe- 
{r'9rjui). When the cohesion between the parts had become so firm that 
the i-case was regarded as being simply a "reduplication", — this idea was 
greatly encouraged by the use of real reduplications of the type of I 6, 
as *bfn-bhai- *bht-bhi- — two results might follow: (1) forms like 
*gi-gen- *bhi-bher- came into existence , and (2) with roots beginning in 
a sonant a simple t was used for reduplicating, e. g. *i + oq- becoming 
*lq- (Skr. ik- Grr. Itt-) even in the parent speech, and such forms as Skr* 
itj-arti Gr. l~avoi (see p. 19). Further, (3) in Sanskrit, or perhaps 
earlier still, the use of (say) tart- and tar- as variant reduplicators 
(tari-tr-at- and tar-tari-ti tdr-iur-dna-s) led to the making of mari-mrj- 
(instead of *marj%-mrj-) beside mar-mrj-^ and the like. Does ai. in Gr. 
jLiai-udo) nai-rpdaau) nai-ndUw etc. represent another case ending, and are 
the words formed on the same principle as we are supposing these with 
'I to be? If so, o in the oi of TToi-nrvvi not-gyvaaco must be ascribed to 

the influence of noQ-tpvQia juoQ-fiv^io) yoy- -yvXXio etc. ; for Trai-ipdaavty : ytxp- 
yaC^ia = 7T0i-<pvnaia '. ^oo-uvqm. ^) 

If this be really the origin of redupl. e, the question arises whether 
e and e in words like Gr. nf-rpvam and iytj-yeguat Skr. jd-garu (type II, 
see §§ 471—2) may not be the case-ending of a root noun. As before, 
we should have to start from roots ending in a vowel, from groups such 
as (ie 4- do- (Gr. Sf'--^uixa Skr. da-dau). 

Skr. ti-sth-a-ti Gr. 'i-oTrj-f.ii Lat. si-sto O.Ir. do-airissid 
(I § 109 e p. 103, § 516 p. 377) O.H.G se-sto^n (pr. Germ. 
*si-std-mi, I § 35 p. 35), \/^sta- 'stand'. Skr. bi-bhar-ti Gr. 
ha-mfpoavai (§§ 539, 542), \^bher- 'ferre*. Skr. jt-jan-a-t d- 
-ji-jan-a-t Gr. yl-yv-o-fxai Lat. gi-gn-o O.Ir. gi-gnid^ y/^gen- 
*beget'. In Sanskrit thematic aorists the quantity fluctuated; 
i before more than one consonant, and before a single con- 
sonant when a long syllable followed; i before a single con- 
sonant followed by a short syllable (cp. Wackernagel, 
Dehnungsg. p. 18) ; e. g. d-pi-spj^S-a-t {spars- 'touch*) and 
d-di-diks-a-t (dtks- 'be consecrated'), but d-ji-jan-a-t. Greek 
has I only in nt-nx-co 'I fall' (cp. Skr. d-pl-pat-a-t) ; but here 
I may have been borrowed from qi-titw^ which was connected 

1) Another explanation of this i is given by Per Persson, Stud, zur 
Lehre von der Wurzelerweiterung , p. 216 footnote 1. Per Persson's is 
really not very different from mine. 

§473. Reduplioated Yerb-Fonns. 19 

with it in meaDing; if so, it is no example of the principle 
we arc discussing. 

Presents with -s- (§§ 666 ff.). Skr. ji-jfiO-Ba-U from jfiO- 
'learn, know', dl-da-sa-ti di-tsa-ti from dd- *give*, mT-ml^-sa'ti 
from man- 'think*. O.Ir. no-gigius 1 will pray* for ^-gigetsC^ 
beside no guidiu *I pray'. 

Presents with -sk- (§ 678). Gr. St'daay.o) 'I teach* (perf. 
de-dida/tt)^ Lat. discO for *di'tC'Scd (perf. di-dict). 

The i-vowel alone is used for the reduplication with roots 
beginning in a sonant. Skr. tpsati (cp. apsanta § 659) beside 
ap-nO'ti acquires', trtsati beside irdh-no-ti 'thrives' fut. ardhis- 
yate; with tk^ate *sees' (cp. O.Pers. patiy-axsaiy § 559) is 
connected Gr. \tj- in Horn. on-tTi-svct) *I ogle' (jiafj&sv-oninTjg), i) 
which is an analogical re-formate like on-wna instead of *cJ7ra, 
Id-rj^cog instead of *^6c6g. Skr. iy-ar-ti beside dr-ti from ar- 
*set in motion', Avest. S'** sing. conj. uz-yarap i. e. -iyar-apj 
Skr. iy-S-ti beside e-ti 'goes', the only evidence for which is its 
2°** sing. pret. aiy-e-s {R,V., v. 2. 8), Avest. S^^ pi. conj. 
y^yqn = Ar. Hy-ay-oLn (Bartholomae , Ar. Forsch. ii 71 f.); 
Gr. i-av(o *I spend the night', laov^siV aysiv (Hesych.) for ^l-ay 
-\- axw; O.Ir. i-orr fut. of orgim 1 destroy, kill' (beside O.H.G. 
arg 'that which is bad). The former group, with the redupli- 
cation vowel and root vowel contracted together, was certainly 
proethnic: *fp- and *lq- for *?-9/}- *i-dq'^ or something of the 
kind. But it is possible that Skr. iy-arti and others of that 
type are a re-formation of later date, like Goth. perf. ai-duk 
from duka 'I increase', -ai-dik from -dika {af-dika 1 deny, 

On the difference between Gr. Ti-d^rj^u^ with orig. i in the 
reduplicator, and Skr. dd-dhati Lith. 2"<* pi. db-ste with orig. 
e, see § 538. 

It has been pointed out (§ 469 Rem. 1, p.- 14) that » is 
found in the reduplicator even where the root contains 
tt-vocalism. But, as I said in that place, I regard Skr. 

1) I cannot agree with Kretschmer in deriving oTrr-T- from *oqi'0^ 
(Kuhn's Zeitschr., xxxi 385). 


20 Reduplicated Verb-Forms. §§474,475. 

jU'ho-tij a-cu-Jcrudh-a-t, bu-bhut-sa-ti and similar formsas being 
genuine proethnic types, and not as having changed i to u. 

§ 474. lY. A fourth type, of unknown origin, is repre- 
sented by a considerable number of forms in Sanskrit, and by 
two in Greek. (Cp. Bezzenberger, Bezz. Beitr. in 310). 

Skr. desid. aiUisa-ti from a^- 'eat', the grammarians also 
cite aninisa-ti from an- 'breathe', arjihisa-ti for *arjhijhisa-ti 
(I p. 480 p. 354) from arh- 'deserve, be worth' and others; 
aor. arpipa-t (unaugmented) beside arpdyati 'sets in motion, 
shakes' (§ 797), in grammars also anina-t, arjiha-t^ aubjija-t 
(ubj^ 'keep down, squeeze together') and others. 

Grr. ipvaaxo-v from tgvMO *I hold back' and rjvtnaTiO'V from 
Ivtntd) 'I address*; beside svtvlno-v^ type I c (§ 470). 

§ 475. A few remarks are now needed on the way in 
which Consonant Initials are treated in Reduplication. 

1. There was originally no difference between the be- 
ginning of root and reduplicator , when the root began with 
one consonant, as dO- *give' Skr. dd-ddti^ Gr. (Tt'-Jw^/f, Lat. de- 
'dit Osc. de-ded, O.C.Sl. 3'*^ pi. da-dqtu. But a great many 
differences were brought about by phonetic change. For in- 
stance, in Greek and Sanskrit the initial of the Reduplicator 
was affected by the principle of dissimilation of aspirates 
which held in those languages, e. g. Sanskrit dddhati for 
*dha-dhati, babhuva for Hha-bhuva (I § 480 p. 354), i) Gr. 
rid^7]/La for *&i-t9r]/ia, nfcpvaai for *(f£'(fvuvTi (I § 496 pp. 364 f.). 
We were introduced in vol. I p. 483 footnote 1 to a dissimilation 
peculiar to Irish, -roinasc for *-r6-nenasc , -roichan for *-rd- 
-cechan; compare § 878, below. The Root-initial is changed 
e. g. in pr. Idg. *si-zd-d {\/^sed- 'sit') = Gr. 7fw (I § 590 
p. 447, § 593 p. 449). It often happened, however, that a 
difference brought about by phonetic change was obliterated 
afterwards; as in Yed. perf. mid. si-sic-e instead of si-sic-e 

1) The perfect ja-bhdra is a mixture of ha-bhara and ja-hdra. See 
von Bradke, Zeitschr. D. Morg. Ges. xl 665 f. 

§§475,476. Reduplicated Verb-Forms. 21 

from sic- pourV) Or. Gort. &l'df&&ai instead of *r(-&s&9M 

Att. ti-asadai (I § 496 p. 865, the Author, Gr. Gr.2 pp. 73 f.), 

Ion. perf. (iipa-^t€v instead of *^€-liu-in€v = Idg. ^ge-gqt- from 

\/^Qem' go' (I § 428 b, p. 316), Umbr. re-fe 'dedit' instead 

of *te-fe cp. tefust dirsnst 'dederit* (I § 369 Rem. 3 

p. 281). 

Remark. "We may not assume that in Idg. *pi'b-e-ti (Skr. pibati 

Lat. bibit O.Ir. ibid) b is simply for p by dissimilation. It is quite 

possible that b came from the imperative *pi-b'dhi (for *pi'p-dJn), cp. 
§ 539. 

476. 2. Where a root begins in more than one consonant, 
only the first of them is reduplicated. This rule held in the 
proethnic language and holds in its branches too. Examples: 

Skr. Sti'Srdva Gr. yJ-ylvts O.Ir. ro chuala for *cu-clova from 
\^Meu- 'hear*. Skr. d-su-srot from sru- 'flow'. Gr. at-y.Qt/nM 
from y.(jiv(o *I sentence', fkTjd^i 'be gracious* for *ot-oX7]-di (I § 565 
p. 423). O.Ir. ad-ge-grannatar *persecuti sunt', ro selach *I 
struck down' i. e. se-slach (I § 576 pp. 431 f.). Goth, gai- 
-grot from grHa *I cry', fai-flok from floka 'I lament', sai-slep 
sai-zlep from slepa 'I sleep*. 

Skr. sa-smdra from smar- 'remember*, a-M-Snat from 
Snath- 'pierce*. Gr. tl/napTai 'it is fated* for *06-ajuaQTai 
(I § 565 p. 422) , nt-nvTy^iat from nviyco 'I choke*, noinvva) 
*I pant'. Mid.Ir. ro senaich 'stillavit' i. e. se-snaich (I § 576 
p. 431). 

Skr. di-dvesa from dvis- *hate', sa-svana from svan- 'sound', 
partic. Sd-hasat- from Svas- puff, pant, blow'; ta-tyaje from 
^y^j' forsake', sa-syande from syand- 'move on'. Hom. dsidif.uv 
i. e. de-dftjusv from \/^(i?^i- 'frighten' (I § 166 p. 147). O.Ir. 
do-sefainn -sephainn from do-sennim 'I hunt, drive' for *s^end- 
or *5^emw- (I p. 175 p. 154, 11 § 613). 

Skr. ci-k^CLya from Mi- 'possess', ca-ksana from ksan- 
.hurt, wound*, Gr. yie-xTrj^iai from y.tao/nai *I get, win' (cp. I 
§ 554 pp. 407 f., Kretschmer Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 433). 

1) We are not at liberty to explain si-sic-e by saying that sa- 
Idg. se- was the reduplicator in pr. Aryan (§ 851). 

22 Reduplicated Verb-Forms. § 476. 

Avest. hi'Staiti O.Pers. a-'i-stata (I § 558 Kem. 1 p. 410), 
Gr. 7-aT7]f.a s-ovTjxa, Lat. si-sto Umbr. se-stu 'sisto', O.Ir. do- 
-airissid sessam for *si-s^ (I § 109 e p. 103, § 516 p. 377), 
from y^sta- 'stand'. Avest. partic. hi-sposemna- from \^ spek- 
'conspicere'. O.Ir. se-scaind 'he leapt'. 

There are several variations from this type, of which the 
chief here follow. 

The first is the commonest of them all (it is found 
in Sanskrit, Greek, Italic, Germanic), and perhaps began 
in the proethnic period. When a root began with s -h an 
Explosive, both were often taken on into the Reduplicator, 
instead of simply the s. Thus Goth, stai-stald from stalda 
*I possess*, skai-skdip from skdida *I divide'. In Sanskrit, 
Greek, and Italic dissimilation came in and destroyed the 
likeness of root and reduplicator; s was dropped either in 
the reduplicator (so Sanskrit, Greek, Latin) or in the root 
(Italic). Skr. ta-sthau ti-stha-ti from stha- 'stand', ca-skdnda^ 
2°^ and S^^ sing, kdni-skan ^ cani-skada-t from skand- 'leap', 
pa-sp^dhe from spardh- Vie, strive for', pani'Spadd-s 'qui- 
vering' from spand- quiver . This example of the principle of 
dissimilation Greek and Latin show only in a few nouns: yio-oxvX- 
jiiaTta 'shreds of leather' qui-squiliae^ aa-axavdi^ 'leek' are examples 
(Fritsche, Curt. Stud, vi 319 f.). With s dropt in the root- 
syllable Lat. ste-ti sti-ti Umbr. stiti-steteies Lat. spo-pondi 
sci'Cidi. Compare Osthoff, Paul Braune's Beitr. viii 540 ff. ; 
I do not think that his hypothesis is overthrown by Meringer 
in Zeitschr. ost. Gymn., 1887, pp. 371 f. 

Remark 1. The reason why the present Lat. si-sto kept the old 
method, while stetl stiti did not, was that this was the only reduplicated 
present with a root beginning in s + explosive. Observe too that all its 
perfect forms were once distinguished by the vowel e in the reduplicator 
instead of i (§ 471). 

Secondly, when a verb stem beginning in two consonants 
simplified these to one in its unreduplicated forms, the redu- 
plicated forms were treated as though the verb began origi- 
nally in one consonant (§ 475). Gr. Dor. Tis-TrajLiai 'I possess, 
have authority over' instead of *xe-7i7ia^iai i. e. *1ce-itia- (cp. 

§476. Reduplicated Verb-Forms. 23 

Skr. 'Si'Svi'^)^ because in the present and other tenses 
*kua- became na- (I § 166 p. 147, § 654. 4 pp. 500 f., U 
§ 117 pp. 370, 371). at-aopTifim for *Tt'Oao^' (cp. Skr. ta- 
-tydja) following ao^iut *I scare away' ground-form *tjoq^iO 
(I § 459 p. 337). Te-&i](faxa Thess. 7T£-(pfi^d>ioi'\Tsg beside 
x%JQ Thess. (pu^ 'wild beast* for Idg. *ghuer- O.CSl. zv^ri 
Lith. zveri'S (see Buck, Amer. Journ. Phil, xi 211 ff.), so 
that the reduplication would properly have been y.t-. Locr. 
partic. fs-J-adrjxora following favddvoj (avddvot) *I please* from 
\^sudd' (cp. Skr. sa-svade). gf-ginTai (Pindar) following 
QiTiTto 'I throw* for *f^i7JT0); and Att. Itgonnai instead of the 
regular *(f)fvginTai (the Author, Gr. Gr.- p. 31). vf-v^^^at 
from v?j;^o) *I swim* for *Ora/(o (Skr. 3'** pi. sa-sn-ur). Lat. me- 
-mor memoria formed from a perfect *me-mori^ which probably 
arose on the analogy of unreduplicated forms with mer- for 
smer- (cp. merda for *smerda etc., I § 570 p. 427), cp. Skr. sa- 
-smCLra. O.Ir. perf. 3''*^ sing, rir 'gave away, sold' from y/^'per- 
instead of *i-r for *pi-pr-e on the principles laid down in 
I § 339 p. 268, cp. § 878 below. 

An exceptional type of reduplication is sometimes seen in 
Greek where verbs beginning in more than one consonant often 
have t- for their reduplication, instead of one consonant -j- f, 
even where the known phonetic laws did not demand that the 
consonant should drop. Examples are: l-fiXdarrjy.a beside §e- 
-(iXdoTTjua, t-ygu/Li/Liai (Cret. and elsewhere) beside ye-ygajn/nat, 
S'-yvcoxa, e-xTrj/uai beside y.k-HTfj^iat^ s-Govf-iai {V^qiBti-). Pro- 
bably 8-Q0(oya {fgrjy-) and i-opT(fa (fgiTi-) are of this sort, 
since there is no trace of / having been used and dropped in 
these forms. See Curtius' Yerb II ^ 144 if. Lastly we must 
mention f-ar«Xxa, t-onap/nai^ s-ggyrjua (orig. of-ogv-) and the 
like, beside dcfeoTaXxa ecfsoTuXxa (inscr.), and s-ovr^xa e-arafiiv. 
The last perfect kept its spiritus asper because ^t-arij^i 
'i-aTu/Liev had it.^) 

1) In Boeotian or Laconian we must add to the perfect the aorist 
form frraxa for ^faraxa. Hesychius' gloss fiTaxav' fmijnar should pro- 
bably be assigned to one or other of these dialects (cp. I § 566 p. 423). 

24 The Augment. § 477. 

Remark 2. It is an obvious suggestion that in fjSldarrjxa etc. we 
have the augment in place of the reduplication, since in verbs with a 
vowel initial the augmented preterite and the perfect came to have the 

same beginning: e. g. ■t^fteS'iLovl ^Q^&mjuai (fo^^^Lw), TJnxrj'ia'. ^rTx;;uftt (afTxf'ci;), 

atp'Zxo/tttjv : a(p-~iy/uai. But if 80 WO should oxpect similar forms in verbs 
which began with one consonant, and such forms as *f-/St]xn instead of 
fif-/S^xa (see § 475).!) 

"We cannot suppose that the form t-qQwya stands for ^ff-QQioyai and 
that it gave the type for i-^XanTrjxa etc., because the dialect of Gortyn 
a has f-yqauum^ and this dialect kept initial / before an g-sound. 

The Cretan perfects dn -rjar f?jef^ ri-YQarrni mentioned in § 472 Rem., 
page 17 above, with r^-, only give a fresh problem to solve. 


§ 477. The Augment (avl^tjaig)^ as it is called, is a 
syllable, Idg. *e- = Skr. a- Armen. e- Gr. e-, which prefixed 
to verbal forms serves to mark past time. 

1) eXoy/a instead of XfXoyjra in two late sepulchral inscriptions is 
probably not a mistake in the graving, but a misformation, due to con- 
tamination of the perfect X^Xoy^n or nXt^xn at a time when this kind of 
perfect had become unfamiliar. (Thumb, Mitteil. des deutsch. arch. Inst, 
in Athen, xvi 176). 

2) R. Garnett, On the Origin and Import of the Augment in 
Sanskrit and Greek, Proceedings of the Philol. Society I (1844) p. 265 ff. 
Fr. Miiller, Einiges fiber das Augment, Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr., m 
250 ff. J. Davies, On the Temporal Augment in Sanskrit and Greek, 
Hertford 1865. Faust, Zur idg. Augmentbildung, Strassb. 1877. A. tt 
Sayce, The Origin of the Augment, Transactions of the Philol. Society, 
1885—1887, pp. 652 ff. Breal, De I'augment, M6m. de la Soc. de 
lingu. VI 333 ff. 

J. Avery, The Unaugmented Verb-Forms of the Rig- and Atharva- 
Vedas, Proceedings of the Araer. Orient. Soc, May 1884, pp. xi f., und 
Journal of the Amer. Orient. Soc. xi 326 ff. 

Ebel, Die scheinbaren Unregelmassigkeiten des griech. Augments, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. iv 161 ff. La Roche, Das Augment des griech. Ver- 
bums, Linz 1882. Pohlmann, Quomodo poetae epici augmento tempo- 
rali usi sint, Tilsit 1858. Grashof, Zur Kritik des homer. Textes in 
Bezug auf die Abwerfung des Augments, Dusseldorf 1852. K. Koch, 
Decaugmento apud Horaerum omisso, Brunswick 1868. Skerlo, Uber 
den Gebrauch (die Bedeutung) des Augments bei Homer, Graudenz 1874. 
Molhem, De augmenti apud Homerum Herodotumque usu, Lund 1876. 
Bumke, De augmento verbi Herodotei, Braunsberg 1835. H. L hardy, 
^uaestionum de dialecto Herodoti caput primum: De augmento, Berl. 1844. 

§§477,478. The Augment. 25 

It wa8 originally an independent word, an adverb, followed 
by the verb, which then became enclitic; e.g. V liqet *he left' 
(Armen. e-M Gr. S'Xint\ and it may be compared with the 
Irish particle ro (= Gr. rrpo) which is used before verbs of 
the historic tenses. But in all the languages which have kept 
the Augment, it has become an inflexional prefix (cp. II § 4 
page 6). A trace of its original adverbial character remains in 
the accentuation of Greek forms like vno-h-axov (*I offered*), 
which involves the same principle as that of nao-tP'&fg Cput in 
between') and of Skr. sam-d-ciniite (*he heaps together, collects'). 

As to the origin of this adverb *«, and of *e, which as 
we shall see later was used in the same way in the parent 
language, only uncertain conjectures are possible. 

Remark. Older explanations are cited by Curtius, Verb I^ 109 ff. 
Sayce's new suggestions do not commend themselves to me (see page 24 
footnote). It would be best to regard *e as a locative of the pron. stem 
0-, with temporal meaning (see III § 409 p. 329); compare *te (Lith. tk 
O.C.Sl. te) from *to- and the like (III § 424 p. 349). The relation of 
*e : *? has plenty of parallels, as *te : */e, *ne : *ne (HI p. 349 footnote, 
§415 Rem. p. 337). Compare also Per Persson, Studia etymologica, p. 78. 

If the verb had other prefixes besides the Augment, this 
stood immediately in front of the verb. But sometimes a verb 
compounded with a preposition became to all intents and pur- 
poses a simple form, and then the augment came right in 
front. Skr. a-pldaya-t 'pressed' for ^pi-zd- ('sit upon*), Gr. 
e-TiisCov for 7ii{(7)ed-, see § 795. Skr. epic a-sambhramat *he 
trembled*. Gr. Att. e-aud^sydov beside^-t]vSov *I slept'. 
When the structure of verbs was thus forgotten, there could 
even be a double augment: Skr. epic apramt beside praislt 
= pra-aisU 'he drove out', Gr. riv-Ei//(xrjv 1 endured*. The 
same thing occurs in reduplicated forms; see § 850. 

§ 478. The augment with verbs beginning in a Con- 
sonant. Examples: Pr. Idg. *<? hherom *I bore*: Skr. d-bharam 

Kloppe, Dissert, de augmento Herodoteo, cp. I. II., Schleusingen 1848. 
Sorof, De augmento in trimetris tragicis abiecto, praemissa de crasi, 
elisione, aphaeresi quaestione, Breslau 1851. 

26 The Augment. § 478. 

Avest. a-berem O.Pers. a-baram , Gr. 8-(p8Qov. ^^^ sing. Skr. 
d-da-dhat d-dhat ArmeD. e-d Gr. a-xid^si P* pi. s-^s/luv^ \^dhe- 
place*. 3^^ sing. Skr. d-bodhat a-buddha a-bubudhat Gr. s-nsv' 
^£To ^'TTv&sTo S71S7TVOT0 , \^ bliBudh- Wake, notice'. 3"^^ sing. 
Skr. d-dista a-diksat Gr. h-dsUvv s-dbiEt^ y^deiJc- 'show, point'. 
S^^ sing. Skr. d-gan Armen. e-kn^ yPgem- 'go, come'. S'"** sing. 
Armen. e-tes Gr. i'SspycsTo^ y/^derJc- 'see'. 

All that is left of the augment outside of these three 
groups are a few obscure Germanic forms: Goth, iddja *he 
went' = Skr. d-yat (I § 142 p. 127), A.S. 3^^ pi. eodun = 
Goth. iddjBdun, cp. §§ 587, 592, 886 Kem. But these are 
not free from doubt, because we find in Sanskrit epics the 
unaugmented form iya-t as well as a-ya-t (with iy- instead 
of y- like iy-e^ § 493). So iddja too may represent the un- 
augmented Idg. Hie-t. 

In Greek, f- was often obscured by being contracted 
with the following vowel, after a or / which once began the 
root had dropped (cp. I § 165 p. 146, § 564 p. 421, § 603 
pp. 455 f.) ; e. g. slno/nrjv for *B-(a)f:no[.iav from snof-iai 'sequor', 
HQ7I0V for *h'{o)tQ7iov from tgnM 'serpo', sl^ov *I saw* for *e-(f)idov 
(Hom. €idov^ Lesb. €vi^oi>), HQyaC6^i?]v for *i-(f)6gyato/Lirjv (an 
inscr. of Hermione has sf&oydcraro) from hgydCoj-uu *I work'. On 
sld^iCov T was accustomed', orig. *f-aff&iLov, hXxov *I dragged', 
orig. *6-a/fAxoi', compare I § 563. 7 p. 420, and the Author 
Gi". Gr.2 § 13 p. 33. The aspirate of eiTi6[.ii]v sJlxov eIqtiov^ 
like that of IrjYa r/xa pi. sT/lisv (for t'(G)rj' t-(a)8-^ from 1rjf.u 1 
send forth* for *Gi-ar]ui) is doubtless due to the transference 
of the internal h {*e'h€7T6fiav etc.) to the beginning; so it was 
in isQo-g for ^Ihsgo-g (Skr. isird-s) and other words, see 
Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 421. 

In Greek, again, the augmented preterites of verbs which 
have lost their initial consonant are often treated like those of 
verbs that never had any (§ 480). This is commonest in later 
times. An example is Att. (jiy.rjoa instead of *i-(f)oi-y,7]nu^ from 
(f)oiy.&(i) *I live, dwell', following such forms as (cdrjOrx (oUfco 
*I swell': Armen. aitnum 'I swell' O.H.G. eig 'sore, abscess'). 

§479. The Augment. 27 

§ 479. In Vcdic, some verba beginning with v, y, or r 
have a- for their augment; as d-vfnak from opidkti 'turns 
round' (see Delbriick, Ai. Verb., 79). 0- is also found as 
augment with verbs beginning in ^, f, f; as dunat from iindtti 
wets' (see § 481). That this CL- was original, at least in some 
of these forms, is made probable by the use of rj- instead of f- 
not infrequently before Greek verbs with initial n. Examples: 
Hom. tjiidtj *he knew* for *ri'fsi6rj ; ^) Att. Iwooiv 'I saw* 
i&kiiDV 1 was captured* for *r}-(h)oQaov *?}-(h)ca(t}V (I § 611 
p. 462); the aspirate in the last two is to be explained like 
that of €iTi6/Ltr]y ^rjxa (§ 478). Words like TJpyuCo^irjV (beside 
sl^yaLOjiiTjv) are less certain. It is true this form may be 
derived from *v-(f)eQy-; but so may it be an ad-formate of 
verbs which began with e- in the pre-Greek period (cp. oixrjaa 
§ 478, above). 

On the relation of *e- and *e- see § 477 with the Remark, 
page 25. 

Remark. On Greek forms with tj- compare G. Meyer, Gr. Gr. * 
pp. 421 ff. ; the Author, Gr. Gr. ^ p. 150, and the works there cited. 

Another view, which I think not probable, is that certain verbs 
with initial / have a prothetic ?-, and that from these were made prete- 
rites with the temporal augment (r'frTjy being to fftoduevo: what ijqfv9ov is 
to fqev9M y/^re%id}i-^ cp. I § 626 pp. 470); afterwards, according to this 
view, other verbs with initial / but without prothetic f- took r^- for 

On the other hand, I agree with those who refuse to see the Idg. 
augment *e- in r-ftovl6fit]v *I wished', ^-Svya/xtjy *1 could*, and tj-fifUov 
*I intended, I was to' do so and so. These forms occur in Attic from 300 
B.C. onwards, and >-ufUov as early as Hesiod (Thesg. 478, 888, 898). It 
is a fair conjecture that these were modelled on r^-9sXov 'I wished', from 
»fXb}. In this Verb r'- was no augment but a preposition, another ablaut- 
from of ft»- in to-(peh'u} etc., and identical with Skr. a 'to towards'. The *- 
of i-f^fX(o is a third ablaut-form of the same prefix, to be compared with 
a in Avest. a-sils- etc.; but the use of ^- with SfXco was confined to its 
preterite in prehistoric times, because ff^fho : ^l&^Zoy seemed to be related 
as were ti^^Lco : rJQiZoy. Cp. Osthoff, Perf. 129, 604; Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. 
U 169; above, vol. Ill § 246 p. 145. 

1) Some scholars would write (ifi^r^ in the Aeolic fashion, for which 
there is no autliority at all. Attie Jlfhi cannot be contracted from htS- 
but only from ^jhS-. 

28 The AugmeDt. § 480. 

§ 480. In verbs with initial Sonant the augment has 
everywhere ceased to be a separate syllable. It was con- 
tracted with the root-initial in the original language (cp. I 
§ 114 p. 107). 

Examples. Pr. Idg. *es7n for *e esm or *e estn^ cp. pres. 
*es-mi = Skr. dsmi etc.: Skr. dsam Avest. 3'"'^ sing, as 
O.Pers. aham i. e. aham ., Gr. Horn, tju Att. rj S''** sing. Dor. 
^j; ') cp. O.C.Sl. -jachu for *esom in imperfects like nesdachu 
(§§ 493, 510, 903). Pr.Idg.: *eim from "^ei-mi 'I go': Skr. 
dyam S'^ sing. aH Avest. 3"^*^ sing, ai^ O.Pers. ayam i. e. 
ciyam^ Gr. fja instead of */J« for *'^!,u (§ 502); compare Lith. 
ejau *I went* from the stem *ei-a- (§ 586). Gr. r,QiCov from 
Igitoi *I strive*. O.C.Sl. s-aorist jasu = *St-so-m^ \/^ed- 'eat'. 

It is extremely probable that the same augment is seen 

in Lithuanian present forms of the substantive verb beginning 

with g-, as pi. esame esate dual esava esata beside esaine etc. 

and esme (esme) etc. Like O.C.Sl. -(j)achu -(j)ase etc. (see 

above), these were originally imperfect. But after all the 

other preterites of present stems with thematic vowel had 

fallen into disuse, this imperfect of es- was quite isolated; step 

by step it gave way to buvau, while at the same time the 

forms which ended like those of the present system came to 

be used as equivalent to them; and later the participle esqs 

was formed and used side by side with esqs, and in some 

dialects esu est beside esu est. Perhaps Lat. es 'thou art* (also 

es) is also an augmented form, and represents Idg. *es-s.'^) 

K em ark. Osthoff (Perf., 184 flf.) assumes that Lat. es est estis 
from erfo, and Lith. edmi edu etc. O.C.Sl. jami (emi) are forms of the 
augmented imperfect used as present. I think that their e- may very- 
well have this origin. But another supposition is quite as good, nay 

1) We are certainly tempted to follow Bopp, Lagarde, and Bugge, 
and add Arm. ei *eram' 3rd sing, er; but Idg. e seems always to become 
Arm. /. Compare Hiibschmann, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxm 12. 

2) So too the augment has crept into the present and future in 
Modern Greek, as aag IftUvw, &a au: ISwaw (Hatzidakis, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXX 375); and so the augment of Armen. e-kn *he came' and e-d *he 
placed' has found its way into allied forms, as fut. elHc and edic (Hiibsch- 
mann, Arm. Stud, i 28; Bugge, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxu 38). 

§§ 480,481. The Augment. 29 

better — that they represent the ablaut-grade Idg. *id'. Then *idmi : 
*e<imi (8kr. ddmi) as Skr. imper. mid. sdk-^ra : sdk-^va (V^«^^/i-), and 
as Skr. sdhati : sdltatc (Gr. f;(eTat)^ dhdvati : dhavate (Gr. *//.>), Gr. /ntjSn^ai 
: nf donate Lith. /%«: Gr. <pf/3ouat^ and so forth (§ 471 p. 16); and, if so, 
the ed- of *tdmi must be identified with that of the s-aorist Lat. esaem 
O.C.Sl. jusxi (e«u), and probably witli that of the perfect forms Lat. edi^ 
Lith. i^d^s O.C.Sl. jada (edii) ; see loc. cit. above. One view only I must 
distinctly oppose ; the view of those who regard this root as not belonging 
to the recognised e-series, but to an e-series, and who regard Skr. ddmi 
as not original, while the *edmi of Latin and Balto-Slavonic is. Compare 
§ 494. 

How came this e-grade (med- etc.) to exist in e-roots? It is im- 
possible to say. It is found, in the proethnic stage and later, not only in 
the present and aorist, but in the perfect too (§ 848. 3), and also in nouns 
(e. g. Or. /uilSog ni\aruiQ Armen. mid) ; and we have no right to limit this 
g to any single tense. It is certainly remarkable that the perfect forms 
with e never had the reduplication (Skr. sah-vds- etc.). But there are 
other original unreduplicated perfects, as for example *'U'Oide 'knows') 
see loc. cit.). 

What was originally the quality of the resultant vowel, 

when an augment was contracted with the initial a- or o- of 

a root, it is hard to say. The Aryan languages of course always 

have a-, whether the root began in e, o,, or a; as Skr. djat 

from djati 'he drives* Gr. dysi^ dpasyat from apasydti 'is active* 

Lat. operatur. In Armenian, verbs beginning with a- have 

apparently no augment in the preterite, as ac 'he led', ar *he 

took* auc 'he anointed* anc *7iap?j}.9^s' ; we also find a re-formation 

with augment e-anc (with later e instead of e). Greek forms like 

ayov Ion. r^yoy (from ayio 'I lead'), w^ov (from opo 'I smell'), 

(od7}Ou (from o.'Jf'w *I swell') are suspicious, because their long 

vowel might come from analogy, once such forms as *esti 

(sari) : *est (Tjg) had produced a belief that the lengthening of 

an initial vowel marked the past tense. Beyond all doubt this 

is the cause of the long vowel in such words as lyJvevaa (from 

ixtTevdi 'I beseech') and v/tuvaiow (v/nsvaKo *I sing the bridal 

song*); compare what is said is § 648 on oq-it-jlu : o(j'vv-iList'. 

§ 481. In the plural and dual of the pret. of *es-mi 
*I am' and *ei-mi 'I go*, if Idg. *e- is allowed to be their 
augment, we should expect forms like Skr. *d-sma *d-san, 
Gr. *f?,«f>' Lesb. *fjiijney and Skr. *ema *d-ijan^ Gr. *«?//*»', 

30 The Augment. §§481,482. 

cp. pres. P* pi. Skr. s-mds^ i-mds and the unaugmented imperf. 
Skr. Yed. s-an Avest. h-en and Avest. i-ta Gr. X-rtp'. One 
such form is Avest. ahma Grathic ehma = pr. Ar. ^a-sma. 
Otherwise we find only dsma dsan aima dyan^ Avest. S*"** dual 
aitem, O.Pers. 3^^ pi. aha aya i. e. doubtless aha aya, Gr. 
7J/LIEV ?]ars^ O.C.Sl. 2''^ pi. -(j)as-te. If we suppose that the 
augment here was e (cp. § 477 and Rem. p. 25, § 479 pp. 26 f.), 
the sing, and dual-pl. agree in their initial syllable right back as 
far as the parent speech. However, it is possible, and probably 
better, to assume that the long vowel came from the singular, 
the initial of dsam ^a as compared with dsmi el^d being classed 
in the popular imagination with that of the preterites djam 
dnam rjpcov etc., which had a long initial vowel in all persons. 

Remark 1. tj in r,fifv ^re must be a re-formation (cp. I § 611 
p. 461). But there is no need to bring in the influence of the sing, ^a, 
since *e + i-ent may conceivably have been the S^^ plural (cp. § 1020. 
1. a). 

Remark 2. Osthoffs view (Perf., 151 f.) that Skr. asta Gr. T>rf 
came from *S esii, and that *esti was the weak-grade form of [X es- with 
secondary or bye-accent, is no longer tenable. See Bartholome, Bezz. 
Beitr. xvii 105. 

In Sanskrit, verbs beginning with ^, I-, or f- have aw-, 
ai-, and ar- in their augmented preterite. aunat from undtti 
'wets' {ud-). auhat from tihati removes, pushes', akhat from 
ichdti 'wishes*. aiSata from Uate 'owns'. drchat from fchdti 
'reaches, gets'. The augment here was probably e; see § 479 
above, on d-vptaJc etc. Other attempts to explain these are 
given by Schleicher Comp."^ p. 738 (cp. J. Schmidt, Yocalis- 
mus, I 44) and Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. ii 74 f. 

§ 482. In Herodotus are a series of apparently un- 
augmented forms, of which airsf (alrico 'I ask'), fv/sto (sv/o/uat 
*I pray'), av^sro (avjw *I increase') are examples. These may 
be quite regular, and come from older forms with initial ai-^ 
eu-^ au-^ as laid down in vol. I § 611 p. 461. 

The vowels in the first syllable of such forms as Att. 
7JT0VV (alTsco) , 'i]v^df.i7]v (fv/o/iiai) , 7]v^ov (av$(jt)) , and ^Vr^aa 
{avrdw 'I meet') , ^gxov (ap;K(y 1 lead*) , iogvvov (ogvvfu 6qvv(X) 

§483. The Augrment. 31 

*I arouse, set a-going') is due to the analogy of rjyop : ayfo, 
fjpiCov : tQiQtti etc. tJ/uci' ijxs are discussed in § 481 with the 
Remark, just above. 

§483. The Augment Omitted. In the parent language 
the augment could be dispensed with. The forms with which 
it was used were not confined to the expression of any parti- 
cular tense or time, and they could be used for the past 
without any augment. This was easy enough if past time 
were unmistakeably indicated by the context, or by some 
other expression in the sentence, such as Skr. purd Gr. ndpog. 
Compare § 909. 

The use of both augmented and unaugmented forms (as 
*e-bherom and *bMrom in the sense of 'I carried') continued 
in the separate languages, and survivals of it occur right down 
into the historic period. The facts are as follows. 

In Sanskrit ofthe Vedic period both modes of expression 
are used together; in the Rig-Yeda they are about equally 
balanced. But even in Yedic we can see a growing preference 
for forms with the augment. In the Brahmanas and in Epic 
poetry the augment is rarely omitted. And in later or classical 
Sanskrit, which was ruled by the native grammarians, aug- 
mented forms alone are used. In Avestic the double usage 
is also found, though the augment occurs rarely in comparison 
with the number of times it is omitted. But Old Persian 
seems to know no preterites save those which have an augment 
(a few forms in this language are doubtful). 

In Armenian the augment was kept only before mono- 
syllabic verbal forms which kept their root vowel, or before 
those which without it would not have been a complete 
syllable. Thus the S^^ sing. aor. e-M = Gr. s-Xins has it, 
but P* sing. Wi has it not. ^) It is found in other persons 
besides the S'** sing, with the aorists of the roots dhe- 'place*, 
dd' 'give', and qem- 'come'; thus P* sing, e-di e-tu e-ki 3*"** 

1) It is a fair assumption that, in the !»* sing., *elikH beside */fC» 
dropt out of use before */iA?» became monosyllabic. 

32 The Augment. §483. 

sing, e-d e-t e-kn. That the augment was kept or dropt 
according to the number of syllables in the word is clear from 
P* pi. tualc beside sing. P* pers. e-tu 2°<* e-tur 3'*^ e-t pi. 2°^ 
e-tuU ^^^ e-tun, and by comparison with P* pi. e-dalc e-kaJc 
(beside e-di e-ki). The augment of edi and eki passed into 
other parts of the verb, for which see page 28, footnote 2. 

In the Greek of Homer and the later epic poets, 
the use of the augment is artificial. In the later epic it 
is less and less omitted as the language approaches more 
nearly to ordinary prose. In prose, augmented forms predomi- 
nated from the very first. The only exceptions are the plu- 
perfect, which shows the old variation, e. g. nsn6v&7] -nsnovd^stv 
with l-ntTiov^rj i-nsndv&siv ^ and the iterative preterite in 
'oxov in Herodotus, as (pevyea/.ov^ which never has the 
augment. Perhaps the reason for these exceptions was that 
the forms of the 2""* plural and dual pluperfect (§ 836) and 
(fsvysaxsTs rptvyfoasTov could have only one meaning, while 
xgtnsTS TQsnsTOv, rgdnsTS xgdnsrov, TQSipars TQBXpuTOv could be 
either indicative or imperative. This made the augment useful 
to make the sense clear. In Sanskrit and Old-Persian there 
was the same ambiguity (e. g. Skr. bhdrata = dbharata^ and 
also imperative) ; and there too a desire for clearness may have 
caused the augmented forms to become by degrees the only 
mode of expressing past action. 

In all other branches of our group unaugmented forms 
gained the day. The scanty and obscure remnants of the 
augmented class have already been given. Examples of un- 
augmented forms are : 

Latin, -bam in planta-bam for *fy~cl,'m 1 was* (§ 583). 
dixit: Gr. dtlis s-dei^t (§§ 823, 867.3). scidit: Skr. chidd-t 
d'Chida-t (§§ 523, 528, 867. 5). 

Old-Irish, s-aorist ro-char *he loved' for *'Caras-t (§ 840). 

Old High German, teta O.Sax. deda 1 did', if it is an 
imperfect like Greek tI&t^p s-ti&tjv (§§ 545. 886), and O.H.G. 
O.Sax. wissun 'they krew', if it be for *uits-'^t (§ 837). Com- 
pare Kluge in Paul's Grundr. i 375. 

§ 484. Formation of the Tense Stem. 33 

Lithuanian, btwo 'he was' for *bhuua-f: cp. Lat. -bat; 
m\ni 'he thought, devised' for *mi^nS-t: cp. Gr. ^idvrj f-^aV^ 
(§ 587). Old Church Slavonic. 6^ 'he was' for *bhui't: 
cp. Gr. (pvTj e-ipvTj 41^ 587); aor. vezu 1 carried, vexi': Skr. 
vdha-m d-vaha-m (§ 514); ^-aorist d^chu 1 laid': Skr. dhdsam 
d'dhnsam (§ 812). 


§ 484. In classifying forms of a verbal system the gram- 
mars regard meaning rather than form. The result is that 
forms which are closely connected in structure and in deri- 
vation have often to be kept apart, and at the same time 

1) Many works on the Present Stem (Imperfect-Present and 
Aorist - Present) include a more or less general discussion of tense 
formation, and it is not always easy to choose where to name them. 
For this reason, works on the Present Stem will here be included 
along with those on Tense-Formation in general. For works on the 
sto-Future, see § 747; for the s- Aorist § 810; for the Perfect, § 843 
(the Germanic weak preterite § 907). 

Indo-Germanic. L. Tobler, Ubergang zwischen Tempus und 
Modus, ein Capitel vergleichender Syntax im Zusammenhang mit Formen- 
lehre und Volkerpsychologie , Zeitschr. f. Volkerpsych. u 29 ff. S. H. 
A. Herling, Vergleich. Darstellung der Lehre vom Tempus und Modus, 
Hanover 1840. L. Meyer, Uber Tempusbildung und Perfecta mit 
PrSsensbedeutung, Benfey's Orient und Occident i 201 fF. F. H. Trithen 
On the Formation of the Past Tense in certain of the Indo-European 
languages. Proceed, of the Philol. Soc. I (1844) pp. 273 flF. G. Gerland, 
Intensiva und Iterativa und ihr YerhSltnis zu einander, Leipz. 1869. 
H. Osthoff, tJ'ber Aoristprasens und Imperfectprasens , Paul-Braune's 
Beitr. viii 287 flF. F. Hartmann, De aoristo secundo, Berl. 1881. 
O. Hoffmann, Das PrSsens der idg. Grundsprache in seiner Flexion 
und Stammbildung, Gott. 1889. The Author, Zur Geschichte der 
prasensstammbildenden Suffixe, Sprachwiss. Abhandl. aus G. Curtius' 
Gramm. Gesellsch. 1874 pp. 153 ff. Bartholomae, Altindisch a«tsl> 
lateinisoh eras. Stud, zur idg. Sprachgesoh. n 61 ff. J. Schmidt, Die 
ursprQngl. Flexion des Optativs und der auf a auslautenden PrSsensstamme, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxiv 303 ff. G. C u r t i u s , Die Verstarkungen im Prasens- 
stamme, ibid, i 259 ff. A. Kuhn, tJber die durch Nasale erweiterten 

Brofmann, Elements. lY. 3 

34 Formation of the Tense Stem. § 484 

others which are in structure and derivation quite distinct 
must be brought together. Questions of use belong to Syn- 
tax. Here we have to examine the structure of the Indo- 
Oermanic verb, and to identify what i^ morphologically the 

Verbalstamme, tW(^. n 392 ff., 455 ff. H. Osthoff, tJber eine bisher nicht 
erkannte Prasensstammbildung des Idg., Vortrag auf der Munchener Philo- 
logenvers. 1891 (Zeitschr. fur deutsche Philol. xxiv 215 if., Anzeiger fiir 
idg. Sprach- und Altertumsk. i 82 ff.). The Author, Die achte Con- 
jugationsclasse des Altindischen und ihre Entsprechung ira Griechischen, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxiv 255 ff. J. H. Moult on, The -wa-Class of Un- 
thematic Verbs, Amer. Journ. Phil, x 283 ff. A. Ludwig, Die Verba 
auf [lat.] -erare [germ.] -izon^ Kuhn's Zeitschr. xvm 52 ff. Th. Ben fey, 
Einige urspriingliche Causalia aus Bildungen durch sanskritisch paya^ 
ibid. VII 50 ff. 

Aryan. The Author, Die siebente Prasensclasse des Arisohen, 
Morph. Unters. m 148 ff. Bartholomae, Zur dritten, achten, neunten 
Prftsensclasse, zur Desiderativbildung [im Arischen], Ar. Forsch. ii 69 ff., 
86 ff., 89 f., 90 ff. Whitney, Numerical Results from Indexes of Sanskrit 
Tense- and Conjugation-Stems, Proceed. Amer. Or. Soc, May 1885, pp. 
xxxn ff. L an man. On Multiform Presents and on Transfers of Con- 
jugation in the Sanskrit Verb System, ibid. pp. xxxvi ff. W h i t n e y , On 
the Classification of the Forms of the Sanskrit Aorists , ibid. 1875—76 
pp. xviii f. The Author, tJber einige ai. Verba der fiinften und 
neunten Conjugationsklasse, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxiv 286 ff. A. H. Edgren, 
On the Verbs of the so-called tan-dasa in Sanskrit, Proceed. Amer. Or. 
Soc, May 1885, pp. xxxix f. VandenGheyn, Note sur la 8e classe 
des verbes sanscrits, Briissel 1880. Idem^ Remarques sur quelques 
racines sanscrites de la 8« classe, Brussels 1884. Idem, Nouvelles 
recherches sur la 8^ classe des verbes sanscrits, Brussels 1886. A. H. 
Edgren, On the propriety of Retaining the Eighth Verb-Class in Sanskrit, 
University Studies Published by the Univ. of Nebraska I 1 (1888). S. 
Ooldschmidt, Bildungen aus Passiv-Stammen im Prakrit, Zeitschr. der 
deutsch. morg. Gesellsch. xxix 491 ff., xxx 779. Jacobi, Uber un- 
regelmassige Passiva im Prakrit, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvm 249 ff. E. Wil- 
helm, Zum Ubergang von der unthematischen in die thematische Con- 
jugation [im Avest.], Bezzenberger's Beitr. x314ff. Idem, De verbis 
denominativis linguae Bactricae, Jena 1878. Bartholomae, Zur 
funften und neunten Prasensclasse [im Iran.] , Bezzenberger's Beitr. xiii 
m ff. 

Greek and Latin. Herm. Schmidt, Doctrinae temporum verbi 
Oraeci et Latini expositio historica, Halle 1836. Idem, De verbi Graeci 
•et Latini doctrina temporum, Wittenb. 1842. A. Kerber, Significationes 
temporum verbi Graeci et Latini in uno conspectu coUocantur, Halle 1864. 
Diintzer, Uber die dem Griech. und Latein. eigentiimlichen Tempus- 
aind Modusbildungen, Hofer's Zeitschr. f. die Wiss. d. Sprache ii 76 ff. 

§ 484. Formation of the Tense Stem. 35 

same; and we must not be led into classifying forms according 
to their uses, or describing them by the terras which belong 
to syntax, except where this is possible without neglect of the 
forms as such, and without interfering with the terminology 
and general arrangement of the subject in this book. 

Oreek. G. B. Bo nine, II tema del presente nel verbo greoo, 
Turin 1879. H. Maiden, On connecting vowels in Greek, Trans. 
PhUol. Soo. 1862—63 pp. 283 ff. G. Ma blow, C^ber den Futur- 
gebrauch griech. Prasentia, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvi 570 ff. W. Kahne, 
Das Causativum in der griech. Sprache, Leipz. 1882. H. Rumpf, Quae- 
stionum Homericarum specimen: De formis quibusdam verborum in m in 
aliam declinationem traductis, Giessen 1850. H. Ebel, Yerkannte PrEsens- 
formen [fduai ^^x^^at. etc.], Kuhn^s Zeitschr. iv 201 ff. L. Meyer, Die 
homer. Formen des Zeitworts elvai, ibid, ix 373 ff., 423 ff. G. Meyer, 
Die mit Nasalen gebildeten Prasensstfimme des Grieohischen mit ver- 
gleichender Beriicksichtigung der andern idg. Sprachen, Jena 1873. Idetn^ 
Die Prasentia auf -wvyv^iy Bezzenberger's Beitr. I 222 ff. Max Millie r. 
Die siebente [skr.] Conjugation im Griech., Kuhn's Zeitschr. iv 270 ff. 
The Author, Das w in fwv/ui, Ctovw/n, xo^frvv/ut und ahnl. Prasentien, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvn 589 ff. R. F r i t s c h e , tfber die Ausdehnung der 
Nasalclasse im Griech., Curtius' Stud, vii 381 ff. A. Stolpe, Iterativorum 
Graecorum vis ac natura ex usu Homeri atque Herodoti demonstrata, 
Bresl. 1849. G. Curtius, Die iterativen Prfiterita auf axov, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. i 27 ff. Max Mull er, Die griech. Verba auf ttt, ibid, iv 362 ff. 
I. Herrmann, De verbis Graecorum in a&eiv f&ftv exeuntibus, Erfurt 1832. 
Wentzel, Qua vi posuit Homerus verba quae in »u} oadunt? Oppeln 
1836. G. Mekler, Griech. verba contracta mit langem Themavocal, in 
Beitrage zur Bildung des griech. Verbums (Dorpat 1887) pp. Iff. H. von 
der Pfordten, Zur Geschichte der griech. Denominativa, Leipz. 1886. 
L. Siitterlin, Zur Geschichte der verba denominativa im Altgriech. I, 
Strassb. 1891. Lobeck, De mutatione terminationum coniugationis 
circumflexae , Konigsb. 1845. G. Curtius, Zur Geschichte der griech. 
zusammengezogenen Yerbalformen, Curtius' Stud, m 377 ff B. Mangold, 
De diectasi Homerica, imprimis verborum in -aw, ibid, vi 139 ff. F. D. 
Allen, The Epic Forms of Verbs in aw. Transact, of the Americ. Philol. 
Associat. IV (1873) pp. 1 ff. J. Wackernagel, Die epische Zerdehnung, 
Bezzenberger's Beitr. iv 259 ff. In am a, Degli aoristi greci, Rivista di 
filol. n 249 ff. L. Meyer, Griech. Aoriste, Berl. 1879. A. Zickler, 
De causis duplicis formae aoristi Graeci, 1865. Th. Nolting, t5^er den 
genetischen Zusammenhang des Aoristus II mit dem Perfectum II der 
griech. Sprache, Wismar 1843. The Author, ^ber einige griech. 
Prateritalformen mit « vor der Personalendung, Bezzenberger's Beitr. ii 
245 ff. L. Doederlein, De aoristis quibusdam secundis, Erl. 1857. 


36 Formation of the Tense Stem. § 485. 

§ 485. The first point to realise is that there never 
was any real difference between the Present stem and 
the Strong Aorist. There is no difference, for example, 
between the imperfect Skr. d-bhcC-t Gr. £'(ff] (\^bha- 'to 

"W. 8 c h u 1 z e , Zwei verkannte Aoriste (taxov und aiov] , Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXIX 230 if. Ebel, Keduplioierte Aoriste im Griech. , ibid, ii 46 ff. 
G. Curtius, Der erste Aorist des Passivs, ibid. I 25 ff. J. W acker- 
nag el, Der Passivaorist auf -^3;y, ibid, xxx 302 ff. W. Kiihne, De 
aoristi passivi formis atque usu Homerico , Marburg 1877 and Giistrow 
1878. Walker, Greek Aorists and Perfects in -xa, Class. Review, v 
446 ff. Hatzidakis, Zur Prasensbildung des Neugriechischen, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxvn 69 ff. 

Albanian. G. Meyer, Das Verbum substantivum im Albanesischen, 
in M. Hertz zum 70. Geburtst, 1888, pp. 81 ff. 

Italic. Corssen, Zur Bildung der Prasensstamme, in Beitr. zur 
ital. Sprachkunde pp. 475 ff. Cludius, Uber die Bildung des Verbi 
sum, Gunther und Wachsmuth's Athenaum ii (Halle 1817) 136 ff. J. 
Darmesteter, De coniugatione Latini verbi dare^ Paris 1877. Ph. 
Thielmann, Das Verbum dare im Lateinischen, Leipz. 1882. F. Frohde, 
Die lat. Prasentia auf -Z/o, Bezzenberger's Beitr. m 285 ff. K. F. Jo- 
hansson, Nagra ord om de latinska verbalbildningarne med n i presens- 
stammen, Akadem. afhandlinger til prof. S. Bugge , Christiania 1889, pp. 
21 ff. Ch. Ploix, Des verbes latins en sco, Mem. d. 1. Soc. d. lingu., 
VI 399 ff. K. 8 i 1 1 1 , De linguae Latinae verbis incohativis, Archiv f. lat. 
Lexikogr. I 465 ff. C. Pascal, I suffissi formatori delle conjugazione 
latine, Revista di filol. xix 449 ff. R. Thurney sen,* tJber Herkunft 
und Bildung der lat. Verba auf -io der 3. und 4. Conj. und ihr gegen- 
seitiges Verhaltniss, Leipz. 1879. C. Peter, Uber die schwachen Verba 
der lat. Sprache, Rhein. Mus. m 95 ff., 360 ff. M. Breal, Verbes derives 
latins, M6m. d. 1. 8oc. d. lingu. vi 342 ff. F. de Saussure, 8ur une 
classe de verbes latins en -eo, iWtZ. m 279 ff. C. Pauli, Geschichte der 
lat. Verba auf mo, Stettin 1865. O. I. Fehrnborg, De verbis Latinis 
in uo divisas desinentibus , Stockholm 1889. C. Paucker, Die verba 
denominativa auf -are., Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvi 261 ff., 415 ff. R. Jonas, 
De verbis frequentativis et intensivis apud comoediae Latinae scriptores, 
(i) Posen 1871, (ii) Meseritz 1872. Idem, Gebrauch der Verba frequen- 
tativa und intensiva in der alteren lat. Prosa (Cato, Varro, Sallust), Posen 
1879 und 1884. C. Paucker, Die verba frequentativa, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXVI 243 ff., 409 ff. Wolfflin, Die Verba frequentativa und intensiva, 
Archiv f. lat. Lexikogr. iv 197 ff. Idem., Die verba desuperlativa, ibid. 
n 355 ff. G. Curtius, Uber die Spuren einer lat. o-Conjugation , Sym- 
bola philol. Bonn. 1864 pp. 271 ff. = Kleine Schriften ii 133 ff. Wolff- 
lin. Die verba desiderativa, Archiv f. lat. Lexikogr. i 408 ff. G. Curtius, 
De aoristi Latini reliquiis, Kieler Lectionsverzeichn. 1857—58 = Curtius' 

§ 485. Formation of the Tense-Stem. 37 

show , disclose , inform*) and the aorist Skr. d-stha-t Or. 
f'Ort} (x^sta- 'stand'); between the imperfect Skr. d-druha-t 
(y/^dreuqh' 'deceive*) Gr. B-yXvtpt (\^ gleubh- 'split, incise*) and 
the aorist Skr. budhd-nta Gr. f-nv&B-To (\^bheudh- 'wake, 

Stud. V 429 ff. Corssen, Kein Aoristus II im Lateinisohen , in Beitr. 
zur ital. Sprachk. pp. 538 if. F. G. Fumi, Sulla formazione latina del 
preterite e future imperfetti, Pregr. del R. Liceo Chiabrera in Savona 

Keltic. D'Arbois de Jubainville, Etude sur le present du 
verbe irlandais, M6m. d. 1. Sec. d. lingu. v 237 ff. Wh. Stokes, The 
Neo-Celtio Verb Substantive, Trans. Phil. Sec. 1885—87, pp. 202 ff. Idem, 
The Old-Irish Verb Substantive, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvm 55 ff. Windisch, 
Das ir. praesens secundarium, ibid, xxvn 156 ff. Idem, Das ir. /-Pra- 
teritum, Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. viii 442 ff. Thurneysen, Das sogen. 
PrSsens der Gewohnheit im Irisohen, Idg. Forsoh. I 329 ff. Lottner, 
Traces of the Italic imperfect in the Keltic languages, Trans. Phil. Sec. 
1859, pp. 31 ff. Thurneysen, Zu den ir. Verbalformen sigmatischer 
Bildung, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 62 ff. — Further en page 4, footnote. 

Germanic. Amelung, Die Bildung der Tempusstamme durch 
Vokalsteigerung im Deutschen, Berl. 1871. Petersen, Vom Ablaut mit 
bes. Riicksicht auf den Ablaut des starken Zeitworts im German., Lund 
1877. A. Me Her, Die reduplicierenden Verba im Deutschen als abge- 
leitete Verba, eine etymol. Untersuchung , Potsd. 1866. H. Lichten- 
berger, De verbis quae in vetustissima Germanorum lingua reduplicatum 
praeteritum exhibeant, Nancy 1891. G. Burghauser, Idg. Prasens- 
bildung im German., Wien 1887. J. von Fierlinger, Zur deutschen 
Conjugation (Prasentia der "Wurzelclasse, Zur westgerm. Flexion des verb. 
Bubst.), Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvii 432 ff. H. Kern, Over eeinige vormen 
van 't werkwoerd zijn in 't Germaansch, Taal- en Letterbede v 89 ff. 
J. Schmidt, Die german. Flexion des verbum substant. und das hiatus- 
fallende r im Hoohd., Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxv 592 ff. W. Wilmanns, Die 
Flexion der Verba tuon , gdn , stdn im Ahd., Zeitschr. f. deutsch. Alterth. 
xxxni 424 ff. Skladny, Uber das getische Passiv, Neisse 1873. Egge, 
Inchoative or «-Verbs in Gothic, Amer. Journ. Phil, vii 38 ff. Sievers, 
Zur Flexion der schwaohen Verba, Paul-Braune's Beitr. vm 90 ff. Kogel, 
Die schwachen Verba zweiter und dritter Classe, ibid, ix 504 ff. The 
Author, Die got. Imperativform hiri und die Deneminativa von cen- 
sonantischen StSmmen, Morph. Unters. iv 414 ff. 

Bal to-Slavonic. G. Uljanov, Znacenija glagolnych osnev r 
litovsko-slavjanskom jazyke (meaning of verbal stems in Lithu-Slavonio), 
Russkij filol. vestnik xxiv 105 ff., xxv 41 ff. O. Wiedemann, Das 
litau. Prateritum, ein Beitrag zur Verbalflexien der idg. Sprachen, Strassb. 
1891. Leskien, Die PrSsensbildungen des Slavischen und ihr Verhalt- 
niss zum Infinitivstamm , Arch. f. slav. Philel. v 497 ff. Miklosioh, 

38 Formation of the Tense Stem. § 485. 

notice, learn). Often the same form is imperfect in one 
language and aorist in another; the forms i-gene-t (y/^gen- 
'gignere*) and *e-d'§,Jce-t (\/^den}c- *bite') are imperfect in Sanskrit 
(djanat ddaSat), and aorist in Greek {iytviro eJaxf). Or the 
same form is both, in one and the same language; Skr. d-pa-t 
'drank* is imperfect of the pres. pd-ti^ and aorist of the pres. 
piba-ti. What the meaning of a given form was, whether 
imperfect or aorist, depended on its relation to others. See 
Delbriick, Ai. Verb. p. 16, Ai. Tempuslehre p. 5. For 
our purpose, then, the stems of the present and the strong 
aorist go together; and where it is advisable to refer to the 
difference in the kind of action implied, we shall use the 
terms imperfect-present and aorist-present. 

Some of the forms which in grammars of this or that 
language are called Future Indicative were originally Con- 
junctive; for example, Lat. eris ages. These will be found 
under Conjunctive (§§ 910 ff.). In form they belong to the 
Present. In the same place will be found the Idg. series of 
forms built up with the suffix -sio-, as Skr. dcLsydmi Lith. 
d'&'-siu *dabo'. The -sio- stands on the same level as -so- 
'sko- and other formative suffixes used in the present tense; 
it is probably made up of -s(b)- + -io-j as -nio- is of -n(o)- 
+ "i^- (§ 743). Thus these futures are treated under the 
Present Tense. 

With the Present also should strictly speaking be classed 
the s-Aorist. Its characteristic s cannot be separated from the 
s which is so common in present and regular in future stems; 
and its whole inflexion follows the same principle as the present. 
The s-aorist would properly go with Class XIX of Present Stems 
(cp. §§ 655, 656). A separate chapter is given all the same to this 

Das Imperf. in den slav. Sprachen, Sitzungaber. d. Wien. Akad. Lxxvn 5 ff. 
0. Wiedemann, Zur Stammbildung der Verben auf -nqti, Arch. f. slav. 
Philol. X 652 ff. W. Bur da, Ein Beispiel der Prasensstammbildung 
mittels ta im Slavischen, Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. vi 392. Miklosich, 
Verba intensiva im Altslowenischen, ibid. I 67 ff. Idem^ Einfacher 
Aorist [in Old-Slovenian], Sitzungsber. der Wien. Akad. Lxxxi 100 ff. 

§^ 485—487. Formation of the Tense Stem. 39 

Aorist (§§ 810 ff.), but merely to assist Id getting a general 
view of this large group of forms. 

As to the proethoic Perfect, as ^dedorlce =-- Skr. daddrSa 
Gr. if^opxf (y^derlc- 'see'), it is distinguished from present forms 
by its grade of ablaut in the singular indicative active, by 
some special personal endings in the indicative, and (if we in- 
clude the verb infinite) by a peculiar formation in the parti- 
ciple active. The remaining forms of the perfect system, with 
which we must include the pluperfect, have exact counterparts 
in the system of the present, and nothing but its use can tell us 
whether a given one of these forms is perfect, present, or aorist; 
even the reduplication with e is not confined to the perfect 
(§ 471 pp. 15 f.). Often the kind of action denoted is so little 
obvious, that grammarians doubt whether to class certain forms 
imder Perfect or Present Stem (cp. Delbriick, Altind. Yerb. 
122 f., Whitney's Sanskrit Gram. § 868, Curtius Verb IF 24 f.). 
It is clear that notwithstanding these points of contact between 
the two classes, a special chapter must be given to the per- 
fect, on account of the peculiarities which it has. 

We therefore divide Verb Forms, from the point of view 
of the Formation of these Tenses, into three groups : 

I. Present (including Imperfect- and Aorist-Pre- 

II. s-Aorist. 

III. Perfect. 

§ 486. Before we proceed to our subject in detail, two 
distinctions must be explained which are usually made, and 
to which some attention must be given in discussing Tense Morpho- 
logy. These are (1) the distinction between Primitive or Primary 
verbs, and Derivative or Secondary verbs (Denominative or De- 
verbative): (2) that between Root -Determinatives, and Tense^ 
Suffixes, or the elements used in forming a tense stem. 

§ 487. First — Primitive and Derivative Verbs. Primi- 
tives, such as *es-ti 'est' and *a§e-ti 'agit', are contrasted with two 
classes of derived verbs: (1) a class which in the formation of 

40 Formation of the Tence Stem. § 487. 

the stem is wholly verbal, as much as are the primitives; as 
Sanskrit Desideratives and Intensives (ni-m-sa-ti ne-m-yd-te 
from ndya-ti leads'), and Inchoatives in Latin (gemtsco from 
gemo): (2) those which- clearly contain a Noun Stem, called 
Denominatives; as Skr. gatu-yd-ti 'procures access' from gcLtu-s 
'access', Gr. noiuaivto 'I tend' from noi/uTJv ^herdsman', Lat. 
planta-t from planta. 

(1) The formation of Desideratives, Inchoatives, Intensives, 
Iteratives, Frequentatives , Causatives and the rest is in 
principle absolutely the same as that of the so-called Primi- 
tive verbs connected with them. There is a distinction, 
however, in the meaning of the present tense; in these 
verbs the present had a second special meaning in addition 
to that of time. This distinguished them from the pri- 
mitives, which had a simpler meaning in the present, and 
the formation with some special meaning became a more or less 
fertile type. But they were not originally derived from their 
primitives for the express purpose of conveying this new 
meaning; the new meaning, indeed, does not always date from 
the proethnic stage at all, but belongs to a later period, and 
it often has nothing to do with the form, but depends on other 
circumstances. This is the case with Lat. inchoatives in -sco 
(§ 674). Thus it is clear that we cannot use this different 
meaning as a principle of classification; our aim is historical, 
and we base our classification on the conditions which prevailed 
in the proethnic stage, and as far as possible on etymology. We 
Inust then be content to point out the special meaning where 
it is of any importance, and, wherever it is possible, to explain 
how the meaning came in. 

(2) It is less easy to classify the second group of forms, 
and to find out how far indicative stems, which we see com- 
bined with personal endings into a word, are purely verbal, 
and how far they are wholly or partly nominal. If we could 
only see which were based on noun stems and which derived from 
verbs, this would of course be the main principle of distinction. 

There is no manner of doubt that the Idg. languages had 

§ 487. Formation of the T«nf»«» flt^m. 41 

not only denominative verbs with an additional suffix between 
stem and personal ending — such as Skr. gatu-yd-ti apas-yd-ti 
('is active*, from dpas- 'work') Lith. pdsako-ju (I recount' from 
pdsaka 'account'), which have -io- between stem and ending — but 
also others where the personal suffix was added immediately to 
the noun stem. Such forms are Lat. plantd-s planta-t etc. from 
plantOy O.H.G. salbd-s 'thou anointest' salbd-t etc. from salba 
ointment', Lith. justo 'he girds* justo-me from justa 'girdle*, 
Aeol. Tt/na-^uv 'we honour' from rifid 'honour*. Also Skr. 
marga-ti 'tracks, traces' from mar gas 'path, track*, phala-ti 
'bears fruit* from phdla-m 'fruit', Gr. ^bgint-xo 'grew warm* from 
Ssofio-g^ S'/paiajLis 'was useful* beside /gata/utw^ Skr. jtva-ti Lat. 
vlm-t O.C.Sl. zive-tu 'lives' from ji-vd-s vt-vo-s zi-vu 'alive'. 
With very good reason, all forms with a thematic vowel, and 
therefore all presents formed by -o- -no- -to- -io- etc., have 
been explained as noun-stems with added personal endings (so, 
for example, Curtius Yerb 12 14 f., 161, 239, 296): as speci- 
mens take Skr. dja-ti 'drives' Gr. ayet Lat. agi-t with Skr. 
a/a-s 'driver' Gr. dyo-g Lat. prod-igu-s; Skr. pana-te 'buys* with 
pana-s 'wager, stipulation' Lith. pelna-s 'profit' (I § 259 p. 212), 
Skr. vena-ti 'yearns' with vends 'yearning', Goth, fraihni-p 'asks* 
with Skr. praSnd-s 'question* ; containing -^wo- -eno- -ono- (Class 
XIV): compare Skr. IcYpdria-te 'he acts pitifully, begs' with 
kfpand-s 'pitiful, poor', Gr. &i]y(ivsi 'sharpens* with d^rjyavo-v 
'something to sharpen with, whetstone', Goth, us-lukni-p 'opens 
itself with us-lukn-s 'open, Lith. kupinu 1 heap up' with 
kupina-s 'heaped' ; Skr. vBsta-te 'turns round' with vBstd-s 'bond, 
noose', Gr. E-(iXnort 'grew, sprouted* with (iXaoro-q *hud^ sprout*; 
Skr. puya-ti 'stinks* with piiya-m 'ill smelling discharge, matter'. 
Even some non- thematic and primitive stems have the 
same kind of relation to noun stems. For example take Skr. 
dhf^nu-mds 'we are brave* and dh^snu-s 'brave'. The root- 
extending suffix -a-, in *bhuu-a' *bh\i-a- (Lith. buvo Lat. -bat)^ 
^tr-a- (Skr. trd-sva imper. 'preserve, save*, Lat. in-trO-mus 
tra-ns) it seems necessary to identify with the feminine 
suffix -a-, compare Skr. ji-jyau 'he has overcome* (fut. jya- 

42 Formation of the Tense Stem. § 487. 

'Sf/a-ti etc.) Gr. Ion. ^s-^lrj-Tai (aor. pirj-oaxo etc.) with fem. 
Skr. jycL- jiya- 'power, superiority' Gr. ^la from y/^gfii- (Skr. 
jdy-a-ti ji-nd-ti and others). So also -es-, which extends the root 
in *u-es- 'clothe' (Skr. vds-te Gr. snl-sGrai and other words) 
must be the same as the neuter suffix -es-, and the tense- 
formative -ds- in Skr. d-jaris-ur 'they have grown old* the 
same as -ds- the neuter suffix (Gr. yiJQac). Many other proofs 
will meet us in the course of our enquiry. 

It need hardly be said that these denominatives or noun- 
verbs did not all appear at the same time. The different 
types of formation belong to very different periods; and in the 
earliest strata, e. g. in verbs of Class II such as Skr. dja-ti 
Lat. agi't^ their noun origin was forgotten even in the proeth- 
nic language. 

But of what verbs, then, can we be certain that when their 
stem was fused with a personal pronoun it was a verb and not 
a noun? Of none at all. Even where the stem is the bare 
root, reduplicated or not, as in "^es-ti sa-rt, *sta-t oxrj^ *bhibhai-ti 
Skr. bibhe-ti^ the stem may be regarded as a nomen actionis 
or agentis (cp. the Root Nouns, II §§ 159 ff., pp. 478 ff.). 

In the formation of those verbs which are traditionally 
called Denominative there is nothing to distinguish them from 
what are classed as primary verbs. Lat. plantcL-s is just like 
intra-s hicL-s^ Aeol. stt/Lia'/Luv like edgcc'/nev srXrj'^sv^ Lith. 
jiisto like bljos Undo. Even the present formation with -io- 
is nothing peculiar to the denominative class. We see in Skr. 
apas-yd-ti p^tana-yd-ti Gr. ovo/ualvM etc. the same present 
secondary suffix -io- as we see in reduplicated forms such as 
Skr. dediS-yd-te Gr. yagyalQio (Class XXYII), in forms such as 
Skr. g^bha-yd-ti^ pass, tra-yd-te, Gr. ^^(o for *Jpa-j^w, Ico/nai for 
*iaa-i,o- (Class XXVIII), and in futures such as Skr. tq-s-yd-te 
ved-is-yd-ti (Class XXX). Lat. planto (for *planta-id) Skr. 
pftana-yd-ti are related to Lat. planta-s Lith. j^'sto just as 
Lat. intro (for Hntra-io) Skr. tra-yd-te to Lat. in-tra-s Skr. 
tra-ti trd-sva^ as Skr. dediS-yd-te to dedis-te^ and as Skr. fut. 
vedis-yd-ti to aor. d-vedis-ma. 

§ 487. Formation of the Tense Stem. 43 

That the term Denominative Verbs cannot be restricted to 

one special mode of inflexion is clear from many other instances 
where verbs have been derived from nouns by simply imitating 
the inflexion of any Primary Verb. Primary verbs in -SiO (Causa- 
tives, and Intensives or Iteratives) were the model for Skr. 
fnantrdya-tS *he takes counsel, advises' from mdntra-s^ and 
Goth, fulljan O.C.Sl. pluni-ti *to fill' from fulls plunu. In 
Gothic, primary verbs like af-lifnan were the model for 
fullnan 'to become full' from fulls ; in Lithuanian, kupin-ii etc. 
were the model for such derivatives as llnksmin-ti 'to make 
cheerful* from linksmas^ and virstil vifsti etc. for gdstii gehti 
'to become yellow' from geitas. These and similar re-for- 
mations will be discussed in § 793. They were due to the 
fact that there were nouns from the same root as some of 
the primary verbs, and from these they were believed to be 
derived. Then real denominatives were formed and used along 
with these apparent ones. 

Thus in our classification of verbs, which depends first 
and foremost upon differences of inflexion, no use can be made 
of the traditional distinction between Primary and Denominative. 

Even if the term Denominative were to be restricted to 
its common application it would be misleading. The feeling 
of a speaker for his language can give no help here. Often 
it cannot be made out whether the speaker regarded a given 
form as Denominative or not; his feeling often changed accor- 
ding to suggested associations; and if feeling of this sort were 
made the standard, we should often enough be led to class 
with Denominatives verbs which were only so by false analogy, 
and to class as Primary some which were undoubtedly derived 
from a noun. If again we took as our standard not the feeling 
of the speaker, but the actual formation of the words, we 
should be no nearer to getting a settled boundary line. It is 
easy to say, let those verbs be called denominative which 
contain noun formative suffixes, thus showing their noun origin, 
words that is like Gr. Ti/udio from Tl-/Ltjj^ nottiaivto from noi'/nrfy^ 
or Goth, fullnan from fulls (ground-form *pl-nos). But not 

44 Formation of the Tense Stem. §§ 487,488. 

to mention that this criterion excludes verbs derived from root 
nouns, little is gained by this mode of classification; for the 
task of historical grammar is not so much to analyse the forms 
and to describe their etymological structure, as to discover 
their origin and growth. In numberless instances doubts arise 
as to the correctness of our terminology. The commonest 
example is that of two classes of verbs running together, a 
primary and a denominative; e. g. in Greek, verbs in -eid 
and verbs in -e-io both become -fw; in Germanic, verbs in 
-id -Sid and those in -e-io -i-io both became (Goth.) -ja ; in 
Lithuanian, verbs in -Sid and verbs in -a-mi (-d-io) both 
became -au (inf. -y-ti). Here the question whether a given 
verb is primary or denominative is absurd, because it may 
quite well have been both. For instance, Lith. hradau hradyti 
*to wade about' may be derived both from hrada subst. Vading 
on the analogy of justau justyti *to gird', a denominative from 
jus-ta 'girdle', and from bredii, 1 wade' on the analogy of 
'tnanail -manyti^ the old "primary" eio-byeform of metiu 'I re- 
member ; and Greek rgontu) may come from TQnno-g on the 
analogy of voavtw : voa-ro-g^ and from xginM on the analogy of 
fpoQkM (= Skr. hhCLrdyorti)'. q)SQ(x). 

But however faulty our grammatical terminology may be, 
we cannot afford to dispense with it altogether in a book like 
this. I shall keep the term Denominative for verbs derived 
from nouns in the later periods, when the verb stem was still 
more or less felt to be originally a noun; for instance, Skr. 
gatu-yd'ti^ Gr. tTjudio^ and Lat. planta-t. 

§ 488. Turn we now to the distinction drawn between 
Root-Determinatives and Suffixes or other elements 
used in forming the Tense Stem. 

What is usually understood, or may be understood, by the 
term Root-determinative has been set forth in II § 8 Rem. 2 
pp. 20 f. A reference should be added to Curtius, Greek 
Etymology2 pp. 59 ff., and Fick, Worterb. lY^ 44 ff. i 

1) Another work, systematic, and valuable in spite of much bold 
conjecture, is Per Persson's Studien zur Lehre von der Wurzelerweiterung 

§ 488. Formation of the Tense Stem. 45 

These elements may appear in any part of the verb. For 
instance, from Idg. *re-dh- 'take counsel* come Skr. d-rOdha-t 
radhnS-ti rddhya-t^ retsyd-ti^ rqrddh-a^ d-ratsJ-t^ rOddhd-s 
rUddhvd etc, ; from Idg. ^sr-e^ sr-u- 'flow' come Skr. srdva-ti, 
sravisyd-ti^ susrdv-a^ srutd-s etc. But they are sometimes 
found only in present or aorist forms, and disappear in the 
rest; as Lat. per-celld for *'Cel-dd beside perf. -cull, Lith. 
v^r-du 1 boil* beside pret. viriau inf. vir-ti^ O.C.Sl. zi-vq 
'I live' beside aor. zi-chu inf. zi-ti. ^) Again, present formative- 
suffixes, to use the stock phrase, spread beyond their own 
proper area both in the original language and later. These two 
reasons make it impossible always to keep Root-Determinatives 
distinct from Present Formative-Suffixes; the origin of both, 
by the way, is equally obscure. The tense which we call 
Present was almost always the foundation for the whole struc- 
ture of the Yerb and its associated noun forms; and the 
spread of root determinatives over all the verbal system is due 
to the same principle which from Skr. pi-nva-ti 'fattens* makes 
the perfect pininva and the participle pinvi-td-s, and makes 
Skr. d-yufdk-s-mahi Lat. jUnx-T Lith. jicnk-siu from yutdkte 
jungo jungiu (\^jeuq- 'iungere'). 

There is something else which shows the impossibility of 
carrying out the usual distiction between Determinatives 
and ordinary Inflexions. In discussing the inflexion of the 
present in primary classes of verbs , it is too common to 
find the first syllable of a form taken for the uninflected 
kernel of it. Because in *bhereti *fert*, the syllable bher- is 
this kernel, that is, the root, therefore in *treseti (Skr. trdsati 
Gr. TQbH) the syllable tres- is called the root ; then, because there 
is not the same syllable in Skr. tar-ald-s 'moving to and fro. 

und Wurzelvariation ^ Upsala 1891. This has reached me too late for 
anything more than occasional use. With his treatment of the main 
qaestions of principle as set forth on pages 202 and following, I agree. 

1) In Lat. vi-rd too the i*o-8uffix was once confined to the present. 
rtart mctum are re-formates, for *vi-si *vi-tum. See OsthoflF, Paul-Branne's 
Beitr. vm 274; Stolz, Lat. Gr.* p. 383. 

46 Formation of the Tense Stem. § 488. 

trembling Gr. tq-8(,i(o Lat. tr-emo Lith. tr-imu *I tremble', -es- is 
called a "determinative", whilst in Skr. vds-te ^clothes himself Gr. 
kni-sotai {\^eu-^ in Lith. au-nu Lat. ex-uo) -es- is not so called be- 
cause these verbs are looked upon as parallel to forms like *es-ti. 
But inasmuch as *tres- and *^es- run right through the whole 
system of their verbs, they have become "roots'*. And there is 
no more reason for separating Skr. P* sing. tr~dse v-dse from 
P* sing, yaj-ase ^ftj-ase than for separating (say) *bJm-d (Lat. 
-bd 0.C.81. 3"^** pi. bq) Skr. d-hv-a-t Gr. E-nl-s from "bher-o 
(Gr. (fbg-w) Skr. d-vid-a-t. We always hear of an "s-suffix" 
in such words as Skr. yaj-ase ; but why? Simply because the 
ending -ase is not the first syllable of the word. The e of 
*pl-e- 'fill* (Skr. prd'Si Gr. nX^-ro Lat. -ple-s) is called part of 
the Root; but it is the same e which we have in *m^w-e- 
Gr. S'/iidvfj Lith. mhi-e)^ *tak~e- (Lat. tac-e-s O.H.G. dag-e-s)^ 
where it is called Inflexion. And the "determinative'* -dh- is 
called inflexional in Gr. (pXsye&u) vs/Lisd^o/nat nsXa^M., but not in 
E-dga-d^o-v b-dag-&o-v, or ax'S^o-fxai. The question whether a 
verbal element, which can be analysed no further, is or is not 
a separate syllable has, it is true, some importance; for it in- 
fluenced the grouping of the forms in the speaker's memory, 
and this affected the developement of a language in many 
ways : e. g. the root in Lith. v-ejil O.C.Sl. v-ijq *I wind, turn' 
(= Skr. V'dya-ti 'weaves*), since it formed in itself no syllable, 
did not follow the course taken by the other verbs in -Sid 
(Class XXXII) in Balto - Slavonic. But this cannot justify the 
making a distinction, as is so often done, between things which 
are clearly connected. Dealing as we do with the parent 
language, and from this point investigating the growth of the 
Yerbal System, we must discuss together Skr. v-dse and yaj- 
-ase^ Greek nX-ij-ro s-^X-tj and l-/Liav-?j i-^dX-Tj. 

If, as it seems right to do, a special Present Class is 
given to "^Ss-ti *is' (Skr. ds-ti^ \/^es-), another to *uem9-ti Vomits' 
(Skr. vdmi'ti, y^uem-)^ and a third to *bhse-ti 'chews up, devours* 
(Skr. psd-ti, y/^bha'^s- seen in bd-bhas-tt), it is only consistent 
to distinguish each of the following as another class of Present 

§§ 488,489. Formation of the Tense Stem. 47 

Stems : — a w- : ^i^-olass for Skr. ar-dva'ti Gr. ^i(f)Bi "flows" 
Skr. d'SU'Sr6-t from y/^ser- seen in Skr. si-sarM^ for Skr. 
dr-dva-ti 'runs' d-du-dr-uva-t from y/'^rfer-, seen in Skr. dr-d-ti 
dr-ama-ti 'runs', and others; an tw-class for Skr. dr-ama-ti 
Gr. i-d(j'ajno-v from the above mentioned rfer-, for Gr. vQ-e^o) 
Lat. tr-emd Lith. tr-imii 1 tremble' from V^^er-, seen in Skr. 
tar-ald'S 'moving to and fro, trembling' tr-nsa-ti 'trembles', and 
others ; a t*-clas8 (probably connected closely with the w- : e?f- 
class) for Skr. jt-va-ti Lat. vi-vi-t O.C.Sl. zi-ve-tu 'lives* from 
V^gej-, seen in Avest. gay-a 'life' jy-aiti- 'life' Gr. Cf (for 
*gj-^-), O.C.Sl. ;?«-h' 'to live*, for Avest. ni-Saurvaiti 'defends* 
Skr. dhilrva-ti 'harms' hhdrvati 'chews, destroys' etc. In the same 
way we come to a /)-class, a 6A-class, a ^-class, and so forth. 
But this principle will not be consistently carried out, for two 
reasons. First, in these and many similar classes which might 
be made only a few examples occur, and thus for our 
period such formative elements as these can hardly be said to 
have any real productive power. Secondly, any attempt to 
make such a classification complete would lead us into laby- 
rinths of root-analysis which would properly be without the 
scope of a compendium like the present. Roots with this kind 
of Determinatives, then, which we do not place in any separate 
class, we shall generally assume to be incapable of further 
analysis; and thus we place (say) Gr. t()-eihco in the same 
division as v^/uw and ye/nco. 

§ 489. The formation of the Moods, the stems of the 
Injunctive, Conjunctive, Optative, and Imperative, will follow 
that of the Tense Stem (§§ 909 ff.). It must however, be 
here pointed out that the elements which are generally 
regarded as mood-formative are sometimes etymologically the 
same as in the indicative. Injunctive and Indicative forms, 
of course, cannot be separated. And it is beyond all doubt 
that the short Conjunctive vowel (Gr. -s- -o-), as in *es'e'ti 
Skr. dsati Lat. erit (indie. *es'ti 'est'), Hom. a-Xs-tat (indie. 
rtA.-ro 'sprang'), is the same as what is called the thematic 
vowel in the Indicative (as *ag'e-ti Skr. djati Lat. agit). 

48 The Present Stem. §§489,490. 

Further, I hold that the conjunctive vowel -a- in Lat. fera-s 
etc. is the same as -a- found after weak root-forms in the in- 
dicative (Classes X and XI), and also the same as the a which 
forms feminine nouns (§ 487 pp. 41 f.) ; thus Lat. fu-a-mus 
belongs to the same class of words as the Indie. Lat. -ba-mus 
(for *fu-a-mos) and Lith. buv-o-me (§ 578), and that Lat. poscat 
for *porsc(l-t^ the indie. O.H.Gt. fcyt'scot *demands*, and the Skr. 
fem. pfcha 'question* (common ground-form "^pfk-ska-) in point 
of etymology must all go together. So also the Italic con- 
junctive -^- is to be identified with the Indicative -e- (Classes 
X and XI), and so forth. 

In all these cases it were proper to keep together whatever 
forms are etymologically akin. But if we did so, a student 
who is used to the practice observed hitherto, of arranging forms 
according to their function , would hardly be able to find his 
way. So I prefer to give this up, and simply call attention to 
etymology and structure where it is convenient to do so. 


§ 490. The classes of the Present Stem are very com- 
monly divided into two groups: 

(1) Thematic^ or verbs in -o (Bopp's First Main Conjuga- 
tion) ; and 

(2) 'Non-thematic^ or verbs in -mi (Bopp's Second Main 

The first group has in the Indicative -o~ or -e- just before 
the personal ending; but -o is the ending of the P* person 
singular. These vowels were distributed amongst the persons 
of the singular and plural (we may leave the dual out for the 
present) in very much the same way as they are in Greek; 
-e- in the 2^*^ person of both, and the S""** singular, -o- in the 
1«* persons (but P* sing. pres. act. -o) and in the ^''^ plural: 

1) For works bearing on this subject, see footnote to page 33. 

§ 490. The Present Stem. 49 

compare 2°** sing. ftpBpe-g (ptttf-m htpigt-t) (for the indie, pres. 
act. cp. (j}oth. bairi-s)y 2°** pi. (ffps-Ts Kpi^b-xs (pi^ts-oi^i ((fipt- 
-n.Vf, 3"* eing. sipt^s (peps-Tat k(pfpf'TO (for the indie, pres. act. 
cp. Goth, bairi'p); 1'* 8in«i:. (fpepfo) Ffpsoo-v (<psQO-fiai sfpego-^irjv), 
1'* pi. fpf{)0'/nfv fiptgO'^tsv (ptgo-i-isd^a sipspo-ufS^a^ 3'** pi. fptpo- 
-yu ((ptoovai) sfpfoo-v (pigo-vrai ftpsgo-vro. The variation -e- : -o- 
in the rule in all the present o-suffixes except -j(o-, where 
instead of it there is sometimes -/- -f-; see § 702. The Con- 
junctive shows a long vowel before the personal endings, as 
I"* and 2"** pi. Gr. (pigixy- f.ttv (psgco'/usd^a (psorj-vs rpsgrj-n^f 
Lat. ferO-mas ferd-tis Skr. hhdrd-ma bhdra-inahai bhdrd-tha 
bhdra-dhvdi. The Optative has the thematic vowel -o-, and 
between it and the personal ending i, which, when the per- 
sonal ending began in a consonant, combined with the 
thematic vowel into a diphthong and a single syllable, as 
2°'* sing. Gr. (pspoi-g Goth, bairdi-s Skr. bhdrB-s. 

To the second group belong all present stems which have 
no thematic vowel before the personal ending in the Indicative. 
The personal endings were mostly the same as in the first 
group. There is a strange difference in the first person singular 
pres. indie, which had in the parent language, as it has in 
Greek, the the ending -mi; Gr. sl-/ut rid^-tj'/Lit dd/uvrj-im arogvv-fti 
etc., not like (pipto (idaxiu tvutm (poguo. In most non-thematic 
conjugations, the indicative had, and retains, a vowel grading; 
the syllable just before the personal ending, whether root or 
suffix, had the strong grade (and accent) in the singular of 
the active, and the weak grade (no accent) in the active dual 
and plural: compare Skr. act. sing. 1'* pers. dve^-mi (I hate') 
d-dvS^-am 2°** dvek-^i d-dvU 3'** dve^-ti d-dvet, but pi. P* pers. 
dvi^-mds d-dvis-ma etc., dual 1"* pers. dvi^-vds d-dvis-va etc., 
mid. sing. 1** pers. dvi§-e d-dvis-i etc.; act. sing. !•* pers. 
kf -no-mi (I make') d-hf-nav-am 2"** kf-no-^i d-k^-nO-s S^kf-nS-ti 
d-kf"iTiO-t^ but pi. 1"* pers. kjf-itu-mds d-kf-mt-tna etc., dual 
!■* pers. kf-nu-vds d-kf-nu-va etc.; mid. sing. 1"' pers. 
kf-xiV'i d-kf-nV'i etc. On the whole it may be said that 
the Conjunctive formed with -e- and -o- had the strong 

Brag^mann, ElemeuU. IV. 4 

50 The Present Stem. § 491. 

stem in active and middle; as S""^ sing. act. dves-a't(i) 
k^-ndv-a-t(i) mid. dves-a-te kf-T^dv-a-te. The optative had in 
the singular active -ie- -iie- • in the other active forms and in 
the middle it had -^- before personal endings beginning in a 
consonant and -ii- or -i- before a sonant; always with the 
weak form of the present stem : e. g. act. 1" sing, dvis-yd-m 
kY-tjm-yd-m P* pi. '^dvis-t-mci ^kf-nv-^-md (what we actually 
find are dvis-yd-ma k^-nu-yd-ma^ contrast Lat. s-i-miis beside 
S'ie-m), mid. S"**^ sing, dvis-t-td k^-nv-t-td P* sing. Avest. tanuya 
i. e. ta-nv-iy-a. 

§ 491. Great as is the importance of the difference 
between thematic and non-thematic stems, it seems best not 
to make it the chief principle of distinction in what follows. 

Every class of non-thematic presents with vowel gradation 
had parallel to it another class, which may be regarded as formed 
by adding the thematic vowel to the weak stem. Yery often the 
same verb has both. Examples: Skr. vet-ti (vid-mds): vid-d-ti^ 
\/"y,eid-\\i{y\\, learn ; Gr. 7-(7r7;-(T/ : Skr. ti-sth-a-ti^ y^^^tt- 'stand* ; 
Skr. 3^ pi. sd-sc-ati : 2'"** sing, sd-sc-a-si Gr. s-otto-i-to, [/^ seq- 
'sequi*; Skr. x~'i^6-ti : f-nv-d-ti ., \^er- 'move'; Skr. m^-i^d-ti 
: fn^-n-d-ti 'crushes' ; Skr. yundk-ti : yunj-a-ti Lat. jung-i-t^ 
\^ jeuQ 'iungere'. These two kinds hang closely together, and 
cannot be treated apart. ^) I therefore choose a mode of 

1) The closest contact between them is in the S^'^ pi. active and the 
partic. pres. active. I now depart from ray previous view set forth in 
I § 226 p. 193, II § 125 p. 395 (and elsewhere); I now hold with Streitberg 
(Idg. Forsch. I 82 ff.) that the strong suffix-forms of these parts of non- 
thematic verbs {^^^ pi. act. , and pres. act. partic.) were -enti -ent and 
-ent-^ e. g. *s-enti 'sunt' partic. nora. pi. *s-4nt-es. It is possible that 
there were variants, also of the strong grade, -onti -ont and -ont-. 
Then -ent- : -ont- : -nf- as in the gen. abl. sing, -es : -os : -s (III § 228 
pp. Ill f.). If so, it is very possible that we should class together 
with the non-thematic conjugation e. g. Lat. sont siint^ sotis^ O.C.Sl. sqti 
(sqfu) ii/, and analyse them *s-onti "^s-oni-s; that is to say, regard them 
as parallel to forms like es-f jes-ti (jes-tu). They would belong to both 
conjugations. This is, however, only a possibility: and I have accordingly 
treated forms with -o-, like Lat. simt^ in each case as thematic) and 
thematic only (below, §§ 492 flf.). 

§491—498. Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-ti, 51 

claHaification which takes as its principle some common pointn 
of structure or etymology other than the presence or absence? 
of a thematic vowel. Thus one group will comprise presentH 
which have a nasal-formative (as Skr. mpj^d-ti mrnd-ti pji^ti 
pT^vd-ti ynndk'ti f/ufija'ti); it is clear that this element was 
the same in all of them. 



Class I: Simple Root used for the Present Stem. 

§ 492. This class disappeared in most languages, leaving 
only a few traces. It is commonest in Aryan, as are all the 
non-thematic forms. 

§ 493. Idg. *uSl-mi *1 choose, wish, will* P* pi. *f^-mes: 
Skr. 3"* sing. mid. d-vf-ta opt. vr-iya-t (S'*^ sing. mid. rwr-f- 
-ta 0) , Lat. 2°** sing, vel for *vel-s (now a particle), 2°** pi. 
vol-tis, Lith. pa-velmi 1 will' S^^ sing, pa-velt. — With thematic 
vowel, Lat. void (*w|/-o) 3*^** pi. vol-ii-nt. 

*Qim-ti 'goes, comes' 2"** pi. *Qip,-te: Avest. 3'** sing, ^"aw-^w 
Skr. 2°** pi. ga-thd 3""^ sing. mid. d-ga-ta 3"* pi. d-gm-an, 
Armen. S'** sing, e-hn = Skr. d-gan^ Gr. 3"^** dual (ia-rrjv. 
Conjunctive: Avest. jim-a-J) (I § 94 p. 89), cp. indie. Goth. 
qim-i-p. Optative: Skr. gam-yd-m A.S. cyme (= Goth. 
*Tcumjau). — Witli thematic vowel. Avest. g'm-a-p ym-a-^ 
O.Pers. mid. a-gm-a-ta Skr. opt. game-i i. o. *Qtiim-6-i4 
O.H.G. P* sing, indie, cumu i. e. *g»/w*-o. 

*6i-mi 'I go' P* pi. *i-7nes: Skr. e-mi i-mds 3'** pi. y-dnti, 
Gr. sl'^u 1-f.isv^ Lat. 2°*^ sing, ei-s i-s^ Lith. ei-ml'^ pret. *^i-i^: 
Skr. dy-am 3'^^ sing, ai-t P* pi. al-ma, Gr. ?/-« P* pi. ^--[^uv 
(cp. § 480 p. 28, § 481 p. 30). Conjunctive: Skr. 3'^ sing. «>- 

1) Instead of *ur'i-ta (op. partic. ur'and-s)^ see I § 157 p. 141. 
On the other hand, the regular form with v- is seen in Avest. Oath. 
txtiri-tnaidi for pr. Ar. *i>fr-i-. 


52 Present Stem : Class I — Skr. ds-ti. § 493. 

-a-ti dy-a-t (cp. indie. ^^^ sing. mid. dy-a-te^ Lat. eo for *ejrO^ 
emit for *ei-o-nt(i)). Optative: Skr. i-yd-t. Weak forms also 
found with f-, ii- : Skr. P* pi. mid. t-mahe opt. i-yoL-t^ 3'** sing, 
mid. l-ya-te (Class XXYI),i) Gr. conj. P* pi. i^-o-/<fv (but cp. 
§ 914); Skr. P' sing. mid. i-ye (cp. Avest. y-oi), Lat. «-ews, 
Gr. perhaps S""*^ pi. t-am (cp. § 502). — With thematic vowel 
Gr. opt. L-o-L partic. l-o-vt- pret. Hom. t]-s rj-o-/Li£v (cp. conj. 
Y-O'/Ltsi'), Pelignian afded *abiit* for *af-ie-d (§ 867. 5). 

*kSnS'mi 1 soothsay, praise, say* P* pi. *]c'^s-mes: Skr. 2"** 
pi. Sas-ta (Avest. 2"^ pi. sqs-tCi with the nasal of the sing.), 
O.C.Sl. 3'** sing, sqtu i. e. *s^ = *Rens-t -\- an additional -tu^ 
like pri'jqtu instead of pri-ji^ etc. (§§ 512, 830). Albanian 
gives us ^om 'I say*, for *fcBns-mi according to G. Meyer 
(M. Herz z. 70. Geburtst. 1888, p. 86; Etym. Wtb. der alb. 
Spr., 91 ; Alb. Stud, iii 13, 63). 

*ueid-mi 'I see, know* P' pi. *uid-mes: Skr. ved-mi P* pi. 
vid-mds , Lith. veizdmi instead of regular *vei(d)-mi (I § 547 
Rem. 1 p. 401). Conjunctive: Skr. 3'"^ sing. ved-a-H Gr. Hom. 
P* pi. 8lS-o-(.isv (cp. indie. Skr. ved-a-te Gr. nd-s-rat). Optative: 
Skr. vid-yd-m^ Goth. P* pi. vit-ei-ma. Imperative; Skr. viddhi 
Gr. Ta^/, cp. Lith. veizdi veizd (I loc. cit.^ lY § 962). Also perf. 
3'** sing, ^udid-e 'knows*, with which the above named mood- 
forms were associated (cp. II § 136 Rem. 1 p. 438, IV §§ 846, 
912, 939, 959). — With thematic vowel: indie. *uid-6-, Skr. 
vid-d'ti Armen. e-git Gr. ids svid-s sld-s. 

*es-7ni *I am* P* pi. *s-mSs: Skr. ds-mi s-mds, Armen. em 
(I § 561 p. 417), Gr. atini Lesb. €f.i/.ti (G. Meyer, in the work 
just cited, pp. 81 ff., Etym. Wtb. der alb. Spr. 160, Alb. Stud. 
Ill 63, 85), Lat. es-t Umbr. 3'*^ pi. s-ent, O.Ir. 3'-<^ sing, is 
(I § 66 p. 55) , Goth, im (I § 582 Rem. 2 p. 437) 3^^^ sing. 
is-t^ Lith. es-ml 3'"'* sing, es-ii es-t O.C.Sl. jes-mX 3'^ sing. 
jes-tu\ on the 2°*^ sing. Skr. dsi Gr. si see § 984.1. Pret. 
Skr. ds-am 3"^** sing, as P* pi. ds-ma Gr. rj-a rj 3'"'* sing. i]i^ 
P^ pi. 7;^/«' O.C.Sl. 2''^ pi. -jaS'te see § 480 p. 28, § 481 

1) A different explanation of these Sanskrit forms may be found in 
Bartliolomae's Ar. Forsch. ii 73 f. 

§ 493. Present Stem : Class I — Skr. dn-ti, 53 

pp. 29 f.; Alban. 3'** sing. i§ for *e8'i (G. Meyer, in the first 
work cited above, p. 91). Conjunctive: 3'** sing. Skr. ds-a-ti 
ds-a-t Lat. (fut.) er-i-t (cp. indie. Horn, e-o-v opt. f-o-<, also 
foVn»> Hov, Lith. eS'U = esml 1"* pi. es-a-me partic. <^s-r|,v, 
O.C.SI. pret. -jach-u -jas-e S 480 p. 28). Optative: Skr. 
s-yd-m s-iyd-m^ Lat. 2°'* sing, s-ie-s 1"* pi. s-T-mus^ O.H.G. 
!•* pi. S'l-m. — With thematic vowel: partic. Gr. ovx- instead 
of *oi'r- *s-o-nt- (on the analogy of sl^d etc. which begin witli 
a smooth breathing) Lat. s-o-n-t- 'he who is the doer, guilty' 
O.Icel. sannr *true, really guilty* (pr. Germ, ^s-a-np-a-) Lith. 
s^^ sanczio O.C.SI. sy sqsta, indie. Lat. s-u-m s-u-mus s-u-nt 
O.C.SI. S'^ pi. s-qtu. 

*dhegh-mi I burn': Skr. 2"** sing, dhdk-si Lith. deg-m). 
The conjunctive implied by these forms is hidden in the indie. 
Skr. ddh-a-ti Lith. deg-u. The weak form *d(h)qh- cannot be 
found; we have evidence for it in Avest. S'** pl. imper. sc-antn 
beside P* sing, indie. hax-mT (pr. Ar. ^8ak-mi) from \^ seq- 
*sequi*, Skr. 3''* pl. d-ks-an 3*"*^ sing. mid. gdha i. e. *ghs -j- ta 
(I § 591 p. 449) beside 3'** sing, d-ghas from ghas- 'eat*. 

*dhe-t *S-dhe-t 'he placed' 2°^ pl. *dh9M: Skr. dhd-t 
d'dha-t 3'** sing. mid. d-dhi-ta 2^^ sing, imper. dhi-svd^ Armen. 
1»* sing, e-di 3'''* sing, e-d^ Gr. 2"'* pl. s-^s-rf 3'*^ smg. mid. 
S'&s'xo (&S' instead of *^a-, I § 109 c pp. 101 f., the Author 
Gr. Gr.2 pp. 27 f.), Lat. con-di-mus (I § 370 p. 282). Optative: 
Avest. d-yd-Jf. Imperative: Lith. de-k. — With thematic 
vowel Skr. prdti dh-a-t^ a-dh-a-t,^) Lat. P* sing, con-d-6 
3'** pl. 'd'U-nt^ Avest. opt. 2"<* sing, d-oi-s. 

*d6-t *S-dd-t *he gave* 2"'^ pl, ""da-fS : Skr. d-da-t S''^ sing, 
mid. d-di-fa^ Armen. P* sing, e-tu 3"* sing, e-t^ P* pl. pres. 
ta-ml^, Gr. 2"** pl. s-do-rs 3'** sing. mid. f-Jo-ro {^o- instead of 
(Va-, cp. on i^e-, above), 2) Lat. da-mtis red-dimus. Optative: 

1) Less probably, some scholars take (a-)dhat to be *dhatt — 
*dha- -dh + /, i. e. formed from the weak present stem *dha-dh' (cp. 

2) Pauli (Altital. Forsoh. in 258) compares Venetian zoto *dedit' with 
Or. f^lro. Admitting that the explanation is in the main correct 

54 Present Stem : Class I — Skr. ^i^-h'. § 494. 

Avest. d-ya-J>. Imperative: Lat. ce-do, Lith. d^-k. — With 
thematic vowel : Skr. dda-t i. e. ^ + a-d-a-t , Lat. red-d-u-nt^ 
Avest. opt. 2°<* sing, d-oi-s. ^) 

*std-t *e-sta-t 'he placed himself, 2°'* pi. "^std-te: Skr. a- 
'Stha-t, S^^ sing. mid. d-sthi-ta, Gr. f'-ffr/y, mid. S^^ sing. Jtt/- 
'OTa-rai^), 2^^ sing. s-ovd-d^Tjg = Skr. d-sthi-thas (§ 503). 
Imperative : Lith. s^o-A:. — With thematic vowel : Skr. asth-a-ty 
Avest. a-xst-a-^ mid. xst-a-ta (xst- instead of s^-, see Bartho- 
lomae Handb. § 100 Anm. 3 p. 43 , and st- instead of st- 
following compounds like paiti-stci-). 

§ 494. As the examples in § 493 shew, roots of the 
e-series took regularly the e-grade (P* strong grade) in strong 
forms. But probably in the parent language there were forms 
with the 3'** strong grade, or e-grade, also in use. 

First we notice Lat. es-t Lith. es-t O.C.Sl. jas-tu from 
\^ed- 'eat', on which see § 480 Rem. p. 27; the normal form 
was Skr. dd-mi dt-ti (§ 498). Skr. ds-te Gr. ria-rai 'sits 3'*^ pi. 
ds-ate rj-avui are usually connected with *es-ti 'is'. The rough 
breathing in Greek must then be explained as due to the analogy 
of the root hd- = *sed- 'sedere' (I § 564 Rem. 3 p. 4213)). 
But some forms of the Greek word may be derived at once 
from the root sed-, which occurs not only in the perfect Goth. 
set-um Lith. sed-qs^ but in the Lith. pres. sed7ni *I sit* 3''*' sing. 
sest, side by side with which in the usual fashion we have 
Skr. 2"** sing. sdt-sL Skr. imper. mid. sdk-sva beside indie. 
2"^ sing, sdk-si from sah- 'overpower*. Skr. tas-ti Avest. in- 
junctive tas-t beside Skr. tdksa-ti 'shapes, forms'. Skr. dds-ti 
'pays homage to' from y/^deU-^ see § 639. Further, the Skr. 

(cp. G. Meyer, Berl. Phil. Wochenschrift 1892 col. 312 f . , Thurneysen 
Wochenschr. class. Phil. 1892 col. 290 f.), it is a question whether zoio 
should not be regarded as *do-to (cp. the s-aorist zonasto *donavit'). 

1) Probably to the same class belongs Avest., being daduye 2nd pi, 
indie, pres. mid. See Bartholomae, Idg. Forsch. I 495. 

2) Fick's connexion of this verb with Skr. partic. cit-id-s is worthless 
(Pick, Gott. gel. Anz. 1881 p. 1426, Wtb." I 20 f.). 

3) In the English translation of this note, 'Spiritus Asper' is a clerical 
error for *Spiritus Lenis'. 

§495. Present Stem: Class I — Skr. tu-ti. ')■) 

proHont forms with flu instead of d, as sUiii'ti 'praises* (3"* pi. 
i^tuv-anti mid. siu-tE^ beside which are found 'i"** sin^. stO-^i 
fonj. stdv-a-t) and snflu-ti 'drips* (cp. Gr. vtfo vevifotiai)^ also 
mdr^'ti *wipes* (3'^ pi. mp'-dnti). ^) 

Along with these non-thematic g-forms stand usually others 
with the thematic vowel; thus, Lith. ed-u beside ed-mi, s'ed-u 
beside s'ed-mi, Skr. as-a-tB beside ds-ie^ ddS-a-ti beside dd^-ti, 
sdh-O'ti beside sdk-sva^ marj-a-ti beside mdr^-fi. Compare 
(ir. ^n'idoiim etc., § 514. 

§ 495. In all languages, as we shall see, it is common 
for the strong stem to spread into what should be weak-stem 
forms, but the reverse is rare. 

We should especially mention here that the strong-grade 
a, e, and 6 spread from roots ending in them to the weak per- 
sons which properly had d. This re-formation brought about 
some confusion with Class X, where there is no gradation. 

Skr. P* pi. d-stha-ma Gr. s-OTTj-fiev instead of *a-sthi~7na 
*t-nra',ufv (cp. § 493 pp. 53 f.). The difference between ^-ottj- 
-jiiev and t-ds'/nsv s-dn-fisv was due to the intransitive meaning of 
fc'ar^*', and to the powerful attraction of a word closely connected 
in meaning — e(irjv s^rj^itv (Skr. dgam dgama) ; cp. the Author, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxv 220, Osthoif's Perfect 373 f., and below, 
§ 497 Rem. As regards Lat. stchmus beside dd-mus, see g§ 505, 
584 Rem. 

In Sanskrit we find also d-dha-ma d-da-ma instead of 
*a~dhi'ma *a-di-ma (cp. § 493 p. 53), and similarly a instead of 
/ in the plural and dual active of all roots ending in (Aryan) -a. 
Compare opt. V^ pi. s-yd-ma^ instead of *s-i-ma^ following 
s-ya-m, § 940. 

Unlike Gr. ffrj-f^d 'I say': (pw/ntr, which undoubtedly has 
original gradation (cp. O.H.G. bannu = *hh9-n\iD, Gr. tfuiHo 
^bha-niO, see §§ 611, 654), all recorded forms of Skr. hhd-ti 
'shines* follow Class X, ns pi. hlid-nti imper. hha-hi partic. 

1) The ablaut of atdu-ti and wdrs-fi is exactly pantllel to that of 
the ^-Aorist. See § 811. 

56 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-ti. §§496,497. 

bhor-ta-s etc. We must therefore assume for this Skr. verb a 
stem hh-a-^ i. e. an extension of the root by the ungraduated 
suffix -a- {bhd'ti : bhd f. = psd-ti : psd f.), which is also pos- 
sible for Lat. fa-tur for and O.C.Sl. ba-jq 'fabulor (§ 706). ^) 

§ 496. The strong stem is remarkable in Skr. Se-tB 
Avest. sa^-te Gr. /.sT-xai 'lies' (cp. Skr. perf. Si-Sy-e^ -Si-s 'lying) 
beside Skr. my-a-te Gr. Hom. y-t-o-vrai opt. ne-o-i-ro. Very 
uncertain explanations are suggested in vol. I § 598 p. 453, 
and by Meringer in the Zeitschr. ost. Gymn. 1888, p. 134. 
Perhaps the irregularity was due to a very early change from 
thematic to non-thematic conjugation, which was suggested by 
ds'te Tjo-rai 'sits'. I believe that this same change must be 
assumed for y«V-ro s-ysv-ro (Hesiod and other poets) beside 
Ysv€'To f'YsvS'To (cp. 3'** dual ysyd-Trjv)^ and for asvrai (only in 
Soph. Tr. 645) beside osv-f-rat (cp. gv'-to).^) It is beyond all 
doubt seen in a^itm-To = d/tuififTo in Nonnus, and other such 
forms in late Greek poetry (Rzach, Gram. Stud, zu Apoll. 
Rhod., 164), and in some Lithuanian presents in -mi (§ 511). 

Remark. *y,e8-tai 'clothes himself (Skr. vds-te Gr. Ini-fmai fo-ro) 
i* not of this class, as it must be analysed *\i,-es-tai (§ 656). 

§ 497. Like t-mahe (Gr. i-o-iav § 493 pp. 51 f., § 914), 
many other forms show the weak-grade with bye-accent. Thus 
Skr. d-bhu-ma Gr. s-cpv-itsv TJmbr. fU-tu esto* Lith. bu-Jc 
'be it' from y/^bheu- 'become, be'; compare the sing, with the 
same grade of root Skr. d-bhU-t Gr. is-rfv (cp. perf. Skr. 2°** 
sing, ba-bhu-tha)^ without question somewhat influenced by pre- 
terites of Class X (§§ 597 ff.) such as Skr. d-dr-a-t d-dr-d-ma 
d-gl-d-t d-gl-a-ma Gr. B-dg-a. t-SQ-a-f-uv e-Sk-rj t'fiX-rj-/Li£V. 

1) y/^bha- means 'to show, send forth, make known'. If we 
connect with it Skr. hhdnati 'sounds, calls out' (Osthoff, Perf. 353, 
Whitney, Skr. Roots 109 f.), this must be taken as an extension *bh-eno- 
or ^hh-i^no- (§ 619). With the same extension Moulton connects Lat. 
fenestra (Proceed. Camb. Phil. Soc. 1890, May 22, p. 9). 

2) The 3rd pi. mid. Ved. d-jan-nta beside d-jan-a-nta may be simi- 
larly taken. It is true that the wor 1 may quite well be derived from 
*e-giin-^() (op. d-jn-ata). 

§498. Present Stem: Class I — 8kr. d»-ii. f)! 

Also from y/^er- *8et in motiou* (f(>«ro * wp^irji^rj, toaij • nofnj^i- 

Hesych., Skr. dr-ti uor. mid. dr-ta) we hav(* an Id^. mid, 

*f'tai: Skr. tr-tS imper. Ir-^va Avest. ar'-Sva partic. Skr. ir-nd-s, 

Gr. dp-no partic. 6(j'/ntvo'g inf. og-Qat (I § 806 pp. 241 f.). 

The Skr. Tr- Or. oq- wore used before sonants too, instead of 

**>- «(>- (for V')i which gives us such forms as Skr. ,y pi. 

ir-at^ (cp. Skr. d-bhuv-am instead of d-bhuv-am following 

d'bhil'S etc.) 3'** sing. tr-a-tS^ Gr. oq-o-i-to oQ-rj-xat-^ another 

re-formation is the augment in (oqto {*oqxo orig. without 

augment = *f't<^)- A Germanic form of this kind is A.S. 

ear-d *thou art', see § 509. In the same relation as oq-o-i-xo 

bears to do-ao, I'^/ttoX-o-v stands to f-fiko) ' efdvrj, ftj/sro, (OTrj 

Hesych., since ^Xm- represents an Idg. *wf- (cp. I § 306 p. 243). 

On de Saussure's hypothesis, bhu- was the weak grade of 

bheud- (Skr. fut. bhavi-syd-ti etc.), and f- the weak grade of 

erd- (Skr. fut. ari-syd-ti etc.), and so on. 

Remark. To this list of forms I have hithertho added Skr. d-ga- 
-ina Gr. f-/ifj-fin., 3rd sing, d-c/d-t f-firj (cp. d-hhu-t f-<rv)^ equating ga- firj' 
— *gtjl- fl § 253 p. 206). But another hypothesis appears to be preferable 
from Skr. Jl-f/d-ti Gr. Horn. /9i-jSi1;, Skr. vi-gd-man- n. 'step' Gr. /?/r,</a, 
Skr. perf. mid. ja-g'e , and others of the like nature. This is , that there 
were original variants *ga- and *gf?»j-, like *drd- and *drem- 'run* (§ 488 
p. 47, § 579). It would be easy to decide this point, if only *ga- could 
be found outside of Aryan and Greek. The derivation of Lett, gaju 
I went' is doubtful (see Wiedemann, Das lit. Praet., 141 f.), and it is 
worse than unsafe to adduce O.H.G. pfad 'path' (Fiok, Wtb. I* 33). 

§ 498. Aryan. \^qer- *make': Skr. 2°** sing, kdr-si 
2""* 3'^ sing, d-kar 2°'* pi. kr-thd 3''<* pi. d-kr-an 3''<* sing. mid. 
d-kj^-ta, Avest. 3'** sing, cor'p = pr. Ar. "^car-t (I § 94 p. 89, 
§ 647. 7 pp. 493 f.); on O.Pers. P» pi. a-kfi-ma 3'** sing, a-ku-ta 
see Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. ii 67 f. Imperative: Skr. kjr-cihi, 
mid. kf-^vd Ayest. ker''-sva. Conjunctive: Skr. kdr-a-ti Avest. 
fusing. caranT (cp. indie. Skr. kar-a-ti d-kar-a-ty imper. 2"'* sing. 
(XPers. pari'kara). Optative: Skr. 1'* pi. kr-iya-fna. Skr. 
kar- always instead of regular car- (kept in Avestic) from the 
weak stem, but d-kar-ma kdr-ta have -ar- on the analogy of 
the strong. On the difficult forms Skr. kur-rnds kur-vds 
(whence sing, kur-nti) opt. kur-yd-m etc., see I § 289 p. 231, 

58 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-ti. §498. 

§ 290 Rem. p. 232, Hiibschmann, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvn 112, 
von Fierlinger ihid. 438, Bartholomae Ar. Forsch. ii 67 f., 
86 ff., J. Wackernagel in E. Kuhn's Litteraturbl. iii 55 f., and 
below in this volume, § 641. 

s/^der- 'split, burst*: Skr. 2^** sing, ddr-si 3""^ sing, d-dar-, 
opt. dir-ya-t = *df-ie-t (cp. pass, dtr-yd-te partic. dir-tTLa-s). 

y/^qhen- 'strike, slay': 3^^^ sing. Skr. hdn-ti Avest. jainti^ 
Skr. 2^^ pi. ha-thd 3'"'^ pi. ghn-dnti^ mid. 1^* sing. Avest. yn-e 
3'*** sing. Skr. ha-te 3^^ pi. Skr. ghn-ate; pret. P* sing. Skr. 
d-han-am O.Pers. a-jan-am 2"** sing. Skr. d-han Avest. a-jen 
(Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xiii 64 f.) 3'"'* sing. Skr. d-han 
O.Pers. a-ja i. e. a-jan 2°** pi. Skr. d-ha-ta O.Pers. ja-ta; 
imperative Skr. ja-Jd for *jha-dhi (I § 480 p. 355) AYest.jaidi. 
The weak form Ar. *;7iGf- (Skr. ha- ja- Iran, ja-) instead of 
regular *^/?a- = *g/i^- on the analogy of *jhan- = *gjhen-^ 
I §§ 453 f. pp. 335 f. Skr. P* dual hanvas instead of ""ghan- 
-vas ~ *gh^-ues (I § 225 p. 193, § 229 p. 195). -n- passes 
by analogy into other weak persons: Skr. P* pi. han-mas 
imper. han-dhi (contrast jahi). Conjunctive: Skr. hdn-a-ti 
Avest. janaiti (cp. indie. Skr. hau-a-ti a-han-a-t Avest. janaiti 
Gr. e-i)fvo-v). Optative: Skr. hm-ya-t Avest. janyaj) O.Pers. 
janiyCLy pr. Ar. yhan-ia-t instead of regular "^ghaniat for 
*qh'^-ie-t (I § 454 Rem. pp. 335 f.); also found, with regular 
form, mid. Skr. ghn-iya ghn-i-ta^ and, on the analogy of the 
active, han-T-ta. — With thematic vowel: Skr. 2°^ pi. ghn-a-ta 
a-ghn-a-n a-ghn-a-nta partic. ghn-a-mana-s (Avest. conj. 
3'^ pi. yn-a-^), 

Pr. Ar. *j(in-ti Idg. ^gem-ti, see § 493 p. 51. Imperative: 
Skr. ga-dhi ga-hi Avest. gaidi. 3''*^ pi. Skr. d-gm-an gm-dn 
Aves^. g^m-en. Skr. P* dual gdnvahi regular for *Qfn-u- 
(I § 225 p. 193, § 229 p. 195), only with changed accent. 
-n- (for -m-) passing by analogy into other weak persons: 
Skr. P* pi. d-gan-nia 2^^ pi. gan-td gdn-ta beside ga-td\ g- 
instead of j- in Skr. d-gan gdn-tu (Avest. jantu), j- instead 
of g- in opt. 3'** sing. Avest. jam-ya-p O.Pers. jam-tya (Skr. 
gam-ya-t\ see I § 451 p. 334. 

§ 498. Present Stem : Class I — Skr. ds-(i. 59 

Pr.Ar. *ai-ti, Idg. *ei-ti, see § 493 p. 51. 3"» sing. Skr. 
i1-ti Avest. af^'iti O.Pers. ai-tiy, S""** pi. Skr. y-dnti Avest. y-^nti^ 
imper. Skr. i-hi Avest. i-dl i-di O.Pers. i-cily. By re-forma- 
tion; Skr. !•* sing, i-nii instead of c-ini. Preterite 1" sing. Skr. 
dy-am O.Pers. ayam i. e. dy-am^ 3'** slug. Skr. di-t Avest. ai-// 
3'** dual. Skr. ai-tdm Avest. di-tem. Conjunctive: Skr. dy-a-ti 
d-ya-t Avest. ay-a-^f (cp. indie. Skr. dy-a-U, Avest. imper. 
ay-a conj. ay-d-J} opt. ay-Di-Ji). 

Skr. kse-ti Avest. sa^-itl 'lingers , dwells*, 3'** dual Skr. 
ki^'tds 3'"'* pi. Skr. k^iy-dntif conj. Skr. ksdy-a-t: Gr. Horn. 
fv-xit-ftsvo-g 'well built*. — With thematic vowel Skr. k^y-d-tu 

y/^Ue^' 'hear*: Skr. 2°** sing. Sro-^i, 1"* sing. d-SraD-am 
3"* sing. d-^rO't^ 2°** pi. Srti-ta and following the singular 
ird-ta Avest. srao-ta , Avest. 2°** pi. mid. a-sru-dum ^ Skr. 
imper. Sru-dhi; conj. Skr. 3*'** dual ^rdv-a-tas, opt. Avest. 
1'* pi. snrJmd i. e. sruv-i-md: Gr. imper. xXv-d^t -Av-te (cp. 
§497 pp. 56 f.) n£(ji-y.Xv-fuvo-c. — With thematic vowel Skr. 
Sruv-a-m Gr. xXvot (cp. § 527). 

^derJc- *see*: Skr. d-darS-am Avest. dars-em^ P* pi. Skr. 
d-dfS-ina^ and also d-dari-ma following the singular; conj. Skr. 
ddrS-a-t Avest. P* pi. dar^s-d-ma (cp. indie. Skr. d-dari-a-t). — 
With thematic vowel Skr. 3^^ pi. d-d^S-a-n opt. dfs-e-t. 

Skr. d-grahh-am Avest. grab-em 'I grasped', 3'** pi. Skr. 

Skr. chand- appear*: 3""^ sing, chdnt-ti. 

\^bheid' *lindere': Skr. P* sing, d-bhed-am 3'** sing. 
d-bhet; — with thematic vowel opt. bhid-e-t. Avest. tnip- 
(Skr. mith') 'destroy*: 3""** sing, mdist^ conj. mdip-a-^ (cp. indie. 
Skr. weth-a-ti), opt. mip-yd-p. 

y/^dheuqh- milk, give milk' (cp. Fick Wtb. I* 73): Skr. 
3"* sing. dSgdhi 3'^ pi. duh-dnti, mid. 3'** sing, dtigdht 3"* pL 
duh-aU -dtS conj. doh-a-tB, opt. duh-T-ta ; — with thematic 
vowel d'duh-a-t opt. duli-P-t. V^jeuQ- 'iungere*: Skr. 3'** sing, 
mid. d-yuk-ta P' pi. d-yu/'-mahiy Avest. 3"'* pi. yuj-en P* pi. 
mid. yaoy-maid^ with non-original strong stem; — with 
thematic vowel, Skr. d-yuj-a-t. 

60 Present Stem : Class I — Skr. ds-ti. § 498. 

X^'t^eR- 'wish, desire': Skr. 1^* sing, vds-mi 3'^ sing, vds-ti 
1^* pi. uS-mdsij Avest. vastm vasti usmaht^ conj. Skr. vdS-a-t 
Avest. vasa^ (cp. indie. Skr. vds-a-ti imper. vd§-a). — With 
thematic vowel Skr. uS-d-mana-s. 

Pr. Ar. *as-ti^ Idg. *es'ti , see § 493 p. 52. Skr. sing. 
ds-mi dsi ds-ti pi. s-inds s-thd s-dnti, Avest. sing, ahmi ahi 
asti pi. mahi (I § 558. 3 p. 414) sta henti, O.Pers. sing, amii/ 
(I § 558.3 p. 415) ahy astiy 3'"'* pi. hatiy i. e. hantiy; O.Pers. 
P* pi. amahy with a- from the singular. Pret. Skr. P* sing. 
ds-am S^^ sing, ds O.Pers. P* sing, aham i. e. dham Avest. 
3''* sing, as (I § 647. 7 pp. 493 f., § 649. 6 p. 496), pi. Skr. ds-ma 
ds-ta ds-an O.Pers. 3'"** pi. aha i. e. a/m, cp. § 481 pp. 29 f., 
also unaugmented Avest. 3'''^ sing, as S^'^ pi. h-e7i Skr. s-dn., 
on the 2°'* and 3'** sing. Skr. ds-t-s ds-i-t^ see § 574. Impe- 
rative: Avest. Z'dl-^ Skr. edhi for *az-dhi (I § 591 p. 447) 
instead of regular *dhi following the analogy of forms witli 
strong root. Conjunctive: Skr. ds-a-ti ds-a-t Avest. atdh-a-itt 
atdh-a-J^ O.Pers. ah-a-tiy. Optative: Skr. s-yd-i s-iyd-t Avest. 

\^ed- 'eat': Skr. dd-mi dt-ti. So in all the weak persons 
ad-^ as 3'** pi. ad-anti 2°** pi. at-td imper. ad-dhi^ obviously 
because such forms as *ta *dhi were not clear enough (cp. 
above, Skr. edhi). Conjunctive: *ad-a-ti ^ad-a-t (cp. 2^^*^ sing, 
mid. ad-a-sva Gr. t J-w Lat. ed-o Goth, it-a). On the relation 
between dd-mi and Lat. est Lith. est^ see § 480 Rem. pp. 28 f., 
§ 494 pp. 54 f. 

Skr. dhdksi and others of the same sort, see § 493 p. 53. 
Skr. bhi-saJC'ti 'heals' (bhi- is a bye-form of abhi) was no longer 
recognised for a compound, hence 3'*^ sing. a-bhisnaJc E.-V. x, 
131.5, following Class XY, and bhesajd-s 'healing'. 

\^dhe- do-^ Skr. dhd- da- Iran, dd- (in Iranian the two 
stems ran into one, and it is no longer possible to distinguish 
their meaning exactly), see § 493 p. 53. Skr. d-dha-t dhd-t 
d-da-t pi. d-dhd-ma d-dd-ma, Avest. dd-^ dd-md O.Pers. a-dd'^ 
on a in the plural, see § 495 p. 55 ; mid. Skr. d-dhi-ta d-di-ta, 

§49d. Pro8ent Slum: CI&sh 1 - Skr. da-ti. 01 

imper. dhi-^-vd. Conjunctive: 8kr. dhd-ti pi. mid. dha-mahB 
Avest. dft-itf mid dd-iti^ (§ 983). Optative: Avest. d-ya-J). 

S/^sta-, see § 493 p. 55. Skr. d-stha-t d-stha-ma (like 
d'dhd-ma , see above) , Avest. paiti-sta-J^ ; mid. Skr. d-sthi-tn. 
Conjunctive: Skr. sthd-ti 2°** dual sthd-thas, Avest. mid. xsta- 
•U^ (§ 933). 

y/^dd' 'separate, divide up' (Gr. M-fio-g drj' Skr. 
dd-ti 3'"'* pi. dd-nti (like d-dhd-ma^ above), mid. !•* pi. d-di- 
mahi (cp. partic. di-nd-s di-Ui'S Gr. da-n^o-jLiai). 

Sometimes in place of -i = Idg. -& in roots of the latter 
kind, Sanskrit has -f: d-dht-mahi from y/^dhS-^ mf-mahs from 
y/^me- 'measure* (3'** sing, md-ti)^ di-^va from \^c?5-, d-di- 
-mahi from \/^dd'. This f was connected with a very wide- 
spread Sanskrit re-formation. 

There was a certain element used in root-extension, found 
in the parent language, and appearing in Sanskrit under the 
forms of -I- and -i-. Whether it be dubbed Root-Determinative 
or Suffix^ matters nothing (see § 488 pp. 44 if.). Examples 
of its use are pt- 'swell, give to drink* from y/^jpo- (pi-pT-te 
pi-yd-te pX-td-s pT-pi-hi pi-nva-ti) , r-i- 'run, flow' from y/^er 
(rt-ya-te rT-ti-^ ri-rid-ti ri-t-)^ kr-t-nd-ti 'boils' beside Sf-td-s. 
Another form of this determinative in Sanskrit, as Bartholomae 
has pointed out (Stud, zur idg. Spr., ii 63 IF.), is flt, seen in 
the Yedic preterites d-iar-di-t *he broke up* beside a-Sar-l-t 
Mr-t'tOs, and dj-di-s *thou dravest* (unaugmented) ; and this 
word is closely connected with Gr. uy-ivto ay-Ivaio (cp. § 801). ^) 
We shall meet the grade -T- in several other categories of 
Sanskrit forms. 

Now this -f-, originally only a variant of Ar. -i- -= Idg. 
-i-, encroached upon Ar. -/- = Idg. -»-, so that in Aryan 

1) It is? probable that another strong grade of the same determina- 
tive is contained in the Idg. present in -iio (as Skr. sv-dya-ti vart-dya-ti 
Lat. qu-eu tnon-ed) , to which belonged a participle in -i'to-s and -l-tO'S 
(Class XXXII). And I would now (with Bezzenberger, Zur Gesch. der 
lit. Spr., 195) recognise a form exactly answering to Skr. a/ai-s in Gr. 
iyn-i «>• (for *-ci-s ♦-ci-0; see § 987. 1, and § 995.2. 

62 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-(i. §499. 

f as well as i was found in the same ablaut series with a.^) 
Hence arose the above named forms ddhfmahi instead of 
ddhimahi beside ddham etc., and hence si-k-hi *Si-Si-te in- 
stead of *Si-si'hi *M'M-te (cp. M-td-s) beside si-sa-ti (§ 538), 
mf-ni-mds instead of *mf-ni-7nds (cp. Gr. -va-fisv) beside mf-nd- 
-mi (§ 597), d-start-s instead of *a-stans (§ 839). Last of all, 
-t- even pushed out a = 9 in the root of forms like pass. 
*dha-ya-te = Avest. da-ye-te (I § 109. a. p. 101), and so we 
have dU-yd-te (§§ 707, 709). 

It is true that there are other instances besides these of 
variation between Idg. i and f ; for instance, in the syllable of 
reduplication, §§ 467, 469, 473. Whether these had anything 
to do with associating I with i = 9, and if so, how far, I 
leave an open question. 

§ 499. A few more examples may here be added to those 
already given of the confusion between weak and strong stem. 

Strong Stem instead of Weak. Skr. 2°** dual spar-tarn beside 
spf'tam from spar- *save, win'. 2) Avest. 3''^ sing. mid. man-ta 
beside Skr. d-ma-ta from man- 'think'. Skr. P* pi. d-he-ma 
(cp. 3""*^ pi. d-hy-an) from hi- 'impel'. Skr. 2"** pi. sto-ta (cp. 
2"** dual stu-tam) Avest. P* pi. mid. stao-maide from stu- 
^praise' (cp. Skr. stau-ti § 494 p. 54). Skr. 2°** pi. vart4a 
(cp. 3'** pi. d-t)ft-ran) from vart- Vertere'. Avest. 2°** pi. sqs'ta 
beside Skr. Sas-ta from y/^Tcens- 'foretel' (§ 493 p. 52). Skr. 
P* pi. ched-ma from chid- *cut*. Skr. 2°** pi. mid. vodhvam 
beside udhvam 2°^* dual act. vodham (I § 404. 2 pp. 298 f., 
§ 482 p. 356) compared with 2°** sing, vdksi, y/uegh- Vehere'. 
Skr. 3'"'* sing. mid. d-tak-ta beside tdk-ti *runs, pushes, shoots', 
y/'teq-^ cp. the weak grade tq- in Avest. partic. perf. ta-^k-us- 
(I § 473. 2 p. 349). 

1) Bartholomae {loc. cit.) assumes d:i to be an orig. ablaut; he 
believes a came from ai in Idg., and e. g. Lat. eras (contrasted with Skr. 
dsi-s) is derived by him from *esdi-s. I cannot approve this theory. 

2) Avestic mid. 3^^ sing, var^-td !«* pi. var^-maidl, compared with 
Skr. d-vr-tn^ are not safe examples to cite in proof of this re-formation, 
because var^- may come from *t'f-. 

§§500,501. Present Stem: Class I — 8kr. d«.tt. 63 

Weak Stem iostead of Strong: much rarer. Skr. i-mi beside 
S'tni from t- go' (already cited , § 498 p. 59). Skr. 3^ sing. 
d-vfk beside vdrk (mid. d-vfk-ta) from varj- 'twist' (but vice 
versa 2"** dual vark-tam iustead of vfk-tam). Avest. 2°** sing. 
a-per's instead of *a-fras ground-form *e-prek-s from i^ prek- 
'ask* {vice versa^ 3^^ sing. mid. frai-tn instead of *per's-ta). 

§ 600. In Aryan, the ever increasing use of thematic 
forms was helped on by the like endings -am in the first 
person singular, and -anti -an in the third plural. Sometimes 
the desire for clear expression came in too. Thus Skr. 2^ 
and 8'"'* sing, dda-s dda-t drove out *rt^ (both persons) from 
y/^ed- 'eat' (!"* sing, dd-am 3'** pi. dd-an),^) and in Avestic 
-aite -ata (= Skr. -aie -ata)^ endings of the 3'** pi. middle, 
were almost entirely dropped in favour of the thematic endings 
-ante -anta^ by which the plural was more clearly marked; 
e. g. dt9h-ante as contrasted with Skr. ds-ate 'they sit* 
(§ 1067. 1). 

Much the same may be said of the other non-thematic 
present classes. Compare particularly the Avest. 3"^** pi. of 
Classes III and V, in -anti -enti instead of -aiti (= Skr. -att), 
§§ 540, 556, 1018. 1. b. 

§ 501. Armenian, e-kn 'he came': Skr. d-gan^ common 
ground-form *e-qem-t, see § 493 p. 51; the P* sing, eki and 
3"* pi. ekin are said to be adformates of edi edin (see below); 
Bugge, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxii 75. 

em *am*: Skr. ds-mi^ see § 493 p. 52; 2"** sing, es for 
*es-si (I § 559 p. 416); 3'"'* sing, e following here *fert' for 
*bhere-ti {vice versa, 2°^* sing, beres follows es); 'd^^ pi. en 
doubtless for Idg. *s-enti (Bugge, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxu 71), 
cp. § 1019. 

e-di *I placed*: Skr. d-dha-m, see § 493 p. 53; 2°'* sing. 
e-di-r 3'^* sing, e-d 2°** pi. e-di-f^ 3'** e-di-n. di- = Idg. *dhe- 
(I § 71 p. 62), and thus the strong stem has here passed into 

1) Similarly , the forms with an t-determinatire, ds-i-s ds-i-t *eras 
erat' establish themselves in place of ds (Yedic for both persons); see 
§ 574. 

<i-l Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-ti. §502. 

the plural. The same is true of e-tu *I gave: Skr. d-da-m^ 
see § 493 p. 53; 2"** sing, e-tu-r 3^^ sing, e-t 2°** pi. e-tu-Tc 
3'** pi. e-tu-n-, tu- = Idg. *c?o- (I § 87 p. 84). But ta- = 
Idg. *c?9- is the stem of the present P* pi. ta-mJc 'damus', 
whence a appears instead of u in the singular ta-m (I § 109. a. 
p. 101). 

gom 'I am* is compared by Hiibschmann (Arm. Stud. I 
25, 61) with Gothic visa *I remain, tarry'; and he conjectures 
that it is derived from *ues-mi; Bugge (as cited, page 7) 
offers another explanation, but hardly improves upon this. 

§ 502. Greek, xrev- 'kill' = Skr. ksan-: P* pi. s-xra- 
-jusv, 3""** sing. dn-s-KTa-TO = Skr. d-ksa-ta, 2"^ sing. h-^Lva-d-rjq 
= Skr. d'ksa-thas (§ 503). The Homeric 3'^'^ pi. fxrav, conj. 
!•* pi. xTiwjLuv^ partic. -xrdg follow the analogy of roots in -a 
{i-(pav etc.), like ysya-xa (Pindar) from \/^yfi" etc. (the Author, 
Gr. Gr.2 p. 47). — With thematic vowel s-xrav-o-v. 

Remark. The Homeric l^t sing, -^xrnv and ^^^ sing, (xra are 
peculiar, a is certainly short only in O 432 {val\ inn avSga xarexTa 
KvS^Qoiai ua&foini). Is it possible that the original forms were exrav exTS 
with Aeolic a, which would be re-formates of the same nature as S'^ pi. 
fxTuv? Or is fxTu a re-formate like Skr. d-vrk beside vdrk (§ 499 p. 63), 
and -fxTav due simply to the analogy of exru^ 

\/hher- 'ferre': 2°** pi. tpfg-xe instead of *(poa-Ts *(jpap-Tf : 
Skr. hhdr'ti 2°^ dual bhr-tdm, Lat. fer-t (§ 505). 

\/^Q€r- 'swallow': s-(ioQ) ' sq)ayfv, edaxs, dteanaosv ; (igo)- = 
*gf-, weak grade like (pv- in f-yi;, § 497 p. 56. 

el-jLu 'I will go', Idg. *ei-mi^ see § 493 p. 52, 2'*** sing, si 
for *6t-(a)/, 3'''* sing, tl-oi; pi. V person L-/itsy 2""^ c-t8; S^^ pi. 
laoi either for ^ii^-avxi (Idg. Hi-enti) or instead of *«i^rf (Idg. 
*i-enti) with i prefixt following 1-f.isv l-Tt. Pret. P* sing, rja 
instead of */J« for *^j^-a (Skr. dy-am) following forms with a 
personal ending beginning in a consonant, such as ryi-iiv (on 
the augment see § 480 p. 28, § 481 pp. 29 f.); unaugmented 
3"* dual l-Trjv. Imperative l-Si: Skr. i-hi. The old conj. and 
opt., answering to Skr. dy-a-ti and i-yd-t^ are not found. 
Partic. fern. 'En-laOaa^ epithet of Demeter, for *i-uT-f.a: Skr. 

^ 502. Fr«seni Stem: CUm I — Skf. 4s-4L B5 

ij-at'i. — With thematic vowel: indie, pres. fia-itnaji preT. 
Uoin. I'f f/-f rj'O/iuy Att. imper. i-6-vv(ov opt. t-o-i partic. 
I'-o-Fr- (cp. J. }3auDack, Curt. Stud, x 96 ff. , Rheio. Mu». 
xxxvii 472), and compare conj. X-m t-w^sv. 

ff^fi' 'destroy' = Skr. k^ay-: 3"* sing. mid. iiff.^i-vo: 
Skr. imper. k^i-dhi. Conjunctive <p&t'S-rat; in Skr. we shouM 
expect *k§ay-a-tB on the analogy of k^i^dhi (cp. indie, k^ay- 
-a-ti). Partic. fp9l-,ufvo'^. — Whether (p&lu) {e(f>&tsv, -2*446) 
is (p9tf,'(o or (f)&t'i(o is not clear; cp. § 527 Rem. 

V^leu' 'loose*: mid. 3'** sing. Xv-to Xv-to, 3'** pi. Xv-yjo 
(cp. § 1068). 

!•* pi. Id'usv (Att. Xaf.i€v) 2"'* pi. la-Ts may be connected 
with the sing. *u^d-mi or olS-a, it matters not which; se<- 
§ 493 p. 52. 

slfii 1 am', Idg. *Ss'mi^ see § 493 p. 52. 2"* sing, t? 
for *&(a)i = Skr. dsi^ also elg (slg) and ia-ai , see § 987.1. 
3''* sing. €(T'Ti {ta-Ti): Skr. ds-ti, 1" pi. stfiev (Dor. fi/nk) for 
*ia^tfy shows the strong stem for the weak (cp. O.Icel. er-o 
er-u § 507), like the 2»*» pi. ia-rs and the 3'*» pi. Ion. sctm for 
*ia'avri; Att. ta/ifV follows ears in having a. The 3'** pi. Dor. 
hzi Att. si6i instead of *tvTt = Goth, sind , Idg. *s-enti 
(§ 1020. 1); for the breathing compare ovr- instead of *o-v-t- 
§ 493 p. 53. With 3'** pi. Dor. syri goes the participle Dor. 
6 IT-, nom. pi. svT't^ whose fem. saaa is a transformation of 
*a6(ja (cp. Skr. s-at-t). Pret. P* sing. Hom. ^« Att. tj for 
*««-i!^, 3'** smg. Dor. ^c for *es-^, 1" pi. ^^isv for *rja-niv 
(I § 565 p. 410), 2°*^ pi. na-xe, 3«» pi. Dor. etc. ^v for ♦^((y).^*' 
= Skr. ds-an (§ 1020. 1), also Boeot. -nag-stav for *^ay 
(§ 1021. 1); for the augment, see § 480 p. 28, § 481 pp. 29 f. 
1" sing, tiv 2"** pi. ^TB are re-formates caused by preterites 
like s^Xriv^ Class X, the point of contact being ri^ity. The 
3"* sing. Hom. ^hy Att. ijy is probably identical with 
3"* pi. Dor. fjv for *ri((j)-sv\ the Indicative had adopted -a»' 
(-aav) in other forms in place of 3"* pi. -bv (§ 1021), 
and thus rjBy ceased to be a clear plural, beginning with 
sentences like « di] XBXtXta^Bva rjBv {^ 4), dv&a /ndXtara ftd^rj 

lirugmaun. Element*. IV. 5 

66 Present Stem : Class I — Skr. ds-ti. § 502. 

xai (fvXonig tjsv (N 789). In the dialect of Herodotus rja 
became €« (I § 611 p. 462), whence by analogy sa-g ea-rs, 
op. § 504. On fjo&a and Horn, ttjod^a Irjv tjtjv, see §§ 583, 
and 858. 2. Imper. cadi for Idg. *z-dhi with prothetic vowel 
(I § 626 ]). 470): and Hecataeus has c-adi with the strong 
stem introduced. The old conjunctive (Skr. ds-a-ti ds-a-t 
Lat. er-i't) was lost in the historic period, and in its place 
we find SCO hofxs%' co (Ziuev like Skr. as-a-t. Opt. utjv for 
"^lo'iji'v or *^(7'i7j'V with the strong tense-stem (cp. § 943). — 
There is connexion between P' pi. i/Liev in Callimachus, the 
Thess. P* sing, ifxl^ and Horn. inf. tf^sv s/uBvai: either on 
the analogy of h^I : ridsTai (Dor. tvrl : Tid^svTi) and of dtjv : 
Ti&eif]Vj infinitives were formed to match with Tid^fitisv and 
Ti&e/nsv Ti&sjiisvat (cp. Mess. conj. ^wai and Hom. conj. (.ist-rjOi 
(§ 934) ; or the parallel forms sani : taai, ho : uo and so forth 
gave the impression that the two verbs were distinguished by 
liaving one s and the other i before the same endings, and 
thus &^uh and fjnsv(at) came into existence on the analogy of 
}'f4tr (1** pi.) and Lfihv(ai). In any case, £f.d was not made 
until after hiiev. — The enclisis of df^d^ as of (frjiu^ is due 
to tlie fact that the finite verb was always enclitic in the 
original language; see I § 669 p. 534, and Wackernagel, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxui 457 ff. — On the thematic forms 
(*5-o- and *eS'0'), see § 493 p. 53. 

^ *said' (with pr. Greek rj) for *7;K-r (I § 652. 5 p. 496), 
cp. Skr. dh-a Lat. ajo. The ablaut in the root needs ex- 
])laining (cp. Lat. ad-agium : prod-igium). In the mould of 
r/>^)' t(f>rfV ^ ^^]Lu^ (ptjol beside (pfj s(prj (pr. Ur. (pet-) were cast 

JjV, I'lfid, IJGI. 

\/^dfi€- 'place': s-S^s-ilisv etc., see § 493 p. 53. Similarly, 
from \/^se- 'send forth, let go, sow': slfzev pr. Grr. ^S'(cf)E'f^isv 
(cp. § 478 p. 26), unaugmented xaS^-s-jufv dqj-s-Tfjv, ^vv-t-ro; 
Fick's comparison (Wtb. I^ 13 f.) with Skr. sa- in dva-sa- 
'let go' {S^^ sing, d-sa-t 2°** dual si-tam) is unsafe. 

\/^dO' *give': f-^O'/nsv etc., see § 493 p. 53. Similarly 
from \^ko- 'to be sharp, have one's wits sharpened by 

§§M)8;M)4. PreMni Stem: GliMS I -- 8kr. a«-<f. f^7 

«»xperience' (Gr. xt»7-»^5, Lat. cOa ca-tu-s, cath 'wise';: 
f-xo-fiff • tjad^oinfi^u and xor * fidoq Hesych., cp. partic. dov, 

y/^bha- *8how, make open, declare*: (i/r)'Hi Dor. (pa-pn 
!•* pi. (pa'/Lih 2°'' pi. mid. (pd-a^tj cp. § 495 p. 55. 

y/^sta- 'stare*: t-avt^-v F-acrj-^tsv^ 2"* sing. mid.-pas>. 
^-ijTtt'O^fjc (: Skr. d-sthi-thas^ § 503) etc., see § 493 p. 54, 
§ 495 p. 55. 

§ 503. A number of forms of the 2"'* sing. pret. mid. 
with the personal ending -^/jg = Skr. -thds were the foun- 
dation for the ^//K-aorist, 6-xr«-i^7/c = Skr. d-k^a-thas besidir 
nn-ixTaro (§ 502 p. 64), e-rd-&f]g -— Skr. d-ta-thas from 
y^ten- stretch', e-tp^i-^ijq beside f-yi^i-ro (§ 502 p. 65), 
f'Ov-^r^c beside e-aov-To s-av-ro (§ 504), i-rt-if^rjc = Skr. 
d'dhi'thas beside f'-^^-ro from [^dhe- place* (§ 493 p. 53), 
f-do-tf^T^g = Skr. d-di-thds beside t-do-ro from \/^c?5- 'give' 
(§ 493 p. 53), l-OTU'd^jg = Skr. d-sthi-thas from \/s/a- 
\stand* (§ 493 p. 54). See §§ 589 and 1049. 2. 

vij 504. Some preterite tenses of this sort form a sub- 
class apart, in having developed from the -n of the P^ pers. 
sing, and -av in the 3'** plural, a flexion like the s-aorist 
(-tfa -oac etc.), in which the strong stem appeared instead of 
the weak in the active plural and dual and in the middle 

y/ gheti' 'pour: &-/e(f)-u, Aeol. (Horn.) ix^"^'^ ^'** ^^n- 
mid. f-xv-ro xv-ro: Skr. 2°** sing, ho-si. Prom this beginning 
we have «/?a^ fx^vag ix^^ ^x^vf txfn^ttv hytvafuv and so 
forth, instead of *i-xtv^' *i'X^v *f-/i;-//fi', and middle txfvaro. 
\^ qieij' 'set in motion, drive' (Gr. oasf- as/~, I § 489 
p. 360): Aeol. (Hom.) e^aaeva aeva imper. av-dt ' kkiff 
(Hesych.) 3*^ sing. mid. i-artv-xo gv-tv. Hence ^-aofvcu; and 
so on, also middle an'uTo. Similarly t)f«ro 'videbatur* doubtless 
is due to *h'6sa = ^e-dei-rii: Skr. redupl. d-dt-de-t imper. 
di-di'hi {Sodaaaxo with the root-grade doi- is derived from 
some noun). Herodotus has iag and fcttE from fa *eram', sec 
§ 502 p. 66. 


^)S Present Stem : Class I — Skr. ds-ti. §§ 404,505. 

Of the same sort are the reduplicated -iji'-tyx-a yvsyxac 
etc., and sh-u nnag (fftn- = *ite-uq-); see §§ 557, 569. 
Parallel to 7Jvsyxa is the form rjv-ny.a^ which is not reduplicated, 
but is derived from another root and compounded with the 
preposition ev- (the Author, Idg. Forsch. i 174); I'jvsmA too 
received the inflexion of the 5-aorist. 

It is easy to understand how this amalgamation with the 
5-aorist came about, if we may assume that the first step was 
to change the S""** person singular active. This would become 
**Vf<(xT), and if in its stead was used a form with the thematic 
vowel, tv-finf (beside aw-sviUsvai Hesiod), and similarly sxs(F)& 
(from f/fov) replaced *£~/sv, and sddsvs (beside loofvninTjv) 
replaced *f~aaev, and so forth, the rest followed naturally: for 
-a in the first and -f in the third person brought the forms 
into direct relation with the s-aorist. iuc lare are late, and 
copied straight from Ix^ag h/Jais. 

Remark. According to Fick (Gott gel. Anz. 1881, pp. 1432 f) 
and others, in all these preterites the 2°<* sing. (-«-<:), 2^^ pi. (-a-rf), etc., 
contain original dissyllabic roots ending with 9 (= Gr. «) , in which case 
they will belong to our Class IX. For instance, x^f^a- in ^x^"'^ 1^ con- 
nected by these scholars with Skr. havi- in havis-. This view seems to 
me less probable. Even granting it, however, confusion with the s-aorist 
is not by any means excluded. 

§ 505. Italic. A peculiarity of Latin is the combination 
of thematic and non-thematic forms to make up the persons of 
the present indicative. A first pers. sing, in Idg. -mi cannot be 
proved for Italic. 

y/'bher- 'bear*: Lat. fer-t: Skr. bhdr-ti; 2°^ pi. fer-tis 
imper. fer-te have taken the strong stem, like Gr. (pig-Tf 
(§ 502 p. 64), and like Skr. 2°<* dual bhar-tdm beside the 
regular bhf-tdm. The 2°** sing, indie, fer-s and the 2°** sing, 
imper. fer both represent the Idg. injunctive *bher-s: fer is 
regular (as par for *2)ars and the like, I § 655 p. 506), but 
fer-s has had -s added again. ') In the pres. indie, fero 

1) That fer comes from *fere^ as Pauli asserts (Altit. Stud., IV 29), 
I do not believe. If fere in the Song of the Arval Brethren really means 
'bring', this, and no other, would represent Idg. *bhere ; and fere would 
stand to fer as Marruc. d^^ sing. pres. fere-t to Lat. fer-t. 

§505. Present Stem: OUss I — Skr. 4s'ti. 6!) 

ferimus ferunt have a thematic vowel. Umbr. fertu 'ferto' 
may be identical with Lat. fer-tO^ or it may be the same h» 
the thematic Gr. rpfQl-vto (see I § 633 p. 474). 

{/^uel- 'wish': Lat. 2"** sing, injunct. vel for *uel-8 (I § 65.^> 
]>. 506), now a particle,*) 2°** pi. voltia for *ul'tes: Skr. ^-i^-<a 
etc., see § 493 p. 51. 3"* sing, volt instead of *vel't. On 2"^ 
sing, veis vis, see below. Optative: vel-i-m vel-i-mus, like 
(loth. !•* pi. vilrei-ma (1** sing. vUjau), with strong stem, 2) as 
contrasted with Skr. 3"* sing. mid. vur-Uta for *ulUl'to 
(see p. 51 footnote); in consideration of nUl nOlUe ndlftd 
(nolo for ne-volo as mold for *mag(e)-voW mavolo, cp. I § 432 c 
p. 322 on the word avilla), this irregularity may be easily 
explained on the supposition that there was an indie. *^d'(i)i6 
'^ueUl-s (Class XXVI), which is represented by O.H.G. 1'* sing. 
willu Goth. inf. viljan partic. viljands O.C.Sl. veljq veli-si etc. 
(§ 727). 3) — With thematic vowel indie, pres. volO, volumus 
volimns (§ 530), volunty for *ul^-d etc. Umbr. veltu *eligito* 
is as ambiguous as fertu, see above. 

Lat. 2°'* sing, vei-s vl-s (beside in-vUu-s), alien forms ab- 
sorbed into the conjugation of void: Skr. ve-ti 'presses on, 
strives* 3"* pi. vy-dnti. 

V ^i' *go': 2"** 3'** sing. Lat. ei-8 l-s and i-t ground-forms 
*6?i-s and *ei-fi, see § 493 p. 51. The I- (also written ei") of 
the present of the Latin finite verb, T-mus l-tis t-tur T-te etc., 
should strictly be «-, cp. Skr. i-mds etc. This is doubtless not 
the (weak grade) t of Skr. t-mahS Gr. f-o-jtut' (p. 52), but 
the strong grade ei-, cp. Pelign. ei-te *ite'. The rare Lat. 3"* 

1) Compare Umbr. heri8 — heris 'vis — vis' = *vel — vel'. 
Originally it was no doubt a question: 'will you have this? will you have 

2) I do not consider that proof has been shown for deriving relim 
from *colim by vowel assimilation, rel shows that Latin had the grade 
^l' in this root. 

3) A different aooount of Lat. nOli may be seen in Kuhn*8 
Zeitschr. xxx 313 (Waokernagers), and Stolz, Lat. Gr.* pp. 378, 379. 

70 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-ti. §505. 

pi. int was coined to complement tmus on the strength of 
sta-ftt : std-mus, ple-nt : ple-mus etc. 

Partic. tens like prae-s-ens (II § 126 p. 396, and lY 
p. 50, footnote). With thematic vowel eo for '^ei-o , eunt, 
partic. eiint-is etc., and the conj. earn: cp. Skr. indie, raid. 
dy-a-te. amhio ambiunt are doubtless not to be compared 
with Gr. lot slo-lovatv etc. (pp. 52, 65); they must be a 
re-formation following flnio^ the compound being treated like 
a simple word. 

y/es- *be': 3''* sing. Lat. es-t, Umbr. est est Osc. est ist: 
Skr. ds-ti., § 493 p. 52. 2"** sing, es for *es-s, also es, the latter 
perhaps augmented (§ 480 p. 28). Weak stem s- in the S'** pi. 
Umbr. s-ent Osc. s-et. The 2"^ pi. Lat. es-tis has taken the 
strong stem, like Gr. fa-rc. Conjunctive: Lat. ero er-i-s etc. 
with future meaning (§ 910). Optative: 2"^ sing. Lat. s-ie-s 
S'l-s Umbr. sir si sei, see § 946. To the the thematic stem 
s-O' belong P* sing. Lat. s-u-m Osc. sum swn for *s-o-w?, 
the injunctive form, P* pi. Lat. sumus simus (so too possumus 
possimus^ cp. volumus volimus above) for *s-o-mos, *) S'^ pi. 
Lat. s-o-nt sunt Falisc. simt^ partic. Lat. so7is sont-is (cp. the 
Author, Bericht der sachs. Ges. der Wiss., 1890, pp. 230 ff.). 

Remark 1. Side by side with potis sum {poti-s 'mighty, powerful, 
able' = Gr. rrd-m-?), for which a plural potis sumus was formed instead 
of *potes sumus after potis had crystallised (cp. Skr. datdsmas 'we will 
be giving' instead of ddtarah smas., and like phrases), was a variant 
pote sum. pole is an adverb (ace. sing. neut. for *2)0ti ., or loc. in orig. 
-c, see III § 260 p. 160), cp. bene sum, tuto sum. potisset 2>otisse are for 
potis 'sset ^sse, cp. situst for situs ^st. But potes potest potestis come 
from pote es etc. So also possum possim (whence j^ossem posse by com- 
plementary analogy) come from *potsum '*potsim, ^^o^e-sMW, pote-sim. It 
is doubtful, however, whether -e- disappeared by regular syncope, or 
whether potest : est suggested *potsiim : sum, (I § 501 p. 367). 

i^ed- *eat*: es est ^stis este^ pass, estur (on -st- instead 
of -ss- -s- see I § 501 Rem. 2 p. 368); with thematic vowol 
edd edimtis edunt, also edis edit etc. See § 480 Rem. pp. 28 f., 
§ 494 pp. 54 f., § 498 p. 60. Optative : ed-i-m ed-l-mus instead 

1) I § 110 page 105 should be corrected by this statement. 

^505. Present Stem: Claas 1 — Skr. dut!. 71 

t.f "(/-*-, perhaps to distinguish this npti«tivc \'vi>iu rh«' o|.l 
• ►ptative of dd- give* (see below). 

\/^ dhB' 'place*: Lat. con-di-mus ayti-di-tis crBdimus for 
^-fa-mos *'fa-tes: Gr. f-.*^f-^ie»' , see § 493 p. 53. The fornix 
■d6 'dis -dit -dtint are thematic. 

l/^rf/5- give': Lat. da-mus da-tis red-dimus -ditis: iir. r-do- 

'ftsv , see § 493 p. 53. ^) Imperative : ce-do (2"** pi. ce-tte 

for *ce'date *ce-dite , I S ^33 p. 474), see § 957. The oM 

optative stem *(/-?- (cp. Avest. 3''*' sing. d-yd-P) is fouD«l 

in Osc. tla-did 'dedat*; to this the conj. da-dad Lat. de-dnt 

is related like Lat. ed-cL-mus : ed-J-mns (see above). Tho 

old singular forms *do-m *dd'S *dd't are gone; we have 

instead do das dat. The last two represent the stem used in 

composition for the conjunctive, d-a- (cp. -hCLs for *bhti'd'8 indie 

beside conj. fn-cL-s^ see § 578); and these created dd on the 

analogy of st6 : stds^ floiflds etc. In composition, we see th»' 

same inflexion as leyo has : ven-do red-do -dis -dit -dimvs 

-diti -dunt. J3ut undoubtedly -dimus -ditis are what *-damvs 

*-datis must regularly become, cp. fut. O.Lat. reddibo for 


Remark 2. The compounds of d/ic- and do- were confused in 
Latin, beginning with the !«» and 2nd plural; -di- = *-/a- *'dh9- and = 
*-do- *'d9-. Compare Damiesteter, De conj. Lat. verbi dare, Paris 1877 ; 
Postgate, Dare, 'to give' and -dere 'to put', Trans. Phil. Soc. 1880—81 
pp. 99 if. ; Thielmann, Das verbum dare im Lat., Leipzig 1882 ; the Author, 
Liter. Centr. 1882 col. 1389 if. 

Whether the forms std-s sta-t from [^ sta- 'stand' are 
rightly placed here with the rest , as is suggested by Skr. 
li-sthd't and (ir. f-atTj (§ 493 p. 54), is very doubtful because 
of std-mus sta-tis. One cannot see why an orig. *std-mus (cj». 
dd-inus) should have been altered {eaxrjusv as compared witii 
hdofiiv is quite a different thing, see § 495 p. 55); and so ir 

1) Br^l (M^m. Soc. Ling., vii 326) thinks he may regard as an un- 
augmented preterite dat in Vergil's cratera antiquom quern dat Sidatiin 
Dido (Aen. ix 266). Many points in Vergil's manner are in favour of 
Br^al's assumption (see Ladewig on Aen. i 79, ii 275, Kahner Ausf. Or. 
II 90). 

72 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-ti. §506. 

is preferable to refer the whole present of this verb sto to 
"^sta-ioj see § 584 Rem., § 706. This is supported by Umbr. 
stahu 'sto*. 

§ 506. Keltic. l^es- *to be,i) 3'** sing. 0. Ir. is 
(J.Cymr. iss is for *eS'ti. S'** pi. O.Ir. it O.Cymr. int for 
*3-enti (II p. 196, footnote). The a- of the Irish proclitic sing. 
P* pers. am 2°^ at (3'"'* relat. «s), plur. P* ammi 2""^ adib 
(S^ rel. ata)^ is from -e. The form am then had no -i at the 
end; and since it is usually wi-itten am with one m, it seems 
to have had m spirant, like Mid.Cymr. wyf. It must there- 
fore not be derived from *estni. The 2°^ sing, at Mid.Cymr. 
icyt may contain the pronoun of the 2°** person, and may thus 
be explained as *esi-\-t-. Mid.Cymr. P* sing, wyf seems to be 
due to the analogy of the 2"** sing. Is Ir. atn the same? 
Others regard these forms as coming from the root ei- go'. 
The P* pi. ammi Mid.Cymr. ym may be *esmesi. In the 2°*' 
pi. adih^ -b is certainly an affixed personal pronoun, and -di- 
the ending of the 2°** pi. = -thi -the (ground-form *-^m, the 
suffix re-formed on the analogy of the P* pi., see § 1014). 
This brings us back to an imaginary ground-form *s-e-tesi -h 
.SP-, which would be a re-formate following the 3'''^ pi. *senti'^ 
and so perhaps the P* pi. should be derived from *s-esmesi, a 
later contamination. 

Again, the Keltic ^-preterite, as it is called, is partly of 
the same kind. In the 3'"** sing, of this preterite, the ending 
-t is said to represent the middle ending *-to (Strachan, Bezz. 
Beitr. xiii 128 ff., and Zimmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxx 204 ff.): 
('. g. O.Ir. aS'hert 'dixit' Mid.Cymr. kymerth 'sumpsit* for *kym- 
herth from [/'hher-. When -t ceased to be understood as a 
personal ending, the other persons which completed the tense 
were formed on the model of stem^ ending in -t: O.Ir. sing. 

1) Compare Zimmer, Kelt. Stud, ii 133; Stokes, The Neo-Celtic 
Verb Subst., 43 ff., Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxviii 93 ff. ; d'Arbois de Jubainville, 
M6m. Soc. Ling., v 239 f.; Strachan, Bezz. Beitr. xv 114 ff. In the text 
I follow chiefly information received from Thurneysen. 

§ 507. Present Stem : Class I — Skr. (u-ti. 78 

1** pcrs. -hurt 2*"* -birt , plur. 1"* -bartmar 2°<* "-bartid y* 
-bartatur. Compare Lith. eitu *i go' formed from el-t 'he goes* 
-= Skr. S-ti § 686 Rem. 2, Gr. MSriv from /-Jo'-^iy^* = Skr. 
(i'di'thas § 589. In forms like as-bert Strachan sees root- 
;M)rii<t8 of this class, Zimmer .s-aorists (*ber-8'to). As a matter 
of fact, both these aorists may have been the source for some 
preterites such as these. To our Class I belong O.Ir. ro-St 
'he took* for *-em-to^ Mid.Cymr. gwan-t 'percussit, feriit*. 

§ 507. Germanic, l^uel- 'wish': opt. Goth, viljau pi. 
vilei-ma O.H.G. 2"** and 3'^ sing, tvili O.Icel. 1** sing. mlja. The 
strong stem (cp. Skr. vr-iya-t vur-t-ta)^ like that of Lat. velim^ 
is duo to a confusion with the indie. *uel'(i)iO' *uel-t' (O.H.G. 
tniUu O.C.Sl. veliq). See § 493 p. 51, § 505 p. 69, § 928. 

\^*gem' go. come*: opt. A.S. cf/me = Goth. *kumjan: 
Skr. (jam-yd-my see § 493 p. 51. 

l^ es- 'to be*, see § 493 p. 52. The indicative forms are 
Goth, iw, is. ist, sijum sium^ sijup siup^ sind: O.H.G. bim, 
(bist bis)^ isi., birum, birut^ sint ; O.Icel. em, est, es (Run. is), 
cram erum^ erod ei'ud, ero eru. First it must be mentioned 
that the O.H.Cr. 2°** sing, bist bis belongs to a present to be 
described below in §§ 707 and 722, formed from [/^ bhe^-, 
namely 1'* siug. *bhu-iid 2"** sing. *bhu-t'Si etc. (A.S. P* sing. 
hSo 2"** sing, bis 3'** sing, bid, . O.Ir. biu etc.), and that the 
similarity of bis and *is (= Goth, is) produced b-im b-irum 
b^irut. l*' siug. (Joth. iw O.H.G. (b')im for *immi "^ismi = 
Skr. ds-mi (I g 582 Rem. 2 p. 436): O.Icel. em instead of 
regular *im following the plural forms which begin with e, 
whence also the e in est and es. Whether the 2"'' sing. Goth. 
is comes from Idg. *esi or *eS'Si (see § 984. 1), cannot be 
decided: O.Icel. est like O.H.G. bist has -t on the analogy of 
the preterite (§ 990.3); on the very rare O.Icel. 2*"* sing, es, 
see Noreen in Paul's Grundr. I 515 The 3'** sing. Goth. 
O.H.Cf. ist is for Idg. *es-ti', O.Icel. es (Run. is) A.S. O.Sax. 
is are doubtless the old injunctive Idg. *^es-t; the 3'"*' pi. O.Icel. 
tr^o is also injunctive (other explanations are suggested by 
.1. Schmidt, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxv 593; vou Fierlmger, ibid. 

74 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-H. §§507,508. 

XXVII 440 footnote 2; Noreen, loc. cit.; Osthoff, Perf. 428 f.). 
In the plural, the weak stem is seen in Goth, s-ind O.H.G. 
s-int = Idg. *s-e7tti. O.Icel. ero eru is pr. Germ. Hz-unp 
(§ 1025. 1 6), an injunctive in which the strong stem has taken 
the place of the weak (cp. Gr. eaoi^ § 502 p. 66). As the 
ending of "'•'izunp agreed with the so-called preterite-presents, 
such as Goth. mun~im (§ 508), on their analogy the P* pi. O.Icel. 
erom O.H.G. (b-)irum and the 2"'* pi. O.Icel. erod O.H.G. 
(b')irut appeared. These forms then produced O.H.G. Frank. 
sind-un O.Sax. A.S sind-un. Goth, sijum. sijufi are probably 
transformed from Hz-iim */e-w/>, caused partly by sind^ partly 
by the feeling that the opt. sijau sijdis etc. should contain a stem 
sij-. — The optative has always a weak root: P* sing. Goth. 
s-ijau O.H.G. s-i O.Icel. s-Ja; on the inflexion, see § 947. — 
Partic. "^s-und- = Idg. *s-^f- in Goth, sunjis 'true' for *sund- 
-ja- = Skr. saUyd- 'true'; also thematic *S'0-nU in *sanp-a- 
'true, truthful' A.S. sod O.Icel. sannr (cp. § 493 p. 53). 

O.H.G. ttiotn 1 do* (O.Sax. A.S. do-ni) must be derived 
from l^dhe-, along with the pret. te-ta and the subst. ta-t 
(Goth, ga-de-di-) and others, but its vowel makes it impossible 
to derive the word from *'dJie-mi. Perhaps it contains *dh-a- 
(Class X, § 585), found in other parts of tlie verb as a 
conjunctive stem (Lat. con-da-m -dct-mus); cp. Lat. 2°'* sing. 
d-d-s 'thou givest' = conj. (red-)das (§ 505 p. 71, § 937). 

Remark. On O.H.G. stam stem *I stand* and ;/am gem 'I go\ see 
§ 708. They certainly do not belong to this class of presents. 

§ 508. Some Preterite-Presents may also be placed in 
this class. Goth, mun-un 'they tliink', opt. P' pi. mun-ei-ma: 
Skr. mid. 3'"'* sing, d-ma-ta partic. man-ands^ [/^ me?i- 'think, 
mean'. Goth, ga-daiirs-tm O.H.G. gi-turrim 'they dare', opt. 
Goth, ga-daurs-ei-ma O.H.G. gi-turr-i-m: Skr. partic. dhfs- 
"(lijid-s^ [/' dhers- 'dare'. Goth, vit-un O.H.G. ivi^i-iin 'they 
know', opt. Goth, vit-ei-ma O.H.G. wi^'^-i-mes : Skr. vet-ti opt. 
vid-yd-t etc., see § 493 p. 52; the weak forms of this verj 
were present and perfect at the same time. 

§§509,510. Present Stem: CImr I — 8kr. dt-ti. 7.*) 

If this view bo right, Goth, mun-tin ga-datirs-un oit-uu 
were originally injunctive, like Icol. er-o er-u (§ 507 p. 73}. 
We shall meet again with present forms among the preterite- 
l»resent8 (§§ 646, 887, 893). 

8 509. Connected with Skr. tr-te imper. Avest. ar'-sca 
(Ir. oQ-ao^ which point to an Ldg. mid. pres. *f-tai (mentioned 
above, § 497, page 57) are A.S. 2°** sing, ear-d ar-d ear-t 
'thou art* pi. ear-un ar-on with ar- = ldg. */-. For the 
meaning cp. Or. op-wo-a, which in late Greek had also the 
meaning 'I am*. On the 2°'* sing., see § 990. 3. 

Remark. Germ. «r- was probably not a perfect stem, which would 
have been ar-. This is said to correct the note in ldg. Forsch. i 81. 

Von Fierlinger (Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvii 436 ff.) deduces 
some other presents with weak stem and secondary accent, 
from thematic forms with peculiar vocalism. Thus, for Goth. 
fara '1 faro, go*, l/" per- (in Gr. 7if(>aoi 'I pass through' etc.), 
he assumes an older present stem *;3f-, l*' pi. ^pf-mh (cp. 
Skr. 2°** sing, pdr-si), 

§ 510. Balto-Slavonic. To ldg. * mid-mi 1 see belong 
Lith. veizd-mi^ and imperative Lith. veizdl veizd O.C.Sl. vizdl. 
— the imperative forms have non-original strong stem, and the 
O.C.Sl. form has i instead of Z; see § 493 p. 52, §§ 949, 962. 
An undoubted re-formate is Lith. pa-vyzdmi instead of pa- 
'Oydziu 'invideo*, also used (cp. § 511). 

ldg. *es-mi I am*, see § 493 p. 52. The Lithuanian 
forms here to be cited are scattered over various dialects. 
1'* sing. Lith. es-ml O.C.Sl. jes-rrit-, on the analogy of thematic 
verbs with -n Lith. esmu (like Lett, esmti Pruss. asi)iu), and 
then a 2°** person esml was made on the analogy of sukt : mtku, 
2"** sing. Lith. esi (Pruss. assai assei asse essei) O.C.Sl. Jesi. 
see § 991. 3"» sing. Lith. es-ti es-t (Pruss. ast est) O.C.Sl. 
jeS'tU. The 1" and 2°** pi. may have taken es- instead of s- 
in pr. Balto-SIav. : Lith. es-me es-te (Pruss. asmai, astai asti 
estei) O.C.Sl. jes-mu jes-te. Partic. Pruss. -sins dat. -setiHsmu: 
cp. Lat. -5gws and (ir. Dor. /Vr-f? (p. 50 footnote). — 

76 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-ti. §§510,511. 

*s-o- in O.C.Sl. S*"** pi. sqtu partic. Lith. sqs sanczio 0.C.81. sy 
sqsta. *es-o- in Lith. P* sing, esil P* pi. esame 2"^^ pi. esate 
partic. esqs. It is not clear whether Lith. opt. (permissive) 
8'^ sing, tese 'sit' is to be analysed te-sS (cp. Pruss. 2°*^ pi. opt. 
sei'ti) or as t-ese. With augment pr. Balto-Slav. *eS'0-m etc. : 
in O.C.Sl. this occurs in the imperfects nesd-achu -ase -ase pi. 
-achomu -asete -achq, unthematic 2°** pi. -as-te also found (so 
too the dual has both -asta -aste and -aseta -asete)^ see § 903; 
in Lith. the preterite e- passed into the present, esu est esa 
esame esate partic. esqs, see § 480 p. 28. — On Lith. 3'''* sing. 
yra , which comes from the root of Skr. tr-te Avest. ar^-sva 
(fr. vQ-toQ-a A.S. ear-d^ see J. Schmidt in Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXV 595 f. 

The present of \/^ ed- *eat* was in pr. Balto-Slav. *ed-mi', 
for its 5 see § 480 Rem. pp. 28 f., § 494 p. 54. Lith. sing. 
P* pers. emi *I devour' 3'"'* sing, esti est pi. P* erne 2°** este 
dual P' edva 2°** esta (on edmi edme see I § 547 p. 401); 
O.C.Sl. sing. P* pers. jam^ 2°** jasi S'** jastu pi. P' jamu 
2^^ j aste 3^^ jad-^tu (on P* dual ^ai?^ instead of *jadvS, see 
I § 547 Rem. 3, p. 401). — Also thematic Lith. edu edi etc., 
Pruss. opt. 2°** pi. idaiti O.C.Sl. partic. jady Jadqsta. 

Other presents of this class are found in one only of the 
two branches, Baltic or Slavonic, not in both: 

§ 511. In Lithuanian there is a fine array of present 
forms of this class, but nearly all are defective and have only 
one or two persons left, chiefly the first and third. Some 
of them have come into this class quite late. Compare § 496 
p. 56. Lists of me- forms may be found in Schleicher 
pp. 250 ff., Kurschat pp. 304 ff., Bezzenberger Beitr. lit. Spr. 
198 f!'. (a few more come from the dialects). 

We begin with those which may be regarded as repre- 
senting Idg. originals. 

pa-velmi 'I will' 2"^*^ sing, pa-velt^ refl. P* sing, velme-s: 
Skr. d'Vf'ta etc., see § 493 p. 51. 

ei-mi 1 go': Skr. e-mi etc., see § 493 p. 51. 2"<* sing. 
el'Si 3^^ sing, el-ti et-t. The strong stem passes into the 

ibll. Present Stem: OIms I — Skr. (U-li. 77 

plural: 1»* eUme 2"** el-te; but 2^ pi. High Lithimnum eWe 
on the analogy of esteieme^ d&ste : d&'tne. Old injunctives 
are ei 'let him go' (te ne ei *let him not go*) et-m^ 'let us g«>' 
(dual ei'Vd). Impor. el-k = Lat. I (§ 957). Indie, now usually 
ei'fiit, as Class XIII (§ 615). Pruss. 2"'* sing. Si-sei 3'** sing. Si-t 
!■* pi. Bi-mai. Partic. Lith. ent- "going* (in old printed books) 
doubtless stands for *i-ent'^ first in compounds with prefix 
ending in a consonant, such as isz-ettt- (I § 147 p. 132), cp. 
p. 50 footnote; but it is possible that it comes from *iS-nt-, 
Class X ; see § 593. — *i-o- appears to be contained in Pruss. 
opt. 2"** sing, jeis 2"** pi. jeiti. 

lek-ml 'I remain* 3'^ sing, l^-ti Uk-t: Skr. 2°'^ dual rik- 
-tarn 2°** sing. mid. rik-thas^ [^ leiq- 'linquere'. 

rdiidmi *I lament* (regularly *raumi., I § 547 p. 401): Avest. 
3^^ sing. mid. raostd with irregular strong stem (cp. § 499 
p. 62), [/^reud- 'rudere'; cp. Skr. rddi-ti pi. rudi-mas § 574. 

deg-ml *I burn*: Skr. 2°** sing, dhdksi, see § 493 p. 53. 

sedrni 'I sit* 3'** sing, sest P* pi. refl. sedme-s: Skr. 2°** sing. 
sdt'Siy l^sed 'sedere', see § 494 pp. 54 f. 

jus-mi *I gird* (beside j&'siu) : Avest. 3'** sing, yas-ti, stem 
JOS'. Compare § 656. 

The imperatives de-k 'lay* (inf. de-ti^ ]/" dhB-) and d&'-k 
'give* (inf. du-ti^ |/" rf5-), of which the latter must be compared 
with Lat. ce-dOy show the same formation as el-k (= Lat. t). 
O.Lith. d&-di du-d 'give doubtless = *dd-dhi. See I § 547 
Rem. 1 p. 401, IV §§ 546, 957, 962. 

Some other presents of the same sort, to which there is 
nothing which answers outside the Baltic group, may here be 
named: bar-mi 1 scold* 3'** sing, ap-bart, [/'bher- (Lat. ferid)^ 
bar- for *bhf- ; sfiik-ti 'it snows*, [/^ sneiqh- ; meg-mi *I sleep' 
3"* sing, mikt 2°<* pi. mikte; rdug-mi 1 belch*, U^ reuq- (Gr. 
&psvyofi(it);^) serg-mi *1 protect, watch' 3'** sing. sMti; kosmi 
'I cough' (Skr. kos-a-te). 

1) On account of a form ridtujmf, Wiedemann (Lit. Praet 186) 
derived this word from a groundform *re\f(^-mi (op. § 494 pp. 54 f.); 
which is very dubious. 

78 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-ti. §§511—513. 

All these verbs have in Lithuaniao, beside this present 
formation, another with the same meaning, which in High 
Lithuanian is almost the only one. It is certainly no mere 
chance that in so many presents of the //i^-class, the bye-form 
is a verb in -iu with accentuated root (P* pi. -i-me Class XXYl 
§727), as sedziu^ sSrgiti^ kosiu, sydsiu {zydmi 1 bloom*), 
^zidudMu {czidudmi *I sneeze'), stovUi {stovmi 1 stand'), m^rdziu 
(mSrdmi 'I lie a-dying') etc. With these verbs in -i?/, the 2''** 
and S'^ sing, ran together and became indistinguishable in form 
(2**** sing, -i for *-?'?', 3'** sing, -i for *-2-0, and it is probable 
that it was a wish to keep these persons distinct which first 
produced the non-thematic forms in most of these verbs. 
J^erhaps on the analogy of se8t(i) (sedmi) beside sedmu was 
formed serkt(i) etc. 

Observe also tenk-ml instead of tenkit '1 last' (pret. tekati 
inf. Ukti)^ and the 2°*^ pi. gelhste (gelpste)^ from gelhmi 1 help' 
3''** sing. gUht(i) gelpt(i)^ — for its s, compare that of el-s-te 
§ 511 p. 77. 

§ 512. Slavonic. The form only without parallel in 
Lithuanian is se-tu 'inquit', explained in § 498 p. 52. 

Class II: Root + Thematic Yowel forming the 
Present Stem. 

§ 513, This class of present stems, invariably the largest in all 
Indo-Germanic languages, falls into two divisions, according as 
the accent falls (A) upon the root syllable or (B) upon the thematic 
vowel. When the root carried the accent, it was of the strong 
grade (P* strong gi-ade in the e-series), but weak grade if the 
accent fell upon the thematic vowel ; e. g. (A) "^bhSudh-o- = 
Skr. bodh-a- (rr. 7t&v&-0' (bodh-a-ti nsvS-u-iLiai nevd-s-frd^cu); 
(B) *bhudh'6- = Skr. budh-d- Gr. nvd^-o- (budh-d-nta ^-nv9- 
-#-ro 7iv&~S'69ai), from [/^bheudh- 'wake, notice, learn'. The 
indicative often gives both forms from the same root, particu- 
larly often in Aryan and Greek. This we see in the above 
example; others are Skr. tdr-a-ti : tir-d-ti 'oversteps, passes', 

§513. Present Stem: Class II — Skr. Uidt-n-ti »phur'(i-ti. 79 

kdr^-a-H : kY^-d-H *draw8, plou^^hn', sdrp-a-ti 'crawls' : d-sfp-a-t ; 
(h. Att. ighn-io: Dor. TQaii-ut (iiiHtcad of •r(>o7r-w) *I tum\ 
kfi7i-fi) 'I leave* inf. Xsin'tiv : f-Am-o-i' inf. Xin-sTv, t/'W *l have 
iiif. r/'Hv : ih'<i/'0-v inf. f^/-eh", Lat. Ic-o : ic-O^ rtid'd (O.H.(i. 
riu^u) : tiid-d \/reud-.^) Goth, veiha *I fight' pr. (Jeriii. 
*uSix-0: O.Icel. vec/ 'I compel* pr. Uerni. ^ui^-o^ Goth, trud-a 
'I tread': O.H.(i. <nY-M; ().(\S1. der-q *! tear*: Czech rfr-w 
8erv. 'dr-em , O.C.Sl. iirf-q T wait' (Lith. f/eidsiit) : zXd-q, 
liith. milZ'U 1 milk: O.C.Sl. mfe-^^. The two kinds are 
often found in different languages with the same root; an 
from [/" dhreugh- *hurt, deceive* Aryan has only *drugfi6'^ Skr. 
*2"** sing, druh-a-s etc., and Germanic only *dhrSughO'. O.H.G. 

To decide the historical relation of these two kinds, two 
facts have to be taken into account. First, that in Aryan and 
(ireek, Type B constantly expressed aorist action, and A 
present action.'^) Secondly, that type A is conjunctive to in- 
dicative forms of Class I, and B often occurs as a variant 
indicative stem along with stems of Class I, no distinction 
being drawn between these two present stems in meaning ; see 
^§ 498 if. How these facts are to be explained is still obscure. 
Only thus much may be called probable, that Type A had 
originally both indicative and subjunctive meaning (cp. § 489 
].p. 47 f., §§ 578, 910). 

K em ark. Because of the frequency with which these two types 
(II A and B) are found in the same verb, many scholars, among them 
Pick and Paul, have supposed that from diflferent persons of the same 
stem, we have the two stems bhiudh-o- bheiidh-e- and bhudh-o bhudh-i- 
by levelling; originally, they assume, the varying accent produced 
*bfi&iidh-o- and "bhudh-e- (e. g. is* pi. *bhiudh'0'Uios but 2°<* pi. *bhudh- 
'i'ie)\ then, by levelling, we have 2,^^ pi. *bh^h-e'te beside Hhndh't-tr 
following *bhi^h-o-mos, and ricf versa we have *bhudh-0'mos beside 

1) I here assume that ico comes from *eic6 and i'U'iO from *ro^d6 
*teydd. But this is not certain; for / und « may represent Idg. i und h. 

2) Type B is found distinguishing the aorist sense from other 
present stems, and not only those of the A type; as Skr. dchida-t Lat. 
tfcidi't (§ 528), but pres. Skr. chinnt-ti opt. chinde-ta Lat. scindo. 

80 Present Stem: Class II — Skr. bhar-a-ti sphur-d-ti. §514. 

*bh^ff,dh'0-mos following *bhudh-e-te^ and so on,*) This must have hap- 
pened, if it did happen, in the proethnic language, because even then 
the type *bhudJi6' had become associated with aoristic action, and 
*bheiidho- with the meaning of the conjunctive. 

To explain the relation of II A and 5, others call attention to the 
change of accent in the Balto-Slavonic present indicative, as Lith. vedti 
vedl v^da. But the original accent of the Balto-Slavonic verb, which 
is the important point, has not yet been made out for certain; the only 
certain point is that the l^t sing, accented its final, Lith. vedu suhit = 
Russ. vedu sku. And even if the accentuation varied then in the different 
persons, how can it be proved that this mode was older than the 

The same double forms are seen in Class XIII (as Gr. 
dtjXouai : ^wko/iiai, § 607), and Class XXVI (as O.H.G. wirk(i)u: 
Goth, vaiirkja^ § 705). What may be the cause of the difference 
is no less dark in these than in the other. 

§ 514. Class II A: the Root Syllable accented and 
in the strong Grade. Some forms are used as both indi- 
cative and conjunctive, as. indie. Skr. dy-a-te Lat. eo eunt^ 
conj. Skr. dy-a-ti dy-a-t (beside indie, e-ti) ; see § 493 ff. 
Here we confine ourselves to o-forms with indicative meaning. 

Pr. Idg. hhSr-d 1 bear* S'^ sing. ^hMr-e-tii): Skr. hhdr- 
-ami bhdr-a-ti^ Armen. ber-em (§ 978) here for *ber-e-ti (I § 483 
p. 357), Gr. <fb(j-b)^ Lat. fer-o^ O.Ir. -biur for *ber-d ber-i-d, 
Goth, bair-a bair-i-p, O.C.Sl. ber-e-tu', pret. 3''** sing. ^S-bher-e-t: 
Skr. d-bhar-a-f^ Armen. e-beVj Gr. s-q)S(}-s', imper. 2"** sing. 
*bhSr-'e: Skr. bhdr-a^ Armen. 6er, Gr. (peg-s^ O.Ir. beir^ Goth. 
hair., opt. 2"^ sing. *bher-0'i-s; Skr. bhdr-e-s^ Gr. rptg-o-i-gj 
Goth, bair-d-i-s, O.C.Sl. ber-i. *gen-d 'I beget*: Skr. jdn-ami, 
Gr. 'pret. f-ysv-O'/Litjv (§ 518), O.Lat. gen-o. *uei-d: Avesr. 
vay-emi *I drive, scare off', Lith. vej-u 'I pursue*. *pleu-o 'I 
swim, flow, sail': Skr. 3'*' sing. mid. pldv-a-te., Gr. nX8(f)-(»^ 
Lat. B^^ sing^ *plov-i-t (imperf. plovebat Petron., inf. per-plovere 

1) Such levelling as this would not be extraordinary. For instance, 
the present of Lat. vindico becomes in O.Fr. , regularly, venge venches 
vtnchet vengons vengiez venchent; from this we have two series derived, 
(1) venge venges venget vengons vengiez vengent^ and (2) venches venche 
venchef veiicJMns venchiez venchent (Neumann, Zeitschr. Rom. Phil., XIV, 562). 

§§514,515. Present Stem: Class II — Hkr. bhar-n-ti sphur-d-ti. 81 

Fe»t.), O.O.Sl. 3"* sing, ploo-e'tu. *iiert'0 verto*: Skr. cdrhami, 
Lat. cert-o, Goth, valrp-a, *lh9qh'o: Skr. 3"* sing. nii«i. ri^~ 
-a-te 'hastens, accelerates*, O.Ir. lingid 'springs up* (R. Schnii<It, 
Idg. Forsch. i 48 ff., 76), O.H.G. gi4ingu 1 have goo«l pro- 
gress or result*, ^nis-e-tai: Skr. nds-a-ts approaches lovingly, 
joins company with some one*, Or. vi(a)-i'Tcu 'returns home", 
Goth, (ja-nis-a *I am saved, survive, recover*. *§Su8'0 1 taste, 
try, enjoy': Skr. jd^-ami Gr. yev-co yev-o-fiai (cp. the Author 
(ir. Gr.2 p. 31), Goth, kius-a. ^iiSgh-o veho*: Skr. vdh^mi, 
Gr. Pamphyl. imper. /f/-i -roj (?) , Lat. veh-d, Goth, ga-viga, 
Lith. oeZ'it O.C.Sl. 3'** sing, vez-e-tu. ^siq-e-tai *is with, follows' : 
Skr. sdc-G'tB, Gr. ^'7r-*-r«i, Lat. sequ-i-tur, O.Ir. sech-idir (now 
a weak verb), Lith. sek-u. ^piq-o 1 cook'; Skr. pdc-amu 
Ut. coqti'O for *queqU'0 *pequ-d (I § 336 p. 267), O.C.Sl. 
3*^ sing, pec-e-tti. Hg-o 'I drive, lead*: Skr. dj-dmi, Armen. 
accent, Gr. dy-iu, Lat. ag-d, O.Ir. ag-im, O.Icel. infin. <ika. 

On present forms with Idg. e in place of e, as Gr. fn^d-o- 
'^tai Lith. beg-u Skr. sdh-Umi mdrj-dmi, see § 471 p. 16, 
§ 480 Rem. pp. 28 f., § 494 pp. 54 f. To the same list perhaps 
belongs the West-Germ. 2°<* sing, pret., as O.H.G. ma^i AS. 
mate 'measurest* (Gr. mid. i-ufjdso -ov), O.H.G. a^i 'atest' (Lith. 
ed-u 'to eat*, but cp. the augmented Skr. dd-a-s Gr. ^S-s-c)^ 
see § 893. 

§ 516. Aryan. Skr. bhdr-a-ti 'fert* Avest. baraiti, pret. 
3"* pi. Skr. d-bha-ra-n Avest. bar-e-n 0,P era. a-bar-a: Armen. 
ber-em etc., see § 514 p. 80. Skr. ndm-a-ti 'bows* Avest. 
nemaiti^ X^netn-, Skr. ndg-a-ti leads' Avest. nay^ O.Per8. 
pret. !•* sing, a-natj-a-m. Skr. cydv-a-te raises itself, stirs' 
Avest. savaite O.Pers. pret. 1'* sing, a-siijav-a-m: Gr. Aeol. 
*Jfvw, V^qieU'. Skr. pdrd-a-te farts*: Gr. nsgd-s-rai^ O.H.G. 
firZ'U, Lett, perd-u. Skr. ir{s-a-^t utters solemnly, praises* 
Avest. safdghaiti Gathic setoghaiH 'speaks, teaches*, \^KenS'. 
Skr. pret. d-bandh-a-t 'he bound* Avest. bandaiti: Goth, bind-a^ 
\rbhendh-. Skr. bhed-a-ti 'splits*: Goth. 6«i<-a 1 bite', 
V^bheid'. Avest. sna^z-aiti it snows' (I § 454 p. 335): Gr. 
yfiV/i-fi, Lith. dial, sn^i^r-a Lett, wi^, v^^ti^igA-. Skr. bSdh-a^i 

Brufmann, Element*. IV. 6 

82 Present Stem: Class II — Skr. bbdr-a-ti sphur-d-ti. §§516-518. 

Vakes, awakes, is observant* Avest. mid. baodaite: Gr. ntv^-s- 
'Tai 'learns, discovers*, Goth, ana-hiuda *1 bid, command', O.C.Sl. 
hljud-e-tu 'observes', with secondary (/);, y/^bheudh-. Skr. 
pdt-a-ti 'flies' Avest. pat'e-nti 'they fall, run' O.Pers. ud-apatata 
*he raised himself: Gr. nfr-t'tai 'flies', Lat. pet-o. Skr. dj-a-ti 
'leads, drives' Avest. azaiti: Armen. acem etc., see § 514 p. 80. 
Skr. drh-a-ti *earns, deserves' Avest. ar^jaiti : Gr. pret. ^Ay-o-r 
*I earned', x^algh-. 

g 516. Sanskrit had so many presents of Class II A with 
a in the root syllable, that other stems which had originally a 
unaccented in the root, accented it on their analogy; e.g. 
*dnJc'e-ti 'bites* properly becomes *daSdti^ but what we find is 
d4Sati, cp. also dq^-a-ti from *denk-e-ti. See I § 672 p. 537. 
But this retraction of accent is found with other root vowels 
as well, not a only; as girami beside girdmi (§ 525); cp. hinv- 
-a-ti hi-nv-a-nti in contrast with hi-no-ti hi-nv-dnti § 651. 

§ 617. Armenian, berem 'I bring, carry': Skr. bhdrami 
etc., see § 514 p. 80. celem 'I split', beside Lith. skelu (skel- 
-iu) 'I split', e-ker *he ate': Skr. S*"^ sing, gar-a-t (should be 
*jar-a't, but follows gird-ti and others), y/^qer-. e-tes 'he saw' 
(tes- for Hers-^ 1 §263 p. 214): Skr. d-darS-a-t^ Gr. Sc-ptc-f-rai, 
O.Ir. con-dercar 'conspicitur, \^derJc-. liz-em *I lick': Gr. 

Remark. Whether the / of gitem *I know' was Idg. <?/, which 
would connect the verb with Skr. ved-a-te Gr. dS-f-rai^ or Idg. oj, which 
would make it a transformation of the perfect (Gr. olSa) , is not to be 
decided, Bartholomae's efforts notwithstanding (Bezz. Beitr. xvii 94 f.). 
The meaning does not prove a perfect origin for it. 

§ 518. Greek, ds^-of 'I flay; Goth, ga-taira O.H.G. 
zir-u 1 tear to pieces, I destroy', O.C.Sl. der-e-tu 'tears to 
pieces*. ovsv-io 'I groan, bewail*: Skr. stan-a-ti 'thunders, 
roars'. Qf{f)-si QeT 'flows' : Skr. srdv-a-ti. d^s(f)'(o 'I run' : Skr. 
dhav-a-te 'streams, flows' (on dhdv-a-ti see § 480 Rem. p. 29). 
ri()7T-(o 'I satisfy, please': Skr. tdrp-a-ti. d/u6?.y-o) 'I milk': 
O.H.G. milch-u^ Lith. meU-u. Hd'0-/Liai M appear, am like*: 
Skr. ved-a-te. -ndd^-to 'I persuade': Lat. fid-o^ Goth, beid-a 

§§518^19. Present Stem: CIms II — Skr. hhar-a-ti »phur-d-U. 83 

*I await', fv-to 'I burn' Ion. sv-ui (cp. the Author, Gr. Or.* 
p. 31): Skr. d^-a-ti^ Lat. ur-O, \/^e?fS-; tvo) lor *evhd as 
finofitjy for *ihs7fdiLt7jv , see § 478 p. . fpfv^-w I redden, 
make red': O.Icel rpd (inf. rjoda)^ [/" reudh-. cxly-M *1 cover*: 
Skr. sthnfj-u-ti (grammarian \s word), Lat. teg-O. tx-ro *i hold, 
liave': Skr. sdh-a-te 'overcomes' (on sdh-a-ti see S 480 Rem. 
p. 29). tfc-(f> *I seethe, boil*: Skr. a-yas-a-t^ O.H.G. jis-u 
(fis-u, \^jes'. aiif-ut 1 burn, [/^aidh- (I § 93 p. 87, §318 
p. 237). T7jx-(»> 'I melt' Dor. rax-ut, XTJy-M '1 cease*, y^a/^g- 
(I § 565 p. 423). 

Since the preterites fytvo/nrjv 'I became' sd^evov 'I struck 
*Jkoy *I seized* were used as aorists, their infinitives and parti- 
ciples were accented like forms of Class II B: yevtaf^m, fhov, 
^FVfoy instead of *ytvf(y9^m, *tk(ov, *&Bvo}t\ As regards the 
aorists hexoi' *1 bore, begot' and Dor. Lesb. isnsrov *I fell' 
(TfxeTvj TifTMv) , these may possibly belong by rights to II /?, 
and may have exchanged their 9 for e (cp. Bartholomae, Bezz. 
Beiti'. XVII 109). Compare § 527. 

§ 619. Italic. Lat. fer-o^ cp. Umbr. conj. ferar 'let him 
bear' (fertu 'ferto* for ^fere-tod?) : Skr. hhar-a-ti etc., see 
§ 514 pp. 80 f.). col-o for *quel'd (I § 172.3 p. 152): Skr. 
cdr-a-ti 'moves, goes', Gr. niX-s-rai *is in motion, versatuf 
(this should really be rfA-, but follows the analogy of s-hk-^-to 
etc., see I § 427 h with Rem. 1, pp. 313 f.), i^qel-. Lat. sono 
(inf. sonere) for *suen-o (cp. cold) : Skr. svdn-a-ti 'sounds, 
echoes*, trem-o: Gr. xQku-(o *I tremble' (cp. § 488 p. 47). 
ex-n6 for *-oti5 *-^o (cp. Umbr. aw-otn^im?( 'induimino* § 716). 
serp'6: Skr. sdrp-a-ti Gr. ^'(>7r-« 'crawls', deic-o dic-6^ Umbr. 
deitii teitu 'dicito* (I § 502 p. 368), cp. Ose. deicans 'dicant*: 
Goth, ga-ieiha '1 announce, inform', [/' dejjc-. Lat. mljo pro- 
bably for *meih6 (I § 389 p. 291, § 510 p. 374): Skr. rnvh-a-ti 
Avest. ma^zaiti, Armen. miz-etn^ A.S. mfg-«, i^meigh-, doxtc6 
ducd for *deuk'6: Goth. tUih-a *I draw* ^deuk-. ed-d: Gr. 
«J-f.i Goth, it-a (on Litli. ed-u see § 480 Rem. pp. 28 f.). tex-6: 
Skr. tdi^-a-ti 'makes'; Gr. rfxTf.«' prevents our deriving the 


84 Present Stem: Class II — Skr. bhar-a-ti sphur-d-ti. 

present from Hek-se-ti^ and putting it in Class XX ; see I § 554 
p. 408, Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitscbr. xxxi 433. Lat. ag-o^ 
Umbr. aitu aitu Osc. actud agito' (I § 502 p. 368): Skr. 
dj'a-ti etc., see § 514 p. 81. Lat. scab-o: Gotb. skab-a 
'I scrape, shave* (I § 346 p. 271). 

§ 520. Keltic. Irisb Presents of the P* and 3^^ conju- 
gations (o- and *o-stems) are so often confused that the 
distinction between them cannot be made of any practical use. 
This makes it quite uncertain whether the following specimens 
belonged to Class II originally or not. 

O.Ir. 'biur ber4m 1 bear, bring': Skr. bhdr-a-ti etc., see 
§ 514 p. 80. cel'im 1 hide: O.H.G. hil-u 1 hide' (it is 
doubtful whether to add Lat. oc-culo^ as being for *'Celd^ 
or to place it in II B). mel-im 'molo', I/" mel- (O.C.Sl. mel-jq 
inf. mli'ti). con-dercar 'conspicitur : Skr. d-dars-a-t etc., see 
§ 517 p. 82. reth'im 1 run*: cp. Lith. rit-ic 'I roll* (II B). 
e-rig (Mid. Ir.) imper. "raise yourself, rise': Gr. 6(}ly-ui 
'I reach*, Lat. reg-o. lengim 'I spring* 3'*^ sing, lingid) : 
Skr. rqh-a-te etc., see § 514 p. 81. scendim (Mid. Ir.) 
'I spring' , Mod. Cymr. cy-chwynnaf *I spring up', pr. Kelt. 
*sk%i^nd-', it appears to be connected with Skr. skdnd- 
^a-ti 'springs' Lat. scandd^ but the vowels are not clear 
(cp. Kretschmer in Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 379, R. Schmidt 
Idg. Forsch. I 75 f.). tiag-im *I go*: Gr. arelx'O) I go*, Goth. 
steig-a 'I climb', \^ steigfi-. fed-im llead': Lith. ved-u 'I lead* 
O.C.Sl. ved-e-tu, l^uedh-. tech-im 1 flee': Skr. tak-a-ti runs, 
pushes, shoves' (in the grammarians) , Lith. tek-ii *I run , flow' 
O.C.Sl. tec-e-tu 'runs, flows', can-im 'I sing': Lat. can-o. 

§ 521. Germanic. Goth, ga-taira O.H.G. zir~u 'I tear, 
destroy*: Gr. ^sp-ot etc., see § 518 p. 82. O.H.G. hrim-u 
'I growl, roar : Lat. frem-o (cp. Osthofi*, M. U., Y 93 fF., Per 
Persson Stud, zur Lehre der Wurzelerweiterung, 288). Goth. 
ga-pairsa 'I dry up': Gr. TsoO-s-rai *dries*. O.H.G. ivirr-u 
'I mix up, confuse (instead of '^wirs-u by analogy of gi-worran 
and other such, where -rr- comes from -r^-, cp. I § 582 
Rem, 1 p. 435): Lat. verro for *vers-d (also vorro). O.H.G. 

§ 522. Present Stem: Class II — 8kr. Udr-a-ti 9pkur'^i. i^-y 

smih'U *I molt': Or. itfld-f-rai 'molts, liquefioH*. Goth, bind^ 
O.H.O. biut-u I bind': Hkr. d-bandh-a-t, \/ bhendh-, hoc § 51 ') 
p. 81. Goth, leihv-a O.H.O. lih-u 1 lend*: Or. Xtin-fo Lith. 
l^k'it 1 leave', [/'leiq-. O.H.O. ifJhu *I strain, filter: Skr. 
sic-a-t^ *p^^^'"' l^seiq-. Ootli. vis-a O.H.O. wis-u *I remain, 
linger': Skr. riis-a-ti 'lingers, dwells'. Ooth. qip-a O.H.O. 
qtiid'U 'I say, speak'. Goth, skdid-a O.H.O. sceid-u *I sever', 
X^sJchait- sicliaid- scindore. *) Goth, duk-a 'I increase (trans, 
or intr.)', [/'aug-. Ooth. l^t-n O.H.O. la^-u *I leave': cp. (Jr. 
Xr^($fh'' y.oninv^'at Hosych. (Siitterlin, HabilitationH- 
Thesen p. 3) and Lat. lassu-s; the d of ISd- is perhaps a 
root-detorminative {§ 609). 

§ 522. Balto-Slavonif. Lith. gen-tt 'I drive', O.C.Sl. 
zen-e-tu 'drives': Skr. han-a-ti Ayestjanaiti 'strikes, kills' (§ 498 
p. 58), Or. e'9sv'0-y ^fr-str 'strike (§ 518 p. 83). O.C.Sl. 
pfje-tu pije-tu 'drinks' (inf. pi-ti) probably for *pei-^-ti (cp. poji-ti 
'to give to drink') : Skr. pdy-a-te 'swills , strains', cp. § 535. 
O.C.Sl. slov-e-tu 'is called' for ^slev-e-tu: Or. y.X&(/)'i'Tm 'celo- 
bratur', I'^lcleu-. Lith. kert-u 'I hew': Skr. kartati 'cuts* (instead of 
*cart-a-ti^ following k/t-a- kpit-a etc.), l^qert-. O.C.Sl. br^zetu 
'cares for, tends' for Herg-e-tu (I § 281 p. 224, § 464 p. 340): 
Ooth. bairg-a *I keep, preserve* O.H.O. birg-u 'I save, hide', 
\/^bherg}i-. Lith. bred-u *I wade', O.C.Sl. bred-e-tu 'wades'. 
Lith. velk-u *I drag, pull', O.C.Sl. vUc-e-tu *drags, pulls' (like 
br^zetxi above): Or. iXa-o) 'I drag, pull', [/^suelq- uelq-. Lith. 
les-ii 'I pick' : Ooth. lis-a 'I pick, gather'. Lett. stHg-n 'I sink 
in' (= Lith. *streg-ii), O.C.Sl. striz-e-fii 'shears, shaves': 
O.H.O. stnhh'U 'I strike, stroke', ['^sfreiQ'. Lith. lek-u 
'I leave': Or. Xhtj-io etc., see § 521 p. 85. O.C.Sl. zid-e-tu 
'waits': cp. Lith. geidziu 'I desire after' (Class XXVl). 
O.C.Sl. bl/ud-e-tu 'observes': Skr. bSdh-a-ti etc., see § 515 
pp. 81 f. Lith. deg-u 'I burn', O.C.Sl. zes-e-Hi 'burns* for 

1) Not sqhait', as assumed in I § 553 p. 406. See Hubschmaon, 
Zeitsohr. dcutsch. morg. Oes., xxxvui 424 f.. Burg, Kuhn*s Zeitschr. 

XXIX 367. 

86 Present Stem : Class II — Skr. bhdr-a-ii sphur-d-ti. § 523. 

*geg'e-tu and this for *deg-e-tu (cp. Russ. iz-gaga *heart-burn') : ') 
Skr. ddh-a-ti 'burns', [/^ dhe^h-, Lith. pesz-u 'I pluck': Gr. 
Tff x-a» 'I shear'. Lith. hos-u I cough' : Skr. Ms-a-te 'coughs'. 

§ 523. Class II B: the Accent falls upon the 
thematic Yowel, and the Root is Weak. 

This class may have been produced by adding a thematic 
vowel to forms of Class I with the weak stem; see § 491, 
page 50. 

Pr. Idg. *g^r-6 I swallow' B"**^ sing. *gxr-e't(i)^ [/^qer-: 
Skr. gir-dmi gil-dmi^ O.C.Sl. Mr-e-tu. *mll-6- from \/^mel' 
'grind' (O.Ir. melim , II ^ , § 520 p. 84): Armen. mal-em 
'I shatter, crush', Lat. mol-o^ Mod. Cymr. mal-af 'I grind'. 
*gfltm'd- *qm-6- from y/^gem- *go, come' (Goth, qim-a): Skr. 
opt. gam-e-t Avest. g^m-a-p ym-a-J) O.Pers. mid. a-gm-a-ta, 
O.H.G. cmn-u (I § 227 p. 193); whether Lat. conj. ad-venat 
(properly *-vem-a-t, but changed by analogy of venio -ventu-Sj 
see I §§ 207, 208 pp. 174 f.) and Osc. indie, kiimbened 'cou- 
venit* (-W- instead of -m- as in Latin) should be placed here 
or in Class II A is uncertain ; — and a parallel stem, Idg. 
*qem-ti § 493 p. 51. *M^«-d- from i^iien- 'win, love : Skr. 
opt. 1'^ pi. van-e-nia (conj. van-d-ti)^ Goth, un-vunands not 
rejoicing'. 2) *^m-(J- from I/"M^m- take : Lat. emo^ Lith. imti 
O.C.Sl. imq-, see I § 219 Rem. 2 p. 187, § 238 p. 199; 
Solmsen in Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 81; Briickner, Arch. slav. 
Phil, X 183 (not so Pick, Wtb. I* 363, Wiedemann Lit. Praet. 
118). *h1mtjL'6- ^hhu-6' from [/^bheu- 'become, be': Skr. B"*** 
sing, d'bhuv-a-t bkuv-a-t (for the accent, see § 525) 

1) Vol. I § 379 Rem. p. 286, should be corrected. It can hardly be 
right to separate zeyq from degit, as Miklosich does (Etym. "Worterb. 407). 

2) A comparison of un-vunands with forms like kunmim = Idg. 
*gn-nii-mes (§ 646) shews that n and m following ^ and m as transition- 
consonants or consonant glides were pronounced more weakly than when 
they had their ordinary value. Thus it would be better to write *M^"-t>-, 
and on the same principle *6/iw*-o- (= Skr. bhuv-a-t)^ *du-d (= Gr. rlvio) 
rather than *bJiuu-0' *duu-o. The difference is seen in pr. Gr. *hek-etai 

= f.TfTai an (fOiJcuos = 'irtnoc. 

§ 524. Present Stem : Claas II — 8kr. Ohdr-a-ti tpltut-d-iL ^ 7 

Avost.;]'** siiij^. hr-a-p 3"* pi. bflti i. e. buv-e-n^ Lat. aor. (perf.) 
fui't (coinparo coiij. < )si\ fuid -~= *fu-^'t aud O.Lat. fu-a-g) 

fut. -ho- bunt for *-/ti-o- (§ 899) Osc. indie, aor. aa-mana-ffed 

inandavit* == Avest. bva-Jf (§S 874, 899), O.Ir. no charub 
for *cara'b(ti)6 (card-? § 899), O.C.Sl. a''* pi. injunct. bn for 

*bu'0'nt (§ 727); it is not certain that Or. ff^vio belongs to this 
class, as it may be derived from '^(pv-ijco (we have in Aeolic r/wV* 
§ 527 Rem., § 707). *qrt'6' from V^qerU 'cut' : Skr. d-kft-a-t, 
O.C.Sl. cfa-e-tu. *drk'6- from y/derfc- 'see: Skr. ii'^'pi. fi-dri- 
'fi-n opt. dfS-e't^ (jrr. 6-J««x-o-i' iuf. dnaa-sTv. *nily'6- from i^melg- 
*Htroke, milk* : Skr. mfj-d-ti 'strokes off, cleans', Mid. Ir. blegaim 
'I milk*, O.C.Sl. mltiz-e-m milks*. *rfw£-d- from U^ deiik- 'bite': 
Skr. ddi-a-ti (for the accent, see § 516 p. 82, § 525), Or. 
f'dn-A-O'V (I § 224 p. 192). *riid'6' from \/^ reiid- 'lament*: 
Skr. rud-d'ti Lat. rud-O O.H.G. 2°** sing. pret. rw^-i for 
*rut-i'2 (§ 893). \iid-6' from i^ueid-: Skr. d-vid-a-t *he found* 
Avest. Gathic vTd-a-p, Armen. e-^i^ 'he found', Gr. i'd-nv Lesb. 
f-rii)-o-i' 'I saw' inf. id-cTv^ inf. Goth, vit-an O.H.(t. tiin-an 
'know*. *s-6- from Kes-'be*: Lat. s-M-m s-u-mus s-u-nt^ partic. 
Gr. Mv Lat. s5»s O.Icel. sannr Lith. srfs O.C.Sl. sy, see § 493. 
*dh'6' from X/'dhe- ^n^lvai: Skr. dh-a-t^ Lat. con-do^ see 
§ 493 pp. 52 f. Goth, magan 'be able* partic. magunds^ 
O.C.Sl. wfo^a 'I can', beside Gr. fif^yo^ 'help, remedy* (?; = «), 
cp. § 887. 

§ 524. Aryan. Skr. sphur-d-ti 'pushes away, accelerates*, 
Vesper-', Avest. sparaiti may belong either to II ^ or II jB 
(cp. 1 § 290 p. 232). Skr. tir-d-ti tur-d-ti 'presses or passes 
through*, i/^ter-. 3'*' pi. r-a-nU^ y/er- 'set in motion*. Im- 
perative: y^-«, V gm- 'know'. Optative: san-e-t, l/^seu- 'win', 
cp. I § 231. hsiy-d'ti ksy-d-ti 'lingers, dwells'. a-khy-a-t 
'he looked* (in composition), variant stem khy-a- § 736. Optative : 
!•* pi. kuv-e-ma pret. d-hv-a-t from hu^ 'call to', [/^ghe^-, 
dhuo-a-ti 'shakes*: is Gr. ^vui 'I offer* the same as this, or does 
it come from *!^v^(o? see §527 Rem. suv-d-ti sc-d-ti 'begets 
creates', sij-d-ti sends forth*, Avest. her^z-aiti. Skr. bkii/- 
-a-^» 'rousts' (lierf. babhrdj^'a and babhdrja): Gr. (f^^y-to loLtfrTg-dy 

88 Present Stems: Class II — Skr. bhar-a-ti splmr-d-ti. §§ 525,526. 

Idg. *hhfzg'S'ti or bhr^g-e-ti (cp. Tburneysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXX 353). U'Vft-a-t^ [/'uert-: does Lat. vorto (beside verto) 
come from pre-Italic *t^'t-6? '6^^ pi. spurdh-d-n beside spd)*dh- 
-a-te ^strives*, spurdh- = *spfdh-, cp. partic. sprdh-and-s. 
S'** sing, (aor.) bhras-a-t 'fell* beside pres. bhrds-a-te, vU-d-te 
'enters', Avest. vts-aite. Skr. d-sic-a-t *he poured out': O.H.G. 
stg-u *I fall down, trickle' pr. Germ. *$tk6^ \/^seiq~. Partic. 
dik-d-mana-s^ y/^deik-: cp. O.Icel. tega *to show' (beside tja = 
Goth, teihan^ II A), bhtij-d-ti *bends, pushes away', Avest. bUj-a-^ 
'pushed away': Gr. e-ifvy-o-v 'I fled* inf. ffvy-sTr^ A.S. bu^-e 
*I bow', [/^bheijg- bhei^g^-. Skr. 2"^ sing. driih-a'S^ Avest. dru- 
zaitif \/^dhreugh- 'deceive, lie'. Skr. guh-a-ti 'hides' (for accent 
see § 525) 2°<* sing, guh-a-s^ Avest. mid. a-guz-e. From l/'rfo- 
give' Skr. dda-t (a -{- a-d^a-t), Avest. 2°** sing. opt. doi'S: Lat. 
red-do^ see § 493 pp. 53 f. From [/'sta- 'stand* Skr. Ostha-t 
Avest. a-xst-a-^, see § 493 p. 54. Skr. -h-a-ti in tijha-ti 
'lets go' for *iid + jhati^ beside jd-ha-ti leaves'. 

§ 525. Many forms of this class have in Sanskrit the 
accent of 11^; as dds-a-ti [/^den^-^ gir-ami beside gir-dmi 
(§ 523 p. 86), bhuv-a-t (p. 86), kfp-a-te 'laments'. Compare 
§ 516, page 82. 

Remark. After what has been said in I § 313 p. 251 and other 
places, it must seem doubtful whether such a word as Skr. jydc-a-ti 
'coquit' represents original *peq-e-ti (II A)^ or orig. *peq-e'!i (II B) with 
weak grade stem and secondary accent, the word accent having been 
afterwards retracted. I hold that Bartholomae is right in allowing only 9 
as the weak grade with secondary accent for roots of the form j^^q- (Bezz. 
Beitr., xvii 109 ff.), which brings presents like pdc-a-ti under II A. Bartho- 
lomae, page 117, conjectures that an Ar. *si(l-d = *s9d-6- from \y sed- 
*sit' is contained in Avest. hid-a-ili. 

§ 526. Armenian, mal-em 'I crush, shatter' \/'mel-: 
Lat. mol-o etc. , see § 523 p. 86. barj-i 'I raised' (pres. 
barnam for ^barj-na-m) : Skr. brh^a-ti 'strengthens , lifts up', 
[/^bhergh-. e-git 'he found' (pres. gt-anem) : Skr. d-vid-a-t etc., 
see § 523 p. 87. e-lik' 'he left' (pres. lU-anem) : Gr. s-Xitt-o-v 
inf. Am-fH', [/'leiq-. e-fulc 'he spewed' (pres. fJc^anem). 

§527. Present Stem: Clasa ii — bkr. bhdr'a-ti aphur'd-ti. ^ « 

§ 627. (frcok. Ilore the original diHtinctioii ot accent 
between 11^ and li B is seen in the infinitive, hut hardly 
anywhere else; e. g. Xih'ftv : Xin-iTy (cp. I § 676 Rem. I p. 541). 
But in Greek this distinction was seized upon and connected 
with the distinction between present and aorist; so much so, 
that wlieu verbs of II A were used as aorists, or verbs of II B 
for the present, their accent was changed; thus we have 
yfy^'J^ad^ai^ not *ydv-e'0&ni (see § 518 p. 83), and ygafp-t'Oitm 
yXvfp-f'(T&ni instead of ^yoarp-b-af^m and "^yXv^-i-aifat (cp. § 775 
Rem.). In the finite verb, the original accent of II B remained 
in a few imperatives like ic)-f, see § 958. It is difficult to 
judge whether the old accent remains in words whose root has 
ceased to form a separate syllable, as 8'"'* sing, a/'i-rn conj. 
<T/-w from [/^segh', because the accent must rest on this 
syllable in any case (cp. I § 676 Rem. 1 p. 543). 

Remark 1. The same cause which changed *yonif>t6y yoarptir to ^'oat/Mor 
and y^aVfiv, acted upon all other classes of thematic stems where the 
thematic vowel originally carried the accent, causing a change of accent 
whenever these stems were used as imperfect-presents. Thus we have 
ridxytoy instead of *rT«x->wi cp. Skr. gr-nd-ta (§ 611), riyioy instead of 
*Tiyt6v *rtyfo'tv cp. Skr. r-nvd-ti (§ 652), Inxior instead of Vaxtov *fix-nKtoy 
cp. Skr. r-chd-ti (§ 673), (intviov instead of */3aivMy *^uy-itov cp. Skr. -gam- 
-yd-te (§ 713), ttTTtav instead of *«rrw»' *fai-fix-iiay cp. Skr. ve-vij-yd-ti 
r§ 730), Ittfyojy instead of *i[a)-ay-!,foy cp. Skr. is-an-yd-ti (§ 743). This 
applies to all denominative verbs (Class XXXI) , as oodtov oowy (pO.^Mv 

tpihZy^) xovOoy tftrvtoy oyoiiaitiov ayyf'?Moy instead of *6oa(>ir ^tpdfwy etc., 

compare Skr. jyrtana-yd-ti vasna-ydti arathyd-ti gatn-yd-ti vr^an-yd'ti 
adhvar-yd-ti. For these denominatives another fact has to be taken into 
account. In proethnic Greek, verbs in -no like tpilfw had become 
indistinguishable from verbs of Class XXXII, in -^jo, as tfoQtta = Skr. 
bhdrdyami (§ 801); and even before the accent was seized upon to help 
in distinguishing aorist from present, *<pi?.f(oy may have become q>J.fMr by 
analogy of fpoofiot^, and then the verbal nouns of other denominative classes 
may have been drawn into the same circle of attraction. 

t-HTag-n-v *I sneezed' nvao-fTv from [/'pster-, t-fiaX-o-r 

1 threw' fial'fTv from [/^ gel-. e-nX-t- I'-nX-f-To Versubatur from 

1) Observe that the circumflex of these contracted nom. sing. masc. 
forms, oowy (f,?.My, supports the theory of a change of accent here set 
forth. The old accentuation of the thematic vowel would have produced 

*optttr *7»i <?<«/» like fiiTM^ for inrnwi. 

90 Present Stem: Class II — Skr. hlmr-a-U sphur-d-ti. § 527. 

y/qd'. %'Tat.i'O'V 1 cut' xaLt-t7v from y/^tem-. s-dav-o-v 1 diecF 
d^av-Hv iustead of *rpav', beside e-^svo-v from l/^g/iew- (I § 429 
Rem. 1 p. 317): Russ. mu 'I cut off' for *^m-a, see § 534. 
i-viTuv-o-v *I killed' y.vav-^lv from xrfr-, beside P* pi. s-xra-^^r 
Class I § 502 p. 64. dv-olyco *I open' for *o-fiy-a)j op. Horn. 
ht'iy-vv'VTo and Lesb. inf. o-£ty-/]v (§ 643). e-m-o-v 'I drank' 7r£-frK 
beside T/r-^i Class I; >:Ai;-r»> *I hear beside y.kv'di Class I, § 498 
p. 59 (op. W. Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 240); it is not 
certain, I freely admit, that these stems in -t-o- and -r-o- are 
ri<i^htly classed here; see the Remark. ^Qu^i-Hv' owuvai (grasp') 
Hesych. : Skr. miS-d-ti 'touches, grasps'. yQd(p'(n 'I scratch in, 
incise, write*, [/' gerph- (A.S. ceorfan 'cut, carve' Mid.H.G. kerben 
to notch, indent' kerve *a notch'). Dor. rodn-a) 'I turn (Att. rp^'n-fo 
II A)^ Att. s-Toa7T'0'i' TQa-n-iTv, y,do(p-o) 'I dry up, wither', beside 
Lith. skreb-iu 'I grow dry'. f-A«x-o-i' 'sounded, cried, spoke' 
Xa/.'Hv: Lat. locju-or (cp. Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xvii 121). 
f-nad^-O'V 'I experienced' na&-tTv^ beside -ntrd-oc. E-niS-f'TO 'he 
obeyed, listened to' Tui^-b-adaij y/^ bheidh- ; on Goth, tis-bida 
(Romans 9. 3), see § 722. r/.-i-odai 'to arrive' beside pres. ^7x-w. 
f-fjr//-o-i' *I climbed, went' otix-hv^ y/^steigh-. yXv(f-(o 1 dig in, 
engrave, incise': A.S. cluf-e 'I cleave, split' (O.H.Gr. chliub-u^ 
11 A) ; on Lat. fjlub-o see § 529. 1'7tv&-f-to 'he learnt' w^-e- 
-a^ai: Skr. 3^** pi. budh-d-nta, xTbheudh- (§ 513 p. 79). 
ijAi'^-o-v aor. *I came* beside fut. tX^vOotiai. xv'S^-i 'he hid* 
beside /.£v&-ut. q-^x-o-v 'he held, had' oy-&7v^ beside f/-oj, 
X^segh-. f'TTT-S'To 'he flew' nv-i-adat beside ncT-e-zai. Partic. 
jLiux-wv 'bleating, crying' beside itT^xdojum. 

With the secondary ending of the 2°'* sing, middle : f^-o/- 
-i-i^Tjg beside I'-a/'t-To; f(jotd7jc; titjsd 7]c i. e '^e-ur-e-thes from 
y^^er- 'say* (sipm) , see § 589. Whether these very forms 
were some of the original types which produced the whole 
series of aorists in -.9^j', is of course doubtful; -thSs seems 
originally to have belonged only to non - thematic stems 
(§ 1047.2). 

Remark 2. It is hard to classify forms in -no -lo-r and -vm ~vo-r, 
along with which forms in r and r are common. There is nothing a priori 

§ 528. Present Stem : CUm II - 8kr. hMbMHi tphur-^tL 1 

againnt assuming that these have the suffix -io- (CUm XXVI), and that 
-i- foil out between vowels; indeed, this mutt be done for forms like 
Lesb. ifvdo (I § 130 p. 118). nioum ntf/ifv beside niouai fntov may be 
illustrated by Skr. pl'ijd-re^ ."ttoi beside 5J<.> by 8kr. dhU-yd'ti^ Uw beside 
Xvto by O.Icel. Ig-ja 'destroy, crush' (see § 707, and Osthoff, M. U. iv 12 If.). 
But i and v may come from forms of Class I, by presents passing from 
this class into the thematic conjugation, cp. for example m-i-utv thematic 
and 7Ti-9t non-thematic, If to thematic and kv-m not (also iv-ro ^ for 
ivM cp. Lat. fuo so-luo so-lvd) , lil-oi'"} *l roar' (also variant /.Tpro, cp. 
Skr. rttr-d-ti) but Skr. opt. ru-yCi-t (Lat. rH-mor Goth, ru-na). Then 
these r- and «:-forms would naturally be compared with J^oiro beside oo-r,o^ 
f-itolo-v beside f-/3ho^ and other such, see § 497 p. 57. Another possi- 
bility is that the long vowel came in by analogy of other tenses , iutj 
following if>-iu,}^ 9vto following .tu'ato, just as we see Att. yfvto (not *y#w) 
by analogy of y'v-fuo (the Author, Gr. Gr.* p. 31), and Lesb. nfhx7;n (in- 
stead of ,*fhxf'fi) by analogy of afhxt'-nto (§ 775). 

§ 528. Italic. Lat. vol-d vol-u-nt , y/uel-. see § 493 
p. 51. mol'o: Armcii. malem etc., see § 523 p. 86. tuUO 
O.Lat., \/^tel-. -bd, future ending, for *bhu-d, see § 523 pp. 86 f. 
Iti'd sO'luO so-lvd: cp. Gr. Av-w 'I loose' § 527 Rem. currO 
doubtless for *cors-o^ cp. ac-cersd § 662. nivit (O.Lat.) for 
*nigv-i't (with variant niyxgn-i-t^ Class XVI) : Gr. vitf-n 'it snows 
(also vtt(p'Siy II A)^ O.Ir. snigid *it drops, rains', y/^sneiQh-. ') 
dl'vido (Umbr. vctu 'dividito' II A^ see the Author, Ber. sachs. 
Ges. Wiss., 1890, p. 211), beside Skr. vidh- 'to become empty 
of, to lack' pres. vindhA-U Class XVI. riidQ: Skr. rud-d-tiy 
see § 523 p. 87. sUg-d: O.Ir. mg-im O.H.G. silg-u A.S. 
su^-e silc-e O.C.Sl. susq *I suck* ; we must suppose a root seuk- 
or seuQ'.') Lat. Osc. s-u-m Lat. s-u-mus s-u-nt^ ^^es-^ see 
§ 523 p. 87. ro'inquo probably for *'in'Squd^ beside secare, 
pac-i-t O.Lat. (beside pang-d Class XVI), y^pak- pd§'; tag-i-t 
O.Lat. (beside tang-d Class XVI), cp. te-tigUt (ir. Tt-ray-on' 
grasping* Class VI (§ 564). 

1) Since only the 3»"<* sing, nivit occurs, there is the possibility of 
its being a denominative nirire (Thurneysen, Cber die Herkunft und Bil- 
dung der lat. Verba auf -/o, p. 8). 

2) The k^sve^-, discussed by Osthoflf in Paul-Braune's Beitr. 
VIII 279 f., must be kept quite distinct. 

92 Present Stem: Class II — Skr. hhdr-a-ti splmr-d-ti. §§ 529,530. 

Then again, it is probable the S'"** sing, and P* pi. of certain 
Latin perfects , which were originally thematic aorists , belong 
to this class of forms, hdi-t tnU-mus^ see ttdo above. fidi~t 
fidi-mus: Skr. opt. hhidey-am beside d-bhet 'he split*. scidi-t 
scidi-mns: Skr. d-chid-a-t 'he cut oif*. Compare § 867. 

§ 529. In Italic it is often doubtful whether a verb 
belongs to II ^ or II jB ; as in the following instances. Lat. 
oc-culo, which may represent either *'Celd (cp. O.Ir. cel-im 
O.H.G. hil'U § 520 p. 84) or '^-cllo, ad-venat Osc. kum-bened 
*convenit', see § 523 p. 86. Lat. gliib-o, cp. O.H.G. chlmhv 
and A.S. clufe § 527, p. 90 (cp. p. 79 footnote 1, on ico rudo). 
This doubt is most common with verbs in -wo, because 
-wo in unaccented position may come from *-o?fco i^-euo) or 
from *-at«o (I § 172. 1 p. 152). Thus clu-o *I am called, pass 
for* (Gr. Y.Xvio and y.U(f)nuai)^ 'ru-'> *I snatch, tear, carry off, 
root up' (Gr. bQv(o 'pull, draw' O.C.Sl. ruv-e-tn 'evellit' and 
Skr. rdv-a-fi 'he dashes to pieces'), nu-o (Skr. ndv-a-te 'moves'), 
clU'O *I purify' (Skr. sruva-ti 'melts'), in-gniD (Litt. griiivii 
1 break down' § 535), plii-i-t (cp. plove-hat § 514 p. 80). 
Lastly, some verbs may belong to the io-class, as sno cp. Goth. 
siu-ja etc. § 707. 

§ 530. The quality of the thematic vowel should be 
observed in the P* pi. sumus stmtis (possumus possimits), 
volumus volimits^ qnaesnmus as contrasted with ferimus etc. 
In these n and i are used to represent a sound between the 
two (as in mdgmificus magnificus^ maxtimus maxhnus)^ which 
was here the regular descendant of Idg. -o- (cp. Gr. fftg-o-fur). 
The assumption that -?'- in leg-i-mus is due to the analogy of 
leg-i-tis, and replaced u i, is not supported by ferimus beside 
fertis as compared with volumus : vultis. sumus must in time 
have got a distinct u (by analogy of sum and sunty where u 
is regular for o in a closed syllable) ; for the Romance languages 
show sometimes a form which must come from sumus (Span. 
Port, somos etc.), sometimes one which must come from simus 
(Roumanian semu etc.). On the whole subject see L. Havet, 
Mem. Soc. Ling, vi 26 f. 

§§ &31,5a2. Preseut Stem : CIam U — Skr. bhdr-aHi sphur-iirti, !i3 

§ 681. Keltic. Compare the general remarks in tho 
boginning of s^ 520, on page 84; whence it follows that some 
of tho cxa Til pies here given may really belong to the io-class 
(§ 710). 

O.Ir. inarim '1 remain* (also conjugated in the d-class), 
ground-form *8mir-d l^smer-, ad-gaur 'convenio* for-con-gtir 
'I command*, ground-form *grr'0^ cp. Skr. gir- 'voice*. Mod. 
Cymr. malaf 'I grind, grind to powder* [/^mel-: Armen. malem 
etc., see § 523 p. 86). ») Mid.Ir. hlegaim 'I milk': Skr. mfj- 
-AM etc., see § 523 p. 87. O.Ir. dligim 'I earn, have a claim', 
cp. Goth, dulg-s 'debt, guilt*, ar-fiuch *I fight' for *uik6^ cp. 
O.H.G. upar-wihit § 532. nigim 'I wash' do-fo-nug -nuch 
'I wash off*, cp. Or. vtX(o *I wet, w^ash'. Class XXVI, l/'neJQ-, 
snigi-d 'it drops, rains': O.Lat. niui-t § 528 p. 91. 

§ 632. Germanic. In pr. Germanic the accent still lay 
upon the thematic vowel, which is proved by a number of 
forms like O.Icel. veg as conti'asted with Goth, ceiha from 
l^U^iq- (§ 513 p. 79). Also the West-Germ, ending of the 
2"** sing. O.H.G. -is A.S. -es as contrasted with Norse -r (for 
-2;), and the A.S. ending of the 3"* sing, -ed^ which point to 
pr. Germ. *-i'Si and *«-^J, are in some cases to be referred to 
verbs w^hich in pr. Germ, belonged to Class TLB] see § 990. 1. 
§ 998. 1. 

Goth, sktdan O.H.G. scolan *to owe', partic. Goth, skulands 
O.H.G. scolant'i (indie, skal) : 2) Lith. skglii 'fall in debt* instead 
of *8kil-ti (§ 535), i^skel- in Lith. skelu (i. e. *skel'iu *I owe 
something*. Goth, vtdands 'seething, boiling, cp. O.H.G. walm 
'heat, glow'. O.H.G. cum-u O.Icel. kern kem (inf. koma) 'I come*: 
Skr. opt. gam-e-t, |/"gew-, see § 523 p. 86. Goth. A.S. munan 
'to think* (indie, man): Lett, uf^minu 'guess at, hit upon', i^men-. 

1) For Cymric, much the same is true as for Irish (above, § 520 
p. 84). Cymric does not enable us to decide whether *malO or some such 
form as *maliiO was original. 

2) The latest discussion of forms with 9- instead of ^ib*, m O.H.O. 
sulffi, is by Johansson in Paul-Braune's Beitrftge xiv 295. 

94 Present Stem: Class II — Skr. bhdr-a-ti sphtir-d-ti. § 532. 

Goth. uU'Vunands not pleased': Skr. opt. van-e-ma^ \y^ nen-^ 
§ 528 p. 86. O.H.G. chluw-a 'I chew*: O.C.Sl. sw-e-tu 
*chews' for *giuv-e-tii^ groimdform *qiuu-o. Goth, trud-a 
O.Icel. tred (inf. troda) *I step, tread* as contrasted with O.H.G. 
trit-u II A. Goth, ga-daursan 'to dare' (indie, ga-dars): Skr. 
dhi's-d-nt- 'daring, [/" dhers-. O.H.G. scalt-u 'I thrust, hit' 
ground-form *skldh-6 as opposed to O.H.G. scilt-n 'I scold' II A. 
Goth, gagga O.H.G. gangu 1 go' ground-form "^gh^qh-o^ cp. 
Lith. zeng-iii 'I stride. Gotli. hlanda O.H.G. hlantu 'I mix 
ground-form *hhl'^h-o^ cp. Goth, blinds 'blind', Lith. blendziu -s(i) 
"1 darken myself (of the sun); O.C.Sl. bl^d-q *I wander' for 
*bhlmdh' or *bhlndh- (§ 535). O.H.G. upar-mhit 'exsuperat' 
inf. 'wehan^ O.Icel. veg 1 conquer, kill' inf. vega (pret. e?S, 
transferred to the ^-series) : ar-fiuch *I fight', [/^ueiq-, 
cp. Goth, veih-a 'I fight' II ^ ; the O.H.G. is a contamination 
of *ui^-6 and ^iieiy-o. Goth. t?e76rn O.H.G. wi^^an *to know' 
partic. vitands wi^anti : Skr. d-vid-a-t etc., see § 523 p. 87 ; 
add 1'* pi. injunctive A.S. wuton for *witon followed by the 
infinitive = 'let us . . . .*, cp. wTtan 'to take heed, follow a 
direction, prepare to start* (O.Sax. ivita § 1029). Goth, bi-leiba 
O.H.G. bi'ltbu *I remain': Skr. d-lip-a-t 'he anointed, smeared*, 
Lith. ll-pii 'I climb, clamber* O.C.Sl. pri-ltpu 'adhaesi', [/^leip-. 
O.Icel. sef sef *1 sleep* inf. sofa : cp. A.S. swefan II A, [^ siiep-. 
Goth, liik-a O.H.G. luhh-u *I shut': Skr. ruj-d-ti 'breaks open, 
breaks to pieces'. O.H.G. bruhh-u A.S. bruc-e 'I use, enjoy': 
JjSitfruor for *frugv-6r. A.S. diJt-e 'I utter a sound': Skr. tud- 
-d'ti 'pushes'. A.S. sod O.Icel. sannr *true' pr. Germ, "^s-a-rip-a-^ 
beside indie. *es-ti *is', see § 523 p. 87. O.Icel. teh 'I take' 
inf. taka^ cp. Goth, tek-a 1\A. O.H.G. bahh-u 'I bake', cp. 
Gr. (fciy-ai 'I roast* II A. O.H.G. tvat-u O.Icel. ved (inf. vada) 
*I wade', cp. Lat. vad-o II A. ^) 

To this class also belongs the West Germ. 2"** sing, pre- 
terite: — O.H.G. wurti A.S. wiirde 'becamest*: Skr. d-v^t-as^ 

1) For these and other Germanic examples I refer to Osthoff, Paul- 
Braune's Beitr. vni 287 fif. ; Burghauser, Idg. Prasens-Bildung im Germ, 
pp. 28 ff.; Bremer, Zeitschr. deutsch. Phil, xxu 495 f. 

§§ 68S,584. Present Stem : CUms II — Skr. bMkr-a-ti sphur-d-ti, 95 

O.H.G. mulki 'milkedsf : Skr. d-ifirj-a-s, O.H.O. Wjji A.8. Hte 
'bitedsf: Skr. d-bhid-a-s, O.H.G. zigi 'pullesf: Skr. d-dii-n-s, 
aigi Wtiinedst': Skr. d-sic-a-Sy hi-lihi 'remaioedst' : Skr. d-Up-a-s, 
rui^i 'criedst*: Skr. d-rnd-a-s^ kuri chosest*: Skr. d-ju^-a-s. 
Soe S 89:i. 

§ 533. As pr. Germ. I may come from oither t or ei iu 
ludo-Germanic, wo cauDot tell whether to place in .4 or ^ 
Goth, fra-veita 1 avenge* and O.H.G. wJ^'U I punish, reprove' 
(l^fteid-), with not a few others. 

§ 634. B alto-Slavonic. In Slavonic this class is much 
larger than in Baltic. 

0.C.81. ztr-e-tu 'devours*: Skr. gir-n-ti see § 523 p. 86; 
similarly ttretii 'terit* y^ter-, mXretu 'dies' [/^mer-, stXretu 
stretches' l^ster-y and others. Lith. pU-ii 'I shed* V^pel- 
'I fiir, cp. Skr. imper. pur-dht Class I. Lith. im-ii *I take' 
O.C.Sl. im-e-tu 'takes', ground-form *%im'0 , see § 523 p. 86. 
O.C.Sl. z^m-e-tu ^presses', cp. Gr. y/^-w *I groan' II A. Lith. 
gin-ii *I keep off, avert', Russ. zn-e-tu 'cuts off, reaps* for pr. 
Slav, ^zm-e-tu ^gtn-e-tu (I § 36 p. ): Gr. e-^avo-Vy see 
>j 527 p. 90. Lith. pln-ii 'I plait, twist', O.C.Sl. ptn-e-tu 
'stretches, hangs', V/'(s)pen'. O.C.Sl. pO'CXnetn 'begins', \/^qm-^ 
cp. pO'koni 'beginning'. O.C.Sl. ruv-e-tti 'evellit' : Gr. Ipv-a etc., 
see § 529 p. 92. O.C.Sl. zw-e-tu 'chews' for ^giuv-e-tu: 
O.H.G. chimV'tt, see § 532 p. 94. O.C.Sl. plfiv-e-tu 'spews' 
for *(s)piuv-e-tu: Lat. spti-o (cp. ^u-o § 529 p. 92); hlftv-e-tu 
'vomits, breaks wind* for *bljuv'e4u^ kljir-e-tfi 'pecks, picks* for 
*kljuv-e-tu; on the Lith. hluv-u kliiv-ii, which answer to the 
last two, see § 535. O.C.Sl. vriz-e-tu 'binds, shuts*, i^tjei-gh- 
(Lith. verZ'iU 1 fasten , confine'). 0.0^1. vriz-e-tu 'throws* 
1" sing, vrtg-q, i^U^S'-) Goth, vairp-a 1 throw* II A, O.C.Sl. 
vrU-e-tu 'thrashes, threshes* 1'* sing, vrich-q, V^^ers-^ Lat 
vei-r-o II A. O.C.Sl. mluz-e-tti 'milks' : Skr. mfj-d-ti etc., see 
J? 523 p. 87. O.CSl. dlub-e-m 'sculpit*, i^dlielbh-, O.H.G. W- 
'tilbti 'I bury, II A. O.C.Sl. He-* 'I say* 2"** sing, opt., ground- 
form *pj'0'i'S, beside indie, rec-e-tu 1" sing, rek-q H A^ in 

96 Present Stem: Class II — Skr. bhar-a-ti sphuf-d-tL § 535. 

Czech also indie, rku for *nA;-a; by analogy of nc4 were 
formed tw-i pic-i ziz-i from tek-q, *I run* pek-q 1 bake' zeg-q, 
I burn (cp. § 686 on Lith. gistu instead of gestu). Lith. suk-u 
Russ. sk-u (for *suk-a) 1 turn, twist'. Lith. pis-il 'coeo' : Skr. 
d-pis-a-t 'trod, beat, ground', Impels-. Lith. sws-w *I become 
scabby' Lett, sus-u 'I become dry*: Skr. d-sus-a-t 'dried up, 
wore away' (I § 557. 4 p. 413). O.C.Sl. M-e-tu 'waits' beside 
Md-e-tu II A^ § 522 p. 85. O.C.Sl. sUp-e-tu 'sheds, strews*, 
inf. su(p)-ti. Lith. plak-u T strike, whip', i^plaq- plag- 
plangere', cp. Goth, fiok-a 'I bewail' II A. 

% 535. In Lithuanian, i and u in the root syllable 
were often lengthened. skylu *I fall in debt' instead of 
*skil'ii^ compare Goth, skulan^ see § 532 p. 93; hjlii 'I raise 
myself* instead of *kil-u, l^qel-; svyrii *I get the better' 
instead of *svlr~u^ Issuer-, griuvu 1 break down' instead of 
*griuv-il: Lat. in-grud, see § 529 p. 92; bluvii^ '1 break out 
into bellowing or bleating' kluvu 1 stick fast to anything, hang 
on to* beside O.C.Sl. bljiv-e-tu kljlv-e-tu^ see § 534 p. 95. 
See Leskien, Arch. slav. Phil, v 530, and Wiedemann, Lit. 
Prat. 71 ff., where the pretty conjecture is offered that on the 
analogy of pairs of forms like pres. gyju (gy-jit) : pret. gijau 
(gij-au)^ a present skylu was formed for skilau^ a present griuvil 
for griuvait, and so forth. 

In Slavonic, it is often doubtful whether a verb belongs 
to A or B. This is the case with py-e-tu 'drinks', Mj-e-tu 
'strikes*, whose -*)*- may be orig. -iir or orig. -ei- (I § 68 
p. 60); cp. Leskien as above cited, pp. 501 ff . ; Skr. pdy-a-te 
supports the derivation of pij-e-tu from ^pei-e-ti (§ 522 p. 85). 
The same doubt meets us in forms with -e- in the root 
syllable, since this may be orig. either -%i- or -ew-, e. g. 
*bl^d'e-tu wanders' from l^bhlendh- (see § 532 p. 94); 
cp. l^c-e-tu bends', § 637. 

§§ 586,537. Present Stem : ClMt Ul - bkr. U-bki^i, 97 

Class III. 

Reduplication ending in -f or -d -H simple Root 
forming the Present Stem. 

§ 536. We begin with words from roots containing i or m, 
which have the same vowel in the reduplication; see § 469, 
page 14. Next follow stems which have I in the reduplication, 
but some other vowel in the root; see § 473 pages 17 ff. 

Class IV, non - thematic , bears the same relation to this 
as Class H to Class I (§ 491 p. 50). 

§ 537. Roots with t- and w-vowels. Only in Aryan 
and Germanic. 

Pr. Idg. *bhi-bhdi-mi 'I quake, am afraid' 1'* pi. *hhi-hh%' 
-mis ^^ pi. *bhi'bhi'^ti : Skr. bi-bhe-mi S'** dual bi-hhUas 
bi'bhutas S^ pi. bl-bhy-ati, and O.H.G. bi-b^-m, which fell 
under the influence of verbs in which -em was a suffix, and 
80 lost the gradation of its stem. ^) Conjunctive : Skr. blr-bhay- 
'O-t. Optative: Skr. bi-bhi-yO-t. — With thematic vowel Skr. 
S** sing, bi'bhy-a-ti. 

Aryan. Skr. ci-M-mi I observe, notice' 3'** sing, imper. 
mid. ci-ki'tam 2°** sing, imper. act. ci-kJ-hi; conj. Avest. ci- 
-kay-a-p. Skr. d-dl-dM-t *he looked' P* pi. dl-dhi-mas mid. 
pres. dt'dhy-e pret. d-dT-dhl'ta; conj. dl-dhay-a-t. Skr. d-dt- 
'dS-t 'he appeared' 3'** pi. di-dy-ati imper. dl-di-hi di-dl-hi; 
con}.- dt'day-a-t; — with thematic vowel Gr. ^i-l-o-^at 1 seek, 
strive* (orig. 'look out for something') for *<Ji-Ji^-o-.acu (see § 469 
p. 14, § 549). Skr. dJ- and dhJ- both became dl- in Avestic 
cp. Avest. dadaiti = Skr. dddhati and dddoti^ § 540) : di-da^ti ; 
— with thematic vowel imper. di-dy-a^ cp. conj. di-dy-a-^. 
Skr. vi-vB^-fi 'works' P* pi. vi-vi^-mas^ conj. 2^^ sing. pl'Ve^-a-s. 
iy-B'ti 'goes' only found in the 2°** sing. pret. aiy-B-^, Avest. 
3^^ pi. conj. yeyqn = Ar. Hi-ai-O-n (§ 473 p. 19). 

1) Cp. § 465 p. 12, § 469 p. 14, § 739 on O.H.G. ririm and Goth. 

Braf mano, Elements. IT. 7 

98 Present Stem: Class III — Skr. hi-bhe-ti. § 538. 

Skr. ju-ho-mi 'I offer, sacrifice' P* pi. Ju-hu-mds B^^ pi. 
ju-hv-ati, conj. 2"^*^ pi. ju-hav-a-tha , opt. P* pi. ju-hu-yd-ma. 
P* pi. ju-hu-mdsi from hu- *cair. 8'"'* pi. su-sv-ati from sw- 

Sometimes a strong stem has got into the place of the 

weak (cp. § 499 p. 62), as Avest. 2*^** sing. mid. ji-yae-sa 

from ji- 'live', Skr. 2^^ pi. ju-ho-ta from hti- offer, sacrifice', 

2"'* sing, yu-yo-dhi 2^^ dual yu-yo-tam from yu- *keep off'. 

Remark. A: in Skr. ci-ke-mi {V^qei-)^ and y in Avest. ,;V-}'ff?-sa 
(\XQei-) are taken from the perfect, where they were regular before o in 
the sing, indie, active (I § 445 flf. pp. 331 ff.). In considering ji-gliar-ti 
(§ 540), if its root belonged to the e-series, we must remember that one 
of the stems of this verb is jighr-^ and gh was regular there ; so with 
ja-gar-ti from k^ger- we must remember the stem ja-gr- (§ 560). 

§ 538. Roots with other Towels. 

In Aryan, roots with a long a-vowel have generally in the 
reduplication a = Idg. e instead of e, when the weak stem in 
the root syllable had not t. Examples: Skr. dd-dcL-ti mid. 
da-t-te from y/^do- 'give', jd-hG^ti pi. ja-hi-mas from Ar. zhCi- 
'leave, give up*. But on the contrary Si-Sci-ti imper. Si-ii-hi 
mid. si-Si-te from [/'Jed- Vhet, sharpen'. In the latter word 
we see the Idg. root-determinative f, which so often forced its 
way into the place of Ar. i = Idg. d (see § 498 pp. 61 f.) ; and 
this I is regularly echoed by i in the reduplicator ; compare 
Si-h-hi with di-di-hi from dt- 'appear. Skr. ja-hi-tam beside 
regular ja-hi-tam (see Whitney, Sanskrit Roots, p. 204) has 
been altered by the influence of the mid. ji-M-te (§ 540), 
similarly ra-rf-dhvam by that of ri-ri-hi {ra- 'give'). 

So too the \/^dhe- 'place' in Balto-Slavonic reduplicates 
with g, as Lith. 2"^^ pi. de-ste like O.H.G. da-tthd. 

These forms with e belong to Class Y, not like Gr. 6i-$co(xi 
Tl-&r]/Lu etc. It seems to me impossible to decide whether in 
[dg. the same present stem had both i and e in its reduplicated 
forms, as *dhi-dhe-ti and ^dhe-dhe-ti, or whether e only came 
in by analogy of Class Y, and is of later date than the parent 
language. If the latter, then the influence of perfects with e 
in the reduplicator must by taken into account (§ 555). 

§ a39. Present Stem : CIms III — 8kr. bi-hhi-ti, 99 

Compare Or. VXu^i ==■ ^ai^aXa-^i and Lesb. iXXa^t = •(»- 
-(jAa-^« § 542. 

Under these circumstances, I cite Aryan and Balto- 
Slavonic forms both in Class III and Class V. 

§ 539. Pr. Idg. *bhi-bher'mi 1 bear* V* pi. Hhi-hhf- 
-mh 3'*^ pi. *bhi'bhr'y>ti : Skr. bi-bhar-mi 2°** dual bi-bhf-thds 
3'** pi. bi-bhr-ati^ Gr. 1"* pi. *ni'(poa-tt8v inferred from inf. 
ia-mcpgdyat. Conjunctive: Skr. bi-bhar-a-t. Optative: Skr. bi- 
'bhf-ya-t (cp. ca-kr-iifd-t). — "With thematic vowel Skr. partic. 
mid. bi-bhr-a-mdna-s 3'"'* pi. imperf. d-bi-bhr'a-n. 

*pi-pel-mi 1 fill': Skr. pi-par-mi pi-pf-mds ^ Or. •Tti'Trht' 
'/itsv (on the singular -m-nXtj-fii , see § 542). — With thematic 
vowel Skr. 3'** sing. mid. d-pt-pr-a-ta. 

*ni'nes'mi from y^nes- go towards* (Gr. vb-O'/nui Skr. 
ndS'd-tS) : Skr. 3"* pi. mid. nis-atS *they touch their bodies, 
kiss* partic. nls-dfia-s. — Or. viao(.iai *I go back, return* for 
*vt'va'i^O'/nat (the Author, Gr. Gr.^ § 45. 5 p. 61) contains a stem 
*n'VG- or *vt-va'0' (see § 733). 

^dhi-dhe-mi 1 place* 1"* pi. *dhi-dh-mSs and doubtless *dhi' 
-dkB-mSs^) S*"** pi. *dhi'dh-'^fi: Skr. dd-dha-mi da-dh-mas 
(cp. 2°** pi. mid. da-dhi'dhve) dd-dh-ati^ Gr. xi'&r}-f.n TL-d^s-jusv^ 
O.H.G. te-ta O.Sax. de-da perhaps for "dhi-dhe- (§§ 545, 886), 
Lith. 2°** pi. dkste i. e. *de-d+te. Optative : Skr. da-dh-yd-t. — 
With thematic vowel Skr. dd-dh-a-ti Lith. de-d-ti. 

*si-s^'mi 1 send forth, let go, throw, sow' 1»* pi. * sis-mis 
and doubtless *si'8d-mes: Gr. 7-t]-in H-s-insv (Lat. serimus for 
^si-sa-mos? § 543). — With thematic vowel Lat. ser6 for 


*di-dd-mi *1 give' P* pi. *di-d'mes and doubtless ^di'dd- 
-mSs^ 3'<* pi. *di'd''^ti: Skr. dd-do-mi da-d-mds dd-d-ati, Or. 
di'dw'fit ^t-do-fisv^ 2°'^ pi. Lith. d^ste and O.C.Sl. daste instead 
of *deste (§ 546). Optative: Skr. da-d-yd-t. — With thematic 

1) This form may be due to the analogy of dh9-mi(m), cp. f~9«-fjfv. 
But it does not follow, as some hare said, that the form cannot bo 

100 Present Stem : Class III — Skr. bi-bhe-ti. §§ 539,540. 

vowel Skr. dd-d-a-ti Sabell. (Yest.) di-d-e-t 'dat', cp. Lith. Lett. 
dudti and O.C.Sl. partic. dady gen. dadqsta § 546. 

*si-sta-mi 1 place, sisto': Gr. "-otrj-f-u 'l-oTa-jufv ^ O.H.G. 
se-sto-m. Skr. P' sing. ti-sthcLmi may be added, and perhaps 
Lat. sistimus (§ 548). — With thematic vowel Skr. ti-sthra-ti 
Lat. si'SUo XJmbr. se-st-u. 

Idg. "^pi-po-mi 'I drink* is implied by such forms as Skr. 
mid. 3'** pi. pi-p-ate partic. pi-p-and-Sy to this may be referred 
Falisc. pipafo 'bibam* (§ 594 Rem.). With thematic vowel 
Skr. pi-b-a-ti Lat. bibo instead of *pi'b'd O.Ir. S'^ sing, ibid 
for ^pi-b-e-ti^ although the -6- of these words is certainly 
obscure (cp. I § 325 p. 263). Perhaps the 2°^ sing, imper. 
*pi'b-dhi and 2°** pi. mid. *pi-b'dhu-^ forms which must have 
had a place among the original non-thematic persons, caused 
some confusion in the sound. ^) In these -b- was regular, 
because -p- had been assimilated to the following voiced sound. 
On the same principle we have explained the variants ^dei't^t- 
(Skr. daiat-) and dekr^d- (Gr. <^*xa(J-), as being due to cases 
which had a 6^-suffix, such as the instr. pi. *de}c}yid-bhi(s) 
(II § 123 p. 392). Then p must have levelled out b in the non- 
thematic conjugation (Skr. pi-p-ate), because this was closely 
associated with *po-ti (Skr. pd-ti), and was especially exposed 
to the influence of the reduplicated perfect (Skr. pa-p-e Gr. tis- 
'TiO'jLiai), Similarly, Gr. (io-axo) *I feed, tend' may be connected 
with Skr. pd-ti 'tends' through the imperative *b-dhi. 

§ 540. Aryan. Skr. p-ghar-ti 'smells' S^^ ^\. ji-ghr-ati-, 
with thematic vowel ji-ghr-a-ti: on gh^ see § 537 Rem. p. 98. 
Skr. ti'tar-ti *gets over*, partic. ti-tr-at-. Skr. ig-ar-ti^ for its 
reduplication see § 473 p. 19. Skr. 2°** and 3'^ sing, dl-dhar 
2°*^ pi. di-dhf'td from dhar- 'hold fast'. Skr. imper. pi-pfg-dhi 
from pare- *to mix*. 

1) There is no reason that I know of why we should suppose that 
our prehistoric ancestors had this imperative very often on their lips. 
But be it remembered that from the one imperative form dehi *give* in 
Pali, the whole of the present tense, demi desi etc., has sprung into 
existence (E. Kuhn, Beitr. zur Pali-Gramm., 98). 

§§ 540,541. Present Stem : Ciaes III — bi-bki^i. 101 

Skr. »i'$ak-ti Avest. hi'Sax-ti, y/^seq' 'accompany* (cp. 8kr. 
^J"** pi. sd'Sc-ati, Class V, § 555). Skr. vi'vak-ti from V^ikj- 
*Hpeak*. Avest. 2"** pi. injunct. nista = *nista i. e. *m'nd-\-ta 
from nad- *roar, abuse'; — with thematic vowel Skr. 3"* sing. 
ni-nd-a-ti § 550. Avest. 3'** sing, injunct. di-dc^s from dt^ 
'consecrate, offer up . 

Roots in Ar. -a reduplicate with % in Sanskrit when the 
weak forms have f as root-determinative (§ 538 p. 98). {/"m^- 
'measure' mid. S*"** sing, mi-mute 3'** pi. mi-m-atS; — with 
thematic vowel opt. mi-m-e-t. l/'kO- 'sharpen, whet* Si-Sd'ti 
imper. ki-h-hi\ — with thematic vowel 3"* pi. Si'i-a'tUi, jU 
'hl'U 'yields, departs' 3"* pi. ji-h-ate beside act. jd-hd-ti ja-hi- 
-mas (ja-hi'tam and other forms have I by analogy of the 
middle, see § 538 p. 98). 

i^dhe- 'place* and l^dd- 'give* (almost indistinguishable in 
Iranian, because of the change of dh to c?, I § 481 p. 355): 
Skr. dd'dha-ti dd-da-ti Avest. da-da-iti O.Pers. pret. a-da-dd. 
P* pi. Skr. da-dh-rnds da-d-mds Avest. da-d-mahi, in the 
Gathas da-d'-mahi; mid. 3""** sing. Skr. dhatte Avest. dazd^ 
from dhe- (I § 482 Rem. 1 p. 356) , Skr. datte Avest. daste 
from do-. Imperative: Skr. dhehi for pr. Ar. *dha-z-dhi from 
dhe-^ and dehi for pr. Ar. "^da-z-dhi from do-^ Avest. da-z-di; 
Skr. has also the re-formate daddht instead of dhehi and of 
d£hi both (I § 476 p. 351, § 482 Rem. 1. p. 356). In Skr. 
we also find da-dhi- (cp. Gr. ri'&s-)^ e. g. da-dhi-dhre da-dhi- 
'^vd beside dha-d-dhve dha4'8va. 3'** pi. Skr. dd-dh-ati dd-dh- 
'(US dd'd-ati dd-d-atS (Avest. da-p-enti da-d-ente, cp. § 500 
p. 63, § 1018.1. b). Optative: Skr. da-dh-yd-t da-d-yd-t 
Avest. Gath. daidya-p. — With thematic vowel dd-dh-a-ti 
dd-dh-a-tS dd-d-a-ti dd-d-a-te^ Avest. da-p-a-iti da-p-a-it^, 
which forms are also conjunctive (§§ 931 f.) 

§ 641. Confusion of Strong and Weak Stem. 

Strong instead of Weak: Skr. 2°** pi. iy-ar-ta, imper. 
M'ia-dhi, 2°^ pi. dd-dha-ta d-da-dha-ta dd-da-ta d-da-da-ta. 

Weak instead of Strong: Skr. Ep. da-d-mi Avest. 3^^ sing. 
dazdt ([^ dhS') and dasti. These forms are due to the analogy 

102 Present Stem: Class III — Skr. hi-lhe-ti. § 542. 

of dd-mi dt-ti and the like, the reduplication having been lost 
sight of in the (pr. Ar.) forms *dhadh'mas(i) *dad-mas{i) 
opt. *dhadh-ya- *dad-ya- conj. *dhadh'a- *dad-a-, which were 
conceived to be simple roots (cp. the end of § 540). This 
also produced the forms Skr. pass, dad-yd-te partic. dat-td-s 
from l/^do-, and Avest. inf. daste from \/^ do- and inf. dazde 
from [/^ dhe- (cp. Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. in 48). 

§ 542. Greek. From roots ending in -r and -/ we have 
only the weak stem, the strong forms following Class XI. 
Thus -7ii-7iXa;usv 'we fill' -nl-nXa-Tai: Skr. pi-p^-7nds; *7ii-(fga- 
'fxsv 'we bring*: Skr. bi-bhf-mds (§ 539, p. 99). But -nl-nXfj- 
-jLii instead of *m'nfX-f.u from the stem *pl-e'^ cp. unreduplicated 
Skr. prdsi d-pra-t Gr. ttXtj-to Lat. im-ple-tur. -nl-7ipa-/uev 
'we kindle', sing, -nl-ngrj-i^u^ \Pper- (Mod. Slov. perUi 'moulder' 
O.C.Sl. para 'steam'). The nasal in 7iiy.'Ti\aixBv nlf-i-ngafisv 
comes from mf-inldvco^ see § 621. 'iXadi 'be gracious' fkats 
YXa/iiai for ^oi-oXa- (I § 565 p. 422), y/^sel-, cp. Lesb. 8XXa-9^t 
for *a£-aXa-d^i, Class V. 

tI-&7j-(.u 'I place* Ti'&s-/Lt€v ri'd^s-raij 'i-rj-jni 'I send forth' 
for *Gi-orj'f.u %'£-(.i£v '/-f-T«/, di'dvj'/iii *I give' di-So-/Li£v di-do-Tui, 
1'Oxrj'i.u 'I place 'l-6Ta'iii£v 'i-oxa-rui , see § 539 p. 100. Hom. 
3'^ sing, ^l-dr] imper. 3'^ sing, di-de-vrtov from y/^de- *bind'. 
In the stems rt-^f- !'£- di-$£- di-^o-^ £ and o have taken the 
place of a previous a = Idg. 9, as in £-&£-f.t£v £'do'/Li€v § 493 
p. 53, and in Tf-^«-r«/ dk-do-rai § 856: cp. Skr. da-dhi-dhve 
ja-hi-mas. The loss of forms without 5, answering to the Skr. 
da-dh-mas etc., is a consequence of the different forms which 
some of the persons of this tense assumed in due course ; we 
should have by rule *ti&ili£v *d^iOTE'^ *Si$ia£v *^iaT£^ *fjLi£v Harf. 
3'^ pi. Dor. rid^EvTi didovn instead of *rt'&-aTi ^di-d-aTi , see 
§ 1020. Sometimes the strong stem prevails, or words follow 
the analogy of Classes X and XI: Hom. partic. ri-drj-fX£vo-Q 
ilistead of Ti-d^t-f-iEvo-q , imper. dl-^w-di (like Pali da-dcL-hi). 
On the analogy of verbs in -fw -ocu -aw. pres. ti^eX didoT, 
imperf. hid^si ui idldov, imper. Ti&£t Ji'Jbi; lata, inf. TL&eTf 
Ovv-iHv, partic. Delph. didtovoai-^ and then again itl&eig -£i and 

§§ 543- 546. Present Stem : Class III • - Skr. hi-hhi'ti. \ 03 

/'fic -c« produced the I*' sing, hl&fiv and htv after the model 
of ijetv 'I went* as compared with yug tlsi. 

As regards vioo/ttai beside Skr. 3'** pi. nis-atS, see § 539 
p. 99, § 733. 

§ 543. Italic. There are no forms at all which can be 
certainly placed in this class. The conjugation was thematic, 
that of Class IV; as 1'* sing. Lat. si-st-o IJmbr. se-st-u. 
However, as we must regard red-dimus red-ditis, notwithstanding 
reddunt^ as descended from *red'damus *red-ddiis (§ 505, 
p. 71), so we may regard serimus seritis, sistimus sistitis as 
derived regularly from *si-sd-mos *si-sd-tes (Gr. 't-e-,ufv -re), 
*si-std'mos -tes (Gr. '/-(jTa-jLuv -rt), 

§ 544. Keltic. The thematic type is seen in O.Ir. i-b-i-d 
(§ 554), and the extension with -io- in -airissiur (§ 733). 

(^-conjunctives are the future Mid. Ir. gignid nascetur' 
for ^gi-gen-a-ti^ O.Ir. fo-didmae patieris* 3*"** pi. fo-didmat 
(from pres. fo-daim 'patitur'), see Thurneysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXXI 77 if. They have the look of conjunctives belonging to 
thematic Class IV A. But probably the conjunctive vowel 5 
had here taken the place of older -o- -e- (by association with 
the unreduplicated conj. imperf., -genad^ and the reduplicated 
conjunctive of Class IV B or Class VI, hero); then the forms 
will originally have been like Skr. bi-bhar-a-t^ and gignid 
must be closely connected with Avest. zi-zan-a-p zl-zan-a-nii 
Skr. d-ji-jan-a-t (§ 548). 

§ 645. Germanic. O.H.G. se-std-m 'sisto, I arrange, 
design', \^sta-, with gradation lost, see § 539 p. 100. Whether 
O.H.G. t€'ta O.Sax. de-da 'did' is an imperf. like Gr. ri-&/]y 
or an old perfect, remains doubtful; see § 886. 

§ 546. Balto-Slavonic. A few relics are the presents 
of \^dM- 'set, place' and dd- give', but with e in the redupli- 
cator (§ 538 p. 98). 

In pr. Balto-Slavonic the forms were *dhe-dh-mi and de-d-mi, 
which may be compared with Skr. da-d-mi and Avest. dazdf 
dasti (§ 541 pp. 101 f.). But they did not, as these did, arise 
only by the weak stem spreading into the singular, but from 

104 Present Stem: Class III — bi-hhe-ti. § 546. 

this and another cause together; the other cause was, that the 
2^^ smg. middle, which originally had the weak stem, had got 
an active meaning (see § 991 on Lith. dese-s diisi O.C.Sl. dasi). 
And since *dhe-dh^mi became *dedmi in pr. Balto-Slav. (I § 549 
p. 402), the two verbs were confused in the present, and the 
same forms served for both (cp. Avest. dadaiti = Skr. dddhati 
and dddati, § 540 p. 101). 

However, it was only in the meaning of 'I lay' that "^dedmi 
survived for any time. Lith sing. 1** pers. dhmi for *dedmi^ 
2°*^ reflex, dese-s for "^de-t-se-Sj 3^^ desti dest^ 2°'* pi. deste. 
Now the verb is mostly thematic, de-d-u dedi deda etc. And 
d'emi S^^ sing, desti too took e from non-present forms d'efau 
d'esiu and the like, just as Gr. Lesb. ddiy.TJco instead of adiyieat 
follows a$tY.rj-a(o, and ysvo) instead of "^ysro follows ysvaa) etc. 
(§ 775). But in Slavonic we have desdetu = *de-d'ie-tu^ 
following the io-class (§ 733). 

In the meaning *I give', *dedmi was changed to *dddmi in 
pr. B alto-Slavonic by analogy of non-present forms with *c?o-, 
There is a reason why the vowel of the root got into *dedmi 
*I give' and not into *dedmi 'pono'. It is that the difference 
between the vowel of the first syllable of the present and that 
of the other tenses was in *dedmi *pono' only one of quantity, 
but in the other it was a difference of quality also; *dedmi: 
aor. *de-s- was backed up by such verbs as Heko: aor. Hek-s- 
(O.C.Sl. tekq techu), but there was no parallel for *dedmi: aor. 
*dd-S', Lith. sing. P* pers. dumi^ 2°** dusi for *d'&-t'Sij 
3'** d&'sti d&'st, pi. P* dume, 2°^ d^'ste; dumi dume for 
*dMmi *dMme. Now generally thematic, dudu etc. (also 
Lett. dudu). O.C.Sl. darm dasi dastu damu daste dadpju; 
dami damu have -m- for -dm-. Partic. thematic dady {da- 
dqsta) like Lith. d^'dqs. As regards P* dual Lith. d^'va 
O.C.Sl. dave, see I § 547 p. 401. 

Remark. The forms of the 2nd pi. found in old Lith. books, 
destitCe) and dustit(e) instead of dhte and dusfe^ were derived from the 
3' d sing, and pi. on the analogy of turi-t{e) : turi , to distinguish more 
clearly 2°^ plural from 3rd singular and plural. 

547,548. Present Stem : Class I V — Skr. aji-jan-a-t Or. yZ-yK-t-rae. 1 05 

Class lY. 

Reduplication ending in -f or -U + Root + Thematic 
Vowel, forming the Present Stem. 

§ 547. This class, like Class II, falls naturally into two 
sections, according as the root has the strong or the weak 
grade. The strong form, as in Class II, is the same as that 
of the non-thematic Conjunctive. Compare § 513 pp. 78 if. 

§ 548. A, Strong Root Syllable. 

In Aryan , this section includes a large class of forms, 
the Sanskrit Causative Aorist; an aorist formation which 
generally is found along with the present formed by -dya- 
(§§ 795 if.). As to the varying quantity of the reduplicating 
vowel, see § 473 pp. 17 f. 

Skr. 3*"** pi. mid. d-bz-bhay-a-nta beside bi-bhe-ti *fear3*. 
Imperative: mid. pi-prdy-a-sva beside d-pi-p'i^-t *he satisiied, 
pleased*, d-cu-cyav-a-t beside 3'** pi. d-cu-cyav-ur from cyu- 
*to move, stir'. 

Skr. d-tl-tar-a-t Avest. ti-tar-a-i from Skr. ti-tar-ti 'gets 
over or beyond'. Skr. pl-par-a-t from pi-par-ti *iills*, d-df- 
'dhar-a-t beside 2°*^ and 3'"^ sing, di-dhar from dhar- *hold 
fast*. Avest. bt-bar-ami (cp. Skr. conj. 2°** sing, bi-bhar-a-si) 
beside Skr. bi-bhar-mi *I carry'. Skr. a-jt-jan-a-t Vas born* 
Avest. zi-zan-a-Jf 3'** pi. zi-zan-a-ntiy \^ gm-. 

Skr. d-p7-pat-a-t^ \/^pet- *fly', d'Si-^ad-a-t, \/^ sed- 'sit*. 

On the Irish conjuntive, used for the future, of which 
we have an example in gignid nascetur' for *gi-gen-CL'ti^ see 
§ 544, page 103. 

Germanic. Apparently we have a form of this sort in 
Goth, rei-rdi-p moves, trembles', connected with Skr. le-ldy- 
"O-ti 'wavers, trembles'; it may come from pr. Germ, ^rf-rei-o 
(§ 469 p. 14, § 708). But this is not a certainty, because it 
has not yet been made out to what vowel series the root 
belongs (in Sanskrit we see a pret. d-le-U-t, § 568). 

1 06 Present Stem : Class IV — Skr. a-Jl-jan-a-t Gr. yi-yv-cTai. §§ 549,550. 

§ 549. B. Weak Root Syllable. 

Roots with i- and u- vowels. Avest. imper. di-dy-a 
(conj. di-dy-a-p)^ Gr. ^ito/tiai for *di-dk'0-f.iai beside Avest. 
didaeiti^ see § 537 p. 97; ^i'lfj-fiai (Class XI): di-C-o-jnai : Avest. 
didaeti = 'nl-nXrj-ui : Skr. d-pi-pr-a-ta : Skr. pi-par-ti. Skr. 
ji-ghy-a-ti 'drives on beside hi-no-ti Class XVII; gh instead 
of ^ (I § 445 p. 331, § 454 p. 335) answers to k in the 
3'** pi. ci-ky-ati, see § 537 Rem. p. 98.. Also Skr. aorists such 
as d-Si-Sriy-a-t from Sri- 'lean* (cp. d-Si~ire-t) ^ d-ci-ksip-a-t 
from ksip- 'throw', d-ri-ris-a-t from ris- 'take hurt', d-su-Sruv- 
-a-t from kru- *hear', d-cu-krudh-a-t from krudh- 'grow angry', 
d-dU'dus-a-t from dtt^- *grow bad, go to rack and ruin . 

§ 550. Roots with other vowels. 

Pr.Idg. *gi-gn-d^ \^gen- 'gignere*: Gr. yl-yvo-^iai Lat. 
gi-gn-o^ cp. *gi-gen-o- § 548. *si-zd'd, \^ sed~ 'sit': Skr. 
sidati instead of *std-a-ti (I § 591 p. 447, § 593 p. 449, com- 
pare Bartholomae in Bezz. Beitr. xvii 117), Gr. ICo) i. e. 
hizdo (I § 593 p. 449), Lat. sido (I § 594 p. 450). ^) *ni'nd-d 
'I scold, blame* beside Skr. nad- 'shriek, roar* Gr. 6voo&s *ye 
blame, scold* for oi'oJ- (cp. Avest. 2"^ pi. nista = */?|s^a, § 540 
p. 101): Skr. nind-a-ti 'scolds, abuses', with which became 
associated nid- 'reviling, rebuke* d-ned-ya-s 'blameless* and 
other similar words, Gr. *vu'd(o, whence iivsidog 'blame*.^) 
*si-st-d, y^sta- 'stare*: Skr. ti-sth-a-ti Lat. si-st-i-t; *pi'h-e-ti^ 
y/^po- 'drink* : Skr. pi-b-a-ti Lat. li-b-i-t O.Ir. i-b-i-d^ see § 539 
p. 100. 

1) Bechtel does not convince me that I am wrong in supposing the 
Idg. form to be '^si-zd-o (Bechtel, Hauptprobl. der Idg. Lautlehre, 254). 
That alSf'inai comes form aisS- or alsS- is unproven. Compare Idg. Forsch. 
I 171 f. 

2) This conjecture (cp. Osthoff, Perf. 394 f., and Bartholomae, Ar. 
Forsch. II 84, Bezz. Beitr. xvu 116) seems to me more likely than that 
sugested by others (as Fick, Wtb. I* 96), namely, that Skr. nind-a-ii was 
formed from a y^neid- on the principle of Class XVI. The Skr. re-for- 
mation perf. ni-nind-a etc. may be compared with perf. sld-atur fut. sid- 
'isya-ti beside sid-a-ti. 

§§ 551—553. Pres. Stem : Claas IV — 8kr. a'^firjan-a-t Chr. y^-yr-t-rm. 107 

g 551. Aryan. Skr. 3'<* pi. d^bp-hhr-a-n partic. bl-bhr-a- 
'mams from hi-bhar-ti 'bears', cp. Avest. bl-bar-dmi (§ 548 
p. 105). Skr. 3'** sing, d-pi-pr-a-ta from pt-par-ti 'fills*. Skr. 
ji-ghr-a-ti from ji-ghar-ti 'smells'. Skr. ji-ghn-a-te from ^n- 
'strike, slay'. Skr. pi-bd-a-te 'becomes firm, strong', y/^ped-. 
Skr. ti-^ih-a-ti^ Avest. hi-st-a-iti O.Pers. mid. a-i-St-a-td: Lat. 
sUst-o, § 550. Skr. 3^^ pi. mi-m-a-nti from mi-mO-ti roars* 
opt. mi-mi-ijd't. 

Another group of forms which comes in here is composed 
of such Skr. aorists as d-vl-tft-a-t from vart- Vertere', d-cT- 
'k'lp-a-t from kalp- *help*, d-pi-spr^-a-t from spark- 'touch', 
d-ci-krad-a-t from krand- 'roar'. A great many others were 
cast in the same mould as these; for instance, d-mlrmrnu't 
from wf-nd-ti 'crushes'. 

§ 562. Greek, yl-yv-o-f^ai^ see § 550. f-d'/uv-w beside 
utv-to 'I remain'. c-ax-w beside f/-w (*o€/'w) 1 hold, have', 
V^segh-. Trt-nT'io '1 fall'; whether T was original (cp. Skr. 
d-pJ-pat-a-t^ § 548 p. 105) is very doubtful; see § 473 p. 18. 
tixTco 'I beget' for *r/-rx-cu beside s-tsx-o-v, cp. the Author, 
Gr. Gr.2 § 62 p. 74. ia>w 'I cry out, shriek' for *J-i-J'a'/-in, 
cp. dv(T'rjX7Jg (cp. W. Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 230 ff.). 

On present stems extended by the suffix -io- see § 733. 

§ 553. Italic. Lat. gi-gn-o^ see § 550. Lat. sldo for 
*si-zd-d^ the second sibilant of which is kept in Umbr. ander- 
'Sistu Hntersidito' for *-»izd(e)td (cp. ander-sesust 'intersederit') : ') 
Skr. std-a-ti etc., see § 550. Lat. sero 'I sow' for *5t-s-o, 
beside Gr. 'i-rj-^u^ § 539 p. 99. Lat. bibo instead of ^pi-b-O: 
Skr. pi-b-a-ti etc., see § 539 p. 100; for the assimilation of p- 
to -5-, cp. Umbr. fere *dedit' instead of *tef e (fut. perf. tefust 
dirsust). Vest, di-d-e-t 'dat* (Pelign. dida *det' Umbr. dirsa 
dersa tefa 'det* dirstu tertu *dato'), beside Gr. J^t'-Jiw-.t//, § 539 
p. 99. Compare § 871, on Osc. fi-fik-us. 

1) For this explanation of the Umbrian form I have to thank a 
former pupil, Dr. von Planta. See now his dissertation, Yocalismus der 
osk.-Umbr. Dialekte, Strassburg 1892, pp. 214, 277, and his Grammatik. 

108 Present Stem: Class V — Skr. dd-d/ia-//. §5 554— 55B. 

§ 554. O.Ir. i'h-i'd *bibit' for *pi-b-e-ti: Skr. pi-b-a-ti 
etc., see § 539 p. 100. As to -airissim -airissmr 'I stand, 
remain standing, exist', see § 733. 

Futures like do-her *I will give' may be also added; they 
were originally ^-conjunctives of this class. See § 565. 

Class Y: 

Reduplication in -e (-e) -{- simple Root, used for the 

Present Stem. 

§ 555. This class has a very close connexion with the 
Perfect. The two are distinguished in the indie, present 
by different personal endings (cp. Skr. S^^ pi. sd-Sc-ati: pert 
3'** pi. sa-Sc-ut% from \^seq' 'be with, accompany*), and in the 
vocalisation of the singular, as 3''<* sing. Idg. *se'Seq'ti (Skr. 
*sa-sah-ti) : perf. "^se-soq-e (Skr. "^sa-sac-a). But there was no 
difference at all between the Preterite of Class Y and the 
Preterite of the Perfect Class (pluperfect), nor between their 
Conjunctive, Optative, and Imperative moods. Perhaps there 
was originally only Class YI, which now appears complementary 
to the fifth class (Skr. sd-Sc-a-ti Gr. sGn-o-fTo), but then had the 
same relation to the perfect as Class II to I, Class lY to III; 
and then perhaps the indie, present forms of the fifth class 
were coined on the analogy of classes I and III. 

§ 556. Aryan. Skr. ja-^'dn-ti (grammarians), Avest. za- 
-zan-ti 'gignit* (Bartholomae, Ar. F. ii 82); cp. d-jl-jan-a-t 
zi'Zan-a-^ § 548 p. 105. Skr. 3'"*^ pi. sd-sc-ati^ see § 555; 
cp. si-sak-ti § 540 p. 100. bd-bhas-ti *chew3, eats* 3'"*^ pi. bd- 
'ps-ati, conj. ba-bhas-a-t. d-ja-ks-ur *they ate*, imper. jagdhi 
for ^ja-gs-dhiy partic. ja-ks-at- from ghas- eat* (there is a 
re-formed 3"^*^ sing, jaksi-ti on the lines of Class IX) ; with 
thematic vowel ja-ks-a-ti. Partic. jd-ks-at- from has- 'laugh*. 
Avestic ni'Safdhasti for *sa-sasti Idg. *se-sed-{-ti ^ y/^sed- 
*8edere'; — perhaps a parallel thematic by-form is Gr. h'Qof^ai 
i. e. e-zd-o-fiai (§ 563). 

§§567—560. Present Stem: ClaM V — 8kr. dd-dhllrtu 109 

Skr. dd-dha-ti places dd-dO-ii 'gives' Avest. di^da-iti, 
see § 540 p. 99. Skr. jd-ha-ti 'leaves, gives up* !•* pi. ja- 
'hi-mas S'** pi. ja-h-ati^ Avest. za-zd-iti-, — with thematic vowel, 
Skr. ja-h-a-ti. 

§ 667. Greek. Lesb. sXXad^t 'be gracious' for as-aXa-d^i^ 
pi. fXXuTf, beside fla^i Class III, § 542 p. 102. xa-xXvOt 
hear*, pi. xi-xXv-rs: but Skr. d'Su-Srav-iir belong to Class III. 
fln-a 1 spoke* (Cret. Gort. Tr^jo-fundtw) contains a stem 
*U€'Uq- (as regards ffm- for *u^-^ see the Author, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxv 306, Gr. Gr.^ p. 157; Wackernagel, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxix 151 f. ; Meillet, Mem. Soc. Ling, vii 60); this 
weak stem eventually ran right through (cp. Skr. da-d-mi 
§ 541 p. 101, Lith. ddmi for ^de-d-mi § 546 p. 104); the -a- 
of tln-a-g nn-a-xs is to be explained as in f/fra^, see § 504 
p. 67; — with thematic vowel, Skr. d-voc-a-t Gr. f-fiTi-o-v, 
see § 661. 

§ 668. Keltic. Original Conjunctives of this class (cp. 
Skr. ba-bhas-a-t) are the Irish reduplicated futures, Mid.Ir. 
ge-gn-a 'vulnerabo* O.Ir. do-gega 'eligam* etc. They originally 
had the thematic vowel, which they exchanged for a in the 
same way as did the future of which gignid is an example. 
Class III § 544. However, the e of the reduplicator is doubt- 
less, as Thumeysen says, a mutation of i (Kuhn's Zeitschr., 
XXXI 77 f.); then the forms are not different from gignid and 
others of that kind. 

§669. Balto-Slavonic. Itith. d^sti *\s.js for *dhe'dh-\-ti 
instead of *dhe-dhe-ti^ Lith. dfi'sti O.C.Sl. (Russ.) dcistX gives' 
for *dQ-d-\-ti instead of *de-dd'ti^ see § 546 pp. 103 f. 

§ 660. Forms with Idg. e instead of e in the 
Reduplication (§ 472 p. 17). These are Intensives in 
Sanskrit; e. g. Skr. dd-dhar-ti beside (dar-dhar-ti) from dhar- 
'hold fast', 3'** pi. nd-nad-ati from 7iad- "shriek, roar*; cp. Avest. 
partic. pa-per't-ana- neut. used as a subst. 'fighting'. 

Skr. ja-gar-mi 'I watch* 3'** pi. jd-gr-ati imper. jd-gf-hi, 
and an irregular form with weak stem, jd-gf-mi; — thematic 

110 Present Stem: Class VI — Skr. sd-tc-a-ti. §§561,562. 

ja-gr-a-ti. Compare perf. ja-gdr-a Grr. syri-ysQ-iim. On the 

g of jcL-gar-mi^ see § 537 Rem. p. 98. 

Remark. The fut. jagarisydti perf. jajagara may be compared 
with lasisyati Icilasa beside lasati for *le-ls-e-ti, with jahisyaii djijahat 
beside ja-h-a-ti (§ 562), and others like them ; see § 752. 

A Greek intensive of this sort is Hom. dT^-d^x-arat 'they 
welcome, greet' imperf. J?J-dfx-ro (read 6?]-^ not Ssi-, — so 
J. Wackernagel), from dsy.of.iai df/o/nat *I receive'. 

Class YI. 
Reduplication in -e (-e) + Root + Thematic Vowel 
forming the Present Stem. 

§ 561. On the relation of this class to the last, see 
§ 555. 

Pr. Idg. *Qhe'Qhn-0' from \/^ qhen- Wike, kill': Skr. 
partic. ja-ghn-a-nt' (cp. ji-ghn-a-te § 551 p. 107), Gr. s-nt- 
-qtvo-v inf. ns-q)v-£-/iifv; conj. Avest. ja-yn-Ci-J). ^ue-uq-o- from 
[/^Ueq- *speak': Skr. d-vOc-a-t, Gr. e-em-o-v sln-o-v inf. elnsXv 
(on feiTi' for *ue-yfq- see § 557). *se-sq'0' from \/'seq- 'be with, 
accompany*: Skr. sd-Sc-a-ti^ Gr. s-On-s-ro opt. s-On-o-i-ro inf. 
e-an-s-ad^at. Skr. dd-dh-a-ti 'places*, Lith. de-d-u, [^dhe-, 

§ 562. Aryan. Skr. partic. ja-ghn-a-nt-, Avest. S'"* pi. 
ja-yn-e-nti conj. ja-yn-&'^: Gr. s-ns-cpv-o-v etc., see § 561. 
Skr. d-voc-a-t, Avest. vaoc-a-p imper. vaoc-d: Gr. s-nn-o-v, see 
§561. Skr. yes-a-ti 'boils' for pr. Ar. Ha-js-a-ti ground-form 
*je-js-e'ti from y/jes- (Skr. yds-ya-ti Gr. Cf«), cp. with 
io-extension Avest. ya^sy^iti § 733; Skr. d-yes-a-t served as 
model for d-neS-a-t from naS- 'to be destroyed' (Avestic has 
nqsa-^j regular), and the perfect nes-ur follows sed-ur yem-ur^ 
unless it is preferable to derive d-neka-t directly from the 
perfect stem, and regard it as a pluperfect (§ 854). Skr. 
lasa-ti 'desu-es' probably for Ha-U-a-ti (I § 259 p. 212), cp. la- 
-las-a-s 'covetous' Gr. XiXaiouai 'I desire' for *Xi-Xaa-^o-f4,ai 
(§ 733). Skr. d-pa-pt-a-t^ [/'pet- 'shoot through the air, fly'. 
Skr. sajjate 'hangs to something, sticks' for "sa-z^'-a- (I § 591 

§§ 563,564. Present Stem : Class VI — Skr. sd-k-a-ti. Ill 

pp. 448 f.), [/"seg- (Lith. sej-ii *l fasten'). Skr. dd-dh-a-ti 'places* 
dd-d-a-ti gives' A vest, da-p-a-iti from \/^dhS- and \^ dO-^ see 
§ 540 p. 99, § 561. Skr. ja-h-a-ti 'leaves, gives up'; see 
§ 556 p. 109. Skr. rd-r-a-U from ra- pour, cp. 2»^ pi. ra-rf- 
'dhvam (§ 538 p. 98). 

With a = Idg. 5 in the reduplication (cp. § 560) Skr. 
ja-gr-a-ti 'wakes' and Avest. 3''* sing. conj. vHurCLitP. (for ^vCL-vr^) 
from car- 'choose' (cp. Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xiii 79 f.). 

§ 563. Greek. i^-TTf-yv-o-r, f-em-o-v, '^'(Tn-E-ro, see § 561. 
This type of aorist was fertile in the Homeric dialect, and in 
the poetic style developed out of it (cp. Curtius, Yerb. , 11 • 
29 ff.). We may add : s-yJ-Kk-f'to from xeX-O'/ttai 1 call, summon, 
ask', TTf-naX-wv from ndXXfo *I swing, brandish* (l/^i>eZ-), rf-raoTr- 
-S'To from tsQTT'W 'I satisfy, refresh, please', 7i€-7ii&-0'i-to ns- 
'Tii&'cjv from 7T6i&'(o 1 persuade*, nt-nvd^'O'i-ro from jifv^-O'/ncu 
*I learn*. Xe-Xad^-o-r from Xrjd^-co 1 am hidden'. Ts-Tay-aiy 

In the later language we find presents in connexion with 
these aorists, as nstpvo), xey.Xojuai. £i!^o/Liai is one of this sort; 
for &-zd'0-ftaij from {/" sed- 'sit* (§ 556 p. 108), unless the form 
comes from n^o-fiai = O.H.G. sizzu Class XXYI (§ 721). 

§ 564. Italic. Lat. tendo Umbr. ostendu 'ostendito' 
(I § 499 p. 366) is often derived from He-tn-6 {\^ten-),^) to 
which Gr. ti-tcuvm would be related in the same way as 
XiXaiouai to Skr. la^ati (§ 562), cp. Skr. ta-tdn-a-t; others 
analyse ten-do, and refer it to class XXY (cp. II p. 161 foot- 
note 2, lY § 696); and now R. S. Conway identifies it with 
Gr. Tslvb) for Hen-id (Class. Rev., v 297), as G. Curtius had 
done before him. 

More certain examples may be found among the Latin 
perfects, as te-tig-i-t, te-tig-i'inus : Gr. re-ray-Mv, pe-pul-i-i : 
Gr. ns-naX-wv. See § 867. 

1) Bartholomae (Stud. idg. Spr. II 95) assumes that *te-tnd by 
analogy of forms wtih ten- became *tentno-y and hence tendo. 

112 Present Stem: Class \1I — cdr-kar-ti. §§565—568. 

§ 565. Keltic. In this class we may place the Irish 
6l-conjunctive with future meaning. O.Ir. dober 'I will give* 
1"* pi. do-heram for *bhe-bhf-(l- ^ i^bher- 'ferre*. fris-gera 
'respondebit* beside pres. 3'^ sing, fris-gair. nad-cel 'quod non 
celabo' beside pres. celim. Mid.Ir. fo-dema 'patietur* beside 
fO'daim *patitur'. As regards the compensatory lengthening in 
these forms, see I §§ 523, 526 pp. 380 f. It is true that the 
Irish sound-laws do not make it certain that e was the original 
reduplicating-vowel of this conjunctive. It may have been «, 
and Thurneysen (Kuhn's Zeitschr., xxxi 81) assumes this in 
view of gignid etc. (§ 544 p. 103). Since in the reduplicated 
present both e and i have always been used side by side (cp. 
Skr. ja-ghn-a-nt- and ji-ghn-a-te § 561 p. 110), it is hardly 
possible to draw the line. 

§ 566. Balto-Slavonic. Lith. de-d-ii 1 lay': Skr. dd- 
-dh-a-ti; Lith. dU'd-u 'I give' O.C.Sl. partic. dad-y 'giving*. 
See § 546 p. 104. 

Class VII. 
Complete Reduplication + Root forming the Present 


§ 567. On the form of reduplication used in this and the 
following thematic Class see §§ 465—467, 470, 474. 

§ 568. Roots beginning in a Consonant. Certain 
examples only in Aryan (Intensive Yerbs). 

Skr. car-kar-mi imper. car-kf-tad, Avest. P* pi. car^-ker'- 
-maJu from kar- 'think of, remember . Skr. 2°** sing, ddr-dar-si 
imper. dar-d^-hi^ Avest. opt. dar^-dair-ya-p from dar- 'split' ; i) 
— with thematic vowel dar-dir-a-t. Skr. 3'^ sing. mid. sar-s^-te 
sar-sr-e from sar- 'flow*. Skr. jdid-ghan-ti conj. jatd-ghdn-a-t 

1) The second syllable of the Avestic form shows irregularly the 
strong grade, unless *'clf'ie-t (I § 306 pp. 241 f.) is to be assumed for 
the ground-form (cp. Skr. dlr-ya-t d-dar-dir'ur davdir-a't). 

§ 56^—571. Present Stem: Class VIII — 8kr. dar^dirt^, 118 

from han- 'strike, kill'. Skr. d-lS-lS-t from ll- 'oscillate'. 
Skr. 1'* pi. nO-nu-mas from nu- 'shriek, cry, call'; — with 
thematic vowel 3'** pi. mid. nd-nuv-a-nta. Skr. partic. mid. 
jo-htw-ana-s from hU- 'call'; — with thematic vowel Skr. jd- 
-huv-a-t. Avest. zao-zao-ml 'I pour out, consecrate*. Skr. vdr- 
'Vart-ti S""** pi. vdr-v^-ati from vart- 'vertere'. Skr. mid. 3'** sing. 
di'di^'fe 3'"** pi. dS-dU-ate Avest. da^-dois-t from Ar. dik^ 
'show; — with thematic vowel Skr. de-di^-a-m. 

Sanskrit has also some forms with i after the reduplication 
(§ 467 p. 13). bart-bhar-ti 3'** pi. bhdri-bhr-ati from bhar- 
'ferre'. Partic. ghdni-ghn-at- beside jdid-ghan-ti (p. 112). 
ndpl-nd-t beside no-nu-mas (see above), van-vart-ti beside 
vdr-vart-ti (above), kdni-kranti for kdni-krad-at' from krand- 

§ 569. Roots beginning in a Sonant. 

Skr. dUar-ti 'raises itself. 

Gr. ij«/-*j'x-a I brought* partic. mid. iv'syx-d/nsvo-g , Idg. 
*en-efii'. With rjvfyn'og -axe etc. compare s^svag slnag etc. 
§ 504 p. 67. Whether the Skr. 2'^ and 3'^ sing, mat 3'** dual 
anas-fcLm conj. P* pi. anak-ci-mahai^ which belong to the same 
root, are reduplicated or not, is a question. ana^- may be 
derived from *gw-^2-, or from "^enek- (cp. Gr. Jt-9;vtx-i;$). 

Class VIII. 

Complete Reduplication + Root + Thematic Vowel 
forming the Present Stem. 

§ 570. Roots beginning in a Consonant. 

Certain examples only in Aryan (Intensives), compare § 568. 
Skr. shows injunctives like dar-dir-a~t^ no-nuv-a-nta, jo-huv-a-t, 
de-dii-a-m^ see above. Avest. na^-niz-a-iti 'washes' beside 
Skr. ne-neJC'ti mid. ne-nik-te: cp. conj. voi-vld-a-itB beside Skr. 
partic. ve-md-ana-s from vid- *find'. 

§ 571. Roots beginning in a Sonant. 

Armen. ar-ar-i aor. of af-ne-m 'I make*, Gr. TJp-a^-o-y 
inf. (xQ-ap-sTv aor. of dp'ag-ioxuj 'I fit'. Skr. am-am-a-t aor. of 

firufmann, Elements. Vf. 8 

114 Present Stem: Class IX — Skr. vdm-i-ti brdv-l-ii. §§ 571,572. 

am- 'injure' (pres. arm-ti) Gr. tjy-ay'O-v dy-ay-sTi' from dy-oi 
'I lead'.i) 3'^ pi. dn-dx-o-vvo from dyt-nx-lto/unt 'I am troubled'. 
dX-aXx'S *I warded off'. r^vfyx-o-v *I brought'. Iviyx-stv 
beside rjv-syy.-a (§ 569). Compare § 470. 

Skr. dnin-a-t (prcinina-t) from an- 'breathe*, arjij-a-t from 
arj' {fj') 'direct, procure*, auhjij-a-t from uhj- 'keep down', and 
other examples, only found in the grammarians. Gr. kgvyiax-o-v 
from tQvx'io 'I hold back', TjviTTaTT-o-r from Ivin-Tio 1 address*. 
Compare § 474 p. 



§ 572. We have here two classes of forms to deal with; 
examples of which are (1) Skr. vdmi-ti Gr. dya-f^at^ and (2) 
Skr. amt'ti. 

The first has 9 after the root. Whether this a was part 
of the root, as some scholars too confidently assert, or a true 
suffix (I § 14 p. 17), is doubtful. In Greek along with a are 
found both s and o. Bartholomae seems to be right in seeing 
here the Idg. e and o (Bezz. Beitr. xvn 109 ff.). 

-9' was never found except before personal endings which 
begin with a consonant; cp. Skr. rodi-ti pi. riid-anti. 

Forms with -f- are only found in Aryan. This vowel, 
Idg. i, was certainly a suffix of some kind ('root- determinative') ; 
a general discussion of it has been given above, § 498 pp. 61 f. 
Used in the same way we find ai in Sanskrit {dj-ai-s)^ perhaps 
the same as h in Gr. dy-ei-g dy-si (see p. 61 footnote). But 
it cannot be made in the least probable that -t- was ever 
confined to the plural and dual active and the middle of all 
three numbers, or -ai- to the singular active, like Skr. k^- 
-nu-mds etc. as contrasted with k^-no-mi; -i- is particularly 
common in the singular active in Sanskrit. 

1) On Benfey's Skr. dj-ij-a-t^ see Hiibsclimann, Idg. Vocalsyst, 66; 
Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xvu 116 f. 

§§ 573,574. Present Stem : CUss IX — Skr. vdm-i-ii brdv-i-ti. 115 

The spread of -f- in Sanskrit was due in great part to a 
confusion with -«- = -a-. We have therefore to compare, say, 
Sami'^va : SamJ-^va with Skr. d-dhi-mahi : d-dhi'tnahi. 

It is not always possible to say whether -f- was attached 
to a form in pre-Aryan times, or took the place of i = 9 
in Aryan itself. Thus -9- and -t- may here be comprehended 
in one class. 

§ 573. To forms without Reduplication we cannot 
point with any confidence except in Aryan and Greek. But 
Bugge conjectures that some such are contained in the Arm. 
2"* aorist mid. , e. g. cnay from pros, cnani-m *pario , gigno, 
nascor*: cwa- for *§en9' (cp. § 583 p. 125). See Bugge, 
Indogerm. Forsch., I p. 439. 

§ 574. Sanskrit. Forms with -i-. vdmi-mi vdmi-ti 
(S'** pi. vam-anti, pret. d-vam-l-t) ^ beside Gr. tfxeco. dni-ti 
^breathes' 3''* pi. an-dnti (pret. dn-t-t). Imper. stani-hi from 
Stan- 'thunder*. Imper. Sami-sva from Sam- 'take pains'. 
rodi-ti 'laments, cries'. P* pi. rudi-mas 3'^ pi. rud-anti 
imper. rudi-hi (pret. d-rod-i-t). svdpi-ti 'sleeps*. Svasi-ti 
'snorts' imper. hasi-hi instead of *iusi'hi cp. mid. Sus-e 
(pret. d-SvaS'T-t). Also Sf-nv-i-se beside i;ir'i^v-i-re like ja-jfi- 
-i'Se beside ja-jn-i-re. On ts-i-te beside ts-te, see § 853. 

-i' in these Yerbs is not usually confined to the present 
stem. Compare Sami-sva with sami'td-s d-iami-s-ta (Gr. xd/ua' 
-ro-ff), jdni'Sva with jani'tdr- jani-syd-ti (Gr. yeve-T(og Lat. 

To these I add a few forms which both Indian grammarians 
and European scholai-s call parts of the is- aorist, to wit: 
2'** sing, varti-thas from vart- 'vertere', d-jay-i-t from ji- 'con- 
quer*, d'tdri-ina from tar- 'move across, place or pass over*, 
and like forms, along with the 2'"'* pi. mid in -idhvam instead 
of -idhvam (§ 839) given by the Indian grammarians, e. g. 
dhodhi-dhvam. It is true the popular feeling associated these 
with the 5-aorist, as it did the forms d-dhi-thos d-dhi-ta 
d-kf-thas d'kjT-ta; but neither of the two kinds had any real 

116 Present Stem: Class IX — Skr. vdm-i-ti hrdv-l-U. §574. 

connexion in form with it (§ 816).^) Perhaps this apparent 
connexion was cemented by the original 2^^ sing, of the js-aorist, 
ending in *-is (for *-iS's) which may have been unconscionsly 
analysed into *-i-s (§ 839); cp. dnait following dnais for 
"^a-nais-s (§ 816). 

't- is commonest in the 2'^ and 3'^ sing. pret. active (cp. the 
above examples), am-i-ti 'injures' (3'^ pi. am-dnti) imper. am- 
-I'Sva. Imperative: Sam-t-sva -dhvam beside Sami-sva (p. 115). 
tav-T-ti 'thrives, is strong'. 3'^ dual d-g^h-T-tdm 'they seized' 
mid. 2"^ sing. gfh-T-thas g^h-t-sva^ 3'^ sing. d-grahh-T-t^ 
cp. gfhh't'td-s grah-T-sya-ti d-grabh-i-s-ur. ds-i-t *erat\ 

The verb brdv-t-ti 'says' has -l- only in those persons 
which elsewhere have -i-, and obviously follows the i-verbs: 
thus brdv't-mi -t-si -T-ti^ d-brav-l-s -t-t, but d-brav-am 
brU-mds bruv-dnti. Compare Avest. mraom i. e. mrav-em = 
d-hrav-am^ mid. mruye i. e. mruv-e (Bartholomae, Handb. § 92 
p. 40) = bruv-e, mruite mru-ta ■= Skr. bru-te d~bru-ta and 
mrao-s mrao-J} as contrasted with d-brav-i-s -T-t, like Skr. 
3'^ sing, as contrasted with ds-T-t-^ but Avestic itself has a 
similar «-form in vya-mrmta (Y. 12. 6.), if Bartholomae rightly 
takes this as 3'^ sing. mid. imperf. (see Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXVIII 37, Stud. Idg. Spr. ii 127). By levelling we have 
Skr. imper. bravl-hi instead of bru-hi^ and brU-mi instead of 

From presents in -aya-ti: Skr. unay-i-s from una-ya-ii 
'leaves unfulfilled', dhvanay-i-t from dhvanaya-ti 'envelops*, 
cp. opt. mid. kamay-l-ta § 951. 

This i- and I-inflexion spread widely in Sanskrit because 
it often served to renew distinctions which had been worn 
away by phonetic change: dsts dsU are clear; as for 2^^ and 
3'^* person both, is not. 

On the place which preterite forms in -l-s -l-t filled in 
the s-aorist, see § 839. 

1) d-Jayi-t: B'^ pi. d-jayis-ata = Gr. i-yofjua-io {xofjud-^^a): 2"^^ sing. 

mid. (-XQffiaa-&t]!; {xofjuao-TO-g}^ 866 § 840. 

§ 575 - 577. Present Stem : Claaa IX — Skr. vdm-i-ti brdvi-ti, 1 1 7 

§ 676. Greek. The 9-flexion holds ground in the middle 
voice. y(/(^ta'fiou 'I hang* (cp. fut. x^ffid-ut, %(tsfid-^Qci 'hanging 
basket*), aya-ftnt 'I revere, honour*; dyn- doubtless for *i^g9', 
from the root of /«&/«; then uya-unt: a possible ^ntya-fu as 
8kr. rudi-mas : rOdi-mi. Aor. i'7T(jtd-iti7]v 'I bought' beside 
Skr. krl-nd'ti 'buys' fut. kre-syd-ti O.Ir. cre-nim 'I buy* conj. 
3'** sing, -cria for *cri-a-t. 

The active forms perhaps became thematic iu prehistoric 
times: sinbw *I spew* instead of *f€u6-/iti: Skr. vdmi-mif cp. sua- 
-aaa; da(.idM 'I subdue' instead of *^ajLia-f4ty cp. dd/ucc-oGa 
TiaV'da^id'TCjg; fXdu) *I drive* instead of *sXa'/.ii ^ cp. sla-aaa 
fXa-Tt'/f); d(j6fo *I plough' instead of *dQO'f.u^ cp. do-rigo-^bvo'*^ 
figo-aa dgo-xfjo-v. On -s- and -o- beside -a- see § 572 p. 114. 
But the (ja-aorist makes it possible to regard these forms as 
originally ending in -ta-o) -ao-co -o(f-w, and answering to Skr. 
tards-a-ti arcas-e. See §§ 661, 842. 

Remark. Many other forms seem to be of this group, but their 
explanation is obscure. See, for example, § 550 p. 106 for ovo-nai. ovo-vtui^ 
Osthoff Perf. 371, 409 for nha-iuai^ the Author in Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxui 
587 ff. for fQo-uai. On e^x^a-g (-xfa-fjtv and the like, which some scholars 
place in this category, see § 504 p. 67. 

§ 576. In Latin, Germanic and Balto-Slavonic -d- and 
Idg. -0- (in Latin , Idg. -e- as well) must necessarily run 
together into the same sound. Thus it is always possible that 
verbs which in these languages belong to Class II originally 
had -5- and belonged properly to the ninth class. Lat. vomi-t 
vomi-mtis cp. Skr. vdmi-ti. Goth, -anan 'breathe, blow* 
cp. Skr. dni-ti (P* pi. -ana-m like ani-mas), O.H.G. rioian 
'cry, weep' cp. Skr. rodi-ti, A.S. swefan O.Icel. sofa 'sleep' 
cp. Skr. svdpi'ti. Lith. S*"** sing, rauda 'cries , weeps' Lett. 
rdud, beside O.H.G. rioian and Skr. rodi-ti. Certainty is 
very far from possible here; indeed, even in Sanskrit these 
roots can be inflected like Class II: vam-a-ti^ dn-a-ti an-d-ti, 
rdd-a-ti rud-a-ti^ svdp-a-ti. 

§ 577. Forms with Reduplication only found in 
Sanskrit; all have -l-. 

118 Present Stem: Classes X and XI — a- e- o-present. § 578. 

't' in the 2"** and 3'^ sing, of some preterites which are 
usually called pluperfect: as d-ja-grabM-t (P* sing, d-ja-grabh- 
-am) from grabh- *seize', d-bu-bhoji-s from bhuj- 'bend'. 

Intensive : vd-vadt-ti from vad- *speak', pd-pati-ti from pat- 
*fly\ Compare § 560 pp. 109 f. Intensive: dar-dari-ti froih 
dar- 'split' beside ddr-dar-si^ tar-tari-ti (and with irreg. strong 
stem, 2"^** dual tartari-thas) from tar- 'step over , nan-namT-ti 
from nam- to 'bow, bend oneself, ro-ravl-ti from ru- 'roar, 
cry', Jo'havl'ti from hu- 'call*. Compare § 568 p. 113. The 
root syllable is never followed by -T- when the reduplication 
ends in t: cp. § 467 p. 13. 


§ 578. We have here to examine 'forms such as Gr. 
«-J()-a-r, k'^X-Tj'V, e-Gfi'Tj'V, s-yv-co-v. These vowels i) -ci-, -e-, and 
-0- never had any gradation, and the long vowel always runs 
right through all numbers of active and middle in the Indicative. 
But some modifications have arisen by a certain law affecting 
the European languages, by which long vowels were shortened 
before n or i 4- consonant ; as Gr. S^^ pi. s-yvov for *^/-i/«-i;(t), 
opt. P' pi. yvot/uev for *ymf,-/Lisv (I §§ 611, 612, 614, 615 
pp. 461 ff.). 

Originally the root had always its weak grade. In the 
aorists here cited it has ceased to be a syllable. But a syllable 
it still is in some forms, as *bhuif,-a' : Lat. (conj.) fua-s Lith. 
biivo (beside *bhu-a- in Lat. -ba-s); Hi-e-: Skr. iy-cL-t^ 
cp. perhaps Goth, iddja^ whose i- may also be an augment 
(e-) (beside H-e- in Skr. y-d-ti)-, ^mi^n-e-: Gr. l-f-iavrj Lith. 
mlne-^ *liq-e-: Gr. s-Un?] Lat. lice-t-, Gr. i-^dk-7j (beside s-fik-rj). 

These suffixes had properly nothing do do with either 
aorist or present meaning. This is clear because they never 
have been confined to one particular stem. We find them in 

1) The newest theory on "Root-Forms in a-^" may be seen by refer- 
ring to Kretschmer, Kuhn's Ztschr. xxxi 403 flP. 

§ 578. Present Stem: ClMses X and XI — A- e- d-preeent. 1 19 

the Perfect, as Skr. pa-prau Gr. Tr^TrAiy-iroi ; in the Aorist, as 
Skr. 3"* sing, d-pra-s Gr. s-nXTj-a-a; in the Participle, as Skr* 
prCl-td-8 Lat. im-pletU'S-, and in the Present, Skr. 2°** sing, prd-^i 
Lat. im-pU'S from stem *pl-e- 'fill' \^ pel-. Often it is just in 
the present stem that the stems formed with these suffixes do not 
occur; for instance, we have Skr. fut. hv-d-sya-te O.C.Sl. aor. 
zuc-a-chu Skr. hv-a-tar- O.C.Sl. ziw-a-telt *caller', but pres. Skr. 
hdc-a-te O.C.Sl. zov-e-tu 'calls*; Skr. jft-a-ti'S 'near kinsman* Gr. 
naoi-yvrjTO'q yv-w-To-g 'kinsman, brother Goth. knOps (Stem 
kn-d-di-) 'stock, tribe' from y^^ew- 'gignere; Gr. tvi-anrj-au) 'I will 
say' O.Icel. skald 'poet' for pr. Germ. *skB-dld- (Liden, P.-B. 
Beitr. xv 507) from y/^seq- 'say' pres. tv-tjux). 

These forms with -a- in Italic, Keltic, and Slavonic are 
also used for the Conjunctive. Besides Lat. fua-s given above 
we may cite tula-s (cp. Gr. Dor. s-rXa-g). It is no more 
strange to find these suffixes in two moods than to find -e- 
and -0- in both indicative and conjunctive. 

So with the -e- which meets us in Italic future and con- 
junctive series, as Lat. fut. so-lv-e-s conj. l-r-e-s Osc. sakraiter 
fusid (§926), must be identified with -e- in i-^X-tj-v l-iiav-ri-v'^ 
compare Lat. ed-e-t with Lith. pret. ed-e ^ Osc. fu-i-d 'sit' 
[i = e) with Gr. pret. s-ffv-rj. 

Greek, in the mood answering to the Latin a-conjunctive, 
has a variation, sometimes -fj- and sometimes -w-; as Xtnrj-Tt 
XiniO'Lisv. Perhaps there were originally two sets of conjunctive 
forms, one with -e- and one with -o-; and from these a mixed 
paradigm was made, -e- or -0- being taken according as the 
corresponding indicative form had -e- or -o-. If so, the con- 
junctive Xlnrj'Ts must be really the same as the aorist passive 
(f)Xinrj-Tf^ Lat. fud-s the same as -bds, tula-s the same as Gr. 
(s-)rXa'g. There was a closer connexion between -S- and -O- 
than either of them had with -fl-, as is proved by such forms 
as *gi-^- Gr. tfj : *Qi'd' fw-w, *bhs-e' Gr. x/ftj : *bhs'0' xfjio-^jo-g 
(other examples in § 587). 

It would probably be much easier to thread our way 
through this labyrinth if we knew which of the three sounds 

120 Present Stem: Classes X and XI — a- e- S-present. § 578. 

is represented by the -a- of Aryan conjunctives. In the 
indicative forms, non-Aryan languages often give the clue; 
thus we derive Skr. prd-si from '^ple-si because Greek has 
has nlrj-ro and Latin -ple-s, but drd-ti we derive from *rfr-^-^* 
because of Greek e-dga-v. 

Such of these forms which serve for the Conjunctive will 
be left for examination together when we come to the Con- 
junctive, §§ 918 if. (cp. § 489 pp: 47 f.). 

As has already been mentioned (§ 487 p. 41), I believe 
that this ^-suffix is the same as the feminine suffix -a-; 
compare Skr. perf. ji-jyau jyd-sya-ti Gr. Ion. ^e-fjlrj-Tai ^irj- 
-aaro with the fem. Skr. jya-, jiyci- -, Gr. /!?/«, from V^qei- 
subdue, force (Skr. jdy-a-ti ji-nd-ti). This is no bolder 
than to suppose that indie. ay-o-f.isv and conj. sU-O'/luv contain 
the same -o- as dy-n-c. And some verbal stems with -e- 
are actually used as nouns, as Gr. /n-ij necessity' beside ke- 
-/gij-uui /0'ij'(j&a-, Hom. 6/lio-xa-ij^ 'loud cry or call' beside 
Cret. partic. dva-ylij-/usro-g ; Lat. qiii-e-s abl. quie beside perf. 
quie-vij Skr. ps-a- 'food* beside ps-a-ti cp. i/zif for * 
The same e-nouns are seen in Lat. pie-ham^ lice-hat^ 
are-hat^ are facio^ O.C.Sl. b^-achu ztre-achu and the like 
(§ 896 Rem., §§ 899, 903). 

Yerbs made with these suffixes are often extended by 
'io-j as beside Skr. sn-d-ti 'washes, bathes' Lat. nd-s na-mus 
we have Skr. sna-ya-te Lat. no for ^nci-{i)o O.Ir. 3"^* sing. 
snWid] and it is impossible to draw a distinct line between the 
older inflexion and that with -io-. Thus we must make frequent 
comparisons with the io- conjugation of Class XXYIII. 

In one other respect it is difficult, if not impossible, to 
draw a hard and fast line. The class of verbs to which 
grammarians mostly restrict the term Denominative are often 
inseparable from this tenth class and its io-extension ; as Lat. 
planto (for *planta-(i)o planta-s etc. from planta- plant' like 
nonas etc., Gr. Lesb. e-rt/na-intv s-Tifia-rs from rl/Ltcc' 'honour 
like b'dga-fisv e-dpa-rf^ Armen. jana-m jana-mU like mna-m 
mna-mJc. That these denominatives had originally only -io- (or 

§579. Present Stem: CIms X — Skr. <fr-^-/i. 121 

-i>) in all persons cannot be proven (cp. § 487 p. 42); and in 
view of the great number of forms like Lat. plantds plantd'tnus 
without -Uh in the Idg. languages, it is very improbable. 

Class X. 

Unreduplicated Root -r -a- -B- or -d- forming the 

Present Stem. 

§ 679. Root -h -tl-. 

Pr. Idg. ^dr-a-ti *runs* (cp. Skr. dr-dva-ti dr-ama-ti etc., 
§ 488 p. 47): Skr. dra-ti imper. dra-hi^ Gr. s-doG-v s-doa-tav. 
^tr-a^ti (cp. Skr. tar- 'press through, pass over*): Skr. frfi-ti 
'rescues, saves* (orig. *lets go through, or gets happily out 
of) mid. trd'Sva trd-dhvam (trd-ya-tS), Lat. in-tra-s -trd-mus 
(1"* sig. 'trD for *-tra-io) and trans Umbr. traf trahaf 'trans' 
(orig. nom. sing, of the participle, see Thielmann, Arch. Lat. 
Lex. IV 248 ff., 358 ff.).^ *sn-a-ti 'washes, bathes' intr. (cp. Skr. 
sn-du-ti 'trickles* partic. S7i-u-ta-s, Gr. v-eco fut. v-ev-aouai): 
Skr. snd-ti 3'** dual sna-tas {sna-ya-te) ^ Lat. nd-s na-tnus 
(1** sing, nd)^ cp. Gr. vdco *I flow' va-jna. *bhu-a- ^bhuu-d- 
from \^hheu' 'become, be*: Lat. -has -hd-mus^ O.Ir. 3'"'* sing. 
hd ha (conj. and fut.), Lith. huvo *was* buvo-me; variant *bhti-e- 
*bhuu-e-^ see § 587. *sruu-d- from sreu- 'flow': Gr. Epidaur. 
Ippva 'flowed', Lith. pa-sriivo 'flowed*; variant *srmi-^- Gr. 
loQvt] § 589. *q-d-t *e-g-d-t went' (cp. *g-e/w-, § 497 Rem. 
p. 57) : Skr. d-ga-t d-gd-ma , Gr. s-firj e-(ir,-f.iev. Sometimes 
verbs which originally belonged to Class I, and had gradation, 
were absorbed into this class and lost it: see § 495 p. 55. 

Examples of similar conjugation in later denominative 
verbs from fl-stems : 1»* pi. Armen. jaua-mK, Gr. Aeol. riua- 
-uhv, Lat. plantd-mus^ O.Ir. no chara-m, Lith. justo-me. 

It is naturally often doubtful whether an a-verb belongs 
to the Primitive or the Denominative class, to use the terms 

1) intrdre extrare were clearly regarded by the Romans as derived 
from intra extra. But trans makes it quite as probable that they are 
compounds of *trare. F. D. Allen, Am. Journ. Phil, i 143 ff., does not 
oonyince me. 

122 Present Stem: Class X — Skr. drati. §§580,581. 

in their received sense. For example, Lat. foro foras, 
O.H.G. horom horos *I bore*, common ground-form ^bh^r-a-, 
beside O.H.G. bora f. 'borer' (cp. § 769). 

§ 580. Aryan. Besides those mentioned in § 579, there 
are few Aryan verbs which can fairly be supposed to have 
original -a-, to judge from the cognate languages. Skr. sr-a-ti 
(gramm.) beside sra-ya-ti 'cooks, roasts' from y/^Tier- (Gr. xepd^- 
oat^ Skr. S^-td'S) ; cp. Gr. -xi-xQa-iiu 'I mix Class XI, perf. xs- 
-xpa-taf ,, a-xQccTo-g *unmixt' (== Skr. Sra-td'S). Skr. ml-ci-U 
'softens, slackens, decays* S""** pi. ml-a-nti (beside mld-ya-ti) 
from y^mel- molere', cp. Gr. Dor. (ild-^ (^^^-xgo-g 'slack, 
flabby* ( mlaith blaith 'soft, tender* perhaps with |, I § 306 
p. 243). Skr. opt. mncL-ya-t 'commemoret* 3^^^ pi. mna-y-ur 
from y/^men- 'think*, cp. Gr. Dor. perf. f^if-juva-rm. Skr. dhy- 
'CL'ti beside dhyd-ya-ti 'thinks of (perf. da-dhyciu) beside d-dt- 
'dhe-t § 537 p. 97 , cp. Gr. adi'/Lia aij'/ua =^ Skr. dhy-d-man- 
II § 117 p. 370.0 

We subjoin a few more of the forms with -a- whose 

suffix may be either Idg. -a- or Idg. -e- or -o-: ghr-a-ti 

'smells* (perf. ja-ghrau partic. ghrcL-td-s) beside ji-ghar-ti 

Class III (§ 540 p. 100); dr-a-ti 'sleeps* (da-drau dra-na-s) 

beside Gr. ^ap-&dvio Lat. dor-mio (cp. the Author, M. U., i 43) ; 

dhm-a-nt' 'blowing {da-dhmau dhma-td-s) beside dhdm-a-ti 

Class II A ; khy-a-ti 'looks , seems , makes known' (ca-khydu 

khya-td-s beside d-khy-a-t Class II B (see footnote). 

Remark. Denominatives from a-stems of the later stratum in 
Aryan form the present in -a-ya-ti^ not -d-ti^ see § 766. Forms like mald-ti 
'he is like a wreath' (maid-) are an artificial product of a late period. 

§ 581. Armenian, mna-m 'I remain, await* P* pi. 

mnormJc (aor. mna-ci)^ from the root of Gr. f.isv-(x) *I remain*, 

and probably connected directly with Skr. mn-a- Gr. i^iv-a- 

(§ 580). kea-m 'I live* ground-form *qii-a-mi (Bartholomae, 

Stud. Idg. Spr., II 134) or *^ua-mi (cp. Skr. jwd-tU'§ 'life*, 

beside Skr. jtva-ti 'lives' Lat. vivo, which was derived from 

1) Fick, Wtb. I* 32, connects aZ,ua with Skr. h1iyd-tl^ for which see 

9 582. Present Stem: Class X — Skr. dr-d'ti. 123 

V^Q^i' by the suffix -uo-, but was regarded very early as a 
verb of Class 11; cp. § 488 p. 47). orca-m 'I break wind, 
belch* for *oruC'a'in, cp. 0.C.81. ryga-jq ructo*. 

Denominatives with -S- of the newer stratum are inflected 
just as these are; as jana-m '1 take pains, strive' !•' pi. jana-mU 
(Jan pains, excitement, diligence*), olha-m M bewail' !•* pi. 
olba-mJ^ (olh 'lament'). xroxta-m 'I am haughty, defiant* 
P* pi. xroxta-m^ (xroxt 'haughty, defiant*). 

§ 582. Greek, (dga-v 'I ran' 1»* pi. i'doa-^uv 3"* pi. 
s-dpa-v: Skr. dra-ti^ see § 579 p. 121. i-tXtj-v Dor. s-vXa-v 
*I endured' P* pi. s-tXtj-^isv 3'** pi. «-rAa-v, imper. xXfj-d^i^ from 
\/^tel' (toA-/ii/, TsXdaaai), Hom. nXTj-vo 'drew near' (cp. Dor. 
d-nXa-xo-g nXa-zio'v) ^ beside nsXa^w 'I bring near*. i-^rj-v 
Dor. i-^a-v 'I went*: Skr. d-ga-t, see § 579 p. 121. Att. 
f-yjjga-v *l grew old' inf. yrjpavai from pros. yrjQciay.M. Epidaur. 
l^fg()va: Lith. pa-sruvo *I flowed*. Hesych. tcf^ia: dnsd^aviv 
(cod. eff&ia). Other forms of the same kind collected by Fick 
in the Gott. Gel. Anz. for 1881, pp. 1430 ff., and Bartholomae, 
Stud. Idg. Spr., II 128 f. 

Denominatives with -a- belonging to the newer stratum 
were conjugated in this Class in the Aeolic dialect; e. g. pi. 
rtlLiG'fiev Tifia-TS (but att. tT/hmjluv rl^idrs). The 1** sing, in 
-aifit is a re-formation in place of -«-/«, and -ouu instead of 
-<x>-.m. Cp. §§ 589, 775. 

Forms passing from Class I to Class X: I'-arrj-fisv instead 
of *f'6Ta'iiisv, f'(f)d^rj-/nsv instead of *6-(p&a-f.uv (but the middle 
keeps (pi^a-^ as fp&d-f.isvo'c). See § 495 p. 55. 

Remark. Hom. nl^vro instead of *TTXavTo following 7ti>jur,v etc., so 

atjyrai tunXfjyro instead of *aevTai *-nX(vTO. Similarly opt. fft-nl'^TO and 
Mtfiyrtftrjv xtKTJijutjv , 800 § 944. But some are regular , act. aaai afyrt; 
tfQdvTtq (on fd^av Jyvov 860 § 1020. 2). Compare I § 611 Rem. p. 462. 

§583. Italic. The 1»* sing. pres. in *-<I-»wi is lost; in its 
place Latin had always *-a-i5, which became -o. Lat. trdns 
Umbr. iraf trahaf ^ Lat. in-tra-s -tra-mus: Skr. trO-ti; Lat. 
losing, in-tro beside Skr. trd-ya-tB, see § 579 p. 121. Lat. 

124 Present Stem: Class X — Skr. dr-a-ti. ij 582. 

fl-a-s fl-a-mus^ cp. O.H.G. blau *I blow' for ^hhl-e-w and Gr. 
(pX'V(x) 'I abound*. Lat. n-a-s n-a-mus: Skr. sn-d-ti 'washes, 
bathes', see § 579 p. 121. Ital. *fa- for "^fu-a- from y'^bheu- 
^become, be*, pret. *'fa-m: Lat. ama-ba-s -ba-mtis, Osc. fu- 
-fans *erant* (§ 899), cp. Lat. conj. fu-a-s: O.Ir. ba ba etc. 
(§ 579 p. 121). Lat. hi-a-s hi-a-mus^ P* sing, hid = Lith. 
zio-ju 'open the mouth*, cp. Lat. hi-sco^ O.H.Gr. gi-no-m 
gei-no-m 'I gape*. Lat, inquam for ^en-sq-a-m injunctive, 
\^seq- *say', cp. in-qui-t in-quin-nt (Class XXVI § 717) Gr. tvi- 
^an-s (Class II B) en-on-jj-aio. 

d'Cl' from \^do- 'give' is found not only as a conjunctive 
(Lat. ad-da-s^ Osc. da -dad 'reddat'), but as indicative too, 
Lat. das dat. The last two are doubtless injunctive forms 
{dat instead of *da-d) , and d-d-s : ad-da-s = -ba-$ : fuCL-s, 
iula-s : Gr. f-vXa-g, 

era-m erci-s is to es-t what ea-m (used for conj.) is to i-t. 
The use of the injunctive *fti-a- =-- Lat. -ba-m for the imperfect 
certainly had sometliing to do with the use of the injunctive 
era- as imperfect. Some scholars (the latest is Bartholomae, 
Stud. Idg. Spr. II 187 f.) connect eram with Ion. erjv srjnd-a- 
ijrjv would be the augmented form; for another possible 
explanation see § 858. 2. 

Other Yerbs belonging to this class are: Lat. juvCL-s 
(partic. -Jiltu-s perf. fuvt) for "^diugu-a-s: Lith. dziilgo-s 'he 
broke out into rejoicing (pres. P* sing, dsiung^'-s)-^ lav-d-s 
(beside lav-is)^ cp. perf. lavT\ dom-a-s cub-as mic-a-s e-legans 
(beside e-Ugere) sec-a-s (Umbr. pru-sekatu 'prosecato*) and 
others, cp. perf. dotnui cubm miciii seem. Doubtless we 
should also place here certain stems which have -a- all 
through the verb, as ara-s perf. aravl partic. aratii-s^ cp. Gr. 
dgdo) *I plough* (Hom. S^^ pi. d()6woi Heracl. aQaaovri^ Siitterlin, 
Zur Gesch. der Yerba denom. im Altgr., i 22), O.C.Sl. ora- 
*to plough' in the aor. ora-chu partic. pret. act. ora-vu inf. ora-ti. 

In Latin, there are a number of verbs which have the 
^-flexion when compounded, but some other when not. Examples : 
oc-cupctre : capio , suspicclri : specio , profligdre : flfgo , com- 

§§583,584. Present Stem: CIms X — 8kr. dr-d^. 125 

'pelldre : pellO, asperndrl : spernO. This difference had probably 
something to do with a difference of meaning; the compound 
as contrasted witli the simple verb often had a perfect (aorist) 
meaning. The ^formation gave an aoristic meaning, and occupdre 
stands to capiO^ much in the same relation as Gr. fiavrjvat to 
uat'vouai^ prDfltgdre to fllgd as Xmijvai to Xeino^iai, The indie, 
pres. occiipa-t is then an aorist formation, like lic-et (Gr. sXinrj) 
beside linquo (§§ 590, 708), conj. ad-veuds e-venOs (beside 
Osc. kiim-b6ned 'convenit') beside veniQ^ tag-i-t beside 
tangi-t^ and the like. This d-aorist seems to be as old as 
the e-aorist: cp. Gr. Epidaur. Iggva 'he flowed', Lith. pa-sriivo 
'he flowed* Idlo 'he raised himself; perhaps to this class 
belongs the Armenian a-aorist, as cn-a-g genui, natus sum*^ 
(Bartholomae , Stud. Idg. Spr., ii 130, cp. § 573). Compare 
further § 708 Rem. 

In the whole range of Italic dialects, the later group of 
denominatives with -d- went hand in hand with the present 
flexion of this tenth Class. Lat. plantd-s -d-mus P* sing, planto 
like in-trdrs etc. Umbr. furfant 'februant* imper. portatu 
'portato*, Osc. fa am at 'habitat' sakarater 'sacratur imper. 
deivatud 'iurato'. Compare §§ 738, 777. 

§ 584. Keltic. Irish has only one monosyllabic present 
stem of the same kind as Idg. tr-d-^ to wit, *hh^'d-. This 
stem is certainly attested in conjunctive and future use 
(cp. Lat. fu-a-m)^ as 3"* sing, bd ha = Hhu-d-t Whether it 
acted also as the preterite copula (cp. Lat. -bam), is doubtful^ 
because its 3"^** person singular appears after particles as -bu 
-bo (e. g. robu robo)^ which looks like original *bhu-t (Gr. f-fjpt). 
Most hkely the P* and S^^ sing, ba and 3'** pi. batir, which 
still have those forms even in Old Irish, should be derived 
from a preterite *bhu-d-. 

Then there are a few dissyllabic present stems, as O.Ir. 
scard' 'sunder, part from' for *skjrr'd' (I § 298. 3 p. 237), 
scar^im scar'i scar"id scannme scarthe scarHt for *scararmi 
-d'si etc., also no scaru for ^scard-io Hke Lat. juvd. And 

126 , Present Stem: Class X — Skr. (fr-a-</. §585,586. 

again, the same inflexion is used with the later group of 
denominative verbs, as com-alnaim *I fill up* (§ 778). Even 
more clearly than in Irish we see this (^-flexion in the British 
dialects ; 3'*^ sing. O.Brit, -ot (with o = a), e. g. O.Bret, cospitiot 
*titubat' crihot 'vibrat'. 

Remark. Remarkable forms of the verb -tmi -to *I am' (= Idg. 
*sta-iO^ Class XXVI § 706) are the S^^ sing, at-ta and the plural -tarn 
-tad -tat^ which may correspond to Lat. sta-t and sta-mus sta-tis sta-nt. 
That at-ta comes from *-sta(i)e-t can hardly be proved, and the un- 
accented -tarn -tad -tat need not be shortened bye-forms of accented at- 
taam^ ataid ataaith^ at-taat^ which may be secondary re-formates. Still 
I do not believe that we need assume, parallel to sta-^ an original stem 
st-a^ i. e. an extension of the root by the a-suffix of this tenth class; but 
I think that in Italic as in Keltic there was a tendency for verbs to pass 
from Class XXVI into this, caused by parallel present stems like tr-a- 
and tr-a-io-. Compare § 505 pp. 71 f., §§ 706, 716, 719. 

§ 585. Grer manic. No monosyllabic stems of the first 
stratum, without -{o-^ are found at all; unless indeed it be 
represented by O.H.G. tuo-m from y/^dhe- (see § 507 p. 74). 
But the said inflexion has many representatives amongst 
disyllabic stems (mostly denominatives of the later stratum), 
cp. Goth. mitO'S 'thou measurest* salbo-s 'thou anointest', 
mito-p salbo-p^ -o-m -o-py -o-nd^ O.H.G. boro-tn -o-s and so 
forth (cp. §§ 739, 781). 

§ 686. Balto-Slavonic. Monosyllabic stems are declined 
in Class XXYIII; as Lith. H-6-ju *hio' sio-ji -j(a) -ja-me 
-ja-te^ O.C.Sl. tr-a-jq 'I last, endure* tra-je-si -je-tu -je-mu 
-je-te -jqtu (cp. § 740). But imperatives like Lith. M6-Jc = 
Lat. hia (§ 957) should be classed here. 

Dissyllabic stems without -io- spread very widely in Baltic. 
To this class belong a very numerous group of preterites in -au, 
as Lith. huvau 1 was' huvai buvo buvo-me buvo-te: Lat. -b-a-s-^ 
pa-sriivo 'flowed': Gr. Epidaur. iggva (§ 582 p. 123); dziug- 
-au-s 'I broke out into rejoicing': Lat. juv-a-s (§ 583 p. 124); 
gij-au 1 revived' (cp. Avest. jyaiti-s life* Gr. Cf7 lives* for 
*qi-e-ie-y from V^g^i-); kii-au *I raised myself, vilk-aii 
'I dragged', smg-o 'it snowed'. With augment ej-au *I went* 

§587. Present Stem: CIms X — Skr. tlfd'ti, 127 

(§ 480 p. 28): Lat. ea- for •-^-a- as conjunctive. Also 
presents; as bij-au-s *I fear, Und-au *I am stowed away 

These forms had originally secondary personal endings, 
-n-m -a-s -d-t etc., like Lat. -ham has. But the 1'* and 
2°** sing, were transformed, the ending of suk-u suh\ being 
added to -a-. See on this point § 991. 1. 

In verbs like hij-au-s llnd-au^ -a- was carried through 
the whole verb (fut. hijo-siti'S llndo-siu etc.). Thus they were 
related to the a-preterite {buv-au beside fut. bu-siu, dziug-au-s 
beside fut. dziiik-sifi-s)^ as Lat. ar-a- to juv-d- (§ 583 pp. 124 f.). 

O.C.Sl. has only one present of this sort, im-a-mX *I have' 
im-a-si -a-tu -a-mu -a-te^ parallel stem im-^- in partic. pret. 
act. imi'Vu etc., cp. Lith. pret. 3'^ sing. em-e. 

Amongst the later Lithuanian denominatives those in -au 
with inf. -y^e, as justau *I gird' {jftstyti) from j'Si'sta *girdle', 
see § 782. 4. Another group of later denominatives from 
stems in -a- has -o-ju -o-ti; e. g. dovano-ju 1 present*, inf. 
dovano-ti^ from dovana^ see §§ 769, 783. 

§ 587. Eoot + -e- or -o-. 

Pr. Idg. *Ql'e'ti from v^qel- 'fall* (cp. Gr. (iEl-tK; 
'missile' poX-rj *throw'): Skr. gl-d-ti *falls off, loses strength' 
(gld-ya-ii)^ Gr. s-^ltj-v 1 received a blow, I was 
struck', 1** pi. 6'pX7]-/.i6v mid. s-^Xfj-ro , opt. pXsirjv (iXsT^uv. 
*pl'e' *pl^d' from y/^pel- 'fill* (Goth. Jil-u *much' etc.): 
Skr. 2°** sing, hortative prd-si aor. d-prd-t^ Gr. nXfj-jo 
nXrj-vTo (§ 582 Rem. p. 123), Lat. im-ple-s -ple-mus -ple-tur 
(1** sing. ;3^eo for *ple-id); parallel stem *pll-e' in hith. pylc 
'he shed* instead of *pile (§ 593); *pl-d' in Lat. plGrdre 
Goth, fld-du-8 'flood*, and doubtless in Gr. in-snXiov 'I sailed 
over' pres. 7il(6-(o partic. nXcu-vo-i^. *(5)w-e- *(s)w-5- 'weave, 
spin, sew* {(s)n-ei' in O.C.Sl. ni-tl 'thread'? cp. Per Persson, 
Stud. Lehr. Wurzelerw., 64) : Gr. 3'** sing, s-wfj Herodian ii 
507 22 L. {vs(o from *sw5-i^), Lat. ne-s nS-mtis (cp. O.H.G. 
ndu 'I sew* for *(s)nB'i6); *sn-d- in O.Ir. snd-the 'thread' 
O.H.G. siiuo-r 'cord, band*; Skr. snd-van- Avest. snO-var' 

128 Present Stem: Class X — Skr. dr-d-ti. §587. 

'band, sinew* may be derived from *sw-e- on the strength 
of Gr. V8VQ0-1' 'sinew' (for *(o)vt]-f'go-v). *gn-e- *gn-d- 'learn, 
know' from \^gen- (Avest. a-zainti-s 'information' Lith. pa- 
-zinti'S 'knowing, knowledge*, Skr. 2°^ sing, imper. jn-a 
Class II B) : Skr. opt. jna-ya-t and jneyd-t (§ 940) , Gr. 
s-yv(0'V £-yv(x)-f.isv opt. yvoT-f^sv , cp. O.H.G. knclu for *gne-id^ 
O.C.Sl. znajetu for *gnd-ie-.^) ^mim-e- from y/^men- 'think' 
(Gr. /tav-og 'mind' etc.): Gr. s-udvrj &-/Ltdvi]'f.isv , Lith. mln-e 
mln-e-me, cp. Goth. S""*^ sing, mundip for ^mun-e-ii-di (§§ 708, 
739); also ^mn-O- § 580 p. 122. *i-e- *i-o- 'go* from x/^ei- 
'go* (Gr. fl'/iu) : Skr. yd-ti ya-rnds mid. ya-mahe^ Goth. 2"<* sing. 
iddje-s (§ 478 p. 26), cp. Goth. J-e-r 'year' and Gr. w-po-g 
'year* oj-qu 'season' O.C.Sl. fa-ru 'spring'; Lith. j6-ju 'I ride 
and Lat. Ja-nu-s janua doubtless from *i-a-, from the same 
y^ei" (cp. Lat. conj. e-O-s). *bhu-e' *bhuu'e- from \/^bheu- 
'become, be* (Skr. bhdv-a-tt): Gr. a-ffvf] £-(pvr]-jLisv^ O.C.Sl. 2^^ 
and 3'*^ sing, imperf. b^ for *bhue-s -t (beside bechU bechomu etc. 
like zelichu etc. beside zeU, dHachu etc. beside d'ela and the 
like) , the same stem in Lat. fe-tu-s ; ^bhii-d- perhaps in 
Gr. (pfo-Xso-g O.Icel. bo-l 'resting-place, position; cp. *bhu'a' 
*bhuU'Qr § 579 p. 121. *w-e- *w-o- 'to blow* (cp. the Author, 
M. U. I 27 ff.. Per Persson, op. cit, 91, 225): Skr. vd-ti 
pi. vd-nti (vd-ya-ti). Gr. di^-oi mid. afj-rat^ Lat. ventu-s Goth. 
vind-s 'wind' for *tie-nUo- like Gr. a-sw- for *a/?;-i'r- (I § 612 
p. 462, § 614 p. 464), cp. Goth, vaia for ""ue-io O.C.Sl. 
v^'je-tu'^ *ud' in Gr. uM-xo-g 'down, piece of wool' (Goth. perf. 
vai'VO is doubtless a re-formate following sai-so from y/^se- 
S9-, see §§ 883, 884). *6/is-e- nhs-o- (cp. I § 552 p. 403) 
'pound small, chew, grind up' beside Skr. bd-bhas-ti Class V 
(§ 556 p. 108): Skr. psd-ti, cp. Gr. v;^ for *yj/]'f,st', ^bhs-o- 
in Gr. \pM-(o tp(o-/(o 'I grind or rub to powder' ipw-go-g 
'scabby. *liq-e- from \^leiq- 'leave* (Gr. "ksin-oj etc.): Gr. 

1) It is true that O.H.G. hiiau is not an unexceptionable example 
for *gn-e'. It might be assumed that this present was formed in connexion 
with a perfect Goth. *kcu'knd and on the analogy of *se-io (Goth, saia 
O.H.G. sau^: sai-so from |/ se- {sd-). 

§§588,589. Present Stem: Clais X — 8kr.rfr-4-t/. 129 

F'Un-rj^ 'tl^tfy^ Lat. lic-e-V) Lat. tac-B-s -«-mw«, O.H.G. dag- 

•i'S 'thou art silent*. Lat. scat-B-s -l-mus^ Lith. su-skat-i *he 
leapt up'. 

With dissyllabic stems in -5-, in which the root remained 
a separate syllable, the e-suffix does not appear in so many 
different parts of the verb as with monosyllabic stems. In a 
number of verbs, especially intransitive verbs, of the European 
languages, a firm connexion sprang up between present 
formations with the suffix -jfi- and forms with -e-, as Gr. 
juaivottnt l/ndv7]V ^= O.C.Sl. m^n^'q mln^-ti. See § 708. 

§ 588. Aryan. Almost all the Sanskrit forms which can 
with any kind of certainty be placed in this class have been 
mentioned in § 587. Beside yd-ti we have Avest. yaiti] beside 
vd-ti, Avest. vcLiti 3'*^ pi. vd-nti. 

In this class was conjugated Ar. pa- 'protect', whose -a-, 
in view of Gr. nwv 'herd' (H § 104 p. 315, § 105 Rem. 
p. 318) seems to look like Idg. -o-: 2"^ sing. Skr. pd-si, 
Avest. pa-hij imper. 3'** sing. Skr. pd-tu Avest. pa-tU O.Pers. 
pa-tuv 2°** sing. Skr. pa-hi O.Pers. pa-diy 2°*^ pi. Skr. pGr-td 
Avest. pa-ta^ opt. Avest. pa-yd-^. On mov noi-f^ijv, compare 
now Per Persson, in the work so often cited, 118. 

§ 589. Greek. Of monosyllabic stems may be further 
mentioned (cp. § 587): (fp-^- 'bring from \^bher- (yip-co): 
£TH'(f)Qt)'vai *is let out' partic. tn-no-ifgiiq infin. flo-cpgijvou 
(forms like imper. (pgsQ come by analogy of /;;/« and the like, 
see the Author, Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 1880, 217 ff.). xq-tj- Vish, 
desire' beside ^\ii. hdr-ya-ti 'desires': 2^^ sm^. yprj-ad^oL^ ^V- XQ\i 
for *x9^'k^*^ (Mekler, Beitr. zur Bildung des gr. Verb., pp. 23 f.). 
xA-iy- *cair beside xaAe'w: Cret. part. dv-nXrj-i.isvo-g beside dva- 
'xaXtM (Th. Baunack, Philologus XLIX 593 f.), cp. o/lio-kXij 

1) Bersu (Die Qutturalen, p. 154) denies that licet and linquS are 
connected, because licet has c, and qu would be expected. I conjecture 
that there was once a form *licio (Skr. rlc-ya-te Gr. iiaau^ey § 707), 
which came regularly from */ic^-io (as farcio comes from */arc^-i6 § 715). 
Hence licet. Compare § 708. 

Braymann, Element!. lY. 9 

130 Present Stem: Class X — Skr.(ir-a-/i. §589. 

(Horn. of.toy.XhOf.iEv). (T/?-?;- 'quench* beside ofi-so- (§ 643) \^seq-: 
e-o^-ri'V s-ofi'i-j- 1.18V. We must also mention in this place^ 
although it is true they are not all old formations, some forms 
of the 2'^ sing. aor. in -^/y? = Skr. -thas (see below), as 
s-^X7J-&7]g beside e-^Xt]'To, i'Vrj-d^rjg beside s-vvrj ^ see § 587 
p. 127; £-()Qr}'d^i]g beside /(>-?;- 'speak' qt^-to-v = Avest. urvCLte-m 
'determination, command' (I § 157 p. 141) from \/^uer' (Grr. 
sIq(o Lat. ver-bu-m);^) S'nXi^-&7]g beside yX-rj- 'call* av-xXfj-- 
-fisvo-g yib-y.Xrj-fiai ofio-y.Xrj (see above). 

Of dissyllabic stems we have already mentioned 
S'fidv'7]-v, i'(pv-7]'V, and e-Xin-rj-v in § 587. This e-formation, 
with intransitive meaning, became fertile (this is what the 
grammars call the "strong aorist"); a few further examples are 
h-ddg-Tj-v *I was flayed* \^der'., l-ggv-i] 'flowed' y/^sreu-, 
h'XUQn-rj'v b-rgdn-rj-v 1 enjoyed myself, was glad* ^terp-., 
S'xXdn-rj'V *I let myself be deceived, Avas deceived' y/^qlep-^ 
l-fdy-rj-v *I mixed myself y^wei^, s-^vy-t^-v 'had myself 
yoked, was joined' V^jeuQ-, l-odn-ri 'rotted' from afjn-a) 'cause 
to rot', llE-STjXdyrj'V *I was frightened' from pres. sy.-nX7JTT(i) 
cp. Lith. ptak-e 'he struck' (pres. plak-ii). There was a reason 
why this category should become very large. Medio-passive 
forms of the 2"** sing, in -^?;?, as e'd6-&7jg = Skr. d-di-thaSj 
e-xTa-^Tjg = Skr. d-Jcsa-thas (Class I), I'^X-rj-d^rjq beside s-^X- 
'Tj'To (Class X), i-ax'S'&?]g beside s-ax-s-ro (Class II B) ; and 
forms from the s-aorists, as fpsla&7]g beside sgnaaro (iptid'co 
'I support, press against'), ifidx^^g = *S'iu6ix-a'&7jg beside 
€fi8iitTo = ^s-fiEM-a-TO fxty-vv-fu 'I mix*); 2) — these were 
all regarded as being on a par with eXln7]-g etc., and 
then, by analogy of iXinrj-v hXintj etc. we have sd6&?]-v 
edbd^ri and so forth, that is, from this grew the whole series 
of the "weak aorist passive". Compare O.Ir. P* sing, -hurt 
by analogy of S""** sing. -lei% where -t is the middle personal 

1) iQQi^rji elgi^tjg L e. *e'ur'e-thes follows Class II B (§ 527 p. 90), 
cp. Skr. d-hhy-a-t beside khy-a-ti^ imper. jn-a beside jn-a-sya-ti^ etc. 

2) Compare § 836, on i-xoQea'&tjg and § 840 on E-xqe/uda-St];, 

§590. Present Stem: Class X —Skr.dr'tf.<f. 131 

ending -to (§ 506 pp. 72 f.), and Lith. 1"* sing, eiti^ by 
analogy of 3'** sing. eUt = Gr. thoi (§ 686 Rem. 2). 

Dissyllabic stems with -5-, are rare in Attic (cp. t-y/jpaif 
§ 582 p. 123): eaXco-v for *rj-huXa)'v (§ 479 p. 27) 'fell a 
prisoner, was captured' 1"* pi. edkot-^uv partic. aAoVr-j i-^iufv 
'I lived' 1** pi. S'fiiw'fisv. 

The Aeolic dialect inflects the whole group of newly 
formed denominatives in -io) and -o'w, and the Causatives in -icj 
(Class XXXII) as though belonging to Class X; e. g. Lesb. 
(f)iXrj-/Lti *I love, am wont* from (fiXo-g, (p6pr]-f.u *I carry* 
(Class XXXII), OTf(pdv(0'/ui 'I crown' from arsipavo-g (Att. fftXaj 
for (fiXsu), (poQU) for qiogsto ^ (TrstpavcS for arscpavouj) j 2°** pi. 
fflXrj'TS arsqxxvw-TS, 3^^ pi. (piXsiat 6ve(pdvoiai for *'svai *-ovai 
(I § 205 p. 172), mid. (piXr}-(.iai Ore(pdyo)-juai. This was a 
new formation entirely, which came naturally because other 
tenses than the present were alike in the two classes, for 
instance uTJasvat : (piXTJosrat, yvw-osxai : oretpavco-asTat y and 
because of the old Aeolic inflexion of ^stems (§ 578 p. 120) ; 
for verbs in -///ii, another factor in the change may have been 
reduplicated stems like ai-xri-fxi Class XI (§ 594), and the 
singular indie, pres. of verbs in -71^4.1 or -co[.u may have been 
influenced by rid^rj-fii dl^w-fii respectively.*) However, it must 
not be forgotten that (ptXssrs OT€(pav6ofifv would regularly 
become (plXrjvs Orscpdvco/nsv in Aeolic. 

Remark. As regards j; w in forms like atjrTai, (Lesb.) oTttpdrwrrai, 
ifi-nlriro etc., see § 582 Rem. p. 123; and for the 3«"<* pi. act. pret. f/utyty 
fyvor etc. see § 1020.2. 

590. Italic. Of stems originally monosyllabic I mention 
a few others (cp. § 587): fl-S-s fl'S-mus, connected with 
O.H.G. hldu '1 blow' Gr. (pX-sio g)X-vio '1 overflow, trickle' 
and doubtless with fl-d-s. Compare also spr-e-vi spr-e-tu-s 

1) Compare especially 2'«* 3"* sing. <piirji tpUf} like rt^rn ri^tj, rariants 
t^Xtti <piXei\ and ort^dyoii oTetpdvoi like Sidoi; dCdoi. Similarly, we hare 
riuaii Tifiai like Xaraiii lorcu. Then the diphthong passes to the !■* sing., 

giring arttpavoitti ti/uai/ui (cp. trrrot^*). 

132 Present Stem: Class X — Skr. dr-d-ti. §§590,591. 

from sper-no'^ qiil-e-scd qui-e-vT^ connected with Avest. syeiti-s 
wellbeing, place of delight, home' (II § 100 p. 297) and 
Gr. Ts-Tifj-fiat *I am frightened' (de Saussure, Mem. Soc. Ling., 
VII 86 f.) beside Goth, hvei-la 'while, time' O.C.Sl. po-koj-% 
'rest'; (g)n'O-sco (g)n-O'VT beside Gr. s-yv-oj-v (§ 587 p. 128). 

Dissyllabic stems, usually with intransitive meaning (cp. the 
Greek "passive aorist" in -tj-v § 589 p. 130). Uc-e-t^ Osc. 
likitud licitud 'liceto': Gr. F-Xlnt]^ § 587 p. 129. vid-e-s vid- 
-e-mus, cp. Lith. pa-vyd'e-ti 'invidere' O.C.Sl. vid-e-ti 'to see'; 
video for "^uid-e-io like Goth, vitdi-p 'looks towards something, 
observes'; notice Umbr. virseto 'visum'. sil-e-s-, with sileo 
cp. Goth, sildi'p 'silet*. rub-e-s^ cp. O.C.Sl. rud-^-ti 'redden, 
blush', fav-e-s^ cp. O.C.Sl. goV'^-ti religiose vereri, svXu(Sh' 
(j&at, venerari, aUsTa^ui (see Ber. sachs. Ges. Wiss. , 1889, 
p. 47); faved like govijq. val-e-s^ cp. Lith. gal-e-ti 'to be 
able* (not so Bezzenberger in his Beitr. XYI 256). tac-e-s: 
O.H.G. dag-es 'art silent'; tac-eo like Goth, pahdi-p; observe 
Umbr. tasez tases tasis 'tacitus' pi. iaseiur 'taciti'. hah-e-s^ 
Umbr. habe 'habet' habetu habitu 'habeto': O.H.G. hab-e-s 
(x^khap- khab- or khabh- khab-). Further, Lat. clu-e-s 
y/^Meu-; torp-e-s for Hfp-e- (I § 303 p. 241); cand-e-s 
doubtless for *q^d-e' from \^(s)qend- (Skr. icand-rd- cand- 
-rd'^ cdni'Scad-a-t) ; Uqu-e-s and others; Osc. loufit 'libet, vel' 
(Breal, Mem. Soc. Ling, iv 145 f., 404 f.) beside Lat. lubet, 
closely connected with Goth, lubdin-s 'hope', and, as we shall 
see in § 708, with Skr. pres. lubh-ya-ti-, Umbr. trebeit 
'versatur from \^treb- 'build', which doubtless comes from 
*treb-e-ti rather than Hreb-f-ti P* sing. *treb-io (in Class XXYI, 
§ 715). With nasal suffix, Lat. langu-e-s from y^sleq- (§ 632). 
On this present in -eo compare § 708. 

In the same way are inflected a late group of denominative 
verbs in -eo, and the Causatives in -eo (Class XXXII), e. g. 
albeo albe-s etc. from albums ^ and moneo mone-s etc. See 
§§ 777, 802. 

§ 591. Keltic. I know nothing that can be classed here. 
do-gniu 'I do, make, work' 3'^ sing, gniith, inflected just like 

§§ 592,593. Present Stem: CUm X — Skr. dr-d-ti. 133 

bin, which comes from *bhu'iid (§ 719), is therefore from 
*gn'iio not *gn-B-i6. 

§ 692. Germanic. Goth, iddja 'I went* iddj€-8 
(pi. iddjSdum following nasidSdum): Skr. d-yn-nij see § 478 
p. 26, § 587 p. 128, § 886 Rem. Goth, vind-s O.H.G. wint 
O.Icel. vindr 'wind*: Lat. ventu-s contains the participle *i^'nf- 
*blowing*, see § 587 p. 128. Elsewhere, monosyllabic stems 
only have the io-suffix (Class XXVIII), as Goth, vaia 
O.H.G. ioau 'I blow* for *uS-id. 

To this tenth class belong dissyllabic stems in -e- as 
inflected in Old High German, dag-e-m *I am silent' -^-s -S-t 
-em-^ 'B4 'B-nt- : Lat tac-S-s etc., habe-m : Lat. hab-^-s, see § 590 
p. 132. dot-e-m 1 suffer, endure*, cp. Lith. tt/l'e-ti 'to be still, 
silent' (long i not original), common ground-form */|^-g- from 
V" tel-. leb-e-rn 'I live', cp. O.C.Sl. pri-Up&ti *hold or cleave 
to' Gr. aXi(pijvou from dlsiffio 'anoint, smear (for the derived 
meaning compare O.Icel. Ufa 'be left over, live'). On these 
O.H.G. verbs in -Sm and their relation to Goth, verbs in -a- 
-dis (as dagem : paha) see § 708. 

§ 593. Balto-Slavonic. O.C.Sl. b^ 'eras, erat' for 
*bhu-e-s *bhu-e-t^ see § 587 p. 128. Lith. ent- *going* perhaps 
for *i-e-nt y beside Goth, iddj-e-s Skr. y-d-nt-^ see § 511 
p. 77. 

Then comes the Lith. preterite in -e (3'** sing.), whose 
high antiquity in Baltic is vouched for by Pruss. wedde = 
Lith. vede 'he led*, pyle^ m\ne^ su-skaU were mentioned in 
§ 587, plake in § 590. Compare further vlre from v^r-dv 
*I cook, boil', mire from mir-szUi 1 die*, ghne from gem-u 
*I am born*, glne from gen-u *I hunt, drive*, tape from 
tamp'U T become (as to d in the root-syllable of vhne from 
vemiU 'I vomit', g'ere from genii *I drink* and the like, see 
§ 894). These forms had originally secondarj' endings, *-^-tw 
*-?-«; the !•* and 2°** sing., however, were transformed, the 
endings of suk-u sukA being added to -?-, and then -e-ti -^-i 
became regularly -iau -ei, as vedziau vedeH^ ririau vire 

134 Present Stem: Class XI — Bkr. ji-g-a-H. §594. 

(Wiedemann, Lit. Praet., 32, 184).^) Compare § 586 p. 126 
on buvau huvai, and § 991. 1. 

Lastly should be mentioned imperatives like mine-k 'think 
of pa-vyd'e-k 'invide'; these answer to the Greek and Latin 
imperatives f^uvrj'&i vide (§ 708). 

Class XL 

Reduplicated Root -j- -a-, -e-, -o-, forming the 
Present Stem. 

§ 594. Reduplicator in -i (compare Classes III 
and lY). 

Reduplicated Root -\- -a-. Pr. Idg. *gi-g-a'ti 'goes* 
(cp. § 497 Rem. p. 57, § 579 p. 121): Skr. jiga-ti 2'^«* pi. 
jigClrta (partic. jig-at- in Class III) , Gr. ^i^rj-oi 3""** pi. Dor. 
pifia-vTi (cp. G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.2 p. 431), partic. ^ifidg. 

Gr. ydy-xpa-f-H 1 mix' imper. ly-y.Uga, beside Skr. Sr-d-ti 
Class X (§ 580 p. 122); cp. below, on 7iljU'7iX7]-/La. Gr. dl-^?]- 
-^ai I seek, strive' for ^dt-dj^-a-fiuL beside dt-t-O'/naij Class lY B 
(§ 549 p. 106) and beside Skr. d-di-de-t Class HI (§ 537 
p. 97); *J|a- we infer from Aeol. Cdri^fu (Att. It^teco) and 
Dor. l^arsvcj from the partic. *di-a-to-. 

Possibly Idg. -a- is contained in Germ. Hi-tr-o-mi O.H.G. 
zittardm 'I tremble' O.Icel. titra 1 tremble, shake', from \/der- 
'burst' (cp. Skr. dar- 'push apart, lose one's head, be 

Reduplicated Root -] — e-. Gr. -7ii-nlrj-f.u nl/n-Tjlfj-jLu 
imper. Hom. sfM'jiinXrjd^v partic. -nmXdg (Hesiod , Hippocrates) 
beside nX-fj-ro Class X § 587 p. 127. -ni-7ioT]-fxi 7iI/li-tt()7]-jlii 

1) I hold Wiedemann's explanation of -iau to be correct, noth with- 
standing Streitberg to the contrary (Idg. Forsch., i 267). Streitberg has 
overlooked one fact: to wit, that the diphthong -eii in these words first 
appeared in Baltic, and is not so old as the pre-dialect period of Balto- 

§595. Present Stem : Class XI — 8kr. i<-^-a-/n 135 

*I kindle', l/^per-. VXtjiu *I am gracious* imper. Horn. HXij^t 
for *ai'aXij-^ y/^ sel-. xi-/Q?j-nt 'lends, borrows' Dor. x/y-/()iy-r/, 
beside /q-tj and /fQ-vj^ needy, poor*. ri-tpri'/itt *1 bore*, 
l^ter- Ttp'6-TQO-v; cp. O.H.G. drdu 1 turn* from the same 
wtem tr-S' (§ 739). The weak persons of these Greek verbs 
(and probably of xiy-ngQ-^u too) usually follow Class III, as 
'TtinXu'f.isv = Skr. pi-pf-mds^ fka-juai jUga-jitat etc. {YXa-^i 
beside HXtj-^i^ -nifrnXaq beside -ninXeig); this was due to present 
tenses like ^iottj/lu 'inTafiev, Sanskrit offers a parallel in forms 
of the perfect system like pa-pr-d pa-pr-du : pa-pf-vds- 
(§ 850). See § 542 p. 102, § 621, where too is given the 
origin of the nasal in the reduplicator of ni^i-TiXjjjut yuy-xga^u 

Gr. '/.1'X'ri'i.u 'I reach, find, catch up* 1"* pi. xl'/rj-iusy 
partic. xi-yij'usvo'g. Origin uncertain. 

O.H.G. wi-wint whirlwind' beside loint (§ 592 p. 133) 
was perhaps reduplicated first as a substantive. 

Remark. Some verbs of Classes III and IV have an -tl-suffix in 
Italic in non-present tenses. Umbr. an-dirsafust a-te fa-fust 'circum- 
tulerit' for *di-d-a- from l/^ do- 'give' pres. Umbr. Osc. !»* sing. *di-d-d; 
Falisc. pipafo 'bibam' cp. Skr. Z^d pi. pi.p-aa Lat. hi-b-i-t § 539 p. 100, 
§ 553 p. 107 ; Volsc. sistiatiens 'statuerunt' from *sista-tens (OsthofF, 
Perf. 244) beside Lat. si-si-o. These a-stems are identical with the d- 
conjunctives of these verbs (Pelign. di-d-n Met', Lat. bi-b-a-s^ si-st-a-i') 
and are proofs of the wide range which the a-suffix originally had (see 
§ 578 pp. 118 ff.). 

§ 595. Fuller Reduplication (cp. Class VII). Skr. ddri- 
-dra-ti beside dr-d-ti 'runs*, yaya-vard-s walking or moving 
about' from a presumed *i/a-yCL-ti connected with y-d-ti goes'. 
Armen. mr-mr-a-m mr-mr-a-m 'murmuro, fremo, rugio*, Lat. 
2°** sing, mur-mur-il-s ^ O.H.G. mur-mur-O-s inurmulO-s 'mur- 
murest', beside Gr. jLtoouCgo) for *tiop'iivg-^(o Class XXVII 
(§ 730). Lat. tin-tinn-a-s tin-tin-a-s beside tin-tinn-io 
Class XXVII (§ 731). Lat. ul-uUCL'S, Lith. imper. id-Ul-o-h 

1) Is Thess. inf. ia-xixQ^ntv (Collitz, Samml. wo. 1557) an adformate 
of Ttftfuty^ or did it come from an indie. •»<'/ftt> (cp. rrfiiaaiufy)? 

136 Present Stem : Classes XII to XVIII — Nasal Stems. § 596. 

indie. ul'Ul'6-ju (cp. § 735). The Lat. P* sing., murmurd 
tintinno ululo for -a-io (cp. Lith. ul-ut-o-jii) in Class XXYIII 
(§ 741). 


§ 596. Specimen types of words which belong to this 
section are Skr. mx-nd-ti ^-no-ti yundk-ti with the thematic 
mx-nd-ti x-nvd-ti t/unjd-ti; and Skr. Jc^p-dna-te. 

A few remarks are necessary on these nasal accretions, 
which beyond all doubt are closely connected together. 

(1) Skr. mi'-nd-ti : mi-nd-ti m^'-n-dnti^ f-nvd'ti : j^-no-ti 
X-nV'dnti^ yunjd-ti : yundk-ti yunj-dnti = vidd-ti : vet-ti vid-dnti ; 
that is, there seems to be a definite relation between thematic 
and non-thematic forms; the thematic stem may be derived 
from the other by adding the thematic vowel to its weak form. 
See § 491 p. 50. 

(2) The suffix -neij- -nu- is made out of -na- -nd- -n- 
(Skr. mx-nd-mi Gr. f.ido-va-(.iai Skr. wx-n-dnti) by adding the 
suffix or determinative -e?*- -w-. This -u- has been discussed, 
§ 488 pp. 44 ff. 

We often find -u- and -nu- in the same root; as "^str-u- 
(Goth. strdu-ja) and ^st^-nu- (Skr. stf-no-ti Gr. (jvop-vv-f-n)^ 
from xyster- 'sternere'; *^/-w- (Skr. sr-6-si Sr-u-dhi) and 
*}cl-nu- (Skr. if-wo-^e) from a V^JcaH-^ never found except with 
one of these extending suffixes; *u(l-ti- (Gr. ll-vo) sX-v-tqo-v 
Lat. vol-vo in-volucru-m) and *ul-nu- ^uj-nu- (Skr. v^-no-ti 
ur-no-ti) from \^uel- 'turn, twist, wind'; Skr. d-dhh-ii-ta-s 
'undeceitful, pure, genuine' and dahh-no-ti from dahh- 'deceive' ; 
*qS'U' (Gr. Wft)) and *qs-nu- {^k.v.ks-nuv'and-s) from y/'qes- (II §8 
Rem. 2 p. 20) ; "^pi-ii- (Skr. pi-vas-) and *pi-nu- (Skr. pi-nv- 
-a-ti) from pi- 'swell, abound in*. The variant stems in Skr. 
sr-o-si and ix-zto-si may be compared with those in Gr. &ga(i- 
'v-g and Skr. dhfs-nu-s (P* pi. dhfs-nu-mds). Probably one 
of these parallel stems, say ^qs-nu-^ is a contamination of the 

§596. Present Stem: Classes KII to XVIII — Nm«1 Stems. 137 

other two, ^qs-f^- (Gr. ^-ahio S-zuV-io-i) and ^qs-u-, and *«^-ffw- 
of *8tf'n' (Skr. str-nd'ti Lat. ster-tiO etc.) and *«/r-w-;^) but 
this must not be taken to imply that the contaminated suffix 
-«-w- arose in just these roots and no others. 

Non-thematic «-tiexion is very rare except in monosyllabic 
stems like Skr. Sr-^-^i d-sr-O-t Sr-ii-dhi^ where it was dominated 
by the analogy of verbs with u in the root proper. Examples 
of stems other than monosyllabic are Skr. tar-u-tS (cp. tdru- 
'^antS taru-tar-) beside tdr-a-ii^ Or. fo-v-nat (cp. tp-v-jua 
Skr. var-u-tra-m var-U-idr') beside Skr. vdr-a-tS vf-vS-H 
Goth, varja}) No proof is forthcoming that present stems of 
this kind were ever a numerous or productive class. It was 
not until u was joined to w, that the suffix ran through any 
large number of forms. 

Remark. Some scholars, led by de Saussure, hold that *8irney,- 
is *steru' with an infx or inserted element -ne-. That is all very well 
on paper, but under what principle of lan^age known to us it can come 
passes my comprehension. They refer, of course, to yundk-ti ^ from 
l^i«t*g- *i"3-i as a clear instance of inserted sounds. But I cannot admit 
that the nasal suffix has been inserted here any more than in the stem 
which I began with. See (5) below, pp. 139 f.') 

(3) After a root with final consonant i^n, en, and doubtless 
on are found as variants for the initial n of -ncl- -no- -ne^- 

1) Compare Lat. pOpidneu-s = poptilnit-s 4- populeu-s. A large 
collection of such mixed forms containing formative suffixes of a similar 
sort, is given by Per Persson, Wurzelerw. pp. 153 f. 

2) On Skr. tanSfi, which the Indians analysed as fan-d-tf, see §§ 639, 
640. karoti I still hold to be a later re-formate, although Per Persson, 
op. cit. p. 149, opposes this view. See § 640. 

3) Pick is keenest about these "infixes". Thus in one place he 
speaks of the ^'repetition of infixed s'* in Greek aorists in -ana and 
Sanskrit aorists in -srjfim (Gott. Gel. Anz., 1881, p. 1429). Page 1460: 
infixion is the Eldest and most powerful agent which causes word to 
grow out of word". Page 1462: ** Almost always, where hitherto scholars 
have seen suffixes, that is, defining words added to the end of another, 
it is far better to speak of infixes". One question I should like to ask. 
Where did these infixed sounds come from, and what were they before 
they were infixed? 

138 Present Stem: Classes XII to XVIII — Nasal Stems. §596. 

For -na- -n(9) take the following: Avest. P* pi. fry-qn- 
-mahl beside fri-na-iti 'pleases, makes inclined', hv-qn-mahl 
beside hu-na-iti 'excites, produces'. For -no-: Skr. is-ana-t 
'let him set in motion* cp. is-anyd-ti = Gr. lalvto for *ta-av-j^w 
(-WWO-), Armen. IJc-ane-m *I leave' (-t^wo-), Gr. 'Avd-dvui 
'I honour, glorify' (-^wo-), Goth, ga-vakna *I awake' (-^wo-, 
-ewo-, or -ono-)^ Lith. kup-inu 1 heap, hoard' (-^wo-), gab-enk 
'I bring* (-«wo-), O.C.Sl. vrtg-nq-ti 'to throw* (probably -o«o-, 
see § 615 Rem.) 

For -neu' -nu-: Skr. vdnanv-at- 'liking for *m^w-^m- 
beside indie, vano-ti for *ui^-n€ij,-ti from v/^^ew-: Avest. 2"*^ pi. 
dehe-naota for *db'anau-ta (-anau- instead of -anu- from the 
singular) beside Skr. dabh-no-ti 'hurts'; Avest. partic. mid. zar- 
-ami-mana- beside opt. zar-ana^-mcL and Skr. h^-ni-te 'growls, 
grumbles'. For -mio-: Avest. xw-anva-inti 'they drive on' 
xw-enva-J) (pr. Ar. *sw-«M|f a-) beside hu-nao-iti hu-na-iti : Avest. 
sp-enva-p 'proficiebat* doubtless the same as O.H.G. sp-innu 
*I spin' for *sp-enuQ beside spannu 'I stretch* for *spd'nud and 
beside spanu 'I lure, attract' for *sp9-no (§ 654) ; O.H.G. tr-innu 
'I separate myself from' ground-form *dr-enud beside Skr. d^- 
-nd-ti. Greek examples are apparently Hom. ly.-avio for */x- 
-avfo) beside I'/.-vao-jurxt and y.i/avco for "^m-^cavfw^ whose ending 
doubtless comes from -i^iio (see § 652), and '^-ivfo-g hTvo-g 
^^vo-g from the root of Lat. hos-ti-s and Goth, gas-t-s 
(cp. the Author, Idg. Forsch., i 172 flP.). 

Similar groups of suffixes, fuller and weaker, are found 
in other present classes, -eno- : -no- = -eso- : -so- (Class XX). 
-pno- : -710- = -iio- : -io- (Class XXYI). 

The only ones of these dissyllabic suffixes which were to 
any great extent productive were -fj,no- -eno- {-ono-). These 
we place in a class by themselves (Class XIY). 

(4) In classes where the w-suffix comes after the root 
syllable , it is not always as described in (3) , just above. 
The root often has attached to it some kind of determinative. 
Thus we see -i- -i- (cp. § 498 pp. 61 f.), as in Skr. r-i-nva-ti 
Gr. Lesb. 6o-i-vvco beside Skr. ^-nvd-ti Gr. 6o-yv-jiu; Gr. m-vv- 

i^596. Present Stem: Classes XII to XYIIl — Nasal Stent. 139 

-mtvo-g for ^nf-i-vv beside vrj-nv-xio-g Skr. pu-nd-ti; Skr. Mr-T- 
-nd'ti (A vest, brdi-pra- *axe* O.C.Sl. bri-ti 'shear, shave') 
beside Gr. (pag-o-g Lat. for-are; Skr. kr-Und-ti beside S^-td-s; 
Gr. Lesb. x(j'i'vy(o (Lat. dis-crj-men) beside Lith. skir-iii, 
.$' '68- (cp. §§ 656 if.), as Skr. i-^-nd-ti i-^d-tt beside i-nS-ti; 
Gr. e7y{}!itt (tvvv^t) Armen. z-genum common ground-form *if-es- 
-neii' *U'es-nu- beside Lat. ex-uO Lith. au-nii (§ 639). Other 
examples will be mentioned anon. 

(5) Most obscure of all has hitherto remained the "nasal 
infix", the nasal element, that is, in such words as Skr. yundk- 
M t/ttfij-mds and yunj-d-ti^ and its relation to the nasal suffixes 
in the other Classes. 

The strong form, Skr. yunaj- for example, has hitherto 
been found as a verb stem only in Aryan. Some other 
languages have been supposed to show traces of it, as Gr. 
>ivvs(o and Lat. conquiniscd fruniscot\ which are said by some 
to be for *y.vv£n-(o and "^quenec-sco *fruneg'ScOr -^ but this in 
my opinion is the merest conjecture.^) If we must compare 
something from European languages, the most likely forms are 
the adjective Goth, manag-s O.C.Sl. munogu 'multus' beside 
Skr. mdha-te 'is large, generous' maghd-m 'fullness, riches'. 

Perhaps these nasal forms are merely a developeraent of 
Class XII, by a change in the first instance of, say, *juQ-n- 
-mSs *juQ'n-U (-w- the variant of -wa-, cp. Avest. ver'-n-ie and 
the like) to *jtif9Q-mes *ftmq-te. Then, by analogy of Skr. 
andk-ti and afij-rnds and other present forms with nasal in the 
root^^) we get the sing, yundk-ti. It should be remembered, 
however, that it is a priori impossible to say whether a in 

1) See Johansson, Deriv. Verb. Contr. 108 f., Akademiske afhaudlinger 
til prof. Bugge, 24 flf.; W. Schulze, Quaest. Horn. 15, 42; Fick, Vergl. 
Wb. I* 381; Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. xxxi 470. In discussing xvrna 
ixvnna no U3e Can be made of O.Corn. cussin and Mid.Cymr. cussan *kis8*, 
which are loan-words from the Germanic. 

2) "With anaj- cp. Goth, anak-s 'suddenly, at once' (Skr. dnjas 'quickly, 
suddenly'). Skr. 2nd 3rd sing. pret. uuaf l*' pi. conj. anaidtnahSt\ v(f-anaS'i 
'penetrate' may be compared with Gr. J.-;?, fx-jj; (§ 569 p. 113). 

140 Present Stem: Classes XII to XVIII — Nasal Stems. §596. 

Skr. yunaj' comes from Idg. -a-, -e-, or -o-. This assumed 
change of ^ju^-n- to *ju79g- must have come about in the 
parent language; and the singular persons may have been 
made in the same period. If the forms did grow as I suggest 
from the Class with -na- -nd- -w-, it would at once become 
clear why of all the forms containg this suffix in any of its 
three grades, none is taken from a root with final explosive 
or fricative (§ 598): from these roots the parent language 
would then show (say) *jutdq-tai = *juQ-n-tai (Skr. yimk-te)^ 
while others would have the nasal suffix in its proper place, 
and show the type of ^u^-n-tai (A vest, ver^-n-te). 

Another view is set forth by Per Persson, Stud. Lehr. 
Wurz., 152 f. (cp. too Windisch, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxi 407). 
He thinks that in the oldest forms which set the type for 
the class with Nasal Infix, the root final was a determinative, 
and the nasal a suffix which was added to the root before the 
determinative was added. Then forms with the determinative 
and forms with the nasal were contaminated. Thus *limpo 
(Lith. litnpu Skr. limpdmi) is a sort of combination of forms 
answering to Lat. li-no and Lith. li-pu. There is nothing 
which makes this view impossible. 

Yet another hypothesis, the latest, is offered by Osthoff, 
Anz. fiir idg. Sprach- and Alterthumskunde, I 83. He suggests 
that Skr. Ici'ndtmi- may he \/^ hf- -\- present suffix -nat- (stronger 
form of -nt) -\- personal ending -mi; and by analogy rinc-mds 
produced rindc-mi. But that there ever was a simple suffix 
Idg. -7iet' -nt- is, I hold, quite unproven; see § 685, Rem. 2. 

(6) Nasal Present Stems are often found as bases for 
Nouns. Examples are: Skr. ve-na-ti 'longs* ve-nd-s 'longing', 
Avest. pes-ana-iti 'fights' beside Skr. pft-ana-m 'battle', Gr. d^riy- 
-dvw 'I sharpen' beside d^TJy-uro-v 'whetstone', Skr. dhfs-no-ti 
*is bold' dhfs~nu-md-s beside dhfs-nu-s 'bold*, Skr. pi-nva-ti 
*makes to swell' beside -pi-nva-s 'making to swell', O.H.G. 
bannu 'regions under ban, forbidden places' for *bh9-nud 
beside han^ gen, bannes, 'command enforced by pains and 
penalties', cp. Gr. '^-erfo-^ p. 138. Compare § 487 pp. 40 f. 

§§597,598. Present Stem: Class XII - Skr. mf-nd-ti, 141 

We shall now discuss the classes of nasal stems one by 
one. Of these we distinguish seven. 

Class XII. 
Root -f -w5- -wj?- -w- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 597. The strong suffix was -/?«-, the weak form before 
a sonant was -«-, before a consonant either -nd- (Gr. iiaQ-va- 
-tat) or -n- (Avest. ver'-n-te). 

Sanskrit, with -nl- before consonants (e. g. Wf"ijj-'m(i8)y 
stands alone, -nl- displaces *-wj- = Idg. -«»- on the same 
principle as changes *Si-M'hi to M-Sf-hi^ so that we have 
mp,H'ims : nifna-mi like SiSt-hi : kikd-mi. See § 498 pp. 61 f. 

Remark. ■Wiedemann*8 view (Lit. Praet. 49) that -«/- changed to 
-nl- by quantitative analogy of -na- I hold to be mistaken ; and so also 
Bartholomae's, that mf-nd-mi : n\f-m-mds contain a pr. Idg. ablaut, -na" 
being for -waj- (Stud. Idg. Spr., n 75 ff.). 

In Avestic, before sonants, not only -n- but -a/t-, seemingly 
representing Idg. -en-: fry-qn-mahty see § 596.3 p. 138. 

The Root Syllable has always, and always had, the weak 

§ 598. Pr. Idg. All the forms which can be proved to 
be Indo-Germanic come from roots with final liquid, nasal, or 
vowel (cp. § 596. 5 p. 139). 

Skr. m^-nd-mi *I grind, crush* 3'** sing, mf-tid-ti 1** pi. wtf- 
-m-tnds 3""** pi. m^-n-dnti, Gr. f.idg-va-f.tai 1 fight', partic. 
Corcyr. and Att. fiug-vd- {.isvo-g for *;iQa-va- (I § 292 p. 233); 
fioQ-vd-fiivo-g in Hesych. is either Aeolic for (.lag-va- (I § 292 
p. 234) or all dialects of Greek for Idg. *mf'm- (cp. Skr. mUr- 
-fid'S). — With thematic vowel Skr. m^-nd-ti. 

Gr. TioQ'vd-f.iev ' nwXtTVj Tioo-vd-iLuvcu ' Tiiokov^usvai (Hesych.) 
are as ambiguous as fwgvd/iuvnc ; Att. vt(}-vf]'fit 'I sell, transfer* 
with changed root-grade (cp. nepdio)^ O.Ir. re-nim 1 give away, 
sell* (cp. § 604). 

Skr. ja-nd-mi 1 learn, know* for *^ii-wtt-; compare perhaps 
Lith. z\no 'he knows' for *g\i'}ia-t (whence zinau zhto-me etc. 

142 Present Stem: Class XII — Skr. mr-na-ti. §599. 

by analogy of bij-au-s and the like.^) — With thematic vowel 
Skr. ja-na-ti Avest. 2°** pi. za-na-ta , Goth, partic. hunnand-s 
(indie, kann), 

Skr. H-na-mi 'I stick close to, cower, disappear' vi-lindmi 
*melt, disintegrate, go to pieces', Gr. Xi-va-juai' rosnof-iai 
Hesych. , O.Ir. le-nim *adhaereo' (cp. § 604), O.Icel. U-na 
*I relax, grow soft'. — With thematic vowel Lat. li-7io 
(cp. Gr. aXtvM 'aXslfpM for *aXi-vf,to § 611). 

Skr. kri-nd-mi 'I buy, O.Ir. cre-nim *I buy' for *cri- 
~na-mi (cp. O.Ir. crf-thid 'fond of buying'), cp. § 604. 

Often a present stem is formed both in this twelfth class 
and in Class XVII, particularly in Aryan; e. g. Skr. ksi-nd-ti 
and ksi-no-ti 'destroys'. Cp. § 605 Rem. 

The Ukeness of the endings in the strong singular persons 
and those of the corresponding stems of Classes X and XI, in 
-^, caused a number of analogical changes. (1) -na- passes 
into the weak persons, as O.H.G. gi-m-mes beside gi-no-m, 
following zittaro-mes (cp. § 594 p. 134) and salho-mes. 
(2) An extension with -io- by analogy of the variation -a- : 
-a-io- in Classes X and XI, as Gr. daf-ivdoj instead of dd(.ivrjfj,i^ 
A.S. hlinie 'I lean' instead of hli-no-io. 

§ 599. Aryan. Skr. vf-nd-ti 'chooses' mid. vj^-m-te, 
Avest. mid. ver'-n-te', — with thematic vowel Avest. 3^^ sing, 
pret. mid. fraor^nata = pr. Ar. *'pra-Vf-na-ta. Skr. p^-nd-ti 
^fills' ; 2) — with thematic vowel p^-nd-ti Avest. imper. per-na. 
Skr. if-ndr-ti 'breaks up, crushes, grinds, splits up'; — with 
thematic vowel imper. S^-t^a; cp. O.Ir. ara-chrinim 'difficiscor, 
I decay, break up' § 604. Ar. *za'na- 'to know* for ^g^-nO-^ 
y^gen- 'know': Skr. ja-nd-ti, O.Pers. S^^ sing. pret. a-do-na: 
Lith. slno, see § 598 p. 141. Skr. pri-nd-ti 'makes glad. 

1) zino' may also be *gi^n-a' (Class X). 

2) One is tempted to identify this form with O.H.G. follom 1 fill*. 
This is probably at least a derivative from the adj. fol Goth. fuU-Sy like 
O.Ir. com-alnaim from lan^ see § 760. 

§600. Pratent 8t«m: GUm Xn - Skr. mf-ti4-M. 143 

makes inclined*, Avest. frUmup. Skr. ji-nd-ti 'conquers, 
compels*, ^qei', Avest. injunct. zi-na-fi 'draws away* 
O.Pers. a-dUnd', — with thematic vowel O.Pers. a-dUna-m, 
Skr. pu-nd-ti 'purifies, clears', cp. Ir. u-nO-d 'to cleanse? 
(Fick, Wtb. I* 483, according to Stokes). Skr. dhu-nO-ti 
moves to and fro, shakes* beside dhu-nd-ti dhU-no-ti. Skr. 
gflh-ndM gfli-nd-ti 'grasps*, Avest. ger'tc-nd-iti; — thematic 
Skr. gxh-xia-ti. Skr. hadh-nd-ti 'binds* for *bh'^dh-, y^bhendh-. 

Remark. Skr. mxmid-ti 'steals* is derived from the noun m^- 
m%4' 'mouse' (II § 160 p. 485). Similar words below in § 793. 

§ 600. Strong stem instead of weak. Skr. imper. 2°** 
sing, gfhh-nd-hi instead of gflh-m-hi^ 2°** pi. pu-nd^ta instead 
of pu-nl-td. Compare Skr. kf-nd-ta instead of k^-nu-td and 
the like, § 641. 

There was naturally a close contact between thematic and 
non-thematic forms in Aryan, which made it easy for words 
to pass from one to the other. The 1"* person singular and 
the 3'** plural present, with other forms, and the conjunctive 
mood, had regularly the same form in both: compare Skr. 
mfndmi mpmnti from both mr-nd-ti and mi'-nd-ti. Thematic 
stems are specially common in Avestic ; compare 3'** sing. mid. 
ster*-na-td opt. ster'-naf-^ta beside Skr. st;f-nd'ti 'strews*, and 
2"** sing, hu-na-hi beside hu-nd-iti 'begets*. 

The Sanskrit 2°** sing, imper. active, besides -ni-hi 

{-nd'hi), has the ending -dnd^ found in classical Sanskrit with 

all roots ending in a consonant, as g^h-dnd badh-dnd. Two 

explanations of these are possible. (1) -dna may = Idg. -owe, 

which may be a thematic imperative of Class XIY, where 

Slavonic has -ono- (see §§ 615, 624). Or (2), -dna may be 

-a- = -^ — I — nOj — -f- being a weak form of the ttO-suffix, 

and -na the same particle which we see with the 2°'* pi. in 

-ta-na (beside -ia). The second view seems better. 

Remark. Bartholomae now supports the view which analyses -ana 
into -a -t- wff, and identifies -wa with -na in -ta-na -tha-na (Stud. Idg. Spr., 
II 123), and cites by way of illustration the Arestic 2°^ sing, imper. bara- 
-na, a variant for the usual bara = Skr. bhdra. But he explains ^hd- 
«8 derived from *ghfbhdi-^ where I cannot follow him. 

144 Present Stem: Class XII — Skr. mr-nd-ii. §§601,602. 

Exceptionally the root syllable has a strong grade: partic. 
mid. dp-n-dna-s like dp-no-mi Class XYII, cp. opt. aor. apeyam 
and apas- apds-. But dp- may be preposition a + ap-. 

A few isolated forms in Sanskrit show a change from this 
class to -io-stems: partic. hpid-yd-nt- hpu-yd-mana-s beside 
a-h^-nd-t mid. hf-nl-te. AYith forms like Gr. Sajuvdio (§ 598 
p. 142), hfnt-yd-nt- has no very close connexion. 

§ 601. Armenian, barna-m *I raise' for *barj-na-m 
ground-form *bh^gh-nd-mi^ cp. aor. barj-i. darna-m 'I return* 
for *darj-na-m, cp. aor. darj-ay. bana-m *I open ground-form 
*bhd-nd-mi from \^bhd- (p. 56 footnote), cp. aor. ba-c-i: 
Gr. (paivco for ^ifa-vtw § 611, O.H.G. ba-nnu § 654. sta-na-m 
'I possess, have in my power, buy*, cp. aor. sta-c-ay: Gr. ard- 
-vu) 'I place' (G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.^ p. 446) Lat. de-stindre, 
O.C.Sl. sta-nq 1 place myself, lua-na-m 1 wash*, cp. aor. 

These are inflected like the ^-presents mna-m and jana-m 
(§ 581 p. 122). But the original quantity of the a in -na- 
cannot be determined ; and -na- may be Idg. -nd- or Idg. -no-. 

§ 602. Greek, judp-vu-jitai f.iaQ-vd'f.isvo-g^ no^-vd-f-tsv ns()' 
-frj'/Lu., \i-va-(.iai see § 598 p. 141. ddfi-vrj-^i 'I tame' beside 
ddjiia-aofv', for the root syllable compare xd/n-vco and Skr. sam- 
-nt-te beside xdjua-TO-g sami-td-s^ o/li-vu-jlu beside o/uo-r-t^-g. 
dv-va-f-iai *I can' possibly connected with Lat. du-ru-s-^ 
but Gortyn. vv-ra-(.iai *I can*, probably belongs to some other 

The I of the root-syllabic is strange in the following stems. 
xfQ'V7]'jLii 'I mix* beside aor. iyJouaa. niX-vu-fifxi *I draw near 
quickly' beside aor. tnskaoa : cp. Lat. pelld for *pel-no^ O.Ir. ad- 
eUaim 'I go to, visit' for -(p)el-nd-. 'I hang (wrongly 
written -ao/Jjuvt^jhi) beside aor. typtLmoa. ooty-va-jnai 'I reach or 
stretch' beside ofjsyo). TTivvrj-jiii 1 spread' beside aor. snsTaisa; 
thematic s-niT-ro-v nir-vo). (jyu^'va-fiui 'I spread or widen, 

1) Can this be connected with vtv^o-v *8inew, tension, strength'? 

§§603,604. Present Stem: Class XII — 8kr. mf-nd-ti. 145 

disperse* beside iaxedaaa. Various explanatioDS are given: see 
Osthoff, M. U. II 20; Wackernagel, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 126; 
Moulton, Am. Journ. Phil. X 284 f., and Class. Rev. m 45; 
Kretschmer, Kuhu's Zeitschr. xxxi 375 f. 

With -io-flexion; da^ivd(o^ xtpvfiw^ o^iyvdo^ai^ nuwdut. 
Compare § 598 end, p. 142. 

In ^v-va-jiiat^ the nasal was not confined to the present 
stem: ^waroi; sdwrjadjurjv edvvrj^tjv e^vvuO&rjv , like dyarog 
uyrjTog Tjyda^rj from dyu-jnai. Compare § 643, and ravvnaat 
(from Ta-vv-/nat). 

§ 603. Italic. (1) We find in Latin the non-thematic 
inflexion of Class XIII: ster-nd (contrast Skr. stf-rid-ti)^ li-nd 
(contrast Skr. vi'lino-ti)^ pello for *pel-nd (contrast Gr. niX-va- 
uai)^ sper-nd (contrast O.H.G. spor-no-m 1 tread, kick*), and 
no sound-law prevents our putting in this twelfth class 
ster-ni-mus -ni-tis , deriving them from *-wa-»ios ^-na-tes 
(cp. § 505 p. 71, on red-dimuSj and § 543 p. 103, on se-n- 

(2) But some compounds are inflected as verbs in -dre, 
cdn-sfernare, beside O.H.G. stornem attonitus sum* (§ 605) 
Gr. -nxiQM I make shy, put in a fright'. in-cllnare: O.Sax. 
hli-nO-n 1 lean', cp. Lett, sli-nu (beside sUiju) 1 lean on, 
support*, de-stinare^ cp. Armen. sta-na-m *I possess* Gr. ara- 
-vio *1 place* and oxa-vvio (§ 601 p. 144). So too com-pelldre 
from pellere, aspernarl from spernere. It is assumed that 
a similarity in the endings -na-s(i) -na-tii)^ in this class, and 
-a-s{i) -a-Ui) in Classes X and XI caused a current to set in 
the direction of the last two (cp. end of § 598). But this 
does not explain why only compounds were carried by it; and 
apparently we must not separate peUere : compellare, spernere : 
aspernarl from Higere : profligare, capere : occupdre and others. 
The 'UO- in con-ster-na-s must therefore be kept quite distinct 
from -nO- in Skr. Si'-nd-mi Gr. ^d/n-yTj-jta. See § 583 pp. 124f. 

§604. Keltic. O.Ir. re-m'm *I give away, sell* (perf. -Wr), 
le-nim *adhaereo* (perf. ro lil), cre-nim 'I buy' (perf. -ciuir) 
Mod.Cymr. prynaf ^ see § 598 p. 142. gle-nim adhaereo* 

Bru^mann, Elementg. IV. 10 

146 Present Stem: Class XII — Skr. mr-na-ti. §§604,605. 

(perf. ro giuil) Mod.Cymr. glynaf beside O.H.G. chli-nu 
'I cleave, stick, smear (Gr. yXoi-6-g 'sticky dampness' O.H.G. 
chleimen plasmare'). O.Ir. be-nim 'I strike, cut* O.Brit, et- 
'binam 'lanio' Mod.Bret. benaff I cut', beside Lat. perfines 
*perfringas* (Festus) O.Bret, bi-tat 'resicaret' O.C.Sl. bi-ti *to 
strike'. The inflexion of these presents, as Thurneysen shows 
(Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 87), points to pr. Kelt, ^-na-mi -nasi 
-nd-ti -na-mesi etc., i. e. the weak suffix -nd- = Idg. ~nd- 
had got into the singular. 

We must keep these presents distinct from O.Ir. ara- 
'Chrinim 'I decay, break up' (beside Skr. s^-nd-ti § 599 
p. 142), -gninim *I recognise' (y/'^ew-, cp. Skr. ja-nd-ti with 
*W' § ^^^ P- 1^1) ^^^ ro-chluiniur *I hear* (beside Avest. sru- 
-nao'iti Class XVII, i/^fdeu-), which have io-inflexion. Was 
there any connexion between the -io- of this last named present 
and the old -ww-inflexion ? There may be the same relation 
between 'Chrinim and Skr. sY-nd-mi as between Gr. (palvco for 
*(pa'V-i^M and Armen. ba-na-m (§ 611), or between Lat. li-n-io 
(beside li-no) and Skr. vi-Una-ti (§ 598 p. 142, § 743). 

§ 605. Germanic. Here, as in Latin, we have 
sometimes the thematic conjugation of Class XIII, and 
sometimes the conjugation of Classes X and XI ; see § 598 end, 
p. 142. 

O.H.G. spor-no-m 'I tread, kick' O.Icel. spor-na 'knock 
against*; thematic variant stem O.H.G. spur-nu and -spirnit 
conj. -spirne (perf. spur-num O.Icel. perf. spar-n spur-nom) 
like Lat. sper-no. O.Sax. mor-no-n *I trouble myself, care*, 
A.S. thematic murne. Explanation uncertain: O.H.G. conj. 
wolle beside Skr. v^-m-te 'chooses' (Kluge, Paul-Braune's Beitr., 
vm 515). O.H.G. gi-no-m (also gei-no-m) A.S. ^inie 1 gape'; 
with -W0-, O.Icel. gT-n O.C.Sl. 3'*'* sing, zi-ne-tu, [/^ ghei-. 
O.Sax. hli-no-n A.S. hlinie 1 lean, support myself: Lat. in- 
'cU-na-t. O.Icel. li-na 'I soften': Skr. li-na-ti etc., see § 598 
p. 142. O.Icel. fu-na 1 rot, corrupt' (partic. fu-inn 'rotten') : 
thematic Lith. pu-nii 'I rot*. 

§§ 605,606. Present Stem : CImb XII — Skr. mfnd^i. 147 

We must add a group of West Germanic verbs in which 
'kk- -pp- -tt' are due to assimilation of the n of -wO- to an 
explosive root-final (I § 530 p. 388, § 534 p. 391, § 541 
p. 396); as O.H.G. lecchOm *I lick* ground-form High-nO-mi, 
zocchdm 'I pull hard, tug ground-form ^duk-na-mi, Mid.H.G. 
hopfe (Rhine-Frank, hoppe) *I hop' ground-form ^qup-nd-mi. 

Remark. Some forms of these verbs have not broken u and t in 
the root; as O.H.G. zucchom^ Mod.H.G. zucke beside zocchOm ^ Mid.H.G. 
rupfe beside ropfe (ground-form *ri/6-»a-), Mid.H.G. stutze 'I push, strike' 
(ground-form *stud-n-\ Mod.H.G. niche (ground-form *kniQh-n-). I suggest 
as a possible explanation that there may once have been bye-forms with 
the present-suffix -neu- -mm-, as 1'* pi. *duk-nu-ine8. Compare Goth. 
kiinnum {^g^n-uu-mes) beside uf-kunna. 

A third group of Germanic present stems is that exempli- 
fied by Goth, paha -dis. Goth. maurndi-P O.H.G. momSt 
beside O.Sax. mornon A.S. murne. O.H.G. hlin^m beside 
O.Sax. hlinon A.S. hlinie. O.H.G. stornem 'attonitus sum, 
inhio*, beside Lat. con-stertiare § 603 p. 145. The trans- 
formation in these verbs is due to their intransitive meaning, 
see § 781. 3. The case is different with Goth, uf-kunndi-p 
'recognises', as we shall see in § 646. 

§ 606. B alto-Slavonic. The thematic type prevails; 
e. g. Lett, git-nu 'I snatch' contrasted with Skr. ju-nd-ti 'sets in 
quick motion, urges', O.C.Sl. zi-ne-tu 'yawns, gapes* contrasted 
with O.H.G. gi-nd-L 

Traces of -wd- are perhaps left in Lith. zlno *he knows' 
ground-form *gy.-na-t: Skr. ja-nd-tij see § 598 p. 141; and in 
Lith. ly-nd-ja 'it rains slightly' inf. ly-n6-U (Lett. It-nd-t) beside 
ly-na *it rains', kilno-ju 'I lift this way and that* beside 
Lat. ex-celW for *'celnD^ lasz-no-ja 'it drizzles, trickles a little*. 

Remark, kilndju may also be quite well explained as a derivative 
from kMna-s 'high'; and this makes it doubtful whether the "diminutive 
frequentatives" in -ndju ought not to be estinated quite differently and 
classed elsewhere. But here we must bear one point in mind — this I say 
with a view to Leskien (Ablaut der Wurzels. im Lit., p. 174) — to wit, 
that Baltic denominatives often put on the appearance of primary verbs. 
See § 793. Thus e. g. hjnd-ja may quite well be a primary form by 
analogy of which was formed kiln6-ju from kUua-s. 

148 Present Stem : Class XIII — Skr. wr-na-^^. §§607,608. 

Class XIII. 

Root -f- 'HO' forming the Present Stem. 

§ 607. Stems of this class seem to bear much the same 
general relation to Class XII as Skr. ti-sth-a-ti Lat. si-st-i-t 
to Gr. l-avT^'Oi; see § 491 p. 50, 

But certainly not all the stems of this class are stems of 
Class XII which have taken to thematic inflexion. Amongst 
them are many whose stem is found as a noun-stem, and was 
probably only a noun-stem at the first. Take, for example, 
Skr. ve-na-ti 'longs* beside ve-nd-s 'longing; pana-te 'trafficks, 
barters, buys* beside pana-s 'wager, bargain, loan' Lith. pelna-s 
•gain, profit' (I § 259 p. 211); Goth, fraihna O.Icel. fregn 
'I ask' beside Skr. praSna-s 'question'. So too Class XIY 
{•n^no- '6710' -0W0-), closely connected with this, is denominative 
in its origin. 

Since it is impossible to distinguish verbs like Skr. w^- 
•lyd-ti (beside mf-nd-ti m^-U'dnti) from those like Skr. ve-na-ti 
(from vS-nd-s), we shall treat them together. 

Parallel variants such as Gr. (io)Xouui drjlo/tiai 'I wish* 
{*^no- : *qel'no-) , O.H.G. wallu 1 heave , toss' : willu 'roll, 
wallow* (*til-no- : *uel'no-) recal similar pairs in Class II, 
Skr. k^s-d-ti : kdrs-a-ti (§ 513 pp. 78 f.), and in Class XXYI, 
Goth, vaurk-ja : O.H.G. wirk-(i)ii (§ 705). 

§ 608. First we cite «o-forms which occur in more than 
one language. 

^sfy-no- from l/^ster- 'sternere': Avest. 3^^^ sing. mid. ster^- 
-na-ta^ Lat. ster-no (with the root-syllable in the strong grade), 
beside Skr. st^-nd-ti (§ 600 p. 143). Lat. sper-no, O.H.G. spur- 
-nii 1 tread, step, kick', fir-spirni-t conj. 'Spirne (see § 614), 
beside Skr. sphur-d-ti 'quickens, throbs'. Lat. li-no^ Lith. ly-na 
'it rains' (cp. Gr. dlivu) for ^uXi'Vloj § 611), beside Skr. li-nd-ti 
O.Icel. li-na § 598 p. 142, § 603 p. 145. A.S. z^-ne O.Icel. 
(/T-71 'I gape, yavm' O.C.Sl. zi-ne-tu gapes, yawns' beside 

§609-611. Present Stem: Clati XIU — 8kr. tNf^9^* 149 

O.H.O. gi'UO'tit, see § 605 p. 146. Goth, kei-na O.H,G. chf-nu 
*I bud*, Lith. gt/'tiu (beside gt(ju) 'I revive, recover'. Jjat. falld, 
O.H.O. /rt//i(, both with -W- for -/«-, possibly connected with 
Lith. p^'lu 1 fair ground-form *pMWj according to another 
derivation, fallo is akin to Gr. -^oXsgo-g 'troubled, impure' 
Goth. dval'S 'foolish' A.S. dwellan 'check, wander'; if so, the 
ground-form of fallO must be ^dhyil-nD. 

§ 609. Aryan. To the forms cited in §§ 598 and 599, 
parallel to forms in Class XII, add the following: 2*"* pi. 
gf-nd-ta beside gf-nd-ti 'calls, calls upon ; rdna-ti 'indulges 
himself, pleases himself instead of *rand-ti (cp. § 516 p. 82) 
ground-form *r'qi'ni'ti beside ram-nd-ti^ which must be ex- 
plained like Sam-nf-te § 602 p. 144 (cp. ra-td-s for *rqi-ta'8); 
d-mi-na-nta beside mi-nd-ti 'lessens, hurts'; math-na-dhvam 
beside math-nd-ti and mdnth-a-ti 'twirls, moves, shakes*. 

Skr. ghurna-ti 'wavers' from ghur-na-s 'wavering', vena-ti 
'longs' from v^-nd-s 'longing. pana-te 'trades* from pana-s 
'wager*, phanati 'leaps, hops, is in motion' from phand-s 
'snake's hood, nostril' (perhaps cognate with sphurd-ti 
'quickens, throbs', and if so, with Lat. sper-no O.H.G. fir- 
'Spirnit, see § 608 p. 148). Compare § 607 p. 148. 

§ 610. Armenian, ar-ne-m *I make*, aor. ar-ar-i § 571 
p. 113. y ar-ne-m 'I raise myself, get up*, cp. Skr. f -no-mi 
Gr. oQ'vd-^ii Class XVII § 639. d-ne-m I place*, [^ dh^-. 
With the middle io-extension (§ 711), li-ni-m 'I become' 
(aor. part, lieat)^ tani-m *I lead* (aor. tar-ay). 

§ 611. Greek. nvaQ-vo-uui 'I sneeze* (Aristotle) beside 
TxvaQ'W'fiai. nt'va) 'I drink*, beside imper. nT'&i Aeol. nui-yio 
(cp. § 498 p. 61). doix-vo) 'I bite* ground-form *dnk-n6j 
\/defik' (I § 224 p. 192). mr-vio beside mt-vrj-^tu, § 602 
p. 144. oxd-voi 'I place', cp. Armen. sta-na-m Lat. de-stinare 
0.C.81. sta-nq and Gxa-vvtx) § 601 p. 144, § 603 p. 145. 

xdu-vw *I take pains, labour', cp. Skr. iam-nf-U § 602 
p. 144. 

150 Present Stem: Class XIII — Skr. mr-nd-ti. §§611,612. 

Dor. ^aiXsvai Att. ^ovXsrai 'I prefer, I wish' ground-form 
*^-ne-, Dor. drjXtrai Delph. dsiXsrai (Thess. ^sXXszsi Boeot. 
pslXsTTj) ground-form "^gel-ne-, see I § 204 p. 170, § 428 ^> with 
the Remark p. 316. Hom. Dor. rdjuvo) Att. rs^vw'I cut*, cp. aor. 
Tafx-stv. Lesb. dn-tXXix) Dor. /tjAw Hom. ft'Aw 'I press' for *J^sX-vo-. 

As we find -^-io- (Gr. -uivm) parallel to -i^no- (Gr. -av(o) 
— ClasR XIV, §§ 616 and 621, Class XXIX § 743 — so we 
have in Greek -n-io- instead of -no-. Lesb. vlXivvm Hom. Att. 
y.Xtvio 'I bend, incline' for *xA£-v-^w: Lat. in-cU-na-re O.Sax. 
hli-no-n Lett. sU-nu § 603 p. 145. xgivvw npivw 'I separate, 
choose out, decide', olvvo/tiai otvojuai 'I rob' (cp. Kretschmer, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 420). dXtvco 'aXsicpco (aor. dXXvai)^ beside 
Lat. li-no etc., see § 598 p. 142, § 608 p. 148. otqvvu) *I drive 
on' for *0'Tov'V'iw from [^tuer- tur- (Skr. tvdr-a-te 'hastens* 
O.H.G. dwir-ti 'I turn quickly round, move', Skr. turdna-s 
'hastening') ; with tru- : tur- compare Skr. hru-na-ti : ju-hur-a-s 
beside hvdr-a-te, Avest. capru- Skr. catur- beside catvar- 
and the like, qiatva) 'I make appear, make visible, show' for 
*(pa'V-f^(x} : Armen. ba-na-m O.H.G. ha-nnu^ see § 601 p. 144. 
Xaivco *I gape* for *;^a-v-jtw with the aor. t~/a-vo-v^ beside yd- 
-crxw xTf^f^V x^-Q^' cp. Skr. hi-nd-s 'deserted, lacking' ji-hi-te 
'yields, departs* (§ 540 p. 101). By analogy of *xtsv'I,(jj 
(xTslvw) beside aor. i-xTtv-aa (sHTfiva) fut. *xTsvs(a)(D (xr^vciJ), 
there were made in pr. Greek the aorist ^eyiXivau *iq)fxvaa 
(sxXlva s(p7jva) and the future *xA/»'f(q)a) '^(pavs(o)<o (y.Xtvw (fava) 
from ^xXiv^o) and *(favj.a), and others in the same way. 

Remark. <pa^vio shews that xXtvco comes from ^xXi^viio. Bartholomae's 
doubts are unfounded (Stud. Idg. Spr., ii 87 f.). 

The origin of the Att. ending -vva) is generally uncertain, 
as it may come from -i^w, -r^w, or vfco (§ 655). In any case, 
pairs of variants such as jivvco $uv(o d^vvco beside /?t w dvoj &v(x) 
produced I&vvm dgrvvu) beside id^va) dprvoj^ and then the 
analogy went further, and we have rjSvvco ra/vvco etc. 
Compare Lith. keldunu § 615. 

§ 612. Italic, ster-no sper-no li-no fallo see § 608 
pp. 148 f. 

§§ 612-614. Present Stem: Class XIII — 8kr. mfisid-^i. 151 

Other verbs with a weak grade of root: toUd ground-form 
*tl'nd \^tel. 8i'7i0y origin obscure (cp. Osthoff, M. U. iv 133 f., 
Perf. 612). dE-gunG for ^gus-no, [/^ §eus'. 

Other verbs with strong grade of root, pelld for *pel-n6 
(Umbr. af-peltu 'admoveto*), beside Gr. niX-va-fiau^ see § 602 
p. 144. ez-cellO for *cel-nO, cp. Lith. kilno-ju § 606 Rem. 
p. 147. 

tem-no may come from Idg. *tem- or *ti^-. 

Again cer-nd, which is connected with Gr. y.ptv(o and 
Lith. skir-iiiy may be explained in two ways. If it contains 
the unextended root, it is on a level with pelld etc. But it 
may have arisen in composition from *crind (I § 83 p. 34), in 
which case it will be analysed ^cr-i-no and be more closely 
akin to Gr. xgivco. 

Lastly, pandd is doubtful. It is connected with Osc. 
patens ins (Class XIV, § 622). If it comes from *pat-n6 
(vol. II p. 161 footnote, Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xvii 119), 
a must be derived from a on account of Gr. nszoiooai^ and 
then the root had a weak grade. But pando may belong to 
Class XYI; see § 632. 

§ 613. Keltic. O.Ir. ser-nim 'sero' 3'** pi. -sernat 
(cp. Windisch, Ir. Worterb. , p. 770 b). Perhaps sennim 
(sennaim) 'I drive, hunt* beside O.H.G. Simmmu for *suem-no 
(§ 614 p. 152), cp. Mod. Cymr. chwyfaf 1 move, quiver for 
*s\iem' (Thurneysen). 

§ 614. Germanic. O.H.G. spur-nu *I step, kick', and 
with strong-grade root syllable fir-spirni-t conj. -spirne: Lat. 
sper-nO^ see § 608 p. 148. A.S. mur-ne *I trouble, grieve', 
cp. O.Sax. mor-nd-n, see § 605 p. 146.i) O.H.G. tcallu 

1) Forms like O.H.G. !■* pi. apurnames infin. spurnan partio. ./fr- 
-spurnan A.S. spurnan murnau are without a-umlaut, by analogy doubtless 
of the 2'»<* and 3^^ sing. pres. and the plural of the pret. O.H G. spinnitm 
etc., cp. O.H.G. inf. durfan beside darf durfiim^ and others. But A.S. 
has sp'/rnan as well as spurnau. Or had the West Germanic originally 
forms of Class XVII beside those with -;jo-? Compare spnrnum with 
kttnnu-m § 646. 

152 Present Stem: Class XIII — Skr. mr-nd-ti. §§614,615. 

'I undulate, boil', ground-form "^ttl-no and willii *I roll' O.Icel. 
veil 'I undulate, seethe' ground-form *tiel-no. O.H.G. fallu 1 fall' 
see § 608 p. 149. Goth. O.H.G. kun-nan 'to know* partic. 
Goth, kun-na-nds O.H.G. kun-na-nUi (indie, kann § 646): 
Skr. ja-na-tij see § 598 pp. 141 f. O.H.G. chli-nu 1 stick, 
smear : O.Ir. gle-nim^ [/'glei-^ see § 604 p. 146. A.S. p-tie 
O.Icel. gz-n 'I gape, yawn: O.C.Sl. zi-ne-tu^ see § 605 p. 146, 
§ 608 p. 148, § 615 p. 153. Goth, kei-na (partic. kij-an-s) 
O.H.G. chl-nu 1 bud': Lith. gt/'Uu, see § 608 p. 149. 
O.H.G. sm-nu 1 disappear' (cp. Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXXI 420), hrlr-nu 'I touch, gain', gri-nu 'make a face, snarl*, 
Goth, skei-na 1 appear*, sci-nu O.H.G. backu Upper-G. pacchu 
1 bake' pr. Germ. *bakkd for ground-form *bh9g-n6 (I § 214 
p. 181, § 534 p. 391), cp. O.H.G. bahh-u 'I bake' Class II B 
Gr. (pMy-co 1 roast' Class II ^ § 532 p. 94. O.H.G. spa-nu 
'I attract, charm, drive on' (pret. spuon)^ ground-form *sp9'no; 
also spannu 'I stretch, widen, I am in eager excitement* 
ground-form *sp9-nu-o Class XYIII (§ 654), beside Lat. spe-s 
spa-tiu-m O.H.G. spd-ti *late'. 

Besides O.H.G. fir-spirnit and willu, other words have root 
syllables of the strong grade. O.H.G. quillu *I spring, well up*, 
V^ qel'^ O.H.G. swillu O.Icel. svell 'I swell, heave*, O.H.G. scilki 
'I resound, sound' O.Icel. skell *I clatter*, O.H.G. hillu *I make 
a sound', O.H.G. gillu O.Icel. gell *I yell, cry out'. O.H.G. sinnu 
'I go, think' for *sind-nd cp. Goth, sandja *I send', Mid.H.G. 
zinne V burn* for *tind-no cp. Goth, tandja 1 kindle*. I suggest 
that we class here verbs with -mm-, for -mn-^ as O.H.G. 
swimmu 'I swim*, cp. O.Ir. sennim § 613. Goth, fraih-na 
1 ask' (perf. frah frehum partic. fraihans) O.Icel. freg-n 
{fra fragum fregenn) A.S. fri^-ne {frce^n fru^nonfru^nen) 
with pr. Germ, variation of x and j (I §§ 529, 530 pp. 384 ff.), 
which was levelled down in different ways by different dialects : 
cp. Skr. praS-nd-s 'question' [/'p-efc- (§ 607 p. 148). 

§ 615. Balto-Slavonic. Here this class is more creative 
than anywhere else. 

§ 615. Present Stem : CIms XIII — Skr. mf-nd-ti, 153 

Lith. gij-nu 1 revive, recover'; Goth, kei-na, see § 608 
p. 141). Lith. ly-na 'it rains': Lat. li-nO (ibid). O.C.Sl. zi- 
-ne-tu gapes, yawns': A.S. ^f-ne (ibid). Lett, sli-nu 'I lean 
upon, support*: cp. Gr. Lcsb. y.X('VVM O.Sax. hli-nO-n Lat. 
in-clmare (§ 603 p. 145, § 611 p. 150); Lett, si-nu 1 bind': 
cp. Skr. si-nd'ti 'binds, surrounds' l/'sai--^ in the two Lettic 
verbs r doubtless comes from the infinitive {sli-t^ si-t). 
Lith. rt/'nii *I swallow, devour'; O.C.Sl. ri-ne-tti 'knocks' 
rinetti sq 'starts* (cp. na-rojt 'impetus*). Lith. ei-nu 'I go': a 
comparison with Lat. prdd-lnunt is unsafe (see § 1022). 
O.C.Sl. si-ne-tu 'shines', mi-ne-tii 'goes by*. 

Lith. pii-7iu (beside piiv-u) 'I make rotten' cp. O.Icel. fu-na 
'I rot', § 605 p. 146. Lett, gtl-mi 'I snatch' Lith. gdu-nu 
'I get* ('dii- from gdu-ti, no doubt): cp. Skr. ju-nd-ti 'sets in 
quick motion, drives on, presses*. Lith. klU-nu (beside klm-U) 
*I hook on to, remain hanging', griii-yiii (beside griuv-u) 
'1 knock down', zii-nu (beside zUv-u) *I come to grief, Lett. 
schxi-nti (beside Lith. smv-U) *I sew' O.C.Sl. pli-ne-tu 'spews' 
for *pljl- *pljy' *spiii' (I § 60 p. 47), and plju-ne-tu 
like Lith. spidii-nu Lett, splau-nu. Lith. aii-nu Lett, du-nu 
'put covering on the feet' [/^eu-^ Lith. rdu-nu Lett, rdu-nu 
'pull, tear, snatch out* (beside Lith. Lett, rdu-ju) l^r^-, and 
others (see Bielenstein, Lett. Spr. i 355). 

The analogy of rdu-nu: infin. rdu-ti etc. produced Lith. 
denominative re-formations like keldunu instead of keldujn 
beside the inf. kelduti 'to travel' (from kela-s kele-s 'way'), 
hiraldunu instead of karalduju beside infin. karalduti 'to be 
king' (from karala-s 'king'). Compare Gr. t^vpu) § 611 p. 150. 

Slavonic gives a large number of wo-presents from verbs 
with other finals than -i and -w; planetu 'blazes up* for *pol' 
-ne-tti^ pO'm(i'ne-tu 'thinks upon', vrtg-ne-tu 'throws' (l^t*«rg-), 
mluk-ne-tu 'grows dumb', za-klenetu 'shuts* for *'klep'ne-tu^ 
butietu 'awakes' for Hud-ne-tu, dvig-ne-tu 'moves', such-ne-tu 
'dries* (intr.). Also from one root in -a: sta-ne-tu 'places 
itself, akin to Pruss. stCLnintei, adverb of the pres. participle, 
cp. Armen. sta-na-m Gr. oTd-vco Lat. dS-stinare § 611 p. 149. 

154 Present Stem : Class XIV — Skr. mr-na-/;. §§615,616. 

In Slavonic the wo-suffix is not confined to the present stem ; 

it appears elsewhere in the system of the verb, but then in 

the peculiar shape -7iq-. Examples are aor. mi-nq-chu partic. 

pres. mi-nq-vu infin. mi-nq-ti sup. mi-nq-tu from mi-nq. 

-nq- is regular only in the infinitive and supine (except sta-ti 

from sta-nq). 

Remark. The following I think is not improbably the history of 
-nq-. Slavonic once had verbs in *-onq (l^t sing, pres.), and their aorist 
ended in -on-su -qsii and their infinitive in -ou-tl -qtl^ parallel to Lith. 
gyvenu 'I dwell* (fut. -^-siu infin. -en-ii) ktipinu *I heap' (fut. -j-siu 
infin. -in-ti-) , see § 624. Now in the present , -no- levelled out -o«o-, 
which was only used with consonantal roots ; but -ono- remained everywhere 
except in the present. Hence a compromise : an infinitive *vrigqti , for 
instance , would be transformed by analogy of vrXgnq vrignesi etc., and 
become vrignqti. Afterwards -nq- was extended to verbs from roots ending 
in a vowel, such as mi-tiq^ and only sta-nq kept clear of this change 
(infin. 8ta-ti). Compare with this § 624 at end, and Wiedemann, Arch. Slav. 
Phil. X 653 if. 

Lithuanian has no present stems with the suffix -no- from 
roots with a final explosive or fricative; instead of these the 
language has forms of Class XYI, such as hundu as against 
hunq in Old Church Slavonic. But there are a few in Lettic, all 
of them however with an interior nasal, which in most cases 
certainly belongs to the present suffix and not to the root: 
hrinu *I wade* for *brid-nu *brend-nu beside Lith. brendu and 
bredu (bridau brlsti)^ v^nu *I find' for ^rM-nu beside rudii = 
Lith. randu (radau rdsti)^ mif-nu 'mingo' for *menz-nu beside 
Lett, m^zu ([^ meigh-)^ linu *I crawl' for lid-nu beside lidu = 
Lett, lendu (lindau llsti). The origin of this kind is obvious; 
the class with a nasal infix (Class XYI) has been contaminated 
with the -wo-class, like O.C.Sl. s^g-nq from \^ scq- etc. (§ 636), 
and like Gr. Xi/nndvu) from \/^leiq- etc. (§ 631). 

Class XIY. 
Root H — }j,no- -eno- -ono- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 616. It is quite clear that this class is derived from 
nouns; see § 487 p. 41, § 596. 6 p. 140, and below. It is note- 

§617. Present Stem: Class XIV — Skr. mf-nd-tL 155 

worthy that the w-suffix is often extended by 'io^; as Skr. 
i^mi-yd'ti beside (Ved.) i^ana-tj Gr. oXi6&aivM beside oXio&dvto^ 
O.H.G. giwahann{i)u 'I recount*. See §§ 618 and 743. This 
is the same formation as Skr. vithuryd-ti from vithurd-s 
'staggering, shaking*, Gr. aiokXio from aioXo-^, see § 770. 

§ 617. Along with -\ino- -eno- we find -^nd- -end-, 
inflected in the same way as denominatives from d-stems. 
To illustrate, take: Skr. pftanCL-yd-nt- 'fighting* beside Avest. 
pesana-iti Skr. pjftan-yd-ti beside Skr. pftana-m pftand- 'fight', 
Skr. hhandana-yd'ti 'shouts, cheers* beside hhanddna-s 'shouting* 
hhanddnCL' 'shout*; Gr. igixavdoj beside tgvadvm 1 hold back, 
bar, stem* (cp. &?jydv(o 'I sharpen, whet' beside &tjyavo-v 
&r]ydvf] 'whetstone*, and ^anavdio 1 spend* beside ddnuvO'g 
'extravagant' dandv?] 'expense'); Lat. runcindre (cp. runcina 
'plane*) coquindre cdrindre farcindre; O.Icel. vakna *I awake' 
pret. vakna-cta^ Goth. pret. ga-vakno-da beside pres. ga-vakna; 
Lett, stiprino-ju 'I strengthen* in fin. stiprino-ti beside stlp'inti 
(infin. stlprin-ti)^ gaheno-ju *I bring together* (infin. gaheno-ti) 
beside gabenu (infin. gaben-ti); and besides, the Lith. group of 
preterites, of which examples are P* pi. st\prino-me gabino-me^ 
must be added. 

Seeing how clear is the denominative character of this 
fourteenth class, no doubt can be felt that all these verbs are 
derived from feminine stems. The nearest parallel is found 
in the verbs which will be discussed in § 769, Skr. priyd-yd-te 
Goth, frijo, O.Ir. com-alnaim O.H.G. follom^ and such like. 
That is to say, Skr. bhandandryd-ti stands to bhanddnd 'shout* 
and hhanddna-s 'shouting exactly as O.H.G. follo-m 'I fill' to 
folld 'fullness* and fol 'full*, or as wuntom 'I make wounded, 
I wound* to wtmta 'a wound* and tvimt 'wounded*. 

Remark. The student must not suppose that I refuse to see the 
parallelism between fgCxavuio : fgOxdrw and tutvqw : ttitvio ; O.Icel. vakna : 
Goth, ga-rakna and O.H.G. gino-m: O.Icel. </♦/<; Lith. stiprindju : stiprinu 
and lynoja : lyna. See the end of § 598, and §§ 602, 605, 606. The 
origin of the a-flexion is different in the two sorts, but a-flexion in the 
one may well have influenced the other in different languages inde- 

156 Present Stem: Class XIV — Skr. mr-na-ti. §§618,619. 

pendently. For instance, Greek verbs of the type of Fovxavdb) may have 
been supported by the use of TUTvaM^ or vice versa. 

Skr. bhandana-yd'te is not to be classed with hrnd-yd-nt- ^ a quite 
isolated stem; we see this from a variant hrnl-yd-mana-s (§ 600 p. 144). 
Such forms as *bhandani~yd-ti do not exist. 

§ 618. I cite first forms which appear in more than one 
language. Here, as below with forms belonging to one language 
only (§§ 619 ff.), the extension with -io- must be cited too 
(§ 743). 

Lat. cruen-tu-s partic. of a present S"**^ sing. *cruini't^ 
Lith. kruvinu 'I make bloody' (partic. kruvinta-s = cruentu-s) 
from kru-vina-s 'bloody'. 

Armen. aroganem 'I sprinkle', Lith. srdvinu *I make 
flow', common ground-form *sroui^no^ \^ sreu- (cp. Bugge, 
Idg. Forsch. i 451). 

Skr. injunctive i^ana-t 'let him set in motion, arouse, 
excite, quicken' and isan-t/d-tij Gr. laivto 'quicken, hasten, 
warm* for *ia-ai' 

Goth, af-lifna *I remain over' (pret. -no-da), Lith. lipinii 
'I cause to adhere'. 

Goth, dukna 1 increase, grow' (pret. -no-da), Lith. auginii 
'I make grow, rear'. 

Gr. avaivw *I make dry, wither for *6av6-av-i.(o , Lett. 
sausinu 'I make dry'. Compare Alban. dan 'I dry, wither', 
for *saus-nid according to G. Meyer (Alb. Wort. 85, Alb. Stud. 
Ill 43). 

Gr. Tfnoulvw *I make dry, dry up', Goth, ga-paursna 
'I grow dry, wither' (pret. -7id-da). 

§ 619. Aryan. Avest. opt. P* pi. zaranaema and 
zaranye-te (partic. zaranimna-) from zar- grow angry, ill', 
cp. partic. zaranu-mana- Skr. h;f-nt-te § 596. 3 p. 138. Avest. 
■pesana-iti 'fights' beside Skr. pftana-m pftana- Avest. pesana 
'fight, battle' (cp. § 617 p. 155). Skr. k^pdna-te 'he behaves 
pitifully, prays' beside krpand-s 'pitiful, miserable' kfpdna-m 
'misery', isana-t 'let him set in motion and isan-yd-ti: Gr. ta/i/w, 
see § 618. Only with -io-: turan-yd-ti 'hastens, goes or makes 

§§619—621. Present Stem: Class XIY — Skr. mfnOHi. 157 

to go quickly* from turdna-8 'hasteniDg (pres. tvar-a-U 'hastens*) 
cp. Gr. ot^iJkw § 611 p. 150; bhurafi-yd-ti *he is active* from 
bhurana-s 'active*, and others. Compare Skr. pftanO^d-ti 
hhandanCL-yd-ti § 617 p. 155. 

There is nothing to decide whether this Aryan -ana- 
representes Idg. -^wo- or -eno- (those who believe that Idg. o 
becomes a in open syllables in Aryan will say, or -ono- 
either), i^amjd-ti as compared with Gr. miVai, so far as it 
goes, favours -^wo-. 

-eno- must be the suffix in Skr. bhdna-ti 'sounds, calls 
out', if this be derived from [/'bha-^ and analysed bh-dnati; 
see p. 56 footnote. Perhaps the same suffix is used in some of 
those forms which are cited by Per Persson, Wurzelerweiterung. 
pp. 70 ff., such as dhvana-fi 'sounds*. 

§ 620. Armenian. In this language 'a)iO' = Idg. -^wo- 
is a very common present suffix. IJc-anem 'I leave', aor. 3'** 
sing. e-//A% y/^leig-. gt-anem 'I find', aor. 3'** sing, e-git, 
\/^\ieid'. fU-anem 'I spew, spit', aor. 3'** sing. e-fu1i. kl-anem 
'I swallow', aor. 3'"'* sing, e-kul. hat-anein 'I cut off', tes-anem 
1 see', xTderlc' (I § 263 p. 214). liz-anem 'I lick* for *le2- 
anem^ [Sleigh-. 

-anem^ like Greek -avw, is found in some forms which 
have another present suffix already. As for instance harcanem 
*I ask' beside aor. harci, stem * pjr(Jc)-sko- (§ 672), like Gr. 
dXvaxdyu) beside ceAr-axw; and very near akin to harcanem is 
Avest. per^sany^iti 'asks', if its -5- = Skr. -cA- (cp. Skr. 
prachana-m 'an asking') and not Idg. -fc- (cp. Goth, fraihna), 

-anim (cp. § 711) is a variant of -anem as Gr. -utvw of 
-avio ; e. g. mer-ani-m *I die' (aor. mer-ay) like Gr. f^iag-aivui 
'I make wither, decay', mac-ani-m 'I cleave to, hang on to, 
curdle', zerc-ani-m 'I free or save myself, run away*. 

g 621. CJreek. In this language too -avo- = Idg. -^tio- 
is very common. 

aXrp'dvfo 1 earn*, xvd-dvio 'I honour, exalt*. xsv^-dvot 
1 hide, i^rj-y-dvu) 1 whet*. XTjS'dvw '1 escape notice*. 

158 Present Stem: Class XIV — Skr. mr-nd-ti. §621. 

The suffix is often used to extend other present stems. 
For example take the following, lov-dvco *I place' beside ^i-Grri-fxi 
(Class III). lox-dvM 'I hold back' beside c-dx-to (Class lY). 
nvvd^'dvo/Liat *I learn' Xif-in-avw 1 leave' from *nvv&to = Lith. 
-hundu \/^bheudh- and ^h/unco = Lat. linquo y^leiq-, and so 
too xXayy-nvcD 'I cry out' from *'AXayy-(o (cp. xZa'fw for *xAayy- 
-1.0)) = Lat. clang-o beside Gr. perf. yisxXtjya (Class XVI). 
av^'dvo) 'I increase' beside av^co avx^oco (Class XX). dXv(jy.-dv(jt) 
*I avoid' beside dlv-oxu) (Class XXII). djuapT-dvo) 'I miss' 
beside ^iiag-ro-v (Class XXIV). dugd^-dvco *I sleep' beside 
€-dap-d^O'V (Class XXV). 

niun'kdvvj m/LiTrpdvco^ as compared with ni-nXrj'f.a 7ii-nQrj-iA.i 
were made on the analogy of h/tindvai^ and this served to keep 
safe the nasal in ni/LtTiXfj/ui ni/ujigyj^i alyxga/ui ytlyxpfj/iu (§ 542 
p. 102, § 594 pp. 134 f.). Perhaps there was once a form 
*7iXa-vM^ parallel to Skr. py-tl'd-ti^ which on the analogy of 
ni-nXrj-f.a nl-nXa-f-isv was transformed to ^mnXuvw (cp. the 
reduplicated rs-vg-alvM, p. 159), and then came under the 
influence of verbs like Xi/nndvw. The Greeks themselves saw 
a close connexion between the ending -dvco and a nasal in 
the first syllable of the word which had it, if this syllable 
contained a short vowel + explosive; we can see this from 
the transformation of Att. *xtxdvco (for *y.i-xavf(o, Hom. mxctvco) 
into myxdvo) (§ 652). 

With -avdo} (see § 617 p. 155): s^vxavdw beside igvxdvco 
*I hold back, bar, stem', STjxavdojLiat 'I welcome* beside Sfjavv- 
fxsvog (§ 639), ia/dvaw beside tcr/aVw, and others. 

A large number have -aivM, oXio&aivio beside oXiad^dvco 
1 slip'. /LieXalvo) *I darken' (beside /neXdvoj? see the com- 
mentators on Hiad 12 64), and others (cp. § 776. 6 b). 

Amongst these verbs in -alvw are those whose root no 
longer forms a separate syllable, some of which are certainly 
old (cp. Lett, tv-ln-ti tr-ln-ti § 624). ^-ccivtu 1 scratch, comb* 
Q-dvio-v *comb for carding wool') beside ^-vw and |-fw ^-sa-aai 
(Class XX, § 661) from l^qes- (II § 8 Rem. 2 p. 20). 
6x-(pX-alv(jD *I bubble up' beside gjX-vM Lat. fl-a-s O.H.G. bl-d-u 

621-623. Present Stem: CUss XIV- 8kr. mf-nd-ti, 159 

(§ 583 p. 124). dQ-ttiyto *I do, intend to do* (oXtyo-dpayitow 
*faint, weak' § 801), beside Jp-w dg-S'/na (§ 737). gaiyta 
1 besprinkle' for *<T(>-«i'-xo) {gafi^^ -idog 'drop') beside ^'t(f)si 
'flows* from [^ ser- 'run, flow* (§ 488 p. 47) op. ^-(uvio beside 
S-v'w; {(^pd^-aTai gdaaars (*sif-d-) belong to Class XXV 
(§ 695) J) /(j-ai'vo) 'I touch the surface gently, stroke, soil' 
beside XQ'^"^ I seize, touch' xu-avco 'touch superficially, 
scratch' /(>-/fti 'I anoint', ygaivnv ' iod-lsiv Hesych., beside ygdfo, 
which seems to be akin to Skr. yr-asa-ti (§ 659). xoalva) 
'I make, complete* ([/^qer- Skr. Jqr-nS'ti); this we should 
probably place here. The alternative is to analyse it *x(>a- 
-v-j^w, from *5^-n-, and place it in § 611 (pp. 149 f.), but 
xp-ovo-g makes this the more likely place (see U § 67 with 
the Rem., p. 112). ti'tp-nivoj 'I bore* {vi-TgaivM is also 
found, see Yeitch Greek Verbs s. v. Tsigalvu)): Lith. tr-inu 
*I rub', x^ter-. 

Connected with noun stems in -avo- (§ 487 pp. 40 f., 
§ 596.6 p. 140). oha&dvcD oXia&aivco: oXiod^avo-g 'slippery, 
smooth'. d-fjydvco : ^fjyavo-v d-rjydvr] 'whetstone'. fuXdvio 
fisXatvu) : jluXuvo- (jLisXaV') 'black', fpaaydvsxui' Jt'^jpft dvaiosXxai 
Hesych.: (pdayavo-v 'cutting instrument, or sword', xvamw ' 
eyxvog aiv Hesych.: Samian xvavo- in Kvavoiptaiv (the Author, 
Gr. Gr.2 p. 32 footnote 1). Compare XbvxuIvm with Skr. 
r6cand-s 'light, shining', dXtpdvio with Skr. arhana-m arhand 
'tribute of respect*. 

§ 622. Italic. Lat. cruen-tu-s beside Lith. kruvinu^ see 
§ 618 p. 156. Osc. patens ins 'aperirent' for *patenesSnt 
cp. Lat. panderent (§§ 632, and 837. 2). 

Latin verbs in -inare (§ 617 p. 155): coquindre beside 
coquere^ cdrindre beside carere etc. 

§ 623. Germanic. In this class fall Inchoatives formed 
with an n-suffix (for the term inchoatives as applied to them, 

1) By this correct vol. I § 488 p. 360, § 492 p. 363, § 639 p. 479. 

160 Present Stem: Class XIV — Skr. mr-nd-ti. §623. 

see Egge, Amer. Journ. Phil., vii 38 fF.); as Goth, ga-vaknan 
O.Icel. vakna A.S. wcecnaii awake'. Since in these and many 
other words n is not assimilated to the preceding consonant, it 
follows that there must have been a vowel between than which 
has suffered syncope (cp. I § 214 p. 181, Kaufmann, P.-B. 
Beitr. xii 504 ff.). But whether this vowel was a, i, or w, and 
the suffix accordingly Idg. -ono-, -eno-, or -fino-, remains a 
question. Furthermore, amongst form like Goth, dis-taurna 
1 tear to pieces, crush to pieces*, there may be forms with Idg. 
-no- (cp. Skr. dir-nd-s O.H.G. 2or-n, II § 66 p. 141), which 
would then have to be placed in Class XIII. 

The old unextended inflexion was regular Gothic only 
for the present; e. g. ga-vakna -is -ip etc. Elsewhere Gothic 
has -w5-, as -vaknoda. Old Icelandic carries -no- all through 
the verb, as vakna -nada. In Old High German, on account 
of a certain change which will be set forth in § 781.3, most 
of the words in question are absorbed into the e-conjugation 
(3'** weak conj.), as tvesanem. 

In addition to the words already mentioned — Goth, af- 
lyna, duk-na (O.Icel. aukna)^ ga-paursna (O.Icel. porno) — 
the following may be named: Goth, ga-staurkna *I become 
stiff, dry up' O.Icel. storkna O.H.G. gi-storchanem (beside Lith. 
streg-iu *I stiffen'). Goth, -hrukna intr. 1 break, break to pieces' 
(beside hrika 1 break'). Goth, ga-batna O.Icel. batna 'I improve 
myself, O.H.G. trunkanem *I get drunk'. Beside Goth, us- 
-lukna 1 open' (intr.) appears us-lukn-s 'open' (adj.). 

These inchoatives are sometimes derived from an adjective, 
in which case they run in parallel lines with the factitive group 
in (Goth.) -jan; Goth, fullnan O.Icel. fullna get full' beside 
Goth, fullja^i O.Icel. fylla 'make full , fill' from Goth, fulls 
O.Icel. full-r *fuir (ground-form "^pl-no-s), Goth, ga-qiunan 
'become alive* beside ga-qiujan make alive, quicken' from qiu-s 
(gen. qivis) 'alive', Goth, mikilnan 'grow big beside mikiljan 
'make big' from mikiUs 'big' ; cp. Lith. Imksminu from Unksma-s 
and similar forms, § 624. 

S«24. Present Stem: Class XIV — 8kr. mf-nd-tu 161 

o.II.G. gi'Wahannen 'mention* pret. guwuog^ A.8. wBcnan 
'awaken* pret. tvOi\ like Or. dXtraivtn (aor. liXira-v). 

§ 624. Balto-Slavonic. Baltic has -ina = Idg. -pno-, 
and -ena- = Idg. -eno-. 

Lith. kruvinu *I make bloody* fut. ^TW^'f-M'w partic. kruvin- 
.ta-s = Lat. cruen-tU'S^ auginu 1 make grow*, sausinu 1 make 
dry*, see § 618 p. 156. kUpinu *I heap up* from kuptna-s 'heaped 
up*, trupinu 1 crumble, break into little bits* from trupinys 
'crumb*, tekinu '1 make run (on a grindstone), polish' from 
tekina-s running' (O.C.Sl. te^^nu). budinu *I awake*, lipinu 
'I make stick*. The form of the root is noticeable in tr-inii 
I rub* infin. tr-ln-ti from y/^ter- (Lat. terO), with which 
compare Gr. ts-vouIvm 1 bore', and tv{stu 'I swell out' instead 
of *tV'inu^ infin. tv-ln-ti, beside Lat. tu-meo ; cp. Gr. 1^-aivw, and 
its like, § 621 pp. 158 f. 

This extraordinarily fertile suffix was used to derive verbs 
with a factitive meaning from adjectives too (as in Gothic, 
fullnan etc., § 623) ; e. g. linksminu 1 make glad, comfort* from 
liiiksma-s 'joyful', vSninu *I unite* from v'ena-s *one*, tvirtinu 
'I make fast* from tvirta-s 'fast'; cp. Pruss. swintina 'he hallows* 
from swints 'holy*. 

From verbs like pu-d-inu vil-d-^nu svU-d-inu was extracted 
a suffix 'dinu^ which was largely used. See §§ 700 and 701. 

Only Lithuania and Prussia have -ina- {-in') with non- 
present stems. For Prussian, compare infin. waidin-t 'to show' 
partic. pret. act. waidinn-ons from the pres. 3'** sing, waidinna; 
swintin-t-s 'hallowed' from 3"* sing. pres. swintina, Lettic has 
for these parts of the verb -ina-, as dudjinu 1 bring up, raise, 
rear' infin. dud/indt in contrast with Lith. auginu auginti 
(cp. Goth, lifna lifnQda). Lith. has also a few words with 
'inoju -inotiy as stiprindju I strengthen' stiprinoti beside sti}>rinu 
stlprintl (Lett, stiprinu stiprindt) , linksminoju 1 make glad* 
linksiuindti (also accented linksminoju) beside linksminu. 

Rarer than -ina- is -ena-: Lith. gyvenu, 'I dwell* gyventi 
(cp. Goth, ga-qiima, § 623 p. 160) and graudenii *I remind, 
admonish*; gabenu 'I bring*, also gabenoju gabendti. 

Brug Diana, Elements. IV. H 

162 Present Stem: Class XV — Skr. yundk-ti. §§625,626. 

That Slavonic once possessed verbs in *-onq infin. *-on-tl 
*-qti may be assumed, as we have seen in § 615 Rem. p. 154, 
from such forms as vrtg-na-ti. With this -ono^ compare zv-onu 
'sound' beside zv-mSti 'sound', containing the suffix -t^no- (beside 
zov-q zv-a-ti 'to call*, II § 67 p. 154); further, Grr. avovrj 
'dryness* uvovov' '^vkov '^t^oov (Hesych. , MS. avovoq) beside 
avalvd) 'I dry up' (beside Lith. sausin-ti O.C.Sl. suchnct'ti). 

Class XY. 
Root + Nasal Suffix forming the Present Stem. 

§ 625. Here fall such present stems as Skr. yundj-mi 
pi. yunj-mds. This class has hitherto not been certainly proved 
to belong to any branch but Aryan. Its origin and relation to 
the other nasal classes has been discussed in § 596. 5 p. 139. 

§ 626. Aryan. \^leiq- 'linquere*: Skr. rindk-ti Avest. 
irinaxti (I § 260 p. 212), Skr. P* pi. rinc-mds S""** pi. rinc-dnti 
pret. P* pers. sing, d-rinac-am 2^^ and S^^ sing, d-rinak, conj. 
rindc-a-t, opt. rinc-yd^t-^ — thematic Lat. linqu-o Pruss. po- 
4mka 'remains'. Skr. bhindd-mi *I split', imper. bhin{d)dhi, 
\/^ bheid- ; — thematic Prakrit bhind-a-di Lat. find-o. pinds-mi 
'I pound, crush' 3'"'^ pi. pis-dnti (cp. I footnote), injunctive 
2°^ and 3"^** sing, pindk, \^peiS'; — thematic Skr. a-p{s-a~t 
Lat. pTns-o. Avest. cinah-mi 'I give information, cp. 3^^ sing. 
cois-t 'he informed'. Avest. cinas-ti 'he instructs' P* pi. mid. 
conj. cinap-cL-maide. Skr. runddh-mi 'I stop, stem' 3'^ sing. act. 
rundddhi mid. run(d)dhe^ — thematic rundh-a-ti. v^ndj'-mi 
'I twist together' 3""^ sing. mid. v^tdk-te, \/^werg-, cp. Gr. 
gifx^oi-iai § 631. t;fnedhi 'shatters* instead of Hrnodhi (for 
HrmMhi), 3'^ pi. tfh-dnU (see I § 404. 2 p. 298) ; — thematic 
tfh-a-ti. Avest. weak form mer^tok- mer^nc- from marc- 
'destroy'. 3'*** pi. act. mer^nc-inti mid. mer^nc-aite 2^^ pi. mid. 
7ner^fdg^-duye^ opt. 3'"'^ sing, merqs-ya-p^ cp- I § 448 pp. 332 f., 

§§627,628. Present Stem: Cl«8t XYI - Skr. yuvSJ-^ti. 163 

§ 473. 4 p. 350, n p. viu, I § 200 Rem. p. 168, Bartholomae, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 483; — thematic Avest. mer'nc-a-it^. 

Remark. On Skr. hinds-H 3rd pi. h{8-anti see § 667. 

Strong stem instead of weak: Skr. 2°** pi. yundk-ta instead 
of yufsk'td. 

Class XVI. 

Boot -\- Nasal Infix + Thematic Vowel forming the 
Present Stem. 

§ 627. This class stands to the preceding in the same 
relation as Class II B to Class I, etc., see § 491 p. 50. 

As the nasal often spreads from the present to the other 
parts of the verb, and then to nouns it is often doubtful, 
where a Root does not contain «, w, a liquid or a nasal, 
whether the nasal which we see is not really part of the root 
itself. It is an infix in Lat. pre-hendo -hendt -hensu-s Gr. 
X^iooLiai 'I will seize' (for /^J'J+c-) s-xa^-o-v (/'^d-) xavddvo) 
Alban. gsndem 'I am found* Lett, gidu *I understand, conjecture' 
(for *gendu)^ which is proved by Lat. praeda (for *prae-heda) 
Goth. -gita. For Skr. spanda-te 'throbs' spandaya-ti spanda-s 
*a throbbing' pani-spadd-s 'throbbing' (spad- = *sp^-) Gr. 
arfsvdovTj 'sling' ^(padua/nog 'throbbing , eagerness , impatience* 
Corf^d-)^) the same is proved by Gr. arpsd-avo-q 'hasty, wild* 
otpod'Qo-q 'powerful'. But it sometimes happens that there are 
no kindred words which can decide the matter. And then 
again, to make the ground more slippery under our feet, roots 
whose nasal we have a right to say belongs to the root itself, 
make forms without any nasal by analogy. Thus Skr. mamdth-a 
mathaya-ti instead of mamanth-a manthaya-ti from mathnd-ti 
nidtha-tij where math- comes from *mi}th- (§ 516 p. 82, § 852); 
Gr. i^^ojucu instead of ^dsy'^o^cu from Jax-vo> s-cJoxo-v, where 
day- comes from *dnfc- (I § 224 p. 191). 

§ 628. y/^leip-i Skr. limp-d-ti 'smears*, Lith. limp-it 
M cling, hold'. [/^peiK-: Skr. inS-d-ti 'adorns, decks, arms', 

1) Conneot Lat. pendO pependi, pond us f 

164 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. yimj-d-ti. §628. 

Lat. ping-o. i^iiekl-: Skr. vind-d-ti 'finds', O.Ir. ro-finnadar 
'gets to know' (see § 633), cp. Armen. glut gain, profit' for 
\iind- (Hiibschmann , Arm. Stud, i 26, 63, 75; Bugge, Idg. 
Forsch. I 443), Gr. Ivd'-aXXo/Liai 1 show myself, appear', [/^seiq- 
setQ- *trickle down*: Skr. sinc-d-ti pours out, wets', Goth. 
sigq-a *I sink' (part, sagq following band etc., I § 67 Rem. 1 
p. 57) , Lett, siku 'I become exhausted, dry up, fall' (of water) 
for *sink-Uj cp. Mid.H.G. sthte 'shallow* from *sinq-tO'. X^lcueit- 
Tztieid- 'shine* (Skr. Svit-cind-s Goth, hveit-s) : Skr. Svind-a-te 'is 
clear, or white' (gramm.), Lith. szvint-u 'I become clear*. 
Skr. a-pis-a-t 'I crushed* (beside pi-nds-ti, § 626), Lat. plns-o, 
cp. Gr. 71x1(10(0 TiTiTTO) instcad of prehistoric *TiTivO'/,a) (§ 631). 
Skr. opt. chind-e-ta beside chi-ndd-mi *I cut off, tear to pieces* 
(Class XY), Lat. scmd-o, cp. Gr. a/ivd-aX/iw-g 'piece of wood 
split off, splinter*. Prakr. hhind-a-di beside Skr. bhindd-mi 
'I split* (§ 626), Lat. find-o. V^sneiqh-: Lat. ningu-i-tj Lith. 
sning-a *it snows*. \^leiq: Lat. Unqti-o, Fruss. po-Unka remains* 
(Skr. rindk-ti § 626), cp. Gr. Xifin-uvw § 631. Lat. string-o, Lith. 
string-u 'I remain hanging (pret. strig-au)^ beside Lat. striga^ 
Goth. strik'S 'stroke, line' O.H.G. strthhu 'I draw a line, pass 
along'; O.C.Sl. strig-q 1 shave, shear' for ^strmg- (I § 229. 4 
p. 195) or for *streig- ? Lat. d^stingu-d^ Goth, stigq-a 'I strike, 
push' O.Icel. stqkk *I leap, push*, beside Lat. In-stTgo Skr. tejate 
'is sharp, goads on*, cp. Lith. sUngiti § 637. Lat. mingo 
i/'meigh-^ cp. Lett, mifchu for *minziu § 635. Skr. lump-d-ti 
'breaks to pieces', Lat. rump-o^ y^retip-. Skr. lunc-a-ti 'pulls, 
plucks' (gTamm. : perf. lu-luflc-ur is found), Lith. rimk-u 'I grow 
wrinkled*, [/^ reyq- retiQ- (Skr. luk- *a falling off, disappearance', 
Lat. rug-a^ Lith. rauka-s 'wrinkle'), cp. Lat. rimc-are. Skr. 
munc-d-fi 'lets go, frees, gets free, runs away', Lat. e-mungo^ 
Lett, muku 'I make off, flee' for *munk-u^ i^meuq- meuQ-. 
Skr. yunj-a-ti (beside yundk-ti § 625), Lat. jung-o l^jeuQ-^ 
cp. Lith. jung-iu 'I yoke to*. Skr. bhiinj-a-ti 'makes to eat or 
enjoy' (beside blmndk-ti Class XY), Lat. fung-or. Avest. hunj- 
-a-iti 'lays down, frees, saves itself, cp. Gr. nscpvyycov ffvyyarro 
§ 631. Lith. bund-u 'I wake up', cp. Gr. 7ivv&-dvof.iat § 631. 

^(i2R. Present Stem: CUm XVI — 8kr. yuti-Jd-ti, 165 

I ^jert' cut*: Skr. kpit'd-H 'cuts, splits', Lith. krint-it *I fall 
off, drop* (of leaves, fruit and so forth), Idg. ^qpit-i-ti^ 
cp. I § 285 Rem. p. 228. O.Ir. in-grennim 'I pursue* i. e. 
"(jhrendd? (cp. § 033), O.C.Sl. (jr^d-q 'I come*, originally 
^gfirti'dh'Q V^qliredh'^ cp. Goth, gridi- f. 'step, grade* Lat. 
gradior for *Qhj-dh-io- (§ 717). i^re§' 'stretch, extend*: Skr. 
py-d'ti (beside 3"* pi. mid. Y^j-ate Class XV), cp. Lith. partic. 
j-si-r^^^s 'having stretched oneself infin. isz-si-r^szii 'to stretch 
out* rfjzau *I stretch' derived from a stem *rinz- = Skr. /%- 
(from riZ' = /y- were derived rHzlds 'I inflate myself and 
rdizan-s 'I stretch myself, cp. below, Goth, peiha pdih). 

Formed from such roots with r we find in several languages 
present stems with vocalism of the strong grade. These must 
be regarded as new formations. Examples are: Skr. Srambh- 
-a-tS 'entrusts*, Gr. gfit^'O'/nai *I turn myself round*, Mid.Ir. 
dringim 'I ascend', O.H.G. spring-ti *I leap*, Lith. dr^s-u 'I am 
brave'; details will be found under the separate headings. 

V^'plnq- plaq-: Lat. plang-0, Lett. pMku 'I become flat, 
fall flat down* for *pla7ik-u^ cp. Gr. nXai^w *I strike, knock 
aside, lead astray* {snXayhi for *7iXayy-^(i) § 631. 
Lat. clang-dj cp. Gr. xkayy-dvat and y.XuZa) for *y.Xayy'f^fD § 631 
(pf. yJxXayya), O.Icel. hlakka *1 cry out' (-kk- for -nk-), beside 
Gr. yXiutfo 'I cluck, caw* for *xX(oy-i(o. 

Roots ending in a consonant, without liquid, nasal, i, or ti 
(type peq- 'coquere*) show an e-vowel. Goth, peiha O.H.G. dlhu 
*1 thrive* for *pi^x-o^ earlier *pe^x-6 (cp. O.Sax. partic. thungan 
and causative thengiu 'I complete*), from which we have the 
re-formates pdih dBh etc. (I § 67 Rem. 2 p. 57), Lith. tenkii 
'I last out, have enough' infin. Uk-ti, compare O.Ir. tocad 
Mod.Cymr. tynghed 'luck, happiness' (first for *tonketO'^ cp. the 
Latinised name Tunccetace^ inscr. in Wales), which also point 
to a nasal present stem. Alban. gtnd-em *1 am found', 
Lat. pre-hendO^ Lett, gfdu '1 understand, conjecture' for 
*gend'U l/" qhed-^ cp. Gr. x^vdavw x^^^^ofiut § 63L 

Several languages give io-inflexion to this type (Class XXIX). 
Examples: Gr. nxiaoio ntiTtio instead of ^nriva-iut^ jiXd^ut for 

166 Present Stem: Class XYI — Skr. yunj-d-ti. §629. 

*7iXayy-!^(jD ; Lat. vine-id^ sanc-io (cp. sacer) ; Lith. jung-iu^ Lett. 
mi/chu (beside mi/nu) mingo' for *minz-iu. See § 744. 

§ 629. Aryan. Skr. vind-d-ti Avest. vind-a-iti 'finds', 
\/^ueid-'^ Skr. sinc-d-ti Avest. hinc-a-iti pours out*, l/^seiq-; 
Skr. kpit'd-ti Avest. ker^nt-a-iti 'cuts', see § 628 where 
other examples are given. We may also mention the 
following: Skr. §{s-a-ti 'leaves over' beside sinds-ti; und-a-ti 
moistens, wets* beside undMi; umhh-a-ti 'holds together, holds 
in custody* beside 2"^ sing. ?map ; ^fw^-a-^i *is satisfied' {/"terp-; 
b^h-a-ti Wengthens* [/^bhergh-; ^fnth-a-ti from §rath- 'to become 
loose or soft'; Avest. mer^nc-a-ite from marc- 'destroy' beside 
2°** pi. mid. mer^fdg^-duye (§ 626). Sometimes in Sanskrit i\\Q 
accent is changed to the accent of Class II A^ as Sumbh-a-ti 
and Sumbh-d-ti 'adorns* (beside iobh-a-te)^ partic. mid. tunj-a- 
•mana-s (S^^ pi. tunj-dte Class XY, tuj-yd-te 'is struck, knocked'), 
dfh-a-ti beside d^h-d-ti 'strengthens' (beside dfh-ga-ti), pfnc-a-ti 
mingles* (beside p^ndk-ti and pi-p^g-dhi). With secondary 
strong grade vocalism (cp. § 628 p. 165): Skr. sranth-a-te 
(gramm.) beside S^nth-a-ti^ Srambh-a-te 'entrusts (cp. ni-S^mbhd-s), 
anu-7'afljati 'cleaves truly to, loves* (cp. rag as colour, passion, 
love*, Gr. Qe^co Qsyua goyevc), Avest. 3'^ sing. pret. mor^nd-a-p 
for *mar^nd^a-p (I § 94. 3 p. 89) from mard- 'kill* (or does 
-ar- = -f-?); of the same sort may be Skr. vdnd-a-te 'praises, 
honours* beside vdd-a-ti iid-yd-te. 

Roots of the type peg- (§ 628 p. 165). Skr. spand-a-te 
'throbs', beside Gr. (j(ps6-av6-Q, § 627 p. 163. stambh-a-te 
'strengthens itself, stands fast, supports itself, beside Lith. 
steb-i'&'-s *I wonder' steb-i'^'-s 'I keep myself back* stdba-s 
'apoplexy'. Sometimes the nasal is only found in non-present 
forms. Thus from \^ seq- 'fasten, hang' (Skr. sajjate for 
*sa-zj-a- § 562 p. 110, Lith. segu): Skr. perf. sa-sanj-a aor. 
asaftj'i partic. -satdk-tavya-s ; from Ar. dabh- or dhabh- ^) 

1) The desiderative forms dhipsati dhlpsati are late re -formates 
instead of Ved. dipsati, certainly not instead of pr. Ar. dhabh. Compare 
dhak, p. 171. 

§§680,631. Present Stem: CUss XYI — 8kr. ywi^d-ft. 167 

'to hurt, deceive* (cp. 8kr. d-dbh-u-ia-s § 596. 2, p. 136, demd. 

Skr. dipsa-ti Avest. diwza-idyai § 667, Skr. perf. da-ddbh-o, 
'ddbha-s 'hurting*, Avest. caus. dabay^-iti) : Skr. perf. da-ddmbh-a 
caus. dambhdya-ti dambh-a-s 'deceit*. In such instances, one of 
two explanations is possible. (1) Either a nasal present which 
was the origin of these nasal forms has perished. With safij' 
compare O.C.Sl. sqg-nq § 636; dambh- may be illustrated by 
Gr. uTfjit^n) *I hurt, deceive*, if the root is dhebh-, and if this 
Greek word is a contamination of S^tif-i)^- and Te(^)ff-. (2) Or 
the nasal came from other words; thus daddmbha, beside 
dabhnSti^ was formed on the analogy of tastdmbha : stabhnoti, 
and similar pairs. 

§ 630. Armenian. Present stems of this kind I know- 
none; but cp. glut 'profit, gain', which seems akin to *uind'6 
{§ 628 p. 164). 

§ 631. Greek. Only a few examples of the unextended 
stem can be found. XivdsG&ai ' af-uXkao^ui beside XlZov6t ' 
7iaiXov6iv Hesych. for ^Xtvd-po?)^ connected by Fick with 
koi6opo-g and Lat. loido-s lUdu-s. Otfiyy-u) 'I tie, fasten', 
compared with Armen. pirk^ for *sphi(j-ro-s^ by Bugge (Idg. 
Forsch. I 453). With secondary strong-grade vowel (cp. § 628 
p. 165): Qff.ifio(.iai 'I turn round, revolve* (Qo^ifio-g 'bull-roarer, 
wheel*) containing Idg. *up9Q- from l^^erg-: Skr. vfndk-ti 'twists 
together* infin. vfTij-dsB, Mid.H.G. runke A.S. wrincle 'wrinkle* 
O.H.G. rench(i)u 1 turn, pull backwards and forwards in turning*. 
Root of the type peq- (§ 628 p. 165): (nsuficj *I shake, misuse, 
handle roughly* beside ar6(io-g atofitco GTo^dCco. 

Passing over to Class XXIX (§ 628 p. 165). nxiaooy 
■nxixTO) *I crush, bruise* instead of ^nxivG-i^m (the Author, 
Gr. Gr.2 p. 61): Skr. a-pi^-a-t etc., see § 628 p. 164. nXdCio 
'I strike, knock down* for *7jXayyi(o : Lat. plang-d etc., see § 628 
p. 165. xXdlfo *I sound, cry out* for *xAayy-xw: Lat. dang-0 
etc., see ibid. Perhaps also oy.lftTtxM 'I throw hard at 
something* for ♦ox/tiTr-xo;, beside Skr. k^ip-d'ti 'throws, slings'. 

168 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. yunj-d-ti. § 632. 

Large numbers pass into Class XIY (§ 621 p. 158). 
Xi/Lin-dvm 'I leave': Lat. linqu-o etc., see § 628 p. 164. cpvyy- 
-dvw *I flee' (Lesb. partic. necpvyyaiv) : Avest. bunj-a-ti, see 
§ 628 p. 164. nvvd-dvo-(.iai 1 learn: Lith. bund-u^ see § 628 
p. 164. y.Xayy-dvco beside xAafw, see above, ^lyy-dvtu *I touch, 
feel*, cp. s-^ty-o-v. igvyy-uvo) beside spevy-o-fuai 'I belch'. 
Tvyx-dvo) , cp. S-TV/-0-V. XavS^-dvo) beside hjd^-o) Dor. Xad^-co 
*I escape notice'. The existence of Xavd^dvM beside sXador 
produced dayxdvco 'I bite' beside sday.or (\^ defile-) , Xay/dvco 
*I get by lot' beside sXa/or (perf. XsXoyya)^ and further, 
yoLvddvio 'I hold' beside i^/aSor, which was itself produced by 
analogy of */£vS-to (cp. fut. ysiao/Liai) from ]/" ghed- (cp. § 628 
p. 165). I am uncertain about Xa/Ltfidvot *I take' beside aor. 
%Xupov perf. SLXrj(f>a Cret. XsXo(.ipa (like slXtj/u XeXo/a). 

Where no present formation has survived : i/Liri'ac ' LtvSfxg. 
GerraXoi Hesych., beside Lat. vine-id Skr. vi-vyah-ti 'embraces^ 
surrounds' S'** dual vi-vik-td-s, cp. yi/itfidvai ' levyara (Hesych.) 
i. e. fif-i^dvai (like rv/LiTtavo'v). 

§ 632. Italic. Lat. ningu-i-t Umbr. ninctu 'ninguito', 
Lat. di'Stinguo Umbr. an-stintu 'distinguito', Lat. ping-o^ 
plns-o^ scind-o^ find-6^ linqu-o^ string-o, ming-o, rump-o^ 
^-mungo^ jiing-o^ fimg-Dt\ see § 628 p. 164. Lat. vinc-o perf. 
vTc-l^ Osc. vincter 'convincitur, cp. Goth, veih-a *I fight' 
Class II A O.H.Gr. upar-wihit Class II B^ [/^ueiq- § 532 
p. 94. Lat. fing-o beside fic-tu-s fig-ulu-s^ [/^dheigh-: O.Ir. 
dengaim *I oppress' (so Thurneysen). ling-o beside Ung-urrio^ 
[/'leigh-. tund-o beside tu-ttid-i. pung-o beside pu-piig-f. 
aC'Cumbo beside -ciibm cubare. 

Lat. frang-o for *bh^'>9g'd beside frag-ili-s, Goth, brika 
1 break', xTbhreg- (cp. Osthoff, M.U. v p. 111). 

Lat. pang-o beside pe-pig-f Gr. nr^y-w-zm *I fix', [^ palc- 
pag- ; akin are doubtless Goth, faha O.H.G. fohu 1 grasp, 
seize* (cp. Skr. pdka- 'cord, line') for pr. Germ, "^fatox-o^ with 
partic. O.H.G. gi-fangan. tang-o beside te-tig-i in-teger 
(Umbr. antakres 'integris'), con-tagiu-m. plang-o beside 

§633. Present Stem: CUss XYI — Skr. ywHj-a-ti. 

plag-a: Lett, pl^ku, see § 628 p. 165. lamb-d, beside O.H.O. 
laffu *l lick* perf. luof, l^lab-. Perhaps also pando beside 
pateO and beside Osc. patensfns apcrirent', which comes 
from '^pat^n6 or *patenli (§ 622 p. 159); cp. § 612 p. 151 ;i) 
and of'feiidd, see § 696. 

pre-hendd: Alban. ytud-mn etc., [^ gfied-^ see § 628 p. 165. 

The fertility of this type in Latin is made clear by fund-o 
beside Goth, giuta '1 pour* for *§heU'd6 Class XXV § 690. 
Cp. Goth, standa and the like, § 634 at end. 

Passing into Class XXIX (§ 628 p. 165). vine-id^ beside 
Skr. vi'tijah-ti vi'Vik-tds^ see § 631 p. 168. sanc-id beside 

latigu-eo {langu-^sc6) perf. langu-T (beside laxu-s O.H.G. 
slack 'slack, lazy' and Gr. XTJyo) 1 cease', y/ slSq-) , following 
Class X, § 590 p. 132. 

§ 633. Keltic. O.Ir. dengaim *I oppress' from *dhmgh6 
(3""** pi. pass. conj. for-diassatar S*""* sing. perf. dedaig) : Lat. 
fingd^ see § 632. O.Ir. slucim *I swallow, gulp' (secondary 
-?o-flexion) Mod.Cymr. lli/ncaf llyngaf 'devoro* from ^shmko, 
[/^sla'^uk- sla'^tig-^ Gr. Avyy,alv(o and Xvyydvo,uat 'I sob'. 

O.Ir. m-grennim 'I pursue* with strong-gi-ade vowel in 
the root: O.C.Sl. grqd-q, see § 628 p. 165; but compare 
the Remark. So also Mid.Ir. dringim *I ascend' = O.Ir. 
'^dreng(d)im {drSimm 'clambering' subst.), akin to Skr. dark- 
make fast* pres. d/'h-d-ti dfh-a-ti (cp. Lith. lipu 1 mount up 
with my feet, climb* beside limpu 1 remain clinging*, O.H.G. 
rhlimhu 1 climb' beside chlthu *I cling'). 

O.Ir. com-boing 'confringit' (perf. 3*"** sing, -baig), cp. Skr. 
hhandk-ti perf. ba-bhaflj-a Armen. bek-anein. tong(a)im 'I swear* 
beside co-tach *compact'. in-dlung 'I split* beside in-dlach *split' 

1) Bartholomae (Stud. Idg. Spr., u 96 f.) derives pango pand6 
e-mungo from *paf9k'H0 *paut-nO *muf9k'nd (op. O.C.Sl. Arrf(X)-«q and 
the like, § 636). This yiew seems to me unjustifiable until the general 
principles which govern the interchange of tetiues and mediae when root- 
finals in Indo-Qermanic have been made out (I § 409. 7 p. 346). 

170 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. ijunj-d-ti. §634. 

O.Ir. ro-finnadar 'gets to know' is related to Skr. vind-d-ti 
§ 628 p. 164, and seems to have adopted a-flexion; but compare 
the Remark, below. 

Remark. Thurneysen writes to me: **Gremi~ and finna- appear 
in Old Irish always with nn and never with nd. I hesitate between two 
explanations. (1) Either nd very early became nn before the accent (the 
prefix which accented is always ind-^ is either inn- or in- when pretonic) ; 
or (2) the nasal stood originally after the dental: finna- = *vid-na- or 
*vi-n-d-nd- ^ grenn- = *gred-n- {*grid-n-?) or *gre-n'd-n-. I am still 
searching for evidence to decide the matter." With *vindna- *grendn- 
compare Lett, brinu for *brendnu, O.C.Sl. segnq § 615 p. 154, § 636. 

§ 634. Germanic. Except standaistop, all Germanic 
stems of this class run the nasal right through the verb. 

Goth, sigq-a O.H.G. sink-u *I sink', Goth, stigq-a *I strike*, 
see § 628 p. 164. Goth, fra-slinda O.H.G. slint-u 'I swallow' 
(re-formed, O.H.G. slunt 'throat') : cp. Mid.H.G. slUe A.S. slide 
'I slide, slip', Lith. slid-d-s slippery, smooth' Lett, slaid-s 
'steep'. ^) O.Icel. slepp *I make slide' pr. Germ. *slimpd (pret. 
slapp): cp. O.H.G. slifu *I slide, sink', l^sleib-. O.H.G. climbu 
'I climb, clamber, ascend': cp. O.Icel. JclTf 1 climb' pret. kleif^ 
O.H.G. chllbu *I cling, hold'. [^ gleip- {gleip- and leip- are 
p-extensions of V^ glei- and lei-, cp. § 797). Mod.H.G. blinke 
*I glister' a weak verb, but originally doubtless strong 
(re-formate O.H.G. blanch 'bright') : cp. O.H.G. bhhhu 'I gleam*, 
IJith. blgksztu *I turn pale' blaiksztyti-s 'to clear up'. From 
O.Sax. mengian (Goth. *maggjan) 'to mingle' we must 
apparently infer *mingan 'to mingle* akin to Skr. mis-rd- 
'mixt'; see § 805. (Kluge in his Etym. Diet, explains differently). 

Roots with -er- -el- show strong-grade vowels (cp. § 628 
p. 165). O.H.G. spring-u 'I leap' instead of pr. Germ. *spru7dg-o 
ground-form *sprf9gh'0: cp. Gr. a7Tt()/of.iai 'I hasten' OTiBQx-vo-g 
'hasty'. O.H.G. ring-u *I move to and fro, writhe violently' 

1) Osthoff compares fra-slinda with Gr. Xru-jud-g XaT-r/ua (Zeitschr. 
deutsch. Phil., xxiv 215; Anz. fiir idg. Spr., i 82). According to this 
etymology, we should start with a stem sli-t- (cp. r in JLalr/ja) which took 
a nasal infix. Compare below, in this section, on standa (p. 172). 

§684. Present Stem: Class XYI — Skr. yuttj-d-iU 171 

A.8. wrin^e *I turn, press* (cp. Goth, vruggd f. 'knot, nooee*): 
cp. O.H.G. wurg(i)u 1 throttle, choke' Lith. veri^iu 1 tie 
together, enclose', \^uer§h' (I § 285 Rem. p. 228). O.H.G. 
scrint'U 'I burst, blow up, split, rend* (O.H.G. scrunta 'split, 
tear, rent'): cp. Lith. skSrdziu 1 burst, blow up, split*, 
partic. su'skird^s 'blown up, burst open*, [^sqerdh- (i. e. 
sqer-hdh-^ § 689). Mid.H.G. schrimpfe *I become wrinkled, 
shrivel* : Pruss. sen-skrempUsnan ace. 'wrinkle, fold* (/?, as 
elsewhere, wrongly written for 6), cp. O.Icel. skorp-r 'shrivelled, 
dry* skorp-na *I dry up* intr. Russ. skorhlyj 'shrivelled*, >/ sqerh-. 
Mid.H.G. sprinza O.Icel. sprett *I leap, burst, blow up* doubtless 
akin to O.C.Sl. pr^d-ajq 1 leap, tremble*, \/^(8)perd- (i. e. 
(s)per-rd- § 700). O.H.G. sling-u 'I move, twist, swing to and 
fro, crawl* (cp. slango 'snake'), doubtless with Lith. slenkh 
1 crawl* akin to Lat. sulcus 'furrow, snake's trail*. 

Root type peg- (§ 628 p. 165). Goth, peiha O.H.G. dViu 
*I thrive* pr. Germ. *pef9/-o : Lith. tenk-u \^ teq- , see § 628 
p. 165. Goth, finpa O.H.G. find-u 'I find', as we may con- 
jecture, from y/^pet- Gr. ninru) (for the meaning cp. i/Linsostr). 
A.S. ^e-tin^e *I hold on to, press* cp. ^e-ten^an 'to make fast, 
add, join to* O.Icel. tengja 'tie or fasten together*, beside Skr. 
dagh- 'reach up to, touch' y^ de^h- (Skr. 2"<* and 3"* sing, dhak 
is an ad-formate of roots which had both initial and final media 
aspirata) : O.C.Sl. dqgu 'line, string ne-dqgu 'weakness, sickness*. 

Goth. foJi-a O.H.G. fah-u 'I seize* pr. Germ. *far9x'6^ 
connected possibly with Lat. pang-o, V^pdk- pag-^ see § 632 
p. 165. Compare O.Icel. hanga weak verb 'I strike, knock* 
Mod.H.G. Swiss bang(e) *I give a knock* (Mid.H.G. bengel 
'cudgel') , beside O.H.G. bagu 'I fight , strive*, O.Ir. hagim 
'I strive*, [/"bhSgh- bhogh-. 

Secondary io-flexion (§ 628 p. 165) must be assumed for 
O.H.G. winch(i)ti 'I move sideways, fluctuate, nod, beckon* 
(pret. in Mid.H.G., pret. and part, in Mod.H.G. also strong — 
wane, gewunken), if it, along with the Lith. ri»^-i-s m. 
'deviation, bend' ving-ii-s 'crooked, bent (compare vhtgiu 
'I avoid, do not want to do something* inf. vhikti)^ is related 

172 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. yunj-d-U. §§634,635. 

to O.H.G. tvihhu 'I shrink, yield' Gr. oiypi\ui for ^o-fty- *I open* 
('make yield*). But these comparisons are doubtful (cp. Fick, 
Wtb., I* 541, 547 f.; G. Meyer, Et. Wort, der alb. Spr., 463; 
Per Persson, Stud. Lehr. Wurzelerw., 174 f.). 

Nasal present stems from roots extended by -t- ; see § 685. 
Goth, standa 1 stand' pret. stop O.H.G. stantu pret. -stuot 
(generally with intrusive nasal, stuont) for *standd ground-form 
*st9-n-t6 from \^sta-. Goth, vinda O.H.G. wintu *I wind, turn, 
wrap, enfold' (pret. vand icant)^ beside Goth, ga-vida 'I tie up' 
O.H.G. mtu 'I tie, bind' from uei- Skr. vT-td-s 'folded, enclosed' 
Lith. vej'ii 1 twist a cord' (cp. § 790). O.H.G. swintu *I vanish, 
disappear' A.S. swinde beside O.H.G. swz-nu § 614 p. 152. 
Compare above, O.H.G. scrintu from sqer-\-dh- p. 171, 
Mid.H.G. sprinze from sper-{-d' (ibid*), Lat. fundo from 
gheu-\-d- § 632 p. 169, and again O.H.G. chlimbu from 
glei-\~p' (above, p. 170), O.C.Sl. trqsq 'I shake, shatter' from 
tr-{-es- and Skr. dhvqsa-ti 'disperses, disappears' intr. from 
dhu-\-eS' (Classes XIX and XX, cp. Per Persson, Wurzel- 
erweiterung, p. 83). 

§635. Balto-Slavonic. In Baltic, this present formation 
is very productive. 

Lith. limp-u 1 cling, hold' (pret. lip-au)^ Lett, sik-u *I sink 
down , fair, Lith. szvint-u *I grow clear*, suing -a *it snows', 
Pruss. po-linka 'remains', Lith. string-u 1 remain hanging', runk-u 
'I grow winkled', Lett, muk-u '1 make off, flee', Lith. bund-u *I wake 
up* see § 628 p. 164. Lith. stimp-ii 'I grow stiff' (pret. stip-aii), 
timk-il *I grow fat' (tuk-au), dziung-u 1 become glad* (dziug-au). 

Lith. h'int-u 'I fall off' (krit-au): Skr. kfnt~d-ti^ y/^qert-^ 
see § 628 p. 165. drimb-u *I drop in thick drops' (drib-au)^ 
beside dreb^iu 'I let fall in thick drops* Gr. TQ8q)-S'vai 'curdles* 
[^dhrebh-. trink-u 'I go wrong, do not come off' (trik-au), 
beside trak-a-s 'foolish fellow' trak-u-s 'foolish, mad' Gr. a-Tosy.rjg 
'uninjured, exact, true'. spUnt-u *I spread' intr. (split-au)^ 
beside spleczik *I spread', ti'ans. 

Roots of the type peq- (§ 628 p. 165). Lith. tenk-u 'I suffice 
in some respect, have enough of something' (tek-au): Goth. 

i; 635. Present Stem: Class XVI - 8kr. ynZ-d-s. 173 

peiha for pr. Germ. ^prnx-O, see g 628 p. 165. Lett, yidu 

'I take in, conjecture*, see § 628 p. 165. Lith. gend-h 'I become 
damaged, split in two* (ged-au). 

Lett, pltiku 'I become flat , fall flat down* for *plank'U : 
Lat. plang-O, see § 628 p. 165. Lith. kank-u 'I hold out, 
suffice* {kak-au). 

An indication of the fertility of this type in Lithuanian 
is the forming of present stems of the kind from nouns 
(cp. § 793); e. g. rentii 'I get thinner* {retaii) from reta-s 
'thin, not close*, lempu 'I pamper myself (lepau) from lepu-8 

Secondary io-flexion (cp. § 628, p. 165) is found only where 
the nasal spread beyond the present system. Lith. Jitng-iu 
'I yoke, put to* (inf. junk-ti) beside Skr. yuftj-a-ti Lat. jung-d, 
Lett, ini/chu *mingo' for *mim-iu (inf. mi/t) beside Lat. ming-o, 
§ 628 p. 164. Lett, kamp-ju 1 seize, grasp' (inf. kampt), beside 
Lat. cap-id. 

Under the same conditions we have stems adopting to- 
conjugation (§ 686) , where the meaning is intransitive. 
Lith. junkstu (Lett, jukstu for *junkstn) 'I grow used* (Jiinkau 
junkti) beside Lett, jukxi for (j)unk-u^ akin to O.C.Sl. ucq 
'I instruct* Skr. uc-ga-ti 'finds pleasure in* dkas- n. 'pleasure, 
place of pleasure, home*; cp. O.C.Sl. vyk-nq and Goth. bi~uhts^ 
which likewise seem to have been nasalised (§ 636). Lith. stlnkstu 
'I curdle, congeal, grow stiff* (stlngau stlnkti) beside Gr. axti^io 
'I tread something hard' axi^ago-Q 'firm, pressed, solid' (cp. Lith. 
stengiu § 637). sklfstu '1 flow apart* {sklindau skltsti) beside 
sklid-ina-s 'full to ovei-flowing* skleidziu 'I spread'; a pret. 
3'** sing, sklldu (sklldo) is also found, pointing to a present 
*sklmd-u. Lett, stringstu *I grow tight, dry up' (stringu 
stringt) beside Lith. string-u *I remain hanging* (strigau) and 
streg-iu 1 crystallise, stiffen' (cp. § 628 p. 164). Lith. drjstti 
'I grow bold* {drfsau drXsti), \^dhers-. linkstu 1 bend* {linkau 
Uakti) beside Gr. Xsyc^dvrj 'pan, fan' lo^6-g 'crooked*; also Lat. 
lanx with nasal (for *lf9q-?). The model for these presents is 

174 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. 2/M%*-«-?/. §§636,637. 

seen in hlista 'it darkens* beside hlind-o {/^bhlendh-^ tfstU 
*I stretch myself out' beside tts-au stem tens-, and the like. 

§ 636. This formation is much rarer in Slavonic than it 
is in Baltic. O.C.Sl. strig-q 1 shear, slave* for *strit9g-? see 
§ 628 p. 164. grqd-q *I come* (inf. grqsti) for gh^ndh- or 
*ghrendh-: O.Ir. in-grennim, see § 628 p. 165. sqd-q *I sit' 
(inf. sesti), [/^ sed-, cp. Pruss. sindats syndens 'sitting' beside 
stdans sidons = Lett, sedqs. l^g-q 1 lie* (inf. lesti), [/^leqh-, 
trqsq 'I shake, shatter' inf. trqs-ti from tr-es-, unless it comes 
from *trem-so- (cp. Lith. trimii 'I tremble* Lat. tremo), see § 657. 
As regards grqd-q Iqkq 'I bend' prqd-q 1 spin* compare § 637. 

Sometimes extended by -io- (§ 628 p. 165). s^Mq 'I desire, 
thirst* for *zqd-iq (inf. zqdati) beside Lith. pa-si-gendu *I miss' 
and geidziu *I long for', glqzdq 'I look, gaze* for *glqd-iq 
(inf. glqdSti) beside Mid.H.Gr. glinze 'I shine* O.H.G. gli^u 
*I glitter'. See § 637. With nasal confined to the present 
system: ob-rqstq 'I find* for *-rqt-iq, inf. -resti aor. -rStu (for 
the etymology of this verb see § 687). 

There is another extension, with -no-, vyk-nq *I grow used' 
doubtless derived from *vykq = Lett, juku for *(^')unk-u, beside 
ucq 'I teach' (§ 635 p. 173). sqg-nq 'I long for' beside Lith. 
seg-u 'I fasten*, cp. Skr. sa-sanj-a § 629 p. 166. krqnq 'deflecto* 
for *kr^t-nq (cp. krqtiti \o twist, turn'), beside Skr. kfndt-ti 
'turns the thread, spins' kdrfana-m. sqk-nq 'I sink' beside 
Lett, siku 'I sink, fall' for *sink-u, [/' seiq- (§ 628 p. 164). 
rqg-nq 'hisco' beside Lat. ringor (inf. ring-i) ric-tu-s. Compare 
§ 637. 

§ 637. Side by side with Lith. drimhu (ground-form 
*dh^mbh-d) and the like stand forms with e in the root syllable 
(cp. § 628 p. 165). drqs-u 'I am bold' (pret. dris-au) beside 
drTs-tu \^dhers- § 635 p. 173. hrendu (dialectic brindu for 
hrendu) 'I wade' beside bredii {brid-au) O.C.Sl. bred-q, lenk-iu 
1 bend' (lenkiau lenkti) beside link-stit \/^leq- § 635 p. 173. 
trSndu *I am devoured by moths or worms* inf. trende-ti, with 
trlde beside Skr. t^natti tard-a-ti § 692. We may assume 

§637. Present Stem: CIms XVI ~ Skr. yuAj-d-tL 175 

that dr^s-u for *drin8'ii was coined to Bupplement dr^S'ttU on 
the analogy of renk-u : rinkau ^ kertit : kirtaH etc.; lenk-iu 
appears beside linkstu on the analogy of gr^z-iu 'I turn, twist* 
beside grfsztu 1 turn myself etc. Slavonic verbs with <^, yr^d-n 
l^k-q^ and *h\t-({ which appears to be implied by Ar^-tiq, 
may quite well correspond to Lith. drimh-u or to Lith. rfr^-wj) 
Baltic en Slav, q is found in present stems from roots with 
t-vowels both extended and unextended. Lith. senku 1 fall, 
sink' (of water) O.C.Sl. s^jk-na 1 sink down' beside Lett, siku 
for *sink-u Skr. siftc-d-ti [/^seiq- (§ 628 p. 164). Lith. sprSndziu 
1 grasp with the hand' (sprqsti) O.C.Sl. prqdq 'I spin' (jpr^sti) 
beside Lith. sprhidi-s m. 'span Lett, spraid-s 'place where one 
stands in a narrow compass' debes-spraisli-s 'vault of heaven* 
O.H.G. spreiten 'stretch out, separate, part asunder'. Lith. pa- 
-si-gendu 'I miss' O.C.Sl. z^zdq 'I desire, thirst' for *z^d-iq 
beside Lith. geidziu 1 desire' Goth, gdidv n. 'lack' O.H.G. gjt 
'eagerness, greed, avarice'. Lith. stSng-iu *I apply my strength 
to something* beside stlnkstu 'I congeal, get stiff* Gr. 6teip(o 
(§ 635 p. 173). Lith. mqz-u^) 'mingo' (mizau m\szti) Lett. 
mi/'fiu for '^mem-no beside Lett, mi/chu for *inmz-i6 (§ 635 
p. 173) Lat. ming-d Lith. mize f. 'cunnus' miz-iu-s 'penis', 
[/'mei§h-. O.C.Sl. gl^zdq (inf. glqdSti) and gl^dajq (inf. glqdati) 
*I look, gaze* beside Mid.H.G. glinze 'I shine, glitter' (pret. new 
formation glanz) O.H.G. gliiu O.Sax. glltii 'I glitter' [^ qhleid-. 
O.C.Sl. rqgnq 'hisco* {rqgu 'jest', subst.) beside Lat. ringor 
ric-tus. K the Baltic forms stood alone, the explanation 
would be easy ; we might say that the analogy of renk- : rink- 
etc. produced senk- menz- beside sink- minz-; compare what 
is said above on dr^sii. But this explanation does not suit 

1) The fact that we find kr^t- and not cr^t- is not sufficient to prore 
that the ground-form of hr^t- is the weak grade *qrnt-. Such a form 
must have become Slav. *hrint-, as *dhrn8- becomes Lith. rfri/is-, and 
*qfnt- becomes Lith. krint- (I § 285 p. 227). There never was a form 
*kirnt'^ nor yet *qn}t-^ which Bartholomae suggests as the ground-form 
of kret' (Stud. Idg. Spr., ii 97). 

2) Dialectic minzu = *menzu (vol. I § 285 Rem., p. 227, is wrong). 

176 Present Stem: Class XVII — Skr. r-no-ti. §§637,638. 

the Slavonic forms, because in Slavonic, before consonants, 
Idg. in becoms J, but Idg. ^^ becomes ^ (I § 219. 4 p. 186). 

Remark. Wiedemann's view (Arch. Slav. Phil, x 652 f., Lit. Praet. 
58, 168 f.) — that Idg. in and tin before consonants become slav. f and 
q, except in final syllables — can hardly be maintained in this connexion, 
because we have isio = Lett. Inkstas, lyko =r Lith. litnka-s Pruss. lunka-n 
and smrul-q (see below). Nor is Streitberg's attempt satisfactory (Idg. 
Forsoh., I 283 f.). Perhaps the problem may be solved thus. We may 
suppose that originally in and nn always became * and u\ but that later, 
when in and iin were again produced in any way before consonants, these 
became ? and a. We may suppose that sitik- first became *sik-^ and 
afterwards, as the principle of Class XVI still remained active, the nasal 
crept into the stem anew; compare (say) Gr. Att. 'hvvfii for *feavvui^ 
which took the place of pr. Gr. *feyrvin (= Ion. e'lvvjui) for orig. *fea-vv-ui 
(I § 565 p. 422). Similarly bc^q may come from *bhu-dhd or *bhu-dd^ 
and may have got its nasal only at a late stage of proethnic Slavonic; 
though it may equally well be derived from *bhu'a-dhd or -do attracted 
into the nasal class, or from *bhiion-dhd or -do regarded as an extension 
of a form *bhii-ond (cp. § 701). Furthermore, for the 3'*^ pi. smrtd-qtU 
beside smrid-i-mU etc. we may assume that the old ending *-int(u) 
(cp. part, smrid-qt- Lith. smird- -int-) first lost its nasal, and then 
recovered it by analogy of imcUU etc. 

The etymologies brought up by Wiedemann in his article in the 
Archiv by way of support to his view are all too uncertain to base any 
theory upon. O.C.Sl. nqzda 'compulsion, force, necessity' I connect with 
Skr. nadh- ndth- 'to be opprest, in need of help*; tqpu 'blunt, dull*, with 
stemp- stemb- in O.H.G. stitmpf, Lith. stambu-s 'coarse* stamba-s 'stump*; 
-dqgu 'force, strength* is to be connected with dqgii 'cord, strap, bridle* 
(Miklosich, Et. Wort., p. 49a), and with O.H.G. gi-zengi 'reaching to, 
touching close' and Skr. dagh- 'to reach' (§ 634 p. 171). 

Class XYII. 
The Root H — neu- -nu- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 638. -neti- is the strong form of the suffix; -7iii-^ -nu- 
and -nuy.- the weak forms, -nmi- follows a root with final 
consonant, cp. S""^ pi. Skr. aS-nuv-dnti Gr. dy-vv-aai as contrasted 
with Skr. ci-nv-dntl, I § 153 p. 138. 

Beside -neu- nu-, Aryan has -anau- -anu-. See § 596. 3, 
pages 137 f. 

§689. Present Btem: Ckas XVII — 8kr. f-fi^/^. 177 

The Root Syllable had originally the weak grade, except 

in Skr. doS-nS-ti Or. irjx-yv'/nfyo^g, 

§639. Pr. Idg. *r'neu- ^f-neu-, v^er-: S\a, f-nd-mi 
'I excite, set moving' 1*' pi. f-nu'tnas 3"* pi. f-nv-dnti mid. 
3"* sing, f-nu-te^ conj. f-ndv-a-t, opt. f-nu-yd-t; Gr. og^vv-fii 
'I excite, disturb, startle' 1** pi. og-w-^iv (op- = f-). — With 
thematic vowel: Skr. f-nv-d-ti. 

*f-neu-: Skr. f-nS-fnl 'I fall in with something, reach, 
attain', Armen. ar-nu-m 'I take*, Gr. ap-yv-^ut 1 attain, earn*. 
Perhaps identical with the previous verb, ag-w/nat as regards 
the grade of its root vowel would stand to og-vv-ftt as xfrv- 
'Hivat to Ti'Vv-vTatj and Skr. stf-nS-mi to Gr. aiop-vv-^t (see 

*stf'ne\i' *stf'ne\i-^ lister- 'stem ere*: Skr. stf-nd-mi, Gr. 

*pstf'neU', i^pster- 'sneeze': Gr. nrdg-wrai, cp. Lat: 
thematic ster-nu-o (sternutCLre). 

*t^-neu-y \^ten- 'stretch, lengthen*: Skr. ta-nd-mi Gr. 

*5^«e5f-, \^sen' 'reach a goal, attain, end, complete*. 
Skr. sa-n6'7ni, Gr. a-vv-f^i rj-w-ro (the regular spir. asp. appears 
in a-vv'io and elsewhere). — Thematic: Gr. avu) a wo for 

*qi'neu'^ [/' qei- pay a penalty' etc. : Skr. ci-nS-mi^ Gr. inf. 
Tt-yv'f^evat , also with I mid. rt-yv-vtat, — Thematic: Skr. 
ci-nva-ti, Gr. Tivca rtvoj for *ri-i>/-w. 

*mi'ne\^^ y/^mei- 'lessen': Skr. mi-nd-mi, cp. Gr. ftt-vv-^oo 
(§ 694), Lat. mi-nu'd, 

Skr. k^ir-n^-mi 'I destroy', cp. Gr. (p^i-yv-du) (§ 694), 
thematic (p&iyw (p&iyu) for *y^i-v/-w. 

*§hi-neu'f l^ghei-i Skr. hi-no-mi 'I set in motion, drive 
on*, cp. thematic Skr. hi-nv-a-tij Goth, du-ginna 'I begin*. 
This comparison I regard as more likely than Bugge's (P.-B. 
Beitr., xn 405 f.). This scholar, followed by several others, 
has compared the Germanic verb with 0.C.81. na'6in(\ (cp. Fick, 
Wort. I* 382). 

BrnrBanB, Eltatnu. IT. 12 

178 Present Stem: Class XVII — Skr. r-nS-ti. §§639,640. 

*dhu-net^- "^dhu-neu-^ [/'dheu-: Skr. dhu-nd~mi dhu-no-mi 
*I shake, shatter, cp. Gr. ^Vvco and d^vvsco '1 move wildly, 
storm' (§ 652). 

*dhfs-neu'^ [^ dhers- 'be bold, dare*: Skr. dhfs-no-mi 
3*"'* pi. dh^s-mW'dnti, O.Sax. P* pi. *durnum (inferred from the 
later sing, darn conj. diirne) = Goth. *daurz-nu-m (§ 646). 

^de^-neu-, [/^deJc- (Skr. daSas-yd-ti shows honour, is 
gracious or pleasant', Gr. Hom. dTj-dey-aTui 6^x-o-/iicci § 560 
p. 110, Lat. decus): Skr. dclS-no-mi *I pay homage to', Gr. Hom. 
dr}y,-vv'(A.svo-g paying homage, greeting' (so read, with J. Wacker- 
nagel, in II. 9. 196, Od. 4. 59). The same grade of vowel as 
in Skr. dds-ti daS-vds- Hom. 6?]xav6(x)VTo^ and other words. 

*ues~neU'^ stem *u-es- put on a garment' (§ 656): Armen. 
z-genu-m *I dress*, Gr. tU'v-fxi (evvvfit). 

We often see the same root forming a present both in this 
class and in Class XH; as Goth. P* pi. kun-nu-m and Skr. 
ja-nd-mi y/^gen-^ Avest. sri-nao-iti and O.Sax. hli-no-n, Skr. 
stf-^io-mi and stf-nd-mi, mi-no-mi and mi-nd-mi. 

§ 640. Aryan. y^ qer- *make': Skr. k^-no-mi Avest. 
ker'-nao-mi Skr. k^-nv-dnti Avest. ker^-nv-anti, pret. Skr. 
d-kf-tTtav-am O.Pers. a-ku-nav-am^) Skr. d-kjf-nd-t Avest. 
ker^-nao-p^ conj. Skr. kf-ndv-ani Avest. ker^ -nav-Cini^ opt. Skr. 
k^-nu-yd-t Avest. ker^-nii-ya-J}\ — thematic Skr. S""** sing. 
d-kf-nv-a-ta.^) Skr. vi'-no-mi 'I hide, cover, enfold' imper. 
tf-nu-hi Avest. ver^-nu-idi; also Skr. ur-no-mi for ^vur-no-mi 
pr.Ar. *f'nau'mi (I § 157 p. 141, § 306 pp. 241 if.), like 
Gr. ar6p-vv-/Lu beside Skr. stf -no-mi ^ Skr. dhu-no-mi beside 
dhu-no-mi'j — thematic Avest. ver^-nv-a-iti. Skr. ta-no-mi 
*1 stretch, lengthen' (§ 639 p. 177), conj. Yed. ta-ndv-a Avest. 
ta-nav-a^ opt. mid. Skr. ta-nv-iy-d Avest. tanuya i. e. ta-nv-iy-a 

1) For hu-, see I § 288, p. 230. 

2) For Skr. karo-fi kuru-tha J. Wackernagel offers a very likely- 
conjecture (Kuhn's Litteraturblatt , m 55 f.). He suggests that krno- 
krnu- became in vulgar speech kano- kunu- ^ and these became karo- 
knru- by analogy of the other forms of the verb, which all had r. 

§§ 640,641. Present Stem: CIms XVII — f-t»^/i. 179 

{§ 940). Skr. i-n6'ti 'subdues^ forces* Avest. t-noo-t/t, doubtleM 
akin to Or. uX-w^im 1 grasp, take* ; — thematic Skr. i-nv-Q'ti. 
Avest. sri-nao-iti 'bends, directs somewhere*, y/'HUi-, Skr. su-nd'ti 
^presses out*, 8'"'' sing, d-m-nu-ta Avest. hu-nU-ta ; — thematic 
Avest. imper. mid. hn-nv-a-fduha (= Skr. ^su-nv-a-sva). 
Skr. dhf^-no-ti 'dares*, \^ dhers-, § 639 p. 178. Skr. ai-n^-ti 
'reaches* Avest. as-nao-iti^ ground-form ♦^^^jf-^i, opt. Skr. 
ai-nu'i/d-f Avest. as-yiu-ya-fi . Skr. Sak-no-mi *I can'. 

In Skr. k^-naii-ti 'whets' partic. k^-nuv-and-s from \/^ qes- 
(II § 8 Rem. 2 p. 20), the root has ceased to be a separate 
syllable; compare perhaps Lat. novO-cula, first for ^s-net^O- 
(Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 419, 470). au instead of 
d arose as in urnau-ti (beside ur-nS-ti) by analogy of such 
a present as stdu-ti, see § 494 p. 55. The diphthong was 
regarded as part of the root proper, hence k§nu-td- (Avest. 
hU'Xsnu-ta- 'well sharpened*) k^no-tra- and urnu-tya- -urnavana- 
(similar forms in Greek, see § 643 p. 183). 

§ 641. Strong suffix instead of weak; Skr. 2°'* pi. d-kpio- 
-ta kpi6-ta instead of d-kfnu-ta kpiu-td , hino-ta hino-tam 
instead of hinu^td hinu-tdm , Avest. 2'*** pi. srinao-ta (O.Pers. 
3"* pi. a-kunav-a a-kunav-atd I regard as thematic, see § 649). 
Compare Skr. gfbhnd'hi instead of gfhhnl-hi, and like forms 
§ 600 p. 143. Vice versa, Avest. 2''"* sing, ker^nui-si contrasted 
with Skr. kfno-ii. 

The strong stem occurs along with the weak in thematic 
conjugation; e. g. Avest. 2°** sing. pret. act. ker'-nav-o. On 
this matter, refer to §§ 648 and 649. 

In the 1"^ plural and dual, -nu- may drop its -w- before the 
personal ending, unless the root ends in a consonant; kprimds 
kpivds kpimdhe kfnvdhe beside kpiu-mds etc. sunmds beside 
sunu'tnds etc. (but only aS-nu-mds aS-nu-vds etc.). The first 
trace of this new developement is one example in Veda, kfnmahP. 
It is possible enough that kfnvdnti : aSnuvdnti suggested kfnvds 
(instead ofkpiuvds) beside aSnuvds; or that kjnnvds became kpfvds 
naturally (cp. Wackernagel, Kuhn's Litteraturbl. ni 56), which 


180 Present Stem: Class XVII — Skr. r-nd-ti. §§641,642. 

produced Jc^nmds by analogy. If kfnvds did arise by regular 
change, the variant kpiuvds must have been restored on the 
analogy of kpiumds^ as k^nmas was coined on the analogy of 
kfnvds. However, some influence must have been exerted by 
the relation of kurmds kurvds kurmdhe kurvdhe to kuruthd 
kuruthds kurudhve. kurmds is as early as the Rig-Yeda, and 
*kurumds *kuruvds never seem to have existed at all. I would 
suggest that the forms with kur- are due to the analogy of 
the opt. aor. kuryd-t mid. *kuri-td' (cp. viirT-ta murly-a); 
and it would be all the easier to understand how the stems 
kur- and kuru- = kpiu- (p. 178 footnote 2) came to be 
confused, if the imperative kuru represents not only orig. kpzu, 
but a form *qrr- -\- the particle u (cp. the particle -na in 
Avest. 2"^ sing, imper. hara-na § 600 Rem. p. 143). 
Compare the references given to explain kurmds in § 498 
p. 57. 

Remark. Moulton (Am. Journ. Phil., x 283) thinks that -n- in 
forms such as kr-n-mds is the weak form of -na- (Class xn), and compares 
Avest. ver*'7i-i^. But if only he could point to a Sanskrit example of -n- 
instead of -;a- in Class XII! 

2°** sing. Yed. Sf-nv-i-se (beside Sr-no-ti 'hears') is an 
ad-formate of 3'** pi. i^-nv-i-rCj cp. jajft-i-se beside jajfi-i-re 
(§ 574 p. 115). 

On the strong root of Skr. ap-no-mi, see § 600 p. 144; 
for that of Skr. das-no-mi, § 639 p. 178. 

Reduplicated: Avest. 3'** sing. mid. qs-as-nu-ta beside 
as-nao-iti § 640 (Bartholomae, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 309). 

§ 642. Armenian. Yerbs in -nu-m. (sing, -nu-m -nu-s 
-nu pi. -nU'tnk -nu^ -nu-n). 

ar-nu-m *I take* (aor. ar-i): Skr. ^-wo-mi etc., see § 639 
p. 177. jer-nu-m 1 warm myself, get warm, glow' (cp. Jer-m 
warm' == Gr. &fp'iLt6-g): Skr. gh^-no-mi (gramm.). l-nu-m 
1 fill', ground-form *ple-nu- , cp. Lat. ple-nu-s. ait-nu-m 
1 swell', cp. Gr. olddco 1 swell', fak-nu-m T hide myself, 
cp. Gr. 7iT7]ao(o 'I bow, bend'. 

§648. Present Stem: CIam XYII — Skr. f-fi^/. 181 

2-genum *I dress myself* (^- is a prefix) for *^e«-fifi- 
(I § 561 p. 417); Or. t'lyvfu (fvn>i), see § 630 p. 178. 

§ 643. Greek, -ri;-, which we see in the strong' jxTsons 
of the singular, seems to have pushed out Idg. -neu-, l)f»cauHe 
of the analogy of the forms -vd- : -va- (Class XII), cp. § 480 
p. 29, on vfieyouovv beside vfievatcS. Even if we supposed that 
-vC" represents Idg. -«m-, a weak grade, used along with -wm-, 
we should have to assume that the forms had followed -vet' : 
-fcf- ; and A vest, -nil- is not sufficient evidence for an Idg. -nU-, 
In the S""** pi., 'w-avu (instead of *-vv-svTt = Skr. -nnv-antiy 
see § 1021.3) seems to have become regular quite early; once 
there were in use such forms as *n-i'/-ai'ri *Ti-vf-tvTi = 
Skr. ci-nv-dnti (cp. § 638 p. 177); as to Ion. ayvvat Att. 
dyvvvTai, see §§ 1020. 2 and 1065. 2. 

Besides the forms mentioned in § 639 — oo'vv-/ni, ag-wf-iai^ 
OTOp'Vv-^a, TTtdo'i'v/nai, rd-vv-i-iai, d-i'V-ut^ rt-y'v-f.ievcu xi-vv-vrau 
— there are yet others with weak-grade vowels in the root 
syllable, d-dg-w-juai in Hesychius (-«(>- = -/*-) and d^op-yv-fiai 
(-OQ- = -f-) 'I leap, cover (of animals)* (I § 306 p. 241). 
Y.i'vv-(.iai 'I move myself. Cret. 3*"'* sing. m-dix-vv-Ti = Att. 
im'dsly.i'vni (on tti-, see the Author, Gr. Gr.* p. 219) x^deifc-. 
olyvv(4.i 'I open* Hom. w-f/)ty->t;-vro beside Lesb. inf. o-^/y-z/v, 
originally 1 make yield', beside O.H.G. loihhu 1 yield, give way. 
f.iiy-vv-(.u 'I mix* beside fut. (.ist^io^ y^ meiJc- meig-. dftogy-n-iLtt 
1 wipe* for *mfg', [/^merg-. d/'W-ftai *I am grieved, troubled*, 
beside Goth, un-agands not fearing' dg 1 fear*. An old form 
with strong root (third strong grade) is Hom. dr^x-vv-ftsvo^ 
"doing honour to, reverencing, greeting, see § 639 p. 178. 
Greek new formations with a strong root-form are ogsy-vv-fn 
1 reach, stretch out' y/^reg-, $eU'Vv-(.a *I show* beside Cret. 
Tii'^ix'vv-Tif ^evy-vv'^t *l bind* V^jeuQ-, nrjy-yV'/iti 'I fix* y^poK- 
pag- and others. Ion. 6iy.-vv'i.ii *I show*, coming, as we may 
conjecture, from a |/"c?eA;-, but in use finally confused with 
SHx-n-jiu (cp. Fick, Wtb. I* 66). ofi-vv-fjn 'I swear beside 
ouO' {ojno-aaat o^o'-ri;-^), oXkv-fxt 'I destroy' for *oA->'C-/4i 

182 Present Stem: Class XVII — r-no'ti. §643. 

(I § 204 p. 170) beside ols- {lls-ooav)^ like Sdju-vij-iui beside 
da/na-^ xdjLi-vG) beside HajLia- (§ 602 p. 144). 

The place of (Ion.) s7vviui I clothe' for ^J-'sa-vv-f-u = 
Armen. z-genu-m (§ 639 p. 178) was in Attic taken by a new 
form tvvv[.u'^ see I § 565 pp. 422 f. The following are forms 
of the same kind: a^ewvfxt 'I quench, stop' for earlier ^sIvv/lu 
i. e. zdslvvfxi (Hesych.)^) from a stem *zq-es- l/"s^g-, cp. aor. 
Hom. afiso-oai ; (idavvv/nat. (gramm.) beside jSc^-fco 'pedo* aor. 
fid'toai for */?J-f(T-, earlier ^fiz^-sa-, \^ pezd- pedere' (cp. § 661). 
Further, ^wwv/ui 1 gird'-) beside Icoa-rrjp Idg. j-os- (§ 656). 
On the model of these were made aogivvv/ui 1 satisfy', nsTctpvv/Lu 
1 spread', qwvvvilu *I sti*engthen*, Orpoivvv jut 'I strew, spread' 
and others; and the analogy of TJ/LKpl-taa -sauai: d/ufpi-svvv/Lu 
gave rise to y.ogEwvfii beside inopsoa xsno^sofiai^ etc. 

A present *7ii-vv'(.u is represented by 7iivvf.dvrjv * awsrrjv 
Hesych., compare m-w-To-g 'enlightened, sensible' nivvoaio 
nivvGL-Q. This , along with vrj-nv-Tio-g 'senseless , under age, 
minor* and vr^mo-g (same meaning) for *vrj-7if-io-g (I § 166 
p. 147), is akin to Skr. pu-nd-ti 'purifies, clears up' (for the 
accent cp. Goth, hugs 'understanding, reason' beside Skr. Mci-s 
*pure*, § 907). But mw does not come from *7iv-vv- (I § 48 
p. 41); the ground-form was *pu-i'nu-, having the same deter- 
minative I as we see in Ital. *pii-i'io-s (Osc. piihiiii Lat. piu-s^ 
see Bartholomae, Stud. Idg. Spr. ii 185) Skr. pav-l-tdr-^ and in 
Gr. nviQ Umbr. pir O.H.G. fuir *fire'. It follows that *Tihn)/iu : 
Skr. pu-nd-mi = Skr. r-i-nva-ti Gr. o^tvio: Skr. r-nvd-ti Gr. 
oQ-vv'jui (cp. § 596. 4 p. 138). 

1) Hesychius has Idva/uev ' o/Sf'rw/ufv which is emended to Idw/jtv 
This emendation is not necessary. There may quite well have been 
parallel forms , one in Class XII and one in Class XYII , as so often 
happens in Sanskrit. Then the form IfCvv^i. in the text should be marked 
with an asterisk. 

2) It is quite possible that Att. vno-iiavvral^^ C.I. A. i 77. 9 (second 
half of the 5*^ cent. b. c.) may represent the regular form (cp. fC«i"" o>> 
Heisterhans, Gr.'^, p. 148). 

g§ 643—646. Present Stem : Class XVII — 8kr. r'^d-ti. 183 

hHiV^iut beside Xd^oiacu 'I take, seize*, nrtivvin beside xrUyo} 
*I slay* (for *xtsv'^m) are due to the analogy of rlvoftut tlvo^iut 
(for *xt'vf-o-f.tai): ttwvxai xivv^isvat^ etc. But xaivvftat *l surpass, 
outdo* was formed from xky.aa,uat because dtdaafiui has dai-w 
'Hai (§ 707). 

On thematic forms in -vZ-oj see § 652. As regards those 
in -yr'tii, as ravvto 6jlivv(o (JtocjvvvfOy found in the Homeric 
dialect and in Attic more and more often from the 4*** century 
B. c. onwards , it is doubtful whether they represent pr. Idg. 
verbs in -nuu-o^ which may have been used side by side 
with -nU'd as in the 3'*^ pi. Skr. ai-miv-dnti Gr. ay-waoi 
beside Skr. ci-nv-dnti. They may equally well be a new 
formation peculiar to Greek. 

From Taw/Ltai xavvio ydvvjuat^ whose structure was less 
clear to the consciousness of those who used them than 
was that of og-vD-fu dy-vv-f.u and words of that sort, were 
formed Tuvvaaai rtTctvvarai yavvoasrat and so forth on the 
analogy of ^pv'aaai eLovovat egvoGsxcu beside the pres. slpv/nevai 
fQvoj *I draw, pull*. Compare Skr. partic. ksnii-td-s from 
ks-Hdu-ti, fut. aSnuvisya-te from ai-no-mi ds-ta, Urnu-tya- 
from ur-xtau'ti (§ 640 p. 179), and Greek itself dwa-to-g 
^dvvr^adfxrjv from dv-va'/uai (§ 602 p. 145). 

For fu'vv'&to (p&i-vv'9^(o^ see § 694. 

§ 644. Italic. Only thematic forms occur in this branch; 
see § 649. An undoubted relic of -neu- is nov-O-cula^ if it is 
to be connected with Skr. ks-ndu~ti (§ 640 p. 179). 

Remark. Job (M^m. Soc. Ling, vi 353 f.) offers a very doubious 
suggestion, that in Latin present stems in nit- came directly from those 
in 'HO- ; he says *tol-nu-mus *tol-nu-tis lead at once to *tolnimu8 *tolnitis 
(toUimus tolliUs\ whence by complementary analogy tollo. 

§646. Keltic. Not one of the original forms is preserved. 
On O.Ir. ro-chluiniur 'I hear* (beside Avest. srunaoiti), see 
§ 604 p. 146. 

§ 646. Germanic. The plural of certain verbs is of this 
class. Goth. O.H.G. kun-fiu-m 'we learn, know* from *g^-nu- 

184 Present Stem: Class XYIII — Skr. f-nv-d-ti. §§ 646—648. 

-mes (cp. p. 86 footnote 2) as contrasted with Skr. jd-nl'inds, 
Class Xn ; the parallel weak form Groth. uf-kunna S""** sing. 
-kunndi'p is a new formation from kann kunnum on the analogy 
of vita vitdi-p to vdit vitum. Low Germ, darn 'I dare' conj. dilrne 
gives ground for assuming an O.Sax. *durnum Goth. *daur2- 
-nu-m (I § 582 p. 434) = Skr. dhfs-nu-mds. O.H.G. unnum 
Ve grant* ground-form *i^-nu-mes (cp. O.Icel. qf-un-d 'ill- will' 
beside Goth, ans-t-s O.H.G. ans-t uns-t 'favour, grace' II § 100 
p. 303), from the same root as Gr. n^oa-T^vrjg 'inclined' dn-rivrjc 
'disinclined'. As these plurals appeared to be of the same kind 
as the preterite-present, they were conjugated in the same way. 
Thus arose, by analogy of the singular, Goth, kann O.H.G. kan^ 
Low Germ, darn O.H.G. an. The same principle is neatly used 
by Kluge (Paul's Grundr. i 377) to explain O.H.G. durfum 
'we must*, which he regards as a w?/-form for *piirpum with 
'P- for ~pp- Idg. -pn- (I § 530 p. 388) = Skr. t^p-nu-mds -, 
the student should compare de Saussure, Mem. Soc. Ling, vii 
83 fF. Some further uncertain traces of ww-flexion in Germanic 
are given in § 605 Rem. p. 147, and p. 151 footnote 1. 

Otherwise the Germanic branch prefers thematic con- 
jugation (Class XYIII), as Goth, du-ginna (§ 654). 

§ 647. Balto-Slavonic. For the remains of the present 
suffix -mi' in Slavonic see § 649 p. 185. 

Class XYin. 
Root -|- -neyfO' or -nu-o- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 648. Side by side with -nuo- we meet with -enuo- and 
-i^uo-; see § 596 pp. 137 f. 

This class, which is based upon Class XYII, falls into two 
divisions like Class II. O.Pers. a-kU-nav-a-td stands to Skr. 
d'kjr-nv-a-ta as Gr. i-nvf(f)-( to cif^i-nw-e. And just as Skr. 
ay-a- is at once indicative {dy-a-te^ cp. Lat. go), and conjunctive 
to an indie, of Class I {dy-a-t dy-a-ti conj. of e-ti)^ so Ar. %- 

§§ 648,649. Present Stem : Class XVIII — Skr. f-n v-(f-/t . 1 85 

-natH^' is also coDJunctive to an indie, of Class XTII (Skr. 
hf-ndv-a-t conj. of kf-nd-ti). Here, as before, there was ori- 
ginally no distinction between the original form of the two 

§ 649. Class XVIII A: Suffix -neu-o-. 

Aryan. Avest. 2"** sing. pret. act. k€7''-nav-6 imper. ker^- 
•nav-a, O.Pers. pret. 3"* sing. act. a-ku-nav-a 3'** pi. mid. a-ku^ 
'Vav-ata (i. e. -a-nfa), cp. indie. Skr. kf 'no-mi *I make'; 
conj. Skr. kf-ndv-d-t kf-nav-d-tha Avest. ker'-nav-a-^ O.Pers. 
2°** sing, ku-nav-a-hy. O.Pers. S'** sing, imper. var-nav-a-tam 
conj. var-nav-a-tiy beside Avest. ver^-nv-a-ite *believes* (B), 
Compare the conj. Skr. aS-nav-a-tha Avest. as-nav-d-^ beside 
Skr. ak-nO'ini 'I reach*, Avest. sri-nav-a-hi beside sri-nao-mi 
'I bend, guide in some direction'. 

Greek. It has been usual to class here forms like d^v-vho 
1 move wildly, storm* beside Skr. dhu-no-ti^ xT-vhx) 1 move 
from its place* beside yi-rv-/naij -vno being taken to be for 
*'Vff-co. But since in all the verbs in question the future, 
aorist etc. have never -rev, as one might expect from nXsco 
snXsvan and vem svsvaa, but -rj- always, and since Lesbian 
makes the present of them end in -tj/ui (imper. ytvt] like (ptkrj), 
this explanation is at least improbable. I derive -sco from ejifo 
in every case. See § 801. 

Italic. Lat. minud and sternud, which are connected with 
Skr. mi-no-mi Gr. (.u-vv-S^co and Gr. 7ixd()-vv-f.mi (§ 639 p. 177), 
can by rule be derived from "^-ne^-o (I § 172. 1 p. 152). But 
Osc. menvum *minuere* makes it at least likely that minud 
comes from *min'iio as tenuis from ^tenuis (I § 170 p. 149). 
The perfect minut sternin and the participle minutu-s are ad- 
formates of statuT statutu-s : statuo. 

Slavonic. O.C.Sl. mi-nujq beside mi-nq *I go past, pass 
by, flow by', and partic. pret. pass, kos-novenu 'touched* from 
pres. kos-nq, point to an older present inflexion -7iovq -noresi etc. 
{-nov- for -7ieu-, I § 68 p. 59). Compare Wiedemann, Arch. 
Slav. Phil., X 653. 

186 Present Stem : aass XVIII — Skr. r-nv-d-ti. § 650-652. 

§ 650. Class XY1IIJ5: Suffix -nu-o-. 

Pr. Idg. Skr. ci-nv-a-ti^ Gr. Horn, rivio Att. rivco for 
*ri-vf'(o beside Skr. ci-m-mi Gr. infin. rt-vv-insvai 3'^ pi. tl- 
-vv'VTui^ § 639 p. 177. Skr. M-nv-a-ti Goth, du-ginna beside 
Skr. hi-no-mi^ § 639 p. 177. ^r-i-nu-e-ti with root deter- 
minative -/- (§ 596. 4 p. 138) ; Skr. ri-nv-a-ti makes run, flow', 
Gr. Hom. ogii'M Lesb. oqIvvco *1 set in motion' for *6pi-vf-a) 
(the initial has perhaps been influenced by a word from the 
same root, og-vv-f-u^ ground-form *f-ww-, to which it stands 
related as Hom. dyivio to Cret. ayviio^ see §§ 652 and 801), 
Goth, ri-nna 1 overflow* pr. Germ, ^ri-nii-o (cp. however for 
the Germanic word § 654 p. 188). 

With -enu'O' for the suffix (§ 596. 3 pp. 137 f.), ^sp-enu-e-ti 
from x^spe- spe- 'bring onwards, stretch' (Lat. spes spatium 
etc.) : Avest. spenva-^ proficiebat' =• pr. Ar. *spanua-t^ O.H.G. 
spinnu *I spin* (cp. O.H.G. spannu = *sp9-nu-d § 654). 

§ 651. Aryan. She. ^-nvd-ti ci-nva-ti hi-nva-ti d-hf-nva- 
-ta i-nva-ti ri-nva-ti, Avest. ver^-nva-iti hu-nva-fduha see 
§§ 639, 640, 641, and 650. Ski\ pi-nva-ti Wells, makes 
abound* beside partic. mid. pi-nv-and-s Avest. fra-pinao-iti 
'swells, spreads' (intr.). Skr. ji-nva-ti *sets in motion, pushes on, 
hastens' beside ji-no-mi. Skr. imper. mid. du-nva-sva beside 
du-no-mi *I burn*. 

Sometimes Sanskrit, like Germanic, has a verb which carries 
the suffix of the present through the whole verbal system; as 
pinva-ti : pipinva pinvai/ati, jinvati : jinvisya-ti Jinvi-td-$. 

Observe the different accent of 3''*^ pi. hmva-nti, and hinv- 
-dnti in Class XYH. 

Containing the suffix -enuo-. Avest. spenva-^ proficiebat': 
O.H.G. spinnu^ see § 650; Avest. xwanva-inti 'they drive on* 
xwenva-^ pr. Ar. *su-anua-j beside hu-nao-iti hu-na-iti. 

§ 652. Greek. On the treatment of -vf- in the following 
words, see I § 166 p. 146. avco civM for *a-vfiOj tlvm rmx) 
for *Ti-vfco, (pd^Lvco (f&lv(o for *rpd-i-vf(o , oqivm oqivvm for 
*6gi'Vf(o, see §§ 639, 650. (fddvco (f^dvm 1 anticipate* for 

§652—654. Present Stem: CIms XVIII — r-nv-d-ti. 187 

•y^a-f/ai, beside (pd^u-fisvo-g, JzVw Lesb. djfppo) 1 eddy* for 
*dl'v/(o^ beside Skr. dUya-ti 'flies* Lett. dSi^ju dl-t *to danco*, 
cp. dlvo'i; divtj Lesb. divva for *dT'vFo-g il-vj-Q. Horn. ayfVa* 
'I lead, bring* beside ayia Cret. «yv£w has the same root- 
dcterniinative as hgtvto (on this determinative, which is 
contained in Skr. dj-ai-k-, see § 498 p. 61); and therefore 
aytvu} too must be derived from *-i'/oj; on the bye-form 
dylvsco^ see § 801. With op-ivco dy-ivcj dylvtio compare the 
Hesychian glosses 6^itvsv' inscffitvvvsv and t^ivsi' ineafievvvev, 
which point to *^g-?- as variant stem to *zg-es- (§ 643 p. 182). 
Whether Homer's &6vto *I move wildly, storm', represent orig. 
*dha-niid or *dhu-nd -n-io, Class XIII (cp. Skr. dhu-nd-ti dhu- 
-nO'ti dhu^na-ti) cannot be decided; in the former case d^vvo-q 
'fury, impetus' should be compared with dlvo-q for *dx-n^o-s 
(see above); for ^vvau) Stveto see § 801. 

Hom. xt/dvo) Att. myxdvu) 1 reach, overtake' for *-avfM 
beside ai-x^-fu (§ 594 p. 135). my/dvco has the first syllable 
nasalised because, after / had gone, the analogy of verbs like 
&iyydvco could act upon it (§ 621 p. 158, § 631 p. 168). 
Hom. Ixdvw 'I arrive, reach' for *ixavFco^ bye-form ixvtoftai 
(§ 801). Both of these present stems may be regarded as 
ad-forraates of *(p&avFco ((p&dvw (p^dvw)^ because they all had 
something of the same meaning: on the analogy of (p^rjooLuu 
to (p&dvu) ^ xixdvo) was formed working backwards from 
xi/rjaojLtca^ and afterwards iy.dvio. But there was another 
suffix -^uD before Greek became a separate language ; and this 
would become regularly pr. Gr. -avfoj (the Author , Gr. Gr. - 
§ 21. 8 p. 41), see § 596. 3 p. 138. 

The suffix is -enuo- in Corcyr. |-/v/o-s", whence Lesb. 
^svvo-g Ion. '^€Tvo-g Att. ^ivo-g (I § 166 p. 146), since this 
word seems to have the same root as Lat. hos-ti-s and Goth. 
gaS't'S; see § 596.3 and 6, pp. 138 and 140. 

§ 653. Italic. Lat. mi-nu-D^ Osc. menvum 'minvere', 
see § 649 p. 185. 

§ 664. Germanic. Goth, du-ginna O.H.G. hi-ginnu 
1 begin', see § 639 p. 177, § 650 p. 186. Goth, af-linna 

188 Present Stem: Class XVIII — Skr. r-wr-ff-^/. §654. 

1 go away, cease', O.H.G. hi-Unnu *I cease*, beside Skr. vi- 
'linati goes to pieces, dissolves, melts' etc. § 598 p. 142. 
Goth, vi-nna *1 suffer, feel pain, worry, O.H.G. gi-winnu 
*I reach something with trouble, win (cp. O.H.G. winna 
'strife*), beside Skr. ve-ti 'presses on in hostile fashion, conquers, 
seeks eagerly, tries to win'. All these verbs came under the 
influence of such others as Goth, binda; hence forms like 
du-ginna -gann -gunnum -gunnans. 

O.H.G. ha-nnu *1 order, command on pain and penalty, 
summon' (cp. O.H.G. ban, gen. bannes 'command enforced by 
pains and penalties* A.S. bann 'ban, banns, proclamation*), 
ground-form *bh9-nud^ ^bha- bhd-^ cp. Armen. ba-na-m § 601 
p. 144, Gr. ffalvu) for ^rpa-vf^ix) § 611 p. 150. O.H.G. spa-nnu 
*I stretch, widen, spread, I am anxious and excited', ground- 
form *sp9-nu-d, y/^spe- spd- ^ cp. O.H.G. spa-nu *I entice, 
charm' (§ 614 p. 152) and O.H.G. sp-innu (see below). The 
preterites bian spian follow hialt : haltu and such like forms. 

Containing the suffix -enuo- (§ 596. 3 p. 138). O.H.G. 
sp-innu 1 spin: Avest. spenva-^^ see § 650 p. 186; a variant 
form is spannu =^ *spd-nuo^ for which see just above. 
O.H.G. tr-innu 'I separate from, part, depart from* ground- 
form *dr'muo, V^der- 'split* (Skr. df-nd-ti). 

The existence of the two variants -nuo- and -enuo- in 
Germanic raises a question as to how Goth, rinna 'I run* and 
brinna O.H.G. brinnu are to be disposed of. Instead of 
deriving rinna from V-e-wwo, and identifying it with Skr. 
rinva-ti (§ 650 p. 186), we may assume *r-enud for its original 
form, which would bring it closer to Skr. f-nv-d-ti. brinna 
may come from *bhr-enudy as it is akin to Lat. fer-mentu-m 
f 671)60 O.Ir. ber-baim 'I cook, boil'; but it may be for *bhr-i- 
-nud with an /-determinative, cp. O.Icel. br-l-me 'fire* A.S. br-t-w 
O.H.G. br-t-o 'broth'. The first derivation, from '^r-6n\i6 
*bhr-6n^dj is supported by Goth, r-un-s 'a run, course' A.S. 
br-yne 'fire, conflagration*. 

§ 655. Present Stem : Classes XIX to XXI — Pres. Stems with $, 1 89 


§ 666. A large number of verb classes have an « suffixed 
to the root. These are both thematic and non - thematic. 
(1) Non-Thematic Stems: Skr. dve-^-ti 'hates* (cp. A vest. 
dva^'Pa 'terror* Gr. Hom. Jf-JJt-«*v or Ss-dfi-fuv 'we fear*), 
Skr. aor. 1"* pi. d-tq-s-mahi (y/^ten- 'stretch*), Skr. v-ds-te 
'dresses' (v^ejf-, Lat. ex-ud), Gr. rj^sa i. e. i^-fstS-fa-a Idg. 
*eS'r^, Skr. d'VSd'i^-am. (2) Thematic Stems: O.H.G. din-su 
*l pull, tear', Skr. d-ta-tq-sa-t 'he tore, set in motion by force' 
(y/^^ew-), Skr. desid. ji-gq-sa-ti (v^Qem- ^go), Skr. tr-dsa-ti 
'trembles* (cp. tar-ald-s 'trembling, moving to and fro* Lat. 
tr-emd), Skr. desid. ji-gam-i^a-ti {\^ qem-). From these 
develope extensions of the -s- suffix, which themselves run 
through large groups: -s-io- -os-io-^ fut. Skr. tq-syd-te gam- 
'i^d-ti; 'S'ko-, Lat. (g)nd'ScD Gr. yt-yrtu-axw (cp. Skr. desid. 
ji'j'M-sa-tB) ; and others more isolated, as Armen. z-genum 
Gr. iiyv^iu {hrv/ui) for *u-es-neU' (§ 639 p. 178, § 643 p. 182). 

It cannot be definitely proved that in all these forms s has 
really the same origin. But the negative cannot even be made 
probable. The clearest indication of the identity of s in the 
aorist with s in verbs of Classes XLX and XX is given by 
Skr. d-kf-^'i as compared with %-s-6, dk-s-i compared with 
ak'^a-tS, d-rnxk-^a-t compared with mfk-^a-ti^ see §§ 656, 659; 
compare too Lat. vHs-i beside pres. visd (§ 662), Lat. aux'% 
Lith. P* and 2"** pi. injunct. (fut.) duks-me -te beside Gr. av'Sio 
(§ 657). It should further be noticed that a close connexion 
is often formed with the noun suffix -es-, as in Skr. hhy-dsa-ii 

1) Compare Per Persson's new work {Wurzelerweiterung ^ etc.) 
pp. 77 ff. , \rhere the suffix or determinatiTe s in assumed for other 
forms besides those which will here be cited. Amongst these are some 
in which we have regarded the s as part of the root itself; e. g. Skr. 
vdr^-ti 'it rains', which he deri?es from the root of Skr. vdri Vater, 

190 Present Stem: Class XIX — Skr. dve-s-ti. §§655,656. 

*is afraid' and hhi-s-aya-te , used as causal of hi-hhe-ti^ beside 
hhy-ds' bhii/'dS' 'fear instr. bhts-d (§ 658), in Skr. uk-sa-ti 
*gro\vs strong' Gr. av^w beside Skr. oj-as- 'strength' (§ 657), 
and in Skr. indie, d-jai-s-am beside inf. ji-s-e^ indie, pij-as-e 
beside infin. ^nj-ds-e^ Gr. sdst^a beside infin. ^sT^ai^ conj. 
ferrem beside inf. ferre, conj. agerem beside inf. a^ere (§ 824). 
We must not forget that no clear line can be drawn between 
primary s-verbs and verbs derived from s-nouns, any more than 
between primary verbs with -a- and nouns having the same 
suffix: e. g. Gr. S'0(i-6G'Tat e-^-ta-rai (Jfi-fa-ro-g '^-sa-ro-g stand 
to TS'TsXsa-Tui r^SsO'vat ald-so-ro-g d->c7J^sa~To-g related in the 
some way as ni-nX-ri'Tui Dor. d-nX-a-To-g to Tf-ri/Lirj'Tai 


In this section we take count only of present stems with 
5 final, and those which have a thematic vowel after the s. 
The compound suffix -s-ko- fills Classes XXII and XXIII ; and 
'S'io- (the future suffix) will be found in the io-class, §§ 747 ff. 
Stems like *U'es-neii- (t'lvv/tit) are discussed under the heading 
-neu', in §§ 639, 642, and 643. 

Since the s-aorist in its common form adds the personal 
endings directly to 5, its proper place is here, in Class XIX. 
It may, however, if preferred, be treated separately in the 
traditional way, for the reasons given above in § 485, 
pp. 38 f. See §§ 810 ff. 

Class XrX. 
Root -f- -S-, -es-^ or -9S- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 656. Yery few additional forms belong to this class 
I)esides the preterites which will be discussed in §§ 810 ff. ; such, 
I mean, as Skr. d-ta-s-mahi Gr. fid-t-a Skr. d-ved-is-am. 
Some of them carry the 5-element right through the verb 

Skr. dve-s-ti 'hates* 3'^ pi. dvi-s-dnti, Avest. d^bis-enti, 
beside Avest. dva^-pa 'terror* Gr. cJ/a- 'to fear*; — thematic. 

S657. Present Stem: OImi XX — 8kr. tq»$a^i. 191 

Skr. dm-^a-ti, Skr. 3'** pi. d-tvi-i-ur 'they were excited, 
amazed' beside Avest. pwyant- 'terrifying pwya- 'terror ; — 
thematic, Skr. d-tvi-^a-ta^ Gr. partic. cr/wV for *ai'au)v pres. atlto 
instead of *fif<-rTw (cp. (jt-aeia'Tai etc.), see § 657. 

Skr. V'dS'tS 'dresses, clothes himself* Avest. vaa-t^, Or. ini' 
-eo'Tat 2^^ sing, tn-aat from y/^eu- Lat. ex-ud Lith. au-nu. 

Avest. y-as'ti *girds' Lith. j-^'s-mi 'I gird* (Att. lulwvfii 
instead of *C(oa-vr"fiti ,, § 643 p. 182), Idg. *j-ds-ti^ beside Skr. 
y-au'ti y-uvd'ti 'binds up*, like Skr. r-Osa-ti 'bellows, howls' 
beside r-au-ti r-uvd-ti. 

Here come a certain number of Vedic middle forms with 
-S' in the present, those which Grassmann has called "double 
stems": !•* and 3"* sing, -s-^ partic. -s-dna^. 1** sing, kf-^-e 
from kdr-ti 'makes*. 1"* sing, hi-s-e from hi-no-ti 'drives on' 
partic. hiy-and-s. P' and 3'** sing, stu-^-e from stau-ti 'praises* 
mid. stU'tS. P* sing, arcas-e from drca-ti 'praises*. !•* sing. 
yajas-S from ydja-ti 'honours, offers*. 1"* sing, ffijas-e partic. 
ffijas-dnd-s from pijd-tiy y/^reg- 'stretch, reach' (Class XYI 
§ 628 p. 165). 1"* sing, pu-ni-s-e from pu-nd-ti 'purifies* mid. 
pu-nt'te. P* sing, ga-yi-s-e from gd-ya-ti 'sings*. A similar 
Avestic form is P* sing, rdtohatdh-oi from rfls- 'to grant'. 

Class XX. 
Root 4- 'SO- or -eso- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 657. The s-suffix mostly runs through all parts of the 

Pr. Idg. From y/^tm- 'stretch, lengthen out*: Skr. tq-sa-ti 
'tears, sets moving by force' (not actually found), aor. d-ta-sa-t 
for *t^se' (redupl. d-ta-iq-sa-t), Goth, at-pinsa *I draw towards 
me\ cp. Lith. t^s-iii 'I lengthen, stretch' (infin. t^s-ti)^ uz-t^a-s 
'a shroud*, Lat. <^n-sa; cp. aor. Skr. d-tdrs-am 3''** sing, d-tdtij 
Gr. sTStva for *e'Tfv-aa. From \^bhel- 'shriek^ cry, bellow, 
bleat, low' (O.C.Sl. hU-jq): Skr. bJid^a-ti 'bellows' (I § 259 
p. 211), O.H.G. bUlu 'I bellow* (-//- = -h-, I § 582 p. 436), 

192 Present Stem : Class XX — Skr. tq-sa-U. § 657. 

cp. Lith. balsas Voice, tone'. From v' tuei- (Avest. pwyant-) : 
Skr. tve-sa-ti 'is in violent motion, is amazed' (not actually- 
found) , pret. d-tvi-s-ata , Gr. asiM 'I shake , shatter , agitate, 
molest' for *a£i-ou) (cp. Solmsen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 98), 
aiwv for *ai.'GMv; cp. Skr. d-tvi-s-ur § 656. From x^preu- 
(Lat. pruma): Skr. pld-sa-tl 'burns, singes', O.H.G. friusu 
*I freeze, am cold*, cp. Lat. prur-io. From ^leq- (Gr. aX- 
'a}M-sTv ward off*) : Skr. rdk-sa-ti guards , saves', Gr. alsho 
'I ward off, help*. Connected with Skr. vcijdya-ti 'strengthens' 
ojaS' 'strength, power, might' Lat. auged: Skr. uk-sa-ti 'grows 
strong, increases* partic. uksd-mams (perf. vavdksa) Avest. 
vaxsa-iti makes grow', Gr. d(f)f^(o av^M 'I make grow, increase', 
cp. Lat. auX'iliu-m,^) Gall. Uxello-dunu-m 'High-town* O.L*. os 
ms 'above' (I § 517 p. 377), O.H.G. wahsu Goth, mhs-ja 
'I grow' (pret. vdhs\ Lith. duksz-tas 'high'.^) Gr. sxpM 1 boil*, 
which, along with Armen. epem 1 boil* (I § 561 p. 417), 
we may assign to the root of stim *I see about, make right, 
arrange' (II. 11. 776 d(.i(pl fioog amxov xQfo) Skr. sdp-a-ti 'makes 
a fuss about, carries on, sees about something*. 

From v^ ter- (Skr. tar-alds moving to and fro, trembling* 
Gr. Tp'Sfia) Lat. tr-emo § 488 p. 45): Skr. tr-dsa-ti 'trembles' 
(also tar-dsa-ti § 659), Gr. rp-t(<^)w 1 tremble, flee*, O.C.Sl. 
trqsq *I shake, shatter* perhaps a re-formate instead of *tresq 
(§ 636 p. 174); with -s-, Lat. terreo for Hers- (cp. Gr. hsgasv 
i(p6pf]<J6V Hesych.). Compare Skr. gr-asa-ti hr-asa-ti bhy-dsa-ti 
Avest. v-afQha-itS § 659, Gr. '^-e(a)w ^d-e(G)aj § 661, Lat. 
qu-ero-r § 662. 

1) According to Breal's convincing explanation, Umbr. orer ose 'his 
(donis) macte* will fall in this place too. ose = pr. Ital. *aukse may be 
a vocative, which would make it necessary to start from an adj. *auks0'8 
meaning *auctus*; it may also be an imperative like Gr. aZ^f (cp. Lat. 
auxini). The first view is supported by Lat. macte^ a vocative (F. D. Allen, 
Am. Journ. Phil., i 135 ff.)- Pauli's explanation of ose (Alt. Stud, v 123) 
does not seem right to me. 

2) On the relation between ^LeQ- ay,Q- aue^-^ see Per Persson, Wtirz., 

§§ 658,659. Present Stem : ClaM XX — Skr. tq-toHL 193 

§ 658. In § 655 it was pointed out that these a-suffixes 
are probably connected with the noun suffixes -m- -da- -«- 
(§§ 131 fF.). A few more examples of this may be given: 

Skr. tq-sa-ti: Skr. tdnas- Lat. ienor. Skr. uk-^a-ti 
Or. avhv: Skr. 6jas-. Skr. SrS'^a-mana-s O.C.Sl. slu-chU 
(§ 659): Skr. Srdvas- Gr. yls(f)og. Skr. hhU'^a-ti (§ 659): 
Skr. bhavcis- bhiivas-. Skr. ddk-^a-ti (§659): Skr. daSas-ya-ti 
Lat. (iecws. Skr. sdk-sa-nt- (§ 659) : Skr. sdhas-. O.Pers. pa%- 
'ax§aiy (§ 659), Skr. fMa-^e (§ 667): O.C.Sl. oA:o gen. ©(f^s-e. 
Avest. vaX'ia-itB (§ 659): Skr. vdcas-. Armen. luci (§ 660): 
Skr. -rdcas- rdcis- ruci^-yas. Lat. visd (§ 662): Skr. vedas- 
Gr. f^Jos" fidfog cao-g for fira-fo-s (p. xm). O.Icel. inf. hrjosa 
(§ 664) : Skr. kravis- Gr. xQe(f)ag. Compare also Skr. bhartsa-ti 
(beside bhartsaya-tt) attacks sharply, rates, scolds*, akin to 
Lat. fer-io^ Lith. bar-iu *I scold*, and so doubtless derived 
from some such stem as *bhar-taS' (cp. sro-tas- 'stream*) or 
*bhar'dhas- (cp. rd-dhas- 'grace, gift*). The nouns -tq^a- 
dak^d' saksa- vax-sa- which are connected with tqsa-H 
ddkki-ti sdksa-nt- vaxsa-ite were therefore related to tdnas- 
*dd^as- (daSas-ya-ti) sdhas- vdcas- in the same way as 
vat-sd- to Gr. Fsrog^ Skr. STr-sd- to Uras-^ ho-sd- to havis-, 
and so forth (II § 132 p. 190). 

Skr. bhdsa-ti (§ 659): bhds- Lat. fas. 

Skr. hr-asa-ti (§ 659): hdras-. Skr. yaj-as-e (§ 656): 
Skr. yajds-. These are like bhy-dsa-ti beside bhyds- bhiyds- 
(already mentioned in § 655, page 190). 

§ 659. Aryan. Skr. tq-sa-ti d-ta-sa-t^ bhdsa-ti^ tve-sa-ti 
d-tvi'^a-ta {tvS-sd-s 'boisterous* Avest. pwa^-sa- 'terror*), plo- 
-^a-ti, rdk'^a-ti, uk-sa-ti uk-sd-mana-s , Avest. vax-sa-iti see 
§ 657. Skr. dr-§a-ti f-sd-ti 'moves quickly, flows quickly', 
from ar- 'begin to move' (f-no-ti). Skr. i-sa-tB 'sets in motion, 
sends forth* Avest. aesenma- isaiti, from i- 'to send* (i-no-ti). 
Skr. irS'Sa-ti 'hangs to something, clasps* d-ili-sa-t, Avest. 
srae^emna-y v^Uei- 'lean* (Lat. -cli-nii). Skr. ird-sa-ii *hear8* 
(redupl. M-Sm-sa-tS § 667) Avest. sraoSemna-^ [/^Jclew (2°** sing. 

BrufmanD, ElemenU. IV. 13 

194 Present Stem: Class XX — Skr. tq-sa-ti. ij 659. 

sro-si), cp. O.Ir. cluas 'ear (I § 516 p. 377) O.Sax. hlus-t 
*liearing' O.C.Sl. sluchu 'hearing, faculty of hearing'. Skr. gho- 
~sa-ti 'cries out, proclaims aloud' {ghosa-s 'confused noise, roar 
of a storm, cry of woe'), beside Goth, gdu-non 'to cry for woe'. 
Skr. bhu-sa-ti 'applies himself to, takes trouble about*, y/^hhey,- 
(Skr. bhdva-ti). Skr. sUrk-sa-ti 'is anxious about something, 
takes thought for it, or account of it*, beside Groth. saurg-a 
'care', which must be connected with O.Ir. sere 'love* or with 
Lith. serg-iu *I protect'. Skr. mrak-sa-ti mfk-sa-ti 'rubs, strokes*, 
beside mdrs-ti S^^ pi. mrj-dnti. Skr. aksa-te ground-form 
*'^1c-se-tai beside aS-no-ti 'reaches* (§ 640 p. 179); from the 
same root, ndk-sa-ti 'reaches* beside ndS-a-ti Lith. nesz-u; with 
these must also be connected Goth, bi-niuhs-ja *I search out 
niuhs-ein-s 'visitation, affliction*, which come from *nuz-S' = 
Idg. *§£-s- (cp. gi-nauhan 'to suffice*). Skr. mok-sa-te 'gets free 
from something* (redupl. mu-muk-sa-ti § 667), beside muc-d-ti 
munc-d-ti. Skr. bhak-sa-ti 'enjoys, eats, devours', Avest. bax- 
-sa-iti 'divides, receives for share', beside Skr. bhdj-a-ti. 
Skr. ddkrsa-ti 'acts so as to suit or satisfy somebody' mid. 
'plunges, dips, ducks, is dexterous* {daksd-s 'dexterous*) beside 
da^as-ya-ti 'is at one's service, shows respect'. Skr. lak-sa-te 
'marks*, from lag- 'fasten on*. Skr. sdk-sa-nt- 'overpowering*, 
from sah- 'to overpower'. Skr. injunct. ap-sa-nta 'they sought 
to get*, beside ajp-no-ti (§ 600 p. 144), cp. the reduplicated 
ipsa-ti (§ 667). O.Pers. patiy-axsaiy 'I inspect', beside Skr. 
dk-S'i 'eye' O.C.Sl. oko (gen. oces-e) 'eye', cp. the reduplicated 
Skr. tk-sa-te (§ 667) and the Gr. imper. aor. oxpsads. 
Avest. vax-sa-ite 'speaks', from vac- 'speak'. Avest. tax-sa-iti 
'makes run* beside tac-a-iti 'runs' Skr. tdk-a-ti. Avest. sax-sa- 
~iti 'learns', beside scLcay^-iti 'teaches' Skr. sak-no-ti 'is able', 
cp. the reduplicated Skr. Mksa-te Avest. a-sixsa-nt- (§ 667). 

The preterite type belonging to this class is productive in 
Sanskrit, where, with roots which made final ks when s was 
added to them, it was used for the aorist; specially frequent 
Avhen the root had ^ , i, or u. Examples : d-rnxk-sa-t cp. above, 
mrk-sa-ti from m«r/-, d-sprk-sa-t from spars- 'touch', d-v^k-sa-t 

§§ 659,660. Present Stem : Claas XX — 8kr. <<|-M-f j. 195 

fri)m varh- *tear, tear out*, d^ik'$a-t from diS- 'show', 
d-lik-^a-t from lih- 'lick', d-dhitk-^at and d-duk-^at (the 
latter an ad-formate of the type dduhat^ cp. Gr. cVrfrcJo instead 
of *t(pfiaa following nsid^w etc., I § 496 p. 364) from 
duh' 'milk*. The forms dhuksd-n dhuksd-nta^ and others 
like them, are remarkable as having the accent upon the 
thematic vowel. The aor. d-mrk-sa-t it related to the pres. 
mfk-sa-ti not otherwise than the aor. d-kf-s-i to the pres. kf-s-e 
(§ 656 p. 191). O.Pers. niy-apisam I wrote*, with s = £s, 
V^peiJc- (I § 401 p. 297), seems to belong to the same class; 
as no other persons are preserved, it is possible to assume 
that this is non-thematic, but the root-vowel is in favour of 
believing it to be thematic. The aorist use in all these forms 
is due to the weak grade of root syllable, just as with d-stc-a-t 
and the like (§ 513 pp. 78 f.). But the imperfect meaning was 
not excluded either with this type without s or with the 
5-preterite which we are now dealing with: ddhuksa-t is 
imperfect as well as aorist (Whitney, Am. Joum. Phil, vi 281). 
On this aorist type in general see § 833. 

Skr. bhdsa-ti 'appears, shines', beside bhd-ti. Skr. rdsa-te 
*bestows, affords*, Avest. P* sing, rdrdhe beside Skr. ra-te, 
Skr. hdsa-te 'runs in a match*, from ha- *go* ud ha- \o start 
up*, rasa-ti roars, bellows* beside rdya-tij as regards rCLsa-ti 
compare further § 656 p. 191. 

Skr. tr-dsa-ti "trembles*, also tar-dsa-ti (partic. tardsanii 
Rig-Y.): Gr. rp-s(a)w, see § 657 p. 192. Skr. gr-asa-ti 
'swallows, devours*, beside gir-d-ti (Class II, § 523 p. 86) 
V^ ger- ; akin to Gr. ygdio 'esse', perhaps for *gX'SD ? Skr. hr-asa- 
'ti 'takes away, diminishes, grows less', beside hdr-a-ti 'takes, 
takes away*. Skr. bhy-dsa-ti 'fears* (cans. bht'Saya-tB) beside 
bi'bhe-tij cp. § 655 p. 190. Avest. v-ardha-ite beside v-as-t^ 
'dresses* § 656 p. 191. We should doubtless add vasa-ti 
'bellows' beside rCLsa-ti and rau-ti^ see § 656 p. 191. 

§ 660. Armenian. . Besides epem 'I boil* (see § 657 

p. 192) may be named the aor. luci 'I kindled' for Veuk-so- 

(pres. lucanem)^ V^lf^^q- 'lucere*, cp. Skr. ruk-^d-s 'shining, 


196 Present Stem : Class XX — Skr. tq-sa-ti. § 661. 

Lat. illustri-s for *in-louc-s-tri- , A.S. Uxan lyxan *shme' = 
Goth. HiuhS'ja-n (cp. II § 66 p. 140). 

§ 661. Greek. a«w, aXshu de^o) avhx)^ expio see § 657 
p. 192. xAaw *I break, break off' for "^yla-oto ground-form 
^Rl'SOj cp. ni'uXaff-Tai^ Skr. i^-na-ti 'breaks to pieces'; parallel 
stems nX-a- in partic. dno-xXag (Class X, § 582 p. 123), and 
xAa-J^-. ypdct) 'esse' for *g^-sd connected with Skr. gr-asa-ti? 
see § 659 p. 195. odd^cj odd^o/nai 'I bite, itch, sting, beside 
Jax-va>, i/^deflJc', cp. oJa'^w o^ay^io-g. dsipcu beside ds(p(o 
*I knead, soften (Lat. depso is a loan word). ando) *I pull' 
for ^ana-Ota (cp. s-anaa-rm) ^ possibly = *sp9-sd^ cp. O.H.G. 
spa-nu spa-nnu § 614 p. 152, § 654 p. 188. 

rQ-t{6)(o 'I tremble, flee': Skr. tr-dsa-ti, see § 657 p. 192. 
^-e((J)(o 1 shave, smooth' beside |-vw from \/^qeS' O.C.Sl. ces- 
-ati 'to comb, curry' Lith. has-yti 'to scratch* (cp. II § 8 
Rem. 2 p. 20). pd-e(a)w 'pedo' for *fizd-«f(o from y/^pezd- 
Slov. pezde-ti 'pedere' (I § 594 p. 450). 

That some of the trisyllabic presents in -sto making aorist 
in -saaa etc., such as vtaXsoa {y.dXtoaa) dXtcj (dXsaaav) avsQSM 
(oTfQioai)^ had originally the ending -sdoj (cp. Skr. tardsa-ti 
§ 659 p. 195, arcas-e § 656 p. 191), is not improbable; 
xaXt(o)(jo : xdXsaGa = rQe(o)w : rgiOOa, Compare § 842. 

In Greek this -5- is not only found with s^et^a and like 
aorists, but elsewhere too it is a favourite tense suffix. 
Compare i-axM-d-d^Tjv s-oysda-O-aa, y>i-y.t Qa-a-tai i-nepa-a-oa^ 
o/it-w/Lio-a-rai cw7io-a-(f«, Iv-a-ro-g i-'^v-o-d-?]v ^ stpvo-rai f()V' 
'O'To-g sgv-a'(Ja. No clear distinction can be made between 
"Primary" and "Denominative" verbs (cp. vs-TtXso-Tat beside TsXog^ 
aUea-ro-g beside aUcog, s-ytXda-^rjv beside ysXwg^ f'/us&v(J-&7]v 
beside Skr. mddhus-)^ because s in these verbal stems is the 
same as s in the stems of the cognate nouns, as has already 
once been said (§ 655 pp. 189 f.). 

Compare further the use of the suffixes -so- and -?]- in 
stems of the same group, afi-so-ro-g b-a^-so-oa : s-a^-rj-v 
i-o^-rj-xoLf t-y,dX-iG-6a : aaX-ij-riop xf'-xA-jy-xa, x£->cop-fO"-rat s-xoQ' 
'S0-6a : yt-yog-Tj-juai d-yoQ-rj-ro-g. 

§§662-665. Present Stem: GIms XX — Skr. ^-fo-ft. 197 

§ 662. Italic. Lat. vJaO (perf. vfit), near kin to Goth. 
ga-veisO 'I look after some one, I visit*, doubtless for ^ueid -h sd 
(not *ufd-{-(d, Class XXIV, as Osthoff will have it, Morph. Unt. 
IV 77), cp. Skr. vi-vU-sa-H § 667. quaesd (perf. quaesm) for 
*quai8'S6y beside quaer-O. in-cesso ar-cessO (perf. -cessfvT) from 
ced-0 cessT. ac-cerso for *-cer3'Sd doubtless connected with 
ctirrO for *corS'd Jq's-O.^) 

queror qties-ttt-s) for *qu'e8d('r) beside Gr. xw-xvw 'I bewail, 
cry, shriek' Mid.H.G. hiuweln \o howl, lament, cry' O.H.G. 
huwila hiuwila *owr. Compare § 657 p. 192. 

§ 663. Keltic. No s-presents seem to occur. The forms 
which AYindisch (Wtb., p. 593 b) assign to a first person 
gessim 'I beg* are more probably conjunctive of the s-aorist 
of guidim (§ 826). On seiss placed itself, sat* and *8its', see 
§ 833. 

§ 664. Germanic. O.H.G. hillu 'I bellow', Goth, at- 
-pinsa *I draw towards me' O.H.G. dinsii 'I pull, tear*, 
O.H.G. friusu *I freeze', see § 657 p. 191. Goth, fra-liusa 
O.H.G. vir-limu *I lose' (vir-lus-t 'loss'), beside Goth. lU-n-s f. 
'ransom* Gr. Xv-co Lat. so-lvo etc. O.Icel. hrgs *I shudder* inf. 
liTJDsa, from [/^qreu- Skr. kru-rd-s *coarse, horrible, gruesome, 
bloody', cp. Gr. y.Qvo-taivco *I cause to freeze' Lat. cru-s-ta and 
Osc. krustatar fcruentetur' according to Biicheler). O.H.G. 
tcisu 'I avoid, eschew, shun' beside Lat. vito^ doubtless for 
*neit-sd {*uU-sd), not for *ueit-{-tO (*uU-\-td) Class XXIY. 

Goth, uf-blesa 1 inflate, blow out* O.H.G. blOsu 1 blow*, 
beside O.H.G. bldu i. e. *bhle-io^ cp. Mid.H.G. Uuo-s-t A.S. 
blo-s-tma beside Germ, *blO-id *I bloom* and Lat. flds fldred, 

§ 665. Balto-Slavonic. Lith. tqs-iii *I lengthen' 
containing *t^s-u = Skr. tq-sa-ti etc., see § 657 p. 191. 
Lith. tres'iu 1 am in heat*, said of bitches, derived from 
*tr-es-e-ti = Skr. tr-dsa-ti 'trembles* etc., see § 657 p. 192; 

1) If Germ. *xrti8sa- 'horse* (O.Sax. O.Icel. hross) is oonneoted with 
ciirro^ it stands to ac-cersO as Skr. nifk-^d-s *comb, currycomb* to 

198 Present Stem: Class XXI — Skr. tq-sa-ti. §§ 666,667. 

add Slav, trqsetu 'shakes, shatters' with a nasal infix, unless it 
is really *tre7n-\-sd- (cp. Lith. trimu Lat. tremo)^ see § 636 
p. 174. 

The same s is sometimes found also with transformed and 
derivative verbs, and in nouns; as O.C.Sl. q-cha-ti 'to smell* 
(cp. Lat. (h)ald for *an-s-lo-, I § 208 pp. 175 f.. § 588 Rem. 2 
p. 444), ja-cha-ti Vehi' (cp. ja-dq vehor § 701), Lith. balsas 
Voice, sound, tone' (cp. § 657 p. 192), O.C.Sl. slu-chu 'hearing, 
faculty of hearing (cp. § 659 p. 194), O.C.Sl. glasu 'sound, 
voice (I § 585 p. 441). 

Class XXL 

Root -|- -so- -9S0'^ with reduplication ending in -I {-u) 
forming the Present Stem. 

§ 666. This class is represented by the Aryan Desideratives, 
many of which have little or nothing of the desiderative in their 
meaning (e. g. Skr. thsa-te 'sees' from [/^oq-^ from which a 
desiderative stem Tc-iks-isa- is made anew), and by an Irish 
future series. The Homeric future ^i^m-oco and Attic con- 
junctive aorist and future JiJaJw can hardly have a direct 
connexion with these formations. 

Yery rare indeed are non-thematic forms with reduplication, 
such as Skr. partic. mid. di-dhi^-Cinas beside di-dhisa-ti from 
[^ dhe- 'set, lay*. 

§ 667. Aryan. The Desiderative type is very prolific in 

y^ster- 'stern ere* Skr. tistir-sa-fe. \/^uen- 'win, like 
Skr. vi-vasa-ti^ where -va- = *-«^f-; in ji-ghqsa-ti (l^ ghen- 
'strike') ml-mq-sa-te ([^men- 'to think') and some other words 
the nasal came in afterwards by analogy, as it did in vancha- 
-ti instead of H^dcha-ti § 671. V' gei- 'compel, subdue* Skr. 
ji-gisci-ti. V^Tdeii- 'hear* s^-iru-sa-te , cp. srosa-ti § 659 
p. 193. y/^gheu- 'pour, offer' Skr. ju-hu-sa-ti. \/^ derU- 'see' 

§ 667. Present Stem: CIms XXI — 8kr. iq-ea-ti, 199 

Skr. (iUdrk'^a-tS, y^U^d- 'see, know* Skr. vi-vit-sa-ti^ 
cp. Lat. tf^O § 662 p. 197. i^ineyq- 'loose, set free' 
Skr. mu-mnk-^a'ti ^ cp. mok-^a-U § 059 p. 194. [/ dhegh- 
'burn* Skr. di-dhak-^a^ti. hadh- 'press' Skr. hl-hhat-sa-U. y/'dO- 
give' Skr. di-t-sa-ti di'dCL-sa-nt: i^dhS- 'place, lay* Skr. dhi-t- 
-sa-ti di'dhi'^d'ti. From gnS- §nd- 'noscere' [/^ §en- (§ 587 
p. 128) Skr. ji'jfid'Sa-te Avest. zX'§ndf9hemna' (as regards -sn- 
see I § 403 p. 298). 

On the reduplication of Skr. ik^a-tS (unreduplicated 
O.Pers. patiy-axsaiy *I inspect*), tpsa-ti 'tries to reach* 
(unreduplicated apsa-nta), trtsa-ti 'wishes to advance or 
promote', see § 473 p. 17. Yed. iyak^a~ti 'wishes to honour' 
may be regarded as regular for *yi-yak^a-^ since ii- doubtless 
became i- as yfU- became u- (I § 157 p. 141); the forms 
yi-yaksa-ti yi-yasa-ti are reformates following si-saraksa-ti etc., 
just as beside the regular ur-dnd-s we find the re-formate 
vttr-l-taA) The form in-ak^a-ti 'seeks to gain* is peculiar, 
cf. perf. dn-qi-a. 

Roots beginning and ending in a consonant, and containing 
no i, w, liquid, or nasal, drop the initial consonant after the 
reduplicator if the root does not form a syllable by itself 
(cp. Lat. disc6 for *di-tC'SCO § 678). Skr. siksate 'learns* 
Avest. a-sixsant- 'not learning' for pr. Ar. *si'Sk-sa- beside 
Skr. Sak-no-ti 'is able'; for the loss of the sibilant cp. aor. 
vfk^i for *vfsk-si and the fut. vraksyd-nt- for *vrask'sya-nt- 
(beside vfscd-ti 'tears to pieces' pra-vrask-a-s 'slice, cut' 
O.C.Sl. vraska 'wrinkle*). Similarly dipsa-ti dhlpsa-ti Avest. 
diwza^idydi beside Skr. ddbh-a-H 'injures', Skr. bhik^a-tS 'begs' 
beside Skr. bhdj-a-ti^ Upsa-U Ifpsa-W beside labh-a-tB 'seizes, 
grasps' and others of the same sort. Some of these forms are 
certainly irregular. Instead of Skr. pitsa-ti^ for example (from 
pat' 'fly, fall') we should expect *pipsa-ti^ to judge from 
Avest. nafsu for *naptsu (I § 471 p. 348). 

On the analogy of the forms here mentioned arose Skr. 

1) The t- of l-yak^'H is different from that of hydja^ see § 851. 

200 Present Stem: Classes XXII and XXIII — s^o-presents. §§ 667—669. 

hisa-ti 'injures, hurts' from han- (ghen-) , whose 3^^ pi. h{santi 
caused the coining of a sing, hinds-ti following Class XY (the 
3^^ sing, his'te is perhaps like didhis-atia-s § 660), and further 
perf. ji-his-a etc. 

Instead of -sa- after roots with final consonant, the Sanskrit 
has often -isa- {-dso-). [/" qel- *to move' ci-carisa-ti (beside 
cicarsa-ti). \/^ gen- gignere' ji-janisa^te. [/^meld- 'crush' 
mi-mar disa-ti. vi-vidisa-ti beside vivitsa-ti (see above). 
hi-hadhisa-te beside hi-hhatsa-te (see above). 

The productive power of this desiderative type in Sanskrit 
is especially clear in forms like ti-tarpayisa-ti pi-pay aijisa-ti 
from the causals tarpdya-ti (from tfp-no-ti 'satisfies itself) 
pa-ydya-ti (from pcL-ti 'drinks'). 

The desiderative formation was itself often the foundation 
for a comprehensive verb structure; thus from hhiksa-te were 
formed perf. bi-bhikse fut. hhiks-isya-te cans, bhiks-aya-ti, and 
from mi-mq-sa-te were formed aor. d-mimqs-ista pass mtmqs- 

§ 668. Keltic. O.Ir. n(5-gigius 'I will pray or ask' for 

*gi- get-so beside gess- from -guidiu^ § 663 p. 197. fo-lilus-[s\a 

from fo-long- 'bear, endure'. Compare Zimmer, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxx 128. 


§ 669. The -s- of -sko- I regard as the same element 
which we have discussed under Classes XIX — XXI; and 
-s-ko- I believe to be an extension like -s-io-. Compare 
*meik-sk- Lat. misceo and *mei^-s- Skr. meksaya-ti perf. 
mi-mikse from \^meik- 'mix'; Lat. dis-pesco for *-perc-scd 
and Skr. p^k-s- (see Grassmann , Wtb., s. v.); Gr. dt-dd(ii)- 
-oxw 'I teach' and Avest. dax-sa-t 'he taught'; Skr. ^-chd-ti 
reaches, hits, attains', and r-sd-ti dr-si-tl 'm9ves quickly' 

§ 669. Present Stem: Classes XXI and XXa — sJto-presenta. 201 

Avest. yH'Sa-iti 'goes, goes on* and 0.C.81. ja-cha-ti Vehi*; 
Mid.H.G. lU'Sche 'I lurk, watch for* (O.H.G. *y»/a.«A:g-n) ») and 
O.H.G. lii'S-trB-n 'I listen, obey* hlo-sS-n *I attend, listen to* 
Skr. ^rS-^a-ti Su-SrU'$a-tS from y/^kleu- 'hear ; Armen. ba-^i 
'I opened* Gr. (pd-amo 'I make known, say* and Skr. bhdsa-ti; 
Gr. yVM'OxM yi"yv(a-ax(o Lat. (g)n0-8c0 and Lat. gnd-ri-tur 
'cognitum sive compertum est* (Stolz, Lat. Gr.^ p. 375) Skr. ;7- 
jnCL-sa't^ from §ne- gnd- 'learn, and others. In view of these, 
we may derive Lat. miX'tH-s mis-tU'S beside miscedy dis-pes- 
-tu-s beside dis-pescd, pos-tido Osc. pes-tlii-m 'templum' beside 
posed poposci and doubtless Skr. jy^^-fd-s prds-tum beside 
pfchd-ti papracha from stems with no other extending suffix 
but -5-, *meifc-s- and so forth ; and we need not regard Avest. 
ter'sa-iti *is afraid* Lith. tnszu *I tremble, shudder' as being *</•-« 
+ sko- (op. Skr. tr-dsa-ti etc., § 657 p. 192), but must regard it 
as "^tY'S-ko-. The compound suffix -esko- in O.Pers. a-r-asa-m 
*1 came, arrived at' beside Skr. r-chd-tij in Avest. is-asa-iti 
'wishes' beside Skr. ichd-ti^ in Gr. aoioH(o *I please* <pevye<T/.o-v 
'I fled' corresponds to in Skr. tr-dsa-ti tar-dsa-ti and 
others (§ 655 p. 189, § 657 p. 192, § 659 p. 195). 

-k- or 'kh- (see below), without -s- preceding, seems often 
to occur in Greek words. The parallel diminutive suffixes 
Boeot. -i/O'Q and Att. -taxo-g^ and a comparison of titcJ-S 
nno-x-o^y nvco'/o-g {7tt(u6G(o)^ with 77Tft>-ax-a'fro-), and of yXi-xo- 
-uai *I stick, adhere* with yXt-a/'^o-g^ justifies our assuming 
-kho- to be the suffix of yXi-xo-juat ^ of vij-yjo *I swim', of 
(Jitrj-xw 'I rub, stroke, wipe off', and o/nco-xfo *I rub or grind to 
powder', for y^fj^/M 'I stroke, curry* and tpw-xco 'I grind to 
powder*, for tqv'/m 'I rub away, wear out', and for axsy-dxio 
'1 groan* (cp. ntXad^b) and such like words, § 694). In the 

1) Connected, as it would seem, with Armen. hem *I hear* for 
*klu-sfco-. See Hubschmann, Arm. Stud, i 33 ; Bartholomae, Stud. Idg. Spr., 
n 41. 

2) Compare Bugge, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxn 39 f., on Armen. taC-nu-m 
*I hide myself, which is in any case a cognate word. 

202 Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. ^a-c/ja-i«. §§669,670. 

parallel group come verbs in -aocj such as TiTij-aaoj ty^ij-aoa) 
oveiQco-aoo) ; see § 763 Rem. 

It appears that -sko- and -skho- were used as variants in 
the parent language. Sanskrit has only -skho- (unless perhaps 
-skO' is the suffix of vfscd-ti 'tears to pieces'), but both of 
them seen to occur in Armenian and Grreek. Armenian has 
-sko- in Isem *I hear' (see p. 201 footnote), -skho- in harcanem ; 
Greek has -sko- in (id-a/.s^ and -skho- perhaps in nda/w (see 
§ 673), yXlox-QO-g (cp. yXl-xo-jtiai etc., above). 

The Z;-sound was sometimes palatal and sometimes velar 
in the original language. -sk(h)o- is pointed to by Avest. ter^sa- 
-iti, Lith. triszu^ Arm en. Isem harcanem-, and -sq(h)o- by Skr. 
murkhd-s (beside mUrcha-ti) Avest. per^ska (beside per^sa-iti, 
cp. Bartholomae, Stud. idg. Spr. ii 49 f.), Armen. aXacem, 
Lith. jeszko-ti O.C.Sl. iska-ti, Lith. treszku O.C.Sl. tr^sku 
troska-, cp. Lith. tvlska 'it lightens* beside Skr. tvis- 'beam, 
light' Avest. pwis-ra- 'sparkling'. The variation of guttural in 
-h)' and -qo- has already been touched upon in our discussion 
of Noun Morphology, II § 90 pp. 274 f. Compare however 
vol. I § 414 pp. 303 f., § 587 Rem. 2 p. 442, and Bartholomae, 
op. cit. 48 f. 

On the difficult question of the original shape of the 
s/:-suffix we have a new paper by Zubaty, in Kuhn's Zeitschr., 
XXXI 9 ff. 

Class XXIL 
Root -J — sko- -esko- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 670. Pr. Idg. In the following sections, I write the 
original forms always with -sko-, without distinguishing the 
variants -slco — sqo- -sMo- -sqho- (see § 669). 

Roots that are capable of vowel gradation generally have 
the weak grade before -sko-. 

\rter' move to and fro, tremble' (§ 657 p. 192). Hf-ske- 
-ti: Avest. ter^sa-iti O.Pers. tarsa-tiy 'is frightened', Lith. triszu 

§§670,671. Present Stem: Class XXII - Skr. gd-eha-ti, 203 

I tremblo, shudder', cp. § 669 p. 201. y/^qem- *go* ^Qigi-ske-ti: 
Skr. gdcha-ti^ Or. iinper. (idaxs. y/^prek- 'precari' ^pfJc-ske-ti: 
Skr. pfchd'tiy Armen. aor. hargi^ Lat. posed for ^porc-scOf 
cp. O.ILQ. forsca question'. V^ais- 'desire, wish': Skr. ichd-ti, 
Umbr. eiscurent *poposcerint, arcessierint*, O.C.Sl. iakq 'I seek, 
try*, cp. Skr. ichd *a desire, wish* Armen. aic 'attempt* O.H.G. 
eisca *a demand, request' Lith. j^szko-ti 'seek, try', y/" es- *be': 
Gr. ftfxf 'was', O.Lat. escD. \^hha- 'show, make appear* 
(p. 56 footnote): Armen. ha-ci 'I opened*, Gr. (fct-oyco) 'I make 
known, say, affirm'. 

From *gn-e- gn-d- 'noscere V^§en- (§ 587 p. 128): 
O.Pers. xsna-sa-tiy conj. 'noscat' (I § 403 p. 298), Gr. Epir. 
}'vo>'axft) (cp. Att. yi-yvoi(jyo;), Lat. gndsco nOscD. 

Of -esko- there no example in more than one language. 

§ 671. Aryan. Skr. f-chd-tl ar-cha-ti 'hits, reaches, 
injures' (pluperf. anarcha-t § 854) l/'er-. Avest. ter'-sa-iti 
O.Pers. tarsa-tiy *is afraid': Lith. triszu, see § 670. Skr. 
mUrcha-ti 'congeals , stiffens' (perf. mumurcha etc.) , beside 
partic. murtd-s. Skr. hUr-cha-ti 'slides, glides, falls' (cans. 
hurchaya-ti)^ probably from hvar- 'lead astray, disturb' (2°** sing, 
mid. ju-hur-thas). Skr. gd-cha-ti Avest. jasa-iti (;- instead of 
^-, see I § 451 Rem. p. 334): Gr. pd-axs^ \/^gem- 'go*, see 
§ 670; Skr. yd-cha-ti beside yam-a-ti 'holds, directs', Avest. 
yasaiti ') and yOsaitB (the latter for *i^) ; as regards the change 
of accent in gdcha-ti ydcha-ti (instead of ^gachd-ti *yachd'ti) 
see I § 672 p. 537, lY § 516 p. 82. Skr. vancha-ti wishes' 
(pass. vafich-ya-tS etc.), which should regularly be *v(l'cha'tiy 
ground-form ^u^-ske-ti (cp. desid. vi-vd'Sa-ti)^'^) [/^uen- Skr. raw- 
a-ti, cp. O.H.G. wun-sc m. 'wish' (II § 90 p. 276). Skr. yu-cha-ti 
'keeps afar, wards off' (with irregular accent, which should be 

1) Connected perhaps with O.Pers. S'^ sing. mid. ayasatd, see 
Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xiv 246 f. 

2) The same analogical intmsiTe nasal in Ji-gftl^-sa'ti^ see § 667 
p. 198. 

204 Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. gd-cha-ti. §§671,672. 

compared with that of girdmi beside girdmi^ and its like, § 516 
p. 82) beside yu-yo-ti. Avest. §ii-sa-iti su-sa-iti *goes, hastens, 
rushes* ground-form "^qiu-ske'ti beside Skr. cydv-a-te (cp. I § 448 
p. 333, § 473. 4 p. 350). Skr. p^chd-ti (perf. papracha and 
so forth) Avest. per^saiti *asks' O.Pers. imper. parsci: Lat. jposco, 
see § 670. Avest. ner^f-sa-iti Vanes, decreases' (of the moon). 
Skr. ichd-ti Avest. isaiti 'desires, wishes', \/^ais-, see § 670. 
Skr. uchd-ti Avest. usaiti 'shines, flashes up' from Ar. uas- 
*8hine', cp. Lith. auszo *it dawned' where sz -= s%. Avest. xwafsa- 
-iti\ \^suep- sup- 'sleep'; tafsa-iti \^tep- *to warm', cp. Lat. 
tepesco; for the fs in these two present stems cp. Bartholomae, 
Bezz. Beitr. xni 74 f. Avest. yasa-iti goes, begins' beside 
Skr. yd-ti. O.Pers. xsncisa-iiy conj. noscat': Gr. yv(o-oy.M etc., 
see § 670. Avest. xwTsaiti 'sweats' for *xwltsa' (I § 473. 2 
p. 349) from \^sueid- may be one of the same class of forms, 
or it may contain -so- like vax-^a-iti^ § 659, p. 194. 

-eslcO' (§ 669 pp. 200 f.) only in Iranian. O.Pers. a-r-asa-m 
I came, reached* conj. ni-rasatiy beside Skr. f-chd-ti y/^ er-. 
Avest. is-asa-iti 'wishes* beside isa-iti Skr. ichd-ti y/^ais--^ 
cp. ace. isase-m 'a wish*. Avest. his-asa-iti 'has authority over, 
arranges, understands*, l/'ar. sais-. 

§ 672. Armenian. Here it seems that Idg. *-skh(o)- has 
become -c-, -sJc(o)- has become -s-, and -sq(o)' or sqh(o)- has 
become -c- (cp. § 669 p. 201). 

(1.) -c- in aorist and present both: harci *I asked' pres. 
hardane-m (§ 620 p. 157): Skr. pfchd-ti etc., see § 670 p. 203; 
it seems to me questionable whether Bugge is right in con- 
necting ami 1 went* (pres. ancane-m) with Skr. gdcha-ti 
(Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxii 33). Again, compounded aorists with 
-C-, or -aC' -eaC'. ba-ci 'I opened' (pers. ba-na-m § 601 
p. 144): Gr. (pd-oKco^ see § 670 p. 203. mna-ci 'remained, 
awaited' (pres. mna-m § 581 p. 122), stem. ?wna- from [/men-: 
cp. Gr. ^I'fivrj-anco. l-ci 'I filled' 3'''* sing, e-li-c (pres. l-nu-m 
§ 642 p. 180), stem li- = *ple- from V^pel-. ke-ci 'I lived' 
(pres. kea-m § 581 p. 122) from \X gei-: similarly Gr. dva- 
-^aoa/.ofiai '1 revive*. The aorist in -aci, as gitaci 'I knew 

§§672,673. Present Stom: Olais XXO — Skr. g&rehaHi. 205 

(pres. gitem)^ and -e^ (3"* sing, -eop), as lize^ 'I licked' (pre«. 
lizem) seem to be of the same character as Lat. verbs in -Hsicd 

-Sscd -Isco and Greek in -aaxw -faxo). 

But it must be admitted that an explanation is to seek 
why this present suffix came to be used with the aorist, and 
as an aorist suffix became productive. Something of the 
same sort happened in Greek with the ^o-suffix ; for har^ : 
hargane-m = e-fihtO-xo-v : ^ka(ST-dv(o^ see § 682. It would follow 
that first hargi as compared with harcanem got the aorist use; 
and afterwards baci and others like it were used in the same 
way. But the problem must remain unsolved so long as the 
history of the Idg. s-aorist in Armenian has not been traced. 

(2). Isem 'I hear' doubtless for ^Uu-sJco- cp. Mid.H.G. 
Itische 1 lurk, listen, play eavesdropper', § 669 p. 201. 

(3) -c- for 'Sq- or -sqh- in present stems with -ade-tn, as 
alacem *I beg, pray*, and in other compound suffixes (Hiibsch- 
mann. Arm. Stud, i 94). 

§ 673. Greek, (id-axs pa-cJaS'Ts 'go thou, go ye': Skr. 
gd-cha-ti^ \^ qmi- ^ see § 670 p. 203. nQo-fUcuaxa} 'I come 
forth* for *ml'Skd. dva-pgojaxcov' xarsad^icov (Hesych.) for 
*g^'Skd (cp. fiifipioaaco § 678); ^pw-amo 1 leap for pr. Gr. */Af- 
-skD; cp. Skr. hurcha-fi murcha-ti § 671 p. 203. Aa<r/w 1 make 
a sound, cry out* for *Aax-ax«, beside s-Xax-o-v. I'oaco 1 make 
like, consider like' for *//x-axco, also redupl. i-laxa § 678, 
beside fo/xa, v^^eik-, f.uayco 'I mix' instead of *iLua>uo for 
*f.tiH'6x(o {y instead of x following /niyi'v/ia tf^iyrjv)^ y/^meifc- 
meig-: cp. Lat. misced, O.Ir. con-mescatar miscentur*. iv- 
'&v<jx(j)' ivvvy/dvco Hesych. for *^t;x-axw, cp. fut. aw-^v^ei' 
avhavTijaei Hesych., beside s-tv/'O-v (cp. Osthoff, Perf. 304 f.). 
El. naffxco *I suffer, experience* i. e. *nn(&)-nxu) beside S'Tia^-o-y 
nsv&-og; Att. etc. nua/o)^ which seems to be built up with 
skho' (§ 669 p. 202). 

(fd-(Jxco 1 make known, assert, say*: Armen. 6a-pi, y/^bhd-y 
see § 670 p. 203. /d-nxco 1 gape, yawn*, beside s-yav-o-y 
Xfj'ft^-, see § 611 p. 150. (io-axro 1 feed, pasture' beside 

206 Present Stem : Class XXII — Skr. gd-cha-ti. § 673. 

Epir. yv-(i)-oy.(o {kit. yi-yvaj-OMo) 'I get to know, learn': 
O.Pers. xsna-sa-tiy etc., see § 670 p. 203. Q7J-ono-in(xi 1 say' 
stem ure-^ y/^uer-. ^g-TJ-axu)' voc5, d^gd'Oy.siv' dva/Liijuv7Jay.6iv 
Hesych., cp. Curtius Gr. Etym.^ 257. In ^vrj-oxco Dor. dva-ay,(o 
*I die' there is doubtless not really an ^-suffix, as it may come 
from v^qhen- by way of *Qh§-skd = ^(pa-oxto (Osthoff, op. cit 
366 f.). 

Att. d-()way.u)^ ^ptjaxo) Aeol. d^vaicf/.a) Ion. ;^p?;'taxo^tat have 
altered slightly in form by analogy of -/cxw (evp-loxw etc.), from 
which they get «; the same may be said of Att. f.ufivij(yy.a) 
Aeol. (.uuvalisyAo (§ 678). 

aQb(jx(o 'I please*, yo^aaxco *I satisfy*. yrjQdoxM 'I grow old'. 
yevEiday.a) *I grow a beard*, /ne&voxo) 'I make drunk*. 

Ionic iterative preterite: (ptvytaxov from (psvyw 1 flee*, 
sQiQsaxov from bQiQio *I strive*, (ioaxsaxo/uTjv from (ioaxu) 1 pasture', 
elnsoxov from sijiov 'I said*, avdijaaoxov beside avdrjoa 1 spoke, 
said', rpdvEGxov beside ecpdvrjv *I appeared'. As a possible course 
of the developement I suggest the following. The first step 
was, on the analogy of (prj-fd : cpd-oxu) (fd-oxov to form "oiaaxov 
from 7(7T7]jiu ; again yQsaa : dpioxco aQsaxov produced y.aXsGx6{.i7}V 
beside sxdXeoa'^ and ysvud^o) : yavsidoxu) ytvsiuoxov gave rise to 
^tnxaoxov from Qinrdt,^^ and so forth. Each of these has 
its direct analogue; the next step was to form similar iterative 
preterites from stems which offered no such analogue among 
forms with -oxo-. 

The origin of -laxco in forms like svqIoxm *I find' dXlaxo/uui 
*I am caught* is not quite clear; compare the reduplicated 
dg-ag-loxcj *I join*. I now ofi'er a new conjecture, and give 
up that which was suggested in vol. II § 90 p. 275. My 
present view is that i is the same in this suffix as in opi-vvw 
f>piV(o dytvw (§§ 650, 652 p. 186), that is to say, it is 
the "root determinative" -i-. Then we analyse dpapiaxio as 
dg-aQi-oxoi^ and connect it directly with dpi-d^/no-g vij-gt-To-g 
O.H.Gr. r-t-m row, series, number'. See further in § 841, on 
di6d-(o 'I breathe*, for *d.f-i-G'&w, and others of the same kind. 

§ 674. Present Stem: CUm XXII — Skr. ffd^htHi. 207 

§ 674. Italic. L&t, hl'ScO (beside hia-scd)^ beside At-A-re 
O.H.G. gi-no-m O.Icel. gf-n (§ 605 p. 146, § 608 p. 147). 
gll'Scd^ beside Skr. jray-a-ti (I § 402 p. 297). scf-scOy beside 
snO. nascor for *gna'ScO(r)^ ground-form *§ii-8c6j V^^w- 
(I § 253 p. 206). poscO for *porc-8c6: Skr. pfchd-ti etc., see 
§ 670 p. 203. com-pescd dis-pescO for *perC'8Cd or ^parc-scOj 
Osc. com-parascuster 'consultus erit* beside O.Lat. comperce 
*compesce' (Paul. D.) Osc. ku]m-parakineis 'consilii' or *con- 
vocatae contionis', doubtless connected with Skr. pare- 'mix, 
blend , unite , give in fullness* (sam-parc- 'communicare quid 
cum quo*).^) misceO is doubtless derived from *miscd (§ 802) 
Gr. fiiayM^ see § 673 p. 205. Umbr. eiscurent *poposcerint, 
arcessierint* : Skr. ichd-ti etc., see § 670 p. 203. vescOr for 
*ve-esc6r i. e. ed^scd(r)^ \^ed-^ cp. vescu-s and esca (II § 90 
pp. 275 f., G. Meyer in the Lit. Centralbl. 1890, col. 1513). 
pO-scd 1 drink' Cic. Verr. u 1. 66 (Stowasser, Wiener Stud, 
xu 326 f.), cp. pd-sca. pa-scd, perf. pa-m. 

In pos-tulare Osc. pes-tliim 'templum' Umbr. pes-klum 
'supplicationem, sacrum' {-klo- for -tlo-j I § 367 p. 278),^) dis- 
-pes-tU'S^ miX'tu-s mis-tu-s^ and pas-tu-s, the group -st- need 
not be derived from -sk-t'. Compare O.H.G. lu-s-trB-n as 
compared with Mid.H.G. lu-sche etc., § 669 p. 201. This 
guides us in our view of Umbr. persnimu imper. 'supplicate*, 
derived from an abstract *persni- (§777) made with the suffix 
-m- (II § 95 p. 286). 

gn-6-scd nd-sco, pf. (g)nd-m : O.Pers. xsna-sa-tiy etc., see 
§ 670 p. 203. cr-S'SCd, pf. crS-vi. qui-e-scd, pf. quiS-vi^ 
cp. Avest. sy^-iti'S O.Pers. siya-ti-s 11 § 100 p. 297. vi-S-scd, 
part, vie-tu-s^ cp. Skr. jyO-nl-^ 'frailty, frailness, weakness of 
old age' (not so Per Persson, Stud. Lehr. Wurzelerw., 79). 

1) dis-pescO was merely coined to express the opposite of com-pescdj 
as dia-JungO as the opposite of con-jung6. Compare the Author, Idg. 
Forsch. I 175. — Is Osc. parak- for '^prak- = *pf^•- or for *prak' •;^^•-? 
See a new treatment by Buck, Der Yocalismus der osk. Spr., 140. 

2) Umbr. -Osc. perk- is a contamination of pork- and prelc (Lat. 
po(r)8c0 and precari). 

208 Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr.^a-c/m-^/. §§674-676. 

rub-e-sco beside rub-e-s O.C.Sl. rud-e-ti, con-tic-e-sco beside 
tac-e-s O.H.G. dag-e-s, and others, see § 590 p. 132. hi-a-scd 
beside hi-a-s hi-a-tu-s Lith. U-o-ju 'I open my mouth', cp. h%- 
'Sco above. 

A large number of new forms, the Inchoative or Inceptive 
Yerbs, were produced by the analogy of scl-sco : scio, rube-sco: 
rubeOy hia-scd : hid and similar parallel stems from one root. 
Examples of these are obdormisco from dormio^ flavesco from 
flaveOy amCLsco from amo. By degrees the endings -Isco -esco 
-asco grew quite independent of the character of the stem to 
which they were affixed, and we get such forms as conticisco 
mitesco. The inceptive meaning was probably not due to 
anything in the suffix -5C0-, but arose from the fact that 
certain verbs which had it, crescD ad-olesco to wit, of necessity 
implied an inceptive meaning. These verbs suggested a 
distinction , which was carried on into others , and the 
inceptive type arose; hence caelum rubescit was distinguished 
from caelum fubet, and so forth. In late Latin these verbs 
had a causal meaning, e. g. innotesco 1 become known', later 
*I make known'. On this see Sittl, Arch. Lat. Lexicogr., 
I 516 ff. 

Remark. It is very doubtful whether the Italic branch had forms 
with Idg. -esko or forms like Gr. evQtoxw. See Sittl, op. ciL, pp. 490 fP., 
Osthoff, Perf. 157, 257 f. 

§ 675. Keltic. Only a few present stems have sJco-, 
O.Ir. nascim 'I bind' perf. ro nenasc-sa^ beside nasc 'ring' 
O.H.G. nuscia 'clasp, buckle, brooch', y/^nedh-, ground-form 
*il}dh~\-sko- (see Osthoff", M. U. v p. vi). faiscim (which has 
adopted io-flexion) Mod.Cymr. gwasgaf 1 press, squeeze', pos- 
sibly akin to Skr. vdh-a-te 'presses, squeezes'. With a-flexion 
con-mescatur 'miscentur' (inf. do mescad)^ beside Gr. /Lilayco 
y/^meiHr, § 673 p. 205. 

§ 676. Germanic. Only a few present stems have -sko-, 
O.H.G. ir-lisku 'I am extinguished', originally probably 1 lay 

§§676,677. Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. gd-^tHi. 209 

myself down*, ground-form *leQh+8kO, beside Goth, ligu *I lie*.*) 
Mid.H.G. knsche 1 shriek' pr. Germ. ^krlt-skO, beside Mid.H.G. 
kriz^ *I shriek*. O.H.G. tcascu *I wash* probably pr. Germ. 
*uat'SkO, beside Skr. undd-mi *I wet* Goth. vatO O.Ir. usee 
Vater*. Less certain is Goth, priska O.H.G. driscu *I thresh, 
thrash', which is compared sometimes with Lith. treszku 
*I crackle, crack, crash* O.C.Sl. tr^sku noise, crash* troska 
'thunder-clap*, and sometimes with Gr. Tpffiio 'I rub' (Idg. 
*trgQ6 according to Thumeysen , Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxx 352). 
If we connect priska with Lat. terd (Benfey, Gr. Wurzel-lex., 
n 263), it might be derived from ^tr^eskd and compared with 
O.Pers. a-r-asa-m Gr. dg-s-o^a) etc. (§ 669 p. 201). Lastly, 
it seems we must place here Goth, ga-vrisqa 1 bear fruit, 
x6Xio(poQui\ which Diefenbach connects with A.S. wndan *to 
grow' and Skr. vardh- 'to grow* (Yergl. Worterb. der Got. Spr., 
I 241). 

Many present stems with -sko- have weak inflexion, and 
apparently were derived from 5A;o-nouns. O.H.G. wunsc(i)u 
'I wish' from wunsc *a wish': Skr. vdficha-ti^ see § 671 p. 203. 
O.H.G. zusc{i)u Mid.H.G. ziische 'exuro, oburo', beside Skr. du~ 
-no-ti 'burns'. Mid.H.G. lUsche *I lurk, play eavesdropper beside 
O.H.G. lU-S'tre-n 1 listen, obey*, y/^Ueu- 'hear* (cp. § 669 p. 201). 
O.H.G. forsco-n 1 ask* beside forsca 'enquiry, question*: Skr. 
pfchd-ti etc., see § 670 p. 203. O.H.G. eisco-n 1 ask, demand* 
beside eisca request, demand*: Skr. ichd-ti etc., see § 670 p. 203. 
Mid.H.G. rusche *I rush, roar*, beside A.S. hrute *I rush, roar, 
snore*. Mod.H.G. haschen *to snatch* = Goth. *haf'8k^ from 
haf' 'capere*. Very uncertain is the comparison of Goth, and- 
'hruska 1 investigate, attempt, essay* 3'"'* sing, -hruskdi-p with 
Lat. scriUart] see I § 527 p. 383, and Fick, Bezz. Beitr. vii 95 
(Thumeysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxx 352 f.). 

§ 677. Balto-Slavonic. Here too this class of present 
stems has quite fallen into the background. We find sometimes 

1) According to Osthoff (Wiener Stud, x 174) for ♦/««-»t5, akin to 
Mid.H.G. er-lestoen 'to grow weak*. 

Brafmann, Element*. lY. 14 

210 Present Stem: Class XXIII — Grr. Si-Sa(xyaxio. §§677,678. 

Lith. -sz- O.C.Sl. -s- = Idg. -s^-, and sometimes Litli. -sk- 
i'Szk-) O.C.Sl. -sk- = Idg. -sq-, see § 669 pp. 201 f. 

Lith. tvlska 'flickers, lightens*, cp. Avest. pwisra- gleaming, 
shining'. Lith. treszkh 1 crackle', cp. § 676. O.C.Sl. iskq 1 try*: 
Skr. ichd-ti etc., see § 670 p. 203, cp. Lith. jeszkau *I try' 
inf. jeszko-ti (like O.H.Gr. eiscdn) and O.C.Sl. istq 'I try' for 
"^tsk-iq (I § 147 pp. 133 f.). 

In addition, compare Lith. aiiszo 'it dawned' (pres. ausz- 
-ta)^ beside Skr. uchdrti^ § 671 p. 204; gaiszau 'I loitered, 
tarried' (pres. gaisz-tu), beside Lat. haereo-, driskau 'I am torn 
in pieces' possibly from the \^der- whence nu-dirta-s 'flayed' 
Gr. ^igw. 

It is impossible to decide whether the sibilant in Lith. 
su-miszau *I meddled, mixed myself with, got into confusion* 
(pres. su-misztu), maiszy-ti O.C.Sl. misi-ti *to mix*) from 
^meilc') represents Idg. -Ic- or -Jc-s- (cp. Skr. meksaya-ti) or 
'Ic-sh- (cp. Lat. misceo etc.). 

Class XXm. 
Reduplicated Root + sko- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 678. This type is demonstrable only in Greek and 
Italic. Gr. di^donw 'I teach* for *di-^ cp. perf. Ss-diSax-a. 
^^ Lat. disco for *di'tC'SCd cp. perf. didic-^, cp. Avest. 
dax-sa-t *I taught' § 669 p. 201. In disco the root syllable is 
treated exactly as it is in Sanskrit desideratives of the type 
Mksate, see § 667 p. 199. For the a of diSdaxM cp. Bartho- 
lomae, Bezz. Beitr. xvii 121. 

Lat. disco is isolated in Italic; but Greek gives a number 
of reduplicated forms besides <Jf Jarrxo}. 

With i as the reduplicating vowel: Ti-Tvaao/uai 'I make, 
prepare* {ts-tvohsto Hesych.) for *TL-rvY>-6y,o- ^ beside rvx-o-g 
''hammer, pick* Skr. tok-man- 'shoot, sprout', ^i-^qm-gxco 'I eat, 
swallow*, cp. ^Qc6-Gy,(x) for *q^-scd § 673 p. 205. yi-yvw-arM 
*nosco', cp. Epir. yi/a>-axw § 673 p. 206. /ni-jLivrj-oxco 'I remind, 

§§ 679,680. Present Stem: Class XXIY ~ Skr. eS-ta-ti, 211 

mention' beside Armen. wwa-ft § 672 p. 204. Si-dga-cxM Ion. 
dt-dpfj-amo 'I run*. On the iota of Att. fnfivi^(f)Mo Aeol. ftifivahxta 
see § 673 p. 206. 

Reduplicated with t: TB-rvaxfTo beside Ti-Tvaxo^ui, see 
above, i'taxo) 'I make like' for */f-/i(x)-axw beside laxto § 673 
p. 205. dt'ii'dxo^ai 1 fear, am terrified* from y/^duei- 
(cp. Osthoff, Perf. 388 if.). 

dg-aQ-ioMo 1 join', like evg-laxui § 673 p. 206. 


§ 670. The suffix -to- in verbs is often just as clearly 
the same as the noun suffix (II §§ 79 ff. pp. 218 if.) as we 
found to be the case with -wo-, -so-, and -sko-. Compare 
Gr. s-pXaa-TO-v with pXaa-ro-g pXtta-rrj. 

Non-thematic forms are very rare, and only Aryan, so 
that I cannot set apart a class for this group alone. Skr. dyit- 
-t-and-s beside dyo-ta-te ^shines', d-ce-t-i ci-t-dna-s beside 
ce-ta-ti 'takes notice of, observes', yd-t-dna-s ya-t-dnd-s beside 
yd-ta-te joins itself, strives'. Compare the nouns dyd-t- ci-t- 
-ya-t-, which belong to the same kind as ri-t- hrd-t- II § 123 
p. 391; the connexion of the noun suffixes -U and 'to- is 

-to- is confined to the present stem only in Greek, Italic, 
and Baltic, and there not always. 

§680. Pr.Idg.i) *sp(h)l-t6 *sp(h)l-t6 from V^sp(h)el' 
'burst, split* (Skr. phdl-a-ti 'bursts, splits in two') : Skr. sphufa-ti 
(secondary form sphota-ti) bursts' (cp. sphatita-s partic. 'split, 
burst'), O.H.G. spaltu 1 split* (cp. Goth, spilda 'writing tablet' 

1) In Per Persson's work on Wurzelerweitening , pp. 28 flf., the 
determinative t is assumed for many instances not here given; amongst 
others, for those in which we have held that t is part of the root 
proper: e. g. Skr. karta-ti 'cuts* Lith. kertu *I hew, cut*, which are 
derived from the root of Gr. xtiqw ; and Skr. vdrta-tg *vertitur* Lat verfOt 
which are derived from the root of Lat. ter-mi-s. 


212 Present Stem: Class XXIV— Skr. ce-ia-ti. §680. 

Mid.H.G. spelte 'lance splinter'). From \Xqei- (Skr. ci-no-ti 
*ranges side by side, puts in layers, directs one's notice 
towards^.* Skr. ce-ta-ti 'takes note of, observes', O.C.Sl. ci-te-tu 
'counts, reads, honours', cp. Skr. ci-t-ana-s § 679. Lat. plec-to 
*I twist, twine' beside plico^ O.H.G. flih-tu 1 twist' (cp. Goth. 
flah'ta *a braid, twist*), cp. Gr. nXty.-To-g 'woven, twisted' 
nXs^-rrj 'rope, net'; the stem plek- which runs through these is 
itself an extension of a v^paH-^ see below. From v^ pek- 
(Gr. Tifx-o) 'I comb* Lith. pesz-ii 'I pluck off, tear off, pull 
out*): Gr. ntxro) (and nsursM § 801) 'I comb, shear, pluck, pull', 
Lat. pec-to *I comb, hackle, hack the ground with a mattock', 
O.H.G. fih-tu 1 fight, do battle (fehta 'a fight').i) O.H.G. bristu 
O.Icel. brest *I break, tear, burst' is very nearly akin to the 
Clr. weak verb brissim 1 break' (ss- for -s*-, I § 516 p. 376), 
and both must be connected either with Gr. nep^co or with 
Goth, brika (cp. Stokes, Mem. Soc. Ling., v 419 ff.. Per Pers- 
son, Wurzelerweiterung 19, 38, and 45); whether brissim 
originally belonged to the first conjugation and then passed 
into the third, or whether it was originally denominative, is a 
doubtful point. 

In a few words, -e- is interposed between the root and 
'to-; cp. Gr. -a/'S-TO'g spn-s-To-v Skr. dari-a-td-s and the like, 
II § 79 p. 199; further, Gr. a{f)'S'T'[,m a{f)-e-T-/n6-v from 
*U-e' *u-o- 'blow'. *m-e-td (beside Gr. 'I mow, gather' 
avrXo'V *bilge-water', O.H.G. mcL-t 'math, mowing', Skr. dm-a- 
'tra-m vessel, jug): Lat. meto (messm messum)^ O.C.Sl. mete- 
'tu 'turns, verrit' (inf. mesti, sw-meti *dung, manure, ordure'), 
cp. Mod.Cymr. Mod.Bret. medl 'to reap' Mid.Ir. methel 'a party 
of reapers' O.Corn. midil messor . O.C.Sl. pl-e4e-tu 'twines. 

1) For the meaning *fight' compare O.H.G. roufen *pull, pluck', 
reflex. Vrestle, fight, cut one's way'. Kluge's view, given in his 
Dictionary, that fihtu is connected with Lat. pug-nus piig-nare^ that from 
the pi. pret. fuhtum, which was regarded as a similar form to Jiuhtum, 
*fuhtu was changed to Jihtu by analogy of fiihtu^ does not convince my 
judgement. On the contrary, I regard fuMum as an adformate of fluhtum. 
On O.H.G. fust, cited by Kluge, see II § 101 p. 306, III § 164 p. 3. 

§§681,682. Present Stem: Clasi XXIV — Bkr. eS'ta-ti, 218 

plaits, braids' (inf. plestt) beside (ioth. /a/-^a '1 fold* ground- 
form *pl't0^ beside Gr. Jl-naX-ro-g Skr. pu^-m *a fold* and 
Gr. d-nXo-g (III § 182 p. 50), from the same root as plek^ 
Lat. plicO plectO (see above). If this view of pletq is not 
accepted we must take refuge in the explanation suggested in 
vol. I § 545 p. 399. For it is impossible, in my opinion, to 
derive pletq from *plektq^ notwithstanding the arguments of JagiiS 
and Miklosich to the contrary (Jagid, Arch. slav. Phil, x 196, 
and Miklosich, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 88); compare Kluge, 
Etym. Wort.^ s. v. fallen^ and Wiedemann, Lit. Prat. 193. 

§ 681. Aryan. Skr. sphupa-tiy cS-ta-tij see § 680. nafa-ti 
'dances, plays' Yed. nf-td-mana-s (compare nftya-ti)^ beside 
nar-md-s nar-man- n. joke, sport', hita-ti 'curls, twists itself', 
akin to Lat. cur-vo-s. yd-ta-t^ unites with, strives', beside ya- 
-td-s part. of. yam-a-ti^ cp. ydtana-s § 679 p. 211. dyS-ta-U 
'shines' d-dyu-ta-t^ from dyu- div-, cp. dyutdnd-s § 679 p. 211. 
ves-ta-te 'wraps itself up, clothes or shrouds itself (vestaya-ti 
vistitd-s) beside ves-ta-s 'band, cord, covering, which doubtless 
has nothing to do with vik- 'enter', but is connected with 
Lith. vys-ta-s 'woman's bodice, stays' vystau *I swaddle or 
swathe' a child, from uei- 'to wind', ces-ta-ti 'is in motion' 
(perf. cicestd) beside ces-ta-m 'motion'. loS'ta-te 'heaps up* beside 
los'td-s IdS'tu-s 'clod or lump of earth*; if the same root is 
contained in another -^o-form, Lith. liisz-tu *I break* intr. 
(pret. luz-an)^ — compare Skr. le§-tu-§ *clod' from rii- li^- 
'tear, break off' — lo^tate must be a derivative from the noun, 
or at least must have modified its meaning in association with 
(cp. § 794, on Skr. mandya-ti). 

§ 682. Greek. There are numerous forms in 'n-raf, and 
a few which have -rw preceded by some other sound than n. 
We begin with the latter. nh'Tta has been mentioned already, 
§ 680 p. 212. s/iioQTSv ' dntd^avs Hesych., cp. fioQ-ro-g 'mortal*. 
g)dp)i'TO-/uou beside (pgdaaoftm (= *(ppax-io-/nat) 1 shut myself 
in , fortify myself*. E-^Xaa-ro'V , pres. ^Xu6-vdvM I spring up, 
arise' {pXaa-xo-g 'shoot, bud'), orig. probably 'I get high* (used 

214 Present Stem: Class XXIV — Skr. ci-ta-ti. §§682,683. 

of buds and shoots), beside ^Xojd^-go-g 'springing bigh, grown 
high' (I § 306 p. 242); rj/nap-ro-v Lesb. inf. a^^gorfjv (for 
*aiLippaT7]v J I § 292 p. 233), pres. ajuapToivcj *I miss, err, pro- 
bably from d'/Liag-TO' a-fifiga-ro- *having no share' (from the 
root of ^SQ-og /noQ-o-g), cp. dftagsTv ' a/uapvavsiv Hesych. (Curtius, 
Verb 11^ 10 if., and the Author, Sprachwiss. Abhandl. 160); on 
the present stems ^Xaordva afia^Tavo) see § 621 p. 158. Att. 
dvvTU) beside a-vvw d-vv-fxi 'I complete' (§ 639 p. 177) and 
partic. dv-yvv-To-g *that cannot be completed', and similarly Att. 
dpttco beside dgvut 'I create*. ^) 

Of the numerous Verbs in -n-ro) (Curtius mentions 48 of 
them), as rvn-rco *I strike' ondn-rw 1 dig* nsn-ru) 'coquo', those 
"whose root originally ended in a velar have the first claim to 
a place in our group; such stems are nsnrw from \^peq-^ 
^Xdnrii) beside Skr. marc-. However, it is possible to see the 
suffix -io- (Class XXVI) in every single one; and indeed the 
denominatives x^XinrG) (from /aksnd-g) and doT^dntw (from 
darpanrj) in all probability come from ^/aXsn-f^w and '^datgan-i^io 
(I § 131 p. 119). 

Remark. I see no cogent reason for denying that ni may become 
TIT (cp. Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 436 f.). All that can be said 
against deriving rvn-Tia (cp. rvn-o-i;^ from *Tvn-ito is that it may just 
as well contain the present suffix -to-. But we cannot derive from forms 
in ~V(a those whose root ended in 9), as xqvnru)^ which comes from the 
root of xQvtpa^ nor those whose root ended in q or g, as ninrix} beside 
older n^oata il^peq-)^ vlnTo,uai, beside older yt'Cw (i/neig-). Still, such 
forms as xqvtito} can easily be due to the analogy of rvmco, the point of 
contact between the stems being xovWio rvipio etc. (cp. new forms like 
ocpaTtu) instead of ayjft'Cw, following ^qottio^ § 714); and thus again, in view 
of ntyjia etc., we have no proof that ninTw vinro/uai. and all the rest are 
not simply adformates of tvutw. It is also quite possible (in spite^ of 
Kretschmer's arguments, as cited, p. 437) that Hom. fvimio beside }vCaa(o 
(^vtfrooj ?), and beside TiVinanov fvfvinov^ was also an adformate of tvutw^ 
although in this verb there is no Ivixpta (for ivitpfa in II. 2 137 etc. is not 
from this stem), and this as far as it goes is in favour of a stem with 
orig. -TO'. 

§ 683. Italic. Lat. plec-tOj pec-to, me-to, see § 680 

p. 212. oitor utor (cp. Osc. liittiuf 'usio, usus', Pelig. oisa 

1) TixTu) does not come in this group; see § 552, page 107. 

§§683-685. Present Stem: ClMs XXIV — Skr.e^to-//. 215 

abl. usa, consumpta*) perhaps akin to Ghr. oZ-ro-^ 'fate, lot' from 
l/^ei' go' (Danielsson, Pauli's Alt. Stud, in 198 f.). flec46 perhaps 
from the root of falx. plec-to-r *I am struck, punished*, either 
to be set beside pldga plangO^ in which case we must assume 
that it came from *plactor when used in compounds, without 
an accent (cp. plicOy I § 65 Rem. 2 p. 53); or akin to Lith. 
plesz-iu 1 tear, snatch* (cp. Gr. dioiu 1 flay* and 'cudgel*), in 
which case it must be pronounced pUctor. necto belongs to 
'^nedh- 'bind*, and in its ending probably imitated plectO; 
see Ber. sachs. Ges. der Wisa., 1890, p. 236 foot-note 2. 
With plexus i. e. *plect-\-tO' ^ and usus i. e. *ai't-\~tO'y we 
naturally compare fassu-s i. e. *fa-t+to-j from fa-teor Gr. 
-(pa-To-g 'said'. Uncertain: Osc. krustatar conj. 'cruentetur* 
according to Bucheler, akin to Gr. x^vo-T-aiyio , § 664 p. 197. 

§ 684. Keltic. It is doubtful whether brissim 'I break* 
originally belongs to this class, see § 680 p. 212. 

Remark. The so-called /-preterite, which came out of the 3'^ sing, 
mid. in -to, does not belong to this class. See § 516, page 82. 

§ 685. Germanic. O.H.G. spal-hc, flih-tu, fih-tu, hris-tu, 
Goth, falpa O.H.G. faltu see § 680 pp. 212 f. Goth, ga-mda 
1 bind up' O.H.G. witu 'I bind' doubtless for *ui-t6j cp. O.H.G. 
wi'd 'line, cord* wi-da Vithe, willow* [Eng. withij] Skr. vi- 
-tds 'enfolded, enveloped' Lith. vej-u 'I twist a string*; as the 
present got into the company of giba -gita and suchlike, there 
were formed Goth, ga-vap O.H.G. wat', cp. below, Goth, vinda. 
O.H.G. lldu '1 suffer' (O.H.G. leid O.Icel l^d-r painful, 
paining, hated') probably orig. (pr. Germ.) */l-J5o and connected 
with O.H.G. iSwes alas* (stem *lai-wa-). Goth, hal-da 'I pro- 
tect, guard* O.H.G. haltu *I hold, guard' ground-form *kf-t6f 
cp. Gr. fiov-x6Xo-g 'cowherd'. Goth, fra-gilda *I repay' O.H.G. 
giltu 1 pay back, give equivalent, offer', pr. Germ. *^el'PO (if 
we follow the indications given by O.Swed. gialla as compared 
with O.Icel. gjalda^ we must accent the root), akin to Gr. 
w-<psXo-v 6-(fleiv, y/^gfiel'. Goth, us-aipan-s 'obsolete* and 
O.Icel. aldenn 'grown old* point to al-pa^ as the verbal stem, 

216 Present Stem: Class XXIV — 8kr. cUa-H. §§685,686. 

cp. O.H.G. al-t 'old', beside Goth, a-la 'I grow up'. The 
ending of a few onomatopoeic verbs, as Goth, kriusta 'I crunch* 
(krust-s 'a crunching'), O.Icel. gnest *I crack', seems to be of 
the same sort as that of O.H.G. bristu O.Icel. brest (O.H.G. 
braston 'to crack, crackle'); compare the Mid.H.G. weak verb 
krtsten *groan with pain or exertion' beside kr^en Mid.Dutch 
crTten *groan, shriek' (st- is not for -tt-). 

Remark 1. O.H.G. wisu *I shun*, which is connected with Lat. 
vUo^ and which Kluge assign to this class (Paul-Braune's Beitr. ix 152), 
seems more likely to be of the so-class. See § 664 p. 197. 

Extended by an i-suffix : Goth, faurh-tja O.H.G. furiht{i)u 
*I fear (pret. forah-ta)^ whence the adj., originally participle, 
faiirh't'S O.H.G. foraht 'afeared, afraid*. 

The suffixal ending -nto is common in Germanic: Goth. 
standa O.H.G. stantu *I stand* y/^ sta-^ Goth, vinda O.H.G. 
mntu 1 wind or twist' \^Vfei-^ O.H.G. swintu 1 disappear 
beside O.H.G. swt-nu. The forms pret. stop and pres. gavida 
make it probable that the nasal is due to the analogy of Class 
XYI. For the word swintu^ but for no others, we have some 
ground for assuming that a wo-present (Class XHI) has been 
extended by -to-. See § 634 p. 172, and compare Lith. 
siuncziu § 686, O.C.Sl. ob-rqstq § 687. 

Remark 2. Osthoffs view is that the Idg. had a simple suffix 
-net- -tit-, which is preserved in the above named Germanic words and 
in others. This to my mind carries no conviction with it. (See, for Osthoflfs 
arguments, Zeitschr. deutsch. Phil., xxiv 215 fiP., and Anzeiger fiir idg. 
Spr. und Altertumskunde, i 83.) 

§ 686.*) Balto-Slavonic. In Lithuanian (and Lettic) are 
numerous present stems in -stu and -sztu with intransitive and 
inchoative meaning, -stu arose in roots or stems ending in a 

1) The Lithuanian and Lettic verbs in -tu are very neatly explained 
by Johansson (Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxn 507 ff.) as derived from middle 
forms of the 3^^ sing, in -s-to; e. g. S^^ sing, rlmsta for *rm-s-to, cp. 
Skr. s-aor. d-rq-s-ta', perhaps also forms with no s, as vifsta = *urt-\-to, 
cp. Skr. d-vrt-ran. When the injunctive rlmsta vifsta had come to be 
looked on as parallel to hega sOka (see § 999. 2), the forms rlmstu 
mrstit were coined on the analogy of b'egu suku, and so forth. 

§687. Present Stem: Class XXIV — 8kr. ei-ta-ti, 217 

dental explosive or a, and -sztu in roots with final palatal 
explosive, virs-tu *I fall down*, pret. virt-aH, btls-ta evening 
draws on*, pret. blind-o. girs-tu 'I get to hear* pret. gird-aH, 
ges'tu *l am quenched, go out*, pret. ges-ail. ^) t\8'tu *I stretch, 
lengthen myself, pret. tls-au (cp. t^-s-iu § 657 p. 191, § 665 
p. 197). liisZ'tu *I break* intr., pret. luz-au, -sztu may also 
come from -stu by the influence of preceding r, as in mirszth 
*I forget* pret. mirsz-au^ beside Skr. mar^- (I § 587. 1 p. 442). 

Verbs in ^stu were the starting point for many new forma- 
tions, as kil-stu 1 raise myself, pret. kil-au ; styr-stu 1 stiffen*, 
pret. sttjr-aii ; pa-zi-stu *I know*, pret. pa-Hnau ; ruk-stu 'I grow 
sour, ferment', pret. rUg-aw^ dziu-stu 'I grow dry, wither*, pret. 
dziuv-au inf. dziu-ti. New forms in -sztu; mlr-sztu 1 die*, 
pret. mir4au, cp. Gr. s-fiog-rtv § 682 p. 213. 

Often the stems which nerve as groundwork for these 
words already have present formative suffixes; e. g. tv\'Stu *I 
swell out* (pret. tvin-au) derived from *tv-inu, see § 624 p. 161 ; 
junk-stu 'I grow accustomed* (pret. junkau) from *junku akin 
to Skr. uc-ya~ti\ vfs-tii '1 increase, grow larger* from *vinsu 
cp. pret. vis-aily see § 635 p. 173; ausz-ta 'day dawns* from 
a s^o-present *ausza connected with Skr. uchd-ti, see § 677 
p. 210. 

Denominatives too were formed in this class, gelsttl *l grow 

yellow' pret. geltau from gelta-s 'yellow*, karstu *I grow bitter 

pret. kartau from kartit-s 'bitter*, brankstu 'I grow dear* pret. 

brangau from brangu-s 'dear, zustu 'I fish* pret. zuvaii from 

zuv'i-s 'a fish*. Compare § 793. 

Remark 1. Bezzenberger (Beitr. ix 336) and Wiedemann (Lit. 
Prat., 60) deny that the Lithuanian ^o-present series is connected with 
those of the other Idg. languages. It certainly is queer that only one 
Lith. /o-present has cognates in other languages, namely mlrsztn *I die*, 
■which comes from the same root as Gr. f-uoQre-v', and this comparison 
is a very precarious foundation for any theory. 

1) Parallel stem, dial, gistu. The i in this and similar forms (see 
Wiedemann, Lit. PrEt., 8) I regard as a re-formation on the analogy of 
Lith. roots such as gris- glib- (beside gres- gleh-') with ri li = f {• 
Similarly 0.C.81. txci etc. following rTci, § 534 p. 96. 

218 Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. yo-dha-H kur-da-fi. §§ 686—688. 

siuncziu 'I send' (inf. si^sti) doubtless instead of ^siuntu 
like jung-iu instead of *jung-u etc.; and if this word be 
connected with Skr. sdv-a-ti suv-d-ti 'sets in motion, drives, 
sends' (Wiedemann, Lit. Prat., 84) we should have in ^su-n-to 
a present like Goth. vi-n~da § 685 p. 216. 

Remark 2. The S""** sing. ei-t(i) 'goes' Ukt-(i) 'remains* mek't(i) 
^sleeps' sH-t(i) 'sits* (§ 511, pp. 76 f.), gave rise to the dialectic forms 
Lith. eitii eitl eitam eltat, I'ektu mektu sestu, and so forth, and similarly, 
in Lettic, l^* pi. itam follows i-f 'goes' (Bezzenberger in his Beitr. ix 334 ff.). 
This re-formation, which has an exact parallel in Keltic (§ 506 p. 72), 
was in some degree due to the fo-present stems: -iCO and -t(a) were 
regarded as the same in structure. 

§ 687. O.C.Sl. ci'tq, m-e-tq, 2)l-e'tq, see § 680 p. 212. 
rastq 1 grow' inf. rasti {rastu 'growth*, rasti 'usury, interest') 
for *rad -f- tcf,, cp. rodu 'birth'. Mention should also be made 
of oh-rUu *I found', if this is to be connected with rejq *I 
knock'; to this the present -rqstq (§ 636 p. 174) would have 
just the same kind of relation as Goth, sta-n-da to stop (§ 685 
p, 216). 

Root -i- -dho' and -do- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 688. Although under certain circumstances dh could 
become d in the parent language (I § 469. 8 p. ), that is not 
the reason why I class -dho- and -do- together now. It is not 
that I regard them as being always variants of the same suffix ; 
but simply because in some languages dh and d ran together 
and became indistinguishable, which makes it often quite 
impossible to say which of the two is used with a given form. 

The (^/i-suffix which we see in forms like Gr. ^Qi-d^oi nv-d^co 
7iXrj-&M (pXsya-d^w has often been derived from y/^dhe- 'place, 
do' (Skr. dddha-ti etc.), this being deduced from other compounds 
of this root, both old and new, about which there can be no 
doubt, as *sue-dhe- *sue-dhe- *sud-dhe- 'make one's own in 
Skr. sva-dhd *custom, wont' Gr. s-^-wv 'consuetus' e-&-og rj-d^- 

§§ 688,689. Present Stem: CImb XXV - 8kr. n(hdha-U kar-dn-ti. 219 

-(V niO'^-a, Skr. irdd'dadhami *I belieye, trast' Lat. crBdO 
O.Ir. cretim (II § 4 p. 9, § 160. 1 p. 479), Avest. yaoi-.daUi 

ijaoZ'dadait { 'makes something right, purifies* from yaoi = Skr. 
y6$ 'weal, luck, happiness*. This may indeed be the real origin 
of all such stems. The consonant which began the second part 
of the compound stem became practically the 'root-ending* in 
fipf&M ^B^gl^a^ very much in tlie same way as the p in gOp- 
-a-ti ju-gOp-a gop-sya-ti etc. from gO-pd- go-p-d-. 

Just 80 the suffix "d- may sometimes be the v^rf5-, which 
in addition to its meaning *give* had other meanings like those 
of dhc' (OsthofF, Perf. p. 237), cp. I § 404 pp. 298 f., on 
Skr. mfdd-ti pr. Ar. *m^£-da'ti. 

The thematic stems in -o- (-dho-^ -do-) were originally not 
the only ones which contained these additional suffixes. But 
although not the only stems, thematic stems were commonest 
of all in this connexion, and without doubt this was generally 
true in the original language. We shall have occasion to point 
this out when we find other stems parallel to those in -o-. 

§ 689. Pr. Idg. -dho'}) \^uel- 'to wish, rule* (Lat. 
vel'le O.Ir. flaith 'lordship'): Goth, val-da 'I have power, rule', 
O.C.Sl. vla-dq *I have power, rule* (for *vol-dq)^ both for yj-dh-, 
cp. Lith. vat-d-au] parallel stem Lith. vel-du 'I rule* pa-vUdu 
*I inherit* (Pruss. weldunai pi. 'heritages*). From *sqer-dh-y 
beside Lith. skir-ti *to sever, part*: O.H.G. scrintu 'I burst, 
am shattered* by transfer to Class XYI (§ 634 p. 171), 
Lith. sMrdziu *I burst, or blow up*, which is derived from a 
form *sker-du (§ 765). From the root of Skr. yu- *to mix, 
stir, disturb*: Skr. yO-dha-ti gets in motion* (yudh-yO'tSj 

1) Per Persson, in his Wurzelerw.^ pages 35 flf., sees the detennlnatiye 
dh and d in many instances besides those for which they are here 
assumed. Some of these are words in which dh or d is taken in this 
book to be part of the root proper; e. g. Skr. gfdh-ya-ti^ which he derires 
from the root of O.H.G. yer 'desiring', and Or. jufdta Goth, mita^ which 
he derives from {/^ me- 'measure*. For a new discussion of forms with 
determinative d see Johansson, Idg. Forsoh. u 42 ff., and 46 ff. 

220 Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. yd-dha-ti hur-da-ti. §§689,690. 

2^*^ sing. yot'Si) , Lith. ju-du 'I move trembling', jundu *I get 
into a trembling movement, into uproar* (pret. judau inf. jilsti) 
by transfer to Class XYI (§ 635 p. 172), compare Gr. vo/niv-rj 
'battle' i. e. *vd--{-oiLuV' (II § 115 p. 359), Lat. ^'uba juheO 
(Bugge, Bezz. Beitr. xiv 58 f.).^) From re- (Lat. reor re-ri): 
Skr. d-ra-dha-t 'brought to a happy conclusion, set right' 
{rddh-ya-te rcLdh-no-ti) , Goth, ga-reda 'I consider , I bestir 
myself nr-reda *I give judgement, decide' O.H.G. rcCtu 
*I advise, think of, conjecture, prepare carefully', cp. O.C.Sl. 
raditi 'to consider, care for'. From the same root as Lith. 
Mo-ju 'I spread abroad' : A.S. hla-de 'I load, cover with portable 
things* (ground-form *qb'dho)^ O.C.Sl. kla-dq *I invite, lay 
down* (cp. Kluge, Etym. Wort. s. v. laden). 

Two other forms, which others with less reason regard as 
reduplicated, will also come in here: Skr. partic. dodhat- 'shaking, 
violent, storming* (dudh-i-s 'violent') and Gr. &voonjnai (for 
*&v&-j,o-/Liai) 1 shake or stir myself, both connected with Skr. 
dhU' *to shake*. 

§ 690. Pr. Idg. 'do-, V^(s)qer- (Gr. oxaipco *I leap, 
jump, dance'): Skr. kur-da-ti 'jumps, leaps', cp. Gr. yiQaS-am 
'I swing, brandish* xopJ-aJ a kind of dance, Mid.H.G. scherze 
schirze (weak verb) *I jump in a lively way. y/^meU (Lat. 
mol6^ Skr. mlci-ti 'grows soft, slackens' O.Ir. mlcLith 'soft, slack', 
see § 580 p. 122): Skr. vi-mrada-ti 'softens', A.S. mel-te 
'I melt, grow soft' (Goth, ga-maltein-s 'loosening, solution), 
cp. Skr. mfdu-s 'soft* compar. mrddlyas-^ Gr. a/tiaX^hw 'I soften, 
weaken' ^)ya6-ao6'g 'slack, loose, loosened', Lat. mollis for 
"^mold'ii-i-s ; Skr. mrad- = *ml-e-d- with the same intermediate 
vowel e which is seen in Gr. e-ay-e-^o-v § 694 Lat. m-e-to 
§ 680 p. 212; from the same root we have a stem *mel-dh' 
Skr. mdrdha-ti 'slackens, gets lazy or sluggish' Gr. /Ludd-aao-g 
'soft, tender' (beside /LiaXuy.6-g) [.idXd^cov (gen. -lav-og) 'weakling* 

1) Another, but hardly better explanation of jubed may be seen in 
Bezzenberger's Beitrage, xvi 216 (Froehde). 

§$690-692. Present Stem: CIms XXY — Skr. yC-dha-li kHr-da-H, 221 

O.Sax. mildi 'mild, gracious, gentle\ so that it is impossible to 
decide whether -dh- or -rf- is contained in O.Ir. mddach 
*acceptu8, gratus', Lith. meld^iii *I beg, O.C.Sl. mladU 'tender. 
Connected with Lat. sal sal-is: Lat. sallo for *BaUd6 (I § 369 
p. 280), Goth, salrta 1 salt'. \^ §heu- pour' (Gr. /-/w /tj-T()ff): 
Lat. fundO (perf. fud%) conjugated in Class XVI (§ 632 
p. 169),^) Goth, giuta O.H.G. giuiu 1 pour*, y/^pleu- *float, 
swim' (Gr. 7iXi(f)fo): O.H.G. fliuzu O.Icel. flgt 1 flow', Lith. 
platidziu *I wash, purify' (inf. plausti), pludziu 'I chatter' 
(inf. plusti), plustu 1 begin to swim, get swimming (pret. 
pludau)^ cp. O.Ir. do-lod-sa *ivi' S""** sing, do-luid § 697. 
V^spreu- (Lett, sprau-ju-s 1 rise, spring up', of seed): 
Mid.H.G. springe A.S. sprute *I sprout' (A.S. 5/)red^ *stalk, 
shaft* O.H.G. spriuia prop, pillar O.H.G. spro^o 'sprout'), 
Lith. sprdtidziu *I push forcibly into a narrow space, press* 
(inf. sprdusti) sprustu *I push my way out of a holdfast or fix, 
get out' (pret. sprudau). With Lat. clcLv-i-s: clau-dd, compare 
O.Fris. slUte (for *sklut') 1 close' (O.H.G. sliu^u is doubtless 
*slUiu transformed by analogy). 

Following the same lines of reasoming, I derive Skr. 
svdda-te Gr. ijds'rcu from ^suO-de-tai 'enjoys with gusto*, and 
Skr. svdda-ti Gr. sSavo-g 'suavis' from *su-e-de-ti (cp. Skr. 
mr-a-da-ti above); these forms are obviously akin, and I can 
see no other way of bringing them together. 

§ 691. Aryan. (1.) -dho-. Skr. yo-dha-ti^ d-ra-dha-t, 
do'dhat-, see § 689. Skr. d-kru-dha-t 'got angry* {krudh-ya-ti^ 
Avest. xraO'da-itt 'is anxious', l^qreu- Skr. kru-rd-s 'coarse, 
rough, terrible, gruesome'. Avest. a-rao-da-P 'flowed' {raoday^- 
-iti) from sre^t- Skr. srdv-a-ti (r- = *sr-, cp. O.Pers. rauta- 
I § 558.3 p. 414), cp. Skr. vi-sruh- 'stream, body of water* 
(.h- = -dh-, I § 480 p. 354), Gr. Qv&-iii6-g, Skr. sre-dha-H 
'he goes wrong, beside a-srSnidn- 'without error, faultless'. 
Skr. sddha-ti gets to the goal, puts in order' may be derived 
from l/^sS- (Skr. sa- 'to bring to an end, conclude' vy-ava-sdmi 

1) For / in fundO^ see Buck, Am. Journ. Phil xi 215 f. 

222 Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. yo-dha-ti kur-da-ti. §§ 692,693. 

a-soL-t^ Lat. se-ru-s^ O.Ir. st-r ^lasting long or for ever' 
Umbr. sevom Osc. sivom *oinnmo' = '^se-uo-m). 

§ 692. (2.) -do-. Skr. kur-da-ti^ mr-a-da-ti, sva-da-to 
sv-d-da-ti^ see § 690 p. 220. Skr. tar-da-ti (gramm.) pierces, 
splits, opens* {tfndMi) ^ akin to tdr-a-ti 'traverses', cp. Lith. 
trSndu *I am eaten of worms or moths* § 637 p. 174 and 
tride *diarrhoea' pra-trystu *I fall ill of diarrhoea' (pret. 
-try day). ^) Skr. khd-da-ti 'bites to pieces, chews' beside Jchdn- 
-a-ti *digs, grubs*. Skr. mfda-ti 'is gracious, pardons' for 
*mf^-da-,^) cp. Avest. mer^zdika- n. 'grace, pardon*, either from 
the root of merg- 'wipe off Skr. m^jd-ti wipes oif, purifies of 
guilt', or from that of Skr. mf^-ya-te 'forgets* Lith. mirsz-ti *to 
forget* (cp. Lith. uz-mirsz-dinu -mirzdinu 'I cause to forget*). 
Skr. Ida-te 'honours, praises, prays to' {tt-te) for *i^-da-tai^ either 
connected with ydj-a-ti 'honours, reverences, offers* partic. is-td-s 
Gr. ay-io-g 'honourable, sacred', or with Lat. aes-tumare Goth. 
dis-tan weak verb 'to revere, observe, have regard for' O.H.G. 
^-a 'honour*; it should be remarked that the Gothic verb may 
be derived from Idg. *aiz-d' or from Idg. *ais-t-j either one 
or the other. Avest. xraoz-da-iti 'hardens' {xruzd-ra- 'hard*) 
beside Gr. ypvo-raivw 'I make to freeze', in which s is itself 
an extension (§ 664 p. 197); perhaps from the same root, 
Skr. krudaya-ti 'makes thick* krodd-s 'breast, boar*. Lastly, 
we are doubtless right to add Skr. heda-mdna-s hida-mcina-s 
'being angry with some one, hostile' Avest. zoizda- *ugly, 
disagreable, ai6xQ6q,^) 

§ 693. 3. -dho- or -c?o-, uncertain which. To this place 
belong Avestic verbs, syaz-da-iti 'gives place, disappears', cp. 

1) 2/ in 'trystu is not original. By analogy of «-root8 were formed 
tredziu *I have diarrhoea* traidinu *I excite diarrhoea'. 

2) More exactly mfdd-H, answering to lldhd- for *lizdhd- (I § 404 
pp. 298 f.). The long f is certain from the metre; see Benfey, Vedica 
und Verwandtes, pp. 1 ff., Oldenberg, Die Hymnen des Rig- Veda, i 477. 

3) The unextended root is not really contained in Lith. pa-zeida 'insult, 
wound' (cp. Zubaty, Bezz. Beitr. xvn 327); this is against the known 
laws, see I § 47G p. 351 f., and Burg in Kuhn's Zeitsohr. xxix 363. 

§694. Pre8ent Stem: ClasB XXV — Skr. jfO-dha-ti kOr-da-U. 223 

siidy^-iti sHidyf^ti 'drivos away*, seems to be akin to Skr. 
ii^- 'to be over, left behind* {Sinds-ti SsS-aya-ti). vOii'da-iti 
'hurls, throws against something*, perhaps connected with 
O.C.Sl. tnch-ru 'whirlwind' Russ. vichatt 'shatter , agitate'. ') 
avai9uhab'da-itR 'falls asleep*, from Ar. suap- 'to sleep* (I § 159 
pp. 141 f.). sna-da-iti 'washes', beside Skr. snd-ti, 

§ 694. Greek. (1.) -dho-. i-dpa-^o-v s-^ap'&o-v 'I slept* 
(pros. (SaQ-d-'dvo) § 621 p. 158), beside Lat. dor-mid Skr. 
dr-a-ti. Horn. opt. ps-^gitd^ot-Q 'comedas* (Od. 4. 35) from pi-^giu- 
'(Did) [/^qeT'i op. Lith. glr-d-inu gSr-d-inu I give to drink* 
{ger-iii 1 drink*). tjXv&O'V 'I came*, beside nooa-fjXv-TO'g perf. 
2"** pi. iXrjXv-Tf. fpf/-^ft) *I pull to and fro, tear, hurl', doubtless 
akin to O.H.O. rue jerk, jolt, sudden change of place', sffd-co 
'esse' (6a&-i(o §§ 713, 765) beside eJ-w. ay-^o-^ai 1 am galled 
or wearied by burdens*, beside ay-%'v-fiai. nXrj-d-fo *I am full*, 
beside niii-7iXrj'[.u. Hvrj-d-co *I shave, rub, scratch', beside avfj 
(§ 737). TiV'd-o) 'I make rot* (perf. n^nvS-a) , beside nvo-v 
'pus*: Lith. pu-d-inu pii-d-au *I make rot' Lett, pa-pu-d-^ 
'fallow field* beside pUv-ii 'I make rotten*, ^gt'&w 'I weigh, 
press hard upon' (perf. fis^old-a)^ beside fiptap6-g ^ag-v-q. 

S'Cf/S'd-o-v 'I held', beside s-ax-s-g y/^segh-. xata-^X'S-d-si' 
xaranlvsi Hesych., beside O.Ir. gelid 'consumit' O.H.G. chela 
'throat*. (pXey-s-d-o) 'I burn', beside (fXsy-co. vfu-€-&o-^iai 
1 pasture*, beside vsiu'0-,uut. tsX-e-d-co 'I am*, beside rfXXio. 

-a-&io = *-d'dho. neX-d'&fo *I draw near', beside nsXa-g 
nsXa-aaai. Stwx-d'&co *I pursue*, beside <Ji(Jx-w. djuvvd-9^(o 
*I ward off', beside djLivvco, ' lusra-yu'd-d-M *I go after, pursue', 
beside nlio 'I go*. Here perhaps should come y-tj&oiiai Dor. 
ydd-o/Liat (perf. yeyfj&a ytya&a) and yrj^tio 1 enjoy, am pleased', 
for *ya/-a'&'y beside yaim *I take pleasure' for *yaf'^(o and 
ynv-po-g 'proud*: Lat. gaudeO for *gdvided (I § 612 p. 462), — 
observe that gdvtsus seems to imitate vlsu-s^ which would show 

1) Still more uncertain is Bartholomae^s comparison of the word 
with Skr. rldw in vidu-pdlman- (Bezz. Beitr. xui 87). 

224 Present Stem: Class XXY — ^kr. yo-dha-ti kur-da-ti. §§695,696. 

it to have been formed at some time when there was a present 
*gamdeo still in use; as regards the ending -sw -eo, see 
§ 801. 

/Lii'Vv-&io minuo' beside Skr. mi-no-mi, (pd^i-vv-&(o 1 de- 
stroy' beside rpd^tvu) (p&lvco for '^(p&t-vf-co Skr. ksi-no-mi, see 
§ 639 p. 177, § 652 p. 186. 

(iagv'&(o 'I am weighted* beside ^aQvvw §aQv-g^ cp. end of 
§ 611. 

§ 695. (2.) 'do-, sX-So'fiai Horn. UXdo(.iai *I wish, desire' 
for *ftl-do-^ beside Lat. vel-le; cp. Goth, val-da O.C.Sl. vla-dq 
Lith. vd-du with -dho- § 689 p. 219. €'(fXa-^o-v 'I popped, 
burst*, beside Skr. phal-a-ti 'bursts' or beside q)X-aiva) § 621 
p. 158. s-cpXi'ds-v' dtspQSsv Hesych. {rfXid-dvst, Hesych., g)Xidrj 
'superfluity, abundance') beside 0Xiag (Curtius, Gr. Etym.^ 301). 
tsvdd) *I gnaw', doubtless for *ts(.t-6(o and connected with 
xtfi'V(ji}\ cp. Lat. tondeo. 

-d' is very common in other formations, both in verbs and 
nouns. We may mention further yiga-d-aM xog-S-a^ and d/itaX' 
-d-vvu) ^Xa-S-apo-g § 690 p. 220. Other examples : xXa-^-daai * 
astaai Hesych., beside djio-nXag aX^-po-g 'lot* (a chip or piece 
of wood, or other substance, broken off): Lat. per-cello for 
*-cel-d-d § 696. i-pgd-d-avai, gdaauts for *Qd^-\-aa-TS, beside 
galvo) 'I sprinkle' § 621 p. 159. xs-xXi^-oT-a' dv&ovvra Hesych., 
xXi^tj 'softness, luxuriance, wantonness', dta-ns^Xoiduig' diuggsiov 
vjio TQvcpijg, from xXto) 'I am soft, effeminate'. /Lisi-d-dw 1 smile' 
g)tXo-jLiiuid7]g, akin to Skr. smdy-a-te: cp. Lett, smai-da a smile* 
smi'dind-t smi-dind-t 'to make laugh'. xXvXco *I flood' for 
♦kAi;- J-j^w, nXv-d-cuv 'wave' : Goth, hlu-t-r-s 'pure, clean', connected 
with O.Lat. cluere 'purgare' and cloaca, i^-cpXv'QM 'I break out* 
(of a sore or abscess) for *y)A,i;-J-j^w, beside ix-cpXvG). 

§ 696. Italic. (1.) -dh- in Lsit ju-b-eo, see § 689 p. 220, 
and probably gaudeo for *gavideo, see § 694 p. 223. 

(2.) -d- in sallo for *sal-dd, fundo fUdl, clau-dd, see § 690 
p. 221. per-cello for *-cel-dd from the same root as clOLd-es 
(T § 306 p. 243), and connected with Gr. aXa-d- xAa-, see § 695. 

§§ 697-699. Preaeot Stem: CUtt XXY — Skr. yfhdhu^ti iHir-da-tL 225 

cu'dd, onco also *caU'dO (Conway, Verner'a Law in Italy, 
p. 72), connected with Lith. kdu-ju *I strike, forge, fight* 
O.C.Sl. kov-q 1 forge*. 

(3.) -dho' or -do- (doubtful). frendO beside fremd (cf. 
OsthofF, M. U. V 94 f.), perhaps for *fremidO. caedO^ according 
to Holthausen, P.-B. Beitr. xi 554 f., connected with Mid.Dutch 
heie 'hammering block' heien *to strike, ram, stamp' Mid.H.G. 
heie f. mallet, wooden hammer'. Other possible forms are 
tendo from y/^ten-j see § 564 p. Ill, and dS-fendO of-fendd, 
which may be connected with Gr. dftVw, and come from 
y/^qhen- (is fSnu-m 'hay* for ^fen-sno- or *fend-\-sno-^ meaning 
'something cut'?) ^) 

§ 697. Keltic, -d- is perhaps the suffix of do-lod-sa 
'ivi* beside luath luad 'quick, fleeting', beside O.H.G. fliu^'U 
§ 690 p. 221 (so Zimmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxx 215 f.). 

§698. Germanic. (1.) -dho-. Goth, val-da O.B..G. tcaltu 
'I rule, hold sway', O.H.G. scrintu 1 burst, blow up*, Goth. 
ga-rSda *I reflect upon, meditate* O.H.G. rO-tu *I advise', A.S. 
hla-de 1 load', see § 689 p. 220. O.Icel. bregd 'I set moving 
quickly, I swing' A.S. bre^de 'I swing, throb* O.H.G. brittu 
1 swing, throb' (for -tt- see Braune, Ahd. Gr.2 § 164 Anm. 2 
p. 135) doubtless for Hhreg- -dho, beside O.C.Sl. brtz-u quick* 
brlz-ati 'to run quickly'; in Kluge's view of the treatment of 
pr. Idg. med. asp. -j- tenuis (Paul-Braune's Beitr. ix 152 f., 
Paul's Grundr. i 327), another possible ground-form would be 
*bhregh-{-to (Class XXIV). 

§ 699. (2.) -do-. Mid.H.G. scherze 1 jump quickly about', 
A.S. meUe *I grow soft', Goth, sal-ta O.H.G. salzu 1 salt', 
Goth, giu-ta O.H.G. giuiu 1 pour*, O.H.G. fliu-^u *I flow*, 
Mid.H.G. spriu-ie A.S. spru-te 'I sprout', O.Fris. slu-te O.H.G. 

1) If 'fendd should be connected with Skr. badha-tS 'compels, oppresses*, 
the latter must be kept distinct from Skr. vad?i- Avest. vad- (Gr. w^fw). 
-fendd, which may have once been *-fanddy would then belong to 
Class XVI § 632. Yet another explanation is given by Fick, Wtb. i * 463, 
who compares O.Ioel. detta 'to fall down*. Conway, Class. Review v 297, 
explains tendo -fendO as being for *ten-ijS ^Qhen-yS = Gr. r9(vm ^tirtt. 

Bru^mann, Elements. IV. 15 

226 Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. yo-dha-ti kar-da-ti. §§ 699,700. 

sliu^u 1 shut', see § 690 pp. 220 f. O.Sax. wrttu O.H.G. 9%u 
*I tear, wound, write', cp. Gr. Ql-vf] 'file, rasp' ^T-vo-g 'hide still 
on the body' (but dsQ/na from dsQco). O.Icel. vel4 'I roll* trans. 
O.H.G. walzu *I roll, turn myself, the latter for *ul-dd, beside 
Lith. vel-ti 'to full, mill' Lett, we 14 *to roll, full, mill', compare 
Lith. vel-d-inu 1 have something fulled or milled'. Goth. sm7- 
-ta 1 die slowly away', O.H.G. swilzu *I am devoured by fire, 
I spend myself in coitu^ pine away', O.Icel. svelt *I hunger', 
beside A.S. swelan 'to smoulder, burn slowly and glow* : cp. Lith. 
svll-d-inu 'I get something singed'. O.H.G. sciu-^ii O.Icel. skgt 
'I shoot': Lith. szau-d-y-kle 'shuttle' szau-d-au 'I shoot or move 
again and again* szdu-d-inu (causal of the last) Lett, schau-d-e- 
-kli-s 'spoolor bobbin' schau-d-r-s 'hasty, hot', beside Lith. szdu-ju 
*I shoot'. O.H.G. gli-^u O.Sax. glitu 'I gleam, shine', akin to 
O.Sax. gli-mo 'a gleam or sheen, a brightness'. O.H.G. wa-^u 
*I blow' ground-form *ue-d[>, connected with O.H.G. wa-u 'I blow' 
Skr. vd-ti: cp. Lith. ve-d-inu 'I expose to the air, I air*. 
According Fick Wtb. i^ 539 f., O.H.G. lazu Goth, leta 'I let*, 
with which we have connected Gr. Xi]Mv (§ 521 p. 85), would 
come froma l/^/e-. 

§ 700. Balto-Slavonic. When Balto-Slavonic -do- comes 
from Idg. -dh-o^ and when from Idg. -do-^ can only be made 
out by help of the cognate languages. 

(1.) 'dho-. Lith. vel-du 'I rule' O.C.Sl. vla-dck 'I rule, hold 
sway*, Lith. skSrdsiu 'I burst* instead of earlier "^sker-du^ Lith. 
ju-di)i, 'I move trembling' jundu 'I begin to move all a- tremble', 
O.C.Sl. ra-d-iti 'to meditate or reflect upon*, see § 689 p. 219. 
Lith. gir-d'inu gSr-d-inu glr-d-au *I give to drink', pu-d-inu 
im-d-au 'I cause to rot* Lett, pa-pude 'fallow land*, see § 694 
p. 223. With Lith. \-st6-d-in-ti 'to give admittance to' Lett. 
std-d'i-t *to set, place, plant' std-d-s 'a plant' we may compare 
Gr. (Jra-&'SQ6-g 'standing firmly' aTa'&-iLi6-g 'standing place'. 
O.C.Sl. i-dq *1 go' (inf. i-tt) may be closely connected with 
Gr. X-&'f.ia 'course, way, step'. 

(2.) -do-. Lith. plau-d-Hu 1 wash, purify' plu-d-ziu 
*I chatter' piustu 'I begin to swim' pldu-d-in-ti *I cause to be 

§§ 700,701 . Present Stem : Class XXY - Bkr. yMKa-li kOr-da^L 227 

rinsed' Lett, plu^d-ind-t 1 make overflow*, Lith. sprdu-d^Hu 
*I comper sprustu 1 rush out of a narrow place*, see § 690 
p. 221. Lett, smai'da *a smile* smi-d-ind-t 'to make laugh\ 
see § 695 p. 224. Lith. vH-d-inu 'I cause to be milled or fulled', 
svll'dinu 1 cause to be singed*, szau-d-y-kle 'shuttle' Lett. 
schau-d-r-s 'hot, hasty*, Lith. v^-d-inu *I air*, see § 699 p. 226. 

Some of these distinctions between orig. -dh- and -rf-, 
made by help of other languages, are naturally very little to 
be trusted. As -d-ina- was a very fertile suffix in both Lettic 
and Lithuanian, there need be no very real connexion between 
such endings as those of svll-dinu and Goth, svil-ta. 

§ 701. (3.) In many instances it is quite impossible to 
distinguish between orig. -dho- and -do-. 

On the doubtful points in the explanation of Lith. meUd-ziu 
*I beg O.C.Sl. mla-du 'tender, see § 690, p. 220. 

Lith. vSr-dic 'I boil' pret. vir-iau inf. vlr-ti. mSr-d-ziu and 
inSr-d-mi 1 lie a-dying' (inf. mSr-d-e-ti) , from mif-ti 'to die' 
(Lat. morbus for *mor-dho-s?). Lett. eWfchu *I separate' for 
*er'd-iu (pret. e'rdu inf. e^rst)^ beside Lith. yr-w *I separate, 
myself, set myself free*. Lith. skU-du and skSl-d-ziu 1 split, 
burst' intrans. (inf. skSl-d-e-ti) , skU-d-in-ti *to make or cause 
to be split', from skelu^ i. e. *skel-iu '1 split* (inf. skU-ti).^) 
Lith. yrimstu 'I sink' pret. grimzdau inf. grimsti^ beside Lett. 
gri'mstu grimu grVmt^ points to a pres. *grem-du or *grim-du; 
and Lett, ginstu *I perish' pret. gi^ndu inf. gin-t to a present 
*gi7i-dti. Lith. srti-d-ziu 'I make bloody' (inf. srusti) beside 
pa-sruv-o 3"^ sing, 'flowed'. Lith. g'e-dti 'I sing* and ge-d-mi 
(3^ sing, gesti) , cp. galda-s 'singer' gaidy-s 'cock', akin to 
Skr. gdya-ti 'sings* ge-^u-$ ge-^a-s 'singer* (cp. Per Persson, 
op. cit., 117, 197). 

From the series containing -dho- and -do- were formed a 
large class of Lith.-Lett. Causals and Frequentatives, ending in 
(Lith.) -d'inu inf. -d-inti, and in (Lith.) -d-au inf. 'd-y-ti. Many 

1) Per Persson (Wurzelerweiterung, 38) connects skilditi with Or. 
KlaSdaaty Lat. per^ellO (§ 695 p. 224). If so, its d would come from 
Idg. d, 


228 Present Stem : Classes XXVI to XXXI — io-presents. §§ 701,702. 

of these howe been cited already. With -d-inu compare Gr. 
daQ-d^'dvm beside k-dap-^o-v (§ 694 p. 223), (pXi-d-avsi beside 
b'cpli-ds'V (§ 695 p. 224). The verbs in -d-au -d-y-ti^ with 
frequentative meaning, often show a root syllable of the second 
strong grade (see § 790), as shdl-dyti *to split again and again 
from skei-du *I split myself skil-dinu 'I cause to be split'. 

To the same dental group belongs the partic. II. pres. act. 
in ^dama-s; here the m-suffix is the same as in vem-ma-s 
fut. vhszi-ma-s etc. (II § 72 p. 166), and had the original 
middle meaning. Therefore the form skSl-dama-s, for example, 
which is now attached to the verb skelit, originally belonged to 
skSl'du skU-d-siu just as skSl-dinu did. 

O.C.Sl. ja-dq 1 ride, vehor ^) beside inf. ja-ch-a-ti (§ 665 
p. 198).2) bqdq 'fio' may be derived from y/'bheu-^ by assuming 
*bh^'Cl'dhd *bhu-a-dd (cp. Lat. -bam for *bhy,-a'm) or *bhu-dhd 
*bhil'dd^ which got a nasal in Class XYI (§ 637 Rem., p. 176); 
or even if we suppose that a present *bonq for *bhu-ono 
(Class XIY, § 624 p. 162) was extended by -dho or -dD 
(cp. Lith. kaitin-drinu *to cause to be heated* derived from 
kait-inu *I heat*). 


§ 702. This suffix appears in the forms -io- -ie- or -iio- 
-iie-. Examples of -ip- are Skr. hdr-ya-ti, Gr. /al^Ka for 
*xap-fi(o, Goth, vaurk-ja^ Lith. spir-iU se-ju O.C.Sl. sS-^'q. Of 
'iio-: Skr. mr-iyd-te Gr. iad^-ioj , Lat. suf-fio (for *dhu-iid) 
fare-id^ O.Ii'. b-iu (for *bhU'iio), A.S. bed (also for *bhu-iio). 
We are reminded of -no- : -ni^o- (§ 596 p. 138); and the 
same double forms reappear in the noun-suffix -io- (I § 117 
pp. 109 f., § 120 pp. Ill ff., n § 63 pp. 122 ff.. Ill § 194 p. 74) 

1) For the initial, cp. Zubaty, Archiv fur slav. Phil., xm 623. 

2) The derivation of Ved. yada-mana-s yadura-s from ya- 'go* 
(Grassmann, Worth., s. v. yad) is extremely doubtful. 

§ 702. Present Stem : ClaMM XXVI to XXXI — i(^prM«Btt. 220 

which must be the same suffix as this of the rerbs (compare 
such stems as Skr. pti-ya-ti 'stinks' pd-ya-m 'ill-smolling discharge, 
matter', § 487 pp. 41 f.). 

Another point in common between the two suffixes is this. 
In some forms of the verb-system we find a weak grade, -t-, 
or -I-. Examples are: -t-, Lat. 2°'* sing, cap-is^) from cap-id^ 
O.H.G. 2"^ sing, hev-i-s from heffxi (= Goth, haf-ja), Lith. 
2"** pi. tlk'i-te from tik-iu; examples of -f-, Lat. 2"** sing. 
farc'l-s from fare-id^ O.C.Sl. 2"** sing. veUi-H from vel-jq?) This 
't- is not found in the present system of Aryan or Greek ; and 
it is more than chance that these very languages have discarded 
tiie weak forms of the same sort from their declension of noun 
stems with -io-. 

Details as to the Indicative Present will now be given. 

Aryan and Greek as a rule have only -io- and -ie- inter- 
changed, as in the other thematic classes. E. g. Skr. hdr-yO-mi 
hdr-ya-si hdr-ya-ti etc., like bhar-d-mi bhdr-a-si bhar-a-ti;^) 
Gr. xotiMo /ai()sig /uipsi etc. like (papio <psQ8ig, and so forth. 

Latin keeps only -io- and -f-; e. g. cap-to -is -i-t -i-mus 
-i-tis -iu-nt, farc-iO -i-s -i-t (for -t-t); parallel to farcTs is 
Umbr. her is Vis*. 

Li Keltic the inflexions are not all quite clear. With 
-|0- we have nothing but the Posing. (O.Ir. -Uciu) for certain; 
and -T- can be shown in one or two persons (besides the 
isolated forms Mod.Cymr. imper. bit bint, see § 719); thus 
no doubt can be felt that there once existed a series of forms 
with -io- : -»-. We see -/- or -T- in 2°** sing, imper. O.Ir. leiCj 
S'"^ pi. O.Cymr. scamnhegint levant* nertheint 'they strengthen* 
(= O.Ir. *nertaigit), cp. 3"* sing, istlinnit *he makes known* 

1) The view that cap-i-t comes from Hap-ie-ti (I § 135 p. 122) must 
be given up. 

2) Goth, vaurkeis (1*' sing, vaurkja) can hardly be compared with 
such forma as Lat. fards O.C.Sl. velisi ; it is formed on the analogy of 
fra-vardeis = Skr. vartai/a-si and the like (§ 781. 2). 

3) Forms like Avest. irisinti as contrasted with Skr. rts-ya-nti prove 
nothing for Idg. -/- in Arestic. See Bartholomae, Handb. § 95 (i Anm. 1 
p. 41, and § 290 p. 126. 

230 Present Stem: Classes XXVI to XXXI — io-presents. § 702. 

(O.Ir. sluindid) Mid.Cymr. chivareid 'plays'. Also O.Ir. 3^^ pi. 
-lecet may be *'tnt- (-*mto)j and the P* pi. -lecem may be 
*-imo(s) ; the S""** sing. 4eci may be derived from *-t-t or *-iie-t. 
The P^ sing, leicim is a re-formate, like O.C.Sl. himi Serv. 
Jivalhn (cp. scaraim car aim). 

The same variation , -io- : -i- (see above) , is seen in 
Germanic. But here not only the P* sing, and 3'"'* pi. have 
'io-^ but the P* pi. as well (O.H.Gr. heffe-mes Goth, hafja-m). 
"We should therefore assume as the proethnic scheme in this 
branch, -v5 -i-zi -i-cti -ia-m -i-di -ia-ndi. The Gothic forms 
haf-ji-s haf-ji-p are in all probability instead of "^haf-i-s 
^'haf'i-p^ on the analogy of hafja hafjam hafjand on the one 
hand, and satj'a satjis etc. on other; this view is supported by 
liga ligis etc. found instead of Hig-ja *Ug-i-s (cp. O.H.G. liggu 
ligis).^) Thus it cannot be shewn that Germanic once had the 
same inflexion as Aryan and Greek. 

This variation is found again in Balto-Slavonic ; Lith. IH-m 
leZ'l liz-ia Wz'ia-me IB-ia-te like suku sukl suka suka-me 
siika-te ^ O.C.Sl. hor-jq hor-je-si hor-je-tu hor-je-mu hor-je-te 
hor~jqiu like herq, here-si bere-tu bere-mu etc. Also the 
variation f, and here Lith. has regularly -t- while Slavonic 
has regularly f; Lith. smlrd-ziu smlrd-i smlrd-(i) smlrd-i-me 
smlrd-i-te O.C.Sl. smrizdq smrtd-i-si smrtd-i-tu smrid-i-mu 
smrid-i-te smrid-qtu (§ 637 Rem. p. 176). 

Lastly, in Armenian -^- (= Idg. -i~ or -t-) runs through 
all the persons, as xaus-i-m 'loquor' -is -i pi. -i-mU -ilc -i-n. 

In view of these facts it is likely that the parent speech 
had a twofold inflexion. Some of the io-presents had -io- : -ie- 
analogous to the variation between -o- : -e-, and others had 
'io- : -1-. The latter was found, if we may trust the evidence 
of the Balto-Slavonic group, in such io-verbs as had an e-stem 
as well as a io-stem, as O.C.Sl. mmjq mtn^-ti; and if this be 

1) The same levelling in late Old High German, ligu instead of liggu 
following ligis^ hitu instead of hittu (Goth, hidja) following litis (cp. Goth. 

703. Present Stem: Clssset XXVI to XXXI -j[o-pretent8. 231 

80, 'i<h : 't- must be assumed for Qrcek stems like fiaipo-ftat 

(aor. t/adyTjy)^ cp. §§ 708, 727. As regards the question, which 
persons took 'io- and which took -f-, two points may be 
considered certain. (1) The 1"* sing, had -id or -ij5, and the 
3'** pi. -io'7U(i) or -iio-nt(i).^) (2) -?- was used with the 2"** and 
3'** sing, and the 2*"* pi., as also in the 2"** sing, imperative (Lat. 
cape for *capiy farcf^ O.Ir. ISic^ O.H.O. ligi). The !•* plural 
seems to have had -jo-. Further details may be sought below. 
§ 703. There is none of the formative suffixes of the 
present stem which is added so often as -io- to stems which 
have some other suffix already. Compare Skr. sn-d-ya-tB 
Lat. nO (for *sn(l-(i)d) beside Skr. sn-d-ti Lat. n-d-s^ Skr. 
jfi-a-yd-tS O.H.G. kn-au (ground-form ^gn-S-id) O.C.Sl. e«*«- 
-je'tii (ground-form *g7i-d'ie-t{u)) beside Gr. s-yv-oM', Lat. taced 
(for ^tac-e-id) Goth, pahdi-p (for Hak-^-ie-tt) beside Lat. 
taC'B-s O.H.G. dag-e-s (Class X §§ 578 ff.) ; Lesb. y.Xivvm (for 
*>iXi'V-/,(o) beside O.Sax. hli-no-n etc. (Classes XII, XIII § 611); 
Skr. i^-an-yd'ti^ Gr. iaivM (for *i(a)-uv'i.(i)) beside Skr. is-ana-ty 
Gr. oXtod^-amo beside nhad-dvco, O.H.G. gi-wah-anmi beside 
Goth, af'lif-na (Class XFV §§ 616 if.); Greek nriaoo) (instead 
of *7iTiva-iw) Lat. pins-id beside Lat. ptns-d^ Lith. jung-in 
beside Lat. jung-o (Class XVI §§ 627 ff.); Skr. i-s-ya-ti beside 
i'sa-tiy Goth, vah-s-ja beside Avest. vax-sa-iti^ Lith. t^-s-iii 
beside Skr. tq-sa-ii Goth, -pin-sa^ Skr. tr-as-ya-ti Lith. tr-es-iu 
beside Skr. tr-dsa-ti Gr. Tg-t{G)(o (Class XX §§ 657 ff.), with which 
is associated the future of which we have examples in Skr. (/a-s- 
-yd'ti and Lith. d^'-s-iu (§§ 747 ff.); O.C.Sl. istq (for •l^Ar-iq) 
beside iskq (Class XXIII § 677), O.C.Sl. oh-r^tq beside -r^-tu? 
(Class XXIY § 687); Skr. yti-dh-ya-te beside yd-dha-ti Lith. 
ju'diiy Skr. rd-dh-ya-U beside d-ra-dha-t, Gr. la-^-Uo beside 
sG'^cOy M-'Qbi for *xAt;-(J-xw as contrasted with s-ifXt-do-v^ Lith. 
sprdU'd'Ziu beside Mid.H.G. sprie-^e, Lith. skel-d-ziu beside 
sUl-du (Class XXV §§ 688 ff.). 

1) I consider Lat fxuni to represent the old inflexion, and not Osc. 
fiiot fi[i i]et. The Oscan form took the ending of verbs in -mi, as did 

censazet. Cp. § 1022. 

232 Present Stem: Classes XXVI to XXXI - jo-presents. §§ 703,704. 

As a secondary suffix -io- originally bore the chief accent, 
which is usually kept in Sanskrit; jn-a-yd-ti tra-yd-te g^hha- 
-yd-ti (§§ 734, 736); is-an-yd-ti-, fut. da-s-yd-ti. Thus too the 
intensive Skr. de-dU-yd-te is a secondary form as contrasted 
with de-dis-te. 

This puts in the right light the present formation of later 
denominatives, which generally have -jo-, and that too with its 
original chief accent; e. g. Skr. namas-yd-ti arciti-yd-ti prtanci- 
-yd'ti gopa-yd-ti Gr. tsUlo for "^tsXsO-i^m etc. We thus see 
that denominatives had originally no special set of inflexions; 
their present system was the same as that of the Primary 
classes. Forms like P* pi. Armen. Jana-mJc Gr. Aeol. rt/na'/xs}' 
Lat. plantd-mus O.Ir. wo chara-m Goth, salho-m Lith. j^'sto-me 
were originally on the same level as Skr. dr-a-mas Gr. s-dp-a- 
-fxEv Lat. in-tra-mus; and presents like Skr. jiva-ti Lat. vtvi-t 
O.C.Sl. zive-iu (from ji-vd-s etc.) were the same in principle 
as Skr. dja-ti Lat. agi-t. And to these such io-forms as 
Skr. p^tana-yd-ti deva-yd-ti Gr. rT/ndoi rpiXko bore the same 
relation as Skr. tra-yd-te to trd-te (trd-sva) ^ dediS-yd-te to 
dedis-te etc. 

§ 704. So involved and so intricate are these questions, 
that it is practically impossible to present the history of the 
verbal io-suffix in such a way that it shall be clear in every 
point, and all the needs of the student be met at once. 
Such an attempt would make it necessary to treat the same 
material again and again from different sides; and for this we 
have not the space. Be it then expressly understood that the 
classification here given has been made with a view to giving 
a general grip of the subject; and many important principles 
have not been made so prominent as might be wished. 

We classify Present Stems + secondary suffix -io- (§ 703) 
according to the original stems; and we count as separate 
Present Classes (viz. nos. XXYII to XXX) those in which the 
io-suffix, together with the particular kind of stem it may be 
attacht to, has become a type for forms of some particular 

§§ 704-706. Present Stem : OlsM XXYI — Skr. hdr^ifa-ti dfi^ti, 233 

kind. This is not the case with the -jfi- extension of present 
stems in -«A:o-, -<o-, or -dho- -do-; wherefore the said stems 
are only mentioned in an excursus (§§ 762 If.). 

Class XXVI. 
Root -f- 'io- -iio- forming the Present Stem. 

§ 705. This Class falls into two divisions, in one of which 
\\\Q root-syllable, and in the other the thematic vowel carries 
the word accent. The root-syllable when accented has a 
strong grade of vowel (!■* strong grade in the ^-series), when 
unaccented is weak. (A) Accent on Root-Syllable: *ghSr-io- 
(Skr. hdr-ya-ti Umbr. fut. heriest); (B) Accent on Thematic 
Towel: *gh^'i6- (Gr. /a/(;w). Further examples of (A) are 
Skr. tdn-ya-ti = Gr. arsivw^ pdc-ya-te^ rndd-ya-ti (also Goth. 
hafja O.H.G. heffu 1 lift' pr. Germ. *xdf'id = Lat. cap-id?); 
and of (B), Skr. mr-iyd-te dfS-yd-tS tud-yd-tS S-yd-ti (on the 
obliteration of this orig. difference of accent in Sanskrit, see 
§710). A similar double series is seen in Class II, as Skr. 
kdr^-a-ti and kfs-d4i, and in Class XIII, as O.H.G. willtt and 
trallu (§ 513 pp. 78 f., § 607 p. 148). 

§ 706. Proethnic Idg. — Type A.^ *ghSr-iO'. 

X^gher-: Skr. hdr-ya-ti 'takes pleasure in, desires', Umbr. 
her is 'vis* heriest fut. Volet* Osc. heriiad Velit' (like fakiiad 
'faciat') ; cp. Gr. /juim 1 rejoice', type B. i^uer- 'hide, cover : 
Lat. op-(r)erid ap-(v)erid (v dropt after the labial as in jnu-s 
for *pU'tio-s^ suf-fio -ho -bam, see I § 170 pp. 149 f.),^) Lith. 
iiz-veriu 1 close, shut' dt-veriu 1 open* (cp. Osc. veru *portam' 
Umbr. verof-e *in portam* and Lith. var-tai pi. *door*). l/^ sten- 
ten- : Gr. oniv(o (beside avtvio) 'I groan' Aeol. xewei ' ar* vfi, 
^ui'/htni Hesych., O.C.Sl. sten-jq *I groan, lament' (inf. stena- 
-ti); the Skr. tdn-ya-ti *groans, roars' (cp. stanayitnu- beside 
tanayitnii- Voaring, thundering') may come from *ten-io- or 

1) Another but less probable derivation of these Latin verbs is giren 
in vol. I § 499 p. 366. 

234 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-t/a-fi drs-yd-te. § 706. 

Hi^'io-. y/ uerg- 'work*: Gr. tgdco for "^fepy-ico (the Author, 
Gr. Gr. 2 § 59 p. 71), O.H.G. wirk-(i)u; parallel stem Idg. *ttfg- 
-id', see § 707. |/"Ze^- 'lucere': Gr. Xsvaoco 'I see' for *Xsvy.' 
-1,(0 J Lith. Iduk-iu *I wait, wait for. [^ reg- 'colour, dye': 
Skr. raj-ya-ti 'grows coloured, reddens', Gr. qsIm 'I colour' for 
*p«y-j^w. l/^Qhedh-i Avest. ya2%^«Yi 'prays' 0. V ers. jadfyamiy 
'I pray', Gr. S^saoeodai' alrtXv^ h.STSveiv (Hesych.) for ^f^-j^f- 
(I § 429 b p. 817). [/" peq- 'cook': Skr. pdc-ya-te intr. 'cooks, 
ripens' pass, pac-yd-te (see § 710), Gr. ntoooj 'I cook, soften 
for '*'77f x^*-i^w. K spek- spy, see' : Skr. pds-ya-ti Avest. spas- 
-ye-itij Lat. spec-id con-spido. y/iag- 'honour': Avest. pass, 
part, y^zimna- (= Ski\ *yajyamana') ^ Gr. mid. aCouai for 
*a/-|o- ; cp. Skr. pass. ij-ya-tCj type B. K i^^cl^- : Gr. tzXtjgoco 
'I strike, smite*, O.C.Sl. placq *I cry, lament' for *plak-iq, 
Gr. xptoTw 'I caw' for *x(>w/-j^w, Lat. crOc-io^ Lith. kroh-ik 
krog-iu 'I rattle in the throat, grunt' Lett, krdzu 'I snore, 
croak, groan' (for "^krak-iii),^) i^ spe- {sp9-, Lat. spa-tiii-m): 
Skr. spha-ya-te grows, increases' (not actually found), Lith. 
sp'e-ju 'I have leisure, room, space' O.C.Sl. sp^-Jq 'I have 
successful issue*. [/^ se- (sa- , Lat. sa-Ui-s) : Goth, saia 

O.H.G. sau 'I sow* pr. Germ. *se-io (I § 142 p. 126), Lith. se-ju 
O.C.Sl. sd-jq 'I sow'. \/^ do- (rfa-, Lat. da-tu-s) 'give': Skr. mid. 
a-daya-mana-s^ O.C.Sl. da-jq\ variant stem Skr. pass, df-yd-te, 
type B. I/" sta- (sfe-, Lat. sta-tio) 'stare*: Avest. a-staya 'I place 
myself* O.Pers. niy-astciya 'he commanded', Lat. sto for *sta-id 
XJmbr. stahu 'sto*, O.Ir. -tau -to 'I am' 2°^ sing, -tai, Lith. sto- 
-jSirS 'I place myself, take my place' O.C.Sl. sta-jq 'I place 
myself ; following type B we have the parallel stems Skr. pass. 
stht-ya-te^ O.C.Sl. sto-jq 'I stand*, and probably O.H.G. stet 
(§ 708); cp. § 505 p. 71, § 584 Rem. p. 126. xTbha- (bhd-, 

Gr. (pa-( 'cause to appear, make public, make known*: Lat. 
for for *fa-(i)o-r, Lith. bd-ju 'I ask after, consider' O.C.Sl. 
ba-jq 'fabulor ; still, these verbs may he derived from *bh-a-id 

1) Why, Idg. in Lith.-Lett. becomes sometimes u and sometimes a 
(Lith. o) is unknown. 

§ 707. Present Stem: Class XXTI — Skr. hdr-ya-ti df^^-ti, 235 

(cp. Skr. pass. bha-ya-tS^ not found in our texts), and their 
structure be the same as ^tr-O-iO (§ 785), compare § 495 
p. 55. 

§ 707. Type B: ^Jhr-io-. 

{/^mer- *die* *inr'iio- and ^mf-io-: Skr. mr-iyd-ts Avest. 
mer'-y^-iti, Lat. mor-ior (I § 120 p. 112), cp. below ^hhu-iio- 
HhU'iO'. l^der- 'tear, flay; Skr. dtr-yd-te for ^df-jfi-^ Lith. 
dir-iu'^ type -4, Gr. Jf/pcu Lesb. dsogui, y/^sper-: Gr. onaloo} 
1 pant, struggle*, Lith. spir-iu 'I strike with my foot, kick'. 
l^sqel-: Gr. oxdXXco 1 scrape, hack' for *ax6(A-jjw, Lith. skilU 
(for *skil-iu) 'I strike a light, kindle*. ]/" men- *think of, 
meditate*: Gr. juaivo/nat 1 am wild, enravished, mad', O.Ir. do 
muiniur *I think or believe* (for *man-io- ^ni'^-io') , O.C.Sl. 
mXn-jq 1 think*; to either {A) or (B) may belong Skr. mdn- 
ya-te 'thinks' Avest. 1"* sing, man-ya O.Pers. 2°** sing. conj. 
maniyahy (I § 125 p. 116). [^ qhen-: Skr. han-yd-t^ "is struck' 
instead of *ghan-yd'tB (I § 454 Rem. p. 335), O.C.Sl. z^n-jq 
'I cut off, reap'; of type A from this root we have Gr. ^hvid, 
i/^Qem- go*: Skr. -gam-yd-te, Gr. (iulvco^ Lat. ven-iO (I § 204 
p. 170, § 208 p. 174); venid might also if we wished be 
classed as an example of type A. {/'hJieu- 'become, be* 
*bhu-iio- and *bhu-iO' (so above we had ^mr-iio- and *>M/--io-): 
Gr. *(p(f)-to) implied by (pZ-Tv (§ 718), Lat. fid instead of 
*f(u)'iS with T following ffs etc. (§ 717), O.Ir. b-iu, A.S. b-eo 
(cp. § 722),') Skr. pass, -bhu-ya-te, Gr. Lesb. (f>vi(o (on Ion. Att. 
(pt(o if^io see § 523 p. 87, § 527 Rem. 2 pp. 90 f.); from the same 
root come Lat. fT-liti-s and Alban. bin *I bud' (see G. Meyer, 
Alban. Stud, iii 33, who however, as I think wrongly, assumes 
bhJ' as a variant root* as well as bhu-). [/' dhe\^- 'shake, stir 

1) A different explanation of these verbs is given by Bartholomae, 
Stud. idg. Spr., ii 189 flf., where we see *bh^liO *bh\ii$i *bh^iti 3'** pi. 
*bh\ilionti given as the proethnic forms. This does not agree either with 
the I of A.S. and O.H.G. bis (§ 722), nor with the X of Lith. bHi -bi-me etc. 
(§ 727); obviously the relation of Lith. -bi-nie and O.C.SL bi^mH is the 
same as that of smirdi-me and smridi'mH. 

236 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-ya-ti drt-yd-te. § 707. 

up': Lat. suf-fio for *-fu-id^ Skr. pass. dhU-yd-te 'is shaken*, 
Gr. Lesb. dvko *I storm, roar* {d^mo d-vai like (fv(t) (fvco^ see 
above), O.Icel. dy 'I shake' (inf. dy-ja). [^qei-: Skr. cl-ya-te 
*i3 tried, respected*, connected probably with Gr. rtco *I pay 
(parallel form tIw, cp. § 527 Kem. 2 pp. 90 f.); Arcad. tUm 
either for *rei-^co (^), or more probably an ad-formate of 
tUg(x) sTsioa. Skr. ksi-yd-te 'is destroyed* kst-ya-te *exhaust8 
itself, disappears*; from the same root is probably Gr. Horn. 
(f&tco 'I am destroyed*. Skr. pt-ya-ti 'abuses, thinks little 
of, partic. Goth, fijands O.H.G. fient ('foe'). V^uerg- 

Vork*: A vest. ver^z-y^Ati^ Gr. qsCco instead of */(>aCw 
*fparf,m (I § 299 p. 238), Goth, vatirk-ja; Gr. sQ<^m O.H.G. 
wirk(i)u are of type A^ § 706 p. 234. [^ qherd- (Lith. 

gerda-s 'cry, message, news', Pruss. po-gerdaut 'to say): 
Gr. (foa^ro 'I give to understand , announce', Lith. gird-ziu 
*I apprehend, hear*, ground-form *gh^d-io. \^ ghredh- (Goth. 

gridi- 'step , grade*) : Skr. gfdh-ya-ti 'steps swiftly towards 
something', Lat. grad-io-r (cp. Osthoff, M. U. v p. in). 
[/^leiq- 'linquere*: Skr. ric-ya-te and pass, ric-yd-te^ Gr. lio- 
(7(t)/usv' cdooMim' Hesych.; cp. p. 129 with the footnote about 
Latin licet. Skr. chid-yd-te *is cut off', Gr. ^^l^w 1 split' for 
*a/id-j,co. Skr. kup-ya-ti 'gets in motion, gets excited', Lat. 
cup-io^ O.C.Sl. kypljq 'I flow in waves, boil* for *kyp-jq. 
Gr. *fpv^(o '1 flee', implied by Hom. 7TS(pvl^6v£q (Curt. Yerb i^ 
327), Lat. ftig-io. Skr. Sus-ya~ti 'dries up, withers' (tr.), 
O.C.Sl. susq 'I dry* (intr.) for *such-iq (inf. sUcha-ti) ; of type 
A we have Lith. saus-iil *I dry' (intr.). 

Gr. naa&Lw 'I patch* for *y.nT'ai,t-iw, Goth, siu-ja 'I sew*, 
Lett, schu'ja O.C.Sl. sijq for *siy~iq 'I sew* (I § 60 p. 47, 
§ 131 p. 118, § 143 p. 128, § 147 p. 132), Skr. stv-ya-ti 'sews* 
(part, syu-tds). Gr. Trrm 'I spit, spew* for *(s)piu-id (I § 131 
p. 119), O.Icel. spy 1 spit, spew' (inf. spy-ja) for *spu-io, 
Skr. sthw-ya-ti 'spits, spews*, not actually found (partic. stkyu- 
-td-s)j instead of *st1viv-ya-ti (s came from forms like tisfheva 
ahhi-sthyu-ta-s^ and then spread all over the verb ; Bartholomae, 

§ 707. Present Stem : CIms XXYI — Skr. Mr-ywU dfi-yd-ii, 237 

Ar. Forsch. m 34) ; *) of type A^ Lith. spidu-Ju O.C.Sl. jdju-jq 
(I § 147 p. 132); Goth, speiva is either for *8plii6 parallel to 
Skr. ^phlv-a-tiy or for *8pie\^6 parallel to Lith. spidu-ju (so 
Streitberg, Idg. Forsch. i 513 f.). 

Remark. On these roots with the yariants {H and iff, see Bartho- 
lomac loc. cit. , Kretsohmer in Kuhn^s Ztsohr. xxxi 386 , Per Persson's 
Wurzelerweiterung 154 ff. As regards the variants ♦«j(u-j((J and ^si^-io, 
*8piH-iS and *s/ni*-j(o, it seems most likely that the ending -i^-io is due 
to the analogy of those forms where -ly,- preceded some sonant; to take 
an example, Skr. sthlvya-ti being modelled after the fashion of ^thiva-ti 
^(hivita-Sy and atvya-ti following slvai/ii'ti sipana-m; so also divja-ti 
(beside dyH-td-s) follows -divan- divana-m etc. (op. Osthoff, M. U. iv 817); 
vice versuy Lith. siuv-t^ instead of *8lt*-5 is due to the analogy of siu-ti etc. 

\/^dhB- {dhd-^ cp. Lat. ad-fa-tim) 'suck* *dh9-id: Skr. dhd- 
-ya-ti 'sucks* (I § 109 p. 161), Goth, da-ddja 'I suckle' (I § 142 
p. 127), O.C.Sl. do-j({ 'I suckle'; parallel forms of type A are 
O.H.G. tCLu 'I suckle* Lett. dS-ju 1 suck* common ground-form 
*dhS-id, cp. Skr. dho-yu-^ 'thirsty', y/^de- (dd-) 'bind': Skr. 
d-ya-tij Gr. diu) for *d(-^(t) instead of *da-i.w^ as ds-ro-c for 
*<Ja*To-c = Skr. di-td-s. \^sta- (sto-) 'stare*: Skr. pass. sthJ- 
-ya-tE instead of "stha-ya-te (§ 498 p. 61), O.C.Sl. sto-ja 
'I stand', probably also O.H.G. stet (§ 708 p. 240); parallel 
^-forms, Avest. a-sta-ya etc., § 706 p. 234. 

With some roots endmg in a vowel, the i of the present 
stem, being regarded as the root-final, was allowed to spread 
through other tenses. Side by side with Skr. d-yd-ti 'divides' 
(fut. da-sya-ti etc.) is the bye-form dd-ya-t^^ i. e. *d9-ie' 
(I § 109 a. p. 101), whence by analogy dayi-ta-s day-aya-ti; 
80 too we notice cha-ya-ti chayi-tvd chdy-aya-ti beside ch-ya-ti 
'cuts up* (partic. cha-ta-s). The pr. Greek form which answered 
to dd-ya-tB, to wit, *Ja-j^w, regarded as made up thus *da^-iuy 
served as the starting point for dui-aa ^ai-rgo-g dai-W-iUy and 
from these again we get M-oiiaiy which became associated in 

1) "Why Sanskrit has -^, and not -p- like the rest, is unknown. 
This may be one of those pairs of doublets, such as Skr. skambh- and 
stdmbh- 'support', which cannot be regularly derived from a single 
original form. 

238 Present Stem : Class XXVI — Skr. Mr-ya-U drt-yd-te. §§ 707,708. 

one group with ddoonuui ddnaaox^fxt. ^a-i-o-/.iai may be compared 
with the Lith. gu-i-ju 'I hunt': from gu-jic (gujau) = Lett. 
gu-ju (bye-forms Lett, gu-nu Lith. gdu-nu, § 615 p. 153) 
sprang gtil-siu gtu-ti-, from these again come the presents 
gui'ju and gui-nu. Similarly we find Lith. part. pret. sej-es 
joj-es from se-ju jd-ju {sejau jojau). The principle here 
exemplified throws light on such forms as Skr. dhe-nii-s 
^milking* beside Skr. dhd-t/a-ti O.H.G. tau. Compare Per 
Persson*s further remarks on this matter, Wurzelerweiterung 
pp. 115 if. 

Pairs of forms like Skr. d-yd-ti : dd-ya-te recal the two 
forms of the ie-optative, seen for example in Idg. *dh'ie4 and 
*dhd'ifi't, § 939. 

§ 708. A special class of verbs comprises those which 
have -e- as parallel suffix to -io-. Sometimes the -e- is found 
only outside the present stem; sometimes both -e- and -io- are 
found in the present, in which case -e-io- occasionally takes 
the place of -e-. The -io- in Balto-Slavonic has regularly the 
ablaut -I-; and I have already conjectured (§ 702 p. 230) that 
this ablaut is proethnic in this very class. 

'io- in the present with -e- outside the present stem is 
seen in Greek and Balto-Slavonic. Take as examples: Gr. 
fiOLivofiai ^ i-jLidrTj-v fisf-iavti-ajg f.u(.idv7]-[.iai /aavij-aoiuut , O.C.Sl. 
mlnjq, mXnS mmS-vu mm^-chu (Lith. mine mine-siu, on the 
pres. menu see below). /c^ifiMj s-xolqtj-v xs/agT^-wg Tis/aptj-ow. 
xalco {*)caf-ico) e-xdrj-v. Lith. smirdMu smirde-ti O.C.Sl. smnzdq 
smrtd^'ti \o stink'. In Slavonic, beside govljq govS-H 'venerari, 
vereri' (: Lat. favBre) we see also gov^jq^ a later re-formate. 

In Germanic we have the much discussed class of which 
one is Gothic haban 'to have* (the 3^^*^ Weak Conjugation).') 

1) See Sievers, P.-B. Beitr. vm 90 ff. ; Mahlow, Lang. Voc. A^ E, 0, 
pp. 12 f., 19 ff., and 148 f.; Kogel in P.-B. B. ix 504 ff.; Bremer, ihid, 
XI 46 ff.; Kluge, in Paul's Grundriss i 379 f.; Streitberg, Germ. Comp. 
«uf -05-, in the University Calendar of Freiburg in Switzerland, 1890, 

§ 708. Present Stem : Class XXYI — Skr. h&r-ya-ti dfi-jfd'U, 239 

Its connexion with the Balt.-Slav. io : ^-class is shown by such 
forma as O.H.O. doWm: Lith. ttjlHi, O.H.O. lebSm : 0,C. SI 
•llpUi (Or. nXt(prj-vai) ^ Goth, muna mundis : Lith. mini-ti 
O.C.Sl. nitn^-ti (Gr. ftuypj-vai), Goth, vita vUdis : Lith. pa-vydHi 
O.C.Sl. vidS'ti. io-structure is seen in forms like O.Sax. !•* sing. 
hebbiu libbiu pi. hebbiad libbiad A.S. hwbbe libbe; libbiu = 
O.C.Sl. 'Uplja. Then we find -e- in such as O.H.G. hab^m 
habl'S etc., and -e- 4- 'io- in Goth. 2"** sing, habdi-s 3"* sing. 
2°** pi. -di'p (I § 142 p. 126). 

Besides these, we find in Germanic other forms which an 
impartial critic cannot but regard as forms of our Class II; 
such, for example, are Goth. 1'* sing, haba 1'* pi. habam 
3'** pi. haband, O.H.G. habu A.S. hafu.^} It is true that the 
West-Germanic forms could easily be explained as due to the 
analogy of other verbal forms; but the Gothic ones are 
incomprehensible if so regarded.^) Now in Balto-Slavonic and 
Greek, forms of Class II are found associated with ^-forms, as 
Lith. menu mineti as contrasted with O.C.Sl. mtnjq tmnitiy 
O.C.Sl. part, vidomu beside vidimu from viditi, Gr. f^Aw 
l&eXijaco (§ 727) — compare Umbr. neirhabas ne adhibeant' 
beside habe *habet' habetu 'habeto'. Another explanation is 
therefore possible, and to my mind more likely to be true. 
It is possible that in Germanic as well, some of the verbs in 
question had this form of the present stem, and that this 
o-type was made the rule for all verbs in Gothic. In that 
case, the relation of Goth, haba (O.H.G. habu) and O.Sax. 

pp. 15 f., 18 ff., and 32; Sievers, in Paul Braune and Sieyers' Beitr. xvi 
257 ff.; Bartholomae, Stud. idg. Spr. ii 143 ff. Hirt, Idg. Forsoh. i 204; 
Streitberg, Zur Germ. Sprachgeschichte, pp. 73 ff. 

1) The 2°d and 3»"<* 8ing. O.H.G. hebis hebit may be examples either 
of o-flexion or of j^o-flexion. It is quite certain that hebita and ge-hebit 
are the latter. 

2) O.H.G. Jiabu A.S. hafu may be instead of (O.Sax.) hebbiu, as 
O.H.G. ligit instead of lhj<j(i)u following ligis etc. On the other hand, we 
have no right at all to put Goth, haba on the same level as liga instead 
of Higja following ligis etc. 

240 'Presexit Stem: ClassXXYI — Mr-ya-ti drt-yd-te. §708. 

hebbiu might be compared with O.C.Sl. vidomu and vidimu^ or 
with Lith. S""*^ sing, smlrda and smlrdi. There is yet another 
possibility. With Streitberg, we may derive hab-and from 
*-endi,^) and assume that haba habam were formed on the 
analogy of baira bairam : bairand. There is nothing at all to 
be said for Hirt's conjecture that P* sing, haba comes from 
*-e-m, with secondary personal ending. 

That pr. Germanic also knew the inflexion with -e- -4- -io- 
seems to follow from O.H.G. rereni 'I bellow, bleat, roar'; this 
word is akin to Lith. re-ju^ and points to pr. Germ. *rai-re-id 
(§ 741). Compare further § 548 p. 105, on Goth, rei-ra 
'I tremble, quake' 2"^ sing, rei-rdi-s, which is connected with 
Skr. U'ldy-a-ti, 

In this group falls also O.H.G. stem stam 'I stand', which 
varies between a and e in all its persons. This must be 
due to an original series in which some persons had only e 
and others only a. CL comes from pr. Germ. 6, but e, as the 
A.S. and O.Fris. a shows, comes from pr. Germ. ai. The verb 
is intimately connected with O.C.Sl. stojq stoja-ti (for *stoj^-ti), 
in whose present stem stoji- (2^^ sing, stop-si etc.) = Idg. std- 
-il-y the i is as regular as in ladi-ji Lith. mo-ji-s and the 
like (vol. II p. 122 footnote 2); compare Skr. pass, sthi-ya-te 
instead of *stha-ya-te (§ 707 p. 237, § 709). The *stoj6' of 
the infinitive stem cannot be original, because this suffix -e- 
which we are now treating was added to the Root (in its weak 
grade), not to the present stem. *stofS- is then doubtless a 
contamination of *st-^' and *sto-ji- (similarly la-jq la-ja-ti 'to 
bark, give tongue* as constrasted with orig. Lith. l6-ju io-tij 
and Gr. xai^rjncj txaigrjoa as contrasted with /«/()w, instead of 
^X^Q'k^i ^X^^V^'i /ctgrjOov/iiaf, and y.tyaoi^uai). The two stems, 
*std-io' and *st-e-, are combined in the West Germanic present 
scheme, which before levelling ran something like stam stes stet 
stdmes stet stdnt (see Bremer, as cited, p. 43), i. e. *st-e-mi 

1) In view of vind-s for *'^l-nto-s^ Streitberg assumes that e becomes 
a only in syllables not bearing the chief accent (p. 18). 

§708. Present Stem: CIms XXYI - Skr. hdrya-^i dj^-yAHi, 241 

*sta'i%-z% etc. stam stamSa stant run parallel to habSm habimis 
habSnt, and stSs stit to hevia hevit (l'*8ing. heffu). 

The verb gam gSm *I go' is the exact counterpart of stam 
8t6n\ in every respect. As to the origin of this verb many 
different theories have been set forth. If our explanation of 
stam stBm is right, it is advisable to link gam gSm with Skr. 
ja-hd-ti 'deserts, gives up' pi. ja-hi-mas aor. d-ha-t^ ji-hf-tS 
'goes, yields', in which case we must assume the stems ^§hS'iO' 
*g}^-i^' and *§h-E'. The latter stem reappears in Gr. ni-y-ij'fii 
>n'-;('fj'infv, if this verb belongs to the same root (§ 594 p. 135). 

In Latin, the whole present scheme has ^-, and the 
1" sing., but this person only, has -jo- in addition : vided for 
*-e-i5, 2"** sing, rides etc. : Lith. pa-nydziu -vyde-ti Goth, pita 
vitdi'p. Compare further ruheD: O.C.Sl. ruzdq, rud^-ti^ and 
valeO: Lith. galu galeti^ and so forth, § 590 p. 182. Italic 
likewise had at one time forms with -jjo- (and without -S-) in 
this group of verbs; this we see from Osc. stait 'stat* stahfnt 
*8tant* Umbr. stahitu 'stato'. These imply a stem *sta'€- ^), 
which must be regarded as for *stai-e- and compared with 
O.C.Sl. stoja-ti; that is, it is a contamination of *8t9-i0' and 
*st'e-. Again, the c of licet beside linqud may perhaps justify 
our assuming an earlier *licid for Hicu-id (Skr. ricya-te Gr. 
XiaoLoiav)'^ see p. 129 footnote. The o-present Umbr. -habas 
'habeas* beside habe habet' has been spoken of already 
(pages 239 f.). 

What conclusion is to be drawn from a comparison of the 
Greek and Balto-Slavouic with Germanic and Italic? It is 
natural to suppose that the two former divide -io- and -^- 
amongst their forms more nearly as the original language did; 
and that the latter came to have ^-forms in their present on 
account of their final confusion of Imperfect-Present with 
Aorist-Present, and the loss of the augmented preterite as an 
independent tense. Lat. pidB-s vidB-tis may be called injunctive, 

1 ) For the proof that Osc. i must be orig. ?, and not orig. i, I have 
to thank my pupil G. Bronisoh. 

Bra^mann, ElenMnts. IV. 16 

242 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-ya-ti drS-yd-te. §708. 

and compared immediately with Lith. mine mlne-te Gr. 
(l)(A.dvrj'g (e)f.idv7]-Ts ^ the imperative vide may be compared 
immediately with mine-k, which stood to mine just as d^'-k 
to Skr. d-da-t; and the only difference between O.H.G. habem 
habes etc., or Lat. videt vident, and these Lithuanian and Greek 
preterites is that they have the primary personal endings. 
Compare too Lat. tagit beside tangit^ and others of the kind 
(§ 583 p. 1 25) ; compare too dat with preterite sense 
(Yeg. Aen. i 79, ix 266, xi 172) like -bat (§ 505 p. 71 with 
footnote 2). This state of things was partly due to the analogy 
of e- verbs with non-syllabic root; these carried the e-suffix 
right through the verb; for example, Lat. -pled for *pl-e-io 
-pies (Skr. prd-si d-prCL-t Gr. nhj-ro)^ Goth, vaia for *u-e-id 
(O.C.Sl. vS-^'q^ Skr. vd-ti Gr. arj-ai). If in these the present 
and preterite both had originally e, the connexion of the two 
would be very close when the preterite ceased to form a distinct 
category; it would then be quite natural for e-verbs with 
syllabic root to run the e right through the present, and, 
given Lat. viderem (cp. O.C.Sl. vid^chu Lith. pa-videsiu Gr. Dor. 
idr^aio^ § 813) and Lat. vide-bam vide-bo, to form a present 
video vides etc. on the analogy of -pled beside -plerem ple- 
-bam -bo'^ or suppose we say, quite natural for existing 
injunctive forms such as vides videtis to be treated as if they 
were the same in character as -pies -pletis^ and used for the 
present, soon to be followed up by video videt etc. which filled 
the gaps in the system. This levelling and filling up of the 
gaps was completed in Latin by the beginning of the historical 
period; but in Germanic it never was completed at all. In 
Germanic all monosyllabic e-stems, except two which crystallised, 
were absorbed by the io- conjugation (§ 592) ; so the action of 
this principle can be clearly seen only with forms which contain 
-e- + -io-^ as Goth, vitdis vitdip. The reason why Gothic 
chose to replace *vitaia *vitaiam *vitaiand by vita vitam 
vitand to complete the tense lay in the number of syllables in 
these words. 

Thus O.Sax. lihbiu libda is a verb like Goth, vaurkja 

§§ 708,709. Present Stem: Olmss XXYI — akr. hdr-^-ti df^^i, 248 

vaiirhta (§ 722). The reason why we find in parallel use 
O.H.G. lebSt and Goth, libdip etc. is simply that in these 
languages there once was a non-present stem ^lip-S-^ but no 
sueli c-stem was ever connected with vaurkjan. 

We need not be surprised that it was io-stems that became 
joined with ^-stems in one verbal system. Both these suffixes 
have at all periods been used by preference in making forms 
with intransitive meaning. Observe how io is so used in the 
Aryan ya-passive (§ 710), and S in the Greek aorist passive 
with ri (§ 589 p. 130). 

Lastly, I must foreguard against a misconception. In 
contrasting io as a present suffix with g in non-present 
stems, I must not be understood to mean that all non-present 
forms originally had -e-. We have in Greek xixav/Liai xavro-g 
beside xcaio : ixarjv xaijao^iai^ /navov/nai f^e^rjva beside /Liaivoftou : 
tfnavTjv jiisfidvfjf^ai; 80 in Latin, vldT vtsu-s beside vided, habui 
habitus beside habedy in Germanic pret. O.Sax. hahda O.H.G. 
hapta O.Icel. hafda partic. hafdr beside O.Sax. hebbiu: O.H.G. 
hab€m etc. How this e managed to spread in non-present 
stems (as xa^joo/ncu beside y.avow, f-isf^avrjoig beside (.li^rjva^ 
O.H.G. habeta beside hapta), is a question which need not 
concern us here. 

Remark. In § 583, page 125, we assumed an a-aorist beside the 
e-aorist, and explained -a- in Lat. occupare on the same principle as -c- 
in vidBre. It is particularly easy to see resemblance between videre and 
ardre. arO ards, ardreni: 0.C.81. orjq oraclm = video tides ^ vidirem: 
0.C.8L vizdq videchU. 

§ 709. Aryan. Type A. Skr. hdr-ya-ti, raj-ya-ti pdc- 

ya-te, spha-ya-te^ a-daya-mana-s ^ Avest. jaidye-iti O.Pers. 

jadiyCL-mty, Avest. yezimna-, Avest. a-stdyd O.Pers. my-astdya, 

Skr. pd^-ya-ti Avest. spas-y^-iti, see § 706 pp. 233 f. Avest. 

urva^s-y^-iti *moves, proceeds* {urv- for vr-, I § 157 p. 141), 

parallel JJ-stem urvis-y^-iti. Skr. ndh-ya-ti 'binds* y^nedh- 

(part. naddhd-s). Skr. ndS-ya-ti Avest. nas-y^-iti 'disappears, 

is destroyed* y/'nek^. Skr. pdd-ya-te *goes, falls*, Avest. ixtS- 


244 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-ya-ti drs-yd-te. §709. 

-y^-iti *goes, gets somewhere' \^ ped-. Skr. mdd-ya-ti 'enjoys 
itself, carouses' beside 2^^ sing, mat-si Class I. 

Typo B. Skr. mr-iyd-te Avest. mer^-ye-iti (it is uncertain 
how we should read the O.Pers. 3'** sing, pret., whether as 
amariyata = Idg. ^'e-mx-ie-to or as amriyata = Idg. *e-mr- 
-iie-to^ see I § 289 p. 231), Skr. dir-yd-te^ han-yd-te, -gam- 
-yd-te^ -bhu-ya-te, dhu-yd-te^ ci-ya-te^ ksi-yd-te hst-ya-te^ 
pi-ya-ti, Avest. ver^z-y^-iti, Skr. grdh-ya-ti, ric-yd-te ric-ya-te^ 
chid-yd-te^ kup-ya-ti, Sus-ya-ti, stv-ya-ti, sthw-ya-ti, dhd-ya-tiy 
d-ya-ti 'binds*, sthl-ya-te^ d-yd-ti 'divides' dd-ya-te^ see § 707 
pp. 235 ff. 

Other, forms which have not the passive meaning. Skr. jir- 
-ya-ti j'Ar-ya-ti 'falls into decay' beside jdr-a-ti Class II A and 
jur-d-ti Class II B. ddm-ya-ti 'tames, conquers' for *d^'ie-ti. 
tdm-ya-ti *grows stupefied, faint' for Hf^ie-ti. mt-ya-te grows 
less*. pu-ya-ti 'stinks'. fj-yo-ti 'rushes on'. hfs-ya-ti 'is 
excited , or happy'. Avest. pesyeinti 'they fight' pr. Ar. *pft' 
-ia-nti (I § 260 p. 212). Skr. druh-ya-ti 'tries to hurt', 
Avest. part, drujint- 'lying, deceiving* O.Pers. adUrujiya (read 
adurujya) 'lied'. Skr. pra-diSyn-ti 'points to', Avest. dis-ye-iti 
*shows, teaches'. Skr. S-yd-ti 'whets', Avest. s-y^-iti 'cuts', [/"/lo-. 

Passive. Skr. kr-iyd-te Avest. ker^-y^-te 'is made'. Skr. 
str-iyd-te stfr-ya-te 'sternitur', Avest. strya-mna- i. e. striya- 
-mna-. Skr. sir-ya-te 'is broken to pieces', O.Pers. asariyata 
'was killed', common ground-form *kf-ie-. Skr. bhr-iya-te 
Avest. hairy ete 'fertur', the Avestic form being for *bhf-ie-. 
Skr. yam-yd-te 'is held or inclined'. Skr. sru-yd-te 'is heard', 
Avest. sru-ye-te 'is heard, heard of: cp. O.C.Sl. po-slu-jq, 
type A. Skr. m-yd-te 'is led, brought'. Skr. d^S-yd-te 'is 
seen. Skr. ias-yd-te 'is praised', O.Pers. P* pi. pah-ya-mahy 
'we are mentioned', \/^}cens-. Skr. yuj-yd-te 'is yoked or 
harnessed', uc-yd-te 'is spoken', \^ueq-. bhid-yd-te 'is split* 
(bhid-ya-te 'splits, goes in two'), idh-yd-te 'is kindled', ]/ aidh-. 
aj-yd'te 'is anointed' from -anj-. Avest. da-ye-te 'is set, 
placed' ground-form '^dhd-ie-tai^ [/^dhe-; Skr. dht-yd-te like 
sthi-ya-ie (§ 707 p. 237) with the determinative -i-. 


§ 710. Preiient Stem: Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-yn-ti djUfd-ti. 245 

§ 710. As a general rule, passive forms in Sanskrit accent 
-i'o-, and non-passive forms the root. But this difference in 
accent had originally nothing to do with active or passive. It 
depended upon the grade of the root, strong or weak as the 
case might be. A few forms which are not passive still accent 
the suffix, as k-yd-ti mr-iyd-tS, which is a relic of the former 
state of things. The retraction of accent in dhd-ya-ti (earlier 
*dhd-ii-ti) dd-ya-te (instead of *d9-iS'ta% § 707 p. 2:37) gfdh- 
-ya-ti ric-ya-tS etc., which seems proved for proethnic Aryan 
by the evidence of Avest. peSyeinti, § 709 (I § 260 pp. 212 f.), 
may be compared with the retraction in ddS-ya-ti gir-a-ti 
hi-nva-ti gd-cha-ti and the like (§ 516 p. 82). 

The reason why the Middle of this particular present class 
became a Passive system in Aryan, is that the greater number 
of the verbs in it were intransitive; so in Greek a passive 
system grew out of an intransitive, I mean the passive aorist 
in -Tyi', § 589 pp. 129 f. But not all the forms of the group 
can be called passive. To mr-iyd-U *dies', for instance, the 
term cannot be applied; nor can it to all aorists in -i/v, 
hoovrj 'flowed' for example. 

8o constant a mark of the passive did an accentuated -yd- 
become, that the intransitive pdc-ya-te ric-ya-te were turned 
into passives by accenting them pac-yd-te ric-yd-te^ and the 
language even tolerated smar-yd-te^ despite its strong root 
(cp. hdr-ya-ti). 

In Sanskrit, as in the two Iranian languages, passive forms 
occur with active personal endings, as well as middle; e. g. 
Skr. epic dfi-ya-ti 'is seen' (Holtzmann, Gramm. aus dem 
MBh., 25 f.), Avest. xwar-ye-iti 'is eaten'. It is impossible to 
understand the forms till we know their accentuation. 

Remark. It is sometimes said that the intr. actire ddhyati *bum8 
up' as compared with the pass, dahyate 'is burnt', since both praoticallj 
mean the same thing, was the origin of the aotiye forms with passire 
meaning, df^yati and the like. This we could only venture to say if we 
knew for certain that the word was accented dif^yati. 

246 Present Stem : Class XXVI - Skr. hdr-ya-ti drt-yd-te. §§ 711-713. 

§ 711. Armenian. Verbs in -m, which originally had 
middle or passive meaning: xausim 'loquor, erevim *I appear'. 
This i-suffix was put to the same use as -yd- in Sanskrit, for 
making the passive conjugation. Each active verb in -em 
became middle or passive by the simple change of e to i. 
This often resulted in i being added to stems which had 
already some other present sign: e. g. arni-m *I am made, 
I become* from ar-ne-m 'I make'. The endings -anim and 
-anem are used side by side, as in Greek -aivco beside -avw; 
thus mer-ani-m 'I die' (aor. mer-ay) like Gr. (.lUQalvLo 1 wear 
away, destroy'. 

§ 712. Greek. Type A. (ttsIvco, sqSco, Xsvaaw^ q8L,(o 
*I colour', &hoEG&at, ntaacD^ oi^ofMi, 7ilrj6a(x)j 'Apoi^o)^ see § 706 
pp. 233 f., (^slpoj, Tslo), see § 707 p. 236. Att. (p&sigo) Arcad. 
q)&7Jp(i) Lesb. (pd-egpu) *I destroy*, pr. Gr. *(p&eQ-^(x) (akin to Skr. 
ksdr-a-ti *flows, dissolves*); parallel B-stem, Dor. (pS-aipco, Ion. 
dngu) Lesb. asQgw (avdppco?) *I raise' for *d-fsg-uo; parallel 
^-stem Horn. Att. aipw. nsip(o 1 pierce'; cp. O.C.Sl. porjetu 
'cuts to pieces' (inf. prati) for *pf-ie- ^ type B. orsXlo) 1 
arrange, equip' for *aTfX-i,co. 6>isXho T dry'. y.rslvw Lesb. 
xTsvvu) 1 slay'; parallel in type -B, Lesb. xraivw. ;^fc'Cft> 'caco* 
for *xs^'f((D (perf. xs/oda). Saiw *I kindle* for *Saf-f.w (perf. 
Seifjs) : cp. Skr. pass, du-ya-te, type B. Of the same sort as 
dauo are doubtless xa/w adco 'I burn' and x^a/w yjdio I weep'; 
see I § 131 pp. 118 f. 

Remark. nZeiio x^^*^ and the like, found in the text of Homer and 
Hesiod (Curtius, Verb i ^ 304 f.), can be explained ^nXef-vb) {lA^h. pldu-ju) 
and 80 forth. Bat there is practically no objection to regarding them, as 
many scholars do, as corruptions for Aeolic forms of Class TI, 7tXsv(o = 

§ 713. Type B. /ai^(jt), anaipo), ayidXXw^ f.iaivo/Liai, fiuino, 
Svi(x), TtWj (f&tw, *gdl^M '1 do', (pQoQu), XiOoco/usy, tf/t'Cw, ntipv^orsq, 
xaaavo) , tttvu) , Seco , detio) *I divide', see §§ 706 f. pp. 233 fF. 
(fd^algco, aiQG), xralvu), see § 712. ^dXXw 'I throw* for *( 
*gJ-io, V^qel-. xaivo) 1 kill* probably for *xa/Li'i,(o, compare 
xuuovTsg 'the dead* (then sxavov got v from the present) : Skr. 

§713. Present Stem: OImi XXYI — Skr. hdr-ya-ti dfi-ifd-if. 247 

Sdm-yO'ti 'becomes still, is extinguisht* for •fep-fe-^i (xniyut 
differently explained by Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 
428, 432; Fick, i* 43). nrdpo, 1 make shy\ cp. Lat. cOn- 
-ster-nO-re, n6()w 'I drag' cp. aal^to 'I sweep* (with fi), ayviXo} 
1 tear to pieces, towse, worry* cp. Lith. skelii (^skehiii) *l split*; 
the V of this form needs explanation. Sim *l beseech, fly, fear* 
doubtless for *di-^w: Skr. dt-ya-ti 'flies*; of type A^ Lett. 
dSi'ju 'I dance* (inf. c?i-/); the forms disrt iUxcu and such like 
were associated with Itrs hrcu , and this caused the formation 
of ^y-i)ifaav iWfjitai and others by analogy of the parts of 7i;/ii. 
(pgdoou) *1 enclose' for *(f>oay.-i(o: Lat. fare-id with ar = f, 
connected with frequ-ens. ^tdnaw 'I press, knead' ground-form 
*mf^q'i6 y^menq-^ cp. the forms, belonging to Class XXXII, 
O.C.Sl. m^cq, (2°'* sing, m^ci-si) *I soften* (inf. rnqdi-ti) Lith. 
mlnkau *I knead' inf. mlnky-ti). ay.d^(o *I limp' ground-form 
*sqi9g-i6, akin to Skr. khdnj-a-ti *limps*. viIm *I wash' ground- 
form *wig-i5: Skr. pass, nij-ya-t^. avlCio 'I prick, pierce' for 
*oTr/'i(i): O.H.G. sticch(i)H 1 stitch* (§722). Xiaao/tiai 1 pray 
for Xix-ifi-ftai , cp. XiT-b-rs&ai^ Class II B. y.viC(o 'I scratch, 
prick, stir up* for *xviS-i,fi)^ beside O.Icel. hnit 'I knock against, 
hurt with a knock Class II A. opvaao) 'I dig' for *oorx-xw: 
Lith. rauk'iu 'I wrinkle*, (A). dno-f.ivTT(x} *I blow my nose* for 
*/<vx-jiw: Skr. pass. muc-yd-tS *is set free*; Lith. mauk-iii *I 
scratch slightly, touch softly', type A. 

The theory that oIm 'I swell*, for *oJ-jtQ), does not 
belong to type J., is doubtful, in spite of an appeal to 
Lith. '^'d-ziu 'I smell'; it is also uncertain to which section 
belongs nnoo^tai 1 see*, for ^oq-io- (cp. I § 319 p. 258). It is 
risky to connect oaaoi-int with Goth, ah'ja 'I believe, surmise*. 

Forms with Idg. -iio-. \d-i(x) *I sweat* is usually connected 
directly with Skr. svid-ya-ti O.H.G. swizzu. If that is so, 
t^-Uiaa is due to the analogy of denominatives in -t-iO- and 
)dJio (Aristoph.) is a reformate like y(yvtio (§ 775). iad-'iu) be- 
side ead^(o 'esse' for *ed -h dho , cp. ij 694 p. 223 , S 765. 
A form *(fiu} == Idg. *bhu'iiO follows from (fi-rv 'sprout, shoot, 
scion* tpT'-Tv-s 'begetter', which must have been derived from it 

248 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-ya-ti drl-tid-fe. §§ 714,715. 

as though the verbal stem were (ft- (§ 707 p. 235); a similar 
origin must be supposed for Lat. fi-tu-m cupi-tu-s and others 
(§§715 iF.). 

§ 714. The identity of ending in ncpd^co Eorpa^a (acpay 
*8lay') and forms like (ppd^oj srppa^a {rpQay.- 'enclose') produced 
(jfpdtro) as a bye-form to (7(pa^(o , by analogy with (pQarru). 
Vice versa^ we have (igdUo in late Greek instead of pQarvw 
{^gar- 'seethe, bluster, roar) by analogy of such words as 
<ppdl^(o (ffoad- 'give to understand*), because almost all the forms 
of verbs in -r-, -;^-, and -J- are alike except in the present 
stem, £^()aa(n)a like F.ffQn6(G)a^ and so forth. See Mucke, De 
Consonarum in Greca lingua geminatione, i (1883) pp. 17 ff.; 
Osthoff, Perfect 296 ff. and 322 f. 

As regards the relation of /nuli'o/nai to ifidvrjv /usudvTjuai 
/Lisuavrjojg (.lavrjaof-iai^ or of /cclgo) to &xdgr)v xf^agjjMg y.e/agfjaoi^ 
see § 708 pp. 238 ff. 

§ 715. Italic. In Latin, post-consonantal -io became -lo, 
just as *me(Hu-s became mediu-s (I § 135 p. 122); thus morior 
for *morid(r) *m^io. In Oscan, -iio- is seen in heriiad 'velit*, 
and other words. 

Lat. in-ciens for *-cu-ie- (as sociu-s for *socu-io-s^ vol. I 
loc. cit.) beside qu-eo = Skr. Sv-dyami (§ 790). So also farcio 
for *farcurio beside frequ-ens. 

Why we have now -i- and now -^-, as in cap-is farc-i-s^ 
no rule has so far been discovered to show. Often enough 
the same verb has both quantities, as mon-mur and morT-mur-, 
so that we find in Latin both the peculiarities which we saw 
divided between Baltic and Slavonic (Lith. smlrdi-me O.C.Sl. 
smridi-mu). In Umbrian and Oscan all the recorded forms 
have -I- — doubtless an accident: Umbr. her is hereitu heritu 
beside heriest 'volet* cp. Skr. hdr-ya-ti, an-ovihimu 'induimino* 
(ihi -- t) beside Lith. aviil 'I wear something on my feet* 
(P* pi. avi-me). 

As the present stems of which Lat. farcio is one were 
inflected just like denominatives in -i-io- (§ 777), it cannot be 

§§ 715-717. Present Stem: CIms XXYI - 8kr. hdr-tta-ii dfH-yd-ti. 249 

wondered at that the analogy of these denominativpH caused 
non-present forms with -i- to be coined, such as farcl-tus 
beside fartu-s from farciO; cp. § 718 on (ir. #|-/J/<ja and 

In the lists which follow below, i or l is added in brackets 
to show the quantity of the weak-grade vowel in the 2°** singular 
etc.; and it is stated whether I is ever found outside the 
present stem. 

§ 716. Type A. Lat. ap-(v)erid op-(v)eriO (l, aper-ui 
aper-tu-s operl-mtntu-tn) : Lith. liz-veriu ^ see § 706 p. 233. 
fer-iQ (l, feril feri-turu-s) : Lith. bar-iii *I scold* O.C.Sl. bor-jq 
'I fight* and probably O.Icel. ber 1 strike* (inf. berja) from the 
ground-form *bhf-i6^ type B. Ital. her-io- her-iio- her-l- in 
Umbr. her is heriest hereitu Osc. heriiad, see § 706 p. 233, 
§ 715. Lat. spec-id {i, spec-tu-s): Skr. pdk-ya-ti ^ see § 706 
p. 234. Umbr. an-ovihimu 'induimino': Lith. av-iu '1 wear 
something on my feet (1** pi. dv-i-me inf. av'e-ti) and Lett, du-ju 
'1 put something on my feet* (P' pi. du-ja-m inf. du-t) O.C.Sl. 
(ob-)u-'/q, same meaning (P* pi. -u-je-mu inf. -u-tt). Lat. pav-io 
(t, pam-vi pain-tus): Lith. pidu-ju *I cut, mow, slay' (piu^ti-s 
'slice, harvest), haur-io (f, haus-tu-s haurl-tti-s). jac-io (i, 
jac-tu-s). croc-id (l, subst. crdci'tii-s)^ see § 706 p. 234. 

To the same group must belong Lat. ndli nDllte^ from a 
lost verb *veli6; cp. O.C.Sl. vefjq veU-ti *to command*, O.H.G. 
1"* sing, willn 1 wish' Goth, viljan viljands^ see § 505 p. 69. 

sto (Idg. *sta'id) came under the influence of presents like 
in-trd for *-tr-a-id; hence stas etc. See § 584 Rem. p. 126. 
A similar explanation may be given of for fdtur, see § 495 
p. 56 and § 706 p. 234. 

§ 717. Type B. Lat. mor-ior (i or l, mor-tuo-s mori- 
-tnru-s)^ Avest. mer'-y^-iti^ see § 707 p. 235. or-ior (i or f, 
or-tu-s ori-tUrm)^ ground-form *f-io-, akin to Skr. f-nS-mi ^ 639 
p. 177. par-id (j, peperl par-tu-s pari-turti'S ^ parlret) for 
*Pt'i^ (I § 306 p. 242), re-periO I bring to light ngain, find* 

250 Present Stem : Class XXVI — Skr. Mr-ya-ti dA-yd-ie. §§717-719, 

(?, -pertu-s) : Lith. per-iu (P* pi. per-i-me) type A. fio fi-s fiere 
fieri {fi'tu-m^ cp. Gr. (pT-rv § 713 p. 247): O.Ir. h-iu etc., 
Idg. *hhu-iid^ see § 707 p. 235; f-w f-mnt (instead of *f-id 
*f-iunt) took t from fls etc., a peculiarity which is explained 
by the unique character of this verb — it is the only one in 
which the suffix -id carried the chief accent; Osc. fiiet 'fiunt* 
with the ending -ent instead of -out (p. 231 footnote), suf-fid 
(i, -fi-vi -fi-tu-s) ground-form *-dhu-iid: cp. Skr. dhu-yd-te etc., 
see § 707 p. 236. in-ciens for *-cu-ie-^ cp. Gr. Sy-nvco *I am 
pregnant' and Lat. qu-eo (§ 715 p. 248); probably -dens: -xvo) 
= fid (pr.Ita\*fu-iio): (pvM Jjesh. cpviM. cliens, from \/^Mei- 
'-clinare' (Leo Meyer, Bezz. Beitr. v 182 f.) , probably for 
*cU-ie-: cp. Skr. pass, sn-ya-te. grad-ior (^, gressu-s; ag- 
gredior with i or l) : Skr. gfdh-ya-ti^ see § 707 p. 236. lac-id 
(?*, -lectU'S) for *|A:-, beside O.H.G. locchon 'to entice' (Osthoff, 
M. U. V p. III). fare-id (t, fartu-s fara-tu-s). cup-id (e, 
cuperet cuplret cupT-vt cupl-tu-s): Skr. hup-ya-ti etc., see 
§ 707 p. 236. fug-id (^, fUgt fugi-turu-s) : Gr. nfq)vt,6r8g^ 
see § 707 p. 236. in-quid in-quiunt (/) for *sq-iio^ cp. in- 
-qu-a-m (Class X § 583 p. 124) Gr. ivi-an-e 'said', \/^seq-. 

sud (su-tu-s) and spud (spu-tu-s) probably for *su-(i)d 
*spu-(i)d as ned for *ne-(i)d: Gr. xuaavco nrvio etc., see § 707 
p. 236. 

§ 718. It is often doubtful to which type, (A) or (B), 
a word belongs, ven-io (*, vem in-ventu-s)^ beside Skr. -gam- 
-yd-te etc., see § 707 p. 235. cap-id (i, cept cap-tu-s) : Goth. 
haf-ja O.H.G. heff(i)u *I lift up', sap-id (^, sap-ui sapi-vt): 
O.H.G. int-seff(i)u 'I mark', ap-id coepid (i, aptu-s); cp. § 600 
p. 144 on Skr. ap-no-mi. sal-id (% sal-ui salit): Gr. aUo/nui 
*I leap' for aX-i,o-. fod-id (i, fossu-s^ fodi-ri). 

§ 710. Keltic. It is difficult to understand the Keltic 
inflexions, because the Third Conjugation in Irish has absorbed 
all Denominatives in -id -e-id and -i-id , and all Causals in 
-eid. General remarks on the io-conjugations in § 702 
pp. 229 f. 

§§ 7 1 9,720. Present Stem : OUwt XXYI — 8kr. hdr-ya-ti dfi-yd-ti, 261 

An account of tho confuHion in Irish between the First 
and Third Conjugations is given in § 520 p. 84. 

Type A. O.Ir. -ISciu *l leave, let' for "leik^-iO (1 ij 486 
Rem. p. 325): Skr. ric-ya-tit etc., type B, see § 707 p. 236. 
tnuliur 'I give judgement or opinion*, beside Gr. fiidoiicu 
'I meditate upon', -citi *I see* for *ceS'i6. 

-tan 'W 'T am* for *sta-id: Avest. a-sta-ya etc., see § 706 
p. 234. For the inflexion of this present stem see § 584 Rem. 
p. 126. 

Type B. O.Ir. do muiniur 1 think, believe* for *nian'iO' 
Idg. ^w^-io-: Gr. ^laivoiiai etc., see § 707 p. 235. -gainedar 
'is born' from \/^gen-: cp. Gr. ysivof.iat^ type A. biu *I am* 
for *hhu'iid: Lat. flQ etc., see § 707 p. 235; the stem *hhu-^ 
must be contained in Mid.Cymr. imper. 3'** sing, hit 3'** pi. hint 
(but Mod.Cymr. hydd- for *bij-)^ while -iie- -iiq- is the suffix 
in Ir. 3"* sing, hiid bith bid 3'<* pi. hiit hit and !•* pi. -biam 
3''** pi. -biat. -gniu 'I make *for *§n-iid y/^gen- gignere', goes 
like biu. 

Belonging to either (A) or (B): Mid.Ir. airim 1 plough*: 
Goth, ar-ja Lith. ar-iti. 

§ 720. Germanic. On the io-suffix here, see § 702 
p. 230. There was a confusion between some persons of the 
present in this class and those of Denominatives in -e-id or 
-t-i5, and Causals in -eid. This caused a general commingling 
of the forms, reaching to non-present stems; the course of 
which it is very difficult to trace. 

Vomer's Law (I § 529 pp. 384 ff.) proves that some verbs 
were accented on the root in proethnic Germanic : Goth, haf-ja 
O.H.G. h€ff(i)u Goth. sJcap-;'a (pret. skdp), beside O.H.G. int- 
-seff(i)u. See § 705 p. 233. In skap-ja the accent seems to 
have been shifted, as in Skr. fj-ya-ti etc. (§ 710 p. 245); 
for Gr. n-axrj&ijg 'scatheless', which must be connected with 
skaP-ja (pret. skdp)^ points to a l^skath-. That Germanic 
inherited forms with an accented suffix, type B (cp. mr-iyd-tB 
tud-yd'tS) seems to follow from O.Sax. thiggian A.S. dic^ean 

252 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-ya-ti rhUjd-fe. §§ 721,722. 

*to receive, assume* from l^teq- (Lith. tek-ti 'to reach') and 
A.S. fric^ean 'to experience' from [^ prek- (Lat. precart). 

On present stems with -io- as bye-forms of the e-present, 
such as O.Sax. hehhiu beside O.H.G. habe-m (Goth, haha 
habdi-s), see § 708 pp. 238 ff. 

§ 721. Type A. O.H.G. wirk(i)u 'I work' (pret. worhta 
worahta): Gr. spJw, see § 706 p. 234; parallel j5-stems 
O.H.G. wurk(i)u Goth, vaurkja. O.H.G. liggh{i)u 1 lie' 
(pret. lag)^ O.Icel. ligg (inf. liggja) from \/^legh-'^ Goth, liga 
instead of "^'ligja follows ligis etc., as in later O.H.G. we get 
ligu instead of Ugg(i)u following ligis etc. (§ 702 p. 230). 
O.H.G. sizzu 1 sit' (pret. sag), O.Icel. sit (inf. sitja): compare 
probably ■ntitio *1 press' (lit. 1 sit upon) for *7n-atd'j,o) (cp. Skr. 
pass, ptdyate for *pi-zd-ie-) , perhaps also sLoiiai (see § 563 
p. HI); Goth, sita like liga. Goth, ga-hvatja 'I incite' 
(part, hvassa 'whetted, sharp*) O.H.G. wezzu 'I whet, sharpen* 
(pret. wazta)^ beside Skr. cud- (pros, coda-ti) 'to inflame, 
incite'. Goth, hlah-ja 1 laugh' (prep. hloh). Goth, saia 
O.H.G. sau 'I sow', pr. Germ. *se'id : Lith. se-ju^ see § 706 
p. 234. O.H.G. tau 1 suckle' ground-form *dhe-id beside 
Goth. da-ddJQ (B), see § 707 p. 237. 

§ 722. Type B. O.Icel. ber 'I strike' (inf. berja^ pret. 
harda) pr. Germ. *6ar-io ground-form *bhf-io: Lith. bar-iu^ see 
§ 716 p. 249. Goth, hul-ja (pret. hulida) O.H.G. hull(i)u 
(pret. htdta) *I cover, hide ground-form "^kl-io^ beside O.H.G. 
hilu *I conceal*. O.Icel. symja *to swim' beside svima^ pret. 
svam^ pr. Germ. *s(u)um-ia'. A.S. bed *I am* ground-form 
*bh(u)-iid, 2'^** and 3'''* sing, bis bid 3'''* pi. beod (part, beonde), 
O.H.G. 2^^*^ sing, bis bist (for its P* sing, we have 6/m, see 
§ 507 pp. 73 f.) : Lat. fid etc., see § 707 p. 235. O.Icel. dy 
1 shake' (inf. dy-ja^ pret. du-da): Skr. dhu-yd-te etc., see 
§ 707 p. 236. O.Icel. ly 1 destroy, shatter, crush' (inf. ly-ja^ 
pret. lu-da) : Gr. Ivco (cp. § 527 Rem. 2 pp. 90 f.). Goth, va'drk-ja 
(pret. vaurhta) O.H.G. wurk(i)u (pret. worhta) 1 work' beside 
O.H.G. wirk(i)u, type ^: Avest. ver^z-y^-iti etc., see § 707 p. 236, 

§§ 722,723. Preaent St em : CIms XXVI — 8kr. hdr-y^-ti dj^yd-ti, 253 

§ 721. Goth, paiirseip mik 'I thiwt', lit. 'it thirstfl me* (pret. 
Paursida): Skr. t/^ya-H 'thirstH*. O.ILO. gurt-(i)u 1 gird* 
(pret. gurta), beside; Uoth. (jairda Class II A. O.H.G. 
ictirf/(i)u 'I throttle* (pret. umrcta): Lett, wir/chu 1 jerk' 
(inf. wir/t): parallel we have Lett, wer/chu {we'rfchu and 
werfcJm) 1 turn, twist' Lith. t)ei'£-iu 'I t\e\ type A. (ioth. Pugh-ja 
'I think' (prot. pah-ta); parallel pagk-ja, which may answer to 
Lat. tonged^ see § 894. Goth, bug-ja 'I buy* (pret. hauhta). 
Goth, bidja O.H.G. bitt(i)u 'I beg, pray*, ground-form *bhidh'i6 
y/^bheidh-^ whose pret. is bap bat following words like sat 
(I § 67 Rem. 3 p. 57) ; Goth, tis-bida O.H.G. bitu a re-formate 
like liga, see § 702 p. 230. O.H.G. int-rihhit revelat*, later 
-rihJiit (part, int-rigan). O.H.G. sticch(i)u *1 embroider, 
stitch' (part, ki-stickit): Gr. a«f«, see § 713 p. 247. 
O.H.G. swizzu *I sweat' (pret. swizta): Skr. svid-ga-ti 'sweats*: 
the suffix -iio- is perhaps seen in Gr. iJ-iw (§ 713 p. 247). 
(roth. skap-ja *I hurt* (pret. skop), cp. Gr. a-(Jx7j&^c 'unscathed*, 
>^ 720 p. 251. O.H.G. ita-ruch(i)u 'rumino': Lith. rug-iu 
'[gulp, belch*. 0.1^.,(j. scutt(t)u 'I shake, shatter' (pret. scw/^a) : 
cp. Lat. quat-io -cutio. 

Goth, siii-ja 'I sew*: Gr. xaaavfo etc., O.Icel. spy 'I spew' 
(prot. sp^'o and spuda): Gr. titvm etc. See § 707 p. 236. 
(foth. dci'ddja 'I give suck*: Skr. dhn-ya-ti etc., see § 707 
p. 237. 

§ 723. We are often in doubt whether forms belong to 
{A) or (B). Goth, haf-ja O.H.G. heff(i)u 1 lift up* (pret. hdf, 
hiiob): Lat. cap-id. O.H.G. int-seffQu 'I mark* (pret. -st(ab): 
Ijat. sap'id. Goth, ar-ja O.H.G. er-iu 1 plough* (pret. O.H.G. 
iar ier): Mid.Ir. airim Lith. ar-iu O.C.Sl. ar-fq 1 plough*. 
O.H.G. swer-iu 'I swear' (pret. stvitor). 

In quite a large number of the above named verbs with 
weak preterites it is doubtful whether the original ending of the 
present ought not rather to be assumed as -Sio (Class XXXII). 
Thus, for example, CJoth. hulja may be derived from *kll-eidy 
with the same weak root-syllable as is found in Skr. turdya-ti 
and elsewhere (§ 790). 

254 Present Stem : Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-ya-ti drt-yd-te. §§ 724,725. 

§ 724. Balto-Slavonic. We first deal with forms of 
which the type is seen in Lith. le^-iil lez-ia-me O.C.Sl. hor-jq 
hor-je-mu. Next, the type Lith. sm\rd-ziu smlrd-i-me O.C.Sl. 
smrtzdq smrid-i-mu (see § 702 pp. 230 f.). These are combined 
with a different formation in the infinitive stem, for which 
reason we add the infinitive in each case. 

§ 725. 1. Forms with -io- -ie- running right 

Type A. Lith. uz-veriu *I close, shut' {'Ver-ti): Lat. op- 
'-(v)erid^ see § 706 p. 233. ger-iii *I drink* (ger-ti). kelii 
{*kel-iu) 1 lift, raise' (kSl-ti). zelu (*2el-i'U) 'I grow green' 
(zSl-ti). O.C.Sl. mel-jq, 1 grind' {mUti for *mel'ti), stel-jq, 
1 stretch out, spread' (sMa-ti). sten-jq 1 sigh* (stena-ti): Gr. 
oTtiv(f)^ see § 706 p. 233. vem-iu 'I vomit' (vSm-ti). 

Lith. pldu-ju 'I wash, lave, rinse' (pldu-ti)^ O.C.Sl. plu-jq 
'I swim, sail on board ship' (plu-tiy parallel plovq plu-ti)^ ground- 
form "^pleu-io. Lett, du-ju (du-t) O.C.Sl. (oh')u-jq {-u-ti) *put 
on covering to the feet* (Lith. aunu instead of older *au-ju\ 
ground-form *eu-id, cp. Lith. intrans. av-iu av-e-ti § 727. 
Lith. szdu-ja 1 shoot' (szdu-ti) , O.C.Sl. su-jq 1 throw , sling' 
(sov-a-ti), ground-form *skeu-id. 

Lett. IH-ju (li-t) Lith. I'e-Ju (le-ti) 'I pour for Hei-io^ compare 
perhaps with O.C.Sl. li-jq 'I pour*. Lett. sUi-ju (sli-t) Lith. 
szle-jil {szli-ti) *I lean against, support*, cp. Lith. szlei-vi-s szlei- 
-va-s *bandy-legged', y/^Uei-. Lett, smei-ju *I laugh' (smi-t)^ 
\^smei-. Lith. le-ju szle-jil^ possibly for the regular *lei-ju 
*szlei-ju by analogy of le-ti le-tu etc., cp. I § 68 Rem. 2 
p. 6L0 O.C.Sl. li-jq may be placed under Type B (§ 726) 
along with Lith. ly-ju 'I rain' pa-szly-ju 'stumble'. Parallel are 
I^jq and lejq^ also sm^jq s^ 1 laugh' z^^'q *hio'. These latter 
forms, analysed as Uj-q smej-q z^j-q^ belong with sek-q I hew, 
cut' to Class II A (cp. Gr. tiijdofiai etc. § 514 p. 81), and 

1) Unsatisfactory as this hypothesis seems, I think it better than 
the one set forth by Hirt in Idg. Forsch. i 33 ff. 

g 726. Present Stem : CUms XXYI ~ 8kr. hdr-ya-ti dfi-yA^i, 266 
we must connect with them the Lettic preterites Uj-u smij-u 

Litli. vercziu I turn* (vefs-ti), verk-ixi 'I cry* (verk-ti). 
8zelp-iu 'I help, support* {szelp-ti). sreb-iii *I sip, lap* arep-ti; 
also sr^h'iii (by levelling with srebiau si'epti) and srob-iu 
(srop-ti). O.C.Sl. dripl^'q 1 make, create* for ^kerp-jq {dripa-tt). 
pUzq *I crawl* for *pelZ'jq {pUza-ti). 

Lith. hlend-zi^'S *I grow dark', said of the sun (pret. 

Lith. Iduk-iti 1 wait for, expect' (Iduk-ti): Or. X&vno(o^ see 
§ 706 p. 234. rauk-iii 'I wrinkle* rauk-ti y/^re^q-^ cp. Gr. 
6gvaa(o (B) § 713 p. 247. mauk-iu 1 rub smooth' (mauk'ti) 
\^fneiiq-y cp. Skr. muc-yd-te etc., see § 713 p. 247. praus-iU 
1 wash my face' {praus-ti)^ cp. Skr. vi-prmya-ti 'spurts out, 

Lith. I'eZ'iu (ISsz-ti) O.C.Sl. lizq {liza-ti) 'I lick*, ground- 
form *leigh'iOj cp. Skr. par. lih-ya-te, (B). Lith. p'esz-iu (pesz-ti) 
O.C.Sl. pisq (ptsa-ti pisa-ti) *I write', ground-form *peiJc-id^ 
cp. Skr. pii-yd-te 'is made ready, fitted up', (B). Lith. zed-ziu 
*l form, shape' (zesti), O.C.Sl. zizdq 'I form, build' {zlda-ti). 

Lett, dedfii 'I burn* trans, for *deg-iu (deg-t) : Skr. dah-ya-tiy 
pass, dah-yd'te^ \/^dheg)i-. O.C.Sl. cesq 1 strip off, comb' 

Lith. r'ez-iu 1 cut, tear* (resz-tt), O.C.Sl. rSzq 1 cut* 
(r^za-ti). Lith. je^-«V 1 have power, I can* (jek-ti), beside 
Gr. ij(i?]. Lith. ud-ziu *I smell' (usti), cp. Gr. o'Cw § 713 
p. 247. O.C.Sl. placq 1 cry, lament' (plaka-ti) : Gr. nXfjaow, 
see § 706 p. 234. Lith. krok-iu krog-iil 1 give the death 
rattle, grunt' (krok-ti): Gr. y.QuiUo etc., see § 706 p. 234. 

Lith. sp'e-ju *I have leisure or space* (spe-ti)^ O.C.Sl. spi-jq 
*I succeed' (sp^-ti) : Skr. spha-ya-te^ see § 706 p. 234. Lith. 
se-ju (sS'ti) O.C.Sl. 8^-^'q {s^-ti) 1 sow': Goth, saia^ see § 706 
p. 234. Lett, de-ju 1 lay eggs' (dS-t), O.C.Sl. di-jq 1 lay, 

1) Zabaty's derivation of zejq. from *ziH-\a (Lith. ziu^ju) is wild in 
the extreme (Arohiv slav. Phil, xm 623). 

256 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr./i<fr-«/a-/« drt-yd-te. §§725,726. 

set, place' (de-ti): Skr. 3'** sing. mid. a-dhcL-ya-ta *he placed 
for himself. Lith. sto-ju-s 'I place myself, take my stand* 
(sto-ti-s), O.C.Sl. sta-jq *I place myself (inf. sta-ja-ti): Avest. 
a-sta-ya etc., see § 706 p. 234. 

Lith. spidu-ju (spidu-ti) O.C.Sl. plju-jq (pljtva-ti) 'I vomit*, 
cp. Gt. TfTVM etc., (B); see § 707 p. 236. O.C.Sl. m-jq 1 chew', 
a bye-form of zlv-q. Class II B, § 534 p. 95. 

§ 726. Type B. Lith. dir-iu 'I flay (dir-ti): Skr. dtr- 
-yd-te^ see § 707 p. 235. spir-iu 'I kick' (splr-ti): Gr. OnaiQw^ 
see ibid. skir-iU 'I part, cut' {sTdr~ti) v^ sqer-. gir-iii 'I praise' 
(glr-ti)^ beside ger-as good'. Lith. bar-iit *I scold' beside bar-il 
(bdr-ti), O.C.Sl. bor-jq 1 fight' (brati for *bor-ti)^ ground-form 
'%hf-io: O.Icel. ber *I strike' (inf. berja) for pr. Germ. *bar-id, 
which probably comes from a form *bhf-id', on the other hand, 
we have Lat./er-jo following type -4 (§ 716 p. 249). Lith. sMii 
(*skil-iti) *I strike fire, kindle* {skil-ti) : Gr. ay.dklw^ see § 707 
p. 235. Lith. kalii i^kal-iv) *I strike, forge' beside kal-ii ikdl-ti)^ 
O.C.Sl. kol-jq 'I slaughter' {klati for *kol-tt)^ ground-form *ql-id. 

O.C.Sl. ztn-jq *I cut off, reap' {zq-ti): Skr. han-yd-te^ see 
§ 707 p. 235. 

O.C.Sl. ry-jq 'I grub up, dig' {ry-ti) beside ruv-q 1 tear 
out', Class II B^ O.H.G. riu-ti 'land made fruitful by digging'; 
Lith. rdu'ju 1 pull out of the earth, pull up' (rdu-ti)^ (A), 
Lith. ly-ju *1 rain* (ly-ti) with which O.C.Sl. li-jq is perhaps 
connected; parallel Lith. le-jii^ (A), § 725 p. 254. Lith. gy-ric 
'I get well, revive* (gy-ti). 

Lith. rug-iu 'I gulp, belch' (ruk-ti): O.H.G. ita-ruch(i)u 
'rumino'. grud-ziu *I stamp' {grus-ti). O.C.Sl. sMq 1 dry for 
"^such-iq (sucha-ti) : Skr. Sus-ya-ti, see § 707 p. 236. luzq 1 lie' 
for *lug-ia (luga-ti). ptsq *1 strike, rub' (picha-ti) : Skr. pis-yd-te 
'is broken or crushed to bits'. 

Lett, schu-ju for *siu-iu (pret. schuw-u inf. schii-i)^ O.C.SL 
sijq for *siy-iq (si-ti) L sew': Gr. xaaavco etc., see § 707 
p. 236. 

§ 727. Pre>ent Stem ; 01m XXVI — SJcr. hdr-pa-H dfjfd^ 267 

§ 727. (2) Forms with -io- : -f-. There is no eyidence 
that -io- was originally dissyllabic. This cannot be inferred 
from the Lithuanian av-iu srav-iii (1'* pi. Qv-i-me ardv-i-me) as 
contrasted with pldu-ju (\^ p\. pldu-ja-me) ; these may have 
boon influenced by persons with the stem ar-t- srav-i-. The 
weak grade is regularly -^- in Lithuanian (compare future with 
-5-i-, § 761) and in Slavonic regularly -i-. It appears also in 
the S'** plural and the participle, Lith. smirdint- 0.C.81. smr^qt-y 
while here the original form was most likely -io-; on 0.C.81. 
smrid-^t' for -int-^ see § 637 Rem. p. 176. 

Idg. *bhu-iiO' *bhu'^- from y^bheu- 'become, be' (§ 707 
p. 235) has many descendants in Balto-Slavonic. Lith. 3"* sing. 
bi'ti bi-t 'erat* (erant)*, which is irregular in having a primary 
personal ending; plural 1'* pers. siiktum-bime 2°** -bite dual 
V* 'biva 2^^'bita, old injunctives, first used with preterite 
meaning, now in clauses expressing a wish.') With the 
pr. Lith. present *bi^'ti is closely parallel the Lettic preterite 
biJH 'eram* biji bija pi. bijdm bijdt^ which is related to Lat. 
ftam (instead of *fiam) as Lith. buvau to Lat. fuam. Along 
with these goes the Slavonic conditional (impossible condition), 
originally a preterite injunctive formation, made up with bi-rm 
bi bi bi~mu'^-) the P* sing, has got a primary personal ending, 
like Lith. 3'** sing. biti. For the 2°** pi. they used biste, a 
form of the s-aorist; to fill up gaps, the 1'* pi. bichomu and 
3'"'* pi. biiq were coined by analogy (cp. O.C.Sl. bichomu from 
bi § 587 p. 128, and Lat. fitum Gr. (plrv). For 3'^* pi. was 
used bq (beside 6%), also injunctive in origin, Class II B 
(§ 523 p. 87). 

Remark. The Tiew of these forms set forth by Wiedemann, Lit 
Pr&t. 136 ff., is untenable. O.C.Sl. bi-mu cannot be separated from Lith. 
-bi-me; and to regard this Lith. form as an optative with orig. -»- is 

1) The 2°<* sing, 'bet admits of several explanations. It probably 
is akin to 0.C.81. 2nd and 3'^ sing, be Gr. },pC,j^; iqyirj (§ 587 pp. 127 ff.). 

2) In the same way were used the aorist forms bychiL by by 
bychomu etc. 

Bruftnann, KUmeuts. IV. 

258 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-ya-ti drt-yd-te. § 727. 

opposed to phonetic law as completely as the assumption that Lith. dustm(e) 
*dabimu8' is optative of the s- aorist (cp. § 761). 

With the remaining Balto-Slavonic verbs of this class we 
find regularly an infinitive stem in -e, as Lith. smird'e-ti 
O.C.Sl. smrtde-ti beside smlrdziu smriMq (cp. O.C.Sl. M bechu 
beachu beside bi-mu, like smrtde smridechu smrtdSachu beside 
smridi-mu). This, as we saw in § 708 pp. 238 fF., has a parallel 
in Greek; for instance, /tiaLvouai: i^idvrjv /ns/LiavTjwg f^isjudvTj/nai 
(j.avi]6ofxai = O.C.Sl. mmjq: mme mmdvu mmechu (Lith. mine 
min'esiu). In Italic and Germanic, there are only some parallel 
io-presents, as Lat. noil O.H.G. willu Goth, viljan: O.C.Sl. 
veljq-^ O.Sax. pi. libbiad partic. libbiandi: O.C.Sl. -Upljq. Here 
we usually find presents in e, as Lat. valeo: Lith. galu^ 
O.H.G. lebem: O.C.Sl. -Uplja, 

Lith. tylu (i. e. Hyl-iu) tyVe-ti 'to be still* (long *-sound not 
original): O.H.G. dole-m *I suffer, endure*, \/^tel- 'carry, bear'. 
O.C.Sl. mtnjq mXni-ii *to think': Skr. mdn-ya~te^ Gr. /Liaivof.iai, 
O.Ir. do ynuiniur Goth, muna *I bethink me, think of, wish* 
2°** sing, mundis , see § 707 p. 235. Lith. girdziu girde-ti 
1 apprehend, hear*: Gr. ^(^afw, see § 707 p. 236. O.C.Sl. drlzq 
drisa-ti 'contain, possess*: Skr. dfh^ya-ti 'makes fast*. O.C.Sl. 
'Vipljq -Vtp^-ti 'to cling to': Skr. pass, lip-ya-te 'is smeared or 
anointed', O.Sax. libbiu O.H.G. lebe-m 1 live* (the O.Icel. Ufa 
*to be over, remain, live* helps to make clear how one meaning 
came out of the other). Lith. pa-vydziu -vydeti 'invidere' 
O.C.Sl. viMq vidS-ti 'to see': Skr. vid-yd-te 'is known, 
recognised, found*, Lat. video^ Goth, vita 'to look at a thing, 
observe' 2^^** sing, vitdi-s. O.C.Sl. busda bude-ti 'to wake, 
watch*: Skr. budh-ya-te 'awakes, perceives* pass, budh-yd-te. 
O.C.Sl. ruMq rude-ti 'to blush*: Lat. rubeo. O.C.Sl. kypljq 
kypS-ti 'to boil, seethe': Skr. Jcup-ya-fiy Lat. cupio, see § 707 
p. 236. O.C.Sl. stojq stoja-ti 'to stand*: Skr. pass, sthi-ya-te 
instead of *stha-ya-te, O.H.G. 2'^** sing, stes for *sta-ii-zi, see 
§ 706 p. 234, § 708 p. 240. 

O.C.Sl. govljq gove-ti 'venerari, vereri*, pres. also govejq: 

§1727-729. Present Stem OUm XXTD ~ 8kr. di-dU-pd-ti, 259 

Lat. faveo. Lith. gaUi (i. e. ^gal-ju) gaU'ti 'to be able': Lat. 
valeO (otherwise Bezzenberger, in his Beitr. XTI 266). 

O.C.Sl. velj'q veU'ti \o command*; Lat. w5/f, O.H.O. uillu 
•I wish* Goth, viljan 'to wish', see § 505 p. 69, § 716 p. 249. 
Lith. aviii avi-ti 'to be shod*: Umbr. an-ovihimu V^etf-, see 
§ 716 p. 249. 

Lastly it should be mentioned that in Balto-Slavonic the 
non-present ^-forms are found along with other than io-present 
stems: e. g. Lith. menu mineti 'to think of, gSlbu gilb4ti *to 
help', gedii gedeti 'to lament, mourn*, hundu budeti 'to watch', 
sedmi sedUi 'to sit, O.C.Sl. part. pres. gorqt- beside gor^ 
'burning' from inf. goriti^ partic. vidomu *bpiufisvo(/ beside 
vidimu from inf. vidUi. The same thing is seen in Greek, aa 
i^eXu) : i&sXfjao), vi/nu) : yfvsfirj/ncu etc. (Curt. Verb. I^ 384 ff.), 
and doubtless in Germanic, as Goth, haba habam haband may 
well belong to Class II (§ 708 pp. 239 f.). 

Class XXVn. 

Reduplicated Root + -io- -iio- forming the 
Present Stem. 

§ 728. (A). Pr. Idg. There was a to-Class with complete 
reduplication, closely connected with Classes VII and VIII. As 
regards the type of the reduplicating syllable see §§ 465 — 467, 
470, and 474. Compare, for instance, Skr. de-dii-yd-te beside 
de-di^'te, vart-ift-yd-te beside vdrt-vart-ti. Probably the mode 
of conjugation with -io- was occasioned by that of Class VII; 
cp. § 703 pp. 231 f. 

Skr. vB-vij-yd-te 'makes for, rushes against anything* and 
Gr. ftrrw Hom. diaow *I rush towards* for */ai-/«x-itiw, apparently 
from x^m^'iq- m'^iq- (§ 465 p. 12). 

§ 729. Aryan. Only a few examples in Vedic, but later 

this type of Intensive spread very widely. car-cur-yd-U from 

car- 'to move*. nan-nam-yd-tB from nam- 'to bow, incline*. 


260 Present Stem : Class XXVII — Skr. ds-dis-ijd-te. §§ 729 -733. 

ne-m-yd-ie from fit- 'to lead', co-sku-yd-te from sku- 'to cover . 
mar-mfj-yd-te mart-m^J-ya-te from nmrj- *to sweep off, wipe 
away'. kani-krad-yd-te from krand- *to roar. ve-vis-ya-te 
from vis- 'to be active', no-nud-ya-te from wmc?- *to knock 
away*. ca-kaS-ya-tB from kas- 'to appear. In Avestic there 
seems to be only one example, ra-ris-ye-iti 'hurts, wounds*, 
cp. Skr. ris-ya-ti 'injures*. 

§ 730. Greek, olttw for V«/-//x-i^w; see § 728 p. 259. 
yaQ-yaigbj (for *-ya(?-j^w) *I swarm'; (.mQ-f.LaiQ(o *I shimmer, 
glitter'. With jioQ-cpvgix) 'I well up , heave , change colour* 
fioQ'f.ivQ(D 'I roar, murmur' cp. rrvvpw § 713 p. 247. Tjuu-ffaivco 
(\^hha-) shows a nasal suffix like (faiiui) for *(fa-v-i.w^ parallel 
Horn, najiiqjavoioaa. On uai-ipdaau) , nni'TidXXw , noi-cpvooro and 
the like, see § 465 Rem. p. 12. 

§ 731. Italic. Lat. tin-tinnio (l) beside tinnio. gin-grid 
(f) beside garrio (cp. § 466 p. 13). 

Of Keltic forms may be placed here the isolated Mid.Ir 
der-drethar 'sounds, cries out' with the 5-preterite derdrestar 
<§ 465 p. 12). 

§ 732. Slavonic. O.C.Sl. glagoljq, *I speak' for *(/o/- 
gol-jq^ 2^^ sing, -je-si etc. (glagola-ti) , with the same redupli- 
cation as glagolu 'word*, mru-mur-jq 'I gnaw', 2"** sing, -je-si 
etc. (mru-mura-ti). 

§ 733. (B) It is rare in the Idg. languages to find the 
io-suffix with presents reduplicated in any other way; and in no 
language has this class become a large one. All the examples 
appear to be new formations. Skr. pass. dad-yd-tB 'datur* (beside 
dt-yd'te) by analogy of dddcL-mi dad-mds, cp. partic. dat-td-s^ 
§ 541 p. 102. Skr. pass, nind-ya-te 'is scolded or blamed', if 
ninda-ti is to be analysed ^ni-nd-e-ti^ see § 550 p. 106. 
Avest. yaes-y^-iti 'seethes, boils', which looks like a conta- 
mination of Skr. yesa-ti i. e. Ha-is-ati (§ 562 p. 110) and 
yds-ya-ti, Gr. Att. dsidiTTOfiiai Hom. deidiooof^iaL i. e. Mfla- 
aoftai *I frighten, or am frightened' for *db-dfiy.-^o-/nai^ besidp 

§§733-785. Present Stem: Class XXVIII - Bkr. tfar^d-ti. 261 

df'doixa (cp. Johansson, Beitr. gr. Spr., 80 f.). vtaoftcu *1 go 
back, return* for ^i-va-io-nai from y/^nef- seems to presuppose 
^fii-nes-mi^ which is represented by the Skr. H"* pi. mid. «(»- 
-atS (§ 539 p. 09). XiXaiojuat 'I desire, long for* for *Xt'Xua' 
'Ifi-uai^ cp. Skr. la^ati for *la-l§a-ti § 562 p. 110. uTouno 
I put to, yoke* ground-form ^ti-tp-id^ cp. Lat. tendO, if this is 
for *te4n'd (§ 564. p. 111). O.Ir. -airissiur 'I remain standing 
for *(pariysistiO(r) (1 § 109 6 p. 103, § 516 p. 377), beside 
Gr. "i'Gvri'Hi Skr. ti-^fh-a-ti Lat. si-sf-d § 539 p. lOO. O.C.Sl. 
dezdq *I lay' for *de-d-iq 2"** sing. dezdeSi etc. (inf. di-tt) 
beside Lith. dHd)-mi ded-u § 546 pp. 103 f. 

A peculiar reduplication is shown by certain Greek verbs. 
7ia-(pXd'Qto 'I bubble' beside (pXedwv gossip', xa-xXd^fi) *I gurgle', 
(ia'(i(jdC(o 1 chirp'. They are Intensives or Iteratives to the 
verbs named in § 730. 

Class XXVUL 

Root -\ — a-, -g-, -0-, -r -io- forming the 
Present Stem. 

§ 734. The forms now to be noticed are closely connected 
with Classes X and XI (§§ 578 ff.), under which heads much 
has already been said of the io-stems. 

1 believe that the original accentuation of this class is 
preserved in those Sanskrit verbs which have dissyllabic stems 
before -yff-, such as gfhha-yd-ti^ and by Sanskrit passives like 
tra-yd-te (§ 703 p. 232). trd-ya-tS has followed the lead of 
pdc-ya-tB etc., and trd-yd-tS : trd-ya-tS = ric-yd-tB : ric-ya-ti 
(§ 710 p. 245). 

§ 736. Unreduplicated Forms. 

Pr. Idg. *tra'io-'. Skr. trd-ya-tS protects, saves* pass. trO- 
-yd-tS, Lat. in-trG for *'tra'id, with which is doubtless con- 
nected O.C.Sl. tra-fq I last, endure' (inf. truja-H). Skr. sn^- 
-ya-te *bathes himself, Lat. nO for ^sn-^l-jp, Lat. hid for 

262 Present Stem : Class XXVIII — Skr. tr-a-yd-te. §§ 735,736 . 

*hicL-io^ Lith. zio-ju 1 open my mouth* (inf. zio-ti) , cp. Lat. 
ht-sco O.H.G. gi-no-m gei-no-m *I gape*. Compare § 579 • 
Lat. aro for *ara-id^ Gr. agdo) 1 plough' pr. Gr. *a(?a-(j^)o) 
(§ 583 p. 124, § 775). With these primary verbs should be 
classed several very wide-spread onomatopoetic or imitative 
verbs, as Gr. vXam -w *I roar* Lith. uU-ju *I call, shout for joy, 
cheer' (also reduplicated tduld-ju = Lat. ululo) : Gr. oyytdojuut 
-a/Liai 1 bray, hee-haw' Lat. unco, Gr. f-wy^do/Ltat -wjuai 'mugio* 
Umbr. mugatu *mugito, muttito*. 

*sn-e-io-: Gr. v^ ^spins' for *av7] (Mekler, Beitr. zur 
Bild. des gr. Verb., p. 18), Lat. weo, O.H.G. nau 1 sew*. 
*§n-e-io- *§n'0-iO': Skr. -pass, jfiayd-te 'noscitur* {-e- or -o-?), 
O.H.G. kndu 1 know' (-e-, but cp. p. 128 footnote), O.C.Sl. 
zna-jq 1 know' (-o-, inf. zna-ti). Lat. fl-eo^ O.H.G. hlau 
1 blow* pr. Germ. *bl-e-id, perhaps too O.C.Sl. bl-^-jq 1 bleat* 
(inf. hUja-ti). Skr. v-d-ya-ti 'blows', Goth, v-aia O.H.G. w-au 
1 blow', O.C.Sl. v-^-jq, *I blow' (inf. vija-ti). Lat. taceo for 
*tac'e-id, Goth, pahdip for "^pahe-ii-di. Lat. fav-eo^ O.C.Sl. 
gov-^ja veneror, vereor' (§ 590 p. 132). Compare §§ 587, 708. 

§ 736. Aryan. Skr. tr-d-ya-te protects' pass, tra-yd-te, 
Avest. pra-y^-iti protects*: Lat. -tro^ see § 735. Skr. ^r-d- 
-ya-ti 'boils, cooks', cp. Gr. x^-xQa-rai. Pass. mn-cL-ya-U 'com- 
memoratur', cp. Gr. Dor. /us-f^va-rai. Pass, ml-d-ya-ti 'grows 
soft', cp. Gr. Dor. ^X-a-h py-d-ya-te 'swells' beside pdy-a-te 
pt-pdy-a pi-py-a-nd'S. y-Orya-te pass. *itur', cp. Goth, je-r and 
Lith. j6-ju. khy-a-ya-te pass, 'is seen', cp. aor. d-khy-a-t. sy-d- 
-ya-ti 'curdles, congeals*, cp. part. Si-tds. Compare §§ 580 
and 588. 

Also verbs in -a-yd-ti in which the root formed a complete 
syllable. The speaker imagined these to be parallel with pytana- 
-yd-ti mana-yd-ti and the Uke (§§ 617, 769) — there really 
was no difference in character, if we are right in identifying 
the verb-suffix -Or with the feminine suffix — and therefore 
kept the old accent without changing it as in trdya-U. Skr. 
gxhha-yd'ti 'seizes* O.Pers. a-garhaya-m^ Skr. dama-yd-ti 'over- 

§§ 787—789. Present Stem: CUsr XXYIII — 8kr. tr-a-yd'ti. 

powers' (cp. Lat. dofndre)^ Skr. tudo-yd-ti 'pushes', pnif(i^'ti 
*spurt8 out*. 

§ 737. Greek. *J(>(f-iico *I do* Jpoi dotjiy beside Lith. daraH 
*I do*, cp. Sg-aivio § (52 1 p. 159. ^nG-i^tn *I bring into effect, 
carry out* for ^k^a-lQ (II 8 1^7 p. 371): El. imper. I n-n'Tiij rot, 
cp. Skr. Sv-a- in sq-Svai/ln- 'swelling* etc. idouui hSuai 'I heal* 
for *«s-a-iO-, is related to laivo) (§ 743) as d^uJ to douncj. 
nQnni *I plough', vXdio^ nyxdo/ttfu, /LiVy.uo^iat, see § 735 p. 262. 

*Xo-rj-k(o '1 give an oracle* xO'^ XQli-, partic. xp^o)v Od. 8. 79. 
Dor. *fX'7j-f^io 'I wish, desire' (beside Lat. vel-le) ho XiJ El. opt. 
Xtjolxav'^ the Gort. Xrl'm (e. g. 3"* pi. conj. XrjuovTi) for *X7j(w is 
formed like ;f(>7;fo/m/: was this derived from ro /orjfk;^ or was 
it a formation like Skr. causal pyd-y'dya-ti? (cp. § 801). 
*%v-7j'^(o *I rub, scratch' (cp. hv-vw) xvw xv^. *'Crj-iM 'I live' for 
*3i'^-i^ (\^3^-) C^f^ Cf7> *he forms sCrjv ^-^d^i are later and 
follow Class X (cp. § 496 p. 56); with -5-, tw-oi Gort. 
dWno (dwoi dioMvn etc.), like O.C.Sl. 2)mjq beside O.H.G. kndu 
(§ 735). *ip-7]'^a} 'I grind or crush to pieces' (Skr. ps-d-ti 
§ 587 p. 128) ml VfJ. 

§ 738. Italic. In Latin only the 1'* sing. pres. has the 
io-suffix, the other persons being formed after Class X. This 
was perhaps due in part to the early loss of the personal 
ending -mi in Italic, w^hence it became possible for void to 
take its place in the same scheme as vult^ eo beside it. 

-a-io. in-tro no hid see §§ 735, 736. fl-d, pi. fi-a-mns. 
Also juv-6 lav-d and suchlike. See § 583 p. 124. 

-e-io. pled neo f/ed vied, also taced seated vided sited 
faved valed habed etc. See §§ 587, 590, 708. 

g 739. Germanic. Monosyllabic stems in -^- and -5- 
almost wholly gave up the unthematic inflexion , and took 
that with 'io- (§ 592 p. 133). O.H.G. ndu 1 sew* htdu 
I know' Goth, vaia O.H.G. wdu 'I blow*, see § 735. 
O.H.IJ. drau *I turn, twist*, *^r-e- from V^ter-, cp. Gr. 
rg-^-ILia 'hole' Tt()-f-T()0'V 'borer'. There may be Idg. 'd'jfi 

264 Present Stem : Class XXVIII — Skr. tr-a-yd-te. §§ 739,740. 

in O.H.G. bluoiu bluowu O.Sax. bloiu '1 bloom', cp. Lat. 
fl-o-s (gen. fl-o-r-is); it must remain uncertain whether we 
have -o-io or -a-io as the ending in O.H.G. gluoiu gluotvu 
'I glow' (v^ghel-). 

Dissyllabic stems in -e- and -a- have both non-thematic 
and io-flexion. 

Dissyllabic e-stems in Gothic show io-flexion in forms 
containing ae, such as pahdis pahdip (the P* sing, is paha 
'I am silent') for *-e-ii-zi -e-ii-di: Lat. taceo. Compare also 
Goth, vitdip 'looks at, regards*: Lat. video ^ sildip 'is silent': 
Lat. sileo', hahdip 'has*: Lat. habeo. Compare § 592 p. 133, 
§ 708 pp. 238 ff. On the spread of this g-flexion to nasal 
present stems, see § 605 pp. 146 f., § 623 p. 160; on the 
formation of ^-verbs from nouns, § 781. 3. 

Dissyllabic fl-stems were inflected just like the later 
stratum of (^-denominatives (as Goth, fairinon from fairina). 
The to-extension is clearly seen only in Anglo-Frisian , as 
A.S. 1** sing, 'ie pi. -iad for pr. Germ, -o-ia- see § 781.1. 
Examples of "primary" verbs are : Goth, mito 'I mete, measure* 
O.H.G. meiiom 'I moderate', Goth. bi-Idigo 'J lick all over* 
(cp. Lith. laizau *1 lick' inf. laizy-ti)^ O.H.G. fehUm 'I adorn' 
O.H.G. mahhom 'I make*. Compare § 579 p. 121, § 585 
p. 126. 

§ 740. Balto-Slavonic. 

'O-io-. Lith. zio'ju O.C.Sl. tra-ja see § 735. Lith. j6-ju 
'I ride* {jo-ti) , see § 587 p. 128. Probably also Lith. gro-ju 
{gr6-ti) O.C.Sl. gra-jq {graja-ti) 'I croak', Lith. klo-ju 'spread 
out* (kld'ti)^ and others. Some of the Lithuanian "Iteratives" 
are in place here, as lindo-ju beside llndau 'I put in' (Undo-ti)^ 
rymo-ju beside rymau 'I sit supported on something* {rymo-ti)^ 
svyro-yu 'I moVe to and fio' (svyro-ti), etc. So in O.C.SL, 
Iteratives such as sun-Mafq 'comedo' (-eda-fi), raz-vrtzajq 
'I open' (-vnza-ti)^ su-bira;q 'I gather' (-bira-ti). Compare 
§§ 586, 783. 

-e-io-. O.C.Sl. bl^jq v^-jq see § 735. gre-jq 1 warm* 

§§740-74 8. Pre»6nt SUm ; OUm XXIX - Bkr, i^p^ti. 265 

(grija-tt). gavi-jq veneror, vereor* (gavi-ti) : Lat. /aw5, tee 
§ 785. Lithuanian "Diminutives" (Iteratives), as hyri-ju 'I scatter 
a little* or *I am a little scattered' (bgrS'ti), kyU-ju *I lift a 
little* (kyU'ti)^ luke-jn 'I wait a little' (lukB-ti). Compare 
§§ 593, 784. 

'6'io' possibly in O.C.Sl. zna-j'q, § 785, and perhaps in a 
few, none can say which, of O.C.Sl. verbs in -a-jq (Id^. -n- 
and -0- ran together in Slavonic). 

§ 741. Reduplicated Forms. 

The Reduplicated forms with fl-suffix mentioned in S 595 
have some of them the io-extension. Lat. !•* sing, ululd, Lith. 
ulnU-ju *I call, shout for joy* (cp. uld-ju Gr. I'Aa'w § 785 
p. 262). Lat. 1"* sing, murmuro^ cp. O.H.G. mtirmurom 
murtnulom. Lat. 1** sing, tintinnd tintind beside tintitin-id 
(Class XXVII). 

A later Greek form is xiy-ypcli ' y.igv^ (Hesych.) beside 
xiy-xocc'/iUf see § 594 p. 185. 

O.H.G. rerem A.S. rdrie^ connected with Lith. re-jn re-ti 
'I cry out loud*, comes from a pr. Germ. *rai-rS-io^ see § 708 
p. 240. € in rS- was a suffix, as may be seen from Lett. 
rd-j'ii 'I scold* and other words (Per Persson, Wurzelerw 
pp. JU, 196). 

Class XXIX. 
Nasal Stems + -io- for the Present Stem. 

§ 742. The formations here to be treated are connected 
with Classes XII to XVIII, and fall into three groups: those 
connected with (A) Classes XII to XIV, (B) Classes XV and 
XVI, and {C) Classes XVII and XVIII. 

§ 743. (A) -n-io- is fairly common only in Greek. 
Lesb. xXivvM Hom. Att. xXivo) *I bend' for *xAii^|-<f», beside 
O.Sax. hlino-n etc. xpiyuu '1 separate, choose out, distinguish* 
for *'V'j^(o. otvo^ai *I plunder* for ^at-v-ifi-ftm, o-rgdyut 

266 Present Stem: Qass XXIX — Skr. is-an-yd-ti. §§ 743,744. 

*I urge on* for "^o-tqv-v-j^m. fpulvw *I show, make visible* for 
*ffa'V-i,(jDf beside Armen. ba-na-m 'I open' (^hhd-nO-mi)^ \/^bha-. 
XaivM *I gape for V-*'-^^. See § 601 p. 144, § 611 p. 150. 
Lat. li-n-iD (U-n-i-mus) beside li-no^ Skr. vi-linami 'I dissolve, 
disintegrate' (intr.), see § 598 p. 142. O.Ir. ara-chri-nim 
'difficiscor , I go to pieces* beside Skr. S^-nd-ti^ see § 604 
p. 146. O.H.G. spennu {== Goth. *spanja) *I attract, charm* 
beside spa-nu i. e. *sp9-nd \/^ spe-^ see § 614 p. 152. 

-^-io- was used even in pr. Idg., and is (3specially common 
in Sanskrit and Greek. Idg. -is-i^-io: Skr. is-an-yd-ti 'sets in 
motion, excites* Gr. iaiv(o 'I quicken* beside Skr. is-ana-t^ 
Skr. tur-an-yd-ti 'hastens*, hhur-an-yd-ti *is brisk'. Gr. avalvco 
1 make dry* beside Lith. saus-inu, dha&cavio 'I slip' beside 
oXia&dno, rspff-aivw *I make dry, xvaiviov' synvog wV, cy>-(pX-alv(o 
1 bubble or gush out*, dg-aivoy 1 do', xp-«tVft» 'I complete', 
S-aivM *I scratch* and many more; -aivo) became a very 
productive suffix. Armen. -anim^ as mer-ani-m *I die*, like 
Gr. (.luQ-aivuK O.H.G. gi'Wahannen *to recount* (pret. gi-wuog)^ 
A.8. wcBcnan awake* (pret. woe). See §§ 618—621, § 623 
pp. 156 ff., § 711 p. 246. 

§ 744. (B) Present Stems with "Nasal Infix*' become 
very common in Greek and Baltic. In explanation of the 
examples given below see §§ 628, 629, 631, 632, 634—637, 
pp. 164 ff. 

Gr. 7TTlao(o titItto) *I bray, pound* instead of older *;rT/i'rj-^w, 
Lat. pTns-io (pms-i-mus)^ beside Skr. pinds-ti d-pis-a-t. 

Skr. pass, vand-ya-te beside vanda-te Upraises, honours' 
compare vdda-ti ud-yd-tS; not a very old form. 

Gr. XiQovai ' nalCovaiv probably for *\ivd-i,(o ; anljun-Tco *I throw 
violently at* perhaps for *nxiiun-i.(t) , beside Skr. hsip-. XvCat 
'I sob* for *Xvyy'i,io , cp. kvy^ Xvyydvo/Liai Xv/xatVw, \/^sla^'tik' 
sla^ug-. nXd' *I strike, knock away* for "^nXayy-f^co. y.hitio 
1 shout, cry' for *KX«y/-^fo. 

Lat. vinc-io (^) beside Skr. vi-vyak-ti 'embraces, surrounds* 
3"* dual vi'Vik-tds. sanc-io (l) beside sacer. 

744-746. Present Stem: CIms XXX — tq-a-pd-ti, 2H7 

Lett. m{/chu mingo* for *mift«-ii4. Lith. jilmg-iu *I yoke, 
put to*, skund'iiu *I weep, bewail myself beside pra^skundu 
(prot. -skudail) 'I begin to smart*, sunk-iti *I strain, filter, let 
something run through' beside Lett, swak-s 'resin*. Lett, katnp- 
-ju 'I grasp, grip* beside Lat. cap-id. Lith. lenk-iu 'I bend* 
\^leq-. stSng-iu *I put my strength to* beside Or. oxtlftio. 
O.C.Sl. z^zdn 'I covet' (inf. Zf^-da-ti) beside Lith. geid-iiu. 
gl^Mq *I look' {glqdA-ti) beside O.H.G. gliiu. ob-r^tq 1 find* 

§ 745. (C) Rare forms, undoubtedly late, are all that 
meet us in this section. O.C.Sl. mi-nu-jq *I go over' beside 
mi-nq, see § 649 p. 185. 

Class XXX. 

Root + 5-Suffix H — io' (the -s-io- Future). 

§ 746. Two groups of forms, with Present and Future 
meaning respectively. 

(A) With Present meaning: fairly common nowhere 
but in Sanskrit, and for the must part clearly later extensions 
of the s-Present. As regards the examples here following, see 
§§ 656 and 657, pp. 190 ff. 

Skr. tras-ya-ti beside tr-dsa-ti 'trembles', Lith. tres-itt *I am 
in rut' used of bitches (inf. tresti). Skr. plu^-ga-U pass, of 
plo-sa-ti 'burns, singes', Lat. prn-r-id (prurire). Avest. uxs- 
ye-itl beside vax-sa-iti *makes grow', Goth, vahs-ja *I grow' 
(pret. vdlis). 

Skr. Sli^-ya-ti 'hangs on to, sticks to' pass. Sli^-yd-tS, 
Avest. sra^s-y^-iti (same meaning) beside Skr. SrS-^a-ti d-Sli' 
-^a-t. Skr. i^-ya-ti Avest. is-y^-iti *sets in motion' beside 
Skr. i-^a-tS. Skr. tvl^-ya-ti 'is excited, distracted' beside 
3'** pi. d'tvi'^-ur. ghu^-ya-ti *cnea out, announces loudly' pass. 
ghi^-yd-te beside ghS-^a-ti, Pass. rak^-ya-tS beside rdk-^a-ti 
'guards, saves'. Pass. graa-ya-tB beside gr-asa-ti 'devours*. 

Lith. t^S'iu *I stretch* beside Skr. tq^a-ti etc. 

268 Present Stem : Class XXX — Skr. tq-s-i/d-fe. §§ 747. 

§ 747. (B) With Future Meaning.^) Even as early 
as the proethnic period -s-io- (or -ds-io-) must have already- 
become a simple suffix for expressing the future. This group 
of forms grew out of Classes XIX and XX, particularly forms 
with the strong-grade of root syllable; compare Skr. tqsyd-te 
and tq-sa-ti (Goth, -pin-si-p) d-tq-s-mahi, srosyd-ti Gr. y.Xsv 
ao/us&a in Hesychius) and irO'Sa-mclna-s, vaksyd-ti and Avest. 
vaX'§a-ite (V^ueq- 'speak'), saksya-ti (Gr. s^ai) and sdk-sa-nt- 
y^segh- (>§ 657 if.); very rarely from forms with root-syllables 
in a weak grade, as Avest. busye-iti (pr. Ar. doubtless *bhusia-ti^ 
cp. Skr. su-sija-nt- § 748) Lith. hu-siu (Gr. (pv-au)) beside 
Skr. bhu-sa-ti (§ 659 p. 194). Sanskrit forms with -isya- 
were derived from the is-aorist, compare vedisyd-ti with the 
aorist stem vHis- in d-vedis-am. 

The oldest meaning of the sio- future was probably that 
of Wish^ which weakened to a mere future. Compare the 
desiderative meaning of Skr. forms like ti-sttr-sa~te (§ 667 
pp. 198 ff.), and the future meaning of such others as O.Ir. 
no-gigius § 668 p. 200. 

1) Hadley, On the formation of Indo-European Futures, 1859, in 
his Essays, pp. 184 ff. [G. Meyer]. Th. Benfey, Uber die Entstehung 
und die Formen des idg. Optativ (Potential) sowie iiber das Futurum 
auf sanskritisch syami u. s. w., Abhandl. d. Gott. Ges. d. Wissenscli., 
XVI 135 ff. L. Hirzel, Zum Futurum im Idg., Kuhn's Zeitschr. xui 215 ff. 
J. Schmidt, La formation des futurs dans les langues indo-germ.. 
Revue de linguistique ill 365 ff. — Bezzenberger, Conditionalformen 
im Avesta, in his Beitr. n 160 f. — A. Franke, Das Futurum im 
Griecb., ein sprachgeschichtlicher Versuch, Gott. 1861. T. H. Key, On 
the Formation of Greek Futures and First Aorists, Trans. Phil. Soc. 1861, 
pp. 1 ff. Leskien, Die Formen des Futurums und zusammengesetzten 
Aorists mit an in den homer. Gedichten, Curtius' Stud, n 65 ff. P. Cauer, 
Die dor. Futur- und Aoristbildungen der abgeleiteten Verba auf -Cw, 
Sprachwiss. Abhandl, aus G. Curtius' Gramm. Gesellsch. pp. 126 ff. 
J. "Wackernagel Griech. xzfqiovai^ Idg. Forsch. II 151 ff. (In the 
explanation of xreqioZ'H and the similar Homeric future forms I concur 
with Wackernagel, see § 757 Rem. p. 277). J an son, De Graeci 
sermonis paulopost-futuri forma atque usu, Rastenburg 1844. — 
J. Schmidt, tJber das Futurum im Aksl., Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. iv 
239 ff. 

§§ 747,748. Present Stem : OUm XXX — 8kr. iq-a-ifd^i, 269 

Only in Aryan and in Balto-Slavonic is the 9}o-future 
certain. In such forms as Or. ihi^u) it cannot be proved 
that after s an i has been lost, and they may be 
regarded as conjunctives of the ^-aorist, dsiho fut. being the 
same as Jfijoi conj. of fjfija, and as Lat. dfxO beside 
opt. dlxim. Special attention should be given to Epic forms 
like impor. nlos nioere beside fut. omw, imper. oxptatfs beside 
fut. oipnuai^ which make strongly for this view (see § 833). 
On the other hand, I know of nothing to prevent fut. dfi^(o being 
derived from *i)H>i'(Jtf» (Skr. deksydmt). The same doubt is 
suggested by futures of the type of zfvHii xsvio (cp. Skr. 
ian'4yami)^ which as conj. aor. may be compared with ndito 
ftJcJ from i/'J*« (§ 836).*) We may conjecture that in Greek 
the Idg. forms with -sio- and the conj. aorist had run together; 
as, in Lithuanian, beside d&'siame d&'sime du state dUsite^ the 
future answering to Skr. dasydmas dasydtha, we find used in 
the same way the Aorist Injunctive forms dusme d&'ste. 
Compare the Author, M. U. iii 58 ff.; G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.^ 
473 f.; Johansson, Deriv. Yerb. Contr. 203 ff. 

Spite of this uncertainty, the Greek future may be treated 
here along with the Aryan and Balto-Slavonic sio-future. 

Remark. I know of no evidence to support Ascoli's assumption 
(Sprachw. Briefe, 65 ff.), that -new in the Doric future comes regularly 
from *-a],to = Skr. -sydmi Lith. -siu. 

§ 748. Pr. Idg. We have two endings to distinguish, 
sio- and -dsio- {-esio-). 

(A) -sio. The regular form of the root, as has been 
said in the preceding section, was strong grade (with e in the 
e-series). Thus the matter remained in Aryan; cp. deksyaM 
beside pres. diSd-ti diS-ya-ti. Thus it often is in Lithuanian, 
as rein-siu from v^rew-, versiu from v^U^ft-- But in 
Lithuanian the form fell under the influence of the infinitive 

1) It is striking that Homer uses no such form aa rtrt^to fiafio parallel 

to Ttititu for *Ttlta~iat^ Littiotttii for *itiiMa'lo-fiai. 

270 Present Stem : Class XXX — tq-s-yd-fB. § 748. 

stem, and we have liksiu following llkti^ instead of Heiksiu 
(pres. lekmly leku)^ and beside rem-siu (retn-ti) a variant rim- 
'Siu^ inf. Hm-ti (pres. rimstu)^ beside versiu [versti) a variant 
vifsiu^ inf. virsti (pres. virstu). In Greek, the vocalism of the 
future always agrees with the s-aorist, and this was mostly 
regulated by the present: rtgipfo like srsgipu from regnw^ 
ygdipw like eyQuipa from ygdrpw ^ yXvi^jco like syXvipa from 
yXvipo)^ o/LioQ^co like aijno(j^a from ou6()yvv'jiu. Exceptions: 
relao) like srsiaa , but pres. tIvco (for *Ti-vfco) ; /usi'^oj like 
sfxti^a^ but pres. /itiy-vv'fii. 

\/^rem- Vest': Skr. ra-sya-te *he will rest', Lith. rem-siu 
*I will support' (rem-ti) rlm-siu 'I will grow calm (in mind)' 
(Hm-^i). v^m^n- *think': Skr. mq-sya-te, Lith. m\-siu {min-ti^ 
pres. men-u). V^qei- pay a penalty' etc.: Skr. ce-syd-ti 
Or. Tsi-Ou) (rsTaai^ pres. rlvio). ^pleu- Wim, rinse, wash': 
Skr. plO'Sya-tiy Gr. nlsv-ao-juai (nXtvOat) , Lith. pldu-siu 
(pldu-ti). y/^uert- 'vertere': Skr. vart-syd-ti, Lith. versiu 
*I shall turn' (2;ers^e) virsiu *I shall fall down' (virsti). V^y^erg- 
*to work, be active': Avest. part. mid. var^sya-mna-^ Gr. fi^loi 
(epfat). v^^erp- ^crawl': Skr. srap-sya-ti sarp-sya-ti Gr. £pi//w 
(sgyjai). y/terp- 'give joy': Skr. trap-sya-ti tarp-sya-ti (the 
latter in the Grammarians), Gr. regyjco {ri^ii/at). \^der]c' 
'see : Skr. drak-syd-ti , Gr. Stglofxai {Idsg'^dfxrjv). yf qert- 
'cut, strike sharply': Skr. kart-sya-ti (instead of *cart-^ 
cp. karta-ti § 522 p. 85), Lith. kifsiu (kirsti, pres. kertu). 
y/^leiq- leave*: Skr. rek-sya-te, Gr. XUipto {XH'^)ai)^ Lith. lik- 
siu (lik-ti, pres. leku). y/^ueid- 'know, see': Skr. vet-sya-ti, 
Gr. elaoixai [sloaod-ai) , Lith. isz-vysiu (-vysti). y^ deilc- 

*show': Skr. dSk-sya-ti, Gr. dsl^u) (6sT^ai). y/'hheudh- 'awake, 
observe*: Skr. bhot-sya-ti^ Gr. nsvao/nai, Lith. bitsiu (busti). 
l/'/ewg- 'iungere': Skr. yok-sya-ti, Gr. ffi;|w (feiJ^ai), Lith.. junk- 
'Siu like junk-ti following the present jiingiu. [/'peq- 

*coquere': Skr. pak-sya-ti^ Gr. nhpco. [/^ dhegh- *burn: 

Skr. dhak-syd'ti^ Lith. dek-siu (dek-ti). [/^ seq- *to be with, 
follow': Avest. hax-sy^-iti^ Gr. sipojuai^ Lith. sek-siu (sek-ti). 
{/"ed- 'eat': Skr. at-sya-ti^ Lith. esiw (es^^). \/^ saus- grow 

§§ 748-750. Present Stem : Glass XXX - 8kr. tt^-g-yd-ti, 271 

dry*: Skr. idk$ya-ti (pros, ^-ya-tij seo I § 557.4 p. 413), 
Lith. sausiu (sails-ti). [/^ dhS- 'place, lay*: Skr. dha'Si/a-tiy 
(Jr. dtj-au)^ Lith. de-siu {de-ti). [^ do- *givc*: Skr. da-at/d-ti^ 
(»r. <Jai-aw, Lith. d^'-siu (d^'-ti). [^ std- *8tand': Skr. stha- 
-aya-tij Or. axa-aa) artj'aut (aTpjoai)^ Lith. std-siu {sto-ti). 

l/^bheu' 'become*: Avest. bu-iy^-iti, Gr. (pt-aco {(pvaai)^ 
Lith. bu-»iu O.C.Sl. *bysq (only in partic. bysoMeje bys^teje 
'ro /iieXXtyv). Analogously, Skr. »i^^ya-nt- beside sd-^yd-ti 
Avest. hao-sy^-iti from [^ se^i- 'drive on, quicken, enliven' 
(cp. perf. Skr. sastlva like bahhUva). Compare § 747 pp. 268 f. 

§ 749. {B) 'dsio- (-esio-). Skr. -%a- for -d»io-. But 
Gr. 'io- comes from -esio-^ unless (more probably) -to- is for -eso-^ 
and belongs to the conjunctive aorist (see § 747).^) The Sanskrit 
'i^ya- could be added to any root ending in a consonant; but 
Gr. -so- was the regular future suffix only with roots in a 
liquid or a nasal. So we have Skr. k^ari^ya-ti *it will flow, 
dissolve' (gramm.) answering to Greek (pd^sgeio apS-eQw 'I shall 
destroy' (Hom. (f&sgau)), Skr. hani^ya-ti *he will strike, kill* to 
Gr. ^*i'/w -(o 'I shall strike' (p^g^en-), Skr. tanisya-ti (gramm.) 
'he will stretch' to Gr. tsvsm -m 1 shall stretch', Skr. ksani^ya-ti 
'he will hurt' (gramm.) to Gr. xrevfw -m 'I shall kill'. A few 
Greek examples have -«o- with -a- = -9-, as x^fjudio -a3 'I shall 
hang*, cp. nosf.iaf.iai , apsfid&Qa 'hanging basket*. Compare 
§§ 834 ff. 

§ 750. Futures with -sio- have also been formed, from 
the proethnic period onwards, from stems consisting of l/^ -f- 
Determinative. We may mention : 

(1) Stems with -a- -e-, or -5- (Class X). *dr-a- 'run': 
Skr. dra-sya-ti (gi-amm.), Gr. d^d-no-ftai. *fnn-a' think of, 
remember*: Skr. mna-sya-ti (gramm.), Gr. fiva-mo jnytj-aco, 
*Qa- 'go*: Skr. gd-sya-tB (gramm.), Gr. fid-ao-uat firj-ao-fiat. 

I) I now follow Bartholomae (Bezz. Beitr. xvii 109 if.) in holding 
that -f- which follows the root in Terfio ytyfTUQ and like words is Idg. -?-, 
not '9- fl § 110 pp. 103 ff.). 

272 Present Stem: Class XXX — Skr. tq-s-yd-te. § 750. 

*w-e- 'blow': Skr. vdrsi/a-ti, Grr. ar]-60'fxat. *gn'd- *noscere': 
Skr. jna-sya~ti^ Gr. yvm-ao-fxcu. *uid'e- *ueid-e- *8ee, know': 
Gr. Dor. Utj-om Lith. pa-vydesiu ('invidebo') , Gr. si^TJ-oco 
Lith. veizde-siu. *mi^n-e- 'think': Gr. jLtavrj-ao-inai, Lith. mine' 
-siu. Compare §§ 578 ff. 

(2) Stems with s-elements (Class XIX and XX). tr-es^ 
'tremble': Skr. tras-isyd-ti, Gr. TQt:o(o)(o^ Lith. tresiu for ^tt^es- 
-siu (pres. tresiu). Skr. es-isya-ii beside e-sa-ti 'seeks, desires'; 
Meksya-ti beside Mi-s-ya-ti 'clings to' d-Mi-sa-tj daks-isya-U 
beside ddk-sa-ti 'suits, accommodates' ; aks-isya-ti beside ak-sa-te 
'reaches'. With Skr. aksisya-ti^ bhdsisya-te (gramm.) compare 
the aorist forms dksisur dbhasista § 839. Gr. otioco for *asta-co 
(perf. (Tb-afiorai) from aet(o {Huei-s-) 'I shake'; '^so((t)(x) from '^eo) 
(*qs-es-) *I scrape, smooth', Lith. t^siu for H^-siu beside 
t^-8-iil 'I stretch*. Compare §§ 655 ff. 

(3) Stems with dh- and c^-elements (Class XXY). Skr. ydt- 
-sya-ti beside yo-dha-ti 'gets into motion', Lith. jusiu beside 
jundii 'I begin to tremble', *ieu-dh-. Skr. rdt-sya-ti beside 
ra-dh-ya-te 'carries out successfully'; mrad-isya-ti beside vi- 
-mrada-ti 'softens' {mr-ada-). Gr. xXa(j(a)w from yiXa-d- 'break 
off'. But it is doubtful whether nlrjoco 'I will fill' is *nXrjS-Go} 
(cp. nXjj-dco n&nXTjOtni nXrjOTbo-g) or nlrj-oao (cp. nX^ro nsnXtjvrai), 
whether &Xfvao/Liai 'I will come' is *€X£v&-aof.iai (cp. rjXv-^o-v 
tXtvoTto-v) or tXev-aof-iat (cp. iXrjXv-rs nQoa-TJXvTO-g)^ whether 
■nvoM 'I will make rot' is *tiv&-oco (cp. -nv-d^co) or nv-aix) (cp. Lith. 
puv-il). There is the same doubt in Lith. futures like plausiu 
from plau-d-Mu *I wash' (Idg. *pleu-d-)^ sprdusiu from sprdu-d- 
-Hu *I subdue' (Idg. *spreu'd-) gesiu from ge-du *I sing'. As we 
know not in what period of Lithuanian these verbal classes 
arose, we are not compelled to assume that plausiu , say, 
comes from a supposed form *plautsid. The fact may be that 
ptau-siu is really future to plau-juj and then, on the analogy 
of geidziii gelsiu gelsti^ and others of this kind, plausiu was 
involuntarily associated with plaudMu plausti as its future. 
Compare §§ 688 ff. 

§§ 761 J62. Present Stem: Class XXX — Skr. tq-s-yd-ti. 273 

Forms with other present-signs sometimes make a sjo-tuttue 
in different languages; as Skr. indhi^yati Gr. xkuy'^a} Lith. 
junksiu. See below, §§ 752 ff. 

8 751. The indicative with -sio- seems to have had in 
proethnic speech a participle attached, but no more (Skr. rfa- 
'Syd-nt'^ Gr. Jw-awv, Lith. dial, d&'sius for *rfii«»7|«, O.C.Sl. 
bySq§teje). In Sanskrit grew up a conj. with Ar. -a-, and an 
augmented preterite; and Greek developed an opt. with -j-. 
See §§ 753, 759. 

§ 752. Aryan, -sjo- and -dsio-^ but the latter is only 
to be found in Sanskrit (-i^ya-). There is no example of a 
future in Old Persian; this is probably due to chance. In 
Sanskrit and Avestic this future was a living and productive 
type. It is used, true enough, leas often in Vedic than later; 
but then in Vedic injunctive and conjunctive forms were used 
with future meaning. 

To the exx. cited in §§ 748—750 may be added: Skr. 
vaksyd'ti Avest. vaxsy^-it^ beside Avest. vdk-ti 'speaks'; Skr. 
Skr. jani^yd'ti Avest. partic. zcfhya-mna- beside Skr. jdn-a-ti 
'begets'; Skr. hhantsya-ti handhi^ya-ti beside hadh-nd~ti 'binds'; 
rocisya-te beside roc-a-te 'shines*. 

In Sanskrit we meet with specimens of this future made 
from presents of any kind (cp. § 750). mCLrk§ya-te (beside 
mrak^ya-te) from mdrs-ti Class I and mdrja-ti Class II 'wipes* 
(cp. § 494 p. 55, § 514 p. 81). sldisya-ti (beside satsya-ti) 
from stda-ti Class IV *sits* (§ 550 p. 106). dadisya-te (beside 
dd-syd-ti) from dd-dd-ti Class V dd-d-a-ti Class VI gives*; 
jahi§ya-ti (beside ha-sya-tt) from jd-ha-ti ja-h-a-H 'leaves, 
deserts*, jagari^yd-ti from jSi-gar-ti Class V 'wakes' (§ 560 
pp. 109 f.). indhi^ya-ti from inddhe Class XV *bums' \/' aidh^, 
aSnupi^ya-ti from ai-no-ti Class XVII 'attains*; jinm^ya-ti from 
ji-n6-ti Class XVII ji-nva-ti Class XVIII 'sets in motion, 
propels*. titik§i$ya-te from the desid. ti-tik-^a-ti Class XXI 
from tij' *to be sharp'. khyayi^ya-tE from pass. khy-a-ya-tB 
Class XXVIII *is seen'. 

Itruymaun', Elementc. IV. 18 

274 Present Stem: Class XXX — Skr. iq-s-yd-te. §§ 753-755. 

Rather commoner in the later language is the future of 
denominatives in -yd-ti^ Class XXXI,|'as gopdyisyd-ti from gop€L- 
-yd-ti ^guards' (gopd-s 'guardian'); and of present stems in 
-dya-ti (Causatives) , Class XXXII, such as vyayisya-te from 
vy-dya-ti 'enwraps, covers', dhcLrayisyd-ti from dhar-dya-ti 

§ 753. Sanskrit has an augmented preterite from the 
future stem, meaning on the point of; as dbharisya-t 'he was 
just going to take away, wished to take*. But this form 
usually stands as a conditional; and so Conditional it is called. 

There are a few scattered instances (in the Maha-Bharata) 
of Injunctive forms , implying wish ; as 2°*^ pi. mid. hhavisya- 

Similarly there are scattered Conjunctives ; as Yed. 2°'* sing. 

§ 754. Greek. It is not quite certain that the Greek 
(T-future has any immediate connexion with the Aryan and Balto- 
Slavonic sio-type, as we have seen already (§ 747 p. 269). 

With .(70- (§ 748) and -so- -ao- (§ 749), we find a third 

suffix, -(TfO-. 

§ 765. (I) '00'^ a productive suffix in Ionic- Attic and 
elsewhere. Examples in §§ 748 and 750. 

There is an apparent anomaly in keeping a after sonants 
in the future ortj-aw, as in the aorist soTt^aa. This is most 
simply explained as being due to the analogy of dft^o) scht^a 
etc., consonantal stems. Compare I § 564 p. 421. 

Stems in Liquid or Nasal generally conform to Type II 
(§ 757); but roots in g have -om as well in the language of 
Homer and poets of the epic school: (p&^gao (pres. (p&sigo) 
*I destroy') beside f&sgsa) -w. 

Remark. "Why is it that beside a fut. (p&fgaM there is no fut. *<p^ftjftj, 
as might be expected from finding f^xeu-a side by side with fxegaa? This 
is explained without difficulty if we suppose f^xn^a to be analogical, and 
due to ^xrnva '^vHua and the like (I § 563 Rem. 2 p. 419) ; for there 
were no such futures as ^xreivM for *xTfva(x}. Wackernagel's view of 
fxfiQa (Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 127 ff.) is not convincing, to my mind. 

§ 756. Present Stem : Class XXX — Skr. tq-a-yd-ti. 275 

Waokernagel would anyhow have to meet the question whether, if ^tfom 
really comes from *<p9t^nj^b)y it must not hare kept -^a- under all cirnum- 
stances, wherever the accent lay ; cp. yiaoum for *y^ya^oJual contrasted with 
rxrtivu for *hTfyaa (The Author, Or. Or." p. 61), 

8 766. -00- forms futures from all sorts and kinds of stems, 
present, aorist, and perfect. Often there are parallel tf-aorists. 

(1) Hom. didul-mu (beside dai-ow) from dt-dco-jui 'I give". 
Class in. <)/JaJw from Jt-JacJxw, Class XX TIT (aor. i6id((^a). 
Hom. dijw Att. ^^w from aiaaio 'I rush*, -noi-ipv^ui from tku- 
-(fv(T<f(o *I pant, puff', noi-nvvaio from noi'nvno *I snort, pant, 
puff*. Class XXVII (aor. -iji^a rj^a etc.). 

(2) xAceylcu (sxAayla) beside xAa'Ccu *I cry, shout* for *xXayy-^ot, 
Class XXIX, and xA«yy«W, Class XIV (§ 621 p. 158, § 628 
p. 165, § 744 p. 266). Ion. Xd/nipof.iut beside Att. Xfjipofiat 
from Xaufidvo) 'I take*. Class XIV (§ 621 p. 158). otfiy'^oi 
i-acpty^a) from aflyyu) I tie, bind'. Class XVI (§ 631 p. 167). 

(3) From the Denominative presents xrjgvaafo 'I announce' 
uond^to *I carry off* ouXnCQui 'I trumpet' ^uiXioaw 'I soothe, 
pacify* TsXico -d) *I complete* we have the futures xjjpv^w 
dfjnd^w (JaXnly^io f^etXi^io tsXba((T)(i) (aor. ex?jgv^a etc.), on the 
analogy of 7i(jdhco : ngdaawy acpd'^co : aqpa^w and the like 
(cp. i^av/iiavw dyysXiC § 757). What made it all the easier for 
these futures to arise, was that there existed in pre-Greek times 
denominative participles like YrjQm-x6-g (a-x//pi5xTo-i,) , which 
seemed parallel to ngax'Tn-g acpax-ro-g (II § 79 pp. 224 f.). 

(4) The combination -Tj-ao- was an especial favourite 

(§ 750. 1 p. 271). First, a class of futures from the stem of 

the aor. pass, in -rj-v. (.lav-rj-oo^iai beside i-udvrj-v 'I grew 

mad' (V^w«n-), like Lith. min-e-siu beside win-e. o^-rj-aofiat 

beside s-cffi-Tj-v *I was quenched* {[/^ seg-). gv-r-aoinai beside 

i'ppv-rj'V *l flowed' (sreu-). /niy-jj-ao/nui beside t-iiiy-rj-v *I mixed 

myself {[/^meik- meig-). With the same type, dod^Tj-aojuat beside 

ido&Tjv etc., the set of forms due to the analogy of i-So-d^rjg = 

d-di'thas. See § 589 pp. 129 f. In Doric, this intr.-pass. future 

has an active ending : (favrjatTv awax^rionvvxi {-ato- instead of -fJo-, 

§ 758). Further: -iy-<To- occurs in forms like nx'tj-mo (beside 


276 Present Stem : Class XXX — Skr. tcj^s-yd-te. §§ 756,757. 

f^co) from stem of s-o/-0'V 'I held' (cp. sOxt]na)^ (.uX-ij-osi from 
fisXn *it is a care* (cp. susXfjns ^is/lisXt^xs) , sd^sX-rj-Oco from 
k&sXw 'I wish* (Id-sXtjGa rjd^eXrjyio) ^ evd-rj-aia from svd(o *I sleep* 
(cp. xad^-svd7](Jat); of the same kind are Lith. drebe-siu from 
drebii *I tremble', teke-siu from tekil *I run, flow'. The same 
type of future is seen in stems marked as present or aorist, 
where it retains the special tense mark, as ytad^-i^r^aoinai from 7to> 
'I set' for *si-2d-o (cp. -itriaai I^tjao)^ (^ovXtJOoucu from ^ovXo/nai 
•I wish* ground-form *^-no- § 611 p. 150 (cp. fis^ovXrjf.iai) 
(ifoanTJacu from (io-oHut I pasture, feed', TvnrTJao) from rvn-to) 
'I strike' (cp. frvnTtjaa), ;(aiQ7]6(D from xaipw *1 rejoice' for 
*XaQ'i^(o (cp. syaiQrjGOL)^ 6'QijGto from o^w *1 smell' for *oJ-j^fo 
(cp. w^^cra), 7JE7ii&7J(jw from 7TS'm&-Hv *to persuade', nstfidrjao^iai 
from 7iS'q)i^-€-ad^ai *to spare'. 

(5) The original identity of flexion in the groups typified 
by *tT/na'i^(o (from rr/<a 'honour') and * (d(j(5 I do') — 
compare Aeol. hi/ua-f^sv like 6dpa-/Lisv 'we ran — made the 
later set of denominatives run parallel to verbs of Classes X 
and XXYni in other tenses besides the present. Hence 
Tlf-idaco (fiXi'jaui /iuadwacj like dgdaco vrjofo yvcocTo/Liai -, similarly 
Lith. dovano-siu from dovano-ju 'I present' (dovana 'gift') like 
eio-siu from zi6-ju^ and jMu-siu {juM^ju 'I jest' from jukas 
jest*), in correspondence with Gr. i^aad-uj-oco. Following out 
the analogy further we get y.ovt-c(co from y.ovuo *I make dusty' 
(xoVi-c 'dust') d(xy.Qv-6u) from da».Qvo) 'I cry' {ddy.ov 'a tear*); so 
also Lith. daly-siu from daly-jh 'I share, divide* (dall-s 'a part'). 
Compare § 773. 

(6) Futures in -aro from perfect forms, sarijho from 6GTrjy.a 
*I stand'. XsXsiyjsrat from XeXsinrai 'is left over*. jue/xvfja&vfu 
from (.lei-ivrjTai remembers'. Hom. yit/ag^(T(o from asyagipog glad'. 

§ 757. (II) -SO' -ao- -oo- -vo-. 

-so- (becomes -lo- in Dor., I § 64 p. 51) is the ordinary 
future suffix in liquid or nasal stems, as (p9^6()sw -w (beside 
Hom. (pd^sQGo))^ Tsvsco -iii^ see § 749 p. 271. 

Hence -so- spread to the future of stems which had a 
nasal formative suffix in the present; as qxxrsco -cJ from cfuino 

($§ 757,758. Pratenk Stem : OIms XXX — Skr. Uf-i/d-^i, 277 

'1 show, make appear* for *7>o-v-xrf», xXtytM -co from xXtwm 
*1 bend* for Wi-y-^n)^ see § 611 p. 150, ^ayicj mH from '^o/ttti 
'I scratch, comb* for *^-«i-i{ff*, avavfto -w from avnivro 'I make 
dry for *aava-av-iu) (cp. Lith. sau8l~»iu); see § 618 p. 156, 
§ 621 p. 158. It also spread to Denominatives with liquid 
and nasal stems, as davfualvio 'I wonder' ayyikXio *I announce*: 
x^nvjuavfw dyysXtd) -w, not like xrjp^io) from i(t)(/6aa<o (§ 756. 3 
p. 275). 

Where -wo- and -oo- appear, the first vowel belongs to 
other forms besides the future; and so too once or twice -f- 
in 'fo-, y.oetidni -w from xnsua-jLKu *l hang' xohfiu'aaat Y.Qf^id- 
-i^(>a, da/LiufO -Lo from'Gaat TTuvda/itU'TOfQ. OfioOftai o^ifrtfitu 
from 6/n6-an(fii *8wear* o/LtcJ^io-rat rtTr-w/io-ro-v;. oXi<a oXiS from 
oXt'Oaui 'to desti'oy* oXulXs-ya oXs-vfjp, 

The analogy of yigt/Lidco : xQftida(a)ai, oA^ct : 6Xt6(G)cu^ and 
the like, produced from the aorists 6ty.d6(ci)at 'to judge, in- 
vestigate' (Jixa'C^fi) doxijuda(a)ai 'probare' (dotu^tdlm) the futures 
dt/.dw doatfidiu -d5, and similarly we have d/it(pttw -to beside 
d(.i(f.i'f6[G)ai *to put on',') ^laxsouai -ovf-iai beside fiaxf6{o)aad'(u 
'to fight', XiXfM -(o beside rsXso(a)ai *to complete', tayvw beside 
Tavva{6)ai^ and many others. 

An exceptional group contains the Attic and Ionic future 
in -ibio -Kit from a present in -l^w , as y.n/uuo from xout^ot 
*I bring*; for which *>iouno might be looked for, to judge from 
cJixa'o). We may conjecture that the type was once actually 
*xo^/to ; and that *-ia) became -itio -iw as the effect of the 
constant use of -6W -w. -sw is an intruder also in n^iso^im 
o/utTrai Dor. oiiioiit&a instead of o/no-o/nai. 

Remark. There is some doubt whether -if'to instead of *-^ be as 
old as Homer; no argument oan be based on the traditional acoent of 

xouitv dfixiia xrtQtovaii and ayXait^a^ai may be a mistake for aylat'ffh9at. 

These are the only Homeric specimens of the type. 

§ 758. (lU) -aso- (Doric Future).^) Whether -oo- ^ 

1) We can hardly regard a^qn-tta as being *'fta-w^ and a conj. to 
Skr. vds-tS Or. fnt-earai. 

2) For the Doric Future, see now Solmsen, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. xxxii 546 ff . 

278 Present Stem Class XXX — Skr. tq-syd-fe. §§ 758—761. 

Skr. -sya-^ or whether it is the conj. of the s-aorist, -aso- is 
-oo- transformed under the influence of -so-. 

-Gso- is the ordinary Doric suffix answering to Attic -oo-; 
as npa^sw -im ^oad^rjasM -la, but Att. npa^cc po7]&^ow. A few 
instances of it occur in lon.-Att., as (psv^ov/nai beside (psv^ojuai 
(cp. the Author, Gr. Gr.2 p. 170 footnote 1). 

§ 759. Greek, besides the indie, partic, and inf. future, 
(dsi^d) Ssi^wv Ssi^siv) had only the optative, as dsl^oi/ni^ which is 
quite a new formation (see the Author, Gr. Gr.^ p. 188). 

§ 760. Balto-Slavonic. Only -sio-^ and nothing which 
answers to Skr. -isya- and Gr. -to- -ao-, and so forth. In 
Lithuanian the future in -siu lived on, and still lives and 
forms a type; but in Slavonic it died before historic times 
began, all but the sole form 0.C.81. bt/sqsteje (§ 748 p. 271). 

§ 761. The Lith. fut. -siu is inflected differently in 
different dialects. The P* pi. is sometimes dU -sia-m(e) like 
vefczia-m(e) § 725 pp. 254 ff. (cp. partic. dial, d'&'sius = 
*dusiqs, and O.C.Sl. hysa^teje) ; sometimes it is d^-si-m(e) — 
in High Lithuanian, for instance — like dvi-m(e) § 727 
pp. 257 ff.*) The other forms which occur, pi. dusme d&ste 
dual dusva d^'sta, like the S""^ sing, bils gaus, are injunctives 
of the s-aorist (§ 828). The partic. dus^s (cp. O.C.Sl. hysqsteje) 
admits of more than one explanation; see J. Schmidt, as cited 
in footnote. 

Examples of Lith. fut. are given in § 748 pp. 269 f. 

Where marks of the present are retained in the future, 
they are retained in the other forms from the Infinitive Stem. 

Future from Present Stem with inserted nasal: junksiu 
from jung-iu *I put in the yoke', skusiu from skundMu 'I weep, 
bewail myself, lenksiu from lenkiu *I bend*, § 744 p. 267. 
Compare Gr. xAaV^w etc. § 756. 2 p. 275. 

From Present in -inu -enu : saus^siu from sausinu 1 make 
dry', gyv^-siu from gyvenu *I dwell*, see § 624 p. 161. Compare 
Gr. aiaviS § 757 p. 277. 

1) J. Schmidt's assumption (Neutra, pp. 423 ff.) that dusime is an 
optative, is wrong. Idg. -i- would remain long in Lithuanian. 

§§ 761 > 768. Appendix to CUimefl XXVU—XXX : -dHo-t -'-fo-, etc. 279 

The combination 'S-siu. minS-aiu from menii *I think of 
prot. mine, cp. Gr. uayr-doitat ^'juavrj-y. dreh^-siu from flrd>k 
1 tremble*, sten^-siu from stenu 'I groan*, pene-siu from />«id 
'I nourish, fatten*. avS-siu from artti 'I have Homethin^ on my 
feet*. Compare § 756. 4 p. 275. 

Later Stratum of Denominatives, dovano-siu from dovand-ju 
'I >j^ive' {dovanii \i gift'), pdsako^siu from pdsako-ju *I recount, 
teir (pa-saka *tale*), like iid-siu from ito-;w 'I open my mouth* 
(§ 740 p. 264), cp. Or. xTf-ia-Oio. juk&'-siu from j&kii'-ju 'I sport, 
jest* (juka-s jest'), judu-siu from jtidii-ju 'I have a black sheen', 
analogous to Gr. fttadw-Ou). daly-su from daly-ju *I share, 
divide* {daUs a share, part'), szifdy-si^-s from szifdy-jA-s 
1 take to heart' (s^tVdi-s 'heart*), like Gr. y.fyvi'6n). Compare 
§ 756. 5 p. 276, § 778. keldu-siu from keldu-ju 1 travel* 
(kela-s kele-s 'way'). 

Appendix to Classes XXVII — XXX. 

Extension of Present Stems in -sA:o-, -to-, and -rf/io — do- 
by the Suffix -io-. 

§ 762. The reason why this extension of the -s/ro-class 
(XXII), the -^o-class (XXIY) and the -dho- and -rfo-class 
(XXV) is relegated to an Appendix, and they are not allowed 
a class each to themselves, has been explained in § 704 p. 239. 

§ 763. io-extension of sA:o-stems (§§ 669 ff.) 
Sanskrit can show only a few passive forms with -ya- 
(cp. §§ 709 and 710, pp. 243 ff.), in stems where -sko- has lost 
its character as a present-forming suffix: pfch-yd-tS from 
pfchd^ti 'asks', vOftch-ya-te from vdHcha-ti 'wishes' (§ 671 
p. 203). Possibly v^Sr-yd-tB^ from vfkd-ti 'tears to pieces*, is 
another; see § 669 p. 202. 

Lith. dresk'iu 'I tear* trans., beside driskau, O.C.Sl. iitq 
for *Jsk'iq beside iskq I seek' (§ 677 p. 210). 

Remark. Gr. nrtanaio *I cower, cringe*, in view of 7ir/ii<»»ttr»'», may 
be derived from *nTMax-tta. However, nru-^ -wo-; and nrta-xo-i make it 
more natural to suppose that it oomes from *rrT«-«-ic«» or •7rrw-/-A«iw 

280 Appendix to Classes XXVII— XXX : -sk-io-, -Ho-, etc. §§ 764,765. 

Cp. nrijnau) *I frighten' for *nTa-x-ua^ iyorjaaM *I wake' for *lYQr]-x-lw or 
-j^-tw, and verbs in -loaaw such as oveiQainnm (^ovfiQ(v'^f) vnvtonaM IxTeqwaau). 

The X- and ;^-suffixes in these words were probably the same as -fco- in 
-S-&0-; see § 669 p. 201. 

§ 764. -^o-stems extended by -io- (§§ 679 ff.). 

Skr. nft-ya-ti 'dances, plays' pass, n^t-ya-te beside n^-td- 
-ma-na-s^ pass, yat-ya-te beside yd-ta-te joins itself, strives' 
(§ 681 p. 213). 

Lith. siuncziii 'I send', perhaps from *su-n-to- (§ 686 
p. 218). O.C.Sl. ob-r^tq 'I find' perhaps from *re-to- (§ 687 
p. 218). 

Remark. Gr. aovaata (only Hdt. vi 119) seems to be not an extension 
of Att. a^v-rio '1 pour, I draw water* (§ 682 p. 214), but an analogical 
form, suggested by a^vo), on the type of arpvoaw : afpvto *I pour, draw water'. 

§ 765. -dhO' and -do- stems extended by -io- 
(§§ 688 if.). 

(1) -dh'io-. Skr. yu-dh-ya-te 'gets in motion, fights', 
rd'dh-ya-tS 'carries to a successful end' pass, radh-ya-te (§ 689 
p. 220), krU'dh-ya-ti 'scorns', s€L-dh-ya~ti 'comes to its goal' 
(§ 691 p. 221). 

Gr. dvGoo/Liai *I shake or quiver, am frantic' for *dv'd^-k.o-^ai 
(§ 689 p. 220), sG^-Uo 1 eat' (§ 694 p. 223, § 713 p. 247). 
Lith. sHr-d-ziu 1 burst, blow up (§ 689 p. 219). 

(2) -d-iO'. Only passives in Sanskrit; as m^d-yd-te from 
mx-d-na-mi 1 grind to pieces, crush* vi-mradati 'softens' (§ 690 
p. 220), khad-ya~te from khd-da-ti 'bites up, chews', id-ya-tB 
from fda-te 'honours, praises* (§ 692 p. 222). 

Gr. y.lvCfo 'I flood' for '"xAf-J-j^w, eyi'g)Xvt,M 'I spurt out' for 
'' (§ 695 p. 224). 

Lith. piau-d-siu *I wash, cleanse', sprdu-d-Mu 'I compel, 
press down' (§ 690 p. 221, § 700 p. 227). 

(3) Doubtful: -dh-io- or -d-io-. Avest. siz-d-ye-iti 'drives 
away' (§ 693 p. 223). Lith. mSr-d-ziu 'I lie a dying, skel-d- 
-ziu 'I split or burst', sru-d-ziu *I make bloody', Lett, e'rfchu 
1 separate' for ""erd-i-u (§ 701 p. 227). 

§§ 766,767. Present Stem: OUts XXXI 8kr. diva-yd-U. 281 

Cla88 XXXI. 
Later Group of Denominatives with Present-Suffix -io-. 

g 766. We here discuss present stems like Skr. d^a-yd-ti 
'he worships the gods* from dBod- 'god\ Gr. (ftXd-(0(j) *l treat as 
a friend* from (fiXo-g ((piXf-) 'friend*, Skr. namas-yd-ti 'he offers 
worship or respect' from ndmas- 'respect', Gr. rfXf(a-0(o 'I end' 
from rtkog 'end* (reXsa-). This is a productive type in almost 
all languages of our group, and beyond all doubt is as old as 
tho parent language. 

As I have pointed out (§ 487 p. 43, § 703 p. 232), no 
hard and fast line can be drawn between the verbs which 
grammars usually call Denominative and what they call 
Primary "Verbs. When denominative verbs were formed in 
the parent language, no new and peculiar mode of conjugation 
was invented for them. They ran in old grooves; the present 
stem preferring as its type stems with the secondary suffix -io-. 
It was only by degrees that inflexional peculiarities sprang up; 
chiefly because -io- coalesced with the final of the preceding 
noun-stem, and thus made new suffixes. But the peculiar 
denominative endings often came again to be the same as 
those of primary verbs by the action of the laws of language. 

§ 767. The proethnic language possesst io-presents from 
all kinds of consonant stems, from stems in -0- (-a-io-), in -o- 
(-e-i6'), in -i- (-/-io-), and in -u- (-u-io-). 

So great are the changes worked by analogy, that it 
is rather rare to find a denominative agreeing with the 
Idg. type in more than one or two languages. Thus, Lat. 
oper-a-rl (Umbr. osatu 'operate' Osc. lipsannam 'operandam') 
and nomin-d-re do not correspond with Skr. apas-yd-ti and 
Gr. oioz/caVw, which do represent the Idg. inflexion; because, 
in Latin, denominatives of .<?- and n-stems had been attracted 
into the <X-class in pre-historic times. 

282 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. devn-yd-ti. ^768. 

§ 768. (1) Consonant Stems. 

Skr. rajas-yd-ti 'turns to dust' (in older Sanskrit only 
rajas-yd-s 'dusty*), Goth, riqiz-ja 'I darken myself*, common 
ground-form *reqes-ie-ti^ from rdjas n. 'dust' riqis n. (gen. 
riqizis^ see II § 132 p. 420) *darkness'. Skr. apas-yd-ti 'is 
active' from dpas n. Vork* apds- 'active'; namas-yd-ti Avest. 
nenmx-y'e-iti 'bows , reveres , worships' from ndmas nemo n. 
'reverence'; Skr. avas-yd-ti 'seeks help' from dvas n. 'help*. 
Gr. Horn, rslsico tsXho Att. -o5 'I end' for *TsXfa-i,(jD (aor. rtlsa- 
-Ciai) from rsXog n. 'end'; Hom. dy.flo/Liai axsouai 'I heal' (aor. 
aaio'Oaad^ai from amg n. 'healing'. Lat. fulgur-io from fulgur. 
O.H.G. refs(i)u *I blame, scold, chasten', cp. Skr. rapds- 'bodily 
hurt'. — Avest. xrvis-ye-ifi i. e. xruvis-ye-iti 'sheds blood' 
from a stem *xr(ti)vis-^ ground-form ^qruuds-^ closely akin to 
Skr. kravis' 'raw, bloody flesh'. Gr. ysXaat 'I laugh* for *ysXaa' 
from stem ytkaa- (nom. yeXcog) *laughter' ground-form *gel9S' 
(II § 134 p. 425). 

Gr. nvouah'fo Goth, namn-ja 'I name* from ovoiiu namo n, 
*narae', the former for *-m^-io, the latter for *-mi^-ii6 (cp. Idg. 
*m^'i6- and *mr-ii6-^ *bhu-i6- and *hhu-ii6- § 707 p. 235). 
All the following have Idg. -i^-io-. Skr. v^san-yd-ti 'is in heat 
or passion' from vfsan- 'male', brahman-yd-ti 'is pious* from 
hrahmnn- n. piety' brahman- 'pious person, one who prays'; 
Avest. vycixmainye-iti 'deliberates, thinks over from vyaxman n. 
assembly, consultation'. Gr. rfxr«/vw 'I carpenter, make' from 
TtxTcov 'carpenter, workman*; oTrtQ/naivco 'I give forth seed* from 
6-n^gua 'seed'. Goth, glitmun-ja 'I shine' from *glitmin' 
(cp. O.H.G. glizemo) 'brightness'. 

Skr. vadhar-yd-ti 'shoots, lets off a missile' from vddhar n. 
'shot*. Gr. Tsxfzaigo) 'I mark, fix' from r/x,«a(> n. 'mark, boun- 
dary'. We may perhaps assign to this section Latin desidera- 
tives like scripturio from scrtptor^ esurio from esor ; -turio for 
* -tor-id *-t^-i6A). 

1) This explanation follows Thurneysen, tJber Herkunft und Bildung 
der lat. Verba, p. 66. A different view is that of Kretschmer, Kuhn's 

g§ 768,769. Present Stem : Class XXXI - Skr. dWva-ydHi, 283 

tir. ftXiTtoi 'I cut the honey-combs* (fut. ^U6io) from /i/A/r- 
n. 'honey'. Lat. dent-iO from dSns. (loth. veitvOd-ja *I certify* 
from reitvdd' 'witness*. Skr. i^udh-yd-ti 'begs, prays* Avest. 
i§ud-yf-iti 'confesses guilt* from Avest. i&ud- a cry by which 
one acknowledges sin*. Gr. M^amo 'I helm, arm* for 'xo^w^-i^i 
from xo'piv "vi^'Og 'helmet*. Lat. cusWd-iO from custds -iid-is. 

(Jr. XtS^dtfi) *I stone* from A/.^«v* -dd-oc 'stone*, fnydZofint 
I mingle with* from //tyaV -a<J-oc 'mixed, motley*. In Germanic, 
Verba in -atjan answer to this Greek denominative group; but 
the noun stems from which they came had disappeared before 
the historic period: Goth, lauhatja O.H.G. lougazzu lohazzu 
'1 shine* (cp. Gr. Afrx«^-), Goth, svdgatja *I sigh* kaupatja 
'I box the ears* (pret. kaupasta), O.H.G. blecchezzu 'I lighten' 
(cp. II § 128 p. 409). 

To the denominatives formed from cons, stems have always 
belonged ^o-participles , as Gr. axsa-to-g Lat. sceles-tus , Gr. 
S^avf-ia-To-Q (Skr. Sroma-ta-in O.H.G. hliumun-t Lat. cdgndmen- 
tu-m), Skr. dn-ap-ta-s etc. See II § 79 pp. 224 f., § 82 p. 249. 

§ 769. (2) a- stems: Idg. -a-id-. 

In a great many languages there are found other forms 
without -io-^ as P* pi. Armen. jana-mU Gr. Aeol. tt^ot-jney 
liat. plantO-mus O.Ir. no chara-m Goth, salho-m Lith. f&'sto-me. 
These kept close with the old primary fl-verbs of Class X. In 
principle, the two groups are really the same. 

Gr. ood(o 'cS *I see*, O.H.G. bi-war5m 'I observe, am ware* 
beside Gr. *fo(ja in (^qovqCc 'outlook, protection' O.H.G. wara 
'care, protection'. Lat. foro -a-s etc., O.H.G. bardm 'I bore* 
from O.H.G. bora 'borer* (ground-form *bkir-d-)^ but cp. § 579 
p. 122. Skr. pYtana-yd-ti 'fights* from pftana *fight*, mana-yd-ti 
'is attached' from mand 'attachment'. Gr. xJudio -m 'I honour* 
from TiiLid (-//) 'honour', 7Jfidfo -w 'pubesco' from rjfia (-rj) 
'ripeness*, onudu) -o7 *I drive or urge* from o^yita (-ri) 
'movement*. Lat. plants -a-s etc. from planta, curO from cUra^ 

Zeitsohr. XXXI 464 : he starts with an adj. like *scriptu-ro- (op. Att. o«Cw- 
-po-^ from otCiJ-? aiCvo; II § 74 p. 184). 

284 Present Stem : Class XXXI — Skr. deva-yd-ti. § 769. 

lacrimo from lacrima, O.Ir. rannaim 1 divide' from rann f 
'part', tccaim 1 heal* from tec f. 'health*. Goth, salbo O.H.G. 
salbom A.S. sealfie '1 salve, anoint* from O.H.G. salba A.8. 
seal/ 'salve, ointment'; Goth, karo 'I take trouble, care about 
O.H.G. charom 1 bewail, lament* A.S. cearie 1 care from 
Goth, kara 'care* O.H.G. chara 'woe, sorrow, lament' A.S. cearu 
cam 'care'; O.H.G. klagom 'I lament' from klaga 'lament*. 
Lith. lanko-ju 'I bend to and fro, try to make malleable' beside 
lankck 'valley' {-lanka 'a dip or bend*, O.C.Sl. laka-jq 1 trick, 
deceive' from l({ka 'bending, bosom, rascality, deceit*; Lith. 
dovanO'jit 'I give* from dovana 'gift', byl6-ju 'I speak* from 
byla 'speech', pdsako-ju 'I recount' from pd-saka 'tale'; O.C.Sl. 
kotora-jq> sq 'I fight* from kotora 'fight', vonja-ja 'I smell' from 
vonja *a smell*. 

Very common are 5-verbs derived from o-stems, principally 
with ti-ansitive meaning, — 'to show oneself so and so, to 
make so and so*. Skr. priya-yd-te 'he makes friends with* 
Goth, frijo I treat kindly' O.C.Sl. prija-jq I am kind to, 
stand by some one' from Skr. priyd-s dear, friend* Goth, ^frija- 
in frija-pva love'. Lat. novo {-cL-s) O.H.G. niuwom I renew 
beside Lat. novo-s.^) O.Ir. com-alnaim O.H.G. follom 'I fill* 
from 0.L-. Ian (Idg. *pl-no-s) O.H.G. fol (Idg. *pl-no-s) 'full*. 
Lat. gusto^ O.H.G. costom A.S. costie 'I try, taste' beside Skr. 
jus-ta-s 'beloved' etc., x/^ge^s-. Skr. tilvildyd-te 'shows himself 
rich' from tilvila-s rich*, rathirayd-ti hurries up* from rathird-s 
hasty', ^tayd-ti keeps the rule' from ^td-m order', sumnayd-ti 
shows goodwill' from sumnd-s well-wishing sumnd-^n good- 
will'; A vest, vaday^'iti strikes' from vdda- m. blow'. Gr. (potfidcQ 
I cleanse' from (f>oT(io-g clean', dtladw I treat as dishonoured' from 
a'Ti/Lio-g 'dishonoured* /nMudofiai 1 scorn from jnw/no-g 'scorn*, sSvd- 
ofxui I portion' from sdvo-v dower . Lat. cavo from cavo-s^ firmo 
horn fir mu-s, sand from sanu-s, armo from pi. arma, cumulo from 
cumulus^ damno from damnu-m. O.Ir. marbaim I kill* from marh 

1) Gr. vfaw 'I turn up fallow land* probably has its place elsewhere. 
See Siitterlin, Zur Gesch. der verba denom. im Altgr., i 21 f. 

§ 769. Present Stem : OUm XXXI - 8kr. fliva-^d-ti. 285 

<load\ derhaim I prove from derh 'certain*, /orcewwaim I end' from 
cenn for-cenn end', hiathaim I nourish* from hiath nourishment*, 
cp. (rail, rmadioi pi. pilati* beside Gall.-Lat. yaesu-m spear*. 
Goth. vairpO O.II.O. tcerdOm 'I value, treasure* from vairp-s 
werd adj. worth', Goth. ga-vtmdO O.H.G. tcuntdm 'I make 
wounded, wound' from vund-s tount wound*, Goth, ga-leikd 
'I compare, make like from ga-leik-s like, O.H.G. ebanom 

1 make even' from eban even', Goth, bi-rdubo 1 rob, plunder 
O.H.G. rouhom 1 rob* from O.H.G. rotib robbery*, O.H.G. 
zeihhonfim I mark, draw* from zeihhan mark*. Lith. kilnd-ju 
'I lift to and fro* from kUna-s high' (unless it be preferred 
to class this verb in § 606 p. 147), mlrksnio-ju 1 wink, twinkle* 
from mlrksni'S (gen. mlrksnio) glance, a single movement of the 
eyelid', Lett, at-jdundjn I make young, renew' from jdun-s young*, 
gMd-ju I honour , from g'&d-s 'honour* apfchUgdjn I enclose* 
from fchug-s 'hedge, fence'; O.C.Sl. d&a-jq I do, make* from 
dilo 'work*, pri-veshjq 'adveho* from veslo 'car, rudder*. The 
beginnings of this series of derivatives from fl-verbs from noun 
stems in -a- goes back to the proethnic stage ; at that time there 
were often subst. abstr. with -a- alongside of o-adjectives and 
o-substantives. Thus the O.H.G. foUdm may be derived, if we 
please, not from fol but from Germ. *fidlO' = Avest. per'nd- 
'fulness', which appears in Goth. ftdlO O.H.G. folia 'fulness*; 
or Lat. offSnsdre may be derived from subst. offBnsa and not 
from offensU'S (cp. II § 158 pp. 473 if.). These and like verbs 
were from the first closely associated with the o-stems belonging 
to these d-nouns; and thus it became possible afterwards to 
derive verbs in -d-io straight from o-stems. The ending -iljo 
found favour for another reason too; namely, that there was 
from the earliest period another group of verbs in -^io^ 
originally denominative too, but with this character long since 
lost: I mean verbs of Classes X and XXVHI, like Lat. hi-d 
Lith. zi-6'ju^ Gr. vX-doi Lith. ul-6~ju (Lat. w/wto), Lat. juv-o 
mic'O^ O.Ir. scaraim^ Goth. mit-D O.H.G. me^m, Lith. llnd- 
-o-ju O.C.Sl. raz-vrlz-a-Jq (§§ 579 ff. pp. 121 If., §§ 734 ff. 
pp. 261 ff.). 

286 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. dem-yd-tu §§ 769,770. 

As well as these present stems in -a-io^ most languages 
have non-present stems with -a- just like those formed from 
a-verbs in Classes X and XXYIII. The latter are the type, 
the former copied from them. The commonest are verbal 
nouns, always more or less closely connected with the verb 
system, with the suffixes -to- -ti- -no- and so forth; e. g. Grr. 
Tl/LiTj-To-g xiurj~6i-i^ from vljuafx), Lat. plantd-tu-s plantd-tio from 
planto^ O.Ir. carthe 'loved' from caraim, cessad 'suffering from 
cBssaim^ Goth, lapo-p-s 'invited* lapo-n 'to invite' lapo-n-s 
'invitation' from lapo ^ Lith. dovano-ta-s 'given' dovand-ti 'to 
give' from dovan6-ju^ O.C.Sl. Iqka-nu 'deceived' Iqka-ti to 
deceive' from Iqka-jq. Then we have certain tenses, as Gr. 
tl(i.rj-G(o^ Lat. planta-reirif Lith. dovano-siu O.C.Sl. Iqka-chu. 
Compare § 756. 5, p. 276, § 761 p. 279, § 822. 6. 

§ 770. (3) From o-stems there were two ways of 
deriving the present stem. One of them, doubtless the older, 
suppresses the final vowel of the noun stem. This we have 
already seen in Classes XIV and XXIX, exemplified by Skr. 
turan-yd-ti from turdna-s^ Gr. olio&aivo) from oXio&avo-g 
(§§ 616 ff. pp. 154 ff., § 743 pp. 265 f.). This is just how 
io-adjectives are generally derived from noun stems in -o-, as 
Skr. dkv-iya-s Gr. Inn-io-g from divas Inno-g (II § 63 p. 126, 
and Rem. 3 p. 132). The second, and commoner, formation 
ends in -e-io- (cp. voc. in -g, loc. in -e-i and so forth, II § 59 
p. 108). This recals Skr. hiranyd-ya-s 'golden' from hiranya-m 
'gold', and Lat. aureus (auru-m)^ if it is to be explained 
*aure-io- (cp. II § 63 p. 128). >) 

(a) With Aryan present stems in -an-ia-ti are associated 
but few from other o-stems: Skr. adhvar-yd-ti 'performs an 
offering* from adhvard-s 'offering', vithuryd-ti 'staggers, reels' 
from vithurd-s 'tottering, reeling', rathakamya-ti 'asks for a 
car* from ratha-kama- 'desirous of having a car*, Avest. vcistry^- 
-iti 'feeds' from vastre-m 'meadow, field, fodder', avastrye-ite 

1) It is noteworthy how well the isolated Yed. vareyd-ti 'he woos 
(vard-s 'wooer') agrees with the above mentioned adj. in -eya-^ pauruseya-s 
from purustt'S and the like. 

If 770. Present Stem : OUte XXXI — Skr. tUpa-^^L 287 

'is idle' from avOstra- 'idle'. In Greek -aiynt was a fertile 
type (see § 776.6 b); and many other nouns in -o- took 
this formation in the present, as t/^ainw 'I hate' from f/.'^po'v 
'hated, hostile* (I § 293 p. 234), dyyikXu) 'I announce' from 
uyysXo-i^ 'messenger', ntokXot 'I move quickly backwards and 
forwards* from uinXo-c 'quickly moving*, xa^nvXXw 'I crease, 
bend from xaanvXo-g 'bent*, dmvvaaui '1 am unintelligent' from 
*d-nivvio-ii {ntvvTo-^ 'intelligent'), innXia6o) 'I soften, mollify' from 
fttiXi/o-i 'soft*, yaXsnxio 'I crush, overpower' (cp. § 682 with the 
Rem. p. 214). The same kind of denominatives occurs in 
Slavonic. First those which contain abstract nouns in -e-to- 
and the like (II § 79 p. 236), as trepestq I tremble' 2"** sing. 
trepeMesi inf. trepetati from trepetu 'a trembling', bleko§tq 1 bleat* 
inf. hlekotati beside Czech hlekot 'a yelping or barking', rupustq 
'I growl' inf. ruputati from ruputu 'a growling', skftziHa 'I rattle, 
gnash the teeth* inf. skrtzttati from skrizXtu a gnashing with 
the teeth', and others of this sort (the noun may also be a 
M-stem, as klevestq 'I calumniate' inf. klevetati from kleveta 
'calumny*). Besides these I place here the present in -ujc^ for 
*'Ou-iq^ as Msujq 1 am mad' 2°*^ sing, -ujesi inf. -ovati from 
Msom 'mad, devilish*, and that from h^su 'demon'; for further 
details see § 782. 3. We cannot tell whether Idg. presents 
like Skr. turan-yd-ti and Gr. oXiaSamo^ to which trepestq 
and b^sujq are parallel, survived down to Slavonic. At all 
events these present forms have nothing exceptional about 
them, as the Slavonic had a great number of primitive verbs 
in 'jq with inf. -(i-ti^ such as lizq lizati 'to lick* gybljq yybati 
'to destroy, lose', and some of these put on the look of 
denominatives, as glagoljq glagolati 'to speak' (cp. § 732 p. 260) 
did because of the kindred noun-stem glagolu 'word', and dusq 
duchati *to breathe, blow' because of the noun duchu 'breath'. So 
it would be possible to believe that it is only on this analogy 
tliat trepestq was formed from trepetu^ and bisujq from b^sooU, 
Whether the other Idg. languages had such denominatives 
is doubtful. In Armenian we meet with denominatives in -»w, 
us tiaram-i-m 'I fade' besicie an-tiiram 'unfading'. This group 

288 Present Stem : Class XXXI — Skr. deva-yd-ti. § 770. 

is a new formation, on the lines of Class XXYI, § 711 p. 246, 
as Lat. custodt-s fini-s follow verbs primitive like farc-i-s 
(§ 777). But the contained stems in -id need not be compared 
with Skr. turatTi-yd-ti ; they may have arisen out of denominatives 
from ^■-stems. Similarly Lat. catulio (beside catulu-s) hlandior 
(beside hlandu-s) mscLnio (beside m-sdnu's) may be ad-formates 
of presents in -i-io\ and Germanic presents such as Goth. 
hrdinja 1 cleanse' {hrdin-s 'clean') Idusja 'I loose' (Idus 'loose') 
may be either this or derived from -eio (see 6, below). 

(b) -e-id-. Skr. vasna-yd-ti 'haggles* Gr. (hvso/nat *I buy' 
from vasnd-s -m wvo-q price' (for *Fmg-vo-^ cp. Solmsen, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxix 81 f . ; for O.C.Sl. v^no, see II § 66 p. 149). 
Lat. seneD^ Lith. sene-ju 'I grow old' (-eju instead of *-e;u^ see 
below) beside Lith. sena-s 'old'. Skr. amitra-yd-ti 'is hostile* 
from d-mitra-s 'foe*, kulaya-yd-ti 'wraps itself up' from kuldya-m 
'covering'; Avest. vdsa-y^-iti 'draws the chariot' from vcisa- m. 
'chariot', asa-y^-iti 'is pious' from asa- 'pious' (cp. Skr. ftdya-ti 
with different accent, see §§ 793, 798), O.Pers. a-saraya-m 
*I protected, watched' from *sa-ra' (Skr. tr-d-) ^ not actually 
found. Gr. (fiXifo -m 'I treat as a friend* from ^tXo-g 'dear, 
friend', y.otgavsw 1 rule' from yioiQavo-q 'ruler', voarsco *I return 
home' from voaro-g 'homeward way', sv(prj(.iHo 'I use words of 
good omen' from Bv-cprjuo-g 'of good omen*. Lat. claudeo from 
claudu-s^ alheo from albu-s, flciveo from fldvo-s^ nigreo from 
niger. Irish: perhaps scorim scuirim *I unharness' from scor 
enclosure for unharnessed animals'. Probably forms in -e-id 
= pr. Germ, -iio are at the bottom of Germanic stems like 
Goth, rigneip 'it rains' from rign 'rain', hdurnja *I blow on the 
horn* from haiirn 'horn', Goth, lausja O.H.G. I6s{i)u *I loose' 
from Idus Ids *loose'; the last verb, like all transitive denomi- 
natives taken from adjectives in Germanic, can be counted to 
Class XXXII; see § 806. Balto-Slavonic has -e-io- instead of 
-e-io- (§ 782. 2) : Lith. gMe-ju-s 1 am greedy' from guda-s 
greed*, kere-ju 1 grow in stalks, like a bush' from kera-s 
'stalk', kete-ju 'I ^Qi hard* from keta-s hard';^) 0,Q.^\. razume- 

1) Kurschat, apparently with less correctness, keteju. 

§§ 770- 772. Present Stem : CUti XXXI — 8kr. diva-f4^ 289 

-^'q 'I uDdcrstand' from raz-umU 'understanding, reason*, c&i^jq 
1 get weir from cilU 'well, whole*, o-iestodajq '1 harden myself 
for ^o-iestoHjq (I § 76 p. 66), from zestokU 'hard'. 

Remark. Greek verbs in -6u> hare their parallel in Lith. rerbe 
with -uju. I oonjecture that these endings are special upgrowths in 
these languages (§§ 773, 776. 4, 782. 2). Of course if Idg. o in open 
syllables became Aryan 5, there is a possibility that Ar. -dya-ti in some 
words comes from *'0-ie'ti. 

§ 771. (4.) f-stems, Idg. -»id-. Gr. ftTjrio-^iou *I devise, 
contrive* Lat. mStior 'I measure, sentence',') from /<^-n-*; 
'counsel, resolve, cleverness* Skr. mO-ti-^ 'measure, correct 
perception. Skr. aratX-yd-ti 'brews mischief for some one* 
from drdti-? 'ill luck', jarityd-ti 'asks for a wife* from jdm-^ 
'wife', kavt-yd'te 'acts like a wise man, is wise* from kavi-? 
'wise man, seer* (on -lydti, see § 774). Gr. xonio 'I make 
dusty* from xovi-g 'dust*, dTjgio/nai 'I strive* from drfgi-g 'con- 
tention', ttrjv^o) *I grow angry* from /Lirjyt-g 'wrath'. Lat. finid 
from fmi-s, febrid from febri-s^ crfnio from crini-Sy grandid 
from grandi-Sy lento from leni-s. O.Ir. fo-dalim *1 divide up* 
(3''* sing, fo-dali) from dail 'part*. Goth, ddilja O.H.G. teil(i)u 
'I divide' from Goth, ddil-s stem ddili- 'part*; Goth, v^nja 
O.H.G. wan(i)u 'I imagine, hope* beside Goth, ven-s (stem vBni-) 
'delusion, hope'; Goth, duipja 'I observe a feast* from duip-s 
(stem dulpi-) 'feast*, anamahtja 'I oifer force to' from a«a- 
-maht'S (stem -mahti-) 'force*. Lith. daly-ju 'I divide* from 
dalt'S 'part*, szirdy-j^-s 'I take to heart* (szirdl-s 'heart'); as 
regards -y-ju^ instead of -i-Jw, see § 782. 2. 

§ 772. (5.) From «-stems, Idg. -u-io-. Skr. gOtu-yd-ti 
'goes an errand* from gatu-s 'errand', vas^yd-ti 'desires goods* 
from vdsti 'goods*, Satra-yd-ti 'appears as a foe' from Satni-^ 
'foe*, fjH-yd'ti is straight* from ^'li-^ 'straight' (on -H-yd-ti see 
§ 774) ; A vest, atdhu-y^-iti 'makes oneself master of* from 
at9hi4'§ 'lord, master*. Gr. (jpfrt'w 'I beget, produce' from tfiTv 

1) A different account of mitior is given by Johansson, Beitr. 
Gr. 8pr., 129. 

Br«fm*Bn, Elamcnts. IV. 11^ 

290 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. dSva-yd-ti. §§772,778. 

'sprout, offspriDg', (/rrv-t,- 'begetter, producer', yrjQvw 1 make a 
sound* from yijgv-g Voice', olCvco 'I lament' from oiQv-q 'lament', 
^uxgvco 'I weep' from ddygv *tear*, rS^vo) 'I go straight towards' 
from idv-g 'straight'. Lat. statue from status^ tribud from 
trihus^ metud from metu-s. 

§ 773. We have now given the main lines of this 
denominative formation in Indo-Germanic. 

Now we have seen in § 769 p. 286, that a-verbs of this 
formation very early yield to the analogy of ^-verbs of Classes 
X and XXVIII so far as to make such forms as Gr. rlfiTj-ro-g 
hi/iitj-aa. Next, corresponding non-present stems with -5-, -f-, 
or -u- associated themselves with the presents in -e-id -i-i6 and 
'U'id; to which were soon added verbs with -0- outside the 
present and with -o-io- or -d-io- in the present, formed from 
o-nouns. In the case of Denominatives with -e- and -o-, the 
type was aided by g- and d- verbs of Classes X and XXVIII 
as well. These non-present formations are all found in several 
branches of Indo-Germanic. As far as our knowledge of the 
relations of the languages to one another now goes, it is hardly 
possible to say how many such forms are proethnic and how 
many are later. 

Gr. tfiXrj-ro-q s(f)iXrj-6u (piXrj-aa) from cptXso) (fplXo-q)^ compare 
vri-TO-q bvri'Oa vjj-Oco^ fxtXtj-vio-v b(.isX7j-ot /usXrj-asi etc. (cp. § 587 
pp. 127 f., § 589 pp. 129 if., §§ 735 and 737 pp. 261 ff., § 756.4 
p. 275). Lat. claudM-rem (conj. of s-aorist) from claudeo 
(claudu's)^ compare nS-rem -plB-rem^ vidB-rem tace-rem (§ 587 
pp. 127 f., § 590 p. 132, § 708 pp. 238 if., §§ 735 and 738 
pp. 261 ff.). Lith. gM'e-ti-s gud'e-sius from gM'e-j^-s (guda-s)^ 
O.C.Sl. c^S-ti cSlS-chu from cSU-^'q (cSlu)^ compare Lith. byre-ti 
byre-siu (§ 740 p. 265). Gr. d'drJQl-rO'g t^ovl-aa y.ovt-aat from 
MviM (xow-i,). Lat. ftnt-tu-s flni-rem from fmi?) (ftni-s). 
Lith. daly-ti daly-siu from daly-ju (dall-s) , O.C.Sl. gosti-ti 
gosti-chu from gostq for *gost^jq (^ostt), § 782. 5. Gr. d'ddy.gv' 
-ro-g bddy.QV'Csa daagv-ffco from daapvcn (ddagv). Lat. statu-tu-s 
from statud ( status ). 

-0- is commonest within the verb infinite; as Gr. uiaS-tO' 

§ 778. Preaeni Stem : OliMs XXXI — 8kr. diva-yd-ti. 29 1 

-To-ff from f4ta&6'£y Lat. aegrO'tu-s from aeger (stem aegro-)^ 
Ijith. rag^'-ta-s 0.C.81. roga'i^ 'horned' from rdgas rogH 'horn*, 
being forms like Or. rl/nrj-ro-q from rf/<i/, Lat. harbd-tu-s from 
barba. Perhaps it was just verbal nouns of this kind which in 
Greek were the starting point for i/uia&cj-au fnad-w-aio ftta^ota^ 
cp. ixi^iTj'Ha Tt^fj-aoi Ti/ndu) ; so in Lithuanian, juk&'-siu j^HcH-ju 
like dovanO'Siu dovanS-ju. Compare § 770 Rem. p. 289. 

The shapes taken by present io-stems in different languages 
will concern us in §§ 774 ff. 

The meaning originally conveyed by this denominative 
group was that the subject of the verb stood in some kind of 
relation to the noun it came from. What this relation was 
had to be gathered from the meaning of the noun and of the 
context. But it often happens that we find in historical periods 
some special sense attaching itself to a special denominative 
ending (-did -eio etc.). In Sanskrit, for example, -fyd-ti implied 
desire; in Latin, -^ -a-s -a-t were factitive, and -eD -S-s -e-i 
intransitive. This special meaning always started with some 
particular verbs, where it came from the essential meaning of 
the noun these verbs were derived from. Then other verbs 
followed the same pattern. To conform to the pattern, the 
stem of the ground-noun is often quite neglected ; thus we have 
Skr. putriyd-ti from putrd-s on the model of janiyd^ti (from 
jdni'^). As we saw in § 769 pp. 284 f., it is the ending -a-i6 
which seems first to have trespassed beyond its own domain. 

As a result of this specialising of endings to some particular 
sense, the same noun often served as base for several denomi- 
natives with different meanings ; as Gr. saxidto 1 receive at the 
hearth, entertain* and eonoto 1 make into a hearth, found a 
house* both from taria^ aa&evsio 'I am weak* and dadivom 
'I make weak', from do^svTJg^ Lat. cldreO 'I am clear' and cldrd 
(-a-s) *I make clear' from cldru-s. 

Remark. Considering how close was the tie between noon and 
deriratiye verb, it is not to be wondered at that such Terbs often caused 
the creation of nouns which looked as though the verbs were deriyed 
from them (*'noms postverbaux"). So, on the analogy of lacrimdre : lacrima^ 
rixari : rixa we hare Lat. pugna coined to match pugnare , which was 


292 Present Stem: Class XXXI - Skr. deta-yd-ti. § 774. 

derived from pugnu-s ; in Greek, similarly, we have rtxt] 'victory* growing 
out of vixdu) 'I bring down, conquer* (II § 86 p. 256). There are many 
certain examples of this retrospective tendency in modern languages , as 
Ital. and Span, liga Fr. ligue from h'gare, Mod.H.G. ivach from wachen. 
See Br^al, Mem. Soc. Ling, iv 82 f.; Osthoff, M. U. iv 224. 

§ 774. Aryan. The original forms leave the old groove 
but rarely. 

We shall treat below (§ 793) of the shifting of denomi- 
natives in -a-yd-ti to the track of Class XXXII, which gives 
rise to such a form as Skr. mantrd-ya-te. 

Instead of Idg. -i-id- and -u-io-^ we find in Yedic -i-yd- 
-u-yd- and -i-yd- -il-yd-\ see §§ 771, 772. It is not clear 
whether the analogy of primary verbs like m-yd-te Sru-yd-te is 
at work (§ 709 pp. 243 f.), or if the t smd u came from feminine 
stems in -^- and -u- (II § 109 pp. 333 f.); it might be held 
that jani-yd-ti belongs to jdni-^^ jam-yd-ti to the byeforra 
idn%, handu-ya-ti 'scratches* to the fem. kandu- and not to the 
masc. karjidu-. Perhaps both these forces acting together caused 
the vowel to become long. 

The wider use o^ -a-yd-fi^ which began in pre- Aryan times 
(§ 769 pp. 284 f.), went further; and in later Sanskrit it took 
a special turn, and the middle voice was used to mean that 
the subject represented the noun which the form came from ; 
as Sakracapaya-te represents a rainbow, is like it' from 
kakracCLpa-m 'rainbow'. Note for the typical form of the con- 
tained noun, Ved. dhiy-dya-te 'is pious* dhiy-ayd-nt- 'attentive* 
from dhi- f. "devotion, piety'; similarly jm-ayd-nt- "struggling 
earthwards' from ksdm- f. 'earth* (II § 160 p. 482), unless it 
be from jmdn- djma- 'a way* ('way-making, carving a path'). 

-t-yd-ti also was productive. On the model of durg^bhi- 
-ya-te 'is hard to grasp' {dur-gfbhi-s 'hard to grasp'), kavi-yd-te 
"is wise" (kavi-s 'wise*), tavisl-yd-te 'is strong' {tdvisl f. 'strength') 
sprang up others, as adhvarlyd-ti 'is present at the offering' 
from adhvard-s 'offering', pitriyd-ti 'is fatherly* (gramm.) from 
pitdr- 'father*. On the model of jam-yd-ti 'asks for a wife' 
(jdni-s 'wife') we have putriyd-ti 'wishes for a son' from putrd-s 
*8on', mqslyd-ti 'desires meat' from mqsd-m 'meat'. 

§9774-775. Present Stem: Qms XXXI - 8kr. d^th-p^H. 298 

Thirdly, -s-yd- (from ^-atoms) once or twice leayes its proper 
sphere, manavasyd-ti acts after the roaDoer of men' from 
mdnavd'S 'human' follows the typo svapan-yd-U 'acts nicoly* 
from sv-apas- 'acting nicely*, uru^yd-ti 'seeks the distance' 
from uni n. 'the distance' follows such verbs as taru^-yd-ti 
'fights* (from tdn4- n. *fight*). 

Lastly, the ending -arya-ti grew into a type; beginning 
with vadharyd'ti 'lets fly a shot or missile*, beside vddhar- and 
vadhd'S 'missile*, it spread to rdtha-s *a chariot*, and formed 
ratharyd-ti 'he drives in a chariot*. 

Remark. I may mention here another word, Skr. ^udhiyd-ti 'obeys*. 
This is derived from the imper. tru-dhi 'listen', which must have crystal- 
lised into something hardly more than a particle; the form is then like 
Or. ot-a'Cw from oi, Mod.H.G. hejahe 'I say yes' verneine 'I say no* from ja 
and nein^ Lat. negd from some form like *ne'gi = Lith. ne-ffl ne-gu^ 
contained also in ueg-Otium neg-ligO. 

§ 774*. Armenian. With io-suffix only denominatives 
like faram-i-m, § 770 pp. 288 f. 

Without io-suffix: jana-m and the like, see § 581 p. 123. 

Still unexplained are denom. in e-m^ as gorce-m 'I work* 
from gore 'work', sire-m 'I love* from sSr 'love', due-m 'I break 
up, depart' from cu 'a breaking up, departure*. As Jana-m 
answers to Aeol. xti^ta-f^u^ one would be inclined to place 
gorce-m parallel to g^iXrj-ui. But i would be expected as 
representing Idg. ^J) 

§ 775. Greek. The original ending -aro = Idg. -a-id 
became -aw, not by rule, but by analogy of -fw -ho -vco. 

In several dialects we see -tjio -wm -fo) -fw instead of 
the other quantity; as Lesb. aSixrjsi, Boeot. dS/Luroovrsg Delph. 
ffrttfayioirw Hom. v7iV(oovTsg, Hom. xnyiovrgg ip7]TvoVT0. Simi- 
larly '6(0^ as Hom. ^tsyoty^rjot and I'/paoitti or (with. Ion. tj) 
rj(iTJoif.ti^ which seems to have been the form originally used 
where the text has r,^bjoifa. This a is certainly not long because 

1) Hflbschmann points out to me the possibility that the analog 
of, say, ber Cv^'^^y latio' etc.): berem (— Gr. <p*fw) may have produced 
gorcem in connexion with gore. Cp. the denom. 8kr. mUrga-ti Gr. &f'fftt- 
-To etc., § 487 p. 41. 

294 Present Stem : Class XXXI — Skr. deva-yd-ti. § 775. 

the vowel was long originally (see above), nor did the other 
endings lengthen their first vowel by analogy of an a so 
preserved; the long vowel in all of them came from the 
future, aorist, and other parts which had it, so that 'f]^dco 
follows 7//Sa-aw, d^ntrjw follows ddixtj-ow.^) At the same 
time, some power must be ascribed to the influence of 
present stems such as /QfJMv (§ 737 p. 263) and Svco 
(§ 707 p. 236); for the other parts of these had the same 
endings as the denominatives which now concern as (xgri-oofxai 
like g>tXrj-aa), &v-G(jt) like Saxpv-aw etc.). To hastily reject this 
element in the matter would be all the more foolish, because 
it is clear as day that Primitive verbs have had influence over 
Denominatives in the futures nvofxavew -w beside agndho, and 
rsXso) instead of rsXsaOco (§ 757 p. 277). As regards verbs in 
-Id) and -vro, we have also to consider that the contained nouns 
often had -l-g and -v-s (cp. la/vM from taxv-g); this may have 
had something to do with it, and analogy may have finished 
the work. How far this influence acted must remain unsettled 
while we have no exact statistics of -uo -vco and -iw -vw. 

Remark. ytXtoui li^toto |tyo>u) are to be kept distinct from Sa^unooyTf; 
etc. because they come from -loa-tio. yfXww from yt^Xioa- (nom. yfXtaz\ the 
strong form of yslaa-^ whence yMm (§ 768 p. 282). [Sqtata from /(J^w^. 
qiytao) from a word parallel to Lat. rigor. These verbs in -o»o-fcw are in 
all probability upgrowths of the separate period, when the languages 
were developing singly ; in this they resemble the Latin group exemplified 
by fulgur-io from fulgur (O.Lat. fulgus), and stand in contrast to the 
really old forms Gr. reXf^u) TfXno for *TeXf(j'ki>i (§ 768 p. 282). 

The origin of the ending in Sixp'il nfivTj for -tjfi is not clear; 
op. Horn, ^ixpawv^ Ion. (Archil.) Sixp^'tov^ Pind. (%y^tl. Compare Wackernagel, 
Philol. Anz. 1887, p. 238; W. Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 269 f. 

On the non-thematic present inflexion -a-^i (-aif^i) -rj-^t 
-M'/Lii following Class X (instead of -aw -s(o -oio) in Aeolic 
and Arcadian, see § 582 p. 123, § 589 p. 131. The type 
-a-/<f in our (X-denominatives came from the pre-Greek stage; 
and in Grreek itself its analogy produced -rj-^i and -to-^/. 

1) Cp. yfvio instead of *yiia following yev-nu) and the rest; the Author, 
Gr. Gr. ^ p. 31. Lithuanian : cp. pros, d^mi 3rd ging. clesti instead of ddmi 
disU following dc-siu de-ti etc. (§ 546 p. 104). 

§776. Present Stem: OlmM XXXI — Skx.tliva-yd-ti. 295 

§ 776. Before turning to trace the way by which the 
various denominativo codings became general types in Cireek, 
we would quote some words of Sfltterlin's. lie says, "In the 
every-day language of inscriptions, analogy did not run riot as 
it did amongst the poets and orators, who were often forced 
to adopt new words and terms, and depended partly on th<»8e 
for effect". (Zur Gesch. der Verba denom. im Altgr., i 5). 

(1) The type -aw, which could be made from o-nouns even 
in pre-Greek times (§ 769 pp. 284 f.), did not spread so far as 
it might in forming factitives, because it was met by a counter- 
current , the -00) class (4). Thus vsofo 'I renew* may have 
caused *vef6'i,(o ^=^ hat. novo O.H.G. nhiwdm to drop out of use 
(cp. p. 284 footnote). But in other directions -aco was fertile; 
it served to denote disease or diseased appetite, the production 
of sounds, mechanical operations, and the like. Examples: 
XfTiQOLcn *1 have an eruption on the skin* (from Xhnga 'eruption*) 
and similar words give rise to vdsgdio 'I have dropsy' from 
vdtQo-^ 'dropsy*; o(f&aXiudw *I have diseased eyes* (from 6(p&aX- 
'lula 'disease of the eyes*) gives vdepiuoj from v^fpo-c (beside 
vdegdiu)^ odovvidu) *I cut teeth' from odovg 'a tooth'; ^odco 'I call, 
cry' from (iofj *cry* produces yod<o from yoo^^ 'lament*; whilst 
x(oyd(tt 'I twist like a top' from Movo-g 'top', (Jnxdovrai 'they 
arrange themselves in rows' from nn/o/ and ovixs^ 'rows*, 
anapyuvdio 'I wrap in swaddling clothes' from orrdoyavfMf 
*3waddling clothes* follow tt/vdio 'I work skilfully' from tt^v^ 
'skiir, iirixavdio 'I set to work' from uij^uvrj 'tool, means', and so 
forth, -idw became another kind of desiderative suffix: OToa- 
xrjyidco 'I strive to become a general' {avQaxtiyia) and others 
like it gave rise to such forms as dQxovxiaiu 'I strive to become 
archon* from dpx^*'> iia&r^Ttdw 'I wish to be a pupil' from 
^at>r/Trj-c; and the last-named verb starved as a model for 
filv'Tjxido) Volo coire' from ^Ivitn 'coeo*. 

Remark. In certain Greek dialects -no is often found where we 
expect -aw; it is not always possible to suppuse that these are due to 
the analogy of verbs in -tw from o-stems. Such are ?,^ioi beside ^/9um, 
Saniiyfu beside <^a7tayda>. J. Schmidt, in his work on the Neuters (pp. 326 ff.), 
puts forward a view that in pr. Greek ao aut became regularly to n^> ; that 

296 Present Stem: Class XXXI - Skr. deva-j/d-ti. §776. 

thus f o fo> and af stood side by side in sets of verb-forms, tjfieia ^/3dfii etc. ; 
and that there was levelling in two directions, (1) ^/?aw r,/Saouey etc. 

following ^/Safig -aft, (2) r,^fHg^ -f'ei following r'/9f'w -f'oufv. 

(2) Many are the meaniogs given by verbs in -sro which 
are formed from uncompounded o-stems; they stand in all sorts 
of different relations to the contained stem. Here are a few: 
itOfQaVb(o 1 am ruler' from y.oiQavo-q 'ruler*, oIyAo 'I dwell' from 
ot^O'S 'dwelling, house', doiS-/iisco 'I count' from apid^/no-g number, 
^toxS^su) *I toil' from /nox&o-g 'labour. This type was not very 
fertile in analogical imitations, though we have tjye/novtw 
'I lead* (Tjys/Licov) modelled upon iioioav''a>. But when these 
verbs were taken from compound stems, the case was different. 
These meant mostly to be or to act as something; and the 
type spread to an extraordinary extent. Examples of strictly 
correct forms: olvoxor'co *I am wine-pourer' from oivo'/oo-g, J?;- 
fitovgyiui *I am a craftsman, artisan' from drj/uiovgyo'Q^ adwarsM 
'I am unable, weak' from d-Swaro-g ; by analogy — lutad^odovfU) 
'I am wage-giver' from ^uod^o-dcttj-g^ urpgovtm 'I am senseless* 
from uq}Qinv. It is true some of these verbs have meanings 
both transitive and intransitive, but this depends on the meaning 
of the ground-word; this raXainioQeu) means *I plague' or 1 am 
plagued* because ruXat-nwQo-g means either suffering misery or 
inflicting it. 

(3) With -fw-verbs derived from o-stems, another group 
originally ending in 'Sd-t^io ran together. Only in Homer is 
there a difference in form; there we have -6w, from -frxj^w,^ 
and the intermediate -&uo, side by side: rsXn'o) and rsX^w 
(I § 131 p. 118). The coincidence of these two classes in the 
present caused analogy to act in other parts of the verb system. 
Even in Homer are found such forms as dv&^aai from dvd^sM 
'I bloom' for *dvd-BO-i^Lo {dvdoc n. 'bloom') on the analogy of 
q)iXfjnai from (fdXsco^ and vfT&v/Jjod^ai 'to be armed* from r&vx^^ 
pi. 'arms*. Then came a number of verbs in -eco fut. -fjaw 
from compound 6(T-stems, as dnnd^Ho 'I am disobedient' from 
d'Tisidtjg 'disobedient', svd^agaiM 'I am of good courage' from 
£V'-&apa7Jg 'courageous'; a step due partly to the fondness 

§776 Present Stem: Olasa XXXI — Bkr. d^ra-yd-f i. 297 

which the Greeks showed for verbal derivatives in 'tto from 
compound o-stoms (for which see above, 2). 

(4) The group of verbs in -ori), also from u-^it-m^, i.i pro- 
bably a purely Greek developement, on parallel lines to -to/ == 
Idg. -e-iO (see § 773 pp. 290 f.). At first probably there were 
forms of the verb infinite only, as those with the ending -w-ro-c* 
thcdo soon produced all the rest, -uw -aato etc. may have been 
the type for -ow -uiaw: there is a likeness between ^oiyxout 
'I furnish with battlements or eaves' (.'^oi/xo'-c) arnpavoio *I provide 
with a wreath* (rrrf^aro-c) and vMu) *I furnish with a fetter 
(-nf^rj) rtndat 'I provide with honour' Ti/Ltrj ; compare particularly 
Onqnvio {nT((f)nvoi^ oxeq^avn(o and xiinu (xTf-iaiq) il^uro. 

A favourite meaning for -ow is factitive; as m(pX6<o 'I make 
a cripple' {6iffX6'c), ynifo 'I make new' (vso-q), iaoa) 'I make 
equal' (lao-c). This function it seems to have taken from 
pre-Greek -aid; compare rs6(n with hat. nov&re O.H.O. niuwOn 
(p. 295); and in this sense -wo became enormously productive: 
sa gnxino 'I make into rags, tear to rags' from paxcx,' n. 'rag*, *) 
vyino) 'I make well* from vyi/jV 'well', novl&ou} *I turn into a 
bird' from ogvlq 'bird', nXatndt '1 make broad* from nXuvv-q 
*broad', ysg>v(jna) 'I make into a bridge* from ysipvga 'bridge'. 

(5) Beside verbs in -vio (§ 772) sprang up a class in 
-6v(o^ as voLievd} 1 am a herdsman* (vo/luv'-c)^ ?jVio;[fv(o 'I am a 
driver' (rji'toxsv-i^). If, as we assumed in III § 261 p. 162, 
-tvg comes from *-fiV'g, then -fV(o = *-fj^t-jtw, -fvaw = *-6iv-6(o 
are quite regular, and do not differ in principle from -v^O"* 
-€-ao) {daxgvcu -taut). 

The ending -tvut soon became a type for expressing one's 
usual calling or occupation: as olvo^^otvto *I am cup-bearer* 
from oivoxno-g^ /unvrsiJOjuai 'I am a seer* from udwi-q, &tj()8VM 
'I am a hunter* from d^fj()a 'hunt', (iovkevco 'I am a counsellor, 
advise* from (iovXrj 'counsel*. Thus -fvoi is partically synonymous 
with -foi; we have oivnj^nsu) and -/oft'o*, and Hwoavfo) bears the 
same kind of sense (see 2., p. 296). 

1) One dare hardly derive this Ifrom •^«ijro<i-ici;, although this would 
have an analogue in Lat. fnlgur-i6 (see § 775 p. 294). 

298 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. deva-i/d-ti. § 776. 

(6) Amongst the many endings of verbs derived from 
substantives with consonantal stems, three are particularly 
fertile — -wlw, -iCw, and -aivw. 

(a) -alco, for -ud-^o), answers sometimes to a Germanic 
class in (Goth.) -at^'a (§ 768 p. 283), and sometimes -alw 
comes from -*y,di6^ as in ne/LiTrdtoiiai 'I count by fives' from 
Tif^iTidg (II § 123 p. 390, III § 169 pp. 13 f.). 

Following jLuydCio *I mix*, intr. in middle (,«/y«c *mixt') were 
coined rjOvxoQw *I pacify, keep quiet* from rjavxo-q *quiet', doyn- 
ud^cb 1 test* from doxifio-c 'tested, genuine, correct'. Following 
aqpoSiGiduo 1 give myself up to sensuality' (dq)Qo$iGidc)^ ysvud'Qio 
'I grow a beard* {ysvfidg) were formed (jvaOiduo 'I am in 
tumult' from oxdoi-q 'tumult*, dvid^co *I feel pain or trouble' 
from dvia *pain, trouble', Im/wpid^co 'I am at home' from 
tni;[wgiO'g 'at home*. 

-tC(i> for -id- 1.(1) ; as eXnl^to 'I hope' from eXnig -id-og 'hope', 
(pporrlld) *l think' from (ppovric 'care', Xrjitouru 1 rob, harry, 
carry off' from XTfi'g 'booty*, sgllo) 'I strive' from tpig 'strife'. 
On this model, alvify^ai 'I praise' from aho-g 'praise', dsinviCit) 
I entertain' from dsTnvo-v 'meal', xai'a/l^io 'I roar, rush' from 
xavaxT] 'rush, roar', ovsidl^iD 'I abuse, blame' from nvsiSog n. 
'disgrace*, rixovr/fw 'I cast a javelin* from dxwv 'javelin', aijua- 
ri^M '1 stain with blood* from alf-ia 'blood', fzaxa()iCco 'I bless* from 
/uaxag 'blest', dsixllw 'I insult, torment* from asix^jc 'shameful'. 

In a few words -aCa> and -/fw come from -ay-j^w and -ly-^a); 
as dondUo *I seize, carry off* (fut. dpjiuho) from dgna^ 'greedy, 
piratical'; and /.laOriCw 'I whip' from ludan^ 'a whip'. This 
concidence of -y-j^w and -J-|w in the present caused analogy 
to act in two directions. (1) dpndau) rignaan beside dond^o) 
ijpnu^a following the dental stems ; and (2) Dor. doxt/ua^siu 
rjQthji instead of *d'oxi/nao(co rjoiOa following guttural stems. The 
latter kind were very common in Doric. 

ih) Yerbs in -aivia come from two sources. Some are 
derived from nominal w-stems; as rfxra/vw 'I carpenter' from 
TtnTOJv 'carpenter', svtpgaivM 'I make glad' from ev(p()cov glad', 
Tfoi^uivio *I tend' from noififjv 'herdsman*, (T7Tt(jjnaiv(x) *I give 

§:? 776,777. Present Stem: CIms XXXI - 8kr. diva-yd-ti. 299 

forth 8ced' from nntpfta *8eed\ xC^iahw 'I undulate' from xvf4a 
'billow* (§ 768 p. 282). The others are extended no-stems; as 
iaivw '1 quicken, make live' beside Skr. ifana-t^ aialvut 'I dry' 
beside Lith. saHsinu (§ 621 pp. 158 f., § 743 p. 266). As the 
-auvu) ^oup spread, either of the two kinds might serve as a 
type-form. Thus in making factitives from adj. o-stems, a large 
class, jjj^g d^sofiaivui *I warm* from &tQu6-<; 'warm*, Xhcupm 
'1 smooth*, from XfTo-q smooth*, Xfvxaivio 'I whiten* from Xr-vxo'^' 
'white', the model might be either avniyu), which was popularly 
derived from avo-c *dry', or ev(p()atv(o *I gladden* (fvifptoy) and 
ntaivw 'I fatten' (ntwv). 

§ 777. Italic. Denominatives from consonantal noun- 
stems, as Lat. cantur-id^ dent-id, comped-id, ctistod-id, fulgur-%0^ 
in the present ran on parallel lines with primitives such as 
farc'id -l-s (§ 702 p. 229, § 715 p. 248), and with denomi- 
natives from i-stems like finid {-Us) for -i-id; with the latter 
this is true of the non-present stem, as custddJvl -J-tus like 
finlm 'itu-s. The association seems to have gone thus far in 
proethnic Italic; for we have Osc. xamdixo^i^ i. e. kapid-l-to-m 
'ollarium* (same stem as Lat. capis -id-is); compare Umbr. 
statita 'statuta* from *stati- Gr. acaai-^-. Old participials such 
as Lat. sceles-tU'S Uber-tu-s (II § 79 pp. 231 f., IV § 768 p. 283) 
had fallen out of the verbal system, thus becoming adjectives, 
before the beginnings of Latin. 

The whole class of denominatives from consonantal noun- 
stems was dying out in Latin. Only those which ended in 
-turiO were a group of any size (see § 778. 1). 

Of the forms used for the present in scrTptur-id -l-s etc., 
the only ones which are a regular outgrowth of the Indo- 
Gernuinic are the 1" sing, -id and the 3'^* pi. -iunt. The others 
cannot be derived either from -ie-s -ie-ti -io-mas -ietes nor 
from -f|>-s etc.: to judge from the voc. filie (beside fiti, 
III § 201 p. 83), we should expect as an imper. *scrfpturie. 
As a fact, these denominatives dropt their -I'O -ie-s and so forth 
simply because in Italic primary verbs conjugating -i6 -jfi-i 

300 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. deva-yd-ti. §777. 

'ie-ti exchanged it for -io -T-s -t-ti (§ 702 pp. 228 ff.) So 
scriptur-io took its type from suf-fio fare-id etc. (§§ 716 f. 
pp. 249 f.), in the same way as Greek moulded the future 
^fQuavco ayyshn upon the primary class (§ 757 p. 277). 

What is seen in scriptur-io^ is seen in other verbs with 
-to, as finio from finis. Here, as before, only -id and -iunt 
are regular. Here too the new forms sprang up in proethnic 
Italic; evidence for which is found in Umbr. persnihi-mu 
persnih-mu persni~mu 'precator from a noun-stem *persni- 
(§ 674 p. 207). 

Again: verbs in -a-io^ -e-io, and -u-id run parallel to the 
primary classes : 

planto, for ^-a-io, has the io-suffix only in the P*sing. ; 
elsewhere unthematic -a-s -a-t etc., like no na-s etc., and juvQ 
-a-s etc. This agrees with Umbr. fur f ant furfa^ 'februant' 
anstiplatu *instipulator* Osc. faamat 'habitat' and others, beside 
!■* sing. Umbr. subocau 'adoro* for 'd(i)d (cp. stahu *sto', and 
§ 980); so the Latin type may be regarded as proethnic in 
Italy. See § 583 pp. 123 ff,, § 738 p. 263. 

So also with claudeo^ for *-e-id, the ^o-suffix is found only 
in the P* sing. : claudeo -B-s etc. like pled pl-e-s etc. , videU 
-S'S etc. (§ 590 pp. 131 f., § 738 p. 263). And the same is 
true of Causals, moneO -e-s and so forth (§ 788). Two 
remarks may be made. First, claudeo and moneo orig. had 
-^i^, while pled video had orig. -eio (cp. I § 612 p. 402). 
Secondly, claudes mones -et -etis may be derived without 
violence from 'e(i)es -e(i)eti -e(i)etes, as easily as Lesb. cpiXrjrs 
may be derived from (piXi(iJtxe (§ 589 p. 131). To judge 
from Lat. tres^ pontes Umbr. puntes for 'e(i)es (I § 134 
p. 121), ee became e in pre-Italic times. It is possible that 
this contraction in persons containing the suffix -ie- may have 
paved the way for the confluence of verbs in -e-io and -e-io 
with those in -e-. It must also be carefully remembered that 
Latin had no e-forms answering to plantavT planfatu-s finivt 
ftnitu-Sy as it had no similar e-forms even in verbs with -e-io^ 
such as video. 

§§777,778. Present 8toiii: CUuii XXXI - Bkr. diea-yd-ii. 301 

Remark. An exception is dimtfO *I thicken*, which has din»l/U'§, 
a bye-form of dBnudre (same moaning). It would appear that there was 
once nothing but this purticiple dinaitu-s^ and that the whole tiyiitem dinai- 
-mus etc., sprang up by analogy of dgnad'tnua to dinaH-tn-a. Thin would 
explain why dinsrO^ unlike albeO claudeS etc., had a faotitire meaning. 

statud 'Uis 'Uit etc. may be directly comparod with Skr. 
gatu-ydim -yd-si etc., (ir. fpTrvfo -hc etc. ; on the other hand 
the inHexion is the same as in 8uO suis suit etc. (§ 717 p. 250). 

§ 778. Particular endings becoming a type in Italic: 

(1) The ending -iurid^ occurring words like scriptur-id from 
scrjptor (§ 768 p. 282), was made by the usual misunderstanding 
into a type. Hence came a number of new forms, with the 
sense of will, wish, intention, often where there was no con- 
nected noun in -tor; as parturiG tacituriO, stdlaturid (from 
Sulla). In late Latin these words lost their distinctive meaning, 
and parturio^ for example, meant the same as pariO.^) 

(2) The ending -iO ^= -i-iO, found in many Latin verbs 
from both subst. and adj. stems, gained no such distinctive 
meaning as did -5 (-are) and -ed. Add to the exx. given in 
§ 771 p. 289 the following: partio and -ior 'I divide, share' 
from pars (stem parti-), circumrefid 'I ensnare from rStej 
inanio *I empty* from indni-s^ mollid 1 soften' from mollis. 
None the less did -id spread by analogy: catulio from catulu-s, 
equid from equo-s^ which with nuptuire remind us in form and 
sense of the Skr. desiderative class putr%yd-ti (§ 774 p. 292); 
hlandior from blandu-s^ rauciO from raucu-s, saeviO from saevo-Sy 
largior from largu-s, unio from unu-s ; poenid puniO from poena ; 
abortio from abortu-s, singultio from singultus. It is possible 
that some of the verbs like catuliO blandior are the same 
formation as Skr. adhvaryd-ti Gr. ayytXho'^ see § 770 pp. 286 f. 

(8) Verbs in -CL-io (Lat. -5), some of which, from o-stems, 
belong to pre-Italic times (§ 769 pp. 284 f.), became very 
numerous in Italic. 

Many such, derived from a-substantives, meant 'to 

1) Johansson (P.-B. Beitr. x 223) thinks that Goth. aihtrOn 'to beg 
for* is a desiderative like these. He connects it with dilt 'I possess*, and 
thinks the orig. meaning was *I want to posness*. 

302 Present Stem : Class XXXI — Skr. deva-yd-tis. § 778. 

occupy oneself with, to practise, use, produce' that which the 
original stem denoted: Lat. curd Umbr. kuraia *curet' Pelign. 
coisatens *curaverunt' (Lat. cura)^ Lat. multo Osc. moltaum 
*multare' (Lat. multa)^ Lat. msidior (msidiae)^ praedor (praeda), 
lacrimo (lacrima)^ macuW {macula)^ fortuno (fortuna). Then 
verbs in -aio were made from other substantive stems. 
Examples: Lat. termino from terminus termen^ Umbr. termnas 
'terminatu-s* Osc. teremnatteus 'terminaverunt' ; Lat. locO 
from locus ^ Pelign. locatin(s) locaverunt* ; Lat. ddno from 
ddnu-m^ Osc. d]uunated 'donavit*; Lat. vinculo froia vinculu-m^ 
Umbr. previslatu imper. *praevinculato , praepedito vinculis*; 
Lat. numero from numeru-s^ pUgno from pUgnu-s (cp. § 773 
Rem. p. 291), spolior from spoliu-m^ consilior from consiliu-m, 
rSgnd from rBgnu-m^ fluctuo from fluctu-s^ tumuUud from 
tumultu-s^ cdntidnor from contio, nomino from nOmen, examine 
from exdmeny coldrO from color ^ ftdguro from fulgur^ onero 
from onus^ scelerd from scelus^ ptdverd from pulvi-s^ laudo 
from laus^ hiemO from hiems; Osc. deivaid 'iuret* deivast 
'iurabit' from deivo- 'dens'. 

A few more exx. may be given of verbs in -avo derived 
from adjectival stems, like Lat. novQ (pp. 284 f.): Lat. prwd 
from prtvo-s^ Osc. preivatud private, reo* (for the meaning, 
cp. Breal, Diet. etym. Lat.^ 281, Mem. Soc. Ling, iv 394 f.); 
Lat. pio from piu-s^ Umbr. pihatu 'piato' prupehast 'ante 
piabit'; Lat. /)ro6o irom. prohu-s^ Osc. prii fattens 'probaverunt'. 
Hence by analogy Lat. gravo from gravis^ leva from Zm-s, 
cicurD from cicur. Lat. sacrO from sacro- sacri- ^ Osc. 
sakarater 'sacratur, sacrificatur from (ruxoiw ('sacrum') sacri-. 

A mass of Lat. verbs in -taid are based upon to- Parti- 
ciples; usually they have an intensive or frequentative meaning. 
The following seem to have existed in pre-Italic times: Lat. 
ifusto = O.H.G. costom from Idg. *guS't6-^ see § 769 p. 284; 
Lat. iW Umbr. etaians *itent' etato 'itate' = G^r. Itrj-vsov 
El. part. perf. act. ^7r-ai/-/raxw p ; Lat. puto 1 deck, prune, 
clean, reckon, think* beside O.C.Sl. pytajq 'scrutor, quaere, 
indago' (Osthoff, M. U. iv 86 f.). Formed in Latin on the same 

§§ 778,779. Present Stem : GUas XXXI — 8kr. deva-yd-li. 'M)S 

principle: hortor occult6 adjtUQ canto versO tracUi dictd gesio 
f)6t6, domitO crepitO habito. The ending -itO was abstracted 
from words which happened to have it, and became a type; 
hence vocito from vocO {vocatU'S)^ volito from volO {volatu-m)^ 
agitn from agO^ scfscitd from scl-scd^ visitO from nUO ((.'laBS XX, 
§ ()62 p. 197); and, by a combination of -iiO with -W, arose 
inteusivea or frequentatives to the second power, as Hit6 from 
i-Wy dlctitd from dic-t6^ cursitO from curso. 

The reason why this class derived from the /o-participle 
increased to such a size, was that from the pre-Italic stage 
onwards, the neuter or the feminine of these participles was 
used as an abstract noun : as commentu-m 'idea' (hence com- 
mentor)^ repulsa *defeat* (hence repulsd), offSnsa 'blow' (hence 
qffefisd). See II § 158 pp. 473 ff., IV § 769 p. 285. 

'igdre also became a fertile denominative suffix in Latin; 
navigo r^migd jUrigd jurgd mltigQ. Cp. Leo Meyer, Bezz. Beitr. 
VI 130 ff. 

(4) The -eO =^ -«-i^, of intrans. verbs like claudeO (§ 770 
p. 288), hardly touched any but o-stems; but an example of it 
elsewhere is moiled from mollies. 

Observe that the same distinction of transitive and in- 
transitive, which we see in the denominatives cldrare and 
clarBre, is seen in primary verbs with those endings, as liquare 
and liquSre. 

Remark, faleor seems to be another denominatire in eO. Of this 
yerb, Osoan has the inf. fatfum (f — a). The contained stem is *fa-<o-», 
answering to Qr. tpitTo-^ *said* (a-tparo-;)^ and meaning 'having declared 
something, open, confessing* ; and the word doubtless borrowed its deponent 
inflexion from fart (§ 495 p. 56). At first its construction was fateor di 
aliqua re, and the accusative constr. came later. The partic. /psw-* follows 
8U4i8u-8 from suSdeO^ and the like. 

§ 779. Keltic. The only distinct class of this kind in 
Irisli contains the a-denominatives, as rannaim from the a-stem 
rann (§ 769 p. 284) and marbaim from the o-stem marb 
(p. 284). Somewhat as in Latin, the !•* sing, only is extended 
by -io-^ and all the rest lacks it: 1'* sing, no charu for *cara-jKJ 

304 Present Stem: Class XXXI — S,kr. dem-yd-ti. §§779—781. 

(conjunct inflexion) like Ij^X. planto\ 3''^sing. no chara O.Bret. 
cospitio-t like Lat. planta-t. Compare § 584 p. 125. 

io-presents from consonantal stems (like Skr. apas-i/d-ti) 
there are none. Mid.Ir. aih-rigaim 1 dethrone' is an a-verb 
(inf. aith-rtgad) from ri 'king' (stem rig-). 

There are none either of the type of Skr. gatu-yd-ti 
(§ 772 p. 289). 

In the Keltic S""** conjugation, Idg. denominatives in -e-io 
(say scorim scuirim^ § 770 p. 288), those in -i-w (say fo-dalim 
§ 771 p. 289), and causals in -eio (§ 803) have all run 
together. Then this new composite denominative type spreads 
by analogy : 3'** sing, ad-rimi 'counts* from Hm f. number (stem 
*rima-)f bagim ar-hagim 'I strive, brag' from hag f. 'strife* 
(stem *baga-). 

§ 780. A denominative ending with -ag- became widespread 
in Irish and British dialects: e. g. O.Ir. sciraigim or -scLraigiur 
Mod. Cymr. sarhaf (= O.Cymr. *sarhagam) 'I injure, offend* 
from sClr 'offence', O.Ir. suidigim *I place' from suide 'place', 
Mid.Ir. intamlaigim *I compare' from intamail *likeness, imitation*, 
O.Cymr. scamnhegirt 'levant*. Some have wished to connect 
this suffix with the nominal suffix -aco- (II § 89 p. 273), led 
to this view by cufhachtaigim *I make myself master of from 
cumarhtach 'powerful' ; but nothing clear is known about its 

Remark. *'The British dialects point to -ag-^ and before the a 
Cymr. has an /*. which I believe to indicate that the orig. sound was s 
(i. e. sagi-). But of this 6^ there is no trace at all in Irish. Leaving 
this out of count, we might imagine some formation like Lat. remigare 
purgare^ only with /-flexion in Keltic." Thurneysen. 

§ 781. Germanic. (1) Here, as in Keltic, the most pro- 
minent group consists of ^verbs, with inf. Goth. O.H.G. -on 
O.Icel. -a A.S. -ian^ called in Germanic grammars the Second 
Weak Conjugation, -ci-io-^ with -io-extension, is clear only in 
Anglo-Frisian, A.S. P* sing, in -ie^ pi. in -iad^ as sealfie sealfiady 
where i must originally have been a long and also dull vowel, 
so that Germ, -o-ia- is quite out of the question. Without -io-: 
O.H.G. salhom -6s -ot -omes -ot -ont Goth, salbos -op -dm -dp 

§781. Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. <f«Mi-y4-lf. 305 

-dud. The 1*' sing. Goth, salhd is doubtloM not for *-4-m 
with secondary personal ending (neither is hah^a for •-^-i», 
sec § 708 p. 239), but a new formation following haira beside 
hairam and haba beside haham. Compare § 739 p. 264. 

f^xaniples of 5-verbs derived from d-nouns are given in 
§ 769 p. 284. Others are Goth. fainnO 'I accuse, blame' 
O.ILG. Jirindtn 'scelero* A.S. firenie 'I sin' from Goth, fairina 
accusation* O.H.G. firina 'scelus' A.S. firen 'sin*, Goth. idreigO 
'I repent* from idreiga 'repentance*, O.H.G. ahtOm (A.S. eahtie) 
'I notice* from ahta *notice\ O.H.G. gremizzdm 'I look grim, 
am gloomy* from gremizza *dark look, gloom, despondency*. 
The ending -%n(i-iia-)^ beginning in West Germ, verbs like 
O.H.G. firinom^ redindm (1 set forth, recount', from redina 
'account, description*) became an independent suffix and went 
further: e. g. O.H.G. wli-inGm 1 punish* A.S. wUnie^ O.H.G. 
fest'inom *I affirm, make fast, promise* A.S. fcestnie^ O.H.G. 
heb'indm 1 entertain as a guest*, and others. 

For a-verbs from o-nouns, such as Goth, vairfd O.H.G. 
werddm, see § 769 p. 284. 

fl-verbs from s-stems (these joined the o-declension very 
early in Germanic, see H § 132 pp. 419 f.): Goth. hatizO 1 hate* 
from hatis 'hatred', O.H.G. sigirDm 1 conquer' beside Goth. 
sigis Victory', O.H.G. egisom 'I am terrified' beside Goth, agis 
'fear*, like Lat. onerare scelerHre (§ 778 p. 302). -isO'da-) 
became a new independent suffix: Goth. valtyisO *I roll, revolve', 
O.H.G. rlch-isDm I rule' A.S. rlcsie, O.H.G. lich-isom 'com- 
pare, simulo' h^'isdm 'I rule* (also hSrrisOm by analogy of 
hSrro 'lord, ruler', which was originally a comparative), A.S. 
bledsie 'I bless* and others. 

a-verbs from w-stems : Goth, frdujind 'I am lord , 1 rule* 
from frauja (gen. frdujins) 'lord*, gudjinO 1 am a priest, fill 
priestly office* from gudja 'priest', which gave the type for 
reik'ind 'I rule over* (reik-s 'ruler*) skalk-inO 'I am a servant, 
am useful' (skalk-s 'servant') hOr-inO 'I commit adultery* (hOr-s 

Many more new endings with the O-suffix, like these just 

Brsf BftDn, EleBMoU. IT. 20 

306 Present Stem : Class XXXI — Skr. aeva-yd-ti. § 781. 

mentioned, are found in West Germanic. The favourites are 
-arS-, -al6-y and -ako-. 

(2) Even in the prehistoric stages of Germanic three 
classes of verbs, with endings originally different, came to have 
the same ending ; those with consonantal stems, with the ending 
-io (-mo); those from o-stems, with the ending -e-io (whence 
pr. Germ, -i-io)^ and those ending in -i-io. Compare Goth. 
riqizja glitmunja veitvodja lauhatja O.H.G. lougazzu lohazzu 
and others § 768 p. 283, Goth, rigneip etc. § 770 p. 288, 
and Goth, ddilja O.H.G. teil(i)u, Goth, venja O.H.G. wan(i)u 
etc. § 771 p. 289.1) Besides, the causals in -eio (pr. Germ, 
-tio), as Goth, fra-vardja = Idg. *uortSid, fell into this con- 
jugation, which is called the First Weak Conjugation in Ger- 
manic grammar. It should be mentioned that in Germanic, as 
in other Idg. languages, many verbs derived from nouns are 
properly classed among Causals; for example, Goth, hdilja 
O.Sax. heliu O.H.G. heil{i)u 'I heal* from hails Ml heil Vhole' 
(§§ 793, 806). 

But the confluence of the various pre-Germanic conjugations 
was not always due to regular sound-change. For instance, 
Goth, glitmuneip lauhateip (both only inferred) took the place 
of *glitmun-ji-p Hauhat-ji-p on the analogy of such forms as 
rigneip for *rigni-ii-d(i). Goth, vaurkeip (P* sing, vaurhja 
Idg. *uig-id) is a new form, instead of *vaurkip ^ following 
fra-vardeip etc. (p. 229 footnote). On the other hand, O.H.G. 
denit bei^it (P* sing. denn(i)u beizz(i)u ground-form HonSio 
*bhoid^id) follow hetit ----- Lat. cap it. 

There is often wavering between the first weak conjugation 
and the second, the a-verbs. Sometimes there were originally 
variant forms with different structure; e. g. O.H.G. follom 
*I fill* was a pre-Germ. verb in -a-io (§ 769 p. 284), whilst 
full(i)u Goth, fullja 'I fill' is a causal; similarly we have O.H.G. 
tarom 'I hurt, injure' from tara 'hurt, injury* beside the causal 

1) Whether *-n-i6 leads regularly to Goth, -ja^ and say tagrja 'I cry' 
comes from pr. Germ. *ta^rH-id^ ufarassja 'I exist in abundance* for 
*ufarassu-i6^ is doubtful. 

§ 781. PrMent Stem : CUss XXXI — 8kr. dim^fd^i, 307 

teriu (samo moaniog). How far these verbs altered their iDflexiun 
in later times, and for what reasons, are questions which need 
further investigation (cp. for instance O.SsLX./uUOn beside /uUiu). 
(3) Verbs in Ooth. -a (2°'» sing, -dia) OMM, -hn, a« 
Goth. J&a Art O.H.(i. dag^m 'taceo' (Third Weak Conj.), as we 
have seen in § 587 p. 129, § 592 p. 133, § 708 pp. 238 ff., did 
not originally belong to what we have called the later stratum 
of denominatives. However, we do find in Germanic quite a 
number of later denominatives in this conjugation; as Qoth. 
arma *I feel pity' fasta O.H.G. f astern 1 fast'; and one is 
tempted to class those verbs along with Latin denominatives 
such as claudeO^ which were just in the same way associated 
in conjugation with tacefi videO and the like (§ 777 p. 300). 
Howbeit, this is inadmissible. Because by far the greater 
number of the verbs in this class were intransitive (as are 
Paha dagem), it happened that their ending became a sign of 
intransitive meaning; and as the orig. inceptive verbs with an 
n-suffix (as Goth, ga-vakna 'to awake*) suggested inceptive 
«- verbs formed from nouns (as Goth, fullna 1 get full' inikilna 
*I grow large', § 623 p. 160), just so paha dagem were the 
model for fasta fastSm and many others. Since there was a 
primary verb Goth, saurga O.H.G. sorgem 1 care' side by side 
with the subst. Goth, saurga O.H.G. s(yrga 'care', which seemed 
to be derived from that substantive (§ 659 pp. 193 f.), so the 
subst. (O.H.G.) fasta *a fast* suggested the above named verb 
Goth, fasta O.H.G. f astern ; and furthermore the verb werttim 
'I perplex or torment myself* was made to complement wema 
'perplexity, pang*, wartSm 'I watch, wait* was formed from 
the aubst. warta *watch, spying, waiting', waht^n 'I keep 
watch' from wahta 'watch'. In O.H.G. the process goes a step 
further, and verbs like these are derived from adjectives; e. g. 
O.H.G. fiUSm 1 cause to rot' from ful 'rotten*, altSm 'I grow 
old* from alt 'old'. Compare some other verbs, belonging to 
Class XIY, such as O.H.G. wesan^n 1 dry up, wither away* 
(O.Icel. nisna), trunkanem 'I get drunk* (A.S. dnmcnie), which, 
by adopting 5-flexion, gained a second sign of their intransitive- 

308 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. deva-ya-ti. §§781,782. 

inceptive meaning (§ 623 p. 160); and further Goth, maurna 
O.H.G. mornem instead of *maurno *morndm (§ 605 p. 147). 

There are many and various waverings between -e- and 
-a-flexion, as O.H.G. erein and erom 1 honour, which need 
further investigation. 

§ 782. Balto-Slavonic. 

(1) Here it is no longer possible to distinguish beyond a 
doubt verbs derived from consonantal noun-stems and containing 
the suffix -iO'^ of the type of Skr. rajas-yd-ti (§ 768 p. 282). 
Instead of these, we find in cases where the forms are clear, 
verbs conjugated in other denominative classes; as Lith. 
akmenyj^'S 'I turn to stone* from akmu *stone* (stem akmen-)^ 
O.C.Sl. znamenajq 'I mark, term' from znamq *mark' (stem 

Remark. Perhaps the Lith.-Lettic verbs Kurschat calls "Punctiva" 

— those ending in (Lith.) -tereti -teleti\ as kifsteri-ti 'I rough-hew a little* 

— are to be connected with Slavonic nonn'na agentis in -tel- (Idg. -ier-)^ 
as zrttel-X 'oflFerer' (II § 122 p. 389). Then comes the question whether 
the Lith. present formation kifster-iu szvitptelu (i. e. -el-iu) represents or 
not the type of Skr. rajas-yd-ti. The conjugation in the dialects is 
sometimes -terejau -telejau^ -tereti 'teleti ^ and sometimes -teriau -telau^ 
'terti -telti (Leskien-Brugmann , Lit. Volksl. und Marchen, 313 f), the 
latter like IWcuriau lUkurti beside lUkuriu *I wait quietly'. 

(2) Beside the endings Lith. -o-ju O.C.Sl. -a-jq = Idg. 
'd-io, as Lith. lankd-ju O.C.Sl. Iqka-jq (§ 769 p. 284), we meet 
with Lith. -e-jti O.C.Sl. -^-jq instead of Idg. -e-io, e. g. Lith. 
gMe-jU'S O.C.Sl. razume-jq (§ 770 p. 288), and Lith. -yja 
instead of Idg. -i-io^ as daly-ju (§ 771 p. 289). In these 
formations the long -e- and -I- are to be explained on the 
same principle as the long vowels in the Greek dialectic forms 
adixfjco xovuo and so forth (§ 775 p. 293): they have been 
imported from the non-present stems; thus gude-ju-s follows 
-e-siu -e-ti-s^ razume-jq follows -e-chu -^-ti^ and daly-jii follows 
-y-siu 'tj-ti^ and so forth. At the same time, something is due 
to such present forms as Lith. hyre-ju O.C.Sl. govS-jq^ in which 
verbs the non-present forms had the same endings as have the 
present stems now in question (e. g. hyr'e-ti like gMe-ti-Sy 
gove-ti like razume-ti) ; see § 735 p. 262, § 740 pp. 264 f. 

9 782. Prenent Stem: OIms XXXI — 8kr. detayd-ii, 809 

Similarly sprung up the present in -4-;iif MJAkk'-ju^ by 
analogy of -4-/a-« (§ 773 p. 291), due to tho same principle as 
tlir Boeotian dSunoovreg (jj 775 p. 293). TIhh happenod fir«t 
in Baltic, or at any rate in the proethnic stage of Balto-Slavonic. 
The preterite of these verbs is odd ; it ends in -avau (j^ikavaH), 
while we should expect *-tl-;ati; the latter ending appears in 
Lettic as -tJ/w, the Hhape it would naturally take there. I assume, 
with Wiedemann (Lit. IViit., 198), that -avau is due to the 
analogy of verbs in -au'ti (pres. -au-ju pret. -avau , see 
below, 3). 

In Slavonic, where Idg. d and d ran together, verbs of 
the same kind as Lith. j^Mju may be buried in the class 
which has the termination -aja. This is all the more likely 
because such forms as rogatU and rag^'ta-s cannot be well 
separated (§ 773 p. 291). 

(3) The denominative type exemplified by such forms 
as Skr. adhvar-yd-ti (from adhva-rd-s) and Gr. uyyfXXio 
(from ayytXo-g) is represented, firstly, by Slavonic presents 
like trepestcfr 2°** sing, -estesi (from frepetu). See § 770 
p. 287. 

Secondly, Lithuanian denominatives in -auju (inf. -au-Hj 
pret. -avau), and those in Slavonic ending in -u-jq (inf. -ova-it), 
have to be examined; e. g. Lith. rekau-ju 'I make a noise* 
O.C.Sl. dlugu-jq 'I owe*. They come from the most diverse 
noun-stems, but it is impossible to tell offhand with what 
stems the class began. If they are derived from ti-stems 
(dlugovati from dlugu 'debt* gen. dlugu^ sladovaii 'to be sweet* 
beside sladu-ku Lith. saldu-s) ^ they must be connected with 
Idg. verbs in *-u-iO (§ 772 p. 289). But if so, one cannot under- 
stand why the stem-final -w- should have been exchanged in 
the verb for the strong grade -eu- or -ou- (pr. Balto-Slav. -o^ 
may be either, see I § 68 p. 59). I therefore think it far 
more likely that the contained nouns had stems in -e-f^ -e-tfd- 
(cp. Skr. ksSa-vd-s 'longhaired* from kiia-s 'hair*, etc., see II 
§ 64 pp. 133 fF.). This view is supported by Slav. bisovoH 
'to be frenzied' beside b^ovu 'devilish, mad* from b^sU demon*, 

310 Present Stem : Class XXXI — Skr. deva-yd-ti. § 782. 

kraljevati 'to be king* beside kraljevu 'royal* from kralfl 'king', 
vracevati *to be a physician , to heal* beside vracevu 'pertaining 
to a physician* from vraci physician*, vinovati *to accuse* beside 
vinovmu 'guilty of something' from vina 'cause, guilt* (vinovmu 
presupposes *vinovu), and many more; Lith. substantives in 
-ava 'Java are collected by Leskien, Die Bildung der Nomina 
im Lit., 199 ff. In Lettic (and Prussian too) the verbs in 
-auti do not appear at all; and partly for that reason, partly 
because the large majority of Lith. verbs in -auti are Slavonic 
in origin, it is at least not improbable that this at^conjugation 
has been borrowed bodily from the Slavonic. However, the 
borrowing must have taken place very early, when Slav, u 
was still ou. 

Genuine Baltic examples of the type of Skr. adhvar-yd-ti 
would therefore be impossible to find. 

(4) Side by side with the ending -5-/w, Baltic has another 
present inflexion with -0- and without -io-. This occurs, firstly, 
in the 2"*^ sing, imper. always without exception ; e. g. dovano-k, 
which is to be compared with Lat. plantCi etc. (§ 957). Secondly, 
in Frequentatives and Causals with -au (inf. -y-ti) , some of 
which were certainly derived from nouns; e. g. Lith. j^'stau 
*I gird (frequently)' from j&sta girdle*, pelnau 'I earn' from 
pelna-s 'earnings*, vetau *I fan, winnow* beside Skr. va-ta-s 
Gr. drj-T?] (II § 79 p. 223). The forms j^'sto j^'sto-me j^'sto-te 
answer to Lat. planta-t -d-mas -cL-tis Lesb. rtina-iLiev O.Ir. 
no chara-m Goth, salbd-m etc., but the P* and 2"** sing, justau 
j'Siistai show the same analogical change as do the primary 
forms hijau-s 'I fear huvau 'I was', see § 586 p. 127. This 
Lith. present class, as the non-present forms show {intjusty-ti 
pret. j'SbScziau)^ stands in very close connexion with the Idg. 
verbs in -Ho (Class XXXII), and we must discuss it again 
in §§ 789 and 807. 

The orig. ^flexion without -io- is also seen in Pruss. waitia 
*he speaks' P* pi. waitid-mai (inf. waitia-t) beside O.C.Sl. vesta- 
-jq 1 speak, advise* (inf. v^ta-ti)^ beside Pruss. caria-woyti-s 
karige-wayte 'address to the army, review* O.C.Sl. v^te n. advice'. 

§782,783. Present Stem: Clait XXXI — Skr. divn-^4. 311 

(')) Slavonic has no diHtinct present class to correspond to 
the liitli. present class -y-Jn (daly-ju^ no. 2, p. 308) which 
rt'prestMits the Idg. verbs in -i-jfi. These verbs in -i-i^ in 
this branch of Idg. were merged in the class of Causals etc. 
with "i'H (Class XXXII); e. g. (joitq^ 'I entertain, receive 
liospitably* 2°'* sing. go8ti-§i inf. gosti-ti from gosH 'guest', 
61stt\ *1 honour' from cXsH 'honour', mUta 'I take vengeance' 
from lYiUU Vengeance*, branjq 'I strive' from branX 'strife', 
mgSljq *1 think' from mysli 'thought'. The Idg. endings -iiO 
and -i'iS in Slavonic were sure to run together after -e/- 
became -I)'- (I § 68 p. 60), and in both classes the endings 
-jq 'i§i -itu etc. have undoubtedly taken -F- from the infinitive. 
We shall see in § 789 p. 322 how very probable it is that 
-r- first got into the Causals, and afterwards spread to 

§ 783. Certain endings of the denominative verbs become 

(1) Verbs in (Lith.) -d-ju (O.C.Sl.) -«-/« from a- and from 
o-stems; as Lith. lanko-ju O.C.Sl. Iqka-jq from lanka Iqka 
and Lith. kilno-ju from Tdlna-s^ mtrksnio-ju from mlrksni-s^ 
O.C.Sl. prija-jq beside Skr. priyd-s^ are cited in § 769 
pp. 284 f. 

Other Baltic examples are: Lith. klupo-ju 'I continue 
kneeling' from kliipa 'kneeling, curtsey', ddrgano-ja *it is rainy 
weather , from ddrgana 'rainy weather', Lett, jaudd-ju 'I have 
power, I can* from jauda 'power', sukhd-ju 'I comb' from sukkas 
pi. 'comb', schdtild'ju 'I flutter', from schdid-s 'fluttering', tpajd-ju 
*I weaken* from wdj^sch 'weak', jokd-ju *I jest' from jok-s 'jest', 
Tjith. valo'ju (i. e. *valid-ju) 1 compel' from vald (i. e. *valia) 'will' 
vadeiO'ju *I lead about' from vddzios pi. 'loading-string, leash', 
gylo'ju 'I prick repeatedly' from gyly-s 'sting*, vynio-ju 'I wrap 
up' beside kakla-vyny-s 'necktie*; also derived from -jfJ-stems, 
as Lith. pdiniO'ju 'I confuse, entangle' from pdine 'a con- 
fusion, entanglement, hindrance', rdnkio-ju 'I keep picking up* 
(berries, for example) from rankt 'a gleaning or gathering'. 
The predominant meaning of Lith. verbs in -o/m is 'to do, to 

812 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. dSva-yd-ti. §783. 

be occupied with' the thing denoted by the noun whence the 
verb comes, as dovand-ju 'I make a present to some one*; 
and it is easy to see that where there was any verb of this 
sort and a primary verb containing the same stem^ the former 
might get some kind of frequentative meaning by way of 
distinction. Thus lanko-ju 1 busy myself with bending' 
means practically 'I bend to and fro' to make pliant or supple, 
whilst Ufiku means simply *I bend'. We shall soon meet this 
same Frequentative class in Slavonic; and we may therefore 
with some probability infer that it belongs to the proethnic 
period of Balto-Slavonic. But I would suggest that the type 
is still older, and was not produced at that time out of the 
later stratum of denominatives; for there is no objection to 
comparing forms like Lith. Imdo-ju O.C.Sl. sun-Majq with 
Lat. juvcLre Goth, miton etc., and placing them in the older 
denominative stratum. See §§ 734 if. pp. 261 ff. 

The ending -ioju^ both with and without some part of the 
foregoing stem adhering to it, became an independent suffix. 
Alone : lankioju beside lanko-ju^ hrddzio-ju 1 wade about' from 
hrada a wading' (but Lett, has hradddju) Idndzioju 1 crawl 
about' beside \-landa *place to crawl into' (but Lett, has loddju)^ 
lakiojn *I fly about' from laka 'place to fly in and out of, 
entrance to a beehive*, sakidju 1 follow, sagioju 1 attach, fix, 
sew on*, -loju (i. e. *-lidju): pirsddju 1 woo, am a suitor on 
behalf of some one' from pirsly-s 'suitor, wooer' (perszu pirsti 
'to woo, to be suitor'), mlrkloju *I blink' from mirkly-s 'blinker* 
{merhiu merkti 'I close my eyelids') and others; by analogy of 
these zirg-Uju 'I go straddling about' {sergiu 'I step, stride'), 
tep-loju 'I smear or grease over' {tepii *I smear'), met-Uju 
'I throw about' {metu *1 throw* metau *1 throw about'), -czioju 
-szczioju: hadmirszczioju *I almost starve, suffer hunger' from 
hadmirte 'starvation', and others; which set the type for such 
forms as mirk-czidju mirk-szczidju '1 blink*, truk-czioju truk- 
-szczioju 1 throb repeatedly', rdisz-czioju 'I keep tying'. 
'Urioju -uloju (with parallel endings -uriuju -ul^ju by § 785) 
for frequentatives : vyhurioju 1 wag my tail, fawn upon' from 

$788. Preteot Stem: CIms XXXI - 8kr. dira-yd-ti. 313 

vyhury-s one who wags the tail\ krUtuloju 'I stir myself a 
little' from krUtuli-s *a stirring of oneself, levy, militia', 
grotnuloju 'I chew the cud* from gromuly'S *cud\ etc.; by this 
analogy kyh-urioju *1 kick or struggle a little', vSb-uloju *I chew 
something tough*. -uloju is used in the same way; in this 
ending -ioju intorchangos with -i'iS/M far oftener than in tho 
endings -urioju -xdoju (§ 785) : ') sdrgaloju 1 am sickly* 
cp. sargalAnga-s 'sickly', darhaloju '1 keep on working, I work 
vigorously*, isz-vartaloju 1 tumble down' and many more, 
Lett, pirkaldju 'I buy by retail' beside Lith. pirkala-s 'wares', 
cp. Lith. svarhbaluju 'I dangle' from svambala-s 'that which 
dangles, plummet'. 

Other Slavonic examples (observe that some of the 
Slav, verbs in -a-ti may possibly answer to Lith. verbs in 
-u-ti, see § 782.2 p. 309): O.C.Sl. igra-jn I play' from igra 
game', su-vraska-jq 'I am wrinkled' from vraska 'wrinklo', 
klevata-jq 1 calumniate* (beside klevestq, see § 770 p. 287) 
from kleveta 'slander, gn^va-jq sq *I am angry' from gnivu 
'anger', kasUja-jq *1 cough' from kasili 'cough'. As in Baltic, 
these verbs were distinguislied by a secondary frequentative 
meaning from parallel primary verbs. They were associated 
with the group of frequentatives derived from verbs, whose 
beginnings go back to the older denominative a-series; thus 
'Ha-jq was associated with ja(d)^nif *esse', -dripa-jq with 6r(pq 
*I make', -gnHa-jq with gnetq 'I press*, 6ita-jq 'I read' with 
citq 'I count, reckon*; some of these could also be conjugated 
in the present like glagoljq (glagola-ti) trepestq (trepeta-ti)^ etc. 
(§ 770 p. 287), as na-ridq 'I name* (inf. na-rica-ti) beside 
na-rekq. As some of these frequentatives had originally a 
strong grade of root-vowel, it became a rule for new forms of 
the same model, that if the primary verb had the vowels ^, o, 
^, or ii, the frequentative had d', a, i, or y (see the comparisons 
in Leskien's Handbuch, pp. 14 f.). 

1) The distinction between o and ti is in many Lith. writinga so 
incompletely kept, that it is often impossible to say whether an endin;^ 
be 'oju or -uju. 

314 Present Stem: Class XXXI -Skr.rfeva-i/ff-<». §§783,784. 

In vowel-stems, -vaja is found as a frequentative suffix; 
e. g. o-ha-vajq 'incanto* beside ba-Jq 'fabulor', o-dS-vajq 
1 clothe' beside de-jq dezdq 'I lay', pi-vqjq *I drink' beside 
pi'jq *I drink' ; o-kleveta-vajq beside hleveta-jq klevestq *I slander', 
razum^-vajq beside razume-jq 'I understand'. The origin of 
'Vajq was the noun-suffix -uo- -^5- : piva-jq from pi-vo 
'a draught*, m-Uva-jq 1 pour in' (beside hi-jq 'I pour) from 
Hi-vu Mod.Slov. liv 'funnel' na-liv 'shower of rain' Russ. na- 
'lim *the time when the corn grows full* pro-livu 'strait, channel*, 
na-seva-fq *I sow' a field (beside sd-jq 1 sow*) from Russ. se-vu 
*sowing, seed time'. Other similar nouns having «;-suffixes may- 
be regarded as derivatives with the suffixes -uku -uka: 
cp. O.C.Sl. pri-dS-V'ukU *cognomen' Mod.Slav. o-d^-v-ka 'dress 
beside -d^vajq^ Russ. do-hi-v-ka 'a complete driving in* (of 
stakes) beside raz-hivajq 1 knock to bits, destroy' {U-jq 
'I strike'), Mod.Slov. po-mi-v-ek 'rinsing pail beside ii-myvajq 
*I wash* (my-jq *I wash*). But the v of davajq *I give' and of 
stavajq 'consisto' may be taken as original, even if it is not 
to be put in just the same category as the ?t-suffix of the 
aforementioned forms; cp. Lith. dovana, Skr. davdne and 
O.C.Sl. stava stavu po-stavu stavljq = Groth. stoja^ Lith. stova. 
Since piva-ti dava-ti were regarded as intimately connected 
with pi-ti and da-ti^ the ending -vati became itself a type, 
and hence we have -znava-ti beside zna-ti 'knows', -klevefava-ti 
beside klevata-ti^ and so on. The endings -vajq -vati were 
very convenient for making frequentatives from verbs with a 
vowel stem-final; hence their frequency. 

Remark. Frequentatives of derivative verbs, as o-klevetavati 
razumevati velicavati , must be regarded , because of their meaning , as 
an imitation of primary Frequentatives, and must not be derived from 
nouns in -ami and -evil (such as veUcavu 'grandiloquent'). 

§ 784. (2) Yerbs from o-nouns in (Lith.) -e-ju (O.C.Sl.) 
-e-jq , as Lith. gMe-ju-s from guda-s , O.C.Sl. razuwe-jq from 
razumu, are cited in § 770 pp. 288 f. 

Other Baltic examples are: Lith. szykszte-ju 'I am 
covetous' from szykssta-s 'covetous', Lett. lahhS-ju 'I better 

§784. Present Stem: Class XXXI —8kr. r/«ra-y<f-/i. 315 

myself from lab-s 'good\ prdU'ju 1 subtilize, play the wiseacre' 

from prdt'8 'reason*, gaU-Ju 'I finish* from gdl-s end', mistri- 
'JH *1 mix, mingle* from mistr-s 'hotch-potch*. In Lithuanian 
these verbs mean 'to be or practise* anything. They are 
formed from other stems besides those in -o-, as Lith. iyge-ju 
1 go an errand* from zygi-s *errand, course*, maioniju *I much 
wish to have* from inalonii-s 'gracious*, seiUju 'I slaver, drivel* 
from sHl^ 'slaver*, Lett. bridSju 'I delay* from bridi-8 'while, 
period*, anrlju 'I blow the hunting horn* from awre 'hunting 
horn*. They are linked with the older group of Verbs in -c/m, 
as kyle-ju (§ 740 p. 265), in the same way as verbs like 
doDcmoju are linked with those like lindoju (§ 783 p. 312). 

In Lithuanian the ending -ineju was converted into a 
new type for Frequentatives. First came verbs like tekine-ju 
'I run about a little' from tekina-s 'running*, dilbine-ju *I glower, 
glare from beneath my brows' from dilbina-s 'one who 
glowers'. The next step was smil-ineju 'I keep eating dainties, 
picking and tasting', lind-ineju 'I crawl about*, vag-ineju 
'I filch* and others. Verbs already frequentative often add 
'ineju ^ and thus form a frequentative of the second power, 
so to say; thus we have laist-ineju from Idistau Idistyti 'to 
pour repeatedly', itself frequentative of I'e-ti 'to pour*, zarg-inejn 
from zargau zargyti 'to straddle or stretch the legs repeatedly', 
freq. of zerk-ti 'to spread the legs' ; cp. pilst-aloju 'to pour, shed 
or drop repeatedly from pilstau pllstyti freq. of pil-ti 'to pour, 
shed' (§ 783 p. 313). 

Other examples from Slavonic, where almost all verbs 
in -^jq are intransitive and most of them mean to get into some 
condition: o-slab^jq *I get weak' from slah^ 'weak*, o-maU-jq 
'to get little* from malu 'little*, buja-jq 'I get daft' from bufl 
'daft*, obu-fii^ta-jq *I get poor' from niiVl 'poor*, o-krili-;q 
'I wing myself* from krilo 'wing*; vuz-mq-zajq 'I make a man 
of myself, take courage' from mqz% 'man*. These too can be 
formed from other besides o-stems, as zeUjq 'I wish' from 
zelja 'wish, longing*. 

-Ujq as an independent sufhx. On the analogy of 

316 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. dSva-yd-ti. §§ 785,786. 

o-nmdXle-jq o-mudU-jq, 'I am slow, linger', from mud^lu mudUu 
'slow, lingering*, and like forms, we find prokaztlejq 'I make 
evil plots' from prokaza 'evil plot', mqztlejq 'I become a man* 
from mqsi 'man', pecatXlejq pecatUjq 'I seal' from pecaVt 'seal*. 

§ 785. (3) Tiie Lith. suffix -u-ju (§ 773 p. 291, § 782.2 
p. 309) , which began with o-stems , has the same function as 
'O-ju. For further examples take the following: Lith. 7neW-ju 
Lett, melu-ju 'I lie' from Lith. melal Lett, meli pi. 'lies', Lith. 
zaW-ju Lett, fal^-ju *I grow green' from Lith. mla-s mle-s 
Lett, /dl'-sch green', Lith. halnti-ju 'I saddle' from balna-s 
'a saddle', dagu-ju 'I harvest' from ddga-s 'harvest', pul^-ju 
'I fester' from pulei {2)ul-iai) 'matter, pus'. Derived from other 
than o-stems: dszaruju Lett, assar&ju 'I pour out tears' from 
aszara assara 'tear', Lith. vag'&'ju Lett, wagguju 'I draw 
furrows' from vaga wagga 'furrow', Lith. dejujii 'I lament* 
from deja 'a lament', prdvardziuju 'I furnish with a surname* 
from pavarde 'surname'. 

In the Lith. frequentative endings -urioju uloju and -aloju 
(§ 783 p. 312), particularly in the last, there are variants -v^ju 
and 'ioju: here -ioju must be regarded in general as the older 
ending. Examples are: zihuriuju 'I flare, flicker' from zihury-s 
'light, torch', skliduriUju 'I slide, swim*, tyvuluju *I spread 
widely'; svamhal'^ju 'I dangle' from svaTnhala-s \\i^i which 
dangles, plummet', mafgaluju 'I shine with varied hues*, 
svaigal^ju 'I reel'. 

We have already remarked (§ 782.2 p. 309), that the 
Lith. verbs in -uju may possibly have their counterparts in 
Slavonic, where the class -ajq may contain some of then. 

§ 786. (4) Lith. verbs in -yju from 2-stems have 
been cited in § 771 p. 289 ; to Lith. szirdy-ju-s answers 
Lett, sirdi-j^-s 'I take to heart'. Here are some further 
examples: Lith. rudy-ju *I rust* from rudl-s 'rust', kirmy-jU 
*I am eaten of worms' from kirmi-s 'a worm', which was orig. 
an /-stem although inflected as a stem in -io- (II § 97 p. 289), 
Lett. dusi-j'&-s I listen' from dus-s (Lith. aiisl-s) 'ear'. From 

§§786,787. Present Stem: Class XXXI — 8kr. (Hva-yA-ti. 317 

other steins: Lith. rdmyju Lett, rdmiju 1 castrate' (properly 
1 tivme*) from roma-s romu-s rdm-s 'calm, tame, gentle', Lith. 
valdijjU'S 1 quarrel* from vaJda-s \x quarrel', giUczyiju-s 
'I strive' from giUczia-s 'strife', ijaidryje-s 'clears up' (of the 
weather) from gaidrU-s 'cloudless, bright', kruvyju 'I heap* from 
hrava \\ heap', Lett, gudiju '1 make myself decorous or 
agreeable' from gM-s 'demeanour, honour' (stem gMa-J^ 
skdnstijti '1 tighten, wedge tight* from skdusts 'wedge' (stem 
skdusta-), meddiju 1 hunt something* from mesch (Lith. medi-8 
-deio) 'forest*. 

Remark. Since there were Lith. denominatives in -i«m, as links- 
•minu (§ 624 p. 161), whose future -fsm became identical with that of 
the verbs we are now discussing, verbs in -inu and verbs in -yju were 
mixed up together. Compare Leskien - Brugmann , Lit. Yolksl. und 
MSrchen, pp. 314 f. No special examination has been made to find out 
the local distribution of this confusion, or how far it went. 

On Slavonic verbs in -jq from i-stems , see § 782. 5 
p. 311, § 789 p. 322. 

§ 787. (5) The Slavonic ending -ujq (inf. -ovati) we 
have already traced to its beginning with the stems in -om 
(§ 782. 3 p. 309). As an independent suffix it became very 
common, especially to denote condition, possession of a dignity, 
and the like. Examples: mirmujq *I am peaceful, keep the 
peace* from mirtnu 'peaceful', pnvujq *I am first' from prlvu 'first*, 
vojujq '1 am a warrior, I make war* (inf. vqjevati) from vojl 
'warrior', suv6d^teljujq 'I am witness* from suviditeli 'witness', 
suvedHeUstcujq 1 give evidence' from suvMitetistvo 'evidence', 
obidujq 'I take a meal* from obMu 'meal', imenujq *I name' 
from im^ 'name'. 

Remark. In the same way this ending was fertile in Lithuanian, 
where it took the shape of -atdju (see § 782. 3 p. 309). On the model of 
karalduju = 0.C.81. kraljujq 'I am king' we have veszpatduju 'I rule*, 
kafdnju 'I make war', and others. 

318 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. ved-dya-ti. §^88. 


§ 788. The Yerbs which here come under our con- 
sideration are those which are called Causal in Sanskrit gram- 
mars, because in Sanskrit their prevailing meaning is causal. 

The Skr. accentuation -dya- must be regarded as original. 
Germanic also shows evidence that the accent lay after the root 
syllable; compare Goth, fra-vardja with d^ but vairpa with p 
(I § 530 p. 383), and Goth, marzja *I vex' O.Sax. merriu 'I stop, 
hinder, disturb* with pr. Germ, z for 8 (I §§ 581 f. p. 434). 

In all languages except Sanskrit, -Sio- ran together with 
other present suffixes without possibility of distinction. But in 
Sanskrit this ending was differentiated by its accent from that 
of derivatives from o-nouns: vH-dya-ti gives to understand, 
informs* is contrasted with vasna-yd-ti from vasnd-s (§ 770 
p. 288); on the later confusion of these two classes, see 
§ 793. In Greek both are alike, and (fops-w 'I carry about 
with me, I wear' looks just the same as (piXs-w 'I treat as a 
friend* from (piko-g (§ 770 p. 288, § 776.2 p. 296); how it 
came to pass that the two classes agreed in the verb infinite 
as well, where we should expect *(pds6vT6g in contrast to 
(poQsovvsg^ has been explained in § 527 Rem. 1 p. 89. In Latin 
there is no distinction either, but mon-eo {-e-s) is just like 
claude-o (-e-s) from claudu-s^ and like video for *vide-id 2^^ sing. 
vide-s (§ 738 p. 263, § 777 p. 300). In Irish, there was a con- 
fluence of 'Ho (ad-suidim 1 prolong, postpone'), -e-io {scorim 
scuirim 1 unharness' § 770 p. 288), -i-io {fo-dalim 1 divide up 
§ 771 p. 289), and -id (-lec-iu 1 let, allow', § 719 p. 251). The 
same is true of Germanic : Goth, fra-vardja 1 bring to nothing, 
destroy* = Skr. vart-dyami like haurnja *I blow the horn' {-e-io) 
from haurna-^ like dulpja 'I keep a feast* (-i-io) from dulpi-, 
like glitmun-ja 'I shine* from *(jlitmun- (§ 768 p. 282), and 
like vaurk-ja 1 work* (§§ 720 if. pp. 251 ff.), compare § 781.2 
pp. 306 f. Slavonic examples: huzdq, 'I wake* hiidi-si (Skr. 

§§ 788,789. Present Stem: Class XXXII — 8kr. nd'aya-ti. 319 

bOdhdya-ti) like goHq 'I entertain* gosti-ii from the i-stera gostl 
(§ 782. 5 p. 311) and like buzdq *I am awake, watch' bUdi-si = 
Skr. budh-yami (§ 702 p. 230, § 727 pp. 257 ff.). 

Lith. has -aw, a wide departure from the original form: 
vartau 1 turn, keep on turning about', 3'** sing, varto^ contrasted 
with O.C.Sl. vra§tq vrati-tu Skr. vart-dyami Goth, fravard-ja^ 
cp. bijau-s § 586 p. 217 Q.m\ justau § 782.4 p. 310. 

To the same class, as we shall see in § 790, belong some 
verbs with a weak grade of root, and one of these is Idg. *U'iid : 
Skr. v-dyami *I weave*, Lith. v-eju O.C.Sl. v-ijq *I wind or 
twist'. In this verb, and in this only, the original Idg. inflexion 
has been kept in Balto-Slavonic. 

I therefore regard as original the inflexion -eiO -eie-si 
-eie-ti etc. , with -eio- and -eie- interchanging , as may 
be clearly seen in Aryan and Greek. What we see in 
Germanic may also be the same, with for the most part 
only regular changes; only we must regard such forms as 
O.H.G. 2"** sing, denis legis (P* sing, dennu 1 stretch' leggu 
'I lay* = Goth, panja lagja) as being ad-formates of heois 
ligis etc. (§ 781. 2 p. 306). In Latin, the only form directly 
representing the Idg. is the P* person singular in -eo; but 
perhaps the persons with -eie-^ which must have become -e- 
in proethnic Italic, are also preserved in mones etc. But 
monBmus monent, like claudemus claudent, must be ad- 
formates of tace-mus tacent. See on this matter § 777 p. 300. 
Lith. vartau and O.C.Sl. vrastq will be explained in the next 
few paragraphs. 

§ 789. The distinction between the io-verbs which we 
have placed in Classes XXVI — XXXI, and verbs with -^*o-, is 
that in the former the io-element was confined to the present 
from the proethnic stage onwards ; whilst in the latter the perf. 
part. pass, and the forms closely connected with it show after 
the root a certain element which seems to be etymologically 
akin to the present formative suffix. This element is -i- or -T-. 
Sanskrit and Germanic as a rule have -/-; e. g. Skr. oarti-td-s 
Goth. fra-vardi'P-s ^ and so in the Lat. motU-tu-s qu-i-tum. 

320 Present Stem : Class XXXII — Skr. vU-dya-ti. § 789. 

-»- is regular in Balto-SIavonic , as Lith. varty-ti {varty-siu) 
O.C.Sl. vrati-ti (vrati-chu). -f- is also seen in the following. 
Gr. (f)-T-Tea willow' (beside (fyi-wg 'felloe'), Lat. v-t-ti-s^ 
O.H.G. w-i-da 'willow* (beside w-i-d 'cord of twisted withes'), Lith. 
v-y-ti-s cane, switch* O.C.Sl. v-i-U res in modiim funis torta', 
which along with inf. Lith. v-y-ti O.C.Sl. v-i-ti are connected 
with Idg. *u-eio (see § 788 p. 319). Skr. gyhh-i-td-s {a-grah- 
-l-s-ta grah-i-sya-ti) beside g^bh-dya-nt- ^ hdv-i-tave beside 
hv-dya-ti^ w^d-i-kd-m 'pity, compassion' beside mfd-dya-ti. 
Lat. noc-l-vo-s is doubtless related to noceo as O.C.Sl. chodivu 
is to chodi-ti^ or Ijuhivu to Ijuhi-ti (cp. II § 64 Rem. 2 p. 136, 
and pp. 137 f.).i) 

From these facts it follows that we have in this verbal 
class what may be called a Root-Determinative -i-, parallel to 
the determinative -w- ; thus Skr. v-dya-ti: Gr. (F)-l-Tv-g 
O.H.G. w-i-d = Skr. sr-dva-ti : sr-u-td-s (see § 488 pp. 46 f.). 
The only difference is that whilst -w- was restricted to some 
few examples (compare however § 596. 2 pp. 136 f. for what is 
said on the present suffix -ww-) , the -i- was fertile even in 
proethnic Idg. itself. If this view of the -eio- class is correct, 
the class must be very closely connected with present forms 
like Skr. am-t-ti (§§ 572 if. pp. 114ff.). Skr. vdya-ti : am-i-ti 
= sr-dva-ti : tar-u-te (§ 596. 2 pp. 136 f.). 

Now are -iio- and -t- connected in any way with the 
-io-suffix of Classes XXVI — XXXI? It is an obvious con- 
jecture that there may be the same relation between -eio- and 
-io- as between -euo- and -t*o- {v-dya-ti : hdr-ya-ti = sr-dva-ti : 
hhdr-va-ti^ see § 488 p. 47), or -eno- and -no-, or between 
-eso- and -so- {-esko- and -sko-). I do not venture either to 
assert or to deny this; but seeing how uncertain the matter 
is, I think it best not to group the -^io-class with the -io- 

1) Cp. Skr. d-ml-va 'pain' beside atni-ti beside which we hare 
ATest. amai/ava- 'pain', which form Bartholomae uses to postulate an 
Arest. pros. *amayf-Ui (Stud. Idg. Spr., n 178). 

§789. Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. rec/-<fya-ff. 321 

Wft now return to the Balto-Slavonic present exemplified 
by vartau vraitq. 

The simplest explanation of the Slavonic present inflexion 
ih that -I- has come in from the infinitive stem: vrati-Si trati- 
'tu then follow vrati-ti^ a process which has an exact parallel 
in the change of *gostljq Ajeii etc. to (joitq yosti-ii by analogy 
of gosti'ti gosti'chu (§ 782.5 p. 311). 

Remark. Another explanation of the origin of this SlaTonio present 
type is possible. Sanskrit has a mid. optative e. g. vidai/'i-ta beside 
vi(idi/a-tSy injunctive dhvauay-i-t (cp. d-hrav-l-t)^ and participle veday 
'dna-s. See § 574 pp. 115 f., § 951. The indicative to vlday-i-ta would be 
*(a-)veile-ta ^ and Bartholomae conjectures that certain forms usually 
regarded as oj-optative may be this very indicative (Stud. Idg. Spr.^ 
u 127). This would make it possible to derive S'*' sing, vraii-tu from 
*\^ortei-t(i). I should give more weight to this explanation were it not 
for a very strong suspicion that these Aryan forms are due to analogy, 
and are not proethnic at all. 

The Lith. inflexion -au -yti is found in Lettic too (-m -it) 
and also in Prussian {hilla 'speaks' inf. hiUi-t billl-twei); it 
therefore is proethnic in Baltic. Its origin is a confusion of 
the old inflexion of our class with both the earlier and the 
later group of ^-denominatives, that is to say, with verbs like 
bijaU'S (§ 586 p. 127) and verbs like j^'stau (§ 782.4 p. 310). 
But why was it this confusion went so far that the a-flexion 
drove the ^io-flexion quite out of the present, but yet -a did 
not drive -J- out of the infinitive? (contrast bijau-s bijd-ti-s.) 
I explain this by supposing that Baltic once possest verbs 
like Lat. cubdre sondre^ which had the a-suffix in the present 
only. O.C.Sl. ima-mt 1 have* likewise shows d-flexion only in 
the present (inf. im^-ti). The Lith. present stems containing 
Idg. -0- in the root syllable, such as vartd- —- *uorta- 
iV^uert-)^ seem to have a parallel in Lat. doma- (domd 
domas) O.H.G. zantO- {zamOtn zamos) = Idg. *doma' from 
V^(/etw-, since this is best explained as a contamination of 
*dtiima- (Skr. datna-yd-ti) and *doitUio- (Goth, tamja O.H.G. 
temm(i)u), laiiau 1 lick' (lai^y-ti) is the equivalent of Goth. 
bi'ldigo 'I lick over'. 

Brugmann, Eleaients. IV. 2] 

322 Present Stem : Class XXXII - Skr. vSd-di/a-fi. §§ 789,790. 

The question next arises when -a- got the better of -eio-^ 
as the Baltic shews it did at some time or other. 1 am inclined 
to place the change in the proethnic period of Balto-Slavonic. 
What inflexion came just before the type actually found in 
Slavonic, vrastq vratisi and so forth, is not at all clear. It may 
very well have been one answering to the Lith., that is S""** sing. 
*vorta-ti P* pi. *vorfa-mu^ cp. ima-tu ima-mu^ and on this 
supposition it is easier to explain the actually found J-forms, 
than if we suppose the Slavonic to have passed direct from 
*vort^je-tt to *vorti-t^. But then we must also assume that 
*fjosttjq *-ijesi =^ Idg. *'i-i6 *'i'ie-si (§ 782.5 p. 811) changed 
to gostq gostisi only on the analogy of vrastq vratisi. For the 
Baltic /-denominatives like Lith. daly-jii szirdy-ju-s prove that 
these forms sprang up within the Slavonic area. 

A complete levelling of the Causal conjugation with the 
i-Denominative is not unknown in Baltic. Here the i-denomi- 
native takes the lead. I find only a few examples in Lith., 
as paisijjii -yti instead of paisau -yti 'to knock the beard off 
the barley, thresh' (cp. Skr. pesdya-ti). There are more in 
Lettic; e. g. r^/iju r^Jit 'to stretch' instead of Lith. rqzau 
rqsyti, pe'lniju pelnit *to earn' instead of Lith. pelnau pelnyti. 

§ 790. In e'io-verbs with roots of the ^-series, the root- 
syllable has and originally had generally the 2°** strong grade, 
o; as Gr. qofieco beside cpe^of-iai ., Lat. moneo from \^men-, 
Goth, satja beside sita^ Lith. vartyti O.C.Sl. vratiti for *vortUl 
from x/^^ert-. This is why Aryan has a in open syllables, as 
Skr. hharaya-ti Avest. harayeiti from y^bher-^ if the hypothesis 
set forth in vol. I § 78 p. 69 is correct. i) 

The European languages make it improbable that there 
were in the very oldest times any forms with the root-grade e. 
Aryan forms with -«-, as Skr. jardya-ti from \^ ger-^ 
jandya-ti from \^gen-^ may be explained by the admixture 

1) No explanation of a in bharaya-ti which is in the least degree 
satisfactory has hitherto been put forward by those who deny this. The 
European forms adduced as parallel by Bechtel (Die Hauptprobleme der 
idg. Lautl., 1C9 f.) prove nothing at all. Compare § 843, Rem. 

§ 790. Present Stem: CUtss XXXII - 8kr. rid-di/a-ti, 323 

with dcuuminatives derived from o-stems which will be described 
in § 793: on this supposition, jardya-ti and jandya-ti would 
belong to the nouns jdra- and jdna- just as much as mantrdya-ti 
belongs to the noun mantra-. Or they may be explained in 
another way: In Aryan, the ^*o- formation was often made 
from the connected primary verb instead of being built up on 
the root (see § 796), so that pdtdya-ti would stand to patdya-ti 
(beside pdfa-ti) as kartaya-ti to kjrntaya-ti (beside kfntd-ti). 

On the other hand, ^o- verbs with a weak grade of root 
have been found from the proethnic period onwards. They are 
commonest in Aryan, e. g. Skr. gfhhdya-ti. The following are 
proethnic Idg. : Skr. v-dya-ti 'weaves* Lith. v-eju O.C.Sl. 
v-lja v-ijq *I wind, turn, wrap', beside Gr. t-rta Lat. v-T'ti'S 
O.H.G. w-t-da Lith. v-y-ti-s v-y-ti O.C.SL v-i-tt v-i-ti 
and Gr. i-rv-c O.H.G. w-i-d (§ 789 p. 320); root without 
determinative in Skr. o-tu-m ii-td-s perf. 8"^ pi. uv-Hr pass. 
U-ya-tB^ extended by a in v-d-tave and others (Whitney, Skr. 
Roots, pp. 157 f.).^) Skr. So-dya-ti 'swells, thrives, is strong' 
beside Gr. xv-sw 1 am pregnant*, Lat. qu-eo^ with supine 
qu-i-tum (the resemblance of eo : Hum made the conjugation of 
queo run like eo — qmmus qulho etc.); the same root in Skr. 
3'** pi. kl'kuv-ur Su-nd'S d-Sv-a-t idv-as Gr. d'y.v-(}o<; av-iua 
Lat. in-ciens for *-cti-iens (§ 715 p. 248, § 717 p. 250), and 
with ^-extension in Skr. Sv-fl-trd-s Gr. El. in-fv-nTJTM and 
others (§ 737 p. 263). Skr. dhun-aya-U 'roars' (beside dhvan- 
-a-ti 'makes a sound') O.Sax. dunin Mid.H.G. dune O.Icel. dyn 
1 roar, rumble, groan*. Of the same kind are: Skr. hv-dya-ti 
'calls' Avest. zb-ay^-iti zuv-aye-iti beside Skr. hdva-te perf. 
ju-hdv-a aor. d-hv-a-t d-huv-a-t, Lat. ci-eo beside ac-cio ci-tu^ 
Gr. xt-(o xi-w-/4ai; O.H.G. 2unt(i)ti 1 kindle' with Goth, tandja 
*I kindle' beside Mid.H.G. zinden (strong verb) 'to bum, glow*. 
Uncertain: Gr. (fX-eo) 'I overflow* beside tX'<pXouv(o Lat. fl-B-re; 

1) From thi8 t*«j(- iff- t*j-, which had become a root again before 
the end of proethnic Idg., a present was again formed by means of 
Vjo-; Skr. vy-dya-ti 'winds up, wraps up, covers, hides', Lat. vi-eO. 


824 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. ved-dya-U. § 791. 

Goth, ga-nsja 'I cause' from \^nes-, originally 1 make to come 
forward'; O.C.Sl. hrijq (brtja) bri-ti 'to shear, shave' beside 
Skr. bhur-ij' Gr. (pdo-o-c^ and others. 

§ 791. In all branches of our group, the verbal class 
now being discussed has two distinct meanings, both of which 
must be regarded as holding for the original language. Each 
of them serves to contrast a verb with a simple verb from the 
same stem. 

First there is the Causal sense; the subject of the eio- 
verb sets some one in motion, impels him to do something; in 
fact, makes him do the action of the simple allied verb. 
Skr. bodhdya-ti O.C.Sl. budi-tu 'wakes up, makes wake' beside 
bodha-ti budi-tu *is awake*. Skr. tarsdya-ti 'makes languish, 
thirst* beside tfsya-ti 'languishes, thirsts', Lat. torreo 'I dry up, 
make dry, O.H.G. derr(i)u (same meaning) beside Goth. paursei-p 
mik '1 am athirst*. Gr. (^ofitM 'I make to flee, scare away* 
beside (f&^oi.iai 'I flee'. Lat. moneo 'I make some one think, 
remind' beside meminl. Goth, satja 'I make sit, I place 
(Skr. saddya-ti) beside sita 'I sit*.') 

Secondly, they express a meaning which may be called 
Intensive, Iterative, or Frequentative. This is often weak and 
elusive, and in many cases was certainly extinct at the time 
when we find the verb actually used. Skr. vi-vahayati beside 
vi'Vahati 'leads away (a bride), leads her home' x^vest. vddaye-iti 
'leads home', O.C.Sl. vozdq vodi-ti freq. of vedq 'I lead', y^uedh-. 
Gr. (J^)oxiOfiai pass. *1 am taken backwards and forwards, I am 
carried', Goth, vagja 'I move' beside ga-viga 'I move', O.C.Sl. 
vosq voziti freq. of vezq 'I carry, convey', y'^uegh-. Skr. mar- 
daya-ti beside m^dnd-ti marda-ti 'presses, crushes', Lat. mordeo 
beside perf. momordl — - Skr. mamarda. Skr. a-tanayati 
Wetches, makes stiff" beside a-tanoti 'stretches, pulls up' a piece 

1) Sometimes these verbs are causal to the Passive of the simple 

verb ; as Goth, ga-tarhja *I cause to be seen' fra-atja *I divide for food, 

cause to be eaten' O.H.G. ezzu *I cause to be grazed upon, use for 
pasture' (also 1 let eat, give a taste'). 

791,792. Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. vid-dya-ti. 325 

of weaving, Goth, -fanja *I lengthen, stretch*. Skr. p^iaya-ti 
beside pinds-pi 'treads or crushes to atoms* Lith. paisy-ti 'to 
knock (barley, in order to free it from the beard)*. O.Ir. for- 
-tugim I cover, hide', O.H.G. decch(i)u *I cover' beside Lat. 
tegd. Skr. dhdrdya-ti, beside dharati (very rare), 'holds fast, 
keeps*, n5daya-ti 'drives on' beside nudd-ti *knock8, strikes 
away, pulls', rajyq karayati and kardti 'is king, uses lordship*. 
Or. ifogfcj *I carry about with me, wear beside (psgio 1 carry*, 
Tjotso/nat 1 fly about, flutter* beside ntroficu 'I fly', oi(jo(f>s(o 
1 turn round and round excitedly' beside avgefpo} I twist, turn*, 
xgomw beside tqstko *I turn*, o/f'oj *I hold fast' beside «;r<» 
1 hold, have'. Lat. luceO (in O.Lat. also causal 'to make 
shine'), haereo^ tondeo, and others. Goth, uf-rakja 'I reach up* 
beside Gr. ogtyat 1 reach out', Goth. Prayja 1 run' beside 
Gr. TQsxM 'I run*, O.Sax. kenniu 1 beget' beside Skr. jdna-ti 
'begets*. The Intensive or Frequentative meaning is clearest 
in Balto-Slavonic : cp. further Lith. ganij-H 'to keep (animals), 
pasture them' O.C.Sl. goni-ti 'to drive* freq. of zenq gna-ti to 
drive, hunt*, x^qhen- 'strike, kill', Lith. grc^y-ti freq. of grSziii 
gr^zH 'to turn, twist, bore', O.C.Sl. vlaci-ti freq. to vUkq vl6sti 
'to pull, drag along*. 

I shall not go into the question of the relation between 
these two original uses. An attempt to explain it is made by 
Gaedicke, Der Ace. im Yeda, pp. 276 f. 

§ 792. Considering the very real and living connexion 
which existed between the ^to-present and the primary present 
stems, e. g. Skr. bodhdya-ti and bSdha-tij vdrdya-ti and vrn6-ti^ 
it is easy to understand why m-forms were often built up on 
a complete present stem, not on the root. Thus Skr. jivdya-ti 
O.C.Sl. zivi'ti beside ji-vami zi-vq (inf. zi-ti) 1 live* (§ 488 
p. 47), Skr. dhunaya-ti beside dhu-nd-ti dhU-nS-ti 'shakes, 
shatters* (cp. Gr. i^vviio § 801), kpitaya-ti with kartaya-ti 
beside kftUd-ti 'cuts', Lat. misceo beside a form *msc6 for 
*mic-sc6 v^twej^-, O.H.G. scein(i)u beside sci-nu *I shine*. 
Other examples will be given below. 

326 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. vSct-dya-ti. §§ 793,794. 

§ 793. There are often nouns which most closely resemble 
these verbs both in form and meaning. The result of this was 
that ^io-verbs were formed from nouns direct. If, for instance, 
people derived Skr. vcij-dya-ti 'hastens, conquers, spurs on, 
makes something use its power"* (= Goth, us-vakja 'I wake 
up') from vdja-s 'speed, power' — which was really inevitable, 
as there was no such parallel stem as *vaja-ti — it was easy 
to form mantrdya-te 'advises' from mdn-tra-s 'advice'. It was, 
as-has been observed in § 487 p. 43, the action of the same 
principle which produced in Gothic fullnan from f tills 'full' by 
analogy of af-lifnan duknan^ in Lithuanian llnksmin-ti from 
linksma-s *glad' by analogy of kriwin-ti kupin-ti, rentu from 
reta-s 'thin' following tenkii tekti^ gelstu gelsti from geita-s 
'yellow' following virstu vifsti mirsztu mirszti (§ 623 p. 160, 
§ 624 p. 161, § 635 p. 173, § 686 p. 217). Compare further 
Skr. mm-nd-ti 'steals* from mUs- a mouse' § 599 Rem. p. 143. 

These ^io-denominatives are commonest in Germanic and 
Balto-Slavonic , and one or two of these new formations occur 
in both branches : Goth, fulljan O.C.Sl. pluni-fi 'to fill' from 
fulls plunii 'full' {*pl-7io-s)f Goth, hdiljan O.C.Sl. celi-ti 'to heal' 
from hdil-s cSlu 'whole, healthy'. Bat it is quite possible that 
these two developements are independent. 

§ 794. Pr. Idg. Examples with monosyllabic root, as 
Skr. V'd/ya-ti Lith. v-eju O.C.Sl. v-ijq^ Skr. kv-dya-ti Lat. qu-ed, 
have already been cited in § 790 p. 323. 

As regards the following examples, which shew a strong 
grade of root, it is to be remembered that this formation was 
always an active living type in Aryan, Germanic, and Balto- 
Slavonic; so that it is not unlikely that all these languages 
hit upon the particular forms independently. I therefore give 
by preference such examples as are found in Greek or Italic 
as well, where the type was less prolific. 

*bhor-eid \^bher-: Skr. sam-bhclraya-ti 'causes to be 
gathered', Gr. (poosio 'I carry about, wear*. Hor-eio y^ter-'. 
Skr. tardya-ti *gets carried over, transports, furthers', Gr. TO()S(i} 

$794. Present Stem: C\mb XXXII — Skr. vhi-dyn-ti, -Vll 

I make to pierce, shout loudly*. *uol-ii6 s^^el*: Skr, pr<P' 
'varaya-ti appeases, offers, offers for sale*, CJoth. valja *l choose', 
O.r.Sl. voli-ti *to wish, to prefer*. ^mon-Sid x^men-: Skr. 
mdndf/a-ti 'honours, shows honour* ') Avest. manaye^iti 'causes 
to Ix'liovo, re'jards* (for a cp. I i{ 200 pp. H>8 f.), Lat. maned 
(O.II.G. manSm inandm *I imagine' with different inflexion), 
Tiith. isz-m(iny'ti 'to understand'. *ton-^i(i y^ ten- : Skr. 
a-tanaya-ti 'stretches, stiffens' sq-tdnaya-ti 'gets carried out, 
brings to conclusion', CJoth. uf-panja *1 stretch, lengthen out*. 
*qiou-ild x^qieu- (lloni. b-aaivs): Skr. cyavdya-ti 'sets in motion, 
moves from its place*, (ir. (Tn(f)fio in f^fTdnTjusvov Tfifopv(i7juf'voi\, 
uwiirj^iivov Ilosych. (I j^ 48i) p. 860).-) *poi-Sid x^pei- (Skr. 
pdy-a-te): Skr. paydya-tS 'gives to drink*, O.C.Sl. pq;i-ti to give 
to drink' (!•* sing. pojq). *fors-H6 \/^ter8- 'to be dry, thirsty*: 
Skr. tarmya-ti 'makes to thirst or pine*, Lat. torred^ O.H.G. 
derr(i)u (pr. ( lerm. *parzi(i)d) '1 make dry , cause to wither'. 
*mord-Si5 \^merd-: Skr. mardaya-ti 'presses, oppresses, crushes*, 
Lat. morded. ^uort-eio \/^uert-: Skr. vartaya-ti 'sets circling, 
rolls, causes to take a certain bent or direction', (roth, fra- 
'Cardja '1 bring to nought, destroy, make away with', Lith. 
varUj'ti O.C.Sl. vrati-ti freq. 'to turn, twist*. *kroth'eid 
\^h'etk-: Skr. Srathaya-ti (Srathdya-ti) loosens, frees', O.H.G. 
rett(l)u (Goth. *hrad;a) 'I tear away, rescue'. *hhIog-Sid 
X^bhleg-: Skr. bhrajaya-ti 'causes to gleam or shine',^) 
O.ILG. blecch(i)u (Goth. *hlakja) 'I make visible, show*. 
*loQh-^i(i \riegfi-: Goth, lagja 'I lay*, O.C.Sl. lozi-ti 'to lay'. 
*month'Sio y/^menth-: Skr. tnanthaya-ti 'causes to be stirred 

1) The meaning of this verb was influenced by the subst. tndita-s 
mdna-m 'opinion, high opinion, esteem, honour', in the same way as 
H.G. hlenden (O.H.G. hlenten *to daze, darken, blind* -^ O.C.Sl. bladiti 
•to wander' Mod.Slov. bluditi 'lead astray, deceive*) by the adj. blind^ whose 
factitive the verb is now used for, though originally the factitive wa« 
Goth, -hlindjan A.S. blindau. Compare § 681 p. 213 on Skr. iS^a-te, 

2) Parallel verb aoov^ai = aooo/um^ a denominative, see W. Schulze 
in Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 264 f. 

3) This may also be formed from the pres. bhrdja-ti = Idg. *bhlig(' 
'tai (§ 494 p. 55), by analogy. 

328 Present Stem : Class XXXII — Skr. ved-dya-ti. § 794. 

up', O.C.Sl. mati-ti *to bring into perplexity'. Hxmg-eio 
y/^tefdg-: Lat. tonged, Goth, pagkja *I think over, think 
about', but cp. § 804. *nok-eio y/^nek-: Skr. ncisdya4i 'causes 
to disappear, destroys', Lat. noceo.^) *louq-eid \/^Ieuq-: Skr. 
rocdya-ti ^causes to shine, lights up*, Lat. luc-eo *I shine, am 
bright' and O.Lat. 'I make shine'. *loubh-ei6 \/^leubh-: Skr. 
Idbhdya-ti 'excites some one's desire, attracts* Goth, us-ldubja 
*I allow', O.C.Sl. Ijuhi-ti *to love*. ^goi^s-eio y^geus-: Skr. 
josdya-fe 'likes, takes pleasure in, approves*, Goth, kdiisja 
*I taste, try*. *suop-eid \^suep-: Skr. svoipdya-ti 'sends to 
sleep', O.H.G. int-swehh{i)u *I send to sleep O.Icel. svef 
'I pacify, quiet*. ^uogh-eid \^uegh-: Skr. vOhaya-ti 'conveys, 
makes (a carriage or horses) go, drives*, Gr. o/ko '1 convey, 
make ride* pass. *I am carried about, am carried, I ride on*, 
Goth, ga-vagja 'I move*, O.C.Sl. vozi-fi 'to carry (in a vehicle), 
vehere*. *iioid-Sid \/^iieid~: Skr. vedaya-te 'gives to know, 
informs*, O.H.G. weiz{i)u T give to know, I show'. *bhoid-eid 
y/^hheid-: Skr. bhedaya-ti 'splits, divides', O.H.G. beiz(i)u 
*I make to bite , I bait*. *pot-eid y^ pet- : Skr. patdya-ti 
'makes to fly or fall', Gr. nortojuat '1 fly, flutter*. *dkoQh-eid 
y/^dheqh-: Skr. dahaya-ti 'causes to be burnt', Lat. fovea 
'I warm, keep warm, cherish, take care of'.^) *bhoQ-eid \/^bheg-: 
Skr. bhdjdya-ti 'drives away*,^) Gr. (po^sai *I make to flee, scare 
or hunt away*. Hjoq-eid \/^tjeg-: Skr. tyajaya-ti 'bids leave 
alone*, Gr. (/o/^tw 'I drive off quickly, scare away*. ^sod-eid 
y^sed-: Skr. sdddya-ti 'gets seated, sits*, Jr. ad-suidim 
'I prolong, postpone* (Thurneysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 97), 
Goth, satja '1 seat, place'. *od-eid \^ed-: Skr. adaya-ti 'causes 
to eat, feeds, fattens*, Goth, fra-atja 'I divide up for a meal' 
O.H.G. ezz(i)u 'to make eat, give to eat, feed*. *pak-ei6 

1) The construction nocere alicui is doubtless due to the analogy of 
obesse officere etc. 

2) Compare fomet- 'kindling, tinder' (for *forimes) with Lett, dagli-s 

3) Skr. bhaj- is contaminated of two distinct roots, that of (payflv 
(Fick, Wtb. I* 87) and that of (pe(ioum Lith. hegu {id. ib. 490). 

§ 794. Present Stem: CIms XXXII ~ 8kr. vid-dyn-ti. 329 

S^palc-: Skr. pa^dya-ti 'binds', O.II.O. fuog(i)u O.Sax. fO<riu 
'I make fit, joiu, bind together*. Skr. hrddaya-ti cau80H to 
niako a Hound* (hrada-t?. Vmnda*), O.II.O. gruoz(i)u O.Sax. 
grOtiu '1 address, speak to*; if another, (loth. grSta 'I wail 
out*, is of this kin, then we must assume Idg. *§hrlkiiiO. 
Goth. af'daui'Ps 'exhausted' pres. *diJja for *ddui6 in the first 
instance (I § 179 p. 156), O.C.Sl. davi-ti *to strangle. — 

In the following, -Sid was not added immediately to the 
root; see § 792 p. 325. 

^tona-SiO from the stem ten'S-: Skr. tqsaija-ti 'pulls 
about, tugs, tears, shakes*, Lith. t(\8y-ti *to drag about'; 
op. Skr. tasa-ti Lith. t^s-iu § 657 p. 191. *U0S'Si6 from stem 
U-eS' : Skr. vCLsdya-ti 'causes to put on, clothes with something*, 
Goth, ga-vasja O.H.G. nerin 'I clothe'; cp. Skr. v-ds-te 
Gr. im-ta-riu § 656 p. 191. 

*rddh'Sid stem re-dh- : Skr. rddhaya-ti 'brings about', no raidiu 'I speak', Goth. rQdja *I speak*, O.C.Sl. 
radi-ti 'to consider, care for*; cp. Skr. drOdhO't Goth. 
ur-reda § 689 p. 220. *ioudh-Si6 *iudh-eid stem ie^dh- 
'to stir, set in motion*: Skr. yodhdya-ti 'involves some 
one in war, fights against', Lat. juheQ properly *I set in 
motion' (cp. Lith. judinu 'I move, cheer up, exhort') ; cp. Skr. 
y6dha-ti etc., loc. cif. ; the O.Lat. joubed is only once found 
(S. C. de Bacch., 27), and ou was perhaps only caused by 
the spelling ofjousiset which precedes, i) 

Goth, stoja 'I direct' for *st(>iiid (I § 179 p. 156), O.C.Sl. 
stavljq '1 place, stay, stem' with Goth, stmw 'court of law' 
(see ibid.) O.C.Sl. stam 'compages' postavu 'loom-frame, or 
web* stava joint, limb* Lith. s^oca 'place' from y^s/fi- 'stand'; 
to argue from Gr. axmo arv-ko-i^' Skr. sthu'ld-s, we had best 
assume stu- stdu- (cp. § 488 pp. 44 ff.). 

The causal Skr. jtvdya-ti 'makes living, lets live' O.C.Sl. 
zivlja 'I make alive' is probably derived from the present 

1 ) If joubeo is a g^enuine form , it may be a variant of jubtO like 
Skr. ^dyo'ti beeide tucdya-ti. 

330 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. ved-aya-ti. §§ 794,795. 

jf-va-ti si-ve-tu 'lives* (§ 792 p. 325) , whilst Goth, ga-qiuja 
*I make alive' is a denominative causal from qiu-s 'living* 
(§ 793 p. 326, § 806). 

§ 795. Aryan. A pass. part, in -i-td- formed from all 
verbs with strong grade of root syllable; see § 789 pp. 319 f. 

Skr. dhardya-ti Avest. daraye-iti 'holds fast, carries, 
supports, strengthens, preserves*, O.Pers. daraycinny 'I hold, 
possess', y/^dher-. Skr. Ddrdya-ti Avest. vcLraye-iti 'holds back, 
keeps off, hinders': Goth, varja 'I hinder, protect, defend', 
y/^uer-. Skr. noLmaya-ti namaya-ti Avest. ncimaye-iti 'makes 
bend, bends' (tr.), y^wew-. Skr. SrcLvdya-ti Sravdya-ti 
Avest. sravay^-iti 'causes to hear, recites, informs', s/^Meu-. 
Skr. cCLyaya-ti cayaya-ti "ranges together, collects*, V^ qei-. 
Skr. nayaya-ti 'causes to be carried away*. Skr. vardhdya-ti 
Avest. mrdaye-Ui 'causes to grow, increases, furthers*. Skr. 
hatidhaya-ti 'causes to be bound, chains', Avest. bandaye-iti 
'binds', \^bhendh-. Skr. rahdya-ti Avest. renjay^-iti 'expedites, 
despatches*, [/^ le^dqh- (I § 199 p. 167). Skr. jambhdya-ti 
Avest. zembay^'iti 'grinds to powder, destroys*, \/' gembh-. 
Skr. rocdya-ti 'causes to shine, illuminates', Avest. raocaye-iti 
'lights up, illuminates*: Lat. luceo^ see § 794 p. 328. 
Skr. recaya-ti 'makes empty, lets free, deserts', Avest. raecaye- 
-iti Vleserts*, \^ leiq-. Skr. sdddya-ti 'places*, Avest. ni-scidaye- 
"iti 'causes to sit down, brings under, subdues' O.Pers. niy- 
-asadaya-m *1 made sit down, arranged' (for s in the O.Pers. 
cp. I § 556 p. 410): Goth, satja, § 794 p. 328. Skr. bhayaya- 
-ti 'causes fear to, frightens*, \^bhai-. 

Many Skr. forms are proved by their root syllable to be 
re-formates. E. g. arjaya-ti (as also drja-ti and suchlike), 
from y/reg- 'to stretch oneself (rdjistha-s , Gr. o^syo)), is 
a transformate of fjya-ti following ardhdya-ti : ^dhya-te 
fdhno-ti etc. tolaya-ti 'lifts, weighs* formed from tul- 
{tulaya-ti etc.) --- Idg. til- (I § 287 p. 229, § 290 p. 232), 
follows bodhdya-ti : budh- and the like. 

Forms with weak grade of root. Skr. v-dya-ti 'weaves': 
Lith. t'-e;w, see § 790 p. 323. sv-dya-ti 'swells, thrives, is 

§§795,796. Present Stem: CUim XXXU - Skr. nd-dya-ti, 331 

8tron«?': Gr. nvem Lat. qu-edf see ibid. Skr. hv^ya-ti Avest. 
zh-ay^'iti zuv-ay^-iti 'calls*. Skr. dhun-aya-te Voars*: O.Sax. 
duniu, see i6irf. tuUaya-ti beside toUaya-ti^ see just above. 
gfhh'dya-ti 'grasps*. Suc'dya-ti 'shines, beams*. pfd-aya-ti 
'presses' for *pi-zd-eie'ti ('makes sit down*) from [/'sed-j see 
I S 591 p. 447. Avest. urupay^-iti 'does harm*. Add doubtless 
Skr. chad-dya-ti beside chandaya-ti from the pres. rhant-ti 

§ 706. Many new forms from Primary Present Stems 
(see § 792 p. 325): 

Skr. irdya-ti 'sets a-going, excites, arouses* beside Ir-te 
Idg. *f'ta'k^ pUrdya-ti 'fills' beside pur-dhi Idg. *pl-dhi^ Class I 
§ 497 p. 57. 

A group of fairly common forms, such as Skr. patdya-ti 
Avest. patay^-iti beside Skr. patdya-ti^ have been derived from 
forms of Class II A^ as has been already said (§ 790 pp. 322 f.). 
The following may be connected with stems of Class 11 B: 
Skr. yuhaya-ti Avest. yuzaye-iti (but not O.Pers. gaudayahy 
2°** sing, conj.), cp. Skr. gUha-ti 'hides* Avest. mid. guza-te\ 
Skr. turdya-ti^) (beside tardya-ti)^ cp. turd-ti 'gets through, 
makes oneself master of. But this view is not the only one 
possible, since the ^o-verbs themselves could have a weak 
grade of root syllable (§ 790 p. 323, § 795 p. 330). 

Avest. titCLraye-iti 'seeks to overcome, or strike down' 
beside Skr. ti-tar-ti Avest. ti-tar-a-^ Classes III, IV, § 540 
p. 100, § 548 p. 105. 

Skr. sajjaya-ti 'fastens on* beside sajja-te for ^sa-zj-O' 
Class VI § 562 p. 110. 

(Causal of the Intensive class. Skr. dadharaya-ti 'causes 
to hold fast* from da-dhar-ti, jagardya-ti 'awakes, enlivens' 
from fa-gar-ti^ Class V § 560 p. 109. Skr. dandaSayi-tca 
gerund 'having caused to be severely bitten* beside ddn-daS- 
'dna-s partic. , from dc^S- 'to bite', varlvar/dya-nt- 'turning 

1) O.Pers. atarayama may be the same formation (I § 290 p. 232). 

332 Present Stem : Class XXXII — Skr. ved-dya-ti. § 796. 

backwards and forwards* beside vdrl-tjj-at' partic, from varj- 
*to turn, twist* Class YII § 568 p. 113. 

Skr. prmaya-ti gladdens, delights, makes inclined* from 
prl-nd'ti^ dhunaya-ti 'moves to and fro, shakes' from dhu-ncL-ti^ 
Class XII § 599 pp. 142 f. ; dhunaya-ti is perhaps identical 
with Gr. dvvsM, § 801. 

Skr. isanaya-nta from isana-t Class XIV, and isanyd-ti 
Class XIX (^ 619 pp. 156 f., § 743 p. 266), cp. Gr. oXiyo'dgavsm 
beside Squi/vio § 801. 

From Present Stems of Classes XV and XVI, §§ 625 ff. 
pp. 162 ff. Skr. k^ntaya'ti (beside kartaya-ti) Avest. ker^ntay^- 
-iti 'cuts, splits* from Skr. kpitd-ti Avest. ker^nta-iti. Skr. 
rundhaya-ti 'stems, holds back, torments* (beside rodhaya-ti) 
from runaddhi rundh-a-ti. Skr. Sundhaya-ti 'cleanses* (beside 
Rodhaya-ti) from Sunaddhi hindh-a-ti. Skr. limpaya-ti 'besmears, 
anoints' (beside iMpaya-ti) from limp-d-ti. Skr. hfhaya-ti 
'strengthens' (beside harhaya-ti) from b^-h-a-ti. Skr. dfhaya-ti 
makes fast, fixes firmly* from dfh-a-ti, Avest. hunjaye-iti 
'cleanses* from bunj-a-iti. 

O.Pers. 3""** pi. a-ku-nav-ayatci 'they made* beside a-ku- 
-nav-am 3'** sing, a-k/a-nav-a^ Classes XVII and XVIII, § 640 
p. 178, § 649 p. 185. 

Skr. pinvaya-ti 'makes swell or abound* from pi-nva-ti^ 
Class XVm § 651 p. 186. 

From unreduplicated Presents, Classes XIX and XX, § 656 
pp. 190 f. Skr. vasdya-ti tqsaya-ti, see § 794 p. 329. Skr. 
vaksaya-ti uksaya-ti Avest. vaxsaye-iti 'makes grow' from Skr. 
uk-sa-ti Avest. vax-sa-iti. Skr. bhtsdya-te 'frightens, overawes' 
(beside bhayaya-tt) from bhy-dsa-ti § 659 p. 195. Avest. aiwy- 
-axsayeinti 'they inspected* beside O.Pers. patiy-axsaiy 'I in- 
spect* § 659 p. 194. 

From reduplicated s-Presents (Desideratives) , Class XXI 
§§ 666 f. pp. 198 ff. Skr. ciklrsaya-ti from ci-Jar-sa-ti 'wishes 
to make, begins, purposes*, Siksaya-ti from iiksa-te 'learns' for 

prachaya-ti (gramm.) from pfchd-ti 'asks* ground-form 

§§ 796 J97. Present Stem: CIms XXXU - 8kr. vid-difa-tf. 883 

*pjf{k)'ske-ti , ichaya-ti (beside Sfaya-ti) from ichd-ti 'desires*, 
Class XXII §§ 670 f. pp. 202 f. 

mfddya-ti 'is j^acious' from mfdti-ti tor ^mfz-da-ti 
Class XXV § 692 p. 222. 

chayaya-H from cha-ya-ti 'cuts up', Class XXVI § 707 
p. 287. pyaydya-ti from pydrya-tB 'swells', Class XXVIII § 736 
p. 202. 

j5 797. Near kin to the eio-forms cited in the preceding 
paragrafihs, are the Skr. groups ending in -payati and -apayati, 
as stho-payati and sn-apdya-ti. 

In these endings, as in glei-p- and lei-p- (§ 634 pp. 170f.), 
-p- must be counted one of the Root-Determinatives which have 
been discussed in § 488 pp. 44 ff.^) In principle, these do 
not differ from ordinary present suffixes. 

(1) 'payati. The following may be considered as the forms 
which originated this type in Sanskrit. sthCLpaya-ti causal of 
fi-stk-a-ti 'stands', cp. Lith. stapy-ti-s 'to stand still* O.H.G. stab 
'staff' stabem *1 get stiff*, l^ sta- std-. ddpaya-te causal of 
dd-ti d-yd-ti 'divides, gives a share', cp. Gr. ddn-xu) 'I divide 
up, tear in pieces* dan-avrj 'expenditure' Lat. daps^ V^da- da-, 
dtpdya-ti causal of d-dl-de-t 'shone' imper. di-dl-hi^ cp. dtp- 
-ya-te perf. didlpe part, dlp-ta-s. On the analogy of such as 
these arose forms like dhd-paya-ti from dho- 'to set, place*, 
ma-pdya-ti from snCL- 'to wash', kse-paya-ti (beside ksay-dya-ti) 
from ksi- 'to stay, dwell*, ar-pdya-ti from ar- 'to raise oneself. 

Then again smdpaya-ti beside smCLy-aya-ti from smi- 'to 
smile*, mdpaya-ti instead of *may-aya-ti from mi- 'minuere*, 
adhy-apaya-ti beside praty-ayaya-ti from i- 'to go'. There 
were two causes for this set of forms. Firstly, the participles 
came in contact, snii-ta-s smi-tvd seeming to be parallel with 
e. g. sthi'td-s sthi-tvd] secondly, pay-dya-ti 'gives to drink* 

1) Compare now Per Persson's Wurzelerweiterung pp. 49 ff. In 
this work p is taken to be a root determinative in many words where we 
have regarded it as part of the root proper, as in Skr. sdrpa-ti Lat. serpO^ 
which the writer derives from the root of Skr. sdr-a-d 'moves, flows*. 

334 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr.i?ef/-aya-^/. §§797,798. 

(beside pt-td- pdy-a-te) was compared with pa-paya-ti 'gives to 
drink* (from pd-ti) , and gay-aya-ti 'makes sing' (beside gt-td- 
-ge-sna-) compared with ga-paya-ti makes sing (beside gd-ti 
ga-sya-ti). Then a further step was taken, and the resemblance 
of sthi-td-s to vardhi'td-s dlksi-td-s produced vardhcipaya-ti 
from vardhdya-ti helps, arouses, causes a pleasant excitement*, 
dlkscL-paya-ti from diksaya-ti 'consecrates'; and again we have 
have on the analogy of these hhunjapaya-ti from hhojaya-ti 
'gives to eat* (pres. bhundk-ti), and others. 

(2) gl-apaya-ti 'brings to decay, ruins, exhausts' (beside 
gla-pdya-ti gla-ti gld-ya-ti) beside opt. glape-t (Whitney, 
Skr. Roots p. 41), Gr. pX-snoj 1 look, see* (cp. ^oKhv o/uf-iara 
or fiaas sii; ti or n^og T/)J) i^ gel-, sn-ajmya-ti Vashes, bathes' 
(beside sna-pdya-ti snd-ti sna-ya-te) compared with Lat. Nep- 
-tunu-s. Sr-apdya-ti 'boils, roasts, burns* (beside Srd-ya-ti 
Sra-td-s) is connected with su-Srdpa-s 'easy to cook' ; jfl-apaya- 
'ti 'instructs* (beside jncL-paya-ti jfiCL-sya-ti) beside jftaj^-td-s 
'instructed* jnap-ti-s 'attainment of knowledge*. ml-apaya-ti 
beside mld-pdya-ti 'makes languid, takes away the elasticity*. 

Remark. Other forms with -ep- are: Gr. xX-en-Toj Lat. cl-epo 
Goth, hl-ifa *I steal* beside O.Ir. celwi O.H.G. hike *I hide'; Gr. S(t-sn(a 
*I break off, cut oflF, pluck* S^snavo-v 'sickle* beside Stq-M 'I flay'; Lat. 
tr-ep-idu-s^ O.C.Sl. tr-epe-tii *to tremble' beside Skr. tar-ald-s 'trembling*. 
Compare the Author, Morph. Unt. i 40, 48, 49; Per Persson, Wurzelerw. 
50 ff. 

§ 798. A Denominative ^io-formation like Skr. mantrdya- 
-te (§ 793 p. 326) can only be definitely maintained for Sanskrit ; 
we know nothing of the Old Iranian accent, and therefore 
cannot say whetlier Avest. frayraraye-iti Vakes up* would 
answer to a Skr. *grardya-ti or *grarayd-ti. Other examples 
from Sanskrit are: ftdya-nt- 'behaving in due form and order' 
from ^4d-m 'order, rite*, arthdya-te 'allows oneself to be 
persuaded* from dr-tha-m 'goal, business*; paldya-ti 'watches, 
protects' from poL-ld-s 'guardian' is used in Sanskrit as causal 

1) ^Xf'ipaoov seems to be a transformate of y^^'7>"Qov , which comes 
from another root, on the analogy of /Slenw. 

i§ 798-801. Present Stem; CUss XXXII - Skr. Hd-AjfaAi. 335 

of pd-ti^ and r/hataya-fi 'causes to be killed, kills' (nor. 
a-jl(fhat(t-t) from ghd-ta-s 'blow, killing* as cjiusal of hin-tu 

It may be mentioned that when a root-final A:-sound is 
not changed to c before -wya-, this proves the form to be 
denominative; for we have seen in vol. I § 445 p. 331 that a 
it-sound must become v before -e/o- in proethnic Aryan, as it 
does in rdcdya-ti. We know therefore that mfgdya-U sets on 
the trail of a quarry' is derived from m^gd-s 'wild animal, game*, 
tarkdya-ti 'conjectures' from tarkn-s 'guess', and so with others. 

§ 799. In Sanskrit, the present in -dya-ti served as the 
foundation for a desiderative formation in -ayi^a-ti, as lu- 
'Idbhayiia-ti from Idbhdya-ti. 

The passive is formed with -yd-te, -aya- being dropt; 
e. g. hhcLj-yd-te from hhnjaya-ti. How this passive originated 
is not at all clear. It may be supposed that it had no special 
connexion properly with the ^io-present, any more than had 
the aorist of Class IV (§ 548 p. 105). 

§ 800. Armenian. There are no clear traces of this 
^'o-group, which appears to have been absorbed into the class 
of verbs ending with -em. For instance, lize^n *l lick' may 
answer equally well to Skr. lehdya-ti or to Gr. Xei/w. Compare 
§ 774* p. 293, on gorcem etc. 

§ 801. Greek. Here this ^io-class ran into one group 
with the denominative present in -e-io, such as (pikew from 
(piXo-c. Hence arose (fopfjoM icpoprjoa etc., following cptXtjmo 
i(fiX7j(ja (§ 773 p. 290). Hence again, in the present itself, 
Lesb. nod-fjo) like ddixijsi (§ 775 p. 293), and (pooTjjLu like ff>iXr]iit 
(§ 589 p. 131). 

I arrange the forms about to be cited according as they 
had one or other of the two original functions of this class 
(§ 791 p. 324). 

Causal (or Factitive). togew^ (f)oxffo, (fo^no, anftdfo, see 
8 794 pp. 326 ff. 

Intensive (or Iterative), (pogno^ aono {^aao/j/Luvov Hesych.), 
TtoTfottaiy see ibid, n/Jw *I hold fast, hold out, hold' for ^aox^M 

336 Present Stem : Class XXXII — Skr. ved-dya-ti. § 801. 

beside f^w : Skr. ut-scihaya-ti *helps some one to endure, 
strengthens , gives heart'. nod^so) 'I desire' beside d^saasa&ai 
Avest. jaidy^-iti \/^ ghedh- (§ 706 p, 234): O.Ir. no guidiu 
'I pray' first for *godiu. orgocpsro 1 turn round and round' 
beside argscpco. rgonew '1 turn, twist* beside rgtrnx). Qorpeu) 
1 swallow* beside Lith. sreh-iu x/^srebh-; Lat. sorbed seems to 
be an e'io-form with weak grade of root, like jubed Skr. g^bhdya- 
-ti^ and others (§ 790 p. 323). fiQo^sw 1 hum, buzz' beside 
fipsuw. OAonsw 'I watch, look at, ponder' beside oxsnvoum. 
So perhaps op/so/aat *I hop, spring, jump, tremble, quake beside 
ep/ofiai *I go'; in that case the word will be akin to Skr. ^ghayd- 
-ti quakes, throbs'. M&sot '1 push': cp. Skr. vadhaya-ti 'strikes 
down* Avest. vddaye~iti 'knocks back'; (oS^sw will be equivalent 
to Skr. badkaya-ti 'subdues*, if in this word b is for v- (cp. p. 225 
footnote 1). 

Looking at these verbs in -tw from the Greek point of 
view only, it must be admitted that they mostly look like 
derivatives from substantives; cp. (pogito (poQo-g^ no&iw noi^o-g, 
oTpocpsb) argofpfj and so forth. However, it can hardly be 
doubted that they had their origin rather in this ^io-class, 
in as much as the earliest verbs of the kind ended in -Sio. 
After the Greek verb had lost the original Idg. accent 
(cp. § 527 with the Rem., p. 89), present stems in -eid and 
denominatives in -e-io were bound to run together. 

However , another possibility must not be forgotten : to 
wit, that before the time in question some few denominative 
causals, of the type of Skr. mantrdya-ti (§ 793 p. 326, § 798 
pp. 334 f.) may have been formed. 

-fcu is not uncommon after present formative suffixes 
(cp. § 792 p. 325). So far as one can see, the new verb 
meant much the same as the old unextended verb. 

slXkui *I press' beside tiho for ^feX-vfx) (§ 611 p. 150). 
Ion. inscr. conj. iiovXeMPutt beside ^ovko/nai *1 wish' for ^^oX-vo- 
(§ 611 p. 150). mv'Vfut '1 fair beside th't-vco^ whose preterite 
sTTiTvov became aorist by contrast with tutvsw (see Curtius, 
Verb 2 I 268, ii 12); t in the root syllable instead of * (\^pet-) 

§ 801. Present Stem : CImb XXXII - Skr. teii-dya-iu 337 

ji8 in tUp-nj'fti etc., § 602 p. 144. da/n^fi * dafia^n (He«ych.) 
beside ddin'yTj'fu. ixvioftat 'I arrive* beside Uom. ixdvui for 
*ix-«f/w § 652 p. 187. oix'vito 1 go, go away, I am off'. 
C'ret. dy-v^u} *I lead, bring. 

ohyo'dfjavio) 'I am faint, weak' beside dyaivM (§ 621 
p. 159) like Skr. is-an-aya-nta beside ii-an-yd-ti (§ 796 
p. 332). 

With Skr. pi-nv-aya-ti § 796 p. 332 may be compared 
the following, aylvfto^ beside ayivm 'I lead, bring' for ^ayi-vfto, 
tlivft^ beside fCivs-v for *zqi-ny^O. See § 652 p. 187. Perhaps 
also yivt(xj 'I eddy' beside divm^ and &vv(o} *I move wildly, 
storm' beside ifvvw, see he. cit.; but still these may be 
denominatives, derived later from Mvo-i^' and .^tTvo-^-; dvvHo 
moreover may be identified with Skr. dhu-n-aya-ti (§ 796 
p. 332). We are still quite in the dark whether -n\i-ii6 or 
-n^eiO {-ne-i6) is to be assumed for xf^fw 'I move from its 
place' beside Hi-vvtiat^ ^vvho *I stop up' beside (ivvut and fiva) 
fut. ^vau) ^ ^iviio 'coeo' beside Skr. Jund^ti overpowers, 
oppresses* partic. jl-td-s. 

TTtxTfco beside 7je>it(o 1 comb*, § 680 p. 212. 

yrjdeui beside yijitof^iai *I am glad* seems to fall here along 
with Lat. gauded for *gavided^ § 694 p. 223. uivv&eo) (Hippocr.) 
beside (.aw'-^b) 'minuo*. 

uvtUo (Hippocr.) beside f.iv'C(o *I suck*. /(>^f'o.Mat (Chalc. 
Xgrjfiad^w Boeot. x(^^'f'^^^) ^^^ Gort. Xtjuo (for *X7jb(o) beside 
X(}rjoincu *XtJ(o perhaps like Skr. pyay-dya-ti beside pyd-ya-tB 
Wells', see § 737 p. 263. 

These forms in -eio are also found in association with 
present stems which have no special characteristic, as tkxso» 
beside i-Xxti) *I pull*. 

Now comes the question — are all these forms with -fo> 
to be brought into close connexion with the Idg. -Sid, and did 
they originally have an Intensive or Frequentative meaning? 
We saw in § 578 p. 119, § 756.4 p. 275, that from the very 
earliest period non-present forms with an ^-suffix occur side 
by side with present forms which have no ^-suffix; as fnXrjatt 

Bra^mann, Elements. JY. 82 

338 Present Stem: Class XXXII - Skr. vSd-dya-ti. §§ 801,80-. 

i/LiiXr^ai: U8uel7]>c8 beside /lisXsi^ rvntrjaco beside rvnru). It is 
therefore possible, that at first the only forms used were, say, 
€X/ro &X7trj(jco^ tts/.tw Tis'/.Trjaa)^ and that it was only their ^-forms 
which brought these stems in contact with the frf)-clas8, and 
produced hXxsto ttsxtsw. 

§ 802. Italic. On the Latin present inflexion see § 788 
pp. 318 f. The part. pass, ends sometimes in -i-tus, see 
§ 789 p. 319. 

We have already mentioned moneo^ torred, mordeo, tonged^ 
noceOj luceo^ foved, and jubed joubed^ see § 794 pp. 326 ff. 

Besides these there are but few words which can with any 
certainty be called eio-formations. spondeo^ beside Gr. anevSm 
1 pour a libation, offer it', mid. *I make a solemn compact'. 
doceo^ beside disco for *di-tc-sco (§ 678 p. 210), perhaps from 
the same root as decet, and identical with Gr. Soxsco (cp. Fick, 
Wtb. 1^ 66, 452). t^oveOj although there are doubts as to its 
origin (cp. I § 428 c p. 316; Fick, Wtb. P 408; Osthoff, 
Morph. Unt. v 82). tondeo^ beside Gr. r/nVw *I bite* for 
*TSf.i-6ft) (§ 695 p. 224). haereo: Goth, us-gdisja 'I frighten* 
properly *I make stiff, or congeal*. Umbrian has tursitii tusetu 
*terreto' tursiandu 'terreantur* from a pres. HorsHo, beside 
Lat. terreo Gr. srepofv ' ttfo^rjnsv (Hesych.), all from \/^ter-s-^ 
see § 657 p. 192. 

The root syllable has a weak grade in: Lat. qu-eo^ identical 
with Skr. Sv-dya-ti^ ci-ed, see § 790 p. 323 ; sorheo beside 
Gr. QOffSM^ see § 801 p. 336; jubed^ parallel stem joubed once 
found, see § 794 p. 329. 

We should also add, it seems, the following: misced^ see 
§ 792 p. 325; auged, cp. Lith. dugu 1 grow*; suaded *I make 
a thing acceptable to some one*, cp. Gr. rj^ouai § 690 p. 221. 

Remark. It is hardly possible to prove that the f'to-formation 
became denominative in Latin as it did in Germanic and Balto-Slavonic, 
dcnseo 'I make thick' beside densN-s is certainly not to be explained like 
Goth, fulljan beside full-s^ and other such; tempting though it be to draw 
this parallel. See § 777 Rem. p. 301. 

s§ 803,804. Present Stem : Class XXXII - Skr. vid-dya-ti. 339 

§ 803. Keltic. Only a few examples which are anything 
like certain. 

Wo huve already cited the following: for-tugim 
'\ cover over': O.H.G. decch(i)u *I cover', y/^teq- jj 791 p. :i25; 
ad-suidim 'I prolong, postpone': Goth, satja 1 place', x^sed- 
§ 794 p. 328; no raidiu 1 speak, say*: Goth, riklja (same 
meaning), ibid.: no guidiu I pray*: Gr. no^eo) *l desire, crave 
for', \^qhedh', ^ 801 p. 837. Further examples: do-luigitn *l let 
off, forgive' perhaps connected with legaim 'I fail, perish, go 
to pieces' (Thurneysen, Rev. Celt, vi 316). luadim im-luadim 
*I set in motion* beside do-lod 1 went*. no-Tn-moidim 'I boast, 
exult' beside miad pride, honour, guirim gorim 1 heat, warm' 
from [/' qhef'-, 

§ 804. Germanic. On the confusion of this type with 
other present classes see § 781. 2 p. 306. The present inflexion 
in Gothic may be regarded as regularly growing out of the 
original one (I § 142 p. 125 f.); but in O.H.G. such forms as 
2"** sing, denis (1** sing. denn(i)u = Goth, panja) bei$is (1"* sing. 
heiz{i}u = Goth. *bditja) are a re-formation following hevis and 
suchlike (1»» sing. heff(i)ti = Goth, hafja). Class XXVI. The 
partic. pass, in pr. Germanic ended in -idd-, as Goth, fra- 
-vardips stem -vardida-^ nasips stem nasida- O.H.G. gi-nerit^ 
see § 789 p. 319. 

The class was productive, from proethnic Germanic onwards, 
in the Causal or Factitive use, where the primary verb has 
some simple meaning. Only a few examples, as O.H.G. decch(i)u 
'I hide*, still keep the Idg. Intensive or Frequentative meaning 
(§ 791 p. 324); but this meaning very early became so weak, 
that soon no difference was felt between the original verb and 
the secondary verb in -^jo-, for which reason the former was 
generally dropt altogether out of use. 

Goth, varja O.H.G. iwrtu 1 hinder, guard': Skr. vardya-H^ 

see § 795 p. 330. O.H.G. zeriu O.Sax teriu 1 destroy, tear 

to pieces*: Skr. daraya-ti *makes burst, splits', (loth. valja 

O.H.G. weU(i)u I choose*: Skr. 'pra-varaya-ti, see >? 794 p. 327. 


340 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. ved-dya-tL §804. 

Goth, uf'panja 'I stretch out' O.H.Ci. denn(i)u *I stretch': Skr. 
d-tanaya-ti^ see § 794 p. 327. O.H.G. wenn(i)u O.Icel. ven 
(inf. venja) I accustom': Skr. sa-vdnaya-fi 'makes inclined, 
accustoms to', |/^ uen- 'to like'. O.H.G. fiouw(i)u 1 rinse' (2"** sing. 
flewis^ cp. Braune O.H.G. Gr. ^ pp. 84, 253) : Skr. pldvaya-ti 
'floods, pours over', Serv. plovi-ti 'to make flooded', [/^pletj,- 'flow, 
swim*, (joth. fra-vardja 'I bring to nought, destroy, disfigure', 
O.H.G. wert(i)u *I destroy: Skr. vartaya-ti etc., see § 794 
p. 327. Goth, marzja 'I hurt, vex*, O.H.G. merr(i)u 1 hold 
back, hinder, disturb, mislead' (orig. 'cause any one to make 
an oversight'): Skr. marsaya-ti 'looks after, carries off, lets 
alone' (mfsya-ti 'forgets, neglects, bears patiently'), y^mers- 
*forget, take no notice of*. O.H.G. derr(i)u 'I make dry, wither 
up': Skr. tarsdya-ti etc., see § 794 p. 327. Goth, ga-tarhja 
'1 mark out, blame*: Skr. darkdya-ti 'shows', [/^ deric- 'see'. 
Goth, uf-rakja '1 reach up', O.H.G. recch(i)u 'I reach, stretch 
out' from \^re§- (Gr. opsyw). O.H.G. (h)rett(i)u 'I tear away, 
rescue*: Skr. Srathoya-ti, see § 794 p. 327. Goth, pragja 
'1 run', beside Gr. robyto *I run' (fut. itotSo^uai) from y/threkh-.^) 
O.H.G. hlecch(i)u 'I make visible, show': Skr. bhrajaya-ti^ see 
§ 794 p. 327. Goth, lagja O.H.G. legg(i)u 'I lay': O.C.Sl. 
lozi-ti^ see § 794 p. 327. Goth, pagkja O.H.G. dench(i)u 
1 ponder, think': Lat. tonged^ see § 794 p. 328; the irregular 
pret. pahta dahta partic. *pdht-s gi-ddht (variant gi-denkif) — 
for atd becoming a see I §214 p. 181 — arose on the analogy 
of the corresponding preterite of pugkja dunch(i)u (Goth, puhta 
etc.), which verb we have placed in Class XXYI (§ 722 
p. 252) ; it is true pagkja may also be placed in this class, as 
it may come from ^tiqg-io^ which would have a grade of root 
shown apparently in Osc. tangin-om 'sententiam' (not so Bar- 
tholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xvii 123). O.H.G. blent(i)u 'I darken, 
blind': O.C.Sl. blqdi-ti 'to go astray', orig. transitive like 

1) We must believe that the root is threkh-y not threyh- (I § 553 
p. 406), because of O.Icel. prsUl for *prdx-ila-. Then the Gothic verb, 
like fra-vardja and marzja, shows in its root-final the regular voiced 

§§ 804,805. Present Stem: 01ms XXXII ~ Skr. ved-dffa-ti. 341 

Mod.Sloven. bluditi *to lead astray, deceive (Miklorich, Vgl. 
Ur. II 437), l/^bhlendh-; cp. p. 827 footnote (1). Goth, im- 
-Iduhja O.H.G. ir-louh(i)u T allow': Skr. Idhhaya-ti etc., see 
i5 7ii4 p. ;}28. Goth, kdxisja M taste, try': Skr. jOsdya-tB^ see 
§ 794 p. 328. Goth, rdnpja O.H.G. rouf(i)u 1 pick, pluck, 
tear out': Skr. rdpaya-ti 'makes a tear, breaks off, \^re^p- 
reiib- (I § 343 p. 270, § 469. 7 p. 345). Ooth. drdusja '1 make 
fall, throw*, O.H.(J. trOr(i)u 1 make trickle, shed', beside 
Goth, driusa 'I fall'. O.H'.G. int-8wehh{i)u 'I lull to sleep*: 
Skr. svapdyati, see § 794 p. 328. Goth, ga-mgja G.II.G. 
wegg(i)u 1 move': Skr. vahaya-ti etc., see § 794 p. 328. 
Goth. uS'Vakja 'I wake up', O.H.G. wecch(i)u 1 wake*: 
Skr. vajdya-ti 'excites, drives on*, y^tfeg-. O.H.G. weiz{i)u 
weii(i)u *1 give to know, show*: Skr. vSdaya-ti, see § 794 
p. 328; O.H.G. beh(i)u heii(i)u 'I cause to bite, corrode, bait': 
Skr. hhedaya-ti^ see § 794 p. 328; originally wei2(i)u ueips etc., 
heiz(i)u bei^is etc., whence by levelling in both directions 
wei2(i)u weizis and weiz(i)u wei^is , beiz(i)u beizis and b€i^(i)u 
beiiis etc. (cp. fldz{i)u fldz(i)u § 805). Goth. Idisja O.H.G. 
lSr(i)u 1 teach', [^leis- 'learn*. Goth, satja O.H.G. sezz(%^ 
'I set, place*: Skr. saddya-ti, see § 794 p. 328. O.H.G. heng(i)u 
'I cause to hang, hang' beside O.H.G. hcUiu 'I hang' for 
*hafdhu {hiafig gi-hangan). Goth, uf-hlohja 1 make some one 
laugh', O.Icel. inf. hUgja^ beside Goth, hlahja 'I laugh' (pret. 
hloh). O.H.G. fuog(i)u O.Sax. fOgiu 1 make fit, join, tie up*: 
Skr. pdSdya-ti^ see § 794 p. 329. O.H.G. gruoz(i)u gruoi(i)u 
O.Sax. grdtin 'I address, speak to': Skr. hradaya-ti, see § 794 
p. 329. 

§ 805. Where the ^io- verb, and the primary verb from which 
it was formed, had come to have a different articulation in the 
final consonant of the root, through the action of Verner's Law 
(I §§ 529 f. p. 384 f. § 581 p. 434), the final of the e'io-verb was 
very often in Gothic levelled back to match that of the other. 
Of the examples cited in § 804, the following show this change : 
Goth, -tarhja instead of *-targja following a lost *tairha^ kdu^'a 
instead of *kduzja following kiusa^ drdusja instead of *drduzja 

342 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. ved-dya-ti. § 805. 

= O.H.G. trdr(i)u following dritisa^ Idisja instead of Hdizja = 
O.H.G. ler{i)u following Idis 'knows', -hlohja instead of "^-hlogja 
= O.Icel. hlege following hlahja. 

The following eio-forms arose from present stems with some 
characteristic suffix (see § 792 p. 325). 

O.H.G. hlein(ihi 'I cause to lean* trans, of hli-ne-m O.Sax. 
hU-no-n, Class XIT, § 605 p. 146. 

O.H.G. scein(i)u 'I make visible, show' beside sanu; 
swein(i)u 'I make disappear, diminish' beside swi-nu *I disap- 
pear'; bi-swell(i)u 'I make swell, dam up' beside swillw^ scell(i)u 
*I cause to sound, dash in pieces' beside scillu: Class XHI, 
§ 614 pp. 151 f. 

Goth, sagqja O.H.G. sench(i)u 'I make sink, push under* 
beside sigqa; O.Sax. thengiu 'I complete' beside ththu 'I thrive* 
for pr. Germ. *per9xo; O.H.G. meng(i)u O.Sax. mengiu 'I mingle, 
mix' beside a pr. Germ. *mingd; O.H.G. spreng(i)u *1 make 
burst, I burst* beside springu: Class XVI § 628 pp. 164 ff., 
§ 634 pp. 170 ff. With these were associated ^to-formations 
made from presents with a ^-suffix and a nasal infix: Goth. 
vandja O.H.G. went(i)u 1 turn' from vinda y/^uei-; O.H.G. 
swent(i)u 'I make disappear, I annihilate' from swintu beside 
swl-nu, see § 634 p. 172, § 685 p. 216. 

Goth, kannja 'I make know, inform', O.H.G. ir-chenn(i)u 
1 make know, understand*, beside kann kun-nu-m^ Class XYH 
§ 646 p. 183. 

Goth, ur-rannja 1 make arise' O.H.G. renn(i)u 1 make 
run, or make run quickly', beside Goth, rinna; Goth, ga- 
-brannja *I cause to be burnt up, I burn up*, O.H.G. brenn(i)u 
'I make burn, I burn beside hrinna: Class XYHI, § 654 
pp. 187 f. 

Goth, ga-vasja O.H.G. weriu 1 clothe* (Goth, -vusja instead 
of *-va2Ja^ see p. 342) : Skr. vasdya-ti^ from u-es- (Class XIX) 
K^-, see § 794 p. 329. 

O.H.G. fr&rii)u 'I make freeze' beside friu-su, Class XX 
§ 664 p. 197. 

§§ 806,807. Present Stem : OIms XXXII - 8kr. ttil-aya-ti. - I • 

O.H.G. ir'lesk(i)u F cause to be queoched, I quench' beside 
ir-liskn, C1a88 XXII, § 676 p. 208. 

Goth. rOdja *I Hpeak, say* beside; -rS-da: 8kr. rndhaya-U 
etc., see § 794 p. 829; OM.U. fl(i2{i)u fl6$(i)u Mid.H.Ci. vkeUe 
vlcf^e T make flow, cause to swim off, to float (traus.)* 
(cp. ioeiz(i)xi weii(i)u § 804 p. 341) beside fliu-iu: ('lass XXV 
if 6M9 p. 225. 

i? 806. Denominative ^'o-verbs (see § 798 p. 326) are 
common. We have already given some examples found both 
in (tonnanic and in Balto-Slavonic (loc. cit.)^ to wit, (lotli. fttllja 
().ll.(i. fidl(i)u 1 Hll from fulls 'fiiU* and (ioth. fuiilja 
O.H.G. heil(i)H *I heal* from hdils heil 'whole, healthy*. Other 
examples are: (Jtoth. hduhja O.HM. hdh(i)u '1 make high, raise 
aloft' from hdith-s hOh 'high'; (roth, ga-hlindja 'I make blind* 
Engl, to blind (distinguish this from O.H.G. bl€nt(i)u, see 
§ 804 p. 840); Goth, ga-qiuja *I make living* from qiu-s 
(cp. § 794 p. 330); O.H.G. sterch(i)u *I make strong, strengthen' 
from stare 'strong*; fest{i)ti I make fast, fortify* from festi 'fast'. 

If Germanic did not inherit ^jjo-denominatives from pre- 
Germanic times, we have to turn for an explanation of their 
existence in this branch to those instances, where, connected 
with an old primary causal, there is some adjective having the 
same grade of root-syllable, as Goth, gramja O.H.G. gremm(i)u 
'to provoke, make angry* : O.H.G. gram O.Icel. gram-r 'angry, 
provoked*; Goth, hndivja *I lower, degrade* O.H.G. (h)neig(i)u 
*I bond, incline, sink' tr. : Goth, hndiv-s 'low. humble'; O.H.G. 
ga-fuog{i)u *I make to fit, I join*: ga-fuogi fitting, suiting*. 
Once these verbs came to be regarded as derived from the 
adjectives in question , it is easy enough at once to explain 
new forms like fullja. 

§ 807. Balto-Slavonic. The original present system, 
-ei6 -eiefti and so forth, is still represented by the Lith. r-e/ii 
O.C.Sl. v-i^'q V'ijq 'I wind, turn, twist*, as we have already seen 
in § 788 p. 819. How the place of this series was usurped by 

Lith. -aw -ai , O.C.Sl. -jq -isi has been explained 

in § 789 pp. 321 f. 

344 Present Stem : Class XXXII — Skr. vBd-dya-ti. § 807. 

This type was very fertile in Balto-Slavonic ; and we 
meet with both the original meanings, — the Causal, and the 
Intensive or Frequentative (§ 791 p. 324). 

We may mention as further examples Lith. vartau varty-ti 
O.C.Sl. vrasta vrati-ti^ O.C.Sl. voljq, voli-ti^ pojq poji-ti, loza 
loM-ti^ mastq mqti-ti ^ Ijuhljq Ijubi-ti^ vozq vozi-ti ^ davljq 
davi-ti^ Lith. isz-manau -many-ti § 794 pp. 326 ff., Serv. plovi-m 
plovi-ti, O.C.Sl. blqzdq hlqdi-ti § 804 pp. 339 f. Others are : 
O.C.Sl. morjq mori-ti 'to kill' (causal): Skr. mcirdya-ti 'makes 
die, kills', y/^mer-. Lith. darau dary-ti 'to make' beside deriii 
*I bargain, hire, am of use* (op. Leskieu, Der Ablaut der 
Wurzels. im Lit., 99), \^ der-. Lith. ganau gany-ti 'to tend 
(cattle), to pasture' O.C.Sl. yonfq goni-ti *to drive' (freq.), 
i^qhen- 'strike'. Lith. ramau ramy-ti 'to soften, calm' 
(causal): Skr. ramaya-ti 'brings to a standstill', \/^rem-. 
Lith. zargaU'S zargy-tis 'to stretcli the legs apart' (freq.) 
beside zergiu *I stretch my legs". Lith. praszau praszy-ti 
*l ask, pray', O.C.Sl. ^^^osq prosi-fi *to ask, pray', [/'prek-. 
Lith. Iduzau Iduzy-ti *to break' trans, (freq.) beside Iduszti *to 
break' trans. O.C.Sl. huzdq hudi-ti 'to wake' (causal): Skr. 
hodhdya-ti 'causes to awakes, wakes, makes aware', [/^bheiidh-. 
Lith. snavjo snaigy-fi 'to snow' (freq.) beside snlk-ti 'to snow', 
\/^ stieigh". Lith. szvaitau szvaity-ti O.C.Sl. sv^Mq sviti-ti 'to 
make clear, light up' (causal), \/^hieit-. O.C.Sl. hezdq hedi-ti 
'to compel' : Goth, hdidja \ compel', K hheidh-. Lith. maiszau 
maiszy-ti O.C.Sl. tn^q m^si-ti 'to mix, [/"iwei^-; the verb may 
just as well be derived from *moi]cSi6j *moiJc-s-Sid (Skr. meksaya- 
'ti cp. Classes XIX and XX, §§ 656 ff. pp. 190 IF.), or *moik- 
-sJc'Sio (cp. Lat. misceo^ see § 792 p. 325). Lith. sakau saky-ti 
'to say', O.C.Sl. socq soci-ti 'to point out': O.H.G. segg(i)u 
*I say', i^seq- (Gr. evi-ans Lat. In-sece). Lith. kasau kasy-ti 
'to scratch' (freq.), [/^ qes- (O.C.Sl. cesa-ti). O.C.Sl. topljq 
topi-ti 'to warm, beat' (causal): Skr. tapdya-ti 'warms', \/^ tep-. 
O.C.Sl. tocq toci-ti *to make run, make flow, pour' (causal): 
Avest. tacaye-iti 'makes flow*, \/^ teq-. 

§ 808. Present Stem : CUsii XXXII ~ 8kr. Hd-difa-u. '^5 

§ 808. New formation from Primary presents, in which 
a prosent root-extension of the ^i'o-form has been handed down 
(§ 792 pp. 325 f.): 

Class XVI §§ 685 ff., pp. 172 ff*. — Lith. ri{iau rf{zy^i 
to reach' (freq.) beside isz-si-r^szti 'to reach out, cxt<;nd, 
resist', [/^ re§- (Or. ngiyta). Lith. f/rdndau grdndy-ti 'to shavo, 
scrape* (freq.) beside grhulu gr^sti 't<» rub, scour', doubth'ss 
connected with O.Icel. krota 'to dit? in, dig down' O.H.^r. chraz- 
zdn *to scratch'. O.C.Sl. Iqdq IqSi-ti *to separate' beside l^kq 
'to bond', [^ leq-. O.C.Sl. hrastq krqti-ti *to turn, twist' (freq.) 
beside krq(t)'nq Meflocto*, V"^ qert-. O.C.Sl. izu-sqcq -sqdi-ti 'to 
make exhausted, dry up' Pol. tc-sqczy-d 'to make trickle in* 
(causal) beside O.C.Sl. s^k-nq *I dry up*, i/^seiq-. O.C.Sl. trqsq 
trqsi-ti 'to shatter' (freq.) beside tr^sq 'I shatter*, perhaps derived 
from tres' (Class XX, § 636 p. 174, § 657 p. 11)2). 

Class XX, §§ 657 ff., pp. 191 ff. — Lith. tqsau t^sy-ti I 
pull or tear about' (freq.) beside t^-s-iitj \^ten- (§ 704 p. 329). 
Compare too the above mentioned O.C.Sl. trqsi-ti 

Class XXII, §§ 670 ff., pp. 202 ff. — Lith. draskau drasky-H 
'to tear about' (freq.) beside dreskiu 'I tear driskau *I am 
torn'. Compare § 807 p. 344, on Lith. maiszy-ti O.C.Sl. misiti. 

Class XXV, §§ 688 ff. pp. 218 ff. — O.C.Sl. razdq radi-ti 
*to consider, care for': Skr. radhaya-ti etc., stem *re-dh- (§ 794 
p. 329). Lith. valdau valdy-tr *to rule*, beside veldu 'I rule*, 
stem uel-dh-; skardau skardy-ti 'to shred, cut about* (causal) 
beside skerdziu 1 burst', stem sqer-dh- ; girdau *I give to drink* 
(causal) beside geriii *I drink*, stem qer-dh-; pudau 'I cause to 
rot' (causal) beside pUv-u 'I rot', stem pfi-dh-. »prdudau 
sprdudy-ti (freq.) beside sprdudziu *I push forcibly into an 
interstice', stem spreu-d-: szdudau szdudy-ti (freq.) beside 
szdu'ju *I shoot*, stem skeu-d-. With -dh- or -rf-, uncertain 
which: maldau maldy-ti 'to beg' (freq.) beside md-dziu *f beg'; 
skdldau skdldy-ti 'to split' (freq.) beside skelu (^skel-iu) 'I split', 
both trans, (sk^l-du and skeUdziu *I split* intrans.). Starting from 
verbs of this kind, the ending -dau -dy-ti became independent, 
like 'dinu ^din-ti^ and was the type for others: spdr^dau 'I kick* 

346 The s-Aorists: General Remarks. §§809,810. 

(freq.) beside spir-iii^ gy-dau *I heal' (causal) beside gy-ju *I get 
weir (cp. Leskien, Der Ablaut der Wurzels. im Lit., 182 ff.). 

Lastly, we may mention once again O.C.Sl. Mvl^'q zivi-ti 
*to make alive' (causal), beside zi-vq 'I live*, see § 794 p. 329. 

§ 809. Denominative verbs in Lith. -y^ti O.C.Sl. 4-ti (see 
§ 793 p. 326) are common. Examples found in both (jermanic 
and Slavonic are O.C.Sl. pluni-ti 'to fill' and cUi-ti 'to heal', 
mentioned above {loc. cit.). 

Lith. denominatives such as j^'stau j^'sty-ti, a class which 
is mixed up with the a-denominatives, have been cited already 
§ 782.4 p. 310. Some more Slavonic exx. may be mentioned: 
pracljq pravi-ti 'to make right, direct' beside pravu 'right*, 
ostrjq ostri-ti *to point, sharpen' beside ostru 'pointed, sharp', 
divljq divi-ti sq 'to wonder' beside divo wonder*, d^jq dSli-ti 
'to divide' beside d^lu 'part*, darjq dari-ti 'to present' beside 
daru 'a present', m^rjq miri-ti 'to measure' beside m^ra 
^measure', kramoljq '1 disturb, confuse' beside Icramola 'disquiet, 
noise, uproar'. It must also bo mentioned that the Idg. deno- 
minatives from i-stems, ending in -i-io^ have run into this Class; 
see § 782.5 p. 311. 


§ 810. We saw in § 485 p. 38 f., and § 655 p. 190, that 
thematic and non-thematic s-Preterites belonged to our Present 

1) On the Indo-Germanic s-Aorist in general: — The 
Author, Zur sigmatisohen Aoristbildun^ im Griech., Ital., Kelt, und Ar., 
Morph. Unt. m 16 ff. 

Aryan. Whitney, On the Classification of the Forms of the 
Sanscrit Aorists, Proceed. Amer. Or. Soc. 1875 — 76 pp. xvm f. Idem, 
The sis- and sa- Aorists in Sanskrit, Amer. Journ. Phil, vi 275 ff. Bar- 
tholomae, Zur Bildung des sigmatisohen Aorists [in Avestic] , Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxix 288 ff. 

Greek. Inama, Degli aoristi greci, Rivista di filol. ii 249 ff. 
L. Meyer, Griech. Aoriste, Berl. 1879. T. H. Key, On the Formation 
of Greek Futures and First Aorists, Transact. Philol. Soc. 1861 pp. 1 ff. 
Leskien, Die Formen des Futurums und zusammengesetzten Aorists mit 

§610. The «-Aoriit8: General RemarkH. 347 

Cla8H(?8 XIX and XX. The reason why 1 treat th< 

again by themselves has been given in the firnt of tiio-^j; twu 


Before -«- we have (1) either the bare Root, as Skr. (i-dik- 
'^-i d-dik'^a-t Or. i-dny.'a'a Lat. dlr-s-it, Skr. d-dhO-s-am 
O.C.Sl. d^'chu, or (2) Root + Suffix of some kind (Root- 
Determinative, or what not), as Skr. d-hv-d-s-ta O.r.Sl. zuv-n- 
-chu^ Skr. d-vBd-i-^-am Gr. (/)fid'S'(a)'U Lat. vid-i^S'tiSj Skr. 
d-yd't'S-mn Lat. Jussit for yu-t'S-e-t (pres. yO-dha-ti ju-h-eO). 
Under the second lieading, a special class is composed of forms 
like Skr. dvedi^-am Gr. (f)fidf-a Lat. vidis-tis, and others 

rt'T in den homer. Gedichten, Curtius' Stud, ii 65 ff. P. Cauer, Die 
dor. Futur- und Aoristbildungen der abgeleiteten Verba aaf -Tw, 
SpraohwisB. Abhandl. au8 G. Curtius' Gramm. Gesellsch. pp. 126 ff. 
G. Mekler, Die Flexion des activen Plusquamperfects , in: Beitr. zur 
Bildung des griech. Verbums, Dorpat 1887, pp. 43 ff. 

Italic. J. V. NetuSil, Ob aoristach v latinskoni jazyke (The 
Aorist in LatinJ, Charkow 1881. Corssen, Kein Aoristus I im 

Lateinischen, in: Beitr. zur ital. Sprachk. pp. 556 ff. Idem, Die syn- 
kopierten Formen des Futurum II und Conjunctiv des Perfects auf -»/, 
-a-ssi, -e-!isi\ -i-ssi, ibid. pp. 523 ff. Ch. Blinkenberg, Om resterne 
af det sigraatiske aorist i Latin, Kort Udsigt det Kiobenh. phil. Sanif. xxxi. 
M a d V i g , De formarum quarundam verbi Latini natura et usu [on fax6 
faxitu and the like], Kopenh. 1835 and 36 — Opusc. ac. alt. pp. 60 ff. 
G. Hermann, De I. N. Madvigii interpretatione quarundam verbi Lat. 
formarum, Leipz. 1843 — Opusc. vm 415 ff. G. Curtius, De verbi 
Lat. future exacto et perfecti cooiunctivo (issued in welcome of the 
Congress of Philologers), Dresd. 1844. E. Lubbert, Gramm. Stud. I: der 
conj. perf. und das fut. ex. ira alteren Lat., Bresl. 1867. I demy 
Paralipomena zur Geschiclite der lat. Tempera und Modi II [on foxim 
and the like], Archiv f. lat. Lexikogr. ii 223 ff. Fr. Cramer, Das 
lat. futurum exactura, ibid, iv 594 ff. P. Giles, The Origin of the Latin 
Pluperfect Subjunctive and other etymologies, Cambridge Phil. Transact. 
1889 pp. 126 ff. — For other works which deal with the lat. ii- Aorist 
associated with the Perfect, see under Perfect, § 843. 

Keltic D'Arbois de Jubainville, Du futur sigraatique [in 
Irish], M^m. d. 1. Soc. d. ling, vi 56. Thurneysen, Der s-Aorist im 
Ir., Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvin 151 ff. H. Zimmer, Die Schicksale des 
idg. s-Aorists im Ir. und die Entstehung des kelt. s-Prftteritums , ibid. 
XXX 112 ff. Thurneysen, Zu den ir. Verbalformen sigraatischer 
Bildung, ibid, xxxi 62 ff. 

Slavonic. Miklosich, Zusammengesetster Aorist [in Old Slo- 
venian], Sitzungsber. d. Wien. Akad. lxxxi 110 ff. 

348 The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -so-. §811. 

associated closely with these, such as Skr. d-ya-s-is-am Gr. 
^sr'hiav for *dsiy.-a-s(o)-iav Lat. dlc-s-is-tis. Another subdivision 
includes the forms with -s-s-, as Gr. sofSfooa sudhooa Lat. 
vidissem capesso amOsso O.Ir. ro-charus for *cardss-. 


I. Non-Thematic s-stems. 

§ 811. Roots of the e-series appear in three vowel grades ; 
and the original Idg. division of these grades was as follows. 

The Indie. Act. Sing, had the e-grade: as O.C.Sl. ves-u^) 
Skr. d-vaks-am from l/^ysgh-; whether e in Lat. vex-i-t is this e 
unchanged, i« doubtful. The Indie. Act. Plural and Dual, and the 
whole of the Indie. Middle, had the weak root: as Skr. d-vit-s-i 
Gr. la-fw from \^ueid-. The Conjunctive had the e-grade: as 
Skr. pdks-a-t Gr. niyj-to from [/^peq-^ Avest. var^s-a-iti 
Gr. sg^-ui from \^y>er§-. The Optative had the weak root; as 
Skr. mas-tya from [^ men-. With this ablaut compare Skr. 
indie, stau-ti stti-tndsi stu-te mdrs-ti tyi^'-dnti^ conj. stdv-a-t 
mdrj-a-t^ opt. stuv-i-td (§ 494 p. 55). 

The Conjunctive stem of this s-aorist is identical with the 
Indicative stem of the XX*** Present Class ; e. g. Skr. tqsa-t(i) 
and indie, tqsa-ti = Goth, pinsa^ Lat. (fut.) dtxo and indie, 
pret. dixi-t dlxi-mus j so too the conj. Skr. dy-a-t and indie. 
dy^a-te = Lat. eo (§ 489 p. 47, § 493 pp. 51 f.). 

§ 812. Pr. Idg. Skr. ksar- Gr. <fS^s(j- 'cause to run off, 
make disappear' (cp. Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 431): 
drksars-am 2°** and S"^** sing, d-ksar ^ Gr. sfp&tiga {s(p&soaa 
Lycophron). [/' der- 'split, flay*: Skr. conj. ddrs-a-t(i) ^ Gr. 
kdsiga. \^hher- 'carry*: Skr. d-bhclrs-am^ Gr. siptQati' y/.vi]osv 

1) In the Indicative system of several languages forms of some other 
inflexion were associated with the non-thematic forms. This will be 
examined under the headings of the languages in question. 

§812. IIh -a. Mists: Stems in •«- and -«#>-. 349 

(liosych.), Lat. conj. ferrem. y^uel- 'choose, wiah': Skr. I'^ting. 
mid. o-cf^-t A vest. !•* sing. conj. mid. var'i-an^, Lat. veUim. 
^ ten- Wetch out, lengthen, tighten': Skr. d'tr^n-am 2^ and 
3'** 8iug. d'tan mid. 1'^ sing. a-<a«-i !•* pi. d-tqs-mahiy (ir. t-Tttvn. 
^men- 'think, mean*: Skr. mid. S'** sing, d-mc^-ta conj. m4«- 
'tt'tS opt. 1'* sing. m(is-Tya, Lith. !•* and 2"** pi. injunct. (fut.) 
mls-ine tnis-te. y/" qhen- 'strike*: Skr. 2°** and 3"* sing, ffhdn 
{gh- instead of /t-t'ollowiug *gha8- -^ ^gh^-s-)^ Or. e^uvu, Lith. 
injunct. f/is-me -te O.C.Sl. 2°'* and S'^ sing. po-i^. P^ r«?w- 'rest' : 
Skr. d-rqs-am mid. a-rcfs-to, Lith. injunct. reihs-me -te (trans.) 
and rimS'tne -te (intrans.). Lat. d^mpsl prOmpsT opt. emps^i-m, 
Lith. injunct. ims-tne -te O.C.Sl. jqs-u. i^ qei- 'to inflict 
punishment' etc.: Skr. d-cdi^-am, Gr. s-reio-a. Skr. k^i- Gr. 
(p^i- 'destroy*: Skr. mid. ksSs-tOy Gr. s-ip^sta-a. [/ pleyh Wim*: 
Skr. mid. d-plo^-ta^ (ir. s-nXeva-a^ Lith. injunct. pldus-tne -te 
O.C.Sl. pluch-u. x^kleu- 'hear': Skr. d-Sraus-am O.C.Sl. po- 
sLuchu. \/ terp- 'satisfy, content*: Skr. d-fraps-am d-tarps^am 
(gramm.), Gr. a-rf(>i//-a. l/^^ert- 'vertere*: Skr. mid. d-Vfts-iy 
Lith. injunct. vers-me -te (trans.) and virs-me -te (intrans.). 
y/^serp' 'serpere': Skr. d-sraps-am d-sarps-am (gramm.), and 
perhaps also mid. dsfpta for *a-sfps-ta (§ 816), Gr. slgxp-a 
(late), Lat. serps-i. i/' derk- 'see': Skr. d-drak§-am 2°** and 
3"* sing, d-drak mid. S*"** pi. d-dfks-ata conj. darks-a-t, Gr. 
(-dtnt'durjv (late). V %i^g- 'work': Avest. conj. var's-a-iti, 
(Jr. d(J^'U. i^merg- 'stroke, brush*: Skr. d-mdrks-am^ Gr. 
djiti'o^-ai 6a6o^-at. I/" melg- milk : Gr. a^/f A^-«i, Lat. muls-iy 
Lith. injunct. mUsz-me -te. [^ /eig- 'leave': Skr. d-rdiks-am 
2"'* and 3''**8ing. a-r<z/A: mU]. d-riks-i^ Gt. s-Xsm-a^ Lith. injunct. 
Wc8-me -te. i^ueid- 'know, learn, find*: Skr. mid. d-vits-iy 
Gr. mid. t-tia-avi} 3'"'' pi. act. tn-wi/, Lat. vHs-l (pres. vTsd % 662 
p. 1J)7), Lith. injunct. isz-vys-me -te. [^ leip- 'besmear*: Skr. 
mid. d-lips-iy Gr. aAf ?!//-«/, Lith. injunct. Itps-tne -te. {^dej^- 
'show*: Skr. mid. d-diks-i ^ Gr. f-Jf/^-a, Lat. dlx-f dix-o 
dfx-i-m. \'neig- 'wash': Skr. d-ndik^-am mid. d-niks-i, 

Gr. i-vin>'U. \'' steiqh- 'climb*: Gr. t-arft^-a, O.Ir. injunct. 
3*^ sing, for-tg. i^jeuq- 'yoke to, fasten*: Skr. d-yOki-am and 

350 The s-Aorists: Stems in -a- and -so-. § B12 

d-yauks-am (gramin.), Gr. s-tsvi.-a-^ cp. Skr. d-yufdhs-mahi 
Lat. junx-i Lith. injunct. junks-me -te § 813. [/'meuq- 
me^Q- 'strip oiF, let go': Skr. d-mauks-am 2°^ and S'"** sing. 
d^niCiuk mid. d-muks-i Gr. an-sf.iv^a^ Lith. injunct. tnauks-me 
'te; Lat. e-mwwa?i^. l^bheudh- 'awake, notice': Skr. mid. 
d-hhuts-i^ Lith. injunct. -bus-me -te 0.C.81. bljus-u. {/^uegh- 
Vehere': Skr. d-voks-am 2^*^ and 8'"'* sing, d-vat conj. vdks-a-t^ 
Lat. verr-f, Lith. injunct. vhsz-me -te O.C.Sl. v^-u. l/^uedh- 
'to lead': O.Ir. don-fe *let him lead us* for *vets-t^ Lith. injunct. 
ves-me -te O.C.Sl. vSs-u. [/^ dhegh- 'burn': Skr. d-dhaks-am 
d-dhak conj. dhdks~a-t(i) , Lith. injunct. ddks-me -te O.C.Sl, 
zach'U for *zech-u (I § 76 p. 66) beside segq, for "^deyq (§ 522 
pp. 85 f.). V^sed' 'sedere': Skr. conj. sdts-a-t, Gr. aaa-a, 

Lith. injunct. ses-me -te. V^ peq- 'coquere': Skr. conj. pdks-a-t, 
Gr. s-TTffp-a^ Lat. coxt for *queX't. \/^ seq- 'to be with, follow*: 
Skr. mid. d-saks-i conj. sdks-a-t, Lith. seks-me -te. [/^reg- 
'regere': Gr. opt^-at^ Lat. rex-l, O.Ir. 2"** sing, comeir for 
*c6m-ex-rex-s. X^leg- *legere*: Gr. f-Af^-a, Lat. -lex-t. 

[^ plek- *fold*: Gr. f-7rAf^-a, Lat. plSx-T. [/" ed- *eat': Lat. conj. 
ess-e-m^ Lith. injunct. e5-m« -te O.C.Sl. ^'as-u. \/^dhe- 'set, 
place, lay*: Skr. d-dhas-am mid. d-dhis-i^ Lat. conj. con-derem^ 
Lith. injunct. des-me -te O.C.Sl. dich-u. \^ spe- 'help onwards, 
further*: Avest. conj. spdfdh-a-iti ^ Lith. injunct. spes-me -te 
O.C.Sl. spdch-u. i^do- 'give': Skr. mid. d-dis-i conj. das-a-t, 
Lat. conj. dar-e-m, Lith. injunct. d'&'s-me -ie O.C.Sl. dach-u-, 
compare also Alban. ^ase 'I gave* (G. Meyer, Kurzgef. alb. Gr., 
38). [^ sta- 'stand': Skr. mid. d-sthis-i Avest. conj. Stdf9h-a-p, 
Gr. t-aT7jo-a S'** pi. Hom. s-arao-av^ Lat. conj. star-e-m^ Lith. 
injunct. stos-me -te O.C.Sl. stach-u. 

The following examples are a group by themselves, having 
peculiar vocalism in the root (u, f, f). l/^bhe^- 'be, become': 
Gr. &-(pv6-a^ conj. (fut.) Umbr. fust fust Osc. fust *erit', 
Osc. conj. fusid 'foret', Lith. injunct. hiHs-me -te O.C.Sl. bych-u; 
cp. fut. Avest. busy^iti etc. § 748 p. 271. [/^ dheu- 'shake*: 
Skr. mid. d-dhus-ta, Gr. t-d^va-a. V^ qei- 'live': Lith. injunct. 
gys-me -te (inf. gy-ti pros, gy-ju) O.C.Sl. zich-u (inf. zi-ti 

j; 813. The M-Aorists: Stems in -**- and -so-. 861 

prcH. ii-«Jf|). Skr. 8"* pi. d'kir^'ata from Arar- 'scattor'. Or. 
i-fiT{>wff-a from (TTfo- *8teriiere*. 

8 813. Forms with tho root-suffixes -fl-, -S- -0- {^ ')l\i if. 
pp. 121 ft'., §§ 784 ff. pp. 2H1 if.). ♦rfr-a- 'run': Skr. conj. 
drds-a-ty (ir. «7»-i'0paa« (late). *<r-a- 'to press through, succeed 
in traversing*: Skr. !•* pi. mid. d-tras-mahi Avest. 2"** pi. mid. 
Praz-dUm, Lat. conj. in-trdrem. *gh(%)i-(l' 'hiare": Lat. conj. 
hifir-e-m, Lith. injunct. zios-me -te. *gh(u}u-a' 'call* : Skr. mid. 
d'hvas-ta, O.C.S\. zuvach'U. arfl- 'plough': l^at. conj. ardr-^-m, 
O.C.Sl. orach-u. *pl'S' 'fill': Skr. d-pras-atn 2°^ and 3"* sing. 
d'pras^ Lat. conj. -plSr-e-m; whether (ir. frrXTjou comes in here 
is doubtful (see § 750.8 p. 272). *sn-€' *weave, spin, sew*: 
Ur. S't'Tjo-a, Lat. conj. ner-e-m. ^hhs-e- 'chew, devour': Skr. 
d-psos-i't (gramm., cp. § 816), Gr. s-tfnja-a. *gn-e gn-d- 'learn, 
know*: Skr. d-jftCts-am. Gr. av-f/rfuTa, O.V.'^X. znach-u. *uid-€- 
'see : Lat. conj. vidBr-e-m^ Lith. injunct. pa-vydes-me -te O.C.Sl. 
vidich-u. *riidh-€- 'blush': Lat. conj. rubSr-e-m^ O.C.Sl. 
riUiich'U. Lat. conj. faver-e-m^ O.C.Sl. gov(ch-u 'veneratus sum*, 
cp. § 590 p. 182. With these uorists are associated the 
^-preterites of the later denominative group, as Gr. l-rt^ao-a 
Lat. conj. plantCLr-e-m Lith. injunct. lankos-me O.C.Sl. lakach-u 
(cp. § 769 p. 286), Gr. .^-(piXrjo-rt Lat. claudBr-e-m Lith. gudes- 
-me-s O.C.Sl. cS/ech-u^ Gr. t-AnvTu-a hat. fmir-e-m Lith. dalys- 
-me O.C.Sl. gostich-u^ Gr. t-Sttx(jv<f-a, Gr. t-ui'a&iDd-a Lith. 
j&Ms-me (cp. ^ 778 p. 290 f.). Yenetian zmias-to 'donavit' 
(cp. p. 53 footnote 2). 

As this .^-formation must be regarded as original for stems 
with the suffixes -a-, -g- -o-, so too for certain roots with a 
dental suffix. From qei-t- 'to observe* (g 680 p. 212): Skr. 
3"* sing, d-cait., O.C.Sl. dis-u. From iei^-dh- 'disturb, set 
moving, drive' (§ 689 p. 219 f.) : Skr. d-ydts-am ytUs-mahi^ 
Lat. juss-t O.Lat. jous-i. 

Of the remaining s-forms with roots having some extra 
suffix, those which are associated with Classes XV and XVI 
deserve particular mention. Skr. 1"* pi. mid. d-yuioks-mahi 
Lat. junx-1 Lith. junks-me beside Skr. yutak-te Lat. jungn 

^i32 The «-Aorist8: Stems in -s- and -so-. §§813,814. 

Lith. jungiu^ from [/'jeuq- yoke, join'; cp. the associated forms 
Skr. d-yoks-am Gr. s-^ev^-a § 812 p. 349. Gr. s-TTlayt-u 
Lat. pldnx-i beside Gr. -nXatio for *7rXayy-i,co Lat. plango^ from 
l/^^^agf- p/^g- 'strike': cp. Gr. s-nlrj^-a Lith. piaks-me. Of 
course these examples, with many more from Greek, Latin, or 
Baltic, may all be regarded as new analogical formations in 
the separate languages. 

§ 814. Aryan. First, a few more examples to supplement 
those given in §§ 812 and 813. {.'' dher- 'hold fast': Skr. 
d-dhars-am (gramm.), A vest. 3*"** sing, dar^s-t dor^-t (o for a) 
O.Pers. P* sing. mid. a-dars-iy (O.Pers. dars- may be either 
*dher8' or *dh^s-). \/^ per- 'bring across, transfer, translate': Skr. 
conj. pdrs-a-t(i): Gr, f-nsio-a. [/'uen- 'w'm^ conquer': Skr. mid. 
vqs-i conj. V(is-a-t(i) opt. vas-i-mahi vqS'i-mahi^ A vest. Gathic 
conj. vrngh-a-itl = Skr. vqsati. \/' qem- 'go': Skr. mid. d-gas- 
-mahi d-gqs-mahi^ Avest. conj. Gath. jmgha-iti. Skr. yam- 
'cohibere': d-yqs-am 3'** sing, d-ydn conj. yqs-a-t(i). Ar. nai- 
lead': Skr. d-nais-am mid. d-nes-i conj. ne§-a-t(i), Avest. conj. 
na^s-a-Ji. Skr. Jai- 'conquer': d-jCiis-am mid. d-jes-i conj. ^'es- 
'a-t(i). Skr. dht- 'notice': Avest. 2°*^ sing, dais, cp. partic. 
dtsetnna- Skr. dhisamana-s § 833. Avest. prau- 'nourish* 
(Pr-H- beside pr-a-, cp. § 579 p. 121 f.): 2°** pi. act. praos-ta 
3'* sing. mid. praos-ta. Skr. sarj- 'let go': Skr. d-sraks-am 
mid. d-s^ks-i conj. sraks-a-t{i). \^prek- 'ask': d-prdks-am 
mid. d-pras-ta, Avest. mid. fras-l fras-tCi imper. ferasva. 
Skr. chand- Avest. sand- 'appear' : Skr. 2°** and S'** sing, d-chan 
conj. chantS'a-t(i), Avest. 2"^ and 3'^ sing. sqs. \/'deik- 'show, 
point' : Skr. mid. d-diks-i, Avest. opt. dis-yoL-p : Gr. s-Sn^-a etc., 
see § 812 p. 349. Skr. viS- 'enter': 1^* pi. mid. d-viks-mahi. 
l/^^eq- 'speak': Avest. conj. vaxs-a-p. [/^ ped- go': mid. 
a-pafs-i. y'bhag- 'enjoy': Skr. d-bhaks-am 2^^ and S""^ sing. 
d-bhak mid. d-bhaks-i conj. hhaks-a-t(i), Avest. 3""*^ sing. mid. 
bax§-ta. I ^ df/ie- 'place' and do- 'gi\e : Skr. a- dhas-am d-dhis-i 
d-dis-i das-a-t(i) , Avest. 2°<* sing. opt. mid. dah-t-sa : Lat. 
con-derem etc., see § 812 p. 350. y^ko- 'sharpen, cut': 

§§H15f816. The A-Aorists: Stems in -tt- and -to-. 358 

Avest. 2"** pi. sCU'dUm. Skr. ha- go, yield* {jd-ha-ti ja^ki'mat): 
d'hOs-am 3'^ sing. d-hOs !•* pi. d'has-ma. 

§ 816. There are many deviations in Sanskrit and 
Averttic ') from the original distribution of these three vowel 
grades, as set forth in § 811. 

The weak stem (as Skr. ta-s- from l^ten-) is hardly 
found outside its original sphere; but no longer in the plural 
and dual indie, act., only in the Indie. Middle and the Optative : 
e. g. Skr. d'dhi^-i dhi^-lya d-f/as-mahi mas-lya^ Avest. a-mSh- 
-maidl dis-yd-J). Irregular: Skr. 2°** sing. conj. raid. dfk^'a-sB 
instead of *drak^-a'S^. 

In Sanskrit the d-grade (as t^-) spread from the Sing, 
indie, act. to the Plural and Dual; e. g. dchantsur djai^ma 
(ibhdr^dm following the sing, dchdnisam etc.; cp. ddhdma 
instead of ^d-dhi-ma following d-dha-m (§ 495 p. 55), spar^ 
-tarn instead of spf-tam (§ 499 p. 62), and the like. But 
beyond this line Sanskrit has very few^ other examples of d; 
one is mid. d-yqs-i. In the Gatha dialect d is quite restricted 
to its original sphere. But in later Avestic it has crept into 
nOs-T-ma^ if this be the optative to an indie. *ndS'eni (0.C.81. 
w^s-tt); cp. Bartliolomae, Stud. idg. Spr., ii 166. 

The o-grade (as Skr. t(is-) spread from the Conjunctive, 
where it is still the usual form in Sanskrit and Avestic, through 
the whole Indicative and Optative moods; and in particular it 
occurs with the weak stem ; e. g. indie. 3'** sing. Skr. d-inqs-ta 
Avest. mqS'ta opt. Skr. rnqs-T-mdhi (variant, Avest. Oath. 
a-mSh-maidt Skr. mas-lya) following the conj. Skr. mds-a-Uy 
Skr. 1"* pi. yg$-ma (beside a-^'fli^-ma), Avest. Gath. 2"** pi. J^aoi- 
-ta^ 3""** pi. vmgh-en ; within the orig. sphere of the d-grade, 
Skr. d-rqs-am d-ydk^-am. 

§ 816. In Sanskrit, the 2*"* and 3'** sing, indie, act. became 
identical by regular change (d;dis = *a-Jdi$'^ and *a-;a/^-0: 
and if a consonant preceded the aorist sign, the aorist sign was 
dropt as well as the personal ending (drdik = ^a-rdik^-^ and 

1) Here we have to diiiregard Old Persian, from lack of raaterml. 
Br urmaon, EI«m«DU. IV. 23 

354 The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -so-. §§816,817. 

*a-rciiks-t)^ and sometimes this was done even to the root-final 
(d-chdn = *a-chantS'S and *a-chants-t). The inconvenience 
thus caused served to root the forms with -s-l-s -s-t-t firmly 
in later Vedic, and these are the only ones used in classical 
Sanskrit (except bhctis in the phrase 7na bhdis 'fear not'); 
e. g. d-jdis-i-s -t-t. These endings were borrowed from the 
sis-aorist (§ 839). For instance, dyCLst-s dydsT-t belonged 
originally to the series dydsis-am dyasis-ma etc., next 
displaced 2°** and 3''*^ sing, ay as (which belonged to the 
P* sing. dycLs-am); and the relation between dydsi-s -t and 
dyoLs-am produced djaisi-s -t beside djais-am^ dbharsi-s -t 
beside dhhars-am^ and so forth. 

A few times the 2°*^ sing, in -ais (for *-ais-s) produced a 
3'^ sing, in -di-t^ as dndit by complementary analogy from dndis 
{m- 'to lead*).^) As this formation touched only roots with an 
e-Yowel, it may be that the type was set by preterites like 
dj-di-t beside dj-di-^ from aj- 'agere* (§ 572 p. 114). 

The Sanskrit grammars class under the s-aorist some forms 
of the 2"** and 3'** sing, which more properly belong to our 
Present Class I; such are d-kytlids and d-hfta^ which by their 
structure belong not to d-kj^-i d-k^s-mahi but to drkr-i d-kr-ata. 
The reason of this confusion was that in a certain number of 
consonantal roots the 2^^ and '6^^ sing, of both these series had 
become indistinguishable; e. g. dchitthds dchitta in the systems 
of d-chid-i (d'ched-i) and d-chits-i both (cp. 2^^** pi. dchdntta 
for *a-chdnts-ta, I § 557. 3 p. 413). Compare also the 2°*^ pi. 
dmugdhvam from muc- 'to let go*, which may belong equally 
well to the aorist stem muc- (precative muc-Upa) or to the 
aorist stem muks- (3"^** pi. muks-ata). 

§ 817. 5-aorists from Roots with characteristic, or from 
Present Stems. 

Forms with the suffixes -^-, -e- -o- have been cited in 

1) Analogous formations outside the s-aorist are collected by Joh. 
Schmidt in Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvi 403. Compare further l^t gjng. achinam 
(Maha-Bh.) beside S^^lsing. a-chinat = *a''Chinat-t from chid- 'to cut off*. 

§ii817— 819. The «-Aorift8: Steni in -•- and -#0-. 355 

§ 818 {). 351; add to those Skr. d-yOs-am conj. yds-a-tO) from 
y-a- 'to go\ d'dhyas-am from dhy-d- to think*. 

With the suffix -f- -ai- (§ 498 pp. 61 f.); Skr. u^yrahh-u 
'^-am d-grah-ai'^-am beside d-grahh'Ut d^gih-Utdm from 
grabh- 'to seize' (§ 574 p. 116). 

Skr. a-yufdh^-mahi from yw;-, see § 813 p. 351. Skr. 
d'Stdrnps-am beside stambha-te 'fortifies or strenghthens itself, 
\y stehh', see § 629 p. 166. 

O.Pers. 3'** sing. a-kH-nau-s 'he made' a-dars-nau-i 
'he durst* come from nu- presents (§ 640 p. 178). And 
so doubtless 3"* sing, -ais 'he went* 3'** pi. ^aisa arose 
in Persian itself in association with the present stem ay 
(imperf. -ay-am) ^ and is therefore not an orig. s-aorist as 
might be supposed from Skr. 3'** sing. mid. adhy-ai^ (gramm.). 
The origin of these new forms lies perhaps in certain pairs of 
imperfect forms ; 2"** sing. *ais 3'** sing. *ai, 2°** sing. *akilnau§ 
3'** sing. *a]cunau running parallel to 2°** sing. *ahara 3'** sing. 
ahara^ 2°** sing. *adada 3^^ sing, adadd, and the like. If there 
were connected aorist forms such as 2°** and 3''** sing. *a-ndis = 
Skr. d-ndi^^ the above 2°'* sing, in -s might easily be looked 
upon as an s-preterite, which its use for both 2°** and 3"* sing. 
suggested. After that, -ais would be complemented by 
3'"'* pi. -aisa. 

§ 818. Armenian. So far no 5-preterites have been 
found. Compare the remarks on the e-aorist, § 672 p. 204. 

§ 819. Greek. First, a few examples shall be added to 

those given in §§ 812 and 813. Hom. s-xego-a Att. t-xstp-a 

from XHQU) '1 shave* fut. xspio. Hom. e-xska-a from xdkXo) 

'I move, drive. s-arstX-a {sOTtXaiv in Hesych.) from artiXto 

'I order, arrange'. s-ntjX-a for *f-7i«Acy-a mid. ndXro from ndXXw 

'I shake, brandish*. On the relation of Lesb. sipi^egga Att. 

((fi^siga Dor. ((p^rjgu to Hom. sxtgauy and of Lesb. stfr&XXa 

Att. isaxHXa Dor. (aTtjXa to Hom. ItxfXoa^ and such like, see 

I § 563.3 p. 419, Wackernagel, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 127 ff., 

the Author, (ir. Or.- p. 63. f/nfn^n Lesb. i(.avva Dor. f/ii^ra 

for *f-|Ufvff-a from fAsvto 'I remain*. So txruva from xxfivto 


356 The 6-Aori8ts: Stems in -s- and -so-. §§819,820. 

'I kill', fV£i,ua from vsucx) 'I divide'. i-vsvG-a from vi(f)'O) 
'I swim': Skr. mid. d-snos-ta (graram.). t-Tivevcs-a from 
7ivs(f)-(o 'I blow, breathe'. s-jisoa-a from nbgdco 'I sack, 
destroy*. i-Totip-a from rgtiiM *I turn': Lat. ^or5i for *torcs-T 
from torqu-eo. i-ygaxp-a from ygaff-ot 'I write', [^ gerph-, 
f'(pQao-a from (pguXio 'I give to understand, show' for *(poad-i,fo: 
Lith. P* and 2°** pi. injunct. (fut.) girs-me -te from ^i'rs^w 
*I apprehend*, l/^g/i^rc^-. ^ou^m' avlkafistv (Hesych.) beside 
aor. (ipaxsTv: Skr. d-mraks-t-t d-fncirks-t-t from mjrM-ti 'touches, 
grasps' (§ 527 p. 90). e-onsto-u Cret. s-nnsvo-a from onivdio 
I offer, pour'. s-nfia-a from /ifi^o} 'I persuade', \/^bheidh-; 
IntiGa instead of *f(psiaa like Skr. d-duksa-t instead of d-dhuksa-t^ 
which is also found (§ 659 p. 195). f-ysvO-a from ytvco 1 give 
to taste', \/^ geuS'. ela-a from svm 1 burn': Lat. ussi from 
wr-o, [/" eus~. £-yXv\p-a from yXviffo *I incise, engrave'. 
f-^f(T-<Ta fiCtcJa from L6(a)-ro 'I boil, bubble'. ^ioaavzo for 
♦^ara- from &faato&ai *to beseech', [^ ghedh- (§ 706 p. 234). 
i-^e^'djLifjv dkXTO for *Jtxa-To from dk/of-im *I receive'. f'-xXat'(f-a 
from xX«tw *I weep' for *AAa/-f.(o. rjO-dutjV (ia-f-isvo-q from 
fjifoiLiai *1 rejoice': Lat. suds-l from suad-eo. s-ntjl-a titJxto for 
*7T7jxO-To from 7itjyn\ut *I fix' I/"p(Z£- Z?^^-. e-drjC-a from 
di-drj-ut 'I bind', l/'c/e-. 

§ 820. The « which is seen after <y came from the 
!•* sing, in -«>« and the 3^*^ pi. in -o-ur (whence, by com- 
plementary analogy, -aa-L; -aa-ts -oa-o etc.). According to 
Osthoff, Perf. 407, a is regular also in -oausv -aajutd^u -6aii/]v^ 
which endings he derives from ^-s-rnmen and so forth. The 
3"* sing, in -as properly belongs to the thematic conjugation ; 
't'dstl-8 is like Skr. d-diksa-t Lat. dixi-t (see § 833). The 
2"^ and 3'** sing. '^Idti'E = ^a-dsiA-o-g and *i-Sstx-o-T were dropt 
for clearness; and it was the perfect forms {leloins : leXoma) 
that caused a thematic form to take root in the ^^^ singular 
and nowhere else. 

The Conjunctive in Homer and elsewhere still shows the 
thematic vowel, as rnno-jusv^ instead of which we have later 
Tslaw-usr (§§ 914, 923). We have already seen (§ 747 p. 269) 

§§820,821. The ^-Aorists: Stems in -$- and •«<>-. 357 

that the indie, fut. in '<ko was in all probability partly the 
conjunctive of the s-aorist; compare further in § 833. 

The optative in -aai/m is a re-formation on the analogy of 
the optative in -ottn; see § 944. On forms like dti^uaif^ see 
§ 836. 

The Participle Active shows in all its cases Hrr<«rr-; see 
II § 126 pp. 399 f., and IT § 1099.6. 

Even before a had spread by analogy in the system 
of the fj-aorist, 6 had dropt between a root-final consonant 
(explosive, liquid, or spirant) and a personal ending with 
consonant initial (I § 566 p. 423). Some forms of this kind 
lasted into the historical period: Hom. ilfxro 'laid itself for 
*Xfx(y-ro, imper. A/Ho for *Afx(j-(yo, partic. -Xey/ufvo-g for *X(x((f)- 
-iifi'o-v,', beside f'AfJa &Xf^aTo; s/nsr/.TO mixed itself for *i-jufixa- 
-ro, ffiH/&7jc for *i-fifix-a-97)ii (§ 589 p. 130), beside t/LtH^a; 
TiaXro for *nuka-xo,, beside fTrijAa; ug^nvo-,^ for *rt(>tf-/ufi'o-^, 
beside ^gaa. 

In forms like tavrjnn edtjnu eattjiJa irtfir^aa i^a'ai^toaa 
(§§ 819, 822), (T seems to have been due to the analogy of 
consonantal stems, as sxfQVa ixjjgCia (cp. I § 564 p. 420), just 
as arrjaio Tlfj.r,afo got their a by analogy of xigxpto xrjgv^M (§ 755 
p. 274). But a drops, as it should, in rydfa for *6VfiJ«rr-o 
(§ 836). 

Remark. £1. fnoitja has not kept unaltered the Idg. sounds. It is 
far more likely that n disappeared in Elean itself; in the same way the 
change of n to /* in Lac. hixat and Argive fnoift/i belonged to these 
dialects separately. 

The question might be asked whether the a of fuvrjaa fuvrjaar may 
not have returned to them unweakened at some time when the forms 
*t-/uvao(-c) *t-/uyao(-T) *f-ftvao-Te *f-fiyaa-Tov existed; just as ^oar (beside 
Boeot. nttf-tlay) got back its a by analogy of r^ajt ^arov fjoTtpr. I put 
the counter question, why we have n^ta^ not ^Sfoa. It cannot be made 
probable that this «s-formation was found in the singular only — if so, 
the state of things would differ widely from the «-aori8t. 

§ 821. The pr. Idg. differences in root-gradation (§811 
p. 348) were largely levelled out in Greek. 

Often the vocalism of the whole aorist was decided by the 
Present: and we saw in jj 748 p. 270, that where this 

358 The s-Aorists : Stems in -s- and -so-. § 821. 

dependence upon the present stem is seen, the tf-future always 
goes along with the aorist. Compare sygaipa syXvrpa M/uopia 
^liati^a siJ/iffa snrjXa (for *fnaXo(x) with ypdfpu) yXv(p(0 o/uogyvv/ui 
ffri^cj axitco ndXX(Oj but hspxpa edsiou (for *sd€Qaa) sarsiha s(p&sipa 
{fq)&ffpOa) soTsiXa (^sarfXtJa) beside rsgnw Ssqco nrslxo) (pd^siQM 
OTsXXo), Thus there is ncf ground for believing that, say, 
f(rxiodiLitjv inherited from the parent language its grade a/ia- 
(cp. Skr. dchitsi), or that the conj. ^fi'po) inherited ^dfga- 
(cp. Skr. ddrs-a-t). 

The vocalism is independent of the present in htioa beside 
wVw, or sSsi^a beside Cret. -dUvvxi {kit. ^sixvvai)^ amongst other 
examples. The s of these forms was carried right through 
the aorist system. However, it need not come exclusively 
from the Conjunctive; rj may have been shortened to s in the 
indie, tdst^a hsioa^ and in sCsv^a snX^von sxspOa etc., by the 
rule laid down in vol. I § 611 p. 461. In this case et,fv^a 
would be equivalent to Skr. dyauksam. This shortening 
cannot have taken place in the P* sing, s/ufiva tvHfxa for 
pr. Gr. *i-ufv(s-a *S'VifiG-a , as is proved by Lesb. (.irjvv-o<; 
Att. jLiTjv-oc (see loc. cit.). But it may have come about in the 
2"** and 3'** sing., at a time when these took the forms *6-inr]va('g) 
and *f'jLi?jva('T), etc. On this view, the old vowel gradation 
must have been kept, or undergone nothing but regular change, 
in the conj. act. and mid. dsiho) dsl^o/nai and in the sing, indie. 
act. I(»<|a; while there has been analogical influence in the 
plural and dual indie, act., and in the whole of the indie, 
middle, sdU^af^uv etc., idei^djutjv etc. 

Survivals of the original weak grade are terav, ^aav for 
*TJfi6av 1) beside isiad/LiTjv^ Hom. fdraOav beside tavrjGa^ (xa/uevo-g 
beside ijadjmjv ijaaadai (Lat. suasi). 

1) On loaai Dor. 1"* sing. laSfii etc., which are due to the analogy of 
laay^ see § 863. 

§822. The s-AoristM: Stemn in -«- aod -jm»-. 350 

§ 822. Many rJ-uorists come from rooU with charncteristic, 
or troin present stomn of differont kindn (usually theae hare a 
Biniilar rr-futuro a88oeiiit(»(l with thorn). 

(1) Forms with Heduplicatioii. tSidnSm from diddnxot 
'I toach' for *<Ji-<lax-<Txfii Class XXIII (fut. dtdaiot). turrjra 
from Tiraiyot *I stretch* for *vi-tuv-i(o Class XXVII B, 
Mom. TfTOfjva from Tf-T()nivio 'I boro*, op. l"^r)ya under (2). 
iloin. Tji'^a Att. /}^a from ainofo '1 rush wildly' for */ai'fiy.'tMy 
fTiotifv^a from noi-ifvaaw 'I blow, snort*, fnoinman fri)m noi- 
-7»m,i 1 puff, pant* Class XXVIl J (fut. ^t5<o ^w etc.). 

(2) With a Nasal Suffix. fxAr^a, fffTjVa for ^f-xknu-n, 
*f-(pay0-a, from y.Xiv(o 'I bind* for xAt-K-xw, fpaiym 'I cause to 
appear* for *ya-v-iiai. f^i^m for *f-'^ai>o-a from 5aiW *I scratch, 
comb* for ^t-av-ifo. vtptjva from tifp-aivio 'I weave* (on the S 
of iVr/^^<5f« see the Author, Gr. Gr. - 58 p. 71, Solmsen, Kuhn's 
/eitschr. xxix 66 f.). For these presents in -v-^m and -nv-uo 
see under Class XXIX § 743 pp. 265 f. The aorists were 
formed on the analog^y of hreivn from xtfiyo)^ fnrjXa from nriXXto, 
and so forth (§ 611 p. 150). The futures of these are xhvtJ 
(fui'to vifuvto, § 757 p. 276 f. 

Remark. aC>]va for *(iyoava-ar'aa should be compared with the 
Lith. 1«»» and 2°<* pi. injunot. (fut.) sttHs-^-s-me -te. But these forms are 
not equivalent. For ♦sa^fs-^-s-, which may be the ground-form of the 
Lith. aorist stem, would become *uv~aa- iu Greek. The Greek aorist was 
built upon the present, at a time when -^-io had become -ar-jtu> (-«»»-«). 

(3) With Nasal iu the root (cp. § 813 p. 351 f.). f7iA«/Ha 
from TiXdCot 'I strike, beat' for *nXayy-i(o Class XXIX: Lat. 
planX'l. fxXay^a (fut. xXriy^w) from xXiiUo '1 make a sound, 
cry* for ^xXayy-i^co Class XXIX and beside xXayy-uvut Class XIV. 
fa(fiy^a (fut. a(piy'^io) from otf^lyyui 'I bind, tie' Class XVI. See 
§ 621 p. 158, § 628 p. 166, i< 631 p. 167, § 744 p. 266. 

(4) Later group of Denominatives. Following fxrfim : xm^*, 
fnrjXa : TtdXXni^ farnXa : arsXXoi, hnXrjia : rrXfjnatOj *<ry«|tt : nya'tw 
wore formed wpouTjya from nvounivo '1 name', (Texrrjydftfjy from 
TtxTiin-ojitai 'I carpenter* (fCr^uctva b<'side (otjfiTjyu like r^fopa^ 
see above), ilyyfiXa from dyyfXXto *I announce*, fxtjovSa from 

360 The «-Aorist8: Sterna in -s- and -so-. §§822,823. 

ntjpvaaa) 'I proclaim', TJgna^a from apnd^M 'I seize*, kadkniy^a 
from ^aXnlCco 'I sound the trumpet' (for ^aaXniyy-j^w)^ hsleaoa 
Att. irsX^aa from rsksw -co *I finish' (for *TsXsa-i^fo). The futures 
are nvojLtavfo Tfy.zfxvovjuai dyysXdo like xtsvw etc., but xt^qv^m 
apna^o? oaXTily'^co TsXiaant like nXrj'^w etc. Compare § 756. 3 
p. 275. 

Many analogical changes took place in the aorist forms 
from presents in -lw, because these represent both -S-i,(o and 
-y-j^w; e. g. rignaoa instead of rjpnaha following fSiyMOa {Sixdt,M 
for -aJ-j^w), and idixa'Sa instead of following tJQna^u. 
The ending -|a became very common for J-verbs in Doric and 
the N.-W. Greek dialects. The ^-future followed suit. 

(5) (T-aorists from stems having the suffixes -a-, -e- or o 
go back to the pre-Greek period. To those cited in § 813 
p. 351, add the following: e/Livtjoa Dor. sftrma from mn-d- 
y/^men- 'think, mean*; sfirjoa Dor. b(iaGa from g-a- 'to go* 
(§ 497 Rem. p. 57); h'Qrjda s^waa from qi-e- qi-o- [/^ qei- 'live*; 
txQr,aa from XQ'V' *^^ ^^^'^ ^^ oracle'. Amongst dissyllabic 
aorist stems with these suffixes, those in -rj-o- take a prominent 
place; as ^jlisXtjof from /uaXfi 'it is a care*, td^tXtjia from if'bXM 
*I wish', IdsTjna Hom. Aeol. iSsvrjGa from Sho Hom. Aeol. dsvu) 
*I lack, need*, with which were associated forms made from 
present stems with some characteristic, as x«^tC^'aat,' from 7tff> 
'I place* for *si'Zd-d^ srvntrjaa from Tv-n-no *I strike', eyai(jrj6a 
from x^l()(o *I rejoice* for */ag'f(Co, wi^fjGu from o^m *I smell* for 
*6i)'i(o. With these go similar futures, as /uvrlau) ^7Joo/nai 
ItifXTJaei, see § 750.1 p. 271, § 756.1 p. 275. 

(6) Along with the forms mentioned under (5) go the 
aorists of later denominatives, as ixi^aaa Ion. hiuTjaa, lg)iXf)aa^ 
l^dcsd^Moa, sddxovoa, eaoviaa. See § 756. 5 p. 276, § 773 p. 290, 
§ 813 p. 351. 

§ 823. Italic. Three Italic categories fall here. 

(1) Forms of the perf. indie, ending in -s-t (to the 
building up of which a great many things have gone , see 
§ 367). We have already mentioned clempst prompsi serpsi 

§823. The «-Aoriat8: Steins in -•- and -tc, 361 

torsJ mula vfsf dlxf ussi v€x% cftrf -r&rf -Uxf plixi suOgf 
jousX ju88h jUnxT S-mUnxf planxf; S§ ^12, 813. Other example* 
aro: inatisl from nianeO. tefnpsf from temnO. mixi (mlrl?) and 
mUixl from imngO [/^ meigh- 'to stale: Or. lofn'^n (i ?), Lith. 
!•* and 2"** pi. injunct. (fut.) misz-me -te, scrfpsi from scrJho, 
dl'VisJ from dl-mdd. frfxT from frlyd: cp. Skr. d-bhrak^-am 
d-hhnrk^'am (gramm.) from hhfjjd'ti (cp. § 524 p. 87). diLri 
from dUcii. clepsl from clepO: Or. hXnpa from yMn-no 
*I steal*. />^a:f from pec-tO: Gr. fnf^dftrji' from Txfx-rfw *1 comb*. 
cdn-spSxt from ^spicUf. ges-sl from .r/^r5 for *^«.w. awjii 
from auged: Lith. 1"* and 2°** pi. injunct. (fut.) duks-me -/« from 
rfw^M *I increase*. Aaes? for *haes-sl from haered. With 
internal nasal (cp. ^wwxf etc., above): O.Lat. n^nxi-t from 
ningui't y/^sneigh- 'snow': cp. Gr. tvtix^s {tvlxpi). distTnxT 
from distinguO: cp. Gr. €ar«|a from nxiCto T prick, pierce*. 
sanxi from sayiciO beside sac^r. 

In the paradigm of dixi there is not one form which can 
be held with any safety to be regularly derived from one of the 
unthematic forms of the pr. Idg. s-aorist. We cannot connect 
the 1** sing, with Skr. mid. hf-s-e beside n-kf-s-i (§ (J56 
p. 191), because of its past meaning. It is as impossible to 
prove that -imus in dtx-imus represents a proethnic *-iiitno$, 
as it is to prove that -u^n- in f-^H^-a^tfy represents *^tnen 
(§ 820 p. 356). The short forms of the 2°<» pi., e. g. dixtis 
accestis exclustis^ may, it is true, be regarded one and all as 
s-aorist forms (cp. Stolz, Lat. Gr.* p. 372 footnote 3); but on 
the other hand there is nothing against the traditional view, 
namely, that they are contractions of dixistis accessistis ex- 
clumtis (cp. Osthoff, Perf. 216 ff.). 

I would suggest that before the 5-aorist had been drawn 
into any close connexion with perfect forms like tu-tud-i and 
with aorists like fid-i-t^ some thematic forms had intermingled 
themselves amongst the non-thematic forms of the s-aorist, just 
as happened in other branches of Indo-Germanic (jj 833). 
1 regard as thematic aorist forms, originally with secondary 
personal ending, dixi-t and dlxi-mus (cp. Skr. d-dik^a-t 

362 The s-Aorists : Stems in -*- and -so-. §§ 823,824. 

d-diksa-ma^ Gr. i-d&i^t^, O.C.Sl. j^so-mu), whose ending is 
equivalent to that of fidi-t fidi-mus; then between pret. msi-t 
visi-mus and present visi-t vtsi-mtcs there was the same 
relation as between pret. scandi-t and pres. scandi-t (the 
preterite forms originally had a secondary personal suffix). If 
aorists of this kind came to have the same syntactical value 
as perfect forms such as totondit tofondimus^ then dtx-t fid-% 
might be made on the model of totond-t. To this group were 
attracted vtdistis vTdist% which really belong to the 2S-aorist 
(possibly viderunt also, see § 1023), and on the model of them 
sprang up dixistis dlxisti dixerimt (§ 841). 

§ 824. (2) The Conjunctive with -e- -o-, and the Optative 
with -^-. 

Lat. dixo dixim: Gr. dnho. axim: cp. Gr. aibrs § 833. 
empsim^ in-censim^ capso capsim, oh-jexim^ faxo faxitur 
faxim^ oc-ctsim^ aiisim. Conj. dlxo beside indie, pres. visa 
indie, pret. dtxi-t dixi-mus ^ like Skr. conj. tqsa-t(i) beside 
indie, pres. tqsa-ti pret. (d-)tqsa-t^ see § 833. 

The Umbr.-Osc. 5-future is also a similar conjunctive (on 
the disappearance of the conj. vowel, see I § 633 p. 474, 
§ 655. 5 p. 503 and the remarks on the ending -e-d of the 
3'<*sing. perf. in § 867.7 below). Umbr. fust fust Osc. fust 
'erit' Umbr. 3''*^ pi. furent: cp. Gr. erpvaa etc., § 812 p. 350. 
Umbr. pru-pehast 'ante piabit*. Osc. deivast *iurabit*, 
censazet 'censebunt*. Compare the future with -gs-, Umbr. 
ferest Osc. pert-emest § 837. The ending of the 3''** pi. Umbr. 
-ent(i) stands for *-ofiti, see § 1022 at the end. 

(3) Conjunctive with -e- (§ 926 ^>). Osc. fusid 'foret*, 
cp. § 812 p. 350. Lat. essem^ cp. Gr. fut. taaof.iai. Lat. ferrem 
vellem essem con-derem (\/^ dhe-) darem stdrem, see § 812 
pp. 348 f. With the root-suffixes -a-, -e- : in-trarem hiarem 
flarem narem ardrein juvarem^ -plerem nerem flerem viderem 
tacBrem; then denominatives as plantarem clauderem fimrem. 
See § 813 p. 351. Pelign. upsaseter operaretur' or 'operarentur'. 

§§824-826. The ^-AorisU: Stanu in -m- and -aih. .H63 

Compare the forms with -m- Lat. agerem ttvertm, Osc 

patensfns for ^patenesM^ § 837. 

This ^-conjunctive from the s- and «»-aori8t was very 
closely connected in Latin with the Infinitive in -se for *-*-t 
(loc. sing.); e. g. esse ferre in-trdre -plere plantdre claiidSre 
ftnTre, The same sort of thing occurs in Aryan and Greek; 
aH 8kr. inf. ;/-^-^ beside indie, d-jai^-am (mid. *d-ji^'%), inf. 
ffij-ds'^, beside indie. ffij-as-S part, j^fijas-and-s, Avest. inf. 
a naS'?. (to make away with*) beside nOi-Uma (§ 815), Gr. 
dfT^ai ftvijaat xifirjaai xovTaat beside fitt^a etc. The infinitives 
belong to nominal ^-stems (II § 132 pp. 414, 416, 418, § 162 
pp. 48J) f.), and are a proof of the etymological sameness of the 
«-8uffix in the verb and in the noun ; see § 655 p. 189, § 834. 

§ 826. As regards the relation of the vocalism in the 
root-syllable of the Italic s-forms to that of the parent language 
(§ 811 p. 348), all is obscure. 

The vocalism has been influenced by non-aorist forms in 
many words; e. g. 7nulsf beside mtdgeG midctum^ torsi beside 
torqued tortum , compared with tersl beside ter(/e5 {tergd) 
tersum. Sometimes the aorist goes along with the ^o-participle, 
and is different from the present; ussi : ustwSy but ur6; 
di'Visl : di-vJsu-s , but -vidO; howbeit, mtsl is different fr«)m 

Whether B in -lext texT vBxT rBxl in the Idg. B of O.C.Sl. 
tBchu Skr. ddhak^am^ is doubtful in the extreme. It appears 
to have been imported from forms like Ug-l beside partic. Uc- 
-tu-s^ and suchlike, coxi (for ^qnext) like Gr. tntxpa^ cp. partic. 
coctu-s (for *quectu~s). 

As regards forms like serpsi d%x% (for deix-) it must be 
remembered that g may have been shortened to e as set forth 
in vol. I § 612 p. 462, serps- for *sBrps- and so on. 

§ 826. Keltic. In Irish the only indie, forms we have 
are the 2"** and 3"* sing., but without augment, and therefore 
really injunctive. The 2"** sing, is only used as a conjunctive 
(or hortative), the 3"* sing, both as conj. and future. Examples : 
2"** sing. coniBir raise thyself for *cdtn-ecS'recS'S beside 

364 The s-Aorists : Stems in -s- and -so-. §§ 826,827. 

con-ergim 'I raise myself : Gr. wgs'^a. 2^^ sing, tair veni' for 
*t6-air-incs-s ^ S'^ sing, fair Veniat' for *-incs-t^ co-ti 'donee 
veniat' for *'t{o)-incs-t beside 4cim: cp. Skr. pret. mid. dks-i 
beside pres. dksa-te from as-no-ti reaches' (§ 659 p. 194). 
for-te *subveniat, iuvet* for *-steics-t beside tiagim 'I step, go* 
(for-tiagim *I come to the help*), \^steiqh-: Gr. l-oTs/'^-a; 
perhaps by contamination of -U with the conjunctive teis (see 
below) arose -tei, which is used as equivalent to -te. do-n-fe 
*let him lead us' for *-mtS't^) beside fedim 1 bring, lead*: 
Lith. vesme etc., see § 812 p. 350. 

In all persons the Conjunctive is used with conj. meaning, 
and more rarely as a future. Examples: — from tiagim: 
sing. P* pres. -tias 2°** -teis 3'** (abs.) teis tes^ pi. P* -tiasam 
2"*^ -tesid 3'^ -tiasat. On account of the relation between 
absolute and conjunct inflexion in the present, arose the new 
forms sing. P* tiasu 2°** teisi^ pi. P' teisme 2°** tesit. Other 
instances: no tes "effugiam* from techim *I flee*: O.C.Sl. t^ch-u 
from tekq 'I run, flee': at-resat 'surgeut' from at-reig ^raises 
itself*, cp. comeir above; co n-darhais *ut demoustres* from 
du-ad-hat 'demonstrat' (pass, -badar); ma fris-tossam 'si 
abiuraverimus* from tongaim *iuro*. 

Again, the so-called ^-preterite comes in here, as far as it 
was derived from the 3'"'* sing. mid. of the s-aorist in *-5-^o; 
say do-bert 'he brought* for *'ber-s-to, celt 'celavit* for *cel-s-tOj 
ro-anacht 'he protected' for *anek'S'io. See § 506 p. 72 f. 

§ 827. Germanic. A survival of the s-aorist is con- 
jectured in O.H.G. scri-r-un 'they cried' opt. scri-r-i (part, 
pret. gi-scriran) beside pret. sing, srei 'he cried* pres. inf. 
scrlan 'to cry'; -r- = pr. Germ. -^-, see I § 581 p. 434. 
Later on, this r- formation got into the verb splwan 'to spew', 
the participle being changed from ge-spiwen to ge-spiren (but, 
vice versa, O.H.G. 3^'* pi. er-scriwun follows spiwun). See 

1) The long vowel in -fe is not due to Compensatory Lengthening, 
but to the fact that monosyllables bearing the chief accent, and ending 
in a vowel, were all lengthened in Irish (III § 440. 2 p. 373). 

§$ 827,828. The ^-Aorists: Stemi in -a- and -to-. 365 

Joh. Schmidt, Kuhn's Zcitschr. xxv 599 f.; Kluge, FwlVb 
Cirundr. i 375. But tliis view of acrirum is very questionable; 
see G. IIolz, Urgerin. geschloss. 5, pp. 47 f. ; and Zarncke in 
P.-B. Bcitr. XV 350 ff. 

A few s-aorist forms have perhaps contributed to the system 
of the weak preterite, as Goth, vissa O.H.G. unssa *he knew', 
whose plurals wissum wissut wissun may be compared with 
Gr. lauv. Compare S 907. 

§ 828. Balto-Slavonic. 

In Lithuanian, we find the !•* and 2°** plural and the 
!•* and 2°** dual injunctive used with future meaning. They 
have run into one paradigm with the future in -siu (§ 761 
p. 278), and in certain dialects appear side by side with the 
future in -sime -site and -siva ^sita. As the Lith. future could 
be used hortatively in the ]•' and 2°** persons, there is the less 
reason for surprise at this commixture of the injunctive with 
the future in -sio-. In addition, the 3'** sing, in -s appears to 
belong to our iJ-aorist, at least partly. If, for example, we 
assume that -s comes from st^ it is easy to understand the 
vowel shortening in hiis (1"* sing, husiu) rh (1** sing, rysiu) 
gaus (!•* sing, gdusiu) and the like, of whicji more is said in 
I § G64. 3 p. 523. Then we may compare the use of the future 
in general statements as kas vbks nepralops *the thief never 
grows rich' with the similar use of the injunctive in Greek 
(§ 909. 1). And further, this view of the 3'*' singular is 
favoured by the Prussian forms, used exclusively as conjunctive, 
boUsai (bousei bouse) *be he, be they', and the like, which cannot 
be separated from Lith. su-gausai beside su-gaus etc., whose 
-a» moreover is the same affix as we see in tasai beside tas 
•the, that* (§ 999). This would be making *bri8 for *ba-S't 
proethnic Baltic. 

O.C.Sl. s-aorist forms of this group are the 2"** and 3"* sing., 
plur., and dual; as sing. /^ /f, pi. fqste y^^, dual j^ta j^te; 
but the 1'* persons are thematic (j^u jqsomu Ji^sov^); see § 833. 

Of s-forms preserved in both branches we have mentioned 
in § 812 g}S'me -te from genu *I hunt, drive O.C.Sl. po-z^ from 

366 The s-Aorists : Stems in -s- and -so-. §§ 828,829. 

z%n-jq 'I cut , harvest' , Litli. ims-me from imii 1 take' 
O.C.Sl. j^s-u from imq 1 take', Lith. pldus-me from pldu-ju 
*I riuse* O.C.Sl. pluch-u from plov-q 'I swim, sail', Lith. pa- 
-btlsme from pa-hundu 'I awake' O.C.Sl. hljiisu from hljudq, 
'I guard, protect, take care*, Lith. vesz-me from ^m> 1 
drive' (trans.) O.C.Sl. v^s-u from t^^^ct 1 drive' (trans.), 
Lith. ves-me from vedil 'I lead' O.C.Sl. »^s-w from ved-q, 
*I lead', Lith. dbhs-me from c?«^-?5t *1 burn' (trans, and 
intr.) O.C.Sl. mchu from seg-q *I burn' (trans.), Lith. es-me 
from erf-mi erf-w 'I eat' O.C.Sl. jas-u from jami *esse', 
Lith. des-me from de-d-ii 'I lay' O.C.Sl. dich-u from rfe-/a 
'I lay*, Lith. spes-me from spe-ju *I have leisure' O.C.Sl. 
spech-u from spS-j'q 'I get on, have success', Lith. d^'s-me 
from rfi^'rfw 'I give' O.C.Sl. dach-u from rf«»w* 1 give', Lith. 
stds-me from sto-ju *I tread' O.C.Sl. stach-u from sta-nq 
1 place myself*, Lith. biis-me from 6«^-^i 'to be' O.C.Sl. hych-u 
from fty-^i 'to be', Lith. gys-me from ^'y-y** 'I revive, get well' 
O.C.Sl. Mch-u from ^i-r^ *I live*. Forms with -^-, -e-, and 
denominative forms in § 813: Lith. pa-vydesme from pa-vyd-ziu 
'in video' O.C.Sl. md^chu from i?iirf6|t 1 see', Lith. lankos-me 
from lankd-ju 'I try to make soft or malleable' O.C.Sl. Iqkach-u 
from Iqka-jq *I cheat, deceive*. 

§ 829. Lithuanian. Besides the examples given in 
§ 828 others were given in §§ 812 and 813, as mUsz-me from 
mSlz-u 1 milk', ses-me from sed-u I place myself, sit', si6s-me 
from zid-ju *I open my mouth', gudes-me-s from gude-jtb-s 
*I am greedy', jiiM's-me from j{ik'S{-ju *I play, sport'. 

The vocalisation of the root in the forms under § 812 is 
always that of the sio-future. There is no trace left of the 
Idg. vowel gradation (§ 811 p. 348). 

From present stems with internal Nasal: junks-me from 
jung-iu *I put in the yoke', sk^s-me from skund-siu 'I lament* 
(cp. § 761 p. 278), to be compared with Skr. d-guToks-mahi 
Lat. junx-i. From presents in -imi -enu: sausls-me from 
saus-inu 1 make dry', gab^s-me from gahe-nii *I push something 

$§ 829,880. The ^-Aoristc : Steins in -•- and -to-. 807 

forward, help it on* (cp. § 761 p. 278), to be compared with 
Gr. avtjva for *{i-)aavn-nv'aa (S 822. 2 p. 3»59), and aj^in with 
O.C.Sl. t'H^nqc7i-u, granting the correctness «»f th<' hypothe^^is 
offered in § 615 Rem. p. 154. 

§ 830. Slavonic. Some exaniple8 were given in S 82H, 
and more in §§ 812 and 818; as po-sluchu from -slu-ja *i hear*, 
orach-u from or-fq 7 plough*, rM6ch-u from riUidq Vubeo*, 
cM'h-u from cM^-^'q *I get well*. On the aorist in -ttqch-u, as 
prXchnqchu from vrtg-nq *I throw*, see § 615 p. 154 and § 829. 

The general question of the s-aorist inflexion has been 
discussed in § 829 p. 366. In the 2»*' and 3"« sing. -»-« and 
'S't dropt entirely by rule, which gave forms like j^ the look 
of a preterite of our I" Present Class, those like zna ora rudi 
the look of preterites of Present Class X, and denominatives 
like Iqka the look of preterites without -io- such as Gr. Lesb. 
fTtua (for *-a-/). Probably, however, some of these forms 
really are what they look like ; for instance bi 'eras, erat* may 
come from Idg. *bhu-B-s -t as well, and da 'thou gavest, he 
gave' may also come from Idg. *dd'S -t. 

With roots in a consonant, the 2°** and 3"* sing, are found 
only when this root-final was a nasal, r, or /; as j^ (Z^), sr^ 
and zrl (zrSchu for *zerchu and zrtchu from Hr-q 1 devour, 
offer'), Ida (klachu for *kolchu from kol-jq 'I slay'); otherwise 
the thematic aorist without s was used, as 2°** and 3"* sing. te6e 
beside Uvhu Uchomu etc. The reason is that these roots were 
the only ones which according to the laws of Slavonic did not 
drop their final consonant. 

The 2"^ and 3'^* sing, often add -^m, the ending of the 
3"* sing. pres. ; as /)ri-jqtu instead of -/^, bitu instead of bi (bijq 
'1 strike*) , u-mritu instead of -mr6 (u-mXrq 'I die*) ; dasi^ 
instead of da following dastii *dat*. This addition came up 
first in the 3"* sing, aorist, and them went on to the 2'*'' sing, 
because the two persons had tht* same form. Compare imper. 
jazdi both 2°<* and 3'^ sing. § 949, and again Skr. 2"'* and 
3"» dual cakr-dthur -dtur § 1038. 

368 The .s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -so-. §§831,832. 

§ 831. From what was said in § 811 p. 348 on the Idg. 
gradation of the root syllable, it follows that e is original in 
such forms as vesu n^su techu r^chu {rekq *I say'), and the 
a == Idg. in basu (bodq *I pierce', cp. Lat. fodiD fodt); the 
long vowel was originally confined to the singular. Since a 
long vowel before i, m, liquid, or Nasal -j- Consonant was 
shortened, as laid down in vol. I § 615 p. 465, the same vowel- 
grade may be assumed for forms like bich-u {*bhei-s-)^ cisu 
(cttq *I count, reckon, honour', cp. Skr. edits-) ^ po-sluchu 
(Skr. Srdus-)^ mr^ch-u for *merch-u (tivtrq *I die', *mer-s-), 
vris-u for *vers-u (vrtz-q, 'I tie', cp. Lith. P' and 2"^ pi. injunct. 
versz-me -te from verz-iu *1 tie', \^uergh-)^ mqs-u {mqtq 
'I stir up'). 

Where the root syllable has a weak grade, this is always 
seen in the infinitive stem as well, so that we are not justified 
in assuming that it comes from the Idg. weak form of the 
plural and dual active. E. g. zrtch-u (also zr^ch-u) beside zr'%-ti 
(also zre-ti), klach-u for *kolch-u beside Ma-ti for *kol-ti from 
ql' like Lith. kdls-me -te (§ 726 p. 256), krych-u beside kry-ti 
'to cover' as contrasted with Lith. krdus-me krdu-ti. 

§ 832. Roots ending in a consonant also make aorists with 
the ending -ochu in O.C.Sl.; e. g. beside nesu: sing, nesochu^ 
pi. nesochomu nesoste nesosq^ dual nesochove nesosta nesoste. 
The W.-Slav. languages have -ech etc. instead of S.-E.-Slav. 
'Ochu etc. The conjecture as to this inflexion offered in vol. I 
§ 110 p. 105, and supported now by Jagid, is untenable 
(Arch. slav. Phil., x 175, 191). It is far more likely that this 
is some peculiar Slavonic growth; probably a transformation of 
the aorist without s (nesu) on the analogy of the s-aorist. The 
relation of the 2°<* and 8'*^ sing. dSla to the 2°^ pi. delaste 
2°^ dual -asta S'^ dual -aste first caused the 2°** and 3''** sing, nese 
to change its forms nesete -eta -ete into neseste -esta -este, as 
the former were the same as those of the present. Next, 
nesochomu nesochove may have arisen beside nesomu nesove^ 
and by and by the P* sing, nesochu completed the group. Then 

§§832,838. The «'Aoriit8: Stems in ••- and -«o-. 369 

(lifFerences were levelled out, the West-Slavonic in all consistency 
putting e- in all persons (nesech etc.), while the other branch 
took -0-, and changed neseste to nesoste etc. A different view 
is taken by Wiedemann, Beitr. zur altbulg. Conj., 109 f. 

II. Thematic s-stems. 

§ 833. The forms which fall under this heading belong 
to our XX* Present Class. They have been partly given in 
§§ 657 ff., and the only reason for reverting to them here is 
that they are very intimately connected with the non-thematic 

(1) Indicative. In Sanskrit, as we saw in § 659 p. 194, 
the use of the thematic vowel with the s-aorist was conditioned 
by the form of the Root, as d-wfk^a-t; but non-thematic 
inflexion is also found, as d-dik^-i beside d-diksa-t from di^- 
'to show, point', d-drdks-am beside d-d^k^a-t from rffi- to see', 
drsrak§-am d-sj-ks-i from Sf/- 'to free\ O.Pers. niy-apisam 
T wrote' seems to be similar to d-diks-a-m^ see loc. cit. above. 
An Avestic thematic form is a-sqsa-^ from sat9h' (kens-) 
'speak', with strong root. 

In Greek, the S*"** sing. act. was thematic from the pro- 
ethnic stage; e. g. £-J«|f, see § 820 p. 356. In the Epic 
dialect this is true of other persons, as Jl^s-s l^o-v beside fHo- 
•jLtat 'I will come', s-^rjof-io beside It-^rjC-a fut. fitlao-juau from 
q-a- *go' (see Curtius, Verb II ^ pp. 307 f.). Perhaps these 
latter forms arose partly by analogy of the 3"* sing, in -*, and 
partly by that of thematic forms of the imperative (see below). 

Remark. The Att. fneaor *I fell' //f-joy *caoavi' do not come in 
here. They got their a from the fut. nfooZjuat /*'>ovx/m. See F. Hart- 
mann, De aor. sec, 66; Wackernagel , Kuhn's Zeitsohr. xxx 313 ff. ; 
the Author, Or. Gr.* p. 169. 

Latin. Aorists of this sort are forms like dfxi-t dixi-muSy 

see § 823 p. 361. These forms were related to the conj. (fut.) 

dlxd and to the opt. dixim just as Skr. d-hhak^a-t to conj. 

hhdk§a-tj and Gr. t^firjae to conj. ^fjno-/inv, 

Br«fin«nn, Elemanu. IV. S4 

370 The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -so-. §833. 

Irish. Mid.Ir. seiss 'has seated himself, sat' and *sits' for 
*setse-t from l^ sed-, cp. Skr. conj. sdts-a-t Gr. indie, saa-a. 
From seiss as used for the present upsprang a redupl. pret. 
siassair *he sat' for *se-(s)ess- (Thurneysen , Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXXI 99), to be compared with Skr. na-ndks-ur from ndk-sa-ti 
reaches' and others (§ 659 p. 194). 

In O.C.Slav, the P* persons are thematic, as jqsu j^so-mu 
jqso-vS. On the ch of dachu trtchu etc., see I § 588. 1 and 2, 
pp. 442 f. ; on the Idg. sound-groups Jcs and qs in n^su (nesq) 
and richu (rekq)^ see ibid.^ and § 414 p. 303. The s-type 
spread into the c/i-series, and thus we have forms like jachu 
jachormi instead of jasu jasomu (ground-form "^etso-., [/^ ed- 
*to eat'), as also in the 3'"** pi. jas^ instead of jas^. 

(2) Imperative. Aryan and Greek forms come in here. 
Yed. 2"** sing, nesa, cp. conj. nes-a-t(i) from nl- 'to lead'; parsa, 
cp. conj. pdr^-a-t(i) from par- 'to bring over, transfer ; mid. 
3'^ sing. rOsa-tdm 3'"** pi. rOsa-ntam, cp. conj. ras-a-t(i) from 
ra- 'to give'. Avest. 3'** pi. jardhe-ntu^ cp. conj. Oath, jetogha- 
-iti from jam- (gem-) 'to go*. Gr. Ep. oIgs oIostm^ cp. fut. 
oiao) *I will carry, or bring; oxpfo&s (sing, oipso in Hesych.), 
cp. fut. otpojLiai 'I shall see'; o^sts a|f(T^g, cp. fut. a^w 'I will 
lead'; fni-^TJafo, Xsho and others. These Greek imperative 
forms were adduced in § 747 p. 269 to support the theory 
that the ^-future, at least in part, has grown out of the con- 
junctive of the s-aorist. I admit that the parallel o-conjunctives 
of Aryan and Greek, with which the imperative forms went 
very closely, belong to the non-thematic indicative with s. 
But I must remind my readers of the formal identity of the 
Skr. conj. tqs-a-t(i) and the indie, tqsa-ti Goth, -pinsa. 
Imperative forms with a genuine personal ending are really 
Injunctive, and these have been used in the parent language 
and ever since both for the Indicative and for the Conjunctive 
(wish, futurity); see § 909. Compare § 854, on the imper. 
perf. Skr. mmnoc-a-ta Gr. y.sHgay-s-Tf. 

(3) Participle. Skr. dhtsa-mana-s Avest. dise-mna- 
beside Avest. 2^** sing, indie, dais from dht- *to notice'. Avest. 

§884. The ^-Aorists: Stemt in -<•-, -«•-, aad -If-. 871 

xSnaoie-mna- beside 3'** pi. injunct. xinaoSen from xintt- *to join 
oneself to, comply with*. 

B. STEMS IN -«»-, '98', AHD -If-. 

§ 834. Between -s- and what is usually called the Root 
there often appears -e-, -o-, or -»-. We have -e-8- in Aryan, 
Greek, ^) Italic, perhaps Keltic; -a-5- in Aryan, Greek, perhaps 
Keltic; -t-s- in Latin (-J-5- in Sanskrit). In view of the 
connexion of verbal forms with -8- and noun-stems with -»- 
(§ 655 pp. 189 f., § 824 p. 363), we may identify Gr. */fidtg- in 
fii) 6-a ijds-a with */ndsa- in gen. iids-oq, 2°** sing. mid. i-niXdo' 
-&T]g with adv. ntXag, Skr. mid. d-rdci^-fa with neut. rOci^-, 
3"* pi. d'jdri^'Ur with Gr. yrjgaq^ and Lat. vidis-tis may be 
compared with ctw/s Gr. ^t/uta- (II § 134 pp. 425 f.). The 
same intermediate vowels occur in the 5-future: Gr. reyau 
TfvtJ, TTfAa'ft) 7r*A(u, Skr. rOci^ya-tB^ see § 749 if. pp. 271 ff. 

Special vowel-grades for the root-syllable, as in the s-aorist 
(§ 811), cannot be made out for the parent language; and 
regard being had to the variants -e-s-, -a-s-, -t-s-, which 
undoubtedly must often have been interchanged by form- 
transference, we might expect without further argument an 
intricate ablaut in the root syllable. The commonest grade in 
historical times is the e-grade (1"* Strong Grade), as ueid- in 
Skr. vedi§' Gr. *iJf(a)- Lat. mdis-, gem- in Skr. gami^- 
Umbr.-Osc. benes-] cp. the s-future Skr. hani^ya-ti Gr. 
d^tviu) etc. 

As regards the tense, or kind of action denoted, we must 
observe that whilst the s-stems described under {A) are 
prevailingly aorist, so that we must regard this as fairly 
representing the proethnic use, these -es- -ds- and -ts-stems do 
not have the aoristic use anything like so often in proportion; 
for instance, Skr. arcas-S Gr. ffita never had it. The verb- 

1) I no longer regard * in Or. ffStn as representing Idg. 9. See 
p. 271 footnote 1. 


372 The s-Aorists: Stems in -es-^ -9s-, and -ts-. §§834—836. 

suffix -S' therefore, in all its forms, had originally nothing at 
all to do with tense. This explains the mass of instances in 
all sorts of languages where s runs right through the verb 
(cp. the s-verbs, in §§ 656 fF.). Hence it happens that even 
where s does not go through a verb, s-forms often enough 
have no aorist meaning, as in Gr. sld-ea- (j]^ta sidsw sldtirjv). 
It certainly cannot be proven that here the meaning conveyed 
was originally aorist. Here again we see how useful it would 
be if we could keep Yerb Morphology quite free from terms 
borrowed from Syntax (cp. § 484 pp. 33 if.). 

I. es-stems. 

§ 835. There are no es-preterites in Aryan. But we 
may refer once more to the presents cited in § 656 pp. 190 f., 
Skr. v-ds~te (Gr. anl-sGrai) arc-as-e A vest, rd'tdh-atdh-oi etc. 

§ 836. Greek. ijdea sXdta 1 knew*, served for a 
preterite to ol6a 1 know', cp. O.Ir. ro-fetar *I know* with -es- 
or "is- (§ 838), Skr. d-vedis-am with -9S-, Lat. vtdis-tis with 
-•«-; conj. lon.-Att. ddew ddfu (2"** sing, sldtrjg sid^qg 3^^ pi. 
ndsoKJi fuWm by transfer to the e : o- conj.) ^) and (Horn.) tSscOj 
cp. Skr. vedis-a-t Lat. vtder-d, opt. tMeT/Luv for *ffid-Ea-t-jn€v 
sing, sidsltjv^ cp. Lat. vTder-i-miis vtder-i-m. 

Horn, lita (unless it be properly ^sa — see below — , the 
form in our texts is TJia) Att. rjftv *I went', imperf. and aor. 
preterite to elf-u^ ground-form *ei-es-7p>y cp. Umbr. conj. (fut.) 
eest est ibit* for *ei'es-e-t{i)^ Skr. mid. dy-is-ta (gramm.), Lat. 
1*8- (i. e. *eiris') in iis-tis ier-o ier-i-m. As in pr. Greek i 
dropped between sonants, ijsiv (which should be *rjftv) must 
have got its iota subscript from rj/nsv etc. (§ 502 p. 64); 
and it becomes a question whether the Homeric form should 
not be read tjta. If Horn, siijv is to be recognised for an 

1) On the forms nSu fl^ifg in the text of Homer, see W. Schulze, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xix 251. 

§886. The ^-Aorists: Skems in -««-f •>«-, and -I0-. 378 

optative of f7/i« (see Curtius, Verb 11* p. 99), it is natural to 
derive it from *^(0-f(ff)'^fj-y. 

Remark. G. Mekler's theory (Beitr. zur Bild. des Or. Verb., 
69 ff.), that tfSra oomes from *r,f^nSn^it^ an aorist of the Terb tlS/w, is 
untenable. See Waokemagel, Phil. Anzeiger 1887 pp. 240 f. 

i'Xopia-i^T]^ (Hlem yoQea- 'to satisfy) l-ainQsa-i^rj,^ (stem 
aioota- 'stornere') come in here as the 2°'* sing, mid., if we 
may venture to assume that they helped to form the ^j^K-aorist 
(§ 589 pp. 129 f.). On ly6osn(a)(t hT6Qso(n)a, see § 842. 

Furthermore, the future in -fo*, as xnofo) rsvsw, if it be a 
conj. of the g^-aorist and not for -so-ifo (§ 747 p. 269). The 
difference in the use of this future and eldio) is explained 
because sidem was bound fast to the indie, ndta. 

-eS' in Greek has been borrowed by perfect stems, as 
mnoid^-ta nsnoi^siv beside Tisnoid^a 'I believe', FOTTJytfip beside 
fOxrjKa *1 stand*, etsri^i^xsiv beside veTifirjy.a 'I have honoured' 
(side by side with the old perf. preterites like hni-nid^uv hoxafnv 
yeyaTTji'); the same with -is- in Latin, as totondis-tis totonder^ 
totonder-i-m. I incline to think that this transfer is independent 
in Greek and Latin, ntnoidsa following sidsa and iotondistis 
following vidisiis; but some hold that it took place before the 
original language broke up. The matter is discussed by 
Mahlow, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvi 583; the Author, Ber. d. kgl. 
sachs. Ges. d. Wiss., 1883, pp. 178 f.; Thurneysen, Bezz. Beitr. 
VIII 274; and others. How obvious this re-formation was 
can be seen from Irish, where in later times the perfect was 
very largely transformed on the analogy of the s-preterite, as 
tanacus '1 came* instead of tdnac. 

Li the Indicative, -«a -saq -stiv) became in lon.-Att. -rj -rjg 
•tt(y). Then -f/(v) by complementary analogy produces Att. -sir 
'StSy cp. fjv *eram' instead of 7ja rj § 502 p. 65. The 3"* pL 
was -saav in older Attic ; this followed *-ea-T* *-ta-rw *'ta'Tijv 
as ^aay followed tjots etc. (§ 1021). -saav similarly caused the 
forming of -t/ntv -«t*, which are the endings of old Attic. The 
endings -Hfitr -etre -staav are first found at a late period; so 
it can scarcely be allowable to derive -Fi/nfv from ^-tafttv^ which 

374 The s-Aorists: Stems in -es-, -as-, and -ts-. §§836—838. 

has to be postulated for proethnic Greek. Probably -^i- came 
in from the singular. 

A Greek new formation is doubtless the opt. dsi^nav^ for 
*'a-sa-f,av^ which, on the analogy of the indicative, produced 
dsthiag -sis] similarly Skr. d-ya-s-is-am (§ 839) and Lat. dtx- 
-is-tis dix-er-o dix-er-i-m (§ 841). Compare §§ 944 and 

§ 837. Italic has nothing but Conjunctive forms. 

(1) o-Conjunctive used as future in Umbr.-Osc. (cp. /ms^ 
§ 824 p. 362). Umbr. eest est 'ibit' for *eires-e(ti): Gr. risiv 
§ 836; ferest 'feret', an-penes 'impendes*. Osc. pert-emest 
*perimet'. The same future could be made from present stems 
with some characteristic, as Osc. didest *dabit' beside Yestin. 
di'd-e-t 'dat* (§ 553 p. 107), to be compared with Skr. mid. 
d-dad-is-ta beside dd-da-ti dd-d-a-ti; Umbr. heries voles' 
heriest 'volet' beside her is Vis* Osc. heriiad Velit' (§ 706 
p. 233, § 716 p. 249). 

(2) e-Conjunctive in Latin and Umbr.-Oscan (cp. Lat. 
eS'S-e-m Osc. fu-s-i-d, § 824 p. 362). 

Lat. ager-e-m ager-B-s : cp. Skr. 3'** pi. djis-ur. unguer-e-m : 
cp. Skr. dnji^-am. merger-e-m: cp. Skr. d-majjis-am. vlver-e-m: 
cp. Skr. d-jlvis-am. I think it more likely that forem comes 
from *fyr^s-e- (I § 172.3 p. 152), than from *fu-s-e-; it there- 
fore belongs to -bo for */wo, as agerem to ago. The same 
formation is made from characterised present stems ; as slsterem 
from sist-df jungerem from jung-o -^jeug- (cp. Skr. fnj-as-e 
§ 656 p. 191, dindh-is'ta § 839), sternerem from ster-nd, 
gnoscerem from gnd-sco. 

Umbr. ostensendi 'ostenderentur* for *-tendes-e'nter 
(§ 1082. 1). Osc. h err ins 'caperent' for *heres-e-nt from a 
pres. *herd, patensins 'aperu'ent* for *patenes-e-nt from a 
pres. *patend (§ 622 p. 159). 

§ 838. Keltic. O.Ir. ro-fetar *1 know' 3'^ sing, ro-fitir 
for *uid-eS' (I § 521 p. 379, and Thurneysen Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXXI 62 f., 98) : Gr. rjdsa conj. Hom. ideo) beside sidsu^ § 836 
p. 373. I conjecture that ro-fetar originally meant 'I have 

§ 839. The .v-Aoristo: Stems in -««-, -0«-, Md -If. 375 

learnt', hence its present meaning *I know*, cp. seiss § 833 
p. 870. The phonetic rules however permit of another 
derivation, from *uid-iS'^ in which case it would come near 
to Lat. vldis-tis. 

n. 9S-stem8. 

§ 839. Aryan -is- in Sanskrit and in the Gatha dialect 
of the Avesta. 

In the Gathas we find three forms. 1'* sing. conj. xSnev- 
-13-a from x§nu- 'to attach oneself* (cp. xsnao^^e-mna- § 833 
p. 371), indie, mid. civ-l§'% civ-i^-tCL from kii- 'to look away to 
something, to hope*; I is probably to be read y, as often. 

The formation is common in Sanskrit. As regards the 
2"** pi. mid. in -idhvam^ as djanidhvam, it is to be noted that 
-idh' is due to the analogy of the other persons which have 
-i^- instead of *-T#- -= ""-i^dh- (I § 591 pp. 447 f.). 

Usually with e-grade (!'* Strong Grade) in the root. 
d-star-is-am from star- 'to strew*. 2°** sing. mid. ksan-^-fhas 
from k^an- 'to wound*. 3"* sing. mid. ydm-is-ta from yam- 
'cohibere*. 2°** dual cay-is-tam from ci- 'to put in layers, collect*. 
3'** sing. mid. d-nav-is-ta from nu- 'to praise*. d-dhars-i§-iir 
from dhar^- 'to be brave, dare*. Conj. jarnhh-is-a-t from 
jatnbh- 'to snap at', d-^qs-i^-am from ^qw- 'to praise*. 3*"** pi. 
mid. d'bddh-i$-ata , conj. hodh-is-a-t from hudh- 'to awake, 
notice'. 3'** sing. mid. d-sah-i^-ta opt. sah-i^-t-mdhi from sah- 
'to subdue. 3"* pi. dj-i^-ur from a;- 'agere*. 

Other grades of root, d-bhar-is-am from bhar- 'to carry*. 
d'tdr-i^-am conj. tdris-a-t opt. tCLris-Umahi from tar- *to carry 
aiToss, pass through*. 3'*^ pi. mid. (pass.) d-nay-i^-ata from 
pf- 'to lead*. Opt. idh-i^-i-mahi from idh- 'set afire*. Opt 
gfn-i$-iya from gam- 'to go'. 

As the root of 2°** sing. mid. pur-i^-thas (par- 'to fill*) 
shows it to have been based upon verbal forms like pUr-dhiy 
80 also the i|-aorist is often made from a characterised present 
stem. 3"* sing. mid. d^dad-i^-ta beside dd-do-ti da-d-a-ti from 

376 The s-Aorist: Stems in -cs-, -as-, and -is-. § 839. 

dd- *to give' (cp, Osc. didest^ § 837. 1 p. 374). 3'"** sing. mid. 
aindh-is-ta opt. indh-is-iya (also idh-is-) beside in(d)dhe 
pi. indh-dte from idh-, d-dfh-is-am beside dfh-a-ti from darh- 
\o make firm' (cp. Lat. junger-e-m § 837. 2 p. 374). aips-is- 
-am beside tp-sa-ti from ap- ap- 'to attain', P* sing. mid. 
jijms-is-i beside ji-jna-sa-te from /na- *to learn'. 3'^'* pi. mid. 
d-Maday-is-ata beside hlad-aya-ti causal of hlad- *to refresh, 
give life to*, 2"* sing. mid. pydyay-isthds beside pyciy-dya-ti 
causal of pyd-ya-te Wells' (§ 796 p. 333). Compare P* sing, 
pres. mid. gdyis-e beside gd-ya-ti 'sings* (§ 656 p. 191). 

The origin of the sis- aorist is like that of the latter group of 
forms. 3''** pi. dksis-ur beside pres. ak-sa-te (§ 659 p. 194) and 
beside aor. dk-s-i (§ 655 p. 189) from cj^i- as- 'to attain', hdsis-am 
beside pres. hd-sa-te (§ 659 p. 195) and beside aor. d-hd-s-am 
(§814 p. 353) from hd- 'to go, yield*. 3''*^ sing. mid. d-bhdsis-ta 
(gramm.) beside pres. bhd-sa-ti (aor. d-bhds-i-t, gramm.) from 
bhd' 'to shine*. Compare the fut. aksisya-ti bhdsisya-te 
§ 750. 2 p. 272. So again d-jfid-sis-am beside d-jfids-am 
(cp. Lat. gndri-tur)^ d-gd-si^-ur conj. gd-sis-a-t beside P* sing, 
mid. gd-s-i from gd- 'to sing*, rq-si^-am beside 3'^** sing. mid. 
d-rq-s-ta from ram- 'to be quiet'. Compare with these sis- 
aorists, which had not become common in Vedic, Gr. dbi^tiav 
§ 836 p. 374, and Lat. dfxis-tis dtxer-o dlxer-i-m, § 841. 

Remark. In Mas. of the Veda occur forms with -tis- instead of 
-sis-^ as pya-ks-i-mahi. This shows the same phonetic change as ^us-ka-s 
for *sushd-s I § 587. 4 p. 413. Compare Whitney, Am. Journ. Phil, vi 277 ; 
Bloomfield and Spieker, Journ. Amer. Or. Soc. xui 118. 

The 2°** and 3'** sing, of the aorists with -is- and -sis- ended 
regularly in -l-s and -t-t, as d-stari-s -t beside d-staris-am^ 
d-ydsi'S -t beside d-ydsis-am. The original endings must have 
been '^-is(-s) and *'is(-t). That of the 3'** sing, is still seen in 
injunctive forms like avis-t-u (§ 909), and the influence of the 
2nd gjjjg (j^jj ]jQ made out in aorist forms such as d-jay-i-t 
(§ 574 p. 115). -f-s t-t cannot be got out of "^-is-s and *-is-t. 
They rather belonged in origin to our IX*** Present Class, and 
were not sigmatic aorist at all; d-star-i-t is like d-rod-l-t 

§§889,840. The «-Aori8t8: Stems in -ft-, -M-, and -r^f. 377 

d-brav'f-t (S 574 p. IK)). Ah d-star-Ut is to stara-ti, ho is 
d'has'l-t to hd-sa-tS, and d-bhas-Ut to hhd-Ha-ti.^) These forms 
iu -i§ "Xt took the place of *a8tur%^ *ahasi^ (2°** and JJ'^ sing.) 
because it then became possible to distinguish the persons; 
then 'U and -ft drove *-ti *-t7 out of the field altogether. 
Compare I instead of » in d-dhi-mahi^ mf-m-mds and the like 
§ 498 p. 62. How -m^ -sTt passed afterwurds from the ^j^-aorist 
to the s-aorist, see in § 816 p. 354. 

§ 840. Greek. Here -aa- - -9S- is found only in such 
verbs as uso the s-suffix outside of the aorist stem. Attention 
should be called to the future in -ao), if it was conj. of the 
(T-aorist (§ 747 p. 269, § 757 pp. 276 f.), and the indie. 2°'* sing, 
in -aa-^7)g^ if it had a share in originating the d^^^v-aorist 
(g 589 pp. 129 ff.). E. g. xpfiLidd) ixg&uun&Tji; from xoffiua- 'to 
hang' {yigsfiaa'TO-g) beside xge/iia- (xof/tta-jiiut xpfud-d^ga)^ y.sgdio 
fXfgdod^r^g from xsgad- *to mix* {xfgan-TO-c xfxfpaaraf), nxeddu) 
laxe^do^Tjg from oxsSaa- 'to scatter' (axtdaO-ro-g faxfdnarat). On 
the (Ttf-aorists ixgif.iaa(G)a hxiQa6{a)a f6x^daaau^ see § 842. 

In Keltic, -ds- may be looked for in the s-preterite of 
the 1»* and 2°** Conjugations , as O.Ir. ro-charus Mid.Cymr. 
cereis *I loved*. For the Britannic dialects only -ds{s)- and not 
'as(s)- may be assumed. 3'"** sing. O.Ir. ro-char for *-caraS't^ 
2°** sing, depon. -asser for *-aS'the$ -{- r (Thurneysen, Idg. Forsch. 
I 468). Also found, pi. ro-charsam -charsid -rharsat for 
*cat'assomo(s) *carassete *carassont(o). Thurneysen, who sends 
me this explanation of ro-char, throws out the question whether 
ss did not come from forms in which st originally was: the 
2"** pi. *caras-fe became *caras8e^ this was enlarged to *carassete 
by addiug the usual ending of the 2°** pi., and then by analogy 
*carassorno(s) etc. May we venture to suggest a parallel with 
the relation of Gr. f-xpsfiuO-i^rjg (see above) and h-xneuaaaa 
(§ 842)? 

\) Jackson believes that he has found an Avestio 2^^ slug, of this 
kind in fra-dOhis Yt. 3. 2, from |X da- (Proceed. Am. Or. Soc, Oct. 1889, 

p. CLXV). 

378 The s-Aorists: Stems in -es-, -9s-, and -is-. §841. 

III. ?s-stems. 

§ 841. In Latin, -is- appears in the inflexion of the 
perfect stem. Indicative only -is-tis -is-tl and -erunt, if the 
last is for *-is-ont(i) (§ 1023); Conjunctive (fut. perf.) -ero 
-erimus for *-i-s-o *-is-i-7nus : Optative (conj. perf.) -erim -erimm 
for *-^5-^-, and in the late-born pluperf. with -eram ~ "^-is-a-m. 
vtdis-tis: op. Skr. vedis- Gr. si6t(o)'; iis-tis for *ets- *ei-is-: 
op. Skr. at/is- Gr. se(a)-. Itquis-tis, fzdis-tis vicis-tis. And 
doubtless fugis-tis rupis-tis juvis-tis (juv- for *diugu-, beside 
Lith. dziaugi'&'-s 1 am glad*) with u -= Idg. eu. vertis-tis 
scandis-tis. Also scdbis-tis cavis-tis, fodis-tis and legis-tis 
venis-tis may come in here, the last two to be compared with 
Gr. y^pag (§ 834 p. 371). 

Remark. Since so many kinds of forms have contributed to the 
Latin perfect (§ 867), it is impossible to restore with any certainty the 
proper vowel grades of the root. As regards e, for instance, in the 
system of legl\ (1) this may have come from legis-tis as suggested, 
(2) legimus may follow the analogy of sedimus for *se-zd-^ as Skr. petimd 
follows sedimd (§ 471 p. 16), (3) leg-i ven-l may be non-thematic, like 
Goth, qetn-um Skr. sah-vds- (loc. cit.), or (4) legi-t may = pr. Ital. *lSg-e-d^ 
and be a thematic preterite form related to legi-t as Gr. fji'i^f-rai to 
^^rJf-rat, Skr. sdha-ti to sahd-te (§ 480 Rem. p. 28, § 514 p. 81). 

Phonetic law forbids our assuming that -es- has been 
weakened to -is- in vidis-tis (vidis-sem § 842) ; cp. scelestu-s 
capessd and the like. It is not a sufficient explanation to say 
that -e- became -/- because of -imus, or that the relation of 
amdmus : amCLssem produced vertissem beside vertimus (Bar- 
tholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xvii 112). Nothing is left but to hark 
back to Idg. -i-s-.^) In § 834 p. 371 we compared cini-s- 
Gr. d-ffii-a-. Compare further df-t-o- in endio-ro-Q rji6-(o)a from 

1) I will here give a possible way of identifying Lat. -is- with 
Idg. -es- or -ds- ; but I do not believe that any one will adopt it. *sfe-ti- 
-tis *ste-ti-fi or -U (Gr. 'f-nra-Te Skr. ta-$fhi-tha), Hu-tudi-tis *tu-tudi-fi 
(Gr. Ts-TQu(pa-Tf Skr. tu-todi-tha) , *scidi-tis (Skr. d-chida-ta) become 
stefistis stetisti^ tufudistis tutudisfl, scidistis on the analogy of *vldes-tis 
*vides-ti\ and then by reciprocal analogy, these became ridis-tis -it. 

§841. The «-Aoriti8: Stemi in -«•-, -«t-, and -X»-. 379 

diut *I hear' for *aFiO'fi) and in aia'd^f-a&m beside Skr. aD-a-H 
'regards, favours*,') af-t-o- in di6'if(o *1 breathe out' beside mo-v 
(doubtless for *aJ^ia-(i'v) beside d(/)-f)'ftt *I blow, breathe*, 
variant stem of 'fa- in aad-fiu {aia-d^m : aa-^na = Lat. vidis- : 
Gr. ftJfCci)-). Further, dX-iaAo-^iui do-ap-ianfo beside aW<J-xw 
(§ 673 p. 206). Lastly, Skr. d-grah-l-^-am, where I hold -I- 
to be merely an ablaut variant of the -i- now under discussion. 
If, as we must assume, it was in proethnic Latin that -is- spread 
from the verbs to which it properly belongs to all others, 
then according to I § 33 p. 33, -er- in vlderd etc. must be 
derived in all instances from -is-. Thus e. g. verterO will be for 
*vertis6 (but verterem for *vertesS-m). 

mdera-m shows the same (I-suffix as -ham eram (§ 583 
p. 124), and probably it is due to analogy, being made to 
complement vTder6 like eram : ero. Observe that dfjrO dixim 
have no *dixam. 

The endings of vldistis -istl mdero mderim mderam 
vfdissem were transferred both to forms like totondl tetigl and 
to those like dlxi^ so that we have totondistis totonderd and 
dlxistis dixero etc. The former may be compared with (ir. 
7i8noL»f(x (§ 836 p. 373), the latter with Skr. dyOsi^am (§ 839 
p. 376). The efficient cause of these new formations may have 
been that in the Indicative many of the original forms of the 
2"** sing, and pi. had become rather awkward, as 2°** sing. 
*totons{s)T 2°<* pi. *totons(s)is (or *totonstl *totonstis with t 
restored from estis) and 2°** sing. *dlx(s) 2°** pi. *dTxtis. 

We proceed to mention the ^-aorists of Latin and Irish 
belonging to io-present stems (Class XXVI) : 

In Latin, those verbs whose 2°** sing, indie, pres. ended in 
-f«, had the ^-conjunctive in -Irew, as farctrem from farcid. 
The only exception is fierem like agerem^ § 837.2 p. 374. 
But from verbs like capiO -Xs the conj. was -drew, caper em; 
and it remain suncertain whether this be for *-is-B-m or •-w-^-wi, 
cp. capis-so and capes-sd § 842. 

1) To assume a *Root* avis- for aioy and a present ♦a/tiow I hold 
to be wrong (Sohulze, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XKIX 249 ff.). 

380 The s-Aorists: Stems with -s-s-. §§841,842. 

It must be remembered, in consideriDg Lat. farcirem and 
the like, that these went hand in hand with the original 
denominatives in -i-io^ as finio, whose s-aorist, fimrem, is to be 
compared with Gr. sxr)vT(Ja O.C.Sl. gostichu (§ 813 p. 351). Hence 
the question presents itself — whether farcirem is really like 
Skr. d-grahls-am^ whether it was not rather produced simply 
by the analogy of the ^s-formation. In this case it might be 
compared with O.C.Sl. hichomu (§ 727 p. 257), which was 
modelled upon gostichomu. 

In the s-aorist of the io-present (3"^** Conjugation) in Irish, 
the S'^ sing, ended with *-i-s-t^ as -leic for Heikuis-t. A short 
i is seen also in Mid.Cymr., which in this aorist had -yss-^ 
e. g. eistedgssant *they sat*. Compare § 840 on ro-char for 
*'Caras-t. The question which there had to be answered 
on behalf of ro-charsam^ now crops up again for -lecsem. 
Hand in hand with these io-verbs went those in *-i-i6 and 
those in *-Sid, as P* sing, do-ro-dalius from -dalim 1 divide', 
P* pi. ro-moit-sem from moidim *I extol'. 


§ 842. As the s-suffix was in no sense a special aorist 
suffix, but was used in the parent language with other tenses 
of a certain number of verbs, it need not surprise us to 
see that verbal s-stems often make an aorist with a second s. 
Analogous formations with -ds- have been brought before us in 
§ 839, the Sanskrit aorist series of which one is dk-sis-ur. 

Greek. Hom. s-6naG'aa Att. tanaOa from ondco 'I pull' 
for *ona-aco^ t-anaa-tui. f-aXan-an from aXdio *I break off' for 
*xXa-0'w, yJ-Hlaa-Tut. l-xpb/LiaO-(&)a '1 hung* 6->ispaa-(G)a 1 mixed* 
t-6v.edao-{G)a 'I scattered* beside xpe/naa-ro-g yf-aspctG-rui s-rrxedaO- 
-vai, (f-)'e(j-(n)a 'I clothed' beside 2"** sing. &o-Oai. I'a^-e6-{n)a. 
'I quenched* beside ofi-ea-vo-g h-a^to-xai. s-y.6^sn-(o)a 'I satisfied' 
beside nt-nogsO-Tai. d^-sa-(G)a(j&ai *to come to an understanding* 

§§842,843. The Perfect: Oeoeral Remarks. 381 

beside a^/fa-ro-j. t'xaX6a'(o)n '1 called' dX'fa-((j)a 'I ground' 
}f.i'ka'(a)u 'I spewed' from tlie presents xoAf/»* dXiin f,ucto, 
perhaps for *xaXf<T(i) *dXf<Jni *f/iu<iio, 6t()va'-(n)n tftva'(a)a 
'I pulled' beside a>i;a-r«/. Compare § 575 p. 117, § 656 
p. 191, § 661 p. 196, § 836 p. 372 f., § 840 p. 377. 

Remark. There is too little support for the theory that these 
Greek >iii-aorist8 stand in a direct historical connexion with the Sanskrit 
8i.«f-aori8t, — that originally the singular active had -«<•«- (-«?«-) and the 
plural 'S8-, and that Sanskrit kept only the singular form, Greek the 
form of the plural (W. Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. xxix 266 ff.). 

Italic. With Lat. v^sd for *ueit-sd, quaesd for *quaiS'80 
(§ 662 p. 197), compare petes-so O.Lat. ad-petis-si-s, capes-sd 
O.Lat. cains-sa-m, laces-sd, faces-sd. And to the same group 
as faxo faxitur faxim (§ 824 p. 862) belong amas-so amassiniy 
turhas-situr, infin. averruncas-sere-, habSs-sD pro-hibessim^ licSssi-t', 
amb-T3sim; -ss- after a long vowel, which should be -s-, is due to 
the analogy of forms with -ss- following a short vowel, cp. Bssetn 
instead of *esem (edo) on the analogy of ^sem (from sum). 
With petissis capessam are associated forms like vidis-se-m^ 
J-conjunctives, whose analogy produced (1) totondissem and 
(2) dlxissem etc. The form& with -is-s- have their nearest 
parallels in Gr. ?jio(G)a from df-iO- (§ 841 p. 378 f.). 


§ 843. The chief marks which keep the Idg. Perfect 
distinct from Present and Aorist are two. (1) Firstly some 
peculiar personal endings in the Indicative; as from \^ueid- 

1) On the Indo-Germanic Perfect in general. H. Ost- 
hoff, Zur Geschichte dee Perfects im Idg. mit besonderer Rucksicht auf 
Griech. und Latein., Strassb. 1884. C. Pauli, Has praeteritum redupli- 
oatum der idg. Sprachen und der deutsche Ablaut, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
Xii 50 ff. Pott, Verschiedene Bezeichnung des Perfects in einigen 
Spraclien und Lautsymbolik , Zeitschr. fiir Volkerpsyoh. xv 287 ff., 
XVI 117 ff. 

382 The Perfect: General Remarks. §843. 

'to know, see*: P* sing. Skr. ved-a Otr. olS-a Goth, vdit^ 2°** sing. 
vettha oJo&a vdist, S^^ sing, ved-a olS-s vdit. (2) Secondly, the 
participle active formed with the suffix -ues-^ as Skr. vid-vds- 

Aryan. Bartholomae, Die ai. e-Formen im schwachen Perfect, 
Kuhn*8 Zeitschr. xxvii 337 ff. Idem, Der 'Bindevocal' / im avestischen 
Perf., Ar. Forsch. ii 97 flf. 

Greek and Latin. Ernault, Du parfait en grec et en latin, 
Paris 1886. 

Greek. H. Maiden, On Perfect Tenses in Greek, and especially 
the First Perfect Active, Trans. Phil. Soc, 1865, pp. 168 flf. Loebell, 
Quaestiones de perfecti Homerioi forma et usu, Leipz. 1877. H. von 
der Pfordten, Zur Gesch. des griech. Perfectums, Munich 1882. 
J. Stender, Beitrage zur Gesch. des griech. Perfects, 2 Theile, Miinchen- 
Gladbach 1883—84. R. Fritzsche, tJber griech. Perfecta mit Prasens- 
bedeutung, Sprachwiss. Abhandl. aus G. Curtius' Gramm. Gesellsch. pp. 43 AT. 
H. Uhle, Die Vocalisation und Aspiration des griech. starken Perf., ibid. 
pp. 59 flf. Ma blow, Einige altertiimliche Perfectbildungen des Griech., 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxiv 293 ff. J. Schmidt, Die Entstehung der griech. 
aspirierten Perfecta, ibid, xxvn 309 flf. Idem, Noch einmal die griech. 
aspirierten Perfecta, ibid, xxviii 176 flf. Alex. Hoppe, tJber das griech. 
zweite Perfect, Festprogr. des Erfurter Gymn., Erfurt 1870, pp. 34 flf. 
The Author, Der Ursprung des griech. schwachen Perfects, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxv 212 flf. F. Hartmann, Wieder einmal das x-Perfectum, 
ibid, xxvm 284 flf. K. F. Job ansson, ^ber das griech. x-Perfect, in: 
Beitr. zur griech. Sprachk., Upsala 1890, pp. 33 flf. F. W. Walker, 
Greek Aorists and Perfects in -xa. Class. Review v 446 AT. 

Italic. A. Harkness, On the Formation of the Tenses for 
Completed Action in the Latin Finite Verb, Trans. Amer. Phil. Assoc. V 
14 flf., VI 5 flf. Platzer, Die Lehre von den lat. Perfectis und Supinis, 
Neubrandenburg 1840. Lattmann, Das Gesetz der Perfect- und Supin- 
bildung im Lateinischen, Zeitschr. f. d. Gymnasialw. N. F. ii (1868) pp. 94 flf. 
M. Kinke, Die Zeitworter der latein. 3. Conjugation in ihren Perfect- 
formen, Heiligenstadt 1843. Schleicher, Der Perfectstamm im La- 
teinischen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. vm 399 f. Fr. Miiller, tJber das lat. Per- 
fectum, Sitzungsber. d. Wien. Akad. LXVi 225 flf. Corssen, Zur Bildung 
des Perfectums, in: Beitr. zur ital. Sprachk., pp. 503 flf. W. Deecke, 
De reduplicate linguae Latinae praeterito, Leipz. 1869. E. Frohwein, 
Die Perfectbildungen auf vi bei Cicero, ein Beitrag zum Sprachgebrauoh 
C.'s und zugleich ein Supplement zu F. Neue's Formenlehre, Gera 1874. 
L. Ha vet, Les pretendus parfaits en -ar/, Mem. Soc. lingu. vi 39. 
W. Schulze, Das lat. r-Perfectum, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxviii 266 flf. 
G. Curtius, tJber das lat. Perfect auf vi und «/, Ber. d. sachs. Gesellsch. 
d. Wiss. 1885 pp. 421 flf. P. Regnaud, Les parfaits composes en latin, 
Lyon 1882. L. Scheffler, De perfecti in vi exeuntis formis apud 

§848. The Perfect: General Remarks. 388 

Gr. tid-oic O.O.Sl. sta-vu from \^8ta- stand* (II § 136 
pp. 438 ff.). 

Except in Armenian and IJalto-Slavonic, the pr. Idg. Perfect 
remained in all branches of the language a large and com- 
prehensive group. It was least changed in Aryan, Keltic, and 
Germanic. In Greek it was mixt up with a x-formation, and 
in Italic with a whole series of non-perfect tense forms. 

The proethnic perfect forms may be divided into two 
groups according to the stem. 

poetas Latinos dactylioos ooourentibus, Marburg 1890. Th. Birt, Verbal- 
formen vom Perfeotstamme bei Claudian, Arohiv f. lat. Lexikogr. iv 589 ff. 
H. Kern, Das oak. Perfect auf -tte , Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxi 240 ff. 
Danielsson, Zum altital. ^Perfect, Pauli's Altital. Stud, iv 133 ff. 

Keltic. Windisoh, Das reduplicierte Perfectum im Irisohen, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxni 201 ff. 

Germanic. W. Soberer, Die reduplicierten PrSterita, Zeitschr. 
f. osterr. Gymnas. xxiv 295 ff., and Zeitschr. f. deutsoh. Altert. xix 154 ff., 
890 ff. Si overs, Die reduplicierten Praterita, Paul-Braune's Beitr. i 504 ff. 
Pokorny, l&ber die reduplicierten Praeterita dor germ. Sprachen und ihre 
Umwandlung in ablautende, Landskron 1874. Holthausen, Die redu- 
plicierenden Verba im German., Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvii 618 ff. G. Burg- 
fa auser. Die Bildung des germ. Perfectstammes vornehmlich vom Stand- 
punkte dor idg. Vocalforschung, Prag 1887. Ljungstedt, Anm&rkningar 
till det starka preteritum i germanska sprak, Upsala 1887. R. E. Ott- 
mann, Die reduplicierten Praeterita in den german. Sprachen, Alzey 
1890. G. Holz, Die im Got. noch reduplicierten Perfecta, in: Urgerm. e 
und Verwandtes (Leipz. 1890) pp. 21 ff. H. Lichtenberger, De verbis 
quae in vetustissima Germanorum lingua reduplicatum praeteritam 
exhibeant, Nancy 1891. J. Grimm, Die ahd. Praeterita, Germania iii 
147 ff. J. Hoffory, Die reduplicierten Praeterita im Altnord., Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxvii 593 ff. C. Pauli, Cl)er die deutschen Verba praeterito- 
praesentia, Stettin 1863. Osthoff, Das praeteritopraesens mag^ Paul- 
Braune's Beitr. xv211ff. Aufrecht, Eine altnord. Aoristform, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. i 474 ff. Von Knoblauch, Die germ. Perfecte auf r, ibid, 
I 573 ff. Schweizer-Sidler, r im altdeutsch. Praeteritum, ibid, ii 400. 
Miillenhoff, Angebliche Aoriste oder Perfecta auf r im Altnord. und 
Hochd., Zeitschr. f. deutsch. Altert. xn 397 ff. Zarncke, Zu den 
reduplicierten Praeteriten, Paul-Braune's Beitr. xv 350 ff. J. von Fier- 
linger. Die 2. ps. sg. perf. starker Flexion im Westgerm., Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxvii 430). Works on the weak Germanic Preterite are given 
under § 907. 

•384 The Perfect: General Remarks. §843. 

(1) Reduplicated Stem, with o in the root syllable of the 
3'"'' sing, indie, act., if the root belonged to the e-series. E. g. 
*ge-gon-^ *ge-gn- *ge-gi^- from y/^gen- gignere': Gr. ys-yov-s 
yh-ya-fjL^v^ Skr. ja-jdn-a ja-jn-iir. 

(2) Unreduplicated Stem. Sometimes the ablaut is the 
same as in (1), as *uoid- *uid' from \/^ueid-: Gr. old-e tJ-,«fv, 
Skr. ved-a vid^md. Sometimes different, as with e in roots of 
the g-series; e.g. ""med- from \/^med- measure: O.Ir. ro mid- 
-ar Goth, met-um] *sed- from \/^sed- 'sit': Goth, set-um Lith. 
sM-qs; *segh' from \/^segh- 'conquer, hold': Skr. sah-vds-. 

In perfect stems like *ge-gon- or *uoid' the o-grade 
prevailed in the 2"** and S'^^sing. Indie. Active {olad-a olds), and, 
in the opinion of most scholars, the P* sing, as well {olda) ; the 
«-grade in the Conjunctive (nd'O-fxev) Skr. ta-tdn-a-n)^ and, 
according to some scholars, in the P* sing. Indie. Active too 
{ni(fjtvy-a)\ the weak grade in the plural and dual Active, and 
right through the Indicative Middle {ys-yu-f-uv f-ix-rov rs-rpan- 
'xut Skr. ni-ny-iir ni-ny-e)^ and in the Optative (Skr. va-v^t-ya-t 
Goth, vaurp-ei-ma). To o in ^ge-gon-e answers o in *se-sd- 
(Gr. dfp-sojKs Goth, sai-so) from y/^se- 'send forth, sow'. 

Remark. Considering that the ending of the 1^*^ sing, indie, act. 
was Idg. -rf, while that of the 3r<* sing, was Idg. -e, there is a difficulty 
in the difference between Skr, l^t sing. ja-Jdn-a and '6^^ sing, ja-jan-a. 
I have identified jajdna with yh^^'" (I § '^^ P- ^^)- ^^ Saussure (M^m^ 
sur le syst. prim. 72 f.) and Osthoff (Perfect, 61) equate jajdna =^ Idg. 
*gegena, on which view y'fyova would be due to levelling and should be 
*yfyfYa\ and as a matter of fact no difficulty worth mentioning faces 
this view. From the standpoint of those scholars who deny that Idg. o 
becoms Ar. a in open syllables, no explanation of Skr. jajdna has been 
found which is in the smallest degree satisfactory (see the last attempt in 
Bechtel, Die Hauptprobleme der idg. Lautlehre, 57, 165); op. § 790 p. 322 
on the a of bharuya-ti. It may be observed in passing that the means 
lately used by J. Schmidt to combat my theory of this Aryan a are very 
little calculated to help in solving the point (see Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 
472 footnote). A long list of authorities and ex cathedra statements will 
never decide the matter; this can only be done by constant and scrupulous 
examination of the facts. Perhaps the question may be helped to a 
conclusion by the study of Indo-Germanic accent which has lately been 
taken up. 

844. The Perfect: — General Rem*rks. 385 

§ 844. When the root ends in a consonant, some part at 
loast, hirge or small, of the indicative forms in all the different 
languages have a short vowel before those personal endings 
which begin with a consonant. 

Sanskrit. -t- in 2°** sing. act. ds-i-tha ru^Sj-i-tha (but 
vit'tha ta-tdn-tha)^ !•* pi. act. pa'pt-i-md (but yu-yuj-md vid- 
-md) , 2"** sing, indie, mid. Uc-i-^i ja-jfi-i-^^ (but da-dfk'^S), 
;i"* pi. mid. ja-jfi'i-re, to which answers A vest, vaoz-i-rem, 
cp. Skr. partic. act. pa-pt-i-vas- (but da-dfS-vds- md'vds-).^) 
In Vedic this » is found only when the preceding syllable in 
long. In Avestic, -ama in daidy-ama beside pass, di-da^i 
(§ 537 p. 97). 

Greek shows -a- in the 1'^ and 2°** pi. rf-r^Mx^-a-zucy re- 
-Tyd(p'a-T6 (but iS'/itfv siXijXov&-^6y lars). Compare partic. 
TisTirajs for *7r*-7rr-a-/wV, answering to Skr. pa-pt-ir-vas- (but 
tid-(f)(M)^)^ and the mid. wf'-TrT-a-^cu beside nsT-d'oaat. On -ag 
beside -^a in the 2"** sing., see p. 386. 
Latin. !•* pi. tU'tud-i-mus sed-i-mus. 
Old Irish. 1** pi. ce-chn-ammar 2"** pi. ce-chn-aid. 
Gothic. 1'* pi. vit-um sU-um skai-skdid-um 2°** pi. vit-u-p 
sH-u-p skai-skdid-u-p. 

It is hard to decide when or how this intermediate vowel 
was to be found in the various perfect schemes of the parent 
language (for the same scheme did not do duty for all perfects). 
Perhaps then , as in the Veda , the quantity of the preceding 
syllable had something to do with it. 

What complicates the problem greatly is the suspicion that 
so many forms may have been changed by analogy. In Aryan,. 
(Jreek, and Italic the question arises whether forms with the 
intermediate vowel were not influenced by forms from a root 
ending in a long fi-vowel, as Skr. ta-sthi-md Qr. i-cva-fitit 
Lat. 8te-ti-mus (for sietimus cp. however § 869). In Greek, 
Italic, Keltic, and Germanic the 3'** pi. has an w<-suffix, Gr. 

1) f do not here consider the a of the 2°<* and 3'«* dual actiTe 
viddthur viddtur^ beoause it maj have been identical with that of the 
2nd and S""** pi. vid-d and S'd ginfp. vU-a (§ 1038). 

Urufinknn. Eh-mttntii. TV. 8& 

386 The Perfect: — General Remarks. §§ 844,845. 

-avn -an (mid. -arat), Umbr.-Osc. -ens, O.Ir. -atar and 
Goth, -un; and it is quite possible that the vowel of these 
endings passed on to other persons. In Greek, there was 
mutual attraction between the perfect and s-aorist, because 
one or two personal endings were the same, Tergorp-a -t having 
the same suffixes as s^n^-a -s (beyond doubt rerpncp-ag follows 
fdsi'^-uc , and in later Doric ysyov-av follows sdsi^-av) ; then 
which came first, TSTQafp-a-juev -avs or i^bi^-a/Luv -art? In 
Italic, again, as early as the proethnic stage, the old perfect 
had got mixt up with thematic aorist. If, for instance, i was 
the thematic vowel in fu-i-mus tetlg-i-mus dix-i-mus as well 
as with fu-i't tetig-i-t dix-i-t (cp. pres. ag-i-mus), yet it is 
uncertain whether the -^- of Lat. -i-mus ^ when used with 
consonantal roots, was ever anything else but Idg. -o-. Even 
in Keltic the question meets us whether the plural forms had 
not the thematic vowel. 

Since Avest. daidy-ama cannot be kept apart from optative 
forms like jam-y-ama (see § 1001), to assume an Idg. suffix 
-vjime as variant of -me in the perfect seems almost inevitable; 
and therefore I am inclined to refer to this the Gr. -ufisv in 
TSTQug)'ausv etc., and the Goth, -um in skaiskdid-um etc.; 
Lat. -imus and O.Ir. -ammar may also in some cases 
represent the same. But again the conjecture offers 
itself that the difference between Skr. papt-i-md and 
yuyuj-md , between Gr. TtTpd-cfa/nsv and siX7JXov&-iusvj 
represents a difference of structure like that which exists in 
Skr. rud-i'tnds (Class IX §§ 572 ff.) and uS-mds (Class I 
§§ 492 ff.). It may be that once *papt-amd *sazd-amd (like 
Avest. daidy-ama) and tasthi-md (— sovu-iusv) dadhi-md existed 
side by side, and that the former were transformed to match 
the latter and became paptimd sedimd. But proved this cannot 
be, not even by the Vedic law of quantity. There is always 
the possibility that the parent language itself possessed perfect 
stems like *pe-pt9- (and thus P* pi. *pe-ptd-me). 

§ 845. The preterite connected with the Idg. perfect — 
pluperfect as it is called — which is only found with certainty 

§§845,846. The Perfect: — Proethnic Indo-OerniAnio. 887 

io Aryan and Qreok, shows tho same personal endings as other 
augmented preterites. Like the conjunctive and optative of 
the perfect, this cannot be distinguisht from the corresponding 
forms of our V*** Present Class; see § 485 p. 89, § 565 p. 108. 
In the same languages the pluperfect sometimes has 
thematic inflexion. These forms are to be compared with the 
corresponding forms of Present Class VI (§§ 561 ff.). 

Proethnic Indo-Germanic. 

§ 846. (A) Reduplicated Perfect. 

With roots beginning in a consonant, the syllable of 
reduplication originally ended in -e, no matter what ablaut 
series the root might belong to. Examples: ^ge-gon- *ge'§n- 
Qr. yi-yovB O.Ir. ro gSnar (for ^ge-gn-) Skr. ja-jdn-a from 
y^gen-j *se-sta' *se-st9- Gr. ^-ara-fisv Lat. ste-ti-mus Skr. /o- 
'Sthaii from y/" stCL-. But even then there were not lacking 
perfect forms with e in the reduplicator, which one may call 
the Intensive Perfect: Gr. ay7]-ys(}'fiui Skr. jCL-gdr-a from 
V^qer-, See §§ 471, 472 pp. 15 and 17. The treatment of 
the initial root-consonants in the reduplicator has been already 
described, §§ 475 and 476, pp. 20 if. 

It cannot be proved for the parent language, that in roots 
beginning with a vowel, an e (or some other short vowel), 
serving for the reduplicator, contracted with the root-initial (as 
some have inferred from Lat. ed-l Goth, fr-^t Skr. ad-a from 
y/ ed-^ Gr. ijxct O.Icel. 6k Skr. aj-a from V^a^-). It is very 
likely indeed that all these forms belong to the unreduplicated 
perfect type. See § 848. 

\/^der- 'split, tear, flay*, act. 3"* sing, ^de-dor-e 1" pi. ^de- 
'df'tni mid. 1"* sing. *de-dr-di (conj. *de'dir-e-t(i) opt. *de- 
'dr-ie-t or *de-dr-ij^-t): Skr. daddra mid. dadrS partic. da-df- 
'VdS'f Gr. dbduovat (Goth, ga-tar). v^smer- 'remember': Skr. 
sa-smdr-a^ Lat. adj. memor derived from a perf. ^me-mor-i 
(§ 476 p. 23). Skr. k^ar- Gr. qt&tg- 'to cause to run off or 


388 The Perfect: — Proethnic lado-Germanic. §846. 

disappear' (§ 812 p. 348): Skr. ca-ksCir-a, Qt. dt-fg)&ogs £-qD,9^a(>- 
-T«i. Skr. ka-sar-a 'he broke up, crushed' pi. Sa-sr-ur (gramm.) 
mid. ia~Sr-e (O.Ir. do-ro-rhair 'cecidit'). \/^qer- *swallow': Skr. 
ja-gar-a^ Gr. ^s-^p(o-tut (ffpo)- = *gf-). y/^per- 'bring, bring 
forth, give a share' (Lith. per-iu 1 brood, incubate, hatch*): 
(jrr. nf-nga-rai^ Lat. pe-per-i for *pe-par-z (npoj- par- ■=^ *J0f-)- 
y/^tel- 'carry ^ bear: Gr. tf-xka-fisv ^ Lat. te-tul-t. \^gen- 
gignere': Skr. ja-jdn-a ja-j'^iir ja-j'n-e, Gy. yi-yov-s ye-ya-iu€v, 
O.Ir. mid. ro genar (gen- for *gegn-). \/^men- 'think, mean, 
regard*: Skr. 3^^ dual mid. ma-mn-dte (this may be from stem 
mn-a- as said in § 850), opt. ma-man-yO-t^ Gr. f.tE'/.iov-f 
ui-fjiwfA.ev^ Lat. me-min-i imper. me-men-to (^ Gr. /tt-^a'-Tw), 
O.Ir. mid. do-menar instead of pr. Kelt. *me-mw- (Goth, man 
mun-un, Lith. part, mln-^s). \^Qhen- 'strike': Skr. Ja-ghdn-a 
ja-ghn-e conj. ja-ghdn-a-t part, ja-ghan-vds- ja-ghn-i-vas-y 
Ur. ns'fpa-Tut^ O.Ir. P' sing, ro ge-gon. x^ten- 'stretch': Skr. 
ia-tdn-a ta-tn-e ta-tan-S (tan- =■■ *t'^n-) conj. ta-tan-a-t, Gr. 
Te-va-Toiy O.Lat. te-tin-i. Skr. k^an- Gr. /.xsv- 'to wound, kill': 
Skr. c«-A;sflw-a ca-il*^rtn-e (gramm.), Gr. ctTi-Zxroi't. v^ggm- 'go*: 
Skr. ja-gdm-a ja-gm-^r ja-gm-e Avest. opt. ja-ym-ya-p Skr. 
part. Ja-gan-vds- (I § 199 Rem. 2 p. 168, § 225 p. 193), Gr. 
tii-(:^a'jiisv (Goth, qaniy Lith. glm-qs 'come into the world' partic). 
\^Uei' 'bend, incline': Skr. Si-Srdy-a Si-Sriy-e, Gr. xf-xAt-ra/. 
V^lejr 'liuere': Skr. li-ly-ur li-ly-e^ O.Ir. 3'** sing, ro li-l 3''** pi. 
ro le-l-dar. l/^Meu- 'hear': Skr. Su-Srdv-a Su-Sruv-e conj. su- 
-Srav-a-t opt. Su-Sru-yd-t ^u-Sru-yd-t^ Gr. imper. ttt-xXv-d^i beside 
xf-xXvxa (see § 557 p. 109), O.Ir. P* sing, ro chuala for *co^a 
*cU'Clov-a Mid.Cyrar. ci-gleu. [/^ qieu- 'to move, shift*: Skr. cu- 
-cyuv-e Gr. e-affi '-rat. I/" y/iew- 'pour : Skr. ju-hav-a Ju-huv-nr 
ju-hv-e ju-huv-e^ Gr. x*-/i;-r«*. [^ pleu- 'to swim, float': Ski-. 
pU'pluV'Ur pU'pluv-e^ Gr. nt-nkv-rai. [/^dheu- 'move violently, 
shake, take hold*: Skr. du-dhav-a du-dhuv-e opt. mid. c?w- 
-dhuo-v-ta^ Gr. xi-Hv-Tai. {/^hheu- 'become, be: Avest. 6fl- 
-t>fii?-a 3''** pi. ba-bv-ar^ Skr. S""*^ pi. ha-bhuv-ur opt. ba-bhU-yd-t 
partic. ba-bhu-vds- {-uv- instead |;of -wi*- as in d-bhuv-am 
§ 497 p. 56 f.; with ba-bhuv-a ba-bhu-tha compare d-bhu-t 

§846. The Perfect: — Proethnio Indo-Oemi»nio. 

Gr. S'(frVy loc. cit., and fut. Ave8t. hU-iyf^ti Or. q 6*611* § 748 
p. 271), Gr. nB-(f)V'G6i 7ff-(f,vwg (O.Ir. H*^ sing, ro bOi^ Lith. 
hii'V^s O.C.Sl. 6y-ru). [/^ derk- 'see*: Skr. da-ddri-a da-dfS-ur 
da-dfS-i^ Gr. Jf'-<Jopx-f { ad-con-d aire). [/" uer§- 'work*: 
Avest. ^"'siug. mid. vCL'Ver*z-(ii^ Gr. l-ooy-f. i^merd^ 'crush': 
8kr. Dia-mard-a ma-mfd-ur wa-mfd-S,, Lat. me-mord-i tne- 
mord'i'imis momordl momordimus. liters- *be dry, athirHt': 
Skr. ta-tf^'Ur part. mid. ta-tf^and-s (Goth, ga-pars -paurs-un 
opt. !•* pi. -^dfirs-et-mo). {/' dhers- *be bold': Skr. rfa-<iA<ir^-a 
da-dhfs-ur conj. da-dhdr^-a-t (Goth, ya-dars -daurs-un). 
[/^ \iert' 'turn, give a certain direction or inclination to*: 8kr. 
va-vdrt-a va-v^t-ur va-vjrt-e va-vdrt-a vcL-vft-ur vO^Vft-e (Goth. 
varp vaurP'Um). kl-ep- to steal* (§ 797 Rem. p. 334): Gr. 
yJ-xXorp-f part. Messen. xf-xXFfi-dtg mid. xs-nXsn-Tcu (Goth. hlaf). 
[^ hhendh- bind': Skr. ba-bdndh-a bn-bundh-ur (Goth, band 
hund'un). [^ deih 'show': Skr. di-dU-a di-di^-e^ Urabr. 

de-rsic-ust for *de'dic- (I § 369 p. 279) fut. perf. 'dixerif 
(Goth, ga-tdih -taih-un). [/^bheid- 'split*: Skr. bi-bhed-a 

bi-bhid'Ur bi-bhid B (Goth, bdit bit-un). [/' leiq- 'leave*: Skr. 
ri-rec-a ri-ric-e opt. ri-ric-yd-t, Gr. Xf-Xom-s Xd-Xsm-rcu (Goth. 
Idihv laihv-un O.H.G. iBh liw-un). \/^ seiq- 'pour out, strain, 
filter': Skr. si-sec-a si-bic-e Yed. si-sic-ur si-sic-B § 475 p. 20 
(O.II.G. seh sig-un). l^ge^s- 'taste, try, enjoy*: Skr. ju-jo^-a 
jii'ju^-ur ju-jus-e^ Gr. yd-ytv-jnai , O.Ir. 3'** sing, do-roigu 
(Goth. kdu8 kus'un O.H.G. to kur-un opt. 2"** pi. kur-l-t). 
[/'bheudh' 'wake, observe': Skr. bu-bodh-a bu-budh-e conj. 
hti-bodh-a-Sy Gr. ne-nvarai (Goth, ana-bdup -bud-un). [^ bheuq- 
bheuq- 'to bend*: Skr. bu-bhOj-a (gramm.), Gr. nd-tptvy-a nsffvy- 
'jitsyo-g (Goth, bdug bug-un). ^jeuQ- 'iungere: Skr. yu-ydj-a 
yu-yuj-ma yu-yuj-e, Gr. s-^svx-Tai, l^ reud- 'weep, lament': 
Skr. ru-rOd-a rwrud-ur (O.H.G. rdz ru^-un). \^ sy^ep- 
'sleep': Skr. sn-^vap-a su-^up-ur (O.Icel. svaf). l^^egh- 
Vehere*: Skr. u-vah-a uh-ur (Goth, ga-vag, Lith. vez-^ 
O.C.Sl. vez-u), V^pet- 'fly, shoot through the air, fall*: 
Skr. pa-pdl-a pa-pt-ur (pSt-ur) part. papt-i'Vds- , Gr. nenvig 
doubtless for *n6'nTu-/ui<i. V^ sed^ 'sit': Skr. sa-edd-a 8Bd-ur 

390 The Perfect: — Proethnic Indo-Germanic. §8 846,847. 

for *sa'zd-, hsbt. sed-t for *se-2!d-? (Goth. sat). l^dhe- *8et, 
place, lay': Skr. da-dhCLu da-dhd-tha da-dhi-md da-dh-'Ar 
da-dh-e, Gr. rs-d^s-rai, Lat. credidl (I § 507 Eera. p. 372), 
Gall, de-de *dedit' or *posuit' (O.Sax. de-du-n opt. de-d-i? § 886). 
1^56- 'send forth, throw, sow': Gr. sTrai for ^s-f-rm Dor. af-sM- 
-tai with oj from the active (dcp-sMxa) , Goth, sai-so sai-so-im. 
\^ do- 'give': Skr. da-dau da-di-md dad-e, Gr. S""^ pi. Boeot. 
ano-d&Sonvd-i mid. Jf-Jo-rai, Lat. de-d-i. V^ po- 'drink': Skr. 
pa-pdu pa-pi-md pa-p-e^ Gr. nl-no-rm (act. ns-ncoxu)^ Lat. 
bibt instead of *pe-p-T (following bi-bo). i^ stO- *stand': Skr. 
ta-sthUii ta-sthi-md ta-sthe^ Gr. f-ara-jusv >ia&-soTaTai , Lat. 
ste-t-t ste-ti-mus. V^ skhait- skhaid- 'scindere' (§ 521 p. 85): 
Skr. ci-ched-a ci-chid-e, Lat. sci-cid-i^ Goth, skai-skdip skai- 
'Skdid-un. V^ (s)taud- 'knock': Skr. tu-tod-a tu~tud-ur, Lat. 
tu-tud-t tu-tud'l^ Goth, stai-stdut stai-stdut-un. Ital. Kelt, kan- 
'sing : Lat. ce-cin-i for ^ce-can-l^ O.Ir. P* sing, ce-chan. 
V^ day,- 'burn*: Skr. du-dcLo-a (gramm.), Gr. ^S'df)(f)-f {tj = 
pr. Gr. a) de-dav-uFvo-c. Skr. sad- Gr. y>a6- 'to distinguish 
oneself: Skr. Sa-Sad-iir mid. P^ pi. SdSad-mahe , Gr. xs-xacJ- 
-ufvo-g (Pindar), Hom. xfyiafjaai xsttdfyjiisd^a. V^ pok- pdg- 'make 
firm': Gr. Dor. nf-Tray-s, Lat. pe-pig-i for ^pe-pag-l. V^ plaq- 
pldg- *strike' : Gr. Dor. ns-nXay-s^ Goth, fai-flok. Skr. ja-hldd-e 
(gramm.) from hldd- 'to refresh, give life to', Gr. Dor. Hs-;^Xad-€ 
'swells, becomes luxuriant'. 

Skr. an-qSa 'he desired', an-as-ma m-ai-^r an-aS-e, 
opt. an-aS-ycL't^ O.Ir. Udn-aic 'he came' P* sing, t-dn-ac (-c = 
-nc', I 8 212 p. 178, § 513 p. 375), cp. aor. Gr. hv-syx'tTv, 
§ 470 p. 15. Variant Skr. dnoS-a Gr. naTfjvoxa ' -Aarevrjvo/a 
(cp. noS-7]v£x-ijc 'reaching to the feet'). On Skr. as-a see 
§ 851 ; on Gr. sv-ijvox-f tv-rjveyy.-rai^ § 858. 

§ 847. Perfect forms from Extended Roots. 

Root + suffix -a-, -e- -o- (§§ 578 ff. pp. 118 if.). 
Skv.ji-jyau^ Qr. Ion. (is-fii7j-rai {^s-^lrjyis) from *Q(i)i-a-, ^ gei- 
'compel, subdue*. Skr. ma-mnau (gramm.), Gr. Dor. /us-juva-tai 
from mn-a- i^ men- 'think, mean*. Skr. ja-glau^ Gr. fis-SXrj-vai 
(fif-liXrjxF) from ql-e- l^ qel- 'fall' (cp. § 587 p. 127). Skr. va-vdu, 

§§847,848. The Perfeot: — Proethnio Indo-Oermanic 391 

Goth. vai'V6 from i^-^ l/a?f- 'blow*. Skr. ja-fMii, Gr. S'ypuh6' 
'Tat with <T added hiter (p-yvwxf ), O.Ir. ad-gSn (§ 877) from <^n-i^ 
i^ §en- 'know*. On the Sanskrit conjuf^tion of these perfects, 
nee § 850. 

Root -f s-8uffix (§§ 655 ff. pp. 189 ff.). tens- pull, draw*: 
Skr. S'** pi. mid. ta-tas-r^ (Goth, at-pans -Jiuns-un). ty^irs- 
shake': Skr. ti-ttn^-S^ Gr. ni^-atio-rai. 

Root + rfA-suffix (§§ 688 ff. pp. 218 ff.). ri-dh-: Skr. 
ra-rddh-a ra-rddh ur (pres. radh-no-ti 'finishes successfully, 
makes all right*), Goth, ga-rairop -rafrOdnn (pres. ga-rSda 
'I consider, busy myself*). 

In the same way, the present sA:-suffix in seen in Skr. 
pa-prach-a pa-prach-ur and Lat. po posc-% for *poporc8cJ from 
i^ prek- 'ask*; beside these we have Umbr. pepurkurent 
'rogaverint*, Mid.Ir. mid. im-chom-arc-air , Goth, frah (§ 670 
p. 203). Probably perfect forms with sk are not so old as the 
parent language. 

§ 848. (B) Unreduplicated Perfect. 

(1) First comes a group in which the vowel gradation was 
the same as in the Reduplicated Perfect. No perfect of this 
kind can now be recognised in particular forms of Italic, Keltic, 
or Balto-Slavonic ; and in Germanic, only with those roots which 
do not belong to the e-series. 

Skr. ved-a vid-md Avest. Gath. vaed-dj Gr. o?J-f id-^tv 
from \^ %ieid- 'know*.^) Skr. U-S (and ts-tS) Avest. t»-^ 'has 
got something into one's power, has power over, Goth, dih 
'has' pi. di(j-un (cp. § 888). Skr. sarpa 'he crept* (upa-sarpa) 
beside sa-sarpa, v'd-i-vds- beside vi-vU-a vi-vU-€ from vU- 'to 
enter*, ni-sidhur beside 7ii-si^edha 'he warded off, forbade' 
-^^idhur. (ir. Lesb. Ion. olx-s 'is like' otx-a-ufv beside smxf 
for Vf-/oix-f, Hom. djLi(pi-(f)a/vta beside m/oi *I cry out' for 
*/i-faxfo (§ 552 p. 107). 

1) Skr. vivida 'he found out' does not ask for considerfttion here, 
although it comes from the same root. It probably first arose when the 
root had become differentiated into two — vid- 'know' and rid' 'find' 
(pres. vindd'tt vitti). 

392 The Perfect: — Proethnic Indo-Germanic. §848. 

(2) Next these I place a number of forms which perhaps 
had e for the root vowel in the parent language itself. 
Gr. Hom. fp;f-ar«< sox'Olto from (f)eoyfo 1 shut up, shut ofF'.^) 
Oort. ytara-f sXf If vo-g 'collected' 2) from *fsX'Vfo Lesb. dn-sXXot 
etc., see § 611 p. 150; parallel reduplicated stem Hom. sfXusd^a, 
Pind. plpf. foXft. sni'TsvycTui' sv smrvxia soxi (Ms. frrroj) 
Hesych. beside STJi-rvy/nvo) -^ but redupl. rs-rtvy-f:. Hom. dsx- 
-arai from de/ouixi 'I receive'; but redupl. de-dm-tm. Compare 
further Curtius, Verb ii- 163 if.; G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.2 pp. 480 f. 
Skr. yam-ur yam-dtur beside ya-yam-a yem-Hr from yam- 
*cohibere'. dars-i-vas- beside da-ddr§-a da-dfk-ur da-d^s-i-vas- 
from dari- 'to see', dk-i-vds- beside u-vSc-a Uc-iir from iic- 
(l^ eiiq-) 'to take pleasure in'. skambh-ur skambh-dthur beside 
ca-skambh-a ca-skabh-dnd-s from skambh- *to support*, kas-ur 
^q^ire beside Sa-Sqs-a Sa-Sqs-ur (instead of *Sa-Sas-ur) from 
Sqs- (fcens-) *to prophesy, praise*. taks-ur taks-atur beside 
ta-tdks-a ta-taks-ur from taks- 'to fashion*. sah-vds- (Rig-Y., 
Pada text) beside sCL-sdh-a sSh-i-ma sa-sah-e from sah' 'to 
subdue* (cp. sah-vds- under 3). In forms like dars-i-vas-^ the 
strong grade in the root may be explained as due to the 
analogy of the sing, indie, active, as in reduplicated forms like 
M-iqs-ur. But an argument for the formation of the whole 
^roup from a stem which is not really perfect to begin with 
is found in the partic. vi-jdn-us-as Rig-Y. x 271, which must 
be derived from jftd- 'to know' and was modelled upon the 
present jdnd-ti (§ 598 p. 141 f.), and in the perfects belonging 
to reduplicated present stems, such as sld-atur (from std-a-ti), 
vivak-vds- (from m-vak-ti)^ didds-i-tha (from di-ddsa-ti)^ 
nonav-a (from no-nav-i-ti)^ see § 850; compare vis-i'vds-, cited 
under (1), beside pres. viS-d-ti and dhi-se dhire beside aor. 
d'dhi'ta^ also Gr. ay-via 'way, road' (sc. odoc) beside ^/a ^x/uai 
^nd pres. ayw. 

1) Whether f^Qj^aro is augmented or reduplicated is doubtful. 

2) Wrongly read -ftji^e'-vos by Baunack. 

§848. The Perfect: — Proethnio Indo-Oemumie. 398 

Remark 1. Skr. sn-snh'i (beside «M-) may hare been formed from 
the Htem seen in safi-vda-, just as Bti'idh-i was from that of tiSh-vda' 
(see below). Again, there is no need to ascribe the re-formation ia-^-ur 
inHtoad of *^i'ia8-ur to the influence of the Hingular alone (^•^n), 
op. § 852. For Greek, too, wc Hhould have one more point in farour of 
the explanation of the secondary vooalism of the root in forms like 
!-t'i-um (instead of */*-/. '>!-««<), cp. § 859. 

(3) Forms with g- in the rout-syllablo , from roots of thu 
<?-8eries ending in a single consonant; the connexion with present 
stems having similar vocalism is obvious (§ 480 Rem. p. 28 f, 
§ 494 p. 28). O.Ir. mid. ro mid-ar 'iudiouvi*, (Joth. pi. mH-un 
opt. 1" pi. mH-ei-ma from i^ med- ^measure*, cp. (Jr. pres. 
urid-f-rat. (Joth. pi. sSt-un, Lith. partic. 8i^d-^ from i^ sed- 
'sit* (cp. § 494 p. 54, § 859 on Gr. ^a-rai, whose initial is 
perhaps to be explained by supposing that *sSd- was represented 
in (ireek), cp. Lith. pros, s'ed-mi. Skr. f'dh'vds- from \^ segh- 
Vo subdue*, cp. sdk-^va sdh-a-ti sodhd-s (— *sSgh rto-): 
dM-ods- ddS-i'vdS' from V^ dek- 'honour, ])rize* (daSas-yd-ti 
Lat. der-us) ^ cp. da4'ti (ir. 6r,Y.-viiisio^ i)T]y.'at'nnuai (§ 621 
p. 158, § 639 p. 178); I regard sa-sa-lie da-dak-i-ma as new 
forms in place of *s(lh-€ *daS'i'ma. 

Since Latin sed- in sed-T sBd-i-miis can be regularly derived 
from *se-zd- (cp. sidd for *si-2d-d I § 594 p. 450), it is 
reasonable to assume that leg-t ven-l are simply cast in the 
same mould by analogy: just as in Sanskrit pit-iir sSc-S and 
others must really be looked upon as coined on the analogy 
of sSd' ySm- (§ 852). On the other hand, sSd-t can also be? 
connected with Goth, set-im Lith. s'ed-^s^ and vSn-l with Goth. 
qSm-un-, and this theory has the advantage that it becomes 
unnecessary to suppose that all e-perfect forms from roots of 
the g-sericcj with initial consonant are due to the analogy of 
the single form sBd-l.^) However compare § 841 Rem., p. 378. 

1) After what has been said on Umbr. ander-sisftu in § 553 p. 107, 
the question would be at once decided if one such ^-perfect could be found 
in Umbrian or Samnitic. For Umbr.-Osc. aed- is probably not derired 
from aezil-. 

394 The Perfect: — Proethnic Indo-Germanic. §848. 

Furthermore, Idg. perfect forms of roots beginning with e 
and ending in a single consonant may also be brought under 
this e-type. Gr. kd-rjd-uK instead of *^()-coe (§ 858), Lat. ed-i 
ed-i-mus^ Goth, fr-et -et-un, Lith. ed-es O.C.Sl. M-u jad-u, 
Skr. ad-a ad-ur from l-^ ed- *eat'. Gr. 2*^^ sing. ^o-Sa (came 
to be used for the iraperf., see § 858), Skr. ds-a as-ur from 
\^ es- *be'. Lith. ej-es fern, ej-us-i from l^ei- 'go\ That e is 
due to a contraction of e-e- cannot be made probable. 

(4) Roots with initial a-vowel, and ending in a single 
consonant, seen to have made this perfect in all forms with a 
in the parent language : *(lg-e 'egit' from 1/ ag- : Skr. aj-a 
(gramm.), Gr. jj:^-* rjy-iLtai (?; for a), O.Icel. ok 3'** pi. ok-o -u ; 
^an-e from l^ an- 'breathe': Skr. flw-a Goth, on on-im; Goth. 
og *I fear' beside agis Gr. d/nc (Lat. eg-l co-ept — Skr. dp-a 

ap-ur are Italic re-formates as much as cept^ see § 870). 

Similarly with o- the perf. *orf-e from i^ od~ 'smell': Gr. od-wd-f 
instead of *ro$-e (§ 858), Lith, ud-^s. ag- dd- from ag- od- 
seem to be formed on the same principle as ed- from ed- ; and 
if there is no reduplication in ed-, there was none in ag- or od-. 
Then again, some forms which never had reduplication are no 
doubt to be found amongst the perfects of Germanic and Latin 
from roots with initial Consonant, as Goth, skof skoh-un Lat. 
scdh-% scab-i-mus (skoh-un : set-tin = on-un : fr-et-un). 

Remark 2. In II § 136 p. 438 I have offered a conjecture on the 
origin of the originally unreduplicated perfect; namely, that the participle 
with the suffix -ues- never had any reduplication. When these ufs-participles 
became associated with the Perfect system in the parent language, two 
results followed: (1) either the participle itself was reduplicated, or (2) the 
finite verb with which it went sometimes lost its own reduplication. That 
the perfect participle once stood independent of the reduplicated perfect 
type, such as Gr. y^'-y"*'-" y^-yn-uhv^ can be argued on the strength of 
the root-vocaiism in Gr. fMwc hgtjyfta beside olSf fooMyf etc. (II p. 439).*) 
Sanskrit shows sdh- and da^- as perfect stems only in sah-vds- and dai- 
-v6s-. Again, it may be mentioned that in Balto-Slavonic , which only 
shows participles of the above type with the sole exception of indie. Slav. 

1) The Conjunctive with similar root-vocalism (,dS-o-/u€v Skr. ta- 
-tdn-a-t^ § 843 p. 384), also did not belong originally to the proper perfect 
forms, being thematic. 

§§848,849. The Perfect: — Aryan. 895 

vid-e^ all these are unrodupHoated; and they iorlude the large group 
exemplified by Lith. s6(i'^ pSi-^ O.C.Sl. vez'il. La«tly, it roust be added 
that it is easy to explain the wide diffusion by analogy of stems like aid' 
and skap- in roots with initial consonant, displacing the older reduplicated 
formfl, by supposing that they were taken up in order to get rid of a 
number of awkward and unnatural sound-groups which had developed 
amongst the weak forms in (plural and dual indie, etc.).^ 


§ 849. We begin with a few additional examplen 
(cp. §S 846—848). 

i^qer- 'make*: Skr. ca-kdr-a ca-kf-md ca-kr-ur mid. 
t-a-kr-e ca-k^-^e opt. (prec.) ca-kr-iyd-s part, ca-kf-vds- ca-kr-u^-, 
Avest. 8'"'* pi. act. ca-xr-ar'^ O.Pers. 3"* sing. opt. ca-xr-iyCL. 
V^ dher- 'hold fast*: Skr. da-dhar-a dd-dhdr-a da-dhr-e^ Avest. 
da-ddr-a dd-dr-^. V^uen- 'win': Skr. vd-odn-a va-van-md 
(cp. Jian-mas § 498 p. 58) va-vn-e conj. vd-vdn-a-s part, va- 
'Vnn-vds-, Avest. Gath. vaon-ar' opt. vaon-yd-p part, va-van-vd 
vaofi-us-. ^ ei' go*. Skr. iy-dy-a iy-e-tha ly-ur. V^ hhai- 
'fear*: Skr. hi-hhdy-a bi-bhy-ur part. bi-bhT-vds- bi-bhy-us-, 
Avest. part, bi-wi-vd. V^Mey,- 'hear: Avest. su-sru-ma su- 
'SruyS i. e. su-sruv-e (Bartholomae, Handb. § 90 p. 40), Skr. 
Su'Srdv-a etc., see § 846 p. 388. V^ tey- 'be strong': Skr. 
tu-tdv-a^ Avest. tu-tat-a S'** sing. opt. (prec.) tu-tu-yd. Ar. 
aarZ' 'to let go': Skr. sa-sarj-a sasfj-e sn-sfj-mdhe part. mid. 
sa-s^'-dna-s , Avest. part. mid. hardher'z-dna-. Skr. vardh- 
'to grow' : va-vdrdh-a vd-vfdh'Ur vd-vjrdh-e. Skr. k$ip- 'to 
throw': ci-ksSp-a ci-ksip-ur. Skr. vyadh- 'to pierce*: m-vyddh-a 
m-vidh'Ur vi-vyadh-ur vi-vidh-vds-. l^leuq- 'shine*: Skr. ru- 
-rOc-a i-u-ruC'Ur ru-ruk-vds-. Avest. rud- to grow' (Skr. 
rudh'): 1'* sing. **ru-raod-a part. **ru-rud-us-. Skr. yam- 
'cohibere*: ya-ydm-a ya-yan-tha yem-i-md ySm-ur yBm-B; yhn- 
for "^ia-im-. ^ iag- offer': Skr. i-ydj-a yij-e and I/-?; yij- 
for *ia-ij-. l^ueq- 'speak' (pr. Ar. weak stem *ita-uk' ^a-uc-): 
Skr. va-vdc-a and u-vdc-a u-vak-tha uc-ur Uc-e, Avest. 3'^8ing. 
va-vac-a Gath. vaox'-md mid. 3"* sing, vaoc-^ part, vaokui-. 

396 The Perfect: — Aryan. §3 849,850. 

l^Uegh- Vehere' (pr. Ar. weak stem *ua-uzh-): Skr. va-vOh-a 
and u-vah'Ci uh-ur uh-e^ Avest. B""*^ pi. mid. injunct. (used 
as plpf.) vaoz'i-rem. l^ teq- 'run ^ fall headlong': Skr. ta-tak-a 
(gramm.), Avest. part. ta-pk-uS-: cp. O.Ir. ro taich 'fugit* 
pi. ro tdch-atur. V^ sed- *sit*. Skr. sn-sdd-a sa-sdt-tha 

sed-i-ma sed-ur {sed- k)Y *sa-2d-, I § 591 p. 447), Avest. opt. 
ha-zd-ya-p. l/se^- 'be with, follow': Skr. sa-^c-i-ma sa-Sc-ur. 
l^dhe- 'place' do- give: Avest. 3'"'^sing. da-da Gath. da-da-pa 
mid. daide, Skr. da-dhau da-dau etc., see § 846 p. 890. 

\y es- 'be': Skr. as-a as-ur^ Avest. dtdh-a oifdh-nr^: cp. Gr. 
rG-i)a, § 848 p. 394. 

§ 850. Perfect Forms derived from an Extended Root, 
or from a Present Stem with some characteristic attacht (Suffix 
or Determinative). Compare § 847. 

From Roots + -^"^ "^- or -o-, only in Sanskrit. These 
Skr. perfects, of which ji-jyciu ma-mndu ja-glau va-vcLu 
ja-jndii are represented in the European languages (see loc. 
cit)^ have the a only in the strong stem; being in this unlike 
the Present, where a runs through all the persons (e. g. dr-a-ti 
dr-d-nti §§ 578 if. pp. 118 if.). The reason why in their weak 
forms they followed Perfects with root gradation was that so 
many of the perfect endings began in a sonant. As we have 
ja-jn-e (beside ja-jnCLu), ya-y-d ya-y-ur (beside ya-ywA ya- 
-yd-tha, y-a- 'to go'), da-dr-ur {dr-ci- 'to run'), ta-tr-e {tr-a- 
\o protect*), so also ja-jn-i-vds- instead of "^ja-jnd-vds-, ya-y-i-vds- 
instead of *ya-yd-vds-^ pa-jy^-vds- instead of ^pa-prd-vds- (beside 
pa-prd pa-prdti pa-prd-tha, pr-d- 'to fill'). jajnivds- and 
pap^vds- belonged properly to the Indicatives *j'a-jdn-a and 
pa-pdr-a (gramm.); and it is possible that there has been 
contamination of the extended root (gn-e gn-o-^ pl-e-) and the 
unextended (ge?i- , pel-) ; ^) compare Gr. Ts-rXa-jutv and 

1) Parallel to paprau : papdra we have papye (pres. pya-ya-U) and 
plpdya (pres. pdy-a-te) ; so that it is naturally doubtful with which of the 
two perfects Ved. pipye is to be connected. The * in the reduplicator 
decides nothing, cp. ji-jyau. 

§850. The Perfect : ArjMi. 3117 

ct'Tk'ff'wg TS-rX'ij'Xa) y nlfi-nXa»^t¥ and Ttlfi'itX'T)"^! (§ 594 
p. 135. However, yauitds- at any rate i» a new form, 
following 8ome Buch analogy as ta-sthi-vds'. 

Hoot -f Nasal Infix or Nasal Suffixes (§§ 596 ff. 
pp. 186 ff.). Skr. ta-stdrnhh-a ta-stabh-ur (stabh- = *8tipbh') 
and ta-stambh-ur (^ 852) conj ta-stdmbh-a-t beside stambh-a-ti 
'makes itself firm, supports itself from l^stebh-, Ba-safij-a 
from V^ seq- *hang, affix*, da-ddmbh-a beside da-ddbh-a from 
dabh- 'to hurt, deceive', see § 029 p. 167. ju-ghHrn-a beside 
ghur-na-ti 'wavers', ji-jinv-a beside ji-nva-ti 'sets in motion, 
helps on*, pi-pinv-a beside pi-twa-ti 'swells, makes fat*. 

Hoot -f- «-suffix. Skr. ta-ta-s-re ti-tvi-^-i see § 847 
p. 891. Ar. dui'S' to hate' (§ 656 p. 190): Skr. di'dvS^'H 
di-dm^-e (gramm.), Avest. dt-dva^-a di-dvU^-ma. Skr. ba- 
'bha^-a (gramm.) beside bhd^aii 'barks' for Idg. ^bhel-se-ti 
(the a betrays this as a later re-formate): cp. O.H.G. bal(l) 
haUun (§ 657 p. 191). da-daks-e beside ddk'§a-tS "is able, is 
of value, is brave' (§ 659 p. 194). mi-miks-i from l^mej^ 
'mix' (§ 669 p. 200). 

With sA-suffix. Skr. pa-prach-a see p. 391. mu-murch-a 
beside murcha-ti 'curdles, congeals*, ju-hurch-a (gramm.) 
beside hurcha-ti 'slips, falls*. Compare too the thematic CLn- 
-archa-t beside f-chd-ti ar-cha-ti 'hits, attains*, like dn-ari-a-t 
§ 854. 

With e-suffix (§§ 679 ff. pp. 211 ff.). Skr. ft-^ 'to notice, 
recognise* (§ 680 p. 212): Skr. ci-ket-a ci-kit-ur ci-kit-e ci-kit- 
ods-, Avest. 3"* pi. Gath. ci-koit-er's (cp. § 852) part, ci-kip-ird. 
Skr. yu't' 'to join on to, strive* (§ 681 p. 213), weak stem 
^jq-it'i Skr. ySt-B, Avest. ya-yat-a yafp-ma (Oath. ySip-'md) 
part, ya^t-us'. Skr. na-nart-a na-nft-ur beside nf-t-ya-ii 
'dances'. pu-sphof-a beside sphuta-ti "bursts, splits' (beside 
phdl'd'ti^ § 680 p. 211). ci-cest-a beside ces-pa-ti 'is in motion'. 

With rfA-suffix. Skr. ra-rddh-a see p. 891. yu-ySdh-a 
yu-yudhe beside yd-dha-ti 'gets in motion* (§ 689 p. 219). 

Skr. ji'jt'Va Ji-jlv-S beside jt-m-H 'lives* (§ 487 p. 41). 

398 The Perfect: — Aryan. §850. 

From a reduplicated Present is often formed a Perfect 
having no further reduplication besides what the present had. 
std-atur (beside sa-sdd-a sed-ur) from std-a-ti Idg. *si-zd-e-ti 
from i^ sed' *sit', nind-i-ma from ni-nd-a-ti 'abuses, reviles*, 
see § 550 p. 106. vivak-vds- from vi-vak-ti 'speaks', didds-i- 
-tha from di-dasa-ti desid. of dd-da-ti 'gives'. nonav-a 
ndmw-ur from no-nav-i-ti no-nu-mas intens. of nau-ti 'praises', 
davidhciv-a beside part. ddvi-dhv-at~ intens. of dhu-no-ti 
'shakes'.') We may also if we choose place here jagdr-a 
(cp. Gr. syf]"ysp-/,iai) beside jO-gar-ti 'wakes, watches', since 
the present may be regarded as an intensive (§ 560 p. 109). 
€i instead of a in the reduplicating syllable is found elsewhere 
in Aryan too; and we have noticed in § 472 p. 17 that the 
spread of this a in the reduplication is certainly not unconnected 
with the similarity in meaning of the Perfect-present and the 
Intensive. In later times another perfect ja-jagar-a was made 
from jagar-ti. That a perfect hi-hhiks-e was formed for 
hhiksa-ie (desid. of bhdj-a-ti 'divides, distributes, assigns', 
§ 667 p. 200), and for sajja-te 'hangs on to' (for ^saz-j-a-^ 
§ 562 p. 110) a perfect sa-sojj-ur Mahabh. (beside sa-saj-ur 
sej'Ur and sa-sanj-a p. 397), is not surprising in view of the 
complete obscuration of the reduplication in the present. 

As regards the above named perfects without special perfect 
reduplication, compare § 848 p. 392. 

Lastly, two more Skr. perfects shall be cited, which have 
arisen from a root which has been completely fused into unity 
with a prefix. pi-pid-e beside ptd-aya-ti presses* for *pi-zd- 
(lit. 'to sit upon'), see § 795 p. 331; cp. Gr. nsTjisorai from 
ni'S^oj. ni-niyoj-a (Ait. Brahm.) from ni-yuj- 'to fasten on'. 
So Gr. ri^q)isGTai from d/ii(pt-(f)so- 'to clothe, draw on*. The 
same principle is exemplified in the Augment, see § 477 
p. 25. 

1) We should expect damdhav-a by § 467 p. 13. The i seems to 
me to be more simply explained by supposing that the perfect is a 
comparatively late analogical form from ddvidhv- than by adopting 
Wackernagel's conjecture, Dehnungsgesetz der gr. Compp. p. 18. 

§851. The Perfect: — Aryan. .^99 

§ 851. The syllable of roduplication had originally a =^- 
Idg. e with Roots beginuing in a Consonant: the variant 
a = Idg. e is also found (cp. Ji 850, p. 398). 

This was changed in Aryan where a root had i- or 

(1) Of Roots with internal or final i- or M-vowel only 
three retained the a in the reduplicator : Skr. ba-fjhuv-a 
Avest. ba-vdv-a^ Skr. sa-sdi^a (beside au-^dv-a)^ part. mid. 
^a-kay-and-s (beside indie. H-^y-S). In all others, i and u had 
taken the place of a in proethnic Aryan ; as Skr. di-dv^-a 
di-dvis-B Avest. dUdva^S-a di-dvis-ma^ Skr. tn-vyOdh-a ri- 
'vidh'Ur^ Skr. ru-roc-a ru-ruc-iir Avest. ^rU^raod-a ^^rO-rud- 
-!<*•-, Skr. su-svdpv-a su-sup-ur. This tendency affected even 
roots with initial diphthong: hence Skr. iy-dy-a ly-ur i. e. 
*i-iy-ur instead of pr. Ar. S'** sing. *ai'a 3'** pi. *(li'P' (cp. Lith. 
part. fern, ej-us-i) beside i-ti goes'; Skr. uv-ur i. e. *u-uP'Ur 
beside u-td-s woven* S-tu-m; Skr. u-voc-a Uc-ur beside uc- 
•ya-ti takes pleasure in okas- pleasure, satisfaction* (cp. the 
archaic adjectival participle without reduplication Ok-i-vas- 
§ 848 p. 392). 

One important factor in this developement we may con- 
jecture to have been the influence of reduplicated presents 
with i and u in the reduplicator. If the stems of Skr. rfl- 
'dhay-a di-dhi-ma^ di-ddy-a c^di-vds-, pT-pe-tha pUpi-vas-, 
bt-bhdy-a are really and truly the same which are contained 
in the present forms di-dhy-e d-di-dhe-t^ di-dy-ati dl-di-hi 
d-di'de-t, pt-pi'hi pi-pdy-a-t, bt-bhay-a-t (§ 537 pp. 97 f.) — 
compare ja-gdr-a : ja-gar-ti^ nS-ndv-a : nd-nav^-ti § 850 
p. 398. — then we shall have to connect e. g. bi-bhdy-a 
bi'bhy-ur^ iy-dy-a Ty-ur ^ jii-hav-a ju-huv-ur Ju-hvS directly 
with bi'bhUi bi-bhy-ati, iy-e-ti (§ 537 p. 97), ju-hS-ti ju-hv- 
-ati. Beginning then with perfects like these, the reduplication 
with i and u could easily spread to other perfects from i- and 
M-roots to which there was no corresponding reduplicated 

400 The Perfect: — Aryan. §851. 

(2) Roots beginning with i- and w-, of the form of Ar. iat- 
join on, strive* and uak- uac- speak', still had ia- and ua- for 
reduplication right through the Perfect in proethnic Aryan : 
Skr. yet-e A vest, ya-yat-a ya^p-ma^ Skr. ya-ydm-a yem-ur, 
8kr. ye^'-Cj Skr. va-vac-a Avest. va-vac-a vaox-^ma^ Skr. va- 
-vdh-a Avest. vaoz-l-rem^ Skr. va-vam-a; with the weak stems 
compare pres. Skr. yesa-ti ■= *ia-is-a-H and aor. d-voca-t 
Avest. vaoca-^ = *wa-^c-a- § 562 p. 110. These forms stood 
on the flame level as those like Skr. va-vart-a va-v^t-ur vi- 
-veS-a vi-viS~ur and with (Jr. h-o'k-f^i (§ 848 p. 392) s-opy-f 
(§ 846 p. 389) e-oix't (§ 848 p. 392) and Goth. vaUvald. 
Next, in Sanskrit, those verbs which had amongst their non- 
perfect forms some in which the root, being of the weak grade, 
began with i- or w-, substituted e- and w- for ya- and va- as 
the reduplicator ; and thus we get i-ydj-a ij-ur (i. e. H-ij-ur) 
beside ij-yd-te i^-td-s etc., u-vdc-a uc-ur (i. e. *U'UC'Ur) beside 
uc-yd-te uk-td-s etc., on the analogy of iy-dy-a iy-ur beside 
iy-e i-tds etc., vi-vyddh-a vi-vidh-ur beside vidh-ya-ti viddha-s 
etc., sU'Svdp-a su-stip-ur beside sup-ya-te sup-td-s etc.^) On 
the other hand, ya-ydm-a yem-ur va-vas-e (from vas- 'to 
clothe*), and other such remained simply because none of their 
forms had such beginnings as im- or us-. Only here and there 
did u- transgress these prescribed limits : as in u-vdm-a (Satap.- 
Brahm.) instead of va-vdni-a from vam- vomere. 

With this Sanskrit developement compare Lat. sci-cid-f 

from scindo as contrasted with ce-cid-i from cado^ § 868. 

Remark. The reason why we have in Sanskrit vavr-ur and not 
*i>driir^ and vavn-us- not *vdnu8- (op. Avest. vaonus-), as might have been 
expected from maghon-, the weak form of the stem maghavan- 'giver, 
offerer', was the analogical influence of forms whose ending began with 
a consonant, such as va-vf-tnd and va-van-md va-van-vds'^ perhaps also 
that of bye-forms with a weak-grade root syllable which still remained 

1) I hold accordingly that the favourite theory which sees pr. Idg. 
reduplications i- u- or ii- ^u- in i-ydj-a u-vdc-a is incorrect. Observe 
further, that the evidence offered by i-ydj-a ij-e and the like for the view 
that the [y^ yuj- began in Idg. with i- and not with the spirant j is only 
indirect (I § 598 p. 453). . 

§§ 851,852. The Perfect: - ArjAn. 401 

a syllable by itself (cp. ta-tan-B i. e. ^-ti^n'ai beside ta-tn-i^ ti-t 
i. e. *-8tp'-ai). Thus ra-tm- in this way depended upon mh^om-; and, 
by a contrary application of the principle, yim-i-md y2fm-^-Mi«- iiiste«d 
of *ya-yan-ma * ya-yart'va*- (cp. ja-gan-ma ja-gan'vds' from gam- *to go*) 
depended upon yim-ur yim-u^ (op. jagm'i'vas' instead of jagan-ta$' 
foUowinfi^ jagm-uj'). 

Whilst Roots beginning with an a-vowcl had in 
Aryan a- through all forms of the Perfect, if they ended in a 
single consonant, as Skr. ds-a Avest. d^h-a (§ 848 p. 394, 
§ 949 p. 396), they have an- (or an-) for the reduplicating syllable 
if the root ends in a double consonant. Of these forms, the 
following were inherited from the parent language: Skr. d«- 
'4S'a with the weak stem an-aS- (-aS' = -^-) in anaS-^r 
dna^-yd-t (pres. aS-nS-ti 'attains*): O.Ir. t-an-aic^ see § 846 
p. 390; parallel Skr. anoS-a Avest. Gath. plpf. ^axsta for 
^andS'ta^ which are similar to Gr. xav-TJvoxa (see loc. ciY.), and 
Skr. aS-a aS-atur^ which was formed for aS-nd-ti aor. aS-yd-t 
aS'S'ina on the analogy of ds-a dd-a. Also an-afij-a an-aj-€ 
opt. Ved. an-aj-yd-t from afij- *to anoint, smear' seems to have 
formed part of the parent stock. 

Hence afterwards arose an-arc-a an-fc-ur from arc- 'to 
shine, praise*, an-fdh-ur from ardh- *to thrive', an-fh-ur from 
arh- to earn'. 

§ 852. Form of the Root Syllable. 

The pr. Aryan distinction between Skr. l"* sing, ja-jdn-a 
with a, and 3'** sing, ja-jdn-a with d (§ 843 p. 384), was lost. 
Thus we have in later Sanskrit the 3"* sing, form used for the 
1"* as well as 3'** (still, jajdna was not dropt altogether), and 
in Avestic the P* singular form was used for both (e. g. po- 
-vac-a beside the regular hi-say-a).^) 

In imitation of such forms as sa-sdd-a : sSd-ur (for 
*sa-zd-ur) and ya-ydm-a : yem-ur (for *ia-im-ur)y arose the 
Skr. forms sBh-ur {sah- *to subdue*), sSj-ur {saj- 'to hang, 
fasten*), pEc-ur {pac- to cook'), sSc-S (sac- 'to be with, ac- 
company*, but also sa-k'-e)^ pU-ur (pat- *to fly, fall*, but also 

1) The Avestic change was natural enough because tata^ (Skr. 
iatdksa) had got in amongst roots with single final consonant 

BrBfmann, Elements. IT. 86 

402 The Perfect: Aryan. §852. 

pa-pt-iir)^ nSm-ur (nam- *to bow, bend'), ten-e [tan- 'to stretch', 
but also ta-tn-e). This type recommended itself because it 
avoided certain awkward sounds which had developed in some 
roots, as was the case in Germanic with the type qem- (§ 893). 
mSthur beside ma-mdnth-a {manth- *to shake, knead'), and 
bedh'Ur beside ha-hdndh-a (bandh- 'to bind'), arose because 
the weak roots math- and badh- in mdtha-ti badh-nd-ti etc. 
(-a- = -^-) were conceived as being parallel to roots like 
sad- or yaj-; which also explains mamdth-a beside m>amanth-a^ 
mathisya-ti beside manthisya-ti and the like. That a Perfect 
stem such as sed- or yem- was to the consciousness of the 
♦speaker nothing more than an ablaut-form of the unreduplicate 
root is shewn by forms with initial media aspirata like bhej-ur 
(beside ba-bhdj-a from bhaj- 'to distribute'), and those which 
begin witli a double consonant, as tres-ur tres-ur (beside ta- 
-trds-a from tras- *to tremble*). 

The strong singular stem seems often to have invaded 
forms proper to the weak stem. Skr. tastambhur (but also 
tastabhur) following tastdmbha^ cp. § 850 p. 897. babandhur 
following habdndha. yuyopimd following yuyopa from yup- to 
obstruct'. viveSiir (but also viviSe) following viveki from vi§- 
*to enter*. bibhSdiir (but bibhidur also) following bibheda from 
hhid- *to split*. vavdhatur (but uhatur) following vavdha from 
:oah- Vehere'. nandmire (but nem-ur) following ndndma. SaSdsur 
following saSdsa (cp. aor. d-Sis-a-t) from ids- 'to order': cp. pres. 
•3''** pi. Ms-ati beside opt. Sis-yd-t. daddvds- (but dadvds- 
dadivds') following daddu from dd- 'to give'. Avest. 3'*^ pi. 
eikHiter^s (but cikipwd) following *cikdUd from cit- 'to observe' 
(§ 850 p. 397). 2"** pi. hatdhdna following 3'"*' sing. Vumhdna 
from han- 'to give, earn'. But we may see, from what has 
been said in § 848 pp. 392 f. on sa-sah-e Sa-Sqs-ur and sa- 
-sdh-e da-ddS-i-ma^ that it is possible to hold that the germ of 
these consists of unreduplicated forms with a strong root (such 
<i8 Skr. *stambh-ur) which received reduplication in Aryan. 

In Skr. P* and 3''** sing, ta-sthdu da-dhdu pa-prdii etc., the 
oriffin of -du is obscure. Now and then we meet with variants 

§§852 The PerCMl: - Arjw. 406 

H'^'sing. pa-prd and Avest. S'^sing. da^da.^) Some regard -« 
as a particle affixed to the perfect with final -fl, as pa-prd 4- u 
-- pa-prdu; and others compare ta-sthau with sthdv-iro' 
sthav-ard' sthii-rd-, or pa-praii with Lat. pUv-l^ ja-jMu with 
Lat. n^p-f. All these are thoroughly uncertain conjectures. 

§ 863. As regards the -t- which precedes the personal 
ending in -i-tha -i-ma -i-va -i-sB -i-mahe -i-vahS, which \b 
much commoner in the later language than it is in the Veda, 
the most essential facts have been pointed out in § 844, 
pages 385 f. 

The same i is seen in the unreduplicated U-e (§ 848 
p. 391): tS-i-$S (beside ifc-sS) iS-i-dhve like fa-ffi-i-se ja-jfi-i- 
'dhve. After what was said in § 574 p. 115, it is not strange 
that beside l^-fS we find iS-i-tS. Compare however the pres. 
Sf-nv-i-sS beside fy-nv-i-re (like tS-i-rS ja-jf^r-i-ri), 

§ 854. The so-called Pluperfect, and Thematic Forms of 
the Perfect Stem (cp. § 555 p. 108, § 845 p. 387 f.). 

Un-Thematic Pluperfect. Skr. 2°** and 3"* sing, d-ja-gan 
3'** pi. d'ja-gan-ta (with strong stem like gan-td beside ga-td, 
§ 498 p. 58) 3'** pi. mid. d-Ja-gm-iran beside ja-gam-a. 
1'* sing, ca-kar-am beside ca-kdr-a. Avest. 3'^ pi. mid. vaoz- 
-iretn beside Skr. va-vah-a (§ 849 p. 396). Gath. 2°«» pi. mid. 
vdiZ'dUm (with strong stem instead of weak) beside voista = 
Skr. vettha. Compare Gr. f-nt'Tiid^'fAsv beside nf-not&s^ § 865. 
We find in Sanskrit also the 2°** and 3"* sing, with -l- , an 
d-ja-grabh-t-t beside 1"* sing, d-ja-grabh-am, see § 577 p. 118. 

Thematic Pluperfect. Skr. d-ca-kr-a-t beside ca-kdr-a. 
d-da'd^h-a-nta beside da-darh-a (gramm.) from dark- 'to make 
firm*, an-ar^-a-t from ars- *to stream'; an analogous form is 
an-archcht (beside perf. ar-a dr-ur) from pres. r-chd-ti ar-cha-ti 
'hits, attains, seizes' (cp. § 850 p. 397). Avest. ja-ym-ch-fi 
beside Skr. ja-gdm-a. ta-tas-a-p beside I'^sing. ta-ta^-a = 

1) On the assumed ATest. dado = Skr. dadfidu, see BartholomAe, 
Bexz. Beitr. ix 301. 


404 The Perfect: — Armenian. Greek. §§854—856. 

Skr. ta-tdks-a from tdks- 'to shape, form'. Compare Gr. e-fjis- 

-/Ll7]X-0-V § 865. 

The Thematic Imperative, as Skr. 2^** dual mu-moc-a-tam 
2°'* pi. mu-moc-a-ta (muc- 'to loose') 2°*^ sing. mid. va-v^dh- 
-d-sva (vardh- 'to grow') , stood beside the Unthematic mu- 
-muk-tam mu-mug-dhi^ as in Greek e. g. y^s-nQay-s-rs y.t'Xijv'S-rs 
beside xi-Apa/'d^i; and they were related to the Thematic 
Conjunctive Skr. mu-moc-a-tii) Gr. fU-o-fisv as, in the s-aorist, 
Skr. 2°<* sing, imper. ne-s-a to the conj. ne-s-a-ti, Gr. 2"** pi. 
imper. a^-s-rs to conj. (fut.) aJ-«-r€ (§ 833 p. 370). 

The forms Skr. iS-a-te Avest. is-a-ite beside ti-e is-e 'has 
brought into his power* doubtless first arose because the latter 
had ceased to be looked upon as belonging to the Perfect. 
Thus they are classed along with Presents like Skr. han-a-ti 
Avest. janaiti beside hdn-ti jainti (§ 498 p. 58). Compare 
§ 888 on Goth, dihan dihands. 


§ 855. The old Perfect inflexion seems to be wholly lost. 
gitem *I know* may have been transformed from *uoid-a in 
the same way as Lesb. oUtj^i from olda; but it may also be 
regarded as a present of Class U A (§517 Rem. p. 82). For 
another even more uncertain trace of the Perfect in Armenian, 
see Meillet, Mem. Soc. Ling, vii 164. 


§ 856. We begin with a few examples in addition to 
those given in § 846. 

s-onao-Tui from 6neip(o *I sow*. s-oX-s S'sX-rai from slXco 
*I press' [^ fsl- (§ 848 p. 392). s-aroX-e (gramm.) s-oraX-vai 
from azeXXw *I place, ordain'. dt'^po/Li-s beside s-dga^-o-v 
'I ran*. Hom. dslSa) i. e. *di$fM I fear* for *ds'dfo^-a^ dslSia 
i. e. *6t-dfi-a^ dsi'diusv i. e. *<^£-J/i-^fv, (hiStov-sg i. e. *d8'dfi- 
-oT-fg (I § 166 p. 147), Att. di'di'/nsv cTf-J^-^t Jf-Ji-wc df-(^i-evai. 

§8 856,857. Th« Perfect: - Greek. 405 

xe-Hgt-rai from xptpm *l separate, choose, decide* (§ 611 
p. 150). nt'no(}d'f from Tii{tdouau 'pedo*. nt-ffatf-Tut from 
(fpdl(o '1 give to understand, show*, y^qherd-: Lith. part. 
isz-gird'^s from isz-girstii 'I perceive* (§ 707 p. 236, § 686 
pp. 216 f.). Tt'TptHp-t Tf'-Tpay-t xI-tqu7I'T(u from x^tnut *I turn*. 
f'OXn-t from sXnoi.tai *I hope', fekn-. nf-novd-t ntna9'v7a 
beside fut. nsiaofiai for *Ti€v&-^a-^ pres. nuoxM *I suffer (§ 673 
p. 205). 8'OiX't is like' s-ttt'toy ^-ix-to f-oty-fttw i-oix-a-fttv 
fix'0)g i'Oty.-(iigy y/" ffix-. ni-not^-s B'ni'Ttt&'^iv nf'noiif'a-f^er 
Tif'TTttaTai from nsi&u) *I persuade'. rs-Ttv/'Ojg ri-rvx-rai 
Ts-tfvx-aTcu from tsv/^o 1 prepare*. xf-/o6-6 from /t^ia 
'caco'. Tf'-Tox-f beside f-rtx-o-v *I begat, bore'. *-f>(>ftiy-« 
f-(>(>?;>'-«a from Qtjy-vv'/ui 'I break*, f^^y-' ^.f-Xrjx-e It-Xf^x^g 
{-rj- for -6-) Xs-Xax-vTa beside f-Aax-o-v *I spoke'. fis-fiTjx-wg 
{'rj- for -a-) /Lis-jLiax-vTa beside ^inx(ov *bleating, crying*. "ki- 
-Xaf-in-s from "kd^mo 1 shine*. 

ds'ds'Tat from Si-Stj-^u 'I bind*. The root-vowel ^, like that 
of Tf-9^€-Tat n-rai (for *6-f-rat) and that of ^s-do-Tai^ is instead 
of a = Idg. 9. Compare § 493 p. 53 on &-^f'/nfv t-do-fier, 
and § 542 p. 102 on Tt-&€'f4sv %f-(.uv Ji-dev-vwv ^t^o-fttv. 

Forms with so-called Attic Reduplication. Hom. (iXjjXov&u 
siXfjXov&iLisv Att. &Xr]Xv&a iXTjXv&ajusv beside iXevoouat 'I will 
come* aor. tJXv&ov^ sXtv^-. Ion. dp-rj^s d^rjpiog d^-ag-vJa beside 
/jP'ttp-O'V 'I joined'. 

§ 867. Numerous Perfect forms based upon Roots extended 
in some way, and upon Presents of all sorts and kinds. Compare 
§ 847 pp. 391 f. 

(1) dd-dpa-Tcu from dg-G- *to do*. xd-x^G-rat from xp-G- 'to 
mix*. T€-TXt]'i6g from vX-a- *to bear*. xe-xfiij-cSg from x.«-<J- 'to 
weary*. rs-T/urj-vai from tju-d- 'to cut*. rf'-r(>J7-rai from rp-rj- 
'to wear away, pierce*. xs-xXtj-rui from xX-rj- 'to call*. xi-/p^ 
-row from xp'V' '^^ lend, borrow*. rs-Ttfj-uig xt-xir^'Xai from T117- 
ia be still, overawed* Idg. 9»i-5-, see § 590 p. 132. x*-/apij-a>i; 
x^-jlfctpiy-ra* from /oipcu *I rejoice*. x^-xayij-cJ^ 'breathing hard*. 
df-dsfj-xcu from J^o) Hom. Aeol. Jfv-w *I need*. wf-rffifi-Tcu 

406 The Perfect: — Greek. §857. 

from vBfxG) *I distribute*. (^e-^ovlTj-rai from ^ovXofiai 'I wish* 
for *(ioXvO'(.iai. Ts-TvnvT^-Tai from tvu-to) I strike*. Compare 
§ 750. 1 p. 271, § 756.4 pp. 275 f., § 822.5 p. 360. 

(2) Along with these go Perfects from later denominatives, 
as Hom. yis-xorij-wg, Boeot. gen. pi. fS'J-movo/Lutowwv (Att. wxo- 
vofzTjaoTWVj cp. § 866), rS'Ti^irj-Tai (-^- = -a-), ns-fpilrj-xai^ f4i- 
'fiiO&W'Tai, xf-xdvr-ra/, ^S'Sdngv-vai. Compare § 756. 5 p. 276, 
§ 773 pp. 290 f., § 813 p. 351, § 822. 6 p. 360. 

(3) S6-di$ax'S ih-didaH'Tai SsSiday-f-iai beside Si-6dax(o 
•J teach* (§ 678 p. 210), cp. aor. s-dlda^a, 

(4) n€-g)7jv-6 (Dor. ns-ipctv-s) ns-tfav-tai from (paivo) *I make 
appear, show* for *q>a-v^'(o. Y.e-/rjv-i: (Dor. %s-xav's) from yaivM 
'I gape' for *xa-v^'Co. s-^av-vm sl^a/u/nm from ^-aCvw 'I scratch, 
comb'. On the forms nstpaa/uai s'^aa/uai (= (^a/LijLmi)^ see § 862. 
npo-^epovXe beside ^ovXofiai (see under 1). Compare § 822. 2 
p. 359. 

(5) Nasal Infix. xt-xAceyy-s, also xf -xA^y-f, beside xXayydva} 
and xAa'Cro (for *yXayy-ffi)) *I make a sound, cry out'. The verb 
Xavddvw 1 have room for* (\^qhed~^ § 631 p. 168) perhaps had 
both y.S'XavS'S and xs'/ovd-s (like XeXoyxe from Xayxdvco) for its 
perfect; see Mekler, Beitr. zur Bildung des griech. Verbums, 
60 f.; Wackernagel, Berl. Phil. Wochenschr. 1891, col. 1475 f. 
Aeol. part, ns-ipvyy-cov (Att. ns-(psvy-d)g) from fvyydvw *I flee*. 
S'ag)iyK-Tai P* sing. stJcpiyittat (-yfi- for -^^m-, I § 492 p. 363) 
from Gfiyyw *I tie'. Compare § 822. 3 p. 359. 

(6) s-nna-o-rai, xt-xAa-tf-rai, ns-asgaff-rai, k-OnedaO'Tat; s-afi- 
-sa-rat^ xf-xo(>f a-rai ; e-^v-O-TM, slgvo-rai. See § 661 p. 196 
§ 842 pp. 380 f. 

(7) Syrac. nsnoax^ instead of nsnovd^e from ndd/w (§ 673 
p. 205). Compare Skr. papracha Lat. poposci from l/^prei-. 

(8) Kara-nsTivd^a' y.aTSQQv-tjxa Hesych., beside nv-d-eo *I make 
to rot'. tie-fipl&-6 from ^gt-^co 1 weigh down*. Compare § 694 
p. 223. 7i€-q>Xoi^-6 beside s-cpXi-S-sv' disggssv. 6iu-xsx^oMg and 
6ia-iisxltd(6g beside /Xtu) *I am weakly*. 3'** pi. k-Qgdd-axai 
from gahto I sprinkle' for *Gg-avixo (§ 621 p. 159). Compare 
§ 695 p. 224. 

§§ 857,858. Tht PTfeet: ~ Ofk. 407 

(9) Horn. nt(f)v(6Tf^' from ♦r/.vf« for *(f^fy-iM (§ 707 
|». 236). 

(10) Perfects of later DeDoininatives whose verbal stem 
('nded in a Consonant. nf-niJQvx-f- xf-x//(Mhf-ro4 xf-xfjoCy-^at from 
x7j(d^<T(o 'I announce, proclaim* for *xagvx-iut. nf-tfrvXax-f 
7te-g>vXa>:-Tat m-ffvl^ay-fiou from tfvkuaaio 'I watch* for ^tivXux-iio. 
fjXviorai from IXniCfo 'I hope* for *ffXTii3-i^(o. Xi-Xr^orm from 
XiftLo,utti 'I get booty' for *X<S/iJ-|o-//a/. TB-rrkta-rai from rfXiot 
*I finish' for ^tfXfn-f^fo. TJyyfX'Vat from dyyfXXio I announce*. 
U'Xiftav'Ttti from Xvjunit'o/itat I treat shamefully, insult, torture'. 
Compare § 756. 3 p. 275, § 757 p. 276 f., § 768 p. 282 f., 
§ 822. 4 p. 359 f. 

§ 858. The Reduplication with ^ in roots with initial 
consonant has been more faithfully kept in Greek than in 
any other language. The vitality of this type can be best 
seen in its use with denominative forms like nf-iftXaxrat dt- 
-dvdivxV^^y Ti-d^aXaoaoxadrrjXf,, Boeot. ff'J-Vxovou&i6rT(av. 

Remark. On the analogy of compounds like v'-Tr^nn/f^jr^ were made 

others such as FV-SfSrjirjxf ano-SfSrluijxt instead of *r,vSf}ut,ii* *Ttno^r,iir,*0 

from tr-Stjuo-g ano-Stj/uo-i. The group was further enlarged by »to- 
-7i(7toit]Xf fiSo-7t(Tfoti}Tai iTf 71 o-Tfi oofptjxf Rud many other like them. 

On the treatment of the initial consonant or consonants of 
the reduplicator, see §§ 475 f.pp. 20 if. 

Verbs with initial vowel were treated in two ways, as in 
Sanskrit : 

(1) By lengthening the initial vowel. 2"** sing, tja-i^a from 
y^es- 'to be* (cp. Skr. ds-i-tha)^ which form came afterwards 
to be used as imperfect because ija fjttfv rjorf ijaiov belonged 
to both; rjgixt from igiXfo *I strive'. ^/-f ijy-ftui {tj = d) 
from uyot *I lead*: Skr. dj-a O.Icel. dk- (here comes ap-tuy-t 
from aV'dyui according to Danielsson , Nord. tidskr. f. filol., 
ny rtekke, VII 138 If.); rjaxtj-rfu from naxno 'I practice': 
^(^/"' //py-^ai from dp/oi '\ begin' ; r]u(fna-Tat from du(fi- 
'ia-aai 'to draw on, clothe*. uryxfty-rat from oyxM** 1 grow- 
big, swell up*. This perfect formation has been treated in 

408 The Perfect: — Greek. §§858,859. 

§ 848 p. 393 f.; it is very doubtful whether it ever had any 

(2) By the "Attic Reduplication", which corresponds to the 
structure of Skr. an-qS-a (§ 851 p. 401). This flourished 
considerably at the expense of the last named (1). sd-rj^tu^: 
Skr. dd-a; og-wp-s: Skr. ar-a; 66 -cods: Lith. ^'d-^s. Att. S/lc- 
'WjLio-Tai (and of-i-w/uo-o-rai) from 6^-vv-fxi 'I swear'. Hesiod 
has to-rjQiazai from sgl^fo 'I strive'; but riQivie above. Perhaps 
Horn. ef]<y&a *eras' and stjv rji^v^ as contrasted with -^od^s ^sv tjv 
(§ 502 p. 65 f.), was based upon a form *i(j-rja-', cp. § 583 
p. 124, and the Author, Gr. Gr. ^ p. 164, Bartholomae, Stud, 
z. idg. Spr. II 118 f. Ion. av-ao-aigrj-xai and av-aig-eofj-tai 
from dv-aioHo 1 raise up on high'; but av-Tigt^-rai. Hom. 6g- 
-wgex-arai from ogeyio *I stretch out', but logsy-fzai^ from 
[/^reg- (O.Ir. perf. re-raig *porrexit*). On the analogy of 
iX-7Jkv&-8 : tXv^Hv^ the form sv-syx-sTv *to bring*, which already 
had the Attic reduplication (cp. Skr. an-qi-a)^ formed a perfect 
bv-r)VF.yK-xaL, which next called into being the act. iv-ijvoxe 
beside xut-tJvoxs (§ 846 p. 390) ; sv- in iv-TJvsyx-vat and sv-rjvoxe 
must then be the preposition fV, which I see in the aorist 
Iv-Eixa (§ 504 p. 68); if so, sv-fjvsyx-Tai must be compared 
directly with Skr. dn-qS-a. Ion. 6p-c6p7]x-s (Herodas) beside 
fopaxf^ &u)paxs from oqum 'I see* for *foQct-^ late Attic aX-rfXiy- 
-fiivO'Q beside eiXix-rai from lUaoco 1 wind' for */fA/x-. 

§ 859. The original differences of root-gradation in the 
group of Perfect forms transmitted from the parent language 
were very largely wiped out by analogy. 

First, the vowel-grade of the indie, active invaded other 
forms; as ysyov-a-jusv yeyov-wg, i(f&6(j-a'fisv sq)&og-c6g^ nenovd-- 
-a-iLuv, rsTQOip-a-fxsv^ soiy-jntv ioU-a-fiiv^ nenoid^-a-fxsv conj. Hom. 
7f€7foi&-0'iLisv Att. nfnol&'Co-/n6v^ €tX7JXovd--f^6v siX7]Xov&'(og^ epoury- 
-a-jLisv^ u(p-8(o-Tai. 

Next, the weak form sometimes became the type; as 
dsdi-a, retgacp-u^ sXTJXvS^-a. 

Thirdly, s is often found where it originally was not, as 

§§859^861. The Perfect: — Greek. 409 

netftvy-t nsfpfvy-a-fiBv^ nf-nXf/'f^ A«-A*y-*; particularly often in 
the Middle, aH nenXfx-Tai Ttsntta-rui. The original place of thin 
ablaut-grade was in the perfect Conjunctive, sometimes in the 
Participle active (II § 136 p. 438 f.), and also, according to the 
hypothesis of De Saussure and Osthoff, the !•* sing. Indie, active 
(§ 843 Rem. p. 384). Again, t-tX-Tot and like forms may be 
based upon the unreduplicated (xara-)/fA.,xif i'd-^,-; see § 848. 2 
with Rem. 1, pages 392 and 393. Lastly, non-perfect verbal 
forms with f may have had a hand in it ; thus (fivyoj may have 
influenced ustffvyt., or nsi&o^iat nennffrai. 

Sometimes the change which took place was that weak 
perfect forms with a from roots of the ^-series caused the 
production of other forms on the analogy of a-roots. Thus 
fnf/ur^Xf (Dor. ftfjuaXs) took the place of *ufuoXs (from ^isXfi *it 
is a care to'), because forms with juS'/naX- (cp. Skr. ti-stir- from 
lister- 'stern ere') were associated with such others as rt'^aX-vJa 
beside ts&ijXs (Dor. rsS^aXt). Similar considerations account for 
^it^iTjvt ([/^ ^isv' 'think') and d^drj/wg dtdTjy/um ([/"de^k- 'bite') 
by analogy with jus-uav- = ^me-Di^n- and 0^-0 ax- = *de'd^- 
(cp. Skr. dadaS-vdS' beside dadqS-a). But undoubtedly with 
both these perfects other non-perfect forms, such as /uoUyofiat 
ludvrjv and Ja'xvoi edaxov^ helped to change them over to the 
new vowel-series. 

The e-grade seen in O.Ir. tntd-ar Goth. sBt-um Lith. sl^-^s 
etc. (§ 848. 3 p. 393), has been conjectured for Gr. y/nrai 'sits*, 
whose aspirate is odd as contrasted with Skr. ds-tS, It is quite 
possible that, in Greek, middle forms of *sed- were confu!*ed 
with the verb *Bs-. Compare pres. Lith. sed-mi § 494 p. 54. 

§ 860. On the -a- of zsTQoqj'a-q -a-^tv -a-rt j on Dor. 
ytyoy-uv and part, nsnxwq^ see § 844 pp. 385 f. 

The 3'** pi. ioxaoi 'they stand' is contracted for "^t'Crd'aciy 
which had taken the place of a previous *'ioxam. So also 
Ep. ytydaai neudaat fis^idaai Att. (iefidai. See § 1021.4. 

§ 861. Aspirated Perfects like didstxf (y^ifeuc-) nt-nXf^^ 
(nXsy.-) y.inijodxs (xjypwt-) rsrpofff TSXQd(f>(trai (to^ti-) xfxAo^t: 

410 The Perfect: — Greek. §§861,862. 

(xXen-) ^x^ i^y~) ^s^f/f^ (^^y-) opwgexarai (ogsy-) Titgups 
TBTQi(paTai (rgl^-) have borrowed the aspirate, and put it in 
place of media or tenuis, from perfect stems which properly 
ended in an aspirate, such as ysygwfi ysyQa(faTai and rer^vxa- 
Tttt. The cause of this change was that in some perfect forms 
and in forms outside the perfect, these phonetic differences 
disappeared, and the aspirate was no longer distinguished from 
the tenuis or media. Thus rsTpaf^i/nai xerQaxpai etc. and stpsxpa 
TQfxl'f'i looked exactly like yiygaf.i(.iui yeygaxpai etc. and syQuxfja 
ygdvjo)-^ hence the analogy of ysypdcpa/nfv gives rise to 
xftgdnpa^tv instead of *Tf:Tpa7ia/u6r. Compare Osthoff, Perf. 
284 if., 614 ff. ; Curtius, Zur Kritik der neuesten Sprach- 
forschung, 58 ff. 

§ 862. Perfects from verbal stems in s generally show 
in the middle the endings -o/uai -ojufSa -of^svog^ as sKsofxai 
iX^biOf-iai rjxova/nav osoeia^iai eG^tGf.iai teTbXsai.iai ianaafxai 
xsKsgaG/iiai, thus traversing the law laid down in vol. I 565 § 
p. 422, by which we should expect forms without c, and with 
a lengthening of the preceding vowel when this was short. 
There are some of these regular forms, as stcjuat (y^/^s-) 
yiysv/Liui {\/^ geus-) tqi-evf-itvoc {y/ eijs-). But the other set are 
a re-formation on the model of those with -(Tt-, as s'Qtofxai 
instead of *8^ftf.iai following ft«ara/, fteoa/nai following st^ioaxai. 
On the contrary, tun/ncu and ytyev/nai suggested stiovai instead 
of fLojfrrai, iytyswro instead of *&ysy€(vo)-aTO. 

Similarly, in the Middle Voice of Perfects from Verbal- 
stems in & and <!, the a of -ozai spread into the forms in -/uai 
'jus&a -fitrog^ as X&kanf.iai following XiXaorai (act. l^krjds), 
ntTivauai following ntnvatai (pres. nfv^OLiui) -nsntiof-iai following 
TTf 77 fiatm (pres. nel&aii)^ ■Aexda/n&da following y.iy.aarai (x«d-), 
7Tf(f()aGf.iai following n&ffaaTat (aor. ntifpadov). Forms like Hom. 
y.fitopvd^jnt'rog necpoad/Luvoc Pind. xsxad/ufvog are regular. Similarly, 
Att. uTjLur (Hom. Ld-/Lt8v) may be regarded as a re-formate 
following tarej but it may also follow the pret. ijo/nsv i. e. 
"^Tj-J^iT-O'fisv just as loaai follows loav ^nav (§ 863 p. 411). 

§§862,863. The Perfeet: - OrMk. 411 

The agreement of forms like atimn fauna (for *< 
*t'<Tml'6a) iQflcfui Tjofiaa (for *t()n6-¥n(o ^7J(}tid-¥au) with such 
forms as Tft-acj t-rsi-aa (y/^Tfi-) had this result, that the 
endings -area '(ificu etc. spread from afouazm -afiou f^pnarfu 
•a/uat to the Perfect of verbal stems which ended in a 
vowel: xfTH-axai -(ffini ^ x/xXav-nrai instead of xfxXavTouj 
fyvw-arai ^ xixfXtv-orai. The same cause gave rise to ano- 
'Xfiaxio'i^ fJHa&TjVy xXavaro-g instead of nhjivrog, eyvaia&rjv etc. 
Or the if of these forms from verb stems with final vowe! 
may have originated from the 2°** sing. mid. in -4f-&r)q, as 
syvwff&rjg (= djfiCLstlms) ffivrja&Tj^' (Wackemagel, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. xxx 312, Henry, Precis de gramm. comp.^ § 102); 
cp. § 589 p. 129 f., § 820 p. 357, § 836 p. 373, § 840 p. 377. 

Lastly, we must place here forms from v-stems such as 
nfipaaum beside nitfav-xai {rpaivu) 'I show*), afotjfiaaucu beside 
asofj^tav'xai (aTj/nuivo) *I make a signal*); but we also find 
s^ajLt^iai for *i'^av-^ai {^aivio 'I scratch , comb*) , ijaxvu^cu for 
*/ja;(vv'/iiat {alax^yfo 'I disgrace*), and others. We may con- 
jecture that first *7ts(pav-o9^t *afoa^nv'ai^s became regularly 
*ns(faa^*fi *afaa,ua6d-€y and then, since these looked like sonaad^f 
xfxspaa^i^f, the forms ne(f>n6f.iui as<Tfj^aof.iai were made to match 
kfnaaf4ai xexsgaauou; on the other hand, ntrpavxut produced the 
form 7tf(p(xv>h. 

§ 863. The S'^'^pl. of Olds idfisv was in Homer laaaot 
(Att. Ldciffi Dor. LoavTi by vol. I § 563. 2 p. 419), an ad-formate 
of the s-aorist *iaaay laav ^ augmented ii6av (§ 812 p. 349, 
§821 p. 358). The formation of laaaoi was due to lax$ ToroK 
beside r/art tjaxov. Compare § 862, on Att. la^ufv. 

laavxi, associated with laxavxi 'they place", caused the Doric 
dialect to make the further forms tad/i< laa^iev ianftgyai etc. 
following 76xaia and the rest. 

In Heraclean, this a went on to the middle of the perfect : 
ysypnipaxut. Then, on the strength of the relation of ytypawaxtu 
to iyodtffavxo^ we get *ftf^Kf&ioauxcu beside fttiai^waavto — the 
conj. fUfuffd'wauivxat is found. 

412 The Perfect: — Greek. §864. 

§ 864. There can be no doubt that the x-perfect, as 
f'arTyxf, existed in all its important features as early as proethnic 
Greek, although it only become a large group in Greek itself. 
As to the origin of the formation very diverse theories have 
been set forth; they are collected and criticised by Johansson, 
Beitr. zur gr. Sprachkunde, pp. 56 if. (compare Per Persson, 
Wurzelerw., 209 f.). 

Remark. The explanation which has most in its favour is the 
following. X is called a Root-Determinative, which came from the parent 
language into Greek in a few verbs ; and then it became a fertile perfect 
suffix in pr. Greek just as s became a fertile aorist suffix in the original 
language. It was not confined to the perfect any more than s was 
confined to the aorist: we have for instance aor. h&tjxa as well as perf. 
T^'&tjxcf^ aor. eSioxa Stoxio as will as perf. SiSioxa^ oX^xw as well as oXwXexa^ 
SeSCJ-)laaofjai, for *Sf'Sj^ix-io-uai as well as Sfrt(f)oixa. 

The favourite sphere of the x-formation lay from the 
proethnic period of Greek in stems with e-, o- and a-vowels, as 
Tb'd-fj-xs 6-fo-xf ds-dfo-xs £-ara-xf, (ie-liX'Tj-xs 6-yv-ft>-x6 6s-d()-a'xs. 
Forms like *r*-^9y *b'Co (Avest. da-da) without -a and -i in the 
P* and S'^'^sing. may have seemed too unnatural and unlike the 
rest of the system; this may have brought in some x-form, 
which afterwards spread rapidly by analogy. 

Beside the above named perfect forms with the root- 
suffixes -a- and -e- -o-, were formed others, such as yis/agrj^s 
ysydf.iTjyif: 7J9^sXr}%s Sfdsinvrjxs /LiSjLilad^Mxs TfTi/uaxs dsdaxprnf. 
Compare AsxagrjatQ xsnoTTjtug vtv8f.irjTai ■nf(fiXritai etc., § 857. 1 
and 2, p. 405 f. 

Again, the relation of kavtjy.a to atfjaw ioxtjaa^ of ^tdQctaa 
to dgaOd) tdgccaa^ produced perfects like nsTisixa beside ttsIom 
tnsioa (neid-M 'I advise"), necfQa-Aa beside (pgdoio itpgaoa {cpQa^ui 
'I give to understand, show' for *(jp^a J-j^w) , ysyv (^iva^ia beside 
yvf.ivdao) &yvf.ivaaa (yvf.ivd^o) 'I exercise), ijo/noAu beside dp/uoaa) 
tjo(.iooa (uQuoCco 'I fit, join), so-nHxa beside gtisIglo sdnsioa for 
*an£VT-a- {67iev$(o *I pour*), sGna/.a beside ffndau) sonaaa {Ondia 
'1 puir for *6na-0'U}). 

By analogy of the perfect middle (cp. ds$Qatai : Stdpaaa) 
arose e. g. Phoc. red^ena (instead of rs&rjyia) following rfi^frai, 

§§864-866. The Perfeet: - Greek. 413 

Att. flxa (*hxa) following sTrai (*hrai)^ dtdtxa following didsrat, 
sfpdagna following sqtd^uQxai^ xiy.hxa following xixXtrat, ^yytXya 
following TJyysXrai. Vice versa, mid Dor. dcf-Horat follows Utru 
(§ 859 p. 408). 

Following €txa slrat, the forms r^i^rjxa xid^t^m were changed 
in late Attic to Ts&fixa Tf&firnt. 

Following f<yraxa : f^ara^ucv we get yiyCkxa (Pind.) beside 
ytya^ifv (*^«-^9-); vice versa Tjgiaxa^av (Comedy) beside 
jjpiaTTjxa (dptaruco *I breakfast*). 

§ 865. For the Pluperfect Greek, like Sanskrit, at first 
had two formations, thematic and unthematic (cp. § 555 
p. 108, § 845 p. 387, § 854 p. 403). 

(1) The Unthematic type is found in the Active only 
for Plural and Dual, e. g. ^-ns'Trid^'^tsv yi-yd-TTjv ^-OTa-^sv; the 
3*^ pi. ends in -<yav, e. g. ^-ata-aav fis-jua-aav tSildiaav i. e. 
^s-de-dJ-t-iJav (§ 1021.2). Far oftener, and found in all three 
numbers, this occurs in the Middle; as rs-rvy-^iriv f-rf'-rox-ro 
^e-pXfj-avo xf-xohn-ao. Compare Skr. 1'* and 3"* sing, d-ja-gan. 

(2) Thematic Forms are e. g. t-jue-fiTjx-o'v (but iis-^i7pc'c6g)y 
i-^f'TtXTjy'O-v (but TTf-TfAiyy-a), av-wy-o-v (but nv-wya), 6Ms i. e. 
*ds'dft-t (but perf. de-^i-jusv) ; with x, 6-7rS'(pvx-o-v (but TTf-qtv-xa). 
Compare Skr. d-ca-kr-aA. Sometimes it is doubtful whether a 
form comes here or in the VP Present Class (§ 563 p. Ill); 
as Af-Xax-o-iTo (cp. AfAiyxa XsXaxvln and l-Aax-o-i'). 

(3) To these formations are added all which are based 
upon an original s-aorist. (a) On the one hand, the forms 
fidtu and Inav ijaav (ija/itfv ijdts) ; (6) on the other, those in 
which the Aorist ending was affixt to the Perfect stem, as 
7te-7toi&-(a 7f f'TToiS^'Stv i-Trf-notd-'Siv beside Tif-Troi^-a, and e-ar^x- 
'Biv beside f-ar/^-xa. See § 821 p. 357 f., § 836 pp. 372 if. 

§ see. Like the thematic pluperfect /-/if'-^i/yx-o-y etc., 
mentioned in § 865. 2, the thematic imperative xf-x(>ay-f-rf and 
so forth belong to the parent speech; cp. Skr. mw-tM^c-a-^o, 
§ 844 p. 404. 

But thematic forms occur more or less in all other 
formations of the Greek perfect system. Indicative Horn. 

414 The Perfect: — Italic. §§866,867. 

iis-jitpX-s-Tai *it is dear beside /ueX-si (which may also belong to 
Present Class YI, § 563 p. Ill), og-ap-s-rai 'is aroused' beside 
OQ-coQ-aj dv-coyco beside ar-w/a, Syrac. oXclX-m beside Att. 
6X'(ak-a, And again, t^'kw 'I am here' may have taken the 
place of a perfect *^xa ; the last essay to explain the etymology 
of this verb is by Johansson, Beitr. gr. Sprachk., 62 f., who would 
connect it with a root i-e- 'to go'. Conj. Hom. dp-TJp-i] Att. 
pe-^Xrjx-rj beside Hom. sY^-o-jusv, Opt. Att. li6-(iXTJx-0'i beside 
\-GTa-T-( Inf. Rhod. ytyovsiv^ in Pindar Ksx^adsiv. Part. Lesb. 
7TS7iX7]p(t)x(in', Hom. (Aeol.) H&xXrjyovTsc, Boeot. fsfvxovousiovTav. 


§ 867. The "Perfect*' of Latin and Umbro-Samnitic is a 
mixture of elements very widely different. Ten distinct types 
contribute to make it up. 

(1) Genuine Reduplicated Perfects like Lat. tu-tud-l — 
Skr. tU'tud-S, de-d-z = Skr. da-d-e (§ 1044). In § 846 we 
have compared with perfect forms of other Idg. languages 
these others: pepen, tetuli^ memini memento ^ tetim^ memordi 
momordi^ credid% bib% steti, scicidt^ cecim^ pepigt; to which 
add Umbr. dersicust. 

(2) Probable Unre duplicated Perfect forms. First Ug-^ 
v^n-l and the like , with possibly ed-% , cp. § 848. 3 p. 393. 
Next scand-l, vort-i vert-i Umbr. co-vortus 'converterit', scdb-i^ 
Gd-f, cp. § 848. 1, 2 and 4, pp. 391, 392, 394. 

(3) Forms of the s-Aorist, both thematic and non-thematic, 
as dTX't d%x-i-t dtx-i-mus^ cp. Gr. s-dfi^-a Skr. d-diks-a-t. See 
§ 823 p. 360 f. 

(4) Forms of the non-thematic is-Aorist, as mdis-tis (vtdis- 
-tl) vzder-o vider-i-m^ cp. Skr. d-vedis-am Gr. riSsa. See § 841 
pp. 378 if. 

(5) Thematic Aorists of Class II. Lat. fu-i-t fu-i-mus, 
Osc. fuid 'fuerit* : Skr. d-bhuv-a-t Lat. scid-i-t : Skr. d-chid-a-t. 

fid'i-t: Skr. d-bhid-a-i. ex-uit for *'UU~e-t (Class II B) or 

S867. The Perfeet: — IliJic 415 

^.eu-e-t (Class II A), Osc. dic-ust 'dixerit* beside ^dic-e-d 
dixit*: Skr. iniporf. d-dU-a-t. Osc. kum-bBnod 'oooTSnit* 
ce-bfiust *huc venorit*'): Skr. d-gam-a-t A vest, ym-a-^, l/'gem-. 
Prom Osc. pert-emust 'peremerit' the ind. *^me'd is to be inferred. 
Osc. ana-saked or ana-zaked 'coDsecravit* (Breal and Duvau, 
Mem. Soc. ling., vi 51, 227) beside Lat. sanciO. Pclign. nfded 
'abiit' for *af-ie'd (Thurncysen, Rhein. Mus. xliii 348), cp. Or. 
opt. I'O-i. So also Lat. vort-i-t vort-i-mus (cp. 2) may be 
connected with Skr. d-vrt-a-t. See § 483 p. 32, § 523 
pp. 86 ff., § 528 p. 91. 

(6) Possibly amongst forms like Ug-i-t Ug-i-mus iV^leg-) 
were some like Gr. i-fi^jd-e-ro (yarned-) Skr. d-sdh-a-t {\^se§h'). 
See § 841 Rem. p. 378. 

(7) Probably reduplicated thematic aorists of Class VI. 
te-tig-i-t te-tig-i-mus: Gr. Ts-ray-fuv, pe-pig-i-t: Gr. nt-nayo-irj-r 
beside nt'n^y-a. ce-cid-i-t: nB-xaS-sTy *to hurt, despoil* x*-xaJ- 
-o-iTo beside Ixexijdei * v7isxf/(optjxei (pres. xrjJio). pe-pul-i-t : 
ns-naX-av, pe-per-i-t for ^pe-par-e-t: nf-nop-ftv' dovvai beside 
f-noQ-O'v 1 gave, brought', cp. P* sing, pe-per-t and nt'-npw-Tou 
§ 846 p. 388. de-d-i-t Osc. de-d-e-d Umbr. f e-r-e pr. Ital. 
*de'd'e't:^) Skr. imperf. d-da-d-a-t (§ 562 p. UOf.). Compare 
§ 564 p. 111. 

To these must be added (8) the Latin perfect in -vi and 
-wl, (9) the Umbr.-Samn. perfect with /, and (10) the Nperfect 
of Oscan, Pelignian, and Yolscian ; see §§ 873 flP. 

This fusion of the forms of Aorist and Perfect implies that 
the Idg. Perfect had become a historic tense as early as 
proethnic Italic. 

1) Conway (Amer. Journ. Phil, xi 308) defends the old Tiew of 
cebnust as a reduplicated form. 

2) The Umbr.-Osc. ending -e-d is odd as compared with forms like 
./M«/, where the short vowel of the last syllable is syncopated (I § 688 
p. 474). Whether the law of syncopation allowed certain exceptions in 
the case of a final dental (say, depending on what the preceding syllable 
was, or the accent), or whether -e- in thin -e-d is due to some analogy, 
I do not here discuss. 

416 The Perfect: - Italic. §§867,868. 

Of the endings of the perfect indicative, these belonged to 
the perfect in Idg. : Lat. -I in the 1** sing. = Skr. -e ; -ti which 
fused with the aorist element -is- made the 2"*^ sing. (: Skr. -tha 
§ 988. 3) ; and -imus in tutud-imus ven-imus may be equated 
with Skr. -i-ma^ Avest. -ama Gr. -af.i8v Goth, -urn (ste-ti-mus 
= Gr. t-nra-fiiv Skr. ta-sthi-md?). To the ««-aorist belongs 
Lat. 2"** pi. -is-tis , also -is-ti in 2^^ sing, (see above) , and 
possibly -erunt in the 3*"** plural. To the thematic aorist belong 
Lat. S^^ sing, -i-t , earlier -e-d (vhevhaked) , whose agreement 
with Umbr.-Samn. -e-d is most important (the -e of the 
3'** sing. perf. Idg. must doubtless have given place to -e-d = 
Idg. -e-t completely in pr. Italic) , and partly -i-mus in the 
1"' plural. The S'^ pi. Umbr.-Samn. -ens and Lat. -erunt are 

The precise way by which this fusion of different endings 
came about is not clear; nor will it be made clear so long as 
the 3'^ singular and S'** plural are the only endings we know in 
Umbro-Samnitic dialects (as to Osc. manafum, see § 874). 
Thus much only seems certain, that as early as proethnic Itahc 
some thematic forms had joined on to the old perfect system; 
cp. Lat. de-d-i-t Osc. de-d-e-d beside Lat. de-d-l^ pe-pig-i-t 
beside pe-pig-T. 

Beside -e-d = Idg. -e-t, Latin has also -td -It, on 
inscriptions -eit, as fuueit redieit. Since interieisti also occurs 
on inscriptions, the simplest explanation is that the T came 
from the P* sing, which had -t. 

Remark. Bartholomae (Stud. idg. Spr., ii 195) derives fuit from 
Idg. *bhey,-i-t or *bhuy,~ei-t^ which seems to me very far-fetcht. I identify 
fuif with Skr. d-bhuv-a-t (Osc. conj. fuid for *bhuy,-e-t § 872), and I regard 
fvi/i (Ennius has fuimus) as a re-formate like plUi (cp. Osthoff, Perf. 254 f.). 

§ 868. The Idg. e of the reduplicating syllable seems to 
have been kept without change in proethnic Italic. Compare 
O.Lat. vhe-vhaked 'fecit' Osc. fe-facid 'fecerit', Lat. de-dt 
Osc. de-ded Umbr. re- re, Lat. me-mordi pe-pugi ste-tl, Umbr. 
de-rsicust 'dixerit* pe-purkurent 'poposcerint, rogaverint'. 

§868. The Perfect: — lulio. 417 

But Latin f if the vowel of the syllable which followed 
the reduplicator was the same as that of its present stem, 
assimilated this « to it; as mo-mordt : mordeO, cu-currJ : currOj 
pii-pugl : pungO^ 8ci-cid% : scindO, di-dicl : discO^ sti-tl : sistO; 
whilst in Old Latin we still find the regular forms me-mordi 
pe-pugX etc. (see above). Compare Skr. u-vdc-a instead of 
vti^vdc-a following uc-yd-te uktd-s and the like, § 851 p. 400. 
However, e remained if the vowel of the next syllable, and the 
present vowel, were of the «-kind; as pend% : pendd pendedy 
pe-pSdi : pBdd ; and the same if it differed from the present 
vowel , as ce-cinl : can^ , ce-cidf : cado , pepull : pellQ , pe-peri : 
pario^ ste-ti : stQ stas etc. 

Li compounds four syllables long (in the 1"* and 3'** singular), 
the reduplicator underwent syncope in proethnic Latin, as a 
consequence of the accentuation then given to the first member; 
as repptdt rettull reccidl for *rS-pepult *rS-tetult ^re-cecidly 
dScidf attigl incurr% for *de-cecidz *dt-tetigl *in-cecurr% (I § 63S 
p. 474). 

That both reduplicated and unreduplicated forms occurred 
in pr. Italic within the perfect system of the same verb is shewn 
by O.Lat. vhe-vhaked Osc. fe-facust as compared with Lat. /Bcf 
Umbr. fakust. Compare further Lat. sci-cidi and scidi^ te-tuli 
and tult^ Umbr. de-rsicust and Osc. dicust, Lat. ce-cim and 
Umbr. pro-canurent. Thus we have no right to assume that 
Lat. tull was abstracted from compounds in which the 
reduplicator had suffered syncope, as in rettull attuU. When 
a form has only survived in compounds, ^» -culf (per-cull), it 
is impossible to say whether it never was reduplicated or whether 
syncope has hidden the reduplication. 

This loss of reduplication in Latin compounds helped to 
link reduplicated and unreduplicated forms all the closer. 

Beside Lat. abs-condidi (from abs-condd) the form abs-condf 
sprang up on the analogy of scandi : scando^ since candS in this 
word joined with abs had ceased to be regarded as a compound; 
cp. ahscOnsum beside absconditum. On the contrary, condidf : 

Brnfmann, Elements. IV. 27 

418 The Perfect: — ItaUc. §§868,869. 

condd^ credidi : credo and the like gave rise to perf. dSscendidf 
beside descendl. 

As regards verbs with initial vowel, such forms as Skr. 
dn-dj-a (§ 851 p. 401) and Gr. og-wg-a (§ 858 p. 408) were 
foreign to Italic. Lat. ed-t em-i (from ed-o em-o), as well as 
sed-t ven-l, eg-l co-epl coepi (from ag-o ap-io)^ as well as cep-t 
peg-z, dd-i (od-i6)^ as well as fod-t, may be regarded as forms 
which never had any reduplication at all. See § 848 p. 393 f., 
§ 870. 

§ 869. Of the old Ablaut in the Root Syllable of the 
Perfect little trace is left. 

The reason for the variants tutudt and tutudt is doubtless 
a difference of ablaut, such as we see in Skr. tu-tod-a tu-tud-Hr 
(cp. also Goth, stai-stdut) ; then tu-tud- will come from Hu-taud-^ 
as in-cludd for Hn-claudD. 

The o-grade of the sing, indie, appears in spopondi totondf^ 
which had run into one verbal system with the ^io-presents 
spondeo tondeO (§ 802 p. 338). spopond-imus instead of *spe' 
-pend' like Gr. nsnov&'a/tisv instead of ns-nad^- (part. Trsna&vTa). 
momord" in momordi momordimus (pres. mordeo like spondeo) 
may be both Idg. *me-mord- and *me-mfd- (Skr. ma-mard-a 
ma-mfd-ur). Similarly, we have cu-currl from curro for *corso 
*kfsD (§ 662 p. 197). Umbr. pepurkurent from y/^preU- may 
like de-rsic'Ust contain the weak stem i^pe-pflc-) , although 
persklum persnimu, which have changed the position of r 
(§ 674 p. 207), suggest some doubt. 

Strong and Weak forms may be found, again, in memini 
tetini pepult tetulT (memin-i-mus tefuUi-mus : Gr. /nsjua-uev 
ttrXa-jLisv^ as Skr. jagm-i-rna :jagan-ma Gr. ^s^a-f^sv, and as 
Skr. jagni'i-vds- : jagan-vds-) ; only the weak form in pepigl 
for *pepagt (but Gr. nsnrjye) tetigi cecidi. But it is doubtful 
how far we are to look for the origin of these perfects in old 
reduplicated aorists (§ 867. 7 p. 415). 

Doubtless it is the weak stem in Osc. fefacust beside Lat. 
feci from \/^dhe-. The a of Lat. vhevhaked is difficult. 

§§869,870. The Perfect: - ItiUie. 419 

Remark. If it is short, this seenu to prore that at the time of the 
Manios insoription (attributed to the G*** oentorj b. c.) the weakening of 
*p4pagi to *pipiyl and the like (I § 680 p. 547) had not yet been 
completed. Bat hear what Bflcheler says (Rhein. Mob. xlu 817): "After 
the second h the oanrer first put t, which he afterwards erased, thoofh 
not 80 completely but that the intent is clear**. Again, p. 318: **The 
quantity of the a is not known. What we know of the redupUeated 
perfects which are presenred in Latin, makes it likely that the a was 
short. Possibly this is the reason of the i which was first engraved {cano 
cecim\ infacetus inficetua)**. If this i is rightly so explained, and if the a 
put in on second thoughts was short, it must be a rerersion to the old 
type on the analogy of faciO etc. (as with iri'facUus) ; but such a roTersion 
in the perfect is hardly credible. If a was meant, it must be assumed 
that *fefak- was made in connexion with *fefak' *fefik' on the analogy of 
some such form as *pep(ly- (beside weak *pepdg- *p€pig-). — We may 
now refer to Buck, Der Yocalismus der osk. Spr., 26 f. 

The weak stem (regular) in Lat. de-d-l = Skr. da-dS 
(cp. tu-tud-i = Skr. tu-tud-e) and in Umbr. te-f-ust 'dederit' 
= Skr. da-d-t!i§- (cp. de-rsic-ust = Skr. di-diS-u4-)y also Lat. 
ste-t-t: = Skr. ta-sth-e. The form *de-d-e-d^ common to all 
Italic dialects, and Lat. ste-t-i-t^ correspond exactly to the 
present forms Vestin. di-d-e-t 'dat* Lat. si-st-6 Umbr. sestu 
§ 543 p. 103, § 553 p. 107. Uncertain it is whether Lat. 
sistimus is ^si-sta-mos answering to Gr. l-ava-fitv, and it is 
equally uncertain whether ste-ti-mus de-di-mus are ^ste-ta-mos 
*de-da-mos precisely like Skr. ta-sthi-md Gr. ^-(na-fify Skr. 

§ 870. A word of explanation is needed on those 
reduplicated perfects which have e where the present has an 
a-sound. Lat. feci (beside vhevhaked): faciO, capi : capid 
(cp. Goth, hof) , jBd : jacid , pSgi (beside pepigi Gr. Dor. 
ntnays) : pangd, fregt : frango ; Osc. conj. hipid 'habuerit* fut. 
perf. hipust habuerit': ha/iest 'habebit*, sipus sciens': Lat. sapid 
(cp. O.H.G. int-suab). With initial vowel Lat. Sgi : ag6 
(cp. O.Icel. Ok), co-Bpt coepi : capiO. t is certainly original in 
/^cf,') compare Gr. t^iyxa (§ 864 Rem. p. 412), and doubtless 

1) Bronisch sees f^k- in Umbr. feitu fetu feeiu fetu *faeito* = 
*fike-t6d. Another explanation, but less probable, is offered by Conway, 
Amer. Joum. Phil. XI 307, Class. Rer. v 300. 


420 The Perfect: — Italic. §§870—872. 

in fregi^ compare Goth. brBkum from i^hhreg- (on frango see 
§ 632 p. 168), and perhaps jeci (Johansson, Beitr. gr. Spr. 61). 
Beginning with these forms, e spread to those which originally- 
had fl; in the causing of which not only the present with a, 
but also the ^o-participle had some effect, captu-s for example 
being like f actus; the reason why scdbl (= Goth, skof) 
remained, from scabo^ whilst *capt (= Goth, hof) changed to 
cSpt<, was perhaps the lack of any participle *scaptU'S. It was 
natural, too, to make pegt like fregi, simply because the verbs 
had opposite meanings. 

§ 871. Perfect from Present stems with stem-characteristic. 
Compare § 847 p. 390 f. 

Lat. pO'posct from posed for *por(c)-scd^ cp. Skr. papracha. 
fe-felli for *fe-faU% from /alio for Jal-no (§ 608 p. 149). 
tetend-i from tendo, y^ten- (§ 564 p. Ill, § 696 p. 225). 

Lat. pre-hendi from -hendo from y/^ghed-^ Iambi from 
lambo beside O.H.G. laffu^ pandi from pando beside pated 
(§ 632 p. 168 f.). cudt from cu-do (§ 696 p. 225). Osc. com- 
-parascuster 'consultus erit* beside Lat. -pesco for *percscd or 
*parc-scd (§ 674 p. 207). Umbr. eiscurent 'poposcerint, arces- 
sierint* beside pres. Skr. ichd-ti etc. (§ 670 p. 203). If Bugge's 
explanation of the Osc. fut. perf. fifikus as Yeceris' is right 
(Altital. Stud. 31), we must allow Oscan a present stem 
*fi'f^k'(o-) ^ showing the same reduplication as Gr. ri-^?;-//f, 
and to be compared with Yestin. di-d-e-t 'dat* Lat. si-sto etc. 
(§ 553 p. 107); cp. Skr. part, vivak-vas- from pres. vi-vak-ti 
(§ 850 p. 398). 

minm sternm (pres. mi-nuo ster-nuD § 649 p. 185) keep 
the present stem in the perfect; this being due to imitation 
of eX'Ui : ex-uOj plm : plm and the like. The same is true 
of perf. statui from the denominative sfatuo. 

§ 872. The Moods of the Idg. perfect, and its preterite 
the Pluperfect, died out in Latin owing to the influx of 
sigmatic aorist forms into the perfect system. Still, memento = 
Gr. jusjiidraj remains, because memini was used as as a perfect 

§§872,878. The Perfect: - ItoUo. 421 

Umbro-Samnitic has an ^-conjunctive (§ 926 c). Gee. 
fefacid 'fecerit* hipid 'habuerit* fuid 'fuerit\ Umbr. stiti-steteima 
*8titerint\ From the /-Perfect Osc. sakrafJr 'sacraverint*, 
Umbr. pihafei = *pihafSr *piavermt*, from the /-Perfect, Osc. 
tribiirakattfns 'aedificaverint*. This Conjanctive may be 
derived from either conj. of the Idg. perfect (cp. Or. ntnov^'^ 
Skr. papfc-d'Si) or conj. of the thematic aorist (Osc. fuid = 
Skr. bhuv-a-t). 

In the same area, the Idg. i^e^-participle held its own. 
Osc. sipus 'sapiens* probably like nom. sing. Skr. vidii^ Avest. 
mu^ (II § 136 p. 439 f., Ill § 193 p. 73). From this form was 
built up the future perfect (cp. W. Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXVIII 272 f., the Author, Ber. sachs. Ges. Wiss., 1890, 
pp. 223 ff.), by combining it with injunctives, used for future, 
of the stem s-o- (from es- 'esse'). 2°'* sing, -us = *-tts-seSy 
3"* sing. "Ust = *'usset (^-us-sed): Umbr. kuvurtus 'con- 
verteris* dersicust *dixerit', Osc. fefacust 'fecerit'. Osc. f%ai 
'fuerit* (beside fust 'erit') for *fu-ust from conj. fuid. If this 
*fu-ust *fust existed in Umbrian too, this explains the form 
amprefuus 'circumieris* (beside apr-etu 'circumito*) *), which 
\vi\\ be due to analogy of it. On the analogy of the I"* future, 
where -sent is the ending of the 3''** pi., — as Osc. censazet 
*censebunt* Umbr. furent erunt', — arose the plurals Osc. 
tribarakattuset 'aedificaverint' Umbr. pepurkurent 
poposcerint'. But we also find Umbr. covortuso 'conversum 
erit, converterint' for *covortu8 so(r)^ benuso Ventum erit, 
venerint* for *benus so(r). 

§ 873. The «5-formation mentioned in the last section 
was used with other preterite participles besides those described. 

1) The u is doubtless long Id Oso. trfbarakattuset too; if ik 
had been short, we should expect *tr (barakattiuset (I § 49 p. 41). 
I assume the same analogy here. — G. Bronisch, in his new work oo 
the Osc. I- and g-yowels, regards the nominative ending -us as earlier 
*'6s for *-tfo«, and supports his view by amprefuus and trfbara- 

422 The Perfect: — ItaUc. §§873,874. 

Umbr. en-telust mtenderit' a-pelust ^impendent' derived 
from Hend-lo- *pend-lo~ (Lat. pendulu-s 'hanging'). Compare 
the Slavonic part. pret. act. with -Zo-, as nes4u from nes-ti *to 
carry (II § 76 p. 212). 

Umbr. sesust 'sederit* from *sesso-s ^seated, sitting* (Skr. 

sattd'S). So too the Osc. ^-preterite, which we must follow 

Danielsson in connecting with the ^o-participles, is derived from 

the fut. perf. in -t-us-. First arose forms like tribarakattuset 

from partic. tribarakato-. On the analogy of *aamanafust 

to ind. aamanaffed etc. arose such Indicatives as prufatted 

pro fated 'probavit* and Conjunctives like tribarakattins. The 

same new formation is seen in Pelign. coisatens 'curaverunt' and 

in Volsk. sistiatiens *statuerunt' = *sistcitens. The frequent 

spelling with double t in Oscan is the same in principle as 

ff^ in the /-perfect; it is possible that it is entirely due to the 

analogy of the /-perfect, which was the model for the whole 

^perfect system (§ 874). 

Remark. In Umbr.-Oscan, as we shall see in § 874, the a-deno- 
minatives can make a strong perfect. It may therefore be held that as 
the perfect priiffed was made for the present stem prof a- *probare', so 
the perfect prufatted was made for *profata- '*probatare*. But I prefer 
the explanation given above, so long as no forms are found from a stem 
*profdta or anything like it. 

An origin similar to that of these future perfects must be 
postulated for Umbr. comhifianHust beside comhifiatu 'nuntiato\ 
purdMiust porrexerit' beside pur-ditom porrectum*, which 
presuppose noun-stems *combifiankio- *purdinkio- (see Johansson, 
Beitr. z. gr. Sprachk., 84 ff., 147 ff.). 

§ 874. We pause a moment here to explain the origin 
of the /-perfect in this Umbro-Samnitic. Examples are : indie. 
Osc. aamanaffed 'mandavit' aikdafed **aequidavit', Osc. 
manafum, which may be 1^' sing, fmandavi') or P* pi. 
(*mandavimus*) , it is uncertain which; conj. Umbr. pihafei(r) 
piaverint* Osc. sakrafir 'sacraverint*; fut. perf. Umbr. at eraf us t 
andirsafust 'circumtulerit* atnbrefurent *circumierint*. 

This formation belongs to the Italic imperfect compounded 
with ^hht/^-cL-m 'I was* (Lat. amCL-bam Osc. fu-fans *erant') and 

§§ 874,875. Th< P»rf»c»; - Ilriio. 423 

the Latin future compounded with ^bhu-O 'I shall be* (amO^blf)^ 
found also in Keltic (§ 899); the Umbr.-Samn. -fed is indie. 
rtor. = Idg. *hhu'e-t (A vest, bva-fi)^ cp. Lat. fuii One. conj. 
Juid, to be connected with Skr. d^huv-tt't (§ 867. 5 p. 414). 
If Osc. mana-fum is !•* sing., its second part must be = 
Idg. *iAj*-o-m. In the ff of Oscan, as aamanaffed, we should 
perhaps recognise another effect of the ^ which once followed/. 
Hut it is possible to explain the sharpening of the consonant if 
we take as our starting point / (for fy) ; see Danielsson, Pauli'a 
Altit. Stud. IV 139 ff. For the Umbr.-Samn. conjunctive stem 
-/•g- = *fy.s. may be equated with O.C.Sl. bi (§ 578 p. 119, 
§ 587 p. 128). 

The attraction of these forms into the Perfect called 
up a future perfect with -us-. Umbr. ampr-e-fuus shows 
that the u was long; and this may be explained as due to 
the analogy of the fut. perf. *filst = Osc. fust for *fu-ust 
(§ 872 p. 420 f.). 

No complete explanation has been given for the forms Umbr. 
portust 'portaverit* beside portatu *portato', Osc. upsed operatus 
est* 3"* pi. uupsens ovnatyg beside lipsannam *operandam\ 
priiffed 'probavit* pruftii-set 'probata sunt' beside priifatted 
'probavit', urust oraverit*. They look as though formed after 
the fashion of primary fl-verbs with strong perfect. Umbro- 
Samnitic perhaps had, as Latin had, primary fl-verbs with 
strong perfect (cp. juvdre fuvf § 583 p. 124); and thus the 
el-denominatives may have followed their inflexion in some 
particulars, as in late Latin we meet forms like part, probitus 
or imper. probuntO from probCLre (see Georges, Lex. Lat. 
Wortf., 556). 

§ 875. We now return to Latin, in order to finish with 
the perfect in -rf and -Mf, as f-i* scH-tfi si-vl pU-tH nO-vf 
fld-vJ fSm-vT amdrvl and genui texul crepul monul saluT. 

Of the attempts hitherto made to explain these, which are 
summarised by Stolz, Lat. Gr.^ 370 f., and more fully by 
PerPersson, Wurzelerw. 210 (Ernault, Du Parfait, 63 and 92 f. 
should also be consulted), the simplest and most credible is the 

424 The Perfect: — Italic. §§875,876. 

following. The analogy of m()-tu-s (Umbr. comoho-ta abl. 'com- 

mota*) ju-tu-s : mOv-l juv-i^ and the like, suggested (1) pUvi 

novi amavi beside pletu-s ndtu-s amdtu-s etc., to which were 

added sevi tvi etc.; and (2) e. g. '^gene-m beside *gene'to-s 

(genitus)^ which became genut.^) Between genm and fiam^ 

then, there would be the same relation as between Gr. o/uMfiona 

and dbd^ay>a. 

The reason why movT juvt had this influence, in spite of 

their present moved juvD^ is the specially close connexion 

between the ^o-participle and the perfect active ; motus sum 

being the passive of movi. The Gr. Tb^?jy.a dsdronu etc., it will 

be remembered, caused the x-type of perfect to spread (as 

(isplT^xa syvwHo)^ in spite of their connexion with the aorist 

t&7jya edMY.a^ which themselves were not fertile. 

Remark. We must assume that nov-l goes along with Skr. ja-jnau^ 
ndv-i with Skr. snau-ti^ and nev-i with Goth. sneV'Um. The old part. perf. 
active has also been brought in evidence, and sevistis derived from *se-ves 
stes, sevimus from *sSve8 smos (though *set^es-smos could regularly only 
become *8evSmus); and others have connected genul with in-getwo-s^ mn 
with de-sivare, and so forth. 

The forms in -vt and -?/e, like all perfect forms not based 
upon the fs-aorist, were attracted to take the endings of this 
tense in the other persons: novisti novistis genuisti genuistis 
ndvero genuero ndverim genuerim noveram genueram novissem 

A few original s-perfects were transformed to match genm: 
pSxm nSxul instead of pext nexi (§ 823 p. 361) from pecto 
nectd (§ 683 p. 214 f.), messui instead of "^messl from meW. 


§ 876. Outside of Irish, few survivals remain of the Idg. 
perfect. Gall, dede 'dedit' or 'posuit*, Mid.Cymr. ciglef audivi' 
= O.Ir. ro chuala. 

1) Beside pono for *po-s(i)nd stood po-sivi and since 2)0-situ-s was 
incorrectly analysed pos-itu-8^ there arose the other Perfect form posui. 
See Osthoff, Perf., 261 and 611 f. 

876—877. The Perfect: — Kellio. 42'! 

Of Irish examples, we have already cited, and compared 
with perfect forms from other Idg. languages in § 846, the* 
following: do-ro-chair 'cecidit, periit', ro gSnar natus sum*, 
do-minar *putavi*, ro gegon 'interfeci', ro HI 'adhaesit* 3'^pl. 
ro leldar^ ro chuala 'audivi', ro bdi 'fuit*, ad-con-dairc 'conspexit*, 
do-roigu 'elegit', ro cechan 'cecini'; in § 847 im-chom-arc-air 
interrogavit*, in § 849 ro taich 'fugit* 3'** pi. ro tdchatar. 

To these examples a few more may be added which show 
the reduplication either retained, or changed only in accordance 
with the phonetic rules. ro reraig 'porrexit* for ^re-rog-e, 
pres. rigim, y/'rۤ-: cp. O.Icel. rak. ro memaid 'he broke* 
(intr.) 3'** pi. ro me-md-atur^ pres. maidim. ro de-daig oppressit* 
3"* pi. ro de-dg-atar, pres. for-dengat opprimunt*. fris-racacha 
'speravi', pres. ad-chiu 1 see*, ro selaig 'he struck down' i. e. 
se-slaig ^ pres. sligim: cp. Goth. sWh § 888. ro cechladatar 
^sufFoderunt', pres. -cladar 'he is buried', ro sescaind 'he sprang', 
pres. Mid.Ir. scinnim: Skr. ca-skdnd-a 'he sprang; on the 
vocalism of this root see § 520 p. 84. ro sescaing 'he leapt 
out', pres. Mid.Ir. scingim. Mid.Ir. ro leblaing 'he leapt' instead 
of *lelaing beside pres. lingim O.Ir. lengaim (R. Schmidt, 
Idg. Forsch. i 48 f.). ro cechaing 'he stepped', pres. cengaim. 

The perfects fo nenaig 'he cleansed' and ro senaich 'it 
dropped, trickled* beside pres. nigim V^neiQ- and snigid 
y/^ sneigfi' ^ may be derived from *-nenoige *'Sesnoige^ as 
nothing certain is known of the treatment of oi in internal 
syllables. But perhaps they are modelled after perfects like 
reraig, cp. Goth, bap from bidfa § 722 p. 253. 

Mid.Ir. ro-fiu 'he slept*, not from l/^suep-, but, as Thurneysen 
holds, from V^ues- (Skr. vas- 'to pass the night' perf. u-vds-a), 
therefore for *|^-|*o(5)-«, which became first */t-Mi, 3"* pi. -feotar 
for *\!£''^o(8yatar ; cp. feiss 'sleep'. Observe the analogical e of 
the reduplicator, for by I § 66 p. 54 f. *^e^os- must have 
become *j*o{<os-. 

§ 877. Perfects based upon presents with stem-cha- 
racteristic (cp. § 847). in-roigrann *J pursued* beside 

426 The Perfect: — Keltic. §§877,878. 

in-grennim from [^ qhredh- (§ 628 p. 165). do-sefainn pepulit* 
3'^ pi. do-sefnatar^ if the present sennim §613 p. 151 is rightly 
derived from *S'uem-no. ro nenasc 'I bound, promised' beside 
nascim from {/^ nedh- (§ 675 p. 208). 

ad-gen 'cognovi' 3'"** sing, -geuin P* pi. -genammar 3'*^ pi. 
-genatar comes from the Idg. perfect *ge'gn-o- (Skr. jajfiCLiSi 
Gr. f/rwxa syvwarai, also perhaps Goth. *kai-knd^ see p. 128 
footnote 1), from [^ gen-. The plural may be derived at once 
from this ground-form. The P* and 3'** sing., which point to 
^ge-gn-a and *ge-gn-e, are later re-formates. Compare in 
Sanskrit the forms jajfiimd jajfiivds- beside jajftau etc. (§ 850 
p. 396). 

§ 878. The syllable of reduplication usually has the vowel 
e quite clear; e. g. ro ge-gon ge-guin like Gr. 7is-(j)axat^ 
ro ce-chan ce-chuin like Lat. ce-cinl. 

By dissimilation, the initial consonant of the unaccented 
reduplicating syllable was dropt after ro, after which the e-vowel 
of this syllable was contracted with ro into the genuine diph- 
thong oi (I p. 483 footnote 1). Of the examples already given 
do-roigu for *-r6-gegu, and in-roigrann^ come in here. Others 
are for-roichan beside ro cechan, fo-roiblang beside ro leblang, 
arob-roinasc beside ro nenasc, fo-roichlaid beside ro cechladatar. 

By a process of re-formation which cannot now be traced 
exactly we have u in the reduplicator of ro chuala, for *cw- 
'clou-a; the Mid.Cymr. ci-glef (3'^ sing, ci-gleu) gives no help 
in determining the age of Ir. cw-, because its ci- admits of 
more than one explanation. In Irish, i seems also to have been 
used in reduplicating i-roots: ro lit adhaesit* pres. lenim [^lei-^ 
ro giuil adhaesit* pres. glenim [^ glei-, do-rad-chiuir 'redemit* 
1»* sing, -cher pres. crenim \/^ qrei- (§ 598 p. 142, § 604 p. 145). 
The last attempts to deal with this difficult group of perfect 
forms are those of Thurneysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 89, and 
E. Schmidt, Idg. Forsch. i 62 f.^) The forms which must be 


1) Thurneysen informs me that he does not back his explanation 
st R. Schmidt's, which he recognises as being right in all essentials. 

§§878,879. The P«rf«et: — Kdtle. 427 

postulated as those which just preceded these show the personal 
ending affixed immediately to the root-final consonant: .S'* sing. 
Vi'l-e *gi'gl-e ^ki-kr-e, 1'* sing. *ki'kr'a (-chBr) 3"* pi. *U4-ontar 
(leldar). And again the perfect of renim 'I sell* (for ^pr-na-mi 
from y/^per-, § 598 p. 141) shows this perfect formation, 
3"* sing, ro rir = ^pi^pr-e (this first becomes *ir, instead of 
which we get rir by § 476 p. 23), whilst what one would 
expect is *reir = ^pe-pr-e (with strong stem ^pe-por^e). 
R. Schmidt conjectures that this ^pe-pr-e and */t-/o(j>« etc., 
the present formation being the same for both, became *pi'pre 
and *li-le by mutual analogy. Is it not better to suppose that 
-rtr is based upon a reduplicated preterite *pt-pr-e-^, in 
Class lY? In Thurneysen's opinion the Conjunctive of this 
present class is represented in futures like do-b^ (§ 565 
p. 112), and we shall see anon (in § 879) that some of the 
Keltic perfects probably come from a thematic preterite (aorist 
or imperfect). -ciuir too may be derived from ^qi-qr-e-t^ as 
the "root" qrei-^ it may be conjectured, is possibly an extension 
of qer- 'make*.') If this be the origin of -rir (and -ciMir), the 
difficulty of -lil and the rest at once vanishes. 

t-dnac *I came* 3'** sing, t-anaic beside Skr. dnq^a^ also to 
be compared with Gr. iv-rjvsyy.'Tm, if iv- is the preposition and 
not a reduplicator. See § 846 p. 390, § 858 p. 408. 

§ 879. Beside the reduplicated forms appear unreduplicated 
not a few. To those already cited, do-ro-chair , ro boij 
ad-con-ddirc^ im-chom-arc-air^ ro tCLich, we may add 3"* sing. 
ro scaich beside scuchim 'I yield', ro gUid beside gudim 
1 beg, !•* sing, fo-ro-damar for -damar beside fo^aitn 
*patitur', 3*"** sing, du-fu-tharcair 'wishes*. 

There is no proof that these forms have lost a reduplicating 
syllable in Keltic itself. Like ro-mUar (§ 848. 3 p. 393), they 

1) See Per Persson, Wurzelerweitening p. 108 (where Ir. taid-chur 
'redemptio' must be strack out; as I learn from Thurneysen, the word 
rather means 'return'). 

428 The Perfect: — Keltic. §§879,880. 

are forms which never had reduplication ; -dairc may be 
compared with Skr. darS-i-vas- (§ 848. 2 p. 392). 

Unfortunately there is nothing to decide whether in the 
plural of the Irish perfect, in such forms as ro cechnammar 
cechnaid cechnatar^ the vowel preceding the personal ending 
was the thematic vowel, or Idg. 9 (^= pr. Kelt, a); in the 
1"* plural another question offers, whether a does not come from 
the initial sonant of the personal ending {-tnm-). If, as is most 
probable, these are thematic, there may have been thematic 
preterites amongst the above unreduplicated forms, and -dairCj 
for instance, may be identical with Gr. Edgaxs, hoi with 
Skr. dbhavat; do-cer *cecidit' too, beside do-ro-chair^ gives the 
impression of such a preterite. Compare the aorist forms 
which have obstained a footing in the Latin Perfect, e. g. 
scidit = Skr. dchidat (§ 867. 5 p. 414). In § 878 p. 427. 
I conjectured that -rir was a reduplicated thematic aorist. In 
the 3'** singular, the original endings *-e (perf.) and *-e-t 
(thematic pret.) must have run together in Irish; so in the 
1 "* plural with -a-m- (Skr. -i-ma) , -r^m- (Goth, -um) , and 
-o-m-'^ and this may have brought about the commingling of 
the different tenses. 

§ 880. Of the Idg. vowel gradation in the Root Syllable 
little now remains. Within the indie, active, the differences of 
gradation between singular and plural were all levelled away 
in Old Irish ; e. g. 3*"** sing, ro geguin Vulneravit, trucidavit' for 
*gegon-e (Skr. jaghdn-a) 2°*^ pi. ro gegnaid for *gegon- (Skr. 
jaghn-d). But the original middle shows in some forms the 
weak stem proper to it; e. g. ro genar natus sum' for *ge-gn-, 
like Skr. ja-jfi-e. 

The vocalism of some forms is exceptional : ro taich beside 
techim 'I flee', ro rcLith beside rethim 1 run', cp. ro scaich be- 
side scuchim, ro gelid beside gudim. Except ro midar, all un- 
reduplicated preterites with roots having a single initial conso- 
nant show -a-. 

§§881,882. The Perfeot: — Qeraumic 429 

§ 881. One thing yet romaiDs to say of the personal 
endings. Tho 1'* and 3^ plural have a deponent formation 
{-ammar and -atar). 


§ 882. I first give once again the forms cited in § 846, 
and compared with perfects from other languages. Goth, ga-tar 
'he tore up, destroyed* -Urun^ O.H.G. zar zdrun, Goth, man 
'remembers, wishes* mumtn^ O.Icel. man muno. Goth, qam 
'came* qemun, O.H.G. quam qudmun. Goth, ga-pars 'dried 
up' 'Paiirsun. Goth, ga-dars 'dares' -daiirsun, O.H.G. gi-tar 
-turrun. Goth, varp 'became' vaUrpun^ O.H.G. ward umrtun, 
Goth, hlaf *stole* hlSfun. Goth, band 'bound' bundun,, 

O.H.G. bant buntun. Goth, gatdih 'showed , recounted' 
-taihun^ O.H.G. zSh zigun. Goth, bait bit' bitun^ O.H.G. 
beii bi^un. Goth. Idihv 'lent* laihvun, O.H.G. Ish liwun, 
O.H.G. seh 'strained, filtered* sigun. Goth, kdtis 'tried, 
chose' kusun, O.H.G. kos kurun. Goth, ana-bdup 'bade, 
commanded' -budun^ O.H.G. bdt butun. Goth, bdug 'bent* 
bugun^ O.H.G. boug bugun. O.H.G. rd^ 'wept* ru^un. 

O.Icel. svaf 'slept* svQfo. Goth, gavag 'moved* -vBgun, 

O.H.G. wag wagun. Goth, sat 'sat' setuyi^ O.H.G. saz saiun. 
Goth. sai'SO sowed* sai-soun. Goth, skai-skdip 'separated, 
parted' skai-skdidun. Goth, stai-stdut pushed, knocked' 

The Idg. difference in accent of singular and plural 
(cf. Skr. veda : mdrnd, cakdra : cakpnd) has left its traces in 
the final consonants of the root in O.H.G. ward : wurttmy 
zSh : zigun, kOs : kurun and the like (I § 530 p. 386 f., § 580 
p. 434). 

Whether the ending of the !•* pi. indie, -urn represents 
Idg. -i^m«, or is due to the analogy of 3"* pi. -un and was 
originally Idg. -me or -a-rwe, is doubtful; see § 844 p. 385 f. 

Besides the indie, perf., the Optative is seen in Germanic; 
e. g. 1'* pi. Goth, tit-ei-ma O.H.G. wi^-i-m^s, Goth, skaiskdid- 

430 The Perfect: — Germanic. §§882,883. 

-ei-ma. Then there is one isolated Conjunctive form, used as an 
imperative, Goth, dgs 'fear thou (beside indie, og he fears'), and 
a few substantives based upon the Participle, as Goth, ber-tis-jos 
parents' and A.S. e^esa e^sa O.Sax. Ecso owner' (II § 136 
p. 445, Johansson Beitr. zur griech. Sprachkunde, 134). 

The Germanic Perfect falls into two divisions, (I) Redu- 
plicated and (II) Unreduplicated. 

§ 883. (I) The reduplicating syllable of the Idg. redu- 
plicated perfect is kept clear and true in Gothic; but this only 
by roots which as far as Germanic is concerned do not belong 
to the e-series.^) 

All Gothic reduplicating syllables have ai^ which is regular 
for i = Idg. e before h and r; e. g. kai-hdit rai-rop (I § 67 
p. 58). Begining with those cases where it was regular, ai 
spread to the rest by analogy; hence skai-skdip; which regu- 
larly would be *ski'Skdip. As regards Johansson's view that 
Goth, ai is to be read as a long vowel, see Addendum to 
page 17. 

The fact that the analogy of ai really did so act is clear 
from the new forms ai-duk (= O.Icel. jok § 885) beside duka 
*I increase', and af-aidik beside af-dika 'I deny, refuse' (§ 473 
p. 19). 

The root syllable of these reduplicated forms is always the 
same in the plural as in the singular; the strong grade of the 
singular has become general. skai-skdip skai-skdidun : Skr. 
ci-cMda ci^chidur^ y/^slchait- slchaid'. stai-stdiit stai-stdutun : 
Skr. tU'toda tu-tudiir^ \^(s)taud-. fai-flok *he lamented' fai- 
'flWcun : Gr. Dor. ui-nXays , pres. jU>ka Class II A in contrast 
with Lith. plaku Class II B, V^plaq- plag- (§ 534 p. 96). 
sai-so 'sowed* sai-soun : Gr. Dor. a(psix)y.ay pres. saia for *se-io^ 
cp. Gr. l-Tj-fii^ l^se- sa-; saisoun, like lailoun 'they abused*, 

1) "As far as Germanic is concerned", because the analogy of these 
attracted into the same group some others which in the parent language 
did have ^-vocalism; for instance, Goth, vaivald beside valda *I rule* for 
*%tldhd from \X 'uel-. 

8§ 888-885. The Pwfeelt ~ Q^n— io. 481 

also shows itaelf not to be in its original form by the ending 
-Mw, takon over from tho stems which had initial consonant. 
lai-lOt 'let* lai'lOtun, pres. leta, [^ Ud- (§ 521 p. 85). 

§ 884. This Gothic reduplicated Perfect was also formed 
from extended roots, or from presents with some stem-charac- 
teristic (cp. §§ 847, 889, 891). 

vaUv6 'blew*: Skr. va-vau from jf-g- 'to blow', pres. vaia 
= U^'io (§ 587 p. 128, § 735 p. 262). 

fai-fah grasped* fai-fahun (cp. O.H.O. fiang fiangun 
§ 885) beside pres. faha (O.H.G. fdhu) for */a»/5, probably a 
nasal present from [/^ pah (§ 632 p. 168, § 634 p. 171). 

fai'falp 'folded* fai-faipun beside pres. faipa ground- 
form *pi-W (§ 680 p. 213) ; hai-hald 'tended, pastured' beside 
pres. halda ground-form *kl-t6 (§ 585 p. 215). vai-vald 
'he ruled* val-valdun beside pres. valda ground-form *j^-dh6 
(§ 689 p. 219); ga-rairdp 'considered' -rairOdun beside pres. 
ga-rSda ground-form *rB-dhd (§ 689 p. 220). sai-salt 'he salted* 
beside pres. sal-ta = Lat. sallo for *sal-dd (§ 690 p. 221). 

§ 886. In West Germanic and Norse there are only a few 
distinct traces of the reduplicated type. The most important 
forms for our purpose are the following. 

First some Anglo-Saxon forms, as reo-rd = Goth. rai-rdPy 
(leo-rt = lai-lot), leo-lc 'he leapt* = lai-ldik with long vowel 
lost in the find syllable, as it is in hwylc 'which?* swylc 'such* 
= Goth, hvileiks svaleiks. 

More uncertain are some forms which Bopp regarded as 
reduplicated. O.H.G. Alemann. 3'** pi. ind. pleru^un 3"* sing, 
opt. ca-pleru^i beside pres. bluopi *I offer', 3"* sing. ind. tt- 
'Skrerot beside pres. scrOtu 'I cut* (= Goth. *skrduda)y 3"* sing, 
ind. sterol beside pres. stQiu '1 knock, push*. According to 
Holz (Urgermanisches geschlossenes ^, p. 28) *ske'8krdd' became 
*$kr€'skrdd- ^skre-rdd-^ *be'bldt- became *ble'blot' *bU'l6t' 
*blerdt': this, he says, produced a perfect type with r, whence 
*sterdU instead of *ste'8t6t-: A different view is taken by 
Zarncke, P.-B. Beitr. xv 350 ff. ; but his is more dubious even 
than that of Holz. 

432 The Perfect: — Germanic. §885. 

0. Icel. sera 'I sowed' for *se-zd' = Goth, sai-sd, sera is 
inflected as a weak preterite in the singular (as is Goth. 2°** sing. 
saisost perhaps from *saisos) ; in the plural, serom. 0. Icel. jok 
1 increased' (pi. jokom) for *eauka = Goth, ai-duk (§ 883 
p. 430). 

In these dialects we usually find, parallel to the Gothic 
reduplicated perfect, forms whose structure is apparently diffe- 
rent ; on which works have been brought out of late by Ljung- 
stedt, Ottmann and Holz, whose titles are given in the footnote 
to page 383.^) The facts about O.H.G. are as follows: 

(1) Yerbs with ou or o = Goth, du in the present, and 
verbs with present uo = Goth, o, have, instead of the Gothic 
dissyllabic reduplicated stem, a monosyllabic stem with eo, 
whence io ia ie. leof liof liaf lief *I ran* leofun liofun from 
pres. loufu: Goth, hai-hldup hai-hldupun. stio^ 'I pushed, 
knocked* stio^un from pres. sto^u: Goth, stai-stdut stai-stdutun. 
(h)riof I called* (h)riofun from hruofu. 

(2) The others , instead of the Gothic dissyllabic redupli- 
cated stem, show a monosyllabic stem with g, which becomes 
ea ia ie (I § 75 Rem. 2 p. 65): 

(a) hia^ *I was called* hia^un from pres. hei^u: Goth. 
hai'hdit hai-hditun. sciad 'separated* from sceidu: Goth. 

(b) fiald 'folded' fialdun from pres. faldu: Goth, fai- 
'falp fai-falpun. hialt *held* from haltu: Goth. hai~hald, 
unalt *rules* from waltu: Goth, vai-vald. sialz 'salted* 
from salzu: Goth, sai-salt, fiang *seized* fiangun from 
fahu: Goth, fai-fdh fai-fdhun-, the difference between the 
Gothic and Old High German, h : g, is explained by remem- 
bering that in accordance with the old difference in accent, the 
singular came to have h and the plural g (cp. § 882 p. 429). 
fial 'feir from fallu for *fal-nd^ wial 'bubbled, boiled' 

1) On Holz' attempt, see Holthausen, Anzeig. deutsch. Altert., 1891, 
p. 187; and Sievers, Paul-Braune-Sievers Beitr., xvi 252 flf. Ljungstedt'a 
work is not accessible to me ; his yiews are only known to me by reviews 
and citations. 

§§ 885,886. The Perfect: — Oermanic. 483 

wialun from wallu for *t^a/-M0, see § 614 p. 151 ; / for d 
because a loDg vowel precedes, spian *I stretcbedT $pianun 
from spd-nnu^ see § 654 p. 188; ti for nn has the same reason. 
iar 'ploughed* iarun (part, gi-aran) from er-iu *I plough' (the 
perf. of Goth, arja is not found), see § 723 p. 253. 

(c) liaz 'I let' liazun from %«: Goth, lai-lot lai40iun. 
rial *I advised' from ratw. Goth, rai-rop. sliaf 'slept' from 
$ld,fu contrasted with Goth. sai-zlSp sai-slep pros. slSpa. 

Remark. sSu *I sow* passed over to the weak conjugation; hence 
pret. sOta (part, gi-sait^ not like Goth. sai-sO. See Braune, Ahd. Or.* 
§ 351 Anm. 3 p. 249, § 359 Anm. 3 p. 254. 

There can hardly be a shadow of doubt that some at least 
of these perfect formations, which are repeated to a great extent 
in the other West Germanic dialects and in Norse, have come 
from reduplicated forms such as we see in Gothic. But how 
this happened has not yet been clearly made out. The ea- 
preterite has been best explained, if explained be the word. 
It is probable that the type of this group arose from verbs 
which began with aw-: 1»* sing. *d-auka (Goth, alduk) became 
*Soka *eoka (O. Icel. )0k) ; then on the analogy of *eoka beside 
pros. *aukd was formed beside *hlaup6 the perf. *hleopa 1 run* 
(O.H.G. Uof O. Icel. hljDp), and so forth. 

Ljungstedt regards this whole perfect class as being com- 
posed partly of Idg. reduplicated perfects, and partly of aorists 
and imperfects ; for instance , he calls O. Icel. kom 1 came* 
(beside kvam Goth, qam) an original aorist. 

§ 886. Perhaps the West-Germ, preterite of [/^ dh^- 'to 
place, do* is a reduplicated perfect: O.H.G. indie. 1** and 
3"* sing, teta (2"^ sing, tati) pi. tatum tatut tatun opt. 1'* and 
3'** sing, tati; O.Sax. 1'* and 3'** sing, deda 2°'* sing. ded(^ pi. 
dedun and dadun opt. dedi and dodi-, A.S. di/de dydes(t) etc. 
like nerede, but pi. also dcedon. 

It is not clear whether this preterite is to be connected 
with the Idg. perfect (Skr. dadhau), or the Idg. imperfect (Skr. 
ddadhat Gr. ixi&?], see § 539 p. 99, § 545 p. 103), or both. 
In any case, however, there can be no comparing of the 

nrui,'niann, FMcnirnrg. IV. 28 

434 The Perfect : — Germanic. §§ 886,887. 

P' and S^^ sing. O.H.G. teta 0. Sax. deda and the Skr. middle 
form dadhe. 

The 1/ of A.S. di/de is difficult. Sievers deduces an opt. 
*dU'd-t- (Paul-Braune-Sievers' Beitr. , xvi 236). This would 
bring us to a weak preterite from a stem du- , as to which 
consult Wilmanns, Zeitschr. fiir d. Alt., xxxiii 425. ' 

*ded- in the weak forms seems to be connected with -dedum 

in the Gothic weak preterite. To explain how it got there, the 

following theory is less strained than others. We may suppose 

that Germanic once had a present answering to the Skr. da- 

-dh-a-ti Lith. de-d-u (§ 540 p. 101, § 561 p. 110); then tatum 

was an ad-formate of gahiim etc. The suggestions of 

Johansson (Kuhn's Ztschr. xxx 550) and Holz (as cited , 44) 

are unsatisfactory. 

Remark. CoUitz (Am. Journ. Phil, ix 51) and Johansson (as cited, 
p. 549) see in Goth. iddj(( 'I went* a !»* sing. perf. mid. = Skr. Hy-e 
(cp. act. 3''<^ pi. ti/'ur). But there never was any pr. Idg. perfect stem li-j 
which fact alone wrecks the hypothesis; Skr. ii/-ur is an Aryan formation; 
see § 851 p. 399. On iddja, see § 478 p. 26, § 587 p. 128, § 592 p. 133. 

§ 887. (II) We now turn to the Second chief class of 
Germanic Perfects, those which show no reduplication in any 
Germanic dialect. This class falls into two sections; (A) those 
which have no vowel variation within their own perfect system, 
as Goth, skof skobun opt. P* pi. skdbeima; and (B) those which 
have, as (lOth. man munun muneima, qam qemim qemeima. 

A part of these forms, what are called the Preterite-Presents, 
kept hold of the proethnic function of the perfect to express the 
present perfect, and did not become a liistoric tense; as Goth. 
dg *1 fear' dih 1 have' vdit *I know* man 'I think*. In this they 
are like Lat. memim and 6di. As they were isolated in use, 
so they were exceptional in form. (1) In the Indicative, roots 
of the e-series, ending in a single consonant, lacked the e-form ; 
cp. Goth, man mimim or skal skidim as contrasted with qam 
1 came' qemun, stal 1 stole' stUun. (2) The present meaning 
demanded an infinitive and participle. The place of these was 
filled by thematic forms of present Class II, which in verbs thtrt 
retained abhuit were taken from Class II B, e. o-. dihan dihands 

§ 887. The Perfeet: — Oermanio. 485 

beside dih 1 have', vitan vitands beside vdit. Of the forms taken 
from Class II B, some few had come down from pre-Germanic 
times ; as vitan munan skulon ga-daursan (§ 532 p. 93 f.). The 
adj. un-agands fearless* is related to dg 'I fear* as us-anands 
'(exhaling' to us-^i 'I exhaled*. (3) A past tense was needed 
for them. For this the 'Weak Preterite* was used, as Goth. 
rissa O.H.G. uissa wessa beside vdit wei^y C»oth. ga-doursfa 
O.H.G. gi-torsta beside ga-dars gi-far. If, as has been assuned, 
O.H.G. wiss'um -ut -un belong to the ^-aorist, they must be 
related to wei^ just as ijo^uy yiTf ij^ar lanv to oldn (§ 821 
p. 358, § 827 p. 365, § 863 p. 411). 

With the Preterite -Presents based upon the Idg. Perfect 
were associated a variety of Present stems: 

Three or four we^i-classes : Goth, kun-nu-m O.H.G. un-nu-m 
O.Sax. *dur'nu'tn^ to which were added, by analogy of the 
Perfect singular, the forms kann an dam; see § 646 p. 183 f. 

Then Goth. O.H.G. mag *l can , am able* pi. magun is 
probably a transformation of a present of Class II B *wiag5 = 
O.C.Sl. mogq *I can* (§ 523 p. 87); it belongs to the root of 
Gr. ,ufj/og ^irj/avi'i Dor. ^i&xo^va^ and must have been an orig. 
perfect *iYiQg *mOgun. Its transformation into a perfect is easily 
understood from its meaning. Beside magan magands were 
formed mag magun following dih digun beside dihan dihands, 
and ga-mdt -mOtun beside -mdtan -mOtands. ^) The form twtij-, 
found in West-Germ, beside rwaj-, e. g. O.H.G. mugun beside 
magun ^ is due to later re-formation, as Osthoff shows (P.-15. 
Beitr. xv 213 ff.). 

Remark. Osthoff (o/?. ctt. pp. 217 f.) holds mag to be a genuine 
perfect, and assumes that *mO(j magun levelled out the strong stem. 
This view is contradicted by 6g 0(jun (beside un-agands) dih digun 
(beside Skr. is-) akof skObuu (beside akahan) and so forth, which all 
show levelling in favour of the singular stem. 

1) Similarly, in the Rhine-Frankish dialect of Mod.H.0. the identity 
of inflexion in icJi ftrauch(e) wir braucheOO inf. brauche(n) pret. hrtiurht(f) 
and ich muss wir milaseOO inf. miJsseOO pret. mus8t{e) led to the coining 
of a 3'd sing, er brauch^ instead of er braucht, parallel to er muss. 


436 The Perfect : — Germanic. § 888. 

§ 888. Group II A. The unreduplicated perfects which 
had no gradation, with the single exception of mag (for which 
see above), show ai or o in the root. 

ai only in Goth, dih 'has' pi. digun (by levelling also dig 
and dihun) O.H.G. pi. eigun (from the participial stem ^ai^-us- 
comes A.S. e^esa e^sa O.Sax. ecso, see § 882 p. 430): Skr. 
mid tS-e^ see § 848 p. 391. As this Sanskrit form shews, 
Germanic has levelled in favour of the singular vocalism, digun 
instead of *Tgun or *igun. That dih has no reduplication 
(as af-aidik stai-skdip etc. have , §§ 883 ff.) shows that this 
was lacking in pre-Germanic times, and makes the immediate 
connexion with the Aryan verb certain. Inf. dihan part, dihands 
are Germanic re-formates (cp. the thematic Skr. ti-a-te Avest. 
is-a^te, § 854 p. 404). 

All other examples have 5, which is the vowel of the 
singular. These perfects, if we look at Germanic alone, all 
belong to roots of an a- or o-series. Goth, skof 'scraped' skobun 
O.H.G. scuob scuobun O.Icel. skof skdfo from pres. skaba 
scabu skef: Lat. scGhi from scabo. Goth, hof raised' hofun 
(instead of *hobun) O.H.G. huob (instead of *huof) huobun 
from pres. hafja heff(i)u: Lat. capio. O.H.G. int-suab 
'I marked' -suabun from pres. int-seff(i)u : Lat. sapid. Goth, skop 
'I hurt' skopun from pres. skapja: cp. Gr. a-oy.rjdrjQ 'scatheless' 
(/^ = a). Goth, us-on 'exhaled' -onun from pres. us-ana: 
Skr. dna , cp. Gr. avsjuo-g 'wind' tjrttioeig 'windy' (f] for «). 
0. Icel. dk *drove' oko beside pres. ek: Gr. ^e ^y^iai (tj for a) 
Skr. aja. O.H.G. buoh 'baked' buohhun from pres. bahhu 
(Class II B) beside backu (for "bak-no Class XIII § 614 p. 152): 
Gr. 7T8(p(fjyinni pres. (paiyo} (Class II A). Pret.-pres. Goth, a^ 
'fears' ogun (2°** sing. conj. Ogs § 882 p. 430) beside un-agands 
'fearless': O.Ir. -agur 'fear* may also have been originally 

A certain number of perfects of this group come from roots 
of the e-series. Goth, fdr 'drove' forun O.H.G. fuor fuorun 
from /am /arw, y'^per- Gr. TiEQaco 'I pass through'. Goth, mol 
'I ground' O.H.G. muol from mala malu, y/^mel- O.Ir. melim 

888--890. The Perfeol: — Ocfwinio. 4S7 

O.C.Sl. mdjq beside Armen. malem Lat. molO Cymr. malaf 
(§ 523 p. 86). Goth. grOf 'dug O.H.G. f/ruob from graba 
grabu^ S/^qhrebh- O.C.Sl. grebq, Cioth. sloh 'struck' slokun 
(instead of *slOgun) O.H.G. aluoh (also sluog) sluogun from 
slalut slahu , \^8lek- sleg- O.Ir. aligim. O.H.G. gi-^cuog 
'mentioned* from gi'icahanfi(i)u (§ 623 p. 161), V^ueq^ Or. 
f-nog Vord'. In most, if not all, of the Verbs of this sort, the 
first step must have been for the present to get an a, and the 
next to form a perfect with on the analogy of skdf skcbun 
from skaba. See ^ 509, page 75. There is no aeed to 
suppose that fdr and mOl were formed thus in connexion with 
some present, if we suppose that they date from a period when 
this whole class of perfects still had the weak stem in the plural 
of the indicative , and so forth. At such a period , *far- and 
*mal' == */>/- and *w|- may have been the weak perfect stem. 
If so, then the sing, fm- and mdl were formed beside them just 
as in Greek ^is^taXf took the place of *jLttftoXf on the analogy 
of forms with ue^tal- (§ 859 p. 40)); a step further, and we 
have fdrun and rndlun following the singular. 

§ 889. Some perfects of this class are based upon an 
extended root or a present stem which already has some 
characteristic (cp. §§ 847, 884, 891). O.H.G. spuon 1 enticed* 
from spanu (§ 614 p. 152); Mod.H.G. buk instead of Mid.H.G. 
buoch O.H.G. buoh following backe O.H.G. backu for Hak-nO 
(§ 888 p. 436). Goth, vohs O.H.G. tcuohs 1 grew' from 
vah-s-ja wahsu (§ 657 p. 192). O.H.G. umosc 1 washed* 
from wascu probably for *uat-skd (§ 676 p. 209). Goth. 9tOp 
O.H.G. -stuot stuont 'stood' from sta-nda sta-ntu *I stand* 
(§ 634 p. 172, § 685 p. 216). O.H.G. luod from (h)la'du 
A.8. hla-de 1 load' (§ 689 p. 220). 

§ 890. Group II B. Perfects which ever since proethnic 
Germanic have had vowel gradation in their root, but no 
reduplication, were formed from roots of the e-series. We 
divide them into two classes, (1) those in which the ablaut of 
the preterite present agrees with that in other tenses, (2) tboee 

438 The Perfect: — Germanic. §§890,891. 

in which it does not. Most of the following examples have 
come down from the parent language, as we have seen above. 

(1) Goth, bait 1 bit' hitun opt. P* pi. biteima O.H.G. bei^ 
biiiun biipm O.Icel. beit bito bitem, Pret.-pres. Goth, vdit 1 
know' vitun O.H.G. wei^ wiipin O.Icel. veit vito. Goth, -bdup 
'offered' -budun O.H.G, bot butun O.Icel. baud biido. Pret.-pres. 
Goth, ddug Valet' O.H.G. toug tugun.