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Drawn by B. West Clinedinst 




Bei?ig an Extension of 






or THE 




Copyright, 1895, 1896, 1903, 


I The United States at the Close of Recon 
struction ..... i 

Land and people in 1870. Territories. Railroads in the West. Fenian 
Movements. -Boston s Peace Jubilees. The Great Cities. The Chicago 
Fire. The Boston Fire. The Tweed Ring. Tweed s Escape and Cap 
ture. Financial Condition of the Nation. Ships. Army and Navy. 
Reconstruction, the Problem. The Presidential and the Congressional 
Plan. Iron Law of March 2, 1867. The Process of Reconstruction. 
Situation in 1870. Debate on the Coercion of States. Outcome. 
The Test. All States at Last Again Represented in Both Houses of 

II General Grant as a Civil Chief . . 23 

The Republican Party in 1870. Its Defects. President Grant s Short 
comings. His First Cabinet. The Party s Attitude Toward the Tariff. 
Toward the Democracy. Toward Re-enfranchisement at the South. 
The Liberal Movement. The Democrats. The "New Departure" 
Among Them. Vallandigham. John Quincy Adams. Reconstruction. 
Errors Committed Therein. The Fifteenth -Amendment. The Ku- 
Klux Klan. The Force Bill Re-enfranchisement at the South. Grant 
and the Nation s Finances. Gould and Fisk. Black Friday. The Treaty 
of Washington. Relations with C nha, proposed " Annexion " of Santo 
Domingo. Sumner and the Administration. 

Ill The Greeley Campaign . . 57 

The Rise of Horace Greeley. The Tribune. Greeley and Grant. The 
Liberal-Republican Movement. The Spoils System. Shepherd at Wash- . 
ington. Scandals Connected With the Collection of the Revenues. 
Reversal of Hepburn *vs. Griswold. Grant and Greeley Nominated. 
Mixed Politics. Both Candidates Severely Criticised. A Choice of Evils. 
A Bitter Campaign Difficulties Confronting Greeley. Grant Elected. 
Greeley s Death. His Character. Continuation of Republican Policy 
at the South. Force and Anarchy in Louisiana. 


142 6 50 

IV The Geneva Award and the Credit Mo- 

bilier 87 

Outcome of the Washington Treaty. The " Alabama Claims." Vain 
Efforts at Settlement. The Geneva Tribunal. Rules for its Guidance. 
Questions Answered by It. Its Decision. The Northwestern Boundary 
Settlement. The Credit Mobilier Story. Enthusiasm for the West. 
Vastness of that Section. The Rush Thither. The Pioneers. Land 
Grabbing. Grants for Transcontinental Railways. Inception of the 
Union Pacific Company. The Credit Mobilier Company. Oakes Ames 
and His Contract. Stock Sold to Congressmen. The "Sun s" Publica 
tion. The Facts. Ames s Defense. Censure of Him by the House of 
Representatives. His Death. Reasons for the Sentiment Against Him. 

V "Carpet-Bagger" and "Scalawag" in Dixie ill 

Grant s Re-election and the South. Court Decisions Confirming State 
Sovereignty. The Louisiana "Slaughter House Cases." Osborn vs. 
Nicholson. White <vs. Hart. Desolation at the South After the War. 
Discouragement, Intemperance, Ignorance. Slow Revival of Industry. 
Social and Political Conflict. The " Scalawag." The "Carpet-Bagger." 
Good Carpet-Baggers. Their Failings. Resistance. Northern Sympathy 
With This. The Freedmen. Their Vices. Their Ignorance. 
Foolish and Corrupt Legislation. Extravagant Expenditures in Various 
States In Mississippi. In Georgia. In South Carolina. Overthrow of 
Many Carpet-Bag Governments. Violence Still, But Often Exaggerated. 

VI Decline of the Transitional Governments in 
South Carolina, Mississippi, Arkansas 
and Louisiana . . . . . 1 3 1 

Gen. Sherman on the Southern Problem. Reckless Legislation in South 
Carolina. Appeal of the Taxpayers Union. Gov. Chamberlain s Re 
forms. The Conflict in Arkansas. Factions. The Stake Fought For. 
A New Constitution. Gov. Garland Elected. -Report of the Poland 
Committee. The Vicksburg "War." Mayor vs. Governor. Pres 
ident Grant Will Not Interfere. Senator Revels on the Situation. The 
Mississippi Reconstructionists. The Kellogg-McEnery Imbroglio in 
Louisiana. Metropolitans and White Leaguers Fight. The Kellogg 
Government Overthrown but Re-established by Federal Arms. Protests. 
The Election of November 2, 1874. Methods of the Returning Board. 
Gen. Sheridan in Command. Legislature Organized Amid Bayonets. 
Members Removed by Federal Soldiers. Sheridan s Views. Allegations 
Contra. Public Opinion at the North. The "Wheeler Adjustment." 

VII Indian Wars and the Custer Death . .169 

Civilized Indians in 1874. Grant s Policy for the Wild Tribes. Diffi 
culties of the Indian Commissioners. Indians Wrongs and Discontent. 
Troubles in Arizona. Gov. Safford s Declaration. Massacre of Apaches 
in 1871. Report of Federal Grand Jury. The Apaches Subdued. 
Grievences of the Sioux. The Modoc War and Gen. Canby s Death. 
Troubles in 1874. The Mill River Disaster in Massachusetts. The 
Sioux Rebellion. The Army s Plan of Campaign. Custer s Party. 
His Death. How the Battle Went. "Revenge" of Rain-in-the-Face. 
Custer Criticised. And Defended. 


VIII "The Year of a Hundred Years "The 
Centennial Exposition and the Hayes- 
Tilden Imbroglio . . . 195 

Origin of the Centennial Exposition. Philadelphia Landmarks. The Ex 
position Buildings. The Opening. The Various Exhibits. Attendance. 
A Political Crisis. Grant and Jewell. The Belknap Disgrace. An 
other Reform Movement. Fear of a Third Term for Grant. Issues Be 
tween the Parties. Hayes and Tilden Nominated. Their Letters of 
Acceptance. The Campaign. Prophecy of Trouble Over the Presidential 
Count. The Twenty-second Joint Rule. Result of the Election in 
Doubt. Cipher Dispatches. Qiieer Ways of Returning Boards. Fears 
and Hopes. The Electoral Commission. The Case of Florida, of Louisi 
ana, of Oregon, of South Carolina. Hayes Declared Elected. An Elec 
toral Count Law. 

IX Hayes and the Civil Service . . -223 

Hayes s Character. His Cabinet. End of Bayonet Rule at the South. 
This the Result of a Deal." "Visiting Statesmen" at the Louisiana 
Count. Hayes Favors Honesty. His Record. Hayes and Garfield Com 
pared. The Spoils System. Early Protests. A Civil Service Commis 
sion. Its Rules. Retrogression Under Grant. Jewell s Exit from the 
Cabinet. Hoar s. Butler s "Pull" on Grant. Collector Simmons. 
The Sanborn Contracts. Bristow a Reformer. The Whiskey Ring. 
Myron Colony s Work. Plot and Counter-Plot. " Let no Guilty Man 
Escape." Reformers Ousted. Good Work by the Press. The "Press- 
gag." First Democratic House Since the War. Hayes Renews Reform. 
Opposed byConkling. Fight Over the New York Collectorship. The 
President Firm and Victorious. 

X "The United States Will Pay . . 249 

Back to Hard Money. Act to Strengthen the Public Credit. Difficulty 
of Contraction. Ignorance of Finance. Debtors Pinched. The Panic 
of 1873. Causes. Failure of Jay Cooke & Co., and of Fiske & Hatch. 
Black Friday No. ^. On Change and on the Street. Bulls, Bears 
and Banks. Criticism of Secretary Richardson. First Use of Clearing- 
House Certificates. Effects and Duration of the Panic. An Important 
Good Result. Resumption and Politics. The Resumption Act. Sher 
man s Qualifications for Executing It. His Firmness. Resumption Act 
ually Begun. Magnitude and Meaning of This Policy. Our Bonded 
Debt Rapidly Reduced. Legal Tender Questions and Decisions. Juilliard 
*vs. Greenman. The "Fiat-Greenback" Heresy. "Dollar of the 
Fathers" Demonetized. Not By Fraud But Without Due Reflection. 
The Bland Bill and the " Allison Tip." The Amended Bill Vetoed, But 
Passed. Subsequent Silver Legislation. 

XI Agrarian and Labor Movements in the 

Seventies . . . . . .281 

The "Grangers." Their Aims. Origin of the Inter-State Commerce 
Act. Demand for Cheap Transportation. Illinois s " Three-Cent War." 
Court Decisions. Land-Grant Colleges. Their Significance. Various 
Labor Congresses and Platforms. Rise of Labor Bureaus. The National 
Department of Labor. Its Work, Methods, and Influence. Value of 
the State Bureaus. Contract-Labor Law. The Greenback Partv. Peter 


Cooper and Gen. Butler. Violence in the Labor Conflict. Causes. 
Combinations of Capital. Of Laborers. Black List and Boycott. Labor 
War in Pennsylvania. Methods of Intimidation. The " Mollie Ma- 
euHTSr-" Murder of Alexander Rea. Power and Immunity~~onTJe 
Mollies. Plan for Exposing Them. Gowen and McParlan. Assassina 
tion of Thomas Sanger. Gowen s Triumph and the Collapse of the Con 
spiracy. Great Railway Strike in 1877. Riot at Pittsburg. Death and 
Destruction. Scenes at Reading and Other Places. Strikes Common 
From This Time On. 

XII "Anything to Beat Grant" . . . 307 

Presidential Possibilities in 1880. Grant the Lion. Republican Conven 
tion. A Political Battle of the Wilderness. Garfield the Dark Horse. 
Grant s Old Guard Defeated But Defiant. Democrats Nominate Han 
cock. "The Ins and the Outs." Party Declarations. The Morey 
Forgery. Elaine Can t Save Maine. Conkling s Strike Off. Garfield 
Elected. "Soap" vs. Intimidation and Fraud. From Mule Boy to 
President. Hancock s Brilliant Career. The First Presidential Appoint 
ments. Conkling s Frenzy and His Fall. The Cabinet. Garfield Assas 
sinated. Guiteau Tried and Hanged. Star Route Frauds. Pendleton 
Civil Service Act. 

XIII Domestic Events During Mr. Arthur s 

Administration .... 343 

Mr. Arthur s Dilemma. His Accession. Responsibility Evokes His 
Best. The Presidential Succession Question. Succession Act Passed. 
Electoral Count Act Passed. Arthur s Cabinet. Condition of the Coun 
try in 1881. Decadence of Our Ocean Carrying. Tariff Commission 
of 1882 and the Tariff of 1883. Mahone and the Virginia " Readjust- 
ers." Mahone s Record. His Entry Into the Senate. President Arthur 
and the Chinese. Origin of the Chinese Question. Anson Burlingame. 
The 1878 Embassy. Chinese Throng Hither. Early California. 
The Strike of 1877 Affects California. Rise and Character of Denis 
Kearney. His Program. The "Sand-Lot" Campaign. Kearney s 
Moderation. He Is Courted. And Opposed. His Constitutional Con 
vention. Its Work. Kearneyism to the Rear. The James Desperadoes. 
Their Capture. The Yorktown Celebration. Mementoes of Old 
Yorktown. The Pageant. "Surrender" Day. The Other Days. 
Close of the Fete. Flood and Riot in Cincinnati. 

XIV Monroe s Doctrine and Arthur s Practice . 391 

Uncle Sam in Africa. The Brussels Conference of 1876. Congress of 
1877. The United States Represented. Henry M. Stanley. His Career. 
His Fame. Darkest Africa. The Congo Free State. The United 
States Helps in Its Formation. Scramble for "A Piece of Africa. "- 
Arthur s Policy Criticised. Berlin Conference of 1884. Its Objects. 
Its Results. De Lesseps at Panama.- Origin of the Clayton-Bulwer 
Treaty. Its Provisions. Its Resurrection in 1880. President Hayes s 
Attitude. Elaine s Controversy with Lord Granyille. Frelinghuysen s 
Contentions. Great Britain s Position. Blaine Criticised at Home. De 
Lessep s Failure at Panama. Early Plans for Piercing the Isthmus. The 
Nicaragua Canal Scheme. jJo^sjuKJ/Troubles in Nicaragua. Congressmen 
Favor United States Aid for the Enterprise. Description of the Proposed 
Canal. Difficulties and Cost. Feasibility and Profitableness. Opposition. 
Growing Intimacy Between the United States and Spanish America. 


"The Commission of 1884. Panama Congress of 1825. John Qumcy 
Adams and Clay. Later Efforts at a Pan-American Union. TVej>idatioji 
a^J^lkeiisJllibiisterin^Expedkuins. Union Movements in 1864, 1877, 
1880, 1881 and 1888. David Davis Proposes a Central and South Amer 
ican Railway. Frelinghuysen s Suggestions. The Congress of 1889-90. 
Scope of Its Possible Deliberations. The Delegates "Junket" Across 
the Continent. Difficulties and Misunderstandings. The^JReciprocity 
Idea^^Outcome Meagre. 

XV "Farthest North" . . . .417 

The Jeannette Expedition. Its Officers. Its Plans. The Start. Sus 
pense and Search. Rumors. Tidings at Last. Course and Fate of the 
Expedition. Melville Finds Nindeman and Noros. DeLong s End. His 
Journal. New Polar Research. The Greely Expedition. The Pro 
teus s Passage Out. The Neptune s Efforts at Relief. The Garlington 
Cruise of 1883. Wreck of the Proteus. Greely Meantime. Expedition 
of 1884. Schley s Enterprise. " News from Greely." His Discoveries. 
" Farthest North." Experiences of His Band in the Arctic Regions. 
Their Course Southward. Could Any of Them Be Alive r The Thetis 
to the Rescue. Seven Starving Survivors. Life at Starvation Camp. 
Efforts for the English Meat. Rice s Death. and Frederick s Heroism. 
The Death-Roll. Rescue of the Seven. Their Condition. Homeward 
Bound. Arrival. No Official Praise. The Survivors Subsequently. 
Peary on Greenland s Icy Mountains. He Crosses Greenland in 1892. 
Geographical Discoveries. Peary s 1894-95 Tour. Value of These Ex 

XVI The Plumed Knight and His Joust . 447 

The New Orleans Cotton Centennial. Buildings, Exhibits and Influence. 
Political Situation in 1884. Presidential Candidates. Rise of James G. 
Elaine. Charges Against Him. His Prospects in 1876. Investigation 
of His Record. The Mulligan Letters. Dramatic Self-Vindication Before 
the House. Elaine and Knott. Elaine in Garneld s Cabinet. Peru and 
Chile. Elaine in Advance of His Party. Republican Convention of 1884. 
Lynch Made Temporary Chairman. Effort to Unite upon Arthur. 
Scenes in the Convention upon Elaine s Nomination. The Mugwumps 
Bolt. Grover Cleveland. His Youth, Education and Early Official Life. 
Governor of New York. Nominated by the Democratic National 
Convention. The Mugwumps Declare for Cleveland. Charges Against 
Elaine. How Far True. "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion." Hen- 
dricks Pacifies Tammany. Cleveland Victorious. 

XVII A Democrat at the Helm . . .481 

Forebodings After Cleveland s Election. The Democracy Jubilant. Gen 
eral Excellence of the Administration. The President s Manners. His 
Marriage. A White House Wedding. Good Laws Passed by the Forty- 
ninth Congress. The Inter-State Commerce Act. Provisions and De 
fects. The New Navy. A Naval Advisory Board. Its Recommenda 
tions. Naval Progress Under Cleveland. The Atlanta Compared with 
the Constitution. Frigates and Battle-Ships. Our War Vessels at the 

Kiel Fete. Utterances of La Patrie. The Columbia s Swift Race Home. 

Her Welcome. The Charleston Earthquake. Hellgate Reefs Blown 
Up. Jacob Sharp s Operations in New York City. The Duskin Suspen 
sion Case. Repeal of the Tenure of Office Act. Cleveland and the Civil 
Service. Success and Failure as a Reformer. Unpopularity. The Pan- 


^ Electric Scandal. Pension _ V_etoes. Bad Pension Legislation. Veto of 
the Dependent P.ension__Bill . The Rebel Thrg- Order Attitude of the 
Grand Army of the Republic. How the Republicans Became a High- 
Tariff Party. The Tariff Questioning 84. Brought Up by the Ple 
thoric State of the Treasury" Message of December, 1885. Of 1887. 
"A Condition, Not a Theory." The Mills Bill Passes the House but 
Dies in the Senate. The Fisheries Dispute. Of Long Standing. Strained 
Relations with Canada in 1886. Retaliation Proposed. Joint Commis 
sion of 1887. Failure of Proposed Treaty. Modus Vivendi. Subsidence 
of the Trouble. The^NQrthwStern ._Fisheries.J[rnhraglio. Treaty of i 892. 
-Arbitration. Points^ Deterrnined, Provisions for a Joint Police of 
Behring Sea. 

\XVIII General Grant s Funeral Anarchism in 
Chicago State Constitutions . . 5 1 7 

Cleveland s Letter to Mrs. Grant. Grant s End. The Private Funeral. 
The Body in State at Albany. In New York City. Crowds at City 
Hall. Catafalque and Guard of Honor. Distinguished Men in Procession. 
"Let Us Have Peace." At and "Near the Tomb. The Procession 
Arrives. The Hero at Rest. The Statue of Liberty Enlightening the 
World. Origin and Development of the Scheme. The Site Provided. 
Arrival of the Statue in New York Harbor. The Procession. Reception 
at City Hall. The Statue in Situ. The Unveiling. The Great South 
western Railway Strike. Origin. Violence. Effects. Martin Irons.- - 
The Old Story. Anarchists in Chicago. Meeting in Haymarket Square. 
Fielden s Speech. His Arrest. Bombs. Their Deadly Work. 
Bravery of the Police. Seven Men Indicted. The Alarm. The Trial 
and the Sentences. Were the Condemned Guilty r Governor Altgeld s 
Pardon. His Argument Therefor. H. George Runs for Mayor of New 
York. Revision of State Constitution. Geography of This. Character 
istics of the New Instruments.- Legislature Bridled and the Executive 
Given Increased Power. Corporations. The Jury System. Tendency 
Toward Government by Administration. The Australian Ballot. Spirit 
of Suffrage Laws. Disfranchisement of Blacks at the South. Alabama 
Democracy Wins by Aid of Negroes. The Mississippi Constitution of - 
L- 1890. Its Suffrage Provisions. Upheld in Court. Inr.rpase of Negroes^ 
Qualified to Vote. The Struggle in South Carolina. Wade Hampton. 
Registranorr:Aa uf 188:1. Judgd "Gaff s Injunction. Dissolved. The 
Convention. The New Constitution. 

XIX The Neo-Republican Ascendancy . . 547 

Presidential Candidates in 1888. Benjamin Harrison. Nominated on the 
Eighth Ballot. The Campaign Little Personal. -Clubs Republican and 
Democratic. Causes of Cleveland s Defeat. Federal Patronage. Civil 
Service Reformers Desert Cleveland. Democratic Blunders. The Mur- 
chison Letter. Sackville-West s Reply. " See Lament at Once." The 
British Minister Given His Passports. Cleveland s Action Criticised. , 

^X^OJuo-Ballot-Bo*- Forgery. The Tariff Issue. Elaine. Democratic Atti 
tude. " British Free Trade." Harrison and Hill in New York State. 

I/ Corrupt Practices in Indiana. Floaters .in "Blocks of Five." The Re 
publicans Victorious. Harrison s Inaugural. Restriction of Emigration. 
Consular Reports on This. Centennial Anniversary of Washington s In 
auguration. McKinley, _Lpdge and Reed the Republican Leaders. Three 
Great Republican Measures. "Czar" Reed in the House. A Force""Bfll^_ 
Passes The House. But Dies in the Senate. Dependent Pensrons-ATFT^ 
Evolution of the Pension System. The Bonded Debt. What to do with 



Surplus Revenue. The McKinley Bill. The New Orleans Mafia. Chief 

Heiinessy Murdered. Mass Meeting. " WhoTCTlIade Chief? " -Massa- 
cre-TrfThVPflsoners. Complications with Italy. The Settlement Thfe 
United States and Chile. The Barrundia Case. Democratic " Landslide " 
of 1890. Causes. International Copyright Bill. 

XX Important Events Mainly Non-Political 

During Harrison s Term . . -579 

Signs of a New Time. Henry W. Grady. Bad Temper Over Jeff. Davis 
Zachariah Chandler Arraigns Davis. Gen. Sherman does the Same. 
Oklahoma. The "Boomers/ Growth of the Territory. The 
"Messiah Craze" Among the Indians. Its Alleged Origin. Another 
Account. End of Sitting Bull. Related Manifestations of the Delusion. 
The Johnstown Flood. Devastation and Death. Relief Work. The 
Seattle Fire. Fatal Conflagration in Secretary Tracy s Washington Home. 
The Louisiana Lottery. Its Fight for Life. Its Defeat and Banish 
ment. Mormonism. Anti-Polygamy Laws. The Mountain Meadows 
Massacre. Execution of John D. Lee. The Edmunds Law. Its Rigor. 
The Highest Court: Sustains It. A "Revelation" Against Polygamy. 
Amnesty and Pardon. Utah a State. Geary Anti-Chinese Law. 
The United States in Samoa, Hurricane There. Escape of the Calliope. 
Admiral Kimberley to Captain Kane. Russian Famine of 1892. 
Thought of Relief from America. Minneapolis in the Lead. Desperate 
Situation in Russia. Russians Own Generosity. The Supplies from 
America. Wisdom Shown in Distributing Them. Philadelphia Contri 
butes. Good Effects of the Relief Movement. Political "Tidal Waves" 
of 1892 and a 894. 

XXI Columbus s Deed After Four Centuries . 617 

World s Expositions. Ideas of a World s Columbian Exposition. Assur 
ance Thereof. Chicago Made Its Site. Rise and Growth of Chicago. 
Jackson Park. The Work of Preparing It. Building Begun. The 
Hive Stilled, Oct. 21, 1892, Columbus Day. Both Harrison and Cleve 
land Absent. Vice-President Morton Does the Honors. The Festivities. 
Columbus Anniversary in New York City. Presidential Election of 
1892. Reasons for Harrison s Defeat. The Homestead Strike. Pink- 
erton Police Mobbed. Attempted Assassination of H. C. Frick. Ar 
rests, Trials and Comments. Senator Palmer s Views. Destructive Fire 
at Titusville and Oil Creek. Mining Riots in Tennessee. Issues Dis 
cussed in the Campaign. Populism Gains. Sweeping Nature of the 
Democratic Victory. President Cleveland Opens the World s Columbian 
Exposition. The Scene. Opening Exercises at the Woman s Building. 
Various State Days. -Chicago Day. Size and Splendor of the Grounds 
and Buildings. John W. Root. Richard M. Hunt. General Arrange 
ment of Grounds. State Buildings. The Wooded Island. Intramural 
Railway. The Architecture of the Exposition. Various Buildings and 
Works of Art. Fire in the Cold Storage Building. The Fisheries Build 
ing. Specially Interesting Exhibits. The Midway. The Ferris Wheel. 
Transportation to and from the Exposition. Attendance. Order. 
Assassination of Mayor Carter Harrison. The "White City" Goes up 
in Flame. 

XXII World s Exposition Hints Upon the Prog 
ress of Civilization in the United States 663 

Data from the Eleventh Census. Progress in Bridge Construction. The 1 
Brooklyn Bridge. The Cantilever Model. Elevated Railways. Steel 




Structure in Buildings. ---Advance in Telegraphy. The Earth Twice 
Circled in Fifty Minutes. Time and the Telegraph. Th^ Weather 
Bureau. The Telephone. Electric Lighting. Transmission of Elec 
trical Power. Electrical Railways. Edison. His Career. His Inven 
tions. The Phonograph at a Funeral. Tesla. Compared with Edison. 
Tesla s A m. Astounding Performances with Electricity. Niagara s 
Power Turned into Electricity. Electric Transmission at Laufen. At 
Folsom, Cal. The Original Bicycle. The " Safety." The Bicycle 
" Craze." New Methods for the Culture and the Capture of Fish. The 
Rose Trap. The Fyke Net. The Purse Seine. Steam in Menhaden 
Fishing. The World s Congress Auxiliary. Parliament of Religions. 
The Woman s Building at the Exposition. Woman s Influence in Amer 
ican Life. The Women s Christian Temperance Union. The Crusade 
of 1873-74. Victory at Washington Court House. Ludicrous Side of 
the Crusade. Its Spread. The Temperance Union Grows out of the 
Crusade. Woman in the Salvation Army. Rise of the Army. It In 
vades America. Good Work. The Army s Discipline. Women Made 
" Captains," etc., the Same as Men. 

XXIII The Democracy Supreme 

. 691 

Panic o_j-&95, Extra Session of Congress. Democracy Controls All 
Branches of the Government. Result. Cleveland s Second Adminis 
tration. His Civil Service Record. Repeal of the Silver Purchase Act. 
Gold Outflow. The Tariff" to be Revised. The Wilson Bill. 
Democratic Protectionists. The Sugar Schedule. Senate Amendments. 
"Party Perfidy. "The Bill in Conference. Senate Will Not Re 
cede. The Bill Passed. Cleveland s Dilemma. No One Satisfied. 
Opposition to the Income Tax Provision. Declared Unconstitutional. 
Uncle Sam Forced to Borrow. Treasury Methods Criticised. Trusts. 
Anti-Lottery Bill Passed. A_ Tame Fore^n Policy. -Hawaii. The 
Missionary Party. Liliuokalani s Coup d" Etat. U. S. Troopsjn Hono- 
_Julu. A Revolutionary Government. Desires Annexation to U. S. 
Treaty of Annexation Sent to Senate. Cleveland s Reactionary Policy. 
"Paramount" Blount. Stars and Stripes Hauled Down. Effort to 
Restore the Queen. Unpopularity of This. The Dole Government 
Safe. Olney Succeeds Gresham in the Department of State. Firm Stand 
Against Great Britain in Venezuela Matter. Startling Message of De 
cember, 1895. The Venezuela Boundary Commission. Panic in Wall 
Street. Savage Attacks on the President. The Lexow Investigation. 
Charles H. Parkhurst. The Public and the " Force." Investigating 
Committee. John W. Goff. Facts Elicited. "Reform" Victorious 
in the Municipal Election.- The "A. P. A." Its Origin. Its Raisons 
</ Etre. Circumstances Occasioning the Movement. Members and In 
fluence. Unpopularity. The Secret Oath. " Perjurer and Traitor." 

XXIV The Chicago Strike The California 

" Octopus"- Indians Land in Severalty 7 1 7 

/ Cleveland JJo_apuli&t. "Industrials" and "General" Coxey. Their 
March Arrival in Washington. Arrests and Prosecutions. The Rem 
nant Disband. The Town of Pullman. The Pullman Company. 
Wealth and Business. The American Railway Union. The General 
Managers Association. A. R. U. Fight with the Great Northern Rail 
way. The Pullman Strike. "Nothing to Arbitrate." Pullman Cars 
Boycotted. Eugene V. Debs. Strikers and Hoodlums. Property Looted. 
Workmen " Persuaded" Not to Replace Strikers. Blood Drawn at 
Hammond. Partial Sympathetic Strike of the Knights of Labor. Debs 


and Other Officers Arrested. Collapse of a Strike. The Costs. __ Alt- 
geld -vs. Cleveland on the Presence of Federal Soldiers in Chicago. _ A 
Snub to the National Guard. This a Powerful Force. Improvements in 
It after 1877. New and Dangerous Applications of Court Injunctions. 

Could There Be a Legal Strike ? The Strike Commission. Findings 
and Recommendations. Strike of 1894 in California. Railway Monop 
oly. Consequences. Arguments in Extenuation.- Per Contra. The 
Reilly Bill. Efforts for Relief. The Projected San Joaquin Valley Road. 

Indians Lands in Severalty. Breaking Up the Tribal System. His 
tory of the Rise and March of the Severalty Idea in the United States 
from the Earliest Times. Commissioners E. P. Smith, J. Q. Smith, E. 
A. Hayt. The Enactment of 1887. Amended in 1891. 

XXV The South and the Negro in the Light 
of the Eleventh Census . . . 

The " New South." Events Denoting Good Feeling Between South and 
North. Dedication of The Chlckamauga Military Park. _ The Gen. 
Lytle Button Incident. The Parade. The Cotton States and Interna 
tional Exposition. Opening. The Addresses. Booker T. Washington s 
Speech. Proceedings Telegraphed to President Cleveland. His Reply. 

The Machinery Set in Motion from Gray Gables. Atlanta s Effort in 
Originating the Exposition. Grounds and Buildings __ Success. The 
Negro Building. The Exposition s Revelations of Southern Prosperity. 
Backwardness in Sections. Three Black Belts. Ill-success of the Negro 
as a Farmer. Jews and Negroes. Progress of the South at Large.- 
Compared with the West. The South in 1860, 1870 and 1880. Mate 
rial Progress Between 1880 and 1890. In Agriculture. In Manufac 
tures. In Mining. Vast Undeveloped Resources.- The New South 
Created by Southern Men. Character of the Southern Whites. Their 
Resolution Their Patriotism. Treatment of the Drink Question. 
South Carolina Dispensary System. Effectual Prohibition. Reaction 
Against Lynching. Dreadful Difficulty of the Race Question. JWh te 
Supremacy at the Polls Attained. Acquiescence. Coddling of the Negro 
Deprecated. Undoubted Brightness of the African Race. The Defects 
of That Race. Immorality. Lack of Originality. Little Persistence. 
Good Work Under Overseers. Whites Multiply More Rapidly than 
Blacks. Certain Districts Offer an Exception. Negro Mortality. Black 
Migration from the Highlands to the Lowlands. From Country to City. 

Future of the Race. Intensified Competition from White Immigrants. 

Dying Off of the Last Slaveholder Generation. Significance of This to 
the Black Man. 

XXVI The Battle of the Standards and the 

Republican Restoration . . . 773 

Bolt from Republican Convention. The Democratic Convention. 
Populists and Democrats. The Controversy over Silver. McKinley s 
Cabinet. The>iyil Service. Gold in Alaska. The Alaska Boundary. 
Pelagic Sealing. Hawaii Annexed. 

XXVII The War with Spain 

Weyler and Blanco. Destruction of the " Maine." Not Ready for War. 
The " Bottling-up " of Cervera. The Land Campaign. The Oregon 
to the Fore. Waiting Worse than Fighting. Sampson and Schley. 



Army Reform, Ratification of the Paris Treaty. Porto Rico and_ the 
United States. Development^ of Porto Rico. Cuba and the United 
States. Cuban Independence. Future of Cuba. 

XXVIII The United 
Power . 

States a Pacific Ocean 

Native Tribes of the Philippines. The Moros and Visayans. Chinese 
in the Philippines. The Religious Question. Aguinaldo. The Philip 
pine Republic. The Philippine Congress. Affairs in Samar. General 
Miles s Report. The Schurman Commission s Report. The " Insular 
.Casejs-.- The Anti-Imperialist Discussion. Inauguration of Governor 
Taft. The Pacific Cable. 

XXIX Politics and Progress at the Turn of 

the Century ..... 863 

Issues of the Campaign. The Pcrto Rico Tariff. The Trusts. The 
Causes of Democratic Defeat. The Financial Issue. The Census of 
1900. The Pan-American Exposition. The St. Louis Exposition. 

XXX McKinley s End and the Rise of 

Roosevelt . . . . . 897 

Assassination of President McKinley. Directions to the Taft Commis 
sion. The American Army in China. McKinley s Private Character. 
Czolgosz and the Anarchists. The New President. Our Policy in 
the East. Vices of Corporations. The Northern Securities Merger. 
Carnegie and the Steel Corporation. Confederate Industry Efficient. The 
Grosscup Injunction. The Coal Strike of 1902. The Elkins Act. 
Efforts for Reform in Cities. 




Crowd in Front of the New York Times Office on the Night of the Tilden-Hayes Election, 

1876 . . . . . . . . . . . . Frontispiece 

Drawn by B. West Clinedimt 

Driving the Last Spike of the Union Pacific. Scene at Promontory Point, May 10, 1869 . 3 

Drawn by B. West Clinedimt from photographs loaned by General G. M. Dodge 

The Court House at Chicago before the Fire ; The Chicago Court House after the Fire . 6 

From photographs 

The Chicago Court House in 1895 .......... 7 

From a photograph 

The Reconstruction Committee .......... 25 

Drawn by W. R. Leigh from photographs 

The High Commissioners in Session at Washington . . . . . . -33 

Drawn by E. B. Child from photographs 

Fisk and Gould s Opera House in a State of Siege . . . . . . 41 

Drawn by B. West Clinedinst 

Scene in the New York Gold Room on Black Friday ....... 49 

Drawn by C. S. Reinhart from photographs and descriptions by eye-witnesses 

Horace Greeley Signing the Bail Bond of Jefferson Davis . . . . . -63 

Painted by W. R. Leigh from photographs, and sketches made at the time by W. L. Sheppard 

Mr. Greeley Receiving the Democratic Committee which* Notified him of his Nomination . 65 

Painted by W. R. Leigh from photographs and descriptions 

Dispersal of the McEnery Legislature at Odd Fellow s Hall, New Orleans . . .81 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from photographs and descriptions 

Three Famous Confederate Cruisers : The Florida, the Shenandoah and the Alabama . .89 

Drawn by M, J. Burns from photographs 

Count Sclopis Announcing the Decision of the Geneva Tribunal . . . . -93 

Painted by W. R. Leigh from photographs and diagrams loaned by J. C. Bancroft Davis, Esq. 

The South Carolina Legislature of 1873 Passing an Appropriation Bill . . . J-3 

Painted by W, R. Leigh from photographs, plans, and a description by an eye-witness 

Beginning of the Conflict in Front of the Anthony House, Little Rock, Arkansas . .133 

Painted by W. R. Leigh from photographs and descriptions 

The Brooks Forces Evacuating the State House at Little Rock . . . . . 137 

Painted by Howard Pyle from photographs and descriptions 

The Scene of the Conflict at the Pemberton Monument, near Vicksburg, December 7, 
1874 -143 

From a photograph made for this work 

The Mississippi Legislature Passing a Resolution Asking for Federal Aid after the Attack on 
Vicksburg 146 

Drawn by B. West Clinedinst from photographs and descriptions 


General Badger in Front of the Gem Saloon, New Orleans . . . . . .149 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from photographs 

The Mass Meeting of September 14, 1874, at the Clay Statue, New Orleans . . . 154 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from photographs 

L. A. Wiltz Taking Possession of the Speaker s Chair in the Louisiana State House, Janu 
ary 4, 1875 163 

Drawn by W. R. Leigh from photographs and plans 

The Lava Beds 178 

From a photograph by Taker 

Scene of the Canby Massacre . . . . . . . . . . .1-9 

From a photograph by Taker 

Indian Trader s Store at Standing Rock, North Dakota . . . . . .185 

Drawn by W. A. C. Pape from a photograph by Barry 

The Custer Monument . . . . . . . . . . . .190 

Drawn by Harry Fenn from a photograph by Barry 

Old Swedes Church, Philadelphia, Built in 1700 . . . . . . .195 

Drawn by Harry Fenn from a photograph by Rau 

State House Row, Philadelphia ......... 

Drawn by Harry Fenn from a photograph by Rau 

Centennial Opening Ceremonies on May 10, 1876 
Drawn by Harry Fenn from a photograph 

View From Photographic Hall Looking Toward Machinery Hall . . . . .203 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from a photograph 

Fountain Hall ; Exterior of Horticultural Hall ........ 206 

Interior of Horticultural Hall . . . . . . . . . . .207 

The Main Building at Philadelphia 209 

After a photograph 

The Republican Caucus Committee which Formulated the Resumption Act in December, 
1874 251 

Drawn by W, R, Leigh from photographs 

The Rush from the New York Stock Exchange on September 18, 1873 -55 

Drawn by Howard Pyle 

Chief Justice Chase announcing the decison of the Supreme Court in the first "Legal 
Tender" Trial: Hepburn vs. Griswold ........ 2-1 

Drawn by W. R. Leigh from photographs 

The Trial of Thomas Munley, the " Mollie Maguire," at Pottsville, Pa. ... 29- 

Painted by W. R. Leigh from photographs and diagrams by George A. Bretx 

The Attempt to Fire the P. R.R. Roundhouse in Pittsburg, at daybreak of Sunday, July 

22, 1877 3 OI 

Painted by ff^. R. Leigh from photographs by Robinson 

Burnt Freight Cars at Pittsburg . . . . . . . . . . 303 

From a photograph by Robinson 

Union Station and Interior of Roundhouse after the Riot of 1877 . . . ... 304 

From photographs by Robinson 

The Interview at the Riggs House Between Conkling and Garheld .... 322 

Drawn by B. West Clinedinst from photographs and descriptions 

Conkling s Speech Before the "Committee of Conciliation " ..... 325 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from photographs, and a diagram and description furnished by Mr. H. L. 

The Anti-Chinese Riot of 1880, in Denver, Col 328 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from a photograph and a sketch made by an eye-witness 


President Garfield s Remains Lying in State at the Capitol . . . . . -335 

Drawn by W>\ R. Leigh from photographs 

Scene at a Station on the P. R.R. as the Garfield Ambulance Train Passed on its Way to 
Elberon . . . . . . . . . . . . . -337 

Drawn by C. K. Linson 

The Garfield Funeral Car About to Start from the Public Square, Cleveland, Ohio, for the 
Cemetery ... ......... 339 

Drawn by T. de Thulstrup from a photograph by Ryder 

President Arthur Taking the Inaugural Oath at his Lexington Avenue Residence . . 345 

Drawn by W. R. Leigh 

President Hayes and his Cabinet Receiving Chen Lan Pin and the First Resident Chinese 
Embassy to the United States, September 28, 1878 ....... 358 

Drawn by W. R. Leigh from photographs 

The Chinese Consulate in San Francisco ......... 360 

Drawn by A. F. Jaccaci from a photograph by "Taker 

A "Mixed Family" in the Highbinders Quarter, "Chinatown" .... 361 

From a photograph by Taker 

God in Joss Temple, "Chinatown," San Francisco ....... 362, 

Drawn by Harry Fenn from a photograph by Taker 

Chinese Accountants ............ 363 

Drawn by E. B. Child from a photograph by Taker 

Alley in "Chinatown" ........... 365 

Drawn by F. H. Lungren from photographs by Taker 

Dining Room of a Chinese Restaurant in Washington Street, San Francisco . . .366 

Drawn by Harry Fenn from photographs by Taker 

A "Sand Lot" Meeting in San Francisco ........ 368 

Composition of B. finest Clinedinst with the assistance of photographs by Taker 

Denis Kearney Addressing the Workingmen on the Night of October 29, on Nob Hill, San 
Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 2 

Drawn by G. H^. Peters from photographs, and diagrams and descriptions by eye-witnesses 

Denis Kearney Being Drawn Through the Streets of San Francisco After his Release from 
the House of Correction ........... 375 

Painted by Howard Pyle from photographs by Taker and a description by Kearney himself 

The Old Chronicle Building in San Francisco . . . . . * . . . 377 

Drawn by Otto H. Backer from a photograph by Taker 

Procession Wong Fong in San Francisco ......... 379 

Drawn by T. de Thulstrup from a photograph by Taker 

The Nelson House in 1881 383 

The West House at Yorktown -3^4 

The Yorktown Memorial Monument . . . . . . -3^5 

Lawrenceburg, Indiana, During the Floods of 1884 . . . . -3^7 

From a copyrighted photograph by Rombach & Groene 

Second Street, Cincinnati, Looking East . . . . . . .388 

Gas Tanks in Second Street, Cincinnati . . . . . . .388 

Cincinnati Riots of 1884 Barricade in South Sycamore Street . 3^9 

From a photograph by Rombach & Groene 

A Pigmy Family in Front of Stanley s Tent ...... 39^ 

Drawn by H. Den man 


A Pigmy Village Discovered by Stanley in the Great African Forest. . . . -397 

Drawn by C. Brougljton 

One of Stanley s Stockaded Camps . . . . . . . . . .398 

Drawn by W. L. Metcalf 

Machine Shop and Railroad Camp Number I, Showing One of the Dredges at work on the 
Nicaragua Canal . . . . . . . . . . . . 40^ 

Clearing for the Nicaragua Canal .......... 406 

Giant Silk Cotton-Tree in the Line of the Canal Clearing . . . . . .407 

Engineer Camp of the Nicaragua Railway on the West Side ...... 408 

Spanish-American Delegates to the Pan-American Conference . . . . . 413 

From a photograph bv Rvder at Cleveland, Ohio 

House in Washington where the Pan-American Conference held its Meetings . . . 41 S 
The Greely Relief Fleet at Godhavn 42- 

Drawn by Harry Fenn from a photograph by Rice 

Fort Conger ............. 428 

Drawn by Harry Fenn from a photograph by Rice 

Lieutenant Lockwood and His Exploring Party . . . . . . -433 

From a photograph by Rice 

The Greely Survivors and the Rescuing Party . . . . . . . .43" 

From a photograph by Rice on board the u Bear" at Godhavn 

First Sight of Peary s Party The Approach to McCormick s Bay, July 23, 1892 . . 443 

Drawn by F. If. Stoke] 

South Portal of Main Building at New Orleans Exposition ...... 449 

Drawn by F.. B. Child from a photograph 

Mexican Pavilion and Main Building at New Orleans Exposition . . . , 4:51 

Drawn by A. W. Van Deusen from a photograph 

"Mulligan Letters" Scene in the House of Representatives, June 5, 1876 . . 45- 

Drawn by W. R. Leigh from photographs 

The Reception Given by Ministers to Mr. Elaine at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, October 29, 
1884, at which the " Burchard Incident" Took Place ...... 4-6 

Drawn by T. de Thulstrup from photographs 

Inauguration of President Cleveland . . . . . . . . . . 48 3 

Drawn by Childe Hassam from photographs 

The U. S. Steamship Columbia on her Government Speed Trial . . . . -4^9 

Scenes in Charleston after the Earthquake . . . . . . . -492. 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from photographs 

The " Fortune Bay Affair " ........... 508 

Drawn by M. J. Burns from photographs and descriptions 

Second Seizure of the Schooner David J. Adams ....... 509 

Drawn by M. J. Burns from photagraphs by Parker and descriptions 

Scenes in Quidi Vidi, a Typical Newfoundland Fishing Town . . . . .510 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from photographs 

Fish Sheds at Quidi Vidi 514 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from a photograph 
The Grant Funeral Arrival at the Tomb . . . , , . . .520 

Drawn by 0. H. Backer from a photograph 


The Temporary Tomb, Decorated in 1890 ........ 521 

Drawn by W. N. Smith from a photograph 

The Grant Tomb Just Previous to Completion, 1896 ....... c^x 

Drawn by 0. H. Backer from nature 

The Bartholdi Statue of Liberty seen from Communipaw, N. J. . . . . r^r 

Drawn by 0. II. Backer from nature 

The Tragedy in Haymarket Square, Chicago . . . . . . . .530 

Drawn by Orson Lowell 

Haymarket Square, Looking East, 1896, (showing the Statue Erected in Memory of the 
Murdered Police) . . . . . . . . . . . .531 

Drawn by Orson Lowell from nature 

President Harrison being Rowed Ashore at Wall Street during the Inauguration Centennial . 561 

Drawn by W. St. John Harper from a photograph 

The Clay Statue in New Orleans ....... 569 

Citizens Breaking Down the Door of the Parish Prison . . . . . -571 

Drawn by W. R. Leigh from photographs and descriptions 

The Itata in San Diego Harbor . . . . . . . . . -574 

From a photograph by Slocum 

The Charleston in San Diego Harbor . . . . . . . . -575 

From a photograph by Slocum 

Statue of Thomas J. Jackson at Lexington, Va. . . . . . . . .58 

From a photograph loaned by C. H. Sumwalt, Esq. 

Equestrian Statue of Robert E. Lee. . . . . . . . . . . 581 

The Beecher Statue in the City Hall Park, Brooklyn, N. Y 583 

From a photograph made for this work 

"Boomers" in Camp Just Outside the Oklahoma Line ...... 586 

From a photograph by C. P. Rich 

Guthrie, Oklahoma, on the Second Day after the Opening . . . . . . ^86 

From a photograph by C. P. Rich 

Oklahoma Avenue on May 10, 1889 ......... 587 

From a photograph by C. P. Rich 

Oklahoma Avenue on May 10, 1893 ......- 587 

From a photograph by C. P. Rich 

The Crook Commission Holding a Conference with Sioux Indians at Lower Brule Agency, 
South Dakota, July 3, 1889 

Settlers Passing Through Chamberlain, South Dakota, on their way to the Sioux Lands . 589 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from a photograph 

A Disbeliever in "The Messiah" 59 

From a photograph by H. F. Denton 

Sioux Indians About to Take Part in a Ghost Dance . . . . . 59 1 

From a photograph in the possession of H. F. Denton 

Main Street, Johnstown, after the Flood . . . . . . -593 

From a photograph by Ran 

View Across the Great Drift after the Johnstown Flood . . . -594 

From a photograph by Rau 

Beginning of the Seattle Fire . . . . . 

Ruins, after the Seattle Fire 59 6 


Mormon Temple at Salt Lake City . . . . . . . . . .601 

From a photograph by Rau 

Main Street, Salt Lake City 60 1 

From a f holograph by Rau 
Stern of the U. S. S. Nipsic, after the Samoan Hurricane 606 

From a photograph loaned by Commander F. E. Chadwick, U.S.N. 

The German Gunboat Adler on Her Beam Ends ....... 606 

From a photograph loaned by Commander F. F.. Chad-wick, U.S.N. 

Harbor of Upolu, after the Hurricane ......... 608 

From a photograph loaned by Commander F. E. Chadwick, U.S.N. 

A Russian Peasant in the Famine District . . . . . . , . .610 

From a photograph loaned by " The Northwestern Miller " 

" Hunger Bread " ............ ^10 

From a photograph loaned by " The Northwestern Miller " 

The Steamship Missouri, after Unloading Her Relief Cargo . . . . .611 

From a photograph loaned by " The Northwestern Miller " 

First Train Load of American Food about to Start from Libau for the Interior . . .613 

From a photograph loaned by " The Northwestern Miller " 

The Homestead Strikers Burning the Barges from which the Pinkerton Men had been 
Taken 624 

Drawn by Orson Lowell from photographs taken during and just after the trouble 

The Carnegie Steel Works 626 

Drawn by G. W. Peters from photographs made after the militia had taken possession of the works 

Militia Behind the Barricade inside the Carnegie Works .... 

The Titusville Flood and Fire looking south from Cornell s Building 

From a photograph by Mather 

The Titusville Flood and Fire Looking south from foot of Monroe Street, at II A. M., 
Sunday, June 5, 1892 ........... 629 

From a photograph by Mather 

Non-Combatants A Typical Tennessee Mountain Home . . . . . . 630 

From a photograph by Singleton 

Convict Stockade and Military Encampment at Oliver Springs . . . . .630 

From a photograph by Singleton 

Dr. Betts, "The Cowboy Preacher," Inciting the Miners to Attack Fort Anderson . -631 

From a photograph by Singleton 
WORLD S FAIR VIEWS ( Unless otherwise stated, from photographs by Mrs. T. S. Johnson). 

Statue of Buffalo, northeast of Machinery Hall ....... 634 

Drawn by C. K. Linson from a photograph 

Entrance to the German Building . . . . . . . . .631; 

Drawn by A. F. Jaccaci from a photograph 

Administration Building, seen from the Agricultural Building .... 

General View of the Fair Grounds . . . . . . . 

Drawn by Orson Lowell from a copyrighted photograph 

Totem Poles ............ 

Drawn by A. F. Jaccaci from a photograph 

Feeding the Water Fowls ......... 

Drawn by Orson Lowell from a photograph 

From the Art Building Steps West ......... 

Drawn by A. F. Jaccaci from a photograph 


The Choral Building 643 

Drawn by A. F. Jaccaci from a photograph 

Horticultural and Transportation Buildings, viewed from the Lagoon . . . 645 

From a photograph 

Transportation Building, from Electricity Building ....... 648 

Drawn by A. F. Jaccaci from a photograph 

Detail of the Golden Doorway at the entrance to the Transportation Building . . 649 

Drawn by G. H^. Peters from a photograph 

Manufacturers and Liberal Arts Building, seen from the southwest . . . 6ci 

Caravels in front of the Casino Building ........ 653 

Drawn by F. C. Ransom from a photograph 

Statue on west side of Agricultural Building ........ 654 

Drawn by A. F. Jaccaci from a photograph 

German Wrought Iron Gates at south end of Transportation Building . . . 655 
Drawn by Gustav Verbeek from a photograph by Rau 

Detail, Main Entrance of Horticultural Building ....... 656 

Drawn by Gustav Verbeek from a photograph 

View towards the Peristyle from Machinery Hall ....... 658 

The French Building 659 

Drawn by Gustav Verbeek from a photograph 

Burning of the White City 662 

The Brooklyn Bridge 666 

Drawn from nature by Otto If. Bacher 

A Typical High Building Monadnock Building, Chicago ...... 668 

Drawn by E. C. Peixotto 

Steel Frame of the Carnegie Building, Pittsburg, Pa. .... 669 

Switchboard of a Telephone Exchange ......... 672 

From a photograph loaned by the Metropolitan Telephone and Telegraph Co. 

Exterior of the Power House at Niagara Falls ........ 676 

From a photograph by Curtis 

Under the Switchboard of the Niagara Power House . . . . . . . 676 

From a photograph by Curtis 

Interior of Power House at Niagara Falls ......... 677 

From a photograph by Curtis 

Bicyclists in Central Park, New York .......- 679 

Hatchery of the Fish Commission Building at Washington, D. C., showing Hatchery Jars 
in Operation . . . . . . . . . . . . .681 

A Salvation Army Open Air Meeting ........ 687 

From a photograph made for this work 

The (Queen s Bungalo at Honolulu ....-.... 701 

Drawn by Otto H. Bacher from a photograph 

The Government Building at Honolulu . . . . . . 74 

Drawn by Otto H. Bacher from a photoprafh 

Lexow Investigation Scene Captain Creeden Leaving the Witness Stand . . . 709 

Drawn by If. R. Leigh from photographs and sketches 

Statue of Marquette in Statuary Hall, Washington, D. C 7 l8 


The Kelly " Army" at Council Bluffs, Iowa 

Kelly Addressing the Men at the Transfer . . . . . . .720 

Drawn by A. B. Doggett from a photograph 

Head of the Column Crossing the Northwestern Railroad Tracks .... 720 

Drawn by A. B. Doggett from a photograph 

Company H Men who Joined at the Bluffs on the March . . . . .721 

Drawn by A. B. Doggett from a photograph 

The Town of Pullman looking east from the Depot along the Boulevard . . . "22 

Drawn by V. S. Perard from a photograph by J. W. Taylor 

Freight Cars Overturned by the Strikers . . . . . . . . "~ n 

From a photograph by R. D. Cleveland 

Camp of the U. S. Troops on the Lake Front, Chicago ...... 728 

From a photograph by R. D. Cleveland 

Burned Cars in the C. B. & Q^ Yards at Hawthorne, Chicago ..... 729 
From a photograph by R. D. Cleveland 

The Town of Hinckley before the Fire ......... 73 2 

From a photograph by W. G. Hopps 

Hinckley after the Fire . . . . . . . . . . . .733 

From a photograph by W . G. Hopps 

Indians Killing Cattle at Standing Rock, North Dakota 74 

From a photograph by Barry 

A Typical Indian Camp . . . . . . . . . . .743 

The Chickamauga National Military Park 

Looking East from the Widow Glenn House ....... 74X 

From a photograph by Schmedling 

Near Widow Glenn House looking north towards Bloody Pond .... 749 

From a photograph by Schmedling 

Group of Monuments on Knoll southwest of Snodgrass Hill ..... 750 

From a photograph by Schmedling 

Night View of the Atlanta Exposition . . . . . , . . .753 

From a photograph by Howe 

The Woman s Building at Atlanta ......... 

From a photograph by Howe 

The Art Building 

From a photograph by Howe 

A Grove of Oranges and Cocoanuts near Ormond, Fla. ..... 

From a photograph by W, H. Jackson 

A Louisiana Sugar-cane Plantation ......... 

From a photograph by W. H. Jackson 

A South Carolina Cotton Field . . . . . . . . . ^63 

From a photograph by tf^. H. Jackson 

Carving the Decorations for the Negro Building at the Atlanta Exposition . . .769 

From a photograph by Howe 

Decorations for the Negro Building at Atlanta 

From photographs by Howe 

Head of Slave 770 

Head of Fred. Douglass . . 77 1 


The Grant Monument, Riverside Drive, New York ....... -88 

Copyright, JQOf, fa Detroit Photographic Co. 

The First Passenger Train descending from the Summit of White Pass, Alaska . . -91 

Flat Cars used on the First Passenger Train to Leave Lake Bennett. It carried a Quarter 
of a Million in Gold Dust, July 6, 1899 . . . . . . . . 792, 

Thousands of Seals on the Beach, St. Paul Island, Bering Sea, Alaska .... 794 
Raising the American Flag, at Honolulu, August 12, 1898 ..... 796 

United States Battleship Maine entering Havana Harbor, January, 1898 .... 802 

Copyright, iSqS, fa J. C. Hemment. 

The Wrecked Maine, Havana, Cuba. Decorated May 30, 1902, by Order of President Palma. 803 

Copyright, IQOJ, fa Underwood Sf Underwood. 

Protected Cruiser Olympia, Commodore Dewey s Flagship ...... 805 

United States Battleship Oregon .......... 808 

Water Front of the Union Iron Works, San Francisco, Cal., Where the Oregon was Built . 809 

The United States Steamship Brooklyn . . . . . . . . .816 

Copyright, iSqS, fa C. L. Langill. 

Cuba s First Senate in Session, Senate Chamber, Havana ...... 822 

Copyright, IQO2, by Underwood Ssf Underwood. 

The First House of Representatives of the Cuban Republic, Havana .... 826 
Copyright, I()O2, by Under-wood & Underwood. 

The Cruiser Brooklyn Passing Morro Castle carrying General Wood from Havana, May 20, 

1902 .............. 829 

Copyright, IQ02, by Underwood &"" Underwood. 

Lowering the Stars and Stripes on the Palace, May 20, 1902, for the Flag of the Cuban 
Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . .831 

Copyright, IQO2, by Underwood & Underwood. 

Igorrotes of Benguet eating Figs at a Religious Festival ....... 836 

Two Igorrote Sages sunning Themselves on the Plaza at Mid-day, Lepanto . . -837 

The Malocon Drive, Manila 838 

Ilocano Seaoritas, Santa Cotatina, Ilocos . . . . . . . . . 840 

Custom House, Manila ............ 842 

Aguinaldo s Headquarters, Malolos .......... 845 

Adoption of Constitution by the Philippine "Republic," September 15, 1898. Parade 
Starting from Aguinaldo s Headquarters ......... 847 

About Three Thousand Insurrectos taking the Oath of Allegiance to the United States on 
the Plaza at Benguet, Abia, Early in April, 1901 ....... 849 

Philippine Commissioners delivering the Written Surrender of Pasig to Brigadier-Gen. King 
and Staff 851 

An American Teacher and Some of His Native Assistants, Narvacan, Ilocos . . -854 

Filipino Singers. These Boys sing a Score of American Songs and carry Soprano, Tenor 
and Alto. Narvacan, Ilocos . . . . . . .856 

Company of the Native Constabulary organized by the Taft Commission, La Trinidad, 

Benguet .......... 860 


Superintendent of Schools Giving an Address, Washington s Birthday, 1902, Vigan, Ilocos. 861 
The Laying of the Trans-Pacific Cable 

Bringing the Cable Ashore at San Francisco, Cal. . . . . . .863 

Hauling the Rope Ashore from Cable Ship at Honolulu . . . . . 863 

Photograph by Charles Weidner, San Francisco, Cal. 

Entrance to the Republican National Convention Held at Philadelphia, 1900 . . .874 

Delegates Arriving at the Convention . . . . . . . . .875 

The Census Office, Washington, D. C 884 

Pan-American Exposition, Buffalo, New York 

Group af Buffalos , . . .885 

The Electric Tower and Fountains 886 

Triumphal Bridge and Entrance to the Exposition . . . . . . . T88 

The Temple of Music Lighted by Electricity 889 

Sunken Garden behind Electric Towar . . . . . . .890 

The Electricity Building . . . . . . . . . . .891 

Louisiana Purchase Exposition 

The Varied Industries Building .......... 892 

Educational Building . . . . . . . . . . . 894 

Electricity Building . . . . . . . . . . .89^ 

Old Home of William McKinley at Canton, Ohio ....... 899 

Funeral of the Late President McKinley at Washington, D. C. Carrying the Casket up 
the Capitol Steps Where It Lay in State in the Rotunda . . . . . .901 

Room in the House of Ansley Wilcox at Buffalo Where Theodore Roosevelt Took the 
Oath of Office ............. 904 

Fourteenth United States Infantry Leaving Peking after Heroic Rescue in Ha-ta-men (now 
Kettler) Street, China . . . . . . . . . . .905 

Copyright, rqoi, by Underwood & Underwood. 

American Flag Raised over Battered Remnants of South Gate Immediately after City s 
Capture. Battle of Tien-tsin, China ......... 906 

Copyright, iqor, by Underwood & Underwood. 

The Launching of the Maine, July 27, 1901 ........ 908 

The New Battleship Maine ........... 909 

Copyright, H)OJ, by William H. Rau. 

Tuskegee Institute 

Alabama Hall, Teachers Home and Girls Dormitory . . . . . . 911 

Huntington Hall. A Girls Dormitory . . . . . . . . 911 

Dorothy H all, Girls Trades Building 911 

Marconi Trans- Atlantic Station at South Wellfleet, Cape Cod, Mass. . . . . 914 



Carnegie Free Public Libraries 

At Pittsburgh, Pa. ............ 920 

At Washington, D. C. . . . . . . . . . . 920 

At Atlanta, Ga. ............ 920 

Machine Which Reaps, Threshes, and Bags Grain at the Same Time .... 923 

Parade of the Strikers at Shenandoah, Pa., during the Coal Strike of 1902 . . . 924 

One of the Miners Arguing His Side of the Strike ....... 924 

East St. Louis during the Floods of 1903 

Venice and East Madison Streets . . . . . . . .928 

Showing Flooded Street and Boat with Occupants . . . 929 


William M. Tweed . . . 12 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

Hiram R. Revels, of Mississippi .......... ao 

Joseph F. Rainey, of South Carolina ......... 20 

George E. Harris, of Mississippi . . . . . . . . .21 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

John F. Lewis, of Virginia . . . . . . . . . . .21 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

James Fisk, Jr. ............. 28 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph by Rockwood 

Jay Gould 28 

President Grant . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 

From a photograph by Hoyt in iSbg 

Fred. Douglass ............. 30 

Buenaventura Baez, President of Santo Domingo ........ 30 

From a photograph in the collection of James E. Taylor 

President Grant s First Cabinet Borie, Creswell, Hoar, Washburne, Cox, Schofield and 
Boutwell . . . . . . . . . . . . . -35 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from photographs 

Alexander T. Stewart . . . . . . . . . . . 36 

After the portrait by Thomas Le Clear 

Stanley Matthews . . . . . . . . . . . . -37 

Oliver P. Morton AT 

Clement L. Vallandigham . . . . . . . . , . -53 

From a photograph in the collection of James E. Taylor 

Horace Greeley . . . . . . . . . . . . -59 

From a photograph by Sarony 

William Henry Fry ............ 60 

After a daguerreotype in the possession of Horace B. Fry 

Count Adam Gurowski ........... 60 

After a daguerreotype in the possession of Charles A. Dana 

George Ripley ............. 60 

After a daguerreotype in the possession of Charles A. Dana 

Margaret Fuller ............. 60 

After a daguerreotype in the possession of H. //- . Fay 

Bayard Taylor ............. 60 

From a photograph by Sarony 



Thomas Hicks 

Charles A. Dana . 6 1 

George William Curtis 

From a daguerreotype by Brady, f8j>2, in the possession of Charles A. Dane 

Zebulon B. Vance .......... .69 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

Lyman Trumbull ............. 70 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

Henry Wilson . . . . . . . . . . . . .72 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

B. Gratz Brown ............. 72 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

Charles O Conor 76 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

John Quincy Adams, in 1870 . . . . . . . . . -77 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

Henry Clay Warmoth ............ 79 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

P. B. S. Pinchback ............ 79 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 

Charles Sumner ............. 90 

The English Representatives at Geneva Tenterden, Bernard, Cockburn and Palmer . . 96 

Drawn by Orson Lowell from photographs 

The American Representatives at Geneva Gushing, Evarts, Adams, Davis and Waite . 97 

Drawn by Orson Lowell from photographs 

U. S. Grant ............. 99 

From a very rare photograph by Walker, June 2, 1875 

George Bancroft ..........*... 101 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph in the historical collection of H. W, Fay 

Emperor William I. of Germany .......... 105 

Oakes Ames . . . . . . . . . . . . .107 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 
Daniel H. Chamberlain . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 

W. Beverley Nash . . . . . . . . . . . .121 

Charles Hayes, of Alabama . . . . . . . . . . .128 

Elisha Baxter 135 

Drawn b\ J. Brittain from a photograph 

Joseph Brooks . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 

Drawn by J. Brittain from a photograph 

Chief Justice John McClure . . . . . . . . . . . 135 

Drawn "by J. Brittain from a photograph 

Augustus H. Garland . . . . . . . . . . . I 39 

Adelbert Ames 142 

Richard O Leary, Mayor of Vicksburg in 1874 ........ 144 

William Pitt Kellogg 156 

Drawn by Alfred Brennan from a photograph 


John McEnery ............. 157- 

General de Trobriand . . . . . . . . . . . I 57 

Philip H. Sheridan 159 

From a photograph in the historical collection of H. H r . Fay 

"Committee Which Formulated the Wheeler Adjustment " Marshall, Hoar, Wheeler and 
Frye 166 

Red Cloud 171 

From a photograph by Bell 

E. R. S. Canby 177 

George A. Custer . . . . . . . . . . . .180 

Sitting Bull 181 

From a photograph by Notman 

Gall 181 

From a photograph by Barry 
George A. Custer on Horseback . . . . . . . . . .182 

From a photograph by Gardner at Falmouth, Va.^ s86j 

Rain-in-the-Face . . . . . . . . . . . . .184 

From a photograph by Barry 

Captain E. S. Godfrey 187 

From a photograph by Barry 

"Comanche," Captain Keogh s Horse 188 

From a photograph by Barry 

Curley, the Scout . . . . . . . . . . . . .189 

From a photograph by Barry 

General Joseph R. Hawley ........... 200 

W. W. Belknap 210 

Marshall Jewell . . . . . . . . . . . . .211 

Samuel J. Tilden 213 

Rutherford B. Hayes . . . . . . . . . . . .219 

Wade Hampton ............. 224 

Francis T. Nicholls 226 

S. B. Packard 227 

From a photograph by Van Dyke loaned by Charles lf\ Boothby 

President Hayes s Cabinet Evarts, Schurz, Thompson, Key, McCrary, Sherman, Devens 233 
Benjamin F. Butler . . . . . . . . . . . -235 

Orville E. Babcock 238 

A. B. Cornell .241 

Theodore Roosevelt ............ 243 

Justin S. Morrill . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 

The Secretaries of the Treasury During the Last Quarter-Century W. A. Richardson, B. 
H. Bristow, L. M. Morrill, John Sherman, William Windom, C. J. Folger, W. Q^ 
Gresham, Hugh McCulloch, Daniel Manning, C. S. Fairchild, Charles Foster, John G. 
Carlisle .261 


Elbridge G. Spaulding ............ 269 

Richard P. Bland 276 

William B. Allison 276. 

G. W. McCrary 282 

Wendell Phillips 286 

Samuel F. Carey ............. 290 

Peter Cooper ............. 290. 

Newton Booth ............. 290 

James McParlan, the Detective .......... 299, 

From a photograph by Bretx, 

Thomas Munley, a Convicted " Mollie " ........ 299. 

From a photograph by Bretx 

"Jimmy" Kerrigan, the "Squealer" . . . . . . . . . 299. 

From a photograph by Bretx, 

Franklin B. Gowen ............ 299 

From a photograph by Gutekunst 

Roscoe Conkling . . . . . . . . . . . . ^oS 

James A. Garfield, Before Entering College . . . . . . . .310. 

After a daguerreotype by Ryder 

Winfield S. Hancock 312 

Harris M. Plaisted . . . . . . . . . . . .317 

President Garfield s Cabinet Blaine, Windom, Lincoln, Hunt, Kirkwood, James, Mac- 

Veagh .. . . . . . . . . . . -33* 

James A. Garfield . . . . . . . . . . -333 

From a photograph by Bell The last picture before the assassination 

George H. Pendleton ............ 340 

Dorman B. Eaton ............ 341 

John M. Gregory ............. 341 

Leroy D. Thoman ............. 341 

Chester A. Arthur ............ 349 

William Mahone ............. 355 

Denis Kearney ............. 369 

From a photograph by Taker 

Isaac Kalloch 378" 

From a photograph by Taber 

M. Glennan 386 

R. C. Winthrop 386 

Henry M. Stanley ............ 392 

Mr. Stanley and His Officers : Captain Nelson, Lieutenant W. G. Stairs, Surgeon T. M. 
Parke and A. J. Mounteney-Jephson . . . . . . . . -393 

John A. Kasson (Representative of U. S. at Berlin Conference) ..... 395, 


Ferdinand de Lesseps . . . . . . . . . . . .403 

David Davis . . . . . . . . . . . .411 

Eskimo Boy . . . . . . . . . . . . .419 

Mek-to-sha : Great Bear Huntei A Typical Eskimo with Harpoon .... 420 

Lieutenant A. W. Greely ........... 424 

From a photograph by Rice 

An Eskimo Belle ............ 434 

Lieutenant Robert E. Peary . . . . . . . . . . -441 

Mrs. Peary . . . . . . . . . . . . -441 

John A. Logan . . . . . . . . . . . . -452, 

James G. Blaine (at the age of seventeen) . . . . . . . -453 

From a daguerreotype, first published in this work, loaned by Miss Kate M. Hopkins 

]. Proctor Knott ............ 460 

George F. Edmunds ............ 462 

Stephen B. Elkins ............ 463 

George William Curtis . . . . . . . . . . . -465 

From a photograph by Sarony 

James G. Blaine . . . . . . . . . . . . .468 

Grover Cleveland . . . . . . . . . . . 4"i 

From a copyrighted photograph by C. M. Bell 

Thomas A. Hendricks ............ 478 

William E. Chandler 488 

General John Newton . . . . . . . . . . . -495 

President Cleveland s First Cabinet : Bayard, Endicott, Whitney, Vilas, Manning, Garland 
and Lamar ............. 499 

Roger Q^ Mills 507 

The Fisheries Commission of 1888 : Moore, Angell, Tupper, Bergne, Sackville-West, 

Putnam, Bayard, Chamberlain . . . . . . . . .512 

From a photograph loaned by John B, Moore, Esq. 

Frederic Auguste Bartholdi . . . . . . . . . . .524 

Terence V. Powderly . . . . . . . . . . . .527 

from a photograph by Kuebler 

Joseph E. Gary . . . . . . . . . . . . -532 

Gov. John P. Altgeld, of Illinois . . . . . . . . ^33 

Henry George . . . . . . . . . . ... > 34 

Abram S. Hewitt . . . . . . . . . . . -534 

Benjamin R. Tillman . . , . . . . . . . . . 542 

Allen G. Thurman . . . . 548 

Levi P. Morton . . . . . . . . . . . 549 

Lord Sackville-West . . . . . s 5 3 


J- B - Foraker ...... 5S5 

Benjamin Harrison . . . . . . . . . cc8 

Thomas B. Reed ............ 5 6 3 

William McKinley . . . . . . . . . . . -566 

David C. Hennessy (the New Orleans Chief of Police) ...... 5 68 

President Balmaceda, of Chile . . . . . . . . . .eye 

From a fhotografh loaned by Captain IT. S. Scbley, U.S.N. 

Robert E. Pattison ............ 576 

From a fbotografh by Gutekunst 

Matthew Quay . . . . . . . . . . . . -577 

Henry W. Grady ............ 582, 

From a fbotografh by Motes 

Zachariah Chandler . . . . . . . . . .584 

L. Q^C. Lamar ............. 585 

Murphy J. Foster . . . . . . . . . . . . -599 

Brigham Young . . .......... 600 

From a fhotografh by Ran 

Tamasese . ............ 604 

Malietoa Laupepe . . . . . . . . . . . . .60;; 

Admiral Kimberly ............ 607 

From a fhotografh in the collection of H. W. Fay 

D. H. Burnham (Director of Works at World s Fair) ...... 621 

Richard M. Hunt (Architect of Administration Building) . . . . . -639 

From a fhotografh loaned by Mrs. Hunt 

W. L. B. Jenney (Architect of Horticultural Building) ...... 644 

Louis H. Sullivan (Architect of Transportation Building) ...... 649 

George B. Post (Architect of Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building) . . . . 6qo 

Charles F. McKim (of McKim, Mead & White, Architects of the Agricultural Building) . 655 

Solon S. Beaman (Architect of Mines and Mining Building) ..... 660 

Henry Ives Cobb (Architect of Fisheries Building) ....... 660 

Carter H. Harrison . . . . . . . . . . . .661 

By fermission of Place & Coover 

Thomas A. Edison in his Laboratory at Orange, N. J. . . . . . .6-; 

From a fhotografh taken for this work 

Mrs. Anna Wittenmeyer ........... 684 

From a fhotografh by Gutekunst 

Miss Frances E. Willard ........... 685 

William Booth ............. 686 

Drawn by Irving R. ff^iles from a fhotografh 

William L. Wilson ........ ... 694 

A. P. Gorman . . . . . . . . . . . . .695 


David B. Hill 

Princess (afterwards Queen) Liliuokalani ........ 

From a photograph loaned by Mrs. Isabel Strong 

James H. Blount . . . . . , . . . . . . -70? 

Albert S. Willis . 706 

Richard Olney . . . . . . . . . . . . -707 

Charles H. Parkhurst . . . .708 

From a copyrighted photograph by C. C. Langill 

John W. Goff 712 

William L. Strong . . . . . . . . . . . -714 

Cardinal Satolli . . . . . . . . . . . . .716 

George M. Pullman . . . . . . . . . . -723 

Hazen S. Pingree ............. 725 

James R. Sovereign ............ 725 

Eugene V. Debs 726 

Nicholas E. Worthington .......... 734 

J. D. Kernan . . . . . . . . . . . . -735 

James Flood . . . . . . . . . . . . -738 

Booker T. Washington . . . . . . . . . . -75- 

President William McKinley on the Porch of His Home, Canton, Ohio, Where He received 
the Delegates During the Campaign of 1896. . . . . . . -775 

Garret A. Hobart, Vice- President 778 

Copy right, 1899^ by Pack Bros., N. T. 

William Jennings Bryan in His Library, Lincoln, Neb. ...... 780 

Copyright, fQOO, by Underwood & Underwood 

Arthur Sevvall . . . . . . . . . . . . .781 

President McKinley and Cabinet, 1896 : Gage, Griggs, Long, Wilson, Bliss, Sherman, 
Alger, Gary .785 

Nelson Dingley, Jr., Member of Congress from Maine . . . . . -793 

Thomas B. Reed, Speaker of the House of Representatives ...... 797 

Copyright, fSqS, by Underwood Ssf Underwood 

President McKinley and Admiral Dewey Reviewing the Soldiers and Sailors from the United 
States Capitol Steps ............ 807 

Copyright, 1899, by J. F. Jarvis 

Maj.-Gen. William R. Shaffer 809 

Gen. Joseph Wheeler . . . . . . . . . . . .810 

Copyright, iSqS, by A. Dupont 

Robert W. Milligan, Chief Engineer of the Oregon . . . . . . .811 

Gen. Nelson A. Miles 812 

President McKinley, Admiral Sampson and Other Distinguished Guests at Admiral Dewey s 
Reception, Washington . . . . . . . . . . .814 

Copyright, iSgq, by If illiam H. Ruu 


Rear-Admdiral Winfield S. Schley 815 

Copyright, IQOI , by Underwood & Underwood 

Jules Cambon, Judge Day, and President McKinley at the Signing of the Peace Protocol on 
Behalf of the United States, in the Cabinet Room of the White House, Washington, 
August 12, 1898 819 

The Final Session of the Spanish American Peace Commission : Moore, Frye, Davis, Gray, 
Day, Reid, Cerero, Villa-Uritta, Garnicia, Rios, Abaruzza, Ferguson and DeOjeda . 821 

President Palma and His Cabinet : Secretaries Zaldo, Tamayo, Terry, Montes, Diaz, and 
Yero, in the Palace, Havana, Cuba . . . . . . . . .824 

Copyright, JQO2, by Under-wood & Underwood 

Tomaso Estrada y Palma, the First President of Cuba in the Palace, Havana . . . 830 

Copyright, rQ02, by Underwood & Underwood 

Don Emilio Aguinaldo and His Advisers ......... 843 

Dato Mandji of Zamboanga, the Ruler of Mindanoa ....... 848 

First Philippine Commission, 1899: Schurman, Dewey, Denby, Worcester . . . 852 
Copyright, iSQQ, by Frances B. Johnston 

Second Philippine Commission, 1900: Wright, Worcester, Ide, Taft, Moses . . . 858 
William H. Taft . . - 859 

President McKinley and Cabinet, 1901 t Gage, Griggs, Long, Wilson, Hitchcock, Hay, 
Root, Smith ............. 867 

Copyright, iqoi, by Pach Bros., N. T. 

President McKinley at ^uincy, 111 869 

Governor Roosevelt Speaking during the Campaign of 1900 . . . . . .871 

Senator Depew Waiting for Governor Roosevelt . . . . . . . .872 

Bryan during the Campaign of 1900 . . . . . . . . . .876 

Senator Spooner and H. C. Payne of Wisconsin going into the Convention . . . 878 
Senator Platt and Governor Roosevelt on Their Way to the Republican Convention . .880 

Notification Committee at Oyster Bay : Governor Roosevelt, Senator Walcott and General 
F. V. Greene 

Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt ...... 93 

Copyright, iqoi, by Pach Bros., N, T. 

Ma]. -Gen. Chaffee, Rescuer of the Legation at Peking, China . . . 97 

Copyright, iqor, by Underwood Sf Underwood 

President McKinley, Governor Joseph E. Johnston and Booker T. Washington at Tuskegee, 
Alabama 9 12 

Guglielmo Marconi ."-" . . 

]. Pierpont Morgan . . . . . . . 9 X 7 

Copyright, IQOI, by Pach Bros., N. T. 

James J. Hill 9 7 

Copyright, iqoi , by Pach Bros., N. T. 

Four Circuit Judges Who Tried the Northern Securities Case : Caldwell, Sanborn, Van 
Devanter, Thayer 9 l8 


Andrew Carnegie in His Library dictating to His Secretary 

Ctfjrtght by Vander It eyde, N. > . 

Judge Peter S. Grosscup . . 

John Mitchell, President United Mine Workers 

Arbitrators in Session : Wright, Watkins, Gray, Parker, Clark, Spalding, 
Copyright, iqos, by George Grantham Bain ^ 



Railroads of the United States in 1870 ......... 4 

Railroads of the United States in 1894 . . . . . . . .5 

Chicago in 1869, Showing the Burned District ........ 8 

Chicago in 1894 ............. 9 

Autograph Telegram from General Sheridan to the Secretary of War, Announcing the Great 
Fire at Chicago ............ 10 

In the collection of C. F. Gunther 

Nast Caricature : "The Brains that Achieved the Tammany Victory at the Rochester 
Convention " . . . . . . . . . . i 3 

Nast Caricature : " Who Stole the People s Money ?" . . . . . 15 

fragment from the Original Engrossed Text of the Fourteenth Amendment at the State De 
partment, Washington ........... 24 

A Ku-Klux Warning in Mississippi, put in Evidence Before the Congressional Committee . 27 
A Newspaper Cutting put in Evidence Before the Congressional Committee . . 27 

Signatures to the Treaty of Washington . . . . . . . . . , 32 

From the original at the State Department, Washington 

Grant and Wilson Campaign Medal . . . . . . . . -74 

Greeley Campaign Medals and Badge . . . . . . . . -75 

Map of the Northwest Water Boundary . . . . . . . . .102 

Summary of the Amounts Paid to One Firm for Furniture by the South Carolina Legislature 
of 1872-74 . . . . . . . . . . . . -ii? 

From the Report of the Investigating Committee 

41 Gratuity " Voted to Governor Moses by the South Carolina Legislature of 1871 . .116 

From the original at the State House, Columbia 

A Bill for Furnishing the State House at Columbia, South Carolina, in 1872 . . . 119 

From the original at the State House, Columbia 

Map of the Region Occupied by the Modocs, Showing the "Lava Beds" . . . 174 

Ku-Klux Notice Posted up in Mississippi During the Election of 1876 .... 214 

One of the Cipher Dispatches Sent During the Election Deadlock with Translation . .217 

From the original put in evidence before the Congressional Committee 

Two Chamberlain-Hampton Letters After the State Election of 1876 in South Carolina . 229 
From the originals at the State House, Columbia 

The Telegram announcing the result of the First Day s Resumption at the New York 
Sub-Treasury ............. 266 

A "Mollie Maguire" Notice. .......... 293 

A Notice put in Evidence During the "Mollie Maguire 1 Prosecutions .... 294 

A " Mollie Maguire " Notice. ... ....... 295 

Front Page of the Issue of Truth Containing the Morey Letter . . . . 3 5 



Map of the Arctic Regions, showing location of Circumpolar Stations, 1881-1883 . -4-3 

Plan of the New Orleans Exposition Grounds . . . . . . . . 4-8 

Plan of the Operations at Flood Rock ......... 494 

By permission of the " Scientific American " 

Plan of the World s Fair Grounds at Jackson Park . . . . . . .619 

Map Showing the Distribution of the Negroes in the United States . . . - 7>5 











IN 1870 the United States covered the same tract of 
the globe s surface as now, amounting to four million 
square miles. Hardly more than a fifth of this represented 
the United States of 1789. About a third of the vast do 
main was settled, the western frontier running irregularly 
parallel with the Mississippi, but nearer to that stream than 
to the Rocky Mountains. The centre of population was 
forty-eight miles east by north of Cincinnati, having moved 
westward forty-two miles since 1860. Except certain well- 
peopled sections on the Pacific slope, and small civilized strips 
in Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico, the Great West had 
but a tenuous white population. Over immense regions it 
was still an Indian fastness, rejoicing in a reputation, which 
few could verify, for rare scenery, fertile valleys, rich mines, 
and a delightful climate. 

The American people numbered 38,558,371 souls. Not 
quite one in seven had colored blood, while a little more than 
that proportion were of foreign birth, most of these Irish 


and German. In the settled parts of our country the popu 
lation had a density of 30.3 persons to the square mile/south 
ern New England being the most closely peopled. Much of 
western Pennsylvania was in the condition of the newest States, 
railroads building as never before, population increasing at 
a remarkable rate, and industries developing on every hand. 
Petroleum, which before the Civil War had been skimmed off 
the streams of the oil region and sold for medicine, in 1870 
developed a yield of over five and a half million gallons in 
Pennsylvania alone, more than eleven times as much as a 
decade previous. The West was rapidly recruiting itself from 
the East, the city from the country. Between 1790 and 1860 
our urban population had increased from one in thirty to one 
in six; in 1870 more than one in five dwelt in cities. 

There were now thirty-seven States, nine organized terri 
tories, and two unorganized ones, these being Alaska and the 
Indian Territory. Noteworthy among the territories was 
Washington, whose population had doubled in the preceding 
decade and was now 24,000. Colorado had about 40,000. 
Utah boasted 86,000, one-third of whom were foreigners. 
New Mexico numbered in 1870, 91,874, in 1871, 114,000, less 
than one to each square mile. Arizona was still much harried 
by Indians, and contained hardly 10,000 civilized men. This 
year female suffrage, hitherto unknown in America, if not in 
the world, gained a foothold in Wyoming and in Utah. 

During the ten years preceding 1870 the railroad mileage 
of the country nearly doubled. The Union and Central Pa 
cific Roads, forming the only transcontinental line then in 
existence, had been completed on May 10, 1869. Into Denver 
already came, besides the Union Pacific, three other railroads, 
all short, while Washington Territory contained the germ of 
the Northern Pacific, whose eastern extremity had just been 
begun at Duluth. Dakota had sixty-five miles of railway, 
Wyoming four hundred and fifty-nine. With the above ex 
ceptions the territories were wholly without railroads. 


UTAH, MAT /o, i8bQ 

Drawn by B. West Clinedinst from photographs in the possession of General G. M. Dodge 



of the - 




The close of the long Civil War had gladdened all true 
American hearts. Only the Fenians sought further bloodshed, 
and even they pursued their aim rather feebly. Their attempt, 
in April, 1866, to capture the British island of Campobello, 
near Eastport, Me., collapsed on the approach of Gen. 
Meade with United States troops. On June i a detachment 
of Fenians succeeded in capturing Fort Erie, across from 
Buffalo, and on the yth another company occupied St. Ar- 
mand, just over the Vermont border ; but both parties were 
speedily dislodged and routed. The heart of the nation 
delighted in peace. In 1869, carrying out a conception of Mr. 
P. S. Gilmore, Boston held a great Peace Jubilee to celebrate 
the end of the late fraternal strife. An immense coliseum was 
erected for the performances, which began on June 1 5 and 
lasted till June 20. A choir of 10,000 singers, an orches 
tra of over 1,000 pieces, a battery of artillery, and an anvil 
chorus of 100 men beating anvils made up the unique musical 
ensemble. So great was the success, financially and other- 



of the 




wise, of this scheme, that in 1872 Mr. Gilmore under 
took an international Peace Jubilee. This, too, was held in 
Boston, opening June 17 and lasting till July 4. Twenty 
thousand voices and an orchestra 2,000 strong joined in it, 
parts being taken also by choice military bands from France > 
Germany and England, and from the United States Marine 
Corps. Vast crowds were attracted, but the receipts this time 
fell far short of the expenditures. 

In 1870, New York, with 942,292 inhabitants, Phila 
delphia, with 674,022, Brooklyn, with 396,099, St. Louis, 
with 310,864, and Chicago, with 298,977, were, as in 1890, 
our five largest cities, and they had the same relative size as in 
1890, save that Chicago meantime passed from the fifth to 
the second place. This in the face of adversity. In October, 
1871, the city was devastated by one of the most terrible 
conflagrations of modern times. It began on Sunday evening, 
the 8th, in a wooden barn on DeKoven Street, in the West 
Division. Lumber yards were numerous there, and through 


The Court House at Chicago before the Fire 

these the flames raged, 
leaping across the stream 
before a strong westerly 
wind into the Southern 
Division, which was 
closely built up with 
stores and warehouses. 
The fire continued all 
Monday. It crossed the 
main channel of the 
Chicago River into 
the Northern Division, 
sweeping all before it. 

" Niagara sank into 
insignificance compared 

with that towering wall of whirling, seething, roaring flame. It 
swept on and on, devouring the massive stone blocks as though 
they had been the cardboard playthings of a child. Looking 
under the flame one could see, in the very centre of the furnace, 
stately buildings on either side of Randolph Street whose 
beauty and magnificence 
and whose wealth of con 
tents were admired by 
thousands the day be 
fore. A moment and the 
flickering flame crept 
out of a window; another 
and another hissing 
tongue followed; a sheet 
of fire joined the whirl 
ing mass above, and the 
giant structure was gone. 
One pile after another 
thus dissolved like snow 
on the mountain. Loud rbt chicago Court House after the Pln 


The Chicago Court House in 

detonations to the right and left, where buildings were being 
blown up, the falling of walls and the roaring of flames, 
the moaning of the wind and of the crowd, and the shrill 
whistling of tugs endeavoring to remove the shipping out of 
the reach of danger, made up a frightful discord of sounds that 
will live in every hearer s memory while his life shall last." 

The glare could be seen for hundreds of miles over the 
prairie and the lake. The river seemed to boil and mingle its 
steam with the smoke. Early Monday morning the Tribune 
building, the only structure left in the business quarter, re 
mained intact. Two patrols were constantly at work; one 
sweeping away live coals and brands, the other watching the 
roofs. Till four o clock the reporters passed in regular reports 
of the fire. At five the forms were sent down. In ten min 
utes the cylinder presses would have been at work. At that 
moment the front basement is discovered on fire. The water- 
plug at the corner is opened, but the water-works have been 
destroyed. The pressmen have to fly for their lives. By ten 
o clock the block is in ashes. 


Streets, bridges, parks are gorged with panic-stricken 
throngs. Not a few are crazed by terror. One old woman 
stumbles along under a great bundle, crooning Mother Goose 
melodies. Anarchy reigns. The horrors of the night are mul 
tiplied by drunkenness, arson, burglary, murder, rape. Vigil 
ance committees are formed. It was estimated that fifty ruf 
fians first and last were shot in their tracks, among them five 
notorious criminals. Convicts locked in the court-house base 
ment would have been burnt alive but for the Mayor s timely 
order, which his son, with the utmost difficulty and danger, de 
livered after the building had began to burn. 

The morning after the fire the indomitable Chicago pluck 
began to show itself. William D. Kerfoot knocked together 
a shanty, facetiously called " Kerfoot s block," an unrivalled 
structure, for it was the only one in the neighborhood. To it 
he nailed a sign which well typified the spirit of the city. " Wm. 
D. Kerfoot, all gone but wife, children, and ENERGY." The 
next Sunday the Rev. Dr. Collyer preached where his church 
had formerly stood, in the midst of the city, yet in the heart 
of a wilderness, more than a mile from human habitation. 

Not till Tuesday morning was the headway of the fire 
checked, and parts of the charred debris smouldered on for 


months. Nearly three and a third square miles were burned 
over; 17,450 buildings were destroyed; 98,500 persons ren 
dered homeless; and over 250 killed. The total direct loss 
of property amounted to $190,000,000, which indirect losses, 
as estimated, swelled to $290,000,000. Fifty-six insurance 
companies were rendered insolvent by the fire. A Relief and 
Aid Society was at once formed, which within a month had 
subscriptions from all over the country amounting to three and 
a half million dollars, was aiding 60,000 people, and had 
assisted in building 4,000 temporary shelters. Later the Illi 
nois legislature voted aid. 

Next after that of Chicago the most destructive conflagra 
tion ever known in the United States visited Boston in 1872. 
It originated during Saturday evening, November 9, on the 
corner of Kingston and Summer Streets, spread with terrible 
rapidity east and north, and raged with little abatement till 
nearly noon next day. During Sunday afternoon the flames 
seemed well under control, but an explosion of gas about mid- 
night set them raging afresh, and much of Monday had passed 
before they were subdued. Ordinary appliances for fighting 




STAQEH. %a3uparintend ent. ChlJUo. at" WILLIAM ORTON. President 

| Send </ws 

*utyet to the above terms which are agreed, to. 

Facsimile of the Autograph Telegram from General Sheridan to the Secretary of War, announcing the Great Fi>e 
at Chicago; in the collection of C. F. Gunther 

-fire were of no avail, the demon being at many points brought 
to bay only by the free use of dynamite to blow up buildings 
in his path. Sixty-five acres were laid waste. Washington 
Street from Bedford to Milk formed the western limit of the 
tract, which, at Milk, receded to Devonshire, lying east of this 
from Milk to State, which formed its northern term. Noth 
ing but the waters of the harbor stayed the eastern march of 
the fire. The district burned had been the home of Boston s 
wholesale trade, containing the finest business blocks which 
the city could boast. Fourteen or fifteen lives were lost, and 
not far from eight hundred buildings consumed. The prop 
erty loss was placed at $80,000,000, 


Meantime New York City was suffering from an evil 
worse than fire, the frauds of the " Tweed Ring," notorious 
forevermore. In the summer of 1870 proof was published of 
vast frauds by leading city officials, prominent among them 
" Boss " William M. Tweed, who, in the language of Judge 
Noah Davis, " saw fit to pervert the powers with which he 
was clothed, in a manner more infamous, more outrageous, 
than any instance of a like character which the history of the 
civilized world afforded." 

William Marcy Tweed was born in 1823, at 24 Cherry 
Street, New York City. A youth devoted to business made 
him a fair penman and an adept reckoner, but not a business 
man. He, indeed, once attempted business, but, as he gave 
his chief attention to speculation, gambling and ward politics, 
completely failed, so that he seems forever to have renounced 
legitimate money-making. As a volunteer fireman, known as 
cc Big Six," a gross, licentious Falstaff of real life, albeit loyal 
and helpful to his friends, Tweed led the " Roughs," being op 
posed by his more decent fellows, the " Quills." The tide of 
" respectability," receding uptown, left Tweed s ward in the 
hands of poor immigrants or the sons of such, who became 
partly his willing accomplices, partly his unwitting tools, in his 
onslaughts upon taxpayers. He began these forays at twenty- 
seven, as Alderman, suspended them for a time in Congress, 
resumed them in 1857 as Public School Commissioner, con 
tinued and enlarged them as member and four times President 
of the Board of Supervisors, and brought them to a climax as 
a functionary of the Street Department. He thus became, in 
time, the central sun in the system of brilliant luminaries 
known as the < Tweed Ring." 

The multitudinous officials of the city were the Ring s 
slaves. At one time eight hundred policemen stood guard to 
prevent a hostile majority, in Tammany Hall itself, from meet 
ing. The thugs of the city, nick-named " Tweed s lambs," 
rendered invaluable services at caucus and convention. Two 


days before election these venal cohorts would assemble in the 
340 election districts, each man of them being listed and reg 
istered under several assumed names and addresses. From 
Tweed s house in 1868 six registered, from Justice Shandley s 
nine, from the Coroner s thirteen. A State Senator s house 
w 7 as put down as the home of thirty voters. One Alderman s 
residence nominally housed twenty, another s twenty-five, an 
Assemblyman s fifteen. And so it went. Bales of fictitious 
naturalization papers were secured. One year 105,000 blank 
applications and 69,000 certificates were ordered printed. In 
one case thirteen men, in another fifteen, were naturalized in 
five minutes. The new citizens " put in " election day fol 
lowing their leaders from polling place to polling place as 

When thieves could be kept in power by such means 
plunder was easy and brazen. Contractors on public works, 
were systematically forced to pay handsome bonuses to the 
Ring. One of them testified : " When I commenced building 
I asked Tweed how to make out the bills, and he said : c Have 
fifteen per cent, over. I asked what that was for,, and he 
said, c Give that to me and I will take care of your bills. I 
handed him the percentage after that." Innumerable methods 
of fraud were successfully tried. During the year 1863 the 
expenditures of the Street Department were $650,000. Within 
four years Tweed quadrupled them. A 
species of asphalt paving, dubbed "Fisk s 
poultice," so bad that a grand jury ac 
tually declared it a public nuisance, was 
laid in great quantities at vast cost to 
the city. Official advertising was doled 
to twenty-six daily and fifty-four weekly 
sheets, of which twenty-seven vanished 
on its withdrawal. But all the other 
robber enterprises paled before the city 
Court House job. This structure, com- 



[Reproduced from Harper s Weekly (October 21, /<?//) 
hy permission of Messrs. Harper Ssf Brothers. Copy 
right, 1871, by Harper & Brothers] 


that achieved the Tammany Victory at the Rochester 
Democratic Convention 

menced in 1 868, under stipu 
lation that it should not cost 
more than 1250,000, was in 
1871 still unfinished after an 
outlay of $8,000,000, four 
times as much as was spent 
on Parliament House in 
London. Its ostensible cost, 
at last, was not less than 
$12,000,000. As by witch 
craft the city s debt was in 
two years more than doubled. 
The Ring s operations cheat 
ed the city s tax-payers, first 
and last, out of no less than 
$160,000,000, "or four times the fine levied on Paris by 
the German army." Though wallowing in lucre, and prodigal 
withal, Tweed was yet insatiably greedy. " His hands were 
everywhere, and everywhere they were they were feeling for 
money.", In 1871 he boasted of being worth $20,000,000, 
and vowed soon to be as rich as Vanderbilt. 

With his coarse nature the Boss revelled in jibes made at 
the expense of his honor. He used gleefully to show his friends 
the safe where he kept money for bribing legislators, finding 
those of the cc Tammany Republican " stripe easiest game. Of 
the contractor who was decorating his country place at Green 
wich he inquired, pointing to a statue, " Who the hell is that ? " 
<c That is Mercury, the god of merchants and thieves," was 
the reply. " That s bully ! " said Tweed. " Put him over 
the front door." His donation of $100 for an altar cloth in 
the Greenwich Methodist Church the trustees sent back, de 
claring that they wanted none of his stolen money. Other 
charitable gifts of his were better received. 

The city papers, even those least corruptible, were for 
long either neutral or else favorable to the Ring, but its doings 


were by no means unknown. They were matters of general 
surmise and criticism, criticism that seemed hopeless, so hard 
was it to obtain exact evidence. 

But pride goeth before a fall. Amid its greatest triumph 
the Ring sowed the wind whence rose the whirlwind which 
wrought its ruin. At a secret meeting held in the house of 
John Morrissey, pugilist member of Congress, certain of the 
unsatisfied, soon known as the " Young Democracy," planned 
a revolt. Endeavoring to prevent the grant by the New 
York legislature of a new charter which the Ring sought, the 
insurgents met apparent defeat, which, however, ultimately 
proved victory, Tweed building for himself far worse than he 
knew. The new charter, abstractly good, in concentrating 
power concentrated responsibility also, showing the outraged 
people, when awakened, where to strike for liberty. In spite 
of whitewashing by prominent citizens, of blandishments and 
bulldozing, of attempts to buy the stock of the Times and to 
boycott Harper s Weekly^ where Nast s cartoons his first 
work of the kind gave the Ring international notoriety, the 
reform spirit proved irresistible. The bar had been servile or 
quiet, but the New York Bar Association was now formed, 
which at once became what it has ever since been, a most 

influential censor of the bench. The Young Democracy 

grew powerful. Public-spirited citizens organized a Council 

of Political Reform. 

The occasion of conclusive exposure was trivial enough. 
Sheriff O Brien was refused part of what he thought his share 
of the sheriff fees. An expert accountant in the Comptroller s 
office supplied him with damning evidence against the Ring. 
On July 1 8, 1871, Mr. O Brien walked into the Times office 
and, handing the editor a bundle of documents, said : " There 
are all the figures : you can do with them just what you please." 
The figures were published on the 2oth in an exhibit printed 
in English and German, causing excitement compared with 
which that arising from the Orange Riot of July 1 2th seemed 






[Re f reduced ft 

rom Harper s Weekly (August 79, l8jl) by permission of Messrs 
Copyright, 1871, by Harper 6f Brothers] 

. Harper Sf Brothers. 

trifling. The sensation did not end with talk. On September 
4th a mass-meeting of citizens was held at Cooper Institute 
and a committee of seventy prominent men chosen to probe 
the frauds and to punish the perpetrators. For the work of 
prosecution the Attorney-General appointed Charles O Conor, 
who associated with himself the ablest counsel. Samuel 
J. Tilden was conspicuously active in the prosecution, thus 
laying the foundation for that popularity which made him the 
Governor of New York, 1 875-^77, and in 1876 the Demo 
cratic candidate for the presidency of the United States. 

On October 28, 1871, Tweed was arrested and gave a 
million dollars bail. In November, the same year, he was 
elected to the State Senate, but did not take his seat. On 
December i6th he was again arrested, and released on $5,000 
bail. The jury disagreed on the first suit, but on the second 


he was convicted and sentenced to pay a fine of $12,550 and 
to suffer twelve years imprisonment. This sentence was set 
aside by the Court of Appeals and Tweed s discharge 
ordered. In the meantime other suits had been brought, 
among them one to recover $6,000,000. Failing to find bail 
for $3,000,000, he was sent to the Ludlow Street Jail. Being 
allowed to ride in the Park and occasionally to visit his resi 
dence, one day in December he escaped from his keepers. 
After hiding for several months he succeeded in reaching 
Cuba. A fisherman found him, sunburnt and weary but not 
homesick, and led him to Santiago. Instead of taking him 
to a hotel, Tweed s guide handed him over to the police as 
probably some American filibuster come to free Cuba. The 
American consul procured his release (his passports had been 
given him under an assumed name), but later found him out. 
The discovery was too late, for he had again escaped and 
embarked for Spain, thinking there to be at rest, as we then had 
no extradition treaty with that country, Landing at Vigo, he 
found the governor of the place with police waiting for him, 
and was soon homeward bound on an American war-vessel. 
Caleb Cushing, our Minister at Madrid, had learned of his 
departure for that realm, and had put the authorities on their 
guard. To help them identify their man he furnished them 
a caricature by Nast, representing Tweed as a Tammany 
policeman gripping two boys by the hair. Thus it came about 
that " tfwid antelme " was apprehended by our peninsular 
friends as a child-stealer. Though everything possible was 
done to render him comfortable in jail, Tweed sighed for 
liberty. He promised, if released, to turn State s evidence 
and to give up all his property and effects. Some papers sug 
gested that the public pitied the man and would be glad to 
have him set free. No compromise with him was made, how 
ever, and he continued in jail till his death in 1878. 

In 1870 the national debt amounted to a little less than 
$2,500,000,000, nearly three times the sum of all the country s 



State, county and municipal indebtedness combined. Yet the 
revenues sufficed to meet the interest and gradually to pay off 
the principal. Reduction in the rate of taxation was recom 
mended in the President s Message, as also a refunding of the 
debt, but this latter was postponed for the time by the out 
break of the Franco-Prussian war. Our imports for the 
year ending June, 1870, were worth $462,377, 587, which ex 
ceeded the figure for any previous fiscal year. The duties 
on these imports footed up nearly $195,000,000. The imports 
for the year fell short of the exports by over $36,000,000. 

Painful to notice was the small proportion of our com 
merce which was carried on in American vessels. Between 
1850 and 1855 we had outstripped England both in shipbuild 
ing and in tonnage. Seventy-five per cent, of our ocean traffic 
was then borne in American vessels; in 1869 the proportion 
had fallen to thirty per cent. The decay of our merchant 
marine was originally due to the fatal enterprise of Con 
federate privateers during the war, and to the change now 
going on from wood to iron as the material for ships. This 
transferred to British builders the special advantage which 
Americans had so long as wood was used. Why the advan 
tage continued with the British was a much-disputed question, 
not yet separating the two political parties. Protectionists found 
it in British labor and British subsidies to steamship lines, 
and wished to offset it by bounties and by still higher subsi 
dies to American shipping enterprise. Anti-protectionists 
traced all the difficulty to protection, particularly denouncing 
the duties on materials imported for ship-building. They 
urged free United States registry for foreign-built ships, or 
at least the privilege of importing free of duty all stock to be 
used in the construction of ships. 

The United States navy was neglected after the war and 
soon became antiquated, being occupied mainly with the most 
peaceful enterprises, such as hydrographic and coast surveys. 
Indeed, it was fitted only for such. The destruction of the 


pirate Forward on the coast of Mexico and the bombard 
ment of certain Corean forts were its only warlike deeds dur 
ing 1870. The army, this year, numbered 34,000 enlisted 
men, soon to be reduced to the legal number of 30,000. It 
was busied in making surveys, in protecting settlers against 
Indians, and one-sixth of it in assisting Government officials 
to keep order in the South. Some of the army officers and 
men were also busy in taking and publishing over the country 
scientific observations of the weather, an extremely useful form 
of public service then in its infancy. The United States 
Weather Bureau dates from 1870, its origin and organization 
mainly due to the then Chief Signal Officer of the Army, 
General Albert J. Myer. 

; When the resuscitation of the South began, it raised a 
most interesting constitutional question, viz., what effect seces 
sion had upon the States guilty of it ; whether or not it was 
an act of State suicide. That it amounted to suicide, leaving, 
of the State that was, " nothing but men and dirt," was held 
by many, among them Sumner and Stevens. Both these men 
conceived the problem of the disordered States as that of an 
out-and-out " reconstruction ;" and they ascribed to Congress 
the right to work its will in the conquered region, changing 
old State lines and institutions as it might please, and postpon 
ing settlement for any convenient length of time. Against 
this theory a strong party maintained that of State indestructi 
bility, asserting the total nullity of secession acts. 

The universal supposition at first was that the Southern 
States needed only " restoration," to be conducted by the 
President. " Restoration " was the policy of Presidents Lin 
coln and Johnson; as also of the entire Democracy. Follow 
ing the idea of simple restoration, Lincoln had recognized 
loyal State governments in Virginia at the beginning of the 
war, and in Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee later. Dur 
ing 1865 Johnson did the same in all the other States lately 
in secession. 



Strong considerations had led Congress, at this point, 
to assume charge of the restitution of the States, and, brav 
ing President Johnson s uttermost opposition and spite, 
to rip up the entire presidential work. " The same autho 
rity which recognized the existence of the war" seemed 
"the only authority having the constitutional right to 
determine when, for all purposes, the war had ceased. The 
Act of March 2, 1867, was a legislative declaration that the 
war which sprang from the Rebellion was not, to all intents 
and purposes, ended ; and that it should be held to con 
tinue until State governments, republican in form, and subordi 
nate to the Constitution and laws, should be established."* 

On March 2, 1866, it was enacted that neither House 
should admit a member from any seceder-State till a congres 
sional vote had declared the State entitled to representation. 
The ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment, making negroes 
citizens of the United States and forbidding legislation to 
abridge their privileges, was made prerequisite to such vote. 
Tennessee accepted the terms in Jury, but, as action was 
optional, all the other States declined, thus defeating for the 
time this amendment. Congress now determined not to wait 
for the lagging States, but to enforce their reconstruction. 
The iron law of March 2, 1867, replaced " secessia " under 
military rule, permitted the loyal citizens of any State, blacks 
included, to raise a convention and frame a constitution en 
franchising negroes, and decreed that when such constitu 
tion had been ratified by the electors to the convention 
and approved by Congress, and when the legislature under 
it had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment and this had be 
come part of the Constitution, then the State might be 
represented in Congress. The supplementary law of March 
1 9th hastened the process by giving district commanders the - 
oversight of registration and the initiative in calling conven 

* Opinion of Attorney-General E. R. Hoar, May 31, 1869. 



of Mississippi 

The first colored member of 
the U. S. Senate. Admit 
ted February 25th, 1870 


of South Carolina 
The first colored member of 
the U. S. House of Rep 
resentatives. Admitted 
December 12,1871 


After this the work went 
rapidly on. Registration 
boards were appointed, the 
test-oath :;: applied, dele 
gates elected, and constitu 
tions framed and adopted. 
These instruments in all 
cases abolished slavery, re 
pudiated the Confederate 
debt and the pretended 
right of a State to secede, 
declared the secession acts 
of i 86 1 null and void, or 
dained manhood suffrage, and prohibited the passage of laws 
to abridge this. 

Congress then acted. Alabama, Arkansas, North and 
South Carolina, Florida, Georgia and Louisiana, were admitted 
to representation in June, 1868, agreeing never to revoke uni 
versal suffrage. As Georgia was suspected of evading some 
of the requirements, the senators from the State were refused 
seats at Washington, and did not obtain them till the last of 
January, 1871. Georgia s representatives were given seats, but 

TEST OATH. Act of July 2, 1862. Be it enacted, etc. That hereafter every 
person elected or appointed to any office of honor or profit under the Government of the 
United States, either in the civil, military, or naval departments of the public service, except 
ing the President of the United States, shall, before entering upon the duties of such office, and 
before being entitled to any of the salary, or other emoluments thereof, take and subscribe the 
following oath or affirmation : u J, A. B., do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I have never 
voluntarily borne arms against the United States since I have been a citizen thereof ; that I have 
voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel or encouragement to persons engaged in armed 
hostility thereto ; that I have neither sought nor accepted nor attempted to exercise the functions 
of any office whatever, under any authority or pretended authority in hostility to the United States, 
that I have not yielded a voluntary support to any pretended government, authority, power or 
constitution within the United States hostile or inimical thereto. And I do further swear ( or 
affirm) that, to the best of my knowledge and ability, I will support and defend the Constitu 
tion of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic ; that I will bear true faith 
and allegiance to the same ; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation, 
or purpose of evasion, and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on 
which I am about to enter, so help me God." 


subsequently, in 1869, these were vacated, and they remained 
empty till 1871. To regain representation in Congress this 
State, too, was obliged to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment. 

Thus stood matters in 1 870 : all but four of the late Con 
federate States nominally back in the Union, these still con 
tumacious, but confronted by an inflexible Congress, which 

barred them from every national 
function of statehood till they had 
conformed to all the conditions 
above described. 

Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas 
held out the longest. The Act of 
April 10, 1869, was passed to hasten 
their action, authorizing the Presi 
dent to call elections for ratifying 
or rejecting the new constitutions in 
those States. To punish the States 
delay, their new legislatures were 
required to ratify the proposed Fif 
teenth Amendment, guarantee 
ing the negro s right to vote, as 
well as the Fourteenth. When it 
passed the House the bill lacked 
such a provision, which was moved 
by Senator Morton, of Indiana, 
an ultra Republican. Morton 
urged the adoption of the amend 
ments as of vast importance to 
the country. If the three recal 
citrant States were commanded 
to ratify and did so, the negroes 
ballot would be once for all as 
sured, placing the South forever in 
loyal hands. The unreconstruct 
ed States, he said, ought not to 

Refresentative George E. Harris, of 
Mississippi. Admitted February 
23, 1870 

Senator John F. Lewis, of Virginia. Admit 
ted January 27, 1870 



oppose this requirement, and their opposition was sad evidence 
of their treacherous purpose later to amend their constitutions 
so as to strike down colored suffrage. Senator Thurman replied 
that the question concerned every State in the Union. By forc 
ing these three States to ratify this amendment, he declared, 
" you do not coerce them alone. You coerce Ohio, you coerce 
Illinois, you coerce every State whose people are unwilling to 
adopt the amendment." Senator Bayard thought it a most 
dangerous Federal encroachment to take from the States and 
deposit with the Federal Government the regulation of the 
elective franchise, "the power of all powers, that which under 
lies and creates all other powers." The opposition was, how 
ever, overborne, and by February, 1870, the new constitutions, 
together with the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to 
the United States Constitution, had been ratified, and the 
three belated States again stood knocking at the doors of 

The House of Representatives began by declaring Vir 
ginia entitled to representation in the national legislature. 
The Senate, more radical, influenced by the still lurking sus 
picion of bad faith, amended this simple declaration with a 
provision requiring the " test-oath " of loyalty from members 
of the Legislature and public officers before they should 
resume their duties, at the same time making it a condition 
that the constitution of the State should never be so amended 
as to restrict the suffrage, the right to hold office, or the privi 
lege of attending public schools. Similar provisos were at 
tached to the resolution admitting senators and representatives 
from the other two States. Out of sheer weariness the House 
concurred. By January 30, 1871, all the States were again 
represented in both Houses, as in 1860. 













THE year 1870 found the Republican party in full power. 
In the Senate of the Forty-first Congress sat but nine 
Democrats, and out of its two hundred and thirty Representa 
tives only seventy-five were Democrats. Spite of differences 
in their own ranks, spite of the frantic struggles of the opposi 
tion, the Republican policy of reconstruction had been put 
through and consummated by the Fifteenth Amendment, 
" making all men equal." Sweepingly victorious upon every 
issue recently tried, freed, moreover, from the incubus with 
which President Johnson had weighted them, having elected 
to the executive chair of the nation a hero whom practically 
the entire party and country trusted, the Republicans could 
not but be in a happy mood. No wonder that the Republican 
platforms of the different States in 1870 and 1871 breathed 
utmost satisfaction and hope. 

This self-gratulatory spirit among the Republicans was 
an unhealthy sign. Honest as were its rank and file and 
a majority of its leaders, much corruption defiled the party s 



/ / _3 -+ 

GArndq*, ~ne /w~/strz^S44 <7r t^mrrw. fvc^tej erf tZZZZ -u^iJ 
<7 (? J * 


/ ff/ 

&ri>tf Z^" O^vy j(s*&<mJ 


A Fragment in Facsimile from the Original Engrossed Text of the Fourteenth Amendment, at the State 
Department, Washington. Adopted July 28, l8bb 

high places. "The early movements of Grant as President 
were very discouraging. His attempt to form a cabinet with 
out consultation with any one, and with very little knowledge, 
except social intercourse, of the persons appointed, created 
a doubt that he would be as successful as a President as he 
had been as a general, a doubt that increased and became a 
conviction in the minds of many of his best friends. . . The 
impression prevailed that the President regarded the heads 
of departments, invested by law with specific and inde 
pendent duties, as mere subordinates, whose functions he 
might assume. . . It can hardly be said that we had a 
strictly Republican administration during Grant s two terms. 
While Republicans were selected to fill the leading offices, the 
policy adopted and the controlling influence around him were 
purely personal. He consulted but few of the Senators or 
members, and they were known as his personal friends. Mr. 
Conkling, by his imperious will, soon gained a strong influ 
ence over the President, and from this came feuds, jealousies 
and enmities, that greatly weakened the Republican party and 
threatened its ascendancy."* In the questions of taxation, 
debt and finance, so important to the welfare of all, Grant 
showed little interest. " His veto of the bill to increase the 
amount of United States notes, on the 22d of April, 1874, was 

* John Sherman s Recollections of Forty Years in the House, Senate and Cabinet. 



wn by W. R. Leigh 

The Joint Committee of Fifteen, appointed to " inquire into the condition of affairs in the so-called Confederate States," wbt> 
finally adopted, April 28, iSbb, a series of resolutions embodying a recommendation which afterward took form as the Four 
teenth Amendment. Senators W. P. Fessenden, Maine, Chairman; J. W. Grimes, Iowa; Ira Harris, New York; 
J. M. Howard, Michigan,- George H. Williams, Oregon. Representatives.- Thaddeus Stevens, Pennsylvania; E. B. 
Washburn, Illinois; Justin S. Merrill, Vermont; J. A. Bingham, Ohio; G. S. Boutwell, Massachusetts; Roscoe ConUing^. 
New York; H. T. Blow, Missouri; H. M. Grider, Kentucky,- A. J. Rodgers, New Jersey; Senator Reverdy Johnson^. 
Maryland. The last three voted against the resolutions. 


"Dam Your Spul. The Horrible SepnWire and Bloody Moon has at last arrived. 
Some live to-day to-morrow "Die." We the undersigned understand through our 
Grand " Ggetopt that you have recomnicnde.l a big Black Nigger for Male agent oi> 
our uu rode ; wel, sir, Jest you understand in time if he gets on the rode you cnio 
make up your mind to pull roape. If you have any thing to say in" regard to the 
Matter, meet the Grand Cyclops and Conclave at Den No. 4 at 13 o clock midnight, 
Oct. 1st, 1871. 

" When, you are in Calera we warn you to hold your tounge and not speak so much your mouth or otherwise you will he taken on supprise and led ont by the Klan 
ana learnt to stretch hemp. Beware. Beware. Ben-are. Ber 

an exception, but on 
this he changed his 
mind, as he had ex 
pressed his approval 
of the bill when pend- 


" General Grant 
became afterward so 
thoroughly a party 
man that it is neces 
sary to recall by a 
positive effort that 
his position was 
looked upon as very 
uncertain when his administration began. His report to 
President Johnson on the condition of the Southern States had 
indicated that he was not in sympathy with the congressional 
plan of reconstruction, which was the burning question of 
the time. Party leaders were nervous lest he should prove 
unwilling to conduct his administration in harmony with 
them, and in case of a break they feared a total loss of party 


"Yon know who. And all others of the Klan." 

Facsimile of a Ku-Klux " Warning " 
der.ce before the Congressit 


"Grand Cytt& 

in Mississippi put in evi 
lal Committee 

adevendeut Monitor, Tuscal 

gallows. Stand fast. ; 

cut represents the fate in store for those great pests of Southern society 
S3 scalawag-it found in Dixie s land after the break of day on the 

tl Co, 

-A Newspaper Cutting put in Evidence before the Congr 

control in the 
country. Mem 
bers of the ad 
ministration were 
therefore urged 
strenuously to 
make no issue 
on what might 
be regarded as a 
personal wish of 
the President, 

*John Sherman s Recol 
lections of Forty Years 
in the House, Senate 
and Cabinet 


(After a photograph by Rock- 

and they shared the opinions of their 
party friends enough to make them feel 
the importance of avoiding collision. "* 

General Grant s deficiencies in the 
presidential office were, however, nearly 
all due to faults of his character which 
were based in virtues. To the man s 
moral and physical courage, and his 
calm, but all but stubborn bearing, he 
added a magnanimity and an unsuspect 
ing integrity, which were at once his 
strength and his weakness. Herein lay 
the secret of the love men bore him and 
of their trust in him. But these charac 
teristics combined with his inexperience 

of civil life to disarm him against the dishonorable subtleties 
of pretended friends, thus continually compromising him. 
" A certain class of public men adopted the practice of getting 
an audience and making speeches before him, urging their 
plans with skillful advocacy and impassioned manner. They 
would then leave him without asking for any reply, and trust 
to the effect they had produced. Perhaps their associates would 
follow the matter up in a similar way. It would thus sometimes 
happen that, for lack of the assistance 
which a disinterested adviser could 
give, his habitual reticence would make 
him the victim of sophistries which 
were not exposed, and which his te 
nacity of purpose would make him cling 
to when once he had accepted them."*} 
General Sherman thought that his old 
friend, Grant, would be " made miser 
able to the end of his life by his eight 



D. Cox, Atlantic Monthly, August, 1895, p. 167. 
fj. D. Cox, ibid., p. 173. 



years experience" in the presidency. As we shall see, there was 
considerable reason for this foreboding. He evidently had 
Grant s case chiefly in mind in regretting " the reputations 
wrecked in politics since 1865," and "the many otherwise 
good characters " whom political life had " poisoned." 

Grant s first cabinet was on the whole not strong, though 
comprising several thoroughly competent men. Hon. E. B, 
Washburne, of Illinois, was at first Secretary of State, but re 
signed to accept the position of Minister to France. He was 
succeeded by Hon. Hamilton Fish, of New York, a gentle 
man of great ability, who had been honorably prominent in 
the politics of his State, and had served a term in Congress. 
The Interior Department was placed in charge of J. D. Cox. 
A. E. Borie was made Secretary of the Navy. This appoint 
ment was much criticised, and Borie soon resigned, when the 
place was given to George M. Robeson. President Johnson s 
Secretary of War, General 
Schofield, Grant retained 
for a time. General Raw- 
lins, an excellent and use 
ful officer, succeeded him, 
but died soon. His suc 
cessor was William W. 
Belknap. J. A.J.Creswell 
was Postmaster- General, 
E. Rockwood Hoar, At 
torney-General. A. T. 
Stewart, the New York 
millionaire merchant, was 
named for the Treasury 
portfolio, and the Senate 
confirmed him with the 
rest, but the appointment 
was found to be contrary 


to a statute of 1 7 8 9, pro- (From a fhotografh b , Hoyt , in l8bq} 


viding that no person engaged in trade or commerce should 
hold that office. Efforts were made to remove the legal bar 
rier, which failed, and George S. Boutwell was appointed. 

No strictly positive policy at this time inspired the Re 
publican body. Republicans certainly opposed any repudi 
ation of the war debt, whether by taxing bonds or by paying 
the principal or the interest of them in dollars less valuable 
than gold dollars. But this was only a phase of the party s war 
zeal, which always carried men s thought backward rather than 
to the future. Upon the tariff question it was impossible to tell 
where the party stood, though, clearly, the old Whig high- 
tariff portion of its constituency did not yet dominate. Noth 
ing bolder than " incidental protection " was urged by anyone, 

except where a State or section, like 
Maine, tentatively commended some 
interest to the " care, protection, and 
relief" of the Government. In their 
public utterances touching the tariff the 
two great parties differed little. In 
each, opinion ran the gamut from "in 
cidental protection," where Democrat 
met Republican in amity, to " approxi 
mate free trade," which extreme there 
were not lacking Republicans ready to 
embrace had the tariff been then a 
party issue. 

Instead of looking forward and 
studying new national interests, the 
party grounded its claims too exclu 
sively upon the " glorious record " 
which truly belonged to it, and upon 
the alleged total depravity of the 
Democrats with the eternal incorrig- 
ibleness of the South. Said Senator 
Morton, of Indiana: "The Republican 


(From a f holograph by Handy) 


President of Santo Domingo 

(From a photograph in the collection 

of James E. Taylor) 


Party . . . could not afford to make a distinct issue on the 
tariff, civil service reform, or any other individual measure; 
it must make its stand on these assertions : The Democrats, 
if they return to power, will either take away the pensions 
of the loyal soldiers, or else will pension Confederate soldiers 
also ; will, when they have a majority in Congress, quietly 
allow the Southern States to secede in peace ; will tax national 
bonds and unsettle everything generally." In January, 1871, 
Senator Henry Wilson wrote : " To keep out of power the 
Democratic party and its semi-rebellious adherents both North 
and South, has became a matter of supreme importance to 
the nation and to the cause of humanity itself." 

There were, however, Republicans who by no means 
shared these views, and the lifting of their hands already fore 
shadowed the bolt of 1872. Not a few Republican partici 
pants in the war wished the earliest possible re-enfranchisement 
of the Southern whites. It was this sentiment that carried 
West Virginia for the Democrats in 1870. Re-enfranchise 
ment was a burning question also in Missouri. At the 
Republican convention in that State the same year, after a hot 
discussion, General McNeil mounted a chair and shouted 
" to the friends of the enfranchisement of the white man, that 
they would withdraw from this convention to the senate 
chamber." About a third of the delegates, led by Carl 
Schurz, retired, and nominated a Liberal-Republican State 
ticket, headed by B. Gratz Brown. Supported by most of 
the Democrats who could vote, this ticket was triumphant. 

Early in the year 1871, at a political meeting in St. 
Louis, was manifested the first overt hostility on the part of 
the Liberals, or " Brownites," to President Grant. This sign 
of the times was followed on March loth by a meeting of a 
dozen prominent Republicans in Cincinnati, Ex-Governor 
Cox and Stanley Matthews being of the number. They 
drafted a report, which was signed by a hundred well-known 
Republicans, advancing four principles: (i) general amnesty 

3 1 


to the late Con 
federates, (2) civil 
service reform, (3) 
specie payments, 
and (4) a revenue 
tariff. During the 
year the "bolt" 
took on national 
importance. Sym 
pathy with it ap 
peared through 
out the country 
and in Congress, 
and existed where 
it did not ap 
pear. Influenced 
by Mr. Sumner, 
even the Massa 
chusetts Repub 
lican Convention, 
without going fur 
ther, condemned, 
impliedly. Grant s 
foreign policy. Finally a call was issued from Missouri for 
a National Convention, to be held at Cincinnati on May i, 
1872, in opposition to Grant and his administration. 

In impotent wrath and bitterness proportioned to the 
apparent prosperity of the Republicans, stood the Democracy. 
The more strenuous its opposition to a " godly thorough 
reformation " of unrepentant rebels, the more determinedly 
had the people rebuked it at the polls. Hardly more inclined 
were the people to follow it upon the great question of the 
public debt, where the party demanded that the five-twenties 
should be redeemed in greenbacks " the same money for the 
plough-holder and the bond-holder " and that all national 


(From the original at the State Department, Washington) 





A. E. Borie, Navy. J. A. J. Cresweil, Postm r-General. E. R. Hoar, AtCy-General. 

: . ; v:i 

. B. ffashburne, State. J. D. Cox, Interior. *J. M. Schofield, War. G. S. Boutwell, Treasury^ 


bonds or the interest thereon should be taxed. Even in the 
South the leaders began to see that the true policy of "The 
Reform Party" the Democracy s nom de guerre , was that 
voiced by the South Carolina Convention of 1870, which pro 
posed to "accept the results of the war as settled facts" and 
make the best of them, striking out for new issues. This was 
the key-note of the "New Departure" led by Clement L. 
Vallandigham, of Ohio. Vallandigham had been the most 
extreme " copperhead " in all the North. By his outspoken 
ness in defence of the Confederacy during the war he had got 
himself imprisoned and banished to the South. It was signifi 
cant, therefore, when, in his last public utterance he acci 
dentally shot himself a month later his voice once more 
joined that of South Carolina, this time in accepting "the 
results of the war, including the three several amendments 
de facto^ as a settlement in fact of all the issues of the war." 

*Schofield held the office for several months after President Grant s inauguration. 
The latter then appointed John A. Rawlins. 



Chief Justice Chase wrote Vallandigham, praising his action as 
a " great service to the country and the party/ and " as the 
restoration of the Democratic Party to its ancient platform of 
progress and reform." John Quincy Adams, Democratic can 
didate for Governor of Massachusetts, like Vallandigham, pro 
posed a hearty acquiescence in what was past, and " deplored 
the halting and hesitating step with which the Democracy was 
sneaking up to its inevitable position." " The South," he 
continued, " is galled to-day not by the presence of the Fif 
teenth Amendment, but by the utter absence of the Constitu 
tion itself. Is it not silly then to squabble about an amend 
ment which would cease to be obnoxious if it was not 
detached from its context ? " 

The method of reconstruction resorted to by Congress 
occasioned dreadful evils. It ignored the natural prejudices of 
the whites, many of whom were as loyal as any citizens in the 
land. To most people in that section, as well as to very 
many at the North, this dictation by Congress to acknowledged 
States in time of peace seemed high-handed usurpation. If 
Congress can do this, it was said, any State can be forced to 
change its constitution on account of any act which Congress 
dislikes. This did not necessarily 
follow, as reconstruction invariably 
presupposed an abnormal condi 
tion, viz., the State s emersion from 
a rebellion which had involved the 
State government, whose over 
throw, with the rebellion, neces 
sitated congressional interference. 
Yet the inference was natural and 
widely drawn. 

<c Congress was wrong in the ex 
clusion from suffrage of certain 

pluQQPQ nf rifivPnQ anH nfallnnaKIp 
CldbSCb 01 LlUZ,CIlb, dllU Ul d.11 UndDie 

i Ml * 

to take a prescribed retrospective 


*LEXJ*DE* r. 

(Mr. Stewart always refused to sit for a 
portrait. The accompanying illustration 
i s f rom a painting, made after his death, 
h Thomas Le Clear, and now at St. 

?// school, Garden cn y , L 0ng island) 


oath, and wrong also in the establishment 
of arbitrary military governments for the 
States, and in authorizing military commis 
sions for the trial of civilians in time of 
peace. There should have been as little 
military government as possible ; no military 
commissions, no classes excluded from suf 
frage, and no oath except one of faithful obe 
dience and support to the Constitution and 
l aws an d sincere attachment to the Consti 
tutional Government of the United States. " :i 
" It is a question of grave doubt whether the Fifteenth 
Amendment, though right in principle, was wise or expedient. 
The declared object was to secure impartial suffrage to the 
negro race. The practical result has been that the wise pro 
visions of the Fourteenth Amendment have been modified by 
the Fifteenth Amendment. The latter amendment has been 
practically nullified by the action of most of the States where 
the great body of this race live and will probably always 
remain. This is done not by an express denial to them of 
the right of suffrage, but by ingenious provisions, which 
exclude them on the alleged ground of ignorance, while per 
mitting all of the white race, however ignorant, to vote at all 
elections. No way is pointed out by which Congress can 
enforce this amendment. If the principle of the Fourteenth 
Amendment had remained in full force, Congress could have 
reduced the representation of any State, in the proportion 
which the number of the male inhabitants of such State, denied 
the right of suffrage, might bear to the whole number of male 
citizens twenty-one years of age, in such State. This simple 
remedy, easily enforced by Congress, would have secured the 
right of all persons, without distinction of race or color, to 
vote at all elections. The reduction of the representation 
would have deterred every State from excluding the vote of any 

* Salmon P. Chase, Letter to Democratic National Committee in 1873. 


portion of the male population above twenty-one years of age. 
As the result of the Fifteenth Amendment, the political power 
of the States lately in rebellion has been increased, while the 
population conferring this increase is practically denied all 
political power. I see no remedy for this wrong except the 
growing intelligence of the negro race."* 

If the South was to become again genuine part and par 
cel of this Union, it would not, nor would the North consent 
that it should, remain permanently under military government. 
Black legislatures abused their power, becoming instruments 
of carpet-bag leaders and rings in robbing white property- 
holders. Only doctrinaires or the stupid could have expected 
that the whites would long submit. So soon as federal bayo 
nets were gone, fair means or foul were certain to remove 
the sceptre from colored hands. Precisely this happened. 
Without the slightest formal change of constitution or of 
statute the Southern States one by one passed into the control 
of their white inhabitants. 

Where white men s aims could not be realized by per 
suasion or other mild means, resort was had to intimidation 
and force. The chief instrumentality at first used for keeping 
colored voters from the polls was the Ku-Klux Klan, a secret 
society organized in Tennessee in 1866. It sprung from the 
old night patrol of slavery times. Then, every Southern 
gentleman used to serve on this patrol, whose duty it was to 
whip severely every negro found absent from home without 
a pass from his master. Its first post bellum work was not ill- 
meant, and its severities came on gradually. Its greatest 
activity was in Tennessee, Arkansas, and Mississippi, where its 
awful mysteries and gruesome rites spread utter panic among 
the superstitious blacks. Men visited negroes huts and 
" mummicked " about, at first with sham magic, not with arms 
at all. One would carry a flesh bag in the shape of a heart and 
go around " hollering for fried nigger meat." Another would 

*John Sherman, Recollections. 



put on an India-rubber stomach to startle the negroes by 
swallowing pailfuls of water. Another represented that he 
had been killed at Manassas, since which time " some one 
had built a turnpike over his grave and he had to scratch like 
h 1 to get up through the gravel." The lodges were " dens," 
the members " ghouls." " Giants/ " goblins," " titans," 
" furies," " dragons," and " hydras" were names of different 
classes among the officers. 

Usually the mere existence of a " den " anywhere was 
sufficient to render docile every negro in the vicinity. If 
more was required, a half-dozen " ghouls," making their noc^ 
turnal rounds in their hideous masks and long white gowns, 
frightened all but the most hardy. Any who showed fight 
were whipped, maimed, or killed, treatment which was ex 
tended on occasion to their " carpet-bag " and " scalawag " 
friends these titles denoting respectively Northern and South 
ern men who took the negroes side. The very violence of 
the order, which it at last turned against the old Southrons 
themselves, brought it into disrepute with its original instiga 
tors, who were not sorry when Federal marshals, put up to it 
by President Grant, hunted den after den of the law-breakers 
to the death. 

In 1870 and 1871, by the so-called Force Bills, Federal 
judges were given cognizance of suits against anyone for 
depriving another of rights, privileges, or immunities under 
the Constitution. Fine and imprisonment were made the 
penalties for " conspiracy " against the United States or the 
execution of its laws, as by forcibly or through intimidation 
preventing men from voting. The army and navy were placed 
at the service of the President to enforce the act, and Federal 
judges might exclude suspected persons from sitting on juries. 
By this drastic measure and its rigorous execution in nine 
counties of South Carolina the organization was by 1 873 
driven out of existence. But some of its methods survived. 
In 1875 several States adopted and successfully worked the 



" Mississippi plan," which was, by whatever necessary means, 
to nullify black votes until white majorities were assured. Less 
violent than the Ku-Klux way, this new one was equally thor 

Considering the stupendous upheaval in Southern society 
marked by the erection of bondmen into full citizens, dark 
days were few. Schools arose. The ballot itself proved an 
educator, rough but thorough. The negro vote, become a 
fixed fact, was courted by the jarring factions of whites, and 
hence to some extent protected. Meanwhile it was plainly to 
the negro s advantage that he was fighting, not to acquire 
status and rights, but for status and rights guaranteed in the 
organic law of his State. 

It yet remained to restore the disfranchised whites and to 
remove the political disabilities imposed by the Fourteenth 
Amendment. Except in the case of a few leaders, the disa 
bilities were annulled by the Act of Amnesty passed May 22, 
1872. At about the same time general re-enfranchisement was 
accomplished by State legislation, Liberal-Republicans joining 
with those Democrats, specially numerous in Missouri and 
West Virginia, who already enjoyed the right of suffrage. 

By March, 1866, the price of gold in paper money had 
fallen from war figures to 130^. There was much illegiti 
mate speculation in the metal, dealing in " phantom gold " 
mere betting, that is, on gold fluctuations. Prominent among 
the operators was the firm of Smith, Gould, Martin & Co. 
The mind of the firm was Jay Gould, a dark little man, with 
cold, glittering eyes. Closely associated with him was James 
Fisk, a vulgar and unprincipled yet shrewd and bold man of 
business. During the spring of 1869 Gould bought $7,000,- 
ooo or $8,000,000 in gold, immediately loaning it again on 
demand notes. There being not over $20,000,000 gold 
available outside the Treasury, the business community, in 
case of any call for gold, was at his mercy, unless the Treasury 
should sell. This must be prevented. 


Drawn by B. West Clinedimt 


In June, 1869, President Grant, on a trip from New 
York to Boston, accepted a place in a private box of the 
theatre which Fisk owned, and next day took, at the invita 
tion of Fisk and Gould, one of their magnificent steamers to 
Fall River. After a handsome supper the hosts skillfully 
turned the conversation to the financial situation. Grant re 
marked that he thought there was a certain fictitiousness in the 
prosperity of the country, and that the bubble might as well be 
tapped. This suggestion "struck across us," said Mr. Gould, 
later, " like a wet blanket." Another wire must be pulled. 

Facts and figures were now heaped together and pub 
lished to prove that, should gold rise in this country about 
harvest time, grain, the price of which, being fixed in Liver 
pool, was independent of currency fluctuations, would be worth 
so much the more and would at once be hurried abroad ; but 
that to secure this blessing Government must not sell any 
gold. Gould laid still other pipes. Fisk visited the presiden 
tial sphinx at Newport ; others saw him at Washington. At 
New York Gould buttonholed him so assiduously that he was 
obliged to open his lips to rebuke his servant for giving Gould 
such ready access to him. 

The President seems to have been persuaded that a rise 
in gold while the crops were moving would advantage the 
country. At any rate, orders were given early in September 
to sell only gold sufficient to buy bonds for the sinking fund. 
The conspirators redoubled their purchases. The price of 
gold rose till, two days before Black Friday, it stood at 140^/2 

Though he kept it to himself Gould was in terror lest the 
Treasury floodgates should be opened to prevent a panic. 
Business was palsied, and the bears were importuning the Gov 
ernment to sell. At his wits end he wrote Secretary Bout- 
well : 

" SIR : There is a panic in Wall Street, engineered by a 
bear combination. They have withdrawn currency to such an 
-extent that it is impossible to do ordinary business. The Erie 



Company requires eight hundred thousand dollars to disburse 
. . . much of it in Ohio, where an exciting political contest 
is going on, and where we have about ten thousand men 
employed, and the trouble is charged on the administration. 
. . . Cannot you, consistently, increase your line of currency?" 

Gould, like Major Bagstock, was " devilish sly, sir." In 
his desperation he determined to turn " bear " and, if neces 
sary rend in pieces Fisk himself. Saying nothing of his fears, 
he encouraged Fisk boldly to keep on buying, while he him 
self secretly began to sell. Fisk fell into the trap, and his 
partner, taking care in his sales to steer clear of Fisk s brokers, 
proceeded secretly and swiftly to unload his gold and fulfil all 
his contracts. From this moment they acted each by and for 
himself, Gould operating through his firm and Fisk through 
an old partner of his named Belden. 

On Thursday, September 2jd, while his broker, Speyers, 
is buying, Fisk coolly walks into the Gold Room and, amid 
the wildest excitement, offers to bet any part of $50,000 that 
gold will rise to 200. Not a man dares take his bet. 

On Black Friday the Gold Room is crowded two hours 
before the time of business. In the centre excited brokers are 
betting, swearing, and quarreling, many of them pallid with 
fear of ruin, others hilarious in expectation of big commissions. 
In a back office across from the Gold Room, Fisk, in shirt 
sleeves, struts up and down, declaring himself the Napoleon of 
the street. At this time the Ring was believed to hold in gold 
and in contracts to deliver the same, over Si 00,000,000. 

Speyers, whom all suppose to represent Gould as well as 
Fisk, begins by offering 145, then 146, 147, 148, 149, but 
none will sell. "Put it up to 150," Fisk orders, and gold 
rises to that figure. At 1 50 a half million is sold him by Mr. 
James Brown, who had quietly organized a band of merchants 
to meet the gamblers on their own ground. From all over 
the country the " shorts " are telegraphing orders to buy. 
Speyers is informed that if he continues to put up gold he 



will be shot; but he goes on offering 151, 
152, 153,154. Still none will sell. Mean 
time the victims of the corner are sum 
moned to pay in cash the difference between 
135, at which the gold was borrowed, and 
150, at which the firm is willing to settle. 
Fearing lest gold go to 200, many settle at 
148. At 155, amid the tremendous roar 
of the bull brokers bidding higher and OLIVER p. MORTON 
higher, Brown again sells half a million. 

o J o 

" 1 60 for any part of five millions." Brown sells a million more. 
" 161 for five millions." No bid. " 162 for five millions." 
At first no response. Again, "162 for any part of five mil 
lions." A voice is heard, " Sold one million at 162." " 163^ 
for five millions." "Sold five millions at 163^." Crash! 
The market has been broken, and by Gould s sales. Every 
body now begins to sell, when the news comes that the Gov 
ernment has telegraphed to sell four millions. Gold instantly 
falls to 140, then to 133. " Somebody," cried Fisk, " has run 
a saw right into us. We are forty miles down the Delaware 
and don t know where we are. Our phantom gold can t 
stand the weight of the real stuff." 

Gould has no mind permanently to ruin his partner. He 
coolly suggests that Fisk has only to repudiate his contracts, 
and Fisk complies. His offers to buy gold he declares " off," 
making good only a single one of them, as to which he was so 
placed that he had no option. What was due him, on the 
other hand, he collected to the uttermost dollar. To prevent 
being mobbed the pair encircled their opera-house with armed 
toughs and fled thither. There no civil process or other 
molestation was likely to reach them. Presently certain of 
" the thieves judges," as they were called, came to their relief 
by issuing injunctions estopping all transactions connected 
with the conspiracy which would have been disadvantageous 
for the conspirators. 



Far the strongest side of Grant s Administration was the 
State Department, headed by the clever diplomat, Hamilton 
Fish, one of the most successful Secretaries of State who ever 
served our country. Here distinguished ability and abso 
lute integrity reigned and few mistakes were made. Were 
there no other testimony, the Treaty of Washington would 
sufficiently attest Mr. Fish s mastery of his office. Ever since 
1863 we had been seeking satisfaction from Great Britain for 
the depredations committed during the war by Confederate 
cruisers sailing from British ports. Negotiations were broken 
off in 1865 and again in 1868. In 1869 Reverdy Johnson, 
then our Minister to England, negotiated a treaty, but the 
Senate rejected it. In January, 1871, the British Govern 
ment having proposed a joint commission for the settlement 
of questions connected with the Canadian fisheries, Mr. Fish 
replied that the adjudication of the "Alabama Claims " would 
have to be first considered, " as an essential to the restoration 
of cordial and amicable relations between the two govern 
ments." England consented to submit this question also to the 
commission, and on February 2yth the High Commissioners 
met at Washington. The British delegation included, besides 
several noblemen, Sir E. Thornton the Queen s Minister at 
Washington, Sir John Macdonald, of Canada, and Mountague 
Bernard, Professor of International Law at Oxford. The Ameri 
can commissioners were the Secretary of State himself, Justice 
Nelson of the Supreme Court, Robert C. Schenck our Minister 
to England, E. Rockwood Hoar late United States Attorney- 
General, and George H. Williams, Senator from Oregon. 

On May 8th the commission completed a treaty, which 
was speedily ratified by both Governments. It provided for 
arbitration upon the "Alabama Claims," upon other claims by 
citizens of either country against the other for damages during 
the Rebellion, upon the fisheries, and upon the northwest 
boundary of the United States. The principal settlements, 
happily arrived at in this way will be described later. 

4 6 


In 1868 the "Junta of Laborers" in Cuba inaugurated a 
rebellion against the mother country. By 1870 most South 
American States had recognized them as belligerents, and they 
were eager that the United States should do the same. The 
sympathies of our people and Government were with them. 
In the summer of 1869 Secretary Fish, directed by the Presi 
dent, had prepared and signed a proclamation according to 
the insurgents the rights of belligerents, but owing to the 
Secretary s firm unwillingness this document was never issued. 
In July, 1870, the President changed his mind, heartily thank 
ing Mr. Fish for restraining him from issuing the belligerency 
message. The good offices of the United States were, how 
ever, tendered, with the view of inducing Spain to recognize 
Cuba s independence, preventing further bloodshed ; but the 
overtures were declined. 

Spain s barbarous method of warring excited horror. 
The Spanish Captain-General in Cuba freely sequestrated 
property, to whomsoever belonging, ordered shot every male 
over fifteen years of age found outside his premises without 
good excuse, burned every uninhabited hut and every hamlet 
not flying a white flag. Such procedure called forth our re 
monstrance, which, in conjunction with the known sympathy 
of Americans for the rebels, greatly irritated Spain. Our lega 
tion house at Madrid was threatened, our vessels in one or 
two instances brought to by Spanish meh-of-war, and a num 
ber of our citizens in Cuba and on the high seas maltreated or 
killed. Two American citizens, Speakman and Wyeth, em 
barked by mistake in a vessel carrying an insurrectionary force 
destined for Cuba. They gave themselves up, but were bru 
tally murdered after the merest form of a trial. This was 
exasperating enough; but when, on October 31, 1873, the 
yirginiuSy belonging to an American citizen, was captured on 
the high seas off Jamaica by the Spanish man-of-war fornado, 
the American flag hauled down, and ^Captain Fry, with fifty- 
six of his ship s company nine of them American citizens 



shot, for some weeks hostilities seemed actually imminent. 
The Virginius s errand was in spirit illegal, perhaps literally 
so. Many revolutionists were on board, also 2,000 Remington 
rifles, a mitrailleuse, and a large supply of ammunition and 
provisions for the insurgents. According to the best authori 
ties Spain was quite justified in seizing the vessel, though 
Attorney-General Hoar denied this, but not in putting to death 
those on board with no trial but a drumhead court-martial. 

When the news of the outrage reached this country innu 
merable indignation meetings were held. President Grant 
convoked his Cabinet to deliberate upon the case, and the 
navy yards were set working night and day. The Spanish 
Minister of State at first haughtily rejected our protest, saying 
that Spain would decide the question according to law and her 
dignity. Madrid mobs violently demonstrated against the 
American minister, General Sickles. November 4th, Secretary 
Fish cabled Sickles: "In case of refusal of satisfactory repara 
tion within twelve days from this date, you will, at the expira 
tion of that time, close your legation and will, together with 
your secretary, leave Madrid." On the I5th, hearing that 
fifty-seven men had been executed, he sent word : " If Spain 
cannot redress these outrages the United States will." And 
on November 25 : " If no accommodation is reached by the 
close of to-morrow, leave." Next day Spain became tractable 
and Sickles remained. War was happily averted. Spain re 
leased the Virginius and all the surviving prisoners. Having 
been on December i6th delivered to officers of our navy, the 
ship, flying the Stars and Stripes, proudly sailed for New York, 
but foundered in an ocean storm. The prisoners freed reached 
New York in safety. Spain solemnly disclaimed all thought 
of indignity to our flag, and undertook to prosecute any of 
her subjects guilty, in this affair, of violating our treaty rights. 

President Grant s negotiations for the annexation of the 
turbulent little republic known as Santo Domingo " Holy 
Sabbath," a bit of unconscious irony ended less happily. 

4 8 

Drawn by C. S. Reinkart from photographs and descriptions by eye-witnesses 


The strategic situation of the island is good, and its aspect in 
viting luxurious and fertile valleys between grand ranges of 
volcanic mountains. The heat is tempered day and night by 
sea-breezes sometimes rising to hurricanes. The rich mineral 
and other resources of the island were known in 1870 but lit 
tle exploited. A tenth of the people were white, living mainly 
in the sea-board towns. The rest were hybrid descendants of 
the man-eating Caribs and of the buccaneers and warlike ne 
groes who fought under Toussaint L Ouverture. 

Embarrassed with a rival, President Baez wished to turn 
his domain over to us, as a predecessor of his had in like case 
once given it to Spain. He indicated his desire to President 
Grant, who dispatched Col. Babcock, his assistant private Sec 
retary, to report upon the country, its people, its harbors, etc. 
No member of the Cabinet favored the mission, yet none offi 
cially objected. The State Department had nothing to do 
with arranging it. New York merchants trading to San Do 
mingo offered Babcock passage thither, showing that his pro 
posed mission was known, and he would have accepted their 
offered favor but for Secretary Fish s protest. Transportation 
for him by the navy was then ordered, and it was found that 
he was to be accompanied by Senator Cole, of California, and 
an officer from the Inspector-General s department who spoke 
Spanish. "As the members of the Cabinet were carefully dis 
creet in their reticence, the increase of the party and of the 
apparent importance of the mission caused a certain uneasi 
ness, especially as rumors began to fly about that business 
speculations were involved, and that the official character of 
the affair was much less than its real significance. The mem 
bers of the Government felt loyally bound to suppress their 
own doubts, and to attribute to the excitability of the quid 
nuncs the rumors of important purposes connected with Bab- 
cock s voyage."* 

* This and the next following quotations are from J. D. Cox s interesting article, already 
cited in this chapter. 



Babcock returned bearing a draft of a treaty containing 
an agreement to cede Santo Domingo to the United States 
out-and-out for something over a million dollars, or to accept 
our protectorate over it at the same time giving us a fifty-year 
lease of the important bay and harbor of Samana. President 
Grant had become intensely anxious to acquire this realm. It 
would afford us a coaling and naval station and a commercial 
entrepot, enrich the United States and extend its power, and 
open a region which the American negro could colonize and 
manage. At the first Cabinet meeting after his arrival in 
Washington Babcock appeared, showing each member as 
he arrived " specimens of the ores and products of the island 
and descanting upon its extraordinary value. He met a rather 
chilling reception, and soon left the room. It had been the 
President s habit at such meetings to call upon the members 
of the Cabinet to bring forward the business contained in 
their portfolios, beginning with the Secretary of State. This 
would at once have brought the action of Babcock up by Mr. 
Fish s disclaimer of all part in the matter, and his statement of 
its utter illegality. On this occasion, however, General Grant 
departed from his uniform custom, and took the initiative. 
( Babcock has returned, as you see, said he, and has brought 
a treaty of annexation. I suppose it is not formal, as he had 
no diplomatic powers ; but we can easily cure that. We can 
send back the treaty and have Perry, the consular agent, 
sign it ; and, as he is an officer of the State Department, it 
would make it all right. 

" But, Mr. President," said Mr. Secretary Cox, " has it 
been settled, then, that we want to annex San Domingo ? " 

General Grant " colored, and smoked hard at his cigar. 
He glanced at Mr. Fish on his right, but the face of the Sec 
retary was impassive, and his eyes were fixed on the portfolio 
before him. He turned to Mr. Boutwell on his left, but 
no response met him there. As the silence became painful, 
the President called for another item of business, and left the 



(After a. photograph in the col 
lection of James E. Taylor) 

question unanswered. The subject was 
never again brought up before the assem 
bled Cabinet." 

The treaty was put into form, signed 
on November 29, 1869, and sent to the 
Senate the following month. Violent op 
position to it was at once manifest, of 
which Mr. Sumner was the soul. Sumner 
was Chairman of the Senate Committee 
on Foreign Relations, and in whatever 
related to this committee s work was in 
clined to domineer. He had not agreed 
with Secretary Fish or the President respecting the ground 
of our war complaint against England. " Sumner insisted 
that the hasty proclamation by Great Britain of neutrality 
between the United States and the Southern Confederacy 
was the gravamen of the Alabama claims. The President 
and Mr. Fish contended that this proclamation was an act of 
which we could not complain, except as an indication of an 
unfriendly spirit by Great Britain, and that the true basis of 
the Alabama claims was that Great Britain, after proclaiming 
neutrality, did not enforce it, but allowed her subjects to build 
cruisers, and man, arm and use them, under cover of the rebel 
flag, to the destruction of our commercial navy." 

The President, Sumner now said, had violated our Con 
stitution in negotiating the San Domingo treaty as he did ; he 
was also conniving at an infringement of the Dominican consti 
tution, which forbade alienating any part of that land ; and 
was traversing international law by a menace to the indepen 
dence of Hayti. San Domingo, he alleged, with its undesir 
able population, was in continual turmoil, had cost Spain more 
blood and treasure than it was worth, and been lost to her 
after all. Baez he denounced as a " political jockey," and he 
declared that adventurers were abusing the President s confi 
dence, as it was beginning to be suspected they had done in 



regard to " Black Friday " the September previous. Writing 
to Garrison December 29, 1870, and referring to his speech 
on the " annexion " of San Domingo, Sumner said that the 
Haytian Minister had previously visited him, " full of emo 
tion at the message of the President as c trampling his country 
under foot. 

President Grant did his utmost to secure ratification for 
the treaty. Having expired by limitation on May 2ist, it 
was renewed and sent to the Senate again on the Jist. 
Direct application to Senators in this interest was made on 
the President s behalf, a course generally felt to be very objec 
tionable. Republican politicians became divided touching 
annexation, and the utmost bitterness of feeling prevailed. 
Secretary Fish s position pending this business was extremely 
embarrassing. An intimate friend of Mr. Sumner, he was ac 
customed freely to discuss with him all diplomatic affairs. "He 
had honestly treated the talk of Dominican annexation as mere 
gossip, without solid foundation, and now he suddenly found 
his sincerity in question, under circumstances which forbade 
him to say how gravely the State Department had been com 
promised." Twice during the episode he offered his resigna 
tion, but the President s earnest entreaty, backed by that of 
leaders anxious to avoid a breach in the party, each time in 
duced him not to insist on its acceptance. " But the progress 
of the San Domingo business put Mr. Fish in a false position, 
apparently, and having yielded to the President s urgency that 
he should remain in the Cabinet he could not, at the moment, 
explain fully to Mr. Sumner the seeming changes of his atti 
tude. It is in the nature of such differences to grow larger, 
and in the following winter they led to an open rupture be 
tween the old friends." 

The President s campaign to secure annexation involved 
bargaining for the votes of certain " carpet-bag " Senators. 
" He was told that they desired to please him and to support 
his plans, but, considering Mr. Sumner s controlling influence 



with their colored constituents, it would be at no small politi 
cal peril to themselves if they opposed that Senator on the 
San Domingo question. . . In matters of patronage . . . they 
found themselves less influential than they had a right to 
expect. Reciprocity was necessary if the President required their 
aid. When asked in what departments they found a lack of 
consideration, the Attorney-General s was named, and it was 
strongly urged that Judge Hoar should be displaced by a South 
ern man acceptable to them." Attorney-General Hoar was 
nominated to the Supreme Court presumably to answer this 
Southern demand. The Senate refused to confirm his appoint 
ment, and Mr. Hoar had to be gotten rid of in some other 
way. One morning in June, 1870, he received a letter from 
the President containing the " naked statement that he found 
himself under the necessity of asking for Hoar s resignation. 
No explanation of any kind was given or reason assigned." In 
an interview, subsequently, the President was frank enough to 
connect this action with " the necessity, to carry out his pur 
poses, of securing support in the Senate from Southern Repub 
licans, who demanded that the Cabinet place should be filled 
from the South." Amos T. Akernan, of Georgia, was im 
mediately nominated and soon confirmed. The final vote on the 
treaty was taken June joth. A considerable majority of the Sen 
ators favored it, but not quite the necessary two-thirds. 

The treaty having been refused ratification the matter 
died out of mind ; but an irreparable rift between Grant and 
Sumner resulted. Shortly after Sumner s speech, above re 
ferred to, Grant asked Fred. Douglass, who, friendly to Sum 
ner, yet agreed with Grant : " What do you think of Sumner 
now ? " "I believe that Sumner thought himself doing a 
service to a down-trodden people, but that he was mistaken," 
Douglass replied. This answer not seeming to please the 
President, Douglass asked what he thought of Sumner. After 
some hesitation Grant replied, with feeling : " I think he is 
mad." President Grant considered the failure of the treaty a 



national misfortune, but submitted with patience, not only to 
the adverse action of the Senate, but to the suspicions of friends 
and to the attacks of enemies which his San Domingo ambi 
tion had aroused. 

The annexationists had their revenge when Sumner lost 
the chairmanship of the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela 
tions, which he had held so long and prized so highly. John 
Lothrop Motley s recall from the British mission was also 
referred by nearly all to Senator Sumner s course in the Santo 
Domingo matter. The Saturday Club, of Boston, protested 
against thus allowing the President s disagreement with Sum 
ner to prejudice Minister Motley by reason of their friend 
ship, considering such treatment certain " to offend all the 
educated men of New England." Grant s only reply was : 
" I made up my mind to remove Mr. Motley before there 
was any quarrel with Mr. Sumner." In his annual message 
the next December the President proposed a commission to 
visit San Domingo for additional information about the island 
and to inquire into the charges of corruption which had been 
made against the Executive and his agent. With his usual 
intemperance Sumner opposed this as committing Congress to 
" a dance of blood ; " yet a bill to create the commission 
passed the Senate unanimously, the House by a majority of 
123 to 63. The commissioners were Dr. Samuel G. Howe, 
President Andrew D. White, and Hon. A. A. Burton. Their 
report was favorable, making it credible that the President 
might have secured annexation had he attempted it in a less 
autocratic way, 









ONE hot day in August, 1831, an ungainly journeyman: 
printer from Erie, Pa., was among the " arrivals " in 
New York City. It was Horace Greeley, born twenty years 
before, on a farm in Amherst, N. H. From childhood an 
insatiable reader, at ten he had become the prodigy of his 
native town. His stump-grubbing, on a farm in Vermont, 
whither poverty drove his father s family, his service as prin- 
\ter s devil there, and later as job and newspaper printer at 
Erie, paid little. The young man reached the metropolis 
with only ten dollars in his pocket, while the rest of his 
earthly goods formed a bundle which he swung in his hand. 
After long and vain search for work he at last secured a situa 
tion so hard that no other printer would take it. In it he 
wrought twelve or fourteen hours a day at a rate never exceed 
ing six dollars a week. 

After various vicissitudes in job-printing and desultory 
editorial work, where he evinced genius and zeal but no 
special aptitude for business, Mr. Greeley, in 1841, started 
the Tribune. For this venture he had borrowed S 1,000. 



The first week s losses engulfed nearly half this sum, but at 
the end of a year the paper was an assured success. It soon 
became the mouth-piece of all the more sober anti-slavery 
sentiment of the time, whether within or without the Whig 
party, and rose to power with the mighty tide of free-soil 
enthusiasm that swept over the land after 1850. Greeley and 
his organ were the chief founders of the Republican party, and 
the most effective moulders of its policy. The influence of the 
paper before and during the war was incalculable, far exceed 
ing that of any other sheet in America. Hardly a Whig or a 
Republican voter in all the North that did not take or read 
it. It gave tone to the minor organs of its party, and no 
politician on either side acted upon slavery without consider 
ing what the Tribune would say. 

While hating slavery and treason, and hence not averse 
to the war, Greeley was anxious for peace at the earliest 
moment when it could be safely had ; and forthwith upon the 
collapse of the Confederacy he dismissed all rancor toward the 
South. At Jefferson Davis s presentment for treason he 
stepped forward as bondsman ; and in the long friction which 
followed he persistently opposed all harshness in dealing with 
the conquered. He disliked Grant as the exponent of severe 
methods in reconstruction, and, like Sumner, peculiarly 
abominated his policy of annexing San Domingo. 

At length Grant and Greeley became, in effect, foes. 
They had many party friends in common, who sought by 
every means to reconcile them, but in vain. Greeley was 
once induced to call at the White House. Grant invited him 
to a drive, and he accepted. The horses went, the President 
smoked, and Greeley kept silence, all with a vengeance. Only 
monosyllables were uttered as the two stiff men rode side by 
side, and each was glad when they could alight and separate. 

In January, 1872, the Liberal Republicans of Missouri 
issued a call for a national convention at Cincinnati. Greeley 
and his Tribune took sides with the revolt. Soon they were 



the life of it. Henceforth the opposition to the Administra 
tion increased in strength day by day. The Cincinnati Com 
mercial and the Springfield, Mass., Republican sided with the 
Tribune, while the New York Times and Harper s Weekly 
earnestly advocated Grant s re-election. Sumner had long 
since broken with Grant. Many other prominent Republi 
cans in Congress and outside had lost confidence in the 
Administration, and then become hostile thereto. General 
Banks was one of these, Stanley Matthews another, George W. 
Julian another. Senator Schurz openly stated that if Grant 
should be nominated for a second term he would bolt the 
ticket. Early in the second session of the Forty-second Con 
gress there was question 
of appointing a com 
mittee on Investigation 
and Retrenchment. De 
bating this, Senator 
Trumbull vigorously de 
nounced the prevalent a- 
buses in the civil service. 
The spoils system had 
been permitted to in 
vade every branch of 
the Government. The 
odium heaped upon car 
pet-bag rule at the South 
was all along due in large 
measure to its corruption. 
By their influence and 
example many white 
federal office- holders 
misled the negro officers, 
State and national, and 
the voters as well, to 
regard office as the legiti- 





After a daguerreotype in the pt>. 
sion of Horace B, Fry 



After a daguerreotype in the 
possession of Charles A. Dana 

mate prey of the 
party triumphant on 
election day. At 
the North, no less, 
appointments in an 
swer to political wire 
pulling were the 
regular order of the 
time. " Work ! " 
said an office-holder 
in 1870 ; " I work 
ed to get here ! You don t expect me 
to work now I am here ! " 

Federal offices were needlessly multiplied. In March, 
1871, a custom-house appraiser was appointed at Evansville, 
Ind. He informed "his Senator" and the Secretary of the 
Treasury that his office was a sinecure, writing " his other 
Senator " soon after that it ought to be abolished. He was 
removed and a more contented incumbent appointed. " Yet/* 
says the ex-appraiser, " there could be no charge of neglect or 
incompetency, for no officer was ever more faithful and dili 
gent in drawing his salary than I was during those two years, 

sion of Charles A. Dana 


After a daguerreotype in the posses- After a daguerreotype in the histori- After a photograph by Szrony 

i of H. 1C. Fay 




After a daguerreotype by Brady, lSj2, in the possession of Charles A. Dana 

and absolutely there was nothing else to do." In connection 
with offices where there were far weightier functions than 
drawing salaries, extravagance, carelessness, and corruption 
were exposed with damning iteration. 

In 1871 the District of Columbia had been given a ter 
ritorial government, with a Governor, a Board of Public 
Works, and a Legislature. The new territory lived too fast 
to live long, letting out contracts at exorbitant rates, so that 
they were bought up and sublet, sometimes again and again. 
It entered upon ambitious schemes of city improvement, 
which involved the District in a debt far beyond the lawful 
limit of $10,000,000. These and other evidences of wasteful 
administration led Congress, in 1874, to abolish the territorial 
system and again assume direct control of the District. 
Lapse of time disposed Washingtonians kindlv to remember 
Shepherd, the head of the territorial government during the 




great transformation, and later not a few wished his statue to 
appear in the city which had been rendered so beautiful and 
commodious through his agency. 

More notorious than the " Washington Ring " were the 
scandals connected with the collection of the revenues. Early 
in April, 1874, a meeting was held in New York to protest 
against the revenue and " moiety " laws ; " moiety," meaning 
that the law gave to a spy, with certain officials, one-half of 
th-e property forfeited to the Government by fraud discovered 
through such person s agency. Under these laws there were 
repeated instances of technical forfeitures and condemnation 
on the ground of constructive fraud, owing to some slight 
accidental mistake. The laws were often confused and self- 
contradictory, placing honest officials in danger of committing 
flagrant wrongs by the effort to execute their terms. A. T. 
Stewart is said to have been at one time liable to a forfeiture 
of $3,000,000 for an error of $300. 

An informer intimated to a revenue official that an im 
porter had defrauded the Government, paying insufficient duty 
upon his goods. The official then obtained a secret warrant 
to. seize the importer s books and papers, which was done. 
The contingent rewards accompanying this business were so 
enormous that every kind of intrigue, deceit and subornation 
was practiced. Informers were charged with downright black 
mail, for which the power to seize private books and papers 
gave them exceptional opportunity. They sought to stigma 
tize the entire mercantile class in the importing cities. The 
terror in which the house of Phelps, Dodge & Co. was long 
kept by the lurking agents of the Government would be 
incredible to most of our citizens now. The system would 
not have surprised people in Naples, but it was revolting to 
Americans. " Every clerk might become an informer. The 
Government stealthily put its hand into every counting-room^ 
as the Church through its agents surreptitiously knew every 
secret of the household." Vicious as it was, not until after 



long agitation was a law passed putting an end to the moiety 
abuse with its lucrative espionage and other iniquities. 

The President and his Administration were unduly blamed 
by many eminent citizens of all parties for the reversal in the 
Supreme Court of the Hepburn vs. Griswold decision touch 
ing the constitutionality of the greenback. In Hepburn vs. 
Griswold " the majority of the Court as then constituted five 
Judges out of eight felt obliged to conclude that an act mak 
ing mere promises to pay dollars a legal tender in payment of 
debts previously contracted is not a means appropriate, plainly 
adapted, or really calculated to carry into effect any express 
power vested in Congress, is inconsistent with the spirit of 
the Constitution, and is prohibited by the Constitution." Said 
Mr. Justice Field : " That judgment was reached only after 
repeated arguments were heard from able and eminent coun 
sel, and after every point raised on either side had been the 
subject of extended deliberation. . . It is not extravagant 
to say that no case has ever been decided by this Court since 
its organization in which the questions presented were more 
maturely considered. It was hoped that a judgment thus 
reached would not be lightly disturbed." 

The President, Judge Hoar his Attorney-General, and a 
great many other prominent Republicans were opposed to the 
principles of the Hepburn vs. Griswold decision. This fact, 
together with the speedy overturn of the decision by an en 
larged Court, made it appear as if the composition of the 
Court had been changed on purpose to secure a different ut 
terance upon this vital question of constitutional law. Within 
a few weeks after the Hepburn vs. Griswold decision, during 
the same term, so soon as its vacancies were filled, the Court, 
on motion of Attorney-General Hoar, voted to hear the ques 
tion re-argued. 

"By act of March 3, 1863, the Court was ordered to 
consist of ten members, a new member being then added. By 
act of July 23, 1866, f to fix the number of Judges of the 



* Mr. J. Lee Carroll, of Maryland, relates that when the formal speeches on both sides were ended, and 
Mr. Greeley bad invited all present to visit him at Chaff aqua, some one in the group asked if there " wert 
any snakes out there ." Quick as a flash Mr. Gretle) replied : " Oh, yes, a few copperheads, but the} art 
quite harmless ." 


Supreme Court of the United States/ etc., it was enacted 
that no vacancy in the office of Associate Justice should be 
filled by appointment until the number of Associates should 
be reduced to six, and thereafter the Supreme Court should 
consist of a Chief Justice and six Associate Justices. By an 
act of loth April, 1869, to take effect from the first Monday 
of December, 1869, it was enacted that the Court should 
consist of a Chief Justice and eight Associates, and that, for 
the purposes of this act, there should be appointed an addi 
tional Judge. Hepburn vs. Griswold, it is stated in the 
opinion of the Court in the case, was decided in conference 
November 27, 1869 (8 Wallace, 626), there being then eight 
Judges (the Chief Justice and seven Associates) on the bench, 
the lowest number to which the Court had been reduced. One 
of them, Justice Grier, resigned February i, 1870. The 
judgment in Hepburn vs. Griswold was announced from the 
bench and entered February 7, 1870. Mr. Justice Strong 
was appointed February 18, 1870, and Mr. Justice Bradley 
March 21, 1870, and the order for the present [new] argu 
ment was made by, and the argument itself heard before, the 
Court of nine, as constituted by act of loth April, 1869."* 
Both of the new Justices, Strong and Bradley, voted for the 
reversal. Judgment was rendered in December, 1870, when 
the Hepburn vs. Griswold decision was set aside by a majority 
of one. The new dictum of the Court was later quite gen 
erally accepted as not forced law, as in real accord with the 
meaning of the Constitution deeply and broadly viewed. We 
shall recur to the subject again in Chapter X., there arguing 
that the Court s conclusion was sound ; but at the time not a 
few classed it with the Dred Scott decision, as a partisan and 
most dangerous attack upon our fundamental law. Said an 
eminent writer : " When public opinion has reached the point 
of tolerating such proceedings, paper constitutions may well 
be consigned to oblivion before they fall into contempt." 

*8 Wallace, 528, note. 


In spite of all these grounds for criticism, partly solid and 
partly fanciful, so evidently did the rank and file of the party 
wish Grant to continue in the White House that his adver 
saries saw no hope of capturing the Republican convention. 
Most of them, therefore, allied themselves with the Liberals. 
The Democrats maintained a policy of " passivity," but long 
before their convention there were hints that they would 
accept the bolting Republican candidates as their own, should 
these not be too radically opposed to democratic ideas. With 
such aid the separatists expected to carry the country. 

The convention of Come-outers assembled at Cincinnati 
on May ist, and effected a permanent organization with Carl 
Schurz as chairman. Touching the South, the platform 
declared for general amnesty, local self-government, and the 
abolition of all military authority as superseding civil law. 
The suspension of habeas corpus it especially condemned. It 
denounced corruption in the civil service, and declared against 
a second term in the Presidency. It demanded a tariff which 
should not unnecessarily interfere with industry, advocated a 
speedy return to specie payments, and ended with a eulogy on 
the Union soldiers. Mr. Greeley was nominated for the 
Presidency on the sixth ballot. B. Gratz Brown, Governor of 
Missouri, received the nomination for Vice-President. 

Grant s friends were not frightened. They pretended, 
rather, to regard the nomination as a huge joke. All con 
ceded that Greeley was an honest man, yet he did not inspire 
confidence. He had a reputation for doing strange, compro 
mising things. John Sherman thought him " probably the 
most unfit man for President, except Train, that had ever 
been mentioned." Many of the Liberals themselves did not 
fincy him. He was an ultra protectionist, while Schurz and 
other prominent anti- Administration Republicans leaned toward 
a revenue tariff. Greeley was understood to intend, in case of 
his election, to hold his tariff ideas in abeyance in deference to 
the preferences of his free-trader and low-tariff supporters. 



This understanding did not conduce 
to men s respect for him. Sumner 
was for radical measures in the South, 
which most of the Liberals deprecated. 
It was Sumner who, in the Forty- 
second and Forty-third Congresses, 
so earnestly sought to pass the Sup 
plementary Civil Rights Bill, with the 
aim of securing; for the Southern negro 

., .. . .. . ZEBULON B. VAKCE 

social as well as political equality with 

the white man. It imposed heavy penalties on hotel-keepers, 
theatre and railway managers and others for conducting their 
businesses so as in any way to discriminate against the blacks. 
This bill readily passed the Senate whenever moved, but 
always failed in the House until March i, 1875, when, a year 
after Sumner s death, it went upon the statute book to be, by 
a Supreme Court decision October 3, 1883, declared uncon 
stitutional and void.* Little as they agreed with one another, 
however, the majority of the seceders, wishing " anybody to 
beat Grant," accepted Greeley with no small heartiness. 

The Republican Convention met at Philadelphia on June 
5th. The platform declared for civil service reform and com 
plete equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and public 
rights throughout the Union, and uttered a somewhat ambigu 
ous statement in regard to the relations of capital and labor. 
It upheld the President in his Southern policy, though main 
taining that State governments should be permitted to function 
in the fullest degree practicable. The latest amnesty bill of 
Congress it approved, and it eulogized the President in the 
highest terms. The Convention exhibited no opposition to 
Grant, and he was renominated by acclamation. Henry Wil 
son, of Massachusetts, was given the second place on the ticket, 
defeating Colfax, who had incurred the enmity of several men 
influential in the party. 

*i09 U. S. Supreme Court Reports, 3. 


Between the nomination of Grant and 
the Democratic Convention at Baltimore, 
over a month later, public attention was 
centred upon the attitude of the Demo 
cratic leaders to the candidacy of Greeley 
and Brown. That these nominees were 
not wholly acceptable to the Democracy 
there could be no doubt. Many of the 
party chiefs spoke of Greeley with open 

LTMAN TRUMBULL . ,, . . . r 

derision. Yet, as it was evident that if the 

Liberal candidates did not receive Democratic endorsement all 
efforts against Grant would prove unavailing, the majority of 
the party was for Greeley at all hazards. Said ex-Governor 
Vance, of North Carolina: " If c Old Grimes is in the demo 
cratic hymn-book, we ll sing him through if it kills us." Accord 
ingly, the Convention, which assembled at Baltimore July 9th, 
notwithstanding considerable opposition, accepted the Cincin 
nati candidates and platform, adjourning in some hope of 
victory. A few dissatisfied Democrats met at Louisville on 
September 3d and nominated Charles O Conor for President 
and John Quincy Adams for Vice-President. Both gentlemen 
declined, but the nominations were left unchanged. 

Greeley accepted the Baltimore nomination in a letter 
dated July i8th. In this he insisted on the "full enfranchise 
ment " of all the white population at the South, and declared 
that henceforth Democracy and Republicanism would stand 
for one and the same idea, "equal rights, regardless of creed 
or clime or color." The entire effective force of the Democ 
racy, South as well as North, rallied to the Greeley standard, 
joined, strangely, by Republicans and Abolitionists like Trum- 
bull, of Illinois, Julian, of Indiana, Blair, of Michigan, Sedg- 
wick, of New York, and Bird, of Massachusetts. General 
W. T. Sherman wrote from Paris to his brother, the Senator: 
" Of course I have watched the progress of political events 
from this standpoint, and feel amazed to see the turn things 



have taken. Grant, who never was a Republican, is your 
candidate ; and Greeley, who never was a Democrat, but quite 
the reverse, is the Democratic candidate." The Senator re 
plied : " As you say, the Republicans are running a Democrat, 
and the Democrats a Republican. And there is not an essen 
tial difference in the platform of principle. The chief interest 
I feel in the canvass is the preservation of the Republican 
party, which I think essential to secure the fair enforcement of 
the results of the war. General Grant has so managed things 
as to gain the very bitter and active hostility of many of the 
leading Republicans, and the personal indifference of most of 
the residue. He will, however, be fairly supported by the 
great mass of the Republicans, and I still hope and believe will 
be elected. The defections among Republicans will be made 
up by Democrats who will not vote for Greeley." 

On June joth George William Curtis wrote : " The best 
sentiment of the opposition is that both parties must be 
destroyed and Greeley s election is the way to destroy them. 
This is Schurz s ground, who likes Greeley as little as any of 
us. The argument seems to be, first chaos then cosmos. 
The Nation and the Evening Post in this dilemma take Grant 
as the least of evils. He has been foully slandered, and Sum- 
ner s speech [of May 3ist see page 75] was unpardonable. 
He was bitterly indignant at me said that my course was 
unspeakable and inconsistent, and that I was bringing un 
speakable woe upon my country. I could only reply, Sum- 
ner, you must learn that other men are as honest as you. 

Much could be truly said in Greeley s favor. An editor 
opposed to his election declared " that he was a man of 
unimpeachable private life, just, charitable, generous ; that like 
many of our greatest statesmen he had raised himself by his 
own unaided exertions to a place of great power and distinc 
tion ; that though he had been all his life a politician he had 
never basely sought office and had never held office save once, 
and then very briefly ; that with all his errors his influence had 



always been used in favor of every true reform as well as many 
that merely promised well ; and that he was a thorough be 
liever in American ideas and things." 

Among Grant s critics the cooler argued about as follows : 
The war issues, they said, should be treated as settled ; in its 
prosperity the party had become careless ; the President was 
surrounded by unwise counsellors and influenced by unscru 
pulous men ; under him the civil service had been debauched 
as never before, even in Jackson s time ; if he should be re- 
elected things could not but go from bad to worse. Putting 
the very best possible construction upon his motives, they de 
clared, it was obvious that Grant was dividing the party, and 
therefore should no longer continue its 
official head. Some of the President s an 
tagonists did not hesitate even to impugn 
his honesty. His advocacy of reform in 
the civil service they denominated " thin 
twaddle." He was charged with incorrigi- 

o o 

ble nepotism. The fact that he had been 
given a house was deemed suspicious. 
The utmost was made of his incessant 
smoking and of his love for fast horses. 

" It is not a great draft upon the pub 
lic purse," said one, " nor a creation of a 
dangerous family influence, when the Presi 
dent appoints a dozen or more of his rela 
tives to office ; but it is a bad example, and 
shows a low view of the presidential office. 
But far worse than this was the scandal 
of the President s brother-in-law at the 
capital following the profession of agent 
for claims against the Government, carry 
ing his family influence into the subordinate executive depart 
ments where such claims are judged, and actually as he 
testified before a Congressional Committee appealing cases 




from the departments to the President and appearing before 
him to argue them. In effect this was the sale of the Presi 
dent s influence against the ends of justice by his brother-in- 
law." This criticism was made by an able writer who, after 
all, preferred Grant to Greeley. 

The President s thick and thin supporters pleaded that 
under his administration the public debt had been decreased, 
taxes lowered, the utmost honesty and economy introduced in 
public affairs, industry revived, and confidence restored. They 
alleged that the cause of the Cincinnati Convention was noth 
ing but selfish discontent. The meeting, they said, had been 
controlled by scheming politicians and place-hunters, who 
knew that under Greeley they could have what they wished. 
If Grant was incompetent, it was asked, what would be the 
state of affairs should Greeley, who had hardly ever in his life 
held an office, and never an administrative office, be elected ! 

A very large class of Republicans admitted as true most 
that was put forth in criticism of the Administration, yet wished 
Grant elected. " Of Grant," said one of these Republicans, 
" we have some reason to think that we know the worst. It 
appears that he favors civil service reform at least as much as 
Mr. Greeley does. His relations are now, we believe, all com 
fortably provided for ; gratified citizens have showered upon 
him as many gifts as he will probably care to receive." 
" Pitiful as it is to be compelled to choose one of two evidently 
unfit persons for the highest office in the nation, our prefer 
ence would be for General Grant. . . Though of proved 
incapacity in civil government, he is still believed to be honest, 
cautious and steady, with a reserve of intellectual power and 
moral purpose which, in any coming crisis of our affairs, might 
be an invaluable aid to the country." This writer did not 
doubt that Grant was " stolid, barren of ideas, and below the 
intellectual level of Jackson, Taylor and Harrison," admitted 
that vast numbers of Republicans would vote for him merely 
as a choice of evils, and declared that his re-election could not 



be taken for an unqualified approval of his administration. 
" Grant," he said, " conspicuously fails " in obvious desire for 
the people s good ; " his presence inspires no enthusiasm ; his 
pulse does not beat with the popular heart ; he has the cold 
ness of Washington without his lofty self-devotion." 

As the conflict deepened feeling waxed painfully bitter 
and the meanest personal allusions were common. Greeley s 
supporters dubbed their candidate " Honest Old Horace ; " 
the opposition, remembering his bail to Jefferson Davis, whom 
most abolitionists wished hung, called him " Old Bail-Bonds." 
" Grant beat Davis," they said, " Greeley bailed him." He 
was named " Horrors Greeley," and his homely manners were 
made the subject of innumerable jests. "Greeley " so ran one 
relatively sober estimate " Greeley, with his immense experi 
ence and acuteness, and philanthropic philosophy of life, is still 
unsteady, grotesque, obstinate and ridiculous epithets never 
yet justly applicable, all at once, to a President of the United 
States." Cartoons, which played a great figure in this campaign, 
vastly exaggerated his corpulency. On the unfortunate B. Gratz 
Brown the stalwarts heaped the worst disgrace which a politi 
cal candidate can receive, that of being ignored. His views 
and his record were never mentioned ; only his bare name came 

before the pub 
lic. In every car 
toon by Nast 
where Greeley 
was represented, 
a tag bearing the 
legend " and 
Gratz Brown," 
hung from his 

coat-tail. Carl Schurz and Whitelaw Reid, both fighting 
Greeleyites, were pictured with classical and pedantic features, 
eye-glasses big as tea-cups, and legs ten feet long. 

Such coarseness was not confined to the supporters of the 



Administration. The Gree- 
ley press made Grant call 
to his intimates to bid him 
good-by, as he sang : 

f( My friends are gone to Chappa- 

Oh, put me in my little bed." 

Chappaqua was Greeley s 
country residence. Greeley was dubbed " Old Whitey " for 
his coat and hat, his most unique habiliments, and the fol 
lowing doggerel was concocted, equally unique in its good 
humor : 

"Press where ye see my White Hat gleam amid the ranks of war, 
And be your oriflamme this day the Coat of Chappaqua." 

On May 3 ist Sumner delivered a speech in which he ap 
plied to the President the following extract from a letter of 
Lord Durham to Henry Brougham : " Among the foremost 
purposes ought to be the downfall of this odious, insulting, 
degrading, aide-de-campish, incapable dictatorship. At such 
a crisis, is this country to be left at the mercy of barrack coun 
cils and mess-room politics ? " 

If the disclosures and falsehoods about the Credit Mobi- 
lier, of which we shall give an account in the next Chapter, 
hurt the party in power, the revelations already made and still 
coming out concerning the Tweed Ring told against Greeley s 
cause. Tweed was of Tammany, and Tammany, now in the 
worst repute it had ever borne, threw to the breeze the Greeley 
flag. The question of Female Suffrage also plagued Mr. 
Greeley. The National Women s Suffrage Association met 
in New York May 9, 1872, and adopted 
resolutions strongly condemning him for his 
position in regard to their movement assever 
ating the right of women to vote under the 
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to 
the Constitution. 



Nor was this all. As an uncompromising opponent of 
the Democracy, Greeley had during his editorial career wielded 
a terribly caustic pen. This fact much aggravated his new 
position. A cut in Harper s Weekly represented him in the 
act of eating uncomfortably hot soup from a dish bearing the 
inscription, " My own words and deeds." Greeley had said 
that the Democratic party would be better off if there were 
not a school-house in the country, and he had always repre 
sented that only people of the lowest sort naturally found their 
way to its ranks. Now, as " standard-bearer of the great Lib 
eral movement," he had accepted the nomination of that very 
party. Against Greeley the arch-abolitionist, every fire-eater 
paper at the South had for twenty-five years been discharging 
its most venomous spleen. Once, before the war, a Northern 
sheet characterized the representative plantation lord as sigh 
ing : 

" Oh for a nigger and oh for a whip, 
Oh for a cocktail and oh for a nip, 
Oh for a shot at Old Greeley and Beecher, 
Oh for a whack at a Yankee school-teacher ; 
And so he kept ohing for what he had not, 
Not contented with owing for all he had got." 

Now the quondam plantation lord was invited to the polls to 
vote for the " Old Greeley " aforesaid. 

Numerous and weighty as were Grant s faults and 
Greeley s virtues, events or sentiments proved too strong for 
the bolting movement. Many for a time 
deluded themselves with the hope of its 
triumph, but as election day approached 
it became evident that Grant would receive 
an overwhelming majority in the electoral 
college. Most of those Republicans who 
at first disinclined to vote for Grant, hop 
ing for a better man, determined, as the 
campaign advanced, to put up with the ills 
they had rather than fly to the unknown CHARLES O CONOR 

7 6 


ones which they believed the promotion 
of Greeley sure to bring. As State after 
State declared for Republicanism during 
the late summer and fall, the shadows 
of defeat lengthened across Greeley s 
path. Finally he undertook a personal 
canvass, stumping New Hampshire and 
Maine in August, Pennsylvania and Ohio 
in September. From this campaign work 
he was called to the death-bed of his wife, 
over whose stricken form he watched with 

the tenderest love and care until she passed away, a week before 
the election. His defeat at the polls was overwhelming. He 
carried but six States, all of them Southern. Grant s popular 
majority approached three-quarters of a million. Mr. Greeley 
was quite spent in body and mind by the terrible bitterness of 
the campaign, by the magnitude of his defeat, and most of all 
by his deep bereavement. Before his wife s death he had said 
to an intimate, " I am a broken old man. I have not slept one 
hour in twenty-four for a month. If she lasts, poor soul, another 
week, I shall go before her." For six weeks he did not enjoy 
a night of natural sleep. Malaria had already undermined 
his system, and on November 29th he succumbed, ere the 
shouts of the victors had died away. At once all laid aside 
thoughts of triumph, his bitterest enemies hastening to do 
honor to the memory of his noble character. 

In the death of Horace Greeley the nation lost a citizen 
of sterling worth and deep patriotism. Opinionated, an ideal 
ist rather than a practitioner in his contention for right, he had 
been led into more than one quixotic error, laying himself 
open to attacks that left their sting. His judgments were 
often precipitate and unsound. June 29, 1862, he wrote 
to J. R. Giddings : " We are going to ruin. McClellan is 
certainly a fool, probably a traitor, and Halleck is no better. We 
are doomed." But every one now forgot the man s blunders 



and remembered only the purity and benevolence of his spirit. 
No one had ever impeached the honesty of his motives. It 
was the universal verdict that he had been a man of great soul 
and lofty devotion, not unworthy the title bestowed upon him 
by Whittier, of " The Modern Franklin." 

As in duty bound, Congress, on February 12, 1873, 
counted the electoral vote. When the State of Georgia was 
reached, Mr. Beck, of Kentucky, announced three of the votes 
of that State for Greeley. The House voting to reject these, 
since the candidate was dead at the time they were cast, and 
the Senate voting to receive them, they were thrown out under 
the Twenty-second Joint Rule, then in force. Upon different 
objections, but under the same rule, the votes of Arkansas and 
Louisiana were also rejected. Had Greeley lived he would 
probably have received sixty electoral votes. 

Grant was inaugurated March 4, 1873. In his inaugural 
address he declared strongly for the establishment of the ne 
groes civil rights. He maintained that no executive control 
was exercised in the Southern States which would not be had 
in others under similar circumstances. He favored the exten 
sion of the country s territorial domains, pledging himself to 
the restoration, so far as possible, of good feeling, and to the 
establishment of the currency on a solid basis. He urged the 
construction of cheaper inland routes for travel and trade, and 
also the re-establishment of our foreign commerce. 

The campaign of 1872 naturally sweetened Sumner s 
temper toward the Southern people. In a letter to the col 
ored voters of the United States, dated July 29, 1872, he 
said : " Pile up the ashes, extinguish the flame, abolish the 
hate such is my desire." In accordance with this sentiment 
he introduced in the Senate a bill providing that the names of 
battles against citizens of the United States while in rebellion 
should not be continued in the army register or placed on the 
colors of regiments. This failed to pass, but an act did pass 
which happily reduced to some extent the rancor felt by the 




South against the North. It removed political 
disabilities from all citizens of the late Con 
federacy, except Senators and Representatives 
in the Thirty-sixth and Thirty-seventh Con 
gresses, officers in the judicial, military and naval 
service, and heads of departments and foreign 
ministers of the United States. This act was 
approved May 22, 1872. However, the Re 
publican programme for governing the Southern 
States was as yet by no means essentially al 

Congressional discussions over race difficulties were re 
newed with some bitterness when, in May, 1872, a bill was 
brought before Congress, extending to all election precincts 
the act of 1871, whereby Federal Supervisors could be ap 
pointed in towns of over 20,000 inhabitants. It passed the 
Senate without great difficulty. In the House it was strenu 
ously opposed, its enemies dubbing it " election by bayonet." 
It finally passed the House also, June 8th, as an amendment 
to an appropriation bill. 

During the second session of the Forty-second Congress, 
there was more or less race trouble in the South, and the anti- 
Administration forces took occasion to reflect anew on the 
President s policy under the Force Act. On January 25, 
1873, the House passed a resolution re 
questing the President to inform Congress 
touching the condition of South Carolina, 
in which State, under the authority of 
the act of April 20, 1871, he had sus 
pended the writ of habeas corpus. The 
citizens of the State also made a request 
for a statement of the Government s 
policy in prosecutions under that act. The 
reply stated that the Executive was dis 
posed, except in grave cases, to show great 




clemency and to discontinue prosecutions against violators of 
the law. 

The election of November, 1870, gave Louisiana to 
the Republicans by a substantial majority, but almost 
immediately the party began to break up into factions. 
Governor Warmoth was opposed by leading federal officers, 
who succeeded in gaining control of the Republican State 
convention. With the assembling of the Legislature in 
January, 1872, the situation assumed a grave character. On 
the death of Lieutenant-Governor Dunn, in November of 
the previous year, P. B. S. Pinchback, a colored adherent of 
Warmoth, had been elected President of the Senate, but the 
Administration leaders declared his election illegal. In the 
House, Speaker Carter, an anti- Warmoth man, was antagonized 
by Warmoth s friends. After a bitter struggle, during which 
Warmoth and a number of his supporters were arrested by 
the Federal authorities, Carter was deposed. A congressional 
committee investigated the quarrel, but could not quiet it, and 
the politics of Louisiana continued in an inflamed condition. 

Estrangement soon arose between Governor Warmoth 
and Pinchback, Warmoth heading the Liberal Republican 
movement in the State. After much manoeuvring the Liberals 
united with the Democratic and " Reform " parties in a fusion 
ticket headed by John McEnery, with an electoral ticket sup 
porting Greeley and Brown. The Pinchback faction united 
with the Grant party, nominating W. P. Kellogg for Governor 
and Pinchback for Congressman-at-large. There can be little 
doubt that McEnery was elected by a large majority. 

The returns of the election were to be submitted to the 
State Returning Board. At the time of the election the Board 
consisted of Governor Warmoth, Lieut.-Gov. Pinchback, Sec 
retary of State Herron, John Lynch, and T. C. Anderson. 
When this board met, Pinchback and Anderson being candi 
dates for office at this election whose result was to be deter 
mined, were declared incapable of serving. The Governor 




On March 6th, 187^, a body of Metropolitan Police, under orders from General Longstre 
Kellogg militia, marched to Odd Fellows Hall, where the McEnery Legislature was in s 
Jive members who refused to disperse or to leave the building. 

Commander of the 
nd arrested the only 


supplanted Herron with a more trusty friend, and proceeded 
to fill the other two vacancies. In like manner, Lynch and 
Herron, professing to be the true board, supplied their own 
lack in numbers. In December, the Supreme Court of the 
State declared Herron an intruder into the office of Secretary 
of State, thus demolishing the Lynch and Herron board, 
while Federal Circuit Judge E. H. Durell, in answer to 
Kellogg s prayer, enjoined Warmoth s board from acting. 
Meantime a legislative act, duly passed and approved, ousted 
both boards and provided for a new one. This being speedily 
organized, the returns were canvassed and McEnery was de 
clared elected Governor by a majority of 7,000. 

Kellogg s prospects now seemed desperate, but they did 
not prove to be so. On the night of December 5th, " in his 
own chambers, without any previous motion in Court," Justice 
Durell drew up and issued to the United States Marshal, 
Packard, the following: " It is hereby ordered, that the Marshal 
of the United States for the District of Louisiana shall forth 
with take possession of the building known as the Mechanics 
Institute and occupied as the State-house, for the assembling 
of the Legislature therein, in the city of New Orleans, and hold 
the same subject to the further order of the Court; and mean 
while to prevent all unlawful assemblage therein under the 
guise or pretext of authority claimed by virtue of pretended 
canvass and returns made by said pretended returning officers 
in contempt and violation of said restraining order; but the 
Marshal is directed to allow the ingress and egress to and from 
the public offices in said building, of persons entitled to the 

This mandate, void in point of law, was efficient, and 
next morning, obeying the Marshal s order, Captain Jackson, 
with United States soldiers, began a six weeks occupation 
of the State-house. Collector of the Port, Casey, tele 
graphed the President : " Marshal Packard took possession 
of State-house this morning, at an early hour, with military 



posse, in obedience to a mandate of Circuit Court, to prevent 
illegal assemblage of persons under guise of authority of War- 
moth s returning board, in violation of injunction of Circuit 
Court. . . The decree was sweeping in its provisions, 
and if enforced will save the Republican majority and give 
Louisiana a Republican Legislature and State government. " 

The same day the Lynch board met and, though without 
the returns, elected Kellogg Governor by 19,000 majority. 
They then proceeded by the very easy and summary method 
set forth in the following bit of testimony, to create a Republi 
can legislature in place of the legal body : 

By Mr. Carpenter. Q. " You estimated it, then, upon 
the basis of what you thought the vote ought to have been ? " 

By Lynch. A. " Yes, sir. That was just the fact, and 
I think, on the whole, we were pretty correct." 

This Legislature at once impeached Warmoth, thus mak 
ing Pinchback Governor for the unexpired term. The Court 
again aided, enjoining all not named on the Lynch list from 
claiming office, and enjoining Warmoth from interfering with 
the organization of the Lynch Legislature. 

On December n, 1872, Pinchback telegraphed the 
Attorney-General at Washington : " May I suggest that the 
commanding general be authorized to furnish troops upon my 
requisition upon him, for the protection of the Legislature and 
the gubernatorial office ? " Kellogg, the heir apparent, also 
telegraphed: "If the President in some way indicates recogni 
tion, Governor Pinchback and Legislature would settle every 
thing." Collector Casey co-operated : " The delay in placing 
troops at disposal of Governor Pinchback, in accordance with 
joint resolution, is disheartening our friends and cheering our 
enemies. If requisition of Legislature is complied with, all 
difficulty will be dissipated, the party saved, . . and the tide 
will be turned at once in our favor . . . . 

Next day, the I2th, Attorney-General Williams re 
sponded: cc Acting-Governor Pinchback, New Orleans, Loui- 

8 4 


siana : Let it be understood that you are recognized by the 
President as the lawful executive of Louisiana, and that the 
body assembled at Mechanics Institute is the lawful Legisla 
ture of the State ; and it is suggested that you make proclama 
tion to that effect, and also that all necessary assistance will be 
given to you and the Legislature herein recognized to protect 
the State from disorder and violence." 

In answer to a telegram from McEnery, begging for 
delay till a committee of citizens could lay the facts before the 
Executive, came the following: " Hon John McEnery. Your 
visit with a hundred citizens will be unavailing, so far as the 
President is concerned. His decision is made and will not be 
changed, and the sooner it is acquiesced in the sooner good 
order and peace will be restored. Geo. H. Williams, Attor 
ney-General." Finally this : " Washington, December 14, 
1872. General W. H. Emory, U. S. A., Commanding, New 
Orleans, Louisiana. You may use all necessary force to pre 
serve the peace, and will recognize the authority of Governor 
Pinchback. By order of the President : E. D. Townsend, 

On January 7, 1873, the day appointed for the assem 
bling of the Legislature, both the opposing bodies began 
operations " inter arma" A week later both Kellogg and 
McEnery took the oath of office. President Grant supported 
the Pinchback claimants with federal troops. The House 
of Representatives instructed its Committee on Privileges and 
Elections to inquire into the dispute. A report was made 
February 20, 1873, which condemned federal interference. 
The committee found that McEnery was de jure entitled to 
the governorship, but that Kellogg, supported by the army, 
was de facto Governor. The committee recommended the 
passage of an act " to secure an honest re-election " in Louis 
iana. The recommendation was not adopted and anarchy, in 
effect, followed. 
















NOTHING aided President Grant and his party in their 
1872 campaign more than the honorable outcome 
which the Treaty of Washington had in the Geneva Award 
and the northwestern boundary settlement, both seasonably 
made known to the world in 1872. The Award related to 
the famous Alabama Claims, and meant that these, or the 
most important of them, must be paid us by Great Britain. 
Chief credit for such happy result was due to Hon. Hamilton 
Fish, Grant s Secretary of State, yet naturally and justly, the 
Administration as a whole profited by his triumphant diplo 

The claims usually denominated " Alabama " claims were 
partly national or, less accurately, " indirect," and partly indi 
vidual or direct. The national claims were for destruction of 
United States commerce or its transfer to other flags occa 
sioned by Confederate privateers fitted out wholly or partly in 



Great Britain, and for enhanced marine insurance and increased 
cost of the war in life and treasure due to the same cause. 
The individual or direct claims were for damages through cer 
tain specific acts of depredation by Confederate war-vessels, 
notably the Alabama^ the Florida^ and the Shenandoah. 

In spite of repeated warnings from Hon. Charles Fran 
cis Adams, then United States Minister to Great Britain, the 
Queen s Government had suffered the Florida^ originally 
called the Oreto, and ostensibly destined for Palermo, Sicily, 
to be built at Liverpool in 1862, and to receive, at Green Bay, 
near Nassau, arms and munitions from another vessel. The 
Florida was indeed seized, but soon released. Adams s sus 
picions were shortly directed against another vessel building at 
Liverpool, called " the 290," from the number of merchants 
who contributed to her construction, but later and better 
known as the Alabama. His suspicions were confirmed 
by evidence which distinguished British counsel declared 
" almost conclusive," sufficient to impose a " heavy responsi 
bility " upon the collector of customs " if he failed to detain 
her." Easily dodging the half-hearted reach that was made 
for her, "the 290" went forth upon her career of devastation, 
continuing it until she was sunk by the Kearsage. The 
Sbenandoah cleared from Liverpool as a merchant vessel, the 
Sea King, and when, in November, 1865, she took in supplies 
and enlisted men at Melbourne, English liability for her acts be 
came definitely fixed. . Claims of a less conclusive nature were 
made on account of the acts of ten other Confederate privateers. 

Mr. Adams left England in 1868 without having ob 
tained any satisfaction of these claims. His successor, Hon. 
Reverdy Johnson, was upon his arrival in London much dined 
and wined. He made effusive speeches, judging from which 
one would think that in his view Great Britain could do no 
wrong. Secretary Seward, too, had a warm regard for Eng 
land, and was moreover anxious to settle the difficulty before 
leaving office. But the Johnson-Clarendon Treaty, the off- 


The Florida 

The Sbenandoab 

The Alabama, or 2QO 


The Shenandoah is from a photograph of a drawing owned by John T. Mason, Esq. 
The other two are from photographs owned by John M. Kell, Esq. 

spring of this cordial policy, was, in the spring of 1869, 
unceremoniously drummed out of the Senate to the music of 
Charles Sumner s famous speech, which, as one paper put it, 
" set almost all Americans to swinging their hats for eight or 
nine days, and made every Englishman double up his fists and 
curse every time he thought of it for several weeks." 

That treaty contained not a word of regret for England s 
unfriendly posture during the war, or the slightest confession 
of fault. It ignored the national claims of the United States, 
while its language with regard to British citizens claims against 
the United States, whatever was intended by it, was so catho 
lic that when the text of the treaty became known Confederate 
bonds in England rose from their tomb with ten per cent, of 
their original vitality about them. 

On becoming President, Grant recalled Johnson and sent 
to succeed him John Lothrop Motley, a firm friend of Sum 
ner s, sharing Sumner s extreme views upon the British ques 
tion. But the policy of the new Administration was not so 
radical as Sumner s. It laid little stress upon the recognition 
of belligerency as a ground for damage, and left Great Britain 
to take the initiative in coming to an understanding. Like 
Sumner, Mr. Motley wished to insist upon damages for Eng- 

8 9 



land s premature recognition of the 
Confederates as belligerents. He, 
too, was soon removed. 

At the instance of England, a 
joint High Commission was speedily 
appointed to sit in Washington. 
The Treaty of Washington, drawn 
up by this Commission and pro 
claimed on July 4, 1871, provided 
for an adjustment of all outstanding 
differences between the countries 
touching the fisheries, the north 
western boundary, and the claims 
of citizens of either government 

against the other for acts committed during the Civil War. 
The Treaty further provided " for the reciprocal free navi 
gation of certain rivers, including the St. Lawrence, for the 
common use of certain Canadian and American canals, and for 
reciprocal free transit across the territories of the United 
States or Canada ; these provisions to be enforced by ap 
propriate legislation, to be binding for ten years, and term 
inable thereafter on two years notice." In all its articles 
together the Treaty engaged the co-operation of no fewer than 
eight sovereign States. The Alabama claims it referred to a 
Tribunal of Arbitration, consisting of one arbitrator from each 
of the high contracting parties and one each appointed by the 
executives of Italy, Switzerland, and Brazil. Count Sclopis 
was the Italian arbitrator, Mr. Jacques Staempfli the Swiss, 
and Baron Itajuba the Brazilian. The tribunal met at Geneva, 
December 15, 1871, but, as we have observed, did not render 
its decision until the succeeding year. 

The Treaty of Washington had laid down for the guidance 
of the tribunal three rules, which form such an important con 
tribution to international law that they deserve quotation in full : 
" A neutral government is bound, 

9 o 


" First : To use due diligence to prevent the fitting out, 
arming or equipping, within its jurisdiction, of any vessel 
which it has reasonable ground to believe is intended to cruise 
or to carry on war against a power with which it is at peace ; 
and also to use like diligence to prevent the departure from its 
jurisdiction of any vessel intended to cruise or carry on war as 
above, such vessel having been specially adapted, in whole or 
in part, within such jurisdiction, to warlike use. 

" Secondly : Not to permit or suffer either belligerent to 
make use of its ports or waters as the base of naval operations 
against the other, or for the purpose of the renewal or aug 
mentation of military supplies or arms, or the recruitment of 

" Thirdly : To exercise due diligence in its own ports and 
waters, and, as to all persons within its jurisdiction, to prevent 
any violation of the foregoing obligations and duties." 

In the text of the Treaty of Washington Great Britain 
denied that these rules were a true statement of the principles 
of international law as that law stood during the American 
Civil War, but consented that the Alabama Claims should be 
decided in accordance with them notwithstanding. Both coun 
tries agreed to abide by these principles in future, and to invite 
other maritime powers to do the same. 

Question being raised as to the interpretation of certain 
terms and the scope of certain provisions in the fehree rules, the 
tribunal made the following preliminary decisions : 

1. The meaning of "due diligence." The tribunal took 
the ground that what constitutes " due diligence " varies with 
the circumstances of the case. The greater the probable dam 
age to either belligerent, the greater must be the care taken by 
the neutral government to prevent the escape of cruisers from 
its ports. 

2. Should a neutral detain an escaped cruiser when it re- 
enters the neutral s jurisdiction, the cruiser having in the 
meantime been regularly commissioned by its government ? 

9 1 


The arbitrators decided that the neutral had a right to detain 
such a cruiser, in spite of its commission, but was under no 
positive obligation to do so. 

3. Does a neutral s responsibility end with the enforce 
ment of its local laws to prevent the escape of cruisers, even if 
those laws are inadequate ? Decision was given that the case 
must be determined by international law and not by national 
legislation. If a country s regulations for carrying out its ac 
knowledged international duties are ineffective, they ought to 
be changed. 

Though these decisions touching the law of nations were 
of world-wide significance, the verdict on the facts in the case 
had a more immediate interest for the American people. In 
direct claims the tribunal dismissed, and it made no award for 
the expense of pursuing Confederate cruisers, or for any pro 
spective earnings which ships lost through them. But, for Great 
Britain s negligence in failing to prevent the equipment, arm 
ing, and provisioning of the Confederate privateers, the gross 
sum of $15,500,000 was awarded the United States. Sir Al 
exander Cockburn, the English " arbitrator," was the only one 
to take this decree with ill grace. On the announcement of it 
he seized his hat and left the room without so much as an 
adieu, getting " leave to print" with the record of the proceed 
ings a choleric document known as his " Opinions." 

The dispute as to our northwestern boundary was also 
decided in our favor during 1872. By a treaty of 1846 the 
boundary line between the United States and British America 
was run westward along the 49th parallel " to the middle of 
the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver s 
Island, thence southerly through the middle of the said chan 
nel and of Fuca s Strait, to the Pacific Ocean." Should 
" the middle " referred to be interpreted as passing through 
the Strait of Rosario, on the side next Washington Territory, 
or through the Canal de Haro, on the Vancouver side of the 
archipelago there ? Should those islands be looped into the 


Charles Francis Jacques Count 

Adams Staempfii Sdofis 

M. Favrot, Secretary 


Sir Alexander 


[ Sir Alexander Cockburn . . . left the room -without so much as an adieu."] 
Painted by W. R. Leigh from photografhs and diagrams loaned by J. C. Bancroft Davis, Esy. 


territory of Uncle Sam, or given to John Bull ? This ques 
tion the Treaty of Washington referred to Emperor William I., 
of Germany. 

The historian Bancroft, the only surviving statesman save 
one concerned in negotiating the 1846 treaty, argued our 
claims in this matter, and on October 21, 1872, had the satis 
faction of seeing his plea crowned by a favorable decision. 
" The award," said President Grant, " leaves us for the first 
time in the history of the United States as a nation, without a 
question of disputed boundary between our territory and the 
possessions of Great Britain." It was a proud result for the 
President, and assisted not a little in his re-election. 

While the consequences of the memorable Treaty of 
Washington were favorable to the party in^ power, another 
revelation of the campaign had much influence in the opposite 
direction. In August, 1872, when the excitement of the Pres 
idential strife was already high, the New York Sun published a 
story which added fresh fuel to the political fires already rag 
ing, and promised to generate much steam to propel the Gree- 
ley movement. It related to the Credit Mobilier operations in 
constructing the Union Pacific Railway. If true, the facts said 
to exist involved in corruption the Speaker of the House, the 
Vice-President,the Republican nominee for the vice-presidency, 
the Secretary of the Treasury, and others high in political life. 

Enthusiasm for the Great West kindled again after the 
war and became a mania. The climate and soil of the region 
had been persistently misrepresented by the Hudson Bay 
Company, by Great Britain its successor in title, by influen 
tial Southerners jealous of the North, and by numerous ex 
ploring parties. The " Great American Desert " was a dragon 
of which numberless horrors were related. So early as 1850 
it had been outflanked by way of the Horn and threatened 
from the Pacific Coast, but not till after the war, when South 
ern influence was withdrawn, was it transfixed by any avenue 
of general travel or trade. 



The United States west of the Mississippi, leaving out 
Texas, Minnesota, and California, naturally broke up as 
follows: (i) The Arkansas District, embracing Arkansas, 
most of Indian Territory and a portion of Missouri. Here 
were bottoms of Egyptian fertility and warmth, subject to 
heavy rainfall, in parts forest-covered. Beyond the Ozarks 
was a colder and dryer plateau. (2) The Lower Missouri 
Valley, including nearly the whole State of Missouri, also 
western Iowa and part of Kansas and Nebraska. This was 
opened to settlement earlier than (i) and was the sooner 
populated. The rainfall and temperature here were suited to 
all northern crops, and the land was nearly level. (3) The 
Upper Missouri Valley, practically coinciding with North and 
South Dakota. This tract was higher, dryer and much colder 
than (2). Fortunately, where it was cold, surface coal was 
to be had for the digging, and where arid, the earth beneath 
seemed a vast subterranean sponge, rendering artesian wells a 
successful means of irrigation. This district was unwooded. 
(4) The Cordilleran Plateau, extending from 100 W. long., 


Lord Tenterden Mountague Bernard Sir Alexander Cockburn Sir Roundel! Palmer 


westward to the Rocky Mountains, and from near the Cana 
dian border to the Rio Grande. This vast area was too arid for 
the plow. Formerly a buffalo range, it has become a great 
cattle pasture, and is apparently destined to continue such. 

9 6 


(5) The Mountain Region, in width from 500 miles at the 
north and south to 1,000 in the middle, composed of basins 
more or less extensive, enclosed by sharp and high ridges. 
Irrigation made some farming possible here, but the mineral 
wealth was immense and mining became the main industry. 

(6) The Northwestern Country, comprising parts of Wyoming, 
Idaho, Montana, and the States of Washington and Oregon. 
Here timber was plentiful and farming profitable. On the 
Pacific Slope from 50 to 200 cords of wood per acre could 
be cut, and all ordinary crops and fruits save grapes succeeded. 

The settler s way to this Promised Land was in some 
measure made smooth between 1860 and 1870. Arizona, 
Colorado, Dakota, Idaho, Montana and Wyoming had been 
organized as territories ; Kansas, Nebraska and Nevada had 
been admitted to statehood. The status of the West when 
the rush commenced we set forth in Chapter I. Enormous 
companies came to the Red River Valley, to Colorado, where 
raged a mining furor second only to that witnessed by 

Crf/^ Gushing William M. Evarts Charles Francis Adams J. C. Bancroft Davis Morrison R. Waitc 

fornia in 49, to Utah, and to the Slope. People pressed 
along all river courses, especially up and down the valley of 
the Columbia. Montana received a farming quota. Helena, 
whose main street was the Last Chance Gulch, was destined, 



unlike its compeer, Virginia City, to survive and thrive even 
when the Last Chance Gulch should become a reminiscence. 
From California and Colorado the Territory caught the gam 
bling spirit. It was said that two Montana mining millionaires 
were one evening contributing red, white and blue wafers to a 
goodly pile on the table between them, which in due time was 
" raked in." As they were about to proceed to a new deal, 
an Eastern stranger approached, threw down a hundred dollar 
bill and said: " Gentlemen, I would like to join you. There s 
the money for some chips." Whereupon one of the players 
told " Sam," the banker, to " take the gentleman s money and 
give him a white chip." 

Many of the Western pioneers were rough fellows, some 
of them desperadoes. The orderly population which came 
later brought the bad element under control, at first by vigi 
lance committees, then by law and order methods, though the 
pistol long had much to do in keeping as well as in breaking 
the civil peace. Visitors w 7 ere early struck with the very con 
siderable culture of the people and by the many articles of 
comfort and even luxury in those Western towns of .a day. 
Newspapers were common from the first. Asked how a 
town of a few thousand could support four dailies, a resident 
replied, " Why, stranger, it takes all those dailies to support 
the town." "Booming" became a fine art. "No Other 
Land," said one sheet, " No Other Clime On Top of God s 
Green Earth, Where Land is Free as Church Bells Chime, 
Save the Land of Dakota Dirt. Here For a Year of Honest 
Toil a Home You May Insure, and From the Black and 
Loamy Soil a Title in Fee Mature. No Money Needed 
Until the Day When the Earth Provides; Until You Raise 
a Crop, no Pay : What Can You Ask Besides ? " 

Nevada received an overflow from the West from Cali 
fornia. Here and there, slowly transforming the desert into an 
empire, were scattered still other pools and lakes of humanity. 
Not the least important of these was the Black Hills settlement. 


From a f holograph by Walker, June 2, iSfj. General Grant shaved his beard 
on purpose, the picture being for use in cutting a cameo. Only two copies each 
of the two -views, showing right and left profile, were printed. 


jlftcr a photograph in the 
historical collection of H. 
US. Fay. 

The rumor of " Gold in the Black Hills " 
grew rife in 1874, and the soldiers were in 
straits to dam the tide of prospectors till a 
treaty of cession could be obtained to ex 
tinguish the Sioux title. " All same old 
story," said a warrior. " White men come, 
build chu-chu through reservation. White 
men yawpy-yawpy. Say, Good Indian, 
good Indian ; we want land. We give muz- 
es-kow (money), liliota muz-es-kow (plenty 
money). Indian say, Yes. What In 
dian get ? Wah-nee-che (nothing). Some day white man want 
move Indian. White men yawpy-yawpy. c Good Indian, 
good Indian ; give good Indian liliota muz-es-kow. What In 
dian get ? Wah-nee-chee. Some day white man want half 
big reservation. He come Indian. Yawpy-yawpy : Good 
Indian; we give .Indian liliota muz-es-kow. Indian heap 
fool. He say, c Yes. What Indian get? Wah-nee-chee. 
All same old story. Good Indian, good Indian. Get 
nothing ! "* 

In one way and another speculators seized upon choice 
slices of the public domain. Often the alternate quarter-sec 
tions belonging to a railroad would be bought up, and the 
other quarter-sections government land secured in due 
time through " dummies " located for the purpose. One 
Montana land shark gave a series of balls and dinners at a 
country house, inviting a large number of ladies, and accom 
panying every invitation with a promise of a $100 present. 
At each festival, in the midst of the whirl, each guest signed 
a claim to a homesteader s rights in the adjoining lands. 
When the " claims " were " proved up " each lady received 
her $100 and the authors of the scheme got land enough for 
a dukedom. As many such marches depended upon irrigation 
for their value, " grabs " for " water-rights " early began. 

*"Our Great West," by Julian Ralph. 


" We who are on the ground," said an enterprising Mohtanian, 
" are going to get whatever there is lying around. You don t 
suppose we are going to let a parcel of strangers pre-empt the 
water-rights so that we must pay taxes to them ? No ; we 
prefer to let them pay the taxes to us." A very reasonable 

Queer land laws and railroad bonuses made possible bo 
nanza farming on an enormous scale. In the course of years 
farming of this sort raised up bands of nomadic farm-hands, 
who, beginning at the South, worked northward with the 
advancing season till the ripened year found them beyond the 
Canada border. There were also companies of sheep-shear 
ing specialists, who 

usually made two 
rounds a year, 
passing their win 
ters riotously in the 
towns and cities. 
The great cattle- 
ranges were tra 
versed by still 
other nomads, the 
" cow-boys," in *"g 
bands known as 
" trails," traveling 
about a day apart, 
each " trail " with 
its camp equipage 

and relay of broncos. Texas cattle would be driven north 
ward to fatten upon the Montanian " Bad Lands " as a pre 
paration for their final journey to Chicago. 

Some traits in the foregoing sketch anticipate a little, yet 
enough of it was true so early as the end of the war to assure 
a few that the West was to have an enormous development. 
Two transcontinental railways were planned, one to cross the 

Boundary claimed by England 

*- Boundary claimed by the United States 



*" Great Desert," the other to round its northern end, both to 
be equipped as soon as possible with branch and connecting 
lines. The more southerly, the Union and Central Pacific, 
had the advantage of earlier completion and a more developed 
western terminus ; but the Northern Pacific could cross the Cor 
dilleras at a lower level and need traverse no desert. Both enter 
prises were unstintedly favored by grants of public land.* This 
policy was widely condemned, but also vigorously defended. 

In 1871 a competent writer discussing the grant to the 
Northern Pacific declared it self-evident that as a result of the 
opening of this region the Government would get ample 
returns for its liberality. It was more than a royal subsidy by 
which it had secured the construction of that great highway. 
It had given therefor 50,000,000 acres of land, an area larger 
than many kingdoms, worth, if sold at the average price of 
the Minnesota school lands, $350,000,000; if sold like the 
lands of the Illinois Central Railroad, $550,000,000. Mr. 
Wilson, for many years Commissioner of the Land Depart 
ment of the Illinois Central Railroad, comparing this grant 
with the Illinois Central Railroad grant, thought it a small 
estimate to say that if properly managed the Northern Pa 
cific s land would build the entire road connecting the then 
terminus of the Grand Trunk through to Puget Sound, the 
head of navigation on the Columbia, fit out an entire fleet of 
sailing vessels and steamers for the China, East Indian and 
coasting trade, and leave a surplus that would roll up to mil 
lions. He deemed the probable value of the grant $990,000,- 
ooo, its possible value $1,320,000,000. The Government 
gained no popularity by a gift so vast. At the Jay Cooke & 
Co. failure in 1873 a large part of these lands passed to credi 
tors of the road, one of the circumstances which contributed to 
make bonanza farming so marked a feature in parts of the West. 

*In all the Union Pacific received 13,000,100 acres, the Central Pacific, 12,100,100; 
the Northern Pacific, 47,000,000 ; the Kansas Pacific, 6,000,000 ; the Atlantic and Pacific, 
42,000,0005 the Southern Pacific, 9,520,000. The first transcontinental lines also got subsi 
dies exceeding $60,000,000. 



In July, 1862, Congress created the Union Pacific Rail 
way Company to build a railroad from the Missouri River to 
the Pacific Ocean, fixing at $1,000,000,000 the amount of its 
stock, loaning it a vast sum in government bonds, endowing 
it with an enormous amount of land along the route, and 
allowing it till 1876 to complete the enterprise. The shares 
sold slowly, and it was soon clear that unless Congress gave 
better terms the undertaking would fail. Accordingly a more 
liberal act was passed. Even this did not put the road in a 
way to completion. Contractors, several of whom were 
besought to do so, hesitated to undertake the building of such 
a line or any part of it, and but eleven miles of the construc 
tion were accomplished up to September, 1865. Most be 
lieved either that the road could not be built or that it would 
never pay. 

In March, 1865, the Credit Mobilier of America, a com 
pany organized by the Pennsylvania Legislature in 1859 as 
the " Pennsylvania Fiscal Agency, "and in its new form soon 
amply equipped with capital, contracted with the Union Pacific 
to go forward with the construction. Two hundred and 
forty-seven miles of road were thus built, carrying the line to 
the one-hundreth meridian. Then arose trouble within the 
Credit Mobilier Company. T. C. Durant, President of this 
and Vice-President of the Union Pacific, wished the Mobilier 
to realize at once all possible profits out of the construction, 
while his opponents, New England parties, believing that the 
road would pay, were inclined to deal honestly with it, expect 
ing their profits as corporators in the Mobilier to come from 
the appreciation of the Union Pacific stock, in which, to a 
great extent, the Mobilier was paid for its work. This party 
sought to eject Durant from the Mobilier management, and at 
length did so ; but his power in the railway corporation was 
sufficient to prevent the Mobilier as such from getting a fur 
ther contract. After much contention, during which the Mo 
bilier was on the verge of failing, Durant consented that Oakes. 



Ames might take a contract to push the construction of the 
road. Mr. Ames was at the time a Mobilier stockholder and 
a representative in Congress from Massachusetts. 

Ames s contract was dated August 16, 1867, but on the 
1 5th of the next October he made it over to seven trustees, 
who took Ames s place as contractor. They did all the things 
which he had agreed to do, and were remunerated just as he 
was to be. The trustees bound themselves to pay over all the 
profits of their contract to the Mobilier stockholders in the 
proportions in which these severally held stock at the date of 
their contract. This arrangement was fully carried out and 
the road finished, under it. It was an adroit way of circum 
venting Durant and enabling the Mobilier to build the road 
in spite of him. 

During 1867 and 1868 Ames sold shares of Credit Mo 
bilier stock to many members of Congress. He gave away 

none, but in a number of 
cases payment was con 
siderably subsequent to 
sale. Though worth much 
more, every share was sold 
for par and interest, just 
what it cost Ames himself. 
Colonel H. S. Mc- 
Comb, of Delaware, in 
virtue of a subscription 
that he said he had made 
for a friend, claimed of 
Ames $25,000 in Mobi 
lier stock which he alleged 
had never been received. 
Letters passed back and 
forth between McComb 
and Ames, in one of which 
Ames, a blunt, outspoken 




man, declared that he had placed the stock with influential 
gentlemen (naming several Congressmen) " where it would do 
the most good." Press and public eagerly took up this phrase. 
Soon it was in every mouth, all placing upon it the worst con 
struction which the words could bear. McComb pressed his 
suit and at last the letters were published. The New York 
Sun of September 4, 1872, hi the very heat of the Greeley 
campaign, came out with the heading : " The King of Frauds ; 
How the Credit Mobilier bought its Way through Congress ; " 
stating that Ames had distributed in bribes thirty thousand 
shares of the stock, worth nine millions of dollars. The scan 
dal ran through the country like wildfire, the- allegations being 
very generally believed, as they probably are still. 

But we now know that they comprised partly gross fabri 
cations and partly gross exaggerations. Mr. Ames s motive 
was laudable the completion of a great national work, which 
has long since paid the country many times its cost. He knew 
that the Pacific Railway had bitter enemies in Congress and 
outside, most of them not public-spirited, but the blackmailer 
servants of Durant, who stood ready, should opportunity 
offer, to work its ruin. He wished to be fortified. His method 
certainly carried him to the verge of propriety, and perhaps 
beyond ; but, everything considered, the evidence shows little 
ground for the peculiar execration visited upon him. The Po 
land Committee of the House, reporting on February 18, 
1873, declared that Ames had acted with "intent to influence 
the votes of members." In the sense that he sought to inter 
est men in the enterprise and to prevent them from sacrificing 
it through apathy or spite, this was probably true. That it 
was true in any other sense is at least not proved. 

" These, then, are my offences," said Ames, in his de 
fence ; " that I have risked reputation, fortune, everything, in 
an enterprise of incalculable moment to the Government, from 
which the capital of the world shrank ; that I have sought to 
strengthen the work thus rashly undertaken by invoking the 



charitable judgment of the public upon 
its obstacles and embarrassments ; that 
I have had friends, some of them in 
official life, with whom I have been 
willing to share advantageous oppor 
tunities for investments ; that I have 
kept to the truth through good and 
evil report, denying nothing, con 
cealing nothing, reserving nothing. 
Who will say that I alone am to be OAKES AMES 

offered up a sacrifice to appease a pub 
lic clamor or expiate the sins of others ? Not until such an 
offering is made will I believe it possible. But if this body 
shall so order that it can best be purified by the choice of a 
single victim, I shall accept its mandate, appealing with un 
faltering confidence to the impartial verdict of history for that 
vindication which it is proposed to deny me here." 

The committee recommended his expulsion. " It was 
useless to point out that no act was before Congress at the 
time of the alleged bribery, or before or after it, for which 
Ames was seeking votes. No person whom he had bribed or 
sought to bribe was produced. Nor was any object he had 
attempted to accomplish suggested." Hon. B. F. Boyer, one 
of those who received stock, testified : 

" I had no idea of wrong in the matter. Nor do I now 
see how it concerns the public. No one connected with either 
the Credit Mobilier or the Union Pacific Railroad ever directly 
or indirectly expressed, or in any way hinted, that my services 
as a member of Congress were expected in behalf of either 
corporation in consideration of the stock I obtained, and cer 
tainly no such services were ever rendered. I was much less 
embarrassed as a member of Congress by the ownership ot 
Credit Mobilier stock than I should have been had I owned 
stock in a national bank, or in an iron-furnace, or a woollen- 
mill, or even been a holder of government bonds ; for there 



was important legislation while I was in Congress affecting all" 
these interests, but no legislation whatever concerning the 
Credit Mobilier. I can therefore find nothing in my conduct 
in that regard to regret. It was, in my judgment, both honest 
and honorable, and consistent with my position as a member 
of Congress. And, as the investment turned out to be profit 
able, my only regret is that it was no larger in amount." 

The House proceeded to censure Ames, and it would 
probably have expelled him, had not the alleged offence been 
committed under a previous Congress. Soon after this cen 
sure, which aggravated a disease already upon him, Mr. Ames 
went home to die. The Wilson Committee reported that the 
Mobilier had " wronged " the Government, and drafted a bill, 
which was passed, ordering the Attorney-General to bring suit 
against its stockholders. He did so, and pushed it to the 
Supreme Court, but it lamentably failed at every step. 

These congressional charges against Oakes Ames have in 
no wise the weight which has been attached to them. In 
making them, the House was actuated by a popular clamor 
against the Credit Mobilier, sedulously worked up by the Demo 
cratic press and by Durant. Many members who voted for 
the censure at once apologized to Ames, saying that they had 
done so purely for fear of their constituents. That " credit 
mobilier " was a foreign name rendered men suspicious of the 
thing named. The French Credit Mobilier, from which the 
American concern took its title, had got into trouble in 1868 
and been wound up. Such as knew of this thought that fraud 
must of course taint the Credit Mobilier of America as well. 
Some of those charged with having received Ames s alleged 
bribes cleared themselves at his expense, falsely denying all 
knowledge of the Mobilier and declaring that they had never 
directly or indirectly held any of the stock. Such eagerness 
to disavow connection with it deepened people s suspicion of 
it. Pressure was used to force Ames, who himself courted in 
vestigation, to support these denials. It availed so far as to 



make him hesitate, telling his story reluctantly and by piece 
meal, as if he dreaded the truth. This of course had a further 
bad effect. In these ways an almost universal impression came 
to prevail that a fearful crime had been committed, involving 
most and perhaps all the leaders of the Republican party. 
Here was rich chance for partisan capital. Democrats and 
Liberals presented the scandal in the worst possible light and 
with telling effect. Could anything have defeated Grant, this 
would assuredly have done so. 











THE re-election of President Grant did not improve the 
state of feeling at the South. Bitterness toward the 
powers at Washington and sullen defiance of them were still 
the temper of most Southern whites. This notwithstanding 
several facts which might have been expected to produce a 
contrary effect. Certain important legal decisions of the time 
should have pleased the South, confirming, as they in a cer 
tain way did, the doctrine of State Sovereignty. One such 
decision was handed down April 14, 1873, in the celebrated 
Louisiana " Slaughter-House Cases." These arose out of an 
act passed by the Legislature of Louisiana in 1869, creat 
ing the Crescent City Live-Stock Landing and Slaughter 
House Company, with the exclusive privilege of carrying on 
the slaughtering business in New Orleans and the adjoining 
parishes. The butchers of the city contested the act on the 
ground that it violated the recent constitutional amendments, 
creating an involuntary servitude, abridging the privileges and 


immunities of citizens of the United States, denying to the 
plaintiffs equal protection under the law, and depriving them 
of their property without due process. In its decision, from 
which, however, Chief Justice Waite, with Associates Field, 
Bradley and Swayne, dissented, the Court held that servitude 
means personal servitude ; that " there is a citizenship of the 
United States and a citizenship of the State, each distinct from 
the other," that while the amendment placed citizens under 
federal protection it gave them no new rights as citizens of a 
State, and finally that the act of the Louisiana Legislature was 
not a denial of equal protection by the laws or a deprivation 
of property. 

On April 22, 1872, the Court had rendered its decision 
in the case of Osborn vs. Nicholson, confirming the validity 
of slave contracts entered into before the Emancipation Proc 
lamation. Another important decision of the same date 
related to the case of White vs. Hart. This arose from the 
attempt of the plaintiff to recover on a promissory note given 
for the purchase-money of a slave, the defense claiming non 
liability on the ground that by the new constitution of 
Georgia the State courts were forbidden to consider the valid 
ity of such contracts. In its decision the Court clearly 
defined the relation of the seceder States to the Union and 
held that such a State, having never been out of the Union, 
was never absolved from the prohibition in the Constitution 
of the United States against passing laws impairing the obliga 
tion of contracts. 

On March 22, 1875, tne Supreme Court decided that cer 
tain corporations created by the Legislature of Georgia while 
in rebellion were legal. This meant, in effect, that any acts by 
the de facto though unlawful government of that State, so long 
as they did not tend to aid the rebellion or to abridge the 
rights of citizens of the United States, were valid. 

But Southerners memories were too sad, their pains too 
keen, their sufferings of all sorts too terrible, to be assuaged 


merely by agreeable definitions of points 
in constitutional law. The war left the 
South in indescribable desolation. Great 
numbers of Confederates came home to 
find their farms sold for unpaid taxes, 
perhaps mortgaged to ex-slaves. The 
best Southern land, after the war, was 
worth but a trifle of its old value. Their 
ruin rendered many insane ; in multi 
tudes more it broke down all energy. 
The braver spirits men to whom till 


now all toil had been strange set to 

work as clerks, depot-masters and agents of various business 
enterprises. High-born ladies, widowed by Northern bullets, 
became teachers or governesses. In the comparatively few 
cases where families retained their estates, their effort to keep 
up appearances was pathetic. One by one domestics were 
dismissed ; dinner parties grew rare ; stately coaches lost their 
paint and became rickety ; carriage and saddle-horses were 
worn out at the plough and replaced by mules. At last the 
master learned to open his own gates, the mistress to do her 
own cooking. 

In a majority of the Southern cities owners of real estate 
found it for years after hostilities closed a source of poverty 
instead of profit. In the heart of Charleston charred ruins 
of huge blocks or stately churches long lingered as reminders 
of the horrid past. Many mansions were vacant, vainly flaunt 
ing each its placard " for rent." Most of the smaller towns, 
like Beaufort, threatened permanent decay, their streets silent 
and empty save for negro policemen here and there in shiny 
blue uniforms. The cotton plantations were at first largely 
abandoned owing to the severe foreign competition in cotton- 
growing occasioned by the war. It was difficult to get help on 
the plantation, so immersed in politics and so lazy had the < 
field-hands become. 


Upon the whites in many communities a kind of moral 
and social stagnation settled down, an unhealthy, hopeless 
acquiescence in the worst that might come. Politics they long 
regarded with abhorrence, as the accursed thing that had 
brought on the war. Whites, as well as negroes, drank reck 
lessly. Few of any class cared much for education. In 1874 
Alabama had 380,000 citizens who could neither read nor 
write, of whom nearly 100,000 were white. Yet the year 
before the public schools in that State, except in the larger 
cities, had been closed because the State could not pay the 
teachers. If, ta the Africans, education was freer after the war 
than before, turmoil and poverty left the young Southerners 
of paler skin little time or disposition for schooling. The 
determination, when it came, of the Southern whites to rule, 
sad as were the atrocities to which it led, was a good sign, 
marking the end of a lethargy which boded naught save ill to 

But the end of trouble was not yet. Mere courage 
would not bring prosperity to a people undergoing a social 
and political upheaval which amounted to anarchy and prom 
ised indefinite continuance. How angry the conflict was 
will appear when we see that it brought the " scalawag," the 
" carpet-bagger," and the negro, partly each by himself and 
partly together, into radical collision with all that was most 
solid, intelligent and moral in Southern society. " Whatever 
were the designs or motives of the authors of the reconstruc 
tion measures, the work of carrying them out was of necessity 
committed to those who lived at the South. It is a mild state 
ment to say that those on whom this responsibility fell were 
not generally well suited or qualified for such work. Sweeping 
denunciations are seldom just. Those who took part in re 
construction at the South were not all, or nearly all, ( North 
ern adventurers, Southern renegades and depraved negroes. 
Among all the classes so described were worthy and able men ; 
but the crude forces with which they dealt were temporarily 



too strong for their control or resistance. Corruption ran riot ; 
dishonesty flourished in shameless effrontery ; incompetency 
became the rule in public offices." 

The South had still, as always, a class of swaggering 
whites, the kind who earlier said that " the Yankees would 
back up against the North Pole before they would fight." 
Once, previous to the war, Hon. John C. Breckenridge, of 
Kentucky, journeying from New Orleans to Washington, 
passed through South Carolina. He subsequently related his 
experience. " But one man," he said, " boarded the cars on 
the route through that unpopulous piny-wooded land. He 
was dressed in full regimentals, and entered the smoking-car 

with the mien of a 

I joined this splendid 

soldier m the smok- 

ing-car. I offered him 

a f res h c jp- ar to en _ 

u . T 

S a S e him m conver - 

sation, and began to 

question him. { May 
T i j T 11 

! ask sald \> meekl > r 
what is going on in 

this State ? Tossing 

his head in proud 

Summary of the Amount paid to one Firm for Furniture disdain, he TCplied 

by the South Carolina Legislature of 1872-74 

From the Refort of the Investigating Committee CjOing Ott, SUll . W C 

won t stand it no mo/ 

suh ! The Governor has sent for his staff to meet with him and 
consult about it in Columbia, suh! I am one of his staff, suh ! 
We won t stand it any longer, suh ! No, suh ! It is intolerable, 
suh! No, suh! Stand what? I asked, in surprise, not 
unmixed with dread. f What is going on ? He answered : 
< Stand the encroachments on our Southern institutions, suh ! 

^Governor Chamberlain s Administration in South Carolina, Preface, vi. 


The abolitionists must be crushed, suh ! We will do it, suh ! 
South Carolina is ready, suh ! 

In reconstruction times Southern heroes of this stamp 
turned up as " scalawags." Most of the scalawags so hated after 
the war were the fire-eaters, old slave-traders, and plantation 
overseers whom decent society had tabooed before the war. 
They had no social position to lose, and it was but natural, 
their social superiors being Democrats, that they themselves 
should become ardent Republicans. Negro voters they now 
bought and sold, or shot, just as formerly they had bought 
and sold, or shot, negro slaves. These same men, who, under 
Republican rule, sought, with too much success, to lead the 
blacks, reappeared with the restoration of the Democracy in 
their original character as negro-baiters, hunting and killing 
their poor victims whenever this met party exigencies better 
than bribery did. A few old Whigs and perhaps some others 
joined the Republicans on principle. In the heat of political 
controversy these might be denounced as scalawags, but they 
were of a different spirit. 

Soon after the reconstruction of his State, at a public 
meeting in celebration of the event, Wade Hampton advised 

OLUME^A, JS. .,_ 


Will pay to the Order of Mr -..J.... 

Fa;:imi!c of a " Gratuity " Voted to Governor Moses by the South Carolina Legisla 
ture in i8jl 

the blacks to seek political affiliation with the best native 
whites, as both races equally wished order and prosperity 

*S. S. Cox, " Three Decades of Federal Legislation." 


restored. Beverly Nash, colored, addressed the meeting, urg 
ing the same. "His people," he said, "recognized the 
Southern white man as their c true friend, and he wished all 
the Confederates re-enfranchised. In this temper colored 
men formed the Union Republican party of South Carolina, 
and adopted a platform free from rancor. 

Unfortunately, such chance for affiliation was lost. Causes 
were at work which soon lessened Sambo s respect for " Old 
Massa," and " Old Massa s " for Sambo. Republicans from 
the North flocked to the South, whom the blacks, viewing 
them as representing the emancipation party, naturally wel 
comed and followed. These " carpet-baggers," as they were 
called, were made up, in the main, of military officers still or 
formerly in service, Freedmen s Bureau agents, old Union 
soldiers who had bought Southern farms, and people who had 
settled at the South for purposes of trade. 

There were, no doubt, many perfectly honest carpet-bag 
gers, and the fullest justice should be done to such. They 
considered themselves as true missionaries in partibus, commis 
sioned by the great Republican party to complete the regime 
of righteousness which the war and the emancipation proclam 
ation had begun. A prominent Democratic politician, describ 
ing a reconstruction Governor of his State, whom he had done 
his best to overthrow, said : " I regard him as a thoroughly 
honest man and opposed to corruption and extravagance in 
office. I think his desire was to make a good Executive and 
to administer the affairs of the State in the interest of the 
people, but the want of sympathy between him and the white 
people of the State, and his failure to appreciate the relations 
and prejudices of the two races, made it next to impossible for 
him to succeed." 

In the States where the worst evils were suffered the really 
guilty parties were usually few, the great body of legislators 
being innocently inspired by some loud and ringing watchword 
like " internal improvements," or " the development of the 



State," to vote for measures devised to enrich cunning sharks 
and speculators. What history will condemn in connection with 
the reconstruction governments is not so much individuals as 
the system which permitted a few individuals to be so bane- 
fully influential, not only in spite of their well-meaning asso 
ciates but by means of these. Moreover, carpet-bagger 
character differed somewhat with locality. Perhaps the recon- 
structionists of Mississippi were the best. We have evidence 
that the majority of the white leaders there were honest, being 
moved in their public acts by strong convictions of right and 
justice, which cost many of them their lives. 

But even of the honest carpet-baggers many were idealists, 
little likely to help reconcile the races, nearly certain to be 
misled by their shrewd but unprincipled colleagues. All were 
disliked and mistrusted by the local whites, as aliens, as late 
foes in arms, as champions of an order intolerable to the dom 
inant Anglo-Saxon. The sons of Dixie had been educated to 
believe in the negro as an inferior being. The Confederacy 
had been, in a way, based on this principle. To establish a 
government so founded they had ventured everything and had 
lost. A power unjust and tyrannical, as they conceived, had 
filled their States with mourning, beggared them, freed their 
slaves, and, as a last injury and insult, done its best to make 
the negro their political equal. They resisted, some passively, 
others actively. The best of them could not but acquiesce 
with a certain joy when the younger and more lawless 
used violence and even murder to remove the curse. The 
powerful hand of the Federal Government, sometimes itself 
perpetrating outrages in effort to suppress such, was evaded 
by excuses and devices of all sorts. When it was withdrawn, 
the Southerners announced boldly that theirs was a white 
man s government and that the ex-slaves should never take 
part in it. 

On the race issue the North, including no few Republi 
cans and even carpet-baggers themselves, gradually sided with 



ri* /J..~ 

f M. H. BERRY, 

ALL m ofliiirii 


the South. Northern 
Republicans, especially 
such as had travelled in 
the South, not seldom 
regretted that the suf- 
rage had ever been 
given to the blacks. It 
is interesting to notice 
that the idea of colored 
men s voting did not 
originate at the North. 
Till 1 834 and 183 5 free 
men of color voted in 
Tennessee and North 
Carolina. In some sec 
tions " the opposing 
candidates, for the nonce 
oblivious of social dis- 
tinctionsand intent only 
on catching votes, hob 
nobbed with the men and swung corners all with the dusky 
damsels at election balls." In 1867 General Wade Hampton, 
being invited by the colored people to address them at Co 
lumbia, S. C., did so, advocating a qualified suffrage for them. 
After the war Mississippi whites voted unanimously for the 
Fifteenth Amendment. On the other hand, in the North, at 
first only Stevens and Sum ner were for negro suffrage. So late 
as 1865 Oliver P. Morton was strenuous against it,* foretel 
ling most of the evils which the system actually brought forth. 
In 1865 Connecticut rejected a negro suffrage amendment by 
6,272 majority; in 1867 Ohio, Kansas and Minnesota did 
the same by the respective majorities of 50,620, 8,923 and 
1,298. In 1868 New York followed their example with a 
majority of 32,601. 

*See North American Review, Vol. 123, p. 259 et seq. 

Facsimile of a Bill for Furnishing the State Home at Columbia 
S. C., in 1872. 


The experiment being tried, all interests, not least those 
of the blacks themselves, were found to require that the supe 
rior race should rule. It seemed strange that any were ever 
so dull as to expect the success of the opposite polity. One 
perfectly honest carpet-bag Governor confessed that while he 
could give the people of his State "a pretty tolerable govern 
ment," he could not possibly give them one that would satisfy 
" the feelings, sentiments, prejudices or what not of the white 
people generally in that State." 

The good carpet-baggers and the bad alike somehow 
exerted an influence which had the effect of morbidly inflam 
ing the negro s sense of independence and of engaging him 
in politics. His former wrongs were dwelt upon and the bal 
lot held up as a providential means of righting them. The 
negro was too apt a pupil, not in the higher politics of prin 
ciple but in the politics of office and "swag." In 1872 the 
National Colored Republican Convention adopted a resolution 
" earnestly praying that the colored Republicans of States 
where no federal positions were given to colored men might 
no longer be ignored, but be stimulated by some recognition 
of federal patronage." The average negro expressed his views 
on public affairs by the South Carolina catch : " De bottom 
rail am on de top, and we s gwineter keep it dar." " The 
reformers complain of taxes being too high," said Beverly 
Nash in 1874, after he had become State Senator ; " I tell you 
that they are not high enough. I want them taxed until they 
put those lands back where they belong, into the hands of 
those who worked for them. You worked for them ; you 
labored for them and were sold to pay for them, and you 
ought to have them." 

The tendency of such exhortation was most vicious. In 
their days of serfdom the negroes besetting sin had been 
thievery. Now that the opportunities for this were multiplied, 
the fear of punishment gone, and many a carpet-bagger at 
hand to encourage it, the prevalence of public and private 




stealing was not strange. Larceny was nearly 
universal, burglary painfully common. At 
night watch had to be kept over property 
with dogs and guns. It was part, or at 
least an effect, of the carpet-bag policy to 
aggravate race jealousies and sectional mis 
understandings. The duello, still good form 
all over the South, induced disregard of law 
and of human life. " The readiness of 
white men to use the pistol kept the colored 
people respectful to some extent, though they fearfully 
avenged any grievances from whites by applying the torch to 
out-buildings, gin-houses, and often dwellings. To white 
children they were at times extremely insolent and threatening. 
White ladies had to be very prudent with their tongues, for 
colored domestics gave back word for word, and even followed 
up words with blows if reprimanded too cuttingly. It was 
also, after emancipation, notoriously unsafe for white ladies to 
venture from home without an escort. . . If a white man 
shot a colored man, an excited mob of blacks would try 
to lynch him. His friends rallied to the rescue, and a riot 
often resulted. The conditions were reversed if a white man 
was shot by a negro." Negro militia at the governors beck 
and call alarmed the whites. White companies formed and 
offered themselves for service, swearing to keep the peace, but 
were made to disband. To the Union and Loyal Leagues 
on the reconstructionists side answered the Ku-Klux Klan, al 
ready described, on the other. 

Colored men were quite too unintelligent to make laws 
or even to elect those who were to do so. At one time doz 
ens of engrossed bills were passed back and forth between the 
two Houses of the Alabama Legislature that errors in them 
might be corrected. According to contemporary reports the 
Lower House expelled one of its clerks for bad orthography 
and appointed a specialist to rectify the errors. Upon 


exposure of clerical mistakes the Upper House could not fix 
the blame, some Senators being unable to write three lines 
correctly, others wholly ignorant even of reading. One 
easily imagines how intolerable the doings of such public ser 
vants must have been. 

The colored legislators of South Carolina furnished the 
State House with gorgeous clocks at $480 each, mirrors at 
1750, and chandeliers at $650. Their own apartments were 
a barbaric display of gewgaws, carpets and upholstery. The 
minority of a congressional committee recited that " these 
ebony statesmen " purchased a lot of imported china cuspi 
dors at $8 apiece, while Senators and representatives cc at the 
glorious capital of the nation " had to be " content with a 
plain earthenware article of domestic manufacture." 

Of the Palmetto State Solons in 1873 an eye-witness 
wrote : " They are as quick as lightning at points of order, 
and they certainly make incessant and extraordinary use of 
their knowledge. No one is allowed to talk five minutes 
without interruption, and one interruption is the signal for 
another and another, until the original speaker is smothered 
under an avalanche of them. Forty questions of privilege 
will be raised in a day. At times nothing goes on but alter 
nating questions of order and of privilege. The inefficient 
colored friend who sits in the Speaker s chair can not suppress 
this extraordinary element in the debate. Some of the black 
est members exhibit a pertinacity in raising these points of 
order and questions of privilege that few white men can 
equal. Their struggles to get the floor, their bellowings and 
physical contortions, baffle description. The Speaker s ham 
mer plays a perpetual tattoo, all to no purpose. The talking 
and interruptions from all quarters go on with the utmost 
license. Everyone esteems himself as good as his neighbor 
and puts in his oar, apparently as often for love of riot and 
confusion as for anything else." 

Around the State-house, during the session of a Legis- 



lature in which were colored representatives, a dense crowd of 
open-mouthed negroes would stand, rain or shine, and stare 
at the walls from hour to hour, day after day. In one State 
election in South Carolina Judge Carpenter, an old South 
Carolinian and a Republican, ran in opposition to the carpet- 



bag candidate. Against him it was charged that if he were 
elected he would re-enslave the blacks, or that, failing in this, 
he would not allow their wives and daughters to wear hoop- 
skirts. Another judge was threatened with impeachment and 
summoned before the Legislature above described, because he 
had " made improper reflections on a colored woman of doubt 
ful character." 

There were said to be in South Carolina alone, in Novem 
ber, 1874, two hundred negro trial justices who could neither 
read nor write, also negro school commissioners equally igno 
rant, receiving a thousand a year each, while negro juries, decid 
ing delicate points of legal evidence, settled questions involving 
lives and property. Property, which had to bear the burden 
of taxation, had no voice, for the colored man had no property. 
Taxes were levied ruinously, and money was appropriated with 
a lavish hand. 

The public debt of Alabama was increased between 1868 
and 1874 from 18,356,083.51 to $25,503,593.30, including 
straight and endorsed railroad bonds. :i: A large part of this 
went for illegitimate expenses of the Legislature ; much more 
was in the form of help to railroads ; much went into the 
hands of legislators and officials ; little was returned to the 
people in any form. In 1860 the expenses of the Florida 
Legislature were $17,000; in 1869 they were ^67,000."}" Bonds 
to the amount of $4,000,000, which this State issued to sub 
sidize railroads, were marketed with difficulty. For some 
the best terms obtainable were fifty cents on the dollar. J 
In less than four months the Legislature of North Carolina 
authorized the issue of more than $25,000,000 in bonds,, princi 
pally for railroads, $14,000,000 being issued and sold at from 
nine to forty-five cents on the dollar. The counties began to 
exploit their credit in the same way, and some of the wealthier 

^Hilary A. Herbert, "Why the Solid South," p. 62. 

f Samuel Pasco, " Why the Solid South, p. 150. 




had their scrip hawked about at ten cents on the dollar.* In 
1871 the Louisiana Legislature made an over-issue of State 
warrants to the extent of $200,000, some of which were sold 
at two and a half cents on the dollar and funded at par.f In 
1873 the tax levy in New Orleans was three per cent. 
Four and a half years of Republican rule cost Louisiana 106 
millions, to say nothing of privileges and franchises given 
away.J Clark County, Arkansas, was left with a debt of 
$300,000 and $500 worth of improvements.^ Chicot County 
spent 400,000 with nothing in return ; and Pulaski County, 
including Little Rock, nearly a million. Town, county and 
school scrip was worth ten to thirty cents on the dollar, and 
State scrip with five per cent, interest brought only twenty-five 
cents. The bonded debt of Tennessee, most of it created in 
aid of railroads and turnpikes, was increased by $16,000,000, 
and the bonds were sold at from seventeen to forty cents on 
the dollar for greenbacks. In Nashville,** when there 
was no currency in the treasury, checks were drawn, often 
in the name of fictitious persons, made payable to bearer, 
and sold by the ring to note-shavers for what they would 
bring. Warrants on the Texas treasury brought forty-five 
cents a dollar, and the bonds of the State were practically val- 

In Mississippi during 1875, including $374,119.80, 
vouchers, etc., not charged on the books, $2,164,928.22 
were expended. In 1893 the expenditures were only $1,249,- 
193.91. In 1870 the State tax rate was $5 on the $1,000. 
In 1871 it was $4; in 1872, $8.50; in 1873, $12.50; in 

*S. B. Weeks, Political Science Quarterly, Vol. IX., p. 686 et seq. Cf. "Why the 
Solid South," pp. 80, 82. Mr. Weeks vouches for the truth of all the above statements relating 
to North Carolina. 

|B. J. Sage, "Why the Solid South," p. 403. {Ibid., 406. 

fW. M. Fishback, "Why the Solid South," p. 309. See ibid, for the other references to 

gj. P. Jones, " Why the Solid South," p. 214. **Ibid, 199. 

ffChas. Stewart, "Why the Solid South," p. 378. On all the foregoing debt state 
ments see also S. B. Weeks in Political Science Quarterly, Vol. IX., p. 68 1 et seq. 


1874, 114. In 1875 it feM to $9- 2 5- The Democrats came 
in in 1876, whereupon the rate fell to $6, decreasing contin 
ually until it reached $2.50 (1882-1885), after which time it 
rose once more in, 1894 standing at $6. The average county 
tax rate also fell from $13.39, in 1874, to $7.68, in 1894. 
Comparing the average rate between the years 1870 and 1875, 
inclusive, with that between 1876 and 1894, inclusive, we find 
that the State tax rate under Republican rule was two and a 
third times higher than under the Democrats afterward. The 
county tax rate for the same six years averaged about an eighth 
higher than for the nineteen years after 1875. 

Under the Republicans the annual average of auditor s 
warrants issued for common schools was $56,184.39. To 
September, 1895, the Democrats issued an average nearly six 
times as large. Mississippi s total payable and interest-bearing 
debt on January i, 1876, when the Democratic administration 
succeeded the Republican, amounted to $984,200, besides 
$414,958.31 in unpaid auditor s warrants. The Republicans 
expenditures were as in the following table : 

1870 (Beginning March u) . . $ 975^455-65 

1871 (For the whole year) . . 1,729,046.34 

1872 . . . 1,596,828.64 

1873 ... . 1,450,632.80 

1874 1,319,281.60 

1875 1,430,192.83 

Total ..... $8,501,437.86 
Average per annum . . $1,464,480.00 

After the downfall of the Republican order the heaviest 
expenditures were in 1894 $1,378,752.70; the lightest, 
$518,709.03, in 1876. The average annual expenditure from 
1876 to 1894 was between sixty and seventy per cent, of the 
average for reconstruction times.* 

*The Mississippi figures are vouched for by J. J. Evans, State Treasurer in October, 1895, 
as from the Mississippi State Treasurer s and Auditor s books and reports. The author begs his 
readers pardon for using in the Magazine draft of this History a table of Southern State recon 
struction debts which enormously exaggerated the Mississippi and also the Georgia debt. 



When, in July, 1868, Rufus B. Bullock became Gov 
ernor of Georgia, the debt of that State stood at $5,827,000. 
All had been created since the war except the Brunswick and 
Albany debt about to be mentioned. $429,000 of the debt, 
perhaps more, was paid during Governor Bullock s three years, 
but the bonded indebtedness of the State was meantime in 
creased by the issue of $3,000,000 in gold bonds for the 
State s own behoof, and of $1,800,000 gold bonds in pay 
ment of a State war debt to the Brunswick and Albany Rail 
road Company. Considering this sum the State s debt at the 
end of the war, its actual debt on January i, 1874, being 
$8,343,000, we may place the debt incurred during recon 
struction at about six and a half millions. The outstanding 
bonds of defaulted railroads the validity of which was acknowl 
edged by the State, are not included in this amount. 

The contingent liabilities of the State were also increased 
during the Bullock administration by the endorsement of rail 
road bonds to a total of $6,923,400. The Georgia Air Line 
returned $240,000, which should be deducted from the above 
total. On the other hand, the total must be enlarged by $400,- 
ooo in bonds of the Macon and Brunswick Railroad Com 
pany, endorsed, as it would seem, though no official record 
was made, by Governor Jenkins. It was charged and almost 
universally believed, but not proved, that State endorsement 
was often, if not regularly, secured before the beneficiary roads 
had built and equipped the required number of miles. The 
Cartersville and Van Wert secured $275,000 of endorsed 
bonds; then, changing its name to the Cherokee Railroad and 
agreeing to withdraw these bonds, obtained a new issue of 
endorsed bonds to the amount of $300,000. The first issue 
was not, after all, withdrawn, and color was thus given to insin 
uations against Governor Bullock s integrity. Such insin 
uations were also made in the case of the Bainbridge and 
Columbus road, but fell flat. $240,000 in bonds for this road 
the Governor endorsed before leaving the State on a temporary 




visit, but the guarantee could not be valid 
without the State seal. The Secretary of 
State was to affix this in case the road com 
plied with the conditions, which was not 
done, and the bonds were never issued. 

The Georgia railroad bonds were bought 
partly by Northerners, partly by a German 
syndicate. At home they were ceaselessly 
denounced as cc bogus " and " fraudulent," 
on the ground that they had been issued con 
trary to the conditions of the authorizing statutes, as well as, 
in some cases, to the Constitution of the State. The State, how 
ever, refused to submit the question to her courts, but re 
pudiated the bonds, and, to assure herself against payment, in 
1877 embodied the repudiation in her Constitution.* 

The first South Carolina Legislature under the recon 
structed Constitution, an excellent instrument, by the way, 
consisted of seventy-two white and eighty-five colored mem 
bers, containing only twenty-one white Democrats. At that 
date the State s funded debt amounted to $5,407,306. 27. At 
the close of the four years of Governor R. K. Scott s admin 
istration, December, 1872, though no public works of appreci 
able importance had been begun or completed, that debt, 
with past-due interest, amounted to $18,515,033.91. This 
increase represented " only increased, extravagant and prof 
ligate current expenditures." In December, 1873, an Act 
was passed declaring invalid $5,965,000 of the bonds known 
as " conversion " bonds, recognizing as valid $11,480,033.91 
in principal and accrued interest, and providing for refunding 
the debt in new bonds at 50 per cent, of the par value of 
the old. Between 1868 and December, 1874, the total cost 
of sessions of the Legislature, six regular and two special, 

*The direct gold bonds to the Brunswick and Albany were among the repudiated. The 
only railroad bonds recognized as valid amounted to $2,688,000 to four different roads, one of 
which was paying its interest. Tenth Census, Vol. VII., p. 585. 



was $2,147, 43-97) to sa y nothing of bills payable for legis 
lative expenses, amounting to $192,275.15.* The total cost 
of State printing and advertising during the period named was 
$1,104,569.91, and during the last three years thereof $918,- 
629.86. Running deficiencies were simply enormous. For 
the single fiscal year ending October 31, 1874, they were 
$472,619.54. Warrants, orders and certificates for public 
money were issued when no funds were on hand to pay them. 
There was thus, in addition to the bonded debt, a floating 
indebtedness of nearly or quite a million dollars.^ 

By 1874, in most of the Southern States, the carpet-bag 
governments had succumbed. Such States were well on the 
way to order and prosperity, though breaches of the peace 
still occurred there with distressing frequency. From Ala 
bama, in particular, came startling reports of terrorism. 
They had some foundation, but were greatly exaggerated by 
interested or ill-informed persons. In a letter to Hon. 
Joseph R. Hawley, Hon. Charles Hayes wrote of one Allen 
as having been beaten by ruffians and threatened with death 

if he " didn t keep his mouth shut about that d d Yankee, 

Billings," who had been assassinated. To a New York Tribune 
correspondent Allen said he had been assaulted by a solitary 
gentleman, armed only with the weapons of nature, who 
scratched his face. Some " massacred " persons denied that 
they had been hurt at all. Such violence as did occur by no 
means always proceeded from whites. It is well authenticated 
that colored Democrats were maltreated by colored Republi 
cans. The blacks were often unfriendly to whites even when 
these were Republicans. It is quite true that where negroes 
were thought to be politically dangerous or were otherwise 
obnoxious to the whites they received little consideration. 
Sixteen were taken from a jail in Tennessee and shot by a 
band of masked horsemen, their bodies being left in the road, 

^Governor Chamberlain s Administration in South Carolina, p. 17. 
flbid., p. 1 8 et seq. 



The Governor offered a reward for the apprehension of the 
murderers, when one turned State s evidence and told every 
thing. The others were at once arrested ; whether punished 
does not appear. 













SOUTH Carolina, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Louisiana 
were in 1874 still under carpet-bag sway. Their nearly 
complete deliverance therefrom during this year and the next 
forms an interesting chapter in the recent history of our 

In a letter written so early as 1869, after an extended 
Southern trip, General Sherman said : " I do think some po 
litical power might be given to the young men who served in 
the rebel army, for they are a better class than the adventurers 
who have gone South purely for office." Again, in 1871, he 
wrote : " I told Grant plainly that the South would go against 
him en masse, though he counts on South Carolina, Louisiana, 


and Arkansas. I repeated my conviction that all tnat was 
vital in the South was against him ; that negroes were gene 
rally quiescent and could not be relied on as voters when local 
questions became mixed up with political matters." This was 
an exact forecast of the actual event in all the States named. 
In each a reform faction of white Republicans grew up, dis 
gusted with carpet-bag corruption and unwilling longer to 
limit their political creed to the single article of negro rights. 
In the face of this quarrel negroes became bewildered, so that 
they either scattered, withheld or traded their votes, in a way to 
replace political power in the hands of the Democrats. 

The carpet-bag legislature of South Carolina guaranteed 
$6,000,000 in railroad bonds to subsidize the Greenville & 
Columbia and the Blue Ridge Railroads , taking mortgages on 
the roads to cover the amount. Rings of carpet-baggers and 
native speculators obtained legislation releasing the mortgages 
but continuing the State s liabilities. Seven hundred and filty 
thousand dollars or more in fraudulent State bank-notes were 
approved and assumed by the State. Though property in 
general had lost two-thirds of its ante-bellum value, it paid on 
the average five times heavier taxes. In 1872, 288,000 acres 
of land with buildings were said to have been forfeited for the 
tax of twelve cents an acre. As in Arkansas and in Louisiana, 
the Governor had dangerously great patronage. Negro felons 
were pardoned by wholesale for political purposes. Undeserv 
ing white convicts could be ransomed for money. Of the 
three justices on the Supreme Bench one was a carpet-bagger 
and one a negro. Juries were composed of illiterate and de 
graded men. 

In March, 1874, a committee of the South Carolina Tax 
payers Union waited on President Grant with complaints. 
He expressed regret at the anarchic condition of South Caro 
lina, but said that as the State government was in complete 
working order the federal authority was powerless. This ap 
peal, however, favorably affected public opinion. " It shows," 






said one journal, " that the South cherishes 
no sullen hostility." Antipathy toward South 
erners slowly changed to sympathy. The 
doings of the South Carolina Republicans 
could not but be disapproved by the party in 
the Nation. Democrats and non-partisans de 
nounced them as travestying free institutions. 
In 1 874 the South Carolina Republicans 
quarrelled. After a hot contest the regular 
convention nominated Hon. D. H. Cham 
berlain for Governor, Moses, his predecessor 
being set aside. Chamberlain was a native of 
Massachusetts, a graduate of Yale and of the 
Harvard Law School. He was a polished 
gentleman and an able lawyer. During the 
War he had been First Lieutenant and then 
Captain in the Fifth Massachusetts Cavalry. 
His principal service in the army was in the 
way of staff duty as Judge-Advocate and as 
Assistant Adjutant-General. War ended, he 
became a citizen of South Carolina in time to 
sit in its Constitutional Convention. The 
Independent Republicans bolted Chamber 
lain s nomination and put up for Governor 
Judge John T. Green, a native South Caro 
linian, to whose standard rallied the entire "reform" ele 
ment of the State, whether Conservative or Republican. 

The Chamberlain ticket was elected. In his inaugural 
address Governor Chamberlain marked out an able scheme of 
retrenchment and reform, soon showing, to the astonishment 
of many and to the dismay of some among his leading support 
ers that he was in earnest with it. The enormous power given 
the Executive, apparently that he might abuse it, enabled 
Chamberlain, spite of his party allies, to effect sweeping im 
provements. He supplanted dishonest officials with men of 




integrity, Republicans if such were available, if not, Demo 
crats. He vetoed corrupt jobs and firmly withheld pardons. 
Ex-Governor Moses and the infamous Whipper, elected by 
the legislature to the Circuit Bench, he refused to commis 
sion. Good jurors were selected, and crime and, race hatred 
wonderfully diminished. Like the English in Ireland, Gov 
ernor Chamberlain learned that an abstractly good govern 
ment over a community may fit the community very ill. 
Carpet-bagger, scalawag, and negro, however well intentioned 
and wisely led, could not in the nature of the case rule South 
Carolina well. Nevertheless his praiseworthy effort hastened 
the advent of order by revealing the nature of the evils which 
needed reforming. 

Arkansas was another of the States where exotic govern 
ment died extremely hard. Its persistence there was due to 
the strong Union sentiment which had always existed north of 
the Arkansas River. The State s colored vote was only a 
quarter of the whole, but was potent in combination with the 
large white vote which remained Republican till shamed into 
change. In this State, so stubborn were the traditions and 
temper of its citizens, neither faction readily gave way. 

The conflict in Arkansas was between the Liberal- 
Republicans, called " brindle-tails," led by James Brooks, and 
the Radical-Republicans, headed by Baxter. Chief Justice 
McClure, nicknamed " Poker Jack," and the United States 
Senators, Clayton and Dorsey, sided with Baxter. The re 
turns of the 1872 election seemed to make Baxter Governor, 
but Brooks alleged fraud and sought by every means to change 
the result. He appealed to the United States Court for a 
quo warranto against Baxter, but it declined to assume juris 
diction in the case. The State Supreme Court also declined. 
The legislature could have authorized a contest, but refused to 
do so. Not disheartened, Brooks sued for and secured from 
the Circuit Court of Pulaski County, April 15, 1874, a judg 
ment of "ouster" against Baxter, took forcible possession of 


Painted by Howard Py .e 


the State-house, and held it with cannon 

and some hundred and fifty men. Next 

day Baxter proclaimed martial law, marched 

two hundred partisans of his into Little 

Rock and surrounded the State-house. 

The federal forces, while neutral, enjoined 

both parties from precipitating an armed 

collision. Re-inforcements from both sides 

constantly came in, making Little Rock AUGUSTUS H. GAR. 

for the time a military camp. 

A body of Baxter s colored supporters, applauding some 
utterance of his, were fired into accidentally, as was said. 
Indiscriminate shooting ensued, with sanguinary results. 
Federal forces had to quell the disturbance. Excitement 
was undiminished until the end of April, breaches of the 
peace being frequent, though no general engagement occur 
red. On April joth took place an action in which Brooks 
suffered the loss of twenty-five men killed and wounded ; some 
accounts say seventy-one. A week later, and again two days 
later still, there were sharp skirmishes. The streets of Little 
Rock were barricaded, and communication with the outside 
world much impeded. Meantime the agents of the two parties 
in Washington were engaged in legal and diplomatic fencing, 
but effort after effort at compromise proved abortive. 

Neither side had an inspiring cause. In that poverty- 
stricken State offices were perhaps more numerous and fat 
than in any other commonwealth of the Union. Each side 
hungered for these. A cartoon of the period figured Arkansas 
as a woman gripped between two remorseless brigands with 
pistols levelled at each other. By the Constitution of 1868 
the Governor appointed to five hundred and twenty-six sal 
aried posts, besides creating all the justices of the peace 
and constables. Public expenditures, which, in six years, 
had amounted to $ 17,000,000, might, if properly looked 
after, be made a rich source of revenue to many. The 



following instance is well authenticated and where there 
can be one such there are certain to be many : In Fort 
Smith in 1873 a widow who made a living by sewing was 
taxed $60 on a lot fronting in a back alley and a house 
which could be built for from $300 to $400. It was more 
money than she ever had at one time in her life. Moved to 
tears over this woman s deep distress at the prospective loss 
of her home, a benevolent lady persuaded her husband to pay 
the taxes as an act of charity.* 

The legislature, convened by Baxter on the iith of 
May, telegraphed for federal interposition. Grant at once 
recognized Baxter and his legislature, and ordered " all turbu 
lent and disorderly persons to disperse." But the end was 
yet remote. The Poland Committee on Arkansas Affairs, 
appointed by the National House of Representatives, elicited 
the fact that Baxter and the leaders of his party, notably 
Clayton and Dorsey, were no longer on good terms. His 
disappointing integrity had lost Baxter his " pull " with the 
Senators and with the Arkansas Supreme Court, presided over 
by McClure. The following is from the evidence laid before 
the committee during the summer of 1874: 

" Q. State what you know in regard to the origin of the 
difficulties between Governor Baxter and the leaders of the 
party that elected him. 

" A. As I understood it, in the time of it, it originated 
with an effort made on the part of the Republican party 
proper to carry through the railroad bill. It originated with 
his opposition to this bill, or with his declaring that he would 
defeat the bill. 

" Q. What was the nature of the bill? 

" A. There had been $5,200,000 State-aid bonds issued, 
and the object of the bill was for the State to assume that 
indebtedness and take in lieu of it railroad bonds. 

that considered as any fair equivalent? 

*W. M. Fishback. "Why the Solid South," p. 308. 


"A. It was considered that that would be of no value 
at all. 

c< Q. What was the general opinion in relation to those 
bonds ; was it that the State had any benefit from them, or 
the roads, or individuals who pocketed the bonds ? 

" A. The impression on the public mind is that the 
bonds were divided up between the managers of the different 
roads/ * 

Baxter s new attitude surprisingly quickened the Supreme 
Court s sense of jurisdiction. Two of its judges were kid 
napped, but escaped, and four days before the legislature con 
vened, four of the five, though " feeling some delicacy " in 
doing so, reversed the former denial of jurisdiction, and on 
May 7, 1874, affirmed the decision of the Circuit Court in 
Brooks s favor. 

The legislature provided for a Constitutional Convention 
to convene on July 14, 1874, an action overwhelmingly in 
dorsed by the people at the next election. The new Consti 
tution, ratified 78,000 to 24,000 in October, swept the Gov 
ernor s enormous patronage away, as also his power to declare 
martial law and to suspend habeas corpus. The tax-levying 
and debt-contracting functions of the legislature were strictly 
hedged about. The number of offices was to be diminished 
and all were to be elective. Disfranchisements were abol 
ished. The most important of all the changes related to 
the Returning Board. The old Constitution had vested 
in this body extraordinary authority, like that given it by 
statute in Florida, South Carolina, and Louisiana. It desig 
nated three officers who were to receive all election returns, 
compile and count them, reject fraudulent and illegal votes, 
and in case of irregularities in the election, occasioned by 
fraud or fear in any county or precinct, to correct the return 

*House Committee Reports, ist Session 43d Congress, Vol. V., Report No. 771, 
p. 149 5 Testimony of Ex-Circuit Judge Liberty Bartlett. 



or to reject it and order a new election. 
The judicial part of this fearful sov 
ereignty was now annulled. 

The State Democracy endorsed these 
changes as "just, liberal, and wise," and 
offered Baxter the nomination for Gov 
ernor, which he refused. The opposition 
cried out that the State was betrayed into 
the hands of the Ku-klux and White 
Leagues, that Brooks was the true Governor, and that the new 
Constitution was revolutionary and void. They made no nom 
inations under it, so that at the election Garland, the Demo 
cratic nominee, was elected by a majority of 75,000 votes. 

Early in 1875 tne Poland Committee submitted to the 
House its report upon the Arkansas imbroglio. It stated 
that the new Arkansas Constitution was Republican in form 
and recommended non-interference, saying that while negro 
citizenship was not relished by the Southern people, few, ex 
cept certain lawless youths, who should be sternly dealt with, 
would do aught to disturb it. A minority report was signed 
by Jasper D. Ward, of Illinois, who had gone to Little Rock 
in company with Dorsey, and had during his entire stay re 
mained at Dorsey s house, where he met few but Brooksites. 
The President took issue with the Poland Committee. In a 
special message, two days after its report, he expressed the 
opinion that Brooks was the legal Governor of Arkansas and 
the new Constitution revolutionary. Spite of this, however, 
the House adopted the Poland report, thus, in effect, ending 
the long broil and suspense. Governor Garland at once pro 
claimed Thursday, March 25, 1875, a day of thanksgiving. 

Before light one morning in the winter of 187475, the 
white citizens of Vicksburg, Miss., were roused by the news 
that armed negroes were approaching the city. They sprang 
to arms and organized. Just outside the city limits a detach 
ment of whites met a body of two hundred negroes and soon 




The negroes were entrenched in the old federal breastworks at the top of the hill 

put them to rout, killing six, wounding several, and taking 
some prisoners. Almost at the same time a similar engagement 
was in progress near the monument where Pemberton surren 
dered to Grant in 1863. The man who headed the citizens 
said that the conflict lasted only a few minutes. The negroes 
fled in wild disorder, leaving behind twenty killed and 
wounded. At still other points negro bands were charged 
upon and routed. Three whites were killed and three 
wounded, while of the colored about seventy-five were killed 
and wounded and thirty or forty made prisoners. By noon 
the war was over, and on the following day business was 
resumed amid quiet and order. 

The causes of this bloody affair were differently recited. 
An address published by the citizens of Vicksburg a few days 
later alleged a series of frauds by certain colored county 



officials. Some of these had been indicted by a grand jury 
composed often colored and seven white men. Among the 
accused was George W. Davenport, Clerk of the Court of 
Chancery and a member of the Board of Supervisors. The 
citizens further declared that the bonds of Sheriff and Tax 
Collector Crosby were worthless, and also that he had made 
away with incriminating records to save comrades of his who 
were under indictment. A mass-meeting was held, and the 
accused officials asked to resign. Davenport fled the county; 
Crosby yielded. Soon, however, by an inflammatory hand 
bill, over Crosby s name, in which the < Taxpayers " were 
named a mob of ruffians, barbarians and political banditti, the 
colored people of the county were called upon to support him. 
It was rumored that a rising of blacks was imminent, though 
Crosby had disowned the pamphlet and promised to bid his 
adherents disperse. Governor Ames proclaimed a state of 
riot and disorder, and invoked the aid of all citizens in up 
holding the laws. Upon receipt of the Governor s proclama 
tion the Mayor of Vicksburg issued a counter-manifesto 
asserting that the mass-meeting, which the Governor had 
denounced as riotous and as having driven the sheriff from his 
office, was a quiet and orderly gathering of taxpayers who, 
without arms or violence, had u requested the resignation of 
irresponsible officials." His Honor con 
tinued : " Whereas the Governor s pro 
clamation has excited the citizens of the 
county, and I have this moment received 
information that armed bodies of colored 
men have organized and are now marching 
on the city," I command such " unlawful 
assemblages and armed bodies of men to 

Spite of his Honor s denial, Gover 
nor Ames ascribed the trouble to violence 
and intimidation against blacks by whites, 

Mayor of Vicksburg in 2874 


Drawn by B. W. Clinedin^ 



Scene in the Senate Chamber 


constituting a reign of terror, and convened the legislature in 
extra session. This body called upon President Grant to 
awaken what Sumner called "the sleeping giant of the Con 
stitution" and protect the State against domestic violence. 
Grant was reluctant to interpose. In his annual message hardly 
a fortnight before he had said : " The whole subject of execu 
tive interference with the affairs of a State is repugnant to public 
opinion." " Unless most clearly on the side of law such 
interference becomes a crime." He therefore merely is 
sued a proclamation commanding all disorderly bands in 
Mississippi to disperse. But breaches of the peace con 
tinued. At a public meeting in Yazoo City one man was 
killed and three or four wounded. The speaker of the even 
ing, a Republican office-holder, left the county, professing to 
believe his life in danger. In Clinton, three days later, at a 
Republican barbecue, where there was a discussion between a 
Republican and a Democrat, a personal quarrel sprang up, 
during which two negroes were shot. This was the signal for 
a general attack by blacks upon whites, in the course of 
which three white men were killed and several wounded. 
Later in the night seven or eight negroes were killed, when 
the armed men dispersed and quiet was restored. Another 
outbreak at Friar s Point, a month afterward, was clearly in 
cited by a colored sheriff, who had called together a body of 
armed negroes to support him in the County Convention. 

Ames now renewed his petition for United States 
troops, but met with a chilling response from the new Attor 
ney-General, Edwards Pierrepont, a Democrat till Seymour s 
nomination, thereafter a conservative Republican. He de 
clared that the General Government could aid Mississippi only 
when all the resources of the State Executive had been ex 
hausted. He accompanied this utterance with words from 
Grant s despatches : "The whole public are tired out with these 
annual autumnal outbreaks in the South, and the great majority 
now are ready to condemn any interference on the part of the 



Government." Failing to secure assistance from Washington, 
Governor Ames s party finally made an arrangement with the 
Conservatives, which assured a peaceable election. 

This resulted in Republican defeat, whereupon Mr. 
Revels, the colored Senator from Mississippi, wrote to the 
President the following : " Since reconstruction the masses of 
people have been, as it were, enslaved in mind by unprincipled 
adventurers. A great portion of them have learned that they 
were being used as mere tools, and determined, by casting 
their ballots against these unprincipled adventurers, to over 
throw them. The bitterness and hate created by the late civil 
strife have, in my opinion, been obliterated in this State, 
except, perhaps, in some localities, and would have long since 
been entirely effaced were it not for some unprincipled men 
who would keep alive the bitterness of the past and inculcate 
a hatred between the races in order that they may aggrandize 
themselves by office and its emoluments to control my people, 
the effect of which is to degrade them. If the State admin 
istration had advanced patriotic measures, appointed only 
honest and competent men to office, and sought to restore 
confidence between the races, bloodshed would have been 
unknown, peace would have prevailed, federal interference 
been unthought of, and harmony, friendship, and mutual con 
fidence would have taken the place of the bayonet." This 
" Yea, yea," as it was called, " of a colored brother who never 
said nay," was corroborated by testimony from other promi 
nent Republicans, white and black. 

On the other hand, it was warmly urged that, as a 
class, the Northern men in Mississippi were noble ex-sol 
diers, possessing virtues equal to those of their old associates, 
worthy sons of the fathers who founded this republic, and that 
they went to Mississippi with the same commendable motives 
under which their kinsmen have populated the continent from 
ocean to ocean to establish homes and to improve society- 
taking all their capital and urging others to follow them. 


DraiL-n by C. K. Lin so 

On January JO, 1872, General A. S. Badger, under orders from Governor If armoth, marched to the Gem 
Saloon in Royal Street, and demanded the surrender of the Carter Legislature which had made its headquarters 


" The Southern man had a motive in slandering the 
reconstructionists. He committed crimes upon crimes to 
prevent the political equality of the negro, and found his jus 
tification, before the world, in the conduct of those who were 
obeying the laws of the land. The debts of South Carolina 
were made to do duty in Mississippi, where there were no 
debts. In fact violence began at once, before there was time 
to contract debts in any of the States. 

" At first there was no political question. At first the 
enmity of a conquered people did not manifest itself. It was 
left for the Union soldiers practically to solve the problem of 
reconstruction put upon them by a Union Congress a Con 
gress whose laws they had always obeyed and the wisdom of 
whose decisions it never occurred to them to doubt. Their 
only offense against the State of Mississippi was an honest 
effort to obey the laws of the United States. They incor 
porated into the organic laws of the State, to its great benefit, 
some of the best features found in the constitutions of North 
ern States. They especially sought to build up, or rehabilitate 
educational and eleemosynary institutions. They would have 
liked to help by legislation the material condition of the State 
in its railroads and levees, but wiser counsels prevailed and 
the errors of other reconstructed States were avoided. 

"The offense of the Northern soldier was in reconstructing 
at all in giving (under the law) the negro the ballot. Political 
equality for the negro meant, to the whites, negro supremacy. 
Physical resistance followed. The few Union soldiers and 
their allies in Mississippi soon fell before the Mississippians 
and their re-inforcements from Louisiana and Alabama." 1 

Whatever the faults of Republican administration in the 
State, the only serious assault on the finances of Mississippi 
during the stormy era of reconstruction was an effort to repay 
some of the millions which Mississippi had repudiated years 
before. But this effort was not made by Union soldiers or by 

*Ex-Governor Adelbert Ames. 


Southern unionists, or by freedmen, but by an old Confederate ; 
and the scheme was defeated by a carpet-bagger official. It is 
well known that while Governor of Mississippi General Ames 
saved that State in the case of the Confederate General Tuck 
er s railroad about one million dollars, and in the case of the 
Vicksburg and Ship Island road some seven or eight hun 
dred thousand dollars more. But for General Ames s timely 
antagonism and the use of counsel to resist the diversion of 
the State s funds, the State would have lost largely over a mil 
lion dollars. The intelligent people of Mississippi to this 
day appreciate Governor Ames s action in this matter. 

In Louisiana, because of the peculiarity of its social struc 
ture, the color-line was drawn even more sharply than in South 
Carolina. In South Carolina there were three distinct castes 
of whites the aristocracy, the bourgeoisie, and the poor whites 
or " sand-hillers," while the Louisiana white people were a 
thorough democracy, the only caste division in the State being 
founded on color. The best families used no coats-of-arms ; 
their coachmen and servants wore no livery. The splendors 
attending vulgar wealth were eschewed. "There was a nobility 
in the white skin more sacred and more respected than the one 
derived from the letters-patent of kings." Such solidarity 
among the whites rendered the feud precipitated by the negro s 
enfranchisement peculiarly bitter. White and black children 
no longer played together as of yore. To avoid seeming in 
feriority colored servants refused to sleep under the same roofs 
with their old masters. 

It will be remembered that in November, 1872, Kellogg 
and McEnery each claimed to be elected Governor of Lou 
isiana, that President Grant recognized Kellogg, but that 
McEnery and his supporters energetically protested. This 
contest had never been quieted. McEnery s government 
retained its organization though deprived of all power. Near 
the close of August, 1874, the troubles grew menacing. The 
two parties had met in convention, when the country was 



Drawn by C. K. Lins 


startled by the news of the arrest and deliberate shooting of 
six Republican officials. As in all such cases the reports were 
conflicting, one side declaring it a merciless war of whites upon 
blacks, the other an uprising of the blacks themselves. 

The wealth of Louisiana made the State a special tempta 
tion to carpet-baggers. Between 1866 and 1872 taxes had 
risen five hundred per cent. Before the war a session of the 
legislature cost from $ 100,000 to $200,000; in 1871 the reg 
ular session cost between $800,000 and $900,000. Judge 
Black considered it "safe to say that a general conflagration, 
sweeping over all the State from one end to the other and 
destroying every building and every article of personal property, 
would have been a visitation of mercy in comparison to the 
curse of such a government." This statement is not extravagant 
if his other assertion is correct, that, during the ten years pre 
ceding 1 876 New Orleans paid, in the form of direct taxes, more 
than the estimated value of all the property within her limits in 
the year named, and still had a debt of equal amount unpaid. 

Kellogg had a body of Metropolitan Police, mostly col 
ored, paid for by the city of New Orleans but under his per 
sonal command, which formed a part of his militia. Over 
against this was the New Orleans White League, which again 
is to be distinguished from the White League of the State. 
On September I4th a mass-meeting was called in New Orleans 
to protest against the Governor s seizure of arms shipped to 
private parties. By 1 1 A. M. the broad sidewalks were filled 
for several squares, and there was a general suspension of 
business. A committee was appointed to wait upon the Gov 
ernor and request him to abdicate. He had fled from the 
Executive Office to the Custom-house, a great citadel, gar 
risoned at that time by United States troops. From his 
retreat he sent word declining to entertain any communication. 
Their leaders advised the people to get arms and return to 
assist the White League in executing plans that would be 
arranged. A large number formed in procession and marched 



up Poydras Street. By 3 p. M. armed men were posted at 
street-crossings south of Canal Street. Soon a strong position 
was taken in Poydras Street, the streets between Poydras and 
Canal being barricaded with cars turned sideways. General 
Ogden commanded the citizens and superintended these 
arrangements. Five hundred Metropolitans, with cavalry and 
artillery, took their station at the head of Canal Street, while 
General Longstreet, their leader, rode up and down Canal 
Street calling upon the armed citizens to disperse. About 4 
p. M. the Metropolitans assaulted the citizens position. A 
sharp fight ensued. General Ogden s horse was shot under him, 
as was General Badger s, on the Kellogg side. The colored 
Metropolitans broke at the first fire, deserting their white com 
rades. The citizens victory was soon complete, General Long- 
street and others seeking refuge in the Custom-house. Next 
morning, at seven, the State-house was in the citizens hands ; 
two hours later the whole Metropolitan force surrendered. The 
barricades were torn down and street-cars resumed their trips. 

Lieutenant-Governor Penn hastened to assure the blacks 
that no harm was meant toward them, their property or their 
rights. " We war," said he, " only against the thieves, plun 
derers and spoilers of the State." All the morning Perm s 
residence was filled with congratulatory crowds. Throughout 
Louisiana the coup-d etat roused delirious enthusiasm. At the 

same time leading citizens counseled 
moderation, especially urging that no 
violence toward colored people should 
be permitted. Penn, in a speech, said : 
" If you have any affection for me, if 
you have any regard for me, if you 
have any respect for me, as I believe 
you have, for God s sake and my sake 
do nothing to tarnish the fair fame of 
the State of Louisiana or to diminish 
WILLIAM PITT KELLOGG the victory you have achieved." The 



M *#m 


Mayor s proclamation ran : " Let me 
advise extreme moderation ; resume 
your vocations as soon as dismissed. 
Seek no revenge for past injuries, but 
leave your fallen enemies to the tor 
ture of their own consciences and to the 
lasting infamy which their acts have 
wrought for them." No deeds of vio 
lence were reported, though McEnery s 
officials were installed all over the State. 
About 2 P. M., as three thousand of 
General Ogden s militia marched past 
the Custom-house, the United States troops gathered in the 
windows, took off their hats and gave the citizens three hearty 
cheers, which were returned. At 3 P. M. ten thousand un 
armed citizens, preceded by a band of music, escorted Penn to 
the State-house. 

The triumph was short-lived. The resort to arms dis 
pleased President Grant. He commanded the insurgents to 
disperse in five days half the time he had allowed in Arkan 
sas and one-fourth the time he had allowed in his Louisiana 
proclamation of 1873. Troops and men-of-war were ordered 
to New Orleans, and General Emory was instructed under no 
circumstances to recognize the Penn government. A Cabinet 
meeting concluded that " it was important to adopt measures 

for maintaining, if not the de jure^ at least ._ . 

the de facto government in Louisiana." 
Attorney-General Williams compared the 
case with that of Arkansas, where, he con 
fessed, he always believed Brooks had a 
majority, but said : " The question is not 
who ought to be Governor, but who is." 
Emory received positive directions to rec 
ognize the Kellogg government, and on 
the next day Kellogg was induced to venture 




from his asylum and resume his office. Not all the Mc- 
Enery officials were turned out, as several of the Kellogg 
placemen had fled upon the news of Penn s success and could 
not be found. The new city police, under Mr. Boylan, a 
well-known detective, were retained, owing to the demoraliza 
tion of the Metropolitans. For a time United States soldiers 
were employed on police duty. On an election day as much 
as six weeks later, to remove apprehension caused by the in 
efficiency of the Metropolitans, a detail of the McEnery 
militia was made to preserve the peace at each polling-place. 

McEnery and Penn advised cheerful submission, and 
while surrendering the State-house to Colonel Brooks showed 
him every courtesy. The only excess reported was an unsuc 
cessful attack by negroes upon Bayou Sara. In answer to 
Attorney-General Williams s pronunciamento Penn asserted 
that the McEnery government had been organized ever since 
1872 ; that McEnery s armed supporters were not insurgents, 
but militia ; that the sole reason why the McEnery govern 
ment Was not de facto in function in the whole State was that it 
was overpowered by the United States forces, but for which it 
could assert its authority and would be universally obeyed. 
The Kellogg government, he said, could be placed and kept 
in power by the United States army, but in no other way 
whatever. " Is this," he asked, " the Republican form of 
government guaranteed to every State under the Constitu- 


tion r 

Happily the army had no command to repress free speech, 
which was usefully employed in appeals to the country. Some 
of these papers were written with unusual clearness and force. 
Besides describing anew the corruptions already alluded to, 
they accused the Kellogg faction of altering the registration laws 
in its own interest. " Many white citizens clearly entitled to 
registry were refused arbitrarily, while the colored people were 
furnished registration papers on which, in many instances, they 
could vote in different wards ; and colored crews of steamboats 




From a photograph in the historical collection of 
H. V. Fay 

transiently visiting this port were 
permitted to swell the number of 
voters." The White League, 
which, outside New Orleans, 
seems not to have been an armed 
body, was declared a necessary 
measure of defence against a 
formidable oath-bound order of 

Governor Kellogg sought to 
explain the uprising. He said : 
" They first want the offices, 
and that is the meaning of this 
outburst. The Governor of 
Louisiana wields an enormous 
amount of patronage, for which 
McEnery and his friends hun 
ger." However, at his instance an Advisory Board, con 
sisting of two men from each party and an umpire chosen 
by them, was arranged to supervise and carry on the registra 
tion for the next election. Though perhaps honestly con 
ceived, this plan amounted to little. About the middle of 
October the umpire resigned, and the functions of the Board vir 
tually came to an end. Further, the Conservatives were to cause 
all violence to cease, and were permitted to fill two vacancies on 
the Returning Board created by resignation for this purpose. 

The election of November, 1874, was quiet. Indica 
tions seemed to point to Democratic success. A break in the 
colored vote was foreshadowed, among other things, by an 
address of leading colored men in New Orleans, setting forth 
that the Republican party in the State had, since reconstruc 
tion, been managed and controlled by men in all respects as 
bad as " the most rampant White Leaguer," that they had 
shut out the colored wealth and intelligence and put in office 
" illiterate and unworthy colored men." The colored people, 



it said, " are ready to adopt any honorable adjustment tending 
to harmonize the races/ to further law and order and a higher 
standard of administration in public offices. 

Of course the Returning Board played an important part 
in this election. One example will illustrate its methods. 
The parish of Rapides chose three legislators. The United 
States Supervisor certified that the election was in all respects 
full, fair, and free. In the parish itself no one knew that any 
contest existed. At one of its last sittings the Board, upon an 
affidavit of its President, Wells, alleging intimidation, counted 
in all three Republicans. This, like other acts of the kind, 
was done in secret or cc executive " session. The Counsel of 
the Democratic Committee declared that they had no chance 
to answer. It came out that Wells was not present at Rap- 
ides, and he declined, though given the opportunity, to explain 
to the Congressional Committee his action. The Rapides 
change alone sufficed to determine the complexion of the 
lower house. 

After recounting instances of illegal action and fraud on 
the part of the Returning Board, the Inspecting Committee 
appealed to the nation : " We, the down-trodden people of 
once free Louisiana, now call upon the people of the free 
States of America, if you would yourselves remain free and 
retain the right of self-government, to demand in tones that 
cannot be misunderstood or disregarded, that the shackles be 
stricken from Louisiana, and that the power of the United 
States army may no longer be used to keep a horde of adven 
turers in power." 

Toward the end of 1874, the Returning Board completed 
its labors. It gave the treasury to the Republicans, and al 
lowed them a majority of two in the Legislature, five seats 
being left open. These changes from the face of the returns 
were made on the ground of alleged fraud, intimidation, or 
other irregularity at the polls, or in making the returns. The 
Board dismissed as preposterous all complaints of intimidation 

1 60 


by United States soldiery, though at least one case is reported 
of a federal officer making out affidavits against citizens, and 
arresting them upon these affidavits. He was stopped later 
by orders from his superior. 

The Congressional Investigating Committee, composed 
of two Republicans and one Democrat, after citing three or 
four instances of fraud on the part of the Returning Board, 
unanimously found itself " constrained to declare that the ac 
tion of the Returning Board on the whole, was arbitrary, un 
just, and illegal ; and that this arbitrary, unjust, and illegal 
action alone prevented the return of a majority of the Con 
servative members to the lower house." 

A few days before the assembling of the legislature one 
of the Republican members was arrested and confined till 
after the opening. The Conservatives alleged that this was 
for embezzlement ; the Republicans charged that it was for 
political purposes, and that their opponents were attempting 
to kidnap and even threatening to assassinate Republican leg 
islators to wipe out the majority. So threatening an aspect of 
affairs induced Grant to give Sheridan command of the Mili 
tary Department of the Gulf in addition to his own. Sheri 
dan started on telegraphic notice. 

The legislature convened on January 4th. Suppressed 
excitement could be seen in every eye. Of the memorable 
and unprecedented events of this day there are four varying 
accounts General Sheridan s statement, two reports to Con 
gress by committees of the two political parties in the Louis 
iana House of Representatives, and a recital incorporated in 
the Congressional Committee s report above referred to. The 
last, of which we give a resume, is the most trustworthy. 

The State-house was filled and surrounded by Metro 
politans and federal soldiers;, and no one permitted to enter 
save by Governor Kellogg s orders. At noon the clerk of the 
preceding House, Mr. Vigers, called the Assembly to order 
and proceeded to call the roll. Fifty Democrats and fifty-two 



Republicans answered to their names. Instantly a Conserva 
tive member, Mr. Billieu, nominated L. A. Wiltz as tempo 
rary chairman. The clerk interposed some objection, but 
Mr. Billieu, disregarding him, hurriedly put the motion and 
declared it carried upon a viva voce vote. Wiltz sprang to 
the platform, pushed the clerk aside, and seized the gavel. 
Justice Houston then swore in the members en bloc. In the 
same hurried fashion a new clerk was elected, also a sergeant- 
at-arms ; then, from among gentlemen who had secured en 
trance under one pretext or another, a number of assistant 
sergeants-at-arms were appointed. These gentlemen at once 
opened their coats and discovered each his badge bearing the 
words " Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms." Protests, points of or 
der, calls for the yeas and nays, were overridden. The five 
contesting Democrats were admitted and sworn in. The Re 
publicans now adopted their opponents tactics. Someone 
nominated Mr. Lowell for temporary chairman, and amid 
great confusion declared him elected, but he declined to serve. 
The organization of the House was completed by the election 
of Wiltz as Speaker. Several Republican members attempt 
ing to leave were prevented by the assistant sergeants-at-arms. 
Pistols were displayed, and the disorder grew so great that the 
House requested Colonel de Trobriand, commanding the 
forces at the State-house, to insist upon order in the lobby. 
This he did, and the House proceeded with the election of 
minor officers, uninterrupted for an hour. At length de Tro 
briand received word from Governor Kellogg, which his gen 
eral orders bound him to obey, to remove the five members 
sworn in who had not been returned by the Board. Speaker 
Wiltz refusing to point them out, General Campbell did so, and 
in spite of protest they were removed by federal soldiers. Wiltz 
then left the hall at the head of the Conservative members. 
The Republicans, remaining, organized to suit themselves. 

General Sheridan reported the matter somewhat differ 
ently. He reached Louisiana in no judicial frame of mind. 


Drawn by W. R. Leigh 


or THE 



Conservative chagrin and humiliation often took form in foolish 
threats, which were at once seized upon by the carpet-baggers 
and scalawags to fan his wrath. The very air seemed to him 
impregnated with assassination. He suggested that Congress 
or the President should declare the " ringleaders of the armed 
White Leagues " banditti ; he could then try them by military 
commission and put an end to such scenes as had occurred. 
The New Orleans Cotton Exchange, a meeting of Northern 
and Western residents of New Orleans, and other bodies 
passed resolutions denying the correctness of Sheridan s im 
pressions. In an appeal to the American people a number of 
New Orleans clergymen condemned the charges lodged by 
Sheridan with the Secretary of War as "unmerited, unfounded, 
and erroneous." General Sheridan reiterated them, and ac 
cused Bishop Wilmer, one of the signers of the appeal, of 
having admitted before the Congressional Committee " that 
the condition of affairs was substantially as bad as reported." 
The Bishop agreed that Louisianians were more prone than 
others to acts of violence, saying " there is a feeling of inse 
curity here," an expression which he interpreted as meaning, 
" no security in the courts against theft." 

General Sherman commented on the case as follows : " I 
have all along tried to save our officers and soldiers from the 
dirty work imposed on them by the city authorities of the 
South ; and may thereby have incurred the suspicion of the 
President that I did not cordially sustain his forces. . . I 
have always thought it wrong to bolster up weak State gov 
ernments by our troops. We should keep the peace always ; 
but not act as bailiff constables and catch-thieves ; that should 
be beneath a soldier s vocation. I know that our soldiers hate 
that kind of duty terribly, and not one of those officers but 
would prefer to go to the plains against the Indians, rather 
than encounter a street mob or serve a civil process. But in 
our government it is too hard to stand up in the face of what 
is apparent, that the present government of Louisiana is not 


. 5. Marshall 

G. F. H 

William A. Wheeler William P. Ft 


the choice of the people, though in strict technical law it is the 
State government." 

Public opinion at the North sided with the appellants. 
The press gave a cry of alarm at such military interference in 
civil affairs. A staunch Republican sheet uttered the senti 
ment of many when it said, " Unless the Republican party is 
content to be swept out of existence by the storm of indignant 
protest arising against the wrongs of Louisiana from all por 
tions of the country, it will see that this most shameful outrage 
is redressed wholly and at once." Numerous indignation 
meetings were held in Northern cities. Republicans like Wil 
liam Cullen Bryant, William M. Evarts, Joseph R. Hawley 
and Carl Schurz openly condemned the use which had been 
made of the troops. Legislatures passed resolutions denounc 
ing it, and it was understood that Fish, Bristow and Jewell, of 
the Cabinet, disapproved. Yet patience was urged upon the 
people of Louisiana. " Whatever injustice," said Carl Schurz, 
" you may have to suffer, let not a hand of yours be lifted, let 
no provocation of insolent power, nor any tempting oppor 
tunity seduce you into the least demonstration of violence. 
As your cause is just, trust to its justice, for surely the time 
cannot be far when every American who truly loves his liberty 
will recognize the cause of his own rights and liberties in the 
cause of constitutional government in Louisiana." 



Under a resolution introduced by Mr. Thurman the 
Senate called upon President Grant for explanation. A special 
message was the response, defending the end which had been 
had in view but really leaving undefended the means em 
ployed. Early in 1875 a se c n d committee, George F. Hoar, 
Chairman, was appointed to investigate Louisiana affairs. The 
result of their labors was known as the "Wheeler Adjustment," 
which embraced on the one hand submission to the Kellogg 
government, and on the other arbitration by the committee 
of contested seats in the legislature. This arbitration seated 
twelve of the contestants excluded by the Returning Board. 
Mr. Hahn vacated the Speaker s chair, Mr. Wiltz withdrew 
as a candidate therefor, and Mr. Estilette, a Conservative, was 
elected. This settlement marked the beginning of the end of 
carpet-baggery in Louisiana. 












EARNESTLY as President Grant strove to improve the 
Indian service it was no credit to the nation during his 
term. In 1874 the Indian Territory contained not far from 
90,000 civilized Indians. The Cherokees, 17,000 strong and 
increasing, who had moved hither from Alabama, Tennessee, 
and Georgia, now possessed their own written language, con 
stitution, laws, judges, courts, churches, schools, and academ 
ies, including three schools for their former negro slaves. 
They had 500 frame and 3,500 log-houses. They yearly 
raised much live-stock, 3,000,000 bushels of corn, with enor 
mous crops of wheat, potatoes and oats an agricultural 
product greater than New Mexico s and Utah s combined. 
Similarly advanced were the Choctaws, with 17,000 people 
and forty-eight schools; the Creeks, with 13,000 people 
and thirty schools ; and the Seminoles, General Jackson s 
old foes, having 2,500 people and four schools. 

These facts inspired the President with a desire to im 
prove the wilder tribes. Deeming clemency and justice, with 
firmness, certain to effect this, he proposed to transfer the 



Indian bureau to the War Department; but Congress, army 
officers, and the Indians themselves, opposed. He then gave 
the supervision of Indian affairs to a Commission made up 
from certain religious bodies. This kindly policy being an 
nounced, two powerful Indian delegations, one of them headed 
by Red Cloud, the Sioux chief, visited the Great Father at 
Washington, evidently determined henceforth to keep the 

Few of the wild Indians did this, however. Perhaps only 
the Apaches, always our most troublesome wards, have ever 
pursued murder and rapine out of pure wantonness ; yet most 
of the red men still remained savages, ready for the war-path 
on slight provocation. If the frontier view no good Indian 
but a dead one is severe, many Eastern people were hardly 
less extreme in the degree of nobility with which their imagin 
ation invested the aborigines. Moreover, despite the Commis 
sion s exertions, the Indian service, though its cost increased 
from three and a quarter million in 1866 to nearly seven mil 
lion in 1874, sank in character. The Commissioners were 
partly ignored, partly subjected to needless embarrassment in 
their work. Members of the Indian Ring secured positions 
and contracts in preference to people recommended by the 
Commission, and the Interior Department often paid bills ex 
pressly disallowed by the Commission, which was charged with 
the auditing. 

Contractors systematically swindled the Indians. Pro 
fessor Marsh, of Yale University, wishing to engage in scien 
tific research upon Red Cloud s Reservation, that chief, while 
protecting his life, forbade him to trespass till he promised to 
show the Great Father samples of the wretched rations fur 
nished his tribe. " I thought," naively confessed the chief, 
" that he would throw them away before he got there." But 
the "man who came .to pick up bones" was better than his 
word. He exhibited the specimens to the President, who was 
deeply incensed and declared that justice should be done. 




After a. photograph by Bell 

Marsh drew up ten specific charges, 
to the effect that the agent was incom 
petent and guilty of gross frauds, 
that the number of Indians was over 
stated to the Department, and that 
the amount of food and clothing 
actually furnished them was insuffi 
cient and of wretched quality. Army 
testimony was of like tenor. " The 
poor wretches," said one officer, 
"have been several times this winter 
on the verge of starvation owing to 

O O 

the rascality of the Indian Ring. 
They have been compelled to eat 
dogs, wolves, and ponies." It was urged in excuse that the 
supply-wagons had been delayed by snow. March 18, 1875, 
General Sherman wrote from St. Louis : " To-morrow Gene 
rals Sheridan and Pope will meet here to discuss the Indian 
troubles. We could settle them in an hour, but Congress 
wants the patronage of the Indian bureau, and the bureau 
wants the appropriations without any of the trouble of the 
Indians themselves." 

The Indians discontent was intensified by the progress 
ive invasion of their preserves by white men, often as lawless 
as the worst Indians, and invariably bringing intemperance 
and licentiousness. Frontiersmen looked jealously at the un 
improved acres of the reservations as an Eden which they were 
forbidden to enter, while a horde of thriftless savages were in 
idle possession. Violence against the red men seemed justifi 
able and was frequent. 

The first troubles were in Arizona. In 1871 the legis 
lature of the Territory, seconded by the California legislature, 
prayed Congress for protection. Affidavits were submitted 
declaring that within two years 166 persons had been killed, 
801 horses and mules and 2,437 cattle killed or stolen. In 



November Governor A. P. K. Safford gave out an impas 
sioned letter, of which we reproduce the substance. He said 
that with natural resources unsurpassed, with gold and silver 
mines that ought to be yielding annually $20,000,000, the 
people of his Territory were in poverty, and had undergone 
for years scenes of death and torture unparalleled in the settle 
ment of our new countries. Instead of receiving sympathy and 
encouragement from their countrymen they were denounced 
as border ruffians, though nowhere were the laws more faith 
fully obeyed or executed than in Arizona. In but one in 
stance had the people taken the law into their own hands. 
That, as the facts showed, was done under the most aggravat 
ing circumstances. In the possession of the Indians killed 
was found property belonging to men and women who had 
been murdered while the Indians were fed at Camp Grant. 
For this attack on the red men the whites were indicted by a 
grand jury, showing that Arizona courts and judges did not 
screen any. The Territory was out of debt, and was soon to 
have a free school in every district, indicating the law-abiding 
character of the population ; yet men who were making money 
at the cost of the lives and property of the Arizona peo 
ple denounced them as everything bad, and represented the 
Apache Indians, who had for four hundred years lived by 
murder and robbery, as paragons of moral excellence The 
people of Arizona wanted peace and cared not how it was ob 
tained ; but they knew by years of experience that to feed In 
dians and let them roam over large tracts of lands simply placed 
them in a secure position to raid the settlers and return to 
their reservations for safety and rest. Though possessing 
one of the richest Territories, all the Arizonians felt dis 
couraged. At least five hundred had been killed, a large 
number of these horribly tortured. Those left, after fighting 
for years to hold the country, found themselves in poverty and 
looked upon as barbarians. General Crook struck the key 
note when he enlisted Indians against Indians. It threw con- 



sternation among them such as was never seen before. Had 
he been allowed to pursue this policy it would have taken but 
a few months to conquer a lasting peace. But Peace Commis 
sioner Colyer had countermanded the order and millions would 
have to be expended and hundreds of lives lost before the end 
could be reached. 

The massacre of Indians referred to by Governor Saf- 
ford occurred in April, 1871. A few hundred Apaches had 
been gathered at Camp Grant, being fed on condition of keep 
ing the peace, which condition seemed to have been broken. 
A party of whites with a hundred Papago Indians fell upon 
the Indian camp, killed eighty-five men and women, and car 
ried away twenty-eight children as prisoners. A Federal grand 
jury which found indictments against several of the attacking 
party reported upon a number of important points. They 
found that the hostile Indians in the Territory, led by many 
different chiefs, generally adopted the policy of making the 
point where the Indians were fed the base of their supplies of 
ammunition, guns, and recruits for their raids, each hostile 
chief usually drawing warriors from other bands when he un 
dertook an important raid, whether upon Arizona citizens or 
upon the neighboring state of Sonora, where they were contin 
ually making depredations. With few marked exceptions the 
habit of drunkenness prevailed among the officers at Camps 
Grant, Goodwin, and Apache, where the Apache Indians 
were fed. The rations issued to the Indians at these camps 
were frequently insufficient for their support ; also unjustly 
distributed. Bones were sometimes issued instead of meat. 
One United States quartermaster acknowledged that he had 
made a surplus of twelve thousand pounds of corn in issuing 
rations to the Indians at Camp Goodwin. An officer com 
manding at Camp Apache, besides giving liquor to the Apache 
Indians, got beastly drunk with them from whiskey belonging 
to the United States Hospital Department. Another United 
States Army officer gave liquor to Indians at the same camp. 



The Region Occupied by the Modocs, showing the "Lava Beds " 

United States Army officers at those camps where the In 
dians were fed habitually used their official position to break 
the chastity of the Indian women. The regulations of Camp 
Grant, with the Apache Indians on the reservation, were such 
that the whole body of Indians might leave the reservation 
and be gone many days without the knowledge of the com 
manding officer. In conclusion this United States grand jury 
reported that five hundred of their neighbors, friends, and fel 
low-citizens had fallen by the murdering hand of the Apache 
Indians, clothing in the garb of mourning family circles in many 
hamlets, towns and cities of different States. " This blood," 
they said, " cried from the ground to the American people for 
justice justice to all men." 

Pacific overtures and presents were made to the Indians 
by Peace Commissioner Colyer, but his efforts were unpopular 
and proved futile. By the severer policy which the whites 
urged and by pitting friendly Indians against them, the Apa 
ches were at last subdued and kept thenceforth under strict reg 
istry and surveillance. 

During the autumn of 1874 gold was found in the Black 
Hills Sioux Reservation, between Wyoming and what is now 
South Dakota. General Sheridan prohibited exploration, but 
gold-seekers continually evaded his order. Said Red Cloud : 
" The people from the States who have gone to the Black 
Hills are stealing gold, digging it out and taking it away, and 
I don t see why the Great Father don t bring them back. 
Our Great Father has a great many soldiers, and I never knew 



him, when he wanted to stop anything with his soldiers but he 
succeeded in it." A still worse grievance was the destruc 
tion of buffaloes by hunters and excursionists. Thousands of 
the animals were slaughtered for their hides, which fell in price 
from three dollars each to a dollar. In one locality were to 
be counted six or seven thousand putrefying carcasses. Hunt 
ers boasted of having killed two thousand head apiece in one 
season. Railroads ran excursion trains of amateur hunters, 
who shot their victims from the car windows. The creatures 
were at last well-nigh exterminated, so that in 1894 buffalo 
robes cost in New York from $75 to $175 each. 

Rasped to frenzy in so many ways, tribe after tribe of 
savages resolutely took up arms. The Klamath Indians and 
the Modocs, hereditary enemies, were shortly after the civil 
war placed upon a common reservation in Oregon. The 
Modocs, suffering many annoyances from the Klamaths, and 
indulging in some retaliation, were at last permitted, leaving 
their uncongenial corral, to roam abroad. Captain Jack headed 
the seceders, who were believed by many to have been for the 
most part inoffensive. Among them, however, eight or ten 
turbulent spirits, led by Curly-headed Doctor, were accused of 
such depredations that a new superintendent, appearing in 
1872, made unfavorable report of the whole wandering tribe, 
and recommended what General E. R. S. Canby, commanding 
the Department of the Columbia, deprecated, a resort to force 
to bring them back to their reservation. Surprised in camp at 
gray dawn of November 29, 1872, the chiefs refused to sur 
render and escaped, leaving eight or nine dead warriors, and 
killing or wounding about the same number of soldiers, besides 
three citizen auxiliaries. Curly-headed Doctor s band now 
went upon the war-path, killing eighteen men, though sparing 
all women and children. While Captain Jack and his faction 
had no hand in this, the two chiefs, with about 50 warriors and 
175 camp followers, united for defence in the Lava Beds, or 
" pedregal," of northern California, over which rocks of all 



shapes and sizes Jay where the last ancient volcanic eruption 
left them, presenting crevices, chasms, and subterranean pas 
sages innumerable, with occasional verdant patches of an acre 
or two. Against these hostiles were sent 400 soldiers and a 
battery of howitzers. After nearly a month of preparation 
and skirmishes, on the lyth of January, 1873, 300 soldiers with 
twenty scouts entered the " pedregal." The stumbling ad 
vance exposed not a redskin, but man after man fell as the 
cracks and crannies of the gray rocks above them kept spit 
ting spiteful puffs of smoke. At night, thirty having been 
wounded and ten killed, they retreated, and Colonel Wheaton, 
commanding, asked for 300 more men and four mortars. 
Meantime the Modocs, by capture or otherwise, secured 
guns, ammunition, and perhaps some reinforcements. 

Now two Peace Commissioners, succeeding each other, 
endeavored in vain to induce the Indians to remove to a reser 
vation in Arizona or the Indian Territory, far from the perse 
cutions of the Klamaths and from the vengeance of Oregon 
whites. The eight or ten most desperate Modocs, known as 
" the murderers," urged the continuance of the war. Lest his 
tribal kindred should be betrayed to the hangman or some 

* O 

other treachery practiced, Captain Jack wished the soldiers 
sent away and the Lava Beds made a reservation. Finding 
that neither of these dangerous boons could be granted, he 
began to lend ear to his tempters, who surrounded him 
as he sat despondent on a rock. Hooker Jim said: "You 
are like an old squaw ; you have never done any fight 
ing. You are not fit to be a chief." In like strain George : 
" What do you want with a gun ? You don t shoot anything 
with it. You don t go any place or do anything. You are sitting 
around on the rocks." Scar-faced Charley took up the taunt: 
" I am going with Hooker Jim. I can fight with him. You 
are nothing but an old squaw." They decked him with a 
squaw s dress and bonnet and further jeered him. Thus stirred, 
the savage in Captain Jack triumphed. He turned on them 


and cried : " I will show you that I am no squaw. We will 
have war, and Keint-poos will not be the one to ask for peace. " 
It is recorded of Captain Jack that subsequently, with Scar- 
faced Charley, he all night watched over a white emissary, an 
old-time friend of the tribe, to prevent his murder by the In 
dians. Upon returning he assured the Commissioners that the 
Modocs meant treachery. The interpreter s squaw wife, Toby, 
also warned them, being herself told by Modoc " Whim " 
to keep away and to keep the Commissioners away. A parley 
appointed for April 8th fell through because of the timely 
discovery of an Indian ambush. Nevertheless, when Bogus 
Charley came and proposed at the council tent near the edge 
of the" pedregal " an unarmed conference of the Commission 
ers and General Canby with an equal number of Modocs, say 
ing that after this they would surrender, General Canby and Dr. 
Thomas, of the Commission, thought that the importance of 
the object justified the risk. The scout Riddle, as well as 
Meacham and Dyar, the other Peace Commissioners, urged 
that it was a hazardous enterprise, but all three said they 
would go rather than be chargeable with cowardice. Before 

O D 

starting, Meacham and Dyar provided themselves with pocket 
pistols, gave up their valuables to a friend, and indicated their 
last wishes. 

The embassy took seats on stones around a small fire 
of brush. Only Dr. Thomas reclined 
on the ground. Captain Jack made 
a speech. As he closed, Hooker 
Jim took Meacham s overcoat and 
put it on, insolently remarking, " I 
am Meacham." Meacham said : 
" Take my hat, too." " I will, pres 
ently," was the response, in Modoc. 
Perceiving that treachery was con 
templated, General Canby told how 
he had earned the name of " the 




Indian s friend," expressing hope that the Modocs, as others 
had done, would some day thank him for getting them 
happy homes. He could not send away the Great Father s 
soldiers, but what the Commissioners promised should be 
done, and the citizens should not interfere. Dr. Thomas, 
too, rising to his knees, with head uncovered and with his 
hand on Meacham s shoulder, said : " I believe the Great 
Spirit put it into the heart of the President to send us here 
to make peace. I have known General Canby fourteen years, 
Mr. Meacham eighteen years, and Mr. Dyar four years. 
I know their hearts are good, and I know my own heart. We 
want no more war. I believe that God sees what we do ; that 
he wishes us all to be at peace ; that no more blood should be 


Looking east, showing the Soldiers 1 Cemetery in the foreground 
From a photografh by Taker 

shed." Captain Jack said he did not wish to leave that coun 
try for a strange one. " Jack," said Meacham, " let us talk 
like men and not like children. You are a man that has com- 



mon-sense ; isn t there any other place that will do you except 
Willow Creek and Cottonwood ? " Here, while Jack stepped 
back to the horses, Sconchin broke in : " Give us Hot Creek 
for a home, and take away your soldiers," repeating, excitedly, 
" Take away the soldiers and give us Hot Creek, or stop talk 
ing." Just then two Indians with three guns apiece came run 
ning from their hiding place not far off. Steamboat Frank and 
a third brave also soon appeared. " What does this mean, 
Captain Jack ? " said some one. The chief, close to Canby, 
levelled his revolver, said " Atwe" " all ready," and pressed 
the trigger. The cap snapped. In an instant he cocked it 
again and fired. Canby fell, struck under the eye. Boston 
Charley shot Dr. Thomas in the left breast. He rose and ran, 
but Bogus Charley finished the work with a rifle ball. Scon- 

The cross indicates the spot where General Canby sat when Captain Jack 

fired the first shot 
From a photograph by Taker 

chin missed Meacham, who ran, drew his pistol and fired 
back, but soon fell senseless with a bullet in his head. Gen 
eral Canby recovered his footing and sought to flee. Ellen s 



Man brought him to the earth, while Jack dispatched him 
with a stab in the neck. Pressed by Hooker Jim, Dyar faced 
about with his pistol and the redskin fled. Riddle, the inter 
preter, hounded by three, managed to escape with a mere 
scratch. His wife, Toby, was struck down, but her life was 
spared. As the murderers proceeded to the usual savage con 
summation of their deed, she cried out : " Soldiers ! soldiers ! " 
whereat they fled. By this ruse did the faithful squaw save the 
bodies from mutilation. 

At another place Lieutenants Doyle and Sherwood had 
just before been attacked under a flag of truce, and Sherwood 
mortally wounded. The camp force, thus apprised of treach 
ery, hastened, too late, to the scene of Canby s death. Only 
Riddle and Dyar reached their advancing lines. The stripped 
bodies of Canby and Thomas were first found. Near by lay 
Meacham, also stripped, shot under his right eye, in the side 
of the head, and through the right arm. A temple was 
grazed, a finger lost, an ear cut, while a long gash gaped 
where Boston Charley had begun to scalp his victim. Mea 
cham still breathed, however, and, after the bullets had been 
extracted, rapidly recovered. 

Attack upon the Indians was now begun in earnest, and 
their stronghold shelled, but in vain. Not till early summer, 
when the " murderers " had rebelled and both factions left 
the lava beds, Jack making for the 
coveted Willow Creek, seeking, per 
haps, a union with disaffected Sho- 
shones, did General Jefferson C. Davis, 
who took Canby s place, scatter and 
capture the bloody pack. The Mo- 
docs lost a few warriors, besides wom 
en and children. Of citizens and the 
military and Indian allies, sixty-five 
were killed, sixty-three wounded. The 
war cost half a million dollars. Captain 





After a photograph by Notman After a photograph by Barry 


Jack, Sconchin, Black Jim, Boston Charley, One-Eyed Jim, 
and Slolox were tried by a military commission for murder. 
The first four were hanged, the other two imprisoned for life 
on Alcatraz Island, San Francisco Harbor. 

The above account of the Modoc War is substantially 
that of those inclined to lay the main guilt of the uprising to 
the whites and to think well of the Indians. What may in a 
sense be called the Oregon view differs from it in certain more 
or less important particulars, mainly (i) in ascribing the pro 
vocation to war to the Modocs rather than to the Klamaths or 
the whites, and to the whole of Jack s band rather than to a 
turbulent part of it ; (2) in setting down as foolish the efforts 
of peace men to deal with savages, considering these as, prac 
tically without exception, heartless and treacherous. 

The Cheyennes and allied tribes, in reprisal for the loss 
of their buffaloes, made many cattle raids. In 1874 the set 
tlers retaliated, but were soon flying from their farms in panic. 
The Indians, as the papers had it, were at once " handed over 
to the secular arm," the army being set to deal with them in 
stead of the Peace Commission. Resistance was brief, en- 



tirely collapsing when at one stroke sixty-nine warriors and 
two thousand ponies were captured on Elk Creek. In 1874 a 
massacre by the Sioux was barely averted. The agent at the 
Red Cloud agency erected a staff, and, on Sunday, unfurled 
the national flag "to let the Indians know what day it was." 
Viewing the emblem as meaning hostility, the Sioux belea 
guered the agency, and, but for Sitting Bull, would have mas 
sacred all the whites there as well as the handful of soldiers 
sent to their rescue. 

While the catastrophes just narrated were occurring a 
worse horror withdrew public attention for a moment from the 
Indian hostilities at the remote West to a far Eastern locality 
over which King Philip s own braves had ranged in the first 
great Indian war of American history. 

After a photograph by Gardner at Falmouth, Va.^ in 1863 



On May 16, 1874, the rupture of a reservoir dam in the 
town of Williamsburg, Mass., caused a disastrous flood, cost 
ing 140 lives and the loss of $1,500,000 in property. The 
basin which collapsed was 300 feet above the level of Wil 
liamsburg village, and from three to four miles farther up 
Mill River. It covered 109 acres to a depth averaging 24 
feet, its 650,000,000 gallons of water forming a reserve supply 
for the factories of Williamsburg, Skinnerville, Haydenville, 
Leeds, and Florence. The gate-keeper, one George Cheney, 
made the tour of the premises as usual, early on the fatal morn 
ing, but discovered nothing out of order. He went home to 
breakfast. The meal was just ending when Cheney s father, 
happening to glance through a window, exclaimed : " For 
God s sake, George, look there ! " A vast block, fifty feet 
long, was shooting out from the bottom of the dam. Cheney 
was an old soldier and had presence of mind. Rushing to 
the gate he opened it to its full width, hoping thus to re 
lieve the pressure at the break. He then made for the barn. 
Bridling his horse while his father cut him a stick, he 
mounted, just as the whole dam gave way, and dashed head 
long down the valley, warning the population below. He 
covered the distance to Spellman s button factory, three miles 
away, in fifteen minutes, the thundering avalanche of waters 
close behind. 

It was about half after seven when the brave herald 
reached Spellman s, himself spent with excitement and shout 
ing, his horse worsted in the unequal race. D. Collins Graves, 
a milkman, here took up the news. Saying " If the dam 
is breaking the folks must know it," he lashed his horse 
at a breakneck pace to Haydenville, shouting : " The reser 
voir is right here ! Run ! It s all you can do ! " Spell 
man s factory, the first building to test the torrent s power, 
was tossed from its base and dashed in pieces like a child s 
block-house. The help, heeding Cheney s warning, sped to 
the hills too late, for many were caught and borne down to 



death. The Skinnerville silk operatives had just begun the 
day s work. When the warning reached them the superin 
tendent was incredulous, and only the roar of the waters, 
drowning the courier s cry, wrung from him the order to quit. 
All hands dashed toward the high land, and but three were 
lost. Of these one had hurried home to save his family, ar 
riving just in time to perish with them. Many other families 
were hurried to death together, amid noble efforts of the 
strong to save the weak, whose groans and cries formed an 
agonizing appeal for aid. The loss of life must have been far 
greater but for Cheney s and Graves s brave riding. 

Many hair-breadth escapes occurred, accounts of which, 
related afterward, sounded like miracle stories. One man 
sailed half a mile on the very crest of the deluge, borne upon 
a raft of debris, saving himself at last by grasping a limb of 
one of the few trees stout enough to stem the flood. Large 
parts of Williamsburg and Skinnerville, including several 
mills and factories, were laid in hopeless ruin. The great 
brass works at Haydenville were totally demolished. A 
couple of mill-stones, weighing a ton each, were wafted a dis 
tance of half a mile. Almost the entire village of Leeds was 
destroyed. Much damage was done so far down as Florence, 

where vast fertile tracks were covered 

beneath feet of sand. 

Relief work for the hundreds left 
homeless and destitute was at once 
begun and nobly prosecuted. Sup 
plies came from nearly all parts of 
Massachusetts and from other States. 
The Massachusetts legislature was 
in session and instituted a competent 
and searching investigation of the 
accident. Public sorrow turned to 
public indignation when the calamity 
was discovered to be due entirely to 

After a photograph by Barry 




After a photograph by Barry 

culpable negligence on the part of those originating, planning, 
constructing and approving the reservoir. The wall of the 
dam was too weak. It was built mainly of irregular instead 
of cut stone. Save at the middle, where it was re-enforced by 
about a foot, it was not over 5^ feet thick. Also the earth 
above the stone was not properly placed or rammed. 

*It was here, in the spring of 1875, ^at Rain-in-the-Face was arrested by Captain Tom 
Custer, in revenge for which he threatened to eat the latter 1 s heart a threat said to have been ful 
filled at the fight on the Little Big Horn. 



In 1875 there was pretence of investigating affairs at the 
Red Cloud post, but with scant result. Much of the testi 
mony was by casual observers or interested parties, and none 
of it under oath. The Indians did not testify freely, and con 
tradicted each other ; Sitting Bull told one story, Red Cloud 
another. What became clear was that, in Red Cloud s phrase, 
the Indians were "succeeding backward." 

A large portion of the Sioux, under Sitting Bull, had re 
fused to enter into a treaty surrendering certain lands and con 
senting to confine themselves within a new reservation. Notice 
was served upon these non-treaty Sioux that, unless they moved 
to the reservation before January i, 1 876, they would be treated 
as hostiles. Sitting Bull refused to stir, and early in the spring 
the army assumed the offensive. The chief chose his position 
with rare skill, in the wild hunting country of southern Mon 
tana, now Custer County, near a quarter-circle of agencies, 
whence would join him next summer a great troop of discon 
tented and ambitious young " Reservation " braves. The Bad 
Lands around made defense easy and attack most arduous. 

It was determined to close upon the hostiles in three col 
umns, General Gibbon from the west, General Crook from 
the south, and General Terry, with a somewhat larger body 
of troops, including the Seventh United States Cavalry, six 
hundred strong, under Lieutenant-Colonel Custer, from the 
east. Crook was delayed by unexpected attacks. The other 
two columns met without interference. Terry followed the 
Yellowstone up as far as the Rosebud, where he established a 
supply camp. Here Custer with his cavalry left him, June 
22d, to make a detour south, up the Rosebud, get above the 
Indians, and drive them down the Little Big Horn into the 
army s slowly closing grip. Three days later, June 25th, 
Custer struck Sitting Bull s main trail, and eagerly pursued it 
across the divide into the Little Big Horn Valley. Expecting 
battle, he detached Major Reno with seven of his twelve com 
panies, to cross the Little Big Horn, descend it, and strike the 



foe from the west ; but Reno was soon attacked and held at 
bay, being besieged in all more than twenty-four hours. Mean 
time, suddenly coming upon the lower end of the Indians im 
mense camp, the gallant Custer and his braves, without an 
instant s hesitation, advanced into the jaws of death. That 
death awaited every man was at once evident, but at the awful 
sensation, the sickening horror attending the realization of 
that fact, not a soul wavered. Balaklava was pastime to this, 
for here not one " rode back." " All that was left of them," 
after perhaps twenty-five minutes, was so many mostly unre 
cognizable corpses. 

" Two hundred and sixty-two were with Custer, and two 
hundred and sixty-two died overwhelmed. With the last shot 
was silence. The report might have been written : None 
wounded ; none missing ; all dead. No living tongue of all 
that heroic band was left to tell the story. The miserable 
half-breed scout, Curley, who might years later be seen hang 
ing around Fort Custer, claimed to have been with Custer when 
the engagement began, but he pulled a Sioux blanket over his 
head, mingled with the enemy, and ran away at the first fire. 
He could only tell that there had been a battle." " Near the 
high ground and not far from where the Custer monument 
was erected, the body of Kellogg, special correspondent of the 
New York Herald, was found. He was 
bravely following the gallant Custer. The 
guide points out the little wooden slab 
which marks the spot, for he died like a 
hero, too, in the line of his duty." 

After harrassing Reno, the Indians 
slipped off under cover of night. As 
cending the Big Horn and the Little Big 
Horn, Gibbon and Terry, on the 2yth, 
discovered the bodies of Custer and his 
five devoted companies. Custer alone 


was not mutilated. He had been shot Aft tr * f b*t*gra f b b y **rr, 





After a photograph 

in the left temple, 
the remainder of 
his face wearing 
in death a natural 
look. Years sub 
sequently a care 
ful survey of the 
field and talks with 
savages enabled 
Captain Godfrey, 
who was with Re 
no on the fatal 
day, to see what 
course the Custer 
fight had taken 

Finding himself outnumbered twelve or more to one 
the Indians mustered about 2,500 warriors, besides a caravan 
of boys and squaws Custer had dismounted his heroes, who, 
planting themselves mainly on two hills some way apart, the 
advance one held by Custer, the other by Captains Keogh 
and Calhoun, prepared to sell their lives dearly. The red 
skins say that had Reno maintained the offensive they should 
have fled, the chiefs having, at the first sight of Custer, or 
dered camp broken for this purpose. But when Reno drew 
back this order was countermanded, and the entire army of 
the savages was concentrated against the doomed Custer. By 
waving blankets and uttering their hellish yells, they stam 
peded many of the cavalry horses, which carried off precious 
ammunition in their saddle-bags. Lining up just behind a 
ridge, they would rise quickly, fire at the soldiers, and drop, 
exposing themselves little, but drawing Custer s fire, so caus- 

"*Comanche was the horse ridden by Captain Keogh, and was afterward found with seven 
wounds at a distance of several miles from the battle-field. The Secretary of War subsequently 
issued an order forbidding any one to ride him, and detailing a soldier to take care of him as long 
as he lived. Curley, a Crow Indian, was Custer s scout, and is said to have made his escape by 
wrapping himself in a Sioux blanket when the battle began. 



Curley, the Scout 
by Barry 

ing additional loss of sorely needed 
bullets. The whites ammunition 
spent, the dismounted savages rose, 
fired, and whooped like the demons 
they were; while the mounted ones, 
lashing their ponies, charged with 
infinite venom, overwhelming Cal- 
houn and Keogh, and lastly Custer 
himself. Indian boys then pranced 
over the fields on ponies, scalping 
and re-shooting the dead and dy 
ing. At the burial many a stark 
visage wore a look of horror. 
" Rain-in-the-Face," who mainly 
inspired and directed the battle on 
the Indian side ; boasted that he cut out and ate Captain Tom 
Custer s heart. Most believe that he did so. "Rain-in-the- 
Face" was badly wounded, and used crutches ever after. Brave 
Sergeant Butler s body was found by itself, lying on a heap of 
empty cartridge shells which told what he had been about. 

Sergeant Mike Madden had a leg mangled while fight 
ing, tiger-like, near Reno, and for his bravery was promoted 
on the field. He was always over-fond of grog, but long ab 
stinence had now intensified his thirst. He submitted to am 
putation without anaesthesia. After the operation the surgeon 
gave him a stiffhorn of brandy. Emptying it eagerly and smack 
ing his lips, he said : " M-eh, Doctor, cut off the other leg." 

This distressing catastrophe, which whelmed the country 
in grief many days, called forth Longfellow s poem, " The 
Revenge of Rain-in-the-Face," ending with the stanza: 

Whose was the right and the wrong ? 
Sing it, O funeral song, 
With a voice that is full of tears, 
And say that our broken faith 
Wrought all this ruin and scathe 
In the Year of a Hundred Years. 



This poem mistakenly represents " Rain-in-the-Face " as 
having mutilated General Custer instead of his brother, the 
Captain. Also it is based on the " ambush " theory of the 
battle, which at first all shared. We now know, however, 
that Custer fought in the open, from high ground, not in a 
ravine. His surprise lay not in finding Indians before him, 
but in finding them so fatally numerous. Some of General 
Terry s friends charged Custer with transgressing his orders 
in fighting as he did. That he was somewhat careless, almost 

rash, in his prepara 
tions to attack can 
perhaps be main 
tained, though good 
authority declares the 
" battle fought tacti 
cally and with intel 
ligence on Custer s 



After a. photograph by Barry 

part," and calls it 
unjust "to say that 
he was reckless or 
foolish." Bravest of 
the brave, Custer 
was always anxious 
to fght, and, just 
now in ill favor with 
President Grant, he was eager to make a record ; but that 
he was guilty of disobedience to his orders is not shown. 

It, indeed, came quite directly from General Terry that 
had Custer lived to return " he would at once have been put 
under arrest and court-martialled for disobedience." This 
might have been the best way to elicit all the facts, and does 
not prove that even General Terry would have been sure of 
Custer s conviction. 

The present head of the army, General Miles, is strongly 
of the opinion that Custer was not guilty of disobeying any 



orders. The late General Fry expressed himself with equal 
emphasis in the same tenor. Colonel R. P. Hughes, how 
ever, who was General Terry s chief of staff during the Sioux 
campaign, sought, in an able article in the Journal of the Mili 
tary Service Institution for January, 1896, to defend the 
contrary proposition. He adduced many interesting consid 
erations, but seemed to the present writer not at all to justify 
his view. 

Custer s expressed hope to " swing clear " of Terry is 
worked too hard when made to bear the meaning that he de 
liberately purposed to disregard Terry s orders. To have a 
superior at his elbow seemed to him queer and unpleasant; he 
liked, especially in righting Indians, to be trusted. Had he 
been minded disobediently to meet the Indians without Gib 
bon, getting a victory and all its glory for himself alone, he 
would have marched faster during his first days out from the 
Rosebud mouth. He in fact moved but 108 miles in four 

Much turns on the force of Custer s written orders, 
which, judged by usual military documents of the kind, cer 
tainly gave Custer a much larger liberty than Colonel Hughes 
supposed. There is an affidavit of a witness who heard 
Terry s and Custer s last conversation together at the mouth 
of the Rosebud, just before Custer began his fatal ride. 
Terry said : " Use your own judgment and do what you 
think best if you strike the trail ; and whatever you do, Cus 
ter, hold on to your wounded." Even his written orders gave 
Custer leave to depart from his written orders if he saw 
reason for doing so, / . e., if, in his judgment, the end of the 
campaign could be best attained in that way. Hughes argues 
that because he, Hughes, can see no reason for any such de 
parture, Custer could have seen none. But how can we know 
this ? Custer, who alone could tell, cannot be interrogated ; 
and the purposes and plans that governed his course during 
his eventful last days men can only surmise. 



Hughes s contention, in opposition to General Fry, that 
Terry had and had communicated to Custer a perfectly definite 
plan of campaign, explicitly involving Gibbon s co-operation 
in the attack, seems still to lack proof; but the observations 
here made are little dependent on the decision of that point. A 
remark or two, however. Colonel Hughes, it seems, wishes us 
to think that Terry all along knew the exceeding strength of 
the Indian force, accounting it much too numerous for Custer 
safely to attack alone. Was it not, then, rash and cruel to send 
Custer out on that far detour, crowding him so well to the 
south, where, let Gibbon hurry as he might, the savages would 
have Custer at their mercy ! He could not hope to conceal 
his march very long. " It is folly to suppose that either a 
small or a large band of Indians would remain stationary 
and allow one body of troops to come up on one side of it 
while another body came up on the other side and engaged it 
in battle. . . . When Custer s command was ordered to move 
out as it did it left the Indians, who were acting on interior 
lines, absolutely free to attack either one of the commands 
thus separated, or fight them in detail, as might be preferred." 

Hughes makes the point that Custer did not report to 
Gibbon whether he found Indians in Tulloch Creek Valley. 
General Fry seems justified in calling this a purely formal and 
immaterial neglect. The valley up and down was completely 
empty of Indians, and Custer doubtless considered it a needless 
diminution of his scout force to detach a man to report this. 
That he did not send word to Gibbon at any later time may 
seem strange, but he certainly was not commanded to do so. 

Hughes charges it as disobedience that Custer did not 
ride southward when he ascertained that the Indian trail turned 
toward the Little Big Horn. But his orders did not command 
him to go southward the moment he ascertained the course of 
the trail, or at any other particular moment. Moreover, what 
Hughes does not observe, the purpose of veering southward 
was simply to see that the hostiles did not escape around his 



left. The configuration of the country, as Custer saw it, must 
have assured him that when the hostiies made for the Little 
Big Horn Valley they gave up all purpose of marching south 
and were bent upon going down that valley. It would have 
been foolish for him to have proceeded south after he felt ab 
solutely convinced of the enemy s purpose. He would simply 
have wasted the strength of his command. 

Hughes deems it blameworthy that from the moment 
when Custer found the trail leading toward the Little Big 
Horn he quickened his speed. In this he seems to overlook 
the fact that Custer s discovery may well have led him to fear 
for Gibbon s command. The redskins had gone to the Little 
Big Horn on purpose to go down that stream. Custer could 
not know how far down it they by this time were, or how far 
up it Gibbon might possibly have come. Had he not made 
the best of his way on he would certainly have been censur 
able. At the same time, it obviously would not do for him 
when he came upon the foe to wait before attacking to ascer 
tain Gibbon s whereabouts. As General Fry observes, had 
he hesitated, either he would have been attacked himself, or 
else his foe would have withdrawn to attack Gibbon or to get 
away entirely. 

Small as was Custer s total force, yet had Reno sup 
ported him as had been expected, the fight would have been 
a victory, the enemy killed, captured, driven down upon Gib 
bon, or so cut to pieces as never to have reappeared as a 
formidable force. In either of these cases Custer, living or 
dead, would have emerged from the campaign with undying 
glory and there would have been no thought of a court- 
martial or of censure. 


After a photograph by Rau 
















READERS will rejoice that racial feuds at the South and 
the West during President Grant s second term did 
not make up the entire history of these years. Despite those 
and all its other troubles, the American body politic was 


about to round the first century of its life in satisfactory and 
increasing vigor. 

What could be more fitting than that the hundredth 
anniversary of the world s greatest Republic should be kept 
by a monster celebration ? Such a question was publicly 
raised in 1870 by an association of Philadelphia citizens, and 
it set the entire nation thinking. At first only a United 
States celebration was proposed, but reflection developed the 
idea of a Mammoth Fair where the arts and industries of the 
whole world should be represented. Congress took up the 
design in 18712. In 1873 President Grant formally pro 
claimed the Exposition, and in 1874 foreign governments 
were invited to participate in it. Thirty-three cordially re 
sponded, including all the civilized nations except Greece, a 
larger number than had ever before taken part in an event 
like this. 

Philadelphia was naturally chosen as the seat of the Ex 
position. Here the nation was born, a fact of which much 
remained to testify. Among the ancient buildings were the 
"Old Swedes " Church, built in 1700, Christ Church, begun 
only twenty-seven years later, still in perfect preservation, 
St. Peter s, built in 17581761, and the sequestered Friends 
Meeting-house, built in 1808. The Penn Treaty Monu 
ment, unimpressive in appearance, marked the site of the elm 
under which Penn made his famous treaty with the Indians. 
Carpenters Hall, still owned by the Carpenters Company 
which built it, had been made to resume the appearance it 
bore when, in 1774, the first Continental Congress assembled 
under its roof. In the centre of a line of antique edifices 
known as State-house Row, stood Independence Hall, 
erected 17321735. The name specifically applied to the 
large first-floor east room, in which the second Continental 
Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence. In 
1824 Lafayette held a^great reception here, and six years 
later it was consecrated to the past. Revolutionary portraits 



and relics were placed in it, and the building restored to its 
original condition. In 1854 the old Liberty Bell was taken 
down from the tower into the hall and the walls enriched 
by a large number of portraits from the Peale Gallery. A 
keeper was then appointed and the hall opened to visitors. 
In Fairmount Pa/k, beyond the Schuylkill, a level plat 
of over 200 acres was inclosed, and appropriate buildings 
erected. Five enormous structures, the Main Building, with 
Machinery, Agricultural, Horticultural, and Memorial Halls, 
towered above all the rest. Several foreign governments 
built structures of their own. Twenty-six States did the 
same. Thirty or more buildings were put up by private 
enterprise in order the better to present industrial processes 

After a photograph by Rau 

and products. In ail more than two hundred edifices stood 
within the inclosure. 

The Exposition opened on May loth, with public exer 
cises, a hundred thousand people being present. Wagner had 


composed a march for the occasion. Whittier s Centennial 
Hymn, a noble piece, was sung by a chorus of one thousand 

Our fathers God ! from out whose hand 
The centuries fall like grains of sand, 
We meet to-day, united, free, 
And loyal to our land and Thee, 
To thank Thee for the era done, 
And trust Thee for the opening one. 

Here, where of old, by Thy design, 
The fathers spake that word of Thine, 
Whose echo is the glad refrain 
Of rended bolt and fallen chain, 
To grace our festal time, from all 
The zones of earth our guests we call. 

The restored South chanted the praises of the Union in 
the words of Sidney Lanier, the Georgia poet. President 
Grant then declared the Exposition open. Further simple 
but impressive ceremonies were held on July 4th, in the pub 
lic square at the rear of Independence Hall. On temporary 
platforms sat 5,000 distinguished guests, and a chorus of 1,000 
singers. The square and the neighboring streets were filled 
with a dense throng. Richard Henry Lee, grandson of the 
mover of the Declaration of Independence, came to the front 
with the original document in his hands. At sight of that 
yellow and wrinkled paper the vast throng burst into pro 
longed cheering. Mr. Lee read the Declaration, Bayard Tay 
lor recited an ode, and Hon. William M. Evarts delivered an 

In the Main Building, erected in a year, at a cost of 
$1,700,000, manufactures were exhibited, also products of the 
mine, along with innumerable other evidences of scientific and 
educational progress. More than a third of the space was re 
served for the United States, the rest being divided among 
foreign countries. The products of all climates, tribes, and 
times were here. Great Britain, France, and Germany exhib- 





The Opening Ceremonies on May 70, 

exhibited the work of their 

myriad roaring looms side by 

side with the wares of the 

Hawaiian Islands and the 

little Orange Free State. 

Here were the furs of Rus 
sia, with other articles from the frozen North ; there the flash 
ing diamonds of Brazil, and the rich shawls and waving 
plumes of India. At a step one passed from old Egypt to 
the latest born South American republic. Chinese conser 
vatism and Yankee enterprise confronted each other across 
the aisle. 

From the novelty of the foreign display the American 
visitor turned proudly to the handiwork of his own land. 
Textiles, arms, tools, musical instruments, watches, carriages, 
cutlery, books, furniture a bewildering display of all things 
useful and ornamental made him realize as never before the 
wealth, intelligence, and enterprise of his native country, and 
the proud station to which she had risen among the nations of 
the earth. Three-fourths of the space in Machinery Hall 
was taken up with American machinery. 




President of the Centennial Com- 

Memorial Hall, a beautiful perma 
nent building of granite, erected by 
Pennsylvania and Philadelphia at a cost 
of $1,500,000, was given up to art. 
This was the poorest feature of the Ex 
position, though the collection was the 
largest and most notable ever till then 
seen this side the Atlantic. America 
had few art works of the first order to 
show, while foreign nations, with the 
exception of England, which contri 
buted a noble lot of paintings, including 
works by Gainsborough and Reynolds, 
feared to send their choicest products across the sea. All 
through the summer and early autumn, spite of the unusual 
heat that year, thousands of pilgrims from all parts of the 
country and the world filled the fair grounds and the city. 
Amid the crowds of visitors Philadelphians became strang 
ers in their own streets. On September 28th, Pennsylvania 
day, 275,000 persons passed the gates. During October the 
visitors numbered over two and a half millions. From 
May loth to November loth, the closing day, the total 
admissions were 9,900,000. The aggregate attendance was 
larger than at any previous international exhibition, except 
that of Paris in 1867. The admissions there reached 10,200,- 
ooo, but the gates were open fifty-one days longer than in 
Philadelphia. At Vienna, in 1873, there were but 7,255,000 
admissions in 186 days, against 159 days at Philadelphia. 

Full of peace and promise as was this Philadelphia pag 
eant, in politics these same months saw the United States at 
a serious crisis. The best interests of the country seemed to 
depend on the party in power, yet a large and influential sec 
tion of that party was in all but open revolt. Many base men 
to whom honest and enterprising public servants were unwel 
come were tolerated near the President. Secretary Bristow s 


noble fight against the Whiskey Ring, his victory, and his 
resignation from the Cabinet are described in another Chapter. 
Ex-Governor Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut, was a most effi 
cient Postmaster-General. Upon taking his office he avowed 
the purpose to conduct it on business principles. He at once 
began to attack the notorious " straw bids " and other corrupt 
practices connected with carrying the mails in Texas and Ala 
bama. It was he who introduced the Railway Post-office Sys 
tem, by which the postal matter for a State, instead of first 
going to the capital or to one or two central cities and being 
slowly distributed thence, was sent to its destination directly,, 
by the shortest routes and in the "most expeditious manner. 
Yet in 1876, two years from the time of his appointment,, 
much to the surprise of the public, Jewell left the Cabinet. 
An officeholder explained that " they didn t care much for 
Jewell in Washington ; why, he ran the Post-office as though 
it was a factory ! " The ring politicians were a unit against 
him, and finally succeeded in displacing him. In a speech 
before the Senate during the impeachment trial of Belknap > 
Grant s War Secretary, Hon. George F. Hoar declared that 
he had heard the taunt from friendliest lips that " the only 
product of the United States institutions in which she sur 
passed all other nations beyond question was her corruption." 
The Sherman Letters threw much light on the Belknap 
disgrace. July 8, 1871, General Sherman wrote : " My office 
has been by law stript of all the influence and prestige it 
possessed under Grant (as General), and even in matters of 
discipline and army control I am neglected, overlooked, or 
snubbed." Later, Sherman wrote : " Belknap has acted badly 
by me ever since he reached Washington. General Grant 
promised me often to arrange and divide our functions, but 
he never did, but left the Secretary to do all those things of 
which he himself, as General, had complained to Stanton." 
" The President and Belknap both gradually withdrew from 
me all the powers which Grant had exercised in the same 


office, and Congress capped the climax by repealing that law 
which required all orders to the army to go through the Gen 
eral." " I have no hesitation in saying that if the Secretary 
of War has the right to command the army through the Ad 
jutant-General, then my office is a sinecure and should be abol 

Why the General of the Army had been thus extruded 
from the authority and functions properly attending his office, 
was clear when, on February 29th, 1876, Caleb P. Marsh, 
one of a firm of contractors in New York City, testified before 
a Congressional Committee that, in 1870, Belknap had 
offered him the control of the post-tradership at Fort Sill, In 
dian Territory, for the purpose of enabling him to extort 
from the actual holder of the place, one John S. Evafhs, 
$3,000 four times a year as the price of continuing in it. 
The Secretary and his family appeared to have received 
^24,450 in this way. Belknap s resignation was offered and 
accepted a few hours before the House passed a unanimous 
vote to impeach him. Other dubious acts of Belknap s came 
to light, notably a contract for erecting tombstones in national 
cemeteries, from which, as was charged, he realized $90,000. 
In the fall of 1874, General Sherman actually transferred his 
headquarters to St. Louis, to remove himself from official con 
tact with Belknap, who was issuing orders and making ap 
pointments without Sherman s knowledge. Two years later, 
after Belknap s resignation, the office of General of the Army 
was re-invested with the powers which had formerly belonged 
to it. Then the General moved back to Washington. 

Belknap demurred to the Senate s jurisdiction, but on 
May 29th the Senate affirmed this, 37 to 29, Morton and 
Conkling voting nay, Cameron, Edmunds, Morrill and Sher 
man aye. Thurman moved the resolution of impeachment. 
Belknap s counsel refused to let him plead, urging that the 
vote to assume jurisdiction, not being a two-thirds vote, was 
equivalent to an acquittal. The Senate, however, proceeded, 


as on a plea of " not guilty," to try him. He was acquitted, 
one Democrat voting for acquittal. Morton was among the 
Republicans who voted for conviction. 

. After the above recitals one is not surprised that in 
April, 1876, over the signatures of William Cullen Bryant, 
Theodore D. Woolsey, Alexander H. Bullock, Horace White, 
and Carl Schurz, was issued a circular call for a conference of 
Republicans dissatisfied at the " wide-spread corruption " 
with which machine politics had infected our public service. 
The conference organized about five weeks later, electing 
Theodore D. Woolsey for president, and for secretaries, 
among others, Henry Cabot Lodge, Francis A. Walker and 
Henry Armitt Brown. A Committee on Business next re 
ported "An Address to the American people," by which the 
assemblage, after recounting the threatening growth of official 
corruption hand in hand with the spoils system, invoked all 
good citizens to join them in a pledge to support no presi 
dential aspirant not known " to possess the moral courage and 
sturdy resolution to grapple with abuses which had acquired 
the strength of established customs, and to this end firmly to 
resist the pressure even of his party friends." 

The New York Herald had in 1874 started a cry that 
Grant would not be averse to breaking the canon set by 
Washington against a third presidential term. Democratic 
journals took up the alarm and soon the press all over the 
land was vocal with denunciations of " Grantism," " Caesar- 
ism," " Third Termism ! " So nervous did the din make Re 
publicans, that in 1875 tne Pennsylvania Republican Conven 
tion passed a resolution of unalterable " opposition to the 
election to the presidency of any person for a third term." 
Grant had thus far been almost alone in keeping silence, but 
he at last felt called to express himself. He wrote a letter 
to the chairman of the convention. " Now for the third 
term," said he, " I do not want it any more than I did the 
first." Yet he remarked that the Constitution did not re- 







Fountain Avenu 

strict a President ,V* 

= V 3- S 

to two terms, and 
that it might some 
time be unfortunate to dismiss one so soon. However, he- 
would not accept a nomination unless " under such circum 
stances as to make it an imperative duty circumstances not 
likely to arise." This was too equivocal. The National 
House of Representatives therefore passed a resolution, 234. 
to 18, seventy Republicans voting for it: 

" That in the opinion of this House the precedent estab 
lished by Washington and other Presidents of the United 



States after their second term, has become, by universal con 
currence, a part of our Republican system of government, 
and that any departure from this time-honored custom would 
be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free in 

The issues with a view to which, in 1876, the two great 
parties constructed their platforms, were mainly three : The 
" Southern question," specie resumption, and civil service re 
form. The Republican party endorsed its own civil rights 
arid force legislation, but called for better administration. The 
Democracy had at last, to use J. Q. Adams s phrase, "sneaked 
up to its inevitable position." It reaffirmed its faith in the 
Union, and its devotion to the Constitution, with its amend 
ments, universally accepted, as a final settlement of the contro 
versy which engendered civil war. This was a re-emergence 
of Vallandigham s New Departure for the party. The Demo 
cratic platform rang with the cry of " Reform," which had 
been so effectual in New York State in the election of Tilden 

as Governor. The 
catalogue of shocking 
Republican scandals 
was gone over to 
prove the futility of 
attempting " reform 
within party lines." 
" President, Vice- 
President, Judges, 
Senators, Represen 
tatives, Cabinet Offi 
cers these and all 
others in authority 
are the people s ser 
vants. Their offices 
are not a private per 
quisite ; they are a 

r of Horticultural Hall 



public trust." This was the origin of an expression, afterward 
usually referred to President Cleveland, which bade fair to be 

While the Republicans favored a " continuous and steady 
progress to specie payments," the hard-money men failed to 
get the Convention to endorse the Resumption Clause of the 
Act of 1875. The Democrats denounced that clause as a 
hindrance to resumption, but their Convention would not com 
mit itself to a condemnation of the resumption policy. The 
Republicans favored a revenue tariff with incidental protection. 
The Democrats repudiated protection, and demanded <c that all 
custom-house taxation should be only for revenue." 

The Republican Convention met in Cincinnati on June 
I4th. "Third-termers" saw no hope for Grant. James G. 
Elaine was thought the man most likely to receive the nomina 
tion. His name was placed before the Convention by Colonel 
Robert G. Ingersoll, in one" of the most eloquent addresses 
ever heard on such an occasion. When in the roll-call of 
States Maine was reached, boundless enthusiasm reigned, 
with cheering that died away only to be renewed, closing with 
three cheers for James G. Blaine. Mr. Ingersoll mounted the 
platform. As he was then comparatively unknown, the epi 
grammatic force and the fervor of his words took his hearers 
by surprise. His concluding periods were not soon forgotten, 
and the title of " Plumed Knight " with which he dubbed his 
hero adhered to Mr. Blaine through life. 

" This is a grand year," he said : " a year filled with the 
recollections of the Revolution ; filled with proud and tender 
memories of the sacred past ; . . the span is too long filled 
with legends of liberty ; a year in which the sons of freedom 
will drink from the fountain of enthusiasm ; a year in which the 
people call for the man who has preserved in Congress what 
their soldiers won upon the field ; a year in which they call for 
the man who has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of 
slander ; the man who has snatched the mask of Democracy 


from the hideous face of the rebellion ; the 

man who, like the intellectual athlete, has 

stood in the arena of debate, challenging 

all comers, and who, up to the present 

moment, is a total stranger to defeat. 

Like an armed warrior, like a plumed 

knight, James G. Elaine marched down 

the halls of the American Congress, and 

threw his shining lance full and fair against 

the brazen forehead of every traitor to his country and every 

maligner of his fair reputation. For the Republican party to 

desert that gallant man now is as though an army should 

desert its general upon the field of battle. . . James G. 

Elaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the 

sacred standard of the Republican party. I call it sacred 

because no human being can stand beneath its folds without 

becoming and without remaining free. 

" Gentlemen of the Convention : In the name of the 
great Republic, the only Republic that ever existed upon the 
face of the earth ; in the name of all her defenders and of all 
her supporters ; in the name of all her soldiers living ; in the 
name of all her soldiers that died upon the field of battle ; and 
in the name of those that perished in the skeleton clutch of 
famine at Andersonville and Libby, whose sufferings he so 
vividly remembers Illinois Illinois nominates for the next 
President of this country that prince of parliamentarians, that 
leader of leaders, James G. Elaine." 

Elaine was indeed a brilliant parliamentarian, but his pros 
pects were weakened by alleged questionable proceedings, the 
nature of which we shall exhibit later. Most of the Southern 
delegates were for Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana. Conkling, 
of New York, in addition to the potent support of his State, 
enjoyed the favor of the Administration. The reform and anti- 
Grant delegates were enthusiastic for the gallant destroyer 
of the Whiskey Ring, ex-Secretary Bristow, of Kentucky. 


George William Curtis said that at the 
Attorney-General s table he asked Jewell 
whom the party not the managers 
would make the candidate, and that 
Jewell instantly answered, " Bristow." 
Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio all 
appeared with favorite sons in their arms: 
Hartranft, Jewell and Hayes, respect- 
MARSHALL JEWELL ivcly. The names familiar enough to 
evoke cheers from one faction drew " curses not loud but 
deep " from other cliques. Upon the seventh ballot, there 
fore, the Convention united upon Governor Rutherford B. 
Hayes, of Ohio, a man who, though little known, awakened 
no antagonism and had no embarrassing past, while he had 
made a most creditable record both as a soldier and as the 
chief magistrate of his State. 

When Hayes was nominated for Governor in 1875 m ~ 
flation was popular all over the West. Both parties were 
infected, though the Democrats the worse. The Ohio Democ 
racy was led that year by William Allen and Samuel F. Carey, 
two of the ablest campaigners ever heard upon the stump in 
this country. Hayes dared them to the issue. Spite of pro 
tests from timid Republicans, he came out boldly for resump 
tion and the re-establishment of the specie standard, turned the 
tide against the inflationist hosts, and carried the State. From 
that moment the Ohio Governor was seen by many to be of 
presidential stature. John Sherman was the first to name him 
for the higher office. In a letter dated January 21, 1876, he 
had written : " Considering all things I believe the nomination 
of Governor Hayes would give us more strength, taking the 
whole country at large, than that of any other man." 

The Democratic Convention convened at St. Louis on 
June 28th, nominating Samuel J. Tilden on the second ballot. 
Tilden was born in New Lebanon, N. Y., February 9, 1814. 
In 1845 ne was elected to the New York Assembly; in 1846 


and again in 1867 to the State Constitutional Convention. 
He was a keen lawyer. By his famous analysis of the Broad 
way Bank accounts during the prosecution of the Tammany 
Ring he rendered an invaluable service to the cause of reform. 
As Governor, in 1875, he waged relentless and triumphant 
war against the Canal Ring, " the country thieves," as they 
were called to distinguish them from Tweed and his coterie. 

In accepting the nomination Tilden reiterated his pro 
tests against " the magnificent and oppressive centralism into 
which our government was being converted." He also com 
mended reform in the Civil Service, deprecating the notion 
that this service existed for office-holders, and bewailing the or 
ganization of the official class into a body of political merce 
naries. Hayes s letter emphasized Civil Service reform even 
more strongly. He zealously descanted upon the evils of the 
spoils system, and pledged himself, if elected, to employ all the 
constitutional powers vested in the President to secure reform, 
returning to the " old rule, the true rule, that honesty, capacity 
and fidelity constitute the only real qualifications for office/ 
Both candidates wished the Executive to be relieved of the 
temptation to use patronage for his own re-election. Mr. 
Hayes made <c the noble pledge " that in no case would he be 
a candidate again. Mr. Tilden disparaged self-imposed re 
strictions, but recommended that the chief magistrate be con 
stitutionally disqualified for re-election. 

Hayes s ambiguity touching the Southern question gave 
hope that, even if the Republicans succeeded, a milder South 
ern policy would be introduced. Tilden, while crying out 
against the insupportable misgovernment imposed upon recon 
structed States, frankly accepted the Democrats new departure. 
Before the end of the canvass he published a pledge that, if 
elected, he would enforce the constitutional amendments and 
resist Southern claims. 

The campaign was tame. The fact that both candidates 
were of blameless character muffled partisan eloquence. Great 


efforts were made to discredit Tilden for connection with cer 
tain railroad enterprises, and he was sued for an income tax 
alleged to be due. Retorting, the Democrats sneered at Hayes 
as an " obscure " man, and roundly denounced the extortion 
practiced upon office-holders under Secretary Chandler s eye. 
This chatter amounted to little. All signs pointed to a close 

So early as May, 1874, Mr. Morton of Indiana had pro 
posed in the Senate an amendment to the Constitution making 

r o 

the President eligible by the people directly. The proposal 
was committed and, the next January, debated. Each State was 
to have as many presidential as congressional districts. The 
presidential candidate successful in any district would receive 
therefrom one presidential vote, while two special presidential 
votes would fall to the candidate receiving the greatest num 
ber of district votes in the State. 

In reviewing the need of some such change Morton 
spoke like a prophet. " No State," he declared " has pro 
vided any method of contesting the election of electors. 
Though this election may be distinguished by fraud, notorious 

fraud, by violence, by tumult, yet 

there is no method of contesting 
it." Again, " It seems never to 
have occurred to the members of 
the Convention that there could 
be two sets of electors ; it seems 
never to have occurred to them 
that there would be fraud and cor 
ruption, or any reason why the 
votes of electors should be set 
aside. It is clearly a casus omissus, 
a thing overlooked by the framers 
of the Constitution." The subject 
was, however, laid aside, and never 
taken up again till the dangers 




which Morton had so faithfully foretold were actually shak 
ing the pillars of our government. 

Morton also sought to amend and render of service the 
twenty-second joint rule, the substance of which was that in 
counting the electoral votes no question should be decided 
affirmatively and no vote objected to be counted, " except by 
the concurrent votes of the two houses." This rule had been 
passed in 1865, being meant to enable the radicals to reject 
electoral votes from Mr. Lincoln s " ten per cent. States," 
viz., those reconstructed on the presidential plan. Morton 
proposed to modify this rule so that no vote could be rejected 
save by concurrent vote of the two houses. A bill providing 
for such change passed the Senate, six Republicans opposing. 
It was never taken up in the House. Morton introduced 
the bill again in the next Congress, only to see it killed by 

The election of 1876 passed off quietly, troops being sta 
tioned at the polls in turbulent quarters. " The result was 
doubtful up to the day of election ; it was doubtful after the 
election was over, and to this day the question, Was Tilde n or 
Hayes duly elected ? is an open one. The first reports re 
ceived in New York were so decidedly in favor of the Demo 
cratic ticket that the leading Republican journals admitted its 
success." The Times alone stood out, persistently declaring 
that Hayes was elected, which caused intense excitement among 
the huge crowd. gathered in the square fronting the Times office. 
"1 DON T KNOW" The next day different reports were received, 
and both sides claimed the victory. Hon. 
Hugh McCulloch, a Republican, but emi 
nently free from partisan bias, was of the 
opinion at the time, and so long as he lived, 
that if the distinguished Northern men who 

visited those States had stayed at home, and 


A KU-KIUX Notue Posted up there had been no outside pressure upon the 

in Mississippi During the ..... . _ . .. 

Election of 1876 returning boards, their certificates would 



have been in favor of the Democratic electors. This opin 
ion was confirmed by a remark of the President of the Union 
Telegraph Company at the annual meeting of the Union 
League Club of New York, in 1878. In a conversation with 
that gentleman Mr. McCulloch happened to speak of the 
election of Mr. Hayes, when he interrupted by saying: " But 
he was not elected. c If he was not, the emanations of your 
office failed to show it, McCulloch replied. c Oh, yes, he re 
joined ; c but that was because the examiners did not know 
where to look. . . c Mr. Tilden, said a prominent Repub 
lican, c was, I suppose, legally elected, but not fairly. This 
was doubtless the conclusion of a great many other Republi 
cans, as well as of practically all the Democrats. 

Pending the meeting of the State electoral colleges, some 
of Tilden s warmest supporters undertook negotiations to se 
cure for him one or more electoral votes from South Caro 
lina or Florida. As their apologists put it, " they seem to 
have feared that the corrupt canvassers would declare " those 
States for Hayes, " and being convinced that the popular vote 
had been cast for Tilden, to have been willing to submit to 
the payment of moneys which they were informed some of 
the canvassers demanded by way of blackmail." One Hardy 
Solomon, pretending to represent the South Carolina Canvass 
ing Board, went to Baltimore expecting to receive $60,000 or 
$80,000 in this interest; but, upon applying to Mr. Tilden 
for the sum, he was peremptorily refused. These negotiations 
were authorized neither by Mr. Tilden, who, under oath, 
denied all knowledge of them, nor by the Democratic National 
Committee. The Republican members of the Clarkson inves 
tigating committee thought them traceable to Tilden s secretary, 
Colonel Pelton, with Smith M. Weed and Manton Marble; 
but the responsibility for them was never really fixed upon any 
one. The despatches went back and forth in cipher. Under 
a subpoena from the Senate Committee on Privileges and 
Elections, the Western Union Telegraph Company delivered 



them to that Committee, and on January 25, 1877, they were 
locked in a trunk in its room. When this trunk was returned 
to New York City on the following March ijth it was dis 
covered that a large number of the cipher despatches had 
been abstracted. Of those missing, some seven hundred 
were, in May, 1878, in possession of G. E. Bullock, messen 
ger of the committee last named. Part of these subsequently 
found their way into the office of the New York Tribune^ 
where they were translated and published, causing much ex 
citement and comment. There is some evidence that Repub 
lican cipher despatches no less compromising than these and 
used for the same purpose, had been filched from the trunk 
and destroyed. 

Tilden carried New York, New Jersey, Indiana, and 
Connecticut. With a solid South he had won the day. But 
the returning boards of Louisiana, Florida, and South Caro 
lina, throwing out the votes of several Democratic districts on 
the ground of fraud or intimidation, decided that those States 
had gone Republican, giving Hayes a majority of one in the 
electoral college. The Democrats raised the cry of fraud. 
Threats were muttered that Hayes would never be inaugurted. 
Excitement thrilled the country. Grant strengthened the mili 
tary force in and about Washington. However, the people 
looked to Congress for a peaceful solution, and not in vain. 

The Constitution provides that the " President of the 
Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Repre 
sentatives, open all the (electoral) certificates, and the votes 
shall then be counted." Attending to the most obvious 
meaning of these words, a good many Republicans held that 
the power to count the votes lay with the President of the 
Senate, the House and Senate being mere spectators. The 
Democrats objected to this construction, since, according to it, 
Mr. Ferry, the Republican President of the Senate, could 
count the votes of the disputed States for Hayes, and was 
practically certain to do so. 





JAS. GAMBLE, General Snp t, San Francisco. 


em* t&e following Sfetsaye 

to the tOtove terms, which 

" 1 shall decide every point in the case of post-office elector in favor of the highest democratic 
elector, and grant the certificate accordingly on morning of the 6th inst. Confidential." CON 

One of the "Cipher Despatches," sent During the Election Deadlock, with Translation, as Put in Evi 
dence Before the Congressional Committee 

The twenty-second joint rule had, when passed, been- 
attacked as grossly unconstitutional. Republicans now ad 
mitted that it was so, and the Senate, since the House was 
Democratic, voted to rescind it. As it stood, electoral certi 
ficates were liable to be thrown out on the most frivolous 
objections, as that of Arkansas had once been, simply because 
it bore the wrong seal. But now the Democrats insisted that 
Congress should enforce this old rule. That done, the House, 
rejecting the vote of one State, would elect Tilden. 

Only a compromise could break the deadlock. A joint 
committee reported the famous Electoral Commission Bill, 
which passed House and Senate by large majorities. The 
main faith in the plan was on the Democratic side. In a Sen 
ate speech, February 2, 1881, Blaine spoke of the commis 
sion as " a rickety makeshift." One hundred and eighty-six 
Democrats voted for it and eighteen against, while the Re 
publican vote stood fifty-two for, seventy-five against. With 
regard to single returns the bill reversed the Rule of 1865, 
suffering none to be rejected save by concurrent action of the 



two houses. Double or multiple returns were, in cases of 
dispute, to be referred to a commission of five Senators, five 
Representatives, and five Justices of the United States Su 
preme Court, the fifth justice being selected by the four 
appointed in the bill. Previous to this choice the Commis 
sion contained seven Democrats and seven Republicans. The 
five Senators on the Commission were George F. Edmunds, 
Oliver P. Morton, Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, Republicans ; 
and Allan G. Thurrnan and Thomas F. Bayard, Democrats. 
The members of the House were Henry B. Payne, Eppa 
Hunton and Josiah G. Abbott, Democrats ; and James A. 
Garfield and George F. Hoar, Republicans. Four Justices 
of the Supreme Court were designated in the Act by the cir 
cuits to which they belonged. These were Nathan Clifford 
and Stephen J. Field, Democrats, and William Strong and 
Samuel F. Miller, Republicans. These four Justices were by 
the Act to select the fifth. It was expected that the fifth 
Justice would be Hon. David Davis, of Illinois, a neutral 
with Democratic leanings, who had been a warm friend of 
President Lincoln s but an opponent of Grant. Mr. Davis s 
unexpected election as Senator from his State made Justice 
Bradley the decisive umpire. 

The Commission met on the last day of January, 1877. 
The cases of Florida, Louisiana, Oregon, and South Carolina 
v/ere in succession submitted to it, eminent counsel appearing 
for each side. There were double or multiple sets of returns 
from each State named. Three returns from Florida were 
passed in. One contained four votes for Hayes, certified by 
the late Republican Governor, Stearns. One return gave four 
votes for Tilden, bearing the certificate of the Attorney-Gen 
eral, a member of the returning board. Third was the same 
return reinforced with the certificate of the new Democratic 
Governor, Drew, under a State law passed a few days before, 
directing a re-canvass of the votes. Democratic counsel urged 
that the first return should be rejected as the result of fraud 




and conspiracy by the returning board, 
whose action the State Supreme Court 
had held to be ultra vires and illegal. 

In Baker County, which was de 
cisive of the result in Florida, the 
canvassers were the county judge, the 
county clerk, and a justice of the peace 
to be called in by them. The judge 
refusing to join the clerk in the can 
vass, the latter summoned a justice 
and with him made the canvass, which 
all admitted to be a true one. The 
same night the judge called in the 
sheriff and another justice, and together they surrepti 
tiously entered the clerk s office, lit it up, and took out the 
returns from a drawer in his desk. There were only four pre 
cincts in the county, and of the four returns from these, con 
fessedly without the slightest evidence of fraud or intimidation, 
they threw out two. The other two they certified. 

The Republican counsel maintained that the issue was 
not which set of Florida electors received an actual majority, 
but which had received the legal sanction of State authority ; 
in short, that the business of the Commission was not to go 
behind the returns, which, they argued, would be physically, 
legally and constitutionally impossible. This view the Com 
mission espoused, which sufficed to decide not only the case 
of Florida, but also that of Louisiana, whence came three sets 
of certificates, and that of South Carolina, whence came two. 
The first and third Louisiana returns were duplicates, signed 
by Governor Kellogg, in favor of the Hayes electors. The 
second was certified by McEnery, who claimed to be Gov 
ernor, and was based not upon the return as made by 
the board, but upon the popular vote. The return of 
the Tilden electors in South Carolina was not certified. 
They alleged that they had been counted out by the State 



Board in defiance of the State Supreme Court and of the 
popular will. 

In Oregon the Democratic Governor declared one of the 
Hayes electors ineligible because an office-holder, giving a 
certificate to Cronin, the highest Tilden elector, instead. The 
other two Hayes electors refused to recognize Cronin, and, 
associating with them the rejected Republican elector, pre 
sented a certificate signed by the Secretary of State. Cronin, 
as the Republican papers had it, " flocked all by himself," 
appointed two new electors to act with him, and cast his vote 
for Tilden, though his associates voted for Hayes. The Cro 
nin certificate was signed by the Governor and attested by the 
Secretary of State. 

After deciding not to go behind any returns that were 
formally lawful the Commission, by a strict party vote of 
eight to seven, decided for the Hayes electors in every case. 
Whether the result would have been different if Justice Davis 
had been the fifth justice in the Commission is a question that 
must always remain open. By no utterance of Mr. Davis was 
there ever an indication of what his action would have been, 
but he had a high opinion of Mr. Tilden, and his political 
sympathies were known by his intimate friends to have been 
on the side of the Democrats. The Commission adjourned 
March 2d. The same day, " the counting of the votes having 
been concluded, Senator William B. Allison, one of the tellers 
on the part of the Senate, in the presence of both Houses of 
Congress, announced, as a result of the footings, that Ruther 
ford B. Hayes had received 185 votes for President, and 
William A. Wheeler 185 votes for Vice-President ; and there 
upon the presiding officer of the Convention of the two 
Houses declared Rutherford B. Hayes to have been elected 
President, and William A. Wheeler Vice-President of the 
United States for four years from the 4th day of March, 
1877." Hayes was inaugurated without disturbance. 

For this outcome, owing to the determining position 


which he held on the Commission, Mr. Justice Bradley was 
made to bear wholly unmerited censure. The fault lay not in 
him but elsewhere. Vicious State laws were to blame for giv 
ing judicial powers to partisan returning boards, and for 
otherwise opening the door to confusion and fraud ; but Con 
gress was the worst sinner, failing to pass a law to forestall the 
difficulty of rival certificates. 

The Commission having decided, the whole country 
heaved a sigh of relief; but all agreed that provision must 
be made against such peril in the future. An Electoral Count 
Bill was passed late in 1886, and signed by the President, 
February 3,1887. It aimed to throw upon each State, so far as 
possible, the responsibility of determining its own vote. The 
President of the Senate opens the electoral certificates in the 
presence of both houses, and hands them to tellers, two from 
each House, who read them aloud and record the votes. If 
there is no dispute touching the list of electors from a State, 
such list, being certified in due form, is accepted as a matter of 
course. In case of dispute, the procedure is somewhat com 
plex, but quite thorough. It will be set forth with some de 
tail in Chapter XIII. 















PARTLY the mode of his accession to office and partly 
the rage of selfish placemen who could no longer have 
their way, made it fashionable for a time to speak of President 
Hayes as a " weak man." This was an entire error. His admin 
istration was in every way one of the most creditable in all 
our history. He had a resolute will, irreproachable integrity,, 
and a comprehensive and remarkably healthy view of public 
affairs. Moreover, he was free from that " last infirmity," the 
consuming ambition which has snared so many able statesmen. 
He voluntarily banished the alluring prospect of a second 
term, and rose above all jealousy of his distinguished associ 
ates. Never have our foreign affairs been more ably handled 
than by his State Secretary. His Secretary of the Treasury tri 
umphantly steered our bark into the safe harbor of resumption, 
breakers roaring this side and that, near at hand. In his ap 
pointments as well as his other official duties Hayes acted for 
himself, with becoming independence even of his Cabinet. On 



one occasion, as he was announcing certain appointments con 
nected with the State Department, Secretary Evarts looked up 
in surprise, evidently hearing the names for the first time. 
" Mr. President," said he, with veiled irony, " I have never had 
the good fortune to see the great western reserve of Ohio, of 
which we have heard so much." That Hayes was such men s 
real and not their mere nominal chief, in naught dims their fame, 
though heightening his. 

True to his avowed principles, President Hayes had made 
up his Cabinet of the ablest men, disregarding party so far as to 
select for Postmaster-General a Democrat, David M. Key, of 
Tennessee. William M. Evarts was Secretary of State ; 
John Sherman, Secretary of the Treasury ; Carl Schurz, Sec 
retary of the Interior. The first important act of his admini 
stration was to invite the rival Governors of South Carolina, 
Hampton and Chamberlain, to a conference at Washington. 
It will be remembered that when Chamberlain became Gover 
nor his integrity awakened the hate of his old supporters, 
while his former antagonists smothered him with embraces. 
The hate was more enduring than the love. Good govern 
ment was restored, but this was purely an executive reform, 
which the vulgar majority ridiculed as a weakness. Race anti 
pathy still rankled, for Governor 
Chamberlain would not yield an inch 
as a defender of the negro s political 
and civil rights. The Democratic suc 
cesses of 1874 in the country at large 
inspired the South Carolina Demo 
crats with the wildest zeal. Wade 
Hampton, " the Murat of the Con 
federacy," dashing, fervid, eloquent, 
the Confederate veterans idol, was 
nominated for Governor. The party 
which elected Chamberlain was forced 
to re-nominate him. The pressure of 



official patronage was used to this end, and it was known 
that he alone among Republicans could preserve the State 
from a reign of terror. 

The whites rallied to Hampton with delirious enthu 
siasm. "South Carolina for South Carolinians!" was their cry. 
White rifle clubs were organized in many localities, but the 
Governor disbanded them as unsafe and called in United 
States troops to preserve order. In the white counties the 
negroes were cowed, but elsewhere they displayed fanatical 
activity. If the white could shoot, the black could set fire to 
property. Thus crime and race hostility increased once more 
to an appalling extent. The Hamburg massacre, where help 
less negro prisoners were murdered, was offset by the Charles 
ton riot, where black savages shot or beat every white man 
who appeared on the streets. The course of events in Loui 
siana had been similar, though marked by less violence. 
Nicholls was the Democratic aspirant, and S. B. Packard the 
Republican. Both were in earnest, and, if federal forces 
were to be kept in use as a Southern police, the conflict bade 
fair to last forever. But this was not to be. Even President 
Grant had now changed his view of the Southern situation, 
stating frankly " that he did not believe public opinion would 
longer support the maintenance of State governments in 
Louisiana by the use of the military, and that he must concur 
in this manifest feeling." 

President Hayes withdrew federal support from the 
South Carolina and Louisiana governments, and they at once 
fell. Many Republicans fiercely criticised this policy. Some 
said that by failing to support the governments based upon 
the canvass of the very returning boards that gave him the 
electoral delegations in the two States named, he impeached 
his own title. This was untrue. With regard to State offi 
cers, the judicial powers of the returning boards were clearly 
usurpations, contrary to the State constitutions, while, as to 
federal officers, such as electors, the power of the boards to 



modify or reject returns was independent of 
the State constitutions, yet not forbidden by 
any federal law. 

As the old Cincinnati Commercial once 
expressed it, Hayes was " good, but not 
goody-good." He was no mere idealist, 
no doctrinaire, but a practical though honor 
able man of affairs. The new "deal" in 


standing arrived at before the electoral count, and shared by 
the President-elect, though F. H. Wines and others among 
Hayes s warmest friends denied that he was privy to it. In the 
Charleston News and Courier under date of June 20, 1893, 
Hon. D. H. Chamberlain showed that, while the proceeding 
was not necessarily corrupt, and was probably the part of good 
politics and even of statesmanship, Hayes was certainly party 
to a "bargain," agreeing to remove troops from South Carolina 
in case he was permitted to be seated. Chamberlain said : 
"While Hayes did not expressly promise to remove the troops, 
he did by speech or by failing to speak give sufficient assur 
ance to the shrewd, long-headed men with whom he was deal 
ing to warrant them in supporting his claim to the Presidency 
on so tremendous an issue to the South." " Hayes s friends 
assembled, met the c shrewd, long-headed men of the South, 
negotiated, winked and nodded, and finally gave the express 
promise which the South demanded. Hayes knew it all. He 
did not contradict his friends. He accepted his seat, secured 
to him by the attitude of the South. He removed the troops. 
Here was a bargain in all its elements." 

Unless this understanding may be considered such, Mr. 
Hayes had no part in any of the devices by which he was placed 
in the presidential chair. When Senator Edmunds introduced 
the Electoral Commission Bill, Hayes viewed it with no favor. 
He did not regard the Commission as constitutional, but 
considered the duty of Congress in reference to counting the 



electoral ballots to be purely ministerial. The same as to post 
election proceedings in the South. The prominent Republi 
cans who visited New Orleans to witness the canvass of the 
Louisiana presidential vote did so solely at the instance of 
President Grant. From Ohio went John Sherman, Stanley 
Matthews, J. A. Garfield and Job E. Stevenson. From Iowa 
went J. M. Tuttle, J. W. Chapman, W. R. Smith and W. A. 
McGrew ; from Illinois, C. B. Farwell, Abner Taylor, S. R. 
Haven and J. M. Beardsley ; from New York, E. W. Stough- 
ton and J. H. Van Alen ; from Indiana, John Coburn and 
Will Cumback ; from Pennsylvania, William D. Kelley ; from 
Kansas, Sidney Clarke ; from Maryland, C. Irving Ditty ; from 
Maine, Eugene Hale. 

Not only had Governor Hayes nothing to do with the 
origination of this ambassage, but when it was in function he 
urged that it should be guilty of no abuse. From Columbus, 
O., November 27, 1876, he wrote: "A fair election would 
have given us about forty electoral votes at the South at 
least that many. But we are not to allow our friends to de 
feat one outrage and fraud by another. There must be noth 
ing crooked on our part. Let Mr. Tilden have the place 
by violence, intimidation and fraud, rather than undertake to 
prevent it by means that will not bear the severest scrutiny." 
Even had Mr. Hayes wished fraud it is hard to see how, under 
the circumstances, he could have procured 
or induced such ; for watchers for the 
Democratic party were also at the count : 
from Indiana, J. E. McDonald, George 
W. Julian, M. D. Manson and John 
Love ; from Illinois, John M. Palmer, 
Lyman Trumbull and William R. Mor 
rison ; from Pennsylvania, Samuel J. Ran 
dall, A. G. Curtin and William Bigler ; 
from Kentucky, Henry Watterson, J. s. B. PACKARD 

TTT o ITT T^A/TTT From a photografb by Vandykt. 

W. Stevenson and Henry D. McHenry ; it*c4r/jK **** 



from Wisconsin, J. R. Doolittle and George B. Smith ; from 
Ohio, J. B. Stallo and P. H. Watson; from New York, 
Oswald Ottendorfer and F. R. Coudert ; from Missouri, Louis 
V. Bogy, James O. Brodhead and C. Gibson ; from Mary 
land, John Lee Carroll and William T. Hamilton; from Con 
necticut, Professor W. G. Sumner. Upon invitation of the 
Returning Board, five of the Democratic " visitors," as well 
as a like number of the Republicans, attended the several 
sessions of the Board to watch. The proceedings were thrice 
reported, once for the Board itself and once for each body of 
the Northern guests. The evidence taken and the acts per 
formed were published by Congress. Senator Sherman felt 
" bound, after a long lapse of time, to repeat what was reported 
to General Grant by the Republican visitors, that the Return 
ing Board in Louisiana made a fair, honest and impartial re 
turn of the result of the election." Sherman wrote Hayes at 
the time : " That you would have received, at a fair election, a 
large majority in Louisiana, no honest man can question ; that 
you did not receive a majority is equally clear."* Some pre 
tended to think that if Hayes had the slightest doubt touching 
the legitimacy of any proceedings resorted to for the purpose 
of seating him he ought not to have accepted the presidency. 
Such failed to bear in mind that the country was then at a 
crisis, and that Mr. Hayes s refusal of the presidency would 
in all probability have resulted in anarchy and war. His 
acceptance, under the circumstances, was therefore clearly his 
duty, whatever he thought of antecedent procedure. 

Mr. Sherman believed " that the nomination of Hayes 
was not only the safest, but the strongest that could be made. 
The long possession of power by the Republicans naturally 
produced rivalries that greatly affected the election of any one 
who had been constantly prominent in public life, like Blaine, 
Conkling and Morton. Hayes had growing qualities, and in 
every respect was worthy of the high position of President. He 

^"John Sherman s Recollections, p. 557. 


n ^ 

O<_ A^Xststs 


tO> se*-t** 

f^i^fjj cfe^wisc*-*^ds ct^tsisc* 


&-esk* -jstsi^ds* ~ 

*y t 

An Incident of the State Election of 1876 in South Carolina, when 
both Hampton and Chamberlain claimed to have been elected 

had been a soldier, 
a member of Con 
gress, thrice elected 
as Governor of Ohio, 
an admirable execu 
tive officer, and his 
public and private 
record was beyond 
question. He was 
not an aggressive 
man, although firm 
in his opinions and 
faithful in his friend 
ships. Among all 
the public men with 
whom I have been 
brought in contact, 
I have known none 
who was freer from 
personal objection, 
whose character was 
more stainless, who 
was better adapted 
for a high executive 

" There was a 
striking contrast be 
tween the personal 
qualities of Garfield 
and Hayes. Hayes 
was a modest man, 
but a very able one. 
He had none of 
the brilliant quali 
ties of his successor, 



but his judgment was always sound, and his opinion, when 
once formed, was stable and consistent. . . During his 
entire term, our official and personal relations were not only 
cordial, but as close and intimate as those of brothers could 
be. I never took an important step in the process of 
resumption and refunding . . without consulting him. . . 
Early in his administration we formed the habit of taking 
long drives on each Sunday afternoon in the environs of 
Washington. He was a regular attendant with Mrs. Hayes, 

O o J * 

every Sunday morning, at the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
of which she was a member. This duty being done, we felt 
justified in seeking the seclusion of the country for long 
talks about current measures and policy."* 

Mr. Hayes came to the presidency at a very critical time. 
The financial situation of the country, the still unsettled state 
of affairs at the South, faction, rebellion, and greed for official 
spoils within his own party, called upon the new Chief Magis 
trate for skill and resolution such as few men in his place 
could have supplied. Mr. Hayes responded nobly and suc 
cessfully. He triumphed in a task which ablest and purest 
political leaders have always found so hard : he repressed cor 
ruption in his own party. Under President Hayes the syste 
matic prostitution of our public offices for partisan and private 
purposes was, if not definitively ended, so discouraged that it 
has never since recovered its old shamelessness. In this those 
years form an epoch in the Nation s history. 

Ever since the days of President Jackson, in 1829, 
appointments to the minor federal offices had been used for 
the payment of party debts and to keep up partisan interest. 
Though this practice had incurred the deep condemnation of 
Webster, Clay, Calhoun, and all the best men in public life, it 
did not cease, but prevailed more and more. So early as 
1853 pass examinations had been made prerequisite to enter 
ing the civil service, but the regulation had amounted to 

*John Sherman s Recollections, pp. 550, 551, 807. 


nothing. President Lincoln once inquired where he could get 
the small-pox. "For," said he, "then I should have something 
I could give to everybody." The honor of being the first to 
make a systematic endeavor against the spoils abuse belongs 
to the Hon. Thomas A. Jenckes, a representative in Congress 
from Rhode Island between March, 1863, and March, 1871. 
Beginning in 1865, Mr. Jenckes, so long as he continued in 
Congress, annually introduced in the House a bill " to regu 
late the civil service of the United States." Early in 1866 
Senator B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, also undertook to get 
the " spoils system " superseded by the " merit system." No 
success attended these efforts. 

In 18701871 reform in the civil service almost became 
an issue. It was one of the three cardinal principles of the 
Liberal Republicans, was an item in the " New Departure " 
made by the Democrats that year, received compliments, more 
or less sincere, from politicians of all stripes, and in 1872 was 
recognized for the first time in all the party platforms. On 
March 3, 1871, an act was passed authorizing the President, 
through a commission to be appointed by himself, to ascer 
tain " the fitness of candidates as to age, health, character, 
knowledge and ability, by examination," and to prescribe reg 
ulations for the conduct of appointees. The President that 
year appointed a commission, George William Curtis its chair 
man. On December i9th he sent a message to Congress, 
transmitting the report of the commissioners, together with 
the rules submitted by them in relation to the appointment, 
promotion and conduct of persons filling the offices covered 
by the law. 

These rules provided that each applicant should furnish 
evidence as to his character, health and age, and should pass a 
satisfactory examination in speaking, reading and writing the 
English language. Positions were to be grouped and graded 
according to the nature of the work, admission to the civil 
service always introducing the candidate to the lowest group. 



Public competitive examinations were to be instituted, and a 
list of examinees made up and kept on record, with the order 
of their excellence. Each appointment was to be made from 
the three leading eligibles. Admission to a group above the 
lowest could be had only by one of three candidates from the 
next lower grade who stood highest in a competitive exami 
nation. An applicant for a place of trust where another 
officer was responsible for his fidelity could not be appointed 
without the approval of such officer; and postmasterships 
yielding less than two hundred dollars a year were not placed 
under the rule. With some exceptions, notably of postmas 
ters and consuls, appointments were to be probationary for a 
term of six months. Best of all the regulations presented 
was the following : " No head of a department or any subor 
dinate officer of the Government shall, as such officer, author 
ize or assist in levying any assessment of money for political 
purposes, under the form of voluntary contributions or other 
wise, upon any person employed under his control, nor shall 
any such person pay any money so assessed." Higher offi 
cials and some others were, however, excepted from the oper 
ation of this rule. 

President Grant reported that the new methods " had 
given persons of superior capacity to the service " ; yet Con 
gress, always niggardly in its appropriations for the Commis 
sion s work, in 1875 ma de no appropriation at all, so that the 
rules were perforce suspended. Ardor for spoils was not the 
sole cause of this. Many friends of reform thought the new 
system, as it had been begun, too stiff and bookish, too little 
practical ; nor could such a view be declared wholly mistaken. 
Intelligent labor-leaders, it was found, usually opposed the re 
form in that shape, as it would exclude themselves and all but 
the most favored of their children from public office. 

Unfortunately, the President cared as little as Congress 
for a pure civil service. This was everywhere apparent. It 
cannot be ignored that Grant s second administration was 




shamefully weak and corrupt. 
" The very obstinacy of temper 
which made him so formidable 
in the field, now, when combined 
with the self-confidence bred by 
his re-election and the flattery of 
his adherents, not only made him 
impervious to public opinion but 
made all criticism of him seem 
an act of insolent hostility, to be 
punished or defied." Charles 
Francis Adams quoted it as the 
opinion of a Republican, he 
thought Evarts, during Grant s 
second four years, that " the 
Republican party was like an 
army the term of enlistment of which had expired." It was a 
happy simile. Straggling was common, complaints were 
numerous, and mutiny had begun. Summary, worse than 
military methods of appointment and dismissal were employed. 
In respect to the manner of Jewell s resignation, the story 
went believed to be on the authority of Vice-President 
Wilson that Grant and Jewell were alone together, talking 
over matters, when, without any previous suggestion of the 
subject, the President said : "Jewell, how do you suppose your 
resignation would look written out ? " Thinking or affecting 
to think the question a joke of Grant s, Jewell said he would 
write it and see. " All right," said Grant, " you just take some 
paper and write it down and see how it looks." Jewell 
wrote and handed the paper to Grant. The President eyed it a 
moment and then remarked : " That looks well. I will accept 
that." He was in earnest, and on July n, 1876, Jewell was 
out of the Cabinet. Verisimilitude is lent this account by the 
known abruptness with which Judge Hoar was ejected from 
the office of Attorney-General. He was sitting in his room, 



bent upon the business of his office, absolutely without a hint 
of what was coming, when a messenger entered with a letter 
from Grant. It contained the naked statement that the 
President found himself under the necessity of asking for Mr. 
Hoar s resignation. " No explanation of any kind was given, 
nor reason assigned. The request was as curt and as direct as 
possible. A thunderclap could not have been more startling." 

Benjamin F. Butler obtained great power with Grant, 
which immensely aided him in " capturing " the Massachu 
setts governorship. Patronage was liberally accorded him. 
"In every town and village a circle was formed round the 
postmaster, the collector, or some other government officer, 
who was moved by the hope of personal gain. Not a man 
who wished for place or had a job on hand but added to their 
numbers." Foiled at two elections, Butler was not in the 
least daunted, but spurred to renewed exertion, sure that the 
powers at Washington would deny him nothing. At last 
" Mr. Simmons, who, in a subordinate position, had particu 
larly distinguished himself in the management of the last can 
vass, was promoted by the President to the Collectorship of 
Boston, in the hope that the most important national office in 
New England might offer a fitting sphere of action for his 
peculiar abilities." Even a Republican Convention had re 
buked this man for his unendurable officiousness as a political 
boss. Harper s Weekly for March 21, 1874, said: "No re 
cent political event is comparable in the excitement it has 
caused to the appointment of the Boston Collector. The 
situation every day forces upon the most unwavering Repub 
licans the question, When will it be necessary for our honor 
as men and patriots to oppose the party ? " 

In 1874 public wrath was aroused by the exposure of the 
: Sanborn Contracts," made in 1872, between the Hon. Wil 
liam A. Richardson, then Acting Secretary of the Treasury, 
subsequently promoted to Mr. Boutwell s seat in the Cabinet, 
and Mr. John D. Sanborn, giving Sanborn the right to collect 



for the Treasury, " share and share alike," taxes which were 
already collected by regular officers of the Government. Such 
officers were not only directed not to interfere with Mr. San- 
born, but bidden to co-operate with him. By March, 1874, 
less than two years, this profitable arrangement had paid San- 
born over $200,000. Morally indefensible as it was, it seems 
to have been legal. The House Committee of Ways and 
Means examined into the case. Unable, on the evidence 
adduced, exactly to fix the responsibility of making the con 
tracts, the committee could not " in justice to itself ignore the 
fact" that three persons, Richardson, Secretary of the Treas 
ury, the Assistant Secretary, and the Solicitor of the Treasury, 
" deserved severe condemnation for the manner in which they 
permitted this law to be administered." The committee, 
however, found no fact on which to base a belief that any of 
these officers had acted from wrong motives. It recommended 
repealing the law and the annulment of all contracts made under 
it. Mr. Richardson s resignation was soon after reluctantly 
accepted by the President, and his nomination to the Court of 
Claims confirmed with equal reluctance by the Senate. Hon. 
B. H. Bristow, of Kentucky, succeeded him in the Treasury. 

The new Secretary at once bent his attention to reorgan 
izing and improving the customs and internal revenue service. 
His fearless removals and searching investigations soon stirred 
the venomous hostility of various corrupt cliques which 
had been basking on the sunny side of the Treasury. 
There were the instigators of the Safe-Burglary frauds, of 
the Seal-Lock frauds, and of the Subsidy frauds, besides jeal 
ous, chagrined and corrupt officials ; but most formidable of all, 
and in a sense, at the head of all, was the Whiskey Ring. It 
was patent from statistics that the United States had, by 1874, 
in St. Louis alone, lost at least $1,200,000 of the revenue 
which it should have received from whiskey, yet special agents 
of the Treasury set to work from time to time had failed to do 
more than cause an occasional flurry among the thieves. The 




guilty parties were somehow always 
effectively forewarned and forearmed 
against any effort to punish or identify 
them. The Ring seemed to have eyes, 
ears and hands in every room of the 
Internal Revenue Department, in the 
Secretary s office, and even in the Ex 
ecutive Mansion. 

The Whiskey Ring was organized 
in St. Louis, when the Liberal Repub 
licans there achieved their first success. 
It occurred to certain politicians to 
have the revenue officers raise a cam 
paign fund among the distillers. This idea the officers 
modified later, raising money in the same way for themselves, 
and in return conniving at the grossest thievery. As it be 
came necessary to hide the frauds, newspapers and higher offi 
cials were hushed, till the Ring assumed national dimensions. 
Its headquarters were at St. Louis, but it had branches at 
Milwaukee, Chicago, Peoria, Cincinnati, and New Orleans. 
It had an agent at Washington. A huge corruption fund was 
distributed among gaugers, storekeepers, collectors, and other 
officials, according to a fixed schedule of prices. Subordinate 
officers were not merely tempted to become parties, but were 
even obliged to do so on penalty of losing their places. Honest 
distillers and rectifiers were hounded with false accusations and 
caught in technical frauds, till their choice seemed to lie be 
tween ruin and alliance with the Ring. One or two inquirers 
peculiarly persistent were assaulted and left for dead. They 
besought the Government for speedy relief, threatening, unless 
it was granted them, to expose the corrupt intimacy between 
the Internal Revenue Bureau and the Ring. So potent had the 
organization grown that the politicians persuaded Grant, " for 
the party s sake," to countermand, though he had at first ap 
proved, Bristow s order directing a general transfer of super- 



visors, as such transfer would have thrown the thieves ma 
chine out of adjustment. 

At length, upon the recommendation of Mr. George 
Fishback, editor of the St. Louis Democrat, the reform Secre 
tary appointed Mr. Myron Colony, of St. Louis, a special 
agent to unearth the frauds, with the co-operation of Bluford 
Wilson, the Solicitor of the Treasury. One of the conditions 
upon which Mr. Colony accepted his grave and difficult 
charge was that of perfect secrecy. The first plan was to 
ascertain by means of detectives the amount of grain carted 
into the distilleries, with the amount of whiskey shipped to 
rectifying-houses or elsewhere, and to establish the fact of ille 
gal nocturnal distillation for the law allowed but one distilla 
tion every seventy-two hours. This effort the guilty parties 
discovered and opposed, midnight combats taking place be 
tween the burly detectives and ruffians hired to fight them. 
That line of attack was finally abandoned, but not till val 
uable evidence had been secured. 

The next move was as follows : Under pretext of gather 
ing commercial statistics, a work which, as financial editor of 
the Democrat and as Secretary of the St. Louis Board of 
Trade, Mr. Colony had often done, and could, of course, do 
without suspicion, he obtained, at landings and freight depots, 
copies of bills of lading that showed all the shipments of sta 
ple articles, including whiskey, to or from St. Louis, Chicago, 
and Milwaukee. The record gave the names of the shippers 
and the consignees, the number of gallons and the serial num 
ber never duplicated of the revenue stamps on each and 
every package. The discrepancies between these way-bills 
and the official records furnished to the Internal Revenue Office 
showed conclusively the extent of the frauds and the identity of 
the culprits. From July i, 1874, to May i, 1875, no less than 
$ i, 6 50,000 had been diverted from the government till. 

The illicit distillers lay quite still while the toils were 
woven around them. They were aware of the Secretary s 



enmity and cordially reciprocated it, but their suspicions had 
been lulled by his first retreat. Moreover, they felt that news 
of any proposed investigation would be sure to reach them 
from their official correspondents. They were not prepared 
for an investigation conducted in the main by private citizens, 
and kept secret from the Department, which was in more inti 
mate alliance with them than with its own chief or with the 
people whom he was serving. When little remained but to 
unmask the batteries, a vague sense of uneasiness began to 
express itself in Congressional and other queries at the Inter 
nal Revenue Office which was as blissfully ignorant as the 
Ring itself and later at the White House, where it was learned 
that investigation was indeed on foot. The investigators, too, 
were startled, after they had fixed Monday, May loth, as the 
date for the coup, by learning of a telegram to St. Louis run 
ning, " Lightning will strike Monday ! Warn your friends in 
the country ! " It turned out that this telegram was from a 
gentleman who had been informed of the purpose to strike on 
that day, and had communicated it to a distilling firm in St. 
Louis hostile to the Ring. 

Its torpid writhings availed the monster naught. Equally 
vain the pious preparations at once made against a mere 
raid. The traps set with secrecy and patience were sprung 
simultaneously in St. Louis, Chicago and Milwaukee. Rec 
ords seized justified numerous arrests in nearly every leading 
city. Indictments were found against one hundred and fifty- 
two liquor men and other private parties, and against eighty-six 
Government officials, among them the chief clerk in the Treas 
ury Department, and President Grant s Private Secretary, Gen 
eral O. E. Babcock. On the back of a letter from St. Louis, 
making a charge or suggestion against Babcock, Grant had in 
dorsed, " Let no guilty man escape." Five or six times in the 
progress of the case he said: " If Babcock is guilty there is no 
man who wants him proven guilty as I do, for it is the greatest 
piece of traitorism to me that a man could possibly practise." 



Still, Babcock s prosecutors complained that efforts were 
made to transfer the case to a military court, to deprive them 
of papers incriminating the Private Secretary, and to prevent 
important testimony being given by informers on promise of 
immunity. All the prominent defendants were convicted save 
Babcock, but three of them were pardoned six months later. 
After his acquittal Babcock was dismissed by the President. 

In the spring of 1876 the dauntless Secretary Bristow as 
saulted the California Whiskey Ring, but here at last he was 
foiled. When the temperature rose to an uncomfortable de 
gree a Senator demanded, and in spite of the Secretary se 
cured, the removal of the more active government prosecutors 
in that section. The retirement of Secretary Bristow followed 
soon after. With him went Solicitor Wilson, Commissioner 
Pratt, Mr. Yaryan, chief of revenue agents, and District- 
Attorney Dyer. The Treasurer and the First and Fifth 
Auditors of the Treasury also resigned. The whole course 
of proceedings was embarrassed by misunderstandings with the 
President, who was misled into the belief that his own ruin 
and that of his family was sought by the investigators, 
especially by Bristow, who, it was whispered, had designs upon 
the Presidency. The President broke from these maligners 

more than once, but there was enough 
in the press, in the popular applause 
with which the prosecution was hailed, 
and in the conduct of the trials, to 
renew his suspicions, to hinder the 
prosecution of the St. Louis Ring, 
and finally to unseat the anti-machine 
Secretary himself. This officer s re 
tirement occurred not quite a month 
before that of Postmaster -General 

Great credit was due to the press 
for its assistance in discovering and 




exposing the whiskey frauds. Notwithstanding exaggerations 
and errors here and there, laying faults at wrong doors, 
its work was praiseworthy in the extreme. As the New 
York Times had exposed the " Tweed Ring," so to the St. 
Louis newspaper men was due, in large part, the glory of 
bringing to light the whiskey iniquity. As in so many other 
instances, the press proved the terror of unclean politicians 
and the reliance of the people. In those times and in the 
course of such complicated investigations, it was inevitable that 
libels should occur and do harm. Naturally, and perhaps jus 
tifiably, Congress undertook to remedy this ill by amending 
the law of libel. The debate over the measure was in great 
part composed of philippics against " the licentious news 
paper." The licentious newspaper retorted in the teeth of 
the law, which was christened the " Press-Gag Law." The 
enactment, too much resembling the old "Sedition Law," was 
universally unpopular, contributing not a little to the Demo 
cratic victories of 1874. Judge Poland, of Vermont, the chief 
sponsor for it, was defeated in this election. As a further 
consequence of it, in the Forty-fourth Congress, first session, 
meeting in 1875, tne National House of Representatives, for 
the first time since the Civil War, had a Democratic majority. 
It was seventy strong, and elected Hon. Michael C. Kerr 

These paragraphs perhaps afford the reader sufficient 
insight into the condition of Republican politics when Mr. 
Hayes became President ; they indicate the strength of the 
evil tide which he so resolutely set himself to turn. Even 
from a party point of view the plunder system of party politics 
had failed to justify itself. Yet, while his efforts for reform were 
endorsed by thousands of the rank and file Hayes found him 
self strenuously opposed by a large and powerful Republican 
faction. As the head and front of this, championing all that 
Grant had stood for, his sins of omission and his sins of 
commission alike, towered Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New 




York, one of the most formidable per 
sonal leaders in the grand old party 
Though knowing of this gentleman s 
sure and potent antagonism, the Presi 
dent did not hesitate, but early and 
firmly took the bull by the horns. 

He touched the danger-line in 
removing Chester A. Arthur from the 
office of Collector of the Port of New 
York, A. B. Cornell from that of Naval 
Officer, and George H. Sharpe from 
that of Surveyor. Over two-thirds of 
the nation s customs revenue was received at that port, and its 
administration could not but be important. Numerous com 
plaints having been made concerning affairs and methods at 
the port, a Commission was appointed in April, 1877, to ma ke 
an examination. Its first report, dwelling on the evils of 
appointments for political reasons without due regard to effi 
ciency, was rendered May 24th, and it recommended consid 
erably sweeping changes. President Hayes concurred in these 
recommendations. He wrote Secretary Sherman : " It is my 
wish that the collection of the revenues should be free from 
partisan control, and organized on a strictly business basis, with 
the same guarantees for efficiency and fidelity in the selection 
of the chief and subordinate officers that would be required by 
a prudent merchant. Party leaders should have no more in 
fluence in appointments than other equally respectable citizens. 
No assessments for political purposes on officers or subordi 
nates should be allowed. No useless officer or employe 
should be retained. No officer should be required or per 
mitted to take part in the management of political organiza 
tions, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns. Their 
right to vote, and to express their views on public questions, 
either orally or through the press, is not denied, provided it 
does not interfere with the discharge of their official duties." 



Five more reports were made, exhibiting in all their 
gravity the evils then prevalent in the business of the port. 
Twenty per cent, of the persons employed needed to be 
dropped. Ignorance, inefficiency, neglect of duty, dishonesty, 
inebriety, bribery, and various other forms of improper con 
duct were all common. At first there was no thought of re 
moving Arthur or Cornell, but they were seen to be so bound 
up with the unbusiness-like system that they must fall wi ih it. 
The Commissioners " found that for many years past the 
view had obtained with some political leaders that the friends 
of the Administration in power had a right to control the cus 
toms appointments; and this view, which seemed to have been 
acquiesced in by successive administrations, had of late been 
recognized to what the commission deemed an undue extent 
by the chief officer of the service. These gentlemen, on the 
ground that they were compelled to surrender to personal and 
partisan dictation, appeared to have assumed that they were 
relieved, in part at least, from the responsibilities that belonged 
to the appointing power." The Administration became con 
vinced " that new officers would be more likely to make the 
radical reforms required," that in order to accomplish any 
thorough reform of the Government s business methods at the 
New York port, the Collector, the Naval Officer and the 
Surveyor must either resign or be removed. On September 
6, 1877, Secretary Sherman wrote his Assistant Secretary: 

" After a very full consideration and a very kindly one, 
the President, with the cordial assent of his Cabinet, came to 
the conclusion that the public interests demanded a change in 
the three leading offices in New York, and a public announce 
ment of that character was authorized. I am quite sure that 
this will, on the whole, be considered to be a wise result. 
The manner of making the changes and the persons to be 
appointed will be a subject of careful and full consideration, 
but it is better to know that it is determined upon and ended. 
This made it unnecessary to consider the telegrams in regard 



of Vermont 

to Mr. Cornell. It is probable that 
no special point would have been 
made upon his holding his position 
as Chairman of the State Committee 
for a limited time, but even that was 
not the- thing, the real question being 
that, whether he resigned or not, it 
was better that he and Arthur and 
Sharpe should all give way to new 
men, to try definitely a new policy in 
the conduct of the New York Cus 
tom-house. I have no doubt, unless 
these gentlemen should make it im 
possible by their conduct hereafter, that they will be treated 
with the utmost consideration, and, for one, I have no hesita 
tion in saying that I hope General Arthur will be recognized 
in a most complimentary way." 

A great fight was now on. Arthur was offered the 
eligible post of Consul-General at Paris, thought likely to be 
highly agreeable to him, but he declined it. None of the 
officials would resign. On the contrary, pushed by Senator 
Conkling, all three preferred to make an issue against the pro 
posed reform. On October 24, 1877, the President nomi 
nated for Collector Theodore Roosevelt, for Surveyor Edward 
A. Merritt, and for Naval Officer L. B. Prince. Five days 
later the Senate rejected them. Conkling was in high feather. 
On December 6th, during the following session, the three 
were again nominated, but only the last, ten days later, 
confirmed. "No doubt," said Sherman, "the Democratic 
majority in the Senate might defend themselves with political 
reasons, but the motive of Mr. Conkling was hostility to 
President Hayes and his inborn desire to domineer." After 
the session closed, in 1878, the President temporarily placed 
Edwin A. Merritt in the office of Collector, and Silas W. 
Burt in that of Naval Officer. With the opening of the next 



Senate it became necessary to submit the nominations to that 
body for confirmation. The Secretary of the Treasury, so 
interested in the case that he had determined to resign should 
the Senate reject again, wrote Senator Allison : 

" I would not bother you with this personal matter, but 
that I feel the deepest interest in the confirmation of General 
Merritt, which I know will be beneficial to us as a party, and 
still more so to the public service. Personally I have the 
deepest interest in it because I have been unjustly assailed in 
regard to it in the most offensive manner. I feel free to 
appeal to you and Windom, representing as you do Western 
States, and being old friends and acquaintances, to take into 
consideration this personal aspect of the case. If the restora 
tion of Arthur is insisted upon, the whole liberal element will 
be against us and it will lose us tens of thousands of votes 
without doing a particle of good. No man could be a more 
earnest Republican than I, and I feel this political loss as 
much as anyone can. It will be a personal reproach to me, 
and merely to gratify the insane hate of Conkling, who in this 
respect disregards the express wishes of the Republican mem 
bers from New York, of the great body of Republicans, and 
as I personally know, runs in antagonism to his nearest and 
best friends in the Senate." 

To Senator Justin S. Morrill Sherman wrote a much 
longer letter, giving reasons in detail in favor of confirming 
the new men, and containing specific charges of neglect of 
duty on the part of Arthur and Cornell. After seven hours 
of struggle in the Senate Conkling was decisively defeated, 
Merritt being confirmed 33 to 24, and Burt 31 to 19. Four- 
fifths of the Democrats and two-fifths of the Republicans 
voted for confirmation. 

While temper over this controversy was at its hottest 
George William Curtis supported in the New York State 
Republican Convention a resolution commending Hayes s 
Administration, and especially his course with regard to the 



civil service. This aroused Conkling to make a fierce personal 
attack upon Curtis. Curtis wrote : " It was the saddest sight 
I ever knew, that man glaring at me in a fury of hate and 
storming out his foolish blackguardism. It was all pity. I 
had not thought him great, but I had not suspected how small 
he was. His friends, the best, were confounded. One of 
them said to me next day, c It was not amazement that I felt, 
but consternation/ Conkling s speech was carefully written 
out, and therefore you do not get all the venom, and no one 
can imagine the Mephistophelian leer and spite." 

After all, strange as it may seem, Hayes s bold independ 
ence did not seriously divide his party. Few stalwarts dared 
call him a traitor. Democratic opposition fortified him against 
this. The House, Democratic throughout his term, fought 
nearly all his wishes, as did the Senate, now also Democratic, 
during his last two years. To balk him, appropriation bills 
were laden with riders involving legislation which he could not 
approve, but he firmly applied the veto. The futile attempt 
to "right" the alleged "fraud of 1877" by ripping up the 
Electoral Commission s work, kept Hayes before the country 
as the Republicans man, incidentally doing much to adver 
tise his sterling character. Refreshing decency marked all of 
Mr. Hayes s public doings. The men placed in office by him 
were as a rule the best available, chosen with the least possible 
regard to political influence, and, like all others in the civil 
service, they were required to abstain from active participation 
in political affairs. This policy enraged politicians, but, by 
immensely relieving the party from the odium into which it 
had fallen, aided to put it in condition for the campaign of 












THE most momentous single deed of Mr. Hayes s 
Administration was the restoration of the country s 
finances, public and private, to a hard-money basis. On Jan 
uary i, 1879, tne United States began again the payment, sus 
pended for more than sixteen years, of specie in liquidation of 
its greenback promises. The familiar legend upon our Treas 
ury notes, " The United States will pay," became true at last. 
Our paper dollar had begun to sink below par so early as De 
cember 28, 1 86 1, after which date it underwent the most pain 
ful fluctuations. On July n, 1864, it was sixty-five per cent, 
below par, thenceforward sinking and rising fitfully, but never 
reaching gold value again till the month of December, 1 878. 

The difficulties of replacing the country s business on a 
solid monetary platform had been foreseen as soon as the sub 
ject loomed into view. Senator Sherman, upon whom finally 
fell the main burden of carrying the operation through, wrote 



in 1868 : "I am in real embarrassment about questions that I 
must now act upon. My conviction is that specie payments 
must be resumed, and I have my own theories as to the mode 
of resumption, but the process is a very hard one and will en 
danger the popularity of any man or administration that is 
compelled to adopt it." 

The very first act of the Forty-first Congress was one 
entitled "An Act to strengthen the public credit." Intro 
duced in the House by General Schenck on March 12, 1869, it 
there passed on that day, reaching the Senate on the i5th, 
where also it speedily passed. On the I9th this memorable 
bill became law. It ran : 

" That, in order to remove any doubt as to the purpose 
of the Government to discharge all just obligations to the pub 
lic creditors, and to settle conflicting questions and interpreta 
tions of the laws by virtue of which said obligations have been 
contracted, it is hereby provided and declared that the faith of 
the United States is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin, 
or its equivalent, of all obligations of the United States not 
bearing interest, known as United States notes, and of all 
interest-bearing obligations of the United States, except in 
cases where the law authorizing the issue of such obligations 
has expressly provided that the same may be paid in lawful 
money or other currency than gold or silver. . . And the 
United States also solemnly pledges its faith to make provis 
ion, at the earliest practicable period, for the redemption of 
the United States notes in coin." 

However necessary to final prosperity, the contraction of 
our currency was a sore process, and it encountered at every 
stage the most bitter opposition. The war left us, as it found 
us, with painfully little grasp on the principles of money. 
Men of one type felt that low or falling prices, however 
caused, meant prosperity; another class attached this meaning 
to high prices, however caused. Few reflected enough to see 
that great and solid prosperity may attend rising prices, as 


G. F. Edmunds 
0. P Morton 

John Sherman W\ B< Allison 

John A, Logan 

T. W. Ferry 
Roscoe Conkling 

F. T. Frelinghuysen 

Painted by W. R. Lei 
. 0. Howe 

G. S. Boutwell 

A, A, Sargent 




between 1850 and 1870, or that, on the other hand, prices may 
be going down and yet greater and greater effort be required 
to obtain the necessaries of life. The generally conceded de 
sirableness of replacing business upon a precious-metal basis, 
whatever hardship in lowered values this might cost those 
whose property consisted of goods or lands and not of money, 
misled many, even after the gold platform was reached, to hail 
each drop in general prices with hallelujahs. Eastern people 
and the creditor class elsewhere were usually in this frame of 

Far different felt those, so numerous throughout the 
West, who had run in debt when rank inflation was on, and 
who, tied to their mortgaged farms, were compelled to produce 
against a constantly falling market. They writhed under the 
pinch, and more or less correctly understood the philosophy of 
it. A Montgomery County, Pa., farmer once went into a store 
in Norristown and bought a suit of clothes. The storekeeper 
said : " That is the cheapest suit of clothes you ever bought." 
" Oh, no," said the farmer, " this suit cost me twenty bush 
els of wheat. I have never paid over fifteen bushels of wheat 
for a suit of clothes before." 

The panic of 1 873, so far as it resulted from contraction, had 
its main origin abroad, not in America, so that its subordinate 
causes were generally looked upon as its sole occasion ; yet 
these bye causes were important. The shocking destruction 
of wealth by fires and by reckless speculation, of course had a 
baneful effect. During 1872 the balance of trade was strongly 
against the United States. The circulation of depreciated 
paper money had brought to many an apparent prosperity 
which was not real, leading to the free creation of debts by in 
dividuals, corporations, towns, cities and States. An unpre 
cedented mileage of railways had been constructed. Much 
supposed wealth consisted in the bonds of these railroads and 
of other new concerns, like mining and manufacturing corpo 
rations. Thus the entire business of the country was on a 



basis of inflation, and when contraction came disaster was in 

In the course of the summer solid values began to be 
hoarded and interest rates consequently to rise. In August 
there was a partial corner in gold, broken by ? government 
sale of $6,000,000. In September panic came, with suspen 
sion of several large banking-houses in New York. Jay Cooke 
& Co., who had invested heavily in the construction of the 
Northern Pacific Railway, suspended on September i8th. 
When authoritative news of this event was made known in the 
Stock Exchange a perfect stampede of the brokers ensued. 
They surged out of the Exchange, tumbling pell-mell over 
each other in the general confusion, hastening to notify their 
respective houses. Next day, September I9th, Fiske & 
Hatch, very conservative people, went down. 

September 1 9th was a second Black Friday. Never since 
the original Black Friday had the street and the Stock Ex 
change been so frantic. The weather, dark and rainy, seemed 
to sympathize with the gloom which clouded the financial situ 
ation. Wall, Broad and Nassau Streets were thronged with 
people. From the corner of Wall Street and Broadway down 
to the corner of Hanover Street a solid mass of men filled 
both sidewalks. From the Post-office along Nassau Street 
down Broad Street to Exchange Place another dense throng 
moved slowly, aimlessly, hither and thither. Sections of 
Broadway itself were packed. Weaving in and out like the 
shuttles in a loom were brokers and brokers* clerks making 
the best speed they could from point to point. All faces wore 
a bewildered and foreboding look. To help them seem cool, 
moneyed men talked about the weather, but their incoherent 
words and nervous motions betrayed their anxiety. The part 
of Wall Street at the corner of Broad Street held a specially 
interested mass of men. They seemed like an assemblage anx 
iously awaiting the appearance of a great spectacle. High up 
on the stone balustrade of the Sub-Treasury were numerous 


Painted by Howard Pylt 


spectators, umbrellas sheltering them from the pelting rain as 
they gazed with rapt attention on the scene below. All the 
brokers offices were filled. In each, at the first click of the 
indicator, everybody present was breathless, showing an inter 
est more and more intense as the figures telegraphed were read 

It was half-past ten in the morning when the Fiske & 
Hatch failure was announced in the Stock Exchange. For a 
moment there was silence ; then a hoarse murmur broke out 
from bulls and bears alike, followed by yells and cries inde 
scribable, clearly audible on the street. Even the heartless 
bear, in glee over the havoc he was making, paused to utter a 
growl of sorrow that gentlemen so honorable should become 
ursine prey. The news of the failure ran like a prairie fire, 
spreading dismay that showed itself on all faces. Annotators 
of values in the various offices made known in doleful ticks 
the depreciation of stocks and securities. Old habitues of the 
exchanges, each usually placid as a moonlit lake, were wrought 
up till they acted like wild men. 

At the corner of Broad Street and Exchange Place a de 
lirious crowd of money-lenders and borrowers collected and 
tried to fix a rate for loans. The matter hung in the balance 
for some time until the extent of the panic became known. 
Then they bid until the price of money touched one-half of 
one per cent, a day and legal interest. One man, after lending 
^30,000 at three-eighths per cent., said that he had $20,000 
left, but that he thought he would not lend it. As he said 
this, he turned toward his office, but was immediately sur 
rounded by about twenty borrowers who hung on to his arms 
and coat-tails till he had agreed to lend the $20,000. 

The Stock Exchange witnessed the chief tragedy and the 
chief farce of the day. Such tumult, push and bellowing had 
never been known there even in the wildest moments of the 
war. The interior of the Exchange was of noble altitude, with 
.a vaulting top, brilliantly colored in Renaissance design, that 


sprang upward with a strength and grace seldom so happily 
united. A cluster of gas-jets, hanging high, well illuminated 
the enclosure. On the capacious floor, unobstructed by pillars 
or by furniture, save one small table whereon a large basket of 
flowers rested, a mob of brokers and brokers clerks surged 
back and forth, filling the immense space above with roars and 
screams. The floor was portioned off to some twenty differ 
ent groups. Here was one tossing " New York Central " up 
and down ; near by another playing ball with " Wabash ; " 
" Northwestern " jumped and sank as if afflicted with St. 
Vitus s dance. In the middle of the floor " Rock Island " 
cut up similar capers. In a remote corner " Pacific Mail " 
was beaten with clubs, while " Harlem " rose like a balloon 
filled with pure hydrogen. The uninitiated expected every 
instant to see the mob fight. Jobbers squared off at each 
other and screamed and yelled violently, flinging their arms 
around and producing a scene which Bedlam itself could not 

Behind the raised desk, in snowy shirt-front and necktie, 
stood the President of the Exchange, his strong tenor voice 
every now and then ringing out over the Babel of sounds be 
neath. The gallery opposite him contained an eager throng 
of spectators bending forward and craning their necks to view 
the pandemonium on the floor. The rush for this gallery was 
fearful, and apparently, but for the utmost effort of the police, 
must have proved fatal to some. Excitement in Wall Street 
not infrequently drew crowds to the main front of the Ex 
change ; but hardly ever, if ever before, had the vicinity been 
so packed as now. Two large blackboards exhibited in chalk 
figures the incessantly fluctuating quotations. Telegraph wires 
connected the Exchange with a thousand indicators through 
out the city, whence the quotations, big with meaning to many, 
were flashed over the land. 

The first Black Friday was a bull Friday ; the second 
was a bear Friday. Early in the panic powerful brokers began 



to sell short, and they succeeded in hammering down from ten 
to forty per cent, many of the finest stocks like " New York 
Central," " Erie," "Wabash," " Northwestern," "Rock Island" 
and " Western Union." They then bought to cover their sales. 
Bull brokers, unable to pay their contracts, shrieked for mar 
gin money, which their principals would not or could not put 
up. They also sought relief from the banks, but in vain. It 
had long been the practice of certain banks, though contrary 
to law, early each day to certify checks to enormous amounts 
in favor of brokers who had not a cent on deposit to their 
credit, the understanding in each case being that before three 
o clock the broker would hand in enough cash or securities to 
cancel his debt. The banks now refused this accommodation. 
In the Exchange, eighteen names were read offof brokers who 
could not fulfill their contracts. As fast as the failures were 
announced the news was carried out on to the street. In spite 
of the rain hundreds of people gathered about the offices of 
fallen reputation, and gazed curiously through the windows 
trying to make out how the broken brokers were behaving. 
Toward evening, as the clouds lifted over Trinity spire, show 
ing a ruddy flush in the west, everybody, save some reluctant 
bears, said, " The worst is over," and breathed a sigh of relief. 
The crowd melted, one by one the tiny little Broadway coupes 
rattled off, one by one the newsboys ceased shrieking, and 
night closed over the wet street. 

In deference to a general wish that dealings in stocks should 
cease, the Exchange was shut on Saturday, September 2Oth, 
and not opened again till the joth. Such closure had never 
occurred before. On Sunday morning President Grant and 
Secretary Richardson, of the Treasury, came to New York, 
spending the day in anxious consultation with Vanderbilt, 
Clews, and other prominent business men. 

Had the Secretary of the Treasury acted promptly and 
firmly he might have relieved the situation much ; but he 
vacillated. Some $ 13, 500,000 in five-twenty bonds were 



bought, and a few millions of the greenbacks which Secretary 
McCulloch had called in for cancellation were set free. But 
as Mr. Richardson announced no policy on which the public 
could depend, most of the cash let loose was instantly hoarded 
in vaults or used in the purchase of other bonds then tempo 
rarily depressed, so doing nothing whatever to allay the dis 
tress. On the 25th the Treasury ceased buying bonds. The 
person who, at the worst, sustained the market and kept it 
from breaking to a point where half of the street would have 
been inevitably ruined, was Jay Gould, mischief itself on the 
first Black Friday, but on this one a blessing. He bought 
during the low prices several hundred thousand shares of rail 
road stocks, principally of the Vanderbilt stripe, and in this 
way put a check on the ruinous decline. 

The national banks of New York weathered this cyclone 
by a novel device of the Clearing-house or associated banks. 
These pooled their cash and collaterals into a common fund, 
placed this in the hands of a trusty committee, and issued 
against it loan certificates that were receivable at the Clearing 
house, just like cash, in payment of debit balances. Ten mil 
lion dollars worth of these certificates was issued at first, a sum 
subsequently doubled. This Clearing-house paper served its 
purpose admirably. By October jd confidence was so restored 
that $1,000,000 of it was called in and cancelled, followed next 
day by $ 1,500,000 more. None of it was long outstanding. 
The Clearing-house febrifuge was successfully applied also in 
Boston, Philadelphia, Pittsburg and other cities, but not in 

The panic overspread the country. Credit in business 
was refused, debtors were pressed for payment, securities were 
rushed into the market and fell greatly in price. Even United 
States bonds went down from five to ten per cent. There 
was a run upon savings banks, many of which succumbed. 
Manufactured goods were little salable, and the prices of agri 
cultural products painfully sank. Factories began to run on 


B. H. Bristow, Kentucky, 
June 2, 1 874- June 21, 1876 

L. M. Merrill, Maine 
June 21, J87b-March 8, 

John Sherman, Ohio, William Windom, Minnesota, C. J. Folger, New York, 

Ma rch 8, l877-Ma rch J, 1881 March 5, 2881- October 27, 1881 October 27, 1881- October 24, J&S4 

W. ^.Gresham, Indiana, Hugh McCulloch, Indiana, f ""[^oo "^ *7 *"&, 

ctober^:,l884-0ctober 28, 1884 October 28 fS84~March b, 1885 March 6 ^5- April I, 1887 

C. 5. Fairchild, New York, Charles Foster, Ohio, John G. Carlisle, Kentucky, 

April i, i887-March 5, i88g February 24, i8qi-March b, i8q3 March 6, 1893- 

*For G. S. Boutwell, March u, i69-March 17, 1873, sec page 35. 


short time, many closed entirely, many corporations failed. 
The peculiarity of this crisis was the slowness with which it 
abated, though fortunately its acute phase was of brief dura 
tion. No date could be set as its term, its evil effects dragging 
on through years. 

In convincing multitudes, as it did, of the imperative ne 
cessity of replacing our national finances on a coin foundation, 
this panic was worth all it cost. It was influential in uniting 
the friends of sound finance and of national honesty upon the 
resumption policy. Men saw that this policy, however hard 
to enter upon, however disastrous in the execution, however 
sure of terrible opposition at every step, must succeed, and 
could not but bring lasting credit to the political party bold 
enough to espouse and push it. At first the resumption plan 
divided both parties ; but, little by little, the Republicans 
came generally to favor it, the Democrats, some in one way 
and some in another, to gainsay. 

The policy and the details of resumption were hotly de 
bated all through the presidential campaign of 1876. Many 
opposed return to specie from ignorance of its meaning. Some 
thought that after resumption no paper money of any kind 
would be in circulation, or at least that all greenbacks would 
be gone. Most, even of such as favored it, probably ex 
pected that resumption would involve paying out by the Gov 
ernment of almost unlimited sums in gold. Few, compara 
tively, could see that it consisted merely in bringing United 
States notes to gold par and keeping them there. Mr. Til- 
den would assign this work to the domain of " practical admin 
istrative statesmanship." Like all other Democrats, he urged 
<c a system of preparation " for resumption in place of the Re 
publican Resumption Act. " A system of preparation without 
the promise of a day, for the worthless promise of a day with 
out a system of preparation would be the gain of the substance 
of resumption in exchange for its shadow." In reply it was 
maintained that " the way to resume was to resume." This 



thought fortunately determined the policy of the country and 
was justified by the event. 

The Resumption Act, passed January 14, 1875, had set 
a date for resumption four years ahead, January i ? 1879. 
The first section provided for the immediate coinage of sub 
sidiary silver to redeem the fractional currency. This was 
practicable, as the now low gold price of that metal rendered 
possible its circulation concurrently with greenbacks. The 
master-clause of the act authorized the Secretary to buy "coin" 
with any of his surplus revenues, and for the same purpose 
" to issue, sell, and dispose of bonds of the United States. * 
It was fortunate for the country that Mr. Sherman, who, as 
Senator, had drafted the measure, was, as Secretary of the 
Treasury in the Hayes Cabinet, called to execute it. 

Ever since 1859 his connection with the Committee of 
Ways and Means in the House and with the Committee on 
Finance in the Senate had brought him into close official rela 
tions with the Treasury Department. This legislative train 
ing gave him a full knowledge of the several laws that were to 
be executed in relation to public revenue, to all forms of tax 
ation, to coinage and currency and to the public debt. The 
entire system of national finance then existing grew out of the 
Civil War, and Mr. Sherman had participated in the passage 
of all the laws relating to this subject. His intimate association 
with Secretaries Chase, Fessenden, and McCulloch, and his 
friendly relations with Secretaries Boutwell and Richardson, 
led him, as Chairman of the Senate committee on finance, to 
have free and confidential intercourse with them as to legisla 
tion affecting the Treasury. Though a good lawyer and an 
able man, Secretary Bristow had not had the benefit of exper 
ience either in Congress or in the Department. He doubted 
whether resumption would be effective without a gradual re 
tirement of United States notes, a measure to which Congress 
would not agree, repealing even the limited retirement of such 
notes provided for by the resumption act. Secretary Morrill, 



Sherman s immediate predecessor, was in hearty sympathy 
with the policy of resumption, but his failing health had kept 
him from that efficiency as Secretary which he would otherwise 
have displayed. For some time before the end of his term in 
the Treasury, illness had confined him to his lodgings. The 
Treasury Department was, however, well organized, most of 
its chief officers having been long in service. But few changes 
here were made under Hayes, and only as vacancies occurred 
or incompetency was demonstrated.* 

In resolutely preparing for Resumption, spite of cries that 
it was impossible, or, if possible, certain to be ruinous and 
deadly, Sherman, whom many had thought timid and vacillat 
ing, evinced the utmost strength of will. The Democracy was 
for the most part adverse to all effort for immediate resumption, 
favoring, rather, an enlarged issue of Treasury notes. The 
elections of 1877 and 1878, generally either Democratic or 
Republican by lowered majorities, would have made many an 
administration retreat or pause.. Opposition to the party in 
power was of course due in part to the wide belief that Hayes 
had been jockeyed into the presidency, and in part to the 
great railway strikes, where the President had promptly sup 
pressed criminal disorder by the use of federal arms. Clearly, 
however, very much of it arose from the Administration s 
avowal that the resumption act " could be, ought to be, and 
would be executed if not repealed." 

In the advertising and placing of his loans, Mr. Sherman 
showed himself a master in big finance. By the sale of four- 
and-a-half per cent, bonds, callable in 1891, he had, before the 
appointed day, accumulated an aggregate of $140,000,000 gold 
coin and bullion, being forty per cent, of the then outstand 
ing greenbacks. Partly owing to several abundant harvests, 
throwing the balance of European trade in our favor and 
crowding gold this way, resumption proved easier than any 
anticipated. The greenbacks rose to par thirteen days before 

*John Sherman s Recollections, pp. 565, 566. 





T^e Telegram Announcing the Result of the First Day^s "Resumption " a/ f<; ^u) J or/f 
Swi-T r^^jMr^ 

the date fixed for beginning gold payments. Rumors were 
rife of a conspiracy to " corner " gold, and to make a run on 
the Sub-Treasury New Year s day, 1879, tne ^ a 7 ^ or beginning 
resumption. On the joth of December, 1878, the president 
of the National Bank of Commerce and chairman of the Clear 
ing-house committee, begged for $5,000,000 in gold in 
exchange for a like amount of United States notes on the 
following day, a proposition which was forthwith declined. 
" The year closed with no unpleasant excitement, but with un 
pleasant forebodings. The first day of January was Sunday 
and no business was transacted. On Monday anxiety reigned 
in the office of the Secretary. Hour after hour passed ; no 
news came from New York. Inquiry by wire showed that all 
was quiet. At the close of business came this message : 
c $135,000 of notes presented for coin $400,000 of gold for 
notes. That was all. Resumption was accomplished with no 
disturbance. By five o clock the news was all over the land, 
and the New York bankers were sipping their tea in absolute 
safety. The prediction of the Secretary had become history. 
When gold could with certainty be obtained for notes, nobody 
wanted it. The experiment of maintaining a limited amount 



of United States notes in circulation, based upon a reasonable 
reserve in the Treasury pledged for that purpose, and sup 
ported also by the credit of the Government, proved generally 
satisfactory, and the exclusive use of these notes for circulation 
may become, in time, the fixed financial policy of the Govern 

The straggling applications for coin made when resumption 
day arrived were less in amount than was asked for in green 
backs by bondholders, who could in any event have demanded 
coin. During the entire year 1879 only 111,456,536 in 
greenbacks were offered for redemption, while over $250,000,- 
ooo were paid out in coin obligations. It was found that 
people preferred paper to metal money, and had no wish for 
gold instead of notes when assured that the exchange could be 
made at their option. Notwithstanding our acceptance of 
greenbacks for customs $109,467,456 during 1879 tne 
Treasury at the end of that year experienced a dearth of these 
and a plethora of coin, having actually to force debtors to re 
ceive hard money. 

The magnitude and meaning of the financial policy thus 
launched can hardly be over-estimated. The Nation had piled 
up a war debt amounting to the enormous sum of $2,844,649,- 
626. This figure, the highest which the debt ever attained, 
was reached in August, 1865. Many people at home and in 
other countries thought that amounts so vast as were called 
for could never possibly be paid. When we began borrow 
ing, the London Economist declared it " utterly out of the 
question for the Americans to obtain the extravagant sums 
they asked," saying : " Europe won t lend them ; Americans 
cannot" . The Washington agent of the London bankers 
through whom our Government did foreign business, after 
the battle of Bull Run called at the Treasury on Sunday to 
get his " little bill " settled, having the effrontery to ask the 
acting Secretary, Mr. George Harrington, to give security 

*J. K. Upton, in Scribner s Magazine, July, 1892. 


that the balance, about $40,000, would be paid. Mr. Har 
rington directed the anxious Englishman to wait, as the Gov 
ernment would probably not break up before business hours 
next day. The London Times declared : " No pressure that 
ever threatened is equal to that which now hangs over the 
United States, and it may safely be said that if in future gen 
erations they faithfully meet their liabilities, they will fairly 
earn a fame which will shine throughout the world." In 
March, 1863, concluding an article on Secretary Chase s stu 
pendous operations, the same newspaper exclaimed : " What 
strength, what resources, what vitality, what energy there must 
be in a nation that is able to ruin itself on a scale so tran 
scendent ! "* 

No nation ever took a braver course than did the United 
States in deliberately beginning the reduction of that enormous 
war debt. The will to reduce it opened the way, and the 
payment went on by leaps and bounds. The policy was 
to call in high-rate bonds as soon as callable, and replace 
them by others bearing lower rates. So immense was the 
Government s income that to have set so late a date as 1891 
for the time when the four-and-a-halfs could be cancelled 
proved unfortunate. To fix for the maturity of the fours so 
remote a date as 1907 was worse still. The three-per-cents 
of 1882, which supplanted earlier issues, were wisely made 
payable at the Government s option. For the twenty-three 
years beginning with August, 1865, the reduction proceeded 
at an average rate of a little under $63,000,000 yearly, which 
would be $5,250,000 each month, $175,000 each day, $7,291 
each hour, and $121 each minute. 

An act of Congress passed February 25, 1862, had au 
thorized the issue of $150,000,000 in non-interest-bearing 
Treasury notes. These notes had no precedent with us since 
colonial times. Neither receivable for duties nor payable for 
interest on the public debt, they were yet legal tender for all 

*Shuckers, Life of S. P. Chase, pp. 225, 226. 



other payments, public and private. 
As the Government paid its own 
debts with them they amounted to a 
forced loan. 

The legal-tender clause of the 
1862 law roused bitterest antago 
nism. The press ridiculed it, in 
some cases being refused the use of 
the mails for that reason. " The 
financial fabric of the Union totters 
to its base," said a leading journal. 
Secretary Chase himself, the father of 
the greenback, afterward, as Chief-Justice, pronounced the law 
unconstitutional. This was his judgment from the first, and he 
overrode it, after painful deliberation, only because such a 
course seemed absolutely necessary to save the nation. Mr. 
Lincoln is said to have aided his Secretary at this crisis by 
the parable of the captain who, his ship aleak, worse and 
worse in spite of his prayers to the Virgin, threw her image 
overboard, and, having successfully made port and docked his 
vessel for repairs, found the image neatly filling the hole where 
the water had come in. Both deemed it patriotic to make jetsam 
of the Constitution if thereby they might bring safe into port 
the leaky ship of state, in danger of being engulfed in the mad 
ocean of civil war. 

Thus the issue of legal-tenders began under the pressure 
of urgent necessity. From first to last $450,000,000 of this 
paper had been voted, whereof, on January 3, 1864, $449,- 
338,902 was outstanding. Specie payments were suspended 
two days before the introduction of the legal-tender act. Gold 
went to a premium while that act was under discussion, remain 
ing so till just before resumption, January i, 1879. E ven the 
subsidiary silver coinage disappeared, and Congress was obliged 
to issue fractional paper currency, " shin-plasters," in its stead. 

*One of the chief promoters of the Legal Tender Act. 


Several constitutional questions were connected with the 
greenback. In Hepburn vs. Griswold (8 Wall., 603) the 
Court held, four* Justices against three, that, while the act of 
February 25, 1862, might, as a war measure, be valid, making 
greenbacks legal tender for debts contracted after its passage, 
yet, so far as its provisions related to pre-existing debts, it was 
inconsistent with the Constitution, not being a " necessary " 
or " proper "means to any end therein authorized. In Parker 
vs. Davis (12 Wall., 457), the personnel of the Court having 
been changed by the resignation of Justice Grier and the 
appointment of Justices Bradley and Strong, though Chase, 
Clifford, and Field strenuously maintained their former views, 
the Hepburn vs. Griswold decision was reversed. That case, 
the Court now said, " was decided by a divided Court," hav 
ing fewer Judges " than the law then in existence provided 
that this Court shall have. These cases have been heard 
before a full Court, and they have received our most careful 
consideration." Justice Bradley, whom in the judgment of 
Senator Hoar, " the general voice of the profession and of his 
brethren of the bench would place at the head of all then living 
American jurists," concurred with the majority in a separate 
opinion of his own, at once elaborate and emphatic. In the 
famous c ase of Juilliard vs. Greenman (i 10 U. S. Reports, 421) 
a third question was tried out, namely, whether Congress has 
the constitutional power to make United States Treasury notes 
legal tender for private debts in peace as well as in war. The 
decision was again in favor of the greenback, Field being the 
only Justice to register dissent. 

Though this was the first decision of the question arrived 
at by strictly le^al reasoning, it evoked much hostile criti 
cism. The Financial Chronicle said : " All reliance upon 
constitutional inhibition to do anything with the currency 
which Congress may have a whim to do must be aban- 

*Or five if Grier be counted. He agreed with the majority, but resigned before the 
opinion was announced. 



doned henceforth and forever." The historian Bancroft 
vented a formidable brochure, richer in learning than in law, 
entitled " The Constitution Wounded in the House of its 
Friends." The Court s logic, however, was not easily contro 
verted. It closely followed John Marshall s reasoning in 
McCulloch vs. Maryland.* An enactment by Congress the 
Supreme Court presumes to be constitutional unless it is cer 
tainly unconstitutional. If there is doubt upon the point 
there is no doubt. Congress is right. The authority " to emit 
bills of credit " as legal tender was not expressly delegated to 
the Federal Government, but it may well claim place in the 
goodly family of " implied powers," apparently being implied 
by its prohibition to the States, or involved in the power to 
borrow money, or in that to regulate commerce. Again, if 
Congress could pass such a law to meet an exigency, as held in 
Parker vs. Davis, Congress must be left to determine when 
the exigency exists. The intention of the Fathers to inhibit 
bills of credit cannot be conclusively shown. Even if it were 
certain it would be inconclusive; the question being not what 
they intended to do, but what they actually did in framing and 
ratifying the Constitution. 

The wisdom of the legal tender law is a different ques 
tion, but, like the other, should not be pronounced upon with 
out reflection. It was easy to condemn it after the event. 
No doubt, had conditions favored, more might have been 
done, saving millions of debt and half the other financial evils 
of war, to keep the dollar at gold par, as by not compelling 
gold payment of the seven-thirty bonds, by heavier tax levies, 
by earlier resort to large loans, even at high rates, instead of 
emitting legal-tenders, and also by forcing national banks, cre 
ated on purpose to help market bonds, to purchase new ones 
directly from the Government. Yet, under the circumstances, 
such defects in our policy early in the war could hardly have 
been avoided, so uncertain were national spirit and credit then, 

*4 Wheaton, p. 421. 


and so little were the magnitude and duration of the war fore 
seen. When the old demand notes were issued, more than 
one professedly loyal railroad corporation refused them in 
payment of fares and freight. Hotels were shy of them. A 
leading New York bank refused to receive them save as a 
special deposit, though these notes, being receivable for cus 
toms, like coin, went to a premium along with gold. One 
depositor in the bank just referred to found on withdrawing 
his deposit that his notes as reckoned in legal tender* had 
advanced in value nearly or quite one hundred and fifty per 
cent. People being so shy of the demand notes, what wonder 
that the greenbacks, which bore no interest, were long in ill 

The Nation s resolute purpose to reduce its debt changed 
this. When equal to gold, greenbacks were glorified, and all 
thoughts of retiring them gave way. In 1865 Secretary Mc- 
Culloch had boldly recommended the calling in of greenback 
notes in preparation for the restoration of specie. The people 
were then willing to submit to this. The act of March 12, 
1866, authorized the cancellation of $10,000,000 or less within 
six months, and thereafter of $4,000,000 or less each month. 
By this method the amount was by the end of 1867 cut down 
to $356,000,000, but the act of February 4, 1868, forbade any 
further decrease. Between March 17, 1872, and January 15, 
1874, the amount was raised some $25,000,000, but a bill 
passed in 1874, known as the "inflation bill," still further to 
increase it, was vetoed by President Grant. June 20, 1 874, 
the maximum greenback circulation was placed at $382,000,- 
ooo, which the operation of the Resumption Act in 1875 
brought down to $346,681,000, letting the gap be filled by 
national bank notes. All further retirement or cancellation of 
legal-tenders was forbidden by the act approved May 31, 1878, 
which provided, in part, that " it shall not be lawful . . to 
cancel or retire any more of the United States legal-tender 

*Shuckers, Life of S. P. Chase, p. 225. 



notes. And when . . redeemed or received into the Treasury 
. . they shall be reissued and paid out again and kept in cir 
culation." Secretary Sherman recommended the passage of 
this law, as he believed that the retirement of greenbacks 
pending the preparation for resumption, by reducing the 
volume of the currency, increased the difficulties of resump 

This popularity of the greenbacks stimulated to fresh 
life the " fiat-greenback " theory, whose pith lay in the pro 
position that money requires in its material no labor-cost 
value, its purchasing power coming from the decree of the 
public authority issuing it, so that paper money put forth by 
a financially responsible government, though involving no 
promise whatever, will be the peer of gold. People who 
held this view opposed all resumption, proximate or remote, 
wishing to print United States dollar notes each bearing the 
legend " This is a Dollar," and notes of other denominations 
similarly, not allowing any of them to promise payment or to 
have any other relation whatever to coin. This idea was long 
very influential throughout States so conservative as Illinois, 
Indiana, and Ohio, where, in several campaigns, the able stump 
addresses of men like Garfield, Schurz, and Stanley Matthews 
laid it pretty well to rest. It was, however, the rallying thought 
of the National Labor Greenback Party, organized at Indian 
apolis, May 17, 1876, when it nominated Peter Cooper for the 
Presidency. On the very day that resumption went into effect 
a Greenbacker Convention in New England declared it the 
paramount issue of their party to substitue greenbacks for na 
tional bank notes. 

The old silver dollar, " the Dollar of the Fathers," had 
never ceased to be full legal tender until 1873, although it 
had since 1853 been, as compared with the gold dollar, too 
valuable to circulate much. In 1873 a law was unobservedly 
passed demonetizing it, and making gold the exclusive form 
of United States full-tender hard money. 




That legislation of such impor 
tance should have passed without 
general debate, either in Congress 
or by the public, was unfortunate ; 
but, contrary to a very prevalent view, 
there is no evidence that a single 
Congressional vote for it was se 
cured by fraud. Little silver had 
been coined by the United States 
since 1834. The monetary problem 
of 1873 was not that of subsequent 
years. Then, simplicity of monetary 
system was considered the great de 
sideratum, whereas, with discussion, 
authorities came to agree that ade 
quacy in volume is the most important 
trait in a hard-money system. In 
1873 gold had been for twenty years 
pouring out of the earth in immense 
sums, rendering not unnatural the 
expectation that it alone, without 
silver, would soon suffice for the 
world s hard-money stock. Such 
was then the judgment of the leaders 
of public opinion in all lands. It was the view of the Paris 
Conference in 1867, which recommended the general demone 
tization of silver a recommendation extremely influential in 
determining to a gold policy the German Empire, whose 
course toward silver in 1 873 was identical with ours. 

European opinion on the subject was known and concurred 
in here. At intervals ever since 1 8 1 6 representative Americans 
had suggested that we should adopt Great Britain s metallic 
money system. In his report of November 29, 1851, the 
Director of our Mint declared the " main features " of that 
system " eminently worthy of adoption into the monetary 




policy of our own country." Hon. Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, 
then Secretary of the Treasury, whom no one will charge with 
obsequiousness to England or to the Money Power at home, 
in his Report of January 6, 1852, seconded the recommenda 
tion of the Director of the Mint, carefully setting forth the 
argument for adopting it. To the Act of 1873 the Senators 
from Oregon, California, and Nevada unanimously agreed. 
At the 1867 Paris Conference the United States was (by del 
egates) present as a gold country, Mr. Seward, then Secretary 
of State, being responsible for this, though no one protested. 
Inspired by such example and by the recommendation of the 
Conference, the Secretary of our Treasury, in 1870, drafted 
the bill discontinuing the silver dollar, which passed the Senate 
early in 1871 and became a law in 1873. 

But, while one must thus discredit the allegation of fraud 
and of sinister motive in this legislation, it nevertheless seems 
clear that the silver people and the entire country had a griev 
ance in connection with it. " No man in a position of trust 
has a right to allow a measure of such importance to pass with 
out calling attention sharply to it, and making sure that its 
bearings are fully comprehended. And no man who did not 
know that the demonetization of silver by the United States 
was a measure of transcendent importance had any right to be 
on such a committee or to put his hand to a bill which touched 
the coinage of a great country. Everyone knows that but 
few members upon the floor of Congress read the text of one 
in twenty of the bills they have to pass upon ; and it is the 
duty of the committees dealing with any class of subjects to 
see to it that every proposed change is fully explained, and that 
the attention of the House and of the country is fairly called 
to it. They are not discharged of their obligations simply by 
giving members an opportunity to find it out for themselves. 
If this be a requirement of ordinary political honesty, much 
more is it the dictate of political prudence. An important 
change in the money or in the industrial system of a nation, 


if effected without full and free and thorough discussion, even 
though no surprise or concealment be used, is almost certain 
to be subsequently challenged. c Things, says Bacon, c will 
have their first or second agitation : If they be not tossed upon 
the waves of counsel, they will be tossed upon the waves of 
fortune, and be full of inconstancy, doing and undoing, like 
the reeling of a drunken man. The unwisdom of a few peo 
ple assuming to be wise for the whole of a great people, was 
never more conspicuously shown than in the demonetization 
of the silver dollar."* 

An increased value attaching to gold was soon apparent, 
or, what is the same thing, a general fall in prices. This be 
gan so soon as silver full money had been laid aside, silver 
falling in gold price almost exactly as products at large fell. 
In view of this movement, since all Government bonds out 
standing in 1873 were payable in "coin," it was a nearly 
universal belief in most sections of the country that the 
annulment of the right to pay debts in silver would, if per 
sisted in, be very unjust to taxpayers in liquidating the na 
tional debt. The Bland Bill was therefore brought forward, 
and in 1878 passed, restoring silver again to its ancient legal 
equality with gold as debt-paying money. A clause of it read: 
" Any owner of silver bullion may deposit the same at any 
coinage mint or assay office to be coined into dollars, for his 
benefit, upon the same terms and conditions as gold bullion is 
deposited for coinage under existing laws." In the act as 
finally passed, however, so great was now the disparity in 
value between gold and silver at the ratio of 16 to i, Con 
gress did not venture to give back to the white metal the right 
of free coinage. In the Senate, at the urgent request of Secre 
tary Sherman, the " Allison tip," as it was called, was incor 
porated in the bill, requiring the Secretary of the Treasury to 
purchase monthly not less than two million dollars worth of 
silver, or more than four million dollars worth, and to coin 

*Francis A. Walker. 



it into dollars. This amendment was concurred in by the 
House. Spite of Secretary Sherman s attitude in favor of it 
the Bland-Allison Act was disapproved by President Hayes, 
but immediately passed over his veto by both Houses of Con 
gress on the same day, February 28, 1878. The Senate vote 
was 46 yeas to 19 nays; that of the House 196 to 73. 

The advocates of gold mono-metallism believed that the 
issue of these dollars would speedily drive gold from the coun 
try. Owing to the limitation of the new coinage no such ef 
fect was experienced, and the silver dollars or the certificates 
representing them floated at par with gold, which, indeed, far 
from leaving the country, was imported in vast amounts nearly 
every year. After 1880 the money in circulation in the 
United States was gold coin, silver coin, gold certificates, 
greenbacks or United States notes, and the notes of the na 
tional banks. The so-called Sherman Law, of 1890, added a 
new category, the Treasury notes issued in payment for silver 
bullion. It stopped the compulsory coinage of full-tender sil 
ver, though continuing and much increasing the purchase of 
silver bullion by the Government. The repeal of the pur 
chase clause of this law, in 1893, put an end to the acquisition 
of silver by the United States. 

















^ I^HE complaints evoked by industrial depression were in 
A due time echoed in politics. Agrarian movements and 
labor movements in great numbers social phenomena at first, 
but rapidly evolving political significance marked the times. 
One of these, the California Sand Lot Campaign, because of 
its close connection with the Chinese question, is deferred for 
discussion to Chapter XIII. The "Grangers," or "Patrons 
of Husbandry," was a secret organization for the promotion of 
farmers interests. It was founded at Washington, December 
4, 1867, women as well as men being members. In 1868 
there were but 1 1 granges. The total membership of the order 
by 1875, s ^ x y ears from the time when local granges began to 



be formed, was 1,500,000, distributed throughout nearly all 
the States, though most numerous in the West and South. 

The central aim of Granger agitation at first was to 
secure better transportation and lower freight rates, particu 
larly from the West to the East. After waiting for railway 
facilities to be developed the shippers of grain and beef found 
themselves, when railways were at last supplied, hardly better 
off than before. The vast demand for transportation sent 
freight charges up to appalling figures. All sorts of relief 
devices were considered, among them a project for opening 
canal and slack-water navigation between the Mississippi and 
the Atlantic coast. This was earnestly urged by the Southern 
Commercial Convention at Cincinnati in 1870. 

The difficulties of freight transportation between the 
States was discussed at length by Congress, spite of railway 
attorneys insistence that the subject was beyond Congres 
sional control. In the House of Representatives, during 
January, 1874, Hon. G. W. McCrary, Chairman of the Com 
mittee on Railroads and Canals, made an exhaustive report 
affirming the constitutional power of Congress to regulate inter 
state commerce. This valuable paper laid bare, in Section 8, 
Article I., of the Constitution, a depth of meaning which, till 

then, few had suspected, a discovery 
that prepared the way for the Inter 
state Commerce Act, passed on Feb 
ruary 4, 1887. 

A National Cheap Transportation 
Association was organized in New 
York on May 6, 1873, which also 
demanded lower transportation rates 
and an increase of avenues for com 
merce by water and rail. Its mani 
festo to the public asserted that cheap 
transportation for persons and prop 
erty is essential to the public welfare 


and to the maintenance of a homogeneous and harmonious 
population. Another Cheap Transportation Convention was 
held in Richmond, December 1-4, 1874, which petitioned 
Congress in this interest. 

Discrimination in freight charges was a fruitful source of 
discontent. In Illinois a dispute known as the " Three-Cent 
War " intensified feeling against railroads. This particular 
trouble was the outgrowth of the Illinois Central s disregard 
of an order issued by the Illinois Railroad Commissioners, 
limiting passenger fares to three cents per mile. The Com 
missioners decree having been found contrary to the State 
Constitution, the legislature passed a law to limit fares. This 
the railroads fought with all energy in both State and Federal 
Courts. In November, 1875, m tne case f tne people 
against the Chicago and Alton Railroad Company, the United 
States Circuit Court handed down a decision sustaining the 
constitutionality of the law. Several " Granger " cases went 
to the national Supreme Court, which affirmed a State s right 
to fix maximum railway charges. 

An interesting line of educational development, though 
originating otherwise, at length became connected with the 
general agrarian movement here under review. On July 2, 
1862, President Lincoln put his signature to an act which 
had just passed Congress, donating public land to the several 
States and Territories which might provide colleges for in 
struction in branches of learning bearing on agriculture and the 
mechanic arts. By this act every State became entitled to 
30,000 acres of government land for each senator and repre 
sentative falling to it by the apportionment under the census 
of 1860. States containing no United States land received 
land scrip, entitling them, not directly but through their 
assignees, to locate and sell the amounts of land respectively 
due them. All the States and Territories in the Union, with 
out a single exception, in the course of time, provided them 
selves with educational institutions on this basis. Some States 


sold the scrip early and realized little. Others carefully hus 
banded the scrip and became possessed of large sums, found 
ing and sustaining educational institutions of vast usefulness 
and importance. 

No State proceeded in this matter more discreetly than 
New York. Her share amounted to a million acres less ten 
thousand. Seventy-five thousand acres of this were sold at 
about eighty-five cents an acre. In the fall of 1863 Ezra 
Cornell purchased a hundred thousand acres for fifty thousand 
dollars, upon condition that all the profits accruing from the 
sale should be paid to Cornell University. Next year the rest 
was purchased at thirty cents an acre, with thirty cents more 
contingent upon Mr. Cornell s realizing that sum upon sale of 
the land. In 1874 Cornell University was subrogated to Mr. 
Cornell s place in dealing with the State, and from the lands 
handed over by him the Board of Trustees had in 1894-95 
realized a net return of nearly four million dollars. 

On March 2, 1887, there was approved by the President 
of the United States another piece of land-grant legislation, 
known as the Hatch Act. This act was intended to diffuse 
" useful and practical information on subjects connected with 
agriculture, and to promote scientific investigation and experi 
ment respecting the principles and applications of agricultural 
science." For these purposes each State received from the 
United States, by virtue of this act, the sum of $15,000 a year, 
which was expended in connection with some agricultural ex 
periment station or stations. The act presupposed that these 
stations would, as a rule, be established in conjunction with 
the institutions receiving the benefit of the act of 1862, and 
most of them were so associated ; but the Hatch Act, in its 
8th Section, provided that States electing so to do might join 
their experiment stations to agricultural schools separate from 
the colleges erected under the act of 1862, and this was done 
in a few States. By a third act of Congress, approved August 
30, 1890, entitled "An Act to apply a portion of the proceeds 



of the public lands to the more complete endowment and 
support of the colleges for the benefit of agriculture and the 
mechanic arts established under the provisions of an act of 
Congress approved July 2, 1862," each of the States became 
entitled to $15,000 for the year ending June 30, 1890, $16,000 
for the United States fiscal year 189091, $17,000 for the next 
fiscal year, and so on, the sum increasing by $1,000 each year, 
till it reached $25,000 a year, which was the permanent annual 
appropriation. A good endowment in itself! 

In the more fortunate sections of the country these gov 
ernment grants simply made welcome additions to the excel 
lent educational facilities in existence already. In the South 
and the far West they meant, educationally, life from the dead. 
Good schools rose even upon the frontiers, where the children 
of poorest farmers and mechanics might, at a nominal cost, fit 
themselves for high stations in life. Large and fruitful experi 
mentation, especially in agriculture, was made possible. In 
turn these colleges of agriculture and the mechanic arts became 
rallying centres for agrarian and populist interest, which in 
volved them in politics, and at least in certain instances much 
hindered their usefulness. 

In 1 865 a Labor " Congress " was held at Louisville, with 
but twenty-five or thirty delegates. A second sat at Baltimore 
in August, the next year, whose proceedings attracted some 
attention. Labor agitation had by this time assumed consid 
erable proportions, most, perhaps, in Massachusetts, where the 
Knights of St. Crispin throve so early as 1868. Able men 
and influential newspapers began to espouse the labor cause. 
The Congress of 1867 was held in Chicago, and it mooted a 
scheme of labor unions, city, county and State. The Congress 
of 1868 was in New York, that of 1869 in Philadelphia. 
These marked little progress; but the National Labor Con 
gress which met in Cincinnati August 15, 1870, was said 
to represent four hundred thousand people. It demanded 
Treasury notes not based on coin, an eight-hour work-day, 




the exclusion of Chinese laborers from 
the country, and the creation of a 
National Department of Labor. 

Till now the movement was non- 
political, but the Chicago Congress, by 
a close vote, adopted a resolution creat 
ing an independent political organiza 
tion to be known as the National 
Labor Reform Party. The party at 
once began to have influence. In the 
Massachusetts election of 1 870 it fused 
with the Prohibitionists, making Wen 
dell Phillips the candidate for Gov 
ernor, who received nearly twenty-two thousand of the about 
one hundred and fifty-two thousand votes which were cast. 
One labor reformer was elected to the Massachusetts Senate, 
and eleven to the House. In 1871 the Congress met at St. 
Louis, August loth. Little was done here beyond adopting 
a platform on which it was proposed to appeal to the country 
in the presidential election of 1872. 

This platform, slightly modified, was launched at the 
Columbus Convention, which met on February 21, 1872. 
Twelve States were represented. The Convention demanded 
as the nation s money, greenbacks not based on coin. A tariff 
taxing luxuries and protecting home industries, a law for an 
eight-hour labor-day, and the governmental control of railways 
and telegraphs were also insisted on. Hon. David Davis was 
nominated for the Presidency, but declined to run. Subse 
quently Charles O Conor was named. The Forty-Second 
Congress, second session, discussed at length some of the 
Labor Party s proposals, but did nothing to realize any of 
them. An attempt was made to erect a Labor Commission, 
but for the present in vain. The first State Bureau of Labor 
Statistics had been established in 1 869 in Massachusetts, where, 
as we have seen, the Labor Party showed exceptional strength. 



Pennsylvania followed in 1872, Connecticut in 187375. By 
the end of 1884 eleven other States had bureaus. From 1884 
to 1894 thirteen more were erected. At last, by an Act of 
Congress, approved June 13, 1888, an independent Depart 
ment of Labor was established by the Federal Government, a 
bureau with similar functions having existed in connection with 
the Interior Department since 1884. 

The act of 1888 provided that the design and duty of the 
new department should be " to acquire and diffuse among the 
people of the United States useful information on subjects 
connected with labor, in the most general and comprehensive 
sense of that word, and especially upon its relation to capital, 
the hours of labor, the earnings of laboring men and women, 
and the means of promoting their material, social, intellectual, 
and moral prosperity." " 

Clothed with these powers the Commissioner undertook 
investigations into such matters as industrial depressions, con 
vict labor, strikes and lockouts, the condition of working 
women in large cities, railroad labor, cost of production, wages 

* Section 7 of the act provides more specifically, that the Commissioner "is specially 
charged to ascertain, at as early a date as possible, and whenever industrial changes shall make 
it essential, the cost of producing articles at the time dutiable in the United States, in leading 
countries where such articles are produced, by fully specified units of production, and under a 
classification showing the different elements of cost, or approximate cost, of such articles of 
production, including the wages paid in such industries per day, week, month or year, or by 
the piece ; and hours employed per day j and the profits of the manufacturers and producers of 
such articles ; and the comparative cost of living, and the kind of living. It shall be the 
duty of the Commissioner also to ascertain and report as to the effect of the customs laws, and 
the effect thereon of the state of the currency in the United States, on the agricultural indus 
try, especially as to its effects on mortgage indebtedness on farmers ; and what articles are 
controlled by trusts, or other combinations of capital, business operations or labor, and what 
effect said trusts or other combinations of capital, business operations or labor have on produc 
tion and prices. He shall also establish a system of reports by which, at intervals of not less 
than two years, he can report the general condition, so far as production is concerned, of the 
leading industries of the country. The Commissioner of Labor is also specially charged to 
investigate the causes of, and facts relating to, all controversies and disputes between employers 
and employes as they may occur, and which may tend to interfere with the welfare of tne 
people of the different States, and report thereon to Congress. The Commissioner of Labor 
shall also obtain such information upon the various subjects committed to him as he may deem 
desirable from different foreign nations, and what, if any, convict-made goods are imported 
into this country, and if so, from whence." 



and cost of living abroad and in this country, prices, marriage 
and divorce. The results of these investigations were rigidly 
verified both in copy and in proof, and scrutinized for internal 
discrepancies. The information was collected through personal 
interviews and statements directly from parties cognizant of 
the ultimate facts. The Department s special agents were 
generally accorded a kind reception, and more and more as it 
appeared that no person s name was betrayed, were by manu 
facturers in this and in other countries given access to books 
and accounts. Estimates, hearsay and opinions were wholly 
-excluded from consideration, and the returns made upon care 
fully prepared schedules of inquiry in the hands of experts. 

The American Department of Labor established its stand 
ing by its first report upon " Industrial Depressions," made 
with experienced help and in face of many difficulties. After 
-experience, the Department maintaining a non-partisan and a 
non-propagandist attitude, its reports came to be looked upon 
at home and abroad as the highest attainable evidence in their 
line. They were quoted in Parliament, in the Reichstag, and 
in the Chamber of Deputies. Foreign countries, notably 
England, France, Germany and Belgium, established similar 

The State Labor Bureaus also well served the public, 
though the spoils system and the changeable gusts of local 
public opinion hindered their usefulness. One New York 
Commissioner was at one time thought to have used his 
office for partisan ends, but no other functionary of his class 
fell under such suspicion. On the contrary, practical good of 
the most pronounced sort was traceable in greater or less de 
gree to these bureaus. The tenement-house evil and the 
sweat-shop, if not banished, were thoroughly advertised by 
them. Child labor laws, laws prescribing maximum hours of 
labor, and employers liability laws were placed upon many 
statute books mainly through the bureaus influence. Though 
not banished, the " truck " or " pluck-me " store, whereby 



the employer-store-owner, forcing hfe employes patronage, left 
them hardly a driblet of wages, was rendered far less common 
than it had been. Weekly in place of monthly wage pay 
ments were made more common. Frauds upon laboring men 
and false labor statistics were exposed. Thus when in 1878 
complaint was made that Massachusetts had from 200,000 to 
300,000 unemployed in her borders, the State bureau showed 
this estimate to be exaggerated from seven to ten times. 
Similarly State labor statistics, subsequently corroborated by 
the census, in effect bisected certain wild estimates of mortgage 
indebtedness, pointing out that nine-tenths of this indebted 
ness indicated prosperity rather than poverty. 

All welcomed the Act of Congress, approved August 3, 
1882, forbidding convicts, lunatics, idiots and paupers to enter 
the United States from other lands. Under this act, up to 
January 30, 1893, an average of about eleven hundred per 
sons per annum, mostly paupers, were shipped back across the 
ocean. February 18, 1885, a stringent contract-labor law was 
passed, making it unlawful for any person, company or cor 
poration to assist or encourage the immigration into the 
United States of any alien under contract or agreement pre 
viously made, every such contract to be void, and each viola 
tion of the law finable in the sum of $1,000. An amendment 
passed in 1885 excepted professional actors, artists, lecturers, 
singers, persons employed strictly as domestic servants, and 
even skilled workmen for a new industry which could not be 
established without such. Also the law did not forbid a per 
son from assisting to this country members of his or her fam 
ily intending to settle here. The amendment referred to pro 
vided for the return of persons who had come to the United 
States on labor contracts before the law was passed. Under 
this provision nearly eight thousand persons had been up to 
1888 sent back to Europe. During the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1893, 464 persons were thus returned. New York 
State having voted a tax of fifty cents upon each immigrant 



landing in its ports, the money to be for the maintenance of 
an Immigration Commission, the United States Supreme Court 
declared the act unconstitutional, whereupon Congress passed 
an act levying the same impost as a federal tax, its proceeds to 
go for the support of State Immigration Commissions in the 
States where most immigrants arrived. The New York Com 
mission wrought incalculable good in preventing frauds upon 
immigrants, and in assisting them to their destination. 

After the passage of the Resumption Act, January 14, 
1875, d 16 f rces f labor reform were quite generally direct 

ed against the 
traction. A con 
on August 23, 
ing that they 
tionists, they yet 

policy of con 
vention of anti- 
met in Detroit, 
1875. Protest- 
were not infla- 




cated any diminution in the volume of currency, which they 
would maintain by greenbacks redeemable only in bonds, 
these, in turn, being convertible into greenbacks. 

The Independents, known as the National Greenback 
Party, assembled at Indianapolis, Ind., on May 17, 1876. 
Two hundred and thirty-nine delegates were present from 
nineteen States. The platform was essentially a demand for 
the immediate and unconditional repeal of the Resumption 


Act and for the issue of United States notes convertible on 
demand into Government obligations bearing a low rate of 
interest, such notes to form our circulating medium, and such 
bonds, re-exchangeable for notes at the option of the holder, 
to render needless any further sales of bonds payable in coin. 
Peter Cooper was the nominee for President, Newton Booth 
for Vice-President. Mr. Booth declining, Samuel F. Carey, of 
Ohio, was chosen in his stead. Mr. Cooper accepted the 
nomination conditionally, expressing the hope that the Inde 
pendents might attain their aims through either the Repub 
lican or the Democratic party, permitting him " to step aside 
and remain in that quiet which was" he declared "most con 
genial to his nature and time of life." Cooper ran, however, 
receiving 82,640 votes. The next year his party polled 
187,095 votes, and in 1878, 1,000,365. The Greenback or 
National Greenback-Labor Party entered actively into the 
canvass of 1880, running General J. B. Weaver for Pres 
ident, who polled 307,740 votes. Four years later General 
B. F. Butler was the presidential candidate both of this 
party and of the " Anti-monopoly " party. He received 
133,825 votes. 

Happy had it been for the country could we have di 
verted the entire force of the labor agitation into political 
channels. But this was impossible. The worst labor troubles 
of these years had to be settled not at the polls but by force. 
This was mainly due to the large number of immigrants now 
arriving, among them Hungarians, Poles, Italians and Portu 
guese, usually ignorant clay for the hand of the first unscrupu 
lous demagogue. Another cause of the labor wars was the 
wide and sedulous inculcation in this country of the social- 
democratic, communist and anarchist doctrines long prevalent 
in Europe. Influences concurrent with both these were the 
actual injustice and the haughty and overbearing manner of 
many employers. Capital had been mismanaged and wasted. 
The war had brought unearned fortunes to many, sudden 



wealth to a much larger number, while the unexampled pros 
perity of the country raised up in a perfectly normal manner a 
wealthy class, the like of which, in number and power, our 
country had never known before. As, therefore, immigra 
tion, along with much else, multiplied the poor, the eter 
nal angry strife of wealth with poverty, of high with low, of 
classes with masses, crossed over from Europe and began on 
our shores. 

The rise of trusts and gigantic corporations was connected 
with this struggle. Corporations worth nigh half a billion 
dollars apiece were able to buy or defy legislatures and make 
or break laws as they pleased ; and since such corporations, 
instead of individuals, more and more became the employers of 
labor, not only did the old-time kindliness between help and 
hirers die out, but men the most cool and intelligent feared the 
new power as a menace to democracy. Strikes, therefore, 
commanded large public sympathy. Stock-watering and other 
vicious practices, involving the ruin of corporators themselves 
by the few holders of a majority of th shares in order to re 
purchase the property for next to nothing, contributed to 
this hostility. So did the presence, in many great corpora 
tions, of foreign capital and capitalists, and also the mutual 
favoritism of corporations, showing itself, for instance, in 
special freight rates to privileged concerns. Minor interests, 
and particularly employes, powerless against these Titan 
agencies by any legal process, resorted to counter-organization. 
Labor agitation was facilitated by the extraordinary increase of 
urban population, it being mostly manufacturing and mechan 
ical industry which brought the hordes of workmen together. 
Trades-unions secured rank development. The Knights of 
Labor, intended as a sort of union of them all, attained a mem 
bership of a million. The manufacturers " black list," to 
prevent any " agitator " laborer from securing work, was 
answered by the " boycott," to keep the products of obnoxious 
establishments from rinding sale. Labor organizations so 



strong often tyran 
nized over their own 
members, and boy 
cotting became a nui- 

Notice you have Caried this as far as you can By cheating thy sanCC that had tO be 
men you three Bosses Be Carefull if the Above dont Be your 
home in A short Time. abated by law. 

_^ L r0 nw a e s S yo a u 8er In the Pennsyl 

vania mining districts 

A Mollie Magutre Notice 

labor troubles early 

became acute. -The great coal barons, offending the public 
by pricing their indispensable product extortionately high, 
long received no sympathy and no aid in repressing em 
ployes* crimes. During 1873, 1874 and 1875, these grew 
frightfully common. Usually the motive seemed to be not so 
much to injure employers* property as to scare " scab " help 
from the mines during contests against " cuts " in wages. A 
cut at the Ben Franklin Colliery had been accepted by the 
men, who were peaceably at work, when the " breaker " was 
burned, throwing them all out. Another " breaker " near by 
a gang of strikers fired almost by daylight, first driving the 
workmen away. 

A common method of intimidation was for ten or twelve 
roughs to form a gang, and, armed, to sweep through a mining 
camp, forcing every man to join ; the numbers so collected 
being soon sufficient to overawe any inclined to resist. June 3, 
1875, one thousand men thus gathered stopped work at sev 
eral mines near Mahanoy City, and a similar band did the 
same at Shenandoah. At night there was an attempt to derail 
a passenger train approaching Shenandoah, but the plot was 
discovered in time. The same night a "breaker" near Mount 
Carmel went up in smoke, and a few days later two contract 
ors at the Oakdale mine were shot. 

For a time every passenger train on the Reading Railroad 
had to be preceded through the mining districts by a locomo 
tive carrying an armed posse. Watchmen and station agents 

were beaten ; loaded v - 

j , i i (Notice found in yard of D. Patchen, Engineer, Cressona.) 

cars and other ob- 

from the gap Daniel Patch 

StrUCtlOnS Were put remember you will be running in this coal ragion at 

night you took an nother mans engin we will give you fair 

upon mam tracks ; wa g rnin y g in time and some more . v . L 

switches were mis- M.M.H.S.T. 

placed and ware 

houses plundered. At 

every cut or forest 

along the line lay vi. 

armed assassins tO we hear notify you to leave th Road for you took a nother: 

Shoot trainmen and -n chop take a warning to^Save your live 

en- A Notice Put in Evidence During the "Mollie Maguire" 

gineer ran his train, 

his left hand on the throttle, his right clutching a revolver. 

Bosses and " scabs " specially hated by the desperate 
miners were served with notices denouncing vengeance on 
them if they did not leave. Some of these are reproduced on 
pp. 293, 294, 295. 

One admonition ran : 

" Now men i have warented ye before and i willnt warind 
you no mor but i will gwrintee you the will be the report of 
the revolver." 

A rude drawing of a revolver was subjoined as the author s 
sign manual. 

Others were as follows : 


" Any blackleg that takes a Union Man s job While He 
is standing for His Rights will have a hard Road to travel and 
if He don t he will have to Suffer the Consequences." 

This " Notice " was followed by a picture of a dead man 
in his coffin, and signed " BEACHER AND TILTON." 



At Locust Summit, March 31, 1875, was posted the fol 
lowing : 


" Mr. Black-legs if you don t leave in 2 days time You 
meet your doom there vill Be an Open war imeateatly 

Such threats, unless heeded, were nearly always executed. 
Among others notified in these ways was one McCarron, a 
policeman in Tamaqua, who had aroused the enmity of "Pow 
der Keg " Carrigan. Two men were detailed to kill McCarron 
late on a given night, and hid themselves for this purpose 
near his beat. But on this night McCarron happened to have 
changed beats with another policeman named Yost, an old 
soldier, whom all, even the Mollies, liked. Climbing a lamp 
post ladder early in the morning to turn out the gas, Yost 
was fatally shot by the men who had heen lying low for Mc 

The chief source of these atrocities was a secret society 
known as the " Mollie Maguires," their name and spirit both 

imported from Ire 
land. They terrorized 
the entire Schuylkill 
and Shamokin dis 
tricts. A superinten 
dent or a boss was 
attacked, beaten or 
shot down somewhere 
almost every day. 
Gangs of these thugs 
would waylay a vic 
tim in the field or by 
the roadside if they 
could, but, failing in 
this, they surrounded 
his house, forced him 


Notice is here given to you men the first and the last Notice 
that you will get for no man to go Down this slope After to 
Night if yo Do you Can Bring your Coffion Along With you 
for By the internal Crist We mean What this Notice says ypu 
Drift man stop at home and Cut no more Coal let him go and 
get Coal himself I Dont mean Engineer or firemans let them 
mine there one Work now men the Next Notice you Will get I 
Dont mean to Do it With my Pen I Will Do it With that there 
Rolver I Dou t Want no more Black legs at this Collary. 

(No signature) 

A "Mollie Maguire" Notic 



out, and did him to death. Among the most brutal of 
their murders was that of Alexander Rea, a mine superin 
tendent, pounded and shot to death in October, 1868. Driv 
ing along a lonely road between Mount Carmel and Centralia, 
supposed to be going to pay off his men, and therefore 
to have $19,000, more or less, in his buggy, he was set 
upon by a gang of Mollies, among them Dooley (or Tully), 
McHugh, and " Kelly the Bum." After filling themselves 
with liquor, the squad, at dawn, hid in a piece of woods through 
which their victim was to pass, and, upon his approach, rushed 
at him, pistols in hand. " Kelly the Bum " fired first. Rea 
piteously begged for his life. He happened on this occasion 
to have only $60 with him, having paid at the colliery the day 
previous, a day earlier than usual ; but he offered his assailants 
all he had, as well as his watch, agreeing also to sign a check 
for any amount if they would spare him. In vain. Having 
fired several bullets into the wretched man, they made sure of 
the work with clubs and the butts of their revolvers. The 
bloody conspirators were subsequently tried, convicted, and 
hung for this murder, save " Kelly the Bum," who got off by 
turning State s evidence. 

Law-abiding people feared to stir out after dark, or even 
by day unless well armed. The Mollies had their signs and 
passwords for use when necessary, but they grew so bold that 
such devices were rarely needed. In case of arrest plenty of 
perjurers were ready to swear an alibi y though not a witness 
could be drummed up for the State. The Mollies nominated 
officers and controlled elections. Members of the Order be 
came chiefs of police, constables and county commissioners. 
One of them came very near being elected to the Schuylkill 
County bench. Superintendents of jobs had to hire and dis 
charge men at the Mollies behest, or be shot. At a certain 
State election a high State official gave the Order large money 
for casting its vote his way. Jack Kehoe, a leading Mollie, 
when in prison for murder, boasted that if he were convicted 



Painted by W. R. Leigh, from photographs by George A. Bretx, 


the detective 

From photographs by George A. Bretx, 

the " squealer " 

and sentenced " the old man up at Harrisburg " would never 
let him swing. The entire power of the Catholic Church in 
the region was used against the Order, but in vain. 

The principal honor of exposing and suppressing this 
Pennsylvania Mafia is due to Hon. Franklin B. Gowen, a law 
yer, at the time President of the Pennsylvania and Reading 
Coal and Iron Co. Knowing the uselessness of attempting 
the work with the local police, he, in 1873, secured from Pink- 
erton s Detective Agency in Chicago the services of one James 
McParlan, a young Irishman of phenomenal tact and grit, to 
go among the Mollies as a secret detective. No bolder, no 
more dangerous, no more telling work was ever wrought by a 
detective than that now undertaken by 
McParlan. Calling himself McKenna, he 
began operations in the autumn of 1873. 
By stating that he had killed a man in 
Buffalo and that his favorite business had 
been " shoving the queer," he was at 
once admitted to the Order, and soon be 
came one of its prominent officers. He 
seems, however, to have been from the first 
the object of some suspicion, so that the 
progress of his mission was slow. 


From a photograph by Gutekun 



It was not till 1875 th at McParlan s work began to tell. 
Two murders to which he was privy he unfortunately could 
not prevent, so closely was he watched. One of these was 
that of Thomas Sanger, a young English boss miner. Early 
on the morning of September ist Sanger started from his 
house to his work. Hardly out of sight of his door a man 
faced him and shot him through the arm. Running round a 
house near by he was met by a second villain, pistol in hand. 
Turning, he stumbled and fell, just as a third appeared, who 
shot him fatally. A fourth deliberately turned the body over 
so as to make sure of hitting a vital part, and shot him again. 
Robert Heaton, an employer, heard the firing and rushed, 
armed, to Sanger s aid. The murderers fled. Poor, brave 
Sanger, bleeding to death, told Heaton : " Never mind me, 
give it to them, Bob." Sanger s agonized wife, from whom 
he had just parted, reached his prostrate form barely in time 
to hear him gasp : " Kiss me, Sarah, for I am dying." 

The assassins escaped Heaton, but went straight to the 
house where McParlan was, acquainting him with every detail 
of their bloody deed. Gowen had employed him on the ex 
press condition that he should never be called as a witness or be 
required in any way to show his hand, but when arrests were 
made the Mollies suspected him, so that it appeared to be his 
safest course to come out openly for the prosecution. Going 
upon the witness stand he demolished the sham alibi which 
the culprits sought to establish, and gave clews which led to 
the extirpation of the entire gang. Schuylkill County, where 
the worst crimes had occurred, rose in its might and stamped 
out the conspiracy. A small army of alibi witnesses were 
punished for perjury. Nine of the Mollies were sentenced 
to death, and most of the other leaders imprisoned for long 

" Then," said Mr. Gowen, who acted as counsel for the 
prosecution, " we knew that we were free men. Then we 
could go to Patsy Collins, the commissioner of this county, 

3 oo 


Painted by W. R. Leigh, from photographs by Robinson 


and say to him : c Build well the walls of the new addition to 
the prison ; dig the foundations deep and make them strong ; 
put in good masonry and iron bars ; for, as the Lord liveth, 
the time will come when, side by side with William Love, the 
murderer of Squire Gwither, you will enter the walls that you 
are now building for others. Then we could say to Jack 
Kehoe, the high constable of a great borough in this county : 
4 We have no fear of you/ Then we could say to Ned Mon- 
aghan, chief of police and murderer and assassin : c Behind 
you the scaffold is prepared for your reception/ Then we 
could say to Pat Conry, commissioner of this county : c The 
time has ceased when a governor of this State dares to pardon 
a Mollie Maguire you have had your last pardon/ Then 
we could say to John Slattery, who was almost elected judge 
of this court : ye know that of you that it were better you 
had not been brfn than that it should be known/ Then all 
of us looked up. Then, at last, we were free, and I came to 
this county and walked through it as safely as in the most 
crowded thoroughfares of Philadelphia." 

The times evoked a specially bitter feeling against great 
railway corporations, and a wide 
spread desire to set legal limita 
tions to their power. Their reck 
less rivalries, their ruinous borrow 
ing and extravagance were freely 
criticised even by such as did not 
deem themselves injured thereby ; 
but their employes were rendered 

The most desperate and exten 
sive strike that had yet occurred in 
this country was that of 1877, by 

*Owing to the general congestion of traffic, there 
were miles of freight cars blocked at this point, which 
the rioters burned as they stood. 





the employes of the principal railway trunk lines the Balti 
more & Ohio, the Pennsylvania, the Erie, the New York Cen 
tral, and their western prolongations. The immediate grievance 
was a ten per cent. " wage cut," reinforced, however, by irregu 
lar employment, irregular and tardy payment, forced patronage 
of "pluck-me " hotels, and the like. On some roads the train 
men were assessed the cost of accidents. At a preconcerted 
time junctions and other main points were seized. Freight traf 
fic on the roads named was entirely suspended, and the passen 
ger and mail service greatly impeded. When new employes 
sought to work, militia had to be called out to preserve order. 
Pittsburg was the scene of a bloody riot. At Martinsburg, 
also at Pittsburg, a great part of the State troops sympathized 
with the strikers and would not fire upon them. At Pitts 
burg, where the mob was immense and most furious, the 
Philadelphia militia were besieged in a round-house, which it 
was then attempted to burn by lighting oil cars and pushing 
them against it, until the soldiers were compelled to evacuate. 
Fortunately they made good their retreat with only four 



killed. The militia having had several bloody and doubtful 
encounters on July 21, 22 and 23, at the request of the 
Governors, President Hayes dispatched United States troops 
to Pennsylvania, Maryland and West Virginia. Faced by 
these forces the rioters in every instance gave way without 

Scranton s mayor narrowly escaped death, but was rescued 
by a posse of special police, who killed three of the mob ring 
leaders. In disturbances at Chicago nineteen were killed, at 
Baltimore nine. At Reading, endeavoring to recapture a rail 
road train held by the mob in a cut near the city, the soldiers 
were assailed with bricks and stones hurled from above, and 
finally with pistol shots. One militiaman retorted, scattering 
shots followed, and then a sustained volley. Only 50 of the 
253 soldiers escaped unhurt, but none were seriously injured. 
Of the crowd 1 1 were killed and over 50 wounded, two of the 
killed and some of the wounded being mere on-lookers. 

The torch was applied freely and with dreadful effect. 
Machine-shops, ware-houses and two thousand freight-cars 
were pillaged or burned. Firemen in Pittsburg were at first 
threatened with death if they tried to stop the flames, and the 
hoses were cut ; but, finally, permission was given to save 
private property. In that city attacks did not cease till the 
corporation property had been well-nigh destroyed. 1,600 cars 
and 126 locomotives were burned or ruined in twenty-four 
hours. Allegheny County alone became liable for about 
$3,000,000. Men, women and children fell to thieving, car 
rying off all sorts of goods kid ball-shoes, parasols, coffee- 
mills, whips and gas-stoves. In one house the police found 
seven great trunks full of clothes, in another eleven barrels of 
flour. It is said that a wagon-load of sewing machines was 
sold on the street, the machines bringing from ten cents to $i 
apiece. The loss of property was estimated at $10,000,000. 

One hundred thousand laborers are believed to have taken 
part in the entire movement, and at one time or another 6,000 



or 7,000 miles of road were in their power. The agitation 
began on July 14th, and was serious till the 2yth, but had 
mostly died away by the end of the month, the laborers nearly 
all returning to their work. 

Hosts of Pennsylvania miners went out along with the 
railroad men. The railway strike itself was largely sympa 
thetic, the ten per cent, reduction in wages assigned as its 
cause applying to comparatively few. The next years wit 
nessed continual troubles of this sort, though rarely, if in any 
case, so serious, between wage-workers and their employers in 
nearly all industries. The worst ones befell the manufacturing 
portions of the country, where strikes and lock-outs were part 
of the news almost every day. 












MR. HAYES S very honorable administration neared its 
end and the presidential campaign of 1 880 approached. 
Spite of the wide unpopularity of resumption, spite of the hard 
times and the labor troubles, the party in power was now in far 
better condition to win than it had been in 1 876. The Repub 
licans therefore had no dearth of potential standard-bearers. 
Returning from a remarkable tour around the world, General 
Grant became, in 1880, a candidate for a third-term nomina 
tion. There is reason to think that Grant himself did not 
greatly desire this but was pushed forward by Senator Roscoe 
Conkling, of New York, to insure the defeat of James G. 
Elaine, of Maine, whom Conkling not merely disliked but 
hated. Conkling was now in effect Republican dictator in his 
State. Its delegation to the Convention was hence expected to 
be a unit for Grant, in which case it would form a good nucleus 
for the third-term forces. Don Cameron, of Pennsylvania, and 
General John A. Logan, of Illinois, like Conkling, strongly 
favored Grant, securing for him, not without some contest, the 
delegations from their respective States and at the same time 



securing control of the National Committee, which dictated the 
time and place of holding the Convention. Mr. Elaine had 
great strength in the West and considerable elsewhere. Senator 
Edmunds was the cynosure of a knot of Independents, mostly 
Eastern men. Sherman s masterly handling of the Treasury 
brought him also into prominence, almost into popularity, as 
a candidate. He was able, practically, to name the four Ohio 
delegates-at-large, Warner M. Bateman, William Dennison, 
Charles Foster and James A. Garfield. The last-named had 
expressed his wish to be a delegate-at-large, in order that he 
might more effectively aid the Sherman cause. 

General Grant was now more than ever a hero. He 
had recently visited every prominent court and country on 
the globe. The Emperors of Germany and Austria, the Czar, 
the Queen of Great Britain, the Sultan, the Pope, the Kings of 
Belgium, Italy, Holland, Sweden and Spain, the Khedive of 

Egypt, the Emperor of 
Siam, the Mikado of 
Japan, the Viceroy of In 
dia, and with them a host 
of the world s most dis 
tinguished statesmen, sol 
diers and literary men, 
had vied with one another 
in rendering the ex-Pres 
ident s progress from land 
to land a continuous ova 
tion. No human being 
in all history had ever 
received such honors. 
The ex-President s self- 
possession amid all this 
pomp, his good sense and 
sturdy maintenance of 

ROSCOE CONKLING simple, democratic man- 



ners, impressed everyone. Some who had opposed him in 
1876 now wished him elected, on the ground that four so 
honorable years in private station justified renewed promotion, 
while not transgressing the unwritten law against a third term. 

So formidable did Conkling s movement for Grant be 
come that the opponents of the two rallied to the war-cry, 
" Anything to beat Grant." About this time the superstitious 
were stirred by Mother Shipton s prophecy, 

"The world to an end will come 
In eighteen hundred and eighty-one." 

An anecdote was told of a preacher who dwelt upon the 
impending cataclysm, urging his hearers by all means to be 
prepared. While he was describing the peril an earnest voice 
from the congregation ejaculated, " Thank God ! " The min 
ister sought out the possessor of the voice and asked why he 
was thankful for a prospect at which most men shuddered. 
" Anything to beat Grant," was the answer. A determined 
sentiment hostile to the ex-President s candidacy found ex 
pression in the resolutions of the Republican Anti-third-term 
Convention, held in St. Louis on May 6th. These resolu 
tions declared against the Grant movement as likely to revive 
the memory of old scandals, and certain, if successful, to intro 
duce personal government and to hinder civil service reform. 

After the revelations described in Chapter IX the 
movement to elect Grant President for a third term was sure 
to awaken bitter opposition in his own party. The story of 
his second term, which might have been left for posterity to 
extract from the records as best it could, was vividly recalled 
to memories which had never fully lost it, being rehearsed 
in a thousand newspapers, now piecemeal, now in whole chap 
ters, till all intelligent people were perfectly familiar with it. 

The Republican Convention met at Chicago on June 2d. 
Conkling, who had charge of the Grant canvass, sanguine of 
carrying the Convention but fearing a " bolt " afterward, intro- 



duced the following disciplinary resolution, which was passed 
by a vote of 719 to 3 : 

" Resolved, As the sense of this Convention, that every 
member of it is bound in honor to support its nominee, who 
ever that nominee may be, and that no man should hold his 
seat here who is not ready to so agree." 

An effort was made to expel the three recalcitrants, but it 
proved abortive. The rule requiring State delegations each to 
vote as a unit, which had been assailed at the Cincinnati Con 
vention of 1876, was now definitively abandoned. This gift 
of a voice to minorities in State delegations lopped off ninety 
votes from Grant s constituency, which was a great victory for 
his opponents. It was in effect another blow against the 
Grant cause when Mr. Flanagan, of Texas, uttered the 
memorable query : " What are we here for if it isn t for the 
offices ? " 

The State of New York had seventy votes in the Con 
vention. Knowing that they would all be needed if Grant 
were to win, Conkling had gotten the New York Convention 
to instruct the delegation to vote as a unit for the nominee 
desired by the majority. But nineteen of them, led by Conk- 
ling s opponent in New York Republican politics, William 
H. Robertson, refused to obey this 
mandate and voted for Elaine. Nine 
of the Ohio delegation bolted from 
Sherman to Elaine, a move which 
solidified the rest of the Ohio dele 
gation against Elaine, and thus "un 
doubtedly," says Sherman, " led to 
his defeat." The first ballot showed 
Grant in the lead, with Elaine a close 
second, and they maintained this rela 
tive position through thirty-five con 
secutive ballots. The thirty-fourth 
ballot called attention to James A. 


entering college. From a daguerre 
otype by Ryder 



Garfield, who received seventeen votes, fifteen more than any 
preceding ballot had given him. As a feeler Wisconsin, near 
the foot of the list, bolted to him. Galleries and Convention 
went wild. Garfield had been somewhat prominent in the Con 
vention, having charge of Sherman s cause and being, in some 
sense, the leader of all the forces opposed to Grant, but scarcely 
anyone had dreamed of his being nominated. It having become 
plain that the New York split must defeat Blaine and Grant 
alike, the bulk of the Blaine and Sherman delegates, under in 
structions from their chiefs at Washington, went over to Gar- 
field. Conkling was confident till Maine cast her vote for Gar- 
field, when he sent the word around for delay. In vain. Too 
late. Conkling s old guard of 306 delegates, remaining steadfast 
to the last,rendered him too confident, and he was outgeneralled. 
That very morning some one asked Garfield : " Well, General, 
who is going to win the battle of the Wilderness ? " " The 
same little man that won the first will win it," he replied, de 
liberately, " and I am afraid it will mean the destruction of the 
Republican party." The stampede gave Garfield 399 votes, 
twenty-one more than were needed to make him the choice of 
the Convention. While the State banners were seized and 
waved in a circle above his head, while all was enthusiasm and 
hubbub, Garfield himself sat, as if in a stupor, dazed and be 
numbed. The second place on the ticket being conceded to a 
Grant man, Conkling, as a stab at President Hayes, named 
for Vice-President Chester A. Arthur, the same whom Hayes 
had deposed from office. " Garfield and Arthur " was there 
fore the ticket. 

The country hailed the presidential nomination with ex 
treme satisfaction. Blaine, in spite of his defeat, hastened 
to send Garfield his congratulations. So did Sherman, who 
blamed Governor Foster, and not the nominee, for perfidy. 
But Conkling sulked, cursing the nineteen rebellious New 
York delegates, and vowing eternal vengeance upon Robert 
son in particular. Grant s phalanx, which had stood solid for 

3 11 


him from the first, alone 
failed to partake of the 
general enthusiasm. 

The Democratic Con 
vention assembled at 
Cincinnati on June 22d. 
Mr. Tilden could, no 
doubt, have had the nom 
ination had he signified 
his. willingness to accept 
it, but his friends were 
wholly ignorant of his 
wishes until just as the 
Convention met, when 
he wrote declining re- 
nomination. On the third 
ballot the delegates nom 
inated the hero of Gettys 
burg, the brave and re 
nowned General Winfield S. Hancock, of Pennsylvania. 

The two parties were at this time best classed as " the ins " 
and " the outs." Though not exactly one upon the fading 
issue of intervention at the South, or upon that of " incidental 
protection " versus a " tariff for revenue only," neither these 
issues nor any others were kept steadily in sight during the 
campaign. The Republicans had not yet wearied of reminis 
cences, while the Democrats nursed their party fealty by call 
ing Hayes " the fraud President." On the people at large 
the ceaseless repetition of this phrase had not the slightest 
effect, particularly after the publication of the " cipher des 
patches," which involved certain Democratic leaders in 
attempts, pending the Hayes-Tilden controversy, to bribe 
electors representing doubtful States. 

The Republicans platform charged Democrats with " a 
supreme and insatiable lust of office," yet their own devoir 



to civil service reform they paid only as an afterthought, amid 
the jeers of delegates. To detach the Republican reform vote, 
the Democratic platform made three distinct allusions to that 
subject, indorsing a general and thorough reform, "execrating" 
the course of the Administration in using offices to reward 
political crime, and promising " a genuine and lasting improve 
ment in case of a change." The Republicans suspected the 
other party of coquetting with the Roman Catholic Church, 
and urged an amendment forbidding State appropriations for 
sectarian schools ; but both parties applauded public education 
and separation between Church and State. They were at one 
also in decided opposition to Chinese immigration. The pen 
sioner was becoming conspicuous. Republicans boasted of 
paying annually more than thirty millions of dollars in pensions, 
and promised the old soldiers sincerely, as events showed 
undiminished gratitude in future. They further declared 
against polygamy. The Democrats avowed themselves in favor 
of " free ships and a chance for American commerce on the 
seas and on the land;" also for gold, silver and convertible 
paper money. 

Though living issues were little discussed in the campaign, 
it was not wanting in warmth or movement. Republicans were 
incessantly " waving the bloody shirt," a Democratic phrase 
which became familiar at this time. The Democrats, as we 
have said, harped upon the " fraud " that they ascribed to the 
Electoral Commission which " counted out " Mr. Tilden. 
Incidentally, as election-day grew near, protection to home 
industry and restriction to Chinese immigration were more or 
less discussed, with, perhaps, considerable local effect, but the 
election was in no sense decided by either. Seizing upon a 
luckless utterance of General Hancock s, to the effect that 
the tariff was " a local issue," the Republicans took occasion 
to ridicule his ignorance of economic and political affairs. 
Garfield was accused of disreputable connection with the Credit 
Mobilier, and with the Washington Ring back in the seventies, 


but nothing worse than indiscretion was proved against him. 
Shortly before election-day Democratic politicians sowed 
broadcast facsimiles of a letter signed with Garfield s name, 
and representing him as so lovingly attached to " our great 
manufacturing and corporate interests " as to favor Chinese 
immigration until laborers should be sufficiently abundant to 
satisfy capital. This letter was proved to be a forgery, and 
one of the authors of it was sentenced to prison for eight 

In 1878 Maine had surprised everyone by electing a 
Democratic governor, through a fusion of Democrats with 
Greenbackers. After the next annual election, acting as a 
Canvassing Board, professedly under the law, this governor, 
Garcelon, and his counsel declared a Democratic legislature 
to be elected a proceeding denounced as a " counting 
in" worthy of the most approved Louisiana model. This 
course contravened the judgment of the State Supreme Court. 
It was not upheld by public opinion either in the State or 
elsewhere, not even by Democratic opinion, unless as a species 
of " poetic justice." Most fatal of all, the new legislature 
was unsupported by the State militia, upon which, as no fed 
eral troops were at command, devolved, during the interreg 
num, the charge of keeping order. The fusionists, therefore, 
gave up in discouragement. But in the State election of the 
presidential year, in September, renewed success came to them. 
Their candidate, Harris M. Plaisted, was elected Governor, 
spite of the Republicans activity under the personal lead of 
Mr. Blaine. 

Until this reverse in Maine most supporters of Grant 
had sulked, but they did so no longer. The " strike " was 
now declared " off," and all the available resources of the party 
called into requisition for the election of Garfield. Persuaded 
by Grant, Conkling himself took the stump, working for the 
nominees with all his might. Popular audiences found his 
eloquence irresistible. No man did more than he to carry the 






Facsimile of the front page of the issue of " T"ruth " containing the "Morey Letter*^ 


important State of New York. He took Grant with him 
throughout the State, exhibiting him for five-minute speeches, 
while he himself made long orations. This occasioned much 
comment, but probably " did good." Conkling and his sup 
porters deemed his agency decisive of the result in the nation 
as well as in New York, and considered President Garfield as 
under the deepest obligation on this account. Hancock swept 
every Southern State. Garfield carried every Northern one 
except New Jersey, Nevada, and California. For the first 
time in our history the presidential electors were all chosen by 
popular vote, and for the first time their votes were counted 
as cast. 

Thus the victory was won for Garfield and Arthur. It 
was not obtained, however, without employing, to some ex 
tent, illegitimate means. At a dinner in honor of Hon. S. 
W. Dorsey, Vice-President Arthur, in a vein of pleasan 
try, remarked that the Republicans had been victorious in 
Indiana by a liberal use of " soap." After the election 
discreditable exposures were made respecting contributions 
by government civil servants to the Republican campaign- 

But if machine politics had much to do with Garfield s 
election, machine politics no more determined it than intimi 
dation and fraud solidified the South 
for Hancock. Garfield had a highly 
honorable record literary, military, 
and civil. From a mule-boy on the 
tow-path of the Ohio Canal between 
Cleveland and Marietta which 
rough life, it seems, bade fair for a 
time injuriously to affect his char 
acter he had risen to a college 
presidency and to the Senate of 
Ohio, all before the war. Entering 
the service early, he rose rapidly in 




rank as he deserved, for no civilian commander had proved a 
better soldier. His martial quality came out at Middle Creek, 
Shiloh, and pre-eminently at Chickamauga, where his gallant 
and meritorious services made him a major-general. At 
Chickamauga, when the right wing of Rosecrans s army was 
in full retreat, leaving to its fate the left, under General 
Thomas, Garfield, through a fiery storm of shot, fatal to most 
of his escort, had ridden back to acquaint Thomas with the 
state of affairs, encourage him, and arrange for the safe re-form 
ation of the Union forces on a new line. Entering Congress 
in December, 1863, he at once became a leader, serving with 
distinction on the most important committees, a power in 
debate and on the stump, eloquent, sensible, patriotic not, 
indeed, an adroit politician, but no little of a statesman. While 
in Congress he probably had a more thorough acquaintance 
with important public questions than any other man in official 
life. His *firm and decisive stand for honest money when a 
formidable faction in his party was for fiat greenbacks has 
already been alluded to in this History. That his State made 
him its Senator, and his country made him its President, were 
in nowise mere accidents. 

Hancock s record, too, was altogether spotless and proud. 
A West Point graduate and a patriot to the backbone, bre- 
vetted for gallantry at Contreras and Cherubusco, at the front 
whenever he could possibly get there in any cerious engage 
ment of our army in Virginia during the entire Civil War, 
always a fighter, the bravest of the brave, the cause of Union 
victory at Gettysburg if any one man could be so called, Han 
cock at the time of his nomination came before the public 
as perhaps the most consummate specimen of a mere military 
man in the whole history of the country. Grant said Han 
cock s name "was never mentioned as having committed in 
battle a blunder for which he was held responsible." Nor 
can any well doubt that Hancock would have made a suc 
cessful President. Few, in fact, questioned this. It was his 



party that was distrusted. Had the Democracy held the 
place in public esteem which was accorded to the candidate, 
Hancock would almost certainly have been elected. As it 
was, Garfield s popular majority was trifling, though in the 
Electoral College he had 214 votes to Hancock s 155. 

If it was Garfield s wish, as he again and again declared, 
to treat all stripes of the party alike, it is hard to understand 
what led him to select Elaine as Secretary of State in his 
Cabinet. The mere rumor of this purpose roused Conkling s 
utmost ire. Elaine and Conkling had long been openly and 
bitterly at feud. Their quarrel, beginning in empty trifles, 
had grown by incessant fanning until it menaced the party with 
fatal schism. Tried and wise friends of both besought Elaine 
not to accept the offered portfolio. Senator Dawes was one of 
these. He says : " I warned Mr. Elaine that if he entered 
the Cabinet with the intent or hope of circumventing his rival, 
it would be fatal to him and to the administation of Garfield, 
and I expressed the opinion that it would be impossible for 
him to keep the peace if he took the office. He replied with 
frankness, and, I have no doubt, with entire sincerity, that it 
would be his purpose if he accepted the office to ignore all 
past differences, and so deport himself in it as to force recon 
ciliation. He said also that he could not agree with me, even 
if the effect should prove otherwise, that he should for that 
reason be debarred from the great opportunity, for which he 
felt himself qualified, to administer the Foreign Office on the 
broad and grand scale he did afterward undertake but was not 
permitted to perfect. I foresaw the rocks all too plainly, and 
advised him to remain in the Senate. But he determined 
otherwise and accepted the position." 

Garfield and Elaine probably thought that Conkling s 
influence against them might be safely ignored (in which they 
proved not wholly right), considering him a very shallow man 
(wherein they were not wholly wrong). It is among William 
Winter s reminiscences that Conkling and George William 



Curtis once compared judgments touching poetry and ora 
tory, each citing passages that seemed to him ideal. Conkling 
named Mrs. Hemans s " Casabianca," " The boy stood on 
the burning deck," etc., as his model poem, and some fine 
sentences from Charles Sprague as what suited him best in 
eloquence. It was Sprague, we recall, whose Fourth of July 
oration at Boston, in 1825, contained the smart period be 
ginning : " Not many generations ago, where you now sit, 
circled by all that adorns and embellishes civilized life, the 
rank thistle nodded in the wind and the wild fox dug his hole 
unscared." Curtis, for eloquence, presented the following 
from Emerson s Dartmouth College oration, delivered on 
July 24, 1838: "You will hear every day the maxims of a 
low prudence. You will hear that the first duty is to get land 
and money, place and name. What is this Truth you seek ? 
What is this Beauty ? men will ask, with derision. If nev 
ertheless, God have called any of you to explore Truth and 
Beauty, be bold, be firm, be true. When you shall say, c As 
others do, so will I. I renounce, I am sorry for it, my early 
visions ; I must eat the good of the land, and let learning and 
romantic expectations go until a more convenient season ; 
then dies the man in you ; then once more perish the buds of 
Art and Poetry and Science, as they have died already in a 
thousand thousand men." 

This Conkling thought rather tame. 

Conkling looked upon Blaine s promotion as nothing but 
a deliberate attempt to humiliate himself, and his friends con 
curred in this view. " Garfield, of whose great brain-power 
political sagacity formed no part, could not be made to see in 
the opposition anything but an attempt by dictation to trench 
upon his constitutional prerogatives in the choice of his own 
councillors, and all Blaine men agreed with him." 

Bad was made worse when Garfield offered the post of 
Secretary of the Treasury to Charles J. Folger, of New York, 
not only without consulting Conkling but against Conkling s 


Plan Arthur Conkling Garfield 



warm recommendation of Mr. Morton. That Mr. Folger de 
clined the portfolio did not pacify Conkling. No man in the 
Cabinet represented Conkling, whereas he and his friends 
thought that on account of his great service in the campaign 
all New York appointments, at least, should be rilled by him 
from among his friends. Garfield, undoubtedly influenced by 
Elaine, would not consent to this. He was willing to do what 
he reasonably could to pacify Conkling, but he refused to re 
nounce his constitutional privilege of personally selecting the 
men who were to aid him in discharging his arduous duties. 

Shortly before the inauguration, in the spring of 1881, 
Senator Platt, who was politically and sympathetically in accord 
with his colleague, received the information that Mr. James 
had been selected for the position of Postmaster-General. Up 
to this time the two New York Senators had received assur 
ances from the President-elect that the Empire State was to be 
favored with the portfolio of the Treasury Department, which 
was regarded as a more dignified and more influential position 
in every respect. As soon as Mr. Platt heard of the Presi 
dent s change of mind, he repaired at once to Chamberlain s, 
where he found Vice-President Arthur and Senator Conkling 
at breakfast. He broke the news to them. Arthur and 
Conkling at once left the table and all three repaired to the 
Riggs House, where Garfield had rooms. They received an 
audience without delay, and for over an hour Conkling stormed 
up and down the room, charging Garfield with treachery to his 
friends in New York and asserting that he was false to his 
party. Garfield sitting on the side of the bed listened in 
silence to the tirade, violent and unseemly as all thought it. 
Both General Arthur and Senator Platt subsequently declared 
that for invective, sarcasm and impassioned eloquence this was 
the speech of Conkling s life. 

On March 23, 1881, Conkling s dearest foe, Mr. Robert 
son, was nominated by the President as Collector of Customs 
at the Port of New York, the then incumbent, E. A. Merritt, 



being nominated for the post of Consul-General at London. 
Both appointments were opposed by Conkling and his col 
league, Mr. Platt, but in spite of this they were subsequently 
confirmed by the Senate. Conkling s ire grew into a frenzy. 
Sober Republicans were aghast at the chasm widening in the 
party. A committee of conciliation, consisting of five gen 
tlemen representing different attitudes to the litigants, was 
appointed to try and harmonize them. Conkling met these 
gentlemen to recount his wrongs. Said Mr. Dawes, who was 
chairman of the committee : " On that occasion he surpassed 
himself in all those elements of oratorical power for which he 
was so distinguished. . . He continued for two hours and a 
half to play with consummate skill upon all the strings known 
to the orator and through all the notes from the lowest to the 
highest which the great masters command, and concluded in a 
lofty apostrophe to the greatness and glory of the Republican 
party and his own devotion to its highest welfare. c And, said 
he, f I trust that the exigency may never arise when I shall be 
compelled to choose between self-respect and personal honor 
on the one side and the temporary discomfiture of that party 
on the other; but if that time shall ever come I shall not hesi 
tate in the choice, and I now say to you, and through you to 
those whom it most concerns, that I have in my pocket an 
autograph letter of this President, who is now for the time 
being its official head, which I pray God I may never be com 
pelled in self-defence to make public ; but if that time shall 
ever come, I declare to you, his friends, he will bite the dust. " 
This letter proved to be one like the " My dear Hubbell" 
epistle mentioned below. It had been written in the course 
of the campaign to press collections from government officials 
and clerks for campaign expenses. President Garfield had 
retained a copy. His friends urged him to publish it forth 
with, thus anticipating Conkling; and he, at first, consented, 
but Mr. Elaine dissuaded him. True to his threat, Conkling 
gave it out, but too late, so that it fell flat. The conciliation 


H. L. Dawes, Mass. J. P. Jones, Nevada 

E. H. Rollins, N. H. 

Roscoe Conkling 

Conkling s speech before the " Committee of Conciliation " 


committee waited on the President to see if there was not some 
way by which he could consistently accord Conkling fuller 
recognition. Nothing came of the effort, as Conkling would 
be satisfied only by the President s utter neglect and humilia 
tion of the Robertson faction in New York. Conkling was 
labored with again and begged to be magnanimous, but he 
would not yield a hair. Instead of placing the good of the 
party before his personal spite, he proposed to rule or ruin. 
" Should I do as I am urged," he said, " I should myself go 
under, and should be burned in effigy from Buffalo to Mon- 
tauk Point, and could not be elected a delegate to a county 
convention in Oneida County." It is said that he did actually 
seek, later, an election to a convention in that county, but 
without success. 

Republicans after the heart of Conkling and Arthur, con 
stituting "the Prince of Wales s Party," now called themselves 
" Stalwarts," a term invented by Mr. Elaine, at the same time 
styling administration Republicans " Half-breeds." Those 
declining to take sides either way they dubbed " Jelly-fish." 
On May i6th, before Robertson s confirmation, the two New 
York Senators, Conkling and Platt, resigned their places, 
expecting the honor and indorsement of an immediate re-elec 
tion. In this they were disappointed. They were defeated in 
the New York Legislature by E. C. Lapham and Warner 
Miller, administration or " Half-breed " Republicans. Mr. 
Conkling never again reappeared in politics. Mr. Platt, on 
the contrary, suffered only a temporary loss of influence. Dis 
liked by a large section perhaps a majority of the New 
York Republicans, he still did not cease to be the determining 
factor of the fortunes of the party in his State. It is not 
unlikely that Mr. Bryce had Conkling and Platt in mind when, 
in his chapter upon " Rings and Bosses," he wrote : " There 
have been brilliant instances of persons stepping at once to 
the higher rungs of the ladder in virtue of their audacity and 
energy, especially if coupled with oratorical power. However, 




the position of the rhetorical boss is less firmly rooted than 
that of the intriguing boss, and there have been instances of 
his suddenly falling to rise no more." 

Mr. James was well succeeded in the New York Post- 
office by Mr. Pearson, who had been the Assistant Postmaster. 
Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois, Secretary of War, was not well 
known, but the illustrious name of his father made the selec 
tion a popular one. He had supported Grant in the conven 
tion, and his appointment was an acknowledgment of the 
Logan faction. Of Mr. Kirkwood, Secretary of the Interior, 
it is sufficient to say that he was indorsed by Carl Schurz, his 
predecessor in the department. Judge William H. Hunt was 
placed in charge of the navy portfolio. He was an Old-Line 

*The publication of the "Morey Letter" (see p. 315) stirred up a general anti- 
Chinese feeling, particularly through the West. On October 31, 1880, a mob attacked the 
Chinese quarter in Denver, and were only driven back when the firemen turned the stream 
from their hose on them. 



Whig, born in South Carolina, who had moved to Louisiana. 
Throughout the war he was a staunch Union man, and after 
ward a consistent Republican. He had been counsel for 
Governor Kellogg against McEnery in the famous Durell 
case, and also a candidate for the office of Attorney-General 
on the Louisiana State ticket with Packard. President Hayes 
made him a judge of the Court of Claims, a position which 
he held till he received this promotion from Mr. Garfield. 

Wayne MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General in 
Garfield s Cabinet, was universally respected for his high char 
acter and ability. Though a son-in-law of Simon Cameron, 
he was an Independent, and therefore, politically, no friend to 
either of the Camerons. William Windom, of Minnesota, 
Secretary of the Treasury, the East suspected of monetary 
" unsoundness," but this occasioned little anxiety, as Garfield 
was well known to be perfectly trustworthy in this regard. 
Windom was immensely popular in the West because of his 
antagonism to monopolies, some of which had already made 
themselves formidable and odious. By this time telegraph 
and railway lines had become consolidated and one or two 
" Trusts " had arisen. 

In the fall of 1880 a Mr. Hudson, of Detroit, confided 
to Senator Sherman a fear that General Garfield would be 
assassinated, giving particulars. Being at once apprised, Mr. 
Garfield, under date of November 16, 1880, replied: "I do 
not think there is any serious danger in the direction to which 
he refers, though I am receiving what I suppose to be the 
usual number of threatening letters on that subject. Assassi 
nation can no more be guarded against than death by lightning; 
and it is not best to worry about either." Hardly had President 
Garfield entered upon his high duties when Mr. Hudson s 
fears were realized. This was only six weeks after the mur 
der of Czar Alexander II. The President had never been in 
better spirits than on the morning of July i, 1881. Before he 
was up one of his sons entered his room. Almost the boy s 




first words were " There ! " taking a flying leap over his bed 
" you are the President of the United States, but you can t 
do that." Whereupon the Chief Magistrate arose and did it. 
Later in the morning, thus healthy and jovial, he entered the 
railway station at Washington, intending to take an Eastern 
trip. Charles J. Guiteau, a disappointed office-seeker, crept 
up behind him and fired two bullets at him, one of which 
lodged in his back. 

The country already had a deep affection for Mr. Gar- 
field, all except those immediately interested in party politics 
and many of these, sympathizing with him against Conkling 
in the struggle that had arisen over appointments. Demo 
crats honored him for his course in this business. The terrible 
misfortune now come upon him ostensibly in consequence of 
his boldness in that matter wonderfully endeared him to the 
popular heart. He was likened to Lincoln, as another " mar 
tyr President." In all the churches throughout the North 
often as the congregations met for worship, earnest prayers 
were offered for the President s recovery. In every city crowds 
watched the bulletin boards daily from morning till night to 
learn from the despatches constantly appearing the disting 
uished sufferer s condition. The bullet had pierced the tissues 
by a long, angry and crooked course, leaving a wound that 
could not be properly drained. Spite of treatment by the 
most famous medical practitioners whom, however, high au 
thorities deemed somewhat fussy and irresolute in handling 
the case blood-poisoning set in, and at length proved fatal. 
The President s hardy constitution enabled him to fight for 
life as few could have done. He languished on and on 
through weeks of dreadful suffering, till September 1 9th, when 
he died. 

On the 2 ist of December the Houses of Congress passed 
resolutions for memorial services, to occur on February 27, 
1882, to which were invited the President and ex- Presidents, 
the heads of departments, Supreme Court Judges, Ministers of 



foreign countries, Gov 
ernors of States, and 
distinguished officers of 
the army and the navy. 
Upon that occasion 
Mr. Elaine delivered an 
oration on the life and 
character of the dead 
Chief Magistrate. The 
closing periods ran : " As 
the end drew near, his 
early craving for the sea 
returned. The stately 
mansion of power had 
been to him the weari 
some hospital of pain, 
and he begged to be 
taken from its prison 
walls, from its oppres 
sive, stifling air, from its homelessness and its hopelessness. 
Gently, silently, the love of a great people bore the pale sufferer 
to the longed-for healing of the sea, to live or to die, as God 
should will, within sight of its heaving billows, within sound 
of its manifold voices. With wan, fevered face tenderly lifted 
to the cooling breeze, he looked out wistfully upon the ocean s 
changing wonders ; on its far sails, whitening in the morning 
light ; on its restless waves rolling shoreward to break and die 
beneath the noonday sun ; the red clouds of evening, arching 
low to the horizon ; on the serene and shining pathway of 
the stars. Let us think that his dying eyes read a mystic 
meaning which only the rapt and parting soul may know. 
Let us believe that in the silence of the receding world he 
heard the great waves breaking on a further shore, and felt 
already upon his wasted brow the breath of the eternal morn- 




a photograph by Bell the last picture made before 
the assassination 


The sorrow over President Garfield s death, said 
George William Curtis, in another eulogy, was " more world 
wide and pathetic than ever before lamented a human being. 
In distant lands men bowed their heads. The courts of kings 
were clad in mourning. The parish bells of rural England 
tolled, and every American household was hushed with pain 
as if its first-born lay dead." 

It may be doubted whether posterity will give Mr. 
Garfield quite the high place assigned him by contemporary 
judgment; yet he was certainly among our greater men. 
Somewhat vacillating and passive, and too much dominated 
by Elaine s stronger nature, Garfield was a man of solid 
character, no little personal magnetism, and great information. 
In many respects he and Elaine were alike. In aptness for 
personal intercourse with men, and in the power of will, he 
was Elaine s inferior, while in logic, learning and breadth of 
view he was in advance of Elaine. 

Guiteau had been by spells a politician, lawyer, lecturer, 
theologian and evangelist. He pretended to have been in 
spired by Deity with the thought that the removal of Mr. 
Garfield was necessary to the unity of the Republican party 
and to the salvation of the country. He is said to have ex 
claimed, on being arrested : " All right, I did it and will go to 
jail for it. I am a Stalwart, and Arthur will be President." 
His trial began in November and lasted over two months. 
The defense was insanity. The prosecution showed that the 
man had long been an unprincipled adventurer, greedy for no 
toriety ; that he first conceived the project of killing the Presi 
dent after his hopes of office were finally destroyed ; and that 
he had planned the murder several weeks in advance. 

The public rage against Guiteau knew no bounds. Only 
by the utmost vigilance on the part of his keepers was his life 
prolonged till the day of his execution. Sergeant Mason, a 
soldier set to guard him, fired into Guiteau s cell with the 
evident intention of applying to the assassin assassins methods. 



The sergeant was tried by court-martial, dismissed from the 
army, deprived of his back pay, and sentenced to eight years 
in the Albany Penitentiary. Two months later, as they were 
taking the wretched Guiteau from jail to court, a horseman, 
dashing past, fired a pistol at him, the bullet grazing his wrist. 
The prisoner s disorderly conduct and scurrilous inter 
ruptions of the proceedings during his trial, apparently to aid 
the plea of insanity, impaired the dignity of the occasion and 


elicited, both at home and abroad, comment disparaging to 
the court. Judge Cox threatened to gag the prisoner or send 
him out of court ; but as neither of these courses could be 
taken without infringing Guiteau s right to confront his ac 
cusers and to speak in his own behalf, the threats were of 
no avail. 



Guiteau was found guilty in January, 1882. As the last 
juror signified his assent to the verdict the condemned man 
sprang to his feet and shrieked : " My blood will be upon 
the heads of that jury. Don t you forget it ! God will avenge 
this outrage ! " He was executed at Washington on June 30, 
1882, and his skeleton is now in the Army Medical Museum 
in that city. The autopsy showed no disease of the brain. 

Although it had no logical connection with the spoils 
system, the assassination of President Garfield called the atten 
tion of the country to the crying need of reform in the civil 
service. Through March, April, May and June, 1 88 1, Wash 
ington streets had been blockaded with office-seekers and politi 
cal adventurers, bearing " testimonials " of their worth, seeking 
indorsers and backers and awaiting chances to " interview " 
the President himself. Contributors to the election fund were 
especially forward in demanding positions. The President s 
time and strength were wasted in weighing the deserts of this 
or that politician or faction of a State to control patronage 
there. All who had known him in the army, in Congress or 
at home now made the most of such acquaintance. 

We have seen that Hayes s administration marked in 
this respect, as in others, an immense improvement. Secretary 
Schurz in the Interior Department enforced competitive ex 
aminations. They were applied by Mr. James to the New 
York Post-office, and, as a result, one-third more work was 
done with less cost. Similar good results followed the adop 
tion of the " merit system " in the New York Custom-house 
after 1879. President Hayes also strongly condemned politi 
cal assessments upon office-holders, but with small practical 
effect, as his effort lacked full legislative sanction and sym 

But the corruption which had enjoyed immunity so long 
could not be put down all at once. During Hayes s last 
years, and thereafter, much public attention was drawn to the 
" Star Route " frauds. The Star Routes were stage-lines for 

33 6 


*0n September 6th, the President was removed to Elberon, N. J., in a specially designed car, the bed being arranged so as 
to minimise the jolting. It was an extremely hot day and the train went very fast, the President sending a mes 
sage to the engineer to increase the speed. At the stations and in the fields knots of people congregated to watch the 
passage of the train, instinctively removing their hats as it came into sight. 




Drawn by T. L. Thulstrup from a photograph by Ryder 

carrying the mails in sections of the West where railroads and 
steamboats failed. In 1878 there were 9,225 of these Star 
Routes, for the maintenance of which Congress in that year 
appropriated $5,900,000. A Ring made up on the one hand 
of Democratic and Republican public men, some of these, 
very prominent, and on the other hand of certain mail con 
tractors, managed to increase the remuneration for service on 
135 pet routes from $143,169 to $622,808. On twenty-six 
of the routes the pay-roll was put up from $65,216 to $530,- 
319. The method was, first, to get numerously signed peti 
tions from the districts interested, praying for an increase in 
the number of trips per week and shortening the schedule 



time of each trip, get " estimates " from the contractors vastly 
in excess of actual cost for the service, get these estimates 
allowed at Washington, and then divide profits between the 
" statesmen " and citizens interested in the " deal." Over 
some of these lines, it was asserted, not more than three letters 
a week were carried. 

Attention was drawn to the Star Route matter before the 
close of Hayes s term, but exposure was staved off until Mr. 
James, "the model New York Postmaster," assumed the office 
of Postmaster-General. On May 6, 1881, Mr. James wrote 
Thurlow Weed : " Rest assured I shall do my whole duty in 
the matter of. the Star Route swindlers. It is a hard task, 
but it shall be pushed fearlessly, regardless of whom it may 

Thomas W. Brady, Second Assistant Postmaster-General, 
was supposed to be a member of the Ring. At any rate, he 
threatened, unless proceedings were stopped, to publish a let 
ter of President Garfield s written during the campaign. This 
he did. It was the famous "My dear Hubbell" epistle. The 
writer, addressing " My dear Hubbell," hoped that " he " (re 
ferring to Brady) " would give them all the assistance possible." 
According to Brady, this meant that he should, among other 
things, get money from the Star Route contractors. Garfield in 
sisted that it was simply a call on 
Brady to contribute from his own 
pocket. In the next sentence of 
the letter, however, the presidential 
candidate asks : " Please tell me 
how the departments generally are 
doing." This will hardly bear any 
other construction than that of party 
extortion from the government em 
ployes, especially since this same 
Hubbell, as rhairm of tK- E. -uli- 
lican Congressional < 




Dorman B. Eaton John M. Gregory Leroy D. Tboman 


later called to account by the reformers for levying two per 
cent, assessments upon the clerks styled by him and his friends 
" voluntary contributions." Whether Brady s tu quoque 
availed him, or for some other reason, his trial was postponed 
and he was never convicted. Senator Dorsey, of Arkansas, 
was also arraigned, but, upon his second trial, in 1883, was 
acquitted. Indeed, of those prosecuted for fraud in connec 
tion with the Star Routes, only one was ever punished ; and 
in this case the Government was in error, as the man was 

The tragic fate of President Garfield, taken in connection 
with these and other revelations of continuing political corrup 
tion, brought public sentiment on Civil Service Reform to a 
head. A bill prepared by the Civil Service Reform League, 
and in 1880 introduced in the Senate by Senator Pendleton, 
of Ohio, passed Congress in January, 1883, and on the i6th 
of that month received the signature of President Arthur. 

Renewing, in the main, the provisions adopted under the 
Act of 1 87 1 , it authorized the President, with the consent of the 
Senate, to appoint three Civil Service Commissioners, who were 
to institute competitive examinations open to all persons desir- 



ing to enter the employ of the Government. It provided that 
the clerks in the departments at Washington, and in every 
customs district or post-office where fifty or more were em 
ployed, should be arranged in classes, and that in the future 
only persons who had passed the examinations should be ap 
pointed to service in these offices or promoted from a lower 
class to a higher, preference being given according to rank in 
the examinations. Candidates were to serve six months pro 
bation at practical work before receiving a final appointment. 
The bill struck a heavy blow at political assessments, by 
declaring that no official should be removed for refusing to 
contribute to political funds. A Congressman or government 
official convicted of soliciting or receiving political assessments 
from government employes became liable to $5,000 fine or 
three years imprisonment, or both. Persons in the govern 
ment service were forbidden to use their official authority or 
influence to coerce the political action of anyone, or to inter 
fere with elections. Dorman B. Eaton, Leroy D. Thoman, 
and John M. Gregory were appointed commissioners by 
President Arthur. By the end of the year the new system 
was fairly in operation. Besides the departments at Wash 
ington, it applied to eleven customs districts and twenty-three 
post-offices where fifty or more officials were employed. 


















DURING Garfield s illness Mr. Arthur s predicament had 
been most delicate. The second article of the Consti- 
tion provides that " in case of the removal of the President 
from office, or of his death, resignation or inability to dis 
charge the powers and duties of said office, the same shall 
devolve on the Vice-President." What is here meant by a 
President s " inability," and how or by whom such inability 
is in any case to be ascertained, had never been determined. 
Was the question of " inability " to be decided by the Presi 
dent himself, by the Vice-President, or by Congress ? Could 
the Vice-President take up Presidential duties temporarily, 
giving way again to the President in case the latter recovered, 
or must he, having begun, serve through the remainder of 



the four years, the once disabled President being permanently 
out of office ? These problems doubtless weighed heavily 
upon Mr. Arthur s mind while his chief lay languishing. 
They were everywhere discussed daily. A popular view was 
advocated by General Butler, to the effect that the Vice-Presi- 
dent himself was charged with the duty of deciding when to 
take up the higher functions. As Garfield s was a clear case 
of " inability to discharge the powers and duties of the Presi 
dency," Mr. Arthur may actually have felt it, from a techni 
cally legal point of view, incumbent upon him to assume 
these " powers and duties." In a Cabinet meeting Mr. Elaine 
suggested that Mr. Arthur be summoned to do this, intimat 
ing that the chief direction ought certainly to be devolved 
on Arthur should an extraordinary emergency in administra 
tion arise. It was fortunate that no such emergency occurred, 
and that Mr. Arthur did not feel for any reason called upon 
to grasp the reins of government. At this critical juncture he 
might easily have acted, or even spoken, in a manner seriously 
to compromise himself and his country. Far from doing any 
thing of the sort, he was singularly discreet through the whole 

Hardly had Garfield breathed his last, when, the same 
night, in the small morning hours of September 20, 1881, 
Mr. Arthur took oath as President. This occurred in his 
house in New York City, Judge Brady, of the New York State 
Supreme Court, officiating. The next day but one, the oath 
was again administered by Chief Justice Waite in the Senate 
Chamber at Washington. On this occasion Mr. Arthur 
delivered a brief inaugural address. He said : " The mem 
ory of the murdered President, his protracted sufferings, his 
unyielding fortitude, the example and achievements of his 
life and the pathos of his death, will forever illuminate the 
pages of our history. Men may die, but the fabrics of our 
free institutions remain unshaken. No higher or more assur 
ing proof could exist of the strength and power of popular 


D. G. Rollins EHhu Root 

President Arthur 

Judge Brady 




government than the fact that, though the chosen of the 
people be struck down, his constitutional successor is peace 
fully installed without shock or strain." 

Responsibility brought out the new President s best quali 
ties. He had little special preparation for his exalted office. 
Save among the New York Republicans, he was almost un 
known till his nomination as Vice-President, and when he 
succeeded Garfield there was much misgiving. Yet his admin 
istration was distinguished as few have been for ability, fairness, 
elevation of tone and freedom from mean partisanship. He 
was extremely diligent, circumspect, considerate and firm. 
That he had nerve men saw when, in 1882, he resolutely 
vetoed a portentously large River and Harbor Bill. His 
public papers were in admirable spirit, thoroughly considered, 
and written in a style finer than those of any preceding Presi 
dent since John Quincy Adams. 

The country s ordeal in connection with Garfield s death 
led to an important piece of legislation. Few were then or 
are now aware by what a slender thread the orderly govern 
ment of our country hung between the shooting of Garfield 
in July, 1 88 1, and the second special session of the Senate of 
the Forty-seventh Congress the following October. Had Mr. 
Arthur died at any moment during this period and it is said 
that he was for a time in imminent danger of death or had 
he become in any way unable to perform a President s duties, 
there could have been no constitutional succession to the 
Presidency. The law of March, 1792, declares that in case 
the Vice-President as well as the President dies, is removed, 
or is disqualified, "the President of the Senate pro tempore, or, if 
there is none, then the Speaker of the House of Representa 
tives for the time being, shall act as President until the disa 
bility is removed or a President elected." But at the time of 
Garfield s assassination, neither a President pro tempore of the 
Senate nor a Speaker of the House existed. It had been cus 
tomary for the Vice-President before the end of a session of 


or THE 



the Senate to retire, and so require the appointment of a Presi 
dent ^>r0 tempore who should continue as such during the re 
cess ; but on this occasion the special session of the Senate in 
May had adjourned without electing any such presiding offi 
cer. On October loth Senator Bayard was made President 
pro tempore of the Senate, followed on the ijth by Senator 
David Davis. Of course there could be no Speaker at this 
time, as the Forty-sixth Congress had ceased to exist in 
March, and the House of the Forty-seventh did not convene 
till December. 

In his first annual message President Arthur commended 
to the " early and thoughtful consideration of Congress " the 
important questions touching the Presidential succession which 
had so vividly emerged in consequence of his predecessor s 
assassination. It had been a question whether the statute of 
1792 was constitutional. The ground of the doubt was that, 
according to the doctrine agreed to when, in 1798, an attempt 
was made to impeach Senator Blount, of Tennessee, Speakers 
of the House and temporary Presidents of the Senate are not, 
technically, " officers of the United States." Hence, were 
either a speaker or a temporary head of the Senate to take a 
President s place, Presidential duties would be devolved on 
an official who could not be impeached for malfeasance. The 
law of 1792 was objectionable for other reasons. It originally 
passed only by a narrow majority. Many then wished that 
the Presidential succession should take the direction of the 
Secretary of State, and had not Jefferson held this office at the 
time the law would probably have so provided. 

On the second day of its first regular session the Senate of 
the Forty-seventh Congress ordered its Judiciary Committee 
to consider the question of the Presidential succession, inquire 
whether any, and if so, what, further legislation was necessary 
in respect to the same, and to report by bill or otherwise. A 
bill to meet the case was soon introduced by Senator Garland, 
of Arkansas. The matter was briefly debated both then and 


at intervals for a number of years ; but no legislation upon it 
occurred till January, 1886, when the Forty-ninth Congress 
passed a law based on Garland s draft. It provided that if the 
Presidency and the Vice- Presidency are both vacant the Presi 
dency passes to the members of the Cabinet in the historical 
order of the establishment of their departments, beginning 
with the Secretary of State. If he dies, is impeached or dis 
abled, the Secretary of the Treasury becomes President, to be 
followed in like crisis by the Secretary of War, he by the 
Attorney-General, he by the Postmaster-General, he by the 
Secretary of the Navy, and he by the Secretary of the Interior. 
To be thus in the line of the Presidential succesion a Cabinet 
officer must have been duly confirmed as such and must 
be constitutionally eligible to the Presidency. If Congress is 
not in session when one of these officers thus comes to the 
Presidency, and is not to convene in twenty days, the new 

President must issue a 
proclamation convening 
Congress after twenty 
days, and Congress must 
then order a new election 
for President. 

The Forty-ninth Con 
gress also passed, on Feb 
ruary 3, 1887, an act to 
fix the day for the meet 
ing of the electors of 
President and Vice- Presi 
dent, and to provide for 
and regulate the counting 
of the votes for President 
and Vice-President and 
the decision of questions 
arising thereon. The as 
certainment of the electors 




within and for any State is so far as possible made the busi 
ness of that State, any judicial determination made for 
this purpose within six days of the electors meeting being 
binding on Congress. In case of a single return fixing the 
personnel of the electors the vote of any elector can be re 
jected only by the two Houses concurrently agreeing that it 
was not legally cast. In case of conflicting returns one of 
which a State tribunal has adjudged to be legal, only those 
votes denoted by this return can be counted. If there is ques 
tion which of two or more authorities or tribunals had the right 
to determine the legal electoral vote of the State, the votes, 
being regularly cast, of the electors whose title the two Houses 
acting separately concurrently decide to be the legal ones, are 
counted. If there has been no determination of the question 
of electors legitimacy, those votes and those only are counted 
which the two Houses concurrently decide to have been cast 
by the lawful electors; unless the two Houses acting sep 
arately concurrently decide that such votes were not the legal 
votes of the legally elected electors. 

We still have no legal or official criterion of a President s 
" inability to discharge the powers and duties of his office," nor 
has any tribunal been designated for the settlement of the ques 
tion when it arises. We do not know whether, were another 
President so ill as Garfield was, it would be proper for the 
Cabinet to perform Presidential duties, as Garfield s did, or 
whether the Vice-President would be bound to assume those 
duties. Barring this chance for conflict, it is not easy to think 
of an emergency in which the chief magistracy can now fall 
vacant or the appropriate incumbent thereof be in doubt. 

The only member of Garfield s Cabinet whom Arthur 
permanently retained was Robert T. Lincoln, Secretary of 
War. However, the old Cabinet did not dissolve at once. 
Not till December 19, 1881, did Mr. Elaine, who had prac 
tically been at the head of the Government from the Presi 
dent s assassination till his death, surrender the State portfolio. 



Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, took his place. 
Ex-Governor Edwin D. Morgan, of New York, had been 
nominated and confirmed as Secretary of the Treasury, but 
had declined on account of ill health. Judge Charles J. Folger 
took the Treasury portfolio November 15, 1881. In April, 
1882, William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, and Henry 
M. Teller, of Colorado, were called to the Navy and Inte 
rior Departments respectively. January 5, 1882, Timothy O. 
Howe, of Wisconsin, was confirmed as Postmaster-General, but 
he died in March, 1883. Walter Q. Gresham succeeded him. 
Benjamin H. Brewster, of Pennsylvania, was confirmed At 
torney-General in December, 1881. Secretary Folger died in 
1884. Gresham was then transferred to the Treasury, As 
sistant Postmaster-General Frank Hatton being advanced to 
the head of the Post-office Department. Mr. Gresham soon 
resigned to accept a Circuit Judgeship on the Seventh Circuit. 
His place as Secretary of the Treasury was filled by Hugh 
McCulloch, who had administered most acceptably the same 
office from 1865 to 1869. 

In addressing Congress for the first time, President Ar 
thur was able to represent the condition of the country as 
excellent. Colorado had been admitted to the Union in 1876. 
During the decade ending in 1880 our population had grown 
somewhat over twenty-five per cent., that is, from thirty-eight 
millions to fifty millions. The net public debt, December 31, 
1880, was a trifle less than $1,900,000,000, a decrease in the 
face of the debt of $600,000,000, in the ten years. Agricul 
tural production was found to have advanced one hundred 
per cent., while, according to the ninth census, the increase 
from 1870 to 1880 had been but twelve per cent. The tenth 
census corrected certain figures relating to our national area, 
making the country eight hundred square miles smaller than 
it had been supposed to be. 

Americans thought it a serious matter that for the year 
1879 tne foreign trade of Great Britain exceeded $3,000,000,- 



ooo, two and a half times the amount of ours. It was also a 
source of solicitude that we were the only civilized country in 
the world whose ocean-carrying had absolutely decreased since 
1 856. In that year American ships bore seventy-five per cent. 
of all we exported and of all we imported. In 1878 American 
ships bore twenty-five per cent.; in 1882 fifteen per cent. 
Though our foreign commerce had increased seventy per 
cent, in amount, the cargoes transported in American ships 
were $200,000,000 less valuable in 1878 than in 1857. In 
1856 foreign vessels entered at our ports had a tonnage of 
3,117,034. By 1 88 1 it had increased 308 per cent, or to 
12,711,392 tons, of which 8,457,797 sailed under the Union 
Jack. On the other hand, American tonnage from foreign 
ports, in the same period, increased from 1,891,453 to 2,919,- 
149, or only 54 per cent. " The continuing decline of the 
merchant marine of the United States," wrote President 
Arthur, " is greatly to be deplored. In view of the fact that 
we furnish so large a proportion of the freights of the com 
mercial world, and that our shipments are steadily and rapidly 
increasing, it is a cause of surprise that not only is our 
navigation interest diminishing, but it is less than when our 
exports and imports were not half so large as now either in 
bulk or in value." 

An Act of Congress passed May 15, 1882, created a 
Tariff Commission consisting of prominent manufactures and 
others, viz.: J. L. Hayes, H. W. Oliver, A. M. Garland, 
J. A. Ambler, Robert P. Porter, J. W. H. Underwood, A. R. 
Boteler and Duncan F. Kennon. After long investigation 
and deliberation, having examined many witnesses, these 
gentlemen brought in in December an able, luminous and 
comprehensive report of 2,500 printed pages, forming an 
invaluable exhibit of our then customs laws, their merits and 
defects. Part of it ran: "In the performance of the duty 
devolved upon them, all the members of the Commission 
have aimed, and, as they believe, with success, to divest them- 



selves of political bias, sectional prejudice or considerations of 
personal interest. It is their desire that their recommenda 
tions shall serve no particular party, class, section or school 
of political economy." 

In this report the Commission recommended an average 
reduction in tariff rates of not less than 20 per cent. In 
certain rates a lowering of 50 per cent, was urged. The Sen 
ate amended a House internal revenue measure by adding a 
tariff bill calculated to effect some reduction, though less radi 
cal and less impartial than that wished by the Commission. 
" If the Senate Finance Committee had embodied in this bill 
the recommendations of the Tariff Commission, including 
the schedules, without amendment or change, the tariff would 
have been settled for many years. Unfortunately, this, was 
not done, but the schedules prescribing the rates of duty and 
their classification were so radically changed by the Commit 
tee that the scheme of the Tariff Commission was practically 
defeated. Many persons wishing to advance their particular 
industries appeared before the Committee and succeeded in 
having their views adopted."* 

A two-thirds vote was required to bring this Senate bill 
before the House. Wishing it referred to a conference com 
mittee, which would be to their advantage, the high-protection 
leaders in the House adroitly got the rules revised, enabling 
a bare majority to non-concur in the Senate amendment, but 
not to concur therein so as to pass the bill. The measure, 
therefore, went to the Conference Committee. There it took 
on features much more highly protectionist. The resulting 
act, the tariff law of 1883, in some instances advanced customs 
rates even over their former figures, making them higher than 
either Commission, Senate or House had proposed, closely 
approximating those of the old War tariff. The average 
diminution from the tariff as it previously stood was, perhaps, 
about four per cent. 

*John Sherman, Recollections. 


This Act paved the way for infinite trouble over the 
tariff. It was full of irrational and contradictory provisions, 
and, as a whole, pleased nobody. Each industry wished what 
it purchased treated as raw material, to be tariffed low or not 
at all, and what it sold considered as the finished article, to 
receive the highest rates. Struggle over these conflicting 
interests was apparent in the many incongruous features of 
the Act. 

It was significant that Mr. Arthur s first message made 
no allusion to the Southern question. All felt, so well had 
Mr. Hayes s policy worked, that that section might now be 
safely left to itself. Meantime the " Readjuster " controversy 
in Virginia bade fair to be the entering wedge for a split in the 
solid South. The Readjusters were a Democratic faction tak 
ing name from their desire to " readjust" the State debt on a 
basis that meant partial repudiation. In 1879, by a fusion 
with the Republicans, the Readjusters controlled the State and 
elected their leader, William Mahone, to the United States 
Senate. Mahone had been a major-general in the Confeder 
ate Army, and his bravery greatly endeared him to the South 
ern heart. He it was who commanded the slender contingent 
of Confederates at Petersburg on July 30, 1864, when the 
mine on Burnside s front was exploded. He there fought like 
a tiger, and made his dispositions with the utmost skill and 
coolness. To him almost alone was due the credit that day 
of keeping Petersburg from Union hands and of replacing the 
Confederate lines by sunset exactly where they were at sun 
rise. Had the Confederacy endured, he should have been 
one of its presidents for his meritorious services in this battle. 
The negro vote helped Mahone. He had always favored fair 
treatment for the black man. In his county the blacks had 
voted freely and their votes had been counted as cast. Good 
provision for colored schools had also been made there. 

The Virginian s entry into the Senate in 1881 was marked 
by a dramatic passage at arms. His personal appearance drew 



attention. He had been a striking figure in battle uniform, 
and he was hardly less so in citizen s attire. He wore a close- 
bodied suit of brown broadcloth, frilled cuffs extending beyond 
the sleeves. He had a small head and spindle legs. His 
hair and beard were long, his stature diminutive. One de 
scribed him as " a spry midget, full of Irish fire, who enjoyed 
cutting a national figure." As elected, the Senate of the 
Forty-seventh Congress had a small Republican majority, but 
Garfield s Cabinet appointments, calling away the three Repub 
lican Senators Elaine, Kirkwood and Windom left the two 
parties in the body equally divided. When the fight for 
organization came on there were thirty-seven sure Republicans 
and thirty-seven sure Democrats, not 
counting David Davis or Mahone, both 
of whom were expected to act more 
or less independently of party. Davis, 
favoring the status quo and evidently ex 
pecting Mahone to vote with the Dem 
ocrats in organizing, declared himself 
resolved " to support the organization of 
the Senate as it stood." It had till now 
been Democratic. Had Mahone sided 
with him, the committees as made up by WILLIAM 
the Democratic caucus would have been elected. But in 
spite of Democtratic pleadings and denunciation, Mahone 
concluded to support the Republicans. This tied the Sen 
ate, even if Davis voted with the Democrats, and Vice- 
President Arthur could of course be counted on to turn the 
vote the Republican way. This he did in postponing indefi 
nitely the motion to elect the Democratic committees and in 
electing the Republican list. When it came to choosing ser- 
geant-at-arms and clerks, Davis, now favoring the new status, 
as before he had the old, voted with the Republicans. 

Mahone s course aroused great wrath, especially among 
the Southern Senators. " Who is that man ? " cried Senator 



Hill, of Georgia, amid laughter from the Republican side of 
the Chamber : " Who is that man so ambitious to do what 
no man in the history of this country has ever yet done- 
stand up in this high presence and proclaim from this proud 
eminence that he disgraces the commission he holds ? Such 
a man is not worthy to be a Democrat. Is he worthy to 
be a Republican ? " In rejoinder Mahone, while declaring 
himself a Democrat in principle, denied that he was indebted 
to the Democratic party for his place in the Senate. He con 
cluded : " I want that gentleman to know henceforth and 
forever that here is a man who dares stand and defend his 
right against you and your caucus." Senator Hill s query 
was forthwith answered. Mahone was welcomed by the Re 
publicans with open arms. A bouquet of flowers, said to be 
from President Garfield, was sent to his desk, and Federal 
patronage in Virginia was placed at his disposal. 

A storm of indignation from the Pacific Coast fell upon 
President Arthur s head when, in 1882, he vetoed a bill for 
restricting Chinese immigration. To understand the reason 
of his act and of his unpopularity, a brief review is necessary. 

What originally brought the Chinaman to our shores 
was the discovery of gold in California. At first he was not 
unwelcome. Said the Alt a California of May 12, 1851 : 
" Quite a large number of Celestials have arrived among us 
of late, enticed hither by the golden romance which has filled 
the world. Scarcely a ship arrives that does not bring an 
increase of this worthy integer of our population." The 
" worthy integer " was soon engaged in an exciting though 
not enviable part of the " golden romance," for the next year 
we read that gangs of miners were " running out " Chinese 
settlers. This race strife on the coast was incessant both 
during and after the war. 

Meantime, Anson Burlingame, our Minister to China, 
who during an intercourse of some years had come to possess 
the confidence of the Chinese in an unusual degree, had been 



entrusted by them with a mission which at first seemed as 
though it might lead to new relations. On his return he 
bore credentials constituting him China s ambassador to the 
United States and to Europe. He proceeded to negotiate 
with this country a treaty of amity, which was signed on July 
4, 1868. But anti-Chinese agitation did not cease. In 1871 
occurred a riot in the streets of Los Angeles, when fifteen 
Chinamen were hanged and six others shot, Chinamen having 
murdered one police officer and wounded two others. In 
1878 an anti-Chinese bill passed Congress, but was vetoed by 
President Hayes as repugnant to the Burlingame treaty. 
Rage against the Celestials, to which all forces in the Pacific 
States had bent, being thus baffled at Washington, grew more 
clamorous than ever. 

On September 28, 1878, a new Chinese embassy waited 
upon President Hayes. The ambassador, Chen Lan Pin, 
wore the regulation bowl-shaped hat, adorned with the scar 
let button of the second order and with a depending pea 
cock plume, caught by jeweled fastenings. His garments 
were of finest silk. He had on a blouse with blue satin col 
lar, a skirt of darker stuff, sandal-shaped shoes and leggings 
of the richest kid. His letter of credence was drawn by an 
attendant from a cylinder of bamboo embellished with gold. 
In this document the Emperor expressed the hope that the 
embassy would " eventually unite the East and the West under 
an enlightened and progressive civilization." The indirect 
issue of this embassage was a fresh treaty, ratified in March, 
1 88 1, amending the Burlingame compact. 

That compact, recognizing as inalienable the right ot 
every man to change his abode, had permitted the free immi 
gration of Chinamen into the United States. The new treaty 
of 1 88 1 so modified this feature that immigration might be 
regulated, limited or suspended by us for no specified period 
should it threaten to affect the interests of the United States 
or to endanger their good order. A bill soon followed 




After a fhotografh by Taker 

prohibiting Chinese immigration for a period of twenty years, 
on the ground that the presence of the Mongolians caused dis 
order in certain localities. This was the bill which President 
Arthur vetoed as contravening the treaty, he objecting, among 
much else, to the systems of passports and registration which 
the bill would impose upon resident Chinese. But the advo 
cates of the exclusion policy were in earnest, wrought up by 
the growing hordes of Celestials pressing hither. 

Only sixty-three thousand Chinese had been in the coun 
try in 1870; in 1880 there were one hundred and five thou 
sand. Another bill was at once introduced, substituting ten 
for twenty years as the time of suspension, and it became a 
law in 1882. China sent a protest, which availed naught. 

Interwoven with the Chinese agitation, as well as with 

3 6o 


nearly all the national problems of that day and this, was the 
movement known as Kearneyism, which took form in Cali 
fornia in 1877 an d found expression in the State Constitution 
of 1 879. His habits of mental unrest engendered by speculation 
and the gold fever, had marked California society since 1849. 
A tendency existed to appeal to extra-legal measures for peace 
and justice. The golden dream had faded. Although wages 
were higher in California than in most parts of the coun 
try, working people there showed much discontent. In no 
State had land grants been more lavish or the immense size of 


From a f holograph by Taker 

3 6l 


Janded estates more in 
jurious. Farming their 
vast tracts by improved 
machinery, the propri 
etors each season hired 
great throngs of labor 
ers, who, when work 
was over, betook them 
selves to the cities and 
swelled the ranks of the 

f^.^.r. \ 


w<mm^ f^- 

Hl V^^?i^V 


After a photograph by Taker 

unemployed. Worse yet, California was in the hands of a 
railroad monopoly which by threats or blandishments con 
trolled nearly every State official. Politics were corrupt and 
political factions, with their selfish and distracting quarrels, 
were numerous. The politician was hated next to the " Nob " 
who owned him. 

The immediate occasion of Kearneyism was the great rail 
road strike at the East in 1877. The California lines, having 
announced a reduction of wages, were threatened with a simi 
lar strike, but took alarm at the burning and fighting in Pitts- 
burg and rescinded the notice. Nevertheless a mass-meeting 
was called to express svmpathy with the Eastern strikers. It 


After a. photograph by Taker 

was held on July 23d. The new-rich grandees trembled. 
Authorities took precautions, but at the meeting no disorder 
occurred. During this and the two following evenings a num 
ber of Chinese wash-houses were destroyed and some persons 
killed. The violence was naturally ascribed to the working- 
men. A Committee of Public Safety was organized under^ 
William T. Coleman, President of the Vigilance Committee 




After photographs by Taker 

of 1856. The laboring men denied their alleged complicity 
with the lawlessness, and a number enlisted in Mr. Coleman s 
" pick-handle brigade," which patrolled the city for a few days. 
Among the pick-handle brigadiers was Denis Kearney, a man 
at once extreme in theories and language and singularly temper 
ate in personal habits. Born in 1847, at Oakmount, Ireland, 
from eleven years of age to twenty-five he had followed the 
sea, but since 1872 had prospered as a drayman in San Fran 
cisco. He was short, well built, with a broad head, a light 
mustache, a quick but lowering blue eye, ready utterance and 
a pleasant voice. He was of nervous temperament, and had 
the bluster and domineering way of a sailor, withal possessing 
remarkable shrewdness, enterprise and initiative. For two 
years he had spent part of each Sunday at a lyceum for self- 
culture, where he had levelled denunciations at the laziness and 

3 66 



The Workingmen passing a Resolution by Acclamation 
Composition of B. W. Clinedinst, with the assistance of photographs by Taker 


extravagance of the working-classes, at the opponents of Chi 
nese immigration, and at anti-capitalists in general. 

For some reason, whether from a change of heart, or on 
account of unlucky dabbling in stocks, or because rebuffed by 
Senator Sargent, Kearney determined to turn about and agitate 
against all that he had held dear. On September 12, 1877,^ 
company of the unemployed in San Francisco assembled and 
organized " The Workingmen s Party of California." Its 
salient principles were the establishment of a State Bureau of 
Labor and Statistics and of a State Labor Commission, the 
legal regulation of the hours of labor, the abolition of pov 
erty along with all land and moneyed monopoly, and the 
ejection of the Chinese. Kearney, conspicuous among the 
extremists, was chosen president. His advanced ideas were 
incorporated into the party s creed, as follows : 

" We propose to wrest the government from the hands 
of the rich and place it in those of the people. We propose 
to rid the country of cheap Chinese labor. We propose to 
destroy land monopoly in our State. We propose to destroy 
the great money power of the rich by a system of taxation 
that will make great wealth impossible. We propose to pro 
vide decently for the poor and unfortunate, the weak, the 
helpless and especially the young, because the country is rich 
enough to do so, and religion, humanity 
and patriotism demand that we should 
do so. We propose to elect none but 
competent workingmen and their friends 
to any office. The rich have ruled us 
till they have ruined us. We will now 
take our own affairs into our own hands. 
The republic must and shall be pre 
served, and only workingmen will do it. 
Our shoddy aristocrats want an emperor 
and a standing army to shoot down the 
people. When we have 10,000 members 

3 6 9 



we shall have the sympathy and support of 20,000 other work- 
ingmen. The party will then wait upon all who employ Chi 
nese and ask for their discharge, and it will mark as public 
enemies those who refuse to comply with their request. This 
party will exhaust all peaceable means of attaining its ends, 
but it will not be denied justice when it has power to enforce 
it. It will encourage no riot or outrage, but it will not vol 
unteer to repress, or put down, or arrest or prosecute the 
hungry and impatient who manifest their hatred of the China 
men by a crusade against John or those who employ him. 
Let those who raise the storm by their selfishness suppress it 
themselves. If they dare raise the devil, let them meet him 
face to face." 

Soon began the memorable sand-lot meetings, made 
famous by the San Francisco Chronicle^ which sent its best re 
porters to describe them. From his new eminence the agi 
tator returned this favor by advising his hearers to boycott 
the Morning Call and subscribe for its rival, the Chronicle. 
His speeches were directed partly against the Chinese, but 
chiefly against the " thieving politicians " and " blood-sucking 
capitalists." At one gathering he suggested that every work- 
ingman should get a gun, and that some judicious hanging of 
aristocrats was needed. The sand-lot audiences were largely 
composed of foreigners, Irishmen being the most numerous, 
but even the Germans caught the infection. The orator could 
cater to their prejudices with effect, as he did in an address 
before the German Club in March, 1878 : " Pixley said to me 
that the narrow-faced Yankees in California would clean us 
out, but I just wish they would try it. I would drive them 
into the sea or die." On the other hand, in the Kearneyites 
Thanksgiving day parade, appealing to the whole people, none 
but United States flags were carried and none but Union vet 
erans carried them. The leader affected the integrity and 
stoicism of a Cato. As Cato concluded every oration of his 
with the impressive "Carthago delenda esf" so Kearney intro- 

37 o 

Drawn by G. W. Peters 

Denis Kearney Addressing the Workingmen on the night of October 2Q, on Nob Hill, San Francisco 


duced each of his harangues with " The Chinese must go ! " 
The contest against the Chinese, he said, would not be given 
up till there was blood enough in Chinatown to float their 
bodies to the bay. Still, on one occasion a poor Chinaman at 
the mercy of hoodlums owed his rescue to the Kearneyites 

Much as Kearney delighted in scaring the timid nabobs 
of San Francisco, he was careful to keep within the law. 
More than once, while himself breathing out threatenings and 
slaughter, he tactfully restrained his devotees from excesses. 
Shrewdly estimating the value of martyrdom, he once said : 
" If I don t get killed I will do more than any reformer in the 
world. But I hope I will be assassinated, for the success of 
the movement depends upon that." The horns of this dilemma 
crossed, but each pointed in a hopeful direction. The leader s 
yearning for persecution was gratified. On October 29th 
about two thousand workingmen collected at Nob Hill, where 
the railway magnates lived. Bonfires being lighted, Kearney 
launched his philippic. The " Nobs " heard the jeers at their 
expense, and looked out upon the lurid scene in alarm. They 
had Kearney and other leading spirits arrested on the charge 
of using incendiary language. The city government passed a 
sedition ordinance known as the Gibbs gag law, and the legis 
lature enacted a ridiculously stringent riot act. 

The two laws were still-born and harmless. The only 
effect of the arrests and of the new legislation was to give 
Kearney additional power. On his release from jail he was 
hailed as a martyr, crowned with flowers and drawn in triumph 
on his own dray. A Yorkshire shoemaker and evangelist 
named Wellock "Parson Wellock " he was called preached 
Kearneyism as a religion. He was tall, with a narrow head, 
high forehead and a full, short beard. At each Sunday sand- 
lot assembly he used to read a text and expound its latter-day 
bearings. Speaking of the monopolists, he said : " These men 
who are perverting the ways of truth must be destroyed. In 



the Bible the Lord is called a consuming fire. When he com 
mands we must obey. What are we to do with these people 
that are starving our poor and degrading our wives, daughters> 
and sisters ? And the Lord said unto Moses, c Take all the 
heads off the people and hang them up before the Lord. 
This is what we are commanded by the Supreme Being to do 
with all that dare to tread down honesty, virtue and truth." 

Both parties began to court Kearney. Aspirants for 
office secretly visited him. Office-holders changed from hos 
tility to servility. The railroad kings, if they failed to moder 
ate his language, found ways to assuage his hatred. Hirelings 
of corporate interests joined the Kearneyites and assisted them 
to carry out their wishes. Even the better classes more and 
more attended his harangues, partly from curiosity, partly from 
sympathy, partly from disgust at the old parties. The enthu 
siastic compared him with Napoleon and Caesar. The party 
of the sand lots, Kearney nominally its president, really its 
dictator, spread over and controlled the State. This result 
assured, " reform " needed only that a new State constitution 
should be adopted, properly safeguarding the people against 
monopolies and the Chinese. Agitation for a Constitutional 
Convention was at once begun and pushed till successful. 

The very immensity of the new party s growth begot 
reaction. The monopolists intensely hated Kearney at the 
very moment when they most sought to use him. His chief 
strength lay in the city populace. The Grangers sympathized 
and in many measures co-operated with him, yet maintained a 
becoming independence. In the city, too, there was a rival labor 
organization, set on foot at that first mass-meeting held to 
express sympathy for the Pittsburg strikers. Though Kear 
ney s braggadocio " took " wonderfully with the people, this 
body let slip no chance for denouncing the man s extreme 
notions and assumption. Numerous and active enemies were 
made by Kearney s inability to brook aught of opposition or 
rivalry. By a motion of his hand he swept out of existence 



The procession passing the Lotta Fountain in Market Street 
Painted by Howard Pyle from photographs by Taber and a description by Kearney himself 


(ft was here that Charles De Young was shot in i8So by Isaac Kalloch, Jr., son of the 

Workingmen^s Mayor) 
After a photografh by Taker 

the Central Committee of his party. He liked best his most 
fulsome eulogists, and selected lieutenants whom he could 
fling aside the instant they hampered or crossed him. Many 
so treated beset him afterward like fleas. The Order of Cau 
casians, a species of anti-Mongolian Ku-Klux, with head 
quarters at Sacramento, was opposed to Kearney. Many men 
of influence and apparent impartiality, notably Archbishop 
Alemany, criticised his incendiary speeches, alienating some of 
his supporters. 

Democrats now felt that by " united action " the Consti 
tutional Convention which the Kearneyites had succeeded in 
getting called might be saved from their control. Accordingly 



a non-partisan ticket was started, which, notwithstanding some 
grumbling from the old " wheel-horses " of the two parties, 
received pretty hearty support. Despite all, by coalescing 
with the Grangers, the Kearney ites controlled the convention. 
The new California Constitution which resulted was an odd 
mixture of ignorance and good intentions. To hinder corrup 
tion in public office it reduced the power of the legislature 
almost to a shadow, and made the bribery of a legislator felony. 
To lighten taxation, particularly v;here it bore unduly upon 
the poor, the Constitution set a limit to State and local debts, 
taxed uncultivated land equally with cultivated land, made 
mortgage debts taxable where the mortgaged property lay, 
and authorized an income tax. However, for the benefit of 
the school fund, a poll tax was laid on every male inhabitant. 
Corporations were dealt with in a special article, which restricted 
them in many ways. Among other things it instituted a com 
mission with extraordinary powers, enabling it to examine the 
books and accounts of transportation companies and to fix 
their rates for carriage. This commission, when placed in the 
hands of any party, uniformly violated pre-election pledges, 
and proceeded against the unanimous wish of Californians. 
Only the Commission of 1895 seemed to have taken some 
steps toward lowering freight rates. 

After the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion a more powerful reaction set in and 
Kearneyism soon became a thing of the 
past. The Chronicle abandoned Kearney 
and " exposed " him. He was called to 
the East in the interest of labor agita 
tion, but had little popularity or success. 
He returned to San Francisco, but never 
again became a leader. The most pro 
nounced result, or sequel, which the Kear 
ney movement left behind was a fixed 
public opinion throughout California 
37 8 

Elected Mayor of San Franci 
the Workingmen 


and all the Pacific States against any further immigration of the 
Chinese. The new California Constitution devoted to these 
people an entire article. In it they were cut off from employ 
ment by the State or by corporations doing business therein. 
" Asiatic coolieism " was prohibited as a form of human 
slavery. This sentiment toward the Celestials spread eastward, 
and, in spite of all opposition by interested capitalists and by 
disinterested philanthropists, determined the subsequent course 
of Chinese legislation in Congress itself. 

During the years under survey Missouri as well as the 
Pacific States had to contend with aggravated lawlessness. 
When hardly a week passed without a train being " held up " 
somewhere in the State, Governor Crittenden was driven to 
the terrible expedient of using crime itself as a police power. 
In the spring of 1882, Jesse James, the noted desperado, was 
assassinated by former members of his gang, who then sur 
rendered to the authorities and were lodged in jail none too 
soon, as an angry populace, gathering in thousands, hotly beset 
the slayers. Slayers and slain had been Confederate guerrillas 
in the war. On the return of peace they became train-robbers 
as easily as privateers turn pirates. James, at any rate, had 
not been inspired by lust of gain, for in spite of robberies 
amounting to hundreds of thousands of dollars he died poor. 
He had been a church member, concerned for " his wayward 
brother " Frank s salvation. After his death his sect in Mis 
souri repudiated him, while expressing strongest disapproval 
of the treachery used in his taking off. For nearly twenty 
years every effort to capture the fellow had proved futile. 
The nature of the country aided him, but not so much as the 
enthusiastic devotion of his neighbors. 

This murderous chief, this ruthless man, 
This head of a rebellious clan, 

had made himself a hero. The Sedalia Democrat said : " It 
was his country. The graves of his kindred were there. He 

3 8i 


refused to be banished from his birthright, and when he was 
hunted he turned savagely about and hunted his hunters. 
Would to God he were alive to-day to make a righteous 
butchery of a few more of them." 

By thus fighting fire with fire. Governor Crittenden suc 
ceeded in dispersing three other desperado bands. Upon 
being arraigned the men-killers pleaded guilty and were sen 
tenced to be hanged, but they were at once pardoned. The 
Governor s policy, however, was most unpopular. Infinite 
hate and scorn were visited upon the betrayers. James s wife 
and mother cursed them bitterly; Dick Little, chief traitor, be 
ing the object of their uttermost loathing. "If Timberlake or 
Craig (the county sheriff and his deputy) had killed my poor 
boy," cried the mother, " I would not say one word ; but, O 
God ! the treachery of Dick Little and those boys ! Craig 
and Timberlake are noble men, and they have done too much 
for me. My poor boy who now lies there dead told me if 
they killed him not to say one word." Craig and Timber- 
lake were pall-bearers at James s funeral. The Hannibal & 
St. Joseph Railroad extended courtesies to the bereaved widow 
and mother, who were on all hands treated as the heroines of 
the hour. 

Close after President Garfield s funeral followed an event 
which for some days attracted the world s attention the cen 
tennial celebration of Cornwallis s surrender at Yorktown, Va. 
The hamlet of Yorktown was seated on a sandy river-bank 
among the vestiges of the two sieges it had sustained, that of 
1781 and that of 1861, the Confederate works thrown up in 
the last-named year not having completely erased the defences 
erected by Cornwallis. The Confederate fortifications were 
to be seen in 1881, as also some of McClellan s approaches. 
The site of Washington s headquarters, still known as "Wash 
ington s Lodge," was pointed out two and a half miles back 
from the river. The buildings were burned during the civil 
war, but the house had been rebuilt. The old Nelson House, 


gray, ivy-grown, massive, was standing ; also the West House, 
built by Governor Nelson for his daughter, Mrs. Major West, 
midway between the Nelson House and the Monument ; 
while a mile away was the Moore House, Cornwallis s quar 
ters at the time of his surrender. Its exterior was tricked out 
with red, yellow and green paint, effects which, inside, aesthetic 
wall-paper and fine carpets strove to match. 

The Moore House was, in a very true sense, the central 
spot of American History. It was historic sixty years before the 
Revolution, when it was Governor Spottswood s residence. In 

{Showing holes made in brick wall by cannon shot) 

the " Temple," near by, was presented the relic of a still older 
strife, the tomb of Major William Gooch, who died in 1655. 
In the chimney of the Moore House was a cannon-ball hole, 
and in one of its corner rooms was still preserved the table 
whereon the articles of Cornwallis s surrender had been drawn. 
Its roof sheltered Lafayette and Rochambeau ; also Washing 
ton in the proudest moment of his life. It was in 1896 the 
residence of Mr. A. O. Mauck. Standing in the midst of 
Temple Farm, it commanded a beautiful view of Chesapeake 




(Showing the shot holes) 

Bay, of Yorktown Mon 
ument and of quaint 
old Yorktown. Near by 
was a mill, built on the 
very foundations of the 
one where was fired the 
first shot in the Corn- 
wallis siege. A shaft fif 
teen feet high, made of 
brick taken from the 
first court-house in York 
County, laid in German 
cement, has been erected 
by the Superintendent of 
the National Cemetery 
on the spot where Corn- 
wallis s sword was deli 
vered to General Lincoln. This shaft was dedicated on Octo 
ber 19, 1895, and placed in the care of the school children 
of our country to preserve. 

Once redeemed from the British and once from Confed 
erate rule, Yorktown was now, for a few days, rescued from 
its own loneliness. There was some complaint that locality 
was not ignored and the anniversary celebrated where modern 
conveniences were at hand. Such were the dust and heat at 
and about the village on the first day of the fete that pilgrims 
admired Cornwallis s good sense in surrendering as quickly as 
decency allowed, that he might go elsewhere. The second 
day was twenty degrees colder, and dusters gave way to ulsters. 
Truly vast preparations had been originally planned, but so 
obvious were the discomforts which could not but attend a 
long sojourn at the place, that the programme was radically 
docked. The events that were left, however, amply repaid 
for their trouble all who saw them. 

Arrangements had been making at Yorktown for a month, 



during which time the sandbanks all about were in a stir, such 
as neither Cornwallis s nor Magruder s cannon-wheels had occa 
sioned. When the day marking the anniversary of the Briton s 
surrender arrived, a score of great war-ships, with other craft 
of various sorts, lined the river up and down, while shanties 
and tents covered the landscape in all directions. Wagons, 
buggies and carriages by hundreds came and went, frequent 

among them the two- 
wheeled family vehicle of 
the Virginia negro, at 
tached by a rope harness 
to a scrawny " scalawag." 
Strains of martial music, 
the thunder of heavy 
guns, throngs of civilians 
and of soldiers, thieves 
and gamblers plying their 
art unmolested till a wel 
come detachment of Rich 
mond police arrived all 
conspired to waken the 
little place from the dead. 
To the credit of the Post- 
office Department, no 
hitch occurred when mails 
multiplied from three a 
week to two a day, and 
the daily delivery of let 
ters mounted from fifty to 
five thousand. 

The celebration began 
on October i8th, "Sur 
render Day." Troops 
had been pouring in all 
night and the influx in- 

Corner-stone laid Oct.IQ,l88r 


The Virginia Commissioner of the 
Torktown Centennial Cele 

creased at dawn. Some had marched 
far and swiftly. Captain Sinclair s 
battery of the Third Artillery had 
covered the distance from Fort Ham 
ilton, New York Harbor, to York- 
town, 470 miles, in twenty-one 
marching days. At ten o clock the 
Tallapoosa, bearing the President and 
most of his Cabinet, came up the 
river, being saluted as she passed the 
batteries. At this notice " the yards 
of the ships of war were manned" 
the account read quaintly after the 
lapse of but fourteen years. For ten 
minutes smoke-clouds covered the 
river and the boom of ponderous 
cannon quenched all other sounds. 
Behind the Tallapoosa were vessels 
bringing the Secretary of the Navy, 
the Secretary of War and General 
Sherman. Distinguished foreign 
guests came, too, descendants of de 
Grasse, de Rochambeau, de Lafa 
yette, and von Steuben, the heroes 
who had shared with Washington the glory of humbling 
England s pride a hundred years before. Each dignitary 
being saluted according to his rank, the deafening cannonade 
was kept up for a number of hours. 

Wednesday, October I9th, was devoted to the ceremony 
of laying the corner-stone of the Yorktown Centennial Monu 
ment. Commemorative exercises formed the feature of 
Thursday. President Arthur delivered an address, the Mar 
quis de Rochambeau responded in French, and Baron von 
Steuben in German, all three being loudly applauded. Hon. 
Robert C. Winthrop pronounced the oration of the day. 

3 86 



The presence of Steuben and Rochambeau, of Generals Sher 
man and Wade Hampton, of Hancock, the favorite and hero 
of the festival, and Fitzhugh Lee, hardly second to 
him in receipt of applause, naturally suggested the themes 
of concord and reunion. Among those who shook hands with 
President Arthur was the widow of President John Tyler. At 
the conclusion of these exercises all the troops passed in review 
before the President. It was the most brilliant military pag 
eant seen since the war. Northern visitors noticed with pleasure 
that many of the Southern commands wore uniforms of blue. 
On Thursday evening fireworks were displayed. All the war 
vessels were illuminated. The steam corvette Vandalia, com 
manded by Captain (subsequently Rear-Admiral) Meade, so 
disposed her lights as to bring out the outlines of her hull and 
rigging with charming effect. The splendor was produced by 
the use of Chinese lanterns, which Captain Meade purchased 
for the occasion. The celebration ended on Friday with a 
naval review, embracing all the men-of-war in the harbor. A 
graceful and handsome deed, acknowledged by the British 
press, was the salute paid by the entire fleet to the Union 

Copyright, 1884, by Rombach &? Greene 


Jack hoisted at the 
foremast of each ves 

Freshets in Feb 
ruary, 1884, had in 
duced an unprece 
dented rise in the 
Ohio River, sub 
merging country and 
city along the banks. 
At Cincinnati houses 
were wrecked, lives 
lost, destitution and 
suffering the lot of 
thousands. To add 
to the horrors, the 
gas-works were under 

water, and night whelmed the city in Cimmerian darkness. 
As the news spread, practical responses came from all quar 
ters, in the shape of food and clothing, which steamers 





The Barricade in South Sycamore Street 

From a Photograph by Rombach & Groene 

distributed up and down the swollen stream. Highest water 
was reached on February i4th, the highest ever recorded, the 
river at Cincinnati standing on that date at seventy-one feet 
and three-quarters of an inch. 

Riot followed flood. In March two confessed murderers 
had come off with a conviction for mere manslaughter. As 
twenty other murderers were in prison, respectable citizens 
assembled to demand reform in murder trials. Noisy leaders 
of the mob element tried to capture the meeting, which was 
adjourned to prevent mischief. A young man rushing out 
shouted, " To the jail ! Come on ! Follow me and hang 
Berner." The door was burst open, but Berner had been 
smuggled to Columbus at the first alarm. Meantime the 
militia were secretly introduced through the same tunnel which 
afforded him exit. After a skirmish the rioters were driven 
out, leaving some of their number prisoners. Partly from 
chagrin, partly to secure the release of the captured leaders, 



and partly to indulge their lawless humor, the hoodlums set 
the court-house on fire, robbing an armory and two gun-stores 
to provide themselves arms. Other shops were broken into 
and sacked. They fired volley after volley of musketry at 
the militia, and fiercely attacked barricades which these had 
erected against them. After repeated warnings retaliation was 
meted out with terrible effect. The disorders continued six 
days, when the law was so far vindicated that business could be 
resumed. The most authentic list put the killed in this riot 
at forty-five, the wounded at one hundred and thirty-eight. 

















TIONS. UNION MOVEMENTS IN 1864, 1877, 1880, I 88 I AND I 888. 




IN 1884 occurred an event presaging a change in the 
time-honored foreign policy of the United States. Our 
diplomatic representatives took leading part in the Berlin Con 
ference of that year, a conference which dealt with important 
questions touching the Dark Continent. 

In September, 1876, Leopold fl., King of the Belgians, 
had convened at his palace a conference of African travelers, to 
discuss the best means of opening equatorial Africa. Half a 




year later a Congress was convoked at 
the same place, where appeared dele 
gates from Austria, Belgium, France, 
Germany, the Netherlands, Spain 
Switzerland and the United States, 
A committee of three, headed by the 
King, and including General Henry S. 
Sanford, of Florida, representing the 
English-speaking races, recommended 
the formation of an International Afri 
can Association, to found " hospitable 
and scientific " stations in Africa under 
the association s own flag. A chain of 
such stations was formed from Zanzibar to Lake Tangan 

The royal enterprise was advertised to the world mainly 
by the labors of Henry M. Stanley. Born in 1841, near 
Denbigh, Wales, where he was known as John Rowlands, 
from three years of age to thirteen the lad lived and was 
schooled inside St. Asaph Poor-house. He later ascribed all 
his success to the education here received. When sixteen he 
shipped for New Orleans, where he found a foster-father in a 
trader named Stanley, whose name he assumed and henceforth 
bore. At the outbreak of the civil war his energy took a military 
turn, and the man who was later reverenced by the Congo blacks 
as " Father and Mother of the Country," enlisted on the pro- 
slavery side. He was taken prisoner, escaped at night by swim 
ming a river amid a storm of bullets, and made for Wales, but 
not to stay. Returning, he enlisted once more, this time in 
the Federal navy, acting presently as ensign on the flagship 
T^iconderoga. Peace restored, the path of a newspaper corre 
spondent in wild and distant lands attracted the bold fellow ; 
and we find him by turns in Spain, Turkey and Syria. 

Stanley s fame was not sealed, however, till James Gor 
don Bennett, of the New York Herald^ despatched him to the 


Dark Continent to "find Livingstone." More explicit direc 
tions would have been impossible at the time, as well as need 
less and insufferable for Stanley. The new explorer found 
the old one, who refused to return to civilization before com 
pleting his explorations. Livingstone died in Africa, his 
work still incomplete, but it was taken up and astonishingly 
supplemented by his strong successor. The Queen sent 
Stanley a gold snuff-box set with diamonds. France decor 
ated him with the cross of the Legion of Honor. Bismarck 
entertained him. Leopold II. treated him as if he had been 
a prince of the blood. The poor-house boy became the most 
famous man on earth. 

After Stanley had discovered the Upper Congo in 1877, 
" The Comite d Etudes of the Upper Congo," a branch, or 

Captain Nels 

Surgeon T. M. Parke, A.M.D. Henry M. Stanley A. J. Mounteney-Jepbs 



perhaps a partner, of the International African Association,, 
devoted its labors to that region. In 1884 General Sanford 
wrote : " This work has developed into extraordinary propor 
tions and has had for practical result the opening up to civiliz 
ing influence and to the world s traffic this vast, populous, and 
fertile region, securing certain destruction to the slave trade 
wherever its flag floats." The flag blue, with a golden star 
in the centre was as yet unrecognized. The United States, 
so prominent in the inception of the enterprise, was the first 
to recognize it. In his annual message for 1883, President 
Arthur called attention to the work of the association, " of 
which a citizen of the United States was the chief executive 
officer." " Large tracts of territory," he said, " have been 
ceded to the association by native chiefs, roads have been 
opened, steamboats placed on the river, and the nuclei of States 
established at twenty-two stations under the flag, which offers 
freedom to commerce and prohibits the slave trade. . . The 
United States cannot be indifferent to this work nor to the in 
terest of their citizens involved in it. It may become advisable 
for us to co-operate with other commercial powers in promoting 
the rights of trade and residence in the Congo valley, free from 
the interference or political control of any one nation." 

The succeeding April the Secretary of State found him 
self authorized to proclaim " that in accordance with the tra 
ditional policy of the United States, which enjoins their careful 
attention to the commercial interests of American citizens, 
avoiding at the same time all interference in the controversies 
engaged in between other powers or the conclusion of alliances 
with foreign nations, the Government of the United States 
declared its sympathy with and approbation of the humane and 
noble object of the International Association of the Congo, 
acting in the interest of the Free State established in that 
region, and commanded all officers of the United States, either 
on land or sea, to recognize the flag of the International Asso 
ciation as that of a friendly government." 



This step was much criticised abroad. The scramble for 
<( a piece of Africa " had begun, and the association, which, 
unrecognized, might be a cat s paw, once recognized became a 
rival. France and Portugal, each of whom had her claim (one 
very ancient, the other just laid, but both much cackled about) 
to lands occupied by the association, were especially nettled. 
A French paper petulantly dubbed Uncle Sam the new State s 
" godfather." Had the claims mentioned been fully conceded 
the new State would have been left without sea-coast. The 
adjustment gave to the new-flag nation a coast frontage of 
from thirty to forty miles north from the Congo estuary, as 
well as a vast empire of back country. The guarded recog 
nition by the United States at this juncture was, as Stanley 
said, " the birth unto new life of the association, seriously 
menaced as its existence was by opposing interests and am 
bitions." More vital ends than these touching the African 
continent waited to be attained, appealing to " the commercial 
interests of American citizens," and to their " sympathy " and 
" approbation." Besides, Americans had founded Liberia, 
American missionaries were not few in Africa, a wealthy 
American journalist had furnished the means for rescuing Dr. 
Livingstone and a famous American explorer performed the 
task. All these facts aroused public interest here and led to 
our participation in the Berlin Con 

This step was as fiercely criticised at 
home as our recognition of the blue flag 
had been abroad. The timid shrieked 
appeal to the Monroe Doctrine. Our 
commercial interests in Africa, it was 
said, were small, even in posse. Con 
sidered as ^interested, the action was 
denounced as meddling. We should 
regret it, critics said, when the Nicaragua JOHN A. 

I 1 1 T~1 The Representative of the United. 

controversy reached an acute phase. I he stat ei at th, Berim conference 



A Pigmy Family in front of Stanley s Tent 

correspondent of the London News considered the conspicu 
ous part taken by our delegates in the conference an intima 
tion that this country was henceforth to be more active in 
foreign affairs. 

The Conference assembled in November, 1884. It was 
formally opened by Prince Bismarck, who stated its main 
objects to be : i. To secure free navigation and trade on the 
River Congo. 2. To secure free navigation of the River 
Niger. 3. To determine the formalities to be in future 
observed for the valid annexation of territory on the African 
continent. The neutralization of the Congo and Niger, an 
American proposition put forward by our delegate, Mr. Kas- 
son, was attained in part, but not perfectly, owing to the oppo 
sition of France. The treaty powers promised, in case of war 
by or against a possessor of Congo land, to lend their good 


offices to induce both belligerents to keep hands off from the 
free trade belt, which included much French and Portuguese 
as well as other territory. In the event of disagreement 
touching the free trade belt, the powers undertook to resort 
to mediation before appealing to arms, and reserved the option 
of proceeding by arbitration. The motion to restrict the sale 
of liquor in the Congo basin, though introduced by Italy, was 
also of American origin. It was bitterly assailed by Germany 
and Holland, but was partly realized afterward when measures 
were adopted to prevent the introduction of liquor into tracts 

A Pigmy Village Discovered by Stanley in the Great African Forest 



yet uninfected, or where the Mohammedan religion forbade its 
use. The United States, with England, joined the enlightened 
King of the Belgians in securing provisions for the preserva 
tion and amelioration of native races, the suppression of slav 
ery and the slave-trade, and the encouragement of all religious, 
scientific and charitable enterprises, with perfect religious 
liberty for white and black. Arrangements were made to 
include the neutralized strip in the Postal Union. 

Mr. N. P. Tisdell, appointed by the United States Gov 
ernment to report upon its advantages for American trade, was 
unfavorably impressed with the country and the character of 
the natives. Yet subsequent events justified Stanley s asser- 



One of Stanley s Stockaded Camps 

tion that the course of the United States toward the new sov 
ereignty was " well worthy of the great republic." The abo 
rigines no longer dreaded the merciless Arab slave-raider, for 
his power was broken. Cannibals who in 1877 assailed 



Stanley with flights of poisoned arrows soon enlisted in the 
little standing army of the Free State. The sale of liquor, 
arms and gunpowder was restricted. Commerce more than 
doubled the proportions it had when the Conference rose. 
A railroad around Livingstone Falls was begun and part 
of it speedily in operation. It is to be said that rumors, for 
the time impossible either to verify or to refute, reached the 
press, of outrages upon natives at the hands of Belgian of 
ficials, grosser than those which Burke imputed to Warren 

While the Congo episode was broadening American ideas 
of the Monroe doctrine, events in Central America led to the 
emphatic reassertion of that doctrine. M. de Lesseps s ill- 
starred attempt to ditch the Isthmus of Panama was begun in 
1 88 1. The prospect of its success raised anew questions of 
neutrality and control over land or water routes joining the 
oceans. During President Taylor s administration the United 
States had requested Great Britain to withdraw her preten 
sions to the Mosquito Coast, that Nicaragua and ourselves 
might join to construct a canal from there to the Pacific. 
Great Britain declined, but signified her consent to a treaty 
admitting her to a share in the protection of the proposed 
canal. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty resulted, having in view, so 
far as the United States was concerned, the encouragement of 
a canal enterprise under the so-called " Hise" grant made us 
by Nicaragua. The treaty declared that neither government 
should " ever obtain or maintain for itself any exclusive con 
trol over the said ship-canal," or " occupy, or fortify, or colo 
nize, or assume or exercise any dominion over Nicaragua, 
Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast or any part of Central 
America," the last provision, however, not to apply to the 
British settlement at Belize. The governments further agreed 
to " facilitate the construction of the said canal by every means 
in their power," to protect it and to guarantee its neutrality. 
The eighth article of the treaty extended the agreement to 



any other practicable communications, whether by canal or 
railway, across the isthmus. 

The projected canal was never begun, and interest in the 
subject subsided until after the American Civil War. It was 
revived by the attempt of France to join us, perhaps with other 
nations, in guaranteeing the neutrality of the new isthmus route 
which de Lesseps was designing. On March 8, 1880, in a 
special message, President Hayes said: "The United States 
cannot consent to the surrender of control (over an inter- 
oceanic canal) to any European power or to any combination 
of European powers." Hayes evidently assumed that the 
British guarantee mentioned in the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty had 
relation solely to the schemes in mind at that date. He contin 
ued: "An inter-oceanic canal across the American isthmus will 
be a great ocean thoroughfare between our Atlantic and our 
Pacific shores and virtually a part of the coast line of the 
United States. No other great power would under similar 
circumstances fail to assert a rightful control over a work so 
closely and vitally affecting its interest and welfare." Before 
the close of the Hayes administration a treaty permitting such 
control was negotiated with Colombia, but that republic, owing 
to French influence or finding the treaty distasteful, declined 
to ratify it. 

Secretary Blaine, under Garfield, maintained the same po 
sition which his predecessor had assumed. The United States, 
having guaranteed the neutrality of any route which might be 
opened across the isthmus, would brook no participation of 
European nations in this office. The London press cried 
out at the danger of entrusting the neutrality of one of the 
greatest commercial routes in the world to a single very strong 
power and a single very weak one. The American states 
men in time to come could say : " The governments of the 
two republics are alone parties to the treaty. What they have 
made they can tear up. The neutrality of the canal is for the 
time suspended." Mr. Blaine proposed certain modifications 



of the Clayton- Bulwer Treaty, made, as it was, under extraor 
dinary and exceptional conditions, and operating, as it would 
in case of war, to place the canal in the hands of England s 
navy. He said: "As England insists, by the might of her 
power, that her enemies in war shall strike her Indian posses 
sions only by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, so the United 
States will equally insist that the canal shall be reserved for 
ourselves, while our enemies, if we shall ever be so unfor 
tunate as to have any, shall be remanded to the voyage around 
Cape Horn." 

In declining Elaine s proposition to modify the treaty 
Lord Granville pointed out the great interest of his country 
and of the whole civilized world in an unobstructed passage 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific. He painted " the melan 
choly spectacle " of " competition among the nations in the 
construction of fortifications to obtain the command over the 
canal and its approaches," a consequence apprehended (in 
other words threatened) by Her Majesty s government, should 
the United States persist in demanding supreme authority over 
the canal. 

Under Mr. Frelinghuysen, President Arthur s Secretary 
of State, the controversy assumed a tenor more legal and 
less journalistic. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty Frelinghuysen 
thought certainly voidable at our option. It had applied only 
to inter-oceanic ways definitely contemplated or in prospect in 
1850, especially to a canal under the grant of 1849 from Nic 
aragua, a grant which the United States, "poor in money and 
floating capital," was unable by herself to make effective. 
In consideration of the speedy construction of the canal and 
of Great Britain s withdrawal from adjoining soil, our govern 
ment had " consented to waive the exclusive and valuable 
rights which had been given to them, consented to agree with 
Great Britain that they would not occupy, fortify, colonize or 
assume dominion over any part of Central America, and con 
sented to admit Her Majesty s government at some future day 



to a share in the protection which they have exercised over the 
Isthmus of Panama." But, through Great Britain s fault 
alone, the proposed canal had never been constructed, while 
the tolerated mahogany-cutting settlement at Belize had been, 
in contravention of the treaty, erected into a veritable colony. 

Under an international guarantee of neutrality, Mr. Fre- 
linghuysen argued, a canal across the isthmus " would affect 
this republic in its trade and commerce ; expose our western 
coast to attack ; destroy our isolation ; oblige us to improve 
our defences and increase our navy ; and possibly compel us, 
contrary to our traditions, to take an active interest in the 
affairs of European nations." On the other hand, the politi 
cal interest of this country as sole guarantor would not nec 
essarily conflict with the material interests of other nations, 
to whose free use the canal would still be open. International 
agreements of the kind proposed by Lord Granville our Sec 
retary declared in peace useless, in times of dissension unen 

The discussion was, for the time, closed at the end of 
1882, when the British Secretary announced England s con 
clusions as follows : " The meaning and effect of article vin " 
(as widening the scope of the treaty and establishing a general 
principle) " are not open to any doubt ; the British Govern 
ment has committed no act in relation to British Honduras 
or otherwise which can invalidate that treaty and justify the 
United States in denouncing it ; and no necessity exists for 
removing any of the provisions of that treaty." 

Many pronounced our opening of this question unwise, 
a foolish manifestation of a "jingo " policy. Mr. Elaine s spir 
ited manner in the discussion was particularly reprehended. 
The criticism was unjust. The imbroglio was not of Mr. 
Elaine s creation, but came to him with the State portfolio 
from Secretary Evarts, upon whom it had been thrust by 
the action of Colombia, incited by France. Mr. Elaine s 
despatches upon the subject, perhaps less able than those of 



Evarts or those of Frelinghuysen, and almost dangerously 
bold in tone, yet took the only ground which a patriotic 
American Secretary of State could have assumed. Had Mr. 
Elaine been as reckless as many thought him, he would have 
moved to denounce the treaty forthwith and risk the conse 
quences ; but the time had not come for that. 

Though international control in the isthmus made no 
headway, capital for Panama was lavishly provided, not by 
rich Frenchmen, but by the middle classes, who would have 
grudged their savings had not the enterprise been for the 
glory of France. The French press grew more and more 
sanguine. Little by little, reluctantly acknowledging the task 
greater than expected, M. de Lesseps 
kept calling for new support, and at 
some rate or other kept getting it. 
He continued to color the Panama 
horizon a roseate hue, but it was sun 
set and not sunrise. At the end of 
1888 night fell upon the hopes of his 
dupes, while day broke upon their 
senses. Panama was fatally mala 
rial ; the cost of excavation was 
greater than supposed ; the total 
amount of it not far from twice as 
large. The great cut through Culebra 
Pass was said to have unsettled the very mountain and to have 
caused it to tilt toward the canal. A dam more than a mile 
long to restrain the Chagres in flood time was started, but aban 
doned. Gross mismanagement marked every turn. Interest 
was paid out of capital stock. Locomotives ordered from 
Belgium were of the wrong gauge and could be seen rusting 
by the railway tracks. Worst was the unparalleled corruption 
resorted to by the desperate directors to keep the facts from 
publicity, endeavors which utterly failed. The populace of 
Paris were furious at the cumulative revelations. Over a 




hundred members of the national Legislature were smirched, 
five ex-ministers being among those arrested. The chief 
culprits, including M. de Lesseps himself, were given heavy 
sentences; the rest were acquitted. In Panama they knew 
little of all this, but still lamented the departure of " canal 
times " as they contemplated the gash which not quite cut 
their isthmus. 

So early as the middle of the sixteenth century a Portu 
guese navigator projected four possible routes for an inter- 
oceanic canal on the western hemisphere, at Darien, Panama, 
Nicaragua, and Tehuantapec. In 1779 Lord Nelson seized 
the mouth of the San Juan as preliminary to the control of 
the waterway. In 1823 the President of Nicaragua invited 
the attention of the United States to the possibilities of this 
route, and renewed negotiations led in 1 849 to the formation 
of a company in this interest, in which Commodore Vander- 
bilt was a stockholder. The doings of filibuster Walker put 
an end to that plan. Several surveys made after the war indi 
cated that, should a lock canal be contemplated, the Nicaragua 
route was better than any other. Preferring a tide-water enter 
prise like the Suez Canal however, the enthusiast de Lesseps 
pursued the Panama chimera. The failure of any tide-water 
scheme being probable, the Nicaragua proposal reappeared as 
a rival to the Panama project. 

Treaty arrangements initiated in 1884 between the United 
States and the Nicaraguan Republic looking toward an inter- 
oceanic canal, failed of consummation, as President Cleveland, 
taking office in 1885 and dissenting from the opinion of his 
predecessor, feared that such a scheme would lead to more 
embarrassments than benefits. In 1887 Nicaragua and Costa 
Rica granted to a private association of United States 
citizens the right, for themselves or their assigns, to build a 
trans-Nicaraguan canal. In 1889 " The Maritime Canal Com 
pany of Nicaragua " succeeded to these rights agreeing to 
expend $ 2,000,000 the first year and to complete the canal 



Machine Shop and Railroad Camp Number /, showing one of the Dredges at ff^ork on the Nicaragua Canal 

by 1900, though it, in fact, went little further than to make 
preliminary surveys and estimates. 

In 1891 a construction company, of which Hon. Warner 
Miller, of New York, was president, undertook the building 
operations. In the same year an attempt was made, without 
success, to get the United States to guarantee $100,000,000 
of the company s bonds. " Canal times " in Nicaragua made 
the little republic tingle with speculative fever. The govern 
ment revelled in extravagance and waste, but was in the midst 
of its debaucheries cut off by a revolution, or rather by a 
complicated series of domestic and foreign troubles, that for 
the time smothered peaceful enterprise. In 1896 a com 
mission of experts appointed by our Government made a 
report discouraging to the hopes of the promoters, spite of 
which the bill for lending the Government credit to the enter 
prise mustered numerous and influential supporters in both 
Houses of our Congress. 

At the Caribbean port a breakwater was to be built and 
the harbor deepened. The length of the proposed route 
was about 170 miles. For 121.1 miles ships were to pass 
through the lake and through rivers, for 21.5 through dammed 
basins, for 27 through channels excavated at the eastern and 



western divides. From Greytown westward to the foot hills 
a sea-level canal 9.25 miles long was to be maintained. Thence 
three locks about 650 feet long and 65 feet wide would 
advance the vessel a mile or two and raise it 106 feet. 
Three to five miles beyond, the eastern divide loomed up 5 
requiring amputation, the average depth to be 141 feet, the 
length 2.9 miles. Here the San Francisco and Machado 
were to carry the vessel 12 miles, entering the San Juan 
above a huge dam. This river leads to Lake Nicaragua, 
64.5 miles farther on, through which the ship s path would 
extend for a distance of 56.5 miles. The levels here were to 
be raised four feet. The western divide must be channelled 
for 1 1. 2 miles ; beyond for 5.5 miles a basin would be formed 
by penning the water in natural valleys. The descent thence 
to tide-water was meant to be accomplished by three locks, 
the last a tidal lock a mile and a half from the ocean. Finally, 

Looking West from Camp Daly across Laguna Benard 



A Giant Silk-cotton free in the line of the Canal Clea 

a harbor must be 
made on the Pa 
cific. The mini 
mum depth of the 
canal was to be 30 
feet ; the width 
sufficient, except 
at the divides, for 
two ships to pass 
each other. 

No one doubt 
ed that the cost of 
construction must 
be large, perhaps 

PYPPpHitlQ" PHTpflll 

estimates. Twenty-seven miles, or 10,000,000 cubic yards, 
of excavation were required, also 21.5 miles of basins, con 
structed by means of enormous dams. A shoal fourteen miles 
long on the east of Nicaragua Lake would have to be dredged 
and kept clear. Geologists said that basaltic lavas predomi 
nated underneath this as well as under the Panama route. 
Dams were required to cross the San Juan and the Tola, 
each nearly 2,000 feet long by 70 high, and one 3.25 miles 
long and 60 feet high to cross the San Carlos. 

That, after all, a canal upon this route could be created 
and operated seemed beyond question. That it would be po 
litically valuable and its operation profitable from a business 
point of view also appeared quite clear. In an address to the 
public the Canal Company said : " The nation that controls 
this canal under terms of amity with Nicaragua will here find 
rest and refreshment for its fleets and a point d appui from 
which either ocean may readily be reached in case of need." 

According to the Statesman s Year Book, the Panama 
Railroad had, in 1885, ^ I 7> OOO 5 OO worth of traffic. The 
Canal Company estimated the cargoes which, had it been in 



Engineer Camp of the Nicaragua Railway on the West Side 

existence, would have sought their canal, at 2,671,886 tons in 
1879, at 4>57>44 m i^y, an< ^ at 7>6 16,904 in 1895. Re 
viewing the above figures, Mr. G. E. Church, who found the 
actual traffic of the Suez Canal to be but 52 per cent, of the 
possible, calculated the probable, as distinguished from the pos 
sible, number of ships which would have used the Nicaragua 
Canal, and thought that in 1880 it would have borne 1,625,000 
tons of freight, valued at ^32,136,000. Crediting the Nicara 
gua Canal with every vessel that might by its means have made 
a saving of distance, 2,818 ships would, in 1880, have passed 
through it, carrying 2,938,386 tons of cargo. According to 
an article in the Saturday Review of March 16, 1895, the 
probable yearly traffic had been estimated as high as 8,122,093 
tons, but the writer himself deemed 3,500,000 tons a more 
likely figure. 

Notwithstanding its political importance and its great 
financial promise, the undertaking progressed but slowly. 
Against it was on all occasions manifested in Congress and in 
the press the opposition of the transcontinental railways. The 
necessity of increasing the navy should the canal be built and 
placed under our guaranty of neutrality was also powerfully 



urged. Possible, or, as was alleged, certain complications with 
foreign powers formed a giant objection with many. A few, 
perhaps, gave a pro-British interpretation to the Clayton- 
Bulwer Treaty. 

Discussion upon the great canal scheme was by no means 
the sole indication that our relations with our southern neigh 
bors tended to grow closer. In 1884 Congress provided for, 
and the President appointed, a commission of three to " ascer 
tain the best modes of securing more intimate international 
and commercial relations between the United States and the 
several countries of Central and South America." After 
conferring with leading merchants and manufacturers in this 
country, and making an extensive tour of Latin America, 
the Commissioners in 1884-85 recommended an international 
American conference to promote commercial intercourse and 
to prepare some plan of arbitration for controversies between 
the states of the American continents. 

The idea of such a congress was not new. Bolivar con 
ceived it before 1820. The threatening Holy Alliance, or 
" Holy League," as John Quincy Adams called it, caused the 
young Spanish-American republics in 1826 to huddle together 
in a congress at Panama. President John Quincy Adams and 
Clay, his Secretary of State, wished our Government to be rep 
resented there ; but delays by the slave-power, morbidly sen 
sitive in dealing with countries which had emancipated their 
slaves so early as 1813, made the Administration s efforts abor 
tive. It is worthy of notice that reciprocity, as it is now called, 
was one of the subjects which President Adams suggested for 
discussion at this Panama convocation. That congress came to 
nothing. Vain, also, were Mexico s sedulous efforts in 1831, 
1838, 1839 an d 1840 to create a congress of Spanish America. 
When in 1 847 Mexico s fears of North American aggression 
were realized, Bolivia, Chile, Equador, New Granada and Peru 
met in Lima, allowing other American republics to join them, 
and going so far as to invite the United States. In 1856, again, 



Walker s filibustering frightened Peru, Chile and Equador into 
signing a treaty of confederation and endeavoring to get other 
adherents, while anxious conferences were held among Spanish- 
American ministers in Washington. In 1862 Costa Rica, 
communicating with Colombia, doubtless voiced the prevalent 
South American impression "that the cessation of the Vandalic 
filibustering expedition of 1855 and of the following ones till 
1 860 was due to intervention, although tardily carried into effect, 
on the part of Europe." This was a curious commentary on 
the Monroe Doctrine. The despatch added: " If our republics 
could have the guaranty that they have nothing to fear from 
the United States of North America, it is indubitable that no 
other nation could be more useful and favorable to us. Under 
the shelter of her powerful eagles, under the influence of her 
wise institutions and under the spur of her astonishing prog 
ress our newly born nationalities would receive the impulse 
which they now need, and would be permitted to march with 
firm step, without experiencing the troubles and difficulties 
with which they have had to struggle. . . A new compact 
might be draughted by which the United States of North 
America should bind themselves solemnly to respect and cause 
others to respect the independence, sovereignty, and territorial 
integrity of the sister republics of this continent ; not to annex 
to their territory, either by purchase or by any other means, 
any part of the territory of the said republics ; not to allow fili 
bustering expeditions to be fitted up against the said nations, 
or to permit the rights of the latter to be in any way abridged 
or ignored. Resting upon a treaty of this kind, our republics 
would admit . . the idea of an intimate alliance with the North 
American people." 

In 1864 Peru bade the Spanish nations to another con 
ference, the United States not being invited because, as Peru 
alleged, "their policy was adverse to all kinds of alliances, and 
because the natural preponderance which a first-class power, as 
they are, has to exercise in the deliberations might embarrass 




the action of the congress." In 1880 a congress proposed 
for the next year to secure the adoption of arbitration on this 
hemisphere, was prevented by the breaking out of war be 
tween Chile and Peru and Bolivia, Mexico, also, about the 
same time, having trouble with Guatemala. A similar propo 
sition on the part of the United States in 1881, for November, 
1882, came to naught, owing to the continuance of the same 
hostilities. In 1877 and in 1888 occurred congresses of Span 
ish-American jurists to amend the international law of the 
South American Continent. 

In 1880 there began in the United States a series of steps 
which in course of time led to the Pan-American Conference of 
1889 and 1890. In 1880 Senator David Davis projected the 
preliminaries for an immense international line of railroads run 
ning at the foot of the great mountain chain through Mexico, 
Central America and South America, with branches to the 
main Pacific seaports. Bills of the same tenor were subse 
quently introduced by Senators Morgan, Sherman and others. 
There were also propositions for special commissioners to 
visit Central and South America. At the first session of the 
Forty-eighth Congress a joint resolution was introduced re 
questing the President to invite the co-operation of American 
governments in securing the establishment of an American 


Instead of immediate steps toward 
an international conference to promote 
commerce and peace, which were con 
templated by Congress, Secretary Fre- 
linghuysen recommended a commission 
to visit Central and South America, 
suggested a series of reciprocity treaties 
as the natural mode of developing our 
commerce with Latin America, and 
intimated that " it would be advantage 
ous and probably practicable to agree 




upon a common silver coin equal in value, say, to our gold dol 
lar, or to some other appropriate standard, which, under proper 
regulations as to coinage, etc., should be current in all the 
countries of this continent." Renewed efforts in these vari 
ous directions resulted in adopting the recommendation of the 
Commission, and a conference was invited. The act authoriz 
ing it permitted in it the discussion of measures (i) for the 
prosperity of the several states, (2) for an American customs- 
union, (3) for regular and frequent communication, (4) for a 
uniform system of customs regulations, (5) for a uniform sys 
tem of weights and measures, patents, copyrights, trade-marks 
and extradition, (6) for the adoption of a common silver coin, 
and (7) for arbitration. The programme also allowed some 
canvass of miscellaneous subjects. 

Before the organization of the Conference, the delegates, 
starting on October 3, 1889, were carried by rail on a trip 
nearly 6,000 miles long, visiting forty-one cities, from Boston 
to St. Louis and back, and inspecting the principal iron and 
steel manufactories of Pennsylvania. Elaborate receptions 
were accorded them everywhere. In two great factory towns 
they were greeted by brass bands made up from among the 
operatives. At one place a natural-gas well was fired for 
their edification, and its hues made to change by the ingenious 
injection of chemicals. This well-meant entertainment, besides 
being such the Spanish-American temperament a hardship 
to the delegates, seemed to some of them a piece of ostenta 
tious braggadocio, precisely the assumption of superiority by 
the United States which they had come prepared to find. 
Early in the progress, Senor Quintana, of the Argentine dele 
gation, disengaged himself from the other gentlemen and 
returned to Washington. 

A variety of circumstancs helped ruffle the serenity of 
the proceedings. The difference between our Spanish-Ameri 
can guests and ourselves, in language, in blood, and in ideas 
of etiquette, caused misunderstandings. An interpreter was 



The House in Washington -where the Pan-American Conference Held its Meetings 

required, as only one of the United States delegates, Mr. 
Flint, spoke Spanish, and only one other, Mr. Trescot, read 
it, while several Latin-American members did not know Eng 
lish. The contrast between the Anglo-Saxon and the Spanish 
procedure usual in such assemblages was vast, occasioning 
unpleasant feelings which could be reconciled only by yielding 
to the South American preference. Reciprocity was among 
the aims of the Congress. Argentina suggested reciprocity 
in 1875 an d again at this Conference. But a United States 
reciprocity treaty with Mexico had fallen through in 1883, 
which led delegates to doubt whether the United States ear 
nestly desired reciprocity. This distrust was unfortunately in 
creased by the McKinley Tariff Bill, then in its earlier stages, 
before its excellent reciprocity provisions had been attached. 

Lack of harmony was not wholly due to jealousy or fear of 
the United States. Chile wished the Conference confined to com 
mercial and economic instead of political questions. Because 
of an unratified reciprocity treaty with her, San Domingo de 
clined to send delegates. Hawaii, invited late, could not accept 



in time to take part in the deliberations. Among the states rep 
resented the smaller were, as a rule, more effusive than the 
larger in responding to the invitation. The guest-states, too, 
had their mutual jealousies. Guatemala was distrustful of 
Mexico. Bolivia and Peru tended to favor Argentina, as against 
victorious Chile. The five Central American States were at 
odds over the terms of a suggested alliance among themselves, 
while Nicaragua and Costa Rica had the proposed canal for 
an additional bone of contention. 

Though not a delegate, Secretary Elaine was elected presi 
dent of the Conference. He had desired the earlier conference, 
proposed for 1882, to confine its attention to the subject of 
arbitration, and he was particularly emphatic now in urging 
the same. Chile did not favor the idea ; Mexico and Argen 
tina only in a restricted sphere. A formal treaty was signed 
by most of the delegates, but it came to nothing. The most 
permanent concrete result of the Conference was the Bureau of 
American Republics, maintained at Washington, to dissemi 
nate information regarding the Latin-race countries on this side 
of the Atlantic. 
















Do the classic virtues grace an age of commonplace ? 

The cynics of our time ivill tell you No. 
To the ancients they ivill turn heroic deeds to learn, 

But, take a soldier" 1 s ivord, it is not so. 

THAT the cynics are wrong was impressively shown by 
Stanley s deed in darkest Africa, touched in the last 
Chapter of this History. Two other exploits more thrilling 
still illustrated President Arthur s years in office. The first 
was the Jeannette expedition to the North, equipped by James 
Gordon Bennett, Stanley s patron, but sailing under orders 
from the Navy Department. This expedition went forth in 
the summer of 1879, but its glory and its fate were not known 
till more than two years later. The vessel, of some four hun 
dred tons burden, was strongly re-enforced to prevent her 



being crushed in the ice. The crew as ultimately constituted 
comprised thirty-three men, including two Chinamen and two 
Indians. The officers were Captain George W. DeLong, U. S. 
N., commanding ; Lieutenant Charles W. Chipp, U. S. N., 
Second Officer ; Master John W. Danenhower, U. S. N., Exe 
cutive Officer ; Passed Assistant Engineer George W. Melville, 
U. S. N., an officer reluctantly spared by the department, and 
Passed Assistant Surgeon James M. Ambler, U. S. N. Wil 
liam Dunbar, an experienced Yankee whaler, was ice pilot, 
Jerome J. Collins meteorologist and Herald correspondent, 
and Raymond L. Newcomb naturalist. The last three, as 
a matter of form, enlisted as seamen. 

It was DeLong s design to follow the warm ocean current 
through Behring Strait, possibly to the Pole, at least to Wrangel 
Land, which was set down on the maps as an enormous conti 
nent reaching to the Pole and possibly connecting with Green 
land. The thought was that the expedition could crawl along 
this coast far to the north, and, when finally stopped by sea, 
could with sledges make a triumphant dash for the Pole. 

Watched and cheered by crowds on shore and attended 
by a squadron of pleasure craft, the Jeannette^on July 8, 1879, 
slowly and proudly steamed toward the Golden Gate of Cali 
fornia, beyond which the sparkling waves of the Pacific seemed 
to be beckoning. " Every ship we passed," wrote DeLong, 
< dipped her colors to us, while shouts, steam-whistles, and 
yachts cannon-shots kept the air filled with noise. Upon 
passing Fort Point a salute of twenty-one guns was fired in 
our honor, while the garrison of the fort cheered us enthusi 
astically." No wonder that officers and men were in jubilant 

At Ounalaska on August 2d a quantity of furs was taken 
aboard. At Lutke Harbor, on August 2yth, last messages were 
sent home as the Jeannette parted from the Fannie A. Hyde^ 
her convoy and coal-tender. On September jd an adventurous 
whaler saw her afar, nosing her way toward Herald Island. 



Next year the revenue cutter Corwin, Captain Hooper com 
manding, approached Herald Island and Wrangel Land, but 
saw no traces of the explorers. In 1881 anxiety grew keener. 
Lieutenant Berry, of the Rogers, following the Jeannette s 
route, scrutinized the coast of Wrangel Land. Captain 
Hooper also made a landing there. Neither obtained tidings 
of the lost ship. The Alliance^ from Norfolk, sailing by the 
Spitzenbergen route, was not more successful. Two new polar 
expeditions, one of which, that under Lieutenant A. W. Greely, 
will presently be described, were, incidentally to their main 
purpose, cautioned to look out for the missing men. Foreign 
exploring ships assumed a like charge. Although the marble 
ocean kept her secret well, rumors were at everybody s service. 
A steamer s smoke, forsooth, had been seen off the Lena 
Delta ; white shipwrecked sailors were struggling up the 
Mackenzie River in North America ; European corpses had 
been found at the mouth of the Yenisei. It was conjectured 
that DeLong had indeed reached the Pole. The canard was 
also started that Siberians had boarded the Jeannette and found 
everybody well, very much surprised at being the objects of 
such solicitude. 

Amid these wild pitches of fancy, the truth, more start 
ling than any of them, was con 
veyed to the world on December 
20, 1 88 1, by the following tele 
gram from the American Charge 
d Affaires at St. Petersburg to the 
American Secretary of State : 

" The Jeannette was crushed 
in the ice June nth, latitude 77 
degrees, longitude 157 degrees. 
Crew embarked in three boats and 
were separated by the wind and 
fog. Number three, with eleven 
men, Engineer Melville 





manding, reached 
the mouth of the 
Lena September 
19. Subsequently 
Number one, with 
Captain DeLong, 
Dr. Ambler and 
twelve men, reached 
the Lena in a pitia 
ble condition and 
prompt assistance was 
sent. Number two 
has not been heard 

" Number two has 
not been heard from " 
to this day. The master 
ful seamanship which 
saved even a part of the 
crew from death elicited 
admiration the world over. 
The London Standard said : 
" Though the Jeannette has 
suffered destruction, the Am 
ericans have added glory to 
that they have already won in 
the frozen regions." Captain 
DeLohg s first alternative, of 
following the Japan current possibly to the Pole, was balked 
by the ice-pack which he entered shortly after he was last 
sighted, and on September 6th, the next day, he found him 
self glued in. The second alternative, of drifting to Wrangel 
Land and following that continent to the Pole, was seen to 
be impossible when, to the men s dismay as they drew near, 
it shrivelled to an insignificant island. From the time she 


(Mek-to-Sha: Great Bear Hunter) 



entered the pack the Jeannette was unfettered for only a few 
hours. Nearly two years later, June n, 1881, she had to be 
abandoned, and she sank early on the morning of the I2th. 
With a heavy sick list and otherwise encumbered, the com 
pany in three squads toiled over the ice, struggling to get 

At the end of a fortnight they found themselves farther 
north than when they started, indeed, farther north than 
living man had ever before gone in that sea. The position 
was 77 36 N., 155 E. To the weary mariners either land 
or sea was more welcome than the ice, and about the middle 
of July land loomed into view. It was an island. Two days 
later they took possession of it for the United States and 
christened it Bennett Island. Here it was possible for them, 
on August 6th, to take to the three boats, the first cutter with 
Captain DeLong and his little crew of men, the second cut 
ter with Lieutenant Chipp and his men, and the whaleboat 
with Engineer Melville and his men. On August I9th the 
three wretched companies, over ice and water, barefooted 
and barelegged, reached the New Siberian Islands, to which 
they clung till September loth, when they were within ninety 
miles of Cape Barkin, and happy in the thought. About 
seven o clock that night there was an arctic gale, and the boats 
were blown apart like tufts of thistledown. As the whale- 
boat, the fastest of the three, went racing down the wind, 
members of her crew, looking back, dimly saw the second cut 
ter rise to the crest of a billow, sink, rise again, then, envel 
oped in an immense sea, sink to be seen no more. DeLong s 
crew at the same time lost sight of the whaleboat, and thought 
that she shared the same fate. Melville, in like manner, when 
he himself landed at one of the eastern mouths of the Lena 
Delta, could hardly hope that any of the DeLong party had 
escaped the sea. A few days later his own squad reached 
a Russian settlement. On receiving news that there were 
DeLong survivors, Melville hastened to Belun, where he 



found two seamen of the DeLong crew, Nindeman and Noros, 
on the verge of starvation. They had been sent ahead for 
relief, and, as it chanced, were the only ones of the party who 
survived. " Hallo, Noros ! " was Melville s cheery greeting, 
as he pushed his way into their sorry hovel, " how do you 
do ? " " My God ! Mr. Melville," exclaimed Noros, " are 
you alive ? " Rising from a rude couch, Nindeman said : 
" We thought you were all dead, and that we were the only 
two left alive ; we were sure the whaleboat s men were dead, 
and the second cutter s, too." 

Pressing northward, with only native guides, in spite of 
badly frozen feet and legs, and in imminent risk of starvation 
on the way, the intrepid Melville sought the trail of DeLong s 
unfortunate party, but it was not till the next March that 
he was able to get traces of them. All hope of rinding them 
alive had then vanished. On the 2jd of March, amply pro 
vided with the means for his search, the Chief Engineer finally 
discovered the bodies of Captain DeLong and his gallant 
comrades-in-death. They were lying on an island in the 
Lena Delta, which had cruelly enmeshed them the autumn 
before. Perhaps the saddest feature of their tragedy was the 
fact that they perished within ten miles of succor. It was 
decided not to move the remains to America, but to bury 
them at the Delta on a high promontory out of reach of the 
floods. " There," said Melville, " in sight of the spot where 
they fell, the scene of their suffering and heroic endeavor, 
where the everlasting snows would be their winding-sheet and 
the fierce polar blasts which pierced their poor unclad bodies 
in life would wail their wild dirge through all time there 

we buried them, and surely heroes never found fitter resting- 


The journal kept by DeLong, known as the " Ice Jour 
nal," was happily recovered by Melville. The Captain had 
maintained it to the very day of his death. Nothing can ex 
ceed the heart-breaking pathos of his last entries, which merely 



chronicle the succumbing of his comrades and the number 
of the day one more since the wreck, one less before his 
end. His last conscious act, apparently, had been to throw 
the book behind him as of no more use. Even as he turned 
back for this the rigor of death and of freezing invaded his 
body, which was found lying upon the side, the arm uplifted 
above the snow and the elbow bent. 

The issue of DeLong s disastrous enterprise was not 
known in time to quench the ardor with which new polar in 
vestigations were carried on in 1881. Lieutenant Weyprecht^ 
of Austria-Hungary, had, in 1875, proposed a series of co 
operating stations for magnetic and meteorological observa 
tions near the North Pole. Lieutenant Howgate, of our Signal 

Map of the Arctic Regions, showing Location of Circumpolar Stations, 18811883 


Service, had long advocated polar colonization in the interest 
of geographical science. Several nations, the United States 
among them, were moved to attempt polar discovery. 

In 1 88 1 we established two stations, one of them on 
Lady Franklin Bay, to be manned by Lieutenant A. W. 
Greely, Fifth United States Cavalry, with a party of twenty- 
two officers and soldiers, and two Eskimos. The Proteus bore 
Greely and his men from St. John s, Newfoundland, the early 
part of July, 1881. Beyond the northernmost Greenland set 
tlement, through the treacherous archipelago, between the 
" land ice " and the " middle pack " of Melville Bay, amid 

the iceberg squadrons of Smith Sound 
and Kane Sea, the stanch little sealer 
kept her course. Eight miles from 
her destination she was for the first 
time blocked. A solid semicircle of 
ice confronted her, reaching clear across 
from Greenland to Grinnell Land. 
Large floes broke off and passed her, 
only to re-form and cut off her retreat, 
while the northern pack, advancing, 
threatened to crush her. Upon new 
caprice, however, the upper ice retired 
toward the polar ocean, and on the 
nth the little army disembarked, one 
thousand miles north of the Arctic Circle. A fortnight later 
the Proteus whistled farewell and began her return trip, which, 
like the out-passage, was " without parallel or precedent " for 
freedom from the difficulties and dangers unanimously re 
ported as existing in that region. 

It was proposed in 1882 to visit the Greely colony with 
supplies and reinforcements, and in 1883 to effect its return. 
Setting out a year and a day after the Proteus, the Neptune 
achieved a hard but steady advance to Kane Sea, but this she 
found choked with ice. For forty days she vainly assaulted 

From a photograph by Rice 



her godfather s polar phalanx. When, with the close of 
August, whitening cliffs and withering vegetation portended 
winter, Beebe, the commander, hastening to place a small cache 
on either side of Smith Sound, returned, as ordered, with all the 
rest of his abounding supplies, which were stored in Newfound 
land, to be taken north again by the Proteus in 1883. 

The 1883 undertaking was doubly momentous from the 
past year s failure. The Proteus, Lieutenant Ernest A. Gar- 
lington commanding, was attended by the Tantic, under Com 
mander Frank Wildes, United States Navy. This enterprise 
was begun in mismanagement and misunderstanding and ended 
in misfortune. Lethargy of delay was followed by fever of pre 
cipitation. Orders were irregularly issued and countermanded ; 
supplies went aboard in an unclassified mass ; the foreign crew 
were inefficient and careless, the " co-operation " of army and 
navy divided responsibility and hampered both arms. The 
Proteus Court of Inquiry severely censured General Hazen, 
chief signal officer of the army, for remissness in these weighty 

The arctic armada was again encountered where Beebe 
found it. Garlington, too completely engrossed with the 
injunction to reach Lady Franklin Bay at all hazards, though 
stopping at Cape Sabine a few hours, hurried north without 
replacing the damaged supplies there or leaving any of his 
own. Twice in her struggle the Proteus was within four hundred 
yards of open water ; twice she failed to reach it. The second 
time the inexorable jaws of the ice-pack crushed in her sides, 
giving only time to tumble a part of the cargo overboard. The 
crew lent no aid, but, after securing their own luggage, began 
looting the property of the expedition. As they retreated in 
boats, a few hundred rations were left for Greely near Cape 
Sabine, at a place known as " Wreck Camp Cache." The 
Court of Inquiry thought that Garlington " after the sinking 
of the Proteus erred in not waiting longer at Pandora Harbor, 
with the object of obtaining from the Yantic supplies" for a 



depot at Lifeboat Cove, whither Greely had been ordered ta 
retreat. The Court, however, deemed this but an error of 
judgment, "committed in the exercise of a difficult and unusual 
discretion," for which " he should not be held to further 
accountability." After unwittingly passing the Tantic twice, 
and journeying in open boats for eight hundred miles in a 
sea stormy and full of bergs, the Proteus men were rescued 
by the Tantic. 

Incredulity, dismay, and indignation now quickly suc 
ceeded each other in the public mind. The first expedition 
for the rescue of Greely had been a failure, the second was a 
distressing breach of faith. Fearful, indeed, were its conse 
quences. The devoted Greely and his band, in nowise 
responsible for it, were at that time painfully working south 
ward from their well-stored outpost, relying upon meeting 
succor or finding a refuge prepared for them. The bleak 
desolation of Cape Sabine, with but forty days rations, awaited 
them. Enough food to last them over five years had been 
carried to, or beyond, Littleton Island by the relief parties; 
but only one-fiftieth of it had been placed where Greely could 
get it. 

New efforts in 1883 were deemed too hazardous to be 
undertaken. The Secretary of War and the Secretary of the 
Navy now took up the business of relieving the Lady Frank 
lin Bay Expedition. A purely naval expedition was decided 
upon, consisting of two Dundee whalers and two reserve 
ships. Secretary Chandler deserved great credit for his tire 
less energy and care in making the preparations. Precau 
tions were multiplied, no delay and no oversight occurred. 
Congress made generous appropriation, though not without 
ridiculous debate and higgling. A $25,000 bounty was pro 
claimed for rescue or tidings of the Greely party. Mr. 
Chandler had purchased the Thetis and the Bear for the 
perilous cruise. The British Government presented us with 
the capable arctic veteran, the Alert^ in addition to which a 



fourth vessel, the Loch Garry ^ was chartered as a collier. The 
brave Engineer Melville, undaunted by his dreadful experi 
ences with DeLong, insisted upon going to hunt for Greely. 
Commander Winfield S. Schley, heading the expedition, 
was as efficient as his chief. Though most of his subordinates 
were inexperienced in arctic work, and though he had to fight 
for every inch of progress, he carried the stars and stripes to 


Thetis Loch Garry Bear 


After a photograph by Rice 

Cape York ahead of several whalers who sought to outdo him. 
Much game and many walruses were seen on the east side of 
Smith Sound, but no signs of the exploring party. It was in 
ferred that they must have remained at their post in the north, 
but Schley decided to stop near Cape Sabine and make a cache 
before pushing thither. 

Smith Sound, about twenty-three miles wide, was trav 
ersed in a roaring tempest. Parties were landed to examine 
old caches, when almost simultaneously two of them reported 



After a photograph by Ri 

" news from Greely." Records and despatches from him 
found here revealed wonderful achievements. Apart from his 
regular observations, the interior of Grinnell Land had been 
explored. To their surprise, fertile valleys were brought to 
light there, supporting herds of musk oxen, in striking contrast 
with the great ice cap and the glacial lake. Traces of the 
Eskimo were found, where they had wintered in their long 
migration from the Parry Archipelago to the coast of Green 
land. The climatic conditions of Grinnell Land were deter 
mined, and data were secured from which were ascertained the 
co-tidal lines of the polar ocean, the force of gravity and the 
deviations of the compass at Fort Conger. Other most inter 
esting and valuable information was obtained. The north 
western coast of Greenland had been plotted, and a point 
reached farther north than any ever before trodden by man. 
For the first time in three hundred years England s " Farthest" 
had been left behind the new " Farthest " being 83 24 , viz.,, 



only 6 36 , or about four hundred and thirty statute miles 
from the Pole. The view thence, from a height of 2,600 feet, 
revealed an unbroken stretch of ice, proving the polar ocean 
to reach within three hundred and fifty miles of the Pole. To 
the northeast, twenty-eight miles farther, they saw Cape Wash 
ington. Foxes, lemmings, ptarmigan and plants were seen 
even at that high altitude. Observations were continued 
through the long arctic night. Though usually not so mag 
nificent as at Upernivik, several fine displays of the mysteri 
ous Northern Lights were beheld. Greely remarked upon 
one in particular. From the southwestern horizon to the 
zenith extended an arc woven of spiral ribbons of many-col 
ored light. It seemed to rotate or to keep springing upward, 
replenished from some unseen and exhaustless fountain of 
splendors, while at the summit little puffs of light detached 
themselves to float away and perish. 

A journal, tfhe Arctic Moon, had been launched, sus 
pected to be the organ of some one who stood for Congress 
before the Grinnell Land electorate on a platform of unlimited 
emigration. Litters of dogs had been raised and musk-calves 
domesticated. The little library was well patronized, games 
were invented, and much time devoted to sleep. Christmas 
had been duly celebrated. Presents from friends, sacredly 
kept packed till then, were opened, exciting a rather un- 
soldierly sensation in the throat. One obscure private, friend 
less but for his comrades, inured to hardships and neglect, was 
well-nigh overcome to find himself remembered with a gift. 
Another for a moment wore a puzzled look as he opened a 
flat package and found it to contain a fan ! 

In August, 1883, the party had abandoned their post 
at Lady Franklin Bay, in the far North, retreating by boat 
down the east coast of Grinnell Land. At one stage an 
immense stranded floeberg reared a wall fifty feet high in 
front of them. Steaming along its foot they finally observed 
a fissure, or canon, not more than a dozen feet wide. The 



little launch, with whaleboats in tow, boldly entered the 
crevice and safely reached open water more than a hundred 
yards farther on. Later they camped on a floe, but, tempes 
tuous weather setting in, were alarmed to see it broken in 
pieces by the adjacent floes, which ground together with inde 
scribable groanings and measureless force. On the north a 
fine floe of palaeocrystic ice was pressing on their own, sepa 
rated, however, by a buffer or cushion of rubble ice fifty feet 
wide, and for the present made solid by the pressure. The 
sledge and provisions were rushed across this chasm, articles 
of least value being left till the last, and hardly had the rear 
most man passed over before the floes parted, and their bridge 
was swallowed in the sea. 

The most recent despatch found by the rescuers, on 
first perusal, sent a joyful thrill through those who read. 

" My party is now permanently encamped on the west 
side of a small neck of land which connects the Wreck-Cache 
Cove, or bay, and the one to its west. Distant about equally 
from Cape Sabine and Cocked Hat Island. All well. 


ist Lt. $th Cav., A. S. O. and Ass t 
Commanding Expedition." 

Horror succeeded. The date at the bottom was October 
21, 1883, seven months before, and at that date only forty 
days rations remained. Was it possible that any were still 
alive ? 

The Thetis blew three long whistles for a general " recall, 
preparing to steam on toward Greely s " permanent encamp 
ment," where, at that very moment a tent, half fallen down, 
sheltered seven starving men, too weak to raise it again. 
These were all who then remained of Greely s expedition. 
For the last three months they had seen their companions 
smitten one by one. The rule, almost to the last, had been 
cheerfulness and hope ; to the very last had it been mutual 
self-sacrifice. In spite of "the hoarse grinding of the ice- 



pack not far off," which one mentioned in his journal but did 
not speak of lest he " discourage the others," part of them 
had made a futile attempt to cross to Littleton Island. Ob 
servations had been rigorously maintained, and they were 
determined to continue them " till the last man died." Greely 
and others gave lectures on the United States, on a pleas 
ant winter in the West Indies, on army experiences. Dry 
statistics concerning food exports from the United States 
were conned with strange persistency. Yet each meal was 
cheerfully voted " the best yet," and Thanksgiving Day pleas 
antly passed in telling what each proposed to have for his 
next Thanksgiving dinner. 

When provisions ran low a resolute party set out to 
recover one hundred and fifty pounds of English meat cached 
at Cape Isabella, twenty-five miles from camp, in the direc 
tion of Point Eskimo, but beyond. In spite of protest, Elison, 
one of the squad, insisted on eating snow. Soon his hands, 
face, and feet were fearfully frozen. With great difficulty he 
was brought back to camp, losing his hands, feet and nose 
by natural amputation. He was henceforth allowed double 
the portion of his comrades, a spoon being strapped to his 
arm that he might eat without help. 

A second effort, brave and sad, by Sergeant Rice and 
Private Frederick alone, to recover the English meat, proved 
equally vain and even more disastrous. Risking their lives 
at almost every step of the way they at last reached the place, 
only to find, after hours of searching among the floes, that 
their triumph was a barren one. The English meat had 
drifted from the shore. There was nothing to do but to go 
creeping back to camp, if they could get there ; but Rice, 
having wet and frozen his feet, was spent, and could not walk 
a step. He begged Frederick to go and leave him to die, 
but Frederick would not. Instead, drawing the sledge close 
under the edge of a floe-berg, he placed Rice upon it, wrapped 
his frozen feet with the temiak or fur-lined jacket taken from 



his own back for this purpose, and then sat and held his 
unfortunate comrade till the latter s pain was relieved by 
death. Frederick was minded to die there, too. What use 
in returning to Starvation Camp with his story of disappoint 
ment ! But fearing that those in camp would plan a rescue 
and end their lives in unnecessary misery, he resolved to go 
back. The dauntless fellow got as far as Point Eskimo, God 
only knows how. Here they had left their sleeping-bag, ex 
pecting to return to it the same day they parted from it, as 
they would have done had the meat been found and had 
Rice not failed. After refreshing himself with bread and tea, 
the exhausted Frederick crawled into the bag and slept. On 
awaking, much stronger, but now smitten with remorse that 
he had made no effort to bury poor Rice, the indomitable 
man pushed back all that awful way and gave the frozen 
corpse of his loving comrade such burial as he could. He 
then made the best of his slow and painful journey to Greely s 
camp. Gnawing hunger tempted him to eat Rice s ration, 
for which none could or would have blamed him, but he 
refused. He would use what was his own, but would not 
rob the living or the dead. He reached camp hardly alive, 
hauling the sledge with Rice s dole of crumbs upon it, to tell 
how costly and how bootless his mission had been. 

After the death, in January, of Cross, from scurvy, their 
number was not lessened again till April 5th, when one of the 
Eskimos succumbed. Sergeant Lynn breathed his last on 
April 6th. The very day, April 9th, when Sergeant Rice per 
ished in his heroic search for the English meat, Lieutenant 
Lockwood, one of the two Americans who reached farthest 
north, also passed away. The last words he wrote were : 
"Jewell is much weaker to-day " and Sergeant Jewell was the 
next to yield. April 29th the other Eskimo was drowned in 
a brave effort to catch a seal. On Easter Sunday a snowbird 
on the roof chirped loudly. " All noise stopped as by magic 
and no word was said till the little bird passed." The death 




From a photografh by Rice 

catalogue was lengthened on May i9th, when Private Ellis 
died, soon followed by three others, Sergeant Ralston, Private 
Whisler, and Sergeant Israel. From June ist to June i8th 
seven perished, but of these only the first, Lieutenant Kis- 
lingbury, could be interred. Private Salor died on June jd. 
On June 6th Private Henry was shot for stealing provisions, 
and lay where he fell. Two more, Dr. Pavy and Private 
Bender, died on this day. The rest were carried to the foot 
of the floeberg, save Schneider, who died on June i8th. The 
party had not sufficient strength to move him. The loss, June 
1 2th, of Gardiner, who passed away murmuring " Mother- 
Wife," deeply affected all. The death angel so common a 
visitor, the men grew jocular in his presence. When a raven 
escaped them one protested that he could not " eat crow," 
anyway. To the very day of the rescue Brainard persisted in 
his habit of collecting specimens. 



At midnight on June 2jd the seven survivors heard a 
whistling above the sound of the gale. Forty-two hours they 
had been without a morsel, and long weeks without anything 
like proper rations. Only two Long and Brainard were able 
to walk. These went forth to ascertain the cause of the noise. 
Brainard reported nothing in sight, but Long lingered outside. 
The wretched men in the tent discussed the strange shriek with 
pathetic garrulity, 
finally deciding 
that it must have 
been the wind 
blowing across 
the edge of a 
tin can. At this 
juncture Connell 
showed the fa 
miliar touch of 
death in his slight 
ly swollen ap 
pearance, cold 
and paralyzed ex- 
tremities,and aim 
less mumbling. 
" Death," says 
Greely, " kindly 
took away all 
pain," and Con 
nell, like those 
stricken before 
him, was tranquil. 
Greely crawled to 
ward the light with a Testament, while Brainard pressed the 
little remaining brandy to the dying man s lips. He only 
murmured, " Let me die in peace." 

On reaching her objective the Thetis despatched Lieu- 




tenant Colwell in the cutter to find out the worst. At Wreck 
Cache no life appeared. As they rounded the next point the 
silhouette of a human figure was seen against the dull sky. 
Instantly the boat s flag was brandished. Painfully the figure 
stooped, picked up a flag, evidently the Greely distress flag, 
and waved an answer. Then, half-walking, half falling down 
the slope, Long approached his saviors. " He was a ghastly 
sight," said Schley. " His cheeks were hollow, his eyes wild, 
his hair and beard long and matted. His army blouse, cov- 
vering several thicknesses of shirts and jackets, was ragged 
and dirty. He wore a little fur cap, and rough moccasins of 
untanned leather tied around the legs. His utterance was 
thick and mumbling, and in his agitation his jaws worked in 
convulsive twitches." He was conveyed to the ward-room of 
the Eear^ where he described the party s plight, pausing and 
often repeating himself. " We ve had a hard winter a hard 
winter and the wonder is how in God s name we pulled 
through." The rest, he said, were on shore in " sore distress 
sore distress." 

After placing Long in the cutter, Colwell s party had 
hurried forward. " They saw spread out before them a deso 
late expanse of rocky ground. Back of the level space was a 
range of hills rising up eight hundred feet, with a precipitous 
face, broken in two by a gorge, through which the wind was 
blowing furiously. On a little elevation directly in front was 
the tent. Lowe and Norman were ahead, and were greeting 
a soldierly man [Brainard] who had come out from the tent. 
As Colwell approached, Norman said to the man : 

" There is the lieutenant," and he added to Colwell : 

" This is Sergeant Brainard." 

Brainard drew himself up and was about to salute, when 
Colwell took his hand. At that moment a feeble voice within 
the tent was heard : 

Who s there ? " 

" It s Norman Norman who was in the Proteus" 



Cries of " Oh, it s Norman ! " were followed by a feeble 

Greely said of this moment : " We had resigned our 
selves to despair, when suddenly strange voices were heard 
calling me ; and in a frenzy of feeling as vehement as our en 
feebled condition would permit, we realized that our country 
had not failed us, that the long agony was over, and the rem 
nant of the Lady Franklin Bay Expedition was saved." 

Colwell cut a slit in the tent and looked in. He was 
enjoined by an inmate to be careful not to step upon Connell, 
who lay under the very hand of death, his jaw drooping, his 
eyes glazed. Directly opposite, on hands and knees, was a 
dark man with a matted beard, in a dirty and tattered dress 
ing-gown, a little red skull-cap on his head, who, as Colwell 
appeared, looked up from his Testament and vacantly adjusted 
his eye-glasses to his brilliant, staring eyes. Twice Colwell 
asked, " Who are you ? " but got no answer. One of the 
men said : " That s the Major Major Greely." Colwell 
took him by the hand, saying, "Greely, is this you?" 
"Yes," said Greely. " Yes seven of us left here we are 
dying like men. Did what I came to do beat the best 
record." Here he fell back exhausted. His indomitable 
spirit had thus far conquered despair for himself and his com 
panions. He had not ceased to exhort them to " Die like 
men, not like dogs," ever telling them the story of those Brit 
ish soldiers who stood at parade on deck till their ship went 
under, while the women and children put off in boats. Forty- 
eight hours later not a man of the seven would have been 
alive. Connell afterward said : " Death had me by the heels, 
boys, when you pulled me back by the neck." They were in 
the dotage of starvation. Some refused to believe that relief 
was at hand, and had to be humored in their skepticism. 
The craving of hunger, lately blunted, re-awoke, when their 
entreaties for food were the more touching in that they could 
not be granted. 



Greely protested against moving the dead. He felt 
about them as Chief Engineer Melville had felt about DeLong 
and his comrades, and would have left them where the " polar 
blasts which pierced their poor unclad bodies in life would 
wail their wild dirge through all time." But the feelings of 
the dead men s friends must be consulted, and such bodies as 
could be recovered were brought to America. Elison died 
on the voyage. As if he had himself never felt pain, he said, 
on meeting Engineer Melville : " So you were with the Jean- 
nette^ and poor DeLong is dead. Poor fellows, how they must 
have suffered ! " 

At St. John s, Newfoundland, the rescuers and rescued 
were besieged, though the latter were carefully sequestered 
from the crowds. The squadron was escorted out of the 
harbor by a fleet of crowded tugs and launches, which passed 
around the ships, cheering and whistling " bon voyage." At 
that time Greely himself was too weak to walk far, but on the 
ist of August, when they sighted Portsmouth, he had gained 
fifty pounds. 

That afternoon, in the glory of summer sunshine, the 
shores of Portsmouth harbor were lined with sympathetic 
people, the water covered with sails, flags and streamers, the 
lower port occupied by the five vessels of the North Atlantic 
Squadron and other ships of the navy. As the Alliance,, lead 
ing the fbetiS) the Bear and the Alert^ steamed up-harbor, the 
Marine Band played " Home Again," while the crews from 
the rigging shouted welcome to the survivors and their 

Secretary Chandler s barge bore Mrs. Greely to the 
Thetis^ which she was the first to board. Then the officers of 
the squadron were welcomed on board the flagship, Tennessee, 
by the Secretary and Admiral Luce. Later these officers with 
General Hazen greeted Greely on board the Thetis. For the 
next three days visitors swarmed over the ship. On the 4th 
a grand civic procession of distinguished men, bands, marines 



and militia, passed in review through the streets of the hospita 
ble city. 

Men s feelings were mingled and contradictory. They 
were proud of Schley s achievement and joyful at the return 
of the living ; but no less sincere and affecting was their grief 
at the thought of the vanished majority, whose remains sadly 
freighted the relief squadron. At Fort Columbus, as the 
vessels reached New York, twenty-one guns saluted them. 
On Governor s Island troops were drawn up to receive the 
dead. Among the distinguished officers present were Generals 
Sheridan, Hancock and Hazen, and Commodore Fillebrown. 
As the bodies, save that of Sergeant Jewell, which had gone 
to his New Hampshire home, were borne through the lane of 
troops to the chapel and there delivered to friends, arms were 
presented, while minute guns were discharged to mark the 
solemnity of the occasion. 

To the Greely expedition as a whole no official recogni 
tion was ever given, save the oral thanks of President Arthur 
expressed to commanding officer Greely on his return to 
Washington. A resolution tendering the thanks of Congress 
was once introduced in Congress, but the member having it in 
charge died, and it did not pass. Some of the men going on 
the expedition were never reimbursed for the clothing lost by 

Greely s promotion to be Chief Signal Officer was not, as 
was generally supposed, a reward for his arctic exploits. He 
had served eighteen years as Chief Assistant in the Signal 
Office, was the senior officer of the office, on whom the duties 
devolved by law, had been in charge of them for several 
months before General Hazen s death, and continued there 
until his appointment a month later. Greely was, however, 
not without recognition from other sources. His native State, 
Massachusetts, and Newburyport, his native city, both gave 
him testimonials. Besides honorary membership in many dis 
tinguished organizations, he received the Grand Gold Medal 


of the Royal Geographical Society of London, and the Medal 
of the Geographical Society of Paris. 

Of the survivors among Greely s men Sergeant David L. 
Brainard was, on account of his arctic services, promoted to 
be Second Lieutenant. In 1895 he was First Lieutenant in 
the Second United States Cavalry. Biederbick had, at the 
time mentioned, a small pension. He was an inspector of 
customs in New York, where he showed the same fidelity 
which characterized him in the Far North. Long, Frederick, 
and Connell were employed by the Meteorological Division 
of the Signal Office, under control of 
the Agricultural Department. Fred 
erick had been refused a pension. 
Connell s pay had been reduced, but 
he stood very high in the service. 

The Dark Continent of Greenland 
furnished an exhaustless and fascinat 
ing field for the speculative to roam 
over in fancy and the adventurous in 
fact. Lieut. R. E. Peary, a civil engineer 
connected with the Navy, belonged 
distinctly to the class given to actual 
adventures, and his several sledge jour 
neys across Greenland s icy mountains 
were among the most brilliant geo 
graphical feats in all history. In 1886 
he reached a point near Disco, about 
fifty miles from the coast. In 1892 
he sallied northward again, this time 
in company with his wife. Suffering 
from a broken leg, he was tenderly and 
tirelessly watched by her. On one 
occasion, while he was convalescent, 
they were together in the stern of a 
boat, and became surrounded by a herd 




of angry walruses trying to get their tusks over the gunwale 
and capsize the boat. For an hour the heroic woman coolly 
reloaded the firearms while the crew rapidly discharged them, 
thus successfully keeping the monsters at bay. 

Upon this trip Mr. Peary, accompanied by Dr. F. A. 
Cook, Messrs. Langdon Gibson, Eivind Astrup, John T. 
Verhoeff, and Matthew Henson, colored, disembarked at 
Whale Sound, across from the tragic Cape Sabine and a trifle 
south thereof. It was in some respects an advantage, that the 
party was small, the smallest that had ever embarked on so 
extensive an arctic enterprise. Despite his infirmity Peary ex 
plored Inglefield Gulf, crossed the icy rump, 5,000 feet high, 
divorcing Whale Sound from Kane Sea, went as far north as 
82, thence viewing the ice-free land discovered by Lockwood, 
supposed to be separate from Greenland, though adjacent to it. 
Blocked by the fiord to the north the intrepid explorer turned 
eastward. He reached Independence Bay on the 4th of July, 
1892. Returning he took almost a bee-line for 450 miles to 
his starting point, where he arrived on August 6, after an 
absence of ninety-three days. 

This expedition proved that the eastern and western 
shores of Greenland rapidly converge north of parallel 78. 
Greenland is therefore an island. On this tour Peary marked 
the northward extension of the great Greenland ice-cap, thus 
certifying another point in geography ; while Mrs. Peary, in 
observing the manners of an absolutely isolated Eskimo tribe 
of three hundred and fifty people, made a valuable contribution 
to anthropology. These important results were not achieved 
without cost in human life. One of the little party, VerhoefF, 
being separated from the others, lost his life in the cracks of a 
glacier. After a thorough search had failed, a year s food was 
cached for his use, should he be alive, and with heavy hearts 
the party left the place. 

Having raised funds in 1893 by a lecture tour, Mr. Peary 
found himself in the spring of 1894 once more scaling the 



Greenland ice at a distance from the coast, at last attaining 
an elevation of 5,500 feet. For the first thirteen days he 
advanced ten miles a day. His dogs died off, his men 
were nearly all frosted and sent back. He cached his sur 
plus stores, and with the remainder of his party pressed 
forward for the next fortnight six miles a day. He finally 
had to turn about and hasten to Bowdoin Bay, accomplish 
ing little more that season. 

It was, nevertheless, his ambition to map the northern 
coast of Greenland. Against prudent counsels he declined 
to return south on the steamer Falcon, which visited him in 
August, 1894. Though with insufficient stores, he deter 
mined to winter in Greenland with two companions, who 
volunteered to stay with him. Preparing beforehand a supply 
station, he, in April, 1895, ventured inland once more. His 
Eskimos left him, he could not find his supplies, his men 
suffered from frost-bite, and game failed ; yet with an audacity 
splendid because it chanced not to be fatal, the devoted band 
pushed forward to Independence Bay. Happily obtaining ten 
musk-oxen, they began the return journey, starvation marching 
close behind them. Everything but food was dropped, and 
on June 25th, after twenty-five forced marches, they dragged 
themselves to Bowdoin Bay and to succor. For two weeks 
they had had but one meal a day, and they had been food- 
less for twenty-four hours before reaching their journey s 

Of these explorations General Greely said : " The two 
crossings of Greenland by Peary must be classed among the 
most brilliant geographic feats of late years, his journeys far 
surpassing in extent that of his ice-cap predecessor, Nansen, 
who crossed Greenland more than 1,000 miles to the south." 
Peary and those who furthered his undertakings perhaps 
expected too much. He was bitterly disappointed at the 
small results of his last journey and believed that arctic 
exploration was set back many years by his failure. 

















THANKS to the " New Departure" of 1871, the South 
soon ceased to be a political storm centre. Early in 1 8 8 1 
Rev. Dr. Haygood, president of Emory College, in Georgia, 
preached a sermon, published by the unanimous request of 
the congregation, in which he expressed rejoicing at the aboli 
tion of slavery as a blessing. In 1881 a successful industrial 
exposition had been held in Atlanta, and in 1883 another in 
Louisville, both revealing much progress in business at the 
South. Of wider interest than either was the World s Indus 
trial and Cotton Centennial Exposition of 1884. This date 
was chosen because a bale of cotton, the first, so far as known, 
was shipped to England from Charleston in 1784. Congress 
incorporated the exposition and authorized a loan to it of 
$1,000,000. Private parties subscribed half a million more. 
New Orleans, selected as the most suitable location, gave 
$100,000 to erect Horticultural Hall. Louisiana appropri- 



ated for the enterprise $ 100,000, and some contributions were 
made by other States. 

Upper City Park, two hundred and forty-five acres in 
extent, on the river, above the city, was artistically laid out 
and adorned. The most characteristic feature connected with 
the Exposition was to be found in the avenues winding through 
vistas of live oaks festooned with Spanish moss, or through 
groves of banana, lemon, orange, mesquite and maguey, varied 
with beds of brilliant tropical flowers and with fountains. By 
night electric lights, then a novelty to many visitors, added to 
the fascination of the place. The Exposition opened on De 
cember 1 6th. The Governor of Louisiana was present, as were 
also Postmaster-General Hatton and Secretary Teller, repre 
senting the Cabinet. Dignitaries from distant States in the 
Union honored the occasion by attending. At the same mo 
ment a distinguished company, including a committee from 

each House of Con 
gress, was assembled in 
the East Room of the 


A, Main Building;* B, United States and State Exhibits; 
C, Horticultural Hall; D, Mexican Building; E, art gal 
lery; F, factory and mills; G, live stock stables,- H, restau 
rants,- I, fountain, 80 feet high; J, live stack arena. 

*A table showing the comparative sizes of great expo 
sition buildings : 

Crystal Palace, London . . . 
London Exposition 
Paris " .... 

. (fSjf) 

. (i8te) . 

. . q8q,884 
. . 1,400,000 

. (1867) . . 


Vienna " 
Philadelphia " 
Atlanta " 

(r8 7 3) 
. (r87b) . . 
, Ir88i} . . 

, . 430^500 
, . 872^20 

Louisville " 

. (188?) . 


New Orleans Exposition {Mai 
Building alone, and not includ 
ing galleries) 

Manufacturers and Liberal Arts 
Building at Chicago World s 
Fair (including Galleries ) . 




Presidential Mansion at 
Washington. The pre 
liminary exercises in full 
were telegraphed to 
President Arthur, who 
telegraphed back a fit 
ting response. At the 
pressure of a button in 
the White House the 
mazes of machinery be 
gan to move, and the 
Exposition was declared 
formally in operation. 

The Main Building 
was the largest structure 
which had then been 




erected for exhibition purposes, having an area of 1,656,030 
square feet. The Government Building, containing the ex 
hibits of the national and State governments, was 885 feet 
long by 565 wide, while Horticultural Hall, of iron and 
glass, and designed to be permanent, was 600 feet by 100. 
The Art Building was large and admirably adapted for its pur 
pose, being lighted from the roof. The Mexican Govern 
ment, at great expense, put up a large building as quarters for 
a detachment of infantry and cavalry, and for offices. There 
was a Woman s Department, under the supervision of Mrs. 
Julia Ward Howe ; also an exhibit of negroes handiwork. 
The displays from tropical or semi-tropical countries were 
naturally the most profuse. Mexico erected a tasteful octag 
onal edifice expressly for its wealth of minerals. Its exhibits 



together covered 160,000 square feet, surpassing in extent and 
variety those from any other foreign country. Central America 
was represented more completely than at any previous exposi 
tion, and the products of its curious civilization interested all 

Giving the South a sense of its importance and strength, 
and making friendly a host of guests from the North, the 
Exposition had influence upon the national election soon to 
occur. Of this none could forecast the issue with any cer 
tainty, but the canvass was sure to be interesting. The Re 
publicans were much divided. President Arthur, whom few 
wanted, announced himself a candidate for re-election. Pre 
ceding State elections ominously favored the Democrats. In 
1882 both Pennsylvania and Massachusetts elected Democratic 
governors. The same year, owing to " Half-breed " defec 
tion from Folger, the Republican candidate, New York, which 
in 1880 Garfield had carried against Hancock by a plurality 
of over 21,000, chose Grover Cleveland its Governor by a 
plurality of more than 190,000 and a majority of 150,000. 
This election began Mr. Cleveland s fame, quite as much from 
the accident of the Republican feud referred to as from aught 
which he then had done or bade fair to do. 

Illinois put forward as a presiden 
tial candidate General Logan, so 
popular with the old* soldiers. A 
"compact body of Ohio Republicans 
adhered to Senator Sherman. Senator 
Edmunds, thought of as a champion 
of Civil Service Reform, was strong 
in Massachusetts and Vermont. Gene 
ral J. R. Hawley had succeeded Mar 
shall Jewell as Connecticut s favorite 
son. But the spontaneous, wide 
spread, persistent, often delirious en- 
JOHN A. LOGAN thusiasHi for James G. Elaine, of 




at the Age of Seventeen 
From a daguerreotype, published for 
the first time in this work, owned by 
Miss Kate M. Hopkins, and made in 
1847, while Mr. Elaine was attend 
ing ffaibington College, Pa. 

Maine, made it clear that unless 
his opponents early united upon 
some other candidate " the Plumed 
Knight " would sweep the field. 

Mr. Elaine, long and promi 
nently in the public eye, had been 
born in Washington County, Pa., 
January 31, 1830, a great-grandson 
of Commissary-General Elaine, who 
during the terrible winter at Valley 
Forge made from his private sub 
stance advances to keep Washing 
ton s soldiers from starvation. The 
lad was educated with great care by 
his father and his maternal grand 
father, Neal Gillespie, a Roman Catholic gentleman of 
wealth, character and ability. In his fourteenth year young 
Elaine entered Washington College, Pennsylvania, where he 
graduated with honors. After being some time instructor 
in the Western Military Institute, Kentucky, and three 
years in Philadelphia, teaching and writing editorials, he 
in 1854 assumed the management of the Kennebec Journal, 
Augusta, Me. He rapidly familiarized himself with Maine 
politics and became a power in the Whig and Republican 
councils of the State. His skill as a debater gave him fame. 
He entered the national House of Representatives in 1862, 
with Garfield, and served until 1876, being Speaker from 1869 
to 1875. From 1876 to 1881 he was United States Senator. 
In Congress he distinguished himself by his familiarity with 
parliamentary tactics and his unequalled readiness in debate. 
He left the Senate to enter Garfield s Cabinet as Secretary of 

On February 28, 1876, Mr. Elaine was informed of a 
rumor, traceable to J. S. C. Harrison, a director of the Union 
Pacific Railroad, to the effect that said Harrison, shortly after 



he became a director, found seventy-five worthless Little 
Rock & Fort Smith Railroad bonds among the assets of the 
Union Pacific, said by the treasurer, Rollins, to have been 
received from James G. Elaine as security for $64,000 loaned 
him and never repaid. On April 24th Mr. Elaine read be 
fore the House a letter from Rollins, one from Morton, Bliss 
& Co., through whom the draft for $64,000 was said to have 
been cashed, and one from Thomas A. Scott, who had been 
president of the Union Pacific at the time, acquitting him of 
the deed charged, and denying that he had had any other 
business transactions with them. 

At the same time the ex-Speaker denied the further 
rumor that he was the owner of Little Rock & Fort Smith 
Railroad bonds received without consideration, explaining his 
relations with that road, all which he declared " open as the 
day " and perfectly proper. For the time Mr. Elaine stood 
exculpated. He desired, then, to avoid a congressional in 
vestigation, as it could not possibly end by the time of the 
Republican convention (of 1876), a body not likely to nomi 
nate a man " under investigation," however innocent. Never 
theless an investigation, by the Judiciary Committee, was 
ordered and on May I5th begun. The statements and testi 
mony already offered by Mr. Elaine were repeated under 
oath, Scott swearing that the bonds in question were his, 
received from Josiah Caldwell, and that he, Scott, had shifted 
them upon the company. 

A fortnight remained before the 1876 Convention, and 
State delegations kept cropping up for Elaine. A rumor 
arose implicating him in corrupt connection with the North 
ern Pacific. Three witnesses came from Boston : Elisha 
Atkins, a director of the Union Pacific ; Warren Fisher, a 
former business relative of Elaine, who had found the rela 
tions unsatisfactory and terminated them long before ; and 
James Mulligan, once a clerk of Jacob Stanwood, Elaine s 
brother-in-law, and afterwards of Fisher. Mulligan testified 



that he had understood Atkins to say that seventy-five bonds 
went from Elaine to Scott, who " worked them off upon the 
Union Pacific." Atkins testified that he never said it to 
Mulligan, but that Mulligan said it to him ; also that Mulli 
gan had an old grudge against Elaine. 

Upon their arrival, Elaine sent to have Fisher and 
Mulligan come to his house. Only Fisher came, who ad 
mitted letting Mulligan have a number of letters from the 
ex-Speaker to himself. Elaine went to Mulligan and de 
manded the letters. Mulligan declared that " he would not 
give them up to God Almighty or his father." Elaine, how 
ever, managed to get possession of them. Mulligan stated 
that he surrendered the letters under Elaine s promise to 
return them ; that Elaine entreated him not to put them 
in evidence, as it would ruin him and his family, offering to 
get Mulligan a consulship if he would desist and threatening 
suicide if he persisted in exposure ; and that Elaine at last 
flatly refused to return the letters, calling upon Fisher 
and Atkins to witness his act. Next morning Mr. Elaine 
submitted to the investigators the written opinion of Hon. 
J. S. Black, a Democrat, and Hon. Matt. H. Carpenter, a 
Republican, to the effect that the letters had " no relevancy 
whatever to the matter under inquiry," and that " it would be 
most unjust and tyrannical as well as illegal to demand their 

The Judiciary Committee was now in utmost perplexity. 
The witnesses were discharged and the matter laid over. 
Some proposed to bring it before the House, but this plan 
was given up as dangerous, one member remarking that they 
at least knew what not to do, and that was, " not to have 
Elaine cavorting round on the floor of the House." If they 
could only have prevented this ! 

The interim was Elaine s opportunity. A foretaste of 
what followed is given by some doggerel in which a newspaper 
of the time represented Confederate Brigadiers (a majority of 



the sub-committee investigating Elaine had been in the South 
ern army) as reciting in Democratic caucus : 

He is always in the way 

Elaine of Maine j 
And in session every day 

Raises Cain ; 

When his prodding makes us roar, 
Then he lacerates the sore, 
Till we holler more and more 

Elaine of Maine. 

How he boxes us around 

Elaine of Maine ; 
Now and then we re on the ground, 

Half insane ; 

Frequently to grass we go ; 
This is temporary though, 
For we rally from the blow, 
And prepare to eat our crow, 
But he stands us in a row, 
And he smites us high and low, 
Till we shiver in our woe, 
And he keeps us whirling so, 
That we have the vertigo 

Elaine of Maine. 

After the morning hour on Monday, June 5th, Mr. 
Elaine rose to a question of privilege. He began his remarks 
by observing that the investigation, though authorized in gen 
eral terms, was aimed solely and only at himself. " The 
famous witness, Mulligan," he said, had selected out of years 
of correspondence letters which he thought would be peculiarly 
damaging to him, Elaine, but they had nothing to do with that 
investigation. He, Elaine, obtained them under circumstances 
known to everybody, and defied the House to compel him to 
produce them. Had Mr. Elaine stopped here his enemies 
could have made him bite the dust. Apparently he had al 
lowed himself to be driven into a fatal cul-de-sac. Not so. 
Having vindicated his right to the letters, he proceeded, in his 
most dramatic manner : " Thank God Almighty, I am not 



afraid to show them. There they are (holding up a package 
of letters). There is the very original package. And with 
some sense of humiliation, with a mortification that I do not 
pretend to conceal, with a sense of outrage which I think any 
man in my position would feel, I invite the confidence of 
forty-four millions of my countrymen while I read those let 
ters from this desk." For the moment triumph turned to 
dismay, dismay to triumph. The audience was electrified. 
The letters seemed to show Mr. Elaine, in one case, at least, 
high-minded and generous in assuming the losses of " inno 
cent persons who invested on his request." 

After summing up, Mr. Blaine continued : 

" Now, gentlemen, those letters I have read were picked 
out of correspondence extending over fifteen years. The man 
did his worst, the very worst he could, out of the most intimate 
business correspondence of my life. I ask, gentlemen, if any 
of you and I ask it with some feeling can stand a severer 
scrutiny of or more rigid investigation into your private corre 
spondence ? That was the worst he could do." A pause 
ensued. Then, resuming, he said : " There is one piece of 
testimony wanting. There is but one thing to close the com 
plete circle of evidence. There is but one witness whom I 
could not have, to whom the judiciary Committee, taking into 
account the great and intimate connection he had with the 
transaction, was asked to send a cable despatch and I ask 
the gentleman from Kentucky if that despatch was sent to 

"Who?" asked Mr. Frye, in an undertone. 

" Josiah Caldwell." 

Mr. Knott responded, " I will reply to the gentleman 
that Judge Hunton and myself have both endeavored to get 
Mr. Caldwell s address and have not yet got it. " 

" Has the gentleman from Kentucky received a despatch 
from Mr. Caldwell? " 

" I will explain that directly," replied Mr. Knott. 



" I want a categorical answer." 
" I have received a despatch purport 
ing to be from Mr. Caldwell." 
" You did ! " 

" How did you know I got it ? " 
" When did you get it? I want the 
gentleman from Kentucky to answer 
when he got it." 

" Answer my question first." 

" I never heard of it until yesterday." 


u How did you hear it ? 

Ignoring the question, Mr. Blaine strode down the aisle 
holding up a despatch, and turning to Mr. Knott said, with 
stinging deliberation : 

" You got a despatch last Thursday morning at eight 
o clock from Josiah Caldwell completely and absolutely exoner 
ating me from this charge and you have suppressed it ! " 

The sensation up to that moment had been great, but to 
what now occurred it was as the fuse to the explosion. Gen 
eral Garfield " never saw such a scene in the House." Mr. 
Blaine had run the blockade, and for the moment the block- 
aders seemed likely to be " swamped in the wash " as he 

Mr. Blaine failed, after all, to be nominated in 1876, 
but as Garfield s Secretary of State, for a brief period, he led a 
lively career. In 1881, after a bitter war between the two 
countries, Peru lay at the mercy of Chile, who inexorably de 
manded, among the conditions of peace, the cession of a 
territory rich in deposits of guano. This was deprecated, both 
as forcibly disrupting an American state and as an example 
upon this continent of war for the sake of conquest. Mr. 
Hurlbut, our minister to Peru, took sides with that country. 
Too hastily recognizing as the proper Peruvian Government 
one of the two factions claiming this status, he proceeded to 
lay down the terms on which it might conclude peace with the 



conqueror. Provision must be made for the adjudication of 
American claims to the guano fields, especially the Landreau 
claim, and also the Cochet claim, to which a certain " Pe 
ruvian Company" had fallen heir. " Hurlbut s Peru" gladly 
entertained these claims, going so far as to negotiate with him 
for the cession of a naval station to be held by the United 
States till the litigation was settled. Naught could exceed 
Chile s indignation at this procedure. She at once arrested 
Hurlbut s Peruvian Government and carried it to Santiago. 
Mr. Elaine reproved Hurlbut s immoderation and sent a spe 
cial envoy to adjust matters, but he preserved toward Chile a 
threatening attitude until relieved by Mr. Frelinghuysen. The 
new Secretary practically abandoned all intervention. 

Adventurers who had been at work for the Peruvian 
Company made broadcast allegations of corruption and im 
proper influences resorted to by them in pushing their scheme. 
The House of Representatives ordered an investigation, and 
in due time Mr. Elaine came before its committee. He com 
plained that at an earlier session of the committee Mr. Bel- 
mont, a member, had garbled and misconstrued language which 
he had used in a despatch. Mr. Belmont persisted in de 
claring his interpretation correct. " I am not in a police court 
to be badgered," said the ex-Secretary. The verbal duel be 
came a running fire of retorts, culminating when Mr. Elaine 
repeated the accusation of misconstruing his despatches and 
characterized Mr. Belmont s words as untruthful. Growing 
livid, Belmont retorted : " I believe you are a bully and a 
coward." The committee adjourned in consternation, and for 
a week the country rang with the echoes of the combat. 

Elaine consistently held to the principle, placing him at 
variance with most of his official friends, that the Southrons 
themselves must remedy the evils of their elections. Later 
than the events with which this Chapter deals, he opposed the 
principle of an ultra-protective tariff as wrought into the Mc- 
Kinley bill. The immediate credit of the reciprocity feature 



in that law belonged to him. His foreign policy looked to a 
federation of the Western Hemisphere. He elaborated the 
Bureau of American Republics. His letter of invitation to 
the American Peace Congress, issued November 29, 1881, 
was revoked by his successor ; but efforts to this end, renewed 
under Harrison, resulted in a Pan-American Conference, pre 
sided over by Elaine himself, from which Chile alone went 
away disaffected. Mr. Elaine s life and travels from 1881 to 
1884 cannot be remarked upon here. Though the year 1884 
found him in private station, he was not forgotten. 

The Convention of 1884 met in Chicago on June jd. 
The delegates committed to Elaine were nearly all present by 
the 2d and in jubilant mood. The despatches of that day 

strongly indicated that Elaine would 
win ; but the New York Times, Elaine s 
doughtiest foe among the Republican 
papers, would not admit this. It urged 
Edmunds for nomination, or, in case 
he proved unavailable, Robert T. 
Lincoln, a man owing no political 
debts. The Times pointed out that 
men born after Gettysburg and Vicks- 
burg could vote this year, and that, 
therefore, even a sound candidate, to 
win, needed something besides fame 
won in debating war issues. 
It was eleven o clock on the jd before any number of 
delegates entered the vast hall. Crowds smaller, indeed, 
than in 1880 filled the galleries. The New York delega 
tion formed at the Grand Pacific Hotel, and marched two by 
two to the wigwam. The gazing populace fell back to let 
them pass, while cheering lustily for the Empire State. First 
came George William Curtis, chairman, arm in arm with 
Titus Sheard ; next Theodore Roosevelt paired with Presi 
dent Andrew D. White, of Cornell. Beneath the blue ensign, 




bearing in great gold letters the legend " New York/ Curtis 
took his seat. On the same row, but as far from Curtis as he 
could get, sat ex-Senator Platt, " devoting his time chiefly 
to the stroking of his short, silky beard." The band played 
" Prithee, pretty maiden, will you marry me," as General 
Mahone, at the head of his Virginia delegation, came in, wear 
ing his broad-brimmed white hat and his curiously fashioned 
trousers and coat, an immense yellow rose adorning the lapel 
of the last-named garment. Order was called at a quarter 
past twelve. 

Most of the Arthur delegates, before the proceedings 
began, considered their candidate beaten ; yet the Conven 
tion s first act heartened them a little. Stephen B. Elkins, 
managing for Elaine, had worked up 
a Blaine-Logan combination, influ 
enced by which the National Com 
mittee was induced to recommend to 
the Convention Elaine s friend, Powell 
Clayton, of Arkansas, for temporary 
chairman. This Henry Cabot Lodge 
opposed by nominating the Honor 
able J. R. Lynch, a colored Senator 
from Mississippi, George William 
Curtis and Theodore Roosevelt sec 
onding the nomination in telling 
speeches. On roll-call, Lynch was 
found to have defeated Clayton by a number of votes. The 
Blaineites received another slight snub. A resolution like that 
which Conkling invented in 1880 was introduced at their in 
stance, that every delegate taking part in the convention was 
" bound in honor to support the nominee." Against this 
George William Curtis protested, saying, " A Republican and 
a free man I came to this convention, and by the grace of 
God a Republican and a free man will I go." The resolu 
tion was withdrawn. 




Notwithstanding all this, Elaine s star was clearly in the 
ascendant. To defeat his nomination all his opponents 
needed to unite upon Arthur. Arthur had considerable 
strength owing to his patronage as President, but it proved 
a broken reed. The Arthur men pleaded with Curtis , Cabot 
Lodge and Roosevelt, who did their best against Elaine, to 
turn from Edmunds to Arthur. " Clinging to Edmunds you 
will surely nominate Elaine," they said. But between Elaine 
and Arthur the Edmunds men saw little to choose, believing, 
wisely, so it now seems, that if nominated Arthur would be 
defeated. They tried to bring out Robert T. Lincoln, a dark 
horse groomed by the New York Times. All in vain. At 
each ballot Elaine gained while Arthur lost. Edmunds, 
Logan and John Sherman also lost. Hawley gained two 
votes on the fourth ballot. Lincoln jumped from four to 
eight on the third, but sank to two on the fourth. There 
was " noted a curious tendency in the knees of some of 
the Edmunds men, particularly those from Massachusetts, to 
knock together audibly whenever the name of Elaine was 
mentioned in their hearing," and they, little by little, deserted 
their favorite. Under the management of Powell Clayton, 
Arkansas started a bolt of Southern delegates away from 
Arthur. Assured that himself could not win, Logan turned 
over to Elaine his Illinois delegation. Upon the fourth bal 
lot " the Plumed Knight " was nominated. The name of 
John A. Logan, " the Black Eagle," occupied the second place 
upon the ticket. 

The announcement of Elaine s nomination unleashed the 
latent insanity of ten thousand people within the hall. Hats 
were thrown high in air, umbrellas whirled around, the State 
shields torn down and borne proudly upon filial breasts. The 
crowd outside caught the contagion, and soon a shrill chorus 
of tug whistles could be heard from the Chicago River. The 
climax was reached when some one brought and laid upon the 
chairman s desk a floral helmet, with snowy plume of finest 



imported horsehair. The noise redoubled, men took of? 
their coats and waved them, women laughed, or cried, or 
fainted, impartially. Thus was sounded the key-note of the 
Republican campaign. A spectator might have noticed one 
or two silent patches in the great hall in the midst of the over 
whelming enthusiasm. These patches, flouted at the time, 
grew more significant when immediately after the convention 
many conspicuous party men, especially in the East, and sev 
eral considerable party organs, led by the New York Times, 
declared that they would not support the ticket. 

Spite of all that could be said in his favor, Elaine s nomi 
nation evoked the bitterest rancor. The Stalwarts had never 
forgiven him their discomfiture at his hands in 1880, but they 
were not now his most serious opponents. Those whom he 
had deepest reason to fear had been disaffected by his jingo 
foreign policy, or because they believed him corrupt, or partly 
for one of these reasons and partly for the other. "I was at 
the birth of the Republican party," remarked Curtis, " and I 
fear I am to witness its death." On June 5th the Times said 

editorially, "The thoughtful op 
ponents of Elaine have seen with 
alarm that he is supported by all 
the political adventurers, star- 
route sympathizers, and admirers 
of loose methods in govern 
ment." On June yth, the morn 
ing after the nomination, it added: 
"The Times will not support 
Mr. Elaine for the presidency. 
It will advise no man to vote for 
him." After boldly predicting 
his defeat, it further declared : 
" That defeat will be the salva 
tion of the Republican Party. It 
will arouse its torpid conscience. 




it will stir it to self-purification, it will depose the false leaders 
who have fastened themselves upon it, it will send the rogues 
to the background, and will make the party once more worthy 
of honor and of power in the republic it has so nobly served." 
The New York Evening Post, the Boston Advertiser, the 
Boston Herald, and the Springfield Republican also joined the 

" Mr. Blaine was the incarnation of all the good and 
all the evil of the Republican organization. He, as much 
as any surviving statesman of the period immediately succeed 
ing the War of Secession, aided in framing the legislation 
which resulted in the perpetual extinguishment of slavery, 
and made its return in the crude form of human bondage 
thenceforth impossible. On the other hand, those organi 
zations which were developed outside of governmental in 
stitutions, but which possessed vast influence and strength, 
such as the railway corporations and the large landed prop 
erty organizations, the telegraph and other instrumentalities 
of commerce, more or less dependent upon congressional 
favor or congressional non-action for their financial success, 
had in him a steadfast ally. His administration of the office 
of Secretary of State under President Garfield was also of 
a character to give conservative men considerable apprehen 
sion. During the period from 18^5 to 1884 the greatest 
extravagance with reference to gifts of land and concessions 
to corporate greed prevailed and was indulged in by the 
national legislature. It is true that in that period no well- 
formed public opinion antagonized this abuse of power, inas 
much as the danger resulting from these aggregations of 
capital and quasi public trusts in the hands of persons not 
responsible to the people was not at that time felt, or had, at 
all events, not so clearly manifested itself as during a later 
period. Mr. Blaine was, during the whole of this period, an 
active legislator and political leader, and was, therefore, 
most vulnerable to criticism by a better-informed public 



opinion in consequence of his participation in this mischievous 
drift of public legislation."* 

As early as December, 1883, certain Republicans of Bos 
ton had started a movement " in behalf of the adoption of 
measures and the nomination of men fitted to command the 
hearty approval and support of the independent, thoughtful, 
and discriminating voters of the United States." As a result 
a conference of Independent Republicans was called in New 
York on February 23 d, which "Resolved, That it is indispen 
sable to the success of the Republican Party that the character, 
record and associations of its candidates for President and 
Vice-President of the United States should be such as to war 
rant entire confidence in their readiness to defend the advance 
already made toward divorcing the public service from party 
politics, and to continue these advances until the separation has 
been made final and complete." 

General Francis C. Barlow, of New York, was made chair 
man of a committee " to provide for the interchange and prac 
tical expression of opinion in harmony with the foregoing 
resolution, and to continue such action in relation thereto as 
they may deem expedient." On May I2th the committee 
sent a circular to the Republican National Convention. Being 
ignored in the Convention, a conference of Independent Re 
publicans, held in New York on June 1 6th, and presided over 
by George William Curtis, adopted the following resolutions : 

" Whereas^ We are met in conference as Republicans and 
Independents to take action in opposition to the nominations 
of James G. Blaine for President, and John A. Logan for Vice- 
President of the United States ; and 

" Whereas^ These candidates were named in absolute dis 
regard of the reform sentiment of the nation, and representing 
political methods and principles to which we are unalterably 
opposed : 

"Resolved,, That it is our conviction that the country will be 

*Simon Sterne. 



better served by opposing 
these nominations than 
by supporting them." 

" Resolved, That we 
look with solicitude to the 
coming nominations by 
the Democratic Party ; 
they have the proper men; 
we hope they will put 
them before the people for 

This overture had a 
profound effect upon the 
Democratic managers. By 
pitting against Elaine a 
man hostile to machine 
politics and committed to 

administrative reform, they had a clear chance to win. Such 
a man was Grover Cleveland. He had been born in Caldwell, 
N. J., March 18, 1837, his father a Presbyterian clergyman. 
When the future President was four years old his father 
removed to Fayetteville, N. Y. Here the lad found em 
ployment in the " general store " at $50 a year, sweeping 
and cleaning out, opening and closing the store, and waiting 
on customers. 

A former boy companion of Cleveland s, an old farmer, 
told of having once soundly thrashed the future Presi 
dent. He said " it was one of those old-fashioned rough- 
and-tumble fights, in which each fellow pulls hair, scratches, 
kicks and cuffs to his heart s content. I was a much more 
powerful lad than Grover. Soon I had him down. I kept 
yelling out to him, You will stick pins in my seat, will you ! 
You will, will you ! And, each time, I hit him another bat 
in the eye or neck. Well, Shell Pratt and Jewett Dunbar 
finally pulled me off, made us shake hands, and declared the 



fight over with victory for me." The vanquished remembered 
this history and long subsequently invited the victor to take 
dinner with him at the chief mansion in the United States. 

One who was Cleveland s boy room-mate at Fayetteville 
said : " We lay upon a tick stuffed with straw, which had the 
uncomfortable peculiarity of accumulating in knobs here and 
there. I recall how, often, in the night, Grover would stir un 
easily in his hard bed, maybe even getting up and with his 
hand reaching down in the tick to remove the troublesome 
lump on which he had been resting. In that room, without 
carpet, without wall-paper, without pictures, drear and deso 
late, we two lived together one whole year. In the winter we 
sometimes fairly froze. There was no stove in the room, heat 
coming up from a pipe leading from the store below. Rats 
ran in the walls and often peered at us from out holes in the 

Young Cleveland s education, so far as it went, was com 
pleted at Clinton, N. Y. In his seventeenth year he became 
a clerk and an assistant teacher in the New York Institution 
for the Blind. In 1855 he started west to secure more lucra 
tive employment, but was induced to stop at Buffalo. He was 
soon at work in a law office there, as clerk and copyist, at $4 
per week. Two years later he was admitted to the bar, retain 
ing for some time his clerkship, first at $600 a year, then at 
1 1, ooo. In 1863 he was chosen Assistant District Attorney 
of Erie County, in 1870 Sheriff of the county. In 1881, by 
a union of Republicans, Democrats, Independents and " Re 
formers," he was elected Mayor of Buffalo. His conviction, 
to which he in good degree adhered, was that a city s affairs 
should be administered with the least practicable regard for 
mere politics, " as a good business man manages his private 
concerns." Pursuing this policy he soon became known as the 
" Veto Mayor," saving the city much money by his fearless 
use of the negative. In 1882, as we have seen, by the sup 
port of the same elements which elected him Mayor and by 



the chance of a bitter Republican quarrel in his State, Mr. 
Cleveland was triumphant in his canvass for the governorship. 
As Governor he practiced a strict Jeffersonian simplicity, keep 
ing no carriage and living within his official salary. To each 
public question on which he had to act he gave personal atten 
tion and study, thus performing an amount of work which 
would have killed a weaker man. 

Unlike his rival for the Presidency, Mr. Cleveland had 
held no office requiring him to take ground upon any momen 
tous public question or concern before the people. As Gov 
ernor of New York he had proved an excellent official, and 
except his inexperience in federal affairs nothing could be said 
of him to indicate that he would not do well as Chief Magis 
trate of the United States. Mr. Cleveland represented more 
thoroughly than did his adversary the growing feeling in favor 
of retiring the questions which arose from the war, and of so 
dealing with political matters as to conserve the interests of 
the whole community instead of the interests of mere classes. 

The Democratic Convention met in Chicago on July 8th. 
The call had " cordially invited " " all Democratic Conserva 
tive citizens of the United States, irrespective of past associa 
tions and differences," who could unite " in the effort for pure, 
economical and constitutional government," to join in send 
ing delegates. Democratic public opinion had fixed upon 
Cleveland as the party s standard-bearer, and its mandate to 
nominate him was strengthened by the Republican revolt 
against Elaine. Tammany vehemently opposed Cleveland, 
Thomas F. Grady making before the Convention a long tirade 
against him, which, however, quickened the cause it was meant 
to kill. General Bragg, of Wisconsin, speaking for the young 
men of his State, said : " They love Cleveland and respect 
him not only for himself, for his character, for his integrity 
and judgment and iron will, but they love him most for the 
enemies he has made." Though requiring a two-thirds vote, 
Cleveland s nomination necessitated but a second ballot, this 



Copyight by C. M. Bell 

giving him 683 votes in a 
total of 820. His closest 
competitor, Thomas A. 
Hendricks, received the 
nomination for Vice-Pres- 

The old, staid Dem 
ocracy did not hail Cleve 
land s nomination with 
enthusiasm. There was 
a feeling among them 
that he was more a Mug 
wump than a Democrat, 
and that his nomination 
had been secured by ef 
forts of Democrats little 
in touch with the masses. 
Hendricks was named not 

because he was the choice of the men who manipulated the 
Convention, but for the reason that, having put in the first 
place the man they wanted, they wished the aid of Hendricks 
and such as he in carrying the election. Four years later Allen 
G. Thurman was nominated for the same reason. 

On July 22d, the Independents, or " Mugwumps," as 
they - now began to be called, issued an address recom 
mending Republican and Independent voters to support 
Cleveland. The response was wide and enthusiastic. The 
Independents took an active part in the canvass, distributing 
innumerable documents and furnishing many of the best speak 
ers. In this service Carl Schurz was foremost. George Wil 
liam Curtis, too, who had not followed Greeley in 1872, threw 
the weight of his influence for the Democratic nominee. It 
is to be noted, however, that by no means all Republicans of 
independent tendencies took this course. A great number, men 
of eminence and spotless integrity, deemed Elaine the object 



of unjust attacks, and warmly espoused his cause. Such were 
Senator Hoar, William Walter Phelps and the poet Whit- 
tier.* Many other Reform Republicans regarded the De 
mocracy with such distrust that they supported Elaine when 
nominated, though opposing his nomination. Theodore 
Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge represented this class. 
Senator Edmunds, while doing naught to hinder Elaine s elec 
tion, could not be led to speak or write a word in his behalf. 
Even the anti-Elaine Republicans took pains to advertise that 
they supported Cleveland not as a Democrat, but as " a plat 
form in himself" and " better than his party." They wished 
not so much to put the Democratic party in power as to put 
Cleveland personally in power. They supported Cleveland 
not because he was a Democrat, but because he was Cleveland, 
rejecting Elaine not as a Republican, but simply as Elaine. 

Mr. Elaine s nomination made the campaign personal. 
To balance the hard things said of him, the early pages of 
Cleveland s life were searched for blots. A few were perhaps 
found, yet the general fruitlessness of the quest was impres 
sively in the candidate s favor. With aught of corruption in 
public life no one thought of charging him, his record in this 
particular being absolutely stainless. Elaine was less happy 
here. If he was far from being the unprincipled trickster so 
often pictured, he had been less scrupulous in office than his 
best admirers could have wished. 

Mr. Elaine took an intensely practical view of politics. 
With the " sublimated theories of so-called reformers " he 
never sympathized. Of these "unco guid," as he called them, 
he wrote Garfield, in 1880: "They are to be treated with 
respect, but they are the worst possible political advisers up 
starts, conceited, foolish, vain, without knowledge of measures, 
ignorant of men, shouting a shibboleth which represents 

*On November 28, 1884, Whittier wrote: "I am awfully vexed by the result of the 
election. Our candidate made such a splendid canvass and would have been triumphantly chosen 
over Democrats and Independents, but for the miserable John-Johns. " 



nothing of practical reform that you are not a thousand times 
pledged to ! They are noisy, but not numerous ; pharisaical, 
but not practical ; ambitious, but not wise ; pretentious, but 
not powerful ! " Over Elaine men went insane in pairs, for 
his " magnetism " either strongly attracted or strongly repelled 
whatever came within his field. Hatred of him was rancor 
ous, and it usually told, since his long public career, like an 
extended sea-coast, was at a disadvantage on the defensive. 
Love for the man was equally uncompromising, most so at 
the West, while the defection from him was most pronounced 
in the East. People not the reverse of sensible likened him 
to Clay, some of them to Washington. In West Virginia a 
man risked his life by holding to the rear platform of Elaine s 
private car as it left the station, begging for some memento of 
the hero to hang in his house and show his children. Mr. 
Elaine himself thus described another illustrative incident : 

" I had the felicity of N s company, who dwelt at length 

on the greatness and grandeur of my character. He intimated 
that compared with me Abraham, Isaac and Jacob were c small 
potatoes all of which in a car and in a loud voice, with many 
people listening, may be called pleasant entertainment." 

Well had it been for James G. Elaine had he always 
remembered the sage words of Salmon P. Chase, uttered 
when he was Secretary of the Treasury, as a reason for refus 
ing to accept $4,200, which represented an increase in value 
on stocks that he had ordered but not paid for : " To be 
able to render the most efficient service to our country it is 
essential for me to be right as well as to seem right, and to 
seem right as well as to be right." It was recited that in 1869, 
when a bill to renew a land grant for the Little Rock & 
Fort Smith Railroad was to be saddled with a fatal amend 
ment, Speaker Elaine, at the request of Arkansas members, 
had Logan make, while he sustained, a point of order remov 
ing the incubus ; that he subsequently called the promoters 
attention to his agency in- the matter, endeavoring to be let 



into the enterprise " on the ground floor," in which he failed, 
though appointed selling agent of the bonds with a large 
commission. Elaine s friends replied that the ruling was 
proper, being made to frustrate a vicious lobby job and save 
a desirable piece of legislation which had passed the Senate 
unanimously. Judge Black, a Democrat, deemed the refuta 
tion of the charge wholly satisfactory. Unfortunately, Mr. 
Elaine s assertion that the Little Rock road derived all its 
benefits from Arkansas and not from Congress was inaccurate, 
since the bill so narrowly saved was one renewing the land 
grant to the State for the railroad. Elaine s assailants consid 
ered this statement clearly a falsehood. Hard to justify was 
Mr. Elaine s denial of " any transaction of any kind with 
Thomas A. Scott" concerning Little Rock bonds or railway 
business. That, through Scott and Caldwell, he did put off 
upon the Union Pacific some Little Rock bonds at a high 
price seems certain from a letter which he received from 
Fisher, with his reply. 

Elaine unquestionably offered to get Caldwell an allot 
ment in a new distribution of national bank circulation, writ 
ing : " It will be to some extent a matter of favoritism who 
gets the banks in the several localities, and it will be in my 
power to cast c an anchor to the windward in your behalf if you 
desire it." Indelicate, if you please, one does not see how 
this offer necessarily involved corruption. It would seem 
that Elaine permitted himself to be paid twice over for a loan 
of $25,000, once by sale of the collateral, realizing $30,000, 
and once, by judgment of the court, from the reorganized 
Little Rock Company. The utmost was made of a letter and 
a telegram from Elaine to Fisher, both dated April 16, 1876, 
coaching Fisher as to the form of vindication for himself. " I 
want you to send me such a letter as the enclosed draft," he 
wrote, and, at the bottom, " Burn this letter." At the time 
of the famous Caldwell cablegram, too, it was discovered 
that an anonymous despatch had been sent Caldwell similar 



in tenor to the one returned. Suspicion was thus aroused 
that all vindicatory statements used on behalf of Elaine had 
been prepared by him. 

A Tammany orator said that no Irishman or Catho 
lic would vote for Cleveland. Mr. Elaine was hostile to the 
political solidarity of any race or religion, and in this respect 
his influence attracting Romanists to his party and repelling 
anti-Catholic zealots was wholly good. His religion, he 
said, was Christianity tinctured with the Presbyterianism of 
the Blaines and the Catholicism of the Gillespies. " I would 
not for a thousand presidencies," he declared, " speak a disre 
spectful word of my mother s religion." Had he lived and 
continued dominant in Republican councils neither " A. P. 
A.-ism" nor any Romish counterpart thereof could have arisen. 

Whether or not any influence for Elaine emanated from 
the Catholic clergy, many Irishmen and Catholics sedulously 
wrought to elect him. This drove some Protestant voters to 
Cleveland. Nevertheless the vast majority of the Protestant 
clergy throughout the North strongly favored Elaine. As 
the campaign drew to its close a goodly party of them waited 
on their candidate at the Fifth Avenue Hotel to assure him of 
their unwavering devotion. One Dr. Burchard made the 
address-in-chief. Apparently holding the Democracy respon 
sible for all the evils of intemperance, religious bigotry and 
the war, he ascribed to it the three damning " R s," <c Rum, 
Romanism and Rebellion." A story not wholly dissimilar 
was told of Elaine s father, to the effect that when running for 
protonotary he seemed likely to suffer from a charge that he 
was a Catholic because his wife was. Mr. Elaine went to the 
family priest for a certificate of non-membership, which was 
duly furnished, as follows : " This is to certify that Ephraim 
L. Elaine is not now and never was a member of the Catholic 
Church. Furthermore, in my opinion, he is not fit to be a 
member of any church." The certificate was effectual, and 
Mr. Elaine triumphantly elected. Not so happy the denouement 




in our Elaine s case. Burchard s ridic 
ulous alliteration " stuck " in an ugly 
way in people s minds, and, much as 
was done to show its insignificance, no 
doubt lost Elaine many votes. Some 
thought these enough, if saved, to have 
made him President. 

The Tammany men, after all, mostly 
voted for Cleveland. Many Demo 
crats foresaw that without Tammany s 
support New York would be lost, and 
thereby the election. Governor Hendricks, candidate for the 
Vice-Presidency, strongly felt this, and though a thousand 
miles away, decided to visit the Empire State as a peace 
maker. He sought John Kelly, then the absolute chief of 
Tammany Hall, rinding him greatly alienated from the party. 
Kelly insisted that Grover Cleveland was not a Democrat, 
that he had no claim upon true Democrats for their sup 
port, and that if he should be elected he would betray his 
party. Their conference lasted far into the night. Mr. 
Hendricks employed all his eloquence and art to persuade 
Mr. Kelly to favor the ticket. Finally the chief said: 
" Governor Hendricks, for your sake we will do it. You 
may go home with my assurance that Tammany Hall will 
do its duty." 

The early returns gave Cleveland the solid South, besides 
Connecticut, New Jersey and Indiana. The rest of the 
North was Republican, save New York, which was in pain 
ful doubt and remained so for days. The Empire State 
was the umpire State. The excitement pending conclusive 
returns exceeded even that of 1876. Good-humored bluff* 
and chaffing gave way to dangerous irritation as the sus 
pense dragged on. Thursday, November 6th, saw an out 
break in Indianapolis, when the loyal hosts of Democracy 
sought to carry their banner into the post-office. This 



premature effort to capture that citadel failed, and the ban 
ner was torn to bits, which Republican defenders wore as 
badges. In Kansas, St. John, the Prohibitionist candidate 
for President, was burned in effigy. The " Rebel Brigadiers " 
were the most hilarious, making the Southern sky lurid with 
fireworks, and the air vocal with salutes, none under a hun 
dred guns. Montgomery on November 6th doubled the 
number of guns in each salute, and on the yth four hundred 
were required to voice her joy. In Boston the streets near 
newspaper offices were packed solid. Every new bulletin 
evoked cheers and hoots. A picture, now of Blaine, now of 
Cleveland, would be raised in air only to be at once seized 
and shredded. A crowd threw stones and rotten eggs at the 
Journal Building, breaking a large plate-glass window. In 
New York conflicting statements given out by the great dai 
lies inflamed the populace. The Tribune and the Mail and 
Express early ceased to issue bulletins, but the Herald and 
the World kept on, showing majorities for Cleveland. The 
Sun office, where Associated Press despatches favorable to 
Blaine alternated with the Sun s own despatches giving the 
State to Cleveland, drew the vastest throngs. Six hundred men 
marched down Broadway shouting " No, no, Blaine won t 
go ! " It being suspected that Jay Gould and the Associated 
Press were withholding or perverting returns, a crowd demon 
strated in front of the Western Union Building with the yell, 
" Hang Jay Gould ! " but policemen soon dispersed them. 
Some two hundred men before the Tribune office burned copies 
of that paper. So threatening did the excitement become in 
Chicago that on November yth Mayor Harrison requested the 
papers to cease issuing bulletins. In Boston bulletins were 
discontinued. In Philadelphia political clubs were directed 
not to parade, persons blowing horns or masquerading on the 
streets being liable to arrest. 

The Democratic managers professed apprehension lest 
the " fraud of 76 " should be repeated in a new guise, and 



were determined to prevent this. The Electoral Commission, 
however, now proved to be, to the Democracy, a blessing in 
disguise. Its rule, " not to go behind the returns," had been 
made the New York law for procedure like that in hand, and 
as, upon a count under the most rigid scrutiny, the New York 
returns footed up a Cleveland plurality of a trifle over a thou 
sand votes, post-election manipulation was impossible. In 
cluding those of New York, Cleveland received 219 electoral 
votes to Elaine s 182. The popular vote reached beyond 
10,000,000, of which 4,911,000 were for Cleveland, giving 
him a plurality over Elaine of 62,000. 

4 8o 

























THE election of Grover Cleveland, the first Democrat 
to press the presidential chair after Buchanan left it 
in 1 86 1, brought grief to millions of honest hearts. On 
assurance that Cleveland had really won, an old lady ex 
claimed : " Well, the poor won t have any work this winter, 
that s certain ! " A college president discoursed lugubriously 
to his students upon the Democratic victory, as portending 
he knew not what of ill. Many good souls thought the 



Government in effect at an end. Those of less pessimistic 
temper prophesied simply a financial panic. " The South is 
again in the saddle," still others said; " slavery will be restored." 
Most Republicans supposed that the new President would, at 
the very least, fill every office with a Democrat. The De 
mocracy, with exceptions, was correspondingly jubilant. Over 
a hundred thousand people visited the capital to view the 
Inauguration Day ceremonies, and a quarter as many actually 
marched in the procession. Of this both colored troops and 
ex-Confederates formed part. The inaugural address was 
received with great enthusiasm, even Republican Senators and 
Representatives publicly expressing approval of its tone. 
The Cabinet was on every hand pronounced an able one, and 
nearly all the great diplomatic offices abroad were filled with 
first-rate men. 

Those who predicted that the President would be ineffi 
cient proved false prophets. The Treasury he administered 
with economy. The development of our Navy was con 
tinued, systematized and accelerated. No clean sweep of 
office-holders occurred, and where a colored man was dis 
placed a colored man succeeded him, provided a good one 
could be found. Extensive land grants, shown to be fraudu 
lent, were declared forfeited. Cattle kings were forced to 
remove their herds from Indian reservations. Federal troops 
kept " boomers " from public lands. A conspiracy by mem 
bers of the railway postal service to strike was nipped in the 
bud and the conspirators discharged. When, on March 31, 
1885, the Prestan rebels in Panama seized an American ship, 
marines were promptly landed on both sides of the isthmus 
to maintain the rights and dignity of this Republic. Such 
vigor in administration soon convinced all that the ship of 
state was safe with a Democrat at the helm. In the self-com 
mand, independence and executive ability which he displayed, 
the President exceeded the expectations of his friends, and 
disappointed his enemies. He performed his exacting duties 



The President delivering his Inaugural Address from the grand central portico of the Capitol, March 4, 1885 
Painted by Childe Hassam from photographs 


with dignity and intelligence, was straightforward in his ac 
tions, and did not seek popularity by drifting with the current. 
Whatever else might be said against him, none could call 
him a demagogue. If in the exercise of his appointing and 
removing power he made some mistakes, the wonder was, all 
things considered, that he made so few. Thcmgh a Democrat, 
he was yet President of all the people. In manners he con 
tinued at Washington to be what he had been at Buffalo and 
at Albany simple without any affectation of simplicity. Like 
Elaine, he wrote with his own hand his official papers. Even 
his wedding invitations were autographs. 

A few weeks after his inauguration as President, was 
announced Mr. Cleveland s engagement to Miss Frances Fol- 
som, the daughter of his friend and partner, Oscar Folsom, 
who had died in 1875. They were married on June 2, 1886, 
at the Executive Mansion. The old edifice had already been 
the scene of eight nuptial ceremonies, but all these had been 
very private. Now, however, the occasion could not but have 
public significance, since for the first time the President of the 
United States was a principal party. Ferns, azaleas and hy 
drangeas in the windows, choice cut flowers banked on the 
four mantels, smilax pendent from the chandeliers, foliage 
plants in the fireplace and a cluster of tall palms near the east 
wall decorated the East Room, whose four garlanded columns 
bore each a floral shield in the national colors. The Blue 
Room, where the marriage ceremony took place, was trans 
figured to a bower : on the south side a tropical grove, groups 
of flowering plants at the main entrance and near the centre, 
and the fireplace glowing with a floral counterfeit of flames. 
Upon the east mantel the happy day was calendared in pansies. 
The opposite mantel bore a rose bank, shading off from light at 
the edges to a dark centre, in which was imbedded the mono 
gram " C. F." in moss and white roses. A little before seven 
a small company were received in this apartment by the Presi 
dents sisters, Mrs. Hoyt and Miss Cleveland. The Cabinet, 



save Attorney-General Garland, were of the number, the rest, 
aside from the officiating clergyman and his wife, being inti 
mate friends either of the bride or of the bridegroom. Miss 
Folsom entered the room on the President s arm, the company 
falling back in a semicircle, while the Marine Band, in re 
splendent uniforms, rendered Mendelssohn s Wedding March. 
The music was followed by a sovereign salute of twenty-one 
guns and the ringing of church bells in the city. Meanwhile 
the marriage ceremony was concluded, and Mr. and Mrs. 
Cleveland left Washington for the summer cottage they had 

Antagonistic as Cleveland and the Republicans were, some 
good laws passed the Forty-ninth Congress, among them the 
Inter-State Commerce Act, placing the great railroads of the 
country under the general government s supervision. This 
was meant to remedy the unfair discrimination in railway facil 
ities and charges theretofore prevalent between different per 
sons and different places. The " dead-head " system had 
grown alarmingly. Favored shippers obtained rates enabling 
them to crush their rivals by this advantage alone ; and long- 
haul tariffs were far too low in comparison with those for short 
hauls. Shippers of freight from Rochester to San Francisco 
had found it profitable to pay transportation charges first to 
New, York City, their goods then going straight back through 
Rochester again. The act of February 4, 1887, forbade spe 
cial rates to special shippers. It provided that all charges for 
the transportation of passengers or property from State to State 
or from this to a foreign country should be " reasonable and 
just/ Special rates, rebates, drawbacks and unjust discrimina 
tions, also all undue and unreasonable preferences, were pro 
hibited. Freight tariffs were ordered to be conspicuously and 
carefully published, and could not be advanced without ten 
days public notice. The act raised an able Commission of 
five members to administer and enforce its provisions. Any 
person or corporation could complain to this Commission 



against any inter-State railway, whereupon the Commission 
must investigate the charges. The Commission was given 
large power over the railways by direct prescription, command, 
or decree; and besides, in case a railway disobeyed it, had a right 
to proceed against such railway by injunction or attachment in 
a United States Court. It required of the railways annual re 
ports, uniform in book-keeping, each setting forth in detail the 
financial condition of the company. The act inhibited charg 
ing or receiving for the carriage of passengers or a given class 
of freight conditions being the same any greater compensa 
tion for a shorter than for a longer haul over the same line in 
the same direction. The Commission might, however, in its 
discretion, suspend the operation of the short-haul clause in 
any case where its enforcement bade fair to work hardship, as 
by favoring Canadian against United States railways, or by 
throwing the entire traffic into the hands of carriers by water, 
thus forcing the railway deprived of long-haul profits into 
insolvency. The immense expense per mile attending local 
railway traffic on the transcontinental lines could not be 
matched in long-haul charges without depriving them entirely 
of their through freight business. Most of the provisions 
named worked well. Questionable, perhaps, was the interdic 
tion of " pooling," which was almost universally evaded. 

Another point of public policy about which the President 
and Congress substantially agreed was the building up of the 
navy. In 1881 the grand old frigate Constitution^her ensign 
at last hauled down, was put out of commission, dismantled, 
and placed beside the ficondeKOga^ slowly to tall in pieces. 
This step had been contemplated a generation before, but the 
poet Holmes then procured for the venerable warrior a stay 
of execution by the plea beginning, " Aye, tear her tattered 
ensign down ! " These rotting hulks typified our neglected 
and degenerate navy, with its thirty-seven cruisers, all but four 
of wood, its fourteen single-turreted monitors, built during the 
war, its guns all or nearly all muzzle-loading, and many of 




them smooth-bores. Hon. William E. 
Chandler, Secretary of the Navy under 
President Arthur, deserves the honor of 
being the first pungently to urge the 
building of a new navy worthy the Amer 
ican nation. Mr. Arthur cordially en 
dorsed the recommendation. Among 
the most meritorious deeds of Garfield s 
Administration was an order signed by 
Secretary Hunt, in 1881, appointing a 
Naval Advisory Board of able and ex 
perienced officers. In its later report it recommended a pro 
gramme for the next eight years, which, while involving the 
vast outlay of $30,000,000, would place in commission the 
twenty-one iron-clads " absolutely needed," seventy unarmored 
cruisers, five rams, five torpedo gun-boats and twenty torpedo- 
boats. To make a beginning Congress authorized the con 
struction of three unarmored cruisers, the Atlanta, the Boston 
and the Chicago, and of the despatch-boat Dolphin. 

The policy thus entered upon was to be permanent. The 
Cleveland years marked important forward steps in it, and 
thereafter progress was continuous, rapid and splendid. To 
December 4, 1894, forty-seven vessels were either in com 
mission or building, their cost varying from $3, 000,000 each 
for the battle-ships Oregon, Massachusetts, Indiana and Iowa, 
to $25,000 for the smallest torpedo-boat. The sea-going and 
fighting qualities of the new ships, and the comforts and even 
luxuries which they provided for their officers and crews, evoked 
admiration both at home and abroad. Their plate was an alloy 
of nickel and steel, superior to any yet produced in Europe. 
The old Constitution could, with her best guns, at 1,000 yards, 
pierce twenty-two inches of oak, about the thickness of her 
own hull at water-line. The ^-inch steel covering at the 
Atlanta s water-line had nearly the same resisting power as the 
Constitution s twenty-two inches of oak. The Atlanta s 6-inch 



guns would, at 1,000 yards, bore through a surface having 
twenty times the resisting power of her own or the Constitution s 
hull at water-line. At the same range her 8-inch guns could 
pierce fourteen inches of iron. Both were, technically, " frig 
ates," a sort of naval cavalry, to accompany and assist battle 
ships as scouts, or to convoy friendly commerce and destroy 
that of the enemy. This predatory role was indeed a cowardly 
one, like privateering, or like land warfare upon civilians and 
their property ; but so long as naval tactics admitted such bar 
barism ships able to perpetrate it could not but be prized. 
The Atlanta could riddle her like when hull down on the hor 
izon, while battle-ships, like the immense Iowa, which dis 
placed 11,300 tons, to make any serious impression on one 
another must approach to within at least 4,000 yards. 

At the international naval fete in 1895, when the Kiel 
Canal was opened, our New York and Columbia were objects 
of utmost curiosity. The Columbia was a protected cruiser 
412 feet long at the load water-line, 22 feet 6 inches in mean 
draft, 58 feet 2 inches in breadth, with 7,375 tons displace 
ment. Her armament consisted of one 8-inch breech-loading 
rifle, two 6-inch and eight 4-inch rapid-fire guns, twelve 
6-pounder and four i -pounder rapid-fire guns, and four Gat- 
lings. Built for a commerce destroyer, though closely resem- 

The United States Steamship Columbia on her Government Speed Trial 
From a photograph b\ Ran 



bling a merchantman, she could, like a wolf in sheep s clothing, 
draw fatally near her victim without exposing her true charac 
ter. After the naval fete referred to, La Patrie^ of Paris, 
said : " What has struck France and all Europe with surprise 
mixed with fright, is the speed of one of the vessels of the 
American fleet. The Columbia will be able to accept or refuse 
combat according to her wishes. She will thunder forth shot 
and shell or run away at will. She can with impunity cover 
the surface of the ocean with ruins and wrecks, or laugh at 
the avengers sent to pursue her. The European nation which 
should have the foresight to create a large number of these 
terrible cruisers would be unassailable, invulnerable and in 
vincible." Of her powers to overhaul most merchantmen or 
to run away from battle-ships, the Columbia soon gave signal 
proof, making the trip home from Southampton under natural 
draught and in spite of some heavy weather though, it is 
said, using extra coal and exhausting her men in 6 days, 23 
hours and 49 minutes, an average speed of 18.53 knots an 
hour, the best long-distance run ever made by a war-ship. 
For a shorter time she was good for over 22 knots. The 
St. Louis, an ocean greyhound then newly built, and the swift 
Augusta Victoria^ both starting just behind the Columbia^ failed 
to catch her. Great was the jubilation when, on August 2, 
1895, her snowy hull, stained with spots of rust, and her four 
buff smoke-stacks crystalled over with salt from the waves, ap 
proached her anchorage on this side. All the standing-room 
on the Battery and the North River front was full of people, 
whose cheers joined the diversified applause. " Such a chorus 
of screeches, grunts, toots and shrieks is seldom heard in New 
York waters." 

Notwithstanding this pleasant harmony of parties upon a 
few weighty matters, the opposition to Cleveland was resolute 
and bitter. Each doubtful act of his was exhibited in the 
worst possible light, and innumerable falsehoods forged to 
aggravate his discredit. If there appeared a direful portent 



in the sky or a deadly fever or tornado on the earth, there 
were not wanting persons ready to arraign the Administration 

The first week of September, 1886, a destructive earth 
quake shook important portions of the United States. In 
lower New York City chandeliers were swayed and clocks 
stopped by the motion. Vibrations were felt from Cape Cod 
as far west as Chicago and Milwaukee and south to Jackson 
ville, Fla. The earth-dance was slight in Baltimore, alarming 
in Washington. The worst that occurred at other points was 
but a hint of the fearful fate which overtook Charleston, S. C. 
The horror broke upon the inhabitants in the dead of night, 
and so awful was the rocking and rumbling of the ground 
that women and children went insane. Droves of blacks 
rushed, frantic and half-clad, to the field and parks. A pious 
old negro in the midst of one dense throng, engaged in prayer. 
" Good Lawd," his petition ran, " Come and help us ! Oh, come 
now ! An come yo self, Lawd ; taint no time for boys ! " 
The first shock occurred Tuesday night. On Friday night, 
when all, worn out, had sought slumber under such shelter as 
remained, suddenly came a new convulsion advertised by a 
deafening alarum like thunder. Once more the shrieking 
multitudes rushed to the open amid showers of bricks and 
plaster, negroes making the night doubly hideous with their 
weird lamentations. Almost precisely twenty-four hours later 
came a third shock, milder, but sufficient to evict the people 
still again. The indication that the terrestrial ague was peri 
odic put men awatch for another disturbance on Sunday night, 
and they were not disappointed. At the same hour as before, 
the demon came amid appalling throes. Fortunately, this 
fourth quaking was his adieu. When the telegraph lines were 
again in order, permitting the world to learn what had taken 
place, it was found that seven-eighths of Charleston s houses 
had been rendered unfit for habitation, scores of persons 
killed and $8,000,000 worth of property destroyed. The 




handsomest streets suf 
fered most, desolation as 
from innumerable dyna 
mite explosions being 
visible far up and down 
many of them. Rail 
road tracks were torn 
awry, rifts and gullies 
gaping in all directions. For days all highways to the city 
were impassable, cutting off relief. 

Many conjectures were uttered regarding the cause of 


Camp of the Homeless on Colonial Lake 


the earthquake, none very satisfactory. Fancy, however, 
could hardly avoid connecting it somehow with the artificial 
earthquake of the preceding October, when, through a brilliant 
piece of engineering executed by General John Newton, the 
channel from East River to Long Island Sound was rid of 
the last Hellgate ledge which dangerously choked it. Since 
1884 this bit of coast had been the subject of many futile 
experiments. Strong tides sweeping back and forth over 
the reefs had strewn the spot with wrecks ; yet the neces 
sities of commerce, especially of the coastwise trade, kept it a 
thoroughfare. Up to 1876 the expenditure of not much less 
than $2,000,000 had resulted in the demolition of only a few 
outworks. The Scylla and Charybdis, Hallet s Point Reef 
and Flood Rock, remained. The reef was made ready for 
annihilation by the novel method of tunnelling. The tunnels, 
corresponding to its semicircular form, radiated somewhat like 
the ribs of a fan, being connected with each other by concen 
tric passages, the whole covering nearly three acres. Thus 
honeycombed, the rock was impregnated with above thir 
teen thousand cartridges, containing something like twenty- 
five tons of powder, and all were connected with electric 

The experiment was so unprecedented and devised on so 
large a scale, that in anticipation many people living near suf 
fered terrors as if a disastrous convulsion of nature were at 
hand. That the mine should be set off on Sunday, as had 
been arranged, was also a source of distress. General Newton, 
however, was unwilling to imperil life by delay. At high-tide, 
therefore, on Sunday, September 24, 1876, his baby daughter 
was allowed to touch the electric key, and instantly the thir 
teen thousand potent germs were hatched. For three seconds 
the water foamed and tumbled at a height of forty or fifty feet, 
cowled in thick black smoke, and ejecting fragments of rock 
and mud. A shock was felt in New York City, attended by 
a low booming sound. The tremor extended as far to the 



northeast as Springfield, Mass. 
No damage whatever was suf 
fered by neigboring property. 

Flood Rock was next as 
sailed. It was three times the 
size of Hallett s Point Reef, but 


By permission of The Scientific American 

the construction of the grid 
iron system of tunnels was 

now watched without alarm, the earlier achievement having set 
all qualms at rest. Dynamite was the explosive used. When 
all was ready, General Newton s daughter May, now eleven 
years of age, once more pressed the button, this time blowing 
about 300,000 cubic yards of reef into fragments partly, 
indeed, into powder. " A tremendous volume of water rose 
to a height of one hundred and fifty or two hundred feet, 
masses of white foam shining in the sunlight, resembling the 
appearance of a fantastic iceberg lifted bodily upon a solid 
basis of dark frozen water. For five or six seconds it tumbled 
aloft, and then sank back into the river, where a yellow, 
sulphurous glow prevailed for a minute, after which the river 
resumed its wonted course." 

We have seen that, spite of its little love toward him, 
Tammany almost unanimously voted for Cleveland. This 
had the unpleasant effect of leading such as inclined to be 
severe on him to lay all Tammany s sins at Cleveland s door. 



And Tammany had not changed. The " boodle aldermen " 
scandal of 1886 emphasized the fact that the spirit of Tweed 
still haunted Manhattan Island. Jacob Sharp all but challenged 
admiration for the persistency of his assault upon the virtue of 
the New York City government. He secured from the alder 
men his first franchise more than thirty years before (1851), in 
that case, too, over the Mayor s veto and in face of an injunc 
tion ; with the result, however, of sending one alderman to jail 
in addition to the fine which he paid in common with his fel 
lows. From that time Sharp had toiled unremittingly to 
secure at Albany such legislation as would enable him once 
more to begin hopeful conflict in New York City. Success 
waited upon him in 1884, after he had already become an old 
man, bringing him privileges for which a million dollars had 
been more than once offered. Charges were preferred against 
members of the Board of Aldermen for 1884, accusing them 
of having granted a charter to the Broadway Surface Railroad 
Company in consideration of $300,000 divided equally among 
them. It appeared that thirteen members had combined for 
the purpose of selling their votes on important enterprises. 
Of these four were tried, convicted and sentenced to years of 
imprisonment with heavy fines. The charter of the road was 
annulled by the legislature, and Sharp prosecuted and tried 
for bribery. He was convicted but granted a new trial, be 
fore the conclusion of which, in the 
spring of 1888, his health broke down 
completely, and he died. 

The President and the Senate first 
came to blows early in 1886 over the 
President s act in suspending from office, 
the preceding July, G. M. Duskin, Dis 
trict Attorney for the Southern District 
of Alabama. When Congress reassem 
bled, the Senate, proceeding upon the 
theory that the power of removal as GENERAL JOHN NEWTON 



well as that of appointment was committed to it jointly with 
the President, called on him to furnish the reasons for his 
action and the papers relating to the case. This demand Mr. 
Cleveland refused. In a vigorous message he held that tor 
his acts of removal and suspension he was responsible to the 
people alone, and that the papers asked for touching Duskin 
were of a private nature. Reluctantly the Senate acquiesced 
in this position. On March 3, 1887, a bill passed Congress 
repealing the old Tenure of Office Act, enacted in 1867, dur 
ing the bitter feud between Congress and President Johnson, 
for the purpose of rendering Johnson unable to remove ex 
ecutive officers when they had been confirmed by the Senate. 
This repeal rendered explicit and unqualified the President s 
independent power to remove from office, making him as 
free in this as if the Tenure of Office Act had never been 

It seemed to be the Senate Republicans purpose in this 
encounter to discredit Mr. Cleveland by showing him insin 
cere in his avowals of sympathy with reform. His election 
was largely due to the stand he had taken in regard to the 
evil of Congressional patronage. He had given his word to 
abate this so far as lay in his power, and the conditions at his 
accession to office favored the accomplishment of that pur 
pose. No strictly party vote had elevated him to the Presi 
dency. Moreover, there were 15,000 offices, in which the 
Pendleton Act required vacancies to be filled by non-partisan 
tests, and that law authorized the President to extend this mode 
of appointment if he wished. The fact was that Mr. Cleveland 
had assumed a task greater than he anticipated. Democrats 
incessantly vociferated against continuing Republican monop 
oly of the offices, urging him, as a Democrat, to relinquish a 
policy which must disintegrate the party and lose him all its 
support. Not one recognized Democratic leader stood up for 
the policy. Congress betrayed no cordial sympathy with it. 
In June, 1886, an attempt was made practically to annul the 



Civil Service Law by refusing to make an appropriation for 
the Commissioners. Disappointing and disgusting a host of 
his friends, Mr. Cleveland gradually yielded. By June, 1887, 
nearly all the 2,359 Presidential postmasters had been re 
placed, as had 32 of the 33 foreign ministers, 16 of the 21 
secretaries of legation, 138 of the 219 consuls, 84 of the 85 
collectors of internal revenue, 8 of the 1 1 inspectors of steam 
vessels, 65 of the 70 district attorneys, 64 of the 70 marshals, 
22 of the 30 territorial judges, 16 of the 18 pension agents 
and some 40,000 of the 52,609 fourth-class postmasters. 
Within three years from his inauguration the President had 
replaced not less than 75,000, perhaps 100,000, Republican 
office-holders by Democrats, considerably impairing the ser 
vice. But, though roundly denounced as a hypocrite, he never 
recanted his profession of devotion to reform, and he faith 7 
fully executed the mandatory provisions of the law. 

What hurt the President most with reformers was his aid 
to Senator Gorman, of Maryland, in 1887, seeming to be an 
effort to acquit himself of the charge, often preferred, that 
" he was no Democrat." A Democratic authority stated that 
in Baltimore election after election had been carried by bare 
faced fraud ; that to stop a ballot in an important ward 
murder was recognized as a political service ; that ballot- 
boxes were continually looted, and that in one ward nineteen 
men of criminal record drew pay from the city for their evil 
activities. Yet Mr. Cleveland s aid and comfort to repre 
sentative Democratic leaders came too slowly and grudgingly 
to win their support in return. They thought him meanly 
obsequious toward Independents, and declared that he was 
betraying his party. 

Western Democrats in particular were never enthusi 
astic for Mr. Cleveland, owing partly to his views upon the 
civil service and partly to his hailing from New York. With 
them " Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana," had been the 
magic and drawing part of the ticket. What occurred on 



Inauguration Day indicated this. As the procession moved 
along Pennsylvania Avenue toward the Capitol cheers for the 
President-elect were at points rather faint, but the appearance 
of Mr. Hendricks s carriage was the signal for a prolonged 
roar that testified to the love and confidence the people felt 
for him. Many thought that this obvious contrast piqued 
the President and ascribed to it a certain lack of cordiality on 
his part toward the Vice-President, kept up till the latter s 
death. A month after the inauguration Mr. Hendricks had 
an interview with the President. On returning to his room 
at Willard s Hotel he seemed disappointed and said : " I 
hoped that Mr. Cleveland would put the Democratic party in 
power in fact as well as in name, but he does not intend to do 
it." A Southern Congressman told his Democratic friends : 
" Gentlemen, we ve got a big elephant on our hands. I fear 
there will be some disappointment about the offices." Too 
few Republicans were turned out to suit Democratic workers, 
yet enough continually to keep up office-seekers hopes. Those 
disappointed after long suspense were doubly unforgiving. 
The President would have done well to remember Machia- 
velli s precept : " Matters of severity should be finished at 
one blow, that so they may give the less distaste and be the 
sooner forgotten." 

Republican papers made all possible political capital out 
of the pan-electric " scandal," affecting Attorney-General Gar 
land. One Rogers had received a patent on a telephone 
which he hoped would rival Bell s. He assigned his rights to 
Democratic members of Congress, who transferred them to a 
certain "Pan-Electric Company," receiving stock in return. 
When the Democratic party came into power the Pan-Elec 
tric managers moved the Government to institute suit inquir 
ing into the validity of the Bell patent. Though owning 
Pan-Electric stock which would rise in value a round million 
if the Bell patent were annulled, the Attorney-General did not 
forbid Solicitor-General Goode to attack that patent. This 



Goode did, though the Interior Department soon took the 
case off his hands. It was argued that Garland should not 
have allowed his subordinate to act in the matter, or, at any 
rate, should have divested himself of all interest in it by dis 
posing of his stock. That he could at worst only argue the 
case and could not decide it, and that the court would specially 
scrutinize his plea as that of an interested party, was by most 
people forgotten or ignored. A congressional committee 
exonerated Garland, Goode and Mr. Lamar, Secretary of the 
Interior, from all censurable action in the premises. 

When Mr. Cleveland took office the pensioning of 
Union soldiers was too indiscriminate, neither party venturing 
to advocate an economy of expenditure or a scrutiny of claims 
by which veterans might suffer. The Treasury surplus pre 
sented an irresistible temptation to foolish and pauperizing 
liberality. Greedy pension attorneys loved the <c swag " which 
the system offered. Ultra protectionists also connived at it out 
of a wish to keep the high tariff intact. At that time pension 
attorneys were given access to soldiers records in the War 
Department. Knowing that the record in any case would be 
appealed to in verifying the claim, they would obtain an old 
soldier s leave and set up on his behalf a claim for every 
trouble shown in his record. One attorney issued a circular 
announcing " Desertion marks quietly removed," the adverb 
being cancelled in ink. Innumerable fraudulent claims came 
to the bureau, too many of them successful. A New England 
merchant worth $50,000, who never smelled powder or even 
served so much as three months, tried for a pension on the 
ground that his bad health was due to catarrh contracted in 
the army. An application was actually received at the bureau 
for injury by the chin of a comrade " while drilling on skates 
near Brattleboro, Vt." A wagoner who had lost his leg 
tumbling off a wagon when drunk obtained a pension. In 
several cases men who escaped service by shooting away their 
fingers got pensions for this disability. 



To relieve those whom for any reason the bureau had 
denied, thousands of private bills were passed. The House 
of Representatives usually devoted one meeting each week to 
the passage of these personal bills, only a handful, far less than 
a quorum, being present. Bill after bill became law merely 
upon the recommendation of the Committee, without record 
ing a vote and without discussion. The Senate was also 
slack. One day in April, 1886, it passed 500 pension bills 
in two hours. Instead of doubling watchfulness upon special 
legislation, our bicameral system seemed to halve it ; each 
House shifting upon the other the onus of rejecting un 
worthy but influential claims ; both, as a result, leaving 
that useful but thankless task to the Executive. Little 
wonder that many unworthy claimants sought presidential 

But they did not any longer receive this. While favor 
ing, for the truly worthy, pensions even more bountiful than 
were then allowed by law, the President insisted, both as a mat 
ter of due economy and in justice to loyal and true pensioners, 
on careful discrimination in making up the pension list. Till 
Cleveland s time but one pension bill had been rejected by the 
Executive, but in 1886 he vetoed 101 out of the 747 which 
passed Congress. The veto-messages were bold and often 
caustic, giving the vetoed bills undue prominence in compari 
son with those which were approved. It was thus easy to 
represent the vetoes as betraying hostility to old wearers of 
the blue, and Republican organs and orators were not slow to 
arraign the President thus. But although many attempts 
were made to pass pension bills over the veto, only one was 
successful. Hostility toward the President was immenselv 
intensified when he negatived the Dependent Pension Bill, 
passed in 1887, which pensioned all dependent veterans who 
had served three months in the Union army, and also all de 
pendent parents of such. The veto was, however, agreeable 
to not a few even among the Republicans, who had begun to 



look with dread upon the rising tide of paternalism in our 
Goverment, a tendency which found expression in the Blair 
Educational Bill, meant to give governmental support to cer 
tain State schools all over the South, and in the Texas Seed 
Bill, to aid needy farmers, passed by the House and Senate, 
but vetoed by the President. 

More scathing yet was the condemnation visited upon 
Mr. Cleveland in consequence of his unfortunate " Rebel 
Flag " order. Hastily and without authority, he had given 
permission that the various Confederate flags in possession of 
the Government might be returned to the Southern States from 
which they were borne forth. The permission did not take 
effect, as these flags were public property and could be restored 
only by act of Congress, but the mischief was done. The 
rank and file of the Grand Army of the Republic felt out 
raged, and post after post passed resolutions fiercely denounc 
ing the order, some of them hinting at lack of patriotism in 
its author. General Sherman wrote : " Of course I know 
Drum, the Adjutant-General. He has no sympathy with the 
army which fought. He was a non-combatant. He never 
captured a flag and values it only at its commercial value. 
He did not think of the blood and torture of battle ; nor can 
Endicott, the Secretary of War, or Mr. Cleveland." General 
Butler styled the order, "An attempt to mutilate the archives." 

Just previous to the National Encampment at St. Louis, in 
1 8 87, a number of posts in western Pennsylvania, West Virginia 
and Ohio held a camp-fire at Wheeling. A banner had been 
suspended across the street on the line of their march, bearing 
the President s portrait with the inscription, " God Bless our 
President, Commander-in-Chief of Our Army and Navy." 
Most of the posts refused to pass under, marching through 
the gutters instead, with colors folded and reversed. The 
President had accepted an invitation to the St. Louis encamp 
ment, but owing to this extreme rancor toward him, felt con 
strained to decline attendance. " I should," he said, " bear 



with me there the people s highest office, the dignity of which 
I must protect, and I believe that neither the Grand Army 
of the Republic as an organization, nor anything like a ma 
jority of its members, would ever encourage any scandalous 
attack upon it. If, however, among the membership of this 
body there are some, as certainly seems to be the case, deter 
mined to denounce me and my official acts at the National 
Encampment, I believe that they should be permitted to do 
so unrestrained by my presence as a guest of their organiza 
tion, or as a guest of the hospitable city in which their meet 
ing is held." 

Wonder was often expressed at the ease with which the 
Republican Party, at first containing hosts of free-traders 
and not committed to any doctrine regarding the tariff, became 
transformed into a pronounced and devoted high-tariff party, 
defending with all zeal, in time of profound peace, rates of 
protection imposed during the stress of war and meant by all 
to give way so soon as that temporary necessity should end. 
But the cause of this interesting metamorphosis was not far to 
seek. The growing demand for extreme protection was no 
mere United States affair. All the nations of the earth shared 
it. Even New South Wales, ever the free-trader s pride and 
shining example, in 1891 succumbed to this drift. The 
strengthening sentiment for protection marked the precise 
period, after 1873, during which general prices were falling. 
Owing to the decadence of prices, production grew extra 
hazardous and needed shelter. Less and less could be ob 
tained for products, while all fixed charges, like taxes and 
mortgage-interest, remained the same. As the evil affected 
the entire consuming class, sales were fewer, even at the less 
ened rates. Whenever, therefore, prices in any line of manu 
facture threatened or began to fall, when stock depreciated 
upon manufacturers hands, they inevitably struggled to avert 
these results and welcomed any resource which could aid. A 
number of gigantic industries met this crisis by forming them- 



selves into " Trusts," but the majority could not at once do 
this. Unable to obtain relief in any other way, they every 
where agitated for high tariffs, and in nearly every country 
with success. Had prices after the war been stationary or 
only slowly advancing, the rise in United States tariff rates, 
culminating in the McKinley law, would in all probability 
never have been so much as thought of. 

By no means all those crying for highest protection, 
whether here or in Europe, were addicted to protection as a 
general policy. Many such were, in theory, free-traders. 
Had general prices been stable or rising, they would decidedly 
have preferred low tariffs or free trade. Willingness to sub 
ject your country s industries to normal foreign competition 
was one thing ; quite another was it to do so when your com 
petitors were helped to beat you by a home bonus on exporta 
tion, such as favored all exporters from silver and paper lands 
during the years under review. In France these " oppor 
tunist " protectionists were a powerful and growing party. 
Their logic was not at once understood in this country ; but 
men mastered it more and more, and it carried over to the 
protectionist ranks armies of recruits in every Congressional 
and Presidential election. 

The tariff problem was little discussed in the campaign 
of 1884. The platform on which Cleveland was elected did 
not speak strongly regarding it, and the Republicans had then 
by no means agreed upon the extreme form of protection em 
bodied in the McKinley Act of 1890. When elected, Cleve 
land had no definite purpose concerning this subject, but the 
condition of the Treasury, present and prospective, soon drew 
his thoughts thereto. This History has already remarked 
that the Government s inability to pay its four-and-a-half per 
cent, bonds before 1891, or its fours before 1907, was unfor 
tunate, and that the threes of 1882 were happily made payable 
at the Government s option. A call for the last of these was 
issued on May 20, 1887, interest to cease on tne next July Ist - 



After this time no bonds were subject to par payment at the 
Government s discretion, and surplus piled up ominously. 
December i, 1887, after every possible Government obliga 
tion had been provided for, about $50,000,000 remained a 
sum increased by the end of that fiscal year, June 30, 1888, 
notwithstanding considerable purchases of long-term bonds at 
high rates, to $ 103 ,000,000. There was no method at once 
legal and economical for paying this out. The Secretary 
could of course buy long bonds in the open market, and in 
1888 he to some extent did so; but, obviously, if entered 
upon in a large way, this course must carry up the price of 
those bonds considerably. The President could not but fore 
see that the question, how to keep the money of the country 
from becoming locked up in the Treasury and Sub-Treasuries 
of the United States, was destined to be grave. 

In his message to Congress in December, 1885, he said: 
" The fact that our revenues are in excess of the actual needs 
of an economical administration of the Government, justifies a 
reduction in the amount exacted from the people for its sup 
port. . . The proposition with which we have to deal is the 
reduction of the revenue by the Government, and indirectly 
paid by the people, for customs duties. The question of free 
trade is not involved. . . Justice and fairness dictate that in 
any modification of our present laws relating to revenue, the 
industries and interests which have been encouraged by such 
laws, and in which our citizens have large investments, should 
not be ruthlessly injured or destroyed. We should also deal 
with the subject in such a manner as to protect the interests 
of American labor. . . Within these limitations a certain re 
duction should be made in our customs revenue. . . I think 
the reduction should be made in the revenue derived from a 
tax upon the imported necessaries of life." 

The Forty-ninth Congress did nothing to carry out these 
suggestions, but the Morrison and the Randall bill, reported 
and discussed in the House, revealed among the Democrats a 



rapidly strengthening current of sentiment for lower duties. 
The President s convictions meantime became more pro 
nounced. In his bold and candid message of 1887, he said, 
referring to the Treasury situation : "It is a condition which 
confronts us not a theory. . . The question of free trade is 
absolutely irrelevant, and the persistent claim made, in some 
quarters that all efforts to relieve the people from unjust and 
unnecessary taxation are schemes of so-called free-traders, is 
mischievous and far removed from any consideration of the 
public good. The simple and plain duty which we owe to 
the people is to reduce taxation to the necessary expenses of 
an economical operation of the Government, and restore to 
the business of the country the money which we hold in the 
Treasury through the perversion of governmental powers." 

This message recommended the taxing of luxuries, the 
free-listing of raw wool, the radical reduction of duties on all 
raw materials, and the lowering or total abrogation of the tariff 
on necessaries. On the convening of the Fiftieth Congress, 
surplus revenue being more and more a menace, the House 
felt forced to attempt a reduction of the Government s 
income. The Mills Bill resulted, hotly denounced and vio 
lently opposed by the Republicans as a free-trade measure. 
It was far from being this, though 
many of the arguments adduced in 
support of it would have been equally 
valid against all protection. The bill 
passed the House. In the Senate a 
Republican substitute was reported 
but never pushed. 

The Senate sought to use the 
country s relations with China as a 
means of advantage over Mr. Cleve 
land. Both parties had expressed 
themselves as opposed to Chinese 
labor. A treaty with China had been 




Drawn by M. J. Burns from photographs 

signed on March 12, 1888, but subsequently amended by 
the Senate so as to exclude those Chinese laborers who had 
formerly been in the country and had been given certificates 
of identification by the Government. It seemed probable that 
China would not accept this treaty. On September yth the 
Senate took up and immediately passed an act which came 
from the House, excluding from the United States all Chi 
nese laborers without distinction. The President was thus in 
a dilemma. If he vetoed the measure he would encounter 
popular displeasure, if he signed it he would be placed in 
hostile relations toward a friendly power. In the House the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs delayed sending the bill to the 
/\ President until it was definitely known that China had refused to 
ratify the treaty, and the Exclusion Bill was signed October ist. 
While many happy events were cementing the old good 
will between us and the French Republic our relations with 
England were in danger of being strained over the inveterate 
Fisheries dispute, which had come down from the very birth 
day of the nation. Many remembered how, on Sunday, 



Drawn by M. J. Burns from photographs by Parker and description 

January 6, 1878, a number of American sailors engaged in 
taking herring in Long Harbor, Fortune Bay, Newfoundland, 
were attacked by the Newfoundlanders, who destroyed one of 
their seines and forced them to stop fishing. This incident 
was for years one of the international questions in dispute 
between England and America. 

On July i, 1885, the fishery clauses of the Treaty of 
Washington ceased to be operative. Canadian salt fish was 
now taxed by us, who, on the other hand, found, to our sor 
row, the cruel provisions of the 1 8 1 8 Treaty again legally 
binding and the Canadian authorities bent on their strict con 
struction and enforcement. Our citizens could not now fish 
"within three marine miles of any of the coasts, bays and 
harbors of her Britannic Majesty s dominion in North Am- 
In determining this limit England "measured from 


the headlands or extreme points of land at the entrance of 
bays or indents of the coast," forbidding Americans to fish in 
such bays even if more than three miles from shore. American 
vessels could not enter Canadian ports for bait. During the 
season of 1886 numbers of our vessels were detained at Can- 



Loading the Fish 

adian ports, some of 
them under most 
aggravating circum 
stances, though but 
two were condemn 
ed. Crews were re 
fused water on the 
ground that they 
had not conformed 
to certain port or 
customs regulations. 
The American 
schooner David J . 
^4 dams ^ calling at the 

port of Digby, Nova Scotia, May 5, 1886, to procure bait, 
was seized by Captain Scott of the steamer Landsdowne. 
The captain of the Adams declared he had called to see friends 
and was released, but ran aground going out of the harbor. 
Since the truth had meanwhile been learned, the schooner 
was re-seized, everything movable being sold at auction to 
cover expenses. The matter was long in dispute between Eng 
land and the United States. 

For weeks the dispute greatly excited our country. 
Threats of war with Canada were uttered and careful estimates 




made of the force we could throw across our northern border 
in case of need. In May Congress placed in the President s 
hands power to suspend commercial intercourse between our 
selves and Canada. Later a bill was introduced in the House 
cutting off all commercial relations with Canada by land or 
water. The Senate advanced a more moderate proposition- 
to limit the proposed arrest of traffic to water commerce and 
to Canadian vessels, also to leave its enforcement optional 
with the President. This became law on March 3, 1887. 
Under this legislation the President, on being assured that 
our fishing-masters or crews were used in Canadian ports any 
less favorably than masters or crews of trading vessels from 
the most favored nations, could, " in his discretion, by proc 
lamation to that effect, deny vessels, their masters and crews, 
of the British dominions of North America any entrance into 
the waters, ports or places of or within the United States/ 

The President did not think best at once to use this fear 
ful power, likely enough to lead to war. He preferred to 
make another attempt at a peaceful settlement through a new 
treaty. This had constantly been the wish of the British Gov 
ernment. Accordingly, late in 1887, a joint commission, con 
sisting of Secretary Bayard, President Angell, of Michigan 
University, and Hon. William L. Putnam, of Maine, on the 
part of the United States, and of Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamber 
lain, Sir Charles Tupper, of Canada, and Sir Lionel West, the 
British Minister, on the part of Great Britain, met at Wash 
ington. The Commission toiled nearly all winter, and passed 
to the President the result of its deliberations on February 16, 
1888. The treaty which it drafted was necessarily a compro 
mise. Canada thought the British Commissioners had yielded 
too much ; many in the United States believed our Commis 
sioners to have done the same. The document, approved by 
the President, went to the Senate, where, after long debate, it 
was refused ratification, August 2ist. 

The Commission had agreed upon a modus vivendi, to 




M / 


The Newfoundland Fisheries. Fish-Sheds at Quidi Vidi 

hold good, unless revoked by the Governor-General and 
Council of Canada, till February, 1890, under which our fish 
ermen might obtain in Canadian ports, on payment of a 
license, the privileges of merchantmen. Many such licenses 
were taken out during the season of 1888. Most of the fish 
ing-masters, however, did not seek licenses, and were averse to 
the new treaty, preferring the terms of 1818 to granting their 
rivals any further rights in our markets. Fresh fish, includ 
ing frozen and slack-salted, was already free in our ports, com 
peting sharply with our own catch. No one longer cared to 
fish inside, or, except in emergencies, to provision at Canadian 

Convenient as would be the power to obtain bait near 
the fishing-grounds and to transship fish home in bond, 
neither was indispensable. Cod were still caught with trawls 
and baited hooks. The best bait was squid, whose abundance 
upon the banks was what caused the cod so to frequent them. 
The squid could be had freshest as well as cheapest from the 



peasantry of the Newfoundland and Nova Scotia coasts ; but 
clams carried from home were found to do nearly as well. 
Accordingly, few collisions occurred in 1888, and as the sea 
son of that year closed there was a prospect that, even with 
out a new convention, no necessity for American retaliation 
would arise. 

Besides the Northeastern fisheries imbroglio, the seal 
fisheries of the Northwest gave trouble. The occasion was 
as follows : Shortly after our acquisition of Alaska, Congress 
passed stringent laws against killing fur-bearing animals in 
Alaska or the adjacent waters. In 1870 the Pribylov or Seal 
islands were leased to the Alaska Commercial Co., under 
regulations de signed to preserve the seal life, rapidly becoming 
extinct everywhere else. Poaching was frequent and reckless. 
To punish and prevent it the Treasury Department in 1886 
attempted to treat Behring Sea as a mare clausum^ assuming 
that the United States had jurisdiction over it all, whereas 
British sealers claimed the right to hunt seals wherever they 
pleased if over three miles from land. In 1886 the British 
schooners Carolina^ Onward and Thornton^ though beyond 
the three-mile limit, were seized, taken to Sitka, condemned, 
their skins confiscated, and their masters fined. The British 
Government demanded the release of the prisoners and ves 
sels and an indemnity of $ 160,000. The release was ordered 
by President Cleveland in January, 1887, though the order 
was not immediately executed. In the summer of 1887 
other British vessels, together with American seal-poachers, 
were taken from thirty to seventy miles out at sea. On 
August 19, 1887, Secretary Bayard sent circular letters to 
the United States ministers in England, France, Germany, 
Japan, Russia and Sweden, directing representations to be 
made to these governments that action was desirable for the 
better protection of the seals in Behring Sea. All the pow 
ers appealed to, except Sweden, began conference with the 
United States in the interest named, and for the present no 



more British vessels were seized. In March, 1892, a treaty 
was ratified, submitting the questions that had arisen between 
the United States and Great Britain touching Behring Sea 
affairs to arbitration by seven commissioners, one each from 
Canada, Great Britain, Sweden, France and Italy, and two, 
Justice Harlan and Senator Morgan, from the United States. 
On the five questions submitted to it, the Board decided 
as follows : (i) By the treaty of 1824 with the United States 
and by that of 1825 with Great Britain, Russia abandoned the 
right of exclusive jurisdiction beyond cannon-shot from shore, 
and never from that time till the cession of Alaska exercised it. 
(2) Great Britain never recognized Russian claims to exclusive 
jurisdiction outside territorial waters. (3) In the Anglo-Rus 
sian treaty of 1825 the term " Pacific Ocean" included Behring 
Sea. (4) At the cession all Russia s rights passed to the 
United States without impairment or increase. (5) The United 
States had no right to the protection of or to property in seals 
outside the ordinary three-mile limit. Points (3) and (4) 
were decided unanimously ; from all the rest Senator Morgan 
and from (5) Justice Harlan dissented. The Board made 
happy provisions for a joint police of Behring Sea by Great 
Britain and the United States, for an open and closed fishing 
season, and for the careful licensing of sealing vessels. Finally 
special recommendations were offered to the respective govern 
ments touching measures for more efficiently protecting the 
seals, each within its own undoubted jurisdiction. 





























THE elect of the Solid South, and determined to give that 
section its rights, Mr. Cleveland yet took every occa 
sion to recognize the results of the war, and to honor those 
who had made it successful. On learning of General Grant s 
death, he, on July 23, 1885, wrote Mrs. Grant: 



" MY DEAR MADAM : Obeying the dictates of my per 
sonal feelings, and in accord with what I am sure is the uni 
versal sentiment of his fellow-countrymen toward your late 
husband, I am solicitous that every tribute of respect and 
affection should be duly rendered, and with constant considera 
tion of your personal wishes on the subject. Adjutant-General 
Richard C. Drum is charged with the delivery of this note, and 
will receive and convey to me any intimation of the wishes of 
yourself and your children in respect to the selection of the 
place of burial and conduct of the funeral ceremonies, and the 
part which may be borne by those charged with the administra 
tion of the government. With sincere condolence, 
" Your friend and servant, 


For months, intense suffering had been General Grant s 
lot, but he bore it in a hero s way. Never before had his char 
acter seemed so admirable as in this battle with disease, in 
which he was doomed to fall. No word of complaint escaped 
him. Work upon his " Memoirs," whose sale such his pov 
erty he expected to be his family s sole source of support 
when he was gone, he persistently kept up till four days before 
the end. His protracted affliction made the Silent Man seem 
each one s next of kin. All that had been out of order in his 
administration of the Presidency was forgotten, men s thoughts 
gliding kindly back to the days of his immortal deeds in the 
field. When it was known that he was gone, the entire nation 
bent over his bier in tears, every household in the land, North 
and South, feeling itself bereaved. Southern cities half-masted 
their flags in Grant s honor, Southern legislatures passed reso 
lutions speaking his praises and adjourned out of respect for 
him. Even Jefferson Davis unbent for a moment, uttering 
about the deceased commander a greater number of kindly 
words than the public had heard from him before in twenty-five 



The death had occurred at Mount McGregor, near Sara 
toga. The private funeral services were performed at that 
place on August 4th ; and the same day a heavily draped 
railway train without bell or whistle bore the remains to Albany, 
where, from the evening of August 4th till 10.30 A.M., August 
5th, the body lay in state at the Capitol. It was here viewed 
by over seventy-seven thousand persons. The public funeral 
took place in New York City on August 8th the most im 
posing spectacle of the kind ever seen in America. Business 
was suspended. Crowds poured in from all the neighboring 
States, every train and steamer being packed to its utmost 
capacity. Positions convenient for surveying the procession 
sold for as much as fifty dollars apiece. City Hall, the im 
mense pillars and winding stairs of its vestibule impressively 
draped in black, received the coffin, and through its iron por 
tals for hours flowed a steady stream in double columns of 
twos. It was thought that from the opening to the closing of 
the gates, nearly or quite three hundred thousand people gazed 
upon the corpse. 

-As day broke, August 8th, was heard the first of the 
dirges that till sunset were at no moment intermitted. The 
sound came nearer and nearer, till five hundred veterans of 
Meade Post, Grand Army of the Republic, came in sight. 
Soon old Trinity s grave chimes pealed forth. At seven, 
notes of mourning from all distances and directions rose, float 
ing up to the barred gates behind which lay the remains. At 
8.50 General Hancock and staff slowly entered the plaza, first 
presenting front to City Hall in honor of the dead, and then 
facing Broadway, prepared to lead the solemn march. At 
9.35 the funeral car approached, drawn by twenty-four jet- 
black horses, a colored man at each bridle. Twelve soldiers 
who had formed the Guard of Honor at Mount McGregor, 
reverently lifted the casket upon the car, which, as it moved, 
was flanked by veterans. 

The procession, eight miles long, wended up Broadway 



The Grant Funeral The Arrival at the Toml 

between lines of old soldiers flags veiled, drums muffled and 
arms reversed. The Grant family, except Mrs. Grant, who 
was unable to be present, followed in four carriages, succeeded 
by the General s old staff, his Cabinet officers, and detachments 
from Grand Army Posts. Members of the Aztec Club, sur 
vivors of the Mexican War, formed a group. President Cleve 
land rode with Secretary Bayard, and they were followed by 
the Vice-President and the Cabinet, the Supreme Court Jus 
tices, United States Senators, and a Committee of the House. 
Governor Hill and his suite and a Committee of the State 
Legislature were of the cortege, also gentlemen who had occu 
pied diplomatic and consular offices under Grant while Presi 
dent. Besides all these were official guests filling a hundred 
and fifty carriages. Over the ashes of the man who had said : 
" Let us have peace," all bitter memories were forgotten. 
Speaker Carlisle and ex-Speaker Randall rode with Congress 
men Hiscock and Reed, Senator Morrill with Senator Cockrell, 
Sherman with Ransom, Ingalls with Harris. Famous Con 
federates, distinguishable by their gray silk sashes, fraternized 



with Federal chieftains. Generals Joe Johnston and Buckner 
officiated with Sherman, Sheridan and Logan among the pall 
bearers. Three other gallant Southerners, Wade Hampton, 
Fitzhugh Lee and Gordon, were also present at the funeral. 

The tomb had been prepared in the upper city, near the 
North River and within sight of the Palisades. Directly op 
posite it that day lay the Despatch, bearing the Rear- Admiral s 
pennant ; near her the Powbatan, guns gazing from her ports ; 
also the Omaha, the Swatara and the Alliance. The vessels had 
their yards " a-cockbill " obliquely set in token of mourning. 
Their brass and steel fittings, their holystoned decks and the 
accoutrements of their marines shone in the bright sun. On 
land, too, wherever you looked, were brilliant uniforms and 
trappings, plumed cavalrymen and artillerists, burnished can 
non, and bodies of infantry with rifles stacked in sheaves. 

Shortly after two, trumpets heralded General Hancock 


Dra-wn from nature by Otto H. Backer 

and staff. Sweeping past the tomb, they drew rein beneath 
trees a hundred yards north. Soon a thunder-peal from the 
Powbatan shook the bluff, being returned, multiplied, from the 
Jersey shore. The salute was repeated at intervals. A little 
after four another strain of trumpets was heard ; then the sound 
of muffled drums, announcing the approach of the catafalque. 
Infantry companies which had escorted it formed a hollow 
square between it and the tomb, and to the middle of this the 
body about to be laid away was transferred. The family 
mourners, alighting, stood nearest, then General Hancock, 
with President Cleveland, Vice-President Hendricks and mem 
bers of the Cabinet. Close to the head of the bier were Gen- 
erals Sherman and Sheridan, ex- Presidents Arthur and Hayes, 
Admiral Porter, General Fitzhugh Lee, General Gordon and 
General Buckner. Representatives from Meade Post circled the 
casket and went through the Grand Army ritual, after which 
came the burial service of the Methodist Episcopal Church. At 
the close of this "Tattoo" was sounded, ending the ceremonies, 
save that three volleys of musketry and as many of artillery 
were let off while the Grant family re-entered their carriages. 



The burial of ex- President Grant had been immediately 
preceded by a pleasant event of international interest. June 
19, 1885, the New York Aldermanic Chamber, late witness of 
the presidential count, might have been seen tricked out with 
our red, white and blue, and with the French tricolor, to wel 
come the bringers of Bartholdi s statue of Liberty Enlightening 
the World, presented by Frenchmen to the people of America. 
M. Bartholdi had conceived this enterprise before the Second 
Empire fell. Obeying a hint of M. Laboulaye touching 
American love for Lafayette, he wished that French and Amer 
ican effort might erect a monument typical at once of American 
independence and of liberty itself. Soon after the re-establish 
ment of the Republic, a French- American Union was formed 
in France to realize this idea. Bartholdi s plan being approved, 
a popular subscription from 100,000 Frenchmen brought in 
more than $200,000, the cost of the statue, to which Americans 
added $300,000 for base and pedestal. The United States 
set apart as the site of the statue Bedloe s Island, now Liberty 
Island, in New York Harbor, occupied since early in the cen 
tury by the star fort which forms so suitable a part of the base 
beneath the statue. Upon the soil of the island was laid a solid 
block of concrete, the largest in the world, 90 feet square at 
the bottom, 65 at the top, and 52 feet high, and this was sur 
rounded by a concrete arch covered with turf. Above rose the 
masonry of the pedestal proper, with huge, rough-hewn quoins. 

The work of art was formally made over to our Minister 
in Paris on July 4th. When the Isere, bearing it, approached 
our shores, Senator Evarts, chairman of the Pedestal Commit 
tee, Mayor Grace, the French Consuls of New York and 
Chicago, with many invited guests, steamed down to meet her. 
The naval progress up the harbor was led by the Despatch^ 
with Secretary Whitney on board. Other American men-of- 
war followed, behind them the French frigate F/ore, and then 
the Isere, with an American vessel on each side. Over a hun 
dred excursion boats, big and little, sail and steam, brought up 



the rear. Clouds of smoke and incessant thunder from the 
forts reminded one of the Yorktown celebration. This noise 
gave place to a bedlam of shrill steam whistles when the fleet 
reached Bedloe s Island. Here the American Committee and 
their French guests landed, while French choral societies of 
three hundred voices sang the Marseillaise and Hail Columbia. 
All then crossed to the Battery, whence a grand procession 
moved to City Hall. Three regiments of the New York State 
Guard, sixteen hundred strong, mounted policemen, delega 
tions from the Chamber of Commerce and other New York 
bodies, prominent residents, the aldermen, with Admiral La- 
combe, Captain De Saune, and other guests of honor, were 
formally of the procession, while thousands upon thousands 
of on-lookers moved as it moved. Roofs and windows along 
the line were densely filled. In the Governor s Room at City 
Hall a lunch was served to the guests. Over the old-fashioned 
desk once used by Washington was his full-length portrait, 
vis-a-vis with that of Lafayette. The table bore a model of 
the Isere, also one of the statue on its pedestal, and an em 
blematic figure of France wearing a tricolor cap and bearing 
a French flag. At the formal reception, in the chambers, a 
number of addresses were made. 

The goddess was not unveiled 
till October, 1886. When in place 
she stood 151 feet high, the tip of 
her torch extending 305 feet above 
low water. Her weight was 440,- 
ooo pounds. Beside her the Colos 
sus of Rhodes would seem a good- 
sized boy. The statue s only rivals 
in size were certain figures in India 
cut from the living rock, but they 
were hardly works of art or of en 
gineering. The frame consisted of 

? l 

four heavy corner-posts, joined by 




horizontal and diagonal braces. The contour was approxi 
mated by similarly braced struts, with a flying truss to support 
the arm. The cuticle was of copper plates 3-32 inches thick, 
strengthened by iron strips on the inside. 

In contrast with the bright June day of her arrival, the day 
for the unveiling was chilly and drizzling, mud smearing the 
streets and mist lying over the harbor. From a shelterless plat 
form at Madison Square President Cleveland and his Cabinet 
reviewed a procession twenty thousand strong as it marched 
to the Battery. The sidewalks were packed with humanity 
in two solid columns. Simultaneously with this pageant a 
grand naval parade of nearly three hundred vessels, led by 
French and American men-of-war, wended toward Bedloe s 
Island, where at last, though with face still hidden, stood the 
goddess, beautiful indeed. Afternoon saw the island crowded 
with distinguished guests. The head of the French Cabinet, 
the Minister of Public Instruction, members of the Senate 
and Chamber of Deputies and the Vice-President of the Paris 
Municipal Council were of the number. Comte de Lesseps 
spoke for France, when Senator Evarts, in a more extended 
address, delivered the statue to the President as representing 
the people. When M. Bartholdi re 
moved the veil cannon roared on every 
side. President Cleveland in a few 
words accepted the gift. Addresses by 
M. Lefevre and Hon. Chauncey M. 
Depew followed. Unfortunately the 
weather prevented the intended pyro 
technic display in the evening, though 
the harbor craft were all illuminated. 

The year 1886 brought several labor 
movements which had grave political 
and social significance. The Texas 
Pacific Railroad was a bankrupt corpo 
ration in the custody of the United 

From a f holograph by Kuebler 



States Courts. Its receiver having refused to re-employ a 
dismissed foreman, the Executive of the Knights of Labor, 
in March, ordered the employes to quit work. The strike 
rapidly spread over the entire Gould system in the Southwest, 
Missouri Pacific employes making common cause with the 
original strikers. St. Louis was the storm-centre. Here vio 
lence and terrorism were rife, and United States troops had 
to be sent to restore and keep the peace. April yth and 9th 
bloody riots occurred, fatal to several and destroying vast 
amounts of property. A crowd of three or four hundred 
persons gathered on a bridge near the Louisville and Nash 
ville Railroad crossing, which was guarded by eight special 
deputies brought from distant points. Taunts were freely 
thrown at them, especially at one who was conspicuous on 
account of his tall figure, surmounted by a shock of red hair. 
He was counselled to go shoot himself. Instead, he advanced 
and dragged forth his tormentor, whereupon a tumult ensued, 
and all the small boys set up the cry of " Rats ! " The other 
deputies, furious, all followed the example of the red-haired 
one when he levelled his gun at the crowd. Some one called 
out, " Don t shoot ! " but the response was a volley that 
felled five men and a woman. Now panic-stricken in their 
turn, the deputies sought safety in the jail, one in his flight 
killing still another man. The wrathful populace dispersed 
to secure arms, and, once more assembling, were about to 
advance upon the jail. This violence was avoided and many 
lives saved by the leaders of the Knights of Labor, who 
hastened to the spot and implored the people to make no 
unlawful demonstrations. That evening, however, some $50- 
ooo worth of property was destroyed by incendiarism. Per 
ishable goods spoiled, the St. Louis flour industry was 
stopped, and the price of provisions greatly increased. 
When coal rose from $5.50 to $40 a ton, factories of all 
descriptions had to shut down. 

At last, some agreement being reached, General Master 



Workman Powderly, of the Knights, ordered work resumed; 
but feeling had become so bitter that in St. Louis his man 
date was disobeyed. Martin Irons, head of the St. Louis 
Knights, assumed the leadership and kept the conflict raging 
for some time. Congress raised a committee to investigate 
the strike, and before this, in the course of time, Irons came. 
He had been born in Scotland in 1832, arriving in America 
when fourteen. For years he was a rover, but at length 
settled at Sedalia, Mo., near Jesse James s old camping ground. 
His ultra policies, much more than his ability, had made him 
a labor leader. It was " a weak, irresolute, half-cunning, 
half-frightened face, that he turned toward the committee. 
He wore a dirty white shirt and a dirty white collar held in 
its place by a brass stud. An imitation diamond relieved the 
discolored area of his shirt-front, and a heavy brass watch- 
chain dangled from his unbuttoned vest. His first act after 
taking his seat was to draw a spittoon toward him and take a 
huge quid of tobacco, which he chewed heavily while he lis 
tened to Chairman Curtin s opening address to him." Irons 
and many more were examined. It was the old story : hot 
heads of a lax labor organization making rash demands ; stiff 
capitalists readier to die than yield a point. The strike worse 
than failed of its purpose, at least of its immediate purpose. 
It was estimated that the strikers lost $900,000 in wages, and 
non-striking employes deprived of work not less than $500,- 
ooo. The Missouri Pacific, it was thought, lost nearly 

Serious as was this disturbance, it was temporarily for 
gotten in the more sombre event which occurred in Chicago 
on the very evening when the Southwestern strike terminated. 
Chicago labor organizations had recently started a movement to 
secure the adoption of an eight-hour labor day. Forty thou 
sand workmen struck to enforce the demand, in efforts to 
withstand which some workmen had been shot by police and 
by Pinkerton detectives. On the evening of May 3d was 



Drawn by Orson Lowell 
the Tragedy in Haymarket Square, Chicago. The scene during Fielden" s speech just before the 

announced a public indignation meeting for next day in Hay- 
market Square, which " good speakers " would address. On 
Tuesday some 1,400 workmen assembled. Most of the ad 
dresses were comparatively mild in tone, but about ten o clock, 
after the Mayor had gone and part of the audience dis 
persed, Samuel Fielden gave utterance to vehement incen 
diary remarks : " John Brown, Jefferson, Washington, Pat 
rick Henry and Hopkins said to the people : The law is 



your enemy. We are rebels against it. The skirmish lines 
have met. The people have been shot. You have been 
robbed, and you will be starved into a worse condition." At 
this point a body of about 180 policemen marched up. Halt 
ing within a few feet of the speaker, Captain Ward said : " I 
command you, in the name of the People of the State of Illi 
nois, to immediately and peaceably disperse." Fielden said, 
" We are peaceable." He was arrested. 

As the police were carrying him off a gleaming missile 
was seen to curve in the air and fall among them. A deafen 
ing explosion ensued, and a third of their number fell 
writhing, seven being fatally wounded. " Fall in ; close 
up ! " The officers still on their feet obeyed instantly, and, 
not knowing the extent of the disaster or whether the 
cowardly attack would be repeated, dashed against the mob, 
of whom over fifty fell, 
the rest fleeing. Such 
magnificent courage in 
the presence of a sudden, 
mysterious and horrible 
danger, of a nature spe 
cially calculated to breed 
panic, won for the Chi 
cago police force admira 
tion at home and abroad. 
Army-disciplined gen 
darmerie or regular 
troops could have be 
haved no better. The 
Chicago people did well 
to commemorate the 
deed with a monument. 
A storm of wrath fell 


upon the Anarchists, who shnoing tht Statue Erected in Memory ofthe Murdered Po i ice . 

Ill r 1 f (The bomb was thrown from the alley just behind the centre 

had thus for the first ending on /<//.) 



time tried their methods in America. The actual thrower 
of the bomb was probably Rudolph Schnaubelt ; but by 
shaving off his beard immediately after the event he avoided 
identification, though twice arrested, and finally escaped 
to unknown parts. Excitement was increased by the dis 
covery in Cincinnati of Anarchists to the number of 600, 
organized and armed with rifles. Efforts were redoubled to 
bring the heads of the Chicago conspiracy to justice. The 
bomb used was probably the production of Louis Lingg, who 
all the afternoon before the riot had, with his assistants, been 
filling bombs similar to the one thrown. Besides Lingg seven 
other men were indicted, connected with two Anarchist sheets, 
The Alarm^ Albert R. Parsons s paper, and the Arbeiter 
Zeitung, conducted by Augustus Spies. An extract from the 
Alarm read as follows: "DYNAMITE! Of all the good 
stuff, this is the stuff. Stuff several pounds of this sublime 
stuff into an inch pipe (gas or water pipe), plug up both ends, 
insert a cap with a fuse attached, place this in the immediate 
neighborhood of a lot of rich loafers who live by the sweat of 
other people s brows, and light the fuse. A most cheerful and 

gratifying result will follow. The 
dear stuff can be carried around 
in the pocket without danger, 
while it is a formidable weapon 
against any force of militia, 
police or detectives that may 
want to stifle the cry for justice 
that goes forth from the plun 
dered slaves. A pound of this 
good stuff beats a bushel of bal 
lots all hollow, and don t you 
forget it." When this passage 
was read in court the accused 
seemed greatly amused at the 


wit of it. 



It was mainly upon such extracts 
from Anarchist papers that the prose 
cution was based. As accessories before 
the fact, equally guilty with the un 
known principal, having by speech and 
print advised the commission of murder, 
Augustus Spies, Michael Schwab, Sam 
uel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph 
Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg 
were, on August 20, 1886, sentenced to 
death. Oscar Neebe was sentenced to GOV - 7 H f N T ,f.- 

of Illinois 

fifteen years imprisonment at hard 

labor. With the approval of Judge Gary and District Attor 
ney Grinnell, Governor Oglesby commuted Schwab s and 
Fielden s sentence to life imprisonment. Lingg escaped the 
gallows by suicide, or, as his friends maintained, by murder at 
the hands of the police, a bomb, l?is chosen weapon, being 
exploded in his mouth. Four more bombs were found in his 
cell. Engel failed in an attempt to kill himself by poison. 
In November, 1887, Engel, Parsons, Fischer and Spies were 
hanged, remaining defiant to the last. Their bodies were 
buried two days later. A procession of Anarchists followed 
them to the grave, singing the Marseillaise and disporting red 

There were people of intelligence, standing, patriotism 
and high courage who, then and later, differed from the pre 
vailing opinion touching the proper method for dealing with 
the convicted. Some believed that Anarchy would be dis 
couraged by mildness more effectively than by severity ; others 
thought that all the condemned, though guilty, were proper 
objects of executive clemency ; still others were convinced that 
the seven were unjustly convicted. One of the ablest practi 
tioners at the Chicago bar, thoroughly conversant with all the 
proceedings and evidence, years after the event, when all pas 
sion had subsided, using the utmost emphasis, declared it a 



perfectly clear and indubitable as well as a most sad and dis 
graceful case of judicial murder. Henry D. Lloyd, of Chicago, 
Mr. Howells and many others thought that there might have 
been guilt, but strongly favored clemency. Even Judge Gary, 

who presided at the trial, wrote : 
" In copying these fierce denuncia 
tions, these recitals of alleged tyran 
ny and oppression, these seemingly 
pitying descriptions of the hard 
ships and wrongs of the humble and 
the poor, written with apparent sin 
cerity and real intellectual ability, I 
have occasionally lost sight of the 
atrocity of the advice given by the 
Anarchists, and felt a sort of sym 
pathy with the rioters who would 
have praised my assassination as a 
virtuous act." Mr. Black, of the 
counsel for the defence, was deeply 
touched by what he considered the 
wrongs of his clients. Speaking at 
the graves of the executed, he con 
fessed that he " loved these men " 
when he came to know "of their love 
for the people, of their patience, 
gentleness and courage." 

Between eight and nine years 
after the Haymarket riot, Governor 
Altgeld, of Illinois, pardoned the 
three Anarchists still in the peniten 
tiary, bringing upon himself un 
measured and lasting condemnation, 
increased by the fact that he chdse for his act the day of the 
dedication of a monument to the dead Anarchists. His 
Excellency declared that the pardon was not mercy, for 




which there was no place, but tardy justice. He said: 
" If the defendants had a fair trial, and nothing has devel 
oped since to show that they are not guilty of the crime 
charged in the indictments, then there ought to be no exe 
cutive interference, for no punishment under our laws could 
then be too severe. Government must defend itself, life and 
property must be protected, and law and order maintained. 
Murder must be punished, and, if the defendants are guilty of 
murder, either committed with their own hands or by some one 
else acting on their advice, then, if they have had a fair trial, 
there should be in this case no executive interference." He 
insisted that the men had not been legally convicted. Their 
conviction proceeded solely upon the ground that they had in a 
general way, by speech and print, advised classes, not particu 
lar individuals, to commit murder, and that, in consequence of 
such advice somebody not known threw the bomb. There was 
no evidence whatever that any of the accused threw it, or that 
the one doing so, whoever he was, ever read or heard a word 
that proceeded from the mouth or pen of any of the accused. 
Governor Altgeld was thought by many to have established 
the facts that the jury was prejudiced, and that their admis 
sion to the panel, as also the principle upon which conviction 
was had, was a legal novelty. He charged that the jury was 
packed, and the judge not judicial in conducting the trial or in 
delivering sentence. He suggested that the murder was not 
upon the seditious advice of those obscure Anarchist sheets, 
but was an act of personal retaliation for some of the several 
instances of police or Pinkerton shooting and brutality which 
he alleged. 

In 1886, labor strife stirred New York City as well as 
Chicago. Here, in June, Johann Most and three other 
Anarchists were convicted of inciting to riot and imprisoned. 
Several members of labor unions were also sentenced for boy 
cotting. The same year Henry George ran as Labor candi 
date for the office of mayor, polling nearly seventy thousand 



votes. In this campaign the foreign element for once deserted 
Tammany. To stem such adverse tide the braves nominated 
Abram S. Hewitt, a gentleman of courage, ability and integ 
rity. It thus came to pass that one of the best mayors New 
York ever had was the official choice of Tammany Hall. 
Never previously had he been in even ostensible alliance with 
that body, and he was not so afterward. Indeed, he was one 
of the famous 1894 Committee of Seventy, of whose work 
the reader will learn later. 

The exigencies of the race war at the South, various new 
forms of civil disorder everywhere, and the useless and archaic 
nature of many provisions in the old instruments, led to a 
pretty general revision of State Constitutions.* The New Eng 
land States, indeed, continued to live under constitutions 
adopted before the civil war, modified, however, in most 
instances, by extensive amendments. Delaware, New Jersey 
and New York were equally conservative, as also the group 
of noble States next to the westward : Ohio, Indiana, Michi 
gan and Wisconsin. Of the more westerly States only Kan- 


Provisional Government Reconstruction Present Constitution 

entered upon Act adopted adopted 

Alabama .... 1865 1867 1875 

Arkansas .... 1864 1868 1874 

Florida .... 1865 1868 1885 

Georgia .... 1865 1868 1877 

Louisiana . . . .1864 1868 

Mississippi .... 1868 1890 

North Carolina . . . 1868 1876 

South Carolina . . . 1865 1868 1895 

Texas 1866 1868 1876 

Virginia . . . .1864 1870 

None of the eight Provisional Constitutions were recognized by Congress. Doings of Seces 
sion Conventions are not considered here. Usually, aside from the article of secession, they made 
merely verbal changes in existing instruments and did not submit the altered Constitutions to the 
people. Texas did this, however. Maryland adopted Constitutions in 1864 and 1867. Missouri 
ratified anti-secession amendments in 186163; renewed her Constitution in 1865 and 1875. 
West Virginia made her first separate State Constitution in 1861-63, her present one in 1872. 
Tennessee, in convention, ratified the anti-secessional amendment in 1865; made her present Con 
stitution in 1870. Kentucky adopted her present ground-law in 1891. 



sas, Iowa, Minnesota and Oregon remained content with 
ante-bellum instruments. Between 1864 and 1866 eight of 
the Southern States inaugurated provisional governments, 
which, however, were not recognized by Congress. These 
were succeeded by governments under the reconstruction acts. 
Alabama underwent this change in 1867; Virginia in 1870; 
the rest in 1868. After the death of the carpet-bag govern 
ments eight of the ten reconstruction constitutions were over 
thrown by 1896. During the Quarter-Century surveyed in 
this History eleven new States entered the Union, of which 
all but West Virginia and Nebraska retained their first bases 
of government. In some of these cases amendments made 
were so pervasive as to render the constitutions in effect 
new documents. Among constitutional conventions the most 
important were two in New Hampshire, 1876 and 1889, one 
in New York, 1894, and one each in Missouri, Tennessee, 
Mississippi and South Carolina. 

Generally speaking, the new State constitutions reserved 
to the people large powers formerly granted to one or more 
among the three departments of government. They dis 
played a very strong tendency to hold the legislature in check 

Northern and Western States have since 1861 made fundamental laws as follows, those 
marked with an asterisk being first constitutions of new States: Nevada in 1864*; Nebraska in 
1867* and 1875 5 Illinois in 1870 5 Pennsylvania in 1873 5 Colorado in 1876*; California in 
18795 Montana in 1889*5 North Dakota in 1889*5 South Dakota in 1889*5 Washington in 
1889*5 Idaho in 1889*5 Wyoming in 1889*5 Utah in 1895.* 

The following States were still (1896) under constitutions adopted before 1861 : Connecti 
cut s document hailed from 1818, Delaware s from 1831. This State was to hold a convention, 
Dec. I, 1896. Indiana s Constitution dated from 18515 Iowa s from 1846; that of Kansas from 
18595 that of Maine from 18205 that of Massachusetts from 17805 that of Michigan from 18505 
that of Minnesota from 1857. This State proposed, on November 3, 1896, to vote on the ques 
tion of holding a revising convention. New Hampshire s Constitution had come down from 17925 
but conventions for amendments were held in 1876 and 1889. New Jersey s Constitution was 
made in 1844. New York State held an able Constitutional Convention in 1894, which passed 
many amendments. Ohio enacted her great document in 18515 Oregon did the same in 1857; 
Rhode Island in 18425 Vermont in 17935 Wisconsin in 1884. 

It appears from the above that from the opening of the Civil War to 1896 the ten Seces 
sion States passed twenty-six constitutions; five other Southern States eight; and certain Northern and 
Western States fourteen more, making forty-eight new constitutions in all. Of this total eleven 
were first constitutions; one of these Southern (W. Va. ) and ten Western. 



by more minute directions and restrictions than were formerly 
usual. The new constitutions were much longer than earlier 
ones, dealing with many subjects previously left to statutes. 
Popular distrust of legislatures was further shown by provi 
sions shortening the length of sessions, making sessions bien 
nial, forbidding the pledging of the public credit, inhibiting 
all private or special legislation, items being usually specified, 
and fixing a maximum for the rate of taxation, for State debts 
and for State expenditures. Many new requirements were laid 
down to be observed in the passing of laws, such as printing 
the bills, reading them thrice, the yeas and nays on every bill, 
an absolute majority voting yea, inhibition of " log-rolling " 
or the joining of two or more subjects under one title, and 
enactments against legislative bribery, lobbying and " riders." 
It was the legislative rather than the executive branch of the 
government that was snubbed. The Revolutionary distrust of 
the executive had vanished. Indeed, there had appeared a quite 
positive tendency to concentrate responsibility in the Exec 
utive, causing the powers of governors on the whole con 
siderably to increase. In consequence the governor now 
enjoyed a longer term, and could veto items or sections of 
bills, but he commonly shared his pardoning power with a 
board. By the ten latest constitutions all other executive of 
ficers as well as the governor were created directly by the 
people, neither appointed by the governor nor elected by the 

The newer constitutions and constitutional amendments 
paid great attention to the regulation of corporations, especially 
of railroads. Commissions were created or provided for to 
deal with railroads, insurance, agriculture, lands, prisons and 
charities. Restrictions were laid upon trusts, monopolies and 
lotteries. Numerous modifications of the old jury system 
were introduced. Juries were made optional in civil cases, and 
not always obligatory in criminal. A number less than twelve 
was sometimes allowed, and a unanimous vote sometimes 



not required. Restrictions were enacted respecting the hours 
of labor, the regulation of factories, the alien ownership of 
land. The old latitude of giving and receiving by inheritance 
was trenched upon by means of inheritance taxes. The 
curbing of the legislature, the popular election of executive 
officials, civil service reform, and the consequent creation of a 
body of administrative officials with clearly defined duties, all 
seemed to betray a strong tendency toward the development 
of an administrative system. 

A chief stronghold of political corruption was assaulted 
from 1888 to 1894 by an energetic and hopeful measure known 
as the Australian" or secret ballot. It took many forms in 
different States ; yet the essence of the device everywhere was 
the provision, in case of every voter, of opportunity to prepare 
and fold his ballot in a stall by himself, so that no one could 
dictate or determine whom he should vote for, or, unless freely 
told by him, know, subsequently, whom he had voted for. 
The State of Massachusetts and the City of Louisville, Ky., 
employed the new system in 1888. Next year ten States en 
acted similar laws. In 1890 four more followed, and in 1891 
fourteen more. By 1894, when the impulse had largely spent 
itself, thirty-seven States, making all the members of the 
Union but seven, practised the Australian ballot system. Of 
these seven, six were Southern States, which framed their 
election laws mainly with the view of securing white domi 

Antagonists of the reform dubbed it " penal colony 
reform" and " Kangaroo voting," but failed to render it unpop 
ular, although some States weakened its good effects by im 
perfect or ill-enforced regulations. An official ballot replaced 
the privately often dishonestly prepared party ballots for 
merly hawked all about each polling place by workers of the 
various political parties. This new ballot was a " blanket." It 
formed a conspectus of all the candidates before the people, 
whether by regular nomination or by the petition of a required 



percentage of the voters. The arrangement of candidates 
names varied in different States. One ticket was so constructed 
as to make it easy for the illiterate or the straight-out party 
man to mark or stamp his will at the head of a column of party 
candidates. Another made voting a heavy labor for the igno- 
rant, but a delight to the discriminating independent. 

It was painful to observe that the new method of balloting 
failed to produce by any means the excellent results expected 
of it. The connivance of election officials and of corrupt voters 
often annulled its virtue by devices growing in variety and 
ingenuity as ward politicians became better acquainted with the 
reform measure which had been forced upon them. 

In the North and West the tendency of the new funda 
mental laws was to widen the suffrage, making it, for males 
over twenty-one years of age, almost universal, except in 
voting on financial bills. The right of women to vote, espe 
cially upon local matters, was more and more recognized. In 
Wyoming and Utah women equally with men exercised the 
suffrage upon all matters. There was also some drift toward 
accepting national citizenship as a basis for State citizenship. 
Much agitation occurred in favor of minority representation, 
and inclination appeared in certain quarters to adopt it more 
or less completely. 

All over the South was manifested an irresistible move 
ment toward the disfranchisement of the blacks. At first the 
cause was advanced illegally, by force, fraud and corruption ; 
later, legal means, decent constitutional and statutory subter 
fuges, were tried. In North Carolina and Louisiana local col 
ored majorities were rendered impotent by weakening local 
self-government. In Florida, Tennessee, Arkansas, Missis 
sippi, Georgia, South Carolina, and in Virginia till 1882, proof 
of payment of taxes, notably of poll-taxes, was made an indis 
pensable prerequisite to voting, either alone or as an alterna 
tive for an educational qualification. Such as had not paid, 
or, having paid, had failed to preserve or to bring to the polls 



their receipts, were cut off. Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi, 
Tennessee, Florida, Virginia and South Carolina surrounded 
registration and voting with complex enactments. An educa 
tional qualification, often very elastic, sometimes the voter s 
alternative for a tax-receipt, was resorted to by Alabama, 
Arkansas, Mississippi, Tennessee and South Carolina. 

White solidarity yielding with time to party factions, 
there were heard in North and South Carolina, Alabama and 
Louisiana, loud allegations that this side or that had availed 
itself of negro votes to make up a deficit, or had turned 
the enginery of vote-suppression against its opponents white 
supporters. A populist cartoon in a St. Louis comic paper 
pictured the Democratic " trump card " in Alabama as the 
"ace of spades," the device on the card being the face of 
an unsightly denizen of " the black belt." There was 
no doubt whatever that, at the election referred to, the 
Democracy was saved from defeat solely by the agency of 
colored votes. 

Nowhere was the color line more sharply drawn than in 
Mississippi. The blacks were numerous there, and, unless 
controlled, would rule and ruin the State, themselves with it. 
It was easy for the whites to keep them in check, as they 
had done for years, by bribery and threats, supplemented, 
when necessary, by the use of flogging and the shot-gun. But 
this policy gave to the rising generation of white men the 
worst possible sort of a political education. What meaning 
could free institutions have for young voters who had never in 
all their lives seen an election carried save by these vicious 
means ! The system was too barbarous to continue. A new 
constitution which should legally eliminate most of the negro 
vote was the alternative. Pursuant to an act of the preceding 
legislature a constitutional convention of 131 Democrats, 2 
Republicans and i Greenbacker, deliberated in Mississippi from 
August 12 to November i, 1890. Its main problem was to 
steer between the Scylla of the Fifteenth Amendment and the 




Charybdis of negro domination, in 
other words, legally to abridge the 
negro vote so as to insure Caucasian 
supremacy at the polls. 

The new " Mississippi plan" finally 
evolved for its main features a registry 
tax and an educational qualification, 
all adjustable to practical exigencies. 
Each voter must, by the February pre 
ceding election, pay a poll-tax of at 
least $2, never to exceed $3, for school 
purposes, and must produce to the 
officers conducting the election satisfactory evidence of having 
paid said poll-tax and all other legal taxes. The voter must be 
registered " as provided by law." He " must be able to read 
any section of the Constitution of the State, to understand the 
same when read to him, or to give a reasonable interpretation 
thereof." In municipal elections electors were required to have 
" such additional qualifications as might be prescribed by law." 
The Constitution was not submitted to the people for ratifica 
tion. On this ground, and as violating the Act of Congress 
re-admitting Mississippi, the instrument s validity was attacked, 
but decisively sustained by the State Supreme Court in 1892. 
South Carolina followed Mississippi in efforts to secure a 
reasonable Constitution, holding for this purpose a convention 
in 1895. As a stimulus to education the Mississippi Consti 
tution had worked well. A negro member of the South Car 
olina Convention, protesting against the disfranchisement of 
his race, after remarking that the scandals of the reconstruc 
tion era no more proved the incapacity of the negro for self- 
government than the scandals of the Tweed regime proved the 
incapacity of the whites, said : " Other States have marched 
on to prosperity while you are trying to keep down the negro. 
You may as well make up your minds that the negro will rise. 
He will not be crushed. The negro will rise sooner or later, 



crush us as you may. He cannot be kept down forever. It is 
not in the nature of human affairs." 

Events in Mississippi in a measure confirmed these 
words. The Mississippi negroes who got their names on the 
voting list rose in number from 9,036 in 1892 to 16,965 in 
1895. This result of the " plan " displeased some South Car 
olina statesmen. Said one, in the 1895 Convention: " If the 
white men of South Carolina undertake to have fair elections 
they will be left. They will all be ruined. I do not want 
fair elections and I do not propose to vote for anything which 
would disfranchise any white man. As to the educational 
qualification, the black man is learning faster than the white 
man, and under it the first thing we know we will all be left. I 
am utterly opposed to giving the Republicans one manager of 
elections. We ve got to throw em out. In my county there 
are five or six negroes to one white. If this law is passed we ll 
be left, in Berkeley." 

The shade of negro domination which Mississippi con 
jured away by her new Constitution, haunted South Carolina the 
more the more her ordinary white population got control and 
the " Bourbons " were set aside. The progressive Democ 
racy of the State, led by the enterprising Captain Benja 
min R. Tillman, who became Governor and then Senator, 
early determined to pursue, touching the race imbroglio, the 
Mississippi path. A few Bourbons protested, but in vain. 
Consistently with his record Wade Hampton wrote in 1895 : 
" I, for one, am willing to trust the negroes. They ask only 
the rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution of the United 
States and that of our own State. ( Corruption wins not more 
than honesty; I advocate perfect honesty, for defeat on that line 
is better than victory by fraud." The ex-Governor probably did 
not herein voice the opinion of a majority even of the aristoc 
racy, who had retained control till the *9o s, though all were dis 
gusted with the dangerous paradox of having to support honest 
government by a makeshift of fraud, perjury and murder. 



At any rate, he was hopelessly out of accord with the 
progressive elements of the Democracy. So early as 1882 a 
registration act was passed, which, amended in 1893 and 1894. 
compelled registration some four months before ordinary elec 
tions and required the registry certificate to be produced at 
the polls. Other laws made the road to the ballot-box a lab 
yrinth, wherein not only most negroes but also some whites 
were lost. The multiple ballot-boxes alone were a Chinese 
puzzle. The registration act, however, was especially attacked 
as repugnant to the State and to the Federal Constitution. 
It imposed electoral qualifications not provided for or contem 
plated in the State Constitution and contrary to its express 
provisions. It was alleged to antagonize the Federal Con 
stitution (i) in fixing by statute, instead of by State con 
stitutions, the qualifications for electors of Federal representa 
tives, (2) in virtually abridging the rights of United States 
citizens on account of race, color, or previous condition of 
servitude, and (3) in establishing a white oligarchy in place of 
a republican form of government. Judge GofF, of the United 
States Circuit Court, at Columbus, S. C, on May 8, 1895, 
declared this registration law unconstitutional and enjoined 
the State from taking any further action under the same. 
This seemed effectually to block the way to the Constitutional 
Convention, which was confidently looked to to place the 
State on the same electoral platform with Mississippi. But 
all things come to those who wait. 

In June the Court of Appeals overruled Judge GofF, 
and the injunction was dissolved. Very little interest was 
taken in the election of delegates, some polls not even being 
opened; from others five-sixths of the voters stayed away. 
The Conservatives held that the proposition had been voted 
down in the fall of 1894, but the Tillmanites, being in author 
ity, proclaimed it carried. The Convention, which assembled 
on September loth, was in the hands of Tillman s followers, 
many of them ready to go greater lengths than he. Tillman 



said in the Convention, " I am willing to give the good deserv 
ing white man and black man who cannot read or write, and 
who has not $300 worth of property, two years within which 
to be registered and become a qualified voter. I shall use 
every effort within my power to banish illiteracy from the 
land, but let us make this law fixed and beyond the possibility 
of fraud, so that after January i, 1898, every honest and 
intelligent white man and negro can vote, if he can read or 
write, or has $300 worth of property." It was over Tillman s 
protest that Republicans were excluded from the registration 

The Greenville News said the object of the Convention 
was to "provide a system of elections which would give a 
white majority of from 20,000 to 40,000 without disfranchising 
anybody and without requiring officers of election to be ex 
perts in perjury, fraud and cheating. * The Charleston News 
and Courier said: "The Constitutional Convention has been 
called to accomplish in a constitutional way the overthrow of 
negro suffrage. Nobody tries to conceal it, nobody seeks to 
excuse it. It is not meant to disfranchise every negro in this 
State there are some of them who are qualified by education 
and property to vote but it is intended that every colored 
voter who can be disfranchised without violating the higher 
law of the United States Constitution shall be deprived of the 
right to vote. On the other hand, it is meant to disfranchise 
no white man, except for crime, if any way can be found to 
avoid it without violating the United States Constitution." 
The Philadelphia Bulletin, a Republican paper, noting the 
fact that there was a time when such utterances in Mississippi 
or South Carolina would have set the Republican party ablaze, 
proceeded: "The plain truth is that the Republicans generally 
have come to the conclusion that universal negro suffrage has 
been a failure and that the desire of the South to free itself 
from the evils of a great mass of ignorance, stupidity and su 
perstition at the ballot box is largely pardonable." 



The Convention adjourned on December 4, 1895. By 
the new Constitution the Mississippi plan was to be followed 
until January i, 1898. Any male citizen could be registered 
who was able to read a section of the Constitution, or to satisfy 
the election officers that he understood it when read to him. 
Those thus registered were to remain voters for life. After the 
date named applicants for registry must be able both to read 
and to write any section of the Constitution, or to show tax- 
receipts for poll-tax and for taxes on at least $300 worth of 
property. The property and the intelligence qualification 
each met with strenuous opposition, but it was thought that 
neither alone would serve the purpose. Any person denied 
registration might appeal to the courts. 





















\PPROACHING the presidential campaign of 1888 the 
Democrats found their programme ready-made. Cleve 
land s administration, silencing his enemies within the party, 
made him the inevitable nominee, while his bold advocacy of 
reform in our fiscal policy determined the line on which the 
campaign must be won or lost. To humor the West and to 
show that it was a Democratic, not a Mugwump ticket, Allen 
G. Thurman of Ohio, was named for Vice-President. The 
Republicans path was less clear. That they must lift the 
banner of high protection was certain ; but who should be 
the bearer of it was in doubt till after the Convention sat. 




The balloting began with John 
Sherman far in the lead, polling 229 
votes. Gresham had in, Depew 99, 
Alger 84, Harrison only 80, and 
Elaine only 35. After the third ballot 
Depew withdrew his name, and on 
the fourth ballot New York and Wis 
consin joined the Harrison forces. A 
stampede of the Convention for Elaine 
was expected, but it did not come, 
being hindered in part by the halting 
tenor of despatches received from the 
Plumed Knight, far away. After the fifth ballot two tele 
grams were received from Elaine requesting his friends to 
discontinue voting for him. Two ballots more having been 
taken, Allison, who had been receiving a considerable vote, 
withdrew. The eighth ballot nominated Harrison, and the 
name of Levi P. Morton, of New York, was at once placed 
beneath his on the ticket. 

Mr. Harrison was the grandson of President William 
Henry Harrison, therefore great-grandson of Governor Ben 
jamin Harrison, of Virginia, the ardent Revolutionary patriot, 
signer of the Declaration of Independence. An older scion 
of the family had served as major-general in Cromwell s army 
and been put to death in 1660 for signing the death-warrant 
of King Charles I. Thoroughly educated and already a suc 
cessful lawyer, Mr. Harrison was, in 1860, made Reporter of 
Decisions to the Indiana Supreme Court. When the war 
came on, obeying the spirit that in his grandfather had won 
at Tippecanoe and the Thames, he volunteered and was 
appointed colonel. Gallant services under Sherman at Resaca 
and Peach Tree Creek made him a brevet brigadier. Owing 
to his character, his lineage, his fine war record, his power as 
a speaker, and his popularity in a pivotal State, he was a 
prominent figure in politics not only in Indiana, but, more 



and more, nationally. Defeated for the Indiana governorship 
in 1876, by a small margin, he was afterward elected United 
States Senator, serving from 1 88 1 to 1887. In 1880 Indiana 
presented him to the Republican National Convention as her 
favorite son, and from this time, particularly in the West, he 
was thought of as a presidential possibility. Eclipsed by Elaine 
in 1884, he came forward again in 1888, this time to win. 

In the campaign which succeeded personalities had no 
place. After his arrival from Europe, August loth, Mr. 
Elaine was, on the Republican side, far the most prominent 
campaigner. The West and the East both heard him on nearly 
every question entering into the canvass, and every speech of 
his was widely quoted and commented on. Harrison s ability 
was much underrated in the East, for which reason, it was 
thought, the managers kept him mainly near home. But his 
reputation was above reproach ; while, fortunately for the 
party, no Republicans cared to revive the mean charges against 
Cleveland so assiduously circulated four years before. Instead 
of defamation both sides resorted to a cleanlier and more use 
ful device, the political club, whose evolution was a feature of 
this campaign. By August, 1887, 6,500 Republican clubs 
were reported, claiming a membership of a million voters. 
Before the election Indiana had 1,100 Republican clubs, New 
York 1,400. The Democrats, less 
successful than their opponents, yet 
organized about three thousand clubs, 
which were combined in a National 
Association, to correspond to the Re 
publican League of the United States. 
Numerous reform and tariff reform 
clubs, different from the clubs just 
mentioned, worked for Democratic 
success. This, for most of the cam 
paign, seemed assured, and the re 
verse outcome surprised many in 




both parties. The causes of it, however, were not far to 

The federal patronage, as always, benumbed the activi 
ties of the Administration and whetted the Opposition. The 
office-holder army, of course, toiled and contributed for the 
Democracy s success ; but, operating as counter-weights to 
office-holders were an equal or greater number of soured 
office-seekers, each with his little following, who had been 
11 turned down " by the Administration. The Opposition, on 
the other hand, commanded a force of earnest and harmonious 
workers, some impelled by patriotism, more, perhaps, by hopes 
of " recognition " in case their cause won. Thus the craving of 
both sides for political " swag " worked against the Democratic 
party. Though the tone of the campaign gave little hope of im 
provement should Harrison be elected, a large number of civil 
service reformers indignantly deserted Cleveland owing to his 
practical renunciation of their faith. The public at large re 
sented the loss which the service had suffered through changes 
in office-holders. Democratic blunders thrust the sectional is 
sue needlessly to the fore. The Rebel flag incident, Mr. Cleve 
land s fishing trip on Memorial Day, the choice of Mr. Mills, 
a Southerner, to lead the tariff fight in Congress, and the 
prominence of Southerners among the Democratic campaign 
orators at the North, were themes of countless diatribes. 

Not all the Republican speakers of the campaign did so 
much to make people think Mr. Cleveland " un-American " 
as was accomplished by means of the so-called "Murchison 
Letter." This clever Republican document, written by Mr. 
George Osgoodby, of Pomona, California, was dated at Po 
mona, September 4, 1888, and directed to the British Minister 
at Washington, D. C. The text of it follows : 

" SIR : " The gravity of the political situation here, and the 
duties of those voters who are of English birth, but still con 
sider England the motherland, constitutes the apology I hereby 



offer for intruding for information. Mr. Cleveland s message 
to Congress on the fishery question justly excites our alarm and 
compels us to seek further knowledge before finally casting 
our votes for him as we intended to do. Many English citi 
zens have for years refrained from being naturalized, as they 
thought no good would accrue from the act, but Mr. Cleve 
land s Administration has been so favorable and friendly toward 
England, so kind in not enforcing the retaliatory act passed by 
Congress, so sound on the free-trade question and so hostile 
to the dynamite schools of Ireland, that, by the hundreds 
yes, by the thousands they have become naturalized for the 
express purpose of helping to elect him over again, the one 
above all of American politicians they considered their own 
and their country s best friend. I am one of these unfor 
tunates with a right to vote for President in November. I 
am unable to understand for whom I shall cast my ballot^ 
when but one month ago I was sure that Mr. Cleveland was 
the man. If Cleveland was pursuing a new policy toward 
Canada, temporarily only and for the sake of obtaining popu 
larity and continuation of his office four years more, but in 
tends to cease his policy when his re-election in November is 
secured, and again favor England s interest, then I should 
have no further doubt, but go forward and vote for him. I 
know of no one better able to direct me, sir, and I most re 
spectfully ask your advice in the matter. I will further add 
that the two men, Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Harrison, are very 
evenly matched, and a few votes might elect either one. Mr. 
Harrison is a high-tariff man, a believer on the American side 
of all questions, and undoubtedly an enemy to British inter 
ests generally. This State is equally divided between the par 
ties, and a mere handful of our naturalized countrymen can 
turn it either way. When it is remembered that a small State 
(Colorado) defeated Mr. Tilden in 1876, and elected Hayes > 
the Republican, the importance of California is at once appar 
ent to all. 



" As you are the fountain-head of knowledge on the ques 
tion, and know whether Mr. Cleveland s policy is temporary 
only, and whether he will, as soon as he secures another term 
of four years in the Presidency, suspend it for one of friend 
ship and free trade, I apply to you privately and confidentially 
for information which shall in turn be treated as entirely secret. 
Such information would put me at rest myself, and if favorable 
to Mr. Cleveland enable me on my own responsibility to assure 
many of my countrymen that they would do England a ser 
vice by voting for Cleveland and against the Republican sys 
tem of tariff. As I before observed, we know not what to do, 
but look for more light on a mysterious subject, which the 
sooner it comes will better serve true Englishmen in casting 
their votes. 

" Yours, very respectfully, 


The Minister replied : 

" SIR : I am in- receipt of your letter of the 4th inst. and 
beg to say that I fully appreciate the difficulty in which you 
find yourself in casting your vote. You are probably aware 
that any political party which openly favored the mother 
country at the present moment would lose popularity, and 
that the party in power is fully aware of the fact. The party, 
however, is, I believe, still desirous of maintaining friendly 
relations with Great Britain, and still desirous of settling all 
questions with Canada which have been, unfortunately, re 
opened since the retraction of the treaty by the Republican 
majority in the Senate and by the President s message to 
which you allude. All allowances must, therefore, be made 
for the political situation as regards the Presidential election 
thus created. It is, however, impossible to predict the course 
which President Cleveland may pursue in the matter of retali 
ation should he be elected ; but there is every reason to 
believe that, while upholding the position he has taken, he 



will manifest a spirit of conciliation in dealing with the ques 
tion involved in his message. I enclose an article from the 
New York Times of August 22d, and remain yours faithfully, 


This correspondence was published on October 24th, and 
instantly took effect. Sir Sackville-West was famous. His 
photographs were in demand, and a dime museum manager 
offered him $2,000 a week to hold two levees daily in his 
" palatial museum." The President at first inclined to ignore 
the incident, but changed when a member of the Cabinet re 
ceived from the Democratic National 
Committee the following : " Does the 
President know that the Irish vote is 
slipping out of our hands because of 
diplomatic shilly-shallying ? See La- 
mont at once. Something ought to 
be done to-day." Something was 
done. On October 3Oth the Minis 
ter was notified that he was a persona 
non grata. His recall was asked for 
but refused, whereupon his passports 
were delivered to him. The English 
Government resented this, and refused 
to fill the vacancy during the remaining months of Cleveland s 
administration. An influential newspaper friendly to the Pres 
ident, said : " If President Cleveland had resisted the clamor he 
could not have suffered any more complete defeat than that 
which he was called upon to endure, while he would have had 
the consciousness of having acted in a manly, upright and cour 
ageous manner, with full appreciation of the courtesy which 
one friendly government should extend to another. But this 
was one of the instances in President Cleveland s career in 
which the cunning of the politician outweighed the judgment 
of the statesman, and he caused the recall of Minister Sack- 




ville for reasons and in a manner that will always stand in 
history as an instance of contemptible personal weakness. The 
other side played a demagogic trick to capture the Irish vote ; 
the President of the United States tried to outwit them by a 
piece of trickery of even larger dimensions, and, as in this in 
stance he deserved, failed of his purpose." 

Another artifice attracted some notice in this campaign, 
particularly in Ohio. It was directed against the popular 
Democrat, Hon J. E. Campbell, of that State, whom the 
evident design was to brand as corrupt, as using his political 
office and influence for the purpose of personal gain. 

In September, 1888, one Richard G. Wood delivered 
to Governor Joseph B. Foraker, of Ohio, the following paper : 

"WASHINGTON, D. C., July 2, I 888. 

" We, the undersigned, agree to pay the amounts set 
opposite, or any part thereof, whenever requested so to do by 
John R. McLean, upon c Contract No. 1,000, a copy of 
which is to be given to each subscriber upon payment of any 
part of the money hereby subscribed. It is understood 
that each subscription of five thousand dollars shall entitle 
the subscriber thereof to a one-twentieth interest in said 

First among " the undersigned " names stood that of 
Governor Campbell, who was down for $ 15,000 in all. John 
Sherman, William McKinley, W. C. P. Breckenridge and 
other prominent men of both the great political parties were 
also among the apparent subscribers. " Contract No. 1,000 " 
was an arrangement to make and market the Hall and Wood 
ballot box, a patent concern to prevent fraudulent voting. On 
July 23, shortly after the date of the asserted agreement, Mr. 
Campbell introduced a bill in the national Congress which 
required the purchase of the boxes by the Government, and 
their use where it had the authority. 



In a little over a fortnight Foraker handed a copy of the 
alleged contract to the editor of the Cincinnati Commercial 
Gazette^ which came out on October 4th with a facsimile thereof, 
to which, however, only Campbell s name was attached. Gossip 
supplemented the astute silence of the press. Other alleged 
signers got knowledge of the paper and denounced it as <\ 
forgery. Campbell vindicated himself completely and at once. 
Just a week after publishing the contract, the Commercial Ga 
zette gave out a statement by Mr. Murat Halstead, the editor, 
to the effect that he was satisfied that Campbell s signature was 
false, but he still omitted to mention any other names. For 
aker as well as Halstead had been deceived touching the 
genuineness of the contract, but the Governor seemed in no 
haste to rectify the harm which his error had led him to in 
flict. Sherman always deemed it strange that Foraker, hav 
ing in his possession a paper which implicated Butterworth, 
McKinley and Sherman himself, in what all men would re 
gard a dishonorable transaction, did not inform those gentle 
men and give them an opportunity to deny, affirm, or explain 
their alleged signatures. Inquiry from him would at once 
have elicited the facts. " No doubt," said Sherman, " Foraker 
believed the signatures genuine, but that should not have deter 
red him from making the inquiry." 

The whole matter was at last thor 
oughly aired in Congress and the con 
tract, with all the names, published 
in facsimile. A Committee of the 
House found that Wood and two con 
federates were responsible for the 
forgery, and that Foraker and Hal- 
stead unwittingly aided in uttering the 
same. The Congressmen concerned 
were wholly exonerated. 

The election, after all, turned 
mainly upon the tariff issue. Smarting 



under his defeat in 1884, Mr. Elaine had written: "I was 
not sustained in the canvass by many who had personally 
a far greater stake than I. They are likely to have leisure 
for reflection and for a cool calculation of the small sums 
they were asked in vain to contribute." This prophecy 
came true. In 1888 the Republicans screamed that protection 
was on trial for its life. Many Democrats held the same view 
of the contest, inveighing against protection as pure robbery. 
They accused the tariff of causing Trusts, against which several 
bills had recently been introduced in Congress. At the open 
ing of the campaign Elaine declared such combinations largely 
private affairs " with which neither President Cleveland nor 
any private citizen had any particular right to interfere." 

Democratic organs diligently used this utterance to prove 
that Republicans slavishly served the rich and were always glad 
to grind the faces of the poor. Moderate Democrats, taking 
cue from Mr. Cleveland s 1887 tariff message, urged simply 
a reduction in protective rates ; but they usually did this 
with arguments which would have served equally well in a plea 
for out and out free trade. The Mills Bill was to a great 
extent constructed on the tariff-for-revenue theory, dutying at 
snug rates good revenue articles that needed no protection, and 
at low rates many which, it was alleged, could not be produced 
in the United States without protection. Wool, lumber and 
salt it placed upon the free list. Henry George, who wished 
every custom-house in the land levelled, took the stump for 
Cleveland. Republican orators and organs pictured " British 
free trade " as the sure consequence of a victory for Cleveland. 
" British goods would flood us ; our manufactures, the Home 
Market gone, would be driven to a competition in which 
they must fail with the pauper-made products of FAirope ; 
farming would be our sole great industry ; wages would vastly 
fall or cease altogether." Whether solid argument, or sophis 
try which a longer campaign of education would have dis 
pelled, these considerations had powerful effect. Startled at 



prospects so terrible, people voted to uphold the " American 
System." The worst tug of war occurred in New York State. 
"I am a Democrat," said Governor Hill on every occasion; 
yet he and his friends disliked the Administration, and were 
widely believed to connive at the trading of Democratic votes 
for Harrison in return for Republican votes for Hill. "Harri 
son and Hill " flags waved over liquor-saloons in nearly every 
city and large town of the State. Many a Democratic meeting 
was addressed by one speaker who extolled the President but 
would not say a word for the Governor ; then by another who 
eloquently lauded the Governor but ignored the President. 

To all the above it is unfortunately necessary to add that 
the 1888 election was among the most corrupt in our history. 
The campaign was estimated to have cost the two parties $6,- 
000,000. Assessments on office-holders were largely relied 
upon to replenish the Democrats campaign treasury, though 
goodly subsidies came in from other sources. But with 
" soap," recurring to President Arthur s figure, the Republi 
cans were better supplied than their rivals. The manufactur 
ers of the country regarded their interests and even their 
honor as assailed, and contributed generously as often as the 
Republican hat went round. Special store of " the needful " 
was laid out in Indiana, where no resource which could assist 
the Republican victory was left untried. 

The National Republican Committee wrote the party 
managers in that State : " Divide the floaters into blocks of 
five and put a trusted man with necessary funds in charge of 
these five, and make him responsible that none get away, and 
that all vote our ticket." William W. Dudley, Treasurer of 
the Committee, was alleged to have written this. After elec 
tion a complaint was brought against him for bribery, but the 
grand jury found no indictment. The mandate to the State 
workers was obeyed. In one place, on "the night before 
election, more than a hundred of the floaters had been col 
lected in various buildings, with sentries to guard them against 




surprise by the foe." 
Wagon-loads of them 
were taken into the sur 
rounding country, ready 
to be rushed to the polls 
at sunrise before they 
could fall into the hands 
of the enemy. In this 
particular market the 
price of votes had risen 
since 1880 from $2 to 
about $15. Experts re 
ferred the advance not 
to diminution in the sup 
ply of purchasable voters, 
but rather to increase in 
the demand for them oc 
casioned by the impor 
tance of Indiana s vote. At the election more than eleven 
million ballots were cast, yet so closely balanced were the 
parties that a change of ten thousand in Indiana and New 
York, both of which went for Harrison, would have re-elected 
Cleveland. As it was, his popular vote, of 5,540,000, exceeded 
Harrison s of 5,400,000, by 140,000. The Republicans held 
the Senate and won a face majority of ten in the House, some 
what increased by unseating and seating subsequently. In 
New York, because, apparently, of the trading referred to, 
Hill was re-elected Governor. Connecticut gave a Demo 
cratic plurality of 336, and New Jersey one of 7,149. The 
Republicans were also victorious in the Congressional elec 
tions, the House at the opening of the Fifty-first Congress, 
first session, having 170 Republican members to 160 Demo 
crats. The Republicans were thus in control of all branches 
of the general government, in condition to carry out the 
principles laid down in the Chicago platform. 



The new President s inaugural address reaffirmed the 
Republican principle of Protection and supported Civil Ser 
vice Reform. It recommended the increase of the Navy, 
and advocated steamship subsidies. A reform of the electoral 
and of the immigration laws was likewise urged. This recom 
mendation had in view the exclusion of undesirable foreigners 
from our shores, already referred to in this History. The 
first movement in this direction dated back to 1882, when, on 
August jd, an act was passed prohibiting the landing of any 
convict, lunatic, idiot or person unable to take care of himself. 
On March 3, 1887, a supplementary act was passed, but its 
provisions were found to be entirely inadequate to prevent the 
coming of improper persons to our shores. In December of 
the same year an unsuccessful bill was introduced into the Sen 
ate authorizing the Secretary of State to establish rules and 
issue instructions to consuls of the United States tending to 
prevent undesirable immigration, by granting certificates only 
to suitable persons. In 1888 Congress made an investigation 
into the matter, but nothing definite was accomplished. 

The extent to which the evil had grown was well set forth 
by an address of one hundred American consuls to the general 
government at Washington in 1888. In this address the 
Consul at Palermo said: "Emigration is here considered a 
mere matter of business so far as steamship companies are con 
cerned, and it is stimulated by them in the same sense that 
trade in merchandise is when they desire a cargo, or to com 
plete one, for their vessel, as the company desire that all space 
in their vessels shall be occupied ; and, in order to accomplish 
this, they employ emigrant brokers or agents, to whom they 
pay from three to five dollars for each emigrant. The brokers 
are a low, lying, dishonorable set, who will swear to anything 
to induce the poor, ignorant people to emigrate, and thus earn 
their fees." The Consul at Venice said : " Emigrants are 
recruited from those people whom, as a rule, their native 
country does not wish to maintain. They are no more fitted 



to perform the duties of citizenship than slaves newly released 
from bondage." The immigration question had entered to a 
slight extent into the campaign, having been agitated princi 
pally by the American Party, which held a convention at 
Washington, D. C., August I4th and I5th, nominating for the 
Presidency James L. Curtis, of New York, and for the Vice- 
Presidency James R. Greer, of Tennessee. 

Shortly after his inauguration, President Harrison was 
the central figure in one of the most unique and imposing 
demonstrations ever witnessed in America. This was the cel 
ebration of the centennial anniversary of the inauguration of 
General Washington as President, in the city of New York, 
on April 30, 1789. The celebration lasted for three days, 
beginning on the morning of the 29th of April, when Mr. 
Harrison was entertained by the Governor of New Jersey, as 
Washington had been just one hundred years before. From 
the residence of Governor Green President Harrison viewed 
a military procession, after which he proceeded to Elizabeth- 
port, where he was received by the revenue cutter Despatch 
and conveyed to the foot of Wall Street. Here he disem 
barked at the spot at which Washington had landed on his 
journey to take the oath of office. The Despatch convoyed 
by three large steamboats, was greeted on her journey by the 
war ships of the United States navy, drawn up in line in the 
North River and upper bay, and a salute of twenty-one guns 
was fired from each vessel. 

The naval procession which followed the Despatch, was on 
a grand and imposing scale. After landing in the city, the 
President proceeded to the Lawyers Club in the Equitable 
Building on Broadway, where a reception was given him, fol 
lowed by a public reception in the Governor s Room in the 
City Hall. In the evening of the 29th a grand ball occurred 
at the Metropolitan Opera House. On the second day of the 
celebration, President Harrison was escorted to St. Paul s 
Church, Broadway, where the Chief Magistrate occupied the 




After a photograph 

same pew which Washington had occupied on the day of his 
inauguration. Here the Rt. Rev. Henry C. Potter, Bishop 
of New York, officiated, as did Bishop Samuel Provost in 
1789. On a platform erected around a bronze statue of 
Washington at the granite steps of the sub-Treasury building, 
the site of Federal Hall, where the first President took his 
oath of office, the Literary Exercises of the second day oc- 
cured. John Greenleaf Whittier read a poem and Chauncey 
M. Depew delivered an oration. President Harrison also 
addressed the throng. These exercises being concluded, Arch 
bishop Michael A. Corrigan pronounced the benediction. 
Then followed a grand military procession, with Major- 
General Schofield as Chief Marshal. This was reviewed by 
the President and other dignitaries at Madison Square. In 
the procession marched over 50,000 men. At the conclusion 



of the second day s pageant the Metropolitan Opera House 
was a scene of a brilliant banquet. The third day witnessed 
an industrial parade with more than 100,000 men in line. 

Mr. Elaine was now the most eminent of the older states 
men surviving, and President Harrison could not do other 
wise than make him Secretary of State ; but even he was hardly 
so conspicuous as the younger leaders, McKinley, Lodge and 
Reed. This became noticeable when the Republicans in the 
House began to initiate their policy. This policy was mainly 
embodied in three measures, the Federal Elections Bill, the 
Dependent Pensions Bill, and the McKinley Tariff Bill. 
Only the last two became laws, and but one of these long 

To enact any of those bills required certain parliamentary 
innovations, which were triumphantly carried through by the 
Speaker of the House in the Fifty-first Congress, Hon. 
Thomas B. Reed, of Maine. One of them was this Speaker s 
practice of declining to entertain dilatory motions ; another, 
more important, his order to the clerk to register, as "present 
and not voting," those whom he saw endeavoring by stubborn 
silence to break a quorum. The Constitution provides that a 
majority of either House shall be a quorum for the transaction 
of business. Although the Sergeant-at-Arms was empowered to 
compel the presence of members, yet, hitherto, unless a ma 
jority of the House answered to their names, no majority was 
recorded as " present," and legislation could be blocked. As 
the traditional safeguard of minorities and as a compressed air 
brake on majority action, silence was indeed golden. Under 
the Reed theory, since adopted, that the House may, through 
the Speaker, determine the presence of a quorum in its own 
way, the Speaker s or the Clerk s eye was substituted for the 
voice of any recalcitrant member in demonstrating the mem 
ber s presence. The most strenuous opposition met the at 
tempt to enforce this new rule. On the " Yeas and Nays " 
or at any roll-call some Democrats would dodge out of sight, 



others start to rush from the Cham 
ber, to be confronted by closed doors. 
Once Mr. Kilgore, of Texas, kicked 
down a door to make good his escape. 
Till resistance proved vain the minor 
ity would at each test rave round the 
Chamber like so many caged tigers, 
furious but powerless to claw the 
" tyrant from his throne." Yet, hav 
ing calculated the scope of his author- -THOMAS B. REED 
ity, Mr. Reed coolly continued to count and declare quorums 
whenever such were present. The Democratic majority of 
1893 somewhat qualified the newly discovered prerogative 
of the Speaker, giving it, when possible, to tellers from both 
parties. Now and then they employed it as a piece of Demo 
cratic artillery to fire at Mr. Reed himself; but he each time 
received the shot with smiles. 

The cause which the Reed " tyranny " was in 1 890 meant 
to support made it doubly odious to Democrats. For years 
negroes in parts of the South had been practically disfran 
chised. To restore them the suffrage, the Republicans pro 
posed federal supervision of federal elections, supported, in 
last resort, by federal arms. A " Force Bill " being intro 
duced into Congress, sectional bitterness reawoke. The 
South grew alarmed and angry. One State refused to be 
represented at the Chicago Fair, a United States Marshal was 
murdered in Florida, and a Grand Army Post was mobbed 
at Whitesville, Ky., on Memorial Day. A proposal for a 
Southern boycott of Northern merchandise had influential sup 
port. Against the threatened legislation Northern phlegm 
co-operated with Southern heat. Many who were not Dem 
ocrats viewed the situation at the South as the Republicans* 
just retribution for enfranchising ignorance and incompetence, 
and preferred white domination there to a return of carpet-bag 
times. Others dreaded the measure as sure to perpetuate the 



Solid South. The House passed the bill, but in the Senate it 
encountered obdurate opposition. Forced over to the second 
session, where its passage depended on some form of cloture, 
it was finally lost through a coalition of free-silver Republican 
Senators with Senators from the South, standing out against so 
radical a change in the Senate rules. 

The Republican majority in the Fifty-first Congress 
found the overflowing Treasury at once embarrassing and 
tempting. Their policy touching it, involving vast expendi 
tures, won for this Congress the title of the " Billion Dollar 
Congress." The most prominent and permanent among its 
huge appropriations was entailed by the Dependent Pensions 
Act, approved June 27, 1890, which was substantially the 
same as the one vetoed by President Cleveland three years 
before. In it culminated a course of legislation. Our well- 
meant pension system had its evil side. The original inten 
tion of it was easily perverted. In 1820 our less than 
10,000,000 people were alarmed that pensions to revolution 
ary soldiers aggregated $2,700,000. "The revolutionary 
claimant never dies," became the proverb. Investigation 
revealed that one-third of the admitted claims were fraudu 
lent. This was the result of a Dependent Pensions Act, for 
the relief of all indigent Revolutionary veterans who had 
served nine months. History repeated itself. 

The numerous pensionable cases originated by the Civil 
War raised up a powerful class of pension attorneys, able to 
control, to a great extent, public opinion and legislation. 
Their agency was at the root of the demand which induced 
Congress in 1880 to endow each pensioner with a back pen 
sion equal to what his pension would have been had he ap 
plied on the date of receiving his injury. Unsuccessful in the 
Forty-fourth Congress, the bill was in 1880 sent with all 
speed to President Hayes, who gave it his approval, in spite 
of the vastly increased expenditure which the act must entail. 
Outgo for pensions under the old law had reached its maxi- 



mum in 1871. It was then $34,443,894.88. In 1878 this 
item of our national expenditure was only $27,137,019.08. 
The next two years doubled the amount. In 1883 it exceeded 
.$66,000,000; in 1889 it was $87,624,000. But the act of 
1890 was the most sweeping yet, pensioning all Unionists who 
had served in the war ninety days, provided they were inca 
pacitated for manual labor, and the widows, children and de 
pendent parents of such. At the beginning of the fiscal year 
1891-92, the Commissioner of Pensions informed the chiefs 
of division in his office that he wished one thousand pensions 
a day issued for each working day of the year ; 311,567 pen 
sion certificates were issued that year. Rejected claimants by 
no means abandoned hope, but assaulted the breastworks again 
and again, many at last succeeding on some sort of " new evi 
dence." Stirred up by attorneys, old pensioners could not 
rest content, but put in pleas for increase. Thus impelled 
the pension figure shot up to $106,493,890 in 1890; $118,- 
548,960 in 1891 ; and to about $159,000,000 in 1893. The 
maximum seemed thus to have been reached, for the pension 
outgo for the fiscal year ending with June, 1894, was but 

June 30, 1890, $109,015,750 in the four and a half per 
cent, bonds, redeemable September i, 1891, were still outstand 
ing. By April i, 1891, they had, by redemption or purchase, 
been reduced to $53,854,250, of which one-half in value was 
held by national banks to sustain their circulation. To avoid 
contracting this circulation, the Secretary of the Treasury per 
mitted holders of these bonds to retain them and receive in 
terest at two per cent. About $25,364,500 was so continued. 
Interest on the remainder ceased at their maturity, and nearly 
all were soon paid off. The bonds continuing at two per cent, 
were all along quoted at par, though payable at the will of 
the Government, revealing a national credit never excelled in 
history. On July i, 1894, after an increase during the pre 
vious fiscal year of $60,000,000, the debt less cash in the 




Treasury stood at $899,313,381. By 
this time, surplus of revenues, which, 
in October, 1888, stood at about $97,- 
000,000, had ceased to trouble the 
Administration, but at Mr. Harri 
son s accession it occasioned extreme 

Under Cleveland s leadership the 
Democrats would have reduced the 
revenue by lowering tariff imports. 
The Republicans proposed to reach 
the same end by a method precisely 
the reverse, pushing up each tariff rate toward or to the prohib 
itive point. This was the policy embodied in the McKinley 
Bill, which became law October i, 1890. Sugar, a lucrative 
I revenue article, was made free, and a bounty given to sugar 
producers in this country, together with a discriminating duty 
of one-tenth of a cent per pound on sugar imported hither 
from countries which paid a bounty upon sugar exportation. 
The reciprocity feature of this bill proved its most popular 
grace, though it was flouted in the House, and not enacted in 
the form in which its best-known advocate, Mr. Blaine, con 
ceived it. Reciprocity treaties were concluded with several 
countries, considerably extending our trade. Those with 
Germany, France, Belgium and Italy resulted in relieving 
American pork from the embargo placed upon it in those 
lands. These successes did not wholly reconcile Mr. Blaine 
to the bill. By his hostility to t;he McKinley phase of pro 
tection and by his opposition to the idea of a Force Bill, the 
Secretary of State stood for the time in opposition to the 
younger Republican leaders, though he probably had with 
him a majority of his party. 

Long schooled to appeal from bad law to what seemed 
righteous disorder, in the spring of 1891 the State of Louisiana 
was confronted with an occasion for such appeal that would 



have sorely tempted the most orderly population in the world. 
Certain Italians, accused of shooting some of their country 
men, had been convicted by false swearing. A second trial 
being secured, the New Orleans Chief of Police, David C. 
Hennessy, busied himself with tracing the record of their 
accusers, who were Sicilians. He was surprised to find evi 
dence that the " Mafia," an oath-bound secret society indi 
genous to Sicily, had thriving branches in New Orleans, New 
York, St. Louis and San Francisco. This dreaded organiza 
tion was wont to demand of its victims sums of money, $500, 
$1,000, or $2,000 each, the mandate in every case naming 
some secluded spot for the deposit. Few dared refuse. 

Engrossed in his search, the Chief of Police had no idea 
that he was watched. He probably knew nothing of a cer 
tain Italian neighbor of his, Monasterio by name, lately 
arrived from abroad, occupying a shanty fifty yards from his 
house. It was nearly time for the trap to be sprung and full 
exposure made, when, late one evening, Hennessy drew near 
his home. A boy ran in front of him and gave a peculiar 
whistle. Next moment the chief was a dying man. Bullets 
tore three cruel rents in his chest and abdomen, his right knee 
and his left hand were shot through, and his face, arms and 
neck were shockingly mutilated. Though he languished till 
the next morning, the only explanation that passed his lips was 
the whispered word, " Dagoes." Within ten minutes of the 
shooting the immigrant was seized in his shanty. Others 
were arrested later, but only eleven were held and only nine 
finally presented. The trial proved that Hennessy s assassins 
hid in Monasterio s hut, and that an Italian boy was posted 
to notify them of Hennessy s approach. The deadly weap 
ons were found, six shot-guns, five with barrels sawed off and 
stocks hinged so that they could be doubled up and carried 
under the clothing. 

Verdict was rendered on Friday, March 13, 1891. The 
judge, usually imperturbable, was observed, when the paper 



was handed him, to look at it for a moment in stupefaction. 
No wonder. Six of the culprits were acquitted ; in the case of 
three the jury disagreed ; not one was convicted. " Bribery," 
said some. Others whispered " Intimidation." All agreed 
that such a fiasco was an " outrage." Awaiting trial upon a 
second indictment, and joyfully reckoning upon a similar 
result next time, the accused were again locked in their cells. 
At the moment the doors closed behind them a vigilance com 
mittee of well-known citizens were writing and sending to the 
various newspaper offices the following notice : 

" Mass Meeting. 

" All good citizens are invited to attend a mass meeting 
on Saturday, March I4th, at ten o clock A. M., at Clay Statue, 
to take steps to remedy the failure of justice in the Hennessy 
case. Come prepared for action." 

The assembly at the statue blocked the street-cars and 
climbed on top of them. Neighboring balconies were peopled 

With store of ladies, whose bright eyes rain d influence. 

Words from some influential man in the crowd voiced 
the unanimous view : " When the law is powerless the rights 

delegated by the people are relegated 
back to the people, and they are justi 
fied in doing what the law has failed to 
do." The speaker charged that the 
jury was corrupted and asked if the 
people were ready to follow him. The 
response was favorable, loud, and una 
nimous. The prison occupied a 
whole square, its main iron gates 
frowning upon Orleans Street. From 
within the deputy sheriff observed a 
crowd, larger and larger each moment, 
drifting toward the building. This, 

The New Orleans Chief of Police 


with the mass meet 
ing at the Clay 
statue, warned him 
what to expect. The 
Italian prisoners, 
too, had heard of 
the meeting, and 
trembled. Carpen 
ters barricading the 
side entrance were 
jeered. The small 
boys in the crowd set 
up a shout : " Who 
killade chief? Who 
killa de chief?" 
Then followed the 
Mafia whistle, but 
what a new meaning 
it bore to its authors 
now ! More por 
tentous than the chattering of those gamins was the hush 
long maintained by the multitude. At last this gave way 
to rolling volleys of applause, growing louder and louder 
as there was heard the steady cadence of Hennessy s 
avengers marching hither from the meeting at the statue. A 
neighboring wood-pile furnished battering rams, and the work 
of demolishing the front gates was soon finished, a burly 
negro aiding with a huge stone. The vigilance committee ad 
mitted to the prison not more than sixty men, posting sen 
tries at all exits to shoot down escaping prisoners. The 
Italians had been set free within the prison, to escape, if they 
could, by hiding. The boy who had warned them of the 
chiefs approach on the night of the murder was found beat 
ing at the cell doors and begging to be let in. He was 
spared. Three poor wretches stood in line behind a pillar as 

The Clay Statue in New Orleans 


the lynchers approached. Peeping from his shelter, one was 
shot through the head ; the second stumbled over the corpse 
and was at once riddled ; the third seized an Indian club, and 
in desperation beat at a door where he hoped for egress, just 
as a crowd from the other direction broke in. A shot in the 
forehead failed to fell or dishearten him. Thinking to parry 
a charge aimed at his shoulder, he lost his hand. The next 
moment a rifle was pressed to his breast and fired. He sank, 
and the crowd passed on over him. In the women s yard six 
more, huddled in an attitude of supplication, were despatched, 
one body receiving forty-two bullets. Two others were 
hanged outside the prison. One of these had gone in 
sane, and was kicked to the lamp-post, muttering to him 
self. At the first attempt to string him up the rope broke ; 
the second time he clutched it and drew himself hand over 
hand to the cross-piece, but was beaten back to the ground ; 
the third time he repeated the attempt with the same result. 
When he was successfully hanged deafening cheers went up. 
The wretch s clothing was stripped from him and torn in 
pieces, to be distributed as souvenirs. 

The crowd was now satisfied with the work done, and 
walked quietly back to the Clay statue, whence they dis 

This incident opened grave international complications, 
which Mr. Elaine handled with skill. Three of the murdered 
men had been subjects of King Humbert. Our treaty with 
Italy, ratified in the early seventies, provided that " the citi 
zens of each of the high contracting parties should receive in 
the States and territories of the other the most constant pro 
tection and security for their persons and property, and enjoy 
in this respect the same rights and privileges as were, or 
should be, granted to the natives." The Italian Consul at 
New Orleans stated that while some of the victims were 
bad men, many of the charges against these were without 
foundation ; that the violence was foreseen, and could have 


The Citixens Breaking Down the Door of the Parish Prison 

Drawn by W. R. Leigh from photographs and descriptions 


been prevented ; that he had in vain requested military pro 
tection for the prisoners ; and that at the massacre he and his 
secretary had been assaulted and mobbed. 

On the very day when the prisoners were killed, Italy 
sent her protest to Mr. Elaine, who expressed his horror at 
the deed. He at the same time urged Governor Nicholls to 
see the guilty brought to justice. The Italian Premier, Mar 
quis di Rudini, insisted on indemnity for the murdered men s 
families, and on the instant punishment of the assassins. Mr. 
Elaine did not regard indemnity as a right which the Italian 
Government could maintain, though intimating that the 
United States would not refuse it in this case. Demand for 
the summary punishment of the offenders he declared unrea 
sonable, since the utmost that could be done at once was to 
institute judicial proceedings, and this function, he explained, 
could not be assumed by the United States, but belonged 
exclusively to the State of Louisiana. " The foreign resi 
dent," said he, " must be content in such cases to share the 
same redress that is offered by the law to the citizen, and has 
no just cause of complaint or right to ask the interposition of 
his country if the courts are equally open to him for the re 
dress of his injuries ? " 

The Italian public thought this equivocation, a mean 
truckling to the American prejudice against Italian immigrants. 
Baron Fava, the Italian minister at Washington, could not see 
why Italian subjects in America should not receive the same 
protection accorded to Americans in Italy. In vain did Mr. 
Elaine set forth that by our federal system foreign residents, 
however shielded by treaty, cannot, any more than citizens, 
claim protection from the national authority direct. Baron 
Fava was ordered, failing to obtain assurance of indemnity and 
of immediate and impartial judicial proceedings, to "affirm the 
inutility of his presence near a government that had no power 
to guarantee such justice as in Italy is administered equally in 
favor of citizens of all nationalities." Mr. Elaine replied that 



the Italian Premier was endeavoring to hurry him in a manner 
contrary to diplomatic usage, and that he could announce no 
decision until the cases of the massacred Italian subjects had 
been investigated. " I do not," said he, " recognize the right 
of any Government to tell the United States what it shall do ; 
we have never received orders from any foreign power and 
shall not begin now." It was to him u a matter of indiffer 
ence what persons in Italy think of our institutions. . . I can 
not change them, still less violate them." Such judicial 
proceedings as could be had against the lynchers broke down 
completely. The Italian minister withdrew, but his govern 
ment was finally persuaded to accept #25,000, to be distributed 
among the families of the murdered men. 

When Mr. Elaine was for the second time made Secre 
tary of State a Chilian paper spoke of him as " that foreign 
minister who made us so much trouble." Aided by his own 
unfortunate choice of a minister thither, Chile now became a 
cause of trouble to Mr. Elaine. The country was in the throes 
of a civil war between the " presidential party" adherents of 
President Balmaceda and the " congressional party." Mr. 
Egan eagerly espoused Balmaceda s cause, alienating the con 
gressional party and a majority of the people. The misun 
derstanding was aggravated by the Itata incident. On May 


From a photograph by Slocum 




6, 1891, the Itafa, a Chilian cruiser in 
the service of the Congressionalists, 
was, at the request of the Chilian 
minister, seized at San Diego by the 
United States marshal, on the ground 
that she was about to carry a cargo 
of arms to the Revolutionists. The 
next day she put to sea, defying the 
marshal s injunction. Two days after 
the cruiser Charleston set out in pur 
suit, but reached Callao without hav 
ing seen her quarry. On June 4th the 
offender surrendered to the United States squadron at Iquique. 
Congressionalists in Chile were angry at us for meddling 
with the Itata,) the President s party for not making our in 
tervention effective. Excitement ran so high in Chile that it 
was unsafe for Americans to be recognized anywhere on 
Chilian territory. On October iyth some sailors from the 
Baltimore were attacked in Valparaiso, two being killed and 
eighteen hurt. To Secretary Elaine s demand for an ex 
planation the Chilian Foreign Office replied on October 28th. 
Later was furnished a satisfactory indemnity. 

Another incident attracting; some attention in 1890 re- 

o ./ 

ferred to General Barrundia, a political refugee from Guatemala, 


From a photograph by Slocum 



who took passage on the Pacific Mail steamer Acapulco^ for 
Salvador. The captain, Pitts, assured Barrundia that, though 
the steamer was to call at several Guatemalan ports, he would 
not be delivered to the Guatemalan authorities. These never 
theless sought to arrest him at Champerico and again at San 
Jose de Guatemala. The United States Minister, Mr. Miz- 
ner, Consul-General Hosmer and Commander Reiter, of the 
United States Ship of War Ranger then present in the port of 
San Jose, believed that Guatemala had a right to do this, as 
the Acapulco lay in Guatemala s territorial waters. They so 
advised Captain Pitts, who then, though with the utmost re 
luctance, permitted the arresting party to board the Acapulco. 
Barrundia resisted capture and was killed. Mizner s action 
was severely censured by Secretary Blaine and he was called 
home. Commander Reiter, also, for not interfering to pre 
vent the arrest, was deprived of his command, receiving, 
moreover, a sharp letter from the Secretary of the Navy. The 
officer complained that this letter " conveyed a severe public 
reprimand a punishment which could be inflicted legally 
only by the sentence of a general court-martial." He was 
afterward restored, but to another command. Our Govern 
ment s attitude in this affair, seeking to set up a doctrine 

of asylum on merchant ships, was, in 
international law, wholly untenable. 
The two officials were cruelly punished 
for having acted with admirable judg 
ment and done each his exact duty. 

In the congressional campaign of 
1890 issue upon the neo-Republican 
t^rffci^BM^ policy was squarely joined. The Re- 
\ publicans had interpreted Harrison s 

victory as a popular mandate, given 
carte blanche^ and had legislated as if 
never to be called to account. The 
1890 election, a " landslide " unpre- 

From a photograph by Gutekunst 

tor from Pennsylvanii 


cedented in our political history, re 
vealed their error. The House of 
Representatives was now overwhelm 
ingly Democratic. Pennsylvania once 
more elected Pattison Governor, and 
also gave the Democrats three new 
seats in Congress. In this State the 
turn of the tide was partly due to the 
Republican dislike of Senator Quay. 
Early in 1890 Mr. H. C. Lea, of 
Philadelphia, had made charges, reiter 
ated in leading journals with wealth 
of detail, to the effect that as State 
Treasurer Ouay had been guilty of peculation. Honorable 
Robert P. Kennedy, a Republican member from Ohio, speak 
ing in the House of Representatives, impeached Quay on the 
same ground. Kennedy s indictment was expunged from the 
record, which widened rather than narrowed its influence. 

The political change was far from local. The Pacific slope 
aside, huge Democratic gains occurred everywhere. The 
defeated referred their fall to " off-year " apathy, but that was 
not its sole or its main cause. The Billion Dollars gone, the 
Force Bill, and to a less extent the McKinley tariff, had 
aroused popular resentment. The new law so disliked at 
home was naturally odious abroad. France, Germany and 
Austria talked of reprisals. So did Great Britain. By the 
tirades against him there McKinley was for a time better 
known in Europe than any other American. Yet so long as 
the sun shone Europe diligently made hay. Just as the 
advanced rates were about to go into effect ocean greyhounds 
came racing hither to bring in, under the old duties, all the 
goods they could. The Etrurias speed, saving a few seconds, 
was said to have won the owners of her cargo no less than 
$1,000,000 in this way. Vast as was its preponderance of 
Democrats, the new House could of course carrv no low-tariff 



measure against Harrison and the Senate ; but it passed a 
number of " pop-gun bills " for free raw materials, as if to 
make " coming events cast their shadows before." 

The international copyright bill of the McKinley Con 
gress was one of the most conspicuous of its enactments, the 
more conspicuous in that it drew the favorable comment of the 
"literary." In 1886 an international conference, from which 
Austria-Hungary, Russia and the United States were absent, 
resulted in a treaty for international copyright. Two years 
later the United States Senate passed a bill, which failed in the 
House, intended to reconcile our law with that idea. In 1890 
the House in turn passed a bill with similar intent, but involv 
ing severe provisions against importing foreign books. The 
Senate amended these features so as to permit the importation 
of foreign-made books like other foreign articles. The bill 
ultimately passed, approved by the President on March 3, 
1891, provided for United States copyright for any foreign 
author, designer, artist or dramatist, provided " that in case of 
a book, photograph, chromo or lithograph, the two copies of 
the same required to be delivered or deposited with the Libra 
rian of Congress shall be printed from type set within the lim 
its of the United States, or from plates made therefrom, or 
from negatives or drawings on stone made within the limits of 
the United States or from transfers therefrom." Foreign au 
thors, like native or naturalized, could renew their United 
States copyrights ; and penalties were prescribed in the new 
law to protect these rights from infringement. 





















IN 1890 and 1891 an old cycle appeared distinctly merging 
into a new. Memorials rising on every hand shocked 
one with the sense that familiar figures and recent issues were 
already of the past. These two years saw monuments raised 
to Horace Greeley, Robert E. Lee, Henry Ward Beecher, 
Stonewall Jackson, Garfield and Grant. The year of Grant s 
death was also that of Hendricks s, to whom a statue was 
speedily erected in Indianapolis. The next year Logan, 
Arthur and Hancock departed. General Sheridan died in 
1888. In 1891 General Sherman and Admiral Porter fell 
within a day of each other. General Johnston, who had been 


J r$>- - 

a pall-bearer at the funeral of each, rejoined them in a little 
over a month. All these heroes of the war followed Grant to 
the tomb in 1885, and had now followed him beyond it. A 
monument just reared at Atlanta was a reminder of Henry W. 

Grady s recent death, in 
which the morning star 
of the New South faded 
from our sky. The fra 
ternal strife ending in 
1865 began to seem a far 
memory. The locality 
of Lee s monument at 
Richmond, amid streets 
and avenues, was farmland 
at the time Lee and his 
army were protecting the 
city. The unveiling in 
May, 1890, was indeed 
no little of a Confederate 
occasion. Fitzhugh Lee, 
Joseph E.Johnston, Jubal 
Early, Longstreet and 
Gordon were all in at 
tendance and warmly re 
ceived. The Lost Cause 
was mentioned, but little 
was said or done to indi 
cate that any regretted its 
loss. The Confederate 
flag was displayed, but 
not in derogation of the 
Stars and Stripes. 
Grady s death was lamented nowhere more sincerely than 
at the North. His clever speeches at the New England So 
ciety s New York dinner, in 1886, and at the Merchants 




Unveiled July 21, l8qi, the Thirtieth Anniversary of the 
First Battle of Manassas, where he gained his sobriquet 
of Stonewall: E. B. Valentine, Sculptor 

(The face is from a death-mask by Vole, and the pedestal 
covers the vault -where are the bodies of Jackson and his 
two daughters.) 


Club dinner in Boston, shortly before his death, December 
23, 1889, had brought him fame. He was born in Athens, 
Ga., in 1851. His father, a man of wealth and a colonel, 
was killed in the Confederate service. At the universities of 
Georgia and Virginia he 
had been a universal fa 
vorite, celebrated for a 
brilliancy akin to genius. 
Brought up at the feet 
of Robert Toombs, the 
youth acquired the old 
fire-eater s ardor without 
his venom. After 1876 
he wrote for the New 
York Herald and other 
Northern papers, and his 
letters made a strong im 
pression. After he, in 
1880, became interested 
in the Atlanta Comtitu- 

) that sheet was widely 
read all over the North, 
doing much to allay sec 
tional animosity. 

The last angry out 
break of this related 
to the ex-President of 
the Confederacy, Jeffer 
son Davis. Northerners 
might with great satisfac 
tion to themselves, and with justice, speak of their triumph 
in the war as a victory of and for the Constitution ; and they 
could not but indulge the natural inclination to question 
the motives of Southern leaders. But Southerners, however 
loyal, now, to the Union, with equal inevitableness took the 




On the Allen Plot, West End, Richmond, Va. Unveiled 
May 2Q, l8qO. Antonin Mercie, Sculptor. Shows Lee as 
he appeared at the Battle of Gettysburg 

(The pedestal is forty feet high, and the statue twenty. The 
picture shows the pedestal cut on both sides.) 


position that at the time when secession occurred the question 
of the nature of the Union had not been settled ; that, there 
fore, Mr. Davis and the rest might attempt secession not 
as foes of the Union but as, at heart, its most loyal friends 
and defenders. 

In the early morning hours of March 3, 1879, m ~ 
genious chemists of the Republican party had concocted in 
the Senate an acrid and effervescent parliamentary mixture, 
giving a foretaste of the Bloody Shirt campaign tactics of 
1880. The question of suitable pensions to the soldiers and 
sailors of the Mexican War being under debate, matters sud 
denly took a partisan turn, evoking bitter controversy, when 
Senator Hoar moved an amendment to except Jefferson Davis 
from the benefits of the act, a move which some years before, 
in the hands of James G. Elaine in the House of Representa 
tives, had met with brilliant success in connection with an 
amnesty bill. General Shields did not wish further to exalt 
Mr. Davis by such a distinction. Senator Thurman opposed 
making Davis a vicarious sacrifice. Exasperated by the in 
vidious import of the amendment and by remarks from 
the Republican side, Southern Senators launched into extrava 
gant eulogies of Mr. Davis, as indis 
creet as they were well meant. Senator 
Garland said : " His services are upon 
the record of this country, and while 
they may not surpass, yet they will 
equal in history all Grecian fame and 
^-^^^ all Roman glory." Though it was 

A\ , not yet daylight, sleepy Senators came 

| jBf \1 flfcW pressing into the Chamber, while the 

"V^H galleries were recruited from unknown 

Vxj? ^ ^ 

-j$F sources. 

The debate had proceeded in this 
strain for some time, when Senator 
Zachariah Chandler, of Michigan, 


Frm a photograph by Mote 



John 3^ A. Ward, Sculptor. Unveiled June 25, l8qi 

arose. His huge frame, loud voice and earnest manner always 
made his speech effective, but it was particularly so now : 

" Mr. President," said he, " twenty-three years ago 
to-morrow, in the old Hall of the Senate, now occupied by 
the Supreme Court of the United States, I, in company with 
Mr. Jefferson Davis, stood up and swore that I would sup 
port the Constitution of the United States." 

After narrating Davis s secession and his opposition to 
the flag notwithstanding the oath he had taken, Chandler con 
tinued : " I remained here, sir, during the whole of that ter 
rible rebellion. I saw our brave soldiers by thousands and 
hundreds of thousands, ay, I might say millions, pass through 




to the theatre of war, and I saw their 
shattered ranks return ; I saw steam 
boat after steamboat and railroad 
train after railroad train arrive with 
the maimed and the wounded ; I was 
with my friend from Rhode Island, 
General Burnside, when he com 
manded the Army of the Potomac, 
and saw piles of legs and arms that 
made humanity shudder; I saw the 
widow and the orphan in their homes 
and heard the weeping and wailing 
of those who had lost their dearest and their best. Mr. 
President, I little thought at that time that I should live 
to hear in the Senate of the United States eulogies upon 
Jefferson Davis, living a living rebel eulogized on the floor 
of the Senate of the United States ! Sir, I am amazed to 
hear it ; and I can tell the gentlemen on the other side that 
they little know the spirit of the North when they come here 
at this day and, with bravado on their lips, utter eulogies 
upon a man whom every man, woman and child in the North 
believes to have been a double-dyed traitor to the Govern 

The presiding officer was unable to repress the applause 
that ran round the galleries. The speech was quoted with 
approval all over the North, indicating the state of the public 
mind at the time. The Hoar amendment was carried ; but 
even so the pension proposal did not commend itself to the 
Senate, presumably because so many Mexican War veterans 
were also ex-Confederates. 

The question whether or not Jefferson Davis was a traitor 
came up in the Senate again in 1885. At a Camp Fire of the 
Grand Army of the Republic at St. Louis, General W. T. 
Sherman made the assertion that Davis, insincere in his seces 
sion doctrines, had in 1865 written threatening to resist 




" separate State action on the part of 
Southern States even if he had to turn 
Lee s army against it." Davis made 
rejoinder, calling for the production 
of the letter. General Sherman could 
not reproduce the document, but 
filed in the War Department a state 
ment meant to constitute evidence of 
his assertion or to show where such 
could be found. Controversy over 
Davis was precipitated in the Senate 
by a resolution of Senator Hawley 
calling for General Sherman s state 
ment. The debate waxing bitter, Senator John Sherman 
sought to justify his brother. He said : 

" Sir, whenever, in my presence, in a public assemblage, 
Jefferson Davis shall be treated as a patriot, I must enter my 
solemn protest. Whenever the motives and causes of the 
war, the beginning and the end of which I have seen, are 
brought in question, I must stand, as I have always stood, 
upon the firm conviction that it was a causeless rebellion, 
made with bad motives, and that all the men who led in that 
movement were traitors to their country." 

Senator Lamar answered with some heat, closing : cc We, 
of the South, have surrendered upon all the questions which 
divided the two sides in that controversy. We have given up 
the right of the people to secede from this Union ; we have 
given up the right of each State to judge for itself of the in 
fractions of the Constitution and the mode of redress ; we have 
given up the right to control our own domestic institutions. 
We fought for all these, and we lost in that controversy ; but 
no man shall, in my presence, call Jefferson Davis a traitor, 
without my responding with a stern and emphatic denial." 

The growth of population still continued to force back 
the barriers of the Indian reservations. Pressure was now 



Boomers " in Camp just Outside the Line, April 21, 
iSSq, Waiting for the Opening of the Oklahoma 
Lands Next Day 

hardest against that part of Indian Territory known as Okla 
homa. This consisted of a large tract which shortly after the 
Civil War the Seminole Indians sold to the Government with 
the understanding that no white man but only colonies of In- 

A General View of the Town on 
April 24, I&8q, the Second Day 
After the Opening 

From photographs 



A View along Oklahoma Avenue on May 10, l8Sq 

dians and freedmen should settle there. Nevertheless, the 
great cattle kings had inclosed large tracts of the territory. 
This imposition, helped by the eviction of small prospectors, 
raised up the species known as Oklahoma " boomers " or 
fc raiders," who incessantly clamored that this land be opened 
for settlement. Western nomads called " movers " rallied to 

rw^ .iV# 

t * r _J***Vto ./V 


Oklahoma Avenue, as it Appeared on May 10, /5ft?, during Governor Noble s Visit 

C. P. Rich 


The Crook Commission Holding a Con 
ference with the Sioux Indians at Low 
er Brule Agency, S. >., July J, lS8q 

(The negotiations led to the ofening for 
settlers of nine million acres of the Sioux 
reservation on February 70, iSqo.) 

every filibustering enterprise into the reservations. One 
David L. Payn was the first and most famous of the " Ok 
lahoma raiders." He and his allies made repeated forays into 
the forbidden region, but were each time driven off at the tails 
of their carts. Kansas real estate men found business dull and 
added their voices to the cry that Oklahoma must be opened ; 
but they sought their end by legislation rather than by raids. 

It at length became obvious that the conditions on which 
the lands had been bought could not be complied with, and in 
188889 Congress gladly appropriated $4,000,000 to obtain a 
fee simple. The sluice-gates were opened one after another 
by proclamation. The first one was appointed to give way on 
April 22, 1889. The incidental advertising which preceded 
the event spread excitement from Denver to New York. 
The General Land-Office and the Post-Office Department 
made hasty preparations for the rush, which involved five 
times as many people as could obtain foothold. In spite of 
utmost efforts on the part of the military the woods and val- 



leys of Oklahoma were full of " sooners " before the opening 
day ; but the vast majority lined up on the borders awaiting 
the bugle-call at noon of April 22d. When it sounded there 
was a sudden cloud of dust and a wild scurry of hoofs, wheels 
and feet, spreading out frontward like a fan. It was said that 
one man on foot, carrying his kit, ran six miles in sixty min 
utes to reach his choice claim, where he fell down exhausted. 
Those in or rushing in at the opening, were followed later by 
heavily loaded trains from a distance. All went armed, and 
bloodshed was prevented only with difficulty. Liquor-selling 
within the territory had to be totally prohibited. At noon on 
the eventful day Guthrie was only a town site ; at nightfall 
it was a city of 10,000 and had taken steps toward forming a 
municipal government. Oklahoma City grew less rapidly, 
but perhaps more solidly. By June business blocks and resi 
dences had risen there, the wonder of all residents. On 
so short notice the Promised Land had gotten ready for the 
pilgrims no milk or honey not even water, though a yellow 

Settlers Passing Through Chamberlain, S. D., on their Way 
to the Lands Acquired by the Treaty with the Sioux 



From a photograph by H. F. Denton 

brackish fluid by that name was 
peddled on the streets. Sand 
wiches were hawked for twenty- 
five cents each, and in the 
restaurants a plate of pork and 
beans sold for seventy-five cents. 
In a day or two the vast major 
ity of the rushers left in disgust 
at the dust, heat and hardships, 
many of them being on the point 
of starving. Yet by December 
the territory was estimated to 
hold 60,000 people, who boasted 
eleven schools, nine churches, 

three daily and five weekly newspapers. Guthrie had 8,000 
and Oklahoma City 5,000 souls, both towns being governed 
by voluntary acquiescence in the ordinances. Under acts of 
Congress proclamations from time to time opened other 
tracts, when in each case similar scenes were enacted. The 
Sioux reservation in South Dakota was unlocked on February 
10, 1890. From the towns of Chamberlain and Pierre troops 
of boomers galloped and ran to locate claims. Carts and 
wagons loaded with building materials were hurried forward. 
In one case a house on wheels was dragged across a river 
on the ice. 

In this settlement of their old hunting-grounds Indians 
saw a new imposition by the whites. Their lands had been 
seized piece by piece and their attempts to get justice or 
revenge had only added to their misery. Many savages 
passed the winter of 1890 on the verge of starvation because 
of the Government s failure to provide rations. In South 
Dakota twelve hundred were in this condition. In such 
extremity many tribes ordinarily hostile to each other together 
gave up to the so-called " Messiah craze." Six thousand 
fighting men in North Dakota and as many more in the 



Indian Territory were infected. Sioux, Cheyennes, Arapa- 
hoes, Osage, Missouri and Seminole Indians participated in 
the ghost dances, which formed an invariable part of the new 
cult. There were several accounts of the delusion, all pos 
sibly authentic, and all in some way involving the belief 
that the Great Spirit or his Representative would soon appear 
with a high hand and an outstretched arm to deliver the Red 
men from their White oppressors. They were perhaps ver 
sions of Christ s second coming brought to the Indians by 
missionaries, which fanatics or charlatans had distorted and 
mixed with vulgar spiritualism. 

According to what was said to be the original story, a 
young Indian dreamed that the Messiah appeared to him, 
bidding him take other youth of good habits and set out by a 
way revealed through an unknown country to the Great Sea. 
At each camping place on the journey they found a spring 
supplying just enough water for them to drink. Arrived at 
the shore of the Great Sea, amid a strong light which shone 
<ever brighter and brighter, they saw in dim outline the Son of 


(During the "Messiah Craxe ") 
From a photograph in the possession of H. F. Denton 



the Great Spirit coming toward them over the water. The 
prints of the nails were visible in his hands and feet and the 
spear-marks in his side. He bade them come out to him, but 
they dared not, and he drew close to the shore. Avowing a 
long-time sympathy with the red men, he taught them that 
this earth was merely their temporary home and that those 
who were faithful to him would after death be taken to a 
better country. He advised them touching the way to live, 
warning them above all things not to attempt a war against 
the whites. Finally he said : <c Return to your homes, tell 
your friends what you have seen, and assure them of my in 
terest in them." Ere they could thank him the Son of the 
Great Spirit had gone and they saw and heard nothing but the 
dashing waves of the Great Sea. 

Certain of the prophets had it that the Mighty Spirit 
promised to put all the Indians behind him and all the whites 
in front, then bury the whites with their tallest works deep 
underground, while the prairie would thunder with the tramp 
of buffalo and the gallop of wild horses. To others the Mes 
siah appeared and said, " I will teach you a dance, and I want 
you to dance it." They obeyed, uttering weird chants and 
cries of " The buffaloes are coming ! " General Miles thought 
that this strange hallucination, spreading so steadily and far, 
indicated " a more comprehensive plot than anything inspired 
by Tecumseh or even Pontiac." 

Here and there an Indian was above the superstition. 
Red Cloud prophesied : " If it (the new gospel) is true it- 
will spread all over the world ; if not it will melt like snow 
under the hot sun." Little Wound said they would dance till 
spring, but stop if the Messiah did not then appear. Sitting 
Bull, the whites inveterate enemy, the old schemer who had 
stayed behind and made medicine during the Custer fight, 
now had a characteristic interview with the Indian Messiah, 
who wished to know what he would like. He replied that he 
would take a little buffalo meat, as he had not had any for a 



long time. In response, as he reported, a herd of buffaloes 
appeared, when, shooting one, he cooked and ate its hump. 
Elated by the confidence of the Superior Power, Sitting Bull 
grew troublesome. In December the Indian police arrested 
him with others, and in attempting to escape he was killed. 
Fortunately, the craze became less intense and dangerous as 
it spread. The Southern negroes in sections lent a ready ear 
to " voodoo doctors," and soon ghost dances were common 
also among them. Even the scattered Aztecs of Mexico 
gathered by hundreds around the ruins of their ancient tem 
ple at Cholula. There they performed mystic rites and 
looked for a Messiah who should cause Popocatapetl to in 
undate the country with lava till all but the Aztecs were 
destroyed, and should then raise them again to their pristine 

On May 31, 1889, western Pennsylvania was visited by 
one of the most awful catastrophes ever chronicled. A flood 


Wreckage filed up thirty or forty feet high 
From a photograph by Rau 




Looking Across the Great 

Drift to the Pennsylvania 

R. R. Bridge 

From a photograph by Rau 

from a burst reservoir annihilated the city of Johnstown with 
its numerous suburbs, destroying thousands of lives and 
$10,000,000 worth of property. The reservoir was two and 
a half miles in length, one and a half broad at places, one 
hundred feet deep in places, and situated two hundred and 
seventy-five feet above the level of Johnstown. Heavy rains 
had fallen and the dam was known to be weak ; yet the people 
below, who were repeatedly warned during the day, took no 
alarm. When, starting just before the break, about 3 P.M., 
Engineer Park galloped down the valley shouting to all to 
run for their lives, it was too late. Hard behind him came 
thundering along at a speed of two and a half miles a minute, 
a mountain of water fifty feet high, thirty feet wide at first, 



and widening to half a mile, bearing upon its angry crest, 
whole or in fragments, houses, factories, bridges, and at length 
villages, and growing wilder, higher, swifter, deadlier and 
more powerful as it moved. Trees, brush, furniture, boul 
ders, pig and railway iron, corpses, machinery, miles and miles 
of barbed wire, and an indescribable mass of miscellaneous 
wreckage, all inextricably mixed, also freighted the torrent. 
Immense mills were knocked from their foundations, and 
whirled down stream like children s block-work. Pig-iron 
by the hundred tons was borne away, the bars subsequently 
strewn for miles down the valley. Engines weighing twenty 
tons were tossed up and on as if the law of gravity had been 
repealed. One locomotive was carried a mile. At Johns 
town, where the shape of the valley generated an enormous 
whirlpool, the roar of the waters and the grinding together of 
the wreckage rent the air like lost spirits groaning in chorus. 

Hundreds who had clambered to the roofs of houses 
floated about on that boiling sea all the afternoon and night, 
shot hither and thither by the crazy flood. Most who met 
death were, we may hope, instantly drowned, but many clung 
to fragments, falling into the waters only when their strength 
gave way, their limbs were broken or their brains dashed out. 
A telegraph operator at Sanghollow saw one hundred and 
nineteen bodies, living or dead, float by in an hour. Early 
next morning two corpses had reached Pittsburg, seventy- 
eight miles distant. A little boy was rescued who, with his 
parents, a brother and two sisters, had sailed down from 
Johnstown in a small house. This went to pieces in going 
over the bridge, and all were drowned but he. A raft formed 
from part of a floor held a young man and two women, prob 
ably his wife and mother. As they neared Bolivar bridge a 
rope was lowered to rescue them, and the man was observed 
to be instructing the women how to catch and hold it. Him 
self succeeded in clutching it, but they failed, whereupon he 
purposely let go and regained the raft as it lurched under the 



bridge. Later it struck 
a tree, into which with 
preternatural skill and 
strength he helped his 
protegees to climb ; but 
a great wreck soon 
struck the tree, instant 
ly overwhelming the 
trio in the seething tide. 
Fate reached the acme 
of its malignity next 
day, June ist, after the 
flood had begun to sub 
side. Then the im 
mense boom of debris 
gathered at the rail 
way bridge just below 
Johnstown an eighth 
of a mile wide and 
long, from thirty to 


The Beginning of the Fire, Looking South on Front Street, and a View Showing the Ruins, Looki 
South from Commercial Street 



fifty feet deep, and rammed so solid that dynamite was at 
last required to rend it took fire. The flames raged for 
twelve hours. No effort was spared to recover the living 
imprisoned in the pile. Fifty or more were taken out, but it 
is feared that no fewer than five hundred perished. 

Relief work began at once, commendably systematic and 
thorough, and on a scale commensurate with the disaster. In 
less than twenty-four hours, spite of washed-out tracks and 
ruptured telegraph-wires, Pittsburg had trainloads of provi 
sions in Johnstown, and a body of nearly three hundred active 
men who comforted, fed, clothed and housed the distressed 
people until relieved by the Flood Relief Commission on 
June 1 2th. Pittsburg contributed $252,000 in money, $64,000 
of it being subscribed in an hour. Philadelphia contributed 
half a million dollars to the relief fund ; New York the same. 
Nearly every city in the Union aided. President Harrison 
was chairman of a meeting in Washington where $3 0,000 was 
pledged. Several sums were telegraphed from abroad, among 
them one of $1,000 from Baroness Burdett-Coutts. The total 
of contributions reached $3,000,000. Trainloads of supplies 
rolled in. The Red Cross Society, with physicians, nurses, 
tents, disinfectants, medicines, food and clothing was promptly 
on the ground. Rigid sanitary provisions were enforced, 
made specially necessary by the length of time inevitably 
elapsing before all the dead could be interred. Ere the gloom 
proceeding from this event was lifted, during the same month 
of June, the public was horrified afresh by an awful fire in 
Seattle, Wash., destroying many million dollars worth of 
property, and demolishing almost the entire business part of 
the city. Happily, few lives were lost. 

In the evening of February 3, 1890, the library of Sec 
retary Tracy s Washington house caught fire. A colored man 
rang the bell and informed the astonished servant, who threw 
open the doors of the library, whereupon the fire rushed into 
Jthe hall, driving him from the house. The flames spread 



swiftly. Mrs. Wilmerding, the Secretary s daughter, and his 
granddaughter were saved by leaping from the front win 
dows. A servant girl perished in her room ; another ser 
vant was rescued from the cornice. At the risk of suffocation 
men rushed to the Secretary s room. At the door they found 
the body of his other daughter, whose life had been lost in the 
attempt to arouse her parents. Inside, Mr. Tracy was stretched 
unconscious and was with great difficulty restored. His wife, 
who had vainly tried to move him to the window, now, at 
the moment of rescue, became bewildered and suffered a fatal 
fall to the stone area below. At the President s desire the re 
mains of Mrs. and Miss Tracy were removed to the White 
House, whither they were in due time carried to a place of tem 
porary interment. 

The Federal power helped relieve the South from a 
worse blight than the enactment of the Force Bill would 
have been. The Louisiana Lottery Company was incorpo 
rated in 1868, as a monopoly to last twenty-five years. In 
1879 tne charter was repealed, but this action was rendered 
invalid by a judicial decision. A Constitutional Convention 
which soon followed reinstated the charter, providing that 
after its expiration all lotteries should be prohibited in the 
State. By 1890 the lottery had assumed towering propor 
tions. It was estimated to receive one-third of the whole 
mail matter coming to New Orleans, and it cashed postal 
notes and money orders to the amount of $30,000 a day. 
The press was won to its service and new papers started in 
its interest. As the year 1893, the term of its charter, drew 
near, the monster bestirred itself to secure a new lease of life, 
but it now felt the strength of the Federal arm. In Sep 
tember, 1890, an anti-lottery bill passed Congress, by which, 
being satisfied that any person or company was conducting a 
lottery, the Postmaster-General might cause to be returned 
all registered letters addressed to such person or company, 
and payment to be refused on postal money orders drawn in 



favor of such. As the express companies, however, still 
tolerated its patronage, the business of the lottery was safe so 
long as its native State, Louisiana, continued it in existence. 
Its fight for life therefore was on Louisiana soil. In return 
for an amendment to the State Constitution enfranchising the 
lottery for twenty-five years, the impoverished State was 
offered $1,250,000 per year, $350,000 of this sum to main 
tain the levees, $350,000 for charitable purposes, $50,000 for 
Confederate pensions, $100,000 for drainage in New Orleans 
and $250,000 for the general fund of the State. In connec 
tion with this proposal, it was ingeniously suggested that only 
seven per cent, of the lottery s revenue came from Louisiana 

A bill introduced in the Legislature to give effect to this 
bargain passed by a two-thirds majority in each house, but 
was promptly vetoed by Governor Nicholls. Liberal bribes 
to legislators were supposed to have supplemented the 
$1,250,000 per year offered the State; yet in attempting to 
override this veto, voicing as it truly did the sentiment of 
thousands, the lottery company feared opposition in the Sen 
ate. After pushing the bill once more through the House, 
its promoters changed front and sent it directly to the Secre 
tary of State for promulgation, on the 
ground that a proposal for a constitu 
tional amendment, though in form a 
bill, did not require the Governor s 
signature. The Secretary of State 
refused to take this view, but it was 
sustained by the Supreme Court, 
three to two. Let a majority of the 
people now vote " aye " on the pro 
posed amendment, and the lottery 
was saved. Or, if the Democratic 
nomination, ordinarily equivalent to 
an election, fell to lottery candidates, MURPHY j. FOSTER 



From a photograph by Rau 

the amendment could again be put 
upon its passage. The " pro " Dem 
ocrats carried New Orleans, but most 
of the country parishes were swept by 
a fusion of " anti " Democrats and 
Farmers Alliance men. The number 
of contesting delegations, however, 
placed the result in doubt. Two rival 
Democratic conventions met at Baton 
Rouge, each claiming a majority of 
the delegates elected. The conven 
tion of the " antis " nominated Mur 
phy J. Foster for Governor ; that of 
the " pros " ex-Governor McEnery, 

whose vote as Supreme Judge had been one of the three 
to sustain the lottery s contention. The " pro " conven 
tion having been presided over by the chairman of the 
State committee, thus giving that faction a show of special 
legitimacy, the " pro " leaders now made the party-whip sing. 
Politicians little different from carpet-baggers shouted for 
harmony, denouncing the " antis " as a third party working to 
disrupt the Democracy and restore Republican rule. The 
election, which occurred in April, 1892, negatived the lottery 
amendment and made Foster Governor. The fight for a 
constitutional amendment was given up. Not only so, but 
Foster, while Governor, was permitted to sign an act " pro 
hibiting the sale of lottery tickets and lottery drawings or 
schemes in the State of Louisiana after December 31, 1893." 
In January, 1894, the lottery company betook itself to exile 
on the island of Cuanaja, in the Bay of Honduras, a seat 
which the Honduras Government had granted it, together 
with a monopoly of the lottery business for fifty years. 

The same year, 1890, formed a crisis in the history of 
Mormonism in America. The book of Mormon was pub 
lished in 1830, professing by divine revelation to give an 



account of the Western Hem 
isphere, as the Scriptures 
dealt with the Eastern. Next 
year not a few converts rallied 
around the author, Joseph 
Smith, among them Brigham 
Young, a granite Vermonter, 
whose energy soon pervaded 
the new Church. Though 
missionaries gathered in ar 
mies of recruits from far 
regions, and though poly 
gamy was not at first avowed 

by them as part of their creed or practice, the Mormons 
seem always to have been unpopular, even odious, with 
their Gentile neighbors. They were driven from place to 
place, yet incessantly thriving, till in 1844 their prophet, 
Joseph Smith, was shot by a mob. Brigham Young now 
easily and naturally assumed command of the demoralized 
hosts, leading them with military precision and masterly skill 
across the Great American Desert to Utah. There for many 


From a photograph by Rau 


From a photograph by Rau 



years he was able, by diplomacy and other means, to reign 
supreme among the " Saints," and to snub the far-off "States " 
to his heart s content. 

In 1855, in 1859 and in 1862 anti-polygamy bills were 
introduced in Congress. The last, fathered by Senator Mor- 
rill, who, like Brigham Young himself, was a Vermonter, 
became a law, but was enforced only fitfully and to a trifling 
extent. The invasion of the railroad, and the proclaimed dis 
covery of precious metal mines a discovery against which 
Young struggled in vain destroyed the isolation of the pe 
culiar people, though the Mormon majority could still be 
maintained by assisted immigration from Mormon colonies 

In 1871 Brigham Young and other leaders were arrested 
under the 1862 law, and some of them convicted. Others 
were arrested on charges of murdering Gentiles, a crime of 
which the Mormons were more than once suspected after the 
frightful Mountain Meadows Massacre of 1857, though Mor 
mon juries failed to convict those indicted. In 1874 the 
Poland Act introduced reforms in impaneling juries, when 
John D. Lee was once more arraigned for complicity in the 
Mountain Meadows tragedy, and convicted. In March, 1877, 
twenty years after the commission of the crime wherein he 
had been leader, this monster was taken to the scene of it. 
There a cairn and a rude cedar cross rose above the mingled 
bones of the 120 victims, who had, after surrendering their 
arms, been murdered in cold blood. The curse of the 
Almighty seemed to have blasted the vegetation and dried 
the springs about the hideous site. There Lee seated himself 
upon his coffin, the sharp report of a volley was heard, and 
tardy justice was at last meted out. 

The measure of 1862 proving inoperative, Senator Ed 
munds, still another man from Vermont, introduced a bill, 
which became law March 22, 1882. By it bigamy, polygamy 
or the cohabitation of a man with more than one woman in 



any Territory of the United States was made punishable by a 
fine of not more than $500 and imprisonment for not more 
than three years. A person convicted, moreover, could 
neither vote nor hold any position of public trust or emolu 
ment. The children of such illicit relations were to be 
deemed illegitimate. Jurymen who were living or had lived 
in these practices, or believed them right, were disqualified. 

Some of these provisions resembled the "thorough" re 
construction treatment administered to the South after the 
War. A test-oath was imposed upon voters. Elections were 
supervised, returns canvassed and certificates supplied by a 
commission of five persons, three of whom might be of the 
same political party. If the Commission reminded one of 
the Returning Boards, there were not wanting in Utah 
office-holders who seemed to the Mormons nothing but 
carpet-baggers. Southern statesmen were prominent in op 
posing the bill as unconstitutional, impolitic and sectional, 
referring to the easy and frequent divorces in many Northern 
and Western States as more immoral than aught occurring in 

Nevertheless the law was rigidly enforced. In two years 
twelve thousand Mormons were disfranchised, though monog 
amous as well as polygamous Mormons made common cause 
against the law. When convicted persons promised to obey 
the laws of the land in future they were set free, but few 
availed themselves of the chance. On May 19, 1890, and 
again on December 19, the next year, the Supreme Court de 
clared the law constitutional, thus taking away the last hope 
of the Mormon hierarchy. This attitude of the court, 
combined with the influx of Gentile population and the desire 
that Utah should become a State, which would be impossible 
while polygamy continued, led, in October, 1890, to a " reve 
lation," which thenceforth made polygamy morally wrong, as 
it had before been legally. After that date convicts under the 
Edmunds law with one accord promised to obey it in future, 



and were without exception set free, sentence being suspended. 
In December, 1891, the officials, pledging the obedience of 
the church membership to the laws against plural marriages 
and unlawful cohabitation, petitioned for amnesty for past 
offenses, which petition was endorsed by the Utah Commis 
sion reporting next year. President Harrison, on January 4, 
1893, granted "a full amnesty and pardon to all persons 
liable to the penalties of said act by reason of unlawful co 
habitation under the color of polygamous or plural marriage, 
who had since November i, 1890, abstained from such un 
lawful cohabitation ; but upon the express condition that 
they should in the future faithfully obey the laws of the 
United States hereinbefore named." 

On July 17, 1894, President Cleveland signed a bill pro 
viding for a Utah Constitutional Convention in March, 1895, 
and the constitution framed by that body for the proposed 

State of Utah was rati 
fied by the people in 
November, 1895. Utah 
became a State on Jan 
uary 4, 1896. 

In 1888 the anti- 
Chinese act passed dur 
ing President Arthur s 
Administration was a- 
mended so as to pro 
hibit the return of Chi 
nese laborers who had 
once departed from this 
country. In the spring 
of 1892 Mr. Geary, of 
California, introduced a 
still more drastic meas 
ure, called after his 
name. It re-enacted for 



ten more years all laws regulating and prohibiting Chinese 
immigration. It provided for the fining, imprisonment 
and subsequent deportation of all Chinamen who did not 
within a year obtain certificates from the Government prov 
ing their right to be here. Under advice of eminent coun 
sel Chinese laborers generally disobeyed the act, but ten 
days after the limit expired its constitutionality was af 
firmed by the Supreme Court. The Executive, however, 
did not enforce its provisions, owing to a shortage of appro 
priation. It would have required at least $5,000,000 to 
deport all infractors, and only $ 100,000 had been provided 
for the purpose. Congress, therefore, in 1893 extended the 
time of certification for six months. 

In 1878 the United States obtained by treaty the Samoan 
harbor of Pago Pago, the finest in Polynesia, for a coaling 
station. The English and Germans had in the islands com 
mercial interests far more important than ours. Later the 
German and British 
consuls signed a con 
vention to secure good 
local government in 
the town and neigh 
borhood of Apia. The 
American consul co 
operated in this en 
deavor, but was not a 
party to the conven 
tion. Within six years 
German influence se 
cured from King Ma- 
lietoa Laupepe control 
of the islands, and a 
little later the German 
flag was raised over 
them. Persuaded by 





Showing the Bent Propeller and the Loss 

of Rudder, Rudder-post and Heel 

the Samoans, the United States 
consul assumed a protectorate in op 
position, but his action was promptly 
disavowed at home. Our Secretary 
of State suggested that a conference 
of German, British and United 
States commissioners devise a plan 
for the election by the natives of a 
ruler who should be sustained by 
all three. After several bootless 
sittings at Washington the confer 
ence adjourned, with the express 
understanding that the status quo, 
Malietoa still king, should be maintained pending further 
deliberations. Notwithstanding this, and in spite of British 
and American protest, Bismarck made unreasonable demands 
upon Malietoa, which, not being complied with in a few 
hours, were followed by his summary dethronement and the 
elevation of the German creature, Tamasese. 

Early in the spring of 1889, seven warships occupied 
the harbor of Upolu, near Apia, a body of water barred from 
the open ocean by a circular coral reef, with a gap in the 
front centre for the entrance and exit of ships. Three of the 
vessels were American, the Trenton, flagship, Rear-Admiral 
Kimberly commanding, the Vandalia and the Nipsic. As 
many were German, the Adler, the Eber and the Olga. One, 
the Cal!i0pe y wa.s British, Captain Kane in command. On March 
1 5th falling ba 
rometers indi 
cated the ap 
proach of a 
storm, yet none 
of the warships 
made for the 




From a photograph in the collection of 

H. (f. Fay 

daylight of the 1 6th the typhoon was 
on, the wind blowing inshore with 
fearful velocity, rolling mountainous 
billows into the harbor. The ves 
sels dragged their anchors and several 
collisions occurred. One vessel lost 
her smoke-stack, another her bow 
sprit, but these were comparatively 
small injuries. Early in the morning 
the Eber crashed against the coral and 
sank. The Nipsic struck sand in 
stead of coral, and lay stranded, but 
in safety. The Adler was also dragged 
to the reef, and the next wave would 
have been her ruin too ; but just as she scaled the water- 
mountain the seamen slipped her moorings, so that she was 
lifted up and thrown on the reef " like a schoolboy s cap 
upon a shelf." No longer thinking of Germans as foes, the 
Samoans nobly helped to rescue the survivors, being foremost 
in that good work all day. 

There remained the Trenton in the harbor mouth, and 
the Calliope farther in, threatened now on one side by the O/ga, 
now on the other by the Vandalia^ and in the rear continually 
by the reef. The harbor was death, the high seas salvation, 
and Captain Kane determined upon a desperate effort to get 
out. Her furnace walls red-hot and her boilers strained 
nearly to bursting, the Calliope matched her engines against 
the awful tornado. For a time she stood stationary, then 
crawled or rather sidled to the gap in the outside reef, close 
by the Trenton, which was pitching at anchor, with fires 
drowned and wheel and rudder gone. As the Englishman at 
last came to the wind outside a rousing cheer went up from 
the American flag-ship, returned with a will by the British 
tars. The Vandalia, trying to beach herself beside the Nipsic, 
missed her aim, struck the reef and slowly settled to her tops, 



The Ebe, 

The Adle 

The TV 

The Natives Going Out to the Wrecked Vessels 

From a photograph in the possession of Commander F. E. Chadwick, U. 5. N. 

which were crowded with men. Then the Trenton parted her 
cables and drifted, helpless as an iceberg, into collision with 
the Olga. The two ships struck once or twice, when the Ger 
man craft slipped her moorings and escaped, having the Nip- 
sic s good fortune to light upon sand instead of hard reef. 
Impelled by the wind and by some mysterious current, the 
Trenton now bore slowly but surely upon the populous tops of 
the Vandalia, rescuing in her approach the clinging seamen by 
throwing them lines. Soon she struck and stopped. By next 
morning she had settled to the gun-deck, but those of her 
men and the Vandalias who survived successfully reached 
shore. Admiral Kimberly gathered the shipwrecked Ameri 
cans about him, and, parading the band of the Trenton, had it 
strike up " Hail Columbia." The Calliope returned on the 



1 9th to find all the other war-ships ruined. Captain Kane 
hastened to acknowledge the parting cheer sent after him as 
he put to sea. Our Admiral replied : " My dear Captain : 
Your kind note received. You went out splendidly and we 
all felt from our hearts for you, and our cheers came with sin 
cerity and admiration for the able manner in which you han 
dled your ship. We could not have been gladder if it had 
been one of our ships, for in a time like that I can say 
truly, with old Admiral Josiah Tatnall, that c blood is thicker 
than water. "* 

Thoughts of war were banished by the havoc Nature had 
wrought. The conference, renewed in Berlin, ended by a 
practical back-down on Bismarck s part. Tamasese was de 
posed, the exiled Malietoa restored. The three powers agreed 
that after his death the natives should elect a successor. This 
triangular authority did not work well. It was an annoyance 
to the Powers and a grievous exasperation to the natives, who 
regarded the weak Malietoa as merely the scalawag creature 
of white carpet-baggers. One rebellion, headed by Mataafa, 
was cut off, and the leaders deported to an island in the Mar 
shall group. Then the younger Tamasese rose, gathering the 
disaffected Samoans about him. The war-vessels of the Pow 
ers were compelled to co-operate in suppressing this rebellion, 
which after all continued to smoulder. 

Of all the Old World s troubles few ever aroused among 
Americans more interest or generosity than the Russian famine 
of 189192. It was a time when, throughout immense 
reaches of that far empire, children and the aged were suffer 
ing and dying on every hand, no cow or goat for milk, not a 
horse left strong enough to draw a hearse, old grain stores 
exhausted, crops a failure, the land a waste, life itself a black 
ness and a curse. Loud cry for help was raised from every 
hut in the vast famine region. The cry was not in vain ; it 
was heard on this side of the Atlantic. 

*The description of the storm is abridged from R. L. Stevenson s. 
60 9 


A Russian pease, 

the famine District 

The credit of first turning pub 
lic attention to the duty of relieving 
Russia was probably due to I he 
Northwestern Miller, a Minneapolis 
journal devoted to the great flour 
interests of the Northwest. On 
December 4, 1891, having pre 
viously ascertained from the Rus 
sian Government that such a gift 
would be acceptable, this paper 
published an appeal to the millers 
of the United States to unite in 
sending a cargo of flour to the 
starving Russians. The Minneapo 
lis millers, the great Pillsbury firm 
at their head, began generous dona 
tions of flour. Interest spread rapidly through Minnesota, the 
energetic Governor Merriam ardently assisting, and thence to 
other States, millers all over the country nobly responding. 

Terrible, indeed, was the necessity. Famine was no 
new thing for great, weak, pitiable Russia ; but a famine which 
brought suffering to thirty millions of people, through twenty 
provinces, comprising 475,000 square miles of eastern, central 
and southern Russia, was exceptional even there. 

Under ordinary circumstances the Russian peasant was 
not so far below other peasants as many travellers had 

affirmed. Dressed in 
his unkempt sheepskin, 
dirty and slovenly, lack 
ing in ambition and 
the power to help him 
self rise, he was yet 
sturdy, industrious and 

HUNGER BREAD" ,. , , r ^, 

(Bread made by starving peasants from weeds, cockle straw and reliable. HlC 
refuse of various sorts mixed with a little rye. The small * * J 1 1 

piece of white bread on the left shows the contrast in color.) VlSltCQ haO. OttCC 



the most fertile in Russia, but their soil had become im 
poverished by a bad system of communal land-holding, so 
that peas