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(Genealogical ^ociefp 
of ®taf) 


No 17472 

T>ate Ie."b.....l936 


3 1833 01360 1189 

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London : 

American Agents : 
DAVID S. TABER, 144 East 20th Street, New York. 
VINCENT D. NICHOLSON, Earlham College, Richmond, Ind.^^^,^ 

GRACE W. BLAIR, Media, Pa. »Kj\TVO^'''^",\rja\Ca\ 

''''■ fronil^^^^^^^^^ 


i-^ ^^--^Tcavso^ 

This volume is issued 

as Supplement 12 to 




The Notes collected by the late Mary Radley, of Warwick, for 
her contemplated " Life of Elizabeth Hooton " seem to indicate 
a work of much wider scope than I have attempted. Since her 
research commenced many notable works on the rise of the 
Society of Friends have been issued which cover the investigations 
made by her. I have therefore endeavoured to bring together in 
a collected form the scattered fragments of Elizabeth Hooton 's 
history, which are to be found up and down, together with many 
of her letters, or extracts from them, which I believe have never 

j before been published. iS2^53G 

Many kind friends have materially assisted in the work, 
and I desire gratefully to acknowledge their services here : to 
Norman Penney, F.S.A., and the staff at Devonshire House, 
London, without whose invaluable help I could not have com- 
piled the little history ; to Mrs. Dodsley of Skegby Hall, for 
her search of the Skegby Manor Rolls, and the Church Registers, 
also for the illustration of the village which she kindly lent for 
reproduction ; to A. S. Buxton, Esq., for various notes connected 
with the history of the district and for his unfailing help and 
interest in the work ; to Mrs. Mary G. Swift, of Millbrook, New 
York, for notes of various authorities ; to my cousin, Ethel 
Barringer, for her sketch of Lincoln Castle Gateway ; and to 
my daughter, Rachel L. Manners, for her photograph of 
Beckingham Church and her suggestions and advice generally. 

For New England History I have drawn largely on Dr. 

Rufus M. Jones's recent book, The Quakers in the American 

Colonies, and for the account of the Quaker persecution in that 

country my authority has been New England Judged, 1703 edition. 

Edenbank. Emily Manners. 

^ Mansfield. 


I. — Early Service in England . . . i 

II. — First Visit TO New England - - - - i8 

III. — Second Visit to New England - - - 35 

IV. — Closing Years 53 

Addenda : 

The Husband of Elizabeth Hooton - - 77 

Noah Bullock 78 

Commitment to Lincoln Castle - - - 78 

Unketty 79 

A Young Man out of the North of England 79 
Hooton Descendants : 

Samuel Hooton 80 

Elizabeth Hooton, Jr. - - - - 82 

Oliver Hooton 83 

Martha Hooton 84 

Thomas Hooton 84 

John Hooton ----- 85 

Josiah Hooton 



Judge Endicott 86 




Skegby Village prior to 1897 . - - Frontispiece. 
Photograph by the Sherwood Photographic Co., 

The tall house on the extreme left of the picture 
is standing to-day. It was the property of the Society 
of Friends until 1800, when it was sold, with the 
adjoining Burial Ground, now a garden, the proceeds 
going towards the re-building of the Meeting House 
at Mansfield. The house is considered by some to have 
been the home of Elizabeth Hooton. It is probably of 
seventeenth century construction. 

Letter from Elizabeth Hooton to George Fox, 1653 [?] 12 
Photograph by Henry G. Summerhayes. 

This is probably an autograph letter. It is endorsed 
by Fox : " e houton to gff 1655." 


Beckingham Church 

Photograph by Rachel L. Manners. 

The village of Beckingham is about five miles south 
of Newark-on-Trent. The church has a fine Norman 
porch and the churchyard is remarkable, being the 
shape of a coffin. 

Heading of the Tract " False Teachers," etc. - - 17 

Photograph by Humphrey L. Penney from the original. 
See p. II. 

Signature of John Endicott 34 

Photograph by Walter J. Hutchins from a facsimile 
in Annals of Salem. 



Endorsement by George Fox 52 

Photograph by W. J. Hutchins from an early copy 
of a letter from Elizabeth Hooton to Oliver Cromwell. 
See p. 10. 

A Portion of a Page of the Earliest Minute Book 

OF Nottinghamshire Quarterly Meeting - - 75 

Photograph by Sherwood Photographic Co., Mansfield, 
from the original. See p. 81. 

Lincoln Castle Gateway 78 

Original drawing by Ethel Barringer. 

This, with some fragments of the old wall, and a 
small, strongly-built structure, supposed to have been a 
dungeon and known as Cobb's Hall, is all that remains of 
the old Castle. The area of the fortress is now occupied 
by the County Hall and a building now disused, which 
was the County Gaol. 

tlej ^0 ilBBtreptafione 

D.=The Friends' Reference Library, at Devonshire Houselj 
136, Bishopsgate, London, E.C. \1 

A.R.B. MSS.=A collection of two hundred and fifty Letters of 
early Friends, 1654 to 1688, so named because worked over 
by Abram Rawlinson Barclay in 1841. In D. 

Camb. Jnl.=The Journal of George Fox, Cambridge ed., 1911, - 

D.N.B.=: Dictionary of National Biography, 68 vols., 1885-1904 

F.P.T.=" The First Publishers of Truth," being early Record^, 

(now first printed) of the Introduction of Quakerisnr v 

into the Counties of England and Wales. Edited for the 

Friends Historical Society by Norman Penney, with 

Introduction by Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., D.Litt., 1907. 

Jnl. F.H.S.=The quarterly Journal of the Friends Historical 
Society, commencing 1903. 

Spence MSS.= A collection of seventeenth century MSS. belonging 
to Robert Spence, of London. 3 vols. Deposited in D. J 

Swarth. MSS.=:A Collection of about fourteen hundred letters, 
papers, etc. of the seventeenth century. In D. 


(Kat% ^ttviu in (Sngfanb 

Tvr.ff i! T? ^",*^ro"gh some parts of Leicestershire and into 
Nottinghamshire, I met with a tender people, and a very tender 
woman whose name was Elizabeth Hooton. 

Journal of George Fox. 

piVCH is our introduction to the earliest convert of 
^7 George Fox : one who was destined to travel far 
C^ in the service of Truth and whose steadfastness 
determination, fearlessness and patience are 
unconsciously revealed in the numerous letters which 
she wrote. No insignificant place was hers in the long 
and bitter struggle for religious liberty, and her life's 
story has left an indelible mark on the history of the 
beginnings of the Society of Friends. 

Little is known of her early life. Croese says : ' 

In this same Fiftieth Year, Elizabeth Hooton, bom and living 
/ in Nottingham, a Woman pretty far advanced in Years, was the 
first of her Sex among the Quakers who attempted to imitate 
Men and Preach, which she now (in this year) commenced. 

After her Example, many of her Sex had the confidence to 
I undertake the same Office. 

I This woman afterwards went with George Fox into New- 

I England, where she wholly devoted her self to this Work ; and 
j after having suffered many Affronts from that People, went 
into Jamaica, and there finished her Life. 

An exhaustive examination of the Nottinghamshire 
Parish Registers shows that the name of Hooton is not an 
uncommon one and appears in many different places. 

' The General History of the Quakers, by Gerard Croese, 1696, pt. i,p. 37. 


OUerton, however, a village situated about eight miles 
north of Mansfield, seems to have been the home of the 
family, and here we find definite traces of Elizabeth 
Hooton. Amongst the names of the owners of Ollerton 
in 1612, given by Robert Thoroton,^ an early Notting- 
hamshire historian, is Robert Hooton, and in 1631 the 
Parish Register shows that " Robert Hooton Pater- 
famihas " died. On nth May, 1628, a certain Oliver 
Hooton married Elizabeth Carrier ; it is uncertain 
whether this Ehzabeth was the convert to Quakerism, for 
from further entries in the record of Baptisms and Burials 
it seems probable that there were two men of the same name 
living in the parish at that time, and in 1629 the wife of 
one whose name was Elizabeth died : it is clear, however, 
that later on an OUver and Ehzabeth Hooton were Uving 
in Ollerton, for there on 4th May, 1633, " Samuell s. of 
OUver and Ehzabeth Hooton " was baptized. 

Hardly a trace of the seventeenth century village of 
Ollerton remains except the ancient churchyard ; in 1797 
Throsby* describes Ollerton as follows : 

This lordship belongs to the hon. Lumley Savile of Rufford 
Abbey. It contains about 1,300 acres of land enclosed. Many 
hops are grown hereabouts. This place has a little market on | 
Friday, and two fairs, one on May day, and the other the 1 
26th of September for hops ; in which month there is a kind of 
market or hop club every Tuesday. The town contains about , 
600 inhabitants. The bridge here like many others was thrown 
down (or blown up as it is called) in the flood of 1795. The' 
church, or rather chapel, is small and is newly built, consequently 
no food there for the mind of the antiquary; but at the Hop- 
pole, near the church, I have more than once after journeying 
from village to village completely tired, found comfortable, 
refreshment for the body. ] 

The principal inn still bears the name of " The Hop- 
pole " — all that remains to tell of the vanished industry, 

' Dr. Robert Thoroton, J.P. (1623-1678), published his Antiquities of 
Nottinghamshire in 1677. He appears in Besse's Sufferings as a persecutor 
of Friends in Notts. 

D.N.B. ; Cropper, Sufferings, 1892, quoting Brown's Worthies of 

* John Throsby (1740-1803) repubUshed Thoroton's Nottinghamshire, 
with additions, in 1790. He wrote also on Leicestershire. 


but the ancient forest still surrounds the village, and the 
quiet stream flows gently on as in the time long past. 

Between the years 1633 and 1636 Oliver and 
Elizabeth Hooton appear to have migrat'ed to Skegby. a 
village about four miles west of Mansfield. The Parish 
Registers there show that in 1636 " Thomas [?] ye sonne 
of Olive Hooton and Elizabeth" was baptized, and in the 
years 1639 and 1641 the names of John and Josiah appear. 
There is no entry of the births of her two children, Oliver 
and Elizabeth, so possibly they were born at Ollerton 
between the years 1633 and 1636, when no entries appear 
in those Registers. 

The owners of the village of Skegby in 1612 were 
stated by Thoroton to be " Wilham Lyndley Gent : Lord of 
the Mannor, Roger Swinstone, Clark, Richard Tomlinson, 
William Butler, Francis Swinstone, Will. Osborne, James 
Cowper of Tibshelf, Thomas Jackson of Askham," and as 
the name of Hooton does not appear on the Manor Rolls 
it is evident Oliver Hooton did not own the property on 
which he settled. In 1650 Thomas Lyndley of Skegby 
was appointed a Commissioner to assess the fines of 
confiscated Royalist estates. Thomas Lyndley applied 
for and received a licence for the holding of Divine 
service in part of his house. This particular building 
still remains (1914) and is now used as a laundry for 
Skegby Hall. 

Francis Chapman, in his return made in accordance 
with the order issued by the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
July 1669, " to enquire after all Conventicles, or unlawful 
meetings under pretence of religion and the worship of God, 
by such as separate from the unitie and conformitie 
of the Church as by law estabhshed,"^ says : 

In reply to your worshipful Archdeacon's letter, I know 
nothing but this : that in Mansfield Woodhouse we have no 
conventicle but one of Quakers, at the house of Robert Bingham 
(excommunicated for not comynge to church) but who they 
are who frequent it I cannot say. At Skegby, alsoe, there is a 
conventicle of Quakers at the house of Elizabeth Hatton [Hutton] 

' See Original Records of Early Nonconformity under Persecution 
and Indulgence, compiled by G. Lyon Turner, 191 1, iii. 13. See other 
references to E. Hooton, i. 155, ii. 725. "i- 744- Chapman was Vicar of 
Mansfield Woodhouse. 


widow ; but I cannot learn who they are who frequent them, 
they being all of other towns. In the same town of Skegby, 
alsoe, there is another conventicle, reputed Anabaptists and fifth 
monarchy men, held at Mr. [Mrs.] Lyndley's (excommunicate 
also) but I know neither their speakers or hearers. 

Possibly it was with these last-named people 
Elizabeth Hooton associated before her meeting with 
George Fox, for it is evident from the following^ that she 
had dissociated herself from the Church before that 
time and joined a Baptist community : 

Oliver Hutton Saith 

And my Mother Joyned with y* Baptists but after some 
time finding them y* they were not upright hearted to y^ Lord 
but did his work neghgently and she haveing testifyed ag' their 
deceit Left y" who in those parts soon after were scatered 
& gone : about the year 1647 George JTox Came amongst them 
in Nottinghamshire & then after he went into Lestershire 
where y' mighty power of y" Lord was manifest that startled 
their former separate meeting & some Came noe more but 
most y' were Convinced of y' truth stood of w"' my mother was 
one and Jmbraced itt : 

Oliver Hutton 
writes in his 
hystry pag : 46: 

Soe here you may see y« they were Called Baptists and 
Separates not Children of y'' Light till after G : jf : had preached 
y^ Light of y* Gospell to them & they Received itt. 

The memorable meeting with George Fox in 1646-7 
changed the whole tenour of her life. At first she met 
with opposition at home. 

Her husband (says Fox in his Testimony concerning 

being Zealous for y' Priests much opposed her, in soe much 
that they had like to have parted but at Last it pleased y' 

' MS. in D. This piece is endorsed : " Oliver Huttons Certificate 
Concerning G : jf : " ; and is among other similar certificates which were 
read at the Second Day's Meeting, 16 xii. 1686/7. " Oliver Mutton's 
hystry " does not appear to have survived. See Braithwaite, Beginnings 
of Quakerism," 1912, pp. 43, 44. 

' MS. in D. entitled : " A Testimony Concerning our Dear jfriend 
and Sister in ye Lord Elizabeth Hutton," dated 1690, but not in Fox's 


Lord to open his understanding that hee was Convinced 
alsoe & was faithfull untill Death. 

But clearly her faithfulness had its reward, for he 
further adds: 

She had Meetings at her house where y' Lord by his power 
wrought many Myracles to y' Astonishing of y^ world & 
Confirming People of y* Truth w"'' she there Received about 

During these years Fox appears to have spent much 
time in Mansfield and the neighbourhood, and in his 
Journal at this period are noted some of his deepest 
religious experiences. Here was revealed to him that over 
the sorrow and suffering, the sin and pain, of the world, 
— " the ocean of darkness and death," as he termed it, 
there for ever flowed the infinite ocean of God's light and 
love ; and this perception brought added strength, for 
he tells us, " I had great openings " ; and who can 
doubt that this deeper spiritual experience and its 
resultant strength proved an inspiration to his early 
disciple ? 

The rapid development of the Mansfield of to-day has 
brought many changes, and but little remains to remind 
one of the seventeenth century town. The " steeple 
house " mentioned by Fox has been restored but its 
interesting features have been preserved ; near it there 
still stands on old house, a survival of the past in the 
midst of modern surroundings, which was undoubtedly 
in existence when he walked " by the steeple house side in 
Mansfield." Hard by lived Elizabeth Heath, that 
benefactress to the town whose thoughtful charity has 
brightened the lives of so many aged pensioners. 
Though it does not appear that she ever openly joined 
the followers of Fox, she still held their honesty and 
probity in such high esteem that she appointed all the 
trustees of her charity from amongst them, and to-day 
the trust is still administered by members of the Society 
of Friends.^ 

I For an illustrated article on Elizabeth Heath (d. 1693) and her 
charity see Journal F.H.S. x. 


In the year 1649 George Fox suffered imprisonment 
at Nottingham and in his " Short Journall "^ we read : 
" There came a Woman to mee to the Prison & two w"" 
her and said y* shee had been possessed two and thirty 
years." He goes on to describe her symptoms and how 
" the Priests had kept her, and had kept fasting days 
about her, and could not do her any good." After his 
release from prison he bade " friends have her to 
Mansfield." Her conduct there was apparently so 
extraordinary that she 

would set all friends in a heat and Sweat . . . And 
so she affrighten'd the World from our meettings ; and then 
they said if that were cast out of her while she were w* us and 
were made well, Then They would say y* wee were of God : this 
said The world. . . And Then it was upon mee that wee should 
have a meetting at Skekbey at EHzabeth Huttons house, where 
wee had her there, and there were many friends almost overcome 
by her . . . and y* same day shee was worse then ever shee 

Another meeting was held and a cure was effected. 
Then the narrative continues : 

Wee kept her about a fortnight in y* sight of y" world, and 
she wrought and did Things and then wee sent her away to her 
friends. And Then the Worlds Professors Priests & Teachers never 
could call us any more false prophetts deceivers or witches after 
but it did a great deal of good in y' Countrey among People 
in relacon to y' Truth and to y' stopping the mouths of y^ world 
& their Slandrous Aspersions. 

Shortly after this time Elizabeth Hooton's active 
ministry commenced and bonds and bitter persecutions 
awaited her. At Derby in 1651 she suffered imprison- 
ment for " speaking to one of the Priests there, who so 
resented her Reproof that he apphed to the Magistrate 
to punish her. For it is common with Men who most 
deserve Reprehension, to be most offended with those 
who administer it."* Although 1651 is the date given, 

' MS. in D. endorsed by Fox : " a short jornall of gjT never wer 
printd," and by another writer : "of Some Short things from ab' ye year 
1648 to King Charles ye 2^ Dayes." The MS. is much worn at the 
edges, but some words have been inserted from a contemporary copy. 

' Besse, Sufferings of the Quakers, 1753, i. 137. 


there is preserved a letter from E. Hooton written from 
Derby gaol and bearing two endorsements, the first in the 
handwriting of George Fox : (i) " To the meir of darby 
from Elliz: hoton 1650." (2) " This was sent to the meir 
of darby from Goodde button." The letter consists 
entirely of religious exhortations, and is similar to many 
others bearing her signature. It concludes : " Would you 
have me put in beale w"" have not trensgresed your 
lawe nor mes be haved my selfe — Conseder is this the 
Good ould way that you was touth [taught?]." It is 
addressed to " noaH BuUocke of derby in the towne " 
and is chiefly interesting as the earliest letter of hers 
known to be in existence, addressed to a public 

There is no record of the length of her imprisonment 
at Derby but in 1652 she was committed to York Castle 
for speaking in the Steeple House at Rotherham and 
remained there for sixteen months. There are interest- 
ing allusions to Elizabeth Hooton and her husband in 
letters from Thomas Aldam^ written from York Castle 
in the above year ; he says :3 

. . . . We have great friendship and love from y" 
governor of the Towne, and many of y° Soul diets are very 
sollid & loveing. Oh his wonderful love and oh the exceeding 
riches of his grace held forth to vs. to him alone all glorie, 
honour, and praise, now & for ever ; My Sister Elizebeth Hooten 
remembers her dear love vnto you in y* lord, and my sister Mary 
|Fisher4 who was brought to prison from Selbie for speakeing 
to y' preist in y" Steeple house there, she was as servant with 
Richard Tomlingson of Selbie. 

' D. (Swarth. MSS. ii. 43) 

2 The home of Thomas Aldam (c. 1616-1660) was Warmsworth, 
near Doncaster. His detention in York Castle followed a contretemps 
with the clergyman of this village, Thomas Rookby ; he was two and a 
half years in the Castle. Short Testimony by his son, Thomas, 1690 ; 
Fiety Promoted ; D.N.B. ; Camb. Jnl. 

3 D. (Swarth, MSS. i. 373) 

4 Mary Fisher (c. 1623-1698), afterwards Bayly and Cross, became 
a prominent preacher and traveller. She visited Cambridge and preached 
to the students, travelled in the West Indies and Eastern Europe, and 
died in Charlestown, South Carolina. Camb. Jnl. ; Quaker Women, 1915. 


And again :^ 
... My sister Elizebeth Hooton & I did looke]-for 
noe Calling to goe before the Judge & Elizabeth husband in the 
flesh came to the Assize & went backe againe shortly : the 
Justices told him shee might not bee Called here but at their 
Sessions : but at the end of their Assizes they called vs all together 
to goe before them ; ... an inward peace & rejoiceing was 
given mee in goeing up. . . I was made to Cry out, Woe to the 
partiall Judge. . . My sisters was made to speake in great 
bouldnes at the Bench against the deceite of their Corrupt 
Lawes & Governements & deceitfull Preists we are Kept all of 
vs in greate friedome in these outward bonds, & the Lord is 
^sent w'" vs in power ; to him alone bee praises for ever & ever 
. . Your deare Brethren & Sisters in the Lord, 

Tho: Aldam Elizabeth hooton 
Will, peares^ Jane Holmes3 
Mary jTisher 

There are two letters signed by Elizabeth Hooton 
which were probably written at this period. The first is 
as follows 'A 

Deare Freind Cap : StothersS & the wife : my deare and 

' D. (Swarth. MSS. iii. 36) 

' According to a MS. in D. (Swarth. MSS. iii. 91), William Peares 
died in York Castle. Fox endorses this scrap of paper : " W peres died j 
in presen at York abought 1654." In the MS. we read : " The cause 
of his Jmprisonment was, because he was moued to stripe himself e naked. 
A Jf igure off all the nakedness of the world . . . Jt was the naked 
that suffen d for the naked truth." 

In A Declaration of present Sufferings, printed 1659, recounting six 
years of persecution, we have a confirmation of G. F.'s statement : 
under Yorkshire, " William Peers imprisoned till death for Tithes." 
(p. 20.) 

3 Prior to her incarceration in York Castle, Jane Holmes was 
one of the Friends whose preaching made such an impression on the town 
of Malton that " some was caused to burne a great deale of riboning of 
silkes and braueries and such things " (D. Swarth. MSS. i. 373). While 
in the Castle her health suffered, and this may partly account for the 
low spiritual condition into which she fell. The MSS. tell us that the 
" wilde nature was exalted in her, aboue the seede of god " and " the 
wilde Eyrie spirit was exalted aboue the Crosse" (Swarth. MSS. iii. 40), 
resulting in her " going out " from her quondam friends into darkness and 
obscurity. See Brajthwaite, Beginnings of Quakerism, 1912, pp. 72, 73. 

4 MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 35a) 

5 Amor Stoddard (d. 1670), frequently styled Captain, was one 
of Fox's companions on various missionary journeys. He lived in 
London. His wife died in 1665. 

Beck and Ball, London Friends' Meeting, 1869 ; Camb. Jnl. 


tender love to y° both, my deare freinds I am moved to writ 
to you my brethren, y* wee are well, the lord is pleased to recover 
me and shew me abundance of his mercy, makeing me acquainted 
with Satans wiles and Cuning devices, to trap the simple Seed, 
and to ensnare and bondage the people of god, with his subtil 
bayts Continually, O deare frends, when the lord hath set 
you free and brought you into joy, then you thinke you have over 
come all, but there is a daiely Crosse to bee taken vp, whilst y' 
the fleshly will remaineth, if any of y' stand vncrucified, the 
Serpent there getts hould and brings into death, & darkenesse, 
soe y' there is a continuall Warfare for there is noe thing obtained 
but throug Death & Suferings, which is by the power of 
Faith, which Caryes through all troubles, keepeing Close to it 
the power of darkenes cannot hurt, but lookeing out to 
satis fie the will of the flesh, there doth the Serpent get in & 
tells the Creature of ease, & liberty in the flesh, and say thou 
needest to take vp the Crosse noe longer, for thou art now come to 
thy rest, thou may eate & drinke and bee merry & I will give 
thee joy enough, & thus many a pore soule is drowned and runs 
on in lightnes & wantonnes, tho become odious both in the 
sight of god and men, & cause Scandalls to arise against y^ Church, 
& soe through backesliders we are rendered odious to the world 
putting on y' which was once put of, disobedience is the beginner 
of these things : O deare frends beeware & exort others, y' 
wee may sit doune in the lowest roome, taking vp the Crosse 
dayely and foloweing Christ & y' hee may goe before vs & leade 
vs at his one pleasure, I have experience of the wiles of Satan, 
the lord hath exercised mee, but there is noe way but sit doune 
and submitt to his will, & there is rest and peace. 

farewell, my love to Richard Hatter & his wife & to Will : 
Tomlinson. your frend Elizabeth Hooton 

The second of the two letters is a plea on behalf of 
James Halliday,^ of Northumberland, imprisoned in 
York Castle :* 

Yo" that sitt on the Bench doe Justice and Equity to 
those honest hearted people Called Quakers whome yo" putt 
in prison and Call them to the Barr & sett them at Liberty for 

■ James Halliday was a weaver of Allartown, in Northumberland. 
He travelled frequently with Patrick Lixdngstone. The date of his 
detention in York is not found. 

^ MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 15) endorsed: " El : Hooton to y« Bench, 
to set James Holydah free & to call others to y« Bar & set y" at liberty." 


they have done yo° noe wrong nor hurt the cause is for 
worshiping of God as hee requires in Sp* & in Truth that they 
Suffer— James Holliday who hath Laine in Six Months being A 
North Country freind the Geoler hath very much Abused By 
Taking away his Victualls & Beateing of him till hee hath 
been black & Blew & his Skin broake & soe o' desire is that yo* 
would sett this poore man at Liberty whome the Geoler keepetb 
for his fees 

Elizabeth Hooton. 

In a very vigorous and lengthy letter^ endorsed 
by Fox : " e hoten at the gale at yorke to olefer Cromwell 
1653," in which she describes herself as a Prisoner 
of the Lord at York Castle, she reminds the Protector : 

The Lord hath beene pleased to make [the] an Instruement 
of warr and Victorie ; hee hath given the power over thy 
enemies & ours, hee hath given much into thy hand, & thou 
hast beene Looked vppon, & sett vpp w"" many, and w"" my selfe. 

She denounces in no measured terms the corruptness 
of Judges, Magistrates, teachers and clergymen and 
all officers and gaolers and compares them to Herod and 
Pontius Pilate ; and continues : 

Your Judges Judge for reward, And at this Yorke many 
w'^'' Committed murder escaped throughe trends & money, & 
pore people for Lesser facts are put to death ; many Lighe in 
prison for fees yet ; they Called their Assize a generall Gaole 
Deliv'ie, but many was but deliv'ed from the ^sence of the 
Judges in to the hands of two greate Tirantes viz', the Gaoler 
& the Clearcke of the Assize & these two keepes many pore 
Creatures still in prison for fees, the Gaoler hee must have Twenty 
shillinge four pence for his fee ; & the Clearcke of the Assize 
hee must have fifteene shillinges eight pence, & this they 
will have of pore Creatures ; or els they must starve in prison. 
They Lighe worse then doggs for want of strawe, Many beinge 
in greate want, that they have not to releeve them w"'all; 
yet these Tirants keepe them in this pore Condicon The Judges 
& Magistrates they might as well have put them to death at the 
Assize as put them into the hands of these two tirants who keepes 
men for money starveing them in a hole till they be ruined [?] or 
starved to death. 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 3) Although this letter is signed " Elizabeth 
Hooton," there are evidences that it is in the handwriting of Thomas 
Aldam, so it is possible that it may have been partly composed or edited 
by him. 


She next complains of the way she and her fellow 
sufferers for the Truth are treated and tells the Protector: 
" Wee have not that Libertie that Paull had of the 
Heathenish Romans. ' ' She then appeals to him as follows : 

O man what dost thou there except thou stand for the truth 
which is trampled under foote Who knowes but thou was Called 
to deliver thy brethren out of bondage & slaverie, & that 
the Truth may bee set free to speake freely, w'^out money or 
w*^out Prize . . . O trend thou must lighe downe in the dust & Cast 
thy Crowne at the feete of Jesus, how Can you beleeve that seeke 
honor one of another & seekes not the honor w'*" is of god onely ; 
Distribute to the pore, & Denie thy honor, & take up the Crosse 
& followe Jesus Christ. 

Much more follows in the same strain, mingled with 
warnings of the woes that will come upon him and the 
nation generally if justice is not done. The whole is a 
very good example of the epistolary methods of the 
period, and at the same time throws an interesting light 
on the condition of prisoners, and the way Justice was 
administered — or rather not administered — during the 
Commonwealth . 

A Tract entitled, False Prophets and false Teachers 
described, signed by Thomas Aldam, Elizabeth Hooton, 
William Pears, Benjamin Nicholson,^ Jane Holmes, and 
Mary Fisher ; " Prisoners of the Lord at York Castle, 
1652," is an eloquent testimony to their unceasing 
activity in Truth's service.^ 

Another detailed account of this imprisonment is 
given in a further letter, sealed and directed: " jfor Capt 
Stodard at his house in Long Aley in more fields this 
d d d in London." E. Hooton writes :3 

' As with William Peares, so with Benjamin Nicholson, the 
rigours of York Castle, though unable to reduce the spirit, proved too 
strong for the enfeebled body. Benjamin Nicholson died there in 1660. 
His home was Tickhill near Doncaster. 

^ Two copies are in D. An interesting and curious production, and 
badly printed. On page 3 we read : " You do not read jn all the Holy 
Scriptures, that any of the Holy men of God were Cambridge or Oxford 
ScoUers, or Universitie men, or called Masters ; but (on the contrary), 
they were plain men, and laboured with their hands, and taught freely, 
as they had received it freely from the Lord." 

3 MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 5) 


Deare friends [paper torn] unto you Concerning [y= assise 
but we 3 sisters were not Called, but they keepe us still in prison, 
with the Rest of oure brethren, 3 of them was Called, but the 
corupt Judge sett fines vpon them, for Comeing w'" their hatts 
on, but they keepe y' truth murdred, in a whole & will not 
suffered it to speake in shutting us vp, what y" truth should be 
declared. Some of our brethren was bold & did speake freely 
to them, but my bro : Thomas [Aldam] they would not let 
him stay nor sufer him to speake, but we are maide to Rest in 
y will of god . . . if we would submitt to their wills, 
then would they take of our fines, but we dare not deny y^ 
lord, for at y' time y' he hath apointed he will sett vs fre, from 
vnder y" bondage of men, but our fredom is w"' y= father & y^ 
sone, whom y^ sone hath maide fre is fre indeede 
O noble Captaine y' lord hath manifested his love to the, & he 
hath maide the an instrument of good to his people, now it stands 
y vpon to stand vp for the leberty of y' gospell, y' them y' hath 
frely Received it, may have fredome to preach itt, & hold it 
out to y'' world, y' hierlings may be putt downe & have no more 
hier, for they through there deceits deceives y* people & 
Raises vp y' Magestraites for persecution, for they, y^ Clergy & 
y= gentry, hath y° lande betwixt them, & y^ people of god & y" 
power doe they persecute & treade vnder feete, & those Corupt 
Magestraits w'*" loiowes noe true Justice, keepes y* poore people 
in bondage & psecutes according to their own will, many of 
vs are put heare in prison, not of ending their owne way. 
Consider of these things and as thou art moved soe 
speake to y^ generall [Cromwell] y' y' truth may be sett 
fre, though we be willing to waite the lords laysure. I 
did sende some letters to y' generall, & would know whether 
they ever was seene, or noe, & one to y' Parlement, I would 
know w' became of them, whether they were brought to 
light or noe, any of them. 

Elizabeth Hooton, 
A prisoner of y° lord in Yorke Castle. 

At what period her liberation from York Castle took 
place is as yet undetermined — on the nth June, 1653, 
she wrote from the Castle to George Fox,^ but when free, 
undeterred by this imprisonment, she went forward 
in her religious service. Here follow some glimpses of her 
further labour and suffering. 

• See photo reproduction of this letter. Fox has endorsed it : 1655, 
but we think 1653 must be the date ; the Author's unit figure is not 
very clear. 

r y ^Sfc*^ 

} ^ 




« :- 

h -^ 


Margaret Killam^ writing to George Fox, in 1653, 


1 was moued of the lord to goe to Cambridge, & I went by 
Newarke side & was att a meetinge uppon the first day there, 
& I was moued to goe to the Steeplehouse & I was kept in Silence 
whilst their teacher had done, & hee gaue ouer in subtilty, a htle, 
& after began againe, thinkinge to haue ensnred mee, but in the 
wisdome of god I was ^served, & did not speake untUl hee was 
come downe out of the place. . . His hearers were uery 
silent & attentiue to heare & did confesse itt was the truth w'*' 
was spoken to them, & was troubled att their Teacher y' hee 
fled away. Itt was the same w*^'' did Imprison Elizabeth 
Hooton, & did ensnare her by his craft, & hee had told them if 
any came & spoke in meeknesse hee would heare. 

Besse has no record of the above-mentioned im- 
prisonment of Elizabeth Hooton, so possibly it was not of 
long duration. 

In the year 1654 George Fox says : " I came to 
Balby ; from whence several Friends went with me into 
Lincolnshire ; of whom some went to the steeple-houses 
and some to private meetings. "3 

From the following interesting entry in an early 
Lincolnshire minute book* it appears likely that John 
Whiteheads and Elizabeth Hooton were of this 
company : 

In the beginning of the Ninth Month in the yeare 1654 John 
Whitehead first came to preach the Light within, & for beareing 
Testimony in the High Place called the Minster in Lincoln that 

• Margaret Killam was wife of John Killam, of Balby, Yorks. 
She was a great traveller and sufferer for the Truth. 

2 D. Swarth. MSS. i. 2. Margaret Killam, writing to George Fox, 
in 1654, mentions holding a meeting at " Oliuer Hoottens," also one at 
" Thomas Brockshows att Mansfild side," and continues : " And soe as the 
lord directs to send ouer sum frends it may bee of greate seruice there 
abouts ; and to Mansfild side, for there is much deadnes ther awaies 
(Swarth. MSS. i. 374). There is mention of another meeting at Oliver 
Hooton's, at Skegby, in 1653 (D. Swarthmore MSS. iii. 52). 

3 Journal of George Fox, bi-cent. ed. i. 197. 

4 This MS. is the property of Broughton, Gainsborough and 
Spalding Monthly Meeting. SeeF.P.T. 152. 

5 John Whitehead (1630-1696) was a Yorkshireman in early Hfe 
and afterwards resided at Fiskerton, near Lincoln. See Camb. Jnl. 


it is the Light of the Glorious Gospell that Shines in Man's heart & 
Discovers Sin, He was buffetted & most shamefully intreated, 
being often knocked down by the Rude & Barberous People, 
who were encouraged thereunto by Humphrey Walcott who 
then was in Commission to have kept the peace ; but brake it 
by striking of the said John Whitehead with his owne hands, 
w^" so encouraged the Rude People, that so far as could be 
scene they had slaine the said John, but that God stirred 
some Souldiers to take him by jforce from amongst them. 
Elizabeth Hooton was imprisoned in Lincoln Castle in the 9''' 
month 1654 by the Procurement of Joseph Thurston, then Priest 
of Beckingham, for speaking to him in the Steeplehouse, she 
was kept Prisoner about 6 months. She was Imprisoned againe 
by procurement of the same priest at Lincoln Castle in Ninth 
Month 1655 for speaking to him after the Exercise Was done, 
& at that time kept prisoner eleven or twelve weeks. 

According to Basse, E. Hooton was the first sufferer 
for the Truth in Lincolnshire.^ 

There is an imperfect letter from Elizabeth Hooton 
in existence, which, though undated, appears to belong 
to this period and naturally finds a place here. It is 
endorsed : " E. H. Prisoner in Lincolne Castle, pleads 
to him in Authority to reforme the abuses of ye Goal," and 
contains a striking description of the state of the gaols 
of the Commonwealth and of the many abuses connected 
with their management.^ Her protests against strong 
drink, her plea for the separation of the sexes and for the 
employment of the prisoners reads more like an appeal 
from Elizabeth Fry two centuries later. 

thou that artt sett in Authoryty to doe Justice and Judg- 
mente, and to lett the oppressed goe free, thease things are required 
att thy hands, looke vpon the pore prissonors, heare is that hath 
not an[y] [allowance all though thear be a greatte sume of mony 
comes out of the country suffic[ien]tt to hellpe them all that is 
in want, booth theare dew alowance and to sett them aworke 
which would labor, And those that are sentt hether for deb[ts] 
that theare rates for beds, which is ten grots the weeke may be 
taken downe [paper torn] at to reasonable raites, And theare 
beare which is sould at such an vnreasonab[le] [paper torn] thear 

' Suff. i. 346. 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 37) 


meseuers being so extreame littell that itt may be amendid [paper 
torn] and equity, for many pore detters is sett in heare for a small 
dett and [paper torn] a great deale of the score fare more then 
thear dette. And it is [? a place of gjreate dissorder and of 
wickednes, so that for oppression and prophaines J neuer came 
in such a place, because a mihgnant woman keeps the gole. 

Opprission in meat and in drinke and in feese, and in that 
which they call garnishes, and in many other thinges. And J my 
selfe am much abused, booth hir and hir prissonars, and hir hous- 
hould, so that J cannott walke quiatly abroade but be abused 
with those that belonge vnto hir. When a drunken preist 
comes to reade command praire, or to preach aftar his 
owne in vention or Jmmaginations, then thay locke me up, 
and all the rest are comanded to come forth to heare, and so is 
keptt in blindnes. 

And so in drinking and profaines and wantonnes, men and 
women to gether many times partte of the night, which grefes 
the spiritt of god in me night and day. This is required of the 
o man, to reforme this place, as thy power and Authority doth 
alow, ether remove strong drinke out of this place or remove the 
Golar, seckondly that theare rates for theare beds may be 
taken dowen. That theare garnishes and theare greate fese 
may be taken of, and thease oppresed prissonors may come to 
some hearing, such as is wrongfuly prissoned. And that theare 
may be some beter order amongst the men and woman which 
is prissonars to keepe them assunder and sett them a worke, 
and sett them att libbirty that is not able to pay the feese, and to 
take out the dissordred person, which kipeth all in dissorder, 
in carding and dicinge, and many other vaine sportes, and so 
J leave itt to thy Concsence to redres the dissorders in this 
rewde place, and so have J discarged my Concsence [paper torn] 
much vpon me, that thou mightest know itt and itt redres. 

Elizebeth Houton, 
prisonr in linckoln Castell. 

George Fox, after his missionary visit into Lincoln- 
shire, accompanied by Robert Craven, the Sheriff of 
Lincoln (who had been convinced by his preaching) and 
by Thomas Aldam, passed into Derbyshire and thence into 
Nottinghamshire to Skegby, " where," he records, " we 
had a great meeting of divers sorts of people : and the 
Lord's power went over them and all was quiet. The 
people were turned to the spirit of God, by which many 
came to receive his power, and to sit under the teaching of 
Christ their Saviour. A great people the Lord hath in 


these parts."* No mention is made of Elizabeth 
Hooton, possibly she was in Lincolnshire at the time, but 
it may be that her fostering care of the infant Church and 
her unwavering steadfastness to the Truth which she had 
received had been mainly instrumental in raising up " a 
great people to the Lord." In 1655 we know she was 
again in Lincolnshire, but the brief entry in the Lincoln 
Minute Book appears to be the only record of her labours 
in that county at this period. She was one of the 
first Quaker preachers to visit Oxfordshire as evidenced 
by an early Minute which runs : " Also EHz Hutton, a 
good ould woman, came and vised us early. "^ 

In 1657 her husband, Oliver Hooton, died. The 
entry in the digest of Friends' burial registers preserved 
at Nottingham reads : 

Oliver Hooton died 30 4 1657 Seckbie, Mansfield Mo. Meeting 
Buried 30 4 1657. Seckbie. 

This is confirmed by the Parish Register at Skegby 
where he is described as the Elder, but there is a slight 
discrepancy as to day and month, the latter stating he 
was buried 24th July, 1657.3 

At an early date Friends acquired a Burial Ground 
at Skegby where members of the Society from the district 
were interred. The entries in the Register show that many 
Mansfield Friends were buried there, for until Elizabeth 
Heath gave a piece of ground as a burial place in 1693, 
Friends of Mansfield had no place of sepulture there. 

Quite recently, in the course of repairs to the house 
at Skegby, which up to 1800 was the property of Friends 
and was known as the Meeting House, and by some was 
beheved to be the house in which EHzabeth Hooton 
lived, a stone used as a shelf in the pantry was found on 
which there were remains of an inscription and the date 
1687. An old lady of Skegby, aged ninety-eight, states 

' Journal, bi-cent. ed. i. 198. 
=■ F.P.T. 219. 

3 It must be remembered that according to the Old Style, the year 
began with March, which the Quakers designated First Month. Hence 
Fourth Month was June. 


that she fancies she can remember seeing some tomb- 
stones in the garden which covers the site of the old 

No record of EHzabeth Hooton's ministry, or allusion 
to her, has been found in contemporary documents for 
the years 1658-1659, but in the early part of the year 
1660 she was in Nottinghamshire, and Besse gives the 
following graphic description of an apparently unprovoked 
assault on her by Priest Jackson of Selston : " On 
the 2d of the Month called April, Elizabeth Hooton, 
passing quietly on the Road, was met by one Jackson, 
Priest of Selston, who abused her, beat her with many 
Blows, knockt her down, and afterward put her into 
the Water. "^ 

With this incident, the record of her early service in 
England ends. We next follow her in her perilous 
journeyings in a distant land. 

' Sujf. i. 553. 

Faife Prophets andfalfe Teachers described. j6t^2. 

(see page 11.) 


" Why touch upon such themes ? " perhaps some friend 

May ask, incredulous ; "and to what good end ? 

Why drag again into the light of day 

The errors of an age long passed away ? " 

I answer : " For the lesson that they teach ; 

The tolerance of opinion and of speech. 

Hope, Faith, and Charity remain — these three ; 

And greatest of them all is Charity." 

Longfellow, New England Tragedies, 
Prologue to " Endicott." 

We owe to their heroic devotion the most priceless of our 
treasures, our perfect liberty of thought and speech ; and all who 
love our country's freedom may well reverence the memory of 
those martyred Quakers, by whose death and agony the battle 
in New England has been won. 

Brooke Adams, Emancipation of Massachtisetts. 

/jT^IERCE and cruel as was the persecution in England it 
^^ was far exceeded by the tortures which awaited the 
/m/ first Quaker missionaries in the New World. Barely 
fifty years earlier the Pilgrim Fathers had left the 
homeland and gone forth into an unknown wilderness, there 
to establish freedom of worship ; their descendants, by 
bitter persecution of the Quakers, demonstrated their 
failure — in spite of their own sufferings — to learn the 
lesson of religious toleration. The general attitude of 
those in authority in the Colonies is very well pourtrayed 
in the writings of the Rev. Mr. Ward, of Ipswich, Massa- 
chusetts, in 1645 : " It is said that men ought to have 
liberty of conscience and that it is persecution to debar 
them of it. I can rather stand amazed than reply to this. 
It is an astonishment that the brains of a man should be 



parboiled in such impious ignorance " ; and, further, 
John Callender, writing in 1739, said that in 1637 " the 
true Grounds of Liberty of Conscience were not then 
known or embraced by any Sect or Party of Christians."^ 
The early history of the New England Colony shows 
that, some years before the advent of the Quakers, 
rehgious differences had arisen amongst the Colonists, and 
a certain section of the community had not escaped 
persecution. Anne Hutchinson, a brave and intrepid 
woman, had boldly protested against what might almost 
be termed a purely theological religion and the extreme 
power which was of necessity vested in the priest, which 
was the basis of the Puritan faith. Dr. Rufus Jones 
states the differing points of view very clearly i^ 

The real issue, as I see it in the fragments that are preserved, 
was an issue between what we nowadays call " religion of the 
first-hand type," and " rehgion of the second-hand type," that 
is to say, a religion on the one hand which insists on " knowledge 
of acquaintance " through immediate experience, and a religion 
on the other hand which magnifies the importance and sufficiency 
of " knowledge about." 

Anne Hutchinson was arraigned before a General 
Court of all the ministers, held in Boston in 1637. She 
defended herself with great ability, but without avail, in 
fact it is very possible that such unusual temerity on the 
part of a woman may have been largely responsible for 
the severity of the sentence passed upon her, for she was 
condemned to banishment and declared excommunicate. 
As the exiled outcast woman passed sadly down the aisle, 
one Mary Dyers joined her and went forthwith her, thus 
taking the first step on that path of suffering which led, 
twenty-three years later, to the gallows on Boston 

^ Callender, Historical Discourse, Boston, 1739. Both these 
quotations are taken from The Quakers in the American Colonies, by 
Rufus M. Jones, London, 191 1, p. xxi. 

^ Quakers in American Colonies, p. 8. 

3 Mary Dyer ( -1660) was the wife of William Dyer, then of 

Newport, Rhode Island. She was described by George Bishop as " A 
Comely Grave Woman, and of a goodly Personage, and one of a good 
Report, having an Husband of an Estate, fearing the Lord, and a Mother 
of [six] Children {New England Judged, 1703, p. 157). Her husband and 
she emigrated from London to Boston in 1635. See Rogers, Mary Dyer, 


Common. Anne Hutchinson, after sentence of exile 
had been pronounced, joined her friends. She had a 
very considerable following in the new Colony of 
Aquiday, or Aquidneck, now called Rhode Island, 
which later became for the persecuted Quakers a verit- 
able " little Zoar,"^ for these early settlers learned the 
lesson of religious toleration which was reflected in their 

The King's Commissioners, who visited the Colony 
about 1664, reported that in Rhode Island " all who desire 
it are admitted freemen. Liberty of conscience and 
worship is allowed to all who live civilly. They admitted 
all religions, even Quakers and Generalists, and is gener- 
ally hated by other Colonies. "3 

Not only was Rhode Island a city of refuge for the 
persecuted Quakers, but their message was sympathetically 
received by many in the Colony. Anne Hutchinson did 
not Hve to witness the sufferings of the Quakers, as she 
and several members of her family were murdered by 

' Calamy, Account of the Ejected Ministers, i. 481, calls Mansfield, 
Nottinghamshire, England, a "little Zoar." In the chapel known as 
the Old Meeting House, in Mansfield, which was built in the year 1702, 
by the descendants of the congregation which had formerly received the 
Ejected Ministers, there are two commemorative brasses above the altar, 
placed there by the late Rev. A. W. Worthington, a former minister, which 
bear the following inscription : " In memory of the conscientious sacrifice 
and Christianity of the Rev. Robert Porter, Vicar of Pentrich, the Rev. 
John Wliitlock, M.A., Vicar of St. Mary's, Nottingham, the Rev. William 
Reynolds, M.A., lecturer at the same church, the Rev. John Billingsley, 
M.A., Vicar of Chesterfield, Joseph Trum»an, B.D., Rector of Cromwell, 
the Rev. Robert Smalley, Vicar of Greasley, and others, who resigned 
their livings when the Act of Uniformity was passed in 1662. 

" Driven from their homes by the Oxford Act, in 1666, they found in 
Mansfield a little Zoar, a shelter and a sanctuary ; and united in hearty 
love and concord, they worshipped together till the Act of Toleration was 
passed in 1688, when all who survived the day of persecution returned 
to their ministry, save the Rev. R. Porter, who remained in charge of this 
congregation till his death, January 22nd, 1690." 

' In 1641, the assembled citizens made the following declaration : 
" This Body Politick is a Democracie ; that is to say, it is in the Power 
of the Body of Freemen, orderly assembled, or the major part of them^ 
to make Just Lawes by which they will be regulated." Under the same 
date the following act was passed : " It is ordered that none bee accounted 
a delinquent for doctrine," and later in the same year this was re-affirmed 
in these words : the " Law of the last Court made concerning Libertie of 
Conscience in Point of Doctrine be perpetuated." Quoted from Rhode 
Island Colony Records, by Jones, op. cit., p. 23. 

3 Calendar of State Papers Colonial. 


the Indians in the autumn of 1643 ; her sister Katharine 
Scot,^ however, early joined the new sect; she is des- 
cribed as " a Mother of many Children, one that had Hved 
with her Husband, of an Unblameable Conversation, and a 
Grave, Sober, Ancient Woman, and of good Breeding, as 
to the Outward, as Men account. "^ She came from 
Providence, Rhode Island, to Boston on hearing of the 
sentence passed on three young men who, for the crime of 
being Quakers, were condemned each to the loss of an 
ear ; on account of her comments thereon she was cast 
into prison and received " Ten Cruel Stripes with a three- 
fold-corded-knotted- Whip," and warned that " if she 
came thither again they were likely to have a law to hang 
her," to which she replied : " If God call us, Wo be to us, 
if we come not ; And I question not, but he whom we 
love, will make us not to count our Lives dear unto our 
selves for the sake of his Name. "3 Truly she and her 
sister Anne Hutchinson came of heroic stock. 

In 1656 the first Quaker preachers in the persons 
of Mary Fisher and Anne Austin^ arrived at Boston. In 
consequence of the many wild rumours which had reached 
the Colony of the strange actions and teaching of the 
Quakers in England, they were detained on shipboard 
and their luggage searched for Quaker books or tracts. 
Several were found and these were ordered to be 
burned by the common executioner, and the women 
themselves were stripped and examined to see if 
they bore upon them marks which should prove 
them to be witches. They were detained in gaol for 
about five weeks and then deported again to Barbados. 
Their inhospitable reception did not in the least 

' Katharine Scott, wife of Richard Scott, was the daughter of 
(Rev.) Francis Marbury, of London, and her mother was of the family 
of John Dryden, the poet. Her daughter, Mary, married Christopher 
Holder, and another daughter, Hannah, married Walter Clarke, once 
Governor of Rhode Island. Her daughter. Patience (1648- ), was 
specially noted for her early suffering for conscience sake. Rogers, 
Mary Dyer ; Scull, Dorothea Scott, 1882 ; Holders of Holderness, 1902. 

^ Bishop, New England Judged, 1703, p. 94. 

3 Ibid. p. 95. 

4 Of Anne Austin (d. 1665, in London) little is known. She was 
advanced in years at the time of her American visit. See Bowden, 
Hist. i. 30-37, etc 


quench the missionary zeal of the early Friends, and 
very shortly after, eight more arrived on the shores 
of New England, who, after two days' examination, were 
sent back to England by the ship on which they came. 
The authorities of Boston then passed a law inflicting 
a fine of £ioo on any shipmaster who knowingly con- 
veyed a Quaker to the Colonies. This law failed as a 
deterrent, many Quakers obtaining an entrance to the 
Colonies, and still fiercer became the persecution. A 
strengthening of the law was deemed necessary and it 
was further decreed : 

What Quaker so ever shall arrive from foreign Parts or Parts 
adjacent shall be forth with committed to the House of Correction ; 
and at their entrance to be severely whipp'd, and by the master 
thereof to be kept constantly at Work, and none suffered to speak 
or converse with them. — If any Person shall knowingly Import 
any Quakers Books or Writings concerning their Devilish opinions, 
shall pay for every such Book or Writing the Sum of £$. who soever 
shall disperse or conceal any such Book or Writing and it be 
found with him or her shall forfeit or pay £$ — and that if any 
Person within this Colony shall take upon them to defend the 
Heretical opinions of the said Quakers or any of their Books, &c., 
shall be fined for the first time 40/- If they shall persist in the same 
and again defend it the second time £4. — If they shall again so 
defend they shall be committed to the House of Correction till 
there be convenient Passage to send them out of the Land, being 
sentenced by the Court of Assistants to Banishment [1656]. 

This law was proclaimed by beat of drum before 
the house of Nicholas Upsall^ who was rightly suspected 
of sympathy with the hated sect ; he protested against 
the law and suffered banishment in consequence. In 
1657 the law was again strengthened ; and if a male 
Quaker, after he had once been banished, returned again 
to New England, he was to suffer the loss of one ear and 
to be kept in the House of Correction, and every woman 
was to be severely whipped and consigned to the same 
place. This law was to apply to " every Quaker arising 
from amongst ourselves " as well as to " Foreign 
Quakers." Three men suffered the penalty of loss of 
their ears at Boston. Further laws were made and 

' Upsall endeavoured to supply Quaker prisoners with food, but 
only succeeded by a weekly payment to the gaoler of five shillings 
(Bishop, o/>. cit. p. 8). Bishop tells us that he was "a long-liver in 
Boston, an Ancient Man, and full of Years." 


penalties inflicted for meeting together to worship God 
after the manner of Friends. In 1658, in addition to the 
penalties already inflicted, any of the " Sect of Quakers," 
after a trial by a special Jury and conviction by same, 
were to be sentenced to death. 

In spite of, or rather because of these harsh laws 
and the inhumanity with which they were administered, 
the Quaker community rapidly increased ; thus we are 
told' that 

these Violent and Bloody Proceedings so affected the Inhabit- 
ants of Salem and so preached unto them, that divers of 
them could no longer partake with those who mingled Blood with 
their Sacrifices, but chusing rather Peace with God in their 
Consciences, whose Witness in them testified against such Worships, 
than to joyn with their persecutors, whatsoever they might there- 
fore suffer, withdrew from the Publick Assemblies, and met together 
by themselves on the first Days of the Week, Quiet and Peaceable 
in one anothers Houses waiting on the Lord. 

The authorities quickly noticed these abstentions 
from public worship and warrants were issued under a 
law of 1646, the offenders being fined for non-attendance 
5s. a week ; and on a second examination, after the Clerk 
of the Court had perverted their explanation as to their 
belief in the doctrine of the Inward Light, three of their 
number — Lawrence and Cassandra Southwick, with 
Josiah their son^ (" all of a Family to terrific the rest") 
were sent to Boston, and there in the House of Correction 
were " caused to be Whipp'd in the coldest Season of the 
Year with Cords, as those afore, tho' two of them were 
Aged People. "3 

Many examples of the ferocity with which the 
Quakers were treated in the New England Colonies might 
be cited, yet so inspired were these early pioneers with 
the deep significance and importance of their message 
that they were compelled to brave the untried wilderness 
paths and surmount difficulties which we in these days 
might be tempted to deem insurmountable, in order to 
deliver it ; women with their babes at the breast would 

^ Bishop, op. cit. p. 54. 

= The Southwicks lived at Salem. Other children were Daniel 
and Provided. Bishop has many notices of the family. 

' Bishop, op. cit. p. 55. 


not hesitate to undertake " a very sore Journey, and 
(according to Man) hardly accomplishable, through a 
Wilderness above Sixty Miles," knowing that it led 
inevitably to stripes and bondage and possible death ; yet 
in spite of all, we are told of one such that she was enabled 
to kneel down and pray in the spirit of the Master for the 
forgiveness of her cruel persecutors. This " so reached upon 
a Woman that stood by, and wrought upon her, that she 
gave Glory to God, and said that surely she could not 
have done that thing, if it had not been by the Spirit of 
the Lord."^ 

The Quakers still continued boldly to preach, and 
persecution waxed fiercer and fiercer. The Chronicler 
says : " Their lives (as men) became worse than Death 
and as living Burials." The offences for which Friends 
suffered so severely were of a most trivial character, such 
as non-attendance at Public Worship for which they had 
been previously fined, and for not removing their hats. 
In the event of their refusal to pay any fines which might 
be imposed they became liable under a law made on 
accounts of debts, by which it was permissible to sell 
those persons who refused or were unable to pay their 
fines " to any of the English Nations as Virginia or 
Barbadoes to Answer the said Fines." 

Worse was to follow — in June, 1659, William Robin- 
son, of London, Merchant, and Marmaduke Stevenson, 
a country-man from East Yorkshire, under a religious 
concern, passed from Rhode Island to Boston, where 
with an aged man named Nicholas Davis^ they were 
speedily imprisoned, Mary Dyer, who came from Rhode 
Island, sharing the same fate ; there they remained until 
the sitting of the Court of Assistants, when they were 
sentenced to banishment, and should they be found 
within the Jurisdiction of the Court after the 14th of 
September following they were condemned to death. 
They were kept prisoners till the 12th of September. 
Mary Dyer and Nicholas Davis " found freedom to 
depart " out of the Province ; but WilHam Robinson 
and Marmaduke Stevenson " were constrained in the 
love and power of God not to depart," so they passed out 

' Bishop, op. cit. p. 60, in the case of Horred Gardner, of Newport. 
* Nicholas Davis was of Plymouth Colony. 


of prison to Salem and remained there and at Pis- 
cataway and the parts thereabouts in the service of the 
Lord. On the 13th of October they retmrned to Boston 
" that metropoHs of Blood " as it was styled, and with 
them Alice Cowland, " who came to bring Linnen to wrap 
the dead bodies of them who were to suffer." Several 
other Friends joined them and the Chronicler tells us: 
" These all came together in the Moving and Power of 
the Lord as one, to look your Bloody Laws in the Face," 
and to accompany those who should suffer by them. 
Mary Dyer had returned also and on the 19th of the 
same month she, with William Robinson and Marmaduke 
Stevenson, was condemned to death. On the 28th of 
the same month they were led forth to execution, by the 
back way, we are told, for the authorities were afraid 
" of the fore way lest it should affect the people too 
much." Drums, too, were beaten, so that no words 
from the prisoners might be heard; we are told that they 
came "to the place of Execution Hand in Hand, all 
three of them as to a Weding-day, with great Chearfulness 
of Heart." The two men were hanged, but Mary Dyer 
was reprieved at the last moment, by petition of her 
son, only to suffer the death penalty a few months later. 

Yet another martyr was to seal his testimony with his 
blood — William Leddra, described as of Barbados but 
a native of Cornwall, was executed at Boston the 14th 
of March, 1660/61, under the law of banishment, who, 
before his final trial, had suffered much persecution and 
grievous cruelty. His beautiful and saintly nature is 
revealed in a letter written by him " To the Society of the 
little Flock of Christ," dated from Boston prison the day 
before his execution ; therein is no fierce denunciation 
of his persecutors, but words of consolation and hope to 
his sorrowing friends.^ 

A contemporary letter, printed in New England Judged, 
is extremely interesting as showing the unbiassed opinion 
given by an entire stranger of the sentence passed upon 
this saintly man. So moved was he by the scene at the 
execution that he was impelled to remonstrate with those 
in authority. The letter is from Thomas Wilkie to his friend, 
George Lad, "Master of the America, of Dartmouth, now 

' Printed in New England Judged, p. 299. 


at Barbados," dated Boston, 26th of March, 1661. It 
is as follows :^ 

On the 14th of this Instant, here was one William Leddra, 
which was put to Death. The People of the Town told me, He 
might go away if he would : But when I made further Enquiry 
I heard the Marshal say, That he was Chained in Prison, from 
the time he was condemned, to the Day of his Execution. I 
am not of his Opinion : But yet Truly me thought the Lord did 
mightily appear in the Man. 

I went to one of the Magistrates of Cambridge who had 
been of the Jury that condemned him (as he told me himself) 
and I asked him by what Rule he did it ? He answered me, 
That he was a Rogue, a very Rogue. But what is this to the 
Ouestion (I said) where is your Rule ? He said. He had abused 
Authority. Then I goes after the Man [William Leddra], and 
asked him, "V^'bether he did not look on it as a Breach of Rule, 
to slight and undervalue Authority ? And I said. That Paul 
gave Festus the Title of Honour tho' he was a Heathen (I do 
not say these Magistrates are Heathens) I said then, when the 
Man was on the Ladder, He looked on me, and called me Friend, 
and said. Know, that this Day I am willing to offer up my Life, 
for the Witness of JESUS. Then I desired leave of the Officers to 
speak, and said. Gentlemen, I am a Stranger, both to your 
Persons and Country, and yet a Friend to both : And I cried 
aloud. For the Lord's sake, take not away the Man's Life ; 
but remember Gamaliel's Counsel to the Jews, If this be of Man, 
it will come to nought ; but if it be of God, ye cannot Overthrow 
it ; But be careful ye be not found Fighters against God. And 
the Captain said. Why had you not come to the Prison ? The 
Reason was. Because I heard, the Man might go if he would ; 
and therefore I called him down from the Tree and said, Come 
down, William, you may go away if you will. Then Captain 
Oliver said. It was no such matter ; And asked. What I had to 
do with it ? And besides, Bad me be gone. And I told them, 
I was willing ; for I cannot endure to see this, I said. And when 
I was in the Town, some did seem to Sympathise with me in my 
Grief. But I told them. That they had no Warrant from the 
Word of God, nor President from our Country ; nor Power 
from his Majesty, to Hang the Man. I rest, 

Your Friend, 

Thomas Wilkie. 

A bold protest, boldly made ; the Chronicler, to our 
regret, is silent as to the fate of the protester. 

' New England Judged, p. 333. 


Soon after the Restoration, Charles II., " judging 
it necessary that so many remote Colonies should be 
brought under uniform inspection for their future regu- 
lation, security and improvement," signed a Commission 
appointing thirty-five members of Privy Council, the 
nobility, gentry and merchants, a Council for Foreign 
Plantations. {Calendar of State Papers Colonial). Wide 
powers were vested in this Council, any five members 
were empowered to " inform themselves of the condition of 
Plantations and of the Commissions by which they were 
governed as well as to require from any Governor an 
exact account of the constitution of his laws and govern- 
ment, number of inhabitants and any information he was 
able to give." The Commissioners were also " to 
provide learned and orthodox ministers to reform 
debaucheries of planters and servants and instruct natives 
and slaves in the Christian faith." The first meeting 
was held 7th of January, 1661, when Committees were 
appointed for the several Plantations ; attention was 
first directed to the New England Colonies, and infor- 
mation, petitions and relations of those who had been 
sufferers were laid before the Council. At a subsequent 
meeting held on nth of March, 1661, Captain Thomas 
Breedon, who had returned from New England in 
1660, appeared and reported as to conditions in Massa- 
chusetts Colony. He presented a book of the Laws of 
the Colony which were stated to be by patent from the 
King, but he had never seen the patent and did not know 
whether they acted in accordance with the same. 
" Distinctions between freemen and non-freemen, members 
and non-members, is as famous as Cavaliers and Round- 
heads was in England, and will shortly become as odious. 
The grievances of the non-members who are really for the 
King, and also some of the members, are very many." 

In Breedon's report, too, we have symptoms of dis- 
content and disaffection— heralds of the storm which a 
hundred years later broke, and severed for ever the 
American Colonies from the mother-land. He continues : 
They look on themselves as a free state, they sat in Counci] 
December last, a week before they could agree in writing to His 
Majesty, there being so many against owning the king or having 
any dependence on England. Has not seen their petition but 


questions their allegiance to the King, because they have not 
proclaimed him, they do not act in his name, and they do not give 
the act [? oath] of allegiance, but force an oath of fidehty to 
themselves and their Governor as in the Book of Laws. 

That there was considerable doubt in the minds of 
those in authority in New England as to the manner in 
which the news of their high-handed and ferocious 
persecution of the Quakers would be received by the 
Home Government is evident from a letter written by 
Captain John Leverett, London Agent for Massachusetts, 
to Governor Endicott and the General Court, 13th of 
September, 1660. After some discourse on other matters 
he continues : 

Y* Quakers I hear have been with y° King concerning your 
putting to death those of theyr Fr'" executed at Boston. Y* 
general vogue of people is y* a Gov' will be sent over. Other 
rumours y" are concerning you, but I omit y", not knowing 
how to move & appeare at Court on your behalf. I spoke to 
L" Say & Sele to y= E' of Manchester &c. 

Y" in all faithfulness to serve you, 
John Leverett. 

Some Quakers say y' they are promised to have order for y' 
liberty of being with you. 

News of the sufferings of Friends in New England had 
indeed reached their Friends in the old country ; Edward 
Burroughs had obtained audience of the King and 
represented in powerful though simple language the story 
of their inhuman treatment. His appeal resulted in the 
issue of a Mandamus by the King, dated Whitehall, 9th 
day of September, 1661, to John Endicott, and the 
Governors of the other Colonies,^ commanding that all 
Quakers condemned to death or imprisoned should be 
sent to England for trial ; Edward Burrough urged that 
this order should be sent with all speed, but the King 
objected, in his usual spirit of procrastination, that he had 
" no occasion at present to send a ship thither." 
Burrough, however, was given permission to send the 
Mandamus by the hand of a messenger of his own choosing; 

■ One of the young and vigorous preachers of early Quakerism 
(i 634-1 662). He died in Newgate Jail, London. See Camb. Jnl. 

^ It was spread abroad in N.E. that the Quakers had forged the 
King's letter and counterfeited his seal (D. Spence MSS. iii. 116). 


he at once decided that Samuel Shattuck/ of Salem, 
a Quaker exile from the Colony, should return as the 
bearer of the King's message. English Friends at once 
chartered a vessel belonging to Ralph Goldsmith, * him- 
self a Quaker. After a tempestuous voyage of six weeks 
the vessel reached the American shore. As she lay 
anchored in Boston Harbour one Sunday morning in 
October, 1661, Captain 01iver,3a Boston official, boarded 
her, and on his return to the town it is said he reported : 
" There is Shattock and the Devil and all." The 
Mandamus was delivered in person by Samuel Shattuck 
to Governor Endicott and the immediate result was that, 
shortly after, many Quaker prisoners were set at liberty.* 
Whittier, in his poem, The King's Missive, gives us a 
beautiful word picture of the incident and its setting ; one 
can imagine how the weary prisoners " paused on their 
way to look on the martyr graves by the Common side," 
and how surpassingly lovely the landscape seemed to 

' The furious attack on the Quaker travellers, Christopher Holder 
and John Copeland, in 1657, made by the civil and Church authorities 
of Salem, so affected Samuel Shattuck (c. 1620-1689), a man of good 
reputation, that he interfered on behalf of the sufferers and as a con- 
sequence was imprisoned at Boston, and whipped ; and finally, in May, 
1659, he was banished the Colony. Some trouble which arose in the 
early part of 1665 is referred to later (see p. 50), and it may be that 
Shattuck, as a consequence, dissociated himself from Friends. His 
remains were buried in the Charter Street Burying Ground in Salem ; 
on the tombstone the date is given in non-Quaker style — " ye sixth day 
of June." His intervention on behalf of Christopher Holder is recorded 
in full. There is a picture of the stone in The Holders of Holderness, 1902. 
A son of Shattuck appears in one of the Salem witch trials (Witchcraft 
and Quakerism, 1908, p. 8). His descendants are still living in Salem 
{Holders, p. 104). 

* In a letter from John Philly to George Fox, in 1661 (Swarth. MSS. 
iv. 158), there is this mention of Ralph Goldsmith : "There is one Ralph 
Goldsmith, A friend & master of A ship, his house is in Jacobs street Nere 
Sanorys Dock,Nere Redrife.whoe hath taken A viag for Venus [Venice]." 
Little is known of this Quaker shipmaster. Besse notes one of the name 
among sufferers in Barbados [Sitff. ii. 279). 

3 Captain James Oliver is frequently mentioned in the history of 
these troublous times. He led forth Robinson and Stevenson to 
execution, causing drums to beat when they attempted to speak (there 
is a striking illustration of this scene in McClures Magazine, Nov. 1906, 
from a painting by Howard Pyle) ; and when Edward Wharton intervened 
in the trial of Leddra, Oliver cried out : " Knock him on the pate " 
(Bishop, op. cit. p. 318). 

4 Bishop, op. cit. p. 345. There is in D. a MS. account of the 
voyage of the King's messenger. 



eyes so long accustomed to the gloom of the prison- 
house for 

The autumn haze lay soft and still 

On wood and meadow and upland farms, 

Broad in the sunshine stretched away, 
With its capes and islands, the turquoise bay ; 
And over water and dusk of pines 
Blue hills lifted their faint outlines. 

And with awe and deep humility we can enter in 
some faint degree into their silent yet fervent thanksgiving 
for "the great deHverance God had wrought/' and ah! 
how vividly we can picture how 

Through lane and alley the gazing town 
Noisily followed them up and down ; 
Some with scoffing and brutal jeer, 
Some with pity and words of cheer. 

Into the heat of this persecution Elizabeth Hooton 
with her companion, Joan Brocksopp,^ had ventured. 
They suffered imprisonment in Boston prison on account 
of visiting Friends confined there, and were liberated with 
twenty-five others, after the receipt of John Leverett's 
warning letter to Governor Endicott and the General 

But we will let Elizabeth Hooton give the story of 
her call to the service, her journeyings and the hardships 
she endured on the American Continent, in her own words :^ 

This is to lay before freinds or all where it may come of the 
sufferings & persecutions which we suffered in newe England 
J Elizabeth Hooton have tasted on by the prefessours of Boston 
& Cambridge, who call themselves Jndependants who fled from 
the bishops formerly, which have behaved themselves, worse 
then the bishops did to them by many degries, making the people 
of God to suffer much more then ever they did by the bishops 
which causeth their name to stink all over the world becaus 
of cruelty. 

' Joan Brocksopp (d. 1681) was the wife of Thomas Brocksopp, 
of Little Normanton, near Chesterfield, Derbyshire. 

^ MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 27) This may be the "E. Hootons 
Manser " of the margin of Whiting's Truth and Innocency Defended, 1702, 
see pp. 95, 109, etc. 


Jn y' year 1661 it was upon me from the Lord & my freind 
Joan Broksopp [paper rubbed at crease and writing illegible] for 
God & his people to those people in the heate of persecution, & 
if God required us to lay down our lives for the testimony of Jesus 
& in love to their soules, not knowing but what they might 
heare & so be saved y' they might be left without excuse 
& God might have his glory & we cleare of their bloud if they 
would not heare : ane old woman above three score yearns old 
when J went thither & my companion, but they had made a 
lawe of a hunder pounds fine to evry ship y' caried a quaker 
& to cary them back againe, so y' no ship would cary us from 
England thither, but we took ship to Virginia, & when we came 
there many ships denied us, & therfore we knew nothing but to 
goe by land which was a dangerous voyage, yet God was pleased 
to order us a way by a Katch to carie us a part of the way, & 
so we went the rest by land.'' 

When we came to Boston after a hard passage then 
there was no house to receive us as we knewe of by reason 
of their lines, yet did we venture in the night to a woman 
friends house where when we were gotten in, it pleased the 
Lord y' we stayed y° night by reason y' the tyde did rise so 
speedily as we could not get a way, & so we went away in the 
morning to prison to visit freinds ; but the Jaylour & his wife 
being filled full of cruelty, they would not let us come neare to 
to the prison to see our freinds, but haled us away & he went to the 
Governour Jndicot & brought us before him, & many questions 
he asked us, to which the Lord inabled us to answer, but a 
mittimus he made to cary us to the Goale ; for if any called 
quakers came into y' country y' was crime enough to commit us to 
prison without any just offence of lawe, & four of our freinds was 
hanged upon y' same act of their own making for if they shall 

' Mary G. Swift, of Millbrook, N.Y., who has made considerable 
study of Hooton printed literature, suggests that Elizabeth Hooton 
and Jane Brocksopp were the " two Friends," mentioned in a letter 
from George Rofe to Richard Hubberthorne (quoted in Bowden's Hist. 
i. 230), and that they accompanied him a part of the journey from Va. 
to N. E. in his " small boat," and on arrival united with him in appointing 
the first General Meeting in America, at Newport, R.I., in 1661. He 
writes: " We appointed a general meeting," etc., the antecedent to we 
being the writer and his two Friends. In her own account of tliis \asit 
to New England (see p. 32), E. Hooton states : " We did come to Rhod 
Jland where was appointed by freinds a generall meeting for New 
England." Bishop tells us of the two women that " the Lord afforded 
them an opportunity by a Catch, which carried them part of the way " 
{New England Judged, p. 404). Wliiting relates that they " got to 
Rhode Island, where was a General Meeting " [Truth and Innocency, 
p. 109). It would be very interesting if it could be stated with certainty 
that E. Hooton was concerned in the caUing of the first Y.M. in America. 
See p. 32, n. 2. 


ask if they be quaker, & if they own it then y' was crime enough 
to hange them : One of them called William Leathry [Leddra] 
was hanged since the king came to England & he saide y' he 
would appeale to the Lawes of Old England, he was hanged ; 
& another' he did appeale to the generall Court of Boston he was 
reprieved though once condemned with the other y' was hanged : 

Allso they put 29 of us into prison at Boston till the generall 
Court did sit there, & when they sat in their Court they did call 
severall Juries upon us, wherby some were condemned to be hanged, 
some to be whipt at the carts taille, & some to be kept into prison, 
till they should resolve how to dispose of us ; but another Jury 
after y' was called which did condemne us to be banished to the 
French Jland, but y' did not hold & after y' they called another 
Jury which condemned us all to be driven out of their Jurisdiction 
by men & horses armed with swords & staffes & weapons of warre 
who went alonge with us neire two dayes journey in the willdernes, 
& there they left us towards the night amongst the great rivers 
& many wild beasts y' useth to devoure & y' night we lay in the 
woods without any victualls, but a fewe biskets y' we brought 
with us which we soaked in the water, so did the Lord help & 
deliver us & one caried another through the waters & we escaped 
their hands. 

And their lawes were broken, & y' which they intendet 
against us it may fall upon themselves, & was a deliverance never 
to be forgotten praises be to the Lord for ever & ever & now 
their Lawes being broken & we delivered, for the terrour of the 
Lord did so seise upon them when we were in prison at the time 
of the Court, they were distressed both night & day as Caen 
was when he had Slaine his brother & they raised up all their 
souldiers about in the country to defend themselves against 
us that intended them no hurt, so did we come to Providence & 
Rhod Jland where was appointed by freinds a generall meeting^ 
for New England where we were abundantly refreshed onewith 
another for the space of a week, so y' the persecutors of Boston 
& professors there were tormented because of innocent blood 
which they had shed they thought ane army was comming against 
them w"'' was no other then y* feare y* surprised y^ hypocrite, 
y* wrath of y' Lord exceedingly seised upon them while we were 
kept in prison. 

So we tooke shipping & went to Barbados & afterwards 
was moved to returne to New Engl"^ againe, through much 
of this country we went amonst |friends & then was moved 

' Margin gives the name — Wenlock Christison. 

= This may have been the first General Meeting in America. See 
p. 31, n. I, and the account of the 250th Anniversary of the Beginning 
of New England Yearly Meeting, 191 1. 


to goe to Boston againe & cry through y' towne, after y* Lawe 
was broken, & then y" Constable tooke hold of us to carry me 
to y' ship & y" wicked officer said it was their delight & could 
rejoice to follow us to y* execution as much as ever they did, 
in w"" ship we did both of us Returne to England. & y' bloud- 
thirsty men stopped in their desires blessed be y' Lord for ever 
& for ever. 

Two contemporary letters to Margaret Fell' give us 
a glimpse of the travellers in Barbados. Joan Brocksopp, 
writing from that island, gth of August, 1661, says:^ " We 
came here about A week since. We expect to Returne 
thether [Boston] agayne. Elizabeth Houtton dearly saluts 

Ann Clay ton, 3 writing also from Barbados under the 
same date, says :* 

I shall pas towards New England as soon as Conuenient 
opertunity j^sents, and Jeane Brocksopp hath thoughts of going 
with mee, for she sayth shee is not yet Cleare of that Place, 
& its like Elizabeth Houton may Returne againe alsoe. Theyer 
Law is bad, but y* Powre of y^ Lord is sufisient, hee alone 
^serue vs in it to trust that hee may haue y* whole prayes of 
his owne worke, and be sanctified in all our Harts Amen. 

A. C. 

An account of Elizabeth Hooton and her com- 
panion's sufferings and the perils they passed through is 
given in New England Judged, but this account somewhat 
lacks the vivid touches of the autobiographical narrative 
given above. In the following words the travellers 
conclude the record of their experiences : 4 

Now Jifriends as y* Lord hath deliv'ed us from y' first sore 
travell that y^ hands of those bloud thirsty men could not prevaile 
to take away o' lives, but we came home againe unlookt for of 

' Margaret Fell (1614-1702) was the wife and widow of Judge 
Thomas Fell (1598-1658). In 1669 she married George Fox (1624-1691). 
She was the nursing mother of the early Quaker Church. 

= Swarth. MSS. i. 75. ^ Swarth. JMSS. i. 76. 

3 Ann Clayton held some position of trust in the Swarthmoor 
household, but she also travelled in the ministry at home and abroad. 
It was she, or another of the same name, who became the wife of Nicholas 
Easton of R.I., prior to 1672. See Camb. Jnl. 

5 MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 27), close of first portion. 


many y' we should ever returne so safelie because y' heate of 
persecution ranged over y' Nations, & an ill savour & example 
they set forth w'" strengthned y' hands of y' wicked in all those 
Countries as Virginia & Mariland, & over all y' Dutch plantations, 
thinking to have rooted out y'' Truth & its Children. 

Joan Brocksopp, too, adds her testimony, and in her 

Lamentation for New England writes :^ 

Oh how doth my Soul pity you, ye Rulers of Boston, that 
ever ye should be so ignorant of your own Salvation, to turn 
the truth of our God into a ly, and put his Servants to death 
when he sent them among you to warn you . . . Oh ye 
Rulers of Boston, my heart is made sad when I remember your 
condition and your state, how you are found out of the ways of God 
against your own soules . . . And say not but that you 
were warned in your Life time by one who is a true Lover 
of the Seed of God, known unto the World by the Name of 

The 4 Month 1662. Jone Brooksop 

And so at length after many hairbreadth escapes, 
" Elizabeth," in the words of the old Chronicler, " having 
also suffered for her Testimony to the Truth returned to 
old England and abode some space of time at her own 
Habitation. "2 

A perilous journey for two women, neither of them 
young, to undertake, and one marvels at the high courage 
and faith, and the deep sense of the guiding hand of 
God, which sent them forth "looking death in the face " 
to deliver the message of their Lord. 

' At the end of her Invitation of Love. 

- In the voluminous records of the cost of many reUgious journeys 
taken by the early Friends, there is no record of any money paid to 
Elizabeth Hooton. It may be that she met the cost of these extensive 
travels out of her own pocket. Bowden states that " she was in very 
sufficient circumstances " {Hist. i. 256). 

See page 28. 


^econb (^mt to Qten? (^ngfanb 

It is easy for us, at this comfortable distance, in an ordered 
society in which one beheves what he wants to beheve — 
Or peradventure beheves nothing at all — to say that these 
Friends walked of their own accord into the lion's den. 
That is undoubtedly true, but it indicates a superficial 
acquaintance with the spirit of these Quakers. . . . They 
would have preferred the life of comfort to the hard prison and 
the gallows rope if they could have taken the line of least 
resistance with inward peace, but that was impossible to them. 
. . . They had learned to obey the visions which they believed 
were heavenly, and they had grown accustomed to go straight 
ahead where the Voice which they believed to be Divine called 

RuFUS M. Jones, Quakers in the American Colonies, p. 80. 


/■4^0 one of Elizabeth Hooton's temperament it was 
£^ obviously impossible that there should be any long 
^^ period of rest after her arduous journeyings, and we 
soon find her dauntlessly remonstrating with magis- 
trates, visiting prisoners, and appearing before King 
Charles II. About this period she rented a farm near Syston 
or Sileby in Leicestershire, which was worked for her by 
her son Samuel, its assessable value being £5, In 1662 
we find that Samuel was " taken at a meeting " possibly 
at that place and thrown into Leicester prison, and from 
him were taken " three mares with geares." This 
distraint is the subject of many letters to the King, the 
Lord Chamberlain, and various other people. On reading 
these epistles one is frequently reminded of the unjust 
judge and the importunate widow ; it is not at all clear 
that she received reparation, though her numberless 



appeals, one would have thought, might have proved 
sufficiently wearisome. 

The following is E. Hooton's own account of one 
interview with the King, perhaps the first :^ 


My goeing to London hath not beene for my owne ends, 
but in obedience to the will of god, for it was layed before me, 
when J were on the sea, and in great danger of my Hfe, that J 
should goe before the King to witnesse for god, whether he would 
heare or noe, and to lay downe my life as J did at Boston if it bee 
required, and the Lord hath giuen me peace in my Journey, and 
god hath soe ordered that the takeing away of my Cattle hath 
beene very seruiceable, for by that meanes haue J had great 
priuiledge to speake to the faces of the great men, they had noe 
wayes to Couer their deceits, nor send me to prison whatsoeuer 
J said, because the oppression was layed before them, and there 
waited J for Justice, and Judgement, and equity, from day to day, 
soe did this oppression Ring ouer all the Court, and among the 
souldiers, and many of the Citisens, and Countrey men and water 
men that were at the Whitehall and J laboured amonge them both 
from morning till night, both great men and priests and all sorts of 
people that there were. 

J followed the King with this Cry J waite for Justice of 
thee o King, for in the Countrey, J can haue noe Justice 
among the Magistrates, nor Shreiffes, nor Baylyes, for they 
haue taken away my goods contrary to the Law, soe did 
J open the grieuances of our freinds all ouer the Nation, the Cry 
of the Jnnocent is great, for they haue made Lawes to persecute 
Conscience, and J followed the King wheresoeuer he went with 
this Cry, the Cry of the innocent regard, J followed him twice 
to the Tenace Court, and spoke to him when he went vp into 
his Coach, after he had beene at his sport, and some of them read 
my Letters openly amongst the rest, the Kings Coachman read 
one of my Letters aloud, and in some the witnesse of god 
was raised, to beare witnesse against the scoffers with boldnesse 
and Courage, and confounded one of the guard that did laugh, 
and stop the mouthes of the gainesayers, and they Cry they were 
my disciples, and soe great seruice there were for the lord in these 

J waited vpon the King which way soeuer he went, J mett 
him in the Parke, and gaue him two letters, which he tooke at 
my hand, but the people murmured because J did not Kneele, 
but J went along by the King and spoke as J went, but J could 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 34) 


gett noe answer of my Letters, soe J waited for an answer many 
dayes, and watch for his goeing vp into the Coach in the Court, 
and some souldiers began to be fauourable to me, and soe 
let me speake to the King, and soe the power of the lord 
was raised in me, and J spoke freely to the King and Counsell, 
that J waited for Justice, and looked for an answer of what 
J had giuen into his hand, and the power of the lord was 
risen in me, and the witnesse of god rose in many that did 
answer me, and some wicked ones said that it was of the deuill 
and some present made answer and said they wish they had 
that spirit, and then they said they were my disiples, because 
they answered on truths behalfe, and the power of the lord was 
ouer them all, and J had pretty time to speake what the Lord 
gaue me to speake, till a souldier Came and tooke me away, and 
said it was the Kings Court, and J might not preach there, 
but J declared through both Courts as J went along and they 
put me forth at the gates, and it Came vpon me to gett a 
Coat of sackecloath, and it was plaine to me how J should 
haue it, soe we made that Coat, and the next morning J were 
moued to goe amongst them againe at Whitehall in sacke- 
cloath and ashes, and the people was much strucken, both 
great men and women was strucken into silence, the witnesse 
of god was raised in many, and a fine time J had amongst them, 
till a souldier pulled me away, and said J should not preach there, 
but J was moued to speak all the way J went vp to Westminster 
hall, and through the pallace yard, a great way of it, declareing 
against the Lawyers, that were vniust in their places, and 
warneing all people to repent, soe are they left without excuse, 
if they had neuer more spoken to them, but the Lord is fitting 
others for the same purpose, but he made me an instrument to 
make way, that some others may follow in the same exercise, 
and as they are filling vp the measure of pride and Costlynesse, 
and wantonnesse, persecution, lasciuiousnesse, with all manner 
of sin filling vp their measures, soe is the lord now filling vp his 
vioUs of wrath to poure out vpon the throne of the beast, soe that 
all freinds to be faithfull and bold and valliant to the measure, 
which god hath manifested to you, for a Crowne of life is laid 
vp for all that abide faithfull. 

Elizabeth Hutton. 
London the 17"^ of the 8* Month 1662. 

This letter gives sufficient evidence of her determi- 
nation and the fearlessness of her methods of procedure ; an 
account which reads strangely to-day, when one considers 
the difficulty of access to the Sovereign and the forces 
and formalities which guard and hedge him about. 


Another letter, undated, addressed " To you yt are 
Judges or Magistrates in ye Court," possibly belongs 
to this period. Elizabeth, in very plain language, calls 
attention to the licentiousness of the times.^ 

. . . Take heed what you doe Least y^ Lord Arise in y'' feirce- 
nesse of his anger, and find you Beating yo'^ fellow servants, and 
shamefully abuseing them which doe well, and left y^ wicked goe 
free. You haue sett y' wicked a worke to spoyle vs of our goodes, 
and putt vs in prison for worshipping god, and turne yo"^ sword 
backward, which y' higher power cannot doe, soe you make 
yo'selues rediculouse to all people who haue sence and reason. 
. . . god will not be mocked, for such as you sowe 
such must you reape : for y' cry of y' Jnnocent will arise in y' 
eares of y' Lord, and he will terriblely shake y^ wicked : then will 
yo' dayes of pleasure be turned into mourning, & weepeing and 
howleing. Oh y' you would consider this betimes, before it be 
too late, and instead of pulling downe y^ houses of gods people, 
pull downe whore houses and play houses, which keepes y' people 
in vanitie and wickedneess. Every wicked worke is now att 
Libertie ; and vertue Rightiousnesse & holynesse you sett yo"^ 
selues against with all yo' force. Oh what a nation would this be 
if you might haue yo' wills. Goe into Smythfeild & you shall 
see what store of play houses there is ; and what abundance 
of wicked company resorts to them; which greiues the spirit 
of y« Lord in y* hearts of his people, to see y' wickednesse 
of this citty. 

After more in the same strain the letter concludes : 

J am a Louer of yo' soules y' am sent to warne you. 

Elisabeth HooxoiN. 

Although Charles II. had by his Mandamus issued 
in 1661 obtained some remission of the cruelties practised 
against the Quakers in Massachusetts, he appears to have 
quickly repented his clemency, for in an Order in Council, 
issued 28th of June, 1662, after acknowledging the receipt 
of an Address from that Colony and confirming the Patent 
and Charter granted by his father, he continues : 

And as the principal end of their Charter was liberty of 
conscience His Majesty requires that those who desire to perform 
their devotions according to the Book of Common Prayer be not 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. lo) 


denied the exercise thereof nor undergo any predjudice thereby 
and that all persons of good and honest lives be admitted to the 
Sacrament of the Lord's Supper according to the Book of Common 
Prayer and their children to Baptism. We cannot be understood 
hereby to direct or wish that any indulgence should be granted 
to those persons commonly called Quakers, whose principles] 
being inconsistent with any kind of Government, we have found 
it necessary, by the advice of our Parliament, here to make a sharp 
Law against them and are well contented that you do the Uke 
there, 'i >j y^J iiJ . 

Undeterred by the prospect of further persecution and 
the improbability of the King again intervening on 
behalf of the Quakers, Elizabeth Hooton once more 
believed herself called of the Lord to visit New England. 
This time she carried with her a licence from the King 
" to purchase land in any of his plantations beyond the 
seas." One cannot help suspecting that King Charles, 
wearied with her importunities, had hit upon this method 
of ridding himself of the necessity of an enquiry into the 
high-handed proceedings of the Leicestershire magistrates, 
of which she had so vigourously complained, and that 
it would be a matter of perfect indifference to him whether 
she succeeded in making good the purchase in the Boston 
Courts, or not. Fortunately, again, the account of her 
journey and her sufferings can be given in her own words. 
She says :^ 

Afterwards was J moved of y* Lord & called by his sp' 
to goe to New England againe, & tooke w"" me my Daughter t o 
beare there my 2*^ Testimony, where when y" persecuto" understood 
J was come they would have fined y' ships M' 100", but y* 
he told them J had been w"" y" King & thither was J come to buy 
an house so stopped them from seizing on his goods, when J had 
been a while in y* Country among JTriends, then came J up to 
Boston to buy an house & went to their Courts 4 times but they 
denied it me in open Court by James Oliver, who was one of 
their chief a persecutor, so J told y" y' if they denyed me an 
house y' King having promised us libertie in any of his plantagons 
beyond y' Sea then might J goe to England & lay it before y' 
King if God was pleased. 

So when J returned from them J went up Eastward 
toward Piscatua & there was imprisoned jTor bearing my 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 27), second portion. 


testimony against Seaborn Cotton' y' Priest who sent his 
Man & tooke a(a 2 y'\ Heyfer)^ cow from one of o' jfriendss who 
owed him nothing & his Church Members tooke from 2 poore 
men (Ehakim Wardill John Hussey^)^ almost all y' estate they 
had, because of a fine they had put on them for absenting from 
their Worship, y' one of them they tooke away all y' fatt kines 
he had & a fat calfe w'*" they feasted themselves w"" besides 
12 bussheles of wheate & provision in his house w'*" was for himself 
& children & threatned to take away his Children & sell them 
for ten pounds w'^'' they demanded, where also they imprisoned 
me, & at Salem Haythornes y^ ruler whipped foure JTr"' & sought 
also for me, though afterwards J was moved to cry through 
y^ towne, but had noe power to hurt me at y' time, So at 
Dover in Piscatua there jifor asking Priest Rayner a question 
when he had done they put me in y' stocks Rich'' Walden 
being (deputye)' Magistraite (for Dover) (his wife begged the 
office in mischeife to friends) & put me in prison 4 dayes in 
y° cold of winter but y^ Lord upheld & preserved my life, where 
my service to y^ Lord was profitable for strengthning of friends 
& leaving y^ other w"'out excuse, So more could Stormes did J 
endure & more persecution then J can expresse, so afterwards 
J returned to Cambridg, where they were very thirsty for bloud 
because none had been there before y' J knew of & J cryed repent- 
ance through some part of y^ towne. So they tooke me & had me 
early in y' morning before Thoma' Danford & Dan' Goggins 
2 of their Magistrates who by their Gailer thrust me in a very 
dark dungeon for y" space of 2 dayes & 2 nights w*out helping 

' Seaborne Cotton was a son of John Cotton (1584-1652), the 
noted Puritan minister, of Boston. His wife was a daughter of Simon 
Bradstreet, sometime Governor of Massachusetts Colony. Cotton was 
minister of Hampton, and as such came into frequent confhct with 

- The words within parentheses were added to the MS. by another 

3 This was Eliakim Wardell, mentioned two Unes below. His 
home was at Hampton. He was one of those who suffered for enter- 
taining the Quaker travellers. His wife, Lydia, " being a young and 
tender and chaste Woman ... as a Sign to them, went in naked 
among them," on which action Bishop comments : " This might be 
permitted as a stumbling-block, rather for their Hardening than Con- 
version, after they had rejected better Examples and Warnings" {New 
England Judged, p. 376). 

* John Hussey and Rebecca his wife, nee Perkins, lived near the 
Wardells at Hampton. 

5 Captain William Hathorne was a Salem magistrate. His 
descendant, Nathaniel Hawthorne, the author (i 804-1 864), writes of him : 
" He was a bitter persecutor, as witness the Quakers, who have remem- 
bered him in their histories" (The Custom House, quoted in Jnl. F.H.S. 
xii). See Bishop, op. cit. ; Felt, Annals of Salem, 1842. 


me to eith' bread or water but a f r"* (Benanuel Bowre) ^ brought me 
some milk & they cast him into prison because he entertained 
a stranger & fined him 5" & at 2 dayes end they fetch me to 
their Court & asked me who rec"^ me J said, if J had come to his 
House J should have seen if he would have rec"* me for J was 
much wearied w'*" my travel & they ought to entertaine strangers 
so J asked wheth' he would not receive me w"*" he did deny then 
J said sell me an House or let me one to rent y' J may entertane 
strangers & laid y*" Kings promisse before them concerning 
libertie we should enjoy beyond y' seas, but they regarded it not, 
but made a Warrant to whip me for a wandring vagabond* 
Quaker at 3 townes 10 stripes at whipping poast in Cambridg 
& 10 at Watertowne & 10 stripes at Deddam at y' Carts tayle 
w"" a 3 corded whip 3 knotts at end, & a handfull of willow rods 
at Watertown on a cold frosty morning So they put me on a 
horse & carried me into y' wildernesse many miles, where was 
many wild beasts both beares & wolves & many deep waters 
where J waded through very deep but y^ Lord delivered me, 
though J ware in y* night to goe 20 miles but he strengthned 
me over all troubles & feares, though they caried me thither 
for to have been devoured, Sa5dng they thought they should never 
see me againe. 

So being diliVed J gott among o"^ fr"' through much 
danger by y' waf & after y' to Road Jsland whence J tooke 
my Daughter w"' me to fetch my cloathes & oth' things w'*' was 
about 80 miles. So when we came there for my Cloaths there 
Thomas Danford made a Warrant for y^ Constable of Charles 
towne to apprehend us & one of their own Jnhabit" Sarah Coleman 
an auntient woman of Scituate where he met us in y° Woods 
comeing back & he asked us whether we were Quak" for he said 
he was to apprehend Quak", So J answ'^ wilt y" apprehend thou 
Knowes not who nor for w', so he said J suppose you are Quak" 
therefore in his Maj'' name stand, w' Majesty J asked him he said 

' Benanuel Bower, of Cambridge, Mass., was originally a Baptist, 
but later his family and he became Friends. A correspondent quoted 
in Friends' Intelligencer, 1887, p. 243 (copied into The Friend (Phila.) 
for the same year), writes : " Thomas Danforth, who was the county 
treasurer and magistrate, whenever short of business, was in the habit 
of persecuting B. Bowers, and then he would enter it at full length upon 
the records " in the Court House in Cambridge. 

= The correspondent referred to in the previous note copied 
the wording of the warrant as found in the public records of the Cam- 
bridge Court House, and it appears in the periodicals named in note '. 
He writes further : " There is this much to be said in the favor of 
the old Puritans, that they did not treat the Quakers any worse than they 
did their own members whom they accused of heresy, and in most 
cases they gave the victim the choice of paying a fine or taking a whipping. 
I found one case in which they gave a man a second whipping because 
he invited his friends to come and see him whipped the first time." 


y" Kings, now said J thou hast told a lye for J was later at y' 
king then thou & he hath made noe such Lawes, saith he J must 
take you to Cambridge, but y^ JTriend y' was inhabiter said she 
would not goe except he carried her, then he met w"" a Cart & he 
comanded y"" to aid him & set us all upon y' Cart & caried us 
away to Cambridg to Daniel Goggings house, but he came not 
home till night & in y'' night they fetcht us before him & a 
wicked Crew of Cambridg scollars there were y' abused me both 
times, & Goggins said did not we charg you yee should not come 
hither, so J said we were forced thither in a Cart, J came thither 
to fetch my Cloaths, because they would not let me take y" w"" 
me. So he asked the Jnhabiter, if she owned me, she said she owned 
y' truth so he wrote her down for a wandring Vagabond Quaker 
y' had no dwelling place, & she dwelt but a little way of him, 
& he knew it & to my daughter he said dost thou own thy 
Moth" religion & she said no thing, & he set her downe for a 
wandring Vagabond Quaker w"'' had not a dwelling place, & 
J Eliz Hooton was set downe for a wandring Vagabond Quaker, 
who would have bought a House among them, & this was in y' 
night, when y' house was full of Cambridg Scollers being a Cage 
of uncleane birds^ y' gave us many bad languages & y Colledg 
M" & priests sons, stood mocking of old Sarah Coleman w^*" had 
formerly fed them w"' y^ best things w"'' she & her husband could 
get, & told her she should be whipt w"" thwangs & w"" ends her 
husband being a Shoemaker, & had given them y' making of 
their shoes, & mending, thus was she rewarded evill for good, 
& so sent us all to y^ House of correction in y' night, w'*" was a 
cold open place & had nothing but a little dirty straw, & dirty old 

So early in y' morning before it was light y^ Whipp' a 
Member of their Church came up, w"' had said to me before y' 
y' govemo' of Boston was his God & y' Magistrates were his 
God, J answered many Gods many Lords blind sottish Men 
both Priests & people, & asked us whether we would be whipt 
there or below, J said wilt thou take our bloud in y" dark before 
y* people be rissen to see w' thou dost, so he tooke me downe 
& lockt them up, & said J was acquainted w"' their whipping 
because J had been there before. So to y' whipping post he 
lockt my hands, having 2 men by to beare him Witnesse y' J 
was whipt before it was light, then fetcht he downe Sarah Coleman 

' This phrase — " a Cage of uncleane birds " — quoted originally 
from the Bible — " Babylon is become . . a cage of every unclean 
and hateful bird," Rev. xviii. 2, was frequently used by early Friends 
to describe their opponents. Francis Bugg (apostate Quaker) states 
that George Fox used it" about the year 1662 " in reference to "the 
Church of England " {Pilgrim's Progress from Quakerism to Christianity, 
1698, p. 130). 


being as J thought older then my selfe & whipt her & then my 
daughter & whipt us each 10 stripes a piece w"" a 3 corded whip, 
& said to my Daughter are you not glad now its yo' tume she 
said J am content, so the)^ put her hands in a very streight place 
w""" pressed her armes very much, & so this Daniel Goggins y" 
Magistrate walked out of dore w"" my Bible in his hand, for 
it had y' Epistle to y° Laodiceans^ & other things opening of y*^ 
Corruption of translations then he asked me, wheth' J would 
promise him to goe to Scituate, J said J submit to y= will of y* 
Lord w"" other words J spake why he should whip us so w'^'out 
a Cause, but he ran & made anoth"^ warr' & fetcht y' Constable 
to whip us at other two townes, & y' Constable provided company 
to goe a long w"" us, but Sarah Coleman was not able to goe so 
they got a horse & y' day they went with us from towne to towne. 
So when they came to Unketty y"= Constable saw it was 
such a mercilesse thing y' he tookey'^ warrant awayw"" him to carrie 
to Boston, & left one of o*^ fr''' to goe w'" us. So were we persecuted 
from place to place till we came to Scituate, so after y' J returned 
back to Boston, & there was a youngman out of y" North of 
England w* was moved to goe into their Meeting place & breake 
2 bottles before them for a signe how they should be broken 
whom violently they tooke & whipt at y^ great Gun in Boston 
10 or 12 stripes & as many more in y^ house of Correction, & y* 
next momg they had him away, & J was moved of y= Lord to goe 
in sackcloath & ashes upon my head to beare my testimony 
ag" them in Jndicots house & they put me out of dores & set 
Bellingam in (in y^ place of Jndicote) y' place of persecution, so 
J was moved to goe along to Billingams house who was y° Deputie, 
& there bare my testimony ag'' them for shedding Jnoc' bloud. 
So they fetcht me in & J cleared my Conscience to them & he 
made a mittimg to have me to y' Goale & whip me at y"^ whipping 
post so they J told they filled up y' measure of persecution w"*" 
their Bretheren in England left undone, so there Warrant was 
to whip me at other two townes, at Rocksbury & Deddam at 
each 10 stripes apiece, & when J came to Rocksbury y" Constable 
& y' oth' jifr'* met us there y' they might whip him there at the 
Carts taile where they whipt him & me together, so when they 
had done w* us J bare my testimony & we met y' Priest of y" 
towne who said he was going to take of our whipping & J asked 
him his reason he said because we tooke 5" a time for o' whipping 
J asked him where we should have it he answerd in England 
a Company of lyers they were J said, & y" Constable y' was w'" 

' This is doubtless a reference to an early, undated quarto pamphlet, 
issued by Friends, entitled Something concerning Agbarus, Prince of the 
Edesseans . . . Also Paul' s Epistle to the Laodiceans . . . As also 
how several scriptures are corrupted by the Translators. Other editions, 
in octavo, were printed later in the century. 


us lost both his Warrants & when he came to Deddam he gott 
him to anoth' Persecuto" house y' he might fulfill y' W^*^ y' oth' 
had lost y Warrant for, & then they there tyed us both to y* 
carts taile y" youngman & J in y' cold weather & stript us as 
usual to y' middle & there whipt us from whence they had us to 
Medfield, & would fain have whipt us there also, w"*" y"= 
Priest desired & sought much for o' bloud but could not obtaine 
it, So y Constable w"" his long sword went w"' anoth' man to 
guard us out of their Jurisdiction, into y' woods & left us to 
goe 20 miles in y' night among y= Bears & wild beasts & wat" 
& yet we were preserved & y= Constable when he saw me returne 
lift up his hands & said he never expected to see me againe, And 
allwayes they drive us toward Road JsL being a place of liberty 
to us. 

So afterwards J went to one of their Meeting places & 
spoke to y' priest when he had done, who sent me to prison, but 
his wife would never give him rest till he sett me at libertie, so 
J went up into y' Country among ffr'^' so comeing back againe, 
J was moved off y" Lord to goe to y^ oth' Meeting place where 
J stood till they had done, in y' meane time they abused me as 
J stood, & when he had done J asked y" priest a question, y' 
people violently flew upon me young & old, & flung me doWne 
on y' ground So J said this was y" fruit of their Ministry, & their 
Lawes J did deny & being contrary to y^ Law of God & y= King 
& one of their Magistrates had said to me, it was y' Devils Law 
if it were contrary to Gods Law to take away a poore Mans Cow, 
So 2 dayes & 2 nights J was in prison & they fetcht me before 
Bellingam y' Deputy, who sentenced me to be whipt from y* 
prison dore to y' townes end at y' Carts taile & so all along out 
of their jurisdiction, w"* was between 20 & 30 miles, but they 
whipt me to y= towns end & y" next time J came J wasto be hanged. 
Such a Law had they now made. So when y' Kings Comission" 
came to Boston, they did desire we should Visit them there, 
So J & oth' Jfr"' rode to Boston & my Horse they tooke away 
& Windlocks, to carry away y" Comission'' out of y' towne, though 
we were called wandring Vagabond Quakers & 3 score mile J 
had to goe w^" was towards Road Jsland & they had no power 
to execute their Law upon me, w'*" was a dangerous voyage not 
only for me but for one y' was w'" me, neare to be lost J cannot 
expresse y' danger J went through in y' voyage though y^ Lord 
delivered us both miraculously praises to his holy Name for ever 
& for ever, for y' end & purpose of their doing to us was for murther 

7 or 8 more Jfriends y' came out of England did they thus 
abuse w'^ horrible whippings & mangling of our bodyes w'" whips 
fining imprisoning & banishing into y' Wildernesse y' when y' 
snowes were very deep & no tread but w' ^Wolves had made 


going before me, & my life neare lost many times in y" cold of y' 
winter & y hazard of the Journeys, & thus have they used us 
English people, as Vagabond Rogues & wandring Quak" w'^ 
had not a dwelling place w^'^ were true borne English people 
of their own Nation, yet had y' Jndians w"" were barbarous 
savage people, w"*" neither knew God nor Christ in any profession 
have been willing to receive us into their Wigwams, or houses, 
when these professo" would murther us, so in comeing back againe 
from my dangerous Jour[ney] for want of my Horse, w'*" y' 
Kings Comission" would not have had if they would have 
found them any other & so me they put in prison, & tooke me out 
of prison in y' night to y° ship because they heard J was to goe 
away, but in y"' morning very early they sent their Constables 
to search for Quakers, & found 4 of o' jfriends in their beds & 
had them before their Rulers Bellingam & y' rest, & asked them 
w' they came thither for who said they came to visit y'= Kings 
Comission" but they said they would whip y* Comission" upon 
y^ Quak" backs, & so they Whipt us very grievously at 3 towns 
& out of their Jurisdiction they put us & kept one of y"" w"** 
was an inhabitant of y' Country in prison, but y° Kings Comission" 
were grieved at w' they did unto them, because they knew y' 
their enmity was to them as well as to us, but they durst 
not do y' to them, w"'' they did unto us least y' Country had 
risen ag" them., Jfor o' Kingdome is not of this world, therefore 
his serv" could not fight, but we have comitted o' Cause to God 
who hath & wil defend it to his glory : for y" defence of their 
jfaith y' are y° persecuto", were Goales & whips jfines & 
banishm" & their gallowes on w'*" they hanged foure, & their 
persecuting powers w''*' jfaith is at an end, when another 
power comes over their heads, this was New Englands jfaith, 
W*" was full of cruelty, more then J can expresse by writing 
W' J did receive being an old wom° being about 3 score years 
old, had not y' Lord been on my side J had utterly failed. 
Blessed be y' Lord for ever & ever y' hath brought me to 
England againe to my Native Country & amongst Gods 
people, where we are refreshed together y' J may never forget 
his mercy whose Name is in y' flesh 

Elizab. Hooton. 

This w'^'' J have declared is y^ worke of Cains ofspring part 
of w* they have done to y^ Jnnocent. So J end for y'' present. 

The story of the help given by Elizabeth Hooton to 
the King's Commissioners, referred to in the foregoing 
narration, is told more fully in a letter " To the King and 
Counsell," written presumably after her return home ; 


but before quoting this it may be well to consider the 
reasons for the appointment of the Commissioners as 
gleaned from the Calendar of State Papers. It will be 
remembered that as early as 1661 evidence was taken 
respecting alleged grievances in the Colonies, after 
many delays and recommendations as to the best way of 
deaUng with the disaffection that was rife there ; the Lord 
Chancellor drew up a paper of " Considerations in order 
to the establishing of His Majesty's interests in New 

In April, 1663, the King in an Order in Council made 
a similar Declaration, at the same time promising to 
preserve the Massachusetts charter though he wished to 
know how it was maintained on the part of the 

Another year elapsed before Charles II. signed 
Commissions and Instructions, in April, 1664, " for 
Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright 
and Samuel Mavericke to visit the Colonies of New 
England and determine all complaints and appeals for 
settling their peace and security." An elaborate letter 
to the Governor and Council was sent by the King 
explaining his reasons for sending the Commissioners. 
He commanded that his letter should be communicated 
to the " Council and to a General Assembly to be called 
for that purpose, and while desiring their co-operation 
and assistance he declared that he doubted not they 
would give his Commissioners proper reception and 
treatment." Strong opposition, however, awaited 
them on their arrival in Piscataqua ; there was a 
suspicion abroad that the Colonies were to be taxed for the 
support of the Crown, and wagers were freely laid that 
the Commissioners would never sit in Boston. Rather 
than risk open defiance these gentlemen decided that it 
would be wiser to visit the other three Colonies first. 
" as they thought if they had good success there Massa- 
chusetts would also give them a good reception." Their 
visitation extended over two years, when they were 
recalled. The King expressed his satisfaction with 
the reception given to his Commissioners except in the 
case of Massachusetts, and express commands were 
issued to the " Governor and others of that Colony to 


attend the King and answer their proceeding." These 
commands were never obeyed, one excuse being that 
" Governor Bellingham was nearly eighty years of age 
and had many infirmities." 

Ehzabeth Hooton's account, as given in the follow- 
ing letter, is an interesting contribution to the history 
of the controversy. She writes as follows :^ 

To the King & Councell 

This is to let you understand how J haue beene in service 
to god & to the King & his Commission"' in New England : My 
message for the Lord was to beare witnesse to his Truth against 
those persecuting people who fled from the Bishops because 
they would not suffer; And now in New England are become 
greater Persecuters then the Bishops were, both in fining imprison- 
ing. Banishing, whipping & hanging some of those that came 
out of England, for vagabond Quakers, who cald their owne 
Country people vagabonds : And when the King sent his Com- 
missioners amongst them J was in that Countrey, & oft had 
beene Jmprisoned, oft whipt, oft driven into the Wildernesse 
among the wild beasts in the night ; yet did god preserve 
me, though J had many miles in it to goe amongst the wild 
beasts and many great waters ; Now the Kings Commission"' 
comming thither they would not receaue them soe freely as 
our friends did ; & therefore they durst not trust their lives 
with them as they did with our friends. And moreover they 
made a decree against them, to rise in foure & Twenty houres 
against them, to fight with them; & when J heard that, J 
went among severall of their Church-members, & warnd them 
to take heed what they did, for if they did fight against 
them they would destroy themselues, for there were enough 
that would take the Kings Commissioners parts ; And J 
said to them you had better (as we haue such an example) to 
suffer rather then fight, or else conforme as some of your brethren 
in old England doe ; But if you doe fight you will destroy your 

And they seemed to looke lightly upon my words, yet 
they tooke them into Consideration, & George Cartwright they 
said he was a Papist or a Jesuit ; & they had a purpose to seeke 
his life, But J told them J believd the man was an honest man, & 
noe papist, he was my neighbour at Mansfield, & J never heard 
any such things by him, therefore take heed what you doe, for the 
lord will giue you into their hands because you haue shed Jnnocent 
bloud, & persecuted the Just & J sent to the Commissioners 

» MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 59) 


at New Yorke to bid them beware how they came, & soe they 
came to the Towne by one at once to read the Kings Packet, 
& at that time there was a Court & they had their company 
about them, they sought for our friends very early in the morning 
& woke them in their beds, & had them before their Court, & 
Questioned them why they came thither, & one of them answerd, 
they came to visit the Kings Commission"^ & they said they 
would whip the Kings Commissioners upon the Quakers backs, 
because our friends were willing to receaue them & had a love 
to them, soe they whipt them out of their Coast towards Rhode 
Jsland, where we had liberty of Conscience, & the Kings Com- 
missioners had their liberty too, & for me they had me out of 
prison to go to the ship to ship me away & soe warned the ship 
master he should let me come in noe more & brought me 
away to Barbados but the Kings Commission'" they would 
not receive neither them nor their Commission, But it 
was reported they drove them out of the Towne, & once 
they did whip me, because J owned not their government, 
but the Kings. 

And many more things J would declare, but it would be too 
much answering the Kings behalfe. And now J am come hither 
for some Justice & to haue my goods restord againe which were 
taken away in my absence or else my friends restord out of 
prison, which never did the King nor the Counsell any harme. 
And soe in love to all your soules J haue written this paper to let 
you know that by my going to New England J was made 
serviceable to the King & his Commission'" Therefore reward 
not me evil for good, as some do threaten me ; & let not our 
friends be put into the hands of wicked & unreasonable men ; 
Nor into the hands of the Priests who would destroy 
all that we haue for Tythes ; that take Tythes & make 
aspoyleof their Corne & keepe their bodies in prison many over 
England. Jf they will haue their Tythes, Let our friends haue 
their bodies at Liberty to worke for more : for husbandmen are 
Jmpoverisht much, & ready to throw up their farmes, by reason 
of Tythes Taxes & Assessments & great Rents, And if Husband- 
men cast up their farmes what will ye all doe for there is great 
oppression in the Country & httle money to be had for any thing, 
the Cattle & Corne will not pay their rents, & Taxes & Assess- 
ments, chimney money & excise is a great oppression: for 
the King J belieue hath not the Tenth part of what is taken 
for when they are not able to pay their chimney money they 
take away their Bedding in the Country ; And soe consider this 
all ye that sit in Authority & let Justice & equity be done in the 
Country : for the Lord he will arise, & he will plead the cause of the 


J am a lover of your Soules who came not hither in my 
owne will 

Elizabeth Hooton. 

To y' King & Councill Expressing her service to y" Kings 
Com" in New England & thereupon pleading for justice to 
herselfe & liberty to friends 

Further particulars of the seizing of her horse for the 
use of the King's Commissioners are given in the follow- 
ing fragment; possibly her acquaintance with George 
Cartwright was largely responsible for the restoration of 
the animal. She says :^ 

. . . When J came againe [to Boston] with other jTreinds, 
the Kings Comission" being in the Towne, they tooke away my 
horse J rodd on to cary away the Kings Comission" on forth 
of the Towne, into the Country, soe J was necessitated to goe 
three score Miles through the woods a foote among the wild beasts 
with a woman freind that was bigg with Child, who was to goe to 
Barbadoes soe for want of my horse was our Lives hazarded 
and coming back againe myselfe through the woods, and y* 
snow pretty deep, a Company of woalves had gon before mee 
and made a path J having noe Company with mee. Soe gott 
J back againe to Boston, and after seaven dayes the Comission" 
sent mee my horse, and told them it was a quakers horse, saying 
J know noe Evill by them, and rid not back on the horse, had 
not the Comission" been in the Towne, the Magistrates of Boston 
purposed to have put me to death and never to have restored 
my horse againe 

There is another letter to the Lord Chamberlain 
again recounting her services to the King's Commissioners 
and on the strength of those services pleading for justice 
to herself. The letter is endorsed :* 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 43) 

= MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 62) The following is taken from the 
Calendar of State Papers Colonial, 1665, i. 292 : 

April 10, 1665. 

From Captain Breedon's House at Boston. 

Col. George Cartwright to Col. Nicholls : 

" This day, a Quaker (my country-woman) told me before Captain 
Breedon, that she had heard several say y' I was a Papist . . and 
that Sir Rob*. Carr kept a naughty woman ; I examined her if I had not 
kept one too, or if she knew me not to be a Papist." E. Hooton writes : 
" They said that Cartwright, that was one of the Comission", was a 
papist, or a Jesuit, but hee being my Country man, J did vindicate him, 
and told them that J knew noe such thinge " (MS. in D. Portfolio iii. 43). 


This was deliuered to the Lord Chamberlaine by my selfe 
upon the 21"^ day of the 4"^ month 1667. 

It is especially interesting on account of the follow- 
ing certificate which is attached to it and was delivered 
with it : 

These are humbly to certifie that this woman Elizabeth 
Hooton was very serviceable to his Majestyes Comissioners 
in new England 

Giuen vnder my hand the 6^' DecemV 1666. 

George Cartwright. 

Whilst E. Hooton was in New England some contro- 
versy arose respecting Samuel Shattuck, the King's 
messenger to the authorities of Boston, the echoes of 
which may be heard in letters of the period. In March, 
1664/5, Shattuck is addressed by Ann Richardson^ in no 
measured terms^ ; and at the same time she reports the 
case to George Fox :3 

. . . deare Jane Nicholson^ a trew harted freind with 
me was at Salem & deare Elesebeth Hooton who truly gaue her 
testimony for y^ truth & against the deceit which was there 
gotten vp . . . They reported that I was there greatest 
troubler And writ papers to them & made E H set her hand 
to it which was false for I writ for her when it lay on her & 
could frely own what I writ for her. 

In March, 1664/5, that stern persecutor of the Quakers, 
John Endicott,5 died at Boston. Bowden states^: 

' Ann Richardson was, by her first marriage, Ann Burden. 
After some years of married life in Mass. , Thomas and Ann Burden returned 
to England, their native land, and settled at Bristol, where the husband 
died. His widow crossed the Atlantic again about 1657, s^iid, with Mary 
Dyer, visited Mass., whence they were both banished. About 1665, as 
Ann Richardson, she again visited New England. 

2 Swarth. MSS. iii. 104. 

' Swarth. MSS. iii. loi. Fox adds to the endorsement: " shee 
died in the trouth." 

■t Jane Nicholson (d, 1712) was the wife of Joseph Nicholson, of 
Bootle, Lanes. They visited the New World in 1659, and again, for 
several years, they were in New England. See Camb. Jnl. ; Household 
Account Book of Sarah Fell of Swarthmoor Hall, 19 15. 

5 John Endicott (c. 1588-1665), first Governor of New England, will 
go 'down to the end of time as the arch-opponent of New England 
Quakerism. See Annals of Salem, 1845, where there is a portrait ; Chronicle 
of the Pilgrim Fathers ; Jnl. F.H.S, xii. ; etc. 

* Hist. i. 259. 


Elizabeth Hooton was imprisoned for attending the funeral 
of this notorious bigot ; the probability is she attempted to 
exhort the company against persecution, and to call their 
attention to the judgment of the Most High upon the deceased, 
as evinced in the miserable condition in which he died. 

In New England as in the old country, we find 
E. Hooton foremost in championing the cause of the 
oppressed, and one marvels again and again at her 
courage and persistency. 

The history of her American journey may be fittingly 
concluded by extracts from her " Lamentation for Bosston 
and Camberig Her Sister : "^ 

Oh bosston oh bosston how oft Hast thou been warned by 
the searuents of the Lord who Have been sent unto the of the 
Lord. How Hast thou slitted [slighted] the day of thy visitation 
and Hast Rewearded The Lord euill for good and Hast slain the 
Just and jnoseant whome the Lord Hath seant to weam you of 
all your vngodly wayes which wickednes A boundeth A monst 
you jn A great measur with cruell whipings and Jmprisinments 
and banishments A pen pain of death to the Cuting of of the 
Lines of many. . . . and thy sister Camberig who js one 
with thee jn thy wicked Act who js the fowntain and Nusery of 
all decait you are the too eyes of new jngland by whome The rest 
sees How to doe mischif and pearsecut the just by your vn- 
righttous decrees hatcht at Cambrig and made at bosston you 
are the too breasts of new ingland whear all Cruelty js nursed 
vp, and feeds both preists and professores, and bythes too breasts 
thay Are blood suckers persecuters and murderers and Robers 
of the poor jnoseant Harmleas peopull all ouer the Cuntry. 

Jn many places Are thy Chilldrin tearing and scourging the 
jnoseant and taking a way Thear means as at Hamton and other 
Places whear the cry of the jnoseant Are eantered jnto the 
eares of the Lord of sabothes . . . And Hee will rend and 
teare and deliuor His Littill ones out of your Hands, and shake 
Tirabully, and put out your two eyes . . . You Are brieres 
and Thorns that js nigh vnto burning : Ah woo and mi[s]ary [?] 
js neare you. Howill And weep lest your lawfter be tumd jnto 
mourning and your Joy jnto Heauines . . . Ah Las How 
js all your Religion And profession mared and stained with blood 
you Haue forsakin the Lining fountain and gotton brookin 
seastornes that will Hould no water you Haue Hated the Light 
and pearsecuted jt ; thearfor you Cannot eskeape and so take 
this jnto considiration, and weigh jt well and doe not sleight 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 36) 


jt for jt js to you the word of the Lord whether you will Hear 

or forbear. 

Elizabeath Hoton. 

At the close of his summary of E. Hooton's sufferings 
in N.E., Wilham Sewel (1654-1720) writes:^ "Since which 
I have several times seen her in England in a good 
condition." We can imagine something of the interest 
the boy in his teens would take at the sight of this 
ancient warrior of the Cross. 

« Hist, under date 1662. 

Endorsement by George Fox. 

See page 10. 


And, if they be but faithful to their trust, 

Earth will remember them with love and joy ; 

And oh, far better, God will not forget. 

For he who settles Freedom's principles 

Writes the death-warrant of all tyranny ; 

Who speaks the truth stabs falsehood to the heart ; 

And his mere word makes despots tremble more 

Than ever Brutus with his dagger could. — Lowell, L' Envoi. 

As to the reason why I write some remarkable Passages 
of my Sufferings for Truth, and also the great Things which the 
Lord hath wrought for me, both in supporting me therein, and 
delivering me out of. I say these Things are wrote, that my 
Children and others may be encouraged to be faithful to the 
Lord, and valiant for the Truth upon the Earth ; for for that 
Cause it came into my Mind, to tell unto others how good the 
Lord hath been unto me, for which I am deeply engaged to Praise 
his great Name. — ^John Gratton, Journal, 1720, p. 119. 

w^OME TIME during the year 1665-6 Elizabeth 
G^ Hooton must have returned to England, for 
^^» again we find her writing to the King a letter 
bearing this endorsement, which approximately 
fixes the date, "This was in the abating of ye Sicknes," 
thus showing that it was written in the year of the 
Plague. An extract from it is interesting, confirming 
the fact that banishment, and that under terrible 
conditions, was a punishment to which the Quakers were 
subjected :* 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 63) 



. . . . What reason is there to carry vs into other lands, 
and thrust many into an old vissited shipp w''' was rotten, & 
leaked water, whose blood will be laid to the charge of them that 
did it, for many of them are dead, and the rest wee know not what 
is become of them, Except they bee took by the Hollanders, as 
some of them are. And in three shipps before this was there 
more carryed away into other lands both old and Young 
from wiues & Children & other relations & their owne Natiue 
Country. . . . 

There are in existence letters from E. Hooton's son 
Samuel, who about this time believed himself called to 
pay a religious visit to America, and from one of these we 
find that although the family had interests in Leicester- 
shire, they still held the farm at Skegby. It is dated : 
" the I7t'> day of ye 3d Mo: [May] 66. From Samuell Hooton, 
now on ye sea goeing for new England" and is addressed : 
" To Timothy Garland^ in Mansfeild Nottingam sh^ jfor 
Oliver Hooton in Skegsby, W*!^ Care."^' 

The Journal of Samuel Hooton's visit to New England 
contains the following interesting allusion to his mother. 
He had held a large meeting in Boston and in consequence 
had been taken with many others to the house of the 
Governor.3 In the course of his defence he said \^ 

I had an old mother was here amongst you, & bore many of 
your stripes, & much cruelty at your hands, & when shee came 
at the first, I was against her coming ; & now shee is returned. 
Is shee returned ? saith Bellingham, Yea, I said, shee is safe 
returned. And now y*" lord hath laid it vpon mee to come hither 

' The Nottingham and Mansfield Quarterly Meeting was long held 
at the house of Timothy Garland. Letters for Friends were at times 
addressed : " To be left at Timothy Garlands at the Green Dragon in 
Mansfeild." (Locker-Lampson, A Quaker Post-bag, 1910, pp. 48, 51. 
See also The Journal, iv., v.) 

- MS. in D. (Portfoho iii. 81) The difficulties and delays of travel 
on land and sea at this period are illustrated by another letter of Samuel 
Hooton, dated 4th of June, 1666, in which he tells us that the ship on which 
he sailed — " the royall exchang " — was " staying in the harbar at the 
Kows for the wind, how long i may staye I know not." MS. in D. 
(Portfolio iii. 82) 

3 Richard Bellingham (i5g2?-i672) was Deputy-Governor of 
Massachusetts from 1635, and Governor from 1665 to his death. 

4 MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 80). The Journal appears in full in The 
Friend (Phila.), Ixxvii. (1904), 204. 


to bear witness against your cruelty & hardheartednesse against 
the lords innocent lambs ; And before I was made willing to 
give vp to come, I was brought even to deaths doore, if I had not 
obeyed I had been dead before this day. Therefore I can say 
with boldnesse, before you all, the lord hath sent mee hither to 
bear witnesse against your cruelty. 

Truly the son had inherited something of the mother's 

As so many of Elizabeth Hooton's letters are undated, 
they are of but slight assistance in determining the order 
of events in her life, but in an account written by Patrick 
Livingstone,^ of his service in Leicestershire, and his 
subsequent imprisonment in Leicester gaol, we get a 
glimpse of her still engaged about what she conceived to 
be " her Master's business." Here are extracts from 
the narrative :* 

As I was on my Journy I came into Sison [Syston], it was 
ordered, that some Friends, and other sober people of the Town 
came into the house, and the love of God did spring in my heart 
to the people whom I exhorted . . . There came in a 
Constable, with one John Lewins, who violently haled me away 
. . . to a Justices house. 

A young man present, having " passed his word," 
against the prisoner's wishes, for his appearance several 
days later, he was liberated, and during the time other 
meetings were held and more Friends imprisoned. At 
what period Elizabeth Hooton comes on to the scenes 
we are not told, but while the prisoners were detained in 
an alehouse she 

came in to see the Prisoners, and she prayed among them ; but 
the wicked man Lewins pulled and drew her, & used her badly, 
and had like to have hurt her, being an old weak woman, and yet 
she was not at the Meeting . . . 

» Patrick Livingstone ( -1694) was born at Angus in Scotland, 
and was convinced in the North of England in 1658. He travelled in the 
ministry with James Halliday {F.P.T. 201). In later years he lived in 
Nottingham and London. See Jnl. F.H.S. vii. 184.- 

^'^Given in his Truth Owned, 1667, pp. 6fl. 


At night they had them to one called Justice Babington,* 
but no justice appeared in him. He gave order to have them the 
next day to Thumerstone . . . and put us in an Orchard, 
where many people came, and the everlasting Truth was declared 
. . . For several hours we kept the Meeting amongst the 
people . . . and we were at the back of the house where the 
Justice was, but none had power to stop the declaration of 

These determined and intrepid " publishers of the 
Truth " were called away from their meeting one after 
another to stand before two Justices, on the charge of 
illegal gathering, and after much argument with the 
Bench they were fined and imprisoned, E. Hooton's share 
being £i or three weeks. The narrative concludes as 
follows (p. 38) : 

Now we are fully persuaded in our own minds by the Spirit 
of God that we do not meet out of contempt to Authority but 
in obedience to Divine commands : we must not forbear our 
Meeting because they say they fear we will plot. God in his 
due time will fully clear us ; but in the mean time we must do our 
duty as the Lord requires us . . . and so long as we stand 
obedient to the will of our God it shall be well with us whatever 
comes, loss of life or any thing else, our Life in God they cannot 
touch .... 

Written in Leicester-Prison the sixth day of the fourth month, 

It seems probable that Patrick Livingstone visited 
Elizabeth Hooton at her home at Skegby ; his future 
wife, Sarah Hyfeild, of Nottingham, appears as one of the 
Friends named for " publicke service " in the Minute 
Book of the Women's Quarterly Meeting for Nottingham- 
shire, which Meeting was " setled " in 1671. The marriage 
took place in 1676, and the occasion elicited from the 
Friends of Aberdeen Monthly Meeting a fully-signed 
liberating certificate, which remains a noble tribute to 
the bridegroom's Christian character, and a token of the 

' Justice Matthew Babington lived at Rotherby, Leics. He was 
an ancestor of Lord Macaulay. Mary Radley states that he was the 
" Some Justice " addressed by E. Hooton (D. Portfolio iii. 6). He 
appears in Besse's book of Sufferings as a persecutor (i. 335). 


high esteem and love of his north country friends ; Robert 
Barclay and David Barclay are amongst the signatories."* 

Accustomed as we are to the easy tolerance of the 
present day, the echoes of the fierce controversies waged 
between opposing religious sects during the seventeenth 
century sound strangely in our ears ; Elizabeth Hooton, 
as one would naturally expect, was not behind in engaging 
in this wordy war. In 1667 we find her writing :* 

You bawling Women from y^ Ranters . . . you have 

said Wee have made an Jdoll of George Fox. . . . You have 

hunted for Richard Farneworth & others formerly. . . . 
Therefore misery will come upon you. 

About 1668, Elizabeth Hooton came into violent 
conflict with the sect of the Muggletonians. She appears 
to have written a letter against Lodowicke Muggleton,3 
to which he refers in a letter he sent to her in January, 
1668, commencing as follows :* 

I saw a letter of yours sent to James Brocke ; it is supposed 
that you are the mother, or some relation to that Samuel Hooton 
of Nottingham, who was damned to eternity by me in the year 
1662. It is no great marvel unto me that he proved such a des- 
perate devil, seeing his mother was such an old she-serpent that 
brought him forth into this world . . . She hath shot forth 
her poisonous arrows at me in blasphemy, curses, and words, 
thinking herself stronger than her brethren. . . . Therefore, 
in obedience to my commission ... I do pronounce Eliza- 
beth Hooton, Quaker, . . . cursed and damned, both in 
soul and body, from the presence of God, elect men and angels, 
to eternity. 

' See Jnl. F.H.S. v. 140. 

* MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 33), dated " 13"' day of 6^^ Month 1667," 
and endorsed : " El. Hooton to some Spirits who were gone out from y« 
trueth." At the close of the paper occur the names : " Eliza : Barnes & 
Rose Atkinson" (see Camb. Jnl.). 

3 Lodowicke Muggleton (1609-1697/8) and John Reeve (1608-1658) 
announced themselves the " two witnesses " of Rev. xi. 3. The sect of 
the Muggletonians was never very numerous, but it still exists, sharing 
with the Quakers the distinction of being the only survivals of those 
numerous religious bodies which sprang into existence during 
Commonwealth times. 

♦ A Volume of Spiritual Epistles written by John Reeve and Lodowicke 
Muggleton, printed 1755, reprinted 1820, p. 227. 


It is only fair to state that if the quotations from 
the letter written by her to Brocke are correct, her 
denunciations were equally emphatic. 

It is with relief we turn from this phase in her career 
to find her again pleading the cause of the oppressed, 
and in statesman-hke manner pointing out the evils 
consequent upon oppression. Here is her letter to the 
King and both Houses of Parliament :^ 

JTreinds consider in time w' you haue done Both in Citty and 
Countrey by this late Act how haue you ruinated hundreds of 
Antient housekeepers in the Countrey and y' cry of y' Jnnocent 
is entred into the eares of y' Lord against you y' haue done it. 
Consider therefore what you will doe with these poore people 
you haue Jmpouerished and restore them theire goods againe, 
for they were releiuers of the poore And paid theire Rents and 
Taxes duly. 

But the Justices and some of the preists haue Bought 
theire goods for halfe that they were worth and drunkards and 
swearers runs away with the rest they sweare men are at the 
meeting when they are not & by false sweareinge the Compasse 
mens goods into theire hands which is theft ; and soe theiues 
and Robbers haue entered vpon our goods And men weomen 
and Children are by this meanes driuen to great want ; They 
haueing within some few months enough & to releiue others Soe 
if you consider not these things in time it will Bring A ruination 
both vpon the King and Countrey, Soe its good for you to con- 
sider it in time before it be to late And take of this Act and make 
better Lawes Least you ruinate all. 

This is done in the Countrey besides all bodyly Abuses consider 
what they doe in this citty they pull downe our houses the[yj Batter 
and bruise men And weomen with theire Swords with theire 
guns with theire hallbards & with pikes & Staues runing 
vpon them with horses what may wee expect But y' many of 
these are papists and outlandish men y' doth it. Jf such wicked 
things as these bee Tollerated to destroy honest people who 
semes the Lord with all theire harts and great companys that 
follows Mountebancks play houses & other vaine pastimes that 
are vpheld in this Citty what may wee expect But y' the hand 
of y' Lord may fall sodainely vpon you. 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 67) This is printed at the end of addresses 
to the King, and to the King and both Houses of Parhament, by 
Thomas Taylor. The first is dated ist of December, 1670. 



Therefore in time repent and take heed and doe Justice and 
loue mercy And walke humbly with your god that you may find 
a place of repentance Least you be shutt out for ever J am a 
louer of yo' soules who would not haue you to perish, 

Elisabeth Hooton. 

Elizabeth Hooton also made a point of informing the 
King as to what was taking place in Nottinghamshire. 
In one of these letters, after stating that she, an aged 
woman, had travelled over a hundred miles, and re- 
counting the " greuieous havock " under the " New Act "' 
caused to Friends in London, she continues i^ " I Brought 
you A Letter from Nottingham shire to the Kings hall; 
which sett forth how Create oppresshon one side of the 
shier had suffered Amounting to a Boue three hundred 
pounds, beeing att one meeting. . ." Apparently there 
were only two others present besides the family at whose 
house the meeting was held, and £12 and £15 were taken 
from them in fines. " They make noe Conscience what 
they take," she continues ; and she also tells how one 
magistrate had fined a man twenty pounds for " wor- 
shipping of god " and then had ordered his officers to take 
three or four times as much " beecause they might Sell 
good peny worthes, and They Tooke Thirty pownds worth 
of Goods and sent to the same man for Titth wool! and 
Lambe After they had taken away his sheep." She tells 
also of the loss of her own cows. 

In another letter to the King, she writes :3 

They have taken to Frisson both Men & Boyes in y* Country 
& brought y" to Nottingham Frisson Contrary to y^ Act & y^ 
Country is against itt and Jtt brings a Ruination. 

And again, to King and Parliament, she writes :* 

They took from one man for heaueing of 3 meetings in 
his house 150" pounds & Ruined him his wife and Children by 
penniston Whally Justice & Waker y' informer And Ruined 
other to younge men at farnsfeild. 

' The Conventicle Act of 1664. For particulars of its working see 
F.P.T. 357- 

^ MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 53) 
3 MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 52) 
* MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 69) 


And we have another letter asking for an order to the 
Leicestershire magistrates to restore her goods" that J may 
haue a horse to ride on in my old age."^ So many of her 
appeals are on the same theme that it is exceedingly difficult 
in making selections to avoid reiteration, but the following 
addressed to the Lord Chamberlain^ is so characteristic of 
her that, in spite of repetition, we hardly like to omit it :3 


This J Wright that thou maist consider the cause of the 
innocent, with the cause of the widdow, how it is as yit sleighted 
by one & another. 

J labored on foot to come hither to London, aboue loo 
miles being one y' is aged, & weake, to lay before the King & 
counsell the greuiances of the innocent, who are imprisoned all 
ouer the Nation, who haue not wronged the King, nor his 
Counsell, nor haue not entertained euill in our hearts against him, 
to doe him any hurt, or wrong in the least, & hither haue J come 
time after time, for that thinge, & for equity, & Justice, who had 
my goods taken away contrary to y"" owne law, my goods, for 
another bodies fine, though he allsoe did fulfill y' law in suffering 
the penalty of it, & what could be more required. They took 
from me 20' worth of goods in time of harvest, namely my teame, 
which at that time was aboue 100' losse to me, & my jfamily, 
both as to the losse of my cattle Sc corne, and putting off my 
ffarme. This was don at Sileby in Leicester shire by Mathew 
Babington of Roadby, whome they call Justice, he bearinge 
Sway aboue the rest to doe mischeife, by setting a Baly of the 
hundred on worke called William Palmer, who took away my 
goods, and sold them, and J would haue had a warrant time after 
time of the Justices to fetch him before them, but they would 
grant me none, But the hand of the Lord light on that man, 
and he died a miserable death. 

Soe seing J could not be heard there in the Country, nor 
righted. Therefore J haue appealed and applyed my selfe to the 
King, who bid me goe to the Lord Chamberlane, and J should 
haue an answer by him, soe J applyed my selfe to thee, to know 
an answer from the King, how J might haue my jTrinds at 
hberty, or gett my goods restored, but as yit J haue had noe 
answer as to either of them, but when J was heare before, thou 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 73) 

» Edward Montagu, second Earl of Manchester (1602-1671), was 
Lord Chamberlain at this time, having been appointed in 1660 {D.N.B.). 

J MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 11) It is endorsed: "To y* L<i 
Chamberlane for Release of Prison^'^ & justice to her selfe." 


writ me a letter to carry to the Earle of Stamford,^ and sealed 
it, which J did carry to him accordingly, in a sore jurney to the 
endangering of my life, but had J Knowne what had been in it, 
J should haue labored more to the King & Duke of Yorke before 
J went, which then might haue been serviceable to me or my 
jfrinds, J neuer did desire any Lords favor, for my goods againe, 
nor deed of Charity, for these were not my words, but onely equity 
& Justice. 

My harts desire is, that you may doe Justice & Judgement, 
all of you while you haue time, least y' day goe ouer y' heads, 
as to others it hath don before you ; and so come to y' which 
is true honor, out of all flattering titles, for the true Nobility is 
to hear the cry of the Jnnocent and to doe Justice & Judgm' 
to the widdow, the JTatherlesse, and to Keep y' selues vnspotted 
from the world, and this is the true Nobility which is vnchangeable 
& that man is noble in his place which will hear the cry of the 
Jnnocent & help them in theire distresse but he y' will not doe 
it, comes short of the vnjust Judge, whoe though he neither feared 
God nor regarded man, yit did the widdow Justice, least shee 
should weary him, Soe jfifrind, take these thinges into thy Con- 
sideration, for J haue respected thee, more then many because 
of thy moderation which is noble in itts place. . . . 

Concerning that letter which the Earle of Stamford sent to 
thee by me itt being soe coldly handled between you both, noe 
thinge is don for my satisfaction, and whereas his letter saith, 
that some men are dead that bought my cattle, and that the 
rest are vnwilling to contribute any considerable matter, to this, 
J say, that the Baley of hundred is dead but the men that bought 
the cattle of him were aliue, when J came, for J was with them, 
but if any that they sold them to be dead, or noe, that J cannot 
tell, but he that should restore my goods is Mathew Babington 
if J may haue my right. 

The Earle of Stamford hath been about it, to see what they 
will doe who had my goods, but seing he hath noe more forceable 
letter from hence, he could doe nothing but hath left it vnto thee, 
therefore if thou writest to him againe lett it be effectually that 
J may haue Justice, for the law is not against me but for me, 
(though J cannot make vse of it in a way of sute) and this J 
know you may doe between you, being sett in greater power 
then many others. 

this was deliuered A louer of your soules 

the 10 "" day of the & a frind to all that 

5"" month 1667 are honest harted ^ 

Elizabeth Hooton. 

• Henry Grey (1599 ?-i673), created Earl of Stamford in 1628. 
(D.N.B.) He was a Leicestershire nobleman. His son, John Grey, ie 
mentioned later. 


Evidently this letter to the Lord Chamberlain had 
no effect, for there is a further appeal to the King, mainly 
interesting as the following names are given as witnesses 
to the truth of her statement : Thomas Snooden, William 
Snooden, Timothy Garland, Nicholas House, Nicholas 
Parsons, Thomas Barradell, Robert Clarke.^ 

In the same letter she writes : 

The Magistrates which will doe me noe justice — Behman 
[Beaumont] Dixey, Justice Babington of Redely [sic], Earle of 
Stamford and John Grey his sonne, with many others in Leicester- 
shire, which some said they would doe me Justice, but did me none. 

in the Countrey there is no Justice but Cruelty : they will 
not heare the Cry of the innocent. 

She also appeals to the Duke of York, and in the 
conclusion of a letter to him, she says :* 

Therefore I allso apply my selfe to thee, for thy asistance, 
in this thing, y' some effectuall meanes may be used for the 
restoring of my goods . . . The Earle of Stamford who is 
the Kings freind knowes how my busines is, & may dispatch it, 
if effectually writ to. 

Here is another extract setting forth her opinion of 
lawyers, and others called upon to administer the law, 
and also demonstrating her pertinacity in her endeavours 
to obtain justice. She begins in the customary manner 
by recounting the history of her visits to the King, and 
continues :3 

. . . The King had put it in to the [hands of the] Justices 
to [paper torn] things and J said J had beene with them 
and they would [j)aper torn] me no Right but bad me goe to law 
but the lawyars i said ar corrup as the maiestrats ar that J 
cannot vse them but they said go to the maiestrats againe and 
see if they will do Justice if they will not bring there names and 
som to testify the goods were mine and i should haue Justice. 
I I And so i came to another sessions and let them know what J 
had done and what they said and hath waited for Justice agen J 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 47) 

* MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 17), endorsed : " To ye Duke of York 
desiring an Answer to her former papers, & pressing for justice to her 

3 MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 44) 


went to som of there houses and to the bench and followed 
them whether they went both day and at nights when they met 
to gether to know whether they would do me Justice or no Justice 
to which they hardened there harts and stifened there necks 
against the widows complaint and Regarded no Just law. . . . 

She did not hesitate boldly to warn the King of his 
errors, as the following passage shows :* 

How oft haue J come to thee in my old age both for thy 
reformation and safety, for the good of thy soule And for Justice 
and equity. Oh that thou would not giue thy Kingdome to 
y* papists nor thy strength to weomen . . . 

In her efforts to obtain Justice for herself she was 
never unmindful of the interests of her friends, and in one 
of her numerous letters to the King and Council she 
mentions that William Dewsbury, Thomas Goodaire and 
Henry Jackson, three Yorkshire men, were in Warwick 
Prison, Francis Howgill in Kendal, and Thomas Taylor 
in Aylesbury.2 

In Northampton there are fifteene under the Act of Banish- 
ment. J desire that you may set them at libertye besides all the 
rest that are there. These are all y^ Kings Prisoners. 3 

In another letter to the King and Council she mentions 
that there were forty Friends in Reading prison, and that 
some had been confined there six or seven years.* 

In yet another letter addressed to the King she makes 
allusion to the national calamities, and points a lesson 
therefrom :5 " If there be not A speedy repentance 
judgmts will ensue, as Late hath been in England ye 
Pestilence ye Sword & y^ Fire." It was probably 
written in the year 1667 or 1668, after the arrival of 
the Dutch ships in the Thames under De Ruyter. 
Pepys, under date nth of June, 1667, in his Diary 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 57) 

* William Dewsbury (1621-1688), Thomas Goodaire ( -1693), 

and Henry Jackson ( -1727), were prominent Friends of the early day. 
Dewsbury spent nigh twenty years of his life within prison walls. 

Francis Howgill (1618-1668/9) was of Westmorland. He died in 
Appleby Jail. Thomas Taylor (c. 1617-1681/2), a Yorkshireman, spent 
long years in prison for conscience sake. 

3 MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 56) 

4 MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 55) 

5 MS. in D. (PortfoUo iii. 60) 


says : " Pett writes us word that Sheerenesse is lost last 
night, after two or three hours' dispute," and he gives a 
graphic account of the alarm in the city, consequent on the 
withdrawal of the soldiers to Chatham and elsewhere : 
" which looks as if they had a design to ruin the City 
and give it up to be undone ; which, I hear, makes the 
sober citizens to think very sadly of things." John 
Evelyn, too, speaking of the Dutch incursion, says : 
" The alarme was so greate that it put both Country and 
Citty into a paniq feare and consternation such as I hope 
I shall never see more ; every body was flying none knew 
why or whither." 

It is pleasant to turn from sufferings and controversies 
to events of a domestic character in the strenuous life of 
Elizabeth Hooton. On 2i9t September, 1669, her daughter 
Elizabeth, who had been a sufferer with her mother in 
New England, was married to Thomas Lambert, of 
Handsworth, at her mother's house at Skegby. We have 
more details of this event in the following record : 

Thos: Lamberd of Heansworth Woodhouse in Yorkshire & 
Elizabeth Hooton of Skegby in Nottinghamshire, Daughter 
of Elizabeth Hooton did take one another to be husband & wife 
according to the Church order & y^ practice of y'^ holy men of 
God in y^ Scripture in y* House of Elizabeth Hooton upon y* 
21 of y' VII mo in y*^ year 1669 unto y'' Truth of which 
we have set to our names — 

William Malson John Bingham 

Thomas Cockram Thomas jTouke 

Robert Stacy George Cockram 

Robert Hassehurst William Clay 

Mahlon Stacy Godfrey Newbould 

John jTretwell Abraham Senor 

Thomas Brocksopp Robert Grace' 

The names of most of the Friends who signed Thomas 
and Elizabeth Lambert's wedding certificate appear again 
in the book recording the sufferings of Friends in the 
Mansfield district, and in the early Minute Book of the 
Women's Quarterly Meeting for Nottinghamshire. 

» The copy of this record is amongst the late Mary Radley's notes, 
but the authority is not stated. The names of witnesses correspond with 
those given on the certificate obtained from Somerset House. 


Fourteen months later, 30th of November, 1670, 
Elizabeth Hooton's son Samuel was married to Elizabeth 
Smedley, of Skegby, at his mother's house. There is a 
very interesting entry in the first Nottinghamshire 
Quarterly Meeting Minute Book in reference to this 
marriage. Elizabeth Hooton, in assuring the Meeting of 
her consent to this union, writes,^ 26th of December, 
1670 : 

This doe I certify concering my sonne Samuel. I spake 
to Geo : Fox about taking the young woman to wife, & he asked 
me what she was, & I told him as near as I could of her behaviour, 
& he bade me let him take her, & soe that makes me willing that 
he should take her to wife. — Elizabeth Hooton. 

As in the case of the daughter's marriage the names 
of no women appear amongst the witnesses, but as their 
mother was in England at this time, she was most likely 
present at both ceremonies. 

In the Episcopal Returns for 1669, we find the name 
of Elizabeth Hooton among those of " Heads & Teaches " 
of the Friends' Meeting at Harby, Lines. ^ 

About this time too we find E. Hooton intervened 
in the dispute between Margaret Fell and her son and 
daughter-in-law, George and Hannah Fell. There are 
two letters in existence, both evidently addressed to 
Hannah Fell ; one is endorsed : " jfor George jTells 
widdow at Marsh Grainge in jifurnace," the other: "To 
a Woman unnamed, who had got a judgm' ag* her 
mother in law. "3 From the latter we learn that Elizabeth 
Hooton must have seen George Fell on the subject of the 
litigation, for she writes : 


When J was w"" the & thy Husband J hadd some thing 
on my Sp' from y= Lord y' hee might bee warned from psecuteing 
y* Just, or Joyneing w"" them y' did, for he is gon from y' Truth 
w"^ hee once was in, & had Joyned himselfe w"' y* psecuteing 

' It will be noticed that this letter is dated a month after the 
marriage had taken place. Possibly Elizabeth Hooton was travelling 
when the intention of marriage came before the Meeting, and it was 
thought weU to record her letter of approval when it was obtained. 

= See Turner, Original Records, 191 1, i. 76, ii. 771, iii. 745. 

J MSS. in D. (Portfolio iii. i, 29) 


magistrates & preists, & had been a meanes to Cause his 
mother to bee psecuted, & imprisoned, & y" y' rnett at hir howse 
& this (soe farr as J did heare) was thy Husbands worke, 
but J was moved of y' Lord to goe to him, & declare to him hee 
was gon out from that Truth he was in before ; & now hath hee 
Joyned him selfe w"" y* psecutors, & was a lover of pleasures 
& did not at all love y' Truth, but psecute it ; & was a meanes 
to keep his Mother in prison, & was a meanes for ought J Could 
heare to premunire hir, but J was made to tell him y' if hee did 
goe on in y' psecuting way & would not turne to y" Truth w'^'' 
hee once Received, y" Lord would Cutt him off boath Root & 
branch, & though his Mother were sett at liberty againe by 5^ 
King, yett did thy Husband goe to y' King againe, & Gott hir 
premunired & put into prison againe, (for ought [J] know) & now 
the lords hand hath Cutt him off & shortened his dayes 

And Now it is Reported y' thou hast Gotten a Judgm' 
against thy Syce to Sweep away all y' shee hath, boath goods, & 
Land, w' a Rebellious Daughter in law art thou. 

The rest of the letter consists of warnings and 
predictions of what will befall if such unjust conduct is 
persisted in. It concludes : 

Soe to y^ light of X' in thy Conscience Returne, w*'*' will 
lett the see all thy wayes ; J am a lover of thy Soule 

Elizabeth Hooten. 

Her intervention did not end here, for we find her 
writing to the King and Council on behalf of Margaret 
Fox. In an undated letter, after calling their attention 
to the great distress caused by the Act " which hath 
ruined many hundred of famylies which cannot now pay 
Rents taxes nor sesments which did releiue many poore 
and now is not able to releiue them selues," she continues:* 

Shee y' was Judge jTells wife had a rebellious and dis- 
obedient sonn which sought the ruination of his own mother the 
Lord Cutt him of by Death and now her sonnes wife seekes to 
ruinate her mother in Law by getting a Judgm' against her 
att this Size at Lancaster to dispossesse her of her proper right 
and soe both ruinate her and her children if shee can : Lett the King 
and Councill Consider this and holpe the widow and the father- 
lesse. That which her husband left her, her daughter in Law seekes 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 75), endorsed : " El. Hooton To y^ King 
& Councell on behalf of y-' innocent & Judge Fells Widdow." Further 
mention of this dispute may be found in Maria Webb's Fells of Swarth- 
moor Hall, 1865, pp. 255ff. See also Jnl. F.H.S. xi. 181. 


to ruinate her of. Soe I beseech you consider it in tyme and 
send some thing speedily to y-^ Judges y' Justice may be 

I am a louer of your Soules 

Elizabeth Hooton. 

Undeterred by age, the perils and discomforts of the 
voyage, or the prospect of bonds and imprisonment which 
it was possible would be her portion, EHzabeth Hooton, 
in a letter written from London in conjunction with 
Hannah Salter^ to Margaret Fox, a prisoner in Lancaster 
Castle, speaks of the call she had received to proceed with 
George Fox and the party of Friends who were intending 
to visit their brothers and sisters in the faith beyond the 
seas i^ 

Deare Margret who Art faithfuU and in the wisdome of god 
and art A sufferer for god and his Truth and thy sufferings hath 
been many and great and thou art A Mother in Jsraele god is thy 
witnese thou hast suffered more then many haue Expected, 
yet hath y^ Lord deliuered thee, Euerlasting praises to his name 
for euer, bee thou of good Cumfort y^ Lord will Deliuer thee still 
and they that seeke to Ruinate thee will y* Lord Ruinate, Jf they 
doe not Speedely Repent and Amend : there is no way but to trust 
in y^ Lord for hee is A true deliuerer. 

Hannah Salter hath been with the King and Leighboured 
much in thy Cause and J haue been prety much with the parli- 
ment and haue giuen them prety many Bookes and spoken prety 
much to them. We haue giuen y'' parliment above 200 of the 
Reighnment of Poperys besids many other good Bookes, J beleiue 
to the worth of 20" and they tooke them uery well, but what 
they will do to us more J Know not. 

J haue A great desier to see thee Jf thou could but Come 
to thy husband before hee goe so the Lord giue thee some Liberty 

' Hannah Salter, as Hannah Stringer, the wife of John Stringer, 
of London, participated in the troubles associated with James Nayler 
in 1656, but repented thereof, and returned to the Quaker fold. In 1666 
she married Henry Salter, of London. 

^ Swarth. MSS. i. 152, addressed : " Leaue this with Sarah JTell 
at Swarthmore JTor to be sent to her mother In Lancashire." Endorsed 
by Fox. 

•^ The Arraignment of Popery ; being a short Collection, taken 
out of the Chronicles, and other Books, of the State of the Church in the 
Primitive Times ; also the State of the Papists ... by George 
Fox and Ellis Hookes, 1667, a learned treatise of 140 pages. 


that thou may see him, and it would make my hart glad. J know 
nothing but J may goe with him it hath been much on mee to 
goe a great while and to doe y" best that Js Required for him. 
One Letter haue J written to thy Sons wife and J desire thou 
may see it ouer, that Jf there bee anything in it y' isAmissethou 
maist mend it, for it ware much on mee to write it, and so at present 
J haue no more but my Loue to thee and thy daughters and friends 
for J am in hast to goe up againe to the parlement and so farwell 
my dearly beloued friend which art in the Power of Truth, god 
blessed for euer. Eliz : Hooton. 

Hannah Salter hath some hopes y' the Buisinesse will bee 
effected shee would not leaue y^ King till he had Granted what 
was required and his Counscill with him promised her y' it should 
be done Soe shee goes to him againe y^ second day to haue it 
written & sealed soe J hope it will be done in gods tyme, y' 
wee may all praise his holy name for his mercy towards thee 
& towards vs. Soe J end farewell, deare Margrett. 

From the above letter we obtain an insight into 
Elizabeth Hooton's activities in the year 1670. On the 
15th January, 1670, Friends in Nottinghamshire appealed 
to King and Parliament for the relief of their sufferings, 
and among the Appellants are Elizabeth Hooton and 
Elizabeth Hooton, Junr.^ The latter was, probably, the 
wife of Samuel, become Hooton only a month or two 

In these days, when we are constantly reminding 
those outside our Society of the acknowledgment by our 
early Friends of the spiritual equality of men and women, 
it is extremely interesting to note that women were 
frequently engaged in and actually did carry through 
negotiations of a very delicate and decidedly secular 
character. This is proved by George Fox's account of 
his wife's release from Lancaster Castle, which took 
place in April, 167 1 ; he says :=* 

I was moved to speak to Martha Fisher3 and another woman 
Friend, to go to the King about her liberty. They went in faith, 

■ Extracts from State Papers, 1913, p. 341. 

^ The Journal of George Fox, bi-cent. ed. ii. 140. The other woman 
Friend was Hannah Salter ; see note to this name in Fox's Journal, 
Camb. ed. 

3 Martha Fisher (c. 1631-1687) was a member of the valuable band 
of London women Friends active in work for the cause of Truth. 


and in the Lord's power, who gave them favour with the King, 
so that he granted a discharge under the broad-seal, to clear 
both her and her estate, after she had been ten years a prisoner 
and premunired ; the like wherof [of such discharge] was scarcely 
to be heard in England. 

John Rous, writing to his mother-in-law, Margaret 
Fox, gives a more detailed account of the proceedings 
attendant on her release, in a letter dated 4th of April, 
1671 ; he says .^ 

Last 6"" day y*^ two women tooke the grant out of the 
Attourney Generals office, & he gave y" his fee, w"*" should have 
been 5'', & his clerke tooke but 20^ wheras his fee was 40'. 
Yesterday they went with it to y° King who signed it in the Counsell 
& Arlington^ also signed it but would take noe fees, wheras his 
fees would have been 12" or 20", neither would Williamsons3 
man take any thing saying y' if any religion were true, it is ours, 
tomorrow it is to passe y' Signet ; & on G"* day, the privy 
seale, & afterwards the broad Scale w"* may be done on any 
day. The power of the Lord hath bowed their hearts wonderfully. 

Margaret Fox, after her release from Lancaster, 
returned to Swarthmoor for a brief period ; she then joined 
George Fox in London for the Yearly Meeting of 1671, 
and afterwards remained with him, until, three months 
later, 13th August, he and his little company of twelve 
set sail " towards America and some of the Isles thereunto 
belonging." Elizabeth Hooton and Elizabeth Miers* 
were the only women included in the party. 

From George Fox and others we have a very full 
account of the voyage of the " Catch Industry, Master 
Thomas Foster." Margaret Fox and other Friends 
accompanied the travellers as far as Deal. After these 
had left the boat her voyage was interrupted by a visit 

' Swarth. MSS. i. 83. The letter is addressed: " JTor Sarah jfell 
this at Swarthmore To be left w'h Thomas Green grocer in Lancaster," 
and endorsed by Fox : " j rous to mjf 1671 of patin of releas." 

- Henry Bennet, first Earl of Arlington (161 8-1 685), was Secretary 
of State 1662-1674, and Lord Chamberlain 1674 {D.N.B.). 

3 Sir Joseph Williamson (1633-1701) was Clerk of the Council 
1672, and afterwards, 1674, Secretary of State to Charles II. (D.N.B.) 

•* Of the previous life of Elizabeth Miers we are yet in ignorance. 
Apparently she did not proceed further than Barbados, and returned 
home about 1672 (see Webb, Fells, p. 278). 


from the " Presse Master" of one of the two men-of-war 
which were lying in the Downs. He took off three of their 
seamen which action might have postponed the voyage 
indefinitely had not the Captain of the other frigate," out 
of Compassion and muchCivillity," spared two of his men. 
Their vessel was leaky: on the 27th of August this 
entry appears in the diary of the voyage, kept by John 
Hull :' 

Our Ship see leaky ever since wee came to the Downes that 
Seamen and passengers doe for the most part day and night 
pumpe. this day wee observed that in two houres she suckt in 
sixteene Inches of water in the well, some makes it tenne Tunn 
a day. It is well however for it is good to keepe Seamen and 
passengers in health. 

Travellers of to-day would probably strongly object 
to this particular form of health-giving exercise, except 
under the very sternest necessity. 

Then the Journal tells of an apparent " Chace " 
given by a strange ship which " some conjectur'd by her 
sayles among the Marriners that it was likely a Sally man 
of warr, standing of the A sores Hands, which caused a 
great feare among some of the passengers, dreading to be 
taken by them, but friends were well satisfyed in them- 
selves, having no feare upon their spirrits." George Fox 
assured the Master when he came " to advise with him 
and understand his Judgment of it in the power made 
answer that the life v»'as over all, and the power was 
betweene them and us." The Industry escaped attack 
and eventually they lost sight of the " Sally man." 

Many meetings were also held, some amongst Friends 
only, and others with the passengers who " seemed to be 
very attentive." 

At length, after nearly two months, this voyage — not 
lacking in interest and incident — ended, and the Industry 
anchored in Carlisle Bay, Barbados, about nine o'clock 
at night on the 3rd October. 

During his stay, George Fox addressed a letter to the 
Governor of Barbados, defending the Quakers against gross 
slanders which had been promulgated against them. We 

' The account of the voyage is given in detail in the Journal of 
George Fox, Camb. ed. 


have also two letters from Elizabeth Hooton. Whether 
both were written at this period is uncertain. One is 
addressed " To the Rulers and Magestrats of this Island 
that ought to Rule for god." After general exhortations 
and warnings, she continues .^ 

J haue seene many ouerturnes, and the Lord will ouer- 
turne Still. Therefore haue a Care in the feare of the Lord 
that hee may giue a blessing vnto you . . . And see Con- 
sider what is required for in this Jsland. There is Great need 
of Justice and Judgment, for if one goe vp into the Countrey, there 
is A great Cry of the Poore being Robbed by Rich mens Negroes, 
Soe that they cannot with out great Troble, keep any thing from 
being Stolen ; And if they doe complaine they Cannot get any Sattis- 
faction ; Now it is the Duty of Euery man to take Care and see 
there family haue Suffitient food and any thing else the stand 
in need off ; as Jnstructed in that that is good, that they may 
bee Kept from Stealeing and doeing any thing that is Euill ; Soe 
that yo" may make good Lawes and yo' People be Kept in good 
order, according to what is made knowne to them by them that 
Rule ouer them. And soe yo" Come ... to a true Reform- 
ation yo'' Selues, first reforming yo' Selues in yo' f amilyes, and yo" 
will see Clearly how to Rule others, for a Reformation god looks 
for Among yo" and all People, that god may bless yo" . . . 
Therefore to the Light of Christ returne ; that yo" may see what 
yo" should doe and what yo" should not doe and that all yo^ 
accons may be guided by itt, for hee hath Jnlightened Euery 
one that Comes in to the World. J am a louer of yo' Soulesand 
am Come to Warne yo" 

Eliza: Hooton. 

The second letter* is probably the last she wrote, and 
was evidently prompted by the same reasons which had 
influenced George Fox in addressing the Rulers of the 
Island. It is endorsed : " E. Hooton to some Ruler in 
Barbado's y^^ of £ 1671 To warne him not to give eare 
to false reports & ye Priests suggestions agtye innocent." 


Some thing J haue to thee, Jf thou wilt be noble in thy 
place, lend not an eare to the wicked nor to persecutors, if thee 
Prests come about thee aganst the Jnnocent, as they haue all wayes 

' MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 25) The copyist of this address endorses 
it : " El. Hooton to y« Rulers (J suppose) of Barbado's." 

= MS. in D. (Portfolio iii. 32) 


don, and Cry help magistrats or else our traid will goe downe. 
Neither giue eare to Any Sett that comes to the w'*" fake Accu- 
sations . . . The Lord hath somtimes Restrained such 
men as would haue done us mischeefe and oft haue J been w"" 
the Parlement & they haue been very Ciuell to me & J haue 
giuen them many Boockes & Letters & they haue Rece'' them 
& haue not done those many bad Things against us as Sum 
would haue had them to haue done ; but let persecution 
sease, and our Meetings in London ware & are still as wee 
are informed by y^ Last Shipes peaceable : and the Last Mayor 
that wos when J wos there never did us hurt nor broke up 
ouer metings. . . 

Ther fore take heade that thou doe not Joyne with them 
that would percecute & wrong y'' Jnnocent, for Jf thou doest 
thou wilt wrong thy one Sole : neither harken thou to such 
wicked men as will bring thee Storeys & lyes against George 
jTox, nor anny of Gods people for J haue knone him to be An 
upright honest harted man as wast in England this twenty hue 
years : Soe quit thy selfe well in thy Place & god will bles the 
but Giue not head to folce accusors nor to the preasts for thos 
war thay that Crusified Christ & put his Apossells to deth 
and thay are y^ men y' now would doe the same thinges if thay 
had power. J haue knone there Cruelty aboue this twenty 
yeares to me & to many others, thouf J haue no Enmyty against 
them nor noe Revenage Jn my harte but desire that thay 
Repent and turne to the Lorde as sum of them haue done : Soe 
Returne to the Light in thy Consciene w'" will not let the doe 
any Wrong to any if thou be Obedient to Jt : 

from one y' is a louer of thy Sole 

Elizabeth Hooton. 
Barbados this y^ of the lo"" mon"' 1671. 

After three months' stay in that island, on the 8th 
January, 1671/2, George Fox, accompanied by Elizabeth 
Hooton and others, left for Jamaica and arrived safely 
on the i8th. 

From the Testimony of James Lancaster^ concerning 
Elizabeth Hooton we gather particulars of her illness and 
death. He says i^ 

' James Lancaster ( -1699) was of Walney Island, Lancashire. 
He was one of Fox's fellow-travellers to the Western World. 

* MS. in D. The endorsement is in three hands — Fox writes : 
" a testemony of elesebeth hoton," another adds : " before she dyed," 
and a third : " by Ja : Lancaster." 


Her seruise was to stay at the place called porte royall and 
alsoe my seruise to be there the next jTirst day and soe comeing 
in vpon the 7 day of the weeke found her weake in bodie at 
present though the day before shee had beene among friends 
in the towne exorting them to faithfullnes in the worke of god 
and J came vp the staires where shee was and the had newlie 
taken her out of her bed into a chaire. 

She was much swelled and J said let her haue iaire and 
the opened the windowes and opened her bodies and then 
her breath came and shee looked vp and see me but could not 
speake. J said let vs put her into her bed least shee gett cold, 
and we did and shee looked vpon me and J her my life rose 
towards her and allsoe her life answered mine again with greate 
Joy betwixt vs and shee said it is well James thou art come and 
fastened her arms aboute me and said blessed be the lord god 
that has made vs partakers of those heuenly mercies and more 
words to the like effecte and embraced me with a kisse and laid 
her selfe Downe and turned her selfe on her side and soe her 
breath went weaker and weaker till it was gone from her and 
soe passed away as though shee had beene asleep and none 
knew of her departure but as her breath was gone. . . . 

And so, still in the thick of the fight, far from her 
home in the quiet Nottinghamshire village, she fell on sleep. 
Though her story is so far removed from our own time, 
something of that peace enters into our souls in the 
knowledge that her long and strenuous life ended in a great 

George Fox, writing to Friends from Rhode Island, 
19th June, 1672, says :^ 

Elizabeth Hootton is deceased at Jamaicae . . . James 
Lancaster was by her and can give an account what words she 
spoke and of her Testimony concerneing Truth a farther account 
I shall give concerneing her outward things to her Relations but 
let her Sonne Oliver gather up all her papers and her sufferings 
and send them to London that her life and death may bee printed. 

To our lasting regret the latter injunction never 
appears to have been carried out, or at any rate the record 
has been lost, for no history of her, written by a con- 
temporary, remains, and after the lapse of over two 
hundred and forty years there are necessarily many 

' Journal, Camb. ed. ii. 213. 


blanks which can never be filled. George Fox, in his 
Testimony concerning her, written in 1690, says -.^ 

In her Life she was very much Exercised with priests out- 
ward Professours Apostates Backshders and Profane, for she was 
a Godly Woman & had a Great Care Lay upon her for People 
to walk in y= Truth that did Profess itt, and from her Receiving 
y Truth she never turned her Back of itt but was fervent 8c 
JTaithfull for it till Death. 

This is amply confirmed by the fragments of her 
history which remain to us, and from these fragments she 
emerges a heroic figure, one who worthily played her part 
in the heroic age of the Society of Friends : always valiant 
for the truth, quick to seize any opportunity that offered 
to plead the cause of her fellow sufferers, even though her 
own sufferings made the occasion — fearless in denouncing 
the evils of the time — far in advance of the age in which 
she lived in her advocacy of prison and other reforms, and, 
though her methods may appear strangely uncouth in 
our politer days, yet her history is eloquent in its lessons 
for us, conscious, it may be, that, in the words of 

The spirit's temper grows too soft in this still air.^* 

Does not the injunction of an earlier writers need 
special emphasis to-day ? "May we not now, in a time 
of ease and liberty, live carelessly andindifferentlytowards 
Him, but in deep reverence and fear worship him, our 
great Deliverer, who powerfully wrought in the King's 
heart to the setting at freedom and liberty these sons and 
children of the morning ! " 

Another age, other problems, and as we consider 
those which confront us to-day, we ask, with Florence 
Nightingale, " Was there ever an age in so much need of 
heroism ? " and we recognise too that to solve those 
problems aright we must approach them in the spirit in 
which Elizabeth Hooton approached the problems of her 
time, that spirit which prompted her to say: 

' MS. in D. Not autograph. 

- My Birthday, 1871. 

•^ Joseph 0x1 ey. Journal, under date 1771. 



All this and much more I have gone thomgh and suffered, 
and much more could I for the Seed's sake which is Buried and 
Oppressed, and as a Cart is laden with Sheaves and as a Prisoner 
in an inward Prison-House ; Yea, the Love that I bear to the 
Souls of all Men, making me willing to undergo whatsoever can 
be inflicted.^ 

' Bishop, op. cit. p. 420. 

From the Earliest Minute Book of Nottinghamshire Q.M. 

See p. vii. 



Several writers on Elizabeth Hooton have stated that her 
husband was Samuel : James Bowden, Hist. i. 260 ; A. C. 
Bickley in D.N.B. ; Charlotte Fell Smith in The British Friend, 

Mrs. Manners has come to the conclusion that EHzabeth's 
husband was Oliver. She thus states her case : 

1. Though an exhaustive search of the Nottinghamshire 
Parish Registers has been made, I failed to find any marriage 

of a Samuel Hooton to Elizabeth in any years when it would 

possibly have occurred. 

2. At Ollerton (which village is said by Thoroton to have 
been partly owned by Hootons) I found that in the year 1628 
Oliver Hooton married Elizabeth Carrier — and on the 4th of May, 
1633, Samuel, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized. 
(Ollerton Parish Registers.) 

3. No entries in Ollerton Registers between the years 
1633 and 1636. 

4. At Skegby in the year 1636 a son was born to Oliver 
and Elizabeth Hooton, and in succeeding years the children bom 
are described as above. 

5. In 1657, in the Friends' Digest Register, the death of 
Oliver Hooton is recorded, and under the same year the Skegby 
Parish Registers record Oliver Hooton the elder buried. 

6. We learn from a letter written by Thomas Aldam from 
York Castle, where he and Elizabeth Hooton were imprisoned 
in 1652, that E. H.'s husband was living at that time. 

7. George Fox in his Testimony concerning E. H. says : 
" Her husband being Zealous for y' Priests much opposed 
her, in soe much that they had like to have parted but at Last 
it pleased y^ Lord to open his understanding that hee was Con- 
vinced alsoe&wasfaithfull untill Death." From this statement 
I should expect to find the entry of his death in the Friends' 
Register. The name of Samuel does not occur in either Register 
of deaths. 

8. The late Mary Radley also arrived at the conclusion that 
the husband's name was Oliver, and our investigations were 
conducted entirely independently. 



The name of Noah Bullock does not appear in the list of 
Mayors of Derby given in William Button's History of Derby, 
ed. of 1791, but the following curious allusion to Bullock occurs 
in the same work, page 236 : 

" 1676 — We sometimes behold that singularity of character 
which joyfully steps out of the beaten track for the sake of 
being ridiculous ; thus the Barber, to excite attention, exhibited 
in his window green, blue and yellow wigs, and thus Noah Bullock, 
enraptured with his name, that of the first navigator, and the 
founder of the largest family upon record, having 3 sons, named 
them after those of his predecessor, Shem, Ham and Japhet ; and 
to complete the farce, being a man of property, built an ark, and 
launched it upon the Derwent, above St. Mary's-bridge ; whether 
a bullock graced the stem history is silent. Here Noah and his 
sons enjoyed their abode and the world their laugh. But nothing 
is more common than for people to deceive each other. The world 
acts under a mask. If they publicly ridiculed him, he privately 
laughed at them : for it afterwards appeared he had more sense 
than honesty ; and more craft than either ; for this disguise and 
retreat were to be a security to coin money. He knew Justice 
could not easily overtake him, and if it should, the deep was ready 
to hide his coins and utensils. Sir Simon Degge, an active 
magistrate, who resided at Babington-hall, was informed of Noah's 
proceedings, whom he personally knew : the Knight sent for him 
and told him, ' he had taken up a new occupation, and desired 
to see a specimen of his work.' Noah hesitated. The magis- 
trate promised that no evil should ensue, provided that he 
relinquished the trade. He then pulled out a sixpence and told 
Sir Simon ' He could make as good work as that.' The Knight 
smiled ; Noah withdrew, broke up his ark, and escaped the 

The family is an ancient one ; there are monumental 
inscriptions in St. Alkmund's church to Bullocks of Darley Abbey. 
The name is still represented in the town. 

Information supplied by Edward Watkins, of Fritchley, 


J was gon out of becingham, & was gone to bambe in 
Nottingham shire, & as J was wameing some to repent in 5^* 
towne, there come a wicked man forth whose name was 
Atkingson, a proud man, he stroake me unreasonably, then pul'd 
he me out of my way over a bridge & when J was over he sent 

To face p. 78.] 


lSe<r p. vii. 



to the Preist of becingham to serve his warrant upon me, & w"" 
his warrant he sent me to the Justice, & the Justice being a wicked 
man he sent me to prison to Lincoln goal. The same Preist 
put another Man friend into prison for tithes, & hee dyed, & his 
house keeper came through the chamber where the Preist lay, 
& he s** good morrow Valentine in a vain light condition, & tooke 
her in his armes to salute her & suddainly the Lord stroak him 
w"" death, though he cryed for his bottle of strong waters but 
it would not save him, thus the hand of the Lord is ag' wicked 
men, both old & young, [they] shall perish if they transgress. 
Atkingson came to nought alsoe & was taken away suddainly, 
yet the Lord was with me in prison though J endured a very cold 
winter, it was God's mercy in preserving me that winter from 
being starved to death, & this widdow woman that kept y' goal 
was full of cruelty towards me & all y° prisoners. 

An imperfect paper, yet expressing the Manner of her 
being sent to Lyncolne Prison : and Gods hand upon y' Priest 
& Atkinson that were y^ cause of her Jmprisonm' there. 

MS. in Di (PortfoHo i. 136) 

UNKETTY (page 43) 

An enquiry addressed to Augustine Jones, LL.B., of 
Newton Highlands, Mass., has brought the following information : 

Unquity, or Unquity-quisset was the Indian name for 
Dorchester, which, in 1662, was incorporated as Milton. It is 
across the Neponset River from Boston, on the somewhat 
indirect way from Cambridge to Scituate. 

Unquity means " a place at the end of the small tidal 
stream or creek." 


(P- 43) 

This was probably Thomas Newhouse, whose name is in- 
cluded in a list of English Friends visiting N.E., 1661 to 1671 (in 
the possession of William C. Braithwaite, Banbury, Oxon). The 
incident is associated with the name of Thomas Newhouse in the 
histories of Bishop, Besse and Bowden. In Newhouse's own 
account of the event and its results, given by Bishop {op. cit. 
p. 472), we read : 

" Upon a Lecture-day at Boston in New-England, I was 
much pressed in Spirit to go into their Worship-house amongst 
them .... They cryed, Away with him ; and some took 
me by the Throat, and would not suffer me to answer to it, but 
hurried me down Stairs, to the Carriage of a great Gun, which 


stood in the Market place, where I was stripp'd, and tyed to the 
wheel, and whipp'd with ten Stripes . . . and then . . . 
whipp'd ... at Roxbury . . . and at Dedham 
. . . and then sent into the Woods." 

In Bishop's fuller account of this scene, he tells us {op. cit. 
p. 432) that Newhouse, " having two Glass Bottles in his Hands, 
dash'd them to pieces, saying to this effect. That so they should 
be dash'd in Pieces " — a very close parallel with the account 
given by E. Hooton. 

William Edmondson states in his Journal, under date 
1672, that the Friends of Virginia were " stumbled and 
scatter'd by his [Newhouse's] evil Example . . . who went 
from Truth into the Filth and Uncleanness of the World." 
See Jones, Quakers in American Colonies. 

It must have been a sorry spectacle — an old woman and a 
young man, both half naked, tied side by side to the back of a 
cart, and lashed with a whip of three knotted cords till blood ran. 


The materials with which to re-erect the house of Hooton 
are scattered and difficult to identify ; the frequent use of the 
same fore-name is a source of danger ; but we venture to place 
before our readers such facts as at present see the light, in the 
hope that later research will be aided thereby. 

Samuel Hooton 

Samuel, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized 
at Ollerton in 1633. 

The hand of persecution rested upon him in early life ; we 
find him in prison in Nottingham in 1660 for refusing to take 
the Oath of Allegiance,^ and in Leicester in 1662 he was in prison 
with George Fox and others,^ being " cast into y" Dungeon 
amongst y'' felons. There was hardeley roome to lye downe they 
[the prisoners] were soe thronge."3 Before reaching the age of 
thirty he was the objective of Muggletonian curses,^ as was his 
mother later; and eight years after, in 1670, as recorded by 
Besse,5 restraints were laid upon his goods " for the Cause of 
religiously Assembling to worship God." 

On the 30th of November, 1670, Samuel Hooton married 
Elizabeth Smedley, both of Skegby, at the home of the bride- 

' Besse, Sujf. i. 553. 
'Ibid. i. 333, 334. 

3 Camb. Jnl. ii. 15. 

4 Muggleton, Spiritual Epistles, pp. 78, 227. 

5 Sujf. i. 555. 


groom's mother. There were two children born at Skegby, 
Oliver^ in 1671 and EHzabeth in 1673. 

Of his rehgious service we have found nothing before his 
departure for New England early in 1666, as related ante, and the 
next reference is dated two years later, May, 1668 : " one 
Samuel, son of old Elizabeth Hooten," is mentioned among 
" those that labour in the work of the ministry. "^ 

Towards the close of 1670, among signatories to An Appeal 
from Nottinghamshire, occurs the name Samuel Hooton. 

In the Minute Book of Nottinghamshire Quarterly Meeting, 
at the date, 26 x. (Dec.) 1670, the same date on which his mother 
wrote the letter given ante, the word " backshder " is written 
beside the name of Samuel Hooton (see photo, facsimile, p. 75). 
This was probably done a few years later in connection with the 
passing of the following minutes by the Nottinghamshire Q.M. : 

Nine & Twentith Meeting 

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 29"" day of 
first month 1675. 
Exhortation the i" time 

Robert Grace & Thomas JTamsworth Exhorted Sammuell 
Hooten for paing of Tyths, as to that he would giue noe Answer 
but was found very scomefull. 

Exhortation the 2"'^ time. 

Georg Cockram, & Mathias Brackney Exhorted Sammuell 
Hooten for paing of Tyths, his answer was, he was neuer 
conuienced in his conscience but that they ought to be payed, 
it was spoken to him as that he did beare his testimoney against 
them and suffered the spoyling of his goods for his Testimony 
he said that he did it out of the strength of his owne will. 

Agreed that a Testimonie be drawne up Against the Spirit 
that Leads Sammuell Hooten To pay tythes (& justifie his paying 
of them) and to be giuen him by Robert Grace andWilliam Malson, 
a Coppy as followeth : 

" A Testimonie from the people of god (in scome called 
Quakers) Against Tythes & Tithe takers & all that pay them in 
Generall (whoe denie Christ Jesus come in the flesh — ^who hath 
Ended the Law & the Changable preisthood, and is becom the 
unchangable high preist over the house of god for Euer) But 
more Especialy against the Spirit that now acts in & by 
Sammuell Hooten. 

' This may be the same as Oliver 3, see page 84. 
^ T. Salthouse to M. Fell (Swarth. MSS. i. 103), and Letters of Early 
Friends, p. 165. 


" Whereas Sammuell Hooten hath Long beene a professor of 
gods blessed truth and hath borne a Larg verball Testimony 
thereunto & not onely soe but hath suffered much thereby, by all 
which according to outward Apearance he was Looked upon by 
many to be a faithfull wittness for god, but Alass as a flourishing 
tree which brings forth noe good fruite, soe is a profession without 
the possession of the truth, & as Euery Tree is knowne by his 
fruite soe is Euery spirit knowne by its Action, and though the 
said Sammuell hath walked Long in apearance as aboue said, yet 
hath he Lately brought forth bad fruit to the dishoner of god 
in paing Tiths to an Jmpropriator and though he hath beene 
tenderly dealt withall yet he still persists to manetaine the 
thing as Lawfull, soe that wee are constrained for the truth sake 
to giue forth this testimony against that Spirit that Led him to 
pay tiths (and plead for them) and doe f oreuer judg it, & Condemne 
it in him or in whome-soeuer it is found, being the same Spirit 
with them that takes Tithes by whome many of our deare friends 
haue suffered Jmprisonment unto death & sealed there testimoney 
with there Bloud, and this is to goe forth into the world that 
truth may be cleared, & all false Reports stopped & Judged, 
who now say we alow what we formerly declared against, noe 
more but in true Loue to all people we Reste." 

JTrom the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild, the 29*'' day of 
the I"' month 1675. 

It is possible that the family emigrated to the Western 
World. Mrs. Amelia Mott Gummere, of Haverford, Pa., con- 
tributes the following, which may refer to the above Samuel : 

Elizabeth Hooton, wife of Samuel Hooton, of Shrewsbury, New 
Jersey, with her daughter Elizabeth, wife of Thomas Hillborne, 
were appointed guardians of Samuel Hooton, when the latter 
became insane in 1694. Thomas Hillborne and Elizabeth 
Hooton, both of Shrewsbury, N.J., were married 12th December, 
1688, at the house of her mother, Elizabeth Hooton. The 
original marriage certificate was in the possession of Thomas 
Darhngton, of Birmingham, Pa., in 1863." 

Of the Hootons of N.J., Mrs. Kate B. Stille wrote in the 
Jnl. F.H.S. iv. 50 : " Their descendants hold the land near 
Burlington and Evesham, which was bought from the Indians." 

Elizabeth Hooton, Jr., Afterwards Lambert. 

The marriage of the younger Elizabeth with Thomas Lambert, 
of Tickhill, 21st of September, 1669, is recorded in the Registers 
of Nottinghamshire, but there is no entry therein of any children 
or of the deaths of Thomas and Elizabeth Lambert. 


We may hazard the suggestion that emigration to the New 
World removed their names from the Registers of the Old. In 
the published New Jersey Archives, first series, vol. xxiii., p. 236, 
we read : 

" 1692-3, Feb. 20. Hooton John. Letters of administra- 
tion on the estate of, formerly granted to Thomas Lambert 
in behalf of his wife, confirmed, notwithstanding application 
of Richard & Thomas Hilbourne on behalf of Samuel Hooton 
for it, based on the order of Gov. Hamilton making Elizabeth, 
the wife of the said Samuel, Thos. Hilbourne and wife Eliza- 
beth, daughter of Samuel, his guardians during his lunacy {N.J. 
Arch., vol. xxi., p. 193). John White, attorney for Thos. 
Lambert, submits the affidavit of John Snowden, to whom 
John Hooton had said, shortly before his death, he did not 
intend his brother Samuel should have his plantation, while 
William Black and John Birch attest that deceased had 
expressed his intention that John, the son of his brother, 
Thomas Lambert, should have it. (Burlington Records, p. 18.)" 

Oliver Hooton 

1. Oliver, son of Elizabeth, is mentioned by Fox in his 
Journal, under date 1672, and he was apparently at home 
in England at the time (Camb. Jul. ii. 213). 

His " hystry " is referred to on page 4, also his Certificate 
concerning George Fox. 

He was at Skegby in May, 1666 (page 54). 

2. OHver Hooton, living in Barbados, is referred to in sundry 

He wrote a Testimony concerning William Sympson (drop- 
ping into verse at the close), on the i6th of February, 1670, 
glinted in A Short Relation . . . of William Simpson, 1671. 

In 1674, he was fined 1,592 lbs. of sugar for " not appearing 

in Arms."^ 

Thomas and Alice Curwen visited him, and wrote a letter 
from his house, dated the 12th February, 1676.^ 

In 1677, with other Friends, he signed an Appeal to Governor 
Atkins on behalf of sufferers for the Truth. 3 

There is a letter in D.'^ from O. Hooton to George Fox, dated 
" Barbados y' 8 : 2"* m° 1682." References to the writer's personal 

I Besse, Suff. ii. 290. 

= Relation of . . . Alice Curwen, 1680. 

3 Besse, Suff. ii.' 313- 

4 A.R.B. MSS. 45- 


history are wanting, but he writes as one who knew Fox, " from 
the begining of y* apearance of y' Glorious Day, y* dawnings 
wherof (in our dayes) first made knowne its Splendor through 
thee. ... I have both loved and honored thee from y^ 
first." The writer is on the eve of a visit " to see y^ new Countreys 
of new Jarsey and Pensilvania," but he " cannot say to Setle 

There does not appear to be sufficient evidence to state 
that I and 2 are the same persons. 

3. The Registers of Mansfield Monthly Meeting record the 
death of Oliver Hooton, son of Samuel and Elizabeth Hooton, 
14 xi. 1671, who died at his parents' house at " Seckby " and 
was buried at " Skegby." See page 81, note i. 

Martha Hooton 

The name, Martha Hooton, also appears in the records of 
Barbados — in 1689 she was fined £4 19s. od. " for Default of 
sending a Man and a Horse armed in to the Troop,"^ and there is 
in D. a curious manuscript, being a petition from a slave girl 
named Mama to obtain the freedom granted by her mistress, 
Martha Hooton, widow, in her will dated " the third day of the 
fifth Month . . . 1704," she having died on the 8th 
September of that year. 

Thomas Hooton 

1. Thomas, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was 
baptized 1636. Of this son, Mrs. Manners writes : " The late 
Mary Radley thought that Thomas was an older son of Oliver 
and Elizabeth Hooton, but I think she must have read this name 
as ' Timothy.' Mrs. Dodsley, who searched the Skegby Parish 
Registers for me, thinks the name given is ' Thomas,' and as I 
have found no mention of ' Timothy ' in any of the documents 
I have searched, I am inclined to think Mrs. Dodsley's surmise 
is correct." 

2. According to the Friends' Registers for the County of 
Lincoln, Thomas Hooton, of Sibsey [? Sibson], Leicestershire, 
married Mary Sharp of Barnby at the house of John Pidd, at 
Barnby, Notts, 1662 xii. 15. The Hooton home in Leicester- 
shire was Sileby, and the home of the bride, Barnby, is not far 
distant from Ollerton, the Notts Hooton home. 

3. The following extracts have been taken from the Minutes 
of Nottinghamshire Q.M. : 

' Besse, ii. 339. 


Thirteth Meeting 

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 28"" day of 
the 4"" month 1675. 

Agreed that Wilham Malson Robert Grace Francis Clay, 
& Mathias Brackney, doe consider with Thomas Hooton about 
the Repairing of Joseph Roberts house. 

One and Thirteth Meeting 

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 27"" day of the 
7"" month 1675 

It is Agreed that friends at the monthly meeting belonging 
to Maunsfeild put an End to the buseniss betwixt Thomas 
Hooton and friends, About Joseph Roberts house & ground. 

Six & Thirteth Meeting 

At the Quarterly Meeting at Nottingham the 28"" day of 
the lo"" month 1676. 

Paid out of the publique Stocke for the Reparing of Joseph 
Roberts house the sume of £2 : 10 : 6. 

4. At a Quarterly Meeting held at Lincoln, 27 x. 1693, the 
following minute was made : "At this meeting Thomas Hooton 
sent Twenty Shillings to be disposed of this Meeting received and 
disposed of at this accordingly." 

5. There was a Thomas Hooton of London, of whom more is 
known. He and his family emigrated to New Jersey. See 
Besse's Sufferings ; Clement's Settlers in West New Jersey, 1877, 
p. 301 ; The Friend (Phila.), Ixxvii. (1903), p. 52 ; New Jersey 

John Hooton 

The following is from the Minutes of the Nottinghamshire 
Q.M. : 

Seauen Twentith Meeting 

At the Quarterly meeting at Maunsfeild, the 28"" day of 
the 7'** mo"* 1674. 

Exhortation the first time — 

Georg Corkram & Mathias Brackney exhorted John 
Hooton for paying of Tyths, his answer was that if they take 
it he would not hinder them and that he had as good pay tythes 
as pay Rente for them. 


Eight and Twentith Meeting 

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild, the 28"" day of 
the lo"" month 1674. 

Exhortation the Second time 

Robert Grace & Thomas jfamsworth Exhorted John Hooton 
for paing of Tythes, & his Answer was, he was not fully conuinced, 
but that it was the Jmpropriators Right or due after they had 
set there marke in it and he said if he found anything in 
himselfe that did oppose it for the time to come he hoped he 
should be faithfull to it, And he was Lowe & tender. 

One and Thirteth Meeting 

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 27"" day of the 
7"" month 1675. 

Exhortation the 3"* time. 

Francis Clay, and Robert Grace Exhorted John Hooton for 
paing of tyths, his Answer was that he found that it was not 
right to be paied, neither did he jntend to pay any more but he 
said his seruants did Leaue some contrary to his order, and he 
was found very tender. 

For John Hooton, of N.J., see under Elizabeth Hooton, aft. 

JosiAH Hooton 

Of Josiah Hooton, mentioned on page 3, nothing further 


" It was not the people of Massachusetts — it was Endicott 
and the Clergy " — ^who persecuted the Quakers. — John Fiske, 
Beginnings of New England, 1895. 


Writings by Elizabeth Hooton 
I. — In print : — 

False Prophets and False Teachers described [1652]. 
To the King and both Houses of Parliament [1670]. 
A Short Relation concerning William, Simpson, 1671. 

II. — In manuscript : — 

Hooton MSS. in D. (Portfolio iii.) 1653-1671. 

This is a collection of seventy-nine MSS., one only, or at 
most two, in the handwriting of the Author, but all of con- 
temporary date. They are, in the main, addresses to persons 
in authority or position — Cromwell, the Mayor of London, 
the Lord Chamberlain, the Bishops of London and Canter- 
bury, the King and the Duke of York, Lieutenant Robinson 
of the Tower, various " priests " and magistrates, and 

There is another MS. in D. (PortfoHo i. 135), being an 
address respecting persecution in New England, unsigned, 
but doubtless by E. Hooton, though not in her handwriting. 

Letter to the Mayor of Derby. 1650. In D. (Swarth. MSS. 

ii- 43-) 
Letter to George Fox, 1651. In D. (A.R.B. MSS. 16.) 

Letter to George Fox, 1653. In D. (A.R.B. MSS. 14.) See 
photo, reproduction, page 12. 

Letter to George Fox, n.d. In D* (A.R.B. MSS. 153.) 

Letter to Margaret Fox, 1670. In D. (Swarth. MSS. i. 152.) 



References to Elizabeth Hooton 
I. — In print : — 

Gerard Croese, The General History of the Quakers, 1696, 
pt. I, p. 37. 

John Whiting, Truth and Innocency Defended, 1702. 

George Bishop, New England Judged, 1703. 

J. H. Feustking, Gynaeceum Haeretico Fanaticum, 1704. 

William Edmondson, Journal, 1715. 

William Sewel, The History of the Rise, Increase, and 
Progress of the Christiait People called Quakers, 1722. 

[William Gibson] Saul's Errand to Damascus, 1728, p. 34. 

Joseph Besse, Sufferings of the Quakers, 2 vols., 1753. 

John Gough, A History of the People called Quakers, 4 vols., 
1789-1790, iii. 56. 

William Hodgson, Select Historical Memoirs of Friends, 
1844, ch. xvii. 

James Bowden, The History of the Society of Friends in 
America, 2 vols., 1850-1854, i. 225, 226, 255, 262. 

Backhouse, Edward & Thomas J., and Thomas Mounsey, 
Biographical Memoirs, 1854. 

Calendar of State Papers Colonial. 

Samuel M. Janney, History of the Religious Society of 
Friends, 4 vols., 1859. 

[James Bourne] The " Friend " in his Family, 1865, p. 7. 

Charles Evans, Friends in the Seventeenth Century, 1876. 

Robert Barclay, The Inner Life of the Religious Societies 
of the Commonwealth, 1876. 

Richard P. Hallowell, The Quaker Invasion of Massa- 
chusetts, 1887. 

Friends' Almanac for 1887 (Philadelphia). 

Friends' Intelligencer and Journal, xliv. (1887), 243. 

Brooks Adams, The Emancipation of Massachusetts, 1887. 

The Friend (Philadelphia), Ix. (1887), 374. 


George Fox, Journal, bicentenary edition, 2 vols., 1891. 

Augustus Charles Bickley, Elizabeth Hooten, in 
Dictionary of National Biography, 1891, xxvii. 308. 

The British Friend, 1893, pp. 118, 196. 

Joseph J. Green, Souvenir of the Address to King Edward, 
1901, p. 28. 

The Journal of the Friends Historical Society, from 1903, 
iv. 154 ; V. 12 ; vi. 17, 185 ; vii. 62. 

The Friend (Philadelphia), Ixxvii. (1904), 205. 

" The First Publishers of Truth," edited by Norman Penney, 

Susan Williams, Elizabeth Hooton, in Quaker Biographies, 
ii. 1909. 

George Fox, Journal, Cambridge edition, edited by 
Norman Penney, 2 vols., 191 1, 

G. Lyon Turner, Original Records of Early Nonconformity 
under Persecution and Indidgence, 3 vols., 1911-1914. 

RuFUS M. Jones, The Quakers in the American Colonies, 1911. 

William C. Braithwaite, The Beginnings of Quakerism, 

Extracts from State Papers relating to Friends, edited by 

Norman Penney, 1913. 
Mabel R. Brailsford, Elizabeth Hooton, a Seventeenth 

Century Elizabeth Fry, in Quaker Women, 1915- 

II. — In manuscript : — 

Thomas Aldam to George Fox, 1652. In D. (Swarth. 

MSS. iii. 36.) 
Thomas Aldam, from York Castle, n.d. In D. (Swarth. 

MSS. i. 373-) 
Margaret Killam to George Fox, 1653. In D. (Swarth. 

MSS. i. 2.) 
Thomas Salthouse to Margaret Fell, 1657. ^"^ ^• 

(Swarth. MSS. iii. 164.) 
George Fox, Short Journal. In D. 


Joan Brocksopp to Margaret Fell, 1661. In D. (Swarth. 

MSS. i. 75.) 
Ann Clayton to Margaret Fell, 1661. In D. {Swarth. 

MSS. i. 76.) 
Margaret Fell and others to the King and Council, 166-. 

In D. (Spence MSS. iii. 116.) 
Ann Richardson to George Fox, 1664/5. In D. (Swarth. 

MSS. iii. loi.) 

Leonard Fell to Margaret Fell, 1666. In D. (Gibson 
MSS. V. 247.) 

Thomas Salthouse to Margaret Fell, 1668. In D. 
(Swarth. MSS. i. 103.) 

John Stubbs to Elizabeth Hooton, 1670. In D. (A.R.B. 
MSS. 97.) 

Sundry Ancient Manuscripts, 1671, p. 40. In D. 

James Lancaster, Testimony concerning E. Hooton, 1672. 

Edward Man to Margaret Fox, 1672. In D. (Swarth. MSS. 

i- 133) 
Oliver Hooton, Certificate concerning George Fox, 

1686/7 [?] In D. 
George Fox, Testimony concerning E. Hooton, 1690. 

In D. (Portfolio xvi. 74.) 

Radley MSS. In the possession of Francis E. Radley, 
of Gospel End, Staffs. 


Aberdeen, 56. 
Agbarus, 4311. 
Aldam, Thomas, 7, n, 8, ion, 12, 

15, 77- 
AUartown, gn. 
America, ship, 25. 
Anabaptists, 4. 
Angus, 55n. 
Appleby, 63n. 

Aquidneck, see Rhode Island. 
Arlington, Lord, 69, n. 
Askham, 3. 
Atkins, Governor, 83. 
Atkinson, — , 78, 79. 
Atkinson. Rose, 57n. 
Austin, Anne, 21, n. 
Aylesbury, 63. 
Azores Islands, 70. 

Babbington, Matthew, justice, 56, 

n, 60-62. 
Balby, 13, n. 
banishiment, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29, 

32, 44, 5on, 51, 53, 54, 63. 
Baptists, 4, 4in. 
Barbados, 21, 24, 26, 29n, 32, 33, 

48, 49, 69n, 70-72, 83, 84. 
Barclay, David, 57. 
Barclay, Robert, 57 
Barke, Samuel, 75. 
Barnby, 78, 84. 
Barnes, Elizabeth, 57n. 
Barradell, Thomas, 62. 
Bayly, Mary, form. Fisher, aft. 

Cross, 7n. 
Beckingham, 14, 78, 79. 
Bellingham, Richard, governor, 

43-45. 47. 54. n. 
Bennet, Henry, see Arhngton, 

Bible, The, 43. 

Billingsley, John, minister, 2on. 
Bingham, John, 64. 
Bingham, Robert, 3. 
Birch, John, 83. 
Black, William, 83. 
Bootle, 5on. 

Boston, Mass., 19, n, 21-26, 28-34, 
36, 39, 4on, 42-44, 46, 49-51. 
54. 79. 

Bower, Benanuel, 41, n. 

Brackney, Matthias, 81, 85. 

Bradstreet, Simon, magistrate, 

Breedon, Capt. Thomas, 27, 49n. 

Bristol, 5on. 

Brocke, James, 57, 58. 

Brockshaw, Thomas, i3n. 

Brocksopp, Joan, 30-34. 

Brocksopp, Thomas, 3on, 64. 

Brownley, Richard, 75. 

Bugg, Francis, 42n. 

Bullock, Noah, 7, 78. 

Burden, Ann, aft. Richardson, 

Burden, Thomas, 5on. 
Buriington, N.J., 82, 83. 
Burrough, Edward, 28, n. 

" cage of unclean birds," 42, n. 
Callender, John, 19, n. 
Cambridge, iin, 13. 
Cambridge, Mass., 26, 30, 40-42, 

51. 79. 
Carr, Sir Robert, commissioner, 

46, 49n. 
Carrier, Elizabeth, aft. Hooton, 2, 

77- . . 

Cartwright, George, commissioner, 

46, 47, 49, n, 50. 
Chapman, Rev. Francis, 3, n. 
Charlestown, Mass., 41. 
Charlestown, S.C, 7n. 
Chatham, 64. 
Chesterfield, 2on, 3on. 
" Children of the Light," 4. 
chimney-money, 48. 
Christison, Wenlock, 32n. 
church, non-attendance at, 24, 40, 

churches, speaking in, 7, 13, 14, 

40, 44, 79. 
Clarke, Hannah, form. Scott, 2 in. 
Clarke, Robert, 62, 



Clarke, Walter, governor, 2 in. 
Clay, Francis, 85, 86. 
Clay, William, 64, 75. 
Clayton, Ann, 33, n. 
Cockram, George, 64, 81, 85. 
Cockram, Thomas, 64. 
Coleman, Sarah, 41-43. 
Conventicle Act, 58, 59, n, 66. 
conventicles, 3, 58. 
Copeland, John, 29n. 
Cornwall, 25. 

Cotton, John, minister, 4on. 
Cotton, Seaborne, priest, 40, n. 
Cowes, I.W., 54n. 
Cowland, Alice, 25. 
Cowper, James, 3. 
Craven, Robert, 15. 
Cromwell, Notts, 2on. 
Cromwell, Oliver, 10-12, 87. 
Cross, Mary, form. Fisher and 

Bayly, yn. 
Cur wen, Thomas and Alice, 83. 

Danford, Thomas, magistrate, 40, 

41, n. 
Dartmouth, N.E., 25. 
Davis, Nicholas, 24, n. 
Deal, 69. 
death sentence passed or proposed, 

24-26, 31, 32, 34, 44, 49, 51. 
Dedham, 41, 43, 44, 80. 
Degge, Sir Simon, 78. 
Derby, 6, 7, 78. 
Derbyshire, 15. 
Dewsbury, William, 63, n. 
disownments, 8, 80-82. 
Dixie, Beaumont, justice, 62. 
Doncaster, 7n, iin. 
Dorchester, Mass., 79. 
Dover, N.E., 40. 
drink, 14, 15. 
Dryden, John, 2 in. 
Dyer, Mary, 19, n, 24, 25, 5on. 
Dyer, William, ign. 

Easton, Nicholas, 33n. 
Edmondson, William, 80. 
Ejected Ministers, 2on. 
emigration, ign, 5on, 82. 83, 85. 
Endicott, John, governor, 28-31, 

34. 43. 50. n, 86. 
Evelyn, J., Diary, 64. 
Evesham, N.J., 82. 

False Prophets, .11, 17. 
Farnsfield, 59. 
Farnsworth, Richard, 57. 

Farnsworth, Thomas, 81, 86. 

Fell, George, 65, 66. 

Fell, Hannah, 65-68. 

Fell, Margaret, aft. Fox, 33, n, 65, 

66n, 8 in. 
Fell, Sarah, 67n, 69n. 
Fell, Thomas, judge, 33n, 66n. 
Fifth Monarchists, 4. 
Fisher, Martha, 68, n. 
Fisher, Mary, aft. Bayly and Cross, 

7, n, 8, II, 21. 
Fiskerton, I3n. 
Foster, Thomas, 69. 
Fowke, Thomas, 64. 
Fox, George, 4-8n, 12, 13, 15, 29n, 

33n, 42n, 50, 57, 65, 67-74, 77, 

80, 83. 
Fox, Margaret, form. Fell, 66, 68, 

Fretwell, John, 64. 
Fry, Elizabeth, 14. 
Furness, 65. 

Gardner, Horred, 24n. 
Garland, Timothy, 54, n, 62. 
Generalists, 20. 
Goggins, Daniel, magistrate, 40, 

42, 43- 
Goldsmith, Ralph, 29, n. 
Goodaire, Thomas, 63, n. 
Grace, Robert, 64, 81, 85, 86. 
Greaseley, 2on. 
Green, Thomas, 69n. 
Grey, Henry (Earl of Stamford), 

61, n, 62. 
Grey, John, 6in, 62. 

Halliday, James, 9, n, 10, 55n. 
Hamilton, Governor, 83. 
Hampton, Mass., 4on, 51. 
Handsworth Woodhouse, 64. 
Harby, 65. 

Hassehurst, Robert, 64. 
hat honour, 12, 24. 
Hathorne, Capt. William, 40, n. 
Hatter, Richard, 9. 
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 4on. 
Heath, Elizabeth, 5, 16. 
Hillborne, Elizabeth,/o»'m. Hooton, 

82, 83. 
Hillborne, Richard, 83. 
Hillborne, Thomas, 82, 83. 
Holder, Christopher, 2 in, 29n. 
Holder, Mary, form. Scott, 2in. 
Holland, 54, 63, 64. 
Holmes, Jane, 8, n, 11. 
Hookes, ElUs, 67n. 



Hooton, Elizabeth : 
family name, i. 
birth (c. 1600), I. 
marriage, 2. 

early religious associations, 4, 
home at OUerton (1633), i. 
removal to and residence at 

Skegby (c. 1636), 3, 16. 
meeting with George Fox and 

convincement (1647), 4, 72. 
in Derby prison (165 1), 6. 
in York Castle (1652- ), 7. 
opposition and convincement of 

her husband, 4, 5. 
meetings at her house, 5, 6. 
imprisoned in Lincoln Castle 

(1654-5), 14. 
assaulted by Priest Jackson, 17. 
death of her husband (1657), 16. 
enters New England (1661), 30. 
return to England (1662), 33. 
sets out again for New England, 

return again to England (1665-6), 

53. 54- 
marriage of son and daughter, 

64, 80. 
visits prisons, 35, 55. 
correspondence re Fell family, 

third visit to the New World 

(1671), 67. 
illness and death (1672), 72, 73. 
descendants, 80-86. 
her printed writings, 11, 87. 
financial condition, 34n. 
numerous epistles, 35, 55,60, 87. 
Hooton, Elizabeth, form. Carrier, 

2, 77- 
Hooton, Elizabeth, aft. Lambert 

(daughter), 3, 39, 4i-43> 64, 68, 

Hooton, Elizabeth, aft. Hillborne 
J (granddaughter), 81, 82. 
j Hooton, Elizabeth, /o^'m. Smedley, 
1 65, 80, 82-84. 
Hooton, John (son), 3, 83, 85. 
Hooton, Josiah (son), 3, 86. 
Hooton, Martha, 84. 
Hooton, Mary, form. Sharp, 84. 
Hooton, Oliver, 2. 
Hooton, Oliver (husband), 4, 5, 7, 

8, i3n, 16, 77, 80. 
Hooton, Oliver (son), 3, 4, n, 54, 

73, 83. 
Hooton, OHver (grandson), 81, 84. 
Hooton, Robert, 2. 

Hooton, Samuel (son), 2, 35, 54, 

n, 57. 65, 75, 77, 80-84. 
Hooton, Thomas (son), 3, 84. 
Hopkinson, George, 75. 
House, Nicholas, 62. 
Howgill, Francis, 63, n. 
Hubberthorne, Richard, 3in. 
Hull, John, 70. 
Hussey, John, 40, n. 
Hussey, Rebecca, form. Perkins, 

Hutchinson, Anne, 19-21. 
Hyfield, Sarah, aft. Livingstone, 56. 

Indians, 21, 45, 79, 82. 
Industry, ship, 69. 
Ipswich, Mass., 18. 

Jackson, , priest, 17. 

Jackson, Henry, 63, n. 
Jackson, Thomas, 3. 
Jamaica, i, 72. 
judgments, 32, 38, 51, 66, 79. 

Kendal, 63. 
Killam, John, i3n. 
Killam, Margaret, 13, n. 
King's Commissioners, 20, 27, 44- 

Ladd, George, 25. 

Lambert, Elizabeth, /o>'w. Hooton, 

64, 82, 83. 
Lambert, Thomas, 64, 68, 82, 83. 
Lancaster, 66-69n. 
Lancaster, James, 72, n, 73. 
Laodiceans, Epistle to the, 43, n. 
Leddra, William, 25, 26, 29n, 32. 
Leicester, 35, 55, 56, 80. 
Leicestershire, 4, 35, 39, 54-56n, 

60-62, 84. 
Leverett, Capt. John, 28, 30. 
Lewins, John, 55. 
Lincoln, 13-16, 78, 79, 85. 
Lincolnshire, 13-16, 65, 78, 84. 
literature distributed, 21, 22, 67, n. 

Livingstone, Patrick, 9n, 55, n, 56. 
Livingstone, Sarah, form. Hyfield, 

Lord Chamberlain, see Manchester, 

Earl of, 35, 49, 50, 60, n. 
Lyndley, Mrs., 4. 
Lyndley, Thomas, 3. 
Lyndley, WiUiam, 3. 

Macaulay, Lord, 56n. 

Malson, WiUiam, 64, 75, 81, 85. 



Malton, 8n. 

Manchester, Earl of, 28, 6on, see 

Lord Chamberlain. 
Mansfield, 2, 3, 5, 6, 130, 16, 2on, 

47, 54, n, 81, 82, 84-86. 
Mansfield Woodhouse, 3. 
Marbury, Francis, minister, 2 in. 
Marsh Grange, 65. 
Maryland, 34. 
Mavericke, Samuel, 46. 
Medfield, 44. 
Miers, EUzabeth, 69, n. 
Milton, Mass., 79. 
miracles, 5, 6. 
Molson, see Malson. 
Montagu, Edward, see Manchester, 

Earl of. 
More, Robert, 75. 
Muggleton, Lodowicke, 57, n, 80. 

Nayler, James, 67n. 

New England, i, 18-34, 38-52, 54, 

64, 79, 81. 
Newhouse, Thomas, 79. 
New Jersey, 82, 84-86. 
New York, 48. 
Newark, 13. 
Newbould, Godfrey, 64. 
Newport, R.I., ign, 24n, 3 in. 
Nicholls, Richard, commissioner, 

46, 49n. 
Nicholson, Benjamin, 11, n. 
Nicholson, Jane, 50, n. 
Nicholson, Joseph, 5on. 
Northampton, 63. 
Northumberland, 9, n. 
Nottingham, i, 6, 16, 2on, 55n-57, 

59, 80, 85. 
Nottinghamshire, 4, 15, 17, 56, 59, 

68, 73, 78, 81, 82, 84, 85. 

oaths, 80. 

Oliver, Capt. James, 26, 29, n, 39. 

Ollerton, 2, 3, 77, 80, 84. 

Osborne, WiUiam, 3. 

Oxford, I in. 

Oxfordshire, 16. 

Oxley, Joseph, 74, n. 

Palmer, William, 60, 61. 
Papists, 49n, 58, 63. 
Parsons, Nicholas, 62. 
peace, 83, 84. 

Peares, William, 8, n, ix, n. 
Pennsylvania, 84. 
Pentrich, 2on. 
Pepys, S., Diary, 63. 

Perkins, Rebecca, aft. Hussey, 

Pett, Peter, 64. 
Philly, John, 29n. 
Rdd, John, 84. 

Pilgrim Fathers, 18, 30, 4in, 47, 86. 
Piscataway, 25. 
Piscatua, 39, 40, 46. 
plotting, 56. 
Plymouth, N.E., 24n. 
Port Royal, Jamaica, 73. 
Porter, Ro^ -^rt, miiuster, 2on. 
prison fees, 10, 14, 80. 
Providence, R.I., 21, 32. 
Puritans, see Pilgrim Fathers. 

Radley, Mary, 56n, 64n, 77, 84. 

Rayner, , priest, 40. 

Reading, 63. 

Reeve, John, 57n. 

Reynolds, William, minister, 2on. 

Rhode Island, I9n-2in, 24, 3 in, 

32, 41, 44, 48, 73. 
Richardson, Ann, form. Burden, 

50, n. 
Roadby, see Rotherby. 
Roberts, Joseph, 85. 
Robinson, William, 24, 25, 29n. 
Rofe, George, 3 in, 
Rookby, Thomas, priest, 7n. 
Rotherby, 56n, 60, 62. 
Rotherham, 7. 
Rous, John, 69, n. 
Roxbury, Mass., 43, 80. 
Royal Exchange, ship, 54n. 
Ruiiord, 2. 
Ruyter, Admiral de, 63. 

Salem, Mass., 23, n, 25, 29, n, 40, n, 

Salter, Hannah, form. Stringer, 

67, n, 68, n. 
Salter, Henry, 67n. 
Salthouse, Thomas, Sin. 
Savile, Hon. Lumley, 2. ^ 

Say and Sele, Lord, 28. 
Scituate, 41, 43, 79. \ 

Scotland, 55n. 

Scott family, of N.E., 21 n. 1 

Scott, Katharine, 21, n. I 

Selby, 7. ' 

Selston, 17. 
Senior, Abraham, 64. 
Sharp, Mary, aft. Hooton, 84. 
Shattuck, Samuel, 29, n, 50, 
Sheerness, 64. 
Shrewsbury, N.J., 82. 



Sibson, 84. 

signs, 8n, 37, 4011, 43, 80. 

Sileby, 35, 60, 84. 

Skegby, 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 54, 56, 64, 

65, 77, 80, 81, 83, 84. 
slavery, 24, 40, 84. 
Smedley, Elizabeth, aft. Hooton, 

65, 80. 
Snooden, Thomas, 62. 
Snooden, William, 62. 
Snowden, John, 83. 
Southwick family, of N.E., 23, n. 
sports and pastimes, 58. 
Stacy, Mahlon, 64. 
Stacy, Robert, 64. 
Stamford, Earl of, see Grey, 

Stevenson, Marmaduke, 24, 25, 

Stoddard, Amor, 8, n, 11. 
Stringer, Hannah, aft. Salter, 67n. 
Stringer, John, 67n. 
sufferings, 10, 58, 60, see whipping. 
Swarthmoor Hall, 33n, 67n, 69, n. 
Swinstone, Francis, 3. 
Syxapson, William, 83. 
Syston, 55, see Sileby. 

taxes, etc., 48, 58, 66. 
Taylor, Thomas, 58n, 63, n. 
Thoroton, Robert, 2, 3, 77. 
Throsby, John, 2, n. 
Thumerstone, 56. 
Thurston, Joseph, priest, 14. 
Tibshelf, 3. 
Tickhill, I in, 82. 

tithes, 8n, 48, 79, 81, 82, 85, 86. 
Tomlinson, Richard, 7. 
TomUnson, Wilham, 9. 
Truman, Joseph, minister, 2on, 

Unketty, 43, 79. 
Upsall, Nicholas, 22, n. 

Virginia, 24, 31, n, 34, 80. 

Waker, , informer, 59. 

Walcott, Humphrey, justice, 14. 
Walden, Richard, magistrate, 40. 
Walney Island, 72n. 

Ward, , minister, 18. 

Warden, Eliakim, 40, n. 

WardeU, Lydia, 4on. 

Warmsworth, 7n. 

Warwick, 63. 

Watertown, 41. 

West Indies, 7n, 69-73. 

Westmorland, 63n. 

Whalley, Penistone, justice, 59. 

Wharton, Edward, 29n. 

whipping, 21-23, 29n, 32, 40-45, 

47, 48, 51, 80, see sufferings. 
Wliitehead, John, 13, n. 
Whitlock, John, minister, 2on. 
Wilkie, Thomas, 25. 
WiUiamson, Sir Joseph, 69, n. 
Windlocks [?], 44. 
Worthington, A. W., minister, 2on. 

York, 7-12, 77. 

York, Duke of, 61, 62, n, 87. 

Yorkshire, 24, 63, n, 64.