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WORKS ISSUED BY
Zhc t)aWui5t Soctet?.
THE EMBASSY
OF
SIR THOMAS ROE TO INDIA,
1615— 1619.
VOL. II.
SECOND SERIES,
No. II.
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iiiijfjj|if[iijFii0iTClJiiiliifi]j^iiiMli[i|ii!'r
THE EMPEROR JAHANGIR
(from Terry's " Voyage").
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i ^ •
COIjr i O: i";
A:. \ \' J .\ ; ■ i '>
^":"'i:frt i" ;•..
W M K ; ^ ■ i I •
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THE EMBASSY
OF
SIR THOMAS ROE
TU THE
COURT OF THE GREAT MOGUL,
1615— 1619,
AS NARRATED IN IIIS JOURNAL AND CORRESPONDENCE.
<!?lritelr from Contem^iorars l&ttor^%
WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A.,
Editor of Letters Received by the East India Company, 161^ ;' Joint Editor Oj
" The First Letter Book of the East India Company, i6ooi6ig ;"
Honorary Secretary of the Hakluyt Society.
Inter eos autem qui reLitiones suas de hoc Regno prodiderunt,
facile fide et dignatione princeps est Thomas Roeus, Eques, Magnae
Britanniae Regis ad superiorem Indiae Regem Legatus.
De LaeT: De Imperio Magni Mogolis, 1631.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.XCIX.
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KF^BZ5 7/0,
, HARVARD ,
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
SEP ^4 1958
LONUUN :
PMINTED AT THB BKDFORD PRESS, ao AND 21, BEDFORDBURY. W.C
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CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
The Journal (Brit. Mus. Addl, MS, 6115) :
Arrival of the 16 16 fleet, 284 ; Prince Khusru is made over
to the charge of Asaf Khin, 293 ; a Persian ambassador
reaches Ajmere, 295 ; Prince Khurram starts for the
Deccan, 319 ; departure of Jahdngfr, 320 ; the Surat
factors despatch a ship to Jdshak, 330 ; Roe leaves
Ajmere, 340 ; he sends to Ispahan a draft of concessions
desired from the Shdh, 373 ; his interview with Prince
Khusru, 378 ; Prince Khurram seizes the presents on
their way to Court, 380.
The Journal (continued from Purchas His Pilgrimes) :
The presents sent to the King, 383 ; Jahdngfr enters Mandii,
391 ; the Persian ambassador quits the Court, 400; Dutch
ships wrecked near Damdn, 403 ; Khusru released, 404 ;
birthday festivities, 411 ; Khurram enters Mandu in
triumph, 419; news of the 161 7 fleet, 420; Roe conciliates
Asaf Khdn, 425 ; the departure from Mandu, 437 ; Roe is
entertained by Asaf Khdn, 444 ; he reaches Ahmadibdd,
453 ; dispute with the Prince regarding the presents, 456 ;
arrival of a Dutch embassy, 459.
Letters, etc. :
To the Archbishop of Canterbury, October 30, 16 16
To the East India Company, November 24, 1616
To Sir Thomas Smythe, November 27, 1616.
To Sir Ralph Winwood, November 30, 1616 .
To William Robbins, January 17, 161 7
308
342
352
356
373
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VI CONTENTS OF VOL. 11.
To the factors at Surat, May 22, 1617
To William Robbins, August 21, 16 17
To the General of the expected fleet, August 30, 161 7
To the same, September 29, 16 17
To Captain Martin Pring, October 5, 161 7
To the factors at Surat, October 8, 161 7
Instructions to Connock for negotiations in Persia, October 6,
1617 . . . .
To Thomas Kerridge at Surat, December 2, 16 17
To the factors at Surat, December 6, 161 7
To the same, December 18, 161 7
Instructions to Barker and Monnox for negotiations in Persia.
February 4, 1618 .
To the East India Company, February 14, 16 18
Advice regarding goods and presents
To Captain Martin Pring, February 14, 161 8
Instructions for the voyage to the Red Sea, February 14,
1618 ...'..
To King James, February 15, 1618 .
To Sir Thomas Smythe, February 16, 16 18
To Captain Martin Pring, March 10, 161 8
To the factors at Surat, April 26, 16 18
Farmdn for the English house at Surat, August, 16 18
Negotiations with Prince Khurram for privileges at Surat
August, 1618. .....
To the Governor of Mocha, February 16, 16 19
The factors at Surat to the East India Company , March 12
1619 .......
To the President at Bantam. May 1 1, 16 19 .
Extracts from the Court Minutes of the East India Com
pany, etc., regarding the proceedings on Roe's return
401
405
407
418
421
428
430
446
447
454
462
466
485
489
492
495
498
501
503
506
506
515
516
518
519
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CONTENTS OF VOL. II. VIi;
APPENDIX A.
PAGR
Roe's Geographical Account of the Mogul's Terri-
tories . . . . . .531
Note on the Map . . . 542
APPENDIX B.
I. The Company's Agreement with Roe, November 16, 1614 54 7
II. The King's Commission to Roe, January 8, 161 5 . 549
III. The King's Instructions to Roe, December 29, 1614 551
IV. Letter from King James to the Great Mogul, 161 5 . 553
V. The Company's Instructions for the Negotiations in
Persia, 161 7 . . > 554
VI. Letter from King James to Sir Thomas Roe, February 4,
1617 556
VII. Letter from the Great Mogul to King James, February 20,
1618 557
VIII. Letter from the Great Mogul to King James, August 8,
1618 -559
APPENDIX C.
Notes on the Illustrations . .561
Index . ....... 569
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VIII
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
ILLUSTRATIONS.
The Emperor Jahangir
The Emperor's Standard
The Rev. Edward Terry
William Baffin's Map of Hindustan
The Mogul's Seal
For notes on the above, see p. 561
. Frontispiece
to face p, 322
to face p, 384
to face p. 546
to face p, 560
CORRIGENDA.
On p. 542, 1. i9,y2?rnon read non ?
On p. 544, 1. 19, for Delhi read Agra.
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f
THE
JOURNAL OF SIR THOMAS ROE
DURING
HIS EMBASSY TO INDIA
(continued).
(Brit. Uus.—Add/. MS. 6ii 5.)
CTOBER 3. — I receiued lettres from
Agra that Indico was risen to such
rates that they resolued to buy
none, but aduised to make ouer
thejr monyes to Amadavaz. So by
neclect of the season the goodes is
vnbought, and before any aduise
can be made to Amadavaz it wilbe later then the last
yeare ; and so if any ship returned it must stay 5 mounthes
for dispatch. These lettres I answered not, resoluing not
to meddle further. The faulte is eyther in the Commis-
sions that restrayns the Cheefes from vsing oportunitye, or
in their want of ludgment in apprehending yt.
October 4. — I sent to Asaph Chan complements and to
signifye my desire to visitt him ; for the Kings remooue
was certayne, and meanes of carriadge so scarce and
doubtfull that it was tyme for mee to prouide. The kings
^ Direct to England from Surat.
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274 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
lourny was a secrett; much of his goodes and woemen
were dispatchd for Agra, but the Pretence was for
Mandow near Brampore, but nothing certayne. By Judg-
ment I gathered that the King would make a Countenance
that way, as well to settle by his nearnes his sonne, Sultan
Coronne, in the warrs of Decan (to whose Comminge Chan
Channa and other Cheefes stood yet averse, and it was
feared that some troubles would ensue), as alsoe to terrifye
his enemyes and to force them to some agrement by his
approach, which pretented a terrible prosecution of the
warrs (which are made only by treachery, periury, and
advantages, without one honorable blow on eyther syde) ;
But without any determination to stay (as I conceiued by
many cercumstances), but that if on the way, eyther his
sonne were quietly receiued, or some advantageous peace
made, hee would make a turne and spend 6 Monthes in
progresse, and settle eyther at Agra or Dely. This was
the most probable opinion, which seeing it would bee a
great chardge to follow, and yet necessity requiring it,
beeing the season of our busines, by the shipes arriuall
and the Merchants having great quantetyes of goodes on
their handes, vnlike to sell on the way, and unsafe to stay
at Adsmere after the kings remoouall, I resolued by Con-
sultation with Asaph chan to determine of myselfe and to
aduise the factorye. Hee answered mee it was the end
of their lent^ and Mahomettes feast day or their Easter^
next day, after which solemnitye I should bee welcome.
October 5. — The feast was kept shooting at a goulden
ball on a Maypole ; but I stirrd not abroad.
October 7. — I visited Asaph chan and propounded my
attending the king. Hee promised mee Camells and Car-
riadge for my mony, and the Comoditye of his quarter, but
no further ease. He Mooued my goeing with the Prince
1 See note, p. 21. 2 Thg i^u'l Fatr festival.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 275
but I gaue him reasons of my refusall. I acquaynted him
of the goodes and great Chardge in the handes of our
factors, desiering him to aduise mee how to dispose them,
for that to remayne here was dangerous, to remooue with
the king was an infinite incomoditie and Chardge : Next
hee would fauour mee soe much as to lett me know his
opinion of his Maiesties settling, and which way hee would
take ; for then I could send before and build and prepare.
Hee answered : for myselfe, it was fitt I should follow the
king and I should haue such Comoditye as his seruants
had, for my mony : but whither the king went, more then
toward Mandoa : whither hee would stay ther, or goe
forward or returne, and in what place hee would settle, or
when, hee protested was shutt in the kings brest, and that
hee could giue no answere nor aduise for our factors and
goodes, other then to remooue to some place of retraict
vntill the kings resolution were declared. So I prepared
my selfe for the progresse, making prouision to goe in
some reasonable fashion, beeing dayly in the worldes eye ;
yet with such sparing as was fitt. For these remooue all
like Princes, with seuerall shiftes of tents that goe before,
compassed in with Pales of Pintadoes} which are ready
euer two dayes for them. I would doe honestly and
thriftely. For the factors I aduised them my opinion was
they should with all speed, before Carriadge grew deere,
send their goodes weekly to Agra, which may be done
safely with little Chardge, and there to abide a resolution ;
for to wander with vs were very vnfitt and vnprofitable.
The most probable place of the kings settling was there :
that this lourny was but a Circuit : if ther wanted any
Cloth at Mandoa, Brampore was nere, which factory could
furnish yt : if the king settled there they might come after
^ ^* Painted " cloths, i.e.^ chintzes, which formed the inner lining.
On this system of a double set of tents — still a familiar feature of
Indian camp life — see Bernier (p. 359)-
T 2
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276 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
at lesse Chardge, when prouision was made for them. This
was my opinion and I was discharged. What they entend
I knowe not ; for they so depend on aduise in all matters
from their Cheefes in Suratt, who in these busines cannot
ludge, or when they doe, too late, That my woordes were
of no other then perswations. At night I went to the
Guzelchan to the king to offer my attendance on his
Maiestie in the lourny. Hee accepted of yt, but demanded
how farr I would goe. I answered : to the worldes end, if
his Maiestie did. Then hee demanded whither hee went.
I replied : I knewe not ; whither so euer hee went I would
wayt on him. He thancked mee and gaue Asaph chan
order for mee, but what, I knowe not. Lastly hee asked if
I went home this fleete and a New Ambassador in my
place to Come. I answered : I thought not, for I Could
not returne vntill I was eyther recald by my Master or
dismissed by him ; and for any other I knew the king my
Master hoped it would bee Needlesse to keepe one alway
here, not doubting of the frendship and lustice of his
Maiestie. These questions were somewhat extrauagant;
but hee had beene very busy with his Cuppes, and suddenly
fell asleepe.
October 8. — I receiued a lettre from Master Kerridge, of
the date of the 24th September, 1616, by a Patmar^ of the
Princes, that our shipes were seene on the Coast and that
hee was ready to passe for Swally.
October 9. — In the morning I receiued from the Admirall
or ludge of all Marine causes in Suratt a lettre signifying
the arriuall of fower english shipes,^ and therin offering mee
all his furtherance and assistance in our speedy and faire
dispatch; but withall hee gaue mee aduise that wee wanted
there a sufficient procurator to follow our busines, which I
vnderstood to bee one of that Country, for I knew the
^ Pattamar^ a courier. ^ See p. 284.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 277
brokar entertayned by ours was a foole and one that durst
not open his mouth with such freedom as often bur affayres
required. But because his meaning was somwhat obscure,
and might concerne a dislike of the Cheefe of the English,
for that the woordes litterally imported that I should send
downe a sober, discret, and graue man for a procurator in
our busines to bee indifferent, which might alsoe (meaning
a Mogull) on our behalfe [be ?] authorised by the king, I
wrote to him to expound his entent and accordingly I
would follow yt Whervpon I was of opinion that no man
was soe fitt as laddow, that remaynd here ; for the mayne
of our busines for dispatch lying at Suratt, and finding it
fitt to reduce the factoryes att Adsmere and Agra to one,
the brokar there is by report both well knowne and suffi-
cient in all but his honesty (wherin there is little Choyce) ;
but I stayed the resolution for the Admiralls answere.
Vpon reading this lettre I went to the Prince to heare
what Newes hee had recejued. He acquaynted me that
4 ships were arriued, but that hee was enformed they ment
to trouble and stay the boates of the Country, which hee
wished mee to looke too, for that I should answer yt. I
replyed I knew it was a wrongfull enformation : I was a
sufficient Pledg, prouided that all couenants and promises
were kept toward vs, and that wee might trade peaceably
without any violence or oppression : That perhapes some
of our factors might in anger threaten (which I perceiue
they had done, it agreeing with their aduise to stay the
Princes shipes), but that I would take order to accomodate
all to his Highnes content. He answered that on his part
all should be performed to our satisfaction, but hee required
my present lettre to the Commander of our fleete for good
order and quiettnes on our parts, as well in the towne as
at Sea ; which I promised. I sollicited Zulphercarcon for
our mony with some sharpncs. Mirze Socorolla gaue his
woord to pay it in ten dayes.
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278 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
October 10. — Abdala chan, the great Gouernor of Ama-
davaz,^ beeing sent for to Court in disgrace for many
insolencyes and neglectes of the kinges authoritye, and
thought that hee would stand on his guard and refuse : yet
the Prince Sultan Coronne, whose Ambition wrought on
eufery aduantage, desirous to oblige so great a man (beeing
one of the Cheefe Captaynes in these kingdomes), pre-
uayled with him on his woord to submitt. So that
comming in Pilgrams clothes with 40 seruantes on foote
about 60 mile in Counterfait humiliation, finished the rest
in his Palanckee^ vntill hee arriued near the Court ; but
one dayes lourny behynde hee had 2000 horse attending.
This day hee was brought to the Jarrucd^ (the Publique
sitting of the king to see games, and to here Complayntes)
Chayned by the feete, bare foote betweene two Noblemen.
Hee Pulld his Turbant in his eyes, because hee would see
noe man before hee had the happines to behould the
kinges face. After reuerence made and some few ques-
tions, the king forgaue him, caused his Irons to bee loosed,
and clothed in a New vest of Cloth of Gould, Turbant, and
Girdle according to the Custome.
The Prince, who entended to build his honor on the warrs
•of Decan, which his elder brother had left with disgrace
and the great Commander Chan Channa did not prosper
in (which doubtlesse was a Practiser with the Decannins,
from whom hee receiued Pension^) caused his father to
recall Chan Channa^ who, refusing to come, desiered the .
king not to send Sultan Coronne to that warr, but one of
^ See p. 170. His exact offence, as appears from the Tuzak, was
insulting and imprisoning the official newswriter of the province, who
promptly complained to the king.
* See p. 106.
3 As here indicated, it was generally reported that the Khdn-
Khdndn was secretly on friendly terms with the enemy against whom
he had been sent (see Blochmann's Ain-i-Akbari^ vol. i, p. 338).
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 279
his youngest sonns,i about 15 years of age. This Coronne
tooke to hart ; but prosecuting his Purpose of the warr,
promised to Abdela chan the command of the Army
vnder him, by displacing Chan Channa.^ The king, fear-
ing troubles, and knowing all the ambitions and factions
of this Sonne, the discontent of his two elder, the Power
of Chan Channa^ was desierous to accomodate all by
accepting a Peace and confirming Chan Channa in the
Gouerment he held, and closely to that end wrote a lettre
of fauour and Purposed to send a vest according to the
Ceremony of reconciliation to Chan Channa, But before
hee dispatchd it, hee acquaynted a kinswoeman of his
liueing in the Zereglia of his Purpose. She, whether
false to her frend (wrought by Sultan Coronne) or out of
Greatnes of hart to see the Top of her famelye after
soe many merittes stand . on soe fickle termes, answered
Playnly that shfee did not beleeue Chan Channa would
weare any thing sent from the king, knoweing his Maiestie
hated him and had once or twice offered him Poyson,
which hee Putting in his bosome insteed of his Mouth
had made tryall off: Therfore shee was Confident hee
would not dare to Putt on his body any thing that came
from his Maiestie. The King offered to ware it himselfe
before her for an hower, and that shee should write to
testefye it Shee replyed hee would trust neyther of them
both with his life ; but if hee might Hue quietly in his
Command would doe his Maiestie true seruice. Whervppon
^ Sultins Jahdnddr and Shahry^r. As they were both born a few
months before Akbar's death, they could only have been about eleven
years old at this time.
^ "Abdala Chan is here forgiuen, in extreame grace with the
Prince. For anything I can judge of great men, hee Hues in better
fashion, both in his trayne, equipage and expence, and Carries more
sowrnes or grauety in his Person then any here. You see the justice
of the King. His sonne woorkes all to his owne endes, and setts vp
this man agaynst Chan Channa." (Roe to the factors at Ahmaddb^d,
October 25th, 1616.)
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280 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
the king altered his Purpose and resolued to proceed in
the sending Sultan Coronne, and to Countenance his recep-
tion would follow after with another Armie. Chan Channa,
that discouered the storme, Practised with the Decans who
were at his seruice to offer termes of Peace for a season
(fynding noe other way to disolue this Cloude that hung
ouer them both) vntill the king and Prince were departed
and settled farther off. To this end Came two Embas-
sadors this day from the Princes of Decan. They brought
horses, barde,^ richly furnished for Presentes. At first the
king refused to heare them, and their guift, but turned
them ouer to his sonne with this answer : if hee would haue
Peace or Warr, it was in his breast. The Prince, aduanced
by this fauour and swelling with Pride, resolued (though,
as I was enformed, the Conditions were very honorable
and such as the king would haue accepted) to goe on the
lourny, answering hee would treat of no Peace vntill hee
were in the feeld with his Armie : Chan Channa should not
so beguile him of the honor of finishing that warr. The
ambitions of this young Prince are open, the Common
talke of the People ; yet his father suffers all, but entendes
him not the kingdome ; for Sultan Cursoronne, the Eldest
brother, is both extreamly beloued and honored of all
men, almost adored, and very lustly, for his most Noble
Partes ;- and this the king knowes and loues, but thinckes
his liberty would diminish his owne glory, and sees not
that this sly youth doth more darken him by ambitious
Practices then the other could by vertuous actions. Thus
^ Provided with horse-armour (see Nares' Glossary).
^ In the same strain James Bickford writes to Sir Thomas Smythe,
March 4th, 1616-17 {O. C, No. 454), that Khusrii is "best beloued of
his Father and euer was, though a prisoner, which is more for feare of
him then hale to him, he being so generally beloued of all the Country
and ioyned in intimate freindshipp with some of the greatest and most
honorable men of the Country. Notwithstanding, the Kinge hath
sworne that he shall raigne after him ; but dares not giue him his
libertie for feare of his flyings out"
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 28 1
hee Nourisheth diuision and emulation betweene the
brethren and Putteth such Power in the hand of the
younger, supposing he can vndoe yt at his Pleasure, that
the wisest foresee a rending and tearing of these kingdomes
by diuision when the king shall pay the debt to Nature,
and that all Partes wilbe torne and destroyed by a Ciuill
warn The history of this Countrye for the variety of
subiect and the many Practises in the tyme of Ecbarsha,
father of this king, by him then Prince, and these later
troubles were not vnwoorthy Committing to writing ; but
because they are of so remote Partes many will despise
them [and ?] because the People are esteemed barberouse
few wil beleue them ; therfore I content my selfe with the
Contemplation, but I could deliuer as many rare and
Cunning Passadges of State, subtile euasions, Policyes,
answers, and adages, as I beleeue for one age would not
bee easely equald. Only oi^e that passed lately I cannot
omitt, to show wisdome and Patience in a father, fayth in a
seruant, falshood in a brother, impudent bouldnes in a
faction that dare attempt anything, when the highest
Maiestie giues them liberty beyond eyther the law of
their owne Condition or the limitts of Policye and reason.
The Prince Sultan Coronne, Normahall the deare queene,
Aunt to his wife, Asaph chan his father-in-law, brother to
the Queene, and Etiman Dowlett, father to them both,
beeing they that now gouerne all and dare attempt any-
thing, resolued it was not possible for them to stand if the
Prince Sultan Corsoronne liued, whom the nobilitye loued,
and whose deliuery or life would Punish their ambitions
in tyme ; therfore Practised how to bring him into their
Power, that poyson might end him. Normahall attemptes
the king with the false teares of womans bewitching
flattery : that Sultan Corcoronne was not safe, nor his
aspiring thoughtes deposed. The king heares, soothes yt,
but would not vnderstand mor then shee deliuered playnly.
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282 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
This fayling, they tooke oportunitye of the kinges beeing
drunck, the Prince, Eteman Dowlett, and Asaph chan
mooued the king that, for the safety of Sultan Corsoronne
and his honor, it were fitter he were in the keeping of his
brother, whose companyes would bee pleasing one to the
other, and his safety more reguarded then in the handes of
a Rashboote Gentile (to whome the king had committed
him) : therfore they humbly desiered his Maiestie that he
might be deliuered into the handes of his deare brother ;
which the king granted, and so fell asleepe. They thought
their owne greatnes such as, bringing the kings authority,
no man durst refuse ; and beeing once in their possession
they would dispute the redeliuery. So the same night
Asaph chan in the name of the king, sent by the Prince,
came with a Guard to demand and receiue Sultan Cur-
soronne at the hand of Anna rah,^ a Rajah rashboot to
whom the king had entrusted him. He refuseth to deliuer
his chardge,with this answerer that he was Sultan Coronns
humble seruant, but that he had receiued the Prince his
brother from the handes of the king and to no other would
deliuer him ; that hee should haue Patience till the Morn-
ing, when hee would dischardge himselfe to his Maiestie,
and leaue it to his pleasure to dispose off. This answere
Coold all. In the Morning Anna rah came to the king
and acquaynted him with the demand of the Prince, his
refusall and answer ; and added his Maiestie had giuen
him Chardge of his sonne, and made him the commander
of 4000 horse, with all which hee would dye at the
Gate rather then deliuer his Prince to the handes of his
enemyes : if his Maiestie required him, hee was ready to
obey his will, but hee would prouide for his owne inno-
1 This faithful Rajput is mentioned by Jahdngfr in the Tuzak as
" one of my close attendants." His name was Anuprai ; to which,
for the bravery he showed in a dangerous encounter with a tiger, the
king added the title of Singh Dalan (" tiger- tearer").
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 283
cency. The king replyed : you haue done honestly,
faythfully : you have answered discretly : Continew your
Purpose and take noe knowledge of any Commandes : I
will not seeme to know this, neyther doe you stirr farther :
hould your fayth and lett vs see how farr they will prose-
cute yt. The Prince and the faction the Next day, finding
the king silent, hoping he might forgett what passd in
wyne, tooke no notice of the grant nor of the refusall ; but
it fell (not without suspition) on both partes. This I insert
to this end that you may beware scattering your goodes in
diuers Partes and engaging your stock and seruantes farr
into the Countrye ; for the tyme will come when all in
these kingdomes wilbe in combustion, and a few yeares
warr will not decide the inueterate malice layd vp on all
partes against a day of vengeance,^ wherin if Sultan
Corsoronne preuayle in his right, this kingdome wilbe a
sanctuary for Christians, whome he loues and honors,
fauouring learning, valour, the discipline of warr, and
abhorring all couetpusnes and discerning the basse Cus-
tomes of taking vsed by his ancestors and the Nobilitye :*
Yf the other Wynne wee shalbe the loosers, for hee is
most earnest in his superstition, a hater of all Christians,
Proud, Subtill, false, and barberously Tyranous.
Ther is dayly expected an Embassador from the
Shabas,* king of Persia.
October 13. — The king was gone to hunt.
1 receiued from Agra that Indico was well fallen and
that they would proceed to invest.
^ The death (of which it was strongly suspected Sh^h Jahdn was
guilty) of Sultdn Khusni in 1622, followed, four years later, by that of
Parwiz, averted the fratricidal war here foretold. But the prophecy
came true at the close of the reign of Shdh Jahdn, who not only saw
his sons slaughter one another in the struggle for mastery, but was
himself forced to yield his throne to the victor.
2 It is to be feared that Roe's dislike of Khurram inclined him to
credit too easily the reported excellencies of the elder brother.
Khusni's previous behaviour certainly does not bear out the favourable
view here expressed. ^ Sh^ Abbds.
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284 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
At night the king returned, and sent mee a wild Pigg.
I receiued aduise of the arriuall of 4 shipes safe at the
Port of Swally with lettres from England :^ That they de-
parted the Coast the 9 of March 161 5 [1616] with 6 shipes,
losing Company of the Rose about the N. Cape by weather :
June the 12, 161 6, the other 5 came safely to the bay of
Saldania, wher the Lyon hoomward bound was ready for a
wynd, her Commanders and People in health : staying
\blank'\ dayes at the Roade without Newes of the small
ship, they dispeeded the Swan to Bantam, for effecting the
Busines, and sett saile for Suratt the 29 with fowre shipes,
and Came to Anchor to their Port the 24th of September,
1 6 16. In their Passadge (August 6) Neare the Islandes of
Comora about 12° 50™ they had sight of a Carrick, burthen
1500 Tunne, Manned with 600, beeing Admirall of the
fleete sent for Goa, bearing the flagg. The globe fetchd
her vp to wyndward, and after salutations of the sea, the
Carrick Commanded her to leaward, and seconded it with
5 shott thorowgh her Hull, which she requited with 18 and
soe fell off. The Admirall and English fleete Comming
vp demanded satisfaction for the Iniurye, which was re-
plyed too with scorne ; soe began a fresh fight ; in few
shott the Commander, Benjamin loseph,^ was slayne and,
the New established, they Continued yt At the Euning
shee rann herselfe ashore among the Rockes of Angazesia.
^ For an account of the voyage of this, the 1616 fleet, see Terry's
book. He gives a spirited description of the fight with the carrack.
Among the I. O. Records ((9. C, No. 456) there is an equally interest-
ing account in a letter from Pepwell to the Company. For the Portu-
guese version, see Bocarro's Decada XIII, pt. li, ch. civ, and Faria y
Sousa's Asia Portuguesa (Stevens's transln., Bk. iii, ch. xi).
2 Of whom see Sir Clements Markham's Voyages of William Baffin
(Hakluyt Soe, 1881), p. 38 n. Terry says he was "for years antient,"
and **had commanded before in sea-fights, which he met withal
within the Streights in the Midland Sea." His successor, Henry
Pepwell, was desperately wounded in the fight that followed, but lived
to reach Surat and afterwards Bantam, where he succumbed early in
1618.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 285
The fleete anchored short of her to attend the issue, and
sent a boate to oflfer faier warrs, but about Midnight
shee fired her selfe and burnd all the Next Morning ; the
English sending their boates could not approach, but be-
leeue that not one man was saued, by Circumstances verj'^
probable. The New Viceroy for Goa was in this ship,^
whose resolution was the death of all the others.
October 14. — I sent for the lesuite and gaue him know-
ledge of what had happened, desiering him to aduise yt for
Goa : and wheras I had written a lettre to the Viceroy)
which his Pride Pleased not to answere,^ if hee, beeing a
man of the Church and seeing how vnprosperously they
had begunn a warr with vs, would yet admonish them to
entertayne those Conditions of truce that were honorable
for both Nations and send commissioners hither, I was
ready to treate with them : in the Meane tyme to forbare
on all Partes actes of hostilitye, and to draw and agree on
some articles, with the reasons and pretentions on both
sydes, to be ludged off by our Masters, eyther for an open
Warr or a full Peace, at the end of 3 years : but if this
Course liked him, I required Honorable and faythfull
dealing and expected to see good authoritye and to receiue
and giue good securitye for Mutuall performance, for that
I was not to be abused with the ould Coulors of a Spanish
treaty : if hee refused once more these Christian offers,
agreable to the Amytye of our most Royall Masters and
their subiectes in the Partes of Europe, I then Professed his
obstinacy and Pride enforced mee to declare him a breaker
and disturber of the Comon Peace and so would pursue
him and his Nation as an enemye. This Meditation
[mediation?] the Padre most willingly undertooke, cor-
responding to his owne desiers and the Necessity c of their
^ This was an error, as Roe learned later.
« See p. 76.
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286 THE EMBASSY OF [l6x6
aflfayres.^ For our busines (if it could with honor be ob-
teyned) it were a matter of great ease, both in tyme,
Chardge, and expence, that wee might with one shipp
safely trade on this Coast. I hope not in the successe, but
I would not the fayling were on my Part. Now was the
oportunitye to offer with honor, when wee needed it least,
and if euer to effect yt in their Necessity. I confesse it
were the better consayle to pursue them faynting and to
follow the victory, but I found here was no disposition in
this Prince to break with them ; if hee did, no faith nor
constancy, but would make the Peace for his owne endes ;
and without such an ayd by land the woorke was too great
for a Company, The euent of warr vncertayne, the end of
our Nation Peaceable and quiett trade, in the calmes
wherof trafique and Merchandice only or principally
flourished.
I went to the Prince with the Newes I had receiued ;
and because I had found his disposition was to draw my
dependance on him, and that hee was ambitious of respect,
I was indulgent toward him, and, hoping to take him in his
owne Nettes, I propounded to him certayne offers which
I pretended to receiue in Command from the King my
Master to deliuer to his father, but for respect for his
Highnes I addressd my selfe to him, both to acquaynt
him with the Propositions, to desier his fauour, and to ob-
teyne his Mediation to present mee to the King at Night.
He demanded what was my desier. I first deliuered
him Certayne Complementes sent by my Soueraigne to
the King : that his Maiestie, taking Notice of the fauour
showed to our Nation, and that the Portugalles for our
sakes robd and abused the subiectes of this kingdom, hee
was bound in honor to enter into the quarrell and had
1 " Geuen to the Padre the Jesuitt Azorius and Bellemiines woorkes,
cost in England 5/. 1 5^. Hee vndertook to treat a Peace betwene the
viceroy and mee" (Roe's Accounts : Add/, MS. 61 15).
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 287
Commanded mee to offer to his Maiestie the assistance of
our fleete arriued, eyther for the Chastising of the Common
enemy or for the safe Conducting of the shipes of his
Dominion into the redd sea : and that, though now ther
was a truce, yet I thought it my dutie to signifie to his
Maiestie the affection and honorable care of my Master in
beeing ready to performe all the offices of a good ally and
frend. He answered that with the Portugall he had noe
warr : to wefte^ ther fleete was Needlesse. I replyed wee
had lately had a victory ouer a Carrick which I supposed
would draw on desire of reuenge and that the Portugall
would bee attempting, if but for our sakes, to doe injury
to our frendes : that his Coast 'could not be quiett for our
discentions : that therfore, though this instant his Highnes
had noe Neede, yet if hee would bee Pleased to giue vs a
Riuer and towne to fortefie in, for a retrayct for our
shipping in foule weather, wee would alway keepe such a
strength as should secure the Coast on all occasions. This
was that I aymed at, and that I knew was ill Musique ;
but I receiued order, which I obeyed, though I can giue
reasons that to be denyed yt is for our advantage in my
ludgment,^ as our busines standes, and is mistaken by
those from whom I receiue directions ; and was sure of
refusal 1. Hee answered with scorne that his father nor hee
needed not our assistance : he ment not warr with the Portu-
gall for our sakes, neyther would euer deliuer any fort to
vs to receiue his owne at our Curtesye : if wee came as
Merchantes wee were wellcome : wee had Suratt for our
Port : wee weare seated in Amadavaz, Brampoore, Baroch,
Adsmere, Agra, and Labor, or any other Citty was free
for vs to abyde, buy, and sell : in what could wee in reason
demand more ? I replyed all those Places were inland,
and at Suratt noe safety for our shippes. Hee returned
1 Convoy. ^ A change of opinion ; see p. 94.
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288 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
quick that other Port would not bee giuen in that manner,
Nor the Portugalls neuer requird yt. I thought to haue
proceeded, but finding his sharpnes and Negligence, I
ended. At Night I went to the king. I found Asaph
chan ready to meete mee with smiles and embraces and
Newes of our shipes. New hope of Presentes made al
wayes easye. I desired him first to deliuer the Comple-
mentes of my Master in forme, as I did in the Morning to
the Prince, with the same ouertures. The king with much
more Curtesy receiued them, but begann with the pre-
sentes. I first mentioned our late fight and victory, which
hee seemed to reioyce in, and to applaud the valor of our
Nation, but fell off to : what hath the king sent mee ? I
answered : many tokens of his loue and affection : That
my Master knew hee was lord of the best Part of Asia,
the richest Prince of the East, that to send his Maiestie
rich Presentes were to Cast Pearles into the sea, the mother
and store house of them : that therfore his Maiestie
thought yt vnnecessarie, but had Presented him with his
loue, with many Curious toyes, which I hoped would giue
him Content. Hee vrdged mee to some particulars, which
I Named. Hee asked for french Muff or veluett. I
answered my lettres were not arriued : some other was
come which hee desiered. Hee enquired for dogges.^ I
tould him some had their fortune in the fight, some dyed,
two were preserued for him : at which hee reioyced ; and
Continued if I could procure him a horse of our Great
size such as I had described (beeing a Rone or Dutch
horse) hee would accept it better then a Crowne. I re-
plyed : I would doe my indeauour for his Maiesties satis-
faction, but I feared it could not bee effected. Hee
^ A mastiff presented by Edwards fought with and killed first a
leopard and then a boar which some dogs sent by the Shah of Persia
would not touch. This gave the Mogul a high opinion of English
dogs.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 289
answered : if I would procure on, hee would giue mee a
leek of rupias. I desired his Maiesties lettre for the Com-
ming of these presentes without search, and for the good
vsadg of our People. Hee replyed the Port was his sonns,
but sent for him and Publiquely gaue expresse order for
what soeuer I would requier and take on mee,^ that it
should Not be searched nor pay Custome, but bee dis-
peeded with expedition safe to my handes, that I might
distribute yt at my discretion : that hee should Command
the good reception of our People, and finally that hee
should giue mee Content in all my desiers. This generally
extended not to the f^rant of a fort, for that clause Asaph
chan refused to deliuer. This Chardge was very round and
harty in the king, and a grace to mee. The Prince called
Asaph chan and mee, and there professed and promised
before his father and all the Court to giue mee all reason-
able Content. This is the strength of New Presentes.
October 15. — I dispatched for Suratt the generallity of
this, and my aduises to the Commanders ; but because I
lately sent downe a firmane sufficient, I would not retard
our busines, but signifyed this grace and fauour and if any
thing yet wanted that in few dayes they should receiue
this New promised Command. The Prince sent mee
woord, wittnessed by two lettres from the ludg of the
Alfandiea^ that I brake Couenant with him : that our
People came ashore and by force would passe the Custome
house, without showeing any goodes to the Gouernor
according to my Promise : that his officers for feare of his
displeasure had suffered them : but required my order in
yt. I knew the Complaynt was false and to excuse the
knauery of the lOdg, who had wronged vs and fearing
Complaynt began first : yet I aduised roundly to the
1 /.^., all things which Roe would certify to have been sent for
presentation.
U
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290 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
Commander and Cape Merchant, as my lettres will de-
clare.^
I receiued from Mesolapatan that Captain Keeling had
taken 2 Portugall barkes and a ship, one on the Coast of
Cochyn, laden with tynn, the other fraighted from Bengala,
which hee Carried to Bantam -? That Sir Robert Sheirly
was dismissd with disgrace from Goa, and that hee was
on his way overland to Mesolapatan to seeke Passadge —
vnprobable and I beleeue vntrue.^
October 16. — I went to Afzul chan,* the Princes Secre-
tary, to giue him satisfaction in the Complaynt, and there
opened to him the abuse and falshood, requiring his high-
nes lettres according to the kinges order. He tould [me?]
he would informe the Prince and draw vs a Command to
our full Content ; and that, seeing wee thought the ludg
of the Alfandica vniust, hee desiered mee to name any one
in Suratt to sitt in the Custome house to doe vs right and
hee should be ioyned in Commission for our behalfe. I
replyed I knew none more vpright then Abram chan,
the Gouernor of the Towne, whom hee promised should
haue such order to meete with the Customer in the office
on our Part to moderate the abuses of the other, and that
all other our Contentmentes should bee giuen in Chardge
to him ; that at night, if I sent, I should fynd these ready.
Ther, as a secrett to engage the Prince, I tould him of the
vnicorns horne,^ which I would not name to the king that
1 See ff. 125 and 126 of the MS., and O. C. No. 404 in the I. O.
Records. In the letter to Kerridge, Roe begged him to hasten the
despatch of the presents, including one for Nur Mahdl. "The
neglect of her last yeare," he wrote, ** I haue felt heauely."
^ See Peyton's journal in Purchas, vol. i, p. 528.
2 As indeed it was. Sherley remained in Goa until his departure for
Lisbon. * See p. 160 «.
° On the " unicorn's " horn, its supposed efficacy as an antidote for
poison, and its consequent value — " worth halfe a city," says Dekker
in The Guls Horne-booke — notes will be found in Burnell and Tiele's
Linschoten^ vol. ii, p. 9 ; Grey's Delia Valle^ vol. i, pp. 5, 7 ; and Yule's
Marco Polo^ vol. ii, p. 273. Compare also Ovington ( Voyage to Sural,
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 29 1
his Highnes might buy it for a rarety to bestow on his
father. I told him of the rich estimation and qualetyes :
that it was esteemed among the Jewells of Princes : but
that I had no Power to giue it, beeing of great valew : that
the Merchanntes made it a secrett and intended not to
suffer it come out of the ship, but that for his Highnes
Content, if hee Pleasd to buy it and would giue order for
mony at Suratt, I would procure his officers should see yt.
This I hoped would both sett an 6xtreame appetite on the
Prince to passe it at a high Price, and would insinuate an
extraordinary desire in mee to doe him seruice; and if
hee reuealed it to the king, I would answere : because it
was not in my Power to giue his Maiestie I was ashamed
1689, p. 267), who says that one of the English Presidents at Surat
believed so much in its " Medicinal Excellence and singular Quality
. . . that he exchang'd for a Cup made of this Horn a large capacious
Silver Bowl of the same bignes." Fuller, in his Worthies (p. 193),
speaking of a unicorn's horn, says : "Amongst the many precious
rarities in the Tower, this (as another in Windsor-Castle) was, in my
memory, shown to people."
The specimen here referred to failed to find a purchaser. The
Prince declined to buy it at the price asked ; and it was then offered
to Mukarrab Khdn for 5,000 rupees. In order to test its supposed
virtue the latter ** made tryall by the Hues of a pigeon, goat, and man,
which they loosing itt also. lost his esteeme" (Brown to the Com-
pany : O. C. No. 609). Roe was shocked at this callous experiment,
and wrote gravely to Brown : " I hope neyther your Consent nor
Commendation ayded to trye the vnicoms home on a man. But
Mochreb-chan may bee deceived ; it may bee true and rare without
any such vertue as absolutly and alone to bee an Antidote to any
Poyson. Ther is no such property in the best of the world ; and, if it
were soe, he knowes one seare of yt were woorth more mony then you
demanded. But lett him know this from mee (which is true) that wee
esteeme it in Europe a great Cordiall and good to strengthen the
stomack, to Cheere and remooue melancholy from the hart, and a
preseruer against Poyson equall to beazer stone ; yet it is not expected
that beazer alone shall Protect a man from a strong Poyson. Breefly,
besides the rarotye (beeing a Jewell kept of all Princes) it is vsd in
all sorts of Cordiall Phisique to make restorers and strengtheners,
with gould, Pearle, Corall, amber and such ; and for virtue is held
equall with any. ..." {Addl. MS. 61 15, f. 200). But Mukarrab
Khdn was not to be tempted ; and Roe therefore directed that the
precious horn should be sent on board ship again with a view to its
being despatched to Persia. This intention, however, was not carried
out, the horn being sent to Achin, though there also no purchaser
could be found {O. C. No. 753).
U 2
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292 THE EMBASSY OP [1616
to name yt, but had mooued the Prince to buy it for his
vse. For this I had many thanckes and Complements.
His Secretary mooued by his Highnes order to procure
for him two Gunners out of our fleete to serue him in this
yeares warrs for good Pay, which Curtesy hee would take
very kindly and requite yt. I promised to effect his desier,
and doubted not to procure them of the Commander, see-
ing ordinary ones in that art will exell here.^ I pressd
the Clearing of Zulpheckcarcons account ; though I knew
not what it was, for Master Kirridge aduised satisfaction
of 9000 mamoodies for which I sent bills, and that of the
8000 remayning he had receiued content for two Clothes
and a halfe, but not how much nor what rested. Yet I
vrdged the vse of our mony now to employ, and showed
his bill : that what was mistaken, wee would bee answer-
able for ; which hee promised Master Biddolph this day
or the morow.
Abdala-chan came to visitt the Prince, so brauely at-
tended as I haue not scene the like. To the Gate his
drumms and musique a horsback, about 20, made noyse
enough, fifty Peons with white flagges carried before him,
and 200 souldiers well mounted in Coates of Cloth of
Gould, veluett, and rich silkes, which entered with him
in ranck ; Next his Person 40 targiteers^ in like liueryes.
He made humble reuerence, and presented a black Arabian
horse with furniture studded with flowers of gould enameld
and sett with small stones. The Prince according to
Custome returnd a Turbant, a Coate, and a Gyrdle.
October 17. — The Prince Pursuing his Purpose of finish-
ing the Decan warrs by his owne Person, and vndertaking
to giue answere to the Ambassadors, giues none, but de-
teynes them vntill his approach. But, beeing to depart, he
1 Roe duly transmitted this request to Surat, bilt no one in the
fleet was willing to accept the employment.
2 Soldiers armed with sword and buckler (targe).
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t6i6] sir THOMAS ROE. 293
nor his Party thought not themselues secure if Sultan
Corsoronne remayned in the handes of Annarah : that in
his absence the king might be reconciled, and by his
liberty all the glory and hopes of their faction would
vanish and the Iniury and ambition hardly bee Pardoned.
They newly assayle the kinges constancy to deliuer vp his
Sonne into the handes of Asaph chan, as his guardian
vnder Sultan Coronne. They Pretend that it will fright
Chan Channa and the Decanns, when they shall heare that
this Prince is soe fauoured, who nowe comes to make warr
vpon them, that the king hath deliuered vp his eldest
Sonne, in that as it were the whole kingdome and hope
of succession and the Present Power therof. The King,
who had yeeilded himself into the handes of a woman,
could not defend his sonne from their Practises. Hee
either sees not the ambition or trustes it too farr in Con-
fidence of his owne Power, and consentes : soe that this
day hee was deliuered vp, the souldiers of Anna-rah dis-
chardged, and a supply of Asaph chans planted about him,
with assistannce of 200 of the Princes horse,^ His sister
and diuers weomen in the Seraglia mourne, refuse their
meate, crye out of the kinges dotage and Crueltye, and
professe that if hee dye ther will 100 of his kindred burne
for him in memorye of the kinges bloudines to his woor-
thyest Sonne. The king giues fayre woordes, protesteth
no intent of ill toward the Prince, and promiseth his de-
liuery and sendes Narmahall to appease these enraged
ladyes, but they Curse, threaten, and refuse to see her.
The Common People all murmer ; they say the king hath
not deliuered his sonnes but his owne life into the handes
of an Ambitious Prince and a treacherous faction : that
Corsoronne cannot Perish without scandall to the father or
^ "On the 4th [Abdn] Khusru, who was in the charge for safe-
keeping of Anirai Singh Dalan, for certain considerations was
handed over to Asaf Khdn" {THzak^ Mr. Rogers' translation).
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294 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
rcuenge from him: therfore hee must goe first and after
him his sonne ; and so thorough their bloodes this youth
must mount the Royall seate. New hopes are spread of
his redeliuery, and soone alayed ; euery man tells newes
according to his feares or desires. But the Poore Prince
remaynes in the Tygers Power, refuseth meate, and re-
quires his father to take his life and not to lett it bee the
triumph and delight of his enemyes. The whole Court is
in a whisper; the Nobility sadd ; the Multitude, like it
selfe, full of tumor and Noyce, without head or foote ;
only it rages but bendes it selfe vpon noe direct end. The
issue is very dangerous ; Principally for vs, for among
them it matters not who wynns. Though one haue right
and much more honor, yet hee is still a moore, and cannot
bee a better Prince then his father, who is soe good of dis-
position that he suffers ill^ men to gouerne, which is woorse
then to bee ill ; for wee were better beare Iniuryes of
Princes then of their ministers. So that I may say of this
tyme and the constitution of this state as Tacitus did of
the Empire of Roome when it was contended for by Otho
and Vitellius : Prope euersum orbem etiafn cum de princi-
patu inter bonos certaretur : vtrasque impias preceSy vtraque
detestanda vota^ inter duos quorum hello solum id scircs
deteriorem fore qui vicissitt? And although the elder
brother is not yet in Armes, nor so like (if he Preuayle) to
Tyrannise, yet it is to bee feared, Rebus secundis eatiam
^ Purchas (or his printer) has turned this into " all," and has thus
entirely altered the sense.
2 Hist,^ i, 50. The passage is thus translated by Messrs. Church and
Brodribb : " The world .... was well-nigh turned upside down when
the struggle for empire was between worthy competitors, yet the Empire
continued to exist after the victories of Caius Julius and Caesar
Augustus ; the republic would have continued to exist under Pompey
and Brutus. And is it for Otho or for Vitellius that we are now to
repair to the temples ? Prayers for either would be impious, vows for
either a blasphemy, when from their conflict you can only learn that the
conqueror must be the worse of the two." Roe has omitted a portion
of the quotation, and has thus to a slight extent obscured the sense.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 295
egregios duces insolescere} I did aduise our little Common
wealth to keepe close and neare togither, to attend the
issue, to know no syde, to make few debtes, and to keepe
as few residcncyes as the necessitye of their affaires will
suffer.
October 18. — I Sollicited my New promised firmaen, but
in these troubles and preperation of remooue I found slow
dispatch.
October 19. — The Persian Ambassador Mahomett Roza
Beag2 about noone came into the Towne with a great troup,
which were Partly sent out by the king to meete him with
100 Eliphantes and musique, but no man of greater
qualetye then the ordinary receiuer of all strangers. His
owne trayne were about 50 horse, well fitted in Coates
of Cloth of Gould, their bowes, quivers, and • Targetes
richly garnished, 40 shott, and some 200 ordinary Peons
and attenders on bagage. He was carried to Rest in a
roome within the kinges outward court till euening, when
he came to the Darbar before the king, to which Cere-
mony I sent my Secretary to obserue the fashion. When
hee approched, He made at the first rayle 3 Teselims^ and
one Sizeda^ (which is Prostrating himselfe and knocking
his head against the Ground) ; at the entrance in, the like ;
and so presented the Shabas his lettre ; which the kinge
took with a little motion of his body, asking only : How
^ Ibid.^ ii, 7. "In the day of success even great leaders grow
insolent."
* Muhammad Raz^ Beg. ^ See p. 135.
* The stjdak, or prostration, introduced by some of Akbar's courtiers
upon the establishment of his " Divine faith." As, however, it was
one of the positions at prayer, it was looked upon by the Muhamma-
dans in general as the exclusive right of God ; and Akbar, though
pleased with the practice, was obliged to forbid its use in public.
Jahdngir encouraged it, and in the Tuzak he notes with evident satis-
faction that the Persian ambassador on this occasion " performed the
dues of prostration and salutation " (Mr. Rogers' translation) ; but it
was always unpopular and Shdh Jahdn abolished it upon his accession
to the throne (Blochmann's Ain-i-Akbari, vol. i, pp. 159, 213).
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296 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
doth my brother? without title of Maiestie; and after some
few woordes hee was Placed in the seauenth rannck against
the rayle by the doore, below so many of the kinges
seruantes on both sides, which in my ludgment was a most
inferiour Place for his masters Embassador, but that hee
well deserued it for dooing that reuerence which his Pre-
decessores refused, to the dishonor of his Prince and the
Murmer of many of his Nation.^ It is said hee had order
from the Sophy to giue content, and therby it is gathered
his message is for some ayde in mony agaynst the Turke,
in which kind he often findes liberal! succour, though it
bee pretended hee Comes only to treat a peace for the
Decanns, whose protection the Shabas taketh to hart,
envyeing the encrease of this Empire. The King accord-
ing to Custome gaue him a handsom turbant, a vest of
gould, and a girdle, for which againe hee made 3 Tesselims
and one Sizeda^ or ground curtesye. Hee brought for
Presentes 3 tymes 9 horses of Persia and Arabia, this
beeing a Ceremonius Number among them, 9 mules very
fayre and lardg, 7 Camells laden with veluett, two Sutes of
Europe Arras (which I suppose was Venetian hanginges of
veluett with gould, and not Arras), two Chestes of Persian
hanginges, on Cabinett rich, 40 Muskettes, 5 Clockes, one
Camell laden with Persian Cloth of gould, 8 Carpettes of
silke, 2 Rubyes ballast, 21 Cammelles of wyne of the
Grape, 14 Camelles of distilld sweet waters, 7 of rose
1 Kerridge, writing to Roe on the loth of this month {Addl. MS.
9366), says that the Mogul expects envoys from Persia to give the
" accostomed obedience," though, " his nature being gentle and de-
bonaire," he permits Christians to use their own ceremonies of saluta-
tion. At a later date, the Persians appear to have received better
treatment, for Bernier (p. 120) says that the privileges of saluting
according to the customs of their own country, and of delivering their
letters "without the intervention of an Omrah . . . belong exclusively
to Persian ambassadors," although they are not granted, " even to
them, without much hesitation and difficulty." Bernier tells an amusing
tale (p. 151) of Shdh Jahdn's expedient to force a Persian ambassador
to make reverence ct Vlndien^ and the way in which he was foiled.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 297
waters, 7 daggers sett with stones, 5 swoordes sett with
stones, 7 Venetian looking glasses, but these soe faire, so
rich that I was ashamed of the relation. These. Presentes
were not deliuered now, only a bill of them. His owne
furniture was rich, leading nine spare horses trapped in
Gould and siluer ; about his Turbant was wreathed a
Chayne of Pearles, rubies, and Turqueses, and three Pipes
of gould^ answerable for three spriges of feathers. Yet I
caused diligence [diligent ?] obseruance to be made of his
reception and compared it with myne owne, and fynd he
had in nothing more grace, in many thinges not so much ;
in ranck far inferiour to that alowed mee, except only his
meeting without the Towne, which by reason of my sicknes
was omitted to be demanded. Neyther did the king
receiue the Shabas his lettre with such respect as my
Masters, whom hee called the King of England his brother,
the Persian barely brother, without addition (which was an
obseruation of the lesuites, that vnderstood the language).^
October 20. — I receiued a lettre according to promise,
written in the Princes name Commanding the Gouernor of
Suratt and others to sitt with the ludg of the Alfandica in
our behalfe, repeating the Complaynt made by mee and
by the ludg against vs, and giuing order so to dispose of the
busines that wee might receiue no more discontent, and in
that matter full and effectuall ; but concerning the pre-
sents, which hee so much desiered to haue choyce in,
only these woordes : and for all Presentes sett too
your seale and send them to Court — without naming to
which Court (which was now seperating) not [nor ?] to
whom, but leauing it doubtfuU. I suspected it was not
right, whervpon I sent back the lettre to the Secretary
1 Aigrette-holders.
'-^ Yet Jahdngir not only describes the embassy in the Tuzak^ but
gives the Shdh's letter in full ; whereas Roe's mission was not thought
worthy of mention.
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298 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
with answere that I doubted not his Highnes meaning was
faire, according to the order of the king, but, to avoyd
all occasion of euasion or error in those who sought all
aduantage of Construction to wrong vs, I desiered him in
few woordes to explayne it for future quiett, expressing
the termes that the Presents are to be sent vnopened to
the handes of the Ambassador at the Court. Hee vnder-
wrote the lettre, but with such Cunning that it might bee
Construed both wayes like the ould Oracles : Concerning
Presentes doe as they will, but lett the Prince loose
nothing : if wrong bee offered, doe not suffer yt. Our
sollicitor returned it : that it was very well and to my
Content. Yet I misdoubted fraud, and sent for a trans-
lator, who found the sence so intricat and doubtfull I could
scarse vnderstand the riddle. I only discouered the Cunning
was to bring them into the Princes handes, as it were by
error on the way, who would eyther came all to him-
selfe or send some part to the king in my Name. This
abuse lustly enraged mee, both against some of our owne
and my linguist that receiued it soe slightly without read-
ing, and stirrd mee to putt it to triall ; whervpon I re-
turned yt : that it was now more obscure then before and
woorse for the correction ; that if this were all the fruictes
of the kinges gracious grant, I should bee compelld to
moue it anew. The Secretarye replyed he durst not trans-
gresse his order, but desired mee to meete him in the
Morning at the Princes.
October 21. — I went to the Prince and opened my desire
to haue that Clause expounded, at which his Highnes
stucke a little and I perceiued the Purpose to be as hollow
as I imagined. Hee demanded then how hee should haue
his Presents or see such toyes as came vp, and mooued mee
to goe with him. I replyed I could not doe soe vntill I
had deliuercd my Masters Message and tokens to the King,
but, that finished, I would my selfe attend his Highnes
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 299
with his Presentes, and all such raretyes as came to my
handes should bee sent after him. Hee pressd mee to
passe my woord, and so I obteyned order for the firmaen
to my Content. His Highnes, looking on a Whyte
feather in my hatt, demanded if I would giue it him.
I replyed I would not offer that I had worne, but, if he
Pleasd to Command it, that or anything in my Power was
to serue him and I was highly honored in his acceptance.
Hee asked if I had any more. I answered : three or fower
of other Coulors. He replyed if I would giue them all, for
that hee was to show his horses and seruantes to the king
within two dayes and that hee wanted some, beeing very
rare in these Parts. I promised to bring all I had on the
Morow, that his Highnes might take his Pleasure.
Abdala chan, in a G^lant Equipage both of his Person
and attendantes in apparell strange and antique, but in
these partes a la soldado. Presented the Prince with a white
horse, the saddle and furniture of gould enameld, a beast
of delicate shape, life, and Couradge ; who returned him a
swoord Playne with a belt of leather. Ther were brought
before him many others, the hiltes of siluer. Chapes sett
with small stones, and targettes couered with gould
velvetts, some Paynted and bossed with gould and silver,
.which hee gaue to his seruantes against this muster, many
saddles and furniture of gould, rich sett with stones, of his
owne were showed for spare horses, his bootes embrodered,
& all other ingredientes of brauery. I confesse the expence
is woonderfull, and the riches dayly scene invaluable.
This night Passd it is reported 6 of the Princes seruantes
came to Murther Sultan Cursoronne, but were refused the
key by the Porter ; that the Queene mother^ is gone to the
1 Coryat notes the respect and affection with which she was treated
by her son. As is well known, she was one of Akbar's Hindu con-
sorts, being daughter of Rdja Bihilrf Mai and sister of Rdjd Bhagwdn .
Dds of Jaipur. Her death occurred in 1623.
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300 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
king with an ouerture of all the Practice. The truth is
vncertayne and it is dangerous to aske.
At euening I went to the Durbar to visitt the king, wher
I mett the Persian Embassador with the first muster of his
Presentes. Hee appeared rather a lester or lugler then
a Person of any grauety, running vp and downe, and acting
all his woordes like a mimick Player. Now indeed the
Atashckannoe^ was become a right stage. Hee deliuered
the Presentes with his owne handes, which the king [with]
smiles and Cherfull Countenance and many woordes of
Contentment receiued. His toong was a great aduantage
to deliuer his owne busines, which hee did with so much
flattery and obsequiousnes that it Pleased as much as his
guift : euer calling his Maiestie King and Commander of
the world, forgetting his owne M^ter had a share in yt ;
and on euery little occasion of good acceptation hee made
his Tezelims. When all was deliuered for that day hee
prostrated himselfe on the ground, and knocked with his
head as if hee would enter in. The guiftes were : a fayre
quiver for bow and arrowes, delicatly embrothered ; all
sorts of Europian fruictes artificiall in dishes ; many other
foulding Purses and knackes of leather, wrought with
needlewoork in coloured silkes ; shooes embrodered and
stichd ; Great Glasses inlayd in frames ; one square Peice
of Veluett embrodered high with gould in Panes, betweene
which were Italian Pictures wrought in the stuff, which hee
sayd was the king and queene of Venice (which, as I sup-
pose, was the hanginges called Arras) f of these six were
giuen, one only showed ; many other tricanado^ of small
valew ; after, the 3 Nines of horses and Mules, which were
^ The tosha-khdna was properly the repository in which articles
received as presents, or intended to be given as presents, were stored ;
but here, as in a subsequent entry. Roe uses the term to mean the
royal place of audience.
2 See p. 296. ^ Trinkets or trifles (Span.).
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l6l6j SIR trtoMAS ROE. 36 f
faire ones ; the horses eyther had lost their flesh or bewty,
for except one or two I Judged them vnfitt for to be sent
or taken by Princes. So he returned with many antique
trickes to his Place, far inferior to that allowed mee, which
was alone and aboue all subjectes (which at first Asaph
chan would haue Putt mee by, but I maynteyned it as my
due). This is but the first act of his Presenting. The Play
will not bee finished in ten dayes.
At night I sent to the Princes secretary for my promised
writing ; but his Highnes was loath to lett the Presentes
passe without ransacking and had changed his mynd,
refusing to seale the lettre.
October 22. — I went early to the Secretary to know the
reason of this inconstancy and the Princes resolution. He
answered I could not haue the letter sealed vnlesse 1 would
consent to haue all opened in the Alfandica, Pretending
that the Merchanntes would pass vp Jewelles and Pearles
to sell vnder that Coulor. I assured him on my woord
they were dearer in England theii here : that wee brought
none : that I would not countenance any thing vnder that
Coulor to abuse the Prince and dishoner my selfe : that I
scorned to saue Petty Customes basely : that I gaue among
the Princes Porters dayly more. I vrdged the kinges
command, his Masters Promise ; but no reason, no impor-
tunitye would preuayle against this gredy desier of
Presentes, though in yt hee robbd his father. What will
not youth and insolency attempt when it knowes no limitts,
when it is aduanced beyond the Capacitye and law of
reason ? I replied as peremptorily that I was as resolute
not to bee abused : that I would keepe these aboord the
shippes vntill his Maiestie sent for them, and in future
tyme I would take order that my Master should send no
more guiftes to be so vnciuilly entreated : that it was a
busines in which my Honor was interessed, and for no
Complacency I would not yeild to be riffled with my con-
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302 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
sent : that these injuryes were so grose that I doubted not
the king would haue sence of them : in the meane tyme I
would preuent their greedy purpose of oppression. So I
rose to depart. Hee importuned mee to goe with him to
the Prince and moue it once more. I replyed I had the
kings order and his Masters woord before his Majestie,
since his owne Command, and all this beeing retracted, I
could expect no more but delay and Iniurye: that I would
seeke to the king and no further. But hee pressd mee so
far as I yeelded ; and at my comming I deliuered him^
two Plumes, and two birdes of Paradice.^ Hee accepted
them easely, and my busines beeing mooued and my
resolution made knowne not to consent to open nor to
send them vp but by the handes of my seruants, att last he
yeilded and gaue Command to the Secretary to dispatch
mee.
At Night I went to the Durbar to obserue the Ambas-
sador of Persia. I found him standing in his ranncke and
often remooued and sett lower as great men came in. The
king once spake to him, and he danced to the tune therof,
but gaue noe present ; only the king Commanded hee
should be feasted by the Nobles. The tyme was spent in
seeing saddles and furniture for the remooue, of which his
Maiestie gaue some to his followers, it beeing dayly expected
to rise ; the kinges tentes were out 4 days since.
I sent to the Secretarye for my firmaen^ but hee delayd
yt with excuses.
October 23. — I sollicited the grant ; but the Persian
dined with him.
October 24. — The king remooued to Hauaz Gemall,* and
called the Persian Ambassador, wher at night hee eate and
drancke before the king with the Nobilities in the same
1 The Prince.
2 " Worth, the plumes 20s., and the birds 01 Paradise 60 rupees"
(Roe's accounts : AddL MS. 61 15). ^ g^g p^ i59«.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 3O3
fashion that I did the birthday ; the difference only was
the king gaue him for expence 20,000 rupias, for which hee
made innumerable Teselims and Sizedaes, not rising from '
the ground in good space, which extremely pleased the
king and was base but profitable Idolatrye. The Prince
attending his father, I could gett noe dispatch in my
busines. These Presents yet were not digested ; all
delayes, all fraudes practised to possesse them first. The
Condition of this People, my sufferinges and trauell will
appeare, I doubt not to the ease of my successors, how to
deale with them.
I receiued lettres from Agra, aduertising all the factory
were disposed away. I aduised my opinion it was to no
vse to follow the Court: that it were better to abyde
togither vntill wee saw where wee should settle : otherwise
the chardge would bee infinite. So much I propounded to
ours here, but know not their resolution.
October 25. — The king returned at Euening, hauing
beene ouer night farr gone in wyne. Some by Chance or
malice spake of the Merry night Past, and that many of
the Nobilitye dranck wyne, which none may doe but by
leaue. The king, forgetting his order, demanded who gaue
it. It was answered : the Buxy ; for no man dares say it
was the king, when hee would only doubt yt. The Custome
is that when the king drinckes, which is alone, sometyme
hee will command that the Nobilitye shall drinck after,
which if they doe not, is an offence too ; and so euery
man that takes a cup of wyne of the officer his name is
written and he makes Teselem, though perhapes the kings
eyes arc mistye. The king, not remembring his owne
Command, called the Buxy and demanded if hee gaue the
order. He replyed : no (falsly, for hee receiued it and by
name called such as did drinck with the Ambassador) ;
wherat the king called for the list and the Persons, and
fined some i, some 2, some 3 tliowsand rupies, some lesse,
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304 tilE EMBASSY Ot [l6l6
and some that were nearer his Person he caused to bee
whippd before him, receiuing 130 stripes with a most
terrible instrument, hauing at each end of fower Cordes
irons like spurr rowelles, so that euery stroke made fower
woundes. When they lay for dead on the Ground, hee
Commanded the standers by to foote them, and after the
Porters to breake their staues vpon them. Thus most
cruelly mangled and brused they were carried out, of which
one dyed in the Place. Some would haue excused it on
the Ambassador ; but the king replyed he only bad giue
him a Cupp or too. Though drunckennes be a Common
and a glorious vice, and an exercise of the kinges, yet
it is soe strictly forbidden that no man can enter the
Guzelchan wher the king sitts, but the Porters smell his
breath, and, if hee haue but tasted wyne, is not suffered
to com in ; and, if the reason bee knowne of his absence,
hee shall with difficulty skape the whip ; for, if the king
once take offence, the father will not speake for the sonne.
So the king made the Company pay the Persian Am-
bassadors reward.
October 26. — I sent to Socorolla for the firmaen, Hee
sent mee a Copy as ambiquious and fraudulent as the
former ; which I refused, and drew the misliked clause
my selfe, which I sent back and was promised that on .the
Morow it should bee sealed.
October 28. — The kinges day of remooue at hand, I
sent to Asaph chan for a warrant for carriadges ; the
Merchantes, hauing sought all the' towne to remooue
their goodes to Agra, could find none. So I receiued
order, beeing enrolled by his Maiestie, vpon my offer,
for 20 Camelles, 4 Carts, and 2 Coches at the kinges
Price ; whereof I disposed as many as the factors needed
to their vse.
But it were an extreame error to omitt a Passadge,
either of woonderfull basenes in this great Monarch or
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 30$
a triall of mee. The king had Condemned diuers theeves,
among which were some boyes, Ther was noe way to
saue their h'ues, but to sell them for slaues. His Maiestie
Commanded Asaph chan to offer two of them to mee for
mony, which he appoynted the Cuttwally that is the
Marshall, to doe. My enterpreter made answere (without
my knowledg) that Christians kept no slaues ; that those
the king had giuen I had freed ;^ and that it was in vayne
to propound it to mee. But after of him selfe hee did. I
suspected it might be a tryall of mee whether I would giue
a little mony to saue the Hues of two Childercn, or els I
supposed, if it were in earnest, it were noe great losse
to doe a good deed ; and, to trye the basencs or scope of
this offer, I Commanded my enterpreter to returne to
Asaph chan, to tell him hee had acquaynted mee with
the motion and his answere ; that I reprehended him for
presuming in any Case to giue my resolution : that my
owne reply was, if there were any mony to be Payd to
saue the life of twoo Children to those whom they had
robbd, or to redeeme them from the law, both for respect
to the kinges Command and for Charetye, I was ready to
giue it ; but I would not buy them as slaues, only pay
their ransome and free them : that if hee pleased to know
the kings pleasure that I might giue them liberty without
offence, I was very willing to doe it. Asaph chan replyed
I might at myne owne will dispose them : that it was an
extraordinarye goodnes ; with many prayses accepted the
mony, desiring mee [to] send it to the Cuttwall and to vse
my discretion to the boyes ; not once offering to enforme
the king, which was one end of my liberallitye. I, that was
loath to be cosened, and knew not whither this might bee
* Cp. pp. 150 and 174-6. On the practice of atoning for murder by
payment of a sum of money, '* in which case the murderer becomes
the slave of the man who releases him," see Blochmann's Ain-U
Akbariy vol. i, p. 254.
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306 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
the Profitt of officers or no, riesolued to pay the mony, but
so as the king should not be ignorant I had more mercy
then he, and that a Christian esteemed the life of a Moore
aboue mony. So I sent a factor and my enterpreter to
the Cuttwall to acquaynt him with the Communications
with Asaph chan and to lett him know, if at night hee
would enforme the king that I had offered to redeeme the
Prisoners for Charetyes sake, if after his Maiestie would
consent to their liberty, I was ready to send him mony :
But to buy them as slaues, though but for an hower, I
would not : they should neuer come nor bee Manumissed
by mee, but that I desiered his Maiestie to pardon them
vpon my redemption. So I putt them to the test of their
base offer. This mony execeded not ten Pound, a poore
summe to impose on a stranger, or to be gayned by any
king. The Cuttwall returned answere that hee would
know the kinges Pleasure and accordingly aduise mee.
Some would perswade mee this is one of the Mogols
signal fauours : to Choose out such great men as hee will
giue occasion to doe good and honorable woorkes, to
redeeme Prisoners : and that the mony giues satisfaction
to the Playntiffe robbd, and that those so appoynted by
the king to ransome others make Sizeda as for some
benefitt receiued ; yet I fynd not any honor in a Prince
to impose it on a stranger to whom he giues neyther
mayntenance nor liberalitye. I went to the Durbar to see
if his Maiestie would of himselfe speake to mee, that I
might deliuer myne owne offer. The Cuttwall made many
motions, brought in the executioner, who receiued some
Command ; but I understood it not, but expect my
answere.
This day I sent my Secretary to visitt the Persian Em-
bassador and to giue him welcome to this Court : That
seeing ther had passed many effectes of loue and Amitye
betweene our royall Masters the King of Great Brittaine
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 307
and Persia, I had receiued command to giue all respect and
due Complements to any of his ministers whersoeuer I
mett them, and that it beeing the Custome of Europe that
the last come to any Place in Curtesy is visited of him
that hath longer beene resident, beeing both Embassadors
of one qualetye, I was resolued to Come my selfe to see
him, whensoeuer I receiued notice of his Comoditye : when
I would also open some busines to him both for the Honor
and seruice of his Master : But, because I knew not the
Customes of these Parts, I had first sent to aduice him that
I expected the same good respect from him toward my
soueraigne, and that hee would in like manner after visitt
mee, to whom hee should bee most welcome : and without
that assurance on his woord, I durst not Come at all to
him. Hee receiued my message very courteously, reply-
ing hee tooke it for a great honor : that the Custome of
this kingdome was that no ambassador did meete or make
acquayntance without the knowledge of the king and leaue
obteyned : that hee would moue his Maiestie on our
behalfes and after both receiue mee with all frendship
and repay my Curtesy toward him with all good corre-
spondence : that hee knew Sir Robert Sheirly, and should
bee very gladd, if I had any busines with his Master, to
convey my lettres or enter into any other Communication
or aduise therein according to my directions.
October 29. — I receiued News of a great Plauge at
Agra '} so that I ludgd it dangerous to send vp thegoodes
1 Further references to this epidemic occur under November 25th
and December 15th, 1616, and January 14th, 1617. See also the
account given (from Jahdngfr's Memoirs) in Elliot and Dowson's
History (vol. vi, p. 346). In the I. O. Records ((9. C. No. 568) is a
letter from Salbank to the Company, in the course of which he gives
an account of " a great danger I sustained in the Citie of Agra for
your sakes .... even in the yeare 161 6, for that very year it hapned
that a wonderfull great plague raii^ning in the aforesaid Citie for the
space of three moneths, in which there sometimes dyed no lesse then
a thousand people a day All the rest of our nation being gon
... I for my part was content to indvre the extremest brunt of the
X 2
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308 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
into an infeected Place from whence No Comodytye could
bee suffered to Passe, and to engage the Companyes
seruantes; whervpon I persuaded the factors to remooue
the Cloth within the walls of the Towne, and that I would
desire of the king some secure Place for their rest vntill his
Maiestie were settled. This Course will save much mony
and more trouble. The brokar offered vs a sufficient
roome, without danger, The king leauing a good guard
for defence of such as Could not remooue ; soe I resolued
vpon yt.
To THE Lord Bishop of Canterbury.^
{AddLMS, 6115, f. 130.)
Adsmere, October 30, 16 16.
May it please your Grace,
The fraylty of Passadge betweene this Place and England,
especially of my last lettre,^ that wandered ouer land and rather
went vpon discouery then busines, aduiseth mee to send your
Grace transcripts of them. Not that ther is conteyned any matter
woorthy your honors leysure, but seeing you Commanded me to
write, the relation of one to another will somwhat cleare the
whole discourse. For broken and vndependant Peices and
fragments haue little light in them, lesse Pleasure, and no proffitt ;
So that hee that would doe any thing in this matter should write
a historic, and take it somwhat high, to show the beginninges and
groweth of this Empire ; what fortunes and what impedimentes
it hath overcame ; what frendshipes it hath needed and affected ;
the ambitions and diuisions in the Present state, that like
impostumes lye now hidd, but threaten to breake out into the
sicknes by referring myselfe to the mercy and providence of god,
even almost to the temtation of his divine maiestie, as my Lord Am-
bassador wrot aduiseing me to depart out of the towne with speed for
the safetie of my life, when people dyed on each [side of] me in howses
ioyning to ours, and when I dayly heard most hideous and mornefuJl
vociferations of men, women [and children] deploring their deceased
frinds."
As Mr. A. Rogers has pointed out, in the Indian Magazine^ this epi-
demic was similar in character to the one now (1898) desolating Bombay.
^ Printed in PurchctSy vol. i, p. 584, but with many inaccuracies, and
without indication of the person to whom it was addressed.
2 Written in February 16 16, and sent home with the letters printed
on pp. 128-134. Abbot refers to it in his reply {Dom, S. P,, Jac, /,
vol. 90, no. 34), but no copy of it has been found.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 309
rending and ruine of the whole by bloody war ; the Practises,
subtiltyes, and carriages of factions and Court-secretts, falsly
called wisdome, wherein I assure your Grace they are pregnant,
and excell in all that art which the Diuell can teach them, and
are behynd none in wicked craft, some Passadges wherof were
not vnwoorthy nor vnpleasant to relate ; their religions suffered
by the King, and Practised without envy or Contention on any
part ; how the Portugalls haue Crept into this Kingdome, and by
what Comers they gott in ; the enterance of the Jesuits, their
entertaynment, Priuiledges, Practises, endes, and the growth of
their Church, wherof they sing in Europe so loud Prayses and
glorious successes ; lastly, the arriuall of our Nation on this
Coast, their fortunat or blessed victoryes ouer their enemyes,
that not only sought to possesse these quarters by themselues,
and to forbidd all others that which Nature had left free (as if
God had Created the world for them only), but alsoe to abuse
this People, as if they alone were the sonns of warr, they only
trihumph, and that all other Europeans stroocke sayle to their
fortune and valor ; which now is brought so low in valew, that it
is growne into a Prouerbe {one Portugaii to three MooreSy one
Englishman to three Portugalls^ so that the best foundation
of their greatnes is absolutly mined and blown vp. And our
reception here stands on the same ground from which wee haue
Cast them downe, which is Feare, an Honorable but vncertayne
base of so great a Charge — for if either the Enemy once
preuayle, or other misfortune happen to vs, our wellcome will
turne round with yt ; the Profitt and fittnes of this trade for
England (while it may stand), not only respecting the Company
now interessed, but the state, whither the Common-wealth in
Generall loose or wynn. For often in trafiques Priuat men
prosper by detriment of the Republique, as in all trades that
raayntyne vanetye and sinne.^
This woorke and Method were woorthy some Paynes, and, as
[it ?] would require a good judgment and much tyme (both which
are wanting to mee), so it would not be vnprofitable to reade, nor
without some pleasure to view and meditate the diuers operations
and woorkes of God, the variable Constitutions and dispositions
of men and all things vnder their gouerment. But, seeing
nature and Conueniency haue denyed mee abilitye and leysure to
sett vpon soe great a labour, I haue Chosen one branch only to
treat of to your Grace without other Meathode then by way of
bare relation ; which is, the estate of the Church heere, as well
Christians, as of all other diffused sectes of Infidells.
But to Continew (as in a Parenthesis) the aduise I gaue your
Honor in my last, of our Constitution here, and the Newes of
1 Terry (p. 163) quotes this as a saying of Jahdngfr.
2 Cp. p. 167 «.
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310 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
Persia. Breefly, I stand on very fickle termes, though in extra-
ordinarie Grace with the Kine, who is gentle, soft, and good of
disposition ; yet on Poyntes and disputes with an insolent and
Proud Sonne of his, into whose handes he hath remitted all
Power, which hee is neyther woorthy nor able to manage. Hee
is Lord of our Port, and by his folly giues mee much trauell ; so
sordidly ambitious, that he would not haue mee acknowledge his
father King, nor make any addresses, nor deliuer any Presentes
nor Complementes of honor, but to himselfe ; which I will neuter
yeild too, and so I maynteyne my Creditt by Confidence on the
Priuiledges of my qualetye and the Kinges goodnes. Yet an
Ambassadour in this Court that knowes himselfe, and will not
wrong his Master, shall oftner wynn enemyes then frendes. Their
Pride endures no tearmes of equaletye, especially wher ther is no
other honor nor title but what is measured by expence ; so that
to maynteyne one that shall in his Equipage and life hould pro-
portion with his qualety, in this Court will cost much more then
the Profitt of the trade can spare ; and hee that Hues vnder it,
wronges his degree, and slides into Contempt. I doe my vttmost
to hould vp with little Poore meanes ; but my opinion is, a
meaner instrument would better effect busines of trafique, that
might Creepe, and sue, and suffer some affronts, which my ranck
may not endure.^ And I find the King of Spayne would neuer
send any Ambassadour hither, out of greatnes, knoweing they are
not receiued with proportionable honour; and with my small
experience I could doe the Company better seruice by my
returne, in aduise how to gouerne the whole.
Concerning Persia, the Turke hath only yet made a Brauado,
and performed little; the Passages are stoppd, and the King,
drawing his Armies into his borders to defende himselfe and find-
ing no great woorke, tooke occasion to take in by force a reuolted
Nation to the East of Babilon. The People are Called Coords f
how by the Ancientes, or the true Geographicall situation of
their Cuntry, I am yet ignorant in. Sir Robert Shirly, by an ill
Passadge to Goa, lost the oportunitye of the fieete for Lisbon,
and is stayed there another yeare ; so that negotiation will not so
speedily be aduanced as I feared. Wee shall haue breath and
tyme to woork vpon yt, according as it shalbe requisite in the
judgment of your Honors in England, or at least of the Mer-
chantes, whom it first regardeth.
Her is arriued a Persian Embassador ; with little Newes, it
beeing nine mounths since his departure from Spahan. He brought
many rich Presentes, and did such obeysance, Prostrating him-
selfe and knocking the ground with his head, that I beleeue his
Master will not approue it, except (as is supposed) hee be Com-
manded to vse all obsequiousnes and to flatter this monster of
1 Cp. p. 119. , 2 jhg Kurds of the present day.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE: 3II
greatnes ; his arrand being to procure mony for ayd against the
Turke, in which kind he findes often liberall supplyes and succors,
which is not felt from this sea of treasure ; although to mediate a
Peace for the Kinges of Decan be the Pretence, whose protection
the Persian takes to hart, jealouse of the encrease of this empire.
Yet I doubt not hee wilbe satisfied with siluer, and suflfer his
AUyes to bee ouer runne. He is not allowed so good rancke
nor Presence in Court as I, which I gott by dispute, and haue
kept it by Contention, to the displeasure of some ; neyther did
the King doe soe much honour in reception of his Masters lettre,
not vouchsafing once to giue any title of Maiestie to the Persian
as of my Soueraygne Lords, which not a little Contented inee.
Other aduantages he hath of language, neighborhood, and
acquayntance, which are defectes, but no faultes, of mine. The
King is now ready to March toward Decan ; whose Armie is
Commanded by his sonne. And wee with much toyle shall hang
in the sckirts.
Our Fleet arriuing this yeare 16 16, in the way mett the
Admirall Carricke of Lisbon, bound for Goa, about Molalia, an
Island in twelue degrees North latitude, and, haling her after the
Curtesy of the sea, was requited with disgracfull language, and fiue
great shott. Which occasion apprehended, shee was fought with
three dayes ; at last put ashore, and fired her selfe. Shee was
of burthen fifteene hundred tuns, and by Pregnant Circumstances
the expected Viceroy sent for Goa Perished in her ; not one man
was perceiued to bee saued of 600 ; which is one of the greatest
disgraces and losses that euer happened to the Portugall in these
Parts — the reward of their owne Insolency. In this fight the
Cheefe Commander of the English was slayne, and the New-
declared maymed ; little other losse. Thus your Grace hath
some touch of our affaires ; and I will fall vpon my purpose of the
Church, with your fauour and Patience.
Before the invndation of Temar the great, the ninth Ancestor
of this King, these Cuntries were gouerned by diuers Petty
Gentile^ Princes, not knoweing any religion, but woorshipped after
^ Hindu. Coryat (Purchas, vol. i, p. 600) relates a story of "a great
Raja, a Gentile," and "a notorious Atheist," who died from a gangrene
caused originally by one of his women plucking a hair from his breast,
" whereupon he was inforced to confesse the power of that great God
whom he had so long despised, that hee needs no other Lance then a
little haire to kill so blasphemous a wretch." This tale was repeated
to Sir Thomas Smythe by the Rev. Patrick Copland {O, C, No. 625),
as having been related by Roe in one of his letters ; and Roe himself
narrated it (in a later letter) to the Archbishop, who was much edified
by this " marvellous example of the power of God upon rebellious
atheists" (Dom. S.P,, Jac, /, cv, 117). The story may also be found
in Terry's narrative (p. 414), and in a scarce pamphlet now in the
British Museum, entitled A True Relation without all exception of
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312 . THK EMBASSY OF [1616
their seuerall Idolatryes all sortes of Creaturs. The descendants
of him brought in the knowledge of Mahomett, but imposed it
vpon none by the law of Conquest, leauing consciences at liberty.
So that these Naturalls, from the Circumcision (which came in
with the Moores), called them MogoUs or cheefe of the Circum-
cised.^ Among the Mogolls there are many strict Mahometans,
many that follow Aly, his sonne-in-law, and other new risen
Prophetts, which haue their Xeriffs^ Mulas^ and Preistes, their
Mosquies, religious votaries, washings, Prayings, and Ceremonyes
infinite ; and for Penetenciaryes, no herecye in the world can
show so strange examples, nor bragg of such voluntarie Pouertyes,
Punishmentes, sufferinges and Chastismentes as these ; all which
are esteemed holy men, but of a mingled religion, not vpright
with their great Prophett. The Gentilles are of more sortes, some
valiant, good souldiers, drinking wine, eating hogges-flesh, but
woorshiping the figure of a beast ; some that will not touch that
flesh which is not holy by imputation ; others that will not eate
any thing wherin euer there was any blood, nor kill the vermin
that assaulteth them, nor drincke in the Cup with those that doe ;
superstitious in washing, and mosf earnest in their profession ; but
all of them ascribe a kind of Diuinitie to the Riuer Ganges, at
which at one season of the yeare 4 or 500,000 meete, and Cast in
gould and siluer for oblation. In like manner to a Piggs head*
• in a Church near this Citty, and to all liuing Cowes, and to some
other beastes and kindes. These haue their synogoages and
holy Men, Prophetts, Witches, sooth-sayers, and all others the
Diuelles impostures. The Molaes of Mahomett know somwhat in
Philosophy and Mathematiques, are great Astrologers, and can
talke of Areistotle, Euclyde, Auerroes^ and other authors. The
learned toong is Arab.
In this Confusion they Continued vntil the tynie of Ecbarsha,
father of this king, without any Noice of Christian profession;
who, beeing a Prince by Nature just and good, inquisitiue after
strange and Admirable Accidents which lately happened in the King-
dome of the great Magor or Magull (London, 1622, 13 pp.). This
was evidently written by some person who went out in Bonner's fleet
of 1 61 8, and subsequently proceeded to Japan. There are a few
references to Roe and his embassy, but none of importance. The
writer merely repeats the gossip of Surat about India and its inhabi-
tants. He specially commiserates the latter for their uxoriousness :
" What misery doe these Indians endure," is his sly comment, " to
haue so many women about them, whenas there be many Englishmen
are grieuously vexed to haue the company but of one ; but perhaps
the Indian women are of a farre milder temper then the English."
^ There is, of course, no truth in this fanciful piece of etymology.
2 See p. 20. 2 Mulld^ a teacher, a doctor in the law.
* An image of Hanuman, the monkey-god.
^ Averrhoes, the twelfth-century Cordovan scholar.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 313
Noueltyes, Curious of New opinions, and that excelled in many
virtues, especially in Pietye and reuerence toward his Parentes,
called in three lesuites from Goa, whose cheefe was leronimo
Xauier a Nauarroies.^ After their arriuall hee heard them reason
and dispute with much Content on his and hope on their partes,
and caused Xauier to write a booke in defence of his owne profes-
sion against both moores and Gentilles ; which finished, hee read
ouer Nightly, causing some part to be discussed, and finally granted
them his lettre Pattentes to build, to preach, teach, conuert, and
to vse all their rites and Ceremonyes, as freely and amply as in
Roome, bestoweing on them meanes to erect their Churches and
places of deuotion. So that in some fewe cittyes they haue gotten
rather Templum then Ecciesiam. In this Grant he gaue grant to
all sortes of men to become Christians that would, eauen to his
Court or owne blood, professing it should bee noe cause of dis-
fauaour from him. Here was a faire beginninge, a forward spring
of a leane and barren haruest.^
Ecbar-shae himselfe continued a Mahometan, yet hee began to
make a breach into the law ; Considering that Mahomett was but
a man, a King as he was, and therfore reuerenced, he thought hee
might proue as good a Prophett himselfe. This defection of the
King spread not farre ; a Certayn outward reuerence deteyned
him, and so hee dyed in the formall profession of his Sect.
Ghehangier-sha, his sonne, the present King, beeing the issue
of this New fancy, and neuer circumcised,^ bread vp without any
^ Jerome Xavier, grandson of a sister of St. Francis Xavier, went
out to India in 1581, and at the end of 1594 was despatched from Goa
to the Mogul Court. He was the founder of the Roman Catholic
mission at Agra, and author of the Mir^dtuH Kadas^ or " Holy
Mirror," an accpunt in Persian of the leading facts of Christian teach-
ing. His influence with Jah^ngir, which was considerable, was of
course exerted against the English ; and Nicholas Withington, writing
to Sir Thomas Smythe on November 9th, 1613, said bitterly that the
Mogul would do nothing against the Portuguese "so long as that
witch Savier liveth (for so the Moors themselves term him), which is
an old Jesuit residing with the king, whom he much affects " (Brit.
Mus., Egerton MS. 2086). At a later date he was named Archbishop
of Angamale-Cranganore, but he died at Goa, January 17th, 1617, be-
fore being consecrated (Father Goldie's First Christian Mission to the
Great Moguls p. 117).
Roe's account of the early Catholic missions is a very confused one,
and entirely ignores the work of Aquaviva and his immediate succes-
sors. A good summary of the facts will be found in Voii Noer's Kaiser
Akbar^ and in the excellent work by Father Goldie already mentioned.
2 Compare Terry's account (pp. 440 et seq.) of the religions of India,
and of the Jesuits' progress in "that most acceptable, but hard,
labour of washing Moors."
3 Coryat, who makes the same statement, was probably Roe's
authority for this. Salbank repeats it in a letter to the Company
{O, C, No. 568), but he, no doubt had it from the same source.
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314 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
religion at all, continewes so to this ho wet, and is an Athiest.^
Sometyme he will make profession of a Moore : but alway
obsenie the hollidayes,^ and doe all Ceremonyes with the
Gentilles too. Hee is Content with all religions, only hee
loues none that Changeth. But, falling vpon his father's con-
ceipt, hath dared to enter farther in, and to professe himselfe
for the Mayne of his religion to be a greater Prophett then
Mahomett; and hath formed to himselfe a New law, mingled
of all,^ which many haue accepted with such superstition that
they will not eate till they haue saluted him in the morning, for
which Purpose hee Comes at the Sunnes rising to a wyndow open
to a great Playne before his house, where Multitudes attend him ;
and when the Moores about him speak of Mahomett, hee will
sooth them, but is glad when anyone will breake out against him.
Of Christ he neuer vtters any woord vnreuerently, nor any of all
these sectes, which is a woonderfull secrett woorking of Codes
truth, and woorthy obseruation. Concerning the New Planted
Christian Church he Confirmed and enlardged all their Priui-
ledges, euery night for one yeare spending two howers in hearing
disputation, often Casting out doubtfull woordes of his conver-
sion, but to wicked Purpose. And, the rather to glue some
hope, he deliuered many Youthes into the hands of Francisco
Corsy,* Now resident heere, to teach them to reade and write
1 "Vnderstand it in generall sense, for one not setled in any
Religion ; of all, and therefore of none" {Note by Purchas).
2 Coryat notices the " memorable Pietie " of Jahdngir, when " at
Asmere hee went afoot to the Tombe of the Prophet Hod. Mundin
there buried, and kindling a fire with his owne hands and his Normahal
vnder that immense and Heidelbergian-oequipollent Brasse-pot, and
made Kitchtrie for fiue thousand poore, taking out the first Platter
with his owne hands and seruing one ; Normahal the second and so
his Ladies all the rest" {Purchas^ vol. i, p. 601). The reference is to
the ceremony still observed during the Urs Mda festival, at the shrine
of the celebrated prophet Mueiyyin-ud-din Chisti, when, at the expense
of some rich devotee, a gigantic mixture of rice, spices, etc., is cooked
in a large chaldron, and distributed to the pilgrims (Rdjputdna
Gazetteer, vol. ii, p. 61).
' This is quite incorrect. It was Akbar who had founded the new
" Divine Faith,"
Gathering here and there
From each fair plant the blossom choicest-grown
To wreathe a crown not only for the king
But in due time for every Mussulmdn,
Brahmin, and Buddhist, Christian, and Parsee,
Thro' all the warring world of Hindustan.
Jahdngfr, though he continued his father's policy of toleration towards
all creeds, appears to have done so more from indifference than from
principle.
* The " Jesuit " of several preceding entries. The Reverend Father
Goldie, S.J., has most kindly procured for me an extract from the
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 315
Pottuguse, and to instruct them in humane learning and
in the law of Christ. And to that end he kept a Schoole
some yeares, to which the King sent two Princes, his brothers
sonnes ; who, beeing brought vp in the knowledg of God and his
Sonne our Blessed Sauiour, were solemly Babtised in the Church
of Agra with great Pomp, being Carried first vp and downe all the
Citty on Eliphants in triumph ; and this by the Kings expresse
order, who often would examen them in their progression, and
seemed much contented in them. This made many bend
toward the same way, doubting his Maiesties entention ; others,
that knew him better, supposed he suffered this in pollicye,i to
reduce these Children into hate among the Moores for their
archives of the Society, in which it is stated that Corsi was a
Florentine, bom in 1575 ; that he entered the Order in the year
1 593, and six years later was sent from Portugal to India, where he
lived ordinarily in the household of the Great Mogul ; that he bore
a high character, and had a talent for mission work ; and that he died
at his post on August ist, 1635. References to him occur also in
Father Cordara's history of the Order (Pt. VI, torn, i, p. J9), and in the
similar work by Father Jouvancy (Pt. v, torn, ii, lib. xviii, p. 468). His
tomb is still to be seen in the chapel of the Roman Catholic cemetery
at Agra.
The relations between Roe and Corsi were very amicable ; and
Terry's account of him, though tinged with professional jealousy, is
favourable on the whole. It runs as follows (p. 444) : —
"Francisco Corsi .... a Florentine by birth, aged about fifty
years, who (if he were indeed what he seemed to be) was a man of a
severe life, yet of a fair and an affable disposition ; he lived at that
Court as an Agent for the Portuguese, and had not only free access
unto that King, but also encouragement and help, by gifts, which he
sometimes bestowed on him."
"When this Jesuit came first to be acquainted with my Lord
Ambassadour, he told him that they were both by profession
Christians, though there was a vast difference betwixt them in their
professing it : and as he should not go about to reconcile the
Ambassadour to them. So he told him it would be labour in vain
if he should attempt to reconcile him to us. Onely he desired that
there might be a fair correspondency betwixt them, but no disputes.
And further his desire was, that those wide differences 'twixt the
church of Rome and us might not be made there to appear, that
Christ might not seem by those differences to be divided amongst
men professing Christianity, which might be a very main obstacle
and hinderance unto his great design and endeavour, for which he was
sent thither, to convert people to Christianity there : Telling my Lord
Ambassadour further, that he should be ready to do him all good
offices of love and service there ; and so he was."
"After his first acquaintance, he visited us often, usually once a
week. And as those of that society, in other parts of the world, are
very great intelligencers, so was he there, knowing all news which was
stirring, and might be had, which he communicated unto us."
1 See p. 198.
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3l6 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
Conversion, of whom Consisted the strength of his estate ; but
all men fayling of his Purpose, which was thus discouered. When
these and some other Children were settled, as was thought, in
Christian religion, and had learnd some Principles therof, as, to
marry but one wife, not to be coupled with infidles, the King
settes the boyes to demand some Portugalles wifes of the
Jesuittes; who, thincking it only an idle motion of their owne
braynes, Chyd them, and suspected no more. But that being
the end of their Conuersion, to gett a woeman for the King, and
no care taken, the two Princes came to the Jesuites, and sur-
rendred vp their Crosses and all other rites, professing they would
be noe longer Christians, because the King of Portugall sent
them no Presentes nor wiues, according as they expected. The
Padre, seeing this, began to doubt ther was more in that then
the boyes reuealed, especially seeing their Confidence, that had
cast off the awe of Pupilles ; and, examining the matter, had it
confessed the King commanded them. They refused to accept
the Crosses, answering they had been giuen by his Maiesties
order, and they would not take Notice from boyes of any such
surrender ; but bad them desier the King to send some of those
who by a kynd of order are to deliuer all his Maiesties Com-
mands, whose mouthes are by Priuiledges sufficient authoritye,
and then they would accept them ; hoping, and knoweing the
King's Nature, that hee would not discouer himselfe to any of his
officers in this poore Plott. The boyes returned with this
Message, which enraged the King. But, being desierous to
disolue the Schoole, and to withdrawe the youthes without Noyse,
hee bad them call the Jesuittes to the woemens doore, wher by a
lady he receiued the order ; and without euer taking any notice
since of any thing, his kinsmen recalld, who are now absolute
Moores, without any last of their first fayth ; and so the fruict -of
all these hopes are vanished^. And I cannot fynd by good search
that ther is one Christian really and orderly conuerted. Nor
makes the profession, except some few that haue been Babtised
for mony, and are maynteyned by the Jesuittes ; of which sort
ther would bee more, but that they find the deceipt, and cannot
endure the burthen. This is the truth of all their bragg and
labor, and the full groweth of their Church here.
But, that your Grace may a little more vnderstand the
fashion of this King and the Jesuites proceedinges, I will make
you one or two merry and late relations ; and either say hee
is the most impossible man in the world to be conuerted, or
the most easy ; for he loues to heare, and hath so little religion
yet, that he can well abyde to haue any decided. Not many
* Cp. the accounts given by Terry (p. 447) and Hawkins
(p. 438)
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 317
dayes since, the Jesuites house and Church beeing burned, the
Crucifex remayned safe, which vnderhand was giuen out for a
miracle, and much talked off. I, that could be content any vse
might be made of an accident to.enlardg the name of Christ,
held my Peace. But the Jesuite, suspecting I would not agree
to the Miracle, disavowed it to mee, and made it a matter ot
reason, why it was not burned ; insinnuating that the Moores
had Caught vp this opinion of Miracle without his Consent or
suggestion, though he confessed hee was glad of the occasion.
But the King, who neuer lett slip any oportunity of Newe talke
or Nouelty, Calls the Jesuite, and questioneth him of it. He
answers ambiguously; whervpon his Maiestie demanded if he did
not desire to convert him, and, receiuing full answere, rcplyed :
You speake of your great Miracles, and of many done by you in
the Name of your Prophett ; if you will cast the Crucifix and
Picture of Christ into a fyre before mee, if it burne not, I wil
become a Christian. The Jesuite refused the tryall as vniust,
answering that God was not tyed to the Call of men : that it was
a sinne to tempt him : that hee wrought Miracles according to
his owne Councell ; but offered to enter the fier himselfe for
proofe of his faith, which the King refused. Heere arose a great
dispute, begunne by the Prince, a most stiff Mahometan and
hater of all Christians, that it was reasonable to try our religion
by this offer, but withall, if the Crucifix did burne, then that the
Jesuit should be obliged to render Moore.^ Hee vrged examples
of Miracles professed to bee done for lesse Purposes then the
Conuersion of soe mightie a King, and, in case of refusall of that
triall, spake scornefully of Christ Jesus. The King vndertooke
the Argument, and defended our Sauiour to be a Prophett, by
comparrison of his woorkes with those of their absurd Saintes,
Instancing the raysing of the dead, which neuer any of theirs did.
The Prince replyed : to giue sight to one Naturally borne blind
was as great a Miracle. This question beeing pressed hotly on
both sides, a theird man, to end the Contrauersie, enterposed that
both the father and the sonne had reason for thieir opinions ; for
that to rayse a dead body to life must needes bee confessd to be
the greatest miracle euer done, but that to giue sight to an eye
^ Terry, in telling this story (p. 448), says that the crucifix was on a
pole near the Jesuit's house ; and that the Prince's proposal was that,
if it did not resist combustion, the Jesuit should be burnt with it. He
also says that he himself was at court when the incident happened —
another proof that the reverend gentleman's memory is not to be
trusted implicitly.
Corsi's offer to undergo the ordeal of fire recalls the challenge of
Aquaviva to the Muhammadan doctors at the court of Akbar, and
the somewhat similar story related of Father D'Acosta by Bernier and
Catrou.
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31.8 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
Naturally blynd was the same woorke ; for that a blind eye was
dead, sight beeing the life therof ; therfore he that gaue sight to
a blind eye did as it were rayse it vp from death. Thus this dis-
course ended, and soe in wisdome should I ; but that I cannot
leaue out an apish miracle which was acted before this King
which the Jesuites will not acknowledg nor owne as their
Practise ; onely of the truth de facto ther is no doubt. A Juggler
of Bengala (of which Craft there are many and rare) brought to
the King a great Ape, that could, as hee professd, diuine and
prophesy (and to this beast by some sectes is much diuinitie
ascribed). The King tooke from his finger a ring, and caused it
to bee hid vnder the Girdle of one among a dozen other boyes,
and bad the Ape diuine ; who went to the right Child, and tooke
it out. But his Maiestie (somewhat more Curious) caused in
twelue seueral papers in Persian lettres to bee written the Names
of twelue I^wgiuers, as Moses, Christ, Mahomett, Aly, and
others, and, shuffling them in a bagg, bad the beast diuine which
was the true law ; who, putting in his foote, tooke out that
inscribed of Christ. This amazed the King, who, suspecting that
the Apes master could reade Persian, and might assist him, wrote
them anew in court Characters,^ and presented them the second
time. The Ape was Constant, found the right, and kissed it.
Whereat a principal officer^ grew angry, telling the King it was
some imposture, desiering hee might haue leaue to make the
lottes anew, and offered himselfe to Punnishment if the Ape
could beguile him. Hee wrote the names, putting only aleuen
into the bagg, and kept the other in his hand. The beast searchd,
but refusd all. The King commanded to bring one ; the beast
tore them in fury, and made signes the true law-giuers name
was not among them. The King demanded wher it was ; and
hee rann to the Noble-man and caught him by the hand in which
was the Paper inscribed with the Name of Christ Jesus. The
King was troubled, and keepes the Ape. Yet this was acted in
Publique before thousandes ; but wher the abuse was, or whether
ther were any, I iudge not. Only one of the Jesuites scollers ran
to him with open Mouth, professing the King had an ape a good
Christian. Of this accident the Jesuittes make great account ; to
me they slight it, except the truth of the fact, which is not vnlike
one of their owne games.^
1 I.e.^ an official cypher. " Court characters are such as he only
and his nearer Ministers vsed in Mysteries of State, vnknowne to all
others" {^Note by Purchas),
2 Mahdbat Khdn, according to Terry ; but it is scarcely likely that
he was at court, or Roe would have mentioned him.
3 Terry (p. 403) relates this incident at length, and says that
although he was not present " it hath been often confirmed there in
its report unto me by divers persons, who knew not one another, and
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 319
. Your Grace will Pardon mee all this folly, to interrupt you with
sp much and soe vselesse tattle. I should be glad to remooue
wher i might learne and Practise better matter. But I cannot
repent my Journy. It hath made me know my God and my selfe
better than euer I should haue learned eythef among the
Pleasure of England. He hath woonderfully showed mee his
mercy and taught mee his Judgmentes : his goodnes be glorifyed
and magnified for euer.^ I humbly desire your Grace to present
my Name (I dare not say my seruice) before his Maiestie my lord
and Master. It is enough for mee if I bee not forgotten. I shall
heuer meritt nor aspire the employmentes of his fauour ; but I
will pay my vowes, and pray for his Maiestie, that hee may liue a
happy and glorious long life to the Comfort of his Church, and
enioy the Crowne of Crownes, Prepared by the King of Kinges
for those that loue him. Wherin I haue fayled toward your
Honor, or by myne owne weakenes, your Grace will measure by
this rule : exigitt et postulat amicitia non quod cuique debetur^ sed
quod quisque efficere potest -^ and you will pardon the assuming so
high a woord as frendship, with this enterpretation : Seruus est
humilis amicus ,^ which, as I am bould to professe, I will be ready
to demonstrate by Obedience to your Commandes.
Thomas Roe.
November i. — Sultan Coronne tooke his leaue and went
to his tentes. The king at Noone sate out at the Durbar^
where the Prince brought his Eliphantes, about 600 richly
trapped and furnished, and his followers, by estimation
were differing in Religion ; yet all agreed in the story, and in all the
circumstances thereof." The author of A True Relation (see p.
31 1«.) also tells the tale, and says that it was averred to be true by
Master Edward Terry, who heard it credibly reported, and had often
seen the ape. This latter statement Terry takes occasion to correct
(p. 405).
1 The extent to which Roe's frequent illnesses had deepened his
religious convictions is shown in the undated private letter (Brit. Mus.
Hart, MS. 1576, f. 514), to which reference has already been made.
** O my deare freind," he writes, " that god which some thinke is con-
find to Europe and onely in the Temples made with handes hath mett
with mee in the wildernes. I haue tasted his displeasure .... Hee
began with mee in England, but he knew it was not a place where I
could bee cleansed. I must goe wash in Jordan."
2 This quotation (from an unknown source) may be freely rendered :
" Friendship demands not what is actually due, but what one is able
to effect."
3 "A slave is a humble friend." The sentiment is Seneca's: " Servi
sunt humiles amici" {Epist, 47, s. i).
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320 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
10,000 horse, many in Cloth of Gould with hearne top
feathers^ in their Turbantes, all in Galanterie ; Himselfe
in a Coate of Cloth of siluer, embrodered with great Pearte
and shining in Diamondes like a firmament. The king
embraced him, kissd him, and showed much affection. At
his departure hee gaue him a swoord, the scaberd all of
gould sett with stones, vale wed at 100,000 rupees, a dagger
at 40,000, an Eliphant, and two horses, all the furniture of
gould sett with stones, and for a Close one of the New
Caroches made in Imitation of that sent by his Maiestie
my Master,^ and Commanded the English Coachman to
driue him to his tentes ; into which hee ascended, and sate
in the middle, the sides open, his Cheefest Nobles afoote
walking by him to his Tentes about 4 Mile. All the way
hee threw quarters of -^«//^^,beeing followed with a Multi-
tude of People. Hee reached his hand to the Coachman
and Putt into his hatt about 100 rupias,
I could not get any despatch, neyther heard any Newes
from Suratt ; so that Zulphecarcon is departed in our debt
for want of an account, which I had often written for. I
doubted our Patamars miscarriage, for it is now 36 dayes
since I heard a woord.
November 2. — The king remooued to his tents with his
weomen and all the Court about 3 mile. I went to attend
him. Comming to the Pallace, I found him at the Jarruco
wyndow^ and went vp on the scaffold vnder him, which
Place, not hauing seene before, I was glad of the occasion.
On two tresselles stood two Eunuches with long Poles
headed with feathers fanning him. He gaue many fauours
and receiued many Presentes. What hee bestowed hee
1 Aigrettes.
2 In Jahjlngir's Memoirs he mentions his gift to the Prince of " a
carriage of the Feringi English fashion that he might sit and ride in
it " (Elliot and Dowson's History^ vol. vl, p. 347).
' See p. 106.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 321
lett downe by a silke stringe rouled on a turning instru-
ment ; what was giuen him, a venerable fatt deformed
ould Matron, wrinckled and hung with gimbelles^ like an
Image, Pulld vp at a hole with such a Nother Clue. At
one syde in a wyndow were his two Principall wifes, whose
Curiositye made them breake litle holes in a grate of reede
that hung before yt to gaze on mee. I saw first their
fingers, and after laying their faces close nowe one eye,
Now another ; sometyme I could discerne the full pro-
portion. They were indifferently white, black hayre
smoothed vp ; but if I had had no other light, ther
diamondes and Pearles had sufficed to show them. When
I lookd vp they retyred, and were so merry that I sup-
posed they laughd at mee. Suddenly the king rose, and
wee retyred to the Durbar and satt on the Carpettes
attending his Comming out. Not long after hee Came
and sate about halfe an hower, vntill his ladyes at their
doore were ascended their elephantes, which were about
50, all most richly furnished. Principally 3 with Turretts^
of gould, grates of gould wire euery way to looke out, and
Canopyes ouer of Cloth of siluer. Then the king de-
scended the stayres with such an acclamation of health to
the king^ as [wjould haue out-cryed Cannons. At the
stayres foote, wher I mett him, and shuffled to be Next,
one brought a mighty carp ; another a dish of white stuff
like starch, into which hee putt his finger, and touched the
fish and so rubd it on his forhead, a Ceremony vsed presag-
ing good fortune. Then another came and buckled on his
swoord and buckler sett all ouer with great Diamondes
and rubyes. the belts of gould suteable. Another hung on
his quiuer with 30 arrowes and his bow in a Case, the same
1 Gimbals, or gimmals, were rings intertwined or linked together.
Cp. Holinshed in Description of Ireland^ vi, c. 2 : " truly this argu-
ment hangeth togither by verie strsinge ^'mMs,"
2 Howdahs. ' Padshdh saldmat
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324 THE EMBASSY OF [t6l6
that was presented by the Persian Anibassador. On his
head he wore a rich Turbant with a Plume of heme tops^
not many but long ; on one syde hung a ruby vnsett, as
bigg as a Walnutt ; on the other syde a diamond as great ;
in the middle an emralld like a hart, much bigger. His
shash^ was wreathed about with a Chayne of great Pearle,
Tubyes, and diamondes drild. About his Neck hee car-
ried a Chaine of most excellent Pearle, three double ; so
great I neuer saw ; at his Elbowes, Armletts sett with
diamondes ; and on his wristes three rowes of seuerall
sorts. His handes bare, but almost on euery finger a ring ;
his gloues, which were english, stuck vnder his Girdle ; his
Coate of Cloth of gould without sleeues vpon a fine
Semiat^ as thin as Lawne ; on his feete a payre of em-
brodered buskinges with Pearle, the toes sharp and turn-
ing vp. Thus armd and accomodated, hee went to the
Coach, which attended him with his New English seruant,
who was Clothd as rich as any Player and more gaudy,
and had trayned four horses, which were trapped and har-
nassed in gould veluetts. This was the first hee euer sate
in, and was made by that sent from England,^ so like that
^ See p. 257.
2 There appears to be some mistake here, as "semians" (see pp. 143,
265) were coarse calicoes, used chiefly for awnings (hence, probably,
the name, from Pers. shainydna^ a canopy). Perhaps Roe meant the
stuff called sinabaff^ " a fine slight stuff or cloth wherof the Moors
make their Cabayes, or clothing" {Letters Received^ vol. i, p. 29).
. ^ "On the 2 1 St Ab^n I mounted the Frank carriage, which had
four horses attached to it, and left the city of Ajmir" {Tuzak^
Mr. Rogers' translation).
Of the coach presented by Roe, see p. 118. Terry (p. 385) gives
the following particulars of its transformation : " Amongst many
other things, when my Lord Ambassadour first went thither, the
Company sent the Mogol an English Coach, and Harnesse for
four Horses, and an able Coachman to sute and mannage some of
his excellent Horses, that they might be made fit for that service-
The Coach they sent was lined within with Crimson China velvet ;
which when the Mogol took notice of, he told the Ambassadour that
he wondred that the King of England would trouble himself so
much, as to send unto China for Velvet to Line a Coach for him,, in
regard that he had been informed that the English King had much
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THE EMPEROR'S STANDARD.
{from Terry's ''Voyage'').
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l6l6] SIR tHOMAS R0£. 3^3
I knew it not but by the Couer, which was a gould Persian
veluett. Hee gott into the end ; on each side went two
Eunuches that carried small maces of gould sett all ouer
with rubies, with a long bunch of white horse tayle to
driue away flyes ; before him went drumes, ill trumpettes
and loud musique, and many Canopyes, quittasoUs^ and
other strange ensignes of Maiestie of Cloth of gould sett in
many Places with great rubyes, Nine spare horses, the
furniture some garnished with rubyes, some with Pearle
and emraldes, some only with studdes enameld. The
Persian Ambassador presented him a horse. Next be-
hynd came three Palenkees ; the Carriages and feete of on
Plated with gould sett at the endes with stones and
Couered with Crimson veluett embrodered with Pearle,
and a frengg of great Pearle hanging in ropes a foote
better Velvet near home, for such or any other uses. And im-
mediately after the Mogol caused that Coach to be taken all to pieces,
and to have another made by it, for. . . . they are a people that
will make any new thing by a pattern ; and when his new coach was
made according to the pattern, his workmen first putting the English
Coach together, did so with that they had new made ; then pulling
out all the China Velvet which was in the English Coach, there
was in the room thereof put a very rich Stuffe, the ground
silver, wrought all over in spaces with variety of flowers of
silk, excellently well suited for their colours, and cut short
like a Plush ; and instead of the brasse Nails that were first in it,
there were Nails of silver put in their places. And the Coach which
his own workmen made was lined and seated likewise with a richer
stuff than the former, the ground of it Gold, mingled like the other
with silk flowers, and the Nails silver and double guilt; and after
having Horses and Harnesse fitted for both his Coaches, He rode
sometimes in them, and contracted with the English Coachman to
serve him, whom he made very fine, by rich vests he gave him, allow-
ing him a very great Pension ; besides, he never carried him in any of
those Coaches, but he gave him the reward of ten pounds at the least,
which had raised the Coachman unto a very great Estate, had not
death prevented it, and that immediately after he was setled in that
great service."
From a letter of Kerridge's, in the British Museum, it appears that
the cost of the coach in England was 151/. i\s. The coachman's name
was William Hemsell, and he had been previously in the service of
" Dr. Farran and my Lord Bishopp of Couentrye and Lychfeild "
{Court Minutes^ January 3rd, 161 5). The "very great pension"
allowed by the Mogul was a rupee and a half per diem (I. O. Records :
0. C, No. 423) ! ^ Umbrellas or sunshades (Port, quita-sol).
V 2
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324 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
deepe, a border about" sett with rubyes and emeralldes.
A footman carried a foote stoole of gould sett with
stones. The other two were couered and lyned only with
Cloth of gould. Next followed the English Coach
newly couered and trimed rich, which hee had giuen the
queene Normahall, who rode in yt. After them a third
of this Cuntry fashion, which me thought was out of
Countenance ; in that sate his younger sonns. After
followed about 20 Eliphantes royall spare for his owne
ascending, so rich that in stones and furniture that they
braued the sunne. Euery Eliphant had diuers flages of
Cloth of siluer, guilt satten, and taffata. His Noblemen
hee suffered to walke a foote, which I did to the gate and
left him. His wiues on their Eliphantes were carried like
Parrakitoes halfe a Mile behynd him. When hee came be-
fore the doore wher [h]is eldest sonne^ is prisoner, he stayed
the Coach and called for him. He came and made
reuerence, with a swoord and buckler in his hand ; his
beard grown to his middle, a signe of disfauour. The king
Commanded him to ascend one of the spare Eliphantes
and so rode next to him, to the extream applause and ioy
of all men, who now are filld with new hopes. The king
gaue him a thousand rupias to Cast to the People. His
laylor, Asaph Chan, and all the Monsters yet a foote. I
tooke horse to avoyd Presse and other inconuenience, and
crossed out of the leskar'^ before him, and attended vntill
hee came near his Tentes. Hee passed all the way betweene
a guard of Eliphantes, hauing euery one a turred on his
back ; on the fower corners fower banners of yellow taffety ;
right before, a sling mounted that carried a bullett as bigg
as a great Tennis ball ; the gunner behind yt ; in Number
about 300. Other Eliphantes of honor that went before
and after, about 600 ; all which were couered with veluett
1 Khusrii 2 Camp (Pers. lashkar).
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 325
or cloth of gould, and had 2 or 3 guilded banners carried.
In the way rann diuers footemen with sckinnes of water
that made a continuall shower before him ; no horse nor
man suffered to approach the Coach by two furlonges,
except those that walked a foote by ; soe that I hasted to
his tentes to attend his alighting. They were walled in about
halfe an english mile in Compasse, in forme of a fort
with diuers Coynes and bulwarckes, with high Cannattes of
a Course stuff made like arras, red on the putsyde, within
which figures in Panes, with a handsome gate house ;
euery Post that beare vp these was heddcd witl^ a topp of
brasse.^ The throng was great. I desired to gpe in, but
no man was suffered ; the greatest in the land satt at the
doore ; but I made an offer, and they admitted mee, but
refused the Persian Embassador and all the Noblemen.
Here first the Persian Embassador saluted me, with a
silent Complement only. In the middst of this Court was
a throwne of mother of Pearle borne on two pilla[r]s raysd
1 " The tents pitch'd in that Leskar^ or Camp Royal, are for the
most part white, like the cloathing of those which own them. But
the Mogols Tents are red, reared up upon Poles, higher by much than
the other. They are placed in the middest of the camp, where they
take up a very large compasse of ground, and may be seen every way ;
and they must needs be very great, to afford room in them for him-
self, his wives, children, women. Eunuchs, &c.
" In the forefront, or outward part, or Court within his Tent, there
is a very large room for access to him, Hwixt seven and nine of the
clock at night, which. ... is called his Goozulcan,
" His tents are encompassed round with Canats^ which are like our
Screenes, to fold up together ; those Canats are about ten feet high,
made of narrow strong Callico, and lined with the same, stiffened at
every breadth with a Cane ; but they are strongest lined on their out-
side by a very great company of arm'd Souldiers, that keep close about
them night and day. The Tents of his great men are likewise
large, placed round about his. All of them, throughout the whole
Leskar^ reared up in such a due and constant order, that when we
remove from place to place, we can go as directly to those moveable
dwellings, as if we continued still in fixed and standing habitations ;
taking our direction from several streets and Bazars^ or market-places,
every one pitched upon every remove alike, upon such or such a side
of the Kings Tents, as if they had not been at all removed."— Terry,
p. 421. .
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326 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
on earth, couered ouer with an high tent, the Pole headed
with a knob of gould, vnder it Canopyes of Cloth of gould,
vnder foote Carpettes. When the king came neare the
doore, some Noble men came in and the Persian Am-
bassador. Wee stood one of the one syde, the other of
the other, making a little lane. The king entering cast his
eye on mee, and I made a reuerence ; hee layd his hand on
his brest and bowed, and turning to the other syde nodded
to the Persian. I followed at his heeles till hee ascended,
and euery man cryed " Good loy and fortune," and so tooke
our Places, Hee called for water, washed his handes and
departed. His weomen entered some other Port to their
quarter, and his sonne I saw not. Within this whole rayle
was about 30 diuisions with tents. All the Noble men
retired to theirs, which were in excellent formes, some all
white, some greene, some mingled ; all encompassd as
orderly as any house ; one of the greatest raretyes and
magnificencyes I euer saw. The vale showed like a bewti-
fuU Citty, for that the ragges nor baggage were not mingled.^
I was vnfitted with Carriadge, and ashamed of my Pro-
uision ; but fiue years allowance would not haue furnished
mee with one indifferent sute sortable to others. And,
which addes to the greatnes, euery man bath a double, for
that one goes before to the next remooue and is sett a day
before the king riseth from these.^ So I returned to my
Poore house.
I demanded of Asaph Chan what remedy I should
fynd against Zulphecarcon and showed his bill, desiering
him to send to him or make Complaynt to the king. He
putt mee off to mooue the Prince : that the king would not
meddle with his seruantes. I yet, to my extreme trouble
and woonder, heard noe Newes from Suratt nor Agra ;
1 Cp. Bernier's description of the camp of Aurangzfb (Constable's
edn., p. 360). 2 5gg p^ 075.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 32j^
resolued to follow the Prince on the morrow, and to Com-
playne of our debtes.
November 4. — I sent Master Bidolph and laddow to the
Princes Camp to prooue whither by fayre meanes Zulphe-
carcon would pay the debt ; for 1 knew how distastefull a
complaynt against him would bee, and what I had suffered
for this Contention. They first went to Afzuld chan,^ the
secretary, and acquaynted him with my resolution to
deliuer his bill to the Prince. He answered hee doubted
not but hee would giue satisfaction without that course, and
wishd them to goe speake with him, which they did, arid
hee resolutly answered he would pay no more. When
they urged his bill hee slighted it, and bad demand it of
the Prince, for whatsoeuer hee tooke from vs was for him ;
and that hee should pay it if he would, for that himselfe
would not. Now the Prince was loose from the king, you
may ludge that which I foresaw, that the delay es and
pretences for want of Certificatt from Suratt, which I had
sent for 6 monthes, serued only a turne to gett at liberty
and to cosen vs. I resolued in my tyme for no respect of
danger or displeasure to leaue such an example, but to
hazard all to recouer so little mony. If it had been myne
owne I would haue giuen it rather then vndergone a
New Conflict ; but I purposed a fayre way without lust
exception, and that if I so suffered it was a kind of Mar-
tirdome : first to show his hand and scale to the Prince,
and if I found no lustice to deliuer it to the king, with the
full Passage of all proceeding in yt.
November 5. — -I rode to the Princes tents, about 5 mile,
when he sate out. I usd some prefaces of respect, and
desiered to take my leaue of his Highnes, to whom I wished
a prosperous lourny, victorye ouer his enemyes, a glorious
Tryumph woorthy his greatnes, and a safe returne. I
^ See p. 160 n.
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328 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
entreated him to beleeue I was his humble seruaiit in all
respectes, reseruing my duty to my souerayne ; and that
hee would bee pleased to retayne our Nation in his fauour
and protection. Then I presented to him Zulpheckcarcons
billes for 17,000 mamoodies, of which hee had payd 9,000
and the remayner hee refused after many delayes : that I
had had long Pacience for respect of his highnes, but now
the Necessitye of his departure and my attendance on the
king enforced mee to appeale to his Justice, wherin I
doubted not to fynd releefe. Hee read it ouer, and seemed
to beleeue it had beene Payd, demanding if Afsul chan
knew the account. I answered : yes : that he was an
instrument of the Conclusion, and it was witnessed by
Mochrebchan, Hoja Nassan, and diuers, that knew wee
lost for this end aboue 2,000 mamoodieSy and that his owne
hand and seale and his scrivanoes bills would testefye
against him. Hee desiered me stay till the secretary came
and I should receiue order. He rose before Afzul chan
appeared and retyred, but sent Biram chan, the Com-
mander of all his horse, to stay me a little. Within halfe
an hower came answere that I should returne to my house,
and two dayes after repayre to him : hee would examine
the busines and Pay mee himselfe : that then I should take
my leaue of him. He sate in the same Magnificence,
order, and greatnes that I mentioned of the king -} His
Throwne beeing Plated ouer with siluer, inlayd with
flowers of gould, and the Canopy ouer it square, borne on
fower Pillars couered with siluer ; his Armes, swoord,
buckler, bowes, arrowes, and lance, on a table before him.
The watch was sett, for it was euening. When hee came
abroade, I obserued him now hee was absolute, and
Curiously his fashion and actions. Hee receiued two
1 Amongst other distinctions given to Khurram at this time was the
title of Shdh, which no prince since Timur had borne in the lifetime
of his father.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 329
lettres, read them standing, before hee ascended his Throne.
I neuer saw so settled a Countenance, nor any man keepe
so Constant a grauety, neuer smiling, nor in face showeing
any respect or difference of men ; but mingled with ex-
treame Pride and Contempt of all. Yet I found some
inward trouble now and then assayle him, and a kinde of
brokennes and distraction in his thoughtes, vnprouidedly
and amasedly answering sutors, or not hearing. If I can
ludg any thing, hee hath left his hart among his fathers
women, with whom hee hath liberty of conuersation. Nor-
mahall in the English Coach the day before visited him
and tooke leaue. She gaue him a Cloake all embrodered
with Pearle, diamondes and rubyes ; and carried away, if I
err not, his attention to all other busines.^
November 6. — I receiued lettres from Master Browne at
Amadavaz, aduising mee of hauing gotten the Gouernor of
Cambayas bill for the restitution of 1,100 Mamoodies
extorted last yeare,^ by virtue of difirmaen by me procured.
So that I haue recouered all bribes and extortions taken
before my tyme with little losse. I suppose it wilbe a
good example. He certefyed mee of a fray begun by the
Portugalles, 5 of them setting on an English boy in Cam-
baya and disarming him, vpon rumour wherof lohn Browne
and James Bickford^ went to his rescue and were assayled
by seauen of them. One shooting a Pistoll hurt John
Browne in the hand, but his hart lay not thear. They
defended themselues honestly, brauely, like Englishmen,
kylld one, hurt some others, and Chased them vp and
downe the Towne like beastes, to the great shame of such
villaynes and reputation of our Nation. To reuenge this,
the Portugalls beeing arriued in their frigotts, diuers Came
^ There seems to have been no ground for the suspicion hinted
here. « See p. 116.
^ Elected a factor in November, 1614. He was employed princi-
pally at Surat and Ahmadcibdd until his return to England in 1623.
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330 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
ashore ; no more english in Towne but the 3 Mentioned.
The Gouernor vnderstood the occasion, and sent the
Cuttwall with a guard to our house and shutt the water
Ports, expelling the Portugall and Commanding, vpon
payne of Chasticement, not to meddle with the English ;
and so deliuered them safe out of towne, who are returned
to Amadavaz. By these I receiued newes from Suratt of
a resolution to send to Jasques^ without my knowledge,
1 This decision was taken at a consultation held on board the
Charles on October 2nd, 161 6, the proceedings at which are fully re-
corded in O, C, No. 402 (I. O. Records). Pepwell, who was himself
unfavourable to the project, produced a letter from Roe (see Addl.
MS. 61 15, f. 118), declaring that it would be useless to send to Persia
until the issue of Sherley's mission to Spain were known ; and that
the farmdn obtained by Steel and Crowder (see p. 128) was of little
value, as it contained no undertaking on the part of the Sh^h to send
down silk to Jdshak, and no merchandise was obtainable at that port
in the ordinary way. Against this Kerridge urged that the present
opportunity was a good one, seeing that Sherley (who would be either
a troublesome enemy or an expensive friend) was out of the way : that
the Company had approved their previous measures and had en-
couraged them to persevere : that, the war with the Turks having
blocked commercial intercourse with Europe, there must be in Persia
at once a dearth of cloth and a plethora of silk : that it was absolutely
necessary to find some vent for the large stock of English goods in their
warehouse for which no immediate sale could be hoped in India :
and that one of the ships might just as well be employed in an experi-
mental voyage as lie at anchor at Swally till the others were ready.
Roe's opinion was set aside with the remark that ** in regard his lord-
ship in other particulars of his said letter is farr transported in errour
of opynyon Concerning merchandizeing and merchantes affaires in
these partes makes vs assured that hee is noe lesse transported from
and Concerning this persian Imployment ; " and the expedition was
decided upon. Edward Connock, the cape merchant of Pepwell's
fleet, was chosen chief factor ; Thomas Barker (then second at Surat)
was made his principal assistant ; and George Pley, Edward Pettus,
William Tracy and Robert Gipps completed the party. The James^
under the charge of Alexander Child, was told off to convey them to
Jdshak, and she accordingly sailed on November 5th. The port was
reached in safety a month later, the factors were landed with their
goods, and the ship anchored again at Swally early in February, 1617
(Child's journal in Purchas^ vol. i., p. 606 ; see also an account [by
Pley] in Egerton MS. 2 121). A Portuguese squadron had been de-
spatched to intercept her, but had failed to do so (Bocarro's Decada
XIII, c. 165).
How much Roe was angered at finding his opinion thus overruled
may be gathered from his diary and letters ; but neither he nor
Pepwell could do anything in the matter. Keeling was still, by virtue
of his commission, the chief director of the Company's affairs in the
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t6i6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 33I
here beeing an Ambassador of the Shaw-hks that offered
me all curtesy and whose aduise would haue giuen vs
great light to the busines ; but in 6 weekes I neuer heard
woord from them, neyther doe they thinck any body woorth
the Consulting but them selues. I sent dowhe the kinges
firmaen procured by Crowther '} but my aduise that it was
not woorth entertayning on so feeble Conditions, with many
reasons reserued to my selfe, not presupposing any man
would haue presumed a conclusion without mee ; for that
when I motioned^ to send Shalbanke for 100 rupias ouer-
land to discouer both Syndu and Jasques, to bee an eye
wittnesse of the fittnes of the Port and possibilitye of trade,
and to haue returned before the arriuall of our fleete with
full intelligence, they reiected it, and braggd they had
crossd all my aduices ; and now haue resolued to doe yt by
a ship, at extreame perill and Chardge, and without any
ground, yea, against all reason ; without vouchsafing to
acquaynt mee, but that I receiued the Newes by CoUaterall
enformation. ludge what respect your factors giue mee :
what the fruictes of diuision are, and seperating them from
any relation to mee, though your last lettre signifyd you
required them to Consult with mee before resolution of any
Matter of such importance. I must Confesse it greatly
discourageth mee, and my sincere Payne, care, and toyle
was not to serue to amend their follyes only at Court, but
hoped to haue beene respected in my aduice only for your
profitt. For your Cheefe factor^ hath too much suddeyne
East, and in consequence the usual authority in matters relating to
merchandise had been withheld from the general of the 1616 fleet.
Pepwell, therefore, could not reverse the decision arrived at by the
assembled factors, nor could he refuse to assist in carrying it out.
Roe was equally powerless, and had to content himself with watching,
in a decidedly critical mood, the outcome of the measures taken,
while he awaited the result of his letters home of the previous year,
complaining of his own want of authority.
^ See p. 246.
2 In a letter of April 26th, 161 6, quoted (in part) on p. 164.
3 Kerridge.
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332 THE EMBASSY OF [l6l5
fire and to great an opinion of his abilityes to giue a tem-
perate aduise, as I can show abondantly and wee haue had
full experience, not once asking any mans aduise from
hence, but Peremptorily commanding and ordering monyes
to no purpose, too late and to extreame Losse. Notwith-
standing, this day I dispeeded a lettre from the Princes
secretary written in his owne Name to Abram chan, Salath
beage, and Isack beage,^ to ouersee the Customer that
hee wronged not the English nor suffered any other : that
the busines might bee so ordered as should preuent all
future Complayntes : that the presentes should be dispatchd
to Court without Custome : that what soeuer was bought
should not be taken by force, but the owner payd ready
mony to Content The Copy is registred.'^
This day I wrote to the Gouernor of Cambaya to acknow-
ledge his fauour and my thanckfullnes : that I would
acquaynt the king with his honorable respect of our Pro-
tection.
November 9. — The Prince, beeing to remooue, sent one
of his Guard in hast for mee. I was vnfitted to goe but hee
Prest mee so farr that his Master did stay out to speake
with mee : that hee had Commanded him not to returne
without mee : that all the Court did talk of the Princes
fauour to mee : that it was reported hee had desired the
king to lett mee accompany him into the warrs, and that
hee had promised to vse mee so well as I should confesse
his fauour to our Nation. This Newes made me take horse
after dinner ; but I found him Newly risen and Marching.
I mett the Dutchman his leweller. Hee welcommed mee
with good Newes of some extraordinary fauour from his
master, who had sate almost an hower longer then his Pur-
1 Ibrahim Khdn, as already mentioned, was governor of Surat.
The other two had been "customer" and shdhbandar respectively,
and are often mentioned in the letters of the English factors.
2 This does not appear to be extant.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 333
pose to stay my Comming, and such great promises that
made mee beleeue none. Hee also confirmed the souldiers
report of my attending the Prince. When I came vp to
the trayne I sent woord I was arriued, and had answer that
I should passe before to the tentes, and sitt vntill the Prince
came and that hee would speake with mee. It was night
before his approach. He made only a Countenance to
mee, sate a little and went in among his woemen. As hee
Passd, hee turned about and sent a seruant to desire mee
to stay a while : that hee would com into the Guzelchan
and take his leaue of mee. Within halfe an hower he sate
out, but I could not gett any man to putt him in mynd of
mee, and hee was fallen to Play, and eyther forgott it or
put a tricke of state vpon mee, that I stayed an hower.
Beeing extreamely troubled, I went to the doore and tould
the wayters the Prince had sent for mee : I came only to
receiue his Commandes : that I had attended long and
must returne to my house, it beeing late : and if his high-
nes had any busines I desiered him to send it after mee,
for I scorned such vsage ; and so departed to horse*
Before I was vp, ther came running messingers calling for
mee, and I was sent for. I first complayned of my stay :
that I was come only to receiue his command : that I had
neyther bedd nor tent and 6 Course home : that I could
not procure entrance. I found him earnest at Gardes,^
but hee excused himselfe of forgettfullnes, and blamed the
officers formally ; but in show vsd mee with more Curtesy
then ordinary, calling mee to see his Gardes and asking
many, questions. I expected hee would speake of my
goeing with him, but, fynding noe such discourse, I tould
him Iwas Gome only to obey him, and to take my leaue:
^ A favourite pastime at the Mogul court. Akbar himself did not
disdain to spend time in making fresh designs for them. There was
at all events plenty of scope for variety, for the pack contained twelve
suits of twelve cards each (Blochmann's Ain-UAkbari^ vol. i, p. 306).
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334 /THE feMBASSV OF* [l6l6
that I desired his Pardon that I hasted away, for that I
was to returne to Adsmere, beeing vnprouided to stay all
night Hee answered hee sent for me to see me before his
goeing : that I should presently bee dispatched. Then
hee sent in an Eunuch and diuers of his Captaynes came
smiling : the Prince would giue me a great Present, and
if I feared to ryde late, I should haue ten horse to guard
mee, and made such a busines as if I should haue receiued
his best Chayne of Pearle. By and by came out a Cloth
of gould Cloake of his owne, once or twice worne, which
hee Caused to bee putt on my back, and I made reuer-
ence, very vnwillingly. When his Ancester Tamerlane
was represented at the Theatre the Garment would well
haue become the Actor ;^ but it is here reputed the highest
of fauour to giue a garment warne by the Prince, or,
beeing New, once layd on his shoulder. Then hee bowed
him selfe and I had my dischardg ; but I desiered to speake
somewhat more.. Vsing a preface of Complementes, I
acquaynted him with the letters I newly receiued from
Suratt, wherin our factors acknowledge their good vsadge
and the receipt of the mony according to order : that as I
had Complaynd against the bad, I could not but acknow-
ledge the Justice and goodnes of Abram Chan, who in all
Pbynts studyed to honour his Master with Noble actions
and to protect vs from Iniury. He replyed it was his
Command so to doe, and that hee was very glad that his
seruants and my Countrimen agreed so well and were
frendes, which hee would continew by his expresse order :
that in what I found my selfe agreeued hee would bee my
ludge him selfe and right mee. I desiered him to beginn
his fauour by Commanding Zulphercarcon to pay the
1 Doubtless Roe had often seen, in Marlowe's play,
The Scythian Tamburlaine
Threatening the world with high astounding tenns.
And sgourging kingdoms with his conquering sword.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 33 ^
Mefic.harites the 8,000 mamodies resting of his debt. He
answered that he had vndertaken to bee our Paymaster^
and gaue present order to giue a bill to receiue it at Sur^tt ;
whieh I leaue Master Bidolph to follow. So I tooke my
leaue, and Comming out was followed by all his wayters
and Porters soe shamfully that I halfe paid for my Cloake
before I gate out^ By Morning I gott home.
In the way thither I receiued an answer^ of my lettres
sent long since to Suratt, which I supposed miscarried, but
found that they had kept my Pattamar one month and
fower dayes, only to dispose their busines without my
knowledge. They aduise mee of their sending the lames
to discouer lasques, with the greatest quantity of Cloth,
lead, quicksiluer, and teeth, and diuers factors, beeing forced
to yt as a Comodity that would not vent in India (yet not
many monthes since they disputed with mee that these
species would driue the whole trade) ;^ notwithstanding that
I had enformed them that in Persia in the hart these kynd
were lesse saleable, in the sckirtes (wher was no trade) not
vendible at all. Next that they haue made mony vp to
Agra, which cannot be returned by the end of lanuary.
Thus without once consulting any man they doe most
absurdly all of their owne heades, which I reprehended
with some roundnes, and neede not repeat the reasons I
gaue agaynst their courses nor my opinion, beeing sent to
the Consultation and entered in its order among my lettres.
They sent mee a Copy of some Clauses of the Companyes
Commission which they pretend concerned mee ; but in
the first, about the Persian employment, they haue pro-
ceeded as if it concernd mee not. The rest are friuolous
and, by misenformation into England, to no purpose ; and
^ On the occasion when the Mogul presented Roe with a cup
(p. 256), the latter was obliged to give "to the Kings porters and
wayters of the Guzellchan^^ 36 Jahangir rupees (Roe's Accounts).
* See Surat Letterbook (I. O. Records), s. d. October 22nd, 1616.
3 P. 166 ;^.
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336 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
this is all it hath pleasd them to acquaynt mee with. They
confesse the receipt of the mony recouered by mee, of
their better vsage at Suratt ; but after I had procured order
to restore bribes, and brought the envy vpon mee, they
release it in curtesy to procure fauour foi* them selues.
Concerning Zulpheckcarcons remayner they write mee
they haue not leysure, and are loath to offend them that
owe part, and so giue mee no account. Yet I haue pro-
cured order for yt. But if I had receiued from them in six
monthes a partition,^ I had gotten ready mony ; if now it
be lost I can doe no more ; their negligence must answere
it.
November 10. — All the towne beeing almost remooued, I
was left behynd and could procure no Camells nor Cartes,
notwithstanding my warrant.^ The Persian Embassador
in the same case complaynd and had speedy redresse ;
vpon Notice wherof I sent to the Court, and expect
answere.
November 11. — I receiued two warrants for Carts and
Camells at the kinges Price ; which I sent the officer.
November 13. — After two dayes search and layeing the
Townes endes I could not bee fitted ; so many wanted
that vsd force, the great men hauing souldiers euery wayes
out to catch all vp ; and it is a woonderfuU matter to
remooue the two leskars and all the Citty at once. I
despeeded my aduise to the Consultation at Suratt, and to
vrdge them to such demandes as were Needfull.
November 14. — I receiued from Agra that, in barter of
•ould Indico (a meane sort that lay on the owners handes)
with halfe mony, they had Putt off 20 Clothes that were as
heauy to vs and as vnsaleable ; but I am of opinion if the
^ A statement showing the different persons from whom the money
was due.
2. " The King. . . . wantes for himselfe and the Prince 4,000
Camells" (Roe to Surat factors, November 12th, 161 6).
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 337
Indico will make mony it is no ill bargayne. Cloth is drye
Merchandice at best.^
November i6. — The king gaue order to fire all the leskar
at Adsmere to compell the People to follow, which was
dayly executed. I was left almost desolate ; and the Persian
Embassador, who had fought, Chydd, brauld, Complaynd,
but could not gett remedy, in the same estate. Wee sent
to bemone on another, and by his example I began to
resolue to buy ; for many would sell that at the kinges
Price would not hire ; and I Cast it at the best hand I
could, almost to saue the hire, though the carts were
deare ; for in three monthes the Price was eaten. Neces-
sitye enforced mee, for the Towne was burnd and desolate.
I was in danger of theeues that from the army came and
robbd in the night, and I could not find bread to eate ;
yet I sent anew to Court, and resolued to abyde all the
inconveniences of a hard seige.
November 17. — Notwithstanding the default of account
from Suratt of the remayner of Zulphercarcon, yet I sent
to the Prince for his promised bill, who vndertooke the
Payment, and so I receiued his lettre Commanding to
Certefye what was vnpayd of the 8,000 mamoodies de-
manded (for that some of it was Chardged to Abram chan)
and the remayner to bee Payd to the factor at Brampoor,
which lettre I sent the factors as a full conclusion. But
withall I was certefyed that now the Prince was gone
and I had tooke my leaue, as hee thought. Content with
his Promises, hee had giuen order to entercept all the
Presentes and to force them to his leskar. I returned
1 In October, 161 5, Kerridge wrote to Keeling that English cloth
was much desired at Agra, but too expensive to find many purchasers ;
** neither is it vsed at all in garments, but in Couerings for Ellophants,
Coaches, Pallambkynes, saddles, &c. The Country aboue aboundeth
with Course Cloth made ther, better Coullers and Cheaper by Far
then in England ; so that ours is vsed more for novelty then for want"
{AddL MS, 9366.)
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538 * THE EMBASSY OF [1616
thiat first they should kyll the English that conducted
them ; and purposed so soone as I could gett carriadge
to remooue to Coriiplayne to the king. ludge now the
feyth of this Prince and my vexation.
t receiued from Goa for truth that Don Emanuell de
Meneses with about 300 of those saued ashoare from out
the Admirall were arriued, poore, robbd, and rifled by the
inhabitantes of Angazesia, who had slayne many and
forced some to Circumsicion ;^ on the 24 of October not
one of the fleete sett out from Hshbon arriued,^ to their
great woonder : The Gall ion of Mozambique was fought
with by the Hollander that lately departed from Suratt,
who lay off and on before Goa as shee came in to meete
the shipes expected ; she was rich in Gould and other
Comodityes, but shee escaped, by ftearnes of the Port.
Obserue the bouldness of the Hollander to attempt with
one shipp and to braue the head of the Indias.
I receiued a promise for Camelles to remooue.
November 18. — I could not procure carriadge, but was so
dayly delayed that [I] feard to stay. Two Carts I was
enforced to buy, and Camells I was constantly promised.
Master Bidolph remayned in the Princes leskar to gett in
mony. The king was yet but 12 course from Adsmere.
The lesuite tooke his leaue of mee, beeing forced to buy
carriadg, notwithstanding his order for yt out of the kinges
store ; but scarcetye punnished all men. This empty tyme
offering no discourse ofmyne owne affayrefs, I shall digresse
conueniently to mention the estate of Sultan Cursoronne,
of whose new deliuery into the handes of his enemyes
1 Cp. p. 342.
2 According to Faria y Sousa, three vessels started ; one sprang a
leak and had to return ; a second lost company on the coast of
Guinea, owing to a storm, but ultimately reached Goa in safety ; the
third (the Admiral) was destroyed by the English fleet, as already
narrated.
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I6l6] J3IR THOMAS ROE: 33$
euery mans hart iind mouth was full. The king, notwith-
standing hee had so farr agreed to satisfye his proud
Sonne at his departure, yet it seemes ment not to wincke
at any injury offered to the elder ; and partly to secure
him in the handes of Asaph chan, partly to satisfy the
People that murmered and feared the practice of some
treachery against him, he tooke occasion to declare him-
selfe publiquely. Asaph chan had visited his new Prisoner
and in his fashion did not acknowledg him as his Princie-
but rudely prest vpon him against his will and with no
reuerence. Som are of opinion he Pickt a quarrell and
knoweing the braue nature of the Prince, that hiee would
not beare'indignitye, tempted him to drawe his swoord or
to vse some violence, which [the] guard should suddenly
reuenge, or ells it should be declared to the king as an-
attempt to kill his keeper and to' escape. But the Prince
was patienter; only he gott a frend to acquaynt the king
with the manners of his laylor. The king called Asaph chan
at the Durbar and asked when hee sawe his Chardge. He
answered : Two dayes Past. His Maiesti6 reply ed : What
did you with him ? He sayes : Only visitt him. But the
king pressd him to know what reuerence and fashion hee
carried toward him. Asaph chan found his Maiestie knew
what had passd, and Confessed hee went to see him in
affection and to offer his seruice, but that the Prince refused
him admittance into his Chamber, which; because hee had
Chardge of his safetie, hee thought it both necessary for
him to doe and discurtesye in the other to deny ; therfore
he prest in. The king returns quick : When you were in,
what sayd you, and what did you? What duty showed
you toward my sonne? Hee standes blanckj and con-
fesseth hee did not any reuerence ; wherat the king tould
him Hee would make his Proiid hart know him to bee his
jeWest and beloued heyre, his Prince and Lord : and if bee
once heard of any the.' least want of reuerence or duty
z 2
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340 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
toward him, hee would Command his sonne to sett his
feete on his Neck and trample on him : that he loued
Sultan Coronne well, but hee would make the world know
he did not entrust his sonne among them for his ruine.
November 19. — I receiued from Agra that they receiued
new bills from Suratt, when theyre Caruan^ was out of
towne, yet that they would execute their Commission,
though ther can bee no hope to arriue sooner at Suratt
then the end of lanuarye.
[Thus farr went the lournall for England. The next
beginns the 20 of Nouember this present month,'\
November 20. — I receiued from the Court a new warrant
for my Carriadge, which procured mee 8 Compiles from
the officer, but misserable ones, such as would not suffice
mee ; so that I was compelld to dispatch my selfe away
now, left all alone to buy for my supplement.
November 22. — I remooued into my Tents.
November 23 & 24. — I stayd for the Merchanntes ; and
receiued in answere from Spahan^ that my lettres were
dispeeded for Aleppo : that our Comming into Persia was
expected, but on Conditions to fitt the Shabas, so that it
might aduance his dessigne of diuerting his silkes from the
way of Turkye : that the Generall of the Grand signior
lay with a mighty army at Argerome,^ six dayes march
short of Tauris, vncertayne whether to assayle the Citty
or to enter Gorgeston*^ and Gilan,^ the Countryes of silkes,
to wynn that by conquest which hee was prohibited by
Commerce : to meete both attemptes the Shabas was
^ Caravan.
^ See pp. 128-133. The date of the receipt of these letters from
Persia is left as Roe has given it ; but it seems clear that it is a
mistake. They must have come to hand on the 27th, between the
writing of Roe's two letters to Sir Thomas Smythe (see p. 352).
3 Erzeroum. * Georgia.
* Ghilan, a province of north-western Persia, bordering on the
Caspian. It was subdued by the Sufi Shdhs'in the sixteenth century.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 34I
encamped at Salmas,^ a village indifferently seated in the
way : but if in two monthes the Armyes encounter not,
winter approaching and the wantes that will attend such
multitudes will dissolue them both without any honorable
action ; or if they meete, the Persian, though by report 180
thousand, will not aduenture battayle> but beeing light and
able to march easely, without Cannon and baggage, will
fall on and off on euery syde so on the Turkes army as hee
will breake and waste him without hazard.^ With these
I receiued a Packett of lettres directed to on leronimo^
Galecia, resident in Labor, wherin I found diuers Commis-
sions and lettres of Deputation directed to him in the
Name of Bartholomew Hagatt,* consull in Aleppo, and
others, constituting him as their procurator for the recouer-
ing of diuers monyes and goodes in the handes of Signor
Bonelli, their factor resident in Labor, who about. ten
monthes Past was slayne and robbd ; with diuers Notes
of seuerall Cargazons, bills of exchange and ready mony
verifyed by the scale and subscription of leronimo Fos-
carini, consull in Soria,^ and Stepheno Sala his Chancellor,
taken out of the registers of his office, all which amounted
to a great summe, and were traded in Indya by the sayd
Bonelli as agent for a Partnership of the Principalis of
diuers Nations residing in Aleppo, to Padre leronimo
Xauier. Which lettres and seuerall Packets comming by
error into my handes, I reserued with Purpose to acquaynt
the lesuitte liuing at Court, and so to proceed as befitted.
1 " Selmas" is marked on a map in the English version (1669) of
the travels of the Holstein ambassadors to Persia. It is shown as a
village near the western side of Lake Gokcha, in about the position of
the modern town of Novo Bayazid.
2 The war is related at length in Von Hammer^s History of the
Ottoman Empire (vol. viii of the French version).
' This should be " Giovanni " : see under December 7th, and also
Roe's letter to Smythe at f. 149 of the MS.
* Appointed English Consul at Aleppo about 161 1. He was a free-
man of the East India Company, and sent them intelligence from
time to time (see Letters Received by the East India Company, vol. i,
p. 273). ^ Syria.
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342 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
To THE East India Company.^
{AddLMS. 6115, f. 140.)
24 Nouember, 1616.
My Honourable Friends,
- I. receiued your.lettre on the twelfth of October, 16 16,
froip the Charles, sd.k\y arriued with foure ships at the barr of
Suratt the six and twentieth of the former Month. Of what
pasd at Sea I doubt not you will receiue ample relation ;2 only a
little difference in. the report of our fleete and the Portugalls I
will mention : that wee began the fight, and that no viceroy
beeing sent thi's yeare, an ancient Souldier, Don Emanuell de
Meneses, that had twice beene Generall of their Forces, was in
the Admirall, who, beeing beaten, ran herselfe ashore on Anga-
zatia, the greatest of the Islandes of Comora, wher hee gott aland
with the suruiuars of his force and caused the ship to bee fiered,
which but for respect of him had yeilded ; that the Ilanders
robbd them and sett them ashoare att MosambiquCj and are nowe
arriued at Goa. This tale hangs ill together ; for that I know
they first made fiue shot, and that it is impossible they could
Passe from Anguzesia to Mosambique in a Canoe, or that the
inhabitants, hauing robbd them, durst carry them into their
strength ; or that all this Could bee effected and newes of their
arriuall come from Goa in so little tyme.^ So that my judgement
is, they make their relation as neare ours as they Can, w4th Creditt,
and are loth .to confesse truth, that eyther all Perished, or the
Viceroy, which were the greatest losse and dishoner euer happened
to them in India.
I shall not neede write you any long Discourse of your affaires,
nor my opinion, for that in a Continued Journall I haue sett
downe all Passages, and send you the Copyes of my lettres to
your factoryes, wherip many Poynts are disputed and opened ;
from both which you may make best your owne Collection and
judgment ; for in them casually all your businese is handeled and
discussed at full, and it may bee collected into such a Method as
you may sitt at home and see it at once.
But because some Poyntes in my last lettres I swalowed at my
first Comming at others reports, which since I fynd vayne and
friuolous, and others Perhaps are yet vnresolued in my Generall
1 A part of this letter was printed by Purchas (vol. i, p. 589), but
with an incorrect date and many errors in the text.
2 See p. 284.
3 The story was, however, substantially correct. The survivors,
after being plundered and ill-treated by the natives, were taken off by
a Muhammadan trader, who carried them to Mombasa. There they
embarked for Goa on September loth.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 343
discourse, I will runn ouer the Materiall Poyntes with breuitye.
For I extreamly desier that you once vnderstood the Constitution
of this trade, how to gouerne and settle it ; that by varietye of
fond opinions you bee not councelled to vnnecessary Chardge,
nor fall into grosse errors and damage.
But first I desire you to receiue in Particular answer of your
lettre that the vnkindnes conceiued betweene mee and Captain
Keeling was not so far rooted that it was woorth your trouble or
excuse. It is true I wrote to my Honorable frend^ somwhat that
passd betweene vs. I did only dischardge my hart, without
Purpose to haue it spread as a Com play nt ; his fauour to mee
extended it beyond my meaning. Men cannot Hue without
some distast, especially wher fawners and flatterers seeke to
endeare themselues by others disquiett. Wee parted frends.^ It
is lesse troublesome and easier to forgett discurtesyes then to lay
them vp or dispute them. I was not borne to a life smooth and
easy ; all my actions haue beene mingled with crosses and
rubbes, that 1 might rather say I wrestled then walked toward my
Graue. But God prouides euery man a Portion fitt for his Con-
dition, and I am Content. I neuer doubted your performance
with mee in mony nor any other contract ; I did averr soe much
in that lettre and my answere to Captain Keeling. Nor will I
Complayne of any Narrownes in my allowance. I made a
Couenant ; I must abyde by it, and will endeauour to effect yt.
I will acquaynt you in tyme with all Particulars of expence and
referr myselfe to you. I know you ment not but that my labor
should bee reconipensd. My sincerity toward you in all Actions
is without spott ; my Neglect of Priuat Gayne is without example,
and my frugalitye beyond your expectation. I was neuer an ill
husband of my Creditt nor any trust Committed to mee. My
Patrimoniall vnthriftines only I feele and repent. I pray God I
may so affect your desires as it may meritt what you giue. I
will bragg of no industrie nor successe. Judge mee by my
Actions, Not by the fauour of an Infidell King, with whom yet I
stand on such outward showes of Creditt as Neuer any stranger
did ; but want of language and an enterpreter that will deliuer
mee truly is an extreame Prejudice.
Concerning the ayding the Mogoll or waffing^ his subiects into
the Redd Sea, it is now vselesse, yet I made offer of your
affections ; but when they need not a curteyse, they reguard it
as a dogg doth dry bread when his belly is full. The King hath
peace with the Portugalls, and will neuer make a Constant warr,
except first wee displant them. Then his greatnes will step in
for a share of the benifitt, that dares not partake the Peril!.
When they haue Peace, they scorne our assistance, and speak e as
Sir Thomas Smythe. '^ See p. iSn, ^ Convoying.
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344 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
lowed as our Canon ; if warr oppresse them, they dare not putt
out vnder any protection, nor will pay for yt. You must temooue
from you all thought of any other then a trade at their Port ;
wherin if you can defend your selues, leaue them to their fortune.
You can neuer oblige them by any benifitt, and they will feare
you sooner then loue you. Your residence you neede not doubt
so long as you tame the Portugall. Therfore, avoyd all other
Chardge as vnnessesary, that resists^ not him ; hee only can
prejudice you. For a Fort, at my first arriuall I receiued it as
very Necessarie ; but experience teaches mee wee are refusd it to
our aduantage. If hee would offer mee ten, I would not accept
one. First, wher the riuer is Comodious, the Cuntry is barren
and vntraded ; the Passadges to parts better Planted so full of
theeues that the Kings authoritye avayles not, and the strength of
the hilles secures them in that life. If it had beene fitt for trade,
the Naturalles would haue Chosen it, for they feele the incomo-
ditye of a barrd hauen; and it is argument enough of some
secrett inconuenience, that they make not vse of it. But if it
were safe without the walls, yet is it not an easy woorke to diuert
trades and to drawe the resort of Merchantes from their accus-
tomed Marts, especially for our Comoditye, which is bought by
Parcelles, and cannot be called staple. Secondly, the Chardge
is greater then the trade can beare ; for to maintayne a garison will
eate the Profitt. It is not an hundred men can keepe it ; for the
Portugall, if hee once see you vndertake that course, will sett his
rest vpon it to supplant you. A warr and trafique are incom-
patible. By my consent, you shall no way engage your selues
but at sea, wher you are like to gayne as often as to loose.
It is the beggering of the Portugall, notwithstanding his many
rich residences and territoryes, that hee keepes souldiers that
spendes it ; yet his garrisons are meane. He neuer Profited by
the Indyes, since hee defended them. Obserue this well. It
hath beene also the error of the Dutch, who seeke Plantation
heere by the Swoord. They turne a woonderfull stocke, they
proule in all Places, they Posses some of the best; yet ther
dead Payes consume all the gayne. Lett this bee receiued
as a rule that if you will Profitt, seeke it at Sea, and in quiett
trade ; for without controuersy it is an error to affect Garrisons
and Land warrs in India. If you made it only against the
Naturalles, I would agree ; to make it for them, they are not
woorth it, and you should be veary warie how you engage your
reputation in yt. You cannot so easely make a faier retraict as
an onsett ; one disaster would eyther discreditt you, or interest
' Purchas, apprehensive lest this should seem too aggressive, adds
the following note: — " Vnderstand this, so long as they by force and
armes oppose the English proceedings and seeke to supplant them, as
hitherto."
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 345
you in a warr of extreame Chardge and doubtful euent. Be-
sides, an action so subiect to Chance as a warr is most vnfittly
vndertaken, and with most hazard, when the remoetnes of
Place for supply, succors and Councell subiectes to vnrecouerable
losse ; for that wher is most vncertaynty, remidies should bee
soe much the nearer to occur to all occasions. At sea you
may take and leaue ; your Designes are not Published.
The roade of Swally and the Port of Suratt are fittest for
you in all the MogoUes territory. I haue weyed it well, and
deliueryou that shall neuer bee disprooued. You neede no more;
it is not Number of Ports, factoryes and residences that will
profitt you ; they will encrease chardge, but not recompence it.
The Conueniency of one respectiuely to your sales, and to the
Comoditye of Investmentes, and the well employing of your
seruants is all NeedfuU. A Port to secure your ships, and a fitt
Place to vnlade, will not be found together. The Roade at
Swally, during the season, is as safe as a Pond; Suratt, Cam-
baya, Barooch, and Amadauaz are better traded then all Indya,
and seated Comodiously. The inconueniencyes are — the Portu-
gall at sea, and the landing of goods. To meete with which
first, you must bring to Passe that your ladinges bee ready by
the end of September at your Port — which may bee effected by
a stock beforehand, or by taking vp mony for three monthes —
and so you may dischardge and lade in one, and depart in
excellent season for England; and the Enemy shall not haue
tyme with force to offend you, who wilbe Newly arriued ; and
if the Preparation be ancienter, wee can know yt. For the second,
to land goods without danger of Frigattes, and to saue the
Carriadge ouer land, you must send a Pinnace of 60 Tunne with
ten Pieces, that drawes but seuen or eight foote water, to passe
vp the riuer betwene Swally and Suratt ; and so your goods wilbe
safe, and in your owne Command to the Custume-house-Key ;
and it will a little awe the towne. Shee may proceed after
according to your appoyntment.
The Comodityes you sell passe best in that quarter. The goods
you seeke beeing principally Indico and Cloth,^ no one Place is so
fitt for both ; and the lesse inconueniences are to bee Chosen. Of
this you shall gather more at lardge my opinion and reasons in my
lournall and discourses to your factors. Perhaps some of them
will contradict it. But I am not deceiued, nor haue Priuate
ends, to keepe factories to imploy and aduance frends. The
Places and N umber of seruants I haue deliuered my Judgment in,
and Could manifest the Past errours, but not mend them. Syndu
is possesd by the Portugall ;* or, if it were free, were no fitter then
Suratt, nor safer ; as it is, it wilbe more subiect to Perill. Your
Calicoes. ^ See page 218 «.
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34^ THE EMBASSY OF [l6l6
factors sent me foure or fiue Clauses out of your Commissioa,
that concernd Persia, a fort, a Plantation in Bengala, all which
they knew were not of vse ; with no other purpose, proposition,
or resolution they will acquaynt me. They cannot abyde I should
vnderstand or direct them. If they resolue of any thing in their
opinion for your profitt, and send to mee, I will effect the Court
part ; but you will find in my lettres and Journall how they vse
mee, which doubtlesse at first was sowed by some Jealousy of
yours, which will cost you dearly.^
For the settling your trafique here, I doubt not to effect any
reasonable desier. My Creditt is sufficient with the King, and
your force will alway bynd him to Constancy. It will not neede
so much helpe at Court as you suppose ; a httle Countenance,
and the discretion of your factors, will with easy Chardge re-
turne you most profitt. But you must alter your stock. Lett not
your seruants deceiue you ; cloth, lead, teath,^ quicksiluer are dead
Comodityes, and will neuer driue this trade. You must succor yt
by Change,^ and you will find my opinion discussed in lettres.
1 haue this yeare passd many difficultyes by the Peruersenes of
Sultan Coronne, Lord of Suratt ; but by Gods direction I haue
ouercome them. Articles of treaty on equall tearmes I cannot
effect ; want of Presents disgraced mee. But yet by Peices I
haue gotten as much as I desird at once. I haue recouered all
bribes, extortions, debts made and taken before my tyme till this
day ; or at least an Honorable composition. But when I deliuer
the Next guiftes to the MogoU, in the Princes absence, I will sett
on anew for a formall contract.
The Presentes sent are to few to follow examples ; they will
scarce serue the first day. The rule is at euery arriuall of a
fleete the Mogol, [and] the Prince during his signory in our Port,
will expect a formall Present (and lettres from the King our
sollicitor) from you, which neede not bee deare if well Chosen.
Your Agent roust be furnished with a China shop^ to serue little
turnes, for often giuing of trifles is the way of preferment. It
cannot bee auoyded, and I haue beene scorned for my Pouerty
in that kind. Particulars I haue sent of such as I suppose will
please.^ At my deliuerie of the first sent by mee Contentment
outwardly appeared, but I will acquaynt you with the Cabinettes
opinion, by which you may Judg. Three exceptions were taken
and disputed by the King and his PriuadoesJ^ First, it was
^ Cp. p. 97. ^ Ivory.
3 '*■ The surest way to rayse a stock without losse to our Country
were from the sowth [Bantam, etc.], all China Comodityes beeing as
deare heere as in England, and spices at good proffitt" (Roe to
Capt. Pepwell, September loth, 1616).
* See p. 134. ^ See p. 352 n,
® An intimate friend, or in the case of a king (as here), a favourite.
This was one of the Spanish terms current in England at the time.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 347
censured to name Presentes in a Kinges lettre to bee sent by a
Principall man his Ambassador and such poore ones deliuered,
meaner and fewer then when they came with lesse ostentation ;
that if they had not beene named as from a Monarch it had beene
lesse despiceable ; for such is the Pride that although the Coach
for the forme and for a Modell gaue much Content, yet the
matter was scornd, and it was neuer vsd vntill two other of
rich stuff were made by it and that couered with Cloth of
gould, harnes and furniture, and all the tynn Nayles headed
with siluer or hatched,^ so that it was nine Monthes a repayring ;
when I sawe it, I knew it not.^ Secondly, it was excepted
against that his Majestie did write his Name before the Mogoll ;
but it matters not for that dull Pride. Thirdly, that his Maiestie
in his lettre intimated that honor and profitt should arise to
this Prince by the English or their trade, which hee so much
despiseth to heare of that hee will willingly bee ridd of it and vs
if he durst. The forgetting to send mee lettres diminisheth my
Creditt, which is to bee maynteyned by all Ceremonyes ; and
Sultan Coronne expected one as an Honor to him. . . .
First, Concerning Persia. . . . What my Judgment is you will
find by my relations and lettres ; how your factors haue proceeded
I hope they will aduise. I sent a Fatmar, whom they kept a
Month without answer now in the heate of busines, because they
would resolue the settling a factory at Jasques without my know-
ledge.^ I know they vnderstand not the Place, nor haue any
ground for what they did ; and, besides the neglect of mee, I
feare haue sent a dead vnvendible stock. I shalbe most glad if
I bee in an errour ; but I know, if I err, it is vpon better founda-
tion then they can prosper in. If it had beene fitt to settle in
that Place, if once they had acquaynted mee with the Purpose, I
would haue geuen them lardge aduise and much assistance from
the Persian Ambassador resident at Court, who offered mee his
Councell ; but now, as they beginn against my Consent, they may
proceede without my assistance. ... Sir Robert Shirly by
Contrary wyndes lost his Passadge for Lisbon last yeare and re-
maynes at Goa for the Present returne of the fieete. His negotia-
tion continewes full of hope to bring the Spaniard in to joyne
with the Portugall. I haue sent transcripes of my opinion which
I first apprehended, and am Constant to yt ; and God hath pre-
vented him one yeare and giuen you leasure for the future.*
Next, I hould it woorthy your Consideration to resolue som-
1 Ornamented with engraved lines.
» Compare p. 322. ^ See p. 330.
* Roe had some hopes that Sherley " might fall into the handes of
our shipping." " That fleete," he wrote to Pepwell, ^' is easilye beaten ;
one assault would more disharten them and giue vs more reputation
then many prosperouse defences."
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34^ THE EMBASSY OF [1616
what for your safety and quiett in the road with the Portugall.
Ther are but two wayes, a Peace or a compulsion. The first I
haue anew vndertaken^ by the Mediation of a Jesuite, who fore-
sees their ruine ; but I despayre of any successe, both that the
viceroy wantes authoritie or is to Proud to vse yt. The Next is
force, which is allway to disaduantage when you only defend.
My opinion is that you give order to all your fleetes to make
Price^ of them, and that, as you Nowe ride at Swally roade to
protect one ship, that you would send that guard next yeare to
ride before Goa to braue them or burne them, at least to stop
them that they durst not Putt to sea in December. So you shall
enforce them to loose their seasons ; one or two returnes hindered
would vndoe them. On my woord they are weake in India and
able to doe your fleete no harme but by supplyes from Lisbon,
which aduertisement you must harken after and accordingly
accommodate your strength.^ You will add much reputation to
your Cause, and force them to that which their Pride will neuer
suffer them to see they want more then you, which is, a quiett
trade.
My third Proposition is for your trafique into the redd sea.* It
is more important then all other proiectes. My Councell is that
one of your smallest shipes, with the fittest English goodes and
such other as this Country yeildes, yearly goe in Company of the
Guzerattes and trade for them selues for mony, which is taken in
abundance, and returne in September with them, to supply this
Place. The Profitt exceedes all the trades of Indya and will
driue this alone. The danger is rather a Jealousy then substan-
ciall. When the turckes betrayed Sir Henry Middleton,^ our
factoryes and Courses in these Partes were vnknowne to them,
and doubtlesse wee, beeing strangers in that sea, were mistrusted
for Pirattes. Experience of vs hath made them know better,
and in Company of the Guzerattes, for their sake (whom they
cannot spare) wee should bee admitted. The King would write
to the Admirall to entertayne our consortship, and they would be
glad of it, and it were one of the best securityes of our frendship.
The Dutch haue Practised it this yeare to great aduantage and
wer well receiued. Our owne warines might secure vs. They
must ride six monthes for wyndes, tyme enough to send all the
goodes ashore by parcelles, and neuer to trust aboue one or two
1 See p. 285. 2 Prize.
3 " Some of their best frendes here haue aduertised that, although
they haue not giuen ouer the quarrell but will attempt our subversion
in this place, yet they Confesse that their power here wilbe able to
doe no good, hauing made experience of their greatest force ; but that
they expect it from Lisbone, and to that end haue aduised and Peti-
tioned the King of Spayne" (Roe to Pepwell, September loth, 16 16).
* See die Introduction. ^ See Lancaster's Voyages^ p. 174.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 349
factors and little comoditye at once. They will not declare their
treachery for trifles ; and I doubt not you might procure the
Grand Signiors Command to meete them. If I haue any judge-
ment ther is not any matter for your profitt of such importance.
Port Pequnua in Bengala you are misinformed in. Ther is no
mart nor resort of Merchauntes. It is traded by the Portugalles
from Pegu with rubyes, topasses and Saphiers ; and returnes
Cloth, which is fyne, but you may bee furnished nearer hand.
But if your factors require it I will send d^firmaen, I would long
since haue done yt, but was discouraged by the Consultation at
Suratt.i
^ See pp. 99, i8o, and 217, and also Roe's later letter to the
Company under date of February 14th, 161 8. The following further
entries relating to this little-known endeavour of the Company to
reach Bengal seem to be worth recording : —
" Concerning their [the Company's] aduise for Port Pequina [Sdt-
gdon], in which the Portugals are seated, if you write I will send downe
2Lfirmaen, But I lett you first know that they are ill and falsly en-
formed, for it will vent no Comoditye, Neyther is ther any Mart from
Cathaya or Tartary, but a few l^eddling fellowes that Carrie Packes ;
and their aduise maybe censured by this only, that joyne Indolstanas
a Cuntry trading thither, which is a generall Name of all the land
betweene Indus and Ganges of such a language. It is true Bengala
makes fine Cloth, but the Company Need not send a factory to buy
that Comoditye ; they may many wayes be supplyed at easier rates
then to send a ship to yt, or passe it soe farr by land, at their owne
Portes of Masolapatan and Guzeratt. For sugar, it is base, not woorth
frait, and the wax in no Plenty. The best comoditye is a raw silke
and Pretty stuffes made therof, which are sould to Agra, but in small
numbers." (Roe to the Surat factors, November 12th, 1616 : Addl.
.1/5. 611 5, f. 135.)
" The Port you named at Bengala, this Norose I spake with the
Shabander and with an ould man that had beene Gouemor. They
protest it to bee an ill harbor, subiect to the Portugall, for that Sata-
gam [Chittagong], where they are planted 1500, is but another outlett
of the same riuer. Yt is in the protection of a Raia scarcely in good
obedience. Finally, they wilbe glad of our Comming soe wee can beate
the Portugall quite out ; otherwise, they say, wheras now they haue
quiett, theyr seas and trafique wilbe interrupted. They giue noe hope of
sale, except of spices ; nor Can warrant the transport vp of them by
Riuer to Agra. Yet vpon your next, if you resolue I shall sett it
afoote, I will ; though I am resolued of a repulse before hand ; all the
great men are against vs.'' (Same to same, April 7th, 1617 : Ibid.,
f. 180.)
" Concerning Bengala, I mooued the fittnes of a residence to Lucas
Andrinus [Antheunis, see pp. 180, 217] at Mesolapatan, who yet giues
noe encouragment vpon any Certainty of the Place, but only wishes that
if such a firmaen be procured, it may bee sent ouerland to him, from
whence best vse may be made of yt, if any bee required. So that my
Purpose is to aduenture for a Generall Grant of trad vpon all the
Coast of Bengala, which, though I know it wilbe denyed for the
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3S0 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
You haue beene wrongd in here maynteyning needlesse fac-
toryes, by making New wages and entertayning seruantes vnfitt
and superfluous. . . . You were much wrongd in the Hopes re-
turne. If I bee not misinformd, Priuat mens goodes were shippd,
and your owne sent about by Bantam for want of stowage. For
Indico I haue scarrd all men, professing you haue made a Persian
law irreuocable that whatsoeuer is sent is forfeyted. ... I can
find many faultes, but you giue mee Power to mend non ; so that
I might Hue at rest. The dusturia^ in all bought goodes (besides
the brokars fee), which is due to the buyer, is a great matter.
The first is in Indico, two Ceare to a Mand ; the second is so
many Pice vpon a rupy when the account is Cast vp ;^ a third in
some Places at Payment is one vpon a hundred. Which of these
or what you receiue I know not ; it is woorth your enquirye. It
will make in a few years two rich men. . . .
Now 1 may a little speeke concerning my selfe. First, for
expence I send you a yeares account, wherin I haue traueld, kept
you two howses (sometyme seuen and eight of your seruantes,
their horses and PeonSy euer four of them), built and repayrd ; so
reasonable that if you compare it with others I shall not neede to
bragg of yt. Two thinges I am sure of: the example did dis-
please some ; and that the stewardship is honestly carried,
weekly examined by mee, and euery Parcell by my order, and
that you are not deceiued of one Pice, Next that, paying my
mens wages all here (else they could not Hue) out of my allow-
ance, and the desier to appeare handsome and Honorable abroad,^
with liberalityes not brought to your account, make mee soe bare
that you neede not feare my trading nor growing rich. The
Kinges bountyes are rather Markes of honor then of Profitt. I
haue supplyed a yeare in presentes of myne owne stock and aske
not to deminish yours a Penny in Indya. All your other seruantes
part not with a knife but at four for one ready Mony. ... I
shall not returne richer by 500/. for my stay, but in my honest
deseart to you ; which I will bring vnder good Certificatt and
trust to you for recompence. I w4U settle your trade here secure
with the King, and reduce it to order if I may be heard. When
I haue soe done I must plead against my selfe that an Ambas-
sador Hues not in fitt honor. I could sooner dye then be subiect
trouble like to Ensue by our dissention with the Portugall in those
seas, yet it will occasion mee to fall lower to some fitt Port which the
King may assigne, if hee will grant any ; but I am dayly answered
for the Comoditye wee bring wee hau too many already.'' (Same to
same, June 6th, 1617 : Ibid., f. 197.)
1 Hind, dasturi^ " that which is customary," i,e.^ a commission, fee,
or allowance.
2 Forty seers went to the maund, and from eighty to a hundred
pice to the rupee. ^ See p. 98 ;/.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS roe! 35 1
to the slauerye the Persian is content with. A meaner Agent
would among these proud Moores better effect your busines. My
qualety often for Ceremonyes eyther begettes you enemyes or
suffers vn^yoorthely.l The King hath often demanded an Am-
bassador from Spayne but could neuer obteyne it, for two
reasons : first, because they would not giue Presentes vnwoorthy
their kinges greatnes ; Next, they knew his reception should not
answere his qualety. I haue moderated it according to my dis-
cretion, but with a swolne hart. Halfe my Chardg shall corrupt
all this Court to bee your slaues ; and I assure you I can doe you
better seruice at home ; and so desire you to bid mee wellcome
whensoeuer I come. I will not leaue your busines vnsettled ; nor
willingly loose tyme to no purpose. I desier you will examine
my actions and accept my endeavours, and beleeue my hart is
sincere to doe you seruice.
Postscript. — The best way to doe your busines in this Court is
to find some Mogol that you may enterteyne for 1000 rupees by
the yeare as your solicitor at Court. Hee must bee authorised by
the King, and then hee will better serue you then ten Ambassadors.
Vnder him you must allowe 500 rupees for another at your Port
to follow the Gouernor and Customers and to aduertise his Cheefe
at Court. These two will effect all
Concerning Priuat trade, my opinion is you absolutly prohibit
yt and execute forfeyture, for your busines wilbe the better done.
All your loss is not in the goodes brought home. I see here the
inconveniences you thinck not off. I know this is harsh to all men,
and seemes hard ; Men professe they come not out for bare
wages. You shall take away the Plea if you resoiue to giiie very
good to mens Content ; then you know what you part from. But
you must make good Choyce of your seruantes and use fewer. . .
.... I have drancke water this 1 1 Monthes, and Nothing els.
Rack^ I cannot endure, and your strong waters I would not meddle
with. I hoped you would haue sent mee a Peice^ of wyne ; but
now it is to late to wish. Trye a Cup or two of my liquor in a
Morning next your hartes and then you will remember mee.^
But I hope you will send for me home by the Next expected
fieete, the Chardge being more then my employment can Merritt,
arid therfore I begg none now ; though I could haue beene Pleasd
that your seruantes aboord, that make very Merrie, had afforded
1 See p. 119.
2 Arrack, which of course could be had in plenty.
3 A cask. " Home, Lance, and strike a fresh piece of wine "
(Beaumont and Fletcher's Mons. Thojjt., v, 8, quoted in Nares'
Glossary),
* Another comfort Roe had missed was tobacco. He had expected
to receive some from hrs friends by the fleet ; but, this failing, he
wrote to Pepwell to buy him a supply, " sweet, but not very strong,
some four or five pounds, not exceeding 12s. the pound."
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352 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
mee some. When I was aboord the lyon^ it was an Errand from
Surat to Come to drinck ; but I am farr from the well ^
November 25. — Six Course.. Hither Came Master Crow-
ther from the Carauan despeeded from Agra, of whom I
receiued that the Plauge was violent, and that the last bills
were made vp to be payd at 45 days sight, so that they
were enforced for dispatch to giue so many Jangiers^ for
their owne mony: That by the last of Nouember the
goodes was like to passe by Adsmere. Which made me
resolue to stay to speake with some of them, and to send
my lettres and Papers for England with more safetye.
To Sir Thomas Smythe.
(I. O. Records : O. C, No. 410.')
From the way, midnight,
November 27, 161 6.
Sir,
An hower after I had sealed my lettr to you* in the way, the
long expected Messenger returnd from Spahan, whom I dispatchd.
with my lettres ouer land, and with one to the Shabas ; in answer
of which William Robbins returnd mee a lettre, the materiall
poynts wherof I send you.^ He promiseth hope of trade to pro-
ffitt, but withall sayth Sir Robert Shirly hath confirmd at Goa a
^ Enclosed in the letter is the note already mentioned of goods fit
for presents or for sale at the court. These inchide table-knives,
swords, gilt armour, precious stones, cloth of gold, looking-glasses,
arras, pictures, wine (" strong waters are vnrequested now "), dogs,
ostrich plumes, silk stuffs (" but no blew : it is the Coulor of Mourners"
— cp. Terry), and " generally, any rare knack to Please the eye. These
people are very Curious and can judge of woorkemanship well ; but you
must fitt them with variety, for they are soone Cloyd with one thing."
An undated copy of this list in the I. O. Records has been wrongly
assigned to March, 1618, in the Calendar of State Papers {E. Indies) ,
1617-21 (p. 145).
*^ Jahdngir rupees, i.e.^ those coined since the accession of Jahdn-
gir, and consequently bearing his name. The rupees of the reigning
monarch were reckoned worth a little more than those of his
predecessors (Ovington's Voyage to Surat^ p. 220). Biddulph, in a
letter to the Company, dated February 15th, 1618, values the Jahdn-
gfr rupee at is. 6d.\ while Roe, about the same date (see O. C,
No. 610), calculates it at 2s. yd.
2 This is the original, in Roe's own hand. There is a copy in
Addl. MS. 6115, f. 149.
* Of the same date (not printed). ^ See p. 340.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 353
peace with the Viceroy. But, Sir, the summe is this : except
the Shabas bee assurd that wee will fetch all his comodytye by
Sea, he will not loose his other wayes ; and this shipp now sent
in the heate of his expectation, with such goodes as are not
pleasing to him, will disgrace our great promises and hopes. If
hee take any dislike and thincks this is our uttmost, or at least a
sample of our best comodityes, hee will reiect vs quite, and cast
off all thought of vs, and eyther the more constantly resolue to goe
thorough with the Spaniard or to make Peace with the Turke.
One of them he must doe. If I had beene made priuy to the
purposes of your seruants atSuratt in sending a ship to Jasques,
I could haue preuented the hasard they runne ; but you may now
see their hast, and lack of respect to mee. If I left them as they
are, it were just ; but I am to account to you, and therfore by the
assistance of this Embassador, I will speedely write to the kyng,
and certefye him the reason of this ships arriuall, that was not fitted
for Persia, but only putt in to see the port, and to show our for-
wardnes. I will entreat a contract for trade, that silke may bee
sent downe for tryall, and that these goodes may bee vented, and
that hee wilbe pleasd to giue mee directions for such lading as
will fitt him.
• Two thinges I warne you of in this trade ; that to bring vp
your goodes, • and fetch downe theirs at your own chardges
a thousand mile, I fynd by experience heare will eate vp
your proffitt ; and, though the hart of Persia bee quieter and
better Gouerned, yet the way to Jasques is thorough Lar, that is
scarce in good obedience, and subiect to the robberyes of the
Balooches. Therfore all caruans must haue great guardes of
horse, and this marrs the trafique of merchantes and leaues it
only fitt for the Kyngs power to effect. The second thing is
that you bee not engaged at Jasques in the same trouble and
Chardges you are at in Suratt. For I am enformed the roade is
woorse, open to Ormus, not aboue 5 leaugs distant, soe that you
must be enforced to maynteyne a fleete for defence of the trader
or hazard her yearly. These two considerations made mee doubt-
full of sending yet wher was so small ground of profitt, or, if any,
it is not woorth Chardges ; and whensoeuer the Turke and Per-
sian make Peace (for their warrs are too monstruous to continew),
this trade wilbe agayne diuerted, for the Turke will not make
any conclusion but with the liberty of the free and ancient enter-
course of trade. And obserue one thing well : The parts ot
Persia that vent cloth, which in Steeles judgement will not ex-
ceed 500 a yeare — a small matter — and the rest wilbe expected
to be supplyed in mony, are the same that produce the silke, and
are nearest Turky, as Gordgestan and Gilan ; and to those parts
cloth can be brought cheaper by Aleppo then by Jasques, the
voyadge at sea and land both shorter ; and consequently silke
will returne cheaper the s^me way and that in tyme will turne
A A
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354 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
back the passadge. : But I would not discourage you in that I so
extreamly desir, but only lett you know that wee seeke yt not
right from England nor with English Comodytyes; for it will
never bee a trade exept you can.vndertake for a great quantetye,
wherof the numbers of cloth speecifyed will not bee an Eighth part.
And I cannot learne that any thing in England will succour yt,
but that it must rise from the Sowthward, by Callicoes, baftoes^
shashes, spices, Rubies of Pegu, and such like, with some mony.
The vse [which] can bee made with you of this ship is that, seeing
Sir Robert Shirty hath beene stayd at Goa by Codes prouidence
this yeare, that his Majestic wrlbe pleasd to command his Em-
bassador resident in Spayne to be attentiue vpon the arriuall of
Shirly, that when hee hath deliuered his message (which I assure
you he had instructions for before his comming out of Europe),^
he may require ian audience, and take notice of the Persian ouer-
ture, and require the Kyng of Spayne in the name of his Majestie
not to prejudice the subiects of England by this new contract,
for that the Persian ,hlath already, by his command sealed, geuen
them free trade, and vpon assurance therof you haue sent a ship;
that it is a free kyngdome, and if the peace or leauge bee made
to the expulsion of our Nation, it is a just occasion of breach, at
least a great discurtesye ; and withall to declare that, if they pro-
ceede to exclude vs, they must resolue of a warr in that quarter,
for if they^ cannot trade like Merchantes, they^ will like men of
warr, and then perhaps our share may bee as good as theirs.
Thus will I tamper with the Sha-bas, to keepe him from a re-
solution ; for, whatsoeuer your factors thincke, I am peremptory
in opinion all is lost and in vayne vntill the issue of Shirleys
imployment bee broken, and a Contract made for an ample trade
to come downe to the Port at the Persians chardge ; for all the
silke is his, and whensoeuer hee can bee sure to pass yt any way
but by Turky, hee will readely embrace yt. This is my opinion,
which I submitt to you ; and, howeuer your factors loue to runne
without mee, I will looke out to mend their faults and, like patient
Job, pray and sacrifice for them, as he did for his sonnes whiles
they banquetted.
This leager* in Spahan was Arnold Lulls seruant, and I beleeue
is out with his master. He hath noe matter in him, but language;
^ A kind of calico (Pers. bdfta^ "woven'')? made principally in
Broach and the surrounding district.
2 Compare a passage in a letter from Roe to King James,
November 28, 1616 (f. 152). ** I iudge that the suddeyne entertayn-
ment of the ouerture, soe Contrary to the resolution in beeing, arose
out of some assurance and instructions brought by Shirly out of
Spayne."
* **you" in the copy.
"* William Robbing, of whom see p. 128. ** Leiger'' (one who ** lies'*
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS kOE. 355
in that 1 thincke no English man equalls him — French, Spanish,
Italian, Turkish, Persian, and some others. I trust him not much,
for that he is Shirlyes Procurator ; but yet I fynd he would fayne
interest himselfe into your seruice, hoping so to compound and
to retume to his countrye by your creditt, and to that end 1
thincke he would deliuer vp all Shirlyes busines into my bosome
and betray him. But he is not woorth yt ; only I show you what
vse you may make of him if you please.
November 28. — Master Young^ arriued, with whom I had
much Conference about the inconueniences of passing
downe our goodes so late, so incommodiously on Camelles,
at so terrible Chardg ; wherin I found that only this par-
cell of goodes, by the residence of factors vnnecessarily, by
wages of PeonSy by hyre of Camelles, and other duties, be*
sides Customes on the way, and the damage in condition by
falls and other inconueniences, with new horse and expence
on the way, would cost 500 [//.] starling ; but it was to
late to remedye it, and wherein he, that desiered reforma-
tion, was Condemned of ignorance and Crossd in his parti-
cular affayres.
November 30. — The Carrauan arriued at Adsmere. The
factors and a Polack, who with diuers fardles of Indico
with two Italians kept Company to sell it at Suratt,
Came to my Tents, whef I dispatchd my lettres and sett
forward.
abroad) was often applied to a resident ambassador, as opposed
to one sent on a temporary mission. Cp. Measure for Measure^
IV, i:-
** Lord Angelo, having affairs to heaven.
Intends you for his swift ambassador.
Where you shall be an everlasting leiger."
1 Robert Young, one of the Agra factors (see p. 208). In a letter
to the Company at this time {O. C, No. 411), Roe notes that the
caravan consisted of 170 camels, and points out how much cheaper
it would have been to employ carts instead. One cart would carry
the loads of three camels, and would " march all day," while a camel
goes only for five hours ; moreover, the labour of continually packing
and unpacking (with the resultant loss by theft or carelessness) would
be avoided.
A A 2
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356 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
To Master Secretary Wynwoode.^ •
{AddLMS, 61 15, f. 150.) .
From the Camp of the Great Mogol, Emperour of India.
Nouember 30, 161 6.
If my last,2 sent your Honour by the way of Aleppo, bee mis-
carried, this present discourse wilbe vndependent and obscure,
which causeth mee to send a transcript that you may Command
from Sir Thomas Smyth. How farre that dessigne of bringing
in the Spaniard by Sheirly had proceeded, and my poore opinion,
that will enforme ; with the present estate of the warrs ther in pre-
paration. What hath succeeded, your Honour shall receiue : that
Sheirley was stayed at Goa, by falling short eight dayes of his
passadge this past yeare, where he was entertayned with Honor
and mayntenance^ which makes mee iudge his offers and negotia-
tion is gratious. The Shabas yet so dependes on that hope that
hee Continewes the prohibition of exportation of silkes by Turky.
Some few dayes since, I receiued advise from Spahan that Sheir-
ley hath written to the King, that with much joy and ready em-
bracement hee hath soe farre proceeded with the Viceroy of Goa
in a Conclusion of this league as his* commission hath power,
and that hee is ready to embarque for Spayne to accomplish yt fully:
If it proceed and take effect, I can make it euident that it will
reuiue and strengthen all the ruines and decayes of the Portugall
in the Indies, and make all other wauering Princes accept them
only. I will not presse the. consequence, wher it wilbe soe fully
vnderstood.
The Shabas is in the feild at Salmas,* a villadge indiffeirent to
the wayes of Tauris or Gordgestan, attending the Turkes General!,
who, with a monstruous army (if it lie not increased by f^me)
is encamped at Argerome, irresolute which of those two attempts
hee shall beginn, beeing not aboue five dayes from the one, and
ten from the other. But these great Armies will dissolue of
1 Printed by Purchas (vol. i, p. 588), but without the name of the
person addressed, and, as usual, with many errors and omissions. ' It
need scarcely be mentioned that Sir Ralph Winwood was Secretary
of State from 16 14 to 16 1 7. ^
' Not extant, but no doubt sent in the packet despatched overland
in the previous February (see p. 128).
' In the letter to King James already mentioned (p.. 354), Roe says
that the Viceroy is stated to have given Sherley ten thousand crowns,
with a further allowance of one thousand per month. This report
Roe believes "not to bee punctually true, because it is Shirlyes owne
glorious realation."
* The Viceroy's.
* See p. 340. "The Persians Armie is 180,000 strong ; the Turks
double" {Note in margin).
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i6l6]' SIR THOMAS ROE. J57
themselues, and I am of opinion ther wilbe noe great effect of
them, the wynter approaching ; and that they will treate a Peace,
which the Turke will neuer embrace but with the opening of the
trade and liberty of ancient Commerce ; which, though the Per-
sian yeild vnto, yet if the Spaniard accept his offers, the liberty
giuen the Turke wilbe vselesse, for that the silkes shall come
downe to Ormus, But I hope your Honors will prevent yt.
God hath prouided you leysure. The King of Persia lately en-
quired anew after the English, for hee is indifferent what Christian
hath the trade, so that the Grand-Signior loose yt. But his first
offer to the Spaniard will take his turne, and after wee may have
the leauings. Wee haue sent to Jasques a ship from our Port
of Suratt with Cloth and English goods, to make the first offer
of a residence, and to gett a kind of a possession. For wher it
was free to refuse or accept vs, it wilbe nowe an iniurie to turne
vs out, beeing come vpon assurance of his lettre receiued by mee.
But though I did not Consent to the goeing of this ship, because
I knew both the Port vnfitt, the goods vnuendible and preiudi-
ciall to the great expectation and promises — which makes me
feare the Sha-bas will despise vs, and judge vs by this beginning,
and so with the more roundnes eyther conclude with the Spaniard
or make Peace with the Turke (for his dessigne is eyther wholy to
diuert the trade or nothing) — yet I will mend yt as well as I
can, by the helpe of 'an Ambassador lately arriued at this Court ;
who, I suppose by his humilitye, is come to gett ayd of mony,
in which kynd hee often fyndes liberall releefes, and this King of
India may better spare then any Monarch of the East.
The aduantage to bee made of yt in England is (if I may giue
my opinion) that when Sir Robert Sheirley shall arriue in Spayne
and negotiat his employment, the Ambassador of his Maiestie
resident may craue audience, and produce the lettres of the Per-
sian granted to us^ and vrdge our possesion of the Port ; and
therfore requier, in the name of his Maiesty, that in this new
contract either the ^English may bee comprehended, or at least
that nothing passe on the Part of the King of Spayne preiudiciall
to the subiects of his Maiestie, nor <:ontrary to the iamety of the
two nations. Which if the Spaniard shall enterprise, to the
expulsion of us, it is in my opinion (the trade beeing in a free King-
dome granted vs) a lust cause of such a breach as may produce
lettres of tnarta;ndreprisall in all the Eastern Parts to right our
selues. I will in the meane tyme amuse the Persian with as
many doubts as I can infuse into him of the Spaniard, and hopes
of vs. , , ,
In this Court,- which is nowe in the feild' towards the Conquest
of Decan (with an effeminat army, fitter to bee a spoyle then a
terror to enemyes) I shall so far effect my imployment as to
:i «« J ^^y^ g^j^^ ^i^g Copyes "(AfaroinafnoU),
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358 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
confirme our trade and people on equall conditions to the
Inhabitants and borne subjects^ who suffer themselues abuses of
Governors which can neuer be remedyed but by an whole Change
of the Regiment and forme of dominion. For the Constancy I
will no farther giue my woord then our owne prosperitye, and the
others feare, and the Portugalls feeblenes shall confirme to vs.
The trade is profitable and fit for England, but no way vnder-
stood by the Company how to effect it at best aduantage, and
yett we haue done little but discouer errors. I haue no Power
to meddle in that ; but if I were at home tenn dayes, I could
doe them better seruice then here now in ten years. To proue
and demonstrate euery particular and Circumstance were rather
the subiect of a booke then of a lettre. But I will doe my part
euery way, according to my abilitye and judgment, faythfully and
honestly.
Besides (though they may thinck I speake for myne own ends),
I assure your Honor it is not fitt to keepe an Ambassador in this
Court. I haue shuffled better out and escaped and avoyded
affronts and slauish Customes clearer then euer any did. I am
allowed rancke aboue the Persian, but hee out-stripps mee in
rewards ; his Master lyes neere vs. But his Maiestie comman-
ded mee to doe nothing vnwoorthy the Honor of a Christian King,
and noe reward can humble mee to any hasenes. I see what
the Persian does and suffers. I know one that might creepe and
sue would effect more busines then I ; for euery little matter can-
not trouble the King, and his great men are more Proud, and ex-
pect that from mee I cannot giue them. The King of Spayne Could
neuer bee drawne to send any, and their experience hath taught
them that, besides hee should not bee receiued in honor correspon-
dent to his qualetye, they know an easyer way to effect their ends.
I shall not returne a rich man, and then many will condemne
mee for want of Prouidence or witt to get yt ; but they know not
the Indies, nor mee ; it growes heere in as rough wayes as in
Europe. I will trust to the Company, and to my meritt.
I could write your Honor may remarckable accidents in this
Gouerment and Kingdome. All the Policye and wicked craft of
the Diuill is not practised alone in Europe ; here is enough to
bee learned, or to be despisd.^ But you haue not leysure to
entertayne so forreyne discourses. That Part which may bee
woorth knowing — as the Proceedings of the lesuitts, the growth
of their Church, the Commixture of this Kingdome with Europe
1 In a letter to Prince Charles {Addl, MS. 61 15, f. 129) Roe is still
more emphatic on this point. "All Cunning that the Diuell can teach
is frequent, eauen in the court, wher is wanting noe arte nor wicked
subtillty to bee or doe euill, Soe that, Comparing the vices of some
Cittyes in Europe which I once judged the Treasuries and sea of
synne, I find them sanctuaryes and Temples in respect of these."
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 359
by trades, and' the allyes it embraces — if I fynd not leysiire fo
putt them into methode, I will weary your Honor with, them by
a ifire-syde, in broken Peices.
The Portugall Pursues vs here with violent hatred; but God
doth Chastise him, and his Pride sees it not. The Admirall
Gallion bound for Goa, a vessell of fifteene hundred tunns, armed
with sixe hundred men, falling among our fleete, a ^mall ship
haled her after the Curtesy of the sea, which shee .requited with
sylence, except of her Ordenance. The Commander of our fleete,
Beniamin Joseph, camej vp with her and demanded reason, but
was retumd scorne ; so that hee begann a fight, in which hee lost
his life. A New Commission beeing opened, Humphry^ Pepwell
succeded him, to his Place and resolution, with the losse of his
eye and other hurts fought vntill the Gallion, having her Mast
shott, ran ashoare on Comara, an Hand inhabited by Moores, in
the latitude of 11 degrees, 51 minutes; wher the Generall, Don
Emanuell de Meneses, with three hundred escaped, but fired the
ship. Shee was very rich, and the succor of India this yeare ; her
Companions were lost at sea, and on the 14 of October, there
was noe newes of any of them, which were three ships.^ This is
the greatest disaster and disgrace euer befell them, for they neuer
mist their fleete in September, nor lost any such vessell as this,
which was esteemed invincible > and without supplyes they perish
vtterly. The Islanders rifled the Generall and all his followers,
and they are since arriued at Goa naked and bare in the Gallion
of Mosambique, which had likwise beene dangered by a Hollan-
der, but the nearnes of the Port saued her. All these considered,
mee thinckes the Heauenes Conspire the fall of the Portugall in
this quarter, if his Maiestie would be pleased to bend only his
Royall Countenance. But I shall (I hope) returne and not exr
pect to see it effected in my tyme.
I will intreat your Honor to preserue my name in the Kingis
memorie, not for any worthy nes, but an humble desire to serue
him : and that you wilbe pleased to accept of my endeauours, and
esteeme mee such as I am, one that loues and Honors you, and
that will pray to God, as the best expression of my affection, to
encrease you in all woorthy Honor, and to. blesse you with his
HolySpiritt.
P.S. — I humbly desire your Honor to doe me the fauour, to
thanck Sir Thomas Smyth in my behalfe, that he may fynde
my gratitude in my frends.
December i. — I remooued 4 Course to Ramsor,^ wher the
^ A mistake for *' Henry." ^ But see note on p. 2t2t^.
' Ramsar, a town about 20 miles S.E. of Ajmere, on the banks of a
small lake.
In the map, the route taken by the emperor has been laid down
mainly from the data given in the Tiizak. It is impossible, however,
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360 THE EMBASSY OF [1616
King had left the bodyes of 100 naked men slayne in the'
feildes for robbery ; and the Carauan at midnight departed
Adsmere.
December 2. — 7 Course,
December 3. — I rested, by reason of raynei
December 4. — S Course. I ouertooke in the way a'
Cammell laden with 300 mens heades sent from Capdahar
by the Gouernor in present to the King, that were out in
rebellion.
December^. — 5 Course.
December 6. — ^4 Course. Wher I ouer-tooke the King at
a walled towne called Todah,^ in the best Country I saw
since my landing, beeing a faire Champion, at euerie
Course a village, the soyle fruictfull in corne, Cotten, and
Cattle.
. December 7. — The King remoouing, I sent for the lesuite
and Communicated with him the lettrs receiued,^ who
undertooke the Conveyance and brake open that directed
to Xauier, as his sublegatt ; which concerned only the
recouery of gobdes, prosecution of Justice, and Constitu-
tion of the factory vnder the sayd Ihoanni Galicio, and
mentioned that the Consull of the English had vndertaken
to procure my assistance, and to that end had sent lettres,
which I neuer saw, and thought that, notwithstanding
such promise made to his Partners, hee would neyther dis-
couer himselfe to mee nor that hee durst not to them. But
finding my Countriman interessed in yt, I resolved that
Galicio should repayre to Court, and furnish himselfe with
what testemony he Could concerning Bonellis estate ; and
in requiring Justice of the King, I would testefye with him
to identify some of the places mentioned. In a march like this
the ordinary routes were avoided, and the camps were often fixed
near some inconsiderable village, which, ii still existing, does not
appear on the map.
* In Jaipur state, 63 miles S.W. of Jaipur and 65 E.S.E. from
Ajmere. * See p. 341.
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 361
Kis authoritye toprosecute the Cause, and' giue him all fitt
assistance. To this end I caused the lesuite to dispatch a
Currier with the Pai-ticular lettres to the said Galicio. and
other instructions fitt, leauing the Principall to bee copyed
and translated by the Padre against his arriuall.
' The king Passd only from on syde of the Towne to the
other; which was one of the best built I euer saw in Indya>
for that ther were some howses two storyes high, and moist
such as a Pedler might not scorne to keepe shop in, all
couered with tile. It had beene the seate of a Raza Ras-
^t?^/'^ before the conquest of Ecbarsha; and stoode at the
foote of a great rock, very strong, had many excellent
woorkes of hewed stone about yt exellently cutt, many
Tanckes, arched, vawtedj and discents made lardge and of
great depth.' By it stood a delicat groue 0I.2 mile long, a
quarter broad. Planted by Industry with Mangoes, Tame^
rins, and other fruictes, deuided with walkes, and full of
little Temples and alters of Pagods and Gentiliticall Idola-y
tryej many fountaynes; welles, tanckes, arid summer howse'S
of Carued stone, Curiously arched ;' so that I mUsteorife^sc
a banished englishman might haue beene content to dwell
there. But this obseruation* is general! that ruine and
distruction eates vp all. For since the Prpprietye of all
is come to the kin^'mo roah; takes care for Particulars, so
that ineuery- Place* appeares the vastations and- spoyles of
warr without' repaifatiori: : - :
'December %:^^\ receiued lettres froto Adsmere that the
Cutivall offered toturne the factors and our goodes out of the
house giuen vs, which they resisted. I had not visited the
king ; but dispatchd a lettre to Asaph Chan for his pror
hibition, who was gone 3 Course to hunt, and a note from
'him would suffice. My messenger mett him, on the way
riding in hast to the king, but [he] desiered mee at night to
come to the Gushellchan, Which I did, and was well vsed
and entertayned ; but first demanded what present I had at
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362 THE EMBASSY OF [i6t6
my New Commin^, and answeering none, hee proceeded
to ordinary questions of hunting. I found his Maiestie so
neere druncke (which hee finished within halfe an hower),
that I had not oportunitye to moue busines to him. He
sate by a fier in furres by a Tancke syde. Here I mett
the Persian Embassador, who telling mee a long tale in
his language, I answered in English, much to our mutual!
edification ; but I putt into his hand a Copy of his masters
Command for the commerce of our Nations, and at parting
made him vnderstand I desird a Conference.
December 9. — In the morning I sent to him, that I would
visitt him according to my offer and confer vpon some
busines which concernd his Master, but that hee had ne-r
glected that Ciuilitye which I expected, or, if he durst not
speake with mee, I would advise the Shabas of his fashion
towardes mee. He returned answer hee had beene in noe
faulte, but the incomoditye of the lourny and the forme
of this kingdome had hindered him to performe that was
fitt; but entreated mee to come to his tents on the mprow,
which curtesye he would repay whensoeuer I called him,
and hee would effect any desier of myne toward his master,
and in all thihges further the ametye hoped for betweene
our Soueraynges.
I went to Asaph chan, and after mutuall Complementes
and offering me a roome in his quarter (which I accepted
off without purpose to vse yt, for that it is impossible to
obserue limitts soe strictly as to avoyde quarrelles, which
dayly happen about them), I desiered his warrant for the
Continewance of our house in Adsmere, which hee in-
stantly wrote and signed, and I dispeeded. J ac-
quaynted him with the faire and Noble vsadge of his bro-
ther-in-law, the Gouernor of Cambaya,^ which hee tooke
gratefully, assuring mee that all the Ports and officers in
^ See pp. 329-332.
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I6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 363
his Majestic dortiinic^ns had order to entreat vs frendly,
and to protect vs from Iniury, if wee dreew not occasion
vpon ourselues by misdemeanor.
Returning I veiwed the Leskar^ which is one of the
woonders of my little experience, that I had seene yt
finished and sett up in 4 howers (except some of great men
that haue double prouision), the Circuitt beeing little lesse
then 20 English mile, the length some wayes 3 Course, com-
prehending the skirtes ; and [in ?] the middle, wherin the
streets are orderly, and tents Joynd, are all sorts of shopes
and distinguished so by rule that euery man knowes
readely were to seeke his wants, euery man of qualetye
and euery trade beeing limited how farr from the kinges
tentes he shall Pitch, what ground hee shall vse, and on
what syde, without alteration ; which as it lyes togither
may equall almost any towne in Europe for greatnes.
Only a muskett shoot euery way no man approcheth the
Atasckanhdy royall, which is now kept so strict that none
are admitted but by name, and the tyme of i}[i^ Durbar in
the eueninge is omitted and spent in hunting or hawking
on tanckes by boate, in which the king takes woonderfull
delight, and his barges are remooued on Cartes with him,
and hee sitts not but one the syde of one, which are many
tymes ^ mile or two ouer. At the larrucd in the Morning,
hee is seene, but busines or speech prohibited. All is con-
cluded at night at the Guzelchan, when often the tyme is •
preuented by a drowzines which poss[es]eth his Maiestie
from the fumes of Backus.
Ther is now a great whisper in Court about a new affini-
tye of Sultan Corsoronne and Asaph chan, and great hope of
his liberty. I will fynd occasion to discourse it, for that the
Passages are very woorthy, and the wisdome and goodnes
of the king appeares aboue the malice of others, and Nor-
* See p. 300.
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364 -THE EMBASSY OF [1616
mahall fullfill[s] the obseriiation tfiait in all actions of Con-
sequence in a Court, especially in faction, a woman is not
only alwayes an ingredient, but commonly a Principall
drugg and of 'most vertue ; and shee showes that they are
not incapable of Conducting busines, nor herselfe voyd of
witt and subtiltye.- It will discouer a noble Prince, an ex-
cellent wife, a faythfuU Counceller, a Crafty stepmother,
an ambitioiis sonne, a Cunning fauorite : all reconciled by
a Patient king, whose hart was not vnderstood by any of
all these.^ But this will requier a Place alone, and not to
bee mingled amonge busines, which this day I receiued
frotn Suratt, of extreame iniuryes offered our Nation and
new broyles begunn to the hazard of our Peace ; but as
they only send niee Complaynts^ and deteyne the Presents
which should enable nice' tbeftect their redres^e, 30 they
mingle their owne greuances with confession of itiisurable
misdeanieanors Committed by the disorder of themselues,
which nde warning of .myne I see can prevent when such
liberty is giuen to all saylors and base r^scalls to dishonor
anA-disqaiett.vs. Besides, I find not the Principall free
fmtebll biame and occasiob, for by- want of ludgment knd
aniopihion of liberty rieyther granted nor fitt for them to
Vse;ithey'»iricurr iust displeasur, and yt breakes out into
fufy on both sydes; for the officers as fast complayne of vs
afe? -wee 6f them, and desjer mee to send a sober discreet hlan
t© gduerne our Nation, which I haue nbe powei* in; so that
I caiihot tell at what end to beginri. The Prince is abscent ;
our enterpreter cast off; myselfe without Presents or toOng.^
1 On the 30th of the preceding month Roe had written to Lord
Pembroke that he hoped to reduce liis Observations " iiito a meethbod^
and though this kingdome ajmo^t qoncernenot Europe, yet the Hi^f
torye may, as well as some of those that are farther remooued by tymes
past, and for subiect perhaps as woorlhy.^' It is to be reigretted that
he never found the time to carry out his intention. ., >
2 "Jaddowhath refused the wages assigned by you and in "oir
greatest neede forsaken vs, and I am soe without any linguist that I
cannot answere the King what it were a clock The Plauge is at
Agra in extreame violence, and this lourny a worse Plauge to mee,
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l6l6] SIR THOMAS ROE. 365
Yet I doubt not dnce- more to reconcile this brawle to Con-
tent of all sydes, if they please not to it on euery occasion.
This rule I euer lay : wee can neuer Hue without quarrell
(which ingendreth often greater strifes, and the innocent
suffer indifferently with the guilty) vnt'ill our Commanders
take order that noe man come to Suratt but on ^ lust occa-
sion and of Ciuill Carriage, and the Cape Merchant so
moderate such as come that, for the glory of open house, they
giue not liberty of excesse and drincking. For what Ciuill
Town will endure a. stranger by force to open in the streetes
the close Chayres^ wherin their weomen are Carried (which
they take for a dishonor equall to a rauishment)? 2
December 12. — I dispatchd the Patamar back for Suratt,
with order to direct the expected Caffela to Court the
shorter way. Concerning their Com play nt, I wrote to the
Gouernor and Admirall to giue speedy e :redresse, or to
expect such issue as the kings Justice would affoord mee.
Meanes to enforme the king I had none for want of our
solicitor and linguist With him I sent a lettre from the
who, weakened by many Crosses, decay in my strength and am by
fluxes vnfitt for trauell or the feildes ; and, which is yet more trouble-
some, am sicker in mynd." — Roe to Surat, December 12, 1616
The difference with the broker seems to have been smoothed over,
for Roe on the 14th sent an urgent message to him, and he rejoined
him on the 24th. ' ' . ^Doolies, \ < \'
* The letters from Surat referred to will be found in the I. O. Re-
cords; under date November 18 and 20, 1616. They record several
quarrels between the, English and the natives. One of these was
caused by a sailor " who (out of ignorance, not knowing, the costom)
stopped and opened a dowledm the street to see what it contayned,
but, seing therin a woman, desisted from further wronge and lett it
passe." , Another, which led to a riot, personal violence to Kerridge,
and a strict boycott of the factory, was due to a bell-turret which had
been erected on the English house ; the matter was settled by its dis^
mantlement Yet a third was brought about by the action of the
English Admiral. , Some Portuguese frigates hovering at the mouth
of the river seized a native vessel laden with water-casks belonging
to the English, whereupon Pepwell seized a vessel leaving Surat,
which he believed to be Portuguese property. This was much re-
sented by the natives,. and the English factory was again boycotted
until the prize was surrendered.
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^66 ttife EMbASSV oP [1616
Prince Commanding his officers to Certefye by the
Customers booke the debt of Zulphecarcbn, which J could
not procure from our owne factors.
December 14. — I sent a Patamar to Adsmere to hasten
the Comming of ladow.
December 15. — Master Fettiplace arriued at the leskar
from Agra, beeing out of busines and leaiiing Master
Shallbanck with the goodes, who determined to lock up
the house and to remooue to Fettipoore^ for the vehement
rage of the Plauge, Now their next neighbowre.
December 17. — Master Fettiplace departed to Adsmere
to remayne with the goodes.
December 18. — I visited the king, wha having beene at
his sports, and his quarry of foule and fish lyeing before
him, hee desired mee to take my Choyse, and so distri-
buted the remayner to his Nobilitye. I found him sitting
on his throwne, and a begger at his feet, a poore silly ould
man, all ashd, ragged, and Patched, with a young roage
attending him. With these kinde of professed Poore holy
men the Country aboundes, and are held in great reuer-
ance ; but for woorks of chastisment of their bodyes and
voluntary sufferings they exceed the bragges of all heri-
tiques or Idolatres. This miserable wretch, clothd in raggs,
crownd with feathers, couered with ashes, his Maiestie talked
with about an hower, with such familiarity and show of
kindnes that it must needes argue an humilitye not found
easely among kinges. The begger sate, which his^ sonne
dares not doe. Hee gaue the king a Present, a Cake, ashed,
burnt on the Coales, made by himselfe of Course grayne,
which the king accepted most willingly, and brake one
bitt and eate yt, which a daynty mouth could scarce haue
done. After hee tooke the Cloute and wrapt it vp and
putt in the poore mans bosome and sent for 100 rupees^
* Fatehpur Sfkri, 23 miles west of Agra.
'-^ The King's (cp. p. 419).
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i6i6] , stR THoivtAS ko£. 36;
and with his owne handes powered them into the poore
mans lap, and what fell besides gathered vp for him. When
his Collation of banqueting and drinck came, whatsoeuer
hee tooke to eate, hee brake and gaue the begger halfc ;
and after many strange humiliations and Charetyes rising,
the ould wretch not beeing Nimble, hee tooke him vp in
his armes, which noe Cleanly bodye durst haue touchd,
embracing him ; and 3 tymes laying his hand on his hart,
calling, him father, hee left him, and all vs, and me in ad-
miration of such a virtue in a heathen Prince.^ Which I
mention with envye and sorrow, that wee having the true
vyne should bring forth Crabbes, and a bastard stock
grapes : that either our Christian Princes had this deuotion
or that this Zeale were guided by a true light of the
Gospell.
December 2\. — I receiued from Amadavaz of their dis-
patches for the fleete, as full of Complaynts that they are
kept in ignorance as I, and that they conveyed a Command
sent by mee for their redresse to Suratt, which I doubt
not will appease all troubles.
December 23. — Being short about 3 Courses of a Citty
called Rantepoore,^ wher it was supposed the king would
rest, and consult what way to take, hee suddenly turned
toward Mandoa,* but without declaration of any resolution ;
in my Judgment rather sent that way by the feare of the
Plauge in Agra, then any desire of approaching the warr,
^ Jahdngfr had a superstitious respect for devotees, and in his memoirs
lays stress on the large number he had visited and relieved. As re-
corded later (p. 380), at Ujjain he made a special excursion to see the
Sanydsi Jadruf ; and two years after, while on his way from Ahmad-
dbdd to Agra, he repeated his visit. Coryat mentions "a custome
of this King, who, sleeping in his Gusie-can, often when hee awakes
in the night, his great men (except those that watch) being retired,
cals for certaine poore and old men, making them sit by him, with
many questions and familiar speeches passing the time, and at their
departure cloathes them and giues them bountifiill Almes, whatsoeuer
they demand, telling the money into their hands" (Purchas^ vol. i, p. 6oi)«
^ Ranthambhor, a fort in Jaipur state, on an isolated rock.
3 Mandu or Mandogarh, described on p. 391.
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368 THE EMBASSY OF * .[1616
for wefe marched euery other day only about 4 Courses,
with a baggage almost impossible to bee ordered.
December 24. — I receiued from Adsmere that the factors
tontinewed in their house and that our brookar laddow
was in the way ; for whose arriuall I deferred my intention
of moouing the king to heare the busines of the seuerall
»Complaynts from Suratt ; for a redresse My firmaens from
•the Prince is but momentary and scarce effectuall. laddow
my enterpreter arriued, and wee made new contract.
December- 2^,— \ r^^XjtA. / -
December 26. — Wee Passed thorough woodes and over
Mountayns, torne with bushes, tyred with the incomodi-
tyes of an impassible way, wher many Camells perished.
Many departed for Agra, and all Complayned. I lost my
Tents and Cartes, but by midnight wee mett The king
rested two dayes,' for that Hkvo.- leskar could not in lesse
tyme recouer their order, many of the kings woemen, and
thowsandes of Coaches, Carts and Camells lyeing in the
woody Mountaynes without mcate and water; himselfe gott
bye on a small Eliphant, which beast will Clime vp rockes
and passe such streightes as noe horse nor beast that I
know can follow him. ' * ; ^
I receiued answere from Suratt full of dispute^ but no
'certeyntye, neither of the expected Presents nor conclusion
of Zulphecarcons debt, nor busines of moment. 'With it a
lettre from Captain Pepwell much Complayning of disres-
pectes towardes him, of the Cape Merchanntes obstinacye,
and of opening and deteyning his lettres of aduise sent to
mee, his opinions of his future voyadge by want of stock,
and requiring my opinions what Course to runne if enforced
as a man of warn I dispatched a Packett to Amadauaz.
December 29.— Wee sate by the riuer of Chambett.^
' ^^The Chambal, one of the principal tributaries of the Jumna, rises in
Mdlwa, near Mhow, and after a north-easterly course of 650 miles
flows into the main river bt low Etawah.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 369
January i, 1616-17. — I sent to Asaph chan to acquaynt
him with the Iniuries of Suratt
January 2. — Hee promised to write to the Prince, but
desiered Conference with me.
January 3. — I visited Asaph chan and propounded to
him the substance of the Complaynts : the taking a Por-
tugall frigott,^ the reason, and the pressure of Sultan Ca-
ronns officers to deliuer back. Hee went^ from his woord
to entermeddle in the Princes Gouerment, but if I would
presse him, hee would make Petition to the king; but
aduised mee to waigh it well: the necessitie of the Princes
fauour (which hee would vndertake was not acquaynted
with this New brawle) : that if I complayned I might
perhapes procure some Checke to the Prince, but withall
the busines would Come to examination, and our owne
faultes would bee reckoned and obiected, the issue of Judg-
ment doubtfull, and the Prince would remayne an vnre-
conciled Enemy. I answered I had forethought all this,
and was as unwilling to Complayntes as hee could bee,
but that the desease was such as required a desperat
remedy : but if in his wisdom hee would direct mee in a
better Course, I was ready to follow yt. This I did because
the iniuryes beeing personall, they were recanted and re-
conciled, and my aduertisementes were soe in and out that
I knew not whether they wished accusation or no, and wee
[were ?] mingled not only with confusions [confessions ?] of
our owne misdemeanors, but with intimations of greater
layed to their Chardge, which, though denyed, yet they
feared would bee iustifyed by periury, a small faulte among
moores. Asaph chan replyed hee was very glad to see mee
inclinable to a quiett way ; and though hee would not write,
yet hee thus aduised : That for the boate and goodes taken
^ See note on p. 365.
'-* Probably we should read : " He said that he went."
B li
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370 THE EMBASSY OF [l^^7
wee should keepe her, for the Portugals having begunn the
Iniury, it was reason wee should requite it, and no excep-
tion should bee taken at it ; the Couetousnes of the Princes
officers for some bribe was the reason of the remanding it,
not any fauour to them ;^ for the Complayntes hee wished
mee to stay vntill the Presents arriued, and at their de-
liuerie to the king to aske leaue to goe to Brampoore to
visitt the Prinnce, and, without mentioning particular
offences, craue his lettre in generall tearmes to Command
his Sonne to receiue mee, to heare mee in what soeuer I
desired, and to doe Justice to our Nation, suffering none to
doe them force, and to grant what farther Priuiledges I
should fittly propound ; which lettre hee would procure, and
such a Course would signifie my respect to the Prince, to
whom I should, with some fitt present, deliuer a breefe of
all Complaynts ; and having procured such Justice as I
desired and settled my busines with him, I might returne
to Court in double grace, and hee would write with mee to
procure me Content. This Councell was such as I had
taken before in myne owne Purpose with little difference,
and such as necessitye showed mee to bee the right way ;
for I had experience by a Portugall what issue of Com-
playntes against the Prince would follow, formall remedy
but full reuenge ; and seeing it was necesssirie that I must
visitt him, I was loath to exasperat him against my well-
come, and I found that if my occasions would haue per-
mitted mee to giue all my attendance and respect to him,
delinire anibitiosuni, I should easiely Compasse him ; so
that I resolued to spare him as much as I could, and by
myne owne trauell ouercum that I could not doe by oppo-
sition, and thus sett forward my purpose; that the king was
declared for Mandoa and the Nobilitye sent all in hast
to build, which beeing but 8 dayes from Brampoore, it was
^ The Portuguese.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 37 T
as gocxl as to sitt in the feildes, and in that tymq I might
prouide a house by the kinges fauour or buyld it if Con-
strayned.
At Noone I visited the Persian Ambassador, beeing the
first tyme eyther of our leysurs would permitt yt. Hee re-
ceeued mee with great respect and Curtesy. After Com-
plementes, I generally propounded the settling of a trade,
the conditions wee required, the Comoditye to his Master,
and our forwardnes in sending a ship this year to lasques
vpon his Masters firmaen. Hee arlswered mee that his
king greatly affected the comming of the Christians, espe-
cially the English, but that Shirly was now sent to make
offer of the Fortes to Spayne.^ But vnderstanding from
mee some inconveniences, wee resolued to dispeed a Post
to the Shabas, and hee required mee to propound my
desiers in writing, and hee would send them his Master,
as well to procure the salles of the Cloth now landed as to
prouide in future for a fitt Cargazon and residence on both
Parts. Hee made mee a banquett of ill fruictes, but beeing
a good fellow it appeared well. In his Curtesyes hee ex-
ceeded all my entertaynment in India, rayled at the Court,
at the kinges officers and Councell, and vsd a strange
libertye. I answered that I meddled [not ?] in cencure of
other mens busines : I desired to effect myne owne. Hee
offered to bee my linguist, desiered mee to Pitch my tentes
by him, and whateuer I would propound to the king hee
would deliuer, assuring mee the king had diuers tymes
made honorable mention of mee, and expressed a desire
to giue mee all content. I seemed to accept of these
fauours, but suddenly knew not howe to trust them, but
determined to Consider it, for it appeard a faire way and
^ The Ambassador added that, with a view to provide for the due
reception of any English ships that might arrive, the Shdh had sent a
governor to J^shak "to re-edefie the Castell, which hath beene
long a neglected place" (Roe to Kerridge, January 5, 161 7); but this
seems to have been a polite fiction.
B B 2
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372 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
a harty motion. From hence hee proceeded to some vane-
tyes of his Masters purpose to take Aleppo, that hee had
Conquered Babilon, and as his aduises came hee would
send them mee ; and desired mee to mention him to my
Soueraigne in my Next lettres and in these to his Master.
The Conclusion of busines betweene vs is included in my
aduise to Kerridge in prosecution of his designed and in the
demandes to the Shabas, which was the substance agreed
on in this Conference. At my departur hee offered mee
with much earnestnes a faire horse well furnished, which
was brought to the doore, but I was as bountifull in re-
fusing. Hee pressd mee the earnester, but not prevayling
sent for 9 Peices of Persian stuffes, silke, and 9 bottles of
wyne, that I might not depart without some testemony of
his loue. I answered to effect my desiers with his Master
should bee the only Pledges I would accept, wherin hee
should do mee most frendship and him most seruice and
honor : that I acknowledged his magnificence by his offers,
but hee should not bcginn a frendship at such cost : I
could exchange a good hart, but had nothing, beeing a
stranger, to requite Curtesye of that Nature. Hee looking
earnestly vpon my swoord, I offered it, but hee by example
refused it At night I visited the king, who spent his
tyme sadly with an ould man after reading long lettres, and
few spake to him. At his rising, he gaue this gentellman that
sate by him, a Criple for age, 5,000 rupees, and with many
embracementes tooke his leaue. Passing by, hee bowed to
mee. The Persian Ambassador mett here, where renewing
Complements, and repenting that hee refused my swoord
which hee fancied, hee fayerly beggd it, professing that
liberty among frendes was good manners in his Countrye.
January 4. — I sent my swoord.^
- See Addl. MS. 61 15, f. 160.
^ Value five pounds (Roe's Accounts).
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 373
January 5. — I dispeeded answere to Suratt with my
aduise and conference with the Persian Ambassador, and
his opinion, and to Adsmere what I conceiued fitt for the
disposure of that factory.
January 6. — I translated the Articles to send the Shabas,
according to conclusion. Coppyes of all are regestred.^
January 7. — These dayes were Consumed on the way,
euery other remoouing about 4 or 5 Courses. Wee sate
on the goodly riuer of Shynd.-
January 8. — I dispeeded the Articles to the king of
Persia with lettres to Robbyns, by a Currier of the Em-
bassador, and sent Coppyes.
To William Robbins at Ispahan.
{AddL MS, 6115, f. i66.)3
17 January 16 16 [-17].
. . . Breefly our desier is, first, that a Port bee secured by the
King, free for vs alone or for all indifferently, wher wee may land our
goodes, and such priueledges granted to vs as in such cases are
requisite \ and next, that some agrement bee made and sett of
Prices indifferently on both sides, according to the Condition of
the Comodityes ; lastly, that his Maiestie Command his silkes to
bee brought downe yearly, at the seazon, to the Port (which is
easier then the way of Aleppo), or to some indifferent Citty, not
far vp, wher our factors may Constantly and securely reside for a
staple Mart, as at Stoade or Middleborough,* that wee bee not
enforced to seeke and trauell to vnprofitable Marketts. A trade
thus settled wilbe dureable, and by Continuance increase, wheras
shuffling and vnstable Courses one syde will relinquish by in-
comoditye. To this Purpose, and to showe our forwardnes, wee
^ See Addl. MS. 6115, ff. 159-163, 166, 211. The articles have not
been reproduced, as they are sufficiently summarised in the letter to
Robbins. As will be seen later, they never reached the Shdh.
^ The Kali Sind, a branch of the Chambal.
3 There is another copy in the I. O. Records ((7.C, No. 434), en-
dorsed as received March 5 (at Ispahan 1) and in London, by way of
Aleppo and Marseilles. November 26, 161 7. The date of the letter is
clearly wrong, though it appears in both copies. Probably the 7th is
intended (see p. 405, where Roe says that the letter was actually
despatched on the loth).
* Stade, on the western bank of the Elbe ; Middelburg, in the
island of Walcheren.
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374 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
haue now sent a ship to Jasques, to vnlade Cloth and other goodes,
with our factors to attend the Pleasure of his Maiestie; and
though the Comoditye bee not in quantety nor qualety such
as may giue the King any great encouragement, yet hee shall see
our desiers and will not judge ys by this beginning, for that wee
Came not Purposely for the Place, but to trye and settle our en-
terteynment. To this end I haue sent his Maiestie articles firmed
by mee and Commended by his Embassador, which if you will
sollicite, that the Cloth may bee taken off, and, for the future, a
Certeyne Course and residence dessigned, and a firmaen both
what sortes and quantetyes of Goodes, eyther of Europe, India,
Chyna, or the South Islandes, his Maiestie will require, wee will
then roundly and duly fullfill his desire, that hee shall find the
Profitt in his owne Coffers and in the weakening his greatest
enemy. If this cannot bee effected, it is not woorth labor ; wee
shall both deceiue and bee deceiued. For wee ayme not at gnatts
and small flyes, but at a Commerce Honorable and Equall to
two so mighty Nations. You shall doe your Countrie good ser-
uice to acquaynt his Maiestie freely with this Motion ; open his
eies, that hee bee not blynded with the smoky ayer of Spanish
greatnes . . . Deale in this Clearly and substancially, and beleeue
not that a trade will euer proceede that is not at first settled vpon
vnderstanding groundes ; and if you in your judgment and ex-
perience fynd that these conditions will not bee agreed too, the
Next best seruice you can doe is to assure the King wee will not
come like Peddlears, and to aduice vs, that wee spend no more
tyme and trauell in vayne ... I shall not abyde in these Partes
(I hope) to see any great issue ; for in December 161 7 I expect
to turne my face homeward, vnlesse I be commanded by his
Maiestie my lord and soueragne to visitt the Shabas, which if it
so happen, I will acquaynt him not only with the affection and
Power of my master to bee his frend, but wiih many things that
are woorthy to bee knowne to so braue a Prince, wherin hee is
yet vnexcersiced, and expresse more fully my Particular desire to
doe him seruice. . . .
January 9. — Jaddow, finding by the Invoyce small hope
of sales, Picked a quarrell that hee wanted water at mid-
night, and without taking leaue forsooke mee. See that I
resolued to bee noe longer tyed to the seruitude of such a
villayne, who had so often Notoriously abusd vs ; but dis-
peeded a Pattamar to Adsmere to procure the Comming of
a Greeke that spake excellent language to supply my vse
on the way, and to sollicite my determinations at the Com-
ming of the Presentes, and to assist Master Bidolph in the
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 375
Companyes busines, hee propounding him as the fittest
man in India ; but I purposed only to serue my vse on
him, and to proue him or to dismisse him so soone as I
was settled. But for feare of his refusall or to bee destitute,
I wrote to Master Shalbanck to practise with Jaffer, the
brokar in Agra, to Come downe and supply the Place,
resoluing soe to gett him into my Power to answere the
accusations laid by Jaddow that hee should deceiue the
factors of Agra in investments betweene 2 and 3000 rupees^
which hee yet offered to lustefy to Master Bidolph.
January 14. — I receiued from Agra that the Plauge^ was
fallen to 100 a day, and great hope of the Clearing of the
Towne : that Indico was like to bee at indifferent rates,
and if mony Could bee fitted in tyme, that all the Cloth in
barter might bee putt off ; which lettres I answered per-
swading to Putt it in Practice by the debtes made and
billes .sent vp to the Creditors residing there.
January 16. — I sent a Patamar expresse to Suratt, hear-
ing nothing of the Presentes nor Cafala, to require a reso-
lution and to convay the Packettes of Adsmere, which found
now no Passadge thence.
January 18. — The king Passed betweene two Mountaynes,
having Cutt the way thorough the woodes, but with soe
much trouble and inconvenience to the baggage that it was
left behind.^ Without any refreshing, I found my Tents by
Midnight, having taken vp my lodging first vnder a tree.
This Countrie is full of theeues, and not in perfect obedience
^ See p. 307.
2 " I am yet followeing this wandering King ouer Mountaynes and
thorough woodes, so strange ajid vnvsed wayes that his owne People,
who almost know no other God, blaspheame his Name and hers that,
it is sayd, Conductes all his actions." — Roe to Smythe, January 16,
1617 {Addl, MS. 61 1 5, f 164).
The gorge here mentioned seems to be the pass of Mutandwdrd,
memorable in later years in connection with Colonel Monson's retreat.
A description of the pass and its beautiful scenei^ will be found in
Tod's Rajasthan^ vol. ii, p. 643.
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376 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
but as they are kept by force. It belonges to a Raja that
desiers not to see the king. Haud facile libertus^ et domini
miscentur. The exactor Complaynd, and some few of the
People that fled, beeing taken and Chayned by the Neckes,
were Presented the king ; the strongest keept the Moun-
tayncs. At night, the king fired the Towne by which hee
sate, and appoynted a New gouemor to the quarter to
reedefye and repeople it and reduce it to Ciuilitie. Hee
left him some horse to effect it ; nam neque quies gentium
sine armisy neque arma sine stipendiis^ neque stipendia sine
tributiSy haberi queant}
January 20. — The Banditi fled into the woodes, in re-
uenge of their towne, sett vpon a Company of stragglers
behind, slew diuers, and robbd them.
January 22. — I receiued from Brampoore by Master
Banghams aduise of the safe Passadge of the Agra Cafala
and their goodes, but noe newes from Suratt ; hee profes-
sing to haue sent 5 expresse PatamarSy who were deteyned,
and in two monthes hee hard not any aduise, hauing mony
in Cash vnbestowed, to the Companyes losse and his greife.
This made me desperat of the Presents expected, and re-
solued at night to visitt the king to obserue what Coun-
tenance he would show mee, or to giue occasion to askc
after them. When I Came, I found him sate in a New
order, so that I was to seeke what Place to Choose, loth to
mingle with his great ones (which was offered), and doubted
to goe into the roome where hee sate, beeing Cutt downe
the bancke of a riuer and none neare him but Etimon Dow-
lett, his father-in-law, Asaph chan and 3 or 4 others. Soe
I went to the brimme and stood alone. Hee obserued mee
and lett mee stay a while, and so smiling called mee in
^ Libertas is the reading of the original (Tacitus, Hist.y iv, 64) —
" Liberty and Lords go not well together."
2 « Yox neither can the tranquillity of nations be obtained without
armies, nor armies without pay, nor pay without taxes :" — Ibid.y iv, 74.
The last word of the quotation should be "queunt."
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 377
and with his hand directed mee to stand by him, a fauour
so vnusuall that it both gaue mee some Content and
much Grace, which 1 instantly found in others vsadge.
Hee prouoked mee too talke, and I calling for an inter-
preter hee refused it and pressed mee to vse such woordes
as in Persian I had. Our discourse had not much, sence
nor dependance,. but hee tooke it well, and with much
curtesy demonstrated a good opinion.
January 23. — I returned answere to Brampoore.
January 24. — Newes arriuing at Court that the Decans
would not bee frighted out of their dominion (which
Asaph chan and Normahall had pretended to procure this
voyadge), but that they had sent their impediments into
the hart, and attended in the borders with 50,000 horse
resolued to fight, and that Sultan Coronne was yet aduanced
no farther then Mandoa, afraid both of the Enemie and
Chan Channay these Councellors changed their aduise,
and declaring to the king that they conceiued the Decan
before his Passadge ouer the last hills would haue yeilded
by the Terror of his approach, but finding the Contrary,
perswaded him to Convert it to a hunting lourny, and to
turne his face toward Agra, for that the other was not an
Enemie woorthy his Person. Hee replyed this Considera-
tion came too late : his Honour was ingaged : seeing hee
had so farr Passd, hee would prosecute their first councells
and his Purpose, and aduenture the hazardes of both.
But hee dayly dispeeded fresh troupes toward his sonne,
partly from his owne, the rest Commanded from Gouer-
mentes, according to report 30,000 horse, but not by Muster.
JarCuary 28. — I receiued from Suratt that the Presents
and goodes for Court were dispeeded the second of this
month, and that if the Prince (which I feared) intercepted
them not, I might expect them by the loth of Feabruary.^
1 The presents were in the charge ot the Reverend Edward Terry, who,
as already related (p. 246), haa been chosen to fill Hall's place as
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378 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
This late Newes yet refreshed mee, who was soe weary of
an Idle lourney that I had some hope to gett liberty to
goc before and to dispatch at Brampoore with the Prince
according to a Promise and a resolution taken, and the
Necessitye of our busines exacting that respect too him ;
so I attended in Patience and expectation.
January 29. — The Patamar I returned with a Packett
to Suratt. At night arriued Diego Lopo, the Greeke, from
Adsmere, with Master Fettiplace lettres of his endeauoring
Carridg to remooue the goodes for Agra ; of whom I pur-
posed to make vse during my Necessitie if I found him
fitt for employment, for Jaddow in all this tyme neuer
offered so much as to visitt mee, and I resolued neuer to
vse him. Water is become very scarce, and though our
leskar be halfe lessened, yet passing many dayes thorough
a Country wher the People were guilty of some disobe-
dience, and for feare forsaking the villadges with their
Prouisions, grayne and all other necessaries became soe
deare, and the mony so abased by want of Pice^ that I
was at double Chardge of expence. The king,' who feeles
it not, takes no order. His Channs are Followed with their
owne prouision and so enforme not. The strangers, the
souldier, and the Poore only, as woorst able, endure the
burthen. Euery other day the king remooued 3, 4, or 5
Course. Short yet of Mandoa, 60.
January jp-February 2. — Euery other day 4 Course.
February 3. — Departing out of the Rode of the Leskar
for ease and shade, and resting vnder a tree for the same
Comodityes, came vpon mee Sultan Corsoronne, the kings
eldest restrayned sonne, riding vpon an Eliphant, with no
great Guard nor attendance. His People desired mee to
chaplain to the ambassador. He was instructed by Kerridge to give
Roe timely notice of his approach, and, if the Prince interfered,
he was to invoke the assistance of Afzal Khdn {Surat Letterbooky
f. 142).
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 379
giue him roome, which I did, but attended to see him, who
called for mee, and with some gentle and familiar ques-
tions, full of Curtesye and affability, hee departed. His
Person is good and Countenance Cherfull, his beard growne
to his girdle. This only I Noted, that his question!^ showed
ignorance of all Passadges in Court, in so much he neuer
heard of any Ambassador nor English.^
February 4 and 5. — Wee rested not.
February 6. — At night wee came to a little Tower newly
repayred, wher the king Pitched in a Plesant Place vpon
the Riuer of Sepra, short of Vgen,^ the Cheefe Citty of
Malwa, one Course, This Place, called Calleada, ^ was an-
^ Terry (p. 431) gives the following account of an interview between
Roe and the Prince. Although Terry speaks as if he had been present,
and Roe is represented as having been at the Court for two years, it
seems to refer to the present occasion. " Once he called my Lord Am-
bassadour to him as we passed by him, asking him many questions, as
how far distant our Country was from them, and what we brought
thither, what we carried thence, and how the King his father had used
him since his arrive there ; whither or no he had not bestowed on
him some great gifts ? The Ambassadour told him that his business
there was to obtain a free trade for his Nation the English ; and that
being granted him, he had reward enough. The Prince replyed that
this could not be denyed us, we coming so far to trade there with him ;
and the Prince further asked him how long he had been there ; the
Ambassadour told him about two years ; the Prince replyed again,
that it was a very great shame for the successor of Tamberlane,
who had such infinite Rules, to suffer a man of his quality to come
so far unto him, and to live so long about him, and not to give him
some Royall gift ; and he further added, that for himself he was a
Prisoner, and therefore could do him no good, but he would pray for
him ; and so he departed."
2 Ujjain, on the River Sipra.
3 Kaliydda, about four miles north of the present city of Ujjain. It
is described as an ancient palace, built on an island in the Sipra, and
consisting of two square buildings, each covered by a cupola ; a bridge
connects the island with the mainland, and below the bridge are se-
veral apartments on a level with the water ; the rocky bed of the
river is cut into channels of various regular forms, such as spirals,
squares, circles, etc., and the whole place formed a very cool and
attractive retreat for the hot weather (Hunter's Narrative of a Journey
from A^ra to Ujjain^ in Asiatic Researches^ vol. vi ; see also The
Oriental Repertory^ vol. vi, p. 266).
The building was erected by one of the Ghori kings of Malwa,
named Nasfr-ud-dfn (1500-12), the story of whose death is here related.
The same tale, but with a few variations, is given in Jahdngfr's Memoirs
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38o THE EMBASSY OF [l^I/
ciently a seat of the Gentile kinges of Mandoa, one wherof
was there drowned in his drinck, having once before
fallen into the riuer, and taken vp by the hayre of the head
by a slaue that diued ; and beeing come to himselfe it was
related to him to procure a reward. Hee Called for the
instrument of his safety, and demanding how he durst Putt
his handes on his Soueraygnes head, caused them to bee
stricken off. Not long after, sitting alone with his wife in
drunkennes, hee had the same Chance to slipp into the
water, but so that shee might easely haue saued him, which
shee did not ; and beeing demanded why, shee replyed
shee knew not whither he also would Cutt of her handes
for her recompence.
February 8. — Wee rested.
February lo. — Wee remooued to a Course beyond Vgen.
February ii. — The king rode to Vgen to speake with a
Deriiis or Saynt living on a hill, who is reported to bee 300
ycares ould.^ I thought this Miracle not woorthy my
examination.
At noone by a foote Post I receiued that the Prince, not-
withstanding all firmaens and Commandes of his father,
had entercepted the Presents and goodes sent vp, to fullfill
his base and greedy desier, and that notwithstanding any
guift nor entreaty or Perswasions of Master Terry, to whose
(see Elliot and Dowson's History^ vol. vi, p. 350). As Ferishta
tells the story (^History of the Deccan^ Briggs' translation, vol. iv, p. 242),
the king, while intoxicated, slipped into a tank, and was rescued by
four of his women, who changed his wet clothes without his perceiving
it. On awakening from his stupor, he complained of headache, and
was thereupon told that he had been so drunk that he had fallen into
the water. Enraged at what he thought (from the state of his clothing)
to be a lie, and supposing them to be reproaching him for his inebriety,
he put them all to death, in spite of their protests. But he did not
die himself till many years after, and then of a fever.
* In his Memoirs the emperor relates this visit at great length. It
was paid to a Sanydsi (ascetic) of the name of Murt^zi Jadruf, "who
had retired many years ago from Ujjain to a corner of the desert to
worship the true God" (Mr. Rogers' translation of the Tuzak), The
** corner of the desert" appears to have been among the ruins of the
ancient city of Ujjain.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 381
Chardge they were Comitted, would not part with them,
but by force Compelld them to returne with him toward
Brampoore ; yet hee forbeare to breake any thing open, but
pressed the English to Consent, which they refusing by
my order, hee thought to wynn them by vexation. Such
is the Custome to see all Merchanntes goodes, eauen before
the king, that hee may first Choose ; but I resolued to
breake yt in our behalfe. The Prince to satisfie his desire,
before I could haue knowledg, he sent a Post to the king
to certifye him that such goodes hee had stayed, without
mention of Presentes and Prayed leaue to open them, and
to buy what hee fancyed. So soone as I heard of this
faithlesse vniust vsadge, I resolued I was Justifiable before
all the world, if I vsed the extreamety of Complayntes ;
that I had practised all meanes to wynne and Purchase
fauour, and had suffered beyond the Patience of a free man,
my former Courses will wittnes, and leaue mee without
blame in .ill successes, though I found it in a rougher
way, seeing I could fynd no better in the smoothest.
Breefly, I resolued to appeale to lustice by Complaynt, but
as Calmely and warely as I Could, to expresse my wholle
greiffe, extreame iniuryes, and long Patience. To goe to
Asaph chan (though to neglect him would displease him)
yet to trye him I feared would preuent my Purpose. To
send to him that I desiered to visitt the king at the Guzel-
chan, I doubted what I entended might bee suspected if
hee had heard of the Iniurye ; so I practised first to avoyd
preuention. The Prophett whom the king visited offered
mee occasion, and my new linguist was ready. I rode and
mett his Maiestie on his Eliphant and allighted, making
signe to speake. Hee turned his Monster to mee, and
Preuented mee : My sonne hath taken your goodes and
my Presents : bee not sadd, hee shall not touch nor open
a seale, nor lock : at night I will send him a Command to
free them ; with other very Gratious speeches that hee
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382 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
knew I came full of Complaynt, to ease mee hee begann
first. Vpon the way I could doe noe more ; but at night,
without farther seeking to Asaph chan, I went to the
Guzelchan^ resolued to prosecute the Complaynt of force-
ing back our goodes in respect of the Chardg and trouble,
of the abuses of Suratt and all our other greeuances. Soe
soone as I came in, the king called my interpreter and
deliuered by his [means ?] that hee had written and sent
his Command very effectually that not a hayre should be
deminished. I replyed the iniury was such, and the
Chardge and abuses of our liberty by the Princes officers,
that I desired redresse, for that wee could not longer
suffer. It was answered what was Past I must remitt to
his Sonne ; but by Asaph chans mediation I could procure
Nothing but very good woordes, for hee smoothd on both
sides. Soe that I was forced to seeme Content, and to
seeke an oportunitye in the absence of that my fake frend
and procurator. The good king fell to dispute of the lawes
of Moses, Jesus and Mahomett ; and in drinck was so kinde
that hee turned to mee, and said : Am I a king ? You
shalbe wellcome : Christians, Moores, lewes, hee meddled
not with thefr faith : they Came all in loue and hee would
protect them from wrong : they liued vnder his safety and
none should oppresse them ; and this often repeated ; but
in extreame drunkennes hee fell to weeping and to diuers
Passions, and soe kept vs till midnight.
ludg all men what trauell I endured by reason the
factors kept my Presentes 4 monthes and sent them eauen
in the Mouth of the Prince, arriued within two dayes of
Brampoore ; and hereby euery way our Chardg doubled. .
Yet I rested not satisfied, but seeing I had begunn and
that the Prince was, as I feared, enough exasperated with
a little, I thought as good Loose him to some Purpose as
to none ; at least to trie the king what hee would doe.
Soe I wayted advantage, but sent back the Messenger to
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 383
Master Terry to stand out and attend the kinges answere,
which I would speedely send him.
This I our nail from this wth february^ i6i6[-i7] is
posted into anotlter booked for want of roome.
The Journal continued from ** Purchas his
PiLGRIMES" (VOL. I, P. 564).
And so resolued to dissemble that I hope to repay.^
When I came, with base flattery worse then the theft, or
at least to giue me some satisfaction, because trouble was
^ Which unfortunately can nowhere be found ; and henceforward
we are dependent on Purchas's meagre extracts, together with such
letters as have escaped destruction.
2 As Purchas commences this entry in the middle of a sentence and
gives no date, it may be surmised that some leaves were missing from
the MS. he used. The date it is impossible to supply, though it must
have been in the latter half of February. Terry says their journey
from Surat to Roe's cam,p lasted until the end of March, but he was
evidently mistaken in the month.
Some particulars of the seizure of the presents and their subsequent
release are given in the following extracts : —
" We were violently deteined in our journey by Sultan Caroon, the
Prince, whom we met in his march towards Brampore, and a very mar-
velous great retinue with him. The reason why he interrupted us in
our course was that he might see the presents we had for his Father
the King ; but, we having command from the Ambassador to tell him
that we durst not open them till we came to the King, we most humbly
craved his pardon to spare us in that. So, presenting him with a pair
of Rich Gloves (though they be things they wear not in those hot
Countryes) and a rich embrodered bag for perfume (which amongst
many other things of the like kinde were brought from England to
be given away for presents), after that he had carried us back three
dayes journey, he let us go, taking further order for our safe Convoy."
— Terry's Voyage^ p. 194.
" The Prince seazed all the Presentes and goodes and tooke them
into his tentes, forcing back their attendantes, but opened Nothing ;
which Newes arriuing, I would not conscent hee should search myne
for the example ; and though it were reasonable to giue leaue to buy,
yet, noe Merchant beeing present, and the goodes sent vp vnder the
Name of supply to the Court factory so base, so vnwoorthy of the
honor of the Company that I thought it would redound to much
scorne to diuulge their qualety. I desired the Kings lettre, which
with many gratious additions hee gaue, and all was dispeeded after
long stay and much expence. When they came neare, the King
beeing gone Priuatly ahunting, and my selfe in the leskar^ the
Prince's Haddy [ahadi, a soldier of the body-guard], whom he sent
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384 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
in my face (for otherwise it is no iniury heere to bee so
vsed), he beganne to tell me he had taken diuers things
that please[d] him extreamely well, naming two Cushions
embroydered, a folding Glasse, and the Dogges, and desired
mee not to bee discontent, for whatsoeuer I would not
giue him, I should receiue backe. I answered : there were few
things that I entended not to present him, but that I tooke
it a great discourtesie to my Soueraigne, which I could not
answere, to haue that was freely giuen seazed, and not
deliuered by my hands, to whom they were directed : and
that some of them were entended for the Prince and
Normahall, some to lye by me, on occasions to prepare his
Maiesties fauour to protect vs from iniuries that strangers
were daily offered, and some for my friends or priuate vse,
and some that were the Merchants, which I had not to doe
withall. He answered that I should not be sad nor grieued
that hee had his choyce, for that hee had not patience to
forbeare seeing them : hee did mee no wrong in it, for hee
thought I wished him first serued : and to my Lord the
King of England hee would make satisfaction, and my
excuse : the Prince, Normahall and he were all one : and
for any to bring with me to procure his fauour, it was a
with Command to carry all to the King, betrayed mee ; and though
I gott the Merchantes goodes deliuered to Master Biddolph, yet in
the night hee stole away myne and carried them to the King as
Presentes, who opened and tooke all that liked him. Next day
I came and hee made many excuses, offering mee restitution, but
yet I cannot gett yt : and for some amendes hee promiseth his lettres
for redresse of abuses. But I neuer sawe what came vp, nor haue
any thing for the Prince, except it bee returned ; so that this yeare
I am barer handed then the last. All that I can vrdge is answered
with such Promises, and, if they succeed, I am happely robbd." — Roe
to Surat, March 10, 1617 {Addl. MS. 61 15, f 175).
From other letters of Roe's it appears that when the goods and
presents reached the camp, the king was four kos away, hunting.
The officer in charge at once rode to report to him, "whose haste
called for them and mee ; but the Messengers at midnight carried all
away, and his Majestie opened them and tooke euery thing before my
arriuall." Next day Roe reached the king's headquarters, and the
interview here described took place.
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[ill tuaoPE.AFHICK,A5IA I.ave I ^^omie^
"ne fonriiejr niorcaudl then luy Ar^xrcis done.^
" " " "^Jj . . -rr j.*t.^ 77.. A..
fl ,fr T^Jif^^TJlf. i^uJi'
THE REV. EDWARD TERRY.
(/rom /»*« " Voyage to East India ").
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l6l7] Sm THOMAS ROE. 385
ceremony and vhnecessary, for he would at all times heare
me : that I should be welcome emptie handed, for that was
not my fault, and I should receiue right from him : and to
go to his Sonne, he would returne me somewhat for him,
and for the Merchants goods pay to their content ; conclud-
ing I should not be angry for this freedome : he entended
well. I made no reply. Then hee pressed me whether I
was pleased or no. I answered : His Maiesties content
pleased me. So seeing Master Terry, whom I brought in
with me, he called to him : Padre, you are very welcome,
and this house is yours, esteeme it so: whensoeuer you
desire to come to me, it shall bee free for you, and what-
soeuer you will require of mee, I will grant yoii.^ Then
he conuerted himselfe with this cunning vnto me, naming
all particulars in order: The Dogges,'- Cushions,- Barbers
^ Terry's account of the incident (p. 440) is as follows : "When I
was first there brought into the presence of the Mogol, immediatly
after my arrive at his Court, I standing near the Ambassadour (for
no man there of the greatest quality whatsoever is at any time suffered
to sit in his presence) and but a little distance from that King in his
Gozulcan, he sent one of his Grandees to me, to let me know that the
King bad me welcome thither : that I should have a free access to
him whenever I pleased : and if I would ask him any thing he would
give it me (though I never did ask, nor he give). And very many
times afterward when, waiting on my Lord Ambassadour, I appeared
before him, he would still shew tokens of Civility and respect to me."
*^ " That year I went for East India, the Merchants here (as from
the King of England, in whose name they sent all their presents)
amongst many other things, then sent the Mogol some great Eng-
lish Mastives, and som^ large Irish Grey-hounds, in all to the number
of eight, dispersed in our severall ships Only two of the
Mastives cam alive to East India, and they were carried up, each of
them drawn in a little Coach, when 1 went up to the Embassador, that
he might present them to the Mogol. The fiercest of these two, in
our way thither, upon a time breaking loose, fell upon a very large
Elephant that was hard by us, fastening his teeth m the Elephants
Trunk, and kept his hold there a good while, which made that huge
beast extremely to roare ; and though the Elephant did swing the
Mastive up and down above ground many times (as not feeling his
weight) that he might throw him off, yet he could not suddenly do
it ; but at last freeing himself from the dog, by throwing him a good
space from him, there came a Mungrill Curr of that Countrey towards
our Mastive, who then lost [left ?] this his most unequal match, fell
upon that dog and kild him, by which means we recovered our
Mastive again into our custody, he not having received any apparent
C C
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386 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
case, you will not desire to haue backe, for that I am de-
lighted in them ? I answered : No. Then, said he, there were
two Glasse chestes : for they were very meane and ordinary,
for whom came they ? I replyed : I entended one for his
Maiestie, the other to Normahall. Why then, said hee,
you will not aske that I haue, being contented with one ?
I was forced to yeeld. Next he demanded whose the Hats
were, for that his women liked them. I answered : Three
were sent to his Maiestie : the fourth was mine to wear.
Then, said he, you will not take them from me, for I like
them, and yours I will returne if you need it, and will not
bestow that on me ; which I could not refuse. Then next he
demanded whose the Pictures were. I answered : Sent to
me to vse on occasions, and dispose as my businesse
required. So hee called for them, and caused them to be
opened, examined me of the women,^ and other little
questions, requiring many iudgements of them. Of the
third Picture, of Venus and a Satyre, he commanded my
Interpreter not to tell me what he said, but asked his Lords
what they conceiued should be the interpretation or
morall of that. He shewed the Satyres homes, his skinne,
which was swart, and pointed to many particulars. Euery
man replyed according to his fancie ; but in the end hee
concluded they were all deceiued : and seeing they could
iudgc no better, hee would keepe his conceit to himselfe,
iterating his command to conceale this passage from me ;
hurts This storie pleased the Mogol very much when the dogs
were presented to him, and he allowed each of them four attendants
of those Natives to wait upon them, who by turnes two and two
together carried them up and down with him in palankees^ to which
they were tyed, and the other two went by them, fanning the flyes
from off them ; and the King caused a pair of silver tongs to be
made on purpose that with them, when he pleased, he might feed
those dogs with his own hand." — Terry, p. 149.
1 The Lady Montague [wife of Sir Henry Montague, afterwards
Earl of Manchester], and the Lady Molyneux [probably Frances,
daughter of Sir. Gilbert Gerard, and wife of Sir Richard Molyneux]
(Kerridge to Roe, December 12, 1616. — Surat Letterbook),
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 387
but bade him aske me what it meant. I answered : An
Inuention of the Painter to shew his arte, which was Poeti-
call, but the interpretation was New to mee that had not
seene it. Then he called Master Terry to giue his iudge-
ment, who replying hee knew not, the King demanded why
hee brought vp to him an inuention wherein hee was
ignorant ; at which I enterposed that he was a Preacher, and
medled not with such matters, nor had charge of them ;
onely, comming in their company, hee was more noted,
and so named as their conductor.
This I repeate for instruction, to warne the company
and him that shall succeed me to be very wary what they
send may be subject to ill Interpretation ;^ for in that point
this King and people are very pregnant and scrupulous,
full of iealousie and trickes. For that, notwithstanding the
King conceited himselfe, yet by the passages I will deliuer
my opinion of this conceit, which (knowing I had neuer
seene the Picture, and by Ignorance was guiltlesse) hee
would not presse hard vpon me ; but I suppose he vnder-
stood the Morall to be a scorne of Asiatiques, whom the
naked Satyre represented, and was of the same complex-
ion, and not vnlike ; who, being held by Venus, a white
woman, by the Nose, it seemed that shee led him Captiue.
Yet he reuealed no discontent, but rould them vp, and told
me he would accept him also as a Present : for the Saddle
and some other small Toyes, he would fit me with a gift to
his Sonne, to whom he would write according to promise,
so effectually that I should need no Sollicitor in many
[my ?] businesses; with as many complements, excuses, pro-
fessions and protestations as could come from any very
Noble or very base minde in either extreame. Yet he left
^ The Company sent out many allegorical pictures. Amongst those
brought by Roe was one " expressing our government," which seems
a difficult subject for a painter.
CC 2
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S88 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
not, but enquired what m'eant the figures of the beasts,^
and whether they were sent me to giue to him. I had
vnderstood they were very ridiculous and ill shaped ordi-
nary creatures, the varnish off, and no beauty other then
a lumpe of wood. I was really ashamed, and answered :
It was not my fault : those that seized them must beare
the affront : but that they were not entended to him, but
sent to shew the formes of certaine beasts with vs. He
replyed quickly : Did you thinke in England that a Horse
and a Bull was strange to mee ? I replyed : I thought not
of so meane a matter : the sender was an ordinary man
in good will to mee for Toyes, and what he thought, I
knew not. Well, said the King, I will keepe them, and onely
desire you to helpe me to a horse of the greatest size : it
is all I will expect, and a Male and Female of Mastiffes,
and the tall Irish Grey-hounds, and such other Dogges as
hunt in your lands ; and if you will promise me this, I will
giue you the word of a King, I will fully recompence you,
and grant you all your desires. I answered : I would promise
to prouide them, but could not warrant their Hues, and if
they dyed by the way, onely for my discharge, their skinnes
and bones should bee preserued. Hee gaue extraordinary
Bowes, layd his hand on his heart, and such kind of ges-
tures as all men will witnesse he neuer vsed to any man,
nor such familiarity, nor freedome, nor profession of loue.
This was all my recompence, that he often desired my
content to be merry : that the wrong he had done me he
would royally requite, and send me home to my Countrey
with grace and reward like a Gentleman. But seeing no-
^ These were six carved figures of a lion, buck, horse, greyhound,
bull and talbot (a species of dog noted for quickness of scent), and
had cost 57^. each {Surat Letterbook^ f. 138). Mukarrab Khdn's list of
goods suitable for presentation to the King (sent home by Downton
in 1614) included " any figures of beasts, birds, or other similes made
of glass, of hard plaster, of silver, brass, wood, iron, stone or ivory"
{Letters Received^ vol. ii, p. 173) ; and probably the models referred to
had been sent in consequence of this suggestion.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 389
thing returned of what was seized, but words, I desired his
Maiesty to deliuer backe the Veluets and Silkes, being
Merchants goods : that they were sent vp among mine by
his Maiesties command, for that by that pretence they
escaped the rauine of the Princes Officers. So hee gaue
order to call Master Biddolph to agree with him, and to
pay for them to content. Then I deliuered a Letter I had
ready written, contayning my desire for Priuiledges and
Justice ; otherwise, I should returne as a Fayzneane^ and
disgraced to my Soueraigne; and desired some Justice for
Sulpheckarkons Debt lately dead. He replyed he would
take such order with his Sonne for Surat as I should haue
no cause to complaine, and that he should cleere it ; for
which he gaue instant order. For other places, he would
giue me his commands, and euery way shew how much
he loued me : and, to the end I might returne to my Mas-
ter with honour, Hee would .send by me a rich and worthy
Present, with his Letter of my behauiour filled with many
prayses ; and commanded me to name what I thought
would be most acceptable. 1 answered : I durst not craue:
it was not our custome, nor stood with my Masters honour :
but whatsoeuer he sent, I doubted not would be acceptable
from so potent a King and so much loued of my Lord.
He replyed that I thought he asked in iest, to please mee,
and that he saw I was yet discontent, but he coniured me
to beleeue he was my friend, and would at conclusion proue
so ; and vowed by his head hee spake heartily con-
cerning Presents, but I must not refuse for his instruc-
tion to name somewhat. This earnestnesse enforced mee
to say: If his Maiesty pleased, I thought large Persian
Carpets^ would be fittest : for gifts of cost and value my
^ A do-nothing (Fr. faineant).
2 Roe himself took home a "great carpet with my [his] arms
thereon," which he afterwards bequeathed to his cousin, Sir Henry Roe
(Roe's will, in Somerset House).
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390 THE EMBASSY OF* [1617
Master expected not. He answered he would prouide of all
sorts and sizes, and added [add ?] to them what hee thought
was fit, that your King may know I respect him. Next,
hauing Venison of diuers sorts before him, he gaue me halfe
a Stagge, with these words : Hee killed it himselfe, and the
other halfe I should see bestowed on his wiues ; which was
presently cut out, in small pieces of foure pound, and sent
in by his third^ sonne and two women that were called out,
to diuers such Mammockes^ as if it had beene a dole to the
poore, and carryed by the Prince bare in his hands. Now
I had as much satisfaction and so abundant grace as might
haue flattered me into content ; but the iniury was aboue
words, though I were glad of these, and of colour to dis-
semble, for hee sent as a conclusion to know if I were
pleased, and did not depart discontent. I answered : His
Maiesties fauour was sufficient to make mee any amends.
Then, said he, I haue onely one question to askeyou, which
is, I wonder much, now 1 haue seene your Presents two
yeares, what was the reason why your King sent a Mer-
chant, a meane man,^ before you with fiue times as many,
and more curious Toyes that contented all, and after to
send you his Ambassadour with a Commission and his
Letter mentioning Presents, and yet what you brought was
little, meane and inferiour to the other: I acknowledge
you an Ambassadour, I haue found you a Gentleman in
your vsage, and I am amazed why you were so slightly
set out I would haue replyed, but he cut me off: I
know it is not the Kings fault, nor yours, but I will let
you see I esteeme you better then they employed you : at
your returne I will send you home with honour, with re-
ward and according to your qualitie : and, not respecting
what you brought me, will like a King present your Lord
and Master : onely this I will require from you, and not
1 A slip for fourth (Jahdnddr) or fifth (Shahrydr). Cp. p. 279.
2 Morsels (cp. Coriolanus^ I^ iii, 63). ^ Edwards.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 39 1
expect it from the Merchants, to take with you a patteme
of a Quiuer and Case for my Bow, a Coat to weare, a
Cushion to sleepe on of my fashion (which was at his head),,
and a paire of Boots, which you shall cause to be embroy-
dered in England of the richest manner, and I will expect
and receiue them from you, for I know in your Countrey
they can worke better then any I haue seene: and if you
send them mee,I am a King, you shall not lose by it; which
I most thankfully vndertooke, and he commanded Asaph
Chan to send me the patternes. Then he demanded if I
had any Grape Wine. I could not denie it. He desired a
taste next night, and if hee liked it he would be bold ; if
not, he desired me to make merrie with it. So spending
this night onely on me, he rose.
March % — Wee came to Mandoa,^ into which the King
entred in state. But no man was suffered to goe in before
hee was set, by the aduice of his Astrologers ; so that wee
all sate without, attending a good houre.
\MarcK\ 6. — I came into Mandoa, hauing sent before and
^ Mandu, once the capital of Mdlwa, now a deserted city in Dhdr
State, 65 miles S.S.W. of Ujjain, 34 miles S.W. of the cantonment
of Mhow, and 1 5 miles N. of the right bank of the Narbadd. Bur-
h^npur lies about 90 miles to the S.E.
The city stands on the crest of the Vindhyas, nearly 2000 ft. above
sea level, overlooking the Narbadd valley, while behind an abrupt
gorge cuts it off from the tableland ofMdlwa. This strong position
led to its being chosen as the capital of the Muhammadan kings of
Mdlwa, who adorned it with many splendid buildings, which are still
standing ; but after its capture in 1531 by Bahddur Shdh and its con-
sequent incorporation with the dominions of Gujdrdt, it gradually
declined in importance till at last it was abandoned to the jungle.
Finch visited it in March, 16 10, and described at some length its
magnificent ruins {Purchas, vol. i, p. 425) ; and subsequent accounts
will be found in Sir John Malcolm's Malwa (1822), Gleanings in
Science (Calcutta, 1830) vol. ii, p. 342; The History of Manduy by
"a Bombay subaltern'* [Lieut. Blake, as Dr. Burgess tells me] (1844,
reprinted in 1875 and 1879), and Harris's Ruins of Mandoo (i860).
The last-named work contains a number of coloured views of the
principal buildings. The latest description will be found in the
Progress Report of the Archceological Survey Circle, AL IV, Provinces
and Oudh, 1892-93.
Possibly some future explorer will identify the building in which
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392 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
found a faire Court well walled, and in that a good Church,
one great Tombe. It was taken vp by one of the Kings
Seruants, but I" got possession and kept it, being the best
within all the wall, but two mile from the Kings house,
yet so sufficient that a little charge would make it defen-
sible against raines, and saue one thousand Rupias ; and
for Aire very pleasant vpon the edge of the hill.
{^Marc^ II.— At night I went toward the Court, but the
King, vpon newes of a Lion that had killed some Horses,
was gone to hunt ; so that I had leisure to seeke some
water. For we were brought to a hill with a multitude of
people (so great is the foresight, and so good the PoHcie)
where was no water, that men and Cattle were like to
perish. That little that was in Pooles some great men
possessed, and kept by force. I could get none ; the poore
forsooke the Citie, and by Proclamation many were com-
manded away, all Horses and Cattel forbid, and so those
who were now in hope to rest were forced to seeke new
Dwellings, who departed some two, three and foure Course
off, to the extreame trouble of all men, and the terrible
rising of prouisions. I knew not what to doe ; my Roome
and House was good, and though I were farre from
Markets, yet it was a lesse inconuenience then to sit in the
fields without house or shelter ; onely I wanted water. So
I rode my selfe to seeke some, and found a great Poole
Roe took up his quarters. It was " on the Sowth side, neare the edge
of the hill, a course from the Towne," about two miles from the royal
headquarters, and on the way from them down to the river ; and it
consisted of a deserted mosque and tomb, probably both of date
anterior to the Mogul conquest, with a courtyard surrounded by a wall
not too high for a lion to leap over. A writer in the Calcutta Review
for 1857 (vol. xxviii, p. 254) mentions that some years previous Roe's
name was to be seen on the walls of an old tomb among the ruins of
Mandu, but he adds that it was generally supposed to have been
scratched there at a comparatively recent date. It would indeed be
hard to imagine the ambassador scribbling his name on the walls of
his dwelling. One of his suite might have done so, but it is a much
more likely supposition that it was the work of some later traveller.
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 393
possessed by Chan, which was giuen by the King, l.sent
to desire him leaue to draw,^ who 'granted .me foure lo^d a
day; which satisfied me in such sort.thafwith selling away
some of those lades^ that were put vpon me from Surat
and putting off my Cattell, I had hope to Hue, to which
purpose I sent two with them to lye out of Towne. There
was not a misery nor punishment which either the want
of Gouernment or the naturall disposition of the Clime
gaue vs not.^
[MarcA] 12. — I went to the King, and carried a New-
yeares* gift, a paire of very faire Kniues of my owlne, and
sixe Glasses of yours.^ The excuse I made was well re-
^ " The custome being such that whatsoeuer Fountaine or Tanke is
found by any great man in time of drought hee shall keepe it proper
and peculiar to himselfe " (Coryat's notes in Purchas^ vol. i; p. 600).
The name of the Khdn seems to have been omitted.
2 By an amusing press blunder, in the 1873 reprint of the Journal
Roe is made to contemplate "selling away some of those ladies
that were put upon '' him from Surat.
3 " The misery," wrote Roe to Kerridge, " is pitifull ; water sould in
the streete at an incredible rate ; many Perishing for want ; all begg-
ing that only as almes." His own difficulty in this respect was re-
moved by the discovery of a spring on the hillside — a discovery due
to a young member of the Herbert family who had arrived in Pep-
well's fleet, and had joined Roe at the latter's invitation. He had
been shipped to India as a ne'er-do-well by his despairing friends ;
on the voyage out he behaved so badly that he was turned before the
mast ; at Surat he was a plague to the factors ; and on the way to the
Court he endangered the safety of the party by first beating and then
firing at a native, to the alarm of'mild Master Terry, who characterised
him as " the most hasty and cholerick young man that ever I knew."
He behaved very civilly, however, during his stay with Roe ; and
when, tiring of the hardships of camp life, he towards .the end
of 1 61 7 returned to Surat, the ambassador made a special request
that he should be well treated and accommodated with a passage
home.
Coryat, who records Herbert's discovery of the spring {Purchas^ vol.i,
p. 600}, mentions also that " the day after, one of the Kings Haddys
finding the same and striuing for it was taken by my Lords people and
bound all, &c., a great controuersie being about it." He also praises
" the Charitie of two great men that in the time of this great drought
were at the charge of sending 10 Camels with twentie persons every
day to the said Riuer [Narbad^] for water and did distribute the water
to the poore, which was so deare that they sold a little skinne for
eight PiseP
* See p. 142, note 2. ^ The Company's.
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394 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
ceiued, and the King vsed mee with all grace ; this onely
was my comfort. He said whatsoeuer came from my hands
was present sufficient : he accepted my loue, and it was his
part now to giue me. I found a gainer^ by him, who had
so farre performed his promise that I perceiued the King
instructed in my desire, and gaue present order to an
Officer to send for Master Bidolph to pay him to his con-
tent for such things as he claymed, and all the others were
acknowledged to be receiued by name ; and that when I
went to the Prince, the King would write ; but was loth to
part .with any thing, of which the best sweetbagge lay
before him. I replyed : I was as loth to goe emptie-
handed ; so it rested. The King commanded I should
come vp and stand within, on the degrees^ of his Throne
by him, where I found on one side the Persian Ambassa-
dour, on the other the old King [of] Candahar,^ with
whom I ranked, and he presently fell to begge a Knife,
which next day I sent. The King called for the Persian
to come downe, to whom he gaue a lewell and a young
Elephant, for which he kneeled and saluted the ground
with his head. The Throne was the same vsed the last
yeare, and all the other furniture. At the vpper end was
set the King my Soueraignes Picture, the Queenes, my
Lady Elizabeths, Sir Thomas Smiths^ and some others,
two pieces of good and fine Tapistrie below them that
came from Persia ; a Throne of Gold set all ouer with
Rubies, Emeralds and Turqueis ; and the old Musicke of
singing Whores.
1 This is evidently a printer's error for Aganor (Agha Niir), ofwhom
see p. 161. He was master of the ceremonies at the Nau-rdz festivi-
ties, and "new vndertooke my Court busines" (Roe's Accounts).
2 Steps. 3 Sgg p 257.
* Several of these pictures had been displayed the previous year
(see p.. 143)-
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 395
This day I dispatched to Surat my aduice^ of the Per-
sian businesse and the new Ambassadour, and some re-
membrance to Abram Chan the Gouernour, from whom I
receiued a Letter that in his absence our Nation had beene
wronged, against his knowledge, but that, his power being
augmented by the Prince, he desired me to be confident in
him : that while he lined in authoritie we should neuer
suffer any such abuses, but we should Hue in all freedome.
[Marc/t] 1 3. — I sent a Complement to Asaph Chan, a faire
wrought Night-cap of mine owne, and a rich paire ot
Gloues, which he returned as vselesse in this Countrey ;
the Cap he receiued, and desired some Alegant Wine,
which I sent the next day at night. Aganor (whose dili-
gence now gaue me great hope and ease) sent a Bannian
his Secretary to tell mee hee had order for the dispatch of
the Merchants goods, and that his man should attend Master
Biddolph to finish it : that the patternes should be sent me
home: and that the King would giue me a Coat, and
money to beare my charges to the Prince. I returned
answere that I had no vse of a Babylonish Garment,
nor needed money : if his Maiestie were pleased to con-
sider the iniuries offered, of which the Paper testified
remayned in his hands, and to giue me his Letter to the
Prince with some Presents or else to write in my excuse, it
was all I would desire : but for his gifts I expected none
but Justice.
{March] 21. — P yet could not at instant presse it further ;
only I discouered the Kings doubts, for he suspected my
stealing out of his Countrey, and breach with our Nation ;
for the Prince, either out of guiltinesse or feare, or perhaps
cunning, to make vs the pretence of his owne dessignes,
1 See AddL MS. 6115, f. 175. The " new Ambassador" is Connock
(see note, p. 330), who was reported by Barker to have assumed that
title ; Connock himself vehemently denied it (I. O. Records : O. C,
No. 466).
2 Here again Purchas's extract commences in the middle of a story.
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396 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
had newly enformed the King that next yeare the English
purposed the taking of Surat and keeping it, of which our
owne folly gaue some colour ; for lately vpon one of their
ordinary brabbles they caused two hundred Musketers to
land and march toward Surat, and being met by diuers
the ioyfull Mariners gaue out they went to take it. This
absurde brauado (for a handful of men to passe twelue mile
to a walled Towhe, able to put out a thousand horse armed
and as many shot, a Riuer to passe which a few men would
defend against a good Armie) gaue iust occasion of scorne
and ofiFence ; and which the Prince apprehended for some
other his owne ends, to refortifie the Castle and Towne, and
to send downe Ordnance for the defence: a good prouision to
keepe a doore open to flie out, if his Brother Hue to correct
his ambition. But this information occurring with my
discontents heere, and some free language, my pressure to
goe to Brampore, and flying newes that we had taken Goa
and were preparing a great Fleet in England, did cause
some suspition in the King, which, though he concealed it,
yet hee thought to discouer by the former Discourse,^ with
which hee rested fully satisfied, but I did not. I had beene
long fed with words, and knew as well as the heart that
trembled, that feare of vs only preserued our residence.
March 29. — This complaining of Officers is a tune so
new, so odious in Court that it troubleth all great men, it
beeing their owne case, who, liuing vpon farming Gouern-
^ This Purchas has evidently omitted ; but from a letter of Roe's
to Surat, it appears that the king had told the ambassador that he
intended to go to Lahore, " and therfore would not suffer me to goe
to Brampoore ; but first hee vsed policy with mee, thincking I had
desiered to goe to slipp away (for such jealousyes hee conceiues of vs,
enfused by the Prince) ; but when 1 mett him right, hee was well
satisfyedj and assured mee it was better for mee to stay by him vntill
I were recalled home, for that hee was my best frend, vrdging a Pro-
mise to goe to Lahor with him, which Conditionally I gaue." The
Mogul thereupon wrote two letters to the Prince, one to excuse Roe's
non-attendance, and the other to order redress of the abuses of which
the ambassador had complained.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 397
ments in which they vse all tyrannic to the Naturals, are
loth to suffer a way open to the Kings vnderstanding of
their practice, who ordinarily hang men by the heeles, to
confesse money or to ransome themselues from no fault :^
this made all men enuie my imployment, and auoid me
as an Informer.
April 2^. — I receiued from Dabull road from Captain
Pepwell that according to aduise he had stayed the luncke
bound for Mocha,^ but, weighing the caution giuen by
mee to consider well what correspondence were betweene
that Prince and Mozolapatam (in whose Territorie the
Solomon was and could not get to sea), finding both alliance
and friendship, he freed her without spoile (alleaging the
refusall of Trade to Middleton), which courtesie procured
him so good entertainment as the Indies affoords seldome:
free Trade and promise to take three hundred Clothes
yearely, a good quantitie of Lead sold for money, and some
Ordnance (which I like not : to arme the Indians, and
the Portugals friends, enemies to the Mogoll) and all
other courtesies, which (if this kindnesse proceeded not
* " The people of this Country being generally all so base, and
theeues they are all from the begger to the Kinge, and Hue as fishes
doe in the sea — the great ones eate vpp the little ; for first the farmer
robbs the peasant, the gentleman robbs the farmer, the greater robbs
the lesser, and the Kinge robbs all" (Jas. Bickford to Sir Thomas
Smythe, March 4, 161 7 : 0. C.^ No. 454).
2 In a letter to Pepwell of the 4th January, 1617 {AddL MS, 61 15,
f. 173), Roe had suggested, as a prize particularly worth taking,
the vessel which yearly traded between Dabhol and the Red Sea.
Dabhol, a town on the Malabar Coast, 85 miles S.E. from Bombay,
was the principal piort of the Bfj^pur kingdom ; and in view of the
war then being waged between the Mogul and the allied Dekhan
princes, Roe thought that such a capture would be favourably re-
ceived at court. Nor was a pretext wanting. At the time of Sir Henry
Middleton's visit in February, 1612, the governor, while promising all
friendly usage, had secretly prevented the merchants from trafficking
with the English {Lancaster's Voyages, p. 197) ; and this action Roe
chose to interpret as a mark of sympathy with the Portuguese and a
sufficient reason for retaliation. He warned Pepwell, however, first
to make sure that the capture of the junk would not embroil the Eng-
hsh at Masulipatam with the King of Golconda, owing to the close
relations between the latter court and Bij^pur.
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398 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
for that the luncke was yet vnder command) giues me good
hope of some Trade in sale yearely at the Port. Howeuer,
the freeing of the luncke assures me the Commander will
doe nothing by catching preiudiciall to the Company, and
deliuer himselfe honestly from the iealousies cast vpon him
from Dabul.^ Hee signifies his intent to proceed to Calli-
cute f and if that Factoriebe not worth supplyes to trans-
mit it to Dabul.
{April'] 27. — By the Foot-post I receiued from Mesolapa-
tam that the Salomon was got to Sea, and the Hosiander
from Bantam arriued, who brought the ill newes of the
losse of the Hector and Concord^ careening in the Roade of
lacatra, on laua:^ in recom pence, that the Dragon, Clone,
and Defence were homeward laden from Bantam. I tooke
this occasion to conuey a letter to the Gouernour of Dabul
ouer-land, to apprehend the ouerture newly made by him
of the trade. Though I had little, opinion of the place, yet
I would not neglect that, nor encourage the next Fleet to
proceed but vpon better assurance then a forced friendship
and offers made while their luncke was in our power. The
effect was to signifie the causes of our staying their goods
for refusing trade to Sir Henry Middleton : but now find-
ing in him a better inclination, and a desire to receiue vs
and to establish a friendship and league, a promise to take
cloth in good quantitie, I required, if these motions were
hearty and such as befitted a man of honour, that he would
write to the King his Master to procure his Firman with
1 Probably this is an error for " Surat" (Cp. (9. C, No. 467).
2 A factory had been settled there by Captain Keeling on his way
to Bantam in 1616 ; but it was not a success, and Pepwell took the
factors away.
3 This report was afterwards corrected. "The Hector was not
cast away, but broke vp by Captain Keeling, who the loth of Octo-
ber, 1616, sett sayle for England" (Roe's letter to Burh^npur, May 17,
1617 : Addl, MS. 61 15, f. 192). Keeling had received permission
from England to return, " such order Comming ... by the Swanne
that if hee would he might" {Ibid.^ f. 191).
Jacatra was the native town which was afterwards converted by the
Dutch into their settlement of Batavia (Nova).
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 399
such priuiledges as were fit for Merchants, and his pro-
mise to buy our goods and to fulfil all the friendly offers
made by him his Officer, vnder his Scale, and with expe-
dition to send it mee to the Court of the great Mogoll^
whereby I might receiue assurance and encouragement that
they entended faith ; and on such reception I did vnder-
take on the behalfe of the King of England a good and
firme Peace toward his Master, his subiects free passage in
the seas from any oppression by our Fleets, and that
yearely I would either send a ship to his Port for trade or
(if it so required) leaue and establish a residence in his
Gouernment. I doubt not but yearely, for feare or loue,
some good trade by sales may bee made ; but for enuest-
ments it will not be worth it ; only I proceeded as I would
haue wished all men, not with too seeming eager a desire,
nor to swallow any offers and conditions hungerly ; for
strict care in the first setling is the best aduantage, and ifor
misery^ of ensuing times, it being a generall rule neuer to
mend your first estate, often to empaire it. Euery mans
best houre is when he is new, a stranger, and at first scene ;
after, the naturall lenitie [leuitie ?] of these Barbarians finds
all that brings not change fastidious. This dispatch I com-
mitted to Master Bangham,^ and desired him to make diligent
enquiry of the commodities, aduantages, inconueniences,
humours and affections of these Decannies towards vs.^
^ The text is evidently corrupt. Possibly we should read : " for
preventing misery."
2 Thevenot renders this : " Je mis cette depesche entre les mains
de nostre Bangan ;" adding, as a marginal note : " Bangam signifie
Interprete." This amusing confusion appears to have resulted from
the Company's broker (who generally acted as linguist) being men-
tioned as a Banyan.
3 Roe's letter will be found in Addl. MS. 6115 (f. 190). The
Governor's reply was received in June. In this he reiterated the
promises made to Pep well, but would not commit himself to buy
any specified quantity of goods yearly ; as for the desired farmdn, he
had sent Roe's letter to the King, and would communicate to the
ambassador his reply (Roe to Bangham, June 21, 161 7). This
answer seemed to Roe sufficiently encouraging to follow up the
matter ; and he accordingly arranged in the following February
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4O0 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
[April] 30: — The time^ that he brought me the excuses of
the Persian Ambassadour for failing in taking his leaue of
me, which he would not send by a seruant, but vttered the
truth that the Ambassadour was not sicke, as he preten-
ded, but receiuing no content from the King in his busi-
nesse, he suddenly tooke leaue; and hauing given thirty
faire horses at his departure, the King gaue in recompence
three thousand Rupzas, which he tooke in great scorne ;
whereupon the King prized all that the "Anibassadour had
giuen him at meane rates, and likewise all that the King
had returned since his arriuall, euen to slaiies, Drinke,
Mellons, Pines, Plantanes, Hawkes, Plumes, the Eliphant
and whatsoeuer at extreme high rates, and sending both
Bils made it vp in money. This base vsage and scorne
caused him to excuse his not seeing Asaph Chan and Eti-
mon X)owlet on a Feuer, which hauing done hee could hot
come through the Towne to mee without discouerie, but
desired. him to acquaint me with the truth, and to make
all excuse and profession that hee would recompence this
discourtesie by double friendship to my Countrimen in
Persia ; with some bitternesse against the King, which Aga-
nor as freely deli uered, and I seemed as vnwilling to heare.
I presented them with some Aligant and Kniues, and we
parted.
May 12. — I receiued newes of a great blow giuen the
Persian by the Turkes Army, so that Tauris was rased,
and the Shabas not able to keepe the field.^
that the Anne should call at Dabhol on her way to the Red Sea ; this,
however, was found to be impracticable {O.C., No. 630), and nothing
more was done till the sailing of the fleet in 1619, when Captain
Bonner, doubtless at Roe's suggestion, put into Dabhol road on his
way down the coast. No sales were effected, but the authorities were
so lavish in promises that the English forbore to enforce a trade and
sent word to Surat to advise a further attempt in the following yesir.
^ Something has been omitted here. Agha Nur seems to have
been the person referred to.
2 An account of the campaign, written by the Turkish Grand Wazir,
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I6l7] SJR THOMAS ROE. 4OI
'To THE Factors at Surat. .
-'■'■'..'' . May 22, 1617*
. . . . Vp6n your Ikst Complaynt sent vp in Persian and my
deliuery to the King, his Maiestie wrote a lettre to the Prince
ttoi many dayes Past (for I procured Aganor to mooue it anew)
as» fun of fauour as I could desire, Commanding vs to bee ysed
in all sorts as respectiuely as his owne subiectes : that wee came
only to see him and his Cuntrie, and therefore hee would not
endure any wrong to bee offered to vs. Hee tooke particular
notice of your restraynt in victualles, and Customes for victualles,
and the detention of the Presents and the. sealing them, to bee
directed to the Prince, and many other Circumstances, .Besides,
hee gaue order to Asaph -chan to write 4 lettres to fower ^of the
Princes officers by name, to take knowledg of the Complaynt
made against them and to signine at lardg his Maiesties Pleasure
and what himself had written the Prince. These lettres Aganor
voweth hee saw written and read them, and sayth they are sent
away, but I feare Asaphchan did only blind vs both, though the
other vowe fayre Play, and that the King would bee extreame
angery at any fraud after his order, because they Came not to my
handes. I desier you to make all enquiery what lettres or Jir-
maens came lately to any in Suratt concerning vs; for if our
great solicitor haue fayled, I will not faile to make the King vn-
will be found in Purchas, vol. ii, p. 1612. KnoUes, in his History pj
the Turks (1687 edn., vol. ii, p. 950) gives the following particulars :
" The War continuing still betwixt the Turks and the Peifsians,' the
Grand Visier was sent to invade Persia with a great Army ; where,
after many exploits of War, News came to Constantinople/ that the
Visier had gotten a great advantage vpon the Sophy of Persia in a
Battel which had been fought, wherein there had been an hundred
thousand men slain. And although the Turks lost the greatest nurtiber,
yet they remained Masters of the Field and spoiled the Persians
jCamp, who was retired or fled : for that the manner of the Sophy is,
to fight with the Turks in retiring or giving way a little ; and with
this manner of fighting they have always made Head against the
Turks. After this Overthrow, the Visier advanced with his Army
and entred far into Persia, which made many doubt that his Return
would prove difficult : yet soon after there came Letters to Constan-
tinople, importing. That the Turk's being in Persia in great distress
for Victuals, the Sophy had sent an Ambassador to the Visier to
demand Peace, promising hereafter to satisfie the Tributes of Silk
which he ought yearly unto the Turk ; and that the Visier (in re-
gard of the necessity of his Army) had accepted his Offer, and granted
him Peace, the which Sultan Osman did afterwards ratifie. After
the conclusion whereof, the Sophy sent many Camels loaden with
Victuals unto the Turks Army, which was in great distress and
want,"
PP
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402 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
derstand yt. I am Confident his desire is now to satisfye vs, and
I would not lett it coole.
The last newes that came to this Court from Persia is not good
for vs. The Shabas, sending Part of his Armie to entercept a
Convoy of the Turkes, was betrayd by one of his ownc Captaines
and Cutt to Peices 12,000 of his Choyse Guardes, wherby the
Turkes Armie aduanced into the feild toward Tawris, and the
Shabas, not able to abyde him, razed it and desmantled it wholy,
and, wasting the Cuntrie about, keepes the strengthes of the hilles.
The truth of newes that Comes soe farr is doubtfull ; but the
King receiued it from the Gouernors of his borders. . . .
[May] 25. — A Lion and a Woolfe vsed my house and
nightly put vs in alarume, fetching away Sheepe and Goats
out of my Court, and leaping a high wall with them. I sent
to aske leaue to kill it, for that no man may meddle with
Lions but the King, and it was granted. I ranne out into
the Court vpon the noyse, and the beast, missing his prey,
seized on a little Island Dogge before me,^ that I had long
kept. But the Woolfe one of my Seruants killed, and I
sent it the King.
June 14. — Certaine goods of the lesuites were sent from
Cambaya in a Cabinet, Phisicke and necessaries and a
Letter, which were betrayed by the bringer, and deliuered
the King ; which he opened and sent for the Padre toreade
the Letter, and to see all in the Boxes, of which nothing
liking him, he returned all ; which I obserue as a warning
to all that deale in this Kingdome, to bee wary of what
they write or send ; for such is the custome and humour of
the King, that he will seize and see all, lest any Toy should
escape his appetite.
[June] 18. — I receiued Letters from Amadauar of the
Hope of the fall of Indico, by the failing of the Goa Caffila^
^ " A little white neat shock, that ran out barking at him " (Terry,
p. 197). While at Mandii the English found it necessary to keep
a fire burning at night outside their dwelling to scare away wild
beasts.
* The non-arrival of the usual fleet of Portuguese frigates to buy
supplies for Europe.
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|6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 4O3
and that there was plentie to be bought, but deare : That
the Vhicornes Hbrne was returned as without vertue, con-
cerning which I gaue him new aduice :* many complaints
against Surat and others, which I meddle not with. I re-
<:eiued from Brampoore two Letters, how doubtfull the
Debt of Ralph^ stood, and newes of the returtle of Spragge
from the Leskar oi Decan.® The Generall Melickamber,*
with much shew of honour, gaue instant order for priuie
search in all his Campe for the Persian fled, and by me
remanded ; but finding him departed to Vizeapoore^ by
testimony, that businesse was pursued no further, but by a
Letter to a Dutch there resident. The Generall desired
Spragge to be a meanes to bring him English cloth and
swords to his Campe for the supply of his Souldiers, which
lye within sixe dayes of Brampoore. In my opinion, that
had beene a good employment of some idle men and a
way to vent our dead commodities.
Jufy 30. — I receiued from Surat of the casting away of
two Dutch ships on the Coast of Damon, that, hauing come
from the Southward with Spices and China Silkes, were
bound for the Red Sea, but, losing their season with much
extremitie of weather, beating many weekes about the en-
trance for harbour, attempted the like at Socatra and vpon
the Coast .of Arabia, but being not able to get in anyway,
they resolued for Surat, hoping by the last yeares good
successe to be able to ride safely; but the yeares differ,
and beeing forced to anchor in extremitie their greater ship
.cut her Masts by boord, and after, her Cables breakmg.
^ See p. 290.
2 A printer's error for Zulphe, i.e., Ziilfikar Khdn.
' He had been $ent in pursuit of a Persian, whom Fettiplace had
trusted at Agra to the amount of 1700 rupees. The debtor had pro-
mised to make repayment at Mandii, but fled thence in the night,
intending, it was supposed, to take refuge in the enemy's camp.
* Mahk Ambar, the well-known generalissimo of the Ahmadnagar
kingdom.
, :* :Bfi4piir, . . , \ .
P P 3
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404 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
shee went ashore x^pon the Coast, Ozie. ground within Mus^
-ket shot The ship kept vpright, but -hauing lost tiaetr/long
Boat, and their Skiffe not able to line, by rafters foure men
got ashoare, and theTydes heaiiing het in vpon the SpHng,
they saued much goods and all their people. Her Pin-
nasse of sixtie Tunne was beaten to pieces.^
August 21.— The King of Candahor came to visit me
and brought wine and fruit, sate halfe an houre, and for
one lest of his begged a bottle of wine. ^
The Prince Sultan Corseroone had his first day of hoped
libertie, and came to take ayre and pleasure at the Ban-
quetting house by me. The Prince at Brampoore had
made a Marriage^ without the Kings consent, and gotten
<iispleasure ; besides, some practice of his was disco-
uered against his Brothers life, but this as a* secret. He
was called for to Court. Normahal and Asaph Chan^ by
their Fathers aduice, came' about to make a. peace with
Corsoroone and Alliance, and with infinite ioy his libertie
is expected.^
1 These ships were the Middelbufg and the Duyve^ under the
command of Pieter van den Broecke, the captain of the ship which
had visited Surat in the previous year. They left Bantam on the' 8th
March, 161 7, and after calling at Mauritius and Madagascar, stretched
across to the coast of Melinde and into the mouth of the Red Sea.
Then, as the Middelburg had sprung a leak. Van den Broecke made
for Socotra ; bur, missing it, was obliged to run before the wind in
the hope of getting into Surat. The storm increased in violence,
and on the i8th July the ship struck on th© coast near Damaun. As
narrated by Roe, the crew reached the Miore in safety, where they con-
structed a barricade to defend their goods^ Shortly aftei*, they were
joined by the company of the />>^y7/^,.wliich had stranded a mile oHl
Van den Broecke burnt the wreck of his vessel, and the whole party
marched to Gantievi, near Surat, where they took-up their quarters
(Van den Broecke, Op sijne Reysen^ p. 73). There is an interesting
account of the shipwreck in a letter from the Surat factors to the
Company, O, C, No. 561.
2 With the daughter of Shdhnawdz Khdn, son of the Kh^n-khdn^n.
3 On the 1 2th December, 16 16, in writing to Surat, Roe had men-
tioned a rumour that " Sultan Carseroone shall marrie Normahalls
daughter and haue liberty and that all the faction will adhere to
him" (cp. p. 363). The lady in question was the daughter of Nui-
Mahdl by her former husband, Shfr Afgan, and there s^ms little
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16^7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 405
'[August] 22. — The King feasted at- AsapK Qians.' I re-
ceiued from Aleppo ,and Persia passages of the Warre, the
Turkes retrait, but no word of our English, only that the
Captaine of Grinins^ had written to practise their disgrace.
To William Robbins at Ispahan.^
{Addi. MS. 6iiSyt2o^:)
Mandoe, August 21, 1617,
, Both your mentioned lettrs I haue receiued by. long Passadges ;
this last . arriued the 20 Present, by which I vnderstand your
honest and effectual care of the trust Committ[ed] you. ....
I doubt not you haue long since receiued my lettrs by the Post
of Mahomet Raza Baege, the Shaw-bas. his Ambassador^ dis-
peeded from Court the loth of January, 1616,^ and since you
are fully possessed of our intents to prosecute the Negotiation of
Persia by the arriuall of our factors. I can yet proceed to no
farther engagement then by way pf aduise to wish you as a fayth-
ful englishman to deale Clearly with the Prince what wee seeke
j^nd whaV wee will perforrae. I feare, as this beginning was rash,
it may receiue » some disgrace, especially if any of our seruantes
either Qverlash in their woordes and Promises or in their titles."*
Therfore that you may truly know what you may safely dehuer ;
Edward Connock was sent from Suratt as a factor to beginn and
make offer of the amety, vnprouided either of instructions, goodes
or meanes fitt for such an enterprise. Therfore the Prince wilbe
Pleasd not to judg vs by this attempt, which was rather to showe
our affection then any proofe of our abilitye. Neyther will it
bee euer embrased by the English vnlesse a Port bee seecured or
Mart established, prises agreed on for such quantetyes of both
sides as that neither be deceiued, wee in fitting and Putting off of
our Comoditye, nor the Prince of vent for his. Vpon these
tearmes you may bee bould to say whatsoeuer hee desiers may
doubt that, had Khusrii accepted the proffereci alliance, he would have
regained, his liberty, and perhaps his rightful place at court. But he
was devotedly attached to his existing wife, and refused to listen to
any proposal of the kind. His intended bride was therefore trans-
ferred to his youngest brother, Prince Shariyir, whoni the empress
endeavoured (though, unsuceessfuily), to set up as a rival to Prince
Khurrant (cp» Delia Valle^ Hakluyt Soc. edn., vol. i, p. 56),
1 "Ormus" is probably meant. There is some confusion as to the
date on which these letters were.received^ As will be seen from Roe's
reply, they arrived on the 20th, not the 22nd. . .
.2 A copy sent overland by Robbins. to the Company is ia Khe I. O.
Records {O. C, No* 530). :
3 See p. 373. * See p. 395.
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4o6 Tttfi EMBASSY Ot* [i6l7
bee accomplished ; but a straggling, Peddling, vncertayne trade
will neyther Profitt nor become so great Nations. My last is
more lardge in this particular. Only I find in all your lettres you
haue a beleefe that Sir Robert Sherley is a well wisher to his
Countrie and an Enemie to the Portugall. 1 would p^rswade you
out of this error. His actions showe little reason ; he hath not
only procured for them a Peace, but is engaged to procure for
them the whole trafique, and to that end is he imployed. I
doubt not the Sha-bas may haue a good affection to vs; but yet
hee will deale like a King and Come fayre off from his first offer.
It is not good to bee blind, nor by blinding others to hope to
atteyne our endes ; therfore I would not wish any Englishman to
vndertake that the English will deale for all the Kinges goodes,
except hee will exchang it for Cloth arid our English Comodityes ;
then bee bould ; the rest I knowe what wefe are able, to performe.
Nor that wee will take Ormus and beate the Portugall out of
those seas : these are vanityes.^ The Company entend a trade,
not a warr, but in their owne defence, and that brauely and
honestly. It were better for the Prince to ayme only at that free
Commerce ; so he should vnderstand the sweetnes of a trade and
the difference of Nations. But I professe I know not vpon what
tearmes any way to bee engaged, the Company not yet knowinge
of the enterprise ; therfore I will farthar spare my opinion -vntill I
can doe yt vpon good grownd, and only advise you to assist this
beginning with all force and yet with all moderation ; to Cast off
all hopes of Sir Robert Sherley advancing vs, and trust to our-
selues and our owne honest wayes. Thus you shalbe sure to
fynd a iust recompence to your desartes.
I feare it wilbe my hard fortune this yeare to visitt you by order
from his Maiestie, and to help to build vpon this foundation ; for by
this fleete 1 expect a resolution from England, and suppose I shall
receiue full Commission to treat effectually. If it fall out so, you
shall fynd a frend that will deserue well your Paynes. In the
meane tyme, let no newe inventions putt you out of the way to
show the King my lettrs and the last articles sent his Maiestie,
wherof you have a Copy in English, and they were agreed vnto
here by his Ambassador. I neede not send a transcript, for, if
they miscarried, now they will arriue too late, for I shall almost
bee in Persia as soone as this.^ If I Come not, I returne for
^ Yet in less than five years the English did both.
2 As will be seen, the letters from England contained no definite
instructions to Roe to proceed to Persia, and he contented himself
therefore with authorising the factors already on the spot to act on
his behalf. It was, however, believed in London at the beginning of
1 619 that Roe had either gone (Co/. State Papers: E. Indies^ 161 7-21,
Na. 532) or was going {idui.^ No. 536) to Ispahan, and this has been
accepted as a fact by the editor of the Calendar (prefape, pp. xxx and
Ixix), and others. .
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 407
England, and these affayres will no more Concerne mee. So, in
expectation of farther newes from the true founteyne, I Committ
you to God.
[August] 25. — I aduised to Agra ray proceeding in the
Armenians businesse ; ^ backe to Surat and Brampoore of
all occurrents.
This day Asaph Chan feasted Normahall [and ?] the
Prince Sultan Corsoroone ; as is reported, to make a firme
alliance, and that he will bring away a Wife, by his Fathers
importunitie. This will beget his full libertie, and our
proud Masters ruine.^
To THE EXPECTED GENERALL WHICH SHALL ARRIUE THIS YEARE.^
{AddLMS. 6115, f. 258.)
August 30, 161 7.
.... The Dutch at Suratt will Plant in spite of vs ; but I
know no reason why wee should not beate them off at sea.
Their insolencyes would be requited, especially of this man, who
hath robbd with english Coulors. If his ship bee yet aliue and by
search such could bee found, shee would [should ?] bee fired,
her goodes seased, and as many as you could take carried home
to England to answer it. Howeuer charitye now Pittyes their
estate of Nawfrage,* enquire of Master Kerridge their Courses to
the Sowthward and you will find they merritt noe Curtesye.
Therfore my advice is to woorke vpon their necessitye ; no way
to releeue them, but to buy their Comoditie fitt for the Redd Sea,
to fitt our selues if that attempt be thought on, or for Persia ;
if that last yeare they sould spices at such rate in Suratt as wee
might well make profitt on .... it is wisdome to vse the Pre-
sent to best advantage.^
^ An Armenian had bought cloth at Ajmere from the English
factors to the value of 7,500 rupees, but had failed to pay the last
instalment of his debt. * See p. 404.
^ The "expected General" proved to be Martin Pring, of whom see
note on p. 420. * Shipwreck.
^ Roe's advice was acted upon. As soon as the English fleet
arrived Van den Broecke went on board and begged that Pring would
either give his men passage to Bantam or sell a Portuguese prize
for this purpose. Both requests were refused, and the Dutchmen
thereupon started to march overland to Masulipatam. They reached
their destination in safety on Christmas eve, after a journey of a month
and twenty-five days {op, cit^ pp. T^ and 80). Roe seems to
have changed his n^ind later, for on November 8, 1617, he wrote
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408 tn^L EiMBASSV OF* [i6i7
Now Ishallrome to a more generall consideration of the
whole estate of the Corappaniestiffaires, which wilbe very requisite
well to ponder.^ I doubt not but you haue brought a. greate ;
fleete and vast bellyes to bee filled, and your stock and Cargoson
but according to ordinarie and woontcd aduise, for that the Com-
pany will relye on our helpes toward the Sowthardj which you
will finde haue these former yeares beene very bare, and that this
will spare you little toward soe great a lading. Therfore first I
will ' lett you see what last yeare was Complayned off : that this
factorie deuoured all the rest, and Captain Pepwell went on with
little hope to make any quick returne. Master Kerridge can
informe you of the wantes before you. Mesolapatan will affoord
you little or, nothing ; Priaman and Ticoe,^ by a New factory (if
it stand) somwhat, but their stock soe small as it will not bee
seene. Bantam is suckd drye, and the' decay of the trade
hastened home Captain Keeling, who, foreseeing the wants if
hee should haue stayed out his tyme, saw hee should both fayle
of hopes and beare the blame or ill fortune of that was not his
fault ; therfore wisely, first considering ' himselfe would returne
loaden (for hee. that comes full home is welcome for the Present,
they that follow must stand to their fortunes), to lade him the
Hector and all other were emptied, and shee found vnfitt and 50
broken vp,^ and all the factories so nere socked that ther is little
left to supply the last [general], who carried 3 great ships : where
to' fill them I know not. You will fynd the estate so much woorse
by how much later you are and the greater fleete, and therfore :
must foresee it for your owne Creditt and the Companyes benefitt
After you are Past Bantam the other factories are of small conse-
quence ; that in Spcadana* is only for a box ; the Moluccoes
possessed by the Dutch and wee beaten out and they to strong
for vs to requite yt ; Japan a jest or not woorth the thincking.
on, if any factory remayning. The Case standing thus, the wayes
to meete these feares I will scamble at and deliuer my opinion.
First, at the Place wher you are, I confesse it is now the foun-
expressing regret that Pring had not sold to the Dutch one of the
prizes (a C, No. 559). \ ' ' " ' ' '^ \
In 1620 Van den Broecke returned to Surat as Director for Arabia,
Persia, and India, a post which he held till April, 1629. Delia Valle,
who met him there in 1623, speaks of him as "a gentleman of good
breeding and very courteous" (vol. i, p. 25). A portrait of him is
given in Valentyi>'s Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien^ vol. iv, Part II, p. 222.
1 Some of this is, perhaps, not strictly germane to the subject of'
the present work ; but it presents so interesting a summary of the *
position and prospects of the company's trade that it seems worth
quotinjg: at length. Roe's advocacy of what was practically piracy
should not be overlooked ; but it was quite in acordance with the
ethics of the age. =? Pepper ports in Sumatra.
^ See p; 398. * Sukadaha, in Borneo.
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t6l7]: SIK THOMAS RO£. 4O9
tayine and life -of aU the East India trade, and therfore Principally
to hee respect^ ^:but not soe as to xobb alL others, except it
could, suffioe to Icxade all your shipps ; which, seeing it will, with
the stock it bath, but Compasseone {and that not the greatest), the
c^er-eniptie belHes must bee cared for; els it will prooue a
deare bargaihe. . It is true the feare.ofthe Portugalls will Compell
v^ to arreit all for defence of this ; but that may bee better borne
if you after know how to dispose the rest. The factors at Suratt,
as men respecting in the Principall place their owne estates, will.
drawe,fr6m youall they Can, for that they shall haue the Creditt
of this, an(J ^he misery of the residue they shall not feelie,.or'
not so soone ; but wee reguard not Creditt singly, but profitt and
Creditt vniuersally, in the Consideration of the whole voyadge.
Therfore,-. as you must beeliberall in sparing whatsoeuer may bee
spared for this, soe you must bee veary Circumspect to saue what
you can for the Sowthward ; I meane Mony, for your Comodity
(if aS; other years) is only fitt for this and is lost forward, so that
you may dischardge of that as much as they will take, and Keepe
that redy Comodity, coyne, for Bantam, wherin the Dutch are
soe furnished that they will overlay you or make you buy at
vnreasonable price. Persia, I feare, will demand some, for the
King will neuer.tast vs without.yt, for that is his end, to vent
his silkes to rayse a reuenew, for the silke is all his and the best
part of his Income. His Ambassador tould mee hee might buy
some cloth to. pay his souldiers with, but no quantety, neyther
would hee truck, nor- wee effect any great woorke vnlesse wee-
resolued to bring two thirdes mony, the rest in spices and fine
ware. Our Cloth is sould Cheaper in Spahan then heare ; to liiy
Knowledg the , Persians bring quantetyes, which lye now at their
Seray} of the same sorts. and bestcoulors, bought at Aleppo and
not vendible at home, and here affoorded at a rupie and two in
a- Cobdee vnder ours. This will make you see what hope ther is
of raysing that way a stock by Cloth.
But, with the best husbandry you can vse, fitting this factorie a:s>
it wilbe requisite, you wilbe so fleeced as you cannot haue hope
by all the r^mayner and the proceed of the others to take in to
lade one of your greatest ships, or but one at most ; and you shall
fynd diuers before you attending to bee serued, like men at a foun-
teyne in scarcety of water. What then is to bee done with your
fleete ? First, I will propose to you the red sea. Though your
stock bee not great, the retiirne may, beeing reimployed here, and
so one ship may bee : occupied and fitted ; and you shall. haue:
in your way these chances : the Dabull shippes, or of the Samorin,^
or any other where wee trade not. Beleeue me. Sir, to Chasten
any of these People makes not only them but any their Neigh-
bors the better. If it bee doubted ho>y. the Mochars will take it
^^ See note on p. 90. ^ Qf Calicut;
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4tO THE EMBASSV OF [1617
or how admitt your trade, I answere to the last : very willingly,
in Company of the Guzerattes. Necessitie will enforce them to
giue you Content, least you molest others by whom they profitt ;
and ther is noe great doubt, for the Dutch had trade last yeare
and good vsage in our Names,^ and vpon that made this second
attempt which is miscarried this yeare, as if oportunitye envited
vs to that in our owne Persons which others did in our shadowes.
Besides, the Treachery vsed to Sir Henry Middleton was the first
apperance and notice of any of our forces in that Seas ; they tooke
vs for Piratts, which now they better vnderstand, and dare not
offend vs, because they know wee can bee revenged, if but by
keeping others from trading with them. For the former, to deale
with any others that may bee safe Prise, it may bee done after
trade at the seas Mouth. It wilbe long before it bee knowne,''^
and, when it is, it matters not ; the suffering the Guzurattes to come
Peaceably is fauour enough, because they are the mayne traders
on that Coast. Concerning the rest of your fieete, you may keepe
company on this Coast and take your hazard about Zeilan. If
the King of Achin bee fickle and our factorie not flowrishing,
hee must bee Chastised too, and this one way, by threatening
him not to suffer the Guzerattes to supply him, whom yet you
may not meddle with. From thence you may attend the Passadg
of the Chineses and other traders in the Sowiheren streightes and
Chandg with them at the best hand. If you stand so low as
China or towards Mocaa^ itselfe, suerly all is Prise ; and this may
either gett you a trade or at least serue the Present, and cannot
leaue the whole in woorse estate then it is, for as good wee doe it
as beare the envy for no profitt, for the Dutch practise it vnder
our English Crosse. Japan I doubt you will not see ; or, if you
doe, I feare you shall fynd cause enough to bidd you thinck
nothing frye that abides in the nett. The Portugalles I neede
not any way Mention ; their Iniuries and your owne Commission
will guide you. Some will say this Course will in tyme ouerthrow
all trade. I am of another opinion, considering the Nature of this
People, that haue no sence of honor, but only Profitt. Wee shall
in tyme teach them to know their superiors ; and if they will not
giue vs trade, wee can yet choose whither they shall enioy it or
no. Necessitye and feare will enforce them with whom no Curtesy
nor reason can preuayle. Necessitye alsoe Pleades now for vs ;
for, were wee admitted trade, wee want meanes for soe great
fleetes to vse it and the losse at hand wilbe heavie. The gaine
by good bootye once Pursed will bare out the couldnes of trafique
* This is doubtful. The Surat factors told Roe that the Dutch had
been taken at first for Englishmen, but they did not assert that they
had pretended to be so ; while Van den Broecke distinctly avers that
he hoisted the Stadthotder's flag over the Dutch factory at Mocha.
* At Mtjcfe^ ..: _ . * Macao.
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l6i7] Stk tttoMAS kOE, 411
a yeare or two ; and some kind of Springes are tbe fresher for
Cropping. Thus you haue my opinion, which vse according to
your discretion ; for I do^ not decree but only proposed . . .
And so^ blessing the gratious God of Mercy for your safety
and all your Company^ to whom I desire to remember my harty
english wishes, I Committ you to God
September i. — Was the Kings Birth-day, and the solem-
nitie of his weighing,^ to which I went, and was carryed
^ The rest of the letter is occupied by a criticism of the policy pur-
sued by Downton, when attacked by the Portuguese, of keeping on the
defensive, in " the hole at Swally." Roe maintains that it would be far
' safer, instead of allowing themselves to be "beseeged in a fish Pond,"
to *• Putt out. . . . and attend them in sea Roome." "Captain Best
with lesse force mett them and beate them like a man, not by hazard ;
and if he had had that force which Dowton had, I beleeuc had brought
away a better trophee." Pring agreed with Roe, and in a letter to
the Company of November 12, 1617 (^-C, No. 564) he stated that
if the rumour proved true that seven Portuguese ships had arrived, it
was his intention to go to meet them, ** where I may be in a more
spatious place then the poole of Swally."
2 Roe had missed this ceremony the previous year, owing to the
mistake of a messenger (see p. 252). It was an old Hindu custom,
adopted by Akbar, and is still in use in Travancore and elsewhere.
Terry, who was present on this occasion, thus describes the scene
(P' 395) '- " The first of September, which was the late Mogols birth-
day, he, retaining an ancient yearly Custom, was in the presence of
his chief Grandies weighed in a Balance ; the Ceremony performed
within his House or Tent, in a fair spacious Room, whereinto none
were admitted but by special leave. The Scales in which he was thus
weighed were plated with Gold, and so the beam on which they
hung by great Chains made likewise of that most precious Metal.
The King sitting in one of them was weighed first agamst silver Coin,
which immediately after was distributed among the poor : then
was he weighed against Gold : after that against Jewels, as they say ;
but I observed (being present there with my Lord Ambassadour) that
he was weighed against three several things laid in silken Bags on
the contrary Scale. When I saw him in the Balance^ I thought on
Belshazzar, who was found to light, Dan, 5, 27. By his weight, of
which his Physicians yearly keep an exact account, they presume to
guess of the present estate of his body, of which they speak flatter-
ingly, however they think it to be.. When the Mogol is thus weighed
he casts about among the standers-by thin pieces of silver and some
of Gold made like flowers of that country and some of them are
made like Cloves and some like Nutmegs, but very thin and hollow.
Then he drinks to his Nobles in his Royal wine (as that of Ahasuerus
is called, Esth, i, 7) who pledge his health "
Other accounts of the ceremony will be found in The Hawkins^
Voya^esy p. 440 ; Mandelslo's Travels (second English edition),
p. 42 ; Bernier's JV^t'^A (Constable's edn.), p. 268, and Blochmann's
Ain-i-Akbari^ \o\, \^ ^. 266.
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4^2. TttE EMBASSY OF [1617
into a very large and beautiful! Garden ; the square within
all water; on the sides flowres and trees ; in the midst a
Pinacie, where was prepared the scales, being hung in large
tfessels, and a crosse beame plated on with Gold thinne^
the scales of massie Gold, the borders set with small stones,
Rubies and Turkey,^ the Chaines of Gold large and massie,
but strengthened with silke Cords. Here attended the
Nobilitie, all sitting about it on Carpets, vntill the King
came ; vyho at last appeared clothed, or rather loden with
Diamonds, Rubies, Pearles, and other precious vanities, so
great, so glorious ! his Sword, Target, Throne to rest on
correspondent ; his head, necke, breast, armes, aboue the
elbowes, at the wrists, his fingers euery one with at least
two or three Rings, fettered with chaines, or dyalled^
Dyamonds, Rubies as great as Wal-nuts (some greater), and-
Pearles such as mine eyes were amazed at. Suddenly hee
entered into the scales, sate like a woman on his legges,
and there was put in against him many bagges to fit his
weight, which were changed sixe times, and they say was
siluer, and that I vnderstood his weight to be nine thousand
Rupias, which are almost one thousand pound sterling.^ After
with Gold and levvels, and precious stones, but I saw none ;
it beeing in bagges might bee Pibles. Then against Cloth
of Gold, Silke, Stuffes, Linnen, Spices, and all sorts of
goods, but I must beleeue> for they were in fardles.* Lastly,
against Meale, Butter, Come, which is said to be giuen to
the Banianiy and all the rest of the Stuffe ; but I saw it
<;arfefully carryed in, and none distributed. Onely the
siluer is reserued for the poore, and serues the ensuing
yeare, the King ysing in the night to call for some before
1 Turquoises. 2 Drilled? Cp. p. 322.
3 In 1616 Jalidngir • weighed 6514 tolahs {Tuzak)y equivalent td
210J lbs. tr6y (Blochmann'« Ain-i-Akbariy vo\. i, p. 267 n) or about
12 stone 5 ib. Nine thousand rupees, if of the weight usual at this
period (about 176 grains), would weigh about 275 lbs, tray.
* Bags or bundles, . .
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l6l73 SIR THOMAS ROE. 413
him, and with his owne hands in great familiirJtic ahd hw*
militie to distribute that money. The scale he sate.iiiH>y
one side, he gazed on me, and! turned, me his stones and
wealth, and smiled, but spake nothing, for my Enterpreter
coiild not be admitted in. After he was weighed, he as-
cended his Throne, and had. Basons of Nuts, Almofids,
Fruits, Spices of all sort, made in thinn^ silUer, which he
cast about, and. his great men scrambled prostrate vppn
their bellies ; which seeing I did not, hee reached pn$
Bason almost full, and powred into my Cloke. His Nobje-
men were so bold as to put in their hands, so thicke that
they had left ine none if I had not put a remayner vp. I
hfeard he threw Gold till I came in, but found it siluer so
thinne, that all I had iat first, befing thousands pf s^'UeralJ
pieces, had not weighed sixtije RupicLS, I saued' about
twentie Rupias weight, yet a good dishful!,, vyhich I keepy
to. shew the ostentation ; for by my proportion he could
not that day cast away aboiie one hundred pound sterlingv
At night he drinketh with all hi^ Nobilitie m rich Plate.
I was inuited to that, but told I must not i*efuse to drinke,
and their waters are fire. I was sicke and in: a little fluxe
of bloud, and durst not stay to venture my health.
September g.^TheKing rode to the Riuer of Darbadath,^
fiMt course, on pleasure;, and comming by my house,
I rode out to meetc him. The custome. is, that all men
by whom hee passeth' neare their gate make him some
Present, which is taken as a good signe, arid is called
Mombareck} good Ncwes or good Successe.! \ had
nothing to giue, nor might fitly goe with nothing, nor
stay at home without discourtesie ;. which made .mee vent
ture vpon a faire Booke well bound, filleted and gilt, Mer-
^ Narbad^.
2 Mubdrak. Bernier speaks of the Dutch embassy sent to con-
gratulate Aurangzib on hi^ accession as going to present him " with
the Afohbarec^'X^, 127).
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414 THE EMBASSY OF [l6t7
cators last Edition df the Maps of tHe world,^ which I presen-
ted with an excuse that I had nothing worthy, but t6 a great
King r offered the World, in which he had so great and
rich a part. The King tooke it in great courtesie, often
laying his hand on his breast, and answering: Euery thing
that came from mee was welcome. Hee asked after the
ships arriuall, which I told hira I daily expected. Hee told
me hee had some fat wild Hogges sent him from Goa, and,
if I would eate any, at his returne he would send me some.
I made him due reuerence, and answered : Anything from
his Maicstie was a feast to me. He rode on his Eliphant,
and the way was stonie ; and I offering to bring him to-
ward the gate, hee bade God keepe mee, and returne to
my house, demanding which it was, and praysing it (in-
deed, it was one of the best in the Leskar^ yet but an old
Church and large Tombe inclosed). Iterating his fare-
well, he said the way was ill, and desired me to goe home ;
and with much shew of courtesie tooke leaue.
\Septeinber\ i6. — I rode to repay the visit of Marre
Rustam,2 the Prince of Candahor, who at my arriuall sent
word he durst hot see mee, except hee asked leaue of the
King or acquainted Etimon Dowlet or Asaph Chan, which
at the Durbar he would. I answered : he should not need,
for I neuer meant to trouble my selfe with a man so vn-
ciuill, nor to come a second time: I knew well it .was a
shift out of ill manners : that the King would bee no more
angry for his bidding mee welcome to his house then for
his comming to mine : but that I cared hot to see him, but
came in ciuilitie to requite that I took so in him. His
man desired me to stay vntill he told his Master my
answere ; but I would not, and returned;
At night, I rode to Court to visit the King,_who ques-
^ "Cost in England 7/." (Roe's Accounts).
^ The Amir Rustam, of whom see p. 257.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 415
tioned about the Booke of Maps ; but I did'forbeare arty
speech of my debts.
[Sepiemier] 2$} — I rode to the Court, very weake, to
make triall of the Xing about our debts f for that Muck-
shud had also newly answered he had mist his Prigany?
and knew not how to pay, but by his house. I deliuered
the King the Merchants Petition, which hee caused to bee
read aloud, and the names of the debtors and sureties and
summes distinctly, by Asaph Chan ; which done, he called
Araddat Chan,* the chiefe of his officers of Houshold, and
the CutwcUl, and gaue them order ; but what I vnderstood
not Reading the names, hee questioned their abilities
and qualities, and what goods they receiued, finding some
ddlad, some strangers : concerning Rulph,^ Asaph Chan
offered to speake to the Prince at his arriuall to finish it.
My Interpreter was now called in, and the King conuerted
to mee, giuing this answere : That the Merchants had made
debts at their owne wills, artd not brought a note of their
goods to him : therefore, if the men were insufficient, it was
1 The 23rd, according to Roe's letter to the Surat factors of the
29th idem ^AddL MS, 6115, f. 264).
2 Two of these — 14,000 rupees due from Mukshud Dds, and 30,000
owed by " Groo " [Guru] — were for cloth sold in Ajmere in October,
16 16. There was also a sum of 2,000 rupees due from " Hergonen,"
who had made over some elephants to satisfy the claim ; but,, he
dying at this time, all his goods were seized for the king's use. Asaf
Khdn promised Roe that he would see this debt discharged out of
the proceeds of a house at Agra which had belonged to the deceased.
^ His ''^pargana^^ i.e,^ the tract of country assigned by the king for
his maintenance. Bernier in his glossary (p. 455 of Constable's transln.)
has : " Pragna^ that is, the chief city, burgh, or village, which has
many others subordinate to it, and where the rents are paid to the
King, who is the absolute Lord of all the lands of his Empire."
Purchas, in a marginal note on p. 455 of his first volume, explains
that ^^prigonies are lordships."
* Irddat Khdn, the title of a Persian named Mfr Muhammad Bdkir.
He was introduced at court by Asaf Khdn, and later on assisted him
materially in securing the accession of Shdh Jahdn. The latter gave
him in turn the governments of Bengal, Allahdb^d, Guj^rdt, and
Jaunpur. He died in 1649.
* See note on p. 403.
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4l6 THE EMBASSY OF [^6^17
at.: their -perin, for "that it was no reason to . expect tH^
money from him (which, I suppose, he spake t)f his sertficrtt
Mergonen, who .being dead, hisrgoods were "seazjed fcMl-the
-Kings vse) : but seeing it was the first time, he wbiddibow
assist me, ariddiause our money to be payed : but if here-
after the English would deliuer thein goods to his seruants
without money <Jr acquainting himl, they should stand t5
the hazard : but if, when their commodities came to the
Court, they would bring a bill to him of all, he would first
serue himselfe, and after distribute the rest to such as
should buy that and^ if any of them failed, he would
psiy the money himselfe. This is indeed the custome of
Persia Merchants, to bring all to the King (which I haue
often seene), who takes his choice and deliuers the rest to
bis Nobilitie, his Scriuanoes writing to whom, and his
Officer cutting price ) a copy of which is giuen the Mer-
chant, and hee goes to their houses for money ; if they. pay
not,i there. is an expresse Officer that hath order by currant
course to force them. Then was it told my Interpreter
what command the King had giuen : that Arad [Araddat ?]
Chan should call the debtors before; him, and cause them
to pay ; but this pleased not our Merchants. I thought it
both a iust and gratious answere ; better then in such
cases priuate men can get of great Princes.
The King, hearing I had been sicke and wished for wine,
gaue me fiue bottles, and commanded, when I had ended
those, to send for fiue more, and so as I wanted : and a fat
Hogge, the fattest I euer saw, sent vp by Mochreb Chan,
that came from Goa, which at midnight was brought home
by a Haddy with this message : since it came to the King
it had eaten nothing but Sugar and Butter. I tobke this
as a signe of fauour, and I am sure in that Court it is a
great one. Then he sent for the Map-booke, and told me
Probably we should transpose this and the preceding word.
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 417
he had shewed it his Midaies^ and no man could reade nor
vnderstand it ; therefore if I would, I should haue it
againe. I answered : At his pleasure ; and so it was re-
turned.2
\Septeinber\ 26. — There being a Raia in rebellion in the
hills, not past twentie Course from the Laskar^ the King
lately sent out two Vmbra^ with horse to fetch him in ;
but he defended his quarter, slew one of them and twelue
Maandpdares^ and in all of both sides about fiue hundred ;
returning scornefull messages to the King to send his
Sonne, for he was no prey for ordinary forces.
^ See note 3 on p. 312.
* " The Mogol feeds and feasts himself with this conceit, that he is
Conqueror of the world ; and therefore I conceive that he was troubled
upon a time, when my Lord Ambassador, haveing business with him
(and upon those terms there is no coming unto that King empty
handed, without some present or other). . . . and having at that time
nothing left, which he thought fit to give him, presented him with
Mercators great book of Cosmography (which the Ambassador had
brought thither for his own use), telling the Mogol that that book
described the four parts of the world, and all the several countreys in
them contained. The Mogol at the first seem'd to be much taken
with it, desiring presently to see his own Territories, which were
immediately shewen to him ; he asked where were those countreys
about them ; he was told Tartaria and Persia, as the names of the
rest which confine with him ; and then causing the book to be turned
all over, and finding no more to fall to his share, but what he first
saw, and he calling himself the Conqueror of the world, and having
no greater share in it, seemed to be a little troubled, yet civily told the
Ambassador, that neither himself nor any of his people did under-
stand the language in which that book was written, and because so,
he further told him that he would not rob him of such a Jewel, and
therefore returned it unto him again. And the truth is that the Great
Mogol mi^ht very well bring his action against Mercator and others
who descnbe the world, but streighten him very much in their Maps,
not allowing him to be Lord and Commander of those Provinces which
properly belong unto him." — Terry's Voyage to East India^ p. 367.
3 Properly a plural word (Arabic Umard^ pi. of -<4/«/r), but often
used, as here, to signify a grandee or military commander of rank.
Fryer styles the Mansabddrs " petty OmrahsP
* See p. 239.
E E
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41 8 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
To THE Commander of the Fleet.
{Add/. MS. 611s, {. 263.)
Mandoa; September 29, 161 7.
.... Some alteration is hapned in the Proiect of DabuU for
that I" vnderstand Feame^ hath Robbd their great shipp. It will
stirr vp the Consideration of this People, but Crosse our designe,
for I feere they will not venture out, nor beeleeue vs free. If
yoii Purpose not to trie the Port, wee shall haue leysure to Con*
suite of that in tyme of another Course at your departure.
That which I would most impresse into you is the Considera-
tion of the Redd Sea, the rather for that it is reported the King
sendes his sister to Mecha, which, if true, wilbe the fittest opor-
tunitye to treat of those Conditions which Pride now will not
admitt off. I assure you shee is the best Price that euer was
taken In India. The King is fully resolued to visitt Guzeratt,
Cambaya and Amadavaz and there will spend this yeare. The
Nearenes will some way aduance our expedition. I receiue
good woordes and good vsage, but without Presentes shall fynd
drye effectes. Now is the last triall ; for our Comoditye is badd,
our Conditions vnstable ; and if it mend not, wee must showe
them another Countenance A few dayes since dyned with
mee an Italian that long hath vsed Persia. I enquired the estate
of trade. His answere was it was not fy'erra de negocio : ^ all the
trafique lay betweene Aleppo and Casbin, for silke and mony :
that only wilbe accepted : that our Cloth will neuer vent, for in
experience it hath beene often tryed from Turkye and sould at
^ In the spring of 161 5 the Company had been alarmed by a report
that Sir John Fern and others (of whom Pepwell was one) were medi-
tating a voyage to the Red Sea under a commission from the French
King. The aid of the Privy Council was invoked, and royal letters
were obtained commanding Fern to desist. He thereupon fled into
France, and the scheme came to nothing. The Court, however, feared
that he would renew his attempt, and in the royal commission to the
leaders of the 161 6 fleet {First Letter Book^ p. 463), a clause was
inserted authorising the capture of interlopers, Fern being particularly
mentioned. Doubtless their letters to the East contained a warning to
their servants to prepare for troubles from this source, for on the 30th
May, 16 1 7, Roe wrote to Kerridge ; " I much feare some ill Ncwes
from the Redd Sea that will bringe vs all in Trouble by the fugitiue
Fearne. Possesse all men with an opinion of french Pirattes. God
tume his wayes from offending vs. If hee touch any of this Country
goodes, the Prince will prosecute revenge and satisfaction with all
Malice '' {MS., f. 193). Roe's fears were, however, g/oundless, for,
at the date when he was writing thus, Fern was in command of a
ship in Ralegh's ill-fated expedition to Guiana (see Hume's Life of
Ralegh, p. 325 ; Gardiner's History of England, vol. iii, p. 128 ; etc.).
* No country for trade.
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l6iy] SIR THOMAS ROE. 419
extreame losse. The disposition of the King is to bee very
familiar with strangers if they bee in Cash. In hope to gett,
no man can escape him ; when hee hath suckd them, hee will
not knowe them
October 2. — The Prince entered the Towne, and all the
great men in wondrous triumph. The King receiued him
as if he had no other, contrary to our expectation.^ n Bram-
pore left almost emptie vnder Chan Channa. I had sent
^ The campaign against the Dekhan princes had now been brought
to a close by the submission of the King of Bfj^pur, which forced
Malik Ambar also to make terms by the surrender of Ahmadnagar
and other territory which he had reconquered from the Moguls.
As Jahdngfr loftily puts it in his Memoirs : " The insurgents, with that
craft which distinguishes them, made him [the Prince] their inter-
cessor, and abandoned the imperial territory. They presented large
offerings of money and valuables as tribute and engaged to remam
quiet and loyal. At the instance of Khurram I remained for some
days in the palace of Shddfdbdd at Mandii and consented to forgive
their misdeeds" (Elliot and Dowson's History^ vol. vi, p. 376). Roe*s
account, contained in a letter to the English ambassador at Con*
stantinople, August 21, 1617 {A ddL MS. 61 15, f. 207), is far less
complimentary : " The King is at Present in that they call an Army ;
but I see no souldiers, though multitudes entertayned in the qualety.
The purpose was the oppression of the vnited Decan kinges, who are
perswaded to part with some rotten Castles that may pretend a
shad owe of y eliding somwhat, for which they are pleased here to
thinck themselues woorthy of the glorious Prayses due to an honorable
Conquest."
It was on this occasion that the Prince received the title by which
he was ever after known. " About three o'clock after noon, Prince
Khurram arrived and obtained audience in the fort of Mandii. He had
been absent from the Court for eleven months and eleven days. After
he had paid me his respects I called him in the window where I was
sitting, and with the impulse of excessive paternal affection and love I
immediately rose up and took him in my arms. The more he expressed
his reverence and respect for me, the more my tenderness increased
towards him. I ordered him to sit by me. He presented me with
1000 gold mohurs and 1000 rupees . . . Formerly, at the conquest of
the Rdn^, a mansdb of 20,000 and the command of 10,000 horse had
been conferred on Prince Khurram, and when he was sent to the
Dakhin he was honoured with the title of a Shdh. Now, in con-
sideration of his present service, his mansdb was promoted to a
mansdb of 30,000 and the command of 20,000 horse. I also conferred
on him the title of Shdh-Jahdn. It was also ordered that henceforth
a chair should be placed for him in the Court next to my throne, an
honour which was particularly conferred on him and had never been
known in my family." — Jahdngfr's Memoirs, in Elliot and Dowson's
History, vol. vi, p. 351.
E E 2
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420 .THE EMBASSY OF [1617
to Asaph Ghan^ to excuse my not meeting him, for I was
not able to stirre, nor had no Present. All the great men,
and the Kings Mother, receiued him foure Course off. I
sent also some of my seruants with my iust excuse, which
his pride only nodded at.
\Pctober\ 5, — I receiued from Surat newes of our shippes
arriuall, the Admirall missing, and her Prize of Mosam-
bique f the rest well, who had taken two English Rouers,
1 This is probably an error for Afzal Khdn, the Prince's Secretary
(see p. 160). The same mistake occurs on p. 435.
2 The 161 7 fleet consisted of five vessels, the Royal JameSy Royal
Anne^New Years Gift, Bull and Bee^ commanded by Martin Pring, an
old acquaintance of Roe. Pring, whose Virginian voyages are well-
known, Had been master of the New Years Gift in Downton's fleet of
1 61 4, and the ambassador was not without hopes that he would find
him injciharge of one of the incoming ships ; his pleasure when "the
expected general" turned out to be his desired friend is shown in the
letter which follows.
Pari of the fleet reached Swally on the 20th September ; but Pring
himself, whose ship had a bad leak, did not arrive till five days later.
Three prizes had been taken : one a Portuguese ship from Mozam-
bique, laden with iVory and gold, and bound for Diu ; the others, two
English interlopers, who, when they were seized, were on the point
of capturing the great junk which was yearly sent from Gogo to the
Red Sea, and was now on her return journey. These two ships were
the Francis^ of 1 50 tons, commanded by Samuel Newse, and the Lion^
of 100 tons, under the charge of Thomas Jones, who had been formerly
boatswain of the Hector \ they were the joint property, of Sir Robert
Rich (who afterwards as Earl of Warwick was a prominent leader
in the Civil War) and Philip Bamardi, an Italian merchant resident
in London, and had been set out under the protection of a commission
from the Duke of Savoy. Roe strongly advised resolute action with
these unwelcome intruders, and Pring, acting on his advice, confis-
cated both ships and goods for the use of the Company. This course
was entirely approved by the latter ; but it involved them in a long dis-
pute with the noble owner, who claimed damages amounting nearly to
20,000/. The King, who could not deny that the Earl had infringed
their patent, yet pressed them to give compensation. In the con-
troversy. Roe earned the gratitude of the Company by taking upon
himself the responsibility of the seizure, and justifying it to the Privy
Council. In the end, the matter was referred to arbitration (see CaL
State Papers^ East Indies^ 161 7-21, preface, pp. Ixxvi-lxxx ; Gardiner's
Histofy of England y vol. iii, p. 216, etc. ; Historical MSS, Commission^
Fourth Report^ Lords' Papers, p. 19 ; Court Minutes, passim).
Extracts from Pring's journals of his two voyages to the East will be
found in Purchas's first volume, p. 629. For Pring himself see
Professor Laughton's article in the Diet, of Nat, Biography ^ and a
pamphlet by Dr. James H. Pring, published at Plymouth in 1888.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 42 1
set out by ( y who were found in chase of the
Queen Mothers ship returned from the Red-sea, which
they fortunately rescued and brought safe in (if shee had
bin taken, we had all bin in trouble) ; with these the Com-
panies Letter, invoice, instructions for Persia, and diuers
other notes of aduise, that by reason of the Admiralls
absence they knew not what course to take with the men
of Warre. I dispeeded to Surat orders about all businesse,
as appeares in my Letters.
To Captain Martin Pring.
(Addl MS.6iis,f. 268.)
[5 October, 161 y.p
Honest Man,
God, that knowes my hart, wittnesse you are the wellcomest
man to this Country that Could here arriue to assist my "many
troubles
The Company have, it seemes, entrusted more to mee then I
am willing to vndertake ; for receiuing a Commission about Per-
sia,^ it is soe limitted, and with soe good reasons, that I cannot
proceed with such hast as a supply would requier ; neither dare
I thinck it requisite to seperate your fleete, nor Convenient to
venture more goodes before advice, and advice from a sobe^er^
man then Conhaught, who was sett out without my knowledg and,"
^ Thus in the original. Purchas was unwilling to mention in this
connection so exalted a person as the Earl of Warwick.
' No date is given in the original.
' From Carew's Letters (Maclean's edn., p. 77) we learn that Roe's
despatch to the Company of February 14, 1615-16 (seep. 128) had
reached England in good time by an express messenger from the
consul at Aleppo ; those to the King and Council were entrusted by
the same official to John Pory, and did not come to hand till later.
On the 1 6th Jan., 161 6- 17, Sir Thomas Smythe and other leading
members of the Company presented Roe's letter at the Council-table.
" The Lords like so well of it," wrote Carew, " and the marchants so
willinge to finde itt, as that it was concluded that a tryall thereof shall
be made ;" and the result is seen in the letters now received. Carew
suggested three possible objections to the venture : that Jdshak was
an unsuitable port : that the Grand Signor might be offended by a
compact with his enemy, and retaliate on the Englishmen in his
dominions : and that the need of ready money to drive the trade
(600,000/. he was told would be necessary) would exhaust the treasure
of the kingdom. The resulting instructions to Roe (here referred to)
will be found in Appendix B. See also the Introduction.
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422 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
I am sure, vpon such Conditions as the Company haue restrayned
mee in. I, am of a Nature not to hurt ; it was the rashnes of our
Merchantes last yeare, whom I would now excuse and helpe out, if
anything Committed that may preiudice them. I vnderstand the
Company to entend noe farther yet then a treaty of Conditions,
which they heare^ haue begunne, but neuer sent me a Copy how
they limited them. For feare of their forwardnes I sent to the
Shabas by his Embassador an ouerture of a treaty,^ strict enough
and wary on our Part, the answere wherof I expect, if Master
Connocht, who is Ambassador,^ haue not taken vpon him to en-
lardg yt and promise that wee cannot performe. Therfore, the
busines thus perplexed, it can from mee receiue noe farther
authoritye then that I shall not Crosse any supply, if the Mer-
chantes hould it necessarie. But I see no fitt Cargazon to send
but will weaken this too much Steeles Proiectes* are
Idle and vayne, smokey ayrye Imaginations. His owne relations
of Persia Contradictorye and silly, magnifying his owne woorkes.
I neuer sawe him ; but I suppose I vnderstand him, and woonder
how the Company are so deceiued if they Putt much trust in
him
That which causeth my present writing is concerning two
men of warr taken by you, of which it seemes some make doubt
to stay, by reason of their Commissions and the greatnes of their
owners. You know your strength, what you may doe to men of
their qualetye ; and I know the Companies lettres patentes pro-
hibiting any of the subiectes of England to trade this way, much
more to roue. And if it prohibit it, it consequently giueth power
to execute such prohibition ; els were it in vayne. Therfore I
desier you not only to stay them, but to take out their officers
and some of their men and change them with yours for safetye,
least they make escape. They will steed you well with the Por-
tugalles, whom you may expect to Bicker with. The reason of
this strict dealing is, besides the right of the company and the
equitye of Nationes, the Kinges honor is engaged that wee shall
not molest free merchantes, not our enemyes. I am here a
Pawne, and represent his Person ; assure you, what damage so-
euer any of these subiectes shall susteyne by vs our bodyes and
goodes shall answere. If for any occasion of our owne you de-
teyne the said ship of Suratt, it is in our owne Power to free her :
that is another case. I heare one Captain Newse is in one. Hee,
if I mistake not, is a follower of my lord Dauers,^ himselfe a
souldier and a valiant Man. Deale with him to bee content to
referr himselfe to mee. I will vse him well and like his qualetye,
1 The Surat factors.
2 See p. 373. 3 See p. 395. * See p. 438.
^ Lord (Henry) Danvers (i 573-1644), afterwards Earl of Danby.
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROK 423
and, if wee might bee assured of his fayth, perhaps some iray
employ him Sir Robert Rich is my frend; but I .am
now a Publique minister, and cannot see anything with those
eyes ; yet hee shall fynd I will not vse any extreamety in the End.
Ther are many Better Courses then this, to wrong his Soupraynge.
and his Nation Assure them they shall be better vsed,
and may thanck God they fell into our handes ; for as men of
warr they shall haue honest shares, if wee purchase vpon our
enemies ; if not, I can tell them where to make a voyadge they
shall justefye. Deale effectually with them to make them frendes
and faythfull ; and write mee your opinion whither wee may trust
or no
.... There is one Pearle'^ in a box directed to mee, and
somwhat concerning it concealed from the Merchantes. That
may bee sowed so in Cloth that it may come safe and speedily
by the first English ; but take heed you bee cunning hiders, for
here are cunning searchers
I pray loue that little woorme John Hatch,^ and Commend
mee to him. If no lettres from the King to the Mogol nor Prince
a great error.
Your loving frend,
Tho. Roe.
I know not Captain Andrew Shilling^ but by fame to be a
braue honest man, and therfore I am bound to loue him and to
wish him all good. If hee will trye mee hee shall fynd I remem-
ber some of his Actions. If Captain Adames bee our ould Virgi-
1 A valuable pearl weighing 29J carats, " shaped like a pear, very
large, beautiful and orient " (Terry, p. 374). Four strings of small
pearls were also sent (Biddulph's Accounts).
2 From the mention of Hatch on p. 6 it seems probable that he
was master's mate in the Lion when Roe came out in her. The latter
wrote to the Governor of the Company in his favour, and Smythe, with
a jest about turning plain John Hatch into Master Hatch, sent him
out in the present fleet as master of the Bee, In her, a little later, he
made a voyage to Jdshak. When the fleet was leaving Surat, the
ambassador made it his special request to Pring, that he would either
take Hatch home with him, or send him back to India that he might
be with Roe. In April, 1618, however. Hatch was made commander
of the New Years Gift^ and did not return to England till 1621, when
he was censured by the Court for having " carried himself very weakly
in the fight with the Flemings."
3 Shilling, the commander of the Anne (in which Roe made his
homeward voyage), has earned a place in the Dictionary of National
Biography by his action with the Portuguese off Jdshak, in which he
lost his life (Jan. 162 1). An account of him will also be found in the
preface to Sir Clements Markham's Voyages of William Baffin.
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424 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
nian Adams,^ hee is my good frend. Commend mee to him whoso-
euer, and to all our Countrimen.
[October] 6. — I rode to visite the Prince, at his vsuall
houre, to giue him welcome and to acquaint him with our
businesse, determining to make offer of all respect to him,
and to that end not to come emptie handed, and bought a
fine Chaine of gold, China worke. I sent in word. He
returned that I should come next morning at Sunne rise,
when he sate to be worshipped, or stay till his riding to
Court, which I must haue done at his doore. This I
tooke in extreame scorne, his Father neuer denying me
accesse ; and his Pride is such as may teach Lucifer ;
which made me answere roundly : I was not his Slaue, but
a free Ambassadour of a King, and that I would neuer
more visite him, nor attend him ; hee had refused me
Justice : but at night I would see him with the King, to
whom only I would addresse my selfe ; and so departed.
At night I went to the King, who receiued me graciously.
I made a reuerence to the Prince, but he would not once
stirre his head. Then I acquainted the King that, according
to his order, I had brought an abstract of our ladings, desiring
his command. After his manner he asked what and what,
and was so wonderfully satisfied, especially with Arras, that
he promised mee all fauour, all priuiledges, all that I would
desire. He enquired for Dogges, which I could not answere ;
and for lewels, which I told him they were dearer in Eng-
land then in India, at which hee rested satisfied. I durst
not name the Pearles for many reasons ; if I had, our people
^ Robert Adams, commander of the Bu/i. He was sent home with
her from Surat in February, 161 8, and went out again to Bantam the
following season with the news of the agreement made with the Dutch.
Frequent references to him will be found in Cocks^s Diary,
A Captain Adams is mentioned by Purchas (vol. iv, pp. 1733, 1756)
as going out with Gates's Virginia fleet of 1609, and doubtless it is to
him that Roe refers ; but whether he was identical with the com-
mander of the Bull does not appear.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 42$
had beene waylaid for by the Prince, and such snatching as
I could not auoyd infinite trouble ; I knew I could bring
them ashoare and to Court by stealth : that the lesser ex-
pected, the better welcome : but my maine reason was, I
would make a friend by them. Therefore, when Asaph
Chan pressed me to know, I desired him to make that
answere of dearenesse, and that I would speake with him
alone. He soone vnderstood me, and made excuse.
The King being well pleased, I thought it good time to
mooue againe for the debts ; and, hauing my Petition ready,
opened it, and offered it vp. The King not marking, others
discouered what it was, and knew the King would bee
enraged that his order was neglected ; whereat one stept
to me, and clapt downe my hand gently, desiring me not
to doe so. I answered : Aradake Chan^ had absolutely re-
fused me lustice ; at which he, being by, came in in much
feare, calling Asaph Chan, desiring him to hinder me from
complaint. I answered : our ships were arriued, and we
could not forbeare nor endure such delayes. So they con-
sulted together and called the Cuiwall^ giuing order to
execute the Kings command ; who that night at midnight
beset their Tents, and catched some of them. So that now
we shall haue reason.
I had great thanks of all the Vmreies^ for protecting the
Queenes ship, and our courtesie to their passengers, which
they enformed the King, who tooke it kindly ; and they
all promised that they were obliged to loue our Nation,
and would doe them all seruice ; but they wondered we
could not gouerne our people, but that theeues could come
out without the Kings leaue.
At the Kings rising, Asaph Chan carryed me with him
to his retyring place, and there first we translated the
Abstract into Persian, to shew the King an houre after ; in
1 Irddat Khdn, of whom sec p. 415.
2 See note on p. 417.
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420 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
which I inserted the money with some addition,^ because
the King might perceiue was [wee?] brought profit to his
Dominions ; next the cloath and sorts ; then the fine wares
m general! : lastly the grosse commodities; desiring his
ilaiestie to order what he would buy, and to giue vs liberty
for the rest. This finished, Asaph Chan renewed the
reason why I would speake alone, bad me be free, vowed
and protested such friendship as I neuer could expect. I
replyed : The reason why I desired it, was to aske his coun-
sell ; for it was true I had somewhat, but my vsage last
yeare was so bad, that I durst not trust any ; but, that he
might see how I replyed [relied ?] on him, I was willing, on
his oath, to reueale it ; which he presently gaue. I told
him I had a rich Pearle, and some other ropes faire : I
knew not whether it was fit to tell the King, lest the Prince
were displeased ; I told him how in the morning I had been
to visite him, and his discourtesie, and my resolution : but
that I knew his fauour was so necessary for vs, that I hoped I
might recouer it by this one respect that I kept the Pearle
for him. This, I said, was my purpose and reason I con-
cealed it : he was father-in-law to him, and fauorite of the
King : I was ready to please both, and desired his aduice.
He embraced me, and began : I had done discreetly, but I
should acquaint neither : if I did, I should neuer want
trouble : the King would vse me well, but keepe such a
stirre to see it and get it into his hand, according to cus-
tome, and then I must sue for mine owne : the Prince
was rauenous and tyrannical!, and wearied all Nations. He
bade mee steale all ashoare, trust none, and shewed mee
many conueyances f bade me observe the vsage of the
Portugalls, how they were ransacked ; and desired to buy
it, which if I would grant it, I should haue money in
^ An astoundingly frank admission.
^ " Convey^ the wise it call."
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 427
deposito, what I should aske; and he would, for this trust
of him, sollicite all my desires ; that without him I -could
doe nothing. Now was an oportunitie to make a friend.
I answered : I was willing, but I feared hee would reueale
it ; which hauing receiued his oath, and a ceremony of
co'uenant by crossing thumbes, we embraced. I promised
to be directed by him ; and he to doe all that I required
for the comming vp of the rest : he would take order to giue
me Firmans : no man should touch any thing, but all come
to me, to dispose of at pleasure : The Prince he would re-
concile to me, and the next time he visited him, he would
take me, and make him vse me with all grace ; and for
other businesse it should not be in his power to crosse me :
but, if he did, he would assigne vs a Syndic,^ which was in
his gouernment, or procure any other Port at my desire :
and whatsoeuer I demanded should be performed faith-
fully. He also aduised me to giue his sister Normahall
some toy. He said he would make the King giue mc
money ; to which I answered : I desire you to conuert
it into the well vsage of my countrey-men : I asked no
more.
Thus we rose, and he carryed me in to the King, with
the Note translated, who gaue mee all good vsage ; asked
if the Arras were a Present I answered yes ; lest it should
be seazed, for the Prince was by. In conclusion, hee said
hee would buy all the parcell of cloath, and many other
things, appointing me to send for it speedily ; Asaph Chan
to take order for a Firman from the Prince.
Thus I had a good night ; and I knew, though they are
all ( ),^ yet in this he^ would deale truely, because
it was to helpe himselfe, and durst not betray me till he
^ Syndu {i.e. Ldr(ban(iar) is meant (see p. 122).
* Thus in the original.
8 Asaf Khdn.
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428 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
had the Pearle, for feare to misse it ; nor after, for hauing
hirnselfe betrayed the Prince.^
To. THE Factors at Surat.
{Add/, MS. 6iis,{. 270.)
Mandoa, 8 October, 16 17.
I perceeaue you conceiue that either the Company hath Putt
a new authoritie into my handes or that I am very willing to
assume one. First, lett me desier you not to mistake mee nor
them ; they haue giuen no more then I thought euer I had, nor
will neuer take more vpon mee, which is, frendly to joyne with
all their good seruantes in aduice, not to goueme or ouerrule nor
to doe any thing of myne owne head, except in such case that
any by grose misdemeanor should abuse the Company. .... I
doe first as my opinion deliuer that, if Master Kerridge thinck
his authoritie is any way lessened, that he bee persuaded to the
Contrarye, for that both his deseruinges and experience will pro-
tect him from any such matter ^
: If the ship of Goga' bee free, I am pleased. If not, before
^ On October 1 1 Roe wrote very hopefully to Kerridge : "It hath
pleased God to rayse mee vnexpected frends, soe that I am almost
confident to doe all yours and my busines to ease and contentment
and that noe reasonable thing wilbe denied mee of the King, who soe
gratiously now vseth mee. The Prince I haue yet refused to
visitt, but treated by a third Person ; I receiued from him a messuage
of better tast then former, but not such as I will relie vpon. . . . This
I knowe, I shall neuer recouer his hart, but I dare allmost say I shall
ease you ' all, and from the King obteyne more then you expect "
(a C, No. 548).
* Roe's remarks on the suspicious attitude of the Company towards
him, and on the evils consequent on his powerlessness to control
their factors, had had their due effect ; and by a letter dated Feb-
ruary 6, 1616-17 (no longer extent) the factors at Surat were notified
that the ambassador was authorised "to instructe, directe and order
all the Factors in the Mogulls Country in all the Affaires and buisines
of the said Honourable Company" (see O, C, No. 538). Apparently
Kerridge, resenting this, had announced his intention of returning to
England, which he was now at liberty to do, as his stipulated period
of service was nearly at an end. Roe, who, in spite of their differences,
fully recognised Kerridge's abilities and knew the difficulty of replacing
him, did his best to dissuade him, assuring him that " you shall all
fynde me a tame lyon," and that the newly-granted authority " you
shall see I will use with all modestie (or rather neuer lett you see but in
case of Necessitie), hoping you will suffer mee to aduise, and either
follow it or show mee a good reason wherin I err, which for me is
very easie" (Letter of November 8, 1617, O. C, No. 558); and,
somewhat grudgingly, Kerridge consented to stop.
' Roe, impatient at finding that nothing had been done to secure
payment of the debts, in spite of the King's orders, had asked Bangham
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 429
shee passe, gett, I pray, a letter into your handes of acknowledg-
ment, to bee sent mee to show the Prince, whose Pride only will
take no knowledge of any Curtesye.
The first thing to be Considered is the supply of Persia, which
I hould necessarie not to bee neglected, though wee shall runne
blyndly on, having no reason from them last yeare imployed. . . .
That you may the better vnderstand the Companyes Purposes, I
haue sent you two Copies directed to mee,^ wherby you may see
both their desier to follow and procure that trade, the obiections
against it and the restrictions of their Conditions ; out of which
I gather that they suppose yet no vndertaking,^ but desier some
established Conditions and Articles and some assurance of vent
of theirs and easie rates of the Comodityes of Persia before they
would engage them selues, or at least not farr ; which limita-
tions of theirs agreeing with the want of supply in Cargazon . . .
I am of opinion that it is fitt to forbare any supply of goodes
this yeare ; yet if you all thinck otherwise I yeild willingly. But
that wee must not lett the Proiect sleepe I am resolute in, first,
not to disgrace our Nation ; next to releiue our Countriemen, who
will expect vs; and to make a judicious experience of the
profitts and possibilitye of that trade, for the encouragment or
satisfaction of our imployers. But the question is how it may
bee done Vse your discretions ; I will agree, consent too
and confirme whatsoeuer Captain Prinne, Master Kerridge and
those Merchantes joyned with them shall thinck in this Case
most requisite to bee donne ; and this is all in that Poynt I can
say.^ I mention not Master Steele for this employment of
on the 3rd {MS., f. 266) to send an express to the General desiring
him to seize the Princess ship at Surat or the Queen-mother's junk,
" that by Complaynt hither I may bee questioned for yt. . . . I would
deliuer the King the truth of all our ysage and doubt not but to make
a good exchainge and to send downe sufficient warrant for all our
debtes to gett the shipp cleared. I know wee shall runne some trouble
at first by it, but I most ; but I care not for any thing they dare doe,
if I can bring to passe our owne safety in the end." Apparently the
news from Surat had now made it clear that this could not be done.
1 See the instructions printed in Appendix B.
* The Company were, of course, ignorant ofthe despatch of Connock
and his fellow-factors to Jdshak.
• The letters brought by Pring's fleet had amply vindicated Roe's
authority in this matter. " Persia," he wrote to the factors at Agra,
" is wholy referrd to mee, the Company no way thincking any Man had
meddled in yt without mee." But, for the reasons stated in the text,
and in the absence of any news from Connock, he judged it inexpe-
dient to send any goods this season. In case, however, it should
be decided at Surat to send a ship to Jdshak for intelligence, he
drafted the instructions which follow the present letter, as also a
formal commission {O. C, No. 544), authorismg Connock to negotiate
a treaty with the Shdh.
These two documents (with the signatures of Pring and Kerridge
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430 .THE EMBASSY OF [1617
Persia suddenly, because I thinck his speedy repayre hither of
more vse.
As I was writing came in your seruantes with other letters
from England, wherin receiuing from the Kinges Maiestie my
gratious Master his fauorable lettres and Instructions,^ I haue
order to prosecute the Proiect of Persia, but still with restraynt
only to Conclude and contract, if I thinck it fitt, not to send
any goodes vntill the Next Joynt Stock, according to the Com-
panyes order
Disperse the Pearle^ so in stitched Clothes, or the great one
in the stock of a Peice, bored and finely stopped and blacked that
it cannot bee seene ; and if Master Steele will come speedely
with them, lett him soe convey these Pearles that hee may passe
vp with them. .... If one of the swoordes sent mee by the
Company may come vp with Master Steele, or any other thing
of the Companyes by stealth I shalbe woonderous glad. . . .
Instructions giuen to our louing freinds Edward Connocke,
Thomas Barker, George Plea and William Bell,' Employed
in the Seruice of the Honourable Companite of East India,
by the Port of Jasques or any other in the Coast of the
Shabas.
(I. O. Records : O. C, No. 545.)
1. You shall principally and first reguard the limitations of the
Company sent to the Embassador, the copy wherof is your
direction, and not enlardge nor swerve from them but in Cases
expressed following.
2. You shall well way the obiections sent out of England,
especially that which mentioneth a true [truce ?] of the Trade if
the Grand Sinior and the Sha shall make peace but to haue the
ould trade continewed, and soe wee shalbe made a stale and
turned out.
3. You shall Judiciouslie consider whither the port of Jasques
or any other bee fitt to receiue and secure our shipp vnder a
added) were accordingly despatched to Jdshak in the Bee, which
sailed on the 14th November, under the charge of John Hatch, with
Edward Monnox and Francis Tipton as factors. Hatch's instrucrions
will be found in O. C, No. 560.
1 See Appendix B. ^ Pearls.
* Of these four merchants, Connock's brief career in the East is
sufficiently described elsewhere ; Barker, whom Roe praises as " a
sober man and of good stayd judgment," succeeded to Connock's
post upon his death (December, 161 7), and endeavoured, though in
vain, to obtain a fresh grant of privileges from Shdh Abbds ; he died
pn November 30, 1619 ; Plea, or Pley, who was a cousin of Kerridge,
died before Connock ; Bell lived long enough to become Agent, but
he in turn succumbed to the climate (February 24, 1624).
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE, 43.I
fort, which admitted, you shall contract to haue such forts
repayred and mayntayned at the chardge of the Sha, for which,
if required, you shall consent to pay Custome for goods. 3 per
Cent, (or somewhat more rather then breake), for mony or
Bouillon nothing, the import beinge sufficient profitt and noe
wise prince demandinge that; outward you may insist to pay
no Custome, the Sha takinge none at his confine townes of
Turky.
4. You must alsoe well consider the Neigborhood and strength
of Ormus, whither one shipp may safely trade or not, for that
the Chardge of a fleete to defend her will not bee borne, least you
fall into our incomoditie at Suratt ; and this one thinge I feare
aboue all other. The best preuention wilbe if your proceeds can
bee readie to bee shipt in tenn daies, wherby no great preperation
can be made against you.
5. This Custome beinge paid, you shall agree to passe freely
too and froo with all your goods without any New or. farther
imposition to bee imposed, except it be some customes or.toles
of priuiledged townes that all subiects pay ; which, if reasonable,
cannot bee auoyded without trouble and discontent ; the same to
remayne in your owne power and Custodie without molestation
or other pretence of any Gouernor.
6. You shall contract to haue a settled residence within one
month lourny at the farthest from your porte, wher you may
reside and whither the silks may bee- brought, that you bee not
enforced to wander to seeke marketts. For this, Shyras,^ as I
suppose, is most convenient and indifferent for both.
7. You shall article not only to haue liberty to sell your Cloth
and Comoditie if you can (which I doubt not they will easely grant),
but contract for so much of euery sort at such prises as are limi-
ted by the Company to be taken of yearly by the Sha or his mar-
chantes ; but for these prises you need not bee bound so strictly
as not to sell somewhat vnder if you see it may bee raysed againe
in the silkes bought more reasonable, and that it may bee a
meane to vent and putt off yours ; but in this you cannot fall
much, and in barter nothinge, for that the silkes wilbee deare.
8. Whatsoeuer you can contract for, to sell at certeyntie, in
English and sowtherne Comodities, it beinge two thirds, you shall
condition to bring in one third more in mony of [or ?] Boullion,
Gould or siluer ; and without this proportion at least in goods
may bee vented, it is not worth labor ; neyther this proportion,
except you can thus putt off of clothes and english Comodityes
as one halfe of that two- thirds in goods, the other halfe to be
supplyed in spices and Indyan goods, the other third in mony,
whereby the retournes in silke may beare the Chardge ; but for as
much more in proportion as you can.
1 Shiraz, '
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432 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
9. You must Contract for the price of your silke with the Sha
or his merchants, for I am enformed that Comoditie is all the
Kings. The price the Company hath limited ; but wheras they
say they would receiue their silke at one Royall and halfe at
watter side the pound, 1 suppose you may venture to giue that
price, or 7^. 6d, sterlinge, accountinge your Royall at 5^. At
Shiras this you must cast in your sales and in your Chardges
downe, which I suppose is not great.
10. You must contract that any English dyinge in any parts
of the Shaes dominion, that all his goods, bills and papers may
bee free and beecome to the English suruiuing without any mo-
lestation or pretence of confiscation whatsoeuer ; and if no such
English in Company, that the next Magistral shall take all such
goods, monyes and bills into his protection by Inventory and
wittnes, and the same to deliuer vpon demand to the next english
that shalbe authorised to receiue it ; and in Case of any imbe-
zelment, the said magistral to bee respondent.
11. You shall Article that in places of knowne danger you
may at the Chardge of the Country haue sufficient guards to
Conduct your goods, or in Case of losse the next towne to bee
respondent.
12. That no English bee imprisoned for any debt except
prooued by his bill wittnessed before the Caste^ or Ordinarie
Notarie of the place where the debt was made.
13. That fresh victualls may bee supplyed to our shipps at
reasonable rates and without Customes.
14. These Conditiones granted and signed by the Sha, you
shall also haue power to contract one your parts yearly to send
a shipp to bringe the said quantities of goods and monys con-
tracted for, or more in proportion if required ; and the same
monyes to bestowe in raw silkes or such other persian goods as
shalbe most convenient for you.
15. That your most Royall Kinge of England will send his
letters of Confirmation to make peace, leauge and Amety with
the Shaw-bas, and the English nation be readie to doe him all
seruice.
Lastly you shall enforme your selues of the prises and requests
of all sorts of goods, Jewells, druggs and other marchandiz, where
to bee had, at what rates, and which way they passe most readely ;
and study what Comodity may bee found to rayse a stocke,
which is the mayne matter to encrease this beginning.
For your Priuat Directions.
I. You shall Hue frugally, soberly like merchants without pro-
digall expences, the Country beeing Cheape ; and trauell with
as few seruants as may stand with safety.
* Kdzi^ the Indian form of the Arabic kddiy " a judge."
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 433
2. You shall not bringe vp a Custome of giuen presents to
euery Gouernor, nor at Court flourish and braue yt ; for I giue
it for a rule, you shall meete with a kinge affable and Curteous
to strangers, not like our Mogol, but one that will eate vpon any
man, greate* and gett, and when hee hath left you empty will
not know you.^
3. The Chardge of your house and trauell I cannot limitt,
though Commanded to doe soe ; but thinke that a houshould of
fiue may honestly passe their ordinary chardge for 100 //'. sterling
per anno, keepinge two horses. In trauell it shalbe allway better
to buy then hire your horses or wagons, if your seruants bee care-
full.
4. Yon shall, of all other things, obserue this strictly : that the
proceede of your goods, how much or little soeuer, may bee ready
to bee shipt at your port the loth of September.
5. Yf^ you send by shipping, wheras I mentioned sendinge two
merchants in my lettre, I hould it needlesse, only one to carrie
these Commissions and Instructions, to bee deliuered to those
whome I hope you shall find ready, it beinge just and reasonable
that they who haue begune this negotiation should bee esteemed
as most worthie and sufficient to continew it. But wheras ther
are noe goods sent, I hould it fitt that two or 3 at most remayne
to make this triall and to cleare the ould estate aduentured [and?]
the proceed, and such as are found vselesse and vnfitt, to returne
with the shipp to bee imployd in other seruice ; or, if they already
in experience find it to bee no fitt place nor course of trade to
be continewed, then it shalbe most expedient to reship all your
goods and seruants at port, and if any remayning aboue with any
parte vnsould, to direct or send one vp with these directions, to
make once more a full ouerture, and to aduize ouerland, both to
England and India, and, in case of noe hopes to proceed, to passe
by Carrauan with his remayner in the finest goods to Agra.
6. If it shall soe happen that Master Connock or any other
hath either taken vpon him [the] title of Embassador^ or otherwise
by any prodigality wasted the Companies stocke, not behaueinge
himselfe as a merchant in sobriety or in religion and manneres as
a good Christian, you shall then all joyntly togither dischardge
him, or any such, from any more interest in the Companies ser-
uice in persia [and] shipe him away, requiringe him or any other
^ Compare Westmoreland's speech in K. Henry /F, Pt. II, iv, i :
"Wherein have you been galled by the king ?
What peer hath been suborned to grate on you ?"
2 Cp. p. 419. This character of Shdh Abbds is fully borne out
by his treatment of Sherley and Cotton, as narrated by Herbert.
5 This clause is intended for the factors at Surat,
* See pp. 395, 422.
F F
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434 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
SO ofifendinge to obey and submitt himselfe to yeild vp all such
authoritie vsurped or giuen, in the name of his Maiestie my
Souerainge lord, as hee will answere it at his vtmost perill ; if not
soe (which wee hope), to continew him in his place and repu-
tation.
In such case, by virtue of the King's authoritie giuen vnto mee
his Ambassador, and vnto the cheefe Commander of the fleete,
Captain Martin Prinne, and the Cape merchant. Master Thomas
Kerridge, by the Committes of the Honourable Company of East
India Merchants, wee doe ordeyne and nominate to the excecution
of these instructions and to the manadging of the said Companys
stocke and affayres, as Cheefe or Cape Merchant or Principall,
Thomas Barker ; and in case of any defaulte of him in death or
otherwise, George Plea, and for his second, William Bell ; whom
wee require to excecute with all diligence these instructions, and
all other to obey them in their place and qualety.
God, whom I hope you will all only rely one, direct and blesse
you.
Tho. Roe.
I am not so in loue with myne owne opinion that I thinck it
ought to bee a law. If you the Cheefe Commander [and] Master
Kerridge, Cape merchant, with your Counsailes can add any
thinge to these my suddeyne thoughts or in your judgementes
find any fitt to bee altered (for god knowes I am no merchant,
but follow common reason), I desire you to bee very free. It is
the Companies seruice ; I will consent vnto it. . . . . neythere
doe I thincke it fitt, choosinge sober and discreet men to nego-
tiat any busines, so strictly to tye them to instructions as that
they may not haue the vse and libertie of their owne reason and
experience ; for I well knowe no man can sitt in India and direct
punctually busines in Persia, subiect to alterations and new
accurents. Therefore that these in generall shall serue only as
a rule, wherby to frame their course that shalbe imployed, which
in extraordinarye occasion they may alter, vpon the perill of their
honesty and discretion.
Dated in Mandoa, 6 October, 161 7.
[October] 12. — According to promise, Asaph Chancarryed
mee to the Prince, into his priuate roome, where I presented
him with a small China Gold-chaine,^ in a China Cup. He
vsed me indifferently. Asaph Chan perswaded him to
* See p. 424.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 435
alter his course towards vs, telling him hee gained yearely
by vs a Lecke of Rupias at his Port : that it appeared we
yearely encreased our trade, and it would in time bring
profit : that if the hard measure were continued, we would
quit both that and the Countrey, of which inconuenience
would ensue : That we were his Subiects (such words he
must vse) : if, for desire of toyes, he gaue vs discontent, we
would practise to conceale all from him : but if hee gaue
vs that libertie which was fit, wee would striue to bring all
before him, for that I only studyed his content and fauour :
for my particular, that he should receiue mee, when I
came to visite him, with honour and according to my quali-
tie : it would encourage mee to doe him seruice, and
content my Nation. Finally, hee moued him for a Firman
for our present ease, and obtained it, promising all manner
of content, and at instant gaue order to Asaph^ Chan, his
Secretary, to draw it in euery point according to my owne
desires, and to write a Letter to the Gouernour in recommen-
dations of it : and that I should at all times haue any
other Letter, when I called for it. It is easily seene with
how base and vnworthy men I traffique. Asaph Chan, for
a sordid hope only of buying some toyes, was so reconciled
as to betray his sonne,^ and to me obsequious, euen to
flattery ; for the ground of all this friendship was that he
might buy the Gold taken in the prize,^ and some other
knackes. To which end he desired to send downe a ser-
uant, which I could not deny without losing him I had so
long laboured to get ; neither was it ill for vs, for his pay-
ment is good, and it will saue vs much charge and trouble
to sell aboord, especially wine and luggish that spoiles in
cariage ; and he obtained leaue vnder false colours, and
wrote to the Gouernour in our behalfes, with all manner of
^ " Afzal " is meant ; cp. p. 420. 2 Son-in-law.
^ See p. 420, note 2. Its value was 350/. {O. C, No. 561).
F F 2
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436 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
kindnesse. There is a necessitie of his friendship : his
word is law ; and therefore I durst not see his vnworthi-
nesse ; and hope by this course to winne him, at least to
make present good vse of him. Vpon this occasion I
moued for a Firman for Bengala/ which he promised, and
would neuer before hearken to. And this effect of his
greatnesse [gratefulness?] I found: that hee prosecuted our
debters,'^ as if his owne ; and, passing by the Cutwalls on his
Elephant, called to command dispatch, which was an vn-
usuall fauour ; vpon which Groo was imprisoned, and
Muckshu had two dayes libertie only to pay vs ; and I
doubt not but to end that in ten dayes, the summe being
foure and forty thousand Rupias^ and the debters most
shifting false knaues in India.
\October\ 21. — At this instant came in to me from Asaph
Chan a seruant, in the name of Normahal : that shee had
moued the Prince for another Firman that all our goods
might bee in her protection, and that shee had obtained it,
and was readie to send down her seruant with that, to see
and take order for our good establishment : that shee
would see that wee should not bee wronged : That Asaph
Chan had done this for feare of the Princes violence, and
because of his delayes : that now, hee was sure, that his
sister had desired to bee our Protectresse, that the Prince
would not meddle : that vpon his honour I should receiue
all things consigned to mee : that shee had written such a
command, and charged her seruant to assist our Factors, so
that we should haue neuer more cause to complaine of
Surat : Therefore hee desired of mee two or three words to
the Captaine and Factors to vse him kindly, and let him
buy for her some toyes, such as I would spare. This I
durst not deny, though I saw the greedinesse ; and gaue
^ Seep. 349. 2 Seep. 415.
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 437
him a note on condition to see the Copy of the Firman}
which was sealed and I could not without leaue ; and so
he was dispeeded. But you may by this iudge this place, how
easie it were to raise a stocke. Last yeare, wee were not
looked after. Now, because I translated the Cargazon of
fine wares (yet concealed the Pearle) and gaue it to the
King, euery one is ready to runne downe to buy ; Norma-
hall and Asaph Chan studying to doe me good offices ;
many great men desiring a letter to send their seruants
downe ; so that, if you had treble this stocke, it would be
bought vp aboord, and saue you custome and carriage and
spoile. For which purpose out of this I haue ordered your
Factory to sell to the seruants of Normahall and her
brother whatsoeuer may bee spared, so that I may bee fitted
at Court in any proportion. Thus I shall saue trouble and
you charge ; the Prince preuented, and our friends con-
firmed, and yet I hope sufficient for to please the King and
his Sonne ; at the deliuery of which Asaph Chan hath
vndertaken the Firman for Bengala, or any Port, and a
generall command and grant of free Priuiledges in all his
Dominions.
\October'\ 24. — The King departed Mandoa foure Course
and, wandering in the hills, left vs irresolute what way to
take, no man knowing his purpose.
\October'\ 26. — I got a warrant for ten Camels at the
Kings price.
\October'\ 29. — I remoued after: forced away by the
desolations of the place.
{October'] 31.— I arriued at the Kings Tents, but found
him gone with few company for ten dayes a hunting, no
1 This and the /armdn promised on the 12th were sent by Roe to
Surat this same day. The latter was " very ample for our generall
good vsadge," and ordered (i) that no duty be levied on victuals for
the ship ; (2) that no delay be used in rating the English goods at the
custom-house ; (3) that the presents be sent up at once unopened
(O. C, No. 552).
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438 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
man to follow without leaue ; the Leskar diuided and
scattered into many parts ; ill water, deare prouisions,
sicknesse and all sorts of calamitie accompanying so infinite
a multitude ; yet nothing remooues him from following this
monstrous appetite. Heere I vnderstood the Kings pur-
pose was vncertaine, whether for Agra or Guzerat; the
latter giuen out ; the former more probable, because his
Councell desired to be at rest ; but that, howeuer, for the
dispatch of my businesse, seeing hee would linger heere
about a moneth, I was aduised, and thought it as fit to
send for the goods and Presents as to deferre it vpon
vncertainties ; being that dispatched, I had hope of some
quiet in this course. I wore out my body, being very
weake, and not like to recouer vpon daily trauell in the
fields, with cold raw muddie water.
November 2. — Arriued Richard Steele^ and Master lack-
^ Steel's mission to Persia and his journey thence overland to
England have already been mentioned. The loss of the Court
Minutes of this date prevents us from following in detail his subse-
quent negotiations with the Company, but their main purport can be
gathered from a letter written by him to the Court at the end of 1616
or the beginning of 161 7, which is printed in The First Letter Book
(p. 457). In this he refers to his advocacy of " the Trade of Rawsilkes
from Persia," and then goes on to unfold four more schemes : first,
the transportation of the goods of native merchants from Sind to
Persia by sea, to save the long overland journey by way of Candahar ;
secondly, the carriage to Persia of spices and other commodities of
the Far East ; thirdly, the convoying of the Gujdrdt ships to the Red
Sea ; fourthly, the erection of waterworks at Agra, to supply that
city with water from the Jumna, for which he doubted not that "either
the king will giue a good gratification, or the people of that Cittye
pay quarterly or yearly for yt." In this last project, he was willing to
venture 300/., and he was also prepared to serve the Company for five
years at 200/. per annum . If Roe should be sent to Persia to con-
clude a treaty, Steel would gladly " keepe him Companye in so worthy
a buisines and be a help for obteyning many fauours from the said
Sophey."
Apparently the Company were unwilling to take a part in his water-
works scheme ; but (in an unhappy hour for their long-suffering am-
bassador) they engaged his services in a general capacity, and allowed
him to take with him a number of workmen on the chance of his being
able to interest the Mogul in his very visionary project.
With him came other troublesome adventurers, viz. Captain Tower-
son and his wife and Mrs. Hudson. Towerson (well known in after
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I6l7] • SIR THOMAS ROE. . 439
son,^ with the Pearle and some other small matters
stollen ashoare, according to my order, which I receiued
and gaue quittance for. With him I had conference about
his proiects, which because I would not rashly reiect them,
as he had set them afoot, after hauing made him see his
fancies and vnderstand the qualitie of these people, how
for the water-worke, if to bee effected, it must bee begunne
at our charge, and after triall, we shall not enioy the profit,
but the Naturalls taught and our people reiected ; neither
our commoditie vented by it, for that the Lead will treble
his price by portage ouer-land, and cannot bee deliuered
at Agra so cheape as found there : yet I was content
hee should make triall for satisfaction by carrying his
work-men to Amadauas, to meete mee there, where by assist-
ance of Mocrib Chan, who only is a friend to new inuen-
tions, I would make offer to the King of their industry and
make proofe what conditions may be obtained ; but in my
iudgement it is all money and labour cast away. The Com-
pany must shut their eares against these proiectors, who
years as the chief of the English factors put to death at Amboyna)
had been in the Company's first voyage, and had been chief at Ban-
tam from 1605 to 1608 ; in 161 1 he had commanded the Hector in the
Eighth Voyage, and on his return had married the widow of William
Hawkins. As will be remembered, she was an Armenian girl whom
Hawkins had espoused at Agra at the instance of Jah^ngfr ; and it
was in the hope of pushing his fortunes in India with the help of his
wife's relatives th it Towerson had persuaded the Company to grant
the passage.
Mrs. Towerson brought with her her friend, Mrs. Hudson, and a
maid, Frances Webbe. The latter was secretly married to Steel,
either before or during the voyage, and their son, born at Surat soon
after the ship's arrival, may be safely set down as the second English
child born in India (the first was the infant of Sir Thomas and Lady
Powell, Sherley's companions).
^ A gentleman who had come out in Pring's fleet with letters of
recommendation»from Sir Thomas Smythe and " many honourable
lords of his Majestys Councell." He seems to have decided very
quickly not to remain in India, for on November 3, 1617, the am-
bassador wrote {O. C, No. 556) to the Surat factors to assist him "to
♦,a)e to the Sowthward, if hee desier it, to seeke a better fortune, and
to advise him which way he may reape some honest recompence of
two years trauell without Iniurie to the Com an ."
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440 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
haue their owne employments more in their ends then their
Masters profits. Many things hold well in discourse, and
in the theorique satisfie curious imaginations, but in prac-
tise and execution are found difficult and ayrie ; especially
to alter the constant receiued customes of Kingdomes,
where some drinke only raine-water, some of a holy Riuer,
some none but what is fetched by their owne cost. His
second of reducing the Caffilaes and Merchants of Labor
and Agra by the Riuer Indus, that vsed to passe by Can-
dahor into Persia, to transport by sea in our shipping for
lasques or the Gulph, is a meere dreame ; some man in
conference may wish it, but none euer practise it. The
Riuer is indifferently nauigable downe ; but the mouth is
the residence of the Portugalls ; returnes backe against the
streame very difficult. Finally, wee must warrant their
goods, which a Fleet will not doe ; neither did the Portu-
gall euer lade or noise \sic\ such goods, but only for those
of Sindie and Tatta, that traded by their owne lunckes,
they gaue a Cartas or Passe to secure them from their
Frigats, and traded with them, for which they payed a small
matter, and that onely which came to the purses of the
Grand^ of Diu, Damon and Ormus. Or if all other difficul-
ties were taken away, yet will the Lahornes neuer bee
drawne downe, being that Caffila consists most of return-
ing Persians and Armenians that knew the passage from
lasques almost as bad as from Candahor ; and for that
little on the Confines of Sinde not worth mentioning. Not-
withstanding, for his better satisfaction, I was content hee
should by experience learne his owne errours, so it were
not at the Companies charge ; but I suppose hee will let it
fall, not knowing at which end to beginne.
A third proiect for to ioyne the Trade of the Red Sea
with this, I recommended to him, for that it was alreadie
^ Elsewhere- called the Captain.
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 44I
in vse, and the perill for the Guzurats very apparant ;^
therefore I doubted not some Merchants might be drawne
to lade in Qur ships at freight ; whereby wee should make
our selues necessary friends to these people, supply our
owne defects, saue export of monies, and finally, for this
yeare employ one ship of the olde account that should
returne in September and receiue the proceed of the
remaynes of this ioynt stocke,^ which will be sufficient to
re-lade a great ship ; otherwise to transport it ouer will be
extreame losse. This I opened and vrged the consequence,
shewed which way to effect it, and commended by him to
the Commander, the Cape Merchant, and your Factors
with all earnestnesse, as by my Letters appeares. The
consequence I will make euident in your profit, if
they follow it. For were the goods and estate all my owne,
if I could not procure somewhat towards charge by freight
from the Guzurats, yet hauing so many emptie vessels for
so small a stocke, and two fallen into your hands of men of
warre, I had rather goe emptie, and for company with
them, then to omit that. There are many chances in that
Sea and in the way ; her returne onely of our owne
remaynes shall requite all forbearance, and be readie in
time, for employed she must be if we intend to send the
rest vpon this account, for that here is no harbourage. At
his arriuall, I found him high in his conceits, hauing some-
what forgotten me ; Master Kerridge and him at warres,
which I endeauoured to temper on all parts ; but for his Wife
I dealt with him cleerely : she could not stay with our
safety, nor his Masters content : that he had ruined his for-
^ As we have seen, Roe had proposed this to the Company quite
independently of Steel.
2 The first joint stock had been brought to an end, and a second
started. The goods belonging to the former had either to be ex-
changed for native commodities and these sent home, or else they
must be carried over (" transported ") to the new stock at a valuation.
The former course was obviously the more profitable.
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442 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
tunes, if by amends hee repayred it not : that shee should
not trauell nor h'ue on the Companies Purse (I know the
charge of women) : that if he were content to Hue himselfe
like a Merchant, as others did, frugally, and to be ordered
for the Companies seruice, and to send home his Wife, he
was welcome : otherwise, I must take a course with both
against my nature. Hauing to this perswaded him, I like-
wise practised the discouragement of Captaine Towerson
about his Wife (you know not the danger, the trouble, the
inconuenience of granting these liberties). To effect this, I
perswaded Abraham, his Father in Law^ here, to hold
fast : I wrote to them the gripings of this Court, the small
hope or [of?] reliefe from his alliance, who expected great
matters from him. Finally, I perswaded his returne quietly.
To further this, I wrote to your chiefe Factor that such
things as hee had brought and were vendible should bee
brought to your vse by Bill of exchange, to such profit for
him as both might saue ; and this inconuenience you bring
on your selues by liberties vnreasonable. But to take tye
[a'nye?] of his trash to lye vpon your hands, vpon any
condition I did prohibit.
I find by your Letter your strict command in priuate
Trade, as well for your owne Seruants as others ; where-
by I collect you meane not that he shall haue that libertie
hee expects, for he is furnished for aboue one thousand
pound sterling, first penny here, and Steele at least two
hundred pound, which he presumes, sending home his Wife,
his credit and merit is so good towards you, that you will
admit in this case to be rid of such cattell. I will not buy,
^ This individual appears to be " the Dutchman, the Princes
jeweller," mentioned on pp. 189, 332. He was "a Dutchman from
Antwerp, called Abraham de Duyts, a diamond polisher, a great
friend of the prince Sultan Khurram, in whose service he was" (I. O.
Records : Hague Transcripts^ ist Series, vol. iii. No. 96). Jourdain
refers to him {Sloane MS. 858) as the father-in-law of Mrs. Hawkins
(now Mrs. Towerson).
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 443
but order that it be marked and consigned to you, that
you may measure your owne hand. You discourage all
your olde Seruants. Some may doe all things for faire
words, some nothing for good actions. I could instance
some gone home two yeares since that onel}' employed
their owne stocke, did no other businesse, and Hue now at
home in pleasure ; others that raise their fortune vpon
your monies, from Port to Port, and returne rich and vn-
questioned. Last yeare a Mariner had sixe and twentie
Churles of Indico : others many Fardles : a third seuen
thousand Mamudes^ first pennie, in Baroach Bastaes,^
chosen apart (for hee inuested your Monies, and it \s pro-
bable hee chose not the worst for himselfe) : a fourth,^ aboue
one hundred and fiftie pound, first pennie. These I
mention, not for spight, but to moue you to equalitje ;
neither by their example these may escape, for they
swallow you vp ; but that an indifferent restraint be exe-
cuted vpon all.
For the effecting of all these purposes, the sending home
the woman and the prosecution of the Red Sea, I sentbacke
Richard Steele with orders to Surat,^ hauing altered my
purpose of the goods and Presents from the Leskar, it
beeing declared that the King will for Guzurai, where I
haue appointed Richard Steele, after hauing dispatched
other matters, to meete, with them and his Ingeniers. I
also sent my aduice and directions to Captaine Pring, to
take an Inuentorie of all the Monies and goods in the two
men of Warre : to make it ouer to your stocke and land
it : to sell or dispose of the ships, as his occasion shall
require (the monies, if sold, to be put to stocke) : to grant
1 " Baftas."
2 " The Names are omitted " {marginal note by Purchas).
3 See Roe's letters to the Surat factors of the 3rd {O. C, No. 556)
and 8th November (No. 558), and to Pring on the latter date (No. 559).
In the letter to Pring, he suggested that the Bee might be sent to
Bengal if Xh^farmdn were obtained.
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444 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
passage to some of the Chiefes, to entertaine the rest and
to referre it to you at home, whom [how ?] you will deale
with the Owners that set them out. My opinion is peremp-
tory that their surprize is iust and iustifiable, all their
goods forfeited ; if you will restore anything, at your cour-
tesie ; but with the more rigour you deale with these, the
better example you will leaue for such barbarous Piracies ;
for, if this course be practised, take your leaue of all Trade
about Surat and the Red Sea, and let the Company of
Turkie stand cleere of the Grand Signors reuenge, and we
heere must expect cold Irons.
[November] 6. — I went to Asaph Chans, hauing receiued
his Passe ; vnto whom I shewed the Pearle according to
promise. Though the sorts fit not the Countrey (iust as I
was informed hereafter), yet their performance with him
gaue him such content that I am confident I may vse
Pharaohs words : The Land is before you, dwell where
you will, you and your Seruants. For the price wee
talked not, but he vowed such [much ?] secrccie ; and for
my sake, who haue shewed this confidence in him, hee will
giue more then their worth, and not returne one, and pay
readie mony, of which hee professeth not to want, and to
lend mee what I want. His Sister I haue promised to
visit,^ whom hee hath made our protectresse ; and briefly
whatsoeuer contentment words can bring I receiue, and
some good effects. When the Presents arriue, assure you
I will not be liberall to your losse ; little shall serue. Asaph
Chan admonisheth mee himselfe : so they came with
somewhat to induce them, as well accepted, bought as
giuen ; experience of others makes mee to approue of this
doctrine.
Finishing these complements with him in his Bed-cham-
ber, he rose to Dinner, hauing inuited me and my people ;
1 A noteworthy instance of Nur Mahal's independence.
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I6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 445
but he and {sic) friends dined without, appointing mee a
messe with him apart, for they eate not willingly with vs ;
where I had good cheere and well attended ; the reuersion
for my seruants.^
After dinner, I moued Groos debt, told him the delayes.
Hee answered : I should not open my lips : he had vnder-
taken it : that Groo by his meanes was finishing accounts
with a leweller : that hee had ordered, as money was paid,
it should rest in the Cutwalls hand for vs ; which I found
true, and the Cutwall promised to finish it in three dayes,
desiring mee to send no more to Asaph Chan.
I cannot omit a basenesse or fauour, according as you
will interprete it. The King, when his Prisons are full of
condemned men, some he commands to be executed, some
he sends to his Vmraes to redeeme at a price. This he
esteemes as a courtesie, to giue meanes to exercise charitie,
but he takes the money, and so sels the vertue.^ About
a moneth before our remoue, he sent to mee to buy three
Abassines^ (for fortie Rupias a man) whom they suppose
all Christians. I answered : I could not buy men as Slaues,
^ This appears to be the dinner spoken of by Terry (p. 207) :
"Once my Lord Ambassador had an entertainment there by
Asaph Chan, who invited him to dinner (and this was the only res-
pect in that kinde he ever had, while he was in East India)
This Asaph Chan entertained my Lord Ambassadour in a very spa-
cious and a very beautifuU tent, where none of his followers besides
myself saw or tasted of that entertainment We sate in that
large Room as it were in a Triangle ; the Ambassadour on Asaph
Chans right hand, a good distance from him ; and myself below ;
all of us on the ground, as they there all do when as they eat, with
our faces looking each to the other, and every one of us had his
several mess. The Ambassadour had more dishes by ten, and I less
by ten, than our entertainer had ; yet for my part, I had fifty dishes.
They were all set before us at once, and little paths left betwixt
them, that our entertainers servants (for onely they waited) might
come and reach them to us one after another At this enter-
tainment we sat long, and much longer than we could with ease cross-
leg'd, but, all considered, our feast in that place was better than
Apricius, that famous Epicure of Rome could have made
with all provisions had from the Earth, and Air, and .Sea."
^ See p. 305. ^ Abyssinians.
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446 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
as others did, and so had profit for their money ; but in
charity I would giue twenty Rupias a piece to saue their
Hues, and giue them libertie. The King tooke my answere
well, and bade them to be sent me. They expected money,
and I was not hastie ; hearing no more of it, I hoped it
had beene forgotten ; but his words are written Decrees.
This night the Officers, seeing I sent not, deliuered the
Prisoners into my Procuradors power, and tooke his Screete
for sixtie Rupias^ which at my returne I payed, and freed
the Slaues.
To Master Kerridge at Surat.
(I. O. Records : O. C, No. 573.)
Leskar in Rannas Wood,
December 2, 161 7.
My last dated the 17th of November,^ I doubt not hath signi-
fied the Kings hast to Amadavaz, which hee Continewes without
rest, by soe miserable wayes as I beleeue never Armie or multi-
tude euer went. Hee purposeth to enter it about the 13th Pre-
sent Asaph-chan stands obliged on both sides betweene
the Prince and mee ; the King drincks and is indifferent
.... Wee trauell daylie. I haue scarse leasure to eate, or
noe Meate, but ill water. -^ A little glasse of yours would helpe a
weake stomacke.
P.S. — Abram-chan is called vp, vpon the Complaynts of Shaw-
Hussen and Sale-Beage. The firmaen was sent before I had
knowledg. I went to Asaph-chan about it, who knewe it and
1 Not extant.
2 Terry {Purchas^ vol. ii, p. 1481) says there were "no lesse then
200,000 men, women and children in this Leskar or Campe (I am hereof
confident), besides Elephants, horses and other beasts that eate Come :
all which notwithstanding, wee neuer felt want of any prouision, noe,
not in our nineteene dayes trauell from Mandoa to Amadauar, thorow
a Wildernesse, the Road being cut for vs in the mayne Woods." It
will be seen that he differs from Roe as to the discomfort of the journey ;
but his account (written after his return to England) is continually
inaccurate in detail. Thus he speaks of the length of the present
journey as nineteen days, which is obviously too short a period ; in
his later narrative, on the other hand, he gives the date of departure
from Mandu as the 20th September, which is over a month too early.
Jahdngfr's route appears from the Tuzak to have been by way of
Nalcha to Hasilpur, thence to Dhar, and so in a fairly straight line
to Ahmaddbdd.
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 447
supposed I was glad, for that hee thought wee could not make soe
many Complaynts and the Gouernor honest. I made him vnder-
stand the Contrarie, and his goodnes and his justice, which hee
protests hee will deliuer in his defence ; and if hee desier to re-
turne wilbe his frend and helper
To Master Kerridge and assistants at Surat.
(I. O. Records : O. C, No. 575.)
The woods, 30 Course short of Amadauas,^
December 6, 161 7.
Yours Nowe receiued of the 21th Nouember mentioneth one
of the 9th that neuer came to mee ; with this the Copy and
Note in English and Persian of what deliuered to Asaph-chans
seruant, the weight of Gould, and prises as by Invoyce
His payment is better then any Mans, though his prises hard
made. By this I am sure I have saued Custome, contented a
frend, and not borne the hazard of Portage
.... Your bills for Agra are receiued and mony almost all
invested ; 200 Camells on the way this 13 dayes ; cloth^bartered ;
Creditt for about 25,000 rupees^ 3 monnths ; The Proceede much
enlardged, double to former years (as they write), in best Com-
moditie, and all things ther performed much to my Content, and
(I hope) their Creditt and the Company es Profitt ; the Number
of Semians enlardged (a new sort of Cloth),^ and carpetts not yet
gotten but in hand. Their day I will not faile on, nor haue they
found difficultie, as wee supposed, in trust nor Prises hoysed^
out of reason ; and I make noe question, by this yeares and the
Next Practise, to enter soe into good opinion as to buy on
tyme for a leecke of goods, by which the ships shalbe supplied in
tyme, and, if care taken to preserue the foundation, it shall
prooue an advantage of better vse then to bee so good husbands
as to venture Nothing.
.... Kfirmaen from [for ?] Bengala cannot be had while the
Prince hath Suratt, vnles wee will quitt it and rely on the other
only. Hee pretends that all our fine goods shall come thither
and his Port beare the burthen of trash and hinder others. . . .
.... For Priuat trade you know my orders, and I the Com-
panyes Pleasure. The Prime Comoditie'^ no man, I hope, will
deale in vpon any pretence ; cloth, if they doe and consent to
acquaynt the factors with it and remitt it to their Masters, it may
Passe and by your and my aduise may bee fauored ; but for
^ From this and from the contents of the letter, it seems probable
that the date is wrong, and should really be December 13.
2 See p. 265. 3 Raised. * Indigo.
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44^ THE EMBASSY OF [1617
all such as are obstinate, I require execution of Commission to
the vtmost, notice of their Names, and I will vse my Creditt to
bring them to repentance by losses
Master Steele hath satisfied him easely that loues not Con-
tentions. But I can discerne woords and shawdowes from truth
and substance. I hope well of all men, of him, and would not
put my finger to the ruyne of any. I cannot so soone help a
man as destroy him ; it is a tender thing in a mans conscience.
Yet I am not soe easye as to bee abused much. You shall see
I see both wayes and will choose the best.
.... Abulhassan^ pretends to bee sorrie for the Princes vsage
of vs ; sayes hee dare not stur in his"-^ owne Prigony,^ but if hee
weare remooued would make a New Suratt for vs at Swally. To
Night, I will question with him of that dissimulation; but I
knowe the Complaynt came to the Prince, by him to the King,
and disputed before my face not long since ; to which Abulhassan
sayd nothing nor seemed to bee concerned in yt. The King was
not Pleased at the folly, but, after his Manner, gaue vs no satis-
faction, but only bad his sonne vse strangers better.
I Complayned of this New trouble before your lettres arriued ;
am promised a lettre downe of New fauour, but on the way vn-
possible to sollicite it. If that were the woorst, to take away
their* weapons and restore them, except they were more gouerned,
itt matters not ; or if you would shew them in a glasse their folly.
The Generall may disarme their boates and, beeing demanded
reason, may say w^ee doubt they are bound for the Conquest of
England and the taking of London.
.... Mesolapatan is a New question. I thought them soe
bare as they Needed noe shipp to fetch any Proceede. They
speake of some on Creditt ; I knowe not what it is, nor whether
it be fitt goods [for one ship ?], much lesse two. In this Poynt
I wish your due consider[a]tion ; for, if the factorie shalbe con-
tinued as Profitable, and that bee the Companyes intent, some
supply they must haue, but whether from vs or Bantam I knowe
not Custome**. ... I thinck if the stocke were kept togither,
and that disolued, it were better for the owners. But this must
come from themselues ; I will goe noe further then Mogolls
India.
.... Your despatch for Persia I understand ; but sawe noe
cause to spare two factors to Carry lettres,^ both, it seemes, soe
sufficient as to doe all if the woorst happen. All I shall farther
add in it is to putt you in mynde it is to mee his Maiestie hath
^ Asaf Khdn (see p. 115). ^ The Prince's. ^ See p. 415.
* The English sailors' (see p. 450).
^ Pring, on his way from Surat to Bantam (April, 161 8), detached
the Bee with a supply of money for Masulipatam ( O, C, No. 784).
6 See p. 433-
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 449.
referrd it, and the Company entrusted it. I cannot ans were for
England vntil the returne of this voyadge to any satisfaction.
That therfore I expect the first sight and receipt of all that comes,
except your priuat lettres and accounts of sales for the bookes
perfecting; but relations, treaties, Priuiledges, Proiects and all
of that qualetie, are noe mans to iudg off but myne ; and I shall
either receiue them whole or not Meddle in them. ....
Thus I conclude answer to your lettre, wherin I fall into con-
sideration of the Paynes by myne owne wearines. You may
suppose I write not at ease in a house; remooue euery other day;
fofgett to answer none ; haue much to prepare fpr England, and
no helpe. Therfore what is written in hast must not bee
seuerly Censured. I am long in some instances ; it is to lett you
see my motions come not at adventure without Consideration,
though they bring not allway their reasons.
Nowe I come to our estate here. I haue recomplayned ; to
night visitt the King with his Maiesties lettre translated ; deferred
till Nowe for extremetie of wayes, that made all in confusion ; at
which tyme I hope to dispute our owne Cause anewe. Asaph-
chan remaynes the same ; hath feasted mee, and wee meete
often. The Prince against his will shalbe left at Amadauaz ;
hath that Gouerment geuen him and Cambaya. This is doubt-
les an ill signe that the King remooues him. It is out of doubt
true. The good to vs is : Asaph-chan hath enformed hee^ quittes
diuers small jaggers^ to the King, of which hee^ will procure
Suratt may bee one, which hee will take ; and then I doubt
not to see all amended. This will suddenly bee tryed, and vpon
these changes the Prince will not haue cause of oposition.
Asaph-chan then promiseth to procure the firmaen for Bengala
(for hee suspects not vs to seeke it to betraye Suratt, but to en-
crease our trade) and all other my iust demands, and voweth hee
will make Englishmen content and happy. Thus in New hopes
I rest a tyme ; and so I must from writing, for I am not able scarce
to write my Name. I Committ you all to Gods Mercy.
\Pecember'^'\ 10. — I visited Asaph Chan, hauing receiued
aduice from Surat of a new Firman come downe to dis-
arriue [disarme] all the English, and some other restric-
tions of their Hbertie ; vpon a complaint made to the
Prince, that we intended to build a Fort at Swally, and
1 The Prince. ^ /4^rj— estate rentals. ^ ^saf Khdn.
* In this and the following entry, Purchas merely says " the tenth "
and " the thirteenth," which would imply the tenth and thirteenth of
November. The exact order of events is not clear, but from Roe's
letters it seems most probable that " December " is right for this entry,
as it certainly is for the next.
G G
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450 THE EMBASSY OF [l6l7
that our shippes were laden with Bricke and Lime for that
end (which suspition arose only by bringing a few on
shoare to found the ships bell^) ; yet the Alarum came to
Court so hot, that I was called to answere ; which, when
I made it appeare how absurd the feare was, how dis-
honorable for the King, how vnfit the place for vs, with-
out water or harbourage, yet the iealousie was so strongly
imprinted, because formerly I had demanded a Riuer by
Goya [Goga] for that end,^ that I could hardly perswade
the Prince we intended not some surprise. By this you may
iudge how easie it were to get a Port for our selues, if you
affected it, which I can* neither so profitable for you, nor
a place tenable. Notwithstanding all remonstrances, this
furnace must be demolished, and a Haddey of horse sent
downe to see it effected. The disarming of our men, being
all that our people stomacked (though it was only to leaue
their weapons in the Custome-house, and that only of the
ships company), though it were quieter for vs, except they
were often more ciuill : yet I told Asaph Chan wee would
not endure the slauery, nor I stay in the Countrey : that
one day the Prince sent a Firman for our good vsage and
grant of Priuiledges, the next day countermanded it ; that
there was no faith nor honour in such proceedings, neither
could I answere my residence longer. He replyed at night
1 " Moreover, our Bell beinge broken, there was a few bricks landed
at Suallie to new cast the bell, at which ther was great Murmuringe
amongst the Countrie People, who said we went aboute to buyld a
Castell ; the which some did write to the Kinge, and the Kinge tould
it the Prince, who presentlie sent downe a chiefe man from the Courte
to forbidd vs buyldinge our Castle and also to take order that not
aboue lo Englishe should be suffred to com into the towne together
and those lo to leaue their Armes at the customhouse ; and the
Gouernour, Abram Chan (who to his Power hathe bin ever a freind to
our nation) was in danger to be displaced, if not quite thruste oute, for
that he had not written his master of our buyldinge a Castle (in the
Ayre)". — Monnox to the Company, December 28, 161 7 (C?. C, No. 586).
* See p. 467.
' Thus in the original. The text is evidently corrupt ; but the
sense is clear enough.
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 45 1
hee would mooue the King, before the Prince, and giue
me answere.
[Decemier] 13. — I reuisited Asaph Chan. He told me
wondrous matters of the Kings affection to my Souereigne,
to my Nation, and to mee: that hee had ventured the
Princes disfauour for our sakes, and had full promise for a
new reformation : but because he feared the Princes deal-
ing, he gaue me this assurance, that he would take the
Prigany of Surat, which the Prince must leaue, being made
Gouernour of Amadauas, Cambaya, and that Territorie;^
and to giue me satisfaction that he had not dissembled
with me, he desired me to come at night to Court, and bring
the King my Masters Letter^ and the translation : the
oportunitie was faire to deliuer it ; vpon the occasion of
which he bade me persist in my complaints, and offer to
take leaue : I should then see what he would say for vs,
and so I should beleeue my selfe. At euening I went to the
King, it beeing a very full Court, and presented my Letter,
which (the King sitting on the ground) was layd before
him ; and he, busie, tooke no great notice. Asaph Chan
whispered his Father in the eare, desiring him to reade the
Letter, and to assist vs, for that he might better begin that
then himselfe. Etimon Dowlet tooke vp both Letters,
gaue the English to the King, and read the translated ; to
which when the King had answered many words of com-
plaint, to that point of procuring our quiet Trade by his
authoritie among the Portugals, he demanded if he [we ?]
would makepeace. I answered: his Maiestie knew long
since I offered to be gouerned by him, and referred it to
His wisdome, and had expected his pleasure. He replied :
hee would vndertake absolutely to accord vs, and to make
agreement in his Seas,^ which he would by answere to my
Masters Letters signifie, and therein giue him content in
^ See p. 449. * Of this no copy is extant. ^ Cp. p. 471.
G G 2
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45^ tH£ EMBASSY OF [^617
all other his friendly desires. Notwithstanding, I deman-
ded leaue to goe before to Amadauas to meet the Kings
Presents and to prepare for my returne. Vpon which
motion, the question grew betweene the King and the
Prince, who complayned that he had no profit by vs, and
that he was content to be rid of vs. Asaph Chan tooke
the turne, and very roundly told the King that we brought
both profit to the Port, to the Kingdome, and securitie :
that we were vsed very rudely by the Princes seruants,
and that it was not possible for vs to reside without
amends : it were more honourable for his Maiestie to li-
cense vs [to depart ?] then to intreate vs so discourteously,
for it would be the end. The Prince replyed very chole-
rickly that he had neuer done vs wrong, and had lately
giuen mee a Firman at his entreatie. He replyes : It is
true, you gaue a Firman to his content, and in ten dayes
sent another, in effect, to contradict it : that he stood surety
between both : had vndertaken from the Princes mouth
our redresse, but now he had the shame and dishonor of
it : that he ought me nothing, nor I him : he spake for no
ends but for the Kings Honor and Justice ; in that which
he^ said that he did vs no wrong, he must appeale to me,
who complayned that our goods were taken by force, that
two yeeres past Rulph [Zulphercarcon] had begun it,
would neuer pay vs, and his Officers continued euery ship-
ping : that if the Prince were weary of vs, he might turne
vs out, but then he must expect we would doe pur owne
Justice vpon the Seas. He demanded if the King or
Prince gaue mee meanes to eate, or who did ? That I wad
an Ambassadour and a stranger, that liued and followed
the King at great charge : that if our goods were forced,
and after we could get neither goods nor money, how
should I Hue and maintayne myselfe }
^ The Prince.
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 453
This deliuered with some heate, the King catched the
word, Force, Force, redoubling it to his sonne, and gaue him
sharpe reprehension. The Prince promised to see me paid
all : that he had taken nothing, but only caused the Pre-
sents to be sealed, because his Officers had no Custome,
and desired to haue them opened before him. I absolutely-
refused it ; also I told the King I would only doe my dutie
to my Master, in deliuering his Presents free : after I
would giue the Prince all content.
Etimon Dowlet, who is always indifferent, and now by
his Sonne made our friend, whispered with the King, and
read a clause or two in my Masters Letter ; at which the
King made his son rise and stand aside. Asaph Chan
ioyned in this priuate conference (which they told me was
for my good) and in conclusion the Prince was called,
commanded to suffer all the goods to c6me to my hands
quietly, to giue me such priuiledges as were fit, which
Asaph Chan should propound. The Prince would not
yeeld the Presents except Asaph Chan would stand surety
that he should haue a share, which he did ; and then we
all agreed vpon that point ; the King giuing mee many
good words, and two pieces of his Pawne^ out of his dish,
to eate of the same he was eating. Then I tooke leaue to
goe to Amadauas to meet the Presents ; and so we parted.
At night, I set on my iourney, leauing my Tents, suppos-
ing the next da)'' to reach the Citie ; but I rode two nights,
a day and a halfe, with one baite vpon straw, and the
fifteenth at noone arriued at Amadauas.^
^ Betel-leaf, chewed by the natives with the dried areca-nut. The
Hindustani term here used is in full pdn-supdri, which is generally
employed for " the combination of betel, areca-nut, lime, &c., which is
politely offered (along with otto of roses) to visitors, and which inti-
mates the termination of the visit" (Yule and BurnelPs Hobson-Jobson^
p. 522).
2 Ahmaddbdd, the principal city of Gujdrdt, where Roe spent
(with a short interval) the remaining period ot his attendance on the
Great Mogul. It is situated or the l^ft t)ank of the Sdbarmati river,
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454 THE EMBASSY OF [1617
To Master Kerridge and assistants at Surat.
(I. O. Records : O, C, No! 578.)
Amadavaz, 18 December, 161 7.
Your lettres come soe quick vpon mee in this huddle of trouble
and journy that I know not which or whit ' is answered ; but
rather double then omitt any thing necessarie.
That of the II th dicto by your expresse touchd in part, by
which you vnderstand of my arriuall in Amaduaz. The Com-
playnts therin I cannot speedelie redresse, the King beeing turned
to Cambaya and not expected here this 13 dayes, at which tyme
I will soe lardgly enforme in all kinds as, if ther bee any honor
or sence or Common vnderstanding, I shall procure amends or
licence to depart.
The Motion to leaue the bringing of Corrall or any comoditie
that will sell^ is all one as to mooue the expulsion of vs ; for if
wee bee debarrd our trafique free, wee will not stay. My answere
the last brought- round : if they seeke our embarque^ wee will
trade into the Red Sea in spight of them and vpon them. Vnlesse
wee professe this, they will bee still cauilling.
1 Perceave, by some heare, a resolution in Captain Towerson
to goe to the Sowthward ; to which I neuer can nor will consent.
. . . Hee is here arriued with many seruants, a trumpett, and
more shew then I vse. . . . With him is arriued Captain Newse,^
of whose Comming the Commander aduised mee noething ; thence
I gather it was without his knowledge. Hee is very wellcome to
mee, seeing hee is come ; but I mannerly refused it to him, for
reasons not expressed which were very Materiall. I had pro-
fessed to the King, to giue him the more feeling of our seruice
and affection, that wee had taken the ships and their Company
that offered to robb the Beagams^ junck. Our enemies replied
to my face it was a tricke : that wee were all theeues : now wee
could not doe it faierly, and therfore sett a Counterfeyt show vpon
it. The King questioned how any English durst offer such an
about fifty miles from the sea ; and was at this time a large and
populous city, with flourishing manufactures and a considerable com-
merce. A good description of it is given by Delia Valle (vol. i, p. 95),
who was there in February, 1623.
Mukarrab Khiln, the viceroy, had furbished up the royal quarters
for the reception of the emperor ; but Jahdngir was not at all pleased
with Ahmaddbdd as a place of residence, and in his memoirs com-
plains bitterly of the hot winds, the all-pervading dust, and the scanty
and disagreeable water (Elliot and Dowson's History, vol. vi, p. 358).
^ Apparently the Surat merchants had objected to the competition
of the English, and had endeavoured to secure its limitation.
2 Embargo. ^ See p. 420.
* The Begum's, i.e., the Queen Mother's,
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l6l7] SIR THOMAS ROE. 455
Iniurie and come soe bouldly, if not by Consent of his Maiestie ;
which when I had answered I deliuered on my Creditt that what
wee had done was Bona fide and sincerly : that the Captains
were made Prisoners in our ships, kept in Irons : and that I
would soe send them to his Maiestie, who would make them an
example of such bouldnes to dare to disturbe the Allies of his
Crowne. Hee is knowne here by Merchants come vpon the
same junck and in Companie with him, who I doubt not will
betray him, and in him mee. With what face can I answere this
if I bee questioned ? To send him back is discurtesie, beeing
admitted as Captain Towersons Companion ; nor what to doe in
it doe I Well knowe. I should bee much eased if you were
more reserued in this kind belowe. Hee is very conformable to
all reason ; offers to returne ; but it is knowne already, and I
may haue the shame, you the losse, of that curtesie which before
was thought wee had done them.
Since, on the i6, arriued with mee safely your goods and Pre-
sents and all the Company (more then 1 wished) ; and for Master
Steeles reasons for them, they are veary careful! ones, wher there
is noe Neede. I am sorry for all such Chardges, that wee can
doe nothing without the vtmost of expence. They remayne with
mee yet vnopened, by reason of the Kings absence ; and I doubt
not but to haue Peace with them and by them. With these are
arriued Master Steeles Artificers, with whom I haue spoken and
tould them my judgment. Hee is confident to doe somwhat
woorthy his labor and answerable to his hopes ; if I barely sayd
noe, hee might lay his owne errors vpon mee. Therfore I haue
consented hee shall haue a little Roome apart, keepe house with
them, ouersee them, and sett them to woorke in Triall two
Months. If hee can doe it, hee shall haue all the honor and
due Prayse ; if not, they shall returne and hee will vndergoe the
shame. This will cost the Company some mony, against my
will, but they that adventure must sometymes Pay for their crudu-
litie, and his owne reckonings shalbe apart. Secondly, hee tells
mee hee hath brought vp some Merchaunts that sue for Passadge
into the Red Sea and promise to drawe in many More ; to which
I harken most willingly, for ther shall neuer bee any good trade
in Guzeratt for vs, nor any thing tye them by the Noses, but our
Mingling with them in the Red Sea or eating them out of that
trade and seruing them by necessitie of what they want. I knowe
that their trade in the Red Sea without vs is more profitable for
them, and in hope of that wee liue as wee doe. But it is all
Naught ; wee must teach them by constraynt and Necessitie, and
talke with them of leauing that trade when wee haue possessed it
to our gaine and their want ; then will they begg the Conditions
which they Now will not harken after. In this employment I
haue both interested Master Steele and designed him the Cheefe
Merchant ; for lesse then som^ Cheefe will not content him, and it
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4S6 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
cannot bee in this countrie to the Iniurie of any. I hope the
Comander, you, and hee will finde some employment of a shipp
that way. If it were myne owne busines I would goe spend
tyme only for hopes, though I had noe helpe of the Guzeratts ;
and this I haue often declared.
.... The supplyes for Agra wilbe lardger then your Monies,
Master Fettiplace hauing assured me of 25,000 rupees Creditt,
and if tymely will goe farther. Hee vrdgeth keeping Creditt soe
pressiuely, and it is of such consequence to vs, that I haue sould
the great Pearle for 12,000 rupees^ without abatement to bee
payd 10,000 langertes in Agra ; which mony I haue made vp. I
knowe the Pearle somwhat better woorth, not much, neither could
I euer procure it esteemed at that rate ; but for our Present vse,
and for some other very good reasons, I haue yeilded to Please in
it Asaph-chan. Considering the Royall of Eight at Suratt and in
England the Price equalls almost 1,400//. in that money at 4J. 6^/.,
and is Paid clear in Agra without abatement of exchange with
Shraff^ which is profitt allsoe. It Paid noe custome, and cost in
England, as Master Steele avowes, but 1,000//. This made mee
yeild ; els I would haue ventured to haue taken it back. . . .
January 8, 1617-18. — There was some question about
Presents. The Prince asking for them, I answered : They
were readie, if hee pleased to receiue his. Then hee de-
manded : Why I brake his seales ? ^ I told him : It was
dishonorable for me to bring a Kings gifts in bonds, and
great discourtesie to set seales vpon them : I expected and
attended his licence twentie daies, but seeing no hope, I
was enforced to doe it. Some heate began ; at which
appeared a Gentleman of the Kings, who was sent to
obserue the passage, and to stickle,^ and told vs both the
^ Apparently these were khazdna ("treasury") rupees (the usual
currency at Ahmaddbdd), six of which were equal to ^v^ Jahdngiris
(see p. 352). Reckoning the latter at is, 7^., the pearl fetched only
1,291/. 13J. 4^/. Roe appears to have reckoned the 12,000 rupees as
equal (roughly) to 6,000 rials, which at \s, 6d. apiece would be
equivalent to 1,350/. Steel was wrong as to its cost, which was
2,000/. ($ee Court Factory Journal in I. O. Records) ; there was thus,
even on koe's reckoning, a considerable loss on the sale.
2 See p. 453. It would seem that the presents had been sent up from
Surat sealed with the Prince's seal ; and Roe, after applying in vain for
permission to open them, had cut the bonds and taken possession.
3 To accommodate matters. The old meaning of " stickler" was
one who attended on combatants, to see fair play and part them when
they had fought enough.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 457
King commanded wee should come before him at a Garden,
where he sate, a Course out of Towne, vpon the Riuer. So
the Prince tooke his Palankee, and I a Coach, well attended
by seruants both of father and son. When I came to the
gates the Women were entring, and then no man can but
the Prince ; who made within a bitter complaint against
mee, that I had dared to cut his seales, and to take out
what I list Asaph Chan was called for, who was my
suretie, and the Prince laid it on him ; hee, as the custome
is, denyed it, excused himselfe ; yet I had not accused him,
but tooke it vpon me, as knowing my selfe better able to
beare it, and that he would denie it. Then I was sent for
to the water-side, where the King sate priuately, where I
entered, with mee the Presents ; but the King was within
amongst his Women. Asaph Chan chafed at mee for
breaking his word ; told mee the Prince had shamed him.
I replyed by laddow : You know I had your consent ; this
man is witnesse. He denyed it to vs both. I replyed :
Though I would not cast it vpon him, it was true, for I had
witnesse. laddow would not returne the answere, but told
me he might not tell him he lyed to his face. And this is
vsuall ; if any command come from the King that he
forgets, he that brought the message will disauow it. I
bore vp as high as I could. The great men told me it
was a great affront ; no man durst doe such a thing.
Others smiled. I answered : Not so great as the Prince
had done me often.
Thus we spent the day, and the King appeared not, but
priuately stole away, leauing vs all sitting in expectance.
At night word came the King was gone, and I offered to
goe home ; but was so well attended, I could not but by
force. In the way new messengers came to seeke mee, and
I arriued backe at the Kings Court, not hauing eaten or
drunke ; but the King was not come in, nor could I get
loose of my attendants, but they vsed me very respectfully.
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458 THE EMBASSY OF [?6l8
We sate aifi houre. Suddenly newes came to put out all
lights, the King was come ; who entred on an open
Waggon, with his Normahall, drawne by Bullocks, him-
selfe Carter, and no man neare. When hee and his
Women were housed, the Prince came in a horse-backe;
and entring in, called for me. I found them alone with
two or three Capons ;^ and about mid-night the King set on
it an angrie countenance: told mee I had broken my word :
that he would trust me no more (the Prince had desired
him to doe so). I answered as roundly : I held it fit to
giue freely : I had done nothing of offence in my owne
iudgement : if their customes were other, it was ignorance,
and I must bee pardoned. Wee had many disputes. At
last the Prince interposed, offered his friendship, and wee
were all reconciled fully, and promises too large. Then I
opened the Chests, gaue the King his Presents, the Prince
his, and sent in that for Normahall. We were aboue two
houres in viewing them. The Arras he tooke well, but said
it was course, desired to haue a Sute of such as the sweet
Bagge ; and wee concluded that in the morning I should
come to the Prince, that he should be my Protector and
Procurator. The goods (except Three things) more then^
Presents were there returned mee ; for those three the
Prince told me he would pay, seeing his father tooke them.
January lo. — I went to the Prince, was receiued with all
fauour, had order for a Firman for the man murthered,^ a
declaration of his reconcilement in publike, command to all
his Officers to take knowledge, and to his chiefe Raic^ to
be my Procurator, and to draw what Firmans so euer I
desired. I presented Captaine Towerson and some
English, whom hee vsed with grace ; and for a signe of
^ Eunuchs. ^ Other than.
3 Presumably in some brawl at Surat.
* Possibly Rdja Bikramdjft, who was afterwards left at Ahpiaddbdd
as the Prince's deputy.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 459
this peace, gaue me a Cloth of siluer cloak, and promised
to be the Protector of our Nation in all things. I told him
of Master Steele and his Work-men. Hee desired me to
bring a small Present to his father at night : hee would
present them ; which I did. Hee kept his word, and
spake for vs to him, who was willing enough. I presented
Captaine Towerson to the King, who called for him vp ;
and after a few questions rose. At the Gushel Ckoes,
I presented Master Steele and his Work-men. The King
sate in a Hat I gaue him all night, called for Master
Paynter,! and after much Discourse, gaue him ten pounds,
and promised to entertayne the rest.
January 13. — The Dutch came to Court with a great
Present of China ware, Sanders,^ Parrats and Cloaues ; but
were not suffered to come neere the third degree. At last
the Prince asked me who they were. I replyed : The
Hollanders resident in Surat. Hee demanded if they were
our friends. I replyed : They were a Nation depending on
the King of England, but not welcome in all places : their
businesse I knew ;iot. He said : for being our friends,
I should call them vp ; and so I was enforced to send for
them to deliuer their Present. They were placed by our
Merchants, without any speech or further conference.^
Finally I had all granted I desired. I attend the perfor-
mance and money. And thus I conclude that without
this contestation I had neuer gotten anything ; for I told
the Princes Messenger, in the presence of all the English,
1 The painter brought by Steel ; see .p. 477. ^ Sandalwood.
' Cp. p. 469. The Dutch embassy was headed by Pieter Gille^
van Ravesteyn (see p. 234), whose report to the Directors at
Amsterdam will be found in Hague Transcripts^ ist Series, vol. iii,
No. 96. He says they were well treated, and obtained a farmdn
from the Prince granting them a number of privileges, though not
all for which they had asked. He records a conversation he had
with Roe, who complained of the hostility of the Dutch towards
the English in the Moluccas, and said that King James was very
angry about it, and would take steps to avenge his subjects' wrongs ;
'* but," adds the Dutchman, *' I am not at all afraid of that."
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460 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
that if he vsed force to me or my goods, he might doe his
pleasure, but it should cost bloud : that I would set my
Chop vpon his Masters ship, and send her for England.
January 18. — I receiued from Surat of the imprisonment
of Spragge and Howard at Brampoore, their house and
goods seized, their Hues in question, for drinking with the
Cutwall in their house : that one of the Cutwalls men dyed
that night, vpon which they stand accused of Poyson : and
the Cutwall^ to free himselfe of comming into the house,
pretended that he came to fetch a mans wife away from
Thomas Spragge. What the truth is I know not. Infor-
mation is come to the King against them ; and I went to
the Prince (who vndertooke all my causes) but could not
speake with him. With the same came complaint of a
force vsed to the Caffila vpon the way, notwithstanding the
Firman sent, by the Raia of the Countrey.^ In both
which to night I will make petition to the King. My
toyle with barbarous vniust people is beyond patience. At
the Princes I found the Finnan promised, drawne, but
halfe the conditions agreed on left out; vpon which I
refused it, and desired nothing but leaue to depart to treat
with these in the Sea.
January 21. —A command to free the English and their
goods, and that if the Moore came into their house to
drinke, if they killed him with a Dagger, hee had his lust
reward. The second to Raia Partapshaw, to repay vs all
exactions whatsoeuer: not to take hereafter any dutie
vpon the way towards his Port r^ and in case of failing,
that he would deliuer his sonne into my hands.^ He
^ Partab Shdh (see p. 87). As the Surat-Burhdnpur road ran
partly through his territory, he claimed the right of levying a toll at
Daita. Roe, however, had procured a fartndn freeing the English
from this imposition (Roe to Surat, October 21, 1617. — 5. C, No. 552).
2 The Prince's.
8 Partab Shdh had visited Jahdngfr at Mandu, and had left his son
in the Mogul's hands as a hostage.
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l6lS] SIk THOMAS kofi. 461
further ordered the deliuery of the Firman for Surat, the
Articles by mee demanded, and to pay vs all our debts of
Surat, and to cut it off vpon his MancipdarieSy that had
taken that, without delay. He called to account his old
Customers, charged the new to vse vs as his friends, shewed
as much fauour publikely as I could require. I mooued
expedition. He replyed : To morrow by nine in the
morning all should be deliuered into my hands.
January 22. — I went my selfe to receiue them; and
carryed the Merchants with some Pearle that the Prince
had bin instant to see, pretended to be Master Towersons.
But he had receiued some vncertaine information of Pearles
to the value of twentie or thirtie thousand pound, which he
hoped to draw from vs. When his Secretarie saw the
small sorts, hee replyed : The Prince had Mands of these :
if we brought no better commoditie, wee might be gone,
he cared not for our custome. How basely false and
couetous are those of lewels, you may iudge. I vndcrtooke
reply : that I had procured those from a Gentlewoman to
satisfie them : if they liked them not, they could not be
made better : it was inciuility to be angry with Merchants
for their goodwill ; but told him I came for my Firmans^
and expected them. I was answered : Wee had deceiued
their hopes, and the Prince would deceiue ours : Firman I
should haue none : I had asked leaue to depart : I might
come and take leaue when I pleased. I answered : Nothing
contented mee more, but that I would visit their vniustice
in an indifferent place : that I would speake with the King,
and depend no more on them, for I saw all was couetous-
nesse and vnworthinesse. So I rose and parted. But he
recalled me to come to the King and Prince together the
next day : I should haue content^
1 Here Purchases extracts come to an abrupt end. "For the
whole," he says, "my selfe could haue wished it, but neither with
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462 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
Instructions to the cheefe Factors Thomas Barkar and
Edward Monnox in Persia.^
(I. O. Records: O, C, No. 608.)
Amdavaz, February 4, 161 7 [-18].
1. First, you shall bee instant with the Sha to take some
Course with the Portugall to enforce him to consent to a free
trade, that the Seaes and Ports may bee open ; which may bee
effected by forbidding all releefe to bee transported to Ormus
from the Mayne or any other of his Dominion, or els by fortyfy-
ing some Port, if any sufficient for shipping, or some Road where
imiay both Command the traders and they the sea betweene
them.
2. You shall avow Connaught to haue beene a Messinger sent
from the King, though not with absolute Power as Ambassador
to treate and Conclude : but that if the Sha shall fullfill the
desiers of the English, his Maiestie will send ample authoritie
further to Contract with him : in the meane tyme that hee hath
giuen mee full Power to Conclude in these Poynts following and
to Confirme those treaties already begunn by Edward Connaught,
to which you shall propound :
3. That his Maiestie bee Pleased to bartar yearly for. some
Certayne quantetie of silke, whatsoeuer hee please vnder 8,000
Bales, to bee bought of him at 6i. 6^/. the Pound, to bee deliuered
t)y his Merchants at Xiras ; for which hee shall receiue pay : one
third money ; one third Cloth, Tynne, quicksiluer or any such
English goods as hee shall require, at the Prises made by Edward
Connaught, to say. Cloth at 37 shahees^ the yard, the rest as you
fynd the marketts ; one other third in spices, sugars, gynger.
the Honourable Company nor else-where could learne of it : the worthy
Knight himselfe being now employed in like Honourable Embassage
from his Maiestie to the Great Turke."
1 The Bee had returned from J^shak in January, bringing news of
the concessions obtained from the Shdh by Connock, and of the
death of the latter. The concessions, however, did not cover all the
points stipulated for in the Company's recent orders. Roe therefore
issued the present instructions to Barker and Monnox to negotiate
further with the Shdh. It was intended that the Anne should take
them to Jdshak on her way to Mocha, but (as will be seen later) this
was found to be impracticable. The document was therefore (as
the endorsement shows) sent to Kerridge to be forwarded overland
"by way of Sind." Later in the year, upon the arrival of Bonner's
fleet at Surat from England, the Expedition was sent to Jdshak, where
she arrived on November 22, and was laded with 71 bales of silk
which the factors had in readiness, for. shipment. On her way to
Persia, she surprised two Portuguese ships of considerable value
(a C, No. 777).
' Shdhis^ four, of which. went to. an abbdsi, and fifty abbdsis to the
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l6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 463
Steele, Cloth, and shushes of Indya, such kynds and sorts as his
Maiestie shall nominate ; and ther, at Xiras, shall receiue the
said goods in bartar yearly in the Months of Nouember, Decem-
ber, January, February, March or Aprill.
4. That hee shall giue you full Priuiledges for a staple and
standing Mart at the Citty of Xiras, wher it shalbe lawfull for you
to sell, bartar and trade with any of his subiects or other inhabit-
ants or Merchants in his Dominions residing, all such surplus of
goods as you shall haue landed more then that which his Highnes
contracted for ; and shall make declaration vnto all his subiects
that it shalbe lawfull for them thither to passe downe with their
silkes or other goods to sell or bartar with the English.
5. That you may att all tymes haue free Passadge with your
goods to the sea syde, and a Place of securitie ther granted you,
as well for the goods you shall land as for such you buy and shall
bring downe to attend for your fleete, vpon such Conditions as
it hath Pleased him to grant to the English by the Negotiation of
Edward Connaught
6. Having thus Contracted for the sure vent and Investments
of goods on both Parts, you shall haue Power to signe by this my
Commission on our Parts to performe the said Contract (the
Perills of the sea only excepted) and to Couenant in my Name in
the behalfe of his Maiestie that by the Next shipping that shall
arriue after the returne of this contract, his Highnes shall receiue
the Confirmation both of the former and these Present conditions
vnder the great scale of our Soueraygne Lord his Maiestie of
great Brittayne.
7. You shall haue full and due reguard in this negotiation to the
Instructions giuen Edward Monnox, as veil from the Honourable
Companie as from mee, and in all Poynts as far as you may
obserue the same.
8. You shall prepare what proceed soeuer of silkes and goods
to bee ready in Mogustan, free and vncharged, or, if with security,
at lasques by the 20 of August ; and you shalbe very warie in
contracting vpon Creditt with the Sha for more goods, or for
other species of Payment, then you are sure you shalbe able to
satisfye, vntill full aggreation^ and advise come from the Com-
pany ; except alway if the Sha will beare the adventure of any
Bales of silkes to bee shipt for England and to bee payd vpon the
returne of the said goods arriued in England, in which case I am
of opinione it is also vnfitt to grant Passadge of any his Mer-
tomdn. Steel {First Letter Book, p. 462) reckons the shdhi as equal
to fourpence, and this makes the tomdn 3/. dy. %d. — exactly the value
given by Herbert (c. 1630) and Fryer (1677).
^ Agreement, approval. Cp. "the agreation of the Councell of
State" (Prynne's Sov, Power of Pari. j 1643, quoted in New Eng,
Diet.).
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464 THE EMBASSY Of [1618
chants with goods vpon our shipps, wherby they wilbe enformed
of the Prices both of ours and their comodities.^
9. You shall follow the Companies orders for Payment of
wages to all their factors the Royal at 5^., and shall at the fleetes
arriualls take none as adtendants nor enterteyne any New into the
Companies seruice. For all such as are already seated, you
shall enforme who are necessarie and improueable in the Com-
panies busines, sober, Industrious and honest, them to keepe
and to encouradge, and by your lettres may procure them a
Competent encrease of wages ; others, whom you fynd Negligent
in their duty or dissolute in their life, you shall send them to the
Port to bee reshipt.
10. You shall give speedy and full aduise as well of the recep-
tion of these conditions as of the proceedure and probabilitie of
this trade to the ends by vs aymed at, and of the Prices of all
sorts of goods to bee imported or exported, both to the Company
in England (by way of Aleppo, in Charractar) and to mee and the
Cape marchant resident at Suratt by the way of Syndu and by
the Meanes of the Mogolls Ambassdor in Spahan, or by any
other speedy, sure and Convenient Passadge.
11. You shall enterteyne John Leachland as one of your fac-
tors to bee imployed in veiwing and buying the silkes, in which
hee pretends hee hath had breeding and experience, and shall
allow him 10//. yearly for his Mayntenance, and for the rest of
his wages hee referrs himselfe to his desarts and the (^ompanyes
fauour.
12. You shall take Notice that notwithstanding Edward Mon-
nox receiuing from mee commision^ deriued from the Instructions
and Power conferrd on mee by his Maiestie to goe into Persia
and to take account of the former proceedings, and no other,
that hee finding it necessarie to abyde in the Countrye I fully
giue my Consent therto, and hereby do appoynt him the second
factor in that trade ; and in Case of the Death of Thomas Barkar
to reside Cheefe or Cape Marchant in his steed, and doe giue
him full power to the excecution of all these former instructions,
1 This was perhaps a wise precaution, considering that the English
were not prepared to give more than 7s, 6d, a pound for silk which
was estimated to fetch in London i6s. (Company's instructions to
Roe, see Appendix B).
It may be mentioned that the silk brought home by the Anne in
16 1 9 sold for 26s, \od. the great pound of 24 oz., which is at the rate
of 17s. lod, the ordinary pound.
2 See p. 463. Monnox's instructions (no longer extant) seem to have
required his early return ; but finding the factory in so weak a state,
he had judged it best to remain. Upon Barker's death (30 Nov.
1619), Monnox became chief in Persia, but returned to England in
1623. A " Relation of the late Ormuz businesse" from his pen is
given in Purchases second volume (p. 1793).
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 465
to dispose of the Companies busines, estate and seruants and to
Gouerne and direct them as their head and Principal to the bene-
fitt of his Honorable employers ; Prouided that hee proceede by
consultation and aduise of the most antient and experienced that
reside with or neare him and no otherwise : and that hee follow
not the stepps of prodigallitie and greatnes begunn by Edward
Connaught, but negotiate in the Name and qualitie of a Mar-
chant, Hue soberly and thrifteley as becomes his Place and the
trust imposed vpon him : that hee giue no occasion of dislike or
offence vnto his fellow seruants, but vse them with all fitt re-
spects: that hee seeke to quench and reconcile all factions and
discontents, which will breed first distraction and after ruyine to
themselues and their employment : and that, wheras vpon his
last dispatch hee wrote at lardge vnto the factors [and] to them
consigned such lettres as properly to mee belonged, and to mee,
to whom the busines is Committed, breefly and brokenly, with
reference [to] the factors, I giue you to vnderstand that I looke
for that due respect from him and all other in this busines em-
ployed as is oweing to my place, qualetie and authoritie commit-
ted and entrusted to mee by his Maiestie and the Honourable
Company your Masters, and that first account bee to mee geuen
of all your Proceedings, except only your bookes of account,
ledgar and journall and such other affayres of Marchandice, of
which alsoe I expect the foote or grosse account, that I may
judge of the whole Profitt and losse ; the others to consigne and
render vnto the Cape Merchant at Suratt with Coppies for
England as well of the said bookes and accounts as of all lettres,
consultations and other proceedings that shalbe registred vntill
this factorie of Persia bee settled and absolute of yt selfe or
otherwise disposed off by full order and Power from the Companie
in England.
13. Lastly, I requier you to bee careful! in the estates of such
your factors as shall render their soules vnto their creator, that
true inventorie and account bee kept and made over vnto the
stocke of the Honourable Companie to avoyde all scandall or
vnjust dealing. Particularly in the estate of William Tracy, who
is lately dead and had in his Purse at his departure [from] Suratt
Neere 100//., part of which Edward Connaught had borrowed,
that his frends may haue some just accompt, which they may
expect of mee, beeing by them recommended to mee, but enveigled
away by Edward Connaught ; and that whatsoeuer goods, monies
or debts may bee found of the said Edward Connaught may bee
seazed or recouered to the vse of his Creditors and for the satis-
faction of the Honourable Companie, Particularly one debt of 7
Toman^ lent by him to the friar Padre Paulo, resident in Spahan,^
^ See note to p. 462. . * Possibly the friar mentioned on p. 130.
H H
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466 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
whose bill at his death it seemes hee burned and bequeathed the
Companies mony for Diergees and dead Masses '} and of all such
summes of mony, debts, silkes and goods whatsoeuer pretended
to bee the said Edward Connaught['s] to make true accompts
and to putt it to the stock of the Companie, who will with more
conscience and equitie render reason to all that shall of them
demand it, as far as his estate arose, themselues beeing first in
measure satisfyed.
So I Committ you all to Gods Mercy.
To THE East India Company.
(I. O. Records : O. C, No. 610.)
Amadavaz, 14 February, i6i7-[i8].
My Honourable Frendes,
Your lettres mentioned upon the Charles safely arriued at
Swally Roade in September, 1616, and came to hand October
following; were answered by the Globe^ dispeeded from the
Coast the 7th of March after,^ to which I referr you ; Coppies
wherof I cannot now send (and by Codes Mercy ther is no cause)
for I, beeing fully determined to returne, was vnprouided of them,
or of any but my booke, and beeing in continuall trauell haue
beene much streightened to send you these of Newer dates and
soe more necessarie, hauing but one hand^ to assist mee, and that
oftener weake then able.
For the Passadges of your busines in Court or factories,
as much as I was made acquaynted with, the one you shall
receiue by a Journall, and the other you may collect out of
transcripts of lettres directed to your seuerall factories by mee,
all which are Punctually sent you, wherin you may see what
wayes I held, and what my opinions were. In reading these, yf
you compare the dates with those of your seruantes corresponding,
you shall haue more light and Judge of all as if you were Present.
I make noe question others send their owne, for soe I aduised
tymely ; and I could perswade you to appoynt one to view them
togither, to collect the reasons and conclusions for your full
enformation. You may in some clauses fynd mee sharp and
^ Connock professed himself a Roman Catholic just before his death;
as his implacable subordinate, Barker, put it in a letter to Roe (O. C,
No. 792) : ** he lived an Atheist and died a Papist." Barker further
accused his late principal of extravagance, cowardice and deceit ; but
we need not attach much importance to such charges, for Barker's
own behaviour was severely reprehended by Monnox and Pettus, the
latter of whom declared that " the Company have lost a worthy ser-
vant in Connock."
^ Roe's letter referred to is no longer extant.
3 His secretary, the scribe of the present letter.
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l6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 467
censuring your aduises from home ; but you will find my reasons
iustifiable and my endes honest and vpright.
To the Particular of your last receiued by the James Royall by
my P'rend Captain Pring, and to all instructions sent therby, you
shall receiue answere either in this or in some single Papers to
that Purpose ; and in all you shall see my Judgment of all your
trades, for I haue dealt openly and freely, as well before you
committed to mee any thing as since.
As this bringeth a Coppy of yours [ofj the former yeare, so I
will runn along with yt in the Poyntes mooued.
The little doubles that rose betweene mee and Captain Keeling
soone vanished.^ I found him in all thinges a reasonable and
discreet man, nor want of any performance on your Partes of any
thing promised mee.
Wee haue this yeare, for suffering the Insolencies of the
Prince, made triall of Goga and searched all the Bay,^ but can
fynd noe place fitt for your head residence but Suratt ; soe that
question is at an end, and wee must study to make the best of
that Place.
To waft the Mogolles subiectes into the Red Sea will neuer
giue your Men bread and water. They neither desier it nor will
admitt it, except wee doe it of Curtesie ; for they Pay their Car-
tasse^ notwithstanding, being Compounded with the Portugall,
and they feare none but Pirattes, which is a New trade of a yeares
standing ; yet that feare will sooner make them not trade (for in
all they are but slaues to the Lordes of the Portes, who Cutt
vpon them) then giue vs the remayner of their Profitt for their
safe Conduct, as in Master Steeles Proiects you will perceiue my
triall, for hee had other endes.
The Motions of building a fort haue begott such Jealousies in
these Moores that vpon bringing brick ashore to found a shippes
bell,'* it rang to Court, our People disarmed in Suratt, and 1 am not
yet cleare of Hberties lost vpon yt, though I haue made the Prince
ashamed at the weakenes of the suspition to confesse a handfuU
of men could take a Part of their Countrie by force. But it is
true wee would bee lordes there, and haue Committed soe many
Insolencies that I haue woondred at their Patience f yet wee
complayne. The last yeare for another folly our People were
restrayned in the Towne, and they sent from the shipes 200
Naked men ashore to take Suratt, who as brutishly bruted it in
their March ; yet ten Men would haue kept them from Passing
the great Riuer.^ This yeare wee haue offered vpon Puntoes^ to
' Cp. p. 343. 2 See p. 450. 3 cp p ^^o
* See p. 450. ^ Cp. p. 365. ^ See p. 396.
^ I tal. /««/<?, a point, a small matter: hence, minute observances,
or, as we now say, punctilios (cp. Bacon, Advancement of Learnings
Bk. II, ch. xxiii, ** where that [reputation] is not, it must be supplied
hy puntos and compliments").
H H 2
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468 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
force the Custome house and Twenty drawn their swoordes in yt.
If these bee not iust causes of Jealousy, I am silent ; yet I patch
it vp.
The Commander* now by his great Modesty and discretion
hath both reformed many abuses, gayned you much good will,
himselfe all mens loue and his owne Creditt. An honester man
I suppose you cannot send, and that his Actions will approoue :
one that studies your endes, is ready to ioyne with any, without
insisting vpon disputes and tearmes.
To returne to a fort. Ther is noe Place to bee obteyned.
They are weary of vs as it is; and indeed wee see wee haue em-
pouerished the Portes, and wounded all their trades, soe that by
much Perswasion of the Gouernors the Merchant goes to sea.
Or, if ther were licence granted, ther is none fitt for your Ship-
ping except one that lies out of all Commerce and hath more
inconveniences in yt then this, which, when your goodes are ready
by September, wilbe easie enough. And if you began to build
and plant here, quarrell would arise, the enemie exasperated,
who may now bee drawn to Composition, and all your proffittes
eaten in Garrizons and dead payes. It is noe way to driue your
trades by plantation. The Dutch haue spoyled the Moluccoes
which they fought for, and spent more then they will yeild them,
if quiett, in seauen yeares.
Syndu^ you may freely goe too, lade and relade ; but it is in-
habited by the Portugal!, lies noe way well for your stock (except
you scatter it) ; it ventes only your teeth^ and affordes good Cloth
and many toyes. But if the sortes you haue scene seme your
Markettes, you are nearer seated and may haue what quanteties
you Please ; and for your teeth the marchant will fetch them at
Suratt.
Bengala hath noe Portes but such as the Portugalles Possesse,
for smalle shipping.* It will vent nothing of yours. The People
are vn willing in respect of the warr, as they suppose, like to ensue
in their Seas ; and the Prince hath Crossed it, thincking wee
desired to remooue thither wholy, and that, if wee stay in India,
hee takes to bee an affront. But now I may obteyne one ship
to come and goe vpon hope of Rubies from Aracan and Pegu ;
but I knowe not what profitt you can make by any residence
there, and I speak vpon searching the bottome of all the secrettes
of India. If you will haue Patience to try one yeare, you shall
see one thing effectually done is woorth twenty by fragmentes.
You will find it is not many factories here that gettes you a penny.
I will forecast your ease, and by godes grace, settle not only your
priuiledges but your Profittes. This two yeare the Prince hath
^ Pring. 2 See p. 122.
3 Ivory (" Elephants' teeth"). * Cp. pp. 217, 349, 447.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 469
beene my enemie, and if I had yeilded, I must haue beene his
slaue. This last I haue stood out to the last and aduentured the
feircnes of his wrath. It hath succeeded better then I expected.
Wee are soe reconciled that hee is now my effectuall mediator and
will procure mee Content. Indeed, hee only can giue it. His
father growes dull and suffers him to write all Commandes and to
goueme all his kingdomes. [Marginal note by Roe, — When I
wrote this, I had woordes enough ; but such delayes in effects
that I am weary of flatteries as of ill usadge.]
You can neuer expect to trade here vpon Capitulations that
shalbe permanent. Wee must seme the tyme. Some now I haue
gotten, but by way oifirmaens and Promise from the Kynge. All
the Gouerment dependes vpon the present will, where appetite
only gouerns the lordes of the kingdome. But their Justice
is generallie good to strangers ; they are not rigorous, except
in scearching for thinges to please, and what trouble wee haue
is for hope of them, and by our owne disorders. In both I haue
propounded to you a New course, and will here Practise it.
The Presentes last yeare were all seazed by the Prince in the
way. I gott them realeased, but to spight mee hee sent them to
the King. What I Chalenged of yours was returned ; a good
Part went for Persia. The remayner the King had in a base
fashion, as my Journall will relate.
The Fleminge is planted at Suratt, [and] hath obteyned a
• Urmaen vpon as good tearmes almost as wee. I did my endeauour
to Crosse him, but they come in vpon the same ground that wee
began, and by which wee subsist, feare. And if I fynd not all
performed with mee now promised, I shalbe as bould as to chasten
them once agayne ; els the Duch wilbe before hand and doe it
first, and then hee wilbe the braue man. Assure you I will not
leaue this Coast but vpon good tearmes.
What I haue done in reformation of particular wronges and
recouering of debtes my journall will enforme; how my lardge
demandes were reiected and my selfe tyed to obserue the Custome
to make sute vpon New occasion. I haue done my endeauor,
and though you will find many yet vnpayed, many yet vnreformed,
notwithstanding it will appeare not my fault, for I neither spared
labor nor meanes ; and in many thinges the error hath beene our
owne, by negligence or disorder. The substance is : I haue
gotten many bribes restored, many debtes, many extortions, and
Commandes to take noe more : that by little and little I shall ease
all : now I am vpon best tearmes, and if the Court were settled
would soone finish these my teadious labors. You shalbe sure of
as much priuiledge as any stranger, and right when the subiect dares
not plead his. The Troubles at Suratt depending vpon couetous-
nes of Curiosities to satisfie the Prince (for your grosse goodes
passe with ease) I will reforme by yeilding him Content ; but it i§
priuat men that make the broyle and then exclaime most,
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470 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
The aduise I gaue to procure a Place of securitie at the first
face seemed good to mee, and I gaue it as I receiued it ; but you
must excuse mee of recanting twenty thinges which I could not
knowe but from others. Ther is none fit, nor to bee had.^ The
Bee^ sent to transport your goodes vp the riuer of Suratt, hath
fully tried it and cannot performe it, for the many shiftes of
sandes, without grounding, and then subiect to bee fiered.^ Wee
must sticke to Swally Roade, and, if I can effect my purpose to
prouide your ladinges ready, you shall not feefe the other incon-
veniences. The renting your Customes I haue endeauoured,^
but as your seruantes in former yeares would neuer answere nice
in the Poynt, soe these demand twise more then euer you payed ;
supposing then wee would double our trades.
... A Peace with the Portugall here were the best seruice I
could doe you. I made, as by enformation you know, an ouerture
to the viceroy, which his Pride neuer answered. Since wee haue
giuen them a knock or two, and at this instant I am vpon hopes
of treatye. But, that you may vnderstand the true estate of this
busines, you shall know the Passages. First, the attemptes made
vpon your fleetes were not, as 1 collect, by expresse order from
Spayne. The ould viceroy who came in Person, 16 14, against
Captain Dowton discontented the wisest of his councell and all
the inhabitantes of Goa in yt ; his inprosperitie made his action
the more hateful! and hee is now prisoner in the Castle, to bee
returned to answere, I know not whither that hee did no more,
or for doeing so much; but for that busines only.^ The New
viceroy declares not himselfe, but prepares a fleete to supplant,
as hee pretendes, the Dutch in Cormandell.
The Jesuite here, who much affectes an agreement,'* wisely fore-
1 Cp. p. 344.
2 Pring wrote to the Company to the same effect {O, C, No. 564).
Presumably the pinnace had been sent in consequence of Roe's
suggestion on p. 94.
^ See p. 222.
* Upon the arrival of the news of Azevedo's unsuccessful attack
upon Downton, the king appointed D. Joao Coutinho, Conde de
Redondo, to succeed him as Viceroy. The latter arrived at Goa
towards the end of 161 7, and, acting upon orders from home, arrested
Azevedo and sent him to Lisbon, where he died in prison (Bocarro's
Decada XII I ^ c. 186 ; Faria y Sousa's Asia Portu^uesa^ Stevens'
transln., vol. iii, p. 274). Faria y Sousa says that the chief charge
against him was his failure to fight the Dutch.
^ Cp. p. 286. In a letter to Agra, dated October 8, 161 6, Roe
says that '^ the Padre hath entreated and promised that if any Iniury
bee offered, on the least woord of Complaynt to them wee shall
receiue full satisfaction." Not long before the date of the present
letter, Corsi had taken the opportunity to render Roe a ser\ice, for
the following entry appears in Roe's accounts under the date of
November 18, 161 7 : " Geuen to the Padre, in recompence of a-
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 471
seeing they maynteyne it more by stubbernes then reason, hath
often mooued lately to mee a Peace, and to that end hath written
to his superiors in Goa, but receiued no direct answere. I haue
demanded to show mee a Power that the viceroy hath authoriti^
to Conclude it, but in the Poynt could not bee satisfied ; but
that the Merchant, the Coaster, the Inhabitant, and the discreeter
sort, all desired, only the Glorious souldier withstood it. Since,
the arriuall of his Maiestie[s] lettre, which in one Clause mooued
the Mogoll by his authoritie to enforce the Portugalles,^ or to
secure his owne Coast that wee might haue safe and quiett
recourse vnto yt, hath ministred occasion. It seemes the Portugall
stood vpon a Punto that he would not offer vs that which hee once
would not answere ; but by that motion (which I signified to the
Jesuite to show our desiers were sincere to accord with Christians)
I drew from him that hee supposed theirs were the like, but that
a third Person wanted^ to mooue it ; but that was happelie by
the lettre offered, that the Mogol would bee meadiator betweene
both ; to which end, after the lettrs deliuerie, the Padree fol-
lowed it to Asaph Chan, as a man of Peace, for the quiett of
the seas and to avoyd effusion of blood. On our Parts it was
declared by his Maiestie, on theirs no way but by the Jesuite ;
and therfore, before the king would mooue it to bee refused,
it was demanded if the Jesuite would vndertake the kinges desiers
should vpon reasonable tearmes take effect, which hee could not
promise but by aduise from Goa. Soe it rested ; only betweene
vs some speech vpon what tearmes and how farr wee intended
this treaty ; generall in the Indyes was improbable to effect ; for
a Couple of shippes vpon all this Coast it might bee granted.
At first I stood vpon no restraynt, to come as wee listed ; but
after promised that when I saw Power to treat I would agree vnto
conditions reasonable and honorable. Returne of these are not
Come, in the direct poynt ; but, the King beeing neare the sea,
the Viceroy (which neuer before was done) sent an Ambassador
toward the Court to congratulate in the Name of the King of Spayne.
He yet stayes at Baltasare,^ the Confines of this Territorie below
Suratt. The Jesuitt mooued his admittance, and the King re-
plied : if hee come with Presentes fitt for his Master to send and
mee to receiue, he is wellcome : if not, I shall not acknowledge him
for the Person hee pretendes nor giue him honor. This answere
small Present geuen mee and of a great Curtesie done mee in Court,
One foulding Case with Combes Richly embrodered, cost 5/?., and
the embrodred girdle and hangers with Pearle sent me by the
Company." What the "great Curtesie" was, does not appear.
^ Seep. 451. 2 Was needed.
5 Bulsir, a town 40 miles south of Surat, on the river Auranga.
De Laet speaks of it as " ad limitem Daman." This embassy does
not appear to be mentioned by the Portuguese historians,
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472 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
was strange ; but, getting noe better, it was returned , and as yet
wee know not whither bee will proceed or not. By him, as the
Jesuite subtilly tells mee (for bee sayes bee cannot averr it for
truth, bauing not receiued it authentically), is come some
authoritie to enter into communication of Peace, if the King
motion it, and that it is one of his endes. I haue answered : I
can acknowledge no Ambassador from a viceroy to treat on equall
tearmes, and that I must see Power from Spayne. Att last, this is
the truth : the viceroy is woone by the inhabitantes to consent to
a treaty, but hath noe Power to conclude it ; but, as his Masters
deputie generally, he hath authoritie to doe much at his discretion ;
and if wee can agree vpon fitt tearmes, to make a Conditional!
truce for three years, with reference to the Confirmation of our
Masters in Europe ; and this is all wee can hope for. If bee
come, wee may proceed ; if not, they shall not coosen mee ;
I am wher I was.^ I haue to Master Secretarie and some of
the Lordes againe mooued this Poynt ; but the effecting and full
aggreaiion must come from Spayne. The Viceroyes will for their
glorie hardly enforme their true estate ; but make the King bee-
leue they can woork woonders, vntill they haue lost India. If it
were fully questioned at home whither they make this warr by
expresse command or by a generall pretence of I know not what
title to all the world, I thinck it would soone bring it to issue, at
least to a declaration ; for I am perswaded the King of Spayne
hath not giuen expresse Commission for yt and will disauow yt.
I am sure, were I in Spayne, I could make it euident to any Cast
Viceroy that perswades the warr, that bee abuseth his Master and
that Pride only and folly began and Continues it. In conclusion
of this : I know how fitt a Peace or truce were for you. If I
can, vpon safe and Honorable tearmes, effect it, I shall thinck it
of good Meritt toward you. If it bee still war, the force of
India* will not wrong vs (except from the Manillas), but putt you
to many inconveniences ; if greater strength prepared in Lisboa,
you must discouer and prouide accordingly.
To enforce the Portugal! to Consent I haue tried many wayes
and find the best by Chastising their neighbowrs for their sakes ;
but the roundest is, if the King wilbe insencible of his Honor, to
suffer his subiectes to pay for leaue to trade in his owne seaes
(which he seemes not to care for^), then must wee in the Red
^ See also p. 483. * Portuguese India.
^ The English had several times endeavoured to rouse the pride of
the Mogul by pointing to the indignity put upon him by the claim of
the Portuguese to control the navigation of his seas, " as yf both
yourselfe and your Countreys were assubiected to the Crowne of
Spaygne" (Letter from James I, in Ft'rsf Letter Book, p. 349) ; but
their efforts were in vain. " He is not sencible of the dishonor, giuing
reason ; be conquered Guzuratt and keepes it in the condition he
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 473
Sea force them alsoe to giue vs as much ; for the Portugall hath
noe other right but as lordes of the Sea, which it is euident now
he is not, and therfore the tribute due to vs. Then eyther wee
shall haue all the trade and the Portugall loose his Contract (for
the Merchant will giue ouer), or the Mogol wilbe enforced to
see it is necessarie for him to bring vs to accord, that both may
giue ouer that quarrell and leaue the seas free for all. This I
haue often vrdged, but they haue Pawnes and presume wee will
not beginn. For my part, it should bee my first woorke if I
durst hazard your trade, which I suppose I could restore to per-
fection in 6 monthes. But, to minister occasion, I haue Pressed
to your factors the employment of a ship to Mocha in Company,
though at first wee haue no ease by the Guzerattes ; my reasons
are at lardge in lettres. But their resolutions I cannot gett, and
will doe nothing alone. The feare of vs already makes them
requier my Passe ; which though I haue giuen to one ship (to
satisfie her owner, whom I could not refuse, beeing in tearmes of
Peace^), yet the demand shall giue vs title to more if wee bee
tyed to former inconvenience. The second way is by riding with
our fleete at Goa the tyme wee spend at Suratt ; which Captain
Pring was willing to doe, but by the disaster of the fames'^ and
absence of the Bee hee was both weakened and tyme lost.
I well know what losse, hazard, and inconvenience you runn by
the stay of your fleetes. My last lettres to you and many to your
seruantes to preuent it will fully declare my preuision in yt; but,
as you will fynd, I had no Power; what I propounded was
countermanded; I might not Meddle. But since you haue
entrusted somwhat to mee, I dare promise you to prouide your
ladinges ready by October; and soe you shall preuent the
Portugall, who cannot bee fitt for an attempt two Monthes after.
It was neuer beleeued I could effect that done. Wittnes the
returne from Agra, treble almost to former yeares, prouided in a
Month, Part by Creditt (which I haue kept, and therby entered
you into more), part by bartar of 100 Clothes that lay by the
wall 2 years, as the Motion did. The same Course I will take
in tyme to Come, not to defer investmentes till our shippes
arriuall and the Indicoes swept away At the arriuall of
found yt, and vpon the same articles and Contracts made by Bahud
[Bahadur ShdhJ, kyng of Guzuratt, who made them with the Portugalls
before this Monarchy was vnited" (Notes by Roe in O. C, No. 611).
* See I. O. Records : O. C, No. 612. Asaf Khdn had asked for a
pass for the yix^ Jahdngir^ which he was despatching to the Red Sea.
Roe accordingly supplied him with a letter addressed to the comman-
ders of any English ships that might be met with, requesting them
not to molest the Mogul vessel, but to assist her as far ^s possible.
A copy of this pass forms O, C, No. 597,
* The leak already mentioned,
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474 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
the next fleete ... if you wilbe before hand, goodes only must
bee landed and returnes forborne one yeare ; so, by the Courses I
will sett, you shall for euer bee before, and if you encrease by
Jewelles your stocke to make mony, may easely relade for 3 or
4000 fardles of Indico, and Cloth^ to any fitt proportion. Ama-
davaz will fynd you lesse, by reason of the Dutch and the trade
open to the Red Sea ; but, Creditt mee, at Agra you may euery
yeare haue your whole Partido,^ Ther is of ould store sufficient
yet, and ther is made betweene that and Labor at least 30000
fardles yearly, most wherof is carried away by land
Biddolph followes the Court by reason of many debtes . . i
Such a Course I haue taken that I hope to recouer all or most.
The most desperat I haue secured, some Payd, and shall Cleare
all the extortions of Suratt ; part of the mony is collected and I
haue difirmaen for all. . . .
What hath beene done in Persia you will fynd .... All I
can say is it is not now to bee giuen ouer, though begunn vn-
perfectly. The King[s] honour, in whose Name it was sett
afoote ; you haue goodes and your People engaged ; to the
mayntenance of which I haue thought fitt to lett the ship dessigned
for the Red Sea touch there to bring off your silkes and Mayn-
teyne your Creditt, to supplie them and keepe life in the busines
vntill by your better meanes and full tryall wee may proceed more
roundly. What is Past I will not aggrauate, nor tread on the
dead,^ whose vanetye and follies, wast, and irreligion I did too
justly suspect. To the busines, your freedome and admittance is
very faier; the next consideration is how you may securely vse
this Trade by want of a Port and compasse it without export of
great quanteties of monies ; for doubtles, if to bee done, it is
the best trade of all India and will yeild you most certeyne
Profitt. For the safetye of your fleetes, I doubt the Sha will not
fortefie for you, except you can satisfie his endes, to pass all his
Comoditie and to furnish him with siluer. Omms lies vpon
aduantage. You must woorke your Peace at home with them,*
and then you cannot trade in these partes vpon ill Conditions.
Toward this I will exasperatt the Sha to my uttmost against thetn
that would hinder free trade. To surprise or take their seate by
force is not easely done.^ I confesse that were an end of the
question ; but it will cost a great Chardge, and such enterprises
are vncerteyne; and after it would engage you into a warr. Ther-
fore I can see no way sure but a Composition in Spayne, which
to my Poore vnderstanding his Maiesties authoritie might effect.
I knowe not by what pretence the King of Spayne can prohibitt
1 Calico.
2 Partito (Ital.), ' bargain/ investment. ^ Connock.
* The Portuguese, ^ Cp. p. 406,
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 4/5
you trade in a free Princes Countrie to which he hath no pre-
tence. If this were effected you need not insist vpon a Contract
with the Sha, but, having lycence, trade for as much as you could
and by what meanes you could. But the meanes to furnish this
trade will not arise from England, neyther by our Cloth nor any
other comoditie. It is folly to deceiue you with hopes that
will fayle. Of these some may yearly be vented by Contract with
the Shaw, and some Tynne will sell well, quicksiluer and
vermilion ; but not to Compasse a tenth Part of that by you
aymed at. By spices you may well assist your selues ; they giue
as good profitt as in England within 30 per Cent, as I am enformed.
China ware is in good request, and from India great profitt to bee
made by Sugars, Cloth, Steele and other Comodities, by all
which you may rayse a good Part of whatsoeuer you contract for,
or, if you trade at libertie, toward your prouisions ; the rest must
bee supplied in Monie, To the furnishing wherof I must referr
you to your owne meanes. One considerable thing is the dis-
tast of the Grand Signior, who doubtlesse will seeke to hynder
the Passadge of the Persian Commerce by sea, hee reaping as
much by Custome as the Sha by the Prime Comoditie. Master
Steele is settled vpon water woorkes, rather for his owne ends
then any profitt to you. I haue proposed to him his helpe in
Persia ; but hee hopes hee is settled and letts all other protects
fall. Assure you I will doe my endeauor to settle you in this
trade, if I may doe it vpon such grounds as I may haue Creditt
by, and you profitt. If your factors agree to the little supplie I
now mooue, with it I will send prouision for omissions and, if
your fleete come next yeare Prouided, will proceed roundly and
effectually according to our aduise. If wee see the danger and
Chardge vnavoydeable and no meanes to enter into yt but by
mony and that we cannot vent ours and Sowtherne goods to profitt
and returne you a fitt Partido of silkes to beare your expence
and hazard, then wee will tymely recall your seruants and aduise
you by land with expedition. If you proceede in these two trades
fully you must furnish both with spices, for all wee can forecast
will not rayse your stocke excepte only Jewells, if you can fitt
them to profitt. In these Poynts of the Peace and other that
may help you I haue beene lardge alsoe to Master Secreatarie
VVynwood,^ and Playne according to my vnderstanding.
Of Master Steeles other proiects^ you will find the generall opinion
in your seruants lettres and other discourses; for that of lead,
which hee only followes, the king hath taken the woorkmen at
dayes wages, but I see no hope (nor end of his) to vent your lead.
You must beare the hazard for giuing soe easy Creditt. I must
bee Playne. He came hither expecting to command vs all, euer
1 This letter is no longer extant. ^ See p. 439^
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4/6 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
mentioning his desarts and Creditt with you ; but I haue a little
humbled him. The great wages you gaue him made all your
factors eager to return ; who say they trauell here and a light-
braynd man that goes home and fills your ears with fables shall
returne in better estate then they for paynfiill seruice. You must
pardon mee for my directnes. He neither can nor intended to
performe any of his great braggs. I can gett noe reason of him for
any one [and ?] was enforced to lett him trie which hee would. For
that of freight into the Red Sea, wee haue all experience nothing
wilbe giuen, nor shipt in ours if wee would aske nothing ;^ if wee
once compell them they will know vs. To that end I desire one
of your shipps employed in Companie; they shall make better
Conditions with them when they are abroad with them and in
perill then wee can heare ashore wher they are safe ; and this
way I aduise to proceede.
To bring goodes by the Riuer of Indus to Labor is an ould
proiect but very hard to bee effected when we must wring it from
the Portugal, who makes some Profitt, but not the tenth men-
tioned by Steele. If wee trade into Persia wee may effect yt, and
it may ease Chardge ; but to hope of profitt by the Conduct^ alone
is absurd. The trade is not soe great as to find your Men rise f
and yet if it must bee done by strength they will feare to aduen-
ture with you. Ther is nothing but a Peace can settle all these.
Ther is noe settled trade betweane Labor and Syndu woorth the
Mentioning ; only a few Banians that shipp in frigotes for Ormus ;
whom it is hard to perswade to change their Customes, the woorst
wherof they know. It is true ther Passe yearly 20000 Camells
by Labor from Agra and other Parts with spices, Indicoes, sugars
and goods for Persia ; but the most of these bring goods on Camells
and sell and invest for returne, and will not bee drawen to the
sea, except it were open and secure. I am perswaded, if you had
the trade of Persia free and the Portugall frends, many would
take that way ;* but this is a woorke of tyme ; what may bee
done in yt shall not bee omitted.
Master Steele will, I hope, fall into consideration. I daylie
presse him ; but he would bee deliuered of mee. I vrdgd him
to agree for a woorke by great, that you might haue some returne
of your Chardge ; but he is yet only in woords. Hee will not
once name the renting of his woorke, it beeing soe absurd.
1 " For the waftinge of the Guzeratt shipps to Moha or other
places,'' wrote Fettiplace and Hughes sarcastically to the Company
((9. C, No. 581), "we thincke they put soe much Confidence in our
nation as that they had rather goe alone."
2 Convoying. * Rice.
* This expectation was realised. When the English were settled
at Gombroon, their ves§^l§ were freely used by native traders between
that port ^nd Surat,
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l6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 477
Noe Cast here will drinck of the water, but fetchd by his owne
Cast ; or, if they would, the Profitt should not bee allowed you.^
The King is desierous of all New arts, will entertayne the Arti-
ficers, and soone learne their sckill and cast them off. Howeuer,
I will prouide hee shall not spend you more then hee shall earne.
His wife I haue bound to Mistress Towerson at her sute. I was
resolued to send her home ; but shee hath one Child sucking and
(as they say) forward of a Nother ; it were vnfitt to send her
home alone among Men. If her husband had returned, it had
beene more convenient ; yet hee would haue tould you hee would
haue performed all. Now hee is kept to triall ; and I belecue by
the Next you may expect him, rich in Children and not vnpro-
uided of other meanes, for hee brought in goods and Jewells
aboue 400//., and tooke of Mochreb-chan 5000 rupees impresse
vpon them, in hope of more, without my knowledge. Thus hee
presumes he may trade freely : that his Creditt is greater with you
then such trifles. Or, if hee had not stock, hee layed his owne
Plott well ; for hee brought a Paynter,^ stole him aboord at the
downes, [who] is bound to him for 7 years (a very good woorke-
man both in lymming and oyle) to deuide profitts ; him hee pre-
ferred to the king in his owne trade. Pretended to mee for an
engineer in water woorkes. His smith makes clocks ; of all hee
shares the moyetie. I required to bynd them to you by Coue-
nant, which hee could not refuse ; but his Paynter would not,
and when I offer to send him home, I dare not for the kings
displeasure, to whom Steele by his toong to my face may wrong
mee, and hath already practised it.^ But I shall defend myselfe
and you, if God blesse mee.
Captain Towerson and his wife find could reception here. Her
frends are Poore and mean and weary of them. Hee came with
* SteePs projects are further criticised in a separate paper of about
this date in the I. O. Records (O. C, No. 611). Roe, in explaining
to the Court after his return the absurdity of the waterworks scheme,
pointed out that " first, the Riuer Gemini [Jumna] was vnfit to set a
Myll vppon, raging with vyolence of Waters 3 months together, over-
flowing his boundes a myle from his bankes, so that it appered im-
possible to settle such a worke either at the highest or lowest tyme
therof, when he falls within his bankes againe. Secondly, the Banians
in Agra (who are the greatest part of the inhabitants) will not touch
nor meddle with any water that is brought or handled by any other
then themselves. Thirdly, the King and Nobilitie haue as excellent
and artificiall waterworks of their owne as can be desired. And,
lastlye, Lead may be had at Agra better cheape then can be brought
vppon Camells from Surat"(C^«r/ Minutes^ November 10, 16 19).
* Named Hatfield (see p. 459).
' Steel was able to speak Persian, and had been used by Roe as an
interpreter, an opportunity of which he did not fail to take advantage
(see p. 484).
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4/8 THE EMBASSY OF [l6l8
hopes of great Diamonds, and they looke for guifts of him. I am
sorie for him and his little vanetie. I haue vsed my best advice
to perswade his returne. He sees his owne abuse, and yet hath
not Power to recall yt. Hee thought to bee esteemed here a
great man ; God send him to returne as hee came ; which, if I
would consent, hee might in estate better, for his Purpose was,
it seemes, to invest here inlndicoes for about looo //. ; pretends
your licence and his Meritt to hee such as you will deny him
nothing. I shall gett an ill name by refusing such easye requests.
I woonder why you should grant him this fauour and bynd all
our hands : and you could not but foresee his ends was trade,
or, if he say true, you allow yt. You may assure yourselues it
makes all your seruants grudge ; and till I see vnder writing it
was your Pleasure I will not bee ouercome with Pretended
desarts that 1 know not. Mistress Hudson claymes the like for
her proportion, about 120 //. I am the same to man and
woeman. Lastly, when they sawe my resolution, they intended
to the Sowthward and soe make 5 returnes for one. But I vnder-
stood your prohibition to be generally I knowe what Iniurie
that Course would doe you, and haue alsoe denyed yt. Now hee
is resolued to stay, perhaps till I am gone, to find an easier man.
Hee may be deceiued. I offered him to returne this yeare and,
to ease vs of his woemen, liberty to invest his stock in Cloth and
other goods, Indico excepted, provided to bee consigned to you ;
but hee hath better hopes, and I assure you I feare hee will spend
most of his stock and ease mee of refusing him vnreasonable
demands. By suffering such aduenturers you putt mee to much
inconvenience, discontent your seruants, and hazard more then
you consider ; euerie man is for himselfe, and I the Common
enemie. He hath many ends neuer to you propounded ; but bee
assured I will looke to him. You neede not doubt any dis-
pleasure hee can rayse you by her kindred, nor hope of any
assistance. They fence one vpon another and are both weary.
The mony Mentioned of Captain Hawkings is fallen by misen-
formation from 2000 rupees to 200 ; not worth recalling, ells I
had beene dooing before your dischardge came.
What I haue employed for you of myne, I will account when I
come home, and not aske mony out of your stock. I desier
euery way to lett you know I ayme at Creditt, not at mony.
The Presents you sent are in their kynds some good, others
ordinarie. Noe man can tell what to aduise for ; they change
euery yeare their fancy .... Your shipps haue made all things
Common ; kniues bought at 10 rupees offered for 6 Mamoodies\
and yearly ther Comes as many toyes of all kyndes as yours,
which sould in hast by Marriners or others bound to the Sowth-
ward hath made all Cheape and Common. They imitate euery
thing wee bring, and embroder now as well as wee. What my
opinion changeth too for goods and presents is in a Paper
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i6i8] slk THOMAS ko£. 479
seuerall,^ but noe man can aduise certeynly except vpon Jewells.
These People will Couett any thing ; when they see it, disgrace
it, and not come to halfe the Price. Yet you shall finde sould
of these many at two for one, some at 50 per Cent, some at 3 and
4, and halfe shalbe putt to profitt. Many things alsoe, as gloues,
will giue nothing nor bee accepted as guift,^ but as Patterns to
Picke out woorke.
The tokens you sent mee I receiue most gratfully ; but all bee-
ing not for my vse, I take only two feathers and one hatt and band,
a swoord and hangers, and lace for bands. The rest yet lye by
mee, that may serue your turne ; if not, I will weare them for
your sake, or sell them and put to your account. Your loue to
mee is sufficient present. I dare nor perswade you to send any
quantetie of such ware as these ; the kinds in its owne Place I
haue mentioned. Ammell^ is fallen in Price, yet it will giue
good profitt ; but it must bee good. Ther is noe salle till the
Court bee settled. About this quantetie yearly will passe at
most, for the Portugall now ouerlayes it.
I was fully resolued to returne by this fleete, as you may per-
ceiue by many Passadges ; but your earnest desier prevayles aboue
myne owne occasions. Sir Thomas Smyth had power to send
mee out, and hath lost noe part of his interest in mee. I doubt
hot his Maiesties lettre too mee* was procured by you, wherin I
find his gratious acceptation aboue my Meritt, which bindeth mee
to endeauour aboue my abilitie. I must acknowledge the fauour
you did mee in relations to his Maiestie. That is the reward I
labor for and expect ; and you shall finde I will not fayle you in
my uttmost endeauours. When my experience was Raw I wrote
you many things by report, and I am not ashamed to recant ; but
the end shall judge of mee and my endes. The Next yeare I shall
take your offer to returne in one of your shipps and to Command
her. If wee agree not here, I shalbe busie with her ; but will not
doe it but for that end which no fayre way can procure. Ther
was neuer fayerer woords and lesse fayth among the Cretans then
in these People.
What the value of Pearle and other Pedreria^ is I haue specified
in a Tariff here inclosed. Those you sent, except the great, of
which I haue giuen reason, are yet vnsould and will neuer giue the
mony you rate them att f you must either buy Cheaper or
Invoyce your goods right, that your seruants may know what to
doe. I know these are ouer valewed. But to the Poynt. At
1 See p. 485. 2 cp p 295. 3 Enamel.
* See p. 430. ^ Jewels (Span.).
• See p. 423. They were finally sold in July 161 8, to Asaf Khdn for
Rs. 8,092, " hauing beene offered to many and none would give soe
muche for them togeather." As they had cost £\^i\ ijs.y there was
a considerable loss on the transaction.
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480 THE EMBASSY OF [l6r8
the Rates by mee giuen, if they hould weight and bewtie, I giue
you assurance you may sell for 50000//. yearly ready Mony, and
for as much more in any sort of stones by mee specifyed ;^ and
this way only rayse a stock, and your free recourse bee desiered
by the King and Prince and great men ; and if they are pleased,
the Crie of a Million of subiects would not bee heard.
.... I haue this yeare beene in the woods. By my retume
I will bring you an exact survey *of all the trafiques of India, and
bee by you to answare any misinformation. Ther is no Com-
playnt by the Mogolls subiects that wee buy not their Comoditie,
but Contrarie, that wee buy so much that their owne Merchants
want for the Red Sea. I knowe it true. Wee haue raysd the
Price of all wee deale in, and now wee feare the Dutch will make
it woorse.
.... I haue only two Poynts to touch. That these Seas
begin n to bee full of Rouers, for whose faults wee may bee
engaged. Sir Robert Rich and one Phillope Barnardoe sett out
two shipps to take Piratts, which is growne a Common Pretence
of beeing Piratts. They missed their entrance into the Red sea
(which was their dessigne), and came for India, gaue Chase to the
Queene Mothers Juncke, and, but that God sent in our Fleete,
had taken and rifled her.^ If they had prospered in their ends,
either at Mocha or here, your goods and our Persons had answered
it. I ordered the seisure of the shipps. Prises, and goods, and
converted them to your vse ; and must now tell you if you bee
not round in some Course with these men you will haue the seas
full and your trade in India is vtterly lost and our liues exposed to
Pledge in the hands of Moores. I am loath to lie in Irons for
any mans faults but myne owne. I loue Sir Robert Rich well,^
and you may bee pleased to doe him any Curtesie in restitution,
because hee was abused ; but I must say, if you giue way, you
giue encouradgement. I had rather make him any Present in
loue then restore any thing in right. For Barnardo, I doubt not
you wilbe sencible of his Plott, and call him into question. Hee
getts the Duke of Sauoyes Commission, but the faces are all
English. Jhons, the Captain of the Lyon^ was a Proiector. The
1 The Portuguese relied largely on jewels for their trade with
Hindustan : " We neuer heard of any commodity the Portingalls doe
bringe to Goa then Jewells, ready mony and some few other provisions
of wine and the like, except the marfeel [ivor)'], gold and amber which
they bring from Mozambique. Those factors which come from Goa
to the Court, Agra, and Brampore, bringe nothinge but Jewells, which
they retome imployed in Indico, both of Biana and Cirkeis [Sarkhej],
Semanaes [see p. 322], Carpetts and the like" (The Agra factors to the
Company, December 20, 1617 : O, C, No. 581).
2 See p. 420.
' Rich afterwards married Roe's cousin, Susanna, widow of Alder-
man William Halliday.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 48 1
Mootams^ enveigledSir Robert Rich and after Mutined,.tore his
Commission, disarmed his Captain, and are breefly villaynes
woorthey to feede in the Marshalsy one yeare. Such an example
would deter others ; els you giue them both title and hart. The
Captaine of the Francis^ Master Newse, sett out by Sir Robert
Rich, I will Commend to your fauour as an honest discreet
gentleman, who neaver consented to your Iniurie, but was forced
by his disordered Gyng ; ^ the rest I leaue you to deale with as in
your Judgement you shall find requisite. But if you suffer Rouers
in these seas, ther must bee noe traders. It is hard to prooue to
these People the difference of Merchants and Piratts, if all of a
Nation ; or, if you could prooue it, I am vnwilling to lye for a
Pawne vntill Certificatt came out of Europe.
The second is the Dutch. They wrong you in all Parts and
grow to insuffrable insolencies. If wee fall foule here, the
Common enemie will laugh and reape the fruict of our Conten-
tion. There must a Course bee taken at home, which, by his
Maiesties displeasure signified, were not difficult, if he knew how
they traduce his Name and Royall authoritie, robb in English
Coulors to scandall his subiects,^ and vse vs woorse then any
braue enemie would or any other but vnthanckfuU drunckards
that wee haue releeued from Cheese and Cabbage, or rather from
a Chayne with bread and water. You must speedelye looke to
this Maggat ; els wee talke of the Portugall, but these will eate a
woorme in your sides. I Neede not Counsell you which way ;
only aduise you neuer to joyne stock to profitt and losse, for
their garrisons, Chardges, losses by Negligence will engage you to
beare Part of their follyes for no Profitt. But your accord must
bee by a stint at those parts common to you both, and agreement
to what Ports you may resort without offence one to the other.
If they keepe you out of the Moluccoes by force, I would beat
them from Surat to requite it. In both these I haue beene
lardge to Master Secretary and some of the Lords, that they
may haue feeling of the Iniuries and bee assistant to you.
This second february arriued with mee the footmen sent from
^ James Mootham was master of the Francis; John, possibly a
master's mate. The latter was taken by Pring into his fleet in that
capacity, and died some thirteen months later ; James, probably as
the more guilty of the two, was sent home a prisoner in the Bull^
together with Newse and Jones. Bangham recommended him to the
Company for employment, but apparently without success, and the last
heard of him is that in 1620 the Company procured a warrant against
both him and Jones for hiring away divers men from the London to
serve the King of Denmark in the East Indies.
2 Gang.
3 Cp. p. 410. This was generally believed by the English factors
in the East ; cp. Cocks' s Diary ^ vol. i, p. 260, vol. ii, p. 41, and Letters
Received bv the E. India Co.y vol. ii, p. 199.
I I
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482 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
Spahan by Edward Connaught with lettres of 8 Monthes date,
directed to Master Kerridge and to noe other.^ I opened them.
In generall I fynd no more then the Coppies that came by the
Bee ; some Particulars^ by which I discouer more of their trium-
virat faction^ and Priuatt plotts then matter of busines. In one
I find a New character,^ which giueth mee some suspition ; but
I will vnderstand it before I accuse. In others I and you will
find that ther was a resolution taken to conceale all the
proceedures in Persia from mee; and the better to enter
Creditt with you, the lettres I sent the King of Persia in
february 1615^ and January 1616,^ with diuers aduises to
you, both reasons and obiections, the full declaration of our
entents in pursuing this trade, all directed for deliuerie or Con-
veyance to William Robbynns, Connaught gott into his Power,
opened, and suppressed them ; and, not supposing I sent Coppies
other wayes, out of myne makes his use and writes you these
lettres of his propositions to the King. You may compare them
Poynt to Poynt, the Phrase not altered. Reading them I knew
myne owne, and, though not woorth the Challendging, yet you
may see how these New Ambassadors and Agents Packd"^ against
mee. All coppies fitt for you, which I doubted others would Con-
ceale, I send you ; all which might informe, or did concerne, the
factories I dispeeded the same Night, that no pretence of delay
might hynder my present desiers for a little supply thither ; wher
if a trade may bee settled with securitie and Compassed with
your fitt meanes, I shalbe gladder then all they who would haue
kept mee iri ignorance. I can spare them the Creditt of yt that
want yt ; and my Manner of Prosecution shall giue both account
of my affection to yt and your good and of my judgement in the
Possibilitie and Profitt.
Since the finishing of the former intent of supply for Persia I
receiued full answere from the shipps that it was impossible to
bee performed vntill the next Change of Monzone, and hereby
wee are enforced to leaue it in imperfection. By your next fleete
I doubt not wee shall vnderstand the resolution of our hopes
and bee furnished to releeue the wants, and either to settle it
or recall it. In the interim I will send to your factors such
direction as is requisite, and to the Sha excuse of our fayling :
that yet wee know not nor were agreed vpon the quanteties of
goods nor Prises on both Parts. I receiued to day Newes from
Ormus of a reuolt of all the Mahometans subiect to the Portu-
galls for the stealing an Aharon^ out of their Moschee ; which
the Sha takes alsoe for a breach of Peace, it beeing one of the
^ Probably the letters of 15 and 16 May, 161 7, which form 0. C,
Nos. 480-481. 2 Private letters.
3 Barker reviling Connock, and Pley blaming Barker. * Cipher.
^ See p. 132. ^ See p. 373. ^ Conspired. ® /.^., a Koran.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 483
Articles that the Moores should not bee offended nor Iniured
in Poynt of their religion. Yf it bee not suddenly appeased, it
may occasion the Sha to take the fort into his hands ; which by
a little help might bee effected, and for him easy by our assist-
ance ; without joyning, very difficult for either of vs.
The New Pretended Spanish Ambassador^ is refused audience,
beeing come as far as Cambaya, within 2 dayes of Court ; Prin-
cipally because his Presents were not of great valew. But the
King, shaming to insist vpon soe base a reason, vsed for a full
deniall a later Pretence, that hee was no right Embassador;
having of mee demanded by Asaph-chan if I would avow him
for one, to which I replyed if I saw his Masters lettres I was
bound ; if not, I should not acknowledge him but as a messinger.
The King demanded of the lesuite if he had lettres, who replying
truth: none from Spay ne, and, to avoyd the affront, professed
alsoe that hee came but from Damon, a Citty of the Portugalls,
but soe suddenly as the New Vizeroy could neither prepare a fitt
Present nor lettres : that his Comming was to congratulate in the
Vizeroy and Cytties Name his approach into these Parts; at
which hee had his full dismission, but with good tearmes : that
if hee came to see him, hee should bee wellcome ; but if the
Vizeroy would send him or any other with Presents and authoritie
in the Name of the King of Portugall, hee would receiue him with
Honor. The lesuite is somwhat troubled ; and the Embassador,
who came on in great Brauerie, takes himselfe scorned. They
pretend to mee that another shall returne with ampler lettres
and full Power to treat with mee, which Asaph-chan from the
King gaue in Chardge. For my Part, I am not sorry for any
distast begunn, and thinck not that the Portugall will stoope so
farr as to send a Nother nor Presents vpon such a demand and
affront ; neyther that if any come that hee shall bring authoritie
to make you a secure Peace. The issue I attend.
Master Steele hath Now fully deliuered himselfe and his woorke-
men into the Kings Power, and them into his Pay; hath had
speech of the like for himselfe ; and it is all our opinion hee will
vpon that sett vp his rest. In woords he protested Not ; but hee
hath gotten his wife vp with Mistris Towerson, as her seruant, and
vowed to mee shee should Hue in her house, to which end I tooke
a Couenant from them. But the first day hee brake it, carried
her to a house of his owne, where hee lines with Coach, Palinke^
7 horses, and ten seruants ; and, beeing stayed in my house as
Prisoner, to search into his entents, he confessed hee said any-
thing formerly and consented to the Couenants to deceiue mee'
and to gett his wife into his owne Power. The excuse of all is
affection. [Marginal note by Roe. — Now he followes the Court
with as great expence as I and as many seruants.] Send them
^ See p. 471.
I I 2
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484 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
home by force I cannot, or is now too late, vntill the King bee
satisfied in his expectation of great Promises from Richard Steele.
Neyther will hee proceed vpon the wioorke of Agra (which was
my Condition), but follow the Leskar to make Picturs, clocks,
coaches and such deuices, by which hee hopes to creepe into
great preferments. I assure you I write of his Courses very
modestly. Wee are not yet wise enough to see any hopes nor
any entents of his to effect a woork out of which you may make
any aduantage. He hath professed the woorkemen are his
seruants : that he spent 500 //. to bring them for the King. They
haue not language to denye it, nor will to follow him ; but now
they are engaged, hauing receiued horses and Mony ; and when
I mooue their true employment, it is replyed they are in the
Kings Pay, and must obey his Pleasurs, they and their guide.
Marginal note by Roe. — When he was my toong to the King^
he would deliuer his owne tales and not a woord what I com-
manded.] The Next difference is that hee will aisoe carry vp his
woman, which I refuse, requiring her stay with her Mistris,
according to yours and my intent. If hee consent, I shall giue
him some employment and allowance from you ; if not, that hee
will runne in all contrarie, then hee giues mee such assurance of
that all men suspect, that I shall neither trust him with your
goods nor pay him any wages vntill I haue meanes to send him
home ; which will soone bee, if hee continew his expence and
attend the bounties of this King. You see I desier noe weomens
company, but labour to leaue such incumberances behynd.
Beleeue mee the scandall already is not easely wyped off. Your
securitie shalbe at the woorst you shall loose no more by him ;
I will looke to your estate.
The King is anew gone into the woods, toward
Mando as reported, but wee are not certeyne.^ I am entering
into the miserie and Chardge of following. What conclusion I
shall haue I cannot presage. Hee is good to mee ; his sonne
latly better, who is absolute King. Hee hath granted mee a few
Priuiledges, and reconfirmed our trade and liberties at Suratt,
but will heare of noe more Ports ; his ^rmaen also for recouerie of
Customes taken on the way and for your goods and seruants at
Brampoore that were seized by the justice. He hath ordered all
your debts in Cerkar^ and promised execution of the Kings
sentence against other our debtors, which if wee could settle, in a
Month I should doubtlesse finish. I was not consenting to the
\ See p. 477.
2 He really went by Mehmaddbdd and Balasinor to Jhalod and
Dohad, returning the same way.
' Sarkdr^ a word used in several diverse senses. Roe seems to
mean that the Prince had given orders to the officials to enforce
payment of all debts due to the English at Court as though they were
due to the King.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 485
Making, yet will not leaue them alone that did mee. I am soe
weary of the wayes of this Court, which are gouerned by no rule,
that I must open to you my full resolution. If this Norose I can
finish my desiers of vniuersall Priuiledges that shalbe of Power in
all Parts of his Dominion, and recouer our debts, I shall desier
to retyre and rest mee vntill the arriuall of your fleete ; for the
Next raynes, if I lye in the feilds or in an open house, will finish
my trauells. If not, I will take my leaue, and bee ready at Suratt
to meete with the ship I expect from the Red Sea, who shall both
Pay mee all that is due and make those conditions bee offered
which now I seeke with despayre. Assure you, I knowe these
People are best treated with the swoord in one hand and
Caducean^ in the other.
If I haue erred in my judgment you will easely fynd one man
cannot see all. My affection to doe you right and honest seruice
shall excuse many escapes. But in Generall I desier you to pre-
serue in your opinion this thought of mee : that whatsoeuer I
conceiue good for you I will Practice : neither feare nor Paynes
shall diuert mee : and that when I shall be present to giue you
reason of any thing I haue written, Noe man shalbe soe impudent
as to contradict it : and for my life, it will not bee ashamed of any
search and enquirie. The issue of all yours and our endeauours
I committ to Gods blessing, who is able to Make rich and Poore,
and to convert the successes of all to his Glorie.
Your honest frend to doe you seruice,
Tho. Roe.
Advise for goodes for Surratt.^
(I. O. Records : O, C, No. 637.)
Broade cloathes : everie two yeres 200, or euery yere 100; Red,
greene, yallowe, poppingey f no stammetts,* or not aboue 10.
Corrall : as much as you cann provide ; the rates and sortes
Surratt must informe.
Lead : none theis 2 yeres.
Quicksilver : for 1000//. yerely.
Vermillion : a small quantitie.
^ The wand or rod carried by Hermes as the messenger of the Gods.
2 Endorsed : " Aduise from Sir Thomas Roe of Goodes and Pre-
sents for Surratt, 161 7." In the Cal. of State Papers {E. Indies\ this
is assigned (with a query) to March 161 8 ; but there seems to be
sufficient ground for assuming that it is the enclosure referred to
in the preceding letter (p. 478).
3 Popinjays were gay-coloured woollen stuffs, made chiefly in
Gloucester, and so called after the common green and red parrot.
* A woollen stuff resembling linsey-woolsey,
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486 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
Wine, hott waters, swordes, knives (except great and rich).
Glasses (looking nor glasing): none, nor anie such like trash.
Pearles : anni great well bought ; Chaines of pearles, between
3 Carr[ats] and 10, the greatest the best.
Rubies give the best proffitt, from 3 Carr[ats] vpwardes of all
sizes, so high in couUour and faire.
Ballasses :^ faire and greate, of 60 Carr[ats] vpwardes.
Cattes eyes : if you knewe the right stone.
Emrauldes : of the old and new rocke, the greatest.
Aggats : some fewe well cutt, the faces white.
Armletts : anie made to lock onn with one loint, sett with
stones, diamondes and Rubies, good worke, will give you proffit.
Of this kinde of goodes, if you would finde anie rich stone to
the value of 20,000//. to equall the Portugall, would give you
great proffit and Credit. It is howrely objected and required. By
this meanes only you can compas a stocke and make your trade
desired ; vpon such a rare peece you maie get anie Conditions,
for their Coveteousnes of them is vnsatiable. If you can send
yerely in great stones of theis kindes or pearles loovooo//.,^ I
dare be bownde it would vent to proffitt and make you highly
requested. Without this the Kinge wilbe wearie; and it will
save you presents. All other things will faile you and with theis
you may putt of anie thing. The Towre, I ame perswaded, could
furnish you with many great olde stones that are vseles.
Arras : fresh and good Coullours, for one or two yeres you
maie vent to some proffitt for 10,000//.
Cloath of gould and silver branched, Grograines or Sattins,
that make a fine shewe, mingled with fresh coullours, will raise
monie, but to no great proffit. Gould Lace is much inquired
after by the King. I thinck it will yeld 30 per cento proffitt.
Chambleets^ of Turkey, red, greene, yallowe, purple : they come
in quantityes from the red sea.
Shirtes of Male : a hundred, so they be lyght, arrowe proofe,
and neately made.
Imbrodered Coates of the Indian fashion, for our wastcoates
they canot vse here. I haue patternes of the King of diuers
sortes sent you.'*
Cases for round Bucklers.
Quivers for bowes and arrowes, Indian fashion.
And generally I give you this rule : whatsoeuer you send in
^ See p. 167.
' The V is merely a symbol for " thousands."
3 Camlets, a light stuff said (though this is disputed) to have been
originally woven from silk and camePs hair.
* See pp. 391 and 395.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 487
this kinde must be made by Indian patternes, for then they are
of vse and euery bodies monie.
Gloves, hangers, Scarfes : by theis only they picke out the
workes.
In steade of Sweete baggs, rownde Cushions gathered like cloke
bags, to leane on.^
Any of theis in needleworke or imbroiderie will sell cent, per
cent, or not much les ; all imbroderie being fallen in value, for
they haue learned by ours to do as well. Boxes imbrodered will
sell to proffitt ; and great glasses.
Some light coullored Norwich stuffes wrought in flowers for
triall, the lighter the better. I ame perswaded manie would vent,
if chosen fitlie.
Concerning Presentes.
Not to foUowe the Course of presenting yerely in the Kings
name. Once in three yere a letter and a good present. If you
bring stones you shalbe welcome to all.
Furnishing yerelie 2 or 3,000//. in other fine ware or cloath of
gould, silver, &c., You must yeldeto haue it seene at Custome-
howse, and sent all to the King or prince, with whome must go
a merchant, and when opened before the King (which is the
slaverie here) he maie give one or two toyes (such as he seeth
pleaseth) and, after, all the rest to sell. I assure you they wilbe
all bought and good paiment, and the King better content then
in this Course ; for our trouble is all aboute the presents, which,
if all came to sell, were finished at once. I am inforced by ex-
perience to change the Course. I haue tried all waies and ha-
zarded this yere a quarrell to avoyd an affront. I will sett downe
a course to prevent their greedines and to tourne it all to proffitt,
seeing they haue no honour.
This Counsell Asaph Chan first gaue,^ telling me we were
fooles and had brought vp a Custome to our owne hurt : the King
expected nothing of merchantes but to buy, and at entrance (as
fashion) a toy, and when anie petition, the like : that when we
gave in the name of the King it should be seldomer, and then
befitting his honour. He demanded who practized this Course
but yourselves, neither Duitch, Persians, nor Armenian mer-
chantes ; neither did the King expect it. I knowe this both
wise and thriftie Counsell, but your Agent resident wilbe against
it. For ther is no man but will ay me at his owne proffit, my self
excepted, as by my retourne it will appeare ; I neuer gaue a
knife for myne owne endes, nor vsed the least basenes of begging ;
my riches are accordingly.
See p. 391. ^ Cp. p. 444.
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488
THE EMBASSY OF
[1618
once in
three yere,
four or five
of theis,
with one of
good value.
Fitt presenies from the King}
I Some good stone for once, or some rich peece
of Arras, silke and gould, but one or two at most.
A rich peece of Tissue or Cloathe of gould.
A fine Crowne, sett with small stones.
A faire bed feild, with lace or some worke.
A rich feild Caparason and Sadie, the patterne
from hence.
A Coate of Sattin imbrodered, the paterne from
hence.
With theis :
Some Cushions, Cabbennetts, glasses, Stan-
dishes^ and toyes of vse for others.
Pictuers of all sortes, if good, in constant re-
quest ; Some large storie ; Diana this yere gave
\^ great content.
Goodes from the Southwardes.
Spices of all kindes give great p[r]offit. China Dishes and all
sortes of fine ware, as Chestes, Cabbenetts, bedsteades &c. to as
good proffit as in England.
Taffaties imbrodered with gould, silke in flowers, vearie well
requested and rated.
From theis partes for presentes in toyes you maie be better
furnished then from Europe.
Cochenel will neuer sell a certenty. Few knowe it. For a
pownd or two some may give a good price ; but it is no
comoditie of vse. Those of Sinda only buy it. The Persians
bring a little and retaile it at 35 ruppies the great seere.
Ammell^ hath sould : the red, if verie fine, ordinarily for twice
the waight in gould. The Portugales haue theis two yeres from
Goa brought some, of which francisco Swart* 18/1. ; the red sould
at 45 J. the ounce, blewe, white and greene att i8j. The King
being in the feild, all the workmen, both of the Court and the
great men, are retourned to Agra, where I must sende it. It may
yeld you, the red (against the Norouse) nere the waight of gould,
the rest \ the waight in gould.
^ /.^., to be presented in the name of the King of England.
2 Inkstands. ^ Cp. p. 479.
* A Portuguese merchant who was apparently resident at Court.
In a letter to Surat (6>. C, No. 556) Roe calls him "the prodigal
Portugal," and says that he is about to marry an aunt of Mrs.
Towerson.
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l6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 489
To Captain Martin Pring.
(I. O. Records : a C, No. 613.)
February 14 [16 17-18].
.... By way of prouision I haue sent instructions for the
voyadge into the Red Sea, to which Master Kerridge must add
his for Marchandizing affayres and deliuer you goods to beginn
our trade. The mayne obiection is that there is noe great foun-
dation to beare Chardge ; to which I answere wee haue many
dead Comodities wee must seeke to put off, and may either sell
them by frendship or teach a trade by force. With whomsoeuer
the ship meetes of the allies of the Portugalls, which are the
Decannines or Samoring,^ they are to vs as enemies. If shee
should meete with no booty, yet I suppose they shall not bee
denyed trafieque at Mocha, wher certeynly will bee juncks, both
of Diue and DabuU and of other Southern Ports, with which (if
the Mochers will not accept of our goods) they should [trade ?]
for Indicoes and other Comodities fitting England or Suratt.
The returne of a smalle stock from thence will pay the expence
of the ship, towards which Master Kerridge sayth hee can procure
freight for 15 or 16,000 Mamoodies, which I would accept off as
a beginning. Hee doubts it will hynder, the stay at Dabull,
but I see noe reason, if wee sett so much the sooner out then
vsually the luncks doe for the same voyadge off this Coast.
Goeing into the Bay of lasques is more doubtfull ; of that I
cannot ludge, but referr it to your consideration if one ship may
doe all, or any two, of which I thinck lasques and the Red Sea
of most consequence. ... A second obiection is that the Grand
Signior will embargue our English in his Dominions for our
Molesting his trades ; to which I say wee goe to offer Peace, to
secure his seaes, and not to disturbe any but our enemies that
deny vs trade, and by our vsadge many may bee encouraged to
augment [adventure?] that way who are now afrayd of Rouers
and ouerlayd with tribute or the exactions of the Portugalls.
In the Red Sea itselfe shall wee best make the Guzeratts vnder-
stand their danger and the benefitt of our offer ; ther they will
bee spoken with at leysure, wher now wee seeke to them at their
houses. Nature is easier to deale with when it is a little afrayde.^
1 The Zamorin of Calicut.
2 The Bantam factors wrote to the same effect (Jan. 19, 1618 :
O. C, No. 595) : — " For the troubles and abuses of our people by the
Gouernor and great men, remedy may be sooner found in the redd
sea amongest their neighbour lunkes then at the Mogulls Court, and
better cheape. Nothing but feare keepes a Moore in awe ; vse him
kindly and he will abuse you, but deale with him in smooth words
and nipping deeds and he will respect and reverence you."
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490 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
Or, if wee are soe lealous of our frends at Constantinople, how
can wee proceede in Persia, the stealing away of which trade will
more sharpen the Turk then the rifle of a lunck or two of Rascalls
that hee takes noe Notice off ? ... .
I once mooued you to keepe Close the Sowth shoare^ for the
Chances of the Malaccoas ships and others that in March come
in to Goa. Now I aduise you to bee warie, for the Vizeroy, as
wee heare, prepares a fleete to goe about the Cape for the Coast
of Cormandell and wilbe ready this Month.^ If you bee alone
it is not good to tempt them.
Concerning the luncks of Diu, I vnderstand that Mochreb-
chan and some Mogolls freight from thence. Wee cannot take
notice of on mans from anothers that Mingle with our enemies.
I would not spare any of that Port vpon the best Pretence. Our
warienes wilbe to keepe the lunck it selfe ; to putt a Merchant
and Purser vpon it vntill returne to Suratt. If it bee prooued
Mogolls goods and that the King stirr in yt, I know this People ;
restitution alway makes Peace, and wee shall haue the advantage
of some good condition for restitution, and make them feare to
freight in the Portugalls and rather offer them selues to vs.
Vntill wee show our selues a little rough and busye they will not
bee sencible.
The woemen^ are almost arriued at Court, but I hope I shall
depart this towne before, the King goeing out suddenly, which
makes mee now take my leaue. I am in your debt for your loue
aboue all your other kindnesses, which now you close vp with
New I assure you honestly I haue loued you 7 yeares for
the good disposition and woorth I found in you. If it were any
way in my Power I would make it manifest. My woord or
report in England you Neede not; yet perhaps not soe well
knowne to all as to the Companie. Whatsoeuer I can add to
giue you right, either to them or any higher, assure you I will not
fayle ; or, if I did, it is your fault not too lett mee know which
way. But I am gladd both of your assurance and Modesty. Wee
Hue in a Barberous unfaythfull place ; you in the sea with more
securitie and Constancy e. Pray for vs, that God wilbe Pleased to
keepe vs, that among heathens wee may bee as light in darknes ;
1 In proceeding to Bantam. * Cp. p. 470.
^ Mrs. Steel, Mrs. Towerson,and Mrs. Hudson. They were accom-
panied by the Rev. Mr. Golding, the chaplain of the Anne^ who had
at the Cape solemnised the marriage of Steel. The reverend gentle-
man's devotion to the ladies while at Surat had caused some scandal,
and he had been ordered to return to his ship ; but, instead of obeying,
he slipped out of the city disguised as a native, and went "after the
women" to Ahmad^bdd. Roe sent him back in company with
Heynes and the rest, but he escaped from them on the way. Subse-
quently, he rejoined the fleet and obtained pardon ((9. C, No. 635).
He seems to have died some time in 16 19.
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l6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 49 1
at least that wee shame not the light. I will hope to Hue to see you
safe returned, and for your happy voyadge,. health, aboue all tem-
perali Comforts, wealth and good successe according to your owne
desiers, and a loyfuU arriuall into your Countrie. All the blessings
that attended lacob, when hee went out with a staff and returned
with troopes of seruants and heards of Cattell, accompanie you, that
in the seas you may find Machinymd}- and at your returne Bethel.
.... Since the finishing this former came your lettre of the 4th
January, by which I perceaue that which I doubted, that it was
impossible to supply lasques ; and soe that vnfortunate busines
must lye in its wounds vntill better occasion. I haue sent a
declaration and Instructions of my intents into the Red Sea,^
which is as much Commission as I can giue ; if Master Kerridge
can add to yt any enformation, wee are all for one end. For the
ship or ships I referr it to you, and am very well assured of
Captain Shillings sufficiency. For Merchants I know not how
Master RastalP can bee spared nor with what qualeties the fleete
is Prouided. I haue sent my seruant Haynes* for one because
by offten discourse hee knowes my entents. I hope hee will
prooue diligent and honest
.... In assurance of right I rest quiett, as farr as Master Steele,
the woemen and the indiscretion of Master Goulding will suffer
mee. I woonder to see him here and shall as soone resend him.
I must labor to mend all. I gaue consent for the best to Mistress
Steele, but neuer for the minister. Now her husband discouers
himselfe ; but one of vs must breake in this busines. I expect
noe more to heare from you, for the King is entering into the
woods. The God of heauen blesse you and all your Company,
and send mee once more to liue among men of honesty.
^ Mahanaim (Gen. xxxii, 2). 2, See the document which follows.
3 Thomas Rastell had come out in the 16 16 fleet, and was now
second at Surat. On Kerridge's departure for England in 1622,
Rastell became chief, a post which he held at the time of the visit
of Delia Valle, who warmly praises him (vol. i, p. 19). He returned
to England in 1625, and went out again in 1630, dying at Surat a
year later (November 7, 1631). His wife's mother (widow of Alderman
Gore) became the second wife of Sir John Coke, who was for some
time Secretary of State.
* Roe's secretary, in whose neat and legible hand are most of his
letters, and the British Museum copy of the diary of which so much
use has been made in the present work. He had been " bred a mer-
chant with Alderman Gore," and had been employed in Barbary
before he entered Roe's service. As the ambassadoi-'s mission was
drawing to a close, Heynes was desirous of finding employment under
the Company ; and Roe, with characteristic disregard of his own con-
venience, took the present opportunity of complying with this wish.
The new factor completely justified his patron's action ; he rose
steadily in the Company's service, and at the time of his death
(August, 1632) was agent in Persia.
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492 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
A Declaration and Instructions for the shippe entended for
the Red Sea, if the Comaunder of the fleete, Captain Martin
Fringe, and Master Thomas Kerridge, Cape merchaunt of
the English factors, with his Consultation vpon the motions
made by Sir Thomas Roe, his Maiesties Ambassadour, doe
thinke it fitte to proceed in the Voyadge.
(I. O. Records : O, (7., No. 598.1)
[February 14, i6i7-i8].2
1. The shippe to proceed vpon this voyadge to bee chosen
by the Admirall and a Comission from him giuen for theyr
warrannte.
2. Having taken in such goodes at Suratt as Master Kerridge
shall prouide, as well for a trade at DabuU as Mocha, shee shall
accompany the Admirall to Dabull,^ where they may endevour to
putt of all theyr English goodes by faire meanes, or, if not, by
the surprjse of any juncke, and with them to barter for theyr
Comodity fitte for the Red Sea ; but to pay for it and to take
nothinge els, but only signify that our Intent is to force them to
vnderstand the Interest of free Commerce and that they shall not
trade into the Red Sea but by our licence, beinge Lordes of the
same, and not the Portingalls. At this Porte cannot be spent
above eight daies ; if you finde any juncke out, you may dispatch
in four.
3. Having finished your Intent at Dabull, you shall speedily
shape your Course for the Red Sea, and, meeting any juncke of
Diu or of any other Porte vnder the Dominion of the Portugall,
you shall endevour to take and make prise thereof to the vse of
the Company; or of any other people whatsoever beinge in
league with our enemy, either of the Samorine or Decanines.
4. Beinge arrived at Mocha with such goodes as shee shall
have laden vpon her or such as shee shall gett by trade at Dabull
or by reprisall. The Captain and Merchaunts shall sende to the
Gouernour of the Province and signify that our Intent is as well
to keep the Sea free from Rouers as to demaunde free Commerce
at the Porte ; and therefore shall require both a safe Conducte
^ There is another copy among the O, C. duplicates, by which the
present version has been checked.
2 In the absence of a date, Mr. Sainsbury assigns this document to
January 20, 161 8. But it is evident that the instructions were drawn
after it was known that the ship could not go to Persia as well as to
the Red Sea, and of this Roe was not aware until about February 14,
1 61 8 (see pp. 482, 491).
3 As already mentioned (p. 400), this intended visit to Dabhol was
abandoned.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 493
for a Merchaunte to come ashoare and his firman for the free
sale of our goodes ; and that if hee bee pleased for times to come
to enterteine the English and to graunt them residence, whereby
yearly our shipping will haunt his Porte with many sorte of goodes
and the Seas bee thereby more secured, that then at Instant hee
give his owne Contracte and therein Couenant to procure the
Grand Siniors lettres for licence and Confirmation of such
priveledges as are already graunted vnto our Nation for theyr
abode and trafiicque to Constantinople and Aleppo.
5. If this faire motion of trade bee refused, then shall you
endeuour to force it by staying and hinderinge the trafficque of
all such roaders^ as you shall fynde in trade, not subiecte to the
greate MogoU, and by exchaung with them put of all your goodes
laden vpon the said voyadge ; but if you meete any shippe or
juncke freighted by the Portingalls or the goodes of any Moore
or Banian subiecte or inhabitinge within theyr Territorie, of all
[suchj ships and goodes you shall make prise, signifieing to all
persons that you proceed in this Course with the Portingalls and
theyr Subiectes only to Compell them to suffer the Seas to be
free and Commerce open and not to take any tribute, passe-
money or Imposition vpon merchaunts goodes vpon the Sea:
that whensoeuer the Portugall shall relinquish this vniust Course,
that the English will agree and Consente to the free open trades
and liberty of all Nations freindes with them : but if they will
adhere and bee tributarie to the Portingalls, wee shall make prise
of theyr goodes as the Confederates of our Enemies.
6. You shall require of the Guzuratts to assist you in settlinge
a trade at Mocha, and make them vnderstand that wee Intend
yearely to visitt that Porte : that wee have offered to safe-Con-
ducte or fraighte theyr goodes vpon as resonable termes as they
giue vnto our enemie, which if they shall still refuse to accepte,
wee shall remayne Newtralls, so in Case they bee surprised by
any Dutch or French Piratts wee will no waye bee tyed to helpe
or rehve them : and if then they shall better vnderstand them-
selves and our freindly offer, the Captain and Cape merchaunt
shall have full power to make Composition and Agreement with
them and to take of them for the present voyadge such Content,
eyther on goodes 5 per Cent, at least or by the great, as they
shall agree, and shall draw from them a Confession in writinge of
theyr good and freindly vsage and of theyr great security by our
Company, with an hUmble petition to the greate Mogoll that hee
wilbe pleased to give lycence to all his Subiectes to freight in
English shipps aswell for lasquis as the Red Sea, or otherwise
to worke theyr owne safety by any such Composition as between
themselves shalbe founde most Convenient, whereby they bee
1 Vessels in the road.
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494 I'HE EMBASSY OF [1618
deliuered both from the feare of Piratts and from the tributes and
exactions vniustly raised vpon them by the Portingalls.
7. Yf you shall obtaine libertie to trade and put of yourgoodes,
I wish you to bee wary you trust not much ashoare, nor many
men at once nor any Cheife Commaunder, but only twoe mer-
chaunts in the Company of the Captain and merchaunt of the
Ghehangitr, to whom I haue giuen a passe^ and who hath
promised to assist you in all matters as frendes.
8. The generall scope of this voyadge beinge to begin a trade
and to give knowledge to all the seuerall Nations that vse into the
Red Sea or give any Composition vnto our Enemies for the free
passage vnto any Porte, that wee Ayme at nothinge but to open
the wayes for merchaunts : therefore in matter of reprisall you
must have especiall reguarde that you ceaze nothing into your
full possession but only such goodes as you are assured belonge
properly to the Portingalls or theyr Subiectes, for that many
merchaunts of India freight in theyr Shippes and may perhapps
require here satisfaction ; therefore, in Case of such pretence you
shall there come to Composition to wafte home theyr goodes at
as easy rates as the Portingalls doth, and accordinge to your
discretions vse them fayerly. At leastwise you shall keep together
the said goodes, putting into any such juncke a merchaunte and
a Purser for prouision that nothinge bee ymbezeled away, whereby,
if shee prove not good prise, wee may be Constreined to pay
more then wee tooke. And with all these Coasters whatsoeiier
I hould it fitte that you proceed in trade with them or by Com-
position then by absolute reprissall, which Course will both awe
these people and not give such occasion of dislike as wholy to rifle
them ; but in Case it be goodes of the Portingalls or of Dabull
(having bene refused trade) or of the Samorine or of any of those
petty Kinges in league with our enemy, of such you shall make
full prize without any restitution and the same keepe vnto the
Account of the Honorable Company.
When you shall have finished your trade at Mocha you shall
endeuour to keepe Company with the Guzuratts reladen, if so they
come out tymely that you may gett into the Roade of Swally by
the last of September, and shall with all Curtesy vse the said
Guzuratts, but not suffer them to departe vntill you arrive at the
Barre of Suratt, where you shall stay them by you and speedily
advise to know in what estate our trade and Factors are ; and after
to proceed accordinge to such directions as you shall receiue from
the Ambassadour or Cape merchaunt by his order.
Being necessary to send also vpon the said shippe 2 or 3
merchaunts for the Red Sea, I, being vtterly ignorant of the
quality of those now supplied, cannot make absolutely choyce ;
See p. 473.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 49$
but am desirous that Edward Heynes may goe as one, because
hee hath often heard and must needes vnderstand my purpose in
this action, with whom I request Master Kerridge to joyne any
other that hee shall in his judgement know sufficient, in which
hee will regard his landguage ;^ and in this pointe of the mer-
chaunts that hee, being neare the shipps, see hir provided of
such and so many as are fitte and requisite ; and in that Case
whatsoeuer hee shall doe, I full[y] allow and Consent vnto.
I have herewith sent you the Persians bill that oweth vs money,^
livinge at Gulkhandah, that yf you meete with any juncke of
Dabull, you may pay yourselfe and give them the bill to recouer
the debte of the Persian.^
To King James.*
(Public Record Office : E, Indies, vol. i. No. 58).
The Camp of Ghehangeer Sha, greate MogoU,
15 February, i6i7[-i8].
May it please your Majestie,
The most gratious reception of my trauells and the Com-
mands which your Maiestie hath vouchsafed to mee, your vnable
and vnworthy vassall, haue giuen new life and quickened mee
almost in the graue. Ther is no bond more stronge then that by
which I am tied to your Majestie as your subiect ; but that it
hath pleased you out of your Royall grace to giue occasion to my
weakenes, that also addeth strength and couradge to a minde
already wholy denoted and offered vp to your Maiesties seruice.
^ Linguistic skill. 2 3^^ p ^03.
^ The expedition to the Red Sea was on the whole a success. The
ship employed was the Anne, of which Shilling was captain, and
William Baffin one of the master's mates ; and Salbank, Heynes and
Barber were the three merchants told off for the voyage. The cargo,
being (as Roe mentions later) of poor quality, did not find a ready
sale ; but the authorities at Mocha showed the English every courtesy,
and the Pasha of Sana gave Salbank two satisfactory y^rwiwj. They
remained at Mocha from the 14th April to the 20th August, and then
retlirned in company with the Surat junk, as Roe had ordered them
to do.
An account of the voyage, written by Heynes, will be found in
Purchas (vol. i, p. 622).
In Egerton MS. 2086 is a letter of Captain Shilling's to Sir Thomas
Smythe, written from Swally on the 12th March, 161 8, in which he
says that if the goods he carries **be nott vendable and that an
honest trade vpon equall tearmes Cannott be procured, then I hoop
Powder and shoot, Sir Henery Middelltons Comodittie, will passe."
* Printed in the Cal. of State Papers {E, Indies), 161 7-21, Preface,
p. XXV ii, but with one or two slight errors.
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496 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
The negotiation of Persia, by your Maiestie to mee Committed,
was begunn a yeare past by the Factors of India and ouerture
made in the name of your Maiestie, of which proceedinge I was
vtterly ignorant ; but had written some letters and sent diuers
propositions in myne owne name, as your Maiesties minister,
vnto the Sha-bas, to giue him vnderstandinge of your desires
in generall and to discouer to him somwhat of the Portugalls
dealings with those who too easily granted them admittance or
retraicts of strength. The succeds of both is: the Sha hath
sent your Maiestie a very noble lettre, procured by Edward
Con nock, with diuers lardge and ample Priueledges granted vnto
your Maiesties subiects for their acceptance and quiett Commerce,
directed for deliuerie vnto Sir Thomas Smyth. There yet are
many difficulties, vnconsidered in the beginning, which forbidd
mee to giue judgment, eyther of the conueniency or possibilitie
of this trade, vntill vpon knowledge of the merchants meanes to
Compass it without preiudice to your Maiesties Kingdomes and
to their owne profitt and securitie, their farther resolution bee
declared. The particulars are both too many and of too low an
Elevation to troble your Maiestie, your generall Commande
beeinge obeyed. I haue opened my poore vnderstanding in
the rest vnto your Maiesties Principal Secretarie, from whom you
wilbe pleased to receiue lardger enformation. If I finde by one
yeares Experience more that this trade may be made, by vent of
the Comodities of your Maiesties Kingdom or by the Industrye
of your subiects from diuers Ports, without greater exports of
mony or Bullion then Europe is able to beare, considering how
many wayes it bleedeth to enrich Asia, I wilbee bould to confirme
in your Maiesties name the treaty already begunn, and to add to
yt some other Conditions which shall as well make it profitable
for your Maiesties estates as easy for your subiects ; to which end
I haue sent vnder the limitations receiued from Master Secretarie
Wynwood, and instructions from the East Indya Companie, a
commission to proceede in and perfect this affayre,^ or tymely
to foresee the hazards and inconueniences, that wee may retyre
without dishonor.
To the" monarch with whom I reside your Maiesties minister I
deliuered your Royall letters and presents, which were receiued with
as much honor as their barbarous pride and Custtoomes aff'oord to
any the like from any Absolute Prince, though far inferior to that
respect due vnto them. I haue strouen, somtimes to displeasure,
with their tricks of vnmeasured greatenes rather then to endure
any scorne. I dare not dissemble with your Maiestie their pride
and dull ignorance takes all things done of duty, and this yeare
I was enforced to stande out for the honor of your free guifts,
which were sceazed vncivilly. I haue sought to meyntayne
^ See p. 462.
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i6i8] SIR THOMAS Roe:. 497
vpright your Maiesties greatenes and dignitie, and withall to effect
the ends of the Merchant ; but these two sometymes cross one
another, seeing ther is no way to treate with so monstrous ouer-
weening that acknowledgeth no equall. He hath written your
Maiestie a lettre^ full of good woords, but barren of all true
effect. His generall [authorities ?] are yet to publish ; what hee
will doe I know not. To article on eauen tearmes he auoyds, stnd
houlds mee to his owne Customes of Gouemment by n^^^ firmans
vpon new occasions, in which hee is iust and gracious. It may
please your Maiestie to accept the translation, being faythfull.
The original in Persian, as yet of vse to vs to vrge him to performe
it, I am bould to keepe vntill I shalbee made happy by falling at
your feete.
Greater matters then truth I dare not boast of, neyther will
steale vayne prayses by false reports. What my endeauor is and
how faythfull, what my trauell in the Camp of Confusion, I hope
your Maiestie will graciouslie conceiue. This I will presume to
auow that I will not Hue and suffer your Maiesties Royall name
to bee diminished for any Consideration ; And, for the success
of my employment, that I will establish your Maiesties Subiects
in as good tearmes for theire trafique and residences as any
strangers or the naturalls themselues enioy, or at last by our
force teach them to know your Maiestie is Lord of all the
Seeaes and can Compell that by your power, which you haue
sought with Curtesie, which this King cannot yett see for
Swelling.
The Portugall is not yet wise enough to know his owne
weakenes, who rather enuiously hinder vs then like noble enemies
hurte vs. Lett your Maiestie bee pleased to giue mee leaue to
enforme want of a peace with them (which by your royall
authoritie were easyly commanded) makes all these trades of
Indya and hopes of Persia heauy and dangerous to the vnder-
takers.
I dare not troble your Maiestie with more vnnecessarie discourse,
but humbly craiie pardon for so much intrusion ; and that you
wilbee pleased not to bee offended, after fiue yeares Pilgrimage,
that I take leaue to enioy ^ the happines of those which attend
your Presence, desiring the Almightie God to make your reigne
so long, so blessed, and so glorious, that your name may bee
the obiect of all enuy and the example of all prosperitie.
Your Maiesties most humble vassal and deuoted seruant,
Tho. Roe.
^ See Appendix B.
* In the version already mentioned, this word is read as " enuye,
but it seems clear that " enioy'' is right. Roe is, of course, speaking
figuratively.
K K
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498 THE EMBASSY OF [l6l8
To Sir Thomas Smythk.
(Public Record Office : E. Indies^ vol. i, No. 59.)
Amadauaz,
16 February, i6i7[-i8].
Sir,
Your acceptation of my endeauours is a confirmation of the
same affection which you began towardes mee when I had merited
nothing. I now feare that I shall fall into another euill and bee
preiudiced by too much expectation*
These Princes and Customes are so Contrarie to ours that I
shall trauell much in myne owne eies and performe Httle in yours.
Ther is no treaty wher ther is soe much Prid, nor no assurance
wher is no fayth. All I can doe is to serue present turnes. The
People are weary of vs. The King hath no content, who expectes
great Presentes and Jewelles, and reguardes no trade but what
feedes his vnsatiable appetite after stones, rich and rare Peices of
any kind of arte. The breefe is I haue sent you a lettre which
will show his Promises, but they hould not one Minute. Feare
only keepes vs in, and vntill they feele vs once more and that his
owne subiectes Petition for vs, wee shall neuer obteyne more then
to run out in a Chardgable trade, with much seruitude. My
employment is nothing but vexation and trouble ; little honor,
lesse Profitt. Whatsoeuer 1 haue done and my opinion in all
your affayres, you will fynd in generall lettrs, discourses, and other
Papers directed to you.
Only, I protest, to giue you testemony of your Power in me I
changed resolution to stay this yeare, which will fullfill my banish-
ment of fiue years. In this tyme what I can add to you I will,
for my owne Creditt is deeply engaged, and yet there is noe way
to release me, but by a little force.
The Presentes sent this yeare were too good; but (to deale
playnly with my frendes) soe farr short of their greedy expectation
that they rather disgrace then helpe mee. Yet I cannot bee with-
out vntill the whole Course bee Changed. I will vse none but
for your busines, and (if I may advise) I wish you send noe more
in the Kinges Name, but only proceed as other Merchantes doe,
which is to fiit goods that they desier, and the Merchant that
goes to Court at the showing to giue one toy for his entrance.
This way hath less trouble and Chardge. Wee haue only begott
our selues a Custome of slauerie now duly expected.
I. was not soe desierous of Command ouer your Seruantes as to
procure myself trouble and envy. Master Kerridge was sufficient.
Now they ioyntly cast all vpon mee, hoping to overlay mee, vnder
Couler of humilytie. I will dischardg myselfe honestly of all I
can doe, and may show you an example, if they which should
assist crosse me not. I haue stayed Master Kerridge in the
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i6i8] SIR trioMAS kofi. 499
Countrie and am therby obliged to promooue the Companies
recompence which he pretendes. 1 must say truth his Paynes is
very great and his Partes not ordinarie ; only hee loues dominion,
and you shall perceaue by my Courses with him and all others I
will not robb him of yt. In the mayne Poyntes I wilbe assistant
to prouide your lading in season, and to direct the courses of
your trades. The Mechannicque part I must refer to others as
burthensome.
I haue receiued from you and the Company some tokens.
Such as I shall vse I will make bould with, the rest convert to
their vse, with as many thanckes as if I had in them receiued a
Pledge and assurance of your affections. The Pearle lies vpon
our handes, as beeing either ouerrated, or dearer in England than
here. The sizes are too small. With great Pearle and stones
according to the Tariff^ sent you you mayCompasse this trade to
Content, and by no other way.
I haue recouered, by the kindnes of your Captains, a better
constitution of health then formerly ; but I feare this new remooue
will make mee relappes. Codes wilbe done.
I thanck you for Jhon Hatch,^ your bible, Peice, and oyle — all
your particular loue and kindnes. Beleeue mee. Sir, I haue noe
barren and vnthanckfuU hart. Yet I send you Nothing but the
common Phrases of such as are indebted. If I Hue, you shall
find what impression your loue hath made in mee ; and if I dye,
you shall loose more then yet you know of, because you cannot
know my hart.
The ship by mee sent out wherin you were an aduenturer is
returned rich, but I cannot here who hath shared her. I left all
her writinges with Sir Jhon Brookes. I am not yet soe rich as to
send home any mony. If Master Christopher Brookes neede any
for my vse, you wilbe pleased to pay him the loo/.^ due for my
seruantes wages, which I haue supplyed here. If not, I hope you
will enter it as an encrease into the Joynt stock, and at the devision
of the last soe order mee and my part of aduenture as it may
beecome profitable to mee. These courses I vnderstand not ;
but as by you I came to haue interest, soe vnto you I referr mee.
What was done in the busines of Persia the last yeare and since
by Edward Connaughte, many relations will signifie ; wher I
should beginn I know not. The Priuiledges are very good, but
* See p. 485. 2 See p. 423.
2 There seems to be no information extant as to this ship or
Jts destination. On February 20, 161 8, Mr. Christopher Brookes
applied to the Company for 1000/. to meet a debt for which he and
Roe were pledged, producing at the same time a general power of
attorney from the latter. The Court granted the request, on the con-
dition that Brookes gave a bond for repayment should Roe disapprove
of the transaction.
K K 2
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SOO THE EMBASSY OF [1618
the Port, and ground to proceede in the trade, are yet vncerteyne.
If you send next yeare meanes to supply it, wee shall proceed, I
hope to generall Content. The neglect of mee last yeare makes
me vnwilling to bee too forward and hath stirrd vp Master
Kerridge, who takes himselfe wronged that any thing is Committed
to me, to many peruerse disputes. I know not how I stand in
his fauour. Having opened Connaughtes lettres to him for my
information, which I could not send and bee tymely enformed,^
he takes it hotly ; but I haue done nothing but what is just. I
looke into no more then your busines, and in that 1 will not bee
kept in Ignorance. This is the benefitt, that if wee cannot agree
(which I by all meanes endeauor) yet wee shall both bee wary of
doeing ill ; and when euer I shalbe accused, it wilbe my honor.
I write this because Master Kerridge doth magnifie his owne
successe in Connock, and I proceede as if it concerned not mee ;
but vpon the groundes of reason whatsoeuer in that busines can
bee effected shall haue both our helpes : he for loue to his owne
proiect, I for your generall good.
I haue signified in my generall lettres that I haue sent home
Anthony Wallys and some others The rest of your
seruants are for the most very Ciuill. If any ouerspend, I cannot
abbridge that which they pretend Necessarie. What I can doe,
not to drawe all mens ill will vpon mee, 1 shall by counsayle ; if I
find dangerous or grosse faultes, I will stop them.
The first is Master Steele, who brought to sea a mayd. Captain
Towersons seruant, but great with Child, and married her at the
Cape vnder a bush. I could not perswade Captaine Towersons
returne nor his wiues, though I offered conditions of your losse,
nor send her home alone and anew with Child among men. He
pretended great matters. All your seruantes were willing to dis-
grace him. I was both vnwilling and afrayd to doe yt, but Con-
sented to bring vp his artificers, who Prooue his seruantes for his
owne endes. I presented them to the King ; but Steele getting
accesse as linguist to his Paynter in Priuat^ (who was pretended
to mee to bee your seruant, sent by you as cheefe in the water
1 See p. 482.
* Of this incident Purchas (who heard it from Steel himself) gives,
in his Pilgrimage (p. 534) the following account : " Master Steele,
hauing a proiect of Water-works, to bring the water of Ganges \sic\ by
Pipes &c., carried fiue men him to the Mogol, who gaue them enter-
tainment with large wages by the day and gaue to each an Arabian
Horse. One of these was a painter, whom the Mogol would haue to
take his picture ; and because hee could not speake the language,
Master Steele (who could speake the language of the Court, which is
Persian) was admitted (a thing not permitted to Men) into the Mogols
lodgings, where he did sit for the said Limner. At his entrance, the
chiefe Eunuch put a cloth ouer his head that he should not see the
Women (which hee might heare as hee passed, and once also saw
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 50I
woorke) entreaged them and himselfe so info the Kinges seruice
that I cannot without hazarding much displeasure enforce them
eyther to retyre or to follow that they promised you. He surely
either hopes to supplant mee, and to succeed (for so some tyme
his vanetye Pretendes), or els he hath quitted his Countrie. I
dare not trust him with goodes, seeing hee will follow the Court
with his wife, notwithstanding all oathes and Couenantes, and at
as great Chardge as I almost. How he pretendes to maynteyne
it, I cannot foresee. This only I will trye him with Patience;
keepe your Purse from him ; if he runn right, I will assist him ; if
not, I will doe my utmost next yeare to force him home, when the
King is as weary of him as all wee. I assure you hee is now our
affliction, and may bee my shame, for euer yeilding to suffer him
to land.
Captain Towerson Pleades leaue to trade. Hee wilbe deceiued
in expectation of his frendes and I know not what in these cases
[to] doe. All the ill offices are cast vpon mee. You, Sir, must
bee pleased to beare part of the burthen. I will consent noe
farther then I may defend my selfe, and yet would not bee ill
spoken off of all men
To Conclude, Sir, I am infinitely weary of this vnprofitable
imployment, the successe wherof is not that I aymed at for you,
and that which I hate in others, to gett an ill name. But hee that
will please all men can neuer please the honestest. My Comfort
is you professe you wilbe as Carefull of mee as of your owne sonn ;
and at that I take you as a father. Examine all my Courses ; if I
shame you in any, renounce mee and this Name of
Your truly vnfeyned frend and adopted sonne,
Tho. Roe.
Remember my seruice to your ladie, and I beseech almighty
God to blesse you and all your famelie. Master Jhackon^ will I
hope giue testemonie of my desieres to doe him any Pleasure.
To Captain Martin Pring.
(I. O. Records : O. C, No. 628.)
Baroch, March 10, i6i7[-i8].
Yt is now a month and more since I heard from you or Surratt ;
soe that I was Confident the ships were dispeeded. The misery
them, the Eunuch purposely putting on a thinner cloth ouer his head),
there being of them some hundreds."
Purchas also relates the friendship which sprang up between Mrs.
Steel and the daughter of the Khdn-kh^n^n. This lady was Jahdngfr's
hostess upon his arrival at Ahmaddbdd, and the interest she took in
Steel's wife no doubt strengthened his position at Court.
1 See p. 439 n.
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502 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
of these wrongs are insufferable, yf yt be the true Cause that your
goods Could nott be despatched, which I by a former heard was
donne vpon the arivall of Shaher-mull. I hope to finde a way
out for my self and others. Steele will soon vanish and Come to
nothing ; affliction must humble him.
I am sorry to heere the Ann hath no other Cargason^ then the
refuse of India. I meddled nott in the Subservient parts of trade to
apoint what other goods, butt expected the wisedom of the factors
would have sent a tryall of other sorts. I Can make no other
Collection but that they desire nott any great prosperity to yt.
God will mend vs all and turne honest wayes to the best. I am
Confident on the grounds that Surratt will never be a trade vnles
the red Sea both Supply yt and awe the Guzeratts. This yeare I
only sought the way and occasion ; but I know well by private
provizions they are nott Ignorant what had been fitt, and yf yt
fayle I shall well acquite my self. Those of Messolapatan I feare
write at randon, or els there is great Change since their last
Your letter desires my resolucion for the Annes keeping Company
to DabuU. Yf by advice or other former experiences the luncks
of that porte be departed or that yt be dangerous to loose tyme
for getting in, then you may direct hir right for hir Course ; butt
yf nott, the Surprize of any goods there fitt for the red Sea would
much advantage hir and be fittlier donn then att the roade at
Mocha for interuption of quiett trade, which I ayme att. Butt yf
yt soe fall out, yet I wish you to doe somewhat yf you may, and to
send the Persians lettres as parte of payment. The noise of yt
will doe good heare. I know in former yeares the ships of this
Coast haue sett out later ; butt in that point I Cannott resolve,
but must leave yt to them who know the voiadges. I am well
pleased that loseph Saltbanck^ vndertakes the voyadge. Heynes
stands nott vpon place, and the ould man loves me.
You are nott soe desirous to see me as I to Confer with you.
Beleeve me, I am reddy to breake for want of an honnest free
Conference and advice in the Companies buissines. But I am
weary ; yt is Impossible, and I will not stay you an hower. God
in heaven blesse you, and send me once among men ; for these
are monsters. The trouble and falce hartednes of our owne I will
trample on in tyme. You know nott these men nor, I hope,
never shall. The god of heaven again and againe blesse you and
all your fleet.
[P.S.] I wish nott that the Ann wayt vpon the princes ship
outward though she goe nott to DabuU, butt loose her and leave
her to her fortune, and that they know that their detention of our
goods was the Cause and that we will nott doe them Courtesye for
such vsadge. Yf we doe, they will yearely practice ytt.
^ For the Mocha voyage. ? Seep. loi*
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l6lS] SIR THOMAS ROE. 503
To THE Agent and Factors at Surat.
(I. O. Records: O. C, No. 645.)
Crowda,^ April 26 [1618],
Sunday night, if the raynes have not washt away a day.
Your Coppie and letter I received tonight att Crowda. By
myne yesterday you will know I mett your two seruantes and
missed myne, but now haue all I expected.
Your offer to meet mee shortens all answers. I shalbe att
Baroch, god willing, on tewsday night, not resting att Vncleseare,^
blecause my tentes must attende passage. You shalbe welcome
to the remaynes of my wine.
I Forgott not to trie the pearles, but Finde the price as Farr
below the Courte as the proffitt of laying out mony two months
will aske. I will not Consente that you pay Isack beage a
p/ce of any new dewty nor ould, if vniuste. Bid him, if hee dare,
^ Roe's movements at this period are a little doubtful. On February
16 he was at Ahmaddbdd, preparing to follow the Mogul. Four days
later he was still there, for at that date the King^s letter for England
was delivered to him (see Appendix B). By March 10, however,
he had abandoned his intention and was at Broach. No hint is given
as to the reasons for the change of plan ; possibly, however, on learn-
ing that the Emperor had merely gone on a short hunting journey, he
had taken the opportunity of proceeding to Burhdnpur, where the
factors had been very disorderly ; or it may be that the Prince was at
that city, and for some reason or other a visit to him was necessary.
At the date of the present letter we find him at " Crowda" on his return
journey. This place we may identify with confidence as Karodra, a
village at the point where the road to Broach, vi'd Sivan, turns off from
the main road from Burhdnpur to Surat. The distance of Karodra from
Broach (42^ miles) would permit of his making the journey in two
days ; and its position with reference to Surat (11 miles off) meets the
requirements of the case as regards the time indicated for delivery of
letters, etc. It may be thought strange that, if he were so near
Surat, he should not have gone into that city, or at least have waited
at Karodra for the promised visit from Kerridge. But as regards the
first alternative, it must be remembered that Roe could not visit
Surat without a certain amount of ceremony, for which he was probably
unprepared ; while the want of accommodation at Karodra, and the
season of the year, will explain why he preferred to push on to
Broach, where there was a comfortable factory to rest in.
The suggestion in the Calendar of State Papers (E, Indies) of
" Brodera" [/>., Baroda] for ** Crowda" is evidently inadmissible.
It has been thought best not to overcrowd the map of Roe's joumey-
ings by including this excursion, especially as the route cannot be laid
down with absolute certainty ; but no difficulty will be experienced in
following it.
^ Ankleswar, on the south bank of the Narbad^, opposite Broach.
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504 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
tell the prince I will haue right for all Injuries, and that vppon
his shipp.
Master Steele doubtlesse hath had a fall. His owne wayes were
enemye enough. He Followed mee to Brampoore^ and receaued
once more good counsell. I pittie him whether he take it or no.
1 perceaue your latter seruant carried a good supplie number
one, and that you haue passed a better by Amadauaz, though vppon
creditt. You haue taken a course that will in your Comodetie
only helpe pay your Intreste, besides the Impioyment now in
best season. I haue not heard From Agra since the second bills
I sent For their debtes acknowledged receaued. Yours Firste
by Amadavaz were new written returned by their owne two
expressers that brought their accountes downe. I doubt not
come safe, and suppose that in my packetts yours are miscaried.
I dessigned him to direct to Amadavaz, because that Factorie
would beste know my wayes, and I heard of one vppon the way,
that is gone to Mandoe. Muddo will returne within tenn dayes
to Amadavaz, I truste with good newes of godes mercy to them.
I sent Sprage to Gulchanda vppon good reasons.^ Itt had
bene fitter hee had gone sooner, and in my opynnyon Master
Saltbanke should haue procecuted my order, which was indeede
more needefull then the Red Sea without my knowledge. I
could not conceaue that there was any neede of more helpe att
Agra, when you lessened one of the Number I appoynted and
you consented to sende thether. Whensoeuer hee goes, I am
sure hee can serue no other turne then come downe with a
Caffila, His merchandiz I haue tryed, and you haue scene his
writeing. Hee will retume tyme enough for that hee is Fitt.
Captain Shilling hath neyther bill nor Coppie of the debtes,^ butt
a letter written to mee to Forbeare two months (now four expired).
^ A letter from one of the factors at Burhdnpur to Agra, in August,
1618 {O. C, No. 676) says that "att his lordships beinge heere Sprage
tould many tales" of his fellow factors, "and it is his Lordshipps
quallity to fauore those that tell tales, though neuer such knaues, and
therefore hath made Sprage a merchant, who expected to haue bene
sent home in disgrace." The object of Sprage's mission was the same
as in the previous year, viz., the recovery of the debt due from the
fugitive Persian (p. 403). A rumour reached Surat some time after
that he had managed to find the defaulter at Golconda, but " that the
said Persian was forceably taken from him at this Towne, and Sprage
also very much abused." When Bonner's fleet visited Dabhol in the
spring of 1619, inquiry was made as to the truth of this report, "but
they denied euer to haue seene or knowne any such men, but tooke
notice from vs to apprehend both or either if they should at any time
happen on them" {Purchas^ vol. i, p. 657). Sprage's fate was never
known, but the Court Minutes (October 6, 1624) record that he died
in the East Indies.
* The Persian's debt, which was to be recovered from any Dabhol
vessel met with (see p. 495).
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i6t8] sir THOMAS ROE. 50S
If wee bee paid it is worth labour ; if nott, itt will Justefie any
reprisall, because wee haue demaunded Justice. If both, wee
are once aforehand, which wee were never with a moore. Master
Fettiplace is of opynnyon it had bene recouered if prossecuted
laste yeare ; and soe am I.
I hope soe soone to meete as that I neede say nothing of the
Teeth ; but I wish you remember no price will recompence the
stay of our Fleete for three fourths ladeing. Six months day is
not for vs ; but if you were sure of mony att three, I am sure
of Creditt if Fetteplace Hue.
When your advices come from the South,^ I pray send me full
Coppies, and soe I shalbe att large informed.
That I had a full parte of the raynes my laste^ will signifie ; but
the domage of the Cloth you neede nott feare, though the mer-
chants were in a house. 1 saw itt thatched. If that gone For
Agra had such another as I attending, itt might bee drie in a
ryuer.
I hope to meete you within two dayes,^ to laugh away my
Journy ; till when God keepe you.
I pray you bring the Coppie of this with you, For I am weary.*
1 From Bantam. * Not extant.
3 The road from Surat to Broach joined Roe's route at Sivan ; so
that there was a chance that Kerridge would meet or overtake him
before Broach was reached.
* From this date we hear nothing more of Roe until August. One
incident of the time has, however, been preserved for us by Terry
(p. 242), viz., an outbreak of the plague, from which the English
suffered considerably. Jahdngfr, who, as well as Shdh Jahin, was laid
up with it, says (in the Tuzak) that although widespread it was not
generally fatal. " The city Amadavar," says Terry, " (at our being
there with the King) was visited with this Pestilence in the month of
May, and our family was not exempted from that most uncomfortable
visitation ; for withm the space of nine dayes seven persons that were
English of our family were taken away by it ; and none of those which
dyed lay sick above twenty houres, and the major part well and sick
and dead in twelve houres, as our Surgeon (who was there all the
Physician we had), and he led the way, falling sick at mid-day and the
following Mid-night dead. And there were three more that followed
him, one immediatly after the other, who made as much hast to the
grave as he had done .... All those that died in our family of this
pestilence had their bodyes set all on fire by it, so soon as they were
first visited, and when they were dying, and dead, broad spots of a
black and blew colour appeared on their brests ; and their flesh was
made so extreme hot by their most high distemper that we who sur-
vived could scarce endure to keep our hands upon it. It was a most
sad time, a fiery trial indeed . . . All our family (my Lord Ambassa-
dour only excepted) were visited with this sickness and we all, who
through Gods help and goodnes outlived it, had many great blisters,
fild with a thick yellow watry substance, that arose upon many Parts
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5o6 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
Translate of the Firman tor Coja Arabs House in
SURATT, SENT DOWNE 3D AUGUST, 1618.I
(I. O. Records : O, C, No. 675.)
There hath come to vs a petition from the English resident in
Suratt: That there was a house belonging to Coja-Arab Tur-
bethee,^ lying in Suratt, for which the said English haue, as they
affirme, giuen mony for the tyme of three yeares to the people of
Coja Arab, and accordingly haue taken a writing in testemony of
the same of the sayd Coja Arab or his assignes. [Whereof?]
take knowledge ; and if it bee so, and that the owner of the sayd
house bee content that the English shall remayne and abide in the
sayd house, then is it our pleasure that they abide in the sayd
house ; but if the sayd English haue not payd or giuen the sayd
rent aforehand for the tyme of three yeares, but that they remayne
therin by force, contrarie to his likinge, vpon receipt hereof you
shall putt the sayd English foorth therof and deli[uer
therof into the hands of the sonne of the sayd [
therof according to his will ; and in lieu therof shall [giue the ?
sayd English another fitt house, such as shalbe to their content ;
and hereof signifie vnto mee the answere of the premises.
Articles proposed to the Prince Sultan Coronne, lord
OF Amadauaz and Suratt, by the Ambassador, vpon the
breach with the Portugalls, August 15, 1618.^
(I. O. Records : O, C, No. 678.)
I. That the Prince had receiued the English nation into his
protection and favour, and had concluded peace and ametie with
them, according to the command of the great kyng, and hereby
doth giue notice to all his Governor, I-,eiutenant and other officers
of our bodyes, which, when they brake, did even bum and corrode our
skins, as it ran down upon them."
Terry also mentions (p. 380) that while at Ahmaddbdd he witnessed
the spectacle of a malefactor being stung to death by snakes.
^ In Roe's own hand. For the circumstances of the grant see
p. 510 «.
' Probably Turbati, i>., of Tiarbat (perhaps Turbat-i-Haideri,
in N.E. Persia).
^ In Roe's own hand. Endorsed : " Articles and Treaty with the
Prince, Amad., August, 1618." The occasion of the "breach with the
Portugalls" is not clear, but possibly it arose from the dispute described
in the Surat letter quoted later (p. 517). From this it would appear
that the natives for a time resisted the payment claimed for the cartas
of the Gogo junk, and " made greate shew off warrs." As the junk
lost her voyage through the dispute, it must have begun at least as
early as March (the usual time of sailing), but it may have continued
until the date of the present document.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 50/
of Suratt and all his other Signories, to pu[b]lish the same and to
obey it.
2. In consideration of this treaty, and that the Portugalls are
common enemies to their peace and traficque, it shalbe lawfull
for the english to land with their armes and to pass with them
for defence of their persons and goods ; and if the sayd Portugalls
should attempt any thing by sea agaynst the sayd English or the
ships of the King and Prince, that then the Governors of Suratt
should deliuer to the English as many frigatts as they should
need for their mutuall succor, and in all poynts of releeue and
succour should assist them as frends and as the naturalls of these
kyngdomes.
3. That it should bee lawfull for the english to buy or hyre
any house in his ports, where they might quiettly dwell and no
man to disturbe or displace them ; and therin house their goods
sufficiently and safely; and that neyther Governor nor other
officer should entermeddle neyther with them nor their goods,
but, in case they were not or could not of them selues prouide
sufficient housing, that then the Governor should assist them and
procure for them a safe and quiett habitation.
4. That the Governor of Suratt and other officers should
receiue and dispeed the English Ambassador with honor and
curtesie, and see him well housed during his stay in Suratt, and
that he [be ?] offered no force nor affront to him nor to any of
his seruants, but they might Hue, goe, and pass at their pleasure.
5. And if it should fall out that they could not agree with the
owner for the house they now resided in, hauing paid mony
before hand, the Governor should cause the remayner to bee
repayd to the sayd English.
6. That it should bee lawfull for the sayd English to land any
sort of goods and to relade, at their pleasure ; and vpon the land
in any part to trade, traficque, buy and sell according to their
owne will ; and that the judges and officers of the Alfandicaes
should not deteyne their goods longer then to take account and
to agree for customes as by former treaty and therin should giue
them despatch, and in no sort nor vpon any pretence should
stay or take by force or deteyne any of their goods contrarie to the
owners will, nor should doe them any Injurie or violence what-
soeuer ; and that for Jewells, pearles and all sorts of that nature
they should demand no custome nor duty ; and that vpon the
wayes to and from their ports no exaction or duty should be taken
nor demanded, but only at their port, according to custome.
7. That the sayd English might liue in their owne houses and
among them selues according to their owne religion and lawes,
and for that respect no Governor, Cazy^ nor other should doe
them any affront nor in any sort trouble or molest them.
8. That if any quarrell or other controuersie whatsoeuer did
arise among the english, that the Governors nor any other officer$
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S08 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
should not intermeddle, but leaue it wholy to the President of
their owne nation ; and if any English did escape or flye away
from their obedience and seruice, the Governors should assist to
take and deliuer him into the hands and power of the English to
doe in all thing[s] among themselues justice according to their
owne lawes ; but that in case any difference of what kynd soeuer
happened betweene the English and any moore or Banyan^ the
Governors and other officers in their place should take notice and
doe justice according to the offence or complaynt of eyther syde.
9. That the Linguist and Brokars seruing the English should
haue free libertye to speake and deliuer any thing in the behalfe
of their masters, and should haue licence to bargayne, traficque,
sell, or buy for them, and to doe them any other seruice ; and
for such occasion should not bee subject to any question or
account nor any way prohibited nor molested.
10. That all presents beeing showed at the Custome house,
that the officers might avoyd deceipt, beeing chopped by both
parts, should bee deliuered to the hands of the English to send
to the Court at their pleasure.
11. That in all causes of complaynt or controuersie the
Governors and Cazies of the place should doe them speedy justice
and protect them from all Injuries or oppressions whatsoeuer,
and should ayd and entreat them as frends with curtesie and
honor ; for that so it is the command of the Great Kyng, who
hath giuen them his securitie, and that therfore it pleaseth the
Prince to make declaration and confirmation of the sayd treaty
by this writing, agaynst which no man shall presume to doe
contrarie.
written vnder-neath :
That which I demand is bare justice and which no tnan can
deny that hath a hart cleare and enclined to right, and no more
then the Lawes of Nations doth freely giue to all strangers that
arriue, without any contract ; and in no case so much as the
great kyng doth promise and command. If it please the Prince
to Confirme these articles freely and without ill meaning or col-
lusion and to command that they bee obeyed precisely, I shall
rest content and shall giue satisfaction to my master and to my
nation ; but if not, and that any part bee refused or written
fraudulently, according to former experiences. Then I desire the
Prince to take knowledge that I wilbe free of my woord giuen
the great kyng in his presence and of all blame or inconuenience
that may happen after it, hauing giuen promese vpon these con-
ditions or els to bee at liberty.
After almost 3 yeares experience of the pride and falshood of
these people, that attended only aduantage and were gouerned by
priuat interest and appetite, I was forced to relinquish many
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l6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. SOQ
poynts often insisted vpon, when I could gett nothing, and to
make offer of these few as the most necessarie to settle a trade
and which might giue the least offence and might pass with
ease, leauing the rest to the Generall order of the kyng to receiue
justice from our Procurador Generall; and therfore seemed
content and deliuered it vp to the Princes Diuon}- for consider-
ation and answere ; who excepted almost agaynst all, or agaynst
all that might serue to giue vs ease. But after many disputes I
went to the Prince and had there read and discussed the articles
as followeth :
To the first, it was wholy agreed vnto.
To the second, to lend vs frigatts was agreed vnto, but more
for the defence and bringing in of their owne ship then for good
will to vs; yet it passed sufficient for both. But in no case
would the Prince consent that wee might land or weare armes
in Suratt. First, they offered mee and my seruants liberty ; after,
for ten merchants, and to more would not yeild, but that they
should leaue their armes in the Custome house to bee deliuered
at returne. They instanced the disorder and quarreling of our
people, the offering to take Suratt, anno 1616, the erecting a
bell, 2 and many woords giuen out that the English would fortefie
their house or surprise the Castle, with many more foolish
jealousies arising from our owne faults. So that I consented, to
cleare all, to the grant of ten at a tyme and the merchants
residing, on condition that other articles were granted sufficient
for our securitie, and that our people going in defence of their
goods to any other Inland Cytty might pass with their armes for
their guard agaynst theeues and exactions vpon the way.
To the third, it was absolutly refused vpon no conditions that
wee should buy or build a house, nor hyre none neare the
Castle or vpon the water ; but that wee should haue giuen vs
in the Cytty, in convenient place, a good, strong and sufficient
house, one or more as wee needed, wher wee should liue for
our rent, as wee could agree, and no man should putt vs out ;
and that the Governor should see vs furnished and prouided of
such habitation to our owne liking.
To the fourth, it was fully agreed vnto.
To the fifth, it was agreed vnto ; but withall they declared that
that house of Coja Arab wee should not haue vpon any conditions ;
first, because our earnest sute gaue them suspition ; next, because
it was the ancient mynt ; thirdly, because it stood agaynst their
great mesquite, and offended the moores, especially our people
pissing rudely and doing other filthines against the walls, to the
dislike of the mahometans, who with reuerence reguard their
holy places; lastly, because there was a rumor that wee ment
Afzal Kh^n. » See p. 467.
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5l6 tHfe EMBASSY or [1618
to surprise the said mesquite and being of stone and flatt at the
topp it was supposed that wee intended to make [it ?] our fort
and to annoy the Castle therefrom ; which, though it was a most
friuoulous, Idle, impossible suspition, yet they averring it arose
from som rash speeches of some of our owne, they would not
yeild; and that, seeing they offered us the choyce of all the
Towne, wee could show no materiall reason why only that house
would seme us.^
To the sixt, it was fully agreed vnto.
To the seuuenth, it was [ajgreed vnto.
^ The identification of the various factories occupied by the English
at Surat would be an interesting and useful task for some local
antiquary. Their first abode, the position of which is not indicated,
was quitted in the middle of 1616 for one belonging to Khoja Arib,
" rented at 600 mamoodies per anno, which hath a Coupple of faire
warehowses and is made reasonable Comodious for our dwelling,
though with the smaleste" \Surat Letter-book^ s,d. June 14, 1616 ;
see also the agreement in the I. O. Records {O, C, No. 443 i), which,
by the way, is wrongly dated in the Cal, of State Papers as Feb. 7,
1 61 7, instead of May 27, 1616]. Farewell, in his East India Collation^
describes it as having " an orchard, and pleasant walks vpon the roofe
(after the Spanish and the Moorish building)." The situation of this
building should not be difficult to fix from the particulars here given ;
it had been once the city mint, and was ctose to the Kdji Masjid, and
not far from the castle — in about the same position, it would seem, as
the ruined house now known as the Wdlandani kothi (Dutch building),
which is reputed to have been once the Dutch factory The possession
of this substantial dwelling by the English was much objected to by
the local authorities, as appears from the text ; indeed, in the quarrels
which took place in November, 161 6, an attempt was made to force the
English to abandon their " fort" and live in a thatched house, but this
was successfully resisted. In July, 161 8, a further endeavour appears to
have been made to oust them, on the ground that the house was wanted
for the Prince, "being anciently his Mint" (cp. the farmdn printed on
p, 506, and the letter from Afzal Khdn to Surat in I. O. Records :
Treaties^ vol. i, p. 61). They retained possession, however, till the expiry
of their lease in the middle of 1 619, when they were forced to look out
for a fresh dwelling, their choice being limited by orders from the prince
that they were not to be suffered to buy or build a factory, nor to hire
one near the waterside {O. C, No. 818). By one of the clauses of the
agreement concluded in 1625 between Rastell and the chiefs of Surat,
it was stipulated that the English should be *given a lease of Khoja
Arab's house, but whether they ever returned thither is uncertain ;
nor is it clear which was the factory referred to by Delia Valle (1623)
and Herbert (1626), and the one that was successfully defended
against Sivaji in 1664 and 1670. Ovington, in 1689, describes the
factory as a commodious building in the north-west quarter of the
city, held of the Mogul, who permitted the rent to be spent mostly in
repairs or augmentations. At some later period a move was made
to the building on the river bank in the Mulla chaklo (Mulla's ward),
which is still standing and is to-day pointed out as the English
factory. .
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l6l8] Sm THOMAS ROE. Jll
To the eight, it was agreed vnto that in causes of difference
among ourselues it should wholy bee referred to the English;
hut in case the controuersie were with More or Gentile, it
should bee referred to the Governor or offiqers proper to doe
justice. But to deliuer vp any english that fled, it was refused,
vpon pretence if they turned moore they could not refuse them
protection ; to which I replyed that wee would neuer consent
that any should leaue his fayth, for under that coulor they might
robb vs of ail our goods. After much contention it was yeilded
vnto, because I utterly refused all if that libertye were left to any
ill-mynded person.
To the ninth, it was fully agreed vnto.
To the lo, it was agreed vnto, the presents beeing opened and
scene, that vnder coulor of them the Prince should not bee
deceiued of his rights, and, sealed, should bee deliuered to the
English. But they added that if the sayd pretended presents were
not giuen, that then in future tymes they should eyther pay
custome or not bee deliuered to the English ; which, though
most base, and in our power to giue any or none, I consented
too ; but especially because ells I could haue nothing, for these
presents trouble all our busines.
To the II, it was agreed vnto.
Hauing thus gotten what I could, a draught was made to this
effect and giuen to the Secretarie writer of firmans to bee
digested into forme, and was sealed and sent vnto mee. But
comming to reade yt, I found prohibition to land with any sort
of armes, nor no english in Suratt to weare swoord, dagger, or
other weapon but a knife, my selfe only excepted and nine that I
would nominate as my seruants, and in all other poynts with the
like falshood and show of wicked cunning malice, not once
mentioning free trade nor libertye vpon the way to pass without
exactions, nor any other poynt faythfully sett downe according
to meaning and good intention, but mixed with exceptions and
Cauills to bring us into more danger and trouble. 1 had taken
Leaue of Kyng and Prince and could not come to complayne
without leaue, and they would also know or feare my intention that
should aske yt, and so hyndermee. Whervpon I sent backe the
firmaeuy vtterly refusing it, and withall these reasons ensuing :
First, that for this vnwoorthy suspition of our ill intents to
disarme us utterly, it was a signe of no frendship, good meaning,
nor fauour toward us, and for no respect I would take any so
disho[no]rable conditions, but keepe our armes and vse them
agaynst our enemies or any that should wrong us.
Neyther could I see the face of my soueraygne lord the Kyng
of England and report to him 1 had made peace with the Ghehan-
gier, who had giuen us full libertye of trade, and to that effect
had written his lettres, and at the same instance bee contradicted
by an vnder treaty with the Prince, for that one of these must
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512 THE EMBASSY OF [1618
needes seeme false and counterfayt; and the later most vnjust
and such as our enemies could show no more malice; that
eyther wee would be frends as wee ought to bee, or enemies
declared. How could I command my countrimen to draw their
swoords in defence of the Kyngs and Princes ships at sea, which
I had promised, when the Prince will not suffer them to weare
their armes for their owne defence ? That my Nation were men
and reguardfull of their honor, and would neuer obey mee that
had so neglected them, nor doe any seruice for them that so
mistrusted and disgraced them.
That in the tymes of peace with the Portugalls they neuer
demanded nor offered any such condition ; nor yet did command
the like vnto the Hollanders,^ who were crept in and offered no
seruice nor assistance to the Kyng, and who in all parts sought
to gett footing and to build forts, as was experienced in Mesola-
patan, Belligate,^ the Moluccaes and other places, but that the
English neuer desired nor needed any such retraicts, but came
in peace to traficque in all these parts as merchants vnder the
protection of the Kyngs or lords of the same.
That hereby wee were exposed vnto the power of all theeues
and Robbers on the wayes ; wee passing yearly to Amadauaz and
other parts with great summes of mony and Goods, could not
keepe them, in a Countrie so ill gouerned, with kniues ; and that
it was an infinite shame and scorne to the Prince to feare that a
few men could surprise or take so populous a cytty as Suratt, and
build forts in an hower, especially wee hauing many pledges of
our fayth and good meaning in so many parts of Indya by the
residence of our people and goods, one of whose Hues wee would
not loose for 1000 moors.
Lastly, that all other poynts agreed vnto were left out or
falsifyed utterly, which demonstrated ill meaning toward us ; and
that it was more honorable to deale clearly and to prohibitt us all
trade, giuing us license to depart ; which now I only desired, and
I would soone contract our people, or settle them in Goga and
Cambaya, vnder the Protection of the Kyng, whose gratious
grants were to us sufficient securitie and vnder whom wee were
assured to liue in safety ; for vpon no tearmes I would eyther
accept this ^mian or stay in the port of Suratt, nor goe downe
to yt, but seeke another way to ship my selfe, and after to doe
that which was reason ; recalling the promise and woord I had
giuen before the Kyng, and did make protestation that I was
guiltless of all the euill that might succeed by this unfaythfull
dealing.
^ " Vpon this was sent difirmaen to disarme the Hollanders, and
that none of them in Suratt might wear armes, nor other Christian." —
Marginal note by Roe,
2 Pulicat, on the Coromandel coast.
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I6l8] SIR THOMAS ROE. 513
To this I added a commission sent to the next fleete to
disarme all the shipps and frigatts of the Princes ports (as appears
by the Coppy), which I translated into Persian and sent with
these former reasons and protestations to the Princes officers and
the Originall to Suratt to bee published there ; and Xtiifirmaen and
all these in the Hands of Afzulchan.
A day after, new consultation was called ; and in the night I
was sent for and had lardge dispute vpon all particulars, pro-
noun[cing] that, if any woord were written of disarming us, I
would refuse [it?] and if all the mentioned conditions were not
clearly granted I would proceed according to the declaration
made. At last AfzuU chan freely confessed the truth, that the
firmaen was written with no good meaning, showing their feares
more at lardge ; and wee came to agreement that the clause of
disarming should bee left out pn their parts, but that I should
couenant that our people should not land in Hostile manner to
annoy the peace, and many other articles which appears by my
contract giuen ;^ which was vrdged in respect of the Ann in the
red Sea, who had well followed directions,^ and was the only
cause which drew these to agreement, showing them the way
to seeke justice. Vpon my agreement and Couenant to which
articles demanded on their part, and after many Intricate and
perplexed disputes, a new draught was made of all my demands,
1 No contemporary copy of this contract has been preserved.
There is, however, at the India Office {Treaties^ vol. i), what appears
to be a transcript of it, made in 1789, which runs as follows : —
** The Cause of this Writing is that Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador ot
the King of England, hath given his word and faith for the Business
underwritten in certain Articles that it shall be accordingly performed."
"First That the English shall not build any House in or about
Suratt without leave obtained of the King ; but only hire a convenient
House for their Merchants and Merchandise, in which they shall abide
till their Ships arrive."
" Moreover, that no Goods that come in the Ships, that may serve
for the King's use, be hid or concealed from the Officers of the Haven
of Suratt. And for such things as the Governor will buy for the
King's pleasure, if they cannot agree upon the price, they [shall ?] be
sealed up with the Officers' Seal and sent to the Court to the English
there residing, who shall shew them to the King, and if he shall like
them they shall agree of Price. Further, that no Man shall touch or
open any of those things that shall be brought for Presents to the
King or Prince ; but that they shall be brought untouched to the
English Ambassador at the Court to deliver to the King."
** Lastly, that during the abode of the English at Suratt they shall
do no wrong or hurt to any, but shall pay the Dues and Customs
agreed on heretofore ; and on these conditions it shall be lawful for
them to come and go freely, in the same manner as the King's
Subjects or other Christians that abide there."
^^ Endorsed : Articles requird by Sultan Coronne, and signed by
me." 2 See p. 494.
L L
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514 THE EMBASSY OF [l6l8
and anew agreed vnto, with promise that, now they had receiued
satisfaction by my reasons and opening the course of our trade
and intents, they would satisfy the Prince and procure confir-
mation with loyall and true meaning, and that, all jealousies layd
aside and forgotten on both parts, wee should liue in full
quiett and peace and bee receiued as frends, and justice done
in all our occasions ; with many protestations of fayth and com-
plements, not to bee hoped after in performance.
The next day, Afzull chan sent to mee that he had acquaynted
the Prince at lardge with this Conference and the Contract on
my part, which had giuen him satisfaction, and that he had
commanded to giue me a firmaen according to my desire, and
professed fayth and good obseruance in all poynts ; desired that
I would make ready that on my part vnder my seale ; and to
show his true dealing had therwith sent me a draught of the new
firmaen^ which the Prince had yeilded too, with a warrant sealed
to the Secretarie to pass it accordingly : and that now I might
bee assured of good meaning. And it was the first tyme that
euer I could gett sight of dcay firmaen before it was passd, they
alwayes giuing what they please.
I caused this draft to bee translated, and found it according
to promise, effectuall in most poynts according to their formes
and stile, and no materiall thing left out, and written clearly and
rightly, only some clause inserted, not much to purpose, for
which I was not willing to haue a new brawle, and the Prince
gone. I tooke one coppy and sent the other to the Secretarie
with warrant to pass yt.^
^ Jahdngfr left Ahmaddbdd for Agra early in September, 1618, and
in the same month Roe took his departure for Surat — probably about
the 26th, on which date a payment to him is entered in Biddulph's
books. At Surat he seems to have been treated with respect, and a
suitable dwelling assigned to him, in accordance with the " articles "
given above ; for Terry, after describing (p. 201) the pleasant abodes
of the native functionaries, with their gardens, tanks, and bathing-
places, adds : " in such a Garden-house with all those accommodations
about it my Lord Ambassadour lay with his company at Surat the
last three moneths before he left East India."
Egerton M.S. 2086 (Brit. Mus.) contains at fF. 47, 49 and 50, three
letters of Roe's which belong to this period. The first and longest,
dated December 14, 161 8, is apparently addressed to Brown at
Ahmaddbdd. The second is written to Capt. Bonner (the commander
of the 16 18 fleet, which had arrived on September 20), and bears
date the i6th of the same month. The third is to Heynes, reproving
him for being "so busy a factor for all men," and not attending
more to the Company's business ; this is dated December 17.
Apparently all three were signed by Roe, but only in the case of the
first has the signature escaped destruction. Their mutilated state
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I6l9] SIR THOMAS ROB. 515
To THE Governor of Mocha.
(I. O. Records : O, C, No. 755.)
Honorable and great Gouernor of the Port of Mocha, Raja
Baga, health and Greeting.
1 receiued your Honourable lettres^ with much joy by the Hands
of Joseph Salbanck and Edward Heynes, who doe glue great
testemonie of your Noble disposition and good affection to our
Nation, wherin you showe your selfe to bee a woorthy and discreet
Man. Ther hath alway beene good respondence and Ametye
betweene his Maiestie of England and the Grand Sinior, and it
is reason all their good subiects should by all meanes maynteyne
it \ and wheras entercourse and trafique is the Principall bond of
Ametye, wee doe desier on our Parts to resort yearly to your
Port, ther to trade in loue and frendship as honest Merchants, not
doubting but you will confirme the Priuiledges by you last yeare
granted and procure the like and more Ample from the Grand
Sinior and his Viceroy the Honourable Pashaw of Synan,^
wherby wee may bee encouraged to Bring you all sorts of Como-
dities, as well from Europe as spices from the Sowthard and cloth
from India, by which means your Port wilbe more famous and
become the Mart of all Asia ; and this I promise you in the
Honor of his Maiestie of England that wee meane faythfully to
performe and to keepe your seaes and Ports from all troubles to
our vttmost, and not to molest nor doe Iniurie to any People or
Merchants your Allies trading to your Port (the Portugalls, our
vtter Enemies, only excepted), but to maynteyne with you a firme
and true leauge.
According to your desier I haue sent vnto you the same men
that last yeare were with you, desiering you to receiue them as
frends and to suffer them quiettly vpon the Conditions agreed
makes them difficult to decipher, but they seem to contain nothing
of importance.
One or two incidents of Roe's stay at Surat are referred to on
p. 517, and in the extracts from the Court Minutes given later.
\ 1 Brought home by the Anne in her voyage the previous year (see
p/495). The letter, which is in the I. O. Records (O. C, No. 681),
assures Roe of the governor's wish to be friends with the English
nation and to afford them every advantage for trade. It was accord-
ingly arranged that the Lion should be despatched to Mocha, and
she sailed (carrying the above letter) in company with the Anne and
the rest of Bonner's fleet on February 17. As will be seen from the
Calendar of State Papers {E, Indies), these attempts to open up trade
witji the Red Sea led, after Roe's departure, to further troubles for
the Surat factors, owing to the complaints Of the native merchants
that the English were damaging their comnierce in this direction.
2 Sana.
LL 2
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5l6 THE EMBASSY OF [l^IQ
on to land their goods and to sell them and reship themselues
at their Pleasure. Herein you shall doe according to your
Honourable Name and procure great proffitt and quiett to your
Port.
- The great God of Heaven and Earth make your Honor to
Encrease.
From Suratt, February i6, in the yeare of lesus the sonne
of God i6i8[-i9j.
The Factors at Suratt to the Company.^
(I. O. Records : aC, No. 777.)
Surat, the 12th March, 161 8 [-19].
Per the Bull wee Certefie[d] you directlie and truly the
tearmes itt [" our residence "] then stood on ; which since as per
Coppies of our registers per the Ann (wherto for more Ample
relation of sundrie affaires wee referred you) you will perceaue
the poore remedie wee haue receaued, not only of our former
Injuries butt many others since; and therby alsoe be ascer-
tained of the meane grace his lordship stood in with this King
and prince, that, after 3 yeares attendance, att his departure by
earnest intercession could not procure the guifte of a house nor
ground nor lycence to build vs a habitation nor soe much as
Continue vs in this, from whence (our tyme neerely expired) wee
shortly expect to bee remooued. Wee haue already sought oute
and obteyned from the Govnner another ; but these Cheefes will
not Consente wee shall haue any nere the waterside ; and elce-
where, in the inner parte of the towne, there is not any strong
nor for vs conveniente, excepte such as belonge to Bannyanes^
who will nott lett them. Soe where to be accomodated, as yett
wee know nott.
The depts remayning at Courte and manner of his lordships
lycence you haue no doubt receaved relation from them presente.
What hee heather brought for the establishing of your trade (his
Capitulations refused, as per our laste advised) was only dijirmaen
from the King^ and another from the Prince ; the first gennerall,
for our reception and Continuation in his domynyons, as many
others (more ample) heeretofore receaued; the latter particuler
^ Roe left Surat in Captain Shilling's vessel, the Anne^ on February
17, 1619 (a C, No. 817).
This parting shot from Kerridge and his associates (Biddulph,
Rastell, and Giles James) is given partly because it shows their
continued hostility to Roe, in spite of his endeavours to smooth
over previous differences, and partly because it mentions one or two
additional particulars of the events of his stay at Surat.
2 Cp. pp. 524, 558. T\i\sfarmdn is not extant.
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I6l9] SIR THOMAS ROE. 51/
for this porte of Suratt. The Fruicts which both haue produced
you may please to perceaue by your goods detention these six
months in Customehouse and yett vnreleaced, and our dwelh'ng
vppon euery triuiall humor subiect to Change ; wherof, att his
coming to Suratt, discerning the discomodeties, hee endeauored
by letters and presents to the king, prince and nobillity to
releeue vs, and receaued smother ^rmaen from the Prince to as
little purpose as the former, wherby itt is euident they haue
commaunds of sundrie kindes and know which to obay ; other-
wise the princes seuritye Could not be jested with by his
servants. The Consideration and laste tryall wherof Caused a
Cleerer sight of the Omission paste, and himselfe to propose the
juncks detention next yeare,wherin by reason of the many difficulties
beeing opposed, hee lefte itt to the discretion off Councell (if not
releeued in the premises), whoe will not easilie bee induced to
attempt itt without expresse order from your worships to warrant
itt, aswell for the affiance you had in his lordships wisedome,
who, though hee had authoritie. Could not bee induced therto
himselfe, as the Kings present remote residence,^ which perhapps
through the stoping of your buisnesse err the questions decyded
might cause many inconveniences and expose the actors to mori^
then is Convenient for them to hasard. Itt may please you ther-
fore well to Consider this pointe. The debts are vnlikely to be
soone recovered, and these are a people that curbd wilbe brought
to any reason and if suffered in their owne wayys grow insolente
and insupportable, which they exercise not on the Portingalls,
that incroacheth asmuch on them, permitt none of their shipps
to saele without lesence, and euen now since the Anns de-
parture haue Forced the Goga junck, appertaineing to the
beloued Queene, to pay them 65000 mameodes for Custome
to the porte of Dieu (an antient dutie), which, striuing to In-
fringe, loste her voyage the laste yeare, and made greate shew
off warrs, yett after much Contention haue submitted againe to
the yoake
In this shipp [the Anne] is returned Sir Thomas Roe, to whom
wee haue deliuered a box sealed, Maled and Couered, Containing
the Accoumpts, letters and registers and invoeces and sundrie
otlier writeings, both from this and the Agra Factory, directed
vnto your worships, which wee hope hee will safely deliuer in
the same Condition; others of your seruants, distrusting that
convayance,^ haue deliuered theirs to Captain Shilling, master
of the shipp.
1 Jahdngfr, on leaving Ahmad^b^d, proceeded to Fatehpur Sikri,
near Agra, and thence, in October, 161 9, started for Kashmir.
2 The innuendo shows the malignant feelings with which Roe was
regarded by the factors.
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5 1 si THE EMBASSY OF fl6l9
In his Lordships Company is alsoe gone home Gabriell
Towreson and Richard Steele, his wife, and Mistress Huddson^...
Roe to the President at Bantam.^
(Public Record Office : Holland Correspondence^ 29 May, 161 9.)
Coppy of the writing I gaue to Fredericque Hoftman to bee
deliuered to the President of the English in East Indya.
Sir,
Meieting ' here with Fredericque Hoftman, Admirall of a
fleete of eleven ships of Holland bound for Bantam, but now two
^ Mrs. Towerson had elected to remain behind with her relatives,
and she afterwards gave some trouble to the Agra factors by her
applications for the loan of money " until her husband's return." He,
however, had evidently no intention of rejoining her, for in January,
1620, he sought for and obtained employment as a principal factor
for the Moluccas. As already mentioned, while holding this post he
was executed by the Dutch at Amboyna, in February, 1623.
Steely his projects having completely failed, had judged it best to
return. His reception by the Company was a cold one, for **he
was much condempned for his vnworthie carriage abroad, hauing
perfourmed nothing that was intended and resolued of at his departure,
but hath brought home a great priuate trade, put the Company to an
extraordinarye charge by a wife and children, and wronged my Lord
Embassador bv a false and surmised contestation and arrogating a
higher title and place to himself then ever was intended" {Court
Minutes^ September 17, 16 19). His offers of service in October, 162.'^,
were declined ; but later on he was more successful, and in January,
1626, was once again in the employment of the Company. He desired
to return to the scene of his former employment, but was sent instead
to Bantam. The last fact recorded concerning him is a resolution of
the Court, in 1627, to recall him for private trading.
Mrs. Hudson also came in for censure, as she, after going out at
the Company's expense and living in India in their house for fi\t
months, had brought home a considerable amount of private trade.
However, after some delay, she was allowed, by the intercession of
her friends, to have her goods on payment of thirty pounds for freight.
2 Printed in the Calendar of State Papers {East Indies\ 161 7-21.
Preface, p. xxxi. This letter, written from the Cape, explains itself
Roe*s action in thus advising the factors at Bantam of the negotiations
proceeding in London between- the Dutch and English- was com-
mended by the Company " for a very wise and worthy course" {Court
Minutes^ September 17, 1619). His earnest wish for the settlement of
the differences between the two nations is reflected in a letter from
Van Ravesteyn (the Dutch chief at Surat) to his employers, under
date of February 14, 161 9 (L O. Records : Hague Transcripts^
series i, vol. iii, No. cxv). After mentioning Roe's courtesy to him,
both at Ahmaddbdd and at Surat, he says :'" I found him a very peace-
loving man, who is very sorry for the differences between us and the
English, and would gladly see an agreement arrived at ;" Roe has
asked him to write to recommend the settlement of these troubles, and
has undertaken, for his own part, to do his utmost to bring this about
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l6ig] SIR THOMAS ROE. 519
only in company, of good force and well manned, the rest dis-
perced on the Coast of England, wee haue had some conference
about the bad humors begunn betwixt us in Indya. Hee pro-
fesseth affections of peace and that he hath no instructions to the
contrarie and avoweth the arriuall and reception of the states
commissioners in England to treat an accord. Wee haue agreed
mutually to send our aduices, I to you by him, he to his Generall
by the Beare, of what wee heare and that it is probable an vnion
wilbe made; hereby on both sides to preuent, if possible, any
farther occasions which will not bee so easely quenched. If
you fynd in effect as much as he professeth, a man of his place
and authoritye may much aduance our desires, so it may bee done
with due respects of Honor and the companies seruice. So I
committ you to God.
Tho. Roe.
Master Barwicke,^ Admirall of 2 good ships, the deare and
Sfarr, ready to depart, the 11 May, 16 19.
Court Minutes of the East India Company.^
(I. O. Records.)
2 September^y 1619. — A lettre was red, written by Sir Thomas
Roe from Plymouth,^ another from Andrew Shilling, Master, and a
A letter from Tiku, dated November 10, 16 19 {O. C, No. 822),
states that " my Lord Rowe would haue taken two Flemishe shipps,
had not Master Barwicke informed my Lord that some of the Com-
mitties told him at Grauesend that He mighte boldly reporte that
your worships and the Flemings were agreed ;" and another letter
from the same place and of the same date {O, C, No. 821) says that
**had nott those in the Beare persuaded Sir Thomas Roe that peace was
concluded with the Hollanders, hee had resolued to haue taken four
{sic) holland shipps at the Cape, which hee might easily haue done,
they comming in butt one and one, wee hauing three good shipps
well manned in the Roade." It is, however, highly improbable that
any such action was contemplated by the ambassador ; nor does his
letter bear out the statement that Barwick had made him believe
that peace was actually concluded.
* The commander of the Bear^ to whom a copy of this letter was
entrusted for delivery. The original, as above stated, was given to
the Dutch admiral, who handed to Roe in return a similar notifica-
tion to be transmitted to the Dutch chief (see Holl. Corresp., as above,
and Dom, Corresp,^ Jac. /, vol. cxvi, Nos. 19, 191). Barwick had
come out to India in the same fleet as Roe (see p. 4).
2 Several references to Roe and his embassy have been omitted as
not of sufficient importance for quotation.
3 This letter, dated 29th August, is not extant, but there is an abstract
of it in the Factory Records (Miscellaneous^ vol. i), at the India
Office. From this we learn that Roe stated that he had settled
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520 THE EMBASSY OF [1619
third from Master James Bag, deputye for the Farmers^ ther, all
of the 29th August last, Giuing to vnderstand of the arryuall of
the Anne in the Soundings at Plymouth from the East Indies,
the shippe and the men in good estate, wher they are supply ed by
Master Bag with money and all thinges necessarye,^ so as they
are readie to take the advantage of the first faire wynd that shall
blowe to bring them to the Downes, And by Sir Thomas Roe
ther was a generall tast giuen of the estate of ther affaiers as they
are sailed at Surat, Persia and Moha in the Red Sea (a place of
excellent hopes for Trade), And expectation of the retourne of
the Expedition^ with Pepper, by the blessings of God, according
to his direction and order taken with Captain Bonner for the
lading of her vppon the Coast and dispatching her away, which
he expected should haue bene that he might haue found her here
now at his coming
This Court aduising how to ease my Lord Embassador at his
coming to the Downes (finding his resolution to contynue abourd
vntill he may haue som other of sort to whose care to surrender
his charge), They resolud to send downe 2 of the Comittees ....
Resoluing to haue a Caroch sent downe to bring him to Graues-
end, wher some others shall meete him to accompanie him to
London, with 2 barges that shalbe sent thether.
15 September y 16 19. — A letter was red written from the Downes
by Master Styles and Master Abdye* of the [ ] of this instant,
giuing notice of the arryuall of the Anne in the Downes, the
privileges and had left all in good order at Surat ; had re-settled trade
m Persia, and had initiated a profitable commerce with the Red Sea ;
and, finally, had "procured the Magoll to banish all the Portugales from
all his ports, but contynued not " {sic\ Of the voyage, he mentioned
that he met the Bear and the Star at the Cape, and that those two
vessels sailed for Bantam on the same day (15th May) that the Anne
departed for England. St. Helena was reached on the first and
quitted on the sixth of June, after which they were twelve weeks
getting home. They were much troubled by contrary winds, and
their biscuits were " bad, dirty, and rotten ;" so that this part of the
voyage must have been attended with great discomfort. From
passages in the Court Minutes^ it would appear that there was some-
thing like a mutiny on board.
^ Of the Customs.
2 Master Bag was presented with a piece, of plate in acknowledg-
ment of his services {Court Minutes^ November 9, 1619).
3 One of the ships of the fleet in which Roe went out ; subse-
quently despatched again to India with Bonner's fleet of 161 8. She
never returned to England, for she was captured at Tiku by the
Dutch in October, 1619, and when released and sent to Japan she
foundered in a storm in Firando harbour.
* The two "committees" who had been appointed to take over
charge of the ship from Roe. - ....
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l6ig] SIR THOMAS ROE. 521
landing of my Lord Embassadour and intents of his daylie
iourneyes to Grauesend, whose charges they had defrayed with
his Ladies and such as came to meete him ; whervppon it was
resolud to haue a letter retournd in aunswer to approue of their
procedinges and discretions and to wish them to contynue the same
course to defray the expences vntill his retoume to London, And
to giue knowledge that Master Deputie,^ Sir John Merricke, Sir
John Wolstenholme, Sir William Russell, Master Alderman
Haliday, Master Alderman Hamerslye, Master Threasurer,^
Master Leate, Master Bell, Master Ven, Master Handford,
Master Ofley, Master Garway, Master Westrowe, Master Kirby
and divers others of the Comittees (who were all entreated, so
many as shalbe willing) purposed to be at Grausend to morrowe
about lo of the Clocke to conduct his Lordship to London ;
And resolud to haue a dossen coaches readie at Tower Wharfe
to carry him to his house, Appointing John Cappur to go away
presently with a letter to Rochester and retourne back [to] Graus-
end that night to bespeake breakfast ther if they shall so resolue.
17 September^ 16 19. — Master Alderman Haliday^ hauing very
kindly proferd my Lord Embassador his house, the Company
gaue him great thankes for his fauor therin. And resolud to beare
the charge of his entertaynment vntill he shall haue bene and
delivered his Message vnto his Majestie.
22 September y 1619. — His Maiestie hauing appointed my Lord
Embassador to attend him at Whitehall on Friday next to
receiue his aunswer of his Embassage and presents, My Lord
desired Master Gouernor, Master Deputie and some of the
Comittees to accompanie him thether, who promised their pre-
sence accordingly,
John Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton.
{Dom, State Papers^ Jac, /, vol. ex. No. 94.)
2 October, 16 19.
The King was here yesterday at Whitehall, but is now
gon to Tiballs [Theobalds]. He came from Hampton-Court,
where Sir Thomas Rowe presented him with two antelopes, a
straunge and beautifull kind of red-deare, a rich tent, rare carpets,
certain vmbrellaes and such like trinckets from the great mogul.
For ought I heare he hath not prouided so well for himself as
1 Maurice Abbot. 2 William Harrison.
3 William Halliday, or HolHday, Alderman, 1617-23, and Sheriff,
1 61 7- 1 8. He had married a cousin of Roe's, Susanna, daughter of
Sir Henry Roe. As already mentioned, after her husband's death she
became the second wife of the Earl of Warwick. Halliday was
Governor of the Company from 1621 till his death (14th March,
1624).
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522 THE EMBASSY OF t^^^P
was thought at first,^ but must rehe vpon the Companies liber-
alitie. I haue little acquaintance with any of them, so that I
cannot promise much in theyre behalfe ; but when Sir Dudley
Digges comes to towne, I will set him on work, who is gracious
among them and vnderstands theyre courses and I know wilbe
redy to do any goode office in whatsoeuer may concern you.
Court Minutes of the East India Company.
(I. O. Records.)
25 September^ 1619. — Sir Thomas Roe hauing bene with his
Maiestie and giuen account of his Embassage, It was made
knowne that he doth purpose likewise to come and giue satis-
faction to this Court of his procedings and seruice perfourmed
and will delyver vpp some lomalls and accounts which he hath in
his custodye.
Sir Thomas Roe hauing taken a survey of all the seuerall dis-
positions of the Companies factors at Surat and those parts, with
the bad and yell [ill ?] qualities of many of them, some of which
he hath delyuered very sparingly e, and remytted many wrongs
comitted by them against him ther (as by the sequell he hath
manifested in preferring some of them aboue their merit before
others of better parts). It was found notwithstanding that some
of them haue most baseley and iniuriouslye requited him by
traducing him in their lettres andwrighting most bitterly and most
inuectiuely against him; amongst which lohn Browne^ and VVilliam
Biddulph are noted to excede in the highest measure, putting
vppon him as much as malice can possibly inuent, with all the
spitefull disgrace that may be, most of the factors ther being
ioyned in a confederacy amongst themselues, being ielous that
any strange eye should obserue or looke into their accounts, being
growne to great matters in estate, many of them being worth a
thowsand pounds apeece (as is said), gayned by lending and -
exchanging the Companies monyes and by such other courses
as" they do practise. The Companie thought it necessary ther-
fore to seeke to preuent those mischeifes in tyme and to consider
of some perticlers of greatest consequence, take the examinations
of as many as can be gotten, to be iustified vtua voce, that if any
^ On the nth of the previous month Chamberlain had written to
Carleton that " Sir Thomas Rowe is come home rich, they say, from
the East Indies" {ibid., No. 54).
A casual mention of Roe's return " in a ship worth, by report,
160,000/." occurs in a letter dated the i6th September, 1619, printed
in the Court and Times of James /(1848), vol. ii, p. 190.
* John Brown's letter was read at the Court meetings of the 28th
September and ist October, and was severely censured as "a most
indiscrete scandalous inuectiue against Sir Thomas Roe .... little
(better then a.libell." Roe, who was present, magnanimously praised
Brown's ability and honesty.
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l6ig] SIR THOMAS ROE. §2^
falshood can be proued or base and disgracefull tearmes vsed by
them of the Companie (as is enfourmed) they may be punisht
and some seuere course put in execution against them without
fauour, to the example of others ; appointing Master EUam to
drawe the heads of all those complaints into a booke that they
may be the more readie to charge them with hereafter, and
amongst other things to looke out Furslands lettre, who wrights
they kepe a comonwealth amongst them selues; but for the
persons themselues it was held fit and so resolud to gleane out
the most culpable and to send for them home by degrees vntill
all shall be weded thence, and to be carefuU that they be not
permitted to get those their estates out of the Companies hands
vntill they may receiue satisfaction for their honest gaining of them.
; 28 September^ 16 19. — Sir Thomas Roe hauing brought home
Sundrye papers and accounts with other consultations, which do
cohceme the Companie, himself and some other men. He was
willing to leaue them, desiring only to haue them put into a
Chest by themselues and kept apart without any others to be
mingled amongst them, that, if occation be, they may be sene apart
at any time. The motion was approved and ordered to be so put
vpp, with notice taken of them, written vppon and numbered.
6 October^ 161 9. — Sir Thomas Roe, desiring to giue the Company
sjitisfaction of his procedings since his goeing into the East
Indies, first gaue to vnderstand in what a desperate case he found
the factoryes at Surat, Amadauaz and elswher in the Mogores
Countrye : proclamations out against them to prohibite them of
all trade and to depart the land, which at his coming to Court he
caused to be reuokt and procured fermaens to commaund their
acceptaunce and frendly entertaynment, prouing against the Prince
himself that those things had bene done without aucthoritye from
the King and by wicked subornation to haue overthrowne the
trade of the English ; Assuring the Company that now by a faire
and gientle course held and good correspondencie and obseruation
of the Gouernour in some reasonable sort they may haue as faire
a passage of their buysines as can be expected or desired;
Making it appeare what a profit may be hoped for and had by
the trade into the Red sea, wher articles are confirmed with
priui ledges for trade and fredome thereof and capitulations set
downe with the Gouernour of Sinan and of Moha, that for any
comodities which may be caryed thether (wherof he hath intel-
ligence of the particlers vendible) ther may be raisd of the
worst centum pro cento ; which comodityes to serue those parts
may be furnisht to the valewe of 10,000//. for [from?] Surat without
preiudice to the Prince his shippe, and 30,000//. worth from Dabul
and the Ports therabouts ; At which place of Moha Captaine
"Shilling acknowledgd th^t he was most kindly vsed ther, affirm-
ing that ther is as much securitie ther for their goods as can be
expected, which they dare not go about to infringe or attempt
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524 THE EMBASSY OF [1619
any thing to giue distast. And seing those of Surat cannot trade
saufely thether without the Company of the English into the Red
sea, wher it is said that Trade is for two Millions yearely, they
wilbe glad of the companie of the English for many reasons
delivered; which shippe of theirs retourning is of very great
valewe, hauing 1000 of their people in her, wilbe as a pawne and
assurance for the good vsage of our people at Surat. And this trade
in tyme may be enlarged by the English as other comodityes
may be gotten from sundry other places of the Indies, and wilbe the
life of the Surat and Persia Trade to supply both those places with
monye : which trade being brought to good perfectionj he hopeth
they wilbe carefuU to preserue and contynue it notwithstanding any
discouragment that may be obiected by the factors at Surat, who
are vnwilling to haue that Trade prosper (as is collected by many
circumstances). Lastly, he made knowne that he recouered all
the extortions which had bene exacted by sundry vniust Gouer-
nors that yeare and the yeare before and had left all matters in a
good, setled and peaceable course, drawing out 2 1 Articles, most
of which he procured the King to confirme and got sundry ^rmaens
graunted for Friggots to be delyuered furnisht to the English for
ther defence against the Portugalls (who, as was delyuered, were
preparing an Armado against the English), Together with many
other priuiledges which he thought as much in generall as he
could expect or desire ; And recouered all debts, leauing none
in the Countrye but only one of a Banyan who was the kings
prisoner ; And yet for him he hath the kings promise to
force him to pay the said debt or else to delyuer the partie
dead or aliue vnto their hands. And last of all he caused a list
to be red, which he had drawne, of the remaynders in the
Countrye at his coming away, both mony in specie at the seuerall
factoryes, what good debts and comodityes that would drawe in
so much mony within the compase of such a tyme, and what of
those things were appointed to make prouisions readie for the
Lyon against the next yeare; Together with a note of the
remaynders of all the generall goods in the Country, And what
is ordered to be prouided for the Southwards, Persia and Moha.
And hauing made this generall relation (which gaue very good
content and satisfaction), The Company intended to meete at
some speciall tymes with him to viewe all his notes and wrightings,
sort them, endorse them, and put them to be kept in their seuerall
places, wher they may be found hereafter vppon any occation to
vse them.
18 October^ 1619. — Sir Thomas Roe motioning to haue an
end of matters by degrees betwixt the Company and him, desired
to haue it first scene and knowne what seruice he hath perfourmed
in setling some Trades and Factoryes at Moha [in] the Red Sea
and in the Mogores dominions at Surat, Amadauazand other parts,
which may best be discernd by the consultations that haiie bene
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I6l9] SIR THOMAS ROE. 525
had about those matters, which he desired might now be red.
The Company were willing to lay by all other matters to heare
the same, And entreated those Comittees that were formerly
desired (Sept. i^y to confer with Sir Thomas Roe, to see his
accompts, audyt and perfect them, And the said Comittees to sit
with him at some conuenient tymes, heare his opinion of the
estate of their affaires abroad, take notice of all his wrightings
brought home, sort them and endorse them and put them in
seuerall boxes according to former order, and whatsoever else
may be necessarye and conuenyent to be vnderstood for the
generall good of the Trade.
Sundry Consultations being red out of a booke^ by Sir Thomas
Roe held at Surat and elswher concerning many matters of seuerall
natures and qualities. In one of them it did appeare what care he
tooke to saue and preuent a great charge they formerly ranne
into by sending vpp mony by Conuoye vnto Amadauaz, but caused
retournes to be made therof by Bills, wherby much hazard and
daunger shalbe preuented and great charge saued that formerly
was wastfully expended ; As also how the Persian trade was to
be supplyed, Together with many other matters of great con-
sequence.
Sir Thomas Roe made knowne that Pursers formerly receyuing
mony from the Factors on shore did neuer delyuer any accompts
of the disbursing therof, wherby ther was opportunitye to deceiue
the Company of great somes, which abuse he caused to be
reformed. Appointing the Pursers to delyuer vpp accompt of
such somes receyued, how and vppon what the same was disburst,
and the remaynder at each Port delyuered vpp with the account
vnto the said factors. And finding Steeles account to be extra-
ordinarye (as he conceyued), he excepted directly against some of
his demaunds and referd his whole accompt vnto the Consideration
of the Company here to be altered and approued as they shall see
cause, Together with some other questions concerning him, as
appereth by that consultation ; which things Master Ellam was
appointed to take notice of.
In a consultation held the nth of January, i6i8[-i9], It was
resolud to haue my Lord Embassador go downe to Swalley to con-
clude with the Maryners for the Prize goods taken ;^ wher he finding
some difference in the Inuoyces of the Prizes goods, made a praizure
of the goods, which he sent vnto the Company, and knowes how
much difference ther is from the Bills of lading taken in the
1 " Master Gouemor, Master Deputy, Sir Dudley Digges, Sir John
Wolstenholme, Master Alderman Haliday, Master Sheriff Hamersley,
Mastier Threasurer, Master Bell, and Master Handford."
^ No longer extant.
' Apparently the captures made by the Expedition on her way to
Persia (see p. 462).
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526 THE EMBASSY OF [1619
Prizes, which he hath in the originall In that consultation;
[February i, 16 19] Sir Thomas Roe lymiting to ech factorie how
many horses and seruants were fit to be kept, therby to abbridge
the extraordinary expence and charge of the great number of
vnnecessary seruants that had formerly bene kept, allowing the
factors a competent number to attend them when their occations
drawe them abroad.
20 October^ 161 9.— Sir Thomas Roe reading some other Con-
sultations held in the Indies about the buysines of Mocha,
with directions and enstructions to the Merchant employed thether,
as also to the Master of the Lion to make further search vnto
prester Johns Countrye, Together with some other enstructions
to William Biddulph how to cary himself at the Court, and other
passages of great consequence for other places, seriously e con-
sidered of and iudiciouslye set downe and directed for the
Companies good in the future charge of the buysines. The
Company approued of them as necessarye and fitting and therfore
were of opinion and resolud to haue them confirmed by wrighting
vnto their factors, which will ad reputation vnto Sir Thomas
Roe, as he hath deserued.
Vppon reading of the last Court, wherin the buysines concerning
Sir Thomas Roe were referd to certaine Comittees, By reason of
some exceptions taken the consideration of his gratification was
wholie left vnto this Court to be thought vppon and determynd as
they should thinke fit and conclude, to take away all exceptions
abroad.
22 October y 1619. — Master Tirrye the Preacher hauing brought
home 121 peeces of Callicoes, for which he now had his mony for
readie fraight [? fraight readie] according to the appointment of the
Comittees, He desired fauour for the same. Sir Thomas Roe
comended him much for his sober, honest and ciuill life ther and
that theis Callicoes were his whole meanes he hath. The Company,
hearing so good reports giuen of him and being willing to encourage,
men of his fashion in weldoing, were contented to pas ouer this
fault, and to remit the said fraight vnto him, giuing him leaue to
take them away, he hauing aunswered the Custome. And wheras
he had disbursed a matter of 14//. in Bookes more then the mony
he receyued for ymprest, which 14//. is also charged vppon his
account, and that he gaue away most of those bookes vnto the
factors in the Countrie, as Sir Thomas Roe affirmed. The
Company were therfore pleased to .remyt the said 14 //., And
ordered to haue his accompt freed from the same.^
1 We here take leave of the Rev. Edward Terry, whose quaint
narrative has been so often laid under contribution in the preceding
pages. Shortly after his return, he wrote an account of his travels,
and in 1622 presented it to Prince Charles. This narrative was made
use of by Purchas (vol: ii, p. 1464) to supplement the journal of the
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l6l9] SIR THOMAS ROE. $27
8 November^ 1619. — Certaine deuisions hauing bene in the
first Joint Stocke, wherin Sir Thomas Roe was an Aduenturer
800 //., Two of his diuidents hauing bene left in the Companies
handes by reason of his absence in their seruice, It was ordered
vppon his motion to haue interest allowed for them from the
tyme the warrant[s] were sealed.
12 November^ 16 19. — Master Deputie made knowne that Sir
Thomas Roe his accounts hauing bene vewed and perused by
those Audytors that were appointed according to order, all are
finisht and ended (excepting only 150 Mamuthars^ lost by Henry
Garret in disbursing the monyes, which being so smale a matter
was not thought fit to be stood vppon), And that the accounts
of all such monyes that came to Sir Thomas Roe his hands and all
his expenses, both ordinarye and extraordinary, are cast vpp. And
do find great good husbandrie vsed in his expence of housekeping,
which Cometh to about 250 or 260//. ayeare, one yeare with
another, wherof he caused the account to be kept of euerye
perticler. And hath cleared himself in the Countrye, owing
nothing to the Companies account, nor ever borowed 10//. of
them, although he lyued 6 months vppon his owne meanes (the
Cash being left destitute of meanes at Master Edwards departure)
And paid his seruants their whole wages in the Country, although
he were allowed but half therof ther from the Company, And for
other allowances tooke not half so much in the Countrye, as by
Couenant he might. But made payment ther for some monyes
which he borrowed here, which was the better accepted because
it was remembred by some that if he would haue traded in the
Countrye with the monye he had ther he might haue gayned a great
matter; And hauing duelie weighed his carriage and behauiour from
the begining till this present, they esteemed him a very worthie
gentleman that hath husbanded things exceedinglye well arid very
ambassador himself. Many years after, Terry, who had been made
rector of Great Greenford in 1629, revised and enlarged his original
account, and published it in a small volume in 1655. The additions
consisted largely (as the author confesses) of " pertinent, though in
some places very long, digressions" on moral and religious topics, in
the hope " that they who fly from a sermon and will not touch sound
and wholsom and excellent treatises in divinity mayhappily (if God so
please) be taken before they are aware and overcome by some divine
truths." In 1665 the work was reprinted (slightly condensed and
without Terry's name) in a folio volume, which contained also Havers'
translation of Delia Valle's letters ;. and this has often been mistaken
for Roe's own account of his embassy. A third (octavo) edition, a
reprint of the first, was issued in 1777. The quotations in the present
work have been taken from the rare first edition.
Terry died at Great Greenford on October 8, 1660, and was buried
in the chancel of his church.
^ Mamudis.
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528 THE EMBASSY OF t'^I^
moderate in his expenses And one that by his modestie, honestie
and integritie hath giuen good satisfaction ; And taking to consi-
deration what gratification to bestowe vppon him, Some motiond
to referre it to be concluded by some fewe in priuate, least others
abroad may make him a president ; But, his merits speaking for
him, it was thought they could be no president to any others,
because none shall meryt euery day as he hath, whose example
to the factours in the Countrye will aduauntage the Company
much by his frugalitie. And comparing him with other Embas-
sadors in other Countryes who haue great allowances, his good
husbandrie will appear the more ; And therfore in the iudgment
of some, if 2000//. should be giuen him for a gratification, it will
not arise to 1000//'. a yeare, one yeare with another, during the
tyme of his seruice with all his charges and expences annexed ;
And knowing much in him which may giue the Company content.
It was wisht not to giue him distast, And resolud to make an end
now (without putting of tyll another tyme, as some wisht). And
the question being put to thre somes, 1000, 1500 and 2000//.,
ther was giuen him by erection of hands the some of 1500//. as a
gratification for his seruice perfourmed; wherin they had no
regard to the future tyme, but heareing of his readynes to giue
his assistance at any meetings hereafter, they supposed his future
seruice might deserue according to the tyme. And he presenting
himself. Master Gouernor made knowne the Companies mynd
who, acknowledging his honestie and frugalitye and comending his
care, desired him to accept of the foresaid some of 1500//.,
which they held too little, compared with his deserts, but ther
smale retournes pleaded partlye their excuse.^ Sir Thomas Roe
made knowne that he tooke in good part whatsoeuer is giuen ;
In the meane time purposed to thinke therof And at next Court
purposeth to come and giue his thanks.
15 November^ 16 19. — A lettre was red, written by Sir Thomas
Roe, of thanks for the gratification which they had bestowed vppon
him, wherin he laydopen himself in his former courses what he
aymed at, the good of the Company and his owne reputation ;
who, hauing habilitye to perfourme further seruice for their good,
is willing to dedicate himself wholie theirs, expecting onlye that,
if they will make him one of their bodie, they affourd him meanes
wherby to mantayne himself amongst them without thinking of
any other course ; And delyuered in a note of certaine monyes
* This was rather a lame excuse. Three days before they had
listened to an estimate made by Aldennan Hammersley, by which
the net gains of the Surat trade, from the beginning of the First Joint
Stock, were reckoned at 200,000/., or 120 per cent on the capital
employed. Another calculation {Court Minutes^ November 2, 1619)
made the capital employed 89,526/. and the net proceeds about
210,860/., which gives a still more favourable result.
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l6ig] SIR THOMAS ROE. 529
in his possession in the Indies, as 250//. of Master Boughtons^
& 13//. of Hempsalls,^ which he might haue made his aduantage
of, but paid them vnto the Companies account. And paid 100//.
in the Indies which he might haue answered here, Forbore to
borowe any of the Companies monyes, as he might according to
couenant. And paid his seruants 50//. and 60//. per annum in
India more then he receyued, yet had lycense to repay himself
but did not, Gaue certaine guifts to the King, Prince and Lords of
his owne goods, which cost him in England 152//. 3^. 2^.,^ and
were not put to account. Refusing certaine guifts to the preiudice
of the Company, and recouered certaine debts to their great
aduauntage to the value of 3000//.; By all which they considered
his faire cariage in their buysines, which appereth the better,
compared with others that haue made other vse of their tyme
by priuate trade. Wheruppon some delyuered that what hath
bene alreadie done was well done and he well deserued it, in regard
of his honestie and faire carriage. And supposing his experience
and meanes here haue enhabled him to do the Company good
seruice, either at Court vppon occation or by his aduise in
drawing their lettres and Comissions, and that ther is a kynd of
necessitye to vse his helpe about the new trades. It was thought
fit to haue him accepted as a Comittee amongst the rest and so to
reward him accordinglye by giuing him a present yearelye allow-
ance to bynd his presence and aduise amongst them, which wilbe
an honour and reputation vnto him and right to the Company.
And thervppon was remembred the good office he hath done since
his retourne, that some about the King hauing latelye prest to
ruyne that buysines of my Lord of Warwicks,^ he tooke it wholie
vppon himself and tould the Lords that it was his owne act and he
is readie to make aunswer for it and iustifie the same, which gaue
a tast what further vse ther may be of his courage and seruice.
And thinking of a competent some that may be fitting to giue
him for this yeare ensuing, they concluded by erection of hands of
200//. vntill the election, which all supposed he will well deserue
by his sufficiencye for his paines and aduise in the yeare ensuing,
which may be a president for the tyme following, as they shall
fynd the good herof as the Company shall haue occation to vse
him and his leisure giue him leaue to attend the buysines. It
appearing by his note that he gaue away certayne presents which
cost him here in England 152 //. 35". 2d., They ordered to
haue so much mony aunswered vnto him for the same, as was
formerly resolud at last Court, And bestowed vppon him the
100 //. which was layd out in plate for^ him at his goeing, that
^ See p. 32 n. * See p. 323 n,
3 For an account of these, see Add/. MS, 61 15, f. 276.
* See p. 420 n.
M M
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530 EMBASSY OF SIR THOMAS ROE. [1619
his mony disbursed for those guifts may not retourne barely
vnto him againe.^
1 At this point the passages in the Court Minutes relating to Roe's
embassy come to an end. He still, however, maintained close relations
with the Company. On November 19, 16 19, they asked him whether
he was willing to proceed to Bantam in supreme charge ; Roe,
however, while thanking them for the offer and professing his readi-
ness to go " if the necessitye of their occasions did require it," desired
^ a breathing tyme " before going into a further exile. In December,
1619, he offered 400/. towards the proposed almshouse for persons
maimed in the Company's service. On January 24, 1620, he suggested
that a royal letter should be procured, acknowledging the Mogul's
kind usage of the English, and thanking him for the presents he
had sent ; a draft which he had prepared was accordingly ordered
to be engrossed for signature. The Court Minutes of 1620-21 are
missing, and it is impossible, therefore, to discover whether his
services were retained for that year ; but apparently they were,
for his allowance appears to have been continued. At the election of
1 62 1 he was present, but was not proposed for election ; and about
this time, it would seem, his allowance was stopped. On August 3,
1 62 1, he informed the Court that "some of the gennerallitie had
reported grutchingly of the 1 500 poundes that was giuen him att his
retume, which he presumed he had deserued, if in nothing eke, yet
in the frugalitie of keeping their house ; also there was giuen him
(as he vnderstood it) 200 poundes per annum, but it seemes the
Companie ment it not so." Counting on this he had invested in the
current joint stock, and though he had paid in 800/., 300/. was still
due, which, owing to the stoppage of his allowance, he was unable for
the present to pay. He hoped, however, to be able to find the money
by Christmas, and he begged them to impose no fine for the delay.
This was agreed to ; but a further request that the Company should
purchase his share in the old joint stock was refused, as the "g^enerality"
had disapproved of some previous transactions of the same nature. Roe
then asked that as, owing to " his intended imployment [as ambassador
to Constantinople] and the encrease of his familie he shalbe driven
also to larger lodgings, he should want three peeces of their vellvett
embroydered hangings to add vnto five of the same kind which
he had allready bought and three of their Persian Carpetts," they
would either bestow them upon him or allow him to "take them vpp
vppon Stock." The Court very willingly made him a present of the
goods, " assuring him that howsoever the Companie was so vnhappy
as to loose the imployment of so well a deseruing gentleman, yet their
loues should follow him, and therefore desired the Continuaunce of his
good affecion to the Company ; which he freely promised and tooke
verry thankefullie the Curtisie now donn him." Roe did not forget
his promise, and both during his embassy at Constantinople and in
after years, his advice and assistance were always at the service of
the Company which had given him " his first public employment " by
sending him to represent England at the Court of the Great Mogul.
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APPENDIX A.
ROE'S GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT OF THE
MOGUL'S TERRITORIES.
HE SEUERALL KiNGDOMES AND PRO-
UINCES SUBJECT TO THE GREAT
MoGOLL Sha-Selim Gehangier,
with the principall Cittyes and Riuers,
^^^ I ^^ ^^^ Scituation and borders, and Ex-
^^IVfig^'Mf tent in Length and Breadth, as neere
as by description I could geather them. The names I tooke
out of the Kings Register. I begin at the North West.^
* From Add/. MS. 6115, f. 256. This interesting document was
printed by Purchas in his first volume (p. 578), and again (in Terry's
version) at p. 1467 of volume two. Terry in his book reproduces it,
with a few additions and corrections ; these, however, are based
almost entirely upon Baffin's map (see p. 542), and consequently
are seldom worthy of special notice.
This description of the Mogul's territories is evidently quite different
from the systematic survey, based on fiscal divisions, which we get in
the Atn-i'Akbari. Though always taken as topographical (and appa-
rently he himself so understood it) the list copied by Roe seems rather
to have been of an historical nature, enumerating roughly the states
which had fallen under the sway of the Mogul emperors. Hence
we find several petty Himd,layan states, such as Sfb^, Jaswdn and
Nagarkot, figuring on the same plane as Bengal and Guj^r^t ; hence,
too, Ajmere and Oudh — well-known and important provinces — are
not specifically mentioned ; while Gaur is differentiated from Bengal,
Narwar from Agra, and H^jk^n from Mult^n. The names Roe says
he " tooke out of the Kings register," and he seems to have re-
M M 2
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532 APPENDIX A.
1. Candahar. The Cheefe Citty soe Called. I.yes
from the hart of all his Territory North-west ; confines
with^ the Shabas [dominions of Sh4h Abbds, ix,, Persia] ;
and was a Prouince of Persia.^
2. Tata [Tatta, in Sind]. The Cheefe Citty soe called.
Is diuided by the Riuer Indus, which falls into the Sea at
Syndu f and lyes from Chandahar Sowth ; from the middle
of which I suppose Agra West,* somwhat Sowtherly.
3. BUCKAR. The Cheefe Citty called Buckar Suckar
[Bukkur-Sukkur]. Lyes vpon the Riuer of Syndu or
Indus, to the North-ward somwhat Easterly of Tata, and
West Confines vpon the Baloaches [Baluchi's], a kinde of
Rude warlike People.
4. MuLTAN. The Cheefe Citty soe Called. Lying alsoe
vpon Indus. Sowth East from Candahar, Northly from
Backar.
arranged them in what he understood to be their geographical order,
commencing from the north-west, and to have added such further
particulars as he was' able to obtain, possibly by questioning some of
the natives. As will be seen from the notes, these were frequently
erroneous, and the list in general contains a number of discrepancies
which it is impossible to reconcile. However, with all its imperfec-
tions, it was the first attempt to supply to European readers an
account of the political divisions of the Mogul empire ; and subsequent
writers, from Terry and De Laet onwards, were content to adopt it
almost in its entirety. In 1824 Robert Kerr {Voyai^es and Travels^
vol. ix, p. 378) endeavoured to explain Roe's terminology, but without
much success.
In the present reproduction, the modern names of the various pro-
vinces, cities, etc., have been mostly added within brackets without
further annotation. In identifying the names given by Roe, considerable
help has been derived from a series of articles by the late Professor
Blochmann, on the geography and history of Bengal during the
Muhammadan period {Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society^ vol. xlii,
pt. I, p. 209 ; vol. xliii, pt. I, p. 280 ; vol. xliv, pt. I, p. 275), in the
course of which he deals briefly with Roe's list as given by Terry and
De Laet. Sir Roper Lethbridge has also discussed the list in his
interesting articles on De Laet in the Calcutta Review (vol. li, p. 336 ;
vol. lii, p. 67;. It would seem, however, that neither of these gentle-
men had Roe's earlier version at hand, or was aware of the extent to
which Terry's (and consequently De Laet's) list had been influenced
by the locations adopted in Baffin's map.
^ Borders upon. 2 See note on p. 257.
2 L^ribandar (see p. 122). * East must be meant.
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TERRITORIES OF THE GREAT MOGUL. $33
5. Haagickan.^ The Kingdome of the Baloaches, to
the West of Tata and Backar, and Confines West vpon
the Kingdome of Lar [L4rist4n], subiect to the Sha-bas.
Indus wyndeth itselfe into the Easter syde of yt It hath
no renowned Citty.
6. Cabull. The Citty soe Called. A great Kingdome,
the Northermost of this Emperours Dominion ; and Con-
fineth with Tartaria.
7. Kyshmier [Kashmfr]. The Cheefe Citty is called
Sirinakar [Srinagar]. The Riuer of Bhat [Behat or Jeh-
1am] passeth through it and findeth the Sea by Ganges^
or, some say, of it selfe in the North Part of the Bay of
Bengala. It bordereth Cabul to the East Southerly. It
is all Mountaines.
8. Bankish.3 The Chiefe Citie is Called Beishar.
9. Atack [Attock]. The Cheefe Citty so Called. It
lyeth on one syde the Riuer Nilab,* which runneth [from ?]
the North-west into the Riuer of Indus.
10. The Kingdome of the Kakares^ lyes at the foote
of the Mountaynes. It hath principall Cittyes Dankely
[DangaH] and Purhola [Pharwala]. It bordereth North-
east on Kishmier.
^ Hdjk^n was a sarkdroi Multdn {Ain-i-Akbari, vol. ii, p. 340).
2 This is, of course, an error. The Jehlam flows into the Indus, and
is so shown in Baffin's map.
^ Professor Blochmann identifies Bankish with Bangash, in N.W.
Kohat, on the Punjab border, and Beishar with Bajaur, a district
still farther north, the name of which has become familiar in con-
nection with recent frontier troubles.
* The term is generally applied to the upper Indus. In the map,
as here, it seems to be identified with the Kabul river.
^ Professor Blochmann {Ain-i-Akbari^ vol. i, p. 456 «), quoting
Mr. J. E. Delmerick, says "the Ghakkars inhabited the hilly parts of
the Rdwul Pindf and Jhelam districts, from. Kh^npur on the borders
of the Haz^ra district, along the lower range of hills skirting the
tahsils of Rdwul Pindf, Kuhuta and Giijar Khdn as far as Domeli, in
the Jhelam district. Their ancient strongholds were Pharwdla,
Sult^npur, and Dangdlf."
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534 APPENDIX A.
1 1. Pen-Jab [Punjdb],^ which signifieth fiue waters, for
that it is seated within fiue Riuers. The Cheefe Cyttye is
called Lahor. It is a gjreat Kingdome and most fruictfull.
The Citty is the Mart of India for trafique. It borders
North East on Multan.*
12. Jenba.5 The Cheefe Citty soe Called. It lyeth
East of Pen- Jab. It is very Mountanous.
13. Peitan.* The Cheife Citty so called. It lyeth
East of lenba, and from the North-west of Bengala. It is
full of Mountaynes.
14. Nakarkutt.^ The Cheefe Citty so called. The
^ Of course Roe gives the title to only a small portion of the present
■province.
2 " Upon the north-east of Multan" is intended.
3 Chamba, one of the Punjab hill states, lying between Kashmfrand
the British districts of Kdngra and Giirdaspur.
* Professor Blochmann says : " This is Paithdn, the form used by
Abulfazl for Path^n or Path^nkot. Terry evidently means the whole
hill- tract of the Sirmiir range, as far as the Alaknandd. It is, however,
possible that he meant the Markandd ; but this river does not flow
mto the Ganges." The identification is probably right ; but it is not
necessary to stretch the boundaries of the district in order to account
for Terry's statement that it is watered by the " Canda, which falleth
into Ganges on its borders ;" here, as elsewhere, Terry is merely
inserting, what he has found in Baffin's map.
^ " Nagracot^ the chief City so called, in which there is a Chapel most
richly set forth, being seeled and paved with Plate of Pure Silver,
most curiously imbossed over head m several Figures, which they keep
exceeding bright by often rubbing and burnishing it ; and all this cost
those poor seduced Indians are at to do honour to an Idol they keep
in that Chapel. . . . The Idol thus kept in that so Richly adorned
Chapel they call Matta [M^yd], and it is continually visited by those
poor blinded Infidels, who, out of the officiousness of their Devotion,
cut off some part of their Tongues to offer unto it as a Sacrifice, which
(they say) grow out again as before j but in this I . shall leave my
Reader to a belief as much suspensive as is my own in this particular.
In this Province likewise there is another famous Pilgrimage to a place
called Jallamakee, where out of cold springs that issue out from
amongst hard Rocks, are daily to be seen continued Eruptions, of
Fire, before which the Idolatrous People fall down and worship. Both
these places were seen and strictly observed by Mr. Coryat." — Terry,
pp. 86, 87.
The reference is to what is now the Kdngra district in the N.E.
of the Punjdb. Its historic capital at the present time bears the
same name as the district, but was formerly known as Nagarkot.
The temple referred to by Terry is that of Devi Bajresari, which still
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TERRITORIES OF THE GREAT MOGUL. S3 5
North Eastermost confine of Mogor. It lyes to the North-
East of the head of the Bay of Bengala. It is very Moun-
taynous.
15. Syba.^ The Cheefe Citty soe called. It borders
with Nakarkutt Southerly. It is all Mountaynes.
16. JESVALL.2 The Cheefe Citty is called Ragepur. It
ranks among the oldest and wealthiest shrines in India. " Jalla-
makee " is the even more famous temple of Jawdla Miikhi in the same
district, where certain jets of natural gas issuing from the ground are
kept constantly burning, being looked upon as a manifestation of the
goddess Devi {Kdngra Gazetteer). Roe does not mention this spot,
but it appears in the map as "Jallamakee, the Pilgrimage of the
Banians."
There is an interesting reference to Kdngra in the travels of William
Finch in 161 1 {Purchas^ vol. i, p. 438), who describes "the great
Raiaw called Tulluck-Chand [Treloka Chandra] whose chiefe City is
Negercoat. ... in which City is a famous Pagod, called le or Durga,
vnto which worlds of people resort out of all parts of India. . . . some
also are reported to cut off a piece of their tongue and, throwing it at
the Idols feet, have found it whole the next day. . . . This Raia is
powerfuU, by his Mountaines situation secure, not once vouchsafing to
visite Sha Selim."
A detailed account of Kdngra and Jawdla Mukhi will be found in
Cunningham's Archceo logical Reports, vol. v, pp, 155-175. See also
Blochmann and Jarrett's Ain-i-Akbari, vol. ii, pp. 312-4, where the
statements of Finch and Coryat as to the sacrifice of tongues are
corroborated.
1 ^^ Siba, the chief city is called Hardware, where the famous River
Ganges passing through or amongst large Rocks, makes presently
after a pretty full Current ; but both this and that other great River
Indus have their Rise and Original out of the Mountain Caucasus,
from whence they both first issue. That principall Rock, through
which this River Ganges there makes a Current, is indeed, or (if not),
according to the fancy of the Superstitious Indians, like aCowes Head
[cp. the map], which of all sensible Creatures they love best. . . .
Thither they assemble themselvs daily in Troops to wash their bodies,
ascribing a certain Divinity to Waters, but more especially to the
Water in the River Ganges. And thither our famous Coryat went
likewise to view this place." — Terry, p. 88.
Professor Blochmann could not find a district of this name anywhere
near Hardwar. Probably, however, the reference is to Sfbd (now the
Sfbd taiaka of Kdngra district), which for a time established its inde-
pendence under a branch of the ruling family of Kdngra. Terry's
inclusion of Hardwar in its territories is an error due to Baffin's map.
A description of Hardwar and of the bathing ceremonies which
yearly attract thousands of pilgrims will be found in Cunningham's
Archceological Sutvey Reports, vol. ii, p. 231.
2 Professor Blochmann gave up this name as hopeless, though he
hazarded a conjecture (based on a reference to it in Blaev's map as a
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536 APPENDIX A.
bordereth with Bengala South-East ; North with Syba and
Nacurkutt. It is full of Mountaynes.
17. Delly [Delhi].! The Chiefe Citty so called. It
lyeth on the North-west syde of the River lemny [Jumna],
which falleth into Ganges and runneth thorough Agra. It
is an ancient Cytty and the seat of the Mogolls ancestors.
It is ruined.* Some affirme it to haue been the seat of
Porus, conquered by Alexander, and that ther stands a
Pillar with a Grieke inscription.*
18. Meuat.* The Cheefe Citty called Narnol. It lyeth
on the East of Ganges.
19. Sanball. The Cheefe Citty soe Called.^ It lyeth
between Ganges and lemna to the North-west of their
meeting.
20. Bakar.® The Cheefe Citty is called Bikanir. It
bordereth North- West one Ganges.
" country for elephants ") that Ragepur might be Raipur in the Central
Provinces. Jesuall appears, however, to be the ancient Rajput prin-
cipality of Jaswdn, which centered in the valley of that name in
Hoshidrpur district (Punjdb). In that case Ragepur is Rdjpura, not
far from Amb, where, according to the district gazetteer, an old build-
ing, fort and palace combined, of the Jaswdl Rdjds may still be seen.
^ " Which signifies an Heart, and is seated in the heart of the Mogul's
territories," says Terry. He is evidently thinking of the Persian cUl
(a heart), but the etymology, though ingenious, is entirely wrong.
* This, of course, refers to old Delhi, the ruins of which still spread
over an extensive area to the south of the present city.
3 See p. 103.
* Mewdt lay to the south of Delhi, and included parts of the
present Muttra and Gurgdon districts and portions of Alwar, Bhartpur,
and Patiala. It was subdued by Akbar, and was included in the
siibah of Agra. Its geographical position is very incorrectly given,
for it was considerably to the west of the Ganges. In the map it is
still further displaced.
Ndmaul, its chief town, which was for a time one of the strongholds
of the famous George Thomas, now forms part of Patidla, having been
bestowed upon the Mahdrdjd in recognition of his services during the
Mutiny.
^ Sambhal, in Moraddbdd district, N.W. Provinces. Under Akbar
it was the capital of a considerable sarkdr. Roe is mistaken in
placing it between the Ganges and the Jumna.
^ Bfkaner, in Rdjputdna. The form " Bakar," and the erroneous
position assigned to the district, may be due to some confusion with
Bahar,
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TERRITORIES OF THE GREAT MOGUL. 537
21. Agra, a Principall and great Kingdome. The Citty
soe Called, the hart of the Mogolles territorye, in North
latitude about 28dJ.i It lieth most on the South-west-
syde of Jemna, the Citty vpon the riuer, wher one of the
Emperors Treasuries are kept ; from Agra to Lahor
beeing 320 Course^ which is not lesse then seuen hundred
mile. It is all a Playne and the high-way Planted on
both sides with trees like a delicate walke ; it is one of the
great woorkes and woonders of the world.^
22. JENUPAR.^ The Citty soe Called, vpon the Riuer
of Kaul, which I suppose to bee one of the fiue Riuers
enclosing Lahor ; and the Country lyeth betweene it
and Agra, North-west from one, South-East from the
other.
23. Bando.* The Cheefe Citty so called. Yt confineth
Agra to the West.
24. Patna. The Cheefe Citty so called. It is inclosed
by fower great rivers : Ganges, lemna, Serseli^ and Kanda
[Gandak], so that it lyeth from Agra South-East towards
the Bay of Bengala, wher all these pay tribute.
1 Really 27' 10' 6".
2 Cp. Ta vernier's Travels (ed. by Ball), vol. i, p. 96. No doubt
Coryat, who had travelled along this road, had described it to Roe.
It will be seen that this " Longe Walke " is a prominent feature of
the map.
The distance is much overrated. It is really about 440 miles from
Agra to Lahore. William Finch, who journeyed along the same road
in 161 1 and gives his stages, makes it 281 kos in all.
3 This may be Jaunpur, formerly a considerable Muhammadan
kingdom, extending from Bud^un and Etowah to the frontier of
Bahar ; but if so, Roe is mistaken in placing it between Agra and
Lahore. Can he have confused it with Jaipur? By Kaul (Kdli)
may be meant the Gogra ; but the city of Jaunpur is on the Gumti,
and neither of these streams falls into the Indus.
* Bdndhu (Banda), now a district of the Allah^b^d division of the
N.W. Provinces.
° Professor Blochmann identifies this with the Sarsuti (Saraswati).
" According to the legend," he says, " the Saraswati, which is lost in
the sand east of Bhatinda district, joins the Ganges below the ground
at Allah^bM."
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538 APPENDIX A.
25. GOR [Gaur]. The Cheife Citty soe called.^ It
lyeth toward the head of Ganges.
26. Bengala. a mightie Kingdome enclosing the
Western syd of the Bay on the North and wyndeth Sou-
therly. It bordereth on Cormandell. The Chief Cittyes
are Ragmehhal [R4jmah41] and Dekaka [Dacca]. There
are many Hauens, as Port Grande [Chittagong], Port Pe-
quina,^ traded by the Portugals, Piliptan [Pipli(patam)],
Satigam [S4tg4on]. It conteyneth diuers Prouinces, as
that of Purp and Patan.^
27. ROCH.* It hath noe Citty of Note, and bordereth
the South- East, East of Bengala, and the Bay.
28. Vdeza.^ The Chiefe Citty Called lekanat. It is
the vtmost East of the Mogulls Territories beyond the
Bay, and Confines with the Kingdome of Maug,® a savuage
People lyeing betweene Vdeza and Pegu.
1 The ruins of this, the ancient capital of the Muhammadan kings
of Bengal, are still to be seen in Maldah district, 25 miles S.E. of
Rdjmahdl.
^ Usually identified with S^tg^on. As the latter port is mentioned
separately, it is possible that here the neighbouring port of Hugli
is intended.
3 Purp (Kmd. piird, from • Sanskrit piirda, **the east") was used
loosely to signify Oudh, Benares, and Bahar. Finch applies the term
to parts of Oudh {Purchas^ vol. i, pp. 436, 438) ; Jourdain (161 1) says,
" Pierb is 400 Cose longe and hath beene the seate of four Kinges ;"
Van Twist (1648) calls it Purbet, "a province on the borders of
Tartary;" Manrique (1649) carries it as far west as Agra (" Uamose
esta prouincia antiguamente Purrop"). Patan may be a duplication
of Patna, or a confused notion of Bhotin.
* Sir Roper Lethbridge {loc. cit.) suggests that this is meant for
Koch, i.e,^ Kuch Bahar. Professor Blochmann, however, holds that
it is Arakan, which is often called Rukh by Muhammadan historians ;
and from Roe's description it would certainly appear that this identi-
fication is correct.
Terry omits Roch from his list, possibly because he could not find
it in Baffin's map (which does not go beyond the boundaries of
Bengal) ; but he replaces it by Jaisalmer, which is in the map but
not in the list of provinces.
^ Were it not for the mention of Jagannith, this would scarcely be
recognised as Orissa, especially as the latter duly appears on the map
(as "Orixa") in something like its proper position (cp. p. 545). Possibly
there is some confusion with Dacca.
^ The Maghs are a tribe inhabiting the northern part of Arakan.
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TERRITORIES OF THE GREAT MOGUL. 539
29. Kanduana.1 The Cheefe Citty is Called Kerhaka-
tenkah. It lieth South-west of the Sowth of Bengala.
30. KUALIAR [Gwalior]. The Cheife Citty soe Called.
It lyeth to the South-east^ of Kanduana, and bordereth on
Burhampur.
31. Ckandes [Khandesh]. The Cheife Cittye called
Burhanpur. A great Kingdome ; one of the Ancient
seates of Decan, and Conquered from them. It lyeth East
of Guzaratt, South of Chytor, West of Decan. It is
watered with the Riuer Tabeti [Tapti], which falleth West
into the Bay of Cambaya. It is now the seat of the
Decan.
32. Malva [Malwa]. The Cheefe Cittyes called Vgen
[Ujjain], Narr [Dhdr?], and Seringe [Sironj]. It lyeth
Westof Chandes,betweene that and the Countrey of Ranna;
on the West of the Riuer of Sepra,^ which fals into the
Bay of Cambaya, not farre from Suratt
33. Berar. The Cheefe Cytty is called Shahpur.* It
bordereth on Guzeratt and the hilles of Ranna.
34. GUZRATT. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay of
Cambaya. The Cheefe Citty is Amadavaz [Ahmaddbad],
It Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of Cambaya, the
bewty of India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and
Barooch [Broach]. It is watered with many goodly Riuers,
as that of Cambaya [the Mdhi], falsely supposed to bee
Indus,^ the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Ba-
1 Gondwdnd, nearly all of which is now comprised in the Central
Provinces. Kerhakatenkah is Garhakatanka, near Jabalpur, but the
name was often applied to the whole district.
2 North-west.
8 The Sipra (see p. 379). It falls, not into the Gulf of Cambay, but
into the Chambal, a tributary of the Ganges.
^ Shdhpur, six kos south of Bdlapur, in Akola district. It was for a
time a place of importance as the head-quarters of Sultan Murdd (son
of Akbar), but is now a heap of ruins.
» Cp. pp. 96, 112.
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540 APPENDIX A.
rooch, that of Suratt, and diuers others. It trades to the
Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places.
35. SORETT [Sorath, in K4thi4wdr].i The Cheefe Citty
Called Gunagur [JiinAgarh]. Lyeth to the North-west of
Guzeratt.
36. Naruar.* The Cheefe Citty called Ghehud. Lyeth
South-west from Chitor.
37. Chytor [Chitor]. An ancient great Kingdom.
The Citty soe Called on a Mightie hill, walled about ten
English Mile. Ther stands yet aboue an hundred Chur-
ches, the Pallace of the King, many braue Pillars of carued
stone. Ther is but one assent, cut out of the Rock, Pas-
sing fower Magnificent Gates. Ther remayne the ruines
of 100,000 howses of stone. It is vninhabited.* It was
doubtlesse one of the seates of Porus and was woonne from
Ranna, his issue, by Eckbarshaw, the last Mogoll.* Ranna,
flyeing into the strength of his Kingdome among the
Mountayns, seated himselfe at Odepoore [Udaipur] ; who
was brought to acknowledg the Mogol for his superior lord
by Sultan Coroonne [Khurram], third sonne of the present
Emperor, in the yeare 1614. This Kingdome lyeth
North-west from Chandes, and North-East from the
North-west of Guzaratt, in the way betweene Agra and
Suratt. Ranna himselfe keepes the hilles to the West,
nearer Amadavaz.
The length is North-west to South-east : from Chanda-
^ " But a little Province, yet very rich." — Terry, p. 80. In the map
it is placed on the mainland.
'^ Narwar, now part of Gwalior state. It is classed in the Ain as a
sarkdr of Agra. Ghehud seems to be Gohad, also in Gwalior state,
but a considerable distance from Narwar. " South-west" should be
<* East," or " North-east."
3 " Its chief Inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim^ Birds
and Wild Beasts ; but the stately Ruins thereof give a shadow of its
Beauty while it flourished in its Pride." — Terry, p. 82.
* See p. 102.
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TERRITORIES OF THE GREAT MOGUL. 54 1
har to Labor 350 Courses} about 800 miles ; from Lahor
to Agra, 320 Courses, about 752 miles ; from Agra to
Hhagipurpatna^ 300 Courses^ about 680 miles : from
Hhagipurpatna to Kirasunder,^ 300 Courses, about 670
miles. In all, Courses 1270, miles about 2872.*
The breadth in all is North-East to South- West, from
Hardwar to Duarsa,^ 630 Courses, about 1 500 miles.®
^ "As for Courses, they are diuersly taken (as Southeme and.Nor-
theme. miles with vs), in some places longer, in others shorter, which
causeth scruple in the computation " (Note by Purchas).
' Hdjipur-Patna, ue., Patna.
' This seems to be Kiy^ra Sundar, which is mentioned in the Ain
(Blochmann and Jarrett's ed., vol. ii, p. 124) as a township in the sarkdr
of Sondrgdon in S.E. Bengal.
* The total mileage, on the figures given, comes to 2902. Probably
we should read 732, instead of 752, as the distance between Lahore
and Agra, and 670, for 680, in the next stage. This would give the
required total.
These figures are very rough, especially as regards the mileage.
From Kandahar to Lahore, vid the Bolan, would be about 700 miles ;
from Lahore to Agra, by way of Muttra, 440 ; from Agra to Patna, 530 ;
from Patna to the Bengal border (in a straight line) something over
400 ; say 2100 miles in all. The breadth from Hardwar to Dwarka
(as the crow flies) would be about 800 miles ; it would, of course, be
further by road. From the figures he gives, Roe appears to take the
kos as equivalent to from 2.23 to 2.38 miles. Finch seems to make it
about 1.56 miles, which is fairly exact. On the latter basis, the length
(1270 kos^ would be 198 1 miles, and the breadth (630 kos) 982.
^ Dwarka, on the N.W. point of the Kithiiwdr peninsula.
^ With Roe's list of provinces we may compare the almost con-
temporary list given by Jourdain in Sloane MS. 858 (British Museum),
viz., " Cabull, Casmeir, Candahar, Ballucke, Delly, Cambaia, Sinde,
Bengalla, Potann, Mandoa, Guallier, Hassier, Amadavar, part [of]
Decan, and Pierb." Hawkins says " the Empire is diuided into fiue
great Kingdomes," the names of which he gives as " Pengab,"
"Bengala," " Malwa," "Decan," and "Guzerat" {The Hawkins'
Voyages, p. 420).
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542 APPENDIX A.
NOTE ON THE MAP.
Within a few months of Roe's return to England, and while his
embassy was still a subject of general curiosity, appeared the In-
dohtani .... Description a reduced facsimile of which, from
a copy (probably unique) in the British Museum, is herewith
placed before the reader. Quite apart from the fact that it is
the earliest English attempt to delineate the territories of the
Mogul emperors, the map is of great interest, alike from the
circumstances of its production, the information it embodies, and
the extent to which it has guided (and misguided) the work
of later geographers. We will briefly consider it under these
three heads.
First, however, a few facts concerning the map itself may be
mentioned. The original, which is known at the British Museum
as K 115 (22), measures (exclusive of margin) about nineteen and
a quarter inches by fifteen. The full title (in the bottom left-
hand comer) is Indolstani Imperii Totius Jlsice ditissimi
descripHo : ex indagatione Ilust : Doni : Tho : Roe Equitis Aurati
in Regia Mogollanica Legatum agentis Illustrata: Anno Sal: 16 19.
Vera quae visa: qua non veriora. At the top of the map is a
short title, A Description of East India conteyninge th! Empire of
the Great Mogoll ; and in the upper right-hand corner appear
the Mogul's standard and his seal, with the Persian names given
in English characters. Along the lower margin we find the
names of the engraver {Renold Elstrack scuip •) and of the
vendor {Are to be sold in Pauls Church yarde by Thomas Sterne^
Globemaker\ and, in a small label between them, the signifi-
cant inscription : William Baffin deliniavit et excudebat.
Although generally known, in after years, as Sir Thomas Roe's
map, it bears, as we have seen, the honoured name of William
Baffin as its draughtsman. This fact at once affords a clue
to its history. For Baffin, who was an indefatigable surveyor
and map-maker, w^as a master's mate on board the Anne^ the
ship in which Roe returned to England;^ and we may sur-
mise that the acquaintance which would naturally spring up
during the voyage between the ambassador and a navigator
of Baffin's experience had led to a project for the pubHcation of
an accurate map of India, and that for this purpose Roe had
placed at Baffin's disposal all the information in his possession.
It may be that the map was actually drawn during the voyage.
. 1 This interesting conjunction, and also the fact of his connection
with the first English map of Hindustan, appear to have escaped
the notice of Baffin's biographers.
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NOTE ON THE MAP. 543
and thiat the ambassador assisted Baffin in locating the interior
cities and provinces; but the character of some of its ih-
accuracies, and the fact that it is not mentioned among the
maps submitted to the East India Company by Baffin shortly
after his return (for which they voted him a gratuity),^ militate
against this view ; and it seems more probable that it was com-
piled during the few months that elapsed between the arrival of
the Anne in September, 1619, and Baffin's departure as master
of the London at the beginning of February, 1620.2
It is important to note in this connection that Roe had him-
self intended at one time to prepare a map of the country to
which he had been accredited. There is no reference to the
subject in his extant letters or journal, but the fact is placed
beyond doubt by a passage in one of Lord Carew's letters to him
(Maclean's edition, p. 123). "Lett me entreat you," wrote the
latter, " to be carefuU to make the mappe of the MogoUs terri-
torie, as you have intended ; itt will be a worke worthye of your
selfe and adorne your travell and iudgement, and leave to the
world a lasting memorie when you are dust." Doubtless it was with
this purpose in view that Roe had compiled (some time before
October, 16 17) the geographical compendium which has been
printed in the foregoing pages. Probably he intended to supple-
ment this by the collection of fresh information as opportunity
offered, but was prevented by ill-health and the many other
trouble? of his mission from following up the matter ; and the
slenderness of the material he had obtained may have made him
all the more willing to commit the task to other hands.
The extent of the assistance afforded to Baffin by Roe must
remain largely a matter of conjecture. On the one hand, the
manner in which the map differs from the list, often without
apparent reason, seems to negative the idea that he had any voice
in the matter. That Baffin had a hard — sometimes an impossible —
task in reconciling the statements occurring in the list and in
locating his provinces from the meagre information available, may
^ As the Company had specially desired the preparation of a map
of India, Baffin had every reason to exhibit his if he had it ready.
The instructions given to Downton in the 1614 voyage had contained
a clause directing him to send some fit person to discover " the river
of Sinda" and the surrounding country with a view to the preparation
of a "trew mappe for our better understandinge of the same ;" "and
the like mapp " (they continued) " would we haue him drawe exactly of
the whole Country of the great Magoll^ for the Cituation of Agra,
Lahor, Biana, etc., and all the riuers whearvppon ther Citties stand and
which come down to Cambaya or other places, which to this day we
could neauer haueJ^ Downton, however, had found no opportunity of
carrying out this project.
^ Of course either January or February, 1620, would be included in
1 61 9 in the old style of reckoning.
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544 APPENDIX A.
be admitted ; but it is difficult to see why " the kingdom of the
Kakares," which is stated to "border north-east on Kishmier,"
should have been placed itself to the north-east of that ,'province ;
or why " Kanduana,'' which Roe had located (with tolerable accu-
racy) to the S. W. of Bengal, should have been moved to the far
north. Multdn is described in Roe's list as " lying vpon Indus,"
but in the map it is quite away from the river, probably because
it is said, by an error, that the "Pen-jab" borders "north-east upon
Multan ;" while Attock, which Roe had placed, quite rightly, at
the junction of the Kdbul river with the Indus, is fixed to the
south of Lahore. On the other hand, it is almost incredible that
Baffin should not have shown at least a draught of the map to the
person at whose suggestion (probably) it was undertaken, and
who would certainly feel the liveliest interest in such a matter.
The fact, too, that Narwar, which is stated in the list to be S.W.
of Chitor, should have been changed to the N.E. instead, suggests
the influence of Roe, or of someone who, like him, knew enough
of western India to make the correction ; and the introduction
of the " Longe Walke " between Delhi and Lahore, of the Cow's-
head gorge at Hardwar, and of "Jallamakee, the pilgrimage of
the Banians " — ^all obviously derived from the narratives of Tom
Coryat — may also have been due to the ambassador. Terry's
statement that the map was " first made by the 'special observa-
tion and direction " of Roe would of course settle the question,
if it could be relied on ; but it was made many years after the
date of publication, and (as we have seen), the reverend gentle-
man's memory was not to be , trusted implicitly. The general
attribution of the map to Roe is sufficiently explained by the use
made of his name in the title, and the fact that what fresh matter
it contained was undoubtedly derived from information supplied
by him.
That that information, though often inaccurate, constituted on
the whole an important advance, may be seen on comparing
Baffin's map with the one given in the standard atlas of the
period, viz., the Gerardi Mercatoris Atlas denuo auctus^ of which
a fourth edition was published by Hondius at Amsterdam
about 1612.1 A glance at the latter will shew how little was
previously known as regards the interior of the Indian peninsula.
The coast line and the chief ports had been given with fair
accuracy in Linschoten's map (see the English edition of 1598),
from information drawn from Portuguese charts ; and in the atlas
this is copied fully, though somewhat carelessly. But the interior is
still a region to be filled in almost at random. The Indus falls into
the Gulf of Cambay (an error which Roe specially emphasizes),
while its proper place is occupied by a river called the R. de
^ This was the atlas presented by Roe to Jahdngfr and returned by
him, as related on pp. 414, 417.
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NOTE ON THE MAP. 54$
Diiri Siridfe. Even the best known of the up-country cities —
Lahore, Delhi, Agra, Patna, etc, — were located by guesswork : and
the whole country is portrayed in a most rudimentary fashion.
In these respects the map drawn by ]paffin was a great advance
upon its predecessor. The Indus for the first time assumes
somewhat of its proper shape, and it is duly identified with the
river entering the ocean near Diulsind (Ldribandar). In fact,
the whole of western and the greater part of central India may be
said to be portrayed with fair, though far from complete, accuracy.
Where the difficulty came in was to locate the provinces — such as
Jenupar, Bankish, Syba, etc. — which were known only from
Roe's list. In that document the indications given were often
either too vague to be of use, or else irreconcilable with other
statements. The map-maker seems therefore in desperation to
have filled them in almost at random, and, as we have seen,
most of his guesses were very far from being successful. Vdeza,
again, was not recognized as the Orixa of the Portuguese charts ;
and its erroneous location in Roe's list ("the utmost East of the
Mogulls Territories beyond the Bay") led to its insertion between
Bengal and Burma, while " Orixa" occupies its proper position.
There was at least one re-issue of the map in its separate form.
Mr. C. G. Cash, of Edinburgh, possesses a map of India similar
to the one under discussion, except that its date is 1632, and that
the copies are stated to have been Printed for Henery Tombes and
Beniamin Fisher and are to be soulde at the Talbut without
Aldersgate. Mr. Cash has kindly compared the two in detail,
and has found that they are absolutely identical in all other
respects, and that the figures in the date are evidently not the
original ones. It is clear, therefore, that the plate had been
passed on from the first proprietor to Messrs. Tombs and Fisher,
who had then issued a fresh impression, after altering the date
and inserting their own names.
Some six years after its publication, Baffin's map was re-
engraved on a reduced scale for Purchas His Filgrimes^ and as
the form in which it there appeared is the only one which has
hitherto been generally accessible, it may be useful to make a
brief comparison. The same engraver, Renold Elstrack, was
employed, but his work had nothing like the accuracy of the first
edition. In the one case he was working (we may assume) under
the superintendence of Baffin ; in the other he was left to his
own devices. Hence we find that in the later map signs of haste
and negligence abound. Elstrack has, in the first instance,
marked the Ganges delta as Sinde, for in spite of attempts to
erase the name from the plate it may still be read ; the frontier
of Bengal has had to be corrected, and the alteration has left
part of the name outside the boundary of the province ; while
Haiacan has been turned into Halacan, Brodera into Brodem,
Jallamakee into Illamakee, and so on in at least half a dozen
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546 APPENDIX A.
instances. In other respects, the copy follows the original with
fair accuracy ; but it must always remain a careless and untrust-
worthy version of Baffin's handiwork.
The next appearance of the map (on a still smaller scale) was ^ ^
in Terry's work in 1655. In this, many of the names of provinces ^
and towns have been omitted; and amongst other mistakes i^
** Ugen " has become ** Upen," " Cambay " ** Campay," " Buckor " /^
"Bucko," and "Jeselmeere" has been shortened to "Jesel." ^
But the (unknown) engraver avoids some of the errors of Pur- ^
chas's version, and it is evident that he worked not from the latter k
but from the 16 19 map. Ten years later (1665) the same plate
was made use of in the version of Terry which was published as
a supplement to Havers' translation of Delia Valle's letters (see
p. 527). The copy, by the way, given in the 1777 reprint of
Terry's book is still, more inaccurate than its predecessor.
To follow in detail the influence of Baffin's map on the work
of succeeding geographers would carry us beyond our limits. It
may suffice to say that it is writ large upon every map of India,
English or foreign, which was produced for quite a century.
Roe's name lent the map an authority which probably he would
have been the first to deprecate ; and though later geographers
might doubt the accuracy of some of its details, it was only after
great hesitation that they ventured to amend them. Consequently,
Siba, Nakakutt, Jenupar, Peitan, Kanduana, Jesuall, Meuat and
the two Orissas — mostly in the positions assigned by Baffin — j(
appear in turn in the maps of Blaev, Van den Broucke (Valen- ^'
tyn's Oud en Niew Oost Indien, vol. v), Sanson, Ogilby, Bernier Ii
and even Catrou (17 15) 3 and it was not until the advent of
scientific map-making with Rennell (who went back for his politi-
cal divisions to the Ain itself) that Indian geography shook off at
last the incubus of these and similar errors.
>•
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APPENDIX B.
I.— THE COMPANY'S AGREEMENT WITH ROE.*
(I. O. Records : Miscellaneous Court Book^ f. 155.^)
RTICLES of Agreement made and con-
cluded the Sixteenth dale of November
1 6 14 betwixt the Gouernor and Company
of Merchantes of London trading into the
East Indies on the one parte, And Sir
Thomas Rooe, knight, on thoth[er] parte
as foUoweth :
Whereas the Gouernor and Company
haue nomynated the foresaid Sir Thomas
Roe and procured his Majestic to employ him as his Embassador
to the Grand Magore for the better establishing and setlinge an
absolute trade in any partes within the Dominions of the greate
Mogore aforesaid,
The said Gouerner and company, finding that they cannot
convenyently proporcion any certenty for the expenc[e] of Diett,
both for Sir Thomas Roe and his retinewe, doe leaue the
managing thereof to his Discrecion, care, and wisdome, relying
vpon his frugallity, wherein he promiseth his vttermost endeavors.
And to cause a iust accompt to be kept of all expences from the
beginning to the End, as alsoe to deliuer vpp a particuler of
whatsoever shalbe allowed vnto him by the grand Mogore ; And
if it shall soe happen that the Grand Mogore shall graunt a daylie
or yearely allowance vnto him for his Diett and followers during
his abode there to countervaile those expences, That then he
shall free the Company from the said chardge.
^ Printed in The First Letter-book of the East India Company
(p. 446), but again reproduced on account of its importance to the
subject in hand.
* This is only a copy ; what became of the original covenants is not
known,
N N 3
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548 APPENDIX B.
. The said Sir Thomas Roe doth promise to forbeare all privajte
Trade for himselfe or any other, either directly or indirectly, and
doth assure the Company by a faithfull promise to hinder it in
others (All that he<:an) and ta giue intelligence .vnto .themj^f
any that he shall take notice of to offend in that nature or shall
by any meanes come to the knowledge of, and wilbe ready to
giue his best assistance vnto theire cheife Factor, vpon any
occacion, to punish all offenders that shall deserue punishment,
according to the quallity of theire offences.
And lastly, to free himselfe from all iust cause of doubt con-
cerning theire stock in the Country, Hee is willing not to inter-
meddle with any of theire moneyes there, as he doth voluntarily
offer. And will not desir aboue the value of One hundred poundes
vpon any spetiall occacions, to haue it repaid back againe out of
nis meanes, when they shall growe due, Promising not to haue
to doe with any parte of there merchandize, but to Leaue it
wholly to the Managing of theire factors whome they shall appoint
for theis purposes.
In consideracion of the premisses, the said Gouernor and Com-
pany doe for themselfes and their Successors promise to allowe
vnto the said Sir Thomas Roe yerely, for soe long a time as he
shalbee im ployed in this service, the somme of Six hundred
poundes. Three hundred thereof to be paid in the Country at fower
shillinges sixpence the Riall, for his maintenance of Apparrell and
other expences, And thother Three hundred poundes shall yerely
be put into the Joinct stocke to be ymployed for his benifitt pro-
portionablely with all other aduentures. For his better encourage-
ment, whereby to tye his uttermost endeavours to be ymployed
for the good of the Company, They were willing to giue him a
true Testimony of theire affeccions. And therefore bestowed on
him freely the some of Five hundred markes ymprested vpon his
Salarie, to dispose of as he should thinke fitting.
The said Gouernor and Company, desiring to be at a certenty
concerning the wages of all such servantes as shall attend him,
are contented to allowe him a hundred poundes per Annum for
him to giue them satisfaccion, besides a preacher and Chirurgion
whoe shall haue wages at the Companyes charge, the Preacher
50 //'. per Annum, and the Chirurgion Twenty and Fower poundes.
And did freely bestowe the some of Thirty poundes to be disposed
by him for the Liueryes of his said followers. In consideracion
whereof he promiseth to entertayne none to attend him but such
as the Company shall approve of.
The said Gouerner and Company are likewise contented to
deliuer vnto Sir Thomas Roe the somme of Fifteene^ poundes
in hand, being the one halfe of the yerely allowaunce giuen by the
Company towardes the entertainement of his followers, and alsoe
An error for " fifty."
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ROYAL COMMISSION TO SIR. THOMAS ROE. 549
Fiue and Twenty poundes for the halfe of the yearely allowance
given by them vnto the Preacher, and Twelue poundes for the
like halfe yeares allowance vnto the. chirurgion, And for the
time ensewing it is agreed to haue them^ halfe of theire said
yearely allowance to be paid vnto Sir Thomas Roe in the Country
for theire dischardge.
And lastly, the said Gouernor and company are contented to
lend vnto the said Sir Thomas Roe the somme of one hundred
poundes to buy plate for his Table, which some he promiseth to
repaie back againe at his retorne or deliuer the value thereof in
Plate, Or to haue it answered out of his Aduenture, if he die.
Memorandum. Whereas Sir Thomas Roe, Kt., hath receyved
the somme of Three hundred thirtie and three poundes six
shillinges and Eight pence, parte of the Salary which is to bee
allowed him for the ymployment, according to former agreement,
whereby there cannot be soe much put into the Jointe stock the
first yeare as is formerly mencioned. The said Sir Thomas Roe
doth therefore Couenant to haue one hundred markes more of
his salarie to make vpp the full of Fower hundred poundes to be
paid heare to such as he shall consigne it vnto, and onely Twoe
hundred poundes put into the ioynt stock for his vse in this his
first yeare of ymployment, The second yeare Three hundred
poundes as was formerly resould^ of, and the like for the Third,
which in theis Three yeares will arise to the somme of Eight
hundred poundes to be disposed for his benefit in the Joinct
stock accordinge to former Couenant and agreement.
In :witnes of which agreement and Covenantes concluded, the
said Gouernor and Company haue for themselues and there
Successours caused theire Common Seale to be fixed to one
parte thereof, and the said Sir Thomas Roe hath to the other
parte put his hand and Seale the day and yeare first abou^-!
written.
II.— ROYAL COMMISSION TO SIR THOMAS ROE.
(Rymer's Fadera, vol. xvi, pp. 775, 776.)
De Tractando cum Monarcha Indiarum Orientalium super
Amidtia et Commercto, .
James, by the Grace of God, of Great Brittaine, Fraunce and
Ireland King, Defendor of the Faith, etc.
Whereas the high and mighty Monarch, the Create Magoar,
King' of the Orientall Indyes, of Condahy, of Chismer and of
Corasou^ etc., hath of late confirmed unto our Subjects, under his
Great Firma, diverse Rytes, Libertyes and Privileges for their
^ *^ The one " is meant. ^ ^n error for " resolv[e]d:" •
? Kandahar, Kashmfr, and Khorassan.
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5 so; At^PENDlX ».
peaceable Trade and Commerce with his People throughout all
his Domynions, promiseinge and undertaking to safe conducte
and defende them therein :
We, being ready and desirous on our Parts to correspond in
the lyke Offices of Frendshippe with the said Create Monarch,
and to maintayne the Entercourse and Traffique which hath so
happylie been begun, have resolved, for better supporting of our
said Subjects in their Trade, to sende expressely unto the said
Creat Magoar our Trusty and Welbeloved Subjecte, Sir Thomas
Rowe, knight, a principall Centleman of our Courte.
Knowe yee therefore that, for the Confidence and Trust which
We have in the Fidelity and Discretion of the said Sir Thomas
Rowe, We have constituted, appoynted, ordayned and deputed,
and hereby do constitute, appoynt, ordayne and depute the said
Sir Thomas Rowe our true and undoubted Attorney, Procurator,
Legate and Ambassador.
Giving and Graunting unto him full Power and Auctority to
treate, as well with the said Create Monarch, as with any
his Servants, Councellors, or other Deputyes to be by him
appoynted in that behalfe, and with them agree and conclude
concernynge the Maintaynance and Continuance of the Amity
and Course of Marchandiz betweene Us, and our Realmes and
Dominions, and the Realmes and Dominions' of the said Great
Magore, and therefore to agree, compound and covenant in such
forme, and upon such Articles, Covenants and Conditions as to
the same Sir Thomas Rowe shall in his Discretion be thoughte
meete for the naturall [mutual ?] Good of both our Subjects :
Promiseing hereby, in good Faith and in our Princely Word,
that We will allow, approve and confirm whatsoever our said
Ambassador shall doe and agree unto in and concernyng the
Premisses.
And whereas it may fall out that, either by the Emulation and
Envy of other Nations, who seeke to engrosse the whole Trade
of those Parts into their Hands, our said Ambassador might be
hindered and interrupted from landing into the said Great
Magoare his Country ; or, by the Inconstancy and Mutability of
those People, after his first Reception may be driven suddaynlye
to retire from thence : for as much as, in either of those Acci-
dents, or uppon any other just Occasion that may fall out to
frustrate the execution of the Charge committed to him as afore-
said, the Governor and Company Trading into the East Indies
have resolved to use the further Service of the said Sir Thomas
Rowe in some of their Shippes for further Discovery into the
Redd Seas or any other Places elsewhere :
We, likewise approving and favoring the said Course of our
Marchants, doe hereby straightly charge and commande the said
Sir Thomas Rowe and all other under his Government that
neither in their Voiage outward or homeward, or in any Country,
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THE king's instructions TO ROE. 55 1
Ilarid, Port or Place where they shall abide duryng the tyme of
their being abroad, if they mete with any the Subjects of the
King of Spayne or of any other our Confederats, Frendes or
AUyes, or of any other Nation or People their Ships, Vessels,
Goodes or Marchaundizes, they doe not attempt or goe about
to set uppon, take or surprise their Persons, Vessels, Goods
or Marchandizes or offer any Injury or Discurtesy unto them,
except they shall be by them first thereunto justly provoked or
driven, either in the just Defence of their own Persons, Shippes,
Vessels, Goods or Marchaundizes by any their Disturbance or
Hinderance whatsoever in their quiet Course of Trade, or for
Recompence and Recovery of the Persons, Shippes, Goods or
Marchandizes of any our Subjects that are or have been already
in or near the East Indies, or for any other just cause of their
Defence or Recompence of Losses sustayned ; In which Cases
so excepted, yf they attempte, surprise and take the Persons,
Shippes and Goods of any Prince or' State by whose Subjects
they shall sustayne any Wrongs or Losse in manner as aforesaid,
they shall not for any such Act or Acts, grounded upon the
Occasions abovementioned, be in danger and subject to the
Perills and Penalties of our Lawes.
In witness whereof We have caused these our Letters to be
made Patents and sealed with our Great Scale.
Given under our Hand, at our Palace of Westminster, the
eight^ Day of January in the twelveth Yere of our Reigne of
Great Bryttayne, Fraunce and Ireland, and in the Yeare of our
Lord God one thousand six hundred and fourteen [16 15].
Per ipsum Regent,
Carew.
III.— THE KING'S INSTRUCTIONS TO ROE.2
(Public Records Office : E, Indies^ vol. i. No. 44.)
Instruccions for Sir Thomas Rowe^ knight^ autorised by vs vnder
our Great Seale of England to repair e as our Ambassadour to
the Great Magoar,
James R.
Whereas wee have given you Commission to negotiate with the
Great Magoar or Emperour of the Orientall Indies &c., and also
have given you Creditt by our letters for anie thing you shall
deal with him or his Ministers Concerning the good and safety of
our subiectes Trade and Commerce, Wee have thought good, for
^ Carte, in some MS. papers preserved in the Bodleian, gives the
date as the tenth of January, but he was probably mistaken.
^ A full abstract of these instructions will be found among the Carte
MSS. (No. 103, f. 282), in the Bodleian Library.
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55^ At»t>ENm^ fi.
your further direccion and Carriadge therin, to deliuer you theis
instruccions.
First, in your Carriadge, to be Careful! of the preservaccion of
our honour and dignity, both as wee are a soveraine Prince and
a professed Christian, aswell in your speeches and presentadon
of our letters as in all other Circumstances as farre as it standeth
with the Custome of those Countries.
Next, that you vse all the Meanes you can to advance the
Trade of the East India Company and to procure them all Com-
modities of safetie and profit that you may, which being the Maine
scope of your ymploiment, Wee doe therin referre you to such
further direccions and prescripcions as you shall in that behalf at
present or hereafter receaue from the said Companie,^ from which,
either towardes the persons of their factors or their Goodes, you
are in noe wise to digresse, as you will answeare the Contrarie at
your perill.
And if the Great Magoar shall aske you why the Portugalles
of Goa or theraboutes doe not agree with our subiectes in those
parts, but as Enimies doe vse all hostility against them (their
King, our brother of Spaine, being in league and amity with
vs), you may thervnto answeare that it is true that there is a
Generall league and amity betwixt that King and vs, with libertie
of free Trade and accesse to each others dominions. But the
Portugalles, desirous to engrosse to themselues the whole Trade
and Commerce of those partes of the East Indies, and thereby
to keep as it were all those Kinges and Contries ynder their sub-
ieccion and Commaund, doe seeke to deprive our subiectes from
that libertie of Commerce in those partes which the lawe of
Nations doth Cast vpon vs. Yet Notwithstanding, being able to
repell their force in those partes by_way of defence against their
vniust oppressions. Wee are Willing to abstaine from further
Actions of offence in respect of our Generall Amity with them.
For all other matters Concerning our state, because those
Princes are most apt to seeke to Maintaine Correspondencie
with the greatest and Mightiest Princes, wherof they make their
particular Judgmentes much by fame and report, their Contries
being so farre remote from Meanes to vnderstand them in more
particular fashion, you may by way of discourse, the rather to
drawe on the Constancie of his affeccion towardes you in your
Ambassage and our subiectes, describe more particulerlie the
qualitie and Constitucion of our Estate, aswell in regard of the
severall Kingdomes and People which Almightie God hath sub-
iected vnto vs, as in those other blessinges which God hath
^ The Company's instructions to the ambassador, drawn by William
Harrison (their treasurer) and Hugh Hamersley, were approved at a
meeting held on January 4, 161 5. Unfortunately, no copy is now
forthcoming.
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LfiTtER FROM KING JAMES TO GREAt kOGtL. $§1
bestowed vpon vs and our hopeful! Posterity, for the quiet and
peaceable governing of the same.
To which Circumstance of Greatnes, you may add the accesse
of our power and strength at Sea, which giveth vs not onelie
reputacion and autority amongst the Greatest Princes of Christen-
dome, but Maketh vs even a Terrour to all other Nations ;
Concluding all with this happines, that Wee be not onelie abso-
lutelie obeyed but vniversally beloued and admyred of all our
People.
And lastly, forasmuch as in partes remote there may fall out
many occasions that may induce you either to send or vndertake
a iourney your selfe vnto the bordering Nations, the Emperor of
China or any other, for Confirmacion of league and amity with
them, to whom also yre haue sent our Royall letters to procure
trade and Comerce for our loueing Subiectes the Marchantes
trading those partes, you may then take holde of such occasion
to advance the benefitt of our said Marchantes, whereto cheifly
tendeth your employment, and by vertue of this our Comission
capitulate with him or any other bordering Nations according to
such Instructions as shalbe giuen you by them.
Raphe Winwood,
Signed at Whithall
the 29 of December, 16 14.
IV.^LETTER FROM KING JAMES TO THE GREAT
MOGUL.
(Purchas's Filgrimes, vol. i, p. 580.*) ,
The Kings Letters sent to Selim Shagh^^ the Great Mogor^ in
theyeare i6i4[-i5] by Sir Thomas Roe.
James, by the Grace of Almightie God, the Creator of Heauen
and Earth, King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland,
Defendor of the Christian Faith, etc.
To the high and mightie Monarch the Great Mogor, King of
the Oriental! Indies, of Chandahar, of Chismer and Corazon, &c.
Greeting.
We hauing notice of your great fauour toward Vs and Our
Subiects, by Your Great Firma to all Your Captaines of Riuers
and Officers of Your Customes, for the entertaynnient of Our
louing Subiects the English Nation with all kind respect, at what;
time soeuer they shall arriue at any of the Ports within Your
1 From a copy found by Purchas among Hakluyt's papers.
. * Salim Shdh, the emperor's proper name. He is, however,
always known by the title of Jahdngfr, which he assumed upon his
accession to the throne.
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SS4 AWENDIJC S.
Dominions, and that they may haue quiet Trade and Commerce
without any kind of hinderance or molestation, &c., As by the
Articles concluded by Sue Suff, Gouernour of the Guzerats, in
Your Name, with Our louing Subiect Captaine Thomas Best
appeareth : Haue thought it meete to send vnto You Our Ambas-
sadour, which may more fully and at large handle and treate of
such matters as are fit to be considered of, concerning that good
and friendly correspondence, which is so lately begunne betweene
Vs, and which will without doubt redound to the honour and
vtilitie of both Nations. In which consideration, and for the
furthering of such laudable Commerce, Wee haue made choice
of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, one of the principall Gentlemen of
Our Court, to whom Wee haue giuen Commission vnder Our
Great Scale of England, together with directions and instructions
further to treate of such matters as may be for the continuance
and increase of the vtilitie and profit of each others Subiects :
to whom We pray You to giue fauour and credit in whatsoeuer
Hee shall mooue or propound toward the establishing and
enlarging of the same. And for confirmation of our good incli-
nation and wel-wishing toward You, We pray You to accept in
good part the Present, which our said Ambassadour will deliuer
vnto You. And so doe commit You to the mercifuU protection
of Almightie God.
v.— THE COMPANY'S INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE
NEGOTIATIONS IN PERSIA.
(I. O. Records: Miscellaneous Court Book^ f. 157.^)
A declaration of the opinions of vs the Gouernor and Company of
Merchantes of London trading into the East Indies^ what we
thinke fitt to set downe as Enstruccions for the right Honour-
able Sir Thomas Roe^ his Maiesties Embassador residing with
the great Mogoll^ concerning the setting of a Trade in Persia,
First, That your Lordship receiue due informacion from
Armenians, Moores, and such other Merchantes as trade out of
Persia into the Mogores dominions, of the distance of place wher
the Silke is principallye to be had vnto the Port that may be
most commodious for our Shippes to repaire vnto.
2. Also to take good knowledge of a sufficient Port, both for
fitnes (in regard of repaire and entrance therunto) as also for the
saufetye of our people and goodes.
3. Likewise of the quantitye of silke that is yearlye bought by
merchantes and exported out of Persia ; as also of the currant
1 Printed in The First Letter book of the East India Company^
p. 455. The circumstances in which these instructions were drawn
are explained at p. 421.
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INStRUCTiONS t'OR t^ERStAN J^EGOtlATiONlS. J^S
price that it beareth in those partes ordinarily, and what the
charge therof may be by cariage from that place vnto the Port
wher wee ar to lade it ; To the end that the principall cost and
charges may plainlye appeare vnto vs.
4. Which pointes being dulye examined and informacion taken
accordinglye, then to consider of some fitting person or persons
(two or three at the most) whome you may send to treate with
the King of Persia on our Kinges behalf for the establishment
of such a Trade with vs as will aunswer with our meanes and
ventes of our Commodity es, well enstructed by your Lordshipp
in the Articles following, and such other thinges as to you shall
seme most convenient ; And therin to lymit the charges accord-
ing to your Lordships discrecion, for that wee haue fownd the
expences of Richard Steele to be verie extraordinarye and much
distastfull to the Company.
5. And the better to enhable them to treate with the Kinge of
Persia or his officers wee haue sent you a Coppie of the Capitula-
cions agreed vppon betwixt the Kings Maiestie and the Grand
Signior for our free trade into Turkey, wherby, with your Lord-
shipps good helpe, such Articles may be framed ther to be sent
with them as may be fit to be presented to the King of Persia for
the establishment of what wee desire ; least, being referred to
their setting downe, somwhat may be mistaken to our disadvantage.
And for the better enhabling of your Lordship therin wee haue
set downe such other notes as wee thinke fit to be incerted.
To say :
L That there may be a certaine rate agreed vppon for
Customes or ToUes (yf any be ther payable), and that with as
much fauor as may be.
IL That ther may be assigned vs a saufe and secure Port,
wher our shippes may ride, without perill of the Seas and daunger
of the Enemyes, And wher our Mart for the seUing of ours and
buying of their commodityes may be setled without ouer farre
cariage into the Countrye.
III. That wee may haue some good assurance That for their
Silke they will accept at the least th'one half of English commo-
dities at reasonable rates, especiallye
Cloath at 20//. sterling per Cloath or 80 Ryalls of 8.
Blewe Kersies of 20 yardes per peece, at 25 Ryalls of 8 per peece.
Northerne Kersyes in coulours, of 17 yardes the Kersye, at 16
Ryalls of 8.
Tynne in barres, at 30 Ryalls of 8 the 100 weight English.
Batterye^ alias Brasse kettles at 40 Ryalls of 8 the 100 weight.
The other half to be paid in ready mony. Spices, and other
Indian commodityes.
^ /.^., metal utensils wrought by hammering.
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6. And the better to explaine our selucs what weie desire, That
the price of Silke may be contracted for more certaintie and
some good assurance giuen that it may be laden cleare of all
charges abourd our shipps at a Riall and a half of 8 the pownd
of 1 6 ounces, which is the greatest price that we can resolue to
giue and is more then the whight China silke doth cost in the
Indies, that is sould here for aboue 20 shillings the pownd of 16
ounces ; And this Persian silke sould here (according to ordinarie
price) not for aboue 16 shillings the pownd of 16 ounces. At
which prices, and good condicions as aforesaid, wee shalbe able
to take from the Persian yearlie 8000 Bales of his silke, of 180//.
English ech Bale or ther aboutes.
Your Lordship may perceiue what our desire is by the
premisses ; But if you cannot efifect it in the same manner and
condicions. Then to trye howe neare you may bring it thervnto ;
And therof to certifye vs with all possible expedicion, That
according as wee find cause wee may procede.
VI.— LETTER FROM KING JAMES TO SIR THOMAS
ROE.
(Public Records Office: E, Indies^ vol. i. No. 57.^)
To our right trustie and well beloued seruant Sir Thomas Roe,
Knight, our Ambassadour resident with the Grand Mogul!.
James R.
Right trustie and welbeloued. Wee greete you well. Wee
haue seen your Letters written vnto vs in February last^ and
we haue bene also more particularly informed by our principall
Secretary of the adverticementes which came from you at that
tyme in your other private letters ; which haue giuen vs very
good contentment, being resolued to retaine in a gratious
memory the dilligences and dexterity which you haue vsed in
your negociations there. In particular we do approue of the
entrance of a treaty which you haue begon to make with the
Sophy of Persia for the opening of his Gulfe and inlarging the
1 Printed in the Calendar of State Papers^ E. Indies^ 16 17-21,
Preface, p. xxvi.
2 See p. 132.: The present letter was written at the instance of the
East India Company, as Roe guessed (p. 479). A note from Smythe
to Win wood, asking his assistance in "procuring it, is among the MSS.
of the Duke of Buccleuch {Reports of Hist. MSS, Commn., 1899,
vol. i, p. 180). Its receipt by Roe is noted on p. 430 ; and his reply
will be found. on p. 495.
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LETTER FROM THE GREAT MOGUL. '5 57
trade of: our subiectes into his Dominions, especially for the
traffique and commerce of silke ; beinge resolued to prosecute
the same to effect, accordinge as we shall iudge it requisite vpon
the further adverticementes that we shall heerafter receaue from
ryou. In the meanetyme we do authorize you to proceed in your
good beginnings and to dispatch into Persia some fit persons
with such instructions as you shall receaue from the Gouernour and
Committies of the East Indie Company, to ripen and prepare that
busines. And moreouer, if you shall find all things there so
well prepared that you may come to the conclusion of a treaty to
the purpose aboue-named, without further circumstance we do
in such case heerby giue you power to perfect and conclude, or
cause to be perfected and concluded, a treaty of Comerce betwixt
the said great Sophy and vs, for the mutuall good of the subiectes
and dominions of vs both, without attending from hence any
other directions then a confirmacion only of that treaty, which
shalbe by vs foorthwith ratified, according as you shall in our
name vndertake the same.
Giuen vnder our signet at our Pallace of Westminster, the 4th
of February i6i6[-i7].
VII.— LETTER FROM THE GREAT MOGUL TO KING
JAMES.1
(British Museum : Addi. MS. 4155, f. 100.)
When your Majestie shall open this lettre lett your royall hart
bee as fresh as a sweete garden. Lett all people make reuerence
* This is the document mentioned in the ambassador's letter to
King James of February 15, 1618 (see p. 497). The text here given
is from a copy in Roe's handwriting, and may therefore be accepted
as authoritative. Mr. Sainsbury has printed a slightly different
version in the preface to his Calendar of State Papers^ E, Indies^
1617-21, taken from an undated copy in the Public Record Office
\E, Indies^ vol. i. No. 68) ; and a third copy, also presenting some
unimportant variations, is in Addl, MS. 29975 (f. 37). There is
further, among the Marquis of Salisbury's MSS. at Hatfield, a docu-
ment containing (as Mr. R. T. Gunton has been kind enough to
ascertain for me) copies of both this and the following letter on a
single sheet endorsed, "Two letters from the Great Mogol to his
Majesty, 1619 ; " and yet another copy of the two is among the Carte
MSS. in the Bodleian Library (No. 103, f. 280). Terry quotes the
opening lines of both, and says (not quite correctly) that one was
written a year before the other.
Mr. Sainsbury was unable to assign a date closer than "? 1618."
This want is now supplied by Roe's note at the end of the letter.
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558 APPENDIX B.
at your gate; lett your throne bee aduanced
These salutations higher ; amongst the greatnes of the kyngs of the
fn^'XierS'^he prophett Jesus lett your Majestie bee the greatest,
originaii.i and all monarchques deriue their counsell and
wisedome from your brest as from a founteyne,
that th,e law of the majestie of Jhesus may reuiue and flourish
vnder your protection.
The lettre of loue and frendship which you sent and the presents,
tokens of your good affection toward mee, I haue receiued by
the hands of your Ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe
In the originaii are (who well desserueth to bee your trusted seruant)
ho^r^'L'rprayses ^diuered to mee in an acceptable and happy
cast away vpon mee. houre ; vpon which myne eyes were soe fixed
that I could not easelye remooue them to any
other obiect, and haue accepted them with great joy and delight.
Vpon which assurance of your royall loue I haue giuen my
generall command to all the kyngdomes and portsof my Dominions
to receiue all the merchantes of the English nation as the subiects
of my frend, that in what place soeuer they choose to Hue they
may haue reception and residence to their owne content and
safety, and what goods soeuer they desire to sell or buy, they
may haue free libertie without any restraynt ; and at what Port
soeuer they shall arriue that neyther Portugall nor any other shall
dare to molest their quiett ; and in what Cytty soeuer they shall
haue residence, I haue commanded all my Gouernors and Cap-
teynes to giue them freedome answerable to their owne desires : to
sell, buy, and to transport into their Countrie at theire pleasure.
For confirmation of our loue and frendship, I desire your
Majestie to Command your merchants to bring in their Shipps
of all sorts of rareties and rich goods fitt for my pallace ; and
that you bee pleased to send mee your royall lettrs by euerye
oportunitie that I may reioyce in your health and prosperous
affayres ; that our frendship may bee enterchanged and eternall.
Your Majestie is learned and quick-sighted as a prophett and
can conceiue much by few woords, that I neede write no more.
The God of Heauen giue you and us increase of Honor.
Written in Amadauaz, the cheefe cytty of Guzuratt, sealed in
a case of gould Satten, sent to the Ambassador the 20 day feb.
i6i7[-l8] (the coppy firmed by the secretarie), in answere of a
lettre by his majestie of Great Brittayne dated i6i6[-i7] ; which
should haue beene sent for England by the fleete returned in
March i6i7[-i8], but deteyned because ther was nothing per-
formed according to the contents therof, that therby the Am-
bassador might vrdge the kyng of Indya to performance or refuse
the lettre.
* Th^se are, of course, marginal comments by the ambassador,
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LETTER FROM THE GREAT MOGUL. 559
VIIL—LETrER FROM THE GREAT MOGUL
TO KING JAMES.
(Public Records Office : E. Indies^ vol. i, No. 67.^)
How gratious is your Maiestie, whose
TtS^^bSq^i'Mc^nol Frames God preserue. As vpon a rose
bee expressed litteraiiy in in a garden, SO are myne eyes fixed vpon
English woords: but they you^ Qq^j maynteyne your estate that
import the height of honor ^ ,, ,'•' ^ •ji
andare in their owne dialect your Monarchy may prosper and bee
very elegant. The transla- augmented and that you may obteyne
X'^S^fshesbSlngirt: aWyo^^-^ desires woorthy the greatnes of
ted for the difficultie. your renowne ; and as your hart is noble
and vpright So lett God giue you a
glorious reigne ; Because you strongly defend the law of the
Maiestie of Ihesus, which God make yett more flourishing,^ for
that it was confirmed by miracles. And the same Honor which
God hath giuen vnto Moses and to Jesus, the same God give
vnto you.
The lettre of frendship which you wrote
'^V^T^^l''^^^'^ vnto mee I haue receiued and haue
curious prayses. vnderstood all that was conteyned therin ;
and all the presents and rareties which
you sent mee are deliuered vnto mee, which I haue accepted
with much delight, loue and great content, and haue receiued
them as if the kyngs my ancestors had sent them to mee. And
in whatsoeuer I may giue you the like content I haue giuen my
command to all my kyngdomes, subiects and vassalls, as well to
the greatest as to the least, and to all my Sea ports, that it is my
pleasure and I doe command that to all the English marchants
in all my Dominions there bee giuen freedome and residence ;
and I haue confirmed by my woord that no subiect of my kyng-
domes shall bee so bould to doe any Iniurie or molestation to
1 In Sir Thomas Roe's hand, and endorsed by him : — " Coppy of
the lettre of Ghehangier-sha, great Mogol ; and of his agreement
and contract for reception of the English, made with Sir Thomas
Roe, his maiesties Ambassador, and sent by him to his maiestie,
Anno 161 8, 8° die August."
A second copy, containing a few unimportant variations and without
the marginal notes, forms part of No. 68 in the same volume.
This is the letter delivered to Roe before his departure from Ahmad-
dbdd (p. 511) as the Mogul's reply to King James's further letter (of
which no copy is extant) presented in December, 1617 (pp. 449, 451),
2 A striking instance of Jahdn^ir's want of orthodoxy.
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560
APPENWX B.
This is expressd in the ori-
ginall by a woord that signi-
fies they shalbe so free as
that no man shall meddle
att all, but lett them pass
without casting an eye vpon
them.
the sayd English, and that their goods
and merchandise they may sell or
traiicqtie with according to their owne
will and to their owne content, and that
of all things which they desire in my
kyngdomes whersoueuer they may buy,
carry foorth and trade freely, for that it
is my good will and pleasure that they may soe doe ; And that all
their ships may come and goe to my ports whersoeuer they choose
at their owne will. And I haue commanded the great lord
Asaph-Chan that he take this contract
To whom^s, added many ^^^ ^^^-^^^ -^^^ j^.^ ^^^^ . ^^^^ ^^ ^^^
farthar giue or enlardge in all mattres
belonging to the land or seas, according as I haue giuen my
securitie and made agreement ; And
ratI^hchr?hauSam whatsoeuer the sayd great lord Asaph-
to the English all their de- chan shall doe shall Stand m force as
sires, and in these t^mes ^gll in any articles of Contract as in all
he receiued his commission. .u ^i. • j • • j *u j.
Other their desires or occasions ; and that
whatsoeuer goods shall come from your kyngdome hither vnto
mee of any kynd or shall goe to you from my kyngdome shall
receiue no hinderance nor impediment, but shall pass with honor
and frendship.
So God giue your maiestie health.
Written in Amadauaz, the cheefe cytty of
Guzeratt, Anno Domini i6t8, Mense
August, die 8"°.
Sowed in a purse of gould and sealed vp by the Diuon at
both ends ; sent to the Ambassador and the coppy off the records
testefied by the Secretarie.
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KJ ^.^af^t^nci gf^reat liOdOL
THE EMPEROR'S SEAL.
{from Terry^s " Voyage ").
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APPENDIX C.
NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS.
Portrait of Sir Thomas Roe.
REPRODUCTION, by the Autotype Com-
pany, of the engraving by George Vertue
which forms the frontispiece to The
Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe in his
Embassy to the Ottoman Porte, 1621-28,
published in 1740.
The present copy is from a *' proof be-
fore letters*' presented for this purpose by
Sir George Birdwood (the lettering which
appears on the print has been added by some former owner). In
the engraving, as published, the following inscription appears on
the pedestal: *'Sr. Thomas Roe, Kt., Embassador to the Great
Mogul, Grand Signior, Kings of Poland, Sweden and Denmark,
the Emperor and Princes of Germany at Ratisbon ; Chancellor of
the Garter, and Privy Councellor. Obt. An. D. 1644;" while
round the rim of the portrait is inscribed Te colui, Virtus, tit rem,
sed nomen inane es — a Latin rendering of the gloomy sentiment
which Brutus is said to have quoted just before his death.
The portrait is stated on the engraving to have been painted
by " Mi. M. a Delph," i.e., Michiel Janszen Mierevelt of Delft.
The date of its execution is not known ; but, as Roe is shown
wearing his robes as Chancellor of the Garter, it must necessarily
have been after January, 1637.
At the time when it was engraved the painting was in the
possession of the Honourable Wills Hill, whose father. Viscount
Hillsborough, had married Mary, widow of Sir Edmund Denton
and elder daughter and co-heir of Anthony Rowe, the representa-
tive of the elder branch of the Roe family. The portrait would
O O
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562 APPENDIX C.
naturally now be looked for at Hillsborough Castle ; but the Right
Hon. Lord Arthur Hill, in response to an inquiry, has kindly
informed the editor that it is not there. A portrait of Roe,
depicting him as a young man with dark-brown hair, is preserved
at the Castle, and also a painting of Sir Thomas and Lady Roe,
ascribed to Vandyke. The latter, by the way, is probably the
"Sir Thomas Roe and his Lady, done by Com. Jansen,"
referred to in an old list of historical portraits (of date about the
end of the seventeenth century) which is now in the possession of
Mr. Lionel Cust ; and it may also be the "effigy by Vandyke" (to
whom pictures by Jansen are often attributed) referred to in
Richardson's Preface to the Negotiations,
The frame and acessories in the engraving were of course
added by Vertue. At the top of the picture a laurel wreath is
placed, on one side of which is a shield with the arms of England,
and on the other two escutcheons bearing the arms of the Empire
and Scandinavia respectively, in allusion to Roe's embassies to
those countries. Underneath the portrait the most prominent
object is Roe's coat-of-arms : three bezants, on a chevron,
between three trefoils slipped. Encircling this is the collar and
George of the Order of the Garter ; and behind it he on the one
hand the bag of the Chancellor, and on the other his mantle,
chain and badge. As befits a lover of learning, books are piled
on each side of the pedestal ; above these may be seen a docu-
ment bearing a number of seals, and a Hermes-wand, both
alluding to his ambassadorial functions, while in the background
is the sword which marks the soldier. Finally, the Oriental
headgear and weapons make a special allusion to Roe's missions
to Ajmere and Constantinople.
Jahangir and Prince Khurram.
This plate has been copied from Purchas his Pilgrimes^ vol. ii,
p. 1474, where it appears as an illustration to Terry's short sketch
of his Indian experiences. As indicated in the superscription, it
is taken from the work of a native artist. The Persian inscription
at the bottom of the picture has suffered at the hands of the
English engraver, and is consequently difficult to read; but
Professor Denison Ross renders it as : " In the year \illegible\
in the town of Bandhii, I, the writer of this, Minuchehr (?),
was fifty years of age."
It seems probable that the illustration is a combination of two
native miniatures, one containing Jahangir and his attendant,
the other Prince Khurram. Jahangir, it will be noticed, has a
hawk on his right hand, and grasps a small bird in his left. The
Prince holds a small book in one hand and the conventional
flower in the other.
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NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS. 563
Sir Thomas Roe's Letter to Mr. Lescke.
A facsimile of No. 359 of the India Office series of Original
Correspondence, The text has been printed on p. 168.
Map of Western India, showing Roe's Route.
No special remark is necessary in this case. As already
explained (p. 359), Roe's route from Ajmere to Mandii and
thence to Ahmadabdd has been laid down chiefly from entries
in the Ttizak-i-Jahdngiri, His flying visit to Burhdnput from the
latter city has not been entered on the map, for the reasons
given on p. 503.
Cordial acknowledgments are due to Mr. Ravenstein, who
kindly put into form for the draughtsman the editor's original
map.
The Emperor Jahangir.
"And now, that my Reader may see the great Mogol in a
Portrature (which was taken from a Picture of his drawn to the
life) I have caused that to be here inserted, which presents
him in his dayly unvaried Habite, as he is bedeckt and adorned
with Jewels he continually wears. For the fashion of the Habite
in which he is here presented, it is for the fashion the Habite of
that whole vast Empire ; so that he who strictly views this may
see the dresse of the men throughout that whole great Monarchy."
—Terry, p. 364.
This portrait is doubtless a copy of a native miniature brought
home by Terry. It appears to have been engraved in a careless
manner ; cp. the poor rendering of the turban, and the hair
which is represented as escaping from it at the back.
The Emperor's Standard.
Terry (p. 364), describing this illustration, says that it repre-
sents the " royal standard of the Great Mogol, which is a Cou-
chant Lyon shadowing part of the body of the Sun." It is
probably adapted from Baffin's map, where a similar drawing is
given as the Insignia Potentissimi Monarchi Magni Mogoll.
This device appears on many of the portrait-coins issued by
Jahdngfr, with the difference that the face in the sun is missing.
In his remarks upon these coins {Coins of the Moghul Emperors of
Hindustdn^ p. Ixxx), Professor Stanley Lane-Poole says : " The
presence of the sun has been explained as a reference to the
fact that Jahdngir was born on a Sunday; but it is more probable
that the sun's image appears in virtue of the tendency
002
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564 APPENDIX C.
towards solar worship which undoubtedly fdtind encouragement
under Akbar, and was never positively repudiated by his sue
cessor. It is possible that the choice of the zodiacal sign Leo
may be connected with the month (rather than the day) of the
Emperor's birth, which was surrounded by mysterious omens and
spiritual agencies, if we are to believe the historians." It may
be noted, however, that Clavijo in his embassy to the court of
Timiir, 1403-6, saw upon a palace in Samarcand "a figure of a
lion and a sun," which he says were the arms of the former " lords
of Samarcand " {Embassy of Clavijo^ p. 124); and it would seem,
therefore, that Jahdngir, whatever his motive, was but reviving an
ancient symbol.
Apparently the device was not adopted by any of his succes-
sors. It is, of course, well known that the lion and the sun
constitute the present badge of the Persian state. In the Persian
emblem, however, the lion is to the left, and is represented as
" passant guardant," with a curved sword in his right paw.
Portrait of the Rev. Edward Terry.
From the frontispiece to the first edition (1655) of his Voyage
to East India.
An account of his career has already been given at pp. 246,
377. Further details will be found in the article written by Mr.
Stephen Wheeler in the Dictionary of National Biography,
William Baffin's Map of Hindustan.
This has been sufficiently described on p. 542.
The Royal Signet of the Great Mogul.
This is the fourth and last (excluding the map) of Terry's
illustrations. The following is his explanation of it (pp. 364-
367):—
" And after that I have caused his Imperial Signet or great
Seal to be laid down before my Readers eyes, where in nine
rounds or circles are the Names and Titles of Tamberlane and his
lineal successors in Persian words, which I shall make presently
to speak English, and (as I conceive) no more in English than
what is fully expressed in those original w^ords.
" This Seal, as it is here made in Persian words, the great
Mogol, either in a large or lesser figure, causeth to be put unto all
Firinaunes or Letters Patents, the present Kings Title put in the
middle and larger Circle that is surrounded with the rest. The
impression whereof is not made in any kinde of Wax but Ink ;
the Seal put in the middle of the Paper and the writing about it ;
which Paper there is made very large and smooth and good and
in divers colours beside white, and all to write on. And the
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NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS. 565
words on the Mogols Seal, being imboss't, are put upon both
sides of his Silver and Gold Coin (for there is no image upon any
of it).^ And the like little Signets or Seals are used by the great
men of that Countrey and so by others of inferiour rank, having
their Names at length engraven on them, with which they make
impressions or subscriptions, by Ink put on them, to all their acts
and deeds, which round Circle is their hand and Seal to.
"For Timar-lang or Tamberlane, he was famous about the
year of Christ 1398, in the last year of the Reign of Richard the
Second, King of England. And he the first of the Race of those
great Monarchs hath a Title which speaks thus :
1. Amir Timur Saheb Ceran,^ that is the great Conqueror or
Emperor Timur or Tamberlane^ Lord possessor of the Corners^ or
of the four Corners of the World.
2. The second, his Son, was called Mirath-Sha, the King and
inheritor of Conquests^ or the inheritor of his Fathers Conquests ^^
3. The third, his son, was called Mirza Sultan Mahomeds, the
Prince and Commander for Mahomet^ or the Defender of the
Mahometan Reli^on ; for this King (as it should seem) was the
^ These statements can only be accepted with limitations. The
emperor's name and titles appear on the coinage, but not together
with those of his ancestors, as on the seal ; and there were coins
with images on them, though apparently they were not in general
circulation.
*^ Sdhib Qirdn^ " Lord of the (auspicious) Conjunction," a title
largely used by Timur. The following quotation from his Memoirs
(Stewart's translation, p. 13), explains its origin: ''A celebrated
Astrologer waited on me and delivered a plan of my horoscope, stating
that at the time of my birth the planets were in so favourable and
auspicious conjunction as certainly to predict the stability and dura-
tion of my good fortune and sovereignty ; that I should be superior to
all the monarchs of the age ; that whoever were my enemies should
be subdued and whoever were my friends should be prosperous ; that
I should be the protector of religion, the destroyer of idols, the father
of my people ; that my descendants should reign for many genera-
tions and that they should be prosperous as long as they continued to
support the Muhammadan religion, but if they should deviate there-
from, their dominion would soon be annihilated." As is well known,
it was held by astrologers that a grand conjunction of the planets
heralded the birth of a child destined to exercise a profound influence
upon the history of the world ; and amongst others Abraham, Moses
and Muhammad were said to have come into existence under such
auspices.
In later years the Emperor Shdh Jah^n took the title of Sdhib
Qirdn-i Sdni, or " Second Lord of the (auspicious) Conjunction ;" and
the Emperor Jahdnddr adopted a similar designation.
As Professor Ross suggests, Terry (or his informant) must have
confused qirdn with kardn (" boundary" or " limit").
3 Here again the etymology is wrong. Terry is thinking of Pers.
mirdsy " an inheritance." The name should be Mirin Shdh.
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566 APPENDIX C.
first Indostan Emperor that professed Mahometisme, which
Tamberlane his Grand-father was a great enemy too, and therefore
ever strongly opposed it.^ But this third Monarch of that hne
and all his successors since have been Mahometans.
4. The fourth, his son, was called Sultan Abusaid, the Prince
and Father^ ox fountain of Beneficence,
5. The fifth, his son, was called Mirzce Amir Sheick, the
Imperial Princely Lord.
6. The sixth, his son, was called Baba Padsha, the King^ the
Father^ or the King the Father of his Countrey?
7. The seventh, his son, was called Hamasaon Podsha, the
King Invincible,
8. The eighth, his son, was called Achabar Padsha, the great
King^ or Emperor that is most mighty^ or the King most mighty.
9. The ninth, his son, was called Almozaphar Noor Dein
Gehangeir Padsha Gaze, the most warlike and most victorious Kingy
the Light of Religion and the Conqueror of the World.
" Here are very high titles taken by Tamberlane and his suc-
cessors, and the lower we go the greater still they are ; but the
last of them swels biggest of all, calling himself amongst other
phansies the Conqueror of the world^ and so he conceits himself
to be."
It is interesting to compare with Terry's figure the one given
by Purchas (vol. i, p. 591), and we accordingly reproduce this
below. Of course, neither drawing purports to be an exact copy
of the seal, but only to give a rough plan of it. The original
would probably be a very ornate piece of work, with flowers, for
instance, in the spaces between the circles.
Purchas does not mention whence he obtained his drawing,
but its superiority over the later production is at once evident.
In the first place, there is a great difference in the character
of the Persian employed in the two cases. ** Though Purchas's
drawing," writes Professor Denison Ross, "is obviously not the
work of a native, yet, being presumably a first copy of the original,
the form of the letters has in most cases been accurately pre-
served. With regard to the other, this is evidently the work of a
European, and copied rather from a transcribed version than from
an original." Again, there is an important difference between
the two as regards the general arrangement of the names. In
the drawing given by Purchas the name and titles of Jahdngir
stand alone in the innermost circle, while the word ibn (" son ")
is introduced into each of the other circles in such a way that
Jahangir is shown as the " son " of each of his ancestors, and at
^ This is quite wrong. Timiir and all his descendants were
Muhammadans.
'^ Terry's inj^enuity has again misled him. The name is not Bdbd
(Father),' but Bi\bcr (Lion).
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NOTKS ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS.
567
the same time, reading the names in the right order, each
emperor is shown as the son of his predecessor. This is a
conceit quite in Oriental- style. Terry, on the other hand, gives
the genealogy rather in the fashion of an English pedigree.
Timiir stands alone at the top, while the ibn is prefixed to the
name of each of his descendants, including Jahangir. The seal
is thus reduced to a string of names, in which Timiir is the most
prominent figure and the reigning emperor is only distinguished
from the rest by his longer title and its central position. This
Tht iDifaipt'm of the Great Mogols Seale.
arrangement is far less probable than the former; and taken with
the mistakes in the Persian, it seems to give good reason for
believing that the drawing given by Terry is not to be trusted as
an exact representation of the seal.
It may seem strange that Terry, publishing thirty years later
than Purchas, should give a version so much less accurate ; but
probably what occurred was this. Terry, as we gather from his
Voyage^ had acquired a little Persian and Arabic during his stay
in India. When writing his book, or at least when superintending
the preparation of the illustrations, he either forgot that Purchas
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568 APPENDIX C.
had given a sketch of the seal, or else he had not a copy of that
work at hand. He therefore — we may surmise — took the drawing
of the seal on Baffin's map (of which we know he or his engraver
had a copy; see p. 546), and did his best to transliterate into
Persian the various names and titles there given. Noticing, how-
ever, that in Baffin's drawing all the titles are prefaced by " Aben "
{ibn\ he amended it by omitting this from the first circle (Timiir).
This theory would account to some extent for Terry's strange
form of " Homasaon " (for ** Humayun "), which seems to be his
improvement upon the " Homashaun" of the map. It is true
that, on the other hand, it would not explain the transformation
of "Miran;" but this may be due to Terry's desire to find a
suitable etymology for the name.
From a curious note by Purchas (vol. i, p. 591), it appears that
the seal was not impressed in the usual fashion on the letters
sent to James I, but was sent separately, engraved on a silver
plate. The note is as follows : —
" I haue heard that Sir Thomas Roe at his Returne, desiring
the Great Mogor or MogoU his Letters of Commendation to His
Maiestie, easily obtayned that request, but found him very scru-
pulous where to set his seale ; lest, if vnder, hee should disparage
himselfe, if ouer, it might cause distast to the King. His resolu-
tion and preuention therefore was this : to send the Letter
vnsealed, and the great Seale it selfe, that so His Maiestie might
according to his owne pleasure affixe it. The Seale is Siluer."
A similar plan had been adopted with the royal letter delivered
to the English factors in March, 1615. Kerridge writes ((9.C.,
No. 270) that the seal was "putt loose therein, which is the
Costome, for if itt were on the top itt sheweth superyorytye ; if
vnderneathe, Inferyorytye ; but beinge loose, equallytye. The
seale is sett in Inke, hauinge therein eight seuerall names in
signettes and himselfe the ninth placed in the Middest, deryu-
inge himselfe from Tamberlayne, the firste of the nine."
Delia Valle, in his Letters from India (Hakluyt Society edn.,
vol. i, p. 51), mentions Jahdngir's seal, "the impression whereof
I keep by me, wherein is engraven all his pedigree as far as
Tamerlane, from whom Sciah Selim reckons himself the eighth
descendant."
P.S. — Since the above was put into type, the editor has had an
opportunity of examining an imperial /a r man bearing the seal of
Aurangzib. This confirms the correctness of the arrangement
shown in Purchas's drawing, and proves that (as was suspected)
Terry's version is entirely wrong.
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INDEX.
( The letter n signifies that the reference is to a footnote. )
Abbds, Shah : Roe's letters to, 131,
132, 357; invades Georgia, 113,
121 ; reduces the Kurds, 310 ; slays
his son, 113, 121 ; Jahangfr's inte-
rest in, 130 ; inquires after English,
357 ; his policy, 129, 406 ; attitude
towards Portuguese, 482 ; character
of, 419, 433. See also Persia.
Abbdsi, 462 n
Abbot, George, Archbishop of Can-
terbury : Roe's letters to, 122,
308 ; reference to a previous letter,
308 «; and to a later one, 311;/ ;
he writes to Roe, 308 n
Abbot, Maurice, Deputy- Governor
of the East India Company, 122,
521, 525 «, 527
Abdalacora, 27-30, 35, 36
Abdala Khin and the Ahmadabad
factors, 170 ; Roe writes to, 173 ;
recalled to court in disgrace, but
forgiven, 278, 279 n\ Khurram
and, 279, 292, 299 ; notice of,
lyon
Abdul Hasan, 184, 214, 268 ; Roe
visits him, 205 ; his position at
Court, 206
Abdurrahim, Mfrza. See Khan-
khanan.
Abdy, Mr., 520
. Abram the Dutchman. See De
Duyts.
Abdl, bakshi of Ahmadabad, 1 73
Abyssinia, 526; King of (Prester
John), 23, 34, 526
Abyssinians, 34, 445
Acnin, 410
Adams, Captain Robert, 424
Afzal Khdn. See Shukrulla.
Aggreation, 463
Agha N6r, 161, 394, 395, 400, 401
Agra, 97, ioi«, 104;/, 113, i6i,2i2,
403 «» 438, 456, 488, 541; debts
at, 208, 227 ; description of, 537 ;
the English broker at, 375 ; Catho-
lic church at, 315 ; plague at, 307,
352, 364 «, 366, 367, 375 ; Roe
writes to the governor of, 178 ;
English factors at, 504 ; write to
Roe, 172, 207, 227, 251, 269, 273,
283, 303» 336, 340, 375; and to
the Company, 476 «, 480 «, 517;
Roe writes to them, 303, 407,
429 «; trade at, 159, 264, 447,
473, 474, 476 ; scheme for water-
works at, see Steel, Richard (pro-
jects of).
Agulhas, Cape, 15
Ahadij 383 n
Ahmadabid, 68, 80, 208, 265, 345,
474, 523-5> 539, 55^, 559 «> 560 ;
description of, 453 n; Jahangfr at,
418, 454 «, 5i4«; Roe arrives
at, 453; leaves, 514 «; plague at,
505« ; English factors at, 116, 125,
126, 170, 173, 193, 268, 329 ; their
letters to Roe, 62, 170, 173, 193,
228, 270, 367, 402 ; Roe writes to
them, 63, 244 «, 368
Ahmadnagar, 403 ;;, 419 »
Ajmere, account of, 105 «, 113, 123;
Roe arrives at, 105 ; great fire at,
175; and floods, 247; Jahangfr
leaves, 320, 337 ; Roe leaves, 340 ;
English house at, 134, 175, 248;
English factors at, 274, 277, 361,
362 ; their letter to Roe, 368 ; Roe
writes to them, 373, 374
Akbar, 187 w, 281, 299, 333 «, 361,
536 », 539 «, 540, 566; character
of, XV, 312 ; invites Jesuits to his
court, 313 ; his religious opinions,
313
Akbarpur, loi
Alabana, Cape, 26, 27
Aldworth, Thomas, ii, iii, ix, xi, 72,
234 n ; death of, 69 ; notice of,
69 «
Aleppo, 270 «, 340, 341, 341 w, 353,
356, 372, 373, 373 «, 405, 409>
418, 421 ;/, 464, 493
Alexander the Great, 102, 536
Alfandicay 68
Alicant, 159, 214
Digitized by
Google
S70
INDEX.
Aloes, 34 «, 37
Amb, 536 n
Ambassador unnecessary, 119, 350,
358 ; difficulties of his position,
310 ; Portuguese would never send,
310, 358. See also Persian Am-
bassador.
Amber, 134
Amir Rustam. See Kandahar, King
of.
Ammel, 479, 4^^
Ang^azesia. See Comoro Islands.
Anne (of Denmark), Queen, portrait
of, 143, 394
Anne, the, 420 w, 423 w, 462 «,
490 «, 495 ff, 502, 503 «, 513,
515//, 522 «, 542, 543 ; to go to
Dabhol, 400 «, 502 ; instructions
for Red Sea voyage, 492 ; Roe re-
turns in, 516, 516 «, 517 ; reaches
England, 520, 521
Antheunis, Lucas, 181 », 394 n ;
writes to Roe, 180 ; Roe replies,
179 «, 217 ; notice of, i8o«
Anuprai, 282, 293
Ape, story of the divining, 318
Aquaviva, mission of, 313^, 317 »
Arabic, 312
Aracifo, Cape, 15, 16
Arakan, 468, 538 m
Ardvad, 89
Areca Nut, 19
Aristotle, 312
Armenians, 407, 487 ; wine, 52 n
Armstrong, Thomas, n8«
Army, Mogul, Roe's opinion of, 357,
419 «
Arrack, 351
Arras, 3ckd, 424, 427, 458, 486, 488
Asaf IQidn, passim : xvi, xvii, etc. ;
notice of, 1 15 n ; his character, 202,
260 ; his rise at court, 268 // ; his
influence, 436, 444 ; his advice re-
. garding presents, 171; " solicitor for
the English," 181 ; friendly to the
Portuguese, 268 ; intrigues against
. Khusrii, 281-3 ; is placed in charge
of him, 293 ; reproved for rudeness
to him, 339 ; his reported intrigues
with him, 363, 404, 407; makes
friends with Roe, 425 ; intercedes
with Khurram on behalf of the
English, 434 ; buys the gold cap-
tured in a Portuguese prize, 435,
. 447 ; also a great pearl, 444 ; en-
tertains Roe, 444 ; his assurances
of friendship, 451 ; he champions
the English cause, 452 ; is angry
with Roe, 457 ; authorised to grant
privileges to the English, 560 ; his
ship, 473 n, 494
Ascen^tofi, the, loi n
Asoka pillars, 103 n
Astrologers, 192, 312, 391
Atasckanha, 300, 363
Atlas, Roe presents an, to Jahangfr,
414,416, 544 «
Attock, 533, 544
Averrhoi^, 312
Awath, Ras, 25 n
Azevedo, Jeronymo de. See Goa,
Viceroy of.
Babjlon, 372
Bamn, William, goes to Persia, 495 ;
returns to England with Roe, 542 ;
is given a gratuity by the Com-
pany, 543 ; his map of India, 542
Baftas, 354, 443
Bag, James, 520
Baglan, 87
B^idur Shah, 391 n, 473 n
Bahddurpur, 89
Bailey, Mr., iv
Bairam Khin, 90 », 328
Baixos, Cabo dos, 25, 26
Bajaur, 533
Bakar, 536
Balasinor, 484 n
Balass rubies, 167 n, 183, 486
Baluchis, 353, 532, 533
Bandell. See Gombroon.
B4ndh6, 537 w, 562
Bangham, Nicholas, 2cx>, 399, 481 n;
notice of, 82 n ; writes to Roe,
376; Roe writes to, 178 «, 399 «,
428 «. See also Burhdnpur, factors
at.
Bangash, 533
Bankish, 533, 545
Bantam, 19 », 284, 290, 398, 398 «,
407 «, 448, 505 ; letters from,
489 n ; Roe's letter to, 518 ; Eng-
lish trade at, 408 ; commodities of,
346 «, 431, 475, 488; money to
be saved for, 409
Banyansy 88, 123, 395, 412, 476,
477 «, 508, 516, 524
Barb'd, 202
Barber, Richard, 495 n
Bard, 280
Barker, Thomas, lii, 430; goes to
Persia, 330 n ; to succeed Connock,
434 > agent in Persia, 130 «, 430 «;
Roe's instructions to, 462 ; he cen-
sures Connock, 395 «, 466 », 482 »;
[ his own behaviour is censured,
466 n ; Roe praises him, 430 n ;
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
571
he writes to Roe, 466 «. ; his death,
430 «, 464 n
Barnardi, Philip, 420 «, 480
Barwick, Thomas, 4, 37 «, 519,
519 «
Battery, 555
Bear, the, 519, 520 «
Bee^ the, 420 «, 423 « , 443 n, 448 «,
473, 482 ; sent to Persia, 430 n ;
returns, 462 n ; useless for river
work at Surat, 470
Behat River, 533
Beishar, 533
Bell, Robert, 521, 525 «
Bell, William, 430, 434 ; his tomb,
lii n
Bell turret at Surat, disturbance
caused by, 365 n
Bengal, account of, 538 ; Parwfz
sent to, 250; proposed English
trade in, 99, 152, 217, 218 «, 349,
349 «, 443 n ; Roe's correspondence
with Surat factors regarding, 218 «,
349 n ; Asaf Khan promises a^ar-
nidn for, 436, 437, d^^-, farm&n
cannot be had, 260, 447, 468 ;
trade of, 349, 349 «, 468 ; Portu-
guese in, 218 «, 349, 349 «, 468
Berar, 539
Berkeley, George, 49, 55, 72
Best, Thomas, lo, 42^, 69//, 94«,
411 «, 554; his agreement with
the native authorities, ii, 43 «, 47,
54, 60, 65, 67
Betel, 19, 453 «
Bezoar stones, 178 n, 291 n
Bhagwin Dks. 299
Bhot&n, 538 n
Biana, 480/1
Bickford, Tames, 280 w, 329, 397 n ;
notice o^ 329 «
Biddulph, William, iii, 43, 158, 173,
176, 180, 188, 223, 237, 292, 327,
335. 338, 374, 375. 384 «, 389,
394, 395, 423 «» 474, SH « ; no-
tice of, 42 n'j Roe's parting instruc-
tions, 526 ; attacks Roe, 522. See
also Aimere, factors at.
Bihdri Mai, 299
Bijdpur, 397 «, 403 ; K:ing o^, 23,
419 «; embassy from, iii, 119.
See also Dabhol and Deccan.
Bikaner, 536
Bikangaon, loi
Bikramdjit, Rajd, 458 n
Birds of Paradise, 302
Birdwood, Sir George, 223 w, 225 «,
561
Birthday Festivities, 251, 252, 256,
411 ; Terry's account of, 411 n
Blue the colour of mourning, 352 «
Bojador, Cape, 3, 4
Bonelli, Signor, 341, 360
Bonner, Robert, 78 «, 520, 520 n ;
his fleet, 312 «, 462 «, 515 « ;
visits Dabhol, 400 «, 504 n ; letter
from Roe to, 514 «; his death,
78 «
Bonner, Thomas, 78
Borgaon, 100
Borrow, to, 9 n
Boughton, Humphrey, 32, 33, 49,
51 ; notice of, 32 n\ his illness and
death, 93, icx> ; his estate, 529
Brahmins, 113, 252
Broach, 80, 81, 265, 345, 354 «,
503, 539 J tolls exacted at, 199 ;
repaid, 193 ; exemption promised,
216 ; proposed removal of English
headquarters to, 199 » ; itsunsuita-
bility, 344 ; Roe at, 501
Brooke, Sir John, iv
Brookes, Christopher, 499, 499 n
Brothers, the, 28 n
Brown, John, 70, 208, 228 ; notice
of, 68 n ; wounded by the Portu-
guese, 329 ; writes to Roe, 329 ;
and to the Company, 291 «, 522 ;
Roe writes to, 291 «, 514 «. See
also Ahmaddbdd, factors at.
Bukkur, 532
Bull^ the 420/2, 424/;, 481 n^ 516
Bulsir, 471 n
Burhdnpur, 86, 90 n^ 99, 100, no,
113, 200 «, 234, 234 «, 275, 539;
account of, 89 n ; English factory
at, 83 n, 93, 100, 337 ; the factors
imprisoned, 460 ; they write to
Roe, 376, 403 ; Roe writes to them,
377, 398 «, 407; Roe stays at
(1615), xiv, 89-100; his intended
visit to Khurram at, 370, 378, 394 ;
Roe at (1618), 503 «, 504
Biixy, 93, 174, 303
Caducean, 485
Caffila, 158, 365, 375, 504
Calicoes, 265, 474
Calicut, Pepwell at, 398; ships,
capture of, 409, 489, 492
Cambalu, 97
Cambay, 44, 45, 57, 58, 61, 62, 122,
193, 345, 402, 449, 451, 483, 512,
539 ; affray at, 329 ; governor of,
329, 330, 332, 362 ; Jahang(r visits,
418, 454
Camel transport, 355 n
Camlets, 486
Digitized by
Google
572
INDEX.
Camp, the Mogul, Roe's description
of, 326, 363 ; Terry's description
of, 325 w
Canary Islands, 3
CanatSy 325
Canda, River, 534 n, 537 n
Canning, Paul, ii, ix
Canterbury, Archbishop of. See
Abbot, George.
Cape of Good Hope, i, 5, 7, 11, 13,
518, 520 «
Capon, 458
Cappur, John, 521
Caravansary, 90;;
Cards, 333
Carew, Lord, Ix, lx«, Ixi, 551;
he writes to Roe, 97 w, 1 10 ;/, 1 14«,
135 «, 181 ff, 239/1, 254 '^ 421 «,
543 ; Roe's letter to, 1 10
Carleton, Sir Dudley, Ivi, 521, 522;/
Carmelite friar, 130, 465
Carpets, I43> 389> 53° '^
Carrack. See Portuguese.
Cartas, 440, 467, 506 «, 517; an
indignity to the Mogul, 75, 472
Casbin, 418
Cathaya, 113, 349 «
Cazi, 507, 508
Ceylon, 410
Chamba, 5347/
Chambal, River, 368
Chamberlain, John, 521, 522 «
Chaplain. Set Hall ajid Terry.
Characters (cipher), 318, 464, 482
Charles, the, 330 «, 342, 466
Chaul, 23, 75
Chickens (sequins), 228
Child, Alexander, 330 n
China, 32 «, 97, 1 13, 553 ; a '* china
shop," 134, 346
Chinese junks, capture of, 410 ;
goods, no, 119, 203, 346;/, 488
Chitor, 102, III, 539, 540
Chittagong, 349 «, 538
Chop, 85 «, 460, 508
Chopra, 88
Choultrv, 100
Christians, Mogul's nephews made,
198
Churchill's edition of the Journal,
lix, Ixv
Churl, 270 n
Civet, 134
Clavijo, 564
Cloth, English, not much used in
India, 337
Clove, the, 398
Coach, an English, sent to the Mogul,
66, 67, 97, 118, 1 19 ; cost of, 323 «;
it is despised, 347 ; re-coverad.
322 n, 347 ; and presented to Niir
Mahal, 324 ; others made like it,
320, 322, 347
Coachman, English. See Hemsell.
Cochineal, 488
Cocks, Richard, 78 w
Coco-de-mer, 22
Coffee, 32
Coin, exportation of, 121, 165 «
Coins, Indian, Terry's account of,
164 «
Coke, Sir John, 491 n
Coltman, Rev. J., Ixi
Comoro Islands, 2, 17-24, 38, 284,
31 1» 338, 342
Concord, the, 398
Condemned men left at the Cape, 13
Connock, Edward, 128 «, 429 n ; sent
to Persia, xlix-lii, 330;/; obtains con-
cessions. Hi, 462, 496, 499, 500 ; his
position, 405, 462 ; letters from,
482 ; suppresses Roe's letters to the
Shih, 482 ; is alleged to have styled
himself an ambassador, 395, 422,
433; 462, 482; denies it, 395 «;
praised, 466 ;/ ; censured, 465,
474 ; Roe's commission and in-
structions to, 429 n, 430 ; he be-
comes a Roman Catholic, 466 n ;
and dies. Hi, 430 n, 462 n ; his
estate, 465 ; his character, 421
Constantinople, Roe writes to the
English ambassador at, xxviii, 419 «
Conveyance, 426
CopeUuid, Rev. Patrick, 311 «
Coral, 485 ; objections to English
trade in, 454
Coromandel, 538
Corsi, Father, 119, 138, 141, 148,
i83» 297, 338, 341, 360, 361, 402,
470 «, 471, 472, 483; notice of,
314 ;; ; Terry's account of, 315 « ;
and the converted princes, 314;
and the alleged miracle, 317 ;
Khurram's challenge to, 317 ;
mediates between the English and
the Portuguese, 285, 348, 470 ;
presents to, from Roe, 286 «, 470 n
Coryat, Tom, 103, \\\n, 299;/,
3I3» 367 n, 393 n, 537 n, 544 ;
notice of, 103 ;/ ; his letters, 68,
103 « ; his story of the atheistic
raja, 311 « ; his account of the Urs
Mela festival, 314 w; of Nagarkot
and Jawala Miikhi, 534 n, 535 n ;
of Hardwar, 535 n
Cotton, Sir Dodmore, 433 n
Course, 86, 541 n
Court, the Mogul, 112
Covad, 203
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
573
Covert, Robert, loi n
Cow-worship, 312
Cow's -head gorge at Hard war,
^ 535 «» 544
Crake, 225
Criminals executed, 227 ; offered to
Roe, 150, 305, 445
Crowder, John, 126, 227, 330 «, 331,
352 ; notice of, 126 «
Cross, , 13 «
Cup pven to Roe, 256
Curtis, John, 4 .
Customs at Surat : proposal to com-
pound for, xxiv, 209, 210, 216, 219,
222, 470 ; in Persia, 431
Dabhol, 23, 418 ; Pepwell stays the
Mocha junk there, but afterwards
releases her, 397 ; his negotiations
with the Governor, 397 ; Roe
writes to the Governor, 398 ; his
reply, 399 n ; the Anne to call at,
489, 492, 502 ; this intention aban-
doned, 400 n ; Bonner's fleet at,
400 «, 504 n ; ships to be captured,
409, 489, 492, 495 ; trade at, 523
Dacca, 538, 538 n
D'Acosta, Father, 317 «
Da Fonseca, Gongalo Pinto, 95 n
Daita, 460/;
Damdn, 23, 39-41, 75, 234 «, 403,
•404 «, 483 ; Captain of, 440
Dan^dlf, 533
Darnel's charts, 3 n
Danvers, Lord, 422
Ddnyal, Prince, 198
Dastiifi, 3W
Daulat Bagh. See Hafaz Gemall.
Davis, John, 9, 10 «
Deccan war, 274, 357, 377 ; rumoured
mediation of the Shah, 296, 311 ;
ambassadors sent to the Mogul
court, in, 119, 241, 280, 292 ; the
war ended, 419 «. See also Bfjapur.
De Duyts, Abraham, 189,- 332, 442 ;
notice of, 442 n
Defence^ the, 398
Delhi, 102, 536 ; pillar at, 103 ;
Terry on the meaning of the name,
536 «
Delishi, 30, 31
Delia Valle, Pietro : bis Letters from
India, 408 «, 454 «, 491 ;?, 5lO«,
527 «, 546, 568
Denmark, King of, 481 «
Devotees, 312, 366, 367/?
De Wolfif, Hans, 234 n
Dhaita, %^
Dhar, 446, 539
Digges, Sir Dudley, 522, 525 n
Diu, 38, 40, 420 n, 489, 517; Cap-
tain of, 440 ; natives freight in
ships of, 490 ; vessels to be cap-
tured, 492
Diwdn, 509, 560
Diulsind. See Larfbandar.
Diulsind, river of, 543 «, 544, 545.
See also Indus.
Dodsworth, Edward, 14 n
Dofar, 31
Dogs, Jahangfr asks for, 182, 288,
388, 424 ; sent as presents, 288 n,
385 ; Roe's dog killed by a lion,
402
Dohad, 484 ;;
Domeli, 533 «
Doolies, 365
Downton, Nicholas, ii, x-xii, 388 «,
411 «, 470 «» 543 ^
Dragon, the, ii, 6, 28, 29, 78 n, 398
Drunkenness, Jahdngfr punishes, 303
Duarsa, 541
Duffield, — , 13 «
Dulce, river of, 1 1
Dutch, 13, 18, 344, 487 ; their com-
petition with the English in India,
474, 480, 481 ; beginning of their
trade in India, 233, 234 n ; Dutch
ship reaches Surat, xxv, 228, 233,
243 ; and is permitted to leave a
factory, 248, 249 ; Roe's efforts to
prevent the grant, xxv, 229 ; two
Dutch ships wrecked near that city,
403 ; Roe's advice as to the attitude
of the English towards the survivors,
407 ; they march overland to Masuli-
patam, 407 n ; embassy to Jahangfr
at Ahmadabad, 459, 5l8« ; far man
obtained for their settlement at
Surat, 459 «, 469 ; the factors at
Surat disarmed, 512 ; Roe and the
Dutch chief, 518 « ; Dutch trade
in Bengal, 218 « ; in the Red Sea,
348, 404 «, 410 ; in the Moluccas,
468, 481 ; Roe's desire for a settle-
ment of the differences with them,
518 « ; he writes to Bantam on the
subject, 518; the Dutch and the
Portuguese, 95 «, 120, 124, 338,
359, 470, 490 ; accused of trading
and robbing under English colours,
407, 410, 481
Duyve, the, 404 n
Dwarka, 541 n
East India Company, /a J52V/2 ; their
agreement with Roe, 547 ; their
general instructions to him, 552 ;
special instructions regarding Per-
sia, 554 ; Roe letters to them, 118,
Digitized by
Google
574
INDEX.
128, 245//, 342, 466, 519; their
exclusive privileges, 422, 444
Edwards, William, iv, xii, xiii,
48 «, 69 «, 79.81, 83, 85, 95 ^^
103-5, ii6«, 126, 143 «, 175,
260;/, 265, 390, 527; notice of,
42 n ; said to have styled himself
an ambassador, 98 ; Roe writes to,
44, 64
Elephant (storm), 247
Elephants, 252, 253, 324, 368; fights
of, 106, 112; executions by, 108,
123, 215 ; coverings for, 337 n
Elizabeth, Princess, and Roe, v ;
portrait of, 143, 394
Ellam, Andrew, lix «, Ixii, 523, 525
Elstrack, Renold, 542, 545
Embroidery, 391, 486, 487. See
also Needlework.
Emerald, white, 144^
Erzeroum, 340, 356
Eth6, Dr., 239 «
Europa Shoals, 16
Expedition, the, iii, 3«, 19 «, 28, 30,
36«, 39, 41, 43, 7&«, 102, 520;
sent to Persia, 462 n ; captures two
Portuguese vessels, 462 n, 525 n
Factories, English, 287. See Surat,
Ahmadabid, Burhanpur, Ajmere,
Agra, &c.
Factors, Roe*s lack of authority over,
97 ; their dependence on the agent
at Surat, 276 ; they cast everything
on Roe, 498 ; their ill-behaviour,
350, 522 ; and hostility to Roe,
5i6«; he limits their expense, 526;
their private trade, 98, 522 ; estates
of deceased, 154, 432, 465
Falso, Cape, 14
Fambone, 20
Farewell, Christopher, 90 n
Farid-i-Bukh4rf, Shaikh, death of,
241 ; notice of, 241 «
Farrndfiy 47 n ; Terry on, xxviii ;
Roe's opinion of, xliii
Fartak, 31
Fatehpur Sikri, English at, 366 ;
Jahangfr goes to, 517 «
Feathers, 299, 302
Fern, Sir John, 418
Fernoso, Cape, 14
Fetiplace, Francis, 173, 215, 221,
366, 403 «, 456, 476;/, 505; he
writes to Roe, 378 ; notice of, 173 «
Finch, William, 103 «, 391 w, 535 «,
537 «, 538 « .
Flons, Pieter, 180 »
Flory, 25 «
Fort, English desire a, 94, 287 ; Roe
disapproves, 287, 344, 468, 470;
alarm of natives, 449, 450, 467
Foscarini, Jeronimo, 341
Fraficis, the, 420 w, 481, 481/1
Frankfort toys, 119
Frigate, 94 «
Fursland, Richard, 523
Gabell, 77
Gag^o, 3
Gala, 23
GaUcio, Giovanni, 341, 360, 361
Gandevi, 174, 404 ;z
Gangamora, 22 n
Ganges, River, 533, 534 «, 536-8 ;
divinity of, 312, 535 n
Garhakatanka, 539 n
Garret, Henry, 527
Gandak, River, 534 «» 537
Garway, Henry, 521
Gaur, 531 «, 538
General of the fleet, 6 n
Georgia, 113, 121, 340, 353, 356
Ghakkars, 533;/
Ghehud, 540
Ghilan, 340, 353
Ghuzl-kkdna, 106 «, 107 «, 202 «,
325 «» 333. 335 «» 361, 363
Gift, the. See New Year's Gift.
Gimbals, 321
Ginseng, i n
Gipps, Robert, 330 «
Globe, the, 81 n, 284, 466
Gloves as presents, 383 «, 487 ; re-
fused, 395, 479
Goa, 23, 62, 75, 99, 102 «, 342, 416 ;
rumoured capture of, by the English,
396 ; English fleet to ride at, 348,
473
Goa, Viceroy of, 95 n ; his attack on
Downton, xi ; Roe's letter to, 76 ;
no answer given, 285, 470 ; sends
presents to Jahangfr, 183 ; his re-
ported agreement with Sherley, 353,
356 ; Azevedo dismissed and sent
home a prisoner, 470, 470 n ;
Redondo succeeds him, 470 n ; and
prepares to attack the Dutch, 470,
490 ; sends an envoy to Jahingir,
483. See also Portuguese.
Gogo, 420, 428, 450, 467, 506 «,
512, 517
Gogra, River, 537 n
Gohad, s^on
Golconda, 495 ; Sprage sent to, 504 ;
King of, 397 n
Golding, Rev. Mr., 490;/, 491
Golinus, Cape de, 4
GoUonsir, 29 »
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
5;s
Gombroon, 129, 476/1
Gondw4ni, 539/2
Gore, Alderman, 491 n
Great Mog^l. ^e?^ Jahangir.
Guardafui, Cape, 26-8
Gujardt, 391 «, 473 w, 539. See also
Ahmadibad, CamlDay, etc.
G6mti, 537 n
Guna^ur, 540
Gunners, English, asked for, 292
Guru, debt of, 415, 445 ; imprisoned,
Gwahor, 539
Hdddy, 383 /*, 393 «, 416, 450
Hafaz Gemall (Daulat Bagh), 159,
i6i, 187, 198, 199, 205, 250, 302;
Roe entertained at, 240
Hafun, Ras, 26 n
Haggat, Bartholomew, 341, 360;
notice of, 341 «
Hijipur-Patna, 541
H4jkAn, 531 «, 533
Hakewill, William, 114
Hakiuyt, Richard, now, 553//
Hall, Reverend John, 51, 242 ; death
of, 245 ; notice of, 245 n
Halliday, Alderman William, 480 «,
521, 525 «; notice of, $21 n ; his
wife, 480 «, 521 n
Hamersly, Alderman Hugh, 521,
525 «, 528 «, 552 n
Handford, Humphrey, 521, 525/2
Hanuman, image of, 312
Hardwar, 535 n, 541, 544
Harris, Christopher, iii, 46, 74, 75
Harrison, William, 521, 525 n, 552/j
Hasilpur, 446 n
Hassier, 541 n
Hatch, John, 6, 430 n, 499 ; notice
of, 423 n ; Roe's friendship for,
423
Hatching, 347
Hatfield, — , 459, 477, 500 ; paints
the Mogul's portrait, 5CX> n
Hawkins, William, i ; styles him-
self an ambassador, 98 ; money due
to him, 478 ; his account of India,
102 //, 142 Uy 169 /2, 198 Uf 238 Hy
239 Hj 241 //, 316 n ; his list of the
Mogul provinces, 541 /« ; his wife
[see also Towerson, Mrs. ), 439 n,
442 n
Hector, the, 9, 18/2, 398,408, 420,
439 «
Hemsell, William, 320, 322, 322 n,
323 n ; his estate, 529
Herbert, — , 393 n
Hergonen, debt of, 415 /«, 416
Hertford, Lady, 104 n
Heynes, Edward, Roe's secretary,
Ixi /«, 466, 490 n ; notice of, 491 // ;
sent to Mocha in 16 18, 491, 495,
502 ; his account of the voyage,
495 « ; sent again in 1619, 515;
Roe writes to, 514 n
Hilliard, Nicholas, 225 n
Hinduism, 311, 312
Hindis, 124
Hofifman, Frederic, 518
Hoja Nazzan. See Khoja Ndsar.
Hondius, 544
Hope, the, ix, xi, 12 n, 13/2, 14, 23,
270 n ; private trade sent home in,
350
Horses, Bfjapur ambassador presents,
III, 119; Persian ambassador
brings, 296, 300 ; Indian, Ii2, 134;
English, wanted by Jahdngfr, 147,
171, 288, 388
Hosiander, the, 398
Hoskins, John, 225 n
Howard, Nicholas, 460
Howdahs, 321
Hudson, Mrs., 438/2 ; reaches court,
490; returns home, 518; her
private trade, 478, 518 /?
Hughes, Robert, 476 n ; his draw-
ings, 211-3 ; notice of, 212/2
Hugli, 218/2, 538/2
Ibrihim Khdn, governor of Surat,
82-4, 86, 87, 125/2, 163, 191, 221,
237, 259, 264, 297, 332, 337, 435»
450 /2 ; Roe praises, 290, 334 ;
Roe writes to, 365, 395 ; he writes
to Roe, 395 ; called to court, 446
IduH Fair festival, 274
Indigo, 269, 274 ; packing of, 270 n ;
private trade in, forbidden, 350,
447
Indolstan, 349, 542
Indus, river, 96, 440 ; wrongly shown
as falling into the Gulf of Cambay,
96, 112, 544, 545. Sec also Diul-
sind. River of.
Interlopers, 418, 420-2, 443, 454,
480
Irddat Khdn, 415, 416, 425 ; notice
of, 415 n
Ishdk Beg, 332, 503
Ispahan, 96, 340, 352, 354, 465
Itidians in India, 142, 355, 418
Itimdd-uddaula, 169, 187, 271, 376,
400, 404, 414,451, 453 ; notice of,
169/2 ; joins in the intrigues against
Khusru, 281, 282
}acatra, 398
ackson, Mr., 438, 439, 501
Digitized by
Google
576
INDEX.
Jacobite Christians, 33
Jaddow, the broker, 221, 222, 248,
250* 277, 327, 364 «, 365//, 366,
368, 374, 375, 378, 457
Jadrdf, 2f>^ n, 380 n
Jafir, the Agra broker, 375
Jaganndth, 538 m
Jdgirs, 449
Tahdndir, Sultdn, 279, 324, 390
Jahdng^r, passim : his letter to Roe
at Surat, 85 ; Roe presented to,
106 ; he gives Roe his portrait,
244 ; also a cup and stand, 256,
257 n ; the Rhdn-kkdndn and, 279 ;
he prepares to march towards the
Deccan, 311 ; takes part in a
festival, 314 n ; leaves Ajmere, 320;
his treatment of devotees, 366,
367 «; reaches Mandii, 391; re-
ceives Khurram, 4 19; leaves Mandu,
437 ; goes to Cambay and thence
to Ahmadabad, 446 «, 454 ; departs
on a short hunting journey, 484 ;
leaves the administration largely to
Khurram, 469 ; is laid up with the
plague, 505 n ; quits Ahmadabad
for Fatehpur Sikri and Kashmfr,
517 »; letters to, from James I,
347, 449, 451, 453, 47 1, 472 «,
530 «, 553, 558, 559 «; writes to
James I, 186 », 497, 498, 511;
the letters, 557, 559 ; his presents
to King James, 389, 521 ; Roe
writes to 517 ; his character, xv,
124, 310, 363 ; his parsimony, 134,
256 «, 379 n ; his cruelty, 228 n ;
his love of jewels, 498 ; and of
pictures, 213 «; his fondness for
drink, 119, 276, 303, 362, 363,
382, 446 ; his passion for s^x)rt,
363, 438 ; his religious opinions,
314, 316 ; his toleration, 382 ; he
encourages the Jesuits, 314 ; his
government, no, 120; his wealth,
357; he dislikes Wednesdays, 187;/;
never circumcised, 313 ; his wives,
321 ; his weight, 412 « ; likenesses
of, 562, 563 ; his title, 566 ; his
costume, 322, 563 ; his standard,
542, 563 ; his seal, 542, 564
Jahdugir (ship), 473 «, 494
Jamdluddin Husain, notice of, 238 n ;
Roe visits, 238, 240 ; he visits Roe,
245 ; his memoirs, 239
James I, approves of Roe's mission,
vii ; his commission to the ambas-
sador, 549; and instructions, 551 ;
his letters to the Great Mogul, 347,
449, 451, 453, 471, 472 ^^ 530 «,
553, 558, 559 «; letters from the
Mogul to, 186 «, 497, 498, 511, 557,
559; and presents, 389, 521 ; Khur-
ram expects a letter from, 347 ; the
Shah writes to, 496 ; Roe writes
to, 1 20, 132, 356//, 495 ; he writes
to Roe, 430, 479, 556 ; Roe reports
his proceedings to, 521 ; portrait
of, 143, 394
James, Giles, 516 «
James J the, lo «, 330, 335, 420 tt,
467, 473
/anglers, 352
Japan, 119, 203, 312 «, 408, 410,
520 n i
farruco. See Jharukhd.
Jdshak, 96, 97, 218 M, 246, 440;
fitness of the port to be considered,
430, and its fortification secured,
431 ; the road bad, 353, 357, 421 « ;
Roe proposes to send Salbank to,
331 ; Shilling's fight off, 423 « ; the
governor of, 128, 132, 371 n. See
also Persia.
aswAn, 531 «, 536 «
aimpur, 537 n
awala M6khi, 534, 535, 544
ehlam. River, 533
ekanat, 538
enba, 534
enupar, 537, 545
esuall, 535
esuits, 95 «, 97, 98, 124, 142, 3^9,
318, 358 ; their first coming, 313 ;
they baptize two princes, 315, who
afterwards recant, 316 ; alleged
miracle, 317 ; certain articles seized,
402. See also Corsi, Aquaviva,
and Xavier.
Jewels, Jahangir's desire for, 424,
498 ; his great store of, 134 ; Por-
tuguese trade in, 480 n\ to be sent
tolndia, 352 w, 474, 475, 479, 480,
486 ; no duties to be levied on,
507, 510
Jhalod, 484 n
Jharukhd, the, 106, 108, 278, 320,
363
Joanna. See Comoro Islands.
oint Stock, the 441 w, 499, 527,
530 w, 548, 549
Jones, Robert, 142//, 179-181, 184
Jones, Thomas, 420 «, 480, 481 n
Joseph, Benjamin, 284, 311, 359;
notice of, 284 «
Jourdain, John, 253 «, 442 «, 538 «,
541 «
Judia, shoals of, 16
umna. River, 536, 537
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
577
Jtin4garh, 540
ustice, administration of, no, 120,
123, 469
Kdbul, 533
Kafirs^ 23
Kakares, the, 533, 544
Kali Sind, River, 373
Kaliyada, 379
Kanda, River, 534 w, 537 «
Kandahar, 360, 440, 532, 541 ;
Mirza Rustam, King of, 257, 394,
404, 414
Kanduana, 539, 544
Kdngra, 534 «, 535 «
Karan, son of Umra Sing, 145, 150,
151, i6o«
Karodra, 503 n
Kashmfr, 533, 544
Kdthidwir, 540, 541 n
Kaul, River, 537
Kdziy 432
Keeling, William, ii, 2-83, passim :
notice of, 18 « ; coolness between
Roe and, viii, 343, 467 ; Roe praises,
ix, 98, 467 ; advocates trade with
Bengal, 218 n; delayed by want
of lading, 265 ; captures Portuguese
ships, 290 ; leaves factory at Cali-
cut, 398 n ; breaks up the Hector ^
398 n ; sails for home, 398 «, 408
Kerhakatenkah, 539
Kerridge, Thomas, /«m/«; notice of,
ii6« ; Roe writes to, 371 w, 372,
393 «, 418, 428 «, 446 ; he writes
to Roe, 98 «, 159, 165 «, 217 «,
2i8«, 26o«, 268 «, 276, 292, 296«,
386 n ; and to Keeling, 337 n ;
his letter-book, Ixviii, 95 n ; Roe
censures him, 331, 364 ; his charac-
ter, 499 ; he is assaulted at Surat,
365 n ; Pepwell complains of him,
368 ; he resolves to go home, but
is prevailed upon to remain, 428 «,
498 ; he is angry with Roe, 500 ;
his differences with Steel, 441. See
also Surat factors.
Khdn Jahdn L6df, 193
Khdn-khdndn^ the, 89-91, 93, 192,
233» 234 n, 293, 404 «, 419 ; notice
of, 90 n ; opposed to Khurram, 274,
278 ; who fears his power, 377 ;
he intrigues with the Deccan prin-
ces, 278, 280 ; Khurram requests
his recall, 278, 279 ; he refuses to
come to court, 278 ; Jahangir pro-
poses to send a khilat to, 279 ;
alleged attempt to poison, 279 ;
daughters of, 404, 501 n
Khdndesh, 89 «, 539
Khinpur, 333 n
Khardb Khdn, 71, 78
Khilats, 257 «, 292, 296, 334, 395,
459
Khoja Abdl Hasan, 184
Khoja Arab, 506, 507, 509, 510 ;;
Khoja Hasan Alf, 234 n
Khoja N4sar, 124, 135, 139, 170,
172-4, 176, 197, 199, 200, 217 «,
328 ; notice of, 124 «
Khumbaria, 86
Khurram (Shah Jahan), Prince, pas-
sim^ xvi, xlv ; his conquest of the
Rand, I02«, i6o«, 540; his dislike
of the English, 165, 167, 277, 289,
346, 452 ; Roe's letters to, 139,
209 ; protects a runaway, 179, 1 80 ;
complains of Roe, 185 ; his daughter
dies, 187 ; a son born, 201 ; pre-
pares for the Deccan war, 184, 192,
250, 269, 274, 278, 280, 292 ; his
jealousy of Parwfz, 267 ; and the
Khdn-khdndn^ 274, 278 ; his friend-
ship for Abdala Khan, 278, 279 ;
refuses overtures from the Deccan
princes, 280, 292 ; intrigues against
Khusru, 280-3, 293 ; rejects Roe's
offers of assistance against the Por-
tuguese, 287; asks for English
gunners, 292 ; departs for the war,
311, 319 ; is given the title of
Shdh, 328 n ; bestows a khilat upon
R06, 334 ; expects a letter from
James I, 347 ; Roe's intended visit
to, at Burhanpur, 373, 378, 394-6 ;
progress of the war, 377 ; seizes
the presents brought up by Terry,
380-3 ; marries a daughter of the
JChdn-kkdndnj 404 ; Niir Mahal's
intrigues against, 404, 407 ; his
triumph in the Deccan, 419 ; given
the title of Shah Jahan, 419 « ; his
ship to be seized, 429 n ; made
viceroy of Gujardt, 449, 451 ; con-
tention with Roe over presents,
456 ; more favourable to the Eng-
lish, 458, 459, 469, 484 ; laid up
with the plague, 505 n ; Roe's
agreement with, 506 ; his power,
469, 484 ; character of, 310, 426 ;
his pride, 424 ; his ambition, 278,
280 ; his bigotry, 317 ; temperance,
257 ; his desire for presents, 301 ;
his magnificence, 328 ; his de-
meanour, 328 ; likeness of, 562 ;
his alleged affection for Niir Mahal,
329 «
Khusrii, Prince, xvii ; intrigues
against, 280-3 ; his popularity, 280,
281, 294 ; Roe praises, 283 ; Jahdngfr
r V
Digitized by
Google
578
INDEX.
intends him to succeed, 280 n ;
handed over to the charge of Asaf
Khin, 293 ; fears of his death,
294 ; reported attempt to murder
him, 209 ; Jahangir's kindness^ to
him on leaving Ajmere, 324 ; Asaf
Khdn reproved for rudeness to,
339 ; Roe's interview with, 378,
379" ; overtures to, from Niir
Mahdl's party, 363, 404, 407 ;
rejects them, 405 n ; his death,
283 «
Kirasunder, 541
Kirby, Mr., 521
Kiyara Sundar, 541 n
Koran, the, 482
Koiwa^ 90/, 361, 425, 436, 445, 460
Kualiar, 539
Kuch Bahar, 538 n
Kurds, the, 310
Lafer, , 234 n
Lahore, 113, 122, 218 «, 241, 341,
396 w, 440, 474, 476, 534, 537,
541
Lancaster, Sir James, 17
Lar, 353, 533
Ldnbandar, 19 w, 113, 236, 464,
476, 545; account of, 122 «; in-
tended English trade at, 96, 152 ;
farmdn for, refused, 260 ; Roe
proposes to send Salbank to, 331 ;
unsuited for English trade, 345,
468 ; Asaf Khan promises permis-
sion to settle there, 427 ; the
Portuguese have a factory there,
96, 123;/, 218 «, 345, 440, 468,
476
Lashkar, 324, 363,417, 443, 446, 484
Laws, no written, no, 120, 123
Leachland, John, 464
Lead, price of, 439, 474 //
Leate, Mr., 521
Leiger, 354
Lescke, Rev. William, letter from
Roe to, 168 ; notice of, 168 ;/ ;
refuses to act as Roe's chaplain,
246;/
Levant Company, the, 444
Linschoten's map of India, 544
JJo7i^ the, ii, 4, 6, 10, 19;/, 284,
352, 423 n
Liouy the (interloper), 420//, 480,
524, 526
Lions, Roe annoyed by, 402 ; nol to
hunted without permission, 402 ;
princes ordered to strike a lion,
198
Loadstones, 113
London, the, 481 «, 543
Lopo, Diego, 374, 378
Love, Thomas, 34 «
Lulls, Arnold, 128, 354
Macao, 410
Madagascar, 14*6, 22, 25
Madre de Deos, the, 19 «
Magadoxo, 23, 24 ; pilot of, 16, 22,
27
Magellan clouds, 5
Magini, Giovanni Antonio, 33
Mandbat Khdn, 102 n, 192, 318 »;
notice of, 192 n ; his influence, 200;
Roe writes to, concerning tolls
levied at Broach, 199 ; he promises
exemption, 216 ; Roe thanks him,
217
Maheza, 23
M4hi, River, 539
Makadow, 45
Malacca, 490
Maladafar, 94
Malik Ambar, 403, 419 '/
Malitn, 12 n
Mdlwa, 391 «, 539
Mammocks, 390
Mamtidi^ 163 «, 164 «, 527
Mandelslo, J. A. de, 142 n
Mandii, loi, 104 «, 367, 504;
Jahdngir determines to move to,
250, 274, 275, 370 ; he reaches,
391 ; description of, 391 ;/ ; want
of water at. 392, 393 ; Roe's abode
at, 392 ^,414; Khurram's triumphal
entry. 419 w; Jahangfr leaves, 437,
446 // ; Partab Shah at, 460 n
Manilla, 472
Manrique's Itinerario, 538 n
Mansabddrs, no, 239 1^ 417, 461
Marfil (ivory), 22, 259, 480 n
Masulipatam, 181 ?/, 217, 230, 290,
349 «, 397» 397 '^ 398, 408,448,
502, 512
Maugs, the, 538
Matind, 269
Mdyi, 534 n
Mayotta. See Comoro Islands.
Mecca. See Red Sea.
Meermera, 148
Mehmaddbdd, 484 n
Meneses, Don Emanuel de, 285,
338, 342, 359
Mercator's maps, 112, 122, 414,
416, 544
Merchants Hope^ the. See Hope.
Merrick, Sir John, 521
Methwold. William, 255 n
Mewdt, 536
Mhowa, 94
Middelburg, 373 n
Digitized by
Google
IKDEX.
S79
Muide/diir^ [Dutch ship), 404/*
Middleton, Sir Henry, ii, liv, 9, 35-7,
loi «, 165 «, 348, 397, 398, 410,
495 «
Midnaly John, 126 n
Miniatures, xxiv, xxvi, 213, 224,
«' 225«, 254-6, 258
Mirdn Shah, 565, 568
Mirza Abdurrahfm. See Khan-
khanan.
Mirza, Prince, of Persia, 113, 161,
257 «
Mirza Rustam. See Kandahar,
King of.
Mirza Shuknilla. See Shukrulla.
Mitford, Thomas, 80
Mocha. See Red Sea.
Mog^l, the Great. See Jahangir.
Mogul, meaning of the term, 312
MogustAn, 463
Mohilla. See Comoro Islands.
Moil, 248
Molalia. See Comoro Islands.
Moluccas, the, 408, 459 «, 468, 481,
512
Molyneux, Lady, 386 n
Monnox, Edward, 25 ;/, 430 n ;
notice of, 464 n ; he writes to the
Company, 450 n ; Roe's instruc-
tions to, 462, 463, 464 n ; his
charges against Barker, 466 ;/
Montague, Lady, 386//
Mootham, James and John, 481
Mosque, 21 ;;
Mozambique, 2, 21, 22, 342, 480;;;
the galleon of, 338, 359 ; vessel
from, 420
Mubdrak, 413
Muddo, 504
Muff, French, 171, 288
Muhammad Husain, 208, 227
Muhammad Raz& Beg. Sec Persian
ambassador.
Muhammadanism, introduction of, '
312
Mukandw^d pass, 375 ;/
Mukarrab Kh&n, ix, xi, 69 /;, 95 ;/,
212 «, 234 «, 328, 416, 454 «,
490 ; notice of, 42 n ; character
of, 202 ; negotiates peace with
Portuguese, xii, 95 n ; visits Roe,
and professes friendship, 139;
advocates Portuguese claims, 148 ;
opposes English, 157 ; makes
overtures to Roe, 187-190, 197,
201, 262 ; Roe visits him, 201, 266,
268 ; his advice as to trade, 203 ;
and as to presents, 388 n ; sent to
Gujarat, 262, 268 ; refuses to buy
the unicorn's horn, 291;/; is " a
friend to new inventions," 439 ;
Steel and, 477
Mukshud Dds, 415, 436
Mulher, 87
Mullds, 312, 417
MultAn, 531 n, 532, 534, 544
Mumtdz Mah&l, 115/2, 118
Mun, Thomas, 167 «
Murid, Sultan, 539 «
Musk, 134
Muskat, 102;/
Nagarkot, 531, 534, 535
Nalcha, 446
Nandurb&r, 87, 89 «
Nang^n root, 1,12
Narbadd, River, loi, 413, 539
Ndrnaul, 536;/
Narr, 539
Narwar, 531 ;/, 540, 544
Nasir-uddin, story of, 379 ;/
Nassau (Dutch ship). Sec \'an den
Broecke.
Nau-r6z festival, 138, 142, 150, 168,
349 «, 485, 488
Nautch-girls, 145, 394
Ndvapur, 87
Needlework, 119, 300. Sec also
Embroidery.
New Year's Gift^ the, 13 ;/, 420 «,
423 «
Newport, Christopher, ii, 9, 10, 19,
128 ; notice of, 19 «
Newse, Samuel, 420 «, 422, 454,
481, 481 ;/
Nilab, River, 533
Nimg;ul, 88
Nin^n root, i, 12
Nobility, no hereditary, no
Niir Chasma^ the, 138
Nur Mahdl (Niir Jahan), xvi, 109,
III, ii5«, 118, 119, 156,249,377,
458 ; notice of, 109 « ; present sent
to Roe in her name, 170 ; one of her
attendants put to death, 215 ; she
prevents Jahangir from seeing Par-
wiz, 267 ; her intrigues against
Khusru, 281-3, 293 ; at a festival,
314 « ; the English coach given to,
324 ; alleged affection of Khurram
for, 329 ; her present to hini, 329 ;
her overtures to Khusru, 363, 404,
407 ; Asaf Khan advises Roe to
give a present to, 427 ; she takes
the English goods under her pro-
tection, 436, 437 ; Roe promises to
visit her, 444 ; presents for, 290,
384, 386, 458 ; Roe regrets his
previous neglect of her, 290 n ; her
daughter, 404 n
Digitized by
Google
S8o
INDEX.
Odola, 23
Ofley, Mr., 521
Oliver, Isaac, 214 », 225 ;/
Orchilla weed, 22 n
Orissa, 538 «, 545
Ormus, 62, 97, 102 «, 130, 357, 462,
476 ; Persian attacks on, 76, 113,
121, 129, 130; reported revolt at,
482 ; might easily be taken by
Persians with English aid, 483 ; an
English attack out of the question,
406 ; danger to English ships at
Jashak, 353, 431, 474 ; captain of,
405, 440
Orris root, 12
Ortelius wrong, 122
Painter, English. See Hatfield.
Painters, native, skill of, 255
Palki^ 100, 134
Pdn-supdri^ 453
Pargana^ ^\^n
Parliament and the exjwrt of silver,
167 «
Partab Sh&h, ^^^ 460, 460 n ; notice
of, 87 n
Parwlz, Prince, xvii, 89 «, 90, 90;/,
100, no, 201; notice of, 90//;
Roe's visit to, xiv, 91, 99, no ; re-
called from the Deccan, 192, 250 ;
Jahangfr refuses to see him, 267
Patan, 538
Pathdnkot, 534^/
Patna, 238 », 239, 537, 538 «, 541 ;
commencement of English trade at,
212 n
Pattamar^ 276
Paulo, Padre, 465. See also Carme-
lite friar.
Pearls find a ready market, 486 ;
brought by 161 7 fleet and sold to
Asaf Khan, 423, 424, 426, 430,
439, 444, 456, 479 ;/, 499, 503 ;
Khurram asks for, 461
Pegu, 218, 349, 354, 468, 538
Peitan, 534
Pembroke, Lord : letters from Roe
to, 104 w, 364 «
Peng^uin (Robben) Island, 5, 13,
13;/
Peng^uins, 12
Peon, 86
Peppercorn, the, iii, 4;/, 18;/, 28, 29,
32 «, 35, 41
Pepwell, Henry, commander of the
1616 fleet, 168 «, 408 ; events of
the voyage, 284 ; fight with a Por-
tuguese carrack, 284, 311, 338,
342, 359 ; Pepwell wounded, 284,
311, 359; arrival at Swally, 276,
277, 284, 311, 342 ; he opposes the
Persian voyage, 330 w, 331 « ;
seizes a Surat vessel, 365 «, 369 ;
complains of Surat factors, 368 ;
writes to Roe, 368, 397 ; Roe writes
to, 222 «, 266, 289, 290, 346 »,
347 «, 348 «, 397 «; at Dabhol,
397, 398
Persia, inauguration of English trade
in, xlvi ; mission of Steel andCrow-
der, 96, 126 n; result of, 126;
Roe's opinion, 128-132; he writes
to the Shah, 132, and to Robbins,
128 ; Steel's advocacy of the trade,
438 ;/ ; Surat factors despatch
Connock to Jashak, 330, 335 ;
Roe's sentiments on their action,
330 «» 331, 335 J Roe receives
answer from Robbins, 340, 352,
356 ; Roes report to the Company,
347, and to Smythe, 353, and Win
wood, 357 ; the Persian ambassa-
dor's opinion, 371 ; Roe writes to
Robbins, enclosing a draft of ar-
ticles to be granted by the Shah,
373 ; he advises the Surat factors
of his action, 395 ; report of an
Italian on trade prospects, 418 ;
letters received from Ispahan, 405 ;
Roe writes again to Robbins, 405 ;
expects to proceed himself to Persia,
374, 406 ; his opinion on the trade,
409 ; the Company's action on
receipt of his letters, 421 « ; their
instructions to him, 421, 429 ; text
of, 554 ; he is given full power to
deal with the matter, 429 n, 448 ;
King James's letter regarding, 430,
479> 556 ; objections made to the
trade at home, 421 « ; Roe urges
the Surat factors to send a further
supply of goods, 429 ; his com-
mission and instructions to Con-
nock, 429 «, 430 ; the Bee sent to
Jashak, 430 n, 448 ; returns, bring-
ing news of concessions obtained by
Connock and of his death, 462 ;/ ;
Roe's fresh instructions to Barker
and Monnox, 462 ; goods sent to,
469; Roe on the prospects of the
trade, 474 ; letters received from
Connock, 482 ; further supply
postponed, 482, 491 ; the Expedi-
tion sent to, 462 n ; Roe's report
to King James, 496 ; privileges
obtained by Connock, Iii;/, 496,
499 ; the Shah's letter to King
James, 496 ; Roe's report on the
trade, 524-5 ; Mogul ambassador in,
464 ; the war with Turkey, 121,
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
581
129, 296, 310, 330 », 340,341 «»
353» 356, 40o» 400 »» 401 «» 402,
405 ; Ormus blockaded and Gom-
broon taken from the Portuguese,
76, 113, 121, 129, 130; goods
suitable for, 354 ; products of, 353.
See also Abbds, Shdh ; Sherley,
Sir Robert ; Portuguese, etc.
Persian ambassador at the Mogul
Court, 283, 323, 325, 326, 331, 336,
337, 347, 351, 353, 357, 35^, 373,
374, 405, 409, 422 ; his reception,
295-7, 300, 302, 310; presents
brought by, 300 ; treatment of his
predecessors, 112, 202, 112, 202,
244 ; his intercourse with Roe,
306, 362, 371, 372; Roe's opinion
of him, 300 ; presents to, from the
Mogul, 303, 394; he leaves the
Court in dudgeon, 400 ; Jahangfr's
treatment of, 400
Persian debtor, a, 403, 495, 502,
504, 504 n
Pettus, Edward, 330 «, 466 n
Peyton, Walter, ii, viii n, Ixviii, 78,
79, 123 «
Pharwdla, 533
Pice^ 48, 164W
Pictures sent as presents, 97, 119,
386, 387, 394, 488
Piece (of wine), 351
Pierce, Samuel, 126
Pilgjimag^es, 312
Pinnace needed for country trade, 3,
345 ; found useless at Surat, 470
Pintadoes, 275
Piplipatam, 538
Pirates, English. See Interlopers.
Plag^ue at Agra, 307, 352, 364 «,
366, 367, 375 ; at Ahmaddbad,
505 »
Plea or Pley, George, 330 «, 430,
434, 482 n
Polack. a, 355
Polo, 78
Polygamy, 312 «
Popinjays, 485
Porcelain, 459, 475, 488
Porto Grande, 538
Porto Pequino, 2i8«, 349, 538
Portrait-Coins, 244 «, 563
Portuguese, the, passim : peace
negotiated with the Mogul, xii, 42,
95 ; their position in India, 99, 120,
124, 148, 165, 183, 286, 287, 309,
347 «, 348, 359 ; Roe's overtures
to, 76, 285, 470; to be admitted
to the league, 155 ; danger to Eng-
lish ships from, 345, 409, 411, 422,
524 ; necessity for an understand-
ing with, 286, 348, 474, 497 ; the
Mogul promises to secure an agree-
ment, 451 ; their ships to be taken,
348, 410, 492, 493 ; a carrack burnt,
284,311, 338,342, 359; EngUsh
captures, 420 n^ 435, 462 n ; skir-
mish between English and, in Cam-
bay, 329 ; causes of their weakness,
344 ; Jah^ngfr and, 343 ; their trade
in India, 171, 402, 426, 479, 488,
512 ; they bring jewels, 167, 183 ;
at Ldrf bandar, 96, 123 tiy 2iSn,
345, 440, 468, 476 ; at Hugli, 2i8«,
349, 349 «, 468 ; never send am-
bassadors, 310, 351, 358; envoy
despatched to Ahmadabad, 471 ;
he is refused an audience, 483 ;
native vessel captured, 365 n ; fresh
breach between natives and, 506,
506 «, 517, 520 «; the Dutch and,
95 «, 120, 124, 338, 359, 470, 490 ;
natives freight in their ships, 490 ;
house at Ajmere burnt, 267. See
also Goa, Viceroy of ; Ormus ;
Cartas ; Sherley, Sir Robert ; etc.
Poms, King, 102, III, 536, 540
Pory, John, 421 n
Powell, Sir Thomas, 439 n
Presents, Asaf Khdn's advice as to,
171, 487 ; Mukarrab Khdn's advice
as to, 388 n ; Roe's list of suitable,
485
Prester John. See Abyssinia.
Priaman, 408
Prigany, 415, 448, 451
Pring^, Martin, commander of the
1617 fleet, 25 «, 411 «, 429, 434,
448 «, 454, 467, 473, 481 «, 492 ;
notice of, 420 n ; arrival of, 420 ;
Roe praises, 468 ; Roe writes to,
xxxvi, 407, 418, 421, 423 «, 443,
489, 501 ; he writes to the Company,
411 «, 470 «
Privadoes, 346
Prize-g^oods, dispute over, 525
Prize-taking:, chances of, 409
Procurador, 446, 509
Pulicat, Dutch at, 512
Punjab, 534, 544
Punto, 467, 471
Purchas, Rev. Samuel, lix ; his
version of the journal, Ixii-lxiv ;
suppresses entries relating to the
Dutch, Ixii M, 237 n ; his omissions,
214 w ; his map, 545 ; an illustration
from, 562 ; his drawing of the
Mogul's seal, 566-8
Purp, 538
Pushkar, 179, 187
Digitized by
Google
S82
INDEX.
Queen-mother, the, 95 «, 299, 420 ;
her ship, 421, 425, 429 //, 454, 480
Quittasols, 323
Rag:epur, 535
Rdipur, 100
R4j4, Coryat's story of the atheistic,
311 «
Rajmahdl, 538
RAjpura, 536 «
Ramazan, 21, 58, 72, 274
Ramsar, 359
Rdn4. See Umra Sing.
Rannas Wood, 446
Ranthambhor, 367
Rastell, Thomas, 491, 510;/, si6« ;
notice of, 491 «
Red Sea. Roe urges trade to, 348,
409, 418, 440, 473, 476 ; proposed
convoying of native ships, 343,
438 », 467, 476 ; native trade, 397,
480 ; Roe gives a pass to a native
vessel, 473, 494 ; rumoured inten-
tion of Jahangfr to send his sister
to Mecca, 418 ; Dutch trade in,
228, 403, 410 ; rumoured expedi-
tion of Sir John Fern, 418 ; the
^««^ sent to, liv,455, 489,491, 492,
495^5 502, 515 ; the Lion sent to,
515, 526; Roe's report on the
prospects of the trade, 520, 523,
524
RedondO) Conde de. See Cioa,
Viceroy of.
Rehamy, 23
Religions of India, 120, 123, 309,
Rials, value of, 121 n^ 153 «, 432,
456, 464, 548; purity of, 164^
Rich, Sir Robert, 420;/, 423, 480,
481, 521 «, 529
Robben Island. See Penguin Island.
Robbins, William, 128, 130, i^2n ;
notice of, 1 28 « ; Roe's opinion of,
353 ; Roe writes to, 128, 373, 405 ;
writes to Roe, 340, 352, 400, 405 ;
hands Roe's letters to Connock,
482
Robert, 42
Roch, 538
Roe, Lady, 254 «, 521 ?/, 562
Roe, Sir Henry, 389 «, 521//
Roe, Sir Thomas, passim : his early
history, v, vi ; his agreement with
the Company, 547 ; their general
instructions, 552 ; his commission
from the King, 109, 549 ; the royal
instructions, 551 ; his salary, 548;
he embarks for India, viii ; lands
at Swally, 46 ; and reaches Surat,
52 ; he is presented to the Great
Mogul, 108, 118 ; submits his pro-
posed treaty, 150; he is forbidden
the court, 184 ; readmitted, 201 ;
presented by Jahdngfr with his
portrait, 244 ; and with a cup,
256, 257 «; he leaves Ajmere,
340; hopes to return to England,
XXX vi, 351, 374 ; Jahangir makes
him speak Persian, 377 ; arrives at
Mandu, 391 ; he is suspected of an
intention to leave secretly, 395,
396 n ; his supposed visit to Persia,
374, 406 n ; he is given full powers
by the Company, 428 «, 498 ; the
Company's instructions regarding
the Persian trade, 42 1 , 429, 554 ;
letter from King James to, 430,
479> 556 ; he leaves Mandu, 437 ;
and reaches Ahmaddbad, 453 ; he
consents to remain another year in
India, 479, 498 ; he hears that his
ship has returned to England rich,
499 ; he leaves on a short excur-
sion, 503 n ; his final negotiations
with iChurram, 506 ; his contract
on behalf of the English, 513, 514 ;
his departure from Ahmadabad,
and stay at Surat, 514 « ; he leaves
India, 516; arrives in England,
519 ; his journey to London, 520 ;
and audience of the King, 521 ;
his report to the Company, 520,
522-6 ; gratuity to, 526-530 ; he is
elected a '* committee," 529, 530 n ;
his further relations with the Com-
pany, 530 « ; his later career, liv ;
his geographical account of India,
531 ; map attributed to, 542; his
intention to make a map of the
country, 543 ; and to write an
account of India, 309, 359, 364 n ;
his journal, lix, 340, 342, 383,
466, 469, 491 « ; portraits of,
561, 562 ; his ill-health, xv, 99,
100, 105, ii9«, 134, 168, 319 «,
365 «, 438 ; his religious feelings,
319 «; his economy, 343, 350,
527; his mode of living, 139//;
his costume, 98 «, 106 n; Jahangfr's
testimony to, 390, 558. See also
Persia and Red Sea.
Rose,^ the, 284
Rubies, 354, 468, 486. See also
Balass.
Rupees, value of, 11 1«, 164^,239;
varieties of, 335 «, 352 «, 456 n
Russell, Sir William, 521
Rustam, Mfrza. See Kandahar,
King of.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
S83
Sadler, Richard, 194, 195 ; notice
of, 194 »
St Aug^tine, Cape, 15-17, 25
St. Helena, Roe at, 520 n
Sala, Stephano, 341
Salaam, 113
Salbank, Joseph, 89, loi, 119/2,
208, 331, 366, 375, 504 ; notice of,
loi n ; writes to the Company,
307 », 313 « ; sent to the Red Sea,
495», 502, 515
Salig Beg, 332, 446
Salisbury, Countess of, portrait of,
143
Salmas, 341
Samarluuid, 113
Sambhal, 536
Sana, Pasha of, 495 «, 515, 523
Sanders (Sandalwood), 459
Sang:uis Draconis, 34
Sanydsi, 367 «, 380 n
Saraswati, River, 537 n
Saris, John, 21, 25 ;/
Sarkdr, 484/2
Sarkhej, 480 n
Sktgkon, 349 n, 394 «, 538
Sdti, 124
Savoy, Duke of, 480
Screet (scrito), 70 «, 446
ScrivanOy 173, 416
Seidy Hachim, 35
Semianoesy 143, 265, 322 ;/, 447, 480 n
Sentences, 219
Seringe, 539
Serseli, River, 537
Shdh Abbds. See Abbas.
Shdh Husain, 446
Shdh Jahdn. See Khurram.
ShAh Mah41, 502
ShdhiSy 462
Shdhnaw4z Khdn, 404 n
ShAhpur, 539
Shahrydr, 198 «, 279, 324, 390;
marries daughter of Nur Mahal,
405 «
Shdista Khdn, ii5»
Sharif, 20, 21, 32, 312
Shashes, 257 w
Shawl, 223
Sher Sh4h, 202 n
Sherley, Sir Robert, 9, 19/2, 96,
123 «, 151, 307, 330 «, 355, 371,
433 ^> 439 ^ J bis first embassy to
Europe, xlvi-xlix ; his return to
Persia, xlvii, 129 ; his policy, 129,
130 ; his fresh mission to Europe,
130, 131 ; his reception at Goa, 352,
356 ; reported dismissal, 290 ; he
loses his passage, 310, 347, 354,
356 ; Roe hopes for his capture.
347 w ; measures to be taken in
Europe to defeat his mission, 357 ;
not well-disposed towards the
English, 406 ; his confessor, 129,
130
Shias, 123 «
Shilling, Andrew, 423, 491, 495 «,
504, 516 «, 517, 519, 523; notice
of, 423// ; letter to Smythe, 495 «
Shiraz, 431, 462,463
Shroff's, 264, 456
Shujd, Prince, born, 201
Shuknilla, Mulla (Afzal Khdn), 160,
194-200, 169, 170, 173, 207, 216,
218, 219, 263, 264, 271, 277, 290,
298, 301. 327» 328, 378 «, 420,
435» 509» 5io«' 5I3» 5H; notice
of, 160 n ; character of, 263
Sibd, 531 «, 535, 545
Sijdah, 244, 295 n
Silk, Persian, 132, 354 ; price of,
432, 462, 463, 464 «, 556 ; price of
Chinese, 556
Silver, drain of, from Europe, 165 n
Sind, 488. See also Liribandar.
Sindkhera, %^
Sindu. See Ldrfbandar.
Sipra, River, 379, 539
Sironj, 539
Sivdji, 510 w
Sizeda, 303, 306,
Slaves, 174, 305, 446
Smythe, Sir Thomas, Governor of
the East India Company, 130,
28o«, 356, 397 w, 421 «, 439 «,
479» 495 «. 496, S^S^y SS^^'y
Roe's letters to, xiii, 7 «, 13 n, 97 n,
119 n, 128 n, 255 n, 343, 352, 375^,
423 n, 498 ; portraits of, 143, 394
Smythe, Lady, 501
Socotra, 22, 26, 102 «, 249, 403,
404 « ; the fleet at, 29-37
Solomon, the, 397, 398
Somerset, Countess of, portrait of,
143
Sophy, the, 128;?. See Abhis.
Soratii, 540
Sorett, 540
Southampton, Earl of. Roe's letter
to, 134
Spain. See Persia afid Sherley, Sir
Robert.
Spices for India, 346 ;/, 459, 488 ;
for Persia, 354, 475
Sprag^e, Thomas, 460 ; sent in pursuit
of a runaway debtor, 403, 504 ; his
fate, 504 «
Srinag:ar, 533
Stade, 373 n
Stammets, 485
Digitized by
Google
584
INDEX.
Standard, the Mogul's, 563
Standishes, 488
Star, the, 519, 520 «
Steel, Richard, 105 «, 126, 128, 330 «,
429, 463 n, 502 ; notice of, 126 w ;
his mission to Persia, xlviii, 130,
131 ; its costliness, 132, 525, 555 ;
his report, 353 ; his negotiations
with the Company, 438 n ; offers to
accompany Roe to Persia, 438 n ;
his marriage, 439 w, 490 «, 5CXD ; his
children, 439/2, Si8«; his arrival
in India, 438 ; his projects, 422,
438 «, 439, 467, 484, 500 « ; Roe's
opinion of, 439, 475, 476, 477 n ;
his ill-behaviour, 475, 476, 500;
joins Roe, 430, 438, 441 ; at war
with Kerridge, 441 ; his private
trade, 442; sent back to Surat,
443 ; Roe and, 448, 491 ; Roe pro-
poses to employ him in the Red
Sea, 455 ; misstatement as to value
of pearl, 456/2; he and his work-
men reach the Court, 455, 459,
477 ; his knowledge of Persian,
477 ; acts as interpreter to Roe,
477, 484 ; gets access to the Mogul
in a like capacity, 500 n ; takes
service with the Mogul, 483 ; follows
Roe to Burhdnpur, 504 ; returns to
England, 518 ; his reception by the
Company, and his subsequent
history, 518 «
Steel, Mrs., 477, 483, 484, 491, 500 ;
notice of, 439 n ; Roe urges her
return, 441 ; she reaches the Court,
490 ; her friendship with the
daughter of the Khdn-khandn,
501 « ; goes home, 518
Stickle, 456
Strange and Admirable Accidents,
311 «, 3i9«
Styles, Mr., 520
Sue Suff, 554
Sug^ar candy, 242
Sukadana, 408
Sultanpur, 533 n
Sunnis, 1 23/2
Surat, passim: "the fountain and
life of all the East India trade,"
409 ; most suitable headquarters
for English, 345, 467 ; profits of
the trade, 528 n ; dependent on
Red Sea commerce, 502 ; goods
suitable for, 485 ; the bakshi of,
160 ; the judge of the alfandica,
64, 160, 289, 290, 297 ; the judge
of marine causes, 276 ; Dutch at,
228, 233, 234 w, 243, 407, 459, 469 ;
proposals to compound for English
customs at, xxiv, 209-10, 2i6,
219, 222, 470 ; increase of revenue
owing to English trade, 435 ; com-
plaints of English disorders at, 52,
136, 163, 289, 364-5, 369, 448, 467,
509 ; Roe disclaims protection of
offenders, 137 ; rumoured intention
of the English to attack the city,
396, 467, 509 ; English disarmed,
448, 449, 450 «, 467 ; controversy
as to right of English to carry
weapons, 507-13 ; Roe's final nego-
tiations with Khurram for privi-
leges, 506-14; customs rates at,
155 «; the Kdji Masjid, 509, 510,
510;/ ; the tank, 78, 112 ; the Eng-
lish factory, 510 «, ^16 ;farmdn
for, 506 ; Roe's stay at, prior to his
embarkation, 514 «, J 25. See also
Ibrahim Khan and Zulfikar Khan.
Surat factors, passim : Roe writes to,
164, 176, 244 ;;, 246, 289, 290,
349 «, 365. 373» 375» 378, 384 «,
395, 401, 407, 428, 439«, 443«,
447, 454, 460//, 488 «, 503; they
write to Roe, 191, 243, 249, 335,
368, 377, 460 ; and to the Company,
404 «, 5 16 ; letter from the Company
to, 428 n ; their hostility to Roe,
346, 516 «, $17 n; their endeavours
to monopolise the stock of money,
409 ; Roe complains of their con-
duct, 364 ; Pep well does the same,
368. See also Kerridge.
Susan, the, iSn
Swally, 41, 470; suspicions that
English will build a fort at, 449,
450 «, 467; advantages of the road,
345
Swan, the, I4«, 284, 398 «, 503/2,
505/2
Swart, Francisco, 488
Sword sent to Roe by the Company,
430» 479
Table Mountain, 13
Taffetas, 488
Tapti, River, 539
Tamarid, 30, 32, 33, 35, 38
Tamburlain. See Timur.
Tartary, 533
Taslim, 135, 136, 295, 303
Tatta, 440, 532
Tauris, 356, 400, 402
Tents, double, 275, 326
Terry, Rev. Edward, notices of,
246 n, 377 n; appointed chaplain
to Roe, 246 n ; brings up the
presents, 377/2, 380, 383, 393 n;
his account of the journey, 383 n ;
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
585
his interview with the Mogul, 385,
387 ; brings up some dogs, 385 n ;
his account of Roe's mode of living,
I39«; of the grant oi famidns,
xxviii n ; of Roe's influence, xliv ;
of the coinage of India, 163 « ;
of the mansabddri system, 239 n ;
his story of the miniature, 226 n ;
on Indian astrologers, 192 « ; on
the lion at Court, 198 w; account
of the punishment of Nur Mahal's
gentlewoman, 21$ n; of the Mogul's
presentation of a cup to Roe,
256 n ; of the fight with the carrack,
284 « ; his story of the atheistic
raja, 311 «; on the religions of
India, 313 n ; his opinion of Corsi,
315 «; tale of the converted princes,
316 « ; of the Jesuit miracle, 317 « ;
and of the divining ape, 3i8w;
his account of the refitting of the
English coach, 322 ;/ ; his descrip-
tion of the royal camp, 325 n ; and
of Roe's interview with Khusrii,
379 n ; he censures Jahangir's want
of liberality, 379 ;/ ; his account of
Roe's dog, 402 n ; of the ceremony
of weighing the Mogul, 41 1 « ; of
the presentation of the atlas, 417 « ;
of the dinner at Asaf Khan's, 445 n ;
of the march to Ahmadabad, 446 n ;
of the plague in that city, 505 w ;
of Roe's stay at Surat, 514 « ; Roe
praises, 526 ; his private trade con-
doned by the Company, 526 ; his
subsequent career, 526 n ; his
Voyage^ Ixiv, 526 n ; his illustra-
tions, 563-8 ; his geographical ac-
count of India, Ixviii, 531-40; his
reference to Baffin's map, 544 ; his
map of India, 546 ; his portrait,
564-6
ThAlner, 88
Thumbs, ceremony of crossing, 427
Tiku, 408, 519 «, 520 n
Timtir, 103, 311, 334, 564
Tinta Roxa, 22
Tipton, Francis, 430
Tobacco, 351 ;/
Todah, 360, 361
Tola, 183 n
Toman, 463 n
Tong^ues, sacrifice of, 534 ;/, 535 n
Tosha-khdna, the, 300, 363
Towerson, Gabriel, 9, 442, 461, 477;
account of, 438 n ; wishes to go to
Bantam, 454, 478 ; arrives at Court,
454 ; presented to Jahangfr and
Khurram, 458, 459 ; refuses to go
home, 500 ; claims liberty of pri-
vate trade, 478, 501 ; returns to
England, 518 ; his subsequent his-
tory, 518 «
Towerson, Mrs., 438 «, 442, 477,
478, 483, 490, 500, 518 »; her
aunt, 488 n
Tracy, William, 330?/, 465
Trade despised at Court, 347 ; prin-
cipal commodities, 345 ; articles
suitable for, 203, 346, 385 ; Roe's
opinion of the Company's, 120,
165 «, 210, 358, 408; his doubts
as to its advantage to the nation,
165, 309 ; he covenants not to use
private trade, 548 ; the Company's
instructions regarding, 441 ; Roe's
sentiments, 351, 443, 447
Transport, difficulties of, 237, 304,
336, 338, 340, 355
TrtconadoSy 300
Tulluck-Chand, 535 n
Turbat, 506 ;/
Turkey, trade in, 166 w ; copy of the
capitulations sent to Roe, 555 ;
friendship between England and,
515 ; farmdn to be procured for
Red Sea, 349, 493 ; fear that the
trade will offend, 419 ; will hinder
commerce with Persia, 475 ; em-
bassy to India from, 113; the war
with Persia {see Persia).
Udaipur, 539, 540. See also Umra
Sing.
Odessa, 538, 545
Ujjam, 367 «, 379, 380, 539
Umra Sing:, 59;/, 102, iii, 145
Umras, 417, 425, 445
Unicorn's horn, 29c, 403
Uzbeg^s, 113
Van den Broecke, Pieter, 228, 404;/,
407, 408 «, 410 «
Van Deinssen, David, 234 n
Van Ravesteyn, Pieter (lilies, 234 //,
459«, 518
Ven, Mr., 521
Vermilion, 485
Veronese, John, 142, 145, 179
Viara, 87
Virginals sent as presents, 66, 67,
97, 118
Voider, 145
Wallis, Anthony, 50, 500
War, ■ how made in India, 274 ;
danger of civil war, 281, 283, 294,
295
Warwick, Earl of. See Rich, Sir
Robert.
QQ
Digitized by
Google
S86
INDEX.
Watch found at Agra, 1 15 «
Water, natives scrupulous as to, 440,
477> 477 « ; superstitions regarding,
535 «
Wcbbc, Frances. See Steel, Mrs.
Weig^hing^ the Mogul. See Birthday.
Westrow, Mr., 521
White water, 25
Wine, Armenian, 52 n ; native, 256 ;
the Mogul fond of, 119, 391 ; Roe
in want of, 315 ; no more to be sent,
486
Winwood, Sir Ralph, 356;/, 553,
556 n ; Roe writes to, 356, 472,
475» 481, 496, 556
Withing^n, Nicholas, 313;*
Wolstenholme, Sir John, 521, 525 n
Xavicr, Jerome, 95 «, 313, 341, 360 ;
notice of, 313 «
Young:, John, 70, 208, 227, 355 ;
notice of, 208 n
Zambesi, River, 2
Zudgar Khin, 173
Zulfildlr Khin, Governor of Surat,
and his debt, passim : xii, xiii ;
notice of, 59»; a drunkard, 136;
his character 221 ; he is recalled,
124 H ; arrives at Court and makes
his peace, 157 ; leaves Ajmere with
the Prince, 320 ; dies, 389 ; his
brother, 52, 52^^56
LONDON :
PRINTED AT THE BEDFORD PRESS, 20 AND 21, BEDFORDBURY, W.C.
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THE
HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
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Nos. 20, 27, 33, 38, 41 to 45, 49i S3i 57, at .
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*«* Subject in case of Members to a discount of 15%.
A list of works in preparation is given at page 11. The Secretary
will be happy to furnish any further information that may be desired.
Gentlemen desiring to be enrolled as members should send their
names to the Secretary. Applications for back volumes should be
addressed to Mr. Quaritch.
WORKS ALREADY ISSUED.
FIRST SERIES.
l-The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt.,
In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the edition of
1622, and edited by Capt C. R. D. Bethune, R.N., C.B.
(First Edition out 0/ print. See No. 57.^ Issued for 1 848.
2— Select Letters of Columbus,
With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World Trans-
lated and Edited by K. H. Major.
(First Edition out of print. See No, 43. ) Issued for 1849.
3— The Disooverie of the Empire of Guiana.
By Sir Walter Raleigh, Knt Edited by Sir Robert H. Schomburgk,
Ph.D.
(First Edition out of print. Second Edition in preparation ») Issued for 1 850.
4— Sir Francis Drake his Voyasre, 1595,
By Thomas Maynarde, together with the Spanish Account of Drake's attack
on Puerto Rico. Edited by W. D. Cooley.
( Out of prints ) Issued for \ 850*
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5— Narratives of Early Voyages to the North-West.
Edited by Thomas Rundalu
( Out of print. ) Issued for 1851.
6— The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia,
Expressing the Cosmographie and Commodities of the Country, together with
the manners and customs of the people, collected by William Strachey, Gent ,
the first Secretary of the Colony. Edited by R. H. Major.
( Out of print, ) Issued for 1851.
7- Divers Voyasres touching the Discovery of America
And the Islands adjacent, collected and published by Richard Hakluyt,
Prebendary of Bristol, in the year 1582. Edited by John Winter Jones.
( Out of print, ) Issued for 1 852.
8— A Collection of Documents on Japan.
With a Commentary by Thomas Rundall.
f Out of print, ) Issued for 1852.
9 -The Discovery and Conquest of Florida,
By Don Ferdinando de Soto. Translated out of Portuguese bv Richard
Hakluyt ; and Edited by W. B. Rye.
( Out of print. ) Issued for 1853.
10-Notes upon Russia,
Being a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country, entitled Rerum
Muscoviticarum Commentarii, by the Baron Sigismund von Herberstein,
Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich,
m the years 1517 and 1526. Two Volumes. Translated and Edited by
R. H. Major. Vol. i.
( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 853.
11— The Geofirraphy of Hudson's Bay,
Bemg the Remarks of Captain W. Coats, in many Voyages to that locality,
between the years 1727 and 1751. With Extracts from the Log of Captain
Middleton on his Voyage for the Discovery of the North-west Passage, in
H.M.S. "Furnace," in 1741-2. Edited by John Barrow, F.R.S., F.S.A.
Issued for iS$4.
12— Notes upon Russia.
Vol.2. (Out of print.) Issued for 18^4.
13- Three Voyasres by the North-East,
Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 1595
and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their residence often months in
Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in two open boats. By Gerrit de Veer.
Edited by C. T. Beke, Ph.D., F.S.A.
( See also No. $4. ) Issued for 1%^^.
14-15— The History of the Great and Misrhty Kinsrdom of China and
the Situation Thereof.
Compiled by the Padre Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza. Reprinted from the
Early Translation of R. Parke, and Edited by. Sir George T. Staunton,
Bart With an Introduction by R. H. Major. 2 vols.
Issued for iS^S*
16— The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake.
Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. Collated with an
unpubUshed Manuscript of Francis Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition.
Edited by W. S. W. Vaux, M. A. Issued for 1856.
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17— The History of the Tartar Conquerors ^who subdued China.
From the French of the P^re D'Orleans, 1688. Translated and Edited by the
Earl ofEllesmerk. With an Introduction by R. H. Major.
Issued /ori%s6.
18— A Collection of Early Documents on Spitzbersren and Greenland.
Edited by Adam Whitf. Issued for 1857.
19— The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and the Maluco Islands^
Ftom the rare Edition of 1606. Edited by Bolton Corney.
{Out 0/ print). Issued for i^$*i, .
20— Russia at the -Close of the Sixteenth Century.
Comprising "The Russe Commonwealth" by Dr. Giles Fletcher, and Sir
Terome Horsey's Travels. Edited by E. A. Bond.
Issued for 1858.
21^The Travels of Girolamo Benzoni in America, in 1542-56.
Translated and Edited by Admiral W. H. Smyth, F.R.S., F.S.A.
Issued for iSsS.
22— India in the Fifteenth Century.
Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India in the century preceding
the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope ; from Latin, Persian,
Russian, and Italian Sources. Edited by R. H. Major.-
Issued for 1 859.
23-Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico,
In the years 1599-1602, with Maps and Illustrations. By Samuel Champlain.
Translated from the original and unpublished Manuscript, with a Biographical
Notice and Notes by Alice Wilmere. Issued for 1859.
24— Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons
During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries : containing the Journey of
Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso Inca de la A'^ega ;
the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana, from the General History of Herrera ;
and the Voyage of Cristoval de Acuna. Translated and Edited by Clements
R. Markham. Issued for i860.
25— Early Indications of Australia.
A Collection of Documents shewing the Early Discoveries of Australia to the
time of Captain Cook. Edited by R. H. Major.
( Out of print, ) Issued for 1 860.
26— The Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of Timour, 1403-6.
Translated and Edited by Clemenis R. Markham.
Issued for 186 1.
27— Henry Hudson the Navigator.
The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Edited by George
Asher, LL.D.- Issuedfof 1861.
28— The Expedition of Ursua and Aguirre,
In search of El Dorado and Omagua, a.d. 1560-61. Translated from the
* * Sexta Noticia Historiale" of Fray Pedro Simon, by W. Boixaert, with
an Introduction by Clements R. Markham.
Issued for 1862.
29- The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman.
Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markham.
Issued for 1862.
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30— Dlseoveries of the World
From their first original unt o the year of our Lord 1555. By Antonio Galvano.
Reprinted, with the original Portuguese text, and edited by Vice- Admiral
Beth UN E, C.B. Issued for 1863.
31— Marvels described by Friar Jordanus,
From a parchment manuscript of the Fourteenth Century, in Latin. Edited
by Colonel H. Yule, C.B. Issued for 1863.
32— The Travels of Ludovlco di Varthema
In Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, etc., during the Sixteenth Century. Translated
by J, Winter Jones, F.S.A., and Edited by the Rev. George
Percy Badger. Issued for 1864.
33— The Travels of Cleza de Leon In 1532-60
From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained in the first part of
his Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated and Edited by Clements
R. Markham. Issued for 1864.
34-The Narrative of Pascual de Andasroya.
Containing the earliest notice of Peru. Translated and Edited by Clements
R. Markham. Issued fot 1865.
36— The Coasts of East AfMca and Malabar
In the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by Duarte Barbosa. Translated
from an early Spanish manuscript by the Hon. Henry Stanley.
Issued Jor 1865.
36-37— Cathay and the Way Thither.
A Collection of all minor notices of China, previous to the Sixteenth
Century. Translated and Edited by Colonel H. Yule, C.B. Two Vols.
(Out of print.) issued for 1866.
38— The Three Voyasres of Sir Martin Frobisher.
With a Selection from Letters now in the State Paper Office. Edited by
Rear-Admiral Colunson, C.B. Issued for 1867,
39— The Philippine Islands,
Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of the 1 6th Century.
By Antonia de Morga. Translated from the Spanish, with Notes, by
the Lord Stanley of Alderley. Issued for 1868.
40— The Fifth Letter of Heman Cortes
To the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to
Honduras in 1525-26. Translated from the Spanish by Don Pascual de
Gayangos. Issued for 1868.
41— The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.
By the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega. Translated and Edited by Clements
R. Markham. Vol. \\ Issued for 1869.
42— The Three Voyasres of Vaseo da Gama,
And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of Caspar Correa; accompanied
by original documents. Translated and Edited by the Lord Stanley
of Alderley. Issued for 1869.
43— Seleet Letters of Christopher Columbus,
With other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New
World. Translated and Edited by R. H. Major. 2nd Edition (see No. 2).
Issued for 1S70*
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44— History of the Im&ms and Seyylds of 'Om&n,
By Salll-Ibn-Raztk, from a.d. 661-1S56. Translated from the original
Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the History down to 1870, by the
Rev. George Percy Badger. Issued for 1870.
45— The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.
Vol. 2. Issued for 1 871.
46— The Canarian,
Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year 1402,
by Messire Jean de Bethencourt, Kt. Composed by Pierre Bontier and Jean
le Verrier. Translated and Edited by R. H. Major.
Issued for 1871.
47— Reports on the Discovery of Peru.
Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B.
Issued for 1 872,
48 -Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas.
Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S.
Issued for 1872.
49 -Travels to Tana and Persia,
By Josafa Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini ; Edited by Lord Stanley of
Alderley. With Narratives of other Italian Travels in Persia. Translated and
Edited by Charles Grey. Issued for 1873.
60— Voyages of the Zeni
To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenth Century. Translated and Edited
by R. H. Major. Issued for 1873.
51 -The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55,
Amoncj the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by Albert Tootal,
Esq., anc. annotated Ly SiR Richard F. Burton.
Issued for 1874.
52— The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan.
Translated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers.
Edited by LoRD Stanley of Alderley.
Issued for 1874.
53— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774,
and Edited by Walter de Gray Birch, F.R.S.L. Vol. i.
Issued for 1875.
54— Three Voyacres to the North-East.
Second Edition of Gerrit de Veer's Three Voyages to the North-East by
Barents. Edited by Lieut. Koolemans Beynen, of the Royal Dutch Navy.
Issued for 1876.
55— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque.
Vol. 2. Issued for 1875.
56— The Voyasres of Sir James Lancaster.
With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages preserved in the India Office, and the
Voyage of Captain John Knight to seek the N.W. Passage. Edited by
Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S.
Issued for 1877.
57- The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt.,
In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593, with the Voyages of his grand-
father William, his father Sir John, and his cousin WiJliam Hawkins.
Second Edition (see No. i). Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B.,
F.R.S. Isiued for 1877.
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58-The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltbepgrep,
From his capture at the battle of -Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return
to Europe in 1427. Translated by Commander J. Buchan Telfer, R.N.;
with Notes by Professor B. Bruun. Issued for 1878.
69— The Voyasres and Works of John Davis the Navigator.
Edited by Captain Albert H. Markham, R.N. Issued for 1878.
The Hap of the World, A.D. 1600.
Called by Shakspere ** The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies."
To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. Issued for 1878.
60-61— The Natural and Moral History of the Indies.
By Father Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English Translated E.I ii inn
of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B.,
F. R.S. Two Vols. Issued for 1879.
Map of Peru.
' To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61. Issued for 1879.
62— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque.
Vol. 3. Issued for \%%o,
63-The Voyagres of William Baffin, 1612-1622.
Edited by Clem i! NTS R. Markham, C.B , F.R.S. Issued for 1880.
64— Narrative of the Portueruese Embassy to Abyssinia
During the years 1520 1527. By Father Francisco Alvarez. Translated and
Edited by Lord Stanley of Alderley. Issued for 1881.
65— The History of the Bermudas or Somer Islands.
Attributed to Captain Nathanitl Bailer. Edited by General Sir J. Hknry
Lefroy, R.A., K.C.M.G. Issued j or 1881.
66-67— The Diary of Riehard Cocks,
Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 161 5-1622, Edited by
Edward Maunde Thompson. Two Vols.
Issued for 1882.
68— The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru.
By Pedro de Cieza de Leon. Translated and Edited by Clements R.
Markham, C.B., F.R.S. . Issued for 1883.
69— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque.
Vol. 4. Issued for \%^2>'
70-71— The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies.
From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing his
Description of the East. Edited by A. C. Burnell, Ph.D., CLE., and
P. A. TiELF, of Utrecht. Issued for 1884.
72-73— Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia,
By Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some account of the first
Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the
Caspian Sea. Edited by E. Delmar Morgan, and C. H Co«»te.
Issued for 1^85.
74— The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.,
Afterwards Sir William Hedges, during his Agency in Bengal ; as well as on
his Voyage out and Return Overland (1681-1687). Transcribed for the Press,
with Introductory Notes, etc., by R. Barlow, and Illustrated by copious
•Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir H. YuLE, K.C.S.I.,
K.E., C.B., LL.D. Vol. i. The Diary. Issued for 1886.
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75— The Diary of William Hedsres, Esq.
Vol 2. Sir H. Yule*s Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc.
Issued for 1886.
76-77— The Voyasre of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies,
The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English from the
Third French Edition of 16 19, and Edited by Albert Gray, assisted by
H. C. P. Belu Vol. I. Vol. 2, Part I.
Issued for 1887.
78— The Diary of William Hedsres, Esq.
Vol. 3. Sir H. Yule's Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc.
Issued for 1888.
79— Traetatus de Globls, et eorum usu.
A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emery Molyneux, and
Published in 1592. By Robert Hues. Edited by Clements R. Markham,
C.B„ F.R.S. To which is appended,
Sailinsr Directions for the Circumnavifiratlon of England,
And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century
MS. Edited by James Gairdner ; with a Glossary by £. Delmar
Morgan. Issued for 188&
SO— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies, ete.
Vol. 2, Part II. Issued for 1889.
81— The Conquest of La Plata, 1685-1555.
I. — Voyage of Ulrich Schmidt to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai. IL —
The Conmientaries of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. Edited by Don Luis
L. Dominguez. Issued for 1889.
82-83— The Voyage of Francois Leguat
To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Edited by
Captain Pasfield Oliver. Two Vols.
Issued for 1890.
84-85— The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India.
From the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havers. Edited by
Edward Grey. Two Vols. Issued for i^i.
86— The Journal of Christopher Columbus
During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages
of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. Translated and Edited by Clements
R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1892.
87— Early Voyages and Travels In the Levant.
I. — The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1599- 1600. II. — Extracts from the
Diaries of Dr. John Covel, 1670- 1679. With some Account of the Levant
Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by J. Theodore Bent, F.S.A.,
F. R.G. S. Issued for 1892.
88-89— The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe and Captain Thomas James
In Search of a N.-W. Passage, 1631-32; with Narratives of Earlier N.-W»
Voyages. Edited by Miller Christy, F.L.S. Two Vols.
Issued for 1893.
90— The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci
And other Documents relating to his Career. Translated and Edited by
Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1894.
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91— The Voyage of Pedro Sarmiento to the Strait of Magellan, 1579-80.
Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction, by
Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S.
Issued for 1894.
92-93-94— The History and Description of Afriea«
And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. The Travels of Leo Africanus
the Moor, from the English translation of John Pory (1600). Edited by
Robert Brown, M.A., Ph.D. Three Vols.
Issued for 1895.
96— The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea.
Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Translated and Edited by C. Raymond
Beazley, M.A., and Edgar Prestage, B.A. Vol. i.
Issued for 1896.
96-97— Danish Arctic Expeditions.
Book I. The Danish Expeditions to Greenland, 1605-07; with James Hall's
Voyage in 1612. Edited by C. C. A. GoscH. Issued for 1896.
Book 2. Jens Munk*s Vo5rage to Hudson's Bay in 1619-20. Edited by
C. C. A. GoscH. Issued for 1897.
98— The Topographia Christiana of Ck>smas Indieopleustes*
Translated and Edited by J. W. McCrindle, M.A., M.R.A.S.
Issued for 1897.
99.— The First Voyage of Vaseo da Gama.
Translated from the Portuguese, with an Introduction and Notes, by E. G.
Ravenstein. Issued for 1898.
100.— The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea.
Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Translated and Edited by C.
Raymond Beazley, M.A., and Edgar Prestage, B.A. Vol, 2.
Issued for 1898.
SECOND SERIES.
1-2— The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul,
1615-19.
Edited from Contemporary Records by William Foster, B.A.
Issued for 1899.
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II
OTHEB WOSES ITNDEBTAEEir BT EDITOBS.
A Reprint of 17th Century Books on Seamanship and, Sea Matters in General-
Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by H. Halliday Sparling.
Histoire de la Grande Isle Madagascar, par le Sieur De Flacourt, 1661.
Translated and Edited by Captain S. Pasfield Oliver.
Raleigh's Empire of Guiana. Second Edition (see No. 3). Edited, with
Notes, etc., by Everard F. im Thurn, C.M.G.
The Voyages of Cadamosto, the Venetian, along the West Coast of Africa, in
the years 1455 and 1456. Translated from the earliest Italian text of
1507, and Edited by H. Yule Oldham, M.A., F.R.G.S.
The Voyages of the Earl of Cumberland, from the Records prepared by
order of the Countess of Pembroke. Edited by W. DE Gray Birch,
LL.D., F.S.A.
The Voyage of Alvaro de Mendafta to the Solomon Islands in 1568. Edited
by the Lord Amherst of Hackney and Basil H. Thomson.
De Laet's Commentarius de Imperio Magni Mogolis (163 1 ). Translated
and Edited by Sir Roper Leth bridge, K.C.I.E., M.A.
The Voyages of Willoughby and Chancellor to the White Sea, with some
account of the earliest intercourse between England and Russia.
Reprinted from Hakluyt's Voyages, with Notes and Introduction by
E. Delmar Morgan.
Dr. John Fryer's New Account of East India and Persia (1698). Edited by
Arthur T. Pringle.
The Expedition of Hernan Cortes to Honduras in 1525-26. Second Edition
(see No. 40), with added matter. Translated and Edited by A. P.
Maudslay.
The Letters of Pietro Delia Valle from Persia, &c. Translated and Edited by
Major M. Nathan, C.M.G., R.E.
The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and Guiana in 1594.
Edited, from Sloane MS. 358 in the British Museum, by Geo. F.
Warner, M.A., F.S.A. , Assistant Keeper of Manuscripts.
The Journey of Pedro Teixeira from India to Italy by land, 1604-05 ; with his
Chronicle of the Kings of Ormus. Translated and Edited by W. F.
Sinclair, late I.C.S.
The Journeys of William of Rubruk and Jphn of Piano Carpini to Tartary in
the 13th century. Translated and Edited by the Hon. W. W.
ROCKHILL.
The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex. Edited by
E. G. Ravenstein.
The First English Voyage to Japan, 1611-14. Edited by H. E. SiR Ernest
M. Satow, K.C.M.G.
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12
LAWS OF THE HAKLUTT SOaETT.
I. The object of this Society shall be to print, for distribution among its
members, rare and valuable Voyages, Travels, Naval Expeditions, and other
geographical . records, from an early period to the beginning of the eighteenth
century.
II. The Annual Subscription shall be One Guinea (for America, five dollars,
U.S. currency), payable in advance on the ist January.
III. Each member of the Society, having paid his Subscription, shall be
entitled to a copy of every work produced by the Society, and to vote at the
general meetings within the period subscribed for ; and if he do not signify,
before the close of the year, his wish to resign, he shall be considered as a member
for the succeeding year.
IV. The management of the Society's affairs shall be vested in a Council
consisting of twenty-two members, viz., a President, two Vice-Presidents, a
Treasurer, a Secretary, and seventeen ordinary members, to be elected annually ;
but vacancies occurring between the general meetings shall be filled up by the
Council.
V. A General Meeting of the Subscribers shall be held annually. The
Secretary's Report on the condition and proceedings of the Society shall be
then read, and the meeting shall proceed to elect the Council for the ensuing year.
VI. At each Annual Election, three of the old Council shall retire.
VII. The Council shall meet when necessary for the dispatch of business, three
forming a quorum, including the Secretsiry ; the Chairman having a casting vote.
VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society, shall receive
twenty-five copies of such works respectively,
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LIST OF MEMBERS.
1899.
Aberdare, Lord, Longwood, Winchester.
Adelaide Public Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.
Admiralty, The (2 copies)^ per Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode.
Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, per Mr. Eccles, 96, Qreat Russell-street.
Alexander, W. L., Esq., Pinkieburn, Musselburgh, N.B.
All Souls College, Oxford.
American Geographical Society, 11, West 29th- street. New York City, U.S.A.
Amherst, Lord, of Hackney, Didlington Hall, Brandon, Norfolk.
Antiga Caea Bertrand, Jos^ Bastos, 78, Rua Garrett, Lisbon.
Antiquaries, the Society of, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W.
Army and Navy Club, 36, Pall-mall.
Athenaeum Club, Pall Mall.
Baer, Joseph & Co., Messrs., per Messrs. Epstein, 47, Holbom Viaduct, E.C,
Bain, Mr., 1, Haymarket, S.W.
Ball, John B., Esq., Ashburton Cottage, Putney Heath, S.W.
Bank of England Library and Literary Association.
Barclay, Hugh G., Esq., Colney Hall, Norwich.
Barlow, R. Fred., Esq., 71, Marine Parade, Worthing, Sussex.
Basano, Marquis de, per Messrs. Hatchard's, Piccadilly, W.
Baxter, James Phinney, Esq., 61, Deering-street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A.
Beaumont, Rear-Admiral L. A., 3, Sloane-gardens, S.W.
Beazley, C. Raymond, Esq., 13, The Paragon, Blackheath, S.E.
Belhaven and Stenton, Col. the Lord, R.E., 41, Lennox gardens, S.W.
Bellamy, C. H., Esq., Belmont, Brook-road, Heaton Chapel, Manchester.
Berlin Geographical Society, per Messrs. Sampson Low.
Berlin, the Royal Library of, per Messrn. Asher and Co.
Berlin University, Geographical Institute of (Baron von Richthofen), 6,
Schinkelplatz, Berlin, W., per Messrs. Sampson Low.
Birch, Dr. W. de G., British Museum.
Birmingham Central Free Library.
Birmingham Library (The), per Messrs. Day and Sons, 96, Mount-street,
Grosvenor-square, W.
Bodleian Library, Oxford (copies presented).
Bonaparte, H. H. Prince Roland, 10, Avenue d' Jena, Paris.
Boston Athenaeum Library, U.S.A. , per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Boston Public Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A., per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Bower, Majol- Hamilton, per Messrs. Grindlay & Co., 54, Parliament Street.
Bowring, Thos. B., Esq., 7, Palace Gate, Kensington, W.
Brewster, Charles 0., Esq., University Club, New York City, U.S.A.
Brighton Public Library.
Brine, Vice- Admiral Lindesay.
British Guiana Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society, Georgetown,
British Museum (copies presented). [Demerara.
Brock, Robert C. H., Esq., 1612, Walnut-street, Philadelphia.
Brodrick, Hon. G., Merton College, Oxford.
Brooke, Thos., Esq., Armitage Bridge, Huddersfield.
Brookline Public Library, Mass., U.S.A.
Brooklyn Mercantile Library, per Mr. E. G. Allen.
Brown, Arthur W. W., Esq., 37, Evelyn Mansions, Carlisle-place, Victoria-
street, S.W.
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Brown, General J. Marahall, 218, Middle-street, Portland, Maine, U.S. A.
Brown, H. T., Esq., Roodeye House, Chester.
Brown, J. Allen, Esq., J.P., 7, Kent-gardens, Ealing.
Brown, J. Nicholas, Esq., per Messrs. Ellis & Elvey, 29, New Bond-st, W.
Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island (H. L. Eoopman, Librarian).
Buda-Pesth, the Geographical Institute of the University of.
Burgess, Jas., Esq., C.I.E., LL.D., 22, Seton-place, Edinbiiigh.
Bums, J. W., Esq., Kilmahew, Dumbartonshire.
Buxton, E. North, Esq., Knighton, Buckhurst-hill.
Cambridge University Library, per Mr. Eccles.
Canada, The Parliament Library, per Mr. £. G. Allen.
Cardiflf Public Library, Cardiff (J. Ballinger, Esq., Librarian).
Carlton Club, Pall-malL
Carlisle, The Earl of, Naworth Castle, Bampton, Cumberland.
Cawston, Geo., Esq., Wamford Court, Throgmorton-street, KC.
Chamberlain, Right Hon. Joseph, M.P., 40, Princes-gardens, S.W.
Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bimk, Manchester.
Chicago Public Library, per Mr. B. F. Stevens.
Christ Church, Oxford.
Christiania University Library, c/o Messrs. T. Bennett and Sons, Christiania,
per Messrs. Casselland Co., Ludgate Hill.
Church, Col. G. Earl, 216, Cromwell-road, S.W.
Cincinnati Public Library, Ohio, U.S.A.
Clark, J. W., Esq., Scroope House, Cambridge.
Colgan, Nathaniel, Esq., 1, Belgrave-road, RathnuDes, Dublin.
Colonial Office (The), Downing-street, S.W.
Constable, Archibald, Esq., India.
Conway, Sir W. Martin, The Red House, Homton-street, W.
Corles, W. R., Esq., British Consulate, Tientsin, China.
Cooper, Lieut.-Col. E. H., 42, Portman-square, W.
Copenhagen Royal Library, c/o Messrs. Lehman and Stage, Copenhagen, per
Messrs. Sampson Low.
Cora, Professor Guide, M.A., Via Goito, 2, Rome.
Cornell University, per Mr. E. G. Allen.
83; H. K: S}^*"^"""""' «"«' Swit»rland.
Cortissoz, Royal, Esq., Editorial Room, New York Tribune^ New York,
U.S.A.
Cow, J., Esq., Elfinsward, Hayward's Heath.
Cruising Club, The, 40, Chancery Lane, W.C.
Cuuningham, Lieut. -Col. G., Junior U.S. Club, Charles-street, S.W.
Curzon of Kedleston, Right Hon. Lord, Carlton-gardens, S.W.
Dalton, Rev, Canon J. N., M.A., C.M.G., The Cloisters, Windsor.
Danish Royal Naval Library, per Messrs. Sampson Low (Foreign Dept.).
Davis, Hon. N. Darnell, C.M.CJ., Georgetown, Demerara, British Guiana.
De Bertodano, B., Esq., 22, Chester-terrace, Regent's-park, N.W.
Derby, The Earl of, c/o the Rev. J. Richardson, Knowsley, Prescot.
Detroit Public Library, Michigan, U.S. A.
Dijon University Library, Rue Monge, Dijon.
Dorpat University, per Herr Koehler, 21, Taubchenweg, Leipzig.
Doubleday, H. Arthur, Esq., 2, Whitehall-gardens, S.W.
Dresden Geographical Society, per Herr P. E. Richter, Kleine Briidergasse,
11, Dresden.
Droutskoy Lubetsky, S.A.S. le Prince, Kovensky per. 2, St. Petersburg.
Ducie, The Right Hon. Earl, F.R.S., Tortworth Court, Falfield.
Dundas, Captain Colin M., R.N., Ochtertyre, Stilling.
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Eames, Wilberforce, Esq., Lenox Library, 890, Fifth-avenue, New York, U.S.A. ,
per Mr* B. F. Stevens.
Edinburgh Public Library.
Edwards, Francis, Esq., 83, High-street, Marylebone, W.
Ellsworth, James W., Esq., 2, West 16th Street, New York, U.S.A.
Elton, Charles I., Esq., Q.C., F.S.A., 10, Cranley-place, Onslow-square, S.W.
Faber, Reginald S., Esq., 90, Regent's Park-road, N.W.
Fanshawe, Admiral Sir Edw., G.C.B., 74, Cromwell-road, S.W.
Fellows Athenaeum, per Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, & Co.
Ferguson, D. W., Esq., 5, Bedford-place, Croydon.
Field, W. Hildreth, Esq., 923, Madison-avenue, New York City, U.S.A.
Fisher, Arthur, Esq., St. Aubyn's, Tiverton, Devon.
Fitzgerald, Edward A., Esq., per Mr. Jas. Bain, 1, Haymarket, S.W.
Foreign Office (The), per Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode.
Foreign Office of Germany, Berlin, per Messrs. Asher and Co.
Forrest, G. W., Esq., Savile Club, 107, Piccadilly, W.
Foster, William, Esq., India Office, S.W.
O^oig, Mons. H., Lyons, per Messrs. Sampson Low.
Geoiige, C. W., Esq., 51, Hampton-road, Bristol.
Gladstone Library, National Liberal Club, Whitehall-place, S;W.
Glasgow University Library, per Mr. Billings, 59, Old Bailey, E.C.
Godman, F. Ducane, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., 10, Chandos-street, Cavendish-
square, W.
Gore-Booth, Sir H. W., Bart., Lissadell, Sligo.
Gosch, C. A., Esq., 21, Stanhope-gardens, S.W.
Gosset, General M. W. E., C.B., Island Bridge House, Dublin.
Gottingen University Library, per Messrs. Asher and Co.
Grant-Duflf, Rt. Hon. Sir M. E.,G.C.S.L, 11, Chelsea Embankment, S.W.
Gray, Albert, Esq., Catherine Lodge, Trafalgar Square, Chelsea, S.W.
Gray, M. H., Esq., India-rubber Company, Silvertown, Essex.
Greever, C. O., Esq., 1345, East Ninth-street, Des Moines, Iowa.
Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, U.S.A.
Guildhall Library, E.C.
Guillemard, Arthur G., Esq., Eltham, Kent.
Guillemard, F. Henry H., Esq., M. A., M.D., The Old Mill House, Trumpington,
Cambridge.
Haig, Maj. -General Malcolm R, Rossweide, Davos Platz, Switzerland.
Hamburg Commerz-Bibliothek, c/o Herrn Friederichsen and Co., Hamburg,
per Messrs. Drolenvaux and Bremner, 36, Gt. Tower-street, E.C.
Hannen, The Hon. H., Holne Cott, Ashburton, South Devon.
Harmsworth, A. C, Esq., Elmwood, St. Peter's, Kent.
Harrison, Edwin, Esq., Church Gates, Cheshuut.
Harvard College, Cambridge, Massachusetts, per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Harvie-Brown, J. A., Esq., Donipace, Larbert, Stirlingshire, N.B.
Haswell, Geo. H., Esq., Ashleigh, Hamstead Road, Handsworth, Birmingham.
Hawkesbury, Lord, 2, Carlton House -terrace, S.W.
Heap, Ralph, Esq., 1, Brick-court, Temple, E.C.
Heawood, Edward, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 3, Underhill-road, Lordship-lane, S.E.
Hervey, Dudley F. A., Esq., C. M.G., 24, Pembroke-gardens, Kensington.
Hiersemann, Herr Karl W., 3, Konigsstrasse, Leipzig, per Mr. Young T.
Pentland, 38, West Smithfield, E.C.
Hill, Professor G. W., West Nyack, New York.
Hippisley, A. E., Esq., c/o J. D. Campbell, Esq., C.M.G.,26, Old Queen-st., S.W.
Hobhouse, C. E. H., Esq., The Ridge, Corsham, Wilts.
Homer, J. F. Fortescue, Esq., Mells Park, Frome, Somersetshire, per
Mr. J. Bain.
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Hoskins, Admiral Sir Anthony H., 6.C.B., 17, Montagu-square, "W.
Hoyt Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., Strand.
Hubbard, Hon. Gardiner Q., 1328, Connecticut-avenue, Washington, D.C.
Hudson, John E., Esq., 125, Milk-street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
Hull Public Library (W. F. Lawton, Esq., Librarian).
Hull Subscription Library, per Messrs. Foster, Fore -street.
India Office (21 copies).
Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the (.T. E. L. Pickering, Esq., Librarian).
Ismay, Thos. H., Esq., 10, Water-street, Liverpool.
Jackson, Major H.M., R.E., 3, Ravelston Place, Edinburgh.
James, Arthur C, Esq., 92, Park-avenue, New York, U.S.A.
James, Walter B., Esq., M.D., 268, Madison-avenue, New York.
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, U.S.A., per Mr. E. G. Allen.
Johnson, General Sir Allen B., 60, Lexham-gardens, Cromwell-road, S.W.
Johnson, Rev. S. J., F.R.A.S., Melplash Vicarage, Bridport.
Jones and Evans, Messrs., 77, Queen-street, Cheapside, E.C.
Kearton, Q. J. Malcolm, Esq., F.R.G.S., 28, Fenchurch Street, E.C.
Keltic, J. Scott, Esq., LL.D., 1, Savile-row, W.
Kelvin, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.R.S., LL.D., The University, Glasgow.
Kinder, C. W., Esq., M.I.C.E., Tongshan, North China.
King's Inns Library, Henrietta-street, Dublin.
Kimberley Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., Strand.
Kitching, J., Esq., Oaklands, Kingston Hill, S.W.
Kleinseich, M., per Mr. Wohlleben, 45, Gt. Russell- street, W.C. (3 copies),
Leechman, C. B., Esq., 10, Earl's-court-gardens, S.W.
Leeds Library.
Lehigh University, U.S.A.
Leipzig^ Library of the University of, per Herr 0. Harrassowitz, Leipzig.
Lewis, Walter H., Esq., 11, East 35th-street, New York City, U.S.A.
Levy, Judah, Esq., 17, Greville-place, N.W.
Liverpool Free Public Library.
Liverpool Geographical Society (Capt. D. Phillips, R.N., Secretary), 14,
Hargreaves-buildings, Chapel-street, Liverpool.
Loch, Right Hon. Lord, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., 44, Elm Park-gardens, S.W.
Loescher, Messrs. J., & Co., Via del Corso, 307, Rome, per Messrs. Sampson
Low.
Logan, Daniel, Esq., Solicitor- General, Penang, Straits Settlements.
Logan, William, Esq., per Messrs. Grindlay & Co., 54, Parliament-street.
London Institution, Finsbury-circus.
London Library, 12, St. James's-square.
Long Island Historical Society, Brooklyn, U.S.A.
Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., The Hermitage, Loughton.
Lucas, C. P., Esq. , Colonial Office, S.W.
Lucas, F. W., Esq., 21, Surrey-street, Victoria Embankment, W.C.
Luyster, S. B., Esq., c/o Messrs. Denham & Co., 27, Bloomsbury -square, W.C.
Lydenberg, H. M., Esq., Lenox Library, Fifth Avenue, New York.
Lyttelton-Annesley, Lieut. -Gen. A., Templemere, Weybridge.
Macgregor, J. C, Esq., Ruvenswood, Elmbourne-road, Upper Tooting, S.W.
Macmillan & Bowes, Messrs., Cambridge, per Messrs. Foster, Fore-street.
Macrae, C. C, Esq., 93, Onslow-gardens, S.W.
Manchester Public Free Libraries.
Manierre, George, Esq., 184, La Salle-street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
Manila Club, The, per Mr. J. Bain, 1, Hay market, S.W.
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Margesson, Lieut. W. H. D., R.N., Findon Place, Worthing.
Markham, Vice-Admiral Albert H., F.R.Q.S., 65, Linden -gardens, W.
Markham, Sir Clements, K.C.B., F.R.S., 21, Eccleston-square, S.W.
Marquand, Henry, Esq., 160, Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
Martelli, E. W., Esq., 4, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
Massachusetts Historical Society, 30, Tremont- street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.,
per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Massie, Capt. R. H., R.A., Gibraltar.
Mathers, E., Esq., Glenalmond, Foxgrove-road, Beckenham.
Maudslay, A. P., Esq., 32, Montpelier-square, Knightsbridge, S.W.
McClymont, Jas. R., Esq., 201, Macquarie-street, Hobart Town, Tasmania.
Mecredv, Jas., Esq., M.A., B.L., F.R.G.S., Wynberg, Stradbrook, Blackrock,
Dublin Co.
Melbourne, Public Library of, per Messrs. Melville, Mullen & Slade> 12,
Ludgate-square, E.C.
Meyjes, A. C, Esq., 42, Cannon-street, E.C.
Michigan, University of, per Messrs. H. Sotheran & Co., 140, Strand, W.C.
Milwaukee Public Library, Wisconsin, per Mr. G. E. Stechert.
Minneapolis Athenaeum, U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, W.C. '
Mitchell Library, 21, Miller-street, Glasgow.
Mitchell, Alfred, Esq., per Messrs. Tiffany, 221, Regent-street, W.
Mitchell, Wm., Esq., 14^ Forbesfield-road, Aberdeen.
Monson, The Rt. Hon. Lord, C.V.O., Clarence House, St. James's, S.W.
Morgan, E. Delmar, Esq., 15, Roland -gardens. South Kensington, S.W.
Morris, H. C. L., Esq., M.D., Gothic Cottage, Bognor, Sussex.
Morris, Mowbray, Esq., 59a, Brook street, Grosvenor square, W.
Moxon, A. E., Esq., c/o Mrs. Gough, The Lodge, Sculdern, near Banbury.
Munich Royal Library, per Messrs. Asher & Co.
Nathan, Major, C.M.G., R.E., 11, Pembridge-square, W.
Natural History Museum, Cromwell-road, per Messrs. Dulau & Co., Soho-sq.
Naval and Military Club, 94, Piccadilly, W.
Netherlands, Geographical Society of the, per Mr. Nutt, Strand.
Nettleship, E., Esq., c/o R. S. Whiteway, Esq., Brownscombe, Shottermill,
Surrey.
Newberry Library, The, Chicago, U.S. A., per Mr. B. F. Stevens.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Scientific Institute.
Newcastle-upon-T^^ne Public Library.
New London Public Library, Conn., U.S.A.
New York Public Library, per Mr. B. F. Stevens.
New York State Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, Carey-st., W.C.
New York Yacht Club (Library Committee), 67, Madison-avenue, New York
City, U.S.A.
New Zealand, Agent-General for, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co.
Nicholson, Sir Charles, Bart., D.C.L., The Grange, Totteridge, Herts.
Nordeuskiold, Baron, 11, Tradgardsgatan, Stockholm.
North Adams Public Library, Massachusetts, U.S.A. [Station.
Northbrook, The Right Hon. the Earl of, G.C.S.I., Stratton, Micheldever
North, Hon. F. H., C 3, The Albany, W.
Northumberland, His Grace the Duke of, per Mr. Cross, 230, Caledonian-
road N.
Nutt, Mr! d!, 270, Strand, W.C.
Oliver, Captain S. P., Findon, near Worthing.
Oliver,- Commander T. W., R.N., 16, De Parys-avenue, Bedford.
Omaha Public Library, Nebraska, U.S.A.
Ommanney, Admiral Sir Erasmus, C.B., F.R.S.,29,Connaught-sq.i Hyde Park.
Oriental Club, Hanover-square, W.
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Parmly, Duncan D., Esq., 160, Broadway, New York.
Payne, E. J., Esq., 2, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
Peabody Institute, Baltimore, U.S., per Mr. E. G. Allen.
Peckover, Alexander, Esq., Bank House, Wisbech.
Peech, W. H., Esq., St. Stephen's Club, Westminster.
Peek, Sir Cuthbert E., Bart., 22, Belgrave-square, S.W.
Pequot Library, Southport, Conn., LT.S.A.
Petheriuk, E. A., Esq., 85, Hopton-road, Streatham, S.W.
Philadelphia Free Library, U.S.A., per Mr. Q. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, W.C.
Philadelphia, Library Company of, U.S.A., per Mr. E. G. Allen.
Poor, F. B., Esq., 160, Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
Poor, Henry W., Esq., per Messrs. Denham & Co., 27, Bloomsbury-square.
Pope, Alexander, Esq., Methven House, King's-road, Kingston-on-Thames.
Portico Library, Manchester.
Pringle, Arthur T., Esq., c/o Messrs. G. W. Wheatley &Co., 10, Queen-st., E.C.
Pym, C. Guy, Esq., 35, Cranley-gardens, S.W.
Quaritch, Mr. B., 15, Piccadilly, W. (12 copies).
Rabbits, W. Thos., Esq., 6, Cadogan Gardens, S.W.
Raffles Library, Singapore, per Messrs. Jones & Evans, Queen-street, E.C.
Ravenstein, E. G., Esq.. 2, York Mansions, Battersea Park, S.W.
Reform Club, Pall-mall!
Rhodes, Josiah, Esq., Heckmondwike, Yorkshire.
Richards, Admiral Su- F. W., G.C.B., 34, Queen Anne's Gate, S.W.
Riggs, E. F., Esq., 1311, Mass. Avenue, Washington, U.S.
Riugwalt, John S., Jun., Esq., Mt. Vernon, Knox County, Ohio, U.S.A.
Rittenhouse Club, 1811, Walnut-street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
Rockhill, The Hon. W. W., Department of State, Washington.
Rodd, Sir Rennell, C.B., K.C.M.G., c/o Foreign Office, Downing-street, S.W.
Rohrscheid and Ebbecke, Herrn, Strauss'sche Buchhandlung, Bonn.
Rose, C. D., Esq., 10, Austin Friars, E.C.
Royal Artillery Institute, Woolwich (Major A. J. Abdy, Secretary).
Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Avenue, W.C.
Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham.
Royal Geographical Society, 1, Savile-row, W. {copies presented).
Royal Scottish Geographic»sd Society, Edinburgh ( Jas. Burgess, Esq., LL,D.
CLE., Librarian).
Royal Societies Club, St. James's-street, S.W.
^ Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall-yard, S.W.
' Russell, Lady A., 2, Audley-square, W.
Rutherford, Rev. W. Gunion, D.D., Westminster School, S.W.
Ryley, J, Horton, Esq., Melrose, Woodwarde-road, Dulwich, S.E.
Satow, H. E. Sir E., K.C.M.G., 104, The Common, Upper Clapton, E.
Saunders, Howard, Esq., 7, Radnor-place, Gloucester-square, W.
Saxk-Coburo and Gotha, H.RH. the Reigning Duke of (Duke of Edinburgh),
K.G., K.T., etc., .c/o of Col. Colville, Clarence House, St. James's.
Schwartz, J. L., Esq., Port Hope, Ontario, Canada.
Science and Art Department, South Kensington.
Seawanhaka Corinthian Yacht Club, 7, East 32nd-street. New York, U.S.A.
Seymour, Vice- Admiral E. H., C.B., 9, Ovingtou-square, S.W.
Sheffield Free Public Libraries (Samuel Smith, Esq., Librarian).
Signet Library, Edinburgh (Thos. G. Law, Esq., Librarian), per Mr. D. Nutt.
Silver, S. W., Esq., 3, York-gate, Regent's Park, N.W.
Sinclah-, W. F., Esq., c/o Messrs. H. S. King & Co., Pall Mall, S.W.
Smith, F. A., Esq., Thorncliff, Shoot-up-Hill, N.
Smithers, F.O., Esq., F.R.G.S., Dashwood House, 9, New Broad-street, E.G.
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Socidtd de Gdographie, Paris, per Mr. J. Arnould, Royal Mint Refinery, Royal
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South African Public Library, per Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 65, Comhill,
E.C.
Southam, S. Clement, Esq., Elmhurst, Shrewsbury.
Springfield City Library Association, Mass., U.S.A.
Stairs, James W., Esq., c/o Messrs. Stairs, Son and Morrow, Halifax, Nova Scotia.
Stanley, Right Hon. Lord, of Alderley, 16, Grosvenor-gardens, S.W.
St. Andrew's University.
St. John's, N. B., Canada, Free Public Library (J. R. Ruel, Esq., Chairman).
St. Louis Mercantile Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, W.C.
St. Martin's-in-the-Fields Free Public Library, 115, St. Martin' s-lane, W.C.
St. Petersburg University Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
St. Wladimir University, Kief, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co.
Stephens, Henry C, Esq., M.P., Avenue House, Finchley, N.
Stevens, J. Tyler, Esq., Park-street, Lowell, Mass., U.S.A.
Stevens, Son, &; Stiles, Messrs., 39, Great Russell-street, W.C.
Stockholm, Royal Library of, per Messrs. Sampson Low.
Stockton Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran &; Co.
Strachey, Lady, 69, Lancaster-gate, Hyde-park, W.
Stride, Mrs. Arthur L., Bush Hall, Hatfield, Herts.
Stringer, G. A., Esq,, 248, Georgia-street, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A.
Stubbs, Captain Edward, R.N., 13, Greenfield-road, Stoneycroft, Liverpool.
Sydney Free Library, per Mr. Young J. Pentland, 38, West Smithfield, E.C.
Sykes, Capt. P. Molesworth, H.M.'s Consul at Kerman, etc., c/o the Agent to
the (jfovemor-General, Quetta.
Tate, G. P., Esq., c/o Messrs. W. Watson & Co., Karachi, India.
Taylor, Captain WUliam R., 1, Daysbrook-road, Streatham Hill, S.W.
Temple, Lieut.-Col. R. C, C.I.E., per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Thin, Mr. Jas., 54, 65, South Bridge, Edinbui^gh, per Mr. Billings, 59, Old
Bailey, E.C.
Thomson, B. H., Esq., Governor's House, H.M.'s Prison, Northampton.
Tighe, W. S., Coalmoney, Stratford-on-Slaney, Co. Wicklow.
Transvaal State Library, Pretoria, Transvaal, South Africa, per Messrs. Mudie.
Travellers' Club, 106, Pall-mall, S.W.
Trinder, H. W., Esq., Northbrook House, Bishops Waltham, Hants.
Trinder, Oliver Jones, Esq., Mount Vernon, Caterham, Surrey.
Trinity College, Cambridge, care of Messrs. Deighton, Bell & Co., per Messrs.
Simpkin, Marshall &; Co. (Enclo. Dept.).
Trinity House, The Hon. Corporation of. Tower-hill, E.C.
Troop, W. H., Esq., c/o Messrs. Black Bros. & Co., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
Trotter, Coutts, Esq., Athenaeum Club, S.W,
Triibner, Herr Elarl, Strasburg, per Messrs Kegan Paul.
Turnbull, Alex. H., Esq., 7, St. Helen's-place, Bishopsgate-street, E.C.
Union League Club, Broad-street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
Union Society, Oxford, per Messrs. Cawthorn & Hutt, 24, Cockspur-street.
United States Naval Academy, per Mr. B. F. Stevens.
University of London, per Messrs. Sotheran &; Co., 37, Piccadilly, W.
Upsala University Library, per C. J. Lundstrum, Upsala.
Van Raalte, Charles, Esq., Aldenham Abbey, Watford, Herts.
Vienna Imperial Library, per Messrs. Asher &; Co.
Vignaud, Henry, Esq., Ambassade des Etats Unis, 18, Avenue Kleber, Paris.
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Wahab, Mrs., Knowle, GodalmiDg.
Ward, Admiral Hon. W. J., 79, Da vies -street, Berkeley -square, W.
Warren, W. R., Esq., 81, Fulton-street, New York City, U.S.A.
Washington, Department of State, per Mr. B. F. Stevens.
Washington, Library of Navy Department, per Mr. B. F. Stevens.
Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A.
Watson, Commander, H.N.R., Ravella, Crosby, near Liverpool.
Webb, William Frederick, Esq., Newstead Abbey, Nottingham.
Webster, Sir Augustus, Bart., Guards' Club, 70, Pall-mall.
Weld, Geo. F., Esq., Quincy-street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.
Westminster School (Rev. G. H. Nail, M.A., Librarian).
Wharton, Rear- Admiral Sir W. J. L., K.C.B., Florys, Princes-road, Wimbledon
Park, S.W.
Wildy, A.G., Esq., 14, Buckingham-street, W.C.
Wilb'ams, 0. W., Esq., Fort Stockton, Texas, U.S.A.
Wilson, Edward S., Esq., Melton Grange, Brough, East Yorkshire.
Wisconsin State. Historical Society, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co. , 1 40, Strand.
Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Wyndham, Geo., Esq., M.P., 35, Park Lane, W.
Yale College, U.S.A., per Mr. E. G. Allen.
Young, Alfales, Esq., Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A.
Young, Sir Allen, C.B., 18, Grafton -street, W.
Young & Sons, Messrs. H,, 12, South Castle Street, Liverpool. . *
Ziirich, Bibliotheque de la Ville, care of Messrs. Orell, Turli & Co., Zurich, per
Mr. D. Nutt.
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