EMMA- LADY- HAMILTON k
WALTER: SICHEL
3s:l:
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EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
' It takes a hundred and fifty years to make a beauty — a
hundred and fifty years out of doors. . . . Without these
constant factors, beauty cannot be, but yet they will not
alone produce it. There must be something in the blood
which these influences gradually ripen. . . . Erratic,
meteor-like beauty ! For how many thousand years has
man been your slave ! The sentiment at the sight of a
perfect beauty is as much amazement as admiration. It
so draws the heart out of itself as to seem like magic'
Richard Jefferies.
' I cannot make friends with all, but the few friends I
have, I would die for them. '
Lady Hamilton to Lord Nelson, Oct. 1798.
Add. MS. 34,989, f. 84.
EMMA LADY HAMILTON
FROM NEW AND ORIGINAL
SOURCES AND DOCUMENTS
TOGETHER WITH AN
Appendix of Notes and New Letters
BY WALTER SICHEL
AUTHOR OF 'BOLINGBROKE AND HIS TIMES'
'DISRAELI, A STUDY*
I
SECOND EDITION
Bondon
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE
AND COMPANY LTD.
1905
First Printed, October 1905.
Second Impression, October 1905.
Third Impression, November 1905.
Fourth Printing (Second and Revised Edition), November 1905,
Edinbirgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty
LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF C.VLIFORNIA
SANTA BARBARA
TO
C. E. S. AND G. H. T
Fi done ! Tu as I'ivresse du peuple.—
— C'est la bonne, c'est celle du plaisir.
Beaumarchais.
Ah, Emma, who'd ever be wise
If madness were loving of thee !
Lord Bristol, Bishop of Derry.
PREFACE
In attempting this theme, I found that to do it real
justice, both from the personal and historical point of view,
I must perforce and in great measure begin afresh. Many
new manuscripts of the highest importance have passed
into the national collection during about the last twenty
years. And apart from these, much new and weighty
evidence exists. Much casts new lights both on the
character of Lady Hamilton, the whole story of her life,
and the history of Naples. Much has remained unknown
or unnoticed both in contemporary manuscripts and con-
temporary books, research into which is needful if a living
picture is to be formed ; for by such means alone we are
enabled to view things from the inside, to get, as it were,
behind the scenes, and close up to the persons.
Two at least among many manuscript collections in the
British Museum are new in their revelations, and have
escaped attention.
The first is the correspondence of Lady Hamilton with
Nelson in the autumn of the year 1798, after the Nile
victory (Add. MS. 34,989). Not only does this shed
immense light on her character, on the part that she played
with the Queen of Naples, and on the ripening of her
Nelson-worship, but I was fortunate enough to discover
in it a letter of June 17 (reproduced in this volume) to
which Nelson's famous and much-debated ' I have kissed
the Queen's letter' is, without question, the immediate
answer. This conclusively upsets some of the ingenious
theories put forward by modern sceptics in criticising Lady
viii EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Hamilton's claim to have procured what enabled Nelson
to water and provision the British fleet. Both in this
respect, however, and in others regarding Lady Hamilton's
several ' services,' I had from other documents arrived at
independent conclusions. This collection further comprises
many most material letters of later dates, and among them
a series written by Lady Hamilton to Mrs. William Nelson
during 1801, relative to the hitherto undescribed 'Prince
of Wales' episode which figures in these pages, and bearing
also both on Nelson's hurried visit to London before he
started for the Baltic, and the life led by him and the
Hamiltons on their first installation at Merton. These
and the correspondence of 1798 are of such novel interest,
that they are both transcribed, with a number of other
new and enlightening letters, in the Appendix, which
also contains the longer and the controversial notes, so
as not to over-encumber the narrative. The whole series
was not acquired by the British Museum until 1896, and
therefore neither Mr. J. Cordy Jeaffreson nor Professor
Laughton could have used it.
The second, however, was purchased in 1886, but possibly
it may not have been available in 1887 and 1889. Had
it been so, it would certainly have modified their views. It
is the long and remarkable series of Sir John Acton's
correspondence with Sir William Hamilton (Egerton MS.
2639-2640), penned in the quaintest English, illuminat-
ing events and characters, and indispensable to a right
understanding of the persons and the period. With these
should be studied further letters of the same Neapolitan
Minister, which are to be found both in the Hamilton
correspondence (Egerton MS. 2634-2641) and in a mis-
cellaneous collection (Egerton MS. 1623), which to many
documents of human interest adds letters both from Acton
and from the Queen of Naples. There is besides, much
regarding Lady Hamilton herself to be gleaned from the
PREFACE ix
correspondence of Sir J. Banks with Sir W. Hamilton (Eger-
ton MS. 2641); and something — especially as to Romney
and Lady Hamilton — in a manuscript collection of Hayley's
correspondence (Add. MS. 30,805). Moreover, there are
isolated letters of interest and value, such as that from Sir
William Hamilton to Greville about Emma (Add. MS.
34,710 D) which ranks with those in the Morrison Auto-
graphs ; and another of Nelson to Emma, also hitherto
unquoted, but perhaps the most striking of any that he
ever addressed to her, from a collection, too, of the highest
value otherwise (Add. MS. 34,274). There are also various
other manuscript sources which I need not here specify.
There are, of course, the Nelson Papers, much used, on
which these and kindred sources shed fresh and considerable
light ; and there exist still further and most valuable collec-
tions which have hitherto been either unconsulted or insuffi-
ciently examined. Such is the correspondence of Nelson's
brother and successor (Add. MS. 34,992), which contains,
with much else concerning his conduct after Nelson's death,
a material document which will be found in the Appendix.
Then there is the correspondence of Nelson's confidential
friend Alexander Davison (Egerton MS. 2240), a minute
inspection of which adds to our knowledge of the lives and
characters of Lady Hamilton, her husband, and Nelson.
Nor would it seem that the Hamilton Papers above men-
tioned have themselves been fully scrutinised in all their
historical bearings, since the erasures and interlineations in
one at least of Sir William's official drafts perhaps assist the
main evidence of what seems to have happened privately.
The manuscript letters of Maria Carolina, Queen of
Naples, in more than one series in the British Museum,
have many of them been quoted both by English and
foreign writers ; but her crabbed handwriting has some-
times caused material mistranscriptions. Nothing more
touching can be imagined than these reliquaries, so to
X EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
speak, of past emotion, with their inclosures of sad
mementoes and Emma's own indorsements on their covers.
The royal flight from Naples to Palermo in December 1798
played a great part in her career, as she herself played an
even greater part in its thrilling scenes. From the Queen's
letters of this date (Egerton MS. 161 5 and 1623) combined
with others from the Vienna Archives (in Baron Helfert's
Life of Fabrizio Ruffo), the Acton letters, and those in the
Morrison Autographs, I have tried to reconstruct this
melodrama as if it were a sensation of yesterday.
I have further been able to secure originals and copies
of many unknown and striking letters touching Lady
Hamilton's actions and circumstances throughout her career.
Nor should I omit the great assistance afforded by the pub-
lished excerpts from many autographs in Messrs. Sotheby's
Catalogues of Sale. Placed in their proper context, these
enable one to understand much which without them would
remain obscure ; and the Appendix includes a number of
these also,
I am under the deepest obligation to Mrs. Alfred
Morrison for her kindness in lending me a printed but
unpublished copy of the autograph Hamilton and Nelson
Papers. These letters, invaluable alike to psychologist
and historian, are only of complete use when they can
be consulted in their entirety, and in their full relations
both to themselves and to companion letters. Had Mr.
Jeaffreson closely studied them he would have come to
different conclusions on many subjects — the mysterious
Emma ' Carew,' for instance, among minor matters, and
the affectionate intimacy of Nelson's sisters, sister-in-law,
and their children with Lady Hamilton, consistently main-
tained up to the very end.^ Perhaps he may have been
1 I now hasten to add in the case of so able and accurate an investigator as
Mr. Jeaffreson that my meaning in this passage refers exclusively to the duration
of the friendship, — in the Eoltons' case extending to January 1812, and in the
Matchams' case to November 1813.
PREFACE xi
unable to do so, because when he wrote they may not yet
have been privately printed or fully catalogued.
Like considerations touch the relevance of all these
sources to history, to controversial criticism, and to Captain
Mahan's characterisation, so far as his delightful book affects
Lady Hamilton. That book explains Nelson's tactics far
more than it penetrates the hidden springs of motive and
temperament, based as it is mainly on published and
acknowledged records. It hardly fathoms the secret of
two hearts.
Some critics, in trying to dispute the date or authenticity
of material letters, have urged the unlikelihood of Nelson
and Sir William Hamilton addressing each other during
1798 as * my dear Nelson,' or 'my dear Hamilton,' but
the Morrison Manuscripts of this date comprise three in
which Hamilton does so address Nelson ; and in less trivial
examples also, the distinction between the wording of
private and official correspondence has often been over-
looked. Again, a state-document most relevant to the
events of July 1798 (* The Governor of Syracuse's despatch ')
is explained by a letter from Sir John Acton in this series ;
while many other papers outside it supply a key to the
diplomatic situation which underlies and interprets most
of the Neapolitan communications during this period. It
has also been objected that Nelson could not, in June
1798, have referred (as he does) to the 'sufferings' of the
royal family. Acton's manuscripts of this date, however,
many of the Queen's letters, a notable draft by Hamilton
(Egerton MS. 2635, f. 287), and a mass of other, private
and official, correspondence, unite in establishing the fitness
of the phrase.
These and kindred mistakes are mere links in a chain of
evidence ; but, broadly speaking, all Lady Hamilton's claims
will be found to receive fresh and important corrobora-
tion. Some of the statements in her several ' Memorials '
xii EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
have been misconstrued, while most have been traversed.
Their verification, however, in these pages by new evidence
is some argument for the substantial truth of the rest.
It has been assumed, for instance, that her mention of
the * secret passage ' in her narrative of the royal family's
melodramatic flight to Palermo is a myth. From one of
Acton's letters, however, and one of the Queen's, this way of
escape seems a pretty fair deduction. Lady Hamilton, again,
pleaded inher 'Prince Regent Memorial' of 1813 thather late
husband on his deathbed had urged his nephew to press the
Government for some recognition of her services. Greville's
own letter, transcribed in the Appendix, not only confirms
her statement, but protests that the truth of her 'Claims'
was within the knowledge of the Foreign Office, It has
been taken for granted that the reason for disregarding them
was official disbelief The real causes were very different
and scarcely creditable to the ministers. Nor has it been
borne in mind that Sir William Hamilton's own claims
were equally ignored. A lack of thorough investigation,
moreover, or of available materials, has often caused
misinterpretation. Several new episodes have been here
unearthed which a preface cannot detail. It may sur-
prise many to learn that owing to difficulties raised over
Nelson's bequest of an annuity to the woman of his heart
its payment was deferred, and never made in advance till
the year before her death.
I venture also to hope that Nelson's own character and
achievements stand more fully revealed by the fresh lights
and sidelights which serve to bring his extraordinary
individuality into relief, to explain his policy, and to clear
up some vexed passages both in his private and his public
actions. As England absorbed him, so did Emma.
With regard to books, I may say that I have endeav-
oured to study every contemporary work that can possibly
illustrate the life of Lady Hamilton or the imbroglios of
PREFACE xiii
history in which she became involved: no odd corner,
whether in print or manuscript, has been left unsearched ;
nor have I omitted those clues regarding either her or any
of her friends (however slight their parts in the drama) that
even parish registers afford. The apocryphal Memoirs
of 1815, frequently repeated, aver that she signed her
marriage register under a false name. The Marylebone
parish books show that this was not the case ; and it will
be found, moreover, that previous conjectures as to the date
of her birth have been inaccurate. It may be added that
most of the striking material for Emma's life in the
Nelso7i Letters'^ (surreptitiously published in 1814) has
passed unnoticed. These two volumes include one of her
few surviving letters to Nelson, some of Sir William's
private epistles to her in 1792, as well as two of her letters
to Greville, some from him and Lord Bristol, and of course
a long series of private letters from Nelson himself.
In striving to understand the inner workings of the
Neapolitan Revolution of 1799, I have gone straight to
many of the Italian sources ; and here I may express my
obligation to Mr. Gutteridge's most scholarly monograph on
Nelson and the Neapolitan Jacobins, published last year for
the Navy Record Society, which summarises almost every
available authority, and with the conclusions of which I
cordially agree. I can only trust that my mite of research
may not be wholly useless in the exploration of this
comparatively forgotten but most interesting back-water
of history.
Without further enlargement, then, the foregoing con-
siderations must furnish an excuse, if excuse be needed,
for endeavouring to grapple with the subject, and a justifi-
cation for thinking that Lady Hamilton's history needs to
' Their full title is, ' The Letters of Lord Nelson to Lady Hamilton, with a
Supplement of Interesting Letters by Distinguished Characters. London. For
Thomas Lovewell & Co., Staines House, Barbican.'
xiv EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
be rewritten with all the new lights and authentic records
that time has added, and that the survey, if condensed,
should aim at being comprehensive.
It is a career of widespread interest and unusual fascina-
tion— a ' human document ' of many problems that well
repay the decipherer and the discoverer. My aim through-
out has been to quicken research into life, and to furnish a
new study of her striking temperament and the temperaments
which became so curiously interwoven both with each other
and with history. I have sought, however imperfectly, to
render investigation vivid rather than to register statistics
about Lady Hamilton. I have tried to stage anew, and
with fresh scenes, a drama surprising both in plot and
character, and to picture the peculiar psychology of the
Tria juncta in uno, as well as their psychological moments.
In conclusion, my repeated thanks are due to Mrs. Alfred
Morrison for so kindly allowing me to have copies of
the two volumes of the catalogued manuscripts printed
for private circulation ; to my friend Mrs. Hampden of
Ewelme for copies of most interesting manuscript letters,
some wholly unpublished, others partially. My acknow-
ledgments are also due, among others, to Mr. Sabin and
Mr. Robson for allowing me to have copies of the letters in
their possession ; to Messrs. Sotheran for permitting me to
inspect a very curious collection of cuttings, autographs, and
portraits ; to the Reverend Canon H. Drew, the Reverend
Canon E. C. Turner, the Rector of Marylebone, and the
Reverend C. Jagger of Merton, for their kind compliance with
my request for information on many points from the parish
registers of Hawarden, Neston, Marylebone, and Merton ;
to Miss Andalusia Harvey for being so good as to acquaint
me with the basis for her family traditions regarding
Ickwell Bury and Lady Hamilton ; to my friend Mr.
C. C. Lacaita for his suggestions concerning sources for
the events of the Neapolitan Revolution of 1798-1799; an.'
PREFACE XV
to Mr. Neville-Rolfe, our Consul at Naples, for his helpful
information. My thanks are further due to the Hon. Herbert
Gibbs for most kindly allowing me to reproduce his original
of 'Circe' ; to Signor Monaco of the San Martino Gallery
at Naples for permitting the recently acquired portrait of
Sir John Acton to be photographed ; to Mr, Jones, parish
clerk of Havvarden, for much kind assistance ; to Messrs.
E. Parsons for being so good as to let me photograph
the portrait of Lady Hamilton in their possession ; to
Mr. Urban Noseda for consenting to the reproduction of
his mezzotint of ' Euphrosyne ' ; and to Mr. Sanderson of
Edinburgh for kindly placing a photograph of his historical
table at my disposal.
It is hoped that the illustrations — comprising, besides
the miniature sold this year from the Capel-Cure Collec-
tion, original and unreproduced studies and sketches by
Romney as well as rare and unknown likenesses of her
and her friends — will add fresh and special interest to this
epitome of the 'sad vicissitude of things.'
WALTER SICHEL.
September 1905.
PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION
I TAKE the opportunity afforded by a new and revised
edition to make some necessary corrections. The main
errors which have needed them are : —
(i) A few subsidiary points with regard to the council
of June 17, 1798, with which a portion of Chapter VIII.
and Note G. of the Appendix are concerned.
(2) A mis-statement (at the beginning of note i p. 447)
about Lord Grenville.
(3) One of the inferences drawn from the technical
terms in the legal document referred to on pp. 433, 434.
On close consideration I find that while it establishes
that Lady Hamilton's annuity was never paid in advance
(as Nelson intended) till May 6, 18 14, and goes to show
that till January 1808 she received nothing, it does not
justify an assumption that she did not receive her annuity
between those two dates. The Abstract of this document
(Appendix, p. 489) contained two inaccuracies which are
now rectified.
(4) A statement on p. 340 that Lady Nelson dissemi-
nated and contradicted rumours about Nelson's will, which
I find cannot be substantiated.
(5) Some confusion on pp. 400 and 434 as to Emma's
financial position after Nelson's death. This has now
been thoroughly cleared up.
I have been able at the same time to incorporate a
few new particulars about Emma's earlier and later career,
and have added a letter of 1809 from Emma to Sir William
Scott, in which she enlarges upon her duties. I owe this
to the kindness of Mr. C. Milnes Gaskell.
WALTER SICHEL.
November 1905.
CONTENTS
PAGE
vii
Preface .....
I. Prelude : Lady Hamilton's Temperament . . i
IL The Curtain Rises : 1 765-1 782 . . -33
III. The 'Fair Tea-maker of Edgware Row': i 782-1 784 56
IV. ' What God, and Greville, pleases': To March 1786 79
V. Apprenticeship and Marriage : 1787-1791 . . 97
VI. Till the First Meeting : 1791-1793 . , . 137
VII. ' Stateswoman ' : 1794-1797 . . . .168
VIII. Triumph: 1798 . . . . .201
IX. Flight: December 1798 — January 1799 . . 242
X. Triumph Once More : To August 1799 . . 262
XI. Homeward Bound: To December 1800 , . 312
XII. From Piccadilly to 'Paradise' Merton : 1801 . 341
XIII. Exit 'Nestor' : January 1802 — May 1803 . . 384
XIV. Penelope and Ulysses : June 1803 — January 1806 . 405
XV. The Importunate Widow in Liquidation : February
1806 — July 1814 . . . . . 433
XVI. From Debt to Death: ]uly 1814 — January 1815 . 464
b
xviii EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
APPENDIX
Part I. — Notes
PAGE
A. Evidences as to the date of Lady Hamilton's birth . . 476
B. Dr. James Graham ...... 476
C. Emma'Carew' ....... 479
D. Lady Hamilton's Letter in French to the Countess of
Lichtenau ....... 481
E. New Inferential Evidence for Lady Hamilton's General
Services to England in 1 794- 1 795 . . . .481
F. Lady Hamilton's Claim concerning the King of Spain's
secret letters in the spring of 1795 ^.nd the autumn of 1796
further considered ...... 483
G. Lady Hamilton's Claim to have procured the watering of the
British fleet in the summer of 1798 further considered . 486
H. An Abstract of the legal document of May 6, 1814, whereby
Lady Hamilton received her first payment in advance of
Lord Nelson's annuity ..... 488
Part IL — Nev/ Letters
A. Lady Hamilton's Correspondence with Lord Nelson in
September and October 1798 ..... 489
B. Lady Hamilton's Correspondence with Mrs. William Nelson
in February and March 1801, and in the following Novem-
ber ; together with two extracts from letters addressed to
Lady Hamilton by Mrs. William Nelson (afterwards Sarah,
Countess Nelson) in 1804 and 1805 respectively, and a
letter of September 20, 1802, from Lady Hamilton to
A. Davison about the Welsh trip . . . .501
C. Later and other New Letters from and to Lady Hamilton —
(i) {a) Extract from a letter from Lady Hamilton to J. D.
Thomson, September 14, 1805 . . .507
(b) Lady Hamilton to Earl Nelson about the 'last
codicil,' November 14, 1806 . . . 508
(2) Earl Nelson's answer to the preceding, November 16,
1806 508
CONTENTS xix
PAGE
(3) (a) Lady Hamilton to William Hayley, June 5, 1806 . 508
(d) Lady Hamilton to the Rev. A. J. Scott (a vin-
dication), September 7, 1806 . . . 509
(4) Summary of a letter from Lady Hamilton to Sir R,
Barclay regarding the sale of the Merton estate,
Richmond, 1805 . . . . . .510
(5) (a) Extract from a letter from Lady Hamilton to J.
Heaviside, surgeon, June 3, 1808 . . .510
(6) Extract from a letter from Lady Hamilton to the
Hon. C. F. Greville, November 1808 . .510
(6) (a) Extract from a letter from Lady Hamilton to Mrs.
Girdlestone respecting her mother and the Duke
of Sussex, August I r, 181 1 . . • 511
(d) Extract from a letter from Lady Hamilton to Captain
Rose, 1807 . . . . . -512
(7) Summary of a letter from Lady Hamilton to Mrs. Russell
about the ' Prince Regent' Memorial, Dec. 28, 18 12 . 512
(8) Letter from the same to Lord St. Vincent (.'') on the
same subject (cf. Note E. in Part I.), February 7, 1813 512
(9) Extract from a letter from the same to Mr. and
Mrs. Russell about 'the unfortunate Jewitt,' 1813 . 512
(10) (a) Extract from a letter from Lady Hamilton to Sir
William Scott (afterwards Lord Stowell), from
' The Common of St. Peter's, two miles from
Calais,' September 12, 1814 . . '513
(i>) Lady Hamilton's letter to the newspapers about the
rumours which had been published, September 14,
1814 513
Addenda
(11) Extract from a letter of Lady Hamilton to Flaxman,
January (?) 1801 . . . . . • 5'4
(12) Extract from a letter of W. Hayley to Flaxman
relating to the same, November 17, 1805 . • 5>4
(13) Extract from a letter of Lady Hamilton to Lady Nelson,
November (?) 1800 . . . . -514
(14) I. Account of Haberdashery supplied to Lady Hamilton
for mourning after Sir William's death . • 5'5
2. John Salter's bill for jewellery supplied to her from
January 1802 to March 1803 . . . • 5'5
(15) Extract from a letter of Lady Hamilton to Tyson,
May 8, 1805 . . . -515
XX EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
►•AGP.
D. New Letters from Lord Nelson to Lady Hamilton —
(i) {a) Extract from a letter from Lord Nelson to Lady
Hamilton, St. George., March 7 [1801] . • 5i5
{b) '■ St. George o^ Kosiock,' yiay 24, iZoi . . 516
(2) (a) Extract from letter, ^Medusa at Sea,' August 24, 180 1 517
{b) Extract from a letter from the same to the same
regarding Merton, Amazon, September 23, 1801 518
(3) Letter from Lord Nelson relating to Sir William
Hamilton's death, April 6, 1803 . . .518
(4) Extract from a letter from the same to the same, in-
dorsed May [4?] 1803, about the reading of Sir W.
Hamilton's will . . . . . .518
(5) Extract from a letter from Lord Nelson to Lady
Hamilton, ' Victory, August 24, 1803' . . . 518
(6) Copy from the original, Amazon, October 14, 1801,
showing variations from its transcription by Pettigrew, 519
(7) Extracts from two letters from the same to the same,
{a) May 4, 1S05, Victory ; (b) August 18, 1805, Victory
ofif Spithead ...... 520
(8) Victory off Carlisle Bay, Barbadoes, June 4, 1805 . 521
(9) Victory, showing the passages omitted by Pettigrew,
August 27, 1804 ...... 521
E. Other New Letters from Lord Nelson —
(i) Extract from a letter from Lord Nelson to the French
Commander at Malta, October 1798 . . . 522
(2) Extract from a letter regarding Malta from the same to
Sir James St. Clair Erskine, Naples, 23rd July 1799 • 5^2
(3) Extract from a letter regarding Minorca and his policy,
from the same to the same, Naples, August 2, 1799 . 523
(4) (a) Extract from a letter from the same to Lady Hamil-
ton, San Josef \?>r\%}c\aLVc{\, February 11, 1801 . 523
{b) Extract from a letter from the same to the same,
February 14, 1801 ..... 523
F. Supplementary Letters —
(i) From the Hon. C. F. Greville to Lord Hobart or Lord
Pelham regarding Lady Hamilton's services, April
12, 1803 . . . . . . .524
(2) The Rev. A. J. Scott's Account of the Battle of Trafalgar
in a letter to his uncle, Victory, October 27, 1805 . 524
(3) Account by the same of Lord Nelson's death in a letter
to the Right Hon. George Rose . . . 525
(4) Extract from Lady Hamilton's letter to Sir W. Scott,
March 22, [1809] ...... 526
Index .......,, 527
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Lady Hamilton (Emma Lyon), . . Frontispiece
From an original sepia-study by G. Koinney. (Pro-
bably the first sketch for ' Sensibility.')
2. Lady Hamilton (Four Attitudes), . to face page 17
From an original sepia-study by G. Romney,
3. Lady Hamilton, . . . . ,, 21
From a water-colour miniature by H. Treskam.
4. Lady Hamilton, . . . • »» 33
From an original sepia- study by G. Romney. (Pro-
bably the first sketch for her as ' Emma.')
5. The Honourable C. F. Greville, . ... 35
From a mezzotint by Meyer.
6. The Cottage at Hawarden inhabited by
Lady Hamilton's Grandmother, . . „ 41
From a drawing, after a photograph, by Florence Holms.
7. Jane Powell, Actress, . . • .. 45
From an old print.
8. Lady Hamilton (Emma Lyon) as an Orange-
Girl, . . . . „ 46
Probably by J. Opie.
9. Paddington Church and Green, . . „ 56
From an old print.
10. Study in Pen and Wash, by Romney, ok
Emma seated in his Studio: Greville
entering, . . . . . „ 62
XXll
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
II. The Right Honourable Sir William
Hamilton, .... to face page 67
Fr07n a rare engraving, probably by Gravelot.
12. Lady Hamilton Dancing the Tarantella, .
Front an engraving after the drawing by Lock.
13. Sir John Acton, ....
From the portrait acquired by the San Martino Gallery
at Naples.
14. Lady Hamilton as 'Cassandra,'
From the mezzotint in Hay ley s Life of Roni7iey.
15. Lady Hamilton (1792),
From the original miniattcre in water-colours by
Miss Carr, afterwards the wife of General Cheney,
Aide-de-camp to the Duke of York.
16. Lord Nelson, .....
From an engraved medallion.
17. Lady Hamilton as 'Circe,' .
From the original oil painting by G. Romney.
18. Lady Hamilton as ' Euphrosyne,' .
From a mezzotint by Hury.
19. Lady Hamilton as 'Serena' in the Boat of
Apathy, .....
Frojn afi original oil-sketch by G. Romney.
20. The Table presented by Nelson to Lady
Hamilton, and probably painted by Angelica
Kauffmann, .....
From a photograph.
2 1. Lady Hamilton, . . . .
From the original oil-portrait by J . Masqncrier,
2 2. Lady Hamilton (Emma Lyon) in an atti-
tude of Dejection,
From the original sepia-study by G. Romney.
109
123
135
137
157
169
201
256
259
262
325
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xxiii
23. Lord Nelson, .... to fact pa^e 341
From an original chalk-sketch by G. Romney.
24. Merton Place, ..,.,, 384
From an engraving after the drawing by Locker.
25. George Romney, . . . • ., 394
From a rare engraving by Madame Bovy after the
medallion by Alphonso Hay ley,
26. Lady Hamilton as a Pompeian Dancer
WITH A Child, . . . . „ 399
From the shaded edition of the Attitudes.
27. The Earliest Sketch of Emma Lyon, . ,, 443
By Miss Thomas of Hawarden, daughter of her first
employer.
AUTOGRAPH COLLOTYPES
1. Lady Hamilton's Letter of June 17, 1798, to face page 209
2. Admiral Nelson's Immediate Answer of the
same date, . . . . .,,211
ERRATA
Page 67. Portrait of Sir W. Hamilton facing this page, for ' Gravelot ' read
' Grignion.'
,, 94, note 3, omit ' The "/a" is Greville's.'
,, 188, ,, I, y<?r ' kind' r£a^ 'kindred.'
,, ,, „ 4, /or '2629' r^a^' 2639.'
Pages 192, 195, and 483. As regards my theory that in April 1795 Emma
procured not only Galatone's ciphered letter but its key, I find on
reconsideration that it is not supported by my distinction between
the wording of the Queen's two letters to Emma of April 28 and 29.
The French for ' a letter in cipher ' in the first is * un chiffre,' which
tallies therefore with 'the promised cipher 'in the second. More-
over, Hamilton's dispatch of April 30 alludes to the Queen having
sent a document with each of them. My distinction, therefore,
is untenable and confusing. Hamilton does, however, style
Galatone's communication, which he then forwarded home with the
two letters, a ' decyphered dispatch,' so that presumably he possessed
a key. I did not realise at the moment that the translation expressly
adopted by Professor Laughton was Pettigrew's, and rightly so if,
as I incline to believe, ' vingt-quatie heures ' means noon by Italian
time. I now recognise the correctness of his interpretation. I wish
to make it quite clear that in his article he gives all the data, and
regret my hasty conjecture that so accurate and able an investigator
might not have consulted the original.
Page 202, note 4. With regard to the ' sufferings ' of the Royal family, it was
Nelson's knowledge thereof that 'has been doubted.' The note,
however, shows that Lord St. Vincent knew of them in 1798, and
Hamilton was in correspondence with Nelson.
,, 218, line 10. The allusion to the ' old song ' should be rather to Byron's
Don Juan, cant. i. st. cxvii. 1. 8: 'And whispering "I will ne'er
consent," consented.'
,, 252, line 17. The part of the Queen's letter regarding her embarkation
should have had space-marks to indicate a few omissions. The
whole of the passage runs in French as follows : ' Nous sonimes
descendus avec le plus grand secret, dix de famille, a I'obscur, sans
femmes ni personne, personne ne le savait, et en deux bateaux,
guide Nelson. Nous sommes a bord,' etc. That 'femmes,' etc.,
mean 'attendants' appears from the statement that nobody knew,
which cannot refer to the Queen's intimates.
,, 342, line 25, note 2. Since Romncy left Hampstead for the north
before 1800, I am mistaken in thinking that he could then have seen
Emma or Nelson, whom, I find, he never 'painted.' The drawing
facing p. 341 was sold to me as by Romney of Nelson. If it is, it
must date from the end of 1797 or beginning of 1798. In this
connection I may note (p. 61) that the study of Emma reading the
Gazette seems to be of her as Serena reading scandal about herself;
(p. 79) that some trace of a goat figures in all the known versions of
the ' Bacchante'; (p. 394) that Romney went north in 1765 as well
1767 ; and (p. 466) that it was Steele who painted Sterne in York,
and not the youthful Romney, his pupil.
,, 394. Medallion facing this page, ybr ' by Madame l^oiry after the medallion
by Alfonso Ilaylcy ' read ' by Caroline Watson after the medallion
by Thomas Hayley, drawn by Maria Denman.'
,, 486, line \^,for ' But Jeaffreson's argument ' read ' But the argument.'
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
CHAPTER I
PRELUDE : LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT
Among the lovely faces that haunt history (and they may
be counted on the fingers), none, surely, is lovelier than
that of Emily Lyon, who abides undying as Emma, Lady
Hamilton. Yet it was never the mere radiance of rare beauty
that entitled her to such an empire over the hearts and
wills of several remarkable men and of one unique genius,
or which empowered a girl humbly bred and basely situated
to assist in moulding events that changed the current of
affairs. She owned grace and charm as well as triumphant
beauty ; while to these she added a masculine mind, a
native force and sparkle ; a singular faculty, moreover, of
rendering and revealing the thoughts and feelings of others,
that lent an especial glamour to both beauty and charm.
Her beaux ycux need no more bewilder us. But that glamour
of endowment, emanating from diverse elements of a most
complex and vigorous character, and bound up even with
its ugliest blemishes and imperfections, demands analysis
before the curtain rises on a drama of most manifold in-
terest. Nor can the subtle lights and shadows of her
character be duly appreciated without those new clues
which the preface has detailed. It may be helpful also at
the outset to hint something by sidelights of the tempera-
ments of three main associates of her destiny. Such a
survey, so far from forestalling the coming picture, will
rather illuminate it by examples.
It will be found that Lady Hamilton, by turns fulsomely
A
2 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
flattered and ungenerously condemned, was a picturesque
power and a real influence. She owned a fine side to her
puzzling character. She was never mercenary, often self-
abandoning, and at times actually noble. Her courage, warm-
heartedness, and gift of staunch friendship, her strength in
conquering, her speed in assimilating circumstance, the
firmness mixed with her frailty, were conspicuous ; and it
was the blend of these that, together with her genuine
grit, appealed so irresistibly to Nelson. She must be
largely judged by her capabilities. Her faults were greatly
those of her antecedents and environment. Her sins were
involved in the after-falsities that the birth of Horatia was
to entail. In this prelude it will be a more pleasing task
to dwell partly on her better aspects, and in so doing to
repeat the praises — long forgotten — of such as knew her
best. In any case the reader is asked to suspend opinion
until he has considered all the new and striking evidence
to be laid before him.
Her temperament was in essence both impressionable
and sensitively expressive. By sheer and extraordinary
expressiveness she was able not only to interpret the moods
and thoughts of others, but to unveil them unconsciously
to themselves. Throughout, she not only acted without
art, but was a prompter also. She could suggest possi-
bilities beyond her part, and image more even than she
performed. Throughout, moreover, a sense of destiny
encompasses her. She rose suddenly to situations and
fulfilled them, while these again led her both to climax and
catastrophe. She worked long and hard, and with success ;
she took a strong line and pursued it. She became a
serious politician in correspondence with most of the
leaders in the European death-grapple with Jacobinism.
So far, as has been represented, from having proved the
mere tool of an ambitious queen, it will appear that more
than once she swayed that beset and ill-starred woman
into decision. So far from having craftily angled for
Nelson's love, it will be shown that the magnet of her
enthusiasm first attracted his. She was indeed singularly
capable of feeling enthusiasm, and of communicating and
enkindlinsr it. It is as an enthusiast that she must rank.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 3
Many and most various are the ministers of enthusiasm,
and even the least worthy deserve a niche.
The two refrains of her bein^^, harped on with delight
and astonishment from the first by the most various ob-
servers, were ' Nature ' and ' Sensibility! She was eminently
a child of Nature, and her plastic fibre, like some ^olian
harp, vibrated to every gust or whisper of the emotions.
'Sensibility' was an eighteenth century catchword. It
did not mean 'sentimentality' (and Emma was never senti-
mental), though the fantastic whimsies of Sterne — one of
Romney's earliest patrons — have in part persuaded us to
think so. It meant rather the intuition that imparts as well
as absorbs the moods and feelings outside it ; an impro-
vising sympathy, so to speak ; a sensitiveness eloquent and
appealing ; what Nelson in one of the ' poems ' that ' Henry '
composed for his ' Emma '^ calls ' a heart susceptible and true.'
And ' Sensibility ' is to be contrasted with those two other
catchwords of that century, ' Sense ' and ' Benevolence^ the
one the set morality of worldly prudence (incarnate in
Greville), the other the good nature of rationalism,- a lead-
ing strain in Sir William Hamilton. 'Sensibility' has
been finely characterised by Byron through his vignette of
' Aurora ' in the sixteenth canto of Don Juan, where he
sketches it under another, and a French, name : —
' So well she acted all and every part
Uy tarns — with that vivacious versatility
Which many people take for want of heart.
They err — 'tis merely what is called mobility,
A thing of temperament and not of art,
Though seeming so, from its supposed facility,
And false, though true ; for surely they're sincerest
Who are strongly acted on by what is nearest.
' Several of these will be given hereafter. Nelson never tires of repeating
this phrase to Emma. ' Henry ' antl ' Emma ' are names borrowed from Prior's
poem of that name, which contains many lines curiously apposite to their own
case.
- Lord Bristol, Bishop of Dcrry, himself always styled by the Queen of
Naples ' L'Archeveque benevolent,' writing to Emma in November 179S, says
of Hamilton : ' , . . Remember me in the warmest and most enthusiastic stile
to your friend, and my friend, and the friend of human kind.' — Nelson Letters
(1814), vol. i. p. 261.
4 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
This makes your actors, artists, and romancers
Heroes sometimes, though seldom — sages never ;
But speakers, bards, diplomatists, and dancers.
Little that's great, but much of what is clever ;
Most orators, but very few financiers.'
It was this receptive naturalness and artlessness — which
make all her unpunctuated and interjectional letters the very
echoes of her heart — this quick ' sensibility,' that in her very
beginnings so strongly impressed Greville, the man of studied
Art and ' Sense.' Her good points and her bad were alike
impromptu. She was the creature of impulse, and even her
falsities and frailties were spontaneous. Her ' sensibility ' ^
sprang from volition, and little in her was designed. This
may be shown by several passages in different parts of
her varied career. As a young girl of less than twenty,
writing to Greville with tears in her eyes from Parkgate
in the summer of 1784, and assuring him how indelibly
his ' angelic ' goodness has touched her, she continues :
' And oh ! Greville, did you but know when I so think,
what thoughts, what tender thoughts, you would say Good
God! and can Emma have such feeling sensibility'^ . . !'^
Greville himself, corresponding with his uncle a year and
a half afterwards, repeated to his ' dear Hamilton ' that,
whereas from the first ' she had good natural sense and
quick observation,' and was ' perfectly to be depended on,'
' . . . she is no fool, but there is a degree of nature in
her . . . and yet she has natural gentility and quickness
to suit herself to anything, and takes easily any hint that
is given with good humour.'^ The 'but' and 'yet,' by
the way, stamp Greville to the life. Again, shortly after
her first appearance at Naples, when within a few months
of the summer of 1786, her improvement and industry were
marching by strides, when King, Queen, and Court were
already entranced, and she ' had turned the heads of
the English,' the neighbouring peasants — from the days
of Augustus worshippers of ' Madre Natura' — eyed her
• Nelson shared this. Writing to her in the critical opening of 1801, he says,
' I am all soul and sensibility; a fine thread will lead me, but with my life I will
resist a cable from dragging me.' — Morrison Mii. 507.
2 Morrison MS. 126.
3 Ibid. 138, June 1785 ; 142, December 3, 1785.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 5
devoutly as a vision from another sphere, and actually knelt
to her as the Madonna ; even priests crossed themselves
as they beheld her.^ And in after years Beckford recalls
to his kinsman, then her husband, an actual occurrence
which might well inspire a charming picture: '. . . Re-
member me in your kindest manner to the lovely Emma,
whose friendship for me throws a bright ray over my whole
existence. I cannot help looking upon her as a sort of
superior being — so good, so candid, so ingenuous, that the
poor old woman who mistook her in the dawn of the morn-
ing for a statue of the Holy Virgin, need not have been
ashamed to renew her homage in the open daylight. . . .''
Thirteen years later again, when she was the all-powerful
Lady Hamilton — as ' great a lady as can be imagined,'
said Madame Le Brun — Sir William wrote of her to Nelson,
just before she started with both of them on her * adored '
queen's fateful errand to insurgent Naples : ' . . . Poor
P2mma is unwell and low-spirited with phantoms in her
fertile brain that torment her. In short, she has no other
fault than that of too much Sensibility, and that at least is
a fault on the right side.' ' It was her extreme naturalness,
moreover, and complete disregard of formalities, that a
starched diplomatist ■* and Madame Le Brun '^ herself both
singled out for censure. Once more, the scientific Sir
Joseph Banks, in a letter to his old crony Sir William
Hamilton, of November 1795, thus refers to Emma, whom
he knew well and liked much : ' I hear of her beauty,
affability, and prudence from all quarters. I hear of them
with an interest which all who have seen her must feel
for her welfare.'^
But under Nature and Sensibility simmered another
and more overwhelming quality, both for good and
' Morrison MS. i6S.
- Ibid. 235, February i8, 1794. Long before this, in a letter to Hamilton, he
conchules : ' Je me prosterne aux pieds de la Madonne,' The reader will recall
the central incident of Droz's Atitour d'tiiie Sot<ne.
^ Add. MS. 34,912, ft 3 and 4. * Elliot in 1800.
'•" In 1 790: J/ifwo/;,s- (translated by Lionel Strachey), p. 68. She complained
that after dofiing the costume in which she was painting her, .she appeared in a
simple one at dinner,
^ Egerton MS. 2641, f. 157.
6 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
evil, the implanted instinct — doubly remarkable if we
remember her first surroundings — of needing and aspir-
ing to play a grand part on a great stage. I have
said that Emma was unsentimental. There lurked in
her, indeed, more of the storm than of the flirt of the
fan, more of the torrent than of the cascade ; and this
understrain it was that fired her enthusiasm and the
enthusiasm of others. ' She,' wrote of her the shrewd and
calculating collector, only six months after he had parted
from her with the pain of a prudent mariner who sinks his
treasure to save his ship — ' She is capable of aspiring to any
line which would be celebrated, and it would be indifferent
when on that key whether she was Lucretia or Sappho,
or Screvola or Regulus ; anything grand, masculine or
feminine, she could take up, and if she took up the part of
Sca^vola, she would be as much offended if she was told
she was a woman, as she would be, if she assumed Lucretia,
she was told she was masculine.' ^ Twelve years after-
wards, admired and beloved at Naples, the confidante of
a queen by one of those strokes whereby the whirligig
Time brings about his revenges, she thus delivered herself
to Nelson a few days after the convulsing news of the
battle of the Nile had privately reached her, and in one of
the new letters- transcribed in our Appendix: 'How I
felt for poor Troubridge ! He must have been so angry on
the sandbank. In short, I pity those who were not in the
battle. I wou'd have been rather an English powder-
monky \sic\ or a swab in that great Victory than an emperor
out of it.' And again : ' How I glory in the Honner of
my country and my countryman. I walk and tread in air
with pride, felling I was born in the same land with the
victor Nelson and his gallant band.'^ Rhapsody and
ecstasy succeed ecstasy and rhapsody. She is dressed all
^ alia Nelson,' anchors for earrings and buttons, her very
seal stamped with the Nile and Nelson. She and her
husband are ' be-Nelsoned ' all over. Europe and Naples
have been rescued from the jaws of death. The impetuous
1 Morrison MS. 156, Nov. 15, 1786. Greville to Hamilton.
2 Add. MS. 34,989, f. 4, Sept. 8, 1798.
» Ibid. f. 14.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 7
queen cries, hysterical with joy, over her ardent children ;
even her stolid husband walks frantically round the room,
as they invoke blessings from their ' swollen ' hearts on their
'deliverer,' Naples is en fete. Not 'a French dog dares
show his face.' Maria Q,^xoX\Vi2i—incognita, for war is not
yet declared — sends a ring to 'that brave lad' Captain
Hoste, and casks of wine and presents of money to every
English sailor within reach. And Emma sees and stirs it
all, mounting her highest horse in the delirium of the
moment, proud of the young officer whose genius and
heroism Sir William and she had discerned and welcomed
five years agone ; and whom, as will be proved hereafter,
she had actually and secretly helped to this glorious issue.
She sings, in that pure soprano which had long delighted
her various hearers — she sings * See the Conquering Hero
Comes ' (rewritten and reset by herself) every day for ten
days before the arrival of the man who avowed himself, ' if
it be a sin to covet glory,' 'the most offending soul alive,' ^
When the news first reached her, and Naples blazed with
illumination and resounded with songs and sonnets, she
lights up the English Embassy for three nights. ' 'Tis,
'twas covered with your glorious name. Their were 3
thousand lamps, and their shou'd have been 3 millions
if we had had them. All the English vie with each other
in celebrating this most gallant and memorable victory.'
What a time, what a scene, what a triumph ! Emma is all
exultation, apostrophe, crescendo, superlatives, and italics.
And yet it is not bombast ; her sympathy and genuine
gratitude are as manifest in these natural outpourings as
her heroics and swell of spirit, A little later, and she is as
indignant as her husband that the saviour of the situation
has been begrudged a viscountcy, but her queen shall make
amends: 'If I was King of England, I wou'd make you
the most noble . . , Duke Nelson, Viscount Pyramid, Baron
Crocodile, and Prince Victory, that posterity might have you
' Nelson is quoting Shakespeare's Henry V., and he misquotes, for the word
is ' honour,' not ' glory.' From the same play he constantly repeats the phrase
' band of brothers.' Emma's own familiarity with Shakespeare is evidenced by
some of Lord Bristol's unpublished letters to her in the writer's possession, and
these also evidence her acquaintance with some Latin.
8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
in all forms.' ^ Some six weeks afterwards, when the
aigrette of honour comes from the Grand Signior, she
blesses the ' good Turban soul,' cries ' Viva il Turk ! ' and
longs to 'smell, touch, and taste' the magnificent pelisse
which accompanies it ; yet when she presented Troubridge
to the queen, what pleased her most was that he was
touched at the sight of the royal children : ' he thought
of his own.' * How you are beloved, for not only with
her Majesty, but with the general [Acton] you was our
theme, and my full heart is fit to Burst when I hear your
honoured name.'^ She is still 'the same Emma,' who
made tea in Edgware Row, who wept over that letter
from Parkgate, who invited Romney and Hayley to Caserta
directly she had quitted London, How homely she was
and remained, will be traced in another portion of this
chapter.
In October, while vacillation still reigned in the per-
plexed palace, and faintness tinged every preparative for
war, she thus again addressed Nelson, and with the same
characteristic exaltation which led him five years onwards
to praise her denouncing ' eloquence ' against corruption
in high places : ' I flatter myself WE SPUR them on,
for I am allways with the queen and I hold out your
energick^ language to her, . . . And I tell her Majesty/^/'
1 Add. MS. 34,989, f. 16.
" Add. MS. 34,989, f. :S. Passages like these explain her proud enumera-
tion of Nelson's triumphs in her letter to him — which is a sincere tirade — of
some four years subsequent, on the first anniversary of the battle of Copenhagen.
—Eg. MS. 1623, f. 38.
^ Nelson also spelled the word thus. After her self-education Lady Hamilton
still retained many slips in grammar and orthography ; though that they arose
rather from haste and carelessness than from ignorance is shown both by her
spelling and misspelling the same words in the same letter—' has ' and * as,' for
example — while she always spells ' have ' correctly ; and from the difficult words
like ' physiognomy ' being almost invariably correctly spelt. In an early letter
to her Sir William Hamilton banters her on writing 'except' for 'accept,' and
adds :' ... It is only for want of giving yourself time to think ' ^Nelson
Letters (1814), vol. ii. p. 171) ; while in another he says that she neglects 'her
handwriting too much ' ; but as what she writes ' is good sense, everybody will
forgive the scrawl ' {lb. p. 145). Her spelling and grammar are no worse than that
of many who enjoyed far greater educational advantages. Even Greville and
Sir William trip — (' extreordinary,' for instance; 'apoligy,' 'nonsence,' 'delit-
tante,' 'enimy,' ' Amalphi,' ' Paisilippo,' etc.).
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 9
God^s sake, for the country's sake, for your own sake send
him \i.e. General Mack] of[f] as soon as possible';^ and
shortly afterwards :'...! flatter myself I did much, for
while the passions of the queen were up and agitated, I got
up, put out my left arm, like you, spoke the language of
truth to her, painted the drooping situation of this fine
country, her friends sacrificed, her husband, children, and
herself led to the Block, and eternal dishonner to her
memory, after for once being active, doing her duty in
fighting bravely to the last to save her country, her
Religion from the hands of the rapacious murderers of
her sister [Marie Antoinette] and the royal Family . . .
that she was sure to be lost if they were inactive, and
their was a chance of being saved if they made use of
the day, and struck now while all minds are imprest
with the Horrers their neighbours are suffering from these
Robbers, In short there was a Council, and it was deter-
mined to march out and help themselves. . . .' ' If,' she
continued, warming herself as she proceeded, ' things take
an unfortunate turn here and the queen dies at her post, I
will remain with her, if she goes, I follow her. I feil I
owe it to her friendship uncommon for me.'- That this
and many like outbursts were no passing froth, is shown by
her own private endorsements at the time on the envelopes
of Queen Maria Carolina's letters. One of these was to
record : ' Emma will prove to Maria Carolina that an
humble-born Englishwoman can serve a queen with zeal
and true love even at the risk of her life.'"^ She displayed
the same spirit when in the preceding year she protested to
Nelson that she would rather have ' her flesh torn off by
red-hot pincers ' than betray the trust of the secret which
he had reposed in her.'^ It was this spirit that endeared
her to the Lazzaroni and their leader, whom she boldly
armed and organised in 1799, to Nelson's admiration.*
The same spirit animated her in the summer of 1800 to
harangue a raging mob assembled below the queen's
1 Add. MS. 34,989, f- 14-16. - Add. MS. 34,989, f. iS, July 2, 1779.
^ Egerton MS. 1616, f. 38. * Add. MS. 34,989, f. 30.
•'■' Morrison MS. 41 1. This unknown episode of Pali, ' the head of the Lazza-
roni,' and Lady Hamilton, will be found post, chap. x.
10 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
balcony at Leghorn and appease them. That these were
not mere gasconades will appear from the wearying exertions
undertaken, the real risks run in contriving the royal flight
in December 1798, and from the unremitting care which
she, as, in Lord St. Vincent's grateful words, ' the patroness
of the navy,' bestowed on all the seamen who came under
it. These were the qualities which from the first drew
Nelson — himself ' electric,' as Lord Malmesbury's diary
recorded on his death ; ^ Nelson hailed the sympathetic
spark that met and reinforced his own. One of his earliest
mentions of her in 1798 attests the nature of her influence.
' Her Ladyship's . . . inexpressible goodness to me,' he
wrote, ' is not to be told by words, and it ought to stimulate
me to the noblest actions ; and I feel it will' When most
under her thrall, he declared the year before he died, ' as
I grow in rank,' ' my exertions double."-^ lie perpetually
urged, both in conversation,"^ his private letters, his early
draft wills, and his last codicil, that it was she who had
helped and encouraged those actions ' which had won ' him
honours and rewards.' It was these very qualities of
ambitious ardour and of vehement sympathy that made
him repeatedly apply to her the word used of Miranda in
The Tempest — ' a nonpareil ' ; * these again, that made him
remind the 'friend' of his ' bosom,' ^ that he had 'often
heard her say' that 'she would not quit the deck' if
'she came near a Frenchman';*^ and to remark of her
patriotism, ' It is your sex that make us go forth and
seem to tell us " None but the brave deserve the fair," and
if we fall, we still live in the hearts of those females who
' Vol. i. p. 136. 'He added to genius, valour, and energy, the singular
power of electrifying all within his atmosphere.'
'•* Nelson to Dr. INIosely : Victory, March ii, 1804; excerpted in Messrs.
Sotheby's catalogue for July 8, 1905. The previous sentence is given in
Mr. Long's republication of the Memoirs; it occurs in a letter to Lord St.
Vincent.
■' At Dresden, for example, in 1800.
* Nelson in an early letter also uses this word of Troubridge. ' I have been,'
wrote Nelson to her in P'ebruary 1801, ' the world around, and in every corner of
it, and never yet saw your equal, or even one who could be put in comparison
with yon.^— Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 24.
* Morrison MS. 543, March 11, 1801. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 136.
* Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 161.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT ii
are dear to us. It is your sex who cherish our memories.'^
All this is of a piece with what Greville wrote of her, long
before so large a range was opened out to her, that ' she has
a generous mind and a true woman's that is regardless of
self and its interests when affection is put into competition
with reason."- Thus she and the queen 'touched them-
selves' (in Emma's words) into terms of rapture, wonder,
respect, and admiration ; thus ' Sir William laughs at us,
but he owns women have great souls, at least his has.'^
Thus in the same series she writes of the Turk who has
honoured Nelson that he ' is turned Christian, although I
fancy he denies souls to women.' Like Sterne, and like
Heine repeating him, she too ' was positive ' she had ' a soul.'
One may characterise her as naturally theatrical. She
did not 'pose/ she acted, till she became the Maenad
of the emotions which she typified. And this truly
Celtic faculty for dramatic transport frequently swept
her steps astray, and sometimes contributed to her
glaring blemishes. Curbed under the chill guidance of
Greville, but fostered by Sir William, and eventually
adored by Nelson, it gradually grew into a habit. As a
' wild and giddy girl ' * of seventeen, thankful to one who
had rescued her from admiration without affection, cling-
ing to her reprimander as a trustful pupil to a beloved
preceptor, she had laboured to restrain her wayward out-
bursts. Greville's express wish from the first was to lead
her to ' value ' herself and ' be respected.' ^ Her temper was
' unequal,' as even then the nephew assured the uncle,
while praising her normal sweetness,^ and as a few years
afterwards the uncle reinformed the nephew. Through
Romney — Greville's client — to whom she first 'opened
' Nehofi Letters, vol. i. p. 24. Cf. ' You have sent your dearest friend, and
I have left mine. The conduct of the Roman matron : Return with yottr shield,
or upon it ; so it shall be my study to distinguish myself, that your heart shall
leap for joy when my name is mentioned. — Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 442, March 13,
1801. - Morrison MS. 147, March 11, 1786, and cf. 136.
'•'• Add. MS. 349S, tf. 18-24, October 24, 1798. « Her own words.
'' Morrison MS. 177, May 26, 1789.
" Cf. Morrison MS. 138 and passim under all dates, and Nelson's first
description of her to his wife (1793): 'She is a young woman of amiable
manners and who does honour to the station to which she is raised.' — Pettigrew,
vol. i. p. 42.
12 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
her heart,' she became acquainted with Hayley and his
didactic ' poem,' The Triumphs of Temper. The example
of its heroine ' Serena ' she acknowledged as a leading
influence for good ; but for it, she told Romney in 1791, her
' girdle,' unlike Serena's, ' had burst.' After Nelson's death
had set in motion the thickly gathering troubles which
were to culminate in catastrophe, when she had already
proved ' Victim e de secours plus que la doulenr' she may
be found conveying the same assurance to the same
Hayley : ' . . . I was leaning my cheek upon my hand
very unhappy ; but I did try to get a victory over myself
and seemed to be happy though miserable. . . . Now,
indeed, again must I read your Triumphs of Temper'^
Long before and long afterwards, she was always repeat-
ing her diplomatist-husband's pet exclamation, ' Patienza
per forca!' - She wished and tried, often with success, 'to
be an example of good conduct, and to show the world that
a pretty woman is not a fool.'^ But her self-discipline was
never achieved ; and underneath incessantly smouldered
a southern fire, which a freak of Nature had engendered in
a county raw even for the north of England, and which a
stroke of fate equally curious had restored to the volcanic
soil of its affinity. Had she only ' had a good education,'
sighed the poor girl of nineteen, 'what a woman might she
have been ' ; ■* an opinion echoed later by her protector,
himself agreeing with Sir William that she was an 'extra-
ordinary ' and gifted being. Her intellectual nurture, at first
one of accomplishments, never became a severe discipline
of the mind, though her serious study astonished even the
learned. She trained herself into some acquaintance with
art, literature, and history, she became an excellent linguist.^
^ Autograph letter, June 5, 1806, in Mr. Sabin's possession. Cf. App.,
Part II. C. (3)a:.
^ In an early letter he warns her never to be in a hurry. Nelson Letters,
vol. ii. p. 166.
^ Morrison MS. 189, January 1791, when she says also 'Ma patienza, io ho
molto.' ^ Morrison MS. 128, July 1784.
•' Eg. MS. 2641, f. 139. After her early proficiency in French and Italian,
she added such a knowledge of Spanish and German as to be able to teach
them to Horatia during her closing years. Cf. her letter of September 12,
1814, to Sir William Scott, afterwards Lord Stowell, excerpted in Sotheby's
catalogue for July 8, 1905. Cf. App. Part 11. C. (io)a.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 13
Her moral training had been one mainly of discretion and
esteem. The wandering steps of her extreme youth were
retrieved (though they were never forgiven or forgotten),
but a lofty level was never reached. Once having seized
the opportunities of a big arena, she gave full rein to her
native glow of irrepressibility. ' Difficult,' as she avowed
to Nelson, ' and unable to make friends with all,'^ she easily
lost balance when once congenial or caressing fondness
had fastened her passionate friendship. Her sympathetic
gratitude hymned hero-worship in bravura. She some-
times became headstrong, hysterical, frantic, grandiose to
the verge of hallucination. Good opinion once gained
must be kept, and at all hazards. Though eager to part
with her all for her friends, though from the first the
interested Greville praised her as the most disinterested
creature existing, and indeed to be scolded for her readi-
ness to share 'her last shilling,'^ though 'loving to do a
benefit,' as the queen of the two Sicilies was proud to
avow,^ though she could not rest, when her husband had
given her a new gown, till her poor old grandmother,
who had so often helped her young need out of her own
aged poverty, had received her annual gift,* though kind
to the ungrateful, she wilfully exacted praise and greedily
hoarded fame. Flattery soon duped her thirst for admira-
tion ; she could seldom forfeit esteem by facing the truth,
or confess that she or her friends were other than what she
wished or fancied them. Prosperity indeed warped her
less than adversity. The suddenness of her rise turned
her head the less, because from the first she had nourished
extravagant ambitions. Her very simplicity had always
been self-conscious. It was the fury of her feelings, easily
fired and with difficulty quenched, that spasmodically
warped her reason, and, in one fatal instance, her con-
science. The riot of sympathetic emotion perpetually
tended to run away with her, till it hurried her unaffected
1 Add. MS. 34,989, ff. iS-24.
- Cf. Morrison MS. 137, 142, and 154.
3 Eg. MS. 1615, f. 95-
* Morrison MS. 215, December 4, 1792. 'I cannol,' she here writes,
' divcsl myself of my original feelings.'
14 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
sincerity into false positions, despite its many intervals
of sense and judgment. At the root of this highly-strung
and adaptive temperament lay a nervous physical organisa-
tion that in part accounts for it. Throughout her life she
was ever swooning at moments of crisis. On hearing of
the Nile battle, she swooned and hurt herself;^ on greet-
ing the victor's return she swooned again ; at the song
which celebrated his death she swooned thrice. When
her friends were in affliction she lost her sleep ; under the
strain of energy she neither ate nor slept. Though muscu-
larly robust, she was fundamentally delicate;^ she was
always ailing, often morbid. Her constitution seemed to
crave violent excitements and grew to feed on them.
Without an audience she could not relish existence, though
it was seldom a public audience that she craved — rather
a circle small, but responsive.
And bound up with all these instincts, in one ever easily
led by kindness, was her sharp resentment not only at
affront, but at being crossed. Although these gusts were
fleeting, she could ill brook to be thwarted, and her un-
chastened spirit rose up in arms and sent her distracted.
' Ay,' wrote Nelson of the child Horatia, ' she is like her
mother : will have her own way or kick up the devil of a
dust.'^ 'She has the devil of a temper,' said Beckford,
* when she is set on edge.' And Romney's ' divine lady '
could strike the beholder with awe as well as admiration.
An English savant at Naples, shortly after she first dawned
on its horizon, was ' frightened ' by a certain ' Majesty and
Juno look ' with which she received him.^
A strong element of all this effervescence was her delight
in defeating expectation. ' You know,' she observed of her
singing at Naples,*! love to surprise people.'^ And cer-
tainly surprise followed surprise.
She had always surprised her kinsfolk and her mother, to
whom by common consent she was unselfishly devoted, and
» Add. MS. 34,989, f. 4.
^ Cf. Morrison MS. 142.
^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 158, and cf. p. 162, Oct. 18, 1803.
* Morrison MS. 163, Jan. 18, 1787.
* Ibid. 172, to Greville, Jan. 8, 1788.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 15
who was never parted from her except by death. She sur-
prised the unemotional Greville alike by her prudence, by
her self-sacrificing constancy, and by her abilities. She sur-
prised her doting husband successively by her gifts, her
behaviour, and her application, by her ' divine ' music, and by
her landscape drawings at Sorrento ; ^ nor least, by con-
verting him from the lukewarm companion in sport and
cards of a sluggish king, into the fiery partisan of a great
hero and an indefatigable queen ; by arousing the quality,
always dormant in him but alert in Nelson, of ' doing nothing
by halves.' ^ Twice she saved his life by nursing him unre-
mittingly night and day for more than a week. She sur-
prised him also by her 'domesticity.'^ She struck the
Neapolitan court and society by the ' example ' which she
'set' to the Italian ladies of quality.* Her 'Attitudes,'
privately performed and perpetually varied, joining, by
universal consent, to the grace and intensity of Greek
statues the most delicate gleams of impersonation, as-
tounded Goethe himself on his ' Italian Journey,' and a
succession of distinguished and sometimes hostile observers.
Her vocal powers surprised equally the prima donna
Banti, and the musicians Hart and Aprile. English and
Spanish impresarios often offered large sums for a public
performance, but she surprised them by her refusals. At
Palermo, in 1799, her talents roused tame poets into rapture,
and an unfriendly diplomatist^ into unfeigned wonder that
'she manages everybody and rules everything.' She
amazed the gifted Lady Diana Beauclerk and the beautiful
Duchess of Argyll, after them the two famous Duchesses of
Devonshire, into unceasing attachment. Nor was she ever
jealous of bewitching rivals ; ^ while in many other concerns
' ' Drawing is as easy as A, B, C,' Morrison MS. 164. And afterwards her
drawings pleased the artistic queen; cf. Eg. MS. 1616, f. 53 (July 1799),
' . . . I thank you too for the three drawings. Kvery one admires them.'
- This phrase, habitual both to Sir William and to Nelson, is first employed
by the former in a letter of June 1773. Morrison MS. 30.
•* Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 153, 'You are certainly the most domestic
young woman I know ' ; and Morrison MS. passim.
* Sir William noticed this especially to Greville : they were ' preaching up '
Emma as a model of propriety. •'"' Rushoul, Elliot Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 13S.
* Cf. the episode given post, chapter v., of her friendship in January 17S7
with Beatrice Acquaviva, Morrison MS. 160.
i6 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
also she evinced an entire lack of pettiness. Her assailants
were always men ; most women, high and low, with one very
just exception, had ever a good word for her. How she en-
thralled Nelson we shall observe as the narrative proceeds.
She enchanted his homely sisters, and riveted the love of their
children, as the Morrison Manuscripts testify in abundance.
She surprised the rugged and caustic * Peter Pindar,' the
eccentric and Voltairean Bishop of Derry. She surprised
that astonishing Anne Hyde, Marchioness of Solari, whose
brilliant vicissitudes almost outdid her own. She surprised
the erudite Banks, the fastidious Gavin Hamilton, the savant
Saunders. She surprised the clever, critical, the artificial
and tainted author of Vathek. She amazed the unsur-
prisable Horace Walpole. Herself she amazed, alike by
her achievements, her struggles, her ' idolisation '^ of Nelson,
and consequent calamities. She dazzled the ever-green
bucks and cynics of the Regency, and many more reputable
luminaries of fashion whom she won into regard and respect.^
She astounded alike her friends and her foes. Her phases
— less abrupt than has been supposed — form one long chain
of surprises. Her romping spirits continually captivated
and cheered the few for whom they were reserved. Romney
she enchained, as he confesses, by that infinite and inspiring
power of expression which held him from 1782 to 1786,
which has mutually immortalised them on canvas, and
bereft of which in 1791 he gradually drooped and withered,
till his death in 1802.
He, an unlettered son of the people, welcomed in her an
unschooled daughter of the soil, with all its untempered sap
and the wild gaiety of its hedgerows. She, the least con-
ventional of interpretesses, appealed to him, the least
conventional of painters. Romney, indeed, won his spurs
by defying the conventions which then exacted that
soldiers in a modern battle-piece should be classically clad ;
after the same manner Talma was to win his, by refusing
^ 'Idol' is her refrain. It occurs in the last letter that she wrote to him.
Morrison MS, 845, Oct, 8, 1805.
- Such were the Duke of Sussex, who for more than twenty years remained
not only her good friend, but her mother's ; and Lord Northwick and Sir Brooke
Boothby,
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 17
to play 'Titus' in peruke. Whether on the stage Emma
would have proved a great actress in sustained efforts may be
doubted, but in flashes and glimpses, as an actress of impres-
sions, she stands supreme — a lyricist of passion and emotion.
And, contrasted with the realism of Reynolds, Romney
remains an impressionist also. Between the two, indeed,
are many coincidences extending to words and handwriting,
though he lacked her fluency of phrase. They hailed from
neighbouring provinces, and both spoke with something of
the same twang ; ^ he too shared what the Bishop of Derry
soon longed to be near once more, together with ' woodcock
pye ' and ' humble port ' in his ' garret at Caserta ' — ' dearest
Emma's Dorick dialect.' - He was to her a ' friend ' and
'father' — a father-confessor to whom she poured out her
heart ;'^ while she to him was the 'divine lady,' deigning
to pose for one who also then laboured under many slights
and disadvantages. According to Hayley's line, her 'smile
to him was Inspiration's beam,' She was all effluence ; he
was shy, often moody, taciturn, dejected; always expressing
his ideas more easily by the brush than by his awkward
speech and pen. As peasant-artist he welcomed the superb
expressiveness of a country girl. At a glance he discerned
her Nature and Sensibility, which he embodied among his
first presentments of her.
To form any idea of her varied emotional suggestiveness,
rivalling the future range of her activities, we must gaze on
their countless phases in Romney 's sketches and pictures
alone. As Cassandra, she is all despairing Destiny. As
Miranda, she looks out on a world of wreck and hurricane
with a wild and pitying wistfulness. As Sensibility, how
tenderly her lips tremble, in answer to her eyes. As Nature
how sylvan she appears, how simply she rejoices to be alive !
As Circe, standing in sovereign silence, while Ulysses sails
away behind her, how imperiously the sorceress resigns
her reign as, with wand down-pointed, she beckons her
* These are phrases common to both. In June iSoS she wrote to Ileavyside,
her doctor, who had just saved her life : ' You have been like unto me a father,
a good brother '(a letter in Mr. Sabin's ownership) ; and in 1784 her sentence,
' the wild, unthinking Emma has turned philosopher,' is quite in Romney'?
manner. Morrison MS. 1261.
- Morrison MS. 305. ' Il>iiL 208.
B
i8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
savage beasts back into humanity ! As Joan of Arc (a
memorial of Romney's French visit), she is patriotism
inspired and inspiring. As Saint Cecilia, she is the soul
of rapt melody ; as * Mirth,' the ideal of careless laughter ;
as ' Comedy,' bending over the infant Shakespeare, she
reflects frolic motherhood; as ' Euphrosyne,'^ she seems
arch ' L'Allegra ' herself, all ' wreathed smiles.' Two less
familiar but most idyllic representations of her as a tired
Bacchante, piping amid the grass, and a fervid, tragic
Muse, long went by the names of ' Tragedy ' and ' Comedy,'
but have now, I believe, been called ' shepherdesses.' As
Bacchante,- as Magdalen, as a Sibyl, she imparts, not
receives, moods, ideas, emotions. I have seen a chalk
sketch of her as a vision of Hellas, all majesty and terror ; an
oil sketch of her as Ophelia, ethereal and fading, in the dis-
array of her spirit, as the field-flowers in her hair. Romney
studies of her are extant, as agonised or martyred suppliant,
as an incarnation of listlessness or pensive regret, as clinging
Juliet abandoning herself to Romeo. The picture of her as
Medea, the figure, as Romney wrote to her, ' sitting with her
hair floating in the air,'^ has vanished, but another 'Medea'
remains which, although a mere outline by the architectural
Rehberg, is left with that wonderful 'Thamar' among the
' Attitudes,' and recalls some impression of the tragic mother
hastening her child and herself in horror-stricken fear to
Nemesis. The * Serena in the Boat of Apathy ' * has at last
been found; so also the original portrait-study of * Emma '
with all its speaking brightness of expression. She was
^ I cannot agree with Messrs. H. Ward and W. Roberts that one of these
' Euphrosynes ' is a portrait of Mrs. Crouch.
* John Romney in his Memoirs of George Romney mentions another of her in
this character for Sir W. Hamilton, and ' lost, I believe, at sea on its return to
this country.'
^ Letter of August 1786, quoted in Mr. H. Ward's and Mr. W. Roberts's
Life.
* Hayley, writing to her in 1804, and signing himself 'The Hermit, 'says that
in his ' little marine cell ' he could ' entertain ' her ' with a sight of yourself
in three enchanting personages, Cassandra, Serena, and Sensibility. These
three ladies are all worth seeing, whether the old Hermit is so or not ; so, pray,
come to see us whenever you can. Adieu.' — Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 597. John
Romney in his Life of his father, says it was painted for Mr. Christian Curwen
(p. 180).
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 19
never ashamed of having been a servant, and in this guise
too Romney has painted her as well as in that of a gypsy.^
Mr. Hargreaves of Liverpool possesses an early portrait of
her as a country girl. Of Romney's many portrayals, per-
haps the loveliest is that in the present possession of Mr.
Alfred de Rothschild ; but a rival to this exists in the fine
likeness of her as ' Ambassadress,' completed on her wedding
day in September 1791, and immediately after her return
from Marylebone Church. She sits dressed in white with
a blue band round her waist, and one of those large blue
velvet hats which were her favourites, and which Greville
used often to forward to Naples, in meek obedience to her
behests, after she had become his aunt. Romney also
painted her in that ' Turkish dress ' with which she greeted him
on her return to London in the spring of that year. He
painted her reading a book — one of the most charming of
his unfinished likenesses ; he painted her in every posture
and aspect. Romney's own choice among all his portraitures
of her was that where her staid sweetness is personified as
' The Seamstress,' which should be distinguished from the
even more beautiful * Spinstress,' also painted for Greville
and parted from (like the original) with a pang of almost
pious resignation, to Mr. Christian Curwen.'-^ ' The sight,'
wrote Romney to her in 1786, soon after her first appearance
in Naples, ' of such a head as the Cassandra,' which he was
copying for Hayley, always 'inspires' him; but as for his
subsequent sitters, ' ladies of fashion,' since her departure,
' all fall far short of the Sempstress ; indeed, it is the
sun of my Hemispheer and they are the twinkling stars.' ^
Emma was eminently ' when unadorned, adorned the most.'
Greville, remarking on her discretion in conduct and choice
' Emma sent for this picture in 1786, soon after her arrival at Naples, but
it seems to have vanished. It is interesting to note that so late as 1799 Sir
Alexander Ball, writing from Malta, reminds her how she had dressed up
in gypsy guise at Palermo, and told his fortune. Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i.
P- 233-
' Cf. Greville's letter lo Romney, February 25, 17S8, quoted in John Romney's
Life of his father, p. 184.
^ Cf. the letter of August 1786, found in one of Romney's sketch-books by
Mr. Fairfax Murray, and given in Mr. II. Ward's and Mr. W. Roberts's Life of
Romney^ vol. i. p. 67.
20 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
of acquaintance, also noticed her neatness and fondness for
plain if good attire. Sir William, writing to her from a
shooting-box some years before her marriage with him, and
after she had graced without jewels a Neapolitan ball where
all the wives of the corps diplomatique glittered with gems,
observed that she was the ' brightest jewel ' there ; and in
another letter : ' Take my word,' he told his wife, ' that for
some years to come the more simply you dress, the more
conspicuous will be your beauty, which, according to my
idea, is the most perfect I have met with, take it all in all.'^
None the less, her simplicity suffered as she won applause,
and the earlier pictures of her are the most touching.
It is needless to pursue the dreamland which she created
for Romney. Scores of other artists, at home and abroad,
painted, sculptured, modelled her in wax, carved her on
intaglios or enamelled her on boxes. Tischbein, Hackert
and the Italian Rega were prominent.^ Romney's friend
Tresham was always painting her. The great Sir Joshua
is not ascertained to have painted any other semblance of
her than the 'Bacchante' — commissioned by Sir William
Hamilton, his old ally, to whom he wrote among the first
about the foundation of the Royal Academy.^ But
Hoppner and Lawrence limned her more than once;*
Gainsborough also painted her,^ though I cannot agree
that his 'Musidora' resembles her; rather it is like Mrs.
'Perdita' Robinson. Cosvvay drew and miniatured her.
There are two among several representations by Angelica
Kauffmann, one as Cleopatra, the other a really fine study
of Ariadne deserted, though not to be compared with
Romney's presentment of her in that forsaken character.
' Angelaca ' (as Emma styled her) painted her also as an
Italian Contadina resting by a pillar of the Caserta home-
^ Nelson Letters, Jan. l8, 1792. From Persano, whither he accompanied
the king.
2 The writer has one of these ; another, in the British Museum, was used by
Nelson as a seal.
2 Morrison MS. 17, March 1769. Reynolds, however, is believed to have left
at least one sketch of her.
■* In Sir Walter Armstrong's Life this portrait is catalogued as ' Ex Bishop of
Ely.'
•"' He drew her at least twice — once after Sir William's death ; but his
Bacchante holding a cherry is the sole work of significance.
Lady Hamii.ion.
From an early -Mater-colour sketch by H. Treskaiii.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 21
stead, or perhaps in Rome, and this portrait, which lacks
distinction, is now in the South Kensington Museum. But
she also delineated her naturally as ' A Lady Resting.'
Cipriani made, it is said, a delicate water-colour of her towards
the close of his life, while she was still on the threshold of
youth. Gavin Hamilton drew her as ' Thalia,' and the head
of this still masquerades in England as a work of Romney.
Madame Le Brun's ' Bacchante on the Seashore' is familiar,
but she further portrayed her as a Sibyl and also as
' Bacchante ' in a different attitude. Cuzzardi — a mediocre
painter — portrayed her both at large and in miniature.
Opie seems to have painted her as an orange-girl ; Single-
ton drew her as ' Maternal Attention ' and as ' Laughter' —
reminiscent of Romney. The Irish Barry also tried his
hand ; Wells, too, limned her as ' Inquiry ' and ' Nerissa ' ;
others as ' Hebe,' as ' Industry,' as ' Idleness.' Even
Westall could not vulgarise her as ' St. Cecilia ' and
* Sappho.' The second-rate Masquerier took her portrait
in England about 1802. Saye's mezzotint has a Neapolitan
background, but the original, unearthed at the end of last
year, shows an English park, possibly that of Eonthill.
There were, moreover, masses of apocryphal portraits,
especially in Paris, where the Jacobins delighted to malign
even her face from imagination. She may be said to have
founded both a type and a vogue, for more than one fashion-
able lady was taken 'as Lady Hamilton.' Her play of
expression was indeed extraordinary. She could so trans-
form her face and gestures in harmony with her moods as
to become a separate impersonation. In repose her counte-
nance looked wholly different from its aspect under agita-
tion, and her profile differs from her full face.
To Romney then, as afterwards to Nelson, she was a
Muse ; a Muse communicating and inspiring, or, at least, a
medium of inspiration. To the part of Muse the symmetry
of her form and features — those of a Greek statue or in-
taglio ^ — the classical yet mobile mouth which artists from
' When Sir William, the most zealous of connoisseurs and antiquarians, made
a tour in 1789 to the southernmost region of Italy, he acquired an intaglio which
he averred the image of Emma. In 1800 he called her his 'fair Grecian.' Cf.
Cyrus Kcdding's Fifty Years of my Life.
22 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the first singled out as a miracle,^ the auburn tresses
touched with gold, that, released from their fillets, swayed
around her dancing feet, the clear, deep grey-violet of
the large, soulful eyes,^ all lent themselves. The old
Bishop of Derry, Sir William's friend and schoolfellow,
scarcely blasphemed in asserting that Emma's creation
betokened a * glorious mood ' in her Creator.^ True, she
was often a muse of the green room, a free and easy muse
of Bohemia, sometimes a muse with something of the fury *
behind her, on occasion a muse of dare-devilry, a volatile
muse too, a muse also that could 'cook "Sir Willum's"
apple pies/^ or enjoy the Irish stew which her own mother
had dressed,^ and, above all, a muse that gloried in having
sprung from the people, and could snap her fingers gaily in
the face of kings.'^ But a muse, notwithstanding, she
endures. She could never have fixed the respectful wor-
ship of Romney and the reverent passion of Nelson had
not this prerogative been hers.
Or, if exception be taken to so fine a metaphor, let me
explain my meaning otherwise. Emma was by nature a
model — a model that called forth the slumbering ideals or
sensations of others. To Romney she was the model of all
the possibilities of feeling, and every beauty in action ; she
transformed his art, as may be seen by comparing his
pictures before with those after he knew her. To Hamilton
she was the model of antique art. To Nelson, of glory,
of Britain. All these she may not have been, but it was
her strange faculty to realise and revive them in others ;
to the7n, these she was. How many models of loveliness in
pictures have faded away nameless, while Emma abides !
And just as the study for a great picture has the weakness
^ So said Gavin Hamilton.
2 One of them had a small brown speck upon it. The writer owns a water-
colour likeness by Romney which defines the colour ; Mrs. St. George in her
Journal calls them ' blue. '
3 Morrison MS. 248, November 1794. A letter from Joseph Denham, who
recalls the saying to her mind.
^ Tischbein painted her in this character, and as ' Iphigenia.'
'' Minto Life and Lcttets, vol. ii. p. 365.
^ Journal o{ Mrs. St. George [Melesina Chenevix, afterwards Mrs. Richard
Trench]. Cf. posl, ch. xi.
^ She did so once in the face of Ferdinand of Naples. Cf. post, chap. xi.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 23
peculiar to studies, but a special charm of its own tran-
scending the finished work, and tingling with the soul in
unison with the hand, so Emma was such a study for that
which often she never attained, but constantly inspired.
There is a strain of 'Trilby' about Lady Hamilton, and
Du Maurier's pathetic apology for his heroine's lapses
applies to her also.
Yet fully to understand a faculty so chameleon, we
must recognise, as was certainly the case, the grave
drawbacks that it entailed. Although there was a sub-
structure that was always Emma, she was yet possessed
by the reigning influence of the hour. She was what she
/e/t. Under Greville's rule she was prudent, childlike,
scrupulously exact even in the household accounts which
survive. With Hamilton she became a diplomatist anxious
to shine, and rather an economist of fame than money,
which she lavished on both public and private purposes,
more indeed than his Highland hospitality and the demands
of a pinched connoisseur approved;^ but even then for her
own expenses she never exceeded her most moderate allow-
ance, much of which was bestowed on charity. While she
was the queen's comrade she caught from Maria Carolina
the terse, broken over-emphasis of her style. With Nelson
she turned heroine, and it will be found that her heroics
meant real heroism. When he died, however, and no ruler
of her life was left, the Duke of Queensberry's set, rapacious
Italian refugees, the demands of kinsfolk, the burden of
Merton improvements, prompted extravagance at every
turn. She relapsed into a mere tissue of embedded
memories and of bygone selves, unsteadied by controlling
mastery. And after her mother's death in 18 10, only her
unvarying attachment to the child Horatia regulated her
at all. The muse as medium, the muse of mutual inspira-
tion was dead.
Few will question that here was an original woman, whose
iridescent nature was not that of the common herd, but a
compound of strange opposites. This was no cultivated
' In one of his letters of 1801 Nelson reminds Emma how her husband used
to stint in candles and other tritlcs. As early as 1774 Sir R. Keith banters him
from Vienna on ' economising ' in postage. Morrison MS. 32.
24 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
type of the Renaissance such as Diane de Poitiers with
the fin sourire of her epoch. She was no vulgar or venal
adventuress, still less the wanton minx or pariah of tradi-
tion. She was not a daughter of pleasure at all. Nor did
she resemble those of her contemporaries, like Lady May-
nard and Lady Seaforth, whose mere frailty found refuge
in titled wedlock ; or those refined intrigantes^ the Countess
of Lichtenau and ' Princess Elizabeth,' ^ whose romantic
adventures drew both to Naples, and whose pitiful ends
proved that royalty is perhaps the weakest reed of all on
which to lean. Nor was she a feinnie galante like her luck-
less friend Mrs. Billington, or like that nobly-born and
winning wanderer Grace Dalrymple Elliott, or the sad,
sentimental 'Perdita.' Emma's good name was absolutely
untarnished from the date of her marriage until 1800; she
could fix, as hundreds of epistles witness, not only regard
but respect. One of their foundations was her inherent
homeliness.
This homeliness, Propriety-Impropriety-Greville — the
pattern of precision — always gratefully acknowledged. She
had not been long with Sir William before he too vaunted
that she was very ' domestic' ' Good and kind,' Nelson
often wrote, she was to everybody, * knowing how to reward
merit in rich or poor, beggar or prince,' and he loved her to
row him on the tiny Nile at Merton.^ ' I assure you, my
dear friend,' he exclaimed in October i8oi,'I had rather
read and hear all your little story of a white hen getting
into a tree, or an anecdote of Fatima [Horatia], or hear you
call " Cupidy, Cupidy," than any speech I shall hear in
Parliament ; because I know ' — he adds, referring to an
episode which long affected her fate — ' although you can
adapt your language and manners to a child, yet that you
can also thunder forth such a torrent of eloquence that
corruption and infamy would sink before your voice in
however exalted a position it might be placed.' Children
' This extraordinary woman claimed (and perhaps rightly) to be the Czarina's
daughter by Count Rasoumowski. After an education in Persia and many
wanderings, she appealed to the aid of the Sultan, besought Hamilton's assist-
ance at Naples, was betrayed by the Russian Minister, Orloff, to the Court of
St. Petersburg, where she languished a prisoner till she died.
2 Nelson Letters (1814), vol. ii. passim.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 25
and animals and all young things were her joy. She
shrank from those enormous battues which Sir William
shared annually with the King of Naples, and her compas-
sionate heart bled for its victims. Never, once wrote
Nelson to her, would any live thing be hurt in her neigh-
bourhood. Tranquillity, repose, the details of a farm
superintended by her own hands, sat on her as easily at
Merton as flutter and excitement in Piccadilly. She long
bestowed care on the education of Nelson's nieces, includ-
ing the future Lady Bridport. Horatia's, mismanaged as
it was, engrossed her from the moment when the child
could be received under her roof And in her heroic days
at Naples she performed the humblest services. She
was an excellent nurse, perhaps from her early servi-
tude as a poor little maid of thirteen. She was always
nursing her old husband, and she nursed him affec-
tionately to the end. She received Lord St. Vincent's
written thanks for nursing Nelson. She was constantly
nursing sick friends. And she was ready to tend and mend
the entire fleet. There is an amusing passage in one of our
new letters of 1798 from her to Nelson in this connection.
It concerns an Irish orphan, a lad in Nelson's ship when
in the October of this year he was settling affairs at Leg-
horn. Emma thus wrote to her hero : ' My dear little
fatherless Fady — tell him to keep his head clean and when
he comes back I will be his mother as much as I can ;
comb, wash, and cut his nails ; for with pleasure I loved
to do it all for him.' ^ The Morrison Collection is full of
grateful thanks from all sorts and conditions of men and
women for her kindnesses towards them. One of these
speaks of her ' divine urbanity and condescension by
which you have attracted to yourself the admiration and
respect of mankind.' -
Such was the woman that Nelson's intense attachment
has idealised. How he idealised her the following excerpt
from an unpublished letter, written on the St. George off
' Add. MS. 34,989, f. iS, October 24, 179S. Sir W. Ilamiltou in one of his
letters to her {Nelson Ixttcrs) looks forward to the same attentions, and so does
Nelson in another (Morrison M.S.).
- Morrison MS. 453. From T. Roche, Feb. 14, iSoo— a welcome Valentine.
26 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Rostock some seven weeks after the Copenhagen battle,
will indicate. Its praise was caused by her rejection of
the overtures of the Prince Regent and his graceless crew,
circumstances which called forth some of the most extra-
ordinary letters ever written by Nelson.^ Sir William had
been selling his pictures at Christie's, and among them, to
Nelson's rage, portraits of Emma herself. Nelson com-
missioned the purchase of Romney's ' St. Cecilia,' and
it eventually found its way to his cabin : ' Yesterday I
joined Admiral Totty where I found little Parker with all
my treasures, your dear kind friendly letters, your picture
as Santa Emma, for a Santa you are, if ever there was one
in this world. For what makes a Saint.? The being so
much better than the rest of the human race. Therefore
as truly as I believe in God, do I believe you are a Saint,
and in this age of wickedness you sett an example of
great Virtue and Goodness which if we are not sunk in
Luxury and Infamy ought to rouse up almost forgot
Virtue. . . . And I am one of those who believe that in
England the higher the class, the worse the company. I
speak generally. I will not think so bad of any class but
that there may be some good individuals in it. How can I
sufficiently thank you for all your goodness and kindness
to me, a forlorn outcast except in your generous soul.'^
Hyperbole from a lover's lips ! — and so amazing that it
brings one to a halt. It sounds incredible until the curious
episode that underlies it is unfolded with our story. And
even then, a lover's hyperbole it remains. Their mutual
troth was no common passion, but a deep and lasting love.
It led him to idealise her beyond comparison, to find in her
the fulfilment of his dearest and highest dreams. Her
idealised image was for him none the less an inspiriting
reality. Good Dr. Johnson deemed his plain wife a beauty.
Nelson knew that Emma had been a heroine, and here he
proclaims her a saint !
But his devotion led him to invert the accepted stan-
dards ; to consecrate a love that discarded wedlock, and to
exalt wifeliness far above wifehood, to regard the one in the
^ Cf. chap. xii. , where they are reproduced for the first time.
2 Add. MS. 34,274 G., May 24, 1801. Cf. Appendix, Part li. D. (i).
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 27
light of convenience, the other in the h'ght of conviction.
No one can read his later letters, especially the new and
striking instances given in the Appendix,^ v/ithout realising
to what lengths he carried these transposals. Just as the
conventional morality often canted against him, so Nelson,
by spiritualising his defiance, may be said in a manner to
have canted also. But for him it was all truth itself And
sAewas no less genuine. Her ill-regulated ideals of kindness,
of feeling, and of glory — all these she realised in Nelson.
Hitherto she had been lovingly grateful to varying selfish-
ness. Nelson's unselfishness transfigured her to herself;
she became capable of great moments. And she was born
for friendship. ' I would not be a lukewarm friend for the
world,' she wrote to him at the outset in one of our new
letters. ' I cannot make friends with all, but the few
friends I have I would die for them.'- She was always
warm-hearted to a fault, as will amply appear as her
character grows up in these pages. So far from numbing
Nelson, she nerved him ; nor did she ever debase — far less
befoul — any within the range of her influence.
But she was also a born pagan, and a born rebel. If
such a temperament could admit of saintliness, if such a
thing could be as a lawless, an unregenerate saint, then,
perhaps, Emma had earned her profane halo far more than
would be readily conceded. I f courage alone, and generosity,
and tenderness, and energy, and big-heartedness, and a
will over-defiant of opinion, could make a 'saint,' the phrase
had not been overstrained. But Emma never learned
the lesson of self-effacement ; rather she sought to realise
herself.
I have reserved to the last perhaps the most singular,
and certainly the most blameworthy, phase of her develop-
ment, which really led to all the miseries and wrongs of her
closing years, for
'. . . II est juste
Qu'on soit puni par oil I'on a pechc.'
From the disguised birth of Horatia in January 1801
• Appendix, Part il. D. (i) (a) and {f>), and (8) (2) {a).
^ Add. MS. 34,989, f. 24, Oct. 28. See Appendix, Part II. A.
28 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
involving both Emma and Nelson, each from their wish to
defend the other, in a degrading conspiracy of silence, she
was constrained to play the part realised by Sudermann in
the heroine of his play Es lebe das Leben. Lady Hamilton
thenceforward, like ' Beate,' craved a triple realisation of
existence in the strong lover, the weak but still cherished
husband, and the tenderly guarded child. It was and ever
will be a futile quest. But the Muse in search of a Hero,
and the Hero in search of a Muse, encountered each other,
and there was an end. To ' warm ' tJiree ' hands before the
fire of life ' is incompatible with the very basis of society,
and she wronged irretrievably that blameless, if narrow and
inadequate, woman who had been united to him in hasty
and regretted wedlock.^ Nelson always hoped to have
been able to legalise his and Emma's union of hearts. She
was his ' pride and delight,'- ' his wife before God ' ; his love
for her was ' unbounded ' as his element 'the ocean ';^ he
would take unto him a wife ' more suitable to his genius '
than the once ' valuable ' Fanny. To Emma, Nelson was
'the dearest husband of my heart,' her 'idol,' her 'man of
men,'^ her 'Hero of Heroes,' ^ her 'all of good' — surely a
very sweet and genuine expression, and occurring in the
last letter but one that she ever addressed to him.*^ All
his enemies were hers, and all his friends.'^ For him she
lived ; in the faith that she would meet him again, she
^ In one of her letters Mrs. Bolton, Nelson's sister, says that Lady Nelson
only 'pretended to love him.' But his family were biassed against her. Her
real faults will appear as the chronicle advances.
- From an unpublished passage in a letter belonging to Mrs. Hampden :
' Victory, off Carlisle Bay, Barbadoes, June 4, 1805.' In another from the same
source (one of his last): ' Victory, off Portland, Sept. 16, 1805.' ... 'I love
and adore you to the very excess of the passion. . . . Should I be forced, I will
act as a man, neither courting or ashamed to hold up my head before the greatest
monarch in the world ! I have, thank God, nothing to be ashamed of.' These,
among other letters belonging to Mrs. Hampden, were originally Pettigrew's,
but such as he printed were published with the fervour stoned out of them. Cf.
Appendix, Part li. D.
^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 135, Aug. 26, 1803. He also calls her his 'Alpha
and Omega.'
^ Eg. MS. 1623, f. 32, April 2, 1802. ^ Eg. MS. 2240, f. 151.
^ Morrison MS. 844, Oct. 24, 1805.
^ Ibid. , passim, and cf. post, chapters xi. and xii.
Jl
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 29
died.^ Never was a pair more tenderly attached, or indeed
wrapped up in one another. It should be recollected, too,
that from their first and brief acquaintance in September
1793. till his death in October 1805, the sum total of time
that could be spent in each other's company did not extend
to as much as four years. This ordeal of absence, while it
heightened their longings, proved a hard strain for endeared
affection. But none of this can excuse Nelson for putting
away his jealous wife as rashly as he had wedded her, or
absolve Lady Hamilton's fanning of his flame, or her atti-
tude towards the woman she had foiled, and who had
slighted her. And so surely as the imploring wraith of
Emma is indissociable from his image on the column of
heroism and glory, so surely, even granting her pettier
nature and her grievance over shattered social ambitions,
that other wraith of the injured wife mutely and justly
turns her indignant back on its base. She was unfor-
giving, but so was the revengeful rival who had supplanted
her,
' Forgiveness to the injured doth belong,
He never pardons who hath done the wrong.'
Fair Rosamund was probably relentless towards Queen
Eleanor before the appearance of the dagger and the bowl.
There were, it is true, many palliations ; and one un-
doubted and curious fact of psychology seems to have been
overlooked. None can combine all Nelson's many private
letters, scattered through many collections, without realis-
ing his intense desire for fatherhood. His wife had never
borne him children, while his devotion to his drunken step-
son had all along been ill-repaid both by 'the cub' himself
and by the mother, who alternately petted and persecuted
her son. Lady Hamilton, too, by nature motherly,' yearned
for a child that she might freely acknowledge. Writing to
Nelson so early as the autumn of 1798, in one of our new
letters, she ends it thus: ' Love Sir William and myself,
for we love you dearly. He is the best husband, I wish I
' Morrison MS. 959.
- Cf. ihe letters of 1784 in the Morrison MS. about that poor ' little Emma,'
of whom she was deprived, and of whom more hereafter.
30 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
cou'd say father allso, but I shou'd be too happy if I had
the blessing of having children, so must be content.*^
For some years she had even then been rather the spoiled
daughter than the wife, the nurse and chatelaine more than
the partner of her ageing husband, who had so long prided
himself on perennial youth. She was sincerely attached to
him and he to her, despite those tiffs towards the close of
his life, arising from her marked attentions to the man
whom both loved and tended. His last letter to her pro-
claims that to her alone he remained attached beyond the
bounds of friendship, while the words of his will praise
Nelson as the most loyal friend and gentleman of his
long experience. It is almost impossible to believe that
such a practised worldling should have been bhnd to the
real relations which matured so suddenly. His very fond-
ness might have set him guessing, for ' who dotes,' in
Shakespeare's adage, ' doubts.' One might exclaim with
Beaumarchais —
' Qui est-ce done que Ton trompe? Tout le monde est du secret.'
The probability is that with his placid bias and love of
ease, he deliberately shut his ears to the insinuations of
Greville and others. Rather than risk ' scenes,' or disturb
the lives of the tvvo that he loved best in the world, he
hoodwinked himself into a fool's paradise. At any rate,
both Nelson and Emma (in whose arms he expired) were
with him to the last.^
But the retribution to Lady Hamilton came in her
enforced attitude towards Horatia, and Horatia's towards
her. Until the alleged offspring of ' Mrs. Thomson' could
safely be lodged at Merton, she had perforce, during their
joint visits to the baby in Little Titchfield Street, to stand
apart and aloof, despite her yearning. Horatia herself —
1 Add. MS. 34,989, f. 18. That she had one child already (though no more)
will be proved as we proceed. What she means is no child of Hamilton that
she could be allowed to cherish in her home.
- The actual account of the closing scene is given by Nelson in a letter imme-
diately after Hamilton's death. — Eg. MS. 2240, f. 157. This letter has never
been published, and will be cited in its place. It will be found that his last
conversation with Greville before he died concerned his desire that the
Government would acknowledge and reward her services.
LADY HAMILTON'S TEMPERAMENT 31
her mother's last companion — called her ' My Lady,' and
was afterwards reared to believe her birth a nameless
mystery, though a mass of conclusive evidence leaves no
shadow of doubt as to whose child she was. Here surely
was some burden of punishment. Emma suffered for her
sin.
Nor should we forget the tone and standard of the age.
Two currents were contending. The one, of a materialist
aristocracy (still regarded as demi-gods by the people),
championing the outward bienseances. Such were the
Warwicks, the Hamiltons, the Pembrokes, and the Port-
lands. The other, of the equally hedonist sansculottes,
who transformed an opera-dancer into the statue of their
goddess, Reason ; or of such English Jacobins as Miss Wil-
liams, herself crowned in Normandy as the same presiding
saint. Unconscious hypocrisy was confronted by conscious
licence. Old barriers were openly upheld by those who
covertly sneered at them ; while those who broke them
down stood naked and not ashamed. Everywhere, too, as
authority and reverence tottered, while all boundaries bade
fair to disappear, was quaffed and handed on from lip to
lip the intoxicating cup of emancipation.
In the following pages her good and evil qualities will
alike be scrutinised. No attempt will be made to blink
her errors, which are reviewed and re-examined. Rut
she has been constantly blamed in the wrong instances
for lack of a full knowledge, while praise for the same
reason has often been inappropriately bestowed. The sole
endeavour of my research — the only aim for which research
should exist — is truth. With a wide background, and in a
full light, the reader can here see her as she lived, and form
his own independent judgment. That she played a hand in
the hard game of history will be amply manifest. Was it
for her own hand that she chiefly played, or did she play,
and with her own cards, for others ? One fact is certain :
in loving Nelson when she was most powerful and most
respected she risked her all, and from mutual help arose
their mutual love. Throughout she will be found urging
the interests of others before her own, and immediately
after Nelson's death first advocating his family's advan-
32 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
tage. Contrary to the received version, she seems not to
have addressed Nelson's brother on her own behalf till more
than a year after her hero's death.^
Whatever sentence the reader may pronounce on the
evidence to be submitted, he cannot fail to mark the
psychological problems of her being. In any case, with all
her blots and failings, Lady Hamilton presents one of the
most fascinating studies in the eternal duel of sex. To her
may well be applied the line which her future husband
quoted in his book of 1772 -.^ —
'Tantarum femina rerum.'^
^ Cf. fosi, chap. XV., and Appendix, Part II. C. (i) (a) and (2).
- Observations on Mount Fesuvms, Mount Etna, etc.
' From Cornelius Severus' poem on Etna: —
' The heroine of a thousand things."
CHAPTER II
THE CURTAIN RISES — 1765-1782
On the morning of January 10, 1782, the punctih'ous and
elegant Honourable Charles Francis Greville, gloomy still
over the loss of his Warwick election, but consoled by a
snug, if unsafe, post in the Board of Admiralty,^ much
exercised, too, in his careful way, about minerals, animals,
science, the fine arts, and the flickering out of the American
war, was even more exercised by a missive from a poor
young girl who had already crossed his path. Fronting
him in the dainty chamber of his mansion in the new- and
fashionable Portman Square, swung a pet monkey,^ and
hung the loaned 'Venus' by Correggio, slightly retouched
with applied water-colour.'* This over-prized picture had
been for years the cherished idol of his uncle and alter ego,
Sir William Hamilton, K.C.B.,^ Fellow of the Antiquarian
and the Royal Societies, member of the Dilettanti, the
Tuesday, and other clubs, foster-brother of the now
George III., and sometime both his and his brother's equerry ;
the busy man of pleasure, the renowned naturalist and
' Cf. Morrison MS. 95-97, September and October 1780. lie had formerly
enjoyed a better post in the Board of Trade. — Morrison MS. 29, May 11,
1773-
* Portman Square, begun in 1764, was not completed till twenty years later.
Greville had previously lived in Charles Street and St. James's Square, with
intervals of ' King's Mews,' to which too afterwards he reverted. In the end he
returned to Paddington, and the last surviving letter from Emma to him (during
her troubles in 1S08) is addressed to the scene of their earliest memories.
^ Morrison MS. 96.
* By 'Henry Morland,' 'painter and picture-dealer, a friend of mine.' —
Morrison MS. 36, June 28, 1774.
» In 1773.
C
34 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
virtuoso of Portland vase celebrity,^ and already for about
eighteen^ years His Britannic Majesty's amiably-grumbling
Ambassador at the Court of the King of the two Sicilies.
The monkey's health had disquieted Greville a year before,
but this letter almost excited him. It was franked by him-
self on a wrapper in his own neat handwriting, bore the
Chester postmark, and contrasted strongly with the tasteful
tone of the room and its superfine owner.
It ran as follows : ' Yesterday did I receve your kind
letter. It put me in some spirits for, believe me, I am
allmost distracktid. I have never hard from Sir H.,^ and
he is not at Lechster now, I am sure. I have wrote 7
letters, and no anser. What shall I dow ? Good God
what shall I dow. ... I can't come to toun for want of
mony. I have not a farthing to bless my self with, and
I think my friends looks cooly on me. I think so. O. G.
what shall I dow? What shall I dow? O how your letter
affected me when you wished me happiness. O. G. that
I was in your posesion * or in Sir H. what a happy girl
would I have been ! Girl indeed ! What else am I but
a girl in distres — in reall distres ? For God's sake, G, write
the minet you get this, and only tell me what I am to
dow. Direct same whay. I am allmos mad. O for God's
sake tell me what is to become on me. O dear Grevell,
write to me. Write to me. G. adue, and believe [me]
yours for ever Emly Hart.
' Don't tel my mother what distres I am in, and dow
afford me some comfort.
' My age was got out of the Reggister, and I now send it
to my dear Charles. Once more adue, O you dear friend.'^
^ For his early difficulties in disposing of it, cf. Morrison MS. 6i, 1776. Sir
Joshua Reynolds, writing to Hamilton in 1769 of 'the grace and genteelness of
some of the figures ' in the Neapolitan galleries, calls him * so great a patron and
judge.' — Morrison MS. 17. ^ Cf. Morrison MS. 90.
^ Sir Harry Fetherstonehaugh, of Up Park, Sussex, who lived to correspond
in middle age with her in terms of the most deferential friendship. His name
is thus spelt in his letters.
* Misprinted by Mr. Jeaffreson as 'position.'
^ Morrison MS. 112. This letter has been given with its answer, though
with one inaccuracy, by Mr. Jeaffreson. The enclosed duplicate of the baptismal
register was, as we shall shortly see, inaccurately copied by the then curate of
Great Neston, Cheshire.
The Honourahi.k Ciiaki.ks I-kancis Gkk\ili.e.
Bv G. l\OMNKV.
After the Mezzotint by H. Meyer.
THE CURTAIN RISES 35
Who was this girl in ' reall distres,' what her past? who
were the friends who looked ' cooly ' on her, and for what
reasons? These questions will shortly be answered so far
as replies admit of real proof. But first a brief space
must be devoted to Greville himself, since his individuality
is as necessary to the coming plot as her own.
The Honourable Charles Francis Greville was now thirty-
two.
The second son of the Right Honourable Francis, Earl
of Brooke (afterwards Earl of Warwick), and of Elizabeth
Hamilton, one of Sir William's sisters, he was born at
Fulham on May 12, 1749, and baptized on June 8 follow-
ing.^ He was born prematurely old, parsimoniously extra-
vagant, and cautiously careless. His cradle should have
been garlanded with official minutes, and draped with
collectors' catalogues. From his earliest days he was prim,
methodical, and pedantic beyond his years. The unlikeli-
hood of surviving his eldest brother had been ever before
his eyes, and he was set on the emoluments of a political
career, promising much to one so highly connected. While
still in his teens he began amassing virtu with discernment,
and specimens of mineralogy on a ' philosophical ' system.
Some years before his majority he had struck up a brotherly
affection with his free-hearted uncle, nearly twenty years
his senior, who relied on a precocious judgment, invaluable
to one compelled by long absences to entrust to others
the management of his wife's Pembrokeshire property,^
indispensable also to both in the keen pursuit of their
common tastes, the one in Italy, the home of art, the other
in England, the nursery of science. From a very early date
the student of beauty and curios, the investigator of shells,
marine monsters, and volcanoes, ' Pliny the Elder,' as he
came to be called, was always exchanging rarities with 'Pliny
the Younger,' or comm ssioning him to buy, sell, or raffle
Dutch and Italian pictures, Etruscan urns, Greek torsos,
and Roman vases. Hamilton was a true man of science,
and a really great archaeologist. When he first came to
' See the Register. Lyson's Euvirous of London, vol. ii. p. 389.
^ Brought him through marriage (in 1757) with Miss Barlow, a Welsh
heiress. His cousin married another Welsh heiress. Miss Williams of Gwint.
36 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Naples in 1764 he spent months in his Villa Angelica, on
the slopes of Mount Vesuvius, taking observations and
excavating antiquities. He was far less a trafficker in
objects of art and learning than his nephew. He presented
both books and specimens of value to the British Museum.
His aim, in his own words, was that of ' employing his
leisure in use to mankind.'^ Not quite so, however, was
that of Pliny the Younger, who in his turn bought
crystals and works of art with equal zest of connoisseur-
ship. Greville was barely twenty-one when he went the
Italian tour, stayed with his uncle at Naples, then in the
full fever of unearthing buried chefs-d'ceuvre at Hercu-
laneum and Pompeii, which were so soon to experience
many fresh escapes from re-destruction by earthquakes and
eruptions.- From Rome, in this year, the nephew indited
two of the most self-assured letters of grave gossip and
counsel that any youngster has ever addressed to one nearly
twice his age. They are so like himself that a small part
of them must be given : ' I begin with a subject that I
have resolved every time I have wrote to mention, and now
particularly I am under an obligation to remember, as for
the first time my handkerchief has been knotted on the
occasion. It is to desire you to enquire for two books
I left in my room at your house ; 2 pocket volumes of
Milton's works. I borrowed them, and left them with an
intention they should be sent to Mr. Harfrere to whom they
belong. . . . The ink bottle has this moment oversett, but
you see I am not disconcerted, so pray don't make observa-
tions, and the letter is as good as it was. Pray let me
1 Observations on Mount Vesuvius, etc. (1772). The villa was probably called
after the artist. Hamilton constantly ran great danger in observing and record-
ing violent eruptions. He was indefatigable in superintending excavations, and
he mentions being present at Pompeii when a horse with jewelled trappings and
its rider were unearthed. He was a munificent patron alike of discoverers,
travellers, scientists and artists, including Flaxman and Wedgwood. He was
a trustee of the British Museum, and a vice-president of the Society of Anti-
quaries. A big book on his Greek and Roman antiquities was written by
D'llarcauville (Naples, 1765-1775 ; Paris, 1787). Besides the book already
mentioned, supplemented in 1779, Hamilton wrote Cavipi Phlegrcei (Naples,
1776-7), and the fr mous work on Greek and Etruscan urns, etc., illustrated hy
Bartolozzi. A Zt/e worthy of him ought to be written.
" 1779, 1783, 1794 were the worst.
THE CURTAIN RISES 37
beg you to avoid every mention of prices, I have done so
once before. Pray let me send and be favoured with the
acceptance of some baubles. ... I am in the best of
humours. I received this morning a line from Lord Exeter
who informed me of the Douglas cause being decided in
his favour.^ ... I am running about the antiquities from
9 to II with Byres, from 11-12 with Miss A., so you see
I gain Horace's happiness, 07nne tulit punctum qui viisciiit
utile dulci. . . . Pray let me lay on you a disagreeable task,
choose me a handsome pattern for an applicee, have it
wrought for me instantaneously, and sent to Rome. I
wish an Etrusc vase could be introduced. It must be
handsome and rich ; as to its elegance, anything, particu-
larly Etrusc, conducted by your taste cannot fail to be
elegant. If a contrivance could be hit on for making it
less regular and straight, ... I should be pleased. Yours
is charming, but rather too much like a lace. . . . The
spangles must be caution'd against and well fastened.
There have been some fine conversations since the Emperor
has been here. The Grand Duke asked after you of me.
. . . The E. has lessened the talk about the D. However
I like the D. best : more of engaging and gentlemanlike
deportment, and more of the world. . . . By the Bye if
you can pick up any vases, of which you have duplicates,
lay them aside for me, and don't buy them if not well
conserv'd and good ; nor many of a shape, a few elegant
and good. Adieu my dear Hamilton.'-
Certainly Greville proved the Horatian mixer of pleasure
with profit ; and since he, like his far franker uncle, was
ever complaining of a narrow purse tantalised by the
temptations of virtu, that other trite Horatian maxim,
Viriute vie involvo, would also admirably fit them.
Wrapped in their mantles of Virtu, they both bewailed
means far too slender for their tastes. The richer Sir
William, indeed, expending in antiquities what he re-
trenched elsewhere, seems in his correspondence all debt
and Correggio ; while Greville removed to his mansion
under pretext of its size being a bargain. P2ach sought
' This eventually enabled 'Old Q.' to succeed to his honours.
2 Morrison MS. 14, Rome, March 1769.
38 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
to serve the other, and Greville in his youth persistently
charged his uncle to be his dipute} As time proceeded,
Sir William with an ailing wife and a buried daughter,^ his
nephew ever on his watch-tower for an heiress,^ confided
to each other their little gallantries, and peccadilloes also.
As for Greville, just as in the case of the ' applicee,' ' con-
trivances ' were soon ' hit on ' for making him 'less regular
and straight' Already, in 178 1, this solemn frequenter
of new Almack's had acquired the Reynolds picture of
' Emily in the character of Thais,' which had been left
on Sir Joshua's hands.* His character was that of a free-
living formalist, the reverse of austere, but with all austerity's
drawbacks.
Yet there were some excellent points in this queer com-
pound of the Pharisee and the Publican, something between
a Charles and a Joseph Surface. If none was more prone
to sin with self-righteousness, and to excuse to himself
half-shabbiness as unselfish generosity,^ if none could write
more glibly of a * good heart,' he was not consciously a
hypocrite ; though par excellence the man of taste rather
than the man of feeling.
He displayed scrupulous honour in all money transac-
tions, much dignity and reticence, with grace of demeanour
(if not always of behaviour); independence too of mind, and
a public-spirited industry that often kept him sitting on im-
portant committees six hours at a stretch. He was a stead-
fast friend, and the early death of his Pylades, the brilliant
Charles Cathcart, was a real blow to him and an irretrievable
loss. He was an ideal trustee. He could say with truth,
* I am a good jobber for a friend, but an awkward one
1 Cf. Morrison MS. 20, Greville from Vienna to Hamilton, April 1769
2 ' Little Checille,' Morrison MS. 14. Possibly adopted.
' Cf. Morrison MS. 40, December 20, 1774, where Hamilton recommends
him a Miss St. George with income of ;iC5000 and nez retroussi. In May 1778
he wanted to marry Lord Granby's daughter. — Morrison MS. 81.
* Cf. Morrison MS. 102, April 3, 1781. I am not satisfied that this was the
portrait of ' Emily Pott,' alias Coventry. The face is not unlike Lady
Hamilton's. In the Complete Works of Si}- Joshua /Reynolds (1824), the
picture is alleged to be the portrait of Miss Emily Pott, or Bertie, or Coventry,
' who went to India, where she died.'
^ In 1773, when 'halving' purchases with Hamilton, Greville had written:
' This may be selfish, but I will show you it is not so.' — Morrison MS. 29.
THE CURTAIN RISES 39
for myself.'^ He was worthy of his uncle's confidence, and
to the last superintended his affairs and those of others
with integrity and tact. Nor did he neglect the welfare
of Hamilton's tenants at Milford. H was capable of
limited disinterestedness as well as of true patriotism. His
father's death and his brother's accession to estates and
title in 1773 reduced his allowance afresh, and all his
resource was needed to repair the deficiency.
Socially a disciple of the old-fashioned Chesterfield, and
affecting to flout the opinion of a world that he was far
from despising, politically he was a trimming Whig, but an
unbending supporter of all authority and establishment.
He throve on coalitions, and lamented with reason the
nearing end of that coalition ministry which was still
in power when this chapter opened.
Such is an epitome of the man who still holds the soi-
disant ' Emily Hart's ' letter in his hands. It is her origin
and past that now demand re-investigation. In view of
her instinctive independence ^ and her native appetite for
glory, the notion of which grew with her expanding horizon,
these trivial beginnings are not unimportant, while some of
her cousins played a prominent part in the later scenes of
her life.
Emily (or ' Emy ') Lyon was born on April 26 in 1765,
the year of her baptism, unless, without reason, we are
to assume her illegitimacy. The Neston parish registers
prove the marriage of her parents to have taken place
on June 11, 1764. The rumours and fictions about her
early adventures, seemingly requiring a longer space than
her extreme girlhood affords, have impelled Mr. Jeaffreson
and others to antedate her birth by so much as four years.
But many references, both in Greville's letters and Hamil-
ton's, with other evidence outside them, entirely tally with
1 Morrison MS. 123, Sept. 17S2 — a letter of condolence on the death of the
first Lady Hamilton. There are several instances. In one he warned the
Russian Ambassador against buying inferior pictures for which he had his
master's carte blanche ; and then Greville bought the best cheaply and gave
them to him.
* In a letter to Sir William Scott, written four months before her death, and
excerpted in Sotheby's catalogue for July 8, 1905, occurs this sentence:
. . . Think what I must feel who was used to give God only knows [how-
much], and now to ask.'
40 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the date that I have assigned.^ She was christened ' Emily '
(of which ' Emy ' and not ' Amy,' as has been alleged, is
the contraction), though from the 'Emy' she may in
childhood have been called ' Amy ' at times. The copy
of the baptismal register sent to Greville is incorrect, as
will be seen in the note below. Her marriage register, it is
true, is signed ' Amy Lyons ' according to the Marylebone
clerk's information, but this again seems a natural mis-
reading of her rapid and often indistinct handwriting for
' Emy Lyon.' 2
Her father was Henry Lyon, ' Smith of Nesse,' and her
mother Mary Kidd of Hawarden, Flintshire. In their
marriage register both sign by marks, although her mother
soon afterwards became 'a scholar.' Her father died at
Neston in the year of her birth ; but there is no vestige
of her mother's re-marriage to one ' Doggan ' or ' Doggin,'
to which has been attributed her after-name of Mrs.
Cadogan from the present period in London to that when
she became ' La Signora Madre dell'Ambasciatrice,' and
the esteemed friend both of Hamilton and of Nelson.
'Emy' has always been described as an only child, but
she seems to have had a brother or half-brother, ' Charles.'
Thomas Kidd, an old salt and cousin, writing from
Greenwich in 1809, to thank for past and beg for future
favours, observes : ' I have to inform you that your brother
Charles is in Greenwich College and has been here
^ For the whole subject cf. Note A. of the Appendix.
2 The actual register of baptism in the parish church of Neston, copied this
year (1905) by the Vicar, Canon E. C. Turner, is :—
' Emy, dr. of Henry Lyon, Smith of Ness, by Mary his wife. May 12, 1765.'
The copy sent to Greville in the above-mentioned letter from ' Emly ' ran : —
'Amy{ly) daughter of Henry Lyon of Ness by Mary his wife, bap. the 12th
of May 1765. The above is truly copied from the G. Neston Register by
R. Carter, Curate.^
Evidently the ' E' in ' Emy' resembles an 'A,' as it does in the Marylebone
Marriage Register. The ' ly ' is added in another hand, and the meaning is to
show its correspondence to her signature in the letter.
The marriage register of her parents in the Neston parish books is : —
'Henry Lyon and Mary Kidd, June ii, 1764, by banns, by G. Gardener,
Curate.
X the mark of Henry Lyon.
X the mark of Mary Kidd.'
The Cottagk at Hawarden where Lady Hamilton's grand-
mother LIVED, AND where LaDY HAMILTON STAYED
IN CHILDHOOD.
From a sketch (after a photograph) by Florence Holms.
THE CURTAIN RISES 41
since the 6th inst.';^ but I can find no further trace of
this * brother,' nor is there any record of relatives on the
father's side. This Thomas Kidd may well have been the
son of a William Kidd, 'labourer,' who, as 'widower' in
September 1769 in the Hawarden registers, married one
'Mary Pova."- And William Kidd is possibly Lady
Hamilton's cousin or uncle, who was at one time a
publican, and who used to complain that he was ' never
brought up to work.' If this be so, something of the
paternal strain seems to have descended to the son, who,
in the letter just mentioned, excuses his remissness in
calling, as requested, by the insinuating remark that
* I declare my small cloaths are scandolous, and my hat
has the crown part nearly off' ; while he speaks pointedly
of the attentions of a 'Mr. Ingram,' who in turn refers to
his 'justifiable character' in 'His Majesty's service,'
and suggests that, since both the porter of the west gate
and the ' roasting cook ' of the college are infirm and ill,
there is a choice of probable promotions awaiting him.
In after years it was not only her humble kinsfolk, whom
she never forsook, that were to importune Emma for
advancements.
The Kidds were mostly sailors or labourers. Lady
Hamilton's grandmother, with whom in girlhood she often
stayed, and whom she always cared for and cherished,
dwelt in one of some thatched cottages, two of which
still remain. That Mary Lyon, jiee Kidd, was a superior
woman, is shown by her after-acquirements. Tradition
associates her both with dressmaking and with domestic
service. If tradition again is trustworthy, she may have
been cook in the household of Lord Halifax, who is
also reported to have educated both her and her child.
But Lady Hamilton herself, writing to Mr. Bowen of
Portman Square (and of Merton)^ in 1802 about Charlotte
Nelson's education, declares that her own did not begin till
she was seventeen — that is to say, under Greville's auspices,
* Morrison MS. 963, Nov. 17.
^ Very soon after his first wife's death, it would appear from tlie registers. Cf.
a baptismal register of one ' Francis, d. of William and Mary Kidd, June 19.'
' Morrison MS. 689, October. His tomb is visible in Merton churchyard.
42 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
I have seen none of her mother's letters before 1800, and it
is not improbable that mother and daughter began their
education together. She was always an energetic house-
keeper and a most resourceful home-physician. Her letters
to Emma, to George Rose, and others, are neither ill-worded
nor ill-spelt. At Naples and Palermo we shall find her
visited by the Queen. The King of Naples was in the
December of 1798 to call her an 'angel' for her services
during the hurricane attending the royal escape to Palermo,^
though he also, if we may trust the Marchioness of Solari,
had before dubbed her ' Ruffiana.' ^ The Duke of Sussex
highly esteemed her. Nor can the accomplished Miss
Cornelia Knight have found her intolerable, for on the
return of Nelson, the Hamiltons, and herself to London
after the ill-starred continental tour of 1800, she drove
straight off and stayed with Mrs. ' Cadogan ' at the hotel
in St. James's.^ There is no evidence as to how this homely
and trustworthy woman came by her grand name. Her
second husband, however, may not be a myth ; although the
Marchioness of Solari mentions that ' Codogan ' was the
name by which ' Emma's reputed mother ' caused her to be
known at Naples before her marriage ; ^ and at any rate it
is a singular coincidence that Earl Nelson's companion
when he went to Calais to fetch Horatia away, after Lady
Hamilton's death in 181 5, was to be a Mr. Henry Cadogan,
a relation of the late and well-known Mr. Rothery.
Only two sisters of Emma's mother are generally
mentioned. Both of these seem also to have risen above
their station. The one married a Mr. John Moore,^ after-
wards, it would seem, successful in business at Liverpool,
but at one time addressed by Emma at the house of a
^ Morrison MS. 370.
- Venice under the Yoke of France and Austria, by a Lady of Rank (2 vols.,
1S24). In punning allusion also, perhaps, to the rough but ready Cardinal
Ruffe.
^ Miss C. Knight's Diaries.
^ Venice mtdcr the Yoke of France and Austria, vol. ii. p. 66. This is not
so, however. She was known as ' Hart ' ; cf. Goethe's Italienische Reise,
and cf. a letter in which she so signs herself at Naples in 1787, excerpted in
Sotheby's catalogue for May 17, 1905, and another of May 25, 1787.
* In the Hawarden registers is a baptismal entry of January 15, 1763, * Thos.,
son of Eph. and Cath. Moore.'
THE CURTAIN RISES 43
Mr. Potter in Harley Street. The other was a Mrs. Connor,
who had six children, all of them long supported by Lady
Hamilton : one of them, Sarah, to be the governess both at
Merton and Cranwich, was well educated ; another, Cecilia,
became an accomplished singer, and also a (though a less
capable) preceptress. Ann, the eldest, and Eliza both rose
above their sphere, though they proved most ungrateful ;
while Charles, who entered the Navy under Nelson's pro-
tection, could write an excellent letter, but unfortunately
went mad, for, as Lady Hamilton recorded in a very curious
statement regarding four of them, ' there was madness in
the family.' ^ Ann's showed itself in eventually asserting
that she was Lady Hamilton's daughter, which she certainly
was not; indeed, to her must be traced the ridiculous fiction
spread by the chronique scandaleuse of the time that Ann,
Eliza, and Charles were Greville's three children. Mary,
too, was to be popular, and with all her sisters intimate
with the whole Nelson and Hamilton family, as well as
with Sir William Hamilton's relations.^
Lady Hamilton's mother had also a third sister, Ann,
who married 'Richard Reynolds, Whitesmith,' in 1774, and
whose daughter Sarah (often called ' Reynalds ') also figures
as an educated woman, and a beneficiary of her titled
cousin, in the Morrison correspondence. She may further
have had another brother or cousin, William, an entry
regarding whom and his wife Mary finds place also in the
Hawarden parish books ; and there were also the ' Nicolls,'
whom, just before her own bankruptcy, Emma is found
continuously maintaining with the rest of her connections.^
And finally there remain some traces of a few better-placed
family acquaintances, a Mrs. Ladmore and a Mrs. Down-
ward.*
^ Morrison MS. 959, Richmond, October 16, 1808. There are many allu-
sions to Charles Connor both in this collection and in the Nelson Letters.
^ For these details cf. Morrison MS. passim, and the later chapters of this
volume. These Connors who, under that name, or as * Connah ' or ' Conna,'
find no less than twenty-eight mentions in the Hawarden registers between 1759
and 1765, were possibly the offspring of 'Charles and Mary Conna of Ferry,'
baptisms of whose children under the names Mary, Charles, and Eliza appear in
these records.
•* Cf. post, chap. xiv.
* Cf. Morrison MS. 127, July 17S4.
44 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
When we remember the clever, lively letters that remain
of this Connor family, their artistic temperaments, and the
way in which they were treated and received, the fairy-tale
of Lady Hamilton's conquest over circumstance seems to
have extended also to her relations.
Nothing can be proved of Emma's childhood but that it
was passed at Hawarden in extreme poverty, that she was
a madcap,^ and that she blossomed early and fairly into
stature and ripeness beyond her age. At sixteen (or per-
haps thirteen) she was already a grown woman, which ex-
plains the puzzled Greville's inquiry for the register of her
baptism. The most ridiculous romances were spread during
her lifetime and after it. Hairbreadth escapes and Family
Herald love-stories, regardless of facts or dates, adorn the
pages of a novel published in the fifties, and professing to
be circumstantial;^ while Alexandre Dumas has em-
broidered his Souvenirs d'Une Favorite with all the wild
scandals of a teeming imagination. The earliest certainty
is that at some thirteen years of age she entered the service
of Mr. Thomas of Hawarden, the father of a London
physician, and brother-in-law of the famous art patron,
Alderman Boydell of London. Miss Thomas was the first
to sketch Emma while she was their nurse-maid. The
drawing survives at Hawarden, and the Thomases always
remained her friends. Whether it is possible that the
roving Romney may have seen her there must be left to
fancy. It is at least a curious fact that she came so early
into indirect touch with art. The loose rumour ascribing
her departure from Hawarden to the severity of her first
master or mistress is entirely without foundation. A far
more probable conjecture is that she left Hawarden for
London because her mother left also. As is evident from
the letter to Greville, already quoted, as well as from
Greville's answer, which will soon follow, Mrs. * Cadogan '
was already in some London situation known to and
approved of by Greville.
^ Morrison MS. 126, June 22, 1784. 'She {i.e. little Emma] is as wild and
thoughtless as somebody when she was a little girl ; so you may guess how
that is.'
- Nelsoit's Legacy.
Jane Powell.
THE CURTAIN RISES 45
About the end, then, of 1779 or the beginning of 1780,
when Emma was some fifteen years of age, she repaired
with her mother to the capital ; and there seems little
doubt that she found employment with Dr. Budd, a surgeon
of repute, at Chatham Place, near St. James's Market.^ A
comrade with her in this service was the talented and
refined woman afterwards famed as the actress, Jane
Powell, who is not to be confused with the older Harriet
Powell, eventually Lady Seaforth. When Sir William and
Lady Hamilton returned home in 1800, they attended a
performance at Drury Lane, where Emma and her old
fellow-servant were the cynosure of an audience ignorant
of their former association. When Lady Hamilton was at
Southend in the late summer of 1803 she again met her
quondam colleague. Pettigrew possessed and quoted a nice
letter from her on this occasion.- It is assuredly not
among the least of the many marvels attending Emma's
progress that an eminent surgeon should have harboured
two such belles in his area.
And now Apocrypha is renewed. Gossip has it that she
served in a shop ; that she became parlour-maid elsewhere,
and afterwards the risky ' companion ' of a vicious ' Lady of
Quality.' The Prince Regent, who was years afterwards
to solicit and be repulsed by her, used to declare that he
recollected her selling fruit with wooden pattens on her
feet ; '' but he also used to insist, it must be recollected, on
his own presence at the battle of Waterloo. It was said,
too, that she had been a model for the Academy students.
For such canards there is no certainty, and for many
rumours there is slight foundation. But there is a shade of
' Pettigrew had known Dr. Budd, and his tiaditions in this regard must be
respected.
- Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 594. It runs as follows : —
'Southend. Dear Lady Hamilton, — I cannot fnrliear writing a line to inform
your Ladyship I am at this place, and to tell you how much your absence is
regretted by all ranks of people. Would to Heaven you were here to enliven
this at present dull scene. I have performed one night, and have promised to
play six, hut unless the houses arc better, must decline it. Please to remember
me most kindly to your mother and every one at Mcrton. — I am, dear Lady
Hamilton, yourohlig'd Tank Powell.'
■■• Memoir a of Madame Le Brun.
46 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
evidence to show that somewhere about 1781 she was in
the service of the manager of Drury Lane Theatre, Sheridan's
father-in-law, Thomas Linley the elder, and that she
suddenly quitted it from grief at the death of his young
son, a naval lieutenant,^ whom she had nursed. Angelo in
his Reminiscences has drawn the pathetic picture of his
chance meeting with her in Rathbone Place, a dejected
figure clad in deep mourning ; he has added an earlier
encounter and an allusion to her brief sojourn with the
' Abbess ' of Arlington Street, Mrs. Kelly, who may be
identical with the ' Lady of Quality.' I f so, destitution must
have caused her downfall. Hitherto this girl of sixteen,
so beautiful that passers-by turned spellbound to look at
her, had rejected all overtures of evil. Writing to Romney
after her marriage, in a letter which seems to imply that she
had known him even before her acquaintance with Greville,
Lady Hamilton thus recalls her past : ' You have seen and
discoursed with me in my poorer days, you have known
me in my poverty and prosperity, and I had no occasion
to have lived y^;' years in poverty and distress if I had not
felt something of virtue in my mind. Oh, my dear friend,
for a time I own through distress my virtue was vanquished,
but my sense of virtue was not overcome.' ^ Some three
years earlier, when she had insisted on accompanying Sir
William on a shooting expedition, her answer to his remon-
strances about hardship was that for years she had been
accustomed to rough lodging.
From Angelo's story it would appear that her earliest
admirer was Fetherstonehaugh, who will soon cross the
scene, and who in her later years was to emerge friendly
and even respectful. But the name of her first betrayer
has been so constantly given as that of ' Captain,' afterwards
Rear-Admiral, John Willet-Payne, man of fashion, member
of Parliament, and eventually treasurer of Greenwich Hospi-
tal, that the story cannot be wholly discredited. Tradition
has added that she first encountered him in a bold attempt
to rescue a cousin from being impressed into the service.
^ Angelo (Hamilton's godson) gives the name in his Reviiniscences as Samuel
Linley. He died in 1781. Thomas, the younger, died in 1778.
2 Morrison MS. 199, Caserta, December 20, 1791.
THE CURTAIN RISES 47
This may or may not be. The sole sidelight, afforded by
an unnoticed letter from Nelson of 1801, which proves that
she had confided much of her past to her hero, more
probably refers to Greville : ' That other chap did throw
away the most precious jewel that God ever sent on
this earth.' ^
Her relations with the Captain can scarcely have lasted
more than about two months. If she was his Ariadne, he
sailed away in haste, nor does he darken her path again.
It was perhaps on his sudden departure that this lonely
girl fell in with Dr. Graham, the empiric and showman.
How she met him is unknown : that he was anything to
her but an employer has never been suggested ; that he
ever employed her at all rests merely on a story, so
accredited by Pettigrew, who had known several of her
early contemporaries, that one can hardly doubt it. The
sole evidence that she ever ' posed ' for him is to be found
in Greville's reply to Emma's appeal already cited : in it
Greville speaks of the last time you came to ' G.,' which
Mr. Jeaffreson guesses to mean ' Graham.' It may, however,
at once be noted that his living advertisement of the
goddess of health and beauty, ' Hebe Vestina,' did not
figure in his museum of specifics until 1782, when he had
removed from the Adelphi to Pall Mall, and had there
opened his 'Temple of Hymen' in the eastern part of
Schomberg House, the western side of which had been
leased to Gainsborough by the eccentric artist and
adventurer, Jack Astley.- The strong probability is that
Emma was first engaged by him as a singer in those
miniature mock-oratorios and cantatas, composed by him-
self, which played such a part in his miscellany, and were
supposed to attune the souls of the faithful ; while her ex-
pressive beauty may have soon tempted him to exhibit her as
the draped statue of ' Hygeia,' or Goddess of Health, though
certainly not as his later tableau vivant of Hebe Vestina.'^
^ Morrison MS. 539, March 6, 'at night,' 1801.
'■^ Cf. a curious satire, // Couvito Amoroso, etc. London, 1782.
* Since writing this passage I find that Angelo positively denies that she ever
figured in Graham's show, but he does not enter into dates, and his easy anecdotes
are hardly historical.
48 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Dr. Graham was no common impostor. He belongs to
the class of charlatan that unites pseudo-mysticism and
pseudo-piety to real skill — in short, a High Priest of Pom-
peian Isis, He was no mere conjurer ; he effected genuine
cures besides dealing in quack remedies. At this time he
was about forty years of age. He may have qualified in
Edinburgh University; he had certainly travelled in France
and America, and received testimonials from personages at
home and abroad. He knew his classics, which he quoted
profusely in those curious ' lectures ' combining puff with
literary, satirical, scriptural, philanthropic, and scientific
allusion. His brother had married the ' historian,' Mrs.
Catharine Macaulay, who often figures in his florid
catalogues of cures. That authoress is depicted in mezzo-
tints as a sickly-looking lady, pen in hand, with a row
of her volumes before her, trying apparently to draw
inspiration from the ceiling. He was never tired of assuring
the public that she was own sister to ' Mr. John Saw-
bridge, M.P. for London,' He posed as a sort of prayerful
alchemist, eradicating and healing at once the causes of
vice, and its consequences. His advertisements are a queer
union of cant earnestness, travestied truth, sensible non-
sense, humour and the lack of it, effrontery and belief —
especially in himself. After he had closed his costly and
ruinous London exhibitions, he turned 'Christian Philo-
sopher' at Bath and Newcastle, anticipated the modern
open-air cure, ' paraphrased ' the Lord's Prayer for the
public, the Book of Wisdom for the Prince of Wales, and
hastened to lay on the pillow of the suffering George III.
one of his numerous 'prayers.' His speciality in 1780 (and
throughout his career) was the then derided but now
accepted electricity^ and mud-baths. By their means he
claimed to restore and preserve beauty, to prolong exist-
ence, to enable a decayed generation to repair its losses
by a vigorous, comely, and healthful progeny. He had
opened a pinchbeck palace enriched with symbolical paint-
ings, gilt statues, and coloured windows, where up to ten
1 This was also a hobby of Sir W. Hamilton's. Cf. Morrison MS. 60, where
in December 1775 he exhibits 'electric experiments' before their Sicilian
Majesties.
THE CURTAIN RISES 49
o'clock nightly he advertised his wares to the sound of sweet
music, in his ' Temple of ^^isculapius ' at the Royal Terrace,
Adelphi. His pamphlets, sermons, hymns, exhortations,
and satires, were rained on the town.^ In one of these
pieces of fulsome reclame he describes his museum of elixirs
as Emma may have viewed it in 1780 or 178 1. Over the
porch stood the inscription ' Templum ^sculapio Sacrum.'
There were three gorgeously decorated rooms with galleries
above, and pictures of heroes and kings, including Alfred
the Great. Crystal glass pillars enshrined the costly
electrical apparatus for reviving youth and strength. The
third chamber was the tinsel 'Temple of Apollo' with its
magnetic 'celestial bed,' with its gilt dragons, overarching
' Pavilion,' and inscription, ' Dolorifica res est si quis homo
dives nullum habet domi suae successorem.' ' But on the
right of the Temple,' he says, Ms strikingly seen a beauti-
ful figure of Fecundity,' holding her cornucopia and sur-
rounded by reclining children ; and above all, an 'electric'
'celestial glory,' which, mellowed by the stained windows,
shed a dim and solemn light. Strains of majestic melody
filled the air ; and here also were sold his ' Nervous Balsam '
and ' Electrical .^ther' ; while in the mornings this reverse
of 'seraphic' doctor punctually attended consultations in
the dwelling-rooms adjoining.^
Whether such ambrosial tomfoolery yielded Emma
an intermittent livelihood at all, and whether before
she loved Willet-Payne or after, remains doubtful ; the
latter is more probable. The blatant novelty-monger
offered prizes for emblematic pictures, and it is possible
that Tresham, or even his friend Romney, might have been
pressed into his service. It may well be, too, that here the
young blood and baronet. Sir Henry Fetherstonehaugh,
became her admirer.^ As we see him in his letters some
thirty years afterwards, this worthy appears as a silly old
' Most of these I have read. For the whole subject of. Appendix, Note B.
- ' A Sketch or short description of Dr. (iraham's Medical Apparatus, erected
about the beginning of the year 1780 in his house on the Royal Terrace, Adelphi,
in London, 17S0.'
^ I Ic may also have been the riotous ' Sir Harry ' on the grand tour, whom
Hamilton had to extricate from scrapes at Naples in the spring of 1777. Cf.
Morrison MS. 81.
50 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
beau and sportsman, indulging in compliments pompous as
his political reflections, and interlarding his correspondence
with superfluous French. In his old age he educated and
married a most worthy peasant girl, and brought her sister
(also educated in France) to reside with them at Up Park,
while from Lady Fetherstonehaugh the estate passed into
that sister's possession.^
Up Park (like Willet-Payne) was fraught with dreams of
the fleet, for from its lofty position on the steep Sussex
Downs it commands a prospect of Portsmouth and the
Isle of Wight. Here this erring and struggling girl for a
very brief space in 1781 became the mistress of the mansion
and its roystering owner, both Nimrod and Macaroni.
Here she ' witched the world with noble horsemanship,' for
she was always a fearless rider. Here, among rakes, she
could not rest, as she sighed for the artistic admiration
which her tableau vivant in the Adelphi had already aroused
among clever Bohemians, Here, perhaps in despair, she
became so reckless and capricious, so hopeless of that peace
of mind and happy innocence- which, ten years later, she
joyfully assured Romney had been restored to her by
marriage, that she was ejected and cast adrift at the very
moment when she found herself soon to become a mother.
That she was ' a girl in reall distres ' for the first time (and
not, as has often been presumed, for the second) will be
shown when we come to 'little Emma,' and it is here
evidenced by her entreaty that Greville would spare her
mother any knowledge of this fresh and crushing blow.
At Up Park, most probably, Greville had first met her
in the autumn of 1 781, on one of those shooting-parties in
great houses which he always frequented more from fashion
than amusement. She had doubtless contrasted him
with Sir Harry's stupid and commonplace acquaintances.
Greville always took real interest in people who interested
him at all, and at least he never acted below his profes-
sions. He was nobly bred, considerate, and composed ; he
was good-looking, prudent, and ever liberal — in advice. No
' From information kindly given by the veteran Admiral Sir E. G.
Fanshawe.
' Morrison MS. 199. The letter is quoted /<7j/, chap. vi.
THE CURTAIN RISES 51
wonder that his condescension seemed ideal to this girl of
sixteen, who had lost yet coveted self-respect; who had al-
ready suffered from degrading experience, and yet had ever
' felt something of virtue ' in her ' mind.' He had afterwards
(as his letter will show) befriended and scolded her head-
strong sallies, though his warnings must have passed un-
heeded. On her retirement in disgrace and despair to her
loving grandmother at Hawarden, he doubtless gave her the
franked and addressed papers enabling her to communicate
with him should need compel her. Just as evidently, she
had written and been touched with the kind tone of his
answer. It seems obvious also from Greville's coming
reply that, as was her way, she would neither cajole Sir
Harry into renewed favour nor be dependent on anything
but sincere kindness. But at last she was trembling on
a precipice from the brink of which she besought him to
rescue her.
To him and to Fetherstonehaugh she was known as
Emily Hart ; nor, in spite of Greville's advice, would she,
or did she, change that name till her wedding. Whence
it was assumed is unknown. In the Harvey family there
lingered a tradition that ' Emma Hart' was born at South-
well, near Biggleswade, and with her mother had served
at Ickwell Bury, where she was first seen and painted by
Romney. But this is wholly unfounded, though Romney
appears to have painted portraits in that house, and it is
curious that, about forty years ago, one Robert Hart — still
living — was a butler in their service and professed to be
in some way related to Lady Hamilton.^ A guess might
be hazarded that ' Hart ' was derived from the musician of
that name who visited Hamilton's house at Naples in 1786
as her old acquaintance. Not one of the parish registers
offers any solution through the names of her kindred. The
'Emily' became Emma through the artists and the poets,
through Romney and Hayley.
It is ' Emly Hart's' pleading and pathetic note, then, that
' Through Miss Harvey's kindness I comniunicaled with him, but wilhout
success. If the Lord Halifax legend had the least likelihood it might be fancied
that ' llartc,' Chesterfield's poet and philosopher, suggested the uoin-de-fnish-e.
52 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Charles Greville still holds in his fastidious hands on this
winter morning. With a glance at the recovered monkey
and the repaired Venus, and possibly with a pang at the
thought of the plight to which this ' piece of modern virtu ' ^
was reduced, he sits down most deliberately to compose his
answer. How deliberately, is shown by the fact that of
this letter he kept a ' pressed copy ' done in the ink just
invented by James Watt ; it was a minute of semi-official
importance. The letter is long, and extracts will suffice ; it
will be gathered that he was more prig than profligate, and
he had evidently formed the delightful design of being her
mentor: —
' My dear Emily, — I do not make apologies for Sir H.'s
behaviour to you, and altho' I advised you to deserve his
esteem by your good conduct, I own I never expected
better from him. It was your duty to deserve good treat-
ment, and it gave me great concern to see you imprudent
the first time you came to G., from the country, as the same
conduct was repeated when you was last in town, I began
to despair of your happiness. To prove to you that I do
not accuse you falsely, I only mention five guineas and half
a guinea for coach. But, my dear Emily, as you seem
quite miserable now, I do not mean to give you uneasiness,
but comfort, and tell you that I will forget your faults and
bad conduct to Sir H. and myself, and will not repent my
good humor if I find that you have learned by experience
to value yourself, and endeavor to preserve your friends
by good conduct and affection. I will now answer your
last letter. You tell me you think your friends look cooly
on you, it is therefore time to leave them : but it is necessary
for you to decide some points before you come to town.
You are sensible that for the next three months your situa-
tion will not admit of a giddy life, if you wished it. . . .
After you have told me that Sir H. gave you barely money
to get to your friends, and has never answered one letter
since, and neither provides for you nor takes any notice of
you, it might appear laughing at you to advise you to make
Sir H. more kind and attentive. I do not think a great
1 Morrison MS. 136, March 10, 1785. On April 3rd of the year 1781 he had
written to his uncle, ' I go on, more bit by virLu than ever.'
THE CURTAIN RISES 53
deal of time should be lost, for I have never seen a woman
clever enough to keep a man who was tired of her. But it
is a great deal more for me to advise you never to see him
again, and to write only to inform him of your determina-
tion. You must, however, do either the one or the other. . . .
You may easily see, my dearest Emily, why it is absolutely
necessary for this point to be completely settled before I
can move one step. If you love Sir H. you should not give
him up. . . . But besides this, my Emily, I would not be
troubled with your connexions (excepting your mother)
and with Sir H.('s) friends for the universe. My advice
then is to take a steady resolution. ... I shall then be free
to dry up the tears of my lovely Emily and to give her
comfort. If you do not forfeit my esteem perhaps my
Emily may be happy. You know I have been so by avoid-
ing the vexation which frequently arises from ingratitude
and caprice. Nothing but your letter and your distress
could incline me to alter my system, but remember I
never will give up my peace, or continue my connexion
one moment after my confidence is betray'd. If you
should come to town and take my advice . . . You should
part with your maid and take another name. By degrees
I would get you a new set of acquaintances, and by keeping
your own secret, and no one about you having it in their
power to betray you, I may expect to see you respected
and admired. Thus far as relates to yourself. As to the
child ... its mother shall obtain it kindness from me, and
it shall never want. I inclose you some money ; do not
throw it away. You may send some presents when you
arrive in town, but do not be on the road without some
money to spare in case you should be fatigued and wish to
take your time. I will send Sophy ^ anything she wishes
for. . . . God bless you, my dearest lovely girl ; take your
determination and let me hear from you once more. Adieu,
my dear Emily.' -
' A sister or a friend ? There exists an engraving which is styled ' Lady
Hamilton and her sister.' They are dancing the Tarantella. But her com-
panion is probably Mrs. Griifer, or ' Giulia,' or one of the innumerable dependants
on Sir William, often mentioned by Nelson.
2 Morrison MS. 114, January 10, 1782. The letter has a passage doubting
the child's paternity, which was omitted because the quick succession from Payne
to Fetherstonehaugh would of itself imply it.
54 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
And with this salutation Greville folds his paper with
precision and addresses it, in the complacent belief that
it is irresistible. Truly an impeccable shepherd of lost
sheep, a prodigious preacher to runagates continuing in
scarceness ; a Mr. Barlow- Rochester with a vengeance !
And yet real goodwill underlies the guardedness of his
disrespectable sermon. As, however, he sinks back in his
chair, and plumes himself on the communique, it never
strikes him for an instant that this wild and unfortunate
girl is quite capable of distancing her tutor and of swaying
larger destinies than his. His main and constant object
was never to appear ridiculous. So absurd a forecast
would have irretrievably grotesqued him in his own eyes
and in those of his friends. His attitude towards women
appears best from his reflections nearly five years later,
which read like a page of La Rochefoucauld tied up
with red tape :—
*. . . With women, 1 observe they have only resource
in Art, and there is to them no interval between plain
ground and the precipice ; and the springs of action are
so much in the extreme of sublime and low, that no
absolute dependence can be given by men. It is for this
reason I always have anticipated cases to prepare their
mind to reasonable conduct, and it will always have its
impression, altho' they will fly at the mere mention of
truth if it either hurts their pride or their intrest, and
the latter has much more rarely weight with a young
woman than the former ; and therefore it is like playing a
trout to keep up pride to make them despise meaness, and
not to retain the bombast which would render the man who
gave way to it the air of a dupe and a fool. It requires
much conduct to steer properly, but it is to be done when
a person is handsome, and has a good heart ; but to do it
zvithout hurtifig their feelings requires constant attention ; it
is not in the moment of irritation or passion that advice has
effect; it is in the moment of reason and good nature. It
reduces itself to simple subjects ; and when a woman
can[not ?] see more than one alternative of comfort or despair^
of attention and desertion^ they can take a line' ^
1 Morrison MS. 156, November (?) 1786.
THE CURTAIN RISES 55
Thus Greville — the prudent psychologist of womankind
and the nice moralist of the immoral. His metaphor of
the 'trout' must have appealed to that keen fisherman, his
' dear Hamilton.' Greville angled for ' disinterested ' hearts
with a supple rod. His ' system ' was to attach friend-
ship rather than to rivet affection ; to ' play ' a woman's
heart in the quick stream of credulous emotion past the
perilous eddies of headlong impulse with the bait of self-
esteem, till it could be safely landed in a basket, to be
afterwards transferred for the fish's own benefit to a friend.
If the trout refused thus to be landed, it must be dropped
into the depths of its own froward will ; but the sportsman
could at least console himself by the thought that, as
sportsman, he had done his duty and observed the rules of
his game. Greville was already contemplating a less expen-
sive shrine for his minerals and old masters. Air fresher
than that of Portman Square ^ might agree better with the
monkey, and a light purse proverbially makes a heavy heart.
He must be left calculating his chances, while his
Dulcinea books places in the Chester coach, weeps for
joy, and kisses her Don Quixote's billet with impetuous
gratitude.
^ In September 1784 he wrote to Hamilton, 'I have my house yet on my
hands.' — Morrison MS. I2i. He was not quit of it till the close of 1784.
CHAPTER III
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER OF EDGWARE ROW'
March 1782 — Atigust 1784
A GIRLISH voice, fresh as the spring morning on Padding-
ton Green outside, with its rim of tall elms, and clear as
the warbling of their birds, rings out through the open
window with its bright burden of ' Banish sorrow until
to-morrow.'^ The music-master has just passed through
the little garden-wicket, the benefactor will soon return
from town, and fond Emma will please him by her
progress. Nature smiles without and within ; ' Mrs.
Cadogan ' bustles over the spring-cleaning below, and to-
morrow the radiant housewife will take her shilling's-
worth of hackney coach as far as Romney's studio in
Cavendish Square. She is very happy ; it is almost as
if she were a young bride ; perchance, who knows, one
day she may be Greville's wife. In her heart she is so
now ; and yet at times that hateful past will haunt her.
It shall be buried with the winter ; * I will have it so,'
as she was to write but two years later.'^ And is it not
' Spring-time, the only pretty ring time,
When birds do sing hey ding a-ding a-ding'?
Edgware Row a hundred and twenty-three years ago
was the reverse of what it looks to-day. Its site, now a
network of slums, was then a country prospect. It
fronted the green sward of a common, abutting on the
^ This was one of the songs that Emma brought with her to Naples. Cf.
Nelson Letters, ii. p. 139.
2 Morrison MS. 128, July 3, 1784.
.06
p
9
t
1
^
^^
^9hH
*•*- ^
tifM
Bi
HHHWl
■iihiiiiiiiiiii
"'■^ -
■*^i?!SSS8f
PaUUINGION GRKKN and Clll'Ri II
From an olil fitiitl.
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 57
inclosure of a quaint old church,^ in a vault of which,
when the crowning blow fell, Lady Hamilton was to lay
the remains of her devoted mother. That church had
for many years been associated with artists, singers, and
musicians, British and foreign. Here in March 1733 the
apprentice Hogarth had wedded Jane Thornhill, his
master's daughter. Here lay buried Matthew Dubourg,
the court violinist ; and Emma could still read his
epitaph : —
'Tho' sweet as Orpheus thou couldst bring
Soft pleadings from the trembling string,
Unmoved the King of Terror stands
Nor owns the magic of thy hands,'
Here, too, lay buried George Barret, 'an eminent painter
and worthy man.' Here later were to lie LoUi, the
violinist ; the artists Schiavonetti and Sandby ; NoUekens
and Banks the sculptors; Alexander Geddes the scholar;
Merlin the mechanic ; Caleb Whiteford the wine-merchant
wit; and his great patron, John Henry Petty, Marquis
of Lansdowne, who descends to history as the Earl of
Shelburne. Here once resided the charitable Denis Chirac,
jeweller to Queen Anne. Here, too, were voluntary
schools and the lying-in hospital. The canal, meander-
ing as far as Bolingbroke's Hayes in one direction, and
Lady Sarah Child's Norwood in the other, was not finished
till 1 801, when Lady Hamilton may have witnessed its
opening ceremony.
Greville, still saddled with his town abode, at once econo-
mised. The Edgware Row establishment was modest in
both senses of the word. He brought reputable friends to
the house, and a few neighbouring ladies seem to have
called. The household expenses did not exceed some;^ioo
a year. Emma's own yearly allowance was only about ^30,
and she lived well within it. Her mother was a clever
manager, whose services the thrifty prodigal appreciated.
The existing household accounts in Emma's handwriting
only start in 1784, but from them some idea may be
' Replaced in 17S7 by the present structure.
58
EMMA. LADY HAMILTON
formed of what they were in the two years preceding.
They belong to the Hamilton papers inherited by Greville
in 1803, and they were evidently deemed worthy of preser-
vation both by nephew and uncle ; here is a specimen : —
Emma
Hart. The Day Account Book.
Oct. 27, 1784.
Money paid, etc.
27th
Oct.
Baker's bill, one week, . . jT^o
4 II
)>
»)
Butter bill, one week.
0
5 I
))
J)
Butcher, .
0
7 8^
jj
)5
Wood,
0
I 0
28th
>J
Pidgeons, .
0
2 0
29th
)1
Mold candles, .
0
2 3
>»
>J
Gloves,
0
I 6
>>
)»
Letters,
0
0 4
))
5>
Coach,
0
1 0
)>
))
Apples,
0
0 2h
))
))
Poor ma?i, .
0
0 0^
> J
)>
Mangle,
0
0 5
30th
5)
Tea, .
0
12 0
>>
))
Sugar,
0
9 9
>>
»)
Butcher,
0
5 4
J5
))
Scotch gaize.
0
0 6
31st
)>
Porter,
0
0 2
5>
>>
Eggs, ^ .
0
0 4
I St Nov.
Magazines,
0
I 0
5)
))
Cotton and needles,
0
0 9
)>
n
Coach,
0
I 0
M
>>
Baker's bill.
0
4 II
J>
>)
Butter bill,
0
5 0
)>
>>
Milk,
0
2 3
)>
M
Gardener, .
0
2 0
2nd
)J
Butcher,
0
2 6
U
>>
I Sack of coals, .
0
3 6
>»
>)
Oysters,
0
0 8
JJ
>)
Porter,
0
0 2
>)
))
Eggs,
0
0 4
))
3rd
))
Handkerchiefs, .
Stockings, .
Mrs. Hackwood,
0
0
4
1 10
2 10
12 61
> Cf. Morrison MS., Appendix A.
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 59
The 'Poor Man \d! is a pretty touch, and Greville must
have scolded her for it, as it does not recur; 'Mrs. Hack-
wood ' was her milliner, and continued to be so throughout
the coming Neapolitan days. It is clear from these
accounts that all was now ' retrenchment and reform '; that
all was not plenty, is equally apparent. But Emma was
more than satisfied with her lot. Had not her knight-
errant (or erring) dropped from heaven ? From the first
she regarded him as a superior being, and by 1784 she
came to love him with intense tenderness ; indeed she
idealised him as much as others were afterwards to idealise
her. All was not yet, however, wholly peace. Her char-
acter was far from being ideal, quite apart from the cir-
cumstances which, by comparison, she viewed as almost
conjugal. Her petulant temper remained unquelled long
after her tamer undertook to ' break it in,' and there were
already occasional 'scenes' against her own interest. Yet
how soon and warm-heartedly she repented may be gathered
from her letters two years onwards, when she was sea-
bathing at Park Gate : ' So, my dearest Greville,' pleads
one of them, ' don't think on my past follies, think on my
good, little as it has been.' And, before, 'Oh ! Greville, when
I think on your goodness, your tender kindness, my heart
is so full of gratitude that I want words to express it. But
I have one happiness in vew, which I am determined to
practice, and that is eveness of temper and stead[i]ness of
mind. For endead I have thought so much of your amiable
goodness when you have been tried to the utmost, that I
will, endead I will manege myself, and try to be like
Greville [!]. Endead I can never be like him. But I will
do all I can towards it, and I am sure you will not desire
more. I think if the time would come over again, I would
be differant. But it does not matter. There is nothing
like bying expearance. I may be happyer for it hereafter,
and I will think of the time coming and not of the past,
except to make comparrasons, to shew you what alterations
there is for the best. . . . O Greville ! think on me with
kindness ! Think on how many happy days weeks and
years — I hope — we may yett pass. . . . And endead, did
you but know how much I love you, you wou'd freely for-
6o EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
give me any passed quarrels. For I now suffer from them,
and one line from you vvou'd make me happy. . . . But
how am I to make you amends ? . . . I will try, I will do
my utmost ; and I can only regrett that fortune will not
put it in my power to make a return for all the kindness
and goodness you have showed me.' ^
Conscious of growing gifts, she had chafed by fits and
starts at the seclusion of her home — for home it was to
her, in her own words, ' though never so homely.' On one
occasion (noted by Pettigrew and John Romney too sub-
stantially to admit of its being fiction) ^ Greville took her to
Ranelagh, and was annoyed by her bursting into song
before an applauding crowd. His displeasure so affected
her that on her return she doffed her finery, donned the
plainest attire, and, weeping, entreated him to retain her
thus or be quit of her. This episode was the source of
Romney's picture ' The Seamstress.' ^
The accounts omit any mention of amusements, and it
must have been Greville alone who (rarely) treated her.
She may have seen ' Coxe's Museum,' and the 'balloonists '
Lunardi and Sheldon, the Italian at the Pantheon, the
Briton in Foley Gardens.* She may have been present, too,
when in the new ' Marylebone Gardens ' Signor Torre gave
one of his firework displays of Mount Etna in eruption.^
If so, how odd must she afterwards have thought it, that
her husband was to be the leading authority on Italian and
Sicilian volcanoes ! But what at once amazed Greville —
the paragon oi nil admirari — was the transformation that
she seriously set herself to achieve. ' She does not,' observed
this economist of ease three years later, ' wish for much
society, but to retain two or three creditable acquaintances
in the neighbourhood she has avoided every appearance of
^ Morrison MS. 126, June 25, 1784.
- They are confirmed by a passage in one of Greville's letters immediately to
be quoted, and which I have there italicised.
" Pettigrew (p. 600) says, *in a plain cottage dress.' John Romney in his
Life says that she robed herself as 'a lady's maid,' and told Romney of the
Ranelagh incident. If the costume were really a lady's maid's, this would
account for Romney's portrait of her in that character, which may have given
rise to the Ickwell Bury tradition.
* Morrison MS. 131. ^ 'Lyson%'s Environs of London, 'Marylebone.'
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 6i
giddiness, and prides herself on the neatness of her person
and the good order of her house ; these are habits/ he
comments, 'both comfortable and convenient tome. She
has vanity and likes admiration ; but she connects it
so much with her desire of appearing prudent, that she is
more pleas' d with accidental admiration than that of crowds
which now distress her. In short, this habit, of three or four
years' acquiring, is not a caprice, but is easily to be con-
tinued. . . .' ^ ' She never has wished for an improper
acquaintance,' he adds a month later. ' She has dropt
everyone she thought I could except against, and those of
her own choice have been in a line of prudence and plain-
ness which, tho' I might have wished for, I could not have
proposed to confine her [to].' ^
Among the ' reputable ' acquaintances were his brother
and future executor, Colonel the Honourable Robert Fulke-
Greville, some of his kinsmen the Cathcarts, a Colonel
Hartley who was to remain friendly in Naples, the
Honourable Heneage Legge, whom we shall find meeting
her just before her marriage, and oftener the artist Gavin
Hamilton, Sir William's namesake and kinsman, who at
once put Emma on his ' list of favourites,' reminding him,
as she did, of a Roman beauty that he had once known, but
superior to her, he said, in the lines of her beautiful and
uncommon mouth.-^ Her main recreation, besides her study
to educate herself,* were those continual visits to Romney,
which indeed assisted it. His Diaries contain almost three
hundred records of 'Mrs. Hart's' sittings during these four
years, most of them at an early hour, for Emma, except in
illness, was never a late riser. One portrait of her, unmen-
tioned in our previous list, represents her reading the
Gazette with a startled expression. It may well have been
painted from memory shortly after she left England in
March 1786, and refer to the attempt by Margaret Nicholson
in the August of that year on the life of the King. ' While,'
1 Morrison IMS. 137, May 5, 1785. = Ibid. 138.
^ Ibid. 139, Nov. II, 1785.
* ' Her only resources,' writes John Romney, ' were reading and music at
home, and sitting for pictures.' In the Accounts arc regular entries of
' Magazines. '
62 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
remarks the sententious John Romney, ' she lived under
Greville's protection, her conduct was in every way correct,
except only in the unfortunate situation in which she hap-
pened to be placed by the concurrence of peculiar circum-
stances such as might perhaps in a certain degree be
admitted as an extenuation. . . . Here is a young female
of an artless and playful character, of extraordinary
Elegance and symmetry of form, of a most beautiful coun-
tenance glowing with health and animation, turned upon
the wide world. ... In all Mr. Romney's intercourse with
her she was treated with the utmost respect, and her
demeanour fully entitled her to it.' He adds that she ' sat '
for the ' face ' merely and * a slight sketch of the attitude,'
and that in the ' Bacchante ' he painted her countenance
alone ; while Hayley, in his Life of the painter, speaks of
' the high and constant admiration ' with which Romney
contemplated not only the ' personal ' but the ' mental
endowments of this lady, and the gratitude he felt for many
proofs of her friendship,' as expressed in his letters. ' The
talents,' he continues, ' which nature bestowed on the fair
Emma, led her to delight in the two kindred arts of music
and painting ; in the first she acquired great practical
ability ; for the second she had exquisite taste, and such
expressive powers as could furnish to an historical painter
an inspiring model for the various characters either
delicate or sublime. . . . Her features, like the language of
Shakespeare, could exhibit all the gradations of every
passion with a most fascinating truth and felicity of ex-
pression. Romney delighted in observing the wonderful
command she possessed over her eloquent features.' He
called her his ' inspirer.' ^ To Romney, as we have already
seen, she ' first opened her heart.' At Romney's she met
those literary and artistic lights that urged her native
intelligence into imitation. A sketch by Romney of his
studio displays her seated as his model for the 'Spinstress'
by her spinning-wheel. A figure entering and smiling is
Greville ; of two others seated at a table, the one appeal-
1 Cf. Hayley's letter to her from Felpham of May 17, 1804, cited later in this
work, and given by Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 596, which proves her to have been a
prompter and suggester as well as a tenderer.
CJ! a:
"I i>'
■■^ a"?
?=; "^
5 5S
• -5 w
- t*.
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 63
ing to her would seem to be Hayley, to whom she always
gratefully confessed her obligations.
William Hayley, the ' Hermit ' of Eartham, the close ally
both of Romney and Cowper, must have been far more
interesting in his conversation than his books, though his
Triumphs of Temper created a sensation now difficult to
understand. He was a clever, egotistical eccentric, who
successively parted from two wives with whom he yet con-
tinued to correspond in affectionate friendship. Curiously
enough, Hayley's rhymed satirical comedies ^ are much the
best of his otherwise stilted verses. He must have remem-
bered Hamilton and Greville when, in one of them, he
makes ' Mr. Beril ' account for his ownership of a lovely
Greek statue :
' I owe it to chance, to acknowledge the truth,
And a princely and brave Neapolitan youth,
Whom I luckily saved in a villainous strife
From the dagger of jealousy aimed at his life' :
and when his ' Bijou ' ironically observes to ' Varnish ':
' I protest your remark is ingenious and new.
You hav^e gusto in morals as well as virtu' :
His unfamiliar sonnet on Romney's 'Cassandra' may be
here cited, since it may have suggested to Greville his
estimate of Emma — ' piece of modern virtu':
' Ye fond idolaters of ancient art,
Who near Parthenope with curious toil,
Forcing the rude sulphureous rocks to part,
Draw from the greedy earth her buried spoil
Of antique entablature ; and from the toil
Of time restoring some fair form, acquire
A fancied jewel, know 'tis but a foil
To this superior gem of richer fire.
In Romney's tints behold the Trojan maid.
See beauty blazing in prophetic ire.
From palaces engulphed could earth retire,
And show thy works, Apelles, undecay'd,
E'en thy Campaspe would not dare to vie
With the wild splendour of Cassandra's eye.'
^ The Happy Prescription (17S4) and The Two Connoisseur!: are brilliant
vers lie sociite. For Horace Walpole's poor account of his authorship, cf. Letters,
vol. viii. pp. 235, 236, 251.
64 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
In a late letter to Lady Hamilton the poet assures her
that an unpublished ode was wholly inspired by her, and
there are traces of her influence even in his poor tragedies.
But since 'Serena' influenced her often, it may be of
interest to single out a few lines from the Triumphs of
Temper (composed some years before its author first met
her) as likelier to have arrested her attention than his triter
commonplaces about ' spleen ' and ' cheerfulness ':
' Free from ambitious pride and envious care,
To love and to be loved was all her prayer.'
'Th' imperishable wealth of sterling love.'
. . . She's everything by starts and nothing long.
But in the space of one revolving hour
Flies thro all states of poverty and power.
All forms on whom her veering mind can pitch,
Sultana, Gipsy, Goddess, nymph, and witch.
At length, her soul with Shakespeare's magic fraught,
The wand of Ariel fixed her roving thought.'
And
' But mild Serena scom'd the prudish play
To wound warm love with frivolous delay ;
Nature's chaste child^ not Affectation's slave,
The heart she meant to give, she frankly gave.^
The August of 1782 brought about an event decisive for
Emma's future — the death of the first Lady Hamilton, the
Ambassador's marriage with whom in 1757 had been mainly
one of convenience, though it had proved one also of com-
fort and esteem.^ She was a sweet, tranquil soul of rapt
holiness, what the Germans call ^ Eine schdne Seele,' and
she worshipped the very earth that her light-hearted husband,
far nearer to it than she was, trod on. He had set out as a
young captain of foot, who, in his own words, had ' known
^ Cf. his own avowal, Morrison MS. 95, where he tells Greville : * You have
been acquainted with beauty enough to know that that alone cannot afford
lasting happiness. A disagreeable rich Devil, the Devil himself could not have
tempted me to marry, but I have realy \_stc'\ found a lasting comfort in having
married (something against my inclination) a virtuous, good-tempered woman,
with a little independent fortune, to which we cou'd fly shou'd all other depen-
dencies fail, and live decently without being obliged to any one.'
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 65
the pinch of poverty' ; but during the whole twenty-five years
of their union she had never once reproached him, and had
dedicated to him all 'that long disease' she called 'her
life.' So far, though intimate with the young Sicilian
King and friendly with the Queen, Hamilton had weighed
little in diplomacy. In a sprightly letter to the Earl of
Dartmouth some six years earlier,^ he observes : 'It is
singular but certainly true that I am become more a
ministre de famille at this court than ever were the ministers
of France, Spain, and Vienna. Whenever there is a good
shooting-party H.S. Majesty is pleased to send for me, and
for some months past I have had the honour of dining with
him twice or three times a week, nay sometimes I have
breakfasted, dined, and supped ... in their private party
without any other minister.'- He next descants on his
exceptional opportunities of helping the English in Naples.
He hits off a certain Lady Boyd among them as ' Like
Mr. Wilkes, but she has [such] a way of pushing forward
that face of hers and filling every muscle of it with good
humour, that her homeliness is forgot in a moment ' ; and
he concludes with the usual complaint that — unlike his pre-
decessor, Sir William Lynch — he has not yet been made
'Privy Councillor.' 2 So dissatisfied was he that in 1774
he had tried hard on one of his periodical home visits to
exchange his ambassadorship at Naples for one at Madrid ;
and at the present time science, pictures, archaeology, sport
and gallantry occupied his constant leisure — indeed he was
more of a Consul than of an Ambassador. General Acton's
advent, however, as Minister of War and Marine in 1779
proved a passing stimulus to his dormant energy. If a
dawdler, he was never a trifler ; and he was uniformly
courteous and kind-hearted. His frank geniality recom-
mended him as bear-leader to the many English visitors
' Hist. MS. Commission, Dartmouth Papers, vol. iii. p. 224. Caserta, Jan. 16,
1776, and cf. p. 238. The early letters to (ireville in the Morrison MS. concern
art, politics, business, and sport.
- Cf. Morrison MS. 82, where he recounts on February 9, 1772, how he
played ' Bisilis ' with their Majesties. This letter contains his tirst mention
of Acton the Premier, who succeeded to his English baronetcy in 1791 ; and cf.
zho ii>id. 92, 1780, and lOO, March 13, 1781.
•' He had to wail till 1791, the year of his marriage.
E
66 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
who flocked annually to Naples/ often stumbled lightly
into scrapes that caused him infinite trouble,^ and prompted
his humorous regret that Magna Charta contained no clause
forbidding Britons to emigrate. It was not till Emma
dawned on his horizon that he woke up in earnest to the
duties of his office. His wife made every effort, so far as
her feeble health admitted, to grace his hospitalities. She
shared his own taste for music, and sang to the harpsichord
before the Court of Vienna. The sole regret of her unselfish
piety was that he remained a worldling. She studied to
spare him every vexation and intrusion ; and while he
pursued his long rambles, sporting, artistic, or sentimental,
she sat at home praying for her elderly Pierrot's eternal
welfare. Her example dispensed with precepts, and hoped
to win her wanderer back imperceptibly. How little she
deserved Greville's description of her as merely 'a raw-
boned Scotchwoman'^ maybe gleaned from some of the
last jottings in her diary and her last letters to her
husband : —
' How tedious are the hours I pass in the absence of the
beloved of my heart, and how tiresome is every scene to
me. There is the chair in which he used to sit, I find him
not there, and my heart feels a pang, and my foolish eyes
overflow with tears. The number of years we have been
married, instead of diminishing my love have increased it
to that degree and wound it up with my existence in such
a manner that it cannot alter. How strong are the efforts
I have made to conquer my feelings, but in vain. . . . No
one but those who have felt it can know the miserable
anxiety of an undivided love. When he is present, every
object has a different appearance ; when he is absent, how
lonely, how isolated I feel. ... I return home, and there
the very dog stares me in the face and seems to ask
for its beloved master. . . . Oh ! blessed Lord God and
Saviour, be Thou mercifully pleas'd to guard and pro-
tect him in all dangers and in all situations. Have
^ Cf. Lord Bruce's tribute as early as 1769, Morrison MS. 16.
' The Duke of Hamilton, for instance, and ' Sir Harry ' in the spring of 1777.
Morrison MS. 65.
' Mordson MS. 126, Emma's quotation.
The Right Hoxourable Sir William Hamilton", K. C.B.
After a rare engraving, probably by Gravclot.
•THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' e*!
mercy upon us both, oh Lord, and turn our hearts to
Thee.'
' A few days, nay a few hours . . . may render me in-
capable of writing to you. . . . But how shall I express my
love and tenderness to you, dearest of earthly blessings.
My only attachment to this world has been my love to you,
and you are my only regret in leaving it. My heart has
followed your footsteps where ever you went, and you have
been the source of all my joys. I would have preferred
beggary with you to kingdoms without you,^ but all this
must have an end — forget and forgive my faults and
remember me with kindness. I entreat you not to suffer
me to be shut up after I am dead till it is absolutely neces-
sary. Remember the promise you have made me that your
bones should lie by mine when God shall please to call you,
and leave directions in your will about it' -
That promise was kept, and the man of the world sleeps
by the daughter of heaven, re-united in the Pembrokeshire
vault. A probably adopted daughter — Cecilia — who is
mentioned in the greetings of early correspondents, had
died some seven years before.
Could any Calypso replace such pure devotion ? Yet
Calypsos there had been already — among their number the
divorced lady who became Margravine of Anspach, the ' sweet
little creature qui a Ihonncitr de vie p lair e' \^ a ' Madame
Tschudy''' so early as 1769; a 'Lady A.,' contrasted by
Greville in 1785 with Emma; and, perhaps platonically,
those gifted artists Diana Beauclerk, once Lady Boling-
broke, and Mrs. Darner, who was to sculpture one of the two
busts of Nelson done from the life.'^ In England as well
' It is strange that the second Lady Hamilton, long before she became so,
makes use of a similar expression with regard to Greville. Lady Strafford
of Queen Anne's time also employs this phrase.
- Morrison MS. Il6, 118. The last, in July 17^2, ibid. 120, I have no space
to quote, but it is fully as affecting.
'^ Lady Craven. Cf. Morrison MS. 30, June 17, 1773.
* Cf. Morrison MS. 20, 1769.
^ So late as 1809 the Hon. Anne Seymour Darner (1748-1828) wrote most
warmly to Lady Hamiltou, begging her influence to have an engraving of this
bust included in a Lift of Nelson. In the course of .1 long letter she says :
'To you, my dear Lady Hamilton, and to my kind friend Sir William,
you know I owe this favour [of " the immortal Hero's having sat to nic "], and
68 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
as Naples flirtation was the disorder of the day. Yet about
Sir William there must have been a charm of demeanour,
a calm of ease and good nature, and a certain worldly
unselfishness which could fasten such spiritual love
more surely than the love profane. He was a sincere
worshipper of beauty, both in art and nature ; while
Goethe himself respected his discriminating taste.^ He
was a Stoic-Epicurean, a 'philosopher.'- His confession
of faith and outlook upon existence are well outlined
in a letter to Emma of 1792 which deserves attention,
' My study of antiquities has kept me in constant thought
of the perpetual fluctuation of everything. The whole art
is, really, to live all the days of our life ; and not, with
anxious care, disturb the sweetest hour that life affords —
which is, the present. Admire the Creator, and all His works
to us incomprehensible ; and do all the good you can upon
earth ; and take the chance of eternity without dismay.'^
Absent since 1778, he came over at the close of 1782 to
bury his wife.* It is just possible that even then he may
have caught a flying glimpse of the girl whom he was to
style two years later * the fair tea-maker of Edgware Row.'
Greville, of course, was punctual in condolence : ' You have
no idea how shocked I was. . . . Yet when I consider
the long period of her indisposition and the weakness of
her frame, I ought to have been prepared to hear it. I am
glad that her last illness was not attended with extra-
ordinary suffering, and I know you so well that I am sure
you will think with affection and regret, as often as the
blank which must be felt after 25 years society shall
call her to your memory, and it will not be a small con-
solation that to the last you shew'd that kindness and
yoiivi\S\. not wonder at my ambition and anxiety that such a circumstance, which
I know so Will how to value, shou'd be recorded, . . . and that my name should
thus be {if I may so term it) joined to the most brilliant name England ever gave
birth to.'' Cf. Messrs. Sotheby's catalogue for July 8, 1905. As Conway's
daughter she was Horace Walpole's favourite. Cf. Letters, vol. viii. p. 76.
The sole other bust of him from life is Flaxman's.
^ Cf. the Italienische Reise.
- Morrison MS. 370, January 7, 1799.
^ Nelson Letters (1814), vol. ii. p. 173.
* The accounts of the funeral expenses exist and were sold at Sotheby's in
May 1905. He was an affectionate brother both to Frederick and Anne.
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 69
attention to her which she deserved. / have often quoted
you ^ for that conduct which few have goodness of heart or
principle to imitate' He had hoped to hasten to his dearest
Hamilton's side in the crisis of affliction, but his brother's
affairs, the troubles of trusteeships, and the bequest by
Lord Seaforth of a rare cameo, alas ! intervened, and there-
fore he could not come.- So Mount Vesuvius-Hamilton
hurried to Mahomet-Greville, and doubtless, after a little
virtii and more business, returned for the autumn season at
Naples and his winter sport at Caserta.
But meanwhile Greville grew ruffled and out-at-elbows.
He was once more member for his family borough. He
needed larger emolument, yet the coalition was on the wane.
For a brief interval it returned, and Greville breathed again,
pocketing a small promotion in the general scramble for
office." In 1783, however, the great Pitt entered on his long
reign, and Greville's heart sank once more. His post, how-
ever, was confirmed, despite his conscientious disapproval *
of reforms for England and for Ireland, and new India bills
in the interval.^ Still, his tastes were so various that even
now he pondered if, after all, an heiress of ton (none of
your parvenues) were not the only way out ; and, pending
decision, he went on collecting crystals, exchanging pic-
tures of saints, and lecturing Emma on the conveyiances —
perhaps the least extravagant and most edifying pastime
of all. Every August he toured in Warwickshire after his
own, and to Milford and Pembrokeshire after his uncle's
affairs (for Milford was being 'developed'); nor was he
the man to begrudge his eleve a i^^ weeks' change in the
dull season during his absence. In 1784 she was to require
it more than usual, for sea-baths had been ordered, while
^ To Emma?
- Morrison MS. I2i, Sept. 24, 1782.
^ Cf. Sir W. H.'s allusion in Morrison MS. 122, April 29, 1783.
■• In March 1785 he writes to Sir William: 'I believe P. means to act for
the best and to remain as long as he can, but it does not seem that he rests
entirely on the court, by his declaring for a reform without the general support
of the administration and contrary to the interests of the crown. . . . The
India bill is not to be compared to the effect of this measure, and I am curious
to see the event. I of course never courted favor by the sacrifice of my decided
opinion ; I shall therefore uniformly oppose it.' — Morrison MS. 135.
* Cf. Greville's moderate letter to Fox. — Morrison MS. 123.
70 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
her first thought was then to be for her ' little Emma,'^ now
being tended at Hawarden.
In the early summer of this very year Sir William
Hamilton had reappeared as widower, and crossed the
threshold of Edgware Row to the flurry, doubtless, of
the little handmaidens, whose successors, 'Molly Dring '
and ' Nelly Gray,' were so regularly paid their scanty
wages, as registered in the surviving accounts.
The courtly connoisseur was enraptured. Never had he
beheld anything more Greek, any one more naturally
accomplished, more uncommon. What an old slyboots
had this young nephew been these last two years, to have
concealed this hidden treasure while he detailed every-
thing else m his letters ! The demure rogue, then, was
a suburban amateur with a vengeance ! The antiquarian-
Apollo, carrying with him a new work on Etruscan vases,
and a new tract on volcanic phenomena, flattered himself
that here were volcanoes and vases indeed. Here were
Melpomene and Thalia, and Terpsichore and Euterpe and
Venus, all combined and breathing. Did he not boast the
secret of perpetual youth? After all, he was only fifty-
four, and he looked ten years younger than his age. He
would at least make the solemn youngster jealous. Not
that he was covetous ; his interest was that of a father,
a collector, an uncle. The mere lack of a ring debarred
him from being her uncle in reality. ' My uncle,' she
should call him.
Greville's amusement was not quite unclouded ; he
laughed, but laughed uneasily. To begin with, he believed
himself his uncle's heir, but as yet 'twas ' not so nominated
in the bond.' Sir William might well re-marry. There
was Lord Middleton's second daughter in Portman Square,
a twenty thousand pounder, weighing on the scales, a fish
worthy of Greville's own rod. But the Court of Naples,
an alliance with a widower kinsman of the Hamiltons, the
Athols, the Abercorns, and the Grahams, enriched too by
recent death, were solidities that might well outweigh his
^ Born about February 1782, after her mother's invitation Ity Grevilie. My
reasons for disagreeing with Mr. Jeaffreson's view as to the identity of this
child ate given in Note C. of the Appendix.
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 71
paltry pittance of six hundred a year.^ And 2/"the widower
re-married? — As for Emma, it was of course absurd to con-
sider her. She adored her Greville, and should uncle
William choose to play light father in this little farce, he
could raise no objection.
Emma herself felt flattered that one so celebrated and
learned should deign to be just a nice new friend. He
was so amiable and attentive ; so discerning of her gifts ;
so witty too, and full of anecdote. This was no musty
scholar, but a good-natured man of the very wide world,
far wider than her pent-in corner of it. Indeed, he was
a 'dear.' And then he laughed so heartily when she
mimicked Greville's buckram brother, or that rich young
coxcomb Willoughby, who had wooed her in vain already ;
no giddy youths for her. Was not her own matchless
Greville a man of accomplishments, a bachelor of arts and
sciences, a master of sentences? The uncle was worthy of
the nephew, and so she was ' his oblidged humble servant,
or affectionate' niece 'Emma,' whichever he 'liked the best.'^
And in her heart of hearts already lurked a little scheme.
Her child, the child to whom Greville had been so suddenly,
so gently kind, and after which she yearned, was with her
grandmother. After she had taken the tiny companion to
Parkgate, and bathed it there, why should not her divinity
permit the mother to bring it home for good to Edgware
Row? It would form a new and touching tie between
them. The plan must not be broached till she could report
on 'little Emma's' progress, but surely then he would not
have the heart to deny her.
Some evidence allows the guess that she had confided
her desire to Sir William, and that he had favoured and
forwarded her suit with Greville.
And so she left the smoke and turmoil, hopeful and trustful.
Mother and child would at length be reunited under purer
skies and by the wide expanse of sea. All the mother
^ His income does not seem to have exceeded this sum (till 1794), .ind his
certain annuity was only £s^°- — Morrison MS. 138.
* Cf. Morrison MS. 143. Most of the foregoing may be gathered from the
shortly subsequent correspondence. On September 5 Hamilton met Horace
Walpole at dinner at ' Mrs. Garrick's.' He was 'returning to the kingdom of
cinders.' — Letters^ vol. viii. p. 502.
72 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
within her stirred and called aloud ; her heart was ready-
to 'break' at the summons. Fatherly Sir William saw
her off as proxy for her absent Greville, whom he was to
join, the happy man. ' Tell Sir William everything you
can,' she wrote immediately, ' and tell him I am sorry our
situation prevented me from giving him a kiss, . . . but
I will give him one, and entreat it if he will accept it. Ask
him how I looked, and let him say something kind to me
when you write.' — 'Pray, my dear Greville, do lett me
come home as soon as you can ; . . . indeed I have no
pleasure or happiness, I wish I could not think on you ;
but if I was the greatest lady in the world, I should not be
happy from you ; so don't lett me stay long.'^
Her first Parkgate letters, in the form of diaries,^ speak
for themselves. After she had fetched away little Emma
' Hart ' 3 from her grandmother's at Hawarden, she stopped at
Chester. She had fixed on Abergele, but it proved too
distant, fashionable, and dear.* 'High Lake' (Hoylake)
was too uncomfortable ; it had ' only 3 houses,' and not
one of them ' fit for a Christian.' With her ' poor Emma '
she had bidden farewell to all her friends ; she had taken
her from ' a good home ' ; she hoped she would prove
worthy of his 'goodness to her, and to her mother.' Her
recipe-book had been forgotten ; — ' parting with you made
me so unhappy.' — ' My dear Greville, don't be angry, but
I gave my gran mother 5 guineas, for she had laid some
[money] out on her, and I would not take her awhay
shabbily. But Emma shall pay you. . . . My dear Greville,
I wish I was with you. God bless you ! '
By mid-June she was installed ' in the house of a
Laidy, whose husband is at sea. She and her granmother
live together, and we board with her at present. . . . The
price is high, but they don't lodge anybody without board-
ing ; and as it is comfortable, decent, and quiet, I thought
it wou'd not ruin us, till I could have your oppionon, which
1 Morrison MS. 125, June 15, 1784.
2 Morrison MS. 124-128, June and July 1784.
^ She is so called in the school-bills which Greville forwarded in December
1791 to Naples. Morrison MS. 201. The name of ' Carew ' was assumed after-
wards. Cf. Appendix, Part i. Note C.
* ' 2 guineas and a half a week.
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 73
I hope to have freely and without restraint, as, believe me,
you will give it to one who will allways be happy to follow
it, lett it be what it will ; as I avi sure you woii'd not lead
me wrong. And though my little temper may have been
sometimes high, believe me, I have allways thought you
right in the end when I have come to reason. I bathe, and
find the water very soult. Here is a good many laidys
batheing, but I have no society with them, as it is best not.
So pray, my dearest Greville, write soon, and tell me what
to do, as I will do just what you think proper; and tell me
what to do with the child. For she is a great romp, and I
can hardly master her, . . . She is tall, [has] good eys and
brows, and as to lashes, she will be passible ; but she has
overgrown all her cloaths. I am makeing and mending all
as I can for her. . . . Pray, my dear Greville, do lett me
come home, as soon as you can ; for I am all most broken-
hearted being from you. . . . You don't know how much I
love you, and your behaiver to me, when we parted, was so
kind, Greville, I don't know what to do. . . .' And her next
epistle seems to echo under circumstances far removed the
voice of the first Lady Hamilton : — ' How teadous does the
time pass awhay till I hear from you. Endead I should be
miserable if I did not recollect on what happy terms we
parted — parted, yess, but to meet again with tenfould
happiness. . . . Would you think it, Greville ? Emma — the
wild, unthinking Emma, is a grave, thoughtful phylosopher.
'Tis true, Greville, and I will convince you I am, when I see
you. But how I am runing on. I say nothing abbout this
guidy, wild girl of mine. What shall we do with her,
Greville ? . . . Wou'd you believe, on Sattarday we had a
little quarel, . . . and I did slap her on her hands, and
when she came to kiss me and make it up, I took her on
my lap and cried. Pray, do you blame me or not? Pray
tell me. Oh, Greville, you don't know how I love her.
Endead I do. When she comes and looks in 7ny face and
calls me ^^ mother^' endead I then truly am a mother, for all
the mother's feelings rise at once, and tels me I am or ought
to be a mother,/^?' she has a wrigJit to my protection ; and
she shall have it as long as I can, and I will do all in my
power to prevent her falling into the error her poor miser-
74 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
able mother fell into. But why do I say miserable ? Am
not I happy abbove any of my sex, at least in my situation ?
Does not Greville love me, or at least like me ? Does not
he protect me ? Does not he provide for me? Is not he a
father to my child? Why do I call myself miserable?
No, it was a mistake, and I will be happy, chearful and
kind, and do all my poor abbility will lett me, to return the
fatherly goodness and protection he has shewn. Again,
my dear Greville, the recollection of past scenes brings tears
in my eyes. But the[yj are tears of happiness. To think
of your goodness is too much. But once for all, Greville, I
will be grateful. Adue. It is near bathing time, and I
must lay down my pen, and I won't finish till I see when the
post comes, whether there is a letter. He comes in abbout
one o'clock. I hope to have a letter to-day. ... I am in
hopes I shall be very well. . . . But, Greville, I am oblidged to
give a shilling a day for the bathing horse and whoman,and
twopence a day for the dress. It is a great expense, and
it fretts me when I think of it. . . . At any rate it is better
than paying the docter. But wright your oppinion truly,
and tell me what to do. Emma is crying because I won't
come and bathe. So Greville, adue till after I have dipt.
May God bless you, my dearest Greville, and believe me,
faithfully, affectionately, and truly yours only' — ' And no
letter from my dear Greville. Why, my dearest G., what is
the reason you don't wright? You promised to wright
before I left Hawarden. , . . Give my dear kind love and
compliments to Pliney,^ and tell him I put you under his
care, and he must be answereble for you to me, wen I see
him. . . . Say everything you can to him for me, and tell
him I shall always think on him with gratitude, and remem-
ber him with pleasure, and shall allways regret loesing
[h]is good comppany. Tell him I wish him every happi-
ness this world can afford him, and that I will pray for him
and bless him as long as I live. . . . Pray, my dear Greville,
lett me come home soon. I have been 3 weeks, and if I
stay a fortnight longer, that will be 5 weeks, you know ;
and then the expense is above 2 guineas a week with
washing . . . and everything. . .' ' With what impatience
1 Sir W. Hamilton.
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 75
do I sett down to wright till I see the postman. But ?ure I
shall have a letter to-day. Can you, Greville — no, you can't
— have forgot your poor Emma allready? Tho' I am but a
few weeks absent from you, my heart will not one moment
leave you. I am allways thinking of you, and cou'd allmost
fancy I hear you, see you ; . . . don't you remember how
you promised ? Don't you recollect what you said at
parting ? how you shou'd be happy to see me again ? '
A belated answer arrived at last ; Emma was very grate-
ful. But this was not the letter for which she looked. What
she wanted was omniscience's permission for '1-ittle Emma '
to share their home, to let her be a mother indeed. After a
week two 'scolding' notes were his reply. ' Little Emma '
in Edgware Row was not on Greville's books at all. He
would charge himself with her nurture elsewhere, but
the child must be surrendered ; he certainly knew how to
' play' his ' trout.' Emma meekly kissed her master's rod.
Greville being Providence, resignation was wisdom as well
as duty. She was not allowed to remain a mother : —
' I was very happy, my dearest Greville, to hear from you
as your other letter vex'd me ; you scolded me so. But it
is over, and I forgive you. . . . You don't know, my dearest
Greville, what a pleasure I have to think that my poor
Emma will be comfortable and happy . . . and if she does
but turn out well, what a happyness it will be. And I hope
she will for your sake. I will teach her to pray for you as
long as she lives ; and if she is not grateful and good it
won't be my fault. But what you say is very true : a bad
disposition may be made good by good example, and
Greville wou'd not put her anywheer to have a bad one. I
come into your whay athinking ; hollidays spoils children.
It takes there attention of[f] from there scool, it gives them
a bad habbit. When they have been a month and goes
back this does not picas them, and that is not wright, and
the[y] do nothing but think when the[y] shall go back
again. Now Emma will never expect what she never had.
J^ut I won't think. All my happiness now is Greville, and
to think that he loves me. ... I have said all I have to say
about Emma, yet only she gives her duty. ... I have no
society with an\ body but the mistress of the house, and her
76 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
mother and sister. The latter is a very genteel yong lady,
good-nattured, and does everything to pleas me. But
still I wou'd rather be at home, if you was there. I follow
the old saying, home is home though 'tis ever so homely. . . .
P.S. — . . . I bathe Emma, and she is very well and grows.
Her hair will grow very well on her forehead, and I don't
think her nose will be very snub. Her eys is blue and
pretty. But she don't speak through her nose, but she
speaks countryfied, but she will forget it. We squable
sometimes ; still she is fond of me, and endead I love her.
For she is sensible. So much for Beauty. Adue, I long to
see you.' ^
Empowered by the Sultan of Edgware Row, the two
Emmas, to their great but fleeting joy, were suffered to
return in the middle of July. Sir William and his nephew
were still on their provincial tour, when Emma, who fell ill
again in town, thus addressed him for the last time before
his own return. It shall be our closing excerpt : —
' I received your kind letter last night, and, my dearest
Greville, I want words to express to you how happy it made
me. For I thought I was like a lost sheep, and everybody
had forsook me. I was eight days confined to my room
and very ill, but am, thank God, very well now, and a great
deal better for your kind instructing letter, and I own the
justice of your remarks. You shall have your appartment
to yourself, you shall read, wright, or sett still, just as you
pleas ; for I shall think myself happy to be under the seam
roof with Greville, and do all I can to make it agreable,
without disturbing him in any pursuits that he can follow,
to employ himself in at home or else whare. For your
absence has taught me that I ought to think myself happy
if I was within a mile of you ; so as I cou'd see the place as
contained you I shou'd think myself happy abbove my
sphear. So, my dear G., come home. . . . You shall find
^ MorrisonMS. 128. My contention is that this child was the only 'little Emma'
born about March 1782. For the whole subject, cf. Note C. of the Appendix.
It should be remembered with regard to such expressions about her as might
warrant her being older than two and a half, that, like her mother, and the
little Iloratia twenty-one years later, she may well have looked and spoken
above her years.
'THE FAIR TEA-MAKER' 77
me good, kind, gentle, and affectionate, and everything you
wish me to do I will do. For I will give myself a fair trial,
and follow your advice, for I allways think it wright. . . .
Don't think, Greville, this is the wild fancy of a moment's
consideration. It is not. I have thoughroly considered
everything in my confinement, aiid say nothing now but what
I shall practice. ... I have a deal to say to you when I see
you. Oh, Greville, to think it is 9 weeks since I saw you.
I think I shall die with the pleasure of seeing you. ... I
am all ways thinking of your goodness. . . . Emma is very
well, and is allways wondering why you don't come home.
She sends her duty to you. . . . Pray, pray come as soon as
you come to town. Good by, God bless you ! Oh, how I
long to see you.' ^
It should be at once remarked that Greville conscien-
tiously performed his promise. He put ' little Emma ' to
a good school, and several traces of her future survive.-
Meanwhile, having won his point, and having also ' pre-
pared ' her mind for another separation, of which she little
dreamed, he came back to his bower of thankful worship
and submissive meekness. He can scarcely have played
often with the child, whose benefactor he was — a dancing-
master, so to speak, of beneficence, ever standing in the first
position of correct deportment. In August he bade fare-
well to his indulgent uncle, whom, indeed, he had 'reason' to
remember with as much ' gratitude and affection ' as Emma
did.^ Romney was commissioned to paint her as the ' Bac-
chante ' for the returning Ambassador, who had reassured his
nephew about the distant future. He had appointed him
his heir, and offered to stand security if he needed to
borrow. He had also joined Greville's other friends in
advising him to bow to the inevitable and console his purse
with an heiress.* Whether he also had already contem-
plated an exchange seems more than doubtful. Rut the
secretive Greville had already begun to harbour an idea,
1 Morrison MS. 129, August 10, 17S4.
^ Cf. Appendix, Note C.
' Morrison MS. 131.
* The 'reasonable plan.' Cf. Greville's letter cited at Ihc opening of the
next chapter.
78 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
soon turned into a plan, and perpetually justified as a piece
of benevolent unselfishness. While the ship bears the un-
vvedded uncle to softer climes and laxer standards, while
Greville, with a sigh of relief, pores over his accounts, we
may well exclaim of these two knowing and obliging
materialists, par nobile fratrum — a noble brace of brothers
indeed !
CHAPTER IV
'WHAT GOD, AND GKEVILLE, PLEASES'
To March 1786
' . . . I REALY do not feel myself in a situation to accept
favours.' ' I depend on you for some cristals in lavas, etc.,
from Sicily.' These sentences from two long epistles to
his uncle at the close of 1784 are keynotes to Greville's
tune of mind. With the new year he became rather more
explicit : — ' Emma is very grateful for your remembrance.
Her picture shall be sent by the first ship — I wish Romney
yet to mend the dog.^ She certainly is much improved
since she has been with me. She has none of the bad
habits which giddiness and inexperience encouraged, and
which bad choice of company introduced. ... I am sure
she is attached to me, or she would not have refused the
offers which I know have been great ; and such is her spirit
that on the least slight or expression of my being tired or
burthened by her, I am sure she would not only give up
the connexion, but would not even accept a farthing for
future assistance.'
Here let us pause a moment. In the 'honest bargain'
shortly to be struck after much obliquity, Greville's shabbi-
ness consists, if we reflect on the prevailing tone of his age
and set, not so much in the disguised transfer — a mean
trick in itself — as in the fact that, while he had no reproach
to make and was avowedly more attached to her than ever,
he practised upon the very disinterestedness and fondness
that he praised. Had he been unable to rely on them with
^ In ihc lirsl picluic of the ' Bacchante' The second wao with a ^oat.
79
8o EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
absolute confidence, so wary a strategist would scarcely
have ventured on the attempt, since his future prospects
largely depended on her never disadvantaging him with
Sir William. That she never did so, even in the first burst
of bitter disillusion ; that she always, and zealously, advo-
cated his interests, redounds to her credit and proves her
magnanimity.^ A revengeful woman, whose love and self-
love had been wounded to the quick, might have ruined
him, as the censor of Paddington was well aware. That he
continued to approve his part in these delicate negotia-
tions is shown by the fact of preserving these letters
after they came into his possession as his uncle's executor.
He never ceased to protest that his motives in the trans-
action were for her own ultimate good. He was not
callous, but he was Jesuitical. Let him pursue his scattered
hints further : —
'This is another part of my situation. If I was inde-
pendent I should think so little of any other connexion
that I never would marry. I have not an idea of it at
present, but if any proper opportunity offer'd I shou'd be
much harassed, not know how to manage, or how to fix
Emma to her satisfaction ; and to forego the reasonable
plan which you and my friends advised is not right. I am
not quite of an age to retire from bustle, and to retire into
distress and poverty is worse. I can keep on here credit-
ably this winter. The offer I made of my pictures is to get
rid of the Humberston engagements ^ which I told you of.
I have a iJ^iooo ready and looo to provide. I therefore am
making money .^ If Ross* will take in payment from me my
bond with your security, I shall get free from Humberston
affairs entirely, and be able to give them up. It is in-
different to me whether what I value is in your keeping or
mine. I will deposit with you gems wiiich you shall value
1 A typical instance of her feeling towards him long after her transformation
is shown by a subsequent note in this chapter. Even so late as l8o8 (the year
before his death, and five years after his renewed hardness towards her) she is to
be found consulting and confiding in him. Cf. Appendix, Part li. C. (5) (i).
- Under Lord Warwick's will.
3 On the same principle, it must be presumed, as Dickens's Mr. Jarndycc,
junior.
* Partner in Ross and Ogilvic, who were also Sir William's bankets.
'WHAT GOD, AND GREVILLE, PLEASES' 8i
at above that sum. ... It will be on that condition I will
involve you, for favor I take as favor, and business as
business.'
His subsequent communications dole out the growing
plot by degrees and approaches ; he works by sap and
mine. In March 1785, after discussing politics at large, he
doubts if his uncle's ' heart or his feet ' are ' the lightest.'
He compliments him on his energy in sport, flirtation and
friendship — 'quests' not 'incompatible' in 'a good heart.'
He moots his design in the light of Hamilton's welfare.
' He must be a very interested friend indeed who does not
sincerely wish everything that can give happiness to a
friend.' He is convinced that each of them can sincerely
judge for the other. He does not, of course, venture to
' suppose ' an ' experiment ' for the diplomatist ; but he him-
self has made the happiest though a ' limited ' experiment,
which, however, ^from poverty . . . cannot last' ; his poverty
but not his will consents. And then he opens the scheme.
* If you did not chuse a wife, I wish the tea-maker of Edgware
Rowe was yours, if I could without banishing myself from a
visit to Naples [which he never meant to make !]. / do
not know how to part with what I am not tired with. I do
not know how to go on, and I give her every 7nerit of prudence
and moderation and affection. She shall never want, and if
I decide sooner than I am forced to stop by necessity, it
will be that I may give her part of my pittance ; [here
peeped out the better self], and, if I do so it must be by
sudden resolution and by putting it out of her power to
refuse it [there, indeed, was the rub !] for I know her dis-
interestedness to be such that she will rather encounter any
difficulty than distress me. I should not write to you thus,
if I did not think you seem'd as partial as I am to her [the
hook is now baited]. She would not hear at once of any
change, and from no one that was not liked by her [so the
end was to justify the means]. I think I could secure on
her near ;^ioo a year [a real self-sacrifice]. It is more than
in justice to all I can do [to whom but Greville ?] ; but with
parting with part of my virtu, I can secure it to her and
content myself with the remainder [no divorce observe,
from the minerals]. I think you might settle another on
F
82 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
her. ... I am not a dog in the manger. If I could go on
I would never make this arrangement [the true term at
last !], but to be reduced to a standstill and involve myself
in distress [' real distress '] further than I could extricate
myself, and then to be unable to provide for her at all,
would make me miserable from thinking myself unjust to
her. And as she is too young and handsome to retire into
a convent or the country [the alternative is curious], and is
honorable and honest and can be trusted [for ' Brutus is an
honourable man '], after reconciling myself to the necessity
I consider where she could be happy. I know you thought
me jealous of your attention to her ; I can assure you her
conduct entitles her more than ever to my confidence
[surely a handsome testimonial from the last situation !].
Judge, then, as you know my satisfaction in looking on a
modern piece of virtu, if I do not think you a second self,
in thinking that by placing her within your reach, I render
a necessity which would otherwise be heartbreaking [if
heart there were to break] tolerable and even comforting.'
Having prepared the ground, he wrote again in the
following May, ' without affectation or disguise.' He
protested that his ' delicacy ' prevented him writing on
the subject while ' Lady Craven ' was by to be Sir
William's flame, or ' Mrs. D '[ickenson] ^ to play the
dragon. The * odds ' in their own two lives were not ' pro-
portioned to the difference ' of their years ; he was very
' sensible ' of his uncle's intentions towards him. At what
followed Sir William must have smiled.
The real reason for all his fencing emerges. Sir William's
joint security on the pledge of half his minerals, the assur-
ance that he was made his heir, were mere credentials to be
shown by Greville to a prospective father-in-law. ' Suppose
a lady of 30,000 was to marry me,' and so forth — a vista of
married fortune. Even now the name of the lady thus
honoured was withheld ; but Hamilton must have known
it perfectly: '. . . If you dislike my frankness, I shall be
sorry, for it cost me a little to throw myself so open, and
to no one's friendship could I have trusted myself but to
^ Sir William's niece who was now at Naples, and afterwards, unavailingly,
resented Emma's presence.
'WHAT GOD, AND GREVILLE, PLEASES' 83
yours, from which I have ever been treated with indulgence
and preference.'
A month more and he disclosed a positive, if 'distant
and imperfect,' prospect. Lord Middleton's youngest
daughter was the favoured lady — in the ' requisites of
beauty and disposition,' ' beyond the mark for a younger
brother.' The die was cast ; he penned a formal proposal
to her father. It may at once be told that the lady rejected
him, and that Greville never married. Often and often he
must have wished his poor and unfashionable Emma back
again, when she was poor and unfashionable no longer :
his amour propre had been hurt, and, till he became vice-
chamberlain in 1794, to Lady Hamilton's genuine pleasure,^
his fortunes drooped.
Greville's tentatives were now at an end. At length he
laid a plain outline before Sir William: — 'If you could
form a plan by which you could have a trial, and could
invite her and tell her that I ought not to leave England,
and that I cannot afford to go on ; and state it as a kind-
ness to me if she would accept your invitation, she would
go with pleasure. She is to be six weeks at some bathing
place ; and when you could write an answer to this, and
inclose a letter to her, I could manage it ; and either
by land, by the coach to Geneva, and from thence by
VetUcrino forward her, or else by sea. I must add that 1
could not manage it so well later ; after a month, and
absent from me, she would consider the whole more calmly.
If there was in the world a person she loved so well as
yourself after me, I could not arrange with so much sang-
' Cf. her letter of congratulation (Sept. i6, 1794), Morrison MS. 246, in
answer to his letter of August 18 announcing his good fortune and claiming
the approbation of such friends as herself, as the best reward for one who
plumes himself on friendship (Ne/son Letters (1814), vol. i. p. 265) : ' I should
not flatter myself so far,' he writes, ' if I was not very sincerely interested
in your happiness and ever affectionately yours.' ' I congratulate you,' she
answers, ' with all my heart on your appointment. . . . You have well merited
it ; and all your friends must be happy at a change so favourable not only for your
pecuniary circumstances, as for the honner of the situation. May you long
enjoy it with every happiness that you deserve ! I speak from my heart. I don't
know a better, honester, or more amiable and worthy man than yourself; and
it is a great deal for me to say this, for, whatever I think, I am not apt to pay
compliments.'
84 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
froid; and I am sure I would not let her go to you, if any
risque of the usual coquetry of the sex [were] likely to give
uneasiness or appearance. . . .'
Sir William's ' invitation ' was to be perfectly innocent.
She was to understand that her dear Greville's interest de-
manded a temporary separation ; that she and her mother
would be honoured guests at the Naples Embassy ; that
she could improve the delightful change of scene and
climate by training her musical gifts under the best
masters, by studying the arts in their motherland, by
learning languages amid a cosmopolitan crowd ; that by
October her fairy-prince would reappear, and, like another
Orpheus, bring back his Eurydice. And all this she was
to be told, after absence, that makes the heart grow fonder,
had inured her to separation, softened her heart to self-
sacrifice, and reconciled her to his lightest bidding — when,
in short, it would be easiest to practise on devotion. About
these machinations Emma was left wholly in the dark ;
their windings took place behind her back. Her all-wise,
all-powerful and tender Greville could never consult but for
her good, while his real unselfishness towards the child
forbade any suspicion of his purpose.
To Emma his prim platitudes were the loving eloquence
of Romeo. And for the last few months he had been
always preaching up to her the spotless example of a
certain ' Mrs! Wells,' refined and accomplished, who, in
Emma's own situation, had earned and kept both her own
self-respect and that of more than one successive admirer ;
who had learned the art of retaining the lover as friend,
while she accepted his friend as lover. These innuendoes
may well have puzzled her. Had she not realised a dream
of constancy, and could that pass? Had she not parted
with the child she loved to please the man of her heart,
and fasten his faith to hers? Yet all the time her
dearest Greville could speak of 'forwarding' her, just as if
she were one of those crystals on which he doted.
The fact was that, added to his embarrassments, his need
for fortune with a wife, his wish at once to oblige Sir
William and to preclude him from wedlock, his genuine
desire — which must be granted — to provide for Emma's
'WHAT GOD, AND GREVTLLE, PLEASES' 85
future, arose the feeling that Emma herself was now too
fond. It was hard to resign her ; but, unless the choice was
quickly made, it might become impossible ever to make it ;
and he might be entangled into a marriage which would
hold him up to ridicule.
But for once Greville was in haste. Sir William, always
leisurely, took time before he began to broach a scheme of
life which filled his nephew with alarm. Greville had never
doubted that, should his will prevail with Emma as well as
with his uncle, the latter would sequester her in one of his
villas near Naples — some Italian Edgware Row. His mind
recoiled from the awful thought that she might ever dispense
the honours of the Embassy. The Ambassador, however,
could not agree. He had discerned powers in this singular
woman passing Greville's vision, and the connoisseur longed
to call them forth and create a work of art. He lived, too,
in a land where the convetiaiices were not so rigid as in his
own. Did not the bonne amie of a distinguished diplomat
and Knight of Malta grace his Roman house and circle?^
Illness also made for postponement. When Greville
returned to town after his summer outing, he found Emma,
fresh from her sea-baths, ' alarmed and distress'd ' over her
mother's ' paralysis.' ' It was not so severe an attack,' he
told his uncle in November, ' as I understood it to be when
I informed you of it from Cornwall. . . . You may suppose
that I did not increase Emma's uneasiness by any hint of
the subject of our correspondence' ; 'at any rate,' he sighs,
' it cannot take place, and she goes on so well, . . . and also
improv'd in looks, that I own it is less agreable to part ;
yet I have no other alternative but to marry, or remain a
pauper ; I shall persist in my resolution not to lose an
opportunity if I can find it, and do not think that viy idea
of sending her to Naples on such an event arises from my
consulting my convenience only. I can assure you she
would not have a scarcity of offers ; she has refused great
^ Cf. Ihc instance of Pierre Camillc dc Rohan, Maltese Ambassador in Rome
1791). adduced hy Lady Aralmeshiiry in Lady Minto's Life auii Letters of the
first Earlof Minto, vol. i. His ' friend ' was a ' Chanoinesse.' This impeccable
lady, however, refused to see Lady Hamilton at Caserta before her marriage,
although she was universally received, and by many believed lo have been
already married.
^6 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
ones ; but I am sure she would prefer a foreign country.
... I know that confidence and good usage will never be
abused by her, and that nothing can make her giddy. I
was only ten days with her when I was call'd away to be
Mayor of Warwick ; it was not kindly meant, but it will turn
out well. I have been at the castle ; I have put myself on
good terms with my brother, and I think I shall keep him
passive, if not interested for me in the borough. . . .'
It was not, therefore, Emma only who had grown ' much
more considerate and amiable.' Lord Warwick must be
enlisted if Greville was to ' stand high with both parties,' and
urge them into competition for his services, as he gravely
proceeded to inform his uncle.
December brought Sir William's offer, and with it
matured Greville's plans for the March ensuing. He would
visit Scotland to retrench and profit by the lectures of
Edinburgh dominies, while his 'minerals' would remain his,
thanks to Hamilton's generosity ; Emma, she was assured,
for a while only, would repair to Naples chaperoned by her
mother, and the pleasant Gavin Hamilton, Romeward bound.
All of them were to be couriered so far as Geneva by the
Swiss Dejean ; at Geneva Sir William's man Vincenzo —
still his faithful servant in Nelson's day — would meet the
party. For six months only Emma could cease her own
course of incomparable lectures at Edgware Row ; and a
brief absence alone reconciled her to severance. A charming
visit was to hasten a welcome re-union.
'. . . The absolute necessity,' explains the casuist once
more, ' of reducing every expence to enable me to have
enough to exist on, and to pay the interest of my debt
without parting zvitk my collection of minerals, which is not
yet in a state of arrangement which would set it off to its
greatest advantage, occasion'd my telling Emma,' with
sudden artlessness, ' that I should be obliged on business
to absent myself for a few months in Scotland. She
naturally said that such a separation would be very like a
total separation, for that she should be very miserable
during my absence, and that she should neither profit by
my conversation nor improve in any degree, that my
absence would be more tolerable if she had you to comfort
I
'WHAT GOD, AND GREVILLE, PLEASES' 87
her, . . . as there was not a person in the world whom she
could be happy with, if I was dead, but yourself, and that she
certainly would profit of your kind offer, if I should die or
slight her' — two equally improbable alternatives in Emma's
purview. '. . . I told her that / should have no objection to
her going to Naples for 6 or 8 months, and that if she
realy wish'd it I would forward any letter she wrote. . . .
That she would not fear being troublesome, as she would be
perfectly satisfied with the degree of attention you should from
choice give her, and that she should be very happy in learning
music, Italian, etc., while your avocations imploy'd you. . . .
I told her that she would be so happy that I should be cut
out, and she said tJiat if I did not come for her, or neglected
her, she would certainly be grateful to you ; but that neither
interest nor affection should ever induce her to change, unless
my interest or ivish required it.'
It should be noted that the previous sentences about
Emma's alternatives are contradicted by those which set
her down as only to be weaned from Greville by becoming
a willing sacrifice to his 'interest.'
Enclosed was Emma's own missive. ' Emboldened' by
Sir William's kindness when he was in England, she re-
capitulated the circumstances. Greville, ' whom you know
I love tenderly,' is obliged to go for four or five months in
the 'sumer' 'to places that I cannot with propriety attend
him to' — here surely it is Greville who dictates? She has
too great a ' regard for him to hinder him from pursuing
those plans which,' .she thinks, ' it is right for him to follow.'
As Hamilton was so good as to encourage her, she ' will
speak her mind.' Firstly, she would be glad ' to be a little
more improv'd,' and Greville 'out of kindness' had offered
to dispense with her for the few months at the close of
which he would come to ' fetch ' her home, and stay a while
there when he comes, ' which I know you will be glad to see
him.' He therefore proposed the ist of March for his own
departure northward and hers to the south. She would be
'flattered' if Hamilton will 'allot' her an apartment in 'his
house,' ' and lett Greville occupye those appartments when
he comes ; you know that must be ; but as your house is
very large, and you must, from the nature of your office,
88 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
have business to transact and visiters to see,' — here Greville
dictates again — ' I shall always keep my own room when
you are better engaged, and at other times I hope to have
the pleasure of your company and conversation, which will
be more agreable to me than anything in Italy. As I
have given you an example of sincerity, I hope you will be
equaly candid and sincere in a speedy answer. ... I shall
be perfectly happy in any arrangements you will make, as
I have full confidence in your kindness and attention to
me. . . .'
The must in this letter leaves no doubt that the per-
manence of separation never crossed her mind. Greville's
crystals, however, required a sacrifice, which for him she
prided herself on making.
On April 26 — her birthday — she duly arrived at the
Palazzo Sessa.^ But she at once felt wretched away from
the man she loved, and her sole comfort lay in forwarding
his interest. ' It was my birthday, and I was very low
spirited. Oh God ! that day that you used to smile on
me and stay at home, and be kind to me — that that day I
shou'd be at such a distance from you ! But my comfort is
that I rely upon your promise, and September or October
I shall see you ! But I am quite unhappy at not hearing
from you — no letter for me yet, . . . but I must wait with
patience.' 'I dreaded,' she continued later, 'setting down
to write, for I try to appear as chearful before Sir William
as I could, and I am sure to cry the moment I think of
you.2 For I feel more and more unhappy at being separated
from you, and if my fatal ruin depends on seeing you, I
will and i^nust at the end of the sumer. For to live without
you is imposible. I love you to that degree that at this
time there is not a hardship upon hearth either of poverty,
cold, death, or even to walk barefooted to Scotland to see
' Then the Embassy. For this information I am obliged to Mr. Neville-
Rolfe, Consul-General at Naples. It was with difficulty that he identified the
site .n the Vico Capella Vecchia. The Sessa family still owns the house.
^ Sir William had divined this probability the day before she arrived : —
' However, I will do as well as I can and hobble in and out of this pleasant
scrape as decently as I can. You may be assured I will comfort her for the loss
of you as well as I am able, but I know, from the small specimens during your
absence from London, that I shall have at times many tears to wipe from those
charming eyes.' — Morrison MS. 149, April 25, 1786.
»
'WHAT GOD, AND GREVILLE, PLEASES' 89
you, but what I wou'd undergo. Therefore my dear, dear
Greville, if you do love me, for my sake, try all you can to
come hear as soon as possible. You have a true friend in
Sir William, and he will be happy to see you, and do all he
can to make you happy ; and for me I will be everything
you can wish for. I find it is not either a fine horse, or a
fine coach, or a pack of servants, or plays or operas, can
make [me] happy. It is you that [h]as it in your power
either to make me very happy or very miserable. I respect
Sir William, I have a great regard for him, as the uncle
and friend of you, and he loves me, Greville. But he can
never be anything nearer to me than your uncle and my
sincere friend. He never can be my lover. You do not
know how good Sir William is to me. He is doing every-
thing he can to make me happy. . . .' ^
Her inmost soul speaks in these sentences. They ring
true, and are without question outpourings of the heart on
paper bedewed with tears. Sir William was indeed kind.
He wanted to wean her from one who could thus have treated
her. He was never out of her sight. He gazed on her ;
he sighed ; he praised her every movement. He gave her
presents and showed her all that romantic antiquity which
he loved, understood, and explained so well. She had
gazed on Posilippo, and was to revel in the villino at Caserta
and the Posilippo villa, which soon bore her name. But
carriage and liveries, ' like those of Mrs. Darner,' who had
just left, a private boat, and baths under summer skies in
summer seas — all these availed nothing with Greville
absent. Her apartment was of four rooms fronting that en-
chanted bay. The Ambassador's friends dined with her, and
she sang for them :— ' Yes, last night we had a little concert.
But then I was so low, for I wanted you to partake of our
amusement. Sir Thomas Rumbold - is here with [h]is son
who is dying of a decline, . . . and poor young man ! he
cannot walk from the bed to the chair; and Lady Rumbold,
like a tender-hearted wretch, is gone to Rome, to pass her
time there with the English, and [h]as took the coach and
^ All the foregoing passages are to be found in tlie Morrison MS. of 17S4-
1786.
"^ The enriched Nabob from Ceylon whose wealth caused a parliamentary
scandal in 1782. Cf. Horace Walpole's Letters,^ vol. viii. pp. 216, 221.
90 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
all the English servants with her, and left poor Sir Thomas,
with [h]is heart broken, waiting on [h]is sick son. You
can't think what a worthy man he is. He dined with ous,
and likes me very much, and every day [h]as brought [h]is
carriage or phaeton . . . and carries me and mother and
Sir William out.' None the less her heart stays with
Greville. She is always helping him with Sir William,
whose good will (in both senses of that word) makes her
' very happy for his sake. . . . But Greville, my dear
Greville, wright some comfort to me.' ' Only remember
your promise of October.' ^ This delusive October must
have hung over Greville's head like a sword of Damocles,
or Caesar's inevitable Ides of March.
The sensation of Emma's first appearance in the kal-
eidoscope of Naples, with its King of the Lazzaroni and
Queen of the Illuminati, together with the conjunctures
of affairs and men first witnessed by her, will find place in
the next chapter. It was not many months before she
was to exclaim to Greville, ' You do not know what power
I have hear ' ; before Acton, the Premier, was to rally Sir
William on 'a worthy and charming young lady.'- But
now and here the climax of her emotions, when she first
fully realised Greville's breach of faith and his real pur-
pose in exiling her, must be reached without interruption.
Even on the first of May, when his uncle told her in reply
to her solicitude for Greville's welfare, that she might
command anything from one who loved them both so
dearly, ' I have had a conversation this morning,' she wrote,
'with Sir William that has made me mad. He speaks — no,
I do not know what to make of it.'
Three months went by, and still no letter came, except
one to tell her how grateful was the nephew for the uncle's
care ;^ and still Sir William looked and languished. The
truth began to dawn upon her, but even now she dared not
face, and would not believe it. At the close of July, when
Naples drowses and melts in dreamy haze, she made her
^ Morrison MS. 150, April 30, 17S5.
- Egerton MS. 2639, f. 12, March 10, 1787.
^ Alluded to in Greville's business note to Hamilton. Morrison MS. 15.,
May 1786.
'WHAT GOD, AND GREVILLE, PLEASES' 91
last and piteous, though spirited, appeal. ' I am now onely
writing to beg of you for God's sake to send me one letter,
if it is onely a farewell. Sure I have deserved this for the
sake of the love you once had for me. . . , Don't despise
me. I have not used you ill in any one thing. I have
been from you going of six months, and you have wrote
one letter to me, enstead of which I have sent fourteen to
you. So pray let me beg of you, my much loved Greville,
only one line from your dear, dear hands. You don't know
how thankful I shall be for it. For if you knew the misery
I feel, oh ! your heart wou'd not be intirely shut up against
me ; for I love you with the truest affection. Don't let any
body sett you against me. Some of your friends — your
foes perhaps, I don't know what to stile them — have long
wisht me ill. But, Greville, you never will meet with any-
body that has a truer affection for you than I have, and I
onely wish it was in my power to shew you what I cou'd do
for you. As soon as I know your determination, I shall
take my own measures. If I don't hear from you, and that
you are coming according to promise, I shall be in England
at Cristmass at farthest. Don't be unhappy at that, I will
see you once more for the last time. I find life is insup-
portable without you. Oh ! my heart is intirely broke.
Then for God's sake, my ever dear Greville, do write to me
some comfort. I don't know what to do. I am now in
that state, I am incapable of anything. I have a language-
master, a singing-master, musick, etc., but what is it for?
If it was to amuse you, I shou'd be happy. But, Greville,
what will it avail me? I am poor, helpless, and forlorn.
I have lived with you 5 years, and you have sent me to a
strange place, and no one prospect but thinking you was
coming to me. Instead of which I was told. . . . No, I
respect him, but no, never. . . . What is to become of me?
But excuse me, my heart is ful. I tel you give me one
guiney a week for everything, and live with me, and I will
be contented. But no more. I will trust to Providence, and
wherever you go, God bless you, and preserve you, and
may you allways be happy ! But write to Sir William.
What [h]as he done to affront you ? ' ^
' Morrison MS. 152, July 22, 1786.
92 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
She awaited Greville's orders. Sir William had com-
missioned still another portrait of her from Romney ; ^
' Angelaca ' was about to paint her ; she was ' so remarkably
fair' that 'everybody' said she 'put on red and white';
Lord Hervey was her slave ; a foreign prince was in her
train each evening ; the king was ' sighing ' for her. It was
Greville's orders for which she waited. She had just
visited Pompeii and viewed the wrecks of love and bloom
and life unearthed by alien hands. Was here no moral for
this distraught and heaving bosom ? And there that awful
mountain lowered and threatened ruin every day. The
Maltese Minister's house hard by had been struck by
lightning. Like lurid Nature, Emma too was roused to
fury, though, a microcosm of it also, she smiled between .
the outbursts. What could she do but wait?
Twelve days more; the order comes — 'Oblige Sir William!
Her passion blazes up, indignant : ' . . . Nothing can express
my rage. Greville, to advise me ! — you that used to envy
my smiles ! How with cool indifference to advise me ! . . .
Oh ! that is the worst of all. But I will not, no, I will
not rage. If I was with you I wou'd murder you and myself
boath. I will leave of[f] and try to get more strength, for
I am now very ill with a cold. ... I won't look back to
what I wrote . . . Nothing shall ever do for me but going
home to you. If that is not to be, I will except of nothing
I will go to London, their go into every excess of vice till I
dye, a miserable, broken-hearted wretch, and leave my fate
as a warning to young whomen never to be two good; for
now you have made me love you, you made me good, you
have abbandoned me ; and some violent end shall finish our
connexion, if it is to finish. But oh! Greville, you cannot,
you must not give me up. You have not the heart to do
it. You love me I am sure ; and I am willing to do every-
thing in my power, and what will you have more ? And I
only say this is the last time I will either beg or pray, do as
you like.' — ' I always knew, I had a foreboding since first I
began to love you, that I was not destined to be happy ;
for their is not a King or Prince on hearth that cou'd
make me happy without you.' — ' Little Lord Brooke is dead.
Poor little boy, how I envy him his happiness.'
^ The second ' Bacchante,' lost in the Colossus in 1799.
' WHAT GOD, AND GREVILLE, PLEASES ' 93
She had been degraded in her own eyes, and by the lover
whom she had heroised. Was this, then, the reward of
modesty regained ; of love returned, of strenuous effort, of
hopes for her child, and a home purified ? Her idol lay
prone, dashed from its pedestal, with feet of clay. And yet
this did not harden her. Though she could not trust, she
still believed in him as in some higher power who chastens
those he loves. Her paroxysms passed to return again : —
' ... It is enough, I have paper that Greville wrote on.
He [h]as folded it up. He wet the wafer. How I envy
thee the place of Emma's lips, that would give worlds,
had she them, to kiss those lips ! . . . I onely wish that a
wafer was my onely rival. But I suhnit to what God and
Greville pleases! Even now she held him to his word. ' I
have such a headache with my cold, I don't know what to
do. ... I can't lett a week go without telling you how
happy I am at hearing from you. Pray, write as often as
you can. If you come, we shall all go home together. . . .
Pray write to me, and don't write in the stile of a freind,
but a lover. For I won't hear a word of freind. Sir
William is ever freind. But we are lovers. I am glad you
have sent me a blue hat and gloves. . .'
For many years she cherished Greville's friendship. She
wrote to him perpetually after the autumn of this year saw
Sir William win her heart as well as will by his tenderness,
and by her thought of advancing the ingrate nephew
himself. Never did she lose sight of Greville's interests
during those fourteen future years at Naples. She lived
to thank Greville for having made Sir William known
to her, to be proud of her achievements as his eleve.
But at the same time in these few months a larger
horizon was already opening. She had looked on a bigger
world, and ambition was awakening within her. She had
seen royalty and statesmen, and she began to feel that she
might play a larger part. Under Greville's yoke she had
been ready to pinch and slave ; with Sir William she would
rule. ' Pray write,' she concludes one of her Greville
letters, ' for nothing will make me so angry, and it is not to
your intj'est to disoblidge me, for you don't know,' she adds
with point, 'the power I have hear. . . . If you affront me,'
94 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
she prophesies (not threatens, as has been represented), ' /
will make him marry me. God bless you for ever.'^
And amid all her tumult of disillusionment, of un-
certainty, of bewilderment in the new influence she was
visibly wielding over new surroundings, she remained the
more mindful of those oldest friends who had believed her
good, and enabled her to feel good herself. Sir William,
wishful to retain for her the outside comforts of virtue,
hastened to gratify her by inviting Romney and Hayley to
Naples. The disappointment caused by Romney's inability
to comply with a request dear to him ^ threw her back on
herself, and made her feel lonelier than ever ; her mother
was her great consolation.
And what was Greville's attitude ? These Emma-letters
would have been tumbled into his waste-paper basket with
the fourteen others that remain, had he not returned them
to Hamilton with the subjoined and private comment : —
' Uoubli de rinclus est volant, fixez-le : si on admet le ton de la
vertu sans la verite', on est la dupe, et j'e place naturellemejtt
tout siir le pied vrai, comme J'ai toujours fait, et je constate
IVtat actual sans me reporter a vous! ^ One must not be
duped by the tone without the truth of virtue ! The ' self-
respect,' then, instilled by him, was never designed to raise
her straying soul ; it was a makeshift contrived to steady
her erring steps — a mere bridge between goodness and its
opposite, which he would not let her cross ; though neither
would he let her throw herself over it into the troubled
and muddy depths below : it was a bridge built for his own
retreat. Greville recked of no ' truth ' but hard ' facts,'
which he looked unblushingly in the face, nor did his
essence harbour one flash or spark of idealism. And still
he purposed her welfare, as he understood it ; he had sought
to kill three birds with one stone. Hamilton, for all his
faults, was never a sophist of such compromise. For Emma
1 Morrison MS. 153, August i, 1786. Some of the sentences are quoted in
the order ol feeling ^n<.\ not of sequence. Emma seldom wrote long letters in a
single day.
- Romney had been very ill. In his answer (August 1786) he hopes 'in a
weke or to, to be upon my pins (I cannot well call them legs), as you know at
best they are very poor ones.' — Cf. Ward and Roberts's Rotnney, vol. i. p. 67.
'" Morrison MS. 154, October 24, 1786. The '/a' is Greville's.
'WHAT GOD, AND GREVILLE, PLEASES' 95
he purposed a state of life above its semblance, and a
strength beyond its frail supports ; already he desired
that she would consent to be, in all but name, his wife.
Greville, certain of her good nature, had dreaded per-
manence ; Hamilton, if all went smoothly, meant it. Yet
Greville exacted friendship without affection. His French
postscript was designed to escape Emma's comprehension,
though a month or so later it could not have succeeded in
doing so. But the letter itself contained some paragraphs
which he intended her to study : —
' . . . I shall hope to manage to all our satisfaction, for
I so long foresaw that a moment of separation must arrive,
that I never kept the connexion, but on the footing of
perfect liberty to her. Its commencement was not of my
seeking, and hitherto it has contributed to her happiness.
She knows and reflects often on the circumstances which
she cannot forget, and in her heart she cannot reproach me
of having acted otherwise than a kind and attentive friend.
But you have now rendered it possible for her to be respected
and comfortable, rt:;^^ if she has not talked herself out of the true
vieiv of her situation she will retain the protection and affectiofi
of us both. For after all, consider what a charming creature
she would have been if she had been blessed with the
advantages of an early education, and had not been spoilt by
the indulgence of every caprice. I never was irritated by
her momentary passions, for it is a good heart which will
not part with a friend in anger ; and yet it is true that when
her pride is hurt by neglect or anxiety for the future, the
frequent repition \sic\ of her passion ballances the beauty of
the smiles. If a person knew her and could live for life with
her, by an economy of attention, that is by constantly renew-
ing very little attentions, she would be happy and good
\Q.^cc\i^tx'^,for she has not a grain of avarice or self-interest. . . .
Knowing all this, infinite have been my pains to make her
respect herself, and act fairly, and I had always proposed to
continue her friend, altJid the connexion ceased. I had pro-
posed to make her accept and manage your kind provision,^
and she would easily have adopted that plan ; it was acting
^ Sir William offered to settle ;i^ioo annually, and Greville a like sum, on her.
Roinney was to have been a trustee.
96 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the part of good woman, a7id to offer to put her regard to
any test, and to show that she contributed to MY happiness, by
accepting the provision ... it would not have hurt her pride,
and would have been a line of heroicks more natural, because
it arose out of the real situatioft, than any which by con-
versation she might persuade herself suited her to act. Do
not understand the word " act " other than I mean it. We
all [act] well when we suit our actions to the real situation,
and conduct them by truth and good intention. We act
capriciously and inconveniently to others when our actions
are founded on an imaginary plan which does not place the
persons involved in the scene in their real situations. . . .
If Mrs. Wells had quarrell'd with Admiral Keppell, she
would never have been respected as she now is. ... If she
will put me on the footing of a friend . . . she will write to
me fairly on her plans, she will tell me her thoughts, and her
future shall be my serious concern. . . . She has conduct
and discernment, and I have always said that such a woman,
if she controul her passions, might rule the roost, and chuse
her station.'
Thus /Eneas-Greville, of Dido-Emma, to his trusty
Achates. Surely a self-revealing document of sense and
blindness, of truth and falsehood, one, moreover, did space
allow, well worth longer excerpts. He excused his action
in his own eyes even more elaborately, over and over again.
He would conscientiously fulfil his duty to her and hers, if
only she would accept his view of her own 'duty' towards him ;
his tone admitted of few obligations beyond mutual interest.
He never reproached either her or himself: he thought him-
self firm, not cruel ; he remained her good friend and well-
wisher, her former rescuer, a father to her child. 'Heroicks'
were out of place and out of taste. He again held up to
her proud imitation the prime pattern of ' Mrs. Wells.' He
was even willing that she should return home, if so she
chose ; but his terms were irrevocably fixed, and it was use-
less for her to hystericise against adamant.
But he did not reckon with the latent possibilities of her
being. The sequel was to prove not ' what Greville,' but
what ' God pleases.'
CHAPTER V
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE
1787-1791
What was the new prospect on which Emma's eyes first
rested in March 1786? Goethe has described it. A fruitful
land, a free, blue sea, the scented islands, and the smoking
mountain. A population of vegetarian craftsmen busy to
enjoy with hand-to-mouth labour. A people holding their
teeming soil under a lease on sufferance from earthquake
and volcano. An inflammable mob, whose king lost six
thousand subjects annually by assassination, and whose
brawls and battles of vendetta would last three hours at a
time.^ An upper class of feudal barons proud and ignorant.
A lower class of half-beggars, at once lazy, brave, and
insolent, who, if they misliked the face of a foreign inquirer,
would stare in silence and turn away. A middle class of
literati despising those above and below them. A race of
tillers and of fishermen alternating between pious supersti-
tion and reckless revel, midway, as it were, between God and
Satan.^ The bakers celebrating their patron, Saint Joseph ;
the priests their childlike ' saint-humorous,' San Filippo Neri ;
high and low alike, their civic patrons, Saints Anthony and
Januarius, whose liquefying blood each January propitiated
Vesuvius.^ Preaching Friars, dreaming Friars ; singing,
' Cf. Life and Letters of the first Earl of Mittto, vol. ii. p. 364. In their
fight with the ' Sberri,' Sir William's courtyard gave them refuge, and there
Emma's humanity had full play.
'-' Goethe's own expression in the Italian Journey.
^ On the outbreak of the French Revolution, the latter saint being accused of
Jacobinism, his statue was solemnly tried in open court and condemned.
G
98 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
sceptical, enjoying Abbes. A country luxuriant not only
with southern growths, but garlanded even in February by
banks of wild violets and tangles of wild heliotrope and
sweet-peas.^ A spirit of Nature, turning dread to beauty,
and beauty into dread.
She sits, her head leaned against her hand, and gazes
through the open casement on a scene bathed in southern
sun and crystal air — the pure air, the large glow, the
light soil that made Neapolis the pride of Magna Graecia.
Her room — it is Goethe himself who describes it - —
* furnished in the English taste,' is ' most delightful ' ; ^
the 'outlook from its corner window, unique.' Below,
the bay ; in full view, Capri ; on the right, Posilippo ;
nearer the highroad, Villa Reale the royal palace ; on the
left an ancient Jesuit cloister, which the queen had dedi-
cated to learning ; hard by on either side, the twin strong-
holds of Ovo and Nuovo, and the busy, noisy Molo,
overhung by the fortress of San Elmo on the frowning
crag ; further on, the curving coast from Sorrento to Cape
Minerva. And all this varied vista, from the centre of a
densely thronged and clattering city.
The whirlwind of passion sank, and gradually yielded to
calm, as Greville had predicted. ' Every woman,' com-
mented this astute observer, resenting the mention of his
name at Naples, ' either feels or acts a part ' ; and change
of dramatis personcB was necessary, he added, 'to make
Emma happy' and himself 'free.'* But his careful pre-
scription of the immaculate ' Mrs. Wells ' only partially
succeeded. True, the elderly friend was soon to become
the attached lover, and the prudential lover a forgiven
friend ; but he ceased henceforward to be ' guide ' or
' philosopher,' and gradually faded into a minor actor in the
drama, though never into a supernumerary. She felt, as she
told Sir William, forlorn ; her trust had been betrayed and
rudely shaken. What she longed for was a friend, and
^ Cf. Life and Letters of the First Earl of Mtnto.
• Italienische Reise. Works, vol. xix. p. 220. No one has written a better
account of the Neapolitans in the spring and summer of 17S7.
- 'AUerliebst.'
■• Morrison MS. 154.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 99
she could never simulate what she did not feel.^ His
gentle respect, his chivalry, contrasting with Greville's
cynical taskmastership, his persuasive endearments, eventu-
ally won the day ; and by the close of the year Emma's
heart assented to his suit. Her eyes had been opened."
To him she 'owed everything.' He was to her 'every
kind name in one.' ' I believe,' she assured him this year,
' it is right I shou'd be seperated from you sometimes, to
make me know myself, for I don't know till you are absent,
how dear you are to me' ; she implores one little line just
that she 'may kiss' his 'name.'^ Sir William at fifty-
six retained that art of pleasing which he never lost ; and
she was always pleased to be petted and shielded. Even
before the opening of 1787 she had already mastered the
language and the society of Naples. Disobedient to his
nephew, and his niece Mrs. Dickenson, who remonstrated
naturally but in vain, Sir William insisted on her 'doing
the honours,' which she astonished him by managing, as he
thought, to perfection. Every moment spared from receiv-
ing or giving hospitalities in the Palazzo Sessa* was filled
by strenuous study at home, or in the adjoining Convent of
Santa Romita. Her captivating charm, her quick tact, her
impulsive friendliness, her entertaining humour, her natural
taste for art, which, together with her ' kindness and intelli-
gence,' had already been acknowledged by Romney as a
source of inspiration ; -'' her unique ' Attitudes,' her voice
which, under Galluci's tuition, she was now beginning 'to
^ Cf. her very striking letter to Hamilton, Morrison MS. 163 : '. . . Do you
call me your dear friend? . . . Oh, if I cou'd express myself! If I had words
to thank you, that I may not thus be choaked with meanings, for which I can
find no utterance ! ' etc.
- ' But now I have my wisdom teeth.' — Morrison MS. 157.
^ Ibid. 164.
^ So far from this house l)cing, as has been put forward, the present Embassy,
it did not even remain the habitation of Hamilton's successors, Paget, Elliot,
and Bentinck. Writing to Emma from Naples in 1804, Nelson says: ' \'our
house has become a hotel.'
'•' Cf. Hayley's letter to her of May 17, 1804 (cited by I'ettigrew, vol. ii. p.
596) : ' Vou were not only his model but his iiispirer, and he truly and grate-
fully said, hat he owed a great part of his felicity as a painter to the angelic
kindness and intelligence with which you used to animate his diffident and
tremulous spirits to the grandest efforts of art.'
lOo EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
command,' even her free and easy manners when con-
trasted with those of the Neapolitan noblesse, all seemed
miracles, broke down the easy barriers of susceptible
southerners, and gained her hosts of ' sensible admirers.'
So early as February 1787 Sir William reported to his
nephew : ' . . . Our dear Em. goes on now quite as I cou'd
wish, and is universally beloved' — a phrase which Emma
herself repeated ten months later to her first mentor, with
the proud consciousness of shining at a distance before
him. 'She is wonderful!,' added Hamilton, 'considering
her youth and beauty, and I flatter myself that E. and her
Mother are happy to be with me, so that I see my every
wish fulfilled.' By the August of this year, when she first
wrote Italian, she saw 'good company,' she delighted the
whole diplomatic circle ; Sir William was indissociable ;
she used the familiar 'we' — ^ our honsQ at Caserta is fitted
up,' while Sir William followed suit.^ The very servants
styled her ' Eccellenza.' Her attached Ambassador ' is
distractedly in love ' ; 'he deserves it, and indeed I love
him dearly.' There was not a grain in her of inconstancy.
' He is so kind, so good and tender to me,' she wrote as
Emma Hart, in an unpublished letter,- 'that I love him
so much that I have not a warm look left for the
Neapolitans.' His evenings, he wrote, were sweet with
song and admiring guests, while her own society rendered
them a 'comfort.' Inclination went on steadily ripening,
until it settled within three years into deep mutual fond-
ness. He fitted up for her a new boudoir in the Naples
house with its round mirrors, as Miss Knight has recorded,^
covering the entire side of the wall opposite the semi-
circular window, and reflecting the moonlit bay with its
glimmering boats, the glass tanks with their marine
treasures of 'sea-oranges' and the like. Within a year
Hamilton tells Greville that she asks him 'Do you love
me, aye, but as much as your new apartment ? ' — both here
and at Caserta. He did his best to ' form ' her, and in the
course of time she was able to share his botanical studies,
^^
^ Morrison MS. 174,
- May 17, 1804. From an excerpt in one of Messrs. Sotheby's catalogues,
June 1905. ^ Miss Knight's Diary, vol. i. p. 251.
__ J
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE loi
which they pursued not as ' pedantlcal prigs ' to air learning,
but with zeal and pleasure in the early mornings and fresh
air of the 'English' gardens. Her aptitude and adaptive-
ness worked wonders. Within a year she was able to take
an intelligent interest in the preparation of the virtuoso's new
volume on Etruscan Urns — a progress promptly reported
by him to his old crony Sir Joseph Banks, who greeted it
cordially.^ She aided his volcanic observations; Sir William
laughed, and said she would rival him with the mountain
now.2 Both had already stayed with, and she had en-
chanted, the Duke and Duchess of St. Maitre at Sorrento,
the musical Countess of Mahoney at Ischia ; cries of ' Una
donna rara^ ' bellissinia creatura' were on every mouth.
The Duke of Gloucester begged Hamilton to favour him
with her acquaintance.^ The Olympian Goethe himself
beheld and marvelled. Her unpretending naivete* won her
adherents at every step. ' All the female nobility, with
the queen at their head,' were 'distantly civil' to her
already ; none rude to Emma were allowed within the
precincts. Meddlers or censors were sent roundly to the
right-about, and informed that she was the sweetest, the
best, the cleverest creature in the world. When he returned
from his periodical ro}al wild-boar chases, it was Emma
again who brewed his punch and petted him. Now and
again there peeps out also that half voluptuous tinge in her
wifeliness which never wholly deserted her. She had been
Greville's devoted slave ; Sir William was already hers.
Her monitor had repulsed her free sacrifice and urged
it for his own advantage towards his uncle ; but her
^ Cf. Eg. MS. 2641, f. 139, and cf. ft". 137, 141, 146. 'I rejoice to hear that
she proceeds with diligence and success in her improvement. Her beauty will I
hope, last as long as she can wish ; but her mind, when once stored with instruc-
tion and amusement, will certainly last as long as she stays this side Heaven.' —
November 1787.
- Morrison MS. 164.
■' Morrison MS. 166. lust before Emma's arrival the Duke of Cumberland
had also been there with Lord Ferrers and the ill-starred gamestress, Lady
Elizabeth Lutlrell. Cf. Ibid. 148. On the Duke of Gloucester's return home
King George's family dissensions were renewed. Says Henry Swinburne,
Greville's friend and Hamilton's at Naples: 'The poor king will act the part
of the enraged musician, but the nation will pay the piper.' — Ibid. 179.
^ This point i.^ .specially emphasised afterwards by Sir William.
102 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
worshipper had now fanned not so much the flame,
perhaps, as the incense of her unfeigned ^ attachment.
The English dined with her while Sir William was away
shooting with the king. She trilled Handel and Paisicllo,
learned French, Italian, music, dancing, design,- and
history.^ Hamilton was himself musical, and used to accom-
pany her voice — of which he was a good judge — on the
viola. She laughed at the foibles and follies of the court ;
she retailed to him the gossip of the hour. She entered
into his routine and protected his interests ; she prevented
him from being pestered or plundered.* Only a few years,
and she was dictating etiquette even to an English nobleman.^
It was a triumphal progress which took the town by
storm ; her beauty swept men off their feet. The trans-
formations of these eighteen months, which lifted her
out of her cramped nook at Paddington into a wide arena,
read like a dream, or one of those Arabian fairy-tales
where peasants turn princes in an hour. Nor is the least
surprise, among many, the thought that these dissolving
views present themselves as adventures of admired virtue,
and not as unsanctioned escapades. At Naples the worst
of her past seemed buried, and she could be born again.
Her accent, her vulgarisms mattered little ; she spoke to
new friends in a new language. The ' lovely woman '
who had 'stooped to folly, and learned too late that men
betray,' seems rather to have ' stooped to conquer ' by the
approved methods of the same Goldsmith's heroine.
The scene of her d^but is that of Opera, all moonlight,
- Cf. Morrison MS. 164, 17S7 (Emma to Sir William): '. . . My com-
forter in distress. Then why shall I not love you. Endead I must and ought
whilst life is left in me or reason to think on you. . . . My heart and eyes fill.
... I owe everything to you, and shall ever with grattitude remember it. . . .'
And cf. ibid. 172, 1788 :'...! love Sir William, for he renounces all for me.'
"^ * Drawing,' she says in one of her letters, comes ' easy as A, B, C
* Cf. The Life and Letters of the first Earl of Minto, vol. ii. p. 364. He calls
her (in 1796) ' the most extraordinary compound I ever beheld.' ' All Nature,
and yet all Art'; 'manners perfectly unpolished.' But 'one wonders at the
application and pains she has taken to make herself what she is.' Displeased
at her manner and figure, he allows her * considerable natural understanding '
and ' excessive good humour.'
^ Cf. inter alia for the foregoing Morrison MS. 160, 168, 171, 172.
'•' Macartney. For Horace Walpole's mean opinion of him, cf. Letters, vol.
viii. p. 131.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 103
flutter, music, and masquerade. Escaping in the cool of
the evening from her chambers, thronged by artists, wax-
modellers, and intaglio-cutters, she attends Sir William's
evening saunter in the royal gardens at the fashionable
hour. Her complexion so much resembles apple-blossom,
that beholders question it, although she neither paints nor
powders. Dapper Prince Dietrichstein from Vienna (' Dray-
drixton ' in her parlance as in Acton's) attends her as
^ cavaliere servente,' whispering to her in broken English
that she is a ' diamond of the first water.' Two more
princes and 'two or three nobi. ' follow at her heels.
She wears a loose muslin gown, the sleeves tied in folds
with blue ribbon and trimmed with lace, a blue sash and
the big blue hat which Greville has sent her as peace-
offering. Beyond them stand the king, the queen, the
minister Acton, and a brilliant retinue. That queen, care-
worn but beautiful, who already 'likes her much,' has
begged the Austrian beau to walk near her that she may
get a glimpse of his fair companion, the English girl, who
is a 'modern antique.' 'But Greville,' writes Emma, 'the
king [h]as eyes, he [h]as a heart, and I have made an
impression on it. But I told the prince, Hamilton is my
friend, and she belongs to his nephew, for all our friends
know it.'^ Only last Sunday that ' Roi d'Yvetot' had
dined at Posilippo, mooring his boat by the casements of
Hamilton's country casino for a nearer view. This garden-
house is already named the 'Villa Emma,' and there for
Emma a new 'music-room' is building. Emma and the
Ambassador had been entertaining a 'diplomatick party.'
They issue forth beneath the moon to their private boat.
At once the monarch places his * boat of musick ' next to
theirs. His band of 'French Horns' strikes up a serenade
for the queen of hearts. The king removes his hat, sits
with it on his knees, and 'when going to land,' bows and
says, ' it was a sin he could not speak English.' She has
him in her train every evening at San Carlo, villa, or
promenade ; she is the cynosure of each day, and the toast
of every night.
Or, again, she entertains informally at Sorrento, all
• Morrison MS. 152, July 22, 17S6.
I04 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
orange-blossom in February, after an afternoon of rambling
donkey-rides near flaming Vesuvius, and visits to grandees
in villeggiatura. In one room sits Sir William's orchestra ;
in the other she receives their guests. At last her turn
comes round to sing ; she chooses * Luce Bella,' ^ in which
the Banti makes such a furore at San Carlo, that famous
Banti - who had already marvelled at the tone and com-
pass of her voice,^ when in fear and trembling she had
been induced to follow her. As she ceases, there is a
ten minutes' round of applause, a hubbub of ' Bravas' and
^ Ancoras! And then she performs in 'buffo' — 'that one'
(and Greville knew it) ' with a Tambourin,^ in the char-
acter of a young girl with a raire-shew [raree-show], the
pretiest thing you ever heard.' He must concede her
triumph, the hard, unruffled man ! She turns the heads of
the Sorrentines ; she leaves ' some dying, some crying, and
some in despair. Mind you, this was all nobility, as proud
as the devil ' ; but — and here brags the people's daughter —
' we humbled them ' ; ' but what astonished them was that
I shou'd speak such good Italian. For I paid them, I
spared non[e] of them, tho' I was civil and oblidging. One
asked me if I left a love at Naples, that I left them so
soon. I pulled my lip at him, to say, " I pray, do you take
me for an Italian ? . . . Look, sir, I am English. I have
one Cavaliere servente, and I have brought him with me,"
pointing to Sir William.' Hart, the English musician, wept
to hear her sing an air by Handel, pronouncing that in her
the tragic and comic Muses were so happily blended that
Garrick would have been enraptured.^ These were the
very qualities that even thus early distinguished her self-
^ Another of her songs at this time was ' Per pieta da questa instante non
parlarmi, O Dio d'Amor.'
^ The Banti's will directed that her larynx should be preserved in spirits ; and
it is still in the Medical Museum of Bologna.
' Long afterwards, Lord Moira told Mr. R. Payne Knight that he ' reckoned
the having heard her sing an epoch in his life,' and that she gave him 'ideas
of the power of expression in music which he should never otherwise have con-
ceived.' Cf. the letter quoted by Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 692. Sir Brooke
Boothby was equally enthusiastic.
^ There is a drawing of her in this character by William Lock the amateur,
and afterwards Consul at Palermo.
* Morrison MS. 163.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 105
taught ' Attitudes,' by common consent of all beholders a
marvel of artistic expression and refinement. Goethe, at
this moment in Naples, and certainly no biassed critic, was
an eye-witness. He had been introduced by his friends,
the German artists,^ to the Maecenas Ambassador and ' his
Emma.'^ He thus records his impressions : —
'. . . The Chevalier Hamilton, so long resident here as
English Ambassador, so long, too, connoisseur and student
of Art and Nature, has found their counterpart and acme
with exquisite delight in a lovely girl — English, and some
twenty years of age. She is exceedingly beautiful and finely
built. She wears a Greek garb^ becoming her to perfection.
She then merely loosens her locks, takes a pair of shawls,''
and effects changes of postures, moods, gestures, mien, and
appearance that make one really feel as if one were in some
dream. Here is visible complete, and bodied forth in move-
ments of surprising variety, all that so many artists have
sought in vain to fix and render. Successively standing,
kneeling, seated, reclining, grave, sad, sportive, teasing,
abandoned, penitent, alluring, threatening, agonised. One
follows the other, and grows out of it. She knows how to
choose and shift the simple folds of her single kerchief for
every expression, and to adjust it into a hundred kinds of
headgear. Her elderly knight holds the torches for her
performance, and is absorbed in his soul's desire. In her he
finds the charm, of all antiques, the fair profiles on Sicilian
coins, the Apollo Belvedere himself . . . We have already
rejoiced in the spectacle two evenings. Early to-morrow
Tischbein paints her.' •''
' Tischbein, Hackerl, and Andreas, who were all busy painting Emma.
— Morrison MS. 157, 159, 162.
" ' Do you call me your dear friend ? Ah I what a happy creature is your
Emma — me that had no friend, no protector, nobody that I cou'd trust, and
now to be the freind, llie Emma of Sir William Hamilton.' — Morrison MS.
165.
' Perhaps the ' Turkish dress' mentioned by her in a letter of this period.
■* The 'camel' ones that she had in London, and often requested Greville to
forward to her at Naples. Sir William presented her with one immediately on
her arrival.
* Goethe, Ifalienische Rcise, March 16, 1787, IVorks, vol. xix. p. 212.
With this appreciation of P^mma's ' Attitudes ' should be joined both Romney's,
cited towards the close of this chapter, Lady Malmesbury's and Lady Elliot's
io6 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
There are less familiar references also in the Italian
Journey. On Goethe's return from Sicily in May, the
author of Werther, occupied with the art, the peasant life,
and the geology of the neighbourhood, renewed his
acquaintance with the pair and acknowledges their kind-
nesses. He dined with them again. Sir William favoured
him with a view of his excavated treasures in the odd
' vault,' where statues and sarcophagi, bronze candelabra and
busts, lay disarranged and jumbled. Among them Goethe
noticed an upright, open chest ' rimmed exquisitely with
gold, and large enough to contain a life-size figure in its
dark, inner background.' Sir William explained how
Emma, attired in bright Pompeiian costume, had stood
motionless inside it with an effect in the half-light even
more striking than her grace as ' moving statue.' Goethe,
ever curious, was now keenly interested in studying
the superstitions of the Neapolitan peasantry, including
the realistic shows of manger and Magi with which
they celebrated Christmas-tide, In these, living images
were intermixed with coloured casts of clay. And he
hazards the remark — while deprecating it from the lips of
a contented guest — that perhaps 'Miss Harte' was at root
not more than such a living image — a tableau vivant. Per-
chance, he muses, the main lack of his 'fair hostess' is
' geist' or soulfulness of mind. Her dumb shows, he adds,
were naturally unvoiced, and voice alone expresses spirit.
Even her admired singing he then thought deficient in
' fulness.' 1 Had Goethe, however, known her whole nature,
he would have owned that if she were ^geistlos' in the
highest sense, she was never dull, and was to prove the
reverse of soulless ; while he, of all men, would have
(1792 and 1796. Cf. The Life and Letters of the first Earl of Minto, vol. i.
p. 406 ; vol. ii. p. 364). The former says : ' The most graceful statues or pic-
tures do not give you an idea of them. Her dancing the Tarantella is beautiful
to a degree'; and the latter '. . , singles out her " refined taste" and "extra-
ordinary talent."' And also Madame Le Brun's ^/fi^«o/>^, p. 69. She invited
the Dues de Berri and de Bourbon to see them in 1803. She had prepared 'a
very large frame with a screen on either side of it,' and 'a strong limelight disposed
so that it could not be seen.' ' She changed from grief to joy, and from joy to
terror so rapidly and effectively that we were all enchanted.' So too even Mrs. St.
George in her Journal. ^ Worksy vol. xx. pp. 12, 13.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 107
admired not only her enthusiasm but her more practical
qualities. Did he, perhaps, in after years recall this mute
and lovely vision when her name, for good or ill, had
entered history? At any rate, though neither Hamilton
nor Emma has noticed him in existing letters, they both
endure on Goethe's pages ; and to have impressed Goethe
was even then no easy task. That the creator of Iphigenia
and Tasso was deeply impressed is proved by another and
better known passage, where after praising Hamilton as ' a
man of universal taste, who has roamed through all the
realms of creation,' and has ' made a beautiful existence
which he enjoys in the evening of life,' he adds that Emma
is 'a masterpiece of the Arch- Artist.'^
To resume our dissolving views : a priest begs her
picture on a box, which he clasps to his bosom. A
countess weeps when she departs. The Russian empress
hears her fame, and orders her portrait. Commodore Mel-
ville gives a dinner to thirty on board his Dutch frigate
in her honour, and seats her at the head as ' mistress of
the feast' She is robed ' all in virgin white,' her hair ' in
ringlets reaching almos: to her heels,' so long, that Sir
William says she ' look't and moved amongst it.' She has
soon learned by rote the little ways of the big world, and
whispers to him that it is gala night at San Carlo, and
de rigiieiir to reach their box before the royal party entered
their neighbouring one. The guns salute ; the pinnace
starts amid laughter, song, and roses, while off she speeds
to semi-royal triumphs — 'as tho' I was a queen.' Serena's
wholesome lesson is being half forgotten.
Once more, Vesuvius 'looks beautiful,' with its lava-
streams descending far as Portici. She climbs the peak of
fire at midnight — five miles of flame ; the peasants deem
the mountain ' burst.' The climbers seek the shelter of the
Hermit's cabin — that strange Hermit who had thus retired
to .solitude and exile for love of a princess.'- Has she not
spirit? Let Greville mark : 'For me, I was enraptured. I
could have staid all night there, and I have never been in
^ Works^ vol. xix. p. 220.
^ Alexandre Sauveur, who dared to love the Princess of Prussia. Cf.
Memoirs of CottnUss Lichtciiau (Colburn, 1S09), vol. i. p. 69.
io8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
charity with the moon since, for it looked so pale and sickly.
And the red-hot lava served to light up the moon, for the
light of the moon was nothing to the lava.' Ascending,
she meets the Prince-Royal. His ' foolish tuters,' fearful of
their charge's safety and their own, escort him only half
way, and allow him but three minutes for the sight. She
asks him how he likes it. '■Bella, ma poca roba^ replies the
lad. Five hundred yards higher he could have watched
' the noblest, sublimest sight in the world.' But the ' poor
frightened creatures ' beat ' a scared ' retreat : ' O, I shall
kill myself with laughing ! ' And is not the plebeian girl
schooling herself to be a match for crass blue blood ?
' Their as been a prince paying us a visit. He is sixty
years of age, one of the first families, and as allways lived
at Naples; and when I told him I had been at Caprea,
he asked me if I went there by land. Only think what
ignorance ! I staired at him, and asked him who was his
tutor,' coolly remarks the feinme savante who writes of * as '
and ' stair.' ^
She cannot tear her eyes away from the volcano's awful
pageant. She takes one of her maids — 'a great biggot' —
up to her house-top and shows her the conflagration. The
contadina drops on her knees, calling on the city's patron
saints: ' 0 Janaro [sic] mio, O Antonio mio!^ Emma falls
down on hers, exclaiming, ' O Santa Loola inia, Loola mia ! '
Teresa rises, and with open eyes inquires whether ' her
Excellency' doubts the saints. 'No,' replies her mistress
in Italian, 'it is quite the same if you pray to my own
" Loola." ' ' . . . She look't at me, and said, to be sure, I
read a great many books and must know more than her.
But she says, "Does not God favour you more than ous?"
Says I, no. "O God," says she, "your eccellenza is very
ungratefull ! He as been so good as to make your face
the same as he made the face of the Blessed Virgin's, and
^ Emma, however, was not alone in her censure of the less instructed majority
of the countless Neapolitan nobility. The cultivated Marchesa di Solari says
the same of them, always excepting their musical instinct: ' There is little or no
difference between the manners of the lazzaroni and of the ancient nobility,
except such of them as have travelled. ' — Venice under the Yoke of France
and Austria, vol. ii. p. 85. Their profligacy, too, seems to have been quite
mirthlcbs.
Lady Hamilton dancing the Tarantella at Naples.
From a rare engravi^tf; after a draiuing by Lock.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 109
you don't esteem it a favour!" " Why," says I, "did you
ever see the Virgin?" "O yes," says she, "you are like
every picture that there is of her, and you know the people
at Iscea fel down on their knees to you, and beg'd you to
grant them favours in her name." And, Greville, it is true
that they have all got it in their heads that I am like the
Virgin, and — do come to beg favours of me. Last night
there was two preists came to my house, and Sir William
made me put a shawl over my head, and look up, and the
preist burst into tears and kist my feet, and said God had
sent me a purpose.'^
Emma is in vein indeed. How buoyantly she swims and
splashes on the rising tide ! How exuberantly the whole
breathes of I always knew I could, if opportunity but walked
towards me! ' and of ' I will show Greville what a pearl he has
cast away ! ' Although she could be diffident when matched
with genuine excellence or before those she loved, how the
blare of her trumpet drowns all the still small voices ! One
is reminded of Woollett, the celebrated eighteenth century
engraver, who was in the habit of firing off a small cannon
from the roof of his house every time he had finished a suc-
cessful plate. What a profuse medley of candour and con-
trivance, of simplicity and vanity, of commonness and
elegance, of courtesy and challenge, of audacity and courage,
of quick-wittedness and ignorance, of honest kindness and
honest irreverence ! She is already a born actress of
realities, and on no mimic stage. Yet many of her faults
she fully felt, and held them curable. ' Patienza,' she sighs,
and time may mend them ; in her own words of this very
period, ' I am a pretty woman, and one cannot be everything
at once.'
But a more delicate strain is audible when her heart is
really touched.
At the convent whither she resorted for dail>' lessons
during Sir William's absence, now transpired an idyl which
must be repeated just as she describes it : —
' I had hardly time to thank you for your kind letter of this
morning as I was buisy prcpairing for to go on my visit
* Morrison MS. i68, August 17S7; 158, November 1786.
no EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
to the Convent of Santa Romita ; and endead I am glad I
went, tho' it was a short visit. But to-morrow I dine with
them in full assembly. I am quite charmed with Beatrice
Acquaviva, Such is the name of the charming whoman I
saw to-day. Oh Sir William, she is a pretty whoman.
She is 29 years old. She took the veil at twenty ; and
does not repent to this day, though if I am a judge in
physiognomy, her eyes does not look like the eyes of a nun.
They are allways laughing, and something in them vastly
alluring, and I wonder the men of Naples wou'd suffer the
oneley pretty whoman who is realy pretty to be shut in a
convent. But it is like the mean-spirited ill taste of the
Neapolitans, I told her I wondered how she wou'd be lett
to hide herself from the world, and I daresay thousands of
tears was shed the day she deprived Naples of one of its
greatest ornaments. She answered with a sigh, that endead
numbers of tears was shed, and once or twice her resolution
was allmost shook, but a pleasing comfort she felt at regain-
ing her friends that she had been brought up with, and
religious considerations strengthened her mind, and she
parted with the world with pleasure. And since that time
one of her sisters had followed her example, and another —
which I saw — was preparing to enter soon. But neither of
her sisters is so beautiful as her, tho' the[y] are booth very
agreable. But I think Beatrice is charming, and I realy
feil for her an affection. Her eyes, Sir William, is I don't
know how to describe them. I stopt one hour with them ;
and I had all the good things to eat, and I promise you
they don't starve themselves. But there dress is very be-
coming, and she told me that she was allow'd to wear rings
and mufs and any little thing she liked, and endead she
display'd to-day a good deal of finery, for she had 4 or 5
dimond rings on her fingers, and seemed fond of her muff.
She has excellent teeth, and shows them, for she is allways
laughing. She kissed my lips, cheeks, and forehead, and
every moment exclaimed "Charming, fine creature," admired
my dress, said I looked like an angel, for I was in clear
white dimity and a blue sash.' (This, surely, is scarcely the
seraphic garb as the great masters imaged it.) '. . . She
said she had heard I was good to the poor, generous, and
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE iii
noble-minded. " Now," she says, " it wou'd be worth wile to
live for such a one as you. Your good heart wou'd melt at
any trouble that befel me, and partake of one's greef or
be equaly happy at one's good fortune. But I never met
with a freind yet, or I ever saw a person I cou'd love till
now, and you shall have proofs of my love." In short I sat
and listened to her, and the tears stood in my eyes, I don't
know why ; but I loved her at that moment. I thought
what a charming wife she wou'd have made, what a mother
of a family, what a freind, and the first good and amiable
whoman I have seen since I came to Naples for to be lost
to the world — how cruel ! She give me a sattin pocketbook
of her own work, and bid me think of her, when I saw it,
and was many miles far of[f] ; and years hence when she
peraps shou'd be no more, to look at it, and think the
person that give it had not a bad heart. Did not she speak
very pretty? But not one word of religion. But I
shall be happy to-day, for I shall dine with them all, and
come home at night. There is sixty whomen and all
well-looking, but not like the fair Beatrice. " Oh Emma,"
she says to me, " the[y] brought here the Viene minister's
wife, but I did not like the looks of her at first. She was
little, short, pinch'd face, and I received her cooly. How
different from you, and how surprised was I in seeing you
tall in statu[r]e. We may read your heart in your counte-
nance, your complexion ; in short, your figure and features is
rare, for you are like the marble statues I saw when I was in
the world." I think she flattered me up, but I was pleased.'^
The convent cloisters bordered on those ' royal ' or
' English ' - gardens which Sir William and she were after-
wards so much to improve ; and here, if the Marchesa di
Solari's memory can be trusted — and it constantly trips
in her Italian record — happened, it would seem, about this
time,^ another incident typical of another side, more comic
1 Morrison MS. i6o, January lo, 1787. It should here be commemorated that
one of her first actions at Naples was to procure a post for Robert White, a
protege of Greville. Ibid. 174.
" Morrison MS. 221.
^ From indications in her letter. Cf. Morrison MS. 157, December 26, 1786
(Emma to Sir William): ' If I had the offer oi crowns, 1 would refuse them and
accept you, and I don't care if all the world knows it. . . . Certain it is I
112 KMMA, LADY HAMILTON
than pathetic. It sounds like some interlude by Beau-
marchais, and recalls Rosina or Figaro. Intrigue belongs to
Naples. The young Goethe observed of the Neapolitan
atmosphere : ' Naples is a paradise. Every one lives,
after his manner, intoxicated with self-forgetfulness. It is
the same with me. I scarcely recognise myself, I seem an
altered being. Yesterday I thought " either you were or
are mad." ' ^
The madcap belle's stratagem was this. Walking there
one afternoon under the escort of her duenna, she was
accosted by a personage whom she knew to be King
Ferdinand. He solicited a private interview, and was
peremptorily refused. He succeeded, however, in bribing
her attendant, and followed her to a remote nook, where
they would be unobserved. He pressed his promises with
fervour, but Emma refused to listen to a word, unless every-
thing was committed to paper. The monarch complied,
and thereupon Emma hastened to the palace and urgently
entreated an audience with the Queen. Sobbing on her
knees, she implored her to save her from persecutions so
crreat that unless they were removed she had resolved to
quit the world and find shelter with the nuns. The Queen,
touched by such beauty in such distress, urged her to dis-
close the name of her unknown importuner. Thereupon
Emma handed her the paper, was bidden by the Queen to
rise, and comforted. So far there seems ground for the
tale. The Marchesa says that Sir William 'partially' con-
firmed it ; and this must allude to the sequel which
represents Maria Carolina as urging the Ambassador to
marry his Lucretia without delay. Whether it is true that
the tears of affliction were caused (as in The Taming of the
Shrew) by an onion, and that Emma was ' on her marrow-
bones ' in the garden while the Queen was perusing the
tell-tale document, depends upon the number of embellish-
love you and sincerely.' There is another letter where she says that she keeps
the King at a distance. In this very year the prima donna Georgina Brigida
Banti was whisked off suddenly in a coach across the frontier by the Queen's
orders for presuming to favour the amorous King's attentions. Cf. Jeaffreson's
Queeti of Naples and Lord Nelson, p. 164, and cf. the Marchesa di Solari's
Venice imd^r the Yoke of France and Austria, vol. ii. p. 43.
1 Goethe, Italienishe Reise, March 16, 1787. Works, vol. xix. p. 211.
._.._.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 113
ments such a farce would probably receive. If true, it
hardly redounds to Emma's credit.^
But from Emma we must now part awhile to consider the
social and political conditions of the court of Naples, very
different now from what they were to become a few years
later under the new forces of the French Revolution, and,
afterwards, of the meteoric Napoleon. It is a panorama
which here can only be sketched in outline. It was to
prove the theatre of Emma's best activities.
During the entire eighteenth century, from the War of
Succession to the Treaty of Utrecht, from the Treaty of
Utrecht to that of the Quadruple Alliance, from that again
to those of Vienna and of Aix, the Bourbons and the
Hapsburgs had been perpetually wrestling for the rich
provinces of central and southern Italy — a prize which
united the secular appeal to Catholic Europe with supremacy
over the Mediterranean. The Bourbons, by a strange chain
of coincidence, had prevailed in Spain, and in 1731 'Baby
Carlos' solemnly entered on his Italian and Sicilian heritage,
long so craftily and powerfully compassed by his ambitious
mother, Elizabeth Farnese. The Hapsburgs, however, never
relinquished their aim, though the weak and pompous
Emperor, Charles VI., was reduced to spending his energies
on the mere phantom of the ' Pragmatic Sanction ' by which
he hoped to cement his incoherent Empire in the person of
his masterful daughter ; he died hugging, so to speak, that
' Pragmatic Sanction ' to his heart. Maria Theresa proved
herself the heroine of Europe in her proud struggle with
the Prussian aggressor who for a time forced her into an
unnatural and lukewarm league with the French Bourbons,
themselves covetous of the Italian Mediterranean. Even
after the P>ench Bourbons were quelled, France, in the
person of Napoleon, succeeded to their ambitions. Second
only to his hankering after Eastern Empire, was from the
^ Cf. Venice under the Yoke of France and Austria, vol i. p. 66 ct seq. Mr.
Jeaffreson regards the whole as Emma's impudent fabrication. This can scarcely
be so in view ol the other evidence. The King, some twelve years later, called
Emma ' Une maitressc femnie.' She was certainly also always ready for a
practical joke.
H
114 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
first the persistent hankering after Naples and Sicily of the
would-be dominator of the sea, whose coast had been his
cradle.
Maria Theresa was therefore delighted when in April
1768^ her eldest daughter, Maria Charlotte, better known
as ' Maria Carolina,' espoused,^ when barely sixteen years of
age, Ferdinand, son of the Bourbon Charles III. of Spain,
then only one year her senior, and already from his eighth
year King of the two Sicilies. Still more did she rejoice
when two years later her other daughter, Marie Antoinette,
married at the same age the Due de Berri, then heir-pre-
sumptive to the French throne, which he ascended four
years afterwards. Both daughters were to fight man-
fully with a fate which worsted the one and extin-
guished the other, while the husbands of both were true
Bourbons in their indecision and their love of the table ;
for of the Bourbons it was well said ^ that their chapel was
their kitchen.
' King ' Maria Theresa educated all her children to believe
in three things : their religion, their race, and their destiny.
They were never to forget that they were Catholics, im-
perialists, and politicians. But she also taught them to be
enlightened and benevolent, provided that their faithful
subjects accepted the grace of these virtues unmurmuring
from their hands. They were to be monopolists of reform.
They were also to be monopolists of power ; nor was
husband or wife to dispute their sway. Indeed, the two
daughters were schooled to believe that control over their
consorts was an absolute duty, doubly important from the
rival ascendency wielded by the Queens of the Spanish
Bourbons, who for three generations had been mated
with imbecile or half-imbecile sovereigns ; they had a
knack of calling their husbands cowards. And they were
to be monopolists of religion even against the Pope if he
^ Not 1767, as most English books give the date.
* Another daughter had been first betrothed to him, but she died of a chill,
contracted, it was said, from a midnight visit to the vaults of her ancestors, whose
effigies Maria Theresa insisted On showing her daughter on the eve of her
nuptials. When Maria Carolina reached Caserta for her wedding, she embarassed
her young bridegroom by kneeling before him and bowing her face to the ground
in supplication.' Cf. a most interesting memoir, probably furnished by Lady
Hamilton, in La Belle AssembUe for May iJso?. ^ By the Bishop of Derry.
i
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 115
unduly interfered. These lessons were graven on the
hearts of all but Marie Antoinette, who shared the obstinacy
but lacked the penetration of her sister and brothers.
Maria Theresa's son and successor, Joseph II, of Austria,
showed to the full this union of bigotry and benevolence,
both arbitrary yet both popular. He and his premier,
Kaunitz, were strenuous in education and reform, but also
strenuous in suppressing the Jesuits. His brothers were
the same. Archduke Ferdinand played the benevolent
despot in Bohemia, while Leopold, afterwards Grand Duke
of the Tuscan dominions, was even more ostentatious in
his high-handed well-doing. Never was a dynasty politer,
more cultivated, more affable. But never also was one
haughtier, more obstinate, or more formal. All were
martyrs to etiquette, but all were also enthusiastic free-
masons, and Queen Maria Carolina's family enthusiasm for
the secret societies of ' Illuminati ' sowed those misfortunes
which were afterwards watered with blood, reaped in tears,
and harvested by iron. In 1790 Leopold, for a space,
succeeded to Joseph ; and Maria Carolina was afterwards
to see one of her sixteen children wedded to Francis,^
Leopold's successor on the Austrian throne, another to the
King of Sardinia, a third, in the midst of her final calamities,
united at Palermo to the future Louis Philippe. She thus
became mother-in-law to an emperor of whom she was
aunt, as well as to two monarchs ; while already she had
been sister to two successive emperors.
Her husband, Ferdinand IV,, was a boor and bon vivant,
good-natured on the surface, but with a strong spice of
cruelty beneath it ; suspicious of talent, but up to the fatal
sequels of the P'rench Revolution the darling of his people.
As the little Prince of Asturias, he had been handed to the
tutorship of the old Duke of San Nicandro, who was re-
stricted by the royal commands to instruction in sport, and in
his own learning to a bowing acquaintance with his breviary.
Inheriting a throne, while a child, by the accident of his
* Francis il., in August lSo6, resigned his emperorship of Germany, and
became merely Emperor of Austria. Another of Maria Carolina's daughters
was wedded to the youni; Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, while her eldest son
cvciiiually espoused the Arcluiucheas Clementine, so that she achieved her
purpose of overwhelming the Bourbon with the Ilapsburg strain.
ii6 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
father's accession to the Spanish crown, he had been reared
in Sicily — always jealous of Naples — under the tutelage
of Prince Caramanico, a minister of opera bouffe, and of
Tenucci,^ a corrupt vizier of the old-world pattern, who
preferred place to statesmanship, and pocket to power.
The young King, however, was by no means so illiterate
or unjust as has often been assumed, and, if he was 'eight
years old when he began to reign,' the rest of the Scripture
cannot then, at any rate, be justly applied to him. He
remained throughout his life a kind of Italianised Tony
Lumpkin, addicted to cards and beauty, devoted to arms
and sport. Indeed, in many ways he resembled a typical
English squire of the period, as Lord William Bentinck
shrewdly observed of him some twenty-five years after-
wards. Music was also his hobby. He sang often, but
scarcely well ; and Emma, when he first began to practise
duets with her, humorously remarked, ' He sings like a King'
The people that he loved, and who adored him, were the
Neapolitan Lazzaroni — not beggars, as the name implies,
but loafing artisans, peasants, and fishermen, noisy, loyal,
superstitious, rollicking, unthrifty, vigorous, in alternate
spasms of short-lived work and easy pleasure — the natural
and ineradicable outcome of their sultry climate, their
mongrel blood, their red-hot soil, and their pagan past.-
Motley was their wear. As happens to all peculiar peoples,
they could not suffer or even fancy alien conditions. When
the Grand Duke and Duchess of Russia visited Naples in
1782 during an abnormal spell of February cold, they swore
that the northerners had brought the accursed weather
with them.^ They had their recognised leaders, their
acknowledged improvisatores, their informal functions and
functionaries, like a sort of unmigratory gypsy tribe. They
had their own patois, their own customs, their own songs,
their favourite monks. Such was the famous Padre
Giordano, the six-foot portent of a handsome priest, the
best preacher, the best singer, the best eater of macaroni
in the King's dominions. They had, too, their own feuds,
1 Often misnamed Tanucci.
- This is accurate in the main. With the Lazzaioni proper, however, were
mixed brigands from the provinces of the Fra Diavolo type.
2 Morrison MS.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 117
in a country where even composers like Cimarosa and
Paisiello were always at loggerheads and made separate
factions of their own. All that they knew of England
before 1793 was that their own Calabria furnished the
wood for its vaunted ships. With the Lazzaroni, Ferdi-
nand early became a prime favourite. He was not only
their king, but their jolly comrade. He was a Falstafif
king, even in his gross proportions ; a king of misrule in
his boisterous humour. He was a Policinello king whose
Bourbon nose won him the sobriquet of ' Nasone ' from his
mountebank liegemen. He was a Robin Hood king, who
early formed his own freebooting bodyguard ; he was also
King Reynard the Fox, with intervals of trick and avarice,
although, unlike that jungle - Mephistopheles, Ferdinand
could never cajole. He was, in truth, both cramped and
spirited — ' a lobster crushed by his shell,' as Beckford once
termed him ^ — despite his defects both real and imputed,
his want of dignity, his phlegmatic exterior and his rude
antics. Every Christmas saw him in his box at San
Carlo, sucking up macaroni sticks for their edification
from a steaming basin of burnished silver, while the Queen
discreetly retired to a back seat. Every Carnival witnessed
him in fisher's garb playing at fish-auctioneer on the
quay which served as market, bandying personal jests,
indulging in rough horse-play, and driving preposterous
bargains to their boisterous delight. This picturesque if
greasy court would strike up the chorus in full sight of
their macaroni-monarch : —
' S'e levata la gabella alia farina !
Evviva Ferdinando e Carolina.'
He loved to play Haroun Alraschid — to do justice in the
gate — and, when hunting, to pay surprise visits to the cabins
of the peasantry and redress their wrongs ; though when
the fit was on him he could scourge them with scorpions.
In his rambles on the beach the despot would toss the
dirtiest of his rough adherents violently into the sea, and
if he could not swim, would then himself plunge into the
water and bring him laughing from his first bath to the
shore. It was one of these sallies that suggested to
^ Cyrus Redding's Fifty Years' Recollections^ vol. ii. p. 117.
Ti8 EMMA, I.ADY HAMILTON
Canova his marble Hercules throv/ing Lichas into the
sea, acquired b}' the bankers Torlonia before they were
styled princes ; and, indeed, the coarser side of Hercules
as Euripides portrays him in the Alcestis bears some
resemblance to this uncouth and burly Nimrod.
While he was at first proud of his/emme savante and left
affairs of state until 1779 almost entirely in her hands and
Acton's, his jealousy tended more and more to treat her
as a precieuse ridicule, and he grew fond of asserting his
mastery by playing the Petruchio, sometimes to brutality.
For a long time he was pro-Spanish, while his wife
remained pro-Austrian, and came to abominate Spanish
policy more than ever when in 1778 Charles IV. of Spain
ascended the throne with a caballing consort whom Maria
Carolina detested. Ferdinand boasted that his people were
happy because each could find subsistence at home, and the
time was still distant when to the proverb on his name
of 'Farina' and ' Feste,' 'Forca' was superadded. If
he pauperised his people with farinaceous morsels and
festivities, he had never yet ' forced ' them. Nor was he
destitute of bluff wit and exceedingly common sense.
In 1785 great efforts had been made under Acton's fresh
influence to construct an imposing navy, which was paraded
to the world by a royal progress — from its pomp and
splendour called 'the golden journey' — to Leghorn and
Tuscany, en route for Vienna. During their visit at the
Tuscan Court, the pedantic Leopold asked Ferdinand
what he was 'doing' for the people. 'Nothing at all,
which is the best,' guffawed the King in answer ; ' and the
proof is that while plenty of your folk go wheedling and
begging in my territory, I will wager anything you like
that none of mine are soliciting anything in yours.' ^
The Queen, however, was an 'illuminata' by bent and
^ This anecdote is given by the Marchesa di Solari as happening during
Leopold's earlier visit to Naples. The story as related elsewhere may be a blend
of two passages at arms between Ferdinand and his precise brother-in-law.
Another and a new instance of his wit is given in a conversation of Sir W.
Hamilton recorded (probably by Lady Hamilton) in La Belle AssembUe for May
1807. While his marriage was as yet childless, he observed that three miracles
were distinguishing his reign : ' I am young, and have no children ' ; ' The
Jesuits are dissolved, but their money is indiscoverable ' ; and— marvel of marvels
— 'Tenucci, my minister, is old, and will never die.'
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 119
upbringing. She was always devising theories and execut-
ing schemes, and besides literature, botany, too, engrossed
her attention.^ It is a great mistake to judge either her or
him in the light of after occurrences, and it is an error as
misleading to judge even those events by the evidence of
Jacobin pamphleteers, some of whom, and the most violent,
did not hesitate to recant.- It was only long afterwards that
she became lampooned, and that the ' head of a Richelieu
on a pretty woman ' was held up to execration in the
words of the ancient diatribe on Catherine of M^dicis : —
' Si nous faisons Tapologie
De Caroline et J^zabel,
L'une fut reine en Italic,
Et I'autre reine en Israel.
Celle-ci de malice extreme,
L'autre etait la malice meme.'^
Neither King nor Queen, though both have much to
answer for at the bar of history, were ever the pantomime-
masks of villainy and corruption that resentment and
rumour, public and private, have affixed to their names.
The Queen's full influence was not apparent until the
birth of an heir in 1777, when by a clause of her marriage-
settlement she became entitled to sit in council. But long
before, she had begun to inspire reforms very distasteful to
the feudal barons who at first composed her court. She
endeavoured to turn a set of antiquated prescriptions into
a freer constitution, and to cleanse the Neapolitan homes.
She limited the feudal system of rights — odious to the
people at large — to narrow areas, and this popular limita-
tion proved long afterwards the main cause of the nobility's
share in the middle-class revolution of 1799.^ The marriage
laws were re-cast much on the basis of Lord Hardwicke's
' Cf. Sir J. Banks's testimony so early as 1787. Eg. MS. 2641, f. 141.
- Vincenzo Coco especially.
^ ' Would casuists fine excuses try
For Caroline and Jezebel,
The one was queen in Italy,
The other, queen in Israel.
Extremes of malice marked the second,
Malice iiself the first was reckoned.'
Cf. Crimes cl Amours des Bourbons de Naples, Paris, Anon., 1S61. A tissue
of inaccuracies.
* In Sicily the feudal sysleni remained and there was no revolution there.
I20 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Act in England. The administration of justice was puri-
fied.^ Besides locating the University in the fine rooms of
the suppressed Jesuit monastery, to some of which she
transferred the magnificent antiques of the Farnese and
Palatine collections, she founded schools and new institu-
tions for the encouragement of agriculture and architecture.
Even the hostile historian Colletta admits that she drew
all the intellect of the age to Naples. Waste lands were
reclaimed, colonies planted on uninhabited islands, exist-
ing industries developed, and the coral fisheries on the
African coasts converted into a chartered company. The
evils of tax-gathering were obviated ; the ports of Brindisi
and Baia restored ; highways were made free of expense
for the poor ; tolerance was universally proclaimed ; the
Pope's right to nominate bishops was defied ; nor was she
reconciled to Pius VI. till policy compelled her to kneel
before him in her Roman visit of 1791. At the period now
before us, most of the pulpits favoured her. Padre Rocco,
the blunt reformer of abuses, Padre Minasi, the musical
archaeologist, were loud in her praises. And this despite
the fact that, though regular in her devotions and the
reverse of a free-thinker, she resolutely opposed the
' crimping ' system which from time to time reinforced
the Neapolitan convents.^ She also bitterly offended the
vested rights of the lawyers and the army. An enthusiast
for freemasonry (and long after her death the Neapolitan
lodges toasted her memory),' she assembled around her
through these societies a brilliant throng of savants and
poets, while it was her special aim to elevate the intellects
of women. Among the circle of all the talents around her
were the great economist and jurist Filangieri,* revered by
Goethe, but dead within two years after Emma's arrival ;
the learned and ill-starred Cirillo and Pagano,^ who both
perished afterwards in the Revolution ; Palmieri, Galanti,
^ For these facts, cf. Jeaffreson's Queen of Naples.
- Cf. the remarkable correspondence between Acton and Hamilton about the
case of Ann Saffory, an English girl, in 17S8. Eg. MS. 2639, f. 18.
2 Pep^ Memoirs {1847).
* Author of The Science of Legislation^ 1 777 J niade Gentleman of the King's
Bedchamber. In 1783 the Queen presented him with an estate at La Cava.
^ Author of / Saggi Politici.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 121
Galiani, Delfico, the scientists ; Caravelli, Caretto, Fala-
guerra, Ardinghelli, Pignatelli, all lights of literature ; and
Conforti, the historian. But perhaps the most interesting of
all, and the most typical, was Eleonora de Fonseca Pimentel,
subsequently muse and victim of the outburst in 1799.
This remarkable poetess, Portuguese by origin, merits
and has received a monograph.^ Up to 1793, indeed, this
friend and disciple of Metastasio was the professed eulogist
of the Queen. She styled her
' La verace virtute, e di lei figlio
II verace valor.' ^
She joined her in denouncing 'Papal vassalage' in Italy.
When the royal bambino died in 1778 she indited her
* Orfeo ' as elegy. When the ' golden journey' was accom.-
plished, the Miseno port re-opened, and the fleet re-organ-
ised, her ' Proteus and Parthenope ' celebrated the com-
mencement of a golden age. But what most aroused her
enthusiasm was the foundation of that singular experiment
in monarchical socialism — the ideal colony of San Leucio at
Caserta between the years 1777 and 1779. This settlement
was the first-fruits of the Queen's socialism, though its
occasion was the King's liking for his hunting-box — built in
1773 at the neighbouring Belvedere, and on the site of the
ancient vineyard and palace of the old Princes of Caserta.
A church was erected in 1776 for a parish governed by an
enlightened code of duties ' negative and positive,' and even
then numbering no less than seventeen families. Some of
the royal buildings were converted into schools ; even the
prayers and religious ordinances were regulated, as were all
observances of the hearth, and every distribution of pro-
perty. Allegiance was to be paid first to God, then to the
sovereign, and lastly to the ministers. Under Ferdinand's
nominal authorship a book of the aims, orders, and laws of
the colony was published, of which a copy exists in the
British Museum.^ On its flyleaf Lady Hamilton has herself
^ Studii Storici, Benedetto Croce. Roma, 1897.
2 'True virtue, and the birth of virtue true,
True courage.'
' 1051 C. 17.
122 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
recorded : — ' Given to me by the King of Naples at Belvedere
or S. Leucio the i6th of May 1793, when Sir William and I
dined with his Majesty and the Duchess of Devonshire,
Lady Webster, Lady Plymouth, Lady Bessborough, Lady
E. Foster, Sir G. Webster, and Mr. Pelham. Emma
Hamilton.' These names are in no accidental association.
The then and the future Duchesses of Devonshire headed a
galaxy of which Charles James Fox was chief, and to which
Sir William's devotees, Lady ' Di ' Beauclerk and the
Honourable Mrs. Damer, also belonged.
Eleonora's ode in its honour hymns the ' royal city '
where ' nature's noble diadem ' crowns 'the spirit of ancient
Hellas.'
But for all these undertakings, even before stress of
invasion and vengeance for wrongs prompted large arma-
ments and an English alliance, financial talent of a high
order was needful ; taxation had to be broadened, and
it could not be enlarged without pressing heavily on the
professional classes, for the Lazzaroni were always privi-
leged as exempt. The necessities which led to the shameful
tampering with the banks in 1792-93 had not yet arisen;
but organising talent was needed, and organising talent was
wanting. Tenucci proved as poor a financier as once our
own Godolphin or Dashwood. Jealous of Carolina's manifest
direction, he caballed, and was replaced as first minister in
1776 by the phantom Sambuca. Even then the pro-Spanish
party among the grandees menaced the succession well-nigh
as much as the pro-Jacobins did some five years later. Even
then it was on very few of the numberless Neapolitan nobles
(a ' golden book ' of whom would outdo Venice and equal
Spain) that the perplexed Queen could rely. Caramanico
was a mere monument of the past, and as such con-
signed to England as ambassador ; while his young and
romantic son Joseph was reputed the Queen's lover, and
forbidden the court. The coxcomb and procrastinator,
Gallo, who afterwards ratted to Napoleon, was already
mismanaging foreign affairs. The old and respectable
Caracciolo, father of that rebel admiral whom Nelson
was to execute, was for the moment Minister of Finance,
but approaching his end. That Admirable Crichton,
Sir John Acton.
F70m the original portrait recently acquired by the National Portrait Gallery
of Naples.
1)
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 123
Prince Belmonte, afterwards as 'Galatone' ambassador
at the crucial post of the Madrid Embassy, now pre-
ferred the office of Chamberlain to any active direction
of affairs. Prince Castelcicala, twice ambassador to the
court of St. James's, and nearly as acceptable to the Queen
as Belmonte, had not yet been pressed into home concerns,
nor had he disastrously earned his inquisitorial spurs of
^^793- Sicigniano, who was to commit suicide when am-
bassador in London in the same year, belonged to the same
category ; the young and accomplished Luigi di Medici had
not yet emerged into a prominence that proved his doom.
Prince Torella was a nonentity ; the Rovere family, which
was to supply the Sidney or Bayard ^ of the Revolution,
was not now of political significance. The professional
classes were as yet excluded from government, and
creatures like the notorious Vanni were denied power.
Amid the general dearth the excitable Queen was at her
wit's end for a capable minister. During her Vienna and
Tuscan visits of 1778 she consulted, as always, her august
relations ; and the result was their recommendation of
John Francis Edward Acton, whose younger brother had
for some time been serving in the Austrian army. In
consenting to the trial of an unknown man, middle-aged
and a foreigner, the Queen hardly realised to what grave
issues her random choice was leading.
Acton, third cousin of Sir Richard Acton of Aldenham
Hall, Shropshire, to whose baronetcy and estates he most
unexpectedly succeeded in 1791, was the son of a physician,
Catholic and Jacobite, settled at Besancon. He was born
in 1736, and may have first entered the French Navy,
which he quitted probably as a cadet in search of advance-
ment, and not because of the vague discredits afterwards
imputed by the Jacobins, The British Navy he could
scarcely have contemplated, because in the days of the
Georges- Catholicism and Jacobitism were grave impedi-
' Prince Etlore Carafa.
- It was so even in 177S. The Bishop of Derry, writing to Sir William
from Albano in the June of that year about the prospects of the Count of
Albany, observes very much after his manner: — 'England has left them [the
Catholic Jacobites] no other method but force to recover their just rights. What
a Madness in our Government not to legalise the daily exercise they make
124 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
ments to success. At the age of thirty-nine he entered
the naval service of Carolina's brother, the Grand Duke
Leopold of Tuscany, and attracted Caramanico's notice
by his bravery as Captain on a Spanish expedition against
the Moors. Summoned by a stroke of luck to control
a realm at once ambitious and sluggish, he infused
English energy at every step. A martinet by training and
disposition, shrewd, worldly, calculating, yet sturdy, and
for Naples, where gold always reigned, inflexibly honest,
he was well capable of defying and brow-beating the supple
Neapolitan nobility who detested his introduction. A
smooth-tongued adventurer, though good looks were not
on his side, he speedily won the favour of a Queen in-
clined to make tools of favourites, and favourites of tools ;
but he soon convinced her also that a mere tool he could
never remain. He was naturally pro-British, and Britain
was already a Mediterranean power : Acton recommended
the country of his origin to the Queen's notice in the veriest
trifles. It was not many years before Maria Carolina was
driving in the English curricle which Hamilton had pro-
vided for her.^ Little else than a stroke of destiny, under
the conjunctures of the near future, brought the new
foreigner into close alliance with Sir William Hamilton,
whose patriotism in the very year when he was lolling with
Sir Horace Mann at Portici had expressed itself in a
fervent wish to see France ' well drubbed,' and a fury at the
non-support of Rodney by Government.^ The different
natures of the two perhaps cemented their friendship.
Hamilton for all his natural indolence could rise to emer-
gency ; Acton, on the contrary, was all compromise and
caution — a sort of Robert Walpole in little, with 'steady'
for his motto. Hamilton was good-tempered to a fault :
Emma wrote of him after her marriage that he preferred
'good temper to beauty.' In Acton lay a strong spice of
of their Religion ; as if a man were a less faithfull subject or a less brave soldier
for being fool enough to believe that to be Flesh which all the world sees to be
only Bread ; or as if doing that legally which he now does illegally would render
him a more tumultuous or a more dangerous cilyzen.' — Morrison MS. 83.
1 Cf. Eg. MS. 2639, f. 16.
2 Morrison MS. 92, 1780.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 125
the bully, and he could be very unjust if his authority was
impugned.^ He was a born bureaucrat, and it was his
love of bureaucracy, as will appear, that ruined the Queen.
Acton's only marriage occurred in his old age with his
young niece, by papal dispensation in 1805, as Fettigrew has
recorded. His brother Joseph's descendants are still at
Naples.^ But none of his family play any part in the
drama before us. Starting as an Admiral of the Neapolitan
Fleet, he soon became Minister both of Marine and War.
Caracciolo the elder's opportune transference to diplomacy
in Paris and London, which Acton's future libellers accused
him of contriving, as afterwards even of causing his death,
installed him as Minister of Finance. He at once advised
the institution of thirteen Commissioners who could all be
censured in event of failure; 'divide et impera' was his
principle ; and at first his resource proved successful. He
was soon made also a Lieutenant-General ; while some
ten years later, in his heyday, he was appointed Captain-
General, and at last a full-blown Field-Marshal. But long
before, he blossomed into power with the Queen, whose
anti-Spanish policy chimed with his own, and whose ab-
horrence of the pro-Spanish functionaries around her
required a champion in council. This created two camps
in the court, for up to 1796 the King was pro-Spanish to
the core. But the Queen was already predominant, and
it was soon bruited that the Latin ' Jiic, licec, hoc' meant
Acton, the Queen, and the King thus derided as neuter ;
indeed some added that Acton was ' kic, Jkbc, hoc' in one.
In a brief space Acton had consolidated a powerful fleet
— which in 1793 ^''^ was able to despatch in aid of the
English at Toulon ^ — and a formidable army. The hVench
events of 1789 rendered him all the more indispensable
to Maria Carolina, whose ears were terrified by the first
rumblings of an earthquake so soon to engulf her sister's
family. The Bastille was taken, the Assembly held,
and fawning false-loyalty loomed fully as dangerous as
' Cf. the incident related by the MarchionessSolariof ihe peasant who suflcred
from Acton's temper becaubc tlie King had left Acton unconsultcd in an act of
grace, Venice under the Yoke of Frame, etc., vol. ii. p. 49.
"^ For this information I am indebted to Lord Aclon. " I'ejxj, p. 12.
126 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
uproarious Jacobinism. In the same year America estab-
lished her 'Constitution.' The American rebellion was
the parent of the French Revolution ; already, and even
on ground so lately British, persecutions prevailed that
made shrewd officials, like Greville, dread the orgies
probable should this new leaven ferment in Latin and
Celtic blood. Already the aunts of Louis XVI., the
two old ' demoiselles de France,' were on the verge of
abandoning Paris for Rome ; already the charged air
tingled with Liberty, Equality, Fraternity ; already
Carolina, masking hysterical restiveness by imperious com-
posure, was debating if armed help were possible from
Austria as well as from Naples. But the irritated barons
were unwarlike, the King cared little, the lawyers still
depended on his favour, the intelligent middle-class was
beginning to welcome the Gallic doctrines. Austria, too,
was by no means ready. And yet in Carolina's ears the
hour of doom was already striking. She longed for an
untemporising deliverer, a self-sacrificing friend, a leader of
men and movements ; and as she longed and champed in
vain, she could only wait and hope and prepare.^ Her
anxiety was not that of a normal woman. Calm in mind,
in love and hate her ardour ran to extremes. Though she
owned a far better head than her unhappy sister, her heart,
outside her home and in spite of her passions, was far
colder. She was truly devoted to her children, she was
fond of romping even with the children of strangers ^ ; and
yet when her sons-in-law grew lukewarm in aiding her, she
could rage against her daughters. Jealousy of her ogling
and dangling consort was often a prime motive for her
actions ; and yet she had often h^Qn/emme galante, and was
ever bent on mystery and intrigue. She harped on duty, but
her notions of duty rested on maintaining the royal birth-
right of her house. Masterful as her mother, light-living
1 Cf. for the foregoing bird's-eye survey, besides the books and MS. quoted,
A. Dumas' / Bordom, Palumibo's Maria Carolina, Sacchinelli's and Ilelfert's
Ruffo, Cuoco's Saggi Storici, and JeatTreson's Queen of Naples and Lord Nelson.
- Lije and Letters of the First Earl of M into, vol. ii. p. 364, and cf. Madame
Le Brun's Memoirs, p. 72. She praises her as a misunderstood and magnani-
mous woman. ' She had a tine character and a good deal of wit.'
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 127
as her eldest brother, she was neither hard nor frivolous.
She could be both ice and fire. Her strange temperament
combined the poles with the equator.
The year 1789 proved critical for Emma also. It
brought to Naples, among other illustrious visitors, the
good and gracious Duchess of Argyll, formerly Duchess of
Hamilton, who, as the beautiful Miss Gunning, had years
before taken England, and indeed Europe, by storm. She
had come southward for her health. Her first marriage had
related her to Sir William, and no sooner had she set eyes
on Emma than she not only countenanced her in public
but conceived for her the most admiring and intimate
friendship. Hitherto the English ladies had been coldly
civil, but under the lead of the Duchess they now began
to follow the Italian vogue of sounding her praises. Emma
became the fashion. It was already whispered that she
was secretly married to the Ambassador,^ and had she
been his wife she could scarcely have been more heartily,
though she would have been more openly, accepted. Her
request that she might accompany Sir William, the King,
and Acton on one of their long and rough sporting journeys
had been gladly granted. She had attended her deputy-
husband on his equally rough antiquarian ramble through
Puglia, made in the spring of 1789. 'She is so good,' he
informed Greville, 'there is no refusing her.'- By the
spring of 1790 not only the Duchess but the whole
Argyll family lavished kindness^ on the extraordinary girl
whom they must have respected. The new Spanish ambas-
sador's wife also had become her intimate friend. Madame
Le Brun, too, repaired in the wake of the French troubles to
Naples, and was besieged for portraits. Madame Skavonska,
the Russian ambassador's handsome wife, so empty-headed
that she squandered her time in vacancy on a sofa, was
her first sitter.* Emma, brought by the eager Hamilton,
was the second, and during her sittings she was accom-
' Lord Elcho, who had been with the Argylls in Naples, bruited this abroad
in Switzerland in 1790. Cf. Morrison MS. 190.
■^ Morrison MS. 177. •"' Ibid. i8o.
■* The notorious Prince pDtcmkin was her lover, ;>nd Lord Bristol in one of
his letters wondered what would become of her un his death ;i few years later.
128 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
panied by the Prince of Monaco and the Duchess of Fleury,
Madame Le Brun, herself by no means devoid both of
jealousy and snobbishness, raved of her beauty, but formed
no opinion of her brain, while she found her ' supercilious.' ^
This is curious, for by common consent Emma gave herself
no airs ; she conciliated all. But though never a parvenue
in her affections, she could often behave as such in her
dislikes ; and her self-assertiveness could always combat
jealous or freezing condescension. Her improvement both
in knowledge and behaviour had from other accounts
enhanced her accomplishments. No breath of scandal had
touched her ; she was Hamilton's unwedded wife, and
her looks had kept even pace with her forward path in
many directions : she was fairer than ever and far less
vain. The Queen herself already pointed to her as an
example for the court, to which, however, Emma could not
gain formal admittance until the marriage which she had
predicted in 1786 had been duly solemnised. For that
desired climax everything now paved the way. Each
night in the season she received fifty of the elite at the
Embassy, till in January 1791 her success was crowned by a
concert and reception of unusual splendour.^ The stars
of San Carlo performed. The court ladies vied with each
other in jewels and attire. The first English, as well as the
first Neapolitans, thronged every room ; there were some
four hundred guests. Emma herself was conspicuously
simple. Amid the blaze of gems and colours she shone in
white satin, set off by the natural hues only of her hair and
complexion.
And yet she was not elated. Her one study, her single
aim, she wrote to Greville, were to render Sir William, on
whom she ' doated,' happy. They had already passed nearly
five years together, ' with all the domestick happiness that 's
possible.'^
Was there any rift within the lute? If so, it lay in
Greville's attitude. He opened his eyes and sighed as he
read of Emma's virtuous glory ; and he opened them still
wider when she assured him of her ' esteem ' for * having been
' Madame Lc Brun's Memoirs, p. 68.
^ Morrison MS. 189. ■'' Ibid. 189.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 129
the means of bringing' them 'together.' That Sir William
should marry her quite passed the bounds of his philosophy ;
there would be an eclat, and eclats he detested ; his uncle
would make himself ridiculous. It seems likely, from an
allusion in a letter from Hamilton of a full year earlier,
that the nephew had already thrown out hints of suitable pro-
vision should chance or necessity ever separate the couple.
Sir William, however, had been deaf to such suggestions,
although, 'thinking aloud,' he did mention ^^150 a year to
Emma, and ^50 to her mother, ' who is a very worthy
woman.' ^ Such contingencies, however, could not apply
to their present ' footing,' for ' her conduct was such as to
gain her universal esteem.' The only chance for such a
scheme hinged on her pertinacity in pressing him to marry
her. ' I fear,' he continued, ' that her views are beyond
what I can bring myself to execute, and that when her
hopes on this point are over, she will make herself and me
unhappy.' But he recoiled from the thought ; despite the
difference in their ages and antecedents, ' hitherto her con-
duct is irreproachable, but her temper, as you must know,
unequal.' ^
And now all these obstacles had melted in eighteen
months under the enchanter's wand of the charming
Duchess, who may well have urged him to defy convention
and make Emma his wife. Sir William's fears were not
for Naples, nor wholly for Greville, who might laugh if he
chose. They were rather for the way in which his foster-
brother. King George, and his Draco-Queen, might receive
such news, and how they might eventually manifest their
displeasure ; the Ambassador, however much and often he
was wont to bewail his fate, had no notion of retiring to
absurd obscurity. But these objections also seem to have
been equally dispersed by the fairy godmother of a
Duchess who was bent on raising Cinderella to the throne ;
and although Queen Charlotte eventually refused to receive
Lady Hamilton, yet Sir William's imminent return was in
fact signalised by the honour of a privy councillorship.
' The two sums represented llie allowance made by Sir William, and never
increased even after marriage.
" Morrison MS. 187.
I
130 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Long afterwards, he assured Greville that his treatment
when he was eventually replaced, and subsequently when he
was denied reimbursement for his losses and his services
(both to go fully as unrewarded as his wife's), was not
due to the king but to his ministers.^ Moreover, his two
old Eton School friends, Banks and the ubiquitous Lord
Bristol, Bishop of Derry, had signified their approval. The
latter in his peregrinations had already worshipped at
Emma's Neapolitan shrine — a devotee at once generous
and money-grubbing, cynical and ingenuous, constant and
capricious, who (in Lady Hamilton's words) ' dashed at
everything,' and who was so eccentric as to roam Caserta
in bishop's garb and a white hat. This original — a minia-
ture mixture of Peterborough, Hume, and, one might add,
Thackeray's Charles Honeyman — had braced Hamilton's
resolution by telling him it was only ' manly fortitude ' to
brave a stupid world and secure Emma's happiness and
his own,^ Sir William, whose inclination struggled with
Greville's prudence, could not gainsay his friends who
echoed the wishes of his heart. And all this must have
been furthered by the Duchess of Argyll.
No wonder that her sad death at the close of 1790, far
away from the climate which had proved powerless to save
her, desolated Emma. ' I never,' she assured Greville, who
already knew of their home-coming in the spring, ' I never
had such a freind as her, and that you will know when
I see you, and recount ... all the acts of kindness she
shew'd to me : for they where too good and numerous to
describe in a letter. Think then to a heart of gratitude
1 From a letter in the writer's possession, written by Greville immediately
after his uncle's decease to one of the then Foreign Secretaries. This letter will
be found in the Appendix (E (i)). It may at once be said that it contains a most
important confirmation of Emma's 'claims.' Not only does it establish the
strong recommendation of them by Sir William on his death-bed, but the precise
Greville in an official note declares that he ' knows ' ' that the records of your
office confirm the testimony of their Sicilian Majesties by letter as well as by
their Ministers.' Furthermore, this very letter is referred to by Emma in one
of her ' Memorials. ' The ministers feared an embarrassing political ^clat, while
they resented his expenditure. Queen Charlotte, I fancy however, was also
concerned with the neglect of Hamilton.
- Morrison MS. 200.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 131
and sensibility what it must suffer. Ma passienza: io ho
molto.' ^
The marriage project was first to visit Rome, where they
would meet the Queen, about to be reconciled to the Pope,
on her homeward journey from Vienna. Then to repair
to Florence, where they could take a short leave both of
her and the King ; and thence to Venice, where they were
to encounter, besides many English, the cream of the flying
French noblesse, including the Counts of Artois and Vau-
dreuil, the Polignacs, and Calonne.'- Before May was over
they would be in London, and there, if things went smoothly,
the wedding should take place. Emma's heart must have
throbbed when she reflected on the stray hazards that
might still wreck that happiness for which she had long
pined, and overthrow the full cup just as it neared her lips.
Greville was unaware of the dead secret, but he implored
Emma not to live in London as she had done in Naples ;
he pressed the propriety of separate establishments. Emma
laughed him to scorn. The friend of the late Duchess and
her friends could afford to flout insular opinion. But she
laughed too soon : had she been wiser she might possibly
have propitiated the Queen of England by discretion.
It further happened that Greville's official friend and
Emma's old acquaintance, Hcneage Legge, met and
spied on the happy pair at Naples, just before he and
they left for Rome ; he promptly reported progress to
Greville, who had plainly asked for enlightenment. The
unsuspecting Hamilton called on Legge immediately to
proffer him every friendly service. Mrs. Legge was in
delicate health, and Emma, too, kindly offered to act as
her companion, or even nurse. Legge was embarrassed ;
his wife civilly declined Emma's attentions, 'kindly in-
tended,' but owing to Emma's 'former line of life' impos-
sible to accept. These proprieties confirmed Sir William's
determination, and aroused Emma's ire. The one was
accustomed to observe that the ' reformed rake ' proverb
' Morrison MS. 189, January 1791. Emma's Italian orthography was still
as unequal as her temper. Her constant refrain. It recurs in letters even of
1S06; cf. Appendix, Part ll. C. (3).
» Morrison MS. 193, April 22, 1791.
132 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
applied fully as much to a woman as a man. The other
felt herself mortified and insulted just when her virtues
rang on every lip. If the frail Lady Craven, for instance,
were good enough to touch the hem of Mrs. Legge's
garments, why not Emma, who had rashly hastened to be
kind ? Legge must tell the rest himself : ' Her influence
over him exceeds all belief . . . The language of both
parties, who always spoke in the plural number — we, us,
and ours — stagger'd me at first, but soon made me deter-
mined to speak openly to him on the subject, when he
assur'd me, what I confess I was most happy to hear,
that he was not married ; but flung out some hints of doing
justice to her good behaviour, if his public situation did
not forbid him to consider himself an independent man.
. . . She gives everybody to understand that he is now
going to England to solicit the K.'s consent to marry her.
... I am confident she will gain her point, against which
it is the duty of every friend to strengthen his mind as
much as possible ; and she will be satisfied with no argu-
ment but the King's absolute refusal of his approbation.
Her talents and powers of amusing are very wonderfull.
Her voice is very fine, but she does not sing with great
taste, and Aprili [szc] says she has not a good ear ; her
Attitudes are beyond description beautifull and striking,
and I think you will find her figure much improved since
you last saw her. T/iey say they shall be in London by
the latter end of May, that their stay in England will be
as short as possible, and that, having settled his affairs, he
is determined never to return. She is much visited here
by ladies of the highest rank, and many of the corps
diplomatique ; does the honours of his house with great
attention and desire to please, but wants a little refine-
ment of manners in which ... I wonder she has not made
greater progress. I have all along told her that she could
never change her situation, and that she was a happier
woman as Mrs. H. than she wou'd be as Lady H., when
more reserved behaviour being necessary, she wou'd be
depriv'd of half her amusements.' ^
Sound sense enough, but most unlikely to convince
1 Morrison MS. 190; Legge lo Greville, Naples, March 8, 1791.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 133
Emma's self-confidence. Mrs. Legge, too, and afterwards
Queen Charlotte, were justified in excommunicating Emma
before her marriage ; such decencies are concerns of pre-
cedent, the etiquette of morality. But it is surely a cruel
and un-Christian precedent, to set up without exception
that a girl who had raised and trained herself as Emma
had done should be debarred from the possibility of legiti-
mate retrieval. Such standards savour far more of the
world than of Heaven. And, at all events, it must be
conceded that at this period Emma, who had been beloved
not only by the Duchesses of Argyll and Devonshire, but
by such young ladies as Miss Carr, could not possibly have
hurt or soiled the British matron. There may well have
been quite as much unamiable envy as injured innocence
in the blank refusal to let her show that she was a kind
and helpful woman, even though she had not always been
irreproachable.
London was reached at last, and the King's reluctant
sanction obtained. They were feted and entertained by
the Marquis of Abercorn, by Beckford at Fonthill, and by
the Duke of Oueensberry, who gave a brilliant concert at
Richmond in their honour, where Emma herself performed.^
But her chief delight was her reunion with those art
coteries where she had ever felt herself freest and most
at home. One of her first visits was to Cavendish Square.
On a June morning she surprised Romney — an apparition
in 'Turkish dress' — while he was ailing and melancholy.
Neither his trip in the previous year, nor the warm friend-
ship of Hayley, who had now fitted up a studio for him
at Eartham, could exorcise the demon of dejection which
brooded over him. The wonderful girl whose career he
had watched afar, cheered him back to his former source
of inspiration. His letters to Hayley of this date- are
full of her. She was eager that her old friend should
recognise that she was 'still the same Emma.' She sat
for him constantly, and besides his many other studies
' Newspiipers of ihe summer of 1791.
' Ilayley's Life of Kovnicy, pp. 158-165, and cf. the calalogue of MS.
letters in Add. MS. 30,895, f. 59, which supplements the letters there tran-
scribed.
134 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
and portraits of her, he at once made her the model of
his Joan of Arc, the idea of which his recent journey across
the Channel had suggested. Both this and a ' Magdalen '
were commissioned by the Prince of Wales, who seems to
have met her at the Duke of Oueensberry's. He painted
her as ' Cassandra,' he designed to paint her as ' Constance,'
he commenced a fresh 'Bacchante.'^ He dined with her
and "Sir William, and they both dined thrice with him, first
in July^ and afterwards in August. He broke his rule of
solitude in order that ' several people of fashion ' might
behold the performances of one whom he declared 'superior
to all womankind.' She in her turn begged him to let
Hayley set about writing his life. All that she did or
said fascinated him ; and the fondest father, remarks his
biographer, could not have taken a keener pleasure in the
marriage of a favourite daughter than did Romney in her
imminent wedding. Her acting and singing so transported
him, that he was on the point of posting off near midnight
to fetch Hayley from Eartham. ' She performed both in
the serious and comic to admiration: but her "Nina"' —
a part two years later the especial delight of Maria Carolina
— 'surpasses everything I ever saw, and I believe, as a
piece of acting, nothing ever surpassed it. The whole
company were in an agony of sorrow. Her acting is
simple, grand, terrible, and pathetic' It was this power
of moving others that, according to a tradition often re-
peated by the late Sir Francis Hastings Doyle, once so
worked on Nelson ten years afterwards, that he walked
up and down the crowded room muttering, ' D Mrs.
Siddons ! ' with whom somebody had contrasted her.^ On
the occasion just mentioned Gallini, the impresario, offered
her ;^2O0O a year and two benefits ' if she would engage
with him'; but, in Romney's words, 'Sir William said
pleasantly that he had engaged her for life.'
For a few weeks Romney fancied her attitude towards
him altered; the mere suspicion disquieted his nerves, but
1 Possibly the picture now known as 'Mirth.' - Add. MS. 30,805, f. 51.
* This anecdote originates perhaps with Mrs. St. George [Mrs. Trench] in
her Journal, recounting the fetes (and rumours) during the Nelson- Hamilton
visit to Dresden in 1801.
Emma Lyon, Lady IIamii.ion, as C^issandk.-l
By G. Komnky.
Fioni a first state of the Mezzotint in ILiyle Life of Roinney.
APPRENTICESHIP AND MARRIAGE 135
the cloud was soon dispelled. Meanwhile Hayley, who
was to compose a fresh poem on her just before her
wedding/ indited the following: —
' Gracious Cassandra ! whose benign esteem
To my weak talent every aid supplied,
Thy smile to me was inspiration's beam,
Thy charms my model, and thy taste my guide.
But say ! what cruel clouds have darkly chilled
Thy favour, that to me was vital fire?
O let it shine again ! or worse than killed.
Thy soul-sunk artist feels his art expire.'
On her very wedding day Emma sat for the last time to
the great artist for that noble portrait of her as the
' Ambassadress/ and she and her husband ' took a tender
leave ' ^ of one inseverable from her for ever.
Hamilton and she were the talk of the town. When they
drove out or went to parties, or entered the box at Drury
Lane, every eye was upon them, and it was at Drury Lane
that the acting of Jane Powell brought together the two
former mates in servitude as the admired of all beholders.
All this must have nettled Greville, of whose feelings at
this time there is no record. But his opposition does not
seem to have been serious, for Sir William and Emma
passed their time in a round of visits to the whole circle
of his relations, who were mostly^ her keen partisans. Lord
Abercorn, indeed, went so far as to protest that her person-
ality had 'made it impossible' for him 'to see or hear
without making comparisons';* and from this time forward
Lord William Douglas also became Emma's lifelong
upholder. The summer of 1791 was unusually hot, and
from the latter part of July to mid-August they stayed
with relatives in the country, including Beckford, when
Emma for the first time beheld the Oriental and the Gothic
glories, the mounting spire, the magic terraces, the fairy
gardens, and ail the bizarre splendours, including its owner,
of Fonthill Abbey.
1 Add. MS. 30,805, f. 5. 2 Add. MS. 30,805, f. 51.
•' Not so the Dowager Countess of Warwick, or his niece Mrs. Dickenson,
formerly Mary Hamilton, whose famed vocal prowess Emma was said to have
eclipsed. * Morrison MS. 198.
136 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
On the whole, this deh'cate experiment had succeeded,
although Queen Charlotte's ban doubtless rankled in
Emma's breast.^ The King himself was more pained than
offended, and had confirmed Hamilton in the security of
his appointment.
Nor was it only grand folks or old friends that Emma
had frequented. It is clear from allusions in shortly sub-
sequent letters that both she and her mother visited that
' poor little Emma' who had re-awakened the longings of
motherhood in the old but unforgotten days of Parkgate.
On September 6th Sir William and ' Emy,' or ' Emily,'
Lyon were duly wedded at Marylebone Church, long asso-
ciated with the Hamilton family. The marriage was
solemnised by the Rev. Doctor Edward Barry, rector of
Elsdon, Northumberland. The witnesses were Lord
Abercorn and L. Dutens,^ secretary to the English
Minister at Turin, with whom Emma long maintained
a faithful friendship.^ Her heart was overflowing. She
felt, as she told Romney, so grateful to her husband, so
glad in restored innocence and happiness, that she would
' never be able to make ' him ' amends for his goodness.'
They started homeward by way of Paris, where they were
to see for the first and last time that tortured Queen who
was fast completing the tragedy of her doom. Hence-
forward the name of ' Hart' is heard no more. Hencefor-
ward Emma is no longer obscure, but, as Lady Hamilton,
passes into history.
^ The Queen would never receive Lady Hamilton even after the return of the
Hamiltons to England, and Nelson will be found angry that Sir William would
go to court alone ; cf. post, chap. xii.
2 Parish Register, Marylebone Church.
^ Immediately on her return to Naples she begged Romney to send him, as
token, a portrait of herself — 'the little picture with the black hat.' — Morrison
MS. 199.
>■ *^^r
•^■^
;^"
^^
r
CHAPTER VI
TILL THE FIRST MEETING
1791-1793
Lady Hamilton returned to bask in social favour. It
was not only the Neapolitan noblesse and the English
wives that courted and caressed her. Their young
daughters also vied with each other in attentions, and
vowed that never was any one so amiable and accomplished
as this eighth wonder. Among these was a Miss Carr,
who not long afterwards married General Cheney, an Aide-
de-Camp to the Duke of York, during the next few years
more than once a visitor at Naples. The writer possesses
a miniature in water-colour, drawn by this young lady, of
the friend to whom she long remained attached. Emma
sits, clad all in white, with an air of sweetness and
repose. At the back of this memento she has herself
recorded : 'Emma Hamilton, Naples, Feb. 11, 1792. I had
the happiness of my dear Miss Carr's company all day;
but, alas, the day was too short.'
There is nothing in this likeness to betoken the purpose
and ambition which she was shortly to display in the side-
scenes of history. Horace Walpole had written, ' So Sir
William has married his gallery of statues.' Emma soon
ceases to be a statue, and becomes prominent in the labyrinth
of Neapolitan intrigue ; her role as patriot begins to be fore-
shadowed.
Throughout these three critical years of stress and shock
momentous issues were brewing, destined to bring into
sharp relief and typical collision the two giants of France
and England, Napoleon and Nelson ; while all the time,
under fate's invisible hand. Nelson was as surely tending
137
138 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
towards Naples and Emma, as Emma was being drawn
towards Nelson. From the moment of her return in the
late autumn of 1791 she began, at first under Hamilton's
tuition, to study and understand the political landscape.
Nowhere outside France did the Revolution bode omens
more sinister than at the Neapolitan court. The Queen
clearly discerned that her French sister and brother-in-law
trembled on the brink of destruction. She knew that the
epidemic of anarchy must endanger Naples among the first,
and might involve the possible extinction of its dynasty.
She was not deceived by the many false prophets crying
peace where no peace was ; still less by the wild schemes
for hairbreadth escapes which sent visionary deliverers
scouring through Europe. Her one hope — soon rudely
shattered — lay in Austria's power to effect a coalition of
great powers and strong armies. She had just quitted the
family council in Vienna, following on the death of her
brother Joseph the Second, and the short-lived accession to
the throne of her other brother Leopold, the pedantic
philanthropist. Its object had been, in Horace Walpole's
phrase, to ' Austriacise ' the position of the Italian Bourbons,
by family inter-marriages and a betrothal.^ Her efforts
were bent on a league against France, and it was for this
that on her way home she had contrived a surprise meeting
with the weak Pope Pius VI., penetrated the Vatican,
abjured her anti-papal policy, and humiliated herself in the
dust. And yet Louis XVI. besought her to suspend efforts
which might rescue him, and shrank from embittering his
false friends. Austria, too, was for seven years to prove a
broken reed. Spain was never a whole-hearted enemy of
France, and within three years was to become her ally.
The Queen awoke to a fury of indignation and hopelessness.
Her foes were those of her own household — her nobles,
her husband, his Spanish brother and sister, — and herself
Hitherto she had been reckoned an enlightened patroness,
' Of her daughter Maria to Leopold's son, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, soon
to ascend the Austrian throne as Francis the Second, and to be branded as
'falso Italiano, falso Tedesco ' ; of her second daughter, Luigia Amalia, to the
Archduke Ferdinand ; by the betrothal also of her eldest son, now only thirteen,
to the sickly Archduchess Maria Clementina.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 139
compassing the equality and fraternity of subjects who had
never required political liberty. She had stubbornly re-
sisted the Spanish Machiavellianism which had manoeuvred
to undermine those very freemasonries which Maria Caro-
lina had founded and forwarded.^ Spain was, in truth,
the key of the present position. Spain was befooling
Ferdinand and spiting his wife at every turn. The Spanish
queen coveted Naples for her own offspring, and the two
queens abominated each other. She was quite aware
that the pro-Spanish party, abetted by her blockhead of a
husband, covertly designed the transference of the Crown
of the two Sicilies to the Duke of Parma, while many of
the Neapolitan nobles, affronted at the abolition of their
feudal rights, were in secret confederation with it. She
sprang from a house glorying in its despotic monopoly
of popular principles, yet it was to such fatalities that these
very principles were leading. Stability and authority had
been her aims, yet the ground was fast slipping from
beneath her feet. She was a true scion of the casuist
Hapsburgs, who had always considered pride as a sacred
duty, and who, if their system were imperilled, would be
ready to defend it by conscientious crimes. In the refrain
of her own subsequent letters, ' // faut /aire son devoir
jusqu'au tonibemi! -
And added to all this was the shifting mood of her
consort, whose infidelities she (like the queen of our own
George the Second) only condoned in order that his good
humour might enable her to rule. He had always twitted
her with being an ' Illuminata,' he now derided her as the
'Austrian hen.'^ His advisers would prompt him to rely
more than ever on his Spanish kindred, to slight the
Hapsburgs and herself. When Emma long afterwards
claimed to have ' De-Bourbonised ' the Neapolitan court,
it was to these conditions that she referred."*
''■ The court of Madrid had gone so far as to induce Gallo, through Pallanli,
to make a raid on those societies and to brave the anger of their royal patroness.
— Pep^, p. 17.
* To Lady Hamilton, Eg. MS. 1615, f. 58.
* Venice under the Yoke, etc., vol. ii. p. 48. The King said to Gallo, ' Ah !
Gallo, Gallo, se non fosse per quella Gallina d'Austria vi farei vedere chi sono.'
* The non-perception of this fact has led Mr. Jeaffreson astray.
I40 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Gallo, the foreign minister, leaned towards and upon
Spain. Even Acton hitherto had been content to pro-
pitiate the King by taking his cue from Madrid. The
King himself had regarded England merely as a market
for dogs and horses/ the Queen only as an enemy of
Spain, That the attitude of both was shortly to be trans-
formed was due to Emma's enthusiasm as spokeswoman
for her husband. Even in February 1796 Emma wrote to
Lord Macartney, who had just arrived at Naples, 'the
Queen is worn out with her effort to persuade Ferdinand
to take a decided attitude against the ply of Spain,' and
that * she approves of all our prospects!'^ The moot question
soon became, Was Naples to be Spanish or English 1 The
Austrian influence, so prized by an Austrian princess, was
on the wane. As England's advocate the light-hearted
Emma was drawn into the political vortex, and assumed
the mysterious solemnity befitting her part.
In her perplexity it was to Acton that Maria Carolina
turned. She thought him a man of iron, whereas he was really
one of wood ; but he was methodical, pro- Austrian, and at
the core pro-English. Under the imminence of crisis, he and
Hamilton — still a man of pleasure, but not its slave — both
came to perceive that unless the whole system of Europe
was to be reversed, an Anglo-Sicilian alliance was impera-
tive. Hamilton, however, was slower to discern the neces-
sity which Emma realised by instinct. Writing in April
1792, he says: 'The Neapolitans, provided they can
get their bellies full at a cheap rate, will not, I am sure,
trouble their heads with what passes in other countries, and
great pains are taken to prevent any of the democratic
propaganda, or their writings, finding their way into this
kingdom.'^ Even in 1795 he was to be more concerned with
the success of his treatises on Vesuvius than with the
tangle of treaties fast growing out of the situation.* It
was not till 1796 that he took any strong initiative with
^ Cf. Morrison MS. 105. Lord Pembroke to Sir W. Hamilton, Oct. 16,
1791, where he complains of the King's sporting agent, ' Calabria.'
" Morrison MS. 274.
^ Morrison MS. 208.
^ Morrison MS. 252. One of them was being read before the Royal Society.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 141
Acton. ^ The two Sicilies indeed were now a shuttlecock
between the treacheries of Spain and the dilatoriness as
well as venality of Austria.-
But for England the French cataclysm meant something
wholly different from its significance for the Continent.
Great Britain stood alone and aloof from other powers.
She was the nurse of traditional order and traditional liberty
conjoined ; disorder and licence, although exploitable by
political factions under specious masks, never appealed to
the nation at large. Britain's upheavals had been settled
by happy compromise more than a century before.
Jacobinism menaced her ' free ' trade, and might strike even
at her free institutions. She was a great maritime and a
Mediterranean power whose coign of vantage in Gibraltar
would prove useless if Naples and Sicily, Malta and
Sardinia^ should fall to France. Sicily, indeed, had been
one of her objectives in that great Utrecht Treaty which
had transferred it to the friendly house of Savoy, while it
secured Gibraltar and Port Mahon to Great Britain. And
ever since, Spain had been England's sworn enemy. Spain
was France's natural ally, nor would the revolutionary
burst long deter the Spanish Bourbons from an anti-
British policy. Spain had tricked Austria and braved
Great Britain throughout the eighteenth century, yet it was
on Spain that Maria Carolina's husband habitually relied.
From England, too, throughout that century, had rained
those showers of gold which had subsidised the enemies of
Bourbon preponderance. ' Will England,' wrote Acton
^ Cf. Eg. MS. 2639, f. 333. He quotes Pontano's inscription in the Chapel
of S. Maria : ' Audendo, agendoque res publica crescit, non his consiliis quae
timidi caula appellant.'
- The writer has a letter of October 31, 1795, ^'^om the burrowing Lord
Bristol (then at Berlin) to Lady Hamilton, which tells her * The poor Austrian
General [i.e. Wurmser] . . . had no orders, no permission from that execrable
Council of War at Vienna, one half of which are publickly known to be sold to
the National Convention. Lord Longford and his pedantick friend Mr. Knott
are just arrived from Vienna — they assure me nothing can be more notorious or
more publickly talked of than the Venality of the Council of War. . . Dearest
Emma, tell our dear inestimable Queen from me that unless she has weight
enough to get that infamous Council of War abolished, suppressed, annihilated,
'tis impossible that a General can either seize his advantage ox pursue it.'
' Under the then conditions of warfare. Nelson always insisted that Sardinia
was the key to the Mediterranean position.
142 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
some years later to Hamilton, when Emma, as the Queen's
' minister plenipotentiary,' ^ had ' spurred ' them on, ' see
all Italy, and even the two Sicilies, in the French hands
with indifference? . . . We shall perish if such is our
destiny, but we hope of selling dear our destruction.'-
In England the remonstrant Burke forsook the pseudo-
Jacobin Whigs. It was hoped, and not without reason,
that Pitt as a great statesman might foresee the situation.
But the difficulty all along in the British cabinet, and some-
times the obstacle, was to prove Lord Grenville,^ cold, stiff,
timid, official to a fault ; so hesitating that he twice coun-
selled the two Sicilies to make the best peace they could with
Buonaparte, before whom he quailed ;* and so diplomatic
that, even after Nelson's Mediterranean expedition had been
concerted between the two courts, he begged Circello, the
Neapolitan Ambassador, to pretend discontent in public
with what had just been privately ratified.^ In the same
year, defending the ministry against the Duke of Bedford's
abortive motion for their dismissal, and praising the gallant
navy ' which had ridden triumphant at the same moment at
the mouths of Brest and Cadiz and Texel,' the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs could only be wise after the event. He could
only defend the prolongation of war by Barere's threat of
' Delenda est Carthago,' by Condorcet's opinion that under
a peace we should have been relieved of Jamaica, Bengal,
and our Indian possessions ; by bemoaning England's
vanished ' power to control the Continent,' by proclaiming
that she was ' at her lowest ebb,' and by complaining that
Austria had deserted the Alliance.*' Commenting on his
attitude, thirteen years afterwards, towards Emma's claims,
Canning, who warmly favoured them, dwells on the same
characteristic of 'coldest caution.''' Such a spirit could ill
^ In June 1798. Eg. 1618, I. 7, ' Je vous fais mon ministre plenipotencier.'
- Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 53- 55.
^ Cf. Acton's letter August 29, 1793, Eg. MS. 2639, f. 66, and ibid. f. 353,
where Acton says that Granville always 'chicaned.'
* Eg. MS. 2639, ff. 313, 325, 329. 5 Eg. MS. 2640, f. 63.
'' Cf. British I^Iuseum 8132 D. , f. 9, 1-16. Greville, writing on January 10,
1792, says : ' The crisis of France is not far distant. Our Government will not
dare involve us ; they are in alarms about India.' — Morrison MS. 201.
' Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 263.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 143
deal with the conjuncture. Mob-despotism was now the
dread of Europe.^ Mob-rule was already rampant in
France, though the time was still distant when the
Marchioness of Solari could declare that the French had
robbed her of all but the haunting memory of Parisian
gutters swimming with blood."
Acton acceded to the Queen's request with rigour, but
his weak point lay in the fact that he was a born bureaucrat ;
while the sort of bureaucracy that he favoured, one of secret
inquisition, turned political offences into heresies, and
Jacobins into martyrs. Bureaucracies may check, but have
never stemmed, revolutions which are calmed — when they
can be calmed — by commanding personality alone. A
bureaucrat is never a trusted nor even a single figure, for he
belongs to unpopular and unavailing groups and systems
which from their nature must at best be temporary stop-
gaps. As Jacobinism throve and persevered, the Lazzaroni,
who execrated it as a foreign innovation, cheered their care-
less King, but they came to hiss the Queen for her counte-
nance of bureaucracy, until Nelson entered the arena, and
Emma formed, in 1799, a 'Queen's party,' at the very
moment when Maria Carolina dared not so much as show
her face at Naples.
Already in the spring the French events began to affect
Naples. Mirabcau dead, the abortive escape to Varennes,
Louis XVI. in open and abject terror, Danton and Petion
bribed, the National Convention, the cosmopolitan cries of
' Let us sow the ideas of 1789 throughout the world. . . . We
all belong to our country when it is in danger. . . . Liberty
and equality constitute country,' spread their contagion
broadcast. They did not yet inflame the Neapolitan middle
class ; they never caught the Neapolitan people ; but their
^ Nelson's future letters constantly point to this factor. Deploring the condi-
tion of Rome in August 1799, he observes to Sir James St. Clair Erskine : ' In
Civita Vecchia are about 1000 Regulars with the whole country against them, but
such mobs are going about plundering that they . . . are sometimes good Repub-
licans, and sometimes their bitterest enemy. This mobbing sysUm has its desire
of getting also into the Neapolitan Dominions, which would thus be in nearly as
bad a stale as when in possession of the P'rench.' He then adverts to ' anarchy
and confusion,' etc. Cf. the excerpt in Sotheby's catalogue for July 8, 1905.
'^ She adds that but for her writing she must have gone mad.
144 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
leaven had already touched the offended nobles ^ and the
ungrateful students. From the moment of Louis' imprison-
ment in the Temple, his sister-in-law changed her tack and
resolved to go ' Thorough.' The pulpits were pressed into
an anti-Jacobin crusade. The administration of the twelve
city wards, hitherto supervised by elected aldermen, was
transferred without warning to chiefs of police as judges
and inspectors. Denouncers and informers were hired,
although as yet the brooding Queen used her spies for pre-
caution alone, and not for vengeance. The republican seed
of the secret societies, sown by her own hands, had borne a
crop of democracy ripening towards harvest. Her academic
reformers were fast developing into open revolutionaries.
The red cap was worn and flaunted. Copies of the French
Statute were seized in thousands as they lurked in sacks on
the rocks of Chiaromonte ; two even found their way into the
Queen's apartments. This conspiracy she hoped to nip in
the bud. It had not assumed its worst proportions ; nor as
yet had disloyalty thrown off the mask, and appeared as a
bribed hireling of the National Convention.- The grisly
horrors at Paris of 1792, preluding only too distinctly the
crowning executions of 1793, called also for sterner mea-
sures. By July, Beckford, an eye-witness, remarks that even
Savoy was ' bejacobinised, and plundering, ravaging,' were
'going on swimmingly.'^ The Queen bestirred herself
abroad. A league was formed between Prussia and Austria.
The Duke of Brunswick issued his manifesto that one finger
laid on Louis would be avenged. Danton exclaimed, ' To
arms ! ' France, generalled by Dumouriez, hero of Jemappes,
and Kellermann of Valmy, was invaded. The assassination
of Gustavus of Sweden followed. But the brief victory of
the confederate arms at Longwy soon yielded to the Valmy
defeat. Monarchy was on its trial.
Once more the Queen conferred with Acton, and their
* Colonna, Riario, Pignatelli, etc., who had then no commerce with the
professional class that the Queen had always exalted, and that the nobles were
beginning to envy.
^ Morrison MS. 238. The writer has a letter in which Acton emphasises the
extreme jeopardy of affairs in 1793. Pesched the banker, and Falco the
physician, plotted even in 1794 to kill the King.
^ Morrison MS. 212.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 145
deliberations resulted in the detestable Star Chamber of
the ' Camera Oscura.' Force was to be met by force, and
cabal by cabal. Prince Castelcicala/ a far abler minister
than Acton,^ was recalled from London to assist in its
councils; Ruffo, not yet Cardinal, became its assessor; while
the stripling Luigi di Medici, under the title of 'Regente della
vicaria,' became its head inquisitor.^ But mercy was still
shown. Colletta himself, an historian certainly unbiassed
in the Queen's favour, admits that she had no idea of
' persecution.' Most odious means, however, were taken to
crush a conspiracy of foreign and unpopular origin. Some
hundreds of the better class, some thousands of the scum,
were banished, or confined in the prisons of Lampedusa
and Tremiti. Such is an imperfect outline of what hap-
pened in 1 791 and 1792.*
The interview of the Hamiltons with Marie Antoinette
on their homeward journey has been already noticed.
Nearly twenty-four years afterwards Lady Hamilton,
never accurate, and constitutionally exaggerative, declared
in her last memorial under the pressure of sore distress,
that she then presented to the Queen of Naples her
sister's last letter. There is little doubt that substantially
she told the truth. She was the bearer of a missive, for
Marie Antoinette neglected none of her now rare chances
of communication. About the same time, however, the
Marchioness of Solari also repaired from Paris to Naples
with another communication. Emma has been roundly
trounced for her statement by such as occasionally survey
history with the diminishing end of their telescope. It is
hardly worth while debating whether all credence should be
denied to the bearer of an important letter simply on the
' lie was replaced as Ambassador in England by Sicigniano, after whose
suicide the Marquis of Circello succeeded. - In Nelson's opinion.
' He was himself to head a fresh conspiracy in 1795. Cf. Hamilton's letter
to G. Elliot at Vienna of January 27 of that year. Eg. MS. 263S, f. 147. This
shows how untrue la fable conveuue has been in ascribing Medici's fall to Acton's
vindictiveness.
* In the foregoing, besides the MS. and authorities cited, cf. General Pepe's
Memoirs, Dumas' History of the Italian Bourbons (from the Archives), Croce's
references in Eleonora Fouseca di Pimcntel, and Coco's Saggio Storico, General
Macdonald's Souvenirs, Nardini's Mimoires.
K
146 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
ground of priority. But, as a matter of fact, the Marchioness
paid two visits about this time to Naples, and the month of
the first may well have preceded that of Lady Hamilton's
arrival there in 1791. Moreover, the Marchioness's own
language points to a merely verbal message on the first
occasion,^ and not to a 'letter' at all.
Whether or no this incident fastened afresh the Queen's
regard, certain it is that Maria Carolina gave the mot cFordre
for Lady Hamilton's acceptability. Nobody disputed her
position, least of all the English. She was at once formally
presented to the Queen. By mid-April of 1792 Sir
William Hamilton could tell Horace Walpole, just acced-
ing to his earldom, that the Queen had been very kind, and
treated his wife ' like any other travelling lady of dis-
tinction.' 'Emma,' he adds, 'has had a difficult part
to act, and has succeeded wonderfully, having gained by
having no pretensions the thorough approbation of all the
English ladies. . . . You cannot imagine how delighted
Lady H. was in having gained your approbation in Eng-
land. . , . She goes on improving daily. . . . She is really
an extraordinary being.'-
Within a month of her arrival in the previous autumn,
and in the midst of successes, she sat down to write to
Romney. The tone of this letter deserves close attention,
for no under-motive could colour a communication to so
old and fatherly a comrade : ' I have been received with
open arms by all the Neapolitans of both sexes, by all the
foreigners of every distinction. I have been presented to
the Queen of Naples by her own desire, she [h]as shewn me
all sorts of kind and affectionate attentions ; in short, I am
the happiest woman in the world. Sir William is fonder of
me every day, and I hope I [he ?] will have no corse to
1 Cf. Venice under the Yoke of France and of Austria, p. 78. The Mar-
chioness states generally that (from 1791-93) she was entrusted with ' letters,' but
explains the term in the same paragraph by averring that she ' was often charged
with verbal messages of a nature too delicate to be committed to paper in those
perilous times.' Mr. Jeaffreson has left this unnoticed, and he has assumed that
the Marchesa paid her short and secret visit of 1791 after Emma's return from
London. He evidently confuses this with the later visit of October 1793- But
the Marchioness was herself by no means accurate in details.
- Morrison MS. 208, April 17, 1792.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 147
repent of what he [h]as done, for I feel so grateful to him
that I think I shall never be able to make him amends for
his goodness to me. But why do I tell you this ? You
was the first dear friend I open'd my heart to ; you ought
to know me.^ . . . How gratefull then do I feel to my dear,
dear husband that has restored peace to my mind, that has
given me honors, rank, and what is more, innocence and
happiness. Rejoice with me, my dear sir, my friend, my
more than father ; believe me, I am still that same Emma
you knew me. If I could forget for a moment what I was,
I ought to suffer. Command me in anything I can do for
you here ; believe me, I shall have a real pleasure. Come
to Naples, and I will be your model, anything to induce
you to come, that I may have an opportunity to show my
gratitude to you. . , . We have a many English at Naples,
Ladys Malm[e]sbury, Maiden, Plymouth, Carnegie, and
Wright, etc. They are very kind and attentive to me ;
they all make it a point to be remarkably cevil to me.
Tell Hayly I am always reading his Triumphs of Temper ;
it was that that made me Lady H.,for God knows I had for
five years enough to try my temper, and I am affraid if it
had not been for the good example Serena taught me, my
girdle wou'd have burst, and if it had I had been undone ;
for Sir W. minds more temper than beauty. He therefore
wishes Mr. Hayly wou'd come, that he might thank him for
his sweet-tempered wife. I swear to you, I have never
once been out of humour since the 6th of last September.
God bless you.'-
Romney, whose friend Flaxman, now in Rome, counted
himself among Emma's devotees,^ replied in terms of humble
respect. He deprecated the liberty of sending a friend
with a letter of introduction, and only wished that he could
express his feelings on the perusal of her ' happyness.'
' May God grant it may remain so to the end of your
days.'*
How 'attentive' to her Lady Plymouth and the English
' Here follows the passage about her ' sense oi virtue ' not being overcome in
her earliest distresses, quoted ante in chap. ii. * Morrison MS. 199.
' Morrison MS. 207, and cf. his interview and Hayley's with her and Nelson
in \%02, poit, chap. xii. •• Morrison MS. 210.
148 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
sisterhood were at this early period is shown by a letter
which changed hands during the present year. It is couched
not only in terms of affection, but of trust. If the French
terror became actual at Naples, Lady Plymouth would take
refuge with Lady Hamilton, and 'creep under the shadow
of her 'wings.' The leaders of English society relished, as
always, a new sensation, and, away from England, delighted
to honour one so different from themselves.
While all this underground disturbance proceeded, the
outward aspect of court and city was serenity itself.
Ancient Pompeii could not have been more frivolously
festive. Ill as they suited her mood, the Queen, from policy,
encouraged these galas. They distracted the court from
treason, they pleased her husband and people, and they
attracted a crowd of useful foreigners, especially the English,
who, during these two years, inundated Naples to their
Ambassador's dismay. The distinguished English visitors
of 1792 included the sickly young Prince Augustus, after-
wards Duke of Sussex, whose delicate health and morganatic
marriage^ alike added to Hamilton's anxieties. But for the
disturbed state of the Continent, ' Vathek ' Beckford — to
whom Sir William was always kind — would have revisited
his kinsman also. He had not long quitted his 'dear' and
queenly friend ' Mary of Portugal,' and was now travelling
through Savoy with a retinue worthy of Disraeli's Sidonia
and composed of half the emigres, musicians, and cooks —
chefs dorchestre et de cuisine — of Versailles ;2 and Emma's
old friend Gavin Hamilton was also among the throng.^
A correspondence* between husband and wife during
the January of this year, and his absence with the King at
Persano, is pleasant reading, and oictures a happy pair.
The Ambassador, who up to now Lid found his business
in sport, cheerfully roughing it on bread and butter, going
^ With Lady Augusta Murray, to whom he was a devoted husband in the
teeth of his father's and brother's opposition. Lady Hamilton continued to
enjoy his friendship long afterwards. The Estes, Nelson's and her friends and
correspondents, were related.
" Morrison MS. 212, 213. ^ Stowe MS. I020, f. 2.
■* Nelson Letters, vol. ii. pp. 137-139.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 149
to bed at nine and rising at five, reading, too, ' to digest
his dinner,' is affectionate and playful. He was ' sorry,'
he writes on leaving, that his ' dear Em ' must * harden '
herself to such little misfortunes as a temporary parting';
but he 'cannot blame her for having a good and tender
heart' 'Believe me, you are in thorough possession of
all mine, though I will allow it to be rather tough.' His
diary of the hour flows from a light heart and pen. He
tells her the gossip: 'Yesterday the courier brought the
order of St. Stephano from the Emperor^ for the Prince
Ausberg,^ and the King was desired to invest him with it.
As soon as the King received it, he ran into the Prince's
room, whom he found in his shirt, and without his breeches,
and in that condition was he decorated with the star and
ribbon by his majesty, who has wrote the whole circum-
stance to the Emperor. Leopold may, perhaps, not like
the joking with his first order. Such nonsense should
certainly be done with solemnity ; or it becomes, what it
really is, a little tinsel and a few yards of broad ribbon.'
His watchful wife, in her turn, acquaints him with London
cabals to dislodge him from office. ' Our conduct' he
answers with indignation, ' shall be such as to be unattack-
able. . . . Twenty-seven years' service, having spent all the
King's money, and all my own, besides running in debts,
deserves something better than a dismission. ... I would
not be married to any woman but yourself for all the
world.' And again, ' I never doubted your gaining
every soul you approach. . . . Nothing pleases me more
than to hear you do not neglect your singing. It would
be a pity, as you are near the point of perfection.' The
very etiquette of the Embassy he leaves with confidence in
her hands. 'You did admirably, my dear Em., in not
inviting Lady A. H.^ to dine with the prince, and still
better in telling her honestly the reason. I have always
found that going straight is the best method, though not
' Leopold.
-' Tie was illiterate. Cf. Nelson Letters, p. 158. 'Having no opportunity of
making love does nothing but talk of his new flame, which is Lady A. Hatton.
I put him right, for he thought she spelt her name with two >/• instead of two //.'
* Hatton. Cf. the last note.
ISO EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the way of the world.^ You did also very well in asking
Madame Skamouski, and not taking upon you to present
her [to the Queen] without leave. In short, consult your
own good sense, and do not be in a hurry ; and I am sure
you will always act right. ... As the Prince asked you,
you did right to send for a song of Douglass's,- but in
general you will do right to sing only at home.' He also
politely deprecates his plebeian mother-in-law's attendance
at formal receptions. But Emma, throughout her career, dis-
dained to be parted for a moment. Unlike raosX. paf'venues,
she never blushed for the homely creature who had stood by
her in the day of trouble, and her intense love for her
mother, even when it stood most in her way, ennobles her
character.
The Neapolitan revelries were sometimes the reverse of
squeamish : * Let them all roll on the carpet,' he writes,
* provided you are not of the party. My trust is in you
alone.'
It should be marked that from other letters of this series
it is evident that even thus early Lady Hamilton was
copying and translating despatches. Sir William was
naturally torpid, and his enthusiasm centred on the wife
who bestirred him. His efforts to keep eternally young
were already being damped by the deaths of contemporaries.
That of his old intimate. Lord Pembroke, in 1794,^ was to
evoke a characteristic comment : — ' It gave me a little twist ;
but I have for some time perceived that my friends, with
whom I spent my younger days, have been dropping
around me.'
The close of 1792 saw the first of those serious illnesses
through which Emma was so often to nurse him. For
more than a fortnight he lay in danger at Caserta. Lady
Hamilton was ' eight days without undressing, eating, or
sleeping.' The Queen and King sent constantly to in-
quire. Although Naples was distant sixteen miles. Ladies
Plymouth, Dunmore, and Webster, with others of the
^ Cf. Nelson's 'upright and straightforward.'
- Lord W. Douglas, Sir W.'s relation.
^ The letter from which this excerpt comes is wrongly included in this series
of 1792. A letter exists from him in June 1793. Morrison MS. 225.
II
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 151
British contingent, offered even to stay with her. She tells
her dear Mr. Greville (how changed the appellation !) of
her * great obligations,' and of her grief. * Endead I was
almost distracted from such extreme happiness at once to
such misery. . . , What cou'd console me for the loss of
such a husband, friend, and protector ? For surely no
happiness is like ours. We live but for one another. But
I was too happy. I had imagined I was never more to be
unhappy. All is right. I now know myself again, and
shall not easily fall into the same error again. For every
moment I feel what I felt when I thought I was loseing
him for ever.' ^ This is the letter concerning her grand-
mother to which reference has already been made. Since
I lay stress on the fact that Emma was a typical daughter
of the people both in scorn and affection, that she was
warm-hearted, unmercenary, and grateful, and that she
never lowered the natures of those with whom she was
brought into contact, another excerpt may be pardoned: —
* I will trouble you with my own affairs as you are so
good as to interest yourself about me. You must know I
send my grandmother every Cristmas twenty pounds, and
so I ought. I have 200 a year for nonsense, and it wou'd
be hard I cou'd not give her twenty pounds when she has
so often given me her last shilling. As Sir William is ill,
I cannot ask him for the order; but if you will get the
twenty pounds and send it to her, you will do me the
greatest favor ; for if the time passes without hearing from
me, she may imagine I have forgot her, and I would not
keep her poor old heart in suspense for the world. . . .
Cou'd you not write to her a line from me and send to her,
and tell her by my order, and she may write to you ? Send
me her answer. For I cannot divest myself of my original
feelings. It will contribute to my happiness, and I am
sure you will assist to make me happy. Tell her every
year she shal have twenty pound. The fourth of November
last I had a dress on that cost twenty-five pounds, as it
was Gala at Court; and believe me I felt unhappy all the
while I had it on. Excuse the trouble I give you.'
' Morrison MS. 215; Caserla, December 4, 1792.
152 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
The end of 1792 and the whole of 1793 loomed big with
crisis. The new year opened with the judicial murder of
the French King, it closed with that of Marie Antoinette.
Her execution exasperated all Europe against France.
England declared war ; Prussia retired from the first
Coalition, and the second was formed. An Anglo-Sicilian
understanding ensued. Through the arrival of La Touche
Treviile's squadron at Naples, the French sansculottes
shook hands with the Italian. Hood's capture of Toulon,
Napoleon's undoing of it, and Nelson's advent in the
Agamemnon, opened out a death-struggle unfinished even
when the hero died.
To the Queen's promptings of temperament and habits
of principle were now to be added the goads of revenge.
Jacobinism for her and her friends soon came to mean the
devil. And with this year, too, opened also Lady Hamilton's
intimacy with the Queen, her awakening of her listless
hwsband, and her keen endeavours on behalf of the British
navy.
The worst hysteria is that of a woman who is able to con-
ceal it. Such was now the Queen's. The overture to this
drama of 1793 was her formal dismissal of Citizen Mackau,^
for a few months past the unwelcome Jacobin representa-
tive of France at the Neapolitan court; at the same time,
the Queen's influence procured the dismissal of yet another
'citizen' ambassador at Constantinople.^ Treviile's fleet
promptly appeared to enforce reparation. His largest
vessel dropped anchor in face of Castel Del Uovo, and the
rest formed in line of battle behind it. A council was
called. The Anglo-Sicilian treaty was yet in abeyance,
and with shame and rage Maria Carolina had to submit,
and receive the minister back again. But this was not all.
No sooner had Treville departed than a convenient storm
shattered his fleet, and he returned to refit. His sailors
^ On his departure he took with him the family of Basseville his secretary,
who had been murdered under the eyes of the Supreme Pontiff at Rome. Cf.
Dumas' / Borboni. After Mackau returned, he was replaced for a time by
the Comte de Michelle, he again by La Cheze, and he, in his turn, by Garat.
Emma in her 'Prince of Wales' memorial of 1813 confuses Michelle with
Garat.
^ Semouville.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING I53
hobnobbed with the secret societies, and a definite re-
volution began. France had hoped for attack ; open
war being refused, she renewed her designs by stealth.
The Queen, incensed beyond measure, redoubled her
suspicions and her precautions. To the secret tribunal
she added a closed 'Junta,' and the grim work of de-
portation and proscription set in. All Naples, except
the Lazzaroni, rose. Despite the Neapolitan neutrality,
Maria now organised a second coalition against France,
which was at first successful.^ The French, too, were
beaten off Sardinia. In August she renewed her desperate
attempts to save her sister ;2 the jailor's wife was inter-
viewed. Archduchess Christine contrived to send the
Marquis Burlot and Rosalia D'Albert with carte blanche on
a mission of rescue. It was too late : they were arrested.
But Toulon was betrayed by Trogoff to Hood, who took
possession of it for Louis XVII.
Meanwhile, repression reigned at Naples. Every French
servant was banished ; some of the English visitors, among
them Mr. Hodges, the present and future pesterer of Emma
by his attentions, were implicated.^ The Queen, mistrust-
ful of the crew who had played her false, turned to Emma
in her misfortunes, for Lady Hamilton was now quite as
familiar with the royalties as her husband.* One of the
Neapolitan duchesses long afterwards insinuated to the
Marchioness of Solari that Emma's paramount influence
was due to spying on them and the libertine King.^ This
may at first have been so (though envy supplies a likelier
reason), but the real cause lies deeper. The Queen's corre-
spondence commences in the winter of 1793, ^"d it is quite
clear that its mainspring was sympathy.
' At Magonza.
■■^ She wrote to poor young Tonlan, ' Ama poco chi tcnic di morire.'
' Lord riervey's and the Prince of Wales's friend. Cf. Eg. MS. 2639, ff. 97
and 123.
•* Cf. Morrison MS. 220, March 12, 1793. Hamilton to Grevillc.
'' Abominable and unfounded rumours, both of her and the Queen, passed
current among the French Jacobins, who fastened the same filth with as little
foundation on Marie Antoinette. Emma told Greville how she despised and
ignored the lying scandals of Paris which Napoleon afterwards favoured from
policy. He used to call Maria Carolina ' Fredegonde,' in allusion to the cruel
mistress of King Chilperic i.
154 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
' Par le sort de la naissance
L'un est roi, I'autre est berger.
Le hasard fit leur distance ;
L'esprit seul peut tout changer.' '
The constraint of a traitorous and artificial court left the
Queen without a confidante, and she welcomed a child of
nature whom she fancied she could mould at will. The
more her pent-up hatred fastened on her courtiers, the more
she spited them by petting her new favourite. The friend-
ship of queens with the lowly appeals to vanity as well as
to devotion. It proved so with both Sarah Jennings and
even more with the humbler Abigail Masham. In still
greater degree did it now so prove with Emma. It was
not long before she rode out regularly on a horse from the
royal stables, attended by a royal equerry, and enjoying
semi-royal privileges. Maria's haughty ladies-in-waiting,
the Marchionesses of San Marco and of San Clemente, can
scarcely have been pleased. Jealousy must have abounded,
but it found no outlet for her downfall. That the Neapolitan
nobility, at any rate, believed in her real services to England,
is shown by the rumour among them that she was Pitt's
informer. Henceforward dates the growth of an English
party and an Anglo-mania at the Neapolitan court which
was violently opposed alike by the pro-Spanish, the pro-
Jacobin, and the ' down-with-the-foreigner ' parties. Emma,
however, stood as yet only on the threshold of her political
influence.
In the June of that year, ' for political reasons,' Lady
Hamilton informs Greville, * we have lived eight months at
Caserta,' formerly only their winter abode, but now the
Queen's regular residence during the hot months. ' Our
house has been like an inn this winter.' (Sir William
naturally sighed over the expense.) ' . . . We had the
Duchess of Ancaster several days. It is but 3 days since
the Devonshire family has left ; and we had fifty in our
family for four days at Caserta. 'Tis true we dined every
^ It may thus be paraphrased : —
* Random lot of birth can start
Peasant one, another Queen.
Chance has placed them far apart ;
Mother-wit can change the scene.'
J
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 155
day at court, or at some casino of the King ; for you cannot
immagine how good our King and Queen as been to the
principal English who have been here — particularly to Lord
and Lady Palmerston, Cholmondely, Devonshire, Lady
Spencer, Lady Bessborough, Lady Plymouth, Sir George
and Lady Webster. And I have carried the ladies to the
Queen very often, as she as permitted me to go very
often in private, which I do. ... In the evenings I go to
her, and we are tete-a-tete 2 or 3 hours. Sometimes we
sing. Yesterday the King and me sang duetts 3 hours. It
was but bad. . . . To-day the Princess Royal of Sweden
comes to court to take leave of their Majesties, Sir William
and me are invited to dinner with her. She is an amiable
princess, and as lived very much with us. The other
ministers' wives have not shewed her the least attention
because she did not pay them the first visit, as she travels
under the name of the Countess of Wasa. . . . Her Majesty
told me I had done very well in waiting on Her Royal
Highness the moment she arrived. However, the ministers'
wives are very fond of me, as the[y] see I have no pre-
tentions ; nor do I abuse of Her Majesty's goodness, and
she observed the other night at court at Naples [when]
we had a drawing-room in honner of the Empress having
brought a son, I had been with the Queen the night before
alone en faniille laughing and singing, etc. etc., but at the
drawing-room I kept my distance, and payd the Queen as
much respect as tho' I had never seen her before, which
pleased her very much. But she shewed me great dis-
tinction that night, and told me several times how she
admired my good conduct. I onely tell you this to shew
and convince you I shall never change, but allways be
simple and natural. You may immagine how happy my
dear, dear Sir William is. . . . Wc live more like lovers
than husband and wife, as husbands and wives go nowa-
days. Lord deliver me ! and the English are as bad as the
Italians, some few excepted.
' I study very hard, . . . and I have had all my songs
set for the viola, so that Sir William may accompany me,
which as pleased him very much, so that we study
together. The English garden is going on very fast. The
156 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
King and Queen go there every day. Sir William and me
are there every morning at seven a clock, sometimes dine
there and allvvays drink tea there. In short it is Sir
William's favourite child, and booth him and me are now-
studying botany, but not to make ourselves pedantical
prigs and shew our learning like some of our travelling
neighbours, but for our own pleasure. Greffer^ is as happy
as a prince. Poor Flint, the messenger, was killed going
from hence. I am very sorry. He was lodged in our house
and I had a great love for him. I sent him to see Pompea,
Portici, and all our delightful environs, and sent all his
daughters presents. Poor man, the Queen as expressed
great sorrow. Pray let me know if his family are provided
for as I may get something for them perhaps. . . . Pray
don't fail to send the inclosed.'-
But more than such surface-life was now animating
Emma. A peasant's daughter, at length in the ascendant
over an Empress, was receiving, communicating, intensify-
ing wider impressions. When her Queen denounced, she
abominated the Jacobins ; her tears were mingled with
Maria's over the family catastrophes. She preached up to
her the English as the avengers of her wrongs. She rejoiced
with her over the Anglo-Sicilian alliance concluded in
July. She longed for some deliverer who might justify
her flights of eloquence.
England had at last joined the allies and thrown down the
gauntlet in earnest. The loth^ of September 1793 brought
Nelson's first entry both into Naples and into the Am-
bassador's house.
He had been despatched by Lord Hood on a special
mission to procure ten thousand troops from Turin and
Naples after that wonderful surrender* of starved-out
^ Grafer — a trusted agent of Hamilton's. He afterwards became the manager
of Nelson's Bronte estates. His wife was a scheming woman who, in later
years, gave much trouble both to Nelson and Lady Hamilton.
'- Probably relating to 'little Emma.' Morrison MS. 221; Caserta, June 2,
1793-
^ This is the date of arrival usually given, but a letter from Acton respecting
salutes of ceremony, dated September 4, seems to point to that of a few days
earlier. Cf. Eg. MS. 2639, f. 74.
* August 22.
Jl
Lord Nelson.
Ftoin an engraved medallion
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 157
Toulon : — ' The strongest in Europe, and twenty-two sail
of the line . . . without firing a shot. ' ^
The previous year had called forth two ruling strains in
his nature : the one of irritable embitterment at his un-
recognised solicitations for a command ; the other of
patriotic exultation when Chatham ^ and Hood suddenly
'smiled' upon him, thanks, it would seem, to the impor-
tunity of his early admirer and lifelong friend, the Duke of
Clarence. For five years he had been eating out his heart
on half-pay in a Norfolk village ; and even when the long-
delayed command had come, crass officialism assigned him
only a ' sixty-four ' and the fate of drifting aimlessly off
Guernsey with no enemy in sight. If proof be wanted of
Nelson's inherent idealism, it is found in the fact that in
these long days of stillness and obscurity he was brooding
over the future of his country, and devising the means of
combating unarisen combinations against her.
He was now almost thirty-five, and had been married six
years and a half ;-^ his wife was five years younger than himself
From his earliest years, at once restrained and sensitive,
companionable and lonely, athirst for glory rather than
for fame, simple as a child yet brave as a lion, he had ex-
perienced at intervals several passionate friendships for
women.* As a stripling in Canada he conceived so vehement
an affection for Miss Molly Simpson'' that he was with diffi-
culty withheld from leaving the service. After a short
interval, Miss Andrews in France had rekindled the flame.
His intensest feeling in the Leeward Islands had been
for Mrs. Moutray, his ' dear, sweet friend.' His engagement
to her associate, Frances Nisbet, had been sudden — some
^ Nelson to his wife, nth September (the day after his arrival at Naples).
Laughton's Letters and Despatches, p. 51. The French always persisted in assert-
ing the capitulation to have been caused by TrogofT's treachery. Cf. Dumas.
- Second earl. First Lord of Admiralty, 1788.
' A copy of their marriage certificate is in the British Museum. Add. MS.
28,333, f- I-
•* Cf. his letter announcing his engagement to his uncle, Sir William Suckling:
' You . . . will perhaps smile and say " This Horatio is ever in love.'"
'•> Mary Simpson was a famous beauty at Quebec in 1782, when Nelson com-
manded the sloop Albemarle. She was the daughter of Sandy Simpson, one of
Wolfe's provost marshals, and eventually married Colonel Matthews, Governor
of Chelsea Hospital. For the whole episode, cf. J. M . Le Moine's General Sir F.
Haldemand (1858), Maple Leaves (2 vols., 1863), and Ficturesque Quebec (\%%2).
158 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
suspected from pique. The young widow of the Nevis
doctor attracted him less by her heart than what he called
her ' mental accomplishments, . . . superior to most people's
of either sex.' These were, in truth, of a second-rate board-
ing-school order. Nelson's unskilled, uncritical mind and
his frank generosity always exaggerated such qualities in
women, and not least in Emma, more self-taught than him-
self. His wife's virtues were sterling, but her power of
appreciation very limited. She was more dutiful than
gentle, less loving than jealous ; her self-complacent cold-
ness was absolutely unfitted to understand or hearten or
companion genius. She entirely lacked intuition. Her
outlook was cramped — that of the plain common-sense
and unimaginative prejudice which so often distinguishes
her class. She was a nagger, and she nagged her son.
She was quite satisfied with her little shell and, ailing
as she was, perpetually grumbled at everything outside
it. But directly success attended her husband, she at
once gave herself those social airs for which that class
is also distinguished when it rises. She became ridicu-
lously pretentious,^ It was this feature that disgusted
Nelson's sisters in later years, as appears from many letters
in the Morrison Collection. Some disillusionment succeeded
as time familiarised him with the lady of his impulsive
choice. She nursed him dutifully in 1797; but, for her,
duties were tasks. At Bath, a short time before his eventful
voyage of 1798, he was to express his delight at the charms
of the reigning toasts ; but in steeling himself against
temptation, he got no further than the avowal of having
' everything that was valuable in a wife.' -
There are two sorts of genius, or supreme will : the cold
and the warm. The one commands its material from sheer
fibre of inflexible character and hard intellect ; the other
^ Even to the close of Nelson's life. On October 18, 1805, Mrs. Bolton tells
Lady Hamilton from Bath, ' I saw Tom Tit [Lady N.'s sobriquet] yesterday in
her carriage at the next door come to take Lady Charlotte Drummond out with
her. . . . Had I seen only her hands spreadiuf; about, I should have known her.'
— Morrison MS. 846.
- There are other letters, however, with much warmer expressions, cf. National
Re7new, January 1901, ' Lady Nelson: a Vindication,' and I now think that, in
justice to Lady Nelson, the above criticism ought to be considerably softened.
Her unconciliatory narrowness, however, seems certain.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 159
creates and enkindles its fuel by idealism. The former in
England is signally illustrated in differing spheres by Wal-
pole and Wellington ; the latter by Chatham and Nelson.
Both of these shared that keen faculty of vision, really, if
we reflect, a form of spiritual force, and allied to faith
which, in volume, whether for individuals or nations, is
irresistible. This sword of the spirit is far more powerful
than ethical force without it ; still more so than merely
conventional morality, which, indeed, for good or for ill,
and in many partings of the ways, it has often by turns
made or marred. Both, too, were histrionic — a word fre-
quently misused. The world is a stage, and of all nature
there is a scenic aspect. The dramatic should never be
confused with the theatrical, nor attitude with affectation.
And the visionary with a purpose is always dramatic. He
lives on dreams of forecast, and his forecast visualises com-
binations, scenes of development, characters, climax. When
he is nothing but a lonely muser, or, again, an orator destined
to bring other hands to execute his ideas, his audience is the
future — the * choir invisible.' But when he himself acts the
chief part in the dramas which he has composed, he needs
the audience that he creates and holds. He depends on a
sympathy that can interpret his best possibilities to himself.
In Nelson's soul resided from boyhood the central idea
of England's greatness. His intuitive force, his genius,
incarnated that idea, and what Chatham dreamed and
voiced. Nelson did. He realised situations in a flash, and,
from first to last, his courage took the risk not only of
action, but of prophecy.^ Indeed, his own motto may be said
^ A signal instance, recorded in the diary of Scott, his chaplain, has heen
privately communicated to the writer. It occurred in 1805 when Nelson was
chasing the French fleet to the West Indies. ' Afay 6. — Arrived in the harbour
of Gibraltar; but because the wind has just come from the east we have sailed
away. The fleet had been for so long a time baflled by contrary winds . . . that
the favourable change . . . was quite unexpected by them. So much so, that
officers and men had gone on shore, and the linen was landed to be washed.
Lord Nelson, however, . . . perceived an indication of a probable change of
wind. Off went a gun from the Victory, and up went the Blue Peter, whilst the
Admiral paced the deck in a hurry, with anxious steps, and impatient of a
moment's delay. The officers said, " Here is one of Nelson's mad pranks." But
Nelson was nevertheless right. . . . This course Nelson pursued solely on his
own responsibility. He said to me, "... To be burnt in effigy, or Westminster
Abbey, is my alternative."'
l6o EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
to have been that fine phrase of the other which he quoted
to Lady Hamilton in the first letter which counsellvd the
flight of the royal family in 1798 — ' The Boldest measures are
the Safest!'^ George Meredith's badge of true patriotism
fits Nelson beyond all men : * To him the honour of England
was as a babe in his arms ; he hugged it like a mother.' -
Nelson, again, was eminently spontaneous. There was
nothing set or petty about him. He never posed as ' Sir
Oracle.' He dared to disobey the formalists. He despised
and offended insignificance in high places ; the prigs and
pedants, the big-wigs of Downing Street, the small and
self-important purveyors of dead letter, the jealous Tritons
of minnow-like cliques. Above all, he abhorred from the
bottom of his honest heart the 'candid friend' — 'willing to
wound and yet afraid to strike ' ; but he honoured — to
return from Pope's line to Canning's — 'the erect, the manly
foe.' Clerical by association, the son of a most pious, the
brother of a most worldly clergyman, his bent was genuinely
religious, as all his letters with their trust in God and their
sincere ' amens' abundantly testify. To clergymen he still
remains * the great but erring Nelson.' But his God was the
God of truth, and justice, and battles — the tutelary God that
watches over England ; and he himself owns emphatically
in one of his letters that he could never turn his cheek to
the smiter. He liked to consecrate his ambitions, but am-
bition, even in childhood, had been his impulse. ' Nelson
will always be first' had been ever a ruling motive.
And, man of iron as he was in action, out of it he was
unconstrained and sportive.^ He loved to let himself go ;
he delighted in fun and playful sallies. He formed a band
1 Add. MS. 34,989, f. 12 (one of our newly found letters): 'And may the
words of the great Mr. Pitt, Earl of Chatham, be instilled into the Ministry of
this country, " The Boldest measures are (he Safest." ' Oct. 3, 1798.
- Khoda Fleming.
^ It may not be out of place to suljjoin here the character of Nelson given in
a letter to Lady Hamilton, of July 1803, by John Scott, his secretary, and then
with him off Toulon in the Attiphion : ' In my travels through the service
I have met with no character in any degree equal to his Lordship. His pene-
tration is quick, juiigment clear, wisdom great, and his decisions correct and
decided ; nor does he in company appear to have any weight on his mind, so
cheerful and pleasant that it is a happiness to be about his hand. In fact, he is
a great and wonderful character.' — Morrison MS. 720.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING i6i
of firm believers, and he believed in them with enthusiasm
— an enthusiasm which accentuated his bitterness whenever
it was damped or disappointed. A daredevil himself, he
loved daredevilry in others. In Emma as he idealised her,
he hailed a nature that could respond, encourage, brace, and
even inspire, for she was to be transfigured into the creature
of his own imaginings. She was his Egeria. It was a
double play of enthusiastic zeal and idealisation. She fired
him to achieve more than ever she could have imagined.
He stirred her to appear worthier in his eyes. She wreathed
him with laurel ; he crowned her image with myrtle. Many
to whom the fact is repugnant refuse to see that this
idealised image of Emma in Nelson's eyes, however often
and lamentably she fell short of it, was an influence as real
and potent as if she had been its counterpart. Her nearest
approach to it may be viewed in her letters of 1798.
It is idle to brand her as destitute of any moral standard ;
her inward standards were no lower than those of the
veneered ' respectables ' around her. Her outivard conduct,
as Sir William's partner, had been above suspicion ; the sin
of her girlhood had been long buried. And in many
respects her fibre was stronger than that of a society which
broadened its hypocrisies some thirty years later, when
Byron sang
' You are not a moral people, and you know it,
Without the aid of too sincere a poet.'
The radical defect in her grain was rather the com.plete
lack of anything like spiritual aspiration. Hers, too, were
the vanity that springs from pride, and the want of dignity
bred of lawlessness. She had been a wild flower treated as
a weed, and then transplanted to a hothouse ; she was a
spoiled child without being in the least childlike ; she was
self-conscious to the core. But if she was ambitious for
herself, she was fully as ambitious for those that she loved,
and she admired all who admired them.
It is idle to dwell on the 'vulgarity' of an adventuress
Adventure was the breath of Nelson's nostrils, and Emma's
unrefined clay was animated by a spirit of reality which he
loved. It is idle, again, to talk of his 'infatuation,' for that
L
i62 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
word covers every deep and lasting passion in idealising
natures. It is equally idle, as will be seen when we come
to proofs, to say that Nelson was a ' dupe ' in any portion of
his claims for her ' services ' which lay within his own
experience.^ With regard to these he was absolutely aware
of what had actually transpired, and if it had not transpired
he himself was a liar, which none have had the temerity to
assert. The only sense in which Nelson could ever be styled
the ' dupe ' of Emma would be that he was utterly cheated
in his estimate of her. If she merely practised upon his
simplicity, if there was nothing genuine about her, and all
her effusiveness was a tinsel mask of hideous dissimulation ;
if she was a tissue of craft and cunning, then she was the
worst of women, and he the most unfortunate of men.
Wholly artless she was not ; designedly artful, she never
was. She was an unconscious blend of Art and Nature.
In all her letters she is always the same receptive creature
of sincere volitions and attitudes; and these letters, when
they describe actions, are most strikingly confirmed by inde-
pendent accounts. They are genuine. Her spirit went out
to his magnetically ; each was to hypnotise the other. Had
she ever been artful she would have feathered her nest.
Throughout her career it was never common wealth or
prodigal youth that attracted her, and in her greatest
dependence she had never been a parasite. It was talent
and kindness that she prized, and towards genius she
gravitated. It is not from the bias either of praise or
blame that her character must be judged. It is as a
human document that she should be read. The real harm
in the future to be worked by her on Nelson was that of
the falsehood, repugnant to them both, which, eight years
later, the birth of Horatia entailed — an evil aggravated
by reaction in the nature of a puritan turned cavalier,
and anxious to twist the irregularities of a ' Nell Gwynne
defender-of-the-faith ' into consonance with the forms of his
upbringing.
At Naples, Nelson and his men found a royal welcome m
every sense of the word. The King sailed out to greet
^ With regard to all of them his solemn affirmation in his last codicil is that
they had happened to his ' knowledge.''
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 163
him/ called on and invited him thrice within four days.^
He was hailed as the ' Saviour of Italy,' and while he was
feted, his crew, who from the home Government had ob-
tained nothing but 'honour and salt beef,'^ were provisioned
and petted. A gala at San Carlo was given in their
honour; six thousand troops were offered without hesita-
tion ; a squadron was despatched. The atmosphere of
despairing indecision was dispersed by his unresting alert-
ness, his lightning insight, his faith in Great Britain and
himself, and the heroic glow with which he invested duty.
The phlegmatic Acton was impressed. His only fear was
lest England's co-operation with Naples should provoke
the interference of the allies, and be impeded by it.* He
superintended all the arrangements, for he was eminently a
man of detail ; he brought Captain Sutton^ (who stayed
throughout the autumn) to see the King.° Nelson he
mis-styled ' Admiral,' and there for the moment his
respect ended. But the hospitable Hamilton, under the
sway of Emma's enthusiasm, was enraptured. He brought
him to lodge at the Embassy in the room just prepared for
Prince Augustus, who was returning from Rome. He
caught a spark of the young Captain's own electricity, he
mentioned him in despatches, and conceived friendship at
first sight. Here was a real man at last, a central and
centralising genius. His wife shared and redoubled his
astonishment. Here was a being who, like herself, ' loved
to surprise people.' Here was one who, indefatigable in
detail, and almost sleepless^ in energy, took large views,
was a statesman ;is well as a sailor, and showed the quali-
ties of a general besides ; one, too, who although a stern
disciplinarian, could romp and sing with his midshipmen,
' Dumas' Storia de' Borboni, p. 149.
- On September 24 he tells his brother William thai he ' was placed at
Ferdinand's right hand before our Ambassador and all the Nobles present.'
•' Letter to Mrs. Nelson, Sept. 7, 1793 (cited Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 40) : ' My
poor fellows have not had a morsel of fresh meat or vegetables for near nineteen
weeks, and in that time I have only had my foot twice on shore at Cadiz."
* Eg. MS. 2639, f. 74. He resented Lord Mulgrave's proposal of concert-
ing plans.
^ Of the Ramilies. Cf. Morrison MS. 227 ; Eg. MS. 2639, f. iii,
« Eg. MS. 2639, ff. 83, 87, 91.
" He seldom slept more than four or five hours.
i64 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
one who made their health and his country's glory his chief
concern. Moreover, his appearance, small, slight, wiry in
frame, and rugged of exterior, was nevertheless prepossess-
ing and imposing. When he spoke, his face lit up with
his soul ; nor had he yet lost an eye and an arm. And his
contempt for Jacks-in-office, which seldom failed to show
itself, chimed with her own — with that of a plebeian who
in after years constantly used that Irish phrase, adopted by
Nelson, ' I would not give sixpence to call the King my
uncle.' Here was one who might rescue her Queen and
shed lustre on Britain ; who might prove the giant-killer
of the Jacobin ogres.
What Emma thought of her guest may be gathered from
two facts, one of which is new. Though they were not to
meet again until 1798,^ Nelson and both the Hamiltons
were in constant and most sympathetic correspondence for
the next five years. In 1796 Sir William recommended
him to the Government as ' that brave officer, Captain
Nelson ' ; * if you don't deserve the epithet,' he told him, ' I
know not who does. . . . Lady Hamilton and I admire
your constancy, and hope the severe service you have
undergone will be handsomely rewarded.'- And her first
letter of our new series in 1798, written hurriedly on June
17th while Nelson, anchored off Capri, remained on the
Vanguard, contains this sentence : ' I will not say how
glad I shall be to see you. Indeed I cannot describe to
you my feelings on your being so near us.'^ A woman
could not so express herself to a man unseen for five years
unless the twelve days or so spent in his company had pro-
duced a deep effect. Every concern of his already enlisted
her eagerness. His stepson, Josiah, then a young midship-
man, was driven about by her and caressed. She laughingly
called him her cavaliere servente. As yet it was only
attraction, not love for Nelson. This very third anniversary
of her wedding day had enabled her proudly to record that
her husband and she were more inseparable than ever, and
^ The received version, of course, gives their second encounter as after the
battle of the Nile. But there is strong reason for thinking, as will be seen, that
they met on the 17th of June in that year.
2 Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 188. ' Add. MS. 34,989, f. i.
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 165
that he had never for one moment regretted the step of
their union. But she did fall in love with the quickening
force that Nelson represented. Infused by the ardour of
her Queen, proud of the destiny of England as European
deliverer, urged by her native ambition to shine on a bigger
scale, she reflected every hue of the crisis and its leaders.
If his hour struck, hers might strike also. He, she, and
Sir William had for this short span already realised what
the legend round Sir William's Order of the Bath signified.^
' Tria juncta in uno^ — three persons linked together by one
tie of differing affections.
The sole mentions of Emma by Nelson at this time are in
a letter to his brother, and another to his wife, already
noticed. 2 But that her influence had already begun to work
is proved by the fact that he carefully preserved the whole
series of her letters of the summer and autumn of 1798,
which find their place in the Appendix to this volume. Three
days only after he had started for Leghorn, he wrote as
follows : ' In my hurry of sailing I find I have brought
away a butter-pan. Don't call me an ungrateful guest for
it, for I assure you I have the highest sense of your and
Lady Hamilton's kindness, and shall rejoice in the oppor-
tunity of returning it. . . . The sending off the prints adds
to the kindness I have already received from you and
Lady Hamilton.'^ And when at the close of August in the
next year he stayed at Leghorn once more, he assured
Sir William how glad he would have been to have visited
them again, 'had the state of the Agaftiemnon permitted it,'
but 'her ship's crew are so totally worn out, that we were
glad to put into the first port, . . . therefore for the present
I am deprived of that pleasure.'*
When Nelson was not dining at court or concerting
operations with the Ministers, he was at the Embassy
or Caserta, meeting the English visitors, who included
the delicate Charles Beauclerk, whom the artistic Lady
' She uses the phrase already in our correspondence of September 1798.
- ' Lady Ilaniihon has been wonderfully good and kind to Josiah. She is a
young woman of amiable manners, and who does honour to the station to which
she is raised.' — Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 42.
' Morrison MS. 226, Sept. 24, 1793.
* Ibid. 245, Aug. 31, 1794.
i66 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Diana had commended to Emma's charge.^ All was joy,
excitement, preparation. ' I believe,' wrote Nelson, ' that
the world is now convinced that no conquests of importance
can be made without us.' " Nelson had aroused Naples
from a long siesta, and henceforward Emma sings ' God
save the King' and calls for ' Hip, hip, hurrah ! ' which she
teaches the Queen, at every Neapolitan banquet. Naples
is no more a hunting-ground for health or pleasure, but a
focus of deliverance. It is as though in our own days the
Riviera should suddenly wake up as a centre of patriotism
and a rallying-ground for action. Within a few years
Maria Carolina could write to Emma that she sighed for
the ' brave, loyal, Nelson ' and his party of ' magnanimous '
English, whom she loves and for whose glory she has vowed
to act.^ She is ever dilating on ' your great and heroic
nation.' As for Nelson, she 'cherishes and admires him
with the truest attachment.'
On September 24th Nelson purposed a slight mark of
gratitude for the hospitality and the substantial reinforce-
ments so liberally proffered. The Agamemnon was all flowers
and festivity. He had invited the King, the Queen, the
Hamiltons, Acton, and the Ministers to luncheon. The guests
were awaiting the arrival of the court under a cloudless sky
amid the flutter of gay bunting and all the careless chatter
of southern mirth. Suddenly a despatch was handed to the
captain. He was summoned to weigh anchor and pursue
a French man-of-war with three vessels stationed off Sar-
dinia. Not an instant was lost. The guests dispersed in
excitement. When Ferdinand arrived in his barge, it was
to find the company vanished, the decks cleared, and the
captain buried in work. Within two hours Nelson had set
sail for Leghorn,* which he had immediately to quit for
Toulon. Calvi and its further triumph awaited him after-
wards.
^ Morrison MS. 223, July 20, 1793. With the message that 'if it is possible she
should feel the least spark of gratitude for the admiration of such a poor animal
as I am, she can fully repay me by joining you in the protection of my son.'
^ Laughton's Despatches, p. 43, Sept. 11, 1792.
'^ Eg. MS. 161 5, f. 83, December 1796.
* Cf. Jeatfreson, Queen of Naples, vol. i. p. 225 ; Laughton's Despatches,
P- 52-
TILL THE FIRST MEETING 167
But over the bright horizon was fast gathering a cloud
no bigger than a man's hand. By the end of the year the
Queen was again in the depths. Her sister had been
executed with infamy. Buonaparte — whom Nelson heard
described at Leghorn as an ' ugly, unshaven little officer' —
had shot into pre-eminence and had worked his wonders ;
Toulon was evacuated. At home fresh conspiracies were
discovered, this time among the nobles. The best names
were implicated. The Dukes of Canzano, Colonna, and
Cassano, the Counts of Ruvo and Riario, Prince Carac-
ciolo the elder were arrested. The whole political land-
scape was overcast. Next year was to be one of ' public
mourning and prayer,' of plague, famine, and pestilence.
The ragged remnant of the squadron, forwarded with such
royal elation to Toulon, returned in shame for shelter ; and
with it the ship of Trogoff, whom the French had branded
as traitor. Two hundred victims had been slaughtered, four
hundred languished in French prisons. These fresh
disasters were heightened and shadowed by the terrible
earthquake of June 12-16, when the sun was blotted out;
and while the Archbishop, grasping the gilt image of St.
Januarius, groped his way in solemn procession to the
cathedral, the darkened sky bombarded the interceding
city with emblematic bolts of relentless artillery.^
^ Dumas' / Borboni di NapoH.
CHAPTER VII
' STATESWOMAN '
1794-1797
' STATESWOMAN ' is Swift's term for Stella. It fits better
the Trilby of the political studio. The muse as medium
was already being transferred from attitude to affairs.
Since Nelson's brief sojourn and its keen impress,
the Queen, under growing troubles, leaned more and
more on the English. The King's pro-Spanish faction was
now defied ; even the pro-Austrian group lost ground and
flagged. Acton, save for a brief interval, remained her
right hand — hie, haec, et hoc et omnia, as they now styled
him. The Hamiltons' enthusiasm for the budding hero
had communicated itself through Emma to her royal
friend, who had hitherto cared little even for the English
language. Maria Carolina clung more closely to a con-
soler not only responsive and diverting, but unversed
enough in courts to be flattered by the intimacy and free
in it. They were constantly together; by 1795 so often as
every other day.^ It was ' naturalness ' and ' sensibility '
once more that prevailed. Doubtless, policy entered also
into her motives. Notes to Emma would pass unsuspected
where notes to Sir William might be watched. Verbal
confidences to a frequenter of the palace would never
excite the curiosity which Sir William's formal presence
must arouse. But the bond of policy was mutual.
Hamilton encouraged his wife to glean secret informa-
tion for the British Government. What the Queen did not
at first realise, though afterwards she recognised it to the
full, was Lady Hamilton's ' native energy of mind ' which
1 Add. MS. 34,710 D. Hamilton to Greville ; Caserta, Nov. 17, 1795.
16S
J:Z£ia^yy l^^6^y;^m'^^:my.,■£^^ "~^€ytCiS^
,~.^ftcf7rzyyti^,e^ .^:?ti^:'e'f^^^^.^^^'(i<yte^
'STATESWOMAN' 169
Hayley, comforting her after Nelson's death, recalled as
one of her earliest characteristics ; ^ and for the work of life,
as has been truly said, inborn vigour is apter than culti-
vated refinement.
Emma now definitely emerges as patriot and politician.
Did she aspire thus early to help her country? The field
of controversy begins to open, and controversy is always
irksome. It is necessary, however, at this juncture, to con-
sider this first of Emma's ' claims ' in its context.
In her latest memorial for the recognition of her 'services'
— her petition to the Prince Regent of 181 3- — she claimed
to have responded to the then Sir John Jervis's appeals for
help while employed upon the reduction of Corsica. In
this statement, which is one of several, she makes some
confusion between two names influential in two successive
years. If such lapses as these stood alone, without sub-
stantial evidence beneath them, her censors might have been
fairly justified in pressing them to the utmost. But since
(as will be shown) there is strong corroboration of the
substance of her services in 1796, considerable proof of her
main service in 1798, with abundant new and historical
evidence for her truthfulness in the account of the part
played by her in the royal escape just before Christmas
of the same year — they amount to little more than the im-
material inaccuracies which recur in several of her recitals.
Her critics, in fixing on the memorial to the Prince Regent
— framed in her declining years and her extremest need —
have consistently ignored her other applications for relief,
and especially that to King George III. in which she does
not specify this claim at all, but only implies it under
' many inferior services.'
In her ' Prince Regent ' memorial she urges that ' In the
year 1793, when Lord Hood had taken possession of
Toulon, and Sir John Jervis was employ'd upon the reduc-
tion of Corsica, the latter kept writing to me for everything
he wanted which I procured to be promptly provided him ;
' Cf. the leltcr transcribed by I'etligrcw, vol. ii. p. 557.
- For the t/ro/? of this cf. Morrison MS. 1046. This claim is omitted in the
draft of her memorial to the King in the same year. It only contains her two
chief claims. Ibid. 1045.
I70 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
and, as his letters to me prove, had considerably facilitated
the reduction of that island. I had by this time induced
the King through my influence with the Queen to become
so zealous in the good cause, that both would often say I
had de-Bourboniz'd them and made them English.'
In the same ' memorial ' she mentions a side-circumstance
which can now be fully substantiated. She there asserts
that Sir William in his ' latter moments, in deputing Mr.
Greville to deliver the Order of the Bath to the King,
desired that he would tell His Majesty that he died in the
confident hope that his pension would be continued to me
for my zeal and service.' Greville's letter of 1803, which is
given in the Appendix,^ more than bears out her veracity
in this trifle. Greville himself, the precisest of officials, and
just after his uncle's death by no means on the best of
terms with Lady Hamilton, added that he knew that the
public ' records ' confirmed ' the testimony of their Sicilian
Majesties by letter as well as by their ministers, of circmn-
stances peculiarly distinguished and honourable to her, and
at the same time of high importance to the public service'
Hamilton's own share in the many transactions which are
to follow passed equally disregarded with his widow's. And
with regard to the preliminary 'service' which we must
now discuss, she repeats her asseveration in almost the last
letter that she ever wrote,^ adding that in this case, as in
the others, she paid ' often and often out of her own pocket
at Naples.'
As has been recounted. Hood took Toulon in August
1793- It had to be evacuated on December 17th of that
year; and it was Lord Hood, not the future Lord St.
Vincent, who superintended the Corsican operations from
the December of 1793 to their issue in Nelson's heroism at
Calvi in July 1794. Sir John Jervis, on the other hand,
was in command of the West Indian expedition of 1794-
He does not, it is true, figure as corresponding with the
Hamiltons on naval affairs until 1798, when, in an interest-
ing correspondence,^ he thanks her for services as 'patroness
^ App. Partu. F. (i), Greville to Lord Hobart(or Lord Pelham), April I2, 1803.
"^ App. Part II. C. (iO(z), Lady Hamilton to Sir William Scott, Sept 12, 1814.
^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. pp. 217-233.
'STATESWOMAN' 171
of the navy,' protests his ' unfeigned affectionate regard,' and
signs himself her ' faithful and devoted knight.' But none the
less he was (and this has eluded notice) in close correspon-
dence with Acton throughout the early portion of 1796.^
Such, then, in this instance, are the material discrepan-
cies. In dwelling long afterwards on her first endeavours
for her country, she transposed the sequence of two suc-
cessive years, while she confounded Lord Hood and the
future Lord St. Vincent together. Little sagacity, how-
ever, is needed to perceive that these very confusions point
to her sincerity. Had she been forging claims, imperatively
raised in the extremities of her fate, nothing would have
been easier than to have verified these trifles, especially as
Nelson's dearest friends remained staunch to her till the
close. Wilful liars do not concoct and elaborate evidence
manifestly against themselves. A reference to the Ap-
pendix- will show that, for the truth of this, the least
important and most general of her services, Acton's manu-
script correspondence of these years with Hamilton supplies
a new presumption. What England wanted during these two
years from the Neapolitan premier was something outside
and beyond what her treaty with Sicily enabled her, as a
fact, to require, and it was just these extras that Emma's
rising ascendency with the Queen and her own ambition
would prompt her to procure.
In the Appendix will also be found a new and pathetic
letter addressed by her in 18 13 to Lord St. Vincent, or at
any rate to some naval peer, which proves that what she
pressed on the Government she urged also on men cog-
nisant of the facts.^ The real pretexts for refusal, as we
shall find in their proper place, were not scepticism, but
royal disfavour,"^ technical precedent, lapse of time, private
^ Cf. Eg. MS. 2639, fif. 275-277, 283, 285, 294. - Note E.
' It concludes : ' Forgive nie this intrusion, but Nelson loved you, and I am
alone and feel forlorn in the world, and his spirit, if it cou'd look down, would
bless you for your kindness and attention to his last wishes in the niomeni of
death and victory.'
* Full confirmation is given in chap. xv. Here I need only cilc Lord
Holland's assertion (Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 219): ' He (Nelson) never was a
favourite at St. James's. His amour with Lady H., if amour it was, shocked
the King's morality.'
172 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
pique, and party interest. Canning thought her ' richly
entitled ' to compensation.^ Grenville himself did not deny
the performance of her services. Addington grounded his
refusal mainly on the multiplicity of other claims on the
Government.^
If such slips of memory as Lady Hamilton's were to be
held fatal to her own case, similar ones should be equally
or more so to that of her critics. Mr. Jeaffreson implies
that Toulon was evacuated in 1794! His further mistake
as to the meaning of Emma's phrase ' De-Bourbonised ' has
been noticed, and other misconstructions by him and others
will appear as we proceed. Even Miss Cornelia Knight, in
her recollections of the events witnessed by her in 1798,
trips equally in her record.^ So does Lord Holland in his
accounts of the victualling of the fleet.^ So did Beckford in
his malicious statements afterwards.^ These confusions are
common enough when the memory has to deal with crowded
emergencies and excitements.
The year 1794 at Naples was one of continuous calamity;
while successive catastrophes were heightened by the un-
doubted tyrannies of the Queen. France, by fomenting
the Neapolitan ferment, was deliberately inveigling the
two Sicilies. No quarter would Maria Carolina give to
the French assassins or to the Neapolitan republicans.
Hitherto, in the main, her old clemency had found vent,
and she had striven to be just. She still deemed justice
her motive, but she deceived herself. While the King
always remained optimist, her pessimism verged on mad-
ness. She treated affairs of State just as if they had
been affairs of the heart. Her mistrust both of the con-
spiring nobles and the thankless students, now, from changed
incentives, in attempted combination, showed signs of yield-
ing to a paroxysm of revenge disguised by an inscrut-
^ Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 265.
= His letter of March 6, 1813 (the original of which the writer possesses), will
be found in Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 631. ^ Autobiography (1861).
* In Rose's Diaries and Correspondence, vol. i. p. 217, he is actually made
to say that it happened in Palermo, and through Lady Hamilton, * whom he had
not seen since 1795.'
Cf. Cyrus Redding's Fifty Years'' Recollections, vol. iii. p. 103.
'STATESWOMAN' 173
able face. Robespierre was branded on her brain. Her
word for every rebellious aristocrat was ' We will not give
him time to become a Robespierre.'^ The close of the year
witnessed Robespierre's doom, and a false lull brought with
it a film of security.^ Yet the signal baseness now con-
fronting her would have justified a moderate severity.
Disaffection was not native but imported. The great mass
of the people never wavered in allegiance to the King of the
Lazzaroni, and agitation was bought and manipulated by
France.^ The rest of Europe recognised the real signifi-
cance of these insurrections. ' God knows,' wrote Nelson
to the Hamiltons in 1796, ' I only feel for the King of
Naples, as I am confident the change in his Government
would be subversive of the interest of all Europe.'* The
English Government, the Russian, even the Prussian, felt
the same. The Queen, who had really done so much in the
teeth of sharp difficulties for the ' Intellectuels,' was beside
herself. Jacobinism, at first narrowed to a faction, after-
wards, at the worst, diffused as a leaven, was by this time
hydra-headed. Its disorders had spread to Sicily, where
their suppression had been signalised by the execution of
the ringleaders and the imprisonment of three hundred.^
By the spring of 1795 the French had divulged their
determination of attacking the British squadron in the
Mediterranean.*^ The receivers of her most generous bounty
' Dumas' Storia de" Borboni, p. 190.
- Cf. Acton's leUer to Hamilton, Add. MS. 2639, f. 197. The Jacobins, he
says, are vowed to execration. ' Their clubs are shut up : many of their infernal
societies, together with the Commune de Paris, sont hors de la loi.'
^ How Napoleon availed himself of it afterwards, just before he showed his
hand in annexing the crown, is best shown by his letter to Maria Carolina
of January 1805. I excerpt a short passage here: — 'What must be the hatred
your Majesty bears to France that, after the experience you have had, neither
your conjugal love nor your parental . . . induce you to forbear a little? ... Is
your Majesty's mind, so distinguished among women, unable to divest itself of
the prejudices of sex ? . . . Is your love for England so uncontrolled that you
would (although certain to be the first victim) set the Continent in a blaze?'
Cited by Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 453.
* Morrison MS. 288. Commodore Nelson to Sir \V. Hamilton, Oct. iS,
1796.
° Cf. the excerpt in Sotheby's catalogue for May 17, 1905, out of a letter from
Hamilton to Sir J. C. Hippisley of April 14, 1795.
* Cf. a letter from Acton (in the writer's possession) : — ' Caserla, April 28,
1795. — V^e are now in a most critical moment if the French come to their
174 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
bit the hand of their benefactress. Luigi di Medici, the
young cavah'er on whom she had conferred absolute power,
was denounced by a mathematical professor. As ' Regente
della Vicaria' he was tried by the last novelty in tribunals,
an invention of Acton. Besides other old hands like the
inevitable Prince Pignatelli, it consisted of three principal
assessors — Guidobaldi, a judge ; Prince Castelcicala, a prop
always trusted ; and lastly Vanni, a man of the people, a
* professional ' whom the Queen had actually made Marquis.
This trio was nicknamed ' Cerberus.' It was the reverse of
former experiments : for the first time two members of the
disaffected 'professionals' were admitted into the bureau-
cracy. Vanni, a miniature Marat, who well merited his
subsequent downfall, dictated ; and his dictatorship stank
in the nostrils of all Italy as 'the white terror of Naples.'
Di Medici had himself headed a fresh conspiracy — for
the King's murder — which for a long time simmered in
the political caldron.^ He was imprisoned ^ in the fortress of
Gaeta, to reappear, however, a few years later as a pardoned
protege. Prince Caramanico, despatched after Sicigniano's
sad suicide to the Embassy in London, died before starting,
with the usual suspicion of poison. The execution in the
' Mercato Vecchio ' of the cultivated Tommaso Amato, who
was deprived even of supreme unction, lent its first horror to
the notorious death-chamber of the ' Capella della Vicaria,'
and was soon followed by that of sixty more Jacobins. The
cause of 'order and religion' was publicly pitted against
these damnable heresies. Even communications with the
self-styled ' Patriots' were to be punished. It was decreed
treason for more than ten to assemble, save by licence.
The judges, it is true, were bidden to be ' conscientious in
equity and justice,' but three witnesses sufficed for the
divulged determination of attacking soon the British squadron in a couple of
weeks longer.' He expresses a hope for 'proper reinforcements'; 'then no
allarm [sic] is for Italy any longer.'
1 Cf. Hamilton to Sir G. Elliot, June 27, 1795. Eg. MS. 2638, f. 147.
2 Our old friend, the Bishop of Derry, thus writes to Emma about this affair :
' There is no doubt but Don Luizi is implicated. That very circumstance
argues the extent of the mischief. ... I have conversed with one of his inti-
mates— one "who is no stranger to his dearest secret." . . . Sweet Emma,
adieu ! Eveiy wish of my heart beats for the dear Queen.' — Nelson Letters^
vol. i. p. 24 s.
'STATESWOMAN' 175
death-sentence. Apart from capital sentences, the castles
and prisons were crammed with suspects, so much so that
those of Brindisi were requisitioned. Massacres desolated
Sicily ; blood ran in the Neapolitan streets. Ferdinand,
who had been amusing himself by lengthened law-suits with
the Prince of Tarsia over a silk monopoly, called on the
clergy to expose the ' French errors ' ; and at Naples devotion
and disaster ever trod closely on each other's heels. Three
days of solemn prayer were once more decreed in the
Metropolitan Church of St. Januarius. Both King and
Queen were perpetually seen in devout attendance at the
principal shrines. The pulpits preached 'death to the
French,' and war against Jacobinism was declared religious.
To be a ' patriot ' (an innocent fault in palmier days) was
now sacrilege. A fresh eve of St. Bartholomew was feared.^
In a word, the methods of crushing rebellion and opinion
were eminently southern, but they were also a counterblast
to equal barbarities in the north. Save for the sansculottes
and their propaganda, Naples would have escaped the
fever and remained a drowsy castle of contented indolence.
While, as queen, Maria Carolina cowed the city, as
woman she was demented by Buonaparte's Italian victories.
Naples, alone of all Italy, still defied him. The Neapolitan
royalties — to their honour — sacrificed fortune and jewels
to dare the new Alexander. At the same time, they called
on both nobles and ecclesiastics to emulate their public
spirit, and thereby unconsciously did much to hasten the
'patriot' insurrection. One hundred and three thousand
ducats were demanded from the town, one hundred and
twenty thousand from the nobles; church property was
alienated. Everything was seized for the common cause.
The news of Nelson's heroism and the English triumph in
Corsica was received with rapture. And the Neapolitan
troops on this occasion shamed the general cowardice. By
1795 Prince Moliterno was acclaimed a national hero; the
courage of General Cuto's three regiments in the Tyrol raised
the Neapolitan name, while Mantua and Rome showed the
white feather and necessitated the onerous peace of Brescia.
It may now be guessed what agitated the Queen's bosom
* Dumas' Storia de' Borlwni, pp. 167-200.
176 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
as day by day she sat down to pen her French missives
to Emma, and what were the feeh'ngs naturally instilled in
Emma by Hamilton, Nelson's letters, and the Queen. The
Jacobin cause was the prime pest of Europe, to be crushed
at all costs ; Napoleon, an impudent upstart and usurper ;
the Neapolitan rebels, monsters of ingratitude and treachery.
All these convictions were as binding as articles of faith.
Emma's own heart was tender to a fault. She detested
bloodshed and was to use all her influence for mercy, as, to
do her bare justice, the Queen also was often to do after the
first spasm had passed. In Emma's eyes the Queen herself,
so kind and good at home, so sincere and friendly, was
' adorable.' She could do no wrong. The past peccadilloes
of this baffling woman, contrasting with her present domes-
ticity, seemed to her, even if she believed them, merely
a royal prerogative. She was — as Emma assured Greville
in a letter congratulating him on his new vice-chamberlain-
ship, 'Everything one can wish — the best mother, wife, and
freind in the world. I live constantly with her, and have
done intimately so for 2 years, and I never have in all
that time seen anything but goodness and sincerity in her,
and if ever you hear any lyes about her, contradict them,
and if you shou'd see a cursed book written by a vile French
dog, with her character in it, don't believe one word.' Hours
passed with her were ' enchantment.' ' No person can be so
charming as the Queen. If I was her daughter she could
not be kinder to me, and I love her with my whole soul.'^
As she grew more and more influential on the stirring scene
she caught and exaggerated her royal friend's own effusive-
ness. ' Oh that everyone,' is her indorsement on a letter,
' would esteem her as I do from my soul. May every good
attend her and hers.'- Thus Ruth, of Naomi. From such a
friend critical impartiality was no more to be expected than
from such enemies as the ' vile, French dogs.'
The Queen's correspondence with Emma^ opens earlier
1 Morrison MS. 250 ; Caserta, December 18, 1794.
'^ Eg. MS. 1615, f. 62, Oct. 10, 1796.
2 Most of her letters of this and the next five years are transcribed from the
various Egerton MS. by R. Palumbo in his violent diatribe Maria Carolina and
Emma Hamilton, which to some real material adds all the old false stories
about her earlier and later life — 'The lie revived, the tale so oft o'erthrown.'
'STATESWOMAN' 177
with a touching note about the fate of the poor Dauphin ;
a sweet h'ttle portrait still remains under its cover. This
innocent child, she wrote, implores a signal vengeance for
the massacre of his parents before the Eternal Throne.^ His
afflictions 'have renewed wounds that will never heal.' In
January 1794 a fete was given by the Hamiltons to Prince
Augustus. It was a golden occasion for fanning the English
fever, which by now had spread throughout the loyalist
ranks. The Queen's letter of that afternoon begged the
hostess to tell her company ' God save great George our
King,' rejoiced over the Anglo-Sicilian alliance, and sent
her compliments to all the English present. In the follow-
ing June she exulted over George's speech to Parliament
renewing the war. She longed for English news from
Toulon.- Next year, at his next fete, she was to protest
that she loved the British prince as a son.^ She was per-
petually anxious about Emma's health and prescribing
remedies. As for her own ' old health,' it was not worth
her young friend's disquietude.* When Sir William lay at
death's door she bade her 'put confidence in God, who never
forsakes those who trust in Him,' and count on the 'sincere
friendship' of her 'attached friend.'^ Emma's performances
she applauded to the skies, especially that of ' Nina,' which
had been Romney's favourite.
In one of her constant billets ° she tenderly inquired after
^ ce cher ainiahlc hienfaisant ^veqiie' — the flippant but kindly
worldling and ' Right Reverend Father in God ' (as Beck-
ford terms him) Lord Bristol, Bishop of Derry. Of this
odd wit, erratic vagrant and sentimental scapegrace, so
typical of a century that included both Horace Walpole
and Laurence Sterne — a veritable Gallio-in-gaiters, with
his whimsical projects for endless improvements,'^ his
conuoisseurship, his restlessness, his real pluck and inde-
1 Eg. MS. 1615, f. 37. - Eg. MS. 161S, ff. 8, 10
3 Eg. MS. 161 5, f. 69. * Eg. MS. 1615, f. 48.
^ Ibid, to f. 18. Emma's endorsement runs: 'From my dear Queen,
April 17, 1795, when I was in great affliction for my much loved husband, who
is ill of a bilious fever.'
•* Eg. MS. f. 38, wheie she also praises Pitt's patriotic eloquence in his war-
like speech — ' his chef cCccttvyc.^
" One of them for draining the marshes of Romagna.
M
178 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
pendence, we have already caught glimpses in eccentric
attire at Caserta. One of his queerest features was the
blended care and carelessness both of money and family.
Attached to his devoted and economical daughter Louisa,
he quarrelled with his son for not marrying an heiress.
His bitterest reproach against his old wife was that she
disbelieved 'in the current coin of the realm.' Lady
Hamilton thus at this time described him to Greville :
' He is very fond of me, and very kind. He is very enter-
taining and dashes at everything. Nor does he mind King
and Queen when he is inclined to shew his talents.'^ The
French victories were soon to be fatal to the esprit moqueicr,
and to cool his volatile impatience for some eighteen
months within the clammy walls of a Milanese fortress.
Besides his autographs in the Morrison Collection, and two
now belonging to the writer, a few letters from him to Emma
exist in that surreptitious edition of the pilfered Nelson
Letters which, in 1814, were to add one more drop to her
cup of bitterness. They all show that he purveyed in-
formation, both serious and scandalous, through Emma
to the Queen. They stamp the intriguer, the patriot, and
the friend. The first seems written among the embroilments
of 1793.
The sale and purchase of antiquities absorbed him like
Sir William ; unlike the Ambassador, he never shirked
labour, but rather meddled officiously with the departments
over which his leisurely friend had been up to now so dis-
posed to loiter. In 1793 he is to be found spying on the
spies who misled ' the dear, dear Queen.' At the opening,
too, of 1794, he forwards Venetian secrets to be communi-
cated ' a la premiere des fe mines, cette maitresse femme."^ ' I
have been in bed,' he adds, ' these four weeks with what is
called a flying gout, but were it such it would be gone
long ago, and it hovers round me like a ghost round its
sepulchre.' ^ In 1795 again the nomad was at Berlin routing
out State-secrets. The date of the following must be that
' Morrison MS. 250, Dec. 18, 1794. This is the letter in which she says:
' Do send me a plan how I could situate little Emma, poor thing ; for I wish it.'
- The very expression used of Emma herself by the King in 1799.
' Morrison MS. 232 ; Trieste, January 15, 1794.
♦STATESWOMAN' 179
of the shameful Austrian treaties in 1797 which succeeded
the galling peace of Brescia.
'My ever dearest Lady Hamilton, — I should cer-
tainly have made this Sunday an holy day to me, and have
taken a Sabbath day's journey to Caserta, had not poor Mr.
Lovel ^ been confined to his bed above three days with a
fever. To-day it is departed; to-morrow Dr. Nudi^ has
secured us from its resurrection ; and after to-morrow, I
hope, virtue will be its own reward. . . . All public and
private accounts agree in the immediate prospect of a
general peace. It will make a delicious foreground in the
picture of the new year ; many of which I wish, from the
top, bottom, and centre of my heart, to the incomparable
Emma — quella senza paragone'"^ The next snatch is worth
quoting for its humour : — ' I went down to your opera-box
two minutes after you left ; and should have seen you on
the morning of your departure — but was detained in the
arms of Murphy, as Lady Eden expresses it, and was too
late. You say nothing of the adorable Queen ; I hope
she has not forgot me. ... I veritably deem her the very
best edition of a woman I ever saw — I mean of such as
are not in folio. . . . My duties obstruct my pleasure. . . .
You see, I am but the second letter of your alphabet,
though you are the first of mine.'
A last extract, penned a few months after his liberation,
must complete this vignette : — ' I know not, dearest Emma,
whether friend Sir William has been able to obtain my
passport or not ; but this I know — that if they have refused
it, they are damned fools for their pains : for never was a
Malta orange better worth squeezing or sucking ; and if
they leave me to die, without a tombstone over me to tell
the contents — tant pis pour eux. In the meantime, I will
frankly confess to you that my health most seriously and
urgently requires the balmy air of dear Naples, and the
more balmy atmosphere of those I love, and who love me ;
and that I shall forego my garret with more regret than
• A clergyman much inLcrcbled in Vesuvius and the Arts, who stayed with
him on several occasions.
- Hamillon's doctor, .in eminent physician and naturalist.
" • A nonpareil.'
i8o EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
most people of my silly rank in society forego a palace or a
drawing-room,' He then sketched his tour on horseback to
' that unexplored region Dalmatia ' ; he described Spalato
as ' a modern city built within the precincts of an ancient
palace.' Spalato reminded him of Diocletian, the ' wise
sovereign who quitted the sceptre of an architect's rule,' and
the two together, of a new project for a 'packet-boat in
these perilous times between Spalato and Manfredonia.' ^
The serious dibjit of Emma as ' Stateswoman ' (in the
sense of England's spokeswoman at Naples) chimes with
the episode of the King of Spain's secret letters heralding
and announcing his rupture with the anti-French alliance
during 1795 and 1796. But before dealing with that crisis,
I may be pardoned for glancing at one more picturesque
figure among Emma's surroundings — that of Wilhelmina,
Countess of Lichtenau.
She was nobly born and bred ; but in girlhood, under a
broken promise, it would seem, of morganatic marriage, had
become mistress and intellectual companion of Frederick,
King of Prussia — a tie countenanced by her mother.
Political intrigue drove her from Berlin to Italy, as it after-
wards involved her in despair and ruin. She was cultivated,
artistic, sensitive, and unhappy. She became the honoured
correspondent of many distinguished statesmen and authors.
Lavater and Arthur Paget ^ were her firm friends, as also
the luckless Alexandre Sauveur, already noticed in his
' hermitage ' on Mount Vesuvius. Lord Bristol, naturally,
knelt at her shrine. In her Memoires^ she frankly
admits that she (like Emma) was vain ; but maintains
that all women are so by birthright. Lovel, the parson
friend of the Bishop of Derry, used to sign himself her
'brother by adoption,' and address her as 'a very dear
sister ' ; Paget corresponded with her as ' dear Wilhelmina.'
Throughout 1795 she was at Naples, where her cicisbeo was
the handsome Chevalier de Saxe, afterwards killed in a duel
with the Russian M. Saboff. A letter from him towards
the close of this year of Neapolitan enthusiasm for the
1 Nelson LetUrs, vol. i. pp. 253-261. - Hanoverian Ambassador.
^ In two volumes, Colburn, 1809. Volume two contains many letters from
friends, including Lady Hamilton and Lord Bristol.
'STATESWOMAN' i8i
English, when the Elh'ots among others were praising and
applauding Emma to the skies,^ describes the great ball
given by Lady Plymouth in celebration of Prince Augustus's
birthday. The supper was one of enthusiasm and * God
save the King.' 'They drank,' he chronicles, '« rAnglaise:
the toasts were noisy, and the healths of others were so
flattered as to derange our own.' Sir William was constantly
begging of her to forward the sale of his collections at the
Russian capital ; nor was tea, now fashionable at court, the
least agent for English interests. Emma herself had become
the ' fair tea-maker ' of the Chiaja instead of, as once, of
Edgware Row, and Mrs. Cadogan too held her own tea-
parties. Emma often corresponded with the beautiful
Countess ; one of her letters is transcribed in Note D. of the
Appendix, as an evidence of what kind of French she had
learned to write by a period when she had mastered not only
Neapolitan/<7/^zj- but Spanish and Italian.- At the troublous
outset of 1796 Wilhelmina quitted Italy never to return.
These characters are scarcely edifying. The scoffing
Bishop, the frail Countess, however, were a typical outcome
of sincere reaction against hollow and hypocritical observ-
ance. There was nothing diabolical about them. The
virtues that they professed, they practised ; their faults,
those of free thinkers and free livers, do not differentiate
them from their contemporaries. It is surely remarkable
that these, and such as these, paved the way for Nelson's
vindication of Great Britain in the Mediterranean, far more
than the train of decent frivolity and formal virtue that did
nothing without distinction. High Bohemia has always
wielded some power in the world. Far more was it a force
when the French Revolution threatened the very founda-
tions of society, and opened up avenues to every sort of
adventure and adventurer.
]']mma has already been found twice acquainting Greville
* Hamiltonwiit.es that Lady Elliot had quite 'a passion for Emma.' — Add.
MS. 34,710 D. She herself has recorded her praises of Emma's talent, and
Lady Malmesbury has dune the same. Cf. Letters and Diaries of the First Earl
of Miftto, vol. i. p. 406, vol. ii. p. 365. Sir Gilbert, however, while he noticed
her talent and ' good humour,' decried her manners.
" Amoncj the autographs sold at Sotheby's in the May of 1905 was an Italian one
of Lady Hamilton. In another, sold in July, she mentions herself, shortly before
her death, as instructing Iloratia in Spanish and in the after-acquired German.
i82 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
of her new mitier as politician. Her present circum-
stances and influence over the Queen may be gauged in-
dependently by a letter from her husband to his nephew
from Caserta of November, which has only recently passed
into the national collection : — ^
'. . . Here we are as usual for the winter hunting and
shooting season, and Emma is not at all displeased to retire
with me at times from the great world, altho' no one is
better received when she chuses to go into it. The Queen
of Naples seems to have great pleasure in her society. She
sends for her generally three or four times a week. ... In
fact, all goes well chez 7ions. [He is taking more exercise.]
. . . I have not neglected of my duty^ and flatter myself that
I must be approved of at home for some real services which
my particular situation at this court has enabled me to
render to our Ministry. I have at least the satisfaction of
feeling that I have done all in my power, althd at the expense
of my own health and fortune.' This last sentence points to
the political situation, and Emma's assistance in the episode
of the King of Spain's letters ; for not one, but a whole
series were involved.
These letters, from 1795 to 1796, were the secret channels
by which Ferdinand was made aware first of his brother's
intention to desert the Alliance, and, in the next year, to
join the enemy.
In touching the effects and causes of an event so critical,
Emma's pretensions to a part in its discovery must be dis-
cussed also. Their consideration, interrupting the sequence
of our narrative, will not affect its movement. It is no dry
recital, for it concerns events and character.
From 1795 to the opening of 1797 the league against
Napoleon, as thrones and principalities one by one tottered
before him, was faced by rising republics and defect-
ing allies. In vain were Wurmser and the Neapolitan
troops to rally the Romagna. In vain did Nelson recount
to the Hamiltons Hood's and Hotham's successes along
the Italian coast. Acton's own letters of this period are
full of complaints against Austria and Tuscany.^ Prussia
estranged herself from the banded powers. England her-
1 Add. MS. 34,710 D., Nov, 17, 1795. - Cf. Add. MS. 2,639,225.
' STATESWOMAN ' 183
self was, for a moment, ready to throw up the sponge. In
1795, so great was the popular fear of conflict, that prints in
every London shop window represented the blessings of
peace and the horrors of war. Even in the October of 1796
Nelson told the Hamiltons, with a wrathful sigh, ' We have
a narrow-minded party to work against, but I feel above it' ^
And writing from Bastia in December 1796, he was again
indignant at the orders for the evacuation of the Mediter-
ranean, which plunged the Queen in despair. 'Till this
time,' commented the true patriot, ' it has been usual for the
allies of England to fall from her, but till now she never
was known to desert her friends whilst she had the power
of supporting them.' -
The home explosion had been arrested ; Neapolitan dis-
content had been appeased ; but the frauds of the Scots
contractor, Mackinnon,^ added knavery to increasing fiscal
embarrassments. And Naples was soon to become involved
in a mesh of degrading treaties. The Peace of Brescia, enforc-
ing her neutrality and mulcting her of eight million francs,
sounded the first note of Austrian retreat. It culminated
by 1797 in the shameful treaties of Campoformio and Tolen-
tino,* which eventually bound Austria to cry off. By the
close of 1796 the distraught Queen raved ^ over a separate
and clandestine® compact exacted by France — the most
galling condition of which excluded more than four vessels
of the allies at o?te time'' from any Neapolitan or Sicilian
port — a proviso critical in 1798. By 1797 Naples was
1 Morrison MS. 28S.
^ Il/id, 290. Three years later Nelson could exclaim with pride that no other
power had been ' faithful to its engagements.' Cf. excerpt from a letter of
fuly 19, 1799, addressed from Naples to Sir J. St. Clair Erskinc (Sotheby's
catalogue for July S, 1905).
^ He had a lengthy lawsuit against a competitor and compatriot, the banker
Macaulay. After being imprisoned, he returned to England and traduced Lady
Hamilton. Writing in April 1 798, Sir William says he is capable of any villainy.
Eg. MS. 2640, f. 59.
■* The last happened in February, ine first in October 1797. For their terms
cf. the note towards the close of this chapter, ^ Cf. Eg. MS. 1615, f. 75.
^ Cf. Lady Hamilton's own transcription of it, Morrison MS. 289, Oct. 28,
1796.
" This portion of the clause — on which Acton always laid stress — has much to
do with Emma's 'services' of 1798, and is often lost sight of in the historical
accounts.
i84 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
forced to acknowledge the French Cisalpine Republic, and
France had gained the natural frontiers of the Alps and
the Rhine. Buonaparte returned to Paris covered with
glory. In a single campaign he had defeated five armies,
and won eighteen pitched battles, and sixty-seven smaller
combats. He had made one hundred and fifty thousand
prisoners. He had freed eighteen states. He had rifled
Italy of her statues, pictures, and manuscripts. For his
adopted country's arsenals he had pillaged eleven hundred
and eighty pieces of artillery, and fifty-one muniments for
her harbours ; while no less than two hundred million francs
were secured for her treasuries.
But a worse defection than Prussia's or Austria's was that
of Spain, which fell like a bomb on the coalition against
France, and which, as Emma alleged, first brought her on the
political stage to the knowledge of the English Ministry.
Her claim, and Nelson's for her, differing in dates, since
there were several transactions, was that her friendship
with the Queen obtained the loan of a secret document
addressed by the Spanish monarch to the King of Naples,
and forewarning him of his intention to ally himself with
France, a copy of which she got forwarded to London.
This service has been roundly denied both by Mr. Jeaffre-
son and Professor Laughton. Only the main results of in-
vestigation can be here narrated ; some supplement will
be found in Note F. of the Appendix. Whatever its sub-
sequent embroidery, Emma's contention, certified by Nelson,
nor ever denied by the truthful Hamilton, is favoured by
existing evidence ; and it is amusing to notice at the outset,
that one of the subsidiary cavils of her judges — namely,
that no ciphered despatch would ever have been so entrusted
to her — falls at once to the ground, since there exists such
a document in her own handwriting among the Morrison
autographs ; ^ while in the Queen's correspondence occurs
more than one mention of a cipher transmitted to her. But,
indeed, neither in her memorial of 1813 to the Prince of
^ Morrison MS. 259. Transcript (in Italian) in Lady Hamilton's hand-
writing of a letter (in cipher) to the Foreign Minister of Naples. Dated Aran-
juez, March 31, 1796. The Queen sent her many such, among them the
Austrian ciphers of July 1798, v. post, chap. viii.
I
'STATESWOMAN' 185
Wales, nor in that other to the King, nor in Nelson's last
codicil, is a ' ciphered letter ' mentioned. The first document
styles it only a ' private letter.' The last two agree in
calling it the King of Spain's letter 'expressive of or
'acquainting him with ' his ' intention of declaring war against
England.' The critics need not surely have been at such
pains to identify the document meant with the celebrated
cipher of Galatone, which the Queen handed to Emma in
the spring of 1795. All the evidence fits the likelihood of
the document for which she claimed being one that was
forwarded home in September 1796, the year specified by
Nelson's last codicil, by his conversation at Dresden in
1800, and on many other occasions.
Roughly speaking, the facts are these.
From the opening of the year 1795 to the autumn of
1796 the Neapolitan Ambassador at Madrid (in 1795
' Galatone,' Prince Belmonte) was in constant communica-
tion, both open and secret, with the King, Queen, and Gallo,
then foreign minister ; and in such cases official letters,
which are naturally guarded, should be carefully dis-
tinguished from private information surreptitiously con-
veyed. From the moment that the French Directory
replaced the Reign of Terror in Thermidor 1794, and
represented itself under the dazzling triumphs of Napoleon
as a stable, if spicier, Government, Spain had been steadily
smoothing the way for wriggling out of the Anti-Gallic
Coalition, the more so as she longed to try conclu-
sions with Great Britain in partnership with France, whom
she had hitherto been bound to attack. For this pur-
pose— as all Acton's manuscript letters attest — she sought
to bully Naples, first out of the Anti-Gallic league, and
subsequently, in 1797, out of enforced neutrality. She still
considered her navy powerful, although throughout 1795
Nelson derided it as worse than useless. Her Florentine
envoy wrote insolently in the autumn of 1795 that it was
of no consequence that the English flag was flaunted in
Mediterranean waters ; the real Spanish objective ought to
be Cuba, Porto Rico, St. Domingo.^ Tradition, national
^ Cf. Sir W. Hamilton's letter to Lord Granville of October 17, 1795, cited
from the P.R.O. by Professor Laughton in his Nelson's Last Codicil, Colburn's
United Set-vice Magazine, April 1S89. This policy was exemplified in 1805.
i86 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
pride, and inclination all united in her effort gradually and
insidiously to prepare a breach with the allied powers and
a rapprochement with France,
During these long negotiations both Acton and Hamilton
were kept in designed ignorance by the King, who, under
his inherited bias for Spanish influence, rejoiced to think
that he was now at last his own minister, emancipated from
and outwitting his thwarted Queen. Maria Carolina, how-
ever, had provided her own channels of information also.
All that she could ferret out was carefully communicated to
Lady Hamilton, and forwarded, under strict pledges not to
compromise by naming her, to Lord Grenville in London.^
There are two distinct sets of the correspondence between
Hamilton and Acton and Acton and Hamilton— that of
spring and early summer 1795 relative to the Spanish
peace with France achieved in July, the project for which,
however, had leaked out long before ; and that of late
summer and autumn 1796, regarding Spain's much more
secret and momentous decision to strike a definite alliance,
offensive as well as defensive, with the enemy of Europe.^
It was in connection with the latter that Nelson's last
codicil claimed Emma's assistance in divulging it to the
ministers, while he regretted the opportunities missed by
their failure to improve the occasion. Lady Hamilton's
last memorial assigns no specific date, though her brief
narrative there confuses (as usual) the peace and the alliance
together. The evidence points to a probability of her
having been twice instrumental in procuring documents
weighty for both these emergencies ; but her main exertion,
as Nelson was aware, was bound up with the last. Professor
Laughton's acumen bears upon the letters of 1795 : my
reasons for disagreeing with him about these also will be
found in the Appendix,^ to which the student is referred.
Both he and Mr. Jeaffreson fasten upon her statement in the
' Prince Regent ' memorial alone,* and have not considered
' Egerton MS. 1617, fif. 22, 29.
- The Franco-Spanish Treaty was clandestinely signed August 19, 1796,
ratified September 12. On October 11 Spain declared war against England.
•* Note F.
* These are its words : — ' By unceasing application of that influence' — i.e.
with the Queen — 'and no less watchfulness to turn it to my country's good, it
'STATESWOMAN' 187
her undecorated and simple account tallying with Nelson's
in her memorial to the King. I beg the reader's patient
attention to the wording of both of these, below cited.
It is clear from the first that Emma in treating of two
years mixes up the documents which she admittedly
obtained from the Queen and delivered to Hamilton for
tansmission both in April and June 1795, with one of the
many that she obtained in 1796. No single 'letter' could
have comprised both the rupture with the alliance and the
compact with France, belonging respectively to two succes-
sive years. The attendant scenes of the abstracted letter,
the precautions, the heavy payment, the special messenger,
her husband's illness, do not figure either in the King of
England's memorial or Nelson's codicil. The minor events
of 1795, in their present bearing, are reserved for the
Appendix.
My point now and here is that Emma's chief aid in
unravelling a long and tangled skein of maturing crisis
was rendered about September 1796. Its history will
resume our thread ; and, since the next chapter's evidence
happened that I discovered a courier had brought the King of Naples a private
letter from the Kiiij^ of Spain. I prevailed on the Queen to lake it from his
pocket unseen. We found it to contain the King of Spain's intention to with-
draw from the Coalition, and join the French against England. My husband
at that time lay dangerously ill. I prevailed on the Queen to allow my taking
a copy, with which I immediately dispatched a messenger to Lord Grenville,
taking all the necessary precautions ; for his safe arrival then became very
difficult, and altogether cost me about ^^400 paid out of my privy purse.'— Cf.
Morrison MS. 1046, where the date conjectured 'March 1813' tallies with her
letter in the Rose diaries inclosing it.
Her memorial to the King (ignored or unknown by the critics) contains a
simpler statement. ' That it was the good fortune of your Majesty's memorialist
to acquire the confidential friendship of that great and august Princess, the Queen
of Naples, your Majesty's most faithful and ardently attached Ally, at a period
of peculiar peril, and when her august Consort , . . was unhappily constrained
to profess a neutrality, but little in accordance with the feelings of his own
excellent heart. By which means your Majesty's memorialist, among many
inferior services, had an opportunity of obtaining^ and actually did obtain, thr
King 0/ Spain's letter to the King of Naples expressive of his intention to declare
war against England. This important document, your Majesty's memorialist
delivered to her husband. Sir William Hamilton, who immediately transmitted
it to your Majestv's Ministers' This assertion tallies with Nelson's. There is
no proof of the dale of this paper, which in the Morrison MS. (1045) is guessed
to be identical with that of the ' Prince Regent ' memorial above transcribed.
i88 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
is to favour not only her crowning service with regard to
the Mediterranean fleet, but the substantial accuracy of her
two statements of it,^ it is worth while in this matter also to
inquire somewhat closely whether Emma was a liar, and
Nelson a dupe.
The Acton manuscripts throughout 1796 cast consider-
able light on the numerous letters from the Spanish court
of that year, culminating in the crucial announcement of
the Spanish King to his brother of Naples towards the close
of August.
Acton vied with Hamilton as to who should be first in
the field to acquaint the British ministers;'^ and indeed to
Acton's /^;/^/^^/z/ (like our own Harley's under Queen Anne)
for engrossing business and favour Nelson afterwards
referred in a letter to Lady Hamilton, where he declares
that he will no longer ' get everything done' through Acton,
as was his 'old way.' Both Acton and Wyndham, Eng-
land's envoy at Leghorn, were, it is true, early if vaguely
aware of Spain's tentatives with France ; ^ but neither they
nor the English Ambassador at Madrid had discovered the
precise terms of a coming alliance, vital to Europe. It
would press the more on Naples, in view of that undignified
and stringent accommodation with the French Directory,
into which the Franco-Hispanian conspiracy, after a brief
armistice, was fast driving her reluctant councils. For months
Prince Belmonte (transferred from Madrid to Paris) had
been dangling his heels as negotiator in the French capital,
subjected to insolent demands and mortifying delays and
chicanes.* From the spring of 1796 onwards a series of
'threatening letters' had been received by Ferdinand from
Charles ; and all the time the pro-Spanish party, designing
^ It will be seen that one of her statements has passed unknown, and that the
meaning of the other has been curiously distorted. A kind statement was inserted
by Emma in Nelson's Letter-Book.
- Cf. especially Egerton MS. 2639, ff. 303-315.
3 Cf. ibid. ff. 303, 304 et seq. ' Spanish troops to be put into Leghorn '
(Acton to Hamilton, Aug. 21, 1796). — 'But the odd and open threatenings of
the King of Spain to his brother do not leave any room to hope for a separation
from the French, or change in that Court of their strange and most shamefull
system.' — (The same to the same, Aug. 18, 1796.)
•• Egerton MS. 2629, f. 313 (Acton to Hamilton, Sept. 22, 1796), and cf.
il/id. ff. 325-329.
'STATESWOMAN' 189
a dethronement of the Neapolitan Bourbons, kept even pace
with Maria Carolina's hatred of a sister-in-law caballing
for her son.^ Ferdinand himself still clung to the Spanish
raft ; Charles of Spain was his brother, and blood is thicker
than water. While England grew more and more faint-
hearted, and Grenville forwarded despatch after despatch
advising Naples to give up the game and make the best
terms available with the Directory ; - while Napoleon's
victories swelled the republicanisation of Italy, the Spanish
plot also for sapping Great Britain's Mediterranean power,^
and overthrowing the dynasty of the two Sicilies, increased
in strength. Yet the King of Naples still temporised. For
a space even Acton veered ; he listened to Gallo and the
King, the more readily because his own post was endan-
gered in 1795, when there had been actual rumours of his
replacement by Gallo.* In 1796 he saw no way out but the
sorry compromise with France, which he half desired, and
the enforced neutrality which disgusted Naples in December.
Milan had fallen. Piedmont had been Buonaparte's latest
democratic experiment. The Austrians, led by Wurmser,
were failing in combat, as their court by the first month of
the next year was to fail in faith. Naples was fast being
isolated both from Italy and Britain ; small wonder then
that through Acton's earlier letters of 1796 there peers a
sour smile of cynical desperation. But directly he realised
the full force of the Franco-Hispanian complot, and the
stress of reverses to the allied arms, he changed his ply.
He avowed himself ready ' to break the peace ' ; he rejoined
and rejoiced the Queen ; he again looked to England. As
Grenville waxed colder, the more warmly did Acton com-
pete with Hamilton in egging on the British Government
by disclosing the hard facts detected. Hamilton, however,
forestalled him. He, Emma, and the Queen had throughout
' Acton speaks al this dale of there being 'no bounds tu female resent-
ment. '
- Cf. (t:.^.) Egerton MS. 2639, f. 329. Acton complains daily more of
Grenville's attitude.
^ Hamilton's own words in his despatch of Sept. 21, 1796— 'To exclude
Great Britain from all the ports in the Mediterranean.'
* Cf. P.R.O. documents, F.O. Records, Sicily (i795). 4i- Cited by
Professor Laughlon.
190 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
been in frequent confabulation/ while the Hamiltons were
also in close correspondence with Nelson. But it was
Emma, not her husband, that was daily closeted with
Carolina, whose letters to the ambassadress prove how well
she was informed of Spain's machinations.'^ So early as
June 1793 we have seen Emma already politicising. In
April 1795 she reports once more to Greville : ' Against my
will, owing to my situation here, I am got into politics, and
I wish to have news for my dear, much loved Queen whom
I adore.' 2 She had already transcribed a ciphered com-
munication from Spain as to King Charles's probable
defection from the alliance.* She now definitely advances
towards the political footlights.
The preceding year had settled the habit by which the
Queen conveyed secret documents to the friend who as
regularly copied or translated them for her husband.^ So
far the chief of these had been the ' Chiffre de Galatone '
transmitted to England at the close of April 1795.'^ All
of them, however, principally related to the Spanish peace
with France then brewing in Madrid, of which the British
Government had gained other advices from their represen-
tative at the Spanish court. That even this, however, was
not quite a secret de Polichinelle, is shown by the scarcity of
J He already offered Hamilton the use of his own courier. Eg. MS. 2639, ff,
303 and 304 et seq.
'^ Spain she regarded as a pawn of France. Cf. her letter at the opening of
1796, where she tells Emma that Spain is so weak that if France ordered her to
knife her brother, she would doit. Egerton MS. 1615, f. 48.
'^ Morrison MS. 263. 4 //.^-^ 259.
■^ On April 21, 1795, fo>^ example, the Queen sends three papers 'confiden-
tially,' 'which may be useful to your husband.' Cf. Eg. MS. 1615, ff. 20-22
containing another example. It is needless to multiply instances. One citation
only will illustrate Emma's initiative. In Hamilton's despatch of April 30,
1795, he says, 'However, Lady Hamilton having had the honour of seeing the
Queen yesterday morning, H.M. was pleased to promise me one, etc' In
another of the following year he speaks of documents being ' communicated ' to
him 'as usual.'
^ Cf. Emma's transcript of this ciphered despatch, March 31, 1795, tof^ether
with the Queen's note forwarding it to her, Eg, MS. 1615, f. 22, and Emma's
reference to the courier and her having 'got into politicks,' April 19. Morrison
MS. 259, 263. On June 9 she copied another despatch from Galatone (Prince
Belmonte), ibid. 265. Much earlier in the year the Queen communicated
hidden information about Spain and rumours about Hood having got out of
Toulon, Eg. MS. 1617, f. 3.
'STATESWOMAN' 191
references to it in the Acton correspondence with Hamilton
of these very dates. Nor is it any answer to Emma's
activities, even in this and less material years, that she
voiced the Queen's urgent interest, because it is abundantly
manifest that the Queen, in her need, did for Emma what
she would never have done for Hamilton apart, while in re-
turn Emma doubtless communicated also Nelson's Mediter-
ranean information to Maria Carolina. She had suddenly
become a safe and trusted go-between, and none other at
this juncture could have performed her office. The supine
Sir William had at last been pricked into action. He had
now every incentive to earn the King of England's gratitude.
In a private missive to Lord Grenville of April 30, 1795,
alluding to the communication of this very ' cipher of
Galatone,' he himself asserts, ' Your Lordship will have
seen by my despatch of 21st April the unbounded con-
fidence which the Queen of Naples has placed in me and
my wife' ^ Emma could now advantage not only herself
and her country, but her royal friend and her own husband
— Triajuncta in uno.
But the position in the late summer of 1796 was far
more serious both for Naples and England than it had ever
been before. Acton had been dallying. During the interval
Ferdinand had been literally pelted with letters from
Charles, menacing, cajoling, persuading him. Already in
August Hamilton had communicated secrets respecting the
movements of the French and Spanish squadrons.- Every
one knew that Spanish retirement from the European
Coalition was soon to be succeeded by some sort of league;
but nobody, either at Naples or in England, could ascer-
tain its exact conditions revealed to Ferdinand alone. If
it was to be (as it was) an alliance of offence, the issues
must prove momentous for Great Britain. All was kept
a profound secret.
About mid-September 1796 Charles the Fourth's final
^ Cited by Professor Laughton in his Nchon^s Last Codicil (ColburnV United
Service Magazine, April 1S89) from P.R.O. and F.O. Records, Spain (1795),
38S.
- Cf. the excerpt in Sotheby's catalogue of his autograph document sold in
May of this ycu (1905). It bears dale August 16, 1796.
192 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
epistle reached the hands of his Neapolitan brother.^ The
murder was out. The compact between the two courts
was fixed as one of war to the knife against the allied powers,
among whom England was wavering and Austria on the
verge of concluding a scandalous peace. Ferdinand, who
alone knew what was impending, must have chuckled
as he thought how he had worsted his masterful spouse.
If Emma could only clear up the mystery and the un-
certainty, England might be forearmed against the veiled
sequel of that long train of hidden pourparlers which she
had been able to discover and announce during the previous
year ; and in such a case she counted with assurance on
her country's gratitude towards her and her husband.
How the Queen or Emma, or both, obtained the loan of
this document, whether out of the King's pocket, as Emma
avers in her Prince Regent's memorial, and Pettigrew, with
embellishments, in \\\sLife of Nelson; or whether, according
to the posthumous Memoirs of Lady Haniiltori, through a
bribed page, does not concern us. Such strokes of the
theatre are, at any rate, quite consistent with the atmosphere
of the court. The sole question is : Did she manage to
receive and transmit it ?
Professor Laughton, in trying to identify Emma's claim
with the occasion of Galatone's 'ciphered letter' of the
spring of 1795, has ignored somewhat the precise applica-
bility both of her own wording and Nelson's. The letter
to which I apply her pretensions, was in Spanish — a ' private
letter,' as they describe it, and not a ' letter in cipher ' like
the one received from Galatone in the year preceding.
Moreover, it will be found on reference to the Appendix -
that what Emma seems really to have distinguished herself
by procuring in 1795, was not so much the ' letter in cipher '
as the clue for deciphering it.
Is there any distinct circumstance in her favour to
counterweigh the hypotheses against her? One such exists
' This was not the letter cited by Mr. Jeaffreson in his Queen of Naples and
Lord Nelson (vol. ii. p. 206), for this only states that since P'rance has at last
got a moderate Government and the Jacobins are utterly ruined, he will bcghi
negotiations. The real document is a later one, as Mr. Jeaffreson admits on the
next page.
2 Note F.
'STATESWOMAN' 193
of some weight. It relates to her statement that a private
messenger was despatched with the document to London.
Sir William Hamilton forwarded the critical news in a
'secret' despatch to Lord Grenville. It is dated September
21, 1796;^ and the bearer of it, as will be seen, started
on the 23rd. It should be observed that this lengthy epistle
is exceptional in only transmitting the purport of the letter,
and not, as habitually before and afterwards, either copies
of hazardous documents, or, in earlier cases, the originals
themselves.-
On this very September 21st the Queen of Naples wrote
to thank Emma for putting at her service the unexpected
medium of 'the poor Count of Munster's courier,' available
through his employer's decease, though the usual couriers
were also at hand. She says that she will profit by the
opportunity, and that Emma shall receive her 'packet'
to-morrow.3 Acton, once more addressing Hamilton on
September 22, and before this special courier had started,
begged him to include both his and the Queen's despatches
to Circello, Ambassador at St. James's, ' by the courier which
\sic\ goes to-morrow for London.'*
On this identical September 21, 1796, once again Lady
Hamilton herself sat down for a hurried chat with Greville.
' We have not time,' she says, ' to write to you, as we have
been 3 days and nights writing to send by this courrier
letters of consequence for our Government. They ought to
be gratefull to Sir William and myself in particular, as my
situation in this Court is very extraordinary , and what no
person [h]as yet arrived at.'^
* Cited from the P. R.O. by Professor Laughton.
" He had consistently so done heretofore. On April 28, 1795, for example,
Emma specially endorses the fact of her husband sending the original of the
Queen's letter to England. Eg. MS. 161 5, f. 22. On October 3 following,
divulging the secret articles of the Gallo-IIispanian treaty, he encloses Acton's
original letter (cf. Professor Laughton's article). Emma's own copy of the
succeeding secret articles between France and Naples remains too in her hand-
writing. Morrison MS. 289. The original must have been forwarded. In the
present case such a document must have been of necessity only lent to be copied
and returned without delay ; nor could the Queen have ever allowed her name
to transpire. It was her husband's secret, and probably purloined.
3 Eg. MS. 1615, f. 50. ^ Eg. MS. 2639, f. 313 et seq.
" Morrison MS. 287.
N
194 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
The coincidence of these combined statements of two
successive days suggests the 'poor Count of Munster's'
courier as the possible bearer both of official despatches
and of Emma's private copy of the King of Spain's most
crucial declaration.^
There are two alternatives with regard to Hamilton's
exceptional omission to forward some copy at least of such
a document, and both are in Emma's favour. Either he
feared to do so, in which case Emma could truthfully
describe her husband's detailed resume oi the information
procured at her instance as the 'King of Spain's letter';
or — as the whole course of their custom confirms — she
copied it verbatim and forwarded her copy by special
messenger, after hastily restoring the original through the
Queen to the unsuspecting King. In no case could it have
been suffered to remain long out of his possession.
Professor Laughton, pinning Lady Hamilton's claim to
the less grave issues of 1795, and not, as I hope to have
made clear, to their critical upshot on which the case is
here rested, has urged with some force that no such
document has yet been found in the British archives. But
I am convinced that he will be the first to admit that
many important documents are mentioned in the secret
despatches of Hamilton alone, which have not as yet come to
public light, if, indeed, they have not been destroyed ; more-
over, copies, and even originals, of official records, relating
to the period and the persons, have appeared in the auction-
rooms during recent years, and must have been parted with
by their recipients. The King of Spain's letter itself, how-
ever, exists elsewhere, and is familiar. Hamilton's risum^
of its contents in his despatch is so faithful and circum-
stantial as to warrant the certainty that he had seen it.
The Queen could not have lent it for long, and by
established habit must have done so through Emma. If
it was copied, Emma, by the same custom, must have been
its copyist.
' This is by no means the sole occasion of a special messenger being employed
in despatches to Lord Grenville. In one of 1795 Hamilton says his own servant
will take it as far as Rome {P.R.O., F.O. Records (Spain) 388, cited by
Professor Laughton). In another, that a 'person' is conveying it. But none
of these are so exceptional as the chance courier in question.
'STATESWOMAN' 195
Mr. Jeaffreson has further dwelt on the unlikelihood of
such a sum^ as Emma names being spent on retaining the
messenger out of her private purse, when her allowance
was limited to ;^200 a year. But this allowance was only
nominal. Had he scrutinised the Morrison Collection, he
would have seen that for some time she had been authorised
by her husband to overdraw her account in view of increas-
ing requirements.^ Minutiae, too, about Sir William's state
of health in September 1796 to refute her allegation of his
ill-health, at the time when she transmitted the contents of
the letter to England, seem to me out of place. He was
constantly in bed and out of it within a few days from the
opening of 1795 to the close of 1796. Everything, it must
be conceded, remains inconclusive. But the critic's whole
argument is also a balance of probabilities. All rests on
circumstantial evidence merely, and Professor Laughton
himself seems to have drawn mistaken inferences from the
documents of 1795.^
It is possible, of course, that this claim also may have
confused some of the events of the two years, especially
Hamilton's illness ; or, on the other hand, even that this
crucial letter of 1796 might have been forwarded by her
during the next month, when she is still to be found tran-
scribing documents, and endorsing effusive gratitude on one
of the Queen's letters."* But that her story, stripped of
accidentals, is a myth, I cannot bring myself to believe.
Even Lord Grenville, thirteen years afterwards, rejected
her claims on grounds far other than their fabrication.^
That during her future she proved often and otherwise
blameworthy, that her distant past had been soiled, are
scarcely reasons for discrediting the substance of her story
in the teeth of inferences as telling as have been marshalled
against it ; nor should Greville's repeated acknowledg-
' Hamilton in the succeeding November paid eighty ducats himself to a special
messenger conveying despatches to Bastia. Cf. Sotheby's catalogue of May 17,
1905, giving an excerpt from a document to that effect.
- Morrison MS. 250; Cascrta, December iS, 1794. 'lie told me I might,
for I have so many occasions to spend my money that my 2 hundred pounds will
scarcely do for me.'
=» Cf. Appendix, Note V. * Eg. MS. 1615, f. 62.
' Cf. especially Canning's letter to Rose, July 5, 1809. Rose's Diaries,
vol. i. p. 263, and ^osi, chap. xv.
196 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
ments of her natural candour be forgotten. To every
motive for political exertion had now been added immense
opportunity. There is ample reason why she should have
used it for her country's advantage. She was no dabbler.
She had wished to play a big part, and she was playing it.
She had every qualification for acquitting herself well in the
arena where she longed to shine, and promptitude alone
could ensure success.
Gloom deepened with the opening of the year 1797, but
it riveted the Neapolitan House faster to England. The
many French immigrants exulted. The pro-Spanish party
and all the Anglophobes became confident. Austria had
ignobly desisted,^ and her ministers were rewarded by
diamonds from the Pope.^ Great Britain — hesitating though
she seemed — remained the sole champion against Buona-
parte. Lord St. Vincent's name and Nelson's rang
throughout Europe on the ' glorious Valentine's day,' and
Emma infused fresh hope in the downcast Queen. She
delighted to vaunt England's sinew and backbone. She
prevented Hamilton from relaxing his efforts, and kept him
at his post of honour. She was already ambitious for
Nelson. Maria Carolina at last divined that Buonaparte's
objective was the Mediterranean, But Nelson had divined
the aims of France earlier, when he wrote in October 1796,
* We are all preparing to leave the Mediterranean, a measure
which I cannot approve. They at home do not know what
this fleet is capable of performing ; anything and every-
thing.'^ But Downing Street, in the person of the narrow-
sighted Lord Grenville, still closed its eyes, shut its ears,
and hardened its heart. At Rome the French republicans
organised an uprising, and were driven for shelter into
Joseph Buonaparte's Palazzo Corsini. He himself was
1 By the Peace of Campoformio Austria ceded the Low Countries to P'rance ;
Milan, Mantua, Modena to the Cisalpine Republic. Venice was for the
moment left to the Emperor, but France regained the Ionian Islands. The
Peace of Tolentino turned the Romagna into a Republic.
'•^ Dumas, p. 204.
2 Prof. Laughton's Nelson Letters and Despatchts, p. 109. The Neapolitan
peace with France, however, disgusted him, and made him think it time to be
ofi.—3id. p. 112.
'STATESWOMAN' 197
threatened, and Duphot was killed, by the Papal guard.
Eugene Beauharnais made a sortie of vengeance. Napoleon
utilised the manoeuvre to despatch General Berthier against
the Pope's dominions. By the February of the ensuing
year the Castle of St. Angelo was taken. On Ascension
Day the Pope himself, in the Forum, heard the shouts of
' Viva la Republica ; abasso il Papa ! ' He did what other
weak pontiffs have done before and since. He protested
his ' divine right,' took his stand on it — and fled. Ousted
from Siena by earthquake, he retired to the Florentine
Certosa, where his rooms fronting that beautiful prospect
may still be viewed. Hounded out once more, he was
harried from pillar to post — from Tortona to Turin, from
Briangon to Valence — in the citadel of which, old and dis-
tressed, he breathed his last.
At home Maria Carolina now reversed her policy of the
knout. Vanni,^ the brutal Inquisitor of State, was deposed
and banished, the diplomatic Castelcicala was given a free
hand. All the captives were released. The Lazzaroni
cheered till they were hoarse over the magnanimity of their
rulers.
And Acton, relieved from the burdens of bureaucracy, at
last pressed Great Britain for a Mediterranean squadron.
He and the Queen had both determined that their forced
neutrality should be of short duration.
If we would appreciate Emma's influence for England at
Naples, the tone of his correspondence at this date should
be compared with his indifference during the earlier portion
of the preceding year. The Mediterranean expedition
which Nelson was to lead to such decisive triumph was far
more the fruit of Neapolitan importunities than of English
foresight.
Buonaparte had boasted that he would republicanise the
two Sicilies also. No sooner was Acton apprised of
the fact than he immediately invited Sir Gilbert Elliot,
who happened to be visiting Naples, to meet him and
* His barbarities to victims were summed up in the Latin sentence, 'Torqucri
acriter adhibitis qualuor funiculis.' An adventurous Colonel Pisa, who was to
fight against Cardinal Ruffo in 1799, and would have been then executed but
for royal intervention, was his relative. — Cyrus Kedding's Raollcctions, vol. ii.
P- 341-
198 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the Hamiltons.^ He again murmured against Lord
Grenville's 'chicane.' He assured Sir Gilbert that his
country had strained 'every sinew' 'to move and engage
seventeen million Italians to defend themselves, their
property, and their honour ' ; all had been vain for lack
of extraneous assistance ; even their fleet had laboured
to no purpose ; in his quaint English, their ' head-shipman
had lost his head, if ever he had any.'^ The case was now
desperate. All hinged on a sufficient Mediterranean
squadron. 'Any English man-of-war, to the number of
four at a time,' could still be provisioned in Sicilian or
Neapolitan ports. Their compelled compact with France
allowed no more. And at a moment when the French
were disquieting Naples by insurgent fugitives from the
Romagna and elsewhere,^ Napoleon's smooth speeches were,
said Acton, mere dissimulation. A 'change of masters'
might soon ensue.* By the April of 1798 Acton was still
more explicit in his correspondence with Hamilton. A
fresh incursion was now definitely menaced. Naples was
being blackmailed. The Parisian Directors offered her
immunity, but only if she would pay them an exorbitant
sum ; otherwise she must be absorbed in the constellation
of republics, while her monarch must join the debris of
falling stars. Viennese support was little more than a
forlorn hope for ravaged Italy. In the King's name he
implored Hamilton to forward an English privateer to
announce their desperate plight and urgent necessities
to Lord St. Vincent. — ' Their Majesties observe the
critical moment for all Europe, and the threatens {^sic\ of an
invasion even in England. They are perfectly convinced
of the generous and extensive exertions of the British
nation at this moment, but a diversion in these points
might operate advantage for the common war. Will Eng-
land see all Italy, and even the two Sicilies, in the French
hands with indifference?' The half-hearted Emperor
had at last consented to think of assisting his relations,
1 Eg. MS. 2639, f. 369.
- Hamilton smiles at Acton's English. — Eg. MS. 2640, f. 45.
■* Among these was Micheroux, who was to play such a fatal part in the
Jacobin capitulation of 1799. ^ Eg. MS. 2640, ff, i, il, 15.
'STATESWOMAN' 199
though only should Naples be assailed ; this perhaps might
'hurry England.' Seventeen ships of the line would soon
be ready ; there were seventy in Genoa, thirty at Civita
Vecchia. These could carry ' perhaps 8000 men.' But the
French at Toulon could convey 18,000. 'With the English
expedition we shall be saved. This is my communication
from their Majesties.'^
Hamilton's replies were bitterly cautious. ' We cannot,
however,' he observed, 'avoid to expose that His Sicilian
Majesty confides too much in His Britannic Majesty's
Ministry's help.'-
And all this time Emma is never from Maria Carolina's
side ; writing to her, urging, praising, heartening, caressing
the English. The Queen is all gratitude to her humble
friend, whose enthusiasm is an asset of her hopes: — ' Vous
en etes le maitre de mon coeur, ma chere miledy,' she
writes in her bad and disjointed French ; ' ni pour mes
amis, comme vous, ni pour mes opinions [je] ne change
jamais.' She is 'impatient for news of the English
squadron.'^ But she is still a wretched woman, disquieted
by doubts and worn with care, as she may be viewed in the
portraits of this period. She had deemed herself a pattern
of duty, but had now woke up to the consciousness
of being execrated by her victims ; while the loyal
Lazzaroni, always her mislikers, visited each national
calamity on her head. Gallo, Acton, Belmonte, Castel-
cicala, Di Medici — all had been tried, and except Acton,
who himself had wavered, all had been found wanting. It
is the Nemesis of despots, even if enlightened, to rely suc-
cessively on false supports, to fly by turns from betrayed
trust to treachery once more trusted. Emma at all events
would not fail her, and never did. 'You may read,' says
Thackeray, ' Pompeii in some folks' faces.' Such a Pompeii-
countenance must have been the Queen's.
The English squadron was at last a fact. On March 29,
1 Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 45, 46, 48. " Eg. MS. 2640, i. 57, April 9.
^ Eg. MS. 1615, ff. 89, 69. Acton knew of it on May 19, ' S.ilurday morn-
ing.' Grcnville had enjoined strict secrecy. Eg. MS. 2640, f. 63. On June lO
he wrote, ' With the good Admiral Nelson at the head of them, we must hope
the desired and long expected success.'
200 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
1798, Nelson hoisted his flag as Rear- Admiral of the Blue
on board the Vanguard. On April 10 he sailed on one of
the most eventful voyages in history.
And meanwhile Maria Carolina, with Emma under her
wing, might be seen pacing the palace garden, and eagerly
scanning the horizon from sunny Caserta for a glimpse of
one white sail.
Sister Anne stands and waits on her watch-tower,
feverish for Selim's arrival, while anguished Fatima peers
into Bluebeard's cupboard, horror-stricken at its gruesome
medley of dismembered sovereigns — martyrs or tyrants —
which you please.
Lady Hamilton as Eui-HROsyxE.
From a Mezzotint hy Hury after the original picture by C. Romney.
CHAPTER VIII
TRIUMPH
1798
Nelson was in chase of Buonaparte's fleet.
Napoleon's Egyptian expedition was, perhaps, the great-
est wonder in a course rife with them. He was not yet
thirty ; he had been victorious by land, and had dictated
terms at the gates of Vienna. In Italy, like Tarquin, he
had knocked off the tallest heads first. Debt and jeal-
ousy hampered him at home. It was the gambler's first
throw, that rarest audacity. For years his far-sightedness
had fastened on the Mediterranean ; and now that Spain
was friends with France, he divined the moment for crush-
ing Britain. But even then his schemes were far vaster
than his contemporaries could comprehend. His plan was
to obtain Eastern Empire, to reduce Syria, and, after
recasting sheikhdoms in the dominion of the Pharaohs,
possibly after subduing India, to dash back and conquer
England. Italy was honeycombed with his republics. To
Egypt P'rance should be suzerain, a democracy with
vassals ; as for Great Britain, if she kept her King, it must
be on worse terms than even Louis the Bourbon had once
dared to prescribe to the Stuarts. This, too, was the first and
only time when he, an unskilled mariner, was for a space
in chief naval command. Most characteristic was it also of
him — the encyclopaedist in action — to have remembered
science in this enterprise against science's home of origin.
That vast Armada of ships and frigates, that huge U Orient,
whose very name was augury, those forty thousand men in
transports, did not suffice. An array of savants, with all
their apparatus, swelling the muster on board their vessel
201
202 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
to no less than two thousand,^ accompanied the new man
who was to make all things new. It was nigh a month
after Nelson started when Napoleon sailed. Sudden as a
flash of lightning, yet impenetrable as the cloud from which
it darts, he veiled his movements and doubled in his course.
It was on Saturday, June i6, that Hamilton first sighted
Nelson's approach. The van of the small squadron of four-
teen sail was visible as it neared Ischia from the westward
and made for Capri.^ He at once took up his pen to send
him the latest tidings of the armament which, eluding his
pursuit, had now passed the Sicilian seaboard.^ The glad
news of Nelson's arrival spread like wildfire. The French
residents mocked and scowled. The people cheered. The
solemn ministers smiled. The royal family, in the depths
of dejection,* plucked up heart ; the Queen was in
^ Morrison MS. 317. Much light is cast on these savants, and on the whole
Egyptian expedition, by Buonaparte's and his officers' letters, intercepted by
Nelson, and published in translation by 'J. Wright' in 1798. The expedition
itself was undertaken, despite treasuries drained already by the Italian campaign,
and the rapacity of its now dominant pioneers, who lavished the State's last gold
en route for Cairo, in bribing Malta. All Buonaparte's officers were bitterly
disappointed, and murmured against their commander for betraying them, going
back on his original pretext of pacification, and leaving them unpaid. The
savants were to discover 'the real Egypt.' On July 6 Buonaparte wrote to the
Directory, 'This country is anything but what travellers . . . represent it to be.'
The Directory ' did not set much store by their savants ; they exported several
head of them to Cayenne.' It was hoped that the plunder of Malta would
reimburse some of the expense. The Directory s main object was to get rid of
their Italian army. " Eg. MS. 264O, f. 69.
3 His letters both to Nelson and Lord St. Vincent (Morrison MS. 317, 318)
were partly founded on Acton's communication of ' Sunday, June 10' (Eg. MS.
2640, f. 67), announcing that part of the French fleet was ' between Marittimo
and the Favignana,' after being at Trapani, and was heading for Malta.
Buonaparte's interference there changed the whole situation and precipitated the
probability of an open breach between Naples and France.
•• This has been made clear, I hope, in my previous chronicle. But, since it
has been doubted, I subjoin a few references to Acton's correspondence alone
(though the Queen's of this period is also most despairing), to show that
Nelson's expression on June 17th of ' this suffering family' was a commonplace
at the time. Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 53-56. ' We shall perish if such is our
destiny,' etc., f. 67. f. 71: — 'Our critical circumstances' — isolated on the
Continent—' our hopes and, indeed, all our expectations of help and assistance
lay [j/c] on the British squadron,' etc. f. 72: 'Our consolation.' f. 75:
'Nelson's passage through Messina Straits,' 'a prodigious consolation.' 'We
are undoubtedly undone,' etc. On sighting the fleet, the Queen styled Nelson
' Conservateur.'— Eg. MS. 1615, f. 95. And on June 20, as I shall shortly
TRIUMPH 203
ecstasy.' But Gallo and the anti-English group were sus-
picious and perplexed. They and the King still waited on
Austria. On Spain they could no longer fawn.
Nelson's instructions were to water and provide his
fleet in any Mediterranean port, except in Sardinia,^ if
necessary by arms. It was not that for the moment he
needed refreshment for those scanty frigates, the want of
which, he wrote afterwards, would be found graven on his
heart. But he had a long and intricate enterprise before
him. He was hunting a fox that would profit by every
bend and crevice, so to speak, of the country. He could
not track him without the certainty that, apart from the
delays that force must entail, all his requirements, perhaps
for two months, would be granted on mere demand. Even
so early as June 12 he had requested definite answers from
Hamilton as to what precise aid he could count upon^ from
a pseudo-neutral power trifling over diplomatic pedantries
with the slippery chancelleries of Vienna; while on that
same day Hamilton had forwarded to Eden at Vienna a
despatch from Grenville emphasising the ' necessity ^ as it
was now regarded at home, for ensuring the ' free and
unlimited^ admission of British ships into Sicilian harbours,
and ' every species of provisions and supplies usually
afforded by an ally.'* Hamilton had tried in vain to
surmount an obstacle important alike to France, to the
King, and to Austria. Nelson also knew too well the
barrier set against compliance by the terms of the fatal
Franco-Neapolitan pact of 1796. Not more than four
frigates at once might be received into any harbour of
Ferdinand's coasts. He knew that the Queen and her
friends were in the slough of despond. He knew too — for
notice, Hamilton adds a most significant and outspoken statement to a memo-
randum for his despatch, cf. post, p. 212. But apart from these sidelights,
the fact might certainly have been discerned from Lord St. Vincent's letter to
ICmma of May 22, 1798 : 'The picture you draw of the lovely Queen of Naples
and the Royal Family would rouse the indignation of the most unfeeling of the
creation. ... I am bound — by my oath of chivalry — to protect all who are
persecuted and distressed.' Cited by Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 117.
' Cf. her impatience evidenced in her letter just before. Eg. MS . 1615, f. 99.
- Laughtnn's Letters atid Despatches, p. 136. Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 119.
' Laughlon's Letters ant Despatches, p. 137.
* Clarke and M 'Arthur, vol. ii. p. 263.
204 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the Hamiltons had been in continual correspondence — that
Austria was once more shilly-shallying. While Naples was
longing to break her neutrality, Austria, for the moment
satisfied with shame, was now secretly negotiating, with all the
long and tedious array of etiquette, preliminaries to a half-
hearted arrangement. Even in deliberation she would, as
we have seen, only succour Naples if Naples were attacked.
Against this Napoleon had guarded : so far as concerned
him and the present, Naples should be left in perilous peace.
He was content with the seeds of revolution that he had
stealthily sown. Even as he passed Trapani on his way to
Malta, which already by the loth of June he had invested,
and whose plunder he had promised to his troops, he
pacified the Sicilians with unlimited reassurances of good-
will.^ And Nelson knew well also that Maria Carolina and
Emma chafed under the fetters of diplomacy and of treaty
that shackled action. If only he could obtain some royal
mandate for his purpose, either through them — for the
Queen had rights in Council — or from Acton, rather than
the King still swayed by Gallo, he felt convinced of success.
Otherwise, should emergencies arise within the next few
weeks, as arise they must, he would perforce hark back to
Gibraltar ; ^ and in such a water-hunt of views and checks
as he now contemplated, delay might spell failure, and
failure his country's ruin.
At about six o'clock by Neapolitan time,^ on a lovely
June morning,* Captains Troubridge and Hardy ^ landed
from the Mutine^ which, together with the Monarchy on
which was Captain T. Carrol,^ lay anchored in the bay,
leaving Nelson in the Vanguard with his fleet off Capri.
1 Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 67, 71.
"^ Even so late as August 15, when Acton knew that Nelson had been pro-
visioned for seven or eight weeks ' only,' he still contemplated this contingency.
Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, f. 89.
^ It is curious that the critics who quibble over the discrepancy between the
earlier time alleged by Lady Hamilton fifteen years later in her ' Prince
Regent's' memorial, and that given by the ship's log-book (allowing for the
difference of log-British and London time), should never have thought of the
difference in Neapolitan time. In the ' King's ' memorial no time is specified.
^ Sunday, June 17. The day of the week is mentioned in several of the letters.
^ Troubridge, though sent earlier from Civita Vecchia on the Culloden, landed
together with Hardy. Cf. Morrison MS. 318.
« Cf. Add. MS. 34,989, f. I.
TRIUMPH 205
Troubridge, charged with important requests by Nelson,
at once proceeded to the Embassy.
Our interrupting critics have stubbornly disputed step by
step Lady Hamilton's after allegations ; and even these, as
will be shown, they seem to have misread ; nor have they
noted her simpler account in her ' King's Memorial,' still
less Nelson's repeated assurances about her * exclusive
interposition ' to Rose, Pitt's favourable consideration.
Canning's own acknowledgment, the neutrality at any rate
of Grenville, and a statement by Lord Melville, afterwards
to be mentioned.^
Emma and her husband were awakened by their early
visitors, who included Hardy and, perhaps, Bowen. /
Hamilton arose hurriedly, and took the officers off tr
Acton's neighbouring house.^ Some kind of council was
held, probably at the palace.^ In that case Gallo, as foreign
minister, may well have been present.* Troubridge, as
Nelson's mouthpiece, stated his requirements. Gallo, we
know, was hesitating and hostile. The whole arrangement
with the court of Vienna now lagging under his procrastina-
tion, would be spoiled if Naples were prematurely to break
with France, and an open breach must be certain if succour
for the whole of Nelson's fleet were afforded at the Sicilian
ports in contravention of the burdensome engagement with
the French Directory ; while it would further be implied
that the British fleet was at the Neapolitan service. Re-
course to the King would not only be dangerous, but
probably futile; the more so, since the French minister at
Naples was now citizen Garat, a pedant, pamphleteer, and
lecturer of the straitest sect among busybodying theorists.
Such a man, Gallo would urge, must be the loudest in umbrage
' Cf. post, chap. XV. ; Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 261 et seq. ; Morrison M.S.
804.
* Hardy, and perhaps Bowen (then staying with the Ambassador), seem to
have been present at the council, as well as Troubridge. Cf. Acton's letter to
Hamilton of June 22, Eg. MS. 2640, f. 73, where he speaks of the Sunday
' council' as including the ' British officers.''
^ Ibid., 'The council held at the palace.'
* On June 20, it was Gallo who answered the French minister's complaints.
Cf. ibid.
* On this very day Nelson told Ilaniilton, ' Troubridge will say everything
I could put in a ream of paper.' Morrison MS. 319. Cf. also Eg. MS. 2640,
f. 71, and 2635, f. 2S7.
206 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
at even the appearance of pro-British zeal.^ Acton could
have rebutted these objections by observing that the ' order'
need not be signed by Ferdinand, but merely informally by
himself 'in the King's name'; as, in fact, a sort of roving
* credential ' ; - that it could be so worded as to imply no
breach of treaty but only the refreshment of four ships at a
time ; that the governors of the ports might be separately
instructed to offer a show of resistance if more were demanded
of them ; ^ that Garat need never know what had transpired
till the moment came when Austria had signed her pact
with Naples, and France might be dared in the face of day ;
Troubridge's reception could be (and was) represented as
no more than a common civility which Acton paid not only
to English visitors, but even to French officers.* All must
be 'under the rose,'^ and thus far only could Nelson be
obliged. To Nelson's further requisition for frigates a polite
non possumus could be the only answer. Pending these
delicate Austrian negotiations, and until an open rupture
with France was possible with safety, Naples was in urgent
need of a permanent fleet in the Mediterranean,® and this,
quid pro quo, Nelson naturally would not bind himself to
concede, though, so far as his instructions and the situation
warranted, he was ready, even eager, to do so.''
This half-formal but scarcely effectual 'order' was obtained.
There exists an original draft of Hamilton's official x&Q\t2\
' Three days later Nelson complained that Garat was still allowed to inform
the French of his plans, etc. Morrison MS. 321.
- Hamilton's own words of it to Nelson. ' The letter Captain Troubridge and
I got from General Acton I look upon as a sort oi credential,^ etc. Morrison
MS. 322. Hamilton to Nelson, June 26, 1796.
^ Cf. Morrison MS. 318 (Hamilton to Lord St. Vincent) : 'Meantime every
fOMc^a/f^ assistance will be given to the British fleet, on which the very existence
of this monarchy depends at this moment.' — Cf. ibid. 327 (a copy). The original
should precede, Eg. MS. 2640, f. 83, which, referring to the just-concluded defen-
sive alliance with Austria opening the ports to the British squadron, continues :
' Our demands for the respective garrisons are but an excuse to give in case of a
rupture, to show that we are, in a kind, forced to admit them above the fixed
number.' Cf. also Acton's words to Hamilton, so late as August 2, about his
'just apprehensions' as to Vienna, and Hamilton's indorsement regarding
'seeming resistance,' Eg. MS. 2640, f. 83, and Hamilton's words as to 'throwing
off the mask,' c\ie.A post, p. 216, note 5.
* Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, f. 73, where, on June 22, Acton tells Hamilton how, on
June 20, Gallo ' desabused ' Garat, when perhaps a second council was held.
* Nelson's expression in a later letter.
" Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 71, 75. ' Morrison MS. 320.
TRIUMPH 207
of what passed to Lord Grenville. One of its interlinea-
tions Ms perhaps significant. He first omitted, and after-
wards added that the order was in Acton's handwriting as well
as in the King's name. Nelson had wanted a quick royal
mandate. He received a ministerial order involving further
instructions 2 and diplomatic delays. Moreover, five days
after Troubridge's visit, Acton thanked Hamilton for his
'delicate and kind part' 'under all the circumstances.' ^ It
was not such a plain-sailing affair as it seemed.
'We did more business in half an hour,' wrote Hamilton
in a final despatch to the same minister, ' than we should
have done in a week in the usual official way. Captain
Troubridge went straight to the point. ... I prevailed
upon General Acton to write himself an order in the name
of His Sicilian Majesty, directed to the governors of every
port in Sicily, to supply the King's ships with all sorts of
provisions, and in case of an action to permit the British
seamen, sick or wounded, to be landed and taken proper
care of in their ports.' * The draft, however, contains a
telling supplement. ' He expressed only a wish to get
sight of Buonaparte and his army, " for," said he, " By God,
we shall lick thein^' ' ^ Before Nelson's officers departed,
they received also from Hamilton's hands Gallo's fatuous
replies to their Admiral's questions of five days before.^
Troubridge was perforce ' satisfied,' ^ but within an hour
' Eg. MS. 2635, f. 287. - Eg. MS. f. 76. - Eg. MS. 2640, f. 73.
■• Sir William's desp.itch lo Lord Grenville, June 18, 1798. Cited from the
P. R.O. by Professor Laughton in Colburn's United Service Magazine, May
1889. 5 Eg. MS. 2635, f. 289.
^ This new fact appears from yet another draft of Hamilton's despatch sold
at Sotheby's, July 8, 1905, but it is also mentioned elsewhere.
' The word 'satisfied' occurs both in Hamilton's official letter to Lord St.
Vincent of June 17 (Morrison MS. 318), and in Acton's to Hamilton of June 18
(Eg. MS. 2640, f. 71) ; the words in the former are 'perfectly satisfied.' The
preceding account is the purport of the light cast on what Hamilton describes
in his official letters by the Morrison MS. and Acton's letters to him of the
day following and the 22nd. Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 71, 72, 73, 75. In the first he
acknowledges a communication from Hamilton of the night previous. They tend
to show :
(i) That Anglo-Neapolitan co-operation had been demanded at the palace.
(2) That even Acton could not gain the grant of this, until the secret
negotiations with Austria were concluded.
(3) That Acton considered Buonaparte's design on Malta was a direct menace
lo Naples — (in this view Nelson then agreed. Cf. Morrison MS. 319); and
2o8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
he was joyful.^ Something else, something informal, some-
thing surprising had happened. The King was probably
asleep. Emma had rushed to the Queen, for they both
knew how little such a conclave would probably achieve ;
and Gallo's attitude might well deter Acton from straight-
forward compliance. Nelson might fancy this council's
'order' a quick passport to his desires. But they knew
its formal flourishes to be most misleading. In the result,
indeed, it proved of itself disappointing enough.^ Emma's
own after-story is that she besought Maria Carolina, with
tears and on bended knees, to exercise her prerogative and
supplement the mandate by the promise of direct instruc-
tions. From after events and from inveterate habit the
dramatic scene is probable. As Pettigrew shows, in 1849
Hamilton wrote forthwith to Nelson, 'You will receive
from Emma herself what will do the business and procure
all your wants.' ^ One can see this impulsive woman clap-
ping her hands for joy, and singing aloud with exultation.
Within two hours Troubridge and Hardy had rowed back
to the Mutine and rejoined their Admiral.
Within a few hours at any rate Emma, throbbing with
excitement, penned two hasty notes to Nelson himself,
both included in her newly found correspondence of this
year. Each — and they are brief — must be repeated here,
for the second of them disposes of the version, hitherto
{4) That the Malta affair must inevitably now lead to an open rupture with
France.
With regard to point (2), Acton's most important letter to Hamilton of
June 25 (Eg. MS. 2640, f. 75) and of August I following (Morrison MS. 327)
should also be compared. This letter was forwarded by him to Nelson (ibid.
328). The first contains this sentence : ' But you know the restriction. If even
we should joyn immediately, we are not assured of a permanent fleet . . . but
on two conditions or events which are not in our power to procure,' etc., and he
tlien mentions the Austrian Treaty.
^ The expression in Hamilton's draft of his despatch is ' in high good humour.^
^ Cf. especially ff. 83, 87, which show that so late as August 2 and 7 Acton
still thought that Nelson's fleet wanted victualling.
^ Cf. Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 612. Seeing that the suspected and Emma-prompted
Harrison omits this altogether, and also that Pettigrew further on correctly
alludes to the letter that I have discovered, and shall shortly mention as the one
to which Nelson's hitherto disputed letter of June 17 was the immediate answer,
I incline to believe that Pettigrew had seen the manuscript. As will appear,
there are several of Emma's disputed assertions as to words used which can be
now substantiated.
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TRIUMPH 209
accepted, that Nelson never received that from the Queen
which his famous letter to Lady Hamilton represents him
as 'kissing'; while the first suggests a likelihood that this
thrilling day did not close before Emma had managed
to see Nelson himself at Capri.^ Both these letters are
scrawled in evident haste.
[lythjime 1798.]
' My dear Admiral, — I write in a hurry as Captain T.
Carrol ^ stays on Monarch. God bless you, and send you
victorious, and that I may see you bring back Buonaparte
with you. Fray send Captain Hardy out to us, for I shall
have a fever with anxiety. The Queen desires me to say
everything that 's kind, and bids me say with her whole
heart and soul she wishes you victory. God bless you, my
dear Sir. I will not say how glad I shall be to see you.
Indeed I cannot describe to you my feelings on your being
so near us. — Ever, Ever, dear Sir, Your affte. and gratefuU
Emma Hamilton.' ^
But now comes a decisive epistle, the missing link, bear-
ing in mind Nelson's disputed answer to it, which the
critics have racked their brains to transfer to the following
May — a date, by the by, historically most inapplicable.*
Theory, however, must here yield to this piece of reality on
a scrap of notepaper.
The letter, written very hurriedly, is on similar paper
and evidently of the same date as its predecessor : —
' Dear Sir, — I send you a letter I have received this
moment from the Queen. Kiss it, and send it back by
Bowen, as I am bound not to give any of her letters. — Ever
your Emma.'^
^ In her letter (o Nelson of September 8 of this year she beseeches him to
'rejoin them.' Cf. Add. MS. 34,989, fT. 3-6, and see the letter itself in the
Appendix.
- According to Byrne, Carrol was on the Syren in 1797-1799.
3 Add. MS. 34,989, f. I. Addressed 'Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson,' indorsed
' Lady Hamilton, 17th June 1798.' The indorsement leaves no doubt as to the date.
■* On 'May' (as the letter is misdated without question) 17, 1798, the
Neapolitan royalties were 'suffering.' On May 17, 1799, they were almost
assured of Nelson's fleet as their avengers at Naples, nor wasa 'battle' imminent.
^ Add. MS. 34,989, f. 3. Two more in this series are so signed. Cf. />osi,
App., pp. 495, 500; and Hamilton, in June 1680, speaks of her to Nelson;
cf. Morrison MS. 317.
O
210 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Captain Bowen of the Transfer had brought Hamilton
despatches from Lord St. Vincent just a week before, and
was his guest until the 2nd of August subsequent.^
The fact that Emma begs for the letter's return indicates
that it was one of importance, and might compromise the
Queen, After the battle of the Nile Emma sent Nelson
two of the Queen's ordinary letters about him, as a token
of gratitude, and without any request for their redelivery.-
This missive from the Queen seems to have been one
promising Nelson some further document of direct in-
structions to the governors of ports in event of future
urgency. As will appear in the course of our chronicle,
all the probabilities point to such a letter being in Nelson's
possession afterwards at Syracuse on July 19-23, as a
potent alternative if Acton's orders missed fire, and also
as a pledge of instant commands to the governors, should
its own efficacy prove unavailing.
After-evidence points further to the probability of the
King's entire ignorance of a transaction behind his back,
and in the teeth of his prejudices. If the fleet was watered,
he was to remain hoodwinked, and to imagine that Acton's
guarded ' order ' in his name had proved efficacious.
The immediate reply and pendant to this cheering com-
' Bowen acted as Lord St. Vincent's intermediary with Hamilton. This
appears from Eg. MS. 2640, f. 67, where Acton, on June 10, 1798 (Sunday),
thanks Hamilton for ' Bowen's news,' and from Morrison MS. 317, where on
June 16, 1798, Hamilton writes to Nelson that he hopes the despatches sent by
Lord St. Vincent by Bowen will reach him (which they did not, as Nelson
arrived off Naples sooner than was anticipated) ; and cf. ibid. 32S, which
mentions Bowen's departure August 2, 1798. On this very June 17 Hamilton
tells Lord St. Vincent, * I look on my having detained Captain Bowen so long
as a fortunate circumstance, as I am by it enabled to give intelligence,' etc.,
cf. ibid. 318. Bowen must not be confused with his better-known brother, who
died in the attack of Teneriffe in 1797, and whose ' bag of doubloons ' Nelson
forwarded home. He was the Bowen shortly to be promoted at Hamilton's
request by Lord St. Vincent, and for whose preferment Earl Nelson was to press
the Admiralty in vain after Nelson's death. He recommended him for the
Ocean, cf. Add. MS. 34,992, f. 112. In 1801 Nelson specially requested Emma
to tell him that he was wanted for the Boulogne Flotilla (Pettigrew, vol. ii.
p. 151). In later days he often visited Merton, and he stayed with the Boltons
just before he died. Cf. post, chap. xv.
'■* Cf. Add. MS. 34,989, f. 3, September 8, 1798. The letter will be found
in the first new series given in the Appendix to this volume.
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ADMIRAL nelson's IMMEDIATE REPLY TO LADY HAMILTON'S
LETTER OK JINE I7TH, 1 798.
TRIUMPH 211
munication was Nelson's familiar and much-debated letter
written an hour before he weighed anchor : —
* My dear Lady Hamilton, — / have kissed the Queen's
letter. Pray say I hope for the honor of kissing her hand
when no fears will intervene, assure her Majesty that no
person has her felicity more than myself at heart and that the
sufferings of her family will be a Tower of Strength on the
day of Battle, fear not the event, God is with us, God Bless
you and Sir William, pray say I cannot stay to answer his
letter.— Ever Yours faithfully, Horatio Nelson.' ^
On this (still visible in the British Museum) ^ Emma's
after-indorsement runs, ' This letter I received after I had
sent the Queen's letter for receiving our ships into their
ports, for the Queen had decided to act in opposition to the
King, who would not then break with France, and our
Fleet must have gone down to Gibraltar to have watered,
and the battle of the Nile would not have been fought, for
the French fleet would have got back to Toulon.' She is
reviewing the whole length of the transaction, the critical
issues at Syracuse of next month on Nelson's first return
from Egypt, the ultimate victory. She does the same in
other parts of her two long memorials. The critics have
twisted her statements into post-dating Nelson's momentous
visit to the time when he returned from pursuit for supplies
to Sicily and resailed equipped to Aboukir Bay.^ Emma's
statement of the historical situation at this date in Naples
^ This letter is misdated in the hurry (as was sometimes the way with
Nelson), I7lh May, 6 I'.M. It is admitted, of course, that on that day he
w.as ofTCape Sicie, so that if applicable to 1798, it must be a slip of the pen for
June 17. With regard to 'my dear,' etc., cf. Morrison MS. 317, where on the
preceding day Hamilton mentions her .as 'Emma' to his 'dear Nelson' and
' brave friend,' and says she wishes him victory 'heart and soul.'
- Eg. MS. 1614, f. I.
^ In her ' Addington ' memorial of 1803 [Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 131) she
puts the matter quite clearly: — 'The lleet itself, I can truly say, could not have
got into Sicily, but for what I was happily able to do with the Queen of Naples,
and through her secret instructions so obtained.'
The material wording of the familiar 'Prince Regent's' memorial runs : ' It was
at this awful period in June 1798, about three days after the French fleet passed
by for Malta {this is tnie], Sir William and myself were awaken'd at si.\- o'clock
in the morning by Captain Trowbridge with a letter from Sir Horatio Nelson,
tiien with his llccl off the bay near to Caprea, requesting that the .Ambassador
would procure him permission to enter with his fleet into Naples or any of the
212 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
is verified up to the hilt by Acton's correspondence with
Hamilton.
A note has already refuted the assertion that at this
moment the royal family were not in distress. To the
ample manuscript authorities there included, may be here
added the postscript to the draft for Hamilton's known
despatch of June 17. 'This Court,' it runs, 'as you may
perceive, is in great distress.'^ The word employed cor-
responds to Nelson's ' sufferings.'
I hope now to have proved that this long-questioned
Nelson letter was, undoubtedly, the instant answer to
Emma's own communication, for the first time here brought
to light. The twin letters are at length reunited, and at
Sicilian ports, to provision, water, etc., as otherwise he must run for Gibraltar,
bein" in urgent want [i.e. if he should be in urgent wapiti, and that, conse-
quently, he would be obliged to give over all further pursuit of the French fleet,
which he missed at Egypt [i.e. which in the event he actually did miss\, on
account of their having put in to Malta.'
That this is Emma's real meaning is shown by the opening sentence in which
she is quite aware that Buonaparte was en route for Malta when that happened
which she describes.
The wording of her King's memorial (here again ignored), which seems
never to have been presented, is more clearly expressed and more ex-
plicit:— 'That Your Majesty's Memorialist on a subsequent occasion, by
means of the same confidential communication with that great and good
woman, the Queen of Naples, had the unspeakable felicity of procuring a
secret order for victualling and watering, at the port of Syracuse, the fleet
of Your Most Gracious Majesty under the command of Admiral Nelson ; by
which means that heroic man, the pride and glory of his King and country,
was enabled to proceed the second time to Egypt {observe that she distinctly
says the June arder enabled him to get his wants supplied afterwardsl with a
promptitude and celerity which certainly hastened the glorious battle of the
Nile, and occasioned his good and grateful heart to admit your humble
Memorialist as well as the Queen of Naples to a participation in that important
victory.' Her words speak for themselves to every unprejudiced mind.
The wording of Nelson's codicil is : —
' Secondly, the British fleet under my command could never have returned a
second time to Egypt had not Lady Hamilton's influence with the Queen of
Naples caused letters to be wrote to the Governor of Syracuse, that he was
to encourage the fleet to be supplied with every thing, should they put into any
port in Sicily. We put into Syracuse, and received every supply ; went to
Egypt and destroyed the French fleet. Could I have rewarded these services,
I would not now call upon my country.'
This supplies the nature of the ' Queen's letter ' — probably a promise to supply
letters in case of the need which happened in July. Surely Nelson was well
aware of the worth of Emma's assistance.
' Eg. MS. 2635, f. 267.
TRIUMPH 213
least a nev/ complexion is placed on the received account.
Emma in this crucial instance speaks bare truth. The
critics, in this respect anyhow, have erred. From them she
now claims, not generosity, but justice. I cannot but feel
sure that the most eminent of her living detractors will now
make her his tardy amends, and will honour Nelson, whose
love for Emma has been begrudged as debasement, by
admitting that what he claimed in his last codicil for the
woman of his heart was neither ' infatuation ' nor falsehood,
and that without her it might hardly have happened.
Scarcely had Nelson put to sea when he at once re-
sumed communication with the Hamiltons. He wishes the
Neapolitans to depend upon him. If only supplies are
forthcoming when his need presses, his fleet shall be their
mainstay. He laments his lack of frigates, but ' thank God,'
he adds, ' I am not apt to feel difficulties.' He confides to
Lady Hamilton his hope to be 'presented' to her 'crowned
with laurels or cypress.'^ He presses them to exert them-
selves in procuring for him masts and stores. He depre-
cates the diplomatic quibbles about ' co-operation,' while
lagging Austria manceuvres, and after he himself has come
in crisis to their assistance. He points out the peril from
Napoleon at Malta, he repeats, ' Malta is the direct road to
Sicily."' The two Sicilies are the key of the position.
And, indeed, the catastrophe of Malta formed the dirge
of all this latter end of June. The Queen was distracted at
the royal and ministerial delays and punctilios. La Valette
was in French hands ' without a shot,' the Maltese knights —
ces coquins de Franqais — were dastards, and she could not pity
them. She sent her 'dear, faithful' Emma the Austrian ciphers
to copy under vows of secrecy : Emma will see how little sin-
cerity exists in Vienna. Emma is indispensable. Emma has
infused her whole being with Nelson. The Queen bade her
shout and sing once more before the assembled throng, 'Hip,
hip, hip! ' ' God save the King ! ' and ' God save Nelson ! ' in
Mi.ss Cornelia Knight's additional stanza to the National
' Moirison MS. 320. These words poinl, I think, to their havini; iK^en used
by her. Henceforward Nelson constantly uses poetical phrases in his letters,
quoting also often from Shakespeare, though without any marks of quotation.
- Morrison MS. \2\.
214 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Anthem. She harped on Malta, ' an irreparable loss,' and
' gallant Nelson, with his British fleet,' which she strained her
mind's eye to follow past Cape Passaro.^ And above all, she
publicly recognised Emma's initiative. She reminded her
that the British deliverers should have all they wanted, and
she appointed her as deputy to receive the Maltese petitioners
for aid."
Nor was Hamilton behindhand. He furnished Nelson
with continual advices. He informed him how Napoleon
had quitted ^ Malta garrisoned ; how Garat had insolently
demanded supplies, and had been peremptorily refused.
How the struggle was fast shaping itself into Anglo-Sicily
against France and Spain. He sent him Captain Hope
with Irish intelligence. He looked hourly for news of the
French Armada's overthrow.*
Lady Hamilton also continued her correspondence. She
thanks him for his letter through Captain Bowen, which she
has translated for the Queen, who ' prays for ' his ' honour and
safety — victory, she is sure, you will have'; she 'sees and
feels ' all Nelson's grounds for complaint, — so does Emma,
who calls Garat ' an impudent, insolent dog.' ' I see
plainly,' she adds with emphasis, ' The Court of Naples must
declare luar, if they mean to save their country. But alas !
their First Minister [with sarcasm] Gallo is a frivolous,
ignorant, self-conceited coxcomb, that thinks of nothing but
his fine embroidered coat, ring and snuff-box ; and half
Naples thinks him half a Frenchman ; and God knows, if
one may judge of what he did in making the peace for the
Emperor, he must either be very ignorant, or not attached
to his masters or the Cause Commune. The Queen and
Acton cannot bear him, and consequently he cannot have
much power ; but still a First Minister, although he may be
a minister of smoke, yet he has always something, at least
enough to do mischief. The Jacobins have all been lately
declared innocent, after suffering four years' imprisonment ;
and I know, they all deserved to be hanged long ago ; and
since Garat has been here, and through his insolent letters
to Gallo, these pretty gentlemen, that had planned the death
1 Eg. MS. 1615, ff. 95, 100, 102, 103, 107. '^ Ibid. f. 105.
'• June 19. * Morrison MS. 323. |[]
TRIUMPH 215
of their Majesties, are to be let out in society again. In
short, I am afraid, all is lost here ; and I am grieved to the
heart for our dear, charming Queen, who deserves a better
fate. ... I hope you will not quit the Mediterranean without
taking us. . . . But yet, I trust in God and you, that we
shall destroy those monsters before we go from hence.
God bless you, my dear, dear sir.' ^
And meanwhile Nelson, in hot pursuit, scoured the
Mediterranean — Malta, Candia, Alexandria, Syria — in vain.
The commander of both fleet and army, with genius, youth,
and Corsican strategy to back him, still baffled the daring
' sea-wolf,' as he always called him. Nelson lived * in hopes,'
he never rested. But ' the Devil's children have the Devil's
luck,' as he and Hamilton both assured each other.
The 19th 2 of July saw him back at Syracuse in recoil
for his last spring, and in the very need against which
his foresight had forearmed him. He lacked both stores
and water. He seemed as far from his goal as when he
started.
Let him speak for himself. Writing from Syracuse and in
retrospect, he told Hamilton :'...! stretched over to the
coast of Caramania ; where not speaking a vessel who could
give me information, I became distressed for the kingdom
of the two Sicilies ; and having gone a round of six
hundred leagues, at this season of the year (with a single
ship, with an expedition incredible), here I am, as ignorant
of the situation of the enemy as I was twenty-seven days
ago ! '^
Now was the time for the Queen's ' open sesame/ if both
Acton's 'order' and her own 'letter' of promise failed to
operate with expedition. That such a letter was in Nelson's
pocket will be inferred from the subsequent narrative.
While Nelson ncars the Syracusan harbour bar, once
more the modern critics intercept our view, and must for a
moment delay our story. They will not do so long, because
one of the documents on which their controversy relies will
' 'June 30, 179S.' Nchon Letters, vol. i. p. iSi. This letter has escaped
attention.
- As regards a few of his ships only. He came into port on the 20th.
' July 20, 1798. Nelson Lrtters, vol. ii. p. 232 ; Nicholas ill., 46.
216 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
enable us to resume our thread. But three preliminaries
must first be mentioned.
It is most important to distinguish between the official
and the private letters of Nelson and Hamilton — the former
meant to be shown to others, the latter written for the
recipient alone ; and, more especially, between these two
distinct classes of correspondence, and those other half-
private letters intended for Hamilton to show Acton in con-
fidence, and yet hinting or suggesting more than the General
was meant to gather from them.
It has also escaped notice that for some time past a
private correspondence had regularly passed between Nel-
son and the Hamiltons.^ This is clear from a letter (soon to
be quoted) of July 22 from Nelson to Lady Hamilton in the
Morrison Collection, where he inquires after her plans for
* coming down the Mediterranean ' with her husband to help
him.^ Thirdly, so late as the first week in August, after
Nelson's battle had been won, Acton was still ignorant
that his ships had been adequately provisioned, and was
arranging further measures for the purpose ; aware on
August 15 of the provisions, he planned more.^
Let us glance at a little farce enacted with exquisite
gravity by the Governor of Syracuse.
It emerges from a document* addressed by him to Sir
William Hamilton. A key to this is supplied by the fact
that General Acton, days after handing the informal 'order,'
had expressly cautioned Hamilton that, pending the as yet
unsigned articles with Austria, all the governors of all Sicilian
ports had been specially directed to make an ' ostensible opposi-
tion' lest the French might be incensed into attack by any
open breach of the stipulated Neapolitan neutrality.^ Above
^ Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 235. ' . . . Your letters for me are re-
turned to Naples. WTiat a situation am I placed in ! . . .' These letters are
non-extant. They were probably on Nelson's side, through the medium of
Captain Hope, mentioned in Hamilton's official letter to Nelson of June 30th.
—Morrison MS. 323. ^ Morrison MS. 325. ^ Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 83, 87, 89.
■* Now in the P.R.O. It is dated July 22, 1798.
^ Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, f. 83 (Acton to Hamilton, August 2, 1789, with Hamil-
ton's indorsement), Morrison MS. 327 (General Acton to Hamilton), August i,
1798. The substance of this necessity was again repeated officially by Hamilton
to Grenville in a dry despatch recounting the occurrences. Hamilton to Grenville,
TRIUMPH 217
all, it should be noted that this Governor's letter to the
English Ambassador at Naples seems to distinguish between
a royal despatch signed by Acton, and a royal letter m Nelson's
possession. And it must be repeated that Sicily — well
disposed towards Great Britain — was throughout jealous of
Naples, and proud of its individual independence.
The whole scene rises vividly before us. On the morning
of Thursday the 19th 'several ships' were seen sailing in
slow procession from the east. Gradually fourteen emerged
from 'the distance.' As they became more distinct in the
freshening east wind, the Governor ordered the castle flag
to be hoisted, and the British flag was instantly flown in
reply.
The Governor next sent out his boat with the 'Captain
of the Port ' and the ' Adjutant of the Town,' civilians
charged with compliments and offers. Nelson, however,
regardless of these ceremonies, profited by the wind to
steer ' straight into the harbour.' The pompous Governor,
shocked at such haste, forwarded a second boat with two
military functionaries to repeat his compliments, and
to acquaint the Admiral with what he had known and
resented for weeks — the impediment of ' not more than four
ships of war at a time.' But Nelson had anticipated these
formal courtesies. His own boat promptly met the Gover-
nor's with ' a royal letter ' purporting to contain royal
instructions for the admission of the zvJiole squadron. This
I take to have been the Queen's private letter, forwarded in
pursuance of her promise to Emma, and holding the
Governor harmless in disobeying the strict letter of the law.
While, therefore, in pursuance of certainty, the entire
squadron advanced to cross the bar, the British ' Under-
Admiral ' ^ proceeded in the Governor's boat, and was
received by him at Government House. There he delivered
a further and a separate missive, 'a royal despatch^ written
August 4, 1798. Cited from P.R.O. (Sicily, 14) by Professor Laughton, in
Colhurn's United Sei-vice Magazine^ May 1889. Moreover, Hamilton's phrase,
' The whole mystery was, they could not throw off the mask," occurs in his draft
for this despatch, sold at Sotheby's on July 8, 1905.
^ He means Troubricige, whom Nelson in a letter of this year declares to have
been instrumental in getting the fleet watered. Cf. Laughton's Despatches,
p. 170.
2i8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
in the King's name, and signed by Acton — in fact, the
irregular 'order' obtained on that memorable morning of
June 17, and by no means expressly empowering the recep-
tion of the whole fleet.^ The Governor, conforming to the
prescribed comedy, feigned hesitation ; thereupon a letter
from Nelson himself was shown — 'difficult to read,' and
justifying the entire squadron's entrance. Hereupon the
Governor, 'struck ' by what he must have known, and also
by other reflections [the Queen's private order], reminds one
of the old song, 'and saying he would ne'er consent, con-
sented.' He affected to raise ' friendly protests,' while he
enforced the King's directions to save appearances by spread-
ing the ships over different regions and at various distances.
He even hinted in confidence the 'propriety' of quitting the
port as soon as possible, and of landing none but unarmed
sailors, and even these under a promise to return so soon
as the city gates were closed at sunset. On the following
afternoon Nelson with his ' staff' paid their respects. The
Governor grasped him warmly by the hand, but still main-
tained his outward 'show of resistance.' There were, he
said, royal orders, under present circumstances, forbidding
him to return the call on shipboard. And the last sentence
of his record perhaps best illustrates the whole comedy by
solemnly informing Hamilton that the recital was only
addressed to him for the official purpose of being shown to
his Sicilian Majesty. Ferdinand was to be kept in the
dark. He was ignorant of all that the Queen had dared
through Emma's request. He was to believe that the
stretch of international civility had been empowered by
Acton's document alone, the document signed in his
name.
So much for outward semblance. Nelson's inner feelings
at this most critical juncture supplement the story.
^ The Governor himself describes it as merely enjoining him to ' welcome and
assist' the British squadron, not in its entirety, though 'going beyond what is
usual, and mentioning many novel and unexpected possibilities by reason of his
Majesty's goodwill and friendship towards the English nation.' His meaning is
evident from a further sentence "•'... And altho' in the royal despatch it was
not distinctly stalad nor openly implied that the entire squadron was to be
admitted, still, etc' Time, however, was all-important. The style of the
description of the order's purports, it should also be noted, is thoroughly Acton's.
TRIUMPH 219
We have reached July the 2ist.i The fleet was not
completely stocked and watered till the 23rd, Before
that date the whole town rejoiced and fraternised with
the British sailors: of sympathy at least there was no con-
cealment, and — a real Sicilian trait — all the countryfolk
immediately raised the price of their provisions.
On July the 22nd Nelson forwarded two private letters,
one to Sir William, the other to Lady Hamilton.
They are both indignant and irritable at delay aggra-
vated by intense disappointment. It was not only that
he was still without news of the French. He had counted
on the instant virtue of Acton's order, without the
need of recourse to a secret charm. For Hamilton had
been told only three weeks before by the General that,
in pursuance of it, 'every proper order' for the British
squadron 'had been already given in Sicily,' and * in
the way mentioned here with the brave Captain Trou-
bridge.'^ Nelson had therefore good reason to hope for
prepared co-operation. He had been met by farcical
routine ; and red-tape, even when most expected,
always repelled and ruffled him. Nor so far had the
Queen's letter of indemnity to the Governors been followed
by the actual 'open sesame' which she had promised as
a last resort. For disappointment concerning Acton's order
he was prepared, but not for the failure of his hidden
talisman. So far the charm had not worked ; a fresh letter
from the Queen might still be required.
' I have heard so much said,' runs Nelson's first out-
burst— which he entrusted to the Governor himself for
transit — ' about the King of Naples' orders only to admit
three or four of the ships . . . that I am astonished. I
^ It has been represented that already on the 20th Nelson was watering his
* ships of the line,* compared with which he wrote to Hamilton he ' regarded not
all the riches of the world.' His ij^^/a/ despatch to Lord St. Vincent of this
day, however, says : ' We are watering and getting such refreshment as the place
affords.' This I take as implying that the process was very slow, for he
immediately adds ' and shall get to sea by the 25th ' (cf. Laughton's Despatches,
p. 144). In the event he got to sea t-ivo days earlier. He could not, of course,
mention the Queen's name. 0\\ July 20, Nelson tells Hamilton, 'In about six-
days I shall sail from hence.' Cf. Nelson Lettcis, ii. p. 234.
'^ Eg. MS. 2640, f. 76, a letter hitherto unpublished. On August 2, Acton,
again protesti ng to Hamilton that the obstacle was the Austrian treaty, adds,
'The Governor had his .secret orders.' Eg. MS. 2640, f. 8j.
220 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
understood that private orders at least would have been
given for our free admission. . . . Our treatment is
scandalous for a great nation to put up with : and the
King's flag is insulted at every friendly port we look at.'^
The second — to Lady Hamilton — is almost cool in iron-
ical displeasure, a coolness betokening how unexpectedly his
cherished hopes had been belied : —
' My dear Madam,— I am so hurt at the treatment we
received from the power we came to assist and fight for,
that I am hardly in a situation to write a letter to an
elegant body : ^ therefore you must on this occasion forgive
my want of those attentions which I am ever anxious to
shew you. / wish to know yo7ir and Sir William^ s plans
for coming down the Mediterranean^ for if we are to be
kicked at every port of the Sicilian dominions, the sooner
we are gone, the better. Good God ! how sensibly I feel
our treatment, I have only to pray that I may find the
French and throw all my vengeance on them.'*
The omission in these lines of any specific mention either
of the Queen or her letter, so far from being singular, is
exactly what was to be expected. She always stipulated
in such matters that her name should never be breathed,
nor her position jeopardised with the King, and in this
instance Acton also had to be kept in the dark.^ It will be
remembered also that Emma's letter inclosing the Queen's
promise to Nelson expressly stated that she was 'bound
not to give any of her letters,' and, indeed, claimed its
instant return.
But meanwhile, on this very 22nd of July, a sudden
change came over Nelson's tone ; still more so, on the
following day before he weighed anchor. Melancholy
and annoyance gave way to delight. Something must have
^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 238. Nicolas, iii. 47. Harrison, vol. ii. p. 255.
- The word in other transcripts is usually given ' Lady,' but this comes from
the original m the Morrison MS., 325.
" It is patent, as before noticed, that such a plan must have been privately
mooted — probably in case of the Queen's missive failing; to operate at once.
■* These two letters were forwarded by Sir William Hamilton to Lord Grenville.
Cf. Sir W. H.'s indorsement on copies of them sold at Sotheby's in May of this
year (1905), v. the catalogue. One of them is in Morrison MS. 326.
' Both his earlier and his later communications show a complete ignorance
even of the Queen's letter of June 17. For his later communications, cf.
Morrison MS. 327.
TRIUMPH 221
intervened to alter the face of affairs, something with which
Nelson's temper accorded, and that something was certainly
not any sight of the French fleet.^ Delay had been removed.
Shortly after these two epistles to the Hamiltons Nelson
further penned his short but memorable ' Arethusa' letter
to them. Both Sir Harris Nicolas, and Professor Laughton
following him, have denied the authenticity of this letter
on the internal evidence of its style. They say that Nelson
could never have used such a classical or poetical phrase as
' surely watering by the fountain of Arethusa.' But in the
first place it is not, in Syracuse, poetical or classical, as every
traveller is aware. Each Syracusan street-boy to this day
calls the spring by the sea, with its rim of Egyptian cotton-
plants, ' the fountain of Arethusa.' And in the second, if
it were, it would be in accordance with many of Nelson's
phrases caught from the Hamiltons. Professor Laughton has,
I believe, gone so far as even to doubt that Hamilton about
this period could address his friend as 'My dear Nelson. "-
He is mistaken. Writing to Nelson a month previously, Sir
William ends with ' All our present dependance is in you,
nty dear Nelson, and I am convinced that what is in the
power of mortal man, you will do.'-'
The 'Arethusa' letter springs, it is true, from the sus-
pected source of the Life of Nelson by the hireling
Harrison — that same Harrison who, perhaps, was one
of those to embitter the darkening days and fortunes of
Lady Hamilton, his benefactress. But it is sanctioned by
Pcttigrew, who, as a collector par excellence of Nelson
autographs, was, on questions of style, an expert of
tried judgment; and it will be noticed with interest that
'the laurel or cypress' passage (itself both poetical and
classical) forms a feature also of his indisputable ' private '
letter to Hamilton * already noticed, and following im-
' This chantje was noticed, without the fuller lights now thrown on it, by liie
Edinburgh Reviewer of October l886.
'■^ He takes the ' My dear Sir ' of their official correspondence as conclusive.
' Morrison MS. 322, June 26, 1798. Cf. also ante, p. 211 note i. Cf. also
Morrison MS. 328 (August i), ' My dear friend.'
* Morrison MS. 320. It is dated ' Vanguard at sea, June iS, 1798.' It
concludes : ' Pray present my best respects to Lady Hamilton. Tell her I hope
to be presented to her crowned with laurel or cypress. But God is good,
and to Him do I commit myself and our cause.' This is another instance
of the way in which Nelson's letters explain each other.
222 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
mediately on his authentic answer to Lady Hamilton's
newly found note of June 17 : —
'My dear Friends, — Thanks to your exertions, we
have victualled and watered : and surely watering at the
Fountain of Arethusa we must have victory. We shall
sail with the first breeze, and be assured I will return either
crowned with laurel, or covered with cypress.' ^
The * first breeze ' did not rise until the day following ;
and even if the ' Arethusa' letter were a fabrication, which I
can see no valid reason for supposing,^ we are able to
dispense with its witness to Nelson's sudden relief of mood.
He was now enabled to start a full two days earlier
than he had hoped,^ and on the 23rd, before departing,
he wrote yet again to his dear friends in joyful gratitude,
and in phrases implying that the long-deferred 'private
orders' had arrived, though the evidently guarded wording
provides, as so often, against its being shown to General
Acton.* This letter has never been doubted.^
'The fleet is unmoored, and the moment the wind comes
off the land shall go out of this delightful harbour, where
our present wants have been amply supplied, and where
every attention has been paid to us ; but I have been
tormented by no private orders being given to the Governor
for our admission. I have only to hope that I shall still
find the French fleet, and be able to get at them. . . . No
frigates ! ' Even a fortnight later Acton still excuses him-
self to Hamilton.^
Assuredly throughout these quick transitions the under-
tone of Emma and the Queen is audible. Nelson knew
what had really happened ; his commentators are left to
guess the truth from disputed shreds of correspondence.
Refitted and reheartened, Nelson, who, as ever, had long
^ Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 127. Harrison, vol. ii. p. 256. He terms it ^ s. secret
epistle.'
- It should be marked that the mention of the breeze tallies with that in the
letter next cited. ''* Cf. ante, p. 219, note I.
* That Acton was kept in ignorance is likely from the fact that his own corre-
spondence with Hamilton dwells mainly on Nelson's letters of anger and ex-
postulation, and, even when at last he knows of his satisfied departure, plans
additional aid.
^ It has been quoted incessantly, and it appears both in the Nelson Letters,
vol. ii. p. 238, and in Morrison MS. 326. « Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 83, 87.
TRIUMPH 223
been rehearsing his plans to his officers, hastened with his
fleet to Aboukir Bay. There is no need to recount that
memorable struggle of the ist of August, which lasted
over twenty-four hours ^ — the daring strategy of a master-
pilot, the giant U Orient blazing with colours already struck,
and exploded under a sullen sky torn with livid lightning,
the terrific thunderstorm interrupting the death-throes of
the battle, the complete triumph of an encounter which de-
livered England from France, and nerved a revived Europe
against her. Villeneuve had been outwitted ; Brueys was
dead ; so was Ducheyla. Even Napoleon's papers had been
captured. Nelson stands out after the turmoil, once more
battered, once again far more zealous for the fame of his
officers than his own, yet furious at the escape of the only
two French frigates that avoided practical annihilation.
Never was there a supreme naval encounter that exercised
such a moral effect, and so defeated both the foe and antici-
pation. He was acclaimed the 'saviour' both of Britain
and the Continent.
And his trust in the Hamiltons, his unshakable belief in
Emma, were at once evinced by his giving them the earliest
intelligence of what set all Europe tingling. Emma's ears
and her husband's were the very first to hear it.-
The French had vaunted that Buonaparte would erase
Britain from the map. In their desperation they still
vowed to burn her fleet.^ Their insolence on Garat's lips
had resounded in the streets and on the very house-tops of
Naples. It was not long before that same Garat was to
be curtly dismissed, before not a ' French dog' dared 'show
his face,' before at the opera ' not a French cockade was to
be seen';* before the Queen, half-mad for joy, addressed an
English letter to the British sailors, doubtless with her
Emma's aid, sent them casks of wine incognita^ and presented
' Accounts are given by French eye-witnesses in the volume of intercepted
Letters from Egypt, cited in a previous note. Tallien writes that he and
others viewed it 'placed on an eminence which overloolvcd the sea,' p. l8l.
- Cf. Add. MS. 34,989, f. 4. It was through Captains Hoslc and L'apel.
Nelson letters, vol. ii. p. 240.
^ Cf. the Queen of Naples' letter to Emma, cited by Pettigrew, vol. i.
P- 159.
■• Cf. Captain Iloste's contemporary account in Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 151.
Hamilton had urged Garat's dismissal in June. Cf. Morrison MS. 322.
224 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Hoste with a diamond ring,^ before Britain and Naples had
struck up a close alliance against the common foe.
The world was a changed world from that of a week
before. History had been made and was making. On
Nelson's life, to quote Lord St. Vincent's words, hung the
fate of the remaining Governments in Europe, 'whose
system has not been deranged by these devils.' ^ But for
him Britain might have been France, and the Mediterranean
a French lake. To the end of time the Nile would rank
with Marathon, with Actium, with Blenheim. Nelson had
entered the Pantheon of fame, he had embodied his country,
he was Great Britain. He belonged to Time no longer.
Emma's heart leaped, as she flew exulting with the first
breath of victory to the Queen. So early as September the
3rd she had heard the triumph of which ministers and
potentates were ignorant ; she, the poor Cheshire girl, the
* Lancashire Witch,' whose dawn of life had been smirched
and sullied ; she, the elcve of lecturing and hectoring
Greville, the wife of an ambassador whose lethargy she had
stirred to purpose ; she, the admired of artists, the Queen's
comrade. Was anything impossible to youth and beauty,
and energy and charm ? It had proved the same of old
with those classical freed women — Epicharis, staunch amid
false knights and senators ; and Panthea, perhaps Emma's
own prototype, whose giftedness and ' chiselled ' beauty
Lucian has extolled. Had she not from the first fed
her inordinate fancy with grandiose reveries of achieve-
ment? Had she not burst her leading-strings? More than
all, had not Nelson, already in August, asked her to welcome
'the remains of Horatio'?^ And now, in this universal
moment, she had both part and lot. Was it wonderful
that, throbbing in every vein, she swooned* to the ground
* For these and ensuing touches, cf. the new series of Emma's letters of
1798 to Nelson, transcribed in the Appendix.
'•^ Nelson Letters , vol. i. p. 219.
^ Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 140. The letter recommended Captain Capel, the
bearer of his despatches, and Captain Hoste, ' who to the gentlest manners
joins undaunted courage.' He says: 'You and Sir William have spoiled
me. ... I trust my mutilations will not cause me to be less welcome. They
are the marks of honour. '
* Her own account in these letters is borne out by Nelson's letter to his wife
TRIUMPH 225
and bruised her side with Nelson's letter in her hand ?
We have only to read the series of her correspondence
at this date with Nelson, to realise her intoxication of
rapture.
But there was more than this. It often happens that
when glowing and inflammable natures, such as hers and
Nelson's, have dreamed united visions, the mere fulfilment
links them irrevocably together. Mutual hope and mutual
faith refuse to be sundered. The hero creates his heroine,
the heroine worships her maker, who has transformed her
in her own eyes as well as his. It is the old romance of
Pygmalion and Galatea. He places her on a pedestal and
in a shrine. Henceforth for Nelson, however misguided in
outward 'fact,' Emma stands out adorable as Britannia.
* She and the French fleet ' are his all in all.^ His ecstasies
in her honour spring from his firm conviction that but for
her that mighty blow might never have been struck, nor
Buonaparte crushed. Emma, for him, is England. He
returns to her crowned not with ' cypress,' but laurels ever
green. And she has plucked some of them for his wreath.
He acknowledges that his was the first approach. As he
wrote to her not three years later in a passage now first
brought to light, ' I want not to conquer any heart, if that
which I have conquered is happy in its lot : I am confident.
for the Conqueror is beco^ne the Conquered! ^
And once more, with regard to Emma herself. She had
never yet been free in her affections. Her devotion to
Greville, her attachment to her husband, had grown up out
of loyal gratitude, not from spontaneous choice, and the
contrast first presented itself to her, not as an untutored
girl, but as a skilled woman of the world. Sir William
was now sixty-eight, Nelson just on forty — ^ I'cige critique',
as the French term it. She firmly believed that she had
helped his heroism to triumph ; he as firmly, that his battle
on his arrival on the 22nd. ' II was imprudently told Lady Hamilton,' he says,
'in a moment, and the effect was like a shot; she fell apparently dead, and is
not yet perfectly recovered from severe bruises.' Cited by I'ettigrew, vol. i.
p. 150.
' In one of his later letters he says he wanted to ' hug them both.'
■■^ Add. MS. 34,274 G. (Nelson to Lady Hamilton), '.9. George o^ Rostock,
May 24, 1801,' a new and unpublished letter.
P
226 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
had been half won through her aid. Both were susceptible.^
Both despised the crowd from which in character and cir-
cumstances they stood apart. Emma's morality had been
largely one of discretion. Nelson's was one of religion. If
Nelson came to persuade himself that she was born to be
his wife in the sight of God — and all his after expressions
to her prove it — it would not be strange if such a woman,
still beautiful, in a sybarite atmosphere where she was held
up as a paragon, should throw discretion to the winds of
chance. It was after some such manner that these problems
of heart and temperament were already shaping them-
selves.
Consult the first among those jubilant letters, a few
excerpts from which have been quoted in the second
chapter. They eclipse the very transports of the Queen,
' mad with joy,' and hysterically embracing all around her,
whose own letter^ of that memorable Monday evening fully
bears out Emma's account in these outpourings. She would
rather have been a ' powder-monkey in that great Victory
than an Emperor out of it.' Iler self-elation is all for
Nelson. Posterity ought to worship the deliverer in every
form and under every title. His statue should be ' of
pure gold.' Her song is ' See the Conquering Hero
Comes,' her strain is ' Rule Britannia.' Her gifts of
voice and rhapsody are dedicated to these. For these
she hymns the general joy, while the illuminations of her
windows reflect the glow of her bosom. Nelson, Britain
* Lord St. Vincent, writing to her in the following October, says : ' Pray do
not let your fascinating Neapolitan dames approach too near him, for he is
made of flesh and blood, and cannot resist their temptations.' — Nelson Letters^
vol. i. p. 219.
'^ Ibid. Maria Carolina says that she lives again in her eternal gratitude to
Nelson and to Emma. If ever Nelson's portrait be painted, it must be for her
room. He is their hero and that of his ' great, brave, magnanimous nation. '
She embraces her children, Emma, all that belongs to her. She longs to see
Nelson again and surround him with her family. Emma's endorsement is :
' Reed. Monday evening, Sept. 3, 1798, the happy day we reed, the joyful!
news of the great Victory over the infernal French by the brave, gallant
Nelson.' And cf. her letter to Circello, Ambassador in London, cited by
Harrison, vol. i. p. 324, in which she repeats the domestic scene, and avows
that such is the 'prodigy' of the triumph, that she almost 'questions its reality.'
That scene is also reproduced ■J'crhatii/i from our new letters by Nelson him-
self in communications to his wife.
TRIUMPH 227
in excelsis, down with the execrable Jacobins, a fig for
foreign dictation — these are her refrains. Even her
'shawl is in blue with gold anchors all over' ; her 'earrings
all Nelson anchors ' ; she wears a bandeau round her fore-
head with the words 'Nelson and Victory.' ^ Her 'head
will not permit' her to tell 'half of the rejoicing.' 'The
Neapolitans are mad, and if he was here now he would be
killed with kindness.' How can she ' begin ' to her ' dear,
dear Sir.' Since the Monday when the tidings had been
specially conveyed to her,^ she has been ' delirious with joy '
and has ' a fever caused by agitation and pleasure.' She fell
fainting and hurt herself at the news. ' God, what a
Victory ! Never, never has there been anything half so
glorious, so complete.' She would ' feel it a glory to die in
such a cause.' ' No, I would not like to die till I see and
embrace the Victor of the Nile.' The care of the navy now
engrosses her. There is nothing she will not do for any
fellow-worker with the prince of men. Captain Hoste, her
guest from September i, never forgot her tender kindness.^
She begged and procured from Lord St. Vincent Captain
Bowen's promotion to the command of UAquilon. Directly
Nelson had cut short his brief stay of convalescence almost
before the plaudits had died away, she sat down to
write to the hero's wife,* as she was to do again later in
December. She tells her how Nelson is adored by King
and Queen and people, ' as if he had been their brother';
how delighted they are with the stepson. She sends her
Miss Knight's 'ode.' She enumerates with pride the royal
presents ; the sultan's aigrette and pelisse, which she
'tastes' and 'touches.'^ She resents the inadequacy of his
Government's acknowledgment — ' Hang them, /say ! '
Both she and Hamilton were soon, in Nelson's words to
his wife," 'seriously ill, first from anxiety and then from joy.'
^ Cf. Captain Hoste's accounl in the letter cited by I'ettigrew, vol. i. p. 151.
' This date is further verified by her endorsement on the Queen's long
letter of rejoicing. Eg. MS. 1615, f. iii.
•• Cf. his letter cited Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 150, and ante, p. 224.
* This is the letter reported by Pettigrew as missing (vol. i. p. 150) but
now found. Add. MS. 34,989, f. 8.
* This Nelson was to bcqucalJi to her by a codicil of March 1801. Cf. Mor-
rison MS. 548. '' Cf. Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 150.
228 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
But now she is 'preparing his apartments against he
comes.' On September 22 the Vanguard anchored in the
bay, and he came.
The King and Queen had prepared a gorgeous ovation. It
was midsummer weather, and a cloudless sky. No sooner was
Nelson's small contingent descried off the rock of Tiberius
at Capri, than the royal yacht, commanded by Caracciolo,
draped with emblems and covered with spangled awnings,
advanced three leagues out to meet him. On deck the
music of Paisiello and of Cimarosa — at last pardoned for
composing a republican ode — resounded over the glassy
waters, while a whole 'serenata' of smaller craft followed
in its wake and swelled the chorus. All the flower of the
court, including the Hamiltons, was on board, where stood
the King and the melancholy bride of the heir-apparent,
Princess Clementina. The Queen, herself unwell, stayed at
home and sent her grateful homage through Emma.^ As
the procession started from the quay, citizen Garat, foiled
and sullen, mewed in his palace with drawn blinds, caught
from afar the strains of triumph, and vowed revenge.^
As the cortege neared the Vanguard, both the Hamiltons,
worn with fatigue and excitement,^ and the royal party,
greeted him. The picture of their meeting is familiar. It
has been painted in Nelson's own words to his wife : —
' Alongside came my honoured friends : the scene in the
boat was terribly affecting. Up flew her Ladyship, and
exclaiming, " O God ! Is it possible ? " she fell into my arm
more dead than alive. Tears, however, soon set matters
to rights ; when alongside came the King. The scene
was in its way as interesting. He took me by the hand,
calling me his " Deliverer and Preserver," with every other
expression of kindness. In short, all Naples calls me
''Nostra Liberatore!' My greeting from the lower classes
was truly affecting. I hope some day to have the pleasure
of introducing you to Lady Hamilton ; she is one of the
' Eg. MS. 161S, f. 113.
'■^ Dumas' Storia de' Borboni, vol. ii. p. 228 ; Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 149.
^ Sir William once more became ill and went to Castellamarc to recruit ;
and Lady Hamilton, who would not give in, was also unwell. Cf. Eg. MS.
1615, ff. 45. 47-
TRIUMPH 229
very best women in this world, she is an honour to her sex.
Her kindness, with Sir WiHiam's to me, is more than I can
express. I am in their house, and I may now tell you it
required all the kindness of my friends to set me up. Lady
Hamilton intends writing to you.^ God bless you ! ' -
Little did Nelson yet reck of the ironies of the future.
In this very letter he uses the warmest expressions about
his wife that had as yet appeared in any of his letters.^
Had he pursued his first intention of proceeding from
Egypt to Syracuse, how much, besides Naples, might have
been avoided ! Was he even now face to face with a
passionate conflict?
During the twenty-three days* that Nelson remained
ashore, much happened besides rejoicing, and much had to
be done. Not only did Nelson's wound (like his battered
ships) require instant attention, but, as constantly happened
with him, the protracted strain of nervous effort was fol-
lowed by a severe fever. Lady Hamilton and her mother
tended him ; a brief visit with the Hamiltons to Castella-
mare, where Troubridge was refitting the maimed vessels,
and a diet of ' asses' milk ' did much to mend his general
health.^ Nor was it to him alone that Emma, herself
' She did twice before Ocluber 3, both on the Queen's behalf and her own.
Add. MS. 34,989, f. 8 (transcribed in the Appendix). She wrote again im-
mediately on their return to England (see post, chap. .\i.), and yet Lady
Nelson recorded that she had received but a single letter from Emma.
- Cited by Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 150.
^ Speaking of how the Hamiltons' friendship had touched him, he asks:
' What must it be to my dearest wife, my friend, my everything which is
most dear to me in this world?' She had nursed him after the loss of his
arm at Teneriffe. Immediately after the Nile battle he wrote to her of his
pride in being his father's son and her husband.
•• Nelson left for Malta on October 16. The ()ueen's letter to Emma of
October 15 (given by Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 160) must be misdated. On October
16 Nelson himself wrote a parting note to Emma dated ' Naples, October 16,
1798.'
' Cf. Add. MS. 34,989, f. 8; Eg. MS. 1615, ff. 63, 117; Pettigrew, vol. i.
p. 187 ; Laughton's Despatches, p. 167. — (The Queen's inquiries after Nelson's
health.)
P. 167. — (Nelson's letter to Lord St. Vincent of September 20, in which he
says of his fever, 'For eighteen hours my life was thought to be past hope.')
P. 173. — (Letter to Duckworth, December 6, 1798. * My health, at the
best indifferent, has not mended lately.')
230 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
ailing, ministered. Sir William was exhausted. The
Queen was ill and miserable under the troubles gathering
both at Malta and in the council-chamber ; Captain Ball
also needed her care, which he requited with an enthusiastic
letter of thanks to 'the best friend and patroness of the
British Navy' ; Troubridge, too, was far from well at Cas-
tellamare ; many were in hospital. But Lady Hamilton
owned the strength of highly-strung natures — the strength
of spurts ; and she found time and energy for all her tasks.
These good offices are here mentioned, and many more
remain for mention subsequently, because, in the future,
after the fatal dividing line of her triumphal progress to
Vienna with the Queen, her husband, and Nelson, they were
forgotten. She was to estrange some of her old admirers,
who inveighed against her behind her back not only as ill-
bred, but as artful. Beckford, for instance, who had hitherto
praised her highly, became spiteful in defamation on her
second visit to Fonthill in i8oi;^ Miss Knight, her firm
ally at this moment, became her declared enemy. Trou-
bridge (the baker's son, beloved and promoted by Nelson),
who throughout had supported her, grew obstinate in
antagonism both to her and him ; while the seemly Elliots
were shocked at her loudness and scorn of convenances.
Even the Queen's ardour cooled ; and the English official
world began to look askance at the trio, and to make merry
over Samson and Delilah.
Nelson's birthday- gave full scope for a colossal demon-
stration at the English Embassy. Emma's huge assembly,
where royalty and all the cream of society presided, was
hardly an enjoyment for the worn conqueror. A ' rostral
column ' of the classical pattern, with inscriptions celebrat-
ing his achievements, had been erected in the gay garden
Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 151. — (Nelson's letter to Lord St. Vincent of Sep-
tember 30.)
P. 163.— (Lord St. Vincent's letter of thanks to Lady Hamilton for her care
of Nelson's reviving health.)
I quote these authorities, and could quote more, because Nelson's critical
state of health has been doubted.
' Cf. Cyrus Redding's Fifty Years of My Lije. Lord Ronald Gower's most
interesting article on some rare portraits of her in the Anglo-Saxon Review of
September igcx), also touches on this point.
* September 29.
TRIUMPH 231
festooned with lamps, and alive with music. The artistic
Miss Cornelia Knight (with her mother, a refugee from
the terrors of war at Rome) added one more ode to
the foreign thousands, and made a sketch of the scene.^
The festivity was chequered by Josiah Nisbet, Nelson's
scapegrace but petted stepson, who brawled with him in
his cups, until Troubridge parted them, and ended the
indecent scuffle. That this arose from his habits, and not
of design, is shown by Emma's affectionate references to
him in her letter ^ to his mother only four days afterwards,
which will be found in the Appendix.-^
Nelson was dispirited, and disgusted not only with the
' fiddlers ' and loose dames of the court, but with its
finicking /£/// maitre, Gallo, the foreign minister, all airs and
pouncet ; so afraid lest the wind should step between him
and his gentility, that, solemn over trifles, he persist-
ently dallied with the grave issues now at stake. The
halting Acton himself proved energetic mainly in profes-
sions,* though by the end of October Emma had won him
also to their side.'' Not only had the ' Grand Knights ' of
Malta, Honipesch the master, and Wittig, shown the
white feather at Valetta, and left the French practically
masters of the field, but in the Romagna and in Tuscany
the enemy was daily gaining ground. Moreover, while the
Queen was reassured as to the goodwill of the middle class
and the Lazzaroni, she now realised, as may be gathered
from her letters, that the various factions of the nobles were
— from separate motives — a nest of perfidy. Her husband
trounced her as the cause of his woes, and despite his
enthusiasm for the ' hero,' he remained in the Anglophobe
party's clutches. The delaying Gallo was averse to open
hostilities until Austria had engaged in offensive alliance,
1 Emma was never jealous of her talent. Sending one of Cornelia's odes in
October to Nelson, she says, ' It is very well written, but Miss K. is very
clever in everything she undertakes.' — Add. MS. 34)989, f. 8.
2 Add. MS. 34,989, f. 8 ; and of. in the November following the reference
in ff. 30-31.
- The best account of this festivity is by the Neapolitan Michel Torcia,
whose manuscript was sold at Sotheby's on May 17, 1905.
* Nelson to Hamilton, Oct. 27, 179S. Cf. Laughton's Z)«>/a/tA<'J, p. 171.
* Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 18-24. 'Am trcs bien with Acton,' etc.
232 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
for the compact (which had been signed in July)^ only
promised Austrian aid in the event of Naples itself being
attacked. Russia had declared, the Porte was on the verge
of declaring, war against the French Republic. The pre-
ceding May had seen yet another treaty between both these
powers and Naples, binding the latter to furnish twelve
ships and four hundred men for the coalition. Yet the
Emperor, son-in-law to the Neapolitan Bourbons, still
waited, and on him the King of Naples waited also, much
more concerned with the impending birth of a grandchild
who might inherit the throne, than with the portents of
affairs. His disposition shunned reality, notwithstanding
the fact, however, that he had sanctioned the summons of
General Mack from Vienna to command his forces. And,
added to all these manifold preoccupations, Lady Spencer,
who had acclaimed Nelson's triumph with ' Hurrah, hurrah,
hurrah,' the wife of the first Lord of the British Admiralty,
was now at Naples, and constantly with the Hamiltons and
Nelson.
From late September to early October Nelson and Emma
were in frequent conference. The French had been attempt-
ing in Ireland what they had succeeded in doing at
Naples : their complots with rebellion threatened all that
was established.
He divined the situation in its European bearings at a
glance. She knew every twist and turn of the Neapolitan
road, with all its buffoons, adventurers, and highwaymen ;
the tact of quick experience was hers. He, the masculine
genius, created. She. the feminine, was receptive, interpre-
tative. And, whatever may be urged or moralised, the
human fact remains that she was a woman after his own
heart, and he a man after hers. He was the first unselfish
man who had as yet been closely drawn towards her.
However unlike in upbringing, in environment, in stand-
ing— above all, in things of the spirit, in passionate energy,
in courage, in romance, in ' sensibility ' ^ and enthusiasm they
were affinities.
^ July l6. Hamilton's letter announcing it to Eden as 'old ties restored ' may
be found in Egerton MS. 2638, f. 149.
" Cf. the striking passage quoted attte^ p. 4 note i.
TRIUMPH 233
The result of these consultations is shown by the long
draft of a letter outlining a policy,^ which Nelson drew
up as a lever for Emma herself to force the court into
decision, and which formed the basis of a shorter letter that
has been published.^ He emphasised 'the anxiety which
you and Sir William have always had for the happiness and
welfare of their Sicilian Majesties.' He pointed out that
the mass of the Neapolitans were loyally eager to try
conclusions with France ; that Naples was her natural
' plunder,' but that the ministers were ' lulled into a false
security,' and a prey ' to the worst of all policies, that of
procrastination.' He dwelt on Garat's insolence, and
the readiness of the Neapolitan army to march into the
Romagna ' ready to receive them.' He hoped that Mack's
imminent arrival would brace ministers into resolution. He
welcomed with admiring respect a ' dignified ' letter from
the Queen, according with his own favourite quotation
from Chatham, ' the boldest measures are the safest.' He
presented his manifesto as a ' preparitive ' {sic), and as ' the
unalterable opinion of a British Admiral anxious to approve
himself a faithful servant to his sovereign by doing every-
thing in his power for the happiness and dignity of their
Sicilian Majesties.' To Sir William he would write separ-
ately.^ He recognised the signs of revolution, and already
he sounded the note of warning. He recommended that
their 'persons and property' should be ready in case of
need for embarkation at the shortest notice. If ' the present
ruinous system of procrastination ' persevered, it would be
his ' duty ' to provide for the safety not only of the Hamil-
tons, but of ' the amiable Queen of these kingdoms and her
family.'
The address of this paper to Emma, the emphasis of the
Queen's letter, the promise of a separate one to Hamilton,
show that the document was intended for the Queen's eye
^ Cf. Appendix, Part 11. A ; Add. MS. 34,989, f. 12, Lord Nelson to
Lady ILiniilton, October 3 (much corrected and interlined), with which should
be compared Nelson's letters to Hamilton ' off Malta, Oct. 27,' and to Eden,
(at Vienna), Dec. 10. Cf. 'L'^w^hion's Despatches, pp. 171, 173.
' Laughton's Despatches, p. 167.
•" The last three sentences, as well as the first of all, do not find place in the
* letter' to Lady Hamilton printed by Professor Laughton.
234 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
alone, and point to the suggestion of it by Emma herself.
We shall see that while Sir William was pushing affairs
with the English Government, Emma, during Nelson's
absence in the Adriatic and the Mediterranean, was practi-
cally to be Ambassador at Naples.
Next day Nelson ordered Ball to Malta with the ex-
pressed objects not only of intercepting French com-
munications with Egypt, of the island's blockade, and of
co-operation with the Turkish and Russian fleets in the
Archipelago, but specially of protecting the Sicilian and
Neapolitan coasts.^ So annoyed was he at the King's
inaction, that he even told Lord Spencer that ' Naples sees
this squadron no more, except the King, who is losing " the
glorious moments," should call for help."- By mid-October
Nelson himself had set out first for Malta, and, after a brief
interval of return, for the deliverance of Leghorn. Before
the month's close the King and General Mack had started
on their ill-starred campaign ; before the year's end a
definitive Anglo-Sicilian alliance had been signed, and
Grenville's former attitude reversed.
The very day of Nelson's departure drew from him the
tribute to Lady Hamilton which was in Pettigrew's posses-
sion, and a facsimile of which accompanied the first volume
of his Memoirs of Lord Nelson}
' I honour and respect you,' it ran, ' and my dear friend
Sir William Hamilton, and believe me ever your faithful
and affectionate Nelson' — the first letter, as 'his true
friend ' Emma recorded on it, written to her * after his
dignity to the peerage.' ^
The girl who, after the bartering Greville trampled upon
her affections, had been gained into grateful attachment by
Hamilton, with the covert resolve of becoming his wife and
winning her spurs in the political tournament, had at length
carved a career. Greville's neglect of her self-sacrifice had
not hardened her, but her tender care of Sir William was
fast assuming a new complexion. She had twice saved his
' Laughton's Despatches, p. 169.
^ Ibid. p. 169, October 9. ' p. 1 68.
•■ The patent of Barony (considered very inadequate in view of Jervis's pre-
vious earldom) was not officially granted till November 17.
TRIUMPH 235
life ; she had perpetually urged his activities ; she still
watched over him. But, under her standards of instinct
and experience, she was half gravitating towards the per-
suasion that they might warrant her in taking her fate
into her own hands. She hated ' half measures ' ; neck or
nothing, she would realise herself. Her chief cravings
remained as yet unsatisfied. Womanlike, she had yearned
for true sympathy. Here was one willing and eager to
listen. She had long been in love with glory. Here was a
hero who personified it. She had sighed for adventures in
the grand style. Here was opportunity. She wavered on
the verge of a new temptation. She felt as though her
wandering soul had at last found its way. Yet, in reality,
she still groped in a maze of contending emotions, nor
would she stop to inquire by what clue her quick steps
were hurrying her : the moment was all in all. She still
identified her intense friendship with her husband's. Dis-
loyalty still revolted her in its masked approaches ; and yet
she struggled, half-consciously, with a ' faith unfaithful ' that
was to keep her ' falsely true.'
Omitting further historical detail, we may turn at once to
the part played by Emma with the Queen at Caserta as her
hero's vice-gerent during his nine weeks' absence. Her
heart was with the ships, and she pined to quit the villeggia-
tura for Naples.^
It was, in her own words, with Nelson's ' spirit ' that
Emma inflamed the Queen, from whom she was now in-
separable. The King still looked to Austria, and thought
of little else but his daughter-in-law's coming confinement.
The Queen, who had hesitated, at last caught the prompt-
ness of Nelson's policy. General Mack had arrived, but a
thousand official obstacles impeded his preparations. ' He
does not go to visit the frontiers,' wrote Emma to Nelson,^
•but is now working night and day, and then goes for good,
and I tell her Majesty, for God's sake, for the country's
sake, and for your own sake, send him off as soon as
possible, no time to be lost, and I believe he goes after
' Cf. Add. MS. 34,989, f. 14. - October 20.
236 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
to-morrow.' The suppression of the Irish rebellion had
removed yet another spoke from the Republican wheel.
' I translate from our papers,' said Emma, ' to inspire her or
them, I should say, with some of your spirit and energy.
How delighted we both were to speak of you. She loves,
respects, and admires you. For myself, I will leave you to
guess my feelings. Poor dear Troubridge stayed that
night with us to comfort us. What a good dear soul he
is. . . . He is to come down soon, and I am to present
him. She sees she could not feel happy if she had not an
English ship here to send off. . . . How we abused Gallo
yesterday. How she hates him. He won't reign long — so
much the better. . . . You are wanted at Caseria. All
their noddles are not worth yours.' There were affectionate
mentions of Tyson and Hardy, with the hope that the
* Italian spoil-stomach sauce of a dirty Neapolitan' might
not hurt the invalid, but that perhaps Nelson's steward
provided him 'with John Bull's Roast and Boil.'^ Then
followed her enthusiasm over Nelson's honours, and her
wrath at the stint of home recognition, which have been
echoed already. In the same long letter, containing,
as was her wont, the diary of a week, she resumes her
political story. She and her Queen had been ecstatic
over the Sultan's lavish acknowledgments of Nelson's
victory.
' The Queen says that, after the English she loves the
Turks, and she has reason, for, as to Vienna, the ministers
deserve to be hanged, and if Naples is saved, no thanks to
the Emperor. For he is kindly leaving his father in the
lurch. We have been two days desperate on account of the
weak and cool acting of the Cabinet of Vienna. Thugut^
must be gained ; but the Emperor — oh, but he is a poor
sop, a machine in the hands of his corrupted ministers.
The Queen is in a rage. . . . Sunday last, two couriers,
one from London, one from Vienna ; the first with the
lovely news of a fleet to remain in the Mediterranean, and
a treaty made of the most flattering kind for Naples. In
short, everything amicable . . . and most truly honourable.
' Add. MS. 34,989,1. 14.
"^ The negotiator of the Campoformio Treaty in 1797.
TRIUMPH 237
T'other from their dear son and daughter,^ cold, un-
friendly, mistrustful, Frenchified ; and saying plainly, help
yourselves. How the dear Maria Carolina cried for joy at
the one and rage at the other. But Mack is gone to the
army to prepare all to march immediately.'^ And here,
too, is the place of that dramatic outburst, cited in the
Prelude, where Emma extended her left arm, like Nelson,
and 'painted the drooping situation,' stimulating the
Queen's decision in face of those hampering obstacles on
the part of Gallo and the King, which proved so uncon-
scionable a time in dying. ' In short, there was a council,
and it was decided to march out and help themselves ; and,
sure, their poor fool of a son will not, cannot but come out.
He must bring 150,000 men in the Venetian State. The
French could be shut in between the two armies, Italy
cleared, and peace restored. I saw a person from Milan
yesterday, who says that a small army would do, for the
Milanese have had enough of liberty.' She depicts the
horrid state of that capital, the starvation side by side with
the rampant licentiousness of the Jacobins 'putting Virtue
out of countenance by their . . . libertinage. . . . So, you
see, a little would do. Now is tJie tnoment, and, indeed,
everything is going on as we could wish.' Emma has been
hitherto and often painted as the Queen's mouthpiece.
She was really Nelson's, and her intuition had grasped his
mastership of the political prospect. Was she not right in
declaring that she had ' spurred them on ' ? The Queen had
been actually heartened into resolving on a regency, a new
fact which reveals the political divergences between the royal
pair at this period. ' The King is to go in a few days, never
to return. The regency ^ is to be in the name of the Prince
Royal, but the Queen will direct all. Her head is worth a
thousand. I have a pain in my head, . . . and must go
take an airing. . . . May you live long, long, long for the
sake of your country, your King, your family, all Europe,
' i.e. the Austrian Emperor and Empress — the Neapolitan Princess.
» Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 18-24.
* At first the Queen had meant to be Reyent herself. Add. MS. 34,989, f. 4.
This ' regency ' the Queen by October 24 planned to be perpetual, and the
King was ' not to return.' — Cf. ibid. f. 24. Lady Hamilton to Lady Nelson,
October 2, 1798. See Appendix.
238 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Asia, Africa, and America [Emma is on her stilts once
more], and for the scourge of France, but particularly for
the happiness of Sir William and self, who love you, admire
you, and glory in your friendship.' Sir William's new
name for Nelson was now ' the friend of our hearts.' And
these hearts were certainly stamped with his image : —
' Your statue ought to be made of pure gold and placed in
the middle of London. Never, never was there such a
battle, and if you are not regarded as you ought and I wish,
I will renounce my country and become either a Mameluke
or a Turk. The Queen yesterday said to me, the more I
think on it, the greater I find it, and I feel such gratitude
to the warrior, . . . my respect is such, that I could fall at
his honoured feet and kiss them. You that know us both,
and how alike we are in many things, that is, I as Emma
Hamilton, she as Queen of Naples, imagine us both speak-
ing of you. ... I would not be a lukewarm friend for the
world. I . . . cannot make friends with all, but the few
friends I have, I would die for them. ... I told her Majesty
we only wanted Lady Nelson to be the female Tria juncta
in uno, for we all love you, and yet all three differently, and
yet all equally, if you can make that out.' . . . And Lady
Nelson, accordingly, she congratulated twice, both on the
Queen's behalf and her own.^
Nelson returned for a fortnight in the earlier days of
November, more than ever dissatisfied with the Neapolitan
succours and the Portuguese co-operation at Malta. There,
with strong significance in view of next year's crisis at
Naples, he had notified the French, who rejected his over-
tures, that he would certainly disregard any capitulation
into which the Maltese General might afterwards be forced
to enter.2 j^g learned the decision for definite war, and
1 Cf. Add. MS. 34,989, f. 8. The letter will be found in the Appendix.
''■ Cf. Nelson's manifesto to the French commander at Malta, October 1798
[excerpted in Sotheby's catalogue for July 8, 1905] :— ' My objects are to assist
the people of Malta in forcing you to abandon the island. ... If my offers are
rejected, or the French ships \i.e. the Guillaume Tell, Diana,z.ndjustice']make
their escape, notwithstanding my vigilance, I declare I will not enter or join in
any capitulation act.' ' Nor will I ever permit any which may be like the
present, >?iuch less will I intercede for ike lives or forgivemss of those who have
betrayed their country. I beg leave lu assure you that this is the determination
o( a British Admiral.'
TRIUMPH 239
the King's reluctant consent at length to accompany
the army to Rome. No sooner had Garat been dismissed,
than the French declared war also. Force, then, must repel
force, for the Ligurian Republic meant nothing but France
in Italy. Throughout, moreover. Nelson's guiding aim was
the destruction of Jacobinism, which, indeed, he regarded
as anti-Christ. He collected his forces and set out for
Leghorn,^ which soon surrendered (although Buonaparte's
brother Louis escaped the blockade),^ landing once more
at Naples in the first week of December. At first Mack
and the Neapolitan troops prevailed, and Prince Moli-
terno's valour covered the cowardice of his troops. The
King entered Rome ; the Queen's mercurial hopes ran
high. But her exultation was short-lived. Before the
end of the first week in December Carolina wrote to her
confidante that she now pitied the King intensely, and
' would be with him.' ' God only knows what evils are
in reserve. I am deeply affected by it, and expect every
day something more terrible. The good only will be the
victims. . . . Mack is in despair, and has reason to be
so.' ^ The French Berthier proved an abler, though not
a braver,* general than the Austrian, but Mack had raw
and wretched levies under his command i^ his officers
were bribed and their men deserted. Rome was re-
taken ; a retreat became unavoidable, and by the second
week in December that retreat had already become a rout.
From the close of November onwards the Queen grew more
and more despondent, though Duckworth's naval success
at Minorca, the promise by the Czar Paul of his fleet, and
the retirement of the Republicans from Frosinone had
cheered her. She was very ill, and fresh home conspiracies
were in course of discovery.^
' November 22.
•^ Cf. the Queen's despairing letter to Emma, Eg. MS. 161S, f. 28.
•* Cf. her letter cited by Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 171.
* The Queen says of him after his disaster : ' Uont U courage, radivite, sur-
passe toute id^e.'' — Helfcrt's Fabitzio Riiffo, p. 383. Nelson, however, damned
his incompetence. Cf. J\Icmoirs and Letters of Sir IV. Hoste, vol. i. p. 113.
* Acton, writing to Hamilton on December 15, 1798, says they were
'moUifyed people since ages — no caractcr' — curiou.sly phrased and spelled.
Eg. MS. 2640, f. 153. « Cf. Eg. MS. 1619, fir. 5, 7.
240 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Emma still lingered in her neighbourhood at Caserta.
Beseeching Nelson not to go ashore at Leghorn, and
rejoicing at the unfounded rumour that his ' dear, vener-
able father' had been made a bishop, she informed him
that the King had at length issued a clear manifesto. The
army had marched, the Queen had just gone to pray for
them in the cathedral. She announced the King's trium-
phal entry into Rome from Frascati ; she hoped the best
from the battle of Velletri, fought even as she writes.
' Everybody here,' she assured Nelson, ' prays for you.
Even the Neapolitans say mass for you, but Sir William
and I are so anxious that we neither eat, drink, nor sleep ;
and till you are safely landed and come back we shall feel
mad.' The secret of Nelson's movements and preparations
she will never betray, nor would red-hot torture wrest it
from her. ' We send you one of your midshipmen, left here
by accident ; . . . pray don't punish him. Oh ! I had forgot
I would never ask favours, but you are so good I cannot
help it.' And then follows a tell-tale passage : ' We have
got Josiah. How glad I was to see him. Lady Knight,
Miss Knight, Carrol, and Josiah dined to-day with us, but
alas ! your place at table was occupied by Lady K. I
could have cried, I felt so low-spirited.' ^
Is it a wonder that Nelson was moved? One can hear
how her confidence impressed him. Shortly after his
return he frankly avowed, ' My situation in this country has
had, doubtless, one rose, but it has been plucked from a
bed of thorns.' ^ This, then, was no waxen camellia, but a
rose whose fresh scent contrasted with the hot atmosphere
of the court and the prickles of perpetual vexation.
The reader must judge whether such efforts and appeals,
this developing energy and tenderness, were the manoeuvres
of craft. It is patent from the correspondence that Emma's
interjectional letters, which think aloud, answer epistles
trom Nelson of even tenor. A comparison, moreover, with
her girlish epistles^ to Greville shows a sameness of quality
that will stand the same test. She remains 'the same Emma.'
1 Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 28, 30-31, November 24, 25.
"^ To Duckworth, December 6, 1798. Laughton's Despatches, p. 173.
^ One of them exists. Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 2.
TRIUMPH 241
Nelson rejoined the Hamiltons at a critical moment. His
wise forecast that unless Ferdinand and Maria coveted the
fate of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette, flight alone could
save them, was fast being justified. The nobles, jealous
of English influence, were now thoroughly disaffected.
Gathering reverses incensed a populace that was only too
likely to be frenzied should their King prefer escape Sicily-
ward to trust in their tried loyalty. As yet Naples had
been free from the French, but the likelihood of invasion
grew daily ; and even in June Neapolitan neutrality had
been known to be merely nominal. The proud Queen, as
we shall find when the dreaded moment arrived, would
rather have welcomed death than retreat. But Acton, at
present in Rome,^ had slowly come to concur with the trio
of the Embassy.
The melodrama of the actual escape, on which new
manuscripts cast fresh lights, must be reserved for a
separate chapter. ' The devil take most Kings and Queens,
I say, for they are shabbier than their subjects ! ' had been
Sir Joseph Banks's exclamation to Sir William Hamilton in
1795.- At this present end of 1798 the devil (or Buonaparte)
proved especially busy in this particular branch of his
business.
^ With the King. Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, f. 151, where he writes thence to
Hamilton, congratulating him on Nelson's return from Leghorn.
- Eg. MS. 2641, f. 157.
CHAPTER IX
FLIGHT
December 1798 — Ja7iuary 1799
It is clear all along that Emma chafed against vegetation.
Tameness and sameness wearied her, and she longed for
historical adventures. She had now lit on a thrilling
one indeed. To aid in planning, preparing, deciding and
executing a royal escape in the midst of revolution, on
the brink of invasion, and at the risk of life, was a task the
romance and the danger of which allured her dramatic
fancy. That it did not repeat the blunders of Varennes
was largely owing to Nelson's foresight and her own inde-
fatigable energy. And omens — for they each believed in
them — must have appeared to both. Before the battle of
the Nile a white bird had perched in his cabin. He and
Emma marked the same white bird when the King was
restored in the following July ; and Nelson always declared
that he saw it again before Copenhagen, though it was
missed at Trafalgar. It was his herald of victory. Nor
under the auspices of triumph was death also ever absent
from the thoughts of the man, who accepted, as a welcome
present from a favoured Captain, the coffin made from a
mast of the ruined U Orient.
For flight Emma had not influenced her friend : it was
Nelson's project. ' If things take an unfortunate turn here,'
she had written to Nelson two months before, ' and the
Queen dies at her post, I will remain with her. If she goes,
ffollow her.' 1
The second week of December proved to the Queen that
1 Add. MS. 34,989, f- 24, Lady H. to Nelson, October 28, 1798. See
Appendix.
242
FLIGHT 243
events were inexorable, and her selfish son-in-law cold and
unmoved : he shifted with the political barometer. She
had despatched her courier, Rosenheim, to Vienna, but he
only returned with ill tidings. Vienna would 'give no
orders.' In vain she supplicated her daughter, ' may your
dear husband be our saviour.' The Emperor flatly refused
his aid. His subjects now desired peace, and the Neapoli-
tans must ' help themselves.' If Naples were assailed, the
Austrian treaty, it is true, would entitle reinforcements from
Vienna. But even so, the poorness of their troops, and the
grudging inclination of their ruler, left the issue but little
mended. The Queen was in despair. The French excuse
for war had been the alleged breach of their treaty by the
watering of the British fleet. A threatening army of
invaders was already known to be on its way ; yet still she
hoped against hope, and hesitated over the final plunge.
She despatched Gallo to Vienna to beseech her son-in-law
once more. She cursed the treaty of Campoformio, to which
she attributed the whole sad sequel of disaster. She vowed
that her own kinsfolk were leagued together in spite against
'the daughter 'and the grandchildren 'of the great Maria
Theresa.' When the news fell like a thunderbolt that
Mack's case was desperate, the French troops in occupation
of Castel St. Angelo, and her husband about to scurry out
of Rome,^ those children could only * weep and pray.' The
fact that the Jacobins — the ' right-minded,' as they already
styled themselves — welcomed each crowning blow as a help
to their cause, heightened the humiliation. ^ The Queen,
slighted and indignant, betook herself to Nelson and
to Emma.^ They both pressed anew the urgent necessity
of flight ; but at first she disdained it. It was a ' fresh blow
to her soul and spirit ' ;^ her original plan had been to send
off only her children.'' Its bare possibility was difficult to
realise ; and, after her husband's ashamed return, the popular
ferment seemed to bar its very execution. She dreaded a
repetition of Varennes. In the midst of brawl and tumult
' December 11. * Pepe, Memoirs, p. 30.
■^ Cf. for the foregoing P'g. MS. 1623, f. I, and the Queen's letters to her
(laughter, given in \\c\itx\.^s Fabrizio Ruff'o (1815), pp. 372, 379, 3X3.
♦ Helfert, p. 3S4. " Cf. Add. MS. 34.9S9» f- M-
244 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the King returned, and, faltering, showed himself on his
balcony. Lusty shouts of 'You will not go! We will deal
with the Jacobins ! ' burst from the surging crowd. A spy
was knifed in the open streets, and the false nobles cast the
blame on the Queen. She should be held blood-guilty. In
bitter agony ^ she apprised her daughter that death was
preferable to such dishonour. She would die every inch a
Queen. ' I have renounced this world,' wrote Maria
Theresa's true offspring, ' I have renounced my reputation
as wife and mother. I am preparing to die, and making
ready for an eternity for which I long. This is all that is
left to me.' Even when she had been brought to the last
gasp of obeying her kind friends and her hard fate, her
letters to Vienna sound the tone of one stepping to the
scaffold. While the furious mob growled and groaned out-
side, her last requests to her daughter were for her husband
and children. On the very edge of her secret start, the
advices that General Burchardt ^ had marched his thousand
men, if not with flying colours, at least in fighting trim, so
far as Isoletta, may have once more made her rue her forced
surrender.
But meanwhile the Hamiltons, Nelson, and Acton were
in determined and close consultation, with Emma for
Nelson's interpreter. The establishment of the Ligurian
Republic had for some time boded the certainty of Buona-
parte's designs against the two Sicilies. The General had
at first written to Sir William with some sang-froid of the
'troublesome and dangerous circumstances' of the 'crisis,'^
but within a few days he was a zealous co-operator. Nel-
son, above all men, would never have counselled a base
desertion. But he knew the real circumstances, the general
perfidy, the Austrian weakness, both playing into the hands
of the French. Already, to his knowledge,* the aggressor's
' On December 17 she writes to Emma, 'Tout cela me fait vivre en agonie.'
Eg. MS. i6i5,f. 122, andcf. the transcript, Eg. MS. 1620, f. 52. On December
19 she calls herself ' stupefied by this stroke,' and says that she ' weeps without
ceasing.' Its suddenness, she adds, overwhelms her, and will go down with her
to the grave. Jbid. f. 126. The spy's name was Ferrari.
^ By Acton and the Queen styled ' Bourkard.' — Laughton's Despatches, p. 175.
3 Eg. MS. 2640, f. 152.
•• Morrison MS. 364, Nelson to Hamilton, December 14, 1798.
FLIGHT 245
footfall was audible, and, after General Mack's fiasco, no
resources were left at home. His firm resolve was to await
the moment when he might deal a fresh death-blow to
Buonaparte, and meanwhile to seize the first opportunity
for crushing the Neapolitan Jacobins and reinstating the
Neapolitan King. For him the cause symbolised not
despotism against freedom, not the progress from law to
liberty, but discipline and patriotism against licence and
anarchy. He had summoned ships to protect the Vanguard:
the Culloden with Troubridge from the north and west
coasts of Italy, the Goliath from off Malta, the Alcmene under
Captain Hope from Egypt.^ He had already provided for
the protection of the principal ports.- He had foreseen
that ' within six months the Neapolitan Republic would be
armed, organised, and called forth,' that malingering
Austria was herself/;/ extremis?
They urged the Queen to prepare for the worst; and from
December 17 onwards, while their measures were being
concerted, Emma superintended the gradual transport from
the palace of valuables both private and public. The pro-
cess occupied her night and day for nearly a week, and
required the strictest secrecy and caution. Some she
fetched, some she received, all she stowed.
Our critics, biassed, may be, by anxiety to impugn Emma's
latest memorial, make much of evidence in a few isolated
letters,* indicating that the Queen forwarded some of her
effects by trusted messengers, and omitting that Emma
caused any herself to be carried from the palace to the
Embassy, The point is immaterial, but even here criticism
has erred perhaps from some lack of full investigation.
The very bulk of the many chests and boxes to be removed
was to cause a dangerous delay in the eventual voyage.
They were conveyed in different ways, some on shipboard
(among them the public treasure), others, including jewels
and linen, by the hands of the servant Saverio ; others again
to be transported by Emma herself The Queen, in one of
' Laughlon's Despatches, p. 175. - Ibid. p. 362. ' Ibid. p. 173.
* Especially that concerning the 'jewels of a whole wretched family.' — Eg,
MS. 1616, f. 92. This Pottigrew mistakenly transfers to the following year,
vol, i, p, 375.
246 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
her almost hourly notes, expressly hoped that she was not
* indiscreet in sending these,' thereby suggesting that various
means of conveyance had been used for some of the rest.
In another, too, she excused herself for her 'abuse oi your
kindnesses and that of our brave Admiral.' Nelson's official
account to Lord St. Vincent stated that * Lady Hamilton '
from December 14 to 21 'received the jewels, etc.'^
Emma's own recital to Greville, less than a fortnight after
the terrors of the journey were past, included as the least of
her long fatigues that ' for six nights before the embarkation '
she ' sat up ' at her own house ' receiving all the jewels,
money and effects of the royal family, and from thence
conveying them on board the Vanguard^ living in fear of
being torn to pieces by the tumultuous mob, who suspected
our departure,' but ' Sir William and I being beloved in the
Country saved us.' Sir William himself informed Greville
that ' Emma has had a very principal part in this delicate
business, as she is, and has been for several years the real
and only confidential friend of the Queen of Naples.'^
In the pathos of the Queen's letters to Emma resides their
true interest. Maria Carolina's anguish increased as the
plot for her preservation thickened ; she clung piteously to
the strong arms of Emma and Nelson, who really managed
the whole business.^ Sobs and tears, paroxysms of scorn
and sighs of rage more and more pervade them, as one by
one the strongholds of her country yield or are captured.
She is 'the most unfortunate of Queens, mothers, women,
but Emma's sincerest friend.'* It is to her alone that she
' habitually opens her heart' ^ Emma's indorsements may
serve as an index : — ' My adorable, unfortunate Queen. God
bless and protect her and her august family.' ' Dear, dear
Queen' — ' Unfortunate Queen.' More than a month earlier
she had protested to Nelson her readiness, if need be, to
accompany her to the block.^ One of these billets tristes of
the Queen to her friend encloses a little blue-printed pic-
' Cf. Laughton's Despatches, p. 175.
'■^ Morrison MS. 369, Hamilton to Greville, January 6, 1799; 370, Lady
Hamilton to the same, January 7, 1799.
^ ' It was,' wrote Nelson officially to Lord St. Vincent, on Decemloer 28,
* carried on with the greatest address by Lady H. and the Queen.' — Laughton's
Despatches, p. 175
* Eg. MS. 1615, f. 129. s /^j^ ^5J5^ f g_ b /^j,/. 34,989. f- 24-
FLIGHT 247
ture. It is an elegiac. A wreathed Amorino pipes mourn-
fully beside a cypress-shadowed tomb, behind which two
Cupids are carelessly dancing : on the tomb is inscribed
' Embarque je vous en prie. M. C.'^ — Emma's melancholy
refrain to the would-be martyr.
Prince Belmonte, now chamberlain, acted as the King's
agent and Caracciolo's, in effecting a scheme full of diffi-
culty, owing to the great number of the refugees, the
ridiculous etiquette of precedences, insisted on even at
such an hour, the vast quantity of their united baggage,
the avowed designs of the French Directory, the covert
conspiracies of false courtiers in which the War Minister
himself was implicated, the fierceness of popular tumult
and the Jacobin spies who kept a sharp lookout on Nelson,
but were ' foiled by Emma's adroitness.' ^
The plan originally concerted was as follows. The escape
was to happen on the night of the 21st, After the last
instalments of treasure and detachments of foreigners had
been safely and ceremoniously deposited on board their
several vessels. Count Thurn (an Austrian Admiral of the
Neapolitan navy) would attend outside the secret passage^
leading from the royal rooms to the ' Molesiglio,' or little
quay, to receive Nelson or his nominees. Caracciolo, as
head of Marine, had begged hard to convoy the royal party
and float the royal standard on his flag-ship, but had been
dryly denied ; * and this, perhaps, was the first prick to
that treacherous revenge which six months later he was to
expiate by his life.
But on a sudden, at the eleventh hour, the whole was
put ofi"till the next evening. The chests in which some of
the treasure had been bestowed on the Alcmene were rotten ;
at least this was one of the pretexts which Nelson, who
had already signed orders for safe conduct and for an
emissary to conduct the royalties,^ evidently mistrusted.
^ For the preceding cf. F2g. MS. 1615, ft". 122, 124, 126, 129, 131 ; Eg.
MS. 1616, f. 92.
■■^ Cf. Nelson's own statement to Lord St. Vincent, LauglUon's Despatches,
p. 175-
' 'Thurn shall open the little rooms at the Molesillo.' — Eg. MS. 2640, f. 159.
Cf. also/^^/, p. 252. * Pepe, Memoirs, p. 32.
^ Commodore Campbell, lie was to ' proceed with two anned boats' to the
small quay abutting on the palace. The safe-conduct was for Lady Knight,
248 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
On this eventful day at least six communications passed
between Hamilton and Acton (if the inclosures from the
palace are included), and Nelson, prompt and impatient,
was acutely irritated. In vain Acton expressed his
acquiescence. He was ' in hopes that three or four hours
will not exasperate more than at present our position.'
Nelson remained polite, but suspicious.^ The fact was that
both King and Queen waited on Providence at the last
gasp. The former dreaded to desert his people at the
moment of defeat ; the latter feared a step which, if futile,
might irreparably alienate her husband, and must render
her execrable to the faithful Lazzaroni.
By means of the old manuscripts the scene rises vividly
before us. Within the precincts of the palace, flurry, dissen-
sion, wavering perplexity, confusion, a spectral misery.^
In its purlieus, treason. Outside, a seditious loyalty with-
holding the King from the Queen. In the council-chamber,
Belmonte, serene and punctilious ; Gallo, dainty in danger ;
Caracciolo, jealous and sullen ; Acton, slow, doubtful, and
stolid. At the English Embassy alone reigned vigilance,
resolve, and resourcefulness. Every English merchant (and
there were many both here and at Leghorn) looked to Nelson
and Hamilton and Emma. Among phantoms these were
realities. On them alone counted those poor ' old demoi-
selles of France' who had sought asylum in the Neapolitan
palace. On them alone hung the destinies of a dynasty
threatened at home, forsaken abroad, and faced with the
certainty of invasion. They stood for the British fleet, and
the British fleet for the salvation of Europe.
The ominous morning dawned of the 21st.
All that day General Acton pelted Nelson and Hamilton
with contradictory announcements, of which no fewer than
eight remain. At first he agrees that the moment has come
when ' no time should be lost,' but the inevitable proviso
who was put in charge of Commodore Stone. * Do not be alarmed, there is in
truth no cause for it.'
1 For the preceding, inter alia, cf. Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 151, 153, 157, 159, l6l ;
Eg. MS. 1623, ff. 4, 5, 7 ; Morrison MS. 365, 366.
"^ On December 21, Acton wrote in his quaint English, ' Every head in the
palace is in a strange state oi accension.' — Eg. MS. 1623, f. 5.
FLIGHT 249
follows — ' If the wind does not blow too hard.' He next
writes that, in such a case, all had best be deferred afresh.
The Alcmene, too, with the bullion on board — as much as
two million and a half sterling — was off Posilippo, and
its signals might alarm the angry crowds, clamouring for
their King at Santa Lucia, and on the Chiaja. Another
billet promises the ' King's desire ' as soon forthcoming.^
In another, once more, grave consideration is devoted to
the usual retiring hour of the young princes, and to the
' feeding-time ' of the King's grandchild, the babe in arms of
the heir-apparent and Princess Clementina, which had been
so anxiously awaited in October ; * a sucking child,' says
Acton in a crowning instance of unconscious humour,
' makes a most dreadful spectacle to the eyes of the
servant women and in the rest of the family.'^ Nelson,
pressing for expedition, was beside himself over the
precious moments thus being squandered. What Acton
remarks in one of these letters, once more in his peculiar
English, applies also to his own communications, ' Heavings
from every side . . . contradictions from every corner.'
Nelson, however, would brook no more trifling. Every-
thing must be settled by seven o'clock. Count Thurn must
be at the appointed refidesvous, the Molesiglio.^ His pass-
word, unless some unexpected force intervened, was to be
the English, ^ All goes right and weir \ otherwise, ^ All is
wrongs you may go back.'
One can imagine the unfortunate Count rehearsing his
provoking part that afternoon with an Austrian accent :
' A I goes raight ' — ' Al ees vrong.'
Acton and Caracciolo drew up the order of embarkation.
By half- past eight the royal contingent, convoyed by
Nelson and his friends through the secret passage to the
little quay, were to have been rowed on board the
Vanguard. It comprised besides the King, Queen, the
Hereditary Prince with his wife and infant (whose ' zafatta,'
' And this in spile of Nelson's receipt from him of a note on the 19th con-
firming the King's approval of Nelson's plans. Cf. Laughton's Despatches,
P- 175-
- Eg. MS. 2640, f. 163.
^ At a landing-stage called Vittoria (^ La ricloire'). Cf. Eg. MS. 1623, f. 7.
250 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
or nurse, was no less a personage than the Duchess of
Gravina), the little Prince Albert, to whom Emma was
devoted (with his ' zafatta ' also), Prince Leopold, the three
remaining princesses, Acton, Princes Castelcicala and
Belmonte, Thurn, and the court physician Vincenzo Ruzzi.
The second embarkation was to follow two hours later with
a great retinue, including, it is interesting for Mendelssohn-
admirers to notice, the name of ' Bartoldi.' The rest were
to proceed in three several detachments, amounting to
nearly four hundred souls, noble and otherwise, among
whom some of Acton's family are specified. The two royal
spinsters of France were to be conducted with every pre-
caution by land to Portici, whence they might find their
way over the border. All friendly Ambassadors were to be
notified. Such was the routine.^ It should be especially
noticed that from these exact lists, detailing the names of
every passenger, the Hamiltons are absent. They were
under Nelson's care, and of his party — a point most
material to the future narrative substantiating Lady
Hamilton's own subsequent story. And it must further
be emphasised that these Acton letters, as well as a
reference in one of the Queen's, conclusively establish the
plan of the secret passage as an historical fact, instead of as
any figment or after-inlay of Emma's imagination.
As night drew on Maria Carolina sat down to indite two
letters, the one to her daughter at Vienna, the other to
Emma, who would rejoin her so soon in this crisis of her
fate. She wrote them amid horrors and in wretchedness.
The army could no more be trusted. Even the navy was
in revolt. Orders had been given that, after the royal
departure, the remaining ships were to be burned lest they
should fall into French or revolutionary hands. As she
wrote, the tidings came that the miserable Vanni — the
creature of her inquisition — had shot himself dead, and she
loads herself with reproaches. Massacre continued ; the
very French emigres were not spared by the Italian
Jacobins. Everywhere tumult, disgrace, bloodshed. The
crowd, calmed for a moment, still howled at intervals for
^ Eg. MS. 1623, ff. 8-1 1. Most of these particulars, but signed in Carac-
ciolo's iiand, are also given by Peltigrew, vol. i. pp. 181-1S6.
I
FLIGHT 251
their King, whose departure they now suspected. The
' cruel determination ' had been foisted on her. ' Once on
board,' the Queen tells the Empress, ' God help us, . . . saved,
but ruined and dishonoured.' To Lady Hamilton she
repeats the same distracted burden. Discipline has
vanished. ' Unbridled ' licence grows hourly. Their ' con-
cert with their liberator' is their mainstay. Her last
thoughts are for the safety of friends and dependants,
whom she confides by name to Emma's charge. To it also
she commends herself and hers. It will seem ages till they
meet again. ' Eternal gratitude ' is her offering to her
friend, and the friend o( their rescuer.'
The sky was clouded. There was a lull in the strong
wind off the shore, but a heavy ground-swell prevailed as
the appointed hour approached.- The royal party anxiously
waited in their apartments — the Queen's room with its dark
exit, so familiar to the romantic Emma,^ — for the signal
which should summon them through the tunnel to the
water-side. On the Molesiglio, and at his station near the
Arsenal, stood Thurn, muffled and ill at ease. It was the
night of a reception given in Nelson's honour by Kelim
Effendi, the bearer from the Sultan of his ' plume of triumph.'
The exact sequence of what now occurred is difficult, but
possible, to collect from the three contemporary and, at
first sight, conflicting documents that survive. There is the
Queen's own brief recital to her daughter."* There is
Nelson's dry official despatch to Lord St. Vincent, accentu-
ating, however, Emma's conspicuous services.^ There are
Emma's own hurried lines" to Greville, thirteen days after
that awful voyage, which, for three days and nights,
deprived her of sleep and strained every faculty of mind
and body.
' For the foregoing of. Eg. MS. 2640, ff. 159, 161, 163, 165 ; Eg. MS. 1623,
ff. 5, 7, 8, 10 ; Eg. MS. 1615, f. 131 ; Helfert's Fabrizio Ruffo, pp. 386-387.
- 7.30 by Neapolitan time, as arranged by Acton. According to Nelson's
official account to Lord St. Vincent, it was 8.30— :.«. by English log time. It
must therefore have been altered again.
' ' The dark staircase that goes into the Queen's room.' — Morrison MS. 370,
Lady Hamilton to Greville, January 7, 1799.
^ llelfert, p. 387. '•• Laughton's Z><f.f/a/<r//^-r, p. 177,
' Morrison MS. 370.
252 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Let us try to ascertain the truth by collation. Nelson's
account is brief and doubtless accurate : —
'On the 2ist, at 8.30 P.M., three barges with myself and
Captain Hope landed at a corner of the Arsenal. I went
into the palace and brought out the whole royal family, put
them into the boats, and at 9.30 [i.e. by English time] they
were all safely on board.'
It is an official statement, which naturally omits the
mysteries of the secret corridor, the Count in waiting, the
password which Acton in his letters, confirming Emma's
after account, had arranged with Nelson.^
The Queen's short notice to the Empress of Austria
(hitherto unmarked) makes no mention of Emma's name —
the Queen never does in any of her letters to her daughter
— but further corroborates the melodrama of the secret
staircase winding down to the little quay : —
' We descended — all our family, ten in number,^ with the
utmost secrecy, in the dark, without our ladies-in-waiting
or other attendants. Nelson was our guide.'
Now let us listen carefully to Emma's own graphic
narrative. The hours named in it do not tally with
Nelson's, and after the long strain of the tragic occurrences,
culminating in the death of the little Prince Albert, she
may well have been confused. They are really irrelevant.
The point is the real sequence and substance of events,
which, more or less, must have stayed in her immediate
remembrance. It will be found that her vivid words bear a
construction different from that which might appear at the
first blush, and it should be borne in mind that no possible
motive for distorting the facts can be alleged in this friendly
communication to her old friend : —
'On the 2ist at ten at night, Lord Nelson, Sir Wm.,
Mother and self went out to pay a visit, sent all our
servants away, and ordered them in 2 hours to come with
the coach, and ordered supper at home. When they were
gone, we sett off, walked to our boat, and after two hours
got to the Vanguard. Lord N. then went with armed boats
to a secret passage adjoining to the pallace, got up the dark
' Cf. especially Egerton MS. 2640, f. 159.
' The original number designed had been twelve. — Egerton MS. 1616, f. 92.
FLIGHT 253
staircase that goes into the Queen's room, and with a dark
lantern, cutlasses, pistols, etc., brought off every soul, ten in
number, to the Vanguard 'dX. twelve o'clock. If we had re-
mained to the next day, we shou'd have all been imprisoned.'
Reading this account loosely, it might be imagined that
Emma transposed the true order ; that Nelson, stealing
with the Hamiltons away from the reception, first brought
them on board, and afterwards returned for the royal
fugitives. But the reverse of this admits of proof from her
own statement. She, with her family and Nelson, quitted
the party at (as she here puts it) ten. It took them two
hours to reach the Vanguard. Nelson saved the royalties,
who were not on board till ' twelve! It is obvious, there-
fore, that (whatever the precise hour) the Hamiltons and
Mrs. Cadogan arrived on the Vanguard at the selfsame
moment as the King, the Queen, their children, and grand-
child. The misimpression arises from the phrasing ' Lord
Nelson then went with armed boats,' etc., following the
previous statement of their being at their destination 'after
two hours.' But this ' then! as so often in Emma's thinking-
aloud letters, is an enclitic merely carrying on disjointed
sentences. It is no mark of time at all, but simply refers
to what happened after they hastened from the entertain-
ment, having ordered everything as if they intended to re-
main until its close. Otherwise they must have 'got to'
the Vanguard long before the King and Queen, which, by
her own recollection in this letter, they do not. It will be
noted from Nelson's recital that the Vanguard could be
reached in an hour.
What happened, then, seems to be this. After their
hurried exit, the Hamiltons accompanied Nelson on foot.
The Acton correspondence shows that, as has appeared
from the pre-arrangements, the Hamiltons must have been
of Nelson's private and unspecified party. Together they
went to their boat where, before their start, they awaited
the separate escape of the royalties. Eventually the two
contingents stepped on to the deck of the Vanguard ^t the
same moment and together. But, in the interval, something
must have necessitated and occupied their attendance.
What was it }
254 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Here Emma's own account in her ' Prince Regent's
Memorial,' more than fourteen years afterwards, perhaps
comes to our aid. It has been discredited even as regards
the 'secret passage' incident which Acton's letters now
reveal as an absolute fact. This is what Emma says : —
' To shew the caution and secrecy that was necessarily
used in thus getting away, I had on the night of our
embarkation to attend the party given by the Kilim
Effendi, who was sent by the grand seignior to Naples to
present Nelson with the Shahlerih or Plume of Triumph.
I had to steal from the party, leaving our carriages and
equipages waiting at his house, and in about fifteen minutes
to be at my post, where it was my task to conduct the
Royal Family through the subterranean passage to Nelson's
boats, by that moment waiting for us on the shore. The
season for this voyage was extremely hazardous, and our
miraculous preservation is recorded by the Admiral upon
our arrival at Palermo,' ^
I venture, therefore, to suggest the following probability.
Count Thurn is keeping watch, in accordance with the pre-
concerted plan. Captain Hope and Nelson arrive at about
7.30 by Neapolitan time at the Molesiglio. Leaving Captain
Hope in charge. Nelson hurries to the reception, as if
nothing were in process, and, as designed, meets the
Hamiltons and Mrs, Cadogan, Within a quarter of an
hour they all sally forth, walk to the shore, and proceed in
Sir William's private boat to the rendezvous. Emma,
quitting her mother and husband, hastens by the palace
postern to the side of her ' adored Queen.' The signal for
the flight has already been made by Count Thurn, Emma
accompanies the royal family to the winding and under-
ground staircase, up which Nelson climbs with pistols and
lanterns to conduct them. They all emerge from the inner
to the outer darkness. The royal family are bestowed by
Hope and Nelson in their barges. The Hamiltons re-enter
their own private boat. In another hour they again meet
on board the Vanguard.
^ Morrison MS. 1046. In the 'King's Memorial' ihe whole episode of the
flight is omitted, although Nelson in his despatches emphasises Emma's great
services on and before the voyage.
FLIGHT 255
Emma's temperament alike and circumstances forbid us
to suppose that, at such an hour, she would allow herself to
stay apart from the Queen. She lived, and had for weeks
been living, on tension. The melodrama of the moment,
the danger, the descent down the cavernous passage, the
lanterns, pistols, and cutlasses, the armed boats, the safe
conduct of her hero, would all appeal to her. It was an
experience unlikely to be repeated, and one that she would
be most unlikely to forgo. Affection and excitement
would both unite in prompting her to persuade Nelson into
permitting her to assist in this thrilling scene. And it
would be equally unlikely that either she or Nelson would
report this episode to England. In any case, the incident
was one more of personal adventure than of necessary help.
What Nelson does single out for the highest commenda-
tion in his despatches, what was published both at home^
and abroad, and universally acknowledged, what Lord
St. Vincent praised with gratitude,- was her signal service
before the voyage and under that awful storm which arose
during it, in which, by every authentic account, she enacted
the true heroine, exerting her energies for every one except
herself, caring for and comforting all, till she was called their
'guardian angel.' 'What a scene,' wrote Sir John Macpherson
to Hamilton, 'you, your Sicilian King, his Queen, Lady
Hamilton, and our noble Nelson have lately gone through !
. . . Lady Hamilton has shown, with honour to you and
herself, the merit of your predilection and selection of so
good a heart and so fine a mind. She is admired here from
the court to the cottage. The King and Prince of Wales
often speak of her.' ^
It was not till seven o'clock on the morning of the
^ Cf. Lady Betty Foster's tribute in her letter to Lady Hamilton of February
8, 1799, Morrison MS. 375 : ' Forgive me if I cannot help availing myself of the
same opportunity to express to you the universal tribute of praise andadwiratioti
which is paid to the very great courage and feeling \\\\\c\\ you have shown on
the late melancholy occasion.'
* In his letter of January 17, 1799, from Rosia House, Gibraltar, he speaks of
her ' magnanimous conduct.' 'The page of history will be greatly enriched by
the introduction of this scene in it.' Cited by Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 1S7.
2 Cf. the excerpt in Sotheby's catalogue for May 17, 1905. Macpherson 's
letter is dated ' London, 24th August 1799.'
356 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
23rd that the Vanguard could weigh anchor. Fresh con-
signments of things left behind were awaited. It was still
hoped that riot might be pacified and disaffection subdued.
Prince Francesco Pignatelli had been commissioned to
reign at Naples during the King's absence, and was nomi-
nated Deputy-Captain-GeneraP — of anarchy. During this
interval of suspense, a deputation of the magistrates came
on board and implored the King to remain among his
people. He was inflexible, and every effort to move him
proved unavailing.^ On the one hand, the Lazzaroni,
incensed against the Jacobins despoiling them of their
King ; on the other, the French Ambassador, smarting
under his formal dismissal procured by Emma's influence,
were each precipitating an upheaval itself, engineered by
French arms and agitators and used by traitorous nobles,
whom both mob and bourgeoisie had grown to detest.
While Maria Carolina's name was now execrated at Naples
by loyalist and disloyalist alike, her misfortunes called
forth sympathy from England, alarmed by the French
excesses, and regarding the Jacobin mercilessness as fasten-
ing on faith, allegiance, and freedom.
Not a murmur escaped the lips of the pig-headed King
or the hysterical Queen, though inwardly both repined.
From the Vanguard, ere it set sail, Maria Carolina wrote
yet another and sadder letter to her daughter. Her* one
consolation ' was that all faithful to their house had been
saved.^
After two days' anxious inaction the Vanguard and
Sanjiite, with about twenty sail of vessels, at last left the
bay in disturbed weather and under a lowering sky.
Among the last visitors was General Mack, at the end
of his hopes, his wits, and his health : ' my heart bled for
him,' wrote Nelson, ' worn to a shadow.''* The next morn-
ing witnessed the worst storm in Nelson's long recollection.
And here Emma approved herself worthy of her hero's
ideal. A splendid sailor, intrepid and energetic, she owned
a physique which, like her muscular arms, she perhaps
inherited from her blacksmith father. So quick had proved
1 ' Vicario-Capitan-Generale.' - Pepe, Memoirs, p, 32.
- Helfert, p. 387. ^ L,z\xghion's Despatches, p. 179.
Lady IIamii.ton as S/iKHNA in thk Boat of Apathy.
from the oil sketch for the picture by G. Roinney.
FLIGHT 257
the eventual decision to fly, such had been the precautions
against attracting notice by any show of preparation, so
many public provisions had been hurried, that the private
had been perforce neglected. Nelson himself thus paints her
conduct on this 'trying occasion.' ' They necessarily came
on board without a bed. . . . Lady Hamilton provided her
own beds, linen, etc., and became their slave ; for except
one man, no person belonging to royalty assisted the royal
family, nor did her Ladyship enter a bed the whole time
they were on board.' ^ Emma's Palermo letter to Greville,
which is very characteristic, will best resume the narrative: —
' We arrived on Christmas day at night, after having been
near lost, a tempest that Lord Nelson had never seen for
thirty years he has been at sea, the like ; all our sails torn
to pieces, and all the men ready with their axes to cut
away the masts. And poor I to attend and keep up the
spirits of the Queen, the Princess Royall, three young
princesses, a baby six weeks old, and 2 young princes
Leopold and Albert ; the last, six years old, my favourite,
taken with convulsion in the midst of the storm, and, at
seven in the evening of Christmas day, expired [szc] in my
arms,^ not a soul to help me, as the few women her Majesty
brought on board ^ were incapable of helping her or the
poor royal children. The King and Prince were below in
the ward room with Castelcicala, Belmonte, Gravina, Acton,
and Sir William, my mother there assisting them, all their
attendants being so frighten'd, and on their knees praying.
The King says my mother is an angel. I have been for
12 nights without once closing my eyes. . . . The gallant
Mack is now at Capua, fighting it out to the last, and,
I believe, coming with the remains of his vile army into
Calabria to protect Sicily, but thank God we have got our
brave Lord Nelson. The King and Queen and the Sicilians
adore, next to worship him, and so they ought ; for we
1 Laughton's Despatches, p. 177.
"^ All this is fully borne out by Nelson's despatch. Other contemporary
accounts give details of the poor little fellow's illness. For a few hours he
rallied ; he never complained, but he refused all nourishment.
^ It should be noted that these, specified in Acton's and Caracciolo's lists, were
not, from the Queen's account to the Empress, with the Queen when the royal
party issued from the palace passage.
R
258 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
shou'd not have had this Island but for his glorious victory.
He is called here Nostro Liberatore, nostra Salvatore. We
have left everything at Naples but the vases and best
pictures.^ 3 houses ^ elegantly furnished, all our horses
and our 6 or 7 carriages, I think is enough for the vile
French. For we cou'd not get our things off, not to betray
the royal family. And, as we were in council, we were
sworn to secrecy. So we are the worst off. All the other
ministers have saved all by staying some days after us.
Nothing can equal the manner we have been received here ;
but dear, dear Naples, we now dare not show our love for
that place ; for this country is je[a]lous of the other. We
cannot at present proffit of our leave of absence, for we
cannot leave the royal family in their distress. Sir William,
however, says that in the Spring we shall leave this, as
Lord St. Vincent has ordered a ship to carry us down to
Gibraltar. God only knows what yet is to become of us.
We are worn out. I am with anxiety and fatigue. Sir
William [h]as had 3 days a bilious attack, but is now well.
. . . The Queen, whom I love better than any person in
the world, is very unwell. We weep together, and now that
is our onely comfort. Sir William and the King are
philosophers ; nothing affects them, thank God, and we are
scolded even for shewing proper sensibility. God bless
you, my dear Sir. Excuse this scrawl,'^
At three in the afternoon of that sad Christmas Day, the
royal standard was hoisted at the head of the Vanguard
in face of Palermo. The tempest-tossed Queen, prostrate
with grief at the death of her little son, refused to go on
shore. The King entered his barge and was received with
loyal acclamations. The Vanguard did not anchor till two
o'clock of the following morning. To spare the feelings
of the bereaved Queen, Nelson accompanied her and the
Princesses privately to the land. Even then she was sur-
rounded by half-enemies. Admiral Caracciolo disguised
his Jacobin sympathies and was already sailing under false
colours. The Neapolitan Captain Bausan, whose skill con-
^ Afterwards forwarded to England, and in part lost by the Colossus.
2 The Embassy, Villa Emma at Posilippo, and the Villino at Caserta.
^ Morrison MS. 370; January 7, 1799.
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FLIGHT 259
tributed to the safety of the ships, and who was again to
pilot the King next year into port, became, in that very
year, himself a suspect and an exile.^
Among the furniture abandoned at the English Embassy
were a beautiful table and cabinet which the grateful Nelson
had ordered from England as mementos for Emma, and
whose classical designs of muses and hovering cupids are
said to have been painted by Angelica Kaufifmann. These
still exist, and are in the present possession of Mr. Sander-
son, the eminent Edinburgh collector, to whose kindness
the writer is indebted for a photograph. It was these, per-
haps, that Nelson sought to recover for Emma in 1804,
but without success.-
The Queen secluded herself in the old palace of Colli.
Save Emma and her own circle, she would receive nobody.
She was overwhelmed with the double weight of her
misfortunes. Her throat, head, and chest were affected ;
the physicians were summoned, but her malady lay beyond
their cure. Not only had she been sorely bereaved, dis-
graced by defeats, and stung by treacheries, but her husband
now began to make her a scapegoat. This, forsooth, was the
fruit of her Anglo-mania — a revolted kingdom, a maddened
though adoring populace, an advancing and arrogant enemy.
Every day the Queen frequented the churches for prayer
and the convents for meditation. Each evening she poured
out her heart to the helpful friend of her choice, whose
sympathy lightened a load else insupportable.^
With some difficulty the Hamiltons, whose permanent
guest Nelson now first became, found a suitable abode not
too distant from the palace, and, as they hoped, nealthier
in situation than most of a then malarious city. But they
all suffered from the bad air, the more so in the reaction of
the change from their Neapolitan home. On Emma now
devolved half the duties of the transferred Embassy. Sir
William waxed peevish and querulous. He bemoaned the
wreck of the Colossus, which had carried his art treasures
1 Pepp, p. 33.
'^ Through Falconet the banker. Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 19.
'•' Cf. especially Eg. MS. 1615, f. 134; and see the note cited by Pettigrew,
vol. i. pp. 187, 188.
CHAPTER X
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE
To August 1799
' Conspiracies are for aristocrats, not for nations,' is a
pregnant apophthegm of Disraeli. Viewed at its full
length and from its inner side, the great Jacobin outburst
at Naples was more of a conspiracy than a revolution, or
even an insurrection.
To appreciate Nelson's part, and Emma's help, in the
much-criticised suppression of the Neapolitan Jacobins
during June, it behoves us to track, however briefly, the
course of that most interesting and singular movement.
This is not the occasion for a minute inquiry ; but four
preliminary considerations must be kept in mind. In the
first place, this revolt differs from all others in that it was
one of the noblesse and bourgeoisie against the whole mass
of the people. In the second, its chief leaders, both men
and women (and it is doubly engrossing from the fact that
women played a great part in it), confessedly took their
lives into their hands. They were quite ready to annihilate
the objects of their loathing, and, therefore, they had small
right to complain when opportunity transferred to them-
selves the doom that they had planned for others. They
proved fully as much tyrants and tormentors as their
sovereign ; and the whole conflict was really one between
two absolutisms, democratic and bureaucratic — a struggle
between extreme systems exhibiting equal symptoms of
the same evil. The ' Civic Guard,' to be erected by the
' Deputies,' persecuted just as Maria Carolina's secret police
had persecuted before. Acton's exactions were to be out-
done by the French Commissary Faypoult's pillage, and
262
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 263
the French General Championnet's ' indemnities.' As for
brutality, it was tripled by the new reign of terror, and
when Championnet compassed the conciliation of the brave
populace, he contrived even to ' brutalise miracles.'^ Again,
the Neapolitan Jacobins were not only oppressors of all
authority, but traitors to the people as well as to the King ;
while at last they openly confederated with the invaders of
their fatherland and of Europe. It was thus that the force and
guile of Napoleon trafficked in the reveries of Rousseau.
It is true, nevertheless, that many of them were inspired
by noble motives and proved conscientious victims. Such
as these lend colour to the redeeming aspect of the move-
ment as a real step in the progress of law to liberty. Some
were lofty idealists, while others, however, dreamed of
realising theories impossible even in Cloud-Cuckoo-land.^
Savants and ignoramuses, philanthropists and cosmopoli-
tans abounded. But the majority were actuated by very
personal motives, and inspired by overweening ambitions.
None of them, not the noblest, were originative. All were
under the spell of France ; the worst, under that of French
gold ; the best, under that of French sentiment. And,
before the close, there were very few even among the least
practical who did not rue the day when they invited self-
interest masquerading as friendship, and opened their gates
and their hearts to the busybodying emissaries of the
Directory. The very name of Faypoult soon became more
odious than the fact of Ferdinand.
Once more, just as the contemporary Jacobins con-
founded licence with freedom, and ascribed to paper consti-
tutions the virtues of native patriotism, so the more modern
Italians have always, and naturally, viewed in the blood
of these martyrs the seed of United Italy. It is a legend
ineradicable from history ; and, after the same manner,
' Dumas, / Borboni di Napoli, vol. ii. pp. 362-368 ; Souvenirs dtt Giniral
Macdonald, p. 72; Croce, Studii Storici, p. 91 ; Nardiiii Mcinoires, p. 128,
and cL post y p. 267. The phrase quoted of Championnet is used by \'ictor Hugo
in Les Misirabks, where he remarks that this General sprang from the gutter.
- One of them — a tailor — propounded a scheme of garden socialism. The
city was to be erased. Nobody was to work. All were to be supported by
a Stale without trade or exchequer ; and life was to be one long, open-air
conversazione.
264 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
William Tell is made by Schiller the prophet of United
Germany. Yet, in the main, a legend it remains. The
' Parthenopean Republic' was a venture purely local, un-
illumined by any vision of broadened or strengthened
nationality. What was not French in its fantasies, was
derived from the models of ancient Rome.^ Nothing was
farther from the aspirations of the Neapolitan Jacobins
from December 1798 up to June 1799, than the ideal of one
confederated commonwealth. Like the Ligurian Republic,
the Neapolitan was the creature of France.- Through
France it rose ; through France it fell. And it is not a
little curious that, some sixty years later, it was to the
third Napoleon once more that many in Italy looked up
for regeneration.
' II merto oppresso, — il nazional mendico,
Carco d'onor e gloria ogni straniero'
had been Eleonora de Fonseca Pimentel's lament to the
King in 1792. By the revival alone of national institutions,
expressing national character, could a natural elasticity be
restored. A theoretic and anti-national uprising actually
deprived Naples of those enlightened schemes by which
in her prime Maria Carolina had sought to renovate her
people. She had cut the claws of the enraged nobles by
abolishing their feudal prerogatives. She had sought to
improve the superstitious Lazzaroni by projects of industry
and education. She had exalted the applauding students
into an aristocracy of talent. But it was as puppets
dancing on her own wires that she had benefited them all.
And the result showed that their real resentment was
against any dependence whatever and any pauperisation.
Whether by democracy or by bureaucracy, they refused to
be transformed. From the feudal baron to the pagan beggar,
each class wished to keep its distinctive flavour, and to
live by its instincts. The * intellectuals' — a small remnant
— were the sole cosmopolitans. They tried to transfigure
^ As may be seen in their newspaper the Monitore, edited by Eleonora
Pimentel. Cf. B. Croce, Studii Storici siilla Revoluzione, p. 60.
2 Cf. A. Franchetti, Revista Storia di Resurgimento Italiano^ Vll., Vlii,: —
' La Relazione diplomatica fra la Corte di Napoli e la Francia.'
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 265
Naples into Utopia, and for that purpose invited a foe that
forsook them. Denationah'sm (or a-nationalism) failed ;
Naples remained Naples still. But the miserable alterna-
tive proved the grinding sway of an avenging tyrant,
bereft by rebellion of his old jollity, and untempered by
the earlier intellectualism of his now fanatical wife.
The Revolution presents the spectacle of characteristic
class-instincts in orgy. It was a protest far more against
Acton's bureaucratic routine, than against monarchy. Its
eruptions were those of its physical surroundings. It was
a Vesuvius, with all its attendants of whirlwind, earth-
quake, and waterspout. The light of heaven was blotted
out from the firmament, molten lava seared the whole social
landscape, and the deeps of unbridled instinct shook in
the tornado.
Prince Pignatelli proved himself little but driftwood
on the deluge. After conceding the Jacobin demands,
he proceeded to gratify the Lazzaroni's. He ended by
evading both, and failing even in his attempted barter of
his country to Championnet. He opened with the usual
paper-constitution. A 'civic guard' was formed, the military
and civil functions were divided, a chamber of 'deputies'^
was constituted. Nominally, the elective system had been
restored. But the first act of the new body was to abolish
their viceroy's own provisions. They decreed that hence-
forward royal power should devolve on two authorities alone
— a chamber of nobles, and themselves, the 'Patriots'; the
really popular element was thus excluded, and the real
power became vested in a ' Venetian Oligarchy.' Pignatelli
was rendered a cipher, and the Lazzaroni, who, strange to
relate, proved themselves the sole realities in a limbo of
phantoms, were furious at their own incapacitation. Pigna-
telli at once burned one hundred and twenty bombardier
boats — a work of needless destruction completed by Com-
modore Campbell, to Nelson's disgust, some few months
later ; Count Thurn — our watchman of a fortnight ago —
blew up two vessels and three frigates. Amid this flare
and detonation were born the calamity and carnage that
1 The 'Sedile' or 'Eletti.'
266 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
succeeded. Alarm was the prelude to violence, and violence
to panic. Before long, the wretched Pignatelli made
abortive advances to the French, and fled to Sicily, where
he was imprisoned, but soon released. Save for the
Lazzaroni, Naples was without authority or governance,
and lay exposed a helpless prey to the common enemy.
Two striking scenes happened within three weeks, and
in that short but crowded period formed the denouements
of two separate acts in the drama. Both of them passed
under the patronage of St. Januarius, whose sanction, as
declared by the Archbishop Zurlo, was always law to
the Lazzaroni. They may serve as landmarks before a
miniature of what led to them is attempted. And it may
be at once said that the recital, based on many Italian
authorities,^ accords with that of a contemporary who cannot
be accused of partiality to the Lazzaroni. The future General
Pepe was then a stripling of revolutionary enthusiasm, and
one of the first recruits in the new and transitory 'civic guard.'
On the night of January 15 a strange sight might have
been viewed in the cathedral. The proud and brave Prince
Moliterno, among the few distinguished in the late humiliat-
ing campaign, and just chosen by the Lazzaroni as their
chief, wended his way, barefooted, with bowed head and in
penitential tatters, towards the glimmering altar, and on
his knees besought leave of the venerable archbishop to
harangue the people. In that procession of St. Januarius
this grandee was the humblest and perhaps the saddest.
The French general was already encamped before Capua.
Moliterno rallied the Lazzaroni and assured them that he
would lead them victorious against the foe. Four days after-
wards they were betrayed to the patriots.
Only a week later,^ and yet another and even stranger
1 Cf. inter alia Colletta's chronicle, Vincenzo Coco's and Nardini's con-
temporary accounts, with other Neapolitan narratives ; Sacchinelli's Saggio,
Helfert's Fabrizio Ruffo, Dumas' / Borboni di Napoli, and Benedetto Croce's
Eleanora Fonseca di Pitnentel. The less valuable treatises on the Queen and
Lady Hamilton, both by R. Palumbo and by A. Amabile, should also be consulted,
if only for comparison.
" The date is given by Pepe as January 24 ; but it is clear from Croce's
excellent note embodying the contemporary authorities (Siudii Storici, I799»
p. 89) that the event occurred on January 22.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 267
tableau happened in the same spot, for St. Januarius haunts
the Neapolitan Revolution. A second solemn procession
was formed, but by this time Championnet and his French
troops had advanced to Naples. During the morning he
had addressed the assembled people in the stately hall of
San Lorenzo. His speech had been a string of fairweather
promises, not one of which was kept. In the evening he
steps cathedralward on one side of the archbishop, the clever
general Macdonald and the mocking French commissary
Abrial, on the other. The prelate holds aloft the sacred relics
and the miraculous ewer. Priests, nobles, ' patriots," and a
vast throng of Lazzaroni march in his wake. Suddenly a
halt is called. The fate of Naples trembles in the balance.
All depends on whether the blood of the saint shall
announce by its liquefaction to his believers that Heaven
favours the French Republic. Archbishop Zurlo raises the
crystal basin. The saint's blood is obdurate, and still
monarchical. Macdonald holds a concealed but significant
pistol. Championnet whispers, ' Your miracle or your life ! '
The terrorised ecclesiastic announces the prodigy to the
crowd. St. Januarius, then, is a democrat. The Laz-
zaroni shout in their thousands, 'Long live St. Januarius!
long live his republic ! ' The trick is palmed off success-
fully on the credulous populace, and Championnet with
Macdonald returns chuckling to St. Elmo.^ But miracle or
no miracle, the end of this coarse jugglery was civil war.
The two intervals must now be briefly supplied.
On January 2 Pignatelli, under the sinister counsel of one
Piazza,'-^ had already negotiated secretly with the enemy,
by this time in possession of the chief provincial fortresses,
as the 'patriots' were of the Neapolitan. The Lazzaroni,
however, were staunch and unbribable, so that the French
commissaries despatched next day by General Championnet
were forced to return to Capua. The whole first episode is
the triumph of the Lazzaroni. Reinforcements, under General
Naselli, reached them from Palermo, and they attacked the
1 Cf. the many authorities cited by Henedetto Croce in his Sludii Stoici,
pp. 91-93.
2 Cf. Ferdinand's instructions to Ruffo as to discriminating between the
classes of Jacobin ofTenders, cited by Dumas, I Borboni di Napoli, vol. v. p.
239. — ' Piazza, who robbed Pignatelli ol his vicariate.'
268 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
quailing 'civic guard,' composed mainly of ' intellectuals '
and professionals. They seized the ' patriots' ' arms, the
troops and the castles surrendered to them ; they opened
the prisons and the galleys. They dismayed the 'patriots,'
while the town shuddered under the licence of their
patrols. On the whole, however, their moderation at first
was extraordinary. Pepe, himself their captive, bears it
especial witness in recounting how they disdained the
money offered by his relations and released him unharmed.
The Lazzaroni adored Prince Moliterno and his colleague
in leadership, the Duke of Roccomana.^ They would gladly
have died for these, as for the Duke of della Torre and
Clemente Filomarino, their associate. But when they dis-
covered that the leading magnates were already treating
with the national foe and conspiring to yield General
Championnet and his French troops admittance, their wrath
knew no bounds. It was fanned by the priests, who voci-
ferated against the Neapolitan foes of Naples from their
pulpits. Even Moliterno and Roccomana were now sus-
pected by their mob-followers of Jacobinism. In an access
of mad resentment the Lazzaroni fired the Duke della
Torre's palace, piled and burned its treasures, and dragged
forth both him and the luckless Clemente Filomarino, to be
roasted alive on the pyre. These atrocities culminated in
the first scene that has just been described.
The Lazzaroni's suspicions were well founded. On
January 19, their hitherto trusted Roccomana himself
betrayed them. By complot with the ' patriots ' he entered
the fort of St. Elmo, and won over its commandant to his
stratagem. The Lazzaroni garrison were sent out of their
quarters, ostensibly to buy provisions for the approaching
siege. On their return they were suddenly disarmed. The
tricolor standard was hoisted as a signal to Championnet,
encamped with his legions in the ' Largo della Pigna.'
By Pepe's own confession, the Lazzaroni, deserted and
defrauded, evinced a 'marvellous intrepidity.' Against
desperate odds they stood their ground. Only a fortnight
before, they had seen of what poor stuff the ' civic guard '
' One of the Caracciolos. His brother, Nicolo Caracciolo, was Lazzaroni-
Commandant of St. Elmo.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 269
had been made. But sturdier ' patriots ' than weak-kneed
students now garrisoned St. Elmo. Overwhelming numbers
soon closed the conflict.
Meanwhile Championnet had waved his flag of truce in
response to the three-coloured ensign, and while the Laz-
zaroni hung back tricked and abashed, he entered the city.
He at once made ' an affectionate discourse.' Everybody
was promised everything: he had come for all their goods.
The 'patriots' loved the people, and to himself both they
and the Lazzaroni were brothers more in hearts than in
arms. He was there to emancipate them all ; a golden age
was at hand. His army was not French but Neapolitan.
The Lazzaroni, gullible and volatile, believed him and
cheered ; mob fury was allayed. 'God save San Gennaro!'
burst from every lip. ' God save San Gennaro ! ' reiterated
Championnet and Macdonald. Refore a day had passed
they should see a sign from their saint. And then followed
the solemn juggle of our second act. Relics were very
helpful to the Directory, and for a moment those who had
panted to exterminate the French welcomed them as
brothers under the celestial portent. The ' Parthenopean
Republic ' was proclaimed. The poets burst into song, the
pamphleteers into doctrine, the journalists into execration
of monarchy and eulogies of Reason and the Millennium.
The printing-presses could hardly cope with the demand,
and their muse — the tenth muse ' Ephemera ' — was the fair
Eleonora Fonseca di Pimentel,^ who had been allowed to re-
publicanise unmolested, and was now editress of the new and
ebullient Monitore. Its amenities did not compliment the
self-exiled court at Palermo. Of Nelson and the Hamiltons
as yet there was no abuse. But Ferdinand was called a
'debased despot,' a 'caitiff" fugitive,' a 'dense imbecile,' and
a 'stupid tyrant,' while, so far, Carolina fared better as 'that
Amazon, his wife.' It was not long before the middle-class
phase of the movement retaliated on the notables even
more violently than on the sovereign. ' Duke' was derived
from coachman (' a ducendo '), 'Count' from lackey ('a comi-
tando') ; epithets were actually changing the nature of things.
' Even in December of the previous year the Portuguese ambassador at Naples
had reported her as 'impudent.'
270 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
But Championnet's deeds were to refute his words. A
few days of paper systems ^ were the parenthesis between
a spurious peace and a civil war.
A bad harvest served Championnet as excuse for dis-
persing the Lazzaroni to their homesteads ; a bare treasury
soon caused him to levy toll, A general insurrection ensued
in the provinces, repressed by a fresh ' National Guard '
wearing the cockade and commanded by the once loyalist
Count Ruvo. The cloven hoof of French ' emancipa-
tion ' soon discovered itself. The Directory acquainted
Championnet that, since 'right of conquest' had prevailed,
the vanquished must pay for the luxury of defeat. Com-
missary-General Faypoult was already on his road from
Paris as collector of taxes by special appointment. His
orders were to expropriate even the palaces and museums,
to loot the very treasures of Pompeii. The General himself
kicked at such exactions. He protested — and was recalled
to Paris. General Macdonald, who, as creature of the
Directory, had perhaps anticipated his own advantage,
promptly stepped into his shoes. The Directory forwarded
more ' commissaries,' with orders from the * patriotic
associations ' to pillage the provinces and to ' dictate Re-
publican laws.' The French troops dared not linger too
long at Naples, and eventually their whole garrison only
amounted to two thousand five hundred.- But their brief
sojourn was long enough to denude the city. They were
billeted in Sir William's houses, among the rest, and did
infinite damage to his treasures. Emma — his ' Grecian,' as
her husband delighted to call her — rued the vandalism
which now terrorised the town.
The lack of the Parthenopean Republic was an organised
army with a capable leader. Calabria and Apulia were at
this very moment overrun by Corsican adventurers, one of
whom assumed the title of Prince Francis, and pretended
that he was the lawful heir to the throne.
1 'Committees of authorities' were constituted — 'interior,' 'exterior,' and
'central.' Departments of Justice, Police, Fixiance, and Legislature were set
up in a twinkling.
- Morrison MS. 381, Sir W. Hamilton to C. Greville, Palermo, April 8,
1799. The 'civic Jacobins 'amounted to 20,000. The Lazzaroni were still
undivided in loyalty.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 271
It was at this juncture that the King designated Cardinal
Ruffo his Vicar-General in place of Pignatelli, the absconder,
and invested him with supreme military command, although,
at the same time, he emphatically bound him not to exceed
a suppression of the rising, without previous consultation
with his master ; nor was he on any account at any time
to treat with the rebels.^
It should be particularly noted at this his first intro-
duction on to our scene, that neither Lady Hamilton nor
Nelson ever believed in his straightforwardness ;2 and his
duplicity in June was amply to justify their discernment.
This singular priest-militant, whose rugged hardihood
concealed astute subtlety,^ and who was at once Legate and
Lazzarone, landed on the Calabrian coast to proclaim ' a
holy cause.' He was the royal Robin Hood, while his
Friar Tuck was the Sicilian brigand, Fra Diavolo. His
cardinalate alienated from the ' patriot' cause many of the
priests, who by this time had joined hands with the in-
surgents ; for they could never forget how the Queen had
once withstood the Pope. The raising of his standard, and
the co-operation of the Russian and Turkish frigates from
Corfu, soon forced the French into an active provincial cam-
paign. The Bourbonites had secured the fastness of Andia.
The French stormed and took it. Their maltreatment of
young girls had rendered them abominable even in the eyes
of their better ' patriot ' allies, one of whom on this
occasion, Prince Carafa, heading the 'Neapolitan legion,'
chivalrously rescued a girl victim from their brutality. A
long sequel of sickening butcheries on both sides followed.
1 Between April and June Ruffo received constant and binding instructions
from both the King and the Queen. He was to use great discrimination ; he
was to ' stamp out the noxious herbs which are poisoning the others.' He was
on no account to treat with the rebels, and he was to remember the Lazzaroni's
proverb, ' Sticks and cakes make good children.' Cf. the documents quoted by
Gutteridge in his excellent Nelson and the Neapolitan Jacobins, App. pp. 40-45, and
especially the Queen's letter to Ruffo of May 23 {Neapolitan Archives, v. 266 ;
Dumas, v. 168) : ' The King must, as a Christian and the father of his people,
pardon his infamous, wicked and ungrateful subjects, on whom he h.is bestowed
so many benefits, but he must not enter into a bargain or armistice,' etc.
2 Cf. Add. MS. 34,912, ff. 3, 4.
^ Nelson called him 'a swelled-up, well-fed priest.' Fabrizio Ruffo was born
in 1744, and lived till 1827. His cardinalate dated only from 1794.
272 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
The French and the ' patriots ' shot down even old women.
Rufifo and his savage bandits gave no quarter; yet they
were welcomed as deliverers from rapine and murder. One
by one the hill-strongholds, that France had taken, were
seized by Rufifo for the King. By June the Republic had
become limited afresh to Naples, and 'patriot' Naples
itself smarted under the greedy despotism of 'commissary'
Abrial, who now reigned in Macdonald's shoes, and
chastised them with scorpions where the others had chas-
tised them with whips.
The Royalist counter-stroke, with Ruffo for instrument
and a new 'extraordinary' tribunal as executive,^ was long
kept a profound secret by the council, but it was divulged
to the Jacobins through a remarkable woman — Luisa
Molines Sanfelice. She and her cousin-husband had long
before been implicated in treason, banished, and at length
pardoned. They were now living under the royal aegis in
retirement ; but an unhappy passion for an Italianised
Englishman, Baccher (Baker), involved the wife once more
in sedition. To him she betrayed the King's commission,
and he in his turn handed the secret on to Vincenzo Coco,
the Jacobin historian and renegade who afterwards attached
himself to the Bourbons. ' Cherchez lafenime,' indeed, is an
adage exemplified throughout a rebellion abounding in 'the
rage of the vulture, the love of the turtle ' —
' Oh wild as the accents of lovers' farewell.
Are the hearts which they bear, and the tales which they tell.'
In September 1800 this Luisa, well surnamed 'the
hapless,' was to be respited by the Queen's compassion on
the eve of her death-sentence. The King, however, in
defiance both of his wife and of the amnesty which he had
then solemnly proclaimed, refused to commute the sentence.
Except for Ruffo's commission, we have been too long
absent from Palermo.
Nelson's first thoughts were for Egypt, and Malta,^ the
1 'A few selected and safe public servants 'to try 'the most guilty.' Cf
Gulteridge, pp. I33-35-
2 Cf. his letters on this question to Acton quoted by Gutteridge in his Nelson
and the Neapolitan Jacobins (App. Nos. vi., X., xn., xxi., xxiv.), from the
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 273
Neapolitan succours for which continued most unsatisfactory.
Now, as a few months later, his endeavour was ' so to
divide ' his * forces, that a/i' might ' have security.' ^ To Ball,
with characteristic generosity, he entrusted the Maltese
opportunities of distinction. He was still uneasy and un-
well ; and he was deeply dispirited, after his recent
strain, at the home-slight offered him by the appoint-
ment of Sidney Smith to a superior command, with
Lord Grenville's orders for his obedience, though on this
point Lord Spencer soon reassured him. His stepson's
ill-behaviour, though he excused it to his wife, proved a fresh
source of annoyance. His Fanny, too, began to wonder at
his neglect of home affairs. ' If I have the happiness,' he
answered, ' of seeing their Sicilian Majesties safe on the
throne again, it is probable I shall still be home in the
summer. Good Sir William, Lady Hamilton and myself
are the mainsprings of the machine which manages what is
going on in this country. We are all bound to England,
when we can quit our posts with propriety.' - The ' we '
and the ' all ' must have set her wondering the more.
The freedom of Palermo, among other honours, was
conferred on him in March, but the unfolding tragedy of
Naples added to his general discouragement. He was
preoccupied in many directions. The establishment of
(in his own phrase) ' the Vesuvian Republic,' Pignatelli's
armistice with the French, ' in which the name of the King
was not mentioned,' the surrender of Leghorn to the French,
boding a Tuscan revolution, incensed him as much as it
did the royal family.^ Sicily, he thought, would soon be
Stale Archives of Naples. Nelson deprecated the interference of Russia. His
opinion that, under the then conditions, Malta was chiefly important because
the French must never have it, and that Sardinia was a far better strategical
station for Britain, is familiar. While vigilant over Malta, and attending to
Minorca, his chief care was to prevent the French fleet from reaching any port
in the dominion of the two Sicilies. Cf. the new letter to Sir James Si. Clair
Erskine, of July 23, 1799, excerpted in the Appendix, Part ll. E. (i).
' Cf. the new and important letter to Sir James St. Clair Erskine of August
2, 1799, excerpted in Sotheby's catalogue for July 8, 1905, and given in the
Appendix, Part 11. E. (2). - Laughlon's Despatches, pp. 180-81.
' Cf. the Queen's letter to Emma of January 19, beginning, ' I am more dead
than alive,' ciled by Pcttigicw, vol. i. p. 201 ; and Add. MS. 34,710, f. 16,
Nelson to their excellencies Sir W. S. and J. Smith, Palermo, .\pril 1799.
S
274 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
endangered. The French successes at Capua, their in-
stallation at Naples, so affected him, that he offered to
vindicate the royal honour himself.^ ' I am ready,' he
wrote in mid-March, ' to assist in the enterprise. I only
wish to die in the cause.' ' Jacobinism/ he repeated, was
' terrorism.' - The agreeable surprise of General Sir Charles
Stuart's arrival in Sicily with a thousand troops, that
secured Messina against invasion, relieved and elated both
him and the court. He even believed — for his wishes ever
fathered his thoughts — that these might expel the French
from Naples.
France, indeed, was on his nerves and brain. So soon
as he learned that the hero of Acre had given passports
freeing the remnant of the French fleet off Syria and
Egypt, he was beside himself: at any moment a new
squadron might effect a junction with the Spanish frigates
and bear down on the two Sicilies. By the close of
March he had already despatched the truculent and some-
times ferocious Troubridge to Procida for the blockade of
Naples. Much was hoped, too, from the co-operation of
the Russian and Turkish fleets. It was quite possible,
even now, that Britain might restore the Neapolitan
monarch to his people.^ And in the meantime, with eyes
alert to ensure preparedness in every direction, he mediated
with the Bey of Tunis and freed Mohammedan slaves.
Nor below this tide of varying emotions is an under-
current lacking of inward conflict. In his own heart a
miniature revolution was also in process. The spell of
Lady Hamilton was over him, and he struggled against the
devious promptings of his heart. To protect Naples and
Sicily against France had been the declared policy of his
Government ; to exterminate French predominance was
his own chief ambition ; he chafed against the survival of
a single ship. *I knowl he was soon to write, 'it is His
Majesty's pleasure that I should pay such attention to the
safety of His Sicilian Majesty and his kingdom that nothing
shall induce me to risk those objects of my special
^ Pettigrew, vol. i. pp. 220-23.
^ Cf. Gutteridge, App. Nos. xvii., xxi., March 12 and May 8.
' Morrison MS. 384, April 28, 1799.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 275
care.'^ Every public motive riveted him to the spot where fas-
cination lured and tempted. It is a mistake to imagine that
Emma held him from duty ; all his duties were performed,
and to her last moment she protested to those most in his
confidence, and best able to refute her if she erred, that her
influence never tried to detain him.- It was duty" that
actuated him — duty, it is true, that jumped with inclination,
and fatally fastened him to her side. Such was his health,
that he had desired to quit the Mediterranean altogether.*
Away from the Mediterranean coasts, he could have steeled
himself at any rate to absence, if not to forgetfulness. In the
very centre of the seaboard that embodied the true interests
of his country, and to which his instructions tied him, he
was in hourly neighbourhood of his idol. She interpreted,^
translated, cheered, and companioned him. She contrasted
with the soullessness of his wife. She was often his as well
as her husband's amanuensis.^ She drank in every word of
patriotic fervour, and redoubled it. Her courage spoke to
his ; so did her compassion and energy. Together they
received the Maltese deputies. Together they listened, in
disguise,^ to the talk of Sicilian taverns. Together they
1 Cf. his letter to Sir James Erskine of July 23, 1799, otherwise excerpted in
Appendix, Part 11. E. (2).
- Cf. her remarkable new letter to Dr. Scott of September 7, 1S06, tran-
scribed in the Appendix, Part 11. C. (3) b.
^ How little Nelson at this time was neglecting his duties is shown by his
despatches to Lord St. Vincent of May 12. Cf. Laughton, p. 192. 'My
reason,' he wrote on May 25, ' for remaining in Sicily, is the covering of the
blockade of Naples, and the certainty of preserving Sicily in case of an attack.
I intend to continue the Malta blockade unless Ball has not surrendered it,' or
'the poor islanders themselves.' — Laughton's Despatches, p. 195.
^ Cf. Hamilton's letter to Grevillc of January 25, 1800, Morrison MS. 444.
' Without me Lord Nelson would not stay here, and without Lord Nelson Their
Sicilian Majesties would think themselves undone.'
^ Cf. Morrison MS. 3S4, Hamilton to Greville, Palermo, April 28, 1799.
' Lord Nelson, for want of language and experiences of this court and country,
without Emma and me would be at the greatest loss every moment.'
• Cf. Morrison MS. 376, February 9, 1799, Nelson to Ball, where Emma
herself adds the postscript, ' I have only time to say, my dear friend, that Sir
William and I shall be most happy to sec you. Make haist. Do, or else enirc
nous. Fate will carry me down. I cannot enter now into the false politics of
this country. A ora, ever yours.'
' It was said that she dressed up as a midshipman for these expeditions, and
I am told that a portrait of her in this attire exists.
276 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
also went on errands of mercy.^ From the Queen she
carried him perpetual information and praise. Through
her and her husband he was able to work on Acton. Every
British officer that landed with advices or despatches, every
friendly though foreign crew, was welcomed at the table
over which Emma presided. No veriest trifle that could
assist them ever escaped her. Indeed, her lavish hospi-
tality- and the noisy heartiness of the coming and going
guests oppressed the Ambassador, who sighed on the eve
of superannuation for home and quiet, for the excitements
of Christie's, and the fisherman's tranquil diplomacy. It
was not the toils of the huntress that ensnared Nelson. It
was Britain that demanded his vigilance and enchained him
here; while for him, more and more, Britain's 'guardian
angel ' was becoming Emma.
Imploring Sir Alexander Ball in February to return
from Malta, she had avowed a foreboding that ' Fate ' might
' carry ' her ' down.' ^
A great shock had been followed by a great fear. The
main body of the French army had gone, but the Neapol-
itan rebellion, if the French fleet managed to reach and
rally it, might still engulf them all. Gallo was again
playing the King off against the Queen. Who knew
what might happen in this conspiracy of gods and men ?
And when she presaged some fatality, may she not also
have pondered whither she herself was now drifting?
The doom of Paolo and Francesca may well have been
within the range of her Italian reading. To the com-
plexity of her feelings I shall revert when I come to the
events of a month afterwards. Only two years later she
and Nelson were thus to poeticise the affection that was
now ripening : —
^ Cf. especially the case of the poor old blind septuagenarian implicated in
conspiracy, but pardoned through Emma's influence : see Nelson's letter to
Acton, given by Gutteridge among his documents, No. xiv. ; and a further
instance, where Nelson says 'our hearts bleed,' cf. ibid. xill.
- Cf. Lord St. Vincent's letter of thanks to her regarding Lock's aristocratic
wife and others, and Lady Betty Foster's, Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 205 ; from
Captains Ball and Dixon, and Commodore Coffin, together with others, ibid.
pp. 209, 210.
•* Morrison MS. 376, alrcaviy cited on the preceding page.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 277
Lord Nelson to his Guardian Angel.
' From my best cable tho' I 'm forced to part,
I leave my anchor in my Angel's heart.
Love, like a pilot, shall the pledge defend,
And for a prong his happiest quiver lend.'
Answer of Lord Nelson's Guardian Angel
' Go where you list, each thought of Emma's soul
Shall follow you from Indus to the Pole :
East, West, North, South, our minds shall never part ;
Your Angel's loadstone shall be Nelson's heart.
Fare7uell! and o'er the wide, wide sea
Bright glory's course pursue,
And adverse winds to love and me
Prove fair to fame and you.
And when the dreaded hour of battle's nigh,
Your Angel's heart, which trembles at a sigh.
By your superior danger bolder grown,
Shall dauntless place itself before your own.
Happy, thrice happy, should her fond heart prove —
A shield to Valour, Constancy, and Love! '
But a fresh influence was also, may be, about to steal into
her being. To the pinch of adversity and her misgivings
for the Queen she loved, was now being added the stress of
a passion half realised but hard to resist. She would not
have been the emotional woman that she was, if in some
shape, however dimly, religion as consoler had not whis-
pered in the recesses of her heart. Hitherto among her
immediate surroundings only Nelson could have been
called really religious. He was a strong Protestant. But
as she beheld the Queen comforted by an older ritual
and a communion less severe, it may have crossed her
mind that the ceremonies which she had mocked as supersti-
tions held in them some rare power of healing. Southern
religion thrives on its adopted and hybrid forms, as to
this day is attested by Sicilian peasants hugging the image
of their swarthy saint ; Sicilian reapers chanting their
weird litany to the sinking sun ; Sicilian farmers meting
out their harvested grain by their image of the rosaried
* A facsimile of these verses of April 1801 is given l)y I'eltigrew, vol. ii. p. 17.
278 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Madonna. There was at this time at Palermo an Abb6
Campbell, who had followed the fugitives thitherward.^
Twelve years before, he had been chaplain to the Neapolitan
Embassy in London, and is said to have been the priest
who secretly united the future George IV. to Mrs. Fitzher-
bert. He was a genial soul, in the world but not wholly of
it, musical and romantic. He remained constant to Emma
throughout her chequered fortunes, and in future years he
often crosses her path again and Nelson's.^ One may
guess that through him first arose those promptings that
eventually made Emma a proselyte to the faith that,
perhaps above others, openly welcomes the strayed and
the fallen.
Troubridge girded to his work as Jacobin-killer in grim
earnest. The Governor of Procida,^ its peasants and
Ischia's, were loyal to the core. The English sailor was
acclaimed by the people as a deliverer from a faction ; and
he was not over-squeamish in his task of quelling what
Lord Bristol termed to Hamilton ' that gang of thieves,
pickpockets, highwaymen, cut-throats and cut-purses called
the French Republic.''* ' Oh ! ' wrote Troubridge to Nelson,
' how I long to have a dash at the thieves.' And again,
' The villainy we must combat is great indeed. I have just
flogged a rascal for loading bread with sand. The loaf was
hung round his neck in sight of the people.' The * trials '
of rebels he admits to be ' curious,' as the culprits were fre-
quently ' not present.' He actually apologised to Nelson,
on the score of hot weather, for not sending him a Jacobin's
head ; with charming pleasantry he calls the donor ' a jolly
fellow.' The ' rascally nobles, tired of standing as common
sentinels,' confessed that sheer discomfort had loyalised
them.** Even here Lady Hamilton's energy was conspicuous.
Through Nelson she communicated constant advice con-
cerning the measures to be taken and the characters of the
^ Cf. Emma's letter to Greville of February 1800, Nelson Letters ^ vol. i. p. 200.
- Cf. several later letters in the Morrison MS., one of them not long before
the close. Nelson also mentions him to Emma when he was once more at
Naples in 1803-4.
^ Don Michel de Curtis. "• Morrison MS. 383.
* Cf. Troubridge's despatch to Nelson of April 25, 1799.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 279
inhabitants.^ She had actually and with difficulty forwarded
the King's instructions to Pignatelli. The bearer, Trou-
bridge's servant, was loaded by this pardoned turncoat with
irons, and Troubridge naturally exclaimed that when the
King's turn came there would be heavy scores to settle.^ He
was 'mad' at the infamous conduct of the officers despatched
to him by the King. They were doubtless sympathisers
with the rebels, and they were court-martialled accordingly.^
But the most important statement of his despatches to
Nelson relates to Caracciolo, who had been obsequious and
fawning at Palermo, and had therefore been trusted to return
home as a reorganiser of the navy. ' I am now satisfied,'
declares Troubridge, 'that he is a Jacobin. He came in the
gunboat to Castellamare himself and spirited up the Jacobins.'
By April 12 Troubridge had reduced the Neapolitan islands.
Prospects at last looked brighter. Ruffo had nearly sub-
dued the provinces, and the Austrians at length,* in formal
alliance with Naples, Russia, and the Porte, had rejoiced the
Queen by their victory at Padua. It was commemorated
by a salute from the British fleet. The Bishop of Derry —
now at Augsburg — communicated the news to Emma in
an amusing letter, which opens with her own favourite
'Hip, hip, hip, huzza, huzza, huzza !'^ Ball was now
pushing forward the Maltese operations, while Duckworth
had been active near the Balearic islands. On every
point of the Mediterranean compass Nelson kept his watch-
ful eye. But for him the Mediterranean was mainly a
theatre for the as yet invisible French frigates. The spectre
of that squadron haunted him by night and day ; he han-
kered after the moment when he could re-attack it. It was
for him what Godoiphin was for Charles the Second — never
in and never out of the way.
Early in May, Espoir, a private messenger, brought
Nelson the glad tidings that on April 28 the French fleet
had at length quitted Brest, He at once concerted plans
' Laughton's Despatches^ p. 193. Cf. the letters cited by Pettigrew, vol. i.
pp. 210-15.
^ Laughton's Despatches, p. 194.
' Nelson agreed. He called the Admiral Vauch 'that hog.' Cf. Gutteridge.
■• May 19. ^ Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 215.
28o EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
with Lord St. Vincent, Troubridge, and Duckworth. It was
said to consist at most of nineteen ships and ten frigates or
sloops. Its destination was unknown. By May its junction
with the ships of Spain had been notified.^
Nelson made sure that the two Sicilies were intended, and
that France still hoped by one decisive stroke to end at once
monarchy and independence. He pressed Lord St. Vincent
on no account to remove him from the impending action,
wherever it might take place. He feared that St. Vincent's
failing health, which necessitated his resignation, might
help the French to elude the commander's vigilance. In
the end, elude it they did.
He resolved to cruise off Maritimo as the likeliest
point of sight, and on May 12 he was on board the Va7i-
guard. But contrary winds intervened, and kept him
waiting for Duckworth's vessels till the 20th, to his keen
vexation. His absence heightened the attachment with
which he had inspired the Hamiltons. ' I can assure you,"
wrote Hamilton amid the festivities that even at such a
moment celebrated the birth of a son to the Imperial House
of Austria, ' I can assure you that neither Emma nor I knew
how much we loved you until this separation, and we are
convinced your Lordship feels the same as we do.'^ And on
other occasions Sir William writes to Nelson most intimately
and admiringly, dating one of his letters ' near winding-up-
watch hour.' ^ Two of his three remaining letters to Emma,
before he started, open a little window both on to the
interior of the Hamiltons' manage and of his own heart. On
the 1 2th he writes : —
' My dear Lady Hamilton, — Nobody writes so well.
Accept my sincere thanks for your kind letter. Pray, say
not you write ill ; for if you do, I will say what your good-
ness sometimes told me — "You lie!"^ I can read and
^ Laughton's Despatches^ p. 192.
2 Hamilton to Acton, May 27, 1799, transcribed in Rose's Diaries and
Correspondence, vol. i. p. 224.
^ Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. ii. pp. 192-96.
* With this token of their present intimacy should be compared another, though
slightly later, stray expression on the lips, this time, of Nelson, to be found in
the Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 19 — ' Lady Hamilton put the candlestick on my
writing-table.'
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 281
perfectly understand every word you write. We drank your
and Sir William's health. Troubridge, Louis, Hallowell
and the new Portuguese captain dined here. I shall soon
be at Palermo, for this business must very soon be settled.
. . . I am pleased with little Mary : ^ kiss her for me. I
thank all the house for their regard. God bless you all ! I
shall send on shore if fine to-morrow ; for the feluccas are
going to leave us, and I am sea-sick. I have got the piece
of wood for the tea-chest : it shall soon be sent. Pray, pre-
sent my humble duty and gratitude to the Queen.'
On the 19th —
* To tell you how dreary and uncomfortable the Vanguard
appears, is only telling you what it is to go from the plea-
santest society to a solitary cell, or from the dearest friends
to no friends. I am now perfectly the great man — not a
creature near me. From my heart I wish myself the little
man again ! You and good Sir William have spoiled me
for any place but with you. I love Mrs. Cadogan. You
cannot conceive what I feel when I call you all to my
remembrance, even to Mira,^ do not forget your faithful and
affectionate, Nelson.'^
Indeed, all these days he was in constant correspondence
with the Hamiltons.'* On May 25, so great was his admira-
tion for them, that he drew up his first codicil— a precursor
of many to come — in their favour. To Emma he bequeathed
'the nearly round box' set with diamonds, the gift of the
Sultan's mother ; to her husband fifty guineas for a
memorial ring.^ For his risks were now great ; he carried
his life in his hands. The French contingent should still be
found : his efforts were bent on more ships, that success
might be assured when the clash of arms must recur.
Up to May 28, when he again landed at Palermo, he was
.still without sight, without result, though not wholly without
effect. He resolved to withdraw some ships from Malta
and concentrate his whole forces. On June 8, as Rear-
Admiral of the Red, he had shifted from the Vanguard to the
^ Probably one of Grafer's daughters ; another was Emma's namesake. Sir
William and Emma harboured a tribe of dependants in their house.
- A servant, ^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. pp. 7-10.
* Cf. Morrison MS. 3S6-395. ^ Ibid. 391.
282 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Foudroyant. By June 12 he heard of Lord St. Vincent's in-
tention to return home, and his replacement by Lord Keith,
with genuine distress. ' If you are sick/ he wrote to him,
' I will fag for you, and our dear Lady Hamilton will nurse
you with the most affectionate attention. Good Sir William
will make you laugh with his wit and inexhaustible
pleasantry. . . . Come then to your sincere friends.'^
Still not a glimpse of the French fleet. But large issues
were pending. The very day before the date of this invita-
tion to his commander, the Queen herself addressed to him
a pleading letter. The state of Naples, the uncertainty as
to the enemy's movements, had decided her on a definite
plan. An expedition, forestalling the arrival of the Gallic
squadron, might strike a bloodless blow. The bloodshed
even of her enemies was far, she urged, from her thoughts.
The heir-apparent, as representative of his family, would
accompany him and chafe the embers of Neapolitan loyalty
into a blaze. 'Other duties' obliged her to remain at
Palermo. He would earn the ' sincere and profound grati-
tude' of his 'devoted friend.'- At the same time — and
this is the key to after events — Ferdinand himself con-
ferred on him the fullest powers. In every sense of the
word he was to be his plenipotentiary.^ Already a month
before, Nelson had despatched Foote with a commission to
reduce the mainland, as Troubridge had reduced the islands.
Foote, Thurn, and Governor Curtis had already issued their
proclamation of a Neapolitan blockade, and had bidden
the insurgents take advantage of clemency while there was
yet time.* Had they only complied, a chapter of misery
would have been avoided ; but, divided as they were, they
still trusted to the invisible French fleet. Short shrift was to
be granted to rebels and traitors. Only the misguided and
the innocent were to be spared. Already Foote reported
that thirteen Jacobins had been hung. The Queen poured
out her renewed hopes and prayers to Lady Hamilton.
Emma was all devotion and excitement, yet misgivings
1 Cited Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 227.
- Cited ibid., p. 229, and cf. Eg. MS. 1616, f. 23.
* Nicolas' Despatches, iii. pp. 491 et seq. Gutteridge, p. 62.
* Add. MS. 34,911, f. 267.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 283
blent with her hopes. Who could foretell the issues?
After all, the moment must decide. And who could
foresee her own part in this great struggle ? Out of
a narrow room she had been lifted into the spheres.
Even as she pondered, Greville — Greville of the suburban
'retreat' — was writing to her husband that the eyes of
Europe were now fixed on Italy. He had already been
trumpeting her own achievements to the Prince of Wales :
' Many and all' admired her much; she had been ' instru-
mental in good.' ' Tell Lady Hamilton,' was his message,
' with my kindest remembrances, that all her friends love
her more than ever, and those who did not know her
admire her.'^ Greville, then, had at length learned to
know her worth. His * crystals' would hardly have weighed
in the scale if, thirteen years ago, his appraisement had
been one of insight.
Nelson responded to the Queen with all his heart. His
zeal quickened with uncertainty. Lady Hamilton was the
Queen's friend, and Lady Hamilton's friends were his.
Maria Carolina was * a great woman,' and greatness was
his affinity. He thought in dominants — the predominance
of his country ; and Naples loyalised would signify France
quelled. Ruffo was fast advancing from the provinces
against the forsworn city. The Neapolitan Jacobins were
on tenterhooks for even an inkling of the French squadron,
their deliverer. What Nelson dreaded was that the Franco-
Hispanian force might be joined by ships from Toulon. In
that event he would be fighting against heavy odds ; and
his ' principle,' as he afterwards assured Lord Spencer, ' was
to assist in driving the French to the devil, and in restoring
peace and happiness to mankind.'^
And still of that veiled flotilla not a token.
It was reported as bearing on the Italian coast. Nelson
had been eager to set off within about a week of the
Queen's appeal. That appeal decided him to wait one
week longer. Maria Carolina was impatient for 'a second
Aboukir Bay,'"' and for such a stroke reinforcements were
^ Morrison MS. 396, Greville to Hamilton, June S, 1799-
■^ Cited by Harrison, vol. ii. p. 135.
^ Eg. MS. 1616, f. 29, June 18, 1799.
284 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
needed. On June 12 he and Sir William were still concert-
ing their plans. ^ The Queen now used the Hamiltons for her
purposes and urged them to fasten her champion's resolve
by accompanying him. Emma was ill, worn with inward
struggle and suspense ; her patroness was perpetually and
anxiously inquiring after her health, Sir William was almost
prostrate with indisposition. In his language, Emma 'had
phantoms in her fertile brain that oppressed her . . . too
much Sensibility' ; in Nelson's she was ' fretting ' her 'guts
to fiddle-strings.'- Emma shrank from the turbid scenes
that she would be called upon to interpret and to en-
counter ; she also dimly dreaded the results of constant
association with her hero. But her knowledge of men,
circumstances, and language would be indispensable on this
fateful errand, and already on June 12 she thus, as Queen's
advocate, besought Nelson : —
' Thursday evening, June 12.
' I have been with the Queen this evening. She is very
miserable, and says, that although the people of Naples are
for them in general, yet things will not be brought to that
state of quietness and subordination till the Fleet of Lord
Nelson appears off Naples. She therefore begs, intreats,
and conjures you, my dear Lord, if it is possible, to arrange
matters so as to be able to go to Naples. Sir William is
writing for General Acton's answer. For God's sake con-
sider it, and do ! We will go with you, if you will come
and fetch us,
' Sir William is ill ; I am ill : it will do us good. God
bless you ! Ever, ever, yours sincerely.'^
The Queen's insistence, Emma's mediation, permeate
every line. Just after this manner, some thirteen years
earlier, the mimic Muse had echoed Greville in her answer
to the invitation that first lured her to Naples.
^ Cf. a letter of June 12 from the Queen to Emma, cited by Pettigrew, vol. i.
p. 231.
- Cf. Gutteridge, pp. 102, 103. — These letters are a few days later, but refer
to this week. On June 11 the Queen wrote to Emma that she hoped for a
second English Mediterranean squadron to blockade Naples ' on all sides,' and
bring the insurgents without bloodshed \.o their 'duty.' — Eg. MS. i6l6, f. 23.
^ Nelson Letters., vol. i. p. 185.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 285
Her heart was heavy with forebodings. She would have
much to do and perhaps to suffer. She was charged with
a triple task : to rehabilitate the Queen, to single out the
traitors from the true amongst the notables, to assist Nelson
in his 'campaign.'^ She knew that the risk would be
great and the nervous strain severe. Privately, as well as
publicly, she feared the uncertain upshot. Her phases of
mind and mood and memory all joined in bodying forth
the future. For thirteen years not a breath of scandal had
sullied her name. She had long, indeed, been held up as
a pattern of conjugal virtue. Yet Josiah Nisbet, the boy
whom both she and his stepfather had generously helped
and forgiven, far more and oftener indeed than his own
mother, was already tattling to that mother of the Calypso
who was detaining Ulysses. Hitherto she could honestly
acquit herself of the imputation. So much that was
glorious had happened in so few months, that her tender
friendship had been absorbed by memories and reveries
of glory. And for her, glory meant honour. This is the
clue to her nature. To honour she fancied that she, like
Nelson, was dedicating existence. And now, even while
she justified to herself the chances in relation to her own
husband by the thought of a past debt amply repaid, she
paused on the threshold of the irreparable, as the pale face of
Nelson's unknown wife rose up before her. She had been
only stiff and condescending to Emma's warm-hearted
advances immediately after the battle of the Nile.- Was
this cold partner jealous then, and spiteful without an overt
cause? Let her covert suspicions dare their worst ; Emma
would brave them out. And another and nobler feeling
mixed with her agitations. She was quitting her much-
loved mother, by whom she had always stood loyally, even
when most to her disadvantage ; by whom she was always
to stand ; whom, if that French navy fell in with them, she
might possibly never see again. ' My mother,' she wrote
1 Cf. Morrison MS. 411, 417, Emma's letters to Grevillc of July 19 and
August 5 respectively.
'^ By Nelson's request she had forwarded a cap to Lady Hamilton in a note
of liare civility. Her handwriting, it may he added, is remarkahly like Lady
By run's.
286 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
when all was over, ' is at Palermo, longing to see her
Emma. You can't think how she is loved and respected
by all. She has adopted a mode of living that is charming.
She has good apartments in our house, always lives with
us, dines, etc. etc. Only when she does not like it (for ex-
ample at great dinners) she herself refuses, and has always
a friend to dine with her ; and the Signora Madre dell'
Ambasciatrice is known all over Palermo, the same as she
was at Naples. The Queen has been very kind to her in
my absence, and went to see her, and told her she ought to
be proud of her glorious and energick daughter, that has
done so much in these last suffering months.'^ Other
chords in her being might be snapped asunder and replaced,
but at least this pure note of daughterly devotion would
never fail.
And if Emma was at once happy and tormented, so now
was Nelson. He was racked alike by hopes and fears.
His love for her was gradually vanquishing his allegiance
to his wife, and his heart was fast triumphing over his
conscience. He had not yet persuaded himself that his
love accorded with the scheme divine, that his formal
marriage was no longer consecrated, and that to profane
it was not to profane a sacrament. It was barely a year
since Captain Hallowell had presented him with the coffin
framed out of his Egyptian spoils — a ineme7ito mori indeed.
Everyone remembers the strain of dejection about this date
in his home letters, which have been constantly cited from
Southey." 'There is,' he wrote, 'no true happiness in this life,
and in my present state I could quit it with a smile.' He
protested the same to his old friend Davison, adding that
his sole wish was to 'sink with honour into the grave.' On
the one side beckoned the French enemy and Emma, on
the other the offended Fanny, his pious father, and the
call of God.
While, however, both the cause of his heart and the voice
1 Morrison MS. 417, Lady Hamilton to Greville, August 5, 1799. Mrs.
Cadogan had now her own secretary. Cf. Tyson's letter to Lady H. of March
23, 1800, transcribed by Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 319.
' Life of Nelson, p. 197 (edition 1901).
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 287
that it loved were thus pleading with its doubts and
anxieties, vexation also spurred him into irretrievable
decision. Lord Keith's interfering summons to Minorca
had reached him.^ These orders he resented and dis-
obeyed, as he had so often disobeyed unwarrantable orders
before. Minorca was a bagatelle compared with the big
issues now at stake, and Minorca, moreover, was by this
time comparatively safe. ' I will take care,' he was soon to
write, ' that no superior fleet shall annoy it, but many other
countries are entrusted to my care.' ^ Jacobinism, the French
fleet — these were the dangers for Britain and for Europe.
His reply was that the ' best defence' was to 'place himself
alongside the French.' He appealed from Lord St.
Vincent's meddlesome successor to Lord St. Vincent. * I
cannot think myself justified in exposing the world — 1
may almost say — to be plundered by these miscreants . . .
I trust your lordship will not think me wrong ... for
agonised indeed was the mind of your lordship's faithful
and affectionate servant' These were no sophistries, and
'wrong' St. Vincent certainly never held him. It was not
long before he learned that Lord Keith himself had sailed
in search of the fleet which that blunderer never found.
Nelson still believed Naples to be that fleet's objective,
and in this conviction many private advices supported him.
But more than all, his resolve to vindicate royalty against
Jacobinism was strengthened by the fact that at this very
moment his own, and Emma's, grave suspicions concerning
Cardinal Ruffb's pretended loyalty were being strikingly
confirmed by new and startling rumours ; while at the
same time another Austrian success at Spezzia had fortified
^ Lord Keith's letter is dated June 6, Nelson's reply June i6.
2 Cf. the excerpt in Sotheby's catalogue of July 8, 1905, from Nelson's
letter to Erskine so late as August 2 of 1799. But even on July 23 he had
written to the same correspondent that as Admiral Duckworth was sailing that
day for Minorca, he trusted that the island would be 'perfectly safe,' and that
nothing in his power ' should be wanting to give you naval security, as far as
other very important objects will allow.' On July 19 he had actually sent part
of his own squadron to Lord Keith. ' If the Dons should gel over to your
island, I am sure you will give a good account of them, for they are a miserable
set of soldiers,' he assured Erskine. Cf. two other excerpts of the above dates
in the same catalogue.
288 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
afresh the cause of loyalty. He discerned the moment for
reclaiming the hotbed of Jacobinism. His mind was fixed.
He would go.
On June 13, then, he embarked the young Crown Prince
in the Foudroyant and hastened off once again, while the
Hamiltons apparently remained behind. The King had
forbidden the Queen to revisit the scene of disgrace, and
reserved his own appearance for the necessity which Ruffo's
double-dealing, that he still half-discredited, might entail.^
But on learning definite news near Maritimo that the French
fleet in full force had at length got out of Toulon, and was now
actually bound for the south coast. Nelson at once tacked,
and once more returned to Palermo to gain time for Ball's
and Duckworth's further reinforcements. He arrived the
next day, and, to the Queen's infinite surprise, landed her
son, who was at once taken by her to his father at Colli.-
Though Nelson still feared for Sicily,^ he had hoped to
have re-departed immediately, but calms and obstacles
intervened. Now that he was certain of his mission, he
welcomed the company and invaluable aid of the Hamil-
tons, whose entreaties had overborne his consideration for
their health and safety. Yet even now he would not receive
them until he had made a fourth cruise of hurried survey and
final preparation to the islands of Maritimo and Ustica. He
started, therefore, on June 16, but five mornings afterwards
he again heard from Hamilton the momentous certainty that
Ruffo had dared to conclude a definite armistice with the
Neapolitan rebels;* while he also learned that the Jacobins
were bragging that his return to Palermo was due to fear of
the French fleet.^ The perfidy of the Cardinal and the insol-
ence of the rebels allowed not a moment to be lost. Forth-
^ Eg. MS. 1616, f. 27. — In this note the Queen inquires most affectionately
about her health. ' Take care of your dear self,' etc.
" Cf. the Queen's letter to Lady H., Eg. MS. 1616, f. 27.
^ The Queen, writing to Ruffo on June 14, observes, ' The squadron was
superb, beautiful, imposing.' She ascribes its unexpected and disappointing
return to Nelson's necessity for guarding Sicily also, since ' the French fleet had
left Toulon and was heading south of Italy.'
^ Cf. Hamilton's letter to Nelson, Add. MS. 34,912, ff. 3, 4 : 'Your Lord-
ship sees that what we suspected of Cardinal Ruffo has proved true,' etc. —
Hamilton to Nelson, June 17, 1799.
^ Nelson to Duckworth, June 21. — Laughton, p. 197.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 289
with he left his squadron once more and reached Palermo
in the afternoon, A council was immediately held. Ruffo,
who, despite the despatches heralding Nelson's voyage,
had probably counted on his many false starts, received his
last peremptory warning;^ the Hamiltons, in the full flush
of excitement, were conveyed on board the Foiidroyant ;
Nelson, still longing for that unconscionable fleet and
reinvested by the King with unlimited powers,- started
at once to cancel the infamous compact. That same even-
ing he had rejoined his command off Ustica. By noon on
the 22nd the united squadron weighed anchor for Naples^
— 'stealing on,' wrote Hamilton to Acton, 'with light
winds,' and 'business will be done.''*
These dates and details have been minutely followed, as
tending to establish that what really decided Nelson's
movements was the dearest wish of his heart — the honour
and interest of Great Britain. After suppressing the
enemies of all authority and order, he still hoped to fall in
with the long-hunted French fleet, and to deal a death-blow
to the universal enemy.^ All along, his convictions and
motives must be taken into account before the tribunal of
history. It would never have been insinuated that he
was a renegade to duty in making Palermo the base of his
many operations, and the Neapolitan dynasty the touch-
stone of his country's cause, if Lady Hamilton had not been
in Sicily ; in Sicily he neither tarried nor dallied. To
estimate his conduct, one should inquire if his policy
could have been called dereliction supposing her to have
been eliminated from its scene. And what applies to him
in these matters henceforward applies to Emma, whose
whole soul is fast becoming coloured by his. For a space
* Cf. the King's letter to Ruffo of June 21. — Dumas, v. p. 256.
^ Several original documents concerning these are cited by Mr. Gulteridge,
pp. 82-88. I will quote a single sentence only. The King, writing on June 27
to Ruffo, says with angry significance, ' You will have conformed to Lord Nelson.
Otherwise that would be equivalent to declaring yourself a rebel.' — Eg. MS.
2640, f 278.
•* Gutteridge, Nos. xxxix-lix.
* 'Off Ustica 12 o'clock.' Affari Esteri, iii. 624; cited by Gutteridge,
No. Ixxv.
^ On June 25 he had concerted a dchnilc line of battle with Duckworth.
Cf. Laughton's Despatches, p. 199.
T
290 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
she must now act a minor, though by no means, as will soon
appear, a supernumerary part, as his colleague in the real
tragedy that now opens before us.
Thus at last he, with the Hamiltons, set sail on an errand
which has constantly been described as tarnishing his fame.
Mr. Gutteridge's scholarlike and impartial review of all
the intricate facts and documents ^ has proved that Nelson
neither exceeded his powers nor violated his conscience.
In championing the royal house of Naples he was as
entirely consistent with the declared policy of his country
as with his own convictions. His error, if any, was one of
judgment. In rebellions clemency is often the best policy,
and proscription is always the worst. Happy indeed would
it have been for Naples, and for Nelson, if during the next
two months the King had not intervened as director, in-
quisitor, and hangman, if the Queen's wishes and Emma's
had prevailed.
Before the Fotidroj/ant proceeds further, let us glance at
the intervening events in Naples,
In that citadel of turbulence much had again happened,
and was happening to the court's knowledge, ere Nelson
weighed anchor at Palermo, Before May even, the suc-
cessful blockade of Corfu by the Russians and Turks had
largely cleared Ruffo's conquering course. The Austrians
and Russians had prepared to drive the French from Upper
Italy, In May, General Macdonald had already beaten a
skilful retreat to the Po, leaving only a small detachment
behind him to garrison the Neapolitan and Capuan castles,
Benvenuto had welcomed the loyalists. By early June the
Cardinal, close to the city, had succeeded in intercepting all
communications by land. Schipani, a royalist officer of dis-
tinction, had disembarked his troops at Torre Annunziata.
The Republican fleet, commanded by the treacherous
Admiral Caracciolo, had sneaked off and avoided a meet-
ing ; while that same double-dyed traitor^ — despatched
^ Nelson and the Neapolitan Jacobins, published by the Navy Records Society,
1904.
'^ So early as April 29 Nelson had told Lord Spencer, in a despatch, that the
fishermen had cried out to Caracciolo : ' We believe you are loyal and sent by
the King. But, much as we love you, if wc find you disloyal, you shall be
among the first to fall.' — Cf. Laughton, p. 191.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 291
not three months ago on a loyal mission by the monarch
whom he had flattered — had even fired on his old flagship,
the Minerva}
By the 13th of June — amid the solemn rites of the
Lazzaroni's other patron, St. Antonio — Ruffo, with his mis-
cellaneous forty thousand, gave battle on the side of Ponte
Delia Maddalena, and won. Duke Roccomana, the people's
old favourite, was now one of his generals, and the popu-
lace, tired of bloodshed and the ' patriots,' rejoiced at the
hope of a royal restoration. The young Pepe, a boy-
prisoner, has left an account of the terrible scenes that he
witnessed. He saw the wretched captives, stripped and
streaming with blood, being dragged along to confinement
in the public granary by the bridge. He heard the Lazza-
roni, 'who used to look so honest, and to melt as their
mountebanks recited the woes of " Rinaldo," shrieking and
howling.' He watched the clergy whipping the rabble
with their words, till they threw stones at the miserable
prisoners. Some of them Ruffo had to protect from brutal
assaults. These were thrown into hospitals, all filth and
disorder ; while others feigned insanity to gain even this
doubtful privilege. He beheld Vincenzo Ruvo, the ' Cato '
of the ' patriots,' and Jerocades, their ' Father,' bruised and
bound ; and he marked, huddled and draggled among their
comrades, the * four poets,' feebly striving to animate their
starved spirits by snatches of broken song. He learned
that the Castellamare garrison had also succumbed, but,
above all, that Ruffo and Micheroux, the shifty ' commis-
sioner' of his Russian allies, were at last willing to grant
a demand expressed by some of the ' patriots ' for a ' truce '
so as to end this pandemonium,- and to arrange some
terms of 'capitulation' for the castles still in 'patriot'
occupation. Terms of any kind the Lazzaroni, on their
side, vehemently resisted, and they even accused Ruffo of
caballing to place his own brother on the throne.^ Nelson's
own views of such unsanctioned capitulation had already
' Cf. Laughton, p. 201, Nelson's own statement.
' Pepe, Memoirs^ pp. 65-icX).
" Cf. Hamilton to Acton, June 21, Eg. MS. 2640, f. 263. Krancescn Ruffo,
inspector of forces and finance. He was arrested after liic reduction of Naples,
but was, however, reinstated in favour and office as Minister of War.
292 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
been strikingly exemplified by his manifesto at Malta in
the previous October — a point to which special attention
should be drawn. Capitulation the French still stoutly
rejected. Mejean, commandant of the French garrison in
St. Elmo, still defended the dominating fortress, from
which RufFo would now have to dislodge him at the risk
of the town's destruction.^ Their single hope was for a
glimpse of the French fleet, which was as much the object
of their yearning as Nelson's. Counting on this, in their
sore straits they had refused every conciliatory overture.
Counting on this again, Mejean's aim was to gain time by the
threat that he would fire on the town unless Ruffo forbore
to attack him. When on June 24 the first sight of Nelson's
ships was descried in the distance, the ' patriots ' cheered
to the echo. They deemed it was St. Louis to the rescue.
To their dismay it proved St. George.
Micheroux's name, Ruffo's truce, and Nelson's arrival must
recall us to what Captain Foote of the Seahorse had been
doing in the interval. He seems to have been a rather
stupid, though a most honourable seaman. His powers
had been strictly limited. He, like Troubridge, was a
suppressor of rebellion. He was to co-operate with the
Russians in the Neapolitan blockade. He must have
known almost as well as Ruffo — who had now for the
fourth time been warned by his sovereign — that since the
insurgents had rejected initial offers, no armistice was to
be entered into whatever." In the event, Ruffo and the
Russians duped him.
Already, on June 13 and 14, Foote had been assisting
Ruffo and his generals in a series of battles on the coast,
all of which had proved decisive discomfitures for the
* In a despatch to Lord Grenville of August 4, Hamilton recorded that
Ruffo told him that but for the 'treaty,' Naples would have been 'a heap
of stones.'
- The Queen had written to him on June 14 that 'there must be no treaty.'
With the French commissioners he might treat, but never with 'rebel vassals.'
' The King will pardon them out of kindness, and reduce their punishment, but
he will never capitulate or enter into capitulations with guilty rebels, and would
not stoop to bargain with such low, contemptible scoundrels.' — Gutteridge, p. 87.
Cf. also the Queen's letter to Lady Hamilton, cited by Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 233 ;
Hamilton's letter to Acton (Gutteridge, p. 214), and Acton's letters to Hamilton
(Eg. MS. 2640, f. 267), and Nelson's to Duckworth (Gutteridge, p. 216).
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 293
rebels. Throughout, Ruffo kept informing Foote of his
fears lest the Franco- Hispanian fleet should be on them
like a thief in the night. He dreaded the consequences,
and it would be far wiser, he assured him, to gain time
by some armistice. The Cardinal also dreaded the results
of the mob-violence displayed in those awful scenes on
the Ponte Maddalena. ' The duty,' he informed Acton
on June 21, just before the capitulations were signed,
' of controlling a score of uneducated and subordinate
chiefs, all intent on plunder, murder, and violence, is so
terrible and complicated, that it is absolutely beyond
my powers. ... If the surrender of the two castles is
obtained, I hope to restore complete quiet.' ^ He used the
imminence of the P'rench fleet (which never appeared) as a
bogey to frighten his coadjutors, and the imminence of his
own attack on St. Elmo as a lever for persuading the
French commandant into assent. All along, by his own
self-extenuation,"^ his excuse for contravening his strict
injunctions was fear, and fear alone. His position in the
hour of victory was one of pure panic. Two days before the
unauthorised capitulations were declared, Foote had off"ered
an asylum on board the Seahorse to the garrison of the Del
Uovo Castle, then about to be stormed. The ' patriots' had
answered with an indignant negative : ' We want the indi-
visible Republic ; for the Republic we will die ! — Eloignez-
vous, citoyens, vite, vite,vite !' On June 18 Ruffo himself
acquainted Foote that St. Elmo must be assailed. ' Capitu-
lation,' he added, 'was out of the question.' He had
previously told him that the French would never sur-
render to an ecclesiastic. And yet, on the very next day,
this reynard concocted the ' capitulations,' both with the
P>ench M^jean at St. Elmo and with the Neapolitan
' patriots' of the lower castles, whose discretion, with equal
suddenness, had turned the better part of their valour.
The separate arrangement with the P'rench he delegated^
' Cf. Gutteridge, p. 152.
'^ Cf. Sacchinelli, Afeiiion'e storiche snlla vita del Cardbiak F. l\u[To, pp. 251
ct seq,
•* Cf. the documciUs cited fri)m llic archives by CiuUeridge, pp. 146 et seq.
On June 21 Ruffo wrote to ^Vcton that the lower castles were ' on the point of
surrendering to (he Russians and Chevalier Micheroux' (No. IxL).
294 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
to Micheroux, commissioner for the Russians, himself a
thorough-paced adventurer.
Into the tortuous though interesting windings of these
negotiations, now with Mejean, now with the ' patriot '
leaders, concerning the ultimate 'capitulation,' I cannot
here enter. They were as various as they were numerous,^
and the clue to them is perhaps found in a desire to include
both the French garrison and the 'patriots' under identical
terms. Mejean had no particular wish either to be shelled
or himself to open fire on the town ; and he awaited the
French squadron with confidence. If the 'patriots' could,
in the meantime, secure the honourable terms to which a
surrendering enemy was entitled, they would be more than
satisfied. Moreover, one of the Cardinal's relatives, and
Micheroux's own brother, together with many dignitaries,
had taken refuge in the lower castles of Uovo and Nuovo —
a fact which supplied still another motive ; among these
was Caracciolo himself, who, however, fled immediately, and
was never included in the eventual terms of capitulation.-
Trickery signalised every step of these diplomacies. Col-
lusion was attended by excuse, and excuse begat fresh
collusion. Mejean seemed quite ready to sacrifice the
' patriots.' The ' patriots ' had little thought for Mejean.
Ruffo, as ' Mr. Facing-both-ways,' wheedled and chicaned
them both, in his eagerness for delay and his miscalculated
terror over the Franco - Hispanian squadron's approach.
The evasions both of the rebel and the loyalist chiefs
rivalled the excesses of the Lazzaroni rabble. On the 21st
the various foreign representatives had signed, and, after
much hesitation, Mejean ; by the 23rd Captain Foote also,
who depended entirely on the representations of Ruffo,
while Micheroux, signed last, and under protest.
The document itself was most peculiar, considering the
conditions of hostile and insurgent garrisons in the face of
a successful conqueror. It was, in fact, a double agree-
^ Cf. Foote's 'Statement.' — Gutteridge, pp. 243 et seg.
•^ On June 21 the Queen wrote to Ruffo : ' I deeply regret the flight of
Caracciolo, believing that such a pirate on the high seas may be dangerous,'
etc. — Gutteridge, No. Ixviii. This most important fact appears from Hamilton's
despatch to Lord Granville of August 4, to which reference has already been
made in a note.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 295
ment — both an 'armistice' and a capitulation. It should
be remembered that it applied not only to the Neapolitan
castles, but also to the fortress of Gaeta, while Capua had
already set the precedent by formulating its own terms of
surrender. And thus, on RufTo's part, it was a breach of
faith with the Austrian Court, as well as with his own.
One must feel for the ' patriots ' in the mass, since the fraud
was the fraud of a few, and was practised on many of
themselves. One must condemn the violence of the mob,
for it was j^eneral and indiscriminate. But both the
duplicity and the brutality were the outcome of the two
despotisms which had so long been pitted against each
other. In the main one might perhaps apply to both sides
Gibbon's sentence about another conflict — ' What does it
matter whether dog eats hog, or hog eats dog ? ' Nor
should it be forgotten that, as already noticed, Ferdinand
himself had no objection to treat with the French, if only
they would hand over St. Elmo to the loyalists. What
he had strictly and constantly forbidden was any sort
of capitulation for the rebels. And lastly it should be
emphasised that, since on a previous occasion the rebels
had broken a concluded truce, they might well repeat that
perfidy. It was only ' straits' that now constrained them
to make one at all. Mutual jealousies and mutual hopes
restrained or urged them by turns in thus making common
cause with the French garrison.^
Roughly speaking, the respective terms, both of the
armistice and of the capitulations to which it was an express
prelude, were these :
The armistice provided for a truce of twenty-one days,
after the expiry of which, both the French and the 'patriot'
garrisons, if luirelicved, were to be conveyed away at the
King's expense'^ to Toulon, or places of safety. The words
italicised are most material. No wonder that Foote found
them ' very favourable to the Republicans,' though he based
his consent on the express grounds that Ruffo was Viceroy,
and that St. Elmo could not ' with propriety be attacked '
' Acton to Hamilton, June 23, Eg. MS. 2640, f. 265. On June 26 they
broke the armistice again. Cf. Diario Napoletano.
* Cf. RufTo's letter of June 20 lo Foote, transcribed liy Gutteridge, No. lix.
296 EMMA. LADY HAMILTON
till the uncertainty as to the Toulonese fleet was disposed
of.i
Nelson, however, took a much stronger view of this
transaction. All armistices were reciprocal; if ett/ier party
were 'relieved' or succoured within a given time, a status
quo must result. This armistice, however, provided, and
on the most monstrous conditions, for the interruption of
hostilities pending the mere chance of the enemy being
relieved. If the French fleet had appeared instead of his,
no one could suppose that the rebels would keep their word.
If, on the other hand, the King's army were, as it was now
being, ' relieved ' by the British squadron, the truce was ipso
facto determined. The very presence of Nelson's ships,
therefore, annulled this armistice.-
So much for the truce. Now for the capitulations.
On the delivery of the forts, the troops, both French and
Neapolitan, were to remain until polaccas were furnished
for their safe-conduct. They were then all to march out
with the honours of war. Should they prefer it, they were
granted the option of remaining ' unmolested ' at Naples
instead of proceeding by sea. These terms were to comprise
all prisoners of war. All hostages were to be freed, but the
royalists must allow Micheroux's brother, the Bishop of
Avellino, and the Archbishop of Salerno, to remain in
St, Elmo and in Mejean's hands, as securities for the due
performance of the compact. Every condition was subject
to the French Mejean's approval. ' They demand,' wrote
the raging Queen, in her indignant comments,^ not ' the
approval of their sovereign, but the approval of a small
number of Frenchmen. . . . What an absurdity to give
hostages as though we were the conquered ! ' *
This luckless treaty it was, and this alone, that provoked
the horrors of royal vengeance, for it converted the rebels
of Naples into a foreign enemy. By insisting on amnesty
as a right, by leaguing with the common foe, by rejecting
' Cf. Ruffo's letter, transcribed by Gutteridge, No. l.\.
^ Laughton's Z'^j'/iz/ir/^^i-, pp. 197, 198. ^ Add. MS. 30,999, f. 84.
* Cf. besides the evidence aheady adduced, the Queen's letter to Ruffo of
June 21 [Arckivio Storico, vol. v. p. 575, Gutteridge, No. Ixviii. ). — 'I am truly
grieved that the obstinate Patriots have refused to surrender after proclamations
offering clemency,' etc.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 297
more than one previous offer of clemency,^ by demanding
their very utmost, they forfeited the least right to a
grace which, however, it would have been far better in
equity to have accorded. Ruffo, by owning himself unable
to govern, by his helplessness to stem the riotous anarchy
of vanquishers maddened by the suspicion of a second
betrayal to the French, by his oblique manoeuvres, by his
open breaches of royal trust, endangered not only himself
but the countrymen whom he had so bravely led, and whom
even now he professed to benefit.
Such was the state of affairs when Nelson, rounding the
Posilippo point with his forty ships, sailed into the bay,
drew up his fleet facing the harbour,- and eyed the white
flags flying from the castle towers. The Foudroyant was
hailed as an ark after the deluge. The quay was thronged
with cheering loyalists. Ruffo, however, looking out from
the royal villa, seemed ill at ease. The Russians, too, were
by no means pleased, as they had reckoned on reaping the
sole credit of a clever pacification. The poor 'patriots'
skulked and trembled in their fortresses. By night the
whole city was all joy and illuminations, for Naples during
the last few years had proved a kaleidoscope of massacre
and merry-making. Not a minute was wasted by Nelson.
With the help of Hamilton and Emma, as advisers and
translators, he drafted his opinion ^ of these ' nefarious trans-
actions,' and forthwith despatched it to Ruffo. The Queen
had already counselled the Admiral to demand a ' voluntary
surrender' before having recourse to arms.* This he at
once proposed in a memorandum to Ruffo, calling first on
the French to surrender within twenty-four hours, when
they should be safely conducted to France; but 'as for
the rebels and traitors, no power on earth shall stand
between the King and them.' The Hamiltons read and
explained it to the Cardinal, who as promptly rejected it.
1 Gutteridge, p. 165.
■■^ 'An attractive and magnificent spectacle,' says the contemporary Diario
Napolctaiio, cited by Gutteridge, pp. iSi f/ se(/.
^ Laughlon's Despatches, pp. 197 ei seq. ; Diario Napolctano, cited by
Gutteridge.
•* Gutteridge (as alcove), No. Iwiii., and llelfert, p. 578; the Queen to tbe
Empress (same date).
298 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Nelson immediately notified his annulment of the armistice
(as self-stultifying), of the capitulations (as preposterous),
and of both as wholly unauthorised and unbinding. The
supple Cardinal had not only exceeded his commission, he
had violated his directions and broken his word. Early
next morning Rufifo, all 'compliments' and confusion,
visited the Foudroyant to confer with Nelson. During
the whole of this interview the Hamiltons were present,
Emma acting as interpretress. The Cardinal insisted on
theoretic distinctions between the armistice and capitula-
tions. Nelson flatly repudiated such subtleties. Whatever
name labelled these iniquitous arrangements, they were
rank treason, he said, and must be cancelled. An
Admiral, he added, was no match in such matters for a
Cardinal.^
All that day of June 25, letters, conferences, intrigues,
bluff of every description, passed on all sides except
Nelson's. From Palermo, Acton, confused by incomplete
tidings, wrote no less than four letters. The foreign
signatories entered a formal protest against the capi-
tulations. Mejean threatened to bombard the town from
St. Elmo ; and he told Micheroux that if hostilities re-
commenced, he would not be answerable for consequences.
Massa, the ' patriot '-commander, remonstrated both with
Ruffo and Mejean, adding that he would not be intimidated ;
at the same time he requested Mejean's support should the
people issue from the castles. The whole of Naples lay
between two fires, that of the French and that of the
English. By late evening Ruffo himself besought Nelson
for troops, in case Mejean should execute (as he did)
his threat of a cannonade.^ And yet by that night the
two smaller castles held by the patriots had uncondition-
ally^ surrendered. The royal colours streamed from their
turrets. The Deputies (' Eletti '), to whom the Queen
' Nelson to Keith, June 27, 1799; transcribed by (hilteridge from the
P.R.O., p. 264.
'•^ Cf. Gutteridge, pp. 218-229 ; Add. MS. 34,944, f. 248 ; Eg. MS. 2640,
ff. 269, 271, 287 ; Sacchinelli, passim. The garrisons had already been
counselled to retire ; Add. MS. 24,912, f. 151.
" This will be established in the succeeding pages.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 299
always ascribed the root of the mischief,^ had scurried off.-
Feux de joie blazed in all the streets, and from every
window, side by side, waved the British and Neapolitan
flags.
In the meantime neither had Emma's energy been
dormant ; she did more than copy, and interpret, and
translate the patois. She was a woman of action. Her
enthusiasm spread among the common people, who adored
her. She conjured with the Queen's name: — 'I had
privily seen all the Loyal party, and having the head
of the Lazzaronys an old friend, he came in the night of
our arrival, and told me he had 90 thousand Lazeronis \sic\
ready, at the holding up of his finger, but only twenty
with arms. Lord Nelson, to whom I enterpreted, got a
large supply of arms for the rest, and they were deposited
with this man. In the mean time the Calabreas \sic\
were comiting murders ; the bombs we sent . . . were re-
turned, and the city in confusion. I sent for this Pali,
the head of tJu Lazeroni, and told him, in great confidence,
that the King wou'd be soon at Naples, and that all that
we required of him was to keep the city quiet for ten days
from that moment. We gave him only one hundred of
our marine troops. He with these brave men kept all the
town in order . . . and he is to Jiave promotion. I have
thro' him made "the Queen's party," and the people have
prayed for her to come back, and she is now very popular.
I send her every night a messenger to Palermo, with all
the news and letters, and she gives me the orders the same
[way]. I have given audiences to those of her party, and
settled matters between the nobility and Her Majesty.
She is not to see on her arrival any of her former evil
counsellors, nor the women of fashion, alltho' Ladys of the
Bedchamber, formerly her friends and companions, who
did her dishonour by their desolute \sic\ life, yi//, all is
changed. She has been very tinfortiinate ; but she is a
good woman, and has sense enough to profit by her past
unhappiness, and will make for the future avicndc honorable
' Cf. the Queen's letter to Latly Hamilton, June 25, transcriljeil by Peltigrew,
vol. i. p. 233 ; Gutteridge, p. 210.
" Diario Napoktano, cited by Gutteridge, p. 184.
300 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
for the past. In short, if I can judge, it may turn out
fortunate that the Neapolitans have had a dose of
Republicanism. . . . P.S. — It wou'd be a charity to send me
some things ; for in saving all for my dear and royal friend,
I lost my little all. Never mind.'^
Bravo ! Emma, rash organiser and populariser of the
Queen's party, bold equipper and encourager of Pali the
Lazzaroni, who, when the King at last came to his own
again, brought all his ninety thousand men to welcome him
at sea. We shall hearken to Emma again ere long. For
the present, the recital of sterner events must be resumed.
The plot, then, to place Naples at the mercy of the
French had been foiled. The question that was to
convulse the city on the following day was. On what terms
had the castles surrendered ?
It is most important in tracing the difficulties of the
next few days, to distinguish between the two separate
cases of the armistice with the French in St. Elmo and the
capitulations with the ' patriots ' in the two lower castles.
Some of the rebels were already contriving to escape;
many of them soon succeeded in doing so with such boats
as lay to hand. Would Nelson be likely to reconsider any
of the now cancelled clauses of the patriots' capitulation ?
And would he forbear from attacking St. Elmo itself
notwithstanding his non-recognition of the armistice?
In exacting the unconditional surrender of the rebels
he had never wavered,^ despite the shifty shilly-shally-
ings of Ruffo. But it will be found that, for the sake
of the town's quietude, and pending some authoritative
declaration of the King's pleasure (possibly recalling
Ruffo ^), he did now temporarily desist from a siege. This
^ Morrison MS. 411. To Greville, Fotidroyant, July 19, 1799.
^ On June 25 he wrote to Duckworth that he ' differed wholly from the
Cardinal.' 'I say the rebels shan't go to Toulon.' He wants 'to save' the
houses of Naples even before the 'sovereign's honour.' On the same day his
proclamation will not allow the rebels to 'quit or embark.' They must
' surrender to the royal mercy.' Cf. Desp. in., pp. 3S6, 388; Gutteridge, pp.
91, 92. On June 26 he recorded his opinion that the capitulation entered into
with the rebels cannot be executed without the King's approval.
^ Cf. generally, Hamilton to Grenville, July 14, 1799 ; P.R.O., Sic. Papers,
P- 399 ; Gutteridge, p. 309. Then so late as June 24 the royalties were not
convinced that Ruftb's misfeasance was designed. Cf. the Queen's letter to
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 301
distinction between two different sets of conditions is most
material, since those who have not investigated the docu-
ments have assumed and often asserted that on June 26
Nelson went back on his plighted promise. What seems,
however, to have happened is, that both the time-serving
Ruffo and the wily Micheroux so twisted these two separate
cases together as to persuade the ' patriots ' that the
surrender of their castles on the verge of a renewed armistice
with the French revived the original terms of their old
capitulations.^
From a mass of complicated documents the situation
can be clearly discerned. Mcjean's one thought was for
his own garrison. Capua still held out, and till it fell
he disdained to surrender. His threats to bombard the
town embarrassed Nelson alike and Ruffo ; and, indeed,
they were more than threats, for an intermittent fire from
St. Elmo nightly terrified Naples.- He was a bully, and he
thought he could intimidate Nelson into compliance. The
' patriots ' in the castles Uovo and Nuovo, however, only
wanted to hold Nelson to their own separate capitulations
and thus ensure their own escape.' They sought to induce
Mejean to hang the royalist ' hostages ' in St. Elmo, unless
the capitulatory clauses were carried out. They feared that
Nelson might (as for a space he did) restrict the armistice
to St. Elmo alone. The conduct of both French and
' patriots ' during these hours of suspense was purely selfish :
both tried to save their own skins. Mejean himself, even
while he defied Nelson, was not above the possibility of
a bribe. And, amid all these meannesses, Micheroux and
Ruffo were the meanest of all. There seems little doubt
L;uly Ilamillon, Eg. MS. l6l6, f. 34. On June 25, however, she wrote about
Ruffo, complaining that he said next to nothing about the treaty, and declaring
that Naples must be treated as if a rebel Irish town. Cited Pettigrew, vol. i.
p. 233. On the same day the King commends ' his capital to the brave and
loyal Lord Nelson,' and adds that Ruffo and Pignatelli are surrounded by
scoundrels. Eg. MS. 2640, f. 269. Nelson himself afterwards excused Ruffo
to the King. Cf. his letter cited by Gutteridge, p. 287.
' In the succeeding passages I venture to supplement and further elucidate
Mr. Guttcridge's inferences.
- Cf. Hamilton to Acton, cited by Gutteridge, p. 249.
■' St. Elmo and the two other casllcs arranged their capitulations apart from
each other. Cf. Gutteridge, p. 171.
302 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
that they took advantage of this tangle to mislead General
Massa and his patriots into a belief that Nelson had
accepted their surrender on the terms of the repudiated
capitulation.^ If they were convinced that their escape,
as well as their surrender, was unconditional, that they were
entitled to safe conduct and the honours of war, then the
whole odium of consequences would be cast on the shoulders
of the British Admiral, while their misleaders would be
held harmless.
Early on June 26 Hamilton informed Ruffo that Nelson
had ' resolved to do nothing that might break the armistice ' ;
and this Nelson confirmed with his own hand.^
If I have made myself clear, it will be patent that this of
itself involved no change of front whatever towards the
rebels'^ with regard to whom he awaited the further royal
instructions. Above all, Nelson desired that Mejean should
not put in force his menace of firing on the wretched town,
and so he was ready to give him time — and rope. That this
was his real meaning is proved by the succeeding sentences
in Nelson's letter of confirmation to Ruffo. He would
land, he proceeds, twelve hundred men ' under the present
armistice! These troops were to carry out the uncon-
ditional surrender of the two smaller castles, formally made
on the night preceding. Troubridge and Ball were de-
spatched for the purpose ; and, as a matter of fact, they took
over the fortresses and occupied them on this very morn-
ing.* Troubridge and Ball made short work of the Jacobin
insignia. They hewed down the Tree of Liberty and the
red-capped giants. Rejoicing pervaded the town. The
Cardinal himself came on board the Foudroyant full of
^ For the preceding, cf. Sacchinelli, p. 255 et seij,; Gutteridge, pp. 230-248;
Add. MS. 34.944, ff- 50> 245, 247 ; 34,950, f. 75 ; 34,963, f. 104.
■■^ Sacchinelli, p. 255 ; Add. MS. 34,944, f. 250 ; 34,963, f. 104. (The date
is wrongly given in Nelson's letter-book as June 28.)
■^ As is well known, Sacchinelli appended a facsimile of an order by Trou-
bridge to the effect that Nelson would not 'oppose the execution of the capitula-
tion of the two castles.' This is not in Troubndge's handwriting. It should be
compared with Troubridge's real declaration given in my text.
* In this way may be reconciled with the facts Minichini's statement in his
' Verbale ' that Commandant Aurora ' took over the castles Uovo and Nuovo on
the night preceding ' (Sacchinelli, p. 257). They were then surrendered, but the
royalist officer only held them till the arrival of Nelson's emissaries.
\
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 303
smiles and congratulations. Emma shared them. She
had been slaving at this complex correspondence/ and
RufFo, safe as he now felt from the King's certain anger,
expressed his gratitude to her and her husband.- Though
Nelson was bound by no conditions whatever, he did un-
doubtedly declare, at the same time, through Troubridge
to Rufifo, that he would not ' oppose the embarkation of
the rebels, and of the people composing the garrisons of
the castles Uovo and Nuovo.'^ A small quota of polaccas
awaited the refugees ; some, we have seen, were already
embarking. For the present, Nelson pledged his word that
he would not molest them. But he promised no more.
That very day Acton was informing Hamilton that the
King had decided to come in person, and that the Cardinal
was probably at the end of his tether ;* while on the next
he wrote rejoicing that the 'shameful capitulation' had
been rescinded ; Ruffo, if he ' wobbled,' would be deposed,
and a direct communication from the King must by this
time have reached Nelson.^ It had reached him. Nelson
at once ordered the Seahorse off to Palermo for the King's
service, and he 7iow distinctly warned the rebels that they
'must submit to the King's clemency' under 'pain of
death.' c
It was this letter that decided the doom of the miserable
patriots who, under these circumstances, had been caught
in a death-trap. Had the King's directions been deferred,
Nelson would have stayed his hand. As it was, the rebels,
instead of seeing the capitulations executed, were executed
themselves. Years afterwards Nelson affirmed in a docu-
ment dictated to Lady Hamilton : ' I put aside the dis-
honourable treaty, and sent the rebels notice of it. There-
fore, when the rebels surrendered, they came out of the
castles as they ought, without any honours of war, and
1 She was also in daily correspondence with the Queen. Cf. Eg. MS.
2640, f. 274.
- Hamilton to Acton, June 27, 1799. Affari Esteri, iii. f. 64. Cited by
Gutteridge, p. 249.
* Cf. Gutteridge, p. 234. ^ Eg. MS. 2640, f. 273. ■* Ibid. f. 274.
* Hamilton to RufTo, June 28, 1799; Rose, vol. i. p. 238; Gutteridge, p.
268. The same to the same on the same date. Afl. Est. iii. 624 : Gutteridge,
p. 269.
304 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
trusting to the judgment of their sovereign.'^ And the British
Government in October 1799 fully endorsed Nelson's policy.^
The King's good nature had hitherto been proverbial ;
it was the Queen and Acton who had hitherto shared the
odium of repression. But Ferdinand was now at length his
own master, and his latent cruelty emerged the more savage
because it had been long in abeyance, and he had now
heavy scores to settle with fawning courtiers and spurious
loyalists. No quarter was to be given to these false
prophets ; not a man of them was to escape. In the en-
suing hecatomb of slaughter the Queen, and even more
Emma, stand out as compassionate intercessors : ^ it is the
King who is inexorable.
In Hamilton's missive to Acton of the following day —
June 27 — occurred a significant sentence : —
' Captain Troubridge is gone to execute the business,
and the rebels on board the feluccas cannot stir without a
passport from Lord Nelson.'
The heartrending scenes that ensued may be gathered
from a pile of correspondence between Hamilton and
Acton, Nelson and Ruffo (as well as from their despatches
to their home Governments), the Queen and Lady Hamil-
ton. The letters are too numerous for citation here, but
most of them may be found transcribed in Mr. Gutteridge's
masterly volume.
That very night thirteen chained rebels were brought on
board. The next day, the passengers awaiting deliverance
in twelve polaccas found themselves bondsmen in Nelson's
^ Morrison MS. 702, addressed to Mr. Alexander Stephens, February 10,
1803. This whole statement in refutation of the Jacobin Miss W^illiams's 'false
representations ' is familiar. It should be added that the people shouted against
the Cardinal and in Nelson's favour. Cf. letter transcribed by Gutteridge,
p. 271.
^ Lord Spencer wrote : ' I can only repeat that the intentions and motives by
which all your measures have been governed, have been as pure and good as
their success has been complete.' — Eg. MS. 2240, f. 25.
^ Even of the worst, Caracciolo, the Queen writes to Emma on July 2 of
' le malheureux et forceni Caracciolo. ' ' I know well,' she adds, * how much your
excellent heart must have suffered, and this increases my gratitude.' — Eg. MS.
2651, f. 77. A few days later, hearing of the arrest of Belmonte's brother, which
she deplores, she implores Emma not to be led away by her ' benevolent heart,'
and to think only on the miseries caused by rascals. — /did. 1616, f. 42. It was
to Emma that the unfortunate turned. Cf. Morrison MS. 401, 403, 409.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 305
ships. Nelson certainly did not underdo his part of aveng-
ing angel — the part of what the Queen styled his ' heroic
firmness.' He was St. Michael against the seven devils of
Jacobinism, and the whole iron vials of retribution were
poured forth. He represented a King who had wronged
before in his turn he had been wronged, and who had
hoarded his injuries.
While the crowd on the quays vociferated with joy, it
was not long before the dungeons of the fleet re-echoed to
the groans and curses of ensnared and intercepted patriots
Emma shuddered as she kept to her cabin and tried to
write to her Queen.
The thirteenth of the thirteen confined in the Foudroyant
on that 27th of June, was Caracciolo. He had not been
included in any amnesty. On the cession of the castles, he
had fled to the mountains, but had been dragged from his
lair by a dastardly spy. Pale, ashamed, and trembling
unwashen and unkempt, he stood silent before the stern
Nelson and Troubridge. Who could recognise in this
quailing figure the proud son of a proud father, the feudal
Prince who had learned seamanship in England, the
courtier who had been loaded with honours, the admiral
who had kissed the royal hands only three months ago,
when he parted with loyal protestations of -devotion ?
He had fired on his own flagship.
That was the sole thought in the breasts of the grim
sailors who confronted him.
Such a catastrophe inspires horror, but of all the victims
that were soon to glut the scaffold, the least worthy of
commiseration is Caracciolo. Many had been forced by
the French into tempting posts on the provisional admini-
stration. Such, for example, was the errant but charming
Domenico Cirillo, for whom Emma was to plead so
warmly. Others, again, had been heroic. Such was
Eleonora de Pimentel.
But Caracciolo, though he set up the plea of duress, had
purposely left Sicily.^ He was powerful, he was trusted,
and he had proved a Judas. He has figured as an old man
bowed with years and care. He was still in the prime of
' Cf. tlie Diario Napolctano for Saturday, June 29, c'tcd by Gutteridge.
U
306 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
life.^ He has been pictured as a veteran Casabianca. He
was really a rat who left what he supposed was a sinking
ship. The sole real extenuation that I can find is that his
estates had been ravaged, and that his hapless family was
large. But every one's property had been plundered by the
French, and not every one had turned traitor. And yet
despair should always command pity, and the despair of
treachery, perhaps, most of all, for it is the torment of a lost
soul. Had Caracciolo lived under Nero, he might have
died by himself opening a vein, like Vestinus. But, on the
other hand, the great evil of unconstitutional monarchy
lies in its proneness to visit crime with crime ; as Tacitus
has put it : ' Scelera sceleribus tuenda.'
The imagination of cherishing Italy and of free England
has long enshrined him as the type of Liberty sacrificed in
cold blood to Despotism, as innocent and murdered.
In England this myth mainly originated in the generous
eloquence of Charles James Fox,^ who loved freedom, it is
true, but loved politics more; that Fox, be it remembered,
who, when in power, once politely told his Catholic sup-
porters, in opposition, to go to the devil. More than sixty
years later, the attitude of a section towards the case of
Governor Eyre and the negroes presents a close analogy
to the attitude of the same section towards the case of
Nelson and Caracciolo.
Caracciolo had fired on his own flagship. From the
yard-arm of that flagship he must hang. So thought his
captors ; so, perchance, thought Caracciolo as his ashy lips
refused the relief of words. Nelson had himself requested
Ruffo to deliver Caracciolo into his hands instead of send-
ing him to be tried at Procida.^ He was not rhadamanthine,
but he was an English Admiral ; and the English had
killed even Admiral Byng, whose crime — if crime it was —
was a trifle compared with Caracciolo's. ' To encourage
the others,' said Voltaire ; ' as an example,' said Nelson.
^ Forty-eight,
* Nelson's own indignant refutation of Fox's indictment in the House of
Commons during February 1800, may be read in his letter to Davison of
May 9. Cf. Laughton's Despatches, p. 239.
2 Sacchinelli has a story, destitute of any evidence, that the King was for
mercy, but that Nelson overbore him.
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 307
The next day Caracciolo was 'tried.' Emma never
beheld him. The process was short and sharp. He was
condemned. The shivering Emma shut herself up and
brooded over the results of her ambition. Caracciolo was
guilty before trial, but this summary trial was a farce. It
would have been far juster — though the issue was un-
doubted^— if Caracciolo had passed the ordeal of impartial
judges. His Neapolitan inquisitors refused him the death
of a gentleman, or even a day's reprieve for his poor soul's
comfort. In vain Emma is said to have supplicated Nelson
for these fitting mercies. Naturally humane, he was here
relentless. He was neither lawyer nor priest. He had not
been his judge. Caracciolo's own peers had pronounced
him guilty of death, and Nelson sentenced him.'
Caracciolo's flagship was the Minerva, commanded by
our old friend Count Thurn, the sentinel of last December.
On June the 28th, at five of the afternoon, the
scarecrow of sedition swung, lashed to the Minervas
gallows.
' So perish all who do the like again.'
The bay was alive with hundreds of boats crowded with
thousands of loyalists. For two full hours ^ he dangled in
sight of a gloating mob, before the rope was cut, and its
grisly burden dropped into the sea. As the big southern
sun dipped suddenly below the waves which had once
witnessed the revel by which Nero had enticed his own
mother to destruction, one by one the little lights of boats
and quays began to glimmer, the scent of flowers was
wafted, the bells of church towers tolled over the ghostly
waters. The shore was thronged with eager spectators,
gesticulating, applauding, pointing at the mast where
Caracciolo had expiated his treason.
M^jean had himself broken the truce by assailing the
city with his fusillade. Nelson now attacked St. Elmo,
' He admitted being 'one of those who went out to stop his Majesty's troops
by sea.' — Sacchinelli, p. 264.
- Count Thurn, in his report, terms it Nelson's sentence.
■' This appears from several accounts. A draft despatch of Hamilton to (Iren-
ville gives the time as from five to sunset. The orifjinal intention had been
thai he should swing from daylireak till sunset.
3o8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
while Troubridge, with his troops, invested it by land Its
fall was timed to greet the King's arrival.
The Seahorse brought him, together with Acton and
Castelcicala, on the night of the 9th to the channel of
Procida, where they awaited Nelson. Next morning they
stepped together on to the deck of the Foudroyant. As
the Admiral and his guests sailed into the gulf before the
last shot had reduced the stronghold on the hill, the sea
bristled with the barques, the two banks of the Chiaja with
the dense array, of his welcomers. At ten o'clock he
anchored. The boom of cannon, the noise of batteries, the
'shouts of Generals' acclaimed the restoration of the King
amid the salutes of victory.^ The King had at last come
to his own again. But, as Emma wrote, ' II est bon d'etre
chez le roi, il est mieux d'etre chez soi.'^ She had toiled
like a Trojan. ' Our dear Lady,' wrote Nelson a week
later to her mother, ' La Signora Madre,' ' has her time
so much taken up with excuses from rebels, Jacobins, and
fools, that she is every day most heartily tired. ... I hope
we shall very soon return to see you. Till then, recollect
that we are restoring happiness to the Kingdom of Naples
and doing good to millions.'^ 'The King,' wrote Emma
gravely, pouring out, two days afterwards, her triumphs to
Greville, who must have opened wide his eyes as he read,
* has bought his experience most dearly, but at last he
knows his friends from his enemies, and also knows the
defects of his former government, and is determined to
remedy them ; . . . his misfortunes have made him steady,
and [to] look into himself. The Queen is not yet come.
She sent me as her Deputy ; for I am very popular, speak
the Neapolitan language, and [am] considered, with Sir
William, the friend of the people. The Queen is waiting
at Palermo, and she has determined, as there has been a
great outcry against her, not to risk coming with the King ;
for if he had not succeeded [on] his arrival, and not been
well received, she wou'd not bear the blame or be in the
way.' 'But' — and here we catch the true beat of Emma's
heart — ' But what a glory to our good King, to our Country,
that we — our brave fleet, our great Nelson — have had the
* Sacchinelli, p. 268. '■^ Morrison MS. 417.
3 Morrison MS. 408, July 17, 1799.
'i
J
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 309
happiness of restoring the King to his throne, to the
Neapolitans their much-loved King, and been the instru-
ment of giving a future good and just government to the
Neapolitans ! , . . The guilty are punished and the faithful
rewarded. I have not been on shore but once. The King
gave us leave to go as far as St. Elmo's, to see the effect
of the bombs! I saw at a distance our despoiled house in
town, and Villa Emma, that have been plundered. Sir
William's new apartment — a bomb burst in it! It made
me so low-spirited, I don't desire to go again.
' We shall, as soon as the Government is fixed, return to
Palermo, and bring back the royal family ; for I foresee
not any permanent government till that event takes place.
Nor wou'd it be politick, after all the hospitality the King
and Queen received at Palermo, to carry them off in a
hurry. So you see there is great management required.
I am quite worn out. For I am interpreter to Lord Nelson,
the King and Queen ; and altogether feil quite shattered ;
but as things go well, that keeps me up. We dine now
every day with the King at 12 o'clock. Dinner is over by
one. His Majesty goes to sleep, and we sit down to write
in this heat ; and on board you may guess what we suffer.
My mother is at Palermo, but I have an English lady^ with
me, who is of use to me, in writing, and helping to keep
papers and things in order. We have given the King all
the upper cabbin, all but one room that we write in and
receive the ladies who come to the King. Sir William and
I have an apartment below in the ward-room, and as to
Lord Nelson, he is here and there and everywhere. I never
saw such zeal and activity in any one as in this wonderful
man. My dearest Sir William, thank God, is well and of
the greatest use now to the King. We hope Capua will
fall in a few days, and then we will be able to return to
Palermo. On Sunday last we had prayers on board. The
King assisted, and was much pleased with the order,
decency, and good behaviour of the men, the officers, etc'
The self-consciousness, the strenuousness, the devotion,
the enthusiasm, the egotism, and yet the sympathy — all
the old elements are here. She had thirsted for the blood
and thunder of her girlhood's romances ; she now beheld
' Miss Cornelia Kniglu.
310 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
blood and thunder in reality. The ' much-loved ' King had
a summary way of finishing off his enemies, and bribery as
well as butchery reigned in Naples. The Morrison Collec-
tion is full of appeals to Lady Hamilton's kind heart.
Many of them are tragic. One welcomes a snatch of
humour. A certain Englishman, Matthew Wade, was a
great figure in Naples. He it was who advised the
garrisons to surrender. Troubles, in these troublous times,
had fallen on his household, and I cannot refrain from
subjoining a passage in a letter of his about them to
Emma.
' I beg leave to remind your Ladyship that the Gover-
nour's finances is become very low, and I suppose in a
short time I will lose my credit, as my house was plundered
when I was in prison, under a protest of finding papers and
being a Royalist ; and after, by the Calabrace [sic] before
my return here, for being a Jacobine. The last was a dirty
business, as they robbed my mother-in-law of her shift.
She said six, tho' I never knew her and her daughter to
have but three, as I well remember they usually disputed
who was to put on the clean shift of a Sunday morning.
However, I was obliged to buy six shifts in order to live
quiet. Pray assure her Majesty and General Acton that I
can't hold out much longer. Besides, my family is in-
creased. I have got a cat and a horse which has been
robbed from me by the Jacobines. I met him with a
prince, and took emediately possession of him as my real
proprity. ... I am told a conspiracy has been discovered
and a sum of money found, in order to let seventeen of the
principal Jacobines escape, now confined (and they are
marked for execution) in the Castell-Nuovo ; they say the
Governor (from whom they have taken the command) is
deeply conserned in the business. I am sorry for him, tho'
I have no acquaintance with the man, but I am told he is
a brave man and a soldier. But there is something in the
air of the climate that softens the nerve so much, that I
never knew a man — nay, nor a woman of the country —
that cou'd resist the temptation of gold.'^ Thus Matthew
Wade, humourist and philosopher.
' Morrison MS. 419, August xo, 1799.
Jiai,
TRIUMPH ONCE MORE 311
The Vicariate of Naples was now reposed in the Duke
of Salandra, who had always been loyal. Nelson appointed
Troubridge Commodore of the Naples squadron, and pre-
sented him with the broad, red pennant. Nelson himself
was soon to be elevated for a time to the chief Mediter-
ranean command. The ist of August was celebrated with
as much rejoicing as the situation allowed. Nelson relates
to his wife, not in 'vanity 'but in 'gratitude,' the King's
toast, the royal salute from the Sicilian ships of war, the
vessel turned into a Roman galley in the midst of which,
among the ' fixed lamps,' stood a repetition of last year's
'rostral column,' the illuminations, the magnificent orchestra,
the proud cantata — Nelson came, the invincible Nelson, and
they were preserved and again made happy.^ Indeed,
Leghorn and Capua had both surrendered, as well as
Naples. By the 9th of August the Foudroyant with its
jubilant inmates had returned to Palermo.
Emma had again triumphed. But at what a cost to her
peace of mind! A royal reign of terror had unnerved her.
She was never to see ' dear, dear Naples ' again. Her
husband leaned upon her daily more and more ; and yet
the active association of nearly two months, which seemed
like two years, had brought her and Nelson closer than
ever together as affinities. All along it was the force and
vigour of her character far more than her charms and
accomplishments that appealed to him, and her unflagging
strength of spirit had never displayed itself to greater
advantage than during these trials of the last few months.
She tended faster and faster towards some irrevocable step,
the very shadow of which perturbed while it allured her.
A note of discord jars on the whole tune of her triumph.
On one of the short sea expeditions, so rumour goes,
that time had allowed them to join in making, a phantom
had startled them. Out of the depths the livid body of
Caracciolo, long immersed but still buoyant, had risen from
nothingness and fixed them with its sightless gaze.^
' Nelson to his wife, August 4, 1799, transcribed by Pettigrew, vol. i,
p. 289.
- This episode has been treated by leniniore Cooper in his fack 0' Lantern.
CHAPTER XI
HOMEWARD BOUND
To December 1800
There is an almost imperceptible turning-point in career,
as in age, when the slope of the hill verges downwards.
Emma had now reached her summit. Henceforward, in
gradual curves, her path descends.
The royal fete champetre at Palermo in Nelson's honour
eclipsed each previous pageant. No splendour seemed
adequate to the national gratitude. The Temple of Fame
in the palace gardens, its exquisitely modelled group of
Nelson led by Sir William to receive his wreath from the
hands of Emma as Victory ; ^ the royal reception and em-
brace of the trio at its portals, and the laurel-wreaths with
which Ferdinand crowned them ; the Egyptian pyramids
with their heroic inscriptions ; the Turkish Admiral and his
suite in their gorgeous trappings, grave and contemptuous
of the homage paid to the fair sex ; the young Prince
Leopold in his midshipman's uniform, who, mounting the
steps at the pedestal of Nelson's statue, crowned it with a
diamond laurel-wreath to the strains of ' See the Conquering
Hero' ; the whole court blazing with jewels emblematic of
the allied conquests ; the mimic battle of the Nile in fire-
works ; the new cantata of the ' Happy Concord,' and the
whole Opera band, with the younger Senesino at their
head, bursting at the close into 'Rule Britannia' and 'God
save the King' ; the weather-beaten Nelson himself moved
to tears — all these formed picturesque features of a memor-
^ On her robe were embroidered the names of the heroes of the Nile. The
group was in wax.
HOMEWARD BOUND 313
able night. Lieutenant Parsons, an eye-witness, thus alludes
to it and the tutelary goddess both of the royal house and
its two defenders, by sword and pen : —
' A fairy scene . . . presided over by the Genius of Taste,
whose attitudes were never equalled, and with a suavity of
manner and a generous openness of mind and heart, where
selfishness, with its unamiable concomitants, pride, envy,
and jealousy, would never dwell — I mean Emma, Lady
Hamilton. . . . The scene [of the young Prince crowning
Nelson] was deeply affecting, and many a countenance
that had looked with unconcern on the battle . . . now
turned aside, ashamed of their . . . weakness.'^ Vzva
Nelson ! Viva Miledi ! Viva Hamilton ! rent the air.^
Emma divided the honours with Nelson. A torrent of
stanzas gushed from the Sicilian improvisatori ;^ even
surgeons burst into song.^
But there were more substantial favours. Nelson re-
ceived not only a magnificent sword of honour and caskets
of remembrance, together with, a few months later, the
newly founded order of merit, but, partly by means of
Emma's advocacy, the title and estates of the Duchy of
Bronte. These, however, through the mismanagement first
of Grafer and afterwards of Gibbs, yielded a poor and most
precarious revenue for him, and, as will be shown hereafter,
a fluctuating one for Emma, whose annuity was to be
' Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 292. - Eg. MS. 1623, f. 27.
^ Cf. Eg. MS. 1623, f. 72, some of which may be thus rendered : —
' See Lady Hamilton, Britannia's pride,
Our glory, worthiest of her empire here.
Nature has dowered with all gifts sincere,
A store that never Flattery can divide.
Honour and Beauty in communion stand,
Shrined in a bosom candid, tried, and true ;
Its inmost depths reveal a world to view,
And age to age its wonderment shall hand.
Ah ! spare ye Fates, nor, cruel, cut the twine
That holds to life the Nestor of her days.
Long may he bide to prove our meed of praise ;
Oft may his light reflect and double thine ! '
The 'Nestor' is, of course, Hamilton, who must have often winced good-
naturedly in always taking the back seat. * Cf. ibid. f. 75.
314 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
charged upon it. The title * Bronte,' with its Greek deriva-
tion of thunder, so curiously according with the name of
his vessel, caused Nelson afterwards to be continually styled
by Emma and his sisters ' Jove ' the thunderer.^ Presents
poured in upon him : the Crescent from the Grand Signior,
the sword and cane from Zante, commemorating the de-
liverance of Greece, the grants from English companies.
Nor was Emma without royal recognition. A queenly
trousseau awaited her on her arrival, and she received regal
jewels, valued, it was said, at six thousand pounds, but
which she sold two years afterwards, to Nelson's admira-
tion, for her husband's benefit. ' Nestor,' indeed, was be-
coming more and more involved in debt, and about this
period he borrowed over two thousand pounds from Nelson.-
He was not only worried, but worn. He took offence at
trifles, and had quarrelled even with Acton.^
Nelson did not dally, though Downing Street pained him
by its insinuations. From all these festivities his alertness
at once returned to vigilance and service. Not a fortnight
passed before — occupied as he was with every sort of multi-
farious correspondence — he sent Duckworth to protect the
British trade, on the maintenance of which he laid infinite
stress, at Lisbon and Oporto, to watch Cadiz, and to keep
the Straits open. He minutely directed Ball's operations
at Malta, still hampered by every vexatious delay on the
Italian side, and by the follies of Nizza, the Portuguese
Admiral. Early in September he charged Troubridge
and Louis with their mission to Civita Vecchia, which
within a month freed Rome from the French.* Directly
^ At first, out of compliment to the King, he signed his letters ' Bronte and
Nelson,' but he soon recurred to ' Nelson and Bronte.'
^ There are several pointed allusions to this debt both in the Nelson
Letters and in the accounts of the Merton expenses subjoined to the Morrison
Autographs. In all, the eventual debt amounted to some ;i^3770. About this
time its amount was ^^2276. Cf. Morrison MS. 537 and 538, where Nelson
mentions part of it in one of his many codicils. In a letter of 1801 Nelson
asked Emma if he should bequeath to her Sir William's debt to him. It seems
never to have been repaid. Ibid. 507. And cf. also Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 621.
■" There are many letters between him and Acton of this period about a sup-
posed insult. Hamilton opens his with ' Have you, or have you not,' etc. For
this episode cf. Eg. MS. 24,640, fif. 386-390.
■* Acton in his letter of congratulation speaks about ' dimostrations from the
King and Queen.' Add. MS. 34,915.
HOMEWARD BOUND 315
he received this most cheering inteHigence, he him-
self started in the Foudroyant for Port Mahon, with the
one object of concentrating every available force by
land and sea on the complete reduction of Malta, which
remained ever in his ' thoughts, sleeping or waking.' He
did not land at Palermo till October, when he was able
to announce to Sidney Smith (uniformly and magnanimously
helped, praised, and counselled by him throughout) that
Buonaparte had passed Corsica in a bombard steering for
France. No crusader ever returned with more humility —
contrast his going in IJOrietit! ^ All the same this was
ill news, and Nelson was furious also at not receiving troops
from Minorca, and at the frauds of the victualling depart-
ment.^ He kept a sharp lookout on the Barbary States
and pirates. He deplored the inactivity of the Russian
squadron at La Valetta, and he resented the Austrian
demand for their presence elsewhere ; his representations
caused a ' cool reception ' to the Archduke's suite when they
visited Palermo.^ By Christmas he cursed the stupidity
which had allowed Napoleon, hasting back for his strokes
at Paris, to elude the allies.^ But above all, both he and
Emma strained every nerve to extort grain for starving
Malta from the King and Queen of Naples chicaning with
Acton to retain every bushel for their own necessities.
Until, after 'infamous' delays and falsified promises, the
dole was granted which saved thirty thousand of the
Maltese loyalists from death,^ he 'cursed the day' he 'ever
served the King of Naples.' ' Such,' he wrote to Trou-
bridge, ' is the fever of my brain this minute, that I assure
you, on my honour, if the Palermo traitors were here, I
' Laughton's Z>i;j/a.V^<:j-, p. 218. Oct. 24. Nelson landed at Palermo Oct. 22.
- These, of course, were Lock's misfeasances. Besides the familiar sources
for this long affair, of. Add. MS. 34,915, f. in.
^ Cf. Add. MS. 34,915, f. 112. In this letter Emma's first cavaliere ser-
vente. Count Dietrichslein, reappears. Emma had called him ' Draydrixton '
in 1786. Acton here calls him ' Dietrixsteen.'
■* Mr. Compton — one with whom Emma's kindness in the trying ilays of the
revolution always remained — wrote of Napoleon to her : ' He is at Marseilles,
and I think his political abilities, his skill in corrupting Generals, etc., are more
to be dreaded than even his military talents.' — Morrison MS., November i, 1799.
* On these matters fresh light is thrown by a new letter from Ball of Decern
ber I, 1799. Add. MS. 34,915, ff 3, 105.
3i6 EMMA. LADY HAMILTON
would shoot them first and myself afterwards.' ^ Troubridge
was equally emphatic.^ The Maltese deputies lodged
under Emma's roof. She was their ' Ambassadress.' It
was not long- before Emma's services in this matter were
publicly recognised by the Czar, as Grand Master of the
Maltese Knights. When he bestowed the Grand Cross on
Nelson and on Ball, he also bestowed it on Lady Hamilton,
with a special request to the King of England for his
licence to wear it there, the only occasion, as she was ever
proud to relate, that it had ever been conferred upon an
Englishwoman.^ This order she wore next year at Vienna,
and it still figures in a portrait of her taken there, as well
as in a drawing of her in 1803 by Sir Thomas Lawrence.
She was styled ' Dame Chevaliere of the Order of St. John
of Jerusalem,' and from this time forward Ball always
addressed her as 'sister.'*
But the Maltese embroilments were by no means the
sole annoyances that distracted Nelson's sensitive nature.
^ Laughton's Despatches, p. 230.
■■^ Cf. Add. MS. 34,915. f- 60, Troubridge to Nelson; and cf. further his
letters cited by Pettigrew, vol. i. pp. 339, 343.
^ Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 271. The vexed question of whether she spent
as much as ;^5000 on this matter scarcely repays investigation. The fact remains
that her services were sufficient for imperial recognition, and that the King of
England allowed her to wear the order on her return. Her own account in a
letter to Greville, hitherto uncited, is this : ' I have rendered some service to
the poor Maltese. I got them ten thousand pounds, and sent corn when they
were in distress. '—^e/jow Letters, vol. i. p. 277. Her Prince Regent's
Memorial alleges details : ' I received the deputies, open'd their dispatches, and
without hesitation I went down to the port to try what could be done. I found
lying there several vessels loaded with corn for Ragusa. I immediately pur-
chased the cargoes : . . . this service Sir Alexander Ball in his letters to me,
as well as to Lord Nelson, plainly states to be the means whereby he was
enabled to preserve that important island. I had to borrow a considerable sum
on this occasion, which I since repaid, and -with my own private money this
expended was nothing short of ;^sooo.'— Morrison MS. 1046. The passage to
which she refers may be Ball's letter to Macaulay of March 22, 1800 (Petti-
grew, vol. i. p. 341). Ball writes: 'I am convinced that but for their \i.e. the
Hamiltons, his last mention being of Emma] influence with their Sicilian
Majesties, the poor Maltese would have been starved.' I think she would
hardly invoke and quote a letter from a living witness, if the substance of this
claim were not the fact. Hamilton was ill and languid in the extreme at this
time, and she could have borrowed the sum from many. Yet the critics have
assumed that she, like ' the several vessels,' was '/j/z^^ there.'
* Cf. his letter of congratulation, Morrison MS. 462, February 27, 1800.
HOMEWARD BOUND 317
He was stung to the quick by the Admiralty's complaints
and suspicions. 'As a junior Flag officer/ . . . without
secretaries,^ etc.,' he wrote home, ' I have been thrown into
a more extensive correspondence than ever perhaps fell to
the lot of any Admiral, and into a political situation, I own,
out of my sphere. ... It is a fact that I have never but
three times put my feet on the ground since December 1798,
and except to the court, that till after 8 o'clock at night
I never relax from my business.' ' Do not,' he breaks out
to Lord Spencer, ' let the Admiralty write harshly to me —
my generous soul cannot bear it, being conscious that it
is entirely unmerited ' ; and, once more, to Commissioner
Inglefield, 'You must make allowances for a worn-out,
blind, left-handed man.'^
Nor was he least tormented by the growing passion of
his heart. His utterances are despondent. The East India
Company had voted ten thousand pounds in token of their
gratitude. Two thousand pounds of it he bestowed on his
relations ; the whole was placed at his wife's disposal.* ' I
that never yet had any money to think about, should be
surprised if I troubled my head about it,' he told his old
intimate and business manager, Davison (the rich con-
tractor of St. James's Square), whom, after the Nile battle,^
he had appointed agent for his scanty prize-money. ' In
my state of health, of what consequence is all the wealth
of this world? I took for granted that the East India
Company would pay their noble gift to Lady Nelson ; and
whether she lays it out in house or land, is, I assure you,
a matter of perfect indifference to me. . . , Oh ! my dear
friend, if I have a morsel of bread and cheese in comfort it
is all I ask of kind Heaven, until I reach the estate of six
foot by two which I am fast approaching.'^' It was not
long before Maltese successes had quite restored his spirits,
and Ball could write to say how happy it made him to think
that ' His Grace ' could enjoy exercise in company with the
^ He did not long so remain, for he was appointed to the chief command of
the Mediterranean by Lord Keith almost immediately.
- Tyson, however, as well as Emma, was acting informally in that capacity.
Cf. Add. MS. 34,915, f. III. ^ All cited by Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 298.
* Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, f. 3. * Cf. Eg. MS. 2640, ft". 4 and 5.
" Eg. MS. 2240, f. II ; and (partially) Laughton's Despatches, p. 214.
3i8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Hamiltons.^ All this is characteristic of a tense organisation
by turns on the rack and on the rebound, yet with an evenness
of patriotism and purpose immovable beneath its elasticity.
Emma's fever of enthusiasm showed no abatement. She
immediately gave Nelson the pine-appled teapot which has
this year been generously presented with other relics to
the Greenwich Painted Chamber. His letters to her
breathed an affectionate respect. ' May God almighty bless
you,' one of them closes, ' and all my friends about you,
and believe me amongst the most faithful and affectionate of
your friends.' - Was she not the ' Victory ' who had crowned
him with honour? He reposed such confidence in the
Hamiltons that during his absences he empowered them to
open all his letters.
But already there appeared a seamier side to Emma's
heroic gloss. The unreinstated Queen still ailed in health
and spirits. She had set her heart on accompanying
the King to Naples in his projected visit this November,
yet he had flatly refused. She seems to have turned from
the pious devotions which after her darling boy's death had
engrossed her to the delirium of play. The King loved his
quiet rubber,^ but he was no gambler. The Queen gambled
furiously — all her moods were extreme ; she was a medley
of passions. She had been Emma's lucky star, but all
along her evil genius. Emma for the first time was bitten
by the mania. Sir William's fortunes were crippled ; she
might sometimes be seen nightly with piles of gold beside
her on the green baize. Troubridge bluntly remonstrated.
His remonstrance, however, he added, did not arise from
any ' impertinent interference, but from a wish to warn
you of the ideas that are going about,' and to 'the con-
struction put on things which may appear to your Ladyship
innocent, and I make no doubt done with the best inten-
tion. Still, your enemies will, and do, give things a different
colouring.'* To his delight, she promised him to play no
more. For a while that promise lasted, but I fear for a
while only. Women of Emma's buoyancy and volatile salt
1 Add. MS. 3495, f- 55- - Morrison MS. 392.
2 Lord William Bentinck dwells on this feature in his account of his residence
as Ambassador at Palermo in 1806. ■• Morrison MS. 441.
HOMEWARD BOUND 319
are not easily weaned from the false flutter of such a game.
All along her vein had been one of thrill under uncertainty,
and her whole course a cast for high stakes. ' I wish not
to trust to Dame Fortune too long,' wrote Nelson to her
in probable allusion ; ' she is a fickle dame, and I am no
courtier.' And reports — many of them untrue and all
exaggerated — were beginning to filter into England and
affront the regularities of red-tape. Nelson was depicted as
Rinaldo in Armida's bower. It was rumoured that, while on
shore, he assisted, heavy-eyed, at these revels till the small
hours of the morning, though his father at the time was lying
seriously unwell, — as a matter of fact he seldom touched a
card.^ That Sir William and he had nearly settled differences
by duel — a preposterous invention. That she played with
Nelson's money to the tune of ^500 a night — a canard
easily refuted by his banking account. That the royal
presents to her had amounted to a value five times greater
than it really was. That the singers whom Emma was
constantly befriending and recommending were a byword
for their scandalous behaviour. It never crossed her mind
that anybody wished her ill. Both the Hamiltons and
Nelson had been living in an isolated fool's paradise of
popularity, remote from the canons or the realities of
England. They hugged the illusion of home popularity.
Unpopularity, whether deserved or due to envy or ill-nature,
usually comes as a shock and a surprise to those who have
provoked it far less than Lady Hamilton. She had long
passed the patronage of that English society which only
condones in a parvenue what it can patronise. It now
resented her intrusion, while it resented more, and with
better reason, her perpetual association with Nelson.
Indeed, the Admiralty were beginning to pry into her and
Nelson's correspondence,- while the Government had now
decided to recall Hamilton. ' You may not know,' Trou-
bridge had told her, 'that you have many enemies. I
therefore risk your displeasure by telling you. I am much
' The apocryphal yJ/i?w^«>5 of Lady HamiUo7t (i%i^) give an imaginary con-
versation between Troubridge and Nelson, rebuking him for his high play at
Palermo.
■■* Cf. inter alia Morrison MS. 452; Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 299.
320 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
gratified you have taken it, as / meant it — purely good.
You tell me I must write you all my wants. The Queen
is the only person who pushes things ; you must excuse tne ;
I trust nothing there,' he continues with personal soreness,
'nor do I, or ever shall ask from the court of Naples any-
thing but for their service, and the just demands I have on
them.' His motives leak out in the concluding sentences
about Lord Keith : '. . . I should have been a very rich
man if I had served George III. instead of the King of
Naples. . . . The new Admiral, I suppose, will send us
home — the new hands will serve them better, as they will
soon be all from the north, full of liberality and generosity,
as all Scots are with some exceptions' Emma's own account ^
deserves to be cited also. It occurs in a letter to Greville,
hitherto unnoticed, is perfectly truthful, and seeks to pro-
tect not herself, but her husband and Nelson: — 'We
are more united and comfortable than ever, in spite of the
infamous Jacobin papers jealous of Lord Nelson's glory and
Sir William's and mine. But we do not mind them. Lord
N. is a truly vertuous and great man ; and because we have
been fagging, and ruining our health, and sacrificing every
comfort in the cause of loyalty, our private characters are to
be stabbed in the dark. First it was said Sir W. and Lord N.
fought ; then that we played and lost. First Sir W. and
Lord N. live like brothers ; next Lord N. never plays : and
this I give you my word of honour. So I beg you will
contradict any of these vile reports. Not that Sir W. and
Lord N. mind it ; and I get scolded by the Queen and all
of them for having suffered one day's uneasiness.'
Yet she was by no means the slave of her new excite-
ment. She tried to heal old wounds, she corresponded
with diplomatists ; 2 she could not relinquish her part of
1 Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 269, Lady Hamilton to Greville, F'ebruary 29,
1800. For Troubridge's letters, Morrison MS. 441, January 4, iSoo ; Pettigrew,
vol. i. p. 339 (where it is misdated). It will be found later on that Troubridge,
who owed all to Nelson, received a regular pension from the King. For the
preceding generally, cf. ibid. pp. 296 et seq., 323 (the Queen's letters to Emma of
October), and p. iT^et seq. (those of the early part of the next year); p. 312
(Nelson's letter), Morrison MS. 420-437 passifu ; Minto Life and Letters,
vol. ii. p. 138 (Lady Minto to Lady Malmesbury).
' The future Lord Minto wrote her long epistles from Vienna about affairs
J
HOMEWARD BOUND 321
female politician, the less so as Hamilton had now settled
to return home on the first opportunity, and the Queen was
desolated at the mere thought of separation.^ The Duchess
of Sorrentino besought her good offices from Vienna, and
in urging her suit Emma abused the King so roundly, that
in his umbrage he turned violently both on her and the
Queen. A heated scene ensued — so heated, indeed, that
the monarch demanded Emma's death and threatened to
throw her out of the window for her contempt of court.^
Nelson's acting chief command expired on January 6,
1800. Ill, and with a fresh murmur of ' unkindness,' he
put himself under Lord Keith's directions at Leghorn.^
The blockade of Malta, which had lasted over a year, the
as yet uncaptured remnant of the French squadron from
the Nile, the resolve that the French army should not be
suffered to quit Egypt — these were the objects, now shared
with Emma, of his thoughts and of his dreams. He deter-
mined to run the risk of independent action.* To Malta
he proceeded instantly, and he was transported with joy
when he captured Le Genereux^ though he had yet to wait
for the eventual surrender of the single remaining frigate
to his officers. ' I feel anxious,' he wrote in February to
Emma, during his constant correspondence with the
Hamiltons, ' to get up with these ships, and shall be
unhappy not to take them myself, for first my greatest
happiness is to serve my gracious King and Country, and
I am envious only of glory ; for if it be a sin to covet glory,
I am the most offending soul alive. But here I am in a
heavy sea and thick fog ! — Oh God ! the wind subsided —
Austrian and domestic : in one of them lie says, ' God bless you, my dearest
Lady Hamilton ' (it is wonderful how much ' God-blessing ' pervades the period),
' lay mc at the proper feet.' — Morrison MS. 436, November 2, 1799.
' Morrison MS. 424, 484. In the first Hamilton tells Greville 'the Queen
is really so fond of Emma that the parting will be a serious business.' In the
second, ' Emma is in despair at the thought of parting from the Queen.' Emma
herself says, '. . . I am miserable to leave my dearest friend. She cannot be
consoled.' — Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 272.
- Cf. the Duchess's letter and the Queen's transcribed by Pettigrew, vol. i.
pp. 300, 377. He became excellent friends, however, with her afterwards, and
sent pleasant messages to her so late as 1S04.
•• January 20. * Cf. Laughton's Despatches, p. 234.
X
322 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
but I trust to Providence I shall have them. Eighteenth,
in the evening, I have got her — Le Gencreiix — thank God !
twelve out of thirteen, only the Guillaume Telle remaining ;
I am after the others. I have not suffered the French
Admiral to contaminate the Foiidroyant by setting his foot
in her.'^ By the end of March the end of the Maltese
blockade was in sight, and Nelson was back again in
Palermo.^ His health was so ' precarious,' that he ' dropped
with a pain in his heart,' and was 'always in a fever.'
Troubridge was deputed to finish the Maltese operations.
When Nelson heard of the capture of the Guillaume Telle
through Long and Blackwood, his cup of thankfulness ran
over, and his despatch to Nepean is a Nunc dimittis!^
'Pray let me know,' wrote Ball from Malta in March,
' what Sir William Hamilton is determined on ; he is the
most amiable and accomplished man I know, and his heart
is certainly one of the best in the world. I wish he and
her Ladyship would pay me a visit ; they are an irreparable
loss to me. ... I long to know Lord Nelson's determina-
tion.' Ball had not long to wait. Nelson was anxious to
settle affairs finally for Great Britain at Malta,* — a settle-
ment that eventually transferred it to Britain and greatly
exasperated Maria Carolina. Sir William had now been
definitely superseded by his unwelcome successor, Paget,
although he was allowed to indulge the hope of a future
return.^ He resolved to sail on the Foudroyant, accom-
panied by his friends and the indispensable poetess. Miss
Knight. On April 23 they proceeded from Palermo to
Syracuse — the scene of Emma's triumph by the waters of
Arethusa. Her birthday was celebrated on board by toasts
and songs. On May 3 they again set sail and anchored
in St. Paul's Bay before the next evening.
Hitherto only rumour had been busy with Nelson's
^ Morrison MS. 456, Nelson to Lady Hamilton, February i8, 1800. This
was the passage a copy of which Sir William, in admiration, forwarded to Lord
Grenville. All this time, too, Tyson was continually communicating with
Emma. Lord Keith irritated Nelson afresh by claiming some of the credit.
'•^ On March 16,
^ Laughton's Despatches, p. 237, and cf. liis letter to Lady H. of March 4 ;
Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 338.
* La Valetta did not actually surrender to the blockade till the end of August.
* Cf. Morrison ^LS. 444.
HOMEWARD BOUND 323
philanderings. Lord St. Vincent persisted to the last in
saying that he and Emma were only a simpering edition of
Romeo and Juliet — 'just a silly pair of sentimental fools.'
And at this time Sir William seems to have thought the
same ; it was all Emma's ' Sensibility,' all Nelson's loyal
devotion. He was the idol of them both. But this voyage
southward under the large Sicilian stars marks the climax
of that fence of passion, the first approaches, the feints,
parries, and thrusts of which I have sought to depict. The
' three joined in one,' as they called themselves, had long been
unsevered. From the date of the Malta visit, as events prove,
the liaison between the two of the trio ceases to be one of
hearts merely. The Mediterranean has been the cradle of
religion, of commerce, and of empire. On the Mediterranean
Nelson had won his spurs and ventured his greatest exploit ;
on it had happened the rise of Emma's passion and his own,
and it was now to be the theatre of their fall.^
It has been well said that apologies only try to excuse
what they fail to explain, and any apology for the bond which
ever afterwards united them would be idle. Yet a few
reflections should be borne seriously in mind. The firm tie
that bound them, they themselves felt eternally binding ;
no passing whim had fastened it, nor any madness of a
moment. They had plighted a real troth which neither of
them ever either broke or repented. Both found and lost
themselves in each other. Their love was no sacrifice to
lower instincts ; it was a true link of hearts. Nelson would
have adored Emma had she not been so beautiful.'- She
worshipped him the more for never basking in court or
official sunshine. And their passion was lasting as well as
deep. Not even calumny has whispered that Emma was
ever unfaithful even to Nelson's memory ; and Nelson held
their union, though unconsecrated, as wholly sacred and
unalterable. If the light of their torch was not from heaven,
at least its intensity was undimmed.
Their worst wrong, however, was to the defied and wounded
' From a passage, however, in a letter from Nelson of February 17, iSoi, it
would seem to have happened earlier. Cf. Morrison MS. 516: ' Ah ! my dear
friend, I did rcmemlicr well the I2th February, and also the two months after-
wards. I never shall forget them, and never be sony for the consequences.'
- Cf. the pass-igc f|uoted post, in chap. xii.
324 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
wife. Cold letters had already reached Nelson, and rankling
words may already have been exchanged ; Lady Nelson's
jealousy was justified, although as yet Nelson never medi-
tated repudiation. Emma had no scruple in hardening
his heart and her own towards one whom she had offended
unseen and unprovoked ; she would suffer none to dispute
her dominion. Under her spell, Nelson perverted the whole
scale of duty and of circumstance. In his enchanted eyes
wedlock became sacrilege, and passion a sacrament; his
insulted Fanny seemed the insulter ; his Emma's dishonour,
honour. The woman who had failed to nerve or share his
genius, turned into an unworthy persecutress and ter-
magant ; she who had succeeded, into the pattern of
womankind. The mistress of his home was confronted by
the mistress of his heart, Vesta by Venus ; nor did he for
one moment doubt which was the interloper. Unregener-
ateness appeared grace to his warped vision. Nothing but
sincerity can extenuate, nothing but sheer human nature
can explain these deplorable transposals. The reality for
him of this marriage of the spirit without the letter, blinded
both of them to all other realities outside it. Emma's few
surviving letters to him are those of an idolising wife. One
unfamiliar sentence from one of his, written within a year of
this period, speaks volumes : ' I worship, nay, adore you,
and if you was single, and I found you under a hedge, I
would instantly marry you.' ^
But the part of Sir William in this strange alliance
formed, perhaps, its strangest element. Throughout, even
after Greville and the caricatures in the shop windows
must have opened his eyes, he deliberately shut them. He
never ceased his attachment to Emma or abated his chival-
rous fealty to Nelson. Those feelings, incredible as it
may sound, were genuinely reciprocated by both of them.
He seems almost to have more than accepted that veil
of mystification with which the next year was to shroud
their intimacy. Indeed, it was Emma's care for Nelson's
career, and Nelson's for her good name, that constrained
the fiction. That a woman should join a daughter's devo-
tion to an old husband with a wife's devotion to the lover
^ Morrison MS. 539, Nelson to Lady H., March 6, 1800.
//«/'/
/ '.r
HOMEWARD BOUND 325
of her choice, is a phenomenon in female psychology.
Swift towards Stella and Vanessa, Goethe towards Mina
and Bettina, are not the only men who have cherished a
dual constancy ; but, as a rule, the woman inconstant to one
will prove inconstant to many others.
Miss Knight noticed how low-spirited Emma seemed
on the return passage to Palermo.^ Indeed, the familiar
stanzas of her composing, ' Come, cheer up, fair Emma ' " —
a line often repeated in Nelson's later letters — were
prompted by this unaccountable melancholy.^ Such dispirit-
ment could not betoken the mood of an adventuress in-
triguing to secure a successor to the fading Hamilton.
Yet such was Sir Gilbert Elliot's assertion two years later.*
It is curious that the imputers of craft always deny her a
spark of cleverness, and they must certainly have thought
Nelson much stupider than themselves. Worldlings do
not always know the world, still less the world of such a
complex heart as Emma's. Her feelings may perhaps be
' Cf. Miss Ellis Cornelia Knight's Autobiography (iS6i).
* They are not very good : —
' Come, cheer up, fair Emma, forget all thy grief,
For thy shipmates are brave and a hero 's their chief.
Look round on these trophies, the pride of the Main,
They were snatched by their valour from Gallia and Spain.
Chorus : Hearts of Oak, etc.
Behold yonder fragment, 'tis sacred to fame,
'Mid the waves of old Nile it was saved from the flame :
The flame that destroyed all the glories of France
When Providence vanquished the friends of blind chance.
Chorus: Hearts of Oak, etc'
The last verse runs : —
' Then cheer up, fair Emma, remember thou 'rt free,
And ploughing Britannia's old empire — the sea :
How many in Albion each sorrow would check,
Could they kiss l)ut one plank of this conquering deck.
Chorus : Hearts of Oak, etc'
^ Nelson, writing to I-ady Hamilton in the following year (only three days
before Horatia's birth), says : ' When I consider that this day nine months was
your birthday, and that although we had a gale of wind, yet I was happy and
sang "Come, cheer up, fair Emma," etc., even the thoughts compared with this
day make me melancholy.' — Morrison MS. 503, January 26, 1801.
■• Cf. Minto Life and Letters, vol. iii. p. 242. ' She looks ultimately to the
chance of marriage,' etc. Lady Nelson at this time was exceedingly unlikely to
shuffle oft' the coil.
326 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
best imaged by her little poem sent to Nelson at the open-
ing of his last year on earth.
' I think I have not lost my heart,
Since I with truth can swear,
At every moment of my life,
I feel my Nelson there.
If from thine Emma's breast her heart
Were stolen or thrown away,
Where, where should she my Nelson's love
Record, each happy day ?
If from thine Emma's breast her heart
Were stolen or flown away,
Where, where should she engrave, my Love,
Each tender word you say ?
Where, where should Emma treasure up
Her Nelson's smiles and sighs.
Where mark with joy each secret look
Of love from Nelson's eyes ?
Then do not rob me of my heart,
Unless you first forsake it ;
And then so wretched it would be,
Despair alone will take it.' '
In these lines, surely, there is a ring of 'les lartnes dmis
la voix.'
In sixteen days the Maltese episode was over, but
Palermo was not reached for eleven days more. Nelson
had pleaded complete exhaustion as his reason for being
unable to continue at present in his subordinate command.
Lord Spencer sent him a dry and suspicious answer.
Nelson desired to recruit his health at home. He bemoaned
the supineness of those who might have prevented the fresh
invasion of Italy. Already he had bidden his friend Davison
to announce his impending return to Lady Nelson: ' I fancy,'
the mutual friend wrote to her, 'that your anxious mind
will be relieved by receiving all that you hold sacred and
valuable.'^ She 'alternated between a menace and a sigh.'
But she was not to behold him so soon as had been
expected, or to test the truth of what had been darkly
^ Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 127.
2 Morrison MS. 490, Davison to Lady Nelson, May 9, iSoo.
J
HOMEWARD BOUND 327
hinted. The Hamiltons were to be his companions, and
the Queen had for the last three months been preparing a
plan for their joint convenience. Now wholly bereft of her
power over and the affection of her husband,^ vainly exert-
ing herself to induce Lord Grenville to retain Hamilton at
his post, dreading that England would withdraw her fleet,
suspicious, too, that Britain might rob the Sicilies of Malta,
she resolved, in her isolation, to visit her relatives at Vienna,
after a private and political visit to Leghorn. The three
princesses and Prince Leopold were to go with her, and
Prince Castelcicala, bound on a special mission to the Court
of St. James, was to head the train of a numerous suite.
The French were now once more beginning to defeat the
Austrians, and she longed to set off before it might be too
late. What so natural as that the Tria juncta in uno should
accompany her till the inevitable wrench of parting?
One of her letters to Emma three months previously
reveals at once the state of her own perplexed and perplex-
ing mind, her reliance on Emma's counsel, and the cause of
Castelcicala's mission. So much depends on the point of
view. Throughout, hers had been utterly alien to the
average Englishwoman's : —
' My dear Lady, — I have been compelled by a painful
affair to delay my reply, and I write this, my dear friend, in
great pain. . , . Do you remember that on Tuesday evening
I asked you if you had received any letter ; you told me
no : my eyes filling with tears, I was obliged to leave you
I wrote that I was dreadfully depressed. ... I send you
the substance of my letter from Circello.^ The official
one seems to contain no more, but as this fatal packet from
Paget ^ appears to hinge upon our not being left here with-
out a minister during your husband's absence, I think it
may yet be remedied. I am in despair. I am excessively
angry with Circello for not having more strongly opposed
it, and if you, my good, honest, true friends, quit us, let
' Ferdinand was now trimming once more under the rumours afloat of a
restoration of monarchy in France. Cf. Morrison MS. 444.
- Ambassador in London.
•• Sir William's so-called temporary successor. He was a stop-gap for Elliot,
who in his turn was replaced by Amherst, and he by Bentinck.
328 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
them leave Keith in the Mediterranean. We begin by
losing you, our good friends, then our hero Nelson, and
finally, the friendship and alliance of England ; for a young
man [Circello] liable to misbehave himself through the
temptations of wrong-headed men who will induce him to
abuse his power, will not be tolerated, and troubles will
arise from it. I grieve to cause you uneasiness ; my own is
concealed, but bitterly felt. I send you, my good friend,
the original from Circello. Do not let Campbell see it, or
know that you have seen it, and return it to-morrow morn-
ing. . . . Suggest to me what should be done to prevent
this misfortune . . . both for the State and for my feelings.
. . . I will do whatever you counsel me. . . . Do not afflict
yourself Tell the Chevalier I have never felt till now how
much I am attached to him, how much I owe him. My
eyes swim with tears, and I must finish by begging you to
suggest to me what to do, and believe that all my life happy
or wretched, wherever it may be, I shall be always your sin-
cere, attached, tender, grateful, devoted, sorrowful friend.' ^
None the less, the anniversary of King George's birthday
was celebrated with undiminished fervour at Palermo.
Every member of the royal family addressed separate
letters of compliment to Lady Hamilton. Their Anglo-
mania still prevailed.
Among these valedictions is a letter of less formal in-
terest. Lady Betty Foster had commended a protegee —
Miss Ashburner — to Emma's protection. She had married
a Neapolitan, and, as Eliza Perconte, was now governess to
one of the princesses. ' With me,' she says, 'the old Eng-
lish proverb, "out of sight, out of mind," will never find a
place.' ^ Emma had conciliated all but the Jacobins. Her
unceremonious kindness had endeared her to many loving
friends among the lowest as well as the highest. The sailors
and the common people would have died for her. Her
absence made a real void. Lord Bristol was now once more
at Naples — it is a pity that the farewell of one so unaccount-
able is missing. Prince Belmonte's, however, is not, though it
was addressed from Petersburg to Vienna. ' I am so indebted
^ Transcribed by Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 375. I have ventured to revise some
of the translation. - Morrison MS. 492.
HOMEWARD BOUND 329
to you,' he writes in English, ' and you deserve so much to
be loved, that my gratitude and sincere friendship will last
till my tomb. God bless you in your long travels.'^
Farewell was now said not only to Palermo, but to Italy.
Nevermore did Emma behold ' the land of the cypress and
myrtle,' the land of her hero's laurels, of her husband's
adoption, of her own zenith. It often hereafter haunted her
dreams.
She, with her husband, mother, and Miss Knight, accom-
panied the Queen and Nelson to Leghorn. They sailed on
June 10, and anchored five days later, though Nelson's
usual tempest prevented a landing for two days more. This
marks the last of the Fondroyant for the chief actors in the
memorable scenes of this and the previous year. It had
proved a ship of history and of romance. Nelson had
pressed the Government to put it at the Queen's disposal
as far as Trieste, but it was promptly requisitioned for
repairs: Mrs. Grundy, in the person of Queen Charlotte, had
intervened. Bitterly disappointed, its barge's crew at once
petitioned to be allowed to serve in any ship which
their great Admiral might still choose for his homeward
journey. The news that on July 1 1 Nelson had struck his
flag spread consternation at Palermo.
For three weeks more they all tarried at Leghorn.
Nelson and his party met with a royal welcome, and were
conducted in state to the Cathedral with the Queen. All
received splendid memorials from Maria Carolina. Emma's
was a diamond necklace with ciphers of the royal children's
names intertwined with locks of their hair. The Queen, in
presenting it, assured her that it was she who had been their
means of safety. Nor were they safe at present. The
French army was gradually advancing towards Lucca in
their immediate neighbourhood. Nelson sent a line of
assurance to Acton that till safety was secured and plans
were settled, he would not desert the Queen. Emma was
still paramount ; nor was it long before, and for the last
time, she displayed that ready presence of mind, and power
of popularity with crowds that had often astonished Maria
Carolina, and contributed so much to Nelson's admiration.
' Morrison MS. 496.
330 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
She had armed the Lazzaroni at Naples, she harangued and
pacified the insurgents at Leghorn.^
On July 17 they started together for Vienna by way of
Florence, Ancona, and Trieste.
This journey, with its after stages of fresh pomp and
pageant at Prague, at Dresden, and at Hamburg, was the
most ill-advised step that Nelson and the Hamiltons could
have taken. Had they proceeded, according to their
original plan, by sea, they would never have so irritated
the motherland which, after long absence, they were all
revisiting. They were, indeed, quite ignorant of the preju-
dices which they would be called upon to combat. They
deemed themselves children of the world by virtue of their
association with great events, great persons, and a great
career ; but of our island-world they had grown curiously
forgetful. Well, indeed, would it have been for them if they
had remembered. They had lived in a hot-house ; they
were going into the fog.- They had long been closely
isolated in an inner, as well as an outer, world of their own.
Every one, except the detestable Jacobins, had hymned their
praises. Nelson's supreme renown had coloured every word
and every action. For them the Neapolitan and Sicilian
court stood for every court elsewhere. As it had been with
the allies of Britain, so would it prove in Britain itself.
They hugged their illusions. They were aware, of course,
of whispers and comments and suspicions, but these they
derided as the makeshifts of envious busybodies.*^ Even
now Sir William gave out that he would shortly return, a
more youthful Ambassador than ever, though he was even
^ The scene is given by Pettigrew as well as Harrison.
^ Fogs, both mental and physical, are the expressions of Lord St. Vincent in
his letter to Nelson of December 15, 1800, and of Beckford to Emma in one of
November 24. Cf. Pettigrew, vol. i. pp. 401, 403. Within a month of his
arrival Nelson wrote, 'This place of London but ill suits my disposition.'
^ Sir Gilbert Elliot, writing from Vienna in March 1803, and hoping that
Nelson, who was worn to a shadow, would take Malta before returning home,
says : ' He does not seem at all conscious of the sort of discredit he has fallen
into, or the cause of it, for he writes still not wisely about Lady Hamilton and
all that. But it is hard to condemn and use ill a hero, as he is in his own
element, for being foolish about a woman who has art enough to make fools of
many wiser than an Admiral. . . . Sir William sends home to Lord Grenville
the Emperor of Russia's letter . . . [about the Maltese decoration for the
I
HOMEWARD BOUND 331
more worn out than Nelson. He and Emma were under
the wing of the greatest hero on earth, who had only to
sound the trumpet of his fame for the ramparts of official
Jericho to fall. Emma herself was in her most aggressive
mood ; ' Nature ' certainly now outweighed * Sensibility ' :
she would be an Ishmaelite in face of icy English officialism
discrediting each of her words and suspecting her every step.
She was at length conscious of what, in its very concealment,
was about to rivet her for ever to her lover. She would
brave it out with nerves of iron and front of brass, for that
which other women were incapable of enduring, her strength
and courage could achieve. At Vienna the Empress loaded
Maria Carolina's intimate with attentions ; with the Ester-
hazys she was the observed of all observers. The bitter
parting with her Queen but nerved her to greater and louder
demonstrations. When hushed diplomacy sneered and
sniggered in pointedly remote corners, she raised her fine
voice higher than ever to teach John Bull on the Continent
a lesson of robustness. At the mere hint that English
influence was hoping to dissuade the Saxon Elector from
receiving one who was the friend of a Queen and an
Empress, she protested, with a laugh, that she would knock
him down. In the Saxon capital she braced herself to
perform her Attitudes to perfection ; nobody should guess
her real condition. She was ill at ease, and to mask it she
was all retaliation and defiance. The finical got upon her
nerves, and she on theirs.
And, added to this, the tour itself combined the features
of a royal progress and of a travelling show. At Vienna
no attentions sufficed to prove the gratitude to Nelson, ay,
and to Emma, of the Austrian house. Lady Elliot herself,
an old ally, but the wife of an Ambassador who soon made up
his mind never to 'countenance' her, stood her sponsor at
the drawing-room. The Bathyanis vied with the Esterhazys.
Maltese service]. All this is against them, but they do not seem conscious.' —
Minto Life and Letters, vol. ii. p. 114. On p. 139 he inveighs against them for
trying to get the Foiidroyant put at the disposal of the Queen of Naples. ' In
his own element ' ! As if Sir Gilbert could have sat down to write in safety
unless Nelson had worsted Napoleon ! It never seems to have crossed this
prosaic busybody's mind that Emma could fall in love as well as Nelson ; or that
the Czar might possibly know his own business.
332 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Emma was constantly with Maria Carolina at Schonbrunn
as the tearful hour of separation approached. The Queen's
parting letter/ which begins ' My dear Lady and tender
friend,' contains one notable passage : ' May I soon have
the consolation of seeing you again at Naples. I repeat
what I have already said, that at all times and places, and
under all circumstances, Emma, dear Emma, shall be my
friend and sister, and this sentiment will remain unchanged.
Receive my thanks once more for all you have done, and
for the sincere friendship you have shown me. Let me
hear from you ; I will manage to let you hear from me.'
We shall see how Maria Carolina kept her word. It was
said that Emma refused from her the offer of a large annuity.
It has, of course, been denied that Emma was ever endued
with the grace of refusal. But, quite apart from the natural
pride of independence, which characterised her from her
girlhood to her grave, it is certain that neither Hamilton
nor Nelson would ever have permitted her to be the pen-
sioner of a foreign court.
Banquets and functions abounded, and they were not
restricted to the court. Banker Arnstein — ' the Goldsmid,'
as Lady Hamilton afterwards called him, ' of Germany ' —
showered his splendours upon them. There were endless
concerts, operas, entertainments, excursions, visits of cere-
mony and of pleasure, shooting parties, water parties, and,
it must be owned, parties of cards. One of their fellow-
guests at St. Veit, a castle of the Esterhazys', has recorded
his hostile impressions. He was the young Lord Fitzharris,
a patrician of the genus Greville, and he may have lost his
money in this encounter, and, possibly, his temper.
' Sunday, grand fireworks. Monday (the jour de fete), a
very good ball. And yesterday, the chasse. Nelson and
the Hamiltons were there. We never sat down to supper
or dinner less than sixty or seventy persons, in a fine hall
superbly illuminated ; in short, the whole in a most princely
style. Nelson's health was drunk with a flourish of trum-
pets and firing of cannon. Lady Hamilton is, without
exception, the most coarse, ill-mannered, disagreeable
woman we met with. The Princess with great kindness
' Transcribed by Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 399.
HOMEWARD BOUND 333
had got a number of musicians, and the famous Haydn,
who is in their service, to play, knowing Lady H. was fond
of music. Instead of attending to them, she sat down to
the faro table, played Nelson's cards for him, and won
between £s^o and ^400.^ . . .' - Haydn, it must be thought,
was hardly a suitable accompaniment to cards.
When, after Dresden with its fussy state and solemnity,
they embarked on the Elbe for Hamburg, a stock pas-
sage in the diaries of a charming woman relates how that
other Elliot, who was minister here (there was always
an Elliot), was pained to the quick of his refinement
by the noise of Emma and her party ; how undignified
Nelson's excitability appeared to him;^ how Sir William
' bobbed ' on ' his backbone,' with his ribbon flying, round
the ballroom, to prove his septuagenarian nimbleness ; how
he and his friends withdrew shuddering at the shock of
these breaches of taste ; how relieved they were when bated
breath was restored, and they were quit of these oddities
and vulgarities ; how, when the Nelsonians at last got on
board, they looked like a troupe of strolling players ; how
Mrs. Cadogan immediately began to cook the Irish stew for
which her daughter clamoured, while Emma herself roundly
abused the French maid for neglecting her luggage. Most
of this is probably true,^ but here again the point of view
1 Was il from Fitzharris ?
- iMters of the First Earl of Malmcsbury, vol. ii. pp. 222 et seq. This is a
hitherto uncited passage.
^ It is here insinuated that he got drunk. His nephew, Mr. Matchani, who
remembered Nelson and Lady Hamilton together at Merton, lived to refute this
slander in a telling pamphlet. Nelson, he said, was most moderate in his pota-
tions, and always, when he met him as a lad, a quiet gentlhnan in a black suit.
In that black suit, too, Mr. John Ilorsely tells in his Recollections that his father
remembered him often going to the Moorfields Church to hear the singing
Charity girls.
* The Elliots good taste did not prevent them from discussing with I.ady
Hamilton her chances of reception by Queen Charlotte. iNIrs. St. George was
perhaps biassed by the Elliots (who, however, invited the whole party more
than once to dinner) in the long account given in her fou>nal. She resented
Emma's 'friendship at first sight,' and her enthusiasm over her accompaniments
when she sang, though she praises her grace and her voice ; she even accused
her of ' avarice ' without any foundation, and she abuses the coarseness of her
maid. She is also inconsistent in her account of Hamilton ; and Mrs. Cadogan
was ' what one would expect.' Cf. p. 75 et seq.
334 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
needs adjusting. Fastidiousness is as movable, and some-
times as unbearable, a term as vulgarity, and no doubt the
stiff Elliot would have been equally troubled at a violent
sneeze, at any undue emphasis whatever, or infringement of
etiquette. He had, it must be owned, good reason for being
shocked at Emma's want of manners. But over-nicety has
its own pitfalls also. There have been people who eat
dry toast with a knife and fork. There are others who shiver
at the stir of any unconventional footfall on the pile carpets
of ' culture.' At any rate, nobody but Elliot ever reproached
Sir William, a paragon of ' taste,' with violating the sem-
blances of decorum. However we may regret Emma's
unpolished 'coarseness,' at least this is true: blatant and
self-assertive or not, she had certainly carried her own life
and the lives of others in her hand. She had shown grit.
The daughter of the servants' hall had braved crises without
blenching. The son of the Foreign Office had never worked
but with words, nor ever sacrificed himself except to the
covnue ilfaut.
But if Emma, at bay, thus misbehaved, whither were her
inmost thoughts wandering?
She was thinking of how she could carry matters through,
of what would become of her poor Sir William. She was
thinking of Greville's reception, of Romney and Hayley and
Flaxman, and her old friends. And of those new friends
which Nelson had promised and described to her ; of his
pious and revered father, whose heart must be broken if
ever he guessed the truth ; of his favourite brother Maurice,
whose poor, blind ' wife,' ^ beloved and befriended by Nelson
till she died, was no more his wedded partner than she was
Nelson's ; of his eldest brother — the pompous and bishopric-
hunting ' Reverend,' a schemer and a gourmand,- who added
the sentimental selfishness of Harold Skimpole to the mock
humility of Mr. Pecksniff ; of that brother's cheery, bustling
little wife ; of their pet daughter Charlotte, whom the
father always styled his ' jewel ' ; of the son already destined
for the navy, and long afterwards designated by Nelson to
J Mrs. Ford, called « Mrs. Nelson.'
■■* In one of his afler letters Nelson begs Emma to give him excellent fare —
'these big- wigs love a good dinner.'
HOMEWARD BOUND 335
marry Horatia ; of his two plain-speaking, plain-living
sisters — sickly Mrs. Matcham with her brood of eight, and
a husband always absent, ever changing plans and abodes ;
of Mrs, Bolton, more prosperous and more ambitious, with
the two rather quarrelsome daughters for whom she coveted
an entry into the world of ' deportment ' and fashion ; of
Davison, the hero's fickle factotum, whom Nelson had
already requested to find inexpensive lodgings in London.^
Beckford, the magnificent, had put his house in Gros-
venor Square at the disposal of the Hamiltons. It was an
offer of self-interest, for he was already manoeuvring to
rehabilitate himself by bribing his embarrassed kinsman
into procuring him a peerage, and the astute Greville sus-
pected his generosity from the first.- Indeed he wrote to
Sir Joseph Banks that he had warned his uncle of ' con-
sequences,' and that he ' hoped to put him out of the line
of ridicule,' even if he could not 'help him to the comfort
and credit to which his character and good qualities entitle
him.'^
At Vienna Emma had found Nelson yet another factotum
in the person of the interpreter Oliver, who during the next
five years was so often to be the depositary of their secret
correspondence.
From Dresden the Nelsonians repaired to Altona, from
Altona to Hamburg. Their sojourn there was the most
interesting of all, though it only lasted ten days,"* before the
three embarked in the SL George packet-boat for London.
There Emma, who had met the young poet Goethe, now met,
and was appreciated by, the aged poet Klopstock. There
Nelson met, and afterwards munificently befriended, the un-
fortunate General Dumouriez. There the Lutheran pastor
hastened many miles to implore the signature of the great
man for the flyleaf of his Bible. Hamburg was enrap-
tured over Emma's ' Attitudes ' and her personality, which
1 Eg. MS. 2240, t. 32. - Cf. Morrison MS. 497.
* Cf. excerpt in Sotheby'.^ catalogue for May 17, 1905, Greville to Banks,
September 24, 1800. Greville had been much cuncerncd at the Tria juncta
in lino coming together from Vienna vie) Hamburg, ' with what they call the
small reserve of their establishment ' to London. Cf. ibid., Greville to Banks
September 1, 1800. ^ October 12-21.
336 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
called forth interesting books by two well-known authors.^
It was the more enraptured when the whole party witnessed
a performance at the ' German Theatre.' Both Emma and
Nelson exhibited their usual generosity towards the * poor
devils' who applied to them. Another and a different
experience may be also mentioned as indicating how really
artless they were. A wine merchant of the city hastened
to beg the hero's acceptance of his offering — six bottles of
the rarest hock, dating from the vintage of 1625. Emma
was warmly grateful, and urged Nelson to receive the
present. Nelson took it with the thankful compliment
that he would drink a bottle of it after each future
victory, in 'honour of the donor.' ^ This 'respectable'
wine merchant cannot have been so simple a bene-
factor as he appeared. Hock one hundred and eighty
years old must have been quite undrinkable, and only fit
for a museum.
And Nelson was wondering whether and how his wife
would greet his arrival. When, on November 6, they
reached Yarmouth, after such a storm that only he could
force the pilot to land, that wife was absent from his
enthusiastic welcomers. Amid the music, the bunting, the
deputations that seized his one hand, the offended Fanny
was missing. The carriage was dragged by the cheerers to
the Wrestlers' Inn, before which the troops paraded. The
whole party marched in state churchward to a service of
thanksgiving ; the town was illuminated, his departure was
escorted by cavalry; but the wife, no longer of his bosom,
stayed in London with the dear old rector, who had hurried
up to greet him from Burnham-Thorpe. The two days before
the capital huzza'd him, his route was one triumphal proces-
sion. His own Ipswich rivalled Yarmouth, and Colchester,
Ipswich. But as the acclamations of the countryside rang
in their ears, a single thought must have possessed the
minds of Nelson and of Emma — the thought of Fanny.
Nelson entered London in full uniform, with the three
' One by Meyer ; another, Skizzen zu einejii Gemcilde aus Hamburg, 1801-3,
by F. H. Nestler. This information, and more from the contemporary news-
papers, I owe to the kindness of INIr. Max Freund.
- Harrison, vol. ii. p. 263.
HOMEWARD BOUND 337
stars and the two golden medals on his breast.^ It was
Sunday — a day which witnessed many of the crises in his
career. They all drove together to Nerot's Hotel in King
Street,- where Greville had already called to welcome his
uncle, ailing and anxious about his pension. While Lady
Hamilton disguised her tremor.Nelson was left alone with his
proud father and the indignant wife, who had believed, and
brooded over, every whisper against him — even the mali-
cious slanders of the Jacobins. Joy could not be expected
of her, but a word of pride in the achievements that had
immortalised him, and won her the very title which she
immoderately prized, she might surely have shown. Not a
soft answer escaped her pinched lips. That night must have
been one of hot entreaty on the one side, and cold recrimi-
nation on the other. Her mind was thoroughly poisoned
against him. He at once presented himself at the
Admiralty, just as Hamilton, under Greville's tutelage,
at once repaired to my Lord Grenville in Cleveland Row.
Together the three attended the Lord Mayor's banquet the
following night, when the sword of honour was presented,
after the citizens of London, like those of Yarmouth, had
unhorsed the car of triumph and themselves drawn it along
the streets lined with applauding crowds, to the Mansion
House. There also Lady Nelson was absent. Whether
business or ovation detained him, the spectre abode in its
cupboard. For a time their open breach was patched up,
but nevertheless the distance between them widened.
Nelson was to aggravate it by harping on Emma's virtues
and graces till Fanny sickened at her very name. Nor
could Emma's early and friendly approaches, in which Sir
William joined, have been expected to bridge it over.^
' Medals were struck to commemorate his return. On one side is the
medallion ; on the reverse Britannia crowning his vessel with laurels. The
legend round runs : ' Hail, virtuous hero ! Thy victories we acknowledge, and
thy God.' And underneath, ' Return to England, November 5, 1800.'
- This is evident from Greville's letter to Hamilton of November 9, 1800,
Morrison MS. 497. It has usually I)een assumed that the Hamiltons drove
straight to the house in Grosvenor Square which Beckford had lent them.
•' Cf. a remarkable letter from Lady Hamilton to Lady Nelson, sold at
Sotheby's in the May of this year (1905). It l)ears no date, but must refer to a
time shortly after their return. The following is the excerpt in the catalogue :
Y
338 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Emma soon resumed her post as his amanuensis, his
companion, his almoner,^ his vade ineami. Nelson again
accompanied the Hamiltons on their speedy visit to Font-
hill, whose bizarre master desired to compound for a
peerage with Sir William. PrM.'ts exist of the postchaise
with postilions, flambeaux in hand, driving the Nelsonians
into the Gothic archway of that fantastic demesne. Nelson
may well have thought, ' Que diable allait-il faire dans
cette galere ! ' Beckford had addressed his invitation to
Emma in terms of extravagant flattery, to his ' Madonna
della Gloria.' 2 He singled out, too, her performance as
Cleopatra for critical and special admiration. Yet so
insincere was he, that some forty years afterwards he not
only belittled her beauty to Cyrus Redding, but claimed
the entire brunt of service to Britain for Hamilton, while
his ignorance of facts is shown by the egregious errors in
his account.^
Nelson and Emma were always in evidence together.
He ordered his wife to appear in public with himself and
the Hamiltons at the theatre. Emma's sudden faintness,
and Lady Nelson's withdrawal from their box with her,
gave the wife the first inkling of a secret worse even
than she had suspected. A violent scene is said to have
occurred between the two women, and Lady Hamilton used
to assert that Nelson wandered about all night in his
misery, and presented himself early next morning to
implore the comfort and the companionship of his friends.
— ' I would have done myself the honour of calling on you and Lord Nelson this
day, but I am not well nor in spirits. Sir William and myself feel the loss of
our good friend, the good Lord Nelson. Permit me in the morning to have
the pleasure of seeing you, and hoping, my dear Lady Nelson, the continuance
of your friendship, which will be in Sir William and myself for ever lasting to
you and your family.' And she closes by Sir William's proffer of any service
possible.
^ Cf. the very curious application from the ' Kent Road ' to Emma of F. A.
Fitz-Murray, 'natural son of the late Prince of Wales.' — Morrison MS. 498,
November 17, 1800. He calls Nelson ' the Cresar of the age.'
"^ ' In our addresses to superior beings it is quite in vain to flatter or dissemble.
. . . You must shine steadily. . . . That light alone which beams from your
image, ever before my fancy, like a vision of the Madonna della Gloria, keeps
my eyes sufficiently open to subscribe myself with tolerable distinctness.' —
Beckford to Emma. Cf. Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 405
^ Cf. Cyrus Redding's Fifty Years of My Life, vol. iii. p. 103.
HOMEWARD BOUND 339
Emma and Nelson continued all injured innocence. The
circumstances of Horatia's birth in the January following
were to be carefully veiled even from Horatia herself; nor
were they ever proved till some fifty years afterwards, and
even then generally disbelieved. Henceforward Nelson
and his wife were strangers; further efforts at reconciliation
failed.^ By the March of 1801 he had provided for and
repudiated her. ' I have done,' he was to write, ' all in my
power for you, and if I died, you will find I have done the
same. Therefore, my only wish is to be left to myself, and
wishing you every happiness, believe that I am your affec-
tionate Nelson and Bronte.'^ On this 'letter of dismissal '
she endorsed her ' astonishment.' That astonishment must
surely have been feigned.
Without question, sympathy is her due. Without ques-
tion she had been grievously wronged. But her bearing,
both before she had reason to be convinced of the fact and
afterwards, was such perhaps as to decrease her deserts.
She seems to have been more aggrieved than heart-stricken.
From this time forth she withdrew completely from every
member of his family except Maurice" and the good old
father. At Bath, or in London, she sulked and hugged her
grievance, her virtue, her money, and her rank. She pro-
ceeded— naturally — to babble of the woman who had injured
her, and the husband of whom she had been despoiled.
Nelson's brother and sisters, who accepted Emma, always
entitled her ' Tom Tit,' nor would they concede a grain of
true love to her disposition. That she was not the helpmeet
for a hero was not her fault ; it was her drawback and mis-
fortune. She failed in the temperament that understands
temperament, and the spirit that answers and applauds.
Her piety never sought to win back the wanderer. She
incensed him by desiring even now to rent Shelburne House.*
' Through his brother Maurice. - Add. MS. 28,833, f. 3.
•' It isonlyjust torecordherstatemcnlofhis 'altachmenl' to her, and his surprise
that his brother seemed to have forgoUen himself. Cf. Add. MS. 28,333, f- 3-
■• Cf. a very interesting letter sold in the Sholto Hare collection from Nelson
to Lady II., of January 24, 1801. Sec Sotheby's catalogue of August 1904. It
has also been reprinted in an interesting article which appeared in the A7;/f (the
author of which kindly forwarded it to me) of October 22, 1904. ' If she was to
take Shelburne House,' he writes, * I am not, thank God, forced to live in it.'
340 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
She caused him to feel ' an outcast on shore.' ^ While she
could have avenged her cause by suing for a divorce, she
preferred to avenge herself on the culprits by their punish-
ment in being barred from wedlock. After Nelson's death
she litigated with his successor.^
This was Emma's doing, and Nelson's. They were both
pitiless, while the other was implacable. Emma could be
far tenderer than gentle. She was never a gentlewoman,
nor was over-delicacy her foible. Her ' Sensibility ' did not
extend to her discarded rival, whose very wardrobe she
could handle, at Nelson's bidding, and return. She rode
rough-shod over poor Lady Nelson's discomfiture. ' Tom Tit,'
she told Mrs. William Nelson in the next February, 'does
not come to town. She offered to go down, but was refused.
She only wanted to go to do mischief to all the great
Jove's relations. 'Tis now shown, all her ill treatment and
bad heart. Jove has found it out.'^
It is a sorry, but hardly a sordid spectacle. Rather it
is, in a sense, volcanic.^ Here is no barter, no balance of
interests or convenience. It is a passionate convulsion,
which uprooted the wife. I can but vary the apophthegm
already quoted : ' Apologies only try to explain what they
cannot undo.'
^ Add. MS. 34,274, f. G. In the following August he wrote : ' Whatever
Sir Thomas Troubridge may say, I have no real friends out of your house.' — Cf.
extract in Sotheby's catalogue of August 1904.
•^ Add. MS. 34,992, ff. 152, 153, 155-
^ Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 38-40, one of the new letters transcribed in the
Appendix, Part 11. B.
■• On January 25 following Nelson wrote to her : ' Where friendship is of so
strong a cast as ours, it is no easy matter to shake it. Mine is as fixed as
Mount Etna, and as warm in the inside as that mountain.' — Petiigrew, vol. i.
p. 416.
i Y\l
G^^^t^?^?9Z'
a:
I
CHAPTER XII
FROM PICCADILLY TO * PARADISE ' MERTON
1801
It was not long before the Hamiltons were installed in a
new abode, No. 23 Piccadilly, one of the smaller houses
fronting the Green Park. Sir William had been querulous
over the loss of so many treasures in the Colossus —
among them the second version of Romney's ' Bacchante,'
which has never to this day reappeared. Most of their
furniture had been rifled by French Jacobins. Emma
promptly sold enough of her jewels to buy furniture for
the new mansion, and these purchases were afterwards
legally assigned to her by her husband.^
Among the first visitors to their new home were Hayley
and Flaxman, whom Emma had eagerly invited. A letter
from the latter to the former commemorates an interesting
little scene. As they entered. Nelson was just leaving the
room. ' Pray stop a little, my Lord,' exclaimed Sir William ;
' I desire you to shake hands with Mr. Flaxman, for he is a
man as extraordinary, in his way, as you are in yours.
Believe me, he is the sculptor who ought to make your
monument.' 'Is he?' replied Nelson, seizing his hand
with alacrity; 'then I heartily wish he may."' And
eventually he did.
This year was to link her and Nelson for ever. It was
' The deed was in Irust to Davison on February 4, 1801. Morrison MS.
506. Tile original assignment was sold at Sotheby's in July 1905.
- Cf. the two letters from Lady Hamilton to Flaxman (promising to call on his
wife), and from Flaxman to Hayley (recalling the incident), of 1800 and 1805
respectively, sold in -May 1905 at Sotheby's, and excerpted from the catalogue
in the Appendix, Part 11. C. (i l) and {12). Flaxman also executed a bust which
Nelson's famil\ ilcclared to be the sole speaking likeness of the hero.
341
342 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the year of Horatia's birth, of the Copenhagen victory, of
the preliminaries to the acquirement of Merton.
'Sooner shall Britain's sons resign
The empire of the sea ;
Than Henry shall renounce his faith
And plighted vows to thee !
And waves on waves shall cease to roll,
And tides forget to flow,
Ere thy true Henry's constant love
Or ebb or change shall know.' ^ —
' I want but one true heart ; there can be but one love,
although many real well-wishers,' is his prose version in a
hitherto unpublished letter.-
These were the refrains of all this year, and, indeed, of the
little span allotted to Nelson before he was no more seen,
Emma had an ordeal to pass through with a light step
and a bright face. She had forfeited the comfort of that
sense of innocence which she had welcomed ten years
before. She awaited Nelson's child, and none but her
mother and Nelson were to know it. She was to seem as
if nothing chequered her dance of gaiety. Old friends
flocked around her. Greville was a constant caller, curious
about her, vigilant over his uncle. Her old supporter, Louis
Dutens, was also in attendance. She must have visited the
stricken Romney, who pined for the sight of her ; ^ Hayley
and Flaxman we have seen in her company. There was
Mrs. Denis, too, her singing friend at Naples, and the
hardly used Mrs. Billington. And — for she was always
loyal to them — she delighted in beholding or hearing from
her humble kindred again : the Connors, the Reynoldses,*
1 Nelson's verses enclosed in his lelter to Emma of February ii, 1801 ;
Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 30. - Add. MS. 34,274 ^^
' Romney sent, by her request, an old portrait of her for her mother. On
December 13, 1800, when in declining health, he wrote to Hayley: 'The
pleasure I should receive from a sight of the amiable Lady Hamilton would
be as salutary as great, yet I fear, except I should enjoy more strength and
better spirits, I shall never be able to see London again.' — Hayley's Life,
pp. 208, 297. Romney was now at Hampstead. It was probably about this
lime that he drew and painted Nelson.
* At Sotheby's last year was sold a letter addressed by her to ' Mr. Reynolds,'
apparently in this very January.
I
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 343
the Moores of Liverpool ; ^ and that daughter, long ago
wrenched from her by Greville, Emma ' Carevv.' And
there were Bohemian refugees from Naples, the Banti
among their number, who in after days were less than
grateful to their impetuous patroness. New friends also
pressed for her acquaintance. There was Nelson's * smart '
relative Mrs. Walpole, a fribble of fashion in the Prince
of Wales's set, Mrs. Udney and a Mrs. Nisbet, with their
frivolous on-hangers. But, more acceptable than these,
were Nelson's country sisters and sister-in-law, who loved
her at first sight and never relinquished their friendship.
With her soul of attitudes, she must have felt herself in a
double mood — heroic under strain, and laughtersome at
care. The artistic and musical world raved of her afresh ;
they might well now have celebrated her both as * La
Penserosa ' and ' L'Allegra.'
It was about this time that Walter Savage Landor sang
of her —
'Gone are the Sirens from their sunny shore,
The Muses afterwards were heard no more,
But of the Graces there remains but one —
Gods name her Emma, mortals, Hamilton.'
And perhaps too he remembered her when he wrote of Dido —
' Ill-starred Elisa, hence arose
Thy faithless joys, thy steadfast woes.'
Of old she had been praised for her tarantella.-^ Nothing
more beautiful could be imagined, was Lady Malmesbury's
verdict more than five years earlier. How was Emma now
to trip it through heavy trial, and hide an aching heart with
smiles and songs ? Misguided love lent her strength, and
its misguidance found out the way. She was ready to
sacrifice everything, and to forsake all for one whose
absence must mean her own and her country's glory. Sir
William, out of the saddle, was practically in hospital ;
Nelson, practically in hospital, longed for the saddle once
more.
The Northern Coalition threatened a now isolated
' Cf. Mrs. Cadogan's letter, Murrison MS. 563.
■^ Cf. Minto Life and Letter s^ vul. i. p. loi.
344 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Britain with a stroke more formidable than the Southern
had done formerly. Napoleon was exultant. Sir William,
who really worshipped Nelson, and for whom Emma cared
to the last,^ found himself none the less rather thankful
that Nelson was off in search of fresh triumphs, and,
with him, the disturbing clamour of hero-worship. He
longed for his little fishing expeditions and picture hunts ;
he was anxious about his pension,^ his late wife's property
as well as the tatters of his own. So, committing with a
sigh the racket of life to his demonstrative Emma, he
resigned himself to the worldly wisdom of his calculating
and still bachelor nephew, Greville, whose ruling motive
had always been interest. Zeal was not in Greville's
nature, but something like it coloured his coldness when-
ever chattels were concerned. He was studiously respect-
ful to Nelson. He was amiably attentive to his 'aunt'
All the same, he was already tincturing Hamilton's mind
with an alien cynicism ; he and Sir William were gradually
forming a little northern coalition of their own. While he
exerted himself in assiduously forwarding Sir William's
claim on the generosity of the Government, he took good
care to discourage any expenditure that might anticipate
a chance so doubtful.
Nelson was in a fever of impatience and suspense, for
Emma, for his country — his two obsessions — for all but
himself. He was ever a creaking door, but his health,
though in his eagerness for action he protested it re-
stored, was now beyond measure miserable. His eye
grew inflamed, his heart constantly palpitated, his cough
seemed the premonitor of consumption. And vexations,
public as well as private, troubled him. The authorities,
whether in the guise of Cato, or of Paul Pry, or of Tar-
tuffe, hampered his every step, while the curs of office
snapped about his heels. Added to this, he had been
forced into a lawsuit — an * amicable squabble ' he terms it
— with his admired and admiring Lord St. Vincent, who
laid claim to the prize-money of victories won during his
^ Cf. Nelson's letter after his death in the Appendix, Part ii. D. (4) {a).
^ He wanted a real, not a nominal, ^2000 a year from Lord Grenville, and
;^8ooo compensation.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 345
absence. St. Vincent had retired into civil service, and
was now the mainspring of the Admiralty, in which the
new Sir Thomas Troubridge, who owed his rise entirely
to Nelson,^ had also found the snuggest of berths. Both
the men who had taught Nelson, and the men that he
had taught, were setting up as his critics and often his
spies. His coming expedition was to be a thirteenth
labour of Hercules. Yet the tribe of cavillers could only
insinuate (for aloud they dared not speak) of his dalliance
with Omphale. At least they might have remembered
that Nelson had saved them and his country, and that if
his impulsiveness gave himself away to their self-satisfied
ingratitude, he was at this moment called to give himself
up on the altar of duty. On Hardy, and Louis, and the
two Parkers, and Berry and Carrol, he could still count ;
like all chivalrous leaders, he had his round table, and this
was his pride and consolation. But it was also his solace
to remain magnanimous, and even now he sent the most
generous congratulations on his adversary's birthday,^
which were warmly and honourably reciprocated. He had
hoped for supreme command, but Sir Hyde Parker was
preferred : Nelson was only Vice- Admiral of the Blue.
Scarcely had he been in London a fortnight when, with
his brother William, he repaired to his flagship at Ports-
mouth, to superintend the equipment of the fleet. He had
already taken his seat in the House of Lords,^ though he
had still to complain that his honours had not yet been
gazetted.'* He had accompanied the Haniiltons on their
Wiltshire excursion. He had nominated Hardy his cap-
' '. . . He ought to have recollected,' wrote Nelson on the Amazon next
October, ' that I got him the medal of the Nile. Who upheld him when he
would have sunk under grief and mortification ? Who placed him in such a
situation that he got by my public letters. Titles, the Colonelcy of Marines,
Diamond Boxes, looo ounces in money for no expenses that I know of? WTio
got him ^500 a year from the King of Naples? And however much he may
abuse him, his pension will l)e regularly paid. Who brought his character into
notice? . . . Nelson, that Nelson that he now lords it over. So much for
gratitude !' Cf. Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 217.
' Laughton's Despatches, p. 244. ^ November 20, 1800.
* It was in playful allusion to this that on February 6 he wrote to Lady
Hamilton, ' Your letters are to me gazettes, for as yet I have not fixed upon any.'
— Morrison MS. 509.
346 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
tain. On January 13 he quitted Emma, it might be for the
last time, and with Emma he left both his new hopes and
old ties. His wife, who had beaten her retreat to Brighton,
he had now irrevocably renounced ; his mind was ' as fixed
as fate,'^ and of none does the adage ' Vestigia nulla
retrorsu7n ' hold good more than of Nelson ; it was not long
before he wrote significantly, alluding to her West Indian
extraction, ' Buonaparte's wife is of Martinique.' ^ Lady
Nelson had made no advance, not the slightest attempt to
provide him for the voyage. ' Anxiety for friends left,' he
informed his ' wife before heaven ' the day af«:er he set out,
' and various workings of my imagination, gave me one of
those severe pains of the heart that all the windows were
obliged to be put down, the carriage stopped, and the
perspiration was so strong that I never was wetter, and
yet dead with cold.'^ And some days afterwards: 'Keep
up your spirits, all will end well. The dearest of friends
must part, and we only part, I trust, to meet again.' *
By mid-January he had hoisted his flag on the Sait Josef.
In March he was commanding the St. George, the vessel
which, he wrote with exaltation, 'will stamp an additional
ray of glory on England's fame, if Nelson survives ; and
that Almighty Providence, who has hitherto protected me
in all dangers, and covered my head in the day of battle,
will still, if it be His pleasure, support and assist me.' ^
Emma had earned her lover's fresh admiration by steel-
ing herself to undergo a test that would have prostrated
even those who would most have recoiled from it. She
and Nelson had resolved to hide from Sir William what
was shortly to happen. But Emma would take no refuge
in absence from home ; sh^ would stand firm and face guilt
and danger under her own roof-tree. Though this trial
might cost her life, she would be up and doing directly it
was over. If for a few days she kept to her room with one
of those attacks which had been habitual at Naples, who
but her mother and herself need be the worse or the wiser?
^ Cf. his letter to Davism:, Eg. MS. 2240, f. 73.— 'I expect to be left to
myself. ^ Cf. Nelson LetierSf vol. i. p. 43.
^ Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 409. ^ Morrison MS. 503.
^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 32. To Lady Hamilton.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 347
The sudden blow of their parting under such circum-
stances had been exceptionally severe. It recalls the
famous line of Fenelon :
' Calypso ne pouvait pas se consoler du depart d'Ulysse.'
In their mutual anxiety they framed a plan of corre-
spondence, in which Emma and Nelson were to masquerade
as the befrienders of a Mr. Thomson, one of his officers,
distracted with anxiety about the impending confinement
of his wife, who was bidden to entrust herself and the child to
the loving guardianship and ' kind heart ' of Lady Hamilton.
These secret letters were all addressed to ' Mrs. Thomson,'
while Nelson's ordinary letters were addressed as usual to
Lady Hamilton. Without some such dissimulation they
could have very rarely corresponded, for their communica-
tions were constantly opened ; and, even so, Hamilton's
curiosity must have been often piqued by his wife's receipt of
so many communications in Nelson's hand to this unknown
friend. But they did manage to exchange fragments even
more intimate than the interpolations in the body of these
extraordinary ' Thomson ' letters. Not all these, nor all of
such as he possessed, were given by Pettigrew in his con-
clusive proof of Horatia's real origin.^ The Morrison
Collection presents many of Pettigrew's documents in their
entirety, and adds others confirming them ; so also do the
less ample Nelsoji Letters, and others from private sources,
which may serve for a supplement.
Emma's agitated feelings must be guessed from Nelson's
answers, for, as he assured her afterwards, he deliberately
burned all her own ' kind, dear letters,' read and fingered
over and over again ; any day his life might be laid down,
and he feared lest they might pass into hostile hands.
From one of hers, however, written at Merton a year later
in commemoration of the victory he was now about to win,
something of their tenor may be gathered : —
'Our dear glorious friend, immortal and great Nelson,
' Vol. ii. pp. 63S-656. The subject has never been better handled than here,
and all subsequent discoveries bear out Pettigrew's evidence and arguments.
Fresh proofs, among others, are afforded by Morrison MS. 509, 532, and it is
noticeable that the ' Thomson ' lelters are resumed in connection vs ith the Prince
of Wales episode, concerning Emma and Nelson alone.
348 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
what shall I say to you on this day ? My heart and feeling
are so overpowered that I cannot give vent to my full soul
to tell you, as an Englishwoman gratefull to her country's
saviour, what I feel towards you. And as a much loved
friend that has the happiness of being beloved, esteemed,
and admired by the good and virtuos Nelson, what must
be my pride, my glory, to say this day have I the happiness
of being with him, one of his select, and how gratefull to
God Almighty do I feel in having preserved you through
such glorious dangers that never man before got through
them with such Honner and Success. Nelson, I want
Eloquence to tell you what I fell, to avow the sentiments of
respect and adoration with which you have inspired me.
Admiration and delight you must ever raise in all who
behold you, looking on you only as the guardian of England.
But how far short are those sensations to what I as a much
loved friend feil ! And I confess to you the predominant
sentiments of my heart will ever be, till it ceases to beat,
the most unfeigned anxiety for your happiness, and the
sincerest and most disinterested determination to promote
your felicity even at the hasard of my life. Excuse this
scrawl, my dearest friend, but next to talking with you is
writing to you. I wish this day I . . . could be near for
your sake. . . . God bless you, my ever dear Nelson.
Long may you live to be the admiration of Europe, the
delight of your country, and the idol of your constant,
attached Emma.'^
She is ' still the same Emma.' A rhapsody of ' None but
the brave deserve the fair ' rings in every line. It is
melodrama, but genuine melodrama ; and melodrama of the
heart, Nelson loved. It was what all along he had missed
in his wife, who had lived aloof from his career ; whereas
Emma and he had lived through its thrilling scenes together.
It was what he himself felt, and that to which Emma
answered with every pulse. At no time was she in the least
awe of her hero, whose strong will and gentle heart marked
him off from those she had best known. With Nelson she
was always perfectly natural, using none but her own voice
' Eg. MS. 1623, f. 32.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 349
and gestures. Had she been really the conventional ' serpent
of old Nile' (and it is odd what an historical affinity the 'Nile'
has had for ' serpents '), that part would thoroughly have
clashed with her unchanging outspokenness of tone. Nelson
was always emphatic and picturesque ; he possessed to an
eminent degree, both in warfare and otherwise, the intuition
of temperament for temperament. Admitting idealisation,
I cannot think that he was absolutely mistaken in Emma's.
'I shall write to Troubridge this day' is Nelson's com-
munication to Lady Hamilton, in the earliest letter extant
of the ' Thomson ' series, penned on the passage to Torbay
only four days before the child was born, * to send me
your letter, which I look for as constantly and with more
anxiety than my dinner. Let her [Lady Nelson] go to Briton
[sic], or where she pleases, I care not ; she is a great fool, and,
thank God ! you are not the least bit like her. I delivered
poor Mrs. Thomson's note ; her friend is truly thankful for
her kindness and your goodness. Who does not admire your
benevolent heart ? Poor man, he is very anxious, and begs
you will, if she is not able, write a line just to comfort him.
He appears to feel very much her situation. He is so agi-
tated, and will be so for 2 or 3 days, that he says he cannot
write, and that I must send his kind love and affectionate
regards. ... I hate Plymouth.' ^ Yet Plymouth had just
conferred on him the freedom of the city. Nelson's whole soul
was with Emma ; in the suspense of fatherhood he shrank
into himself and recoiled from publicity. He had no com-
punctions about Lady Nelson. On the very evening of the
Plymouth honours he had despatched a remarkable epistle,
published by its owner last year.^ Nelson was never rich, and
his allowance of ^^ 2000 a year to his wife had been handsome
in the extreme.^ Nelson had already heard with incredulity
^ Morrison MS. 502, January 25, 1801.
^ In T/ie King, October 22, 1904. The author of the article kindly offered
to consent to my using this letter. The letter is dated January 24, 1801. It
has been excerpted in Sothel)y's Catalogue of the sale. It also tallies with
another letter to Davison of even date.
' His statement of his then income to Davison still exists. Aild. MS. 28,333,
f. 5. Lady Nelson had brought him ;!^4000. The allowance of (,2000 per
annum was to be paid in advance quarterly by Messrs. Marsh and Creed,
' subject to the income tax which, as I pay the tax with my own. will reduce my
net yearly income to ^^3600.'
3SO EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
' nonsensical reports ' that Lady Nelson was instructing the
agent to buy a * fine house for him.' ^ From his wife, he
now acquaints Emma, he had received but half one side of
a slip of paper to tell him of her cold and her withdrawal
from London. He alludes to a rumour that she was about
to take Shelburne House. He treats it with scornful
ridicule. He had just met Troubridge's sister who lived at
Exeter, ' pitted with small-pox and deafer far than Sir
Thomas.' Emma need never be jealous. ' Pray tell Mrs.
Thomson her kind friend is very uneasy about her, and
prays most fervently for her safety — and he says he can only
depend on your goodness. . . . May the Heavens bless and
preserve my dearest friend and give her every comfort this
world can afford, is the sincerest prayer of your faithful and
affectionate Nelson and Bronte.'
Nelson is all prayer and piety for Emma. It is one of the
most singular features of his erratic greatness that he lays
her, the coming child, and himself as humble and acceptable
offerings before God's throne. His sincerity resembles
in another plane that of Carlyle, who, in some of his epistles
to his mother, translated his own earnest free-thought into
terms of the Scotch Covenanter. But at the same time the
reader is often tempted to echo what the same Carlyle
objected to in French eighteenth-centur> sentimentalism :
' So much talk about Virtue. In the devil and his grand-
mother's name, be Virtuous then ! '
Every night ^ Nelson withdrew after the day's fatigues,
and amid incessant occupations, to hint (when he feared to
pour forth) his torture of anxiety and ' unbounded ' fulness
of passionate affection. He bade her be of good cheer. He
assured ' Mr. Thomson ' of her ' innate worth and affectionate
disposition.'-'^ But during these weary days of waiting, a
full month before Oliver had been chosen to convey his
famous and self-convicting letter,* he must have disclosed
^ Cf. Nelson's letter to Davison of January 24 (the same day as the letter to
Emma), Eg. MS. 2240, f. 39.
" On January 26, 27, 28, and 29. Cf. Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 646.
■• Cf. Morrison MS. 302, 303.
* March i, 1801, Morrison MS. 532; Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 652. Cf. post,
p. 368. The one beginning ' Now my own dear wife, for such you are in my
eyes and the face of heaven.'
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 351
his inmost soul to its idol through him, or perhaps through
Davison, who at this very time had travelled over two
hundred miles to pay him a visit.^ Another letter of far
less reserve, and one never, so far as I know, cited, exists in
relation to the birth of the second child — the little Emma
who died so soon — in the earlier months of 1804. It is so
remarkable, and probably so identical with others which he
must have written on this earlier occasion, that I subjoin
a portion of it here, venturing to fill in some of the
excisions : —
' My dearest Beloved, — ... To say that I think of you
by day, night, and all day, and all night, but too faintly ex-
presses my feelings of love and affection towards you. [Mine
is indeed an] unbounded affection. Our dear, excellent, good
[Mrs. Cadogan] is the only one who knows anything of the
matter ; and she has promised me when you [are well] again
to take every possible care of you, as a proof of her never-
failing regard to your own dear Nelson. Believe me that I
am incapable of wronging you in thought, word, or deed.
No ; not all the wealth of Peru could buy me for one
moment ; it is all yours and reserved wholly for you. And
. . . certainly. . . from the first moment of our happy, dear,
enchanting, blessed meeting . . . The call of our country
is a duty which you would deservedly, in the cool moments of
reflection, reprobate, was I to abandon : and I should feel so
disgraced by seeing you ashamed of me ! No longer saying,
" This is the man who has saved his country ! This is he,
who is the first to go forth to fight our battles, and the last
to return ! " . . . " Ah ! " they will think, " What a man !
What sacrifices has he not made to secure our homes and
property ; even the society and happy union with the
finest and most accomplished woman in the world." As
you love, how must you feel ! My heart is with you,
cherish it. I shall, my best beloved, return — if it pleases
God — a victor ; and it shall be my study to transmit an
unsullied name. There is no desire of wealth, no ambition
that could keep me from all my soul holds dear. No ; it is
' Cf. Ntho7i Letters^ vol. i. p. 26. Tlio Morrison MS. show that Davison
(lid actually transmit letters.
352 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
to save my country, my wife in the eye of God. . . . Only
think of our happy meeting. Ever, for ever I am your's,
only your's, even beyond this world. . . . For ever, for ever,
your own Nelson.' ^
Emma certainly inspired the Nelson who delivered Eng-
land; and for all time this surelyought to outweigh the carping
diatribes of half-moralists who narrow the whole of virtue to
a part. It cannot be too much emphasised that Nelson loved
her and not merely her enhancements. ' Thank God,' he
wrote at the beginning of February, 'you want not the
society of princes or dukes. If you happened to fall down
and break your nose or knock out your eyes, you might go
to the devil for what they care, but it is your good heart that
attaches to you, your faithful and affectionate Nelson.' -
On January 29 — a day of snow — Horatia was born.^
Within the week Emma, unattended, had taken the baby
by night in a hackney coach to the nurse, Mrs. Gibson,^
of Little Titchfield Street. Within a fortnight, ' thinner
. . . but handsomer than ever,'** she could play hostess at her
husband's table ; in three weeks she was importuned by,
though she refused to entertain, royalty. From first to last,
she wrote daily to Nelson, and she was active in conceal-
ment. Her force of will and endurance at this juncture
pass comprehension. She behaved as if nothing had
happened, though she seriously deranged her health.^
' Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 175.
- Letter of February 5, 1801, transcribed by Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 649.
■• Cf. Morrison MS. 502. Perhaps a twin ; ibid. 328. When the child was
baptized on May 13, 1803, in Marylebone Church (though an earlier christening
had been intended), its date of birth was registered as October 29, 1800, so as to
bear out the fiction of the child's having been confided to them abroad. In 1804
he sent Lady H. an elaborate note (presumably to be shown), explaining that the
child was entrusted to him abroad. One of the two originals of this curious docu-
ment was in Mrs. Hampden's possession ; the other is in the Morrison MS.
Horatia's birthday was always celebrated as if the birth had then occurred ; but
the choice of the 29th of that month points to January 29, 1801, as the true date.
'' Nelson in his mystifying letters at first purposely called her 'Jenkins.' Cf.
Morrison MS. 507, to Lady Hamilton, Feb. 4, 1801. Lady Hamilton is said to
have conveyed the infant concealed in her muff.
•'' So Davison told Nelson. Cf. Morrison MS. 509, Nelson to Lady H.,
Feb. 6, 1801.
" Cf. Sir William's letter to Nelson of Feb. 19, Nelson Letters, vol. ii. pp.
200 and 207, Feb. 19 and 20.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 353
* I believe,' wrote the transported father so soon as her glad
tidings reached him, ' I believe dear Mrs. Thomson's friend
will go mad with joy. He cries, prays, and performs all
tricks, yet dares not show all or any of his feelings, but he
has only me to consult with. He swears he will drink your
health this day in a bumper, and damn me if I don't join
him in spite of all the doctors in Europe, for none regard
you with truer affection than myself. You are a dear good
creature, and your kindness and attention to poor Mrs. T.
stamps you higher than ever in my mind. I cannot write,
I am so agitated by this young man at my elbow. I believe
he is foolish, he does nothing but rave about you and her.
I own I participate in his joy and cannot write anything.' ^
It is noteworthy that the eccentric demeanour of ' dear
Mrs. Thomson's friend ' accords with what was evidently a
trait in the Nelson family ; for Sir William, describing to
Nelson the joy of his brother ' the reverend doctor,' on
hearing the first intelligence of Copenhagen while dining
with him in Piccadilly, says: 'Your brother was more
extraordinary than ever. He would get up suddenly and
cut a caper ; rubbing his hands every time that the thought
of your fresh laurels came into his head.'^
The day after the ' young man ' at Nelson's elbow had
been thus disporting himself. Nelson again addressed Lady
Hamilton. He had cut out two lines from her letter with
which, he declares, he will never part. He had exceeded
his promise of the day before, and had drained two bumpers
to the health of Mrs. Thomson and her child in the
company of Troubridge, Hardy, Parker, and his brother,
till the latter said he would ' hurt ' himself : ' that friend of
our dear Mrs. T. is a good soul and full of feeling,' he wrote ;
' he wishes much to see her and her little one. If possible I will
get him leave for two or three days when I go to Portsmouth,
and you will see his gratitude to you.' ^ Next morning he
communicates with her indirectly as ' Mrs. Thomson.' Her
' good and dear friend does not think it proper at present
to write with his own hand,' but he ' hopes the day may not
^ Morrison MS. 504, February i, 1801 ; Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 646.
- Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 213, Hamilton to Nelson, April i6, iSoi.
' Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 646.
Z
354 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
be far distant when he may be united for ever to the object
of his wishes, his only, only love. He swears before heaven
that he will marry her as soon as possible, which he
fervently prays may be soon. Nelson is charged ' to say
how dear you are to him, and that you must [at] every
opportunity kiss and bless for him his dear little girl, which he
wishes to be called Emma, out of gratitude to our dear, good
Lady Hamilton, but in either [case?] its [name?], [whether?]
from Lord N., he says, or Lady H., he leaves to your judg-
ment and choice.' He has ' given poor Thomson a hundred
pounds this morning for which he will give Lady H. an
order on his agents ' ; and he begs her to ' distribute it
amongst those who have been useful to you on the late
occasion ; and your friend, my dear Mrs. Thomson,' he
adds, ' may be sure of my care of him and his interest,
which I consider as dearly as my own. . . .' ^
But perhaps the least guarded of this long series is a
fragment to be found in the old volume of Nelson Letters,
though Pettigrew's transcripts and the Morrison original
do not comprise it. It bears date February i6. ' I sit down,
my dear Mrs. T.,' it runs, ' by desire of poor Thomson, to
write you a line : not to assure you of his eternal love
and affection for you and his dear child, but only to say
that he is well and as happy as he can be, separated from
all which he holds dear in this world. He has no thoughts
separated from your love and your interest. They are
united with his ; one fate, one destiny, he assures me, awaits
you both. What can I say more? Only to kiss his child
for him : and love him as truly, sincerely, and faithfully as
he does you ; which is from the bottom of his soul. He
desires that you will more and more attach yourself to dear
Lady Hamilton.' ^ Only a week earlier he had addressed
to her that stirring passage which told her that it was she
who urged him forth to glory, that he had been the whole
world round, and had never yet seen ' her equal, or even
one who could be put in comparison.'^
Every night he and his * band of brothers ' continue to raise
^ Morrison MS. 505, Nelson to 'Mrs. Thomson.' Pettigrew (who only
gives the least interesting parts), vol. ii. p. 647.
^ Nelson Letters ^ vol. i. p. 173. ^ Ibid. p. 24.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 355
the glass to the toast of Emma. Letter succeeds to letter,
affection to impatience, and impatience to ecstasy. He makes
a new will, bequeathing her, besides other jewelled presenta-
tions, the portrait which Maria Carolina had given him of
herself at parting ^ ; charging, too, in her favour the rental of
Bronte, but on this occasion only in the case of the failure
of its male heirs ; creating, above all, a trust for the child, of
whom ' Emma Hamilton alone knows the parents,' of whom
too she is besought to act as guardian, and by her honour and
integrity to ' shield it from want and disgrace.' He would
' steal white bread rather than that the child should want.'
He and she are to be and be known as godparents of an
infant in whom they take a ' very particular interest,' and
he especially requests that it may be brought up as 'the
child of her dear friend Nelson and Bronte.' He discusses
the name ; Emma had evidently begged that it might be
his^ not hers as originally proposed. Let it be christened
'Horatia' and be registered, anagramatically, as 'daughter
of Johem and Morata Etnorb.' ^ As for the date of baptism,
he leaves it entirely to his Emma's discretion, but, on the
whole, after some hesitation he favours its postponement,
since a clergyman might ask inconvenient questions.^ He
rejoices to hear that the baby is handsome, for then it must
be like his dear ' Lady Hamilton,' between whom and Mrs.
Thomson there is said to be a striking resemblance. After
all, there is no immediate hurry to settle these trifles. He
must soox\ rejoin her, if only for a day. Till March he would
still be kept off the English coasts, near and yet far from
Emma ; he chafes at a division uncaused by duty or by
distance. He will run up so soon as ' Mr. Thomson ' can get
leave, and propitiate that watch-dragon, Troubridge.
Emma's correspondence with Mrs. William Nelson from
the latter end of February, which finds place in the
Appendix, will shortly show how and when he appeared in
* This portrait was reproduced in the Belle AssembWe for May 1S07 by Lady
Hamilton's express permission.
'^ i.e. Horatio and Emma Bronte. It should be noticed that three years later
he once more takes up the vein of mystification and uses another anagram,
' Ganam Justem ' [' I 'gainst you Emma ' ?] Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. ii. pp.
71, 77; and there were other.-, also. All this reminds one of Swift's anagrams
to Stella. ' Cf. Morrison MS. 509; Pettigrcw, vol. ii. pp. 650-652.
356 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
London. But before he hastened to her side, a curious and
unnoticed episode, mixing a drop of bitter disquiet with
his draught of rapture, will be followed with interest. It
exhibits Emma's constancy and fortitude under a tempta-
tion which surprised her, and anguished her fretting lover.
Her firmness in overcoming it and, with it, his jealousy,
riveted him, if possible, more closely than ever. It pervades
every one of Nelson's letters, from the February of this year
to the end of March, and many, long afterwards.
While, strained and nervous beyond measure, she now
awaited Horatia's birth,^ she was annoyed and alarmed,
though possibly flattered also, by a message from the
Prince of Wales — eager to bridge over the dull interval till
Parliament might pronounce his father imbecile and himself
Regent. He politely commanded Sir William to invite
him to dinner on a Sunday evening. It was his desire
to hear Lady Hamilton sing, together with La Banti, who was
now in London, and whose son Nelson had actually placed in
the navy together with Emma's cousin, Charles Connor.- Sir
William was anxious to obtain from the Government not only
his full pension, but also a liberal reward for the heavy losses
which Jacobinism had inflicted on his property. Moreover,
he hoped, though in vain, for a new appointment — the
governorship of Malta.'^ The Prince's aid was all-important
for the ex-Ambassador. He had been more than civil
during the short visit of 1791, when he had commissioned
portraits of the fair Ambassadress ; and, though an ill-
natured world might put the worst construction on his
presence in Piccadilly, Sir William trusted to Emma's
prudence and his own interest.^ The fiery Nelson, however,
' Nelson first mentions the matter on Jan. 26, Morrison MS. 503.
" Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 107.
■' Cf. Captain Louis's letter to Emma, regarding the affair as if it were settled,
Morrison MS. 603, June 15, 1801. Ball also wrote in the same strain.
•* Cf. his letter to Nelson of Feb. 11, Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 200.
'. . . She has got one of her terrible sick headaches. Am.ong other things that
vex her is — that we have been drawn in to be under the absolute necessity of
giving a dinner to the P. of Wales on Sunday next. He asked it himself, having
expressed a strong desire of hearing Banti's and Emma's voices together. I am
well aware of the dangers, etc. ... As this dinner must be, or he would be
offended, I shall keep strictly to the musical pan, invite only Banti, her husband,
and Taylor ; and as I wish to show a civility to Davison, I have sent him an
Z_
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 357
infuriated, even demented, at the bare suspicion, ascribed
the whole manoeuvre to the bad offices and influence of
Lady Abercorn, Mrs. Walpole,^ and a ' Mrs. Nisbet,' who
had been heard publicly to assert that Lady Hamilton had
' hit ' the Prince's ' fancy.' Sir William, however, was now
once more under Greville's thumb, and I am satisfied that
the mild Mephistopheles of King's Mews had his finger in
this pie.- At a moment so awkward, Emma certainly dis-
believed that her husband ever did more than countenance
the affair. She was proud of her talent, and pleased at
the sensation it created in the Duke of Oueensberry's
circle. But the attentions of such a charmer as the First
Gentleman in Europe were doubtless of design ; and she
was on her guard at the outset, though in after years she
cultivated the new friendship of the Prince, together with
the long-standing one of his admiring brothers. Her child
had half-hallowed in her eyes the sin that sacrifice had
endeared, and she resented the buzz of the scandalmongers.
She welcomed, indeed invited, Nelson's plan of bringing up
his sister-in-law to the rescue.
Sir William's intention that the royal visit should be 67?
famille, and its projected secrecy, worked up Nelson's feelings
to their highest pitch : better by far, if it had to be, a big re-
ception. In the end, however, no party took place, still less
was there any ^clat? The Prince was baffled, despite Sir
William. Emma showed that she could renounce vanity for
love, and that she dared to rebuff importunity in high places.
Nelson's mountain brought forth a mouse, nor did he ever
cease to commemorate his appreciation of Emma's firmness
— ' firm as a rock,' he said of her afterwards.
invitation. In short, we will get rid of it as well as we can, and guard against
its producing more meetings of the same sort. Emma would really have gone any
lengths to have avoided Sunday'' s dinner. But / thought it would not be prudent
to break with the P. of Wales, etc. ... I have been thus explicit as I know well
your Lordship's way of thinking, and your very kind attachment to us and to
everything that concerns us.' The rest of this letter concerns his claims.
' In February i8cx) Mr. Bolton speaks of her and her 'fine people' with the
Prince of Wales at Bath, as great gamesters. Morrison MS. 454.
'" Nelson mentions him expressly in a passage to be quoted, as engaged in
the alTair, Morrison MS. 521.
' Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 34. Nelson to Emma, March 1801. Sir
William seems even to have used threats. Cf. Morrison MS. 519.
3S8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Nelson was really on the rack. His distracted letters of
more than a fortnight — until his apprehensions of the main
danger had been calmed — present a striking self-revelation,
and are doubly interesting because Emma's own letters to
Mrs. William Nelson supplement them. It is only through
his own words that we can realise his feelings. His over-
wrought nature magnified every shadow, and overbore his
strong common sense. He was morbid, and conjured
up suspicions and anticipations alike unworthy of him.
Throughout his life his geese were too often swans, and
his bites noires, even oftener, demons. His Jeremiads
sound a monotone. He tears his passion to tatters in a
crescendo of self-torture. The man whose bracing and
unblenching nerves were iron in action, who was shortly
to urge ' these are not times for nervous systems,' grew
unstrung and abased when his immense love lost its foot-
hold for a moment. At first he could scarcely believe
that ' Sir William should have a wish for the Prince of
Wales to come under your roof ; no good could come
from it, but every harm. * You are too beautiful not to
have enemies, and even one visit will stamp you. . . . We
know that he is without one spark of honour in these
respects and would leave you to bewail your folly. But,
my dear friend, I know you too well not to be convinced
you cannot be seduced by any prince in Europe. You are,
in my opinion, the pattern of perfection.' ' Sir William
should say to the Prince that, situated as you are, it would
be highly improper for you to admit H.R.H. That the
Prince should wish it, I am not surprised at. . . . Sir
William should speak out, and if the Prince is a man of
honour, he will quit the pursuit of you. . . . The thought
so agitates me that I cannot write. I had wrote a few lines
last night but I am in tears, I cannot bear it' ' I own I
sometimes fear that you will not be so true to me as I am
to you, yet I cannot, will not believe, you can be false.
No ! I judge you by myself. I hope to be dead before
that should happen, but it will not. Forgive me, Emma,
oh, forgive your own dear, disinterested Nelson. Tell
Davison how sensible I am of his goodness. He knows
my attachment to you. . . . May God send . . . happiness!
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 359
I have a letter from Sir William ; he speaks of the
Regency as certain ; and then probably he thinks you
will sell better — horrid thought!' 'Your dear friend, my
dear and truly beloved Mr. T., is almost distracted ; he
wishes there was peace, or if your uncle would die, he
would instantly then come and marry you, for he doats on
nothing but you and his child. . . . He has implicit faith
in your fidelity, even in conversation with those he dislikes,
and that you will be faithful in greater things he has no
doubt.' When Emma scolded, and sought to pique him by
a piece of jesting jealousy into reason, he reassured both
her^ and himself for a few days; but on February 11,
addressing her as ' My dear Lady,' he tells her that ' it is
very easy to find a stick to beat your Dogl and to find a pre-
text for blaming one ' who will never forget you, but to the
last moment of his existence, pray to God to give you
happiness and to remove from this ungrateful world your
old friend.' - Three days later, however, he again changes
his note ; he trusts his 'dear Lady' to 'do him full justice,
and to make her dear mind at ease for ever, for ever and
ever.'"^ But on February 17 he burst out afresh: 'I am
so agitated that I can write nothing. I knew it
would be so, and you can't help it. Do not sit long at
table. Good God ! He will be next you, and telling
you soft things. If he does, tell it out at table, and
turn him out of the house. . . . Oh, God ! that I was
dead ! But I do not, my dearest Emma, blame you, nor
do I fear your constancy. ... I am gone almost mad,
but you cannot help it. It will be in all the newspapers
with hints. ... I could not write another line if I was to
be made King. If I was in town, nothing should make me
dine with you that damned day, but, my dear Emma, I do
not blame you, only remember your poor miserable friend.
^ ' Suppose I did say thai ihe West Country women v ore black stockings,
what is it more than if you was to say what puppies all the present yountj men
are? You cannot help your eyes, and God knows I cannot see much.'
Morrison MS. 514, and cf. 515.
- Cf. excerpt from a letter of February 11, iJbOi. ^ San Josef, Brixham,' in
Sotheby's catalogue of July 8, 1905. Cf. Appendix, 1'art il. E. (4) (a).
* Cf. excerpt in the same catalogue of another new letter of February 14,
1801. Cf. Appendix, Part li. E. (4) (b).
36o EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
That you must be singing and appear gay ! . . . I have read
. . . your resolution never to go where the fellow is, but
you must have him at home. Oh, God ! but you cannot, I
suppose, help it, and you cannot turn him out of your own
house. ... I see your determination to be on your guard,
and as fixed as fate. ... I am more dead than alive . . .
to the last breath your's. If you cannot get rid of this, I
hope you will tell Sir William never to bring the fellow
again.' ' 'Tis not that I believe you will do anything that
injures me, but I cannot help saying a few words on that
fellow's dining with you, for you do not believe it to be out
of love for Sir William. . . . You have been taken in. You
that are such a woman of good sense, put so often on your
guard by myself [against] Mrs. Udney, Mrs. Spilsbury,
Mrs. Dent, and Mrs. Nisbet. ... I knew that he would
visit you, and you could not help coming downstairs when
the Prince was there. . . . But his words are so charming
that, I am told, no person can withstand them. If I had
been worth ten millions I would have betted every farthing
that you would not have gone into the house knowing that
he was there, and if you did, which I would not have
believed, that you would have sent him a proper message
by Sir William, and sent him to hell. And knowing your
determined courage when you had got down, I would have
laid my head upon the block with the axe uplifted, and
said " strike," if Emma does not say to Sir William before
the fellow, " my character cannot, shall not suffer by per-
mitting him to visit." . . . Hush, hush, my poor heart, keep
in my breast, be calm, Emma is true. . . . But no one, not
even Emma, could resist the serpent's flattering tongue. . . .
What will they all say and think, that Emma is like other
women, when I would have killed anybody who had said
so. . . . Forgive me. I know I am almost distracted, but
I have still sense enough left to burn every word of yours.
. . . All your pictures are before me. What will Mrs.
Denis say, and what will she sing — Be Calm, be Gentle, the
Wind has Changed'^ Do you go to the opera to-night?
They say he sings well. I have eat nothing but a little
rice and drank water. But forgive me. I know my Emma,
and don't forget that you had once a Nelson, a friend, a
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 361
dear friend, but alas ! he has his misfortunes. He has lost
the best, his only friend, his only love. Don't forget him,
poor fellow I He is honest. Oh ! I could thunder and
strike dead with my lightning. I dreamt it last night, my
Emma. I am calmer. . . . Tears have relieved me ; you
never will again receive the villain to rob me. . . . May the
heavens bless you ! I am better. Only tell me you forgive
me ; don't scold me, indeed I am not worth it, and am to
my last breath your's, and if not your's, no one's in the
world. . . . You cannot now help the villain's dining with
you. Get rid of it as well as you can. Do not let him
come downstairs with you or hand you up. If you do, tell
me, and then ! ' ' Forgive my letter wrote and sent last
night, perhaps my head was a little affected. No wonder,
it was such an unexpected, such a knock-down blow ; such
a death. But I will not go on, for I shall get out of my
senses again. Will you sing for the fellow The Prince,
unable to conceal his Pain, etc. ? No, you will not.'
And here follows, like a lull in the storm, his joy at
hearing from Emma herself that Sir William, ' who asks
all parties to dinner,' was not to have his way; she had
resolved to evade the Prince. He cursed the would-be
intruder. Even now he implored her not to risk being at
home that next Sunday evening,^ but to dine with Mrs.
Denis. If the Prince still insisted on coming, Emma
must be away. But till he had certainty he would con-
tinue to starve himself He thanked her 'ten thousand
times.' She was never to say that her letters bored him ;
they were ' the only real comfort of his life.' If ever he
proved false to her, might 'God's vengeance' light upon
him. Parker knew his love for her — ' who does not?' He
was 'all astonishment at her uncle's conduct'; as for his
'aunt,' he did not care 'a fig for her." He would buy
Madame Le Brun's portrait of her as well as Romney's.
Still, the yellow demon had not yet quite deserted him. He
still brooded on imaginary fears and scenes. ' Did you sit
alone with the villain.? No! I will not believe it. Oh,
God ! Oh, God 1 keep my sences. Do not let the rascal in.
^ February 22. Tuesday (when Emma wrote to Mrs. \Villiam Nelson) was
the 24th. Cf. Add. MS. 34,1^89, f. 38.
362 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Tell the Duke^ that you will never go to his house. Mr.
G.'^ must be a scoundrel. He treated you once ill enough^
and cannot love you, or he would sooner die. ... I have
this moment got my orders to put myself under Sir
Hyde Parker's orders, and suppose I shall be ordered to
Portsmouth to-morrow or next day, and then I will try to
get to London for 3 days. May Heaven bless us, but
don't let that fellow dine with you. . . . Forget every cross
word: I now live! That very night he received the
assurance of Emma's staunch determination, however Sir
William and Greville might remonstrate, and his answer
breathes a profound and rapturous calm: — 'Your good
sense, judgment, and proper firmness must endear you to
all your friends, and to none more than your old and firm
friend Nelson. You have shown that you are above all
temptation, and not to be drawn into the paths of dishonour
for to gratify any price, or to gain any riches. How Sir
William can associate with a person of a character so
diametrically opposed to his own — but I do not choose, as
this letter goes through any hands, to enter more at large
on this subject. I glory in your conduct and in your
inestimable friendship. ... I wish you were my sister that
I might instantly give you half my fortune for your glorious
conduct. Be firm ! Your cause is that of honour against
infamy. . . . You know that I would not, in Sir William's
case, have gone to Court without my wife,^ and such a wife,
never to be matched. It is true you would grace a Court
better as a Queen than a visitor.' * Good Sir William,' he
added, must, on reflection, ' admire your virtuous and proper
conduct.'^
Nelson never forgot or ceased to praise Emma's conduct
in this ticklish transaction. William Nelson joined his
' Of Queensberry. - Greville.
^ This is proof positive that Nelson was fully aware of Emma's past. The
reverse has often been asserted.
^ Queen Charlotte would never receive her.
^ For the foregoing cf, iti/er alia, Morrison MS. 503, 507, 509, 511, 513-15,
518, 520, 521-22, 532 ; Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 34, vol. ii. p. 200; and for the
two citations to follow, Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 451, and excerpt from a letter,
^ St. George, March 7, 1801,' from Sotheby's catalogue for July 8, 1905. Cf
Appendix, Part il. D, (c) (a).
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 363
brother 'in admiration.'^ But the lover holds her aloft as
a matchless example in letters compatible with the most
platonic affection. She is incomparable. The more he reads,
the more he admires her ' whole conduct,' The thought of
it inspired that ' Santa Emma ' letter written in the May of
this very year on the St. George off Rostock, one excerpt
from which, canonising her as a saint, has been already
quoted,'- and which is given entire in the Appendix.^ It
inspired another uncited passage addressed to Emma a
few weeks later. ' I now know he never can dine with you ;
for you would go out of the house sooner than suffer it :
and as to letting him hear you sing, I only hope he will
be struck deaf and you dumb, sooner than such a thing
should happen ! But I know it never now can. You
cannot think how my feelings are alive towards you : pro-
bably more than ever: and they never can be diminished.'*
In strength of will, in picturesqueness, in emphasis, in
courage, it must be acknowledged that Nelson and Emma
were affinities.
The fresh correspondence between Emma and Mrs.
William Nelson — transcribed in the Appendix — is interest-
ing in relation to this episode, for through it we are
enabled to hear Emma's own voice. It rings out true
and clear, confirming every word that Nelson uttered.
There is also here and there a touch in it of Emma as
' stateswoman ' once more. She never relaxed her interest
in politics, and she was still in correspondence with Maria
Carolina.^
^ His letter is very characteristic — all smirk, starch, bows and compliments.
He can only send her his 'little morsel of a better half ; her letters to him are
•charities.' For a specimen of this worthy's spirit, cf. the following in a letter
to Lady H. of August 23, 1801 : — ' I am told there are two or three very old
lives, Prebends of Canterbury, in the Minister's gift^near ;^6oo a year, and
good houses. ' — Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 204.
"' Add. MS. 34,274 G. Cf. ante, p. 26.
^ Appendix, Part II. D. i (/'). ^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 34.
•'• Emma wrote, after Nelson's departure, to the Queen. The reply reached
her in May, protesting 'vera amicizia.' Maria, herself in great trouble at the
entry of the French, grieves to hear that Emma is neither ' happy nor con-
tented.'— Eg. MS. 1616, f. 125. They exchanged fresh letters in December,
the Queen assuring her old friend that she always interests her. — Ibid. f. 127.
In some of his this year's letters Nelson inquires of Emma news from the Queen,
who continued her correspondence so late as 1809.
364 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Emma had welcomed Nelson's wish that his sister-in-
law should be with her at such a trying moment. Un-
fortunately, 'Reverend Doctor' and his wife had ended
their stay in town just before the Sunday of the party
which haunted Nelson came round. At Nelson's request,
however, the little woman, whose 'tongue,' he said, 'never
lay still,' returned in the nick of time to fill the blank
caused by his departure.^ On the very Friday of Nelson's
two letters^ to Emma, she also took up her own tale
to Mrs. Nelson. She was still in bed with a headache :
' . . . It is such a pain to part with dear friends, and you
and I liked each other from the moment we met : our souls
were congenial. Not so with Tom Tit,^ for there was an
antipathy not to be described. ... I received yesterday
letters from that great adored being that we all so love,
esteem, and admire. The more one knows him, the more
one wonders at his greatness, his heart, his head booth \sic\
so perfect. He says he is coming down to Spithead^ soon,
he hopes. Troubridge comes to town to-day as one of the
Lords, so he is settled for the present, but depend on it,
my dear friend, this poor patched-up party ^ can never hold
long. A new coat will bear many a lag and tag as the
vulgar phrase is, but an old patched mended one must
tear. ... I am so unwell that I don't think we can have
his Royal Highness to dinner on Sunday, which will not vex
vie. Addio, inia Cara arnica. You know as you are learning
Italian, I must say a word or so. How dull my bedroom
looks without you. I miss our little friendly confidential
chats. But in this world nothing is compleat.' And here
Emma's philosophy follows : — ' If all went on smoothly,
one shou'd regret quitting it, but 'tis the many little
vexations and crosses, separations from one's dear friends
that make one not regret leaving it. . . .'^
' From the Morrison MS. and these new Add. MSS. it is clear that Mrs.
Nelson arrived again about March 20.
- February 19. The two last notes above cited. ^ Lady Nelson.
■• From Portsmouth, where the work of refitting the fleet was nearly finished.
Cf. Morrison MS. 522.
^ Addington [London-to-Paddington Addington] was trying to edge in on the
debris of Pitt's administration, but as he could not form a Cabinet, Pitt returned.
•' Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 36, 37 ; and .see Appendix, Part 11. B.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 365
On February the 24th Nelson hurried to London ^ before
he finally set out for the Baltic in the second week of the
next month. A note from Emma in this new series
describes his arrival to Mrs. Nelson. The letter is franked
by Nelson himself to ' Hillborough, Brandon, Suffolk ': —
' My dearest Friend, — Your dear Brother arrived this
morning by seven o'clock. He stays only 3 days, so by
the time you wou'd be here, he will be gone. How un-
lucky you went so soon. I am in health so so, but spirits
to-day excellent. Oh, what real pleasure Sir William and
1 have in seeing this our great, good, virtuous Nelson. His
eye is better. . . . Apropos Lady Nelson is at Brighton
yet. The King, God bless him, is ill, and there are many
speculations. Some say it is his old disorder. . . .'
And on the next day, February 25 : —
' . . . Your good, dear Brother has just left me to go to
pay a visit to Mr. Nepean,'^ but is coming back to dinner
with Morice, his brother,^ whom he brings with him, and
Troubridge also. We shall be comfortable, but more so
if you had been here. Oh, I wish you was, and how happy
would Milord* have been to have had that happiness, to
have walked out with Mrs. Nelson. . . . Our dear Nelson
is very well in health. Poor fellow, he travelled allmost all
night, but you that know his great, good heart will not be
surprised at any act of friendship of his. I shall send for
Charlotte^ to see him before he goes, and he has given
2 guineas for her. . . .'
' At ' Lothian's.'
- Afterwards Sir Evan, Secretary to and one of the Lords of the Admiralty.
He was a shrewd courtier, and a great admirer of Lady H. In one of his after
letters Nelson tells her that Nepean only conies to Merton to feast on the sight
of her beauty and sound of her voice, and that he is a ' fair-weather friend.'
' He died next year. Nelson, with difliculty and to his disgust, could not
actually procure for him this year more than a small under-post from the
Government. His so-called widow, ' poor blind Mrs. Nelson,' has been already
mentioned. Both Nelson and Emma befriended her affectionately. ' She shall
never want,' he said, and he bequeathed her an annuity of ;^ioo.
* Maria Carolina's name for Nelson.
•■' The Rev. William Nelson's daughter, afterwards Lady Bridport, now at
Mrs. VoUer's school in London. From 1802- 1805 she was to be constantly at
Merton under the wing of Lady Hamilton, and the instruction both of her
and of Miss Connor.
366 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
On the following morning^ again: —
'Yesterday I cou'd not, my dearest friend, write much,
and Milord was not yet returned from the Admiralty time
enough to frank your letters, and sorry I was you shou'd
pay for such trash that I sent you, but I thought you wou'd
be uneasy. We had a pleasant evening [' and night ' —
erased]. I often thought on you, but now the subject of
the King's illness gives such a gloom to everything. . . .
Mr. Addington is not minister, for his commission was not
signed before the King was taken so ill, so Mr. Pitt is
yet first Lord. . . . Our good Lord Nelson is lodged at
Lothian's ; Tom Tit, at the same place [Brtg/iton]. The
Cub" is to have a frigate, the TJialia. I suppose HE will
be up in a day or so. I only hope he does not come near
me. If he does, 7iot at home shall be the answer. I am glad
he is going. . . . Milord has only Allen " with him. We
supped and talked politics till 2. Mr. East \i.e. Este] who is a
pleasant man, was with us. . . . Oh, my dearest friend, our
dear Lord is just come in. He goes off to-night and sails
imediately. My heart is fit to Burst quite with greef.
Oh, what pain, God only knows. I can only say may the
Allmighty God bless, prosper, and protect him ! I shall go
mad with grief. Oh, God only knows what it is to part
with such a friend, such a one. We were truly called the
Tria juncta in uno, for Sir W., he, and I have but one
heart in three bodies. . . . He, our great Nelson, sends his
love to you. . . . My greif* will not let me say more
Heavens bless you, answer your afflicted E. H.' ^
From Yarmouth, after a brief spell of final prepara-
tion, Nelson sailed for the double feat of annihilating
the Northern Confederation single-handed, and negotiat-
ing with a mastery both of men and management the truce
February 26.
- Nelson's stepson Josiah Nisbet. It should be noticed that though she thus
speaks of him, Lady Nelson's ' ill-treatment ' of her son formed one of the
grounds for Nelson's bitterness towards her. Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 63.
•* The servant whom Nelson had afterwards to dismiss. Long years later, he
gave a false account of Horatia's parentage. Nelson, in finding him another
place, termed him ' a great liar.'
*■ It will be noticed that in one letter grief figures rightly as ' grief,' and also
as 'greef and 'greif. ■* Add. MS. 34.989. ff- 40-43-
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 367
that preceded the Peace of Amiens. Copenhagen was now
the key of the situation, as it was to prove six years later,
when Canning saved Europe from the ruin of Austerlitz
and the ignominy of Tilsit by that secret expedition which
would have gladdened Nelson, had he been alive. As
victor and peacemaker he was now to stand forth supreme.
' Time is our best ally,' he wrote to Lord St. Vincent a few
days later, when the wind caused a week's delay in the
start of the refitted ships. ' I hope we shall not give her
up, as all our allies have given us up. Our friend here is a
little nervous about dark nights and fields of ice, but we
must brace up ; these are not times for nervous systems.
I want peace, which is only to be had through, I trust,
our still invincible navy ' ; and, just before sailing,^ he
made a declaration to Berry that no Briton should ever
forget : — ' ... As to the plan for pointing a gun truer
than we do at present, if the person comes, I shall of
course look at it, and be happy, if necessary, to use it.
But I hope that we shall be able, as usual, to get so close
to our enemies, that our shots cannot miss their object,
and that we shall again give our northern enemies that
hailstorm of bullets which is so emphatically described in
the Naval Chronicle, and which gives our dear country
the dominion of the seas. We have it, and all the devils in
hell cannot take it from us, if our wooden walls have fair
play,"^ On the verge of battle he indited three lines meant
for Emma's eyes alone : — ' He has no fear of death but
parting from you.'^
Emma resumed her disconsolate epistles both to him and,
until her return, to Mrs. William Nelson. The first can
only be inferred from his most vehement answers, while of
the second a few scraps may find appropriate place.
With a single exception she had withheld nothing from
Nelson ; ■* their communion was unreserved. But of ' Emma
^ March 9.
- Laughton's Despatches, p. 246. Nelson always laid the greatest stress on
time. Five minutes, he would say, made the difference Ijetween defeat and
victory. a Morrison MS. 549.
* The Greville story he has already mentioned as known ; and in tlie first
chapter I have hinted the bare possibility that he knew of Felherstonchaugh,
who, with Hodges, was a member of the Prince of Wales's charmless circle.
368 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Carew,' that ' orphan,' ^ now a girl of nineteen, for whom she
was still caring,^ who was soon to be put under the alternate
charge of Mrs. Denis and of Mrs. Connor, and who was
frequently to see her undisclosed mother at Merton, she
seems to have kept silence. On the first day of March
Nelson addressed to the ' friend of his bosom ' " that most
remarkable letter opening ' Now, my own dear wife,' ^ which
has become so hackneyed. He at last found a full vent for
his feelings, for Oliver was the bearer of the paper. There
was nothing, he said, that he would not do for them to live
together, and to have their dear little child with them. He
firmly believed that the imminent campaign would ensure
peace, and then — who knew? — they might cross the water
and live in avowed partnership at Bronte. He wanted to
see his wife no more, but until he could quit the country
with Emma (and before that possibility England must be
safeguarded), there could be no open union. After ensuring
a * glorious issue,' he would return with ' a little more fame '
for his Emma, proud of him and their country. ' I never
did love any one else,' he continues ; ' I never had a dear
pledge of love till you gave me one, and you, thank my God,
never gave one to anybody else. . . . You, my beloved
Emma, and my country are the two dearest objects of my
fond heart, a heart susceptible and true. Only place con-
fidence in me and you never shall be disappointed.' He is
now convinced of his dominion over her. He protests in the
most passionate phrases his longing and his constancy. He
is hers all, only, and always. ' My heart, body, and mind ^
is in perfect union of love towards my own dear beloved ' —
his matchless, his flawless Emma.
Yet a living proof of flaw lurked in oblivion. We have
heard Emma in 1798 sighing over her married childlessness.
1 She had been so styled in a communication from Greville about her in 1792.
- In April she was still with her old educators, the Blackburns, near Man-
chester, where Mrs. Cadogan went to visit her and report to Emma. Cf.
Morrison MS. 563, Mrs. Cadogan to Emma, April 26, 1801.
2 ' Emma, let me be the friend of your bosom. I deserve it, for my confi-
dence is reciprocated.' — Morrison MS. 543.
^ Not the only occasion on which he so addressed her. Cf. Morrison MS.
546, 621.
* It is worthy of notice that he omits ' soul.' In a much later letter to her
he says that his being is hers entirely, but that his ' soul ' is his Creator's.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 369
Horatia, Nelson's Horatia, was at length hers. Horatia's
name and influence tinge his every tone ; he even writes to
the babe-in-arms, the child of his own heart. As Horatia's
mother, Emma seems holy in his eyes. Every letter that he
kisses before he sends it, is sealed with her head ; ^ each of hers
with 'Nelson' and 'The Nile,' with his glorious emblem —
* Honor est a Nilo! Was it now possible, at this longed-for
moment, to reveal the dark error of her day's clouded open-
ing ? She had been but seventeen when that other daughter,
watched, befriended, but never acknowledged, had been born.
The foundling's disavowal had been wholly the work and
craft of Greville, once so ' good,' so ' tender' to her and the
offspring that he snatched away from her girl's embrace.
Was this the moment, she might well plead with the
Pharisees, for withdrawing the veil that hid Horatia's half-
sister from Nelson ? She remained a ' Protestant of the
flesh' — a born pagan. As pagan she would be true in trial.
She would do her duty as she knew it, and act her double
part of nurse and wife. She would be generous and
warm-hearted. But such surrender ! — Was it in human,
in feminine nature ? Had she been the born ' saint ' of
Nelson's canonisation, she would have done so now. Pale
and weeping, she would have humbled herself and placed
that daughter by her side as some token of atonement.
How the scribes of the long robe, like Greville, would have
sneered, how Hamilton would have smiled ! And Hamil-
ton's name — poor, fading Hamilton's — must surely have
struck some chord in her better self. Who was she, what
manner of man was Nelson, to make or exact such sacri-
fice ! Although Sir William's own recent weakness had
endangered her, and belittled him before Nelson, they still
esteemed him — formed together, indeed, his right hand.
And yet, whether Greville and he had guessed the truth or
not, to him they were half traitors — an ugly word for an
ugly fact ; for what had Caracciolo been but a traitor! This
was a moment when self-illusions might have vanished, and
' This seal — in imitation uf a classic intaglio — was made in Rome about
1792 by Rega, a famous artist. It is now in the British Museum, and was
originally covered with Nelson's sealing-wax. She had a tift' with Nelson
about it in August. Cf. Morrison MS. 6i i.
2 A
370 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Nelson's Roman virtue might have listened to the stern
rebuke to David — ' Thou art the man.' Yet, contrasted
with the lax crew of Carlton House and many at St. James's,
Nelson and she were all but virtuous, virtuous sinners.
Would her sin, then, ever find her out ? Was this the time
to bare her conscience to the world ?
And during that brief London visit they had both seen
the child,^ as they were so often to do in the two succeed-
ing years. Their visits suggest a striking picture, — the
spare, weather-beaten man in the plain black suit, with the
firm yet morbid mouth ; the beautiful woman longing to call
aloud to her baby ; the little, homely room ; Nurse Gibson
with her housekeeper air, furtively wondering why the great
Lord Nelson and the Ambassador's lady were so much con-
cerned in this work-a-day world, with the mysterious child
of ' Mr. and Mrs. Thomson.' 2
The very day that Emma received Nelson's confession of
faith in her, she took up her pen once more to his sister-in-
law: —
* My dearest friend, anxiety and heart-bleedings for your
dear brother's departure has made me so ill, I have not
been able to write. I cannot eat or sleep. Oh, may God
prosper and bless him. He has wrote to Lord Eldon ^ for
Mr. Nelson. You will have him at Yarmouth in two days.
Oh, how I envy you ! Oh God, how happy you are ! . . .
My spirits and health is bad endeed. . . . Tom Tit is at
Brighton. She did not come, nor did he go. Jove, for such
he is — quite a Jove — knows better than that. Morrice
means to go to Yarmouth. The Cub dined with us, but I
^ Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 30. ' I have seen and talked much w^ith
Mr. Thomson's friend. The fellow seems to eat all my words, when I talk
of her and his child. He says he never can forget your goodness and kind
affection to her and his dear, dear child. I have had the felicity of seeing
it, and a finer child,' etc.
■^ According to tradition, Mrs. Gibson's daughter used often to say that she
remembered these visits. Nelson would play with the child on the floor while
Lady Hamilton looked on.
^ i.e. for a bishopric. He was always soliciting Lord Eldon for 'Reverend
Doctor.' He got him a Prebendary stall at Canterbury ; and to this, and her
share in it, Emma refers in one of her last despairing letters. Cf. the letter to
Sir William Scott of September 12, 1814, in Sotheby's catalogue for July 8,
1905 ; cf. Appendix, Part il. C. 10 {a).
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 371
never asked how Tom Tit was. . . . How I long to see you ;
do try and come, for God's sake do.' And a like burden
pervades the notes of days following : she is ' so very low-
spirited and ill ' since ' the best and greatest man alive went
away.' She has 'no spirit to do anything.' She prays
Mrs. Nelson of her charity to come. They can then 'walk
and talk, and be so happy together.' She can hear 'all the
news of my Hero! She has bought Charlotte presents, and
will take them to her. The King is better, and Tom Tit is
in the country. She sends every message to ' little
Horatio.' ^ She had been ill all night, and cannot even take
the morning air.^ For the second time, ' Calypso ne pouvait
pas se consoler du depart dUlysse.'
Nelson had asked, Emma had hoped, that she and Sir
William (for Nelson would never see her without her hus-
band) might run down to Yarmouth, and bid him and the
St. George farewell. But * his eternally obliged ' Sir William
(possibly warned by Greville) declined with civil thanks.
He was dedicating every moment to art. Some of his
choicest vases, to his great joy, had turned up from the
wreck. Pending the dubious bounty of the Government,
he was preparing to sell these and his pictures by auction.
Among the latter were three portraits of his wife. Nelson
was furious at Emma being thus for the second time 'on
sale.' He bought the St. Cecilia, as has been recounted
earlier,^ for ;^300, and enshrined it as a true 'saint' in
his cabin : had it cost ' 300 drops of blood,' he would
'have given it with pleasure.' ^ And almost up to the date
of departure, renewed uneasiness about the loose set that
Sir William now encouraged harassed him. Should she
ever find herself in extremities, she must summon him back,
and he would fly to her deliverance.^ It was at this moment
* He entered the navy, but did not live to inherit his uncle's honours.
'•^ Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 45-49. App. Part il. B.
^ Chap. i. p. 26. The new and most remarkable Nelson letter there quoted is
given in its entirety in the Appendix, Part ii. D. {b).
* Cf. Morrison MS. 543, 544 ; Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 445 ; Nelson Letters, vol,
ii. p. 207. 'Can this be the great Sir William Hamilton? I blush for him,'
writes Nelson in the first-named letter. Among these pictures was the ' Bacchante '
by Madame Le Brun, an enamel of which, by Bone, was bequeathed by Hamilton
to Nelson. The sale realised over ;,^5ooo. Morrison MS. 550.
' Cf. Morrison MS. 535-539, 541, 542.
372 EMMA. LADY HAMILTON
that, in once more revising his will, he bequeathed to her a
diamond star.
It is strange that the virtuously indignant Miss Knight's ^
pen should have been employed in celebrating the loves
of Nelson and Lady Hamilton ; yet such had been the case.
Nelson retained them until the great battle was over, when
he enclosed them in a letter to Emma : —
' L'Infelice Emma ai Venti.'
'Blow, blow, thou winter wind,
To Love and Emma kind !
Ah ! come ! more grateful far
Than perfumed zephyrs are.
Blow, blow, and on thy welcome wing
My Life, my Love, my Hero bring.
Blest, blest the compass be
Which steers my love to me !
And blest the happy gale
Which fills his homeward sail ;
And blest the boat, and blest each oar
Which rows my True Love back to shore.' ^
And ' blest' one might add, this maudlin trash. Robuster,
at any rate, than these, surely, is the mediocre set that
Emma composed for her hero in the same month.
' Silent grief, and sad forebodings
(Lest I ne'er should see him more),
Fill my heart when gallant Nelson
Hoists Blue Peter at the fore.
On his Pendant anxious gazing,
Filled with tears mine eyes run o'er ;
At each change of wind I tremble
While Blue Peter 's at the fore.
All the livelong day I wander.
Sighing on the sea-beat shore,
But my sighs are all unheeded,
When Blue Peter 's at the fore.
Oh that I might with my Nelson
Sail the whole world o'er and o'er,
Never should I then with sorrow
See Blue Peter at the fore.
^ For Nelson's opinion of her conduct, cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 75.
'^ Morrison MS. 555.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 373
But (ah me !) his ship 's unmooring ;
Nelson's last boat rows from shore ;
Every sail is set and swelling,
And Blue Peter's seen no more.' '
While Nelson reaped fresh laurels to lay at her feet, Emma
waited for the peace which should bring him back, but which
was indefinitely delayed. Among the frequenters of the
Piccadilly household, ' Old Q.' and Lord William Douglas,
an indefatigable scribbler of vers de societ^^ remained real
friends, as Nelson constantly acknowledged, but the Carlton
House gang still pestered and annoyed her. For a space
she became cross with herself, cross with Sir William and
cross even with Nelson, whose most unselfish devotion to
her never allowed the gall in her imperious nature to embitter
its honey. But, despite her own ailments and her husband's,
she soon resumed her energy. Never did she appear to
better advantage, except in days of danger, than in those
of sickness. She was always trying to get promotions for
Nelson's old Captains, and caring for his proteges and
dependants ; ^ she even acted as Nelson's deputy in urging
the authorities to supply him with the requisite officers^
so often denied him, that he would protest himself forgotten
' by the great folks at home.' To Nelson she wrote daily,
pouring out her heart and soul.
From Kioge Bay Nelson sailed to Revel, from Revel to
Finland ; and thence Russia-ward to complete his work of
peace by an interview with the new Czar, and with that
Count Pahlen who had headed the assassinators of Paul
in his bedroom. The Russians feted him and found him
the facsimile of their ' young Suwarcff.' Nelson's new
triumph — one of navigation, of strategy, and of ubiquitous
diplomacy as well — which had again saved England and
awoke the unmeasured gratitude of the people, met with
the same chill reception from the Government as of
old. Nelson had always been his own Admiral. He
habitually disobeyed orders : it was intolerable. They
* Morrison MS. 572.
- Among many other instances, cf. ' There is an old black servant, James
Price, as good a man as ever lived ; he shall be taken care of, and have a corner
in my house as long as he lives.' — Morrison MS. 589, May 26, 1801.
* E.g. 'Our friend liowen.' — Pcttigrew, vol. ii. p. 151.
374 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
suspected the armistice that he had made in the thick of
the battle ; all along, the white flag seems to have pursued
Nelson with misconstruction. He has himself recorded in
two letters to Lady Hamilton a telling vindication, which
does honour to his humanity and to his prudence.^ He
did not conceal his vexation. ' I know mankind well
enough,' he told Hamilton, ' to be sure that there are those
in England who wish me at the devil. If they only wish
me out of England, they will soon be gratified, for to go to
Bronte I am determined. So I have wrote the King of the
two Sicilies, whose situation I most sincerely pity.' He
comforts himself that he is ' backed with a just cause and
the prayers of all good people.'^ No medals were struck
for Copenhagen ; even the City began to flag in its appre-
ciation. He flew out against the Lord Mayor who had
once said, ' Do fou find victories, and we will find rewards.'
It was not for himself but for his officers that he coveted
the latter ; and yet, as he was to write in the following year,
' I have since that time found two complete victories. I
have kept my word. They who exist by victories at sea
have not' ^ Nelson ' could not obey the Scriptures and
bless them.' The victory itself he extolled as the most
hard-earned and complete in the annals of the navy.*
Addington simply wanted the prestige that Nelson alone
could confer ; it was the common case of mediocrity
against genius. And Nelson was further troubled not only
by wretched health and disappointment at the frustration of
an earlier return, but by the blow of his brother Maurice's
death. Amid his own engrossing avocations, he hastened
to assure the poor blind 'widow' that she was to cease
fretting over her prospects, remain at Laleham, and count
on him as a brother. ' I am sure you will comfort poor
blind Mrs. Nelson,' he writes to Emma.
Both Sir William and Emma cheered him under depres-
1 Cf. Morrison MS. 579, 580.
2 Cf. Morrison MS. 571, Nelson to Hamilton, April 27, 1801.
3 Cf. his letter to Davison, Eg. MS. 2240, f. 139, and zdid. f. 109 : ' It was
a sight which no real man could have enjoyed. I felt that when the Danes
became my prisoners, I became their protector. ... By her armistice we tied
the arms of Denmark for four months from assisting our enemies and her allies.'
* Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 225.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE^ MERTON 375
sion. He had now done enough, wrote Sir William. It
was the ne plus ultra. He quoted Virgil : —
' Hie victor caestus artemque reponam.'^
As for Emma, let Sir William's words depict her : — ' You
would have laughed to have seen what I saw yesterday.
Emma did not know whether she was on her head or her
heels— in such a hurry to tell your great news, that she
could utter nothing but tears of joy and tenderness.' Once
more she is 'the same Emma' — the Emma after the battle
of the Nile.2
Nelson responded with avidity to his now ' dearest, ami-
able friend.' As her birthday neared he reminded her of
those happy times a year gone by, and contrasted them
with the present — * How different, how forlorn.' His body
and spirit, like his ships, required refitting. His 'wife'
alone, he wrote, could nurse him, and only her generous
soul comfort the ' forlorn outcast.' He suspected that the
Admiralty wanted to replace him. He would willingly
have re-commanded in the Baltic, should emergencies re-
arise, if only they would concede him his needed interval
of rest. He ' would return with his shield or upon it.'^
With his shield the Pacificator of the North at length
landed at Yarmouth on the ist of July. He repaired first
to Lothian's hotel, as usual, but he was soon ensconced with
the Hamiltons. He was not suffered to remain long.
While the King and Queen of Naples — still Emma's amie
sceur — were besetting him with lines of sympathy in the
hope that he might re-emancipate them from renewed
distress in the Mediterranean, Nelson was ordered, at the
end of July, to baffle Buonaparte once more in the Channel.
The meditated invasion of England terrified the nation.
Consols tumbled, panic prevailed ; all eyes were fixed on
the one man who could save his country.
1 ' The champion boxer now hath played his part,
Let him lay down at once his gloves and art.'
- For the preceding, cf. among other authorities Morrison MS. 589, 590,
596, 605; Nelson Lellers, so\. ii. pp. 310, 313; Add. MS. 34,274, f. G. ;
Pettigrew, vol. i. p. 451 ; vol. ii.
" Pettigrew, vol. i. pp. 440, 442; vol. ii. p. 45 ; Add. MS. 34,274, f. G. ;
and Morrison MS. under dates of April and May /tZJJiVw.
176 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
But an unheroic interlude happened before his worn
frame was again called upon to bear the strain. Emma it
was who took him out of town. Their first ramble was to
Box Hill ; and thence they went to the Thames. Sir
William, as angler, frequented the ' Bush Inn ' at Staines —
' a delightful place,' writes Emma, ' well situated, and a
good garden on the Thames.' 'We thought it right to let
him change the air and often.' She had been ill at ease,
chafing at the doubtful predicament in which devotion to
the lover and care for the husband increasingly placed
her ; ^ this little trip might afford a breathing-space. ' The
party,' relates Emma,^ ' consisted of Sir William and Lady
Hamilton, the Rev. Dr. and Mrs. Nelson, Miss Nelson and
the brave little Parker, who afterwards lost his life in that
bold, excellent and vigorous attack at Boulogne, where
such unexampled bravery was shown by our brave Nelson's
followers.'
'Old Q.'^ and Lord William Douglas, detained with a
sigh in town, forwarded their apologies in verse : —
' So kind a letter from fair Emma's hands,
Our deep regret and warmest thanks commands,'
and so forth. It satirises the parson's gluttony and banters
his chatterbox of a wife. It depicts ' Cleopatra ' rowing
' Antony ' in the boat. It dwells on the old ' Cavaliere '
and his ' waterpranks,' his ' bites,' his virtu, his memories of
excavation, and his stock of endless anecdotes. It holds
up to our view poor, fatuous Hamilton as a prosy raconteur.
' Or, if it were my fancy to regale
My ears with some long, subterraneous tale.
Still would I listen, at the same time picking
A little morsel of Staines ham and chicken ;
But should he boast of Herculaneum jugs,
Damme, I 'd beat him with White's* pewter mugs ' ;
' This is evident from the terms of Maria Carolina's answer to her letter of
about this date, Eg. MS. 1616, f. 125.
2 Cf. Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. no. Her original indorsement on the verses is
among the Eg. MS. 1623.
^ If any should wish to explore this accomplished four's career, they should
consult a rare and amusing little book, The Piccadilly Afnbulator, by J. Hur-
stone (1808). ' Old Q. ' is called the ' D. of Quizz. ' The book makes much of
his love of gambling, but breathes not a word about Lady Hamilton.
^ The host.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 377
while little red-cheeked, sloe-eyed Charlotte, rod in hand,
yet shuddering at the fisherman's cruelty towards ' the
guileless victims of a murderous meal,' is adjured to
' Heave a young sigh, and shun the proffered dish.'
Emma's life was now wholly Nelson's ;i it is a relief
to pass to a worthier scene. The main toils of the Channel
defence were over. So was Nelson's keen disappointment
in the deferred arrival of the Hamiltons to visit him at
Deal on the Amazon? Sir William had been with Greville
to look after the Milford estate.^^ It was mid-September,
and that second ' little Parker,' the truest friend of the man
who felt that ' without friendship life is misery,' ^ lay dying.
Nelson had styled himself Parker's father. The death of
one so young, promising, and affectionate, desolated him,
and he would not be comforted. It was Parker who had
looked up to him with implicit belief and absolute self-
forgetfulness ; Parker who had addressed his letters and run
his and Emma's errands ; Parker who, he had recently told
her, ' Knows my love for you ; and to serve you, I am sure
he would run bare-footed to London ' ; ^ he had been called
her ' aide-de-camp.' Together Nelson and Emma sat in
the hospital and smoothed the pillows of the death-bed.
Together they listened to his last requests and bade him
still be of good cheer: for a few days there was 'a gleam
of hope.' On September 27 he expired, and Nelson could
say with truth that he ' was grieved almost to death.' ^
The solemnity of that moment can never quite have
deserted Emma.
Sad, but not hopeless, Nelson was purposely kept hover-
ing round the Kentish coast until his final release towards
the close of October. Yet Emma spurred him to his duty.
' In 1804 he wrote to her of ' Old Q.' : 'I love the old man, and would give
up everything but you to him, and to all o\xx Joint friends, for I can have none
separate from being yours.' — Morrison MS. 750.
■•* ' I came on board, but no Emma. I have 4 pictures, but I have lost the
original.' — Morrison MS. 621.
^ Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 61. * Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 216.
'"' Cf. the e.\cerpt from Nelson's letter to Lady Hamilton, * St. George,
March 7,' in Sotheby's catalogue of July 8, 1905. Cf. App. Part 11. D. (i) (a).
^ Cf. Nelson's MS. letters to Davison, Eg. MS. 2240, ff. 72, 86, 87, 97, 102,
103 ; Morrison MS. 622.
378 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
* How often have I heard you say/ he wrote to her at this
very time, ' that you would not quit the deck if you came
near a Frenchman ? ' ^ He made use of his time to forward
Hamilton's interests with Pitt, on whom he called at Walmer,
but found 'Billy' 'fast asleep.' As he walked back, a
scene with Emma of the previous spring rose again before
him : * The same road that we came when the carriage
could not come with us that night ; and all rushed into my
mind and brought tears into my eyes. Ah ! how different
to walking with such a friend as you, and Sir William,
and Mrs. Nelson.' In her anxiety for his return, Emma
actually upbraided him with being a 'time-server.' 2 The
Admiralty would not yield even 'one day's leave for Picca-
dilly.' It was the 14th before he could tell her with gusto
'To-morrow week all is over — no thanks to Sir Thomas.' ^
Just before his flag was struck, he wrote, in pain as usual,
' I wish the Admiralty had my complaint ; but they have no
bowels, at least for me.' *
He was now at length to possess a homestead and haven
of his own. ' Whatever Sir Thomas Troubridge may say,'
he wrote to his ' guardian angel ' in August, ' out of your
house I have no home.'^ Even before the Copenhagen
conquest, he and his ' dearest friend,' at this moment with
poor Mrs. Maurice Nelson, the widow of Laleham,^ had
been mooting to each other projects for such a nest. He
would like, he wrote, ' a good lodging in an airy situation.' '
A house in Turnham Green and others had been rejected,
but at last one suitable had been found. Like almost
everything connected with them both, difficulties and a
dramatic moment attended its acquisition. The prelimin-
aries of the Peace of Amiens ^ were yet a secret, but Nelson
had informed himself of the coming truce, so acceptable to
^ Ct. Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. i6i.
^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. pp. 69, 96. He dined with Pitt, however, three days
before quitting the Amazon. Ibid. p. 92.
^ Letter dated "■ Amazon, October 14, 1801,' in Mrs. Hampden's ownership.
* Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 34.
^ From Sotheby's catalogue of 1904. Nelson to Lady H., ' Medusa at tea,'
August 24, 1 80 1.
^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 62. ~' Morrison MS. 570.
" The treaty itself was not signed till the following March.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 379
him. Before its ratification had been divulged, Merton
Place was bought — in the general depression — for the low
sum of six thousand pounds. But even this amount of
capital was not easy for Nelson to raise, and the enthusi-
astic Davison — one of the few friends to whom Nelson
would ever lie under the slightest obligation — lent him the
money} Sir William seems to have objected to Emma's
town hospitality to her relations. Nelson found in this an
additional reason for purchasing a roof-tree which he de-
sired her to treat as her own.'^ ' I received your kind
letters last evening,' he wrote to her on this and other
heads, ' and in many parts they pleased and made me
sad. So life is chequered, and if the good predominates,
then we are called happy. I trust the farm will make
you more so than a dull London life. Make what use
you please of it. It is as much yours as if you bought
it. Therefore, if your relative cannot stay in your house
in town, surely Sir William can have no objection to your
taking to the firm [her relation] : the pride of the Hamiltons
surely cannot be hurt by settling down with any of your
relations ; you have surely as much right for your relations
to come into the house as his could have.'^
The whole affair was left entirely to Emma's manage-
ment. She pelted Nelson's solicitor, Hazlewood, with
letters, begging him to hurry forward the arrangements,
and pressing the proprietor, Mr. Graves,"* to oblige Lord
Nelson's 'anxiety.' Builders and painters were in the
house immediately, to fit it for the hero's reception. The
indispensable Mrs. Cadogan, now in charge of Nelson's
new 'Peer's robe,'^ bustled in and out, covered to the elbows
with brickdust. Emma set to work with a will, organising,
ordering, preparing: in rough housework she delighted. She
1 For the foregoing cf. Morrison MS. 6n, 620, 622; Eg. MS. 2240, f. 106.
- All the letters henceforward to Lady Hamilton at Merton are addressed to
her 'at Viscount Nelson's, Merton Place.'
" Cf. excerpt from a striking letter — 'Amazon, September 23, iSoi ' — from
Nelson to Emma in Sotheby's catalogue for July 8, 1905.
■• Earlier in the eighteenth century it had belonged to the Chittys. Up to a
few years before the purchase by Nelson, the house had always gone with the
rectory. Cf. Lysons's Environs 0/ London, supplement ist edn., p. 46.
"' Nelson /.cticrs, vol. i. p. 105.
38o EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
and her mother set up pigstyes, arranged the farm, stocked
with fish the streamlet, spanned by its pretty Italian bridge.
She procured the boat in which Nelson had promised
she should row him on that miniature ' Nile,' which was
really the Wandle. Day after day they slaved— glad to
be quit of the artificial life in Piccadilly — so that all
might be spick and span within the few weeks before
the 22nd of October, the great day of Nelson's arrival.
The whole village was eager to greet him. All the neigh-
bours, the musical Goldsmids,^ the rustic Halfhides, the
literary Perrys, the Parratts, the Newtons, the Pattersons,
and Lancasters,2 were proud of the newcomers. Never had
Merton experienced such excitement since one of the first
Parliaments had there told Henry III. that the 'laws of
England' could not be changed. There, too, the same
sovereign had concluded his peace with the Dauphin — a
good augury for the present moment. Nelson wanted to
defray all the annual expenses, but Sir William insisted on
an equal division, and rigorous accounts were kept which
still remain.
' I have lived with our dear Emma several years,' he jests
in a letter to Nelson, ' I know her merit, have a great
opinion of the head and heart God Almighty has been
pleased to give her, but a seaman alone could have given
a fine woman full power to choose and fit up a residence
for him, without seeing it himself. You are in luck, for on
my conscience, I verily believe that a place so suitable to
your views could not have been found and at so cheap a
rate. For, if you stay away three days longer, I do not
think you can have any wish but you will find it compleated
here. And then the bargain was fortunately struck three
days before an idea of peace got about. Now, every estate
in this neighbourhood has increased in value, and you might
get a thousand pounds for your bargain, ... I never saw
so many conveniences united in so small a compass. You
have nothing but to come and to enjoy immediately. You
^ The two daughters had already played and sung with Emma. Cf. London
newspapers of September 29. Abraham Goldsmid, financier and philanthropist
of Morden, and his brother of Roehampton, were great supporters of Pitt and
much liked and trusted by the King. They both ended in suicide.
- Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 52.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 381
have a good mile of pleasant dry walk around your farm.
It would make you laugh to see Emma and her mother
fitting up pigstyes and hencoops, and already the Canal is
enlivened with ducks, and the cock is strutting with his hen
about the walks.' ^
Hamilton still retained the house in Piccadilly ; he was
now living above his means ; as fast as money came in, the
' housekeeping draughts ' drew it out. His grand entertain-
ments had proved a bad investment.^ One cannot help
smiling when Nelson tells Emma during her Merton pre-
parations, 'You will make us rich with your economies.'*
When Nelson at length drove down from London in his
postchaise to this suburban land of promise, it was under a
triumphal arch that he entered it, while at night the village
was illuminated."* Here at last, and in the ' piping ' times
of peace, the strange Tria juncta in uno were re-united ;
what Nelson had longed for had come to pass. Here, too,
the man who loved retirement and privacy might hope to
enjoy them ; ' Oh ! how I hate to be stared at ! ' had been
his ejaculation but two months before.^ And, above all,
here he hoped to have Horatia with them in their walks,
and to see her christened.*^
One of the first visitors was his simple old father,'^ who
maintained a friendly correspondence with Emma.^ By the
^ Morrison MS. 638, Hamilton to Nelson, October 16, 1801 ; and of. ibid.
and Nelson Letters, passim, under date of about that month. Some of my
information comes also from autographs in private hands. Sir William himself
gravely discussed as to whether barbel or pike should be excluded from the
stream, and Nelson as gravely decided the point against the latter.
- Morrison MS. 633. '' Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 102.
'' Add. MS. 34,989, f. 51, and cf. newspapers of date.
'•> Nelson L.etters, vol. i. p. 47. ' I will not be shewn like a beast,'' ibid.
p. 55 and ibid. p. 85. " Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 62.
" Eg. MS. 2240, f. 109. Nelson allowed him ^^500 a year, and in this letter
he wishes him to have it on November 28 in advance, lie had written to con-
gratulate his son on the return of himself and peace. ' In the words of an
Apostle, you have fought a good fight.' He excused himself for keeping lonely
Lady Nelson company. Morrison MS. 630. For Nelson's view of this ' de-
testable subject,' cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. pp. 63, 105. A further letter from
him to Nelson of December 5, 1801, was sold at Sotheby's this summer.
* Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 189. The first letter of the Rev. Edmund
Nelson of this year. He wrote again in December about a lad that he had
recommended. He hopes she ' will celebrate with songs of praise the return
of Christmas.' — Morrison MS. 645.
382 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
close of the year the William Nelsons also stayed at Merton
to rejoin their 'jewel ' of a daughter.^
How smoothly and pleasantly things proceeded at first
may be gleaned from Emma's further new letters to Mrs.
William Nelson (then staying in Stafford Street), which
find a place in the Appendix. Emma occasionally drives
into London for ' shopping parties ' (shops she could never
resist) with Nelson's sister-in-law.
No sooner had Nelson returned, than they all went
together to beg a half-holiday for Charlotte. — 'All girls
pale before Charlotte'; and her classmate, a Miss Fuss, is
' more stupid than ever, I think.' — Charlotte came for her
Exeat and fished with Sir William in the 'Nile': they
caught three large pike. She helped him and Nelson on
with their great-coats, ' so now I have nothing to do' ' Dear
Horace,' whose birthday Nelson always remembered,^ must
soon come also. Nelson was proud of Charlotte and of her
' improvement' under Emma's directions. Emma, too, was
proud of her role as governess. Charlotte turned over the
prayers for the great little man in church. They were al/
regular church-goers. ( Had not Nelson sincerely written
to her earlier that they would do nothing but good in their
village, and set ' an example of godly life'?)^ Nelson and
Sir William were the ' greatest friends in the world.' (Did
he ever, one wonders, call him ' my uncle ' ?) The ' share-
and-share alike' arrangement answered admirably — 'it comes
easy to booth partys.' They none of them cared to visit
much, though all were most kind in inviting them. ' Our
next door neighbours, Mr. Halfhide and his familly, wou'd
give us half of all they have, very pleasant people, and
Mr. and Mrs. Newton allso ; but I like Mrs. Halfhide very
much indeed. She sent Charlotte grapes.' As for Nelson,
1 Charlotte : I have seen an autograph letter from Emma inviting Dr. Fisher
of Doctors' Commons to meet them for him. Cf. />osf, chap. xiv.
'" Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 107.
' Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 62. ' We will set an example of good-
ness to the under parishioners.' He wished to buy everything from the
villagers, and did so, as the very high accounts (in the Morrison MS.) testify.
This very October, Admiral Lutwidge's wife had agreed with Nelson that Lady
H. was an ' angel ' : — ' In short she adores you, but who does not ? You are so
kmd, so good to everybody; old, young, rich or poor, it is the same thing.'
— Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 78.
PICCADILLY TO 'PARADISE' MERTON 383
he was 'very happy': — ' Indeed we all make it our con-
stant business to make him happy. He is better now, but
not well yet.' ' He has frequent sickness, and is Low, and
he throws himself on the sofa tired and says, "/ am worn
out!'' She hopes ' we shall get him up ' — a phrase reminiscent
of the laundry.
Hamilton himself averred to Greville that he too was
quite satisfied. The early hours and fresh air agreed with
him : he could run into town easily for his hobbies ; he
was cataloguing his books ; he still hoped against hope that
Addington would help him.^
Eden at length without a serpent — at least so Nelson
and Emma imagined. Merton idyllicised them. ' Dear,
dear Merton ! ' If only baby Horatia could be there (and
soon she was) it would be perfect. As she was to express
it in the last letter she could ever forward to him, and
which he was never able to read — ' Paradise Merton ; for
when you are there it will be paradise.' -
^ Morrison MS. 642, December 5.
2 Morrison MS. 845. The actual transfer of all Merton was not completed
till the beginning of 1803.
CHAPTER XII I
EXIT 'NESTOR'
January 1802 — May 1803
The winding high-road on the right of Wimbledon towards
Epsom leads to what once was the Merton that Nelson and
Emma loved. A sordid modern street is now its main
approach, but there are still traces of the quaint old inns ^
and houses that jutted in and out of lanes and hedgerows.
The house that many a pilgrim thinks a piece of the old
structure is really the remains of Mr. Halfhide's or Mr.
Newton's. Through a side road is found the sole relic of
Merton Place that has braved the ravages of time and
steam. Opposite a small railway station, and near a timber-
yard, stands the ruin of an ivied and castellated gate, through
which the stream meanders on which Emma would row her
hero, around which the small Horatia played, in which
Charlotte and Horatio fished ; while on its banks Nelson
planted a mulberry-tree that Emma fondly vaunted would
rival Shakespeare's. Goldsmid's Georgian house still stands;
but Merton Place has vanished into the vista of crumbled
yet unforgotten things. The ancient church, however, though
enlarged and well restored, is much the same. Its church-
yard still shows familiar names — Thomas Bowen, and the
Smiths who were to be poor Emma's last befrienders. In the
south aisle remains an old Venetian picture of the Deposition
— the gift, doubtless, of Emma or Sir William.- The very
pew on which they sat is still kept in the vestry. The
hatchment with Nelson's bearings, which Emma presented
after Trafalgar, still hangs in the nave. The fine old house
— ' New Place,' which they must have passed so often — still
^ The Nag's K -1 and Nelson Arms.
"^ The 1792 editio.. of Lysons's Enviiv is makes no mention of this picture,
which it certainly would have done had it then been there.
384
E (J)
as ^
> g.
(5 i
Ch if.
- <
< M
5 o
z
2 <
EXIT 'NESTOR' 385
fronts the church porch. Even when they were there, the
famous Priory where the great Becket was educated, and
round which Merton's feudal memories clustered, had been
replaced by calico factories. How eagerly must Nelson
have awaited a glimpse even of these, when he drove up
along the Portsmouth road for his last brief sojourn in the
home of his heart ; how wistfully must he have passed them,
when the door clicked to, and off he rattled to eternity ! ^
The two snakes in the grass of ' Paradise ' Merton were
lavishness and its contrast, Greville.
Nelson's liberality was as unbounded as abused ; even his
skin-flint brother William begged him to refrain in his own
favour.- Applications rained from all quarters. A York-
shireman wrote and said he would be pleased to receive
;^300. 'Are these people mad?' sighed the hero, 'or do
they take me quite for a fool ? ' •' He was always bestowing
handsome presents, while for his many regular benefactions
he had sometimes to draw on Davison, And Emma's open-
handedness was not far behindhand. She scattered broad-
cast to her relations, to the poor, deserving or the reverse.
The Connors soon began to prey on her anticipated means.
Money burned a hole in her pocket, and she never stopped
to think of the future. Before the year closed she left a
note from Coutts for her husband on her toilet-table to the
effect that her ladyship's balance was now twelve shillings.*
Greville must have shuddered when his uncle forwarded it
to him. 'Sensibility' was always over-drawing its banking
account, and ' Nature ' continually forestalling expectations.
Added to largesse was some extravagance, but not to the
degree that has often been put forward : it was by no means
enormous, and in these days might be considered normal
for her husband's position.'^ Emma was in a holiday mood.
' The best picture of Merton Place is by Locker, to whom Lady Hamilton
gave a plan in Nelson's autograph of the blockade of Cadiz, drawn a short time
before he lost his arm. Cf. Sotheby's catalogue of a sale in 1904. In this
picture the figures walking in the garden are Lady Hamilton, Horatia, and the
young Horatio Nelson. - Cf. Morrison MS. 664.
^ Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 103. ■* Morrison MS. 694.
^ Cf. inter alia the jewellery bill given in the Appendix, Part 11. C. (14).
Another bill for jewellery was sold with the catalogue of Emma's effects in 1S08
this year at Sotheby's.
2 B
386 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Hamilton would not brace himself to the real retrenchment
of giving up the London house, nor would Emma forgo
superfluities. Merton, though with intervals of quiet, became
open house. Nelson's sisters, with their families — the
Boltons with six, the Matchams with eight, his brother,
still hunting for preferment, with his ' precious ' Charlotte,
and little Horatio, the heir ; old naval friends, including
' poor little fatherless Fady,' ^ whom, it will be remembered,
Emma tended in 1798.- Emma's kindred, Italian singers,
the theatrical and musical Mrs. Lind, Mrs. Billington, and
Mrs. Denis ; ' ' Old O.' from Richmond, Wolcot the satirist,
Hayley from Felpham, Dr. Fisher from Doctors' Commons ;
Admiralty big-wigs, disgusted officials, noisy journalists,
foreign bearers of Nelson's decorations, the Abb^ Camp-
bell,* Prince Castelcicala the Neapolitan ambassador,^ the
Marquis Schinato,^ Maria Carolina's own son, Prince
Leopold — all were indiscriminately welcomed. It was a
menagerie. The Tysons, too, were now at Woolwich, and
to them, as Nelson's attached adherents, Emma was all
attention. She chaperoned their young people to balls.'^
She healed their conjugal differences: Mrs. Tyson was
never so happy as at Merton, when her dear husband was
restored to her, and she could at last ' take the sacrament
with a composed mind' and ' bless dear Lady Hamilton.'
Benevolence, hospitality, and racket each mingled in the
miscellany, and all of them tended to outrun the constable.
The cellar was stocked with wine. Only last September
Nelson had ordered three hundred dozen for the Amazon,
and this, with much else, may have been transferred from
the ship to the home. When, seven years later, Emma's
1 Cf. chap. i.
^ He was the bearer of letters from Emma to Nelson at Toulon in 1804. Cf.
Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. lo. ' He appears to have grown a fine young man.'
^ Mrs. Denis was herself n^e Lind, and the two families were to intermarry
again in 1810. Cf. Morrison MS. 994.
This was the mysterious ' Monk ' who, the Metnoirs of Lady Haviilto^i
(1815) declared, was always in Emma's train.
'•> Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 54.
*• For these last two, cf. Morrison MS. 648 ; Add. MS. 34,992, f. 192, from
Dr. Fisher to Lady Hamilton, 1806.
^ One of them given by the Rev. S. Horsley, the grandfather of the late
Royal Academician. Cf. Morrison MS. 696.
EXIT 'NESTOR'
387
affairs were liquidated, the valuation of the cellar amounted
to no less than two thousand pounds.
Nelson, who had protested against large gatherings,
affected to enjoy Liberty Hall ; all that his Emma com-
manded was exemplary. And, indeed, as appears from the
accounts preserved in the Morrison autographs, the profusion
was far greater in London,^ allowing for the expenditure of
^ The accounts of this summer in Appendix D. of the Morrison Collection
vary from about £,2'] at Merton to as much (twice) as £\oo per week at Picca-
dilly (including Merton expenses also). These were continued for a week after
Hamilton's death by Greville as his executor. Here is a specimen of a high
week, but most are merely iox £0;] or so. It comes, of course, from the Mor-
rison MS., and it should be noticed that it includes large items for stores and
arrears of bills which do not recur and were not current expenditure. It is very
different, however, from the Edgware Row days of ' Poor man, one halfpenny.'
' From the ^th to the nth October 1802.
Mr. Haines, Poulterer, ....
Mr. Stinton, Grocer, ....
Mr. Coleman, Fishmonger, .
Mr. Wyld, Cheesemonger,
Mr. Scott, for brown stout.
Coachman, for turnpike and expenses at different
from Merton to London, etc., .
Mr. Gadd, Baker,
Mr. Cummins, for washing, .
Mr. White, for 4 lbs. coffee sent to Merton,
To Richard, for turnpike at different limes,
Mr. Lucas, for milk, ....
Mr. Perry, Pastry Cook,
Mr. Greenfield, Butcher at Merton,
Mr. Cribb, for vegetables at Merton,
Mr. Skelton, Baker at Merton,
Mr. Boyes, for letters at Merton, .
Mr. Woodman, chandler shop at Merton,
Mr. Woodman, for charcoal, etc., .
Mr. Foottit, for malt, hops, etc., .
Mr. Whitmore, for poultry, .
Mr. Stone, Brandy Merchant,
Mr. Belthese, for fruit sent to Merton, .
Paid for carriage and porterage for 4 hampers,
Expended at Merton by Mrs. Cadogan, .
Expended in the town house from 4th to nth October,
£7
0
6
4
19
8
4
0
8
2
7
8i
2
S
0
0
15
7
0
7
4
0
7
2
0
12
0
0
13
II
0
2
oh
10
10
9
8
12
loj
2
13
6
I
17
0
0
16
4
0
12
8i
15
5
10
18
IS
0
I
16
J
Last week's account brought over,
Total expended from 27th September to nth October, . ;i^i83 15 4
(Paid Mr. White, October 19, N. & B., £()i 17s. 5d.)
I
3
I 0
0 9
£ii^
4
I
13 4
0 10
14 oi
^"7
66
8 2i
7 li
£i^
15 4
388 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
both houses. The joint weekly expenses at Merton were often
no higher than some ;^30. Hamilton, however, whose own
extravagance contributed, though he justified it by hopes from
Addington, soon began to murmur. Greville, the monitor,
was at his elbow. The heir's prospects were being im-
perilled by that very Emma whose thrift he had first incul-
cated and extolled ; it was too bad ; he must protect his old
uncle, who protested to him that only fear of an ' explosion '
which might destroy his best friend's comfort stopped his
rebellion against a ' nonsensical world ' invading his quiet.^
Before the year was out he even meditated an amicable
separation. He did not complain ; he still loved her. But
he could not but perceive that her whole time and attention
were bestowed on Nelson and ' his interest.' Therefore (and
Greville's voice recurs in what follows), after his hard fag at
Naples, at his waning age, and under the circumstances, a
wise and well-concerted separation might be preferable to
'nonsense' and silly altercations. He had not long to live,
and ' every moment was precious ' to him. He only wanted
to be left alone at Staines, or Christie's, the Tuesday Club,
the Literary Society, and the British Museum. ' Nestor ' con-
tinued a philosopher. They might still get on well enough
apart, or together, if Emma would but consult the comfort of
a worn-out diplomatist and virtuoso : ' I am arrived at the age
when some repose is really necessary, and I promised myself
a quiet home, and although I was sensible, and I said so
when I married, that I should be superannuated when my
wife would be in her full beauty and vigour of youth ; that
time is arrived, and we must make the best of it for the
comfort of both parties.' He ' well knew ' the ' purity of
Lord Nelson's friendship ' for them both. Nelson was their
best friend, and it would pain him deeply to disturb his life
or hurt his feelings. ' There is no time for nonsense or
trifling. I know and admire your talents and many excel-
lent qualities, but I am not blind to your defects, and con-
fess having many myself; therefore, let us bear and forbear,
for God's sake.' -
The voice of this last appeal is that of the kindly old
* Morrison MS. 651. ^ Morrison MS. 684, and cf. 679, 680.
EXIT 'NESTOR' 389
epicurean, and not of the calculating cynic. Emma, erring
Emma, responded to it, and peace was restored for the few
months remaining. So far, our entire sympathy must be
with the worried and injured Hamilton. But ere this his
necessities, and the cunning use to which his nephew seems
to have put them, had prompted a plan which must lower
him in our estimation.
As a rule, when Greville was asked (and he often was)
to Merton, he politely excused himself. So anxious was
Sir William for his presence that he actually assured
him of Nelson's 'love,'^ whereas Nelson, as we know,
misliked the cold-blooded caster - off of his paragon.
Greville, however, perpetually sent his warmest messages to
the whole party, including his old acquaintance Mrs.
Cadogan. With Greville, by hook or crook, a strange
scheme was now to be concocted. Failing the princely aid
of the previous spring, a bargain after his own heart was
being revived.
It will be recollected that Beckford, wearied of solitary
magnificence, had offered Sir William a large annuity if he
could induce royalty to grant a peerage to Hamilton with a
reversion to himself. The Marquis of Douglas, heir of the
ninth Duke of Hamilton and head of the clan, had shown
symptoms of attachment to Euphemia, Beckford's daugh-
ter, whom in the end he married. If this attachment could
be played upon for the purpose by the wary diplomatist,
Beckford's object and Hamilton's might be secured. For
such a plum Beckford now proposed a life annuity of ;^2000
that his kinsman might maintain the dignity of the peerage,
and after his death one of ;^500 to Emma; while, as a
bribe to ministers, Beckford's ' two sure seats ' were to be at
their disposal.
Hamilton opened his mind the more freely to his ' dear
Marquis ' on this ' delicate ' business since there existed a
' very remarkable sympathy between them.' Beckford had
actually sent his West India agent to Morton for the manage-
ment of this affair. Sir William ridiculed the mere notion
of himself coveting such empty honours. He might, how-
ever, be useful to his friends, and no echxt need attend the
' Moirisun MS. 642.
390 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
transaction. Beckford had ' strong claims on Government.'
An idea had struck Hamilton that the Marquis might one
day be intimately connected with the Fonthill family. He
did not demand definite answers ; he was ' sensible of its
being a delicate point,' yet he could not help flattering him-
self that ' the good Duke of H. and myself would readily
undertake anything for Emma's and my advantage, pro-
vided it could be done sans voiis comprojuettre trop.' The
Marquis promptly answered his kinsman's ' very kind and
confidential letter from Merton ' by a gentle refusal. He
found town very empty, but a select few, his books, papers,
and pictures, contented him. As to the matter in hand, it
was, he feared, quite impracticable. With regard to his own
inclinations, ' any symptoms of any sort "which might have"
appeared in any part of his family ' were unknown to and
unencouraged by him. Hamilton must convey every kind
expression to Lord Nelson and Lady Hamilton ; to himself
he need not name his regard, and he was and ever should be
his affectionate friend.^
Poor ' Nestor ' ! To this pass have art and ambassador-
ship brought him. And, alas, poor Emma, that she, too,
should enlist her Nelson in such a service !
This disappointment happened in the summer, but in
the spring an event occurred which cast real gloom over the
Merton household. In April died, at his favourite Bath, the
well-loved father, that kindly, upright English clergyman,
whom his great son fondly cherished, and whom he had
actually wished to be a permanent inmate of the household.
Nelson's health immediately grew worse.- His first care,
however, was for others, for his brother and sisters and his
father's old man-servant.^ Condolences poured in upon him ;
nor was Emma the least grief-stricken, for this truly Chris-
tian soul had treated her with chivalrous charity, had wholly
refrained from cruel speculations, and had rather sought to
raise the thoughts of this strange incomer into Horatio's
1 Morrison MS. 673, 674, 678.
- Cf. Mrs. Bolton's letter from Cranswick to Lady Hamilton, Morrison
MS. 666. He had had to consult an oculist as to an operation on his eye. For
his general health also he now consulted his friend and correspondent Dr.
Moseley. Cf. excerpts from Sotheby's catalogue of July 8, 1905.
' Cf. Eg. MS. 2240, ff. 127, 137.
EXIT 'NESTOR' 391
life.i While the brother flattered for gain, while every appli-
cation for Nelson's favour came through her, she had known
and felt that Nelson's father, who refused to realise the
truth, was wholly good as well as godly. She was in
London at the time, and what she wrote has not survived.
Sir William's letter has. It is characteristic of his ' philo-
sophy'— that of the best of all possible worlds': —
'Piccadilly, April 28, 1802.
'. . . Emma says I must write a letter to you of condol-
ence for the heavy loss your lordship has suffered. When
persons in the prime of life are carried off by accident or
sickness — or what is, I believe, oftener the case, by the
ignorance and mistakes of the physicians — then, indeed,
there is reason to lament. But, as in the case of your good
father, the lamp was suffered to burn out fairly, and that his
suff'erings were not great ; and that by his son's glorious and
unparalleled successes, he saw his family ennobled, and with
the probability in time of its being amply rewarded, as it
ought to have been long ago — his mind could not be
troubled, in his latter moments, on account of the family he
left behind him. And as to his own peace of mind at the
moment of his dissolution, there can be no doubt, among
those who ever had the honour of his acquaintance. . . .'-
Before the blow, however, had fallen that saddened
Merton, a musical party was given at which Braham, who
was afterwards to sing, amid furore, the ' Death of Nelson,'
was the chief performer.
Nelson had much offended a society that longed to
lionise him by sequestering himself from it altogether.
Except at the assemblies of the Hamiltons' friends, he
seldom figured at all, and the outraged Lady Nelson's
advocates added this to their weightier reproaches against
the ' horrid ' woman at Merton. He preferred even
Bohemian routs to the solemnities of Downing Street and
the frivolities of Mayfair, though he disliked all gatherings
but those of intimate friends.
Among the guests of this evening was their old acquaint-
^ Cf. his Chiislnias letter tu her of 1801 (dated January 7, 1S02), Nelscn
Letters^ vol. i. p. 191. - Ibid. vol. ii. p. 220.
392 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
ance Sir Gilbert Elliot, formerly of Vienna. He was
disgusted at the interior with its trophies and portraits, but,
above all, with Emma herself. Doubtless the sight of him
put her in her most self-assertive vein. The reader must
form his own judgment; but at any rate Elliot, in this
record, is quite wrong in supposing that the Hamiltons
were ' living on ' Nelson. The Merton accounts in the
Morrison Collection prove that all expenses were scrupu-
lously shared. And when he brands Emma's effusiveness
to Nelson as flattery, what would he have said had he been
able, as we are, to read Nelson's own outpourings to Emma?
If hers was 'flattery,' then still more was his. But Elliot
was no psychologist, nor had he any insight into such
emotional temperaments.
' . . . The whole establishment and way of life is such as
to make me angry as well as melancholy ; but I cannot alter
it. I do not think myself obliged or at liberty to quarrel
with him for his weakness, though nothing shall ever induce
me to give the smallest countenance to Lady Hamilton.
She looks eventually to the chance of marriage. ... In the
meanwhile, she. Sir William, and the whole set of them are
living with him at his expense. She is in high looks, but
more immense than ever. She goes on cramming Nelson
with trowelfuls of flattery, which he goes on taking as
quietly as a child does pap. The love she makes to him is
not only ridiculous, but disgusting. Not only the rooms,
but the whole house, staircase and all, are covered with
nothing but pictures of her and him, of all sizes and sorts,
and representations of his naval actions, coats of arms,
pieces of plate in his honour, the fiagstaff of L' Orient, etc.,
an excess of vanity which counteracts its own purpose. If
it was Lady H.'s house, there might be a pretence for it.
To make his own a mere looking-glass to view himself all
day is bad taste. Braham, the celebrated Jew singer, per-
formed with Lady H. She is horrid, but he entertained
me in spite of her. Lord Nelson explained to me a little
the sort of blame imputed to Sir Hyde Parker for
Copenhagen. . . .'^
^ Mtnio Life, etc., vol. ii. pp. 242 et seq. It should be noticed that not only
is Elliot here inaccurate as to facts, but in his account of Hamilton's provision
for Emma by his will in the following year. Thid. p. 283.
EXIT 'NESTOR' 393
It was certainly a queer household for seemly self-
importance to enter. Without question, there was warrant
for worse than such superficial strictures as those in which
Elliot here indulged. Emma had deteriorated, and she
had never fitted the formalities of English drawing-rooms.
Average folk, as will be seen hereafter, she charmed. But
Elliot was too prejudiced to be either accurate or discrimi-
nating. Emma was wholly offensive to him, and the
patronising air of one whom Braham's pathos ' entertained '
may, after its own manner, have been offensive also. Sir
Gilbert himself was a type of that 'good taste' which re-
stricts itself to caste, and eschews good-fellowship. His
looks on this occasion must have been vinegar, and can
have ill accorded with that natural sweetness of expression
which, by consent of friend and foe alike, distinguished
Emma from first to last. Officialism had set itself against
Nelson like a flint, and, likely enough, his devotee was
supercilious to the enemy, whom probably she mimicked
after he had gone, as she certainly used to mimic Nelson's
fussy brother.^ Still, however it may be deplored, the
stubborn fact remains that Britain's deliverer loved this
woman's reality, and misliked the spirit of officialism ;
that against him were arrayed the pettiest forces at home
and the mightiest abroad. Nelson endures in history, and
with him Emma, while the phantom of prim diplomacy has
long receded into the vagueness of distance. To appraise
Emma, not defence but understanding is requisite. Anti-
pathy, like flattery, is the worst critic ; and pedantic
antipathy is perhaps its worst form. Burleigh would have
made a bad judge of the Queen of Scots, and Cicero of
Cleopatra.
Emma's 'immensity' had been for some time in evidence,
and was grossened in the caricatures. She affected to
think that fatness became her fine stature and large pro-
portions. It was due, partly, to the porter- which she
drank for the sake of her voice, and which, as appears in
' Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 14J. — ' Vou make me laugli when you imitate
the Doctor.'
- Cf. Madame Lc Brim's Aletnoirs, pp. 69 et scq. In the following year,
after a private performance of the 'Attitudes' for the Dukes of Berri and
Bourbon, she saw her take thiee bottles at supper. Their size is nut mentioned.
394 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the earlier letters of the Morrison Collection, had been for-
warded by Greville to his uncle long before Emma had
entered his life at Naples.
In the June of this year, too, died Admiral Sir John Willet-
Payne, who, after sitting in Parliament, had for some time
been treasurer of Greenwich Hospital. Nelson must have
known him, and curiosity is aroused as to whether Emma
ever saw her first tempter again, and what he thought of
her marvellous career.
And in November was to flicker out that sensitive genius
and singular being to whom Emma had been so beholden
in her girlhood. Romney, wasting with melancholy, had
resought the refuge of the Kendal roof-tree and the minis-
tering wife so long neglected.^ In one of his conversations
with Hayley, he told i.im that he had always studied
'Sensibility' by observing the fibrous lines around the
mouth. It was Emma's mouth that had been a revelation
to him. One cannot help wishing that some final corre-
spondence between them may one day be discovered.
For the summer, Hamilton and Greville had planned a
long driving tour to the property at Milford, where the
nephew and steward was anxious to show his uncle the
best work of his life — a flourishing and contented settle-
ment of labourers. Emma and Nelson accompanied them
on the Welsh trip, which soon turned into a fresh triumphal
progress for the hero of the Nile and of Copenhagen, who
shamed the Government by remaining a Vice-Admiral.
Before they started, William Nelson, who had just returned
from 'bowing to Billy Pitt'^ at Cambridge, stayed at
Merton, and he, his wife and their young Horatio, were
added to the group of travellers. It is strange on this
occasion to find the triple alliance of Nelson and the
Hamiltons reinforced by Greville, before whom. Nelson told
Emma, conversation must be restrained ; in his official
presence they could not speak freely ' of kings and queens.'
This journey, like its continental predecessor, was certainly
not calculated to allay irritation in high places.
They started on the 9th of July with Box Hill once more
^ For thirly-six years, with one interval in 1767.
^ Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 258.
G. Ro.MNEY.
From a rare ensraving by Madame Boiry after the medallion by Alphonso Hay ley.
EXIT 'NESTOR' 395
— 'a pretty place, and we are all very happy.' ^ They went
on to Oxford, where Nelson received the freedom of the
city in a fine box to the music of finer orations, and where
the Matchams joined the caravan. It was here that on a
visit to Blenheim the Marlboroughs infuriated Emma by
declining to receive her. She was determined to appeal, for
herself and her hero, to the Caesar of the people. She per-
formed her music both for the select and the vulgar. Every-
where Emma beat the big drum of popular enthusiasm. The
long high-roads, the swarming streets, the eager villages
from Burford to Gloucester, from Gloucester to Ross, from
Ross to Monmouth, Caermarthen and Milford, from Mil-
ford to Swansea, from Swansea to Cardiff, were thronged
with stentorian admirers. On the return journey, from
Cardiff to Newport and Chepstow, and so to Monmouth
again, on to Hereford, Leominster, Tenbury, Worcester,
Birmingham, Warwick, Coventry, Dunstable, Watford, and
Brentford,^ all turned out like one man to cheer the pos-
tilioned carriages. Bells were rung, factories^ and theatres
visited, addresses read, speeches made, the National
Anthem and Rule Britannia sung by the shouting crowds.
Wherever they went, the neighbouring magnates loaded
Nelson and his friends with invitations, and Payne-Knight
implored Emma for a visit.* And everywhere this exuberant
daughter of democracy led and swelled the chorus. Her
Nelson should '■h^ first.' ' Hip, hip, hip ! ' 'God Save the
King ! ' ' Long live Nelson, Britain's Pride ! '
' Join we great Nelson's name
First on the roll of fame,
Him let us sing ;
Spread we his praise around.
Honour of British ground.
Who made Nile's shores resound —
God save the King ! '
' Eg. MS. 2240, f. 139, Nelson to Davison.
^ Cf. the accounts of this journey (of which the expenses were again strictly
shared) preserved in the Morrison MS. 401-405.
^ Especially Chamberlain's china manufactory at Worcester.
^ Morrison MS. 685, August 15. At Chepstow the Rev. C. Esle, a devout
worshipper both of Emma and Nelson, joined Ihcm, and afterwards told Emma
that, revisiting the bridge there, he had met a ' poor sailor ' who had ' served '
under ' my Lord.' On this occasion, at Bath, he also met Captain Bowen.
396 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
It was Naples over again, and Emma was in her true
element. Let the Elliots and their brotherhood look to
themselves and dare their worst. They were routed now.
The people were on the side of those who had toiled hard
instead of peddling and prating, of those who had risked
their lives to save their homes from the bogey of Europe.
* Hip, hip, hip, in excelsis !' No wonder that, when all was
over and, hoarse but happy, Emma reposed at Merton once
more,^ awaiting a fresh but private jubilation on Nelson's
approaching birthday, she took up her pen with triumph : —
' We have had a most charming Tour which will Burst
some of THEM. So let all the enimies of the GREATEST
man alive [perish ?] ! And bless his friends.' "^ In this same
letter her native goodness of heart breaks out with equal
vehemence about the death of 'poor Dod,' one of Nelson's
countless proteges : ' Anything that we can do to assist the
poor widow we will.' How this 'we' reminds us of the
'we' before Sir William had married her, which had so
annoyed Legge ! And the sensation of this progress still
tingled in the air. In October Lord Lansdowne begged in
vain for a visit, should they stay again at Fonthill. Sir
Joseph Banks, now 'crippled,' wrote to bless the wanderers.
So did Ball, who told Emma that the episodes of their
journey reminded him of the scenes with the Maltese
Deputies.^ Her enthusiasm was still contagious.
But this trip did not close without a conjugal breeze
easily raised and easily calmed.
Emma insisted on recruiting her health by her old
remedy of sea-baths, probably at Swansea ; Hamilton,
however, longed to get home. He was exhausted, and she
was petulant, as the following little passage at arms bears
witness : —
' As I see it is pain to you to remain here, let me beg of
you to fix your time for going. Weather I dye in Picca-
dilly or any other spot in England, 'tis the same to me ;
but I remember the time when you wished for tranquillity,
but now all visiting and bustle is your liking. However,
I will do what you please, being ever your affectionate
' About September 19. - To Davison; Eg. IMS. 2240, f. 139.
•* Morrison MS. 685, 691.
EXIT 'NESTOR' 397
and obedient E. H.' On the back of it Sir William
wrote : —
* I neither love bustle nor great company, but I like some
employment and diversion. ... I am in no hurry, and am
exceedingly glad to give every satisfaction to our best
friend, our dear Lord Nelson. Sea-bathing is usefull to
your health ; I see it is, and wish you to continue a little
longer ; but I must confess that I regret, whilst the season
is favourable, that I cannot enjoy my favourite amusement
of quiet fishing. I care not a pin for the great world, and
am attached to no one as much as you.' On its fly-leaf
Emma added, ' I go, when you tell me the coach is ready,'
to which Hamilton retorted : ' This is not a fair answer to
a fair confession of mine.'^ So ended the last of their tiny
quarrels. Nestor was reconciled to Penelope.
The sands of his life were fast running down, and he was
soon to have that euthanasia which he had praised to
Nelson. Emma's heart smote her as she beheld his fading
powers. He suffered no pain, but he gradually sank. He
was removed to Piccadilly, and by the March of 1803 it
was clear that his end was in sight. Both Emma and
Nelson were constant in their attendance and attention. It
had been Nelson who, in his passionate outpourings, occa-
sionally speculated on 'my uncle's' demise; but Emma,
apart from gratitude and a sense of the wrong that she had
done him, well knew that his death would remove a real
friend and a loving counsellor. All the past rose up vividly,
from the days of the selfishness of Greville, who was now
again half-hardening himself against her, to those of the
loving husband who had trusted and shielded her. Some
feeling of sorrow, compunction, and forlornness possessed
her. However grievously she had erred, she did her duty
at the last. And at the last the old man's mind had
wandered."
On April 6, 1803, at eleven o'clock, Nelson wrote this
hurried note to Davison : —
' Our dear Sir William died at 10 minutes past Ten this
morning in Lady Hamilton's and my arms without a sigh
^ Morrison M.S. 679, 680, August 1S02.
■^ Eg. MS. 2240, f. 162 (misplaced in its order).
398 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
or a struggle. Poor Lady H. is as you may expect desolate.
I hope she will be left properly, but I doubt.' ^
Greville had once more succeeded.
Nelson would not so have written if Emma had not so
felt. His feelings were coloured by hers. Among Nelson's
papers remains one in Emma's handwriting intended for no
eye but his, and to which no hypocrisy can be imputed: —
' April 6. — Unhappy day for the forlorn Emma. Ten
minutes past ten dear blessed Sir William left me.'^
In all her private answers to condolence the refrain is the
same — ' What a man, what a husband.' It can scarcely be
called falsetto. Not until she had lost him did she realise
all that he had been to her, and how she had wronged him.
Strange as it may sound, she was stricken indeed.^
And yet her attitudinising heart soon alternated between
different moods. She cut off her flowing locks and wore
them a la Titus in the fashionable mode of mourning.*
When Madame Le Brun met her a few months afterwards,
she sat down and sang a snatch at the piano. On a later
occasion the French paintress noticed that she had put a
rose in her hair, and inquiring the reason, was told, ' I
have just received a letter from Lord Nelson.' Later on,
she consented to oblige Madame Le Brun by privately
showing before a few of the noblesse emigree some of her
' Attitudes,' which she had never been willing to display in
London.
' On the day appointed,' notes the artist in her chronicle,
' I placed in the middle of my drawing-room a very large
frame, with a screen on either side of it. I had a strong lime-
light prepared and disposed, so that it could not be seen,
but which would light up Lady Hamilton as though she
were a picture. . . . She assumed various attitudes in this
^ Eg. MS. 2240, f. 157. Nelson had shared Sir William's attendances at the
Literary Society, and on April 17 he excused his attendance there to Sir J. C.
Hippisley on the score of Sir William's 'irreparable loss.' Cf. excerpt in
Sotheby's catalogue of July 8, 1905.
■^ Transcribed by Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 294. The letters of condolence to her
all assume that she was truly grieved at an event which she must long have fore-
seen. Cf. Ball's, Morrison MS., July 23, from Malta, and many others.
^ The Annual Register in its obituary speaks of Emma in the highest terms.
■* Her bill for the household mourning, as well as that for jewellery supplied
during the previous year, is given in the Appendix, Part II. C. (14).
Lady Hamilton as a Pompeiax Dancer
From one of the "Attitudes."
EXIT 'NESTOR' 399
frame in a way truly admirable. She had brought a little
girl with her, who might have been seven or eight years
old, and who resembled her strikingly.^ One group they
made together reminded me of Poussin's " Rape of the
Sabines." She changed from grief to joy, and from joy to
terror, so that we were all enchanted,'
Such a ' lime-light,' perhaps, revealing v/ithout being seen,
was Emma's own organisation unconsciously ' lighting up '
the possibilities of others. Her ' Attitudes ' were the ex-
pression of her successive and often self-deceiving emotions.
In the old Indian music, we are told, are certain selected
notes, called 'ragas,' that, separately and without harmonised
relations, strike whole moods into the heart of the listener.
Such, it seems to me, was her temperament, and such its
function.
Sir William Hamilton was buried- by the side of his first
wife, as he had promised her twenty-five years before.
A month after his decease the will was read in Piccadilly
before the assembled relations — the Grevilles, the Cathcarts,
the Meyricks, the Abercorns, and the rest.^ Nelson for-
warded the announcement to Davison by Oliver. He had
suggested the advisability of reading Sir William's deed of
gift of the furniture to Emma before a full conclave, as it
might otherwise ' be supposed that Mr. C. Greville gives
Lady H. the furniture,' which her money had bought for
Sir William. The will itself proved Nelson's suspicion of
Greville's influence not altogether unfounded, and the fact
' vexed ' him sorely.* Though Hamilton had forestalled
income, his means were ample ; even Elliot was astonished
at the inadequate provision for his widow.^ To his ' dear
^ The insinuation is here obviously groundless. In 1795 Enima encouraged
no lovers, and was regarded at Naples as a pattern for wives. This child may
have been one of her nieces. Madame Le Brun also misdates the year as 1802.
"^ About a fortnight after his death. Cf. the excerpt from Nelson's letter to
Hippisley above cited.
3 Eg. MS. 2240, f. 164. " Eg. MS. 2240, f. 166.
* Elliot Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 283. * Worse off than I imagined. ' He adds :
' She talked very freely of her situation with Nelson, and of the construction the
world may have put unon it, but protested that her attachment was perfectly
pure ' [Oh, Emma !] 'which I can believe, though I declare it is of no conse-
quence whether it is so or not.' Maria Carolina also deplores her 'indifferent
provision.' Cf. Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 322.
400 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
wife Emma ' he bequeathed a sum of ^300, and an annuity
of ;^8oo, to include provision for her mother.^ In a codicil
he recites that as he had promised to pay her debts,
amounting to £700, but of this sum had only paid ;^25o,
Greville was to pay her in advance the current annuity of
^800, for herself and Mrs. Cadogan, while the unpaid
remainder of her debts she was to recover as a charge upon
the arrears of pension owed him by the Government. The
last arrangement was nugatory on the face of it. The
Government that had disregarded Sir William was un-
likely to regard his widow. It is but just towards Greville,
who had been always at his uncle's elbow, to relate that
within a week of Sir William's demise he urged his dying
wishes on the then Foreign Secretary in the strongest terms,
while at the same time he repeated his (Hamilton's) previous
strictures on the Government's past treatment. ' I knowl
he concluded, ' that the records of your office confirm the
testimony of their Sicilian Majesties by letter as well as by
their Ministers of circumstances peculiarly distinguished and
honourable to her, and at the same time of high importance to
the public service.' ' But Emma was thus left with no capital
except the furniture, of uncertain value, and with an income
diminished by a debt which her husband had promised to
discharge, but of which only one quarter had been settled.
Greville and his brother, the Colonel, were declared
executors, the first being residuary legatee. To Nelson
he gave an enamel of Emma ' as a very small token of
the great regard I have for his lordship, the most virtuous,
loyal, and truly brave character I ever met with. God bless
him, and shame fall on all those who do not say Amen.'
This avowal does Hamilton honour. Poor Nestor ! —
however reluctant his 'submission,'^ whatever his mis-
givings, he steeled himself against them to the last. I do not
think that Hamilton was wholly befooled, but how could
the Nelson that he loved reconcile to his conscience such
tributes of trust from one whom he had long cherished with
1 Hamilton confided in his wife to provide for her mother, who was to have
;^ioo a year should she survive her daughter.
2 For a transcript from the original of this new and interesting document,
substantiating Emma's assertion in one of her own memorials, cf. App., Part II.
F. (i). The letter was, formally, one accompanying the return of Hamilton's
ribbon of the Bath. •' Morrison MS. 651.
J
EXIT 'NESTOR 401
more than esteem ? He and Emma must both have felt a
pang of shame and remorse. They had skated on thin
ice together. Though their duplicity, uncongenial to the
frankness of both, had been imposed on them by their
united care for each other's interest, and Horatia's,i it had
also imposed upon others. Bearing in mind every extenua-
tion, one would fain forget this unlovely spectacle ; apart from
extenuation it is hideous. Their falsity towards Hamilton
cannot be condoned. Their sin had impaired Emma's
sense, and Nelson's principle, of truth.
Neither of them lost time in besetting the authorities for
a grant both of pension and of compensation - which might
clear her of debt. To Addington she wrote herself She
was ' forced to petition.' She was ' most sadly bereaved.'
She was now 'in circumstances far below those in which
the goodness' of her 'dear Sir William' allowed her 'to
move for so many years.' She pleaded for his thirty-six
years' efforts for England at Naples. ' And may I mention,'
she added, in words to be carefully scanned as the first
expression of her claims, ' what is well known to the then
administration at home — how I too strove to do all I
could towards the service of our King and Country. The
fleet itself, I can truly say, could not have got into Sicily
but for what I was happily able to do with the Queen of
Naples (and through her secret instructions so obtained), on
which depended the refitting of the fleet in Sicily, and with
that, all which followed so gloriously at the Nile. These
few words, though seemingly much at large, may not be
extravagant at all. They are, indeed, true, I wish them
to be heard only as they can be proved ; and being proved,
may I hope for what I have now desired.' Addington
professed to Lord Melville, who spoke to him on the matter,
that he would give the whole circumstances a favourable
consideration. But Nelson from the first counted little on
' Horatia had actually been shown to Sir William as a child confided to
Emma's and Nelson's care abroad, as will appear a few pages further on.
- Hamilton, and Greville as his advocate, had repeatedly pressed the Govern-
ment for a reimbursement of half the debt 'incurred by Public Convulsions.'
The whole was stated by 1 lamilton as amounting to ;^30,ooo. ilamilton in his
ilying conversations always pressed that not only his arrears of pension, but
some portion of the pension itself might revert to his widow.
2 C
402 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
his assistance, though of Pitt, for the moment, he seemed
rather more sanguine.^
But already, amid all these agitations, the supreme one of
renewed severance from Nelson threatened. He had always
prophesied that the truce of Amiens would not endure.'^ In
May Napoleon divined the safe moment for breaking it.
Russia was then friendly, and Austria hesitating. It was
not till the following year, when his murder of the Due
d'Enghien scandalised Europe, that Russia contrived the
third coalition, which Prussia and Austria joined. Napoleon
now prepared to invade Naples : his troops were soon to
occupy Hanover. Our Ambassador, Lord Whitworth, was
recalled from Paris. Maria Carolina assured Emma of her
delight at the prospect of Nelson's renewed Mediterranean
command, and Acton, who had by now assumed the super-
intendence of Bronte,^ looked forward to seeing his old
associate once more.
Death, doubt, and despair confronted Emma together,
but she did not quail. Her faults were many, but cowardice
was never one of them. Her hero would win fresh victories
and once more save his country. She little recked how
long that absence was to last.* For the first time he had
been with her for eighteen months, unparted.
A wedding^ and a christening signalised the month of his
departure, and showed Nelson and Emma together in public.
In May, at the Clarges Street house, to which Emma had
then been forced to remove, Captain Sir William Bolton
married his cousin, the daughter of Nelson's sister and
Emma's friend, Mrs. Thomas Bolton.^ Emma was after-
wards to be godmother to their first-born, ' Emma Horatia.' '^
Sir William, for whose promotion Nelson always exerted
^ For the foregoing cf. Nelson Letters, vol. ii. pp. 13, 131-34; Morrison
MS. 710, 716. Nelson soon changed this mood ; cf. Nelson Letters, vol. ii.p. 43.
2 Morrison MS. 707.
^ After Grafer's recent death, and the appointment of Gibbs, the Palermo
banker, as its agent.
* Two years and three months.
•^ From a letter of Nelson dated May 18, however, it would seem as though
the wedding took place on the day of his departure. He there says to Lady If.,
' I hope your marriage has gone off well, for the girl may thank you (if it is
worth thanking) for her husband.'
* Cf. Harrison, vol. ii. p. 454. ' v. post, chap. xiv.
EXIT 'NESTOR' 403
himself, proved somewhat of a booby, to Nelson's amused
chagrin.
And three days before he said farewell, Horatia was
baptized in the same Marylebone church which had wit-
nessed her mother's marriage. The nurse had already
brought the two years old child from time to time to see
them at Merton. Nelson and Emma stood by the font as
god-parents of their own child, and two clergymen officiated
at the christening of ' Horatia Nelson Thomson.' Now, at
least, she might soon find her home at Merton. NelsoR
gave her a silver cup, a cup by which hangs a sad tale, and
which, years afterwards, had to be sacrificed to poverty.
Greville behaved very ill. He harshly denied her a
moment longer than the end of April in the Piccadilly
house. She applied to him, in the third person, to ascer-
tain the precise limit of her stay, as she must ' look out
for lodgings' and 'reduce her expenses.' ^ Nelson, how-
ever, now resolved to allow her i^ioo a month for the
upkeep of Merton,^ but unfortunately, though mainly
residing at her 'farm,' she could not refrain from still
renting a smaller town house in Clarges Street.
An altercation ensued, it is said, between Nelson and
Greville. At any rate, Greville's continued hardness
towards Emma, soon to be accentuated by his deduction
of the property-tax from her annuity, evoked the following
from Nelson more than two years afterwards: —
' Mr. Greville is a shabby fellow. It never could have
been the intention of Sir William but that you should have
had seven hundred pounds a year neat money. ... It may
be law, but it is not just, nor in equity would, I believe, be
considered as the will and intention of Sir William. Never
mind ! Thank God, you do not want any of his kindness ;
nor will he give you justice.'^
At four o'clock on the morning of May 18, the postchaise
drew up before Merton Place : only one trunk was in it.*
Before any one was astir. Nelson had bidden his passionate
' Cf. Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 273; Morrison MS. 715.
^ Cf. his directions lo Davison, Eg. MS. 2240, f. 159.
•^ Nelson Letters, vol. li. p. 68. Victory, August 30, 1804.
* Nelson to Davison, Eg. MS. 2240, f. 174.
404 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
adieu, and had driven off with the dawn. From Kingston, on
his road, he despatched the familiar line of consolation : —
'Cheer up, my dearest Emma, and be assured that I ever
have been, and am and ever will be, your most faithful and
affectionate.' He had hardly reached his destination when
he resumed : ' Either my ideas are altered, or Portsmouth. . . .
It is a place, the picture of desolation and misery, but
perhaps it is the contrast to what I have been used to. . . .
When you see my eleve^ which you will when you receive
this letter, give her a kiss from me, and tell her that I never
shall forget either her or her dear good mother.' ^ Two
days later he again gave comfort from the Victory : — ' You
will believe that although I am glad to leave that horrid
place Portsmouth, yet the being afloat makes me now feel
that we do not tread the same element. I feel from my
soul that God is good, and in His due wisdom will unite
us. Only, when you look upon our dear child, call to your
remembrance all that you think I would say, was I present.
And be assured that I am thinking of you every moment.
My heart is full to bursting. May God Almighty bless
you is the fervent prayer of, my dear beloved Emma, your
most faithful, affectionate Nelson.' -
The old trio had been dissolved, and a new trio reigned
in its stead. Horatia now sanctified his existence, her
portrait already adorned his cabin.^ Emma becomes
Calypso no more, but Penelope— a Penelope, moreover, with
repulsed suitors. On Greville's life — even on Hamilton's —
she had been but an iridescence, but to Nelson she is light,
air, and heat in one ; and what she was to him, that Nelson
remains to her in perpetuity.
^ Cf. Appendix, Part II. E (4). * Morrison MS. 712, 713.
' Nelson Lciiers, vol. ii. p. 109.
CHAPTER XIV
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES
June 1803 — Ja)iHary 1806
It is a far cry from Merton to the Mediterranean, but for
Nelson the one was nearly as important as the other : the
heart of Ulysses was with his Penelope.
Estranged Greville straightway took up his uncle's
mantle, exchanging learned disquisitions with Banks about
' mud volcanoes in Trinidad.' Davison was trying to curb
P!mma's extravagant schemes for Merton improvements,
though he himself was now in election scrapes, and a few
years later was, unfortunately, to rival St. George himself
as a fraudulent contractor.^ Penelope (fretted and ailing),
whether at Merton, Southend, Clarges Street, or Canterbury,
by turns with the Matchams, Boltons, or Nelsons, sent daily
reports to her wandering Ulysses. She tattled alike of her
conflicting emotions, of the dukes and princes, her suitors,-
and of her exertions to secure berths for countless appli-
cants.^ All Nelson's nephews and nieces constantly found
themselves a happy family under her roof, and Merton was
now Merton Academy for Charlotte. Strange as it seems,
Emma's relations and Nelson's were on affectionate and
equal terms, her cousin, Sarah Connor, being now governess
to the Bolton children, while Mrs. Matcham, Nelson's pet
sister, actually wished to find a new house near Merton.^
' Our good Mrs. Cadogan,' too, was beloved by his family and
his friends, whom she provided from the dairy. She was the
' Such, alas ! was our patron saint.
- Nelson called them ' /^.V a«(/ ().'.?' (Princes and Queensberrys). They in-
cluded one, perhaps the Marcjuis of Douglas, whom Nelson styles 'the great
Hashaw at the Priory.' — Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 23.
•' Este, Sir William Bolton, the Denises, etc.
* Vox part of this condensation, cf. Morrison MS. 724, 726-72S, 736, and
passim under dates 1803-4; Eg. i\LS. 2240, f. 178; Nelson Letters, vol. i. p.
136. The authorities are too many for citation.
406
4o6 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Merton economist, kept all too busy checking the accounts
of the rapacious Cribb.^ Such was Penelope's chronicle.
Nelson had only three thoughts — Emma, Horatia, and
the French fleet. During the next three years, whether at
Gibraltar or Naples, Toulon or, afterwards, La Rosas, and
eventually off Boulogne, he mused on these, and these
alone, by day ; he dreamed of them at night ; they pos-
sessed him in fierce concentration. He was an inspired
monomaniac, and the flame of his fanaticism both burnt and
fired him to achievement. Different kinds of self- forgetful
ardour animate every prophet. Adoration of his country, a
woman, and a child, animated Nelson. In this he contrasts
with all his colleagues and predecessors, who did their duty
like stolid Spartans, unwarmed and unenticed by any
dangerous glow. To the sober-minded, Emma is his will-
of-the-wisp ; to him, she was his beacon. He calls her his
Alpha and Omega ' ; he beseeches her not to fret. Her
and the French fleet — ' to these two objects tend all his
thoughts, plans, and toils,' and he will ' embrace them so
close' when he 'can lay hold of either the one or the other,
that the devil himself should not separate ' them. He
longed ' to see both ' in their ' proper places ' — the one at
sea, the other ' at dear Merton, which, in every sense of the
word,' he expects ' to find a paradise.' He still deemed
none worthy ' to wipe her shoes.' He vowed not to quit his
ship till they could meet again. ' From Ambassatrice to the
duties of domestic life ' he has never seen her equal ; her
' elegance, . . . accomplishments, and, above all, goodness
of heart,' are ' unparalleled,' and he is devoted to her * for
ever and beyond it.' Eagerly he treasured the slenderest
tidings of her from officers returning to or from England.
Each night, as Scott, his secretary — Scott, with his light-
ning-struck head ^ — relates to Emma, he toasted their
Guardian Angel, with a tender look towards her portrait,
and a side glance, doubtless, at the smiling face of the child
^ He was a sort of steward at Merton, but he also supplied the green-groceries.
He encouraged the extravagant expense of the Merton improvements. Cf.
Davison's letter to Lady H., 'The Terrace, June 19, 1804'; Add. MS. 34,989.
ff. 53. 54-
- An actual fact. Nelson says that ' learning had turned it ever since.' This
was not the Secretary Scott killed at Trafalgar, but the Rev. Dr. Scott.
Cf. Life of the Rev. A. /. Scott ^ 1842.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 407
below it. To Horatia he addressed the first whole letter
that he had written to her. He bought her a gold watch
through Falconet of Naples, and forwarded it as a reminder
of her liking to listen to his own ; he sent her a pretty
picture-book of ' Spanish dresses/ bidding her be always
good and obedient to her ' Guardian Angel, Lady Hamilton.'
When, for the second time, he ensured such a settlement
for Horatia's future as no imprudence could undo, he com-
mended 'the dear little innocent ' to Emma, as certain to
train her in the paths of religion and virtue. Emma's every
concern interested him. In her letters he finds the ' knack'
of hitting off and picturing topics to a marvel. Over her
cousin, Charles Connor, now a midshipman under his
charge, he watched like a father. As he passed Capri,
recollection * almost overpowers ' his feelings. He enclosed
for her the new entreaties of her old friends the King and
Queen of Naples,^ while she transmitted to him Maria
Carolina's letter to her, protesting the usual sympathy and
gratitude. Amid his many engrossments he followed the
projected improvements at Merton as if he were there — the
new rooms and porch, the new road, the dike to fill up a
part of the ' Nile,' the surrender of a strip to ' Mr. Bennett,
which will save ;^SO a year,' the acquirement of another
field, the * strong netting ' to surround the rivulet for
little Horatia's safety. Davison had remonstrated over the
expense ; Nelson directed him to proceed. He expressly
enjoined her — a fact afterwards important — not to pay for
them out of her income. He little guessed what a millstone
she was hanging round her neck ; she was right to have her
way ; all was right always that she did, wrote, or thought.
He commended her to Davison's tenderest care. He chose
her presents of shawls and chains from Naples. He
recovered some of her lost furniture both at Malta and
Palermo. He enclosed ^100 — for herself and the poor at
Merton, together with gifts to Miss Connor, Mrs. Cadogan,
and Charlotte, ' a trifling remembrance from me, whose
whole soul is at Merton '; and her ' good mother' is always
sure of his 'sincerest regard.'
Emma's heart, too, was across the sea. She watched
' For Nelson's letters to the Queen, 1S03-4, cf. Life of the Rn\ A.J. Scott,
pp. 113, 116.
4o8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
every wind, chance, and disappointment. When at South-
end, where she met her old friend Jane Powell, the actress,
she thought of little but Nelson and Horatia. She was in ill
health ; but she was still 'patroness of the navy,' forwarding
each officer's requests to, and his interest with, her Nelson.
If she diverted herself with concerts, or teased her ogling
suitors, at the same time she begged Davison to intro-
duce her to Nepean,^ for her hero's sake. She kept the
'glorious first of August' with her friends, and only re-
gretted that the Abb6 Campbell must be absent. She
looked anxiously for letters, — ' despatches and sea breezes
will restore you,' wrote Mrs. Bolton. She bought and sent
off his very boots — a size, it would seem, too small. He
has warned her never to spend her money 'to please a pack
of fools,' nor to let her native generosity empty her purse
even for his sisters, as she so often did ; not to hunt for a
legacy from ' Old Q.' — Nelson (repeating her own phrase)
' would not give sixpence to call the King my uncle.' He
regretted Addington's hard-heartedness in begrudging her
an annuity, but Addington's tether was fast coming to an
end. He got the Queen to address the Government on
Emma's behalf, though he placed little reliance on the
letter's efficacy or her friendship.^ When, nearly eighteen
months later, he was baulked, as he usually was, of his prize-
money, Emma characteristically wrote to Davison : — ' The
Polyphemus should have been Nelson's, but he is rich in
great and noble deeds, which t'other, poor devil, is not. So
let dirty wretches get pelf to comfort them : victory belongs
to Nelson. Not but what I think money necessary for
comforts; and I hope our, yours, and my Nelson will get a
little, for all Master O.' ^ How well does this accord with
Nelson's own avowal to her of ' honourable poverty ' ! ' I have
often said, and with honest pride, what I have is my own ;
it never cost the widow a tear or the nation a farthing. I
^ Secretary to the Admiralty.
^ In a letter of August 27, 1804 {communicated by Mrs. Hampden), Nelson
tells Emma that the King wrote to him, ' I think it very just that she should be
helped.' The Queen's letter is said to have stated that Emma had been
' her best friend and preserver, to whom she was indebted certainly for her
life, and probably for the crown.' Cf. Harrison, vol. ii. p. 416. It sounds very
credible. ^ Sir John Orde.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 409
got what I have with my pure blood from the enemies of
my country. Our house, my own Emma, is built upon a
solid foundation.' ^
In September, so wretched was she away from him, that
she implored him to let her come out and see him. * Good
sense,' he replied, 'is obliged to give way to what is right,
and I verily believe that I am more likely to be happy with
you at Merton than any other place, and that our meeting
at Merton is more probable to happen sooner than any
wild chase in the Mediterranean.' ' It would kill you,' he
repeated, * and myself to see you. Much less possible,
to have Charlotte, Horatia, etc., on board ship.'- And as
for living in Italy, 'that is entirely out of the question.
Nobody cares for us there ' : it would cost him a fortune to
go to Bronte, and be ' tormented ' out of his life.^ Indeed at
this very moment he had serious thoughts of relinquishing
Bronte altogether.^
Nelson was never self-indulgent ; he was unselfish, if not
selfless, in devotion, even where he went most astray.
Under dispiritments innumerable, and mortifications doubly
galling to one of his temperament, through a catalogue of
hardships which rival the apostle's, in weary wakefulness, in
headache, eye-ache, toothache, and heartache, constantly
sea-sick in the newly painted cabins which he abhorred,
with a body, as he said, unequal to his spirit, he was alwa}-s
thinking of and caring for others ; and it is this that endears
him to us even more than his glory. At this very time he
bade Emma do her utmost for General Dumouriez,-' the
brave enemy turned into a friend — their friend ; not a sailor
in the service but was proud of one of his
' . . . nameless, unremembered acts
Of kindness and of love,'
' For the foregoing, cf. inter alia, Morrison MS. 717, 719, 724, 725, 734,
742, 749 passim for 1 803-4; ^'elsoti Letters, vol. i. pp. 78, 80, 99, 133, 136,
138, 142, 147, 149, 159, 165 ; vol. ii. pp. 6, 9, 14, 29, 44, 59, 64, 68, 127, 310;
Pettigrew, vol. ii. pp. 310, 322, 336, 341, 352-53, 376-77 ; Eg. MS. 2240, ff.
185, 191-93, 204, 210, 217 ; Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 53, 54.
- Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 160 ; Morrison MS. 733.
•' Nelson L^etters, vol. i. p. 162.
■• Cf. the letter given in Appendix, Part il. D. (4).
' Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 144.
410 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
and his considerate maintenance of their health was his
perpetual boast.
There was, moreover, something daemonic about this
wonderful man. At a glance he sweeps the horizon, intui-
tively discerning the danger and its preventives. At Naples
once more he renewed the royal gratitude, incited Acton,
now rapidly falling into disfavour, and forecast the
French designs at a time when Ferdinand wrote to him,
' the hand of Providence again weighs heavy on us,' when
the Sicilians themselves, and even the Queen, were on the
verge of turning towards Napoleon's risen sun, and our old
acquaintance Ruffo, now ambassador, was off on the wonted
wild-goose chase to Vienna. As in public, so in private,
Nelson seems always to hear voices prompting him. He
believes in a star that will guide him to victory and home.
' My sight is getting very bad,' he wrote, ' but I mzts^ not be
sick till after the French fleet is taken,' at the very moment
when it seemed further off than ever. Small wonder that,
with such a leader, Davison ejaculated his certainty that
sooner or later Buonaparte's Boulogne flotilla would *go to
old Nick.' 1
Nelson this autumn retailed all the Neapolitan gossip
for Emma. Napoleon had dictated to Maria Carolina the
dismissal of her ex-favourite, Acton.'^ She herself, sur-
rounded by French minions, had relapsed into the pecca-
dilloes of a date prior to Emma's arrival, of which Acton
used to tell them such amazing stories,^ The King had
thrown the last shred of love for her to the winds.* It
would not be long before Napoleon pounced on and annexed
Naples;^ before the royalties were once more exiles in
Sicily. The Princess Belmonte was mischief-making in
^ Morrison MS. 732.
- Acton left in the summer of 1804, ' on account of some disgust with the French
ambassador.' — Morrison MS. 762, Sir W. Bolton to Lady Hamilton. And of.
the King of Naples' letter to Nelson from Portici, May 22, 1804: ' The ani-
mosity of the First Consul demands that I must remove the worthy and well-
deserving General. Buonaparte alleges his nationality.' — Eg. MS. 1623, f. 49.
•■' Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 45.
•* Cf. Eg. MS. 1623, f. 50, The King writes to Nelson, ' My wife, son, and
I shall divide ourselves. She will take upon her the defence of Naples,' etc.
He goes to Sicily, the Prince to Calabria, the rest to Gaeta.
' Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 165.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 4"
London, and Emma must be careful of encountering her.^
All Sir William's old dependants were cared for ; one of his
servitors, Gaetano, was already in Nelson's service, and pre-
ferred it to home. Hugh Elliot was now ambassador,
friendly,^ but futile. One of the Hamiltons' old abodes had
become an hotel. Their ancient friend. Lord Bristol, was
dead at Rome. He had once promised them the bequest
of a table, but now ' There will be no Lord Bristol's table.
He tore his last will a few hours before his death.' ^
These are trifles, but before reverting to Emma, let us
rapidly glance at Nelson's doings during this year of 1804,
during his tedious task of guarding the Mediterranean and
watching Toulon (' blockading ' he would never term it : he
hated blockades). He was endeavouring to decoy the
French to sea — to ' put salt on their tails,' but save for a
brief spurt in May, endeavouring in vain. As the French
fleet was 'in and out,' so he was up and down — at Malta,
Palermo, and when Spain rejoined the fray, at Barcelona,
where the Quaker merchant 'Friend Gaynor' became a
fresh intermediary with Emma. His ' time,' as he said,
'and movements depended on Buonaparte.' Impatient by
nature, he could play the waiting game to perfection.
Though his cough and swelled side continually troubled
him, he was as indefatigable out of action as in it, and he
disdained the mean advantage offered by any subordinate's
breach of strict neutrality. He still hoped to force those
unconscionable ships out of port. Tn^ville was now the
Toulon Admiral, and Nelson ' owed him one ' for landing
the Grenadiers at Naples in 1792. Amid the discourage-
ments of long delays and the customary official threat to
supplant him, he could look forward to eating ' his Christ-
mas dinner at Merton.' Although, when his birthday came
round, he was farther off from consummation than ever, and
reminded Emma of his ' forty-six years of toil and trouble,'
he refused to appear downcast. The accession of Pitt to
power in the spring of 1804 cheered him, both on England's
account and hers. He still regularly drank her health and
* Acton to Nelson, 'Caserta, March 2, 1803 ' ; Eg. MS. 1623, f. 35.
^ Cf. Morrison MS. 763.
' Nelson Letters, vol. i. p. 157 ; cf. vol. ii. pp. 19, 54. Eccentric to the last,
he did so to balk the Italian parasites around him.
412 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
' darling ' Horatia's. Her letters still brought before him
the tranquillity of their days ; he rejoiced in her many acts
of kindness, not only to his friends and relations, but to
grateful strangers.^ He welcomed a tress of her * beautiful
hair,' and treated it as a pilgrim does a relic. Even while
he sat signing orders, he wrote to her, ' My life, my soul,
God in heaven bless you.' He remembered the birthday of
the ' dear beloved woman ' with emphasis. He instructed
her to buy pieces of plate for their new and joint god-
children,^ Even in his wrath at the capture of a vessel
bringing her portrait and letters, he made merry over the
admiration of them by the French Consul at Barcelona.^
While Emma was occupied with Horatia and her young
charges from Norfolk, all had suddenly to be dismissed.
Nelson's second daughter, ' Emma,' was born at the close
of February.* The reader will recall Nelson's torrent of
passionate love and anxiety in the ebullition cited ^ as
applicable to his feelings at the time of Horatia's birth.
At this very moment Horatia was unwell also, and her
illness added to his ' raging fever ' of emotion, as he awaited
Emma's news. Before July, the second infant of his hopes
was dead.*^ Thorns there were besides roses at Merton.
^ Cf. besides repeated instances of Emma's abundant kindness, as well as
bounties, one unknown one from a passage omitted by Pettigrew's citation of
Nelson's letter to Emma of August 27, 1804. Through the kindness of
Mrs. Hampden, I am able to supply this, and several other gaps. Nelson
there says that Sir Robert Barlow is ' full of gratitude for your unremitted
goodness to his daughters,' and desires some silk to be sent as ' there is nothing
else worth your acceptance.' He also there says, ' Mrs. Cadogan's account of
your dress made me laugh.' Emma never cared for elaborate fashions.
2 The ' Emma Horatia' of Sir William Bolton (his nephew by marriage), and
the son of his cousin, ' William Suckling, and of Wibrew, his wife.' This child,
it appears from the Merton parish register, was not actually baptized, in con-
sequence of Nelson's prolonged absence, till his last short stay at Merton.
'■* For this precis cf. Ne/soti Letters, vol. ii. pp. 27, 29, 31, 37, 49, 51, 60, 73,
77, 81, 85 ; Morrison MS. 752, 758 ; Eg. MS. 2241, ff. 224, 227, 242 ; Petti-
grew, vol. ii. p. 309. This portrait was sold in July 1905 at Sotheby's.
■* The date could scarcely have been early March, for she was then writing long
letters to George Rose about her claims. Cf. Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 239.
■'• Cf. chapter xii. p. 351.
^ It is said, of convulsions. Cf. Morrison MS. 746, 749, 752, 768 ; Nelson
Letters, vol. i. pp. 135-175; vol. ii. pp. 77, 78. I have searched in vain for
any trace of birth or death certificate at Merton. The infant was probably
buried at Paddington, where her grandmother was afterwards to lie.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 413
All this while the correspondence of the Boltons and
Matchams, both young and old, with Lady Hamilton,
breathes affectionate regard, unfeigned admiration, and real
respect. She is the best of friends ; her coming is eagerly
awaited, her going keenly deplored, Eliza and Anne Bolton
find in her a confidante, a trusted and trustworthy coun-
sellor, the acme of the accomplishments that she knows
how to impart to them. With the William Nelsons it was
the same, though here, perhaps, the motives were less dis-
interested. Charlotte adores her benefactress and educatress.
As for the Navy, Louis and others, in their letters, look up
to her almost with veneration. If Emma had the power of
offending, that also of conciliating was hers. These are
facts which cannot be wholly ascribed to the exaggerations of
homely admirers, or to the self-interest of office-seekers ; not
one of these people were ever to relinquish their fondness.
Nothing can exceed the variety of contrasts in a nature
to which it lends fascination. Emma's tissue is spangled
homespun, but the spangles only overlie it. Let us ex-
amine it on both sides.
We watch her throughout these letters, on the one hand,
simple, homely, sympathetic, with no good or humble ofifice
beneath her, working in and for her house and her friends ;
a Lady Bountiful dignifying the trivial round, and generous
not only with her purse but with her time, her praise, and
her exertions — a true Penelope by her spinning-wheel. And
yet, on the other hand, we view her inhaling the fumes of
homage, whether from the suitors or the crowd. We see
her courting the flutter of Bohemia, while she cherishes her
household gods, and hugging flattery though she has a keen
scent for the flatterer. In like manner she borrows with
far less consideration than she gives ; ^ nor does debt cause
her a pang until its consequences are in sight. To the end
she remains far more lavish to her lowliest kinsfolk and
associates than to herself, while she conceals her unsparing
* In May 1805 she wrote to Tyson, himself a poor man : — ' My dearest Tyson,
the long absence of our dearest Nelson makes me apply to you,' etc. All her
bankers' balance has evaporated in Merton improvements, for which Nelson
has thanked her, promising to settle on return. She asks for a loan of £1^0.
A letter quoted in Sotheby's catalogue, 1904.
414 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
generosity quite as much as her waste. So far from ' affect-
ing to be unaffected ' — that ' sham simplicity which is a
refined imposture' — she rather affects affectation, whether
from whim or in self-defence. Devoid of the petty vanities
of fashion, she is vain of her power. Tender in excess to
her friends, to her foes she can be overbearing. Enjoying
the recognition of rank, of her own kindred she is proud ;
and if she is not gentle, she is never genteel, though in her
flush of pride at the royal licence to wear her Maltese
honours, she can stoop to bid Heralds' College invent
the ' arms of Lyons.' ^ Lyon's arms, forsooth ! Had her
blacksmith father but known of this, surely he would
have thrown up his own brawny arms in astonishment.
Compassionate and sensitive, to such as thwart or suspect
her she can be coarse and obdurate. Natural and out-
spoken to a fault, she is unscrupulous wherever her con-
nection with Nelson is concerned, in double-speaking and
double-dealing. Piquing flirtation, to Nelson she abides
steadfast as a rock. When least virtuous, she never loses
a sense of and reverence for virtue. A tender, if unwise,
mother, her moods drive her into outbursts with the child
she adores. Big schemes of expenditure always allure
her ; to little economies she attends, and she will squander
by mismanagement in the mass what her management
saves in detail. Constantly ailing, she is always energetic,
but though never idle, she is often indolent. Passionate
and even stormy, she battles hard with a temperament
which repeatedly masters her. She is at once home-
loving and pleasure-loving, careful and careless, sensible
and silly, kind and cruel, modest and unblushing, calm
and petulant, natural and artificial ; and through all these
phases runs the thread of individuality, of self-consciousness,
of independence, of insurgent and infectious courage and
enthusiasm.
The letters speak for themselves. Little Miss Matcham,
at ' Pappa's ' request, indited a prim little note to her dearest
Lady Hamilton.'- Miss Anne Bolton, often at loggerheads
1 Within a few months, on Nelson's last return: — 'those of "Lyons" with
the Cross of Malta in chief,' etc. Morrison MS. 832, August 31, 1805.
•^ Morrison MS. 751.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 415
with her morbid sister Eliza, wrote to her at Ramsgate,
where she was recruiting her health with Charlotte and
Mrs. William Nelson : —
* I would have thanked you sooner for the few affectionate
lines you sent me by Bowen, tho' indeed the life we lead is
so uniformly quiet, that tho' we are perfectly happy and
comfortable, it is very unfavourable to letter writing. . . .
It gives me much pleasure to find that Miss Connor ^ is
not to come into Norfolk, till you go. I should not know
what to do without her. She is so companionable to me,
who, you know, would have none without her, for Eliza,
when most agreeable, I consider as nothing, and my father
is very much in town. She is so good, she seems quite
contented with the very retired life we lead. We have got
our instrument, which, with books and work, form our
whole amusment. Sometimes, by way of variety, we have
the old woman - come down, who behaves extremely well
and is become quite attached to Miss Connor. Sometimes
we sing to her till the poor thing sheds tears, and we are
obliged to leave off. I am glad I have got over the horror I
once felt in her presence, because it is in my power, the short
time I am here, to contribute a little to her comfort. We
have beautiful walks in this neighbourhood, which Miss
Connor and I enjoy, and you, dearest Lady Hamilton, are
often the subject of our conversation. I live in the pleasing
hope of seeing you once more, before we begin our journey,
which will not be till the 22nd of August. But possibly,
as you are so well and happy, you may prolong your stay
at Ramsgate. I was delighted at the account Bowen gave
me of you. I made him talk for an hour about you, and,
indeed, to do him justice, he seemed as fond of the subject
as myself And thank you for the darling pin-cushion,
which is treasured up, and only taken out occasionally to
be kissed. A few nights ago I had an alarming attack of
the same complaint which was very near killing me a year
and a half ago.^ I fainted away and terrified them all.
' Sarah, the nicest of the Connors, and soon to be Horalia's instructress also.
This letter is interesting as showing how much she had already fastened the
regard of Nelson's kindred.
- Her hostess at Slanmore, where she was slaying ; an invalid whose hrain
was affected. ^ Heart-spasms, prevalent in all Nelson's family.
4i6 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Eliza declares she began to consider what she could do
without me. Thank God, and my father's skill, I am again
well. Pray write to me ; if it is but such a little scrap as I
have hitherto had from you, I shall be content. How often
we long to have a peep at you. . . . Miss Connor and Eliza
desire their best love to you, as would daddy, were he at
home. God bless you, most dear Lady Hamilton. . . .'^
Eliza Bolton, who at Merton had learned music from Emma
and Mrs. Billington, also reports her own progress.-
Nor, meanwhile, in Clarges Street, did Emma neglect the
interests of the Boltons. For Tom, she solicited Nelson's
cautious and official friend George Rose, already busied
over her own suit with the new Ministry : — ' It will make
Nelson happy,' she tells him ; * I hope you will call on
me when you come to town, and I promise you not to
bore you with my own claims, for if those that have
power will not do me justice, I must be quiet. And in
revenge to them, I can say, if ever I am a Minister's
wife again with the power I had then, why, I will again
do the same for my country as I did before. And I
did more than any Ambassador ever did, though their
pockets were filled with secret service money, and poor Sir
William and myself never got even a pat on the back. But
indeed the cold-hearted ^ Grenville was in then.'* She adds
that Pitt would do her justice if he could hear her story :
she calls him ' the Nelson of Ministers.'
When Emma proposed spending the ist of August with
the Nelsons at Canterbury, Nelson, during a fresh scare of
French invasion, evinced playful anxiety at her neighbour-
hood to the French coast.^ But the ist of August was
always her fete. She begged her constant and learned
ally, Dr. Fisher, to join their ' turtle and venison.' ' I wish,'
she concludes, 'you would give heed unto us, and hear us,
and let our prayers prevail.'^ Doubtless the long, thin
beakers and pink champagne of our ancestors were brought
out at Canterbury to celebrate the anniversary of the Nile,
1 Morrison MS. 772. "^ Ibid. 840.
^ Nelson's own expression for him.
* Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 239. ^ Morrison MS. 768.
^ Letter of July 25, 1804, in Mr. Sabin's possession.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 417
while 'Reverend Doctor' bowed his best, and Emma raised
the glass with a tirade in honour of the distant hero. It
was not the French fleet that interrupted this festivity: a
worse epidemic than invasion was abroad — that of small-
pox. Poor little Horatia caught the disease, though lightly,
and Emma was in great distress. Nelson's anxiety was as
keen : — ' My beloved,' he wrote, ' how I feel for your situa-
tion and that of our dear Horatia, our dear child. Un-
exampled love never, I trust, to be diminished, never : no,
even death with all his terrors would be jubilant compared
even to the thought. I wish I had all the small-pox for
her, but I know the fever is a natural consequence. Give
Mrs. Gibson a guinea for me, and I will repay you. Dear
wife, good, adorable friend, how I love you, and what would
I not give to be with you at this moment, for I am for ever
all yours.' ^ Relieved by better accounts, he sighed for long
years of undivided union — 'the thought of such bliss
delights me' — 'we shall not want with prudence.' ^
Horatia could at last be 'fixed' at Merton, to his in-
tense delight. Hitherto she had oscillated between Nurse
Gibson's care^ and Lady Hamilton's. Nelson now de-
spatched to Emma a strange announcement, evidently
designed as a circular note of explanation for the enlighten-
ment of over-curious acquaintances.* It bears date Victory,
August 13, 1804: — 'I am now going to state a thing to
you, and to request your kind assistance, which, from
my dear Emma's goodness of heart, I am sure of her
acquiescence in. Before we left Italy, I told you of the
extraordinary circumstance of a child being left to my
care and protection. On your first coming to England,
I presented you the child, dear Horatia. You became,
to my comfort, attached to it, so did Sir William, thinking
her the finest child he had ever seen. She is become
of that age when it is necessary to remove her from a
mere nurse, and to think of educating her. Horatia is by
^ Morrison MS. 77S.
- Sentences omitted by Pettigrew in his citation of the letter of Aufjust 27,
1804. The entire original has been kindly communicated by Mrs. Hampden.
•' Some of her receipts remain in the Morrison MS.
* Its account tallies with Il.irriscm (vol. ii. p. 461), informed by I.ady H.
2 D
4i8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
no means destitute of a fortune. My earnest wish is that
you would take her to Merton, and if Miss Connor will
become her tutoress under your eye, I shall be made happy.
I will allow Miss Connor any salary you may think proper.
I know Charlotte loves the child, and therefore at Merton
she will imbibe nothing but virtue, goodness, and elegance
of manners, with a good education to fit her to move in
that sphere of life which she is destined to move in.'^ Not
long afterwards he added that his dearest wish was that
Horatio Nelson when he grew up, ' if he behaves,' should
wed Horatia, and thus establish his posterity on Emma's
foundation as well as his brother's, and this wish he
embodied in one of his numerous wills.
In these mysteries of melodrama it is impossible not
to discern Emma's handiwork. As a girl she had
devoured romances and been thrilled by the strokes and
stratagems of the theatre. The same leaning that had
prompted the secret passage episode at Naples, prompted
this also ; and from her Nelson caught the pleasures of
mystification. Nor can impartiality acquit her of planting
some of her relatives on Nelson's bounty. Sarah Connor's
salary is one instance ; Charles Connor's naval cadetship
is another. At this very time the youth, who was to end
in madness, was discoursing to ' her Ladyship ' of Nelson's
' unbounded kindness.' It is true that the unworthier
members of this family, especially Charles and Cecilia, took
advantage of Emma to the close, and that she had to sup-
port all of them, including their parents ; but it is also true
that Nelson's charities temporarily lightened her burdens.
Nelson was now nearing the end of his Mediterranean
vigil. The King and Queen of Naples despaired at his
departure. Acton, in disgrace, had thoughts of taking his
new wife to England. Nelson had tarried long enough in
the scenes of his memories. ' Nothing, indeed,' he tells his
' dearest Emma,' ' can be more miserable and unhappy than
her poor Nelson.' From February 19, 1805, he had been
' beating ' from Malta to off Palma, where he was now
anchored. He could not help himself; none in the fleet
^ Morrison MS. 779. Another original of this document is with Mrs.
Hampden.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 419
could ' feel ' what he did ; and, ' to mend his fate,' since the
close of November all his letters had gone astray, and he
was without even the solace of news.^
And yet his energy was never more indispensable than
at this moment. The French strained every nerve to meet
the renewed vigour which characterised Pitt's brief and
final accession to power. Directing their fleet to the West
Indies, they hoped to strike Britain where she was most
vulnerable, her colonies. Eight months' strenuous activity
dejected but could not subjugate Nelson. ' I never did,' he
assured Davison, 'or ever shall desert the service of my
country, but what can I do more than swim till I drop? If
I take some little care of myself, I may yet live fit for some
good service.' He was dying to catch Villeneuve. Irri-
tated at the command of Sir John Orde, destitute of ' any
prize-money worthy of the name,' he could still waft his
thoughts and wishes beyond the waves. It was not only
each movement at Merton that he followed ; he cared for
poor blind ' Mrs. Nelson,' - while he sat beside the sick-bed
of many a man in his own fleet. Nor did his vigilance
concerning each veriest trifle that might profit his country
ever diminish. Scott's descendants still cherish the two
black - leathered and pocketed armchairs, ensconced in
which, night by night. Nelson and his secretary'^ waded
through the polyglot correspondence, and those ' inter-
minable papers ' which engrossed him. * His own quick-
ness,' writes one of the latter's grandsons, 'in detecting the
drift of an author was perfectly marvellous. Two or three
pages of a pamphlet were generally sufficient to put him
in complete possession of the writer's object, and nothing
was too trivial for the attention of this great man's mind
when there existed a possibility of its being the means of
obtaining information.' Nelson insisted on examining
every document seized in prize-ships, and so tiring proved
the process that ' these chairs, with an ottoman that fits
between them, formed, when lashed together, a couch on
which the hero often slept those brief slumbers for which he
' Ne!soti /<r/^(?ri , vol . ii. p. 89. - Ey. MS. 2240, ff. 224, 226, 230, 244.
' The Kev. Alexander John ScoU (l76S-i84o), Nelson's chaplain, and brother
ol Secretary J. Scott, who perished al Trafalgar,
420 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
was remarkable.' ^ At the end of March he heard that the
French were safe in port. Within three days his fleet
was equipped and refreshed. He scoured every quarter,
ransacked every corner, to sight the enemy — in vain.
Villeneuve had left Toulon to form his junction with the
Spaniards and effect his great design ; Orde retired from
Cadiz, where the junction was effected. Nelson ground his
teeth and cursed his luck. By mid- April he French were
reported as having passed Gibraltar with their colours
flying. Nelson chased them once again, foul winds and
heavy swells hampering his course. ' Nothing,' he wrote,
' can be more unfortunate than we are in our winds. But
God's will be done ! I submit. Human exertions are
absolutely unavailing. What man can do, I have done.'
Orde's remissness in taking no measures for ascertaining
their course over-exasperated Nelson. At last he heard
of their East Indiaward direction. Though they out-
numbered him greatly in ships, and entirely in men,- he
swore that he would track them ' even to the Antipodes.'
Though, by the opening of May, the elements still defied
him ofl" Gibraltar, and the linen had been actually sent on
shore to be washed, while the officers and men had landed,
their observant commander perceived some indication of an
east wind w" hin twenty-four hours. Without hesitation he
took the risk of his weathervvise observation. ' Off went a
gun from the Victory, and up went the Blue-peter.' The
crew was recalled, ' the fleet cleared the gut of Gibraltar,
and away they steered for the West Indies.' ^ He hurried
with unexampled expedition to Martinique and Barbadoes
— thus revisiting, in the last year of his life, the two scenes
associated respectively with his love and his marriage. By
the West Indies he was hailed as a deliverer, and it was
their joy that first warned the French of the approach of the
sole commander whom they dreaded. Nelson did not stay
even to water his ships. The shrewd Villeneuve, who had
once escaped from Egypt, hastened to escape once more,
and his superior force fled like a hare from Nelson's fury.
' From information kindly and privately communicated.
^ The French and Spaniards had twelve thousand troops on board.
* From the Rev. A. J. Scott's grandson's account, privately printed and
kindly communicated.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 421
And Emma, meanwhile, was in an agony of suspense.
To the incessant inquiries of Nelson's sisters, she could
give no answer, for she could glean no news. At last
letters arrived. He -as longing to fly to ' dear, dear Merton.'
He dared not enclose one of his * little letters,' for fear of
' sneakers and cutters,' but he published for all to read ' that I
love you beyond any woman in the world, and next our dear
Horatia.'^ As for her, she paid visits. She threw herself
into London distractions — again she sought retirement. But
the hard fact of debt stared in the face of all her emotions.
Just before her return to Merton,- her mother wrote to her :
' I shall be very glad to see you to-morrow, and I think you
quite right for going into the country to keep yourself
quiet for a while. My dear Emma, Cribb is quite distrest
for money, would be glad if you could bring him the £i'^
that he paid for the taxes, to pay the mowers. My dear
Emma, I have got the baker's and butcher's bills cast up ;
they come to one hundred pounds seventeen shillings.
God Almighty bless you, my dear Emma, and grant us
good news from our dear Lord. My dear Emma, bring me
a bottle of ink and a box of wafers. Sarah Reynolds thanks
you for your goodness to invite her to Sadler's Wells.' '
While Emma lingered, bathing at Southend, Mrs. Tyson,
returning from a visit to her there, described a pleasant day
spent at 'charming Merton' with 'dear Mrs. Cadogan':
* She, with Miss Lewold ' (Emma always left her mother a
companion) ' did not forget to drink my Lord's and your
health. Tom Bolton was of the party. We left them six
o'clock, horseback, but, alas ! I am got so weak that the
ride is too much for me. . . . I am, my dear Lady Hamilton,
wishing all the blessings your good and charming dis-
position should have in this life. . . . Your Ladyship, I
beg, will pardon this and please give it to Nancy. ... I will
be much obliged to look for a pair of silk stockings marked
H.S. or only H., as they were given me at Bath, changed in
the wash. . . . She has been very pert about them, and I
will not pay her till I hear from you.' •* Nor did old sailors
forget to show Emma their appreciation. Captain Lang-
* Morrison MS. 814, April 4, 1805.
" July 19, 1805. = Morrison MS. 821. ■• /did. 826.
422 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
ford brought back for her from Africa a crown-bird and a
civet cat, which must have astonished the Mertonites.^
Far removed from such trivialities Nelson still struggled
to come up with that fleeing but unconquered fleet. Once
more at Cadiz he gained fresh advices : it had been seen
off Cape Blanco. He rounded Cape Vincent, the scene of
his earliest triumphs. Collingwood, steering for the Straits'
mouth, reported Cape Spartel in sight ; but still no French
squadron. Anchored again at Gibraltar, Nelson could descry
not a trace of them. He went ashore, as he recounts, for the
first time since June i6, 1803, and although it was 'two
years wanting ten days ' since he had set foot in the Victory y
still he would not despair. The French destination might
be Newfoundland, for aught he knew ; Ireland, Martinique
again, or the Levant; each probability had its chance.
He searched every point of the compass. He inquired
of Ireland. He secured Cadiz. He sailed off to Tetuan.
He reinforced Cornwallis, lest the combined ships should
approach Brest. At last he heard of Sir Robert Calder's
brilliant encounter, but problematic victory,- sixty leagues
west of Cape Finisterre. Pleasure mingled with disappoint-
ment; at least and at last he was free. On August 17 he
rode off Portland, at noon off the Isle of Wight. He
anchored at Spithead on the following morning at nine,
and with a crew in perfect health, despite unfounded allega-
tions of the need for quarantine, he landed.
All his family were gathered at Merton with Emma, who
had sped from Southend to greet him. The next day saw
him in Emma's and Horatia's arms. This was his real
reward. The society that resented his isolation rushed to
honour him. London was jubilant. Deputations and
gratitude poured in on his privacy. But, rightly or wrongly,
Merton was his Elysium, and from Merton he would not
budge.^
' Thank God,' wrote her lively cousin Sarah to Emma the
day after his arrival, ' he is safe and well. Cold water has
been trickling down my back ever since I heard he was
1 Morrison MS. 827. - July 22, 1805.
■^ He dined out nowhere until his final departure, except at the Duke of
Queensberry's and Abraham Goldsmid's.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 423
arrived. Oh ! say how he looks, and talks, and eats, and
sleeps. Never was there a man come back so enthusiasti-
cally revered. Look at the ideas that pervade the mind of
his fellow-citizens in this morning's post. Timid spinsters
and widows are terrified at his foot being on shore ; ^ yet
this is the man who is to have a Sir R. Calder and a Sir J.
Orde sent to intercept his well-earned advantages. I hope
he may never quit his own house again. This was my
thundering reply last night to a set of cowardly women. I
have lashed Pitt ... to his idolatrice brawler. I send you
her letter. The public are indignant at the manner Lord
Nelson has been treated.'- Outside his family he received
friends like the Perrys.^ With reluctance he acceded to
the Prince's command that he would give him audience
before he went.
He had not long to remain. On September 13, little
more than three weeks after his arrival, the Victory was
at Spithead once more, preparing to receive him. Ville-
neuve must be found, and the sole hope of the French at
sea shattered. Nelson's ' band of brothers ' were to welcome
the last trial of the magic ' Nelson touch.' Emma is said
to have chimed with, and spurred his resolve for, this final
charge. Harrison's recital of this story has been doubted,
but she herself repeated it to Rose at a moment, and in a
passage, that lend likelihood to sincerity. Moreover, in a
striking letter of self-vindication to Mr. A. J. Scott, Nelson's
trusted intimate, she thus delivered herself in the following
year, assuming his own knowledge of the fact : — ' Did I ever
keep him at home, did I not share in his glory ? Even this
last fatal victory, it was I bid him go forth. Did he not pat
me on the back, call me brave Emma, and said, " If there
were more Emmas there would be more Nelsons.'"*
Together with his assembled relatives she shrank from
bidding him adieu on board. One by one all but the
^ Alluding lo the fear of French invasion.
- Morrison MS. 828, Sarah Connor to Lady Hamilton — Tuesday, August
20, 1805. There follows some very curious gossip about the legacy-hunting and
wine-bibbing set of the Regent, Sarah fears her letter is illegible, as she ' is
sitting with a compress of goulard ' on her inflamed left eye. One is almost
tempted to fancy that the * idolatrice brawler ' gave her one there.
» Morrison MS. 838. ■• Cf. App., Part il. C. (3) {a).
424 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Matchams departed. On that Friday night of early autumn,
at half-past ten, the postchaise drew up, as he tore himself
from the last embraces of Emma and Horatia, in whose
bedroom he had knelt down and solemnly invoked a
blessing. George Matcham went out to see him off, and
his final words were a proffer of service to his brother-in-
law.^ At six next morning he sent his ' God protect you
and my dear Horatia' from the George at Portsmouth.^
A familiar and pathetic excerpt from his letter-book
bears repetition : —
'Friday, Sept. 13, 1805.
' Friday night, at half-past ten, drove from dear, dear
Merton, where I left all that I hold dear in this world, to
go to serve my King and country. May the great God
whom I adore enable me to fulfil the expectations of my
country, and if it is His good pleasure that I should return,
my thanks will never cease being offered up to the throne
of His mercy. If it is His good providence to cut short my
days upon earth, I bow with the greatest submission, rely-
ing that He will protect those so dear to me that I may
leave behind. His will be done. Amen. Amen. Amen.'
The humility of true greatness rings through this valedic-
tion.
He seems to have felt some foreboding — and his last
letters confirm it — that he would never return.^ During
the two days on board before he weighed anchor, each
moment that could be spared from business was devoted to
the future of Emma and his child. His thoughts travelled
in his letters to eve^y cranny of his home :ead. A few
hours after he stepped on deck, he asked Rose, come froir.
Cuffnells, to bring Canning with him to dinner. Canning
was not present when Nelson engaged his friend in a
parting conversation about Bolton's business, and also the
prosecution of Emma's claims, though she maintained eight
1 Harrison, vol. ii. p. 274. In such details he is to be trusted.
" Cf. Pettigrew, vol. ii. pp. 496-7. For Emm<a's feelings, cf. App. Pt. Ii. C.
3 Before quitting London he called at Mr. Peddieson's, his upholsterer, who
kept the coffin presented to him after the Nile battle by Captain Hallowell,
desiring him to record its identity on the lid. ' For,' he added, ' I think it
highly probable that I may want it on my return.' Cf. Harrison, vol. ii. p. 468.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 425
years later that she understood them to have given their
joint assurances on her behalf.^ He purposely embarked
from the bathing-machine beach to elude the populace.
To Davison, in sad privacy, while he was off Portland, he
gave his last mandate for mother and child.^ He twice
answered Emma's last heart-broken notes. ' With God's
blessing we shall meet again. Kiss dear Horatia a thousand
times.' — ' I can.iot even read your letter. We have fair
. wind and God will, I hope, soon grant us a happy meeting.
We go too swift for the boat. May Heaven bless you and
Horatia, with all those who hold us dear to them. For a
short time, farewell.' The next day, off Plymouth, he
entreated her to ' cheer up,' they would look forward to
many, many happy years,' surrounded by their ' children's
children.'^ There are tears, and a sense of tragedy, in all
these voices.
Passing the Scilly Islands, three days later, he again
conveyed his blessings to her and to Horatia. At that very
time Miss Connor wrote prettily of her young charge to the
mother, who had joined the William Nelsons at Canterbury,
' She is looking very well indeed, and is to me a delightful
companion. We read about twenty times a day, as I do
not wish to confine her long at a time. . . . We bought
some shoes and stockings and a hat for the doll. She is
uncommonly quick. ... I told her she was invited to see
a ship launchp'' , every morning she asks if it is to be
to-day, an i wanted to know if there will be any firing of
guns.'* How these trifles contrast with the coming doom,
and lend a silver lining to the dark cloud hanging over the
sailor-father! Poor child, there was soon to be firing of
guns enough, and a great soul, as well as a ship, was to be
launched on a wider ocean. Emma forwarded this letter
to Nelson : — ' I also had one from my mother, wb" doats on
her, and says that she could not live without ' ci vVhat a
blessing for her parents to have such a child, so sweet ;
altho' young, so amiable. . . . My dear girl writes every
day in Miss Connor's letter, and I am so pleased with her.
' Rose's Diarif:, vol. ii. pp. 266 et ieq.
^ Eg. MS. 2240. — ' Channer knows all my pl.ms and wishes.'
■' Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. 97. ^ Morrison MS. 842, 843.
426 EMMA. LADY HAMILTON
My heart is broke away from her, but I have now had her
so long at Merton, that my heart cannot bear to be without
her. You will be even fonder of her when you return.
She says, " I love my dear, dear Godpapa, but Mrs. Gibson
told me he killed all the people, and I was afraid," Dearest
angel she is! Oh! Nelson, how I love her, but how do I
idolise you, — the dearest husband of my heart, you are all
in this world to your Emma. May God send you victory,
and home to your E^nma, Horatia, and paradise Merton,
for when you are there, it will be paradise. My own
Nelson, may God preserve you for the sake of your affec-
tionate Emma.' ^
It was not for that paradise that Nelson was reserved.
There is no need to recount the glories of Trafalgar.
Let more competent pens than mine re-describe the
strategy of the only action in which Nelson ever appeared
without his sword.- When he explained to the officers
' the Nelson touch' ' it was like an electric shock. Some
shed tears, all approved': 'it was new, it was singular, it
was simple.' — ' And from Admirals downwards, it was
repeated — it must succeed if ever they will allow us to
get at them.' 2 Again he had been stinted in battleships.
Nelson ascended the poop to view both lines of those
great ships. He directed the removal of the fixtures from
his cabin, and when the turn came for Emma's portrait,
' Take care of my Guardian Angel,' he exclaimed. In that
' Morrison MS. 844, 845, October 4 and 8 respectively. These two letters
only escaped destruction because Nelson never lived to receive them. In the
last Emma also says : ' . . . She novir reads very well, and is learning her notes,
and French and Italian. The other day she said at table, " Mrs. Cadoging, I
wonder Julia [a servant] did not run out of the church when she went to be
married, for I should, seeing my squinting husband come in, for . . . how ugly
he is, and how he looks cross-eyed ; why, as my lady says, ' he looks two ways
for Sunday. ' " Now Julia's husband is the ugliest man you ever saw ; but how
that little thing cou'd observe him ; but she is clever, is she not, Nelson?'
'^ Cf. Beatty's Authentic Narrative of the Death of Lord Nelson (1808), p. 12.
Beatty's account is undoubtedly authentic, being composed on the voyage home.
The wretched controversy about it, of 1891, disproved all allegations to the
contrary. A new and most striking account of the battle, in a letter from Mr.
A. J. Scott to his uncle, will be found in the Appendix, Part II. F. (2). Its
wording seems to favour the view that the attack was made in two divisions at
right angles.
^ Nelson Letters, vol. ii. p. lOi. ' F/c/^/7,' October i, 1805.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 427
cabin he spent his last minutes of retirement in a prayer
committed to his note-book. ' May the great God whom I
worship, grant to my country, and for the benefit of Europe
in general, a great and glorious victory ; and may no mis-
conduct in any one tarnish it, and may humanity after
victory be the predominant feature in the British fleet !
For myself individually, I commit my life to Him that
made me, and may His blessing alight on my endeavours
for serving my country faithfully. To Him I resign my-
self, and the just cause which is entrusted to me to defend.
Amen. Amen. Amen.'
And then he entrusted to his diary that memorable last
codicil, witnessed by Blackwood and Hardy, recounting
his Emma's unrewarded services, and commending her
and Horatia (whom he now desired to bear the name of
* Nelson' only ^) to the generosity of his King and country :
— 'These are the only favours I ask of my King and
Country at this moment when I am going to fight their battle.
May God bless my King and Country and all those I hold
dear. My relations it is needless to mention ; they will, of
course, be amply provided for.' On his desk lay open that
fine letter- to Emma, the simple march of whose cadences
always somehow suggests to one Turner's picture of the
Temeraire : —
' My dearest, beloved Emma, the dear friend of my
bosom, the signal has been made that the enemies' com-
bined fleet is coming out of port. May the God of Battles
crown my endeavours with success ; at all events I will
take care that my name shall ever be most dear to you
and Horatia, both of whom I love as much as my own
life ; and as my last writing before the battle will be to you,
so I hope in God that I shall live to finish my letter after
the battle. May Heaven bless you prays your Nelson and
Bronte. . . .'
As in a vision, one seems to behold that huge Saiitis-
^ The King duly jjave his licence to that effect. Morrison MS.
- October 19. The original is prominent this year at the British Museum
with Emma's indorsement : — ' This letter was found open on His desk, and
brought to Lady Hamilton by Captain Hardy. "Oh, miserable, wretched
Emma ! Oh, glorious an<l happy Nelson ! "' '
428 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
shna Trinidad, that mighty Bucenfaur, that fatal Redojibt-
ad/e,the transmission of that imperishable 'Duty' signal;
the Victory nigh noon, hard by the enemy's van. One
hears the awful broadside — the 'warm work' which rends
the buckle from Hardy's shoe — Nelson's words of daring
and comfort. One heeds his acts of care for others and
carelessness for himself.
His four stars singled him out as a target for the death-
blow that • broke his back ' fifteen minutes afterwards. He
fell prone on the deck, where Hardy raised him : — ' They
have done for me at last, Hardy.' And then, as he lies
below, in face of death — ' Doctor, I told you so ; doctor,
I am gone'; tho whisper follows, 'I have to leave Lady
Hamilton and my adopted daughter Horatia as a legacy to
my country.' He feels 'a gush of blood every minute
within his breast' His thoughts are still for his officers
and crew. ' How goes the day with us, Hardy ? ' His day
is over. ' I am a dead man . . . come nearer cO me.' Over
his filming eyes, assured of conquest,^ hover but two pre-
sences, but one place. ' Come nearer to me. Pray let my
dear Lady Hamilton have my hair, and r'^ *-her things
belonging to me,' And next, raising hims A in pain,
'Anchor, Hardy, anchor!' Nc^ Collingwood but Hardy
shall give the command; 'for, il I live, / anchor.' — 'Take
care of my poor Lady Hamilton, Hardy, Kiss me. Hardy.' -
— ' Now I am satisfied ' While his throat is parched and
his mouth agasp for air, his oppressed breathing falters
once more to Scott : ' Remember that I leave Lady
Hamilton and my daughter [now there is no ' adopted ']
to my country.' Amid the deafening boom of guns, and
all the chaos and carnage of the cockpit,^ while the surgeon
quits him for five minutes only on his errands of mercy,
alone, dazed, cold, yet triumphant, with a spirit exulting in
^ Scott's account (cf. App. , Part ii. F. (2)) adds a striking detail to the
received version. ' He died,' he says, ' as the battle finished, and his last effort
to speak was made at the moment of joy for victory .^
- Hardy, in a letter to Scott of March 10, 1807, protesting his continued
esteem for Lady Hamilton, declares that Nelson's last words to him were, ' Do
be kind to poor Lady H.' Cf. Life of Rev. Dr. Scott (1842), p. 212.
" Scott, whose horror at the scenes he witnessed always prevented him from
alluding to them, once said, ' It was like a butcher's shambles.' (From informa-
tion kindly and privately communicated to the writer.)
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 429
self-sacrifice, and wavering ere its thinnest thread be severed,
around the distant dear ones, he dies ' Thank God,' he
'has done his duty'! Can man do mu.e, or love more, than
to lay down his life for his friends ?
Bound up with Britain, the son who saved, ennobled, and
e nbodied her, rests immortal. Ministers, who used him
like a sucked orange, might disregard his latest breath.
With such as these he was never popular.^ But wherever
unselfishness, and valour, and genius dedicated to duty,
are known and famed, there will he be remembered. ' The
tomb of heroes is the Universe!
Sad and slow plodded the procession of fatal victory
over the waters homeward. Long before the flagship that
formed Nelson's hearse arrived, Scott, his chaplain, broke
the news to Emma at Clarges Street through Mrs. Cadogan:
— ' Hasten the very moment you receive this to dear Lady
Hamilton, and prepare her for the greatest of misfortunes.
. . . The friends of my beloved are for ever dear to me.'"
Nine days elapsed before she heard the worst.^ She was
si- "ned and paralysed by the blow. For many weeks she
lay prostrate in bed, from which she only arose to be re-
moved to Merton. Her nights were those of sighs and
memories ; her mother tended her, wrote for her, managed
the daily tasks that seemed so far away. Quenched now
for ever was
' The light that shines from loving eyes upon
Eyes that love back, till they can see no more.'
And when at length she revived, her first thought was to
beseech the protection of the Government, not for herself,
but for the Boltons.^ If George Rose could forward
Nelson's wishes for them, it would be a drop of comfort
in her misery. She kept all Nelson's letters — ' sacred,' she
called them — ' on her pillow.' She fingered them over and
' Elliot wrote, ' He is not popular ai St. James's.'
- Morrison MS. 849, October 27, 1805.
^ Cf. Lady H.'s letter to Rose fro: Clarges Street, November 29, 1S05 : —
' I write from my bed where I have been ever since the fatal 6tk of this month,'
etc. Cf. Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 240 et seq.
^ Cf. Mrs. Cadogan's letter to Rose of November 9, 1S05. — Ibid. Emma's
own applications even to Earl Nelson did not begin till the following year. Cf.
Appendix, Part 11. C. (i) (<>).
430 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
over again. Her heart, she told Rose, was broken. 'Life
to me now is not worth having. I lived but for him. His
glory I gloried in ; it was my pride that he should go forth ;
and this fatal and last time he went, I persuaded him to it.
But I cannot go on. My heart and head are gone. Only,
believe me, what you write to me shall ever be attended to.'
Letters purporting to be Nelson's regarding his last wishes
had leaked out in the newspapers. She was too weak to
' war with vile editors.' ' Could you know me, you would
not think I had such bad policy as to publish anything at
this moment. My mind is not a common one, and having
lived as confidante and friend with such men as Sir William
Hamilton and dearest, glorious Nelson, I feel superior to
vain, tattling woman.' ^ She was desolate. She had lost not
only the husband of her heart and the mainstay of her
weakness, but herself — the heroine of a hero. She was ' the
same Emma' no longer, only a creature of the past. The
receptive Muse had now no source of inspiration left, nor
any commanding part to prompt or act. Yet her old
leaven was still indomitable. She would fight and struggle
for herself and her child so long as she had breath.
Messages of sympathy poured in from every quarter, but
she would not be comforted. Among others, Hayley,
writing with the new year, and before the funeral, entreated
her to make ' affectionate justice to departed excellence a
source of the purest delight.' He rejoiced in the idea that
his verses had ever been ' a source of good ' to her, and the
egotist enclosed some new ones of consolation. She told him
she was most unhappy ' No,' she ' must not be so,' added
the sententious ' Hermit ' ; ' self-conquest is the summit of
all heroism.' - While Rose and Louis importuned her for
mementoes — and Emma parted with all they asked — the
Abbe Campbell, writing amid the third overthrow at
Naples, was more delicate and sympathetic. His ' heart
was full of anguish ' and commiseration. ' I truly pity you
from my soul, and only wish to be near you, to participate
with you in the agonies of your heart, and mix our tears
together.' Goldsmid sent philosophic consolation, and tried
' Cf. her leltci' to George Rose of November 29, 1805 — Rose's Diaries,
vol. i. p. 241. ■" Pettigrevv, vol. ii. pp. 556-7.
PENELOPE AND ULYSSES 431
to get her an allotment in the new loan.^ Staunch Lady
Betty Foster and Lady Percival were also among her con-
solers, and so too was the humbler Mrs, Lind. The Duke of
Clarence — Nelson's Duke — inquired after her particularly."
And later Mrs. Bolton wrote : — ' For a moment I wished
myself with you, and but a moment, for I cannot think of
Merton without a broken heart, even now can scarcely see
for tears. How I do fed for you my own heart can tell ; but
I beg pardon for mentioning the subject, nor would it have
been, but that I well know your thoughts are always so.
My dear Horatia, give my kindest love to her. The more
I think, the dearer she is to me.' ^
At length the Victory arrived at Spithead.* Hardy
travelled post-haste with his dearest friend's notebooks and
last codicil to Rose at Cuffnells. Blackwood assured Emma
that he would deliver none of them to any person until he
had seen her ; all her wishes should be consulted.'' Scott
wrote daily to her all December, as he kept watch over the
precious remains of the man whom he worshipped. He took
lodgings at Greenwich," where they now reposed. Rooted to
the spot, throughout his solitary vigil he was ever inquiring
after Emma, whom Tyson alone had seen. From the Board
Room of Greenwich HospitaF the body was deposited in
the Painted Chamber.^ It was the saddest Christmas that
England had known for centuries. The very beggars,
Scott wrote to Emma, leave their stands, neglect the
passing crowd, and pay tribute to his memory by a look.
* Many' did he see, 'tattered and on crutches, shaking their
heads with plain signs of sorrow.' The Earl had been
there with young Horace, who shed tears: — 'Every
thought and word I have is about your dear Nelson. Here
lies Bayard, but Bayard victorious. ... So help me God, I
think he was a true knight and worthy the age of chivalry.
' ' His time was to die, and if not by a shot, you might have lost him by sick-
ness.'— Morrison MS. 872.
2 Cf. Morrison MS. 862 (Scott's letter). Mrs. Lind lived at Brompton, and
Emma dined there rather than with her grand friends. For Lady E. Bentinck's
sympathy, cf. Pettigrcw, ii. p. 545.
^ Morrison MS. 881. This tends to show that she knew who Horatia really was.
* December 6, 1805. '■' Cf. Pettigrew, ii. p. 549 ; Morrison MS. 854.
' 21 Park Row. " December 23, 1805. ® December 24.
432 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
One may say, lui nieme fait le Steele — for where shall we
see another ? ' Yes, Emma should come herself and paj
her last farewell alone. Scott could not tear himself away ;
he was rowed in the same barge that bore the hero's Orient-
made coffin to the Admiralty. He watched by it there, and
thence attended it to St, Paul's. He bitterly resented being
parted from it by his place, next day, in the procession.
' I honour your feelings,' exclaimed he, who always loved
her, 'and I respect you, dear Lady Hamilton, for ever.' ^
Who can forget the scenes of that dismal triumph of
January the loth.? Not a shop open ; not a window
untenanted by silent grief. The long array of rank and
dignity wends its funeral march with solemn pace. But
near the catafalque draped with emblems and fronted with
the Victory's figurehead, are ranged the weather-beaten
sailors who would have died to save him.
Fashion and officialdom, as distasteful to Nelson living
as he was to them, press to figure in the pomp which cele-
brated the man at whom they sometimes jeered, and whom
they often thwarted and sought to supersede. Professed
and unfeigned sorrow meet in his obsequies.
Every order of the State is represented. Yet as the
deep-toned anthem — half-marred at first — swells through
the hushed cathedral, two forms are missing — that of the
woman - whom certainly he would never have forsworn
had her wifehood ever meant real affection,^ and that of the
other woman who beyond measure had loved and lost him.
Can one doubt but that, when all was over, when form and
ceremony were dispersed, Emma stood there, silent, their
child's hand clasped in hers, and shed her bitter tears
beside his wreaths of laurel, into his half-closed grave?
^ Morrison MS. 855-861.
' Barham announced to her on November 5 her 'illustrious Partner's death. '
— Eg. MS. 28,333, f. 6. By their own request the Nelson family were buried
in the enclosure. Countess Nelson rests there ; so does Nelson's nephew
Horatio. It may here be noted that the marble covering over Nelson's coffin
was presented by the Prince Regent. It forms one of the remains of the un-
finished Italian splendours which Henry viil. designed for his own burial-chapel.
It was to have been Cardinal Wolsey's sarcophagus.
^ Mrs. Bolton writes to Emma of her at Cheltenham in June 1806: 'Dis-
putes even the last words of the man she once prciended to love.' — Morrison
MS. S82.
CHAPTER XV
THE IMPORTUNATE WIDOW IN LIQUIDATION
Februarys 1806 — July 18 14
While the nation was to vote i^ 120,000 ^ to support the earl-
dom of the clergyman whose brother died only a Viscount
and Vice-Admiral, in receipt of an annual grant not exceed-
ing ;^2000; while Lady Nelson, soon to wrangle over the will,^
received her own annuity from Parliament, not only were
Emma's claims disregarded, but the payment of Nelson's
bequest to her was deferred and grudgingly made. She
retired for a space to Richmond, and at once begged Sir R.
Barclay to be one of a committee for arranging her affairs and
disposing of Merton.^ Not until the November of this year
did she address Earl Nelson, urging him in the strongest
terms, as his brother's executor, to legalise Nelson's last
codicil ; and nearly a year after he had received the pocket-
book containing it from Hardy, he returned her a civil and
friendly answer.* Her finances were now more straitened
than has been supposed. Her income from all sources
(including Horatia's i^200 a year) has been estimated as
now some ;i^2ioo. This estimate counts Hamilton's and
Nelson's annuities, of ;^8oo^ and ;^SOO respectively, as if
they were paid free of property-tax, her Piccadilly furniture
as realised and invested intact at five per cent., together
' ;^200,ooo in all to the family, in May 1806. On April 30 Grenville re-
quested Earl Nelson to confer with him about the ' royal de„.res for subsidising
the Nelson family."— Add. MS. 34,992, f. 132.
" Cf. (besides the authorities cited on p. 340) Morrison MS. 882, where
Mrs. Bolton tells Lady H., 'The Viscountess is going to law. What a vin-
dictive woman,' etc. ■' Cf. Appendix, Part 11. C. (4).
•• Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 55 and 56 ; ' Merton, November 14, 1806, and Canter-
bury, November 16, 1806.' Emma evidently suspected his intentions already.
She says, ' Whose executor you have the honour to be.' Writing to Rose about
the same time she says, ' The Earl you know, but a man must have great courage
to accept the honour of calling himself by that name.' Cf. Rose's Diaries, and
Appendix, Part 11. C. (i) (/') and (2). '•' Cf. attte, p. 400.
2 E
434 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
with Nelson's ^2000 legacy, and Merton as rentable at
;^500 a year. The tax alone, however, seems to have been
some ten per cent., the furniture should surely be reckoned
at half-price, Merton was unlet, and with difficulty sold at
last, while large inroads had been made by debt and inter-
rupted Merton improvements. Her available capital must
have been small. Her net income may be taken as under
some £1200, apart from Nelson's annuity payable half-
yearly in advance. Had this been so paid regularly from
the first, another ;^450, after deducting property-tax,
would have been hers. But I have discovered that Earl
Nelson, on the excuse that the money he actually re-
ceived from the Bronte estate up to 1806 was for arrears
of rent accrued due before Nelson's death, never apparently
allowed her a penny until 1808,^ and then, after consult-
ing counsel, haggled over the payment in advance directed
by the codicil, and in fact never paid her annuity m advance
until 1 8 14. The receipt for the first payment in advance
still exists, and is set out in the Appendix. This surely
puts a somewhat different complexion on her 'extravagance,'
since a year's delay in the receipt of income by one alread}'
encumbered would prove a deadweight. Imprudent and
improvident she continued ; embarrassed by anticipated ex-
pectations, eager, indeed, to compound with creditors she
became much sooner than has hitherto been imagined.^
She remained absolutely faithful to Horatia's trust up to the
miserable end.^ Within three years from Nelson's death
Emma and Horatia were to become wanderers from house to
house: treasure after treasure was afterwards to be parted
with or distrained upon ; and the Earl, who had flattered and
courted Emma in her heyday, and still protested his willing-
' It should be clearly understood with regard to the statement that Earl Nelson
received 'nothing' from the Bronte rental till 1808, that nothing ' for his own
use' is meant, being the terms of the recital in the legal document (App. p. 489)
to which express reference is made above. It is this recital which goes, I think,
to show that, till 1808, Lady Hamilton probably received nothing also. And in
any case she would manifestly get nothing till 1807, since she was never paid in
advance^ and nothing at all came from Bronte till September 1806.
'^ Already in May 1805, during Nelson's absence, she had applied to Tyson
for a loan of ;i^i50, as ' what money ' she had in 'her banker's hands' had ' been
laid out at Merton.' Cf. Appendix, Part II. C. (15).
■■' Nicolas vii., p. 395. Cited by Jeaffreson.
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 435
ness to serve her, and his hopes that Government would
yield her 'a comfortable pension,'^ had joined the fair-weather
acquaintances who left her and her daughter in the ditch.
On her income, even apart from her variable annuity
and the furniture proceeds, she might have been com-
fortable, if she had been content to retire at once into decent
obscurity. She could not bring herself to forfeit the flat-
teries of worthless pensioners and cringing tradesmen ; and,
moreover, I cannot help suspecting that Nurse Gibson may
not have rested satisfied with the occasional extra guineas
bestowed on her, and that whether by her or by servants
who had guessed the secret of Horatia's birth, continual
hush-money may possibly have been extorted.^
From December 6, 1805, when he received his brother's
' pocket-book ' or ' memorandum-book ' (in the letters it is
named both ways) from Hardy, the new Earl held in his hands
the ' codicil ' on which hung Emma's fate and Horatia's.
A few of Earl Nelson's manuscript letters ^ cast a little
light on its adventures, and, so far as they go, assist Emma's
account of his attitude, though I think that she miscon-
strued or exaggerated its motives.
From December 6 to December 12 it seems to have been
kept in his own possession. He then took it to Lady
Hamilton's friend. Sir William Scott, at Somerset House,
where she was led by him to believe that its formal registra-
tion with Nelson's will was in favourable process. Before
Pitt's death in the ensuing January it was determined that
the memorandum-book should be sent to the Premier.*
Pitt died at an unfortunate moment, and Grenville became
Prime Minister. After consultation with Scott and others,
the Earl, however, resolved in February to hand it over to
Lord Grenville, and in Grenville's keeping it actually re-
mained till so late as May 30, 1806. If even, as is possible,^
1 Cf. Add. MS. 34,992, f. 197, Earl Nelson to Davison ; ' Portman Square,
Monday morning, February i, 1813.'
" For this conjecture cf. Nelson's words in a letter of February 6, iSoi, where
' if the secret were well kept ' he suggests ' a small pension." Morrison MS. 509.
■> Add. MS. 34,992. Cf. especially f. 148.
■• Cf. Earl Nelson's own account, once in Pettigrew's possession, and cited iiy
him in vol. ii. p. 626, note i.
^' The codicil is said to have been lodged for registration in February by
Emma herself. In the ' pocket-book' or ' letter-book,' she inscribed her claim
to having been instrumental in getting the fleet watered in the summer of 1798.
436 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the 'pocket-book ' and the ' memorandum-book ' mean two
separate things, and what Grenville retained was only the
latter, referring to the 'codicil' in the first, still the undue
delay was no less shabby; and Nelson's sisters agreed with
Emma, whose warm adherents they remained, in so entitling
it.^ Grenville was the last person in the world to act favour-
ably towards Emma, but of course it was for him to decide
from what particular source, if any, Government could
satisfy Nelson's petition.
Up to February 23, 1806, the iLarl's letters were more than
friendly, and even many years afterwards they professed
goodwill and inclination to forward her claims for a pension,
but in the interval a quarrel ensued.
Emma subsequently declared that, after so long with-
holding the pocket-book, the Earl, as her own guest at her
own table, tossed it back to her ' with a coarse expression.'
She then registered the codicil herself. She added that the
reason lor its detention was that the Earl desired nothing to
be do le until he was positive of the national grant to him
and hn family.
For such meanness I can see no sufficient reason. To put
his motives at the lowest, self-interest would tempt him to
forward Emma's claims to some kind of Government pension.
But I do think that his course was ruled solely by a wish
for his own safe self-advantage. He did not choose to risk
offending Lord Grenville.
Earl Nelson certainly never erred on the side of gener-
osity. Despite his assiduous court of Emma during Nelson's
lifetime, and his present amicable professions, he himself, as
executor, sent ferreting for papers at that Merton where
he had so often found a home, and whose hospitality his
wife and children still continued gratefully to enjoy;" though
he was probably angered when the shrewd Mrs. Cadogan
proved his match there and worsted him.^ With reluctance,
1 They comment on his general shabbiness, .ind to the last the Matchams
were constant.
2 They remained devoted to Emma. Morrison MS. 918.
' Cf. Morrison MS. 865: 'I will not show them one bill or receipt. ... I
had a very canting letter from Haslewood yesterday, saying the Earl was coming
down to-day,' etc. Mrs. Cadogan to Lady Hamilton, February 13, 1806;
and cf. 871.
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 437
and ' with a bleeding heart,' he conceded Emma's ' right ' to
the ' precious possession ' of the hero's coat, as the document
concerning its surrender, in his wife's handwriting, still
attests.^ In the future, only two years after declaring, ' No
one can wish her better than I do,' ^ he was to begrudge one
halfpenny of the expenses after her death. Only a few months
before it, his behaviour caused her to exclaim in a letter which
has only this year seen the light, and which is one of the most
piteous yet least complaining that she ever wrote, ' He has
never given the dear Horatia a frock or a sixpence.'^ He
squabbled and haggled over Clarke and Macarthur's Life
of his brother.* And long after Emma lay mouldering in a
nameless grave, he declined to subscribe for the book of an
old acquaintance, on the stingy pretext that books now he
never bought. If Emma rasped him by overbearing de-
fiance (and she never set herself to conciliation), it would
excuse but not justify him, since Horatia's prospects were
as much concerned as Emma's in the fulfilment of the last
request of the departed brother, to whom he and his owed
absolutely everything.
The worst was yet far distant. But harassing vexations
already began to cluster round the unhappy woman, who
was denied her demands by ministers alleging long lapse of
time,^ and the inapplicability of the Secret Service Fund,
as impediments, though Rose and Canning afterwards
acknowledged them to be just.^ Pitt's death with the dawn-
ing year rebuffed anew, as we have seen, the main hope of
this unfortunate and importunate widow. Hidden briars
• Add. MS. 34,992, f. 103. He insisted, too, on retaining his stall at Canter-
bury, though Scott had counted on it. ^ Ihid. f. 197.
3 Cf. App., Part II. C. (10) (a). The letter is to Sir W'illiam Scott from Lady
Hamilton at ' The Common of St. Peter's, two miles from Calais,' and hears date
September 12, 1814. 'Think what I must fee!,' she ejaculates, 'who was used
to give, God only knows [how much], and now to ask. Earl and Countess
Nelson lived with me seven years. I educated Lady Charlotte, and paid at
Eton for Trafalgar. I made Lord Nelson write the letter to Lord Sidmoulh for
the Preb'.ndary of Canterbury, which his Lordship kindly gave him. They have
never given the dear Horatia a frock or a sixpence.' Cf. fosl, p. 46S.
* Add. MS. 34,992, f. 105 (i sr,/.
■' Cf. Rose's letter, July 3, 1S06, Morrison MS. 886. He says this is 'the
real cause.'
' Cf. Rose's Diaries.
438 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
beset her path also. Her once obsequious creditors already
clamoured, and were only staved off temporarily by the
delusive promises of Nelson's will. For a time one at least
of the Connors^ caused her secret and serious uneasiness by
ingratitude and slander ; while the whole of this extravagant
family preyed on and 'almost ruined ' her. But, worse than
all, the insinuations of her enemies began at length to find
a loud and unchecked outlet. ' How hard it is,' she wrote
of her detractors, during a visit to Nelson's relations, in
a letter of September 7, 1806, to her firm ally the departed
hero's friend and chaplain, 'how cruel their treatment to
me and to Lord Nelson! That angel's last wishes all
neglected, not to speak of the fraud that was acted to keep
back the codicil. ... It seems that those that truly loved
him are to be victims to hatred, jealousy, and spite. . . . We
have, and had, what they that persecute us never had, his
unbounded love and esteem, his confidence and affection.
... If I had any influence over him, I used it for the good
of my country. ... I have got all his letters, and near eight
hundred of the Queen of Naples' letters, to show what I did
for my King and Country, and prettily I am rewarded.'
For glory she had lived, for glory she had been ready
to die. In seeking to rob her of glory by refusing to
^ Ann, who, with the touch of madness peculiar to the whole family, and at
this time dangerous in Charles, associated herself now with Emma 'Carew,'
whose pseudonym she took, as Lady Hamilton's daughter. ' How shocked and
surprised I was, my dear friend,' writes Mrs. Bolton, from whom Emma hid
nothing, not even Horatia's parentage. ' Poor, wretched girl, what will become
of her ? What could possess her to circulate such things ? But I do not agree with
you in thinking that she ought to have been told before, nor do I think anything
more ought to have been said than to set her right. ... I am sure I would say
and do everything to please and nothing to fret.' — Morrison MS. 896, Friday,
October 11, 1806. In her 'will' of 1808 Emma records: — 'I declare before
God, and as I hope to see Nelson in heaven, that Ann Connor, who goes by the
name of Carew and tells many falsehoods, that she is my daughter, but from what
motive I know not, I declare that she is the eldest daughter of my mother's
sister, Sarah Connor, and that I have the mother and six children to keep, all
of them except two having turned out bad. I therefore beg of my mother to be
kind to the two good ones, Sarah and Cecilia. This family having by their
extravagance almost ruined me, I have nothing to leave them, and I pray to
God to turn Ann Connor alias Carew's heart. I forgive her, but as there is a
madness in the Connor family, I hope it is only the effect of this disorder that
may have induced this bad young woman to have persecuted me by her slander
and falsehood.' — Morrison MS. 959.
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 439
acknowledge her services, and by traducing her motives,
her foes had wounded her where she was most susceptible.
Pained to the quick, yet as poignantly pricked to defiance,
she uplifted her voice and spirit above and against theirs : —
' Psha ! I am above them, I despise them ; for, thank
God, I feel that having lived with honour and glory, glory
they cannot take from me, I despise them ; my soul is
above them, and I can yet make some of them tremble by
showing how he despised them, for in his letters to me he
thought aloud.' The parasites were already on the wing.
' Look,' she resumed, 'at Alexander Davison, courting the
man he despised, and neglecting now those whose feet he
used to lick. Dirty, vile groveler [«V].'^ She meets con-
tumely with contumely.
But her warm and uninterrupted intercourse with Nelson's
sisters and their families proved throughout a ray of real
sunshine. She stayed with them — especially the Boltons —
incessantly, and they with her at Merton. The Countess
Nelson herself, even after her husband's unfriendliness, was
her constant visitor. Horatia was by this time adopted
' cousin ' to all the Bolton and Matcham youngsters.
Nothing could be further from the truth, as revealed in
the Morrison Autographs, than the picture of Emma, so
often given, as now a broken 'adventuress.'- She led
the life at home of a respected lady, befriended by Lady
Elizabeth Foster and Lady Percival. In London, Lady
Abercorn begged her to come and meet the persecuted
Princess of Wales. But her heart stayed with Nelson's
kinsfolk, with Horatia's relations. She stifled her sorrow
for a while with the young people, who still found Merton
a home, as Mrs. Bolton tenderly acknowledged, Char-
lotte Nelson was still an inmate, and Anne and Eliza
Bolton were repeatedly under its hospitable roof Emma's
godchild and namesake. Lady Bolton's daughter, was
devoted to Mrs. Cadogan — they all ' loved ' her, she called
' From a letter to Mr. A. J. Scull, kimlly and privately comiminicatcd. Cf.
App., Part II. C. (3) (/'). I now find that this letter has been published (1842)
in Scott's LiJ(. Scott, loo, had his own grievances.
- One should not, however, omit a jjlimpse given of Bohemian revel by Scott's
Life. Royalty, too, stayed at Merton.
440 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
her ' grandmama.' The Cranwich^ girls reported to 'dear-
est Lady Hamilton ' all their tittle-tattle, the country balls,
their musical progress, the matches, the prosperous poultry,
their dishes and gardens. They awaited her Sunday
letters — their ' chief pleasure ' — with impatience. They
never forgot either her birthday or Mrs. Cadogan's. When
in a passing fit of retrenchment she meditated migra-
tion to one of her several future lodgings in Bond Street,'^
who so afraid for her inconvenience as her dear Mrs.
Bolton? When the ministry, after Pitt's demise, brought
Canning to the fore, who again so glad that George
Rose was his friend and hers, so convinced that the ' new
people who shoot up ' as petitioners were the real obstacles
to her success? And so in a sense it proved, for one of
the ministry's excuses may well have been that a noble
family had been ten years on their hands. Mrs. Bolton still
hoped — even in 1808 — that the 'good wishes of one who is
gone to heaven will disappoint the wicked.' Mrs. Matcham,
too, who ' recalled the many happy days we have spent
together,' was always soliciting a visit : ' It will give us
great pleasure to f^te you, the best in our power.' She
longed — in 1808 again — to pass her time with her, though
it might be a ' selfish wish.' But Emma preferred the
Bolton household. She and Horatia went there immedi-
ately after the ' codicil ' annoyances, and twice more earlier
in that same year alone. Emma, they repeated, 'was be-
loved by all.' And her affection extended to their friends
at Brancaster^ and elsewhere. Sir William Bolton re-
mained in his naval command, and Lady Hamilton kept
her popularity with the navy.* Anne and Eliza Bolton, to-
gether with their mother, hung on her lightest words, and
followed her singing-parties at 'Old Q.'s,' in 1807, with more
than musical interest. Eliza, indeed, one regrets to recount,
confided a dream to Emma, a dream of ' Old Q.'s ' death
' Cranswick ; but their own spelling is retained.
^ No. 136, April 1807. This migration did not take place definitely till 1809,
but already in 1807 she is to be found there, having possibly let the house in
Clarges Street.
' Mrs. PeirsoK. In the striking letter to Mr. A. J. Scott of September 1S06,
above cited, she had been staying with one of Nelson's aunts.
* This very year Duckworth assured her of his ' real regard.'
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 441
and a thumping legacy, 'There is d. feeling iox you at this
heart of mine,' wrote Anne Bolton, just before the crash,
'that will not be conquered, and I believe will accompany
me wherever I may go, and last while I have life.'^ Surely
in Emma must have resided something magnetic so to draw
the hearts of the young towards her — even when, as now
she seemed to neglect them. Those who judge, or mis-
judge her, might have modified their censoriousness had
they experienced the winning charm of her friendship.
But all this while, and under the surface, Emma con-
tinued miserable, ill, and worried. Her importunities with
the Government were doomed to failure ; her monetary
position, aggravated by reckless generosity towards her
poverty-stricken kinsfolk, grew more precarious ; but her
pride seems not to have let her breathe a syllable of these
embarrassments to the Boltons or the Matchams.
Eor a while she removed to 136 Bond Street- as a
London pied-a-terre. One of her letters of this period
survives, addressed to Captain Rose, her befriender's son.
Horatia insisted on guiding Emma's hand, and both mother
and daughter signed the letter. ' Continue to love us,' she
says, 'and if you would make Merton your home, when-
ever you land on shore you will make us very happy.' ^
To Merton, so long as she could, she and her fatherless
daughter still clung.
To carry out Nelson's wishes with regard to Horatia's
education was her main care, but her ideas of education
began and ended with accomplishments. Horatia's pre-
cocities both delighted and angered her. Of real mental
discipline she had no knowledge, and her stormy temper
found its match in her child's.
Her restless energy, bereft of its old vents, found refuge in
hiring Harrison to write his flimsy life of the hero ; in trying
to dispose of the beloved home, which she became hourly less
able to maintain ; in coping with her enemies; in dictating
letters to Clarke, another of the throng of dependants with
' Morrison MS. 950. For the foregoing cf. ib. passim (to 1809), S66-986,
(to 1811), 991-1029; for 'grandmama,' 900. For Ladies I'ercival and iJ.
Foster, 862, 910, and cf. post, p. 455, w. 7.
-' She afterwards lived also at No. 150.
^ Letter in possession of Mr. Robson. It is misdated ' 1813.'
442 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
whom she liked to surround herself; in hoping that Hayley
would celebrate her in his Life of Romney. An unpublished
letter from her to him of June 1806 — a portion of which has
been already cited — depicts her as she was. She is ' very
low-spirited and very far from well' She was 'very happy
at Naples, but all seems gone like a dream.' She is
* plagued by lawyers, ill-used by the Government, and dis-
tracted by that variety and perplexity of subjects which
press upon her,' without any one left to steer her course.
She passes ' as much of her time at dear Merton as pos-
sible,' and ' always feels particularly low ' when she leaves it.
She tries hard to gain ' a mastery over herself,' but at present
her own unhappiness is as invincible as her gratitude to
her old friend who so often influenced her for good. She is
distraught, misinterpreted, the sport of chance and apathy.
' L'ignorance en courant fait sa roide homicide,
L'indiffi^rence observe et le hasard decide.'
Two years later again, when misfortunes were thickening
around her, she thus addressed Heaviside, her kind surgeon :
— ' . . . Altho' that life to myself may no longer be happy, yet
my dear mother and Horatia will bless you, for if I can make
the old age of my good mother comfortable, and educate
Horatia, as the great and glorious Nelson in his dying
moments begged me to do, I shall feel yet proud and de-
lighted that I am doing my duty and fulfilling the desires
and wishes of one I so greatly honoured.' ^ And in the
same strain she wrote in that same year to Greville, who
had then relented towards her. She strove, she assured him,
to fulfil all that ' glorious Nelson ' thought that she ' would
do if he fell' — her 'daily duties to his memory."^ Of
'virtuous' Nelson she writes perpetually. On him as per-
petually she muses. For till she had met him she had
never known the meaning of true self-sacrifice. In his
strength her weak soul was still absorbed. Remembrance
was now her guiding star ; but it trembled above her over
troubled waters, leading to a dismal haven. Nor, in her
' Unpublished letter from Sotheby's catalogue, autumn 1904. The letter is
in Mr. Sabin's possession. Cf. App., Part 11. C. (5).
- Lady Hamilton to Greville, in a new letter undated, but, from internal
evidence, certainly written during November 1808. Cf. App., Part 11. C. {5) {b).
The earliest amateur skeich ok Emma Lvon, Lauv Hamilton.
By Miss Thomas (daughter ok her first employer)
AT IIawakden.
4
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 443
own sadness, was she ever unmindful of the misery and
wants of others.
Before the year 1808, which was to drive her from ' dear,
dear Merton,' had opened, she received one more letter
which cheered her. Mrs. Thomas, the widow of her old
Hawarden employer, the mother of the daughter who first
sketched her beauty, and whom Emma always remembered
with gratitude, wrote to condole with her on the misconduct
of some of the Connors. She alluded also to that old rela-
tion, Mr. Kidd, mentioned at the beginning of our story, who
from being above had fallen beyond work, but who still
battened on the bounty of his straitened benefactress : —
' . . . I am truly sorry that you have so much trouble with
your relations, and the ungrateful return your care and
generosity meets with, is indeed enough to turn your heart
against them. However, ungrateful as they are, your own
generous heart cannot see them in want, and it is a pity
that your great generosity towards them shou'd be so ill-
placed. I don't doubt that you receive a satisfaction in
doing for them, which will reward you here and hereafter.
I sent for Mr. Kidd upon the receipt of your letter. I be-
lieve he has been much distressed for some time back, . , .
As he observes, he was not brought up for work.'^ In her
opinion, the less pocket-money he gets, the better; it 'will
onely ^ be spent in the ale-house.' The Reynoldses, too, had
been living upon Emma, and another relation, Mr. Nichol,
Kidd's connection, expected ten shillings a week. Emma
had provided Richard Reynolds with clothes, and a Mr.
Humphries with lodging. They all imagined her in clover,
and she would not undeceive them. When her ' extrava-
gance ' is brought up against her, these deeds of hidden and
ill-requited generosity should be remembered. She was
more extravagant for others than for herself She even
besought the Queen of Naples to confer a pension on Mrs.
Grafer, though she besought in vain.^ And all the time
' Morrison MS. 930. ' Mari Thomas,' Hawarden, to Lady Hamilton,
Hawarden, Novemher 27, 1807.
- L.idy H. also spells this word thus. I think that the Thomases taught her
spelling.
•' Cf. Api)., I'att II. C (5) (A). In a letter of the following year Mrs. Grafer
bitterly complained to Lady Hamilton that Maria Carolina, despite her con-
tinued and atTcctionatc correspondence, refused to aid her.
444 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
she continued her unceasing' presents to Nelson's relations,
and to poor blind ' Mrs. Maurice Nelson.'^
But these were the flickers of a wasting candle. By April
1808 Merton was up for sale.-^ The Boltons had not the
slightest inkling of her disasters.^ They missed the regu-
larity of her letters; they had heard that she was unwell, and
fretting herself, but they were quite unaware of the cause.
Indeed, Anne Bolton was herself now at Merton with
Horatia, under the care of Mrs, Cadogan,* who was soon ill
herself under the worries so bravely withheld.
Maria Carolina, still in affectionate correspondence with
her friend, was, however, unable or unwilling to aid her since
she had written the reluctant plea on her behalf to the
English ministers four years previously. Indeed, it may be
guessed that one of the reasons alleged for disregarding the
supplication of Nelson, was that its discussion might com-
promise the Neapolitan Queen. This, then, was the end of
the royal gratitude so long and lavishly professed. When
Emma in this year besought her, not for herself, but for
Mrs. Grafer (then on the eve of return to Palermo), she
told Greville that she had adjured her to redeem her pledge
of a pension to their friend ' by the love she bears, or once
bore, to Emma,' as well as ' by the sacred memory of
Nelson.' If the Queen was at this time in such straits as
precluded her from a pecuniary grant once promised to the
dependant, she might still have exerted herself for her
dearest friend. But 'Out of sight, out of mind.' In despair,
while Rose returned to his barren task of doing little
elaborately, Emma betook herself to Lord St. Vincent. If
her importunities could effect nothing with the gods above,
she would entreat one of them below. Perhaps Nelson's
old ally could melt the obdurate ministers into some regard
for Nelson's latest prayers ; perhaps through him she might
' Emma evidently urged her to claim her over-due allowance frcnii the Earl.
Morrison MS. 935.
- It was valued by ' Willock, Golden Square,' at ^12,930. Morrison MS.
938, April 4, 180S.
^ So late as September Mrs. Bolton congratulates her on the ' improvements
so much to her liking.' — Morrison MS. 953.
Morrison MS. 939. Anne was recalled to Cranwich by her mother's own
illness.
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 445
draw a drop, if only of bitterness, with her Danaid bucket
from that dreary official well.
She conjures him by the ' tender recollection ' of his
love for Nelson to help the hope reawakened in her 'after
so many years of anxiety and cruel disappointment,' that
some heed may be paid to the dying wishes of 'our im-
mortal and incomparable hero,' for the reward of those
' public services of importance ' which it was her ' pride as
well as duty to perform,' She will not harrow him by
detailing 'the various vicissitudes' of her 'hapless' fortunes
since the fatal day when ' Nelson bequeathed herself and
his infant daughter, expressly left under her guardianship,
to the munificent protection of our Sovereign and the
nation.' She will not arouse his resentment ' by reciting
the many petty artifices, mean machinations, and basely
deceptive tenders of friendship' which hitherto have
thwarted her. She reminds him that he knows what she
did, because to her and her husband's endeavours she had
been indebted for his friendship. The widow of Lock,
the Palermo Consul, had an immediate pension assigned
of ;^8c)0 a year, while Mr. Fox's natural daughter, Miss
Willoughby, obtained one of ;^300. Might not the widow
of the King's foster-brother, an Ambassador so distinguished,
hope for some recognition of what she had really done,
and what Nelson had counted on being conceded ? ^
At the same time both she and Rose besought Lord
Abercorn, who interested himself warmly in her favour. In
Rose's letter occurs an important passage, to the effect that
Nelson on his last return home had, through him, for-
warded to Pitt a solemn assurance that it was through
Emma's 'exclusive interposition that he had obtained
provisions and water for the English ships at Syracuse, in
the summer of 1798, by which he was enabled to return to
Egypt in quest of the enemy's fleet'; and also that Pitt
himself, while staying with him at Cuffnells, had ' listened
favourably ' to his representations.^ Rose had previously
assured Lady Hamilton that he was coyivinced of the
' Morrison MS. 949.
- Rose's DiarieSy letter of April 9, iSob. Pitt, however, he says, made no
' engagement.'
446 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
' justice of her pretensions,' to which she ' was entitled both
on principle and policy.' ^
And not long afterwards, when, as we shall shortly see,
kind friends came privately to her succour, she forwarded
another long memorial to Rose, in whose Diaries it is
comprised, clearly detailing both services and misadventures.
'This want of success,' she repeats, and with truth, 'has
been more unfortunate for me, as I have incurred very
heavy expenses in completing what Lord Nelson had
left unfinished at Merton, and I have found it impossible
to sell the place.' She might have added that Nelson
entreated her not to spend one penny of income on the
contracts ; he never doubted that this cost at least the
nation would defray. ' From these circumstances,' she
resumes, ' I have been reduced to a situation the most
painful and distressing that can be conceived, and should
have been actually confined in prison, if a few friends from
attachment to the memory of Lord Nelson had not inter-
fered to prevent it, under whose kind protection alone I am
enabled to exist. My case is plain and simple. I rendered
a service of the utmost importance to my country, attested
in the clearest and most undeniable manner possible, and I
have received no reward, although justice was claimed for
me by the hero who lost his life in the performance of his
duty. ... If I had bargained for a reward beforehand, there
can be no doubt but that it would have been given to me, and
liberally. I hoped then not to want it. I do now stand in
the utmost need of it, and surely it will not be refused to me.
... I anxiously implore that my claims may not be rejected
without consideration, and that my forbearance to urge them
earlier may not be objected to me, because in the lifetime
of Sir William Hamilton I should not have thought of even
mentioning them, nor indeed after his death, if I had been
left in a less comparatively destitute state.'
Yet the latter was the excuse continuously urged by suc-
cessive Governments. Both Rose and Canning, more than
once, admitted the justice of her claims, and even Grenville
seems by implication not to have denied it.- Rose always
1 Rose's Diaries, leUer of December 9, 1805.
" He would have considered her claims had they been pressed at the time
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 447
avowed his promise to Nelson at his ' last parting from
him ' to do his best, and he did it. But he well knew
that the real obstacle lay not in doubt, or in lapse of time,
or in the quibble of how and from what fund it would be
possible to satisfy her claims, but solely in the royal dis-
inclination to favour one whom the King's foster-brother had
married against his will, and whose early antecedents, and
later connection with Nelson, alike scandalised him.^ The
objections raised were always technical and parliamentary,
and never touched the substantial point of justice at all, as
may be seen in the short note just appended — a note which
might have been considerably enlarged had every instance
been adduced. The sum named — £6000 or £yooo — would
have been a bagatelle in view of the party jobbing then
universally prevalent ; and no attentive and impartial
peruser of the whole correspondence from 1803- 181 3 ^^^i
fail to grasp that each successive minister — one generously,
another grudgingly — admitted her claims even while he
refused them. It was not their justice, but justice itself
that was denied, and the importunate widow was left
pleading before the unjust judge who had more advan-
tageous claimants to content. Pitt's death, in January
1806, was undoubtedly a great blow to Emma's hopes.
During his last illness she must often have watched that
(Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 628). lie would not give a ' clear opinion.' Canning,
writing to Rose in 1809 of Greville's letter — worded 'with the coldest caution'
— says it 'left it open to' Greville 'to say that though her services deserved
reward, yet the Foreign Secret Service Fund was not the proper fund out of
which that reward should come.' In this Canning agreed, hut added, 'I do
think that a pension might well be bestowed.' He repeats, in 1S13, that he
thought her 'richly entitled.' He feared 'inconvenient' questions from the
Opposition if recourse were had to that fund. Cf. Rose's Diaries, vol. i. jip. 260
and seq. and passim.
' Cf. inter alia, Lady H.'s own assertion in a letter of March 4, 1813, to
George Rose (contained in his Diaries), the original of which was sold in July
1905 at Sotheby's ; and tlie inferences from a passage in Rose's letter of July 3,
1806, where he speaks of the chance of proposing to the A'ing a small pension
for the child (Morrison MS. 948, July 21, 1S08), where Rose again assures
Kmma of Canning's goodwill, but hints ' »>/5wrwo«>/A;/'/f difficulties' ; and there
is another letter where Lady H. says that a kind friend has explained to her the
reason ; another, again, to her declaring the royal disfavour to be the cause, and
another of 1804 from Hugh Elliot to Nelson alleging that her claims would have
a better chance under another ' reign,' Morrison MS. 763.
44'"^ EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
white house at Putney with the keenest anxiety. So early
as the beginning of 1805, Lord Melville, whom Nelson had
asked to bestir himself on Emma's behalf during his absence,
told Davison that he had spoken to Pitt personally about
'the propriety of a pension of ^^500' for her. Melville
himself spoke ' very handsomely ' both of her and her ' ser-
vices.'^ Pitt, if he had survived more than a year and had
been quit of Lord Grenville, might have risked the royal
disfavour, as in weightier concerns he never shrank from
doing. The luckless Emma sank between the two stools
of social propriety and official convenience, while the hope
against hope, that no disillusionment could extinguish, con-
stantly made her the victim of her anticipations.
For a moment a purchaser willing to give ;^i 3,000 for
Merton had been almost secured. But debts and fears
hung round her neck like millstones. They interrupted
her correspondence and sapped her health, now in serious
danger. By June 1808 she told her surgeon, Heaviside,
that she was so ' low and comfortless ' that nothing did her
good. Her heart was so ' oppressed ' that ' God only
knows' when that will mend, — 'perhaps only in heaven.'
He had 'saved' her life. He was 'like unto her a father, a
good brother.' In vain she supplicated ' Old Q.' to purchase
Merton and she would live on what remained:- he had
named her in his will, and that sufficed. With her staunch
servant Nanny, and her faithful ' old Dame Francis,' who
attended her to the end, she and Horatia retired to Rich-
mond, where for a space the Duke allowed her to occupy
Heron Court, though this too was later on to be exchanged
for a small house in the Bridge Road. She herself drew up
a will, bequeathing what still was hers to her mother for her
life, and afterwards to ' Nelson's daughter,' with many en-
dearments, and expressing the perhaps impudent request
that possibly she might be permitted to rest near Nelson in
St. Paul's, but otherwise she desired to rest near her ' dear
mother.' She begged Rose to act as her executor, and she
called on him, the Duke, the Prince, and ' any administra-
^ Morrison MS. 804, Davison to Lady Hamilton, January 6, 1805.
- Ibid. 951. She hoped ' ;if 15,000 would do for everything.' ;^i8,ooo, how-
ever, were required. Her one wish was ' to be free and at liberty,'
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 449
tion that has hearts and feelings,' to support and cherish
Horatia.^
All proved unavailing, and she resigned herself to the
inevitable liquidation. After a visit to the Boltons in
October, she returned to arrange her affairs in November.
A committee of warm friends had taken them in hand.
Many of them had powerful city connections. Sir John
Perring was chairman of a meeting convened in his house
at the close of November. His chief associates were Gold-
smid, Davison, Barclay, and Lavie, a solicitor of the highest
standing, and there were five other gentlemen of repute.
A full statement had been drawn up. Her assets
amounted to ^,"17,500, 'taken at a very low rate,' and
independent of her annuities under the two wills and her
'claim on the Government,' which they still put to the
credit side. Her private debts, of which a great part were
on account of the Merton improvements,'' amounted to
j^Sooo, but there were also exorbitant demands on the part
of money-lenders, who had made advances on the terms of
receiving 'annuities.' To satisfy these, i^io,ooo were
required.
Everything possible was managed. All her assets, in-
cluding the prosecution of those hopeless claims, were
vested in the committee as trustees, and they were realised
to advantage. Goldsmid himself purchased Merton."
£2,700 were meanwhile subscribed in advance to pay off
her private indebtedness.
At this juncture Greville reappears unexpectedly upon
the scene. In her sore distress he thawed towards one
' Morrison MS. 959, October 16, 1808.
'' This is likely from the fact that, including the annuities, which were un-
acknowledged, and exorbitant obligations on advances, which amounted to
;^lo,ooo, she herself had declared that if the Duke bought Merton for ;^i 5,000,
she would be clear. Her current debts, therefore, were ^^5000, and most of this
must have referred to the extensive alterations at Merton. Afterwards, however,
;f^3000 more of her private debts made their appearance. These were paid oft
by immediate subscription.
^ Lysons's Ettvtrons of Lomion, Supplement (iSii), p. 46, and Morrison
MS. 965, Mrs. Bolton to Lady H., April 23, 1S09 : ' I am glad to hear a
Goldsmid has purchased Merton rather than any stranger. You, I hope, will
feel more easy now it is gone. Perhaps you and I may one day have a melan-
choly pleasure in tracing former limes in these walks.'
2 F
450 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
whom his iciest reserve and most pettifogging avarice had
never chilled. He had evidently asked her to call, though
he never seems to have offered assistance. She answered,
in a letter far more concerning her friend Mrs. Grafer's
affairs than her own, that an interview with her ' trustees '
must, alas! prevent her: — 'I will call soon to see you, and
inform you of my present prospect of Happiness at a
moment of Desperation ' ; you who, she adds, ' I thought
neglected me, Goldsmid and my city friends came forward,
and tliey have rescued me from Destruction, Destruction
brought on by Earl Nelsons having thrown on me the Bills
for finishing Merton, by his having secreted the Codicil of
Dying Nelson, who attested in his dying moments that I
had well served my country. All these things and papers
... I have laid before my Trustees. They are paying my
debts. I live in retirement, and the City are going to bring
forward my claims. . . . Nothing, no power on earth shall
make me deviate from my present system''^ she concludes,
using the very word which Greville used concerning his
methods with womankind in the first letter which she ever
received from him. Goldsmid had been an ' angel ' ; friends
were so kind that she scarcely missed her carriage and
horses.
Emma had every reason to be grateful. She was clear
of debt. She could still retain the valuables that were out
of Merton. With Horatia's settlement, she could count on
about £(^oo a year when the ' annuities ' had been dis-
charged. Somehow they never were, and they again figure
largely during her last debacle. The mysteries of her
entanglements baffle discovery ; so does her sanguine im-
providence which, to the end, alternated with deep depres-
sion. In a few years she and Horatia, like Hagar and
Ishmael, were to go forth into the wilderness ; but even
then she was still buoyed up with this mirage of an oasis
in her tantalising desert.
Relieved for the moment, she resumed the tenor of her
way at Richmond. She frequented concerts, and some-
times dances,^ in the fashionable set of the Duke and the
1 Cf. App., Part II. C. (5) {b).
^ E.g. Lady Rushe's, Morrison MS. 963, February 14, 1809.
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 451
Abercorns. In June 1809 Lord Northwick begged her to
come to the Harrow speeches,^ and afterwards meet a few
'old Neapolitan friends' and her life-long friend the Duke
of Sussex at 'a fete in his house.' The fame of Horatia's
accomplishments added the zest of curiosity. All were
eager to meet the 'interesting eleve whom Lady Hamilton
has brought up ' with every grace and every charm. The
Duke of Sussex looked forward to the encounter with
pleasure ; Emma had not yet lost her empire over the
hearts of men. Of this invitation Emma took advantage
to do a thoughtful kindness for an unhappy bride who had
just married the composer Francesco Bianchi. A fort-
night later she was still trying to heal the breach between
them."
The Bohemians, therefore, were always with her. She
continued to receive the Italian singers as well as their
patrons; she still saw Mrs. Denis and Mrs. Billington,
whose brutal husband, Filisan, was now threatening her
from Paris ; while Mrs. Grafer," on the very eve of return
to Italy, continued to beset her with importunities. Nor
did her old friends, naval, musical, and literary, spare the
largeness of her hospitality or the narrowness of her purse.
But, in addition to these diversions, she still overtasked
herself with Horatia's education — so much so, that Mrs.
Bolton wrote beseeching her to desist* Sarah Connor had
now transferred her services to the Nelson family, and
Emma eventually took the musical but far less literate
Cecilia for Horatia's governess.^
' Old Q.,' her patron, now in the last year of his self-
indulgent life, was busy making a new will every week.^
His friendship for Emma, however, had been truly dis-
interested, and even calumny never coupled their names
together. When he died next year, he left her an annuity
1 Some six years before, she and Nelson had attended the Eton 4th of June
festivities to see the young Horatio. - Cf. Morrison M.S. 971, 973.
^ In August iSogshe writes to Emma, ' I am on my last leggs.' — Ibid. 979.
* Morrison MS. 965, April 23, 1809. She refers to expense as much as to
effort.
'■> Meanwhile she eng.aged a Mile. Roulanch. The Holtcn girls hoped that
Sarah would stay with them at the end of May 1S09. — Ibid. 967, 968.
" Ibid. gOy, May.
452 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
of ;^500, which, however — such was her persistent ill luck —
she never lived to receive, for the old voluptuary's will
was contested, it would seem, till after Lady Hamilton had
paid the debt of nature. Even if she had survived the
litigation, it would probably have absorbed a portion of
the bequest.
The autumn of 1809 saw, too, the end of Greville. Since
his mean and heartless treatment of her after Hamilton's
death, Emma, save for the glimpse of reconciliation afforded
by the remarkable comm.unication of 1808 just quoted, had
never so much as breathed his name in any of her surviving
letters. The collector of stones had, till that moment of
compunction, himself been petrified. In 1812 his crystals,
for which he had so long ago exchanged Emma, together
with the paintings which his cult of beauty at the expense
of the beautiful had amassed, were sold at Christie's. * The
object of this connoisseur,' writes M. Simond, an eye-
witness of the auction, 'was to exhibit the progress of the
art from its origin by a series of pictures of successive ages
— many of them very bad.' ^ And perhaps the faultiest of
his pictures had been himself
From 1 8 10, when they left Richmond, onwards, Emma
and Horatia owned no fixed abode. They moved from Bond
Street to Albemarle Street,-^ thence for a few months to
Piccadilly once more,^ thence to Dover Street,* thence to
two separate lodgings at the two ends again of Bond Street,
where Nelson for a brief space after Sir William's death
had also lodged. Lady Bolton, with her daughter, the
godchild Emma, who had failed to find her at the opening
of the year, expressed their keen disappointment: 'You
cannot think how melancholy I felt when we passed the gate
at the top of Piccadilly, thinking how often we had passed
it together. . . . Emma sends her best love and kisses to
you, and Horatia, and Mrs, Cadogan. When I told her
just now how if we had gone two houses further we should
have seen you, she looked very grave. At last she called
out: "Pray, Mama, promise me to call as we go back to
Cranwich." . . . My love to Mrs. Cadogan, Miss Connor,
^ Simond's /otirnal 0/ a Tour and Residence, etc. (1817), vol. i. p. 114.
2 No. 36. " Cf. Morrison MS. 998. '' November 16.— Idid. 1018.
I
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 453
and my dear Horatia. . . . God bless you, my dear Lady
Hamilton.'^
But the worst blow was yet to fall. By the opening of
the new year her mother lay on her deathbed.
Her old admirer, Sir H. Fetherstonehaugh — and nothing
is more curious in this extraordinary woman's life than the
way in which the light lover of her first girlhood re-emerges
after thirty years as a respectful friend — began a series of
sympathising letters. He was much concerned for her
health, and ill as she was, she forgot her own ailments in
the terrible trial of her mother's malady. * As I am alive
to all nervous sensations,' he wrote, ' be assured I under-
stand your language.' — ' I trust you will soon be relieved
from all that load of anxiety you have had so much of
lately, and which no one so little deserves.' -
Mrs. Cadogan died on the same day as the date of this
letter, and Emma with Horatia now drifted forlorn and alone
in a pitiless world. Emma's mother had endeared herself
to all the Nelson and Hamilton circle, as well as to her
own humble kindred. ' Dear Blessed Saint,' wrote Mrs.
Bolton to Lady Hamilton, ' was she not a mother to us all !
How I wish I was near you ! ' ^ She was buried in that
Paddington churchyard which she and Emma had known
so well in the old days at Edgware Row.*
Emma was paralysed by the blow. More than a year
afterwards she wrote that she could feel 'no pleasure but
that of thinking and speaking of her.' In sending to
Mrs. Girdlestone — whose family still possesses so many
relics of Nelson — the box which the Duke of Sussex had
presented to Mrs. Cadogan in Naples, the bereaved daughter
concluded a touching letter as follows : ' Accept then, my
dear Friend, this box. You that are so fond a mother, and
have such good children, will be pleased to take it as a
token of my regard, for I have lost the best of mothers, my
wounded heart, my comfort, all buried with her.'''
' Endeavour,' wrote Mrs. Bolton, ' to keep up your spirits:
after a storm comes a calm, and God knows you have
^ Morrison MS. 987, January 3, iSio. - Ibid. 989, January 14, iSio.
' Ibid. 991, January 27, 1810. ^ Cf. Annual Register, 1810.
* Cf. App., Part 11. C. (6) (a).
454 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
had storm enough, and surely the sun must shine some-
times.'^
The sun was never to shine again. This very year two
more staunch friends made their exit, the old Duke and
Abraham Goldsmid, who, in despair at the failure of the
recent Government loan, died by his own hand at Morden,
while his associate. Baring, also committed suicide. It was
a year of tumult. The din and riot of Burdett's election
endangered the streets; abroad it was the year of Napoleon's
second marriage, of the great battle of Wagram preluding
the Russian campaign. Maria Carolina was an exile once
more. Austria and the allies were worsted and rabid.
Whichever way Emma's distraught mind turned, despair
and misery were her outlook, and Nelson seemed to have
died in vain.
The sum raised for her relief had been soon exhausted.
In removing to Bond Street she intended really to retrench,
but everything was swallowed up by the crowd of parasites
who consumed her substance behind her back.- Her land-
lady, Mrs. Daumier, pressed for payment. And yet Lady
Hamilton's own requirements seem to have been modest
enough. 2 It was Mrs. Bianchi, Mrs. Billington, Clarke, her
secretary, who seems to have filched her papers from her
afterwards, and the battening Neapolitans that rendered
economy impossible and swarmed around her to the close.
Nor would old dependants of Nelson believe that she
was impoverished. One, ' William Nelson,' continued to
importune her from Bethnal Green ; Mr. Twiss, Mrs.
Siddons's nephew, urged her influence for his solicitations
to gain a 'commissionership of Bankruptcy '^ — an ominous
1 Morrison MS. 993, February 12, 1810.
- Cf. Sarah Connor's letter of September 10, 1810, Morrison MS. 1000 :
' Mrs. Francis and her husband came yesterday from Merton to fetch the parrots.
You must excuse my freedom in the remark I am about to make, namely, in your
being obliged to pay for the board when all will be away, excepting only servants,
when I sett off. That has fretted me staying in town, as I thought it made you
pay the same as when all was at home, but find that my absence nor [sic] yours
makes any difference. ' And cf. lOOl (from the same), ' What do you mean to
do about coals ? ' etc.
^ ' This,' wrote Sarah Connor, alluding to the circumstances, 'alters the plan
of cheapness greatly, for there never has been extravagant dinners, but good
plain joints for you.' ■* Morrison MS. 1013, January 20, 1811.
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 455
word for Emma.^ The Kidds, Reynoldscs, and Charles
Connor still lived on, the girl Connors zuith her. Their
conduct ill contrasted with that of the once ' poor little
Emma'; for the unacknowledged Emma ' Carew,' after
disdaining dependence on her prosperity, was now, in
adversity, bidding her a last and loving farewell.^ Sir
William Bolton still entreated her good offices with the
royal dukes for * poor Horace ' ; ^ so did Mrs. Matcham with
Rose.* She could not even now refrain from maintaining
appearances, and keeping open house. She could not bring
herself to let those debonair royal dukes know that one
whom they fancied all song and sunshine was on the brink
of beggary. She could not hold the promise, repeated to
her befrienders, of living in tranquillity and retirement.
Nor would she desist from making presents.'^ She still
visited fashionable resorts like Brighton.^ She still enjoyed
the friendship of Lady Elizabeth Foster, by now the new
Duchess of Devonshire.'' She still flattered herself, and
listened to the flatteries of others. She still trusted to
chance — to her elusive claims and her elusive legacy.
The old Duke had left Sarah Connor a legacy also,^ but
all his bequests were long postponed. While Mrs. Matcham
was congratulating Emma on accessions of fortune, while
elderly, complimentary, Frenchified Fetherstonehaugh re-
joiced at the Queensberry ' mite out of such a mass of
wealth,' forwarded her ' envoies de gibier' and promised her
' a view of old Up Park dans la belle saison,'^ the widow's
cruse was wellnigh drained. Nor, after Greville's death,
was his brother, as trustee, always regular in his payments
of her forestalled revenue. With reason, as well as with
excuses, Lord Mansfield warned her not to increase her
expenditure till her ' affairs were settled.' ^° Sir Richard
Puleston, inviting her from Wrexham to revisit the scenes
' Morrison MS. 99S, July 23, 1810. - Cf. Appendix, Part 1. Note C.
* Morrison MS. 1034. "• /bid. 1035- 1037.
' Ibid. 1006, December 6, 1810. .Vl the close of this selfsame year Anne
Hollon thanks her and 1 ioralia for a gown and a brooch.
•* Morrison MS. 1025, which gives an amusing letter from her old Neapolitan
acquaintance Coxe.
^ Cf. Kctlicrstoneliaughs allusion, ibid. 1030, December iSll.
" Morrison MS. lOio. " /bid. toog. '" /bid. 1014.
456 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
of her childhood, could still gloat over her '■fairy palace in
Bond Street' ^
In extreme need, she revived her desperate petitions to
the new Government. Her fashionable friends called her
' a national blessing,' and cried shame on the deniers of her
suit.2 But Mrs. Bolton well said to her that she feared the
friendly Rose was ' promising more than he could procure ' ;
and amid these dubious hopes two tell-tale pieces of paper
in the Morrison Collection speak volumes. They are bills
drawn on Emma by a Neapolitan, Carlo Rovedino, for
£\^o each.^
Even Cecilia Connor, with whom she had quarrelled but
who owed her everything, dunned 'her Ladyship' for the
salary due for such education as she had given ' dear
Horatia.'^ This was the last straw.
The Matchams and Boltons invited her yet again, but
she did not come. She concerted fresh petitions with a fresh
man of the pen.^ He hastened at Emma's bidding from
his ' Woodbine Cottage ' at Wootton Bridge. He worked
' like a horse.' During his absence his wife was ill. Emma
could not rest for thinking of her. She inquired of her
from a common friend.*^ She wrote to her herself: 'You do
not know how many obligations I have to Mr. Russell, and
if I have success it will be all owing to his exertions for me.
Would to God you were in town. What a consolation it
would be to me,' All smiles to the world, full of wretched-
ness within, she could not, as she wrote so many years ago,
'divest' herself 'of her natural feelings.' But her uniform
love of excitement — of which these hazardous petitions
were a form — peeps out at the close of this little note : ' It
must be very dull, alltho' your charming family must be
such a comfort to you.'^
1 Morrison MS. 1027, September 25, 1811.
^ Puleston, among others ; Morrison MS. 1032.
^ Morrison MS. 1018, 1019 ; May 13 and 14, 181 1. He was a singer, and
according to the authors of the Rev. Dr. Scott's Life, acted in 1807 as 'master
of the ceremonies ' at a Merton party. ■* Ibid. 1024.
^ Mr. Russell, an acquaintance of the Perrys, who now lived in the Isle of
Wight. ^ Morrison MS. 1033.
"' Letter in Clarke's hand, and franked by Beckford, of December 28, 1812 ;
in Mr. Sabin's possession.
I
IMPORTUNITY AND LTQUIDATION 457
The crash came suddenly with the opening of the new
year, and just as Miss Matcham was begging her to repose
herself with them at Ashfield Lodge. Horatia had whoop-
ing-cough. Emma, who was never without a companion,
had replaced Cecilia Connor by a Miss Wheatley. For the
sixth time she had failed in moving the ministers, but her
tenacity was inexpugnable. She owed it to her kind com-
mittee, to Nelson's memory, to Horatia, to herself The
creditors, however, at last perceived that the asset on which
they had built their hopes had vanished. In vain she
prayed for time ; the royal dukes would not see her
draggled in the dust. Royal dukes, however, were not cash,
thought the creditors, when they promptly arrested her for
debt. It was the first time such a calamity had even
entered her mind, but it was not to be the last, as we
shall soon discover.^ She implored none of her grand
friends. From the disgrace of prison she saved herself
111, with the ailing Horatia, she found a scant lodging
at 12 Temple Place, within the rules of the King's Bench.
To her old Merton friend, James Perry, afterwards pro-
prietor of the Morning Chronicle, and through thick and thin
her warm upholder, she addressed the following scrawl : —
' Will you have the goodness to see my old Dame Francis,
as you was so good to say to me at once at any time for
the present existing and unhappy circumstances you wou'd
befriend me, and if you cou'd at your conveaneance call on
me to aid me by your advice as before. My friends come
to town to-morrow for the season, when I must see what
can be done, so that I shall not remain here ; for I am so
truly unhappy and wretched and have been ill ever since I
had the pleasure of seeing you on dear Horatia's birthday,^
that I have not had either spi''its or energy to write to you.
You that loved Sir William and Nelson, and feel that I
have deserved from my country some tribute of remunera-
tion, will aid by your counsel your ever affectionate and
gratefull. . . .'
^ Pettigrew, and others following him, make no mention of more than one
prrest. But Emma's own letter to Perry of April 22 in the next year (Morrison
MS. 1054) leaves no doubt as to this point. She says she has been in Temple
Place for nine months.
- Always celebrated on Oclobcr 29, as it had been registered.
458 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
And to the Abbe Campbell, who had just left for
Naples : —
'. . . You was beloved and honour'd by my husband. Nelson,
and myself; knew me in all my former splendours ; you I
look on as a dear, dear friend and relation. You are going
amongst friends who love you ; but rest assured none
reveres you nor loves more than your ever, etc, P.S. —
Poor Horatia was so broken-hearted at not seeing you.
Tell dear Mr. Tegart^ to call on me, for I do indeed feil
truly forlorn and friendless. God bless you. As glorious
Nelson said, Amen, Amen, Amen.'^
Her stay in these purlieus was not long. Perry, and
probably the Mertonite Alderman Smith, must have bailed
her out. But during these few weeks of restricted liberty
she slaved at new petitions, was visited by friends, and
continued her correspondence with the Boltons and the
Matchams, who begged hard for Horatia, whom they would
meet at Reigate if Emma ' could not manage to come with
her.'^ They forwarded her presents of potatoes and turkeys
from the country, and their letters evidently treat her just
as if she were at large.
All he»- f^nergies were bent on the two final memorials so
often 1 ,-ferred to in these pages — that to the Prince Regent,
and that to the King. Rose now at last espoused her cause
with real warmth, and Canning favoured her, despite his
pique at her exaggerated account of what Nelson under-
stood from their last interview. All, however, ended in
smoke. Perceval, whom she had persuaded into benefiting
one of Nelson's nephews, had been shot in the previous
year, and Lord Liverpool trod in the footsteps of Lord
Grenville.
Whither she repaired on liberation is unknown, though
by the summer of the year she managed to reinstate herself
in Bond Street* There is no heading to the strange
^ A doctor who, with Dr. Watson, again tends her in 1814. Cf. Morrison
MS. 1054.
'■^ Cf. Morrison MS. 1042, January 3, 1813 ; 1043.
3 Cf. Morrison MS. 1044, January 25, and for the other fact Rose's Diaries,
vol. i. pp. 265 and 266.
■* No. 150. This is manifest from the inventory and sale catalogues of the
following July sold at Sotheby's on July 8, 1905.
i
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 459
remonstrance which the distressed mother penned, in one
of her fitful moods, to Horatia on 'Easter Sunday '^ of
this year: —
* Listen to a kind, good mother, who has ever been to
you affectionate, truly kind, and who has neither spared
pains nor expense to make you the most amiable and
accomplished of your sex. Ah! Horatia, if you had grown
up as I wished you, what a joy, what a comfort might you
have been to me ! For I have been constant to you, and
willingly pleas'd for every manifestation you shew'd to learn
and profitt of my lessons. . . , Look into yourself well, cor-
rect yourself of your errors, your caprices, your nonsensical
follies. ... I have weathered many a storm for your sake,
but these frequent blows have kill'd me. Listen then from
a mother, who speaks from the dead. Reform your conduct,
or you will be detested by all the world, and when you shall
no longer have my fostering arm to sheild you, woe betide
you, you will sink to nothing. Be good, be honou -able,
tell not falsehoods, be not capricious.' She threatened to
put her to school — a threat never executed. * I grieve and
lament to see the increasing strength of your turbulent
passions ; I weep, and pray you may not be totally lost ;
my fervent prayers are offered up to God for you. I
hope you may become yet sensible of your eternal welfare,
I shall go join your father and my blessed mother, and may
you on your deathbed have as little to reproach yourself as
your once affectionate mother has, for I can glorify, and say
I was a good child. Can Horatia Nelson say so ? I am
unhappy to say you cannot. No answer to this ! I shall
to-morrow look out for a school for your sake to save you,
that you may bless the memory of an inju.'-ed mother.
P.S. — Look on me as gone from this world.'
Six months later she again blamed her for her 'cruel
treatment.' It may well be that the poor young girl,
bandied about with Emma's fortunes, and with her driven
from pillar to post, complained of hard treatment. ' If
my poor mother,' once more exclaimed Emma, who
had, at any rate, been a most dutiful daughter, ' If my
poor mother was living to take my part, broken as 1 am
' April iS, 1S13. Cf. Morrison MS. 1047.
46o EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
with greif and ill-health, I should be happy to breathe my
last in her arms. I thank you for what you have done
to-day. You have helped me nearer to God, and may God
forgive you.' In two days 'all will be arranged for her
future establishment.' She will summon Colonel and Mrs.
Clive, Colonel and Mrs. Smith, Mr. and Mrs. Denis, Dr.
Norton, Nanny the old servant, Mr. Slop, Mr. Sice, Annie
Deane, all the gossips from Richmond, to 'tell the truth' if
she ' has used her ill.' ' Every servant shall be on oath.'
* The all-seeing eye of God ' knows ' her innocence.' ^
Of these two ebullitions, it is impossible not to discern in
the first a fear lest her own errors should be repeated in her
daughter. And it should not be forgotten that, through
the connivance of Haslewood, Nelson's solicitor, Horatia to
the last refused to believe that Lady Hamilton, whom she
tenderly nursed and comforted at the close, was her real
mother. Some such denials of Emma's motherhood may
have caused these outbursts, proportioned in their violence
to the intense and unceasing love that Emma fostered for
Nelson's child, on her real relationship to whom she here —
and here only within four walls — laid such vehement stress.
She had been compelled to part with Horatia's christening-
cup. Nelson's own gift, to a Bond Street silversmith." Sir
Harris Nicolas declared that he had seen a statement in
her handwriting to the effect that ' Horatia's mother ' was
'too great a lady to be mentioned.' It has been assumed
that this ambiguous phrase pointed to the Queen of Naples,
who so late as 1808 was in friendly correspondence with
Emma. This, however, remains uncertain. Nelson's own
action had constrained her to envelop their joint offspring
in mystery, for Horatia's benefit as well as their own. It is
just as probable that the words 'too great a lady' were
used of herself, for the same words are used of her by Mrs.
Bolton in 1809.^
Things went rapidly from bad to worse. The smaller
fry of her creditors were emboldened by the complete
^ Morrison MS. 1051, October 31, 1813. 2 ]vjy_ Salter.
^ 'Were I a certain great lady,' eic. Morrison MS. 984. Since, however,
this rumour was otherwise current, I cannot now absolve Emma from at least
connivinji at this defamation.
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 461
neglect of her last ' memorials ' into renewed action. At
the instance of an exorbitant coach-builder,^ with a long
bill in his hands, she was re-arrested, and in Horatia's
company she found herself, towards the end of July 18 13,
for the second time in the bare lodgings at Temple Place,
All her remaining effects in Bond Street were sold. The
articles offered were by no means luxurious, and included
the remnants of Hamilton's library ; many of them were
bought by the silversmith, whom she still owed, and by
Alderman Smith, her most generous benefactor. The city
remained her champion.
She could still see her friends, Coxe and George Matcham
among them,^ and she was permitted, such was her miserable
health, to drive out on occasion. But the game, spiritedly
contested to the last, was now up. Mrs. Bolton's death in
the preceding August added one more to the many fatalities
that thronged around her. The Matchams, themselves poor,
were unwearying in their solicitude, and eventually a small
windfall enabled them to contribute i,"ioo to her dire neces-
sities. Alderman Smith came for the second time to the
rescue, and once more stood her bail.^
But before even this alleviation was vouchsafed, and while
she had been for three months confined to her bed, a crown-
ing trouble beset her. Through the perfidy of some
dependant* Nelson's most private letters to her had been
abstracted some years before, and were now published to
the world. This is the invaluable correspondence on which
these pages have so frequently drawn. It was not their
revelation of the ' Thomson ' letters that prejudiced her :
her enemies were always willing to insinuate even that she
had foisted Horatia on Nelson. It was the revelation of the
Prince of Wales episode of 1801, that scandalised the big
world, and destroyed the last shred of hope for any future
'memorials.' It was insinuated that she herself had pub-
' Much of his claim was said to be fictitious, and he was only the stali<ing-
horse for the annviitants who had advanced her money.
- Morrison MS. 1053.
^ Cf. Mrs. and Miss Matcham's letter of November 21, 1S13, Morrison MS.
1052, November 21, 1813.
■• Perliaps Harrison, or more probably her secretary, Clarke, whom and
whose wife she had supported.
462 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
lished the volume. ' Weather this person,' she told Mr.
Perry, ' has made use of any of these papers, or weather they
are the invention of a vile mercenary wretch, I know not,
but you will oblige me much by contradicting these false-
hoods.' ^ ' I have taken an oath and confirmed it at the
altar,' the much-harried Emma was to write to the press in
the following year, after she had crossed the Channel, ' that
I know nothing of these infamous publications that are
imputed to me. My letters were stolen from me by that
scoundrel whose family 1 had in charity so long supported.
I never once saw or knew of them. That base man is
capable of forging any handwriting, and I am told that he
has obtained money from the [Prince of Wales] by his
impositions. Sir William Hamilton, Lord N., and myself
were too much attached to his [Royal Highness] ever to
speak ill or think ill of him. If I had the means I would
prosecute the wretches who have thus traduced me.'- In
still another of her last letters she is even more specific
on this sore subject. ' I again before God declare,' she
avers, ' I know nothing of the publication of these stolen
letters.' 3
These statements point to Emma's truthfulness. All
that she asserts is her ignorance of the contents of the
volume, and how they came to be published. The Prince
of Wales letters in this collection are undoubtedly genuine,
corroborated, as they are, by many of their companions in
the Morrison Manuscripts. The letters had been purloined
by a rascal, and their publication blasted her last chances
with the Prince whom in her will she had begged to protect
Horatia after she was gone, while it also disclosed for the
first time her dishonour of her husband.
Her sin had found her out ; but her sin had been born
of real devotion, and surely it should not harden us against
her lovableness, or alienate us from charity towards the
1 Cf. her indignant note of April 26, 1814, to Perry, Morrison MS. 1054. She
begs Perry to contradict falsehoods or inventions. She has not seen the volume.
^ Add. MS. 34,992, f. 129. A copy; cf. Appendix, Part II. C. (10). This
document also is there transcribed for the first time.
" From the letter to Sir William Scott of Sept. 12, 1814, sold at Messrs.
Sotheby's, July 8, 1905.
IMPORTUNITY AND LIQUIDATION 463
weight of her temptations, and from pity for the tragedy of
her lot.
She had abstained from reading the book. If she meant
to deny the authenticity of these letters, then indisputably
she must be taken to have lied. But even so, she was
driven to oay and at the end of her tether. The perjury
would Have been exceptional. It would not have been
Plato's * lie in the soul ' : it would have been a lie in defence
of the dead and the living.
'The lips have sworn : unsworn remains the soul.' ^
^ ' H 7\w(7"(r' 6iJ.wfiox\ V St (pprfv dvwfioTOi.
CHAPTER XVI
FROM DEBT TO DEATH
July i?>i/^— January 1815
Short and evil were the few days remaining. * What shall
I do ; God, what shall I do ! ' had been her exclamation
thirty-two years ago to Greville. As she began, so she
closed.
Mrs. Bolton's death in the late summer of 1813 left her
more desolate than ever at Temple Place. The Matchams
resumed their warm invitations ; alas ! she could not leave ;
she was still an undischarged bankrupt. The Matchams
themselves were breaking up the last of their many estab-
lishments. They all wished to join Emma and Horatia,
when possible, in some 'city, town, or village abroad.'^
This proposal doubtless suggested the idea of retiring to
Calais when her present ordeal in the stale air of stuffy
Alsatia should come to an end.
But even in tribulation she had celebrated, as best she
could, the 'glorious ist of August.' I have seen a letter
inviting a few even then — not ' pinchbeck,' she calls them,
'but true gold' — round that little table in Temple Place,
to drink for the last time to the hero's memory.
The few surviving records unite in proving her genuine
anxiety that through her no creditor should suffer. Though
imprudence, as she confessed, had not a little contributed,
her main disasters were due to a crowd of worthless on-
hangers whom she had recklessly maintained. She herself
had gone bail ' for a person ' whom she thought ' honour-
able.' This 'person' was probably one Jewitt, a young
friend of the Russells, in whom she had taken a warm
1 Morrison MS. 1053, April 18, 1814.
FROM DEBT TO DEATH 465
interest. ' I should be better,' she had written to her ' kind,
good, benevolent Mr. and Mrs. Russell,' ' if I could know
that this unfortunate and. I think, not guilty young man
was saved. He has been a dupe in the hands of villains.
... I have never seen him, for I could not have borne to
have seen him and his amiable wife and children suffer as
they must.'i She employs the same phrase — 'dupe of
villains ' — about herself in a long epistle of this very date
to Rose.
All her property was surrendered ; with the exception
of a few sacred relics, everything unseized had been sold,
even Nelson's sword of honour.- Her just creditors lost
not a penny. The sole extortioners she would not benefit
were those annuitant Shylocks who had preyed upon her
utmost need, and who had well secured themselves by
insuring her life in the Pelican Insurance Company.^
James Perry and Alderman Smith exerted themselves to
the utmost on her behalf A small further sum was col-
lected for her in the city, and by the last week of June
.4814 her full discharge was obtained from Lord Ellen-
borough. She was now free — with less than fifty pounds in
her pocket.
But she soon gleaned the fact that these merciless
'annuitants' purposed her re-arrest. Without dishonour,
she prepared for exodus to France.*
It was a flight requiring management and secrecy to elude
the new writs about to be issued : it was her last thrill.
How different from that memorable flight to Palermo
sixteen years earlier, which had earned the admiration of
* Cf. extract from an undated letter (about 1813) in Sotheby's catalogue for
May 17, 1905, given in the Appendix. The name is there misprinted ' Jematt,'
for I have seen another letter to a Mrs. Jewitt which tallies with its allusions.
■' There was a dispute in more recent years about its authenticity.
^ For the preceding, inter alia, cf. Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 271 (July 4,
1814); Add. MS. 34,992, f. 199 (September 14, 1814); Morrison MS. 1054
(April 22, 1814), 1055 (September 21, 1814), 1066 (February 8, 1815).
* ' Mr. Smith got me the discharge from Lord Ellenborough. I then begged
Mr. Smith to withdraw his bail, for I wou'd have died in prison sooner than
that good man should have suffered forme.' — Lady II. to George Rose ; Calais,
|uly 4 ; Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 271. For the small sum with which she
landed in France, cf. App., Part II. (10) (a). She went away with /"50, out of
which she had to defray all the travelling expenses.
2 G
466 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Nelson, the gratitude of a court, and the praise of
Britain !
About the last day of June she and Horatia, unattended,
embarked at the Tower. The stormy passage thence to
Calais took three days. Her single thought was for
Horatia's future, but she still buoyed herself up by believing
that an ungrateful ministry would at length provide for her
daughter. Sir William Scott, she wrote, assured her that
there were * some hopes ' for her * irresistible claims.' She
fancied, moreover, that she had some disposing power over
the accumulations of arrears on her income under her
husband's will, so long withheld and intercepted by greedy
annuitants. ' If I was to die,' she told Greville's brother
and executor, imploring him at the same time for ;^ioo on
account, ' I should have left that money away, for the
annuitants have no right to have it, nor can they claim it,
for I was most dreadfully imposed upon by my good
nature. . . . When I came away, I came with honour, as
Mr. Alderman Smith can inform you, but mine own in-
nocence keeps me up, and I despise all false accusations
and aspersions. I have given up everything to pay just
debts, but [for] annuitants, never will.'^
She at first lodged at Dessein's famous hotel — the inn
where Sterne (of whom Romney, his first portrayer, must
have often told her) had started on his Sentimental Journey,
by the confession over a bottle of Burgundy that there
was ' mildness in the Bourbon blood ' ; and where the
' Englishman who did not travel to see Englishmen ' had
inspected, in his host's company, the ramshackle desobli-
geante which was to be the vehicle of his whimsies.
Dessein's, however, was expensive ^ as v/ell as senti-
mental. It was not long before she inhabited the smaller
'Quillac's'^ and looked out for a still humbler abode.
Her ' Old Dame Francis ' was soon to join her as house-
keeper.
' Morrison MS. 1055, Lady H. to Hon. R. F. Greville, September 21,
1814.
- In the letter to Rose from ' Dessein's ' above cited, she speaks of the benefit
to her health from ' change of climate, food, air, larger rooms, and liberty.'
^ Cf. Mrs. Ward's (Horatia) account of her mother's last days, in her two
letters to Mr. Paget in Blackwood, May 1888.
FROM DEBT TO DEATH 467
She thus describes their manner of life to George
Rose : —
' . . . Near me is an EngHsh lady, who has resided here for
twenty-five years, who has a day-school, but not for eating
or sleeping. At eight in the morning I take Horatia, fetch
her at one ; at three we dine ; she goes out till five, and
then in the evening we walk. She learns everything —
piano, harp, languages grammatically. She knows French
and Italian well, but she will still improve. Not any girls,
but those of the best families go there. Last evening we
walked two miles to a fete champetre pour les bourgeois.
Everybody is pleased with Horatia. The General and his
good old wife are very good to us ; but our little world of
happiness is ourselves. If, my dear Sir, Lord Sidmouth
would do something for dear Horatia, so that I can be
enabled to give her an education, and also for her dress, it
would ease me, and make me very happy. Surely he owes
this to Nelson. For God's sake, do try for me, for you do
not know how limited I am. ... I have been the victim of
artful, mercenary wretches.'^
Dis aliter visum ; it was not to be. Nothing but the
pittance of Horatia's settlement remained. Rose bestirred
himself, but Lord Sidmouth continued impervious to the
importunate widow,- herself slowly recovering from the
jaundice.
When 'Dame Francis' arrived, they tenanted a farm-
house two miles distant in the Commune of St. Pierre —
' Common of St. Peter's,' as Lady Hamilton writes it — and
from this farmhouse, not long afterwards, they again re-
moved to a neighbouring one. It belonged to two ladies
who had lost a large sum by the refusal of their sons to join
' Cf. Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 272 ; and cf. Morrison MS. 1055. ' Horatia
is improving in person and education every day. She speaks French like a
French girl, Italian, German, English,' etc. — September 21.
2 On March 6, 1813, he had repulsed her ' Prince Regent' application 'after
a full communication with Lord Liverpool.' It was 'very painfull' for him to
do so; he regretted her 'embarrassments.' But, 'on comparing them with
representations now before him of difticulty and distress in many other quarters,
and upon view of the circumstances with which they are attended,' he found it
'impossible to administer the scanty nuans of relief and assistance^ etc. This
model of officialism is transcribed in Ruse's Diaries : the original is in the
writer's possession.
468 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Napoleon's invading army. Its rooms were large, its garden
extensive. She could at length take exercise in a pony-cart.
She and Horatia were regular in church attendance : the
French prayers were like their own. Provisions were
cheap: turkeys two shillings, partridges fivepence the brace;
Bordeaux wine from five to fifteen pence.^ Occasionally
a stray visitor passed their way. Lord Cathcart, Sir
William's old friend and relative, had visited them, and
spied out the nakedness of the land. It was well known at
Calais that the celebrated Lady Hamilton was in retreat :
a real live 'milord' must have fluttered the farmhouse
dovecote. For a time there was a brief spell of cheerful
tranquillity, but the gleam was transient. It was only a
reprieve before the final summons. ' If my dear Horatia
were provided for,' she wrote to Sir William Scott, ' I should
dye happy, and if I could only now be enabled to make
her more comfortable, and finish her education, ah God,
how I would bless them that enabled me to do it ! ' She was
teaching her German and Spanish ; music, French, Italian,
and English she ' already knew.' Emma ' had seen enough
of grandeur not to regret it'; 'comfort, and what would
make Horatia and myself live like gentlewomen, would be
all I wish, and to live to see her well settled in the world.'
It was of no avail that her illness was leaving her. ' My
Broken Heart does not leave me.' ' Without a pound in '
her 'pocket,' what could she do.? — 'On the 21st of October,
fatal day, I shall have some. I wrote to Davison to ask
the Earl to let me have my Bronte pension quarterly
instead of half-yearly, and the Earl refused, saying that he
was too poor. . . . Think, then, of the situation of Nelson's
child, and Lady Hamilton, who so much contributed to the
Battle of the Nile, paid often and often out of my own
pocket at Naples . . . and also at Palermo for corn to save
Malta. Indeed, I have been ill used. Lord Sidmouth is a
good man, and Lord Liverpool is also an upright Minister.
Pray, and if ever Sir William Hamilton's and Lord Nelson's
services were deserving, ask them to aid me. Think what
I must feel who was used to give God only knows [how
' Morrison MS. 1055 ; other information Irom a late letter.
FROM DEBT TO DEATH 469
much], and now to ask ! ' ^ Such was the plight of one who
had gladly lavished care and money on the son and
daughter of Earl Nelson. That new-made Earl, who had
canvassed her favour, and called her his 'best friend,' was
now calmly leaving her to perish, and his great brother's
daughter to share her carking penury and privation.
Lawyers' letters molested even the seclusion of St. Pierre.
The English papers published calumnies which she was
forced to contradict."^ Their little fund was fast dwindling,
and as late autumn set in they were forced to transfer their
scanty effects to a meagre lodging in the town itself.
In the Rue Frangaise — No. in — and even there in its
worst apartments, looking due north, the distressed fugitives
found themselves in the depth of a hard winter.
They were not in absolute want,'' but, had their suspense
been protracted, they must ere long have been so. At the
beginning of December the ' annuitants' ' attorneys were in
close correspondeiice with the Honourable Colonel Sir R.
Fulke Greville. Proceedings, indeed, were being instigated
in Chancery, which were only stopped by Lady Hamilton's
' Lady Hamilton to Sir William Scott— September 12, 1814. C'f. App.,
Part II. (10) (a).
- Cf. her letter (September 14, 1814) from ' Village of St. Pierre, near Calais,'
Add. MS. 34,992, f. 199, to the editor of the Moriiini; Herald. ' I was sur-
prised to observe that the Morniti,!^ Herald, with other newspapers, had pub-
lished that I fled from my bail. This is false. I had Lord Ellenborough's
discharge, and Alderman Smith . . . never lost a shilling by me. I have left
in England all I possessed to pay my creditors, retaining only sufficient for
Horatia and myself to subsist upon at a farmhouse.'
=* Cf. Mrs. Ward's letter to Mr. Paget in Blackivood, May 1888. The legend,
repeated both by Pettigrew and Mr. Calton (in his Calais) from the supposed
eye-witness of the benevolent Mrs. Hunter, then of Biighton, but formerly of
the ' Grande Place,' Calais, is disproved. According to her, she learned from a
* M. Rheims,' ' interpreter,' that Emma and her child were in need even of the
scraps which the butcher gave to dogs. But though these are exrggeral ions, she
and M. Rheims may have befriended the unfortunates. Mrs. Hunter's account of
the funeral, however, is an ascertained myth. Among other doubtful traditions
may be also mentioned the babble of the old gardener, Ward, who had been a
lad at Merton when Nelson quilted it for the last lime, and who died some
twenty-five years ago. He used to relate how Lady Hamilton asked Nelson,
when they met him on one of their last walks together, to give him a shilling.
Asked by an interviewer who brought a pretty lady with him, if Emma were as
lovely as she is painted, the old man answered, with a sly side-glance at the
young lady, ' I 've seen many as pretty as her.'
470 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
unexpected demise.^ An embargo was laid on every penny
of Emma's income. Even Horatia's pittance was not paid
in advance, till she herself begged for a trifle on account
from her uncle, Earl Nelson.
Under the strain of uncertainty, Emma, worried out of
her wits, and drawn more closely than ever to the daughter
who absorbed her fears, her sorrow, and her affection, at
length collapsed. The strong and buoyant spirits, which
had brought her through so many crises, including Horatia's
own birth, and the coil of its consequences, failed any
longer to support her. A dropsical complaint, complicated
by a chill, fastened upon her chest. By New Year's
Day 1 815, her state of pocket, as well as of health, had
become critical. Some ten pounds, in English money, her
wearing apparel, and a few pawn tickets for pledged pieces
of plate,- were the sole means of subsistence until Horatia's
next quarter's allowance should fall due. In 181 1 the
Matchams had sent all they could spare ;^ they may have
done so again. If the mother, denuded of all, asked for
anything, it was for Horatia that she pleaded. At her debut,
Greville had noticed that she would starve rather than beg :
it proved so now. Only seven years ago she had implored
the Duke not to let their 'enemies trample upon them.'
Those enemies had trampled on them indeed. A new
creditor was knocking at her door, the last creditor — Death.
One can picture that deserted death-scene in the Calais
garret, where the wan woman, round whom so much bril-
liance had hovered, lay poverty-stricken and alone. Where
now were the tribes of flatterers, of importuners for promo-
tion, or even the crowd of true and genial hearts? Her
still lingering beauty had formed an element of her age,
but now only the primitive elements of ebbing life remained
intact — the mother and her child. By her bedside stood a
crucifix — for she had openly professed her faith.* Over her
bed hung, doubtless, the small portraits of Nelson and of
^ Cf. Morrison MS. 1056, 1061, 1063, 1065, 1066.
" Cf. Pettigrew's risunii of the Juge de Paix's inventory, vol. ii. p. 636.
3 Cf. Morrison MS. 1021.
■• Cf. Mr. Cadogan's list of funeral expenses, including ' priests' and 'candles,'
Morrison MS. io,o6S.
FROM DEBT TO DEATH 471
her mother — remnants from the wreck. Nelson was no
longer loathed at Calais ; a Bourbon sat on the throne, and
not even wounded pride angered the French against the
man who had delivered the sister — now dead herself — of
Marie Antoinette. Perhaps Emma is trying to dictate a
last piteous entreaty to the hard-hearted Earl, and sad
Horatia writing it at the bare table by the attic casement.
Perhaps, while she gasps for breath, and calls to mind the
child within her arms, she strives but fails to utter all the
weight upon her heart. Horatia sobs, and kisses again,
may be, and again that ' guardian ' whom now she loves
and trusts with a daughter's heart. Sorrow unites them
closely ; here ' they and sorrow sit.'
Of her many tragic ' Attitudes ' (had Constance ever been
one?) the tragedy of this last eclipses all. She, whose
loveliness had dazzled Europe, whose voice and gestures
had charmed all Italy, and had spellbound princes alike
and peasants ; whose fame, whatever might be muttered,
was destined to re-echo long after life's broken cadence
had died upon the air ; she whose lightest word had been
cherished — she n n lay dying here. Nelson, her mother,
her child, these are still her company and comfort, as
memories float before her fading eyes. Ah ! will she find
the first again, and must she lose the last?
A pang, a spasm, a cry. The priest is fetched in haste.
She still has strength to be absolved, to receive extreme
unction from a stranger's hands. Weeping Horatia and old
' Dame Francis' re-enter as, in that awful moment, shrived,
let us hope, and reconciled, she clings, and rests in their
embrace.
It had been her wish to lie beside her mother in the
Paddington church. This, too, was thwarted. On the
next Friday she was buried. The hearse was followed
by the many naval officers^ then at Calais to the cheerless
cemetery, before many years converted into a timber-yard.
' Cf. Pettigrew's information from Mr. Rothery, Mr. Henry Cadogan's rela-
tive, given in his note to vol. ii. p. 636. The Morrison MSS. confirm his
surmise as to how the funeral expenses were defrayed. From them it also
appears that her body, like Nelson's, was preserved in spirits.
472 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Had she died a Protestant — such was the revival of
Catholicism with monarchy in France — intolerance would
have refused a service : only a few months earlier, a blame-
less and charming actress had been pitched at Paris into
an unconsecrated grave. It was these circumstances that
engendered the fables, soon circulated in England, of Emma's
burial in a deal box covered by a tattered petticoat.^
Earl Nelson and the Mr. Henry Cadogan,^ who has
been mentioned earlier, came over before the beginning of
February — the former to bring Horatia back, the latter to
pay, through Alderman Smith's large- heartedness,^ the last
of the many debts owing on the score of Lady Hamilton.
None of them were defrayed by the Earl, who had never
given his niece so much as ' a frock or a sixpence.' It
was soon known that the ' celebrated Emma ' had passed
away. Polite letters were exchanged between Colonel
Greville and the ' Prefect of the Department of Calais ' as
to the actual facts, and Greville's executor was much
relieved to feel that Emma's departure had spared him the
bother of a long lawsuit.*
Horatia owed nothing to her uncle Nelson's care : she
stayed with the Matchams until her marriage, in 1822, to
the Reverend Philip Ward of Tenterden. She became the
mother of many children, and died, an octogenarian, in 1881.
The research of these pages has tried to illumine Lady
Hamilton's misdeeds as well as her good qualities, to in-
terpret the problems and contrasts of a mixed character
and a mixed career. It has tracked the many phases and
vicissitudes both of circumstance and calibre that she
underwent. We have seen her as a girl, friendless and
forsaken, only to be rescued and trained by a selfish pedant,
who collected her as he collected his indifferent pictures
1 Cf. not only Mr. Hunter's account repeated by Pettigrew and Calton, but
Emma's obituary in the Gentleman'' s Magazine, where the instance of the actress
is also chronicled.
- He was possibly her mother's relative. I have since learned that he was
then British Consul. If so, he did not 'come over.' For some details about
him and Mr. Rothery cf. an article in the Standard iox October 21, 1905.
^ Cf. Morrison MS. 1064, Mr. Henry Cadogan's receipt from Alderman
Joshua Jonathan Smith for the funeral expenses, amounting to £,2%, los.
* Cf. Morrison MS. 1059-1061.
FROM DEBT TO DEATH 473
and metallic minerals. We have seen her handed on to the
amiable voluptuary whose torpor she bestirred, and for
whose classical taste she embodied the beautiful ideal. We
have seen her swaying a Queen, influencing statesmen and
even a dynasty, exalted by marriage to a platform which
enabled her to save, more than once, a situation critical
alike for her country, for Naples, and for Europe. We
have seen her rising not only to, but above, the occasions
which her highest fortunes enabled. We have followed her
conspicuous courage, from its germs in battling with mean
disaster, to a development which attracted and enthralled the
most valiant captain of his age. We have marked how her
resource also enhanced even his resourcefulness. We have
watched her swept into a vortex of passionate love for the
hero who transcended her dramatic dreams, and sacrificing
all, even her native truthfulness, for the real and unshaken
love of their lives. We have shown that she cannot be
held to have detained him from his public duty so long as
history is unable to point to a single exploit unachieved.
And eventually, we have found that the infinite expressive-
ness which throughout rendered her a muse both to men
of reverie and of action, rendered herself a blank, when
the personalities she prompted were withdrawn and could
no more inspire her as she had inspired them. We have
viewed her marvellous rise, and we have traced her melan-
choly decline, from the moment of the prelude to Horatia's
birth to the years which involved its far-reaching and in-
evi'jable sequels. We have found, despite all the resulting
stains which soiled a frank and fervid but unschooled and
unbridled nature, that she never lost a capacity for devo-
tion, and even self-abandonment ; while her kindness and
bounty remained as reckless and extravagant as the wilful-
ness of her moods and the exuberance of her enthusiasm.
We have found her headstrong successively, and resolute,
bold and brazen, capricious and loyal, vain-glorious, but
vainer far for the glory of those she loved ; strenuous yet
inert, eminently domestic yet waywardly pleasure-loving ;
serviceable yet alluring, at once Vesta and Hebe. We have
tracked her, as catastrophe lowered, tenaciously beating the
air, and ever sanguine that she could turn stones — even
474 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
the stones flung at her — to gold. We have tracked also
the cruelty and shabbiness of those that were first and fore-
most in throwing those stones, whose propriety was
prudence, and whose virtue was self-interest. We have
marked how long this woman of Samaria's wayfare was
beset by bad Samaritans. We have felt the falsities to
which they bowed as falser than the genuine idolatry which
held her from a nobler worship, and from an air purer than
most of her surrounders ever breathed. It was in Nelson's
erring unselfishness that her salvation and her damnation
met. And in her semi-consecration of true motherhood,
springing at first from wild-animal devotion to her first
child, we can discern the refinement of instinct which at
length led the born pagan within the pale of reverence.
Astray as a girl, she had found refuge in her own devotion,
with which she invested Greville's patronage. An outcast
at the close, she turned for shelter to a worthier home.
And above all, implanted in her from the first, and in-
eradicable, her unwavering fondness for her mother has half-
erased her darkest blots, and made her more beautiful than
her beauty. May we not say, at the last, that because she
loved much, much shall be forgiven her: quia multtcm amavit.
The site of her grave has vanished, and with it the two
poor monuments rumoured to have marked the spot ; the
first (if Mrs. Hunter be here believed) of wood, ' like a
battledore, handle downwards'; the second, a headstone,
which a Guide to Calais mentions in 1833.^ Its Latin
inscription was then partially decipherable: —
'. . . Quae
. . . Calesiae
Via in Gallica vocati
Et in domo C.vi. obiit
Die XV. Mensis Januarii. a.d. MDCCCXV.
^tatis suae Ll.' ^
It was perhaps erected by some officer of that navy
which, long after she had gone, always remembered her
unflagging zeal and kindness with gratitude.
Her best epitaph may be found in the touching lines
indited by Nelson's Doctor Beatty, who had himself known
* Pettigrew, vol. ii. p. 636. The 'battledore' bore the inscription, 'Emma
Hamilton, England's friend,' - i.e. In the fifty-first year of her age.
FROM DEBT TO DEATH 475
and liked her, after visiting her grave on his return from
attending Wilh'am IV and his wife in German^-. They were
pubh'shed in 1831 : —
' And here is one— a nameless grave — the grass
Waves dank and dismal o'er its crumbling mass
Of mortal elements — the wintry sedge
Weeps drooping o'er the rampart's watery edge ;
The rustling reed — the darkly rippling wave —
Announce the tenant of that lowly grave.
. . . Levelled with the soil,
The wasting worm hath revelled in its spoil —
The spoil of beauty ! This, the poor remains
Of one who, living, could command the strains
Of flattery's harp and pen. Whose incense, flung
From venal breath upon her altar, hung,
A halo ; while in loveliness supreme
She moved in brightness, like th' embodied dream
Of some rapt minstrel's warm imaginings.
The more than form and face of earthly things.
Few bend them at thy bier, unhappy one !
All know thy shame, thy mental sufferings, none.
All know thy frailties— all thou wast and art !
JJut thine were faults of circumstance, not heart.
Thy soul was formed to bless and to be bless'd
With that immortal boon— a guiltless breast,
And be what others seem — had bounteous Heaven
Less beauty lent, or stronger \irtue given 1
The frugal matron of some lowlier hearth,
Thou hadst not known the splendid woes of earth :
Dispensing happiness, and happy— there
Thou hadst not known the curse of being fair '.
But like yon lonely vesper star, thy light —
Thy love— had been as pure as it was bright.
I 've met thy pictured bust in many lands,
I 've seen the stranger pause with lifted hands
In deep, mute admiration, while his eye
Dwelt sparkling on thy peerless symmetry.
I 've seen the poet's — painter's — sculptor's gaze
Speak, with rapt glance, their eloquence of praise.
I 've seen thee as a gem in royal halls
Stoop, like presiding angel from the walls.
And only less than worshipp'd ! Yet 'tis come
To this ! When all but slander's voice is dumb.
And they who gazed upon thy living face.
Can hardly find thy mortal resting-place.'
APPENDIX
PART I.— NOTES
A. — Evidences as to the date of Lady Hamilton's birth.
Greville, writing in May 1785, tells Sir William Hamilton that
she was only twenty years of age (Morrison MS, 137). As her
birthday was admittedly on April 26, he evidently believed her
birth to have occurred in the same year as the copy of her baptismal
register which he possessed, and to which I have alluded in the
text. He was also in full possession of her ' past ' ; so that when
he received her in 1782 he can have seen nothing improbable in
the previous events having happened in a short space of time to a
girl sixteen years old. Sir William Hamilton himself, writing in May
1789, speaks of 'the difference between 22 and 57' {Ibid. 177).
But Sir William is constantly very slipshod in dates. This would
make himself born in 1732, whereas he was born in 1730, or a
earliest (from other indications in other letters) 1729; while it
would make Emma born in 1767, which is obviously, in view of her
baptismal register, impossible. Writing in 1802 to Bowen, Lady
Hamilton (as I have quoted in the text) observes that she only
began her education at seventeen years of age: this refers to her asso-
ciation with Greville in the spring of 1782, and therefore keeps to
1765 as the date of her birth {Ibid. 68g). The Calais record of
her death (about January 15, 1815) calls her '51,' and adheres
therefore to the same date 1765 (her birthday being in April).
When we take all these evidences in conjunction with the
marriage register of her parents in 1764, given for the first time in
my text, and with the exact baptismal register of May 1765 (differ-
ing from that sent to Greville only in the name), there can be no
doubt that she was born April 26, 1765, unless we assume, without
evidence or even rumour, that she was an illegitimate child.
B. — Dr. James Graham ( 1 745 - 1 794).
The son, it is said, of a saddler, this singular empiric was born
in the Cowgate, Edinburgh. He attended its university, but it is
doubtful if he qualified there as physician. In 1770 he married at
Pontefract a Miss Pickering ; and soon afterwards migrated to
470
APPENDIX: NOTES 477
America. From 1772 to 1774 he seems to have practised at
Philadelphia as an oculist. But his inborn itch for notoriety,
oddity, and gain, led him from an early period to anticipate the
modern American cult of advertisement, just as his real skill,
debased by his quack methods, anticipated the modern acceptance
of mud-baths, massage, and galvanism. In 1774 he was advertis-
ing his miracles at Bristol; m 1775, after a brief sojourn at Bath,
he appears as a full-blown trumpeter and showman in Pall Mall
'opposite St. James's Palace,' where he was subsequently to re-
appear about 1 781 in a far greater blaze of puffery. At Bath, in
the former year, he met Mrs. Catherine Macaulay, the authoress.
He had already established his 'magnetic throne,' and advocated
electricity and massage. In 1778-1779 he conceived, and prepared
for, his grand venture of the 'Temple of ^sculapius,' in the
Adelphi Terrace. Garrick had just died there, and it seems
probable that it was Garrick's house which, so soon as he could
scrape money enough together, he acquired. Adelphi Terrace was
already mortgaged to the banking house of Drummond, and was
by no means in request, owing to the muddy Thames water which
periodically flooded its cellars. The nature of his gorgeous and
tinsel show there has been sketched in my text. It was a blend
of imposture and truth advertised with persistent and unblushing
effrontery, and enhanced by all the ritual of a sham prophet. He
was always religious in his professions, and he trusted much to
music and painting as appeals to the senses. In the early part of
1779 he was at Newcastle superintending the manufacture of his
' crystal pillars ' and the glass apparatus of his electrical machines.
In the same year he was at Paris, where he met Franklin, and at
Aix, where he found countenance from Georgina, Duchess of
Devonshire and other distinguished patronesses whom his electric
system really benefited. He inaugurated his temple in the autumn,
where he professed to cure sterility, repair the degeneration of a
declining race, teacli the elements of natural health, and prolong
life. He charged a crown admittance, but the ' Celestial Bed ' cost
;^5o a lodging; and all his days were spent in consultations. He
hired 'giant footmen' in sumptuous liveries, fine musicians, and
tolerable artists. The performance closed at ten each night. It
soon became the talk of the town. Horace Walpole found him a
'dull' mountebank; Colman produced (1780) a play satirising the
show as ' The Genius of Nonsense.' Graham sought in vain to
start legal proceedings against him for portraying him as 'the
Emperor of Quacks.' He himself had a clever if scurrilous knack,
which he exercised in his lectures. One excerpt will suffice: —
'This curious, most eccentric, and most cordially concentric
lecture is begun wiih enumerating the safest and most efificacious
ways and means uf producing a Numerous, a Healthy, a Beautiful,
and a Virtuous offspring, and is closed with a glowing, brilliant,
and supremely delightful description of the structure, and most
irresistibly genial influences of the Celestial Bed. The whole
478 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
illustrated and embellished by a just and spirited Review of the
Candour of Newspapers, of the present Professors and Adminis-
trators of Politics, Law, Physics, and Divinity, and with a Naked
Exhibition of Asses stuffed of their ermine, viz. of County Just-
asses, Mares, Alderwomen and Whippers-in, by James Graham,
M.D., President of the Council of Health, Sole Proprietor and
Principal Director of the Temple of Health in Pall Mall near the
King's Palace.'^ This, of course, refers to his reception by Respecta-
bility ; in another, he ' looks down ' on ' the curious faculty ' with
' smiles of ineffable and sovreign contempt,' reminding one of
Miss Squeers's attitude towards Nicholas Nickleby.
If Lady Hamilton 'posed' for him as 'Hygeia,' it must have
been at the very end of 1780; for in the spring of 1781 he
removed on a reduced scale to Schomberg House, Pall Mall (where
also was Gainsborough's studio), and opened his exhibition as the
' Temple of Hymen,' with ' Hebe Vestma' as high priestess. Had
' Miss Hart ' ever appeared in that character the free satire on the
show of 'II Convito Amoroso,' published in 1782 and mentioned
hi my text, would most probably have referred to her, for she was
then already known, and was being painted by Romney and
Reynolds. It contains, however, no allusion to her.
In 1 783 the enterprising but luckless ' Doctor ' was in Edinburgh,
where his ' high priestess ' read lectures to ladies on their true
position in society and the world. These lectures were repeated
in Graham's London house during the summer of that year, and
found a listener in Mrs. Curtis, the youngest sister of Mrs. Siddons.
By December the ' woman's rights ' tack was relinquished, and he
is found advertising how to be a centenarian. Up to 1786 silence
reigns respecting him, and it may be inferred that he practised
without notoriety as a physician, in order to repair his embarrassed
fortunes. That year sees him in Paris once more, and afterwards
in Newcastle and Edinburgh. In 1789, at Bath, he speaks of
himself as having toned down the exuberances of youth, and as
basking in an 'autumn, intellectual sun.' But already in 1787
he had turned ' Christian Philosopher,' and proclaimed himself
' Servant to the Lord Omnipotence, Wisdom, and Love.' He
desired a 'New Christian Church,' and he combined his new
heavenly with his old earthly wisdom of mud-baths, to which he
added the gospel of open air and the wickedness of curtains and
coverings. In 1790 he and his lady assistant, with their heads
magnificently dressed and powdered, might have been seen at
Bath immersed in earth up to their chins, and looking like ' two
cauliflowers.' At the same time and place he advocated ' A new
Christian Church.' He pressed his prayers on the pillow of the
King, whose brain was softening. He pressed on the scapegrace
Prince of Wales his version of the Book of Wisdom, recommend-
^ 1780. 'Sold at the Temple of Health; at the Pamphlet Shop under the
Front Piazza of the Royal Exchange ; and at Mr. Rich's Pamphlet Shop opposite
Anderson's Coffee House, No. 55 Fleet Street, price 2s. 6d '
APPENDIX: NOTES 479
ing Wisdom to his serious notice as *a beautiful and spotless
virgin princess of imperial descent.' In 1793 total abstinence
(then an absolute novelty) had become his hobby. But it does
not seem to have agreed with him, for in 1794 he died suddenly
opposite the Archers' Hall, Edinburgh.^ Throughout he appears to
have united the frenzies of a Fifth Monarchy man to the orgies
rampant in France and America just before the Revolution of the
one, and just after the Rebellion of the other. Good ideas were
clothed by him in disgusting attire, licence was exploited under
the name of liberty; and while he duped idleness and curiosity,
he was often able to cure disease.
C. — Emma ' Cavew.^
Emma ' Carew,' a//a^ ' Connor,' seems to have been the 'little
Emma' born in the early part of 1782, and the object of Emma's
delighted fondness in the summer of 1784, as her Park Gate letters
of that year in the Morrison autographs copiously illustrate. Mr.
Jeaffreson took the view, which lacks any authentic foundation,
that she was an older ' Emma.' The evidence is all the other way,
as I have indicated in my text. The mere fact that mentions of her
then and afterwards may sometimes seem applicable to an older
child, is no proof apart from corroboration. Like her mother, and
like Horatia afterwards (about whose age there is no doubt), she
may well have appeared and behaved in advance of her years (cf.
Morrison MS. 125-129). 'Little Emma' was allowed for a space
by Emma's entreaty to remain under the Edgware Row roof-tree at
the close of 1784, but Grevillc insisted that she should be brought
up apart, though he was ready to aid in the expenses of a proper
education, and did so aid until after Emma's marriage, when Sir
William and Lady Hamilton defrayed the charges between them.
Our knowledge on this subject is wholly derived from the Morrison
MS. Without entering into tedious details, these letters prove —
(i) That Emma was sent to a home and school " kept by a Mr.
and Mrs. Blackburn, of whom Greville approved, somewhere near
Manchester, where Lady Hamilton's mother visited her in 1791,
and again in 1801 (causing the nine years old girl to wonder once
more as to her origin, and recalling early recollections. Emma
and Greville allude to her both in 1796 and 1797, while Emma
further alludes to her in a letter to Greville of 1793, and is
exercised for her 'settlement' in 1794).'' So early as 1788 there is
1 The foregoing facts, with manv material additions, however, arc baaed on
the excellent article in the Dictionary oj National Biography, as well as on
independent researches.
- The bill.s were regularly forwarded by Greville to Naples. Her maintenance
cost about ;^ioo a year, and she was really well educated. It i.-> pretty clear that
Sir William knew all about her, though in one letter Greville professes ignor-
ance as to her ' history ' ; by ' history ' he probably means ' paternity.'
' Morrison MS. 221, 250.
48o EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
an allusion in one of Emma ' Hart's ' letters which seems applic-
able to her solicitude for her (Morrison MS. 172).
(2) That Emma was probably for a time afterwards with Lady
Hamilton's maternal aunt and cousins, the Connors, one of whom,
'Anne,' used about 1806 to aver herself falsely to be Lady
Hamilton's child, and to call herself 'Carew ' ; ^ but there was mad-
ness in the Connor family, and Charles Connor went mad. This
led Emma, who was then known as ' Connor,' to style herself
' Carew.'
(3) That she soon came to reside with a Mrs. Denis, 71'ee Lind,
who had been in Naples, sang well herself, and was in the singing
set of Mrs. Billington and Mrs. Lind, which Anne and Sarah Connor
frequented from 1804 onwards.
(4) That the true reason for her being kept in the background
by her mother was that — as appears in my text — she had never in-
formed Nelson of her existence in 1798 (though all else of her past
she told him), and, therefore, shrank from making a clean breast of
this secret afterwards.
(5) That about 1806 — despite Lady Hamilton's tenderness for
her— she resented her non-recognition and reception as acknow-
ledged daughter at Merton, rendered practically impossible, per-
haps, after Horatia's first appearance there, took to some indepen-
dent livelihood by her own exertions, and eventually went abroad,
possibly with Mrs. Denis, to Italy — after which she recedes
pathetically from sight. The only note of hers which remains is
her parting one in the Morrison MS. (1003), which does her so
much honour that it is here transcribed. It was written in 1810,
and preserved by Lady Hamilton : —
' Sunday Morning.
' Mrs. Denis's mention of your name, and the conversation she had
with you, have revived ideas in my mind which an absence of four
years has not been able to efface. It might have been happy for
me to have forgotten the past, and to have begun a new life with
new ideas; but for my misfortune, my memory traces back circum-
stances which have taught me too much, yet not quite all I could
have wished to have known. ^ With you that resides, and ample
reasons, no doubt, you have for not imparting them to me. Had
you felt yourself at liberty so to have done, I might have become
reconciled to my former situation, and have been relieved from the
painful employment I now pursue. It was necessary as I then
stood, for I had nothing to support me but the affection I bore
you ; on the other hand, doubts and fears by turns oppressed me,
and I determined to rely on my own efforts, rather than to submit
to abject dependence, without a permanent name or acknowledged
parents. That I should have taken such a step shows, at least, that
I have a mind misfortune has not subdued. That I should per-
severe in it is what I owe to myself and to you, for it shall never
1 Morrison MS. 896, 959. - i.e. paternity.
APPENDIX: NOTES 481
be said that I avail myself of your partiality or my own inclination,
unless I learn my claim on you is greater than you have hitherto
acknowledged. But the time may come when the same reasons
may cease to operate, and then, with a heart filled with tenderness
and affection, will I show you both my duty and attachment. In
the meantime, should Mrs. Denis's zeal and kindness not have
over-rated your expressions respecting me, and that you should
really wish to see me, I may be believed in saying that such a meet-
ing would be one of the happiest moments of my life, but for the
reflection that it may also be the last, as I leave England in a few
days, and may, perhaps, never return to it again.'
D. — Lady Hamilton! s letter in French to the Countess
of Lichtenau}
* Naples, 29M March 1791.
'Tres-chere amie, je desire vivement savoir des vos cheres
nouvelles et comme va votre sante, et quand vous reviendrez chez
nous. Le bon et bienfaisant Ld. Bristol est au desespoir sans vous,
et vous attend avec le meme empressement, que les juifs attendent
Notre Seigneur chez eux.- Mon mari vous salue de tout son coeur.
La bonne & sincere Denis ne parle que de vous et vous embrasse,
& nous joignons nos prieres pour que vous ne voyez pas la . . .
a Rome qui a ete tr^s-mechante et deshoneree ici ; mais les choses
sont trop longues pour vous les conter. Je crois qu'il ne lui sera
jamais permis de rentrer ici. La noble famille chez qui elle a ete
cherie elle I'a trahie, et y a mis un trouble qu'il sera difificile de
pouvoir calmer, et votre bon coeur souffrirait de la voir. Adieu chere
comtesse : Aimez votre sincere et attachee amie,
Emma Hamilton.'
E. — Some new inferential evidence for Lady Hamilton's
general services to England in 1794- 179 5.
This particular claim is merely one of general usefulness. That
from the time of Nelson's first visit to Naples, Lady Hamilton never
lost an opportunity of receiving British sailors and assisting them
is generally conceded and abundantly proved. In whatever Sir
William did, his wife shared, while she often suggested and ex-
ceeded it. In a letter of April 1794 Sir William expressly tells
Greville, ' I am employed in sending Mortars and other Artillery
stores of which Lord Hood is in want, for the attack of Bastia.' ^
' Mimoires de Wilhelminay Cotnlesse de Lichtenau. Colboiirn, 1809, vol. ii.
P- 54-
- A mot of the blasphemous old bishop used of Emma in a letter from him
to her.
' Morrison MS. 238, April 10, 1794.
2 H
482 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
But says Mr. Jeaffreson,i begrudging Lady Hamilton even a shred
of veracity, any assistance rendered to Hood from Naples was
merely in pursuance of the Anglo-Sicilian treaty which had been
signed on July 20, 1793. This very letter, however, proves most
plainly that the discovery of a fresh conspiracy to murder the King
had stopped the despatch of all extra supplies. ' I question,' he
adds, ' if this Government will venture to part with more of its
forces than what it is obliged to do by its treaty.^ Moreover, the
Acton correspondence proves that in 1794 Acton was reluctantly
constrained to deny Hotham supplies.^ It is clear, therefore, that
the requisite was extras ; and, in furnishing them, nobody conver-
sant with Emma's letters and character can doubt her part. She
may have exaggerated it, but her consistent course, directly she
became paramount with the Queen, proves that it must have been
substantial. Moreover, the mere Anglo-Sicilian compact never
turned the Queen into an Anglo-maniac. Her adoration of Eng-
land dates from Nelson's visit two months afterwards, and Emma's
ardour and Sir William's awakening.
In the year 1813, when she was pressing her last series of claims,
she thus addressed a naval peer, presumably either Lord Hood or
Lord St. Vincent,^ once associated with the then dead Nelson ; and
it is inconceivable that she could so have addressed him had she
been conscious of falsifications in her accompanying memorial.
She alludes to damaging statements regarding it printed by a
section of the press : —
' 150 Bond Street, Febrtiary 7, 1813.
' My Lord, — I had a letter written to your Lordship with a copy
of my memorial and narrative to H.R.H. the Prince Regent, when
to my surprise I saw the letter published in the newspapers, which
very much disconcerted my way of proceeding ; my desire being
that of laying my case before H.R.H., the Ministers, your Lord-
ship, and a select few of the chief nobles and gentlemen of Parlia-
ment, who are noted for attention to public business. ... I am
sure of your Lordship's potent protection as far as you will see it
deserving.
' My story is told truly as the circumstances rose to my memory.
And with a safe conscience I can say, whatever is omitted I believe
to be to my own disadvantage, as all my actions were guided by a
Heart and Soul devoted like your Lordship's own to our dear, dear
Country. — Forgive me this intrusion, but Nelson loved you, and I
am alone and feel forlorn in the world, and his spirit, if it cou'd
1 In his Queen of Naples and Lord Nelson.
- Add. MS. 2639, f. 217.
2 It is just possible, however, that it may have been to Lord Sidmouth, to whom,
as Addington, her first memorial of 1803 had been addressed ; for, writing to
George Rose in this very month, and inclosing the memorial, she also sends ' a
letter I sent to Lord Sidmouth' (Rose's Diaries, vol. i. p. 270). But this is
highly improbable, for Addington had been hostile from the first, and by no
means friendly with Nelson. He was now Home Secretary.
I
APPENDIX: NOTES 483
look down, would bless you for your kindness and attention to his
last wishes in the moment of death and victory to your Lordship's
ever obliged and most gratefull, Emma Hamilton.'^
F. — Lady Hamilton's claim concerning the King of Spain's
secret letters in the spring ^1795 and autumn of 1796
further co?i side red.
My reasons for believing that Lady Hamilton's main claim
regarding these applies to September 1796 have been given in
my text. Professor Laughton, in, his long article in Colburn's
United Service Magazine for April 1889, tries to show that they
concern a series of letters which conveyed information sent by the
Queen to Lady Hamilton, and transmitted by her husband to
Grenville during the spring of 1795, though he also gives the
succeeding despatches of Hamilton in the June and September
following. All of these merely refer to the preparations by Spain
for d, peace with France, and not for their formal offensive alliance
in the succeeding year which was to be the crucial issue, long
disguised. The preparations for peace, on the other hand, were
more or less known at St. James's throughout 1795. Lady
Hamilton in asserting her claim speaks of Sir William's illness
as one of the reasons for her exceptional exertions, and she may
have confused his severe illness in April 1795 i" *^he long train of
information forwarded to her by the Queen, which culminated in
the discoveries which she was thus enabled to make, with some
slighter indisposition in September 1796; or she may merely have
mixed, so far as her husband's illness was concerned, the two years
together
Lady Hamilton's claim relates to an excepiiofial ^xscov try. In
writing to Lord Grenville on July 4, 1795, after the series relating
to 'Galatone's cipher' in April, Sir William says that another of
June 16 'was communicated to me as nsuaV This shows, and
indeed all his despatches, as well as the Queen's letter to Lady
Hamilton, join in showing, that throughout 1795 secret informa-
tion was habitually transmitted to him through his wife to be
forwarded to Lord Grenville.
But as regards 1795 Professor Laughton has misinterpreted the
documents which he quotes from a double error. In the first
place, he does not seem to have consulted the originals, or their
copies when the originals were forwarded, of the Queen's own
letters to Lady Hamilton; and in the second, he has not discerned
that Emma's main service in 1795 ^^'^^ in having procured not only
the long ciphered despatch by ' Galatonc ' from Madrid, but also the
key by which alone the cipher could be unriddled.
On April 30, 1795, Sir ^Villiam, still very unwell, forwarded a
long 'secret' despatch to Lord Grenville, following two other
' From the original autograph in possession of Mr. Sabin.
484 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
less important ones dated April 21 and April 28 respectively, in
the latter of which he enclosed a letter from the Queen to Lady
Hamilton promising her 'three papers' after the King had held
his Council. In this despatch of April 30 Hamilton forwards
further information, inclosing three documents received through
his wife from the Queen:— (i) a copy of the last deciphered
despatch from Galatone; (2) a letter from the Queen to Lady
Hamilton of April 28; (3) a letter from the Queen to Lady
Hamilton of April 29 ; and he says that he thinks them of such
importance that he is sending 'this packet' by 'one of his 'own
servants ' as far as Rome, where a ' Mr. Jenkins ' will forward it to
London. This by no means implies the special messenger by
whom Lady Hamilton claimed to have herself forwarded her far
more important communication direct to London in the following
year, as I think ; and indeed Hamilton on several occasions used
means of communication similar to these.
Of these inclosures (2) — the Queen's letter of April 28
(to be succeeded in the subsequent summer by the unfortunate
one announcing the capture of Bilbao, and the Spanish minister
Alcudia's prophecy that these losses would not last)i does not
quite tally with Professor Laughton's rendering of it. The Queen
forwards a ' letter in cipher come from Spain from Galatone,' which
must be returned ' avant vingt-quatre heures' (Professor Laughton
has it 'by 12 o'clock'!) 'afin que le roi le reirouve"^ (Professor
Laughton has it ' so that the King may have it ' !). She adds that
in it are 'matters very interesting for the English Government,'
and, as will be seen from her next note, she has promised to for-
ward shortly the 'cipher' itself, which is the clue to Galatone's
' letter iti cipher.^
These variations from the original are important. If the Queen
had really written that she must have Galatone's 'letter in cipher'
back by midday, there would not have been time to apply the key
which she transmitted on the following morning. If the Queen
had really written ' so that the King may have it,' it would not be
clear that Galatone had sent the information for the King alone,
and that by some means or other the Queen had obtained, and
was lending, the King's private information. What she does say is
'in order that the King may yf;?^ it again.''
Now let us see what the Queen writes to Emma on the next day.-''
She sends her not a 'letter' but the 'promised cipher' — the
due, 'too happy in being able to render a service.' She begs for
the return of the 'cipher' also, but this time 'at the chevalier's
1 Eg. MS. 1617, f. 3. The British Museum has pencilled this as ' 1794?' I
first thought it was one of spring 1795 ; but Bilbao appears to have fallen in July.
■^ Cf. Eg. MS. 16 15, f. 22. This is Lady H.'s copy of the letter in question.
Her indorsement on it runs: — 'A copy of the Queen's letter, April 28, 1795.
Sir William was obliged to send the original to England with the cypher Her
Majesty mentions.'
* This is accurately transcribed by Mr. Jeaffreson in his Queen of Naples,
vol. i. p. 289.
APPENDIX: NOTES 4^5
convenience'; the King, be it marked, will not miss the ^ cipher^
as he must have missed the ' letter.^ She warns Emma, ' above all
to take care' that she is not 'compromised.'^ 'There is no
atrocity which Spain, who hates me already, would not be capable
of against me.'-
These confusions have caused Professor Laughton to suppose
that the further inclosure of the long 'chiffre regu de Galatone '
about the French proposals of peace ^ refers to the 'promised
cipher^ mentioned in the Queen's letter to Emma of April 29,
instead of, as really, to 'the letter \n cipher come from Spain from
Galatone' mentioned in her letter of the day before. He has not
perceived the manifest distinction between the 'cipher' and the
' letter in cipher ' at all, nor discerned that what Emma then
obtained was the key by which the ' letter ' could be translated.
On May 16 Sir William forwarded to Grenville 'a continuation
of the ciphered despatches' which he was now able to decipher,
and after again warning the minister against compromising the
Queen, he incloses another note from her to his wife with the three
' very curious papers ' accompanying it, which are really con-
firmatory of previous information. It should be noticed that
this Queen's letter of May is one in ordinary course, and not one
for official inspection. These always begin ' Chfere Miledy ' ; this
begins 'Ma chere amie.' And finally, after a further and im-
material despatch of July 4, 1795, Sir William forwards one of
September i, in which he 'loses no time in communicating' that
the peace negotiations have 'commenced.' He again transmits
this by a .y^////-special messenger. His despatches of October are
irrelevant to the points at issue.
One word more with regard to the crucial discovery of September
1796, which in the text, I maintain, was due to Emma.
The ' letter ' from Charles of Spain to Ferdinand of Naples was
not in cipher. Emma describes it as 'a private letter,' and Sir
William Hamilton as ' written in Spanish.' It is important also
to observe that Sir William's ' secret ' despatch to IvOrd Grenville of
September 21, 1796,"^ forwarding the information, does not inclose
the copy of the original, or any document at all. My inference is,
in view of other and ampler evidence urged in the text, that the
reason for its unusual absence is that Emma had herself forwarded
^ These requests that her name should not be mentioned recur perpetually.
There was a striking instance in 1799 (July 14), when Sir William, writing on
the Foudroyant to (Jrenville a 'separate and secret' despatch, and inclosing as
usual the Queen's letters to Emma, observes. ' . . . I have prevailed on my wife
to allow me to entrust to your Lordship the most interesting . . . but not with-
out a solemn promise from me that they should be restored to her by your
Lordship on our arrival in England. . . .' Cf. P. R.O., Sic. Papers, vol. iv.,
quoted by Gutteridgc, Nelson aud the Neafoliiav Jacobins, p. 317.
- On the following day she again wrote. She was leaving for Cardiletto,
when she would be absent all the day. ' Vous seriez bien occupc jiour moi.'
•'' Dated March 31, 1795, «in'l translated from the Italian given by Professor
Laughton in his article on p. 652.
^ Transcribed by Professor Laughton at p. 659.
486 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
her copy of the original by ' the Count of Munster's courier ' to
London, as afterwards both she and Nelson, on several occasions,
claimed that she had done.
G. — Lady Hamilton's claim to have procured the watering of
the British Fleet in the summer of lyg^ further considered.
Professor Laughton's criticism ^ is rightly exercised on circum-
stances.^ He, of course, doubts the dramatic scenes either of
Emma's dictating a letter to the Queen, or as to the ' talisman,'
given respectively by Pettigrew and Harrison, while he omits
another in one of Emma's memorials about her supplication with
tears. That such dramatic scenes as these are not of themselves
improbable is shown by the dramatic scene of herself haranguing
the Queen, in her new letter to Nelson of October 24, 1798,
transcribed in this Appendix.
But Jeaffreson's argument that on June 1 7 the fleet was not short
of water is, as I hope to have made quite clear in my text, beside
the point, which was the necessity that must arise afterwards, and
against which Nelson's instructions from the Government had
expressly guarded, in a long and uncertain pursuit of the formid-
able French fleet. Neither the ministerial instructions in allowing
force, if necessary, to obtain refreshment, nor the limited rights for
four vessels at a time to be in harbour, under the Franco-Neapolitan
engagement, could possibly prevent delay, and delay it was that
Nelson most dreaded. As it happened, he was enabled to set sail
from Syracuse in July earlier than he had anticipated.
The question of the 'Queen's letter' has, I hope, now been
settled, as well as the point of the Austrian negotiations for a
defensive pact witli Naples, and the instructions by the Neapolitan
ministers to the governors of ports that, pending those negotiations
a show of resistance must be made, which explains so much of what
happened in July.
With regard to this point I should like here to emphasise the
relevance of Acton's letters (Eg. MS. 2640, ff". 83, 87, 89) of the
first two weeks in August 1798, after the Nile battle had been
won, but while he was still ignorant that Nelson had gained an
effectual refreshment for his fleet, and was still apologising to
Hamilton for the lack of it, and proposing measures to supply
Nelson's needs. They strongly corroborate my view of the
' Governor of Syracuse's letter.' On August 2, Acton tells Hamil-
ton, in view of Nelson's complaints, that 'a single kind of ostensible
opposition was made, in case that the Court of Vienna had denied
the desired explanation,' and adds that he hopes that Nelson will be
found ' by the Transfer sloop.' On August 7, he states that Gallo
had told him of Nelson's 'humour,' which he hopes may soon be
remedied. So late as August 15, even after hearing how Nelson
had departed from Syracuse ' fully satisfied with reception and pro-
^ Nelson's Last Codicil, Colbuin's Uitiled Service Magazine, May 1889.
APPENDIX: NOTES 487
visions,' he still speaks of him as provisioned for seven or eight
weeks only, and he still proposes measures for victualling Nelson's
squadron.
From a sentence in Acton's letter to Hamilton of June 22
(Eg. MS. 2640, f. 73), 'He [GaratJ was desabused by Gallo
Wednesday evening,' I assumed that a second council had then
been held, but this remains wholly uncertain.
I subjoin, for what they are worth, the main parts of the draft in
Hamilton's handwriting 1 (hitherto uncited) for the familiar despatch
to Lord Grenville of June 18, 1798.2 This despatch, despite its
date, cannot have been forwarded till about three days later, since
the draft is dated ' June 20.' I append a material extract, with its
interlineations and erasures. It begins with Troubridge's arrival
at the Embassy in the early morning of June 17 : —
* Naples, /«<«« 20, 1798.
'Captain Troubridge of the CuUoden came to me from the
admiral for intelligence . . ., and for a clear and positive answer
whether the Ports of H.S.M.'s dominions . . . were open without
woud be
limitation or not for the King's Ships of war and whether they -wete-
alow'd to supply themselves, &c. I shew'd him the official answer
A copy of which you will have received by the last Messenger.
I had received from the Marquis Gallo. a But as Capt. Troubridge
seem'd to be
wft* in a great hurry to join the admiral & pursue the Enemy
now that he had been that the armament was off Malta
-whe — '.ycrG ao wo informed by the laot account of the loth
instant thout:;ht it best to carry him
off Malta; I carried hin> directly to General Acton, and we did
more real business in half an hour than we shou'd have done in the
in a week. and home
usual official wayA Troubridge put strong a questions to General
Acton who answe ' 'hem fairly, but as I saw that what Capt.
was m>. .ious to obtain
Troubridge wishca - >p-m©st-"W8»7 as he expected an immediate
to all the Governors in Sicily
action with the french fleet was an order of His S. Majesty a — to
of British be
allow A the A sick and wounded to A put on shore . . . — and also
fresh
that they might be allow'd to get A provisions for the fleet from
I prevailed upon G.Acton to give in his own hand and in the
these Ports. A This order 4fi-A the King's name wao immediately
directly and he
given by-Gl. Acton- to Troubridge a who went off to join the adm'.
in high good humour with the genl. whom more than he said was a good man of
business. Me did not stay two hours on shore.
A Jnimodiatcly. -Aftd-Jmrdly stay'd two hourc on shore. ... He
expressed only a wish to get sight of Buonaparte. . . .
P.S. — This Court, as you may perceive, is in great distress.'
' Eg. MS. 2638, f. 2S7. - Clarke and Macarthur, vol. ii. p. 64.
488 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
But in the draft Hamilton first omitted, and added afterwards,
that the order was in Acton's handwriting as well as in the ' King's
name ' : it is evident that the King himself did not sign the
document.
Hamilton could not mention in an official despatch anything
that might have been effected in the meanwhile, behind the backs
both of King and Council, by Emma and the Queen.
Hamilton in his despatch to Lord Grenville of August 4 ex-
pressly says, in explanation of the circumstances which caused
Nelson's anger and disappointment at Syracuse a fortnight earlier,
'The whole mystery was that the Court of Naples could not with-
out risk throw off the mask until it had received the ratified treaty
with the Emperor of Germany.'
These diplomatic circumstances, as I have shown, form the
key to the Governor of Syracuse's letter, but they also tend to
show that the order in the King's name could not of itself sur-
mount delays in provisioning vessels, and point (under the cir-
cumstances that happened) to the probability of the Queen
having intervened, unknown to her husband, who would have
been furious.
Nelson's official accounts of what transpired are naturally guarded
and reserved. It was the same with his account of the flight to
Palermo. But all along he was in constant private communica-
tion with the Hamiltons ; the Queen's letters to Emma even
during the week before Nelson's arrival in the bay of Naples show
that the news of these letters was regularly reported to her by her
friend.^
Bearing all the circumstances in mind, and discounting ex-
aggerations and concealments on either side, it seems to me
that Emma and the Queen bore a much more active part in these
transactions than Hamilton or Acton. So Nelson held, and he
knew. The King and Acton were probably never informed of what
happened without their knowledge. But Nelson, at Syracuse, was
perfectly aware of the change that came over the scene there in
two days, and I think that he ought to be believed.
H. — An Abstract of the legal document of May 6, 18 14,
whereby Lady Hamilton received her first payment in
advance of Lord Nelson s annuity P'
It is signed 'Emma Hamilton,' and recites that ' Lord Nelson
bequeathed to me ' an annuity of ^^500 'as a tax on the rental of
^ Cf. Eg. MS. 1618, f. 7 ; 1615, f. 102, and afterwards (June 29) the Queen
follows Nelson's movements with anxiety. Ibid. f. 107.
- Add. iNIS. 34,992, f. 300.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 489
Bronte by the codicil to his will of 19th February 1804, to be paid
half-yearly ' in advance ' during my life, and by a postscript directed
the first half-year ' to be first paid after the interest was received.'
' And whereas no arrear of rent was received by his executors until
September 1806, and no rent accruing after his [Nelson's] decease
was received by Earl Nelson, now Duke of Bronte, for his own use
until January 1808,' 'and whereas Earl Nelson was advised by
Counsel that,' under these events, 'the said annuity was not payable
half-yearly in advance, and therefore the same hath not hitherto
been so paid. But a different opinion having been expressed by
persons consulted by me,' it acknowledges that the Earl having there-
upon consented to pay a half-annuity in advance, that ' I have this
day received from Earl Nelson the sum of ^^225, which, with ^25
property tax deducted, is ^^250, being a half-year's payment of the
said annuity in advance, the said annuity having been paid in full
to 2ist day of April inclusive.' 'Witness my hand, 6th day of
May 1814.'
PART II.— NEW LETTERS
A. — Lady Hamiltofi's Correspondence with Admiral {and
afterwards) Lord Nelson in September and October 1798.^
(i) Lady Hamilioji to Admiral Nelson.
{llthjiiue 179S. I
Mv DEAR Admiral, — I write in a hurry as Captain T. Carrol
stays on Monarch. God bless you and send you victorious, and
that I may see you bring back buonaparte with you. pray send
Captain Hardy - out to us, for I shall have a fever with anxiety.
The Queen desires me to say everything that 's kind and bids me
say with her whole heart and soul she wishes you victory. God
bless you, my dear sir. I will not say how glad I shall be to see
you. Indeed I cannot describe to you my feelings on your being
so near us. — Ever, ever, dear Sir, your affte. and gratefuU
Emma Hamilton.
\^Addressed, 'Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson.'
Indorsed, 'Lady Hamilton, 17th June '98.']
' Add. MS. 34,989, fi'. 1-32. This series was acquired in 1S96.
- This shows ih.il ILndy arrived «//<:;■ Troubridgc.
490 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
(2) Lady Haynilton to Admiral Neisoft.
[Same date, similar paper y writlen very htirriedly.']
Dear Sir, — I send you a letter I have received this moment
from the Queen. Kiss it, and send it me back by Bowen, as I am
bound not to give any of her letters. — Ever yrs., Emma.
(3) The same to the same.
\_This letter is written, as was Lady Hamilton'' s frequent habit, on
several successive days.]
Naples, Septembers, 1798.
My dear, dear Sir, — How shall I begin, what shall I say to
you. 'tis impossible I can write, for since last Monday ^ I am
delerious with joy, and assure you I have a fevour caused by
agitation and pleasure. God, what a victory ! Never, never has
there been anything half so glorious, so compleat, I fainted when
I heard the joyful! news, and fell on my side and am hurt, but now
well [?] of that. I shou'd feil it a glory to die in such a cause.
No, I wou'd not like to die till I see and embrace the Victor of
the JVi'k. How shall I describe to you the transports of Maria
Carolina, 'tis not possible. She fainted and kissed her husband, her
children, walked about the room, cried, kissed, and embraced every
person near her, exclaiming. Oh, brave Nelson, oh, God bless and
protect our brave deliverer, oh, Nelson, Nelson, what do we not owe
to you, oh Victor, Savour of Ltali, oh, that my swolen heart cou'd
710W tell him personally what 7ve oive to him /
You may judge, my dear Sir, of the rest, but my head will not
permit me to tell you half of the rejoicing. The Neapolitans are
mad with joy, and if you wos here now, you wou'd be killed with
kindness. Sonets on sonets, illuminations, rejoicings; not a
French dog dare shew his face. How I glory in the honner of my
Country and my Countryman ! I walk and tread in air with pride,
felling I was born in the same land with the victor Nelson and his
gallant band. But no more, I cannot, dare not, trust myself, for
I am not well. Little dear Captain Hoste will tell you the rest.
He dines with us in the day, for he will not sleep out of his ship,
and we Love him dearly. He is a fine, good lad. Sir William is
delighted with him, and I say he will be a second Nelson. If he
is onely half a Nelson, he will be superior to all others.
I send you two letters from my adorable queen. One was
written to me the day we received the glorious news, the other
yesterday. Keep them, as they are in her own handwriting. I
have kept copies only, but I feil that you ought to have them. If
you had seen our meeting after the battle, but I will keep it all for
your arrival. I coo'd ^ not do justice to her felling nor to my own,
* September 3, when the private news of the Nile battle first reached her.
^ She usually spells this correctly. It perhaps echoes the burr of her Cheshire
accent in her excitement. The letters throughout are unpunctuated, and the
stops are inserted by me.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 491
with writing it ; and we are preparing your appartment against you
come. I hope it will not be long, for Sir William and I are so
impatient to embrace you. I wish you cou'd have seen our house
the 3 nights of illumination. 'Tis, 'twas covered with your glorious
name. Their were 3 thousand Lamps, and their shou'd have been
3 miUions if we had had time. All the English vie with each other
in celebrating this most gallant and ever memorable victory. Sir
William is ten years younger since the happy news, and he now
only wishes to see his friend to be completely happy. How he
glories in you when your name is mentioned. He cannot contain
his joy. For God's sake come to Naples soon. We receive so
many Sonets and Letters of congratulation. I send you some of
them to shew you how your success is felt here. How I felt for
poor Troubridge. He must have been so angry on the sandbank,
so brave an officer ! In short, I pity those who were not in the
battle. I wou'd have been rather an English powder-monkey, or
a swab in that great victory, than an Emperor out of it, but you
will be so tired of all this. Write or come soon to Naples, and
rejoin your ever sincere and oblidged friend,
Emma Hamilton.
The Queen [h]as this moment sent a Dymond Ring to Captain
Hoste, six buts of wine, 2 casks, for the officers, and every man on
board a guinea each. Her letter is in English and comes as from
an unknown person, but a well-wisher to our country, and an
admirer of our gallant Nelson. As war is not yet declared with
France, she cou'd not shew herself so openly as she wished, but
she [h]as done so much, and rejoiced so very publickly, that all the
world sees it. She bids me to say that she longs more to see you
than any woman with child can long for anything she may take a
fancy to,^ and she shall be for ever unhappy if you do not come.
God bless you my dear, dear friend.
My dress from head to foot is alia Nelson. Ask Hoste. Even
my shawl is in Blue with gold anchors all over. My earrings are
Nelson's anchors ; in short, we are be-Nelsoned all over. I send
you some Sonets, but I must have taken a ship on purpose to send
you all written on you. Once more, God bless you. My mother
desires her love to you. I am so sorry to write in such a hurry.
I am affraid you will not be able to read this scrawl.
\^Here, I am half disposed to think, ought to follow the passage in
No. (8) beginning ' My dear little fatherless Fady.']
(4) Zady Hamilton to Lady Nelson.
Naples, October z, 179S.
I hope your Ladyship received my former letter with an account
of Lord Nelson's arrival, and his reception by their Sicilian
' This curious illustration alludes to Maria Carolina's own dauglitcr-in-law,
the Princess Clementine's then condition.
492 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Majesties ; and allso the congratulations and compliments from
this amiable Queen to your Ladyship which I was charged with and
wrote a month back, but as the posts were very uncertain, you may
not have received that letter. Lord Nelson is gone to Leghorn
with the troops of the King of Naples, and we expect him soon
Back, as the King is gone to Rome with his army ; and he beg'd of
ray Lord Nelson to be as much in and about Naples as he cou'd,
not only to advise and consult with her Majesty, who is Regent for
the good of the common cause, but, in case of accident, to take
care of her and of her familly.
Lord Nelson is adored here, and looked on as the deliverer of
this country. He was not well when first he arrived, but by nursing
and asse's milk he went from Naples quite recovered.
The King and Queen adore him, and if he had been their
Brother, they cou'd not have shewn him more respect and atten-
tions. I need not tell your Ladyship how happy Sir William and
myself are at having an opertunity of seeing our dear, respectable,
brave friend return here with so much honner to himself, and glory
for his country. We only wanted you to be completely happy.
Lord Nelson's wound is quite well. Josiah ^ is so much improv'd
in every respect, we are all delighted with him. He is an excellent
officer and very steady, and one of the best hearts in the world. I
Love him much, and allthough we quarrel sometimes, he loves me
and does as I wou'd have him. He is in the way of being rich, for
he has taken many prizes. He is indefatigable in his line, never
sleeps out of his ship, and I am sure will make a very great officer.
Lady Knight and her amiable daughter ^ desire to be remembered
to your Ladyship. I hope you received the ode I sent ; it is very
well written, but Miss Knight is very clever in everything she
undertakes. Sir William desires his kind compliments to your Lady-
ship and to Lord Nelson's respected father.
The King is having his picture set with dymonds for his Lord-
ship, and the Queen has ordered a fine set of china with all the
battles he Jias been engaged in, and his picture painted on china.
Josiah desired his duty to your Ladyship, and says he will write as
soon as he [h]as time, but he has been very busy for some time
past.
God bless you and your's, my dear Madam, and believe me your
Ladyship's very sincere friend, Emma Hamilton.
Sir William is in a rage with [the] ministry for not having made
Lord Nelson a Viscount, for, sure, this great and glorious action —
^ Nisbet, Lady N.'s son and Lord N.'s stepson, to whom, as a lad, Lady
Hamilton had been kindness itself at Naples in 1793, but whom she grew to dis-
like as Lady Nelson's suspicions and coldness increased. He took to drink, was
often insubordimte, and gave the stepfather, who advanced him in every way,
great future trouble. He had saved Nelson's life in 1796.
- Miss Cornelia.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 493
greater than any other — ought to have been recognised more. Hang
them, I say.^
[Addressed to the 'Right Honourable Lady Nelson, Roundwood,
near Ipswich, Suffolk '; sealed in red with :
Nelson,
I August
1798.
Indorsed in Lady Nelson's handwriting, ' Lady Hamilton's letter
to Lady Nelson, Naples, October 2, 1798.']
(5) Lord JVelson to Lady Hamilt07i -
[Muck interlined and corrected.^
Oct. 3, 1798.
My dear Madam, — The anxiety which you and Sir William
Hamilton have always had for the happiness and welfare of their
Sicilian Majesties, was also planted [in mej in the five years past.
And I can safely say, that on every occasion which have \sic\
offered (which have been numerous), I have never failed to mani-
fest my sincere regard for the felicity of these kingdoms. Under
this attachment, I cannot be an indifferent spectator to what has
been and is passing in the two Sicilies, nor to the misery which,
without being a politician, I cannot but see plainly is now ready
to fall on these very kingdoms now so loyal, by the worst of all
policies, that of procrastination.
Since my arrival in these seas in June last I have seen in the
Sicilians the most loyal people to their sovreign, with the utmost
detestation of the French and their principles. Since my arrival
at Naples I have found all ranks, from the very highest to the
lowest, eager for war with the French, who, all know, are preparing
an army of Robbers to plunder these kingdoms and destroy the
monarchy. I have seen the minister of the insolent French pass
over in silence manifest breach[es] of the 3rd article of the treaty
between their Sicilian Majesties and the French Republic.
Ought not this extraordinary conduct to be seriously noticed ?
Have \sic\ not the uniform conduct of the French been to lull the
Government into a fatal security, and been to destroy them. As I
have before stated, is it not known to every person that Naples is
the most marked object for plunder — with their knowledge, and
that His Sicilian Majesty has an army ready (I am told, to march
into a country ready to receive them with the advantage of carrying
on the .var from the cnomicii country,'^ instead of waiting for it at
^ These words .-ire written very small.
- This sketch of policy and [iroject for the royal safety is the hrsl draft for
another and more formal document which has been published (cf. Laughton's
Despatches, pp. 171 -173). It was intended to be shown to the ministers. It is
included here with Lady Hamilton's letters, so as not to break the series.
* Erased in the original.
494 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Home). I am all astonishment that the army has not marched a
month ago. I trust the arrival of General Mack will induce the
Government not to lose any more of the favourable time, which
Providence has put in their hands. For, if they do, and wait for
an attack in the country instead of carrying the war out of it, it
requires no gift of prophecy to pronounce that these kingdoms will
be divided, and the monarchy destroy'd. But shou'd, unfortun-
ately, this miserable Ruinous system of procrastination be persisted
in, I wou'd recommend that all your property and persons are ready
to embark at a very short notice. It will be my duty to look and
provide for your safety, and with it (I am sorry to think it will be
necessary), that of the amiable Queen of these kingdoms and her
family. I have read with admiration her dignified and incompar-
able letter of September 1796. May the councils of this kingdom
ever be guided by such sentiments of dignity, honour, and justice.
And may the words of the great Mr. Pitt be instilled into the
ministry of this country, — ' The Boldest measures are the safest,' is
the sincere wish of your Ladyship's, &c.
PS. — Your Ladyship will, I beg, receive this letter as a pre-
paritive \sic\ for Sir William Hamilton, to whom I am writing with
all respect the firm and unalterable opinion of a British Admiral,
anxious to approve himself a faithful servant to his sovreign by
doing everything in his power for the Happiness and Dignity of their
Sicilian majesties and their kingdom.
[This paper shows, (i) That so early as October 3 Nelson was
urging flight, probably against the grain both of the Queen, Acton,
and Hamilton ; (2) that Lady Hamilton was the intermediary both
with her and Sir William, before anything could be done.
Indorsed, 'My letter to Lady Hamilton, 3 Oct. 1798,' but not in
Nelson's or Lady H.'s handwriting.]
(6) Lady Ha7nilton to Lord Nelson.
Caserta, October 20, 1798.
My dear, respectable ^ Friend, — We have this moment had a
letter from Troubridge to say the Flora cutter is going to join you,
and I fell so happy to have an opertunity to write, alltho' but a
line, to our dear, dear Admiral to say how miserable we were for
some days,2 j-j^t j^q^ hope of your return revives us. We are
oblidged to live here now till her Royal Highness' ^ squaling, and
thank God, her . . .,* so all the ladies in the pallace say. I know
1 This adjective, so often used by the Queen also, means, of course, in eighteenth
century parlance, 'venerated.'
- Nelson left Naples for Malta, October 16. With the exception of a brief
return, after which he started for Leghorn, he was not back till early November.
•■' Princess Clementine (arch-duchess, cousin and wife of the Neapolitan heir-
apparent) was expecting her first confinement.
^ The words are difficult to ascertain, and in any case they are too plain
spoken for transcription.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 495
nothing about it. Yesterday we heard of nothing but the ' Pancia
Caduta,' which is a sign that she will soon Bring Forth. Then we
go to Naples, for it is impossible here [to] be happy, when our
ships are there, and my anxiety for news is such I have no rest.
However, here we go on with vigour, and I flatter myself We Spur
them, for I am allways with the Queen, and I hold out your
energick language to her. Mack ^ is writing. He does not go to
visit the frontiers, but is now working night and day, and then goes
for good. And I tell her Majesty,/^?- God's sake, for the Country s
sake, and for your own sake, send hifn of[f] as soon as possible, no
time to be lost, and I believe he goes after to-morrow. The rebel-
lion in Ireland being finished, and the French troops taken, [h]as
given them fresh courage. I translate from our papers for her to
inspire her, or them, I should say, with some of our spirit and
energy. How delighted we Booth were to sit and speak of you.
She loves, respects, and admires you. For myself, I will leave you
to guess my fellings. Poor dear Trowbridge staid that night ^ to
comfort us. What a good, dear soul he is ! I have not time to
say more, and not being in Naples, I have nothing to send you.
How provoking ! The Queen desires her kindest complements,
and thanks you for leving Trowbridge. He is to come down soon,
and I am to present him. She says she shou'd not feil happy if
she had not one English ship here, to send of[f ] her poor children.
Give my compliments to good, dear Tyson. I love him for his
real attachment to you. Remember me to Hardy and Mr.
Cummins [?] ; he is a worthy, good man, I am sure, and his pro-
fession must give him respect allways ; and shake little Fady and
Woodin by the hand for me. I hope your doctor is satisfied with
your health. How do you do for your cook ? The dog, I will have
him taken as a deserter, but all is for the best, perhaps. Your
steward is better with John Bull's roost and boil than the Italian
spoil-stomach sauce of a dirty Neapolitan. God bless you ! How
we abused Gallo '•'' yesterday ! How she hates him ! He won't
reign long; so much the better ! Write to me, and come soon,/^r
you are wanted at Caserta. All their noddles are not worth your's.
— Ever, ever your's, Emma.
[Indorsed — at top of last page — ' Oct. 20, — 98.']
(7) The same to the same.
October 26, 1798.
My DEAR Friend, — I must say one word more to you. We have
just had another letter. The Turk Signor has written to the King
of England to beg his permission that you may wear the order or
feather that he took out of his own Turban to decorate you, and
' The Austrian General now in command of the Neapolitan troops.
- October 16.
* The petit maitre, delaying, anti - English Foreign Minister — Nelson's
aversion.
496 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
which is the sign of sovrainty, I do not exactly know how many
thousand piastres it's worth, but unprecedented is the present.
' Viva il Turco,' says Emma.
If I was King of England I wou'd make you the most noble
present, Dicke Nelson, Marqicis Nile, Earl Aboukir, Vicount
Pyramid, Baron Crocodile, and Prince Victory, that posterity might
have you in all forms. Pray if the Turkish frigate comes to you,
I beg you to bring it here, that I may have the pleasure of enter-
taining the good Turban soul, and sending him home satisfied, and
convinced that an English woman has a soul, for I fancy they don't
beli[e]ve we have one, and shewing him our gratitude for the justice
his master has done to the friend of our hearts, for so Sir William
and I call you. Once more, God bless you, and beli[e]ve me ever
your grateful! Emma Hamilton.
(8) Lady Hamilton to Lord Nelson.
Caserta, October 24,^ 1798.
My dear Sir, — We have had our good Trowbridge here a day
and a half. He is gone to Naples to send a frigate to you. I
cannot let the first opertunity pass without writing to our dear,
respectable Admiral, and we have been so happy with Trowbridge,
in having such an occasion to speak of you as you deserve.
I presented him and Captain Waller to the Queen. We staid
with her two hours. Poor, dear Trowbridge was affected in seeing
her with her children. He thought of his own. We dined with
General Acton.
How you are beloved, for not merely with her Majesty, but of
the General's [party ?] you was our theme, and my full heart is fit to
Burst with pleasure, when I hear your honoured name, but enough
now for the day.
I received yesterday a letter from Spencer Smith.^ Your present
is a pelicia of Gibelini with a feather for your hat of Dymonds,
large, most magnificent, and 2 thousand Zechins for the wounded
men, and a letter to you from the Grand Signor, God bless him !
There is a frigate sent of[f] on purpose. We expect it here. I
must see the present. How I shall look at it, smel it, taste it,
to[ujch it, put the pelice over ray own shoulders, look in the
glas, and say. Viva il Turk! And by express desire of his
imperial Majesty, you are to wear these Badges of Honner, so we
think it is an order he gives you, for you are particularly desired to
wear them, and his thanks to be given to all the officers. God
bless, or Mahomet bless, the old Turk ; I say, no longer Turk, but
good Christian. The Queen says that after the English, she loves
the Turks, and she [h]as reason ; for as to Viena, the ministers^
i This letter is printed in its order of arrangement by the British Museum.
2 English Consul at Constantinople, and brother of the Admiral.
' This refers to the merely defensive alliance with Naples, signed by Austria,
July 16.
I
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 497
deserve to be hanged ; and if Naples is saved, no thanks to the
Emperor,^ for he is kindly leving his Father- in the lurch.
We have been 2 days desperate on account of the weak and cool
acting of the Cabinet of Viena. Tugood ^ must be gained. But
the Emperor, oh, but he is a poor sop, a machme in the hands of
his corrupted ministers. The Queen is in a rage, Belmonte,*
expected back, not having been permited to go on their arrival
here. Sunday last, 2 Corriers, one from London, one from Viena ;
the first with the lovely news of a fleet to remain in the Mediter-
ranean ; a treaty^ made of the most flattering kind for Naples. In
short, everything amicable, friendly, and most truly honnerable.
T'other from their dear son and daughter, cold, unfriendly, mis-
trustful, frenchified, and saying plainly, help yourselves. How the
dear Maria Carolina cried for joy at the one, and rage at the other.
But Mack is gone to the army to prepare all to march emediately.
And I fl,atter myself, I did much. For whilst the passions of the
Queen [were] up and agitated, I got up, put out my left arm like you,
spoke the language of truth to her, painted the drooping situation
of this fine country, her friends sacrificed, her husband, children,
and herself led to the Block; and eternal dishonour to her memory,
after for once having been active, doing her duty in fighting
bravely to the last, to save her Country, her Religion, from the
hands of the rapacious murderers of her sister, and the Royal
Family in France, that [sic] she was sure of being lost, if they were
inactive, and their was a chance of being saved if they made use
now of the day, and struck now while all minds are imprest with
the Horrers their neighbours are suffering from these Robbers. In
short, their was a Council, and it was determined to march out and
help themselves ; and, sure, their poor fool of a son will not,
cannot, but come out. He must bring a hundred and fifty thousand
men in the Venetian State. The French cou'd be shut in between
the two armys, italy cleared, and peace restored. I saw a person
from Millan yesterday, who says that a small army wou'd do, for
the Milanese have had enough of Liberty, whilst the nobility are
starving at home, and ladies of the first fashion without a gown to
their backs. Their are 2 hundred French common w — s, the
finest clooths, coaches, sadlc-horses, and attendants dancing and
w — ing every evening, and puting virtue out of countenance by
their infamous publick prostitution and Libertinage. So you see,
a little wou'd do. Now is the moment ; and endeed everything is
going on as we cou'd wish. The King is [to] go in a few days, not to
return.^ The regency is to be in the name of the Prince Royal,
^ Son-in-l2.w of Maria Carolina. - i.e. father-in-law.
^ Count Thugut, who in 1797 had negotiated the treaty of Campoformio
for Austria with France.
* i.e. ' Cialatone,' Prince Belmonfc. He had been minister for Naj^lcs at
^Tadri^^ in 1796. Mad negotiated the Franco-Neapolitan peace at I'aris, after
long delays, in I797- He wa*; always ^ persona grata.
•' Signed in December, and in marked contrast to Lord Grenville's recent
attitude. ** This is a hitherto unknown historical fact.
2 I
498 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
but the Queen will direct all. Her head is worth a thousatid. I
have a pain in my head, and must go take an airing.
3 o'clock. Alleg?-amente, Sir, am tres bien with Acton. The
Emperor [h]as thought better, and will assist them. The war is to
be declared Religious,^ but he will tell you more, for I am to go to
the Palace,- and this must go off to-night. We are tied by the feet
here. The Princess is got well again, after being in pain all one
night ; and we all dressed in Gal[l]a 24 hours. So we must wait
with patience. The King says it will not be these ten days. How
should he know ? Prince Ventimiglia ^ desires his kind compli-
ments. The King and Queen beg'd to be most kindly remembered
to you. And Prince Leopold was yesterday contriving to escape,
to get aboard a ship, to come to you, and cried himself sick because
they wou'd not let him. But how every body loves and esteems
you. 'Tis universal from the high to the low; and, do you know,
I sing now nothing but the Conquering Hero. I send it you
alter'd by myself and sang.'^ It comes very fine and affecting. I
sang it twice to Trowbridge and Waller yesterday. God bless you,
prosper and assist you in all you undertake ; and may you live
Long, Long, Long, for the sake of your country, your King, your
familly, all Europe, Asia, Affrica, and America, and for the scorge
of France, but particularly for the happiness of Sir William and
self, who Love you, admire you, and glory in your friendship.
Complements to Hardy, Tyson, and Mr. Commins.
My dear little fatherless Fady ; tell him to keep his head clean,
and when he comes back I will be his mother as much as I can,
comb, wash, and cut his nails, for with pleasure I lov'd to do it all
for him. In London you are not abus'd. Alltho' 'tis known you
are returned to Syracuse, you are called the Gallant Admiral, but
their is not an idea that you will meet with them.^ What a day
^ This happened next year with Cardinal Ruffo as the General.
" Some of her letters (cf. one in Sotheby's catalogues for May 1905) are headed
' Palazzo,' and were written there.
" One of the King of Sardinia's court.
■* Her version is given in f. 25 of this series : —
' See the conquering Hero comes !
Sound the trumpets, beat the drums.
Spoils prepare, the Laurel bring,
Songs of Triumph to him sing.
See our gallant Nelson comes,
Sound the trumpet, beat the drums,
Sports prepare, the Laurel bring,
Songs of Triumph, Emma, sing !
Myrtle-wreath and roses twine
To deck the Hero's brow divine.'
'Nelson's arrival from Egypt as conqueror.'
^ i.e. the French. The London jiapers received by this time had not yet
got wind of the victory of August i. This portion of the letter is therefore
perhaps put in wrong order in the British Museum. It should follow, I am
inclined to think, on No. (3), though from the allusions to the Queen it seems
of a date subsequent to Nelson's arrival, and just before Lady H.'s letter to
Lady Nelson.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 499
will it be to England when the glorious news arrives ! Glad shou'd
I be to be there for one moment. Your statue ought to be made
of pure gold and placed in the middle of London. Never, never
was there such a battle, and if you are not regarded as you ought,
and I wish, I will renounce my country and become either a
iMameluch or a Turk. The Queen yesterday said to me, the more
I think on it, the greater I find it, and I feil such gratitude to the
warrior, the glorious Nelson, that my respect is such that I cou'd
fall at his honner'd feet and kiss them. You that know us booth,
and how alike we are in many things, that is, I as Emma Hamil-
ton, and she as Queen of Naples — imagine us booth speaking of
you. We touch ourselves into terms of rapture, respect, and ad-
miration, and conclude their is not such another in the world. I
told her Majesty, we onely wanted Lady Nelson to be the female
triajuncta in nno, for we all Love you, and yet all three differently,
and yet all equally — if you can make that out. Sir William laughs
at us, but he owns women have great Souls, at least his has. I
wou'd not be a lukewarm friend for the world.
I am no one's enemy, and unfortunately am difficult, and cannot
make friendships with all. But the few friends I have, I wou'd die
for them. And I assure you now, if things take an unfortunate
turn here, and the Queen dies at her post, I will remain with her.
I feil I owe it to her friendship uncommon for me. Thank God,
the first week in November^ is near.^ I write in such a hurry, I am
affraid you will be out of patience. But take the will for the deed,
if I fail. Love Sir William and myself, for we love you dearly.
He is the best husband, friend, I wish I could say father allso ; but
I shou'd be too happy if I had the blessing of having children, so
must be content. God bless you, prays most sincerely,
Emma Hamilton.
[The whole is difficult to read, being in faint and faded ink.
Addressed to 'Rear Admiral Sir^ Horatio Nelson, K.B., &c.,
Vanguard.']
(9) Lady Hainilton to Lord Nelson.
Caskrta, Friday, November 2, 1798.
God knows whether this will meet you, my dear admiral. How-
ever, I will risk and send you the latest papers. The King marches
the 8th, thank God. I hope you will be here soon, and therefore
will not say more^ only love and compliments to all, and beli[e]ve
me ever, my dear, dear Admiral, your ever oblidged and sincere
E. Hamilton.
The Princess is not brought to bed. Oh dear! what can the
matter be ! God bless you.
' Nelson returned to Naples from Leghorn, November 6, 179S.
- These lines in the text are written within tlic sheet containing the address.
3 His peerage had not yet ijccn gazetted, hut, as mentioned, I take all this latter
part of the letter to he misplaced in order and to follow No. (3),
500 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
(lo) Lady Hamilton to Lord Nelson.
Saturday Evening, November 24, 1798.
My dearest Lord,^ — How unhappy we are at the bad weather.
How are you toss'd about ? Why did yon not come back ? We
have not slept these 2 nights thinking on all your sufferings. God
protect you ! I find some of the ships are this moment come to
anchor, but what are these to us? If you was to come back, we
are affraid you will be sick. Pray keep yourself well for our sakes,
and do not go on shore ^Leghorn. There is no comfort Their for
you. The army is marched. The Queen is in town, praying for
their success. I have not seen her, for I have not been out since
you went, nor can I for 2 or 3 days yet, as I have been ill, but am
now getting better. As Sir William sends you a manifesto of the
King, I will not. Your dear venerable father is to be made a
bishop.- Oh, how happy I am at every mark of honour shewn
you ! AVhy did Trowbridge go out in such weather? He knew it
was not good. How is Tyson ? Compliments to all friends.
May God bless you, my dear Lord. Ever your's sincerely and
affectionately, Emma.
(11) The same to the same.
Sunday Evening."^
I write you 2 lines more to say I am better, but how are you ?
Oh, this weather ! If we cou'd know how you are, and w[h]ere
you are, we shou'd be happy.
The King is to sleep at Frascati to-night, and to-morrow enters
Rome. We have had 2 or 3 skirmishes. Moliterni, the prince
with one eye, [hjas cut to pieces 2 hundred Poles. The clever
Saxe [hjas taken Terrisena. To-day is to be the great battle of
Velletria. God prosper them ! You have shewn them the example.
The[y] perhaps may date their downfall from the glorious first of
August. Everybody here prays for you. Even the Neapolitans
say mass for you, but Sir William and I are so anxious that we
neither eat, drink, nor sleep, and tell [5/V] you are safely landed
and come back, we shall feel much [more mad ?]. We have been
beset to tell the secret, but I wou'd have my flesh torn off by red-
hot pinchers sooner than betray my trust. We send you one of
your midshipmen left here by accident, Mr. Abrams ; pray don't
punish him. Oh, I had forgot I wou'd never ask favours ;
but you are so good, I cannot help it. I write in such a hurry, I
am affraid you will not be able to read. We have got Josiah ; how
glad I was to see him ! Lady K., Miss K.,^ and Carrol, and
Josiah dined to-day with us, but, alas, your place at table was
occupied by Lady K. I cou'd have cried, I felt so low-spirited.
' The first address lo him in this series by his new title of baron.
■^ A canard in the Eptrlish papers.
' i.e. November 25. * Knight.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 501
For God's sake, turn back soon. Pray, do you have no occasion
to go on shore at Leghorn.
God bless, protect and keep you from all danger, and restore
you, my dear Lord, to your ever sincere and affectionate
Emma Hamilton.
Sir William's Love to you.
(12) The same to the same.
\No date. End of November. ]
I congratulate you on the sword. ^ I beli[e]ve Mack is taken for
sure. How are the generals? I have taken a Bath, am a little
better, God protect you, my dear Lord ; ever your's sincerely,
E. Hamilton.
Make haste back. Emma and Sir William esteem you.
B. — Lady Hamilton s Correspondence with Mrs. Williavi
Nelson in February and March iSoi,^ and in the
following November; together with two extracts from
letters addressed to Lady Ha^nilton by Mrs. William
Nelson {afterwards Sarah, Countess Nelson) in 1804
and 1805 respectively.
(i)
PiCCAnil.LY, Febrttary 19, 1801.
Mv DEAR Mrs. Nelson, — I am so ill with a headaich that I
cannot move, and I feil I cou'd not take leive of you and Mr.
Nelson ; it wou'd be too much for my heart. I will send by the
coach all your things and caps. Write to me, and beli[e]ve me,
my dearest, ever dear friend, your's sincerely, Emma.
(2)
Friday, Noon {indorsed February 20, 1801].
I have been ill in bed, my dearest Mrs. Nelson ; I cou'd not
take Leave of you. My soul was torn in pieces. It is such a pain
1 Given by ihe Grand-Duke of Tuscany.
- Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 34-52. Sir William had wished to invite the Prince
of Wales to dinner to hear Emma sing. Nelson and she both resolved not to
allow this, and in the end she prevailed. At Nelson's request she sent for Mrs.
William Nelson, his sister-in-law, to bear her company. She made two visits,
as the correspondence opens when slie returned to Ilillborough for the first time.
Eventually Nelson came up himself, and Emma describes his three days' sojourn
in London before starting for the Baltic. The subsequent letters refer to
Nelson's stay at Morl<m on his return. The whole episode, which had material
bearings on her life-story, is described in my text.
502 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
to part with dear friends, and you and I Liked each other from the
moment we met ; our souls were congenial. Not so with Totn Tit^
for their was an antipathy not to be described. I am laying down,
writing to you, so it is not Legible, but my heart says everything
that 's kind to you and good, honest Mr. Nelson. I received yes-
terday Letters from that great adored being, that we all so Love,
esteem, and admire. The more one knows him, the more one
wonders at his greatness ; his heart, his head, booth so perfect.
He says he is coming to Spithead soon, he hopes. I am sorry you
was in such a hurry to go. Trowbridge comes to town to-day, as
one of the Lords.^ So he is settled for the present. But depend
on it, my dear friend, this poor patched 2ip party^ can never hold
Long. A new coat will bear many a lag-tag, as the vulgar phrase
is, but an old patched mended one must tear. So 'tis a remedy
for the moment. Oh, my dear Mrs. Nelson, I wish their was a
peace, and all Partys settled to their Liking. I know w[h]ere you
and I would be ; torn tit might go to the devil for what I care. I
am so unwell that We cannot have his Royal Highness to dinner on
Sunday, which will not vex me. Addio, mia Cara arnica. You
know, as you are learning Lalian, I must say a word or so. How
dull my hedroom Looks without you. I miss our little friendly
confidential chats, but in this world nothing is compleat. If all
went on smoothly, one shou'd regret quitting it, but 'tis the many
little vexations and crosses, separations from one's dear friends,
that makes one not regret leaving it. Give my Love to Mr.
Nelson, Mrs. Denis,* the Duke and Lord William,^ and believe me
ever, ever your attached Emma Hamilton.
(3) This letter zvas ivritten during the three days' leave of absence
before Nelson left for the battle of Copenhagen.
London, Tziesday ^February 24]."
Mv DEAREST Friend, — Your dear Brother arrived this morning
by seven o'clock. He stays only 3 days ; so by the time you wou'd
be here, he will be gone. How unlucky you went so soon. I am
in health so so, but spirits to-day excellent. Oh, what real pleasure
Sir AVilliam and I have in seeing this our great, good, virtuous
Nelson. His eye is better. Tom tit does not come to town."
1 Lady Nelson, so called at this time by all her husband's family.
- Of the Admiralty.
^ Addington was trying to edge in, but as he was unable to form an admini-
stration, Pitt returned to power.
■' The wife of a French settler at Naples ; an intimate of Emma's. She had
been a Miss Lind, an 1 the Linds were early friends. She sang well. She
afterwards took care of Emma ' Carew. '
^ Duke of Queensberry, and Lord William Douglas, the versifier.
" Indorsed 'Tuesday, February 24, 1 801,' in Lady H.'s hand ; addressed in
Nelson's to ' Mrs. Nelson, Hillborough, Brandon, Norfolk.'
'' From Brighton.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 503
She offered to go down, but was refused. She only wanted to go,
to do mischief to all the great Jove's ^ relations. 'Tis now shewn,
all her ill-treatment and bad heart. Jove has found it out.
Apropo, Lady Nelson is at Brighton yet. The King, God bless
him, is ill, and their are many speculations. Some say it is his old
disorder. I can only say to you, God bless you. I will write
Longer to-morrow. Ever, ever yours, etc.
(4)
[Indorsed 'February 25, iSoi.']
London, Wednesday, Noon.
I have only time to say, how are you ? Your good dear Brother
has just left me to go to pay a visit to Mr. Nepean, but is coming
back to dinner with Morice, his brother,- whom he brings with him,
and Trowbridge allso. We shall be comfortable, but more so if you
had been here. Oh, I wish you was, and how happy would Milord ^
have been to have had that happiness, To have walked out with
Mrs. Nelson. How unfortunate it was ! His Majesty still re-
mains in the same way, constant fever. Our dear Nelson is very
well in health. Poor fellow, he travelled allraost all night, but you
that know his great, good heart will not be surprised at any act of
friendship of his. I shall send for Charlotte"^ to see him before he
goes, and he has given 2 guineas for her. Give my love to Mr.
Nelson, and believe me ever, ever, my dearest, best friend, etc.
To-??iorrow will write more.
(5)
[Indorsed ' February 26, 1801.']
Yesterday I cou'd not, my dearest friend, write much, and
milord was not yet returned from the admiralty time enough to
frank your Letters, and sorry I was you shou'd pay for such trash
that I sent you, but I thought you wou'd be uneasy. We had a
pleasant evening \and night (erased)]. I often thought on you,
but now the subject of the King's illness gives such a gloom to
everything, 'tis terrable — all turned upside down. Mr. Addington
is not minister, for his commission was not signed before the King
was taken ill, so Mr. Pitt is yet first Lord of the T — . What odd
circumstances ! His Majesty is the same as yesterday, in short —
you know what I mean.-' Their are thousands of coaches every
day in the Park to enquire — the Willises are there. Our good
' The name given to Nelson, after the derivation of Bronte (thunder) — the
thunderer.
- Maurice Nelson, for whose 'wife' (Mrs Ford), 'poor blind Mrs. Nelson,'
Nelson and Einma so tenderly cared. Maurice died in the next year.
" Maria Carolina's word.
■* Afterwards Lady Bridport. From 1802 onwards, and after Nelson's death,
she was constantly at Merton with Lady H. She was at present 'finishing'
her education with a Mrs. V^oller in London. Her father always called her his
'jewel' or 'dearie' to Lady IL ^ i.e. madness.
504 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Lord Nelson is lodged at Lothian's. Tom tit at same place,
Brighton. The Cub ^ is to have a frigate, the Thalia ; the Earl 2
gives, 'tis settled so. I suppose he will be up in a day or
so. I onely hope he does not come near me. If he does, not
at home shall be the answer. I am glad he is going, I hope
never To ! Milord has only Allen ^ with him. We supped
and talked politicks till 2. Mr. East [Este], who is a pleasant man,
was with iis. Do you wonder his M — y's head shou'd be turned
with all these things?^ 'Tis enough to turn . Oh, my dearest
friend, our dear Lord is just come i?t. He goes off to-night and sails
immediately. My heart is fit to Burst quite with greef. Oh, what
pain, God only knows ! I can only say, may the AUmighty God
bless, prosper, and protect him. I shall go mad with grief. Oh,
God only knows what it is to part with such a friend, such a one.
We were truly called the ' Tria Juncta in uno,' for Sir William, he,
and I have but one heart in three bodies. My beloved friend, I can
only say, may God bless you ! He, our great Nelson, sends his
love to you. Give mine to Mr. Nelson. My greif will not let me
say more. Heaven bless you. Answer your afflicted
Emma Hamilton.
{Addressed, in Nelson's hand, to 'Mrs. Nelson, Hillborough,
Brandon, Suffolk.' 'London, February 26, 1801.']
(6)
March 2, 1801. {^Indorsed \}cvg same day.]
My dearest Friend, — Anxiety and heart-bleedings for your
dear brother's departure has made me so ill, I have not been able
to write. I cannot eat or sleep. Oh, may God prosper and bless
him ! He has wrote to Lord Eldon for Mr. Nelson.^ You will
have him at Yarmouth in 2 days.^
Oh, how I envy you. Oh God, how happy you are to be with
that great, good, virtuos man ! My spirits and health is bad
endeed. The King is worse to-day, yesterday was better. Tom
tit is at B[righton]. She did not come up, nor did he go. Jove —
for such he is, quite a Jove, — knows better than that. Morrice
means to go to Yarmouth. The cub dined with us, but I never
asked how tom tit was. Love to Mr. Nelson, and believe me ever,
ever yours sincerely, &c.
Oh, how I long to see you ! Do try and come. For God's
sake do !
{Addressed by Lady H., sealed with the Hamilton arms.]
1 Josiah Nisbet. 2 g,. Vincent.
'•'• The servant whom Nelson called 'a great liar' and dismissed, but pitied
and helped. Yet afterwards he fabricated a new story about Horatia's parentage.
•* i.e. the Northern confederation, his son's conduct, etc.
^ Bishopric, as usual.
•^ Mr. and Mrs. W. Nelson came to see him there, and he (Nelson wrote)
' bored ' him. Nelson had hoped that Sir W. and Lady Hamilton would also
have come, but the project failed.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 505
(7)
Wednesday, Noon, March 4, 180 1.
I am sorry, my dearest friend, to make you pay for such a short
letter, but I have been so very Low-spirited and ill ever since the
best and greatest inati alive went away, I have had no spirit to do
anything. Oh, if you cou'd come to town, what happiness for
your poor friend, and beside, Mr. Nelson's affairs require it. Let
me take your old lodgings for you. Pray do, and then we can
2ualk and talk, and be so happy together, and you will hear all the
news of my Hero, great, great, glorious Nelson.
I shall go to Charlotte to-morrow as I have bought something
for [her]. Give my love to Mr. Nelson, and beg him to bring you.
God bless you, my dearest friend ! Your ever affectionate, but
Low-spirited, E. Hamilton.
The King is better ; Tom Tit in the country. The Cub called
yesterday, but I did not see him, thank God. They are a vile set,
Tom Tit and Cub, hated by every body.
[Addressed by Lady H. to Hillborough, and sealed with the
'Nile' seal,
(8)
[Marc/: 20? i8or.]^
My dear Mrs. Nelson, — I have been so ill all night. I cannot
go out this morning, which vexes me much, as I wish'd to have had
the pleasure of your agreable company for a shoping party. Sir
William desires his Compliments to you and Mr. Nelson, and say
[the same from me?] to my charming ^ Mr. Nelson, not forgetting
little Horatio,^ &c.
[Written in a very shaky hand. Addressed, ' Stafford Street,
Dover Street.']
(9)
London, Monday morning, ten o'clock
\_Mid- November, 1 80 1 . ] ^
We are arrived here early, sloped at Whiteland's, and Lord
* There is no date, but the references to this visit in the Morrison MS. show
this to have been aliout the date ; so do those in the Nelson Letters, vol. ii.
- Four years later, the reverse.
■' Their son, who so often made Merton his home.
^ The internal evidence shows that this was written soon after Nelson's return
from his Baltic Channel exploits to Merton in the last week of October.
Charlotte was with them all at Merton both for a space in November and
in December, There is another printed letter of November saying that her
holidays are near. This is her only letter from Merton of the series. They
have all driven in from Merton to London for the day.
5o6 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Nelson, Sir William and self went out with dear Charlotte, and
Milord beg'd a Holoday to-morrow, and Miss Nelson, permited
to give tea. She, Miss V[oller], with a good grace gave permission.
1 saw Miss Fuss, more stupid than ever, I think, but all girls pall
when near Charlotte. She Loses no lessons by coming on Monday
morning, for she is their by a little after nine.
I am sorry to tell you I do not think our Dear Lord well. He
has frequent sickness, and [is] Low, and he throws himself on the
sofa tired a?id says, I am worn out, but yet he is better, and I hope
we shall get him up. He has been very, very happy since he
arrived, and Charlotte has been very attentive to him. Indeed
we all make it our constant business to make him happy. Sir
William is fonder than ever, and we manage very well in regard to
our establishment, pay share and share alike, so it comes easy to
booth partys. When will you come ? Pray do as soon as possible,
for we Long to see you.
We were all at church,^ and Charlotte turned over the prayers
for her uncle. As to Sir William, they are the greatest friends in
the world ; and our next door neighbour, Mr. Halfliide and his
familly, they wou'd give us half of all they have ; very pleasant
people.
And I like Mr. and Mrs. Newton allso, but like Mrs. Halfhide
very much indeed, and she sent Charlotte grapes, &c. &c. We
cou'd have plenty of visiting in the neighbourhood, but we none of
us like it. Sir William and Charlotte caught 3 large pike. She
helps him and milord with their great coats on ; so now I have
nothing to do. Lord Nelson says he never saw such a difference,
such an improvement as in Charlotte. He is quite proud of her,
and as to you, he Loves you better than his own sisters. He has
wrote you a few Lines, but in a day or two he will write his brother
a Long Letter. Dear Horace, he shall soon come. Sir William
and milord are gone into the town to do all their business, and at
2 o'clock we go down to dinner to Merton. All the town of
Merton was illuminated for him.^
(I0)3
[Summary of a letter from ' Sarah, wife of the Reverend William
Nelson,' addressed to ' Lady Hamilton at Viscount Nelson's, Mer-
ton, Surrey,' December 4, 1804 — 'expressing in affectionate terms
regard and esteem for Lady Hamilton,' with whom were her son
and eldest daughter — Horatio and Charlotte. She begr her to
take care of her son, then just over sixteen, and to send him to
' In one of her two last letters from Canterbury to Nelson, preserved in the
Morrison MS., she says, ' I am so fond of the Church service.'
'•^ i.e. on October 22, in honour of Copenhagen.
" This, and the following excerpts from Sotheby's catalogue of letters sold on
May 17, 1905, have been added as showing t.e continued friendship of Mrs.
William Nelson for Lady Hamilton. Long afterwards she and her children
continued their visits and affectionate intimacy.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 507
bed every night at eleven, and naentions his being sent to Cam-
bridge. She hopes that Lord Nelson will be able to pass Christ-
mas 'in old England.' She adds her kind love to Mrs. Cadogan,
' whom I shall once more be glad to see.' She subscribes herself
' my dear friend, your ever affectionate.']
(")
[Sarah Nelson, now Countess Nelson, to Lady Hamilton,
December 5, 1806,^ quoting Dr. Scott's (Nelson's chaplain) denial
of any knowledge whatever of certain anonymous letters in the
papers, and mentioning her late brother-in-law's desire to see her
husband's clerical advancement : — ' From my heart, my dear
Lady Hamilton, I wish you and all of us to live as dear friends,
and to make our short lives as comfortable to each other as we
can, and any little foibles each may have, to overlook them, for
we are none of us perfection. — Your ever affectionate, &c.']
(12)
[Postcript - in Lady Hamilton's hand in a letter of September
20, 1802, from Lord Nelson to A. Davison regarding the journey
to Wales : — ]
Merton, Sep. 20, 1802.
You cannot think, my Dear Sir, how sorry we were on poor
Dod's death, but anything we can do to assist the poor widow we
will. 1 am very sorry you are not near us to keep the Hero of
Heroes birthday, the 29th, but you will drink his health. Sir, he
begs his compliments.
We have had a most charming Tour, which will Burst some of
THEM. So let all the Enimies of the greatest man alive [perish ?]
and bless his friends. God bless you, and believe me ever your
obliged E. Hamilton.
C. — Later mid other new letters from and to
Lady Hamilton.
(i) {a) Extract frojn a letter from Lady Hamilton to f. D. Thomson.,
dated September 14, 1805 (the day after Nelson started on his
last voyage).^
We are all so wretched, our glorious Nelson having left us last
night at ten o'clock ; his sisters, my self beg of you to let us know
by a line when he has hoisted his flag and when he sails ; you may
imagine the feelings of your obliged friend ; my face is an honest
picture of the sufferings of my heart.
^ When Earl Nelson had got the 'last codicil,' and Lady II. was already
suspicious of the use to wliich ho might put it.
^ Eg. MS. 2240, f. 151.
' Sotheby's catalogue, July 8, 1905.
5o8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
(i) (^) From Lady Hamilto7i to Earl Nelson — about the' last codicil.' *
Merton, Novr. 14, 1806.
My Lord, — Having seen with inexpressible pleasure that every
expressed wish of the late Lord Nelson regarding the interests of
his Family, when only communicated to the gracious Sovereign in
whose service he so gloriously fell, has been instantly and Liberally
granted by the generous bounty of our King and Country, I am
naturally induced to consider as equally certain that the same
mode of conveying his last, humble request in favour of the Infant,
Horatia Nelson, his adopted daughter, as well as of myself, will be
observed with a proportionate degree of attention. I have there-
fore to require not only on my own behalf, but as Guardian of the
said Infant, by virtue of his late Lordship's will, and the Codicil
particularly expressive of that request, that you will have the
goodness immediately to assist me in regularly carrying into effect
the evident intention of the Testator whose executor you have the
honour to be. — I am, &c.
(2) Copy in Earl Nelson's hand of his answer to preceding,
dated Canterbury, Nove7?iber 16, 1806.^
Dear Lady Hamilton, — No one is more ready and willing to
comply with every wish of my late Dear and lamented Brother than
myself. With regard to what you allude to in your letter of 14th
instant — if you will point out to me what it is you want me to do,
either for yourself or the child, I shall be glad to give you every
assistance in my power. — We expect to be in town about Xmas,
and shall hope to see you at our house. Lady Nelson has been in
daily expectation of hearing from you. She and Charlotte beg to
join in best regards and good wishes with your faithful humble
servant, Nelson.
(3) {a) From Lady Hamilton to William Hayley,/ime 5, 1806.^
My dear Hayley, — As I am very low-spirited and very far from
well, I have desired Clarke to sit down at my table, and in my
presence, and write to you, for whom I feel everything I ever
did.
1 was very happy at Naples, but all seems gone like a dream.
I am plagued by Lawyers ; ill-used by the Government, and dis-
tracted by that variety and perplexity of subjects which, as you
may suppose, press upon me. — I pass as much of my time at
dear Merton as possible — and I always feel particularly low when I
leave it [in her own writing]. Mr. Clark has read me [ ] well, for
' Add. MS. 34,989, f. 55. This was after his conduct with regard to the
codicil had caused a coolness.
2 Eg. MS. 2240, f. 57.
- Transcribed from the original in Mr. Sabin's possession.
APPENDIX : NEW LETTERS 509
I was leaning my cheek upon my hand, and very unhappy, but I
did try and get a victory over myself and seem to be happy alltho'
miserable. I will write soon and send the list of my pictures, but
at present I can only say that I am your most unhappy, very
gratefuU, Emma Hamilton.
Now, indeed, again must I read your Triumphs of temper.
Addio mio Caro amico il Sigr. Clark mi dice di bisogna de vi
servire in italiano, ma sto molto infelice.
William Hayley, Esqre., Felpham,
Nr. Chichester, Sussex.
(3) {b) From Lady Hamilton to the Rev. A.J, Scott, Chaplain to
Lord Nelson}
Cranwich, 7 September 1806.
My dear Friend,— I did not get your letter till the other day,
for I have been with Mrs. Bolton to visit an old, respectable aunt
of my dear Nelson's. I shall be in town, that is, at Merton, the
end of the week, and I hope you will come there on Saturday and
pass Sunday with me.
I want much to see you, to consult with you about my affairs.
How hard it is, how cruel, their treatment to me and Lord Nelson !
That angel's last wishes all neglected, not to speak of the fraud
that was acted to keep back the codicil. But enough ! when we
meet we will speak about it. God bless you for all your attentions
and love you showed to our virtuous Nelson and his dear remains ;
but it seems those that truly loved him are to be victim^ to hatred,
jealousy, and spite.
However, we have innocence on our side, and we have, and had,
what they that persecute us never had — that was his unbounded
love and esteem, his confidence and affection. I know well how
he valued you and what he would have done for you had he lived.
You know the great and virtuous affection he had for me, the love
he bore my husband, and if I had afiy influence over him / used it
for the good of my country.
Did I ever keep him at home ? Did I not share in his glory ?
Even this last fatal victory, it 7vas J bid him go forth. Did he not
pat me on the back, call me brave Emma, and said, ' If there were
more Emmas there would be more Nelsons ' ? Does he not in his
last moments do me justice, and request at the moment of his
glorious death that the King and the nation will do me justice?
And I have s;ot all his letters and near eight hundred of the Queen
of Naples letters, to show what I did for my King and country, and
prettily I am rewarded !
Psha ! I am above them, I despise them ; for, thank God, I feel
' Kindly and privately coniiminicaled. This letter refers lo the slanders in
the newspapers, and should be read in connection with B. (11).
5IO EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
that, having lived with honour and glory, glory they cannot take
from me. I despise them — my soul is above them, and I can yet
make some of them tremble by showing them how he despised
them, for in his letters to me he thought aloud.
Look at Alexander Davison courting the man he despised,
and neglecting now those whose feet he used to lick. Dirty, vile
groveler ! [sic]. But enough till we meet. Mrs. Bolton and all
the family beg their compliments. Write to me at Merton, and
ever believe me, my dear sir, your affectionate
Emma Hamilton.
(4)
[A letter headed 'Richmond, 1805,' to Sir R. Barclay regarding
the neglect of the Government in granting her any relief, and
requesting her correspondent to be one of a committee for arrang-
ing the sale of the Merton estate.^]
(5) (a) Extract from a letter of June 3, 1808, to/. Heavtside,
Surgeon.
Alltho' that life to myself may no longer be happy, yet my
dear mother and Horatia will bless you ; for if I can make the old
age of my good mother comfortable, and educate Horatia as the
great and glorious Nelson in his own dying moments beg'd me to
do, I shall feel yet proud and delighted that I am doing my duty
and fulfilling the desires and wishes of one I so greatly honoured.'
[This letter begins, ' My dear sir and good friend.' She says
she feels so 'Low' that nothing will do her good. It is her
'heart 'that is 'oprest.' She says to him (much in the language
long before used by her of Romney), 'You are like unto me a
father, a good brother. You have saved my life, for which my
heart is most grateful.' ^J
(5) ip) Extract from a letter of November 1808 to the
Hon. C. F. Greville.^
I was on the point of coming to you when I got your note, but
I feel sorry to say I cannot call on you at your House, for I am to
meet some of my Trustees ana my Solicitor at 2 o'clock on particular
business. As to my dear friend Mrs. Greffer, it was not only favor
she wished for herself, for she would not ask one of the King, and
' Cf. one of Sotheby's catalogues for the summer of 1904. It must there be
misdated ' 1805,' since she was not in any part of that year at Richmond. It
is important as showing that her embarrassments were largely due to the Merton
improvements, and arose much earlier than has been supposed. And cf.
Davison's letter to her of June 1804, Add. MS. 34,989, ff. 53, 54. The catalogue
miscalls Barclay ' Lord.'
- By kind permission of Mr. Sabin, who has the original, and allowed my
transcription.
* Sotheby's catalogue, July 8, 1905.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 511
I have taken care to give her such a letter for the Queen and beg'd
of Her Majesty by the love she bears or once bore to Emma, by all
I have done for her, by the sacred memory of Nelson, by the
Charge she has placed in me, that she will be good to Mrs. Greffer,
whom she always marked with her Royal notice. I have given her
an account of the Cruel neglect of the present possessor of dear
Lord Nelson's honored Titles, Estates and Honours, neglect to me
who was the maker of His family and neglect to Mrs. Greffer. But
vvhyspeak of such people. Let it suffice, she sailsThursdayand I have
done by her as I have done by all that my Glorious Nelson thought 1
would do if He fell, I have fulfilled and am fulfilling my Dutys daily
to His memory. ... I will call soon to sec you and inform you of
my present prospect of Happiness at a moment of Desperation who
I thought neglected me. Goldsmid and my City friends came
forward and they have rescued me from Destruction, Destruction
brought on by Earl Nelson's having thrown on me the Bills for
finishing Merton by his having secreted the Codicil of Dying
Nelson who attested, in his Dying moments, that I had well served
my country. All these things and papers and my services of my ill
treatment, I have laid before my Trustees ; they are paying my
debts. I live in retirement and the City are going to bring forward
my claims, in short I have put myself under their protection and
nothing, fio power on Earth shall m?ikt me deviate from my present
system. . . . You will be pleased to hear my mother is well and
delighted with my House and small establishment, Horatia is well,
and you will I think be pleased with my Education.
(6) {a) Extract fron a letter from Lady Hamilton to Mrs. Girdlestone,
dated ^ Cra?rivich, August 11, 1811,' about the Duke of Sussex
and her mother}
The snuff box which I now send to my dear poor friend was a
present from His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex to my ever
dearly beloved Mother Mrs. Cadogan, for he loved and respected
her, having known her many years in Italy, when she was more
than a mother to H.R.H., and he knew her Worth, Honor and
Trust and even to her death shewed her every attention and kind
hearted aff"ection, for His Royal Highness has the best and kindest
of Hearts. He has been my husband's Sir William Hamilton's
and my Honor'd Friend for more than twenty years. May God give
him Health ; accept then my dear Friend this Box, you that are so
fond and good a mother and have such good children will be
pleased to take it as a token of my regard, for I have lost the best
of Mothers, my wounded heart, my comfort, all buried with Her.
I can not now feel any pleasure but that of thinking and speaking
of her.
' Sotheby's cataliigue, luly S, 1905.
512 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
(6) {b) Extract from a letter from Lady Hamilton <?/ 1807 to Captain
Rose, ' Chatham, Kent,'' in ivhich Horatia ' ivould gjiide my
hand J ^
136 Bond Street.
My dear Sir, — Thank you for your very kind letter which I
have just time to answer and save post. I will send you a small
picture immediately. Horatia begs her love to you and will have
anything with pleasure that comes from you. We wish only for
your friendship and that you will continue to love us, and if you
would make Merton your home whenever you land on shore, you
will make very happy your very affectionate Emma Hamilton and
Horatia Nelson. [Beneath Lady Hamilton adds, ' She would guide
my hand.']
(7) Summary of letter, December 28, \Z\2, from Lady ILamilton
to Mrs. Russell, Woodbine Cottage, Wootton Bridge, Isle of
Wight, while Lady Hamilton was employed on her ' Prince
Regenfs ' Memorial.
She sends her a letter from her 'good, dear husband,' who is
'working' 'to-day' 'like a horse, having received a letter from
Colonel McMahon to send him a coppy of the Memorial for the
Prince.' She has indescribable 'obligations' to his 'exertions.'
She wishes Mrs. Russell could be in town. ' What a consolation
it wou'd be to me.' ' You promised to write to me. From your
love, do ; I beg you will. It must be very dull,' but ' your charm-
ing family must be such a comfort to you.'
(8)
Her pathetic letter to Lord St. Vincent (?) about her memorial,
headed '150 Bond Street, February 7, 1813,' about the Prince of
Wales' memorial, transcribed in Note E. in the first part of this
Appendix, at p. 482.^
(9) Extract from a letter headed ' Friday night, ^ to Mr. and
Mrs. Russell, and, presumably, of iSi$.^
My kind good benevolent Mr. and Mrs. Russell, do send me one
word of comfort for the unfortunate Jematt [Jewitt]. ... I should
be better if I could know that this unfortunate and, I think, not
guilty young man was saved. He has been a dupe in the hands
of villains. ... I have never seen him, for I could not have borne
to have seen him and his amiable wife and children suffer as
they must, &c. &c.
^ By kind permission of Mr. Robson, who has the original.
- Both this and the preceding are in Mr. Sabin's possession.
' Sotheby's catalogue of May 17, 1905.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 513
(10) (a) Extract from a letter^ from Lady Hamilton to Sir William
Scott {afterwards Lord StowelPjfrom '■The comffwn of St. Peter's,'
two miles from Calais, September 12, 18 14. Written about
four jnonths before her death.
Many thanks, my dear Sir William, for your kind letter. If my
dear Horatia was provided for I should dye happy, and if I could
only now be enabled to make her more comfortable and finish her
Education, ah, God, how I would bless them that enabled me to
do it ! She already reads, writes and speaks Italian, French and
English, and I am teaching her German, Spanish ; Music she
knows. . . . But my Broken Heart does not leave me. I have seen
enough of grandeur not to Regret it, but comfort and what would
make Horatia and myself live like gentle women would be all I
wish and to live to see her well settled in the world. But my dear
Sir William, without a pound in my pocket what can I do ? the
2 1 St of Oct. fatal day, I shall have some, I wrote to Davison to ask
the Earl to let me have my Bronte pension quarterly instead of
half yearly and the Earl refused, saying he was too poor, although
I got the good and great Lord Nelson that estate by means of the
Queen [of Naples]. I set out from town ten weeks or more ago
with not quite fifty pounds, paying our passage also out of it ; think
then of the situation of Nelson's Child, and Lady Hamilton who
so much contributed to the Battle of the Nile, paid often and often
out of my own pocket at Naples for to send to Sir John Jervis pro-
visions and also of Palmero for corn to save Malta, indeed I have
been ill used. Lord Sid mouth is a good man and Lord Liverpool
is also an upright Minister, pray and if ever Sir William Hamilton's
and Lord Nelson's services were deserving ask them to aid me.
Think what I must feel who was used to give God only knows, and
now to ask ! Earl and Countess Nelson lived with me seven years, I
educated Lady Charlotte and paid at Eton for Trafalgar. I made
Lord Nelson write the letter to Lord Sidmouth for the Prebendary
of Canterbury, which his Lordship kindly gave him. They have
never given the dear Horatia a frock or a sixpence.
(10) {b) An autograph copy, much soiled, in Lady Hamilton's hand-
writing, of her letter to the newspapers about the rumours
which had been published, dated September 14, 1814.-
Village of St. Pierre, near Calais.
Mr. Editor, I was surprised to observe that the Morning Herald,
with other newspapers, had published that I fled from my bail.
This is false ; and I had had Ellenborough's discharge. Mr.
Alderman Smith, who became my bail, never lost a shilling by me.
I have left in England [all] which I possessed to pay my creditors,
retaining only that sufficient for Horatia and myself to subsist
' Sotheby's catalogue, July S, 1905. - Add. MS. 34,992, f. 199.
2 K
514 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
upon at a farm-house. My innocence, I trust, will support me
against all the calumnies that have been raised against me. I have
taken an oath and confirmed it at the altar that I know nothing
of those infamous publications that are imputed to me. Many
letters were stolen from me by that scoundrel, whose family I
had in charity so long supported. I never once saw or knew of
them. That base man is capable of forging any handwriting ; and
I am told that he has obtained money from the [Prince of Wales]
by his impositions. Sir W. Hamilton, Lord N., and myself were
too much attached to his [Royal Highness] ever to speak or think
ill of him. If I had the means I wou'd prosecute the wretches
who have thus traduced me. I entreat you to contradict the
falsehood concerning my bail, and also the other malicious reports
I have alluded to in this letter, which will much oblige the much
injured Emma Hamilton.
ADDENDA
(ii) Extract from a letter from Lady Hamilton to Flaxman,
the Sculptor, early in i8oi.^
Will you tell our dear Mr. Hayley we shall be most happy to
see him this morning. Sir Wm. is impatient ; and do you come
with him. Give my love to Mrs. Flaxman ; I shall call upon her
soon, &c.
(12) Extract from a letter of William Hayley to Flaxman, of
November 17, 1805, recalling the circumstances of their visit
about January 1801 at the Hamiltons\ and their encounter
zvith Nelson, to his mind.-
That very interesting scene when we visited Sir William Hamilton
together, at his request, on his return from Naples. As we entered
the apartment Lord Nelson was preparing to leave it. ' Pray, stop
a little, my lord,' exclaimed Sir William, ' I desire you to shake
hands with Mr. Flaxman, for he is a man as extraordinary in his
way as you are in yours. Believe me, he is the sculptor who
ought to make your monument.' 'Is he?' replied Nelson, seizing
your hand with great alacrity and spirit, 'then I heartily wish
he may.'
(13) Extract from a letter of about November 1800 from Lady
Hamilton to Lady Nelson?
I would have done myself the honour of calling on you and
Lord Nelson this day, but I am not well nor in spirits. Sir William
and self feel the loss of our good friend, the good Lord Nelson.
1 From Sotheby's catalogue of May 17, 1905. - Ibid.
2 Ibid. May II, 1 905.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 515
Permit me in the morning to have the pleasure of seeing you and
hoping, my dear Lady Nelson, the continuance of your friendship,
which will be in Sir William and myself for ever lasting to you and
your family. Sir William begs to say, as an old and true friend
to Lord Nelson, if he can be of any use to you in his Lordship's
absence, he shall be very happy and will call to pay his respects
to you and Mr. Nelson, to whom I beg my compliments and to Cap.
Nesbit.
(14)
1. An account of Haberdashery, etc., supplied to her Ladyship
on the death of Sir William Hamilton, dated ^th April, two days
after his decease, consisting of 47 items amounting to ;^i85, paid
by Exors., 17 Novr. 1803. (This was for the whole household.)
2. John Salter's bill for Jewellery supplied to her Ladyship
between January 1802 to March 1803, 91 items amounting tO;^i6g,
IIS. 7d., paid by Exors.
(15) Extract from a letter of Lady Hamiltofi to Tyson of May 8,
1805, asking for a loan of jQi^o on Nelson^ s account, to re-
pay herself for advances by her towards the Aferton improve-
ments.^
Clakges St., May 8, 1805.
Mv DEAREST TvsoN, — The long absence of our dearest Nelson
makes me apply to you. First I must tell you that what money I
had in my banker's hands, I have laid out at Merton, and Lord
Nelson thanked me in his last letter and said he would settle with
me with thanks when he came home. Could you then, my dearest
Tyson, either on my account or Lord Nelson's lend me a hundred
and fifty pounds ?
D. — New Letters from Lord Nelson to Lady Hamilton.
(i) {a) Extract from a letter'^ from Lord Nelson to Lady Hamilton,
'St. George, March 7' [1801].
'. . . Never, my dearest friend, say "Do my letters bore me." No,
they are the comfort of my life, the only real comfort I feel, sepa-
rated as I am from all I hold dear. I received your affectionate
letter by Davison, and the profile — he said you would give him
another; do, if you please, for he knows well our attachment . . .'
[Speaks of a lady visitor to his ship, and says that he would not
dine with her because] ' of his determination about women,' [but he
adds :] ' I saw her for a moment. She is skinny and may be called
' From Sotheby's catalogue of August 1904.
2 Sotheby's cutaloyue, July S, 1905. This letter was long in the ownership
of Mr. Abiahani Hayward, the critic and essayist.
5i6 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
ugly. Certainly very plain, but all womenkind are so to me, but
one only do I know that is all my fond heart can wish, and when
in any way 1 prove false to Her, may God's vengeance light upon
me. We want neither Kings nor Regents to make us happy ; we
have it, thank God, in ourselves ' . . . [Speaks of Parker, and says:]
' He knows my love for you, for who does not ? and to serve you I
am sure he would run bare-footed to London . . . My dear, dear
friend, you are present wherever I go, all my prayers and vows are
for our happy meeting and when we are to part no more. Remember
me most affectionately to dear Mrs. Thomson. Tell her, her dear
friend is as well as can be expected, and has a comfort in firmly
believing her constant, although it goes to his heart he is all
astonishment at the conduct of her Uncle; as to his Aunt, he don't
care a fig for her. Kiss my god child for me. . . . Shall I offer Sir
William a sum of money for Madame Le Brun's picture of you ?
etc. etc.
'St. George' off Rostock, May 20,, 1801.
My dearest beloved Friend, — Yesterday I joined Adml.
Totty, when I found little Parker with all my treasures, your dear
kind friendly letters, your picture as Santa Emma, for a Santa
you are if ever there was one in this world ; for what makes a saint,
the being so much better than the rest of the human race ; therefore
as truly as I believe in God do I believe you are a Saint, and in
this age of wickedness you sett an example of real Virtue and
goodness which, if we are not too far sunk in Luxury and Infamy,
ought to rouse up almost forgot Virtue, and may God's curse
alight upon those who want to draw you, my dearest friend, from
a quiet home into the company of men and women of bad
character, and I am one of those who believe that in England the
higher the class the worse the company. I speak generally. I will
not think so bad of any class but that there may be some good
individuals in it. How can I sufficiently thank you for all your
goodness and kindness to me, a forlorn outcast except in your
generous soul ? My health I have represented to the admiralty in
such terms that I have no doubt but an Admiral has sailed to take
my place. The Harpy has carried a stronger letter than any of the
former. This vessel states that I do not know that I shall go to
sea again, as my health requires the shore and gentle exercise, and
so it does \ and really, if the Admiralty had allowed me to go home,
and in the event of hostilities being renewed in the Baltic, I might
j)erhaps in that case care to command the fleet, but the Baltic folks
will never fight me if it is to be avoided. In my humble opinion
* Add. r>IS. 34,2740. This IcUer bears the marks of having been lingered
perpetually. The circumstances which called it forth, of the Prince of Wales
episode and the purchase by Nelson at Christie's of Romney's 'St. Cecilia,'
have been fully detailed in my text. It was presented to the British Museum
in 1892.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 517
we shall have peace with the northern powers if we dixe Just in our
desires. Will you have the goodness to carry the enclosed after
you have sealed it to Mrs. Maurice Nelson, and your own dear
generous [heart] will say every kind thing for me. She shall be
fixed where she pleases, and with every comfort in this world, and
ever be considered as my honoured sister-in-law. I feel my dear
Brother's confidence, and she shall feel he has not mistaken me.
Tell Mrs. William Nelson how much I esteem her for all her kind-
ness, and that I shall never forget her complying with my request in
staying with you, although 1 hope it has been truly pleasant to
herself; to Mrs. Denis say every kind thing you please for her
letter. Tell her I want not to conquer any heart if that which I have
conquered is happy in its lot. I am confident, for the conqueror
is become the Co?iqt(ered. I want but one true heart. There can be
but one love, although many real well-wishers. Ever and Ever your
dear and truly affectionate Friend, Nelson and Bronte.
Best regards to Dr. and Mrs. William.
[Sealed with a classical intaglio of Lady H.'s head in black.]
(2) {a) Extract from a letter from Lord Nelson to Lady Hamilfo7(^
''Medusa at Sea,' August 24, 1801, sealed with lur luad. A
portion of the last sheet has beeti torn away}
So little is newspaper information to be depended upon, that on
Thursday although with a -f , I was not a quarter of an hour on shore.
I went to Parker, from him to the Admiral, from the Admiral to
Parker, did not stay five minutes, was very low, did not call upon
any of the wounded, nor at the Three Kings, got into the boat,
and have not since been out of the Medusa. If I had staid ashore,
I should not have had Trevor on board. The information 1 have
received about Flushing is not correct, and I cannot get at the
Dutch, therefore I shall be in the Downs I trust on Wednesday
evening, ready and happy to receive you. Whatever Sir Thomas
Troubridge may say, I feel L have no real friends out of your house.
How I am praying for the wind to carry me and to bring me to
your sight. I am tired at not being able to get at the damned
rascals ; but they are preparing against me in every quarter, there-
fore they cannot be preparing for an invasion. I agree with you ;
fight them if they come out, so I will; anfl reserve myself for it. I
believe the enemy attaches much more importance to my life than
our folks ; the former look up to me with awe and dread, the latter
fix not such real importance to my existence. I send this under
cover to Parker in case you are not come, that he may send it to
London. I am making some arrangements and shall be across
directly. With my kindest regards to Sir William, believe me, . . .
' Sotheby's catalogue for the summer of 1904.
5i8 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
(2) {b) Extract from a letter ' from Lord Nelson to Lady LLamilton,
^Amazon, September 23, 1801/ regarding Merton.
My dear Emma, I received your kind letters last evening, and in
many parts they pleased and made me sad, so life is chequered,
and if the good predominates then we are called happy. I trust
the farm will make you more so than a dull London life, make
what use you please of it, it is as much yours as if you bought it,
therefore if your relative cannot stay in your house in town surely
Sir William can have no objection to your taking [your relation] to
the farm ; the pride of the Hamiltons surely cannot be hurt by
settling down with any of your relations. You have surely as much
a right for your relations to come into the house as his could have,
&c. The vagabond that stole your medal will probably be hanged,
unless Mr. Varden will swear it is not worth 40 shillings, which /
dare say he may do with a safe consciefice. I should not wish it to
be brought into a Court of Law, as the extraordinary nature of the
medallion will be noticed. I am sure you will not let any of the
Royal blood into your house. They have the Impudence of the
devil, etc. — Ever yours faithfully.
(3)- Lord Nelsofi to A. Davison, relating to Sir William
LLamiltons death.
[Piccadilly], Wednesday, w o'clock {April 6, 1803].
My dear Davison, — Our dear Sir William died at 10 minutes
past Ten this morning in Lady Hamilton's arms without a sigh or
a struggle. Poor Lady H. is, as you may expect, desolate. I hope
she will be left properly, but I doubt. — Every yours most affection-
ately.
(4) Extract from a letter frofu the same to the safne, indorsed
May [4?], 1803, which after saying that the will is to be read
at 11 d clock this jnornitig, continues : —
... I think it will be proper to read the deed of gift,^ especi-
ally as the family will be present, or it may be supposed that Mr.
C. Greville gives Lady Hamilton the furniture.
(5) Extract from a letter from Lord Nelson to Lady Hamilio7i
headed ' Victory, August 24, 1803 '■*
Do you know the King never knew of my wish to resign
Bronte; it is said, Acton dare not tell him, and now, I fear, the
* Sotheby's catalogue, July 8, 1905.
- Eg. MS. 2240, ft. 157, 164.
^ Lady Hamilton in 1801 had sold jewels to buy the furniture, which was
therefore assigned to her by her husband.
* Sotheby's catalogue of May 17, 2905.
]
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 519
French will have Sicily, so that I shall be well off. If that does
not happen^ I shall hope to get regularly ;^2ooo a year — that will
be a pretty addition to our housekeeping. Mr. A'Court told me
that Castelcicala is as great a favorite as ever with the Queen, and
that if Acton went away she would try and have him Prime Minister
— then I believe the kingdom would be well governed. . . .
Admiral Campbell is on board ... he has made a large fortune
in the Channel Fleet — so much the better; the more we take from
the French, the less they have, and the sooner, I hope, we shall
have peace . . . whenever young Paddy [Fady, of the 1798
correspondence?] comes, he shall be promoted, &c.
(6) Copy of a letter from Lord Nehfl?i to Lady Hamilton}
'Amazon,' October 14, 1801.
My dearest Friend, — To-morrow week all is over — no thanks
to Sir Thomas. I believe the fault is all his, and he ought to have
recollected that I got him the Medal of the Nile. Who upheld
him when he would have sunk under grief and mortification ?
Who placed him in such a situation in the Kingdom of Naples
that he got by my public Letters, Titles, the Colonelcy of Marines,
Diamo7id Boxes, from the King of Naples, 1000 ounces in money,
for no expenses that I know of? Who got him ^^500 a year from
the King of Naples? and however much he may abuse him, his
pension will be regularly paid. Who brought his character into
notice? Look at my public Letters. Nelson, that Nelson that he
now Lords it over. So much for gratitude. I forgive him, but, by
God, I shall not forget it. He enjoys shewing his power over me.
Never mind ; altogether it will shorten my days. The day is very
bad — blows, rains, and great sea. My complaint has returned
from absolutely fretting; and was it not for the kindness of all
about me, they, damn them, would have done me up long ago. I
am anxiously waiting for your letters ; they are my only comfort,
for they are the only friendly ones I receive. Poor Captn. Somer-
ville is on board ; himself, wife, and family, makes 20, without a
.servant, and has only ;i{!^ioo a year to maintain them. He has
been begging me to intercede with the Admiralty again ; but I h.ave
been so rebuffed, that my spirits are gone, and the ^'■r^rt/'Troubridge
has what we call cowed the spirits of Nelson ; but I shall never
forget it. He told me if I asked anything more that I should get
nothing, I suppose alluding to poor Langford. No wonder I am
not well.
Noon. Your kind letters are just come, and have given me
great comfort, Pray tell Sir William that I will write to him this
day, but certainly to-morrow. I have much to do from Admiralty
orders, letters, etc. I rejoice at your occupation. Live pretty,
' 'Phis letter has been printed by Pcttigrew, vol. ii. p, 218. But in this
original there are a few variations, and as ii is of interest, I reprint it by kind
permission of my friend Mrs. Hampden of Ewelme.
520 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
and keep a pig. Have you done anything about the Turnip field ?
Say every thing that is kind for me to Sir William, Mrs. Cadogan,
etc. I have delivered your message to Sutton and Bedford. You
may rely on a visit. — Ever, my dear friend, your affectionate
Nelson & Bronte.
Half sea-sick. I thank you for the Rev. Dr.'s letter to Mrs. N.,
but going to Swaffham is mentioned 7 times & in the Postscript.
It put me in mind of the directions for the Cardinal.^ I have
laughed, but she is a good wife for him, or he would have been
ruined long ago. His being a Doctor is nonsense. But I must
write to-morrow, and congratulate him, or else the fat will be in
the fire. — For ever yours, N. & B.
(7) Extracts from fivo letters frofn the sa?ne to the same of May 4,
1805, * Victory ^^ and August r8, 1805, ' Victory^ off Spithead!^
{a)
Your poor dear Nelson is, my dearest beloved Emma, very very
unwell, after a two years hard fag it has been mortifying the not
being able to get at the Enemy, as yet I can get no confirmation
about them, at Lisbon this day week they knew nothing about
them, but it is now generally believed that they are gone to the
West Indies. My movements must be guided by the best Judg-
ment I am able to form. John Bull may be angry, but he never
had any ofificerwho has served him more faithfully, but Providence,
I rely, will yet crown my never failing exertions with success, and
that it has only been a hard trial of my fortitude in bearing up
against untoward events. You, my own Emma, are my first and
last thoughts, and to the last moment of my breath they will be
occupied in leaving you independent of the world, and all I long in
the world that you will be a kind and affectionate Father to my dear
[a word obliterated — 'own'?] daughter Horatia, but my Emma
your Nelson is not the nearer being lost to you for taking care of you
in case of events which are only known when they are to happen and
[to] an all wise Providence, and I hope for many years of comfort
with you, only think of all you wish me to say and you may be
assured it exceeds if possible your wishes. May God protect you
and MY DEAR Horatia, prays ever your most faithful and affec-
tionate, etc. etc.
I have not heard from my own Emma since last April by Abbe
Campbell, but I trust my Emma is all what her Nelson wishes her
to be. I have brought home no honors for my Country, only a
most faithful servant, nor any Riches, that the Administration care
1 i.e. Ruffo.
^ Sotheby's catalogues : (i) May 11, 1905 ; (2) summer 1904.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 521
to give to others, but I have brought home a most faithful &
honourable & beloving heart to my Emma & my dear Horatia. —
May Heaven bless you, etc. etc.
(8) From the same to the sa?ne.
' Victory ' okk Carlisle Bay,^ Barbadoks,
Jwte 4, 1805.
My own dearest beloved Emma, — Your own Nelson's pride
and delight. I find myself within six days of the Enemy, and I
have every reason to hope that the 6th of June will immortalize
your own Nelson, your fond Nelson. May God send me Victory,
and us a happy and speedy meeting. Adl. Cochrane is sending
home a Vessel this day, therefore only pray for my success, and
my Laurels I shall with pleasure lay at your feet, and a Sweet Kiss
will be an ample reward for all your faithful Nelson's hard fag, for
Ever and Ever I am your faithful, ever faithful and affectionate
Nelson & Bronte.
The Enemy's fleet and army are supposed to have attacked
Tobago and Trinidada, and are now about landing.
[Addressed ' Lady Hamilton, Merton, Surrey.
Nelson & Bronte.']
(9) Omissions - made by Fettii^re'cV ifi his iranscriptioji of Lerd
Nelsofi's letter to Lady Uatni/tofi, ' Victory,' Au^^ust 27, 1804,
cf. voL it. pp. 420 et seq.
(No. i)
. . . ' May 19th. I do not' . . .
here insert — ' My dear Emma.'
(No. 2)
'I hope we shall live many years.' . . .
here insert — ' And spend it together ; the very thought of such
bliss delights me.'
(No. 3)
' / do not expect much from it, never mind ' . . .
here insert — 'We shall never want with prudence.'
(No. 4)
' This goes by Triumph.' . . .
here insert —
' Gibbs sends you a piece of Palermo silk, which I have requested
Sir Robt. Barlow to send up from Portsmouth. He says there is
' From the original, kindly lent by Mrs. Hampden. It is uncited by Pettigrew
or elsewhere.
' Kindly communicated by Mrs. Hampden.
522 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
nothing else worth your acceptance ; he appears full of gratitude
for your unremitted goodness to his daughter.'
(No. 5)
' I will do it when I come home ' . . .
here insert —
' Mrs. Cadogan's account of your dress made me laugh. God
in heaven bless you, my own dear Emma, and be assured that my
only attachment is to you and at present my dear Horatia.'
(No. 6)
' You will see ' . . .
here insert —
' Your own dear Nelson and Bronte.'
E. — Other New Letters from Lord Nelson.
( I ) Extract from a letter ^ from Lord Nelson to the French
Commander at Malta, October 1798.
In addressing to you this letter, containing my determination
respecting the French now in Malta, I feel confident that you will
not attribute it either to insolence or impertinent curiosity, but to
a wish of having my sentiments clearly understood. The present
situation of Malta, I am told, is this, the inhabitants are in posses-
sion of all the Islands except the town which is in your hands, and
that the port is blocked by a Squadron belonging to his Britannick
Majesty. My objects are to assist the people of Malta in forcing
you to abandon the Island, that it may be delivered into the hands
of its lawful Sovereign, and to get possession of the Gme. Tell,
Diana, and Justice. To accomplish these objects as speedily as
possible I offer that, on the delivery of the French ships to me,
that all the Troops and Seamen now in Malta shall be landed in
France without the condition of their being prisoners of war. . . .
If my offers are rejected, or the French ships make their escape,
notwithstanding my vigilance, I declare I will not enter or join in
any capitulation which the General may, hereafter, be forced to
enter into with the inhabitants of Malta, nor will I ever permit any
which may be like the present, much less will I intercede for the
lives or forgiveness of those who have betrayed their country. I
beg leave to assure you that this is the determination of a British
Admiral, etc.
(2) Extract from a letter'^ regarding Malta from Lord Nelson to
Sir James St. Clair Erskine, Naples, 2yd July 1799.
As Admiral Duckworth sails this day for Minorca, he will inform
you of all which is passing in this country, respecting the removal
* Sotheby's catalogue, July 8, 1905. - Ibid.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 523
of Colonel Graham and the garrison at Messina. It may be
attended with the most fatal effect. . . . Malta and the Northern
coasts must have some attention paid to them, and I know it is His
Majesty's pleasure that I should pay such attention to the safety
of H.S. My. and his Kingdom that nothing shall induce me to
risk those objects of my special care.
(3) Extract from a letter'^ regarding Minorca and his policy from
the same to the same, Naples, August 2, 1799.
I have just received your letter by the Brig. It is very natural
you should look to the Island of Minorca, so do I, and will take
care that no superior fleet shall annoy it, but many other countrys
are also entrusted to my care, and I am endeavouring so to
divide my force that all may have security.
(4) (a) Extract from a letter^ from Lord Nelson to Lady Llamiltoji
^San Josef \Brixham\ February 11, 1 80 1 . '
Mv DEAR Lady, — I was prepared on reading your first letter to
have wrote a most affectionate letter, but your last has been so
truly unkind that I can only recal to mind it is very easy to find
a stick if you are inclined to beat your dog, therefore it is no wonder
you should endeavour from every word of mine to find cause
for an excuse [cut away here] him who will never forget you, but
to the last moment of his existence pray to God to give you
happiness, and to remove from this ungrateful world, your old
friend. Nelson & Bronte.
{b) Extract from a letter^ from the same to the same,
February 14, i8oi.
I doubt whether a boat can get on shore. But we are going
to try. Trowbridge is just come to say it is impossible, there-
fore you must be content with my assurance that I write every
day. Pray send the enclosed to Mrs. Thompson and assure her
of my unalterable attachment to her and her friend. I trust
my dear Lady to your doing me full justice and to make her
dear mind at ease for ever, for ever and ever. Yours faithful . . .
Sunday noon. It continues to blow so hard, and the sea is so very
high, that I scarcely expect the possibility of getting a boat with
this weather; she would be lost in an instant, but in fair or foul
weather, at sea or on shore, I am ever for ever yours, etc.
^ Sotheby's catalogue, July 8, 1905. Both these relate to the Prince of W.iles
episode.
- Ibid. s Ibid.
524 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
F. — Supplementary Letters.
( I ) From the Hon. C. F. Greville to Lord Hobart or Lord Pet ham
{Foreign Secretaries), April 12, 1803.^
My Lord, — I believe it to be consistent with propriety to take
the earliest opportunity of returning to His Majesty the Red
Ribbon which Sir Wm. Hamilton wore, and I propose to do so
to-morrow.
I hope your Lordship will not consider it otherwise than respect-
ful in me on this occasion to refer you to my communication of
Sir Wm. Hamilton's feeling to Lord Grenville at the period Mr.
Paget was appointed to supersede him without previous notice. A
few days before his death, he said to me that the King's regard for
him, and his attachment to his Sovereign, had been founded on
the solid ground of unvaried affection, respect, and Truth, and he
had never connected the slights of ministers with the direction of
his Sovereign. He added that in a few days his death would bring
to the consideration of ministers whether the payment of one-half
of the debt incurred by Public Convulsions, and the usual pension
for the short period he could be expected to enjoy it, from the
time it was granted, would be considered as a close of reward for
36 years' foreign Service, and the deterioration of his private fortune;
that he had not reserved, but left to the feehngs of ministers the
suggestion I had made to Lord Grenville of his wishes, on the pre-
cedents which then occurred, that a token of respect to Lady
Hamilton might be given by a reversion of a small part of the
pension. It does not become me to withold [sic] his dying conversa-
tion, and it cannot be for me to urge the propriety of your Lord-
ship recommending such mark of his Majesty's kindness to the
memory of my dear departed Friend, when I know that the
records of your office confirm the Testimony of their Sicilian
Majesties, by letter as well as by their ministers, of circumstances
peculiarly distinguished and honourable to her, and at the same
time of high importance to the public Service. — I am, etc.
(2) The Rev. A. J. Scotfs Account of the Battle of Trafalgar
in a letter^ to his uncle.
October 27, 1 805. VICTORY.
Mv DEAR Uncle, — On the 21st instant the combined fleet of
thirty-three sail of the line were completely defeated by our twenty-
seven sail of the line. The enemy were extended to lee-ward, and
in as good a line as they could well form with so little wind as
there was. Our fleet in two divisions went down all sail set,
steering-sails,^ &c.; the wind right aft and the swell forcing the ships
^ From the original in the writer's possession.
2 Privately and kindly communicated.
' ? 'studding-sails,' or stunsails.
APPENDIX: NEW LETTERS 525
down. Lord Nelson in the Victory led one division, Admiral
Collingwood the other. The first cut through between the enemy's
ninth and tenth ships, the latter between the nineteenth and
twentieth. Never was so complete a defeat. There has been a
heavy gale of wind ever since the night of the action, the wind dead
on a lee-shore, and we have been lying a wreck part of the time ;
consequently we know nothing of particular liamages, or all the
enemy's ships might have been taken. I believe there were at
least nineteen taken — two three deckers, one called a four-decker
(the largest ship ever built), the Spanish Admiral Gravina, the
French Admiral Villeneuve, etc. Having told you the news, which
will make you rejoice for your country, what will you think of me
who detest this victory? It has deprived me of my beloved and
adored friend. I knew not until his loss how much I loved him.
He died as the battle finished, and his last effort to speak was 7nade
at the ?noment of joy for victory. I cannot talk more to you about
it. I hope soon to see you. I shall attend my dear Lord's remains,
and act when I reach England as his executors may direct. Let
me find a letter from you at Portsmouth. This ship must go home
— the mizenmast gone, the main and foremast cut to pieces, and
only standing by miracle, &c. It still blows hard, but we are in
tow by the Neptune, and hope to get the Gut of Gibraltar open
to-morrow morning. Possibly we shall rig a good jurymast at
Gibraltar, and then go home. I do not say much of my loss ; // is
beyond all utterance. I, of course, now retire.
(3) Account by the same of Lord Nelson's death ifi a letter'^ to
George Rose.
H.M.S. 'Victory,' December 22, 1805.
Mv DEAR Sir, — In answer to your note of the loth inst.,
which, forwarded by way of Chatham, I received this morning, it
is my intention to relate everything Lord Nelson said in which
your name was in any way connected. He lived about three
hours after receiving his wound, was perfectly sensible the whole
time, but compelled to speak in broken sentences, which pain and
suffering prevented him always from connecting. When I first
saw him he was apprehensive he should not live many minutes,
and told me so ; adding in a hurried, agitated manner, though
with pauses, ' Remember me to Lady Hamilton — remember me
to Horatia — remember me to all my friends — Doctor, remember
me to Mr. Rose ; tell him I have made a will, and left Lady
Hamilton and Horatia to my country.' He repeated his remem-
brance to Lady Hamilton and Horatia, and told me to mind what
he said several times. Gradually he became less agitated, and at
last calm enough to ask (uicstions about what was going on.
' Privately and kindly communicated.
526 EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
This led his mind to Captain Hardy, for whom he sent and
inquired with great anxiety, exclaiming aloud he would not believe
the captain was alive unless he saw him. He grew agitated at
the captain's not coming, lamented his being unable to go on deck
and do what was to be done, and doubted every assurance given
him of the captain being safe on the quarter-deck. At last the
captain came, and he instantly grew more composed, listened to
his report about the state of the fleet, directed hmi to anchor, and
told him he should die, but observed he should live half-an-hour
longer. ' I shall die, Hardy,' said the Admiral. ' Is your pain great,
sir ? ' ' Yes, but I shall live half-an-hour yet. Kiss me. Hardy.' The
captain knelt down by his side and kissed him. Upon the captain
leaving him to return to the deck, Lord Nelson exclaimed very
earnestly more than once, ' Hardy, if I live I'll bring the fleet to an
anchor— if I live I'll anchor, if I live I'll anchor' — and this was
earnestly repeated even when the captain was out of hearing. I do
not mean to tell you everything he said. After this interview the
Admiral was perfectly tranquil, looking at me in his accustomed
manner when alluding to any prior discourse : ' I have not been a
great sinner, Doctor,' said he. ' Doctor, I was right. I told you
so. George Rose has not yet got my letter — tell him ' He was
interrupted here by pain. After an interval he said, 'Mr. Rose
will remember — don't forget, Doctor— mind what I say.' There
were frequent pauses in his conversation. Our dearly beloved
Admiral otherwise mentioned your name indeed very kindly, and I
will tell you his words when I see you ; but it was only in the two
above instances he desired you should be told.— I have the honour
to be, etc. A. J. Scott.
(4) Extract from Lady Hamilton s letter to Sir William Scott, of
March 22, [1809], when she is at ' 1^6 Bond Street.'
After mentioning that a friend wishes to consult Sir William, that
she is only in town till Saturday, and dines with her ' dear, good
Goldsmids on Friday,' she thus concludes : —
I have suffered much, but I hope yet all will be right. I feel it
a comfort that in my splendor I did good. I served my country,
and many basqued [sic] in my sunshine. But my only ambition
now is that I shall fulfill Nelson's last request, take care of his
Horatia, make my mother comfortable, pay everyone what is their
due, act honourably and right, and be esteemed by good and
sensible men. Do you, my dear sir, think well of and love your
ever grateful and aff"ectionate Emma Hamilton.
I N DEX
Battles and Treaties will hi found ztndir these separate headings.
Abercorn, Marquis of, 70; (1791). 133"
135; one of the witnesses at Lady Ham- ,
ikon's wedding, 136; (1803), Sir Wil-
liam's will, 399; (1808), Emma's claims,
445 ; parties at, 450.
Marchioness of (1801), 357; (1807),
invites Emma, 439.
Abrams, Lieutenant, App. 500.
Abrial, Commissary (1799, Jan. 22),
his part .in the Januarius procession,
267.
A'court, Mr., App. 519.
Acquaviva, Beatrice [Neapolitan nun]
(1787), and Lady Hamilton, 15 n. 6,
IIO-II.
Acton, Sir John Francis Edward (i737-
1811), antecedents and character of,
123-125; his early links with Hamilton,
124-127; his English, 198 w. 2; [Premier
at the Neapolitan Court] (1736-1811), 8 ;
(1772), 65 «. 2 ; (1779). 65 ; (1786), and
Lady H., 90, 103; (1788), 120 n. 3;
(1789), 127; pro-Spanish, 140; (1791),
his change of tack and association with
Hamiltons : his desire for an Anglo-
Sicilian rapprochement, 140-143 ; his
appeal to Great Britain v. France, 142 ;
his fury at Jacobinism which threatens
establishments : a born bureaucrat,
143, 265 ; (1793), on critical peace junc-
tures, 144 n. 2 ; (1792), Star Chamber,
145; (1793), 'Junta,' 153; Nelson's
first arrival, its effects on, 163, 171 ;
(1794), 173 n. 2 ; on the French designs,
ib. n. 6;" his novelties in inquisition,
174 ; h's wish to engross business, 188 ;
(1795-6), complains of lukewarmness of
Austria, Tuscany, and England, 182
and seq. ; on Franco-Hispanian con-
spiracy, 185 ; in close correspondence
with Hamilton about, 186 ; competes
with Hamilton in transmitting secret
despatches to England, 188 complains
of Grenville's faintlieartedness, 189 ti.2,
198 ; on the Queen's resentment v.
Spain, 189 n. i ; for a brief space
veers towards King's pro-Spanish atti-
tude, 189, 191 ; fears Naples' isolation,
and returns with zest to the Queen's
pro-English attitude, ib. ; joins with
Hamilton in urging Britain's co-opera-
tion, ih. ; (1797), presses England for
Mediterranean squadron, 197 ; confers
with Hamiltons and Klliot, 197; his
bureaucratic bent is relieved by Queen's
changed policy, zT-. ; his representation,
198 ; (1798), correspondence with Ham-
ilton, 198; begs Hamilton to procure
aid, 198 ; and Queen, 199; his action
in the critical council of June 17, 206
and seq. ; and Malta, n. i ib. ; signs
'order' in King's name, 206-207; a
'credential,' 206; a 'royal despatch,"
217-218 ; ignorant even in August that
Nelson had been provisioned, 206
;/. 5, 216, App. 486 ; his antipathy to
Gallo (q.v.), 214; and instructions to
port governors in Sicily, 216 n. 4, 217 ;
to be kept in dark with the King, as to
the Queen's private and secret nnssive
to Nelson, 220, 222 ?i. 4 ; (Oct.), gained
by Emma, 231 ; on Neapolitan troops,
239 n. 5 ; (Nov.), with King in Rome,
241 ; (Dec), misjudges Neapolitan
crisis, 244 ; plans for royal escape
altered, 247; (Dec. 21), six communi-
cations between him and Hamilton.
248 ; and Nelson, ib. ; still doubts
danger, ib. 248 ; and dallies, 249 ;
orders of embarkation, and ridiculous
precedence, 249, 250 ; on the voyage,
257, 262; and Malta ('/.''), 272/?. 2 ;
(1799), and Lady H.,276; (June 17),
289 ; (June 21), 293 ; (June 25), letters to
Nelson regarding Ruffo and Neapoli-
tan affairs, 298 ; (June 26), to Hamilton,
303; (July 9), arrives with King in
Naples; (Sept.), quarrels with Ham-
ilton, 314 and n. 4 ; (1803), and Bronte,
402 n. 3; (1804), dismissed, 410 and
>i. 2 ; (1804), married, thinks of coming
to England, 418.
Acton, Lady, 250.
Addington [statesman] (1801), 364, 388 ;
(1803), 401, 408; (1813), 172; (1814),
467.
.■Mbert, Prince [of Najiles] (1798), 250 ;
death of, 257.
Amalie, Princess, 115 n. i.
.\mato, Tommaso (1794), executed. 174
America (1789), 128.
Amherst, Lord [ambassador], 322 «. 2.
.\ncaster. Duchess of (1793). 154.
.■\ndrcas [painter] (1786), 103 n. 1.
.Andrews, Miss. 157.
Aprilc [musician], 15.
627
528
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Aidinghelli [litterateur], 121.
Argyll, Duchess of [Miss Gunning], 15,
133; (1789). her affection for Emma,
and its results, 127; (1790), death,
130.
Arnstein [banker], 332.
Artois, Count (1791), 131.
Ashburner, Miss [see ' Perconti, Eliza'].
Astley, 'Jack,' 47,
Athol, Duke of, 370.
Aurora, Commandant (1799. June 25),
302 n. 4.
Ausberg, Prince (1792), I49-
Austria, the Hapsburgs' historical ambi-
tions for, in Italy, 113, 114; (1789).
126; (1791), 138, 141 ; venality,?^, and
n. 2; (1792), Prussian alliance, 144;
(1795-8), lukewarm in resisting France,
182 and seg. ; worsted in campaign,
189 ; bound by treaties to desist, 183
[see 'Treaties,' Campoformio, Tolen-
tino] ; her cessions to France, 196 n. i ;
Venice and, ib. ; (1798), Acton on,
198 ; negotiating with Naples as to a
possible but limited and defensive alli-
ance, 203, 204, 205, 206, 213, 216 and
«. 4, 230, 231; (Dec), refuses aid to
Naples, 243, 245 ; soon herself in
extremis, 245 ; (1799, March), alliance
with Russia, Turkey, and Naples, 279 ;
(April), prepares to drive French from
North Italy, 290; (October), demands
Russian troops at Malta, 315 ; (1B03),
third coalition, 402 ; (1810), 454.
Baker [' Baccher'] (1799). 272.
Ball, Sir Alexander, and Lady Hamilton,
19 «. I ; (1798), nursed by her, 230;
ordered to Malta, 234 ; (1799), 273, 276,
279 ; (June 25), 302 ; (September), 314 ;
(December), 315 n. 5; calls Emma
'sister,' as his companion in Grand
Cross order of Malta, 316 ; to Nelson,
317; (1800, March), invites the Ham-
iltons, 321 ; (1802), letter to Emma,
398.
Banks, Sir Joseph [scientist], on Lady
Hamilton (1787). loi, 119 ti. i ; (1791).
130; (1795). 5. 16; (1798). on Jacob-
inism, 241 ; (1800), 335 and n. 3.
[sculptor], 5, 7-
Banti [prima donna] (1787), 104 and «. 2,
HI n. 3; (1801), 343. 356-
Barclay, Sir R. (1805), 434 and n. 2;
(1808), 449.
Barham, Lord (1805), and Lady Nelson,
432. ,
Baring (1810), 454-
Barlow, Miss [see Hamilton, the first
Lady].
Sir R., -^pp. 521.
Barret, G. [artist], 57.
Barry [artist], 21.
Reverend Dr. E., 136.
Bartoldi, 250.
Basseville (1793). i52-
Bathyaui, Count, 332.
Battles — Calvi, 166, 175 ; Copenhagen,
242 ; Finisterre, 422 ; Froisinone, 239 ;
Jemappes, 144; Longwy, ?d. ; Magonza,
153; Nile, 223 and seq., 242, 258;
Padua, 27q ; Ponte Delia Maddalena,
291, 293; St. Vincent, 196; Toulon,
153, 157, 170 ; Trafalgar, 242, 417-429 ;
Valmy, 144 ; Velletri, 240.
Bausan, Captain (1798), 258.
Beatty, Dr., 475.
Beauclerk, Lady Diana, 67, 122 ; letter
to Lady Hamilton, 166 n. i.
Charles (1793), 165.
Beauharnais. Eugene (1797), attacks
Papal guard, 197.
I'jL'ckford, William (1760-1844), and Lady
Hamilton, 16 ; on Lady H. (1791), 133,
13s ; (1792), 144. 148 ; (1794). 5 ;
(1800), 14, 230, 335, 338 ; insincerity,
ib. and n. 2; (1801), 230; inaccuracy
of, 171 ; (1802), peerage scheme, 389-
39'->-
Euphemia, 389.
Bedford, Captain, App. 520.
Belmonte, Prince ['Galatone'] (1779),
123; (1795-6), his part as Neapolitan
ambassador at Madrid in forwarding
information regarding Spain, 185 and
seq. ; secretly negotiates Franco-Nea-
politan compact in Paris, 188 and seq.,
190 «. 6; (1798), 199; (1798, Dec), his
part in preparing royal flight, 247, 248,
250 ; on voyage, 257 ; (i8oo), his fare-
well to Lady H. , 329 ; App. 497,
Princess (1804), 410.
Bentinck, Lord William [ambassador],
99 ?i. 4, 116, 322 n. 2.
• Lady E. (1805), 431 «. 2.
Berri, Duke of (1803), 105 n. 5, 393 n. 2.
Berry, Captain, 345 ; (1801), 367.
Berthier, General (1797), despatched by
Napoleonic. Rome, 197 ; (1798, Novem-
ber), 239.
Bessborough, Lady (1793), 122, 155.
Bianchi, Francesco [composer] (1809),
451. 454-
Mrs., 451.
Billington, Mrs. [prima donna], 24 ;
(1801), 342; at Merton, 386, 416;
(1809), 451 ; (1810), 454.
Blackburn, Mr. and Mrs. (1801), 368 and
11, 2.
Blackwood, Captain the Hon. H. (1805),
427. 431- , .,
Bolton, Ann, 413 ; letters to Lady Hamil-
ton, 415, 440; (1806-8), constantly at
Merton, 439-441 ; (1808), 444.
Eliza, 413, 416 ; (i8o6-8), at Merton,
439-
Emma Horatia, christened, 412 ». 2;
(1806-7), 439-
family, the, 405 ; (1806 and after),
Emma's warm friends, 439, 449 ; (181 1-
1812), invite Lady Hamilton, 456, 458.
Horace, 453.
Lady (1809), her letter to Lady
Hamilton, 452.
INDEX
529
Bolton, Thomas [the younger], 416;
(1805), at Merton, 421, 424.
Mrs. T. [Nelson's sister], 158 n. i ;
(1800), 334; (1802), at Merton, 386;
(1803), 402, 408; (1805), letter of con-
dolence to Lady Hamilton, 431 ; on
Lady Nelson to Emma, 432 //. 3, 433
71. 2 ; (1806 and after), believes Emma
will obtain justice, 440; (1809), 460;
(1810), to Emma on Mrs. Cadogan's
death, 453 ; her own death (1813), 461,
464.
Captain Sir William (1803), mar-
riage, 403 ; (1810), begs Lady Hamil-
ton s influence, 455.
Boothby, Sir Brooke, 16 n. i ; and
Emma's voice, 104 71. 3.
Bourbon, Duke of (1803), 105 « 5.
Bowen, T. [contractor, of Merton and
Portman Square], 41, 383.
Captain T. (June 1798), staying at
Hamiitons' as intermediary, 210 71. 2 ;
takes Emma's letter to Nelson, 210;
promoted through Hamiitons, ib. 214;
promoted, 227.
Captain [his brother] (1797), 210?/. 2.
Boyd, Lady, 65.
Boydell, Alderman, 44.
Braham [singer] (1802 and 1805), 391,
Bristol, Frederick Augustus, Earl of,
and Bishop of Derry (1730- 1803) ;
his characteristics, 130, 177-180 ;
(1778), 123 71. 2; (1789), 127 71. 4;
(1791), 130; (1793). 178; (1794). on
Medici's treason, 174 71. 2 ; (1795),
141 V. 2 ; and Lady Hamilton (1794),
16, 22, 178 ; and Countess Lichtenau
{g'.v.), i8o;(i798),i7;(i799), 279; (1800),
328 ; (1803), death, 411 ; App. 481.
Brooke, Lord, 92.
Bruce, Lord (1769), 66 «. i.
Brueys, Admiral (1798), killed in Nile
battle, 223.
Brunswick, Duke of, 144.
Budd, Dr., 4,^.
Buonaparte, Joseph (1797), 196.
Louis (1798). "-39-
Napoleon, 113, 122, 137, 153 n,
S; (1793). 167; (1794). 175: Direc-
toire, paves way for Spanish rapproche-
TTtent, 185; (1795-7), 182; coalition
against, weakened, 183; his long
chapter of Italian and Austrian siic-
cesfes, 184 ; republicanises Liguriaand
Romagna. 189, 191 w. i, 196, 201; (1797),
exploits Roman Jacobins, 197 ; boasts
of republicanising two Sicilies, 197 ;
and Acton, 173 w. 3, 198; (1805), his
letter to Maria Carolina, 173 «. 3 ;
(1798), Epyptian expedition, 201 and
seq. ; the Suvan/s, 202 >/. i ; reassures
Sicily and bribes Malta, 204 ; objects
■n, 207 71. 5; significance of, 213;
quits, 214 ; correspondence intercepted
a week after Nile battle, 223; its
nature, 20271. i ; his republican ardour.
241 ; designs 011 Naples, 244, 263 ;
(1799), returns to France, 315 ; at
Marseilles, id. 71. 4 ; (1801), 344 ; (1801),
366-7; (July), 375; (1803), breaks the
truce, 402 ; (1804), dictates to Maria
Carolina, 410 and 71. 2 ; Boulogne
flotilla, 410, 411 ; (1810), 454 ; (1814),
468.
Burchardt, General (December, 1798),
244.
Burdett, Sir Francis (1810), 454.
Burke, Edmund, 142.
Burlot, Marquis, 153.
Byng, Admiral, 306.
Byres, 37.
Byron, Lord, cited, 3, 161.
Cadogan, Mrs. \nie Mary Kidd of
Hawarden, Lady Hamilton's mother],
15. 23. 40, 41. 42, 44. 56. 84 ; (1785), 85,
86, 90, 94; (1787), 100; (1788), 1291(1798),
229; (Dec. 22), 252, 253, 254 ; (Dec. 24),
'an angel,' 257 ; (1799), and Nelson,
281; and Emma, 255; has a secretax}',
286 71. I ; (July), Nelson's letter to,
308; (1800, June-Nov.), homeward
journey, 329, 333; (1800), 342; and
Emma 'Carew' {q.v.), 337 71. 3, 351,
367 and n. 2; Merton, 379, 380;
(1803), Sir William's bequest, 400 ;
' beloved,' 405, 407, 412 «. i ; (1805),
421, 425, 426 71. I, 429; (1806), 436;
and the Boltons {q.v.), 439, 440 ; (1808),
444; (1809), 452; (1810), death, 453;
App. 520, 522."
Henry (1813), 42, 472.
Calder, Sir R. (1805, July 22), 422, 423.
Calonne, Prince (1791), 131.
Campbell, Abbe (1798. Dec), 278 ; (1801-
2), 386; (1803), 408; (1805), letter to
Lady Hamilton, 430; (1813), 457.
Commodore (1798, Dec), royal
flight, 247 71. 3, 265 ; App. 519.
Canning, W. [statesman], 142, 160, 195
71. 5 ; and Emma's claims, 205, 367 ;
(1805), 424; (1806), acknowledges her
claims, 437 ; (1810), admits their justice,
447 7iotes I and 2 ; (1813), 458.
Canova, 118.
Canzano, Duke of, 167.
Capel, Captain (1798), sent by Nelson to
Emma with first news of Nile victory,
223 71. I.
Caracciolo, Nicolo [Commandant of San
Elmo] (1799), 268 71. I.
Prince [the elder ; Finance Minis-
ter] (1793), 167.
Prince and Admiral [the younger ;
Chief of Marine], 122 ; learned seaman-
ship in England, 305; (1798), 228; (Dec.)
247 ; royal flight, 247, 248 ; his orders of
embarkation, 249 ; on the voyage and
arrival, Palermo, 258 ; false loj'alty, ib. ;
(1799, March), Nelson's opinion of,
279 ; (May and June), evidt-nces of
his treacher)', 290 and 71. 2 ; fires on
his flagship, 291 ; a hostage, but flies,
294 ; 'the Queen on, 304 «. 3; (June
2 L
S30
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
27-29), his arrest, trial, and execution,
305-7 ; episode of his reappearance, 311.
Carafa, Prince Ettore, 123.
Caramanico, Prince (1776), 122; (1779),
124.
Joseph, Prince, 122; (1794), death,
174.
Caravelli [litterateur^ 124.
Caretto \litt6rateur\ 121.
'Carew,' Emma [or Hart, Lady Hamil-
ton's first daughter], 44 w. i ; (T782), 70
n. I ; (1784), 70, 71, 72 and n. 3 ; school
bills, 75 ; description of, 156 n. 2, 73, 76,
136, 178 n. I, 343, 367, 370; parting
letter of, 455 ; App. 479 ; her parting
letter, 480.
Carnegie, Lady (1791), 147.
Caroline, Princess of Wales (1807),
Emma invited to meet her, 439.
Carr, Miss, 133 ; portrait by, of Lady
Hamilton, 137.
Carrol, Captain T. (1798), 204, 240;
(1801), 345 ; App. 500.
Carter, Rev. R. , 40 «. i.
Castelcicala, Prince (1789), 123; (1793),
145; (1794), 174; (1797), conciliatory,
197 ; (1798), and theQueen, 199; (Dec. ),
250, 257; (1799, July 9), arrives with
King in Naples, 308 ; (1800), mission
to London, 327 ; App. 519.
Cathcart,Charles[Greville's friend], 38, 61.
Lord, 468.
Cathcarts, the, 399.
Championnet, General (1799), 263, 265 ;
forced ba-^k to Capua, 267 ; (Jan. 22),
his promises, and part in St. Januarius'
procession, 267, 269 ; enters Naples,
269 ; conduct, 270.
Channer, 425 n. 2.
Charles ill. of Spain, 113.
IV. of Spain [brother of Ferdinand
IV. of the two Sicilies] (1795-6); his
part in Franco-Spanish conspiracy for
rapprochement, so as to bully Naples
out of neutrality and worst England,
188-192.
VI. of Germany, 113.
Charlotte, Queen (of England), 133, 136,
329-
Chatham, first Earl of, alluded to, 158 ;
cited by Nelson, 233.
John, second Earl of (1756-1835),
and Nelson, 157.
Cheney, General, 137.
Chesterfield, Earl of, 39, 51 n. i.
Cheze, La [ambassador], 152 n. i.
Chirac, Denis [jeweller], 57.
Cholraondeley, Mr. (1793), 155.
Christine, Archduchess (1793), 153.
Cimarosa [composer], 117, 228.
Cipriani [artist], 21.
Circello, Prince [ambassador], 142, 145
n. I, 193, 226 n. 2, 327.
Cirillo, Dr. [scientist], 120.
Domenico (1799), 305.
Clarence, Duke of (1702), 157; (1805),
condoles with Lady Hamilton, 431.
I Clarke, Mr. [secretary], 44, 454 ; App.
I 508.
Clementina, Archduchess and Princess,
115 n. I, 138 n. I, 228, 235; (1798,
Dec. 21), 249.
Cochrane, Admiral, App. 521.
Coco, Vincenzo [Jacobin and author],
119 7t. 2 ; (1799), 272.
Colletta [historian], 120, 145.
CoUingwood, Vice-Admiral Lord (1805),
, 422, 455 ; App, 525.
Colonna, Prince, 114, 167.
Commins, Mr., 498.
Compton, Mr., 315 n. 4.
Condorcet, 142.
Conforti [historian], 121.
Connor family, the, 43 n. 2, 385, 438
n, I, 443; (1810-12), 455.
Mrs. [Lady Hamilton's maternal
aunt], 43, 368, 438.
Ann, 43, 438.
Cecilia, 418, 438 n. i ; (1809),
451 ; (1812), duns Lady Hamilton,
450-
Charles, 43; (1801), 356 ; (1804), 418 ;
(1808), 438 71. I.
Eliza, 43, 438 n. i.
Mary [for a space governess also,
like her sister Sarah], 43 ; (1805), on
Horatia and Nelson, 425.
Sarah, 43; (1803), governess, 405,
407; (1804), 415 71. I, 418; (1805),
her letter about Nelsons return, 423 ;
(1809), 451 and 71. 5.
Cos'.vay [artist], 20.
Cowper [poet], 63.
Coxe, Mr., 455 71. 6, 461.
Craven, Lady [Margravine of Anspach],
67 71. 3, 82.
Cribb [steward and grocer], 406, 421.
Cumberland, Duke of (1786), 101 n. 3.
Curtis, Don Michel [Governor of Pro-
cida] (1799), 278 n. 3 ; (May), 282.
Curwen, Christian, Mr., i8 n. 4.
Cuto, General (1795), ^^75-
Cuzzardi [painter], 21.
D' Albert, Rosalie, 153.
Darner, Anne Seymour, Honourable
Mrs. , 67 and n. 5, 89, 122.
Danton (1791), 143.
Dartmouth, Earl of, 65.
Dashwood, analogy of, 122.
Daumier, Mrs. , 454.
Davison, Alexander (1800), 326, 335,
341 n. l; (1801), 352 n. 5, 379, 385;
(1802), 3991 (1803), remonstrates on
Emma's improvements, 405, 407, 408,
410; (1805), 419, 425, 448; (1806),
courts Earl Nelson, 439; (1808), on
Emma's committee, 449 ; App. 510,
515-
Dejean [courier], 86.
Delfico [scientist], 121.
' Demoiselles de France,' the (1789), 126 ;
(1798, Dec), 248.
D'Enghien, Due (1803), 402.
INDEX
531
Denis, Mrs. [fi/e Lind] (1801), 342, 368,
386; (1809), 451; (1813), 460; App.
480, 481, 502 n. 4, 517.
Dent, Mrs., 360.
Devonshire, Georgina, Duchess of, 15 ;
(1793), 122, 133, 154; (1810), still
Lady Hamilton's friend, 455.
D'Harcanville, 36 «. i.
Diavolo, Fra [freebooter and soldier],
116 «. 2 ; (1799, May), 271.
Dickenson, Mrs. [Sir W. Hamilton's
niece Mary], 82, 99 ; (1791), 135
n. 3.
Dietrichstein [' Draydrixton '], Prince,
(1786), 103, 315 n. 3.
Douglas, Lord William (1791), 135,
150 «. 2; (1801), 373; verses, 376-7.
Marquis of (1802), 389.
Downward, Mrs. , 43.
Droz, Gustave, alluded to, 5 «. 2.
Drunmiond, Lady Charlotte, 157 «. i.
Dubourg, M. [violinist], 57.
Ducheyla {1798), killed in Nile battle,
223.
Duckworth (1798), and Minorca, 239, 279 ;
and Nelson, 280; (1799, June 25),
289 n. 5, 300 n. 2 ; (Sept. ), Nelsop
orders to protect British trade, 314 ;
(1806 and after), retains friendship for
Emma, 440 n. 3 ; App. 522.
Dumourie?,, General, 144, 335, 409.
Dunmore, Lady (1792), 150.
Duphot (1797), killed in Jacobin uprising
at Rome, 196.
Dutens, L. [Secretary to Turin Embassy]
(1791), 136; (1801), 342.
Earthquakes at Naples, 36 «. i ;
(1793), 167.
at Siena (1797), 197.
East India Company (1799), 317-
Eden [diplomatist] (1798), 203, 233 n. i.
Lady, 179.
Elcho, Lord (1790), 127.
Elizabeth, Prmcess [of Russia], 24.
Ellenborough, Lord, 465 and 71. 4, 469
n. 2 ; App. 513.
Elliot, Hugh, The Honourable, 99 ;/. 4 ;
(1804), 411.
Lady, 105 n. 5; and Emma, 181,
331-
Sir Gilbert [ambassador], (1797),
summoned by Acton to confer with
Hamiltons, 197; (1799, November),
correspondence with Lady Hamilton,
320 n. 2 ; (1800), his insinuations, 325
and n. 2, 5 «. 4, 330 /.'. 3; (1802), as
critic at Merton, 391-3; inaccuracy,
392 «. I ; (1803), on Emma's provision,
399 "■ S-
Elliott, Grace Dalrymple, 24.
Epicharis [freedwoman], analogy of,
224.
Erskine, Sir James St. Clair, 143 n. i,
287 n. 2 ; App. 522.
Este, Rev. C. (1802), 395 «. 4 ; App. 504.
Dr. L., 148.
Esterhazy, Prince, 332.
Eyre, Governor, analogy of, 306.
Exeter, Lord, 37.
Fady [midshipman], 25 ; (i8oi), at Mer-
ton, 386.
Falaguerra [littiSrateur], 121.
Falco [physician and conspirator], (1793),
144 n. 2.
Falconet [agent], 407.
[banker], 259 n. 2.
Faypoult [French commissary], (1799),
262, 270.
Ferdinand iv., King of the two Sicilies
{1752- 1 826), 20 n. I, 22 «. 7, 25, 487?. I ;
(1776), 6s; (1782), 69, 90-92, 97; (1786),
and Lady Hamilton, 103 ; episodes of
Lady Hamilton's meeting with, 103,
III and n. 3, 112-14; his character,
education, and early surroundings,
115-18, 139; musical, 116, 155; his
humour, 118 and «. i ; pro-Spanish bias
up to 1796, 118, 125, 139, 141 ; effects
of French Revolution on, 126; (1791),
attiiidc to affairs and his wife, 139 ;
anti-bureaucratic, and so popular,
though despotic, 143; (1792), Sir
William's illness, 150, 153; (1793),
attentions to English, 155 ; reception
of Nelson, 162-63; (1795), ^74 I (i795-
96), his pro-Spanish policy, keeps
Acton and Hamilton in the dark,
corresponds secretly with his brother
the Spanish King, 186 and scq. ; re-
ceives tlu-eatening letters from him,
188; temporises, ib., 191 ; (Sept. 1796),
receives the King of Spain's secret and
crucial letter announcing terms of
alliance with France, 191, 192; (1797),
and Acton regarding Mediterranean
squadron, 197; (1798), dejectionatpoliti-
cal situation, 202 n. 4, 212 ; dispersed by
Nelson's arrival, 202 and n. 4 ; now lean-
ing on Austria, 203 ; awaiting Austria's
(if.v.) negotiations, 203, 205, 206;
(June 17), the informal 'order' in his
name procured through Hamilton
(//. ^/.) for Acton (q.-j.), 207 and seq.,
219 ; ignorant of Queen's action at
Emma's instance, 210 and seq. ; in-
structions to Sicilian port Governors.
216 and n. 4, 217, 218 ; to be kept in
the dark as to his wife's secret letter
to Nelson, 218; the ' Govrrnor of
Syracuse's letter' purposely meant to
be shown to him, ib. ; gratitude to
Nelson, 227 ; reception by, of Nelson,
228; now waiting on Austria, 232,
235; his frivolous outlook, ib.; starts
with Mack on ill-starred campaign,
234, 239 ; (Nov. ), enters Rome, ib. 240 ';
(Dec.), Rome re-taken, ib. ; (Dec),
returns ashamed to Naples, 243, 244 ;
plans for escape of, 247, 249 ; altered,'
ib. ; his reasons for hesitation, 248 ;
(Dec. 21), dallies, 249, 256; the flight,
248-255 ; refuses deputies' petition to
532
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Ferdinand iv. — continued.
remain, 256; (Dec. 23), voyage, 256
and seq. ; arrival, 258 ; rage v. Queen,
259 ; effects of flight at Naples, 260 ;
(1799), instructions, 267 n. 2 ; (April),
replaces Pignatelli (q.v.) by Ruffo
{q.v.); his strict injunctions limiting
powers of, 271 and }i. i ; his commis-
sion to Ruffo and institution of new
tribunal divulged to Jacobins, 272 ; and
LuisaSanfelice(^.^'.), 272; listens again
toGallo, 276 ; (June), confers full powers
on Nelson, 282 ; (June), suspects Ruffo,
but awaiting certainty, lets Nelson
depart without him, 288 ; (June 16),
council about Ruffo, 289 ; letters to,
289 notes I and 2 ; latent cruelty, 290,
304, 310; his orders to Nelson, 303;
Caracciolo and Nelson, 306 n. 3 ;
(July 9), arrival in Naples, 308; eventual
plans as mentioned by Lady Hamilton,
309 ; at English prayers, ib. ; fetes
and honours for Nelson at Palermo,
312-14 ; withholds grain from Malta,
315, 316 ; not a gambler \teste Ben-
tinck], 318; (1800), pensions Trou-
bridge, 320 n. i ; anger with Lady
Hamilton and eventual reconciliation,
321 and n. 2 ; trims towards France,
327 «. I ; (1801), Nelson's letter to,
374; writes to Nelson, 375; (1803),
400; (1806), addresses English minis-
ters on Emma's behalf, 408 n. 2 ;
condition of his affairs, 410; (1804),
despairs at Nelson's departure from
Mediterranean, 418.
Ferdinand, Archduke, 115.
[the younger], 115 n. i; mar-
riage, 138 n. I.
Ferrari (1798), 250.
Ferrers, Lord (1786), iot «. 3.
Fetherstonehaugh, Sir Henry {1777), 66
71. 2; (1781), 34 and «. I, 47, 49 and
"• 3. SO. 52-53; (1809-10), letters of,
to Lady Hamilton, 453, 455.
Lady, 50.
Filangeri [jurist], 1..0.
Filisan [Mrs. Billington's second hus-
band], 451.
FilomArino, Clemente (1799, Jan.), and
Lazzaroni {q.z'.), 268.
Fisher, Dr., 382 n. i, 386; (1804, Aug. i),
416.
Fitzharris, Lord, 332.
Fitzherbert, Mr., 278.
Fitzmurray, 338 ri. i.
Flaxman [sculptor], 36 «. i ; (1791). 147;
(1800), 334; interview with Nelson, 341
and n. 2 ; App. 514.
Fleury, Duchess of (1789), 128.
Flint [King's messenger] (1793), 156.
Foote, Captain (1799, May), commis-
sion by Nelson to reduce Neapolitan
mainland, 282 ; proclaims blockade,
id. ; his p^rt in events of June de-
tailed and discussei, 292-294.
Ford, Mrs, ['Mrs. M. Nelson], (1800),
334 and n. i ; (1801), 374, 378 ; (1804),
419; (1808), 444.
Foster, Lady Elizabeth [afterwards
Duchess of Devonshire], 15 ; (1793),
122 ; (1798), tribute to Lady Hamilton's
heroism, 255 n. i ; (1799), and Lady
Hamilton, 276 «. 2; (1800), 328; (1805),
condolence with Lady Hamilton, 431 ;
(1806 and after), remains her warm
friend, 439.
Fox, C. J. [statesman], 122 ; and Carac-
ciolo, 306 ; and Nelson, id. n. 2.
France, historical ambitions of French
Bourbons for Italy, 113, 114; (1789),
125-26; (1791), beginnings of league
against. 138; (1792), 144; (1793), her
Neapolitan representative dismissed,
223, 239 ; Tr6ville spreads revolution-
ary ideas at Naples, 145 ; designedly
foments the ferment, i72andj^y. ; effect
of Directoire on Italian Jacobinism,
173 ; French designs up to and after
i79S> 173; (1795), National Convention
bribes .Austria, 141 n. 2 ; (1795-6),
uses republicanism to possess Italy;
manceuvres rapprochement with Spain,
182 and seq. ; (1796-7), exacts com-
pact from Naples, dictates treaties to
Pope and Emperor, 183 ; (1797), forces
Naples to acknowledge Cisalpine
Republic, 184 ; bullies and blackmails
her, 198 ; her conspiracy with Spain
V. Naples, 185 ; regains Ionian Islands
and Low Countries, 196 n. i ; (1798),
her forces v. England, 199 ; objects of,
in countenancing Napoleon's Egyptian
expedition, 202 n. i ; gold lavished on
revolutionising Italy, 204 ; influence of
her compulsory engagement with
Naples on events of June 17, 1798 [see
'Treaties,' Franco-Neapolitan], 205;
boasts disappointed by Nile battle,
223. 228 ; threatens to burn fleet, ib. ;
gains ground in Italy, designs on
Naples, 231 ; and Ireland, 232; Nelson's
aims of intercepting Egyptian com-
munications of, 234 ; in Malta, 238 ;
Naples declares war against, 239 ;
declares war also, ib. ; successes in
Rome, 239 ; prepares Netipolitan in-
vasion, 244, 245, 247; occupies Rome,
ib.; (1799, Jan. ), approaching invasion
to ' Parthenopean Republic,' 260-61 ;
reflections on French manufacture of,
261-65; Pignatelli's armistic". 273;
Directory's e.xactions at Naples, 270
and seq. , 306, 309 ; garrison reduced,
271 ; Calabrian campaign, and conduct
in, 271 and seq.\ Leghorn surrenders
to, ib. ; Capuan successes, 274 ; fleer,
ib., 276; fleet quits Brest, 279-80;
Neapolitan-Jacobins anxiously await
it, 292, 294 ; (1800), troops in Egypt,
321: (1801), 375; (1803), and Naples
again, 410; (1805), prepares to invade
England, 417, 423;?. i; and to cope
with Nelson, 419 ; Trafalgar, 242 ;
INDEX
533
(1815), effects of Rourbon reaction, 471, '
472- I
Francis, 'Prince' [Neapolitan Pretender], |
,(1799). 270.
Francis 11. [Emperor of Austria and
Germany], 115 //. i ; marriage to '
Princess Maria, 138 n. i ; (1798), 199 ;
his cold hesitation and caution, 232 ; ,
(Dec), 243. }
Francis, 'Old Dame' [Lady Hamilton's
faithful servant], (1808), 448 ; (1814-15), I
466, 471.
Fuss, Miss, 382. I
Gaetano [servant], 411. I
Gainsborough, T. [artist], 20, 47. \
Galanti [scientist], 120. 1
Gailiani JscientistJ, 121. I
Gallini [impresario], 136. 1
Gallo, Marquis of [Neapolitan Foreign I
Minister], (1779), 122; (1791), 139;
pro-Spanish, 140; and (1795-6), 189;
(1798), and Queen, 199; on Nehon's
arrival, 203 ; (June 17), in irregular
council, hesitates, 205 ; ' disabuses '
Garat, 205 n. 4, 206 n. 2 ; his replies
to Nelson's requisitions forwarded,
207; Emma on, 214; Nelson's disgust
at, 231; his policy, 231-32; (1798,
Nov.), despatched to Vienna in vain,
243; (Dec), 248; (1799), intrigues v.
Queen, 276.
Galluci [musician], 99.
Garat, 'Citizen' [French Minister at
Naples], 152 n. 1 ; (June 17-22, 1798),
205 71. 4, 206 ; his demands refused,
214 ; Emma on, 214 ; (1798), furious at
Nile battle, 223-228 ; Nelson on, 233 ;
dismissed, 223, 230.
Gardener, G. , Rev. , 40 n. 2.
Garrick, David [actor], 104.
Gaynor [' Friend'], (1804), 411.
Geddes, Alexandf-r [scholar], 57.
George III., 33, 48; (1786), loi n. 3;
(1791), 129, 132 ; Hamilton's statement
about, 130; confirms hiin in ;imbassador-
ship, 136, 169; his prt-jiidices z*. Lady
Hamilton, 171 v . 4 ; (1794), renews
war, 177 ; (1799), and Troubndgc. 322,
328; (1801), 356, 364, 365, 371, and
Emma's claims, 447 n. 2 ; (1813), 458.
Prince of Wales, and Prince
Regent, 26, 45. 48, 153 n. 5, 278 ;
(1791), 356; (1801), repulsed by Lady
Hamilton, the Prince of Wales episode,
356-366. 357 w. i; (1805), 423 n. 2;
and Nelson, 423; (1808), 448; (1813),
458-
Gihbs [manager of Bronte], 313, 402 w. 3 ;
App. 521.
Gibson, Mrs. [alias 'Jenkins'], 332 and
V. 4 ; (1801), 370 «. 2, 417, 455.'
Girdlestonc, Mrs. (1810), 455. nnd App.
511.
(Ilouccster, Duke of (1787), and Lady
Hamilton, int.
CiOdolphin, analogy of, 122.
Goethe, Wolfgang, 15, and Sir William
Hamilton, 68, 107; (1786), description
by, of Nai)les, 96 ; and Lady Hamilton,
loi ; account of her attitudes, 105 ;
(1787), of his dinner at the Embassy,
106, 335
Goldsmid, Abraham, 332, 380 and w. i,
383, 422 n. 3, App. SI I ; (1805^ letter
to Lady Hamilton, 430 ; (1808), on her
' committee,' buy sMerton, 449 and n. 3;
Emma's mention of, -150 ; (1810),
suicide, 454.
Grafer [steward], (1793), 156 ; (1799), 156
n. I ; 281 n. i, 313; (1803), 402 n. 2.
Mrs., 53 n. I, 156 n. 1; (1808),
Emma intercedes for, 443 ; App. 510.
Graham, Colonel, App. 523.
Dr. James [empiric and showman],
47-49, 52 ; App. 476.
Graves, Mr., 379.
Gravina, Duke of (1798I, 257.
Duchess of (1798), 250.
.Admiral (1805), App. 525.
Greece (1799), S'^^ °f' ^° Nelson, 314.
Grenville, Lord [statesman], (1759- 1834),
his coldness, caution, ar.d lack of
initiative, 142, 416; Acton's opinion of,
ayrees with Canning's, ib.\ 'chicaned,'
ih. >i. 3 ; (1798), speech, ib. ; (1795-96),
rcct ives the Queen's secret information
through the Hamiltons, 186 and seq. ;
advises Naples to give up the game,
189; grows fainter and cooler, ib.; Sir
William Hamilton's despatch to, 191,
193 and n. 2, 194 w. i, 195 ; (1797). still
dallies over a Mediterranean squadron,
196; (1798), his conduct in at length
consenting to it, 199 ;/. 2 ; his stress
on necessity of obtaining free and un-
limited admission of British vessels
into Mediterranean harbours, 203 ;
(June), Hamilton despatches and draft
de=patclies to, and Emma's claims,
205, 206-7 and 71. 2 ; (July 22),
Nelson's letters forwarded to, by
Hamilton, 220 and «. 4; (1798), orders
to Nelson, 273; (1799), 294 n. 2, 300
''''■ 3. 307 "■ 3; (1800), 322 n. I, 327;
Nelson sends him Czar's letter about
his services and Einma's, 350 ri. 3 ;
(1805), 448 ; (1806, April 30), interview
with" Earl Nelson, 433 w. i; and
Nelson's codicil, 435, 436 ; (1810),
seems not to have denied fairness of
Emma's claims, 447 n. i.
Greville, the Hon. C. F. (1749-1809)
[' Pliny the Younger'], on Lady Hamil-
ton, 6, II, 13, 15, 19, 23, 24, 41, 44, 46,
47,51, 52, 224; characteiandantecedents
of, 33 «. I, 35-39, 235 ; (1781), character-
istics, 4, 37-39, 50; (1782), 33 ; Emma's
letter to, 34; his answer, 52-53; his views
of womankind, 54, 56 ; establishment
in Edgware Row, 57 and fetj. ; his
accounts of Emma's simplicity, 60, 61 ;
in Romney's studio, 62 ; reference to.
by Hayley, 63; his description ol hist
534
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Gieville, the Hon. C. F. — continued.
Lady Hamilton, 66 ; condolences with
uncle on first Lady Hamilton's death,
68; (1783), 69; (1784), 70 and seq.;
his income, 71 n. i ; and Emma's
Park Gate visit, 72 and seq. ; and ' little
Emma' ('Carew,' Emma), 74 and seq.,
77; sends porter to Naples, 393; his
uncle's kindness to, 77, 82; (1785), 79
and seq. ; his conduct and motives in
Emma's disposal, 80, 86 and seq., 90, 95
seq., 96 ; (1786), effects of his conduct,
89 and seq. ; his orders to Emma, 92 ;
his cynical comment to Hamilton,
94, 98 ; Lady Hamilton's letter to, 103,
107 ; his intentions as to settlement,
95 i (1787), letters to, from Hamilton,
100, 104, III n. I ; (1789-1791), his
fears for and information of his uncle's
imminent marriage, 128-133 ; his feel-
ings, 135 ; (1792), on Grenville's policy,
142 n. 5; Sir William's illness, i^i,
153"- 5: (1794). 178, 181; (1795), 182;
(1796), 193; (1798), 246; (1799), 260,
270 n. 2, 275 n. 4 ; tribute of, to
Emma's heroism, 283, 286 n. i, 300
«. I, 308; (1800), 320, 334, 335 and
«• 3. 337; (1801), 342, 344; influences
Sir 'William in Prince of Wales
episode, 357, 362 ; his conduct known
to Nelson, 362 and n. r, 368 ; Milford,
377; and Merton, 383, 385, 389; his
warnings and his contrivance, ib. ;
(1802), the peerage scheme, 389-390;
the Hamilton-Nelson tour to Milford
and Cardiff, 393-397 ; (1803), his letter
concerning Emma's services and
Hamilton's unrequited claims, 170 ; the
will, 400 ; his influence, 399-400 ; his
strong application in Emma's favour
to Government, 400, App. 524 ;
for Hamilton, 401 w. 2 ; (May), be-
haviour to Emma, 403, 434; coUecto-
mania again, 405; (1808), thaws to-
wards Emma, 442, 449-50; (1809),
death, 452 ; (1812), sale of his collec-
tions, ib ; App. 510, 518, 524.
Colonel the Honourable R. Fulke,
61 (i8ic); 455 (1814); 466 (1815);
lawsuit, 469-472.
Guidobaldi (1794), 174.
Gustavus of Sweden, 144.
Hackert [painter], 20 ; (1786), 105 n. i.
Hackwood [milliner], 59.
Halifax, Earl of, his alleged association
with Lady Hamilton's family, 41.
Halfhide, Mr. and Mrs., 380, 382.
Hallowell, Captain (1799), 271, 286;
(1805), 424.
Hamilton, Cecilia, 38 n. 2, 67.
Duke of, 66 n. 2, 389.
Elizabeth (Countess of Warwick),
35-
Gavin [artist], 16, 21, 22 «. i; (1792),
148.
Lady [Sir William's first wile], 35,
66 and seq., 67; funeral of, 68;
Hamilton's promise, 67 ; which was
kept, 399.
Hamilton, Emma, Lady (1765-1815), date
of birth and her real name, 39-51 ; App.
476 ; a power, prompts as well as acts,
medium for genius, 2 and seq. , 399 ;
enthusiasm infectious (see at end
'(Qualities'): a true daughter of de-
mocracy, 22, 393 ; 'nonpareil,' 10 and
n. 5 ; spontaneous, 4 ; naturally
theatrical, 11 ; inspiration, feminine,
10 ; and Hayley, 11 ; unachieved self-
discipline, 11, 213; self-education, 12-
13, 15 ; knowledge of languages, 7 «. 1,
12 71. 8, 467-8, App. 481, 483 ; physical
organisation, 14 ; effervescence and dis-
interestedness, ch. i. passim ; defects
(see 'Qualities'); domesticity and
simplicity (see 'Qualities'); resent-
ment at being thwarted, 14 ; could awe
beholders, ib. ; love of surprises, 14-17
(and see 'Qualities'); artistic accom-
plishments, 13 and seq. (and see
'Qualities'); an excellent nurse, 15-
25 ; devotion to kmdred, 14 and 51?^.
(see 'Qualities'); beloved by English
women of distinction, 15 ; big-hearted-
ness, 15; kindness and love of children,
24 ; gaiety and mimicry, ib. ; accent,
17 ; spelling, 8 n. 3, 102, 131 n. i ;
and Romney {q.v.), 16-31; faculty for
rendering emotion, 17 and seq. ; pic-
tures of, 17-21, 60, 61, 62, 63, J-], 79 n.
1 , 92 n. 1 ; her verses, 277, 372 ;
Bohemianism, 22, 181, 386, 413, 451 ;
protean changes of face, 21 ; her Atti-
tudes, 15, 47, 99, 105 and notes 4 and 5 ;
a muse, 21-23 '< theatrical associations,
45 ; appearance, 22 ; like Trilby, 23 ;
tirades, 8 n. 3, 347, 349, 393, 396 ; clues
to her and Nelson's attachment, 2,
26-7, 161-2, 225.6, 234-5, 275-6, 286,
299. 3".. 318, 323, 351, 352, 363,
psychological problems, 31, 32 ; sum-
mary of career, 472-5 ; birth and
environment, 39-51.
(1782) Appeal to Greville, 34; his
answer, 52; education, 41, 64, 441,
443 71. 2 ; Edgware, 57 and seq.
(1783) 69.
(1784) Accounts, 58; affection for
Greville (q.v.), 59; Park Gate and
Emma 'Carew' {q.v.), 4, 59, 60, 72
and seq. ; return to London, 76 ;
Ranelagh incident, 60 ; progress, 60
and j^^. ; acquaintances, 61 ; Romney,
61 ; his brother's account of her con-
duct, 62; Hayley [q.v.), 62-64; first
sight of Sir W. Hamilton, 71 and seq.
(1785) 79 and seq. ; terms of his in-
vitation to Naples, 84-86 ; her reply,
87 ; her situation and her feelings at
parting, 86 and seq.
(1786-89) Arrival at Naples — pleading
letters to Greville, 88 and seq., 90;
final appeal, 91 ; indignant reply to
INDEX
535
Hamilton, Emma, Lad)' — contimied.
Greville's orderj 92 ; repeated trust in
him, 93; her enlarging horizon, 94;
Greville's intentions, 95, 96 ; outlook,
98; as 'Madonna,' 5, 108, 109; in-
vites Romney and Hayley, 8, 94 ; feel-
ings towards Hamilton as rescuer and
friend, 99 and seij., 105 11. 2 ; progress
at Palazzo Sessa, 101 and seq. ; sudden
conquest of society, 102 ; scenes and
sensations of her triumph, 90, 102-9 i
Santa Romita, 99, 109 ; and the nun,
iio-ii ; and the King (see ' Ferdinand
IV.'), 103, III and n. 3, 112-14; and
San Leucio colony, 122.
(1789) 127; the Duchess of Argyll's
friendship for her and its influence,
ib. ; and Madame Le Brun, 127 ; social
standing, 128, 137 ; the great recep-
tion, ib.
(1790) Lord Bristol, 130 ; Greville,
128-30 ; tentatives for marriage, 129,
130 ; her allowance, 129, 193 ; the
marriage project, 131 and seq.\ desola-
tion at the Duchess's death, 130 ;
journey homewards, 131 ; London at
last, 133 and seq. ; Romney, ib. ;
Gallini's offers, 134 ; Jane Powell, 135 ;
wedding, 136 ; visit to Marie Antoi-
nette, 136 ; evidence as to, considered,
145-6; returns to Naples in complete
favour with society, Englisli and Nea-
politan, 137 ; begins political study,
138, 150; political situation, 138-46.
(1791-1796) England's advocate, 140
and seq. ; spurs on Acton and Hamil-
ton, 142, 224.
(1791, Dec.) Letter to Romney, 146,
147 ; attention of English ladies to,
148 ; Sir William's correspondence
with, 148-50 ; her grief and assiduity
on Sir William's illness, 150-1 ; to
Greville of her grandmother, 151.
{1792) Her general acceptability now
fortified by (jueeii's regard, 146 ; ' im-
provement,' ib.
(1793-94) Diplomatic beginnings and
intimacy with Queen, 152 and seq. ;
App. 481 ; on Jacobin libellers, 153 n. 5,
ascendency, 154, 168 ; music with King,
155 ; with Sir William, and botany, 156 ;
catches the Queen's tone, ib. ; first meet-
ing with Nelson, 163 and seq. ; her first
impressions of, 164 ; her power of
inspiring him analysed, 2, 9, 10, 22;
161 and seq. , 163-4 ; a human docu-
ment, 162 ; joins in Nelson's enthusi-
asm, 166; rouses the Quet-n, 166; her
r61e as ' stateswoman ' begins, 169 ; her
claims for serving England in 1793 con-
sidered, 169-73 ; bs*" correspondence
with the Queen, 176 and seq.
(1795) Husbands renewed illness,
177 and n. 5 ; friendship with Lord
Bristol, 178; and Countess of Lich-
tenau, 135-6; her claims for services
in 1795 and 1796 fully discussed, 182-
96, App. 483 ; her transcripts of docu-
ments and ciphers, 183 n. 6, 184 and
71. I, 190 ; her main claim non-relative
to a cipher, 185 ; probability of her
being huice instrumental in forwarding
a critical document, 186 ; her con-
fusion explained, 187 ; joins Acton and
her husband in detectmg the facts of
Spanish connivance with France, so as
to urge on the vacillating Lord Gren-
ville to decision, 189 ; her close con-
fabulation with Queen, 190; her report
to Greville, ib. ; the ' Chiffre de Gala-
tone,' 190-1, App. 483 ; her initiative,
190 n. 5 ; pricks her husband to action,
191 ; a trusted go-between, ib. ; her
husband's statement of the Queen's
confidence in her, 191 ; opportunities
and motives, ib.
(1796, late summer and early
autumn) Spain, who in previous years
had wriggled out of coalition, now pro-
poses to join France ; Emma gets wind
of the terms through the Queen, 191
and seq. ; presumptions favouring
Emma's own account of the transac-
tion, 193, 194; some presumptions
against, rebutted, 195 ; her letter from
the Queen and to Greville, about special
courier, 193; (1797), reheartens Queen
and braces Hamilton, 196 ; through
her Nelson's views as to Mediterranean
squadron prevail, 197; the Queen rests
all on her influence, 199; together they
await Mediterranean squadron, 200.
(1798) Together chafe v. Franco-
Neapolitan pact enforcing neutrality,
204 ; Nelson's arrival in the bay, his
message and messengers, 204 ; Emma's
service in procuring the Queen's order
to water and provision British fleet cor-
roborated by some new and important
evidence, 10^ z.x^A seq . , App. 486 ; her
early awakening — difference in English
and Neapolitan time, 204 «. 3; her
action with Queen for Nelson, 208 and
seq. ; her two letters to Nelson, 209, 210 ;
his hitherto disputed reply, 211 ; her
indorsement, ib. ; evidence that she met
him, 209 n. 2; resumes correspon-
dence with Nelson immediately — her
remarkable letter, 214 ; initiative, 214 ;
for war, ib. (July 19-23) had promised
Nelson to ' come down Mediterranean'
to Sicily if Queen's private and secret
letter ineffective, 216 and w. i, 220 ;
episode of Governor of Syracuse and
Nelson, 216-23 : Nelson's letter of first
disappointment at private order's tem-
porary failure, 220 ; his two letters of
rapture at success, 221-22 ; evidence
that change of tone was due to inter-
vention of ' Queen's letter, ' see Nelson;
her transports at Nile victory, as re-
lated by her to Nelson, 6-8, 223 and
seq., App. 489-501 ; the first to hear
of it, 223 n. 1 ; her feelings, 224 and
536
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Hamilton, Emma, Lady — continued,
seq. ; her own account of them con-
firmed, 224 n. 3 ; problems of heart
and temperament, 225, 226, 232, 240; '
correspondence with Nelson, 6, 29, 223, |
226-8, 235-40, App. 489 and 5^(7. ; writes 1
to Lady Nelson, 227, 229 n. i, 231 ;
unwell, 227 ; her meeting with Nelson,
228; nurses Nelson, 229; her general
exertions, 230 ; her reception in Nelson's
honour, 230, 231; (Sept-Oct. ), imder
political outlook in close confabulation
with Nelson, 232 ; affinities to, ib. ;
Nelson's manifesto, 233 ; Foreign
Minister during Nelson's absence, 234,
235 and seq. ; Nelson's letter before
voyage to Malta, 234 ; inspires Queen
with Nelson's spirit, 235 ; her strong
political initiative as shown by her
letter to Nelson, 235 and seq. ; Tria j
juncta in uno, 238, 366 ; at Caserta with
Queen, 240 ; awaits Nelson's return
from Leghorn in (Nov.) crisis, ib.; her
indefatigable alertness in preparing the
Queen's flight, 242-55 ; constancy to
Queen, 242 ; her accounts of her
various exertions confirmed, 245 and
seq., 252 ; stows the royal effects, 245 ;
foils the Jacobin spies, 247; resourceful-
ness, 248; Queen leans on her, 246, 248,
250 ; the secret passage a fact, 250 and
n. 3 ; romantic incidents of the escape
resuscitated, 251 and seq.; Emma's own
accounts tested, 252-3, 255 ; the pro-
bable episode, 254, 255 ; she, her
husband, and mother to be embarked
separately by Nelson, 248; her hero-
ism during the storm on the voyage,
255, 256 and seq.; Macpherson's, Lady
Betty Foster's, and Lord St. Vincent's
tributes to, 255 and tiotes i and 2;
acknowledgment also by English
royalties, 283 ; the vovage, 255 and seq. ;
Emma's exertions — Nelson's account
of hers, 257 ; comforts the Queen,
ib. ; discharges Embassy duties, 259.
(1799) Does not detain Nelson from
duty, 272 and seq., 285; sympathetic
and energetic aid of Nelson, 275
and seq. ; Nelson's amanuensis, ib.
n. 6; 'Fate will carry me down,' ?i^.
and 276; helps Nelson with Acton,
ib. ; her verses to Nelson, 277 ; reli^jious
Influences, 277 ; helps Troubridge,
278-9 ; (May), letters to Nelson, 280-1 ;
(June), theQueen's requests, 282; her ex-
citement, 283 ; her own invitation, 284 ;
her mixed feelings, 285-6 ; glory for
her meant honour, ib. ; her mother,
285-6 ; starts with Nelson, Sir William,
and Miss Knight on Foudroyant for
Naples, 289 ; Nelson's growing ascend-
ency over, 289 ; her telling part in
events of June- August, 297-31T ; inter- 1
prets and translates, 297, 298 ; and \
Ruffo, ib. ; a woman of action ; the !
episode of Pali, 299-300; forms a
'Queen's party,' ib. on Queen's
reformation, ib. ; thanked and con-
gratulated by Ruffo, 303 ; correspond.s
with Queen, ib. ; compassionate, 304
and w. 3, 308 ; and Caracciolo, 307 ;
(July), on the situation, the King and
the Queen, 308 ; episode of Caracciolo's
reappearance, 311; zenith reached,
312 ; the Palermo pageant, 312-13 ;
Italian poem on, 313 n. 3; procures
Bronte for Nelson, cf. App. 513 (10)
(a) ; her ' trousseau,' 314 ; (Septem-
ber and December 1799, ^^^^ spring
1801), exertions for Maltese loyalists,
315, 316 and n. 3; deputies lodge at
Embassy, 'Ambassadress' receives
Maltese Grand Cross from Czar through
Lord Whitworth, 316 ; present to
Nelson, 318; gambling, and Trou-
bridge's remonstrances, 318-20 ;
'many enemies," unconsciousness of
unpopularity, reason for illusions, 319-
20 ; her letter to Greville, 320 ; diplo-
matic correspondence, 320 and n. 2 ;
good offices for others, defies King,
grief at prospect of parting from Queen,
321 and 11. I ; shares Nelson's aimr,
and objects, 321, 322 ; invited to Malta,
322 ; (April 23), the journey to and
from, 322-26 ; reflections on the
present climr.v of Nelson's and Emma's
passion, 323-25 ; despondency en
voyage, 325 ; her poem, 326 ; (May 20),
Palermo again, ib. ; Queen's letter to,
of intense trust and affection, 328 ;
King George's birthday fete, ib. ; tri-
butes to her from many before the
final farewell, 328, 329 ; absence creates
void, 326 ; the homeward journey, 329-
40 ; Leghorn, pacifies mob, 330 ;
Vienna, 332; Dresden, and Mrs. St.
George, 333 ; Hamburg, 335 ; Yar-
mouth and London, 336 ; had created
a world of her own, 330-31 ; anticipa-
tions, 334 ; face to face with Lady
Nelson, 337; offers to call, ib. n. 2;
London, 337-8 ; Fonthill, 338 ; scene
with Lady Nelson, 338 ; the breach
discussed, 340 ; her relentlessness, and
letter to Mrs. W. Nelson, ib. ; Nelson's
avowal of his feelings, 340 n. 3.
(1801, March) In Piccadilly, 341
and seq. ; sells jewels for husband, 341 ;
her coming ordeal, 342-3, 346 ; Nelson
departs, 346 ; imminence of Horatia's
birth, ' Thomson ' correspondence,
347 and seq. ; Nelson's extreme and
prayerful agitation, 350-2 ; her inspira-
tion, 352 ; birth of Horatia, and attend-
ant circumstances, 352 and seq. ; Nel-
son's letters on, 353-5 ; the singular
Prince of Wales episode, 355-66 ;
'firm as a rock,' 357 and seq. ; Mrs.
W. Nelson comes up to protect lier, her
correspondence with her, 363-7, 370 ;
and with Maria Carolina, ib. n. 5 ; on
' Tom Tit ■ [Lady Nelson], 364 ;
INDEX
537
Hamilton, Emma, Lady — continued.
(March) Nelson's departure for the
North, 366 and 5^^.; on it, 370, 371 ; had
confided past to Nelson, 362 and n. i ;
concealed ' Emma Carew ' {q.v.), 367-
70 ; Nelson's declaration to, 368 ; visits
Horatia, 370 and ;/. i ; Yarmouth visit
falls to ground, 371 ; verses, 372 ; wait-
ing, care for sick, 373 ; enthusiasm
over Copenhagen, 375 ; on Nelson's
return they visit Staines, 376 ; with him
at Parker's death while Nelson in
Channel, 377; spurs Nelson afresh,
377 ; acquisition of Merton, 378-84 ;
'Guardian Angel, '378 ; share-and-share
alike, 380, 382 ; her activity in prepar-
ing Merton, 379-81; 'Economy,' 381 ;
and Nelson's father, 381 and n. 8 ;
her description of their life there, 382-3 ;
governess, 382; 'Paradise, '383; lavish-
ness, 385-8 ; support of relatives, ih. ;
a chaperone, 386 ; husband's murmurs,
388 ; Beckford's peerage scheme, 389-
90 ; her party and its critic, 391-3 ;
(April), loss in death of Nelson's father,
390-9I-
(1802) Her letter of enthusiasm to
Nelson, 8 ?i. 3, 347, 348 ; embonpoint,
391-2 ; deaths of Romney and Payne,
394 ; Eton 4th of June, 451 n. i ;
the Milford and Cardiff tour, 394-7 ;
Nelson's enemies defied, her own
account of the journey, 396 ; conjugal
tiff and reconciliation, 396-97.
(1803, May) devotion in Sir William's
illness, hergriefathisdeathsiiicere,398;
her indorsement, ib. ; Madame Le Rrun
and the Attitudes ((/.t/.), 399: Sir Wil-
liam's will, 399-400; the furniture
assignment, 399 ; her real pectuiiary
condition, Greville's mention of her to
Government, 400; her application to
Addington, 401 ; a wedding (Bolton)
and a christening (Horatia), 402-3 ;
(May), Nelson's departure, 402-3 ;
Greville's conduct, 403 ; burden of
Merton 'improvements,' 405, 444 ;/. 3,
446, 449 ; her friendly correspondence
and intercourse with all Nelson's rela-
tions, 405-6, 413 and seg. ; the ' suitors,"
405 and n. i, 408, 414; at Southend,
408 ; her occupations and preoccupa-
tions up to September, 408-9 ; on Nel-
son's lack of prize-money, 408 ; wishes
to rejoin Nelson, 409 ; royal letters, ib. ;
carelessness of fashion, 412 n. i ; birth
of Emma, 412 ; death, ib. n. 6 ; the
Boltons' and Matchams' correspond-
ence, 413 ; contradictions in her char-
acter as displa^'cd in her answers, 413-
14 ; 'the Arms of Lyons,' 414 ; Rams-
gate with William Nelsons, 415 ;
applies to Government for Boltons,
416 ; (August), Canterbury, ib. ; Nelson
prescribes the story to be told of
Horatia now that she can live at Mer-
ton, 417-18.
(1805) Suspense, visits, debt, second
visit to Southend, 421 ; (Sept. 17th),
hurries from Southend to Merton to
welcome Nelson, 422 ; Nelson's assur-
ance to Pitt respecting her services, 445;
new corroboration ol her story that she
bade him ' go forth,' 423, App. 509; her
last adieu, 424 ; her ' face an honest
image of her heart, 'App. 507; last heart-
broken notes, encloses Horatia's letter,
425, 426 ; ' May God send you victory
and home,' 426; on Horatia to Nelson,
425, 426 and «. I ; NeLon her ' idol,'
426 ; his last words of her, 426-8 ;
the codicil, 427 ; his last letter, and her
indorsement, 427 n. 2 ; how she
received news of his death, 429 ; her
prostration and thouglits for others,
429, 430 ; her letters, 430 ; letters to
her of sympathy, 430-31 ; a creature of
the past, 430 ; at the grave, 432 ; true
financial state after Nelson's death,
the conduct of Earl Nelson towards
her examined in light of new evidence,
4337 ; addresses Sir R. Barclay in
1805, 434 «. 2 ; had addressed Tyson,
ib. ; Nelson's sisters uphold her, 436
n. 2 ; her benefactions to Earl Nelson's
family, 437 n. 4 ; his conduct respect-
ing Nelson's coat, 437 ; her annuity
unpaid till 1808, 434 ; fresh embitter-
ments, 438 ; her statement to the Rev.
A. J. Scott regarding her traducers,
438, App. 409; her influence over
Nelson, ?i^. ; 'glory,' 439.
(1806-8) Affectionate intimacy with
Nelson's relations, befriended by dis-
tinguished ladies, 439-441, 440 ;/. 2 ;
136 Bond Street, 440 and n. 1, 441 ;
' beloved by all,' 440 ; her education of
Horatia, 441-2, 451, 467, 468; her
letter to Greville, 442, App. 510 ; her
persistent support of poor kinsfolk,
443-4 ; intercedes with Queen of Naples
for Mrs Grafer, 443, 444 ; continues
her presents to Nelson's connections,
444 ; the Queen continues an affection-
ate correspordence(i8o8), 444; (April,)
Merton up for sale, ib. , and notes 2 and
3 ; addresses Lord St. Vincent, 444-5 ;
and Abercorn, ib. ; justice of her claims
seems not denied by Grenville, and
is admitted by Canning, 447 «. i ;
sends a pathetic memorial to Rose,
446; her piteous plight, 448; 'Old
Q. 's ' refusal, ib. ; retires to Richmond,
ib. ; her will, 443 ; debts, 448 «. 2,
449 ; visits Boltons and icturns to
arrange affairs, the committee, ib. ;
settlement, and her gratitude for, 450 ;
Greville's reappearance on her scene,
and her letter t", //'. . and App. 510;
her (secuniary rehabilitation, ib.
(1808-9) Richmond, royalty, and
Bohemia; Horatia's education, Harrow
speeches, 450-1 : ' Old Q's" unavailing
bci|ucsl, 452 : Greville's death, ib.
538
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Hamilton, Emma, Lady, continued.
(1810) Various abodes, 452; Mrs.
Cadogan's death desolates her, 453 ;
sympathy, her letter to Mrs. Girdle-
stone, ib., and App. 511.
(1810-12) Lavish kindness and hospi-
tality despite debts again, 454 and
notes 2 and 3, 455 ; Brighton, ib. ; visits,
ib. ; revives petitions, 456.
(1813, Jan.) The crash comes, her
letters, 457-8 ; Temple Place, 457 ;
rescued once more, 458 ; her two royal
memorials, ib. ; Bond Street again,
458 ; admonishes Horatia, 459 ; parts
with relics, 460; (July), re-arrest, 461 ;
Smith Vjails her, 464 ; the publication
of her letters, 461 ; its disastrous
results, 461-2 ; evidence as to, con-
sidered, 462-4.
(1814) ist of August in Temple Place,
ib. ; her unselfish interest in another
' dupe of villains," 465 ; everything sur-
rendered for creditors, ib. ; full dis-
charge, //'. ; flight ' with honour ' to
Calais, 465, 466 ; at Dessein's, Quillac's,
and the farm ; new last letters, 467-69 ;
her last claims, 466, 467 //. 2, 468 ; the
second farm, 467 ; Lawyers' letters
and calumnies, 469; (December), 106
Rue Fran9aise, ib. ; her straits, 470.
(1815, Jan.) Her buoyancy suc-
cumbs, the lawsuit v. her trustee, 469 ;
her death-illness and death-scene, ib.
and 471; her Romanism, 471, 472;
funeral, 472 ; mouldered monuments,
474 ; summary of her qualities and
career, 472-74 ; epilogue, 475.
Her few last surviving letters to
Nelson, 6-9, 209, 214, 226-27, 235-38,
347-48, App. 489-501.
Her Claims. — Greville's testimony,
130 «. 1, 171 ; Canning's, 142, 447 n. i ;
Nelson's, 162. Those of 1793 discussed,
169-173, App. 481. Of 1795-1796, 182-
196, App. 483. That of June 1798, 205
to end of chap, viii., App. 486. Of
Dec. 1798, for full assistance in stowing
royal treasure, and in the secret passage
episode of the royal flight to Palermo,
245 and seq. Of getting provisions for
the Maltese state in 1799 and early in
1800, 315, 316 and n. 3.
Generally, 400-1, 403, 416, 424, 425,
431. 433-437. 438, 445-8; real reasons
for refusal, 446-7, and notes i and 2 ;
(i8ii),456, 458; (1814), 466-7.
Qualities —
Ambitions, singularity of, 6, 9, 13,
14, 137, 161, 165, ig6, 224, 235,
309. 439-
Artistic gifts, 15, 47, 56 71. I, 102,
103, 104, 105 n. 5, 177, 343. 393-
Capacity for friendship, 9, 13, 15, 99,
III, 238, 240, 242, 246, 445.
Courage, 9, 10, 107, 235 and seq.,
253. 255. 299. 300, 330, 342-3,
352 and seq., 393, 402, 423, 470.
Devotion to mother and kinsfolk, 14,
285, 443, 453, 459.
Disinterestedness, 13, 31, 79, 80, 81,
85, 90, 92, 93-102, 225 and seq.,
255. 341. 408, 414, 416, 429-30.
443-4, 446, 454-5, 458.
Energy, 8, 99, 142, 150, 151, 155,
162, 168, 199, 235 and seq., 244
and seq., 248 and seq., 253, 255,
275, 276, 278-9, 286, 309, 373,
393. 414. 441. 469-70.
Enthusiasm, 2, 6, 11, 12, 107, 163,
166, 177, 181, 199, 223 and seq.,
235 and seq., 275, 318, 377, 414.
Expressiveness, 3, 6, 29, 223, 226,
228, 235, 240.
Generosity, 11, 13, 23, 59, 80 and n. i,
85, III n. I, 151, 443-4, 454-5 and
^n. 5, 458.
Genuineness, 89, 91 and n. i, 94,
161, 162, 172, 196, 211, 224 n. 3,
240, 349, 363, 385-7, 398.
Gratitude, 99, 147, 151, 412, 413,
450.
Homeliness, 8, 15, 24-25, loi, 128,
255. 373. 413. 425. 426.
Humanity, 25, 97 n. i, 162, 255,
257, 276, 304, 308, 309, 310, 373,
451-
Impulsiveness, 208, 223 and seq. ,
335. 338 »■ I.
Independence, 39, 79, 85, 92, 162,
Industry, 146, 169-173, 182-196, 184
n. I, 208 and seq., 248 and seq.,
275, 276.
' Natiiit,' 3, 4, 17, 109, no, 151,
15s, 162, 348, 385. 413.
Sense of hjimour, 99, 108.
'Sensibility,' 3, 17, 59, no, in, 162,
321 n. I, 323, 340, 385, 394, 413,
425, 426, 4^9. 430-
Simplicity, 19, 20, 87, 128, 137, 155,
413-
Sympathy, 27, 28, 153, 156, 176-7,
199, 214, chapters viii. and ix.
passim, 309, 328, 413 n. 1.
Defects and Errors —
Generally, 11-14, 25, 59, loi, 109,
131 71. I, 161, 162, 318, 340, 373,
378, 381, 386, 392, 401, 405, 413,
414, 418, 421, 441, 455.
Admiration, love of, 50, 109, no,
III, 392, 414.
Aggressiveness, 104, 108, 109, 128,
334-4. 392-3. 414-
Excitement, love of 14, 318 329, 332,
414.
Extravagance, 405, 413, 414, 421,
434. 443. 455-
Lack of self-control, 11, 14, 414.
Love of '■ surprisi7ig people,' 14 and
seq. , 109, 192, 418.
Self-consciousness, 109, 161, 208,
309-
Temper, 5, 11, 13, 14, S9. li> 95.
129, 147, 441, 460.
Hamilton, Mrs., 35 «. 2.
INDEX
539
Hamilton , Sir William { 1 730- 1803) [' riiny
the Elder 'J, ii, 12,18/1.4, 20 n. i, 21 «.
1, 22, 23, 25, 29, 32, 45, 46, 52, 55 ; early
life and first marriage, 64 and seg. and
n. I ; early associations with Acton,
124 ; his part in the Trta juncta iii
una foreshadowed, 31 ; description of,
33, 65 and seq. ; his friendship with
Greville, 35; {1774), 36; his archceo-
logical and artistic talents, his pub-
lished works, lb. n. 2, 70, loi, 140 ;
his picture-collecting, 37 ; scientific
experiments, 48 w. i ; referred to in
Hayley's verses, 63; (1782), 68 and
seq. ; {1784), first acquaintance with
Emma, 70 and seq. ; returns to
Naples, 77; makes Greville his heir,
ib. ; (1785), 79 and ieq. ; his invitation
to Emma, 84, 86 ; his intentions con-
trasted with Greville's, 85 ; (1786), 95 ;
his reception of Emma at Palazzo
Sessa, 88 and seq. ; intentions and
settlement, 95 ; his tenderness and
chivalry towards Emma, 99 and seq.,
129 and seq. ; (1787), i6i ; and the
'belle's' stratagem, 112; (1789), his
growing devotion to Emma, the anti-
quarian excursion, 127 ; {1790-91), 128
and seq. ; and Greville as to settlement,
129 ; tentatives for marriage, 129, 130 ;
privy councillor, 129 ; his perpetual
neglect by ministers, 130 ?i. i ; the
marriage project, 131 and r^^/. ; journey
home, 131 ; London and festivities,
133 and seq. ; answers Gallini, 134;
wedding, 136 ; return by way of Paris,
136 ; political situation and his present
attitude towards it, 138 and seq. ; the
two Sicilies, a shuttlecock, 141 ; his
troubles with English visitors, 66, 148 ;
correspondence between him, while
sp)orting with the king, atid Emma,
148-150; illness (1792), 150 and seq. ;
(1793), niusic with Lady Hamilton,
155; and botany, ib. \ first meet-
ing with Nelson, 163 ; his friendship
with, and enthusiasm for, 163-165,
168; (1794), on Sicilian Jacobinism,
173 "• 5 ; Medici's treason, 174 and
n. 1 ; (1795), ill again, 177 ; and
Countess Lichtenau (q.v.), 181; on
Emma and politics, 182 ; on Spanish
policy, 185 n. 1 ; in close correspond-
ence with Acton about, 186 and seq. ;
competes with Acton in forwarding
(£795-96) documents to British minis-
ters, 188 ; through theQueen and Emma
detects real facts of Franco-Spanish
conspiracy, and joins Acton in pressing
the lukewarm Grenville into co-opera-
tion with Naples, 189 and seq. ; urged
into activity by his wife, his own state-
ment of her position, 190-91 : his com-
munication of naval secrets to Britain,
191 ; the King of Spain's secret letter
announcing terms of .illiaiice with
France, ib., 192; his custom as to
despatches, 193 «. 2 ; as to special
messengers, 194 n. i, 195 n. i ;
(1797), and Acton regarding England
and Mediterranean squadron, 197-99;
on Grenville, 199 ; (1798), correspond-
ence with Nelson ; (1798-99), his
arrival, 202 ; endeavours to surmount
obstacles of Franco-Neapolitan treaty
of 1796 enforcing neutrality and ex-
cluding anti-French ships from Medi-
terranean harbours, 203 ; correspond-
ence wnh Nelson, 204; his share in
critical events and councils of June
17-22 ascertained, 205 and seq. ; the
'order,' 206-8; recitals, official and
in draft, 206-7, 487 ; (June 17-22), in
council, 206, 207 n. 5 ; and Acton,
206 notes 2 and 5, App. n. G ;
sends Nelson Gallo's replies, 207 ;
on Nelson's weighing anchor re-
sumes correspondence, 214 ; Anglo-
Sicily V. France and Spain, tb. ; know-
ledge of instructions to Sicilian port-
governors to make ' show of resistance '
pending conclusion of Austria's negotia-
tions, 216 and 71. 4, and seq. ; impor-
tant distinctions between private,
official, and semi-official despatches,
2i6 ; (July 22), Nelson's letters to, of
disappointment at failure both of public
and private orders, his letters of
extreme joy, 219-22 ; evidence to show-
that change of tone was due to inter-
vention of Queen's letter, see ' Nelson ';
all along in correspondence with
Nelson, and intending to run down and
see him at Syracuse should Queen's
letter not operate, or Acton's [q.v.)
' order in King's name,' 216 and n. 2 ;
(Sept.), unwell, 227; nursed by over-
tasked wife, 230 ; party to Nelson, 231 ;
Nelson writes to, on policy after
addressing Lady Hamilton, 233 and
n. I ; pushes affairs with Grenville,
234; and Enuna, 235; her mention of,
to Nelson, 29, 238; co-operation in
preparations for ' royal ' escape to
Sicily, 244 and seq. ; strongly attests
wife's services, 246 ; (Dec. 21), his com-
munications with Acton, Embassy only
centre of energy and resource, 248 ; the
flight, 248-255; his and wife's name
absent from court lists of embarkation,
248 ; on the voyage, 257, 258 ; inten-
tion to retire temporarily to England,
ib. 260 ; depredations of his property,
ib. 270; a 'philosopher,' mistrust of
Rufro((/,f.), 271; (1799), attests Nelson's
adherence to duty in staying in Sicily,
275 and Jifr/. ; Emma and y\cton, 276;
Nelson, 280 n. i ; .acc|uaints him of
Ruffo's perfidy, 288 ; ill, but starts with
Nelson (June), 284, 289 ; hi.s part in
events of June- August, 291-31 1 ; in
Nelson's interview witii Ruffo, 298 ;
(June 26), 302, 303; (June 27). 304;
(July). 309 '' (•■^iiS"'''\ I^alermo pageant,
540
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Hamilton, Sir William — continued.
312-13 ; ' Nestor,' 314 ; worn and irrit-
able, his borrowings from Nelson, /i^.and
n. 2 ; with Acton, ib. and n. 4 ; crippled
fortunes, 318; home slanders of, 319;
decides to retire home, but supposes
only for a time, 321; (1800, March),
Ball's tribute to and invitation of, 321 ;
definitely superseded, ib. ; forwards
Nelson's letter to Grenville, 322 n. i ;
(April 23), the journey to Malta and
back, 322-326 ; reflections on his part
in the present climax of passion between
Elmma and Nelson, 324 ; (May), Queen
wishes him to remain ambassador, 327 ;
(June lo-Nov. ), the homeward journey,
329-340 ; offers civility to Lady Nelson,
337 «. 2; Fonthill, 338; (1801), in
Piccadilly, 341 and seg. ; exhausted,
343 ; Greville's renewed influence
over, 344 ; anxieties, 344 ; pension, ib.
and 401 >t. 2 ; (February), to Nelson
on Emma's health, 352 ?i. 6, 356 n. 4 ;
on W. Nelson's eccentricity, 353 ; his
part in the strange Prince of Wales
episode, 356, 357, 358 ; belittles him,
369 ; wish for ministerial compensa-
tion, hopes of governorship of Malta,
356 ; Tria juncta in uno, 366 ; selling
wife's portraits, 26, 361, 363, 371; Yar-
mouth visit frustrated, 371 ; to Nelson
on Copenhagen, 375 ; prosiness and
Staines visit, 376-7 ; Milford with
Greville, 377 ; Merton, 378-384 ;
objections, 379 ; on its charms to
Nelson, 380-81 ; ' share-and-sbare
alike,' 380, 382, 395 n. 2; content
with, 382, 383 ; present to church,
383 ; accounts, 387 and n. 1 ; Piccadilly
expenses, 388 ; Greville's warning
and his complaint, ib. ; Nelson's ' best
friend," ib. ; (1802), peerage scheme,
389-go ; condolence on Nelson's
father's death, 391 ; (1803), the Milford
and Cardiff tour, 393-397 ; last conju-
gal tifT and reconciliation, 396-97 ;
authentic account of death, 397-98 ;
burial, 399 and n. 4 ; his will, 399-400 ;
last expressions of devotion to Nelson,
400 ; and to Emma, 397 ; reflec-
tions on them both and, 400 ; old
dependants cared for after his death,
411, 430; App. 518.
Qualities —
Beliefs of, 68.
Courtesy and good-/fUfnoy>- of, 65, 66,
96 71. I, 99 ; Emma on, 124 ; to
visitors, 66, 148.
Economy and extravagance of, 23
"• I. 37. 154. 276, 381, 387 n. I,
388.
Indolence, 178.
Love of music , 102.
Perennial youth, 150.
Phrases of , 12, 15 w. 2, 21 n, i.
R,^fionali.'!n, 3.
Handel [composer], 102.
Hardy, Captain (June 17, 1798), 204,
205 and n. 2, 208 ; (1801), 345, 353 ;
(1805), 427 and n. 2 ; (1806), 433, 435 ;
App. 498, 526.
Harfrere, Mrs., 36.
Harrison, Mr. (1806-7), 44i-
Hart, Emily. See Emma,-v Conjectures
Lady Hamilton. I as to reasons
' Little' Emma. See fforthename,
' Carew,' Emma. J 51 and «. i.
[musician], 15 ; (1786), 104.
Hartley, Colonel, 61.
Harvey, Mrs., traditions of, regarding
Lady Hamilton examined. 51.
Flaslewood [Nelson's solicitor], 437 n. i,
460.
Hatton, Lady A., 149 and n. 2.
Haydn [composer]. 333.
Hayley, William (1745-1820), character
and career, 63. 64 ; influence on Lady
Hamilton of his Triumphs of Temper,
II, 147 ; his friendship with, 8, 12, 17,
18 n. 4, 62, 63, 64 ; in Romney's studio,
ib. ; (1786), invited to Naples, 94 ;
(1791). 133. 147; (1800), 334, 341 and
n. 2 ; (1801), 386 ; (1804), 99 ; (1805),
169 ; to Lady Hamilton, 430; App.
508.
Heaviside [surgeon], 17 m. i ; (1808),
442.
Hervey, Lord Augustus (1728-1804). Sec
Bristol, Earl of.
Lord, 92, 153 n. 3.
Hippisley, Sir J. C. , 173 n. 5.
Hodges, Mrs. (1793), 153.
Hogarth, W. [artist], 57.
Mrs. , 57.
Holland, Lord, 171 ?/. 4, 172.
Hompesch [Knight of Malta], (1798),
213, 231.
Hood, Lord [Admiral], (1793), 153, 156,
157. 170; (1795-96). 182.
Hope, Captain (June, 1798), 214 ; (Dec),
245. 252, 2t;4.
Hoppner, J. [artist]. 20.
Hoste, Captain. 7; (1798), sent by Nel-
son to Lady Hamilton with first news
of Nile victory, 223 n. i ; his account
of Neapolitan ecstasy, 223 ; and the
Queen, 224 ; Emma's kindness to, 227.
Hotham 1705-96), 182.
Humphries, Richard [Lady Hamilton's
kinsman], 443.
Hunter, Mrs., her statements regarding
Lady Hamilton's last days criticised,
469 n. 3, 474.
Hyde, Anne [see ' Solari, Marchesa Di '].
Ingram, Jonathan, 41.
Jacobins and Jacobinism, 21 ; and St.
Januarius, 97 «. 3; (1791). 122; lam-
pooners, 119 ; meaning of, for Great
Britain, 141 and seg. ; ' mobbing system '
of, and Nelson, 143 ". i ; his detesta-
tion of. 239 ; and Nai)les, ib. ; begiiis
to affect offended nobles, 144; (1793),
INDEX
541
in Naples, 152, 154 ; libels by, 153/': 5.
156; {1794), 172 and seq.; in Sicily,
173; executions, 174; (1795-97). 182;
(1797), 196 ; disturbances at Rome, ib. ;
fugitives to Naples, 198 ; (1798), black-
mail Naples, ib. ; (June 17), effect of
Nelson's arrival on, 202 ; Emma on,
214 ; (June 30), already plot the death
of King and Queen, 215 ; insolence and
its disappointment, 233 ; Lord St.
Vincent on, 224, 227 ; (August, Sept.,
and Oct.), 231, 232; (Nov.), fresh con-
spiracies at Naples, 239, 243; (Dec),
Nelson's allies against, 245 ; spies on
Emma and Nelson, 247 ; their Neapoli-
tan pillage, 258; (1799, Jan.), 260;
Neapolitan , distinguished and analysed,
261-65; action of Patriots' and 'Eletti,'
265andj«<7. ; ' Parthenopean Republic,'
260, 266 and seq. , 269, 273 ; part played
by St. Januarius in, 97 n. 3, 266, 267 ;
'Civic Guard,' 268, 270; Lazzaroni's
moderation towards, 268 ; poets and
pamphleteers, 269 ; paper systems, 270
and n. i ; (March), Nelson already
wishful to crush, 274 ; (June), Repubhc
which had touched provinces limited
once more to Naples, 272 ; hopes from
Frenchfieet, 276; Queen prays Nelson's
aid against, 282 ; Foote's commission
v., 282 ; (June), Ruffo's armistice, 288 ;
conduct as to capitulation and armis-
tice and Nelson's attitude and policy
fully discussed, 291-31 1 ; (June 19),
refuse clemency, 293 ; (June 26), some
escape, fate of others, 303 and seq. ;
(June 27), 304, 305, 328.
Jerocades [' Patriot '], 291.
Jesuits, 98-115.
Jewitt ['Jematt'], Mrs. (1814), Lady
Hamilton's unselfish interest in, 464,
App. 512.
Johnson, Dr., 26.
Joseph II. of Austria, 115; (1791), death,
138.
Kauffmann, Angelica [artist], 20, 90,
259-
Kaunitz [Austrian Premier], 115.
Keith, Lord (1799). replaces St. Vincent,
282 ; summons Nelson to Minorca,
287 ; appoints to chief Mediterranean
command, 317 n. 2; (1800, January),
it expires, 321.
Kelira EiTendi (Dec. 22. 1798), 251.
Kellermann, General, 144.
Keppell, Admiral, 96.
Kidd, Francis, 41 n. 2.
Mrs. [Lady Hamilton's grand-
mother], of Hawarden, 51, 71, 72.
Mary [wife of William Kidd], 43.
see Mrs. 'Cadogan.'
Thomas [cousin of Lady Hamilton],
40.
William ['labourer'], 41, 43, 443,
455-
Klopstock [po(;t] (1800), 335,
Knight, Mr. R. Payne, 104 n. 3, 395.
Cornelia, Miss, 42, 100, 171, 227,
230, 231, 240 ; (180D, March), 322 ;
(April), her verses, 325 and //. 2 ; (June
lo-November), 329 and seq. ; (1801),
verses, 372.
Lady, 240.
Ladmore, Mrs., 43.
Lancaster, Mr. and Mrs., 380.
Landor, W. S. [poet], quoted on Lady
Hamilton, 343 ; as to her, 429 ; App.
519-
Langford, Captain (1805), 422.
Lansdowne, Lord (1802), 396.
Lavater, 180.
Lavie, Mr. [solicitor], (1808), 449.
Lawrence, Sir T. [artist], 20. 316.
Lazzaroni, the, 9, 97, 122. 143 ; (1793),
153; (1794). 173; (1797). 197; (1798).
and Queen, 199; and Nelson, 202;
(Sept. and Oct.), 231; (Dec), 241,
244, 248; (Dec. 21), 249; (1799), 260,
265 and seq. ; remain staunch, 267,
270 n. 2 ; their leaders, 268 ; conduct
to, when betrayed, moderation to ' Pat-
riots,' 268 ; betrayed by Roccomana
[q.v. ), 268 ; Stand their ground, ib. ;
at first gulled by Championnet {q.v.),
269; dispersed, 270; (June), 291; the
Hamiltons their friends, 299, 308 ; and
("aracciolo, 290 n. 2, 306.
Le Brun, Madame Vigee, on Lady
Hamilton, 5 7t. 5, 105 n. 5 ; (1789),
127 n. 4, 361, 371 n. 4 ; (1803), 393 «. 2 ;
App. 516.
Legge, Heneage, Honourable, 67 ; (1791),
on Lady Hamilton to Greville, 131,
132, 398.
Mrs. (1791), 131.
Leopold, Grand Duke of Tuscany (1779),
115, 124; (1791), accedes to Austrian
throne, family council at Vienna, 138 ;
(1792), 149.
Prince of Naples, 108, 115 n. i, 138
n. I, 249 ; (1798), 257, 327 ; at Merton,
386.
Lewold, Miss, 421.
Lichtenau, Countess of, 24 ; account of,
180-S1.
Lind, Mrs., at Merton, 386; (1805),
condolence with Lady Hamilton,
431.
Linley, Mr. [manager of Drury Lane],
46.
Liverpool, Lord, 458; (1814), 468.
Lock [consul], 260, 276 «. 2 ; (1799),
misfeasances, 315 //. 2.
Mrs., 276 n. 2; reward by Govern-
ment. 445.
Locker [artist], 385 n. i.
Lolli [violinist], 57.
Louis, Captain (1799), 281 ; (September),
314; (i8oi),34S, 3s6«. 3; (1804), 4x3;
(t8o^), 430.
Philippe [afterwards French King],
II", '/. I.
542
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Louis XVI. (1789), 126; (1791), 138, 143;
(1792-93), 152.
XVII., 153.
Lovell, the Rev. — , 179.
Lucian, 224.
Luigia, Princess of Naples, marriage,
138.
Lunardi ( balloonist], 60.
Luttrell, Lady Elizabeth (1786), loi.
Lutwidge, Mrs., 382 n. 3.
Lynch, Sir William [Hamilton's prede-
cessor at Naples], 65.
Lyon, Charles [Lady Hamilton's brother],
40.
Emily [see Emma, Lady Hamilton].
Henry [ ' smith of Nesse, ' Lady Ham-
ilton's father], 40 ; his marriage certifi-
cate, ib. n. 2 ; ' arms," 414.
iVIary [see Mrs. ' Cadogan '].
Macartney, Charles [Greville's in-
timate], 38.
Lord, 102 ; (1796), 140.
Macaulay, Mrs. Catlierine [authoress], 48.
- Mr. [contractor], 183 n. 3.
Macdonald, General, his part in
Januarius' procession (Jan. 1799), 267 ;
on entry of French into Naples, 269 ;
replaces Championnet, 270 ; (April),
retires from Naples, 290.
Mack, General, 9; (1798), 232, 233,
234; (Nov.), 235; short-lived suc-
cesses, 239; (Dec), in despair, ib. ;
Nelson on, 239 n. 4, 256 ; his com-
plete rout, 239, 245; (Dec. 23), on
Vanguard, 256 ; at Capua, 257.
Mackau, 'Citizen' [ambassador] (1793),
152.
Mackinnon [contractor], 183.
Macmahon, Colonel, App. 512.
Macpherson, Sir John (1798), tribute of,
to Lady Hamilton's heroism, 255.
Mahoney, Countess of (1787), 101.
Maiden, Lady (1791). '47-
Malmesbury, Lady (1792 and 1796), 105
n- 5; (1791). 147. 320 n. I, 343.
Lord, on Nelson, 10 n. i.
Malta (1798), bribed by France, 202 it. 1,
204 ; (June- August), 207 n. 5, 211 n. 2,
213-215, 230, 234; and Nelson, 238
and n. 4, 245 ; (1799). 272, 279, 314,
315, 316, 398; (1800), 321, 322-327,
330 «. 3; (1801), 356.
Mann, Sir Horace (1780), 124.
Mansfield, l>ord (1810), 455.
Maria Princess of Naples, marriage, 138
n. I ; (1798), 243, 250, 252, 256.
Queen of Portugal, 148.
'Carolina' [Charlotte], Queen of the
two Sicilies(i7S3-i8i4), 7. 9. "- iS '"^^"
I and 2, 23, 48 «. I, 90 ; (1786), 103, 112,
156 ; (1777), her right to sit in council,
119, 204 ; her character, 126, 127, 152;
hrr education and marriage, 114; her
freemasonry, 115, 139. 144; her early
enlightenment and reforms, 119-121 ;
her experiment in monarchical social-
ism, 121 ; her need for an able financier
and leader in 1779, ^23 ; beginnings of
pro-English bias, 124 ; reasons for
Acton's ascendency with, 124 ; pro-
Austrian policy, 118, 125 ; effects on
her of French Revolution, 126, 138 and
seq. ; (1790), her first public recogni-
tions ol Emma, 128 ; (1791), her policy
and its objects, 138 and seq. ; visits
Vienna and Rome, ib. ; her fury with
France, 139 ; ancestral ideas of duty ;
' de Bourboniiation,' ib. ; Acton'scom-
mission, 140 ; England's aloofness,
141 ; becomes bureaucratic, 143 ; finds
her ' enlightenment ' has favoured
Jacobinism, 144 ; methods of first re-
pression, and efforts for anti-GaUic
coalition, 144-5; 'camera oscura,'
145 ; Lady Hamilton's message to,
from her sister, 145, 146 ; gaieties in
disaster, 148 ; (1791), receives Lady
Hamilton with favour, 146; (1794),
Sir William's illness, 150; (1793),
prompted by revenge, 152 ; redoubles
defences against imported Jacobinism,
153; 'Junta,' ib.; organises second
coalition, ib. ; efforts to save her sister,
id. ; her craving for Emma's sympathy,
153-4; Anglo-mania, 154, 155, 166,
168, 177, 181 ; welcomes Nelson, 162-
3, 165-7 ; fresh conspiracies, 167 ;
through Emma made enthusiastic for
Nelson, 168 ; her close intimacy with
Emma, ib. ; (1794), resolves more than
ever to go ' thorough' v. Jacobins, 172-
175, and cf. 144 ; her embarrassments
and her new tribunal — 'Cerberus,' 174 ;
a crusade preached v. Jacobins, 175 ;
parts with jewels to support war v.
France, 175 ; hails British victories,
ib. ; her correspondence with Lady
Hamilton, 176 and seq. ; home ex-
plosions arrested, but foreign defeats
and defections exasperate her, 183-4 ;
(1795-1796), her part in obtaining the
King of Spain's letter to her husband,
184-196 ; her close confabulations with
Emma, 190, 193, 199; (1796), anger at
Britain's intention to evacuate Mediter-
ranean and at her compelled compact
with France, 183 ; furious at Peace of
Brescia (see ' Treaties ') enforcing Nea-
politan neutrality, ib. ; wishes Lord
Grenville not to compromise her by
the information confided through
Emma to Sir William, 186 and seq. ;
her detestation of Spain, 189 and n. 1 ;
her close confabulation with and great
trust in Emma accounted for, 190, 191 ;
the crucial letter from the King of
Spain announcing secretly the terms of
an alliance with France to Ferdinand,
191, 192, 194 n. I ; her letter to Emma
as to an exceptional courier, 193 ;
(1797), cheered by English successes,
but dejected by foreign failures, 196,
203 n. 4, 211 ; more Anglophil than
INDEX
543
Maria Carolina — continued.
ever, 196 ; becomes conciliatory at
home, Vanni deposed, 197 ; joins in
pressing England for squadron, 197;
her feverish impatience for, 199 ; her
extreme reliance on Emma's influence,
199; her indissociability from, 200;
(1798), effects on, of Nelson's arrival,
202 and w. 4; and after, 214; licr
eager desire to break enforced neu-
trality, 204 ; (June 17), her secret action
at Emma's instance confirmed, 208 and
seq. ; nature of, 210; 'a royal letter,'
217, 218 ; a letter of indemnity, 219 ;
will not allow her name to transpire,
210, 220; instructions to port gover-
nors, 210, 216 n. 4 ; her rage over
Malta, 213-215; Emma indispensable ;
renewed Anglo-mania, 213-214 ; dis-
like of Gallo {q.v. ), 214 ; Emma on hor,
ib. ; (July 19), time for her ' open
sesame' delivered to Nelson, 215; at
first ineffective, 219 ; evidence to show
that Nelson's quick change from dis-
appointment to rapture on July 22 was
due to her letters of intervention, 216,
219 n. I, 220, 222 ; her transports at
battle of Nile related by Emma to
Nelson, 6, 8, 223 and seq., 226 ; App.,
Part II. A. ; and from other sources,
223 ; her letter to Emma, 223 and n. i
to 226 n. 2 ; to Circello, ib. ; unwell
on Nelson's arrival from Egypt, 228 ;
continues ill, 230; Nelson's manifesto
to Lady Hamilton v. procrastination
for her, mentions dignity of, 233 ;
catches his promptness from Emma,
235; her 'regency,' 235 and n. 4;
conversation with Emma, 238 ; cheered
by brief Neapolitan successes at Rome
(Nov.), plunged in despair by defeats,
pities her husband, 239 ; fresh home
conspiracies, 239, 247; devotions, 240;
pride under reverses, 241 ; (Dec), rage
and despair, 243 ; first disinclination
to follow Nelson's advice and Emma's
lead, 243; letters to her daughter, 243,
250, 256 ; her doubts, 244 ; relies
wholly on Emma and Nelson, who
persuade and protect her, 246 and seq. ;
the original plan for her escape,
247, 249 ; altered, ib. ; causes of her
hesitation, 248; scene within palace,
ib. ; episode of her flight, 250 and seq. ;
her account of the escape, 252 ; the
voyage, storm, and Emma's heroism,
255 and seq. , arrival, bereavement,
and grief, 258 and seq. ; devotions, 257,
278 ; reflections on flight, 260 ; events
at Naples, ib. ; (1799). and Luisa
Sanfelice (q.v.), 272; Leghorn sur-
renders; Tuscany in revolt, 273, 276 ;
(June 11), begs Nelson to undertake
the suppression of Neapolitan Jacobins,
282; and Mrs. Cadogan (qv.), 286;
(June 13), forbidden to accompany
Nelson to Naples, 288 ; suspects Ruffo,
288 n. 2, 300 «. 3 ; her counsel to
Nelson, 297 ; ascribes mischief to
' Eletti,' 299 ; Emma's action for, 299-
300 ; her humanity, 304 n. 3 ; (August),
her royal recognition of Emma's ser-
vices, 314 ; withholds grain from Malta,
316; (autumn-New Year), gambles,
318; (1800, March), exasperated at
probable transference of Malta, 322,
327; (May), her plans for a journey
with Nelson and the Hamiltons, 327 ;
her letter, 327 ; wishes Hamilton not
to resign his post, ib. ; her intense ex-
pressions of trust in and friendship for
Emma, 328; (June 10), journey to
Leghorn, Trieste, etc., and Vienna with
Hamiltons, 329 ; presents, 329 ; part-
ing with Emma, 332 ; the portrait,
355; (1801), resumes correspondence
with her, 363 and n. 5 ; writes to
Nelson, 375 ; and to Emma, 397 ;
(1804), 402 ; addresses British ministers
on Emma's behalf, 409 ; her dis-
tressing situation, 410; (1804), de-
spairs at Nelson's quitting Mediter-
ranean, 418 ; (1806), writes to Emma,
438; (1808), disregards Enmia's peti-
tion for Mrs. Grafer, 443 and n. 3 ;
continues, however, affectionate corre-
spondence, 444 ; fears that discussion
of Emma's claims may compromise
her, ib. ; gratitude, ib. ; much beset,
ib.\ (i8io), again an exile, 454; (1814),
death, 471; App. 511; Letters of,
to Lady Hamilton, 13, 139, 148, 176-
177, 190, 199, 202 11. 4, 214, 223 n.
1, 226 n. 2, 229 n. 4, 244 n. I, 245-
247, 250, 284 n. 2, 288 «. 2, 292
71. I, 299 n. I, 300 n. 3, 304 n. 3, 320
n. I, 327, 332, 363 71. 5, 397, 402, 484,
485 71. 2 ; the Queen and Lady Ham-
ilton's Attitudes, {q.v.), 134.
Maria Theresa, 113-115, 114 «. 2,
243-
Marie Antoinette, 9, 126, 136; (1791),
138, 145; (1792 -1793). 152. 153
"■ 5-
Marlborough, Duke of (1802), 393.
Duchess of, analogy to, 154.
Masham, Abigail, 154.
Masquerier, James [artist], 21.
Massa, General [' Patriot ' commander]
(1799, June), 298 ; misled. 302.
Matcliam family, the (1802), at home at
Merton, 386; the Milford tour, 394;
(1804), 414; (1805), remain at Merton
to bid Nelson farewell, 424; (1806),
Emma's warm upholders, 436 notes i,
2, and 3; (1811-1812), invite her, 456;
(1813), 458; (1814), assist her, 461,
470; plans and invitations, 464.
Matcham, Mr. (1800), 334.
Mrs. [Nelson's pet sister] (1800),
334 : (1803), 405 : (1810), 455.
George [their son], 333 //. 3, 386;
(1805), sees Nelson off, 424; (1813)
visits Emma at Temple Place, 461.
544
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Matcham, Miss, letter to Lady Hamilton,
414; (1813), 457.
Maynard, Lady [Nancy Parsons], 24.
Medici, Luigi di, Cavaliere (1789), 123 ;
(1799), 'regente,' 145, 174; his early
treason, ib. n. 2; (1794), trial of, 174;
and Queen, 199.
Medicis, Catherine of, 119.
M^jean [French commandant of San
Elmo] (1799, June), 291-311; motives,
and apathy to ' Patriots, '294; hostages,
ib. ; threatens bombardment, 298 ;
selfishness. 301 ; bombards, 307.
Melville, Lord, and Emma's 'claims,'
205, 401 ; (1805), 448.
Commodore (1787), and Lady
Hamihon, 107.
Merlin [mechanic], ^j.
Metastasio [poet], 121.
Meyricks, the (1803), 399.
Michelle, Count [French ambassador at
Naples], 152 V. i.
Micheroux, Chevalier (1797), 198 ; (1799,
June), ib. and n. 3, 292, 298, 301.
Middleion, Lord {1784), 70, 83.
Minasi, Padre [musician and antiquarian],
120.
Minto, first Earl of [see Elliot, Sir
Gilbert].
Lady [and see Elliot, Lady], 320
n. I.
Mirabeau, 143.
Moira, Lord, and Emma's music, 104
«. 3.
Moliterno, Prince [general] (1795), 175 ;
(1799, Jan.), 266 ; and Lazzaroni (^.z'. ),
268 ; App. 500.
Monaco, Prince of (1789), 128.
Moore, Mr. and Mrs. John [Lady
Hamilton's uncle and aunt], 42.
Ephraim and Catherine, 42 //. 5.
Morland, Henry [painter], 33.
Moutray, Mrs., 157.
Mulgrave, Lord, 163.
Munster, Count (1796), 193.
Murray, Lady Augusta, 148 «. i.
Nancy [Lady Hamilton's servant], 421,
448, 460.
Naselli, General (1799), 267.
Nelson, Charlotte [afterwards Lady
Bridport], 25, 41 ; (1800), 334: (1801),
361; and n. 5, 371, 376-7. 382, 384 ;
(1803), 405, 407; (1804), 413, 415;
{1806-7), constantly at Merton, 439.
Horatia [afterwards Mrs. Ward],
12 n. S, 13 n. 6, 14, 23, 25, 27, 162 ;
birth and christening, 352 and n. 3,
353-355. 368, 370, 381, 383. 384. 38s
n. I, 403, 404, 407, 412 ; (1804), small-
pox, 417; fixed at Merton, ih. ; (1805),
422, 424; to be styled 'Nelson," 427
n. I ; (1806-8), 434, 438 n. I ; 'cousin,'
439, 441, 442, 444 ; proposal for pension
to, 447 n. 2 ; education, 441-2, 451,
467, 468 ; (1809), 452 ; (1810), 455 n. 5 ;
(1812-13), 456, 457 and stq; (1813),
458; maternal admonitions to, 459-60;
her cup, 460; (1^14), flight with Lady
Hamilton to France, 465, 466 and w. 3,
467 71 . 3, 469 n. 3, 470 71. 3 ; and Earl
Nelson, 472.
Nelson, the Rev. Edmund [Nelson's
father] (1798), 240 ; (1800), 334, 336;
(iSor), visits Merton, 381; (1802, April),
death, 390 ; Lady Hamilton mentior.s,
App. 515-
Horatio, 'The Younger,' (1800),
334, 383. 385 «• I ; (1802), 394; (1805),
designed by his uncle to marry Horatia,
418 ; buried in Nelson's vault, 432
n. 2.
Horatio, Viscount (1758-1805), 14,
20 71. I, 46, 137, 142; sobriety, 333
;?. 3 ; on Lady Hamilton's kindliness,
24-27 ; his idealisation of her exempli-
fied in a new and remarkable instance,
25-26, 225 ; his treatment of Lady
Nelson treated in advance, 29 ; his
keen desire for fatherhood, 29 ; his
amativeness, I57«., 226^. i ; 'electric,'
10 and w. I ; exaggerativeness, 358 ;
dislike of crowds, 381 ; heart complaint
in his family, 415 71. i; his character and
antecedents considered, 157-162, 368;
Scott's tribute to, 160 ;z. 3 ; his idealisa-
tion of Emma, psychologised and
analysed, 2, 9, 10, 22, 24, 25, 27, 28
and 7t. 2, 29, 161 and se(]., 163-4, 225,
274-6, 285, 323-4, 348-52, 363, 390,
438-9, 473 ; (1793, Sept. 10), arrival at
Naples, 156; description of his recep-
tion by court, 162 ; by Hamiltons,
163; first impressions of Emma, 165;
awakes Naples, 166 ; his parting enter-
tainment, 167 ; his view of Jacobinism
chimes with Europe's, 173; (1795),
166, 172; (1796), his anger at minis-
terial lukewarmness in prosecuting the
war, 183; (1797), 196 ; his view of Eng-
lish Government and Mediterranean
squadron, 196 ; his views prevail at
Naples, 197; (1798), Grenville on, 199
7t. 2; sails for Mediterranean, 200;
chases French fleet, 201 and seq, ;
approaches Naples, 202; 'conservated,'
202 n. 4 ; his instructions, projects, and
prospects, 203 and seq. ; his letter tc
Hamilton, 203 ; the obstacles to be
faced, ib.; Hamilton's correspondence
with, 204 ; his need and wish for a
roving ' credential,' 204, 206; his mes-
sage to Hamiltons (June 17), his
further requisitions, 206 ; the order ' in
King's name,' 206 and seq. ; his two
letters from Emma, 209-210 ; his
hitherto disputed reply to one of them
proved, 211 ; on setting sail immedi-
ately resumes correspondence with
Hamiltons, 'laurels or cypress," 213,
222; on Malta, ib.; 'co-operation,' ib.;
in hot pursuit, 215 ; (July 19), at
Syracuse, ib.; episode and significance
of 'Governor of Syracuse lett r," and
INDEX
545
Nelson, Horatio, Viscount — co?ilinued.
events of July 19-23 fully considered,
216-223 I 'show of resistance, 217, 218 ;
his disappointment, and inefiicacy both
of Acton's irregular order and Queen's
private and secret letter, 219 ; his desire
to hasten the watering, etc., of fleet,
time all important, 219 and «. i ;
until late on July 22, did not expect to
be ready till 23rd, 219 n. i, 220; his
two letters of invitation to Hamilton
and Lady Hamilton, 219, 220 ; his two
rapturous letters following them, 220-
222 ; evidence that change of tone was
due to intervention of ' Queen's letter,'
216, 219 «. I, 220, 222; the Arethusa
letter considered, 221, 222; his letters
explain each other, 221 n. 4 ; sails re-
fitted and reheartened, 222 and seq. ;
habit of rehearsing his plans, 223 ;
battle of the Nile, and its effects, 223,
224 ; as related in Emma's correspon-
dence with him of this date, 6, 8,
223, 224 ; his letters to her, 224 n.
3 ; to his wife, ib. n. 4 ; his feel-
ings towards Emma, 225, 226, 232,
23S1 283, 285 ; (Sept. 22), arrival in
Naples, 228-9 ; his account of meet-
ing with Lady Hamilton, 228-9 5 ^^'s
bad state of health, 229 and «. 4 ; at
Castellamare, ib. ; Lady Hamilton's
party for his birthday, 230, 231 ;
consults Lady Hamilton (Oct. 3), his
political manifesto addressed to her
for the Queen's attention, 231-233 and
w. I, App. 493 ; plans and movements,
234 ; parting letter to Emma before
sailing for Malta, 234 ; leaves
Emma as vicegerent, her letters to
him, 135 and seq. ; his important
declaration as to unauthorised Maltese
capitulations, 238 and n. 2; (Nov.),
returns, Naples declares war, 238 ;
starts for Leghorn, which surrenders,
239; (Dec), returns, his avowal
of Emma's influence on him, 240;
his preparation with her for royal
escape, 144 and seq. ; omens, 244 ; his
view of Neapolitan situation, 244 ;
protects coasts, 245; his plans, 247 and
seq. ; his official accounts of Enmia's
services, 246, 252, 255 ; (Dec. 21),
irritated at Acton's delays and stolidity,
248; merchants look to him and
Hamilton for protection, 248; brooks
no more delay, 249 ; account of the
escape, 252 ; the scene of, 253, 254 ;
voyage, tempest, and arrival at Palermo,
255 and seq. ; his tribute to Emma,
257 ; reception on arrival, ib. ; present
to Emma, 259 ; lodges with Hamiltons,
259; offers ship to take ailing Hamiltons
home, 260 ; disgust at Neapolitan
events, 265 ; opinion of Ruffo, 271 ti. 3 ;
anxiety for Egypt and Malta, 272 and
n. 2, 273; and Lady Nelson, ib.; his
pre-occupations, 273 and seq. ; (March),
already declares willingness to suppress
Neapolitan Jacobins, 274 ; and France,
ib. ; slights of, 273, 274 ; sends Trou-
bridge to Procida, I'unis, 274 ; duty
detains him in Sicily, evidence that, ib.
and seq., 289; ill health, 275; Lady
Hamilton's sympathetic activity, 275-
6 ; his verses to Emma, 278 ; Trou-
bridge's mission to Procida, 278-9 ;
(March), opinion of Caracciolo, 279 ;
(May), hears of French fleet, move-
ments and motives up to June 17, 279-
289 ; (May), and Hamiltons, 281 and
seq.; bequests, 281 ; (May 28), re-lands
at Palermo, Foote's commission, Fou-
droyant, 282 ; (June), invitation to
St. Vincent, 282; (June 11 and 12),
Queen's invitation to suppress Jacobins,
his feelings, 283-4 ! Emma's, 284 ;
his mixed feelings, 286 ; vexations
and affronts, 287 ; and Minorca, 287
71. 2 ; decides to start for Naples,
embarks (June 13) and disembarks
(June 14) the Crown Prince, takes
fourth short cruise of survey, 288 ;
learns Ruffo's unauthorised armistice,
288 ; starts with Hamiltons for Naples,
289 ; short view of his approaching
policy, 289-90; Jacobin 'mob-system,'
143 ; (June 25), concerts battle-place
with IDuckworth, 289 n. 5, 296, 297 ;
state of affairs on arrival, 291-297 ; the
terms of capitulations and armistices,
295-6 ; Nelson's views on, 297 ; joy of
loyalists, 297, 299 ; his memorandum
to Ruffo, 297 ; he annuls armistice
and capitulations, 298 ; interview with
Ruffo, ib.; signatories to capitulations,
protest, 298 ; castles Uovo and Nuovo
surrender, 298 ; Emma's '^nergy and
resource, 299-300; distii'cao., between
armistice with French and capitulations
with Patriots, 300 ; (June 25), refuses to
let rebels 'quit or embark,' iL n. 2;
(June 26), does not change front to
rebels, 302 ; will not oppose ' embarka-
tion,' 303; awaits King's orders, ib.%
his after-vindication, 303-304 ; Govern-
ment endorses his policy, 304 ; Carac-
ciolo, 305-307; demands from Ruffo con-
cerning, 306; King's influence, 306 ». 3;
the 'sentence,' 307; attacks St. Elmo, ib.
308 ; on Lady Hamilton's labours and
humanity, 308 ; celebration of August i,
311 ; commanding admiral, ib.; episode
of Caracciolo's resurrection, 311 ;
(Aug. 9), Palermo, 311 ; the signal
pageant in his honour, 312-13; Bronte
and other honours, 312 - 13 [and
for Emma's part in, see ' Hamilton,
Emma, Lady, and reference to App.
there given]; Acton, 314 w. 4 ; 'Jove,'
314, 340 ; (August- December), his
many and various activities, 314-316;
Port Mahon, and care for \Ialta, 315 ;
(Sept. 22), lands again at Palermo,
sends to free Rome, ib.; Barbary
2 M
546
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Nelson, Horatio, Viscount — continued.
States, deplores Napoleon's elusion of
British fleet, ib. ; dejection, ib. and
316 ; home annoyances. East India
Company's grant, 317 ; temporary
chief command, 317 n. i ; tone of
letters, 317, 318 ; letter to Lady Hamil-
ton, 318 ; ' Dame Fortune,' home
slanders, 319 ; refuted, 320 ; again
under Keith's orders, 321 ; aims and
annoyances, ib. ; Leghorn, Malta,
capture of Le Ginireiix, ib. and 322 ;
(March), Maltese blockade progressing,
re-lands at Palermo, 322 ; (Ap il 23),
the journey to Malta and back, 322-
26 ; reflections on his present climax
of passion, 323-25, 340 71. 3, 370; his
recollections of voyage, 325 n. i ;
(May 20), Palermo, announces his
return home, 326 ; the homeward
journey, 329-40 ; Leghorn, 329-30 ;
ignorance of big world, 330-31 ;
Vienna, 332; Dresden, 333; Hamburg,
335 ; Yarmouth and London, 336 ;
medal, ib. n. 2 ; and Lady Nelson,
337 ; events in London, 337 - 8 ;
Fonthill, 338 ; scene with wife, ib. ;
repudiation and provision, 338-9 and
n. 3, 349 n. 3; 'outcast,' ib. n. 4,
375 ; the breach considered, 339-40 ;
(r8oi), and Flaxman, 341 ; fresh causes
for admiration of Emma, 341-43, 346;
ill, but eager for action. Northern
Coalition summons him to confront
it, anxiety for Emma, lawsuits and
vexations, 343 - 46 ; parting from
Emma, San Josef, 346-7 ; imminence
of Horatia's birth, the singular Thom-
son correspondence with Emma, 347
and seq. ; Nelson's agitation and pious
affection, 350-52 ; a remarkable letter
to Lady Hamilton, 351 ; another ex-
pressing attachment for her character,
352 ; birth of Horatia, 352 and n. 3 ;
his transports and anxiety as shown by
letters, 353-55 ; bequeaths the Queen's
portrait to Emma, 355 ; anagrams, ib.
and n. 2 ; the Prince of Wales episode,
and his letters on, 358-66, 371 ; and
Sir William, 360 and seq., 362; de-
termines to 'run up to London,'
362 ; praises Emma's constancy, 362 ;
about Greville, ib. ; affinities to Emma,
363 ; his canonisation of, 26, 363 ;
(February), hurries up to London, 364
and seq.; (March), visits Horatia, 370
and n. x; departure for Copenhagen, '
366 and seq. ; patriotism, 367, 368 ; |
vents feelings to Emma, 368 ; wish to j
retire to Bronte, ib. ; hopes for a visit j
at Yarmouth, 371 ; on Hamilton's sell- ,
ing portraits, 371 «. 4; Copenhagen,
fresh slights and misconstructions, 374-
76 ; Emma's birthday, 375 ; (July i),
retiu"ns, only to be ordered off soon to I
Channel, ib. ; visit to Staines, 376 ; j
Parker's death, 377 ; kept off Kentish 1
coast, ib. ; forwards Hamilton's in-
terests, 378 ; recollections, 378 ; acquisi-
tion of Merton Place, 378-84 ; its church,
384 ; offers Merton to Emma, 379 ;
divides expenses, 380 ; entry into, 381 ;
generosity to father, ib. n. 7 ; exhausted,
383 ; liberality practised on, 35 ; wine,
386 ; accounts, 387 ; prefers Merton to
social solemnities, 391 ; (1802), the
Beckford-Hamilton peerage plot, 389-
90 ; (April), grief at father's death,
Hamilton's sympathy, 391-2 ; gene-
rosity, 390; (June), Eton, 451 71. i;
(July), the Milford and Cardiff trip and
demonstrations, 394-96; (1803), Sir
William's death, and Nelson's letter,
397-8 ; the will, and his suspicions as
to Greville, 399 ; Hamilton's expres-
sions about Nelson, 400 ; applies for
Emma, 401 ; (May), a wedding and a
christening, 402, 403 ; departs for the
Mediterranean, 402-3 ; on Greville's
conduct to Emma, 403 ; his farewell
words, 404 ; occupations and ob-
sessions, 406-7 ; (1804), writes to
Horatia, 407 ; and King and Queen of
Naples, 408, 410 and ». 4 ; daemonic,
410 ; ill-health and dispiritments, 409-
10, 411, 418; on guard, his move-
ments; Emma, Merton, and Horatia
haunt him, 411-12 ; (1804), the regained
portrait, 412 ; anxiety for Emma and
Horatia, 351, 417; his announcement
concerning Horatia, 417; (1805), pre-
pares to quit Mediterranean, 418 ; his
movements in search of French
squadron, 419 and seq.; West Indies,
420 ; letters opened, 421 ; secures safety
of Cadiz, his further efforts, lands at
Spithead (Aug. 18), 422 ; at Merton for
the last time, 422, 423 ; parting hours
and scenes of farewell, 423-4, 422 n. 3 ;
forebodings, 424 and «. 3 ; last mes-
sages before Trafalgar to Emma and
Horatia, 424-26 ; Trafalgar and death,
426-29, App. 524-26 ; his body's home-
coming, 429, 431 ; Scott's description,
431-2 ; funeral, 432 ; his sword, 426 n.
1 ; his sword of honour, 465 and w. 2 ;
his coat, 430, 437 ; particulars about
sarcophagus, 432 «. 2; his will, 434; his
annuity to Emma does not take effect
till 1808, and even then not wholly,
434, and App. 489 ; Lady Hamilton's
devotion to his memory and wishes,
441-2 ; his solemn assurance to Pitt
as to Emma's claims, 445 ; Mrs.
Damer's bust of, 67 n. 5 ; his verses, 3
and «. I, 277 342.
Qualities —
A77ibition, 160.
Fanatifism, 406.
Infectious enthusiasTn, 161, 166, 419,
423-.
Intuitio7i, 159 71. I, 232, 241, 410,
419, 420.
Mag7ia7timity , 409.
INDEX
547
Nelson, Horatio, Viscount — continued.
Poetical phrases of, 3 «. i, 7 «. i, 10,
213 n. I.
Religious ideas, 160.
Simplicity and generosity of, 158.
Spontaneity, 160, 161.
Theatricality, 159.
Unselfishness, 223, 406, 409, 419.
Various letters of, alluded to [Ch. I.,
passim and App. Pt. 11. D. and E.],
99 «. I ; on .Sardinia, 141 n. 2 ;
(1801), of Greville, 109 n. 2, 402
n, 5, 406-7, 409, 411, 412, 417,
418, 419, 421, 426, 429.
His wording regarding Emma's
several 'Claims.' [See 'Lady
Hamilton, Emma,' and 'Claims'
under same heading.]
Frances, Viscountess, 29, 157 ;
character of, 158 ; (1798), Nelson to,
229 n. 3 ; letters to, from Lady Hamil-
ton, 227, 229 n. I, 231 ; App. 491 ;
Lady Hamilton on, 238; (1798, Oct.),
273; (1799), 285 and ?i. 2; and
East India Company's grant, 317;
(iSoo), her injuries considered, 323-4,
326, 336; absent in Nelson's welcome,
336 ; scene with husband and Lady
Hamilton, 338 ; eventually repudiated,
338) 339 ^"d ^- i; 'Tom Tit,' 339,
340, 364 ; her attitude, 339 and w. 3,
350 ; Brighton, 346, 349, 364, 371 ;
(1806), buried near Exmouth, 432 n. 2 ;
Lady Hamilton's third letter to, App.
514-
Maurice, 334, 339 n. i, 365, 374.
Sarah, Mrs. William [afterwards
Countess Nelson] (1800), 334, 340;
(1801, February), hurries up at Nelson's
request to protect Emma ; Emma's
correspondence with, 364 and scq. , 370,
376, 394, 405, 413, 415; (1806 and
after), continued her friendship for,
and visits to Emma, 439.
the Rev. William [Earl Nelson], 42;
(1800), 334 and «. 2, 339; oddities,
353 ; praises Emma's conduct, 362 ;
characteristics, 363 n. i, 370 n. 3 ;
Staines, 376-7; (1802), 394, 408 ; (1803),
405, 413, 415; (1804, Aug. i), 417;
his behaviour regarding the codicil
discussed, 433-36, 450, -'^pp. 508 ; his
conduct concerning Nelson's coat,
437 ; shabbiness, 436-7 ; conduct to
Mrs. Maurice Nelson [see ' Ford,
Mrs.']. 444 «• I ; App. 501-507; (1814),
Lady Hamilton on his conduct, 468-9 ;
his hardness, 470, 472.
William (1810), 454.
Nepean, Sir Evan (i8oi), 365 ; App.
503-
Newton, Mr. and Mrs., 380, 382.
Nichol, family of, 43, 443.
Niciiolson, M;irgarct, 61.
Nicolas, Sir Harris N., 221, 350.
Nisbet, Francis[see Nelson, Viscountess!.
Nisbct, Josiah,Captain[Nclson'sslepson|,
165, 227, 231 ; at Neapolitan Embassy
(1798), 240; ill conduct, 273 ; (1801),
365 and n. 2, 370.
Nisbet, Mrs. (1801), 343, 357, 360.
Nizza, Admiral (1799, September), 314.
NoUekens [sculptor], 57.
Northwick, Lord, 16 «. 1 ; (1808), 451.
Nudi, Dr., 179.
Ogilvie [banker], 80 n. 4.
Oliver [interpreter] (1800), 335 ; (1801),
350, 368, 408.
Opic, J. [artist], 21.
Orde, Sir John (1805), 419, 420.
Orloff, Count [Russian ambassador at
Naples] 24 n. i.
Pagako [jurisprudent], 120 and n. 4.
Paget, Mr. [Hamilton's temporary suc-
cessor], 99 M. 4 ; Hanoverian ambas-
dor, 180 n. 2, 322 and ti. 2, 327.
Paisiello [composer], 102, 117, 228.
Pali [leader of the Lazzaroni], 9, 299-300.
Pallanti [envoy], 139.
Palmerston, Lady (1793), 154.
Palmieri [scientist], 120.
Panthea [freedwoman], Emma's proto-
type, 224.
Parker, Sir Hyde (1801), 345, 362.
Captain (i8oi), 345, 353 ; (death),
376-
Lieutenant (1801), 345, 361 ; (death),
377; App. 516.
Parma, Duke of (1791), 139.
Parratt, Dr., 380.
Patterson, Mr. and Mrs., 380.
Payne, Willet-, Rear-Admiral, 46, 49 ;
(1802), death, 394.
Peddieson [upholsterer], 424 n. 3.
Peirson, Mrs. (1806), 440.
Pembroke, Earl of, 31, 150.
Pcpc [afterwards General] (1799), 268,
(June), 291 and seq.
P^ncival, Lady (1805), 431, 439,
Spencer, 458.
Perconti, Eliza (1800), 328.
Perring, Sir John (1808), 449.
Perry, Mr., 380, 423, 457, 458, 462, 465.
Pescher [banker and conspirator] (1793),
144.
Petion (1791), 143.
Piazra, 267.
Pignatelli [author], 121.
Count, 144 «, I.
Prince (1794), 174: (Dec. 23),
Captain-General, 256; (1799, Jan.),
260; his action and absconsion, 265,
268 ; secret negotiations with French,
267, 273 ; ill behaviour, 279 ; ' sur-
rounded by scoundrels,' 30 n. 3.
Pimentel, Eleonora de Fonseca [poetess
and revolutionist], 121-2 ; (1799), 264;
edits Monitore, 269, 305.
Pitt, Willi.im [statesman] (1783), 69;
(1794). i77«.6;(i8oi), 364; (1802), 394;
and Emma's claims, 205; and Hamilton,
548
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
378; (1803), 402; (1804), 411; (1805),
assured by Nelson of Emma's services,
445 ; Melville addresses him on her
behalf, 448 ; Emma's admiration for,
416; energy, 419; and Nelson, 423;
(1806, Jan.), his death affects Emma's
claims, 435, 448.
Pisa, Colonel (1798), 197 n i.
Pius VI., Pope (1791), 120,. 138; (1797),
and Austria, 196 n. i ; ejected from
republicanised Rome, 183, 196 and
n. I, 197 ; death of, ib.
Plymouth, Lady (1791), 147; her letter
to Emma, 148; (1792), 150; (1793),
122, 155.
Polignac, Prince (1791), 131.
Pope cited, 160, 176 t?. 3.
Portland, Duke of, 31.
Portman Square, 33 n. 2, 41.
Potemkin, Prince, 127 71. 4.
Pott, Emily [see Seaforth, Lady].
Potter, Mr. , 43.
Pova, Mary, 41.
Powell, Harriet [actress], [see Seaforth,
Lady].
Jane [actress], 45 and ib. note 2 ;
(1791), 135; (1803), with Lady Hamil-
ton at Southend, 408.
Prussia, and Frederick, King of (1792),
and Austria, 144; (1793). .152; (i794).
resents spread of Jacobinism, 173 ;
Countess Lichtenau {q.v.), 180; (1795-
96), deserts coalition against France,
182, 184 ; (1803), Third Coalition, 402.
Puleston, Sir R. (1811), 456.
QuEENSBERRY, Duke of ['Old Q.'], 23 ;
(1791). 135; (1801), 357, 373, 376; at
Merton, 386; (1803), 408; (1805),
422 «. 3; (1807), 440; (1808), 448;
(1810), death and luckless bequests of,
452, 454-
Rasoumowsky, Count, 24 n. i.
Rega [intaglio-cutter], 20.
Reynolds family, the, 43, 443.
Ann [Lady Hamilton's maternal
aunt], 43.
Richard, 43, 443, 4.55.
Sir Joshua, and Romney, 17 ; and
Lady Hamilton, 20 ; on Hamilton's
connoisseurship, 34 Jt. i ; and 'Thais,'
38.
Richard [Lady Hamilton's uncle],
43-
Sarah, 43, 421, 455.
Riario, Prince (1791), 144, 167.
Richelieu, Cardinal, 119.
Robespierre (1794), 173.
Robinson, Mrs. ['Perdita'], 20, 24.
Rocco, Padre [Royalist reformer], 120.
Rficcomana, Duke of (1799, Jan.), leads
Lazzaroni {//.v.), 268.
Rodney, Lord (1780), 124.
Rohan, Pierre Camille de, 85 ». i.
Romney, George (1734-1802), 8, 11, 12,
14 ; and Lady Hamilton, 16-21, 26,
44 ; evidence as to first acquaintance
with Lady Hamilton, 46, 49, 50, 51,
56; (1783-86), his friendship with Emma,
60-62 ; acknowledges her ' inspiration.'
99 and u. 5 ; scene in his studio, 62,
63; (1784), 77; (1785), 79, 90; (1786),
invited to Naples, 94 ; intended to be
Emma's trustee, 95 ; (1791), Emma's
surprise visit to, 133 ; intercourse
between him and the Hamiltons till
her marriage, 19, 133-135, 136 ?/. 3;
letter to, from Lady Hamilton, on her
new happiness, 147 ; his answer to her
invitation to Naples, ib. ; (1800), 334,
341 ; (1801), desire to see Emma again,
342 and ?/. 3, 361 ; (1802), death, 394 ;
on sensibility of Emma's mouth, z'i^. , 466.
Romney, John [son and biographer of the
artist], 18 ?i. 4, 19 n. 3, 60 and n. 3, 61
n. 4, 62.
Rose, George, the Right Honourable,
42 ; and Emma's claims, 205, 412 n. 4,
416 ; (1805), last interview with Nelson,
424, 429, 430 ; acknowledges Emma's
' claims,' 437 ; (1808), 445, 446 ; (1810),
447 fio^es I and 2, 455; (1813), 458;
(1814), 466 n. 2, 467 ; App. 525, 526.
• Captam, App. 502.
Rosenheim, Count (1798), 243.
Ross [banker], 80 n. 4.
Rothery, Mr., 42.
Roulanch, Mile. [Horatia's governess
after Sarah Connor went as governess
to the Boltons], 451.
Rousseau, J. J., 263.
Rovedino, Carlo, 456,
Rovere family, the, 123.
Ruffo, Cardinal Fabrizio (1744-1827),
character of, 271 ; 42 n. 2 ; (1792),
and ' camera oscura,' 145, 197 «. i ;
(1799), 267 71. 2; designated Vicar-
General ; King's strict injnctions to,
271 and }!. I ; Nelson's opinion of, and
the Hamiltons, ib. and «. 3; proclaims
holy war, 271 and se^. ; movements
till May, 279 ; (June), his armistice sus-
pected at Palermo, 288; and Queen,
289 71. 2, 291 n. 2 ; and King, 289
notes I and 2 ; (early June), nears
Naples, 290 ; (June 16), council at
Palermo respecting him ; intercepts
land communications, gives battle and
wins, 290, 291 ; his humanity, 291 ;
his shifty and unauthorised manoeuvres
for peace detailed and discussed, 291-
303 ; and M^jean, 292, 300-1 ; and
Foote, 292-94 ; and Acton, 293 ; and
Micheroux, 292, 300 ; at Is^elson's
arrival (June 23), 297 ; (June 24), inter-
view with Nelson and Hamiltons, 298 ;
(June 25), 298 ; ' surrounded by
scoundrels,' 300 «. 3; his twisting of
facts, 301 and set/, ; saved from King's
anger, 303 ; grateful to Lady Hamil-
ton, ib. ; (1804), Viennese mission, 410 ;
App. 520.
Francesco, 291 n. 2.
INDEX
549
Rumbold, Lady, 89.
Sir Thomas, 89 and «.
Rushout [diplomatist], 15 n. 5.
Russell, Mr., 456, 465.
Mrs., 456, 465 ; App. 512.
Russia, and Paul, Emperor of, and Cathe-
rine II., Empress of, and Lady Ham-
ilton, 107; (1794), resents spread of
Jacobinism, 173; (1798), declares war
V. P'rance, 232, 234 ; promises fleet to
Naples, 239; (1799, May), co-operates
with Ruffo, 271 ; treaty with Naples,
232 ; and Malta (Nelson), 273 w. 2 ;
fresh treaty with Naples, Austria, and
Turkey, 279 ; Corfu blockaded, 290 ;
(June), disappointed of arranging peace
with Neapolitan rebels, 297 ; (October),
inactive at Valetta, 315, 330 w. 3 ; and
Nelson's and Lady Hamilton's Maltese
services, 350 n. 3 ; (1803), third coali-
tion, 402; (1810), 454.
Ruvo, Count (1793), 167; (1799), 270.
Vincenzo [patriot], 291.
Ruzzi, Dr. (1798), 250.
Saboff, 180.
Saffory, Ann (1788), 120 ;/. 2.
Sanfelice, Molines Luisa (1799), her part
in betraying royal secrets, and her fate,
72.
St. George, Miss, 38 «. 3.
Mrs. [MelesinaChenevix, afterwards
Mrs. Trench], 22 n. 6, 333 n. 4.
Saint Maitre, Duke and Duchess of
(1787), lOI.
St. Vincent, Earl, and Lady Hamilton,
10, 25, 169, 170, 196, 276 n. 2 ; (1798).
and Acton, 198 ; correspondence with
Emma, 202 n. 4 ; and Captain Bowen,
210 n. 2; on Nelson, the Nile, and
Jacobinism, 224 ; on Nelson's sus-
ceptibility, 226 n. I ; (1798), on I^ady
Hamilton's heroism, 255; (1799) 258,
280; Lady Hamilton's appeal to, 171,
App. n, E. ; retirement, 282 ; Nelson
invites, ib. ; and appeals to, 287 ;
(1800), on Nelson's philandering, 323,
330 n. 2; (1801), squabbles, 344-5,
367; (1808), Emma addresses, 444-5,
App. 512.
Salandra, Duke of (1799, August), ' Vice-
General,' 311.
Sambuca, Marquis of (1776), 122.
San Clemente, Marchioness (1793), 153.
San Leucio (Royal and socialistic
colony), 121.
San Marco, Marchioness (1793), 153.
Sandby, Paul [artist], 57.
Sardinia, 115, 141 n. 2, 153; (1798),
203.
Saunders [savant], 14, 16.
Sauveur, Alexandre [' hermit of Vesu-
vius'], 107 «. 2, 180.
Saverio, 245.
Sawbrige, John, M.P. , 48.
Saxe, Chevalier, 180.
Saye [me^zotinter], 21 n. 1.
Sberri, the, 97 n. i.
Schiavonetti [artist], 57.
Schinato, Marquis, at Merton, 386.
Schipani (1799, June), 290.
Schomberg House, 47.
Scott, J. [Nelson's secretary], 406.
Rev. Dr. A. J. [Nelson's chaplain and
secretary], 160 n. 3, 419, 423 and n. 2,
426 n. I, 428 notes r and 2 ; breaks news
of Nelson's death to Emma, 429, App.
524 ; his vigil over Nelson's remains
and care for Emma, 431-2 ; on Nelson,
431 ; his tribute to Emma, 432 ; at the
funeral, ib. ; (1806, Sept.), Lady
Hamilton's vindicatory letter to, 438.
Sir William [Lord Stowell], 12 n.
8, 39 7/. 2; (1806), 435; (1814), 466,
468.
Seaforth, Lord, 69.
Lady, 24, 41, 45.
S^mouville, ' Citizen ' [ambassador]
(1793). 152 n. 2.
Shelburne, Lord [statesman], 57.
Sheldon [balloonist], 60.
Sicigniano [ambassador] (1789), 123 ;
(1793). 145-
Sicily (as distinguished from Naples),
119 n. 4; (1794), Jacobinism, 173;
(1798), 204; (1799), 289.
Simpson, Miss Molly, 157 «. 5.
Singleton, W. [artist], 21.
Skamousky, Madame, 150.
Skavonska, Madame [wife of Russian
ambassador at Naples] (1789), 127.
Smith, Jonathan [alderman], 383; (1813
458; (1814), 461, 465, 466. 472 ; App.
513-
Sidney, Admiral Sir (1799), 273,
274, 315-
Solari, Marchesa Di, Anne Hyde, 16,
42, no; (1792), 143; and Lady
Hamilton's message from Marie
Antoinette, 145-6; and Lady Hamil-
ton's intimacy with the Queen, 153.
Somerville, Captain, App. 519.
Sorrentino, Duchess of (1800), 121.
Spain. — Spanish Bourbon's historical
ambition for Italy, 113, 114; (1791)
138 ; the key of the Neapolitan situa-
tion, 139 ; anti- Freemasons, ib. and n.
I, 141 ; (1795-6), gradual rapprocht-
ment with France, 182 and seq. ; she
deserts allies, 184, 185 and scq. ; (1796),
her real objective v. England, 185 ;
declares war, 186 n. 2 ; puts troops in
Leghorn, 188 n. 3; (1798) 201, 203;
(1799), joins fleet with French, 280 and
seq. ; (1805), Trafalgar, 428.
Spencer, Lord, and Nelson (1798). 234;
(1799), 290 n. 2, 273 ; indorses his
anti-Jacobin policy, 304 and n. 2 ;
(1800), suspicions, 326.
Lady (1793), 155; (1798). 232.
Spilsbury, Mrs. , 360.
Sterne, L. , 311, 466.
Strafford, Lady, 67 w. i.
Stuart, Sir Charles, Genera (1799), 274.
550
EMMA, LADY HAMILTON
Suckling, Sir William, 157 n. 3, 412 n. 2.
Wibrew, 412 n. 2.
Sussex, Duke of, 16 «. i ; and Mrs.
Cadogan, 42 ; (1792 and 1793), at
Naples, 148, 163; (1794), 177; birth-
day fete, 181 ; (1809), meets Lady
Hamilton at Harrow, 451.
Sutton, Captain (1793), 163, App. 520.
Suwarrow, 373.
Swinburne, Henry (1786), 104 n. 3.
Tacitus, quoted, 306.
Talma [actor], 16.
Tarsia, Prince of (1794), 175.
Tegart, Dr., 458.
Tenucci, Marquis [Neapolitan Finance-
Minister] (1760), 118; (1775-6), 122.
Thomas, Mrs. [of Hawarden], 44 ; (1807),
443-
Thomas, Miss, 44, 443.
Thomson, J. D., Mr., App. 507.
Thugut [negotiator for Austria of the
Campoformio treaty], 236.
Thurn, Count [Austrian Admiral] (1798,
Dec), part in Royal escape, 247 ; (Dec.
22), watchword, 249, 250 ; (1799, May),
282 ; (June 29), 307.
Tischbein [painter], 20, 2,171. 4 ; (1786),
105 and n. i.
Torella, Prince, 123.
Torre [Pyrotechnist], 60.
Torre, Delia, Duke (1799, Jan.), and
Lazzaroni {q.v.), 268.
Totty, Admiral, 26 ; App. 516.
Treaties and truces —
Amiens (1801, September ; 1802,
March), 367, 378 n. 8.
Anglo-Sicilian, the first (1793, July),
152, 15b, 171, 177; the second {x^g^,
December), 224.
Austro-Neapolitan (1798, July), 204
n. 5, 205, 206 and notes 2 and 5, 207
and«. 5, 216.
Ajistro-Tzirkish {xjg<), March), 279.
Brescian (1795-6), 175, 179.
Campoformia7i (1797, February), 183,
196 n. I, 236 71. 3, 243.
Franco-Neapolitan (1796, December),
183, 198, 203, 205, 216 ; Nelson on,
213, 216, 219, 220 ; Gallo and, 230-1,
243-
Franco-Spanish (1796, August and Sep-
tember), 186 71. 2.
Russo- Turkish- Neapolitan{x'jg%, May),
232.
Of Tolenfi7io (1797, October), 183, 196
n. I.
Trench, Mrs. [see 'St. George, Mrs.'].
Tresham, H. [artist], 20, 49.
Trdville, Latouche, Admiral (1793), 152 ;
(1804), 411.
Trevor, Captain, App. 517.
Trogoff, Admiral (1793), 153, 157 ». 2.
Troubridge, Sir Thomas, 10 «. 5 ; (1798,
June), 204, 206 n. 1, 207, 208 ; (July,
19-23), at Syracuse, 217 71. 1 ; (Sep-
tember), at Castellamare, 229 ; ill.
230 ; future attitude to Lady Hamilton,
id. ; (December), 245 ; (1799), at
Procida, 274 ; suppresses island rebels,
278, 279 ; message to Nelson, 280, 281 ;
(June 26), takes over the two smaller
Neapolitan castles, his false and his real
proclamation, 302 notes 3 and 4, 303 ;
(June 27), 'to execute the business,'
304 ; Caracciolo, 305 ; invest St. Elmo,
308 ; (August), Commodore of Naples
squadron, 311 ; (September), Civita
Vecchia, 314 ; (autumn), remonstrates
with Lady Hamilton on gambling,
319, 320 ; his own receipt of Neapolitan
pension and Nelson's advancement of,
320 n. i; (1801), Lord of Admiralty:
Nelson's complaints of, 337 n. 3, 345
and 71. I ; sends Nelson's letters, 353,
364 ; App. 498, 517, 519.
Tschudi, Madame, 67.
Turkey, and Sultan of, 8, 24 71. i, 227 ;
(1798), declares war v. France, 232,
234 ; (1799, May), co-operates with
Ruffo, 271 ; treaty with Naples, 232 ;
fresh treaty with Russia, Austria, and
Naples, 279 ; Corfu blockaded, 290 ;
(1799), fresh gifts to Nelson, 314.
Twiss, Mr. (1810), 454.
Tyson, Captain (1799, autumn), acts as
Nelson's secretary, 286 «. i, 317 w. 2,
322 n. I ; (1804), 413 n. i ; App. 498.
Mrs., and Lady Hamilton, 386;
(1805, July), a day at Merton, 421,
434 77. 2 ; App. 515.
Udney, Mrs., 343 ; (1801), 360.
Vanni [inquisitor], 123 ; (1794), made
assessor and marquis, 174; (1797),
deposed, 197.
\'arden, Mr., 518.
Vaudreuil, Count (1791), 131.
Ventimiglia, Prince, App. 498.
Vestinus, analogy of, 306.
Villeneuve, Admiral (1798), 223 ; (1805,
April), starts from Toulon, chased by
Nelson, 420 ; App. 525.
Vincenzo [servant], 86.
VoUer, Miss [schoolmistress], App. 506.
Voltaire, 306.
Wade, Matthew (1799), on Jacobins,
pillage, and shifts, 310-11.
Waller, Captain, App. 498.
Walpole, Horace, 16 ; and Hayley, 63
71. I ; and Mrs. Darner, 67 71. 5 ; and
Sir W. Hamilton, 89 «. 2 ; on Sir T.
Rumbold, 71 n. 2; (1791), on Lady
H.'s wedding, 137; 'Austriacity,' 138.
Sir Robert, analogy of, with Acton,
124.
Mrs., 343 ; (1801), 357.
Ward, Horatia [see ' Nelson, Horatia'].
[gardener], hiS statements regarding
Lady H., 469 n. 3.
Warwick, Francis, Earl of, 31, 35, 80 n.
2,85.
INDEX
551
Warwick, Dowager-Countess of, 135 n. 3.
Watson, Dr., 458 «. i.
Watt, James [inventor], 52.
Webster, Lady (1792), 150; (1793), 155.
Sir George (1793). '^SS-
Wedgwood, Josiah, 36 n. i.
Wellington, Duke of, 158.
Wells, J. [artist], 21.
Mrs., 84, 96, 98.
White, Robert, in n. i.
Whiteford, Caleb [wit, a wine merchant],
57-
Whitworth, Lord, 402.
Williams, Miss [Jacobin], 31.
of Gwint [heiress], 35,
Willock, 444 n. 2.
Willoughby, Mrs., 71.
Willoughby, Miss, provided for by
Government, 454.
Wittig [Knight of Malta], 203, 231.
Wolcot, Dr. [' Peter Pindar '], 16 ; at Mer-
ton, 386.
Woollett [mezzotinter], 109.
Wright, Lady (1791), 147.
Wurmser, General (1795), i^^.
Wyndham [minister at Leghorn] (1795-
96), 188.
Yanch, Admiral (1799), 279 «. 3.
York, Duke of, 137.
ZuRLO, Archbishop (1793), 167; (1799,
Jan. 15), 266 ; (Jan. 22), 267.
ADDENDA
The picture of Lady Hamilton mentioned on page 21 as by Gavin Hamilton
is more probably by Angelica Kauffmann. The earliest mezzotint of her is a
spirited one in 1779 as ' Thais.'
By an inadvertence the description on the illustration facing p. 157 does not
correspond to the right description in the Illustration List. It is quite uncer-
tain who made the medallion or the engraving of it. The portrait resembles
De Koster's.
To the incidents of the voyage enumerated in the text at pp. 257, 258 should
be added a story presumably true. Sir William, prostrated by the horrors and
terrors of the storm, was found by his wife with pistols by his side. On being
questioned as to his reason for firearms, he replied that he would prefer suicide
to dying 'with the guggle, guggle, guggle of water in my ears.'
The ' Miss Connor ' whose letter about Horatia, just before the battle of
Trafalgar, is mentioned on page 425, is Miss Mary Connor. It has not been
sufficiently shown in the text that Horatia was for some time under her charge
as well as under Sarah Connor's, and, afterwards, Cecilia's. Mary seems to
have been a far more refined and better educated woman than her more showy
sisters.
Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty
at the Edinburgh University Press
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