Google
This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on Hbrary shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we liave taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at |http : //books . google . com/|
^actiacb taUcst litn:ar|>
CONSTANTIUS FUND ^^^^H
Bcquadwd ^^^^^^^1
Evangelinus Apostolitjes Sophocles ^^^^^^^H
Tutor indPraroHC of Gnk ^^^^^^^H
1643-188] l^^^^^^^l
For Grcfk, Latin, tad Arabic iil^^^^^^^^^^l
The Emperor Hadrian
/
/
>
s^mt
The
Emperor Hadrian
A Pidure of the
Graeco- Roman World in his Time
By
Ferdinand Gregorovius
Translated by
Mary E. Robinson
London
Macmillan and Co., Limited
New York : The Macmillan Company
1898
AU Hghii rturved
^^ 7^^%.^^
i\
MAR f ^ 1899
<SLASGOW: FRINTBO AT TMB UNIVBJtSlTV PRBSS BY
*0»S*T MACLSMOSB AND CO.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE,
This translation of Gregorovius* Life of Hadrian has been
written in the hope that it may prove useful to the
students of this period of Roman history.
In publishing it I have to express my obligations to
Professor Pelham for his valuable introduction ; to Mr.
Herbert Fisher, Fellow of New College, Oxford, who
kindly looked through my manuscript, and to whose
encouragement the work is due ; and to Mr. Martin
Trietschel, who has rendered me great assistance, especially
with the notes and index.
MARY E, ROBINSON.
HOLMFIELD,
AiGBURTH, Liverpool,
November, 1898.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
My first studies in the field of history were devoted to the
age of the emperor Hadrian. Encouraged by the celebrated
historian Drumann, I collected and published these studies
in a book which appeared in Konigsberg in the year 185 1,
under the rather ambitious title of History of the Roman
Emperor Hadrian and his Time, This work soon became
my guide to Rome, where I arrived in 1852. There, how-
ever, I was enthralled, not by the ancient, but by the
mediaeval genius of the Eternal City, and I gave the best
work and the best years of my life to the study of the
history of Rome in the Middle Ages.
A generation has since then passed away — the most
eventful period of our century — and I am not a little grati-
fied to have found leisure to perform an act of piety toward
the first-fruits of my youth by presenting my work in a new
form.
This undertaking was, in the first instance, suggested by
my travels in Greece and in the East, where I frequently
followed the footsteps of the great world-traveller Hadrian.
Another reason was, that since the appearance of my mono-
graph, this remarkable ruler has not found another biographer
either in Germany or abroad. But the ceaseless researches
of science have produced new documentary evidence, and the
viii Preface
fresh light thus thrown on this epoch of Roman history has
tended to fill the gaps in the hitherto very fragmentary
accounts of the life of Hadrian.
With the help of this evidence, especially of the inscrip-
tions, I have rewritten my first work, so thoroughly indeed
that little more than the plan has been preserved. I now
call these studies A Picture of the Graeco-Roinan World in
the Time of Hadrian^ although I am afraid that this title is
still too ambitious. In view of the scanty notice which,
generally speaking, the history of the emperors subsequent
to the twelve Caesars still receives — and this is not sur-
prising — I venture to think that every serious attempt at its
elucidation will meet with the sympathy of all lovers of
history.
THE AUTHOR.
Munich, November, 1883.
CONTENTS
FIRST BOOK— POLITICAL HISTORY
CHAPTER I
PAOB
An Ancient Portrait of Hadrian. i
CHAPTER II
Circumstances in the Life of Hadrian until the Accession of
Trajan. 6
CHAPTER III
Circumstances in the Life of Hadrian during the Reign of Trajan. 1 1
CHAPTER IV
Hadrian accompanies the Emperor in the Parthian War. Rising
of the Jews. Lusius Quietus. Death of Trajan and Adoption
of Hadrian. i6
CHAPTER V
Hadrian gives up the lately acquired Provinces of Trajan. The
State of Judaea. Fall of Lusius Quietus. .... 23
CHAPTER VI
Return of Hadrian to Rome by way of Illyricum. War with the
RoxolanL Arrangement of Affairs in Pannonia and Dacia.
Conspiracy and Execution of the Four Consulars. Arrival
of Hadrian in Rome in August 118 A.D. .... jo
rAGB
X Contents
CHAPTER VII
Hadrian's First Acts in Rome. The Great Remission of Debt
The Third Consulate of the Emperor. Fall of Attianus.
Marcius Turbo becomes Prefect Death of Matidia Augusta.
The Paliliaof theyear 121 A.D. 37
CHAPTER VIII
General Remarks on Hadrian's Journeys. Coins which com-
memorate them. 45
CHAPTER IX
Hadrian's Journeys into Gaul and Germany as far as the Danubian
Provinces. The Condition of these Countries. ... 53
CHAPTER X
Hadrian in Britain. He goes through Gaul to Spain and Maure-
tania. 60
CHAPTER XI
Hadrian's First Journey to the East The Countries on the
Pontus. Ilium. Pergamum. Cyzicus. Rhodes. • - 67
CHAPTER XII
Hadrian's Residence in Athens and in other cities of Greece.
Return of the Emperor to Rome by way of Sicily. - - 77
CHAPTER XIII
Hadrian in Rome. The Title Pater Patriae. The Emperor goes
to Africa. Condition of this Province. Carthage. Lambaesis. 87
CHAPTER XIV
Second Journey to the East Hadrian in Athens and Eleusis.
Journey to Asia. Ephesus. Smyrna. Sardis. - - - 93
CHAPTER XV
Hadrian in Syria. Antioch. Phoenicia. Heliopolis. Damascus.
Palmyra. 104
Contents xi
CHAPTER XVI
PAGB
Hadrian in Judaea. Condition of Jerusalem. Foundation of the
Colony Aelia Capitolina. Hadrian in Arabia. Bostra. Petra.
The Country of Peraea. Gaza. Pelusium. - - - - 1 1 1
CHAPTER XVII
Hadrian in Egypt Condition of the Country. Alexandria.
Letter of Hadrian to Servianus. Influence of Egypt and
Alexandria on the West. 120
CHAPTER XVIII
Hadrian's Journey on the Nile. Heliopolis. Death of Anttnous.
Thebes. The Colossus of Memnon. Coptus. Myus Hormus.
Mons Claudianus. Return to Alexandria. - - - - 128
CHAPTER XIX
Hadrian returns from Egypt to Syria. He revisits Athens. Dedi-
cation of the Olympieum. Hadrian's divine Honours. • - 138
CHAPTER XX
The Rising of the Jews under Barcocheba. - - - • 143
CHAPTER XXI
The Jewish War. Julius Severus assumes the Command of the
Roman Army. The Fall of Bether. The Destruction of
Judaea. 150
CHAPTER XXII
The Colony Aelia Capitolina. 159
CHAPTER XXIII
The War with the Alani. Arrian's Periplus of the Black Sea. 165
CHAPTER XXIV
Hadrian's Last Years in Rome. Death of Sabina Augusta.
Adoption and Death of Aelius Verus. 173
CHAPTER XXV
ion of Antoninus. Death of the Emperor Hadrian.- 181
xii Contents
SECOND BOOK
THE STATE AND GENERAL CULTURE
CHAPTER I
rAGS
The Roman Empire. 191
CHAPTER II
The Provinces of the Empire, their Government and their Relation
to the Central Power. The Peaceful Development of their
Civilization. Slavery. 19S
CHAPTER III
Cities. Municipia. Colonies. - - - - - - - 206
CHAPTER IV
Italy and Rome. 211
CHAPTER V
The Equestrian Order. The Senate and the Princeps. The
Imperial Cabinet. 216
CHAPTER VI
Roman Law. The Edictum Perpetuum. The Respoma, Roman
Jurists. The Resolutions of the Senate and the Imperial
Constitutions. The Reforming Spirit of Hadrian's Legisla-
tion. 226
CHAPTER VII
Science and the Learned Professions. Latin and Greek Litera-
ture. The Schools. Athens. Smyrna. Alexandria. Rome. 234
CHAPTER VIII
Plutarch. Arrian. The Tactica, Philo of Byblus. Appian.
Phlegon. Hadrian's Memoirs. 243
CHAPTER IX
Floras. Suetonius. Geography. Philology. - - - - 250
Contents xiii
CHAPTER X
PAGB
The Schools of Roman Oratory. Roman Orators. Cornelius
Fronto. 253
CHAt>TER XI
Greek Sophistry. Favorinus. Dionysius of Miletus. Polemon.
Herodes Atticus and other Sophists. 260
CHAPTER XII
Polite Literature. Hadrian as a Poet. Florus. Latin Poets.
Greek Poets. Pancrates. Mesomedes. The Musician
Dionysius of Halicamassus. Greek Epigrams of Hadrian.
Phlegon. Artemidorus and His Dream Books. The
Romance of the Golden Ass. 273
CHAPTER XIII
Philosophy. The Stoa. Epictetus and the Enchiridion, Stoicism
and Cynicism. Demonax of Athens. 282
CHAPTER XIV
Peregrinus Proteus. 290
CHAPTER XV
Alexander of Abonotichus. 294
CHAPTER XVI
Oracles. Plutarch their Apologist Hadrian's Mysticism. The
Deification of A ntinous. 301
CHAPTER XVII
Attempts to Restore Paganism. Plutarch and Lucian. - - 313
CHAPTER XVIII
The Spread of Christianity. The Christian Religion a Religio
Illiciia, Hadrian's Toleration of the Christians. Rescript
of Hadrian to the Proconsul Fundanus. The Christian
Apologists. 322
xiv Contents
CHAPTER XIX
fagb
Art among the Romans. Hadrian's Relation to Art Activity of
Art in the Empire. Greek Artists in Rome. Character of
the Art of Hadrian's Age. 332
CHAPTER XX
The Progress and Production of Art Furniture. Gems. Medals.
Precious Stones. Paintings. Portraits in Marble. Historical
Relievo. 339
CHAPTER XXI
^/ Ideal Sculpture. Its Cosmopolitan Character. Imitation of
/\ Ancient Masterpieces. Review of the Works of Art found in
Hadrian's Villa. The Statues of Antinous. .... 346
CHAPTER XXII
Architecture. Munificent Civic Spirit of the Cities. Hadrian's
Love of Building. Antinoe. Roads to Berenice. Other
Buildings in Egypt The Temple at Cyzicus. - - • 354
CHAPTER XXIII
Buildings of Hadrian in Athens and in other Cities of Greece.
Buildings of H erodes Atticus. 360
-7
CHAPTER XXIV
Hadrian's Buildings in Italy. His Villa at Tivoli. . - - 366
CHAPTER XXV
The City of Rome in Hadrian's Time. Buildings of the Em.
peror in Rome. Completion of the Forum of Trajan. The
Temple of Venus and Rome. Hadrian's Tomb. - - • 373
Bibliography. - - - 382
Index. 403
INTRODUCTION.
Those who are familiar with the late Ferdinand Gregor-
ovius' essay on Hadrian, will not think any apology
necessary for this translation into English of an eminently
readable, and, on the whole, adequate account of one
of the most interesting personages in ancient history.
Gregorovius, though not a historian of the first order, was
an accomplished man of letters, and a genuine lover of
Rome and of things Roman. Moreover, his book still
possesses the claim to attention urged by the author him-
self in his preface to the edition of 1883. Hadrian has
not yet "found another biographer either in Germany or
abroad," and even to the educated public he is a far less
familiar figure than many men of infinitely less importance
in history.
Gregorovius would have been the last to claim for his
essay that it said the final word on Hadrian, and it must
be confessed that his work is not all equally good. He
is at his best in the chapters which describe the general
culture, the literary, philosophic, and artistic movements
of the day. He is weakest when dealing with the political
history, and with the many technicalities of Roman admini-
stration. Here his grasp of the situation is less sure, and
his use of technical terms not always correct
But I am writing a brief introduction, not a review,
and I will content myself with one more criticism, which
indeed applies to other accounts of Hadrian besides that
which is now in question. Gregorovius reproduces with
much skill and fidelity the most familiar aspects of the
emperor, as the restless traveller, the indefatigable con-
noisseur and collector, the patron of learning and the
xvi Introduction
arts. We are allowed to see, too, that he was an admini-
strator of ubiquitous activity, with whose name a number
of changes in the machinery and methods of government
are associated. What we miss is some account of the
master-idea which shaped Hadrian's policy, and gave unity
to a career and a character full of apparent inconsistencies.
The omission is due partly to the nature of our evidence.
Until comparatively recent times students of Hadrian were
forced to rely mainly on the rather meagre literary tradi-
tion preserved in the biography of Spartianus, in the
excerpts from Dion Cassius, and in Aurelius Victor. It
is only within the last twenty or thirty years that the
" ceaseless researches of science " have not merely produced
new evidence, but in doing so have rendered intelligible
much that was before difficult to understand. One result
has been to place in our hands the clue to Hadrian's
policy as ruler of the empire, and to enable us to gauge
more correctly the direction of his aims and the importance
of his achievements.
Hadrian has unquestionably suffered in general reputa-
tion by the fate which placed him bet\veeen two such
commanding figures as Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. By
the side of the former, Hadrian appeared timid and common-
place. As Trajan became the ideal Roman soldier, Hadrian
was represented as the peace-loving scholar who, in tastes
and pursuits, was more Greek than Roman. Yet Hadrian
was every inch a soldier, deeply versed in both the theory
and the practice of the art of war ; and if he was a lover
of Greeks and Greek civilization, he was also an admirer
of old Roman writers and fashions. On the other hand,
Marcus Aurelius justly ranks above him as a man, and
holds a place in literature, and in the history of human
thought, to which Hadrian has no claim.
But viewed as a statesman, as the ruler of a great empire,
Hadrian stands higher than either Trajan or Marcus. He
is more truly representative of his time, and he left a
deeper mark upon it Above all, it was he and not they
who shaped the policy of the empire, and shaped it in
accordance with ideas which, if not new, were first clearly
conceived and effectively carried out by him.
Introduction xvii
For Hadrian's policy was not the result of a scholar's
love of peace, or of cosmopolitan tastes, or even of mere
restlessness. It was directed by one dominant idea, the
influence of which is everywhere traceable. This master
idea was, to use a modern expression, the imperial idea
{Reichsidee) — the conception of the empire, as a single
well-compacted state, internally homogeneous, and standing
out in clear relief against surrounding barbarism. The
realization of this conception was the object for which
Hadrian laboured. If he refused to follow Trajan in his
forward policy, it was not from timidity, or, as Gregorovius
seems to think, from a scholarly love of peace and quiet
Indeed, as I have hinted, the contrast so often drawn
between Trajan the man of war and Hadrian the man of
peace, the Romulus and Numa of the second century, is
somewhat misleading. Hadrian was anxious for peace, not
in order to secure leisure for peaceful pursuits, but because
the empire needed it, and he abandoned a policy of con-
quest, in the conviction that the empire had reached its
natural limits, and required not expansion but consolidation.
In this belief he set himself to give the empire, what
it had only imperfectly possessed before, definite and well-
marked frontiers. The lines of demarcation which thus
"separated the barbarians" from Roman territory he pro-
tected by a system of frontier defences, which was no
doubt developed by his successors, but the idea and plan
of which were unquestionably his; and to hold these
defences he maintained a frontier force, the efficiency of
which was his constant care. We are too apt, in thinking
of Hadrian's travels, to picture them only as the restless
wanderings of a connoisseur from one famous site to another
in the peaceful provinces of the interior, and to forget how
large a portion of his time was spent, not in Athens or
Smyrna, but in reviewing the troops and inspecting the
stations along the whole line of the imperial frontier.
This frontier policy of precise delimitation and vigilant
defence, he supplemented within the empire by a policy of
consolidation. When Hadrian assumed the command, the
old theory of the empire as a federation of distinct com-
munities in alliances with, and under the protectorate of
xviii Introduction
Rome, was rapidly losing ground. The difTerences in
race and language, in habits of life, and modes of thought,
which had formerly justified and even necessitated it, were
fast disappearing. The titles and distinctions which had
once implied not only a desire for political independence,
but a partial possession of it were becoming mere phrases.
Even the " freedom " of a free community could be ridiculed
with impunity by a popular orator, and the native state, with
its native ruler, was, except in a few outlying corners of the
empire, a thing of the past. The idea of a single Roman
state was in the air, and Hadrian gave effect to it with singular
skill and perseverance. His cosmopolitanism was in reality
imperialism, and sprung from his desire to stamp everything
with the imperial mark, and to utilize everything for the
benefit of the empire. He was a Phil-Hellenist, not merely
from sentiment, but from the conviction that Latins, Greeks,
and even barbarians had all something to contribute to the
common service. The man who appointed the Greek
Arrian to the command of Roman legions, and of a Roman
frontier province, was noted equally for his careful study of
old Roman tactics and for his liberal adoption of barbarian
movements.
In other departments of his administration the influence of
this dominant idea of imperial unity are as plainly seen. He
was liberal in granting the Roman franchise. He encouraged
the diffusion over the empire of municipalities modelled on
the Roman pattern. The imperial civil service was developed
and enlarged, and the old distinction, once so earnestly
maintained between the public service of the state and the
private service of Caesar, is scarcely heard of after the reign
of Hadrian.
Between the time of Augustus and that of Diocletian
there was no emperor who so correctly appreciated the
needs of the empire, or who carried into practice with equal
consistency a deliberate and comprehensive policy.
HENRY PELHAM.
FIRST BOOK
POLITICAL HISTORY
1
CHAPTER I
An Ancient Portrait of Hadrian
A Roman historian of the second half of the fourth
century has drawn the following picture of the Emperor
Hadrian :
"Aelius Hadrianus was of Italian origin. His father, who
bore the same name, was a cousin of Trajan, and was bom
at Adria in Picenum, the place which gave its name to the
Adriatic Sea. He reigned twenty-two years. He was so
thoroughly familiar with Greek literature that he was called
* the little Greek.* He had completely adopted the studies,
the manner of life, the language, and the whole culture of the
Athenians. He was a singer and musician, a physician, a
geometrician, a painter, and a sculptor in bronze and marble,
almost a second Polycletus and Euphranor. He was accom-
plished in all these arts. A 6fl esprit of so brilliant a
character has not often been seen among men. His memory
was prodigious. Places, actions, soldiers, absentees even, he
knew them all by name. His endurance was superhuman.
He travelled on foot through all the provinces, outstripping
his attendants. He restored the cities in the empire and
increased their importance. Smiths, carpenters, masons,
architects, and all kinds of workmen, he divided into cohorts
like legions, for the purpose of building fortresses and beauti-
fying the cities. He was never the same : a many-sided
man, a bom mler in vice as well as in virtue. He mled
his inclinations by a certain ingenuity. He artfully con-
cealed the envy, ill-humour, extravagance, and audacious
egotism of his nature, and feigned moderation, affability
A
2 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
and benignity, while hiding the thirst for fame with
which he was consumed. No one was so ready to challenge
or to answer others, either in jest or earnest He instantly
capped verse with verse, witty sallies with others as witty,
as if he had prepared them beforehand. He obtained peace
from many kings by secret favours, and openly boasted that,
by his inactivity, he had gained more than others by war.
" He gave the offices of the state and of the court, and
even of the army, the form which still obtains at the present
day, with the slight exception of the changes introduced
by Constantine. He lived 62 years. His end was dis-
tressing. Racked by terrible pains in all his limbs, he
often besought his most faithful servants to put him to
death. He was sedulously watched by those dearest to
him, in order that he might not commit suicide."
I have placed this portrait at the beginning like a
copper-plate engraving. It is ascribed to Aurelius Victor.
It is clumsy and inadequate, but not without life, and it
is at all events the only condensed portrait of the emperor
which has come down to us from ancient times.^ On the
whole this sketch conveys the average verdict of Roman
posterit>' on Hadrian, and but shortly after his death the
most opposite opinions of him prevailed. His biographer
Spartianus, who wrote in the time of Diocletian, has knit
together both views without expressing his own opinion.
His Life of Hadrian is the main authority for the history
of this emperor, together with the extracts which the
Byzantine monk Xiphilinus made in the eleventh century
from the historical works of Dion Cassius.
There are traits in the emperor's character concerning
which there is no doubt : his Greek culture, his versa-
tility, his Proteus-like nature, his thirst for knowledge, his
enthusiasm for art ; then come his restless love of travel-
ling, and his wisdom in the administration of the empire.
The modem view of history is, that the reign of Hadrian
was the beginning of an age which has been named after
^Aurelius Victor, Epitome 14. I have omitted but little, and nothing
that is essential to Hadrian. This part of the epitome is not original,
but probably borrowed from Marius Maximus. — ^Teuffel, Geschichte der
rom. Liter, 5th ed., p. 967 sq. (§414).
CHAP. I] His Portrait 3
the Antonines, whom he had chosen to be his successors.
It has been extolled as the happiest period of the Roman
empire, if not of the world. It shines more brightly from
the union of Greek and Roman culture, which it diffused
throughout the peaceful empire, than from the contrast it
presents to the dark shadows that surround it As we
look back we see the dark shadow of the excessive tyranny
of the Caesars of the first century, — as we look at the
succeeding age, we see the shadow of the barbarians by
whom Rome is to be destroyed.
After the time of Nerva, despots had disappeared from
the throne of the Caesars. Their mad outbreaks had shaken
the foundations of Roman society and the structure of the
state, but Roman virtus is re-established by the help of Stoic
philosophy, and the Roman empire attains an overwhelming
force, whose brilliancy conceals the chronic internal disease
from which it dies a lingering death. After the death of
Trajan, thirty legions, stationed on the borders of the empire,
secure the peace of the world. The provinces have become
accustomed to the dominion of Rome. Their cities are once
more flourishing, and are adorned with the beauty of Greek
art The sciences awake in a renaissance of Hellenism, and
the Christian religion comes more prominently forward. A
spirit of humanity is diffused throughout the world that was
changing so rapidly. Civil legislation becomes more philo-
sophic and more humane. The privileges of the aristocracy
disappear. The people, the slaves, and the poor, become
objects for the care of the government The barriers of the
old theory of life fall before the morality of the Stoic. The
conception of the nation widens in the Roman empire into
the conception of humanity. The provinces in which
Octavianus had erected the altar of the genius of Rome as
symbol of their subjection, demand their equal rights with
this terrible Rome, which had conquered and enslaved them
by force of arms. The Roman empire is a confederation of
peoples whose culture is fostered by the majestic flow of the
two languages of the world. Like the nations, the ancient
systems of thought and religion are fused in one cosmopolitan
union. But a union of this kind is the cause of a restless
uncertainty in many minds, making them more of a prey
4 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
than • ever to the delusions of mystery and the gloom of
superstition. So glaring are the contradictions in this world-
wide civilization of the empire, that this period between
Antiquity and Christianity may be called a Roman-Hellenic
middle age.
Hadrian in himself also unites two natures. He is both
Roman and Greek. His artistic soul delights in the ideals
of beauty of the ancient world. He wishes to restore them
as far as it is possible for art to do so. At the same time,
as a Roman, he refprms the institutions of the monarchy, — the
government, the army, and the law. He lays the foundations
of a state that will suit an altered society. The empire
under him reaches the zenith of its greatness, and he revels,
as a comprehensive mind would, in the fulness of its culture.
Conquests he does not seek. He gives the provinces acquired
by Trajan back to the Parthians. Wars he does not
wage. Mars rests unconcerned amid his preparations, and
yet he never appeared more formidable to the enemies of
Rome.*
Hadrian's task is to keep the Roman empire together as
a powerful monarchy, and to adorn it with knowledge^
humanity, and beauty. On his coins are the words, "Golden
age" and " Enricher of the world," — flatteries of the senate
not destitute of truth. He himself is the mirror of his time
in good and evil, in virtue and vice. His enigmatic person-
ality is of more human interest and is more attractive as a
study, than that of the philosophic Antonines. He directed
the current of his time, and impressed it less with his
powerful will, than with his genial, though often eccentric
and theatrical, temperament.
Hadrian was the first to bring both halves of the ancient
world, Greece and Rome, into closer intellectual contact.
Their fusion was impossible, but their universal connection
in the second century was a factor of vital importance in the
growth of the Christian idea. Antiquity made room for this
idea, while it had itself become ripe for death. But it cast
a halo of departing glory under this gifted sophist on the
throne of the Caesars. Hadrian it was who restored Athens,
and finished the temple of the Olympian Zeus, which had
^ Dion Cassius, Ixix. : n^ re yhp wApnaiifv^v airoO 6p&irrtt — o^h ^i^c^x/m^cu'*^
cHAiM] His Portrait 5
been b^^n by Pisistratus. He it was who made Greek
oratory blossom afresh, and who called upon the arts to
adorn the world with their richest beauty. When the artistic
fire, which he had kindled on the altar of the genius of
Hellas, was extinguished, the world became flat and insipid. It
was first Stoic, then Christian. Hadrian, however, accom-
plished the apotheosis of antiquity.
CHAPTER II
Circumstances in the Life of Hadrian until the
Accession of Trajan
The ancestors of Publius Aelius Hadrianus are said to
have left Hadria to settle at Italica in Spain, in the time
of the Scipios. Scipio had founded this city of the province
of Baetica in the second Punic war, and Augustus first
made it into a municipium. It flourished greatly, and
became an important place. It gave two famous men
to the empire, Trajan and Hadrian. Its ruins are still
to be seen at Santiponce, a short distance from Seville.
Hadrian's ancestors lived there in comfortable circumstances.
They belonged to the Roman tribe Sergia.*
Hadrian was born on the 24th January, 76 A.D., in
Rome, when Vespasian was emperor. His father was
P. Aelius Hadrianus Afer, a distinguished man of senatorial
rank, and a cousin of Trajan. His mother, Domitia Paulina^
came from Gades, the modern Cadiz. Of his brothers
and sisters, none are known by name except Paulina, who
married L. Julius Ursus Servianus.
In his tenth year Hadrian lost his father, and became
a ward of the knight Caelius Attianus, and of the ex-
praetor Trajan. In this way, the fact of relationship and
guardianship brought him into close connection with the
fortunes of a future emperor. The boy was educated in
the schools of Rome. His brilliantly gifted mind was
inscriptions of the Aelii, Corp, Inscr, Latin, ii., 11 30, 11 38, 1139.
The famous inscription on the base of the statue of Hadrian in the
theatre of Athens records him as belonging to the Tribus Sergia.
Henzen, AnncUi delP Inst.^ 1862, p. 139. CI.L, iii., part I., 550.
BK.i. cH.ii] To the Accession of Trajan
g
M
D
as
< a-
13
M
°^2
M
D
<
M
CO
J a
D
J
II
Id.
-•M
D
flu
II
8 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
especially attracted by Greek literature, and, in its favour,
he neglected the Latin tongue The nickname of " Little
Grecian " was given to him. Whether he studied in Athens
as well, is uncertain and improbable ; for in his fifteenth
year he went home to Spain, where he took service in
the army.^ His guardian, Trajan, soon recalled him to
Rome, not only because he had given himself up immoder-
ately to the pleasures of the chase, but chiefly, no doubt,
on account of his extravagance and dissipation.
The chase was one of his greatest passions. As a
vigorous pedestrian, as well as a hunter, he found few to
equal him. Even when emperor, he would kill lions
from the saddle. He had an accident while hunting, and
broke his collar-bone and one of his ribs.'
The passions of youth did not destroy Hadrian's ardent
thirst for knowledge. This he could gratify in Rome, the
home of all learning. Here he studied among learned
men and poets ; here he painted and carved in the
studios of artists. With no branch of knowledge did he
remain unacquainted' A young man glowing with life, a
well-informed companion, he must have been much sought
after in the best circles of Rome, and must especially have
won the favour of the highly cultivated ladies of Trajan's
house, — Marciana, Plotina, and Matidia.
But the happy times of the Flavian Emperors, Vespasian
and Titus, passed by, and the appearance of a brutal
despot, Domitian, once more cast a gloom over the
Roman world. It was then that Hadrian learned to abhor
tyranny, as under this oppression he began his career of
office, every step of which he painfully mounted. He
first became judge in the year 93 A.D., over a court for
private cases, and he subsequently filled some other offices
of small importance ; then he became tribune of the
Hnd legion Adjutrix, which had been raised by
Vespasian, and which was probably stationed in Britain
at the time.*
^Spart. Ki/o, c. 2. "Spart c. 26.
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3 : koI yiip IrXao-^c ical typa^ koX o^v 5 re odir tlpn^iK^p
^Henzen, Annali delP Insi.^ 1862, p. 145.
CHAP. II] To the Accession of Trajan 9
Domitian perished on the 1 8th September 96 A.D. by the
daggers of conspirators, who raised the noble senator,
Cocceius Nerva to the throne. A new age began for man-
kind. Imperial lawsuits were stopped, prisons were opened,
and exiles were recalled. Things once irreconcileable,
sovereignty and freedom, were, in the opinion of Tacitus,
blended by Ncrva.* A god then inspired this emperor, who
was oppressed both by the Praetorians and the populace
of Rome, to perform the only great act of his reign : he
adopted Trajan. At the same time the lucky star of
Hadrian became visible above the horizon.
He was then military tribune in the Vth legion Macedonica
in Lower Moesia. From there he was sent (97 A.D.) to con-
vey the congratulations of the army of the Danube to Trajan,
who was governing Upper Germany as consular legate.
Trajan kept him near his own person as tribune to the
XXIInd legion. The emperor- designate seems to have
assumed the government of the whole of Germany, while
Servianus, Hadrian's brother-in-law, became legate in Upper
Germany in his place.*
Meanwhile Nerva died on the 27th January 98 A.D.,and the
first provincial was now to mount the throne of the empire.
He was a citizen of that Spanish Italica, which was Hadrian's
birthplace. Hadrian hurried to Cologne, where Trajan was
at the time, in order to be the first to bring him the great
news. But his brother-in-law did his best to detain him on
his journey, taking secret means to make his carriage break
down ; whereupon Hadrian, who was a good runner, quickly
resolved to continue his journey on foot to Cologne, and
overtook the messengers sent by his brother-in-law. Servianus
was a serious man, to whom the versatility of his brother-in-
law was not congenial. He immediately laid before the new
emperor the not inconsiderable list of debts of the young
spendthrift' He was probably ambitious and envious of the
* Tacitus, Agricola^ c. 3.
•Hcnien, Annali delP Inst.^ 1862, p. 147; J oh. Dierauer, Beiiraege tu
einer krit, Gtsck. Trajar^s^ voL i., p. 29; Pliny {Ep, viii. 23) calls
Servianus '^exacttssimus vir."
'Qui et sumptibus et aere alieno ejus prodito Traiani odium in eum
immt — Spart c. 2.
lo The Emperor Hadrian [bk i, cu. n
favour shown by Trajan to Hadrian. But one day in old
age, he was to atope for his ambition by death.
Hadrian only gained Trajan's goodwill slowly, and was
indebted chiefly for it to the empress, who had at that time
been calumniated in a scandalous manner. Apart even from
the formal praise of her in Pliny's Panegyricus^ there is
everything to show that Pompeia Plotina was a woman of
true nobih'ty. When she first entered the palace of the
Caesars as empress, she turned round on the steps, and,
addressing the populace, said : *' May I be the same when I
leave this palace, as I am to-day when I enter it." As
empress she deserved no reproach.* The strength of her
character can be seen to-day in busts, which show a face of
earnest and almost unapproachable gravity.
The new emperor remained for some time at his important
post in Germany, and, only in the second half of the year 99
A.D., did he come to Rome, accompanied probably by his
cousin. It soon became clear that Hadrian knew how to
overcome his adversaries, and to gain the confidence of
Trajan. For, about the year 100 A.D., persuaded by Plotina
and her friend Sura, Trajan gave him to wife Sabina, grand-
child of his sister Marciana, whose daughter Matidia had
married L. Vibius Sabinus. In this way Hadrian became
doubly related to Trajan.* We are not told that Sabina ever
shared her husband's intellectual tastes, and he appears not
to have been fond of her. She must at the time of her
marriage have been very young.'
^ Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 5. Yet elsewhere (Ixix. i and 10) he speaks
in a scandalous manner of the favours shown by Plotina to Hadrian, ik
ipuTucijt ^Xidt. — Pliny, Paneg.^ c. 83.
'See the genealogical table in Dierauer and in J. Centerwall, Sfiari, vita
Hadriani comment, illustrata in Upsala Universitets-Arsskri/t^ Ups.
1869, vol. L, p. 27.
' Mommsen (Abhandl, der Berl, Akadem,^ 1863. Grabrede des Kaisef^s
Hadrian au/die dltere Matidia^ p. 483) remarks, in the genealogical table
on Sabina, that she was born at the latest in 88 A.D.
CHAPTER III
Circumstances in the Life of Hadrian during the Reign
of Trajan
In Rome Hadrian had now every opportunity of satisfying
his thirst for knowledge. A new life had begun since Nerva
had removed the load of despotism from the empire.
Tacitus greeted the change with joy.* The letters of the
younger Ph'ny to his friends tell us of the number of culti-
vated men in Rome, and of the energy which was displayed
in every department of knowledge. Among Hadrian's per-
sonal friends were the last famous authors of Latin literature,
who were giving up the field to the Greeks, Juvenal and
Martial, Statius and Silius Italicus, the last, it appears, being
a fellow-citizen from Italica. The great Tacitus, after the
death of his step- father Agricola in 93 A.D., was again living
in Rome, busy with the completion of his literary works,
and it was here that he wrote his Gemtania in the year
98 A.D. He probably survived Hadrian's ascent of the
throne, and it is natural to suppose that Hadrian would early
seek the friendship of such a man.*
Whenever Hadrian was in Rome he frequented the society
of the foremost men of intellect, such as Caninius Rufus,
Augurinus, Spurinna, Calpurnius Piso, Sossius Senecio, and
Arrius Antoninus. He made friends with the historian
Suetonius, and with the Poet Florus. He listened to the
* Tacitus, Agricoloy c. 3 : Nunc demum redit animus : ct quamquam,
primo statim beatissimi saeculi ortu, Nerva Caesar res olim dissociabiles
miscuerit principatum ac libertatem....
■The death of Tacitus is placed between 1 17 A.D. and 120 a.d. Teuffel,
GisckichU dir rbtn. Liter, p. 765.
12 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
orators Quintilian, a Spaniard by birth, and Dion Chry-
sostom, who, banished by Domitian, returned to Rome as a
friend of Nerva and then of Trajan, and died there in
117 A.D. He also became acquainted with the noble
Plutarch, when the latter gave lectures in Rome in the time
of Domitian.
Art attracted Hadrian as much as literature, and under the
rule of Trajan it blossomed into fresh life. He was an
enthusiast for art from his youth, and subsequently he took a
warm interest in the magnificent schemes of Trajan, which
were executed by the architect Apollodorus, a Greek from
Damascus. An anecdote has been preserved that one day
Hadrian interrupted a conversation between this great man
and the Emperor Trajan over a building plan, and that the
architect ironically said to him '* Go and paint pumpkins, for
you understand nothing of these things."* This anecdote
throws a light not only on the artistic tastes of Hadrian, who
was then painting still life, but on his familiarity with Trajan's
building schemes, and on the professional pride of Apollodorus,
the Bramante or Michael -Angelo of his time.
In the year 10 1 A.D. the office of quaestor was bestowed
upon Hadrian. This was a step upwards in his career, as well
as in the favour of Trajan ; for he now became attached to
the person of the emperor, whose speeches he had to read to
the senate. As his Spanish accent was laughed at, he took
great pains to improve it, and soon made himself perfect in
the Latin tongue.' This happy youthful time, full of work
and enjoyment, came to an end for Hadrian in this same
year (loi A.D.), when Trajan entered upon a new period in
his reign, a period of wars and conquests. The Dacians from
whom he had refused to take the tribute accepted by Domitian,
made inroads into the Roman territory, and Trajan set out
from Rome to chastise them. Hadrian accompanied him in
the first war, distinguishing himself so much that he twice
received military marks of honour.'
* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 4.
' Spart. VitUy c. 3 : cum orationem imperatoris in senatu agrestius pro-
nuntians rissus esset, usque ad summam peritiam et facundiam Latinis
operam dedit. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3 : 0<J<r€i d# 4n\h\cyot i» iKaripq, rf 7X1^^9.
'The inscription on the Athenian pediment calls him *' Comes Expedi-
CHAP. Ill] During the Reign of Trajan 13
On his return to Rome after this victorious expedition
he was made curator of the acts of the senate, then tribune
of the people in 105 A.D. He held this last office for
a few months only, as he was obliged to accompany the
emperor in the second Dacian war, where he commanded
as legate the 1st legion Minervia.^ The expedition ended
with the conquest of Dacia, whose courageous king Decebalus,
committed suicide. Hadrian had led his legion with bravery
and ability, and had probably shown a talent for command,
which had hardly been expected of him.*
In token of his satisfaction Trajan sent him a diamond
ring which he himself had received from Nerva on his
adoption, and this mark of distinction gave to the favourite
the first well-founded hope of a brilliant future.
While still absent at the war he was made praetor, and \
in that capacity, on his return from the Danube, he gave '
games to the people at the emperor's expense, in 106
A.D., while the emperor himself celebrated his Dacian
triumph, with an expenditure that recalled the times of
Domitian. The festivities, which lasted for one hundred
and twenty-three days, during which eleven thousand wild
animals were hunted, and ten thousand gladiators bled in
the arena, must have given Hadrian food for reflection. It
was an example that, as emperor, he never imitated.
Trajan immediately appointed him praetorian legate of
Lower Pannonia. He was thus to govern a great province,
and to give proof that he was qualified for the highest
offices of state. This he did to the complete satisfaction of
the emperor, for he kept the Sarmatians in check, and
gained so much reputation by his military discipline and
severity towards the procurators, that in 108 A.D., he received
the dignity of the consulship.*
tionis Dacicae " with which it connects the quaestorship. For this cursus
konomm see the Comment, of Henzen, who takes the relation of Hadrian
to the emperor to be that of an adjutant ; also Mommsen, C.I.L, iii., n. 550.
' Rorghesi, CEtnfreSy ii. 202, and the Athenian inscription. For the
second Dacian war see La Berge, Essai stir la rlgne de Trajan^ p. 48 sq,
• Spart. c. 3 : quando quidem multa egregia ejus facta claruerunt.
•With M. Trebatius Priscus, only as suffectus. The inscription of the
Fasti Feriar. Latinar. C.I.L, vi., 2016, fixes the date for the year 108 A.D.
14 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
After this he was looked upon as the probable successor
to the childless Trajan, who already appears to have thought
of adopting him.^ On the death of his patron, L. Licinius
Sura, adjutant-general of the emperor, which occurred at
this time, the office was bestowed upon Hadrian. Trajan
gave him many proofs of his confidence, the empress Plotina
favoured him, and powerful friends, such as the senators
Sosius Papus and Plotorius Nepos, the knight Livianus and
his former guardian Attianus, endeavoured to promote his
advancement. But he had many enemies, among whom
were Celsus, Nigrinus, Palma, and Lusius Quietus, famous
statesmen and generals of Trajan. Hadrian had pursued
the usual civil and military career which led to the highest
offices of state ; in the field he had won respect, he had
commanded a legion with distinction, and he had governed
a troublesome province with wisdom. It was a great age
in which Hadrian's qualities as a ruler were developed, just
as the sovereign whom Hadrian served, and whose actions
he had the opportunity of narrowly observing, was a great
man. Hadrian was surrounded by a crowd of distinguished
men, whom Trajan's reign had called forth.
The empty regime of mad self-interest which the caprice
•of despots had substituted for statecraft, had been swept
away by the strong current of political feeling which this
ruler had awakened. The spirit of Rome again made itself
felt triumphantly through the world as in the days of Julius
Caesar and Octavianus. Rome shone by the fame of her
arms over foreign nations, but her strength was accompanied
by the spirit of a wise government which embraced the
world, while the freedom of the citizen was preserved.
Never had the sway of Rome extended farther; Trajan had
subjugated the Sarmatian Danube, had destroyed the empire
of Decebalus, and had turned Dacia into a province. In
the East he had conquered lands that were the home of
fable as far as the Red Sea, and had added Arabia as a
province to the empire. Captive barbarian princes again
adorned the Roman triumphs. Their heavy marble statues
See also : Josef Klein, Fasti Consulares inde a Caesaris nea usqtu ad
imperium DiocUtiani,
^ Wilhelm Henzen, Annali delV Imt, 1862, p. 158. Spart c.^3.
CHAP. Ill] During the Reign of Trajan 15
with faces full of sullen defiance even now recall to us in
Rome the days of Trajan.* Thousands of artists displayed
the new splendour of the monarchy by magnificent buildings.
In the year 1 1 3 A.D., the triumphal column was unveiled in the
Forum of Trajan, the inimitable pattern for the imitation
of ambitious conquerors down to the latest posterity.
It is doubtful if Hadrian ever ardently desired the laurels
of the conqueror. He had other ideals. Had the choice
been his between the fame of Homer and Achilles, he
would have chosen the former. The honour which he had
just received from the people of Athens he will have
valued quite as highly as a triumph. For the respect
that he commanded as probable successor to the throne,
even outside Rome, and the popularity that he enjoyed
among the Greeks as a Philhellene, is shown by the fact
that the city of Athens elected him archon in the year
1 1 2 A.D. A statue in his honour was at once erected in
the theatre of Dionysus. Its pedestal, with inscriptions
both in Greek and Latin, is still preserved, and it is to
this record that we are ihdebted for the most accurate
information as to the political career of Hadrian up to
the time of his consulate.*
*The bust of Decebalus was found in the year 1855 near the Fonim of
Trajan, and was transfered to the Museum at St. Petersburg. — Wilhelm
Frochner, La Colonne Trajane^ Paris, 1865, p. 5.
•From a fragment of the Mirabilia of Phlegon, c. 25 {Phlegontis TreUL
Opusc,^ ed. Franz), it appears that 112 A.D. was the year of Hadrian's
archonship. Keil, Griech, Inschr, PhiloL Suppl. ii. 593, 594.
CHAPTER IV
Hadrian accompanies the Emperor in the Parthian
War. Rising of the Jews. Lusius Quietus.
Death of Trajan and Adoption of Hadrian
Hadrian accompanied the emperor in the Parthian war^
from which Trajan was not to return. He was his legate
on the staff, and this distinction also he owed to Plotina's
good-will.^ Thirst for fame, and ambition to appear the
greatest king in the world, had taken possession of the
hitherto moderate Trajan, and had impelled him to the
most daring enterprises. He proposed to solve the eastern
question by driving the powerful Parthtans, who had
stepped into the place of the Persians, beyond the Tigris^
and by taking possession of the highways of commerce
to India. It was a war of Greek and Roman culture
against time-worn Asia, a renaissance of the ideas of
Alexander the Great ; but the East was the undoing of
Trajan.
Perhaps this expedition that excited such general interest
at the time, was the only one which inspired the Philhellene
Hadrian with a feeling of romance. The emperor set
out from Italy in October 113 A.D.* When, in the spring of
114 A.D., he brought votive offerings from the spoils of the
Dacians to Zeus Casius at Antioch, which he had appointed
as the meeting-place of the army, Hadrian wrote some Greek
^ Spart. c. 4 : cujus studio etiam legatus expeditionis parthicae tempore
destinatus est.
* Greek Anthology : Epigrammatum Anthologia PalatinUy ed. F.
Duebner, vi. 332 and note p. 267. The votive offerings were two goblets
and a gilded buffalo-horn.
UK. I. cii.ivj Hadrian in the Parthian War 17
verses, wherein he called upon the god to give the emperor
the victory over the Achaemenidae, so that he might unite
the spoils of the Arsacids with those of the Getae.
After the conquest of Armenia and Mesopotamia in the
year 1 1 5 A.D., Trajan spent the winter again in Antioch, and
during his residence the city was destroyed by an earthquake
on 13th December 1 1 5 A.D. The countries of the Euphrates
were subjug<ited by brilliant victories. He pressed forward
to liabylon, captured Selcucia on the Tigris, and Ctesiphon,
the second city of importance in Parthia, sailed down
the river into the Persian Gulf, and here abandoned the
most fascinating of all dreams to western conquerors, — the
conquest of India. Sixteen hundred years were to pass
away after Trajan's time, before this magic land was
conquered and enslaved by bold and rapacious adventurers
from the shores of distant Britain.
On Trajan's return to Babylon in the winter of
116 A.D., his wonderful good fortune deserted him. The
peoples whom he had conquered in the districts watered
by the two rivers, took up arms in his rear.* The flame
of this insurrection was kindled by the Jews, who had
for some time been settled in Mesopotamia and Babylonia,
partly under their own princes, but vassals of the Parthians,
— as in Gordyene and Adiabene on the Tigris, where the
Izati mlcd, a dynasty which had been converted to
Judaism — in Osroene, Naarda, and Nisibis, and as far as
Arabia. Since the days of the Ptolemies Jews swarmed
in Egypt and Greece, as well as in the island of Cyprus,
after Augustus had allowed Herod to rent the copper
mines which were to be found there. In all these countries
the Jews rose, intoxicated with the hopes of a Messiah,
and encouraged to fight the Roman oppressor by the
favourable opportunity of the Parthian war. Their hatred
against the destroyers of Jerusalem converted them into
raging cannibals.
The province of Cyrene, which htid already survived one
Jewish storm in the time of Vespasian, was deluged with
the blood of the Greeks, and turned into a desert The
insurgents were led by a brave man called Lucuas. Even
* Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 29 : wdpra rA iaKuK^n ira^x'h KoXlwimi^
B
1 8 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
in Egypt the army of the procurator Lupus, defeated by
the rebels, had to withdraw to Alexandria, which at this
juncture was destroyed by fire. Trajan was obliged to
send Marcius Turbo, one of Hadrian's best friends, to Egypt,
with some troops. The brave general crushed the rebellion
of the Jews with great difficulty and with frightful severity,
and then sailed for Cyprus, where the Hebrews had also
risen under their leader Artemion, and had nearly become
masters of the island. They had even destroyed the city of
Salamis, and it is reported, though it is scarcely credible,
that 240,000 Greeks and Romans were killed in this
uprising.. Turbo, however, suppressed the rebellion here
also, and from that time the entry of every Jew into Cyprus
was punished with death.^
It does not appear that Hadrian took any part in these
Jewish wars ; it is more likely that he remained by the
emperor's side at his post as adjutant-general.' At this
time Trajan commissioned his boldest general, Lusius
Quietus, to subjugate the Jews in the countries of the
Euphrates. This formidable warrior was one of the chiefs
of Berber, or Moorish race in Africa, who were under the
protection of Rome, and whose services the Imperial Govern-
ment endeavoured to secure by means of money and marks
of favour. For this purpose there was one special procurator
in Mauretania Caesariensis with the title ad curam gentium}
The Berber prince was completely Romanized, as his name
shows ; he was burning with ambition to distinguish himself
under the banner of the emperor. Rejected at first by the
Romans with contempt, he had led his Moorish cavalry as
^Eusebius, Hisi, EccL iv. 2, and in the Chronicle, Dion Cassius,
Ixviii. 32. Orosius, vii. 12. Gregory, called Bar Hebraeus, Chrotiicon^
ed. Bruns und Kirsch, p. 54. i8th and 19th year of Trajan.
"Josl, Allgemein, Gesch, des IsnuL Volks^ ii. in, and Milman,
History of the Jews^ ii.' 421, are wrong in asserting that Hadrian
fought against the rebels in Cyprus in 116 A.]).
'Renier, Inscr, ronu de PAlgMe^ 4033. llenzen, CLL. vi. 378a.
Jung, Die roman, Landschaften d. ronu Reiches^ p. 101. Quietus, like
Abdel-Kader, was originally a petty chief in his own country, rir Maiz/Kiiv
dpx<^>' (Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 32) and allied with the Romans. Themistius,
ed. Dindorf, Orat, 16, 205, calls him ii ddd^ov xal dv{^KiafA4yris ifrxariat
(Mav/wmWat).
CHAP, ivj Rising of the Jews 19
auxiliaries to Trajan in the Dacian expedition, and had
distinguished himself by deeds of valour. It is supposed
that he is depicted on the bas-relief of Trajan's column
with his savage warriors.^
Lusius Quietus carried out his commission in Mesopotamia
with African cruelty. He retook Nisibis and Edessa which
he destroyed, slaughtering the Jews in thousands. On this
•iccount the Rabbinical writers have given the name of
Quietus to the whole of Trajan's Jewish war, and indeed
have extended it to the country of Judaea itself.* For, after
the rising in the country of the Euphrates had been put
down, Trajan sent the same general to Palestine, not indeed
as procurator, but with the full power of a proconsular
legate. This mark of distinction given to the Moorish
adventurer, who had been elected Consul suffectuSy seems to
have aroused the jealousy of Hadrian.'
The mission of Quietus to Palestine, in the beginning of
the year 1 1 7 A.D., was connected with the measures taken
by the emperor for the suppression of the revolt in Egypt
and Mesopotamia. For Palestine was the historical and
ideal centre of the whole Jewish race, and Jerusalem was the
object of their rising in the East, the ultimate aim of which
could only be the restoration of the temple and the deliver-
ance of Israel from the yoke of the Romans. It was highly
probable that in Judaea the High priest and his Sanhedrin
had woven the threads of the rebellion of the Jewish people.
When Trajan commenced the Parthian war, he probably
summoned a portion of the troops from the fortresses of
Palestine, and so denuded the land. This appears to have
been the case with the Xth legion Fretensis, which had
been stationed there since the time of Titus.*
^Frochncr, Iji Colanne Trajane^ p. 14, 21, 2Lnd planches 86, 88. On
him Horghesi, CEuvres^ i. viii. 500 sq,
•"Polcmos Schcl Quitos "— Gractz, Geschichte der Judm^ 1866, iv. 132
and note 24. VoWvMLT^Judithj p. 41 sq,^ especially p. 83 sq,
' Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 32, says of Quietus : &art h roin icrparymiK&rat
(propraetorian legate) i9ytia4>y^tu koX bwartdcai r^ re lioXaiarUfJit Ap^eu' ^( dr
WW Kol r& ftdXiffra i^BotnjBrf koI iiu9i/fin irol AviUKtro, Eusebius, Hisi, EccL
iv. 2 : *Iouda(Mr 4fytfuiw,
* Gruter, 367, 6 : Inscription on A. Atinius, TRIB . MIL. LEG . x. FRET.
A . DIVO . TRAJ ANO . EXPED . PARTHICA . DONIS . DON ATUS.
20 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
No trustworthy historian speaks of an actual insurrection
at that time in Judaea ; but Spartianus implies the rebellious
feeling of the heavily oppressed country, and the despatch
of Quietus, the destroying angel of the Jews in Mesopotamia,
to Palestine, proves that there was more than a mere inclin-
ation to rebel in the province.^ The Moorish prince came
to Judaea to preserve this important key between the countries
of the Euphrates and Egypt, and he certainly came with
troops. He had brought back the Xth legion, or that part
of it which had been withdrawn from the Parthian war, and
he commanded it as legate.
Meanwhile Trajan had returned to the Euphrates.
Shattered by failure, repulsed from the rock fortress Atra (in
which stood a famous temple of the Sun), ill from dis-
appointment and fatigue, despairing of the East, whose
conquest on the farther side of the Euphrates now appeared
impossible to the Romans, the emperor began his homeward
journey to Italy in the spring of 1 1 7 A.D. He left Hadrian
in Antioch, handing over to him, as legate, the supreme
command in Syria and of the Eastern army, and sailed
towards the West.^ His condition however compelled him
to land at Cilicia ; and he took to his bed at Selinus
(the modem Selinti) in the beginning of August, and he
never rose from it again.
The death of Trajan in Asia, after so many heroic
struggles amid such bold and fantastic projects, reminds us
of Alexander, and, like Alexander, he had appointed no
successor. His most famous generals were still fighting
against the insurgents, and no one knew the intentions of
the emperor. Priscus, Palma, Quietus, or even Hadrian
himself could draw their swords if any one of them were
sure of the vote of the legions. It was a critical moment
The empire might easily again fall into anarchy, as it
did after the death of Nero. It seems strange that Trajan
had not long before prevented the possibility of such a
catastrophe, as Nerva had done with such a happy result.
When he thought over the names of his great men, he
^ Spart F/'/o, c. 5 : Aegyptus seditionibus urgebatur, Lycia (the reading
probably is Lybia) denique ac Palaestina rebelles animos efferebant.
' Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 33.
ciiAr. ivj Death of Trajan 21
must have been convinced that his own relation ought to
be his successor. He was aware that Hadrian had a
powerful party at court, and had a firmer footing than any
other aspirant to the crown. Did he still waver in his
resolution to adopt Hadrian, whose incalculable character
probably did not inspire him with confidence? He had
scarcely been fond of him, even though by the act of placing
power in his hands, he had shown that he felt no other
choice was open to him. He had exiled Laberius Maximus
and Frugi Crassus, enemies of Hadrian, and he had with-
drawn his favour from Palma and Celsus, while he had
conferred the greatest distinction upon Hadrian, giving him
the complete command of Syria, and of the army. Perhaps
he dallied with the adoption, because he wished to carry it
into effect at Rome by an act of the senate. However, his
illness overtook him, and the dying emperor gave way
at Sclinus to the representations of the Empress Plotina, of
the elder Matidia and of Attianus, who were at his side, and
Hadrian was virtually adopted.
Trajan died on the 7th or 8th August, 1 17 A.D. On the
9th Hadrian received at Antioch a deed of adoption, and on
the ! I th of the same month, the death of the emperor was
made public.
At once the report was spread that a trick had been
played at Selinus. Dion Cassius maintains that Hadrian
was not adopted by Trajan, but that he owed the fortune
which he fraudulently obtained, to Attianus and to the love
of Plotina.^ He says he heard from his father, Apronianus,
who became prefect of Cilicia long after the death of Trajan,
that the death of the emperor was purposely concealed
until the document had been framed and made public.
Spartianus, too, mentions a rumour that Plotina, after
tlic death of the emperor, substituted a person who, feigning
the voice of a dying man, pronounced the adoption of
Hadrian.' Whether the document was forged,' whether
the empress lent herself to a deception unworthy of her,
• Dion Cassius, Ixix. i, Eutrop. viii. 6. 'Spart. c. 4.
'Gibbon, La Bcrge, Dierauer, and others maintain the fictitious
adoption. 1 however agree with the contrary reasons advanced by
Centerwall (Spar/, vita Hadriani comment, illustrata in Upsula Univ.-
22 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. iv
is a doubtful question ; but the most credible view will
always be, that Trajan in his last hours agreed to the
adoption of his cousin.
As Hadrian received the document on the 9th of August,
this day is the birthday of his adoption. Not until the i ith
was the death of Trajan made known. This day is therefore
the dies imperii^ the day of the year of his ascent to the
throne. The legions which he commanded as legate of
Syria, then the most important province of the empire,
at once hailed him Imperator in Antioch, and he gave them
a double donative which might appear either as an acknow-
ledgment of his gratification or as evidence of his insecurity.^
At the same time Hadrian despatched a most respectful
letter to the senate, excusing himself for having assumed
the imperial title merely on the acclamation of the army, on
the ground that the empire could not remain without
an emperor. He asked that the choice of the army should
be confirmed.^ As a matter of fact it was immaterial in the
eye of the law, whether the imperial dignity was bestowed by
the army or by the senate.'
As the ashes of Trajan, escorted by the widowed empress,
by Matidia Augusta and Attianus, were to be embarked at
Selinus, Hadrian went to that port. The ship of mourning
set sail, and he returned to Antioch. Here he remained for
several months that he might put in order the disturbed
affairs of the East.
•
Arsskr.^ Ups. 1869, i., pp. $2-59)1 ^^^ Duruy {History of Rome^ v., pp. 3
and 4). Haakh (Hadr. in Pauly, R.E,) thinks that Trujan entertained
the idea of adoption, and Merivale, vii. 412, that Plotina carried it out.
Adoption-coins, Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum^ vi., p. 475 j^., Cohen,
Description des Monnaies^ ii., p. no, n. 51 sq,
^ Hadrian at once adopted the titles of Trajan, and accordingly called
himself Germanicus Dacicus Parthicus. — Eckhel, vi., p. 518. Later he
dropped these titles.
*Dion Cassius, Ixix. 2. 'Mommsen, Rom, Staatsrecht^ ii.' 790.
CHAPTER V
Hadrian gives up the lately acquired Provinces of
Trajan. State of Judaea. Fall of Lusius Quietus
Rome had now an emperor, related to Trajan, the " best "
of princes, by ties of natural, though not of intellectual
kinship. Hitherto Hadrian had not made himself prominent
in the state as a great personality. The whole period from
Nerva to the last of the Antonines was such that it was
no longer possible for a man to seize dominion by force, as,
fortunately for the empire, adoption was the means to the
throne, and the brilliancy of the imperial power over-
shadowed every other personality. Hadrian had passed
through his political career with honour, but without special
distinction. laurels such as Trajan's generals had gained,
did not adorn his brow. He was known as one of the
cleverest men in Rome, highly cultivated, with an un-
mistakable leaning towards Hellenism, adapted, apparently,
more to enjoy than to govern the world. What character-
istics this "Greek" on the throne of the Caesars might
disclose, were known to no one, but it was quite clear that
the new emperor was not the man to carry out the
imperial idea of Trajan, sword in hand. From the first hour
of his reign he turned away from it. He showed that his
inclinations lay in another direction, and that his wish was
to develop the inner life of the empire apart from wars
and conquests, making it more secure within the limits pro-
tected by the legions — limits not to be extended.
There was no desire in Hadrian's nature for imperial
greatness. If he had carried on the boundless conquests of
his predecessors, he would have begun his reign with endless
24 The Emperor Hadrian t^oo*^ »
wars, and would have exhausted the already impoverished
treasury of the empire, only to relinquish the fame to the
ambitious generals of Trajan. Already in Antioch he
sketched the programme of his policy of peace. He dis-
dained to enter upon the oriental inheritance of his pre-
decessor. He resolved to give up the newly acquired but
untenable provinces on the other side of the Euphrates.
This determination to abandon the great designs of Trajan
was inevitable under the circumstances.^ For Trajan himself
had been forced to learn that distant countries were easier
to conquer than to maintain; he had experienced their
defection, and when Hadrian took the reins of government
the Moors, the Sarmatians, and the Britons were in rebellion,
and Palestine, Cyprus, and Cyrene had to be pacified.
Nevertheless, Hadrian's renunciation was a daring one, as
it must have appeared un-Roman. It aflronted the war-
party, in whose opinion the empire could only maintain its
supremacy in the world by extension. It embittered the
generals and officers of Trajan, who expected honours and
wealth from the prosecution of the war in the East, and who
now saw the eagles of Rome turning homewards as if they
bad been vanquished. Thus Hadrian showed himself in
the commencement of his reign a man of prudent and
independent mind.^ But the dissatisfaction of his opponents
is displayed in the judgments of later Roman historians,
who ascribe Hadrian's relinquishment of the conquests of
his predecessor to vulgar envy of his greatness.' But had
not Augustus recognized the expediency, after many military
conquests, of seeking the welfare of the empire only by
concentrating its possessions? Had he not voluntarily
^ This necessity is referred to by Spart. c. 5 : Hadrian followed the
example of Cato, qui Macedonas liberos pronunciavit, quia tueri non
poterant
' This is also Ranke's opinion. Weltgeschichte^ iii. 285.
' Eutrop. viii. c. 6 : Qui Trajani gloriae invidens statini provincias tres
reliquit, quas Trajanus addiderat The Chron, Heiron. following Eutro-
pius says " Hadrianus Trajani invidens gloria," etc Dion makes no
mention whatever of this incident. Fronto (ed. Rom. 1846) Principia
Historiae^ p. 226, merely says '* Hadrianus provincias manu Trajani captas
omittere maluit, quam retinere."
CHAP, vj State of Judaea 25
relinquished the province of Great Armenia in favour of
the son of Artavasdes?^
Hadrian made the Euphrates the boundary of the Roman
Empire in Asia, giving up Armenia, Mesopotamia, and
Assyria, and, after making an agreement with the Parthians,
he withdrew his l^ions from their country. Chosroes he
recognized as king of the Parthians. Parthamaspates, the
Arsacid who had been forced upon the country as prince, but
who had been already expelled by Chosroes, he compensated
by giving him the dominion over other districts. For he
was ever anxious to secure the Roman influence in the
countries of the Euphrates. On the other side of the river
too, several kings seem to have acknowledged the supreme
power of the emperor.'
Of all the conquests of Trajan, Hadrian only kept Arabia-
Petraea. This new province, ori^ account of its situation on
the borders of Syria and Judaea, on the Red Sea, and its
proximity to l^gypt, was of great military and commercial
importance.
The rising of the Jewish people had been already crushed
by the generals of Trajan in Egypt and Cyprus. In Palestine
however the agitation was not over, and here Lusius Quietus
ruled as governor with great severity. The attempt has been
made to prove from the Talmud and the Book of Judith,
that Quietus actually waged war against the rebels in Judaea.
For that wonderful book, which records the glorification of
the Jewish nation and its final conquest over the enemies of
Israel, is said, though no proof can be adduced, to* have
originated in the time of Hadrian. Nineveh is supposed to
represent Antioch, Judith Judaea, and Holofernes the cruel
Quietus.'
' Mon. Ancyr. C.LL, iii. 2, p. 782.
•Amongst the coins of the Mcsopotamian princes of Edessa there is one
of Abgarus with the head of Hadrian. — Mionnet, v., p. 613.
' Volkmar warmly asserts the historical relations of the book of Judith
with the Jewish war of Trajan and the fall of Quietus. By the Polemos
5>chel Quitos he understands the war in Judaea. His Jewish sources are
Midrasch on (Jcnesis, Bcreschit Rabba, c. 64, the Chronicle of the Seder
olam Rablxi, which is said to have been edited shortly after the war. He
is followed by Gractz {Gesch. d.Juderty 1866, iv. 132 and note iv.) Schuerer,
Ijtkrhuch der neuesten Zeitgesch, p. 354. A. Hausrath, Neut. Zeitungy iii.
t»^
n
26 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
The Talmudic authorities, which are quite untrustworthy,
maintain that Quietus certainly conquered Judaea, but
that the new emperor put a stop to his ravages there,
whereupon the Jews laid down their arms, though only
on condition of being allowed to rebuild the Temple.
There are no facts, however, to vouch for the accuracy
of this rabbinical fable which speaks of so great a con-
cession on the part of the emperor to the Jews, even while
they were still armed. Only Hadrian's love of peace is
not to be doubted. It is possible that messengers from
the Sanhedrin sought him in Antioch, to lay before him
the complaints and the wishes of their people. But that he
went himself in person to Jerusalem is not credible, for
he had neither time to do so, nor, after the conclusion of
peace with the Parthians, was Judaea of sufficient political
importance to call Hadrian away from all his pressing
affairs.^
Lusius Quietus, however, he removed from Palestine.
Dion Cassius and Spartianus have pointed out that this
favourite of Trajan was the object of his hatred, and
we can easily believe that this powerful man would not,
in any case, have hastened to recognize the proclamation
of Hadrian as emperor. Hadrian took away from him,
as it appears, at the very commencement of his reign,
the government of Judaea, and not only the command of
the Roman troops who were there, but of his own Moorish
warriors, whom he had taken with him.* He banished
374 ^9* ]' Derenbourg {Essai sur PHist. et la Giogr, de la Palestine^ i. part,
p. 402 sq^ entirely denies the war of Trajan and Hadrian in Judaea. So
does Renan, Les Evangilesy p. 507.
^Duerr i^Die Reisen (Us Kaisers Hadrian^ p. 16) endeavours to prove this
first visit in Judaea, as also Pagi {jCritica in Baron, p. 121) from a very
confused passage in Epiphanius {^De mensuris^ c. 14). And yet he
allows Hadrian but two and a half months for his sojourn in Antioch
until his departure for Illyricum. And not less untenable is his conjecture
that Hadrian then visited Alexandria. Zoega wrongly asserts the presence
of the emperor there for the first time before 130 a.d. Eckhel, iv., p. 41 sq,\
vi., p. 489 sq. No conclusion as to Hadrian's visit to Alexandria, which Pagi
has placed in 1 19 A.D., can be drawn from coins, as they bear no date.
*Spart. c 5: L. Quietum sublatis gentibus Mauris, quos regcbat,
quia suspectus imperio fuerat, exarmavit Marcio Turbonc Judaeis
CHAP, v] Fall of Lusius Quietus 27
him from Palestine. He probably sent him to Rome, to
answer for himself before the senate, as, according to
Spartianus, he was suspected of ambitious designs upon the
throne. But to Mauretania, which had risen in insurrection,
Hadrian sent Marcius Turbo as prefect, the conqueror of
the Jews in Egypt, a man of proved military fidelity and
of untiring energy.* It is not known to what new governor
Hadrian gave the place of Quietus in Palestine.*
The fall of the hated Moorish prince, who was steeped
in the blood of Israel, was looked upon by the Jews, though
perhaps erroneously, as an earnest of the goodwill of the
new emperor ; while his withdrawal, contrary to imperial
tradition, from the policy of Trajan, revived their hopes
of a Messiah. They rejoiced ; the bloody conquests of
Quietus in Mesopotamia had been fought uselessly, for
they saw their brethren there, freed from the yoke of
the " tyrant Trajan," after Hadrian had given up possession
of the country. The destroyer of the Jews had been
banished, and soon indeed they heard of his ignominious
death. They instituted a festival in memory of the deliver-
ance of Israel.' That they looked upon Hadrian in the
beginning of his reign with hope and sympathy, and
expected from him an improvement in the fortunes of
Judaea, is indicated by passages in the Sibylline books,
where the poet, probably an Alexandrian Jew, glorifies the
successor of Trajan,* the noble ruler who takes his name
compressis ad deprimendum tutnultum Mauretaniae destinato, post haec
Antiochia degressus est ad inspiciendas reliquias Trajani.
* Eckhel, vi., p. 498, and others (Notes to Dion, in ed. of Sturz, vi. 640)
wrongly suppose that Hadrian sent Quietus as regent to Mauretania.
'Marquardt {Rom, Stoat sverwaltung^ \} 420) places Q. Pompeius
Falco, a friend of the young Pliny, as legate of Judaea, between Quietus
and the later Rufus. Yet he was still legate there under Trajan about
109 A.I). Henzen, 5451 (with restitution of Borghesi, iv. 125) Mommsen
in Hermesy iii. 51, and in Index nominum to Keil's Ep, Plin.y Borghesi,
viii. 365. Waddington, Fastes dcs Prmf. asiatigties^ p. 203.
' " Jom Trajanus " — Volkmar, Judith^ p. 40 sq,
* Orac, Sibyll,y ed. Alexander, v., lines 247-285, 414-434. Graetz, iv. 138.
Hausrath, iii. 307 sq, Volkmar, Judith^ page 104 sq, Kenan {LEglise
chritientUy p. 13) asserts, with good reason, that these prophecies were
written already in Hadrian's lifetime.
28 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
from a Sea ; with him a new age of happiness for Israel
and Jerusalem is to begin.
The Talmudists maintain that Hadrian really promised
the Jews to allow them to rebuild their Temple as a national
sanctuary, and to restore the city which Titus had destroyed.
We can understand how this saying arose among the Jews ;
but it is quite inconceivable that a Roman emperor should
make such a promise to despised Jewish rebels, for this
would have been tantamount to the acknowledgment of the
Jews as a nation, which for political reasons Rome had
destroyed. It was Hadrian who finally obliterated the
stronghold of Judaism, by founding the Roman colony Aelia
Capitolina on the ruins of Jerusalem. This was perhaps
even a project of Trajan.^ It certainly must be considered
in connection with the last rebellion of the Jews in the East,
and with the resolve of Hadrian to surrender the Parthian
conquests. Jerusalem had been the strongest of all the
fortresses of Syria. Titus had destroyed it, and Hadrian
was the first to feel that this destruction was a mistake. As
soon as he had withdrawn the boundaries of the empire to
this side of the Euphrates, retaining only Arabia of Trajan's
new provinces, he must have thought of building strong
places between the Euphrates and the Red Sea, to serve as
a support to the Roman army against the Parthians, the
Bedawin of Arabia, and the Jews, and, at the same time, as
emporiums of commerce. The renewed prosperity of the
cities of Heliopolis (Baalbek), Damascus, Palmyra, Bostra,
Gerasa, and others in the Trachonitis and in the country
beyond the Jordan, did, as a matter of fact, begin in the time
of Hadrian. It is unnecessary to mention of what import-
ance the situation of Jerusalem was on the elevated plateau
commanding the passes to the Phoenician Sea, the valley of
tlie Jordan, the Dead Sea, and the caravan routes of Arabia.
Hadrian therefore followed the plan of restoring Jerusalem
as a Roman colony, but it was late in his reign before he
carried it out.
At Antioch, the emperor received from Rome the letters
of congratulation of the senate, who not only granted him
divine honours in memory of his adopted father, for which
' Ewald, Geschichte <L Volkes Israel^ vii. 361.
ciiAiw) Refuses the Parthian Triumph 29
he had asked, but awarded him also the Parthian triumph in
the place of Trajan. This he dech'ned.^
The aristocratic opposition which had become powerful in
the service of Trajan might become dangerous to the new
sovereign. It seemed therefore advisable to his friends to
encounter it at once. Attianus had already advised him at
Selinus to make suspicious enemies harmless ; and, as such»
had pointed out to him Bebius Macer the prefect of the city,
Laberius Maximus, and Frugi Crassus.' But Hadrian
showed himself nobler than his followers, and he did not
accept the advice. Attianus, and Similis, one of the most
honourable men of his time, were made prefects of the
Praetorium.
* Spart c 6.
*Spait. c 5. Yet Crassus was afterwards assassinated by a servile
procurator.
CHAPTER VI
Return of Hadrian to Rome by way of Illyricum.
War with the Roxolani. Arrangement of affairs
in Pannonia and Dacia. Conspiracy and Execution
of the Four Consulars. Arrival of Hadrian in
Rome in August ii8 a.d.
After Hadrian had established peace in the East, and
had appointed L. Catilius Severus legate of Syria, he left
Antioch to return to Italy.^ Spartianus says that he came
home by way of lUyria. This name primarily denoted the
eastern shores of the Adriatic Sea, but since the time of
Trajan it had been applied to the large tract of country
bordering the Danube as far as Macedonia, Moesia, Pannonia,
Dalmatia, Dacia, and even Raetia and Noricum.* These
provinces received a special share of Hadrian's attention
because he had served as a tribune in Moesia, governed
Pannonia as legate, and fought in Dacia by the side of
Trajan.
The time of his departure from Syria cannot correctly be
ascertained. It is, however, certain that a whole year elapsed
between his assumption of the imperial power and his
arrival in Rome. This interval lends colour to the supposi-
^ The coins in Eckhel, vi., pp. 475, 476, probably refer to the settlement of
the East : Oriens, Concordia, Justitia, Pax. For Catilius Severus,
a friend of the younger Pliny, and his proconsulship in Asia during the
years 117 to 119 A.D., see Waddington, Pastes des Provinces asiaiiques^
p. 134.
'Marquardt, Rom, Staatsver. i. 295. Jung, Die romcm. Landscka/ten
4L rom. Reiches^ p. 333.
itK. I. cii.vi] War with the Roxolani 31
tion that the emperor undertook an expedition against the
Sarmatians and Roxolani on his return journey from Syria.^
If this is correct, Hadrian, after sending on his troops in
advance to Moesia, penetrated through the Hellespont and
the Bosporus into the countries of the Danube, and, on the
conclusion of the expedition, he sailed from one of the ports
of Illyria to Brundusium.
Moesia, an imperial province divided into two districts,
which were separated by the Danube from Dacia, and by the
Haemus from Thrace, was of no small importance to the
empire, as the frontier on the Black Sea, where the turbulent
tribes of Sarmatia sought to advance from the Dnieper to
the mouths of the Danube. It stretched from the time of
Nero beyond Tyras, the colony of Miletus, to the lands of
the kings of the Bosporus, against whose attacks the rest of
the free Greek states on the northern shore of the Black Sea
could only be protected by the neighbouring Roman troops
In Troesmis the Vth legion Macedonica protected the
mouth of the Danube, while in Tomi and Odessus (Varna) a
small fleet of warships was stationed.
The Roxolani had at that time made common cause with
the Jazyges to invade the provinces of Moesia and Dacia,
and Hadrian therefore felt himself compelled to undertake
an expedition against them. But it did not come to a serious
war ; the emperor seems indeed to have so terrified the
barbarians by the mere sight of his powerful army and of their
' This is the view taken by Flemmer {De itiner, et reb. gestis Adrianiy
p. 2) with which Duerr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian^ p. i6, concurs.
It contradicts the statement of Spartianus (c. 5), who does not connect
this campaign with the return to Rome over lllyricum. Eusebius, who
places the Sarmatian war in Hadrian's fourth year, is of less weight, for
his Roman chronology is useless. The chronology of Spartianus is also
much confused. The connection of events makes Duerr's view acceptable.
The conjectured presence of Hadrian in Juliopolis on the 12th November
117 A.D., cannot however be proved from a letter of the emperor to the
youth of Pergamum (Curtius, Hermes^ vii. 37, 38), as the geographical
position of the place is doubtful, and the iteration figure of the Tribunicia
potcstas is missing. When Uuerr (p. 24) concludes from the sacrifices
which the Arvals offered also to Victoria in honour of the adventus of
the emperor, that this has reference to the victory over the Roxolani, he
forgets that the senate had offered Hadrian the Parthian triumph of Trajan.
32 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
military dexterity — he made the Batavian cavalry swim
armed across the Danube — that they submitted and accepted
him as arbitrator in their quarrels.^ The principle which
Hadrian always adopted in his dealings with the barbarian
princes was to subdue them by negotiation rather than by
force. He satisfied their demands where he recognized they
were just, and for some time the Roman Empire had sub-
mitted to subsidize such princes. The king of the Roxolani,
Rasparaganus, one of these chieftains in the pay of Rome,
had complained that his subsidies had been diminishecl;
Hadrian granted him the continuation of the payment, but
he made him harmless for the future. The Sarmatian king
was obliged to beg for the honour of being taken into the
Gens Aelia^ and from thenceforth he seems to have lived as
a pensioner of the Roman state with his whole family in
banishment at Pola in Istria.^
Hadrian strengthened the Roman stations in Lower
Moesia, but it is uncertain whether he did this in 1 1 8 A.D.
or later. Coins and inscriptions refer to the activity of
the emperor there.^ Under his rule Moesia was separated
from Dalmatia and made into a separate administrative area.^
The emperor was also engaged in arranging matters in
Pannonia and Dacia on the other side of the Danube. He
summoned Marcius Turbo from Mauretania, giving to him
the temporary government of this consular province and
raising him to the dignity of a prefect of Egypt in order to
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 6. CLL, iii., n. 3676 : Inscription relating to a
warrior of the Batavian cohort, who swam the Danube.
'Inscription from Pola, C/.Z. v. pt. i, 32 : p . aelio . rasparagano .
REGI . ROXOLANORUM, and 33 : his son Aelius Peregrinus, who is not
called rex. Here Roxolani and Sarmati are used indiscriminately.
' ADVENTUl . AUG . MOESIAE . S . C.—EXERC . MOESIACUS, Eckhel, vi.,
p. 499. A coin of Hadrian with Aeliana Pincensia, Eckhel, vi., p. 447,
refers to metalla in Moesia. Inscript. at Tomi, the metropolis ot
Moesia inferior ; C./.Z. iii. 765, add. p. 997. Troesmis (Iglitza) became
under Hadrian a garrison town, Renter, Rev, Arch, xii. 414, C./.Z.
iii. 2, n. 6166. Nicopolis is called Adrianopolis, Mionnet, i., p. 359.
Mommsen, Eph. ep, iii. 234. Viminacium bears the name of Aelium,
CLL, iii., p. 264.
♦Henri Cons {La Prov. rom. de Dalmatie^ 1882, p. 267) gives as his
authorities for this C.I.L, iii. 2829 ; CLL, iii. 4115, 2828 ; Inscription in
honour of Hadrian at Burnum in 1 18 a.d.
CHAP. VI] Affairs in Dacia 33
increase his authority.* Hadrian divided Dacia, it is un-
certain when, into two districts {inferior and superior^ giving
it a praetorikn legate.* And yet tiie wish has been attributed
to him to give up this province, the most important of all
Trajan's conquests, and to return to the old frontier of the
Danube. It is said that he was only induced to retain it
by the representations of his friends, who urged that the
Roman colonists who had been settled there by his prede-
cessor in great numbers, would inevitably fall a sacrifice to
the fury of the barbarians.'
But a glance at this country which had been so quickly
Romanized, and was now garrisoned by several legions,
would have sufficed to convince Hadrian that this Danubian
province must remain Roman, a bulwark of the empire and
of Italy in particular. It is, therefore, incredible that he
demolished the upper part of the great bridge built across
the Danube by Trajan at Turnu Severin and Orsoya, the
admired work of the architect Apollodorus, merely to restrain
the barbarians from incursions into the countries on the
right bank of the stream.*
The work of colonizing the large territory of the
Danube was eagerly pushed forward in Hadrian's reign, as
is proved by the monuments found there. Trajan's colony
of Ulpia Sarmizegetusa (of which the ruins are to be seen
to-day near Vasarhely in Transylvania), the principal city of
Dacia and the seat of the worship of Augustus, erected a
statue to the Emperor Hadrian, the inscription on which
commemorates his second consulate (118 A.D.).*
•
' Spart. c. 6, 7, Inscription in honour of Turbo at Sarmizegetusa, CLL,
ill., n. 1461.
'In 129 A.D. Plautius Caesianus appears as legate in Dacia inferior
CJ.L. iii., n. 876. Marquardt, Rom, Staatsverw, i. 309.
' Eutrop. viii. c. 6.
^Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 13. The bridge of twenty stone pillars was 150
feet high and 60 wide. J. Aschbach on Trajan's stone bridge over the
Danube in Mittheilungen d. k. k. Central Commission d. Erforschunx
nnd Erhaltung v. RaudtnkmaU^ Wien 1858, iii. 197 sq. Even Aschbach
still believed in the absurd story that Hadrian destroyed this bridge too
from his envy of Trajan. Duniy, v., rightly doubts its destruction.
^ CJJ^ iii., n. 1445, 1446. The legate of Hadrian, Cn. Papirius
Aclianus, built an a(|ueduct there (132, 133 A.D.). A Hadrianic inscription
c
34 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
While he was still occupied in the countries of the
Danube, a conspiracy was formed against his throne and
his life. Disappointed ambition induced some of the most
important men in Rome to attempt the overthrow of
Trajan's successor by a revolution, which, if it had suc-
ceeded, would have robbed the world of the happy age of
the Antonines. The chief of these malcontents were the
consuls Lusius Quietus, Publius Celsus, Avidius Nigrinus,
and Cornelius Palma, the distinguished conqueror of the
province of Arabia. They represented the military and
political school of Trajan, whose principles were slighted by
the new emperor, whom they looked upon as an upstart
without any military reputation, and a favourite of women.
These great men, who had been rivals of Hadrian, were
justified by their services in forming ambitious hopes. Even
if Trajan had never thought of apfx^inting the Moorish
adventurer Quietus to succeed him in the empire, he had
made the audacious man of such importance that Hadrian
feared him, and banished him.^ Nigrinus, particularly, had
been pointed out as a possible successor to Trajan. He had
governed Achaia as proconsul in the last years of the
emperor.^ His daughter had married Ceionius Commodus,
who was to become, as Aelius Verus, the adopted son of
Hadrian, and the father of the emperor Lucius Verus.'
Not one of these great men stood at the head of refractory
legions ; not one had the praetorians on their side, nor the
from Sarinizegetusa with the sentence "cujus virtute Dacia imperio addita
felix est" is considered genuine by Zumpt, Rfuin, Mus, 1843, p. 257, in
opposition to Ecthel, vi., p. 494, and Mommsen, who consider it false.
Coins with EX£RCIT. dac. and dacia, Eckhel, vi., p. 494. Duerr considers,
p. 19, that the settlement of Roman colonies at Drobeta (C./.Z. iii. 1581)
Nicopolis, and Viminacium, was made by Hadrian. At this time the
Legio xui. Gemina was quartered at Heviz in Dacia, CLL, iii., n. 953.
In many cities of Dacia the name Aelius occurs among distinguished
citizens. — Jung, Die roman, Landsch, p. 397.
^Panegyric on Quietus in Ammianus Marcellinus, ed. Gronov., p. 619
and in Themistius, Orat, 16, p. 205 (Dindorf).
'A Delphian inscription, C. Wescher, Atude sur U Monum. bilingue de
DeipheSy Paris, 1868, p. 23 sq.^ speaks of him as propraetorian legate.
'Spart. c. 7 is therefore wrong in saying of Nigrinus that Hadrian had
intended him to be his successor.
CHAP. VI] Conspiracy of the Consulars 35
senate, which, on the contrary, had been won over by the
promises and flatteries of Hadrian. As all the actual facts
of their opposition remain unknown to us, it seems at this
distance of time to have been both feeble and foolish. It
almost appears as if the emperor's friends had dignified the
murmurs of discontent with the name of a state conspiracy.
It was said that Hadrian was to be killed when hunting,
or while he was offering sacrifice, and that the plan was
betrayed. The obsequious senate hastened to give the
emperor a proof of its submission by causing the unfortunate
men to be seized and immediately put to death. Palma was
executed in Tarracina, Cclsus in Baiae, Quietus at some
unknown place on his journey, and Nigrinus in Faventia.
The different localities mentioned as the places of their
execution do not support the theory of conspiracy, unless
indeed we suppose that the consulars were taken separately
in their flight, or that each was surprised where he happened
to be at the time.^
When Hadrian heard of these events he could thank the
senate for sparing him the responsibility of the execution, or,
at any rate, for giving him the opportunity of a disclaimer.
In his autobiography, which has perished, he is said to have
maintained that the senate acted contrary to his wishes in
putting these great men to death.* This may possibly be
true, for in Trajan's time one senator only had been con-
demned, and he had been condemned by the senate without
the knowledge of the emperor.' Hadrian expressly ascribed
the crime to the counsels of the prefect Attianus.* But whether
this advice was given to the senate or to himself, remains
doubtful. Spartianus expresses no opinion upon it, while Dion
Cassius makes it clear that he does not consider the emperor
innocent. The most powerful of his adversaries had been
removed by his zealous friends, and this bloody act was a
warning to the rest. Otherwise cruelty was not in Hadrian's
nature. Until his latter days, when some great men again fell
victims to his suspicions, he was the most humane of princes.
^ Spart c. 7. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 2.
'Spart c. 7: Invito Hadriano, ut ipse in vita sua dicit occisi sunt
' Eutrop. viii. 4.
* Spart c. 9 : Quorum quidem necem in Attiani consilia refundebat
36 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch.vi
Great discontent prevailed in Rome. The most prominent
men of Trajan's court, four consulars, had been put to death
without a trial. In spite of the complaisance of the senate,
the aristocracy must have felt deeply injured, and must have
dreaded the return of the reign of terror of Domitian. For
this reason Hadrian hurried to Rome to dispel the un-
favourable opinion which had been formed of him. He
had thought, even in lUyria, of propitiating the Roman
people by presents : three gold pieces were given to each
man, and greater benefits were still to flow, to wipe out
the blood that had been shed. Hadrian entered Rome
on the 7th or 8th of August 1 1 8 A.D.*
^ The date of Hadrian's arrival in Rome is fixed by the Acta Arvalta^
which record that the Arvals assembled in the temple of Concordia^
coopted the Emperor Hadrian in place of Trajan into their brotherhood,,
and offered sacrifices in honour of his arrival Henzen, Acta Arvalia^
p. cliii. sq.\ C.LL, vL, p. 536 sq. As consuls L. Pomp. Bassus, and
L . . . inius B(arbar)us. Proof of the date in Duerr., p. 21 sq,^ Eckhel vi.»
p. 476. Gold and silver coins of arrival struck by the Senate repre-
senting head of Hadrian crowned with laurel, Rome sitting on a breast-
plate and shield, grasping the hand of the emperor. Cohen, ii.', p. iil»
n. 91 : IMP . CAESAR . TRAJANUS . HADRIANUS . AUG . — ADVENTUS . AUG .
PONT . MAX . TR . POT . COS . II . s . 0. The proper consuls for the first
half of the year 1 18 A.D. were, Hadrianus iterum and Cn. Pedanius Fuscus
Salinator, stepson of Domitia Paulina, sister of Hadrian and wife of
Servianus. See Borghesi, ii., p. 212. L. Pompeius Bassus and his ^
colleague were suffecti.
CHAPTER VII
Hadrian! s first acts in Rome. The great Remission
of Debt. Third Consulate of the Emperor. Fall
of Attianus. Marcius Turbo becomes Prefect.
Death of Matidia Augusta. The Palilia of the
year 121 a.d.
The capital received Trajan's successor with imperial
honours, and he hurried to the senate to wash away the
stains from his purple robe, asserting his innocence of the
death of the consulars. He swore never to sanction
the punishment of a senator without the concurrence of the
whole body.* A similar promise had been given previously
by Nerva and Trajan, and might be looked upon as a
kind of treaty with the senate, whose freedom and existence
depended on the caprice of the emperor. Hadrian next
celebrated the memory of his father by adoption with bril-
liant festivities. He had gracefully declined the Parthian
triumph which had been voted to him. The triumphal pro-
cession was abandoned ; but on the car of victory the statue
of his great predecessor was placed, crowned with laurel.'
It was probably on this occasion that the ashes of Trajan
were solemnly laid in the pedestal of the great triumphal
column in the Forum of Trajan, and that the dead emperor
was placed among the gods.' Hadrian himself had demanded
' In senatu quoque excussatis quae facta erant juravit, se numquam
senatorem nisi ex senatus sententia puniturum. — St)art. c 7.
'Medal triumphus . parthicus, struck after the death of Trajan.
Cohen, ii.', p. 78, n. 585.
• Cohen, ii.', p. 87, n. 658. DIVO . TRAJANO . PARTH . AUG . PATRI.
A phoenix.
I
38 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
this from the senate, and it was a request not easy to
refuse, as the same honour had been granted to Ncrva
at the wish of Trajan. And Trajan had been really
loved. The senate offered Hadrian the title oi pater patriae^
but the emperor again declined it. This title, which was
first bestowed upon Cicero, was already a customary
attribute of the emperors, but after the example of
Augustus, they generally pretended at first to refuse, before
they accepted, a distinction which theoretically, was the
highest honour in the state, but which in reality was so
often nothing but a mockery. Tiberius too had declined
the title, and Trajan had only taken it after refusing it.*
•Despite Hadrian's refusal, there are coins and records of
the early years of his reign which give him this title, either
because it was used after the first decree of the senate, or
else because it was looked upon as a matter of course.*
Hadrian first assumed the title of pater patriae and his
wife Sabina that of Augusta in the year 128 A.D.*
In order to conquer the affections of the people as if by
storm, the emperor, after his arrival, showered free gifts
upon Rome and the empire with a prodigality which until
then had been unheard of. Following the example of
Trajan, he had already wholly remitted to Italy, and in part
to the provinces, the gifts of homage {aurum coronarium\
which the cities and provinces were accustomed to make
to the emperors on their accession.* Now, however, he
^Suetonius, Tider. c. 68. Tacitus, Annul, i. 72. Pliny, Paneg, 21.
Pertinax was shrewd enough to have himself called pater patriae the
first day of his reign. Julius Capitolinus, Pertinax ^ c. 5.
'The Acta Arvalia give Hadrian the title already before his arrival in
Rome, the 3rd January 118 A.D. ; and there again on the 7th January 122
A.D. Henzen, cli. clxiii. Some coins of Hadrian's first consulate bear
the letters P,P, On the coins of the second (118 a.d.) the title is altogether
wanting. The coins of the third (119 A.D.) and last of his consulates
sometimes bear the title, sometimes omit it. Eckhel also remarks that
the title on inscriptions never stands before Trib. Pot. xii., and shows
from two Alexandrian coins that Hadrian assumed the title A.U.C. 881.
* Duerr, p. 28 sq.
* On the aurum coronarium^ Gellius, v. 6. Lipsius, De magn. Rom, ii.
c 51. Casaubon on Spart. c. 6. Antoninus Pius also remitted the aurum
coronarium^ Capitolinus, c. 4.
ciiAP. viij The Great Remission of Debt 39
astonished the empire by a magnificent remission of debt.
He remitted, so Spartianus says, an immense sum which was
due to the fiscus from private debtors in Rome and Italy,
and also large sums in the provinces, after burning the
bonds in the Forum of the deified Trajan in order to
ensure absolute security to every one. Dion Cassius says :
" As soon as he came to Rome he forgave all debts to the
fiscus and the aerarium, which had been due for sixteen
years." ^ Inscriptions have immortalized this famous action,
and coins have been stamped to commemorate it, which
represent a lictor, a staff in his left hand, and in his right a
torch, with which he is burning a bundle of bonds which
He on the ground; before him stand three figures, one with
raised hand.* There is a similar representation on a marble
relief that was excavated from the forum in Rome a few
years since.
The amount of the debt remitted would be in our money
about nine millions sterling, and generosity on this scale,
though not of this kind, was unexampled.' It proves how
heavy the burden of taxation had become through Trajan's
wars. The question is, — Whom did this remission benefit ?
Spartianus clearly speaks only of the imperial treasury, and is
ambiguous about the provinces, so that it is doubtful whether
he means the imperial provinces only, or all the provinces
in the empire. Dion connects the remission with both
treasuries, the fiscus and the aerarium, and accordingly con-
cludes that the latter was at the disposal of the emperor,
and no longer exclusively at the disposal of the senate.
But the Roman inscription, which speaks throughout only
of the fiscus, contradicts such an interpretation. It cannot
* Spart c 7. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 8. The Chronicon of Eusebius under
the second consulate of Hadrian : 'Aaptar^ XP«^ 6^»XAf rc5r hw" a&r^ irAewr
col iroXirdr rf hifUHrlif X^t^ dpriKo^at dw^Koyf/t,
'Inscription from the Forum of Trajan (copied by Anonymus of
Einsiedein), CJ.JL vi., n. 967. A fragmentary inscription of Hadrian,
likewise from the Forum of Trajan, in the basement of the Capitol, museum
apparently refers to the same remission. The coins in question, Eckhel,
vi., p. 472. Cohen, ii., p. 208, n. 12 10 sg. : reliqua . VETERA . HS .
NOVIES . MILL . ABOLITA . S . C.
'Augustus had already remitted debts. Suetonius, Au^, c. 32.
40 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
therefore be proved that Hadrian's liberality extended to
both treasuries.^
The great remission of debt embraced the arrears of six-
teen years. Marcus Aurelius later on extended this favour
to a further forty-six years.* Whether this financial amnesty
of Hadrian led to a revision of arrears, every fifteen years,
and so laid the foundation of the system of indictions of the
time of Constantine, is uncertain.'
The date of this remission is undoubtedly the year 1 1 8
A.D., for this is shown by the inscription which records the
second consulate of the emperor with that of Fuscus
Salinator.* Evidently this act of grace was connected with
the festivities in honour of Trajan, as the bones, were burnt
in his Forum. /\,
Hadrian, no doubt, performed other acts of generosity at
the same time, giving money to the people, and insignia to
the senators according to their rank, and relieving the
provinces from the cost of the iniperial post. /v^--<^
He remained for more than two years in Rome. After
he had held his second consulate in 1 1 8 A.D. with Cn.
Pedanius Fuscus Salinator, he took the consular dignity
again in the following year for the third time ^yith the Stoic
philosopher, Q. Junius Rusticus, at all events for four months
Hieronymus says only ''reliqua tributorum Urbis relaxavit," but
Eusebius speaks of cities and citizens in general who were subject to the
emperor. Scaliger (Animadv, in ChronoL Eusebiiy p. 193) understands
merely " urbes Provinciar. Caesaris.'* Spanheim {De Praest, et Usu Num,
Diss. ix. 812) explains this "reliqua'' as "publica et fiscalia debita." Tille-
mont makes a distinction between " a thr^sor du prince et thr^sor public
du prince," and confesses his uncertainty {Not surVEmp, Adr, 2, 3, 892 sq^
Centerwall (ibid, p. 66) thinks that the remission refers to both treasuries ;
whereas O. Hirschfeld {Unters. caif d, Geb, der r'om, Verwidtungsgesck,
i. 1876, p. 12) believes that the remission refers only to the fiscus.
Peter (Gesch, Rotns^ iii. 2-174) separates the remission of the debts of
the fiscus for Italy from those of the arrears of taxes for the provinces,
and explains the passage in Spartianus accordingly. He assumes
94-114 A.D. as the period.
■ Pion Cassius, Ixxi. 32. ^ 7 rT i ' '^ ^ 7)
' Mommsen (Rom, Staatsrecht^ ii., p. ^44) asserts it. Noris (Annus et Ep,
Syrotnaced,^ page 174) denies it, as the remission comprised sixteen years.
* Coins which testify to the remission in the third consulate of Hadrian
are simply repetitions of this liberality. Occo, ed. Biragus, 1 70.
CHAP. VII] Third Consulate 41
until the end of April. It almost looks as if he despised the
consulship, for he never afterwards took this office. All his
later years are designated by the third consulate, and
Hadrian still suffers from this caprice, as it has obscured, and
made the chronological record of the acts of his reign almost
impossible from the year 119 A.D., especially as the indication
of the Potestas Tribunicia is generally missing on his coins
and inscriptions. This Was the only power which Hadrian
retained, and which had to be renewed on the day of
adoption.^
On his birthday, the 24th January 119 A.D., Hadrian
celebrated gladiatorial games in the amphitheatre, and threw
gifts into the circus. He took great pains to secure the \^
goodwill of the people.* He was to be seen administering
justice in the courts of the praetors and consuls, in the
palace, in the Forum, in the Pantheon. He aimed only at
being a servant of the people, as he told the senate. A
woman with a petition once placed herself in his way, to
whom he said, "I have no time now"; "Then be emperor
no longer," cried the woman, and Hadrian turned round and
granted her request.' He left nothing undone which could
secure him the approval both of small and great He cared
nothing for show. He was never attended by a brilliant
escort He was accessible to all, he accepted invitations
readily, and visited senators and knights like a private
gentleman. He was amiable to persons of inferior rank, and
he rebuked those who would deprive him of this " enjoyment
of humanity" by reminding him of his imperial dignity.*
In the palace, where he did not allow the freedmen to
exercise any authority, he was temperate, but cheerful when
at table with his friends. He liked to be surrounded by
'According to his epitaph twenty-two times. From this it has been
supposed that Hadrian transferred the renewal of the potestas tribunicia
to the tst of January. Aschbach, Die Consulate der r. Kaiser^ p. 71,
according to Borghesi, Giom. Arcad, ex., and letter to Henzen in Orelli,
5459. But it seems that it was not renewed at New Year, but on the loth
of December : M ommsen, Rdm, Staatsrecht^ ii. 799 sq. See also Duerr,
Die Reisen des Kaiser Hadrian^ p. 19, note 58.
' Plebis jactantissimus amator. — Spart. c. 17.
* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 6. — A similar anecdote is related of Trajan, and
referred to by Dante, Purg, cant x. * Spart c 20.
42 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
learned men and artists. He made the historian Suetonius
his secretary.
His brother-in-law Servianus should have been his best
friend, but this seems by no means to have been the case,
for he remains in the background during the whole of
Hadrian's reign. He appears nowhere among the statesmen
of the emperor, although in 134 A.D. he was made consul
for the third time. Attianus fell into disgrace. ^ Hadrian had
made him, his old guardian, and Similis, prelects, and had
given both men the highest power in the state and in his
cabinet. Attianus had been his first confidant, and to his
exertions he in great measure owed his adoption. It was
Attianus who suggested the violent removal of the consulars.
He had now however become inconvenient to the emperor,*
who sacrificed him, not so much because he was afraid of
seeing him become as great as Sejanus, but to make a show
of atonement for the executions. The fall of his first minister
was however so gentle, that it could not have been regarded
as serious. If the account of Spartianus is correct, Hadrian
certainly wished to put him to death, but in the end he only
compelled him to resign his office as prefect. As compen-
sation he left him the consular rank and the dignity of
senator, which he considered the greatest distinction of all.*
The successor of Attianus in the prefecture was Marcius
Turbo, a general of the old Roman type. There is a
story that when Hadrian once urged him to take rest, he
replied in the words of Vespasian : "A prefect of the prae-
torium must die standing." Similis too, the second prefect of
the guard, resigned his post. Of the house of the Sulpicii,
he was one of the purest characters in Rome at that time.
He seems to have been imbued with the old republican
spirit, which made it impossible for him to endure an imperial
court for any length of time. He had been unwilling to
accept office, and laid it down again with great joy to retire
to his estate in the country. There he spent seven peaceful
years. On his tomb he ordered these stoical words to be
written, " Here lies Similis, who existed for so many years
^Cum Attiani, praefecti sui et quondam tutoris, potentiam ferre non
posset. — Spart. c. 9.
' Nihil se amplius habere, quod in eum conferri posset. — Spart. c 8.
CHAP. VII] Death of Matidia Augusta 43
and lived seven."^ His successor in the prefecture was
Septicius Clarus, a friend of the younger Ph'ny.*
Immediately after the fall of these favourites, Hadrian
made a journey into Campania or Southern Italy, where
he loaded all the cities with benefits.'
Directly afterwards his mother-in-law, Matidia Augusta,
died. He paid the highest honours to her remains, and
the senate consecrated her. At her burial in the end of
December 1 1 9 A.D., gladiatorial games were given, and
the emperor himself delivered a funeral oration, in which
he praised her beauty, her kindness of heart, and gentleness.
A fragment of this oration was found at Tivoli.*
Spartianus has given the completion of the obsequies of
Matidia as the date for Hadrian's departure into Gaul, i,e.
for the beginning of his first great journey; but from the
coins it appears that the emperor was still in Rome on the
2 1 St of April 121 A.D.* These gold and cop|)er coins re-
present on one side the head of Hadrian crowned with laurel,
on the other side the figure of a woman seated, holding in
her right hand a wheel, in her left three obelisks or cones.
The legend denotes the circus games which had been estab-
lished in the year 874 A.U.C., on the anniversary of the
foundation of the city (the Palilia).® The old Roman
shepherds* festival of the god of shepherds. Pales, on the
21st of April, had been long looked upon as the foundation
day of Rome ; but that Hadrian was the first to celebrate
the Palilia as the birthday festival of the genius of Rome,
and distinguish them by this official name, cannot exactly
* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 19. —On Similis, Dorghesi, (Euvres^ iii. 127.
*Spart. c. 8 and 9. These events fall at the end of 1 18, or certainly in
the year 119. On Sept. Clarus, see Pliny, Ep. i. 115 ; vii. 28 ; viii. i.
'Spart. c. 9: Summotis his a praefectura, quibus debebat imperium,
Campaniam petit
* Mommsen, AhhandL der Berliner Acad, 1863, P* 4^3 ^9* The Acta
Artfolia record the consecration of Matidia on the 23rd December 119
A.D. — Henxen, clviii. Consecration coins: Eckhel, vi., p. 471.
•Duerr, p. 25 sq,
* Eckhel, vi., p. 501. Cohen ii.', p. 1 18, n. 162. ANN . dccclxxhii . NAT .
URBIS . P . CIR . CON. Mommsen {CLL, i., p. 391) reads " Natali Urbis
Parilibus Circenses Constituti.** Cohen, though uncertain, reads
"(primum?) circenses constituti." Foy-Vaillant reads "Populo."
44 'I'he Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.vii
be proved.^ In any case the emperor reorganized this
festival, for these coins relate clearly to new circus games
ordered by him in celebration of the festival of the city on
the 2 1 St of April 121 A.D., and there is much in favour of
the theory, though it cannot be proved, that on this day the
foundation stone of the temple of Rome and Venus was laid
by Hadrian.' It is also noteworthy that the coins do not
precisely indicate that Hadrian must have been present in
Rome on that day.
^ Duerr, p. 26, asserts this, according to Athenaeus 8, 361, who says that
since the erection of Hadrian's temple of Fortuna urbis, the festival
formerly known as Parilia was called Romana. See Eckhel, vi., p. 502.
Preller, Rom, Myth, ii.* 356.
' Flemmer, p. 14 sq.^ rightly lays stress on the fact that the coin does not
mention the laying of the foundation stone of the temple, whereas there are
coins that distinctly refer to the temple. — Eckhel, vi., p. 51a
CHAPTER VIII
General Remarks on HadriatCs yourneys. Coins which
commemorate them
Hadrian had spent his first years in Rome in laying the
foundations of his policy and of the government of the
empire. His throne stood firm. He had won the senate
by respecting its rights, the people and the army by his
liberality ; and the great number of distinguished statesmen
whom the time of Trajan had produced, and with some of
whom he was acquainted, aided him in his task of govern-
ment Now, however, he was anxious to learn the condition
of the provinces of the empire from personal observation,
and he made long journeys through them.
Augustus, too, had spent some eleven years away from
Italy, and had visited every country of the empire, with the
exception of Africa and Sardinia; but Hadrian made his
journeys on a definite plan.^ They are a unique phenomenon
in the history of all ancient and modern princes. Neither
wars nor conquests urged him into distant countries, like
his predecessor Trajan, whom the old Roman principle
of the extension of the empire had carried to the gates
of India. Hadrian on the contrary dared to keep the
temple of Janus closed, and to declare the Roman empire
stationary within the limits fixed by himself.*
^ Suetonius, Aug, c. 47 : nee est, ut opinor, provincia, excepta dum taxat
Africa et Sardinia, quam non adierit.
•This is probably represented by the coiA of tellus . stabilita, Cohen,
it., p. 225, n. 1429 sq, A woman reclining on the ground, supported by a
basket of fruit, and carrying the globe ; sometimes she holds in her
left hand a vine branch.
46 The Emperor Hadrian [hook i
Was not this empire which embraced the whole
civilized world wide enough to satisfy the ambition of
Caesar? and could not in future the strength of the state
be spent in its preservation and well-being ?
The journeys of Hadrian are the more remarkable, as
they portray the Roman emperor in quite a new relation to
the Orbis Romanus. The gigantic geographical works of
Strabo and Pliny had spread a knowledge of the world in
Greek and Latin literature ; Hadrian made it a personal
task and business for the sovereign. Hitherto the city of
Rome alone had represented the world, and the provinces
had merely been utilized by the Caesars as supplies for the
all-devouring capital. Hadrian was the first to look upon
the empire as a whole, and upon all its parts as equal
among themselves, equal even to Rome.
He passes through the countries, carrying blessings and
peace with him, from the borders of Caledonia to the shores
of the Red Sea, from the columns of Hercules on the
Mediterranean to the oasis of Palmyra in the desert of Syria.
New cities arise at his nod, and ancient cities are restored.
Many are called after him Hadriana and Aelia. He appears
everywhere ordering and creating, and everywhere he leaves
benefits behind him. By his own age he was probably
compared to the wandering Hercules, and from the same
feeling he was called the new Dionysus.^ Apart from his
deep love of Hellenism, his nature was touched by the
distinguishing characteristic of the men of the Renaissance
of the fifteenth century, by the ardent desire to know
everything worth knowing, and to unveil all mysteries.
Spartianus says that he was so fond of travel that he wished
to see everything that he had heard about the places of the
earth, with his own eyes, and Tertullian has called him
the inquirer into all curiosities.' The passion to know
foreign countries and people, the thirst for knowledge of a
restless mind, drove the emperor of Rome from land to
land, and the consciousness that this large and beautiful
world through which he wandered, belonged to him as its
^Eckhel, vi., p. 504, coin with HERO. Gadit. More in Flemmer,
p. 35. Of Hadrian as new Dionysus later.
* Curiositatum omnium explorator. — Tertullian, €uiv. Gentes^ c. 5.
CHAP, viii] His Journeys 47
niier, must have filled him with an almost divine satis-
faction.
With the feelings of a modem traveller, Hadrian ascends
high mountains to enjoy the sunrise and the view over land
and sea. He sails up the mysterious Nile, and revels in the
wonders of the days of the Pharaohs. Like a sentimental
traveller, he writes his name on the statue of Memnon. He
goes into ecstasies over the monuments of famous historical
cities in Hellas and Asia. He restores their temples. He
visits the graves of the heroes in Ilium, of Pompey in
Pelusium, of Miltiades and Epaminondas, and even of
Alcibiades in Melissa. In Trebizond he allows his statue to
be erected on the spot where Xenophon and the remnant of
the Ten Thousand had again reached the sea. He is initiated
in the Eleusinian mysteries. He observes with a fine irony
the customs and religions of nations, and he discusses
questions of grammar and philosophy with the learned men
of Athens, Smyrna, and Alexandria. But it is the same
traveller too who reviews, with the eye of a Roman com-
mander, the legions on the frontiers of the empire ; he builds
gigantic walls and fortresses, and restores the relaxed dis-
cipline of the troops.
Dion, indeed, has looked at the objects of Hadrian's
journeys merely from a military point of view when he says:
" The emperor travelled from one province to another, visited
countries and cities, castles and fortresses, of which he built
some at a more convenient place, some he allowed to fall
into ruins, while others he strengthened. He directed his
attention, not only to military concerns generally — to arms,
engines, trenches, walls, and fortifications — but also to
the smallest details, and to the character of every soldier
and officer. He braced and strengthened manners that had
become effeminate, he exercised the army in every kind of
combat, alternately bestowing praise and blame, and teach-
ing every man his duty."*
Orders of the day and coins with the legend Exercitus
and Disciplina prove his care in these matters, while there
are none in existence of the warlike Trajan. The military
organization of the empire was certainly the first condition
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 9.
48 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
of its existence, and just because Hadrian did not wish to
wage war, he secured peace by his careful development of
the Roman army.^ He visited the camps of the l^ions on
many frontiers, and established firm lines around the Roman
territory at the most dangerous points, in order to protect
civilization from the inroads of the barbarians. Rome was
never safer from these incursions than during the peaceful
reign of Hadrian. He improved the military system, and
his regulations lasted until the time of Constantine.
But Hadrian inquired into all other branches of govern-
ment in the provinces. He makes the ubiquity of the prince
a new principle of the monarchy, whose first officer he wishes
to be considered. The Disciplina Augusti becomes under
him a conception of government which is not applied to the
army alone. It means Roman culture stamped in permanent
form by the laws of the monarchy, and the practice of a wise
government. When this discipline declines, Rome too will fall.
Everywhere Hadrian sets up his tribunal as a judge.
Bad administrators and governors he punishes with severity.
His sharp eyes are not to be deceived. The fortunes of his
subjects were never put before him in painted colours. He
regulates the finances of the provinces ; he gives constitutions
to the cities, and founds colonies ; he builds streets and
harbours ; he promotes arts and science, trade and agri-
culture. The personal inclinations of the man, combined
with the serious duty of the ruler, made him that great
traveller in the imperial purple, the wonder of his own age
and of posterity.
Hadrian by his Spartan simplicity afforded the Roman
satirists, who ridiculed the effeminate luxury of fashionable
travellers, no opportunity for sarcasm.' He travelled with-
out state and with few followers.* On his marches he faced
the hardships of every climate, always with head uncovered,
on horseback or on foot, but never in a carriage. He often
* Hadrian took over thirty legions from Trajan. Of these he lost the
leg. IX. in Britain, and in Judaea the leg. xxil. Deiotariana. Pfitzner,
Gesck, derrom, Kaiserlv^onetiy 1881, p. 94 sq, ; "Bestand dcr 28 Legionen,"
p. 97.
» Verses of Floras: ^^^ „^,^ caesar esse.
Ambulare per Britannos, etc
'Dion Cassius, Ixix. 10.
CHAP, viii] His Journeys 49
marched miles in front of his attendants, armed like a
Roman footsoldier, in order, like Trajan, to set his soldiers
an example. In camp he shared their fare. A Roman
historian has ventured to say of him that he travelled
through all the provinces of the Roman world on foot*
The friends of a Roman emperor, who were usually called
his ** attendants " {comites\ never deserved their name better
than under him. A few are known to us as his travelling
companions, such as Antinous and Verus.' On the Nile his
wife Sabina accompanied him with her court. He took his
secretary with him, perhaps on one occasion the historian
Suetonius. Instead of cohorts of soldiers (only a small
number of the praetorians served as his guard) he was
accompanied by crowds of engineers and artisans, whom he
employed on his buildings.
He treated the provinces with as much affection as Rome ;
distinguishing indeed Athens, the capital of intellect, more
than Rome, the capital of power. He never levied contri-
butions upon the countries through which he travelled, as
Nero and his rapacious followers had formerly plundered
Hellas. He entered the countries of the empire as un-
assumingly as a private gentleman, and quitted them as an
imperial benefactor. What happiness it must have been for
him to receive, and at the same time deserve, the homage of
old and famous cities I As Homer says of Odysseus, so
might Hadrian boast of himself, that he had learnt to know
many cities and customs of men. Dion says of him : " He
visited more cities than any other ruler, and to all he was
benevolent ; he gave them aqueducts and harbours, com and
gold, buildings and honours of many kinds."'
In our time of steamboats and railways, the traveller
Hadrian who fearlessly, but with unheard-of difficulty, pene-
trated into the most untrodden parts of the world, offers a
strange spectacle. Kings of the present time might envy
this emperor of Rome; and if another proof is wanting that
this age belongs to the happiest period of humanity, it may
* AurcL Victor, Epit 14. Eutrop. viii. 7.
'AT*. Coisemius^ comes in otienteoi Hadrian, in Renter, Inscr, rom, de
fAlgMe^ n. 18 17.
' Dion CassiuSt Ixix. 5.
D
so The Emperor Hadrian [book i
be found in the fact that it produced as its ruler the great
traveller Hadrian.
He doubtless made notes of what he heard and saw, and
used them later in his Memoirs, Unfortunately they are
lost ; only one letter of Hadrian, written from Egypt to his
brother-in-law Servianus, has been preserved, and it shows how
keen were his powers of observation. His view of the world
and of mankind would have been more instructive to us than
the whole declamatory literature of the Sophists of that time.
As the journeys of Hadrian were in themselves the greatest
evidence of Hadrian's activity as a ruler, the loss of correct
information about them is greatly to be regretted. The
statements of Spartianus, and the extracts of Xiphilinus from
Dion Cassius present only a number of confused notes, and
this lack of information cannot be adequately supplied by
such records as we possess referring to the journeys of the
emperor. These records are inscriptions from the cities and
provinces, and above all, numerous coins which were struck
in memory of his visit and residence.
Among the coins are some which have no local allusion,
but simply wish the emperor a prosperous journey. They
represent a ship sailing, with Hadrian seated, the figure of a
god accompanying him ; dolphins and sea monsters play
around the boat, and on the sail is written " Good luck to
Augustus."^ The coins in gold, silver, and copper from
twenty-five provinces form a priceless collection of local
monuments, which in this way have' never been historically
repeated. The most numerous are those which commemorate
the arrival {adventus) of the emperor in a province, and those
which honour him as restorer {restitutor) of a country or of
a city.* It is noticeable that no exception is made in the
case of Italy, but that it is on the same footing with the
other provinces.*
' FKLICITATI . AUG. Cohen, ii., p. i6i, n. 651 sq,
'ADVRNTUI . AUG . ALEXANDRIAS . ASIAE . BRITANNIAE . HISPANIAE .
JUDAEAB, etc— RESTITUTORI . ACHAJAE . AFRICAE . GALLIAE, etr.— Foy-
Vaillant, Numismata^ i. 60 sq.^ and passim in the works on coinage. The
classification of the travelling coins, according to Eckhel, vi. 475 x^., in
Greppo, M^moire sur Us Voyages de PEmp, Hadrien^ c. 2.
' ADVENTUl . AUG . ITALIAK, Or merely AD . AUG . S . C— FORTUNAB. RB-
DUCI ; ITALIA . FELIX (with cornucopia and lance); restitutori . italiae.
CHAP, viiij Coins of the Emperor 51
The coins of arrival depict on the reverse side the emperor
before the figure of a woman who represents the genius of
the province ; she sacrifices before an altar, or she offers her
hand to the emperor. The genius sometimes represents a
divinity of the country, like Isis and Serapis in Alexandria.*
Rome too had many opportunities of recording the return of
Hadrian. But on the coins which refer to such an event, the
name of Rome is always wanting ; the genius of the city is
depicted, seated on armour and offering her hand to the
emperor, or Hadrian is on horseback, followed by two
warriors, while Rome helmeted offers him a branch ; behind
are the seven hills, and below the god Tiber.*
On the coins of restoration Hadrian is represented standing
upright in the act of raising a woman who kneels before
him.* So extremely numerous were the restorations which
this emperor carried out that they were commemorated on
coins which designated him "Restorer" or "Saviour of the
world/* a designation which would appear a grand expression
of the Roman consciousness of sovereign dominion, were
it not at the same time a proof of the slavish flattery of
the people to their despots. For Nero had already caused
himself to be described on coins as " Saviour of the world." *
The earth is represented as a noble woman, on her head a
mural crown, on her lap a globe, the emperor raising her
from an attitude of humility.^ A coin with the beautiful
legend, " Golden age," has the same signification ; a half-
clad genius stands within a circle, which he touches with
his right hand, while in his left he holds a globe, upon
which is seated a phoenix.* These remarkable coins at all
events teach us that the age of Hadrian was conscious of its
good fortune under the blessings of peace. In the same way
'Cohen, ii., p. 108, n. 18.
• ADVENTUI . AUG . P . M . P . P. Foy-Vaillant, iii. 1 1 5.
'So Achaia, Cohen, ii., p. 209, n. 12 14. Judaea, n. 547, yet without the
epithet Restitutori, Eckhel, vi. 446.
^ Eckhel, vi. 278 : r j vtari^pi r^ oUov/Uwrn. There is also a coin of
Augustus with SALUS . GENERIS . HUMANI. Eckhel, VI., p. io8.
•rESTITUTORI . ORBIS . TERRARUM, Cohen, ii., p. 214, n. 1285. TELLUS .
STADIL., p. 225, n. 1435. '^^c earth with cornucopia, in front, the globe
and four children, the seasons. Similarly, n. 1436, temporum . felicitas.
*SAEC . AUR .P.M. TRIB . p . COS . III. Foy-Vailiant, iL 148.
52 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.viii
the coins which record the benevolence of Hadrian are mag-
nificently summed up in one which terms him *' Enricher of
the worid."*
The number of places which the emperor visited and
loaded with benefits, is shown by the coins struck in his
honour by the different cities, even if they seldom record
particular facts.* In addition come the number of those
which refer to the reviews of troops in particular provinces ;
the emperor is seated on horseback in front of the soldiers, or
he is speaking to them from a stage.'
But the drawback generally to any chronological use that
can be made of Hadrian's coins is, that they do not belong
to the year in which the emperor visited the particular pro-
vinces ; indeed, they are chiefly of later date, and were even
struck in Rome by the senate. The number of times that
he had held the tribunitian power is nearly always wanting ;
the coins are distinguished only by the third consulate of the
emperor (in 119 A.D.), and as Hadrian did not fill this office
again, the third consulate lasted until his death, and it
becomes impossible to fix the year.
The journeys of Hadrian can only be fixed as epochs, and
the particular year can seldom be given. All attempts to do
this by the help of records and of scanty historical information
have been unsuccessful from the time of Scaliger and Pagi»
from Tillemont and Eckhel until our own day.^
^ LOCUPLETATORl . ORBIS . TERRARUM. Cohen, il., p. 185, IL 95a
'Compiled by Foy-Vaillant, Numismata cdia ImptrcUor—in coloniis^
municipiis — Hadrianus^ P* IS3 '^^-
'exercitus, with the name of the province, disciplina . aug. and
DECURSio. Eckhel, vi., p. 503. Cohen, ii., n. 553 j^., 589 sq,
^ The journeys of Hadrian have principally been commented on by J.
M. Flemmcr, Comtnent de itinerib. et reb, gestis Hadriani Imf.^ Havniae,
1836 ; J. (}. H. Grcppo, Mdmoirt surUs Voyages de PEfnp, Hatiricn, Taris,
1842 ; and also by J. Duerr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian, This
monograph has been most carefully compiled from the documentary
material, which has been considerably enlarged during late years, and is
therefore a valuable contribution to the history of this period. I hope it
may be the precursor of a complete work on the state of the empire
under Hadrian.
CHAPTER IX
Hadrians youmeys into Gaul and Germany as far as
the Danubian Provinces. The Condition of these
Countries
In the year 120 or 121 A.D., Hadrian left Rome to start on
his first great imperial journey in the west of Europe. Of the
two divisions of the empire, the western provinces, with the
exception of Italy and Spain, had only become Roman
under Julius Caesar, and consequently were an acquisition
of the monarchy. These countries of the Celts, Sarmatians,
and Germans, from the Alps to the Danube, and from Gaul
to Britain, which were looked upon by the Romans as
barbarous and without history of their own, were not cal-
culated to excite the emperor's desire for travel, either by
the beauty of their scenery or by the importance of their
dties. He was in the first instance, therefore, impelled to
visit them by his duties and aims as a sovereign. Hadrian
perceived that the fortunes of Rome were not to be estab-
lished in the East, to which Trajan had shown so great a
partiality, but in the western countries of the Germans and
Celts. History indeed, had shown the Romans that the
duration of their empire depended not on the events which
happened on the distant Euphrates, but on what took place
on the Danube and the Rhine. There lay the Achilles'
tendon of Rome close to Italy, and Britain itself was con-
sidered the furthest Roman bulwark for the purpose of
preventing the Celts and Germans from crossing the sea in
their thirst for conquest
Hadrian went first into Gaul ; by which road, or whether
54 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
accompanied by his wife Sabina, we do not know. For
Spartianus dismisses this Gallic journey with a few words.
Coins record the arrival of the emperor.^ He probably
landed at Massilia« This famous colony of the Phocaeans
was still a free city allied to Rome, entirely Greek in con-
stitution and culture. It shone by its schools of science,
and flourished by its extensive Mediterranean trade. That
Hadrian sailed on the Rhone seems to be proved by an
inscription made by the sailors of this river.*
Gaul, already a rich and flourishing country, consisted at
this time of four provinces : Narbonensis, which was governed
by the senate, and Aquitania, Lugdunensis and Belgica, which
were ruled by the emperor's praetorian legates. Lugdunum
(Lyons) was the capital of these three last provinces, and
there stood the altar of Rome and of Augustus, the symbol
of the Roman empire and the Roman power, to which the
subject nations were obliged to pay divine honour.' There
on the 1st August the Gallic diet annually assembled.
Other cities had greatly developed, such as Narbonne,
Nismes, Aries, Bordeaux, and Toulouse. Lutetia (Paris),
where Julius Caesar had once assembled a council of the
Gauls, was already a thriving place of trade.^ The whole
country as far as Treves was so highly civilized by Roman
culture, that later on, after the fall of the empire, it formed
the nucleus of new Europe.
We do not know what improvements Hadrian made in
this well regulated province ; the title of " Restorer," which
is given to him on the coins, may refer to the Latin right
which he bestowed upon the province Narbonensis and
upon other parts of Gaul.*
' Eckhel, vi. 494.
« HADRIANO . AUG . P . M . TR . POT . Ill . COS . Ill . N(AUTAE). RHODANICI .
PRINCIPI . INDULGENTISSIMO, from Toumoii. Flemmer, p. 12. Greppo,
p. 85.
'According to Strabo, 192, the altar contained the names of sixty tribes,
and each was represented by a monument.
*The name Uapiaiw. is already known to Strabo (194).
'Zumpt, Comm. Ep, !., c. 6, p. 410, enumerates the following cities as
having received new rights from Hadrian : Aquae Sextiae, Avenio,
Cabellio, Nemausus, Tolosa, Acusium, Mantuna, Reii, Kuscino, Apta Julia.
CHAP. IX] Hadrian in Germany 55
From there he went to Germany. Tacitus was the first
to revive the interest of Rome in this country, which was
plunged, for the most part, in gloom and obscurity, though
Its people were full of vigour and were ardent for liberty.
The emperors had always been aware of the danger which
threatened the empire from this quarter. Caesar had con-
quered the banks of the Rhine in order to protect Gaul.
Augustus wished to be master of Germany as far as the
Elbe, and to make it into a proper province, but his plan was
not carried out, and the consequence of the defeat of Varus
was that Rome lost most of her fortresses east of the Rhine,
until Domitian again pushed forward the boundary.
The Roman territory on the Rhine was then divided into
the districts Germania superior and inferior^ which were
governed by consular legates. In Upper Germany the
strong city Mayence (Moguntiacum) was the capital, and the
seat of the military governor. Other places, like Worms
(Borbetomagus), Spire (Spira), Strasburg (Argentoratum),
and Augusta Rauracorum (Basel) flourished greatly.* East-
wards from the Rhine and northwards from the Danube,
Upper Germany included the countries which had been
civilized by Roman colonists (decumates), whose develop-
ment in the time of the emperors is proved by inscriptions
and ruins from Baden to Tubingen and the Odenwald.*
Trajan had made roads there, and had built forts, his most
important work being Baden-Baden.* The district of Hel-
vetia belonged also to Upper Germany, and here too Roman
civilization flourished, protected by the limes or boundary
dyke.*
Lx)wcr Germany, the Batavian country on the Lower.
Rhine, however scarcely stretched beyond the river in the
time of Hadrian. Its capital, the former town of the Ubii,
was Colonia Agrippina (Cologne), where an altar of Augustus,
'Suasburg, first mentioned by Ptolemy, became the junction of the
roads which led from Pannonia, Raetia, and Italy into eastern and
northern GauL — Mannert, ii. i, p. 227.
• Ukert, iii. i, p. 267 j^., 286 sq. The expression Decumates agri is only
found in Tacitus, Germ, 32.
• Francke, Gesch. Trojans^ p. 59.
• Mommsen, Die Schwein in rbmischer Zeit^ p. 1 1.
$6 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
the Ara Ubiorum^ reminded the subject Germans east of the
Rhine, that they were vassals of Rome and of the divine
emperor.
The origin and government of these two Germanic pro-
vinces has not yet been satisfactorily explained. Until the
time of Constantine they seem to have had no separate ad-
ministration, but to have been great military districts under
the command of the legates of the army, who were stationed
at Mayence and Cologne, while as belonging to Gaul they
were governed by the procurator of the province Belgica.*
Hadrian marched through the Roman district of Germania
and visited the fixed quarters of the legions and the colonies.
Spartianus has devoted a whole chapter to this journey of
the emperor, but does little more than remark on the pains
he took about the discipline of the army. From the time of
Octavius the choicest troops of Rome were stationed in both
Germanics, first eight l^ions and then fewer.^ Fladrian
found the military discipline relaxed, and he removed every-
thing from the camps which could enervate the soldiers.
He was thoughtful about their surroundings, he visited their
hospitals, and cared for their welfare; but he punished deser-
tion severely, and forbade the abuse pf the sale of leave by
the officers. He acted in the same way in all the other
provinces. We have general orders of his, and a list of
military diplomas, in which he gave citizenship and the right
^ On this opinion (which rests on Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy), advanced
by Fechter and renewed by Mommsen, see O. Hirschfeld, Die yitrtuai-
tung der RheinfrrenMe in der ersten j Jahrhunderten der rbm, Kaiserxeit^
p. 434 sq, Marquardt (Rom. Staaisv. i. 273) credits the Emperor Tiberius
(17 A.D.) with the organization of the two Germanies as military provinces,
which however stood to Gallia in the same relation as later Numidia to
Africa, inasmuch as they belonged to the administration of the U^atus
Betgicae. See also £. Huebner, Der rbm, Grenzwall in Germanien^
p. 41. The military commanders there were called in the first century,
Ugatus exerc, superioris or inferioris^ but already in the second, legtUus
pro praetore Gertnaniae sup, or in/.^ and leg. imp. Cesaris Antonini Aug.
Pii^ pro praet. German, superioris et exercitus in ea tendentis. — Jung.,
Rom. Landsch.^ p. \^^ sq.
'Pfitzner, p. 136, mentions for the years 107-120 A.D., in Germania
superior, the legio viii. Aug., xxn. Primigenia; in Germ, inferior,
I. Minervia, Vl. Victrix, XXX. Ulpia.
CHAP. IX] Condition of Germany 57
of connubium to soldiers who had served their time.^ A
warrior prince without war, he was beloved by the army, and
he never had to fear a rising among the legions.
He paid attention also to the finances of the German
countries. His coins bear simply the name of Germania and
Exercitus Gertnanicus, The country is represented as a
woman with spear and shield. On the coins of the army
the emperor appears on horseback addressing the soldiers.*
There arc, however, no coins of arrival and restoration for
Germany, and this deficiency supports the opinion, though it
may not quite establish it, that Gemiania superior and
inferior did not constitute a separate administrative area, but
were assigned to Belgium.
There is no historical evidence for the theory, though
there are good reasons for supposing that the continuation of
the limes begun by Domitian, was the work of Trajan and
Hadrian. These gigantic lines of fortification, sixty miles in
length, whose remains are now called "Walls of the devil," or
Pfahlgraben, enclose the Agri decumates from Kehlheim on
the Danube across the Maine as far as the confluence of the
Lahn and the Rhine. They secured the safety of both
Germanics and of northern Raetia as boundaries of the
Roman empire against the irruption of the free Germans
from the east. As Hadrian caused a similar wall to be built
in Britain, we may venture to ascribe the completion of the
German wall to him, particularly as Spartian speaks of more
lines of this kind in Hadrian's time.*
In consequence of these strong barriers the German
frontier long remained quiet. Not until the Antonines did
the Catti, and then the Marcomanni rise again. Hadrian's
^To the veterans he gave the right over the peculium castrense^ to
dispose by will of the fortunes they had earned during service. Inst lib.
il. Tit xii. Renier Recueil de Diplomes militaires^ Paris 1876. PRIVILEGIA .
ifiLlTUM, etc., C./.Z.. Hi. 2, p. 834 sq,
* Eckhel, vi. 494.
' Spart c. 1 2. C. Arnd, Der Pfahlgraben nach den neuesien Forschungen^
1861, and the literature concerning it, in E. Huebner, Der rbm, Grennvall
in Germanien, According to him, Hadrian separated the two Germanies
from Gallia in consequence of this limes. See also O. Hirschfeld, Ih'e
Verwaltung der RhiingrenMi^ etc.
58 The Emperor Hadrian [book r
travels in Germany were generally beneficial to the Rhine-
land, and they were the first means since the days of Tacitus
of diffusing fresh information about this central part of
Europe. But on the other side of the limes lay the uncon-
quered Germania magna of Ptolemy, with its tribes which
were scarcely known by name. • According to the account
of Spartianus, Hadrian gave a king to one of these races,
and he goes on to say that the Roman rule prevailed over
the land, but at the same time the empire submitted to pay
subsidies to the princes of the barbarians. But this could
only have been on the borders of the Roman territory, as
the interior of Germany remained closed to the Romans.
The deepest obscurity shrouded the forest-covered countries
as far as the Oder and Vistula, whose people bear unknown
names in the map of Ptolemy, while the places which the
distinguished geographer marked do not indicate cities but
districts.^
In Hadrian's time the streng^th of the German people, of
the Goths, the Vandals, the Lombards, and the Saxons lay
dormant in impenetrable countries, which remained undis-
turbed by Roman influence even when it was greatest and
most formidable. Not even a Tacitus could have foreseen
the future of this savage wilderness. Gaul, on the other
side of the Rhine, became rich by its proximity to the sea,
by more favourable natural conditions, and by the early
enjoyment of Roman civilization ; Germany, on this side of
the stream, remained condemned to poverty, and to a longer
period of barbarity, but it preserved its powerful primitive
speech and its racial character. It appears first in the history
of the world after its migratory tribes had destroyed the
Roman empire. It first adopted Roman civilization through
the medium of Christian Rome, and revived the name of the
universal empire when the high priest of Christianity erected
his throne on the ruins of the imperial power. The Refor-
mation, of the Church would not have been begun or would
not have been carried out, if the whole of Germany had, like
Gaul and Spain, become a Roman province.
During his first residence in Germany, which was of some
duration, Hadrian probably visited the provinces of Raetia
* Kiepert, Lehrbuch der alt en Geographic^ i. 46$.
CHAP, ix] The Danubian Provinces 59
and Noricum, and even Pannonia.^ Of these partially Celtic
countries of the Danube, which Claudius had first set in
order, Raetia and the "kingdom "of Noricum were governed
by imperial procurators, without much display of troops,
while Pannonia was under a consular legate of the emperor^
and was of the highest military importance, as an eastern
bulwark between the Danube and the Alps. On this
account it was strongly fortified. In Upper Pannonia it was
of importance to strengthen the line of the Danube. This
was done at Mursa, not far from the junction of the Danube
with the Drave, and this place (the .Esseg of to-day) was
made by Hadrian into the colony Aelia Mursa ; further on
Aelium Aquincum (Alt-Ofen), which was a municipium
from the time of Hadrian, was also fortified. Still further
up, Brigetio, Aelium Carnuntum, and Vindobona, the fore-
runner of Vienna, where the Xth legion Gemina lay, pro-
tected the Danube.* In Upper Pannonia Hadrian seems
to have subdued the district from Noviodunum to the
Alpine country of the Carni above Aquileia, to have united
it with Italy, and to have bestowed citizenship upon it*
The emperor returned from the Danube to the Rhine,
As a Forum Adriani in the neighbourhood of Lugdunum
Batavorum is called after him, it is probable that he then
went from the lower Rhine to Britain by sea.*
' Flemmer and Duerr very rightly think so because no more suitable
time can be found for it. See the coins mentioned by Flemmer, p. 17 sg,v
BXBR . NORICUS . RHAETICUS, and in Duerr, p. 35, the cities favoured or
built by Hadrian : Aelia Ovilava, Cetium, Vindobona, Carnuntum, Brigetio,
Aquincum, Solva, Abudiacum. — Augusta Vindelicorum (Augsburg, a vicus
founded by Augustus, in Ptolemy an oppidum) was no colony, but was
created a city by Hadrian, and adopted the name Aelia, CLL, iii. ^, p. 71 1.
Zumpt denies the colony Juvavum (Salzburg) ascribed to Hadrian,
Comment, Ep. i. 417. Sec also Mommscn, CLL, iii. 2, p. 669.
' MURSENSBS . CONDITORI . suo, C./.Z. iii., n. 3279. Aelia Mursa, iii., p.
423. Aquincum, p. 439. According to Mommsen, Die romischen Lager*
siadte^ p. 323, it is probable that Hadrian granted municipal rights to
Canahae of the three great camps on the middle Danube, Carnuntum
(Petronell), Aquincum, and Viminiacum (Costolat).
*CJ,L, iii., n. 3915, inscription in honour of Hadrian of the Aelii Carni
Cives Romani ; see also Mommsen's notes, p. 498.
^Greppo, p. 71, assumes this from the Tabula Peutingeriana. See also
Flemmer, p. 19. Duerr, p. 36.
CHAPTER X
Hadrian in Britain, He goes through Gaul to Spain
and to Mauretania
Britain had not long been brought under the dominion of
Rome. Julius Caesar was the first Roman general who had
entered the country. The conquest of the island was after-
wards attempted by Claudius in 43 A.D., and the colony
of Camalodunum founded. His successors continued the
undertaking. The names of Paulinus Suetonius, Cerealis,
and Agricola are conspicuous in these bold and difficult
expeditions, which resulted in the subjection of Britain as
far as the Clyde. Agricola built a strong wall between the
Firths of Forth and Clyde, and this line, stretching between
the Glasgow and Edinburgh of to-day, was the most northerly
limit which the Romans reached in Scotland. Nerva and
even Trajan appear to have given up the war of conquest on
the further side of Northumberland. Under Trajan, York
(Eburacum) the former capital of the warlike Brigantes,
became the capital of the province, the seat of the governor,
and the place where all the Roman roads met.
Late in the time of Trajan, and in the early days of
Hadrian's reign, the people of the Brigantes were in vio-
lent insurrection, and the Romans suffered serious losses.^
Hadrian, therefore, sent troops to Britain under M. Maenius
Agrippa and T. Pontius Sabinus.* The ixth legion, which
^ Spart c. 5 : Britanni teneri sub romana ditione non poterant Fronto,
de bello Parthico^ p* 144 : Ouid? avo vestro Hadriano imperium obtinente
quantum militum a . . . Britannis caesum.
' The inscription in Henzen-Orelli, 804, speaks of Agrippa as ^'electum
a Divo Hadriano et missum in exped. Britannicam tribun. cohortis I.
BK.I. cH.x] Hadrian in Britain 6i
was stationed at York, had been cut to pieces in the war,
so that it had to be replaced by the Vlth Victrix from Castra
Vetera on the Lower Rhine.* The insurrection,- however,
must have been quelled before Hadrian reached the island,
for there is nothing to prove his own active share in the
war.* Coins exist which record the arrival of the emperor
in Britain, and his reviews of the troops there, but his coins
of restoration are wanting for this country as well as for
Germany.*
As he was convinced that the country could not be held
as far as Agricola's boundary wall, he decided to build
another further south, and to separate Roman civilization
from the wild Caledonians by an impassable barrier. For
this division no better line could be found than that between
Carlisle and Newcastle from sea to sea. The Wall of the
Picts, the remains of Hadrian's gigantic work, the counter-
part to the limes in Germany, is still standing. This
wonderful system of forts was begun in 122 A.D. Inscrip-
Hispanor. equitatae." Subsequently he is "praefectus classis Britanniae
et procur. prov. Brit" See in reference to him C./.Z. vii., n. 379-382.
Sabinus probably was sent to Britain in the beginning of Hadrian's reign.
Bull, (L Inst 1 85 1, p. 136. He conducted cavalry to Britain of leg. vil.
Gemina, vili. Augusta, xxii. Primigenia. Henzen, 5456. Pfitzner,.
p. 92, 246. Huebner (^ifnw^j, 1881, 547).
'Huebner, C/.A., vii., n. 241, according to Borghesi, iv. 115, and in
HertneSy 1881, p. 546. Henzen, 3186.
• The verses of Florus :
Ego nolo Caesar esse
Ambulare per Britannos,
have, according to Huebner (C./.Z., p. 100), reference to the expedition of
Hadrian to Britain, which is, however, a misconception of the term
amhulare* Florus thinks only of the barren countries in general, and
therefore chooses Britain as ultima Thule. Eutrop. 8, 3, says of Hadrian :
"Pacem omni tempore imperii sui habuit" and once only did he wage war
by means of a legate. Pfitzner, p. 91, believes that the war in Britain
was the only one which Hadrian carried on personally, but he does not
prove it The inscription 806 in Orelli, where Hadrian is called Briton-
m'cus, is not genuine. It goes without saying, that the expedition coins
(in Cohen, ii., n. 589-593X where Hadrian is represented seated on horse-
back, with or without lance, are no proof of his presence at a war.
•Eckhel, vi. 493, ADVENTUI. AUG. BRIT. EXERC. DRITANNICUS. C./.A,.
vii., n. 498, mutilated inscription from the military station Segedunum,.
apparently a laudatory address of Hadrian to the army in Britain.
62 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
tions prove that the work was carried on under Hadrian by
the legate Aulus Platorius Nepos of the llnd legion ; but
the Vlth • Victrix and the XXth Valeria Victrix were also
engaged in it* .
The wall was eighty Roman or sixtodn geographical miles
in length, and stretched from the soutn-westerly corner of
the Solway to the mouth of the Tyne without forming a
straight line.* The fortification consisted of an inner or
southerly earthen wall with ditches, and an outer northerly
stone wall with numerous towers and about eighty small forts.
Between the earthen and the stone walls, and supported by
them, were seventeen large towers, or fortified camps, united
by a paved military road running from sea to sea. One of
these, pons Ae/ius, the nearest to the eastern sea, where a
bridge goes over the Tyne, proves by its name that it was
founded by Hadrian. The name was repeated later in
Rome in the famous bridge which led to the tomb of the
emperor.*
After an attempt on the part of Antoninus Pius to return
to the Scottish line of Agricola, the wall of Hadrian was
maintained as a boundary by Septimius Severus. Under its
protection the civilization of Rome was developed in Britain
with growing success, and Juvenal was able to flatter the
Romans with the idea that the Britons were actually on the
point of keeping a public orator in their pay.^ Hadrian
^ C./.L, vii., n. 660-663, 713, and Huebner, t'M,, p. loa Platorius Nepos
-was still legate in Britain in 124 a.d. Renier, /^ec. d, tiipL tnilit., n. 25,
•of 18 October 124 A.D. Before him it was probably Q. Pompeius Falco,
Waddington, Pastes des Prav. Asiat.^ p. 203. Under Hadrian there
-were three legions stationed in Britain : il. Augusta, vi. Victrix, xx.
Valeria. Pfitzner, p. 97.
'Mannert, ii., p. 67 sq,y 119 sq,
*The seventeen towers (their names in the Notitia) have been com-
piled by Huebner (Jahrb.f, AlUrthumsk,) from groups of inscriptions. All
names are originally British, with the exception of pons Aelius and
Petrianae (so called from a cohort). In the ruins of the tower Prodi tia
many coins were found of which some were of Hadrian and Sabina, but
none of emperors before his time. See J. C. Bruce in ComtnenL PhiloLy
Berlin, 1877, p. 739. On the wall itself, Bruce, The Roitia»i Wall^ etc,
.3rd ed., London, 1877. — Huebner, Deutsche Rundschau^ 1878, Heft 7.
* Juvenal, XV. 112.
cii \r. x] Hadrian revisits Gaul 63
revived two military colonies, Glevum and Eburacum.*
Londinium, destroyed in 61 A.D., was restored.* The
Romans stamped the seal of history on the wonderful island,
little dreaming that a time would come when, after the
fusion of Celts, Latins, and Germans, a commercial power
would be developed more important than Carthage, and
an empire greater in extent and population than that of
Rome,
It was in Britain that several distinguished men, among
whom Spartianus only mentions the prefect of the praetorium,
Septicius Clarus and Suetonius, fell into disgrace with the
emperor. He had found out that they had entered into
more confidential relations with his wife than befitted' the
honour of his house, and he deprived them of their offices.'
These events have not been sufficiently explained. Was the
empress with him in Britain? Or had she remained in
Rome, and had the information reached him thence ? While
Hadrian was on his journeys, his spies took care that he
knew all that went on in the capital and elsewhere, that was
worth knowing. He had probably arranged a system
approaching to our telegraph and newspaper offices, and his
correspondents were in reality agents of the secret police.
They were called frumentarii. These formidable men were
to be found in every city of the empire. Antoninus Pius
was the first to do away with them.*
From Britain Hadrian returned to Gaul, and here he built
at Nismes a temple in honour of Augusta Plotina.* The
'Zumpt, Comm. Ep. i. 415.
'Tacitus, AnmtL xiv. 33 : Londinium — cognotnento quidem coloniae
non insigne, sed copia negotiatonitn et cotnmeatuum maxime celebre.
'Spart c. II.
* The term frumentarii is thus explained by Saltnasius in the note to
Spnrt c. 1 1, —they were couriers who appeared with the postal organ-
ization introduced by Augustus, and also arranged for the provisioning
of the troops with corn. Quotations from Aristides, Or, ix., and Epictet.
jyiss, iv. 13, 5, Friedlacndcr, Darstellungen aus der Siiienj^esch, JiomSy i.,
5th ed., 381 sq, Nomp^re de Champagny, Les Anionins^ ii. 185, con-
gratulates the Roman empire of that time on the absence of an organized
system of police like our own governments, yet even under the Antonines
no free expression on political matters was possible.
* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 10.
64 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
empress-widow must therefore have been dead by this time.
Plotina had made his fortune, and he did not forget it,
honouring her as his mother as long as she lived. He wrote
an elegy in her memory, and at his wish she was consecrated
by the senate.*
Afterwards the emperor went to Spain, his native land.'
This great country, full of flourishing cities (Pliny had already
enumerated four hundred), wa^'as completely Romanized 'in
the time of Hadrian as the south of Gaul, and was, in fact,
more Roman than Rome. Vespasian had already bestowed
Latin rights upon it. For a century Spain had taken a high
place in the civilized Roman world ; to Rome it had given
two emperors, and men of genius like Seneca, Lucan, Martial,
Columella, and the orator Quintilian. The Spanish countries
were divided into the provinces Hispania citerior^ with its
capital Tarraco, Hispania ulterior^ or Baetica, with its capital
Corduba, and Lusitania with its capital Emerita. Of these
provinces the second was under the dominion of the senate.
One legion only, the Vllth Gemina, had been stationed since
the time of Vespasian in the peaceful country.
The emperor spent the winter in Tarraco. Here he
escaped from the attack of a mad slave who sprang upon
him with a drawn sword, and he was humane enough to
hand over the lunatic, not to the hangman, but to the
physician. He convoked the diet of the province for the
object of raising troops, to which the Italian colonists and
other communities objected, as they were greatly impover-
ished. The nucleus of such a diet (concilia) was the ^Itar of
Augustus, with the worship of the deified emperors. Baetica
also possessed a concilium ; a rescript of Hadrian to it still
exists.* He restored the temple of the deified Augustus at
* Consecration coins in Eckhel, vi. 466, Divis . parbntibus. In the
collection of sentences and letters of Hadrian, by Dositheus (saec. 3),
there is one to Hadrian's mother (§ 15), probably Plotina. He invites her
to dine with him, as it is his birthday ; Sabina, he says, is gone into the
country. Boecking, Corp. Juris R» AntejusL^ 212.
'Eckhel, vi. 495 : "Hispania, mulier sedens juxta rupem d. ramum, pro
pedibus cuniculus'' (symbol of Spain). I
EXERCITUS . HISPANICUS . RESTITUTORI . HlSk"
*Dig. 47, 14, I, De abigeis punUndis, On the state of Spain, J. Jung,
Die rom. Landscha/ten d. rbm, Reichs^ p. 18 sq.
CHAP, x] Hadrian in Mauretania 65
Tarraco, which Tiberius had built to replace the altar of
Augustus. The Tarraconese were remarkable for their
slavish submission to the empire. They were the first to
introduce the worship of Augustus in the West. They
erected so many statues in honour of the Emperor Hadrian,
that later on a special official had to be appointed by the
province to attend to them.^ Hadrian does not appear to
have visited his birthplace Italica, but he loaded it with
many benefits, and promoted the wish expressed by it to the
senate to be raised from a colonia to a municipium.'
Where the emperor went from Spain, whether he returned
to Rome and thence journeyed to the East, or whether
he went straight from Tarraco to Mauretania cannot be
ascertained, as all trustworthy information is wanting. We
can only conjecture that from Spain he visited the neigh-
bouring Mauretania.' This country, the present Morocco,
the ancient kingdom of Juba, was the most westerly province
of Rome in North Africa, and had been added to the empire
by the Emperor Claudius. It was divided into Tingitana
(Tangier) and Caesariensis (Algiers), and was governed by
an imperial procurator or prefect, as, for instance, by Marcius
Turbo in the beginning of Hadrian's reign. The indomit-
able inhabitants, the Mauri or Maurusii (the Berbers of
to-day), fought incessantly against the dominion of the
Romans, whose military power in the country consisted
chiefly of auxili^iries of light cavalry. They also attempted
to pass over to Spain in search of booty.
Hadrian was obliged to put down a rising of these tribes,
which was proliably connected with the fall of the former
Moorish prince, Lusius Quietus. The suppression of this
rebellion must have given the Romans some trouble, for
the senate ordered festivals in gratitude for it* The Maure-
tanian restoration coins of Hadrian perhaps refer to the
^" Ad statuas curandas Divi Hadriant,'' C.I.L, ii. 423a A succession of
mile-stones on the Via Tarraconensis at the time of Hadrian, ibid, 4735 sq,
*Gellius, xvi. 13. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 10.
"Coins, ADVENTUI . AUG . MAURETANIAE.— EXERCITUS . MAURETANI-
CUS.— RESTITUTORI . MAURITANIAE. Eckhel, vl. 498.
^Spart. c. 12: Motus Maurorum conpressit et a senatu supplicationes
emeniit
E
«^ The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i.ch. x
pacification of the country ; and the emperor certainly
restored the Roman colonies there, even if he did not increase
their number.*
But all accounts leave us in the dark ; we must therefore
accompany Hadrian on his first great journey to the East
without knowing whether he undertook it from Spain, or
from Africa, or from Rome, if indeed, as seems probable, he
had returned to the capital for a short visit
^Zumpt (Comnu Ep, i. 421) ascribes to him, or to his successor,
Rusadir, Volubilis, Arsenariai Bida^ and other places mentioned in
the IHnerarium Antoninu
CHAPTER XI
Hadriatis first yourney to the East. The Countries on
the Pontus. Ilium. Pergamum. Cyzicus. Rhodes
After Hadrian had travelled through the West, he sailed
in better spirits to the East of his empire, where in Antioch
he had attained the sovereignty of the world. If in the West
he had been occupied exclusively with the duties of a ruler,
it may be imagined what enjoyment the East held out to
him. Everything which could delight an inquiring mind
was centred there; the records of humanity, the mysteries of
different religions, the wonders of creation, and an existence
still full of life and activity. Europe to-day is indisputably
leader in the historical progress of the world, as she alone
still preserves creative power. The world submits to be
guided by her as the fountain of knowledge and of learning,
and the West is indebted for this cosmopolitan greatness
first to the Greeks, then to the Romans, and especially
to the Eternal City. But in the middle of the second
century, Europe was civilized only as far as the Roman power
extended. Younger historically than the rest of the world,
much less populous than Asia, barren of ideas after the fall
of Greece, life flowed monotonously, devoid of the stimulus
produced by the interchange of minds and nationalities. On
the other hand, the Hellenic East was a school for Europe,
whence, with the exception of Roman law, she derived her
scientific and religious ideas, which were vital forces in many
even of the practical forms of civilization. The centre too
of the commerce of the world was still in Asia.
Hadrian now went through the countries of the East
68 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
where every coast and island was full of the classical recol-
lections of antiquity, and where the re-awakened spirit of
Hellas offered him enthusiastic homage as its protector.
His first journey in the East must have been made
between the years 123 A.D. and 125 A.D. Spartianus has ex-
pressed this in a laconic line: " After this he sailed to Achaia
by Asia and the islands."^ By Asia the Romans understood
the province of Asia proconsular is ^ once the territory of the
kings of Pergamum. They had inherited it from Attalus HI.
in the year 133 B.C., and had made it into a province. It
comprised Mysia, Lydia, Phrygia and Caria, Pamphylia,
Pisidia, and Lycaonia. For a long time Roman Asia had
lain politically dead ; but it was still full of cities of lonians,
Dorians, and Aeolians, and of cities of the Alexandrian
period, which had preserved their Greek constitution. There
were no Roman colonies except Parium, Alexandria Troas,
and Tralles. Ephesus was the seat of the proconsul,
and in its neighbourhood many other cities flourished, whose
prosperity had increased with the long peace, and whose
beauty had been renewed by the renaissance of the arts.
Hadrian's first Asiatic journey must however have ex-
tended further, at all events from the Cilician frontier of
Syria to the Black Sea.
The coins which refer to this journey to the East generally
bear the legend, Adventui Augusti Asiae, and represent a
woman kneeling, whom Hadrian raises from the ground.'
The East is symbolized by a shining sun.^
Individual provinces, Bithynia,Cilicia, and Phrygia, recorded
the arrival of Hadrian or named him *' Restorer." But neither
from them, nor from the coins and inscriptions of the cities,
can the length of his stay be ascertained, nor can we tell if
they in any way belong to his first journey to the East.
Inscriptions giving him the divine titles Olympius and
Panhellenius, refer to the later date when he had assumed
these titles. Even in his absence any special event might
induce a community to pay him honour.
^Spart. c. 13.
'Cohen, ii., p. 209, n. 24.
' ORIENS. Cohen, ii., p. 189, n. 2003-1005. The sun-head (oribns . AUG.)
is the symbol of the East conquered by Trajan. Eckhel, vi., p. 439.
CHAP. XI] Hadrian in the East 69
We cannot therefore follow the emperor's first journey
in Asia exactly, and can only say generally that, between
123 A.D. and 125 A.D., he travelled through Asia Minor
to the Black Sea.
Trebizond is one of the furthest points visited by Hadrian,
and Arrian, in his report of the circumnavigation of the Black
Sea, remarks that he had been there.* Cerasus begins the list
of imperial coins with him, and numerous medals with the
likeness of Hadrian and Sabina have been preserved from
Amisus.' We are not told if his wanderings extended to
the Phasis. As it is certain that he was in Cappadocia,
he will hardly have been satisfied with a visit to Mazaca,
but will have visited the Roman border fortresses at
Melitene on the Euphrates. The xilth legion Fulminata
was stationed there, while southwards at Samosata, the
capital of Commagene, lay the xth legion Flavia Firma,
and northwards in Lesser Armenia the XVth legion Apollin-
aris at Satala.'
In the country of Pontus, the cities Amasia and Neo-
caesarea bore the name of Adriana ; and from the time of
Hadrian, Tyana in Cappadocia bore on its coins the title of
an autonomous city. This and other circumstances prove the
activity of the emperor in these countries.* The province of
Cappadocia, which extended to the Black Sea, and which had
been Roman since the days of Tiberius, was governed by
consular legates, while Galatia, which Augustus had made into
a province, with its capital Ancyra, was ruled by a praetorian
legate. The extensive territory on the other side of the
Sangarius, once the kingdom of Mithridates, seems to have
been divided since the time of Trajan into these two
* Arrian, Peripi, Pont Euxin, i.
•Greppo, p. 153.
'Marquardt, Kbm, Staatsverw, i. 369, 40a The Hadrian coins
EXERCITUS . PARTHICUS (the emperor stands on a stage addressing the
soldiers) can only have reference to an inspection of troops on the
Euphrates.
* Mionnet, Suppl. viii., p. 713. A mile-stone at Nicopolis in Cappadocia,
in the year 129 a.d., points to making of roads, CJ,L, iii., add. n. 6057.
The military coins SXER . cappadocicus represent Hadrian in the
customary military activity.
70 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
districts.^ The condition of the countries on the Upper
Euphrates remains on the whole obscure. In the north of
Cappadocia, Lesser Armenia formed the Roman boundary
against Great Armenia, and further towards Colchis and the
Caucasus the Albanians and Iberians were settled. From
Melitene and Satala the Roman troops kept an eye on
the movements of the Parthians, and the imperial govern-
ment endeavoured to combine the heads of the tribes in the
north-east of Asia in a defensive league. Hadrian sought
to establish friendly relations with the Albanians and Iber-
ians. He assembled a peace congress of barbarian princes,
whom he won over by gifts. Some appeared, but others
remained away in defiance, like the Iberian Pharasmanes.
He even, restored to the Parthian king Chosroes his
daughter whom Trajan had carried off into captivity.* But
the pride of the Romans forbade him to restore to the king
the golden throne of the Arsacids, the booty of the same
emperor, which he had carried off from Ctesiphon. In
consequence of the negociations with Chosroes, the Parthians
maintained peace during the whole of Hadrian's reign, and
Great Armenia too remained tranquil under Arsacid princes,
who were appointed and protected by Rome, though they
did not pay tribute.'
Bithynia, which originally belonged to Pontus, and was
subsequently converted by Augustus into an independent
proconsular province, was particularly favoured by Hadrian.
Like Pontus and Galatia, this province had a general
assembly, which is mentioned on coins and inscriptions.^
1 Perrot, Galatia prov, Roman,^ p. 6i.
* Schneiderwirth {Die Farther^ p. 153) places this in the first journey of
Hadrian more correctly than Longp^rier {Af^m. sur la Chronologie des
Rois parthes^ p. 143X who puts it in the last years of Hadrian. Sparc
c. 12 says of Hadrian that he settled a (threatening) Parthian war by
negociation, and (ch. 13) he mentions a congress of princes, and apparently
places it in Hadrian's second Oriental journey. But is it possible that
Hadrian should have delayed the settlement of such weighty matters
so long?
' In Lesser Armenia the colony Sinis is ascribed to Hadrian, in Galatia
Germa. Zumpt, Comm, £p. L 418.
* Perrot, Inscr, in^dites de la Mer noire {Rev, Arch, 1874), p. 11.
CHAP. XT] Novum Ilium 71
Bithynian arrival and restoration coins of Hadrian exist^
Some cities assumed his name, like Cius, and Bithynium or
Claudiopolis, the birthplace of his darling, the beautiful
Antinous, and this circumstance explains the prodigality
of his benefits to that country. He restored the capital
Nicomedia, which had been destroyed by an earthquake,
and also Nicaca.^ Bithynia was a senatorial province, but
Hadrian later converted it into an imperial province, giving
the senate Pamphylia in exchange. We do not, however,
possess any records of the date at which the emperor visited
Bithynia.
He went west towards Mysia, and his first journey to Asia
must have been the most convenient time for his visit to
this country. The towns Sestus and Abydus paid him
honour as their deliverer and founder, and Parium, a colony
founded by Caesar, was called Hadriana.' In the mountain
district of Olympus he founded the cities Hadriani and
Hadrianotherae.^ Hadrian also visited Ilium. It was after-
wards said that he disparaged Homer, but how could the
Philhellene have neglected to honour the tombs of heroes
that had outlasted centuries ?
Novum Ilium, inhabited by Aeolian Greeks, lay in the
oentre of the plain of Troy, one of the most charming districts
in Asia Minor ; opposite was the island Tenedos, behind it
was I^mnos the island of Philoctctcs, and Imbros, and the
gloomy mountains of Samothrace rising from the sea. The
situation of Ilium was considered by the ancients identical
with that of the Troy of Homer, except by a few sceptical
philologists. The people of Ilium were shrewd enough to
maintain that the city of Priam had never quite disappeared,
but had again been occupied by the Trojans after the depart-
ure of the Greeks. A small temple of Athene on the Pergamos
or Mount of the Citadel was looked upon as the original
' In an inscription with the thirteenth tribunate of Hadrian (129 A.D.X
AfMrnea in Bithynia dedicates a Baltneum Hadrianum : Ephem. Epigr.
C./.Z.. ii., n. 349.
^CArtm. PascAnie, 254.
'Sestus, C/./f. iii. 484; Abydus, 472 ; Parium, n. 1746 in Le Bas-
Waddington. hadriano . CONDITORI, C/.L. Hi., n. 374.
* Mionnet, ti., p. 428, 433 ; SuppL v. 38, 49.
72 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
temple of the tutelar goddess, from which the palladium
stolen by Diomed had been brought to Rome.^ So sacred
did the Romans consider it, that it formed one of the eight
temples in the empire in favour of whose divinities Roman
law permitted testamentary dispositions.'
Xerxes had in former days offered sacrifices to Athene in
Ilium, and Alexander the Great had done the same. To
this enthusiast for Homer the I Hans showed even the arms
of their heroes and the lyre of Paris. After the victory on
the Granicus, Alexander made votive cffTerings to the temple
of Athene; he pronounced the place free and autonomous,
and promised to make it into an important city. Lysimachus
afterwards enlarged and surrounded it with walls. Antiochus,
too, piously honoured the legends of Ilium, and finally the
Romans looked with feigned enthusiasm on this new Ilium
as the cradle of their world-wide power. Pliny called it the
source of all fame.' Fimbria indeed, Sulla's antagonist,
destroyed the city, but Julius Caesar restored it, and his
successors, the Caesars, enlarged its territory. The liians
themselves did not forget, when they sent envoys to the
emperor, to remind him that Troy was the mother of
Rome.*
Troy was immortal in the memory of mankind, and that
this is so to-day is proved by the enthusiasm which the dis-
coveries of Schliemann have excited. Like the Greeks and
Romans, he sought the site of ancient Troy in New Ilium,
and the latter he found in Hissarlik. For New Ilium had
also disappeared, and we are as doubtful about its position
as the Greeks were about that of Troy.*
When Hadrian visited New Ilium in 124 or 125 A.D.,
he doubted as little as the emperor before him, or as Arrian,
Appian, and the sophist Aristides, as Pausanias and Plutarch
afterwards, that this was the site of the sacred Troy,
^ Strabo, 593 sq,
' Jovem Tarpejum, ApoUinem Didymaeum, Martem in Gallia, Minervam
Iliensem, Herculem Gaditanum, Dianam Epbesiam, Matrem Deonim
Sipelensem (Smyrna) Coelestein Salmensem Carthaginis. Ulp. Fr. xxiL 6.
" Pliny, hist. Nat, v. 33.
* Tacitus, Annul, iv. 55 : parentem urbis Romae Trojam.
* Mannert, vi. 3, 497.
CHAP. XI] Alexandria Troas 73
although of the city of Priam, according to the testimony of
the sceptical Strabo, not one stone remained. Philostratus
relates that the emperor gave fresh burial to the bones of
Ajax in the Ajanteum. This we may suppose refers to a
celebration of funeral rites,^ and an inscription from New
Ilium, with no special meaning, makes mention of Hadrian.'
Ilian coins of Hadrian are in existence which represent
Aeneas as a fugitive carrying his father on his back, and
leading young Ascanius by the hand ; underneath is depicted
the Roman she- wolf.*
Another place in the Troad still bore the ancient name at
this period, namely, the Roman colony Alexandria Troas,
to the south of New Ilium. It was originally called Sigia,
then Antigonia, because king Antigonus had enlarged it,
until finally it received the name of Alexandria Troas from
Lysimachus, in honour of Alexander. The Romans also
honoured it, and Caesar, when he contemplated a change in
his royal residence, is said to have hesitated between it and
Novum Ilium.* Constantine too, before he decided upon
Byzantium, wished to make the capital of the empire in the
Trojan country. Alexandria Troas was also visited by
Hadrian, and experienced his favour. He caused an aque-
duct to be built there by Herodes Atticus, of which the
imposing remains are still to be seen in the village of
Eskistambul. Byzantine remains prove the existence of this
place until the end of the Middle Ages.* St Paul, the
apostle of that new religion whose written records were to
supplant Homer and his gods, was once in this city of Troas
on his first missionary journey. From Troas he sailed to
Samothrace, and thence to Macedonia.^
* Philostr. Heroicot cd. Kayser, ii. 137.
^CJJ^ Hi. I, n. 466 : Trib. Pot viii. (124/125 A.D.).
' Schliemann, Uios^ p. 72a The imperial coins, of copper only, with
the inscriptions of Hector the Ilian, Priamus the Ilian, are properly con-
sidered by Schliemann as sufficient evidence for the identity of this place
with Troy. *•
* Suetonius, Cats, c. 79 : Quia etiam varia fama percrebuit, migraturum
Alexandream vel Ilium.
* Mannert, vi. 3, 474. Schliemann, llios^ p. 67.
^AcU of the Apostles^ c. 16, v. 8, 11.
74 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
In Mysia, Hadrian visited Pergamum, the famous seat of
the Attalids, and now a flourishing city, a possession which
first directed Roman efforts to the acquisition of the province
of Asia. There he could admire the Acropolis with the
magnificent temple of Athene Polias and the sanctuaries of
Asclepius and Augustus. He could look at the theatres, the
gymnasia, and the basilicas, with which the highly cultured
kings after Lysimachus and Eumenes had adorned the city,
and could admire the marble groups of gods and giants
surrounding the great altar of Attalus, still resplendent with
unimpaired beauty. More than seventeen centuries after
Hadrian's visit, these statues were to be disinterred from
the ruins and placed in the capital of the new German
empire.^ That Hadrian conferred benefits upon Pergamum
may be conjectured from a statue which the people and
council of the city erected to him in his seventh tribunate.'
The city of Cyzicus, the ancient colony of Miletus and
ally of the king of Pergamum, on the isthmus in the
Propontis, opposite the island Proconnesus, was treated by
the emperor with special favour. She had lost her freedom
under Tiberius in the year 24 A.D., but flourished again in
the time of Hadrian by her commerce and industry, by the
beauty of her monuments, especially the temples of Cybele,
of Adrastea and Proserpine. Later on Hadrian built a
marvellous temple there. He granted to the city the honour
coveted by so many other communities in Asia, of celebrat-
ing the worship of the Roman gods and of the emperor with
festival games called Neocoria, and from that time Cyzicus
adopted the name of Philosebastos and Adriane.'
It cannot be doubted that Hadrian on the same journey
visited Smyrna, Sardis, Miletus, Ephesus, and Halicamassus,
as well as other famous cities of Asia Minor, which have
^ The Excavations at Pergamum^ i88o-i88i. Report by A. Conze»
Humann and Bohn in Jahrbuch der KonigL Preuss, Kunstsammlung^ iii.
I, 1882. In the Augusteum at Pergamum there have been found fragments
of statues of Trajan and Hadrian.
*Le Bas-Waddington, iii. i, n. 1721.
'J. H. Krause, Neokoros, p. 36. J. Marquardt, Cyzikus und sein Gebiet^
p. 84. An inscription calls Hadrian vwr^p iroU Kriv-rni^ Nev, Arch, N.s. xxxii.^
p. 268, in Uuerr, Atihang^ n. 69.
CHAP. XI] Rhodes 75
recorded his name in coins and inscriptions. As Spartianus
states that he journeyed to Achaia by Asia and the islands^
it must have been Rhodes, Cos, Chios, the fertile Lesbos
with the beautiful Mitylene, Lemnos, and Samothrace, which
he visited. The ancient mysteries in Samothrace, into which
Philip and Olympias once allowed themselves to be initiated^
were still so much honoured that they must have excited
Hadrian's curiosity. The council and people of Samothrace
erected a statue in his honour, the inscription on which has
been found in the ruins of the Doric temple of marble, but it
does not prove that Hadrian visited this island.^ Inscriptions
and coins make his presence in Crete probable.* But his
visit to Rhodes he himself has proved in a letter to Ephesus^
found a few years ago as a marble inscription, in which he
tells the archons and the council of the city that he had
sailed from Ephesus to Rhodes.*
Rhodes the magnificent, dedicated to the sun, great at
one time by her naval power, and famous throughout the
world for her schools of orators and sculptors, had decayed
after the civil wars in Caesar's time, but Strabo still
ventured to give her the preference over all other cities.
Only a short time before Hadrian, Dion Chrysostom had
spoken of her as the richest Greek city, and even after
Hadrian's time Lucian could say of her that her beauty was
•
*The inscription records the i6th tribunate of Hadrian (132 A.D.), Arch.
Unters, auf Samoihrake by A. Conze, Hauser und Niemann, 1875, p. 36,
sq. There has also been found an inscription in honour of Hadrian from
Maroneia, which calls him 9bn\\p, Further, a Latin inscription with the
consuls of the year 124 A.D., from which it is supposed that Hadrian
was presented with the highest magisterial office {rex) in Samothrace.
^CLG, il 427. Inscriptions from Lyttos, and Cretan coins in Mionnet,
ii., p. 260. A beautiful statue of an emperor resembling Hadrian was
found at Hierapytna in Crete, and stands in the museum at Constantinople.
Cawette ArchioL vi. 1880, 52 sq,
• Wood, Discoveries at EphesuSy App. 5 : " Inscriptions from the Odeum,"
n. I. Hadrian recommends to the city council the Ephesian citizen, L.
Erastus, who frequently travels on the seas, and has already met him, the
emperor, twice : rh wfMtop els 'P63or dwb r^i *R^<rov iro/bu^6fier(y), pOp M dir&
'BXctvtvot Tp^ {ffi&t d^KOfiipt^. The date of the letter in which Hadrian
calls himself Pater Patr. drifiap, i^ova, t6 y\ in Wood has been correctly
emended by Duerr {Nachtragy p. 124) 17 (Trib. Pot xill., i.e, 129 a.d.)l
76 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i, ch. xi
worthy of the sun-god.^ Her situation on the eastern
promontory of the island, opposite the steep rocky coast of
Caria, her arsenals, harbours, and high walls, her streets,
temples, and porticos, her innumerable pictures and works
of art in marble and copper, which even Nero had not
plundered, formed a delightful combination of grace, splen-
dour, and strength, before the great earthquake destroyed
the city in the time of Antoninus Pius.' Although Vespasian
had deprived her of the last vestige of autonomy, Rhodes
must still have been flourishing in the time of Hadrian. The
story related by a later Byzantine, that the emperor restored
the famous Colossus, which three hundred years before had
been destroyed by an earthquake, is certainly a fable.'
^ Strabo, 652. Dion Chrys., ed. Dindorf, Orat. xxxi., p. 363. LuciaOi
Amores^ c 8 : ^ «-6Xif 'HX/ov irpiir9¥ Ixoiva rj> ^e{> rd irdXXor.
' Pausanias, viii. 43, 4. Aristides, Orai, 43. Dion Chrys. xxi.
' Malalas, 279.
CHAPTER XII
Hadrians Residence in Athens^ and in other Cities of
Greece. Return of the Emperor to Rome by way of
Sicily
There was no country which could equal Hellas in its attrac-
tion for Hadrian. It was the treasure-house of the highest
ideals of antiquity, and on this account it was still visited,
as in the time of Cicero, by cultivated men from all parts of
the empire. Greece was certainly no longer full of prosper-
ous cities, like Asfa Minor, but was already in Strabo's time
so decayed that it was looked upon merely with the interest
of the antiquary.^ Its population had decreased to such an
extent that, according to the statement of Plutarch, it could
scarcely furnish 3000 hoplites, the number that Megara had
once sent to the battle of Plataea. In Peloponnesus the
number of cities had dwindled down to little more than
about sixty, of which Sparta and Argos alone were of any
importance, and in the time of Pausanias there were many
deserted places even in Phocis, Boeotia, Attica, and Achaia.
Thousands of Greeks from Old Hellas, as well as from the
Hellenic countries, lived homeless in the provinces of the
West. The world had become their country. This whole-
sale dispersion of the Greeks in the Roman empire is a
parallel, but also a contrast to the fate of the Jews after their
conquest by Pompey and Titus. Their home when in exile
was not the civilised world, but the synagogue.
In spite of the extinction of all political life, many free
cities, with their monuments, still existed in Hellas, and Pau-
' Curtius, Peloponnesos^ 3, Abschn. i. 79.
78 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
sanias, who visited Greece a generation after Hadrian and
noted its ruins with sorrowful affection, could derive consol-
ation from the fact that the famous old countries and cities
still preserved their constitutions, their diets, courts of justice
and magistrates, and indeed their festival games.
Achaia, as Greece was called by the Romans, suffered
from the caprices of her rulers, but on the whole benefited by
their pious r^ard. They did not disturb ancient systems.
Augustus had made Greece, like Macedonia, into a senatorial
province, having for its capital New Corinth. Tiberius, how-
ever, took away the government from the senate, as it was
costly, oppressive, tyrannical, and burdensome to the Greeks.
He even united Hellas and Macedonia with Moesia.^ Claudius
however gave both provinces back to the senate.*
Greece had been the classical stage for the vanity of Nero
who, like Caligula, plundered the treasures of Greek art with
shameless rapacity. He travelled through Greece like a
comedian and an athlete, but an actor even in his remorse,
he avoided Athens as the sanctuary of the avenging Eumenides,
and he did not visit Sparta, from his dislike to the legislation
of Lycurgus. He deluged Hellas with blood, but to reward
the flatteries of the Greeks, as well as to produce a theatrical
effect, he proclaimed the freedom of the Hellenes at the
Isthmian games, as once Flaminius had done. Soon afterwards
the parsimonious Vespasian took away this freedom, which
related only to taxation, and gave Achaia back to the govern-
ment of the senate.* The Flavian dynasty revived with the
provincial government the financial oppression of Greece, and
it was of no practical benefit to the Athenians that Domitian
in the year 93 A.D. assumed the dignity of their archon
Eponymus.^ Hadrian received the same honour in the
year 1 1 2 A.D. when still a private individual. Two years
later, Trajan visited Athens. The Panhellenes erected the
statue of this just emperor at Olympia.
The Greeks overwhelmed their rulers with shameless
^ Tacitus, Anftals^ i. 8a
* Finlay, History of Greece^ p. 54.
' Pausanias, Achaica^ xvii. 4.
^Pbilostr. Vita Apolloniiymxx, 26. ^tx\3}i^x%^ Gestlh, GriechenL unter
der Herrschaft der Rdmer^ ii. 137.
CHAP, xii) Hadrian in Athens 79
honours. The deification of the emperor had become the
reh'gion of the land, after the days of Caesar and Antony.
The temples of Caesar arftl Augustus stood in the chief
square of Sparta;* and on the Acropolis of Athens stood
the temple of the genius of Rome and Augustus. As the
free Athenians erected an altar to Pity, their slavish
posterity might have paid a similar honour to Flattery.
The love of freedom was extinguished in Hellas ; the
country had resigned itself to its destiny, Rome, but a
deep gulf separated Romans and Greeks from one another.
Rome looked with contempt on the degenerate grandsons
of Miltiades and Leonidas, while the Greeks, as aristocrats
of mind and culture, felt themselves superior to the Romans.
The Romanizing of Achaia made slow progress, for the
spirit of Greece survived in its mighty literature, in its
undying memories, and in the perpetual self-esteem of the
Hellenic communities. Only a few commercial cities, Patras,
Corinth, and Nicopolis on the peninsula of Actium, made
an exception as Roman colonies in Hellas. In Corinth,
Pausanias found no descendants of the old inhabitants.'
The Corinthians adopted Roman customs, and even their
bloody gladiatorial games, but when the Athenians wished
to follow their example, the philosopher Demonax rose and
said, " Let the altar of Pity first be overthrown."'
And now Hadrian had come, and the Greeks received him
gladly as their " saviour and founder." No previous emperor
of Rome had been in such close touch with them, and
changeable though he was, he remained faithful to his
Greek sympathies. More lavishly here in Greece than in
any other part of the empire, did he bestow the blessings
of his liberality. With Hadrian there began for Athens an
after-summer of its former splendour, a last renaissance, not
of the republican life of the state, but of science and literature.
It was more fully developed under the Antonines, and con-
tinued, though with many interruptions, during the ever
deepening decay of Greece, until the extinction of Hellenism
under Justinian.
It is unknown at what port the emperor landed. There
' Pausanias, Laconical xt. 4. * Pausanias, Corinthi(ua^ L 2.
' Lucian, Demonax ^7.
8o The Emperor Hadrian [hook i
are no coins to record Hadrian's arrival in Achaia ; we have
only coins of restoration.^ Neither from them, nor from the
coins of the colony of Corinth, which record his arrival, can
any precise date be fixed.* No Athenian coin of the em-
peror^s arrival has been found. In the inscriptions, his visits
to Athens are merely mentioned, and though his first resi-
dence is reckoned an era of the city, no precise date can be
fixed for his first or second visit* We can only learn from
these inscriptions that the new era of Hadrian did not occur
before the year 124-125 A.D., and that the emperor could
not have come to Athens before September 124 A.D.* We
may conclude that he arrived in the autumn of the year
125 A.D., to make a stay of some duration.'
He found satisfaction here for all his ideal aspirations.
In the charming pastoral scene, framed by the sea, Hymettus,
Pentelicus, and Parnes, he could rest from his labours, and
admire the sublime works of antiquity, whose eternal youth
and beauty, in Plutarch's opinion, had defied the powers of
time. They were still standing uninjured. Pausanias, after-
ward, was astonished by the temples, the academies and
gymnasia, the porticos and squares, the citadel of Athens
filled with votive offerings, pictures, and statues; and even
Lucian, when in his youth he saw Athens for the first time,
was amazed at the beauty and magnificence of the city, and
at the number of its inhabitants.* In Athens, Hadrian could
^ Eckhel, vi., p. 487. Cohen, ii., p. 209, n. 12 14 sq,
'coL . L . JUL . COR . ADVENT . AUG., with a trireme, Greppo, p. 119.
Coins of arrival from Patras are missing.
' The formula is drd r^t 'A^ptaroC (rpc&n^) tU 'A^i^at ^t^/iios. The era is
counted from the first arrival, not from the archon-year 112 A.D. Dumont,
FasUs iponymiques^ p. 27. The five inscriptions (G>r/. Inscr, Atticar*
iil I, 735, 69a add., 1107, 1023, 1120) give the three years (twice), the 4th,
15th, 27th year.
* Dittenberger, Hadriatis erste Anwesenheit in Athen^ in Hennes^ 1873,
p. 225. This article was occasioned by Hirschfeld's Catalogo d^ Pritani
attniemi^ in Bull, Inst, 1872, p. 118 sq,
^ According to Corsini (Fasti Attia\ ii. 403), in the month Boedromion
(about September), because the Athenians moved, in honour of Hadrian,
the beginning of the year from the month Hekatombaion to the month
Boedromion.
• Lucian, Skythes^ c. 9.
CHAP, xiij Athens 8i
be an artist among artists, and he could dispute, in the halls
of the academy under the plane trees on the Cephisus, with
philosophers who called themselves followers of the divine
Plato. In Athens, wisdom and simplicity were taught, as
Lucian says in his Nigrinus^ where he draws a contrast
between her classic peace and the din of Rome, with her
ostentatious slavery, her formalities and her banquets, her
sycophants, her poisoners, legacy-hunters, and false friends.*
In the patriarchal figure of the philosopher Demonax,
Lucian has drawn a picture of the happiness of a life of
Athenian simplicity, and this sage may have been a man of
thirty-five when Hadrian came to Athens. The emperor
was here transformed into a Greek sophist, and dreamer
over the beauties of antiquity. Steeped in poetry and
sentiment, they are still a powerful attraction to every
cultivated man who, in this place full of consecrated gifts,
has communion with the gods, the heroes, and the sages of
Attica, as he wanders among the ruins of their temples.
But the laconic style of Hadrian's biographers forbids us
to see much of this prince, this most ardent lover of the
Muses, in his intercourse with the Athenians.* Spartianus
sums up the events of his first visit there in these words :
"After the example of Hercules and Philip, he took part in
the Eleusinian mysteries ; he made many presents to the
Athenians, and presided as Agonothetes."'
Hadrian was, without doubt, initiated into the mysteries
of Demeter on his first visit to Athens.* Augustus also had
been allowed to share in these rites, and later, Marcus
Aurelius and Alexander Severus.* The ruler of Rome and
of the world, attired as a Greek, did not disdain to fill the
^ Lucian, Nigrinus^ 14 sq.
'Athcnaeus, viii. 361, 3, calls the Emperor Hadrian wtun^ dpiffTo§ mU
'Spart. c. 13.
*Spart c. 13. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 11. Euseb. Chrofu^ ed. Schoene, iL
166 sqr. ixflfiaffepetf*A$^tfAvrf$eUT^*Vktval9ta. It IS probable that this
initiation still consisted of two parts, and that therefore Hadrian passed
in the second and greater rite on his second journey. Flemmer, p. 38.
Hertzberg, i. 314.
• Leake, Topogr, Athens^ pp. xxi., xxv.
F
82 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
office of umpire at the games of the great Dionysia. As it
was the duty of the archon to preside at these festivals^
Hadrian must have been a second time archon of the
Athenians.^ The Dionysia were celebrated from the 8th to
the 1 2th Elapheboh'on (end of March to beginning of April);
consequently in the spring of 1 26 A.D., Hadrian was still in
Athens. The Athenians were delighted to see the emperor
seated in the theatre of the great Attic poets, gravely
awarding the prizes; but we do not know what pieces were
then given; they were probably comedies of Menander,
for the plays of Sophocles and Aristophanes were hardly
any longer put on the stage, and there was no living poet
who was able to write a respectable play.
In gratitude for this honour paid to the Attic theatre, or
in recognition of its restoration by Hadrian, the Athenians
determined to erect twelve statues in honour of the emperor,
one for each phyle of the city, to be placed in the passage
of the auditorium. The statue which had been erected to
him as archon in 1 1 2 A.D. made the number thirteen.*
During his first sojourn in Athens, Hadrian seems to have
determined to rebuild the temple of the Olympian Zeus, and
to have made other plans for important buildings. He
reformed the Athenian constitution on the basis of the old
republican system. The nature of the improvement, however,
is unknown.' His care for the material welfare of the city,
whose harbours had lain desolate, and whose trade and
industry had decayed ever since the time of Sulla, is still
to be seen from an inscription on the gate of the hall of the
^Ahrens (De Athetiar, statu, p. 15}. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 16, relates
Hadrian's participation in the Dionysia in connection with the completion
or consecration of the Olympieum, which took place during a later visit
of the emperor, but Spartianus (c. 1 3) connects his Agonothesia with his
first sojourn in Athens.
' Some pediments of these statues have been found. The inscriptions
in CJ,A, iii. i, n. 464 sq. Benndorf, Beitraege zur Kenntniss des attisck.
Theatres^ in Zeitschrift fuer oester, Gymnas, 1875, p. *5 ^9*
^ Hieron. Chron, i. 45 : Atheniensibus leges petentibus ex Draconis et
Solonis reliquorumque libris jura componit. This sounds rather strange;
see Hertzberg, ii. 317.
CHAP. XII] Sparta ' 83
new agora, which records a regulation of Hadrian about the
sale of oil.^
It is incredible that the emperor should have spent a year
in Athens, until the time of his departure from Achaia in the
summer of 1 26 A.D., without travelling through the countries
of ancient Greece. They certainly sent their deputies to
Athens to present both petitions and invitations. There
are not, however, many inscriptions of the existing Greek
cities which mention Hadrian as their benefactor and
restorer, nor do they help us to determine the datci of his
visit He probably visited in person places such as Corinth,
Argos, Mantinea, Nemea, where he erected buildings, and
gave votive offerings to the temples.* On Argive coins he
is glorified as "Founder."'
Sparta has recorded his arrival in an inscription.^ This
dty was now the most important in Peloponnesus.* She
had preserved her old customs ; the gerusia was still in
existence, and the Spartan year was always called after one
of the five ephors, just as the Athenian year was called after
one of the archons. Pausanias found the historical monu-
ments in Sparta uninjured, the market-place, with the
government buildings, and the Persian stoa, the bronze
house of Athene on the citadel, and numerous temples,
tombs, and works of art.*
In Mantinea, Hadrian restored the tomb of Epaminondas,
and furnished it with an inscription.^ And can we believe
that the emperor, who enlarged the temple of Zeus in
Athens, and then assumed the name of " the Olympian," never
visited Olympia, which was resplendent with his games and
sanctuaries ? No inscriptions prove it, but the want of them
can only be accidental.
^C.I.G, i. 355 and CLA. iii. i, n. 38. Gold and grain distributions
by Hadrian for Athens. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 16.
'See further on, under buildings of Hadrian.
'Mionnet, SuppL iv., p. 240, n. 28.
^CLG. 1241. Other inscriptions from Sparta, CJ.G, 1308, 1309, 1312
(here fftarflpos *0\vftwiov); Le Bas-Foucart, Laconie^ n. 193 (Sc/So^r^ ^«^pc);
see Duerr, Anhang^ 113 sq,
^Curtius, Ptloponnes. ii. 226. * Pausanias, Laconica^ xi.
^ Pausanias, Arctuiica^ xi. 8.
84 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
Corinth, the most splendid city of Greece, the Roman
colony Julia of the Great Caesar, was favoured and adorned
by Hadrian. It possessed very few objects of antiquity
worth seeing, for most of its public buildings had sprung
up since the time of Caesar, among them being a temple
of Octavia, the sister of Augustus.^
At Thespiae, Hadrian made a votive offering of the skin
of a bear, his own booty in the chase, with verses com-
posed by himself.^ It was from Thespiae that Caligula
stole that wonderful work of art, the Eros of Praxiteles.
Claudius restored it to the city, but it was again carried off
by Nero, and only a copy, made by the Athenian Menodorus,
stood in the temple when Pausanias visited it'
And did Hadrian not see Thebes as well? The city of
Pindar had indeed so completely disappeared in the time of
Pausanias that only the citadel was inhabited.^ The whole
country of Boeotia was ruined and many of her cities lay
desolate. Plutarch had given fame to the small Chaeronea,
but this noble man, whom Hadrian honoured and made pro-
curator of Greece, died about the year 1 20 A.D. One of the
most important Boeotian cities must at that time have been
Lebadea ; for the oracle of Trophonius, which was still much
consulted, gave life to it by attracting many visitors. It is
not known if Hadrian consulted the oracle, but his curiosity
would have made him inquire into this ancient mystery.
He consulted the oracle at Delphi, either personally or
by representatives, as to the fatherland of Homer. The
Amphictyons erected a statue to him there.^ This league
was still in existence, and its council at the time of Pau-
sanias consisted of thirty members, furnished by Nicopolis,
Macedonia and Thessaly, Boeotia and Phocis, Doris, Locris,
^ Pausanias, Corinthiaca^ ii. 6.
' Kaibel, Epigr, graeca^ n. 811. The city of Thespiae erected a statue
to Hadrian as its eOtpyinit koI tcrlcnit, still without the title of Olympius.
C.LG. i. 1614.
' Pausanias, Boeotica^ xxvii. 4.
*Two inscriptions from Thebes (Duerr, Afthang^ n. 93, 94) are of later
date, as they give Hadrian the title Olympius.
^C.LG, 1713: rb Kow6y rOif 'A/i^(«ru6v(iiy, still without the title of
Olympius.
CHAP. XII] Delphi 85
Euboea, Argos, Sicyon and Corinth, Megara and Athens.*
Nero had robbed the sanctuary of Apollo of five hundred
bronze statues, and had confiscated the possessions of the
temple. The decline of Delphi was irreparable, for the
Pythian oracle had lost its authority. Pausanias does not
once speak of its activity in his time. He found the ancient
treasure-houses empty, but in his long description of the
Delphian wonders he enumerated many old votive offerings
within the sacred precincts. Of the temples, one lay in
ruins, another had no statues left in it, but the third still
contained the images of several Roman emperors. Among
these the statue erected in honour of Hadrian may have
been found.*
Hadrian visited the Augustan Actia Nicopolis in Epirus,
for the coins of this city represent him on board ship, and
bear the legend, " Appearance of the emperor."' From there
he may have visited Dodona.* That he saw the vale of
Teinpc in Thcssaly cannot be doubted, for he named a
pleasure ground at his villa at Tivoli after it But we do not
know if his journeys in Northern Greece, Epirus, Thessaly,
Macedonia, and Thrace, where he founded Adrianopolis,
were performed during his first sojourn in Hellas, or not
His arrival in Macedonia and Thrace is recorded by coins.*
After a residence of about three years in the East, and in
^ Pausanias, Phocica^ viii. 3.
' Pausanias, Phocica^ viii. 4 : rwr ip'Fiiftjj fiarnKtv^dwrtti^^^ roKKQif rwQm
ck^t. In the treasure-house of the Corinthians, Plutarch found nothing
hot the bronze palm : Moralia^ ed. Wittenbach, ii. 438.
'Greppo, p. 114. Hadrian coins from Nicopolis are numerous;
Mionnet, Suppi, iii., p. 378 sq,
^An inscription, C LG, 1822, gives Hadrian the surname Dodonaiui.
See Greppo, p. 115.
^ADVKNTUI . AUG . MACEDONIAE . RESTITUTORI . MACEDONIAB.
Eckhel, vi., p. 498. adventui . AUG . thraciab. Cohen, il*, p. tii,
n. ^^, Greppo, p. iii, enumerates the Thracian cities, whose emperor-
coins begin with H : Bizya, Mesembria, Peutalia, Trajanopolis, and
Coela on the Chersonnese. Coela called itself Aelium Municip.—
Mionnet, Suppi. ii., p. 526. Flemmer, p. 89, believes that Hadrian
visited these countries during his sojourn in Athens (according to him
876-879 or 880 A.U.C.) in the year 879 A.U.C.B126 A.D., whereas Duerr,
p. 56, places the visit to northern Greece in the time before his arrival
in Athens, in the late autumn of 124 A.D. to the autunm of 125 A.D.
86 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.xii
the Hellenic countries, Hadrian returned to Rome by way of
Sicily.^ There he made the ascent of Etna to see the sun
rise, which, as people then liked to believe, displayed the
colours of the rainbow.* On this journey he visited also the
famous cities of Messana, Tauromenium, Catana, Syracuse,
and Thermae. They were Roman colonies, and in addition
there were sixty-three communities on the island, which
were nearly all endowed with Latin rights.*
If the want of records, which is perhaps only accidental,
as to the relations of Hadrian with Sicily, permits us to draw
any inference, it is that he did not treat this treasure-house
of Rome, as Strabo called the island, with great generosity.
Only one coin of the senate speaks of him generally as the
restorer of Sicily; the emperor raises the kneeling figure of
a woman, who is crowned with ears of com, and who holds
ears of corn also in her hand.^
Hadrian returned to Rome either in the end of 126
A.D., or in the beginning of the following year.
^ADVENTUI. AUG.SICILIAE. Eckhel, vi., p. 500.
■Spart c. 13.
•Pliny, H,N. iii. 14.
* Eckhel, vi., p. 50a A coin of Hadrian in Foy-Vaillant, with the head
of Medusa (?) and a sea monster above it, bearing the legend sicil.lA 8.0.^
is declared doubtful by Eckhel. Zumpt, Comm. Ep, i. 409, believes that
Hadrian endowed the cities Lilybaeum and Panormus with the rights
of colonies, and ascribes to him the colonies Uselis and Comus in
Sardinia.
CHAPTER XIII
Hadrian in Rome. The Title Pater Patriae. The
Emperor goes to Africa. Cotidition of this Pro-
vince. Carthage, Lamdaesis
The peaceful condition of Rome during the long absence of
the emperor, proved that the monarchy stood firm on the
foundations of the excellent government which had been
handed down to Hadrian by his predecessor, and which he
himself had improved. His throne was not only protected
by praetorian guards and by the army, but by the wisdom
ahd justice of his sway. The balance of power between
emperor, senate, and army had never perhaps been more
perfect. Nothing astounds us more than the picture of this
powerful, highly disciplined army of the empire. The
legions which Trajan had accustomed to the glories of war
had become peaceful guardians of the frontiers, working
hard and uncomplainingly at walls and fortifications, and
submitting to the strict discipline which the emperor
enforced. \
Hadrian returned to Rome even more Greek than he had
been before, and this no doubt displeased many Romans
of the school of Trajan. He had been so much attracted
by the charms of Athens that he introduced Greek customs,
and even the Eleusinian mysteries, into Rome. His court
assumed more and more a Hellenic character. He was
surrounded by Greek sophists and sages; his favourite was a
3ithynian youth named Antinous, from Claudiopolis, with
whom he had become acquainted in Asia Minor, and had
brought to Rome. Hadrian founded an academy in Rome,
88 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
probably after he came back, to which he gave the name of
Athenaeum.^
His return gave the senate a fresh opportunity of meeting
him with proofs of their respect The statement that they
made the proposal that he should at last assume the title
Pater Patriae is therefore very likely correct,* and this it
appears Hadrian did on the day of the dedication of the
magnificent temple of Rome and Venus, a festival which
could not be more suitably celebrated than on the anniver-
sary of the foundation of the city, the 2ist of April. The
year in which it took place, and in which Hadrian assumed
the title, his wife Sabina taking that of Augusta, is unknown,
but was probably earlier than 128 or 127 A.D.'
The emperor remained some time longer in Rome, but he
was always planning fresh journeys. This ceaseless travelling
affected even his biographers. Spartianus writes like a
courier ; after mentioning Hadrian's return to Rome from
Sicily, he says, almost breathlessly, " From here he went to
Africa," and then he adds, as if frightened, " Never did a
prince travel so quickly through so many countries."^ This
same unrest seems even now to affect every biographer of the
emperor, all the more so as he is compelled to make use of
the fragmentary information of Spartianus and of Dion, and
to travel with them over land and sea in hopeless haste.
Spartianus, however, has in this instance allowed the emperor
too short a stay in Rome.
Hadrian visited Africa for the first time in the summer of
128 A.D. His visit to this province occurs between the first
and second journey to the East Spartianus mentions it
twice, and ends with this remark, *' Rain, which had been
wanting for five years, fell at his arrival in Africa, and on
that account the emperor was beloved by the Africans."*
It was not the first or the last time that the flattery of
^ On \kis introduction of Hellenism into Rome, consult Aurelius Victor,
£^i/. 14.
* Flemmer,' p. 44, reasons so.
' See the clear explanation in Duerr, p. 28 sg.
^Spart c 13: Nee quisquam principum tantum terrarum tarn
celeriter peragravit
^Spart. c. 22.
CHAP. XIII] Hadrian in Africa 89
subjects connected the occurrences of nature with the appear-
ance of a prince. The people of Africa had, however, .better
grounds for honouring the emperor when he visited theiti.
In the year 128 A.D. he travelled through Nuipidia, and set
to rights the military organization of the country.
The province of Africa, with which Numidia was united
until the time of Septimius Severus, stretched from the
borders of Mauretania as far as Cyrenaica and the great
Syrtis.* It was a fertile district, one of the most imix)rtant
granaries for Rome, containing more than three hundred
flourishing cities. It produced valuable fruits, wild animals
for the arena, ivory, yellow marble {giallo antico) for the
emperor's magnificent buildings, and beautiful fabrics. In
no province were there so many imperial domains as in
Africa, the land of the great latifundia. The emperors made
the most of these latifundia, and Trajan in particular provided
his family with estates there. The unsatisfactory relations of
the small farmers or colonists to the occupiers of the large
estates were mitigated by Hadrian's humane regulations.*
Africa, like Asia, was a senatorial province of the first
rank, governed by a proconsul, but from the time of Caligula
a legate appointed by the emperor held an independent
command over the llird legion Augusta, which Octavian had
transferred thither.' The Romanizing of the country had
progressed rapidly, even though the Punic language and
character still remained, mingled with the ancient worship
of Moloch and Astarte. Carthage was the centre of this
Phoenician religion ; for there stood the temple of Juno
Caelcstis, or Astarte, the sacred Queen of Heaven, to whom
great honour was paid, not only in Africa, but, since the
third Punic war, in Rome as well.*
^The Roman provinces in Africa were Africa and Numidia, the two
Mauretanias, Crete and Cyrenaica, and Egypt.
^BhIL d, Corrrsp. africaine al^ir. 1882, fasc ii. 62. On the state
of affairs there, Boissiere, LAlgMe romaine ; Jung, Rom, Landsch, p.
194; L. Fried laender. Das rom, Africa^ Sn Deutsche l^undschau^ Heft
4 und 5, 1883.
' Legntus Augiisti propraetor^ legionis : Marquardt, Rptiu Staais-
vtnv, i', p. 468. Arnold, Rom, Prov. Admin, p. 108.
^ Preller, R, MythoL^ Juno Caelestis.
90 The Emperor Hadrian [book y
Roman colonies were more plentiful in Africa than else-
where. Hadrian himself increased their number, for from
him Utica, Zama, and Thaenae received colonial rights.^
Carthage, the residence of the proconsul, took the name
of Hadrianopolis.* This is a proof that the emperor showed
it especial favour, and adorned it with monuments. The
New Carthage of the Romans, the foundation of Caesar, had
already in the time of Augustus resumed her ancient position
in Africa. She was the second city in the West, the third
in the whole empire for size, beauty,: and population, in
which she was only surpassed by Rome and Alexandria ;
an emporium of commerce, with perhaps a million inhabit-
ants, magnificent streets, splendid temples, theatres, and
villas, and with her incomparable harbour, which, as in the
days of Hamilcar, was alive with the ships of sea-faring
nations. Carthage, indeed, was able to maintain her position
until the time of the Vandals, as the seat of the finest Latin
civilization, and she was the birthplace of famous men like
Appuleius and TertuUian, Cyprian, Lactantius, and Augustine.
Latin studies flourished throughout Africa as far as Numidia.
Hadrian's great jurist, Salvius Julianus, was an African from
Hadrumetum, and the orator Fronto. came from Cirta, the
capital of Numidia.
A great military road, starting from Lambaesis, protected
the whole district of Numidia from the depredations of the
Bedawin on the south. In the year 123 A.D., Hadrian had aU
ready caused a road to be made by the llird legion Augusta,,
under the command of his legate, P. Metilius Secundus,
between Carthage and Theveste, a place in Numidia only a
few miles to the east of Lambaesis.* The same legion was
stationed at Lambaesis under the successor of Secundus, the
l^ate Q. Fabius Catullinus, who, after giving up the com-
^Zumpt, Comm. Ep, i. 421 C.LL. vi., n. 1686: colon i . COLON I ae •
AELIA . HADRIANAE . AUG . ZAMAE . REGIAE . COLON . AELIAE . AUGUST .
MERCURIALIS . THAENITANA, 11. 1685, and Gruter, 363 : COL . JULIA 4
AELIA . HADRIANA . AUGUSTA . UTIKENSIS. Janssen, hlSCT. muset
Lugduno-Bataviy p. 80; in Duerr, p. 40.
'Spart c. 2a
' Inscription on a milestone ; Guerin, Voyages archM. dam la R^gence
de Tunisy ii. 75. CLL. viii., n. 10049.
CHAP, xiii] Lambaesis 91
mand of his African legion on ist of January 130 A.D.,
had held the consulship with M. Antonius Asper.^
Hadrian inspected the legion, and this review is recorded
in an inscription on marble which gives the emperor's
speech to the troops, and his favourable testimony to their
military zeal under the leadership of Catullinus. The date
of the order of the day was about the end of June, or the
middle of July 128 A.D.'
Lambaesis, whose ruins are to be found at Djebel Aures,
is one of the most remarkable examples of the activity
of the Roman legionaries, for the city owed its origin to the
camp of the lllrd legion, whose entrenchments are still to
be seen. This legion remained there for a long time, and
indeed it appears to have been in Numidia as late as the
year 400 A.D.*
We cannot ascertain how far Hadrian's journey in Africa
extended. The province owed to him the foundation of
several municipia and colonies, which assumed the name
of Aelia.* He had a road made from Cirta to Rusicade by
the legate of the Ilird legion, C. Julius Major, seemingly
after his own departure from Africa.* He probably then
^The legates of the legio ill. Aug. held the command for three years,
and were then promoted to a consulship. Henzen, Diploma miliiare
dAdriano^ in Annali d, Inst 1857, p. 20. Wilmanns, Die rom. Lager-
staedie AJricas {Comment, PhiloL Berlin, 1877), P« 209, calculates,
according to Henzen, the duration of the command of Catullinus from
the middle of 126 A.D. to the middle of 129 a.d.
'See the inscription found by Renier in Wilmanns {Die rom. Lager-
staedie) and C./.Z. viii., n. 2532.
'Dedicatory inscriptions to Hadrian by veterans of this legion at
Lambaesis, under P. Cassius Secundus and Q. Fabius Catullinus, in
Renier, Itucr. rom, de PAlgirie^ n. i sq. On Lambaesis, Boissiere,
LAlgMe romaine^ p. 333 sq. From the Canabae^ originally settlements
of veterans and merchants, a city arose under Marcus Aurelius. Unfor-
tunately, the French have, since 1844, used this ancient station as a
quarry, and thus destroyed it
^ Duerr, p. 40 j^., has recorded the relations of Hadrian to Aelia near
Thysdrus, to Aelium, Colonia Aelia Banasa, Aelium Choba, etc.
' EX . AUCTOR . IMP . CAES . HADRIANI . AUG . PONTES . VIAE . NOVAE .
RUSICADENSIS . . . Renier, Inscr, rom, de PAlgdrie, n. 2296 ; n. 3842,
inscription from Quiza and Arsennaria.
$2 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.lch.xiii
planted colonies in Libya, which had been devastated by the
rebellion of the Jews, while in Cyrenaica he founded the city
of Hadriana or Hadrianopolis.^
- ^ It is mentioned in the Itinerar, AntotL and in the Tabula Peutingeriana.
The coin RSSTITUTORI Libyae b doubtful| according to Eckhel, vL,
P- 497.
CHAPTER XIV
Second Journey to the East. Hadrian in Athens and
Eleusis. Journey to Asia. Ephesus. Smyrna.
Sardis
From Africa Hadrian returned to Rome to begin his
second great journey to the East, by way of Athens to Asia
Minor, Syria, and Egypt^ The Romans might well be
astonished at the restlessness of their emperor, who seemed
to look upon the capital of the empire as only a temporary
dwelling place, and to prefer foreign provinces, especially
Greece, to Italy. He sailed for Athens either at the end of
128 A.D., or at the beginning of the following year.
If the information of Spartianus is correct, his presence
was required there for the dedication of the buildings begun
by him, and now completed ; but that the dedication of the
great temple of Zeus took place then, or that so many of
Hadrian's buildings in Athens could have been finished
simultaneously, admits of reasonable doubt.' The Athenians
must h«ive been transported with delight at the speedy return
of the emperor. Having reckoned his first arrival as an
epoch in the calendar, they will have celebrated his second
^Spart c. 13: Denique, cum post Africam Romam redisset, statim
ad orientem profectus per Athenas iter fecit — but who vouches for the
chronological accuracy of this statim t Duerr, p. 32, concludes from
Ulpian, Dig. 5, 3, 20, 6, that Hadrian was in Rome in the first half of
March 129 A.D., as the S.C. Juventianum was passed on a motion by
Hadrian in writing on the 14th of March.
' Spartian's sentence presupposes this : Atque opera, quae apud
Athenienses coeperat, dedicavit, ut Jovis Olympii aedem et aram sibi.
94 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
visit with extraordinary honours. It was then, apparently,
that they added to the twelve Attic tribes a thirteenth,
giving it the name Hadrianis.^ To the emperor, if he were
sufficiently familiar with the past history of Athens, the
honour must have appeared a doubtful one. For it was
the same honour which Antigonus and Demetrius had
formerly received from the Athenians, and had afterwards
been obliged to surrender to the kings Attalus of Pergamum
and Ptolemy of Egypt*
Unfortunately, we are very much in the dark as to the
indebtedness of Greece to this emperor, with r^ard to the
improvement in the conditions of its municipal and national
economy ; for the list of inscriptions and coins of the cities,
praising him as their benefactor and founder, conveys no
definite information. In spite of all the glitter of new
temples, festivals, and games, Greece remained politically
a ruin, never to be reanimated by a vigorous national life.
From Athens Hadrian revisited the most important cities
in Greece. Sparta celebrated his second visit by games,
and extolled him as her deliverer.* An inscription from
Mantinea, according to which the grammateus of this city
dedicated to him a statue and a temple, is probably of this
date.^ Megara created a new tribe, Hadrianis, in honour
of the emperor.^ Inscriptions from Corinth, Thespiae,
Coronea, and from Phocis and some of the islands, leave it
uncertain as to the period to which they belong.^ Before
Hadrian journeyed further from Athens into Asia, he was
again in Eleusis, and he there probably received the second
'The phyle Hadrianis is frequently mentioned in inscriptions, whidi
have been collected by Hertzberg, ii. 343 sq, Dittenberger, Die atHscktH
Phylen (in Hermes^ 1875, i^* 3^6, 397). Hermann, Jahrbttch </. griech.
StaaisalUrthuvier, 5. Auflage, § 176. In consequence of the thirteenth
phyle, the council of Athens was again reduced to 500.
' Pausanias, i. 5, 5.
*C.LG, n. 1308 sq.
^ Le Bas-Foucart, Sect vi. Arcadie^ n. 352 g,
• CJ,G. n. 1072.
* Passim in Boeckh, CJ,G, Thespiae 1614, Coronea 161 5, Mitylene
2I77» Andros 2349 m. (add. vol, ii.), Aegina 332, Thera 2454.
ciiAf. XIV] Journey to Asia 95
and final initiation.^ The council of this city erected a
statue to the priestess of Demeter, on the base of which
she has commemorated both the emperor and herself in
verse. " I have celebrated the mysteries," so says this
noble priestess, " not to the honour of the Dioscuri, nor to
Asclepius, nor to Heracles, but to Hadrian, the sovereign of
the world, the ruler over innumerable mortals, the bestower
of inexhaustible benefits upon every city, and especially
upon the city of Cecrops."*
Hadrian was able to celebrate the festival of the month
Boedromion at Eleusis ; ' he then went, about the autumn of
129 A.D., to Ephesus by sea.^ It was his second visit to
the city of Artemis.
Ephesus, one of the great centres of commerce between
Asia, Greece, and Egypt, was still so flourishing at this time
that she could venture to call herself ** the first and greatest
metropolis of Asia." ^ She was also the seat of the Roman
proconsul. Other cities of the province, such as Pergamum,
Sardis, Cyzicus, and Smyrna, cast envious glances upon their
fortunate rival. They disputed her precedence, particularly
in the right of presiding at the festal union and provincial
diet of Asia (to koivov 'A<r/a9). The provincial games were
celebrated in every city, but the Panionian games, which
were connected with the festival of the great Artemis, were
held only in Ephesus.^
*The initiation consisted of two parts, iworrt^ip^ the word which
Eusebiut and Dion use of Hadrian's Eleusinian initiation, means, to
receive the last and highest degree. Cp. SaUnasius on the 13th chapter
of Spartianus.
*'A#rcror 6f wi/rait rXoOror icaWx^vc w6\wffUf, *A9pcai^ acXccr^t S* l|oxtt
Kcacpovfiff. C./.G, i., n. 434.
*0n the Eleusian festivals, from 14 to 25 Boedromion, see the table
in A Mommsen, Heortologie^ p. 268.
* He says so himself, in the letter to the Ephesians referred to previously
(Wood, Discav. of Ephes, n. \\ The date is Trib. Pot xiii. (129 A.D.).
The inscription was found by Wood in the great theatre, and is now in
London.
* wftigni acol /uyUrri ftrfrpiwoKif t% 'Afflat, in inscriptions in Wood, Discov,
Appendix. The vpc^ni and Atin-p6roX<f were also claimed by other cities
of Asia.
* Hadrian himself was honoured as Panionius. Inscription from
Ephesus, Curtius in Himus^ iv. i, p. 182.
96 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
Ever since the Romans had inherited this city from Attalus
of Pergamum, they had looked upon it as a jewel of their
empire. All the emperors showed it favour. It was one of
the fourteen cities of Asia Minor, which Tiberius restored
after the terrible earthquake. On the base of the statue
which the cities dedicated to him, the genius of Ephesus is
depicted with three ears of corn, a pom^ranate and a
poppy in her hand, symbols of the fertility of the district^
Claudius and Nero, Vespasian and Trajan, and finally
Hadrian himself, adorned the city with so many buildings
that the ruins to>day of temples and theatres, of stadia, gym-
nasia, baths, and aqueducts, lying scattered over hills and
valleys, belong almost entirely to the Roman period.*
Near the slopes of the hills of Coressus and Prion, on
which the magnificent remains of the city walls still show
the strength of the old fortifications, lay Ephesus, stretched
out in a wide plain watered by the Cenchrius and the
Cayster ** rich in swans." The charm of this landscape sur-
passes even the beauty of the plain of Sardis through which
the Hermus flows. The city was connected with the sea, that
was some miles distant, by artificial harbours. The riches of
nature, the influence of Lydia and Persia, and the intoxicating
sensuousness of the worship of Artemis, had conspired to
make the people of Ephesus the most luxurious of Ionia.
Their city was the paradise of the pleasures, the vices
and the mysteries of the East It was full of musicians,
comedians and dancers, priests, magicians and astrologers.
Their superstitious arts were famous throughout the world;
the Ephesian symbols of the girdle and wreath of the many-
breasted Diana were even worn in Rome as amulets, and
the sentimental tales of fiction, for which no more suitable
scene than Ephesus could be found, were eagerly read
throughout the empire.
The city owed its world-wide fame to the temple of
^ This pedestal stands in the museum of Naples. A similar represen-
tation on Ephesian coins, Mionnet, Suppl, vi., n. 88a Edward Falkener,
Ephesus and the Temple of Diana^ 1862, ii. 291.
'Wood, p. II. Under Antoninus a great part of the city near the
Odeum was rebuilt See, in addition to Wood and Falkener, also E.
Guhl, Ephesiaca^ 1843 ; Hyde Clarke, Ephesus^ 1862.
CHAP, xiv] Ephesus 97
Artemis, a masterpiece of Ionic architecture. Seven times
was it destroyed and rebuilt,^ and finally, on the night that
Alexander the Great was bom, it was utterly demolished by
the torch of a madman. This temple, the work of Chersi-
phron, was the largest of antiquity, 425 feet long and
220 feet broad, supported by columns 60 feet in height.*
Dinocrates, the gifted architect of Alexander, at once began
a magnificent new building, apparently on the same scale,'
and this Hadrian found when he came to Ephesus. Of its
one hundred and twenty-seven pillars, thirty-six were adorned
on the base with figures larger than life in relievo.* The
artists of Greece had vied with each other, both before
and after the time of Alexander, to adorn the sanctuary of
Diana with beautiful works of art. Phidias and Polycletus,
Praxiteles and Myron worked for it ; Lysippus had placed
there the statue of Alexander; and the great painters, Parr-
hasius (an Ephesian by birth), Euphranor, Zeuxis and
Apelles, produced their noblest paintings for this temple.*
Though, in the course of time, many works of art may have
disappeared, the Artemisium was still, in the age of Hadrian,
a richer museum than the temple of Apollo at Delphi. It
served at the same time as the common treasure-house for
all Asia, wherein cities and private individuals deposited
their gold.
The priesthood of Artemis had at one time authority, in the
name of the goddess, to govern the city and its neighbour-
hood.* Alexander, and subsequently Mithridates and Mark
Antony, to please the priests, had largely increased the extent
of the temple precincts, which were intended to serve as an
asylum. Augustus judiciously modified their extent, and
* Pliny, H,N. xvi. 79, i.
*Stnibo, 64a
* Of thi^ temple Callimachus, Hymn to Diatia^ v. 249, says : roC d* odrc
Mgrtpm S^trai i^t, odd* d^wei6r€p0P.
* Pliny, //,N. xxxvi. 21 (columnae celatae) : see explanations to map of
city of Ephesus by F. Adler, AbhandL dtr Akad, d. IVissensch, lu Berlin^
1873, 34 sq,
•Guhl, Ephesincn^ p. 186 sq, Falkener, p. 305.
*0n their power and policy consult Curtius, Beitraege zur Gesch. und
Tapcgr. KliinasiitiSy Berlin, 1873.
O
98 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
surrounded them with a wall.^ But the emperor respected
the privil^es of the temple, and Hadrian especially seems to
have been well disposed to Diana of the Ephesians. The
fact that Ephesus was the seat of the proconsul must have
tended to spread Roman and imperial worship, which was in
no way antagonistic to the policy of the priesthood of the
temple. Servility to the emperor seems to have flourished
nowhere so much as in this city, and Ephesus probably was
the real birthplace of this degrading emperor-worship.'
Ephesian coins connect Hadrian even with the great
goddess Artemis, who is depicted upon them standing in
her temple or between two stags, as she is represented in
the well-known statue in Naples.' The second Neocoria of
the city is recorded on coins and inscriptions in honour of
the emperor.^ After Hadrian had assumed the surname
Olympius, his Olympian games were celebrated there. A
sanctuary of the deified emperor, belonging to the whole
province of Asia, stood there under the authority of the
high priest, the Asiarch, who presided over the games.^ The
priests of the Artemisium dedicated statues to Hadrian and
his consort, worshipping them as gods after their death,
equally with Diana.^
'Strabo, 641. Augustus built the peribolus in the year 6 11.C. Wood
found the Augustan inscriptions on the corner of it, and they led him to
the site of the temple. The Artemisium was destroyed by the Goths
about one hundred and forty years after the visit of Hadrian, when
Gallienus was emperor (260-268 A.D.). Its position bad become so utterly
effaced that it took Wood six years until he found it in the spring of 187a
A big swampy pit, grown over with rush and jungle, and a dust heap of
lime with a few remains of the temple are all that is left of the once
glorious Artemisium. Close by stands the magnificent mosque of Selim,
which was built from stones of the temple.
* Krause, Neokoros, Prellcr, R, Mythologies " Kaisercultus," 425.
Smyrna, however, claims to have been the first to erect a templum urbis
Romae. Tacitus, Ann. iv. 56.
'Mionnet, SuppL vi., p. 136, n. 381 sq.
^C.LA. iii. pt I., n. 485. C.I,G, 2965. ^C.LL, iii. 246 sq,
'Ephesian inscriptions in honour of Hadrian, compiled by Duerr,
Anhangs n. 27 sq. Inscriptions to Sabina, C,I,G, n. 2964-66. N. 2965
was erected when Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus, subsequently the emperor
Anton. Pius, was proconsul of Asia (before 135 A.D.). Wood, Afip, n. 3.
CJ.L, iii., n. 6070 a, inscription on a statue erected by the bule in Ephesus
CHAP. XIV] Smyrna 99
ir the emperor had looked deeper into the fantastic
world of Ephesus, he would have discerned a quiet but well
organized community, who called themselves Christians,
living side by side with the worshippers of the ancient
goddess, with her choruses of maidens clad in purple, and
her swarms of effeminate priests in the temple. Into this
fertile soil of Asiatic fanaticism the seed of the Gospel
had early fallen, and had flourished vigorously. From the
neighbourhood of the temple of Artemis the disciples of the
new religion of the world had promulgated their doctrine
through Asia Minor. In Ephesus the Apostle Paul had
preached for three years, and probably the Apostle John had
lived there. The fourth gospel originated here, and this
very city of Diana, which " manifested to Asia and the
world the service of God," was a centre of life for the gospel,
and a school for Christian dogma.^
From Ephesus Hadrian revisited many other cities in
Asia. Smyrna, the queen of the Ionian Sea, appears to
have attracted him the most. Above the city stood the
legendary seat of the Tantalids, the gloomy mountain
Sipylus, where the rocky image of the weeping Niobe is still
to be seen ; at her feet lay the gulf covered with ships,
while the smooth plains that stretched for miles showed a
continuous line of orchards.
Smyrna boasted that she had been founded by Tantalus,
or by Theseus, or by the Amazons ; above all, she plumed
herself upon being the birthplace of Homer. The statue
of the poet stood in a magnificent building, the Homereum,
and received as much honour as Cybele, the mother of
the gods, in her famous temple. The great city vied with
Ephesus in calling herself the first and most splendid
city of Asia in beauty and size, metropolis of Asia, three
times Ncocorus of the Augusti, and glory of Ionia.* Her
to the younger Matidia, sister of Diva Sabina. The oldest inscription of
Hadrian of which we know is a decree of the emperor of 27th September
120 A.n., in the form of a letter to the gerusia of the city, whose envoys
presented it to Cornelius Priscus, proconsul of Asia. Curtius, Inschriften
aus Ephesus^ in Hermes^ iv. i, 178.
"Renan, St, Paul^ p. 333 sq,\ LEglise chrHienne^ p. 46.
^CJ.G. n. 3 19 1, 3202, and some other inscriptions.
loo The Emperor Hadrian Tbook i
splendour must have been great, if we may credit the
enthusiastic description of Aristides, when he speaks of the
charm of her scenery, her baths, theatres and porticos, her
many gymnasia and temples. He described Smyrna, after
she had been destroyed by an earthquake in the time of
Marcus Aurelius, as the picture of the earth, the theatre of
Greece, the creation of nymphs and Graces.^
The city was rich from its trade by sea and caravan,
and it was also an important seat of philosophy. The
celebrated Polemon, a friend of Hadrian, lived there. To
please him, Hadrian loaded Smyrna with favours.^ The
grateful Smymiots erected a temple to the emperor, and
afterwards celebrated the Olympia of Hadrian with special
magnificence.^ Smyrna even assumed the surname Adriana.^
In the interior of Lydia, near the slo|)cs of Sipylus
and Tmolus, where the Hermus flows through a great
plain, lay a number of ancient cities which had been made
famous as scenes of the contest for the supremacy in Asia,
first between the kings of Lydia and Persia, and subse-
quently between the Seleucids and the Romans. The
most considerable were Magnesia (near Mount Sipylus, where
the Scipios had broken the power of king Antiochus), Sardis
and Philadelphia. Sardis was still rich and powerful in
the time of Hadrian. The old roya^ citadel was still in
existence on its steep rocky height, at whose foot, on the
bank of the golden Pactolus, stood the temple of Cybele,
her priesthood always at variance with the priesthood of
^Or. XX. monody on Smyrna. Strabo (646) had already called her
KoXKlarrj rCtv woffQtv : Lucian, Effforct, 9^1 4 i^OLKXiaTfi rujr 'IcoriKiM' wUKtwf,
* Philostr. Vita Soph, ii., p. 43 (ed. Kayser). The Smymiot inscription.
CLG, 3148 records the benefactions of Hadrian, received through Polemon,
the second Neocoria, the atelia, festival games, the api)ointmcnt of
theologoi and hymnodoi, great sums of money, and buildings. Coins
struck in honour of Hadrian by Polemon : Mionnet, iii., p. 227 ; StippL
vi., p. 34a
*CJ.G. n. 3174 : *0\viLwU^ fftariipi koI miffj^, N. 3175 is an inscription
from the time of Antoninus Pius, according to which Hadrian had issued
regulations to the Smymiots with respect to these Olympia. Smymiot
coins of Hadrian with the figure of Jupiter and two temples, Mionnet^
iii., p. 227 sg,
^ Mionnet, iii., p. 205. Eckhel, ii. 544.
CHAP, xiv] Sardis loi
Diana of the Ephesians. On the other side of the Hermus,
between the river and the sea of Gyges, were situated the
burial-places of the Lydian kings, with their innumerable
tumuli as well preserved as when they were described by
Herodotus.*
Sardis received the first Neocoria from Hadrian.* An
inscription of this city, which relates to a decree of Trajan
about quinquennial games, calls Hadrian the new Dionysus.'
In this ancient city of Croesus, as in the other cities of
Lydia, the Christian community was already very large,
and soon after Hadrian's time Bishop Melito became famous
as the apologist of Christianity, and compiler of the
canonical writings of the Old Testament.
There are inscriptions from other cities in Lydia and
Caria, such as Colophon and Magnesia on the Meander,
from Thyatira, from Tralles and Miletus, which mention
the benefactions of Hadrian.* The once magnificent
Miletus, decayed since the time of Alexander the Great,
still existed with its harbour. It claimed to be the
metropolis of Ionia, but the preservation of its fame was
due only to the ancient oracle temple of Apollo Didymeus.
Milesian inscriptions connect Hadrian with this god, and
with the Pythian Artemis.* Phrygia has Hadrianic coins
' When, in the spring of 1882, I visited Sardis, Mr. Dennis was busy
excavating some tumuli. The Sardian Acropolis is in danger of falling
before long from the rocky summit.
"Krause, Neokoros^ p. 53.
'Perhaps this decree was issued by Hadrian himself, see Boeckh's
note in C/.C7. n. 3455.
* Colophon: C/.C7. n. 3036. Magnesia: Mionnet, iii. 148. The
inscription of the Magnetes, CJ.G, n. 2910, mentions extraordinary
presents received from Hadrian. The inscription of Tralles, CJ,G,
n. 3927, says that the strategus Aulus Fabricius Priscianus Charmosynos
provisioned the city, by order of Hadrian, with 60,000 modii of grain
from Egypt Tralles and Miletus called Hadrian their founder.
Mionnet, 5///9^/. vii., p. 470 ; vi., p. 274. The cities Philomelium and Strato-
nicea assumed the name Adriane. In Thyatira mention is made of
an Adrianeum. CLG, 3491.
• 'Av^XXciyrt LAvtuX rat AirroKpdropi 'Adpiainf. — CLG, 2863, 2866, 2877.
The attribute Olympius shows that they were placed subsequent to
its acceptance. CJ.G. 339: ^ iirirp6wo\i%^ r9ii*liawiat 'hiiikiiffiw r6X<f, erects
a monument to Hadrian in the Olympieum of Athens.
102 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
of arrival and restoration. Inscriptions are preserved,
especially from Aezani, which record that Hadrian fixed
the boundaries which had been disputed for ages between
this community and the temple of Zeus.^
He spent the winter of 129-130 A.D. in Ephesus or in
Smyrna. From there he could visit Lycia, the wonderful
land of Sarpedon, whose league of cities with an independent
constitution had existed down to the time of Vespasian.
For it was Vespasian who first deprived Lycia of her
autonomy, and united the district with Pamphylia as a
Roman province. The Greek character had developed there
in manners, customs and language, and also in art, as may
be seen from the monuments and tombs.^
The most important cities of Lycia were Xanthus with
its famous temple and oracle of Apollo, Patara, Telmessus,
Tlos, Phaselis, Pinara, Myra and Olympus. Inscriptions
from the port of Phaselis record the arrival of Hadrian, but
his visit there seems to have taken place after his return
from Egypt.*
He then visited many harbours and cities in Pisidia and
Pamphylia, such as Olbia and Perge, Aspendus, Side and
Cibyra.*
^ Le Bas-Wadd. n. 860, under Avidius Quietus, proconsul of Asia.
* The interest in this country has been revived by the Austrian expedi-
tion in the year 1882. Vorlaeuf Bericht ueber zwei oesterr, archaeolog.
Expeditiotun nach Kleinasien^ von Otto Benndorf, Wien, 1883. Eine
Reise durch das Land des Sarpedon^ von Alex. v. Warsberg, Oesterr,
Rundschau^ 1883.
'Phaselis : C.I.G. n. 4336, 4337, and add. p. 1157 : statues erected ^W^
rfjii iwifidffem aCroO, by the Acalassenians and Cory dalles. Two others,
4334, 4335, have the Trib. Pot. xv. For these Duerr gives, p. 160, the
year 130 A.D., and fixes that time for the visit of Hadrian to Lycia.
But as the 22nd of March 129 A.D. is given for Hadrian's 13th Trib. Pot
(C./.L. iii., pt. ii. p. 11 11, Mommsen's table), the 14th will still fall in the
spring of 130A.D. and the 15th only in the spring of 131 A.D. Statues
might have been erected even in the emperor's absence. Olympus in
Lycia erected one to him- with the inscription, varpl varpldot awijpi ro9
Kdfffjiov, without the addition of Olympius : Le Bas-Wadd. n. 1342. In
Myra grain magazines of Hadrian are mentioned, C./.L. iii., n. 232 (in
minis Myrorum ad ostia fluvii Andraki).
^An inscription from Cibyra calls him eC^pyirrjp xal ffurriipa roO xdafAovi
C.LG. 4380— most likely the same Cibyra which erected a monument
riiAP. xiv] Cilicia 103
In Cilicia, the cities of Tarsus, Adane, Aegae and Mops-
vestia could not have assumed the name Adriana without
special reason. As this coast lying between Pamphylia and
Syria seems to have been a separate province since the time
of Hadrian governed by a propraetorian legate, it is clear
that the emperor reorganized it.*
Hadrian then went into Syria.
at Puteoli in honour of Hadrian after his death. C.l.G, 5852. There
were, however, two cities of this name in Pisidia or Cabalia, and in
Pamphylia.
1 Marquardt, Rem Staatsv, i., p. 388. ADVENT. AUG.CILICIAE. Cohen,
iL, p. 109, n. 29. Tarsus records the first Neocoria under Hadrian.
Krause, Neokoros, p. 80.
CHAPTER XV
Hadrian in Syria. Antioch. Phoenicia. Heliopolis.
Damascus. Palmyra
Syria, which had been Roman since the time of Pompey,
was the most important of all the provinces of the empire
in Asia; it was garrisoned by several legions, and was
governed by a consular legate appointed by the emperor.
After Judaea had been separated from it in the year 70 A.D.,
this great territory, originally full of ancient Semitic, and,
from the time of Alexander, of Greek culture, comprised
northern Syria, Phoenicia and Chalcidene with the eastern
districts of Auranitis and Trachonitis. As Commagene was
also under the rule of the legate of Syria, the whole province
stretched from Cappadocia and Cilicia to the Euphrates,
between the Arabian desert, its barrier against the Bedawin,
and the Phoenician sea past Palmyra, Damascus and the
Lebanon down to the borders of Palestine.
Numerous cities, Greek in constitution, chiefly foundations
of the Seleucids, or ancient seats of the Phoenicians and
Aramaeans, were then flourishing by their maritime inter-
course, by the caravan traffic with Persia and India, and by
their trade in the fabrics of the East The ruling population
was Greek, and was based on the down-trodden Aramaic
and Phoenician nationalities, which, to the east of Damascus,
mingled with the Arabs. The native Semites found them-
selves in the same relation to the Greeks and Romans, as
the Carthaginians in Africa, and with equal vitality the
worship of Baal and Melkart, Adonis and Astarte — a wor-
ship which in antiquity rivalled that of the Egyptians —
continued to exist.
UK. I. III. XV] Hadrian in Syria 105
The capital of Syria, the seat of the Roman government,
was the free, autonomous city of Antioch on the Orontes,
which Seleucus Nicator had founded in honour of his father
Antiochus. She called herself " the Great," and was, in I
fact, one of the most populous and beautiful cities of the \
Roman empire.^
She shone by her wealth and magnificence, and by the
luxury of her festivals, which were celebrated in the groves
of Daphne, hard by the Seleucid temple of Apollo.
It was in Antioch that Hadrian had once been legate of
Syria. His adoption by Trajan had been conferred upon
him in the royal palace on the island of Orontes, the resi-
dence of the Roman governor, and the first months of his
reign had been spent there. We do not know whether he
had visited Antioch again before his second journey to the
East His visit in the year 130 A.D. cannot be doubted,
although there are no records to confirm it, inscriptions
and coins of Antioch being strangely wanting. There are
not even Syrian coins of the arrival |of Hadrian, only those
marked Exercitus Syriacus}
The luxury of the Syrians infected the Roman army, \
and nowhere had Hadrian so much trouble as in Antioch I
with the discipline of the troops. They were refractory
and corrupted by every vice. Insurrections often took
place, even under Marcus Aurelius, when the strict Avidius I
Cassius, afterwards himself a rebel, was their commander.'!
The citizens of Antioch, like the Alexandrians, were mis-
chievous, satirical and frivolous. Even the emperor Julian
suffered from their faults, and revenged himself upon them
by his Misopogon,
Hadrian, too, must have had disagreeable experiences ofl
' Strabo, 750. ' Eckhel, vi., p. 501.
' Fronto, Princip, Histor,^ p. 227 : Comiptissimi vcro omnium Syriatici
milites. Ad Ventm Imp.y p. 133 : Antiochiae adsidue plaudere histrionibus
consueti, saepius in nemore vicinae ganeae quam sub signis habitt. Thus,
says Fronto, Vcnis received the Syrian army. The discipline of Hadrian
had therefore borne no fruit The Roman troops in Syria were distributed
among many garrisons. In the beginning of the first century of the
empire, four legions were quartered there : vi. Ferrata, x. Fretensis,
111. Gallica, Xll. Fulminata. Marquardt, Rom, Staafnf, i. 427.
io6 The Emperor Hadrian [rook i
) the character of this people, for Spartianus tells us that
Antioch became so hateful to him that he wished to separate
Syria from Phoenicia, in order that the city might not be
called the metropolis of so large a district^ However,
he must have had more serious reasons for this project
to divide Syria than his discontent with the populace of
the capital of the province. He did not carry it out, for
Syria was first actually divided by Septimius Severus In
the year 198 A.D.^ Indeed Hadrian's dislike for Antioch
may be doubted, or it may have been only a transitory
feeling ; for a later Byzantine writer asserts that the
emperor built a theatre there, a temple for the nymphs
of Daphne, baths and aqueducts, and dedicated them
solemnly on the 23rd of June.*
Hadrian went up Mount Casius, in the vicinity of
Antioch, in order to see the sun rise, and to offer
sacrifices in the sanctuary of Zeus, where, in former times,
he had accompanied Trajan when he had brought votive
offerings from the spoils of the Dacian war.^ A storm
broke, and both victim and priest were struck by lightning.
With this anecdote, Spartianus dismisses the subject, without
saying anything about the actions of Hadrian in Syria, or
without mentioning the names of many other cities, par-
ticularly the famous old cities of Phoenicia, which he visited.
Hadrian must then have gone southwards along the coast by
Laodicea, Aradus and Tripolis to Byblus and Berytus. The
Seleucid Laodicea commemorated his gifts by an inscrip-
tion on a statue which the city erected to him in the
Olympieum at Athens.* From Berytus, too, there is a
^Spart. c. 14.
■ Marquardt, Rom, Staatsv, i. 423. E. Bormann, De Syriae Pr<nK Rom,
Partibus^ p. 16 sq, Septimius Severus seems to have placed Antioch
under Laodicea, nevertheless the city maintained her rank until the time
of the Arabs. Herodian, iii. in Sever,, p. 523. Suidas, V, Sever,^ p. 869.
Eckhel, iii. 317.
'Malalas, 278 (ed. Migne).
^According to Pliny, H,N, v. 18, 3, one could see the sun from Casius
already about the fourth night watch, and, so to say, observe day and
night at the same time.
* CI. A, iii., pt. I. 479. She calls herself Julia Laodicea, and Icpd, dffvXof^
a^6i'0M0f, and friendly ally of the Roman people.
CHAP. XV] Phoenicia 107
dedicatory Inscription in honour of Hadrian.* This noble
seaport at the foot of the Lebanon, the present Beyrout, bore
the name of Julia Augusta Felix Berytus, after its coloniza-
tion by Augustus. The key to the district of the Lebanon^
its fine situation and safe harbour have preserved it through
all the storms of time, and make it even to-day one of the
most flourishing cities of Syria.
From Berytus Hadrian could proceed to Tyre and Sidon.
These remarkable cities, parents of so many Phoenician
colonies, which long before the time of the Greeks had
thrown open the seas to all nations, and had made them-
selves masters of the commerce of the world, were now
merely the ruins of their former days, but in spite of their
decay they were still large and splendid places. Trade and
navigation, especially the silk manufacture, and the purple
fishery, maintained their prosperity. They had retained
some degree of liberty from the days of the Seleucids, and
even under the Romans. Strabo spoke of both cities as
brilliant in antiquity and in his own time ; he praised their
situation on their famous harbours, of which Tyre had
preserved both — the Egyptian and the Sidonian — while the
dam of Alexander still connected the island with the main-
land.* Tyre had borne the title of metropolis for a long
time, and seems to have generally maintained her precedence
among the cities of Phoenicia,^ She first became a colony
with Latin rights in the time of Septimius Severus. She
was the chief seat of the worship of Melkart, or the
Phoenician Heracles, who had a famous temple there.* At
the same time, one of the earliest and most important of the
Christian communities of Syria arose at Tyre.
No precise information has come down to us of the
presence of Hadrian in Tyre and Sidon. Nor have we any
accurate account of his journey to Helio|X)lis or Baalbek, in
^C.l.L, iii. 165. Coin : Astarte in a temple, with the horn of plenty, in
Foy-Vaillant, p. 153. Mionnet, v. 340.
•Strabo, 756 sq. Pnitz, Aus PhoenixUn^ p. 182 sq,
'According to Suidas (Paulus Tyrius) Hadrian conferred this title upon
her, whereas Tyre had held it already since 94 A.D. Bormann, p. 17.
*Liician, Dea Syria^ c. 3. In Sidon stood the temple of Astarte, and
Byblus was the principal seat of the Adonis worship.
io8 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
Coele-Syria, or to Damascus and Palmyra. But the emperor
must have visited these cities from Berytus (Beyrout).
Heliopolis, whose foundation was ascribed by the Arabians
to Solomon, was one of the most ancient cities in Syria,
for its colossal square buildings on the Acropolis point
to a very early period of Syrian strength and archi-
tecture.^ It did not then possess the magnificent temple
whose ruins to-day are one of the wonders of the East.
Strabo, indeed, only mentions it casually in connection with
Chalcis in Coele-Syria. Augustus restored it, but did not
make it into a colony. On its coins, which exist from the
time of Hadrian to Gallienus, it is called Colonia Julia
Augusta Felix Heliopolitana, but whether Hadrian first
bestowed the right of a colony upon it is doubtful.^ In any
case the emperor may have erected many buildings there,
although the monumental splendour of the city of Baal
belongs to the time of his successors. Antoninus Pius is
said to have commenced the buildings of the great temple
of Zeus.*
From Heliopolis a caravan road ran over the Anti-
Lebanon to Damascus, the paradise of the Syrian desert.
This famous city, one of the most ancient in the East,
was, even in the time of David, the seat of a Syrian
principality. It maintained its position through all the
storms in the history of Asia, under the government of
the Assyrians, Babylonians and Persians, and became, after
Alexander, the residence of the Seleucids, before they made
Antioch the capital of their beautiful empire. Greek culture
penetrated into Damascus. Greeks, Jews, Syrians and
Arabians composed the inhabitants of this flourishing city,
which was the crowded emporium of commerce between the
countries of the Euphrates, Arabia, Egypt and Phoenicia.
In the year 64 B.C., Pompey conquered it for the Romans,
^ Ritter, Erdkunde^ viii. 2. Abtheil., p. 229.
'These names, C./.Z. iii., n. 202, at the time of Sept. Severus. Zumpt,
Comm, £p, i. 418, asserts that Hadrian fortified Heliopolis about 132 A.D.,
because of the Jewish war, and raised it to a colony. See also Marquardt,
Rom, Siaaisv. i. 428. But Moinnet (v., p. 298) has a coin of Nerva with
Col. Julia Hel., and the symbol of a husbandman with two rams.
' Malalas, ed. Bonn, 280.
CHAP, xv] Damascus 109
but it did not then become incorporated with the empire,
for tributary kings reigned there, and for some time it was
in the possession of Herod the Great, when he was governor
of Coele-Syria, Damascus first became a Roman city of
the province of Syria after Cornelius Palma had broken the
power of the kings of Arabia.
The numerous channels of the Chr>'sorrhoas (Baradd),
which flow with considerable force from the Anti-Lebanon,
early converted the desert round Damascus into a luxur-
iantly fertile plain, and even to-day the gardens, which
stretch for miles around, are looked upon by the Bedawin
as the Eden of the world. On the coins, the city is
depicted as a woman with a mural crown on her head,
seated on a rock overhanging the river, holding in her left
hand a fish, in her right a cornucopia.* We know nothing
at all of what Hadrian did for Damascus. He seems to
have made it a metropolis.* We hear nothing of his
buildings there. The gigantic temple of the sun, whose
ruins now stand near the great mosque, and over a por-
tion of the bazaar, belongs probably to the time of Aurelian.
In Damascus Paul was converted, and a numerous Christian
community existed there, as in Ephesus, from that time.
Close to the eastern borders of the Syrian desert was
the oasis of Palmyra, the halting-place for the caravan
traffic of India and Mesopotamia. A great road ran here
from the Euphrates to Phoenicia, meeting the roads which
reached Palmyra from Thapsacus, Babylon and the Persian
Gulf.«
Palmyra was the ancient Tadmor of the Arabians, which
Solomon is said to have founded as a meeting-place for the
caravans close to the Syrian desert. From the Seleucids
the city had received a thoroughly Greek culture. It was
afterwards a constant subject of dispute between the great
powers of Rome and Parthia, until at last it was taken
possession of by Trajan, who united it with Syria.*
An inscription records the visit of Hadrian to this mar-
' Eckhel, iii. 331. Mionnet, v., p. 287.
• MAfquardt, Rom. Siaatsv, i. 43a According to Noris, Epoch, Syr<h
M P- 769 he added it to Phoenicia. But all this is doubtful
•Movers, Photninen^ iii. i, 292. * Pliny, H.N. v. 21, 3.
no The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.xv
vellous city, and at the same time vouches for the emperor's
previous visit to Baalbek and Damascus, for he could only have
reached Palmyra by this route. The Greek inscription was
•erected by the council and people of Palmyra to a citizen,
Males Agrippa, who, at the time of the emperor's arrival,
was secretary for the second time to the community, and
who had deserved well from his fellow citizens and from
strangers by the games he had given, and the sacrifices he
had offered in the temple, as well as by his hospitable
reception of the Roman troops.^
Hadrian was again in Palmyra, either in 130 A.D., on
his journey through Syria to Egypt, or later, on his re-
turn thence to Syria. He probably granted both Italian
and colonial rights to the city, for in his honour it assumed
the name Adriana.*
His particular attention must have been directed to the
military roads leading to the country of the Euphrates and
to Bostra, and these he probably strengthened by forts. In
the neighbourhood of Palmyra, the ruins of a temple bear
the name of Hadrian, in whose honour it was built.'
The glory of Palmyra began, as did that of Bostra, Petra
and Baalbek, in the time of Hadrian and the Antonines, and
reached its height in the third century, under the rule of
Odenathus and of the great Zenobia. Aurelian then
destroyed this noble city in the year 273 A.D.
From Syria and Phoenicia Hadrian went, in 1 30 A.D.y to
Judaea, and we follow him here with great interest, as the
land was soon to become the theatre of terrible events.
^ C.LG, 4482. Le Bas-Wadd. 2585. Vogu^ Syrie centraU^ Inter,
simitiques^ Paris, 1868, p. 19, n. 16. ... ktx^id^ $€o9 'Ad/MOj^oO. The
inscription must have been placed soon after Hadrian's visit Wadding-
ton concludes, from the Palmyrenian text, the 442nd year of the Seleudd
era, which began on the ist October 130 a.d. Vogii^ places the
inscription in the year 131 a.d.
«C./.C7. n. 4482, 6015, *Adpiapii ndXiivpa. Stcph. Byz. {Ethpu'kon), under
Palmyra, says expressly that the Palmyrenians 'A^piai'oa'oXirai/icrciM'OMi^^ar
hriKTia9ti9ri% r^ wokitat clr6 rod avroKpdropot, This is confirmed by C/.G. 6oi 5,
where a Palmyrenian, Heliodorus, calls himself Adrianos. In Renier
(Inscr, de VAlgdrU^ n. 1638) a Zabdiol Hadrianus is mentioned, veteran
of the nutnerus Palmyrenorum in Numidia.
'Vogu6, Ifiscr, Aram.f p. 50: inckp ffw^pUu . . . 'AJpcovoD.
CHAPTER XVI
Hadrian in Judaea. Condition of Jerusalem. Founda-
tion of the Colony Aelia Capitolina. Hadrian in
AraMa. Bostra. Petra. The Country of Peraea.
Gaza. Pelusium
Judaea, or Palestine, had been separated from Syria after
the war of destruction under Titus, and formed a separate
province, under a praetorian legate who resided in Caesarea
Palestina.^ This city, with Emmaus Nicopolis, both veteran
colonies of Vespasian, had recently been destroyed by an
earthquake in the year 129 A.D. The Jewish inhabitants
who still remained, lived on in poverty among the ruins,
as the Arabian inhabitants of the country do to-day under
the Turkish pasha. All the intellectual strength of the
Jews had taken refuge in the schools of the Rabbis at
Jamnta, a city by the sea, between Joppa and Ashdod.
Inspired prophets, at whose head stood the Rabbi Akiba,
kept alive the hopes of a Messiah.
When Hadrian came to Judaea, he saw no signs, deeply
disturbed as the country was within, of an approaching
outbreak, but he received only tokens of submission. In
memory of his visit, coins were struck by the senate, which
do not indeed call him the benefactor or restorer of Judaea,
but which bear the usual symbol of restoration, a woman
kneeling, whom the emperor raises from the ground, while
children, probably the genii of the district of Palestine,
^ Henzen (Note 3 in Borghesiy iv. 160) believes that the name Palaestina
for Judaea was introduced by Hadrian. See Bullet d, Inst. 1848, p. 127.
Ptolemy, v, c 15, has both names, IleXoi^r^'if ^ *Iovda/a Svjpja.
112 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
come to meet him with palms of peace.^ There is no
authentic record of Hadrian's arrival among the ruins of
Jerusalem.
The fame of the old capital of the Jews was so great
in the West, that Pliny had called it the most renowned
city, not only of Judaea, but of the East.* But the city of
the Asmoneans and of Herod had been destroyed by the
Romans, and had not been rebuilt. Hadrian found it still
lying in ruins, even if no longer in the condition in which
Titus had left it. The destruction inflicted by this
conqueror of Judaea was not quite complete. Josephus
relates that Titus had spared the Herodian towers of
Phasaelus, Hippicus and Mariamne, near the west wall, the
one to be used as a garrison for the Roman camp, the
other to serve as a witness to posterity of the strength of
the city which had been subdued by the Roman forces.'
Moreover, all the monumental buildings could not have
been razed to the ground. A path, which still exists round
the walls of the Har&m-es-Scherif, plainly shows important
remains of the time of Herod, if not of the time of Solomon.
The gigantic square stones at the wailing place of the Jews
are still looked upon as the original blocks of the temple.^
In the fourth century, so little did Eusebius believe in the
total destruction of Jerusalem, that he actually maintained
that Titus had only demolished half the city, and that the
rest had been destroyed by Hadrian.*
1 ADVENTUI . AUG . JUDABAB . s . C Eckhel, vi. 495. F. Madden, Coins
of the Jews (in Internat. Numis, Orientalia^ 1881, ii., p. 231, where the
dates of the same author's Jewish coinage, p. 212, n. 5, are corrected)
gives two arrival coins : Hadrian before a woman, Judaea, with a palm
branch and a box, between them a burning altar, and at her side a child
with a palm branch ; Hadrian before the figure of Judaea, two children
with branches meeting him.
*Hierosolyma longe clarissima urbium Orientis non Judaeae modo.
Pliny, H,N. v. 15, i.
'Josephus, BelL vii. i, i.
*That Titus did not completely destroy Jerusalem is proved by De
Saulcy, Les demiers Jours de J^rusaUm, Paris, 1806, p. 425 sq,\ Sepp,
JerusaL und das heiL Land, i.*, p. 100 sq,
^Eus. Dent, Evang, vi., n. 18. Ancient traditions assert that the
Christian church on Zion (the coenaculum) and seven synagogues were
ciiAi\ xvi] Jerusalem ii^
That a part of Jerusalem was still inhabited, is proved
mainly by the fact that Titus, after his departure, ordered
the xth legion Fretensis, which he himself had brought
from the Euphrates to his father in Judaea, to occupy a
camp on the west wall* Although the ultimate fate of
this legion is obscure, it is indisputable that it continued
to serve as a garrison in Palestine, as it was a fixed
principle of the Roman government to keep the same
troops in the same province. Many legions were stationed
in the same place for centuries, until the decay of the
empire.*
The xth legion was in Judaea in Trajan's time, and from
there it took part in the Parthian war.' In the year 1 30 A.D.
Tineius Rufus commanded it as legate of Palestine, and
Hadrian must then have reviewed it, or the part of it that
was stationed in Jerusalem.*
Wherever legions were permanently quartered, a garrison
town arose to supply the necessities of officers and men ; the
Xth legion must therefore have given to the ruined houses
spared : Epiphan. De pond, et mens^ c. 14. Basnage i^Hist. des Juifsy
xi. 255) thinks that remnants of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin still
remained in Jerusalem after Titus, which is surely very doubtful.
* Joseph, vii. i, 2, 3. On the legio x. Fretensis, Clermont- Ganneau
in Comptes rendues^ A end, dlnscr, 1872, p. 158 sq,
'The legio in. Gallica remained in Syria from the time of Augustus
until the fifth century; the liird Cyrenaica from Trajan to Arcadius in
Arabia. Clermont Ganneau, p. 162, gives two tile inscriptions of the
xth legion from Jerusalem, of unknown date, and a dedicatory inscrip-
tion of their princeps, Sabinus.
'The inscription Henzen 5451 (restit. of Borghesi, iv. 125) gives Q.
Pomp. Falco, the friend of the younger Pliny, as Legat, Aug, pro pr,
Prov, Judaecu et Ugionis x, Fretensis, He was legate there about
109 A.n. (Waddingt Pastes d, Prov, asiatiques^ p. 203X consul 112 A.D.,
proconsul of Asia 128 A.D. On him, Borghesi, viii. 365, and Mommsen,
Ind nom. to Keil's edition of the Epistles of Pliny.
*The coin (Eckhel, vi. 496) Exercitus Judaicus, may even have
been struck after the Jewish war, and is not absolutely reliable. Not till
late after Hadrian, was the xth legion stationed in Aila on the Red Sea
(Euscb. Onomasticon to *A(Xafi, and Notitia Dign, c. 29). The southern
part of Arabia had been added to Palestine as Palaestina salutaris or
tertia at the end of the fourth century, or the beginning of the fifth. Kuhn^
Staedt, Verf, ii. 360, 373 sq,
H
'n4 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
of Jerusalem more than the mere appearance of a town.
The number of Jewish and Christian inhabitants had also
gradually increased. The camp of the Roman troops on the
west side, where the Herodian towers (the present Turkish
citadel El Kalah) were used by them as fortress and capitol,
might then be the foundation of a new colony, which Hadrian
allowed to spring up on the ruins of the ancient city of
David. The time of its origin is uncertain. The emperor had
probably given orders, before his visit, for the foundation of
the colony, but the rebuilding of Jerusalem was not finished
either in the year 130 A.D. or for some years afterwards.
Hadrian included Jerusalem in the system of military
roads and fortresses which he extended as far as Petra in
Arabia. The former capital of the Jews, like Damascus and
Palmyra in Syria, and like Ptolemais, Nicopolis, and Caesarea
in Palestine, was, as a Roman colony, to take a new position
in the East As the emperor endeavoured to be present
wherever anything important was to be done in the empire,
he doubtless examined the plan of the new Jerusalem on the
spot, and issued his instructions accordingly. Greek and
Roman engineers must have superintended the building of
the colony, and the work itself was carried out by the Xth
legion and by the forced labour of the people of the country.
The conversion of the city of Jehovah into a heathen colony,
after 1 30 A.D., was carried on with such energy that two
years later it was the occasion of the last outbreak of the
Jews against the Romans.^
^ If we are to believe Epiphanius {De pond, et tnens^ c. 19) and the
Talmudists, Hadrian ordered the rebuilding of Jerusalem already in
117 A.D. from Antioch, entrusting it to the famous proselyte, Acylas of
Sinope, whom Epiphanius makes even a brother-in-law {wtpBtpliiit) of
Hadrian. The Alexandrine Chronicle places the foundation of the Aelia
Capitolina in the year 1 19 a.d. Ewald, viL 362, even believes that the
building had been already begun by Quietus before the death of Trajan.
Renan (VEgl. chrH,^ p. 26) assumes without reason the year 122 A.D. ;
loWtx (Topogr, JerusaL i. 133) the year 126 A.D., as also Ritter, Erdk,
xvL I, 301. Kuhn (Die staedt, Verf, ii. 357) agrees, with some qualifica-
tion, to the date of the Alexandrine Chronicle. Muenter {Der Judenkrieg)
is more cautious, and merely assumes that the rebuilding had been begun
before the outbreak of Hadrian's Jewish war. Graetz also seems to incline
to the year 130 a.d.
<n.\p. xvi] Hadrian in Arabia 115
In the opinion of the Talmudists, who maintain that
Hadrian, at the commencement of his reign, had promised
the restoration of the temple to the insui^ent Jews, the
emperor was guilty of a breach of faith, and they attribute
his change of mind to the influence of the Samaritans and
the Christianized Jews.* This, however, is erroneous, for
Hadrian could never have sacrificed his political principles
to the Messianic hopes of the Jews. While the barbaric
provinces of the empire were already almost Romanized in
the West, while in the East Hellenism had penetrated into
Arabia, and had, since the time of Herod the Great, also taken
root all around Judaea, Judaea itself was the only country that
opposed its national feeling to the power of Rome. To over-
come this opposition, and to Romanize Palestine, was the
aim of the imperial government, particularly after the fright-
ful rebellion of the Jews under Trajan. The desire of the
Hebrews to rebuild their national sanctuary, was a perpetual
protest against the doom brought upon them by the Romans ;
and a Byzantine historian has indeed spoken of this hope,
or design, as the ground of the bitterness which the emperor
Hadrian showed towards them.* By the conversion of
Jerusalem into a Roman colony, national Judaism in Pales-
tine was for ever extinguished.
We know nothing more of the residence of Hadrian in
these countries. He seems to have favoured some cities
there, those especially in which a mixed population of
Jews, Greeks and Syrians were settled. Thus Sepphoris or
Diocesarea in Galilee called itself Hadriana ; the people in
Tiberias built an Adrianeum ; and there are coins of the
Roman colony Caesarea in Samaria, which refer to the
benefactions of Hadrian.'
From Judaea he went to Roman Arabia. Coins record
his arrival there ; the emperor stretches out his hand to the
^Gractz, iv. 140. Derenbourg, Essai sur VHist. et la G/o^, di la
Palestine y p. 414. Volkmar, Judith^ 108.
•Ccdrenus, cd. Bekker, i. 437.
' Coins from Tiberias and Caesarea in Mionnet, v., p. 483 sq. One from
Tiberias shows Jupiter in a temple with four pillars in front, perhaps the
Adrianeum, which under Constantine became a church. Greppo, p. 185.
Noris, Epoch, Syrom,^ pp. 469, 471.
ii6 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
figure of a woman near an altar of sacrifice; he as restorer
raises kneeling Arabia, who holds a branch, probably of
myrrh in her hand, while a camel stands by her side.*
The province called Arabia by the Romans was the
country of the Edomites, an extensive district, which
stretched in the south and east of Palestine from Damascus
and the Hauran, down past Petra to the northern border
of the Red Sea.* It had been conquered by Cornelius
Palma, and Trajan had made it into an imperial province
in 105 A.D. Roman civilization found its way into the
volcanic countries of the Hauran and the Trachonitis, and^
further south, into the districts of Arabia, where at the
present time deserted cities with ruined temples and strange
burial-places astonish the traveller. Even though the
Sabaean Arabians from Jemen have erected buildings of
stone there, the temples of Busan, Kanawftt, Suwdda,
Hebrcln, and Bostra bear witness to the fact that, after the
conquest by Trajan, Roman art made its way into the
country, following Greek culture, and that the Romans
in Arabia made use of the Greek tongue,' which long
previously, under the Seleucids, had found a home in those
parts.
The capital of the province was Bostra, situated in a
fertile oasis to the south of the Hauran, at that time a flourish-
ing centre of trade for Arabian and Greek merchants. The
caravan road, which was protected by military posts, con-
nected it with Palmyra, and extended to the Persian Gulf^
while on the eastern borders, garrisons, of which the most
remote was Nemftra, were stationed to protect the country
^ ADVENTUI . AUG . ARABIAE— RESTITUTORl . ARABI A£ . S . C. Eckhcl^
vi. 492.
* Bunbury, History of Ancient Gcogr, ii. 506.
'Among 600 inscriptions collected by Wetzstein, there are 10 old
Semitic as against 260 Nabataean, and against 300 Greek and Latin.
The Auranitis, Batanea, and Trachonitis belonged to Syria ; they were
first united with Arabia by Diocletian. *^Marquardt, Rom Staatsv,^ i. 423.
Wetzstein, Reisebericht ueber den Hauran und die Trachonen^ 1868.
Vogii^, Syrie centrales Architecture civile et reiigieuse. An inscription
from Zerbire in the Trachonitis mentions, among the sons of the Semite
Garmos, a Hadrianos. Le Bas-Wadd. vi. 2513. Kaibel, ^/i]^. ^o^/vr^
n. 454. Hadrianic coins from Gaba in the Trachonitis, Mionnet, v. 317.
CHAP. XVI] Bostra 117
against the Bedawin races of Arabia. Bostra was called
Nova Trajana, because the Emperor Trajan had rebuilt it,
and it also assumed the name Adriana.^ It was rich and
powerful from its trade with Arabia and Persia as late as
the days of Constantine. Petra, lying to the south, the
ancient capital of the Nabataean kings, whose rule had
formerly extended to Damascus, was its rival. Arabia
Petraea takes its name from the city of Petra. The ruins
of cemeteries and temples here prove the existence of a
high state of civilization under the rule of the Romans.
Like Palmyra in the north, Petra was the emporium of com-
merce in the south with Arabia, India and China. Caravans
brought spices, precious stuffs and silks, oils and ointments
from Forat on the Persian Gulf ; while from the harbour of
Elath, on the Red Sea, the great road of commerce ran
through Petra to Gaza, by which the wares of Persia and
Arabia were forwarded to Phoenicia.*
Petra must have owed much to the emperor ; its name on
the coins, of which the first were struck in his reign, was
Adriana Petra Metropolis, and he seems to have granted
more privileges to it than to Bostra.' He there reviewed the
Ilird legion Cyrenaica, which afterwards had its fixed
quarters at Bostra.*
Westwards from the north of the province of Arabia lay
Pcraca, in the country across the Jordan, where, by the side
of the Dead Sea, the Elamite caravan road ran to Damascus.
In this district were important autonomous cities, completely
Greek in constitution and culture, such as Pella, Gerasa,
G.idara, Philadelphia (Rabbath Hammon or Hammftn). Of
the latter place, which Ptolemy Philadelphus II. of Egypt
' On a coin of Commodus ; Mionnet, SuppL viii. 389. The Bostrian
era began with the year 106 a.d. Bostra became a Roman military
station under Alexander Sevenis. Wetzstein, Reiseber,, p. 1 1 1.
'Vogii^, Syrie centraU^ Arch., p. 12. Movers, iii. i, 291.
' *Adpcariy IWrpa (7a(i^ *Apa/3(iyf) /iiyrp^oXtf. Eckhel, ill. 504. Mlonnet, V.
587. De Saulcy, Num, de la Terre Sainte, p. 351. C.LG, 4667, 5366*,
add. p. 1242 (instead of 'A^pai^rwr read *A9piapt!^ Utrpaltifp), On the
province in general, Laborde et Linant, Voyage dans PArabie PeMe^
Paris, 183a
^ Marquardt, i. 431.
ii8 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
had once rebuilt, Hadrianic coins are extant.^ We cannot,
however, follow the emperor further on his journeys through
these countries. He went to Egypt In order to reach
Pelusium, he may have travelled from Petra to the harbour
of Aila or Elath on the Red Sea, then through the Sinaitic
Peninsula to Arsinoe (Suez), and further to the Pelusian
mouths of the Nile ; or he may have struck the road at
Gaza, the last place in Canaan, where two great caravan
roads from Elath met.^
Gaza was, after Ascalon, the most important city on the
Philistine coast, where the ancient Greek communities pre-
served their autonomy, and where there were no Roman
colonies.' From a coin which exists, it is probable that
Hadrian visited this city, and that his arrival formed an
epoch in its history.*
Spartianus mentions the first route for this journey of the
emperor into Egypt ; Dion seems to have assumed that he
took the other.^ Both, however, are unanimous that the first
Egyptian city of importance which Hadrian visited was
Pelusium. This important harbour, situated between Egypt,
Arabia and Palestine, still flourished by its commerce, and
maintained its position even as late as the Crusades.' The
hill Casius was in its neighbourhood, where there was a
temple of Jupiter, and the grave of Pompey.^ The grave
was in a grove of trees, which had been planted by Caesar
^ Ti^ <friXadcX^iiir, Mionnet, v. 332. Hadrianic coin from Gerasa, ibid,
V. 329.
This road to Gaza mentioned by Pliny, H.N, vi. 32, 3.
'Stark, GoMa und die philistaeische Kueste^ 1852, p. 514.
* On the probable visit of Hadrian to Gaza and the era there, Eckhel,
ill. 453. Noris, Ep, Syrom.^ p. 332. De Saulcy (Num, de la Terre
Saint€f p. 215X from the Hadrian coin of the third year of the era, infers
the year 128 a.d.(?) for the date of his visit. According to the Alex-
andrian Chronicle, Hadrian established festival games in Gaza.
'Spart. c. 14: Peragrata Arabia Pelusium . . . venit. Dion Ixix. 11 :
<«& tk r^f 'lovda/af . . . ^f Atyvrrw xapuSiw, Hadrian, however, would have
touched Arabia from Judaea in any case, as Ostracine, east of Pelusium,
was already considered the boundary of Arabia. Immediately behind, on
the lake Sirbon, were the borders of Idumaea and Palestine. Pliny,
h,N, v. 14, I.
*Lumbroso, DEgHto^ p. 56. ^Strabo, 760.
CHAP. XV!] Pelusium 119
and dedicated to Nemesis, but the Jewish rebels had des-
troyed it in the time of Trajan.^ The tomb itself was
buried in the sand, and the statues dedicated to Pompey lay
overthrown on the ground. Hadrian restored the Mauso-
leum, and wrote verses in honour of the illustrious dead.'
From the Pelusian mouths of the Nile, which was at
that time still completely navigable, the emperor went to
Alexandria.
^Appian BelL civ. ii. 9a
*Dion Cassius, Ixix. 11. The verses which Hadrian is said to have
dedicated to Pompey (X^tctcu), and which are found in the Anthol, Gr,
are cited by Appian, ii. 86, without naming Hadrian as their author.
CHAPTER XVII
Hadrian in Egypt. Condition of tlu Country.
Alexandria. Letter of Hadrian to Servianus.
Influence of Egypt and Alexandria on the West
Egypt, whose civilization was the most ancient in the world,
at this time merely indicated the province, fertilized by the
Nile, which supplied Rome with corn. From the time
of Augustus it had been an appanage of the emperor, so
jealously watched that no senator or knight was allowed
to go thither without his permission. A Roman pasha,
a prefect of the equestrian order, governed or misgoverned
the unhappy land as viceroy, from Alexandria.^
The province was divided into the districts of Upper
Egypt or the Thebais, Middle Egypt or Heptanomis, and
the Delta, and these again were divided into forty-six
Nomes. The Roman roads ran through Egypt as far as
Hierasycaminus, in the Ethiopian country of Dodecaschoenus,
beyond the first cataract.
After a history of several thousand years under native
dynasties, the people of the Pharaohs lost their independence
for ever, first to the Persians, then to the Greeks, and
finally to the Romans. This fate of foreign dominion
^Rhammius Martialis is mentioned as the first prefect (Eparchos)
under Hadrian, in the year ii8 A.D., CJ.G, 4713, and Letronne, hiscr,
de PEgypte^ i. 513, n. 16. His predecessor as prefect, in the last years
of Trajan, was M. Turbo. On the 19th February 122 A.D., Haterius
Nepos is mentioned. Memnon's inscription, ibid. ii. 450. The popula-
tion is said to have been about eight millions ; to-day, over six millions.
M arquardt, Rom . Staatsv, i. 439.
BK.i. cH.xvii] Condition of Egypt 121
has continued until the present time, for Egypt, on account
of its situation, is doomed to belong not to a single nation,
but to the world. From the time of Alexander the Great
it was a land belonging to everybody, the prey of foreign
adventurers, as it still is to-day. Years of slavery had de-
prived the inhabitants of all public spirit, so that the ancient
cities, even the Greek cities, with the exception perhaps of
Ptolemais and Naucratis, had lost their liberty as com-
munities, and were governed by Roman officials without the
concurrence of a Senate. Even Alexandria no longer
possessed any municipal constitution, and her only dis-
tinction as the capital of Egypt was that an imperial judge
administered justice there.
The emperors established their government of Egypt on
the foundation laid by the Ptolemies. They were their
successors, the divinely honoured kings of the country, and,
like them, they allowed the old religious customs and the
priesthood to remain. But the inhabitants, who were ground
down by taxation, had no longer any political rights, they
lived like the pariahs or helots enslaved by the Greeks and
Romans. Their condition was like that of the fellah of the
present day. The Romans despised the Egyptians, each and
all, not only the natives, but the Hellenes and Jews, who,
since the time of Alexander the Great, had settled in the
country in great numbers. Their gloomy superstition, their
licentiousness, and their disunion made the Romans consider
them unfit for the rights of citizens. In their opinion, coercive
mcisurcs were the only means of holding this turbulent
|X)pulation in chcck.^ And yet two legions, the XXIInd
Dejotariana and the llnd Trajana, sufficed to maintain the
peace of the province.*
With the exception of tumults, such as the discovery of
^ See the remarkable opinion of Tacitus, Hist i. 1 1 : Aegyptum copi-
asque, quibus coercetur, iam inde a divo Augusto Equites Romani
obtinent, loco regiim. Ita visum expedire provinciam aditu difficilem,
annonae fecundam, superstitione ac lascivia discordem et mobilem,
insciam legum, ignaram magistratuum domi retinere.
'In the time of Antoninus Pius, only the llnd Trajana was in Egypt,
as the XXIInd Dejotariana had perished in the Jewish war of Hadrian.
Pfitzner, p. 226.
122 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
Apis had caused shortly before Hadrian's arrival, the country
remained quiet for a long time ; and only in Trajan's last
years did a fanatical rebellion take place on the part of
the Jewish inhabitants, in conjunction with the rising in
Asia.
The whole strength of Egypt was concentrated entirely
in Alexandria. In the year 1 30 A.D., this city was still the
same harbour of the world which Strabo had described in
the time of Augustus.^ In size it was second only to
Rome.^ Dion Chrysostom, who had accompanied Vespasian
there, said it was the most remarkable of all the remarkable
sights in the world.^ Her situation made her mistress of the
Red Sea, the Indian Ocean, and the Mediterranean, and
market for a hundred nations of the earth. Her' commercial
and industrial prosperity was not surpassed by any other
city, and she was at once the treasure-house of Egyptian
mystery and of Greek knowledge. Trading vessels from
every coast filled the large harbour, and in the warehouses,
products from the tropics were stored, which caravans
brought from Arsinoe, Myus Hormus and Berenice.
The splendour of her buildings was not unworthy of
the importance of Alexandria. The Serapeum in the
quarter of the city called Rhacotis, the ancient royal fortress
in Bruchium, the Museum with its colonnades and its
large library, the Caesareum, the famous street Canobus,
the gymnasia, theatres, hippodrome, temples and innumer-
able works of art of ancient and modem times, formed a whole
of such dazzling beauty that in the age of the Antonines,
Aristides could say that the large and fine city of Alex-
andria was the jewel of the Roman empire, which it
> The arrival of Hadrian in Alexandria falls into the Alexandrian 1 5th
year of the emperor (from 29th of Aug. 130 a.d. to 29th of Aug. 131 a.d.)
Eckhel, iv. 64 ; vi. 489 sg,: Alexandria, with its African helmet, kisses
the emperor's hands— Alexandria salutes the emperor, who enters on a
quadriga — Hadrian is seated on board a ship. Cohen, ii. n. 58. Hadrian
and Sabina hold the hands of I sis and Serapis. The numerous Alex-
andrian coins in Zoega, Num. Aeg,^ n. 296 sq,
* Aristides, Orat xiv. 363.
• Dion Chrys. (Dind.) OraL xxxii. 412 sq. Other references in Lumbroso,
LEgitto^ c. xii.
CHAP, xvii] Alexandria 123
adorned as a necklace or bracelet adorns a woman of
fashion. The divine worship of Alexander still existed,
and Hadrian, who had visited the tomb of Pompey, would
not omit to pay honour to the Sema, where the immortal
founder of the city Jay buried in a great sarcophagus under
a glass canopy, the canopy of gold belonging to Ptolemy
Lagus having been carried off by the covetous Auletes.*
Alexandria was laid waste in the last insurrection of
the Jews, and Hadrian caused this damage to be repaired
in the early years of his reign, when he also seems to
have sent colonies into the ravaged provinces of Cyrene.'
As the oldest cities of the Pharaohs lay for the most part
in ruins, Alexandria had no longer a rival in Egypt.
The deafening crowd in the city, composed of the mixture
of religions and races from three parts of the world, the
feverish struggle for existence, the intoxicating life of
Africa and Asia, the remarkable spirit of cosmopolitan
Hellenism, which had here taken up its abode, the frivolity,
love of pleasure, and vice of the people, astonished even the
Romans and the Greeks. Dion Chrysostom, in his speech
to the Alexandrians, has drawn in strong characters the
dark side to his praise of the splendour of their city. "I
have praised," so he said to them, "your sea and land, your
harbours and monuments, but not yourselves " ; and he
goes on to paint the people as devoid of all seriousness,
steeped in every vice, delighting in nothing but the theatre
and the circus. The corruption of morals, the quarrelsome
'Strabo, 794. The tomb was visited before him by Caesar and
Augustus ; after him by Septimius Severus and Caracalla, who there
deposited his imperial insignia. According to Dion Cassius, Ixxv. 13,
Severus placed the sacred books of the Egyptian priests, which had
been collected by him, into the tomb, and then locked it to the people,
in order that nobody might further see the corpse of Alexander nor
read these books. In Clarke {The Tomb of Alexander^ 1S05, p. 58 sq,\
the further fate of the Sema, where the Ptolemies also were buried.
*0n this account perhaps the coin in Eckhel, vi. 497, restitutori.
AUG.LYBIAE. Hieron. in Euseb. CAron.^ ed. Schoene, p. 165: Hadr.
Alexandriam a Romanis subversam publicis instauravit expensis. The
Armenian translation has a Judaeis, In any case this subversio is
an exaggeration, yet Zoega {Aum, Aeg,^ p. loi) wrongly substituted
in the passage in Eusebius, Hierosolyma for Alexandria.
I
r24 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
and ribald spirit of the Alexandrians, was everywhere
notorious.^ Hadrian too has drawn their character in the
following letter to his brother-in-law :
** I am now become fully acquainted with that Egypt
which you extol so highly. I have found the people vain,
fickle, and shifting with every breath of opinion. Those
who worship Serapis are in fact Christians ; and they who
call themselves Christian bishops are actually worshippers
of Serapis. There is no chief of a Jewish synagogue, no
Samaritan, no Christian bishop, who is not an astrologer,
a fortune teller and a conjuror. The patriarch himself,
when he comes to Egypt, is compelled by one party to
worship Serapis, by the other, Christ' It is a rebellious,
good-for-nothing, slanderous people. The city is rich in
treasures and resources. No one sits idle. There are
workers here in glass, there in paper, and there in linen.
All these busy men seem to carry on some trade. Even
those who are tormented by gout and sciatica find something
to do. They have but one God (alluding to their idolatry
of lucre) — him Christians, Jews, and Gentiles worship all
alike.^ It is lamentable that this city has a bad character,
for its size and importance make it worthy to be the capital
of Egypt. I have given these people everything they asked
for. I have confirmed ail their ancient privil^es, and added
new, which they could not help acknowledging in my pres-
ence. But no sooner had I turned my back ^han they
lavished every kind of insult on my son Verus and my friend
Antinous.* I wish them no worse than that they should feed
on their own chickens, and how foully they hatch them I am
ashamed to say. I sent you three coloured cups, which the
priest of the temple consecrated for me, as special votive
offerings for you and my sister. You may drink from them
' They suffered heavily for their insolence under Caracalla. Herodian,
iv. 98 sg. Dion Cassius, 77, 22. Their character has been drawn by
Ammian. Marcell. xxii., c. 18. Other references by Lumbroso, c. 13,
Caraiiere degli AlUssantirinu
* Probably the patriarch of the Jews. Tillemont, Adrien^ p. 409.
^Unus illis est deus — instead of unus^ nummus ought to be read,
according to Lehrs. Friedlaender, ii. 5, 138.
^ In the text Antonio^ for which Antitwo should be read.
cHAi\ xviii] Gnosticism 125
on feast days, but see that our African friend does not use
them too much."*
There is no sufficient ground for considering this letter a
foi^ery, although several things in it appear as if they could
hardly have been said by Hadrian.' But even if the letter
were not genuine, it is a description of ancient life in
Alexandria, the great workshop of magic mystery, of theo-
sophy, and of Christian as well as of heathen philosophy.
Yet Greek science still flourished here, producing at this
time the astronomer. Claudius Ptolemy. Side by side with
it there grew up an eccentric and fantastic school of thought
among Greeks, Jews and Christians. It was a mixture
of Monotheism and Pantheism. The ideas of Asia and
Greece here met together, and formed the doctrine of the
Gnostics, of which the Egyptian mysteries were the founda-
tion, and among the Gnostics there were Christians to be
found who were said to worship Serapis. The Jews formed
a large part of the population of Alexandria. To them
belonged two of the five quarters of the city. Their rich
community was under the government of a president or
ethnarch. The Platonic philosophy of Philo, in the first
century after Christ, had arisen out of the union of the
* The translation is almost entirely borrowed from Merivale.
'Vopiscus has inserted the letter in the vita Satumini^ c. 8, and says
that he took it from Phlegon's biography of Hadrian. According to its
superscription, (Had. Aug. Serviano consuli salutem) it is directed to
Servianus when he was consul. Now the fasti (Klein, Fasti cottsulares}
name as consuls : Trebius Sergianus for the year 133 A.n., and'L. Julius
Ursus Servianus Cos. iii. for 134 a.d. The superscription may have been
made later, or the word consuli may have been added. The greatest
difficulty seems to lie in the vfordsji/ium tmum Vertitn ; for the adoption
took place only in 136 A.n. Filius^ however, may be merely another ex-
pression for the favourite of Hadrian, and Verus was most likely already
selected to be his successor. He accompanied the emperor in Egypt.
It is unnecessary for (}rcppo, p. 230, to assume a new journey of Hadrian
to Egypt at the close of his career. From the nemo illic^ Casaubon
concludes that the letter was written after Hadrian's departure from
Egypt ; or that he had at least left Alexandria, as he writes himself.
I take the letter as genuine, even though, as the text shows, some
passages have been interpolated. I object less to Xht/iiium meum than
to the repeated reference to the Christians of Alexandria, which cannot
be Hadrianic.
126 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
Mosaic doctrine with Greek ideas. One thing there is which
Hadrian's singular letter has overlooked, and that is, the
powerful influence which the spirit of Alexandria exercised
upon Rome and the West. This influence had made itself
felt at once, as soon as Egypt became Roman, and it lasted
for three hundred years. No foreign ruler after the Persian
Cambyses, who had laid hands on the gods of the country,
had been able to destroy their well-established power. The
Lagidae, like the Romans, had acknowledged these gods, and
had made them their own. While the Egyptians themselves
succumbed to the dominion of the foreigner, their divinities
from Memphis and Thebes made a conquest both of Greece
and Rome^ Isis, Osiris, the dog-headed Anubis, and Serapis
changed into Zeus, had no such extent of power under
Rameaes the Great as they possessed in the first three
centuries of the Roman empire. The knowledge of the
priests of Egypt was the most ancient in the world, and
they seemed therefore to be in possession of the records of
mankind. In comparison with this priesthood, in which the
same forms had been transmitted for hundreds of years, even
the priesthood of Jehovah, of Melkart and Astarte in
Syria, of Delphian Apollo, or of Zeus of Dodona, appeared
as of yesterday. The mysteries of the Nile fascinated the
minds of the West ; scenes taken from Egyptian worship
are still to be admired as paintings on the walls of Pom-
peii. Temples of Isis were to be found both there and
in Herculaneum, in Campania and in Etruria : in Rome
there was an Iseum and Serapeum, where Domitian cele-
brated the Egyptian mysteries.^
Soon after the time of the Antonines, the worship of these
gods became a necessity for the Latin world. Merchants
from Alexandria spread both the religion and the customs of
Egypt as far as Gaul and Spain. Carpets, mosaics, images
^ It was here that the famous Nile of the Braccio nuovo was found.
Excavations in June 1883 brought to light a small obelisk, with hier-
oglyphic inscriptions, behind the Minerva. Already in the last days of
the republic the worship of Isis had found entrance into Rome ; Preller,
R. AfythoLt Abschnitt Isis und Serapis. Even a region of Rome was
called after the temple of Isis and Serapis which Caracalla built, namely,
the III., as a temple of Isis was situated near to the Coliseum.
ciiAi*. XVII.] Trade of Alexandria 127
of the Sphinx, landscapes of the Nile, vessels and pearls of
Cleopatra, were eagerly sought after in the West, and even the
arrangement of Egyptian houses was a subject for imitation.
Soothsayers and conjurors, astronomers and physicians,
dancers and musicians, orators and learned men, poured out
in swarms from Alexandria over the western world, and these
influences were encouraged by Hadrian.^
The emf)eror, with his thirst for knowledge, took the
liveliest interest in Alexandrian learning, whose seat under
the rule of the Romans was still the Museum. He disputed
there with philologists and sophists, and must have had
plenty of opportunity to laugh at their pedantry. The
privileges mentioned in his letter refer partly to this famous
home of the Muses. But there must have been many other
benefits for which the Alexandrians had to thank him. They
rewarded him by malicious abuse, and by cringing flattery.
They raised statues and altars to him.* There are more
Alexandrian and Egyptian coins of Hadrian than of any
other emperor.'
' Lumbroso, LEgitto, That the art of painting too was influenced by
Eg3rpt, is shown by a curious passage in Petronius, Satyricon^ c. 2 :
Pictura quoque non alium exitum fecit postquam Aegyptiorum audacia
lam magnae artis compendiariam invenit ; meaning probably the genre.
^Eckhel, iv. 64.
CHAPTER XVIII
Hadrians yaumey on the Nile. Heliopolis. Death
of Antinous. Thebes. The Colossus of Memnoti.
Coptus. Myus Hormus. Mons Claudianus. Re-
turn to Alexandria
In order to become acquainted with the wonders of Egypt^
Hadrian went up the Nile from Alexandria. It had long
been the fashion. For the monuments of the gray past,
and the banks of the most mysterious of rivers, exercised
a mighty fascination over Greeks and Romans, just as
they have attracted men of every nation since the expedition
of Napoleon. Animal-worship unchanged through the
centuries, this riddle of man's religion, must have greatly
excited the curiosity of the foreigner. In this deification
of animals lay the most profound expression of contempt
that could be felt by the human mind, and the most
malignant satire on the apotheosis of kings and emperors.
For of what importance was the divinity of Sesostris,
Alexander, Augustus or Hadrian in comparison with the
divine majesty of the bull Apis, or of the sacred cats, dogs,,
peacocks, crocodiles and apes?
Egypt was even then a museum of the age of the
Pharaohs, and of their mummy worship. The ancient
cities were still full of curious buildings, strange sculptures,,
hieroglyphics and paintings, even though their glory had
disappeared. Memphis and Heliopolis, Bubastis, Abydus,
Sais and Tanis, and Thebes with its hundred gates, had
long sunk into decay, though they were still inhabited.
The imperial travellers must have presented an unwonted
BK. I. cii.xviii] Memphis 129
spectacle, as they sailed up the river in a fleet of dahabeahs.
The emperor would be accompanied by Egyptian men of
learning and science from the Museum, by priests and
astrologers. In his train were Verus and the beautiful
Antinous. The empress too was with him. She had
among the ladies of her court a Greek poetess, Julia Balbilla.
They landed wherever an object of curiosity presented
itself, and of these there were more than there are to-day.
They marvelled at the great pyramids, the colossal Sphinx^
and the sacred city of Memphis.
Memphis, the ancient capital of the Pharaohs, though
fallen into decay, was not yet buried in the sands of the
desert, and was still considered the second city of Egypt in
the time of Strabo. Under the Ptolemies, she had contributed
much of the material of her temples and palaces for the
building of Alexandria. The great citadel of the Pharaohs
had long been in ruins. But many noble monuments
such as the temple of Ptah, the pyramids, the cemeteries^
and the Serapeum, still existed with their ancient worship.
The city was still the principal seat of the Egyptian
hierarchy, and the home of Apis ; on that account the
Roman government had made it one of the strongest
military posts in Egypt, and here a legion was stationed.
Within the precincts of the Serapeum, Hadrian could gaze
at the white-browed Apis, whose discovery, shortly before
his arrival, had been the cause of great tumults among
the priests and the people, for the Alexandrians grudged
the possession of the bull to the people of Memphis, who
however triumphantly kept him. The emperor could
wander through the half-sunken avenues of sphinxes, where
the long row of embalmed divine animals reposed, each
one like a Pharaoh, in a gigantic granite sarcophagus.*
With less trouble than the traveller of to-day, Hadrian
could admire the tomb of Ti, rich in sculptures, the
'A Hadrianic coin from Memphis has the Apis, Miomiet, v., p. $34.
To-day this Egyptian Serapeum lies buried beneath the sand. Mariette
discovered there bull-tombs of the eighteenth to the twenty-sixth dynasty.
Only those of the latter are now visible, beginning from Psammetichus.
At present (Summer 1883) Maspero has just excavated tombs of the
sixth dynasty.
I30 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
monument to an Egyptian official of the fifth imperial
dynasty. The sand of the desert has now overwhelmed
palaces, statues of the gods, and nearly all the pyramids.
Miserable Arab villages, like Sakkara, have planted them-
selves among the ruins of Memphis, and the traveller
gazes with astonishment at the torso of the powerful
Pharaoh, Rameses II., lying alone in a thick grove of palms,
a last sign of the magnificence of the temple of Ptah, in
front of which this colossal statue once stood.
Close to Memphis was Heliopolis, the city of the sun-
god, with its ancient temple and school of Egyptian science.
In Strabo's time it was a desert, but he was shown the
houses of the priests, where Plato and Eudoxus are said
to have studied divine mysteries for thirteen years.^ In
Heliopolis the god Rk was still worshipped under the form
of the sacred animal Mnevis, a rival or companion of
Apis. The barbarous Cambyses had partially destroyed the
temples, and even the obelisks, which the Pharaohs had in
the course of centuries erected to the sun-god, for nowhere
in Egypt had there been so many as at Heliopolis and in
Thebes. Hadrian, like Strabo, saw many of them lying
on the ground, half-burnt. Two of the larger obelisks
were missing, for Augustus had carried off the obelisk of
Rameses III., in memory of his victory, to Rome, where he
placed it in the Circus Maximus. It now stands in the
Piazza del Popolo. The other, Caligula set up in the circus
of the Vatican, and it still adorns the Piazza of St. Peter.
The largest of all, that of Totmes IV., Constantine carried
off, and Constantius placed it in the Circus Maximus. It
stands now in front of the Lateran. At the present
time, one solitary obelisk alone remains standing on the
site, now green with cornfields, of the ancient Heliopolis,
and this is considered the oldest of them all, having been
erected by Usortesen I. in the twelfth dynasty. Its hiero-
glyphics have been covered over by wasps* nests.
Proceeding up the Nile, the distinguished travellers came
to Besa, a place on the right bank of the river, opposite
Hermopolis, where a strange event took place in the death
of Hadrian's favourite. Antinous, a young Greek Adonis
^ Strabo, 806.
CHAP. XVIII] Death of Antinous 131
from Claudiopolis, had degraded himself so far as to become
the emperor's Ganymede. Hadrian loved him passionately.
The emperor, indeed, was a thorough Greek in the vice of
the East, a vice which even the great Trajan hardly con-
demned, and which was abominated by only a few noble
men like Plutarch. We do not know where the emperor
met with this beautiful youth ; it might have been in his
birthplace, Bithynia. In Egypt he first became conspicuous
as Hadrian's inseparable companion, which must have
wounded Sabina deeply ; but the unhappy Augusta was
relieved from his hateful presence at Besa, for there
Antinous was drowned in the Nile.
His death was shrouded in mysterj'. Was it an accident ?
Was it a sacrifice ? Hadrian's well-known humanity forbids
the suspicion that he sacrificed his favourite in cold blood,
as Tiberius sacrificed the beautiful Hypatus at Capri. Did
the enthusiastic youth offer himself voluntarily to the angel
of death in order to save the life of the emperor? Did
the Egyptian priests read in the stars some threatened evil
to Hadrian, which was only to be averted by the sacrifice
of what was dearest to him ? Such a fancy would be in
accord with the suf>erstition of the time, with the country,
and with the mysterious Nile. It would agree, too, with
the leaning to astrology of the emperor himself Did
Antinous feci convinced as he plunged into the waters
of the Nile that he would rise again as a god ? Hadrian
asserts in his memoirs that his favourite fell by accident
into the Nile ; but it has not been believed.* The divine
honours which he bestowed on the dead permit us to con-
jecture that they were a reward for the freely given sacrifice,
and that on whatever terms the sacrifice was made, this
reward was an acknowledgment to the world at large of a
* Spart, c 14, leaves the question undecided. Dion Cassius, Ixix. ii,
takes it as true that Antinous sacrificed himself; for Hadrian, who
practised the magic arts, needed for his purpose a soul that would
voluntarily sacrifice itself. He says : efr* o9p h r^ NciXor imrwti^t «it
"ASpcoydt ypd^i, rfre Upovpfyjfitlt, Cn ^ dXi^eta #x'c. But in his opinion the
sacrifice was voluntary. Aurelius Victor {Ep, 14) inclines to the belief
that Antinous sacrificed himself, in order to lengthen the life of the
emperor.
132 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
noble deed inspired by heroic self-abnegation. We should
like to think that the victim disappeared in the Nile with-
out Hadrian's knowledge.
Hadrian bewailed Antinous with unmeasured grief, and
with " womanish tears." ^ Now he was Achilles by the
corpse of Patroclus, now Alexander by the funeral pile of
Hephaestion. With great pomp he had the youth buried
in Besa — a scene on the Nile of the most refined fantasy,
in which the sorrowing emperor of Rome and the smiling
Augusta, with their respective courts, were the actors. This,
the most extraordinary episode of any journey on the Nile,
gave a new god to the paganism which was fast disappear-
ing, and its last ideal figure to ancient art Probably during
the funeral obsequies sharp-sighted courtiers could discern
the star of Antinous in the heavens, and Hadrian then saw
it for himself. The star remains. Its position is in the
Milky Way between the Eagle and the Zodiac, for astron-
omers have preserved the fabled divinity of Antinous. In
Egypt, that land of mystery and wonder, life could be a
poem even in the garish day of the Roman empire under
Hadrian.
The death of the young Bithynian seems to have occurred
in October 130 A.D.* After the emperor had given orders
to found a splendid city at Besa in honour of his friend, he
continued his voyage up the Nile. For in October 1 30 A.D.
the imperial party were at the ruins of Thebes.
Thebes, the most ancient city in Egypt and perhaps in
the world, had been eclipsed by Memphis in earlier cen-
turies, and then was destroyed by Cambyses. After the
time of the Ptolemies, it was called Diospolis, and was
succeeded as capital of the Thebaid by Ptolemais. It had
fallen to pieces even in the time of Strabo.' On both sides
^Antinoum suum, dum per Nilum navigat, quern muliebriter flevit.
Spart. c. 14.
*It is obvious that the death of Antinous occurred at this time.
According to the Alexandrian Chronicle 254, Antinoe was founded on
30th October, from which Duerr, p. 64, infers that this day is the date of
Antinous' death. The year 130 a.d. follows with certainty from the
Memnon inscriptions, of which more later on.
* Kufiij56if ffvyoiKtiraif c. 8 1 6. Diospolis was the proper Thebes, or the
CHAP. XVIII] The Colossus of Memnon 133
of the Nile, it presented similar groups of gigantic temples
and palaces, of pylons and royal tombs, as are to be seen
scattered about to-day in Luxor, Karnak, Medinet Habu,
Der el-Bahri, and Koorneh.
In the time of Hadrian, the Rameseum, as the grave
of Osymandias was called, the wonderful building erected
by Rameses II., must still have existed in great masses on
the western bank of the Nile. These gates, temples,
arcades and courts, these splendid halls, the granite walls
of which were covered with sculptures, seem to have materi-
ally influenced the art of the empire. A reflection of them
is to be seen in the Forum of Trajan, where the central
point was also the royal tomb.*
The greatest wonder among the graves and temples of
Thebes was the Memnonium. Two bare monolithic colossi
of the Pharaoh Amenhoteph III., of the eighteenth dynasty
(about 1 500 B.C.), hewn from the yellow .sandstone, rose
majestically in front of his temple. In the year 27 B.C.
an earthquake had thrown down the upper half of one, and
a current of air at sunrise awoke in the crevices of the statue
that melancholy tone, which the Greeks declared was the
morning greeting of the Ethiopian Memnon, who was killed
by Achilles before Troy, to his mother Eos. Round about
lay the remains of wonderful temples, which the same
king had dedicated to Ammon.* From the time of Nero,
travellers had been in the habit of carving their names on
the legs of the colossus, and science has to thank a widely
diffused vanity for a most wonderful collection of inscrip-
tions. Since the time of Pococke, learned men have tran-
scribed the inscriptions. They belong chiefly to the time
of Hadrian, ten namely occurring before 1 30 A.D., seventeen
city of Ammon. The entire western part on the left bank was the M em-
nonia. R. O. Mueller, Osymandias wtd sein Grab^last^ in EncycL van
Ersch, M, GrubeTy p. 260.
' Froehner (La Colonne Trajatu^ p. 49) finds that these analogies in the
description of the Rameseum by Diodor. i. 45, and the column of Trajan,
are an imitation of the Panium of Alexandria.
'Strabo, 816, is the first to mention the sound, which he himself had
heard. Then Philoslr. {Apollon. 6, 4). Pliny (//.iV. 36, 58) is the first to
speak of the colossus as Memnon. It was restored by Septimius Severus,
whf n the tones ceased.
134 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
in this year, and in the later years of the emperor. He
and the empress both had their names cut upon it in Greek.
She was accompanied by the poetess Julia Balbilla, who
maintained that she was descended from a Syrian king'
Antiochus, and who enjoyed so great a reputation that,
later on, the city of Tauromenium erected a statue to her as
a pattern of virtue, modesty and wisdom.^ The imperial visit
to Memnon gave the Greek poetess an opportunity which
she had long sought, for the display of her talent. We
can still read the verses in the Aeolian dialect with which
she repeatedly haunted the melancholy Memnon. But the
god did not condescend to allow his lament to be heard ;
the lady of the court was astonished that he dared to be
silent, when the illustrious Augusta was anxious to hear
him, and she even threatened him with the emperor's wrath.
The threat succeeded, for Memnon uttered his sound several
times in honour of Augustus, ^albilla fortunately has
recorded in an inscription that she heard the god, with the
"dear queen" Sabina, in the 15th year of Hadrian's reign,
on the 24th and 25th of the month Athyr. In this way
we know that the date of the emperor's visit to the Mem-
nonium was the 20th and 21st November 130 A.D.'
Below Thebes lay Coptus, a great emporium of Indian
and Arabian goods. They were brought there by caravans,
on high roads which connected the city with the ports of
Myus Hormus and Berenice, and were then sent down the
Nile by boat to Alexandria.' A third port for Indian trade
was Arsinoe, on the Heroopolitic gulf of the Red Sea, where
the famous canal of the Nile, begun by Necho, repaired by
Darius, completed by Ptolemy Philadelphus, and finally
*C/.C7. n. 5904.
^Letronne, La Status vocale de Memnon ^ Paris, 1833, p. 152 sq. The
verses of Balbilla referring to Hadrian, with the inscription : 'lovXiar
BaX/3iXXi7f , Arc ^oivc rQ\» Mifwopot 6 ^e/Sflurrds *k9puuf6t. Referring to Sabina,
with the date, p. 162, p. 165, inscription on Sabina: Xafielpa fftfiaar^
aOroKpdropot Kalffopot ff€paffToO irr^ Cfpat A, Jdifu^opot 6lt IJKOvat, C./,G. 4925 sg,
Kaibel, Epigr, graeca ex lapidib, conlecta^ Berlin, 1878, n. 988 sq. See
also the remarks of Puchstein, Epigr, gr, in Egyfto reperta^ Strass-
burg, 1880, pp. 16-30.
'Pliny, vi. 26, 7, gives the stations from Coptus to Berenice. Near
Coptus there were famous smaragdus mines.
CHAP, xviii] Myus Hormus 135
•
restored by Trajan, stretched from Bubastis in the Delta
through the Bitter Lakes to the sea. The Nile canal, whose
recent reconstruction after the lapse of centuries, in our own
time, has been an event of world-wide historical interest^
was still used in the time of Hadrian, and probably as late
as Septimius Scverus, as a high road for commerce.*
From Coptus the emperor could go to Myus Hormus^
the nearest mart for the Indian trade, which under the
rule of Rome had become of great magnitude. Strabo
was astonished that one hundred and twenty ships sailed
thence annually to India, while in the time of the Ptolemies
only a few would have attempted the voyage direct. How
great must have been the increase a century later, in the
number of ships going to India, to satisfy the demands
occasioned by the height of luxury which Rome had
reached.' A good many years after Strabo, a Greek wrote
the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, which the elder Pliny
makes use of. This writing, the work probably of a well-
educated captain, describes the coasting trade along the Red
Sea through the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, then much
frequented by vessels, to Ceylon and India as far as the
Ganges. It affords proof of the most active Indian trade
being carried on by Arabians and Greeks, and of the closest
connection between Egypt and Arabia.'
On the way to Myus Hormus lay Mons Claudianus,
where inexhaustible quarries of porphyry and granite had
been used for building purposes since the time of the
Emf>eror Claudius. In the middle of the desert, which has
overwhelmed the cities of ancient Egypt and the Roman
ports and roads by the Red Sea, some Roman stations
were discovered in the year 1822 at Jebel Fateereh and
Jebel Dokhan. Quarries of porphyry were found at these
stations, close to some remains of two unfinished temples,
whose Greek inscriptions record that they were dedicated
' Humboldt, Kosmos^ ii. 204. Trajan had, before the year 109 A.D.,
not only restored the canal from Bubastis to Arsinoe, but had also
caused a branch canal to be made to Babylon (Cairo). Dierauer in
Bue dinger^ i., p. 131.
* Strabo, 118. On the voyages to India, Friedlaender, ii. 59 sq,
' B. Fabricius, Der Periplus des eryihraeischen Metres^ Leipzig, 1883.
13^ The Emperor Hadrian [book i
on the 23rd April 1 1 8 A.D., not only to Jupiter Serapis, by the
prefect of Egypt, Rhammius Martialis, and by Epaphroditus,
the slave of the emperor and tenant of the mine, but also
to the welfare and prosperity of Hadrian and his house, as
well as to his success in all his undertakings.^ These in-
scriptions show that the porphyry quarries were managed
as imperial property, by a procurator. There were two
Roman settlements in the neighbourhood, which were pro-
tected from the depredations of the Arabs by the cohort
of light cavalry, Flavia Ciliciorum.*
Mines {nutalld) were the Siberia for criminals in the
Roman empire, and to be sentenced to them for life was
considered the severest of all punishments, next to the
punishment of death.^ Thousands of unhappy men, and in
the time oS Diocletian, many Christians, languished under
the burning sun of the desert in those porphyry quarries,
where they hewed and prepared the costly stone for the
palaces of Rome. If Hadrian visited Mons Claudianus, the
sight of the sufferings of the men condemned to work there,
might have suggested the decree by which he mitigated
the lot of those among them who belonged to the class of
free men.*
But the visit of the emperor to Myus Hormus and Bere-
nice is only a conjecture, as is the theory that he extended
his voyage up the Nile from Thebes to Syene and Philae.
There are coins which refer to this Nile journey, represent-
ing the river god, sometimes surrounded by children ; he
leans upon a sphinx, and holds in his right hand a cornu-
copia, in his left a reed. ^
In the Libyan desert, Hadrian had an opportunity of
gratifying his passion for the chase, when he had the good
' Letronne, Itiscr. de tEgyptty i. 1 53, and there the chapter on Mons
Claudianus, p. 1361^. C./.C7. 4713.
* The cohors 1. Flavia Ciliciorum (or Cilicum) equitata appears at the
time of Antoninus Pius in an inscription at Syene (Assuan^ CLL,
iii. 2, add. 6025, p. 968.
» Dig. 48, 19, 28.
* Dig. ibid.
^HADRIANUS . AUG . COS . Ill . P . P.— NILUS, Cohcn, ii., p. 187, n.
982 sq.
CHAP, xviii) Return to Alexandria 137
fortune to kill a Hon.* The poet Pancrates celebrated this
heroic deed in verse, at the same time ingeniously showing
the emperor a lotus as red as a rose, which had sprouted
from the blood of the lion. With still greater diplomacy
he grave this lotus the name of Antinoe.' Instead of laugh-
ing at the childish imitation of the Ajax flower, Hadrian
rewarded the discoverer with a post in the Museum at
Alexandria, and the effigies of the deified youth bore the
lotus wreath.*
The emperor returned, we may suppose, to Alexandria ;
but we do not know how long he remained in Egypt He
left the country in order to go into Syria, either at the end
of the year 1 3 1 A.D., or in the beginning of the following
year.* We have no record of the road which he took, nor
of the causes which made him decide to return' to Syria.
* A coin viRTUTi . AUGUSTI represents him on horseback, throwing the
lance at a lion. Cohen, ii., p. 228, n. 1471. Other coins with virtuti.
AUOUSTI refer to his hunts.
'This lotus was perhaps the Red Sea rose, Nymphea mlumbo^
described by Herodotus, ii. 92. Maspero, Gesch, der morgenland, Voelker
im Alierthumy p. 8.
• Athen. Deipn, xv., c. 7.
^That he went to Syria is clear from the passage in Dion Cassius,
Ixix. 22, where it is said that the Jews were preparing for a rebellion,
CHAPTER XIX
Hadrian returns from Egypt to Syria. He revisits
Athens. Dedication of the Olympieum. Hadriatis
Divine Honours
•
An insurrection was at that time fermenting in Palestine.
If Hadrian had been made aware of its disturbed state,
and went to Syria on that account, the Jews knew how to
deceive him by their apparent tranquillity. This, at least,,
is a fact, that the Jews, burning for rebellion, awaited his
departure for the West to take up arms. This last journey
of Hadrian's is shrouded in obscurity. He disappears from
our sight from the time when, on the 21st November
130 A.D., we saw him in Egyptian Thebes, until the
5th May 134 A.D., on which day his presence in Rome is
recorded. We merely know from Dion Cassius, that
Hadrian went from Egypt into Syria, and then further West
Where did he stay in Syria ? where did he go from there ?
and in what place did the information of the rebellion of
the Jews in Palestine reach him ? We do not know, but
we may conjecture that it was in Athens. The latest writer
on Hadrian's journeys has attempted to prove that the
emperor was only twice in Athens, in the years 125 a«d. and
126 A.D., and finally in 129 A.D. He therefore makes him
stay from the end of the year 131 A.D., or from the
beginning of 132 A.D., when he went from Egypt into
Syria, entirely at the seat of war in Judaea.^ But this
theory has no facts to support it Besides, how can it
be believed that so great a Philhellene as Hadrian should
^ Duerr, p. 43.
nK. I. cii. XIX] Dedication of the Olympieum 139
only twice have visited the city which he loved so passion-
ately, and which he adorned with so many magnificent
buildings ?* As he was returning from Egypt through Syria
to the West, Athens would lie almost on his way. Why
should he then have omitted to visit the city ? There is
also evidence which makes it probable that Hadrian was
again in Athens in the year 132 A.D. In this year the
Greek cities put up statues in honour of the emperor in
the Olympieum, which was done in their name with great
ceremony by their representatives.* Was this accidental
or arbitrary? or was it not rather pre-arranged at the
emperor's last visit to Athens (in 129 A.D.)? And was
not a great Olympian festival fixed to coincide with the
expected return of the emperor to Athens ? We may
therefore assume that in the year 132 A.D. the temple of
the Olympian Zeus was finished and dedicated by Hadrian.'
The Athenians had seen no such festival for centuries.
Amid the decay of paganism, the whole pomp of the
ancient worship of the gods and the faded glory of the
Athenian constitution were once more revived. It was at
the same time a national Greek festival, for in the finished
' Keil (PhiloL ii. 1863, p. $46) assumes four visits of Hadrian to Athens,
112 AD., 135 AD., before and after the Egyptian journey, 130 A.D., and
lastly 132 A.D. See also Ahrens, De A thenar, statu, politico^ p. 1$.
*The list of the respective inscriptions {C.l.A, iii. i) begins with that
of the Col. Julia Augusta Diensiuin per legatum C. Memmium Lycium ;
TRIB . POT . XVI . cos . HI . P.P. OLYMPio is recorded, that is, the year
132 A.D. No date is given for the other titles, but it is safe to assume
that the rest of this list belong to the same time ; nam hoc communi
consensu et uno tempore factum esse veri simile est (Dittenberger).
' Flemmer, p. 53, finds that there are one hundred and thirty different
opinions as to the time of dedication. Duerr assumes, with others, the
autumn of 129 A.D. L. Renier also (note to Le Bas-Foucart, Inscr,
grecqnes^ ii. partie Megaride, explication to n. 49, p. 34) tries on weak
grounds to prove from Spartianus the year 129 A.D. or beginning of 130 A.D.
Franz (Elem, Efngr. Gr.^ p. 286) declares himself for 132 A.D., in accord-
ance with the dedicatory inscription from Sebastopolis (CI, A, iii. i,
n. 483) with Olympiad I., which falls on Olymp. 227, 3, 88$ A.U.C, 132 a.d.
See in addition Corsini, Fasti Attici^ ii. 105. Keil, ibid,^ supports Franz.
Lenormant (Rech, arch, d Eleusis^ R, d, inscr,^ p. 179) assumes as dedi-
cation year 13$ A.D., but he is silent on Hadrian's journeys after his re-
turn to Rome in 134 A.D.
/
\
140 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
and splendid temple of Zeus, Hadrian had made a new
religious centre for the whole of Hellas. The Greek cities
far and near sent their representatives, who were com-
missioned to place the statues erected in honour of the
emperor in the Olympieum. A list of inscriptions has
been preserved from the cities of Abydos, Aegina, Amphi-
polis, Anemurium, Thasos, Cyzicus, Smyrna, Laodicea,
Sebastopolis, Miletus, Ephesus, Dium, Cyprus, Pales, Pom-
peiopolis, Sestos, and others from ancient Greece will not have
been missing.^ It was not an Athenian, but the most
celebrated Sophist of that time, Polemon of Smyrna, who
had the honour of delivering the Olympian dedicatory
speech. The emperor gave the people festivals, which
lasted all day. It was then that he ordered a great
hunt in the stadium at Athens, in which a thousand wild
animals were killed. The principal thing, however, that he
did was the new institution of the Olympian games.
These quinquennial Olympian games, or Adriana Olympia,
were in future celebrated not only in Athens, but in other
cities of the empire, especially in Ephesus, Cyzicus, and
Smyrna. A new reckoning of Olympiads was instituted.'
The emperor now assumed, no doubt after a formal resolu-
tion of the assembled Greeks, the title of Olympian, or of
the Olympian Zeus, and in the Greek cities he received
the honour of the Olympian god as benefactor, founder
and restorer of the communities, as well as of the inhabited
world.®
' CLA.y ibid. At this time it was still usual for Greek cities abroad to
erect, through their representatives, statues of honour to men of special
merit, in the grove of Polias on the Acropolis ; as, for instance, the
Gytheates to Herodes Atticus, and Tripolis to L. Aemilius J uncus, the
corrector of the free towns of Achaia, who was also consul in the year
127 A.D. Wachsmuth {Siadi A then, i. 69) infers from this that Athens'
new position was at least appreciated.
*On these games, Flemmer, p. 78 sq,^ CJ.A,^ n. 129 ; Henzen, AnnaU
d, Inst. 1865, p. 96 ; Curtius, Hermes^ iv. i, 182. The enumeration of the
Olympia in various cities in Krause, Olympia^ Abschnitt ii., p. 203 sq.
* Alt *0\vfjLwl(^t Colophon, C.I.G.^ n. 3036; Jovi Olympio, Lc Bas-Wadd.
iii. I, n. 1764 (Parium) ; n. 1570 (Priapus). Ocdt 'OXi/M«-tof {^Nicomedia^
Mionnet, ii. 468). Often *0\vfkwlt^ aurilpi xtd Ktlirrji. Smyrna, C./.G., n.
3174 ; Pergamum, n. 3547 ; Andros, n. 2349, m. add. vol. ii. ; Miletus, n.
CHAP. XIX] Hadrian's Divine Honours 141
Spartianus tells us that, in addition to the Olympieum^
Hadrian dedicated other buildings in Athens which had
been begun by him, and among them the temple of the
Panhellenic Zeus.* The dedication of this temple was
accompanied by the institution of a new national festival
of the Panhel tenia, with games at stated times to which
all the Greek cities and colonies in future were to send
their representatives, Athens being declared the first city of
the Hellenes. A parliament was to renew the old Achaean
league. This artificial revival of the past was, however^
nothing but a pompous pretence. The Greek nation was
politically extinct, and at the Olympia as well as at the
Panhellenia, the worship of the emperor alone was the real
centre of Greek affairs.* The Panhellenic games, whose
president, or Agonothetes, was always the priest of the
deified Hadrian, continued to exist, like the Olympic games,,
for a long time after the death of the emperor.'
He was worship|)ed in the cities of Greece as Zeus
Olympios, Panhcllenios, Eleutherios, and Dodonaeos, as Zeus
Kti.stes and Soter, and Belaeos ; or simply as god, as in
Sparta, Abae, Nicopolis, Thespiae, Coronea ; or as the
Pythian Apollo and new Helios.^ He appears as a new
2863, 2866, 2877 ; Ephesus, n. 2963 b ; Aezani, n. 3832, 3833 ; Phaselis, n.
4334 ; Attalia, n. 4339 ; Cibyra, n. 4380 ; Isauria, n. 4382 ; Magnesia on
the Maeander, CLA. iii. 480, etc. ; Metropolis in Lycia, Tarsus, Cyzicus,.
SebastopoHs, etc
^ Dion Cassius, Ixix. 10 ; Pausan. i. 18, 9.
* Hermann, Griech. Stnaisalt § 190. A Hellenodarch presided over
this parliament ; Herodes Atticus seems to have been the first : Philostr.,
Vita Soph. ii. p. 58. A minister of finance was set over the treasury of
the confederacy as Hellenotamias. Hertzberg, ii. 331.
* Inscription from Aezani in Phrygia, CJ.G, 3832, 3833, Lc Has- Wadding-
ton, iii. I, n. 867 : 6 ^PX'O^ ^^ IIoveXXi^Mr kqX Up€in $4oO 'AtfpcaroG XlorfWifrlov-
* A Megarian inscription from the time of Julius Candidus, proconsul
of Achaia, unites the titles of the gods *OMfiwiot, Ilt^cot, IlareXX^not, C,/.G,
n. 1072, Le Das-Foucart, ii. Afej^nride^ n. 49. As it has the 9U a^rorp^Topo,
it falls in 135 or 136 a.d. The proconsulate of Candidus is fixed by
Renier between 134 and 136 A.n., explicat. to n. 49, p. 34. Hadrian
appears as new Helios, in Clazomenae, /fe7f. Arch. N.S. xxxii. 1876, p. 44
in Duerr, Anh. n. 38.
142 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.xix
Dionysus at Aphrodisias in Caria, at Sardis, and even
in a Greek inscription at Nismes.^
Thus was Hadrian placed on a level with the gods of
Greece. If he was not dazzled by vanity he must have
realized that he was only receiving the same honours from
the miserable flattery of the Greeks which had been awarded
to many despots before him, sharing these titles of divinity,
as he did, with a Nero who had been raised to a level with
Apollo and Heracles, and even with Zeus Eleutherios.* But
Hadrian was vain enough to allow an altar to be set up
to him in the Olympieum. Here and in the Eleusinian
sanctuary he sat on the throne as Zeus, honour being also
paid to his wife, for she was worshipped in Eleusis, as a
new Demeter. But at the same time, and in the same
place, altars were erected to Antinous as lacchus,' so the
unhappy Augusta was not freed from her rival even after
his death.
There was hardly a Greek who felt the worthlessness of
all these deifications. For since the time of the Diadochi
the Hellenes were accustomed to honour with divine
attributes, princes whom they feared, or whom they loved
as benefactors. Deification was the only method of show-
ing gratitude to their rulers which an enslaved people
possessed. But Hadrian had behaved with such un-
exampled generosity to Athens, that in the opinion of
Pausanias, he had restored prosperity to the city which
had been plunged in . misery by the wars of the Romans.*
^ Le Bas-Wadd. iii. i, n. 1619 (Aphrodisias), C./.6r. n. 3457 (Sardis),
n. 6786 (Nemansus). Other deifications in Hertzberg, ii. 333.
* Eckhel, vi. p. 278.
' Lenonnant, Reck, Arch, d EUusis^ p. 185. Sabina received in
Eleusis a Hierophantes, CJ,G, n. 435. As new Demeter in Me|;ara,
CJ.G, n. 1073, Le Bas-Koucart, n. 50.
* Pausan. i. 20, 7. Compare this with the verses, already mentioned,
•of the Hierophantes of Eleusis on Hadrian, CJ.G, n. 434. According
to Dion Cassius, Ixix. 16, Hadrian presented the Athenians with the
income of the isle of Cephallenia. As however Pales calls herself a
free-town in the dedicatory inscription on the statue which she erected
to the emperor in the Olympieum (CJ.A. n. 481), it is probable that not
the whole of Cephallenia was presented to the Athenians. Flenuner,
p. 59, and Bursian (Geogr. GrUch, ii. 375) consider the presentation
a formality.
CHAPTER XX
The rising of the Jews under Barcocheba
While the exultant Greeks were building temples to the
new Olympian Zeus, and the nations of the East and West
were prostrating themselves in the dust before the majesty
of the emperor, there was one people in the empire, who
not only refused divine honours to Hadrian, but who
rose in despair to defend the belief of their fathers in
the one only God of heaven and earth, and to regain
their freedom or to perish. This people was the Jewish
nation in Palestine. Jerusalem demanded to be restored
to its position in history as an equal of Athens and
Rome. The days of Titus returned, and the fate of the
sacred city was for ever sealed.
Dion has stated the reasons which drove the Jews of
Palestine to revolt even under the rule of the p eace-lovi ng
Hadrian. " As Hadrian built a city of his own, Aelia
Capitolina, on the site of the ruined city of Jerusalem,
and set up a temple to Zeus on the place where the
temple of God had stood, a long and bloody war arose.
For the Jews were furious that men of a strange race
should settle in their city, and that foreign sanctuaries
should be erected there."* According to this statement,
the conversion of Jerusalem into a heathen city was the
cause of the war, while according to the view of Eusebius
it was the result. This contradiction is explained by the
fact that the Jewish rebellion interrupted the building of
the city Aelia which was only finished after the war.
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 12.
144 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
Nothing but the deadly wound to their national pride
could have driven the unhappy people to rebellion amid
profound peace in the empire, and without the support
of a strong power hostile to Rome, which the Parthians
had offered to the Jews in the time of Trajan.^ The
progress of the building of Aelia explains the despair
of the Jews. If Jerusalem were to remain in ruins, the
sacred ruins would still define the historical centre of
Israel around which the hopes of a Messiah might cling.
But if a heathen city rose on its ashes, it would for ever
hide the national sanctuary, whose restoration could never
be expected. Foreign colonists with their idol-worship
began to flock into the city, the square stones from the
old temple were employed in profane buildings, and on
Mount Moriah before the very eyes of the Jews, arose an
idolatrous temple of Jupiter.
Had this Roman colony been founded in the first years
of Hadrian's reign, it would either have been completed at
the time of the rebellion, or strong walls and towers
would have made the new city the object of the struggle
between the Romans and the Jews. But so far from this
being the case, it was not Jerusalem but Bether that was
considered the seat of the war. The Jews did not wait
until Aelia became an impr^nable fortress, but they
took up arms to prevent the building of the colony ; and
Jerusalem devastated as it was, could have for them no
strategical, but merely a moral importance.
Before the outbreak there were two parties in Judaea
opposed to one another, the peaceful party and the
fanatical party. Rabbi Joshua ben Chananja was at the
head of the peaceful party. According to Talmudic
authorities he had had personal interviews with Hadrian,
particularly in Egypt, and it is said that he died after
'Spart., c 14; moverunt ea tempestate et Judaei bellum, quod
vetabantur mutilare genitalia. But such edicts of Hadrian, interdiction
of worship, of circumcision, etc., were probably only promulgated at the
close of the war, when Judaism was to be exterminated. Dodwell {Diss,
in Iren, ii. § 31) makes too much of this passage of Spartianus, and
likewise Miinter, Der JucUnkrieg^ p. 36, Ewald, vii. 36, Maddep, Coins^
p. 231, Renan, LEglise chrdHenniy p. 231. We must here accept Dion.
CHAP. XX] Preparations for Rebellion 145
his return thence to Palestine.* At the head of the fanatical
party stood the old Rabbi Akiba, who had seen the glory
of the temple before the time of Titus. He was a
prominent member of the Sanhedrin, which, with its high
priest (Nasi or Prince) from the house of Hillel, had sat
in Jabne or Jamnia since the time of the Flavian dynasty.*
Akiba, one of the first compilers of the Mishna, was
considered the head of the spiritual regeneration of Judaism,
and was honoured by his people as a legendary second
Moses. The rebellion seems to have originated chiefly
among the teachers of the law. These dogmatists brooded
over the writings of the prophets, and their glowing fancy
imagined that Rome's great and fatal power might be
subdued by some Messianic miracle.
The Jews quietly made their preparations. Following
an ancient Semitic custom, they hid stores of arms for
their defence among the rocks of limestone in which they
also made subterranean passages.' * As Jerusalem^was in
ruins, which were being rebuilt, and was occupied by
part of the xth l^ion, Bether, a strong populous place,
whose situation cannot clearly be ascertained, became the
seat of the revolution. It has been sought in the neigh-
bourhood of Jerusalem or in the Castra Vetera near
Sepphoris.* But the presence of Roman troops in Jerusalem,
'Derenbourg, p. 418, refers to the letter of Hadrian to Servianus,
wherein the Archisynagogus is spoken of. See also Graetz, iv. 147.
Eisenmenger (Enldecktes Judenthumy 171 1, ii. 931) cites from the Bere-
schith Rahba a conversation of Hadrian with this Rabbi, which however
is of very silly purport.
*Volkmar {JuHith^ p tii) and others assert that they had emigrated
to Uscha in Galilee in the war of Quietus.
'Dion Cassius, Ixix. 12. Wetzstein (Reisebericht^ p. 45) describes the
Troglodyte dwellings of the Hauran, and quotes Judges vi. a : "and the
hand of Midian prevailed against Israel ; and because of the Midianites
the children of Israel made them the dens which are in the mountains,
and caves, and strongholds."
«So F. Lebrecht asserts (Bether ^ die fraglUht Stadi im kadr-jiUL
Kriegty 1877). Euseb. (//.£*. iv. 6) places Bether in the neighbourhood of
Jerusalem. Guerin {Jud/e ii. 388 sq.) somewhat westerly from Jerusalem,
as also Kenan, L'l'gl- chrH.y p. 144 and Les EvanxiUs^ p. 26. Cassel
(Bnck mmd Gruher^ til Ser. 27, Theilf p. 14) between Caesarea and
146 The Emperor Hadriar [book i
and the strong imperial leaning of that capital of Galilee,
make both situations improbable.^ The view of those
who place Bether near the sea, four miles south of Caesarea,
is probably 'more correct
While Akiba was the spiritual leader of the insurrection,
a man of determination appeared ready to act as general
in the war. Talmudic l^end has endowed the last national
hero of Israel with the strength of Samson and the virtues
of the Maccabees, and he is certainly of a better stamp
than the robber and murderer whom the fathers of the
Christian church have depicted.^ This bold rebel opposed
not only the Roman l^ions for more than two years, but
won some bloody victories. Eusebius calls him Barcocheba,
which means 'son of a star,' and was only his symbolic
name ; for according to the Talmud he was called Barcosiba.
After the emperor had left Syria, the rebellion broke
out about the year 132 A.D.' The few Roman garrisons
in the Country were either cut to pieces or besieged in
their fortresses, and his first success made Barcocheba the
hero of the rebellious nation. Fanatics saw in him the
Messiah, who had at last really appeared. Akiba himself
was so infatuated that he greeted him as the Messiah in
the words of Scripture : '* Cosiba is like a star that has
appeared in Jacob." Only one sober-minded man, the
Rabbi Jochannan ventured to call out : " Akiba, sooner
will grass grow out of your chin, than the son of David
appear." The Sanhedrin, however, acknowledged the leader
Diospolis. He is followed by Jost, Gisch, des Judenthutns^ p. 74. Graezt
places Bether four miles south of Caesarea, as also Ewald, viL 375,
and as Levy, Gesch, derjud. MunzeUy p. 103, and Tobler, DritU Wander-
ung nach Palaestina, Sepp, Jerus. und das heil, Lattd^ i. 647, seeks it
two hours from Bethlehem. Adolf Neubauer, La G^ographie du
Talmudy 1868, between Jabne and Lydda, not far from Jerusalem.
^ Sepphoris called itself Diocaesarea Adriana, whether before, or only
after the war is doubtful. This city must have been inhabited by many
Greeks and Syrians.
'Euseb., H,E. iv. 6: Bapx'^x^P^* 6ifOfJM, 6 5ii drripa ^Xoi, rd ftiw SXKa
^iKbt Kal XycTpucAt rtr dpi/fp. For the legend about him, see Hieronymus
in Ruf, ii. c. 8.
' Under the consulate of Augurinus and Severianus ; Eusebius and
Hieronymus.
CHAP. XX] Bether 147
of the people as the man of promise, and an assembly of
the Jews confirmed him in his office as the temporal head
of Israel.
The legate in Palestine was, at that time, Tineius Rufus,
who vainly endeavoured to suppress the rebellion as it
blazed forth.* He ravaged the country with fire and sword
and committed such atrocities that in the Jewish accounts
he is called Tyrannus Rufus.* Meanwhile, a year sufficed
to give great strength to the rebellion. The Jews received
their supplies by sea, and they were certainly in communi-
cation, if not with the Parthians, at all events with the
Bedawin of Arabia, and with their own countrymen in
Mesopotamia and Egypt' Their struggle assumed the
horrible character of a racial war. The Jewish leader
repaid the inhumanity of Rufus by similar ferocity ; he
summoned the Christians of Palestine to join him, and on
their refusal he caused many of them to be put to death.*
In the scanty records that we possess of this desperate
Jewish war no other city except Bether is mentioned as
its theatre. We hear nothing of Caesarea, of Lydda and
Nicopolis, where Roman garrisons were formerly stationed,
nothing of Joppa, Diocaesarea and Tiberias, nothing of
Machaerus and Massada, and of other fortresses near the
Dead Sea, whose names have been familiar from the time
of Titus. Even Jerusalem is never mentioned. It surely
must have been the endeavour of Barcocheba not only to
destroy the Roman colony, which was being built there,
but also solemnly to confirm the deliverance of Israel on
the most sacred spot of its history. That this did happen,
and that a bold attempt was made by him to rebuild the
'Eusebiiis (//.Af. iv. 6) calls him iwdpx^i^ »% 'low^af. Hieronymus
says : tencnte provinciam Tinnio Rufa On the real name see Borghesi,
iv. 167, and the same, viii. 189, the j^ins Tineia was previously unknown.
But Horghesi is mistaken if he thinks that this T. Rufus was not legate
of Palestine till 136 a.d. with Sevenis.
* As a matter of fact there was a gens Turrani€L Sepulchral inscription
of C. Turranius Rufus on a cippus in the stanza del Fauno in the Capitol.
'This alliance is alluded to by Dion Casstus (Ixix. 13).
^Justin., Apcl. ii. 72. Orosius, vii. 13. Chron, Etiseb. ed. Schoene,
p. 168 sq.
148 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
Temple, has been both maintained and disputed.^ A
temporary occupation of Jerusalem by the rebels might
not have been impossible from the weakness of the Roman
garrison. This is indeed probable from some coins which
the Jewish leader caused to be struck after he became
actually Nasi or Prince of Israel, and had probably been
anointed king.^ A number of shekels are ascribed to him.
They bear either no date or are marked with the first and
second year of the deliverance of Jerusalem or Israel.' If
the list of undated coins belongs to the beginning of the
insurrection, the others must belong to the time in which
the Jews had confined their enemies to a few places and
were themselves masters of the country. The most curious
are those with the inscription " deliverance of Jerusalem " ;
the emblems on them — a palm branch in a crown of laurel,
a bunch of grapes, two trumpets, a lyre, a vase and other
symbols — are found on coins of the Asmoneans. Some
have the design of a four-columned temple with the
conventional figure of the beautiful gate and porch of
Solomon's temple ; in others a star shines over everything.*
Most of the coins bear the name of Simon or Simeon,
^Deyling (Aeliae Capitolinae Origenes^ 1743, P* 273). Muenter, Jost,
Graetz, maintain the capture, although the Jewish authorities are silent
upon it So also Milman, Hist, of the Jews ^ ii. 431 ; Madden, Coins^ etc.
p. 134; De Saulcy, Rech, sur la Num.Jud,^ p. 157; Cavedoni, BibUsche
Numistnatik^ p. 62 ; Ewald and Lebrecht. Cassel and Renan (LEglise
chrdt. in Appendix) deny it ; the latter thinks a temporary occupation of
Jerusalem by the rebels possible.
' Eisenmenger, ii. 654. The book of Zemach David gives even a
fabulous dynasty of Barcocheba lasting twenty-one years ; according
to this Barcocheba is said to have died already under Domitian, and
his son and grandson, Kufus and Romulus, to have carried on the war.
'All the coins of Barcocheba have been collected by De Saulcy, Rech,
sur la Num. Judaique^ Paris, 1854, p. 156, pi. xi.-xv. by CeL Cavedoni,
Bibl. Numismatic^ transl. by A. von Werlhof, 2. Th., Hannov. 1856^ p.
55 sq, where some new coins have been added to De Saulc/s collection ;
by Madden, first in the Hist, of Jewish Coinage^ then in the Coins of the
Jews (VoL ii. of the Intemat. Numismata Orientalia^ c x., p. 230 sq^
See also M. A. Levy, Gesch. derjiid, MUnMen^ Leipzig, 1862, p. 93 sq,
^ Madden, n. 19, 20, 37, 38. Cavedoni (p. 64) takes the four-columned
building for the sacrarium of the synagogue, and not for the temple,
which lay in ruins. The star refers to Barcocheba.
CHAP. XX] Jewish Coins 149
Prince of Israel, in a laurel wreath, from which it has
been imagined that Barcocheba either bore this name
originally or had assumed it from Simon Maccabeus, or
from Simon Giora. But traces are to be found on these
shekels of the names of Roman emperors in Greek and
Latin characters as of Nero, Galba, Vespasian, Titus, Trajan
(once indeed the head of Trajan) and this proves that
old Roman drachmas from the coins of Antioch and
Rome were merely re-stamped in the time of Barcocheba.
The Asmonean symbols and the legends "deliverance of
Jerusalem " and " deliverance of Israel " do not absolutely
prove a new coinage, as the old Jewish die could have
been used for them.* But even in this case the fact
remains that coins of Barcocheba were issued, and that
in them we possess witnesses of the last Jewish revolution,
and of its earliest results.*
^ For this re-stamping see Madden, de Saulcy, and Levy. Renan,
VEgiise chrit^ p. 547, believes that Barcocheba invariably made use
of the coins of Simon Maccabeus, and that the re-stamped ones were
coined in Bether.
*Cavedoni (p. 60) declares that the re-stamped coins prove by their
style the time of Hadrian. Levy maintains that the legend ''delivery
of Jerusalem" proves nothing, as it may have been copied from older
coins. He ascribes to Barcocheba only the re-stamped imperial coins ;
those with Simon, to Simon Giora. Cave^oni, however, thinks the coin
bearing this legend proves the taking of the city, and as there are none in
existence with the name of Jerusalem dating from the second year,
the Jews must have been dislodged and driven to Bether during the
first year. He proves that the Jerusalem Talmud mentions the Moneta
Ben Cosibhae. Buxdorf, Ltx Talm, p. 1029.
CHAPTER XXI
The yeztnsh war. yulius Severus assmnes the com-
mand of the Roman army. The fall of Bether.
The Destruction of yudaea
The Romans at first looked upon the rising in Palestine
as a contemptible tumult of the populace, until it grew into
a real war, which began to be troublesome. The insurrection
spread as far as Syria and Phoenicia, and threatened to
excite all the Jews in the Diaspora and the hostile peoples
in the East.^ On this account Hadrian made the greatest
eiTorts to subdue it. We do not know that he returned
to Syria himself or that he repaired to the scene of action
in order to place himself at the head of his army.* A
stranger to the warlike passions of Trajan, he allowed the
war in Judaea to be carried on by his legates.*
1 Kal rdiTijf usetweur KiwovfUmjs iwl TOvrtpTrjf olKOVfiiinit, Dion Cassius, Ixix. 1 3.
'This conclusion has been drawn from Dion Cassius, Ixix. 14, where
we are told that Hadrian, on account of the heavy losses of the Romans,
omitted in his report to the senate the customary phrase " I and my army
are well." But this omission shows rather that he was not with the army
when he sent this report to the senate. Besides this, it follows from the
connection in which Dion gives the above, that Hadrian sent this report
to the senate not in* the beginning, but at the end of the war, or about
the beginning of 134 A.D. ; for before the 5th May 134 a.d. he was again
back in Rome.
' Lebrecht (p. 37) and Duerr assert the permanent presence of
Hadrian in Palestine at the head of the army because this is maintained
by all the Jewish, and several of the heathen authors, (Muenter, p. 83,
Flemmer, p. 138). The former, however, are altogether uncritical, while
the latter fable of a second destruction of Jerusalem by Hadrian. That
RK. I. (11. xxij The Jewish War 151
Unfortunately there is no Josephus to relate the last
struggle of the Jews for their national existence. The
events of the war, and the heroic actions of the despairing
people, remain buried in obscurity. The account given by
Dion is comprised in one page ; Spartianus has disposed
of the whole war in a single line, which proves with what
contempt the Jewish struggle for freedom was looked upon
by the Romans.* Both historians, or the authorities they
quote, would surely have given more details if the emperor
himself had been at the head of his army in the war. The
descriptions of the Talmudic writers can only be looked
upon as legends full of oriental exaggeration, and the
narratives of two contemporaries, Antonius Julianus, and
Ariston of Pclla, have unfortunately been lost* The severe
defeats which the Romans endured are alluded to in a
sentence of Fronto, who, long after the death of Hadrian,
told the cm|)crors Marcus Aurclius and Lucius Verus that
they ouji[ht to bear their losses from the Parthians with
equanimity, when they remembered how many Romans
had been cut down by the Jews in the time of their
grandfathers, and yet the empire had finally triumphed.'
Hadrian sent reinforcements to the sorely pressed
Tineius Rufus. In addition to the xth legion Fretensis
there were fighting in Judaea the llnd Trajana, the Ilird
Cyrenaica, which had been brought from Egypt and
Arabia, and the Ilird Gallica which was close at hand in
Phoenicia.* The Syrian ivth legion Scythica, or a part of
it, seems also to have been brought to Judaea. For in
Hadrian left the war to his legates is confirmed by Dion Cassius, Ixix.
13, in these words : iir* adroift iwtfi^f^w.
* Spa ft. c. 13.
*£iischiiis used Anston ; Minucius Felix and Gellius (Muenter, p. 12)
mention Julianus. Even the memoirs of Hadrian by Phlegon seem to
have treated the war but lightly, for a (mutilated) passage in Suidas
(Phlegon) says : Philostorgios maintains, that Justus described the Jewish
events much more accurately than Phlegon and Dion. Would Phlegon
have been so inexact if Hadrian had carried on the war in person?
^ /Je belL Parlh. at its beginning.
*On those legions, Pfitzner, pp. 228, 230. Orelli, 3571, according to
whom a soldier of the iiird Gallica received marks of distinction in
the Jewish war.
152 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
scriptions from Ancyra show that Publicius Marcellus, the
governor of Syria at the time, left this province on
account of the Jewish rebellion, and that Tiberius Julius
Severus, legate of the ivth l^ion Scythica, was in power
during the absence of the proconsul of Syria. According
to these inscriptions Marcellus was sent to Judaea as
general with troops of that legion.^ Quintus LoUius
Urbicius also received a command in this war.' Even some
Gaetulian cavalry of the Xth l^ion Gemina, under S.
Attius Senecio, were brought from Mauretania, and the
Viith Claudian legion from Moesia set up their military
standard.*
As the Roman generals accomplished nothing; Hadrian
at last sent the best captain of his time, Julius Severus,
to Judaea.^ He had been legate of Dacia, consul in
the year 127 A.D., then legate of Lower Moesia, and
finally governor of Britain, whence he was summoned to
Palestine.'^ In the place of Rufus he took the chief
command of the army, and became also governor of
Judaea. Thereupon the war took a favourable turn for
the Romans ; for the numbers and desperation of the
^ CJ,G, n. 4033, n. 4034, relating to inscriptions of Tiberius Severus.
Borghesi, erroneously affirms, v. 412, that Marcellus fled from Syria:
fuggito per ia sollevazione dei Giudei. Dion Cassius has confounded
Tiberius Jul. Severus with Sex. Jul. Severus. The former from Galatia
was, according to the inscriptional cursus honorum^ extraordinary legate
in the province of Asia, then legate of the ivth Scythica, then deputy
for Marcellus in Syria, then proconsul of Achaia. Waddington, Mdm.
sur Aelius Aristides^ in Mim, de Vlnst^ xxvi. (1867), p. 214 sq,
* Renier, Inscr, de rAlgirie^ n. 2319.
^CJ,L. vi., 3505. PAtzner (p. 93) is of opinion that the xxiind
Dejotariana from Egypt also took part in the war, but that it was totally
annihilated ; the vith Ferrata seems also to have fought in Judaea.
^Dion Cassius, Ixix. 13. Inscription from Britain, C.LL, vii., 275, with
restitution of Borghesi, iv. 166.
^His name, S. Vinicius Faustinus C. Julius Severus. His cursus
honorum CLL,^ n. 2830 (Inscription from Cistagne in Dalmatia). His
legation in Britain is there followed by Le/r, pr, pr, Judaiae^ Leg, pr. pr.
prov, Syricie. The error of Mommsen (Borghesi, iv. 168, n. 1) that he
was succeeded by Tineius Rufus in the command in Palestine, has been
corrected by Marquardt, i. 420. The Jewish war broke out when Rufiis
was legate there.
CHAP. XXI] Progress of the War 153
rebels made Sevenis avoid pitched battles. He harassed
the enemy in petty warfare, cutting ofT their supplies and
breaking their strength. He succeeded in starving out
the Jewish garrisons. T'ifty strongholds and 985 villages
are said to have fallen by degrees into his power, and
to have been destroyed by him.
If the unfortified city of Jerusalem came into Barcocheba's
pos.session, it was re-taken by the Romans without the
necessity of a siege. Greek and Roman authors certainly
speak not only of the siege, but also of the complete
destruction of Jerusalem in the time of Hadrian.^ Rabbinical
tradition, which confuses the two wars under Titus and
Hadrian, merely asserts, like Jerome, that Tineius Rufus
ordered the plough to be driven over the site of the
temple.' Neither Dion nor Eusebius in his history of the
Church has a word to say about the conquest of Jerusalem.
Dion only relates the extraordinarj' anecdote that the
disastrous termination to the rebellion of the Jews had
already been foretold by the fall of Solomon's tomb. The
statements of fathers of the Church and chroniclers of later
ddiys about a final destruction of the holy city, are to be
looked upon merely as a rhetorical repetition of her fate
under Titus. For it may reasonably be asked, — what was
there among the ruins of Jerusalem in Hadrian's time for
' Appian, livinf^ in Rome during the war, says, de bello Syr, c 50,
l<fMV«Xif/A i)r— ^ O^waeifkv^ — iraWtf-jrafe, koX *A9piap6f a0tftr iw* ifioO, Then
Euseb., /)efn, Ei'mtj^, ii. c. 38 ; Theophnn.^ n. 9 ; Chron. ed. Schoene,
p. 168. Chron. SuppL e Syncello^ p. 226: ^ ir« 'A^pmroC rcXcIa icoi ^ax^ni —
y\n liUKum 9\taoi\. In his Hist, Eccl.^ Eusebius says nothing about it
Hieron. injer. vi. c. 31, p. 877: sub Adriano . . . io urbs Jerusalem subversa.
tn httiam iii. c. 7 ; in Esech, vii. 24 : sub Hadrian ci vitas aetemo igne
consumpta. In Joel i, 4 ; in I /abac. c. 2 ; in Ephes. c. 5. Chrysostom,
Oraiio 3 in Judaeosy Francof. 1698, i. 431. Chron. PaschaU for the year
119A.D. Suidas, H.XC. in vita A dr. 866. Passages also from the later
Byzantines in Deyting, p. 264. The only Jewish source which Muenter
uses is the Samaritan Dook of Joshua. Renan, l^Ej^lise chr^tienne^ p.
543 ^f.
*The Jewish passages in Muenter, p. 42. Templum aratum in
ignominia : Hieron. in Zach. c 8. 18. 19. The legend originated
probably from the coin of the colony Aelia Capitolina which represented a
husbandman.
/
I
I
154 The Emperor Hadrian [book 1
Barcocheba to destroy, even if it is true that he occupied
the city?^
The Jews made their last stand in the fortress of Efether.
Rabbinical legends contain the most exaggerated accounts
of the population of this city and of the number of its
synagogues, as well as of the heroic struggles for its
defence. The length of the si^e of Jerusalem under
Vespasian and Titus is curiously transferred by them to
the siege of Bether with much ingenuity. In this fortress
Barcocheba remained some time, with the rest of the
rebels, until famine and the siege engines of the Romans
broke down their resistance. Bether was taken by Severus
in the year 135 A.D. or 136 A.D., as the Rabbis say,
on the same fatal 6th August on which Jerusalem fell
for the third time before the sword of the enemy.*
In the ashes of Bether the last heroic struggle of the
Jewish people ended. They alone, among all the nations
subject to Rome had made the attempt, even in the time
of the greatest military power of the empire, to r^ain
their freedom. This attempt was, in face of the existing
state of things in the world, an act of madness and
despair ; but* even so, it does honour to the Jewish nation.
As they were not adapted like the Hellenes, after the
fall of their national state, to form a part of the Roman
world, and to carry on a cosmopolitan existence, they
were obliged, true to their character, to perish heroically
among the ruins of Judaea.
Barcocheba's fate is unknown. More fortunate than
Simon Giora, he seems to have found a soldier's death.
^ Renan has demonstrated this exhaustively in PEglise chrHienne, The
opinion of Muenter and others, e,g, De Saulcy {Reck, sur la Num, JuiL^
p. 1 $8), Champagny, Les Antonins^ ii. 66, Schuerer, Naitestam. ZcUf^esch,^
P* 359t which asserts the siege and destruction of Jerusalem under
Hadrian, may be dismissed. Scaliger, Animcuio, in Euseb,^ p. 144,
already considered this a myth, so also Pagi, and lastly the greatest
explorer in Palestine, Robinson {BibL Researches in Palestine^ ii. 6).
' Hieron. in Zacch, viii. 262, has borrowed this from the Talmudists,
and confounds, as they have done, the two wars under Titus and Hadrian.
He transfers the close of the war to the twentieth year of Hadrian.
Euseb., H,E, iv. 5 {Chron. ed. Schoene, p. 168), places the fall of Bether
in Hadrian's eighteenth year.
CHAP. XXI] Devastation of Judaea 155
The rest of the rebels were slain, and thousands of Hebrews
were carried off into captivity. The Romans sold them
for the price of horses in the market by the terebinths
of Hebron, the dwelling-place of Abraham. Those who
were not sold here were offered at a low price in Gaza,
or were dragged as slaves to Egypt and Rome.* Some
scattered bands might have succeeded in fleeing to the
deserts of Arabia and to Babylon.
The Talmudists may be forgiven their exaggerations
when they say that streams of blood flowed through
Judaea into the sea at Joppa, as even Dion Cassius places
the number who fell by the sword in the war at 580,000,
without counting those who died from hunger and plague.
His figures are probably taken from official returns, or
perhaps from the lost autobiography of Hadrian. The
number of slain was boasted of before the senate, for
laurel wreaths receive their value from the blood in which
they arc stcc|>cd. Palestine, a field strewn with dead
bodies, became a desert waste. Jackals and hyaenas
prowled through the devastated country and among the
ruined cities.-
Hadrian's character for humanity suffered from the
cruelties of the Jewish war, and he lost the feeling of
happiness which he had hitherto enjoyed as he travelled
peacefully through the world. He never saw Asia again.
Necessity had made the patient, peace-loving emperor
execute the most fearful judgment of history. He executed
it as a Roman would, in cold blood, and we may venture
to say that he had more justification than had Titus in
his day. No man of feeling can refrain from pitying the
fate* of the Jewish people, but no thoughtful person can
imagine that the victory of an Akiba and a Barcocheba
would have promoted the historical development of Asia.
The restoration of an independent Jewi.sh state was in-
conceivable and impossible. It would have entirely de-
stroyed the work of Rome in Syria, from the Euphrates
to the Red Sea, and would have set up a narrow Semitic
' Hicron. injer. c. 31, Zachar. c. 2.
' Kal Xi;ro(, ^i9oi re iroXXcU h rdt r^Xrct aiVuyr Mwtwrit^ ^pvoiurau Dion,
Ixix. 14.
156 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
fanaticism and religious intolerance in the place of Greek
and Roman culture. The cosmopolitan idea of the Roman
empire had no such stubborn enemy as the Jews, and they
we(e_ therefore . destroyed from political motives. Their
last heroic death-struggle appeared to the Romans and
Greeks merely as a crazy rebellion against the humane
government of Hadrian. Pausanias alludes once to this
Jewish war, saying : " Hadrian, who was emperor as late
as my time, honoured the gods highly, and cared intensely
for the happiness of all his subjects. He never waged
war from choice, but he put down the Hebrews in Syria
by force, as they had risen up against him."^
Hadrian would have disdained to accept triumphal
honours for the defeat of Judaea, even if he had won them
in person. He allowed no coins to be struck with the
inscription JUDAEA DEVICTA, as was done after the conquest
by Vespasian and Titus.^ But he assumed the title of
Imperator for the second time, in consequence of the con-
clusion of the Jewish war* No decorated army returned
from Palestine to Rome to proceed in triumph to the
Capitol through the arch of Titus, bearing a splendid booty.
What was there in Judaea for them to pillage? The
^ *kii(na9oQ — TtM^ ^fxotUwm^ h tCSatfUM^iap rd fadytara ixdaroit ro^M^xofi^rov* sol
^f fih wdXtfiMf Mipa iKodcun Kmriffni *E/3pa(ovt 9i roOt vrip XCpun^ ixfipA^mro
dwoardrrat. Renan, VEglise chNLy p. 2 1 3 : Les faaatiques d'Israd combat-
taient pour la theocratic, pour la liberty de vexer les paiens, d'exterminer
tout ce qui leur semblait le inaL
' It is very doubtful whether the coin exer . judaicus (Eckhel, vL 496)
was struck in conunemoration of the war as Graetz, iv. 169 supposes.
Froehner, Les MM. nU PEmp. rom.^ p. 34, refers two medals of Hadrian
to the Jewbh war ; the first shows a Victoria on a btga^ the second,
Roma seated on arms at the side of trophies, behind her a Victoria,
below Felix Roma. The hypothesis of Froehner falls to the ground, as in
the superscription the title Imp. li. is missing.
* Borghesi, viiL 580. In the military diploma (CJ.L, iiL i, n. 35) of 15th
September, 134, the Imper. 11. b missing. The war was therefore at that
time not ended. In n. 36, of i6th January, 138 a. D., the title is however
mentioned. This title was still given to Antoninus after the war in
Britain, although he was not present there. I pass over the inscription
relative to Hadrian ais deliverer of the republic (in the Jewish war), and
boldly supplemented by Henzen, 5457.
CHAP. XXI] Punishment of the Jews 157
generals who had been in command were rewarded.* The
emperor and the senate decreed triumphal distinctions to
Julius Severus, the real conqueror of Judaea.* The same
general became governor of Syria, while Tiberius Severus,
who had ruled the country as deputy for Marcellus, became
legate of Bithynia. This province, which had hitherto
been proconsular, now became imperial, and the senate
received Pamphylia in exchange.'
Whether Julius Severus continued to govern Judaea
as legate of Syria, or whether the emperor gave a new
ruler to this unhappy country, is uncertain. Nothing more
is heard of Tineius Rufus.
The adherents of Barcocheba were now frightfully /
persecuted ; members of the synagogue in Jamnia were
executed, and Akiba himself suffered the painful death of
a martyr. Hadrian ordered the Jewish worship to be
suppressed with the greatest severity, forbidding even the
use of circumcision. This edict drove the miserable
remnant of the Jews under Hadrian's successor into
rebellion, and Antoninus Pius felt himself obliged to
repeal it. The Jews however were forbidden to circumcise
Gentiles, and they were not allowed to make proselytes.*
The last strength of Israel's manhood perished with
'So (2- Lollius Urbicius, Renier, Inscriptions de PAljrfyie^ n. 2319:
Legato imp. Had. in exped. Judaica, qua donatus est hasta pura, corona
aurea ; n. 2320, his family. As legate in Britain (140-143 A.D.) he built
the wall of Antonius, CJ,L. vii., p. 192. Henzen, 6501. Kellermann,
Vijp'lfs^ n. 247 : inscription in honour of C. Popilius, late legate of the
legion X. Fretensis, tribune of the legion ill. Cyrenaica, donato donis
militnrib. a. Divo Hadr. ob Judaicam exped itionem—Mommsen, LR,N.
3542. Granting of honours to C. Nummius Constans ob bellum Judaicum.
* CtiKK/ts honor. CJ.I^ i, iii., n. 2830: ornamenta triumphalia decrevit
ob res in Juclacn prospere gcstas. Perhaps Severus was the last who
received these honours. Before him they were received by Cornelius
Palma.
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 14, C./.G. 4033, 4034. After his mission in Syria
Tib. Severus became proconsul in Achaia, then corrector and curator
in Bithynia. Borghesi and Huebner {Rhtin. Mus, xii. 1857, p. 58 sg.y
have confounded him with Jul. Severus, who had nothing to do with
Bithynia. This has been corrected by Waddington, A/Z/w. sur AeL
Aristid. in Mdm. de Vlnst. xxvi. 1867, p. 227 sq.
« Dig. xlviii., Tit. 8. 1, 1 1, Tit 2. i, 3, § 3.
158 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.xxi
the distinguished families, the priests and teachers of the
people. But the Christian communities too suffered from
ithis persecution. Rejoicing as they did that their dog-
>/^^atic view of the true Messiah had been proved by the
Idownfall of the false one, they were nevertheless involved
/in the ruin of the rebels. During the war the Christian
/communities of Jerusalem are said to have sought an
lasylunfi in. Decapolis on the other side of the Jordan.^
There they suffered as much as the Jews from the vengeance
of Rome. The terrors of this Jewish war and its painful
consequences have been reflected in the synoptic gospels.*
f ^he Christian communities which had hitherto observed
/ the Mosaic ritual now renounced it, in order that they
J.. might not share the fate of the Jews. For the first time
they chose a bishop from among the uncircumcised, Marcus
by name, and thus the last tie was severed which had
connected the Christians of Palestine with the Jews."
Hadrian unconsciously completed the service which Titus
had rendered to the new religion. For only after Jerusalem
had finally fallen as the capital of the Jews, and after the
Jewish nation had been uprooted, could the Christian
Church become cosmopolitan. Judaism itself certainly
remained indestructible. The temple was replaced by
the book of the law, the Mishna and the Talmud, which
date from the time of Akiba. This renewal of theological
work was the last national act of the people, who, scattered
over the earth and afflicted with unspeakable sorrows, yet
remained faithful to the God of their fathers ; the only
example in the world's history of a people who continued
to exist without a country, and to whom their religion
compensated for its loss.
^ Graetz, iv. 182.
^Graetz, note 15 to Matth. 24. 15, Mark 13. 14, which has erroneously
been applied to the time of Titus.
* Eusebw, H,E. iv. 6, Sulpicius Severus, //. Sacra^ il 31.
CHAPTER XXII
The Colony Aelia Capitolina
As Jerusalem still existed, even in its ruins, and as these
could not be at once obliterated, it was determined that
the former capital of Judaea should for ever lose its name
and fame. All the Jews who had been living there and
in the environs were driven out, and Roman veterans,
Phoenicians and Syrians, were settled there as a new
colony,* which the emperor called Aelia Capitolina. He
dedicated it to himself, and to the Jupiter of the Capitol,
by whom the Jehovah of the Hebrews had been overcome.
This sanctuary would then take the place of the old temple
on Moriah.* The victory of Jupiter over Jehovah was
however only nominal, for in a Christian form the ancient
God of the Jews conquered both Rome and the world.
The colony had been planned and begun before the
Jewish war, and immediately after the war was ended the
' Eusebius, H.E, iv., c. 6, who, quoting from Ariston of Pella, says :
the Roman colony was built because the city was completely depopulated
after the expulsion of the Jews and the loss of the old inhabitants :
iX dXXo0l;\ov re 7/rovt ffvwonaaOeltnitt ^ /trr/rccra awrrcura 'Pw/imk^ roMt r^
iw%m^v/Uar d/ul^ffotra — ACkla wpoaayop€^Tai,
* It is called Capitolina in Dion, Ulpian, in the tabula Peutingeriana
etc., and not Capitolia or Capitolias. Deyling has corrected the error of
Harduin, that Domitian had already called Jerusalem Capitolias ; this
is a confusion with Capitolias in Coele-Syria. Sepp. i. 102, 179, asserts
that that part of the city where the xth legion was quartered, had been
called Capitolias, and that the Aelia derived its name from it Two
editions of Ptolemy (Argentor. 1522, and by Victor Langlois, Paris, 1867),
have indeed Capitolias ; the Wilberg edition (1838) has A/Xla KawtT^kia,
/
i6o The Emperor Hadrian [book i
new building was taken up again and vigorously carried on.
Eusebius gives the 20th, Jerome the 21st year of Hadrian
as the date of the (second) foundation of the Aelia,
the colony must therefore have been consecrated in the
year 136 A.D. or 137 A.D.^ Coins with the legend
COLONIA . AELIA . CAPITOLINA . CONDITA commemorated
this foundation.^
It is only a Christian legend that Hadrian entrusted
the building of the new Jerusalem to the Greek Acylas
from Sinope, who, at one time a Christian, was turned
out of the community, and went over to Judaism.' He
made a reputation by translating the Bible into Greek.
If the Talmudists say that the eipperor ploughed up
the ground round Jerusalem in token of its degradation,
and then built the new city, this fable is explained by the
coins of the colony which bear the usual symbol of the
husbandman, or by the Roman rite of making a circle
with the plough-share round the city about to be founded.*
The colony was built on the site of the old city, but it
had a diminished circumference. For, as is admitted by
all explorers in Palestine, the eastern slopes down to
the brook Cedron, as well as mount Zion to the south,
'The Chron. PaschaU erroneously gives 119 a.d. as the foundation
year. A distinction must be drawn between a first foundation and, after
the interruption arising from the war, the second one, which Madden
(///>/. of Jew, Coinage\ p. 200, acknowledges as correct. He places the
first in the year 131 A.D., the last in 136 A.D. The assumption that the
new colony had been consecrated at the time of Hadrian's Vicennalia
has some probability in its favour. Deyling, p. 293. — De Saulcy, Rech,^
p. 158.
' De Saulcy (iS/um, de la T, 5., p. 85), gives two such coins ; n. i re-
presents a colonist with two bulls ; n. 2, as he believes, the genius of the
colony in a teti*astyle. The same in Madden, Coins of the Jcwsy p. 249.
He wrongly considers the aratum tetnplum the emblem of the colony.
The figure n. 2, which is repeated in a coin of M. Aurelius and of L.
Verus, is, according to him, either Jupiter or the city. He places the
colony-coins in the year 136 a.d. De Saulcy in the year 137 a.d.
* This is related by Epiphanius of Eleutheropolis in Palestine, Bishop
/ ill Cyprus about 367 A.D., de pond, et mens, c. 14. Curiously enough, he
/ makes Acylas a brother-in-law (rcv^cp^ffiyt) of Hadrian. He is supported
/ by Chron, Paschaie for ttie year 132 a.d.
* Graetz, iv., n. 14, p. 451.
ciiAi\ xxiij The Temple of Jupiter i6i
were outside the walls of Hadrian.* The Aelia estabh'shed
the ground plan of the later Jerusalem, and it was the city
of Hadrian which Constantine and Helena found, when
they built their famous churches, and it was this Jeru-
salem, irrespective of the changes wrought by time, which
became the prey both of Arabs and Crusaders.
Hadrian had the new city divided into seven quarters,
over which he placed civil magistrates (Amphodarchs).
He built two market-places, a theatre for gladiatorial
combats, and other public buildings, many of which were
only finished after his time.* As a military colony was
required to be a strong place, it must have had a fort,
and this can only have stood on the site of the present
fortress of the Turks, namely the citadel of David by the
Jaffa gate, where *:he indestructible remains of Herod's towers
would certainly have been used by Hadrian for his fort."
No s|)ot could be more appropriate for the new temple
of the god of the Romans than the rocky plateau of Moriah,
supported by its gigantic walls. It had indeed been en-
cumbered since the days of Titus with masses of ruins
from the temple of Herod, but these gradually disappeared,
as the material was used for the building of the new city.
The temple of Jupiter had already been begun before the
war, for Dion states that its erection on the site of the
temple of Jehovah was one of the causes of the Jewish
rebellion.* Even in the fourth century, when Hadrian's
^ Robinson, ii. 467. Sepp. i. 241 sg.
* These statements only in the Ckron, Pasch, for the year 119 A.D. :
fffTMTc rd i\A 9rifi6ffta iral r6 Biarpw^ rd Tptxdfiaport — TrrpcCrv/c^or — Aw^ciCrvXor
t6 wpbf dro;<a^i6/ifror ^KpafiaBfuAj xal rifp K68paif — iwrd Aft^o^.... Some ex-
pressions are obscure.
' Perhaps the citadel was the Dodecapylon. Robinson, ii. 454, places
the building of the citadel absolutely in the time of Hadrian.
* Eusebius and Citron, Pasch, do not mention the temple of Zeus, and
the fathers speak only of monuments of Zeus and of Hadrian on the site
of the temple. Hieron in Isaiam ii., c. 2 : Ubi quond. erat templum
Dei — ibi Adriani statua et Jovis idolum collocatum est The equestrian
statue of Hadrian was still seen by Jerome ''in ipso sancto sanctor loco"
(in Matth. c. 24, 15). But he also says (ad Paulin, Ep. \%\ that a statue
of Zeus stood over the tomb of Christ J oh. Chrysostom {Adv, Judaeos^
T. c. 11), speaks only in general of a statue of Hadrian in Jerusalem.
L
i62 The Emperor Hadrian [booki
building no longer existed, the pilgrim of Bordeaux, and
after him Jerome, saw on the site of the temple Hadrian's
equestrian statue and the " perforated stone " (now el Sachra)
which the sorrowing Jews were accustomed to anoint.
Hadrian's temple can only have been of small dimensions,
for it is not mentioned in the catalogue of the emperor's
buildings in Jerusalem, which are enumerated in the Alex-
andrian chronicle. Coins of Aelia show a small round
building with the figure of Zeus in the centre, standing
either alone, or between Pallas and Hera, but it is doubtful
whether the building is intended to represent the temple of
Zeus.^ As for the rest of the coins of the colony, they show,
in addition to the image of Zeus, the image of Astarte, of
Serapis (this latter more frequently after the time of Marcus
Aurelius), of Apollo, of Dionysus, and the Dioscuri, thus
proving that it was not the Capitoline Jupiter alone who
was worshipped there.^
When Jerusalem again became the holy city of the
Christians in the time of Constantine, the temple of Zeus
was destroyed, with all the other sanctuaries of the gods.
As the Christians found heathen temples and idols on the
spot, which according to their belief was the site of Mount
Calvary and of the sepulchre of Christ, they maintained
that the Romans had intentionally profaned the holy
places, and made them impossible to identify. Over
the grave of our Saviour, they assert, stood a shrine of
Astarte, or the Syrian Aphrodite ; the same goddess was
worshipped on Mount Calvary, and Thammus or Adonis
in the grotto at Bethlehem.' In the marble image of a
^ De Saulcy, Numismatiqtu <U la Terre Sainte^ p. 85, n. 3. Madden,
p. 250. Jupiter seated, at his sides Minerva and Juno, or perhaps the
genius of the city. — Coin of M. Aurelius in Vogii^, Le Temple de J^rusalem^
p. 62, a tetrastylon, in the centre Jupiter seated in a vaulted niche, around
COL . AEL . CAP.
' Eckhel, iii., p. i.
' Euseb. ViL Const iii. 26 (Aphrodite in the vault : he speaks, however,
only of tBtoi nrct). Hieron., ad Paulin., Ep. 58 (in crucis rupe statua
Veneris; Adonis in Bethlehem). Socrates, H,E, i., c. 17 (Sepulchre of
Christ, temple and figure of Aphrodite^ likewise Sozomenus, H,E, ii.,
c. I. Paulinus, Ep, xi., ad Severum (simulacrum Jovis in loco passionis;
temple of Adonis in Bethlehem). Tobler, Golgatha^ p. 50 sq, — Sepp,
CHAP, xxii] Edict against the Jews 163
boar on the gate leading to Bethlehem, Jerome, not with-
out reason, saw an insult to the Jews, although this animal,
sacred to Ceres, was a military badge of the Romans.*
There are no remains of Hadrian's buildings in Jerusalem,
or none that can be identified as his, for it is only con-
jecture which ascribes to him the arch of Ecce Homo^ the
splendid Porta anrea^ the triple gate, the ruined columns
of the bazaar, or the foundations of the Damascus gate.*
There are no marble inscriptions in Jerusalem to give any
information now of this emperor or of the Aelia Capitolina,
while so many cities of the empire have afforded written
monuments for the learned to read. Jerusalem has refused
this service ; for only one solitary imperial inscription
has been found there bearing the name of Antoninus Pius,
and this is of no value ; but a happy chance has brought
to light an authentic Greek inscription from the temple of
Herod, which refuses to the Gentiles entrance within the
sacred precincts on pain of death.'
It is certain that Hadrian ordered the xth l^on
Fretensis to stay in Aelia, and the vith legion Ferrata
also remained behind as a garrison in Judaea.^ He forbade
the Jews to set foot in Jerusalem and in the surrounding
country, and this inhuman edict remained in force for
centuries ; but in the course of time the Jews were allowed
to come once a year, by bribing the Roman guards, to the
place of the temple, when they wept, on the anniversary
of its foundation, over the destruction of their city by Titus.
Jemsdl. u. das hdl.-lMnd i.,' p. 419, believes in an intentional dese-
cration by Hadrian and his successors ; but Robinson, ii. 73, Renan
and Tobler doubt the confused statements of the fathers.
* Hieron., Chron. On the symbol Spannheim, Hist Christy saec. ii.,
p. 687.
* Robinson, i. 437. Tobler, Topof^, i. 1 58.
•tITO . AELIO . HADRIANO . ANTONIO . AUG . PIO— P . P . PONTIF .
AUGUR (?) D . D., in Vogii^, Le Temple^ pi. v., and from CJ.L, iii., n. 16.
The inscription has been inversely fixed to the south wall of the Harim,
over the double gate, below the aksa ; Tobler, Topaf^, i. 60. — The 8t6l€
with the Greek inscription was discovered by Clermont-Ganneau on the
Har&m wall, Comptis rendus in Acad, d, Inscr. 1872, p. 177. It is now
in the Louvre, as the one solitary relic of the temple of Herod.
* Pfitzner, p. 188, 242.
164 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. xxii
The pilgrim of Bordeaux saw there the statue of Hadrian
and the holy stone ; the Jews anointed the stone with oil
on that day, amid weeping and lamentation and rending
of garments, and afterwards departed.^ This striking
commemoration, the oldest in history, is still repeated
to-day at the wall of wailing in Jerusalem, though it has
become a theatrical as much as an historical display of
sorrow."
Aelia Capitolina continued to be a heathen city until
the days of Constantine. The emperor Commodus must
have derived some special benefit from it, for he gave it
the name Commodiana.'
The name of Jerusalem did not certainly disappear after
the time of Hadrian ; it survived all the more in the memory
of men, and the bishops especially made use of it, though
it was replaced officially by the name Aelia. This, indeed^
continued for three hundred years to be the name for the
city and bishopric of Jerusalem.^ It was still used officially
in the year 637 A.D., for when the Caliph Omar took the
holy city, he called it in the charter which he bestowed upon
it, not Jerusalem, but Aelia,*
^ Itiner. HierosoL^ ed. Wesseling, p. 591. On the edict of Hadrian:
/ustin. ApoL ii. 84. Tertull. Adv, Jud^ c 15, 16; Apolog,^ c. 16.
Celsus, in Ortg. at the end, 1. 8. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 12, p. 202. Sulp.
Sever, ii. 45. Euseb. Dem. ii., c. 38. Hilar. Psalm. 58, p. 219. Euseb..
and Hieron. Chron. Hieron. speaks touchingly about it, Sophon^ c. ii.
' I witnessed it there in the Easter time of 1882.
* COL . AEL . CAPIT . AURELIA COMMODIANA PIA FELIX (De Saulcy^
p. 94), first on coins under Caracalla.
^ At the time when the Empress Eudocia visited Jerusalem, and even
as late as the year 536 A.D., it is stated in the rolls of a synod at Jeru-
salem : In colonia Aelia metropoli sive Hierosolyma ; Harduin, ConciL
ii. 14 1 2 in Robinson, ii., p. 9.
'Tobler, Golgatha^ p. 104. In De Saulcy (p. 185, pi. 19), the first coin,
struck in Jerusalem by the Arabian conqueror, with the inscription Aelia.
CHAPTER XXIII
The War with tfte Alani. Arrians Periplus of the
Black Sea
Hadrian had returned to Rome before the Jewish war
was over, for his presence there on the 5th May, 134 A.D., is
proved by an inscription.* Towards the end of this war
the Alani revolted, a tribe who lived between the Caucasus,
the Caspian Sea, the river Cyrus and Iberia, and who were
also called Massagetae. The Iberian king, Pharasmanes,
had stirred them up to a predatory expedition, by which
Armenia and Cappadocia were disturbed.
The Alani seem also to have penetrated into the country
of the Parthians, for their king, Vologeses, appeased them by
presents, while the Roman force, under the command of the
governor of Cappadocia, Flavius Arrianus, reduced them to
tranquillity.* The history of the dealings of this famous
man with the Alani is lost. The writing called The Order
of Rattle against the Alani, which is added to the Tactics of
Arrian, appears to have been a part of it; but it merely con-
tains information about the composition of the Roman
troops and their order of battle.' This motley army con-
sisted of Celtic horsemen, infantry from the Bosporus,
' Greek letter of Hadrian to the congregation of the triumphantly
crowned athletes who called themselves after Hercules. C./.C7. 5906,
Latin in Gruter, 315: Trib. Pot. xviii., Cos. iii., prid. iii. — Non Majar
Romae.
*Dion Cassius, lxix« 15. Spart c. 17. On these quarrels Schneider-
wirth, Pie Par/her^ p. 1 56.
»"EirTa(«f «rar* 'AXarwr, appended to the Tacticn. Amstelodami, 1683^
p. 98 sq.
i66 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
Cyrenians, Numidians, Achaian cavalry, Armenians, men
from Trebizond and Colchis, Getae and Italians, and the
Xllth and xvth legions. Xenophon, a Greek, whose name
recalled famous times, was general of the whole army, and
Valens, legate of the XVth legion, led the cavalry. After
Arrian has described the order of battle in which the
army was drawn up, he says that on the approach
of the Scythians, who rode without armour on bare-
backed horses, uttering a fearful war-cry, missiles were
hurled, the infantry pressed forward, and the enemy took
to flight. The whole war seems to have been of little
importance.
Vologeses, king of Parthia, had moreover sent inessengers
to the senate to accuse Pharasmanes, and the barbaric chief
of Iberia came to Rome with his wife and son to vindicate
himself. He was received with hospitality. The emperor
allowed him to offer sacrifice on the capitol, he increased his
power, he even erected an equestrian statue of him in the
temple of Bellona, and he delighted in the war dances of
the Iberian nobles. This is the account of Dion, but
Spartianus says that Hadrian wounded the pride of his
vassal by ordering three hundred criminals in the arena to
be clothed with the costly garments which the king had
brought to the emperor as a present.
Flavius Arrian, a second Xenophon, possessed the full
confidence of the emperor, who made him governor of the
province of Cappadocia, where he remained as legate from
about 1 3 1 A.D. to 1 37 a.d.^ The result of this happy appoint-
ment was the Periplus of the Black Sea, a work which we
possess in the form of a Greek letter addressed to Hadrian.
For the emperor had commissioned his legate to sail round the
coasts of the Black Sea in order to ascertain the condition
of the Roman fortresses there, as well as all other particulars,
and for this purpose Arrian drew up a report, written, unfor-
^ He wrote his Periplus of the Euxine in 131 A.D. (Marquardt, R, St.;
368X his Taetica in 137 a. D., as he says there himself, in the 20th year
of Hadrian. As late as 1 37 a.d. he is mentioned in an inscription from
Sebastopolis as legate of Cappadocia (/^^z^. ArcA. N.S. 1876, p. 199). He
was succeeded as legate by L. Burbuleius Optatus Ligurianus, Borghesi
iv. 158.
CHAP, xxiii] Arrian's Periplus 167
tunately, with the brevity of a soldier. But as an authentic
geographical sketch it is of the greatest value.^
He began his voyage at Trebizond, the colony of Sinope.
** Here," so he writes to the emperor, " we gazed with delight
on the Black Sea from the same spot whence Xenophon,
and you too, looked upon it"* Two rude altars stood
there, but the Greek letters were defective and illegible, so
Arrian ordered other altars to be erected of white marble,
with a plain inscription. A statue of Hadrian stood there,
too, with his right hand pointing to the sea. The people of
Trebizond had probably erected it in memory of his visit
Arrian did not think the statue worthy of the emperor, so he
begged him to send another to Trebizond, and also to
replace the existing statue of Hermes, in the temple there,
by a better one.
From Trebizond the voyage proceeded in an easterly
direction towards the harbour Hyssus, where Arrian re-
viewed a cohort and twenty horse ;' then further on to the
Pontic Athens, where a temple of Athene, a deserted fort,
and a harbour were to be seen. From there he sailed to
Apsarus, where five cohorts were stationed, who received
their pay and were inspected. Arrian derives the name of
the place from the death of Absyrtus, whose tomb was still
to be .seen.*
Then follows a list of all the rivers past which he
sailed after leaving Trebizond. The distances are given in
stadia from place to place, and from river to river. 1450
are reckoned from Trebizond to the Phasis. Arrian praises
the water of this river on account of its lightness, clearness,
and purity. It is said not to grow putrid if kept for ten years,
but rather to improve. On the left of the mouth of the river
stood the figure of Rhea, the goddess of the country, a
1 Arrian also makes particular mention of letters in Latin which be sent
to Hadrian, in addition to his Greek report. Periplus^ p. 122.
* Xenophon, Anabasis^ iv. 822 : koX ^X^or e>l ^aXarrov f /t T/wrefoOrra
vMcr 'EXXiyrf6a olKWfUtnifw iw rf Ei)(e/ry n6rrv» ZivoWwr dvourfor er rj K^Xxm'
'Ptolemy (v. 6, 5) enumerates Ischopolis, Cerasus, Pbamacia, Hyssi
Portus, Trebizond.
* 'A^^ot llorafi^t, in Ptolemy, th'd.
i68 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
cymbal in her hand and lions under her seat. An anchor of the
Argo was shown, but Arrian doubted its genuineness, as it was
made of iron. On the other hand he placed more faith in some
remains of a stone anchor which he saw. A fort stood on the
Phasis, with a garrison of four hundred men — picked troops,
under whose protection the merchants lived. Arrian ordered
the harbour to be strengthened by a walled trench.^
The voyage proceeds to Sebastopoh's or Dioscurias,
formerly a colony of Miletus, the most northerly emporium
for oriental goods, and the most important military station
of the empire on this side. For the chain of Roman fort-
resses ended here, and behind lay the unconquered country
of Caucasian tribes, of whom only a few acknowledged the
supremacy of Rome. Sebastopolis was a flourishing market
for the barbaric tribes, where, according to Strabo, seventy
nations carried on their trade, and where a great slave
market was held.* The city received favours from Hadrian,
for it erected a statue to him in the Olympieum at Athens,
and called him its benefactor.'
Then follows the list of peoples past whose shores Arrian
sailed. Some paid tribute, others refused to pay it. Over
many tribes Hadrian had appointed chiefs. The Colchians
and Drilae are mentioned (both according to Xcnophon)
as neighbours to the people of Trebizond. The Drilae
Arrian also calls Sanni.^ He complains that they lead a
predatory life, and molest the people of Trebizond. He
thinks, with the help of the gods, they might be made to
pay tribute, and if they refuse they ought to be put to death.
The Machelones and the Heniochi, whose king is called An-
chialus, are near neighbours to the Sanni.* Then follow the
^The citadel is called Phasis in the tabula Peutingcriana ; by Ptolemy
Sebastopolis. This geographer bounds Colchis on the north by Sarmatia,
on the west by that part of the Euxine which stretches from the river
Corax to the inner bay next to the Phasis. Then begins Armenia Minor
and Iberia on the Caucasus.
' Strabo, xi. 498. To-day the Mingrelian place, Iskuriah.
* 2c/3curroroXctn' rCjQr cr Ildi^ry 4 pov\^ Kal 6 Brjftot, C,/.0, 342.
* Ptolemy (v. 9, 20) alludes to a people, Sovparot, behind the Amazons
and between the Hippian and Ceraunian mountains. Mannert, vi. 420, sg,
^ Ptolem. (v. 9, 20) places the Heniochi in Sarmatia Asiatica between
the Cercetae and the Suani.
riiAi*. xxiiij Arrian's l^criplus 169
Zyclrcti, subjects of Pharasmanes, then the Lazi, under king
Malassus, who was set over them by Hadrian, and the
Apsilae, to whom Trajan had given Juh'anus as a king.
Close to these are the Abasgi (now Awchasi), whose king,
Rhesmages, had been appointed by Hadrian. Similarly
the Sanigri received their king Spadages from Hadrian.
We may perceive the nature of the Roman power in these
Caucasian districts, where the condition of the small and
separate tribes has remained very much the same even
until our own time. But the prosperity of the commercial
cities which once flourished there has been destroyed by the
Mongols and the Tartars. Russia, who, since the days of
Peter the Great, has been in possession of nearly three sides
of the Black Sea, carries on the work of colonization begun
by the Greeks and Romans in these countries, but without
their spirit ; and only in her warfare are we reminded of the
days of Imperial Rome.
The river Apsarus is the extreme limit of the liuxine
towards the cast.* Arrian must thence have sailed north-
wards to the Singames, and then his course must have been
along the left side of the Pontus to Sebastopol, whence he
could see the range of the Caucasus, and its highest point
Strobilus. He recalled to mind that it was there that
Prometheus had been chained.
In the second part of the Periplus Arrian describes, too
often only from imperfect information, the country on the
banks of the Thracian Bosporus as far as Trebizond along
the coasts of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and the country of
Pontus. The number of forts, harbours and commercial
cities are an excellent proof of the state of civilization there
while the north and north-eastern side of the Euxine were
shrouded for Arrian, too, in the gloom of mystery and fable.
We notice the most im|)ortant places on this passage to
Trebizond : Iferaclca (Erakli), a colony of Megara ; Sinope,
a colony of Miletus ; Amisus, a colony of Athens ; Phar-
macia (formerly Cerasus) and Trebizond, whose prosperity
was largely clue to Trajan. Arrian earnestly besought the
emperor to build a harbour here.
The third and last line, which completes the circuit of the
' See the map of this Periplus in the edition of Nicol. Blancard.
I70 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
Euxine, is the line from Sebastopolis to the Cimmerian, and
thence to the Thracian Bosporus, i,e. to Byzantium. The
death of Cotys II., the king of the Cimmerian Peninsula,
suggested this sketch of Arrian's.^ He wished to acquaint
the emperor with the geography of the Crimea. Subse-
quently the emperor gave the sovereignty of the Bosporus to
a son of Cotys, Roemetalces, who now called himself the
friend of the emperor and of the Romans, as was the habit
with other barbarian princes appointed by Rome.* The
Bosporan kings had their likeness stamped on their coins in
addition to that of the emperor, and there are some in
existence of the time of Hadrian.' The Cimmerian Bosporus,
however, never became a province under the rule of Rome.
From Sebastopolis the voyage is pursued along the coasts
of the present Mingrelia, Abasia and Circassia. Arrian
notices the people of the Zichi by the river Achaeus. They
too had received a king from Hadrian. The promontory of
Hercules, Vetus Lazica, Achaia Antiqua, the harbour of
Pagrae and Hieros Sindica, then the Cimmerian Bosporus,
and Panticapaeum are all mentioned.* This city, now called
Kertsch, a colony of Miletus, was the most important place
in the Tauric Chersonesus, the residence of the Tauric
princes who were under the protection of Rome. The great
Mithridates died here. Arrian does not mention the Hyp-
hanis or river Kuban, which discharges itself opposite the
city. He places the Tanais (the Don), which separates
Europe from Asia, sixty stadia from Panticapaeum, and then
he makes it flow into the Black Sea from the Maeotis Palus
(the Sea of Azov, which, according to Arrian's estimate, com-
prises 9000 stadia).^ The way in which he speaks of it
proves that he never saw the Don, and it is most likely that
he allowed the whole excursion to be undertaken by some
' Cotys died in 131 a.d. See C.I.G,^ n. 2108 c, sg,
' ^iKhKOLiirap, ^Xofnifiaiot, the emperor himself he calls (fkw Krlaniy. C,/,G.y
n. 2108 f, sg.
'Of Cotys and Roemetalces. The legend is Greek. Mionnet, ii., p.
372 ; Suppi. iv. 506 sq. Under Constantine there still existed a Bos-
poran king — Sauromates.
* Ptolemy, iii. 6, 4 ; viii. 10, 4 : llarruravo/a.
^ Ptolemy (vii. 5, 6) has the correct estimate.
CHAP. XXII i] Arrian's Periplus 171
one else. The important city Tanais (Azov), which even in
the Middle Ages still retained its trade with India, is not
mentioned.
From Panticapaeum the journey is continued to Theo-
dosia, formerly a colony of Miletus, which at that time was
abandoned.^ The city is now called Caffa, or Feodosia.
We may also mention Symbolon Portus (Balaclava). It is
again remarkable that the promontory of Parthenion, with
its temple of Diana, and Kriu Metopon (Cape Merdwinoi),
known to Ptolemy, are not mentioned. The Dead Sea
(Sinus Carcinites) is not spoken of by that name, but is
known as " not a large sea " at the lower end of the harbour
of Tamyrace. The Greek colony Olbia, on the Borysthenes
(Dnieper) is mentioned.* Then follows the harbour Odessus
(Odessa), 250 stadia further Istrianorum Portus, then Isia-
corum Portus, and Psilum at the mouth of the Ister
(Danube).' The mouths of the Hypanis (Bug) and the
Danastris (Dniester) are not mentioned. Opposite to this
mouth of the Danube lies the island of Achilles, with an,
ancient temple of the hero, where sailors sacrifice goats to
him.* Ancient votive offerings are to be found there, vases
rings, precious stones, with Greek and Latin inscriptions in
praise of Achilles and Patroclus. Numerous sea birds make
themselves useful in the temple, which they clean with their
wings. We cannot read without astonishment the wonderful
things narrated by a sensible man like Arrian, with the
greatest gravity. Achilles was here a sea god for mariners,
to whom he spoke in oracles. He appeared to them in
dreams or awake, but only on this island, while the Dioscuri
appeared everywhere. Thetis gave the island to her son,
and he inhabited it. Arrian obtained the whole of this in-
formation from hearsay, and he expressly says that it does
not appear incredible to him, as Achilles was such a great
hero.
' Arrian, Per. 1 32 : ral /u^fiii iimv aMft iv iroXXoct ypd/xtiOffiw.
'Ptolemy, iii. 5, 28: 'OX/?(a ^ Kcd Bopva$4mt: cp. Per/pi, Anon.^ p. 9, in
Mannert, iv., p. 238.
' Ptolemy : 'Opdf7(r6t or 'Op9f7(r<r6f, in European Sarmatia, not to be con-
founded with Odyssus or Odessus in Moesia inferior.
* Ptolemy iii. 10. 17 : Kal ^ *Ax(XX/ct ^ Acvir)} r^ot, also called Dromos
Achillis.
172 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. xxm
Four other mouths of the Danube follow after Psili
Ostrum, then the cities I stria, Tomi, Callantra Portus/
Carorum Portus (the surrounding country is called Caria).
We also notice Dionysopolis (Baldschick) in Lower Moesia,
Odessus (Varna), the promontory of Haemus (K. Emineh),
Mesembria (Missivria in Thrace), Apollonia (Sizeboli), Sal-
mydessus (Midja), the fabulous Cyanae, the temple of Zeus
Urios at the entrance of the Bosporus, the harbour of
Daphne, and finally Byzantium.
The cities there were Greek. They had preserved their
language and constitution under the Roman dominion, and
to her alone they were indebted for protection from the
incursions of the Scythians and Sarmatians. The most
important communities among them, such as Istros, Tomi,
Odessus, Mesembria and Apollonia, even formed a league
of cities with a diet.^
' Ptolemy and Pliny speak of six, Strabo of seven mouths ; of. Manneit,
iv., p. 219.
> Koti'di' r^f wiyrawdXtiot or tQv *E\Xi/i¥u»v : G. Perrot. Inscr. inid, de la mer
noire, Rev, Arch,, 1874, P« 22.
CHAPTER XXIV
Hadriatis last years in Rome. Death of Sabina
Augtista. Adoption and Death of Aelius Verus.
After the emperor had travelled through the length aftd
breadth of his empire he found himself once more in the
palace of the Caesars, wearied, aged and sad. He made
additions to his villa at Tibur, and he built his tomb in
Rome. The work of his life was accomplished. Increasing
illness embittered his existence. The anxiety of appointing
a successor to the empire weighed upon him : for like all
the emperors before him except Vespasian, Hadrian had no
natural heir.
It did not need a particularly jealous disposition to look
with suspicion, or as Spartianus says, with hatred upon all,
who, as possible inheritors of the throne were awaiting his
death with ill-concealed eagerness.^ Every ruler, who, like
Hadrian, has played a long and distinguished part in the
world, must be disturbed by painful thoughts as he ap-
proaches the end of his career. His nearest legitimate heirs
were his brother-in-law Servianus, and the grandson of
Servianus, Fuscus Salinator. The father of this young man,
a consul and friend of Pliny, had married a daughter of
Servianus and of Domitia Paulina, and of this marriage
Fuscus was the offspring.* Astrologers had foretold that the
young man would wear the purple, and this prediction may
^ Spart. c. 23 : Omnes postremo, de quorum imperio cogitavit, quasi
futures imperatores detestavit.
' Pliny {F.fi. vi. 26) to Servianus expressing his pleasure at this marriage.
Borgbesi, ii. 212. Hadrian even thought Servianus worthy of the throne,
Dion Cassius, Ixix. 17.
174 'I'he Emperor Hadrian [book i
have been repeated to the emperor. Other candidates for
the throne were Platorius Nepos, once a favourite of Hadrian,
and Terentius Gentianus, who was a favourite of the senate.
It does not transpire that Augusta Sabina took any part in
the palace intrigues about the succession, as Trajan's wife had
done before her. She would scarcely have had time, for she
died about the year 136 A.D. Slander was active in ascribing
her death to the hatred of the emperor, who was said to have
made her take poison.^ Aurelius Victor gloomily narrates
that Sabina was treated by her husband almost like a slave,
and was at last obliged to put herself voluntarily to death ;
that she had indeed publicly declared, that she would never
have a son by Hadrian, as she knew he would inevitably be
a curse to the human race. As a similar saying is related of
the father of Nero, the husband of Agrippina, this can only
be considered a fable. The commonplace biographers of
Hadrian have even surpassed Tacitus and Suetonius in
searching the chronicle of Roman scandal.'
We know nothing of Hadrian's domestic relations ; but to
Sabina he seems not to have been much attached.' The
beautiful medals with the l^end Concordia Augusta must
have been a bitter satire on her married life.* The emperor
always paid honour to his wife in public, and so did the
world by setting up altars to her by the side of those of the
emperor. She seems to have been enrolled among the gods
by Antoninus Pius.^ Her memory, moreover, is preserved in
the medals and inscriptions of Rome, as well as in those of
the colonies. Her portrait in numerous busts shows a dis-
tinguished but not pleasing face, with a massive and lofty
forehead, a large nose, and lines of haughty sadness about
^ Spart. c 23 : Sabina uxor non sine fabula veneni dati ab Hadriano
defuncta est.
' Duruy (iv. 409) defends Hadrian against Roman scandal regarding his
conduct towards Sabina.
' In the collection of Dositheus, previously referred to, there is a letter of
Hadrian's to his mother (Plotina) ; he invites her to dine with him as it is
his birthday, and Sabina has gone into the country. This betrays a mutual
dislike. Boecking, Corp, Juris Rom, Ante just, 212.
* Cohen, ii., p. 247, n. 2, sq,
^ Consecration coins in Eckhel, vi. 522, Cohen, ii., n. 27. The veiled
Sabina holds a sceptre ; an eagle raises her.
CHAP, xxiv] Death of Sabina 175
the mouth, which seem to justify the epithet " morose " that
was applied to her.^ Sabina had probably been prominent as
a woman of culture in Trajan's court circle, and naturally
enjoyed the society of intellectual men. This displeased the
suspicious Hadrian, who on one occasion dismissed Suetonius
and others from the court. Meanwhile, in the silent marble
alone the sorrowful face of this unhappy Augusta continues
to live for us.
All the candidates for the throne were in the end greatly
disconcerted by the emperor's choice. This fell upon Lucius
Commodus Verus; and it must have been the more surprising
as the man chosen was the son-in-law of that Nigrinus, whom
the senate at the commencement of Hadrian's reign had
ordered to be put to death for high treason. It almost looks
as if the emperor wished to atone for a crime.
The declared heir to the throne was the son of Ceionius
Commodus, whose consular race came from Etruria.* He
became praetor in 130 A.D., and then (on 5th of December)
his wife Domitia Lucilla bore him a son Lucius Verus,
who afterwards became the inglorious colleague of Marcus
Aurelius. His rare beauty and his charming manners pro-
cured him the favour of the emperor, whom he had been
allowed to accompany on his voyage up the Nile. Evil
interpretations were put upon this friendship by some who
imagined that Verus was a second Antinous. His wit and
conversation were brilliant, and he composed Latin and
Greek verses as well as the emperor himself, who looked
indulgently upon his excesses. The pleasure-loving Lucius
Commodus was only carrying out the traditions of Hadrian
and of Rome, when he confronted the Stoics with the
maxims of Epicurus. He invented a pasty which Hadrian
liked, and that was a merit as far as the emperor's kitchen
went;^ but another invention of his favourite must probably
have met with less approval, namely, a specially artistic bed
' So she appears in the bust of alabaster in the Capitol, with a con-
spicuously high head-dress, with wreath of ears of com and a diadem.
*Spart Melius^ c. 2 : Jul. Capitol.^ Verus Imp.^ c. I.
' Spart., Melius^ c. 5, alleges that this pasty was called pentafamiacum^
as it consisted of sow-udder and parts of pheasant, peacock, ham, and
boar, contained in a crust of sugar.
176 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
hung with network curtains, on which Lucius, perfumed with
Persian scents, was in the habit of reposing, Ovid's Amores
in his hand. This to Hadrian, who had often slept like a
common soldier, on the bare ground, would be very dis-
pleasing. Lucius masked his runners, whom he caused to
run unmercifully, as winged cupids, giving them the names
of the winds. The pedant Spartianus, in speaking about
these excesses, remarks that though they were immoral, they
were not dangerous to the state. They show clearly enough,
however, that even the simplicity of Hadrian's court, and his
efforts to improve the habits of the Romans, were not
sufficient to eradicate the vices of society. Justin still pitied
the children, who, in spite of Hadrian's prohibition, were
openly sold to procurers in Rome, and Epictetus could
satirize the women who devoured the Republic of Plato, as
it taught them the happiness of a community of wives.^
When the wife of Lucius Commodus complained of his
intrigues, her husband quietly said : ** Wife is a title of
honour, and does not denote pleasure"^ If Verus had been
nothing but a libertine the choice would have done little
credit to Hadrian's power of judgment. Either he saw in
Verus qualities which made him worthy of the throne, or
he was deceived in him. We may perhaps not be wrong
in thinking that Hadrian was chiefly influenced by the
striking and regal beauty of Verus.*
After Hadrian had determined to adopt Verus, the dis-
appointed candidates endeavoured to interfere ; the choice,
moreover, was repugnant to all the Romans.^ As at the
beginning, so at the end of his reign, Hadrian saw himself
threatened by a conspiracy, and the feeling that after twenty
years of wise government he could not carry out his wishes,
* Justin, ApoL ii. 70; Epictet. Apophthegw.^ p. 427 (J. Stob. Eclog, tnoral^
13>. 30)-
^ Spart. Melius^ c. 5. He had several children by Lucilla, L. Aurelius
Verus, who afterwards became emperor, and several daughters. Ceionia
and Fabia are mentioned by name, and one of them was engaged to
Marcus Aurelius, who however rejected her.
' Comptus, decorus, pulchritudinis regiae, oris venerandi, — Spart HeiiuSf
c. 5.
* Invitis omnibus, — Spart. c. 23.
CHAP. XXIV] Death of Servianus 177
made him beside himself. The chiefs of the discontented
party were his own brother-in-law and his brother-in-law's
grandson Fuscus, the one an old man of ninety, the other a
}^uth of seventeen. The emperor's rage was so uncon-
trollable that he did not spare even the old man. He
ordered both the unfortunate men to be executed, or he
compelled them to commit suicide. Hadrian was at that
time at his villa at Tibur, where he lay ill and exhausted
from loss of blood. From there he seems merely to have
issued the sentence of death, for there is no account of a
trial before the senate.^
Dion tells us that Servianus, before he died, called the
gods to witness to his innocence, and implored them not to
allow Hadrian himself to die when the time came for him
ardently to desire death. As Servianus knew the state of
mental torture the emperor was in, his curse seemed likely
to be fulfilled. Paulina, the wife of Seryianus, died before
him. Hadrian did not show any public mbrks of respect to
the memory of his sister, for which he has been reproached
as wanting in affection.' For a long tirtie he must have
been on bad terms with his nearest relations.
Servianus and his young grandson were not the only men
who fell victims to Hadrian's morbid derangement, for there
were others whom he is said to have done away with, either
publicly or secretly.' His secret police had plenty to da
The despot was latent in every Roman emperor, and there
were traces of it in Hadrian's features. If only by force of
contrast to the fine spirit of humanity by which he had
been actuated throughout his life, these bloody sentences
have left a deep impression on the memory of the world.
Coming before us as bare facts only, we can neither explain
nor palliate them. If his biographers are correct, Hadrian
1 Spartianus (c. 23) only says : Tunc libere Servianum quasi adsecta-
torem imperii, quod servis regis coenam misisset, quod in sedili regio iuxta
lectum posito sedisset, quod erectus ad stationes militum senex nona-
genarius processisset, mori coegit E. Knaut (Hadrian als Regent und
als Character^ Nordhausen, 1871), defends this and other of the emperor's
actions, but shows too much predilection for him.
*Dion Cassius, Ixix. 12.
*Spart. c. 23.
178 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
either ruined his best friends or put them to death, from his
capricious iil-humour, and from his greatest fault, jealousy.^
But when Marius Maximus asserts that Hadrian was natur-
ally cruel, and did good only from fear of suffering the
same fate as Domitian, it is more than absurd.' Against
this is the opinion of Dion, who says : " So far from being
blood-thirsty, Hadrian punished persons who were hostile to
him, merely by writing to their native cities that they had
incurred his displeasure.'
The emperor adopted his heir to the throne in 136
A.D., probably on the loth of August, the anniversary of
his own accession.^ He gave him the name of Aelius, and
the title of Caesar. This Julian cognomen had hitherto been
borne by all the members of the reigning imperial house, but
Hadrian was the first to bestow it as a dignity upon his
appointed successor. Verus at the same time became second
consul for 137 A.D., and tribune. The emperor celebrated
his adoption by games at the circus, and by costly pre-
sents to the people and the army. In order that the new
Caesar might show his practical capacity, and might carry
^ Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3: 6ii 8ii ^^ot oArov deiy^aroi.
' Spart. c. 20, and with it c. 1 5, where the ill-treated friends of Hadrian
are enumerated : Attianus, Nepos, Septicius Clams, Eudaemon, Polaenus,
Marcellus, Heliodorus, Titianus, Umidius Quadratus, Catilius Severus,
and Turbo.
'Dion Cassius, Ixix. 23. Nothing is more contradictory than the views
expressed in Dion and Spartianus regarding the disposition of Hadrian.
They judge from the sources before them. Whatever there is in Dion in
favour of Hadrian emanates probably from his autobiography.
*The Capitoline fasti call Aelius Verus Caesar only in his second
consulate (137 A.D.) while during his first (136 A.D., with S. Vetulenus
Civica Pompeianus) he is still officially called L. Ceionius Verus. There
can, therefore, be no question as to his adoption before 136 ^D. An
inscription in Gruter 874, 5, records these two as consuls on 19th of June,
136 A.D., without giving to L. Ceion. Commodus the title Aelius Caesar.
On the other hand, there is an Alexandrian coin (Zoega tab. 9X showing
that the adoption had taken place already on 29th of August Borghesi,
viii. 457. The adoption and nomination as Caesar has to be set down
for August, 136 A.D. This has lately been established, against Peter
(Rdm, Gesck, iil 552 sq,) by J. Plew, Marius Maximus als Quelle der
Script, H. Aug,y Strassburg, 1878. The adoption coins in Foy-Vaillant,
i. 164, Eckhel, vi. $25.
CHAP. XXIV] Death of Aelius Vcrus 179
on his official career to the proconsulship, Hadrian entrusted
him with the government of Pannonia, the same country in
which the emperor himself had learnt the art of ruling.
Verus went there first in the beginning of 137 A.D., as pro-
consul, for the tribunicia potestas gave him the imperium
proconsulare outside the city.* The inscription on a statue
which Aelius Verus Caesar erected to his adopted father in
Pannonia proves that he was still there in August' Sparti-
anus observes that he made only a moderate impression
there by his qualities as a ruler.
Either the health of Verus was so much shattered that a
longer residence in the Danubian countries would not have
suited him, or the time of his mission had expired, as he
returned to Rome before the end of 137 A.D., and here
the emperor relinquished the government to him, retir-
ing himself to his villa at Tivoli. The dissolute Verus,
however, was seized by a fatal illness.' Hadrian saw the
disappointment of his hopes, and sighed to think that he
had leant on a tottering wall. He repented his imprudent
choice, but it was only malicious calumny which said that
he had adopted Verus because he foresaw his early death.
Spartianus, who repeats this, quotes prophetic verses of
Hadrian about Verus, and other sayings whose truth had
been proved by magic and astrology.* The dying Caesar
had prepared an eloquent speech to congratulate the em-
peror on 1st of January, and to thank him for his favours,
^ Borghesi, Ann. d. Inst. 1855, p. 24 ; Oeuv, viii. 457. The Trib. Pot and
the second consulship is recorded on an Egyptian coin in Zoega, p. 161 ;
a medal referring to the alimentation of Rome, in Froehner, Les Med.
de rEmp. Rdm.^ p. 45. The inscription of the city Cibyra, in Pisidia,
which calls him her benefactor, C.I.G. 4380 ; that of Hadriani, Le Bas-
Wadd. 1053 (Duerr, Anhang, 63).
^C.I.L. iii. 4336 from Javarin. His administration of Pannonia is
recorded by a coin : pannonia . TR . pot . cos . li . S . c Eckhel, vL 526.
Cohen, ii., p. 260, n. 24.
'A coin of L. Ael. Caesar, with Salus feeding the serpent, may refer
to his illness. Cohen, ii., n. 43.
* It is doubtful whether the delicate health of Verus has any connection
with Corinthian coins, which had been struck in memory of his adoption
and nomination as Caesar, bearing the head of Aesculapius. Foy-
Vailtant, i. 164.
i8o The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. xxiv
when, for the good of the world, death snatched him away.^
A man like Verus would have suited the times of a Caligula
and Vitellius, but not an age which was influenced by the
Stoics. Epicurus withdrew, leaving the path to the throne
open to Epictetus and his followers. The memory of Verus
was kept alive for a time by the son who resembled him,
and who had the honour of being tolerated as a colleague
by Marcus Aurelius. Aelius Caesar, moreover, invented the
famous pasty, which survived him as his best memorial.
It became the favourite dish of the emperor Alexander
Severus.*
' Spart Hadr.f c. 34, AeL Vier., c 4. The year 138 A.D. is fixed by C./,L,
ill., n. 4366. (Javarin in Pannonia).
* Lampriditts, Aiex. Stv. c. 30.
CHAPTER XXV
Adoption of Antoninus. Death of the Emperor
Hadrian
Hadrian's end was approaching. He summoned the prin-
cipal senators, and poured out his heart in a melancholy
speech on both kinds of succession, natural and appointed.
He gave the preference to the latter ; for the qualities of
a son may be settled by nature which often produces feeble
and irrational beings, while the judicious ruler can make the
best choice. He thus had first appointed Verus, and now,
fate having swept him off, he had found a ruler who com-
bined all the qualities that could be desired. This was
Aurelius Antoninus, a man who had never thought of the
succession, but who, the emperor felt sure, would accept
the offered dignity out of love to himself and the senate,
however reluctant he might be to take it^
As a matter of fact, the man of Hadrian's choice, a
noble senator and a philosopher, did not covet the purple.
Hadrian gave him time to consider whether he would accept
his offer and the condition attached to it, namely, that he
must himself adopt two young men, Marcus Annius Verus
(called afterwards Antoninus), son of the brother of his wife,
and Lucius Verus, son of the dead Aelius Verus Caesar.
To this Aurelius Antoninus agreed, and the world owed two
emperors, the ornaments of the Roman empire, Antoninus
Pius and Marcus Aurelius, to Hadrian's wise choice. It was
Hadrian's dying gift to humanity; and of his numerous
benefits it was the greatest.
' Dion Cassiut, Ixix. la
1 82 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
For the rest, this new choice met with some opposition
among those who were disappointed in their expectations,
like L. Catilius Severus. He had been Hadrian's friend, his
first successor in the supreme command in Syria (117- 119
A.D.), then proconsul of Asia, and lastly, as it appears, pre-
fect in Rome, in succession to Valerius Asiaticus.^ Hadrian
contented himself with removing him from office.
The new Caesar Antoninus belonged to the Aurelian
family, and came from Nismes in Gaul. His house was
rich in earnest and distinguished men. The tyranny of the
Caesars had not been able to extinguish the virtues of
ancient Rome in every family. In the race of the Antonines
there was something of the nature of Cato, of Thrasea and
Helvidius, a philosophic contemplation of the world deep-
ening into melancholy. The maternal uncle of Aurelius,
Arrius Antoninus, twice consul, was renowned for his ex-
cellent qualities, a holy man, as Capitolinus says, who
commiserated Nerva when he ascended the throne. The
parents of Antoninus were the consul Aurelius Fulvus, a
melancholy and delicate man, and Arria Fadilla, who, after
the death of her husband, married Julius Lupus. Antoninus
himself was born on 19th of September, 86 A.D., at Lanu-
vium, and was brought up at Lorium. He filled the office of
quaestor and praetor with distinction, and became consul in
120 A.D. Hadrian chose him as one of the four consulars to
whom he entrusted the government of Italy, giving him the
district in which he himself had the most property. Before
the year 135 A.D., he was made proconsul in Asia, filling
the office so well that he even surpassed the fame of his
maternal uncle Arrius Antoninus, who had also been pro-
consul there. Pliny has marked him out for special praise.'
After his return the emperor took Antoninus into the privy
council, where Capitolinus tells us that he was always in
favour of moderate measures. He must have been a man
of fifty-two years of age with great experience in political
matters, when Hadrian chose him for his successor.
^ Waddington, Fast, des Prov, Asiat,^ p. 134, 205.
' Pliny, iv. 3. On the proconsulate of Antoninus in Asia, see Wadding-
ton, Fast des Prov, Asiat,^ p. 205 sq. His successor there was L.
Venuleius Apronianus.
CHAP. XXV] Adoption of Antoninus 183
Antoninus had mamed Annia Galeria Faustina, sister of
Aelius Verus. She had borne him two sons, but as they
were both dead, Hadrian adopted him only on the condition
that he should adopt Marcus Annius Verus and Lucius
Verus in the place of children. The former was the son of
the praetor Annius Verus, and of Domitia Calvilla, and was
a nephew of Faustina. Hadrian, who was fond of the boy,
gave him the name Verissimus, on account of his love of
truth. He was born on 26th of April, 121 A.D.
The new heir to the throne was adopted on 25 th of
February, 138 A.D., and assumed the name of T. Aelius
Hadrianus Antoninus. After he had delivered his speech
of thanks in the senate, the authority both of proconsul and
tribune was bestowed upon him as co>regent and Caesar.^
The emperor meanwhile was tormented by cruel pains, as
dropsy had now followed upon exhaustion. The last days
of this once happy traveller through the world, the new
Olympian Zeus, the distributer of blessings and benefits to
his people, the ruler who had adorned the earth with works
of beauty, were so terrible, that the dying Hadrian is one of
the most striking examples of the vanity of all earthly
things. He died daily, as Tiberius had done before him,
without dying. Medicine and magic were alike of no avail.
The physicians only provoked the sarcasm of the sufferer ;
he laughed satirically at their ignorance, and quoted the
well-known saying, " many physicians are the death of the
king."* He had not strength enough to kill himself, though
he did not condemn suicide, and had once given the philo-
sopher Euphrates permission to commit it In his agony he
begged for poison or for the stab of a dagger, promising
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 2t. The proconsulate which the emperors from
the time of Augustus, bestowed upon their adopted sons, did not, as
Pagi (Crit in Baron^ p. 135) asserts, carry with it the title of Imperator
for the Caesars. See Eckhel, viii., c. 2, p. 339, " De proconsulibus im-
peratoribus."
' Kiytop KoX poQv rh StifiCUft, 0n voXXol larpol paeiXia dvi^Xcrav ; Dion
Cassius, Ixix. 22. Epiphanius (De Mensuris^ c. 14) asserts even that
Hadrian wrote a satire on the physicians {iwirrhXtiv ^rccScirrur^). Dion
(Ixix. 17) speaks of a letter from Hadrian, in which be says how torment-
ing it is to wish to die, and yet not to die. It was Hamlet's lament in
his famous monologue.
184 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
money and pardon. But no one ventured to lay bands on
the ernperor, and Antoninus kept watch over him. He pre-
vailed so far on one of bis favourite slaves, the Jazygian Mas-
tor, that be promised to kill him. Hadrian showed the slave
a place below the breast, where bis physician Hermogenes
had told him that a blow must be fatal. But Mastor ran
away. A physician who had refused to administer poison
to the emperor, killed himself The superstition of the time
surrounded Hadrian's melancholy death-bed with wonderful
legends, for though incurable himself, he restored sight to
the blind by merely touching them. This power of healing
was in no way attributed to Hadrian's personal gifts, but
was considered by the servile nation a proof of the divinity
to which he had attained. Even in Vespasian's days the
Alexandrians had brought the infirm and the blind to him
to be healed.*
We |Jo not know whether the unhappy man was in the
palace of the Caesars, or in his villa at Tibur. He sought
relief for his sufferings in the balmy air of Baiae, after he had
resigned the reins of government to Antoninus ; but he soon
summoned Antoninus to his side as he felt the near
approach of death. In his last moments he uttered some
Latin verses which have been preserved :
*' Soul of mine, pretty one, flitting one,
Guest and partner of my clay.
Whither wilt thou hie away ;
Pallid one, rigid one, naked one.
Never to play again, never to play ?" '
The verses are too like Hadrian not to be his. They
illustrate the nature of this enigmatical man, who, with the
darkness of death closing round him, still indulges in sarcasm.
» Tacit Hist, iv. 81.
'The translation is from Merivale :
" Animula, vagula, blandula :
Hospes comesque corporis.
Quae nunc abibis in loca ;
Pallidula, rigida, nudula.
Nee ut soles dabis jocos ?"
— Spart. c. 25.
CHAP. XXV] Death of the Emperor 185
Death released Hadrian on the loth of July, 1 38 A.D., when
he expired in the arms of one of the noblest of men, whom he
had appointed to be his successor. Antoninus had the body of
the dead man burnt, with great ceremony, in Cicero's villa at
Puteoli, where the ashes remained until the hatred of the
senate for his memory had subsided. For the senate had
been greatly embittered by his last cruelties, Antoninus
himself having been the means of saving many from perse-
cution. The opposition of the old Romans had also been
aroused, in whose eyes Hadrian's cosmopolitan tendencies
must have seemed a departure from the traditions of the
state. For had not the emperor been more of a Greek than
a Roman ? Had he not curtailed the privileges of Rome by
making the provincials of equal rank with the citizens of
Rome ? The senate stood on its rights ; it criticised the
actions of the dead prince, and found that Hadrian, who had
been declared Zeus by Greece in his lifetime, was not worthy
after his death to be enrolled among the Roman divinities.
The senate had the courage of its opinions, remembering
that the apotheosis of the prince was a matter for it to
decide, and that this had been refused to the murdered
Domitian when the army demanded it.
This behaviour of the senate greatly disturbed the pious
Antoninus. But by his prayers, his tears and complaints, he
eventually succeeded in accomplishing the consecration of
Hadrian by the senate,^ and for this amiable action alone he
deserved the epithet " pious." He had the ashes of Divus
Hadrianus brought to Rome, where they were interred in the
new mausoleum. Subsequently Antoninus dedicated a temple
to him on the l^'^orum of the Antonines, which he had built.
He also erected a temple to the deified emperor in Cicero's
villa at Puteoli,* appointing priests and flamens, who are
mentioned in the inscriptions." At Puteoli he founded in
' Dion Cassius, Ixx. i. Consecration coins in Eckhel, vi. 512.
' Its ruins are said to have been discovered not far from the amphi-
theatre in Puteoli : Mommsen on n. 2487, LR,N,
' Flamen of Hadrian, Gruter, 446, 7. In Ostia, inscriptions from the
theatre there, Notixie degli scavi {Acad, d. Uncet)^ 1880, p. 474, n. 5.
Sodales (Hadrianales) frequent In Gruter, 5, 3 ; 19, 3 ; 45, 9 ; 259, 3 ;
407, I, 2 ; 412, 2 ; 457, 6 ; 467, 5 ; »<»9, 9 ; "09O1 U ; io95i «. Orclli,
1 86 The Emperor Hadrian [book i
his memory quinquennial games, called Pialia, or Eusebia.
The emperor seems to have been especially honoured after
his death in this place. Greeks erected monuments in his
honour there, in compliance with a decree of the Philhel-
lenes.^
It has been observed that the busts of Hadrian show a
foreign, not a Roman face, possessing neither the Latin
beauty of the Julian family, nor the mild gravity of the
features of Trajan. It is more finely cut, but it is neither
sympathetic nor intellectual. Artificially curled hair hangs
over a brow, which cannot be called thoughtful, and the
short beard which was said to have been worn to conceal a
blemish, is rather a disfigurement, than an ornament to the
face. Hadrian is said to have let it grow to conceal some
scars. This marble face does not convey the impression of
all that was contained in the character of this strange man.
He was a mass of contradictions, which no single portrait
could display. For on the one hand, we find his delight
in the intellect of Greece, and in Eastern sensuality, his
enthusiastic love for art, his sophistical versatility, his sound
judgment, his statesmanship, his humanity and generosity.
But there is also the darker side of his capricious temper, his
inordinate vanity, his love of irony and of trifles, and his
gloomy mysticism. Who could hope to reconcile these
conflicting traits in one portrait? We cannot see his bust
without asking who the distinguished man is, so conscious of
his own power, with the questioning glance and the light
observant smile playing round his mouth. It must be the
likeness of one who has been sovereign in some sphere of
life, and has ruled over the spirits of his age. \
The emperor Julian, who knew how to draw the portraits
of his predecessors with malicious wit, has summed up
the character of Hadrian in his Olympic play of Tke
414, 2376. Hadrianic sodales were still in existence in 193 a.d.
From the death of Hadrian dates the third sodalitas of the emperor
worship. Marquardt, A*. 5/. iiu 452.
^ This appears from an inscription from the people of Cibyra, C,/,G,
5852. Eusebeia in Puteoli, C/.G. 1068, 5810. C,/,A. iii. i, n. 129;
LR.N,^ n. 104. Inscription from Puteoli from the year 142 a.d. :
ANTON . PIUS . CONSTITUTOR . CERTAMINIS . ISKLASTICI. Gniter, 254, 4.
CHAP. XXV] His Character 187
Caesars in the following sentences : " A man came forward
with a long beard 4nd a haughty step, who was, among other
things, very much devoted to music. He often looked up to
the skies like one who meddled too much with forbidden
arts. When Silenus saw him, he asked : * What do you
think of this sophist ? is he looking for Antinous ? Some
one should give him to understand that the youth is not
here, and tell him to give up his foolish tricks.*"* This
satirical opinion of Hadrian, coming from the mouth of a
clever man, who himself was emperor at a time when the
traditions of his predecessors still survived, is worthy of
attention. Julian describes him as a friend of the Muses, as
a sophist, a mystic and a lover of Antinous.
Antinous is certainly one of the greatest mysteries con-
nected with Hadrian. The marble figure of this youth,
standing before us as Dionysus, casts a ghastly light upon
his history. It is a key to his biography. But it is of little
real assistance, even if like a torch it seems to illuminate
dark recesses in the soul of the emperor.
The nature of so uncommon a prince is a far more at-
tractive study to the psychologist than the character of
such criminal lunatics on the throne of the Caesars as
Caligula, Nero, or Domitian. The misanthropic hermit
Tiberius alone affords equal interest, as a foil to the rest-
less uneasy Hadrian.
The earliest biographers of the emperor are so much ^
embarrassed that they have only collected the most salient
contrasts in his character. Of pessimism and despair they
naturally remarked nothing in Hadrian ; that is only our
modern view. Is it a just one ? Every line in the diary of
Marcus Aurelius shows that this imperial philosopher held
the world in melancholy contempt. But not in this fashion
did the richly-endowed nature of Hadrian display itself. He
ruled the empire like a noble Roman, with prudence and
strength. He enjoyed life with the joy of the ancients. He
travelled through the world, and found it worth the trouble.
He " restored " it, and embellished it with new beauty.
We certainly do not know what he thought of his whole
* Julian, CaesareSy c. 9 : iroXwrpoYfiorJir rA dv^p^rifra. — mX raiwdn# ro^
1 88 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. xxv
life at the end of it. He might, indeed, perhaps have agreed
with the estimate of Marcus Aurelius : ** All that belongs to
the body is a stream, all that belongs to the soul a dream
and a delusion ; life is a struggle and a wandering among
strangers, and fame after death is forgetfulness." ^
Hadrian was lavish on a great scale, more than most
sovereigns before and after him. And he must therefore
have often experienced the ingratitude of mankind. ** How
many burnings of Phaethon, how many deluges of Deucalion
would not be required to punish the unfathomable wickedness
of the world I " «
As an older man, Hadrian assumes some of the character-
istics of Timon of Athens. He hates and ruins his probably
innocent friends together with his false friends, while he
truly loves none. After the most painful struggle, he dies
in the arms of Antoninus, taking farewell of his soul as it
wings its flight into the unknown land with an ironical
question, but a question without hatred, which breathes
nothing but a pleasant recollection of this beautiful world.
Many things are reflected from Hadrian's mind, in the
spirit of his time, and in them lies his value to the human
race.
' Marc. Aurel. ii. 17 : i ^ filott wdXtfiot xal ^¥ov iwiSiyjda' 4 OffTtpo^fiia M,
' n6aoc ^iBorrtt If, AcviraX/fawet UopU wp6t, oOrtat hwtfarrkc^ f^P^ ^oO fittv,
Lucian, Timcn, 4.
SECOND BOOK
THE STATE AND GENERAL CULTURE
CHAPTER I
The Roman Empire
This age, which has been called the happiest period of human
history, produced so great an impression by its high state
of culture and by the majesty of the Roman empire, that
Greeks and Romans praised its splendour more eloquently
than the philosophers of after days.* Even Pliny in his time,
when he came to describe Italy, exclaimed with enthusiasm :
•* I speak of a country which is the mother and nourisher of
all countries, which the gods have chosen to unite divided
kingdoms, to improve manners, to knit together the tongues
of many rude nations in one common language, to teach
culture and sociability to men, in short to be a fatherland to
all the peoples of the world."*
Aristides the Greek has extolled the magnificence of the
empire no less enthusiastically than the Roman Pliny. His
eulogy on Rome is a pompous flourish of courtly flattery,
but it states facts and convictions, which themselves belong
to the age. " The conquered," so said this celebrated orator
of the time of Marcus Aurelius, " envy and do not hate their
conqueror Rome. They have already forgotten that they
were once independent, as they find themselves in the en-
joyment of the blessings of peace, and share alike in all
honours. The cities of the empire are resplendent with
beauty and pleasure, and the whole world is adorned like
a garden. Only the people who live outside the limits of
the Roman dominion are to be pitied, if there are any such
' Compare Gibbon i., c. 2, at the beginning.
« Hist Nai. iii. d.
192 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
people. The Romans have made the world a home for all.
The Greek liHe the barbarian, can roam freely everywhere
as if from fatherland to fatherland ; the passes of Cilicia, the
deserts of Arabia, the hordes of barbarians have now no
terrors for us; our safety lies in the fact that we are Romans.
The Romans have made the saying of Homer, that the
earth is common to all, an actual fact They have measured
the whole inhabited world, have bridged rivers, have carried
roads over mountains, have built cities in the desert, and
have ruled the world by law and custom."^
Half a century after Aristides, TertuUian the African
could speak of the Roman empire in the following terms:
''The world is equipped with everything, it becomes daily
more cultivated, it is richer in knowledge than in the past
ages. Everything is accessible, everything is known, every-
thing is full of activity. Beautiful estates now cover what
once were frightful deserts, forests have been supplanted by
fields of com, wild animals by flocks and herds. Com
sprouts in the sand of the desert, rocks are made productive,
marshes drained. There are as many cities now as there
were formerly houses. Bare islands and rocks no longer
inspire terror ; everywhere there is a dwelling, everywhere
a people, everywhere government, everywhere life." The
human race, this father of the Church goes on to say, is so
numerous, that it already is a burden on the world. Like
the Chinese, or like ourselves to-day, he is afraid of over-
population for which Nature he thinks can no longer provide,
and therefore he looks upon famine, pestilence, war, and
earthquakes as necessary means of relief
In the time of Hadrian the Roman empire extended from
the Atlantic Ocean to the Euphrates, from Scotland to
Mount Atlas and the cataracts of the Nile. It contained
about ninety million people. We cannot consider it re-
markable either for its population or for its extent, for
the geographical dimensions of the Russian as well as of
the British empire exceed those of the Roman. But the
> Aristides' Encopnium Romae i., p. 348 sq. (Dindorf), with which com-
pare the praise of Appian, Praef, c. 6.
' Pro remedo deputanda, tanquam tonsura inolescentis generis humanL
— TertuUian, Di Anima^ c. 3a
CHAP. I] The Roman Empire 193
Roman empire stood out prominently among all ancient
and modern states, as comprising in itself the noblest people
of civilization, the most beautiful countries, and the most
famous cities of the world, and was therefore the historic
centre of ancient life. The history of the peoples round the
basin of the Mediterranean Sea was written in the creation of
many forms of government, and the fact that these ancient
countries were protected from the inroads of the barbarians
enabled the Romans, in their insatiable desire for aggrandise-
ment, to extend their borders. In ever-widening circles they
absorbed in their empire the Germans, the Britons, the Slavs
and the Arabs.
The civilization of the empire was the sum total of the
productions of antiquity in art as well as in science, both
political and social. These creations belonged essentially to
the three great groups of the nations of the world. The
Semites indeed had disappeared politically with the downfall
of their states in Asia and Africa, but a new religion had
arisen out of Judaism, and this religion was beginning to
spread through the empire. On the other hand the Romans
and the Hellenes were the predominant nations of the civilized
world, the former as rulers and law-givers, the latter as men
of art and culture. The empire was divided, geographically,
between the two nationalities, the East being Greek, the West
Roman. At the same time both languages were in general
use throughout the world, and were understood by every
cultivated man, whether in Rome or on the Thames, on the
Nile or on the Euphrates.
The idea of the empire was based upon government,
army, law, and culture, while it owed its political unity
entirely to the central power of the emperor. For in spite
of uniformity of government, the peoples of the empire were
separated from one another by creed and language, custom
and history. The Greeks of the East did not become
Romanized like the Celts, the Dacians, and the Thracians of
the West, who had merged themselves in the empire. The
division of East and West was so natural and so historical,
that sooner or later the Roman empire was bound to fall
into these two parts. Even in the time of Hadrian, when
Hellenism was the greatest intellectual force in the empire,
N
194 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ck. i
a reaction set in against it on the part of Latin learning.
The epigram of Florus, the friend of the emperor, a poet from
the completely Romanized Africa, is full of significance.^
While ancient Greece became a museum of antiquities, of
whose treasures Pausanias, shortly after Hadrian, made a
catalogue, a current of new intellectual life was constantly
flowing from Hellenized Asia and Egypt towards Rome and
the West Art, literature, philosophy, new religions came
thence. But the Roman instinct of government was still
powerful enough not only to curb these influences, but
generally to prevent any hostility between West and East
from their contrary tendencies. This was one of the greatest
facts in Roman history. For the empire was put together so
mechanically that any part could be added or taken away
without materially changing its character. It was a federal
state of many nations ; but it never possessed the charac-
teristics of a modern monarchy like England and France.
As an ancient organism the Roman empire, the great re-
public of the civilized world, rested on the peculiarity and
independence of its self-governing states and communities
which maintained their privilege of autonomy even after they
had been converted from free countries into provinces and
districts of Rome.
^ AnthoL /^/. ed., Mueller, i., n. 218: Give romano per orbem nemo
vivit rectius.
CHAPTER II
The Provinces of the Empire^ their Government and
their Relation to the Central Power. The Peaceful
Development of their Civilization. Slavery
The relations of the countries conquered by Rome to the
central fjovernment were established by Augustus in 27 B.C.,
when he divided all the provinces of the empire into
imperial and senatorial provinces.^ In the last days of the
republic seven of these were consular or military, and eight
civil and praetorian. Those provinces which required no
military force he handed over to the government of the
senate. He himself kept all the others where stronger
garrisons were needed, like the countries on the Rhine, the
Danube, and the Euphrates. Under his successors the
number of provinces was increased by conquest or by the
division of larger territories, so that at the time of Hadrian's
accession there were forty-five provinces, of which nine only
belonged to the senate.*
The military force of thirty legions, which protected the
empire, was stationed on its frontiers. In the whole of Italy
there were no troops. Gaul had only one garrison of 1 200
men at Lyons {cohors I. Flavia urband) ; two legions, and
afterwards one, protected Egypt. There was no soldier to
be seen in any one of the five hundred cities of Asia.* The
naval power of Rome was restricted to the fleets at Ravenna
and Misenum, and to those on the Black and the North Sea,
' Dion Cassius, liii. 12. Suetonius, Aux* c. 17 ; Eckbel, iv. 236.
• Marquardt, R. St, i.', 489.
' Arnold, Roman System of Provincial Administration^ p. 103.
196 The Emperor Hadrian [bookh
on the Danube and the Euphrates, and at a few other
stations. 350,000 men, Roman citizens and auxiliaries,
sufficed to maintain tranquillity in this vast empire, while
to-day Europe alone groans under the burden of more than
two million soldiers in time of peace. The small strength of
the army causes us perhaps more astonishment than anything
else in the Roman empire, and it also explains the number
of public works, the prosperity of the richly-adorned cities,
and the flourishing condition of trade.
The emperor had therefore deprived the senate of military
power, though it appeared as if he had magnanimously kept
nothing for himself but burdens and dangers.^ As a matter
of fact he had both " the provinces of the senate and the
people" in his power, as all proconsuls and praetors were
under his proconsular authority which embraced the whole
empire.*
The governors of the senatorial provinces were chosen
annually by the senators from among the consuls and prae-
tors. They generally bore the title of " Proconsul." In
rank they took precedence of the imperial legates. They
had ten or twelve lictors.* They were surrounded by a
brilliant court, whose maintenance fell as a burden on the
province. But they possessed no military power, not even
the Jus gladii^ though they could pass sentence of life and
death on the provincials. The last vestiges of that tyranny
which the proconsuls exercised in the provinces in the days
of the republic, might occasionally come to light under the
emperors, but could no longer have the same terrible conse-
quences. Nothing, however, gave greater weight to the
monarchy than the undeniable fact that the imperial pro-
vinces were the best governed and the least oppressed.
Their governors {legati Angus ti pro praetore^ legati prae-
torii) were chosen by the emperor himself, usually from con-
suls or ex-praetors, sometimes indeed from former aediles
and quaestors. Subject to his approval they remained a
^ Dion Cassius, liii. 12. ' Dion Cassius, liii. 15.
* Dion Cassius, liii. 13, 14. Eckhel, iv. 237. Asia and Africa were only
governed by such proconsuls as had actually been consuls. On this account
these countries were specially called proconsular, and their governors had
twelve lictors.
CHAP. II] Provincial Government 197
shorter or longer time, but generally three years and more at
their posts. Their rank was lower than that of the procon-
suls ; they had only five lictors.* Their power was however
greater, as their authority extended both over provincials
and Roman citizens. They possessed the highest civil and
military power in the province.* They gave judgment at
their own residence, as well as in the courts. Legates of
the legions and Legati juridici^ whom the emperor appointed,
stood at their side.* As they were under the control of the
emperor, and were obliged to execute his commands, they
could no longer rule as despots themselves. The salary,
which rose to two hundred thousand sesterces for imperial,
and to a million sesterces for senatorial governors, was in-
tended to protect the people from exactions.
The exchequer was controlled by quaestors in the senatorial
provinces, and by procurators in the imperial provinces.
The emperor also sent procurators into the senatorial pro-
vinces, where they raised taxes which flowed into the fiscus,*
independently of the proconsul. They had jurisdiction and
increased power only according to circumstances ; but
Judaea, Mauretania, Thrace, and other smaller countries
were governed by procurators, who had also the complete
administration of the country.
The financial ministers belonged either to the equestrian
order, or they were freedmen of the emperor, and they did
not always carry on so lucrative an office disinterestedly.
Hadrian, who did not listen to any suggestions from his
freedmen, punished guilty rulers with severity.*
The provincial taxes consisted of the poll-tax {tributum
capiiis\ a tax on property, and a land tax {yectigal\ from
which every territory endowed * with Italian rights was
exempt* The land-tax was paid chiefly in coin after
' Mommscn, Bull, d. Inst, 1852, p. 172.
•Savigny, Rom. Gerichtsverf, ii. 76 j^., 81 sq,
' Marquardt, i.', 551 sq.^ and the paragraphs on this subject in
Arnold, R. Prov. Administr,
* Dion Cassius, liii. 15. Hoeck, Rom, Gesch, i. 2, 20a
* Spart. c. 16 : Et circumiens quidem provincias procuratoreset praesides
pro factis supplicio affecit
* See the excellent description in Hoeck, i. 2, 204 sq,^ and Savigny,
R, Steuerv, in Zeitschr. fiir gesch. Rechtswissensch, vi.
198 The Emperor Hadrian [book 11
Augustus had parcelled out the land. Then came the taxes
that were farmed out, import and export duties, harbour
rates, road and bridge tolls. The whole maintenance of the
state, the military expenses, which amounted even in the
time of Augustus to ;£^4, 5 00,000 sterling, the salaries of the
officers in the provinces, the corn-distributions, the mainten-
ance of roads, the mail service^ and the public buildings, were
raised from the provinces. In this way more gold was taken
out of them than was returned to them, while the crowd of
Roman officials, the removal of their inhabitants to be
soldiers in foreign countries, the use of the Latin tongue in
judicial proceedings, all contributed to Romanize provinces
which had no culture of their own.
The income from the senatorial provinces was paid accord-
ing to the arrangement of Augustus into the aerariuiTi, the
public treasury ; the income from the imperial provinces into
the fiscus, which the Procurator a rationibus managed as
minister of finance. Both treasuries existed for a long time
side by side. As late as Marcus Aurelius, the right of the
senate to dispose of the aerarium was still acknowledged,
and even in the third century proconsuls raised tribute from
the senatorial provinces.^ But it was in the nature of the
principate that the emperor should occasionally interfere with
the financial matters of the senate, so that the importance of
the aerarium disappeared. Hadrian established new officials,
the Advocati fisci, who represented in the provinces the rights
of the imperial treasury before the courts.^ In this way he
obviated the embezzlement and usurpation of land belonging
to the state.
There were countries which the emperor claimed for
himself, and which he governed by procurators. Egypt
became the property of the house of Octavius after his
victory over Antony.* The emperors sent viceroys there with
the modest title of praefectus^ who ranked with the procur-
ators of smaller provinces, like the Maritime and Cottian
* On these matters consult O. Hirschfeld, Unters, iiber rbm, Verwal-
tungsgesch, i., p. 1 1 sq.
' Spart c. 20 : iisci advocatum primus instituit
* E. Kuhn, Die stddi. und biirgerl. Ver/ass. des r'dm, Reichs^ ii. 80.
CHAP. II] General Prosperity 199
Alps, Raetia and Noricum, provinces which were also
imperial.^
The deep shadows which the Roman empire cast upon
the nations which it absorbed were the loss of their political
independence, which, as time elapsed, robbed them even of
the power of self-preservation, and the bureaucratic machin-
ery of despotism, which completely crushed national life
while the welfare of the subjugated people remained entirely
dependent upon the pleasure of the sovereign. The end,
after a hundred years of happiness under the rule of Nerva's
adopted family, was the increasing power of the satraps, and
the impoverishment and decay of the national spirit. In the
second century, however, the evil was not so apparent, and
the loss of freedom by countries that had once been great,
but were now exhausted, was certainly compensated by the
advantage of sharing in the general prosperity and well-
established order of the monarchy.
The movement of trade was more unrestricted than it has
been ever since the fall of Rome. The same coinage had
currency from the Pillars of Hercules to the Euphrates. The
great system of high roads embraced the whole empire, and
united all the provinces. The imperial post (cursus vehicu-
larius ox publiais) had already been established by Augustus.
It was, indeed, only used in exceptional circumstances for
private business, and was generally employed for state
purposes and for the emperor's use.* The emperor often
abused his power, so that the imperial post became an
oppressive burden to Italy and the provinces. This may be
compared with the burdensome fodruvi of the Roman
em|>crors in the Middle Ages, when they passed through
Italy levying contributions on their journeys to Rome.
Nerva first relieved Italy, and Septimius Severus the pro-
vinces as well, from the obligation of maintaining the
imperial post. But we are also told of Hadrian that he threw
' Kuhn, ii. 83, 84. On Noricum, which was officially called a kingdom
in the second century, see J. Jung, Romer und Romanen in den Danau-
IMnderny p. 25.
' Post diplomas, or free passes, were bestowed as favours, and were
granted by Trajan and Hadrian to the sophist Polemon and his family.
Philostr. (Kayser) ii., p. 44.
TOO The Emperor Hadrian [booku
it upon the fiscus of every province in the empire. No
emperor could have a greater inducement to make this
service effective than Hadrian, the great traveller. He
appointed a chief of the post in Rome, under the title
of praefectus vehiculorum}
Communication by water was also made easier. It was a
sail of seven days from Ostia to Gibraltar, ten to Alexandria.'
The trade of the world was never more flourishing. The
city of Rome alone showed it ; for in the markets there, were
gathered the productions of all the three continents of the
world, and ''all that seasons and climates, rivers and seas,
the arts of Hellenes and barbarians produced was brought
to Rome from every land and every sea."' The East sent
its treasures, even those of the distant Indies, by Armenian
merchants, to the Black Sea, to Dioscurias, and to' the
Phasis> Goods from Babylonia, Persia, and India were all
to be found in the markets of commercial cities like
Ephesus, Smyrna, and Apamea. They came from the
harbours of Arabia and the Red Sea, up the Nile to
Alexandria. Myus Hormus sent fleets annually to India
and Ceylon, which returned in January.^
The provinces had by this time renounced any individual
power. Their national coherence was broken up, and they
were artificially divided into communities and judicial dis-
^ Spart. c. 7 : cursum fiscalem instituit, ne magistratus hoc onere
gravarentur. E. Hudemann (GescA, des rtm. Poshvesens wdhrend der
Kaiserzeity 1878, p. 22) rightly refers the magistratus to the municipal
authorities (later Decuriones) in those places where postal stations were
established. A list of praefecti vehiculorum will be found in Henzen,
Annal. d. Inst.^ 1857, p. 95. Upon imperial postal affairs see Mommsen,
R. St. ii., 2, p. 956. O. Hirschfeld, i. gS sg. H. Stephan, Das VerkehrS'
Uben im Alterthum,
* Pliny, H,N. xix. i.
' Aristides, Encom, Rotnae (Dindorf), i. 326.
* Pliny, H,N, vi. 19. Strabo, xi. 506.
*For the Alexandrian, Indian, and Arabian commerce compare the
Peripius Maris Erythraei^ erroneously attributed to Arrian, but probably
composed in the time of Nero. September was the month in which trade
was most brisk in the Arabian Gulf. The harbours are : Myus liormus,
Adulis, Tapara, Malao, Mundi, Tabae, Opone, Muza, etc., as far as
Taprobana.
CHAP. II] Provincial Diets 201
tricts. Their old leagues were abolished ; for whenever
Rome made conquests, the senate lost no time in breaking
up such confederations.^ The provinces, indeed, had the
right of forming unions of the cities for general purposes,
and of assembling deputies at a diet, which met yearly in
the capital under the presidency of the high-priest {commune^
concilium, or koivov in the East), and though these provincial
parliaments were allowed to make complaints about the
governors, and send envoys to the emperor, they were not
permitted to deliberate on the home affairs of the govern-
ment. The object of their existence was to appoint the
times for public sacrifices and games.* For the central
point of provincial life was now the altar of the spirit of
Rome and Augustus, or the temple of his deified successors.
Tarraco was the first city to be permitted by Octavius to
build an altar to him, and other provinces imitated the
example of this servile flattery.' The provincial diets on
the whole, therefore, only served to confirm the obedience
of the provinces to the empire, which was surrounded with a
halo of divinity.
Roman rule was nevertheless a blessing to countries
which were no longer capable of freedom. It protected
them from civil wars, by which they had been lacerated, so
long as they were split up into small states, full of jealousy
and ambition. Plutarch said of Greece in his time : " Peace
and quiet prevail here. There are no military expeditions,
no more exiles and revolutions, neither despotisms nor other
evils of the Hellenes."* He might certainly have added that
there was no longer any creative political and intellectual
' As already under Mummius in Greece. Pausanias, Achaica, vii. i6, 6.
• Kuhn, Stddf. Verf. i. i ii sq, Marquardt, R. St. 503 sg,, 5 to sg., and
in Ephem. Epigr. 1872, p. 200 sg. "die Zusammenstellung der Provinzial-
concile." Arnold, Ronton System of Prov, Adm,, p. 202. The jrocyd in
Asia, in Perrot, Rexf. Arch. 1874, " ^g,
' Huebner, HermeSy i., 1866, p. ill, on the emperor-worship in Tarraco.
This imperial worship, moreover, came from Asia ; under Augustus,
Ephesus, Nicaca, Pergamum, and Nicoinedia were his privileged seats.
Krausc, Ncokoroxy p. 12.
* Plutarch, Moral, ii. 460 (Wittenbach). Cur Pythia nunc non reddat
oracula.
202 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
life in his country. For the republics in Hellas, like the
later republics in Italy, became great in the arts of peace,
amid the din of war and the noise of revolutions. But this
flourishing age of the small aristocracies and democracies
had gone by.^ The history of the world took the place of
local interests, and city and clan were superseded by
humanity. Pliny could praise " the infinite glory of Roman
peace," which made the most distant countries and their
productions the common property of all.^ Countries which,
in the time of the republic, had been half laid waste, like
Spain, Gaul and Africa, blossomed forth again under the
blessings of peace. Asia and Syria experienced their last
happy age. Whole districts in Asia were rescued from a
nomad existence by the Romans, and the Saracens were the
first to re-introduce the savage conditions of Bedawin life*
The advantage of the peaceful development of the pro-
vinces, under a just government, is therefore not to be
undervalued, and the fact remains which Aristides, and after
him Gibbon, asserted, that the allegiance of the world to
Rome was a willing allegiance. Only among the barbarians
on the borders of the empire did the spirit of freedom which
had been banished from the ancient states of civilization sur-
vive. On this account Tacitus looked sorrowfully upon the
Germans. It must have been the endeavour even of the
most civilized people whom the Romans subjugated by force
of arms, to conform to the world-wide organization of the
empire, and draw fresh vitality from it. They resigned
themselves to their lot, the more readily as, in most cases,
their national religion and constitution were respected by
the wise maxims of the imperial government. They had
renounced all opposition to the Roman dominion, or their
struggle merely consisted in the endeavour to make them-
selves equal to the Romans in all political and civil rights.
Even the provinces of the West already emulated Rome
in their civilization, and in their profusion of native talent.
They enriched Roman literature with brilliant names in
every branch of knowledge, even in jurisprudence. Spain,
Gaul, Africa, Illyricum gave in time great generals, and even
> Pliny, i/ist. Nat. xxvii. i : immensa romanae pacis majestas.
' Renan, Mission en PfUnicie^ p. 837.
CHAP. II] Extension of Privileges 203
emperors, to Rome. Rome civilized the West, and com-
pleted the work of Alexander the Great in the East.
By degrees the monarchy destroyed the legal barriers
between the subject countries and the imperial city. Mae-
cenas had already advised Octavius to grant the same laws
and rights to the provinces, and to impose equal taxes on
all citizens. Thus at the first dawn of the monarchy, the
equality of all nations was declared to be its object. The
emperors bestowed Latin and Roman privileges, not only
upon cities but upon countries. The Jus Latinum was con-
ferred on the whole of Spain by Vespasian ; Hadrian gave
it to the province of Narbonensis, and he bestowed citizen-
ship upon the whole of Upper Pannonia.^ If in this he
appeared only to follow the example of his predecessor, no
emperor before him did so much to facilitate the attainment
by the provincials in general of a legal standing in the
empire, by giving them equal rights with Rome.* The title
"Multiplier of citizens" (^Avipliator Ctviuvi), first found on
a medal of Antoninus, would certainly have applied to him.'
Admission to citizenship was indeed chiefly a financial ven-
ture, yet social conditions made it necessary, and the time
was at hand when Caracalla removed the last legal dis-
tinctions in the empire. The great cosmopolitan principle
of Rome might truly have been called a sublime conclusion
to ancient history, if it had been really humane, and if it had
combined the rights of humanity with the rights of citizens.
But this was only hinted at theoretically by the Stoics, by
Seneca, Kpictctus, and Marcus Aurelius. The civil com-
munity and the whole economy of the state continued to
rest upon slavery, the most barbarous and the most fatal
institution of antiquity, and even the famous revival of trade
in the age of the Antonines, was essentially the work of
slaves. The idea of free labour as the highest expression
of energy and strength and the source of all wealth in
national economy, had not yet been discovered by any
> Zumpt, Cotnm. Ef. i. 410 ; Mominsen, C.I.L, iii. 496, 498.
* Finlay, History of Greece from its Conquest by the Romans^ p. 55.
•s.P.Q.R.AMPLiATORi civiUM ; Frochncf, Midaillons de r Empire
Romaifty p. 61.
204 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
statesman. Work generally was still the forced labour of
slaves.
Slavery was the only basis for the independence of the
ruling class. There was so great a force centred in the
slaves that a suspension of their labour, if this could have
occurred in the modem form of combination, would have
made the existence of society impossible. The number of
these unhappy creatures amounted to about a third of the
population of the Roman empire. In a remarkable letter to
the senate, Tiberius expresses his opinion on this vast num-
ber of slaves. He called them nations, and pointed to them
and the latifundia as the ruin of the state.^ lie despaired
of curing this terrible evil. Happily causes were at work
which diminished slavery. Its main source had been wars
of conquest, and when these ceased, slavery declined. ' It
was daily becoming more unusual to see the inhabitants of
cities sold sub hasta or corona as spoils of war on the high
roads. But that it was still possible is shown by the fate
of the Jews after the fall of Bether, under Hadrian. The
more slavery diminished the better became the lot of the free
husbandmen and labourers ; and the emperors endeavoured
to improve their condition.^
Another cause of the diminution of slavery was the eman-
cipation of the slaves. This had increased to such an extent
since the civil war, that it was feared that the Roman
citizens would be completely ruined by the admission of so
many former slaves. For only a few among them could be
men of character; long servitude must rather have destroyed
their self-respect. Emancipation became finally a kind of
luxury in Rome, for every great man boasted as much of the
number of slaves whom he owned as of the freedmen who
composed his court. Augustus had endeavoured to limit
emancipation by the Lex Aelia Sentia and Furia Cantnia, and
^ Tacitus, Ann, iii., c. 53 : quid enim primum prohibere et priscum ad
morem recidere aggrediar? villarumne infinita spatia? familiarum nu-
merum et nationes ?
* Jung, Bevolkerungsverhdltnisse des rom, Reichs^ Weiner^ Stud.^ 1879,
p. 195. On the rise of free labour since the second century see Wallon,
Hist, de PEsclavage^ iii., c. 3.
CHAP. II] Libertini 205
Tiberius by the Lex Junta Norbana had granted only a
restricted Latin right to those slaves who were pronounced
free without undei^oing a formal ceremony. But all classes
of society were soon full of libertini ; they took possession of
the court and the government, and as favourites and officers
of the emperor's palace, they tyrannized over Rome and the
empire.
CHAPTER III
Cities^ Municipia, Colonies
Apart from its division into political and ethnographical
provinces, the empire presented a system of autonomous
cities. The independence of the communities so long as it
lasted, gave the Roman empire an imposing civic character,
and contributed to the happiness of the age. Even after
the fall of Rome ihe vestiges of municipal government
afforded material for building up new states.
The Greek East, which, since its conquest by the Turks,
displays merely the ruins of antiquity in its desolate regions
and on its marshy coasts, was covered in the second century
with cities and emporiums of commerce from the Black to
the Red Sea. The same conditions prevailed in the north
of Africa. Even under the Ptolemies, Egypt had not been
so rich. In the West, Spain especially had many flourishing
cities ; Ptolemy counted 428. But Italy, rich in cities, had
never quite recovered from the civil wars. Her communities
could no longer vie with those of Africa, Gaul, and Spain,
and not until long after the fall of the Roman empire had
Italy a brilliant period of city life, of which Rome had
laid the foundation.^
The whole constitution of the empire rested upon the
municipal system. To such an extent was the freedom of
the community the political idea of antiquity, that the whole
inner history of the empire is nothing but the development
of this conception with which Rome first started. Every
^ Milan was probably the largest city in Italy at this time, and more
prosperous than Turin : Hadrian made it a colony. Zumpt, Comm,^
Ep. I 408. The Greek city of Naples was also flourishing.
BK. II. CH. Ill] Municipal Government 207
degree of municipal freedom was represented in the empire
according to the historical origin of the communities, and
their legal relation to Rome itself — dependent and tribute-
paying cities without any privileges, others with Latin and
Italian rights, and finally free, autonomous communities.
These differences weakened the feeling of national union
among the countries which Rome had conquered. As in
time of old, their patriotism became restricted within the
walls of the city. Finally the municipal and colonial rights
of Rome forced their way into the civic system of foreign
countries. So it was easy for the emperors to allow the
historical forms of the republican age to exist, and even to
pass as protectors of their freedom.
While the vassal states — the ethnarchs, tetrarchs, and
toparchs — were disappearing everywhere, the idea of free
communities, united indeed with Rome, was still maintained.^
They were relics of the ancient Greek polity, and even
imperial Rome respected for several centuries its self-
government by senate and people, its magistracy, its
priesthood, its national festivals, its electoral assemblies and
commercial laws. The toleration of the historical rights of
free communities constitutes something really great, even
though this conservative principle of Rome was dictated by
necessity. For the conquered cities had to be spared and
propitiated, and in allowing their own constitution to remain,
'endless trouble in governing them was spared to Rome.'
As a matter of fact many free cities had never had equal
powers of autonomy before. According to the law of Caesar
they remained independent of the military and civil power
of the provincial governor, and were free from garrisons and
from having soldiers quartered upon them. They had the
right to own property, and the privilege of coining, which
the cities of the Greek Orient especially never lost Only
on emergency had they to furnish auxiliaries to the Roman
legions. Cities with these high privileges were to be
found chiefly in the countries of Greek civilization — e,g,
Athens, Ephesus, Cyzicus, Sardis, Antioch, Laodicea, Byzan-
* Eckhel, iv. 262. Marquardt, R, St \,\ 71 sq, Kuhn, SUidi, Verf.
11. 14 sq.
"Arnold, Ram, System ef Prcv. Admin,^ p. 33.
2o8 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
tium, Troas, Samosata, or Amisus, Tarsus, Caesaraea, Tripoli
and Tyre in Phoenicia, Seieucia and Massiiia, Utica, Had-
rumetum, and five others in Africa. Titles of honour, such
as Urbs sacra and Metropolis were lavished upon them.*
According to the favour or displeasure of the emperor,
privileges were conferred or withdrawn as the examples of
Rhodes, Cyzicus, Laodicea, and Antioch prove.
There was in general another side to the good fortune of
the cities ; for they preserved their autonomy only at the
pleasure of the emperor. This is already shown by the title
Libertas^ which according to circumstances was a relicta or
concessa^ an adempta or redeinpta or restituta} In conse-
quence of the decay of civic energy and of financial diffi-
culties, the free cities were obliged to admit imperial officials,
correctors and curators, who regulated their money matters
and their constitution, and ventured to encroach upon their
autonomy.*
The Roman colonies too, were privileged communities.
As settlements of the veterans, they originally formed strong
stations for the Roman power in the conquered countries of
the barbarians. These colonies were composed of the inhabi-
tants themselves, ancient cities being rebuilt, or new cities
founded by command of the emperor. Augustus established
a number of colonies in different countries.^ His successors
did the same, and the colonies, in consequence, bore their
names.^ Hadrian founded several new cities, and bestowed
^ For the metropolis, see Eckhel, iv. 273 sq, Marquardt, R. St i.
' Augustus already had deprived cities of their freedom : urbium quas-
dam, foederatas — libertate privavit — Suetonius, Aug, c. 47.
* Pliny, Ep, viii. 24. A curator reipub, Cotnensis (Orein, 3898) appointed
by Hadrian ; even a curator appointed by Hadrian of the public works
in Venusia 4006, of the baths in lieneventum, 3264 ; imperial curatores
calendarii publici (officers of finance), in the municipalities (Henzen,
Annali. d. Inst. 185 1, 15) ; appointed by Hadrian in Canusium (Mommsen,
LR.N,^ n. i486). In the Greek cities the imperial officers of inspection
were called iiopBioHit and XoyMn^. Marquardt, R. St. i.', 85. Kuhn,
Stddt, Verf. ii. 24.
* Eckhel, iv. 467 sq.
* Julia, Augusta, Claudia, Flavia, Trajana, Ulpia, Aelia, Hadriana, etc,
to which often the designation Felix was added. Spanheim, De Pretest
et Usu Num. ix, 766 sq.
CHAP. Ill] Municipia and Colonies 209
the colonial right upon many ancient cities.^ This right,
which was often given to communities which contained no
colony, secured them self-government, with a senate and
communal officials {Duumviri and Aediles), The community
might choose these magistrates, and pass resolutions. But
as in Rome, under Tiberius, all elections were made by the
senate, so in the colonies they devolved upon the city
senate {Curia), The curiales chose the magistrates from
among themselves.- Seats in the senate were hereditary,
and were filled up by election. The colonies generally
possessed Italian rights and citizenship ; they differed there-
fore from the municipalities, whose life as a community was
less restricted.
Gellius has explained the difference between the colony
and the municipium, by showing that the municipium had its
own laws, and was not compelled to adopt the Roman law,
against its wish.' Hadrian once delivered a speech to the
senate, in which he set forth clearly these distinctions ; *
the occasion being that the municipia of Italica and Utica
wished to participate in the colonial rights. Tiberius, on
the other hand, had complied with the wish of the city
Praeneste to be converted into a municipium from a
colonia, in order that it might keep its native rights. On
the whole, the condition of the colonies in the time of the
emperors was privileged and desirable, because, as Gellius
says, they were imitations of the greatness of Rome, and
with less freedom, they had fewer obligations. But the
real object of the demand of these two municipia was the
acquisition of the Italian right, which was granted to the
colonies.* By this right the colonists could be quiritary
owners of land {commercium). They also gained freedom
from land-tax, and the right of self-government with muni-
M have pointed this out in the respective provinces. See in general,
Zumpt, Comm, Ep. i., c. 6.
* Savigny, Gesch, des rom.y Rechts im MitteUUter^ i., c. 3. In Africa
so he remarks, the elections were not made as in other cities, by the
deoiriones alone, but by the whole people.
* Gellius, NocL Att xvt., c 13.
« Gellius, Ibid.
* Puchta, Imtitut i.', 1 95, p. 243.
O
2IO The Emperor Hadrian [bk. n. ch. m
cipal magistrates. The colonies, like the municipia, paid a
tax according to the Roman census, but the inhabitants of
the municipia differed from those of the colonies, in that
they were not Roman citizens. By degrees these two kinds
of communities became more alike.^
The Latin right, too, the jus Latii, was bestowed, not only
upon magistrates, but upon whole provincial cities, which
thus occupied an intermediate position between per^rini and
Roman citizens. Hadrian bestowed Latin rights upon many
cities.*
^ On the general conditions of municipia and colonies. — Arnold
p. 216 s^.
' Span, c 21 : Latium multis civitatibus dedit
CHAPTER IV
Italy and Rome
Italy stood at first in the same dependent relation to Rome,
as the provinces themselves stood to Italy. Only after the
most bloody wars were the Italian cities admitted into the
league of Roman citizens by the Lex Julia and Plautia
Papiria (in 90 B.C. and 89 I3.c). Augustus had en-
deavoured to remedy the decay of prosperity and the
depopulation of the country by establishing twenty-eight
colonies, and by dividing all. Italy into eleven regions. The
fundamental character of Italy was the free constitution of
the cities.* The people and the senate were the political
elements in her municipalities and colonies. The highest
office, which, h'ke that of consul, lasted for a year, was filled
by a Duumvir or Quatuorvir, He presided over the civil and
criminal courts, but the condemned man might appeal to the
comitia ; and later, after Hadrian had altered the laws of the
Italian cities, to the imperial officials. The emperor himself
sometimes filled the office of city magistrate.' Thus Hadrian
became demarch in Naples, quinquennalis in Hadria, dictator,
aedile and duumvir in the cities of Latium, and praetor in
Etruria.*
By degrees the monarchy absorbed the independence of
the Italian communities, which Caesar had guaranteed by
the Lex Julia municipalise the emperor usurping the power
' Savigfiy, R, Gerichtnterf, ii. 16 sq,
' The Popes did the same thing in the Middle Ages, by allowing them-
selves to be elected as podestas in the cities of the Church states.
• Spart c. 19.
212 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
over them. Hadrian, indeed, changed the entire position of
the Italian cities, as he put this privileged mother-country of
Rome on the same footing with the provinces, for he divided
Italy into four districts, and committed the administration of
justice, of which the city magistrates were deprived, to four
consulars. An exception was made for the district around
Rome, which remained as before under the jurisdiction of
the praetor urbanus.^ Marcus Aurelius increased these four
districts of Hadrian, replacing the consuls by juridici of
praetorian rank.' By this means the jurisdiction of the
cities was curtailed, and became eventually, as in the pro-
vinces, subordinate to the governors, without any material
change being made in the traditional municipal constitution.
After the time of Nerva, imperial curators controlled the
municipal treasuries.^
Rome too suffered a similar fate, for already under
Augustus her great political life ceased. Monarchy had been
substituted for popular rights ; for though in appearance
power was divided between the senate and the princeps, in
reality it was centralized in the hands of a single sovereign.
The perpetual outpouring of the energy of Rome into the
world had exhausted the civic life of the capital, and the
influx from the provinces had renewed and changed its
population. It was Roman because it inhabited the city,
but, as representing so many nations, languages and religions,
it formed one complete picture of the empire. The majesty
of the city was reflected in all the other cities of the empire,
and the dead forms of the republican past were still the
patterns of the law which Rome gave to the world. When
the emperor bestowed civic rights upon the cities in the
empire, they were always allotted to one of the tribes of
Rome.^ The tribes, so wrote Ammianus Marcellinus in the
. ^ Spart c 22. JuL Capitolinus, Anton, Pius^ c. 2. Appian, Hisi. Rom,^
1.38-
'Jul Capitolinus, Af. Antanin.phiL^ c. 11. Orelli, 1178, 3143. Gruter,
1090, 13.
' Kuhn, ii. 29, 217.
* The emperors had new citizens and cities endowed with the civitas
enrolled in the tribes to which they themselves belonged, e,g, the Flavian
emperors in the Quirina, Trajan in the Papiria, Hadrian in the Sergia. —
Kubitschek, De romanar. tribuum orig, ei profiagat^ p. 78.
CHAP. IV] Rome 213
third century, have long been idle, the centuries have gone
to sleep, and the election contests have ceased, but through-
out the world Rome is looked upon as mistress and sovereign,
and the name of the Roman people is honoured.^
The city of Rome, as the seat of the emperor, was still the
centre of all the governing forces of the empire, the reposi-
tory and the market for all the creations of culture. The ^
number of its inhabitants reached its highest figure under
Hadrian and the Antonines, but it can only be approximately
stated at one and a half million.^ If we deduct the pere-
grin! and the slaves who composed more than a third part
of the population, there remain the three classes of Roman
citizens — populace, equites and senators. As the two latter
ranks held both the offices of state and the land, and as the
means of industry for the citizens had been diminished by
slave labour, a large part of the city population sank into the
ignominious condition of a state-aided proletariate. Caesar
had reduced the number who received com to 150,000^
but it rose again still higher.*
Like every other emperor, Hadrian gratified the Roman
populace with doles of bread and with games. He was
certainly not so lavish of public amusements as Caligula and
Domitian, or as Trajan in the intoxication of victory, but he
now and then gave 100 and even 1000 wild beasts to be
hunted. At the games he thr^w the usual presents to the
people. In honour of Trajan he ordered as indeed was
customary, that balm and saffron should flow down the steps
of the theatre. To Matidia and Plotina he gave magnificent
funeral rites. He liked spectacles of all kinds, and gladia-
' Amm. Marcell. xiv. 477.
' Friedlaender (i. 51) admits that the population of Rome, according to
present data, can only be hypothetically determined. — Pietro Castiglioni
{Delia papolatione di Roma^ Manofrraf, della citta di Roma^ 1 878, ii.
251) assumes that under Claudius there were about 950,000 free men, and
about 350,000 slaves.
'Under Augustus 210,000, under Septimius Sevenis 160,000 citixens
and 40,000 praetorians. The most important concern therefore of the
city was its provisioning by the corn-fleets from Africa, Egypt, Sicily,
Sardinia, and Gaul. The praefectus annonae was one of the most in-
fluential officials in the empire. — O. Hirschfeld, Die Getreide VerwcUiung
in der ront, Kaisemeit. (PhiloL xxix.).
214 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
torial combats. He never banished a hunter or an actor
from Rome, and where was there an important city to be
found in which he did not establish festival games ? No
emperor founded or renewed so many in the course of his
life. The Olympian games which he permitted cities in
Greece and Asia to celebrate are a proof of this. As
these games were connected with the worship of his own
personal divinity, they are at the same time the strongest
witness to Hadrian's boundless vanity. Such Olympian
games were never celebrated in Rome.
Hadrian treated the Roman people in the same way as
Trajan, and of him Fronto said : " I consider it good policy
that the prince did not neglect the theatre or the circus and
arena, as he well knew that there are two things which the
Romans applaud especially — the distribution of corn, and
games. The neglect of the important thing causes great harm,
of the frivolous thing greater hatred, the crowd hungering
more for games than for bread, because by the gift to the
people (congiarium) those only who are authorized to receive
the com will be gratified, while by the games the whole popu-
lation is pacified."^ This opinion brings to mind the words
spoken by a pantomime actor to Augustus : ** Know, Caesar,
that it is a very great thing for you if the people are
occupied with me and with Bathyllus." It has been shown
how Hadrian sought to win over the army by unusual gifts,
and the nation in general by the great remission of debts.
He improved the charitable institutions of Nerva and Trajan
for boys and girls, by ordering that the boys should be
provided for until they were eighteen, the girls until they
were fourteen years of age.*
The liberality which makes such a display on the imperial
coins was only too often the disguised handmaid of des-
potism, and was always an evidence of the unequal distribu-
* Fronto, Prim, Hist,^ p. 249, cd., Nicbuhr.
'Digest, xxxiv. i, 14. The date of this decree is uncertain. Kprae-
fectus aliment, connected with the repair of the roads for the first time
under Hadrian. C,I,L, ii. 4510 sq. These praefects rank as public
magistrates, probably first under Commodus. — Hirschfeld, Unters. auf
dem Gebiet der rom, Verwalt. i. 114 sq. For these institutions, see
Henzen, Tab, aliment, Baeb^ in Annal,d, Inst,^ 1845.
CHAP. IV] Imperial Liberality 215
tion of earthly things. She would have been the first to be
banished from Plato's republic. If these remedies, however,
which the best of the Roman emperors employed to
mitigate public misery could not cure it, they at all events
displayed a feeling of humanity growing with the growth of
knowledge, and were an evidence that the sovereign felt it
a duty to attempt to diminish the sufTerings of mankind.
CHAPTER V
The Equestrian Order. The Senate and the Princeps.
The Imperial Cabinet
The two privileged classes in Rome were the knights and
the senators, and they too had lost their importance in the
state.
The Roman equites had originally been a part of the
army, subsequently the lower aristocracy of Rome, the
middle class between the highest aristocracy and the people.
After the law passed by C. Sempronius Gracchus they
formed an order of rank {prdo equester\ including persons
capable of filling the office of a judge, capitalists and
farmers of the public revenue. The equestrian order sank
so low under the empire that it was only coveted for
its outward marks of distinction, and for the opportunity
it afforded of acquiring wealth. Even in Caesar's time the
knights were subject to the indignity of appearing on the
stage either voluntarily or for money. The Roman knight
Liberius, who was compelled to recite a play that he had
composed, complained, in the prologue, of the insult that
had been offered to him.^
Augustus had in vain attempted to purify the equestrian
order from base elements. He wished to make it a school
in which the sons of the better classes could be educated to
become officers and to fill curule and imperial posts. And
* Macrobius, ScUumal. ii., c 7 :
Necessitas, cujus cursus transversi impetum
Voluerunt multi effugere pauci potuerunt.
Quo me detraxit paene extemis sensibus ? . . .
BK. II. cH. v] The Equites 217
on this very account the equestrian order was over-
crowded*
Entrance was obtained surreptitiously by bribery and
favour ; the legal qualification of 400,000 sesterces (about
^3300) was not maintained. The revival of the law did
not avail to uphold the knightly dignity. For the emperors
themselves bestowed it upon freedmen according to their
caprice, so that the sons of gladiators and panders wore the
golden ring which was d^raded into a token merely of
successful cunning.^ Knights appeared continually as actors
and gladiators. In the time of Nero they composed the
imperial claque as followers of Augustus.
The better emperors always reverted to the principles of
Augustus, and endeavoured to uphold Rome's high position,
though the spirit of monarchy itself aimed at the destruction
of all corporate bodies in order to replace them by the
different ranks of officials. The equestrian citizens endowed
with the horse of state were again to be a privil^ed cor-
porate body, from which the higher class of officials was to
be chosen. Alexander Severus never permitted freedmen to
be raised to the equestrian order, as it was to be the school
for senators.* It was Hadrian who did away with the in-
fluential position of the freedmen at court, and opened a new
career to the equites by choosing most of his officers from
among them. He made knights, procurators of the (iscus
and of the imperial estates, of the mint, of the imperial
post, of the mines, of the aqueducts, and of the com market
It was chiefly the knights whom he chose to be his "friends"
and "attendants" or secretaries, and they also composed
his privy council.'
The senate, oppressed by the monarchy, had fallen so low
that the ambassadors of Pyrrhus would no longer have recog-
nized in it an assembly of kings, but of king's servants. The
' Friedlacndcr, ii. 250.
' Ael. Lampridius, Alex, Sev,^ c. 19: seminarium senatorum equestrem
locum esse.
•Spart. c. 22. O. Hirschfcid, Uniersuch, i. 30 f^., 114 j^., 169. The
prefecture of the annona wa$, from Augustus to Constantine, one of the
highest equestrian offices, and the next step was the prefecture of Egypt
— O. Hirschfeld, Die Getreide Verwaltung^ p. 46.
2i8 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
most important of the ruling and lawgiving corporations in
Rome continued to exist only as a political idea, everv though
the greatness of the Roman people was founded upon it
For the senate had the right to choose the sovereign ; it
confirmed the emperors as often as the army raised them to
the throne ; it acquiesced in their adoption, and granted
them the highest titles of honour. It could legally depose
them, or it could refuse them consecration after their death.
The emperor was therefore legally only the chief of the
senate, the first among his peers.
When Octavius laid down his extraordinary powers in
27 B.C., and received the title of Augustus, he acknowledged
the continuance of the rights of the senate with whom he
legally shared his power. He himself was only to be the
highest official of the sovereign people, not their irresponsible
ruler.^ The tendency afterwards was to deprive the old
corporation of the empire of its constitutional character and to
develop absolute power. Augustus purified the senate ; he
fixed its number at 600 members, who were endowed
with the necessary wealth (1,200,000 sesterces, about
£10^006). The dignity of the senate seemed consequently
to be restored; but, as its law-giving power was controlled by
the executive, it had lost its independence.^ The Caesars
succeeded in doing away with the dualism of sovereign and
senate by an incessant struggle which lasted for two hundred
years. Tiberius increased the independence of the senate in
order, through it, to dominate the people. He deprived the
people of the right of making laws and of electing magis-
trates, and gave this right to the senate. The senate was
the tribunal for high treason, and the highest civil court of
appeal. It confirmed all appointments, dignities and laws,
in short every administrative act ; that is to say, the emperor
made his own will law through the apparent wishes of the
senate. Tiberius thoroughly despised its slavish spirit, and
Tacitus has shown what a miserable instrument of tyranny
it became.
Caligula gave the right of election and legislation to the
comitia, but restored it to the senate as the people did not
^ Mommsen, H, Siaatsr, ii.', 709 sq,
* Gibbon, c. 2.
CHAP, v] The Senate 219
know how to use their newly-acquired power. After the
murder of this lunatic, the wild idea occurred to the senators
of restoring the republic, but the guard set Claudius on the
throne. The third and most formidable power in the state,
the army, now came to the front, threatening to convert
Rome into a lawless military despotism. To hinder this, and
to maintain an even balance between the three powers, was
henceforth the most arduous task for the Roman government,
and it was almost accomplished by the extraordinary system
of law and administration which the monarchy adopted.
From Claudius, however, to the Flavian dynasty the prae-
torian guard was of more importance than the senate, which
had sunk into a mere council of 200 members.
Vespasian, who had risen from the plebeian class, stood
in need of the support of the senate to enhance his
authority. The monarchical party in the senate reduced the
republican party to silence, and the famous Lex de Imperio
decided in favour of the principate, making over to it again
all the power, which, during the republic, the people and the
senate, and afterwards Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius,
had possessed. No one ever ventured to attempt to limit
the absolute power of the prince in the smallest d^ree
by establishing the right of the nation. The Lex Regia was
a declaration by the Roman people of their incapacity ever to
be free again. Nevertheless it increased the importance of
the senate by an act of authority, which the Flavians acknow-
ledged. Many centuries afterwards the last of the Roman
tribunes, Cola di Rienzi, could derive from this state decree,
which he misunderstood, the inalienable rights of the Roman
people. Vespasian increased the number of the senate to
1000 members, admitting men from every province, and
in future no province, except Egypt, was refused admission.
Moreover, after the reign of Domitian, the emperors simply
appointed the senators.
The best of the emperors always maintained the honour
and importance of the senate, because they recognized that
its dissolution would deprive the monarchy of its only con-
stitutional foundation. At their accession they made an
agreement with the senate, as the Popes used to do later on
with the college of cardinals. They looked upon it as a
220 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
particular corporation of the state, in which, theoretically, the
sovereignty over the people was vested ; but this corporation
became itself the instrument of their own sole power.
We may remember with what respect Hadrian treated
the senate. He excused himself for having assumed the
purple without its knowledge, begged for its ratification, and
admitted that he was only the instrument to execute the
senate's orders, promising to hold them always sacred. He
did nothing important afterwards without it.^ He restored
its dignity by making the entrance into the curia more
difiicult He was anxious about the income suitable to the
senators' rank, and in order to maintain their position he
revived the law that no senator should be engaged in trade,
or* should farm taxes.^ He would not permit senators to be
tried by the equestrian order ; they must be tried by their
equals. He admitted the most distinguished senators into
the circle of his friends, and often bestowed the consular
dignity upon them. For the consulate had already been
reduced to the duration of two months, so that annually
twelve and more consuls were appointed of inferior rank to
the two consuls who gave their name to the year.* The
senate repaid the emperor's favour by complete submission.
This union of both powers is commemorated by coins ; on
one medal Rome stands between a senator and Hadrian,
reaching out her hand to the emperor.^ Libertas publica
indeed makes a show with sceptre and Phrygian cap on
a coin of Hadrian, like the theatrical figure which she has
so often been in the world.^
Thus the separation which Augustus had effected between
the jurisdiction of the princeps and the senate was main-
tained, for the senate still filled the proconsular offices in its
*Spart c. 8.
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. i6.
' Under Commodus there were as many as 25 consuls in one year. —
Dion Cassius, Ixxii. 12.
* Cohen, ii. 172. A famous medal of Hadrian commemorates the con^
gratulations of the senate at new year, hadrianus AUG . s . P . Q . R. —
AN . F . F . HADRIANO AUG .P.P. Froehner, Les Midaillons de r Empire
Romain^ p. 42.
^ Cohen, ii. 316.
CHAP, v] The Principate
221
provinces, diminished though they were in plumber, while the
command of the legions was generally given in turn to men
or senatorial rank. But as a balance of power had not been
created by an imperial constitution, the sovereign remained
unfettered. Rome was, according to her own idea, re-
publican even under the emperors, and the ruler invested
with power by the senate was only her chief magistrate^
though at the same time an absolute despot, whose imperium
was not founded on the law of heredity, nor upon any
legal basis, and who was therefore only a lawful sovereign
by usurpation.^ He had absorbed in his own person all the
republican powers of the people, and these were not conveyed
to Octavius by a Lex Regta^ but he had acquired them
gradually with the help of his friends in the senate.
The proconsular power for life was the basis of the
imperium, for it gave Augustus and his successors the supreme
military command and the highest judicial authority over
the governors in the provinces, while the tribunate gave to
the sovereign the rights appertaining to the people, and the
consular power which he held or not, as he pleased, raised
him above all other magistrates. The old republican priest-
hood of the Pontifex Maximus made the emperor also the
head of the state religion.
Imperialism, with its greed for power, continually urged
the Roman state towards Byzantinism. The emperor
monopolised the whole administration. He had also the
right of coinage, for the senate was only permitted to
issue copper coinage. Imperial taxes, the post, the roads
and streets, the aqueducts, the public buildings, the alimentary
institutions, the grain distribution, the care of the city of
Rome, the games, — everything [depended upon the emperor
alone. He defrayed the expenses from the public revenues
that were set apart for him, to which also the senatorial
provinces contributed. The (iscus swallowed up the aerarium
of the senate and the people.*
The emperor did not l^ally possess the right of electing
' Puchta, Institutionen^ i., § 86 sq,
' For Asia, the largest province of the senate, there was Vifiscus asiaii'
cus which was managed by imperial procurators. — Hirschfeld, UnUrsuchy
i. 13.
222 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
magistrates ; but the consuls and the officials for his own
provinces he appointed himself. His influence, however,
determined the senate's choice, and even in the third century,
when the struggle with the senate was decided in favour of
absolute monarchy, the emperor appointed to all posts. The
official system was the most powerful instrument of despotism,
as it was the means of keeping the city of Rome in sub-
jection to the sovereign. Imperial officials displaced those
of the senate and the people, and thus the artificial system
of the court and its ministers became merged in the govern-
ment
The most important order of magistrates which the em-
perors created was that of the prefects of the city and the
praetorium. Augustus had revived the old republican office
of the Praefectus urbi^ a city magistracy, which represented
the consuls in their absence, and from which Tiberius had
created the imperial police office of Rome. The city prefect,
under whom were the Cohortes urbanae and the Praefectus
vigilum^ had both civil and military power, and from the
time of Nero he tried all crimes that were not political.^
The power of the commander of the praetorian body-guard,
which always garrisoned the city, became more formidable
after the time of Tiberius. Under Augustus, two officers of
the equestrian order commanded these guards with purely
military authority. Tiberius united these two commands,
and this made the prefect of the praetorium the first officer
after the emperor, but the guard, mistress of the empire.
After Tiberius there were again two prefects, of whom one
certainly must have been of higher rank. Attianus and
Sulpicius Similis, then Q. Marcius Turbo and C. Septicius
Clarus are known as prefects of Hadrian. The power of
this magistracy, which had both civil and criminal juris-
diction in Italy until the time of Constantine, first assumed
great proportions after Alexander Severus.* Hadrian him-
self gave the prefect of the praetorium a prominent place
in the council of state.
The first idea of a cabinet council, or of a college of
consuls and senators, of " friends and attendants '* of the
* Geib, Geschichte des rom. Criminal Processes^ p. 439.
*Geib, Gesch. des rom, Crim, Froc, p. 417.
CHAP, v] The Council of State 223
sovereign, who were to help him in his administration of
justice, originated with Augustus.^ Hadrian seems to have
converted this council of private persons into a council of
state, placing in it paid members, and thorough lawyers,
like Julius Celsus, Salvius Julianus, Neratius Priscus, and
others.*
The senate generally confirmed the appointment of the
members of the council, who, by degrees supplanted the
senate, not only in the administration of justice, but in the
government itself. For the council of state took the place
of the senate, so that even in the time of Ulpian, the sena-
torial jurisdiction had become a mere tradition.' After
the end of the second century the Praefectus praetario
seems to have presided in the council, the colonel of the
guard became a lawyer, and men like Ulpian, Papinian, and
Paulus, could be considered thorough ministers of justice.*
Hadrian also reorganized the private cabinet of the em-
peror. Since the time of Augustus, there had been three
great offices of the palace on which devolved the administra-
tion of the empire ; the office of the treasurer {a rationibus\
the secretarial office {ab epistolts\ and the bureau for petitions
{a libellis). These three departments were managed in the
first century by freedmen of the emperor, who on that account
had such a powerful influence, that they really ruled the
empire.
The power of the Procurator a rationibus extended over
the whole empire, as all the income of the fiscus was managed
by him, and all disbursements were made by him. The
board of secretaries had to look after the enormous mass of
the imperial correspondence. To them came the despatches
and the reports upon the condition of things in the empire,
and by them were issued the wishes of the emperor. From
their office, questions of the courts and the communities were
' On the customary amid and comites of the imperial court, see
Friedlaender, i. 1 17 sq, and 190 j^., the catalogue of Hadrian's friends.
'Spart. c. 18, c. 22. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 7.
'Gcib, Gesch, des rom, Crim, Proc. 417, 419.
* Niebuhr, Rdm, Gesch, Jena, 184$, v. 32a On the council Mommsen,
A*. St. ii. 933 sg. ; Hirschfeld, Unters, i. 201 ; Friedlaender, L 1176 ; Geib,
Gesch, des. rbm, Crim. Proc.
224 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
answered, and commissions to officers in the army, and
imperial privileges were made out. The two languages of
the world required the separation of this department into two
offices, one for Latin, and the other for Greek letters. Before
Hadrian's time these were united in one, and it was by him
that the ofRces were separated. It was natural that in this
secretarial department, and particularly in the Greek division
of it, distinguished literary men, rhetoricians and sophists
should be associated in the government Suetonius was
Hadrian's first Latin secretary, Avidius Heliodorus from
Syria his first Greek secretary. Heliodorus was a philo-
sopher and a man of culture, who later fell into disfavour,
but who was made prefect of Egypt under Antoninus.^
The post of head of the department for petitions and
complaints from private persons (a libellis), was less influen-
tial, and this was filled in the time of Hadrian by the knight
Titus Haterius Nepos, The emperor's answers were made
in short remarks on the paper itself, and they served as a
precedent for similar cases after Hadrian's time.'
The emperor Hadrian generally filled the highest offices
of the court with knights. Even though, after his time, the
office of finance {a rationibus) was occasionally filled by freed-
men, he had made it into an equestrian procuratorship.'
While before his time freedmen occupied the most important
imperial offices of the state, he made an end of this
favouritism, taking the personal character away from these
offices, and converting them into magistracies. Hadrian
was the first to draw an official class from the equestrian
order, and to furnish the career of procurators and prefects
with its different grades, which gave to the whole govern-
ment a bureaucratic stamp.
His reforms indicate an epoch in the development of
^Waddington, Mhn, sur AeL Aristide in M^m. de PJhsL T. xxvi.
1867, p. 217. The son of Heliodorus was Avidius Cassius, who rebelled
against Marcus Aurelius. L. Julius Vestinus was also a secretary of
Hadrian. C.LG. 5900 ; Friedlaender, i. 99 x^., Anh. iii. 165. A fourth
not mentioned by name, on an inscription from Ephesus, probably also
Celer., ibid,
' Hirschfeld, i. 207.
'Hirschfeld, i. 201.
CHAP, v] Hadrian's Reforms 225
absolute monarchy. It was indeed Hadrian who laid the
foundation for the state of Diocletian and Constantine.
Aurelius Victor could therefore say of him that he gave the
offices of the state and of the court that form which, on the
whole, they retained until the fourth century.*
' The beginning of Byzantinism in the public service is shown in the
idea of Alex. Severus of establishing an official uniform. In animo
habuit omnibus officiis genus vestium proprium dare et omnibus digni-
tatibus, ut a vestitu dinoscerentur. — Lampridius, Al. Sever.y c. 27.
I >
CHAPTER VI
Roman Law, The Edictum Perpetuum. The Responsa.
Roman Jurists. The Resolutions of the Senate
and the Imperial Constitutions. The Reforming
Spirit of Hadrians Legislation
The reign of Hadrian forms an epoch in legislation, not
only by its scientific treatment of law, but by the philosophic
maxims which it established on its basis. Hadrian, in the
first place rendered great service by the Edictum perpetuum.
The annual edicts of those magistrates, who, like praetors,
« aediles, and governors of provinces, had the right of
legislation {^jus edicendi)^ were publicly proclaimed us their
programme of justice when they entered upon office. They
were, after the laws made by the people and the senate, the
* sources of the Roman law which prevails throughout the world.
Caesar had already thought of collecting these edicts, but
, Hadrian first carried out his idea, probably in 1 3 1 A.D., with
the help of the jurist Salvius Julianus, the great-grandfather
of the emperor Didius Julianus.^
As no complete copies of this book of Julianus, but
*Only Jerome (Chron) gives the date, 131 a.d. Eutropius, viii. 9,
Spartianus and Dion Cassius are silent. The Const, Tanta in the Cod,
Justin, Lib. i. Tit. xvii., § 18, expressly ascribes the composition of the
Edictum perpetuum to Salvius Julianus and Hadrian, and says it was
confirmed by a decree of the senate, of which the Greek constit. A45iOK€P
has nothing. The paragraphs of the edict are collected by G. Haenel,
Corpus legum ab Imp, R, ante Justinian, editar. — Kudorif, De juris-
dictione edictum ; edict i perpetui^ quae reliqua sunt^ 1869. Otto Lenel,
das Edict, perpetuum^ ein Versuch der Wiciierherstellung^ 1883. In
general, Rudorflf, ROm, Rechtsgesch, i. 268 sq.
BK. II. CH. VI] The Responsa 227
merely sentences in l^al writings, such as the Digests, have
been preserved, its character remains doubtful. So much is
certain, that Hadrian's reform of the edict did not create a
completely new law-book. The most recent student of this
subject does not look upon the Edictum perpetuum as a
systematic whole, like our civil law, nor as a codification of
a special part of Roman law, but believes that its con-
tents were merely determined by historical events.*
The edict of Hadrian became a law of the empire by a
resolution of the senate, and so served as a standard for law.
The magistrates, indeed, continued to issue edicts, but they '
were bound to follow the Julian law-book, which was used
in all jurisdictions.* In this way Hadrian advanced on the
path of that uniform administration of justice which finally *
made Roman law the law of the world.
Jurisprudence, the only science of the Romans, had long
been a power in the state. The decisions of men learned in
the law {responsa pnidentum) formed an important source of
law. Gaius says : " The replies of jurists are the decisions
and opinions of men who are qualified to make theses of law.
If they are unanimous then their decision becomes law, but
if not, the judge may take his own view of a case, and be
guided by a rescript of the divine Hadrian." '
The importance of the jurists was maintained, although
the emperors, following the precedent set by Augustus,
endeavoured to limit their independence by bestowing the
Jus respondendi upon them as a distinction. Hadrian fully
admitted the authority of the jurists.*
His age is distinguished by a number of great lawyers.
Juventius Celsus, who wrote thirty-nine books of Digests ;
Neratius Priscus, who wrote seven books membranarum
and Salvius Julianus, whose main work comprised ninety
books of Digests. Rather younger was Sextus Pomponius,
who wrote a compendium of the history of jurisprudence
' Lend, p. 9 sq. From the expression componere (edictum composuif)
a scientific revision by Julian has been inferred.
' Brinz, Zur rem, Rechtsgesch, in Krit, Vierteljedtresckr. fur Geseitge-
bung, xi. 471.
* Gaius, i. § 7.
* Puchta, /w/., !.•, p. 324.
^28 The Emperor Hadrian [book h
down to the time of Hadrian. Javolenus Priscus and
Pactumeius Clemens were men of note. The latter had
been prefect of the city and Hadrian's legate in Athens, in
Syria, in Cilicia, and consul suffectus in 138 A.D.^ Con-
temporary with them, and active under the Antonines, are
Abumus Valens, Vindius Verus, Volusius Maecianus, Ulpius
Marcellus, and the famous Gaius. These and other men
bequeathed their scientific material and legal theories to
the great jurists of the following century.'
The other main sources of law were the resolutions of
the senate and the imperial constitutions. After the people's
legislation had become effete, the republican right of making
laws passed to the senate. Its consulta took the place of
the leges. The emperor's will, however, decided the vote of
the senate, as he either made the consuls acquainted in
writing with his wishes, or he had a speech {pratio principis)
read to them. After the time of Augustus the decrees of
the senate bore distinguishing names, which were taken from
their authors, or from the consuls, or from the emperors.*
The edicts and responsa, the rescripts, the decrees and
mandates of the emperors, then became a new source of law
under the definition Constitutiones principuvi} They must
have had the more weight as the emperor had the right of
making laws for life, while the enactments of the magistrates,
who held an annual tenure of office were in force only for
a year, unless they were adopted by their successors.*
* Renier, Inscr, de VAlgerUy r8i2.
*CapitoIinus, Anton. Pius^ c. 12 ; Dig. i. 2. The five great jurists —
Gaius in the age of the Antonines, Aemilius Papinianus under Septimius
Severus, Julius Paulus, Domitius Ulpianus and Herennius Modestus —
were declared legal authorities by the Const, of Valentian III., A.D. 426.
— G?</. Theod, Lib. i. Tit. 4.
' Plancianunty Silanianum^ Claudianum^ Neronianum^ ex auctoritate Z>.
Hadriam^ or auctore D, HadrianOy for the designation Hadrianum is not
found. The resolutions of the senate under Hadrian are collected by
Burchardi, Stoats, und Rechtsgesch, der Romer^ % 106. Most of the civil
laws passed by the senate occur in the time between Claudius and Sep-
timus Severus. Puchta, Inst, i.*, 295.
* Gaius, i., § 3.
^ Epistolae and Sententiae of Hadrian are recorded by Dositheus at the
beginning of the third century — Corp, juris romafU Antejustiniani^ by
CHAP. VI] Legislative Reform 229
The list of the decrees of the senate and of the constitu-
tions of Hadrian's time, which have been preserved to us,
show the advance of mankind with r^ard to personal and
civil law. The influence of Stoic philosophy made itself felt
on the stem Roman society. More powerful at the time than
Christianity, which was only then in its infancy, it did much
to mitigate the condition of women and slaves, and to curb
the limits of paternal power. A milder feeling arose in
cosmopolitan Rome, where the idea of what we call the rights
of humanity began to stir in the mind of the lawgiver.
Although no one ventured yet to propose the abolition of
slavery, it was possible to suggest measures for its miti-
gation.
Time had gradually reformed the severe old laws, by
which the master had power of life and death over his slaves,
so that for the least offence he might scourge and crucify
them. By the Lex Petronia (6 1 A.D.), the master was for-
bidden to condemn his slaves to fight with wild beasts, and
they were permitted to repair to the statue of the emperor
and to the asylum for refuge. But even Augustus had con-
firmed the law of the republic, which enacted that in the
event of the murder of a master by his slave, all the mur-
derer's fellow-slaves were to be put to death.* Hadrian was
the first to forbid torture being applied to the slaves of a
house whose master had been murdered. Those only whose
proximity to the scene laid them open to suspicion were
exposed to this terrible ordeal.* He forbade the arbitrary
killing of a slave by his master,' and the sale both of male
and female slaves to schools of gladiators and to procurers.^
Boecking, 1831 ; Haenel, Corp, Leg^y p. 85 sq, Dositheus, however, gives
only one letter of Hadrian to Plotina, and the Sententiae are personal
sayings of the emperor in the form of anecdotes.
' Tacitus, Ann, xiv. 42 sq. In the reign of Nero four hundred slaves
were put to death on one occasion in this way.
•Dig. 29, s, I ; 48, 18, I.
'Spart. c 18 : Servos a dominis occidi vetuit, eosque jussit damnari
per judices, si digni essent. Geib however (Gesch, des rom, Criminai
Processes J p. 459), has proved that this order remained only a 'pitim
desiderium,' and even Antoninus only forbade the unnecessary death of
a slave.
*Spart. c. 18.
230 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
A matron who ill-used her slaves he punished with exile for
five years.^ He limited the arbitrary power of the master,
but he respected his rights so much that on one occasion he
refused to the people the freedom of a charioteer, because
he was not entitled to grant it When he saw one of his
own slaves walking between two senators, he punished him
for his presumption.
Hadrian also abolished the ergastula, those terrible prisons
in which the proprietors of estates immured their fettered
slaves, and where illegally enslaved freemen seem to have
shared their fate.' He protected, too, the freedom of those
who had been illegally sentenced to the mines (in opus metalli).
This frightful sentence involved the loss of freedom, and lasted
for life. But if, owing to some oversight of the judge the
sentence was only for a certain period, Hadrian enacted that
the condemned man should retain his position as a freeman.*
Hadrian endeavoured to protect the rights acquired by eman-
cipation, against the state and against private selfishness. He
refused manumission whenever its object was to deceive rela-
tions or creditors,^ but he protected trustees who were freedmen
from attempts to upset a will ; and he indeed decreed that a
slave who had received his freedom as a legacy that was proved
afterwards to be invalid, might redeem it by a sum of money.*
According to the Senatus consultum Claudianum, an appendix
to the Lex Julia de adulteriis^ it was enacted regarding the
connection of free women with slaves that, if it happened
without the master's knowledge, they were to be considered
slaves, but free, if the master had been apprised of the union.
If the woman remained free, her child was a slave. Hadrian
altered this law, so that the child became free too.® The
foundation for these resolutions of the senate was the Lex
Aelia Sentia^ passed in the year 4 A.D., which enacted that
* Dig. i. 6, 2.
' Spart c. 18 : Ergastula servorum et liberorum tulit Gaius, i. 53.
*Dig. 48, 19, 28. The annulling of the status libertatis was only com-
patible with capital punishment, or with a lifelong punishment
^ Gaius, L 47. See also Dosithei, Lib. iii. Boecking, § 10.
*Dig. 24, §21. Cod, Justin. 2 de fideicomm, libertat. (vii. 4X in
Champagny, Les Antonius^ ii. 43.
* Tacitus, Annal. xii. c. 53. Gaius, i. 84.
CHAP. VI] Legislative Reform 231
an insolvent person and a master under twenty years of age
could not give slaves their liberty. This law decided that
the freedman who had become a Latin, if he had married a
Roman woman, or a Latin colonist, and had a son one year
old, might become a citizen. In the reign of Tiberius, the
Lex Junta Norbana was added, which bestowed Latin rights
upon slaves who had been freed by the private declaration of
the master {Lattni Juniani)}
Trajan had already enacted that any one who had acquired
Roman citizenship as a gift from the emperor, without the
consent of his master, might enjoy it for life, but after his
death he was to be considered a Latin, on the ground that
the law of testaments was connected with the Jus Quiritium^
and so the masters were often without an heir. But the
Latinus Junianus did not possess the right to make a will.
He only who had legally acquired citizenship, or had obtained
the consent of his patron, who had married and had a child,
was in full possession of the rights of a citizen. Hadrian
found this law of Trajan unfair, for it took away from freed-
men at their death what they had possessed in life ; he
caused the senate, therefore, to decree that such freedmen
should be treated as if they had acquired Roman citizenship
by the Lex Aelia Sentia, or by the senatus consultum.*
The endeavour to increase the number of free citizens is
everywhere apparent in Hadrian's legislation. He ordained
that the children of a Latin and a Roman should be con-
sidered native Roman citizens.' The absolute power of
the father over the life and liberty of his children, as estab-
lished by the law of the Twelve Tables, was curtailed.
This right emanated from the Roman citizenship, and Hadrian
established by an edict that only a Roman citizen was to
have this paternal power.* He made it difficult for the
peregrini to obtain it. If they and their children had ac-
quired Roman citizenship, the children could only be in the
Potestas patria, if they were minors and absent, and if the
' Heineccius, Antiq, R. Jurisprud. i. 4 ; St M » Ulpian, Fragm, xix. 4.
XX. 8 ; XXV. 7.
<Gaius, iii., § 73.
'Gaius, i., § 30, 81, 84 ; Ulpian, Fragm, i., § 15.
* Gaius, i.y § S5 ! Ulpian, Fragm. v., § i {Instit, Lib. L, Tit tx.)L
232 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
case had been thoroughly proved.^ It was also ordained
that if anyone received citizenship when his wife was pr^-
nant, the child, although a Roman citizen, was not to come
under the Potestas patria.
The emperor was often implored by sons to free them
from this power. Trajan had once compelled a father to
release his son who could no longer endure his cruel treat-
ment ; and Hadrian punished a father with banishment who
had killed his son when hunting, on account of his too great
intimacy with his step-mother. But he punished him only
as a highwayman, and from this case we learn that the
murderous abuse of the paternal power in the time of Hadrian
could not be punished as homicide.'
The histories of law record Hadrian's reforms with regard
to wills and inheritances. Like Trajan he was upright
and liberal. Both emperors disdained to usurp inheritances,
and to follow the example of Caligula, Nero, and Domitian,
who used simply to cancel wills in which they had not been
mentioned. Trajan had already abolished these abuses by
an edict, and Hadrian never accepted legacies at the expense
of the children.' He gave the twelfth part of the paternal
property to the children of those who had been sentenced to
have their property confiscated, a humane arrangement which
was in accordance with the principle of the emperor to
discourage actions for high treason.^ His maxim was to
augment the empire by men, not the fiscus by gold.^
The inferior condition of women was improved by fresh
legislation. The law that no Roman woman could make
a will was in force as late as Hadrian, and this power
Hadrian was the first to grant to women, by a decree of
the senate.* He also gave them the right to inherit from
their deceased children, if they possessed the Jus trium
Uberorutn? When a poor woman begged him to allow
her to have something from the pension of her son, who
* Gaius, i., § 93, 94. * Dig. 48, 9, 8. » Spart. c. 18.
^Spart c 18. ^ Dig. 48, 20, 7.
* Gaius, i., § 115: Hadrian also gave the right of making a will to the
veterans {dtmissis fnilitia\ Gaius, ii. 12.
' Ulpian, Fragm, xxvi. 8 : According to the Lex Julia and Pafia
Poppaea^ the law of the three children bestowed many privileges.
CHAP. VI] Legislative Reform 233
behaved undutifully to her, and the son declared that he
did not acknowledge her as his mother, Hadrian answered :
" Neither do I recognize you as a Roman citizen."^ The
feeh'ng of increased respect for women is also shown in the
order of Hadrian, prohibiting the common bath to men
and women, which had been customary since the time of
Domitian.*
Dositheus, a grammarian in the time of Septimius Sevenis,
collected a number of Hadrian's sentences, and this proves
that the wise judgments of the emperor remained as anec-
dotes in the memory of men. On the whole, it may be
said that the legislation of Hadrian shows a moral advance
in the feeling of human society.
The reforms which the emperor effected in the whole
administration must have been so far-reaching that his reign
may be called an epoch in the empire. This we should see
more clearly if we possessed less fragmentary records of the
time.
* Dosithei Afa/^istri Interpret,,^ Lib. iii., cd. Boeckinfi^, § 14.
* Spart c. 18. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 8. Elagabalus again permitted
the Balnea mixta^ so that Alexander Sevenis was again obliged to forbid
it Lampridius, Alex, Setter, c. 24.
CHAPTER VII
Science and the Learned Professions, Latin and
Greek Literature. The Schools. Athens. Smyrna.
Alexandria. Rome
The imperial court from the time of Augustus had great
influence upon letters in the empire. To be well-versed
in the culture of the time, and as a patron to promote it,
was an imperative duty for every Roman sovereign. No
other monarchy in the world placed such a high value upon
knowledge as did that of Rome, and no other imperial throne
can show so long a line of cultured princes. But the atmo-
sphere of a court hindered the steady development of learn-
ing. Censorship was practised even in the time of Augustus
and Tiberius and the Flavian emperors banished philosophers
from Rome as enemies of the monarchy. The despotism of
the first century of the empire made literature barren until
Nerva restored freedom of thought
With Trajan, royal patronage again flourished, and the
dependence of the learned professions upon the court was
revived. Hadrian especially encouraged it He himself, as
a man of intellect, had mastered the whole province both of
light and serious literature, as well as of art Spartianus says
of him : " He was intimately acquainted with Epictetus and
Heliodorus among the philosophers, and without naming
* them individually, he surrounded himself with grammarians,
rhetoricians, musicians, geometricians, painters and astrologers.
Even scholars, who seemed useless in their own department,
he was in the habit of dismissing with presents and honours."^
^ Spart. c. 1 6.
BK. II. cH. VII] Literature 235
This tendency lasted into the time of the Antonines. Verus
is an example of how princes were then brought up ; he was
taught by the grammarian Scaurus, whose father had been
the teacher of Hadrian, by the rhetoricians Apollonius,
Celer, Caninius, Herodes Atticus, and by the philosophers
Apollonius and Sextus. In his Greek studies he had
Telephus, Hephaestion, and Harpocrates for tutors.*
Teachers and royal pupils were on intimate terms, an advan-
tage to the schools. This is shown by the correspondence
of Fronto with the Antonines, and by the way in which
Marcus Aurelius speaks of his numerous teachers.
Hadrian certainly often made the learned men of his
court the butt of his humour, which alternated between
urbanity and tyranny ; but he was throughout the patron of
learning. If pure learning no longer flourished it was not
his fault. His own taste was the product of the time, and
intellectual currents cannot be stemmed by the most power-
ful sovereigns. Literature, which never before had enjoyed
so large a field as was at that time offered by the Roman
empire, would have made great advances from the complete
liberty of thought and teaching after the time of Nerva, if its
creative power had not been already extinguished. Rhetoric
and grammar were in vogue in the second century, which
produced neither classic poets nor great prose writers.
Encyclopaedic knowledge was the characteristic of a time in
which the Romans felt themselves masters of the world. In
the arts it brought a renaissance of style and form without
ideas, and in literature it only shows a philological return to
antiquity without any force of intellect* This tendency to
archaism had long been perceptible, and had originated
more probably from errors of taste, than as Niebuhr thinks,
from the necessity of enriching the impoverished Latin lan-
guage with words from the treasure-house of the oldest
authors." Augustus had inveighed against philological anti-
* Capitolinus, Verus Imp.^ c. 2.
* In relation to literature this is clearly shown by Martin Hertz, Renms-
same und Rococo in der rem. JJt,y Berlin, 1865. See also G. Bcmhardy,
Grtiftdr. der griech, Ijt.\ p. 323 sq.
'Niebuhr (Vortr(teje;e iiber rbm. Gesch.^ iii. 231) thought too that the
Unj^a ntsfica arose at this time. It is hardly fair to form an opinion
236 The' Emperor Hadrian [book ii
quarianism, for which he blamed Tiberius.^ The delight of
Hadrian and of the Antonines in obscure and archaic forms
of speech, appears chiefly to have been a rococo fashion of
the empire. Spartianus says that Hadrian preferred Cato to
Virgil, and Coelius Antipater, a contemporary of the Gracchi,
to Sallust. And he is said to have undervalued Plato, and
to have placed Antimachus, the precursor of the Alexandrian
art of poetry in the time of the Peloponnesian war, above
Homer.*
While the interest in Roman literature decayed, Greek
literature made a fresh start, and the Hellenes, not the Latins,
constituted the best talent of the age. The brilliancy
of a fresh and increasing literature, full of the glittering
pomp of declamation, which originated in the schools of
the sophists at Smyrna, threw the Latin tongue into the
shade.' But Latin had certainly conquered the West and
Africa, with astonishing rapidity, and, as the language
of law and government, it maintained in the East also the
prerogative of the ruling nation.^ It had to yield, however,
in literature, and even in aristocratic society, to the ascend-
ancy of Hellenism. Greek, as the language of culture, stood
in the same relation to Latin as, in the time of Frederick the
Great, French stood to German ; and this relation between
the tongues was older than the empire. Cato had already
blamed Albinus for writing a Roman history in Greek.
Lucullus, too, wrote the Marsic war in Greek, and Cicero the
history of his. consulate. Claudius composed histories of
Tyre and Carthage in Greek, and Titus wrote Greek
tragedies. The sophist Aelianus, from Praeneste, a con-
temporary as it appears of Hadrian, wrote his works,
upon the language as a whole from barbarous Latin inscriptions. Upon
the reaction against the modem literature of that time see Friedlaender,
iii. 335 sq,
^ Suetonius, Aug. c 86.
'Spart. c. 16; Dion Cassius, Ixix. 4.
'Nicolai, Griech, Uteratur Gesckichie^ ii. 425 sq.
* In the West there were more Latin than Greek schools. In Philostratus
( Vita, Soph.^ vol. ii. 9) Favorinus thinks it curious that he, a Gaul, should
speak Greek. The Greek language, which had prevailed earlier in
Marseilles and Lyons, had been driven out. Lucian had taught as a
rhetorician for a year in Gaul.
CHAP. VII] The Schools 237
Stories of all Kinds and Upon Animals in Greek, and
was considered a complete Philhellene.* The philosopher
Favorinus, a Gaul, was also an enthusiastic student of Hellenic
literature ; and Gellius preferred the Greek to the Latin
language. Lucretius had already complained of the poverty
of his mother tongue, an opinion which was confirmed by
the younger Pliny in a letter to Arrius Antoninus, a perfect
Philhellene and uncle to Antoninus Pius.* Hadrian himself
preferred to write in Greek, and so did Marcus Aurelius and
the orator Pronto. Suetonius and Apuleius wrote in both
languages. The age of Hadrian, though it produced no
striking genius among the Greeks, certainly diffused a
refined Hellenic culture through the whole empire.
In all important cities, schools of one or of both the
languages of civilization flourished. While Rome was the
cosmopolitan centre of the arts and sciences, Smyrna,
Alexandria, and Athens shone as the chief seats of Hel-
lenism. After the time of Hadrian, Athens again became
a much frequented university of philosophy and rhetoric.
Its lecture rooms and libraries, which the emperor had
greatly increased, attracted famous teachers and numerous
students from all provinces.'
From Athens the sophists flocked into the Roman coun-
tries to acquire honours and wealth. In Athens the first
public teacher was the celebrated Lollianus of Ephesus.
The sophist Hadrian, who filled the professorial chair, first
there and afterwards in Rome, received his living from Marcus
Aurelius at the expense of the state, precedence on the
occasion of festivals, exemption from taxes, the rank of a
priest, and other honours.* Theodotus was the first teacher
of the Athenian youth who received a salary from the
emperor of 10,000 drachmas.'
Smyrna, the chief school of the Ionian sophists, shone
' Philostnitus, Vita Soph.^ vol. li. 125.
• Pliny, Ep, iv. 3 and 18.
' Gellius, i. 2 : Ad capiendum ingenii cultum. On the library of Athens :
Aristides, PanathenaikoSy i. 306 (ed. Dindorf) : pifiXUir rofuia ots o^*
• Philostratus, Vt/a Saph.^ vol. ii. 10.
• Philostratus, Vita^ vol. ii. 73.
238 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
even more brilliantly than Athens. The whole of Ionia,
says Philostratus, in the life of Scopelianus, is a collie of
the most learned men, but Smyrna holds the first place
among the cities, and gives the tone, like the zither, to
other instruments.^ There Polemon taught and attracted
innumerable pupils. Other cities, too, such as Tarsus,
Antioch, Berytus, and Carthage had famous schools, but
their prosperity diminishes after the time of Hadrian.
Alexandria, the mother of Greek learning, outshone all
other cities. The youth of many countries assembled in
her famous gymnasia, and in those libraries which Zeno-
dotus, Callimachus, Eratosthenes, and Aristarchus had
arranged. Of these libraries the one in Alexandria which
was connected with the Museum in Bruchium, the magnifi-
cent foundation of Ptolemy Philadelphus, had been destroyed
by fire, at the time when Caesar annihilated the Egyptian
fleet in the harbour. Cleopatra had then replaced it by the
library of Pergamum, which had been given to her by Antony.
There was a second smaller library in the Serapeum.'
The Alexandrian school diffused a splendour over the
civilized world which lasted longer than that shed by any
university afterwards, whether of Paris, Bologna, or Padua.
Long after the creative power of Greek genius was ex-
hausted, encyclopaedic knowledge and Greek sophistry
were to be found in the library and the Museum of
Alexandria. In this foundation of the first Lagidae,
Ptolemy Philadelphus and Euergetes, all the methods of
the philosophic as well as of the exact sciences were fostered
for centuries. The importance of the school of Alexandria
lasted, though not uninterruptedly, as long as Alexandria
itself There the treasures of classical literature were col-
lected and arranged, the manuscripts improved, and the texts
explained. The Museum, indeed, whose splendid marble
halls were close to the temple of the muses, within the
circumference of the old royal citadel, was not merely an
academy, but a place for the assembly of learned men,
^ Philostratus, Vita Soph.^ vol. ii. 29.
* Ptolemy Philadelphus seems to have founded both libraries. Fr.
Ritschl, Die Alexandrin, Bibliotheken unter den ersten Ptolomdern^ '834,
p. 14 sq.
CHAP. VII] The School of Alexandria 239
many of whom received food and salary at the expense of
the state. The high-priest of Eg}'pt, who was at the head
of this academical establishment was chosen by the kings
before the Roman sovereignty, and was afterwards appointed
by the emperors.^ To the old Museum the learned Claudius
added a new foundation — the Claudium ; but the professors
degenerated into the hirelings of imperial vanity.
Hadrian confirmed the privileges of this honourable
institution. As the greatest distinction of a learned man
or a poet was to be a member of it, and as nomination
depended upon the favour of the emperor, many abuses
might easily prevail. But Hadrian was not the first em-
peror who gave the places in the Museum as sinecures to
strangers not in residence, lil^e the sophist Polemon of
Smyrna, and Dionysius of Miletus.* He even made a
mediocre poet, Pancrates, a member of the academy. He
seems to have been a native ; but the national feeling of the
Egyptians must have been deeply wounded when Hadrian
appointed president of the Museum, and consequently high-
priest of Egypt, a Roman named Julius Vestinus, who had
been his secretary and director of the libraries in Rome.'
An historian of the Alexandrian school has erroneously
ascribed the decay of the Museum to the too frequent abuse
of Hadrian's favour in the appointment to its posts. The
care, however, which the same emperor bestowed upon the
schools in Rome and Athens, as well as in other cities, could
scarcely diminish the importance of an institution that was
already growing old.* Fof, even in the time of the Flavian
' Strabo, xvii. 794.
• Philostr, yt/. Soph,y vol. ii. 37. The expression for it is 'Acyvrria
Wn^ct or rpdwc^a kiyvfwrUiu
'AH his offices are enumerated in the inscription, C.LG, iii. 5900:
'Apx('P<< 'AXr^rdpefat iral A^^tHrTov irhaifi . . . irol kir%irrA,T^ /ioucttcv koI iwi rdv 4w
V^fijf fiifi\to$iKWf iral iwl wtuielat *AdpiapoO. . . . This is not cumulative but
successive, and indeed in inverted order. See Friedlaender, i. 165.
Matter, (i. 279) calls Vestinus the only president of the Museum whose
name has been handed down to us.
* Matter, //is/, dc P/coU d Alexandrie^ 2nd ed., Paris, 1840, i. 265 sg
The prize essays upon the Alexandrian Museum of Parthey and KlippeL
1838, may be compared, and the literature on the subject in Bemhardy,
Grtiudriss der griech, A*/., i. 539 sq.
240 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
emperors, the Museum must have fallen greatly into decay,
for otherwise Dion Chrysostom could not have said that it
was a school only in name.^ The learned society existed
until the time of Caracalla, the terrible destroyer of Alexan-
dria, who broke it up. It was indeed restored, but could
not regain its importance. The famous library was destroyed,
with the magnificent Serapeum, in 389 A.D. by the fanaticism
of the Christians.
1 , With regard to Rome, this city of the world was then
I
the universal market for learned men, and the emporium of
the already vast world of books. The Roman libraries b^an
to increase from the time of LucuUus, the founder of the first
public library. Henceforth Rome could vie in this respect
with Athens and Alexandria. Sulla brought the library of
Apellicon, which he had stolen, from Athens to Rome.
Augustus founded great libraries in the temple of Apollo
Palatinus, and in the hall of Octavia. Tiberius formed one
in the capitol, Vespasian another in the temple of peace, and
even Domitian enriched the libraries of Rome by copies
which he had made in Alexandria. Finally, Trajan founded
the Ulpian library ; Hadrian formed a library at his villa at
Tibur for his private use, and in Antium he possessed
another ;' a third was connected with his famous academy,
the Athenaeum^
Rome, in addition to every other advantage, could offer
the richest treasures in books to learned men. A golden
age began for them under the Flavian emperors, with the
single exception of the philosophers, whom Vespasian, and
after him Domitian, indignant with the free thinking of the
Cynics, had banished. They returned in great numbers.
Rhetoricians, philosophers and pedagogues flocked like a
migration of nations into Rome, to seek their fortune. The
Athenian Demonax compared the philosopher ApoUonius
to an Argonaut going in search of the golden fleece,
^ Orat, xxxii. cui AUxandWnos^ p. 434 (ed. Dindorf).
' Philostratus, Vit. Apollon.^ viii. 19. Gellius, ix. 14, 3, xix. 5, 4,
Graefenhan, Gesch, der class, PhiloL^ iv. 44, and Jahn, Anptal, Pkilol,^ ii.
360. C.LG. 5900, mentions L. Julius Vestinus as director of the library of
Rome under Hadrian. In Friedlaender, i. 165, an unnamed librarian of
Hadrian, from a mutilated inscription at Ephesus ; also in Flemmer, p. 49.
CHAP. VII] The Athenaeum 241
when he sailed from Athens to Rome accompanied by his
pupils.^
Vespasian laid the foundation for a Roman school, in
which he estabh'shed chairs for Greek and Latin rhetoricians,
whose salary he paid from the fiscus.* Hadrian enlarged
this academy, and called it the Athenaeum. He destined
it, as the name leads us to conjecture, to the especial
cultivation of Greek, though not to the exclusion of Roman
literature.' The chair of oratory was called a throne as in
Athens.* The Athenaeum contained such spacious meeting
halls, that later on the senate could sometimes hold its
sittings there. Rhetoricians and philosophers discoursed
in it, and poets contended for prizes. This foundation of
Hadrian was still existing in the time of Symmachus ; it
can therefore be looked upon as the Roman university after .
the second century.*
The numerous .schools of learning in the empire, which
the emperor, the municipalities, and even private persons
erected and promoted, show a high average of general cul-
ture, and a large class of learned men. The ranks of this
class became fuller, as after the regulations of Vespasian
and Hadrian, rhetoricians, philosophers, philologists, and even
physicians were exempt from the city burdens and offices.* j
How important the study of books had become may be per-
>
' Lucian, Demonax^ c. 31 : Upoaipxtrai 6 'AwoXXc^ytof koL ol 'Apyoi^tuhm
airov,
* Suetonius, ^>.f/., c. 18.
'Lampridius {Alex, Ser.^ c. 35) says of this emperor: ad Athenaeum
audicndonim et Graecorum et Latinonim rhetonim vel poetanim causa
frequenter processit.
* Philostr. Vif. Sof^h.y ii. 93 : 6 arw tfp^rot. In the time of Marcus Aurelius
the sophist Hadrian occupied it
^ Zumpt {Destand der f kilos, Schulen in Athen^ p. 44) believes that the
Athenaeum was consecrated as a temple of Minerva. Aurelius Victor,
c. 14, calls it *Ludus ingenuarum artium.' Jul. Capitolinus, Pertinax^
c. 1 1 ; Ael. Lampridius, Alex, Sever.y c. 35. Kuhn, St&dt, Verfass.y i. 95.
Grasbcrger, Erzieh, und Unterr, im class, Alterthum^ iii. 442.
•From gymnasiarchia and agoranomia, from the offices of priest,
ambassador and judge, from military service and billeting, etc. Kuhn,
i. 104, according to Kriegel, Antigua Versio lot, fragmeniar, e Modistini
libro de excusationib.^ p. 44 ; also Cod, Theod.^ xiii. 3.
Q
242 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ch. vii
ceived from Gellius, who composed his Attic Nights about
150 A.D. He is a good example of the learning of his time,
and his work, precious from its antiquities and explanations,
is full of the greatest trivialities. How he came by all the
material, he relates himself; he buys old books where he can
get hold of them, and makes extracts from them.^
Men of learning roamed about the streets like the mendi-
cant friars of the Middle Ages. Reciters and orators were
to be heard in public places, and teachers sat in front of the
book-shops, where they offered, like mountebanks, to explain
this or that manuscript ; for authority and antiquity were
everything in these degenerate days. Passages from the
poets, or facts from ancient history, were explained with
elaborate phrases ; an unusual word or an obscure term was
sought out, to make a display of the extent of historical and
philological knowledge.^ The ease with which such know-
ledge could be obtained stirred crowds of moderate intellects
anxious to make money by their learning. But it was not
given to every one to be a Herodes Atticus or a Favorinus,
who could derive real advantage from the privileges of
literary men. Not everyone could choose knowledge instead
of a trade or an art for his life's calling like Lucian, to whom,
in his youthful dream, the goddess appeared showing in a
dazzling light the wealth, the honour, the rank, and the fame
which awaited her followers in the world.'
^ Gellius, ix. 4.
^The grammarian Domitius called such word-grubbing philosophers:
mortuaria glossaria, namque coHigitis lexidia, res tciras et inancs, ct
frivolas. — Gellius, xviii. 7 ; xiii. 30 ; xvi. 6 ; xviii. 4.
* Lucian, Enhypnian^ c. 11.
CHAPTER VIII
Plutarch. Arrian. The Taciica. Philo of Byblus.
Appian. Phlegon. Hadrian* s Memoirs
Among the authors of the time one figure shines with the
gentle h'ght of humanity. This figure is Plutarch, the most
versatile mind, and, with Favorinus, the most admired author
of his epoch. Even to-day one of his writings is an orna-
ment to literature.
Plutarch was bom about 50 A.D., in that Chaeronea
where, at the battle of Philippi, the freedom of Greece had
found its grave. He studied in Athens under Ammonius,
and then lived in easy circumstances in his native city.
From there he travelled into Hellas and Egypt. He visited
Rome too in the time of Vespasian. Here he gave lectures,
and became friendly with the most prominent men, like
C. Sosius Scnccio, to whom he afterwards dedicated several
of his Parallel Lives} He acquired the Latin tongue, if only
imperfectly.
Returning to Chaeronea, he remained there until his
death, devoting his life to the muses as well as to the
public service of his native place. No other personality in
an age that was so full of contradictions, offers so beautiful
an example of harmonious work and modest happiness.
Plutarch, a philosopher of the ancient type, is the antithesis to
Hadrian. The people of Chaeronea conferred upon him the
office of priest. He was also priest of Apollo at Delphi, and
Agonothetes at the Pythian games. Trajan bestowed upon
* R. Volkmann, Lehen und Schriften des Plutarch^ 1869, i. 36 sq. After
82 A.D. he came for the second time to Rome.
244 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
him consular honours, and in his old age, Hadrian is said to
have made him procurator of Greece. Rome and Hellas,
the two parts of the civilized world, honoured him. He
died at Chaeronea about 120 A.D., aged seventy years.
The numerous writings of Plutarch, of which a large part
has been lost, were circulated through the civilized world.
Those that have been preserved are divided into two groups,
the twenty-three biographies {fiioi xa^dXXjiXoi), and the
moral writings {n^uca) — eighty-three writings in all.^ They
are not works of a genius which strikes out new paths in the
world of thought, but they are the productions of reflection
and experience based on a foundation of extraordinary
learning. Rhetorical, grammatical, and antiquarian studies,
together with ethics, form the leading characteristics of
Plutarch's writings. To soften paganism by a gentler philo-
sophy of life, which approached Christianity, is the great
speciality of Plutarch, and he idealized both ancient religion
and ancient history.'
In his essays he ably discusses the most diverse sub-
jects, after the manner of the sophists. He inquires
into scientific and even practical questions, and draws
up rules of conduct, such as are contained in the manual
of Epictetus and in the reflections of Marcus Aurclius.
There are essays upon virtue and vice, upon equanimity,
upon the love of parents, talkativeness, the love of money,
upon envy and hatred, upon the education of children, upon
the rules of conjugal life, the laws of health, fate, upon con-
sulting oracles, upon the entertainment of the seven sages,
the heroic deeds of women, the sayings of famous kings and
generals, upon love stories, political doctrines, platonic re-
searches as to the genius of Socrates, the origin of the
mundane soul in Timaeus, the contradiction of the Stoics,
writings against the Epicureans, physical investigations, upon
the principle of cold, upon the envy of Herodotus, upon Isis
and Osiris, etc. Plutarch followed no definite method of
teaching, he was an Eclectic like Cicero.
^ Volkinann, p. 99 sg. The catalogue, which is said to have been made
by Plutarch's son Lamprias, contains 210 items. — Plut, perditor, scriptor,
fragtnenta^ ed. Fr. Duebner, Paris, 1855.
* Thiersch, Politik und Philosophie in ihrem Verhaeltniss Kur Religion^
p. 15.
CHAP, viii] Plutarch 245
All these essays are of no value at the present time
except to the student of the history of culture, but the
collection of incomparable biographies of great Romans and
Greeks is still in the hands of educated people as a book of
universal interest Plutarch owes his immortality to it alone.
By it, he created a style in literature. When he came from
Chaeronea to Rome, the capital of the empire made a pro-
found impression upon him. As he gazed at the monuments
of world-wide fame, he was overwhelmed by the thought of
the formidable power which could create so imposing a city.
Rome, on her part, recognized this deeply religious man as
an instrument of divine providence. He freed himself there
from the prejudices of Greek vanity, which had made him
hitherto ascribe the greatness of the Romans, unlike that of
Alexander, to good fortune only, and not to their own
courage and sagacity.
The Greeks, moreover, since the time of Polybius had been
obliged to submit to the power of the Romans, by whom
their country had been subdued and ruined. They lived
hereafter as descendants of the noblest race of humanity under
their rulers, to whom they had to pay allegiance even while
conscious of their own intellectual superiority. This superi-
ority was admitted by imperial Rome, who admired the ideals
of Greece and bowed humbly before them. All the statesmen,
generals, and emperors of Rome acknowledged the aristoc-
racy of the Hellenic intellect, from Flaminius, the Scipios,
and Cicero, to the Philhellenes, Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius.
It was a happy thought of Plutarch to give an historical
account of the parallel lives of the ancient civilized world,
and to reconcile them to one another. In a list of bio-
graphies written in simple narrative he has contrasted the
national characters of Rome and Greece, and has created a
book of heroes from which earnest men in all ages have
drawn both instruction and inspiration.
Next to Plutarch, and of equal dignity, stands another
ancient Greek, Flavius Arrian, from Nicomedia in Bithynia,
one of the most striking personalities of his time. He was
still living in the time of Marcus Aurelius, but his best work
belongs to the reign of Hadrian, for whom he wrote the
Periplus of the Black Sea, He was one of those few Greeks
246 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
who filled high positions in the Roman state. He was a
citizen of Rome and of Athens, then senator, consul between
121 A.D. and 124A.D., and then governor of Cappadocia
in the last years of Hadrian's reign. He was alike capable
as statesman and general, as historian and philosopher.^
Arrian might thus almost be looked upon as a new Xeno-
phon.' He took this ancient Greek as a pattern for style
and construction, and, like Xenophon, he wrote a book upon
the chase.* His writings show*that he was a practical man,
without the glitter of sophistry, but without its grace.
In his youth he had been much engrossed by the philo-
sophy of the Stoics, the best education for noble manhood.
He was the most distinguished among the pupils of Epictetus.
We only know the maxims of this sage through Arrian, for
he collected them in the Enchiridion^ and in the eight books
of the discourses of Epictetus. Unfortunately his conversa-
tions of Epictetus, in twelve books, and his biography of him
are lost*
History owes important writings to Arrian, especially the
work upon Alexander the Great, the hero of the Greek spirit,
which he enriched by embodying the consciousness of Hel-
lenic greatness. The Parthian wars of Trajan had revived the
memory of Alexander. Arrian wrote seven books upon the
expeditions of Alexander, and, as an eighth, the Indica. He
made use of writings from the time of Alexander, so that
his work is an important historical authority ; and he is
the first of all the historians of Alexander who have come
down to us.^ His ten books upon the time of the Diadochi,
and unfortunately his seventeen books also upon Trajan's
Parthian war, are lost, and so are his eight books of Bithynian
history from the earliest times to the last Nicomedes, who
bequeathed his empire to the Romans.^ Arrian's history of
^Arrian is still in office in 136-137 A.D. — Inscriptions from Sebastopolis
in Rev. ArcfUoL N.S.^ xxxiii., 1876, p. 199 ; in Duerr, Anh, 58.
« Photius, i?/^/. 53.
^Scripta minora^ ed. Hercher, 1854.
'Zeller, iii. i, 661. Only four books of the dissertations (Siarpipai) have
been preserved, and fragments in Stobaeus.
^Schoell, Geschichte der grtech, Liter,^ ii. 422.
* Photius says of it (i?/^/., 234) : rj warpiSi dQpw iirafl^fMP rd wdrpia.
c»Ai». viii] Philo of Byblus 247
Dion of Syracuse, and of Timoleon, and of the Alani have
also disappeared. To this last work was appended The
Expedition against the Alani which has been preserved. In
his Art of Tactics he has described the different kinds of
troops, their exercises, marches and commands for the use of
civilians.
Military writings were suitable to the spirit of the age.
Hadrian himself, though erroneously, has been credited with
the authorship of a scientific military treatise under the
title Epitedanna ; but his great passion for the army called
forth works of this kind.^ The Tactical Tluory of Aelian,
who lived in Rome in the first half of the second century,
scarcely belongs to them.' But the famous work of Apollo-
dorus upon siege tactics was expressly composed for
Hadrian.*
The Greek authors who have treated of the history of the
world, or of the history of Rome, and of separate countries,
are numerous. The loss of their works is vexatious enough.
Suidas mentions Cephalion, who wrote a sketch of the
history of the world from Ninus to Alexander, in the Ionic
tongue ; Jason of Argos, who wrote a work upon Greece ;
the Alexandrian Leander Nicanor, and Diogenes of Heraclea,
who were both geographers. Herennius Philo, a Phoenician
from Byblus, wrote thirty books upon states and their great
men. He translated the Sanchuniathon into Greek in nine
books, of which fragments are preserved in Eusebius, which
however may be a forgery of this supposed Phoenician his-
torical work by Philo/ Crito, from the Macedonian Pieria, a
' R. Focrster, Siudien tu den griech, Taktikem (HermeSy xii. 1877
p. 449 sq.\ points out that the opinion that the writing of Hadrian was
puhlished by Urhicius and thus attributed to him is erroneous. See
Schoell, Gesch. Her griech. Lit, W, 75.
*H. Koechly und W. Ruestow, ^^/rVf/r'j Theorie der Taktik, The view
of Kocchly that the rixn rairrvHt of Arrian belongs to Aelian, and that
the work hitherto ascribed to the latter is a later edition of the same
work, is disposed of by Foerster.
HXciKiofMyfTiKA^ Veter, Matkemat.^ Paris, 1693. Poliorcitique des Grtcs^
ed. Woeschcr, Paris, 1867, P- '37 J^-» with illustrations of the engines.
In the preface to the work Apollodorus says that he was induced to
write it by a production of Hadrian's.
* Euseb. Praep. i., c. 9.
248 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
travelling companion of Hadrian, wrote works on the history
of Syracuse, of Macedonia, and of Persia, and upon the
Dacian war of Trajan.
A happy accident has preserved a large part of the
historical books of Appian the Alexandrian, who wrote his
Romaica in the time of Antoninus Pius. He treated the
history of Rome until the time of Augustus, ethnographically,
in twenty-four books, and he gave an account of the destinies
of the separate countries until they became Roman provinces.
We still possess the histories of the Punic, Syrian, Mithridatic,
Spanish and Illyrian wars, and the five books of the Roman
civil wars. The dry, but useful work is confirmed by Poly-
bius, and Appian shares the view with him as well as with
Plutarch, that Rome's empire over the world was a divine
dispensation.
Phlegon of Tralles, a frcedman of Hadrian's, made himself
famous by a chronological work. It was a chronicle arranged
according to the Olympiads, and it reached as far as Hadrian.
Only fragments of it have been preserved. Photius, who
had read five books of the sixteen, said of it, that the style
was neither popular nor Attic, the language without elegance,
and the whole book tedious from a superabundance of detail.
Eusebius however made use of this work. Phlegon also wrote
a description of Sicily, and of the topographical wonders of
Rome, a^ well as of the Roman festivals. All these historical
and antiquarian writings are lost, with the exception of two
unimportant works of this author, Miraculous Stories^ and
Men of Great Longevity^ which have been preserved.
Phlegon stood so high in Hadrian's favour, that he en-
trusted him with the compilation of his memoirs, which he
had written, following the example of Trajan. According to
the assertion of Spartianus, the memoirs were actually written
by the emperor himself, who thirsted for immortality, but he
published them under the name of Phlegon, doubtless in the
Greek language.^ The memoirs of Hadrian, if we possessed
them, would enrich literature with an imperial historian of
rare intellect, and in spite of the unavoidable colouring of
^ Spartianus (c. 16} certainly speaks of several freedmen who published
the biography of the emperor under their own name, and then says : nam
et Phlegontis libri Hadriani esse dicuntur.
CHAP, vm] Hadrian's Memoirs 249
many actions, would be the authentic source for the history
of his life. The memoirs of Hadrian would, too, have thrown
an especial light on the general condition of Rome, and on
the reigns of many of his predecessors.* His life was written
by many contemporaries, as well as by Philo of Byblus.
As these biographies are lost, our knowledge of one of the
most remarkable epochs of imperial times can only be obtained
from the scanty reports of two compilers who made use of
the memoirs of Hadrian, namely, Spartianus, who lived in
the time of Diocletian, and Dion Cassius, who lived in the
early years of the third century, whose information is only
conveyed to us in the epitome of Xiphilinus. Irreparable,
too, is the loss of the Roman historical work of Marius
Maximus, who continued the biographies of the emperors by
Suetonius, and who wrote at the end of the second and the
beginning of the third century. The life of Hadrian, which
he treated, was made use of by Spartianus, and also by
Aurelius Victor.'
' Dion Cassius, Ixvi. 17, in one place quotes the scandalous stones which
accuse Titus of the poisoning of Vespasian, and refers expressly to the
opinion of Hadrian. Can we suppose that he read this in the auto-
biography ?
* On the biographers of Hadrian : H. Jacnecke, De vitae Hadricmae
ScriptofihuSy 1875. — J. J. Mueller, Der Gesckichtschreiber JL Marius
MaximuSy 1870. — J. Plew, Marius Maximus als Quelle der Scriptores H.
AufT, 1878 : also by the same author, Quellenuntersuchunf^n zur Gesckichle
des K. Hadrian y Strassburg, 189a — Acm. Picrino, De Foniib, Viiar,
Hadriani ei Septimii Set'eri Impp, ab Aelio Spartiano concriptar^ i88a —
J. Ducrr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian^ 1 881, p. 73 sq.
CHAPTER IX
Florus. Suetonius. Geography. Philology
They were, then, essentially Greeks who wrote the history
of the world and of Rome, after this task had been executed
by Latins until the second century. The Latins henceforth
gave way to the Greeks. They could, indeed, point to
Tacitus, who survived the reign of Hadrian, but with him
ended the great national list of Roman historians. The
succeeding authors show the decay of historical literature,
which no longer bears any trace of a lofty conception of
events.
Two Latin historians belong to this time, Julius Florus
and Suetonius. Florus made an abridgment of Livy's
History of Rome ^ which has been preserved, and which was
highly thought of in the Middle Ages.*
C. Suetonius Tranquillus, a Roman of culture and ability,
but without any great originality, was more important. The
son of a knight and a favourite of the younger Pliny, who
corresponded with him, he was born in 77 A.D.* In the
schools of rhetoric at Rome, Hadrian as a youth must
have known this companion of his maturer years. When
he became emperor he made him his secretary, but Sue-
tonius lost his post because he had approached the empress
too familiarly. The later circumstances of his life are
'y. Flori, Epitom, de T, Livio bellor. omnium annor. dxx, Libri duo,
ed. O. Jahn, 1852, then Halm, 1854. Florus is called sometimes Julius
sometimes L. Annaeus. Whether he was identical with the poet P.
Annius Florus is uncertain.
'Pliny, ^/^. i. 18; iii. 8 ; v. 10, in which he asks him to publish his
works, — appellantur quotidie et flagitantur.
nK. II. CH. IX] Suetonius 251
unknown. Most of his grammatical, critical, and historical
writings, wherein he seems to have taken Varro as a pattern,
have been lost He wrote on the games of the Greeks and
Romans, upon the customs of the Romans, a life of Cicero,
and a list of famous men.^
Suetonius owes his fame to the biographies of the first
twelve emperors, which he wrote in 120 A.D., and
dedicated to his friend Septicius Clarus, before he himself
had fallen into disgrace with the emperor. The happy
idea of describing biographically the development of the
empire of the first century contributed as much as the
poverty of the literature upon the imperial period to give
great importance to this work. It is written slightly and
simply in a pleasant, easy style, but his treatment of
character is wanting in artistic unity and in depth of con-
ception. The biographies swarm with anecdotes, chiefly of
a scandalous character, in which the influence may be per-
ceived of the court of an emperor, who was accustomed to
treat the world and its great men with irony and caprice.
But the wealth of material and the trustworthiness of the
information derived from the archives of many families,
make the work of Suetonius always an important historical
authority. This history of the emperors is a monument of
Latin literature, wherein the national instinct, as in Tacitus,
of writing Roman history from an imperial stand-point, is
displayc<l. Hadrian may probably have suggested the work
to Suetonius.
The science of geography must have received fresh life
from the travels of the emperor; but the only work oT travel
of Hadrian's time is the report of Arrian upon the circum-
navigation of the Rlack Sea.' The study of geography, a
product of Greek learning, was warmly encouraged in Rome,
after the time of Caesar, by the government The gigantic
works of Strabo and Pliny mark an epoch in the study of
geography in both literatures of the world. Under the
' Suidas, 934 sq, J. Regent, De C. Sueionii vita et scrifitiSy 185 1. Suet.
Tranquil It fircutcr Caesarum libros reliquiae ^ cd. A. Reiffenscheid, i86a
Gcllius, ix. 7, p. 472. Teuffel {Rom, IJteraturgesck) quotes a Historia
ludicra by him.
*Bunbury, Hist, of Ancient Geography ^ ii. 51a
252 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ch. ix
Ahtonines, geography came to the front when the great
catalogue of roads was made by the genius of Claudius
Ptolemaeus for the use of mathematical geography as well
as for astronomy and chronology. The observation of the
heavens by the ancients was reduced by this Alexandrian to
a system which prevailed until the time of Copernicus. The
same thing happened with the science of medicine, for the
Greek, Claudius Galen collected the experience of antiquity,
and dominated the scientific opinion of thirteen centuries.
This great man was born at Pergamum in Hadrian's reig^,
in 131 A.D.
Special activity was displayed in the time of Hadrian in
grammatical and philological studies. Many Latins, and
more Greeks, are distinguished in this field of literature
as atticists, lexicographers, and etymologists. In the same
way the Alexandrians Orion, ApoUonius Dyscolus, the
famous predecessor of Aelius Herodianus, Hephaestion,
Nicanor of Cyrene, Aelius Melissus, Heliodorus, Aelius
Dionysius from Halicamassus, and Telephus of Pergamum
may be mentioned.^ Among the Latin philologists are
Valerius Pollio, Quintus Terentius Scaurus the commen-
tator on Plautus and Virgil, Flavius Casper, Velleius Celer,
Domitius, Caius ApoUinaris Sulpicius, Julius Vestinus, and
others. These studies were the foundation of the eloquence
which, with art and science, formed the whole culture of the
Roman and Greek world.
^ Upon the grammarians : Nicolai, Griech, Uteraturgeschichtey ii. 3161^.
Grafenhan, Gesch, der class. Philol.^ Band iv.
CHAPTER X
The Schools of Roman Oratory. Roman Orators.
Cornelius Fronto
During the republic, when the life of the state was on
the Forum and in the Curia, and when its fate was being
determined by the struggle of great parties, the Roman
|)cople developed the most brilliant political oratory. In
Rome the art of speaking formed part of the education of
the citizen. Men of war and of the camp were at the same
time finished orators such as Metellus, Licinius Crassus,
Antony, Pompey, Caesar, and Brutus. As late as the civil
wars oratory preserved its practical character ; then the
dialectic of the Greeks, which penetrated into the world,
transformed literature and rhetoric. The art of oratory was
now fashioned after Greek models. Cicero was its first
exponent
The stream of political passions became stagnant in the
monarchy, which deprived speech of freedom, and even of
the dignity of resistance. What were now the Causae cen-
tumvirales^ the private cases in comparison with those
historical state trials of the republic ? " I do not know "
said Messala, " if those old writings have come into your
hands, which repose in the libraries of our predecessors ;
they show that Pompey and Crassus became great not simply
by force of arms but by their eloquence, that the Lentuli
and Metelli, the Luculli and Curiones, and other great men,
have devoted much attention to these studies, and that no
one of that time attained to power without the gift of oratory.
The brilliancy and the importance of the subjects by which
254 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
eloquence is enhanced are also to be considered. For it
makes a g^reat difference whether the subject of the speech is
a theft, or a point of law, or an interdict, or whether it con-
cerns the canvassing of the comitia, the oppression of the
allies, and the murder of citizens." ^
The Romans of the empire lamented the loss of their
proudest national possession, for Rome had no longer any-
thing, as in the days of Cicero, to oppose to the arrogance of
Greece. "All the intellects," said Seneca, "which shed light
upon our studies were born at that time. Afterwards the art
of oratory decayed, either from the corruption of the times,
or because ambition aimed afterwards at lower things, such
as office and money. The minds of the idle youth are ener-
vated ; no one any longer passes wakeful nights in toil over
an honourable occupation. The dishonourable study of song
and dance makes the mind effeminate, and the anxiety to be
distinguished in unclean vices is stamped on the young men."'
The spirited dialogue of Tacitus upon rhetoricians attri-
butes the decay of eloquence since the foundation of the
monarchy to a false system of training in oratory. Formerly
young men learnt the art of oratory publicly in courts and
assemblies, and according to the custom of the republic they
earned their spurs in the impeachments of great men. The
brilliant speeches of Crassus when nineteen against Caius
Carbo, of Caesar when twenty-one against Dolabella, of
Asinius PoUio when twenty-two against Caius Cato, are
notable instances. But now young men attend the theatre
of so-called rhetoricians, who teach them to ruin their intel-
lect by senseless exercises and contemptible tricks.
Petronius in the Satyrican has described this rhetorical
education with masterly touches. In his opinion the young
men are only made stupid by the host of idle things and
sentences they are taught, so that when they come to the
Forum they feel themselves transplanted to another world.*
* De orator e dudogusy c. 37.
* Seneca, Controv. i. proocni.
* This passage is elucidated by the introduction (proemium) to the 4th
book of Seneca's Controversies^ where we are told that an orator, Latro
Porcius, was on one occasion so disconcerted in the Forum that he asked
the judges to let him go to a basilica.
CHAP, x] Roman Orators 255
They hear nothing practical in the schools, only of pirates
loaded with chains, of tyrants who command sons to cut off
their father's heads, and of decrees against the plague which
order that three or more young women should be sacrificed.
Finally, every speech and action is steeped in honey, and
encrusted with opium and sesame. " Recently," says Petronius,
"this windy garrulity came from Asia to Athens, and breathed
upon the spirits of our youths with a pestilential breath.
Who afterwards could rise to the eminence of Thucydidcs,
who to the fame of Hyperides? A vigorous poem could
never be written, but everything was after the same pattern,
and was not likely to last. It was the same with the art
of painting, which decayed after the Egyptians ventured to
invent a traditional style for so great an art." ^
Not only form and matter, but the two kinds of scholastic
oratory, the persuasive {suasoriae\ and the controversial
{contrmfersiae), had been imported into Rome from Greece.*
Exercises such as the following were given : Alexander
takes advice whether he should march into Babylon, as
the augur prophesied evil if he did ; the Athenians consult
whether they should remove the Persian trophies, as Xerxes
threatens to return if this is not done; Agamemnon deliberates .
whether he should sacrifice Iphigenia, as Calchas foretells
that unless this is done the Greeks cannot depart Then
there were controversies which resembled those sophistic
quibbles that served to while away the time in learned
society and at the banquets of the rich. They were schools
for advocates and pettifoggers, as well as for the man of
polished good breeding.
The education of the incipient orator until he reached
perfection, seems as pedantic as these gymnastics of the
intellect were senseless. Quintilian has spoken plainly
about it in his discourses on oratory. There are precepts
borrowed from the dramatic art about the use of the emotions
by which the judges were to be moved, about declamation
and modulation of the voice, about gestures and pantomime,
and the artistic use of the limbs. The eyes should now be
' Petronius, Satyricon^ c. 2.
* On the schools of oratory : Fricdlacndcr, iii. 343 sq. Grasberger,
Ertiehung und Unterricht im class, Alitrthum, Wu 353-39a
256 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
fixed, now dim, now moving, here sparkling with delight,
there blinking, and so to say leering (venerii). For only a
simpleton will keep the eyes quite open or quite shut Then
follow rules upon the rhetorical use of the lips, chin, throat,
neck, and shoulders, and minute directions about the play of
the hands. For instance, does it not make a splendid effect
when the hands are wrung at that declamation of Gracchus :
** Whither shall I most miserable flee ? Whither shall I
turn ? To the Capitol ? Ah 1 it trickles with my brother's
blood. To my own house? Perchance, to see my unhappy
mother sorrowing, and falling into a swoon ? "
It would be a mistake, however, on account of this schol-
astic pedantry, to undervalue the importance of oratory in
the world at that time. It trained the best intellects, and
aroused the interest of society in literature and art. Even in
its decay it was an ornament to life, and so much of a necessity
to the nature of the southern people, that among the Italians
of a later age, rhetoric revived with the renaissance of ancient
literature. In the empire it took the place of the drama and
the press. All the Caesars went through its schools, not
only because it adorned despotisni with fine phrases, but
because it was generally indispensable to a liberal education.
Vespasian appointed the first public teachers of oratory in
both languages in Rome, and the provinces afterwards be-
stirred themselves to attract celebrated rhetoricians. But no
emperor promoted the art of oratory as much as Hadrian,
who had himself an excellent knowledge of rhetoric.^ In his
time several Roman orators flourished, such as Calpumius J
Flaccus, Antonius Julianus, the master of Gellius, Castricius
and Celer.^
But the most famous orator of all was Cornelius Fronto, an
Italian, born however at Cirta, in Numidia, at the beginning
of the second century. He studied in Alexandria, and shone
as a forensic speaker in Rome in the time of Hadrian, who
made him a senator. Fronto says on one occasion in a
letter to Marcus Aurelius, that he had often praised his
^ Philostratus {Lotltan^ vol. ii., p. 42) means this when he says of him :
* Speeches of Calpurnius Flaccus delivered in school are in existence.
Teuffel, 351.
ciiAi\ x| Cornelius Fronto 257
grandfather by adoption in the senate, that he had honoured
him greatly, but did not love him, as love implies confidence
and familiarity.* Dion calls him the first advocate in Rome.*
He became so rich by his industry, that he bought the
gardens of his patron, and built baths. After he had been
consul for two months in 143 A.D., he refused the trouble-
some honour of proconsul of Asia. He found himself in the
same relation as Seneca to the future emperor. But if to
Seneca it proved a curse that Nero had been his pupil, it
became a blessing and a source of lasting fame to Fronto
that he had been the teacher of the noblest of all rulers,
Marcus Aurelius. This emperor repaid the care of his master
with a touching affection, and Fronto had nothing to complain
of in his illustrious pupil, except that he deserted rhetoric for
philosophy. Their correspondence is the monument of an
interesting friendship. It shows us the character of Fronto,
who, though self-satisfied and subject to many weaknesses
which were fostered by his calling as an orator, and by
his position as tutor to a prince, was, notwithstanding,
possessed of many honourable traits of genuine humanity.*
From many letters and discourses, as, for instance, from
the Alsiensian Holidays^ in which he exhorts his pupil
to a keener enjoyment of life, we may perceive that Fronto
at the bottom was no dry pedant. Toward Lucius Verus,
who was his second pupil, he does not always appear sincere;
he flattered Verus, but Marcus Aurelius considered himself
fortunate in having learnt from his master to be truthful.*
About 160 A.D. Fronto was at the zenith of his fame; he
died about 175 A.D.*
' Fronto, ad. Af. Caesar^ ii. 4 : Divom Hadrianura avom tuum laudavi
in senatu saepenumero studio impenso et propenso quoque.
• Dion, Ixix. 18 : ^ rk wpQra riaif rirt 'Vnfialutf 4p SiKott ^p6fU99t, Orator
nobilissimus, as Eutropius, viii. 12, calls him.
• Sec his letter, *De nepote amisso,' wherein he ventured to attribute to
himself the * integer vitae scelerisque purus.'
**QuoH verum dicere ex te disco.' — In Fronto^ iii. 12,111. 18, Aurelius
writes that he is grateful to him, 'quom cotidie non desinis in viam me
veratn inducere, et oculos mihi aperire.' His praise in the Meditations^ i. 1 1.
• Hcmhnrdy, Grundriss der rbm. Liter, 5 Auflage, p. 839 ; TeuflTel, 355.
On Fronto's cursus honorum before his consulate : Renier, Inscr, Rom, de
lAlgMfy 2717.
R
258 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
As an author he must be considered the pedantic advo-
cate of antiquarianism in Latin literature. If Quintilian
took Cicero as a model, Fronto kept to the style of Cato,
Ennius, Plautus, and Sallust He would have nothing to
do with the art of Greek orators, but he imitated the style
of the oldest Romans. For this he was admired by Gellius.
It was the age of philological enthusiasm for antiquated
forms of speech, which made both style and language ab-
surdly distorted, obscure, and unmusical, and only proved the
inevitable decay of literature. The writings of Fronto, among
which there are fragments of a treatise against the Christians
and of his history of the Parthian war, were first discovered,
though in a very imperfect condition, by Angelo Mai in the
Ambrosian Library and in the Vatican.* They were at first
welcomed with enthusiasm, as unexpected remains of anti-
quity, and were even over-estimated.* Then they were
under-valued and neglected.* Fronto's material is often
very trivial as merely a subject for rhetorical exercises.
Among them is to be found a praise of indolence, of smoke,
and of dust. But one must be a Swift to be able to talk
intellectually about a broomstick. Fronto's correspondence
with the Aptonines is most important as an historical docu-
ment descriptive of the culture of the age. Yet it displays
^Editions by Angelo Mai, Milan, 1815; Herlin, 1816 (by Nicbuhr) ;
Rome, by A. Mai, 1823, 1846. Minucius Felix refers lo his attack upon
the Christians, OctaviuSy c. 30.
*The discovery of Fronto by Angelo Mai was greeted with special
warmth by Giacomo Leopardt. After the discovery of the books of Ciceip's
De Republican the poet addressed to Mai the famous ode Italo ardiio. See
on the discovery of Fronto the jubilee pamphlet of Ateneo di Bergamo :
Nel prima Centenario di Angelo Maiy Memorie e Docununliy by Bene-
detto Prina, 1882.
' Fronto is one of the best examples of the abuse of the art of oratory
and of the degradation of language. For Fronto see Roth, Bemerkungen
iiberdie Schriften des M, Cornel. Fronio^ 18 17. Bemhardy, p. 840, calls
him a witness to the impoverished literature of the second century. Martin
Herz has drawn an unfavourable picture of him in Renaissatue and Rococo
in der r6m. Literatur, Macrobius, Saturnalia^ v. i : quatuor sunt, inquit
Eusebius, genera dicendi : copiosum, in quo Cicero dominatur : breve,
in quo Sallustius regnat, siccum quod Frontoni adscribitur ; pingue et
floridum, in quo Plinius secundus. . . .
CHAP, x] Quintilian 259
but a mediocre intellect, the product of an age devoid both
of thought and action. Fronto wrote, too, some letters in
Greek and an Erotictis.
Roman oratory did not produce any classic literature after
the time of Cicero. Quintilian himself in his work, De in-
stitutione oratoria^ only set up a standard text-book for the
acquisition of the art of rhetoric. While in Rome rhetoric
was always directed to practical and forensic oratory, Greek
rhetoric was a free art of polite letters and of literature.
CHAPTER XI
Greek Sophistry. Favorinus. Dionysius of Afiietus.
Po lemon. Her odes Atticus and other Sophists
The sophistry of the second century was a wonderful dis-
play of the activity of the Greek intellect. It lasted, with
many fluctuations, until the time of Justinian, and Neopla-
tonism, a product of the Renaissance of Platonic philosophy
in its relation to Christianity, continued to exist by its side,
and expired with it
While the Roman national intellect after the golden age
of its poets and prose writers was becoming exhausted, the
Hellenes filled a gap in the literature of the world, for the
ever-oscillating scale between the Greek and Latin genius in
the empire inclined again to them. Sympathy for Hellas
had greatly increased at the imperial court since the time of
Claudius and Nero. Even a Domitian was fond of the Greek
character. He organized the contests at the Capitol after the
pattern of the Olympian games, presiding over them him-
self in Greek garb, his head adorned with a golden wreath.
In the reign of Nerva, Dion Chrysostom, grandfather of
the historian Dion Cassius, heralded the revival of Greek
oratory ; but its victory was decided by the Philhellene
Hadrian. Sophistry owed a new life to him, and a second
era of Greek eloquence arose from the study of ancient
literature. Although tainted with the spirit of an age poor
in great subjects and ideas, oratory yet attained such elegance
and mastery of form and expression that the world at the
time was charmed. Though these declamations upon mytho-
logical subjects and historical events of the Greek past seem
BK. II. CH. xi] Greek Sophistry 261
trivial to us now, the literature of the sophists is always a
reflection of the cosmopolitan culture of the Roman empire.
It seemed, indeed, so important to that age that it found a
historian in Philostratus.
As the Greek school of sophists was the pattern for Latin
rhetoric, what is said of one applies to both. The times of
Pisistratus, Solon, and Pericles, of Philip, and Demosthenes,
Homer, and the poets, and, above all, the Attic orators,
afforded the material. The main point was to cultivate the
art of dramatic expression, and the greatest accomplish-
ment, to be able to improvise readily at the moment. For
this they not only studied the ancients but nature as well.
Herodes Atticus had learnt the art, so says Philostratus, of
touching the heart, not only from the tragic poets but from
life. Marcus of Byzantium compared the versatility of
sophistry to the play of colours in the rainbow, and Philos-
tratus could not better describe its difficulty than by the
remark he made upon the fifty-six years of its life after the
death of Polcmon. At this time he said, age would begin in
other sciences, but the sophist is still a youth, for the older
he grows the more he improves.
We cannot find fault with the sophists if they glorified
eloquence as the finest flower of the human intellect, for they
lived upon its fruit ; but a large part of the cultivated world
also considered it the essence of all intellectual perfection.
When even a Roman orator carried away his audience, we
may imagine the enthusiasm which a Greek excited among
Greeks, as often as he caused the music of a language to be
heard which was still the language of the world, and para-
mount even in Rome. The Greeks, we may suppose, alone
knew and enjoyed the virtuoso's feeling for eloquence as
a fine art Their delicate ear could alone appreciate the
melody of metre like the sound of a lyre and a flute.
Polemon was in the habit of laughing after delivering long
sentences, in order to show how little he was fatigued. It
was all artificial, but it passed for art.
Sophistry was so greatly admired by the world that its
acquisition was preferred to the highest dignities. The name
of sophist, and the pleasure of being allowed to declaim, was
bought at a great price. Philostratus speaks of a rich young
262 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
man who allowed himself to be praised as a reciter by his
parasites, remitting even the interest to his debtors if they
attended his lectures. Polemon, too, had borrowed money
from him, but disdained to listen to him often. The young
orator accordingly threatened him with an action for debt
Polemon determined to gratify his vanity, but, unable to
endure his prattle, he exclaimed, "Varus, you had better
bring your action." The sophists had their own claqueurs ;
Aristides especially asked Marcus Aurelius, who wished to
hear him, that his friends might be allowed to applaud.^
The rhetoricians travelled about like players, and gave
performances. If they were famous the cities celebrated
their arrival with festivals. They often bestowed civic
rights upon them, erected statues to them, gave them a
voice in their most important affairs, and made use of them
as ambassadors to the emperor. In this way Marcus the
rhetorician, obtained the favour of Hadrian as ambassador
from the Byzantines. Cities like Smyrna and Pergamum
certainly owed fresh splendour to the sophists. The desire
for fame, and the vanity of these sophists found sufficient
food in the theatrical character, and the poor achievements
of the Hellenic world of the time, which was in the habit
of raising monuments to mediocrity, and to all tliat was
dazzling, bewildering, and ostentatious. Patriotism, however,
explains the power of the rhetoricians, particularly among
the Hellenes. For they recalled to the Greeks the fame of
their name, the deeds of their ancestors, and the treasures of
their literature, which they pretended survived in their own
productions. Even if the influence which Philostratus
says that Apollonius had upon Vespasian is exaggerated,
it is still a fact that the Roman emperors recc^nized
sophistry as a power.* They paid homage to it as it repre-
sented the intellectual life of the Hellenes, and with it they
were obliged to come to terms, if they wished to be in the
forefront of their epoch. They were also very anxious to be
recognized by the Hellenism of the East as the successors of
Alexander, and with Olympian trumpets the sophists freely
sounded its praise. Even a Pliny did not extol the universal
^ Philostratus, Vita Soph, AristideSy vol. ii. 88.
'Philostratus, Vita Apoiian, v., c. 31.
CHAP. XI] Favorinus 263
greatness of Rome with such enthusiasm as the Greek orators
of the age of the Antonines.*
The chief seats of sophistry were Smyrna and Athens,
Ephesus and Pergamum, then Antioch, Berytus, and other
Phoenician cities. From Prusa, in Bithynia, came the leader
of this new school of oratory, Dion Chrysostom, who was
born in the middle of the first century, and was still famous
in the time of Trajan. In the age of the Antonines,
sophistry reached its height The number of these
rhetoricians is legion. Hadrian himself is to be counted
among them. His speeches and discourses were collected
and read, and Photius has bestowed moderate praise upon
them ; but none of them exist'
It is strange that one of the most famous Greek sophists
of this time was a Gaul. This was Favorinus, from Arelate.
At least Philostratus placed him in this class, although he
was really a Platonic philosopher, and was always described
as such by his pupil Gcllius.' Favorinus was a man of
great experience and calm judgment, if Gellius is not carried
away by affection in describing him.* Philostratus main-
tained that he was an hermaphrodite, without beard and
with the voice of a eunuch, and yet so fond of women that
he was accused before a consul, of adultery. His Greek
education must have made him particularly sympathetic to
the emperor Hadrian. Spartianus mentions him especially
among the learned men of Hadrian's court That he was a
trained courtier may be seen from the following anecdote :
One day Hadrian set him right on a scientific question,
and Favorinus at once gave way. When friends blamed
him, he answered : " Let me always believe that he is
' On the sophists in genera! : Lud. Cresollius, Theatr, veter, rhetor, i.,
c 8 ; A. Westcrmann, Gesch, der griech, Beredsamkeit^ p. 198 sq. Pas-
sages in question in Friedlaender.
* Photius, 100 : McX^roc dca^6pcu— €/f rh /tdrpio^ drify/tdptu nil odic dii9tU, Of
his sermons and orations, Charisius, Ari. Gramm. ii. 129, 240.
•Gellius, i. 3; x. 13 ; xvii. 12.
* Gellius, iv. 1 : Sic Favorinus sermones in genus commune a rebus
parvis et frigidis abducebat ad ea, quae esset magis utile audire ac
discere, non allata extrinsecus, non per ostentationem, sed indidem nata
acreptaque — xvi. 1.
264 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
the' wisest man in the world who commands thirty
legions."
It is surely nothing more than a fable that the fame of
Favorinus aroused the jealousy of the emperor, so that he
endeavoured to supplant him by promoting his adversaries.
But he seems to have really fallen into Hadrian's disfavour
without however being ruined. He could point to three
things as the greatest marvels in his life : though a Gaul,
he was a Hellene, though a eunuch, he was accused of
adultery, and though he had the emperor for an enemy,
he yet remained alive.^ The Athenians are said to have
thrown down the bronze statue which they had erected to
him, in the belief that Hadrian was his implacable enemy,
and even then he knew how to console himself In spite of
the harmony of his studies with those of the emperor,
he did not share his predilection for antiquarian literature,
nor his mystical disposition. This is proved by the dis-
course which he delivered in Rome against astrologers.^
It may have offended the emperor, who would besides
have been annoyed by the arrogance of Favorinus. How-
ever ridiculous the vanity of such sophists may have
appeared, it must, nevertheless, be admitted that they, like
the Cynics, knew how to maintain the dignity of intellect,
even before the imperial throne.
Favorinus was not friendly with Polemon. Ephesus took
the part of Favorinus, Smyrna that of Polemon. Literary
quarrels were as rife then as in the scholastic Middle Ages,
and in the time of Poggio and Valla, when the literary
activity of antiquity was imitated. Philostratus concluded
from this quarrel that Favorinus was a sophist, as jealousy
only occurs in members of the same profession. Favorinus
got on better with his pupil Herodes Atticus, to whom he
left his books, his house in Rome, and his black Indian
slaves. He was also friendly with Plutarch, who dedicated
his treatise on the principle of cold to him, and he valued
the celebrated Dion Chrysostom as his especial teacher.
Favorinus, one of the versatile men of his time, had great
* Philostratus, Favorinus at the beginning : Vakdrrii Cfp i\\rii>l(ieiy, ciVoi^xo*
'Gellius, xiv. i.
CHAP, xil Dionysius of Miletus 265
fertility in production, and in that respect he was like
Plutarch. But only a few fragments of his writings have
been preserved. Ten books of pyrrhonian tropes were con-
sidered his best work. Gellius praises his elegant Greek,
whose charm was not to be attained in a Latin discourse ;
and Philostratus, his fascinating utterance, his speaking eye,
and the melody of his words, " for even those who did not
understand Greek listened to him with pleasure; he enthralled
them by the sound of the language which appeared like a
song to them." ^
Dionysius of Miletus, a pupil of the Assyrian Isaeus, shone
also among the rhetoricians. Hadrian gave him a post in
the Museum at Alexandria, made him a knight, and even
governor of a province.* The assertion therefore that the
emperor wished to ruin this sophist too, out of envy seems
incredible. Dionysius, full of self-reliance, said once to
Heliodorus, Hadrian's private secretary : " The emperor can
make you rich, but he cannot make you a sophist"' He
travelled about in many cities, and had a school for oratory
in Lesbos. He died at Ephesus, where he was buried on
the finest site of the city, a monument being raised in his
honour. As he was older than Polemon, the talent of the
young rhetorician made him uneasy. He once heard him in
Sardis, where Polcmon had come from Smyrna to plead in
an action, but he was wary enough not to jeopardize his own
fame by accepting the challenge which Polemon offered him.
Dionysius is said to have been distinguished for his unaffected
style in the delivery of his lectures. He imparted his rare
memory as a mnemonic art to his pupils, from which those
who were envious of him maintained that he accomplished
such results by the aid of Chaldean magic. Philostratus
remarks about this : "There are no artificial aids to memory,
nor ever will be. Memory indeed teaches the arts, but is
not itself to be taught by any art, as it is a gift of nature,
and a part of the immortal soul." * Memory is the queen of
all things, according to Sophocles.
' Philostr. vol. ii. 1 1.
•So at least Philostratus maintains, ii. 37: earpdwip fih «^6r dW^ifvcr
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3. * Philostratus, vol. ii., p. 56.
266 The Emperor Hadrian [book if
Other famous sophists of that time were Alexander of
Troas, Scopelianus, Sabinus, Asclepius of Byblus, Lollianus of
Ephesus, and Marcus of Byzantium. Lollian was the glory
of Athens, where he first filled the chair of oratory. Philos-
tratus calls him an upright and well-disposed man. He
became rich by his teaching of the theory and practice of
oratory. The senate at Athens erected a statue in his
honour.*
All the sophists of this age were outshone by Polemon
and Herodes Atticus. They were not only the recognized
masters of their art, but they lived like princes in the posses-
sion of great riches, and were honoured by their age as
demi-gods.
Polemon, of a consular family in Carian Laodicea, was
the head of the Ionian school, and the pride of Smyrna.
As he attracted thousands of pupils, he acquired such im-
portance that he ruled the city. He made peace among
factions, controlled the government, endeavoured to restrain
luxury, and to restore the feeling of independence to the
citizens by not bringing their disputes before the pro-
consul, but by having them settled at home. Such civic
activity was the finest side in the life of the famous sophists.
They could be justices of the peace, patrons, and advocates
for their cities before the emperors. Polemon understood so
well how to win the favour of Hadrian for Smyrna, that on
one occasion the emperor gave the city ten million sesterces,
with which the citizens built warehouses, a temple, and the
most splendid gymnasium in the whole of Asia.^ it was no
wonder that the sophist was rewarded with great honours.
Among other dignities, Smyrna bestowed upon him and
his posterity the right of presiding at the Olympian games,
and the command of the sacred ship of Dionysus.
Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines honoured Polemon
in every way. He often came as ambassador from Smyrna
to Rome. Hadrian appointed him to make the speech at
the dedication of the Olympieum in Athens. What finer
occasion than this for making a speech could a sophist desire I
Unfortunately this splendid oration has been lost. Philos-
^ Inscription in Spon, Itin. ii., p. 336.
' Fhilostratus, ii. 43.
CHAP. XI] Polemon 267
tratus says that he spoke wonderfully. Polemon lived in
great style. On his journeys he took with him costly fur-
niture, horses, slaves and dogs, and he sat like a Mark
Antony on a richly adorned carriage. It must have been a
brilliant and luxurious world at that time, if a single sophist
could appear in such state. Philostratus says the same
thing of the Tyrian Hadrian, and of Herodes Atticus.
Polemon he says, rose to such greatness, that he conversed
with cities as their sovereign, and with princes and gods as
their equal. When once the proconsul of Asia, who was
afterwards the emperor Antoninus Pius, took up his quarters
in the house of the absent sophist without ceremony, Polemon,
returning home at night, turned out the uninvited guest, and
the Roman proconsul submitted. So even in those days
talent asserted itself in the presence of the ruler. Polemon's
quarrelsome temper has been mentioned before. He did not
attack all sophists who were of equal reputation, at all events,
neither Scopelianus nor Herodes Atticus. The latter was
his genuine admirer ; when the people once called out that
he was the second Demosthenes, he made answer : " I am
the second Phrygian" (Polemon). It is to this great reverence
that Philostratus ascribes the fact of Herodes leaving Smyrna
secretly in the night, in order not to be forced into a contest
with him.
Polemon was a great extempore speaker. His delivery is
described as glowing, powerful, and as full of sound as a
trumpet. He was called the Olympian trumpet. His
thoughts appeared to his hearers as lofty as those of Demos-
thenes, and as inspired as the utterances from the tripod. The
pomp and verbosity of the Ionian school seem not to have
been foreign to his style. Philostratus indeed was obliged to
defend him against those who accused him of flowery speaking
and over-nicety. At one time Marcus Aurelius writes to
Pronto, " I have been hearing Polemon declaim for three days.
If you ask me what I think of him, I must say that he seems
to me like a very active and earnest farmer, who on his large
estate only grows com and vines, whereby he obtains the
finest and most luscious fruit. But on this land there are no
fig-trees from Pompeii, no vegetables from Aricia, no roses
from Tarentum, no pleasant groves, or thick woods, or shady
268 The Emperor Hadrian [book u
plane-trees. Everything is calculated more for use than
pleasure, more to be praised than to be loved. But I must
not be hasty and presumptuous in a rash judgment, which I
give upon a man of such fame." ^ We are obliged to accept
this critical opinion as authoritative, as we possess nothing
of Polemon except two funeral orations upon the heroes
Cynegirus and Antimachus, who fell at Marathon.* He died
in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, about 153 A.D., at the
age of fifty-six years, from voluntary starvation, as an incur-
able illness made him despair of carrying on the practice of
his beloved art.
Still more attractive and more instructive is the figure
of Herodes Atticus, the famous benefactor of the city of
Athens, which received as much glory from this one man as
from its great benefactor on the throne of the Caesars. This
fortunate man united, in a rare combination, the riches of
Croesus with as many gifts of the Attic muses as his time
could appreciate.
He was born at the beginning of the second century in
the famous Marathon,' and claimed to be descended from
the Aeacidae. Polemon, Favorinus, Scopelianus, and the
Athenian sophist Secundus, were his teachers, and Taurus
the Tyrian introduced him to the philosophy of Plato.
Herodes soon seemed to eclipse all his contemporaries. His
memory too has lasted longer than theirs ; but this superiority
he owes less to his ability, than to the liberal use he made of
his fortune. His father Atticus, had found a treasure in one
of his houses near the theatre at Athens, which the generous
Nerva allowed him to keep. This good luck, and the fortune
of his mother, made Herodes more than rich. But he under-
^ Fronto, Epistolar. ii. 8, p. 40 : cum de tantae gloriae viro existimo ?
* 'Es-ird^roc X6701 — Laudatiotus duae futtebres^ ed. Orelli, 1819; Dccla-
mationes quae extant duae^ rec. Hink, Lips. 1873.
' His birth seems to have taken place either in 95 a.d. or loi A.D.,
according to Philostratus, Vit. Herod, c. 14, where his first meeting with
Hadrian in Pannonia is mentioned, and this Olearius (in Vita Herodis)
believes to have happened in 119 a.d. Franz (C.I.G. ill., p. 922^,925)
assumes this as correct. Herodes would then have been twenty-five
years old, while Heyse assumes eighteen years. Keil, in Pauly's Real,
Lexicon Artik, Herodes Att.^ takes 101 A.D. for the year of his birth. But
none of these calculations are certain.
CHAP. XI] Herodes Atticus ' 269
stood how to spend his money in the most magnificent
way.
He was a young man when he appeared before Hadrian
in Pannonia, but he did not succeed in the speech which 4ie
delivered. He approached the emperor for the first time in
Athens in the winter of 125-126 A.D., and after that he
began to be famous. Hadrian then made him overseer of the
free cities of Asia, in which office he displayed great liberality.
He loved fame above everything, for he scarcely undertook
his buildings simply from motives of benevolence or from
enthusiasm for art. His most ardent wish was to cut
through the Isthmus of Corinth. The necessity of uniting
both the seas of Greece by a navigable canal had long been
felt, and Nero, during his stay in Corinth, had not only drawn
a plan for it, but had begun the work.* The traces of the
cutting by Nero are still to be seen in the narrowest part of
the isthmus, where the ancient Diolkos used to stand, and
the engineers of the present day have followed these traces.
It was Nero's own capricious inconstancy, and his sudden re-
turn to Rome, which induced him to abandon the enterprise.*
The science or the superstition of the time is therefore not to
be blamed. None of the emperors after Nero thought of it
again. But Herodes was the first to whom the idea occurred^
and it does no little honour to the noble mind of the sophfst
The account of Philostratus is doubly interesting to-day,
when after the lapse of centuries, the canal has been com-
pleted. As Herodes was journeying one day to Corinth with
the Athenian Ctesidemus he said, on reaching the isthmus^
" I have been trying for a long time to leave a monument to
posterity, which shall convince mankind that I have really
lived, but I despair of ever attaining such fame." His com-
panion remarked that the fame of his discourses, and of his
architectural works, would never be equalled by anyone, but
Herodes answered : " My works are perishable, and time will
^ Suetonius, NerOy c 19 : Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 16.
' Lucian, Nero^ c. 4. Egyptian geometers asserted that the water-level
of the two seas was not alike, and that therefore, after the cutting of the
isthmus, the island of Aegina would always be in danger of being flooded.
This opinion, however, was only a pretence, for it was in fact the rebellion
of Vindex which called Nero away from Greece.
2/0 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
destroy them ; my discourses too will be found fault with,
first by one and then by another, but the cutting through
the isthmus would be an immortal and almost superhuman
work ; yet it seems to me that to pierce through the isthmus
is the work more of Poseidon than of a mortal."*
This opinion of Herodes shows that the technical difficulties
of the undertaking were still considered very great Pau-
sanias relates that the Pythia had advised the people of
Cnidus to pierce through their isthmus, and remarks : ** It is
difficult for men to offer violence to the gods." * Herodes
Atticus would have been just the right man, in spite of
Poseidon, to undertake cutting through the Isthmus of
Corinth ; only, as Philostratus asserts, he had not the courage
to beg permission from the emperor to do it, as he was
afraid of being blamed as presumptuous, if he undertook a
work which the talent of Nero had not been able to cany
out.^ The relinquishment of this project for the canal will
scarcely have troubled Herodes less than the fact that not he,
but Polemon, delivered the Olympian inaugural address. In
Athens, however, he filled the office for life of high-priest of
the emperor-worship.* He was also Archon Eponymus.*
There must have been a spark of divinity in the private
individual who scattered millions like Hadrian, who erected
buildings and delivered lectures like Pericles in Athens, who
adorned many other cities with magnificent works, and who
was honoured by them, not merely for his wealth but for his
talent. But the son of this demi-god did not know his
letters ; his father had twenty-four boys brought up with him,
to each of whom a letter of the alphabet was given as a
name, but it was of no avail. To display his sorrow at the
' 'H d^ ToO *lff$fjLoO rofiii tpyw dOdifarw xeU dwiOToifiepw rj ^Oati^ 6ok€i ydp ftoi
r6 ^cu r6p 'laOfidif Uoatidu^ot 5€ia0€u 1j dp9p6t, — Philostr. ii. 60.
■ Olhuf xaXer^ dpOptltwi^ tA ^cZa ^daaffSai. — Pausanias, Corinth, ii. I, 5.
' 0(tK i0dpfi€i di a&rb alrfip ix paaikiun, ut fiii diap\rf0€lrf diapolat ioKtap irrtaBai,
i firidi ^ipuw ijpKtaep. — Philostratus, «/ supra.
^C,I.A, iii., n. 478, 664, 665, 735, 11 32.
* CI. A, iii., n. 735, 736, and 69^. Vidal-Lablache (H^ode Atticus^ p. 34)
assumes for this the year 135 A.D., but Dittenberger, " Die attische Pana-
thenaiden-era'' {Comment. Mommsen, p. 252), the year 127-128 A.D. He
probably became archon after his return from the office of corrector of
the free cities of Asia (Keil).
CHAP. XI] Herodes Atticus 271
death of his wife, the rich Roman lady, Appia Annia Regilla,
Herodes had his house painted black, and darkened with
black Lesbian marble, for which, as well as for many other
theatrical representations of his grief, he drew upon himself
the mockery of Lucian.^ If this was fantastic folly, the
flattery of the Athenians in striking out of their calendar the
day on which Panathenais, one of the daughters of Herodes,
died, was still more absurd. These Greeks carried the worship
of genius so far that they actually imitated the voice, the
walk, and the dress of a sophist who was dead, as in the
case of Hadrian of Tyre.*
Herodes is said not to have lived on good terms with the
wife whom he mourned so ostentatiously, and his enemies
even accused him of having employed a slave to murder her.
Philostratus dismisses this accusation with the other, that
Herodes, when he was overseer of the free cities in Asia,
actually quarrelled with the proconsul there, Antoninus who
was afterwards emperor ; but it may be gathered from similar
anecdotes how great the pride, the quarrelsomeness and bad
temper of the man must have been. The sophists of that
age very nearly succeeded in becoming tyrants in the cities.
In other times a citizen with such command of the money
market as Herodes, would have made himself master in the
republic of Athens, and would have founded a dynasty, as in
later aj»cs the banker Cosmo de Medici succeeded in doing
in Florence. The crowd of his slaves, servants, officers and
clients would have composed an army, and his freedmen
outraged the Athenian people, in whom the democratic spirit
still survived, by their insolent behaviour. The Athenians
could at last no longer endure the imperious conduct of
their benefactor. A party was formed against him, as in
earlier times one had been formed against Pisistratus. The
party was led by the two Quintilians, who were the governors
of Greece. The brothers Condianus and Maximus Quin-
tilius, Ilians by birth, were celebrated for their intellect, their
wealth, and their love for one another ; for with perfect
unanimity they filled together the highest offices. Marcus
Aurelius treated them with the greatest respect (Commodus
afterwards had them put to death.) The Athenians now
' Lucian, Demonax^ 24, 25, 23. * Philostratus, ii. 10.
2/2 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. n. ch. xi
b^ged these brothers to appear for them against Herodes
before Marcus Aurelius, and they brought an action against
him in i68 A.D. for his high-handed conduct in the aflairs
of the city, and for the excesses of his slaves. Herodes
and his adversaries, among whom was the sophist Theodotus,
placed themselves before the judgment-seat at Sirmium.
The dispute really caused the downfall of the sophists from
their position in Athens, but it did not end so much to the
disadvantage of the accused that the emperor withdrew his
favour from him.^ Embittered, and at variance with Athens,
the aged Herodes withdrew to his villas at Cephisia and
Marathon, and here he died about 177 A.D. The Ephebi
of Athens carried away his corpse by force, and buried
it with great honour in the Panathenaean stadium, which
he himself had magnificently adorned. His pupil, Hadrian
of Tyre, pronounced his funeral oration. The Athenians
inscribed on his monument : " Here lies Herodes of Mara-
thon, son of Atticus, honoured by the whole world, and
builder of this place."*
The writings of Herodes are lost. His Ephetnerides is
said to have been a clever work. Philostratus remarks that
he imitated Critias in his manner of speaking, that it was less
convincing than insinuating, and that it flowed as smoothly
as a stream of silver on which sparkled grains of gold.
> Philostratus has given a detailed account of this. See also Hertzberg,
ii. 399 sq.
* Philostratus, ii. 73.
CHAPTER XII
Polite Literature. Hadrian as Poet. Florus. Latin
Poets, Greek Poets. Pancrates. Mesomedes. The
Musician Dionysius of Halicamassus. Greek Epi-
grams of Hadrian, Phlegon. Artemidorus and
his Dream Books, The Romance of the Golden Ass
The last wave of the worn-out poetic spirit of the Romans
endured only until the time of Hadrian. The national
poetry of Rome became extinct with Statins, Martial, and
Juvenal. Juvenal, whose last fortunes are obscure, wrote
satires in the time of Hadrian. The prince upon whom the
muses set all their hopes, mentioned in the introduction to
the seventh satire, is a reference to this emperor.* To poets
and poetasters, he gave what they longed for, gold with both
hands, but he could not endow them with the gifts of the
muses. Greek as well as Latin literature no longer found
expression in the higher ranks of poetry.
As a dilettante, Hadrian sought to express himself in
verse like nearly every emperor, or prominent man in Rome.«
He wrote love-songs and hymns to Plotina.' The Latin
anthology ascribes some epigrams to him, of which none
would do particular honour to a poet. Among them is an
' In Snt. XV. 27 (L. Aemilius) Juncus is mentioned as consul (sufT. 127
A.D.). Friedlacnder, iii. 461.
'Spart. c. 14: Et de suis dilectis multa versibus conposuit ; amatoria
carmina scripsit. Dion. Ixix. 3 : Ka2 wt^h. naX h trtvi woi^jftara wumdawk
acaraXAocvfr.
* The hymns are mentioned by Dion Cassius, Ixix. la
s
274 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
epitaph on Soranus, who boldly swam across the Danube
with the Batavian cavalry, and an epitaph as well on the
imperial charger Borysthenes. But it is doubtful' whether
these verses, and the dry epigram on the Amazons, are
really his.^ The well-known verses which he exchanged
with P. Annius Florus are genuine. He seems to have
asked the poet to accompany him on his journey to the
north, and Florus declined the honour in the following
trochaic trimeters :
" I would rather not be Caesar,
Have to haunt Batavian marshes.
Lurk about among the Britons,
Feel the Scythian frosts assail me."
Hadrian replied :
" I would rather not be Florus,
Have to haunt the Roman taverns.
Lurk about among the cookshops.
Feel the bossy bowl assail me." ^
Spartianus considered these trifles which would have passed as
impromptus at a banquet, worthy of record, and it is wonder-
ful that they have lived. Florus was an intellectual man,
as is shown by the fragment of his Latin work, the intro-
duction to the dialogue on the school theme whether Virgil
was an orator or a poet In this he related some of his
own experiences.' He was an African by birth. He came
^ Lucian Mueller {Claudii Rutilii Namatiani^ De Reditu suo^ Lib. ii.,
1870, p. 26) has greatly reduced the number of genuine Hadrian epigrams.
Hadrian's epigrams in the AnthoL lot. ed, Meyer, n. 206-211.
* " Ego nolo Caesar esse,
Ambulare per [Batavos,
Latitare per] Britannos,
Scythicas pati pruinas."
'* Ego nolo Florus esse,
Ambulare per tabemas,
Latitare per popinas,
Culices pati rotundos ^ (?)
Spart. c. 6. The English version is that of Mr. Hodgkin. (Tr.)
' Found at first by Oehler in Brussels, edited by Ritschl, Rkein, Mus,
1842, i. 302 sq. The literature on the subject in TeufTel, 341.
CHAP. XII] Florus 275
to Rome as a boy, and appeared as a poet. But Domitian
refused him the wreath of honour which he had won at the
contest on the Capitol, as he did not wish to give such a
prize to Africa. The injured poet hereupon left Rome, and
wandered through the wide world, until he settled in Tarraco;
here he kept a school of rhetoric. The scene of the dialogue
is laid in the groves of the temple. The interlocutor is
surprised that Florus remains in the provinces and does not
revisit Rome, where his verses are recited, and where his
famous Dacian triumph is applauded on the Forum. We do
not know whether this poem had the real triumph of Trajan
for its subject, or the shameful transactions of Domitian with
Decebalus, which the senate rewarded with triumphal honours.
F'lorus was again in Rome in Hadrian's reign, and became
friendly with him. But he would not accompany the restless
emperor, as he had grown tired of wandering about the
world.
This precious fragment throws a gleam of light on the
poet's life, which was so full of romantic adventures. His
biography would have been a reflection of the literature of
the time, and of Hadrian's court of the muses ; * but we
know nothing more about him. The epigrams of Florus in
the Latin Anthology show that he could lay claim to the
fame of a talented poet, even though his Pegasus did not
rise far above the regions of mediocrity.'
The Latin poets who were famous in the time of Hadrian
were Orion from Alexandria, a Greek, indeed, but who com-
posed a Latin panegyric upon the emperor, Voconius, Julius
'A contribution to this in F. Eyssenhardt, "Hadrian und Florus," in
Samml. wissenschaftL Vortraege^ xvii., 1882.
• Ant hoi. lot, cd. Meyer, n. 212-221. On the spitefulness of women. — On
Apollo and Bacchus. — On Roses (the best). The epigram, n. 220^ is full
of the poet's pride :
" Consules fiunt quodannis et novi prooonsules,
Solus aut rex aut poetA non quodannis nascitur."
The epigrams have been collected by Lucian Mueller, Claud. RuHl
Natnat,^ p. 26 sq. The question, whether The Night- Festival of Venus is
by Florus, is disputed. — C. H. O. Mueller, De P, Anno Floropoeta et car^
tnine quod Pervigilium Veneris inscriptum est^ 1855. The literature on
Florus in TeufleL
2/6 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
Paulus, and Anianus Faliscus, an Etrurian writer of idylls.^
Rome swarmed at this time with versifiers. Pliny the
younger once wrote : " This year has produced a great
cluster of poets; scarcely a day has passed in the whole
month of April, on which one of them was not to be
heard." And then he complained about the indifference
of the public'
The Greek poets seem to have been more numerous and
more gifted than the Latin poets. Evodus from Rhodus,
Erycius from Thessaly, Pancrates the Alexandrian, who
celebrated Antinous, and was repaid by a post in the
Museum, and particularly Mesomedes of Crete, all enjoyed
some reputation. Mesomedes was a freedman of Hadrian,
and, as court singer to the harp, he was as high in his
favour as once Menecrates had been in that of Nero. He
too, extolled Antinous. It is lamentable that we do not
possess any of these Antinoids. The subject was romantic
enough, and even in our own day has been made use of for
a romance. They would have made clear to us how the
fate of the youth, whose appearance we know only through
the plastic art, was mirrored in the works of the poets, and
what moral they extracted from this melodrama. Numerous
poems must have been dedicated by the courtiers of the
emperor to his deified boy. The rhetorician Numenius of
Troas also wrote a consolatory discourse upon Antinous.*
Hadrian rewarded the Antinoid of Mesomedes with a
pension which Antoninus withdrew from the poet from
motives of economy; but Caracalla erected a monument to
him, which proves that the talents of this harp-player had
made an impression on the time.^ Two epigrams and a
hymn to the Nemesis of Mesomedes have been preserved,
with which Synesius was acquainted in the fifth century.
As a virtuoso in singing and playing the harp he oflen
*Teuffel, 353, 3. Lucian Mueller, ibid^ p. 34 sg,
* Pliny, Ep, i. 1 3.
^liapatwBiKbt €lt 'AtniMWiP Suidas s.v. Numenios.
^Dion Cassius, Ixxvii. 13: ri} rt Meaofii}^t ry rodt KiBafH^diKodt whiiwt
avYYp^i^^Ti, from which it follows that Mesomedes had compiled the
rules of his art. The Chron, Bused, for 146 a.d. specifies him as
CHAP, xii] Mesomedes 2^^
triumphed in musical contests, and thus won Hadrian's
heart.*
The emperor, too, was a dilettante in music. On that
account he paid honour to a famous musician, Aelius
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the composer of a theory and
history of music, giving him the name of his own gens
Aelius. It is uncertain whether the hymn to Calliope is to
be ascribed to him or to another musician of the same name.
The hymns to this muse, to Helius and the one mentioned
above of Mesomedes, are the only songs which have come
down to us, with ancient Greek notes.' An historian of music
has called them valuable antiquities which cannot serve as a
standard of Greek music in its time of prosperity, and he
compares these poems, elegantly composed of traditional
phrases, with the bas-reliefs of the same epoch, which are
designed with conventional figures.'
Hadrian was so conversant with both languages that he
attempted to write Greek as well as Latin verses.* We
possess five of his epigrams, among them the dedicatory
inscription of the Dacian booty, which Trajan had offered
to Zeus Casius. In an epigram dedicated to Eros, Hadrian
begged the son of the sweet-speaking Cypris, who lived in
Heliconian Thespiae, by the flower garden of Narcissus,
graciously to accept the offering of a bear which he had
killed when on horseback, in return for a breath of the
favour of Aphrodite Urania. The elegance of these verses
is only derived from the richness of the Greek language.*
Spartianus tells us that the emperor composed a very
obscure work under the title Libri Catachannae. This
' Suidas, iifcsomeifes : h rwf lUXiera ^ot.
'Sec Hcllcmiann, Die Hymnen des Dionysios und Mesomedes^ 184a
' Anibros, Gesch. tier Musik^ i. 451.
* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3, calls him ^« ^ ^X<fXo7©t h ixaHfiq, rj 7X(&^^.
•Kaibcl, -^/. ^., n. 811. Among the Greek epigrams the longest is
that to Jupiter Casius. j4n/A. vi. 332. Other epigrams, vii. 674; ix. 137,
387 (also ascribed to Germanicus), ix. 17; ix. 402 (doubtful). A Greek
epitaph on Hector in Cramer, Anec. gr. Oxon. iii. 354 ; Scholia ad
Tsetsis Chiliad, ii. 78. A Greek epigram, probably by Hadrian, on the
poet Parthcnius, in Kaibel, n. 1089. Tillemont's error (Adrien^ p. 443)1
that the emperor had composed an Alexandreis is due to the confusion of
the names Adrianus and Arrianus.
278 The Emperor Hadrian [book 11
seems to have been a wonderful satire in imitation of
Antimachus.^ It has been said of Hadrian that he wished
to supplant Homer by this composer of the antiquated epic
Thebais, and the tendency of his taste in this direction was
ascribed to the envy which made him grudge their deserts,
not only to the living but to the dead.^ In his time, the
Alexandrian Chaennus, son of Hephaestion, wrote an Anti-
Homer in twenty- four cantos, and this is a proof of the
perverse view taken by the schools of the grammarians of
that time.
The poetry of Hadrian's time presents but scanty
material to the historian of literature ; but there is one
species of composition which he can examine as a sign of
the dark side of the century, namely, the stories of daemons
which merge into the fabulous and satirical romance of the
time. Phlegon wrote Miraculous Stories in which he tells
the most irrational anecdotes of ghosts, among them being
the story which was the origin of Goethe's Bride of Corinth,
All these fables contain neither the interest of a gruesome
imagination, nor the value of a hidden moral. They are
crudely and unskilfully invented.^ The demand for such
things was very great at the time, for the decay of religion
stimulated superstition, and, from the emperor down to the
slave, every one was interested in magic, demonology, and
astrology. The endeavour to treat dreams scientifically, as
a source of revelation, was a proof of this mystical tendency.
Every one believed in the power of dreams, like Galen, who
accepted them as medical signs ; like Pausanias, who made
up his mind through a dream not to write upon the Eleu-
sinium, and like Lucian, who was prompted by a dream to
become a sophist instead of a sculptor.
Hermippus of Berytus, a pupil of Herennius Philo, had
^The word has been used of grafted trees which produced different
kinds of fruits (Forcellini, i>^.. s.v. Catachanna). The best explanation of
KOToxh^^ ^s a satirical comp)osition, is given by Th. Bergk, De AntitnacMi
et Hadriani Catachenis^ Zeitschrift fur Alterthumswissensch (ed. Zimmer-
mann), 1835, p. 30a •
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 4 : m^ m^ot ro%.% ^dauf dWii kuI roit reXevn/jaaffi ^oif€Uf.
• Phlegontis Tralliani opuscula gr, et lot, ed. Franz. Fragtftenta cd. C.
Miiller, 1849, in Fragtu. Histor. Graecor,^ vol. iii.
CHAP. X!!] Artemidorus 279
already written a history of dreams in the time of Trajan
and Hadrian. His successor was Artemidorus Daldianus of
Ephesus,- the chief seat of all daemoniac superstition. In
the preface to his Oneirocritica^ or Dream Interpretations
he boasts of having given a true and generally useful work
to the world, in which the whole Greek literature upon dreams
was collected.^ In fact, he almost passed his life travelling
through countries and islands to procure materials for his
work.
Artemidorus first established the difference between oneiros
and enphypnion. One prophesies the future, the other the
present ; one continues to act upon the soul in its ^'aking
hours, the work of the other terminates with sleep. The
dreams of the first kind are speculative, indicating the subject
of the dream, as if one dreamt of a shipwreck which after-
wards really took place, or allegorical. According to his
theory, oneiros is a figurative movement of the soul, some-
thing which exists outside consciousness and by which the
soul delivers an oracle to mankind, giving it either no time
or only a certain time to look into the future. The alle-
gorical dream foretells events by the most sympathetic image.
For instance, the head denotes the father, the foot the slave,
etc., etc. If a man is poor and dreams he is bom, it signifies
fortune to him, for a child must be maintained and must
have a guardian ; if he is rich, however, it is a sign that he
will lose control over his property, for a child is not sui juris.
The interpretation is often not devoid of ingenuity. It is
founded chiefly on the relation in which the dreamer may be
supposed to be to the vision. A large head denotes wealth,
places of honour, triumphal wreaths, if the dreamer docs
not already possess them ; in which case it denotes cares
and anxieties. I^ng and well-kept hair promise happiness ;
unkemjU hair, misfortune and sorrow. Wool instead of
hair means illness ; a shaven head, mischief. If a man
dreams that he hears ants creeping in his ear, it means
health and many listeners to the sophist, but to anyone else
it means death, as the ants live in the earth. If an unmarried
woman dreams that she has a beard, she may reckon upon
having a husband. If an accused man dreams that he is
'Artemidorus, Oneirocritica^ ed. ReifT, 1805, cd. Hercher, 1864.
28o The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
beheaded, he need no longer fear the executioner, for a head
cannot be cut off twice.
In this way Artemidorus goes through the list of visions
proceeding from dreams of physical activity to dreams of
mental activity and to the whole world of apparitions.
While in Phlegon's writings the anecdotes of ghosts serve
only for amusement, the attempt was made by Artemidorus
to treat the dream psychologically. The Greek Lucian
and the Latin Apuleius afterwards attacked the belief in
apparitions and demonology, though quite unsuccessfully, by
their satires. Lucius Patrensis is said to have been the real
author of the romance of the Golden Ass. Lucian continued
it, and Apuleius, who was born at Madaura in Africa about
the middle of Hadrian's reign, was the last editor of this
obscene, but valuable picture of the manners of the time of
the Antonines. Literature owes to him the preservation of
the story of Cupid and Psyche, one of the sweetest poems of
antiquity, which is set as a pearl in this filthy romance. This
platonic allegory of the soul rising to celestial happiness
through the pulsatory of sorrow, seems like the farewell of
dying paganism, which forebodes its change into Christianity.
Marble groups of Cupid and Psyche, or their images repre-
sented on sarcophagi, cannot be authenticated before the
second century.*
We are not sufficiently enlightened as to the structure of
the Greek romance of this epoch. lamblichus of Syria seems
to belong to this period, of whose Babylonian histories (the
love story of Rhodanes and Sinonis) Photius made extracts.
The circumstances of this and other Roman writers are
obscure, and unquestionably a whole literature of this class
has been lost, whose birthplace must have been Ephesus.'
The military expeditions of Trajan had opened up the East
^ Gaston- Boissier, La religion Romaine (f Auguste aux Afiionins^ ii. 120.
Upon the legend of Cupid and Psyche and otlier traces of folk-lore in
antiquity, Friedlaender, i., p. 468 sq, A highly cultivated Roman lady.
Donna Ersilia Cactani LovatcUi, has enriched the literature on this
subject by a beautiful treatise — A more e Psiche^ Rome, 1883.
'The date, too, of the Ephesiaca^ or love story of Anthia and Abrocomas,
by Xenophon of Ephesus cannot be determined. Erwin Rohde, Der
^riech, Roman und seine Vorlaeu/ery p. 360 sq.
CHAP. XII] Romances 281
afresh to the realm of fancy, and Hadrian encouraged rela-
tions with these distant countries. The literary circles of
Greece, Asia, and Egypt were brought by him into nearer
connection with each other and with the West. It was a
restless age. Side by side with the travels of Hadrian arose
the imaginary travels of romance. These romances must
have been very much the fashion, as Lucian ridiculed them
in his Tnu Stories, At the beginning of the third century,
these journeys of adventure were worked into a famous
romance of a social and religious tendency by Philostratus,
in which Apollonius of Tyana wanders through the world
like a heathen Christ. Paganism defended itself in vain
against the degeneration of the power of the old religion
into wild romance which was brought about by the irony of
the Atheists, as well as by the fantastic ideas of the Neopy-
thagoreans and the Platonists.
CHAPTER XIII
Philosophy. The Stoa. Epictetus and the Enchiridion.
Stoicism and Cynicism. Demonax of Athens
The philosophical schools of Athens however still continued
to exist even in this age. In Rome, Greece and Asia they
could show many celebrated names, like Rusticus and
Severus, the teachers of Marcus Aurelius, Taurus, Favorinus,
Secundus, Theon,Timocrates, Alcinous and others. Platonists,
Peripatetics, Pythagoreans and Stoics maintained the tradi-
tions of the ancient systems of thought, and if philosophy
could derive advantage from freedom of thought, this
was certainly offered to her in the fullest measure by the
Roman empire. Freedom of thought and teaching was
absolute in the empire. Oenomaus of Gadara could deny
the gods in the time of Hadrian, without being condemned
to drink the cup of hemlock. The Flavian emperors
indeed, even Vespasian, had driven the philosophers out of
Rome, but that was on account of their political principles.
Philosophy, however, had become unfruitful, the age was
worn out and impoverished in ideas. Christianity could
traverse these shallows of thought without effort. It en-
countered no Plato and no Aristotle, but their formulas only
which no longer satisfied the mind. Philosophy and the old
religion were equally effete.
The few thinkers of that time escape our view, as we do
not possess their writings ; but Lucian has taken care that
the beggarly philosophic proletariate is visible to us in its
thousands. In Hertnotimus he exposes the folly of the
syllogisms as well as of the beliefs and opinions of the aver-
](K. II. cii. xiii] The Stoics 283
age philosopher, and shows us how happiness consists only
In practical actions. In The Sale of the Philosophers^ and in
the Fisherman^ he drowned all these follies in the floods of
his wit His mockery, however, was only aimed at these
caricatures, for he was not so superficial as to despise the
heroes of thought.
Among the schools of philosophy of the time of the empire
there was still one of historical importance, that of the Stoics.
Neoplatonism, indeed, is a production of the time, and was
combined with Christianity in the Gnosis, but it was not
until the third century that it was formed into an efl*ective
system by Plotinus. After Quintus Sextius founded the
school of the Stoics in Rome, Stoicism remained the pro-
fession of faith of the noblest minds among the Romans. It
formed the really aristocratic character which knew how to
die with greatness of soul. Under the empire the Stoa had
its martyrs as well as Christianity. Musonius Rufus and'
Seneca were its brilliant representatives in the first century.
In the second century it came into power, ending its glorious
age with Marcus Aurelius on the imperial throne.
Rome, with her crime and her slavery, but also with her
cosmopolitanism, was the natural field for Stoic morality,
while in the East, the schools of Zeno and Chrysippus had
long fallen into decay.* Even Epictetus, the head of the
new Stoicism, a Greek from Hierapolis in Phrygia, was
brought up as a slave of the freedman Epaphroditus under
Nero in Rome, where he was a pupil of Musonius Rufus and
of Euphrates. Expelled with all the other philosophers by
Domitian, he lived and taught at Nicopolis in Epirus. The
year of his death is unknown ; but he died either in the last
years of Trajan or in the earliest years of Hadrian. For
the assertion of Spartianus that Hadrian was acquainted
with Epictetus is certainly doubtful, but cannot be refuted.*
After the days of Nerva the Stoa had become a public
^ .See Gelliiis, i., c. 2, where Herodes Atticus silences a young man who
wishes to be a Stoic and airs his syllogisms, by a few words from Epictetus.
Arrian, l^ssert, ii., c. 29.
•.Spart. Vita Hadr.^ c. 16. See Zellcr, Die Pkil, der Griechen^ iii. 1,
p. 660. The life of Epictetus in the edition of Arrian (1683). Macro-
bius, Saturn. I. ix., quotes the epigram of Epictetus, JoCXot 'BrUnrror.
284 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
power, and could not therefore escape the notice of Hadrian.
But his sophistical nature forbade him to become wedded
to any one mode of thought. He respected Epictetus,
without being a Stoic. The noble image of this teacher
of virtue, who could say of himself that though born a
slave and a cripple, and though poor as Iros, he was still
a favourite of the immortals, has been preserved to posterity
by Arrian ; for what Plato and Xenophon were to Socrates,
this statesman of Hadrian was to Epictetus.
The Enchiridion is the Stoics* gospel of the second cen-
tury, the guide for all the practical conduct of life. For
morality is the kernel of the Stoic school, which recognizes
the doctrine of ethics as its highest theme, and therefore
renounces speculation. This book of morals has so much in
common with the teaching of the Gospels that it has been
ascribed to a Christian author.^ But this harmony is also so
strongly marked in the writings of Seneca, that it has been
supposed that he was a secret Christian. It is also notice-
able in Marcus Aurelius, and in truth the morality, which
could elicit even from the Stoics the command to love their
enemies, is so sublime, their submission to the will of God so
complete, that this moral current in the mind of the heathen
world seems to prove the historical necessity for Christianity.*
And still more it provokes the question, whether from
Stoicism alone a universal religion like Christianity, perhaps in
the form of a philanthropic brotherhood, would not have grown
up, without miracles and dogmas and without a priesthood,
even if Jesus of Nazareth had not appeared. For the rest,
the Stoics placed little value upon Christianity, and this fact
proves that their ideas were independent of those of the new
religion. They were astonished at the readiness with which
martyrs suffered death, but they did not admire it. They
y€^6firiif, Kal aCiffxar* njpdt, ical xtwhip ^Ipot, Kcd <f>l\ot d^ay&rot. There is an
Altercatio Hadrieni Aug. et Epictett Phil, a game comprised of questions
and answers, not devoid of wit, which has come down from the Middle
A^es like the Disputatio Pippini cum Albino Scholastico.
' Stoici nostro dogmati in plerisque concordant. — Hieron. i'n Esaitim,
c. II.
' The Stoics, however, did not agree with the Christians in the belief of
the immortality of the soul. The soul was to them something corporeal
though of the finest matter.
CHAP. XIII] Epictetus 285
looked upon it as a fanatic obstinacy, or as a custom
which had become epidemic, but not as the act of philosophic
conviction, which made heroes of Cremutius Cordus, Thrasea
and Helvidius Priscus.*
At the beginning of the Enchiridion we are told that man
has only his actions in his power. These are free ; but every-
thing outside the human soul, like fortunate circumstances,
etc., is not free, and over them he has no control. We should
not therefore complain of the want or loss of such things,
we should only ask for what is ours, that is, for the things
over which we have control ; all others we should despise.
Stoicism may be comprised in the words: endure and renounce!
The chief thing is to be able to distinguish rightly between
what is possible for us and what is not possible. Everything
depends upon the way in which we look at things. The
objcctiveness which forces itself upon our desire is a fantasy,
that is, a vision accepted by the idea, and our business is to
find out what is real in this fantasy. A man must not then
allow himself to be drawn away by his desires to the fantasy.
As then the conceived idea, or the pure subjective thought is
the principle and criterion for the truth of everything, so by
it is all truth preserved, and the world of the Stoics becomes
merely a formal and abstract world. It is not things them-
selves which move us, but the conceptions which we form
of thcm.^ Epictetus expressed this practically when he says
that all injuries do not come from the offender, but from our
view of them. The transition to Scepticism or Pyrrhonism
is thus easily made.
The Ego is the one concrete thing as opposed to the
abstract. The Stoic took refuge within himself to preserve
his freedom. This freedom however is imaginary, because
the other side, namely, the real world, is wanting. Man is
comjxjsed of body, soul and mind. To the body belong
the senses, to the soul the desires, and to the mind the
opinions. The Aesthesis is the animal. It receives an im-
pression, but the Hormesis is animal as well as human, and
' Epictetus {Dissert, iv. 7) and Marcus Aurelius (xi. 3) cast a glance of
disapproval upon such martyrs. Otherwise they take no notice of the
Christians.
• Enchiridion^ c. 10.
286 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
is peculiar both to a Phalaris and a Nero. The true wise
man is he who lives conformably to the inner daemon, not
allowing himself to be dazzled by a number of illusions, but
submitting himself to fate.^ For as understanding is common
even to those who are godless and practise shameful things
in secret, there must be something special for the good, which
others do not possess. This consists in equanimity, resigna-
tion, and the withdrawal of the inner mind from all that may
disturb it.
From this logic, in which the subjective thought is made
the starting-point, is built up the fabric of practical moral philo-
sophy. The chief idea has been alre?idy given, that the wise
man should not let himself be carried away by things, but
should find out what they are, and live according to pure
reason. Accordingly as things exist only in appearance, imag-
ination, or thought, they produce the Stoic fortitude, but at the
same time enjoin an active prosecution of the aims of life.
First see what kind of affair it is with which you have to
do, and then see if your nature has strength for it.* By
this means arrogance, ambition, and love of power are
avoided, and it follows that every one quietly fulfils the
task which nature has appointed for him.* Zeno and
Chrysippus defined virtue as life according to nature, or
self-preservation according to reason. The Stoic takes
the world as it is, and his idea of justice consists in the
discharge of duties. This principle forms the transition to
fatalism.
According to Plutarch, fate is the world-soul, and is a
circle, because everything which happens in heaven and
earth moves in a circle. But it is universal, and stands in
the same relation to the individual, as the universal power of
the civil law stands to the citizens. Without referring to them
individually and particularly, they are in subjection to it.
Plutarch has justly recognized, that the individual is the
individual only through the universal. He distinguishes be-
tween things directly and indirectly predestined. The
former are included in fate, the latter are the definite
consequences of the former. In the same way, many
* Marcus Aurelius, iii. 9. ' Enchiridion^ c. 26.
^Enchiridion^ c. 13 ; DissertcU, i. 2,
CHAP. XIII] Plutarch 287
things contained in the law like adultery and murder are
not lawful, but other things which follow definitely from
the law, are lawful. Therefore, he says, everything is
comprised in fate, but individual things cannot with justice
be ascribed to it, and hence everything happens according to
its own nature. In nature the possible precedes the event.
The possible is either something which really happens, and
then it is necessary, like the rising and setting of the stars,
or something which might be prevented from happening, and
then it is chance. Luck is a combination of causes ; it
happens, it is true, in conjunction with our actions, but in-
dependently of our will; as, for instance, if a man digs up a
plant, and finds gold Chance is a wider conception than luck,
which only refers to mankind. Plutarch goes on to say that,
the first and the highest providence is the intelligence of the
only God, His beneficent will towards everything divine, and
of divine order. The second is that of the divinities of the
second grade, who settle the affairs of mortals. The third is
that of the genii who move round the earth and direct the
acts of men. Now fate is dependent upon the first pro-
vidence, that is God, who made everything good and beautiful,
who allotted souls to man, and gave to each his own star.
In Plutarch fate coincides with the world, or the productive
power of nature. The tendency to monotheism is evident,
but it is not developed, as the mythological polytheism is
maintained, intervening between the highest God and the
soul of man, like a Platonic doctrine of daemons. Justin,
who does every justice to the Stoics, proves the paradox
which is contained in the fact that they deny freedom, and
yet lay down moral laws.^
In the Stoic renunciation of the world there is a similarity
to ascetic Christianity. In the writings of Seneca, Epictetus,
and Marcus Aurelius, sentiments entirely Christian are to be
found, such as, that man should consider himself as a part of
the Divinity, indeed, even as a son of God, and that on that
account he should preserve his moral dignity as an inhabitant
of the earth, and should love his fellowmen, even slaves, as
they are all descended from God. Neoplatonism is allied
' Just. Mart ApoLy p. 45 ; also Tattan, Cont Graec,^ p. 146 C, D.
288 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
to this tendency, its view being that h'fe will be completed
by being raised to the contemplation of God.
As a branch of the Stoa, the Cynics formed a community
of some size in the Roman empire. Underneath the rough
exterior of the sect there were qualities which commanded
respect. In its dogma Cynicism is opposed to the poly-
theism of the heathens, and particularly to the belief in
the gods. In the philosopher Oenomaus it seems to have
reached its height as Nihilism. The theory of life of the
Cynics is the moral opposition to despotism through the
consciousness of the inner freedom of the soul. Even before
the Christians ventured openly to contend against the tyranny
of the Pagan state, the late followers of Diogenes and Antis-
thenes did so with the assurance of heroes of virtue. Their
manly pride before the throne of the sovereign often degener-
ated into beggarly impudence, and on that account Vespasian
banished all the philosophers from Rome, with the exception
of the highly cultivated Musonius Rufus.
Though Lucian himself did not admire Cynicism, he held
up a patriarch of this school as a pattern of virtue. This
was Demonax of Cyprus, who in the time of Hadrian and
the Antonines enjoyed the greatest respect at Athens. He
lived like a new Diogenes, without posing as an eccentricity.
His nature, says Lucian, was full of Attic graces ; he was
never heard to use a common expression or a severe fault-
finding word. He attacked faults but not those who committed
them. The work of his life was to make peace. He looked
upon every one as related to him, because he was a man.^ He
never sacrificed to the gods, and he disdained to be admitted
into the mysteries. Accused on that account of godlessness,
he entered the assembly of the people, and said : "Athenians,
I stand here garlanded before you ; now put me to death, for
in your first sacrifice you have had no signs of good omen."*
The people were so fond of him, that all houses stood open
to him ; and anyone thought himself fortunate if Demonax
appeared to spend the night. Many of his sayings, with
which he rebuked the vanity of men, particularly of the
great, were passed from mouth to mouth. When he
' oCk tffTtp dmra oCk qU€Xo¥ Mfu^ey, &if$punr6if ye tfi^ra.
' Detnontix^ c. 1 1 : allusion to Socrates.
CHAP, xiii] Demonax of Athens 289
felt that his end was approaching, he repeated to his
friends the speech of the herald at the end of the combat*
He then took no more food. When Demonax had ended
his long life of nearly a hundred years in this way, the
Athenians buried him like a hero at the public expense,
showing that they placed as high a value upon philosophical
greatness of character, as upon the most brilliant oratory of
the sophists.
On the whole. Stoicism had a softening effect upon the
legislation of the Romans, especially upon that of Hadrian,
enlarging the philosophic spirit of justice towards every one,
while at the same time, long before the effect of Christianity
became apparent, it served as a consolation to innocent
sufferers.' Midway in the reign of terror of the Caesars the
republican mind could take refuge in Stoicism, and then could
incorporate in Marcus Aurelius the ideal of a prince. In his
Meditations this emperor acknowledged that he had formed
his character after the model of the heroes of liberty, Cato
and Brutus, Thrasea and Helvidius. He owed this sym-
pathy for them to the instruction of Claudius Severus, who
had taught him that the best state was that in which the
citizens were treated according to the principles of equality,
and where the liberty of the subject was the most important
point.''
Finally, Stoic philosophy, quite independently of Christian-
ity and from its conception of the unity of the world, set up
as the highest aim of civilization, the idea of humanity and
of the rights of men. If there were nothing more remaining
of il than the idea of cosmopolitanism and of the brotherhood
of man, this would be enough to give it a very high place
among the systems of philosophy.*
• Herder, /deen Mur Geschickte der Menschheit^ iii. 14, 5.
^ In se ipsunty i. 14.
* Marcus Aurelius, iii., calls man woKl-nt^ wbXtw r^ Artrrdnyf ^f of Xaifroi
Tdktit &(rw(p oUtat tlfflif and iv. 4, the world r^t, and in c 23 even v6Xif Ai^f.
In the same way Musonius, entirely in the sense in which Augustine con-
ceives the civitas Dei, speaks of the roXinft r^ roO Ai^ wUKtm. Zeller,
iii. I, 279.
T
CHAPTER XIV
Peregrinus Proteus
In Peregrinus Proteus Lucian has caricatured Cynicism. It
is the philosophic charlatan whom he ridicules. The history
of this adventurer throws a light upon the moral conditions
of the age of Hadrian. The Cynic Peregrinus Proteus was
born at Parium in Mysia at the beginning of the second
century. From a restless love of travelling, which seems to
have been an attribute of the men of the time, as well as
from a thirst for knowledge, he journeyed through many
lands, like Hadrian. He penetrated into philosophic and
religious secrets. In Palestine he learnt the mysteries of the
Christians, and joined their community. Lucian looked
upon his going over to this sect merely as an act of insanity.
The " wonderful wisdom " of the Christians only appeared
ridiculous to him.^ As a man of education and ability
Peregrinus enjoyed their respect, filling indeed one of the
chief offices of the community, and suffering persecution.*
He was captured and imprisoned' for participating in
the Christian mysteries, whereupon he experienced the
brotherly love of the Christians in such great measure
that he acquired a good income under " this title " (namely,
that of martyr). " For these people," says Lucian, " dis-
play incredible activity in cases which concern their com-
munity ; they spare neither trouble nor expense." What
Lucian thought of Christianity is shown by what he says later
^Perigrin. c. ii.
'He calls the Christian offices which Proteus held, according to
heathen notions, irpo^i^t, Biaadpxot and ^wayioyidt ; then he became
wpotrrdn^t.
iiK. II. CM. XIV] Peregrinus Proteus 291
of its professors : " These poor devils imagine that they are
immortal, and that they will live for ever; therefore they de-
spise death, and many indeed even seek it. In addition, their
first Lawgiver inculcated the belief that they were all brothers,
and they went so far as to deny the gods of the Greeks, to
pray to that crucified Sophist, and to live according to His
precepts.* All other goods they despise, possessing them in
common, without having any convincing proof for these
opinions. If any cunning scoundrel comes to them, it is
easy for him soon to become rich, and to laugh at the
simpletons." Lucian relates that the Christian communities
in Asia sent delegates to mitigate the fate of prisoners.
Peregrinus was, however, thrust out of the community, as
he was found guilty of eating forbidden meat He then
continued his adventurous life as a Cynic in Egypt and Italy,
where he appeared as a freethinker and a demagogue, and
acquired great fame. Banished from Rome by the prefect
of the city, he then wandered to Elis. Here he gave vent
to his slanderous disposition. " First he wanted to persuade
the Greeks to take up arms against Rome, then he blamed a*
man distinguished for his culture and worth (namely, Herodes
Atticus) because, among other services to Greece, he had
made an aqueduct to Olympia, in order that the spectator
at the games might not faint from thirst. He reproached
him for this good action as if he had thereby rendered the
Greeks effeminate."
Yet in Peregrinus an impulse towards something higher
can be discerned, which, however, took a false and fanciful
direction. The Cynic finally committed suicide with theatri-
cal ostentation, from weariness of a life which could not give
him satisfaction of any kind. The Stoics defended suicide,
and considered it an honour rather than a disgrace. It is
said of the philosopher Euphrates, whom Pliny admired,
that he died voluntarily after Hadrian had granted him the
poisoned cup.*
According to Eusebius, Peregrinus Proteus burnt himself
* iw€iM.p — t6¥ 8< ApfffKoKoirUrfUPW ixupw eo^ar^p aiVrtSr wpotrKWwriPf C. 1 3.
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 8. Hadrian condemned suicide as a crime only
in the case of the Roman soldier because he considered it a case of deser-
tion. — Grasberger, Ersiekung und Unterr, im class, AUerikum, iii. 75.
292 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
in 1 68 A.D. This tragical farce, as Lucian calls it, took
place at Olympia, whither it is quite probable that the Cynic
had gone in order to make a sensation. He and his friends
had sent out an invitation as if to a play. A discourse was
given upon death by fire, in the gymnasium, and Percgrinus
himself delivered what was practically his own funeral oration
before an assembly. Lucian only heard part of it, as, for fear
of being crushed to death, he avoided the crowd. " I heard
him say, however, that he wished to place a golden crown upon
a golden life, for he who has lived like Hercules must die like
Hercules, and return into the aether. He wished also to be
a benefactor to the world, and to show how death may be
despised. For this reason every one must be his own
Philoctetes. Here the weakest and the simplest among the
crowd burst into tears and exclaimed, * Live for the Greeks!'
Others, who had stronger nerves, called out, * Do what you
have determined to do.* This seemed considerably to dis-
concert the old man, for he may have expected that the
mob would have restrained him from dying by fire, and
have compelled him to live on against his wishes. He
trembled so much that he was not able to speak any
more."
After the games were over and many strangers had left,
the great spectacle was really acted at Olympia. It was mid-
night, and the moon shone as a witness to the mighty deed.
Peregrinus came with the leading Cynics, accompanied
by Theagenes of Patrae. Each Cynic carried a torch. The
pile, composed of pine chips and dry brushwood, was laid
in a hole twenty stadia from the Hippodrome. Proteus
laid aside his wallet, his Cynic's coat and club of Hercules,
and appeared in a dirty white linen under garment. He
then took incense, threw it into the flames, and exclaimed,
turning his face to the south, " Spirits of my parents, receive
me kindly." With these words he sprang into the fire and
disappeared, as the flames, blazing up all round, closed over
him. The Cynics stood round the pile gazing with silent
grief, but without shedding tears. Peregrinus probably
wished, by the circumstances of his death, to bequeath
wonderful legends to posterity, and this object would have
been defeated if he had burnt himself at the games before
CHAP. XIV] Peregrinus Proteus 293
assembled Greece. The exaggerated statement of Lucian
is, however, throughout hostile to the man, and barely in
accordance with the truth. Gellius heard the teaching of
this same Peregrinus at Athens, and acknowledged him to
be an honest man, and Ammianus mentioned him as a
famous philosopher.* Yet his voluntary death must have
made a great impression on the minds of men ; for the
Christian apologist Athenagoras, a younger contemporary of
Proteus, informs us that his statue was erected at Parium,
and that oracular power was ascribed to it*
' Jacob Bemays, Uician und die Kynikery p. 60 sq,
'Hujus etiam statua oracula dicitur edere. — Athenagoras, Legat, pro
Christianis^ c. 26.
CHAPTER XV
Alexander of Abonotichus
The honesty of Lucian with reference to Peregrinus may be
doubted, but the brilliant colours with which he has |>ainted
the character of the religious charlatan in Alexander of
Abonotichus are, on the whole, to be accepted as correct
Nothing so clearly shows the degeneration of the ancient
religion into priestcraft and absurdity as the history of this
Cagliostro of the second century. Lucian, the Voltaire of
the time, had the good fortune to come into personal contact
with this adventurer. He was a close spectator of his auda-
cious conduct and of his actions in this farce of religious
delusion, and he has shown us to what a height the stream
of superstition can rise when priestcraft is encouraged by the
credulity of the foolish mob.
Alexander, a Greek from Abonotichus in Paphlagonia,
was the hero of this religious comedy, a man of majestic
appearance, of great cunning and powerful intellect. He
had prosecuted his studies in the wide field of human folly,
with one of those necromancers who carry on their dark, but
profitable, business under the guise of the science of medicine.
After the death of his master, Alexander joined himself to a
man of letters from Byzantium. Accident put it into the
head of these two comrades, who were travelling over the
world, to appear in great style, as workers of miracles if not
as founders of a religion, and to grow rich by a wholesale
manufacture of oracles. They came to Chalcedon with a
serpent, which they had bought at Pella in Macedonia, and
had trained for their purpose. There they buried two bronze
tables in the temple of Apollo, on which was written that the
BK. II. CH. XV] Alexander of Abonotichus 295
god Aesculapius would come with his father Apollo, to Pontus,
and would take his seat at Abonotichus. The discovery of
these tables caused the expected sensation, and paved the
way for Alexander's reception in his favoured native city, for
on the rumour of the approaching appearance of Aesculapius
the council of Abonotichus decided to build a temple for the
god. The charlatan reversed the proverb, that a prophet has
no honour in his own country, for he knew his locality. After
playing his game first in superstitious Macedonia, he could,
as Luctan asserts, find no more suitable spot for carrying out
his plan than a city of the Paphlagonians, " where the simple
people are accustomed to stare at every soothsayer who asks
a riddle, if he comes accompanied by a player on the flute
and the cymbal, as if he were a messenger from heaven." *
While his comrade remained behind in Macedonia, where
he soon after died, Alexander made his entry into his native
city. He appeared in a purple garment and white cloak,
with long flowing curls, having a crooked sword in his hand,
such as Perseus was represented wearing, for he asserted that
he was descended from this hero. He announced his divine
ancestry in the following verses :
" This man yon see is offspring of Perseus, and the darling of Apollo,
Alexander of divine descent from the blood of Podalirion."
The conjurer first prepared his countrymen for the great
event by cunning tricks, acting as if he were possessed. The
temple was being built at Abonotichus ; in a ditch under the
foundation Alexander concealed an egg, in which he had
enclosed a small serpent. Some days after he appeared,
strangely attired and as if mad with excitement, in the
market-place. He leapt upon an altar and announced the
near approach of Aesculapius, while the people remained on
their knees praying. Chaldaean and Hebrew phrases gave
the needful magical colour to his prophecies. He then rushed
to the ditch, sang a hymn to Aesculapius and Apollo, and
called for the gracious appearance of the god at Abonotichus.
He brought the egg out in a cup and broke it, the Paphla-
gonians raising a cry of delight when the god appeared in
their city in the shape of a young serpent Abonotichus
* Aiexamier^ c. 9.
296 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
was immediately filled with swarms of the curious and the
wonder-loving, who assembled from far and wide. The
spectacle was as like as one egg is to another, to the scenes
that were publicly enacted in our own time at a spot in a
great country which suddenly sprang into notoriety, but with
this difference that at Abonotichus in Paphlagonia Aescula-
pius appeared, while in France it was the Virgin Mary.
In a few days the prophet was to be seen in a small house,
seated upon a divan. Around him was coiled the serpent,
grown already to great size, the serpent of course which he
had brought with him from Pella and had trained. It dis-
played a human head, moved its mouth, and stretched out a
black tongue. The obscurity of the room, the crowd and the
feverish excitement of the people accomplished the desired
effect
In the meantime processions by degrees streamed into
Abonotichus from Bithynia, Galatia and Thrace. Artists
portrayed the new god in bronze and silver, in marble and
clay, and sold the figures in great quantities, as the figures of
saints are sold to-day in places of pilgrimage. Alexander
gave the name Glycon to this god :
" Glycon am I, a grandson of Zeus,
And a light to humanity.''
Need we be surprised that this magician really succeeded
in establishing a temple and worship for his divinity ? He
had the women on his side, for he was a very handsome man.
Lucian, indeed, only narrates facts, when he says that many
women boasted of having had children by Alexander, and
that this was indeed confirmed by their fortunate husbands.^
A regular oracle was established in the temple of Aesculapius.
Questions were brought to the prophet for his oracle on a
sealed tablet, which he then opened so cleverly that none
could perceive it.* He answered them in verse, for correct
form had to be given to the deception. We can imagine
^ AUxatider^ c. 42.
' Lucian mentions the artifice which was then employed to open writings
without being detected. The seal was either detached by a hot needle,
without destroying it, or an impression was taken of it. They were there-
fore in the second century not so far behind our present secret police.
CHAP. XV] Alexander of Abonotichus 297
that like a father confessor, Alexander had sufficient oppor-
tunity to get the pfeople into his power who came to him
for advice, and to make many who were inclined to show
dangerous political tendencies dependent upon his silence.
He was also cunning enough to make friends with other
frequented oracles, especially with the priesthood of Apollo
at Cl.irus and Didyma, and Amphilochus, so that he often
referred to their prophetic source, and said, instead of giving
an answer, " Go to Clarus and hear what there my father
foretells."
Lucian gives many proofs of the crafty cunning of the
impostor in working the oracles. But his success made him
in the end so audacious that he became careless, and was
deceived by ingenious people who saw through his game.
" I asked him," so says Lucian, " on a slip of paper whether
Alexander had a bald head, and as I had sealed the leaf so
that it could not easily be opened without suspicion, he
wrote upon it a dark oracle which ran, 'Sabardalachis Malach
Attis was another.' * Another time I asked him on two
different slips when the poet Homer was born. As my ser-
vant had told him that the question was about a remedy
for pains in the hip, on one slip he wrote these words,
* Anoint yourself with Cytmis and with the dew of Latona.'
On the other, which th6 servant had told him was an inquiry
whether I should journey to Italy by sea or land, he wrote
the following reply, which had nothing to do with Homer,
* Dread the journey by sea, the way by land is more to your
advantage.' "
Such mistakes did not prevent the prophecies of Alex-
ander becoming famous far and wide. Even Severian, the
governor of Cappadocia, when he took the field against the
Parthian king Vologeses H., sent to demand an oracle,
which however turned out badly for him. This happened
at the beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius. The
prophet sent his agents into all the countries of the
empire to advertise his fame. He won a footing even in
Italy, where he found believers and adherents among
* As AI)onoticlius could not contain the number of inquirers, Alexander
despatched many by similar night oracles, that is to say, he laid the slip
under ht^ pilknr, and the god revealed himself in a dream.
298 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
the highest aristocracy in Rome and at the emperor's
court. He attached Rutilianus, one of the most prominent
Romans, to him, by giving him his own daughter, of whom
he said Selene was the mother, in marriage, upon the express
command of the god Aesculapius. Rutilianus is said to
have even persuaded the emperor to allow two lions to be
thrown into the Danube, because Alexander considered this
sacrifice was needful to secure the Romans their victory over
the Marcomanni. The sacrifice was of no avail, for the
imperial army suffered a terrible defeat. The lying prophet
made use with great skill of the excitement in the minds of
people in the empire, which was caused by this war and
by the plague, which in 167 A.D. laid waste many coun-
tries. His travelling emissaries spread everywhere the dread
of pestilence and earthquakes, and offered the amulets of
Alexander as a protection against them. While the plague
lasted, Lucian assures us, that nearly over every house-door
a foolish line was to be seen, which Alexander had sent into
every country, which ran : " Phoebus, with flowing locks,
drives away the clouds of sickness." ^
There seems to have been a whole joint-stock company of
impostors whom the prophet employed in the manufacture of
his oracles. All these helpers, temple servants, registrars,
oracle makers, secretaries, and interpreters of the questions
which were addressed to him in different languages, received
a good income. In order to attract the crowd he
established a mystical fe.stival of three days, with torchlight
processions, and all imaginable priestly pomp. Dramatic
pantomimes were performed, representing the delivery of
Latona, the birth of Aesculapius, and of the god Glycon.*
This audacious comedy was maintained for thirty years,
without its chief actor being put in prison. Sensible people
indeed began to see through it, but power failed them to
overthrow the juggler, as he had struck his roots too firmly
in the nation. He was particularly afraid of the enlightened
Epicureans and the Christians, and incited the populace to
stone them wherever they showed themselves. Lucian, too,
would have repented his temerity if he had not been saved
by an accident. The story he tells is almost fabulous.
' Alexander^ c. 36. • Alexander^ c. 38.
CHAP. XV] Alexander of Abonotichus 299
When the prophet heard of his arrival, he asked him to come
and see him. Lucian came with a few soldiers, whom the
governor of Cappadocia had given him as an escort on his
way to the sea. Embittered for a long time by the fact that
the sophist had ventured to dissuade Rutilianus from his
marriage, Alexander wished to destroy him; but he appeared
friendly to him, and in a private interview he succeeded in
opening Lucian*s eyes to his own advantage.
Lucian here confesses, probably with the intention of making
a good story, his weakness as a man of the world. He made
use of the hint, and went openly away from his enemy,
apparently as a friend. Alexander lent him a boat for his
voyage to Amastris, but he gave orders secretly to the pilot
to throw him into the sea. The sailors, however, put him on
shore at Aegiali, whence some people from the Bosporus
sailing by, brought him to Amastris. What may be true of
this story Lucian alone knows. He says further that he had
endeavoured in vain to bring the impostor to justice. " It
was Avitus, the governor of Bithynia and Pontus, who frus-
trated my attempt, entreating me to abandon it, for Alexander
would never be punished, even if he were unmasked, on
account of his connection with Rutilianus. So I was obliged
to keep quiet, for it would have been madness to bring com-
plaints before a judge so disposed."
Alexander remained unmolested. His deception became
a power, indeed a recognized religion. He even obtained
the emperor's |>ermission to change the name of the city
Abonf)licluis to lonopolis, which still survives in the modern
Yneholu.^ The lying prophet died in possession of his divine
honours. His comrades disputed among themselves for the
succession to the dignity of prophet, which, however, Ruti-
lianus would not grant to any of them. The oracle of
Glycon, however, existed for a long time after the death of
the magician, and he himself was honoured by statues, medals
and inscriptions, as well as by a ceremonial worship.* In
' Mionnet, Suppl. iv., ;p. 550: Abonotichos quod ct lonopolis, nunc
Ainch-Holi vel Incbolu.
•Athcnagoras (Legatio pro Christianis^ c 26) says that statues of
Alexander and Proteus were standing at Parium, where was also the tomb
of Alexander : Alexandri adhuc in foro sepulcrum et simulacrum est . . .
300 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. cu. xv
lonopolis the service of Glycon still existed in the middle of
the third century.*
Alexandri autem statuae sacrificia publicis sumptibus et dies festi, tan-
quam exaudienti Deo peraguntur. Dacian inscription upon the god
Glycon : CJ.L, iii., n. 102 1, 1022. Coins of Abonotichus or lonopolis, of
Marcus Aurelius, and L. Verus represent the serpent with the human head
<IciiroroXe<Twy rXi^ffwr). Eckhel, ii., p. 383, 384. Mionnet, Suppi. iv., p. 550,
>^* 3> 5 > A- 4* Coin with two serpents (Pun d'eux faisant des sifflements k
I'oreille de Pautre). An inscription from Blatsche in Macedonia in honour
of Draco, and of Dracaena and Alexander, Ephem, Epigraphica^ CLJL
Suppl, ii. 33I1 n. 493.
^Renan, Marc Aurlle^ p. 51. Coins of Nicomedia, with the dragon
and the human head, as late as 240 A.D., ibid.
CHAPTER XVI
Oracles. Plutarch their Apologist. Hcuiriatis
Mysticism. The Deification of Antinous
There was a renaissance of oracles in this wonder-loving
century. In the first century they had fallen into decay
from the spread of intelligence, but the mysticism of the
l*last, which |)cnncatcd the ancient worship of the gods, tended
to revive them. The same Nero who had questioned the
oracle at Delphi, undermined its authority by plundering the
temple of Apollo, and carrying off the treasures. The Pythia
was dumb. She had long deserved the contempt of man-
kind by her lies and venality, as Cicero had already remarked.*
She had shamelessly flattered the matricide Nero by ventur-
ing to compare him with Orestes and Alcmaeon.* Trajan,,
however, seems to have restored the Delphic oracle, and
Hadrian consulted it about Homer's birthplace.' Although
Plutarch speaks of their decay, none of the famous oracles
were absolutely dumb. But the probable cause of their
diminished attraction lay in the fact that the public preferred
to turn to new manifestations which suddenly came into
fashion, such as the oracle of Glycon at Abonotichus. The
old oracles still existed, particularly those of Apollo in Delos
' Cicero, De ifMn, ii. 57.
' Lucian, AVn?, c. la In spite of this, Nero wished to have the opening*
of the abyss of the Pythian oracle blocked, so that Apollo might be silent
for ever.
' Douche- Leclcrc, Divination dans tantiquiU^ iti., p. 20a There are no
imperial coins from Delphi, except of Hadrian (one referring to Antinous),
of Antoninus Pius, and Faustina. Bormann, BulL d. Inst^ 1869, p. 45.
302 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
and Argos, in Xanthus, and Clams near Colophon, that of
Trophonius in Lebadea, of the Branchidae at Didymae near
Miletus, of the sun-god of Heliopolis, and that at Hierapolis
In Syria.^ But they were all more or less worn out.
Plutarch admitted this with sorrow in his discourse on the
decay of the oracles, and he took pains to bring back the
powers of prophecy into repute.* These powers were, in
his opinion, not answerable for this decay, for they had
appointed daemons as oracle priests, and daemons were
not gods, but rather beings of a nature at once mortal and
immortal, and as they had at the same time a bodily
existence, they could change to good or bad, and could even
vanish. For this he refers to Plato, Empedocles, Xenocrates
and Chrisippus. To make the matter quite clear he relates
the history of the downfall of Pan. In the time of Tiberius,
some sailors heard, on one of the Grecian coasts, the name
called out of their pilot Thamus, and a voice which said,
"When you come to the height of Palodes then make it
known .that the great Pan is dead." Thamus did this, where-
upon a great sighing was heard. Tiberius inquired into this
occurrence and confirmed it. Daemons can therefore perish.
We smile, too, over the trouble which Plutarch has taken in
the Daemon of Socrates^ to explain prophecy by the genius,
whose voice was particularly audible to a philosopher of so
pure a mind. He emphatically takes this genius to be an
oracle-giving daemon.
The Epicureans made light of this new belief in oracles
and daemons. Oenomaus, of whose writings Eusebius made
an abridgment, laughed at the oracles as deceptions of con-
jurers.^ But the criticism of the school of Epicurus, and the
wit of Lucian, were of no avail, for the credulous common
people took no notice of them ; while apologists for the
oracles were to be found among the first intellects of the time,
^ Doellinger, Heidenthum und Judentkumy p. 649 sq. Friedlaender, iii.
527 sq, Marquardt, R. Staatsv. iii. 95. The history of the most eminent
oracles in Bouche-Leclerc.
' De Defectu Oraculorum. In. c. 5 he complains that in Boeotia, which
fonnerly was full of oracles, the one at Lebadea alone exists. See also
Cur Pythia nunc non reddat Oracula,
' Eusebius, Praep, Evang.y v. and vi. : 0«pA yurtfnav.
CHAP. XVI] Hadrian's Mysticism 303
as the example of Plutarch has shown. Soothsayers and
star-gazers from Egypt and Chaidaea swarmed in the Roman
empire, and carried on a profitable business. People crowded
in procession with offerings to their altars, to their images of
saints and talismans, and to their mystical secret closets,
where departed spirits were seen, and dead men were heard
to prophesy. Lucian and Favorinus attempted in vain to
ridicule the idea that our resolutions and actions can be
determined by the position of the stars.*
If such an intellectual man as Hadrian was addicted to
the secrets of astrology, and practised the arts of Eastern
necromancy, his example must have lent as much weight to
these delusions as the Papal Bulls gave to the belief in magic
and witchcraft. Before he ascended the throne, omens of his
imperial dignity reached him from the Sibylline books and
the poems of Virgil, from the oracle of Jupiter Nicephorus,
and from the Castalian fountain near Antioch, which he then
had walled up as dangerous.* As a skilled astrolc^er, he
inquired into his own future, and it was said of him, that he
calculated the events and actions of every day beforehand.'
Pliny the younger believed in omens and signs of wonder
as well as Suetonius, whose history of the Caesars is full of
accounts of the strangest prodigies. It may be seen on what
a fertile soil the Christian love of the marvellous fell in
the Roman world.
The mystical disposition of Hadrian is indicated by a
Sibylline poet, who addresses Rome thus :
" lUit ns soon as fifteen imperious kings have ruled over you,
Knslavinjj the people from morning until evening,
Then will come a prince grey-haired who is named after the sea,
\Vhr> travels over the world with profane footsteps, bringing presents
And licasures in silver and gold, many more than the enemy has.
All these things he amasses, and then sails homewards with the booty.
He knows all mysteries too, magical and hidden,
* Favorinus on Astrology, in Gellius, xiv. i.
' Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 12, 8 ; Sozomen, H, EccL v. 19.
'The remarkable passage in Spartianus, c. 16: mathesin sic scire sibi
visus est ut sero kalendis Januariis scripserit, quid ei toto anno posset
evenire, ita ut co anno quo perit usque ad illam horam qua est mortuus
scripserit, quid acturus esset
304 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
Points out a boy as a god, and destroys what is sacred,
Unbolting the doors of the ancient mystic illusion." ^
It is here asserted of Hadrian, that he penetrated into
all mysteries, and this agrees with what Tertullian and Julian
have said of him.' Although it is not known that he was
initiated into any but the Eleusinian mysteries, it is not
to be doubted that on his travels he became acquainted with
many of the mysteries of Greece, Syria and Egypt For
his spirit of inquiry was certainly as great as that of Septimius
Severus, of whom Dion said, that he left nothing human or
divine unexplored.' There are traits in Hadrian as a child of
his time, which^make him appear related to a Peregrinus and
an Alexander. \He too, degenerates into the religious con-
jurer ; he invents a new god, and an oracle which wins
acceptance like the Paphlagonian god of Glycon. Did this
imperial caprice arise from the consciousness of the divinity
which was ascribed to him, as to all the Caesars, by the
servile flattery of mankind ? His attempt too, to become
the founder of a religion may also have been ironical. Did
Hadrian despise the folly of mankind, and on that account
make fools of them ? Was he only an artist when he created
the god Antinous, the embodiment of beauty ? Was he at
the bottom an atheist like Lucian and the Epicureans? No
one can say ; the religion of this enigmatical man remains a
mystery to us. Nor was he a follower of any one philosophic
system. Spartianus says of him, that he was ardently devoted
to the worship of the Roman gods, despising strange gods, by
which Syrian and Egyptian divinities are to be understood.^
^ Sibyli, viii. 50 sq, (ed. Alexandre, Paris, 1869) :
Kal ttayucCw ddi^rfair fAvtrHipia. irdrra fuB4^fi
Kd^ dpxvt fd wXdm^t fiwrHipta. iraaiv dvof^ei.
See also v. 46 ; xii. 163-175.
^ The expression of Tertullian about Hadrian, ' quamquam curiositatum
omnium explorator,' refers also to religious mysteries, as it occurs in con-
nection with Christianity. — Apologet. adv, gentes^ c. 5.
'/i^ d»B^i¥Qv itHfrt $tio¥ ddupeOtnrrw icaroXiircu', Dion Cassius, Ixxv. 13.
* Spart c. 22 : Sacra Romano diligentissime curavit, peregrina con-
tempsit. Tiberius forbade aegyptios judaicosque ritus, Suetonius, 7i'<Afr.
c. 36.
CHAP. XVI] The Deification of Antinous 305
As head of the state, he showed the religion of the state the
reverence that was her due. In Rome he restored old temples
and built new ones. On the coins of Hadrian are to be seen
the three divinities of the Capitol. One medal represents
Jupiter as protector of the emperor himself; the god stands
as a colossal figure, holding the thunderbolt in his right
hand, which is stretched over Hadrian, while he shields him
with his cloak. The emperor's attitude is that of a suppliant;
he is depicted as a small figure, recalling the humility of
Christian kings or of the Popes, who in imitation of the
heathen method of representation before the time of Christ,
are portrayed on mosaics as dwarfs.*
Pausanias, indeed, called Hadrian one of the most god-
fearing emperors, with reference most likely to his temple
building.* He built temples enough, but this he may have
done as an artist ; and, moreover, he dedicated them to no
god, but left them without a name.' There is no doubt
that he willingly agreed to his own elevation as Olympian
Zeus.
If temples were erected to the majesty of Hadrian, they
would surely also be erected to the companion whom he
raised to equal divinity with himself? By the apotheosis
of Antinous, Hadrian stamped his imperial seal upon the
superstition of the century. But this act made much less
impression upon the contemporary world than it has made
upon i)osterity. Apotheosis was the greatest honour in
antiquity which could be given to mortals, associating them
with the gods as heroes, and honouring their memory
with festival games. The deification of mortals passed from
^ Frochner, Les M^daillons de PEmfiire Romaifiy Paris, 1878, p. 28 :
HADRIAN . AUG . COS. HI . P . P.— jovi CONSERVATORI. A large bfonze of
Trajan with the legend CoNSERVATORl Patris PATRIAE has the same
motive, and Frochner ascribes it to the Flavians. There are similar
medals, on which Jupiter Custos protects the emperors Marcus Aurelius
and L. Verus.— Medals of Hadrian, HADR . AUG . P . P.— Jovi opt . MAXIMO
S.P.Q.R., p. 29. Other medals of Hadrian referring to the gods of the
Capitol, p. 26 sq,
*'A9piaMoO r^ re 4t r6 ^etor rt/tiit M irXeiirror A06rrot, v. 1 4. In the Middle
Ages, too, all kings who built churches and cloisters were considered
god-fearing, and William of Sicily was for that reason called the ''Good.**
' Lampridius, AUx, Sruerus^ c. 43.
U
3o6 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
Paganism into the Christian Church in the form of beatifica-
tion and canonization. Altars were dedicated to the saints
as heroes of the faith. The Italians of the Renaissance
recognized the connection between the two apotheoses, the
heathen and the Christian, quite correctly when they spoke
of the saints as Divi, But, on the whole, Paganism was
more sparing than the Christian Church of its apotheoses.
The ancient calendar of heroes pales before the myriads of
Christian saints, and the sixty folio volumes of the Acta
Sanctorum, The Spartans cannot be blamed for deifying
their Lycurgus, nor the people of Smyrna for offering sacri-
fices to Homer, nor the Athenians, who placed among the
immortals the heroes who fell at Marathon. But the Greeks,
unfortunately, took the contemptible flattery of Asia Minor
for an example, and deified power. In the time of the
Diadochi they honoured the followers of Alexander even
in their lifetime as gods, and then they raised to the skies
the Roman generals, Flaminius and Sulla. This worship
of men would cause less sensation in Egypt where the
Lagidae had inherited the divine honours of the Pharaohs.
Augustus was glorified in hieroglyphic inscriptions as a
child of the Sun.^
The Romans, indeed, adopted the idea of apotheosis from
the Greeks, and Caesar first received consecration as Divus
Julius. A comet which appeared in the sky was declared to
be his soul.^ Emperor-worship then became the real religion
of the state, and the provinces of Europe were obliged to
conform to it. Tacitus has told us how the cities of Asia
vied with each other through their ambassadors, in begging
the favour from Tiberius of being allowed to build a temple
to him,* There was scarcely a city of importance in Greece
which had not solicited the honour of the Neocoria, that is,
the distinction of the temple-worship of the emperors of
Rome.* Every emperor was already a god in his lifetime.
^ Doellinger, Heidentkum und Judenthum^ p. 14.
* Suetonius, Caes, c. 88. A temple was erected to him on the Forum by
Augustus, the real founder of emperor-worship, on which in 'general see
Preller, Rdm, Mythologie,
'Tacitus, Ann. iv. 55.
* Hermann, Gottesdienstlichi Alterthumer der Griecheft^ § 12.
CHAP. XVI] Aiitinous 307
In a work of art Augustus is represented as Jupiter, with his
foot on the globe, close to Livia, who stands by him in the
guise of Venus. A famous bas-relief at San Vitale in
Ravenna represents him in the same fashion.* If the
Olympieum in Athens had been completed in his time,
he would have been worshipped there as Zeus, before
Hadrian.
The apotheosis of Antinous loses, therefore, its distinction
as soon as it is brought into connection with the ideas of the
time, but it retains its moral enormity when we consider what
this deified youth was in his lifetime. Every one knew his
history as well as the citizens of Abonotichos knew the origin
of their prophet Alexander. The profane caprice of Hadrian
would scarcely be excused in the judgment of thoughtful
contemporaries by the idea that the sacrificial death of the
youth entitled him to the fame of a hero.' Dion expressly
.«?ays that the emperor became a laughing-stock, when he
asserted that he had seen the star of Antinous.' But
it is a melancholy reflection that the gods were not
only laughed at by the critical spirit of the atheist, but that
the belief in them arose merely from the servility and fear
of men.
In Antinoe, Hadrian set up an oracle to his favourite, with
soothsayers and all the other needful theatrical apparatus.^
He proceeded much in the same way as the lying prophet
Alexander, and like him he stooped to write oracles in verse.*
As there was already an Ethiopian god of oracles in this
' A. Conze, Die Familie des Augustus^ tin Relief in S, Vitale mu Ravenna^
1867. A bronze statue from Herculaneum also represents Augustus as
Jupiter.
•Such is the interpretation of Hausrath, NeutestainentHche Zeitgesch,
ii. 480. I certainly think that Antinous' sacrificial death recalls the death
of Osiris and Adonis.
' tiih. ToOra inkv oiV iffKilnrrtTO, — Dion, Ixix. 1 1.
* The irpo^^roi or oracle priests of Antinous in Antinoe are referred to by
Hegesippus in Eusebius, //. E. iv., c 8.
^Spart. c. 14 : et Graeci quidem volente Hadriano eum consecraverunt
oracula per eum dari adserentes, quae Hadrianus ipse composuisse
iactatur. It is hard to say where Hadrian could impart oracles to
inquirers, as the temple of Antinous in Besa can only have been finished
after his departure from Egypt.
3o8 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
place, the ancient Besa, the emperor blended him with
Antinous in one person. The Egyptians could still worship
Besa in him, while he was Antinous to the Greeks.*
If the ruler of the world became the prophet of the new
divinity, he was sure to find recognition for his creature so
long as he lived. But nothing shows more clearly the
strong necessity for worship among mankind at that time,
than the fact that this oracle of Antinous was still in
existence in the third century. Origen believed that in
Antinoe, magicians and daemons carried on their mysterious
existence.*
Antinoe was a Greek city, and it was the Greeks generally
who acknowledged the Hadrianic god, and spread his worship
abroad.' It might flatter their national vanity that the
honour of Olympia had been bestowed upon one of their
countrymen. In their eyes Antinous might signify Hellas,
and the emperor could not carry his Philhellenic sympathies
further than by raising a Greek to be a god. To the im-
portance of a regular form of worship, however, Antinous did
not attain, although Greece and Asia vied with each other in
honouring him by altars and images. His chief seat in Hellas
was Mantinea. For the emperor made use of a far-fetched
genealogy, in which the Nicopolitans in Bithynia were said to
have been colonists of Mantinea, in order to build a temple
there to his Adonis.* He founded a yearly festival of
dedication, and instituted games to be held every five years.*
Pausanias saw many statues of Antinous in Mantinea, and
beautiful pictures in the gymnasium there, representing him
as Dionysus.
In Athens too he was honoured with games. His statue
was found in the ruins of the theatre. A marble chair was
placed as a seat of honour for the priest of Antinous among
^ Bouche-Leclerc, iii. 394.
"Origen, 1/1 Cels, 3. 36. TertuUian, Apol. c. 13. Clement Alex. Pro-
trept. 43.
'The passage in Spart c. 14, also points this out.
* Pausanias, viii. 9, 7. Medal in Fabretti, 462.
^ Eusebius, H, E, iv., c. 8, mentions Hegesippus, at whose time the dTwr,
'Ai^rir^eiot was Still celebrated. This ecclesiastical writer lived in the middle
of the second century.
CHAP, xvij Antinous 309
the spectators.^ In Eleusis he passed as lacchus, and here
too festival games were held in his honour.*
Many other Hellenic cities have glorified him on their coins
as Dionysus or lacchus, as hero and divinity. These coins
are from Tarsus, Adramyttium, Adrianotherae, Amisus, from
Ancyra, Mantinea, Bithynium, from Corinth, and Delphi,
from ITierapolis, Cyzicus, Nicomedia, Nicopolis, from Sardis,
Tyana, Smyrna, and Alexandria.' On a Corinthian coin
Antinous is holding the winged Pegasus by the bridle ;
the horse is supposed to be Borysthenes, Hadrian's charger*
One of the finest busts of Antinous is on a medal from
Nicopolis or Bithynium, his native city.^
Sometimes he is represented with Harpocrates, his com-
panion in the society of the gods, sometimes with Apollo or
Hermes. A griffin, a goat or a bull, a panther and a thyrsus,
the moon and the stars, indicate one or another god whose
incarnation he is. For Antinous was never considered a new
god, but only a new manifestation of one of the existing
deities. This was also often the case with the deified
emperors. For the most part he appears in the guise of
Dionysus, because this seemed most in accordance with his
youthful beauty. His handsome appearance contributed
largely to the fact that the worship of Antinous did not come
to an end with Hadrian, for art has, in its portrayal of man,
adopted him as a type of youth.
But the worship of Antinous was confined to the East In
the Latin West he made no impression upon the im^ination
of men, and here little attention was paid to the Greek
youth. But it is striking that Marcus Aureliu.s, in his
Meditations, when he mentions by name Hadrian's most con-
''l€/)^ci^t *Arnr6ou, Ephem, ArchcoL^ 1862, p. 162, n. 158. Rhusopulos
ibid.^ p. 215, upon that statue ; p. 202, upon the 'Arrcy^eca h A^rec. Mention
of a Ir/ieiH 'ApWr6oi' /^i(/9ov, ffom which Semiteles assumes that Antinous
was honoured in Athens as Ephebus.
• 'Arrir6€ta iw *RXriw(rc distinguished from those of Athens : i^ d^rci
Lenormant, P Antinous if Eleusis^ Rev, Arch.^ 1874, p. 217.
'Eckhel, vi. 528 sq. ; Cohen, ii. 267.
^MafTei, Gemme antiche^ ii. 193.
• ANTINOON 0EON H HATPIC, R) BEieYNIEHN AAPIANflN.
Mionnet, Sufipl, iv., pi. i. Those from Smyrna, flatteries of Polemon, in
Cohen, ii. 268, and at the same place coins with Antinous and Hadrian.
3IO The Emperor Hadrian [hook u
fidential friends such as Celer, and the otherwise unknown
Chabrias and Diotimus, never alludes to Antinous.^ This
silence must have been intentional. As a Stoic, Marcus
Aurelius would despise the farce of Antinous. We do not
know if Hadrian took any particular trouble to naturalize his
divinity in Rome. He was never acknowledged there pub-
licly, as it would have required a decree of the senate ; and
he had no temple in Rome. There are no Roman coins of
Antinous, but a few inscriptions prove the existence of his
worship there and in Italy, and for this the emperor was
probably indebted to the Greeks. Servile souls, however,
would not be wanting among Romans and Latins. As Justin
Martyr said many a one will have sacrificed to the new god
from eye-service and from fear, and will have put up his
image in their houses. An inscription found on the field of
Mars, from the temple of Isis, mentions Antinous as equal
with the divinities of Eg^pt ; so he must have had an altar in
the Egyptian temple at Rome.^ It is uncertain whether this
inscription belongs to the time of Hadrian ; but we shall not
be far wrong in thinking that the death of his favourite in the
Nile first made the emperor himself a follower of the worship
of Isis. Spartianus indeed commends him for dcspisin^^
strange gods, and it is not clear that Hadrian publicly par-
ticipated in Rome in the mysteries of Isis, as did Domitian,
and afterwards Commodus and Caracalla. The villa at
Tivoli, however, bears witness to his connection with the
gods of Egypt, even if only from the standpoint of art.
From this villa come the colossal marble figure in the
Vatican which represents Antinous as Osiris, and the Ilarpo-
crates of the Capitol, his divine companion, who is depicted
as the genius of silence, his finger on his lip.
From the Tiburtinum a Latin inscription may have been
carried to Tivoli, where it was found, comparing Antinous
with Belenus.' But a Latin inscription from Lanuvium, the
^ Marcus Aurelius, viii., 25, 37. Do Chabrias and Diotimus, he asks,
still sit at the grave of Hadrian ? It would be ridiculous.
*'Atrnp6<^ avp$p6p(^ rwr ip AlyvwT<^ BtStP M. O^Xtios 'AroXXi6ytot ll/x>^i^t.
CLG. iii., n. 6007.
' Antinoo et Beleno par aetas formaque par est cur non Antinous sit
Belenus. Q. Siculus. — Orelli, 823. Belenus was a Celtic god and idealized
ciiAr. XVI] Antinous 311
present Civita Lavigna, proves that there was a temple in
the neighbourhood of Rome in 132 A,D., only three years
after the death of the deified youth, with a priesthood belong-
ing to Diana and Antinous, a combination of divinities which
is very singular.* Another inscription speaks of a priesthood
of Atitinous in Naples, and it is probable enough that one
should have been found in a Greek city.^ But in Ostia too
there seems to have been a temple of Hadrian's god, for the
statue that was found in the Lateran Museum represented
him as Vertumnus.' Whether it was a statue in a temple,
or whether it adorned some public garden, or belonged to a
private owner, we do not know. As the colony of Ostia
had received many benefits from the emperor, it might have
wished to show its gratitude by acknowledging his god.
It cannot be supposed that Lucian, who laughed at all
gods, legitimate as well as barbaric, spared Antinous. But
with the pnidcnce of a man of the world, he would not scoff
at deified em|>erors, or at the deified creature of an emperor ;
only in one single pass.ige in his Assembly of the gods he
may have thought of Antinous, when he mentions Ganymede.*
He did not venture to let him appear in Olympus, and this
recognition was also refused him by the emperor Julian. For
in his satire upon the Caesars he makes Silenus say, on the
appearance of Hadrian in Olympus, that it was useless to look
as Apollo, Fabretti, 325 ; Preller, Rom, MythoL i'., 270. The inscrip-
tion seems ironical ; either it means the Celtic god or that Belenus was
a beautiful youth belonging to Siculus, who seemed to him to deserve
the divine honours of Antinous.
' Ilenzcn, 6086: in templo Antinoi . . . cultorum Dianae et Antinoi.
The birthdays of Diana, as also of Antinous ( V, Col, Dec) were celebrated,
but this date cannot be accepted as the birthday of Antinous ; consult on
this inscription the remarks of Mommsen, De coUegiis et sodaliciis Roman-
ontm, p. 114.
'Orelli, 2252. The municipium of Uovillae, near Rome, erected this
inscription to a Roman knight, Myron, probably a Greek, who, under
another title, was also designated as Fretriacus Neapoli Antinoiton et
Eunoxtidon, i.e. a member or president of a phratry cultorum Antinoi et
Eunosti.
• Ilcnndorf und Schoene, Die antiken Bildwerke des lateran. Museum^
n. 74.
* Assembly of the gods ^ c 8.
312 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.il ch.xvi
for Antinous among the gods, for he was not there. Like
Marcus Aurelius, Julian too despised this Antinous farce.^
Hadrian's Ganymede as, according to Prudentius, Antinous
was called, was reason enough for the Christians to brand
the heathen religion with boundless immorality. The Apolo-
gists might indeed be grateful to the emperor; they all speak
of Antinous.* They have not used too strong colours,
when they speak of the unchastity of the Asiatic priests, and
even of human sacrifices. Hadrian is said to have abolished
these in the worship of Mithras, but Commodus again allowed
them. And after all was the death of Antinous anything
more than a mystical human sacrifice ? '
^ Julian, Caesaris, c 9.
• Justin. Mart ApoL^ ii. 72 : tpO Arru^oJu tow rCr ycTcnf/t/rov, 0p jcol vdb^rci
Cn 9th» dtA ^pou a4fi€tw &piifirro, iwiardfuwoi rls re 1^ koI v6$€p vwi^€. Athcna-
goras, Apoi, 34. Tatian, contra Graecos^ p. 149. Pnidentius, contra
Symmach^ i. 271.
' About human sacrifices, Justin. Mart ApoL i., p. 5a Tatian, contra
Graec.y p. 165. Lactantius, Divin, inst, i., c« 21. Tertullian, ApoL^ c 9.
Compare what Lampridius, c. 8, says of Elagabalus : caedit et huroanas
hostias lectis ad hoc pueris nobilibus et decoris.
CHAPTER XVII
Attempts to restore Paganism. Plutarch and Lucian
Great efforts were made, especially by the philosophers of
the Platonic and Pythagorean schools, to prevent the decay
of the ancient religion by reforming its morals. With
Celsus, about whom little is known, except that he belonged
to the age of Hadrian, Paganism b^an its struggle against
the ever-growing power of Christianity in the days of Marcus
Aurclius.* In the third century, the Athenian sophist Flavius
Philostratus, the friend of the empress Julia Domna, wrote
his famous romance Apollonius of Tyana as a reply to
Christianity.
Though Philostratus was the first to make the historical
figure of this early Pythagorean philosopher (who did not
escape Lucian's satire),' the Antichrist of Paganism, yet
long before his time there had been similar accounts and
biographies of Apollonius, written by Damis, by Maximus of
Acgae, and by Moeragenes. Hadrian himself kept in his
library at Antium a collection of Apollonius' letters, probably
only because he admired him as the greatest of magi-
cians.*
While Epicureans and Cynics in their atheism renounced
the ancient mythology, while Sceptics and Stoics were in-
different whether the gods existed or not, the Platonic
' His writing 'AXiy^ X^yof is preserved in the extracts in Origen, contra
Celsum ; Kellner, Hellenthum nnd Chris tenthum^ p. 35 x^. Most likely
this was the Celsus to whom Lucian dedicated the history of the lying
prophet Alexander.
^ Alexander^ c 5.
' Philostratus, Vita Apollon, viii. 19.
314 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
theology arose, and made desperate efforts to save the old
dogmas. These attempts could only originate in Greece,
where religion had not degenerated into the ridiculous ex-
cesses of Eastern worship, but formed an historical element
in the nation, and they were supported both by philosophy
and art. A highly-educated man like Plutarch took the
most childish delight in the ancient Olympus. An enemy of
materialism, he was the champion of the new Platonic doctrine.
He wrote dissertations against the views of Epicurus and the
Stoics, in which he made violent attacks upon the godlessness
of the age, whose morals he undertook to improve by the
doctrine of Plato. With the courage of a priest inspired by
the fear of God, he inveighed against the vices of the time,
the luxury and sensuality, the love for youths, the gladiatorial
fights, the oppression of slaves. If there was anyone who
could show in a world where the old faith was decaying, that
philosophy and veneration for the gods produce happiness, it
must have been Plutarch, who was in himself the most con-
tented and most fortunate man of the antiquity that was
soon to perish.
His industry and thoroughness, his acquaintance with the
old philosophers and poets, his fervent zeal and his noble
morality are highly to be praised, but his logic is utterly
weak. The ground of the ancient religion which he wishes
to defend, gives way under him, for these Olympian deities
are only petrifactions ; they may adorn an art museum, but
philosophy can never again restore them to moral and in-
tellectual power. Plutarch takes refuge, as Plotinus and
Porphyry after him, in the misty realm of daemonology.
The daemons are obliged to appear as intermediate beings,
taking upon themselves the follies and crimes of the gods,
in order that the gods may be saved as abstract beings
from moral ruin. He shelters himself too behind allegory,
and the moral meaning of mythology,^ and becomes a
complete mystic. Though he combats the vulgar supersti-
^ De audiendis poetis^ an interesting work in which Plutarch shows
young men how to treat the myths of the poets, namely, morally and
artistically, so that what the poets say is not to be considered absolutely
true, but is to be interpreted according to the situation and idiosyncrasies
of the characters.
CHAP, xvii] Plutarch 315
tion of the people, he still clings to the delusion of auguries
and necromancy.
The writings of Plutarch can scarcely have been convincing
to a philosopher of the time, but they appealed all the more
to the sentimental as moral books of devotion. In his dis-
course upon the Daisidaevtonia^ is contained the principle
of his ethics, that men should love, not fear the gods. Ac-
cord incj to his view, ignorance arises from two sources, godless-
ncss and su|)crstition.- The godless man disbelieves in the
gods, in order that he may not be obliged to fear them ; the
sujjerstitious man believes in them, but he looks upon them
as beings who inspire horror and dread. The gods, however,
are not to be hated, but are to be treated with confidence,
hope, and affection. Plutarch developed these views still
further in his work against the Epicureans, where he wishes
to prove that man cannot live happily by following the
atheistic doctrines of Epicurus. It is better to cling to the
belief in the gods, to honour and even to fear them, than to
abandon all hope, and in " evil times " all recourse to the
heavenly powers. A sojourn in the temple, banquets and
plays give more pleasure, when they are celebrated in con-
nection with sacrifices, mysteries and dances. For the thought
of God delivers man from fear, and fills him with excessive
joy. But he who has renounced Providence can have no
part in this joy. Bravely, too, does Plutarch defend the
belief in immortality and in reunion after death. His youth-
ful contemporary, the Greek rhetorician Aelius Aristides
from Madriani in Mysia, a pupil of Polemon attempted, like
Plutarch, with real piety and enthusiasm to restore the ancient
belief in the gods.*
In opposition to such visionary attempts of the Pytha-
goreans and Platonists to prop up sinking Olympus by
dacmonology, and by a system of ethics which approached
Christianity, Lucian appeared as their most formidable foe.
The sophist of Samosata seems insignificant beside the
priestly figure of Plutarch, but he carried weapons which
were formidable enough. The multitude are more susceptible
to the ridiculous than to the sublime. We can estimate the
' See his orations on gods, and the work of Baumgart, Aelius Aristides
ah Representant der sophist, Rhetorik^ 1874.
3i6 The Emperor Hadrian [book h
effect produced at the time by the pitiless but popular satires
of this pamphleteer, by the fact that his writings even
to-day make the most striking impression, although many
contemporary references can no longer be understood.
Lucian despised Christianity ; this new mystery of " the
crucified magician " appeared to him, as to the emperor
Hadrian, and to every one in the higher circles of society,
something so absurd^ that he only contemptuously mentioned
it in a few places in his writings.^ Nevertheless, his atheism
became one of the strongest allies of Christianity, and his
wit made a breach in the ancient faith which no philosophy
or doctrine of ideas of the Neoplatonists could ever heal.
Lucian gave the death-blow to ancient mythology by his
dialogues of the gods. His polemics are directed, like those
of the Christian apologists, against anthropomorphic fables.
The weaknesses of the gods are turned into ridicule. Zeus
is a chatterer, a boaster, a Don Juan ; Mercury, a thief ;
Bacchus, a drunkard ; Apollo, a deceitful soothsayer. The
myths of Homer, the Metamorphoses of Ovid, the tragedians
are all despised on account of their preposterous and fabulous
tales. These remarks apply to the native, and consequently
ancient gods of Greece. Lucian proceeds to review the whole
fantastical Olympus of his time, which swarms with strangers.
It is a theocracy or combination of gods which produced in
the last centuries of Paganism a chaotic religion. The gods
migrating into Rome from foreign provinces find themselves
in the Pantheon of the empire, and become citizens of Rome.
What is said of Rome may be said of the empire. Religion
is broken up into a thousand sects. These gods, genii, and
daemons are innumerable ; the more foreign and mysterious
they are, the more they look like Egyptian and Chaldean
deities, the more they are sought after. The gods of Greece, —
Zeus, into whose place the emperor stepped, Apollo, whose
oracle at Delphi had lost its charm, — were wjUingly exchanged
and united with the powers of the mystic service of nature,
^ Strictly speaking, only in Alexander and Pen^rmus ; for other
passages, as in Philospeudes^ c. 16, in the Vera historia^VLiid. in the Fij^ht
of Endymion with Pkaethon^ can only be considered as containing
strained allusions to the Christians. Kellner, Hellenismus und Christen-
ium^ p. 89 sq.
ciiAr.xviij Lucian 317
with Isis and Osiris, with Serapis and Anubis, with Attys and
Adonis, with Mithras, Astarte and the Nature goddess Rhea.
This great goddess herself has a hundred names (which are
to be found in the eleventh book of Apuleius): she is the
goddess of Pessinus, the Paphian Venus, Minerva, Ceres,
Diana, Proserpina, Isis, and Cybele in Hierapolis, whose
worship Lucian has described in his Syrian Goddess}
In the Assembly of the gods he makes Momus complain of
the novices who have sneaked into Olympus, and who have
sat down with the ancient gods to an equal portion of nectar
and ambrosia. Above all, Jupiter is particularly anxious to
save Ganymede, and he would take it very ill if Momus
tried to injure his favourite by attacks upon his ignoble
descent. But Attys and Corybas and Sabazius and the
turbaned Mithras, who cannot speak one iota of Greek, much
more all these Scythians and Getae, who have been made
into ^ods by their own people, how do they come into
01ym|nis? Or Anubis, the dog's face swathed in linen, the
bull of Memphis, the ibis, the apes? All this Egyptian
nonsense Jupiter himself thinks disgraceful, but admits that
there is some hidden meaning in it Lucian laughs at the
mysteries, naively making Momus ask : " Do we require
mysteries to know that gckJs are gods, and that heads of
dogs are heads of dogs ? " The piece closes with a decree
commanding the gods to appear before a commission, and
show their pedigree.
In the dramatic farce too of Jupiter TragoeduSy the
chaotic mixture of all national religions is turned into ridicule
with biting sarcasm. With inimitable wit Lucian makes the
gods take their place according to their value in metal. On
the urgent summons of the herald Mercury they come
running in, gods of gold, of silver, of ivory, of bronze
* How great was the mixture of religious ideas after the fusion of the
Syrian worship of gods with that of the Greeks is apparent in the temple
of the Syrian goddess in Hierapolis. It is a panth^n or museum of
statues, where are to be found Rhea-Juno, Jupiter, Baal-Apollo, Atlas,
Mercury, Lucina, Semiramis, Sardanapalus, the Trojan heroes, Stratonice,
Combnbus, and in the portico there are colossal pillars, on one of which
twice a year a man remains seated sleepless for seven days, as a pillar
saint. — Lucian, Dea Syria,
3i8 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
and of marble. The barbarian gods, Bendis, Attys, Mith-
ras, Anubis take the front seats because they are made of
gold. This gives rise to most comical scenes. Lucian
derides the gods for their ridiculous anthropomorphism. The
question turns on a quarrel between two argumentative philo-
sophers, the Epicurean Damis and the Stoic Timocles, which
Jupiter says he overheard as they were walking towards the
Poecile at Athens. Damis denied the existence of the gods,
which Timocles maintained. The latter is nearly being de-
feated, when Jupiter separates the parties by the approach of
night. On the following day the dispute is to be resumed.
Jupiter has summoned a meeting of the gods to devise means
by which the victory may be assured to the weak-headed
Timocles, as the honour and the existence of the heavenly
powers are at stake. He makes a speech to the citizen-gods,
with expressions from the first Olynthian oration of Demos-
thenes, in which he soon breaks down. The gods, according
to their different characters, give the most ridiculous advice.
Meanwhile, Hermagoras, the statue of Hermes Agoraeus,
comes running up from the Athenian market-place, and
announces the beginning of the philosopher's dispute. The
heavens are opened, the gods look down. " As we cannot
do more," says Jupiter, "we will at least pray with all our
might for Timocles." The absurdity of this idea is most
ingenious.
The argument proceeds. Timocles merely produces weak
arguments for his belief, while the Epicurean dismisses the
idea of a Divine Providence, as well as of individual deities,
with biting wit; a Providence which permits evil, gods which
are arbitrary creations of the people, sometimes human beings,
sometimes the elements, onions, crocodiles, cats, apes, earthen
pots and dishes. Timocles then makes as little way with
the theological argument of the consensus gentium as with the
other proofs which he brings forward ; but he finally saves
himself by the following masterly syllogism : " If there are
altars there must be gods, and as there are altars, therefore
there are gods." This is merely an appeal to the custom of the
people and to authority. The people would be furious if they
ivere deprived of their formulas, their images of the gods, their
robes of purple, and their theatrical costumes. In conclusion,
CHAP, xviij Lucian 319
Jupiter says : " For all that, Mercury, it was a fine thing
which king Darius said of Zopyrus ; and I confess too, that
I would rather have one champion like Damis, than ten
thousand Babylons."
The continuation of Jupiter Tragoedus is given by Lucian
in Jupiter Convinced, A Cynic begs permission from Zeus
to ask him a few questions. He only wants to know if it is
tnie as said by Homer and Hcsiod, that no one can escape
from the goddess of destiny, and from the fates. Jupiter says
this is so, and also admits that fate rules over the gods ; he
is therefore obliged to concede that they are only idle
machines. With this avowal Olympus itself is destroyed,
and prediction by oracle is represented as an absurdity ; for
what does it avail for mortals to seek to know the future, if
they cannot escape the decree of destiny? In the same way
the judgment after death of good and bad will be annulled,
for if destiny rules over everything, moral freedom and
responsibility for our actions are no longer possible.
Everything which Plutarch discussed with such care,
oracles, mysteries, providence and fate, collapses before these
syllogisms of the Cynics and the Epicureans. Lucian is
indefatigable, when it is a question of destroying ancient
dogma. He despises the oracles of Trophonius and Amphi-
lochus, which were still important in his day, and he especially
despises the most legitimate of all, the Delphic oracle.
In Jupiter Tragoedus he makes Momus ask Apollo, if, as
Apollo is so great a soothsayer, he will tell the gods which
of the two philosophers will carry off the victory. Apollo
first makes the paltry excuse that he has not got his oracle
apparatus at hand, the tripod, the frankincense, and the
Castalian fountain, and then he allows a very foolish prophecy
to be extracted from him.
The doctrines of the immortality of the soul, and of the
life in Elysium and Tartarus, are no less the objects of
Lucian*s irony. To these belong his dialogues of the dead,
reminding us often in their scenes of Dante's Inferno, No
one escapes his scourge, neither Socrates nor Empedocles
(half-roasted on Etna), nor Pythagoras, who in the joyless
Hades no longer despises the forbidden bean, as doctrines
change in the Stygian world. Achilles, Alexander, Hannibal,
i
320 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
what are they in the lower world ? What has become of
Alexander, worshipped after death as the god Ammon and
the Indian Bacchus ? He who now shares the fate of other
shadows in a world where there are no distinctions, and where
the worms which feed on kings are all-powerful, is used as
an example by the scoffing, though worldly-wise Lucian to
illustrate the absurdity of imperial apotheoses. Lucian agrees
with the philosophy of Marcus Aurelius and of Hamlet that
I all is vanity, that heroic deeds, costly possessions, and the
I best attempts to attain the ideals of life are but an empty
show. Here he meets the Stoics on their own ground,
unintentionally, and falls like Voltaire into a contempt for
life and for mankind.
Plutarch is therefore right in the caution which he gives
(in his work on the Epicureans), against this pessimism which
arises from godlessness. But Lucian is not to be taken too
literally, for he soon becomes an Epicurean again, praising
I the present moment as the only certainty in life, and valuing
I above all contentment, moderation and modest self-esteem.
' The ideal is non-existent for him. Absolute science, philo-
sophy, religion, are only objects of satire, the rest is merely
the enjoyment of the moment ; beyond that there is nothing.
In this way Lucian, the critic of the Greek and Roman
world, arrived at Nihilism, like the encyclopaedists of the
eighteenth century, setting up instead of the gods, the goddess
of the common human understanding, or of reason on the
throne. The words of Pronto, the royal tutor, who possessed
no spark of Lucian's wit, ring out wonderfully, and are
almost like the words of a prophet of the French Revolution,
when he says on one occasion, that many temples have been
built to fortune, but that to reason there has been neither a
statue nor an altar erected.^
Meanwhile the perpetual needs of the soul, which could no
longer find satisfaction in the insipid worship of the gods,
sought among the mysteries for a deity who had not yet
been profaned. It was no longer Greece but the East, the
birthplace of religions for the whole world, whence these
rites came. The mind of Europe was turned towards the
^Ep, iii. Quis ignorat— templa fana delubraque publica fortunae
dicata, rationi nee simulacrum nee aram eonseeratum.
CHAP, xvii] Importance of the East 321
East. From thence the Asiatic religions penetrated into the
West, finding each one their adherents, as they proclaimed
more or less the power of repentance, and the immor-
tality of the soul. This attracted numerous followers to
the worship of Mithras especially in the third century. The
political, as well as the intellectual centre of gravity of the
empire, seemed to incline gradually to the East Trajan
had already sought it there, and it was in the East that
Hadrian travelled most frequently, and with the greatest
pleasure. The theatre of the world's history was trans-
ferred to the East under the two Seven, under Elagabalus,
the priest of the sun, and under the thirty Tyrants. The
newly-established empire of the Sassanidae was the centre
of future events, until Constantine took his seat at Byzan-
tium and made Christianity, the most powerful and the
most profound of all the mysteries of the East, the religion
of the world.
CHAPTER XVIII
7'he Spread of Christianity. The Christian Religion a
^' Religio Illicitae HadriarCs Toleration of the
Christians. Rescript of Hadrian to the Proconsul
Fundanus. The Christian Apologists
The Christian religion was not a hundred years old when
Hadrian ascended the throne, and it already had adherents
in every province of the empire. It came from Palestine,
and penetrated by way of Damascus over the commercial
highways of the Phoenicians into Asia Minor, by Troas into
Greece, and by Cyprus towards the West. In every emporium
of the Mediterranean Christianity had taken its place among
the heathen.^
The destruction of nationalities by the Roman empire, the
weakness of the heathen state church in consequence of the
decay of the ancient religions owing to the mixed kind of
worship, philosophic atheism and scepticism on one side, the
morality of the Stoics on the other, credulity in miracles, and
the craving for salvation by means of fresh mysteries, the
depravity of manners, despotism, and the slavery of the lower
classes, — all these things had combined to prepare the ground
throughout the Roman empire for the doctrine of the apostle.
The first general language of the Church was everywhere the
Greek language.* It was only through the Roman empire
^ Movers, Phaenizien^ iii. i, p. i sq,
^ Even the Roman liturgy was Greek ; and as late as the third cen-
tury Greek epitaphs of the Popes are found in the catacombs (De Rossi,
Roma Sotier. ii.). In the second century the Roman bishops were
chiefly Greeks (Evaristus, Telesphorus, Hyginus, Anicetus, Soter, Eleu-
therius).
BK. II. CH. xviii] Christianity 323
that Christianity became a world-religion. In the time of
Hadrian a network of well-organized communities was spread
over the whole empire, from the Euphrates as far as Gaul,
Spain, Britain and Roman Africa.
It has been remarked that this emperor rendered a service
to Christianity by transforming Jerusalem into a Roman
colony, and by thus compelling the Christian community of
Palestine to renounce for ever the national limits of Judaism.
From that time the original metropolis of the Christian
Church could never again be its ruling centre, which from
historical necessity Rome became. Although the bishopric
there had at first no greater authority than that of Antioch
and Alexandria, or even than the churches in Ephesus and
Smyrna, in Corinth and Carthage, there were many circum-
stances which combined to support the claim of the bishops
of Rome to the supremacy, namely, the majesty of the im-
perial city, the legend of the foundation of the Roman church
by Peter, and finally, its extraordinary wealth.* No great
personality laid the foundations of the empire of these Roman
priests.* Their history, as late as the second century, is
almost legendary, and it was not until three hundred years
after Hadrian, when the victory of Christianity was assured,
that a prominent figure appeared among the bishops of
Rome.
The struggle with sects which began in the first hour of
its foundation, and the other heroic struggle, under repeated
persecutions, with the Roman state, gave the Christian Church
a particularly dogmatic stability and strength of faith.
Even in the second century the Christians were looked
upon by the Roman government as fanatical adherents of a
mystery which was considered foolish and contemptible. But
their sect was no longer confounded with Judaism. It was
understood to be a peculiar society of Christiani or Galilaei,
and as, unlike the synagogue of the Jews, it could make no
claim to public toleration, it fell under the ban of Trajan's
law, which forbade illegal societies. The Christians were
persecuted in the days of Nero and Domitian. But after
* Renan, Marc Aurile it la fin du monde antique^ P- 23 : le tr^sor'com-
mun du christianisme ^tait en quelque sorte k Rome.
' Karl Hase, Kircktngesck.^ p. 62.
3^4 The Emperor Hadrian [booic n
Qomitlan until the time of Decius, there was, in the opinion
of. Lactantius, ho further persecution of the Christians.
' But if there were such persecutions under Trajan and
Hadrian they were not general, nor were they ordered by-
imperial edicts. They were merely local, caused in the cities
by popular tumults, by private hatred, and by the eager
officialism of the Roman governors. While Eusebius and
Jerome, Augustine and Orosius speak of a persecution of the
Christians by Hadrian, Lactantius and Tertullian know
nothing of it, and even Melito of Sardis, whose apology to
the emperor Antoninus Pius has been preserved by Eusebius,
merely mentions the persecutions under Nero and Domitian,
and recalls as a contrast to them Hadrian's gracious rescript
to the proconsul Fundanus.^
In the Jewish war of Barcocheba, the Christians had suffered
much from the vengeance of the infuriated Romans, and their
devotional places in Jerusalem had been built over, destroyed
and desecrated by the colonists of Aelia Capitolina. From
this fact Sulpicius Severus drew the erroneous conclusion,
that Hadrian was an enemy to the Christians, although in
the end he forbade as wicked this so-called fourth Christian
persecution.* Legend, but not authentic history, recognizes a
few martyrs of Hadrian's time. As such, are pointed out
the Roman bishop Alexander, whose crypt has been found
near the seventh milestone on the Via Nomentana, and the
holy Symphorosa and her seven sons to whom the famous
chqrch of the seven brothers on the Via Tiburtina was
dedicated.'
* Eusebius, H. EccL iv. 26 : Tertullian, ApologcL adv, gentcs, c 5, only
knows of the persecution of Nero, and mentions Hadrian expressly as one
of the emperors who enacted no laws against them.
^Suip, Severus^ ed- Halm, ii. 31. Dodwell, Dissert. Cyprian, xi., § 22.
'Eusebius knows no single martyr of Hadrian's time. The death of
Alexander is placed by him before the emperor's accession, in 132 A.D.
by the Lib. Pontificalis. The death of Symphorosa and her sons is only
laid in the time of Hadrian by a martyrology ascribed to Julius Africanus. —
Hausrath, NeutestamentL Zeitgesck,, p. 529. Irenaeus, iii. 3, is the only
writer who speaks of the martyr Telesphorus. The catalogue of martyrs
under Hadrian in Champagny, Les Antonins, iii., p. 46, 94, is destitute
of all foundation. The legendary number of 4000 martyrs under Hadrian
is rejected by De Rossi, Roma Soterr, ii., c. 27.
CHAP, xviii) Hadrian's Toleration 325
Like all Romans of. distinction, Hadrian viewed 'the
Christians with contempt, as is shown ' by his letter to
Scrvianus from Egypt. He looked upon them as fanatics of a
Syrian myster}% which horrified the cultivated heathen, as its
central point was the ignominious crucified Christ Tacitus,
and even Suetonius, * Hadrian's secretary, described them as
refractory and gloomy heretics who were cursed with the
odium generis hninani} This was the fixed opinion in court
circles, in spite of the converts which the gospel had already
made, even in the imperial palace in the time of Nero and the
Flavian emperors. Among the mysteries of the East* which
excited the curiosity of Hadrian, the teaching of the apostles
would scarcely have found a place. His mind, however, was
so free and open that he never showed himself ah eneniy
to Christianity ; he was more tolerant than . the Stoic
Marcus Aurelius, who considered it his duty to apply tKe
severity of the imperial law to the professors of the new
religion.* The opposition of tfhc Christians to the worship of
the imperial gods, and "their heterogeneous society had only
Jiithcrto called forth the sentence of the prefect, without pro-
voking the learning of the heathen to a contest. None of
the literary men who surrounded Trajan and Hadrian cast
a critical glance upon the meaning of the dogmas of the
Galilacans.
Under the Antonines, however, they t>egan to be an object
.of interest to heathen sophists, and with the increasing
power of the Christian religion came apologies for paganism.
The list begins with tlie philosopher Celsus, aboiit 150 A.D.,
•and goes on to Philostratus, Porphyry, lamblichus, to the
emperor Julian and the sophist Libanius, to Eunapius and
Zosimus, and the Neoplatonist Proclus until towards the end
.of the fifth century.'
So far was Hadrian from l>eing a persecutor of the
Christians that, in fact, he was looked upon as their patron.
For Dion maintains that he paid them honour, and Anto-
'Suetonius, Nero^ i6 : Genus hominum superstitionis novae et malelicae;
pomitian^ c. 15 : Comptentissima inertia.
'This is shown by the martyrs of Lyons, Renany Marc Aurile^ c 19.
^Stt KfWntx^ Hellenismus und Ckristenium, .:«
326 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
ninus Pius was of the same opinion.^ In Eusebius the much
discussed rescript is to be found, which Hadrian addressed to
the proconsul of Asia, Caius Minucius Fundanus, on the
strength of the representations made by his predecessor,
Quintus Licinius Granianus, about the riotous proceeding's
in the courts over the trial of Christians.* According to
Roman law the followers of Christianity were sentenced if
they avowed their Christian name, but if they disowned it
they were set free. The judge punished the name and not
the crime (Jlagitia cohaerentia nomini).
This loss of civil rights by the Christians was established
as a principle by Trajan, who gave orders in his letter to
Pliny, that the Christians should not be sought out, but
should be punished, if they were found, and convicted. By
this epoch-making order the Christian profession of faith was
declared to be a forbidden religion {religio tUicttd)} It re-
mained the standard in conformity with which successive
emperors acted. It was of the greatest importance to the
Christians to escape from this position. Their apologists
used legal means to have the name separated from the deed,
and if they had succeeded, their creed would have become a
recognized religion.*
There has been a wish to see some favour of this kind in
Hadrian's rescript, in which he instructed the proconsul of
Asia not to condemn persons accused of Christianity on the
mere clamour of the people and of tale-bearing sycophants,
but to investigate the accusation carefully, to pronounce
judgment if there were proof of criminal actions in keeping
with the accusation, but to punish severely slanderous com-
plaints.
The famous rescript of " the great and illustrious emperor
Hadrian" was added by Justin Martyr to his first apol(^y,
which he presented to the emperor Antoninus and his
adopted sons, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, in 138 or
^ Dion Cassius, Ixx. 3, says of Antoninus : koX r$ tim 'AdpioifoO nui 1^ ^ceirot
Mfia xp^ffTiOMobt^ wpoariBtlt ; but this may be an addition by Xiphilinus.
' H, EccL iv. 9.
' F. Chr. Baur, Das Christenthum und die christL Kirche, i860, p. 438 ;
Neander, Gesck, der, christL Rtlig, i.* 171.
* TertuUian, Apolog, c. 2.
CHAP. XVIII] Hadrian's Rescript 327
139 A.D. Eusebius translated the Latin text into Greek.^
Its genuineness has been disputed ; but the proconsuls of
Asia who are referred to are not to be doubted from the
records. Licinius Granianus governed this province in 123
or 124 A.D., and his successor was C. Minucius Fundanus,
the friend of Pliny and Plutarch.*
In the decree sent to Fundanus a device of the Christians
has been perceived to secure for Christianity the status of a
recognized religion by an imperial edict of toleration. It has
been shown that this rescript of Hadrian was never taken as
a guiding principle by the judges, that under Hadrian's
successors the persecutions of the Christians still went on,
and that the maxims of Trajan were employed in all lawsuits,
while the apologists continued to complain and to demand
for their co-religionists equal civil rights.' These doubts are
supported by a rescript composed in favour of the Christians,
and ascribed to the emperor Antoninus Pius, which is more
than questionable.^
To such doubts it has been replied that Justin could not
possibly venture to appear before Hadrian's successor with a
forgery, especially as Bishop Melito of Sardis referred to
Hadrian's rescript, in the apology which he addressed to
Marcus Aurelius.*^ But both bishops might have accepted in
good faith a forgery that was circulated amongst the
Christians. The opinion that no Christian forger would
have been satisfied with asking so little in favour of his
1 Apolog, i., c. 68, vol. i ; Opp. Justini^ ed. Otto, Jena, 1876. Runus
has preserved the Latin text ; the Greek is from Euseb. H.E, iv., c. 9.
' Waddington, Pastes desprav, AsiatiquiSy p. 197, 199. The name of the
first is Q. Licinius Silvanus Granianus Quadronius {C.LL. iil, 4609,
Borghesi, viii. 96 xq.),
'Baur, Das Chrisienih, und die chrisiL Kirche^ i860, p. 493 sq.^ doubts
the genuineness ; see also Th. Klein, Bedenken gegen dU Ecktheit des
Hadr, Christen- Rescripts (Theol, Jahrbuch, 1856, 387 sq.)\ the literature
on both sides in Otto, Justim M. Opp. i., p. 191, note.
* Antonini Ep. ad. Commune Asiae (irp^t r6r irou^ r^t 'A^(aty, — Appendix
to Justin (Otto, 3, L 344), and in Euseb. iv. 13. This edict was not added
by Justin himself to his apology to Antoninus, for if he had been
acquainted with it he would have made use of it instead of the rescript
of Hadrian which said so little.
' Eusebius, iv., c. 26.
328 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
co-religionists, is more to the point. For the contents of the
rescript refer merely to a more just and equitable dealing
with the Christians. It was contrary to Hadrian's humane
character to order that any encouragement should be given
to the activity of avaricious informers.^ On the whole, how-
ever, his decree is so indecisive that it gives neither a rule
for legal procedure, nor for what constitutes " illegal " acts of
the Christians.^ If the Christians had understood the rescript
to be really an edict of toleration, they would unquestionably
have laid the greatest stress upon it. But Justin did not do
this ; he tells the emperor plainly that he bases his demand
for equality in civil rights for the Christians less on Hadrian's
letter than on the consciousness of justice itself.
The rescript to Fundanus, as Mclito assures us, was only
one of many of the same kind which Hadrian addressed to
the governors of provinces as instructions for their guidance.
His successors did not in any way consider it a statute of
the constitution, but it lost its power, and the Christian com-
munity remained as before, a Hetaeria, standing outside the
constitutional law.*
Eusebius is certainly mistaken in representing Hadrian's>
letter as a consequence of the apologies for Christianity
which were presented to the emperor by Quadratus, a pupil
of the apostles and afterwards bi$hop of Athens, and by
Aristides the philosopher. This niay have occurred during
the emperor's first residence in Athens in 125 or 126 A.P;*
but these early Christian apologies with which Eusebius was
acquainted are )ost, so that the most ancient apology we
possess is that of Justin to Marcus Aurelius.^
' Ua /lif T04t avKo^tdirralt x^>piy^ KaKoupyUit'vapQLax^0i, — See Neander, i. 173.
*rc irapd rodt ^6fiovt wpdrrom-au By this I do not understand merely
ordinary crime, but crime affecting religious matters, denial of t)ie gods,
contempt for the genius of the emperor, etc
> P. Aub^, L ApQlogdtiqut chrdtienue qu //* Siicie, Paris, 1861, p. 50 sg.^
has pointed this out.clear|y. The genuineness of the edicts of Hadrian,
as of the Antonines, is maintained by Carl Wieseler, Vie Chris Un Ver-
folgungen cUr Caesaren^ 1878) p* 18 x/., but he does not consider that
they prove that the Christians enjoyed religious liberty.
* Cayedoni, Nuavi cenni cronologici intorm alia dataprecisa delUprin-
cipali apologie (p. 3X quite arbitrarily places these apologies in 123. A.D,
• Carl Werner, Gesck, der apolog, und polem, liUraiur d€r chrisiL
CHAP, xviii] The Christian Apologists 329
It is difficult to fathom the motive which induced these
two Athenians in their own native city, where nothing had
been heard of the persecutions of the Christians, to intercede
for them with Hadrian. We cannot, however, help treating
this remarkable fact as historical. Some event in the
communities of Greece, perhaps some local persecution or
oppression, may have induced them to take the step; and
the emperor, who admitted so many learned men and sophists
to his presence, would scarcely refuse to receive these two
Athenians, one of whom wore the garb of a philosopher.
He probably laughed at them as a new kind of Greek char-
latan, who worked wonders and raised, the dead in the name
of Christ, while the community at Athens might hope for
some good result from the love of justice and humanity, as
well as from the intelligence of the emperor. But it would
be going too far to think that the Christians of Greece had
noticed the "dissatisfied truth-seeking" mind of Hadrian,
or had any reason to suppose that his view of the world
was similar to theirs, and that therefore the way was open
to an attempt at his conversion.*
Not until the century of Eusebiu^ was this humane and
intellectual emperor counted a secret Christian or friend of
the gospel. Lampridius relates that Alexander Sevferus
wished to admit Christ among the gods, and that this was
also in Hadrian's mind, as he erected temples in every city
without statues, which on that account were simply called
temples of Hadrian. But the emperor was diverted from
this plan, because, when the oracle was consulted, an answer
was returned that if this were done, all men would become
Christians, and all other worship in the temples would cease.'
In the Sibylline books too, is to be found a favourable
opinion of Hadrian by a Christian poet, who says of him: "A
Thtolflj^ie i., 86 ; Gaston- Boissier, Ijt religion Romaine iPAuguste aux
Anioninsy i., p. 5. The Mechitarists in Venice published in 1*878
5. Aristidisy philosophi aiktniensis^ Sermones duo^ of which one Is
supposed to be the apology to Hadrian ; its genuineness, howevefi is
doubted by Renan, FEglise chr/tiennty praef. vi.
' This is the opinion of Hausrath, p. 534. .
• Lampridius, Akx, Sn'., c. 43. Of such temples of Hadrian, those in
Tiberias and Alexandria became Christian churches in the fourth century :
Renan, Vkglise chr^lienne^ P- 43-
330 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
king with a brow of silver, who bears the name of a sea, will
build temples and altars in every city, will travel through the
world on foot, and will understand all mag^c mysteries. So
long as he, the prince of men, the sweet singer, the lawyer,
the just judge reigns, will peace prevail. But he himself
will fall, snatched away by his own destiny."^
The apologists know nothing of any secret leaning of
Hadrian to Christianity ; but they endeavour with great
skill to establish the relation of their own faith to paganism.
They became converts to Christianity from the school of the
sophists and of Plato, so that they still wore partially the
garb of a philosopher. Justin Martyr from Flavia Neapolis
or Shechem in Samaria, proved the immortality of the soul
by the representations of necromancers and magicians, of
poets and philosophers of antiquity. He called the Sibylline
books, the songs of Homer, the comedies of Menander, the
tragedians, Plato and the sophists to witness to the truths
of the Christian religion ; and in the same way, Athenagoras
attempted to prove the unity of God from Euripides and
Philolaus, from Lysis and Plato, from Aristotle and the
Stoics.* Justin looked upon the Platonic doctrine of the
Logos as an incomplete manifestation of God to the heathen,
and he connected it with the Christian theory of life.' It
is nothing new he says that Christ as the Logos, born the
Son of God, was crucified, and dead, and ascended into
heaven. One need only think of Hermes as the Logos, the
interpreter and teacher of Dionysius and Asclepius, and of
Perseus the son of Danae ; and why should the emperors be
placed among the gods ? Everyone thinks it a fine thing to
be like the gods. The connection of Christianity with the reli-
gions of the world lay therefore in the historical feeling of the
early Church, and the golden saying of Justin proceeded from
this view, "all those who have lived according to reason {\6yoi)
are Christians, even though they were considered atheists,
like Socrates and Heraclitus, and other great Greeks, and like
Abraham, Ananias, and Azarias among the barbarians."^
^SibylL^ xii. 163-175, ed. C. Alexandre, Paris, 1869, and v. 46, where
Hadrian is called wwdpirros di^p gal irdrra r6i|a'Ci.
* Athenagoras, Leg"-, p. 5 s^.
' Justin, Apo/, ii., p. 66 sg,
* ApoL ii., p. 83.
CHAP, xviii] Gnosticism 331
A breath from the ancient temples, and from the philo-
sophic schools of the heathen, penetrated not only into the
forms of Christian worship, but into its spiritual existence.
Faith in oracles and prophecies was so firmly rooted in the
minds of men that even Christians could not free themselves
from it. This explains the origin and the universal use
of so many prophetical writings and apocalypses, like those
of Abraham, Thomas, and Peter, and like the prophecies of
Hydaspes and of the Sibylline books, to which Justin and
the other apologists referred.
From the union of Greek and Oriental ideas with Chris-
tianity sprang Gnosticism, a mystical theory of life founded
on dualism, which had one foot planted in the paganism
of Plato, and the other in the revelation of the Christian
doctrine. Gnosticism was really developed in the time
of Trajan and Hadrian, to which epoch the schools of
Satuminus in Antioch, of Basilides, Valentinus, and
Harpocrates in Alexandria belong.
y.y
CHAPTER XIX
Art among the Romans. Hadrian's Relation to Art.
'Activity of Art in the Empire. Gre^ek Artists
in Rome. Character of the Art of Hadrian's Age
The age of Hadrian has left a deeper impression in the
world by its marvellous fertility in the productions of art
than by anything else. Authors and inscriptions, ruin^ and
numerous beautiful works in the museums of Europe bear
witness to this fact. The joyous, if no longer creative, art of
the time appears like a last renaissance of antiquity, and
offers throughout a parallel to the new birth of Greek litera-
ture. It was cosmopolitan, for since the time of Alexander
the Great, Greek art had not possessed a home. Its works
were the property of the world. Its schools, indeed, were
still carried on in the Greek cities under Roman rule, but
Rome itself had become the nucleus of artistic activity. The
empire, the inheritor of the ancient world of art, was lord of
its treasures, and bestowed copies of them upon every nation.
The art as well as the literature of Greece was a necessity
for the luxurious in the Roman empire. The emperors spoke
and wrote in Greek, and endeavoured to become connoisseurs
of the beautiful. In the first century, indeed, of the empire
the feeling of Rome for art was still so barbarous, that the
beautiful works of Greek sculpture and painting were carried
off to Rome in large quantities. Caligula and Nero went on
with the plundering which Marcellus had begun in Sicily,
and Fabius Maximus in Tarentum, and which afterwards,
Flaminius, Fulvius Nobilior, Metellus, and Cornelius Scipio,
Paulus Aemilius and Mummius carried on all over the lands
BK. II. CH. XIX] Art in the Roman Empire 333
of Hellas. This was changed under the Flavian emperors»^^
and from their time to the days of Constantine, Greece was.
robbed of no work of art.*
The Caesars had shown the splendour of the empire in
Rome itself by the magnificence of its buildings and art
treasures. The city had reached the height of its beauty in
the Forum of Trajan, and this great emperor had given a
fresh impetus to all the arts. He may be compared with
Pope Julius H. in giving great encouragement to works of
art, but he was devoid of any great feeling for art itself. To
him she was the handmaid of the empire, which was glorified
by her greatness and by his triumphs ; his most magnificent
building served to enclose his own tomb. Hadrian's attitude
towards art was that of Leo de Medici in the time of the
Renaissance. From an intellectual superiority he loved art
passionately, looking upon it as the essence of Hellenic and
Roman culture. His inclination for art is more strongly
expressed than his pleasure in literature, and it was more
easily gratified by the resources of the empire. An artist
himself, revelling in all intellectual tastes, he sought his
highest enjoyment as a ruler, in buildings and in art In
Antinous, Hadrian deified beauty, giving him as the type of
his ideal to the artists of his time. He only ventured to
deify Antinous because he was beautiful, and the artists
were among the foremost of his contemporaries who made
converts for the new god.
The Renaissance of the antique is one of the most marked
features in Hadrian's mind, and his chief attraction lay
therefore in Athens. When he completed the Olympian
temple there, and again made the city of Pericles the chief
city of Greece, it seemed as if he hoped to awaken the
genius of Greece on the banks of the Ilissus. And here
he deceived himself The difference between his age and
that of the later Italian Renaissance is the difference between
youth and age. The Italian Renaissance was preceded by a
*The only emperors who plundered Hellas were Caligula and Nero,
Leake, Tof^fgr. Athens^ Introd., p. xlv. On these plunderings see Petersen,
General fntre/i. to the Study of ArchaeeL 1829; Sickler, Gesch, der
We/^nhme vorziifrl. Kunstwerke^ 1803 ; Voclkel, Ueber die Wegjuhrung
dtr Kunstwerke^ 1798.
334 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
long barbaric age which it eventually conquered. Its art
steadily improved from Nicola Pisano to Michael Angelo,
from Cimabue to Rafael, and was displayed later by a
galaxy of brilliant intellects, whose creative power is one of
the most astonishing phenomena in the history of civilization.
Not in sculpture as in antiquity, but in painting, did the
modern Renaissance find its most fertile domain ; it culmin-
ated in the celestial and glorified beauty of woman in the
ideal of the Madonna, while the last pagan Renaissance closed
with the repetition of the ancient ideal of manly beauty in
the Dionysus-Antinous.
Hadrian visited and favoured every city which contained
schools of Greek art, but he could not call Phidias and
Polignotus back to life to animate the forms of antiquity
with new ideals. Though it is a mistake to compare his age
with the best times of Greece, it is nevertheless true that
art then flourished for the last time. Its reign was short,
for under Hadrian's successors the philosophy of the Stoics
became predominant, and to them beauty was a matter of
indifference. Winckelmann was of opinion that Hadrian
could no longer befriend art, as the spirit of liberty had dis-
appeared from the world, and the fountain of glorious and
sublime thoughts was dried up.^ This cosmopolitan age could
only become illustrious by making every classic idea serve
an intellectual purpose. It imagined that it was being
illuminated by the sun of Greece, but this borrowed light
was merely an after-glow. To undervalue it on this account
would be a mistake, as our own art of sculpture to-day
resembles that of Hadrian, and can scarcely be more simple
in the conception of its highest ideals. If Hadrian failed
in his attempts to revive the arts, the fault lay in the times,
not in himself. In this he was like the emperor Julian,
who attempted the restoration of the ancient religion ; but
Hadrian was more fortunate. It may be said that he retarded
the decay of art by at least half a century, and that as an
enthusiast for art he rendered this service to the ancient
world. The emperor Julian did not acknowledge his services
to antiquity when he drew his portrait in the Caesars,
In the time of Hadrian the fancy of the artist had long
* Gischickte der Kunst^ xii. 309, c. i, § 22.
CHAP, xix] Art under Hadrian 335
exhausted the supply of beautiful forms, but the antique still
remained, and religion still connected man and his ideal
wants with the whole range of ancient sculpture. Artists
who in the second century created an Apollo and a Zeus, a
Diana and a Venus, might still believe in the power of these
deities, and thus approach more nearly to the mythological
truth of Nature than the artist of Christian times, who gives
to his academical composition the name of any ancient
divinity indifferently. Their greatest misfortune was that
they were condemned to imitation, as the value of their
creations was measured by the still numerous masterpieces
of the golden age of Greece. Their own age seems to
have paid little attention to them. We know the names of
many even mediocre learned men, poets, and sophists of the
age of Hadrian, but only a few names of artists survive.
Pliny complained of the decay of the arts in his time,* and
Pausanias never mentions the masters of his age. In his
work The Dream^ in which the arts of the sculptor and the
sophist struggle to possess him, Lucian tells us that the
artists enjoyed no respect.* They were no longer original,
their art consisted merely in reproduction.
The Museums of Rome, and perhaps the Torlonia Museum
in particular, give a clear idea of the wholesale imitation
of the antique, and their rich contents form an epitome
of the group of Roman designs which were devoted to the
sculptural decoration of villas. On the whole, however, the
art of Hadrian's age bears the stamp of the consciousness of
supremacy of the Roman empire, while its all-embracing
activity dazzles our imagination, merely as the expression of
its ordinary demand for beauty. Our capitals, which equal
or exceed the population of imperial Rome, are not as much
adorned with public works of art, as any thriving muni-
cipality in the time of Hadrian. The pride of our galleries
are the fragments from antiquity, especially from the imperial
period ; art and the love of art having so completely dis-
appeared from the minds of the people generally, that it is
only by the few, who are both highly cultivated and rich,
that they are indulged in, to an extent which would
^ Pliny, H,N, xxxv. 2, 2. Painting an expiring art, xxxv. ii.
' Enhypnion^ c 9.
336 The fimperor Hadrian [book n
have excited the smile of a Hadrian or a Herodes
Atticus.
The motives for spirited inventions were certainly wanting
in that ageing world ; it was over-ripe, but still keen for
enjoyment, and a genuine desire for luxury and beauty took
the place of originality and skill. Never was this more
universal. We are surprised at the artistic decoration of
Pompeii, which was only a small country town ; wc must
imagine the work of painter and sculptor there, carried out
through the empire, in order to conceive the aspect of its
cities in the times of Hadrian and the Antonines. This
wealth of beautiful works presupposes a prosperity that is
hardly credible, and legions of artists in large and small
societies.
On the whole, the best artists under the empire were
Greeks. After the fall of Greece, sculptors and painters, who
were often slaves and freedmen, found their way to Rome
and to the West. They inspired their barbaric conqueror
with the taste for beautiful things, and worked for him. From
the booty taken from Macedonia, Quintus Metellus erected
temples to Jupiter and Juno, wherein he placed the works
of Praxiteles, Polycletes, Dionysius and Philiscus which he
had carried off. At the same time these temples were richly
ornamented by the Greeks Sauras and Batrachus, while
Pasiteles carved the statue of Jupiter in ivory. This master
founded a Greek school of art in Rome in the time of
Pompey ; he was the master of Stephanus, the sculptor of
the statue of the Ephebus in the Villa Albani. Stephanus
also carved the Menelaus, and the beautiful group of the
Electra and Orestes in the Villa Ludovisi are supposed to
be original.^ Zenodorus, the sculptor of the colossus of
Nero, was no less famous in his time. The migration of the
masters of Greek art to Rome must have lasted a long
time, for before Constantine and his successors had gathered
together the art treasures of the expiring Greek world on
the Bosporus, Rome was the universal museum of art. These
artists could never have wearied of contemplating the creations
of Greece, of which more were to be found in Rome than in
* Friedrichs, Bausfeitie, n. 715.
CHAP. MX] Greek Artists 337
Athens.^ The widest field lay open for their activity, a field
which has never been offered to the arts before or since.
The projects of the emperors were worthy of their position
as rulers of the world, and the claims of luxury were in-
satiable. Architects, sculptors and painters, lived in a golden
age ; they had plenty to do in the realm of art, from the
magnificent building of a temple down to a pleasant country
house, and from the ideal figure of a god to the furniture
of a dwelling. Greeks had been employed in the service of
the magnificent Trajan, and the best among them became
the teachers of the dilettante Hadrian. How many artists
must have found their way from Greece to Rome in his
reign ! * A few names of Greek masters of his time have been
preserved ; Aristeas and Papias from Aphrodisias designed
the two centaurs on the Capitol, and Zeno, from the same
city in Caria, was probably their contemporary. He inscribed
his name on a Hermes in the liraccio Nuovo, and on the
so-called senator in the Villa Ludovisi.' It is strange that
the fifjure of Antinous cannot be ascribed to any one of
these masters.
The artists did not furnish merely the capital of the empire
with beautiful works, but they adorned the provinces as well,
particularly in the West. Rome may be considered the great
market where statues of the gods, portraits of distinguished
men, and objects of the greatest luxury were produced as in
a manufactory. Material was brought in ships from the
distant marble quarries of the empire to Ostia, and was then
conveyed to Rome. The remains of these imperial marble
* On the material for the study of art in Rome : O. Jahn, Aus der
A Iter t hums Wissemch.y die alte Kunst und die Mode^ p. 239.
^ Studios of artists in imperial times have been found, especially on the
Campus Martius and about Navona. Pellegrini, Bull d /lu/., 1859,
p. 69; Bruzza, Inscr. dei mnrmi greizi Annali d Inst.^ 1870, p. 137;
Benndorf and Schoene, Lnteran, MHseum^ p. 350.
'Ovcrl>cck, Cesch. d. f^ech, Plastik^ ii'., 398, 454; Brunn, Gesch.
der Kiinstlery i. 573 ; G. Hirschfeld, Tituli statuarior, scuiptorumq,^
Berlin, 1871, ascribes n. 172, two statues in the Villa Albani with the
name of Philumenos to Hadrian's time. The names of other Greek
artists are Erato, Menophantus, a Phidias and Ammonius, of the year
159 A.i>., n. 169, 170, 171.
Y
338 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ch. xix
store-houses give an idea of the extent of the trade and art
of sculpture in Rome.
On the whole, the period of art in Hadrian's time shows,
with increased production, a refinement of technique and a
brilliancy of invention, which are its characteristics. The school
became academical and conventional ; it attained the greatest
elegance, but the sparkle of genius was lost in a cold polish.
At the same time the barrier of national and provincial dis-
tinctions was broken down ; for the same style was represented
in the most diverse circles of culture by a systematic uni-
formity, so that a work of art found in Britain looks like one
of the same period found in Rome or in Ephesus.^ Taste in
Rome set the fashion for the provinces. People in Germany
and in Gaul were anxious to possess works which were
admired in the capital. Fresco painting as a decoration for
the interior of houses also came into vogue throughout the
empire.^
^ Gerhard, Roftts antike Bildwerke; Rom, Stadibeschr, i. 280; Fried-
laender, iii. 249.
'Helbig, UnUrsuch, Uber die campan, Wandtnalerei^ p. 137.
CHAPTER XX
Tfu Progress and Production of Art Furniture.
Gems. Medals. Precious Stones. Paintings.
Portraits in Marble. Historical Relievo
The magnificence of the imperial designs was natural in an
age when the love of the beautiful was universal. Hadrian
spent fabulous sums on his undertakings, and his example
was followed, from motives of patriotism, by many cities
and citizens. The emperor like Leo X. in another age,
was eventually blamed for his building craze. Marcus
Aurelius praised his father by adoption, Antoninus, for hav-
ing been free from the mania.^ But the art of building drew
in its train all the other fine arts, for the temple of archi-
tecture enclosed them all.
In those days secular architecture predominated over
sacred architecture. To the gods indeed, especially to those
who had come into fashion from Asia, new temples were
later still erected. Even in the third century Aurelian
reared magnificent temples to the sun-god, and Constantine
also built temples for the gods ; but, generally speaking,
the want was already supplied in Hadrian's time, for the
great shrines of Greek and Roman worship were numerous
and perfect, and, like our cathedrals of to-day, they could
not be equalled. The restoration of ancient temples was
more frequent than the building of new temples. On the
other hand, emperors and nobles erected innumerable palaces
and villas, and cities built their theatres and baths, their
gymnasia and libraries. All these places became museums
'/if se ifsum^ i. 13.
340 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
of art. The galleries of Europe have been provided with
sculpture from one single villa of Hadrian's.
All branches of art and industry which contributed ta
the luxury of the age flourished greatly. The furniture
of that time still bears the stamp of classic beauty. The
massive marble candelabra in the Vatican, the most beautiful
of the kind in antiquity, the large and richly adorned
vases and cups of marble, like the vase of rosso antica
with swans at the four corners, and the Egyptian vase of
black granite in the Capitol, all came from Hadrian's villa.
Amid the ruins of the temple of Venus and Rome were
found the colossal faces of Medusa in the Braccio Nuovo,.
which show on what a grand scale the ancients represented
the gloomy daemoniacal powers.
The coins and medals of Hadrian's time (the large im-
perial bronze medallions begin, according to Winckelmann,.
with this emperor) are of exquisite taste, and are distinguished
— especially the Egyptian medals — by a surprising wealth
of imagination in their use of symbols. The medals are
small works of art which delight the eye and enchant the
imagination.^ Their subjects are, it is true, either derived
from ancient ideas, or are actually copied from Greek
patterns, like the splendid medallion which represents the
winged Victory dashing through the air in a chariot drawn
by two horses.* Other beautiful specimens of Hadrian's time
show the figures of deities in the Greek style : Jupiter en-
throned, with Victory on his right hand, Diana Lucifera,
Apollo playing on his lyre before the Muses, Asclepius, Vesta,
Hermes with the ram, Cybele in a chariot drawn by four
lions. Many are completely Roman, like the medallions
which represent Hadrian, standing erect between five military
banners, which he seems to salute with his hand. Others
display the Roman she-wolf or Moneta Augusti, the figure
of a beautiful woman with scales and a cornucopia, or of
Felix Roma who is seated upon a pile of wea]X)ns near a
*W. Froehner (Les McUiaillons de P Empire Romain) has collected
the best of Hadrian's coins in the section "Hadrian." He calls the
medals of the age of the Antonines, an anthology after the great poets.
^ Froehner (p. 34) quite arbitrarily refers this precious medallion to the
Jewish war.
CHAP. XX] Precious Stones 341
trophy, while in the background a winged Victory raises a
shield.* Another medal represents the senate and the people
in the guise of an old man with a sceptre and a genius,
while between them stands a burning altar.'
Connoisseurs maintain that the stones cut in the time of
ft
Augustus, the work of Dioscorides, are more beautiful than
those of Hadrian's time, as the art of carving gems began
to decay after the time of Claudius.' But the wonderful
gem of Claudius and of his family hardly shows any fall-
ing off.* Hadrian himself eagerly collected carved stones
and precious cups. The imperial treasury grew so rich in
this respect that Marcus Aurelius defrayed the cost of the
war against the Marcomanni out of it, after the public sale
of these collections had lasted for two months on the
Forum of Trajan.* Beautiful cameos with the bust of
Hadrian and of Antinous have been preserved.* The
emerald, on which the heads of Hadrian and Sabina are
cut, is considered especially fine. The mine where this
stone was mainly found was at Djebel Zaborah in Egypt.^
The mines of this country and of Numidia furnished the
coloured marble and rare stones with which the houses of
the rich were adorned. Greece had never known such luxury
in marble. We search vainly to-day in Athens for traces
of it, while in Rome an inexhaustible supply of coloured
marbles from imperial times supports a flourishing trade.
The excessive use of marble certainly shows the degeneracy
of taste, but the fashion began before Hadrian's time, though
the luxury in coloured marbles may then have been at its
I This medallion, too— hadrianus AUG . COS . in . p . p— fbux roma .
<Cohcn, ii., p. 167, n. 714) — is referred by Froehncr to the same victory
over the Jews.
'IMP.CARSAR TRAIANUS hadrianus AUG.— sbnatus populusqub
ROMANUS voTA SUSCKPTA.— Cohen, ii., p. 222, n. 1406.
* King, Antique Gems and l^ings^ i. 19a
* Eckhel, Pierres gravies, pi. 7.
'^Julius Capitolinus, Af, AureLy c 17.
' Eckhel, Pierres gravies^ pi. 8, in sardonyx, though, I thinks the
likeness of the portrait doubtful ; pi. 8, Antinous in sardonyx, with a
mask of Silenus on his head. Mariette, TraiU des pierres grav,^ pi. 64,
Hadrian on a white agate, Sabina on a cornelian.
^ Frtedlaender, iii. 72 ; according to King, p. 397, 8.
342 The Emperor Hadrian [book h
height.^ For most of the pieces of sculpture of rare or
colossal stone come from the buildings of Hadrian.' Por-
phyry was then used in architecture, but it was not employed
for sculpture, although statues of this material had already
been brought by Vitrasius Pollio to the emperor Claudius
from Egypt. Pliny who tells us this, says they found
neither approval nor imitators, and porphyry was not used
for statues until after the decay of art in the third century.*
But they were carved out of rosso anticc^ With small
regard for taste, busts were carved even from alabaster,
like those of Hadrian and Sabina in the Capitol. A bust
of the emperor is in existence, of which the face is carved in
alabaster, but it may be of later date. Large engraved scarabei
in coloured marble are to be found, which prove the revival of
this Egyptian art in Hadrian's time. It is quite probable
that the fancy for valuable marbles actually helped to
destroy the taste for bronze statues. While Pompeii and
Herculaneum have furnished rich treasures in bronze, nothing
remarkable of this kind has been found in Hadrian's villa.^
The museums of Rome, which contain the fragmentary re-
mains of works of art from the time of the empire, are
generally poor in fine bronze.
The art of the painter, like the decorative art of the
worker in marble, was very active throughout the empire.
Hadrian doubtless adorned his villa at Tibur with many
mural paintings, representing the scenery of the cities and
countries which he had admired on his travels ; and the
landscape of the Nile, which was particularly dear to the
Romans, would not be wanting. As the emperor had also
the vale of Tempe symbolically depicted in his villa, it seems
that he had a strong appreciation of beautiful scenery. But
no investigation has brought to light remains of important
paintings from the villa at Tibur ; only a few fine mosaics
have been preserved. In the Vatican is the large portrait-
' Friedlaender, iii. 66, is of this opinion.
' Gerhard, Roms ant. Bildwerke; Rom. Stadibeschr,^ i. 297.
' Pliny, H. N.^ 36, 1 1, 3 ; Letronne, hiscr. de tEgypte^ i. 142.
^ According to Friedrichs, Bansteine^ n. 760, no statue of this material
can be proved to have been made before the time of Hadrian.
* Gerhard, Roms ant. Bildwerke^ p. 297.
CHAP. XX] Portraiture in Marble 343
mosaic of Dionysus and Apollo, with many rural scenes ;
and in the Capitol is the famous mosaic of the doves, the
Roman copy of a work of Sosus of Pergamum.
We can form no correct opinion whether during the
imperial times the decorative art of the sculptor and the
painter merely repeated ancient designs, or produced original
work as well. There was only one domain in art in which
the Romans were independent of the Greeks, and that was
in portraiture and in historical scenes in relievo. The fashion
of portraits among the Romans had its origin in their family
affection and love of history, and in no other nation of the
world has the art of portraiture played so great a part. Under
the empire, the busts too of famous Greeks were made in
quantities for the adornment of palaces and gardens.
The portraiture of the Romans was maintained at this
high level until the time of the Severi. The bust of Com-
modus Hercules which was discovered a few years ago, and
which is now in the new Museum of the Capitol, illustrates
the same technical school of Hadrian's time. Portraits and
busts of this emperor and his wife are numerous in all the
museums of Europe, for there has scarcely been another
prince in honour of whom cities, corporations and private
individuals erected so many statues. The most famous busts
of him are in the Capitol, in the Vatican, in Naples, and
in the Louvre. The most faithful likeness appears to be the
excellent bust of Hadrian on the staircase of the palace of
the conservators ; but the marble is unfortunately disfigured
by a blemish on the chin. Of the numerous statues of the
emperor at Athens, none worthy of note are in existence.*
Like other emperors, Hadrian was represented in the form
of a deity. In a statue on the Capitol, he is represented as
Mars offering sacrifice.*
The imperial statue acknowledged to be that of Hadrian,
' In the collection at Athens there are few busts of Hadrian to be
found ; a doubtful bust in the National Museum from the theatre of
Dionysus, and an authentic bust ; in Varvacion a doubtful head of the
youthful Hadrian, which was found at the same time as the colossal head
of Lucius Verus in the theatre of Dionysus. Milchhoefer, Die Miiseen
Aihetis^ 1881.
'See Cohen, ii., p. 185, n. 951, the medal marti.
344 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
in the Museum of the old Seraglio at Constantinople, is
worthy of notice ; the emperor is clad in a coat of mail,
and is in such a warlike attitude, that his foot is set upon a
prostrate prisoner.^
Altogether, the production of portraits at this time was
astonishingly great. A mass of inscriptions, too numerous to
peruse, but which are valuable as historical records, belong
to the pedestals of these honorary statues. The emperor
himself erected many statues for his favourites. He almost
covered the world with images of Antinous and of Aelius
Verus ; but to many other persons less dear to him, dead
as well as living, he dedicated statues.* He even erected
an equestrian figure in the temple of Bellona to the barbarian
king Pharasmanes. Dion observes that he honoured Turbo
and Similis with public statues.* Unfortunately these and
the likenesses of other friends and statesmen of Hadrian are
lost, or can no longer be distinguished, as they are without
a name. Whose is that intellectual head in the Braccio
Nuovo, not far from the statue of Demosthenes, which
arrests our attention? A young Roman of fashion, with well
trimmed beard and locks flowing over his brow ; this head
is an example of the distinguished world of Hadrian's time,
and of the brilliant treatment of a portrait.
The historical relievo of the Romans has also its own
peculiar characteristics. It suited the Latin taste for
individuality. Great national events, wars and battles,
expeditions and triumphs, could in this way be historically
portrayed. The Romans, indeed, had no Phidias, who
might have adorned the frieze of a temple for them with
the ideal figures of a state festival ; but this art of relievo
was applied to the triumphal arches and to the honorary
statues, which are peculiar to their historic worship. The
remains of this art in Rome are unfortunately very frag-
mentary, and only illustrate the short period of fifty years
of its prime.* As Domitian's numerous triumphal arches
' Sorlin-Dorigny, Hadrieftf Statue trouv^e en CrUe^ Gazette ArchM,^
1880, vi., 52, pi. 6.
• Dion, Ixix. 7 : S$€v kqX tUhvat roXXocf — H r^v dyopduf i^rti^tp.
' Dion, Uix. 18.
* Ad. Philippi, Ueber die rom, THum/al. Reliefe {Abhamlt, der phil.
CHAP. XX] Historical Relievo 345
have perished, we only possess fragments of the ancient
sculptures from the arch of Claudius in the Villa Borghese,
the ideal reliefs on the arch of Titus, the realistic reliefs
on the triumphal arch and on the column of Trajan,
where Roman art probably reached its zenith in the
portrayal of historical events by groups of figures. Then
we have remains, which are of much less artistic value, of
sculptures on the arch of Marcus Aurelius and in the bas-
reliefs of his column ; and, finally, the figures on the arches of
Severus and Constantine, which clearly indicate the decay of art.
Hadrian was no warrior prince ; he had no victories to
commemorate. If he was represented as Mars this flattery
was only meant to show the attention he paid to the army.
We know of only one equestrian statue of Hadrian, and this
stood before the temple of Zeus in the Roman colony of
Jerusalem. Perhaps, too, Hadrian was represented on horse-
back on the triumphal arch at Antinoe. He did not offer
himself as an historical subject to the plastic art. But
probably the two coffers of marble decorated with bas-reliefs,
which were excavated from the Forum at Rome in the year
1872, refer to him. They display inside the colossal figures
of the three sacrificial animals {Suavetaurilia\ and outside,
solemn acts of state ; here the burning of the bonds, there a
scene before the emperor, which seems to refer to the institu-
tion for poor children. The style resembles that of the time
of Trajan or Hadrian. Nothing prevents our seeing in the
first scene a monument to the great remission of debt, while
the other may easily represent the extension of Trajan's
Alimcnia Italiae by his successor. This charitable establish-
ment was often symbolized on medals and in marble, as on
Trajan's triumphal arches in Rome and in Beneventum, and
on a bas-relief in the Villa Albani which refers to the bene-
factions of Antoninus to poor girls {Puellae Faustiniamu)}
hist, Ciasse der kon sdchs. Ges. dir Wissensch, Bd. vi. iii. 1872). Accord-
ing to him the flourishing state of this art lasted from Titus to Trajan,
from 81 A.D. to 117 A.D.
* flenzen, Bull, d, Inst 1872, p. 373 sq,^ was the first to explain these
reliefs from the Forum, and to ascribe them to Trajan. See the literature
upon it in Orazio Marucchi, DescriMione del Foro Rom, 1883, p. 87.
Henzen is now (April, 1883) inclined to ascribe the reliefs to Hadrian.
CHAPTER XXI
Ideal Sculpture. Its Cosmopolitan Character. Imita-
tion of Ancient Masterpieces. Review of the
Works of Art found in Hadrian* s Villa. The
S tatties of Antinous
In the domain of ideal sculpture the art of this age
displays a thoroughly cosmopolitan character. It repro-
duces with equal taste the types of the epochs of Greece
as well as of Egypt. It portrays all the ancient treasure
of fables, together with the grecianized legends of Syria
and the mysterious secrets of the Nile. And if these
symbols are localized in Athens and Smyrna, in Ephesus,
Alexandria and Carthage, in Rome they are cosmopolitan*
There is a world-sculpture as there is a world-literature.
The man of this period stands on a pinnacle of culture
from which he surveys the creations of past ages. The
mixture of divinities involves also a mixture of styles, but
when the gods descended from their temple-niches ta
adorn palaces, their strange forms were conventionally
polished and their barbaric names translated into Latin.
We can at once recognize the images of Egyptian gods
of Hadrian's time in the Vatican museum by the smooth-
ness of their modernized forms, which no longer agree
with their ancient worship. It was then the custom to
look upon many of the gods with antiquarian interest, just
as we gaze to-day at the carvings of the people of Thibet
and Mexico. There were amateurs who looked at a Pallas
from an archaic temple, an Ephesian Diana, or a Vesta
such as is in the possession of the Torlonia Museum, with
nK. II. cH. XXI] Ideal Sculpture 347
•
more pleasure than at the ideal forms of the Juno of
Polycletus and the Athene of Phidias. Authorities on the
art of the period have advanced the theory that the
favourite subjects at the time were representations from
the group of myths connected with Bacchus; and they have
based their theory on the numerous reliefs of Dionysian
dances, and of Cupids on sarcophagi and vases, and on
many works of Hadrian's time, like the Fauns in the
Vatican, the Satyr with the vine in the Capitol, and the
two Centaurs of black marble. But this may be entirely
accidental, while the Dionysus figure of Antinous gives the
exact idea of the youth himself. The works which come
from the villa at Tibur are copies of an ancient style. The
celebrated Barberini Faun in Munich belonged to the
mausoleum of Hadrian. It is no matter of surprise that
more works of sculpture were excavated from this one
villa of the emperor than from Pompeii,^ but it is amazing
that even his tomb should have been as richly furnished.
So late as the time of Belisarius, the Greeks who were
besieged there, protected themselves against the assault
of the Goths with fragments of marble statues. From
the nn'ns of the tomb the colossal bust of Hadrian in the
Sala Rotonda of the Vatican was brought to light* The
fan of white and black granite in the cabinet of the Lao-
coon comes also from the mausoleum. The temple of
Venus and Rome was certainly another museum of works
of art, from which came the famous mask of Medusa.
No cmixiror had more favourable opportunities than
Hadrian for procuring antique works of art from Greek
cities. We may assume that he bought many on the spot^
and that others were given to him as presents, as he took
nothing by force. Instead of carrying off an obelisk from
Helio))olis to his villa he had one set up there which had
been sculptured in Rome. Instead of surrounding himself
with stolen masterpieces he was satisfied with copies of
them.
* R. Focrslcr, Die bildende Knnst unUr Hadrian {Die GrensMen),
1875, i. 105.
'See on the Barberini Faun, Luetzow, Afiifuhener Antiken^ p. 51.
Friedrichs (Bausteine^ n. 656) believes it to be a Greek orii^nal.
348 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
The number of ancient and modem works of art which
Hadrian placed in the rooms of his villa must have been
so great that it probably did not fall short of the contents
of the Vatican Museum. If we could see this artistic Pan-
theon as it stood, we should obtain a clear conception, not
only of the range of contemporary art, but of the society
of amateurs of whom the emperor himself was the most
brilliant representative. And the mere collection of works
found in this villa is sufficient to prove that Hadrian had
there formed a museum of works of art of every age and
style. A hundred styles and forms are visible there from
the vase of marble adorned with bas-reliefs, and the great
candelabras, to the torso of the weeping Niobe (in the
Vatican), a copy of the Iris of Phidias from the Parthenon,
and the statues of the gods Zeus and Hera, of Apollo and
of Aphrodite. There are statues of the muses, busts and
statues of poets and philosophers, the graceful heads of
Tragedy and Comedy, the head of Aristophanes, the bas-relief
of the forsaken Ariadne, Harpocrates and a row of Egyptian
deities. Antinous, too, is to be found there with vestals,
fauns, satyrs, centaurs, the Attic fragment of the birth of
Erichthonius, the Artemis of Ephesus, the so-called Flora
(in the Capitol), Nemesis, Psyche, the Amazons, the Jason
or Hermes (in Munich), Meleager, Adonis and the sleep-
ing Edymion (in Stockholm), the Discobolos of Myron (in
the Vatican), the Antinous (in the Capitpl), Ajax with the
body of Achilles (the fragments in the Vatican), and many
others.
If the locality where some antiquities have been dis-
covered makes it at least probable that they belong to the
time of Hadrian, there are many others which may be of
the same period, though it cannot be proved. We may
ascribe the famous statue of the Nile in the Vatican to
this epoch. In the Torlonia Museum a figure of the Nile
in black marble, with cornucopia, palm branch, and sphinx,
recalls the type of Hadrian's Egyptian coins. Works like
the bas-relief of Daedalus and Icarus in rosso antico in
the Villa Albani, the bas-relief of Medea in the Torlonia
Museum, the Amazons by Polycletus in the Capitol and
the Vatican, the Cupids with their bows drawn, the
CHAP. XXI] The Statues of Antinous 349
discus throwers, the figures of Mars, the copies of Apollo
Sauroctonos, the figures of Venus by Praxiteles, the sleeping
satyrs, many Niobe groups by Scopas, — might as easily come
from the time of Hadrian as from the earlier days from
which the copies of the Laocoon and the Apollo Belvedere
were derived. We certainly find it difficult to distinguish
between the art of the time of the Roman emperors and
the art of Alexandrian times, and we cannot even fix the
age in which to place the Laocoon.^
As the art of the two first centuries of the empire bears
no traces of originality, but is merely the repetition of ancient
ideals, it portrays no distinct characteristics of the age. It
only displays the highly accomplished technique of a school
inspired by the most cultivated taste. Form had attained such
elegance that thought was lost in insipidity, as we may see
in the theatrical heads of women in the Sala Rotonda, in the
Centaiirs, and in the bas-reliefs of Antinous. The academic
smoothness of form almost reminds us of Canova and Thor-
waldsen ; but if these masters of the latest renaissance
succeeded, by returning to antique models, in freeing sculp-
ture from quaint disfigurements, no such thing was possible
in the time of Hadrian. For this period was rather the
final development of the antique itself ; its close was neces-
sarily marked by the transition from the real to the apparent.
It was the same with Greek sophistry, which would have
ended in empty bombast if, like the schools of sophists in
Smyrna, Athens and Constantinople, it had survived the
triumph of Christianity and had lasted through the rise of
the barbarians until the sixth century.
The art of Hadrian*s time sought to reach its highest
ideal in the type of Antinous. The insane desire of the
emj)eror to create a new divinity was rendered possible only
by the rare beauty of his favourite. All who took part in
this comedy no doubt laughed at it : the Greeks at the
freak of the emperor, and the emperor himself at the world
of flatterers ; but Hadrian looked with more satisfaction at
the influence which the form of his deified favourite began
to exercise upon .irt, than at the increase of superstition,
which was promoted by the worship of Antinous. The images
' Friedrichs, Bausteine^ p. 426.
350 The Emperor Hadrian [bookh
and statues which he carved himself cannot sustain the
criticism of artists, but his Bithynian god was recognized
by them as an ideal form. The figure of Antinous may,
indeed, be looked upon as Hadrian's own production in
art, for he doubtless gave the direction for it to the sculptor.
He appears in numberless statues, bas-reliefs and gems, as
a genius and hero, or as a particular divinity.^
Although the representations of Antinous are all ideal,
there is an historical portrait for their foundation. He has
a personality. In every case we see a face bowed down,
full of melancholy beauty, with deep-set eyes, slightly
arched eyebrows, and with abundant curls falling over the
forehead. The thick lips, the broad chest, and the effemin-
ate figure suggest sensuality ; but this is redeemed by traits
of melancholy. It is the beautiful expression of a nature
which combines the Greek and the Asiatic, only slightly
idealized. Knowing as we do the fate of Antinous, we
read it in this sorrowful figure, for the artists knew of the
<leath of sacrifice to which Antinous dedicated himself. The
mysterious sadness in the features of Antinous would attract
the observer, even if he could not give the name to the
statue. And yet these beautiful features are smooth and
devoid of expression ; a young man stands before us who has
•experienced nothing, and who tells us nothing.
When the statues of Antinous were discovered at Tibur,
they created the same excitement in the world of art of the
eighteenth century as the most famous antiques had created
at the beginning of the sixteenth. Their value was over-
estimated. Winckelmann praised the Antinous of the Villa
Casali enthusiastically, and especially the bas-relief of the
Villa Albani.^ The colossal head of Antinous by Mon-
dragone, which was found at Frascati, and has been in the
Louvre since 1 808, was pronounced by him to be the finest
thing which has come down to us from antiquity after the
Apollo of the Vatican and the Laocoon. It certainly surpasses
in beauty the colossal bust which was found at Tibur, and
which now stands in the Sala Rotonda of the Vatican, and
^According to Dion Cassius (Ixix. 11), Hadrian dedicated sutues to
Antinous throughout the world (<Ud/Kd^at), and especially statues to be
-worshipped (ayiXfiara),
CHAP. XXI] The Statues of Antinous 351
the other bust which was taken from Tibur to the Villa
Albani.^ But the great art critic would have expressed him-
self still more enthusiastically if he had seen the colossus of
Antinous, which was found at Palestrina in the year 1 793, and
which was given by Pius VI. to duke Braschi. A few years
ago Pius IX. had it removed from the Lateran Museum to the
Sala Rotonda. It is unquestionably the most brilliant statue
of the t)ionysus-Antinous. The wreath of ivy is twined
amid his flowing locks, and on his head he carries a pine-
apple ; the ample upper garment which was originally orna-
mented with gold and ivory, is fastened on the left shoulder,
allowing the right arm, the breast and part of the body to
be seen. In his left hand the young god holds on high a
thyrsus. The decorative principle of painting is strongly
expressed in this Bacchic statue, and admirers of severe
beauty of form will prefer it to the Antinous Hero in
the Museum at Naples, and to the more famous statue in
the Capitol. The latter, a nude youth, his head bowed to
the right in a dreamy attitude, looks like a Narcissus or a
Hermes. The statue is one of the most perfect figures of
the revival of art in Hadrian's time, as the so-called Anti-
nous in the Belvedere was proved by Winckelmann to be
a Hermes from the best Greek epoch.
The celebrated marble group too of Ildefonso, which was
formerly called Sleep and Death, or Orestes and Py lades,
has been taken since the time of Visconti to be a representa-
tion of Antinous and of his sacrificial death. In it we are
supposed to see the garlanded youth who gives himself to the
angel of death on behalf of the emperor; the angel kindles the
flame on the altar, and gently leads the victim to Proserpine.*
> The opinion of Winckelmann that the relief figure was placed on a
chariot as a consecration statue is contested by Levezow, Ueber den
Aniittousy dargestellt in den Kunstdenkmalem des Alierthums^ Berlin,
f 808. Levezow, however, speaks only of eighteen busts and ten statues.
Overbeck, ii., p. 444.
• Huebner, Anfike Bildwerke in Madrid^ p. 73 sq. — Friedrichs,^aMr/^i>i/,
n. 754. Doubts expressed by Welker, A lie Denkmdler^ i. 375 sq, Fried-
richs {Bausteine, n. 833) is certainly mistaken in thinking that he recog-
nizes Antinous in a Trajan relief on the arch of Constantine (Bellori
according to veteres arcus Aug. triumphales, table 32X in the suite of
the emperor Trajan.
352 The Emperor Hadrian [iiook it
That the statues which have been hitherto called after An-
tinous are to be reckoned among the best of Hadrian's time
is certain, as they come chiefly from the imperial palaces.
But they and other statues or busts only represent a frag-
ment of the plastic works which glorifled Hadrian's favourite.^
Dion expressly says that the emperor dedicated statues and
images to him all through the inhabited world ; and there are
many badly executed busts of Antinous, which prove that
the flgure was used commonly for ordinary decorations. His
statues in Egypt and in the Greek cities must have been
numerous. A naked figure of a youth has been found in
the theatre of Dionysus at Athens, which is taken to be
Antinous ; it has been placed in the National Museum there
with another of Egyptian style which was found at Marathon,
and which probably belonged to a villa of Herodes Atticus.*
In the year i860 Lenormant found a statue of Antinous
made from Thasian marble at Eleusis.^ He was honoured
there as a new Dionysus. It is generally the youthful divini-
ties of Olympus, Hermes, Apollo and Dionysus, in whose
image the deifled youth was represented. There is there-
fore nothing original in the type beyond the outlines
of his portrait. On this account later criticism passes
ahnost too contemptuous a sentence on the extravagant
admiration of Winckelmann, which, however, Levezow did
not share. Even the celebrated bust by Mondragone is
condemned by the superior art critic*
The statue of Antinous, however, is a true ideal of
youthful beauty, which art created from the life of the
time. Other works of sculpture which are ascribed to
Hadrian's epoch can only be looked upon as portraits of
doubtful accuracy, but the statues of Antinous are the only
authentic evidence of what the plastic art could do in the
^ The Torlonia Museura, too, possesses several busts of Antinous in the
character of Dionysus; one of them, No. 403 in the catalogue, comes from
the Villa Hadriana. K. O. Miiller, Handbuch der ArchdoL der Kunst^
3 ed. § 203, has collected the statues and medals of Antinous.
* Milchhocfer, Die Museen Athetis^ p. 6, 23. — Rhusopulos in Arch^
Ephem.^ Athens, 1863, p. 215.
^ Lenormant, L Antinous d'Eleusis, Rev, Arch,^ i874» ?• 217 sq,
* Overbeck, ii. 445.
CHAP. XXI] The Statues of Antinous 353
time of Hadrian. If after the discovery of genuine master-
pieces from the best days of Greek art, such as the sculp-
tures of the Parthenon and the Hermes of Olympia, the
work in the statues of Antinous must be reckoned inferior,
it nevertheless proves that the age in which they were
created was still in possession not only of a complete
mastery of technique, but also of a keen appreciation of
form. Certainly the type of Antinous must be considered
one of the last products of the art of antiquity, even if it
is a tame conclusion to the Greek ideal.
CHAPTER XXII
Architecture. Munificent Civic Spirit of the Cities.
HadriatCs Love of Building. Antinoe. Roads
to Berenice. Other Buildings in Egypt. The
Temple at Cyzicus
Hadrian's greatest passion was building. With the
Roman empire for his sphere, he probably surpassed every
other ruler in the number of his buildings. The title of
" Founder of the World " might have been ascribed to him
with even more justice than to his predecessor Trajan.^ But
the passion was not confined to the emperor alone ; provinces
and cities were infected by the same mania. During this peace-
ful epoch the taste for the fine arts became highly developed
in the cities, and the patriotism of the citizens sought to
augment the fame of the past by fresh monuments. The
cities of Greek Asia, which were the richest of that time,
particularly distinguished themselves by their devoted love
for their country. The same munificent patriotism flourished
in Italy, Gaul and Spain ; the communities vied with one
another in the erection of private and public buildings, like
the Greek republics in their best days, or like the Italian
cities in the Middle Ages.
Rich citizens endowed their native cities with fine build-
ings, or they presented them with the means for that
purpose. Only after the times of Nerva and Trajan had
cities acquired the right of accepting legacies through the
medium of a trustee, and this important right was confirmed
to them unconditionally by a decree of the Senate in the
^ Eutropius^ viii. 4, speaks of Trajan as orbem terrarum aedificans.
BK. II. CH. XXII] Architecture 355
time of Hadrian.* From this flowed a fresh source of
revenue, as it became a point of honour to bequeath money
for patriotic purposes. Inscriptions and other evidence, even
before the time of Hadrian, give numerous proofs not
only of the wealth, but of a patriotism that we can scarcely
imagine in every province of the empire. A consul in
Trajan's time gave to the city of Tarquinii more than
three million sesterces for buildings, and his son increased
this sum. A citizen gave to his native city, Laodicea, 2000
talents for the same purpose. In Naples two brothers,
Stertinius, spent their fortune in adorning the city, and in
Massih'a the physician Crinus built the city walls at his
own expense. A priestess at Calama in Numidia gave
400,000 sesterces to build a theatre, and Numidia Quad-
ratilla built an amphitheatre and a temple at Casinum.
Private persons built the large colonnades in the wonderful
city of Palmyra, and Greek sophists in Smyrna, Pergamum,
Cotyaeum, Antioch, Ephesus, and other cities, built porticos,
baths and theatres.* One sophist alone, Herodes Atticus,
could emulate even Hadrian in adorning Athens and many
other cities with splendid works.'
Where great undertakings were concerned the provinces
were obliged to provide the means. In the time of Trajan
eleven cities of Lusitania bore the cost of the great bridge
over the Tagus at Alcantara. .The provinces sometimes
complained of these oppressive taxes for public buildings,
and they could not be undertaken without the emperor's
permission.* Hadrian had made Herodes Atticus overseer
of the cities of Asia, and had allowed him to build an
aqueduct at Troas at an estimate of three million denarii ;
the bold sophist spent seven millions upon it, and the
province complained that its whole power of taxation was
exhausted.* Hut the liberality of the emperor was always
' Ulpian, Fratpn. 34, 28.
' In Ephesus 1 saw traces of the hall discovered by Wood, which
was built by the sophist Damianus from the ruins of the temple of Diana.
' For this activity in building by private persons, see Duniy, v. 138 sq,
Fricdlacndcr, iii., in the section Architecture.
* Di^. L. 10, 3.
^ Marquardt, Rom, Staatsverwaltung^ ii. 296.
35^ The Emperor Hadrian [book u
ready to help in such cases» and we are toid fay an in-
scription that Hadrian bore the largest share of Ae cost
in making the road from Beneventum to Aerlannm ^ He
gave an aqueduct to Dyrrharhinm, which Alexander Severus
afterwards restored.* For the gymnasium at Smyrna he
gave such a large sum that die work was at once accom-
plished with the help of other contributions^' Companies
with large capital were formed, whidi offered important
buildings to rival contractors.
It was due to Hadrian's influence that all the provinces
of the empire vied with one another in the erection of
architectural monuments. If we possessed a complete
catalogue of the buildings which arose from his private
liberality the number would appear fabulous to us. For
in all parts of the world where he travelled he left
temples, gymnasia, aqueducts and roads as monuments of
his journeys.^ He was always accompanied by architects
and engineers and by an army of masons, who were classed
in military order.*
In the first place, there were cities which he partially
or completely rebuilt Many were called after him — Aelta^
Aeliopolis, Hadriana, or Hadrianopolis, These were situated
in Thrace, in Bithynia and Lycia, in Macedonia, in Illyria,
in Cyrenaica, in Egypt, in Pontus, Syria, Paphlagonia and
Caria.* Spartianus says that as he did not like to give
names to his works he called many cities Hadrianopolis^
like Carthage and a part of Athens. The names for these
cities were only transitory, but the name Aelia clung to
Jerusalem for centuries.
The motives at times were extraordinary which caused
Hadrian to build different cities. In Mysia he founded
Hadrianotherae, in order to commemorate his love of
^ Of 1,716,000 sesterces the inhabitants of the immediate vicinity
contributed only 569,000. — Mommsen, LR,N, 628 sq.
* C.LL, iii. 709, in Duerr, Supply n. 85.
* Xikiit fwptddat, CLG, 3148.
* Ejus itinerum monumenta videas per plurimas Asiae atque Europae
urbes, — Pronto, Princip, Hist.^ p. 244.
^Aurelius Victor, Epitome 14.
* Tile-inscriptions indicate an unknown city of Hadrian, Manpsus,
Ephim, Epifrraph, on C/.Z. iv. 332.
CHAP. XXII] Antinoe 357
hunting, in the place where he had killed a boar.* We
have a coin of Antinous from this city bearing for arms
a boar's head.*
In honour of Antinous he built Antinoopolis or Antinoe
in the Heptanomis, on the site of the small city of the god
Besa on the eastern bank of the Nile. Ptolemy mentions
it as the metropolis of a particular Nomus Antinoitis, which
must have been made by Hadrian. Opposite to it lay
Hermupolis." Antinoe as an essentially Hellenic city was
built not in the Egyptian, but in the Greek style.* It
had the regular form of a long quadrangle through which
ran the main street At the north end, ruins of the
mausoleum of Antinous are to be seen, while on the south
the remains still exist of a magnificent temple with a fine
Corinthian portico. Colonnades line the streets, of which
three run across the city. On the harbour by the Nile a
trium|)hal arch with three gateways was erected on Corin-
thian pillars, with equestrian statues at each side. The cost
of the pillars in Antinoopolis must have been astonishing.
Where the principal streets met, honorary statues were
erected, one of which was dedicated later to Alexander
Severus and his mother, according to the inscription on
the pedestal. Ruins of baths, of a circus and gymnasium
lie outside the city, which must have presented a bright
and cheerful appearance.
Hadrian especially distinguished Antinoe by giving her a
Greek form of government. In Antinoe alone among the
Greek cities of Egypt was there a senate. And to create
a future for her by commercial intercourse he had a road
made to Berenice, provided with fountains, watch-towers,
and stations. As the road described by Pliny went from
Coptus to Berenice, Hadrian's new road seems to have
been made to the nearest port, probably to Myus Hormus,
' Spart c. 20. Dion, Ixix. la
• Eckhel, vi. 530,
'Ptolemy, 107; Mannert, x. 1. 395. In the city of Abydus there
was an oracle of Besa; — Ammian. MarcelL xix. 13, p. 539.
• Lelronnc, Inscr, de VEgypu^ i. 171 ; Hirt, Gisch, d. Baukunsi der
Alten^ il 383.
35B The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
and then to have been carried on to Berenice along the
Red Sea.^
Hadrian did much to beautify Alexandria, which was
already rich in works of art. Alexandrian coins display a
temple with the figures of Serapis and of the emperor, and
with the word Adrianon. In Alexandria too, it appears
there was a Hadrianeum, which was turned later into a
gymnasium, and then into a Christian church.^ Imperial
likenesses of Hadrian have been found in the remains of
temples at Denderah, Esneh, and Medinet Habu, fronn
which we may conclude that he erected buildings there in
the usual Egyptian style, as the Ptolemies did before him.*
At the celebrated porphyry quarries near Jebel Dokhan, and
amid the ruins of a fortified city and an unfinished temple,
Greek inscriptions of Hadrian's time have been found.^
As the emperor erected his buildings chiefly on his
journeys, the course of these has only to be followed to
discover his memorials. With the exception of Rome, he
seems to have done less for the Western than for the
Eastern provinces of the empire, the reason for this prob-
ably being that the East with its splendid and famous cities
offered him greater inducement to leave monuments of his
reign behind him.
He built a great number of temples in Asia, many of
them for no special purpose ; and on this account they
were called in later days simply temples of Hadrian.* These
temples without a divinity may well have been destined by
the vain emperor for his own worship.
The temple at Cyzicus, which was so magnificent that
it was numbered among the seven wonders of the world,
belonged to this class. Marcus Aurelius probably finished it
and dedicated it to his predecessor Hadrian, in 167 A.D.
Its columns, monoliths 12 feet in thickness and 150 feet
^ At Sheikh Abad, the ancient Antinoe, Mariette discovered an inscrip-
tion of Hadrian of 25th of February, 137 A.D., which refers to this road.
E. Miller, Rev, Archiol N, 5., xxi., 1870, 314.
' Greppo, p. 322 ; according to Epiphanius, Haeres, xix. 2, op. L 728.
> Champollion, Lcttres icriUs d^Egypte^ p. 92; in Greppo, p. 221.
^ Letronne, Inscr, (VEgypte^ 1, 418.
•Spart. c. 13.
CHAP. XXII] The Temple at Cyzicus 359
in height, shone from the summit above the Propontis like
a Pharos. Aristides praised the temple in his inaugural
address, speaking of it as the most beautiful which had
ever been seen. Its remains are still in existence.*
Hadrian enriched many cities in Greece and Asia with
theatres, baths, gymnasia and aqueducts. He rebuilt Jeru-
salem, he restored Stratonicea, Nicaea and Nicomedia.* He
gave a million on one day to the city of Smyrna ; with
this she built a corn market and a gymnasium, which sur-
passed all others of Asia in beauty, and erected a temple to
Hadrian himself on the promontory. In Ephesus he built
a temple to the genius of Rome which was also his own
genius, an aqueduct in Alexandria Troas, and a harbour at
Trebizond.
'Aristides, i. 382, does not say by whom it was built Cedrenus,
p. 437, Malalas, p. 379, and the Chron, paschaU^ 354, ascribe it to Hadrian.
Mnlalns maintains that he had his statue placed on the roof with an
inscription, and adds (hr«/> iarlv fwf ri^ vdif. The Hadrianic coins of
Cyzicus do not bear the design of the temple, but it was found on one of
Antoninus Pius, Mionnet, ii. 45a On this temple and its ruins, Perrot et
Guillaume, Le tempU iPAdrien d Cytiqui and Explorat. arch/oi, de
Calotte, etc See also Marquardt, Cyticus und stin Gelnet., P- I3'*
' Stratonicea was rebuilt and called Adrianopolis by Hadrian. Stephen
Byz., on this city.
CHAPTER XXIII
Buildings of Hadrian in Athens and in other Cities
of Greece. Buildings of Her odes Atticus
For no other country did Hadrian manifest his preference
with such magnificence as for Greece, and especially for
Athens. There is no stronger testimony to the universal
affection in which this city was held, than the list of foreign
rulers who honoured and adorned her like a divinity with
great piety, after the loss of her freedom. Antigonus and
Demetrius, Ptolemy Philadelphus, Attalus and Eumenes of
Pergamum, Antiochus Epiphanes, Caesar, Augustus and
Agrippa, even Herod the King of the Jews, all loaded the
city of Solon and Pericles with benefits, and adorned it
with magnificent buildings.^ Even in the time of Trajan
the posterity of Antiochus IV., the last king of Commagene,
continued the list of the princely patrons of Athens. Their
family tomb, the so-called monument of Philopappus, still
stands in partial preservation on the summit of the Museum hill.
The last splendour of Athens is connected with the
names of Hadrian and the Antonines. Hadrian erected so
many buildings in Athens that it almost looked as if he
would have liked to live there, and he probably would
have made this city his residence if his duties to Rome
had permitted. He renovated and embellished the city.
He built a temple to Zeus Panhellenius and to Hera, and
then a Pantheon after the pattern of the one in Rome.
Pausanias admired in this magnificent structure the one
hundred and twenty pillars of Phrygian marble, of which
the walls of the halls were also built. Later on he built
a fine gymnasium, with one hundred columns of Lybian
' Enumerated in Wachsmuth, Die Stadt Atken^ L 602 sq.
BK. II. CII.XX11I] Hadrian's Buildings 361
stone, and a library. From the description of Pausanias this
library must have been a specially fine architectural work, richly
adorned with statues and pictures, and having a roof of gold.^
An inscription in the Pantheon contained the list of all
the buildings of Hadrian in the cities of Greece and
•elsewhere,' and the loss of this inscription is therefore
greatly to be deplored. A Corinthian stoa of grey marble
is to be seen now in the neighbourhood of the bazaar, and is
taken to be the remains of Hadrian's gymnasium. The
temples we have mentioned probably formed a quarter of
their own, but their exact position cannot be determined.*
In the Panhellenion it is most probably Hadrian who is
represented in the image of Zeus with Sabina as Juno.
Hadrian could scarcely add anything to the Acropolis,
whose temples and innumerable sacred gifts covered the
surface of the rocky plateau ; but it is believed that he
reconstructed the great staircase of white marble which led
to the Propylaea.* A rebuilding of the theatre of Dionysus
is also ascribed to him, partly from the fact that the place
for the spectators was divided into thirteen parts, correspond-
ing to the thirteen tribes of Hadrian's time, partly from
inscriptions, and partly from the circumstance that in the
theatre a statue of Antinous has been found.^
Hadrian's most important building in Athens was the
temple of the Olympian Zeus. Pisistratus had begun to build
this famous sanctuary, but after the expulsion of his house
it remained unfinished, until Antiochus Epiphanes gave a
commission to the Roman architect Cossutius, to finish the
temple which had fallen into oblivion. But it still remained
incomplete. Livy however could say that it was one of
the temples in the world whose design was worthy of the
> Aristidcs, i. 18, 9 ; Panath, i. 306 (Dindorf\ calls the library /)c/9M«#r
TOficiiB, ola o^x MpfoBi 7^ ^w^tpQt ical fjidXa rOm ^KBrpfOm K6a/iat o/miof. Blblio-
theca miri opens — Euseb. Chron. ed. Sch6ne, ii. 167.
* Pausanias, i. 55.
* Bursian, Geofrr, von Griechenlandy i. 291 sq,
*Beul^, Les Monnaies (PAikeneSy p. 394, and PAcropoU tPAtheties^
p. 129, draws this conclusion from coins.
^Rhusopulos, ArchedL Ephem,^ Athens, 1862, p. 287. Wachsmuth,
Stadt Athen^ i. 692.
362 The Emperor Hadrian [book n
greatness of the god.* The completion of the Olympieum
was interrupted for a long time. It shared the fate of
many a cathedral of the Middle Ages, for the intention of
friendly princes and allies to finish the temple at the public
expense and to dedicate it to Augustus, was not carried
out.^ Hadrian found the temple of Cossutius to be a
building with ten Corinthian pillars at each end and
twenty at each side in double rows.* Spartianus, Dion
Cassius and Philostratus all affirm that Hadrian really
completed the temple ; and Philostratus says that the
Olympieum was at last finished, after a period of five
hundred and sixty years (which is rather too short a
reckoning from Pisistratus to Hadrian), that Hadrian dedi-
cated this great and laborious work of centuries, and that
the sophist Polemon delivered the opening address.^
According to Pausanias, the Olympieum was four stadia
in extent The temple was 173 feet in breadth, and 359
feet in length, and had a peristyle of 132 columns of
Phrygian marble, whose diameter at the base was 6^ feet,
and whose height was about 60 feet. In the temple Hadrian
placed a colossal statue of Zeus, made of gold and ivory, for
which the Olympian masterpiece of Phidias had probably
served as a model.^ Pausanias also saw there two statues of
Hadrian in marble from Thasos, two more in Egyptian
marble, and bronzes erected to Hadrian by the colonies which
stood before the columns. In fact the peribolus was filled
with statues of the emperor, while the city of Athens had
placed a colossus in his honour in the Opisthodomus. So
many tiresome repetitions of the same figure in the same
place was only a deplorable evidence of the servility of the
Greeks to the all-powerful emperor, their political god. The
theatres, halls and streets of Athens were filled with statues
of the one Hadrian, for private individuals, priests, tribes and
communities vied with one another in paying homage to
* Livy, xli. 20.
* Suetonius, c. 60.
*Vitruvius, 3, 2, 7. Hirt, Gesc/t, der Baukunst, ii. 151. The temple in
Athens was the only one of the kind Hypaethros Decastylos,
* Philostratus {Kayser\ vol. ii., p. 44.
* Representation on an Athenian coin in BeuM, p. 396.
CHAP. XXIII] The Olympieum 363
their "benefactor."* Pausanias saw him placed in the
Stoa Basiieios close to Conon and Timotheus, as Zeus
Eleutherius.* In the citadel, the council of the Areopagus^
the council of the five hundred, and the demos had erected
a statue in his honour in gratitude for all "benefits."*
As a serpent of Erechtheus was preserved in the temple of
Athene Polias, the emperor wished in the same way to place
his own genius in the Olympieum, and he caused an Indian
serpent to be set up there — an absurd comedy which was
not far removed from the Glycon serpent of Alexander. In
his immeasurable vanity he was not afraid to look upon
himself as an associate of Zeus, for the Olympieum was
dedicated to him. But neither his ambition, nor the profane
flattery of the Athenians went so far as to call the temple
merely the Hadrianeum. The same priest performed the
service for both the Olympians, the god of heaven, and his
imperial ape.
Of the splendour of the temple there is nothing left but
the foundations and fifteen columns that are still standing.
These colossal pillars produce the effect even to-day of some-
thing quite foreign in Athens ; they seem rather to belong
lo Baalbek and Palmyra, than to this city of the muses,
where, notwithstanding the severe Doric style, every build-
ing was characterized by fine proportion and taste. Perhaps
there were some citizens even in the Athens of that time
who preferred the ancient Parthenon to this gigantic temple.
At the same moment when the sophist Polemon was deliver*
ing the inaugural address at the Olympieum there was
probably a handful of despised Christians praying in the
house of their bishop on that Areopagus where St. Paul had
preached the gospel seventy years before. A few centuries
' A list of them in C.LA, n. 487 sq,
' Pausanias, i. 3, 3.
' CLA, n. 465. The names of the sculptors of the Hadrian statues In
the Olympieum have been lost except two, Xenophanes, son of Chares,,
who executed the statues in marble from Thasos, and Aulus Pantuleius
son of Caius, who carved the Milesian statues, CJ.A, n. 476, n. 480, and
Hirschfcld, Tituli sUUuarior, n. 159, 160. Xenophanes is called in the
inscription rcxi^fri^, Pantuleius dr^pcovroroc^, and distinguished as *B^^iof
6 itai MfiXi^iof (/ro/€i).
364 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
later the Christians of Athens built a chapel to the apostle
John in the deserted temple of Zeus, and the remains of
Hadrian's magnificent building were in this way probably
saved from complete destruction.^
The Olympieum was the centre of Hadrian's new city of
Athens, which stretched from the eastern slope of the
Acropolis to the Ilissus, and to it was probably assigned the
thirteenth tribe Hadrianis. The emperor did not hesitate to
call this new quarter Hadrianopolis.' On the marble arch
of triumph which led to it and to the precincts of the temple,
may still be read on both sides, towards Athens, as well as
towards the Olympieum, the following lines : " This is Athens
the ancient city of Theseus ; this is the city of Hadrian and
not of Theseus."' In each niche of the second storey of the
-entrance gate the statues of Theseus and Hadrian were
xioubtless placed.^ The arch is almost in complete pre-
servation, and no unprejudiced observer would say that
this insignificant work was in proper proportion with the
magnificence of the Olympian temple. For the rest, the
city of Hadrian was not surrounded with walls, but the
eastern wall was pulled down when the new quarter was
added.^ An aqueduct supplied the city and its gardens with
-water which came from Cephisia and was stored at Lyca-
bettus, in a tower adorned with Ionian pillars. The emperor
Antoninus Pius completed this aqueduct in 140 A.D.^
Hadrian adorned many other Greek cities with public
buildings which Pausanias mentions in his description of
different provinces. In Corinth he built baths and an aque-
•duct which carried the water from the lake of Stymphalus
into the city ; he restored the temple of Apollo at Megara,
' The chapel was called arals KoK6^¥out or c/t rdt KoXdvvat from the columns
of the temple, by which it was supported. A. Mommsen, Atkenae
chrisHanae : icclesiae propre Ilissum sitae,
'Spart c 20: Novae Athenae, so called in the inscription of the
■aqueduct ; wiai 'ABripcu *A8piwal in Stephen Byz. sub v. Olympieion^
Wachsmuth, i. 688.
» Al A EIS AAPIANOY KOYXI OHSEnC HOAIC.
Al A EIS A0HNAI GHSEnC H HPIN HOAIC.
^ Forbiger, Hellas und Rom, iii. 21a
• E. Burnouf, La ville et PacropoU (P Athines aux diverses ^oques^ p. 9.
• CLL, iii. n. 549.
CHAP, xxiii] Buildings of Herodes Atticus 365
and he widened the rocky road of Sciron, the narrow and
dangerous road over the Isthmus to the Peloponnesus, by
making gigantic foundations, so that carriages could pass
each other. In the Phocian Abae he built a temple ta
Apollo, a stoa at Hyampolis, and in the temple of Juno at
Argos he placed a peacock of gold adorned with precious
stones. He did a great deal for Mantinea on account of
Antinous. tie restored its ancient name to this city, which
had been called Antigoneia in honour of the Macedonian
king Antigonus, the father of Perseus. He restored the
temple of Poseidon Hippios there, by encasing the original
of wood in a new building. He built a splendid temple
to Antinous in Mantinea which he filled with statues and
pictures of his favourite. He dedicated a monument to Epami-
nondas with an inscription which he wrote himself. When
he was initiated into the mysteries at Eleusis, he no doubt
adorned the city with buildings, and the idea for the magnifi-
cent Propylaea of the temple of Demeter probably arose there.
It is characteristic of this period with its love for art,
that even a Greek private individual like Herodes Atticus,
could emulate Hadrian. Pausanias draws attention to the
benefits which this rich sophist conferred upon Athens and
upon other cities. It says little for him that he dedicated
four gilded horses with ivory hoofs and two gold and ivory
Tritons in the temple of the Isthmian Poseidon and two
statues of Demeter and Proserpine in the gymnasium at
Olympia. He built at Athens in memory of his wife a
splendid Odeum, whose remains, in the Roman style, are
still in existence. He caused the Panathenian stadium over
the Uissus to be paved with Pentelican marble. The
stadium was still a wonder in the time of Pausanias, and
had hardly its equal in size, for Hadrian once had a thou-
sand animals hunted there. Herodes also built a stadium
of marble at Delphi, a theatre in Corinth, baths at Ther-
mopylae, an aqueduct at Olympia, another at Canisium in
Italy, and a splendid villa, Triopium, near Rome, on the Via
Appia, where to-day is the vale of Cafarelli. It is no
wonder that all the Attic tribes dedicated statues to this
generous man.
CHAPTER XXIV
Hadrian's Buildings in Italy. His Villa at Tivoli
Apart. from Rome and his villa at Tibur, Hadrian seems
to have shown less regard for Italy than for the Hellenic
countries. This perhaps was because he spent the greater
part of his reign in travelling, or because the Italian cities
had no charm for him. But our information is scanty, and
Hadrianic inscriptions in Italy are remarkably scarce ;
though in this country, too, he was extolled as restorer.
He seems to have favoured especially two colonies,
Auximum (Osimo) and Mediolanum ; the latter assumed
the name of Aelia.^ Inscriptions in honour of Hadrian are
to be found at Teano, Sorrento, Puteoli, and in an unknown
place Forlanum.* The colony of Ostia boasted that he had
supported and honoured her with all care and liberality.'
He probably built the theatre whose remains are considered
to belong to the time of Hadrian.* Inscriptions record
the restoration of roads, of the Cassia from Chiusi to
Florence, of the Via Augusta by the Trebia and of the
road to Suessa.^ He built a harbour at Lupiae, the
ancient Sybaris and the modern Lecce.® At Gruttae on the
Adriatic Sea he restored the temple of the Dea Cupra or the
Etruscan Juno.^ According to Spartianus, he drained the
> COL . AEL . PEL . MEDiOLANENSis, Zumpt. Comm, Ep, i. io8.
' Mommsen, LN.R, 2112, 3990. Greppo, p. 59.
^CJ.L, vi. n. 972, 133 A.D.
^ Notizie lUgli scavi^ Accad, d. Lifted^ 1880, p. 469.
^Greppo, p. 57 sq. In Falerii he seems to have constructed a new
road through the Forum ; Orelli, 3314.
^ Pausanias, Eliac, vii. 19.
' Gruter, 1016, 2.
BK. II. cH. xxiv] Hadrian's Villa 367
Fiicinc lake. This had been a plan of Caesar's, but neither
he nor Claudius accomplished it, and Hadrian's under-
taking could only have been a revival of the Claudian
enterprise.
But the villa at Tivoli stands out above everything that
Hadrian created, and unlike anything else in the world,
forms his most splendid monument. It cast into the shade
Nero's golden house. The ruins of this Sans Souci of an
imperial enthusiast for art, cover even now an area of about
ten miles, and present the appearance of a labyrinth of
decaying royal splendour. Hadrian began to build his villa
early in his reign, and went on with it until his death.*
It may be doubted whether the site he selected was
happily chosen. The villas of the Romans at Tusculum
and Frascati, and by the falls of the Anio at Tibur, were all
more open and more pleasantly situated than this villa of
Hadrian ; but he required a large space. It stood on a
gentle elevation well below Tibur, where the view on the
one side was limited by high mountains, but on the other
side extended to Rome and its majestic Campagna, as far
as the sea. The landscape was watered by two streams,
and close by, the Anio afforded an abundant supply of
water. From the Lucanian bridge near which it is con-
jectured was the main entrance to the villa, were to be seen
for miles the wonderful pleasure-grounds stretching over hill
and dale. The villa was as large as a city, and contained
everything that makes a city beautiful and gay; the ordinary
and commonplace alone were not to be found there. Gardens,
fountains, groves, colonnades, shady corridors and cool
domes, baths and lakes, basilicas, libraries, theatres, circuses,
and temples of the gods shining with precious marble and
filled with works of art, were all gathered together round this
imperial palace.
The large household, the stewards with their bands of
' A column of giallo antico found there bears the date of Hadrian's
second consulship (ii8 A.D.). Bnizza, Iscr, dei marmi grtixiy p. 187 n.
221. Stamps on bricks from the walls run from 123-137 A.I>. Nibby, Con-
tomi iii Romtiy iii. 651. According to Aurelius Victor, c. 14, he was still
building palaces there after he had made over the government to Aelius
Verus.
368 The Emperor Hadrian [book ir
slaves, the bodyguards, the swarms of artists, singers and
players, the courtesans and ladies of distinction, the priests
of the temple, the men of science and poets, the friends and
guests of Hadrian ; these all composed the inhabitants
of the villa, and this crowd of courtiers, idlers, and
slaves had no other object but to cheer one single
man who was weary of the world, to dispel his ennui
by feasts of Dionysus, and to delude him into thinking
that each day was an Olympian festival. Hadrian here
beguiled the time in the recollections of his Odysseus-like
travels, for this villa built according to his own designs, was
the copy and the reflection of the most beautiful things which
he had admired in the world. The names of buildings in
Athens were given to special parts of the villa. The
Lyceum, the Academy, the Prytaneum, the Poecile, even
the vale of Tempe with the Peneus flowing through it, and
indeed Elysium and Tartarus were all there.*
One part was consecrated to the wonders of the Nile, and
was called Canopus after the enchanting pleasure-grounds of
the Alexandrians. Here stood a copy of the famous temple
of Serapis, which stood on a canal, and was approached by
boat The inauguration of a worship of his Antinous, which
Hadrian did not attempt in Rome, he achieved at his villa*
The most beautiful statues of Antinous come from a temple
in the villa. An obelisk only twenty-seven feet in height,
did honour in a hieroglyphic inscription to the " Osirian
Antinous, the speaker of truth, the embodied son of
beauty." He was depicted upon it as offering a sacrifice
to the god Ammon Ra. If the empress Sabina survived
the erection of the obelisk, she must have reddened with
anger at the inscription, which declared that the emperor
had erected this pious monument in conjunction with his
wife, the great queen and sovereign of Egypt, to whom
Antinous was dear.^ It may be supposed that the worship
^ Spart F//a, at the end.
' Ungarellius, Interpret obeliscor, urbis Romae^ 1S42, p. 172. Lepsius,
Rotn, Stadtb, iii. 2, 604. The obelisk stands on the Pincian in Rome,
where the Pope had it placed in the year 1822. Elagabalus is said to
have taken it from the villa at Tivoli and to have set it up in the amphi-
theatre Castrense, and there it was found among the rubbish.
CHAP. XXIV] Hadrian's Villa 369
of Antinous increased the influence of Egypt upon Roman
art. It had long been the fashion to decorate houses and
villas with scenes from the Nile, and with pictures of the
animals and customs of Egypt. The wall-paintings of
Pom|X!ii and many mosaics, like the famous mosaic of
Palestrina, and the mosaic in the Kircher Museum are
sufficient to prove this.^ But Hadrian had transplanted
Egypt itself to his villa. Sphinxes and statues of gods
carved out of black marble and red granite surrounded the
god Antinous, who was represented as Osiris in shining
white marble. The temples built in Egyptian style were
covered with hieroglyphics.
At a sign from the emperor these groves, valleys, and
halls would become alive with the mythology of Olympus ;
processions of priests would make pilgrimages to Canopus,
Tartarus and Elysium would become peopled with shades
from Homer, swarms of bacchantes might wander through
the vale of Tempe, choruses of Euripides might be heard
in the Greek theatre, and in a sham fight the fleets would
repeat the battle of Xerxes. But was all this anything more
than a miserable pretence in comparison with the fulness
and majesty of the real world through which Hadrian had
travelled ? The emperor would after all have surrendered
all these splendid stage scenes for one drop from the rush-
ing stream of real life, for one moment on board his gala
boat on the Nile, or on the Acropolis at Athens, in Ilium,
Smynia and Damascus, amid the acclamations of his devoted
people. Epictctus would have laughed to see the emperor
amusing himself with a collection of the wonders of the
world, and would have called it sentimentality; and perhaps
Hadrian's famous villa is an evidence of the degradation of
the taste of the time.
Its extent was too great to be a Tusculum of the Muses ;
nor was it adapted to serve as a romantic hermitage, or as
a place for repose. A Roman emperor of this period could
not be content unless he was in the midst of splendour on a
' The first was found in the year 1638 in Palestrina, the other on the
Aventine, 1858. See GoMette ArchioL vi. 1880, p. 170 sq, "Mosaique du
Mus^ Kircher," and Catalogo del Museo Kircheriano^ i. 265 sq. These
mosaics must be considered as copies of Alexandrian carpets.
3 A
370 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
great scale. Hadrian might have written over the portal of
his villa, magna domus parva quies. If the villa at Tivoli
shows the strength of the impression made by the Greek
world on the imperial traveller, its incredible extravagance
can only be explained by his mania for building. Country
seats are the least famous buildings of princes, for they serve
only their own fleeting pleasure, but a ruler like Hadrian, who
had provided the cities of his empire with so many public
works, may be more easily forgiven than a Louis XIV., if for
once he thought of himself.
We do not know how often he stayed at the villa ; it was
his favourite resort in his later years, and it was there that
he dictated his memoirs to Phlegon. He possessed other
beautiful country-houses at Praeneste and Antium.^ He died
at Baiae, not in his villa at Tivoli. After his time the villa
was more and more rarely inhabited by the emperors, until
it suflered the fate of all country seats. Constantine was
doubtless the first to plunder it, in order to carry off its
marbles and works of art to Byzantium. At the time of the
Gothic wars it existed only as a desolate world of wonders ;
the warriors of Belisarius were the first to encamp in it, and
then those of Totila. Its ruins in the Middle Ages were
called Ancient Tivoli. Its columns and blocks of marble
had been stolen, its statues burnt to powder. But many
things remained hidden amid the protecting rubbish, over
which olives and vines had been planted. The recollection
that this charming wilderness of ruins had once been a
pleasure resort of Hadrian, lasted a long time. Many years
before excavations were begun there, the intellectual Pope
Pius II. visted these ruins, and described them in melancholy
words, which we may quote.
" About three miles outside Tivoli the Emperor Hadrian
built a splendid villa for himself, as large as a city. Lofty
and spacious arches of temples are still to be seen, half ruined
courts and rooms, and remains of prodigious halls, and of fish
ponds and fountains, which were supplied with water by the
Anio, to cool the heat of summer. Time has disfigured
everything. The walls are now covered with ivy instead of
paintings and gold embroidered tapestry. Brambles and
' Philostratus, Vita Apollon, 8, 2a
CHAP. XXIV] Hadrian's Villa 37'
thorns grow in the seats of the men clad in togas of purple,
and serpents make their home in the bed chamber of the
empress. So perishes everything earthly in the stream of
time." ' .
Antiquities were first looked for in the villa at Tivoli in
the time of Alexander VI., when statues of the Muses and
of Mnemosyne were found.* In the sixteenth century Piero
Ligorio first made a plan of the villa, then it was described
by Re, and after 1735 those excavations were undertaken
which have brought so much sculpture to light. Piranesi
made his great plan of the villa.* In the year 1871, the
Italian government took possession of it, and the excavations
were carried on, but they had no great result,* for every-
thing of importance had been discovered in the eighteenth
century. The villa had been so completely ransacked at
that time, that there was scarcely anything left of its
enormous supply of marbles. Here and there floors of
mosaic arc to be .seen ; the best preserved consist of small
white stones with designs in black. The extent of mosaic
flooring alone has been estimated at 5000 square miles,
while the astonishing variety of decorations on the pillars,
pilasters, niches, and walls is a brilliant testimony to the
development of art at that time."
The grounds of the villa now consist of a mass of ruins,
large and small. Remains of temples, which, according to
fancy, are called after Apollo, Bacchus, Serapis, Pluto, etc.,
of basilicas, baths, and theatres are scattered within the
spacious enclosure.
The use of some of the buildings is still apparent, the
long rows called cento camerelU indicating the quarter of the
> PH II. Comment, v. 138.
• Nibby, Contomi di Roma^ iii. 656.
' Re (telle antichith Tiburtim, Rom 161 1. Pianta delta Vitta TiburHna
di Adrianoy by P. Ligorio and Fr. Contini in the last edition of 175 1.
Plan by Piranesi in 1786. Upon the excavations in the eighteenth
century, Fea, Winckelmann's translation, ii. 379 sq,
^Floors of mosaic were found, and a beautiful perfect statue which
seems to represent a Bacchus. Tadolini the sculptor, who has just
(spring; of 1883) restored and shown it to me, values it more highly than
the Antinous of the Capitol.
* Notixie degH Scavi (Accad. d, LiHcei\ 1883, p. 17.
372 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ch. xxiv
imperial guards, which could contain 3000 men ; the high
walls of a magnificent porticus are taken to be the Poeciie.^
The Canopus looks now like a green valley, where at the
end are ruins from the temple of Serapis, and the. vale of
Tempe can be distinguished as a deep depression, bordered
by the mountains of Tivoli.* The scenery of the so-called
Greek theatre was still so well preserved, that in the time of
Winckelmann, when the Dionysus theatre in Athens was still
in ruins, it gave the best idea of an ancient theatre.'
The original use of many of the other buildings and ruins
is obscure, and the attempt is vain to form a whole from
these fragments of the fairyland, whose central point must
have been the palace of the emperor.
^ The Poecile, the so-called Aula dei sette sapienti^ the centre of the
so-called Teairo Marittimo^ and many halls, corridors, courts, nymphaei,
were brought to light in 1873. Notizie degli Scavi^ 1880, p. 479.
'Poecile, Tempe, and Canopus, are the three places which can be
decided almost with certainty ; see L. Meyer, Tibur eine rom, Studie^
Berlin, 1883.
' Winckelmann, vi. 291.
CHAPTER XXV
The City of Rome in Hadrians Time. Buildings of
the Emperor in Rome. Completion of the Forum
of Trajan. The Temple of Venus and Rome.
Hadrians Tomb.
WnKN Hadrian became emperor, he found the city of Rome
not only complete in its essential characteristics, but almost
extending to the limits which Aurelian afterwards fixed by
the walls which he built.^ The Flavian emperors had
restored the Capitol in all its splendour ; the imperial
palace on the Palatine had been magnificently rebuilt by
Domitian ; the Forum Romanum had preserved its monu-
mental character, and during the time between Augustus
and Trajan, the great system of imperial fora had been
completed. On the ruins of Nero's golden house Vespasian
and Titus had built the Coliseum, and baths which reached
to the Esquiline, where they joined those of Trajan on the
Carinae. The Circus Maximus had been rebuilt by Domi-
tian, and completed by Trajan ; the stadium of Domitian,
the present Navona, shone in fresh beauty, and adjoined the
Pantheon and the baths of Agrippa and Nero. The number
of aqueducts was increased by Trajan.
Nobles and citizens had emulated the emperors in their
' This remark at least applies to the time of Marcus Aurelius and of
Commodus, who, about 175 A.D. established a boundary line for Rome,
by lapidiSy and this line corresponded to the later walls of Aurelian.
De Rossi, Piante Icnografiche di Roma^ c. vii, — Limiti di finanza
stabiliti da Marco Aurelio e da Commodo.
374 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
love of building ; palaces, villas, and gardens covered the
hills and valleys of Rome. All the arts had contributed to
adorn the wonderful city, and Roman architecture in its
union with the style of Greece, and in its magnificence and
grandeur, had already reached its zenith in the buildings of
the Flavian emperors, and of Trajan. In the time of the
Antonines, an intelligent observer like the Greek Aristides
could say that the whole world had produced nothing like
Rome.
The knowledge that he could not surpass the work of his
predecessor Trajan in Rome, must have moderated Hadrian's
passion for building ; and though it is incorrect to say that
he was not fond , of Rome, his long periods of absence
must have estranged him from the capital. The time,
moreover, had arrived when Rome ceased to be the only
object for the ambition of the emperors. This is the ex-
planation of the fact that Hadrian, who surpassed all
other emperors in his passion for building, did not embellish
the capital of the empire with a great number of fine monu-
ments. There are very few Roman local inscriptions in
existence which refer to the buildings of Hadrian.^
Nevertheless, the monuments which he executed in Rome
are magnificent ; and if to these we add the building of the
immense villa at Tivoli, it cannot be said that Hadrian was
less active in promoting art in Rome than Trajan. He
drew the plans himself for many buildings, which no emperor
before or after him could do. We are bewildered when we
try to imagine the masses of marble which must at this
.ime have been discharged on the banks of the Tiber. No
emperor made use of so much valuable stone from Paros,
from Scirus, from Luna, Phrygian marble from the quarries
of Sinnada {j>avonazetto\ Numidian marble {giallo antico),
^ C.LL, vi. I, n. 124a Restoration of the rifiae Tiberis and of the
cloacae^ 121 A.D.; n. 976. Restoration of the Auguratorium (Palatine?),
136 A.D.; n. 1233. Restoration of the Cippi of the Pomerium, 121 a.d.
As Hadrian had made no conquests, he could not, like Claudius, Ves-
pasian and Trajan, enlarge the Pomerium ; n. 973. Building of the/<7;u
AeliuSy 133 A.D. ; n. 975. Inscription in honour of the overseer of the
region in the Capitol, 136 a.d. ; this shows Hadrian's great activity for
Rome. No. 981 : a mutilated inscription of an unknown restoration.
CHAP, xxv] The Forum of Trajan 375
porphyry and granite from the Thebais, and Carystian
marble from Mount Ocha. Carystian marble [cipollind) was
very much used in the time of Hadrian. The greatest
number of marked blocks found in the emporium were of
this kind of marble. Even the names of the imperial over-
seers of this quarry, the slaves Cerealis and Hymenaeus,
have been preserved.^
Like every other emperor, Hadrian restored the monu-
ments of Rome ; among them many temples not mentioned
by Spartianus ; the Septa, the Basilica of Neptune, the
Forum of Augustus, the Pantheon, which had been injured
by lightning in the time of Trajan, and the adjoining baths
of Agrippa. He probably also embellished the interior of
the Pantheon.*
Hadrian began his new buildings by completing the Forum
of Trajan ; here he first consecrated the Templum Divi
Trajani, which the senate had erected to this emperor. It
was the only temple upon which Hadrian placed his own
name ; then he continued the west side of the Forum, and
finished it with a triumphal arch. On the same side behind
the column of Trajan, there arose a magnificent temple with
columns of granite built by the senate to the emperor
Hadrian.* The system of imperial fora thus extended to the
' Bnizza, Inscr, dei tnarmi grexxi {AfinnL d. Inst. 1870), p. 137 sq, A
column of Nutnidian marble found in the villa at Tibur, bears the date
of Hadrian's consulate (118 a.d.) ; a block of cipollino in the emporium
with the date of the consulate of Augurinus (132 A.T).) ; the two columns
of the Mnrmorata bear the date of the consulate of Aclius Caesar and
Halbinus (137 A.D.).
'Spart c. 19. In the baths of Agrippa near the statue of Minerva, only
brick-stamps of Hadrian of the year 123 a.d. have been found There are
stamps which prove a restoration of the Pantheon by Hadrian between
123 A.n. and 127 a.d., which was the time of the restoration of the Septa
and the Basilica of Neptune. Noiiiie degli $cavi{AcccuL dei Lincet), 1881,
p. 280283. Stamps of Hadrian's time were found in the Palatine stadium
{Notine^ 1877, p. 201), and in the newly excavated square of bouses in
the Forum. For some inscriptions from the Forum Hadrian i, see Jordan
Sylloge Inscr. Fori Rom, Eph, Ep. iii.
' Coins of Hadrian (Eckhel, vi. 509 sq,) representing a temple with ten
columns (S.P.Q.R. ex. s.c) refer to this ; Rom, Stadtb, iii. 2, p. 107. It
is the site of the Palace Imperiali, where the inscription of the great
remission of debt was copied by Anonymus of Einsiedeln.
37^ The Emperor Hadrian [book h
edge of the Campus Martius, and on this account Hadrian
restored the Septa and the Basilica of Neptune, which were
adjacent.^ The Antonines went on with these buildings,
and a new forum was erected round the column of Marcus
Aurelius.
According to Spartianus, Hadrian also built the temple to
the Bona Dea f but the biographer has overlooked the Greek
gymnasium or Athenaeum, whose site is unknown.
Hadrian's most magnificent building in Rome was the
double temple of Venus and Rome in the Via sacra. It
was his own design. The imperial dilettante wished to
immortalize himself by a monumental work without parallel,
and this temple was in fact the largest and the most magni-
ficent temple in the city. The architect is unknown. It
was not Apollodorus, though his fall indeed, has been
connected by a legend with this building. This Syrian
from Damascus was the greatest genius among the archi-
tects of the second century. We do not know the whole
extent of his works, but the fact that in addition to an
Odeum and a gymnasium for Trajan, he built the magnificent
forum and the bridge over the Danube, is enough to make
his name remembered. Whether Apollodorus was ever
employed by Hadrian is doubtful. Dion relates that the
emperor laid before him his ground-plan for the temple of
Venus and Rome, and that the architect pointed out many
mistakes ; in particular, he criticised the size of the statues
of both gods, saying they would lift the roof if they rose
from their seats — a stupid remark, which would also have
applied to the colossus of Zeus by Phidias, in Olympia. By
the command of Hadrian, Apollodorus is said to have been
first banished, and then put to death.^ There is nothing,
however, to confirm this legend ; on the contrary, Hadrian
not only asked the great architect to edit the Poliorcetica^
'According to Nardini, ed. Nibby, iii. 119, the temple (basilica?) of
Neptune appears to have been close to the Septa of Agrippa ; the porticus
Neptuni was built by him. Hadrian, moreover, had a theatre pulled
down on the Campus Martius, which Trajan had built. Spart c 9.
'It was a temple of the Bona Dea upon the Aventine, which Hadrian
probably restored. Nardini, iii. 279.
' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 4.
CHAP, xxv] Temple of Venus and Rome 377
but also commissioned him to make a colossus of Luna as a
companion to that of the Sun.* It is certainly possible that
Apollodorus suffered from the emperor's caprice, and was no
longer employed upon important buildings. His brilliant
career came to a conclusion with Trajan, and his end is
unknown. It is supposed that it is his likeness that decorates
the triumphal arch of Constantine, where it was placed when
the architect robbed one of Trajan's arches of its reliefs. It
represents a man in Greek dress, who hands a drawing to
the emperor Trajan.*
According to Hadrian's plan, the magnificent building of
Venus and Rome consisted of two large temples united
under one roof; for the semi-circular apses at the end of
each cclla joined one another at the back." A vaulted roof
covered the whole space ; inside, the walls were adorned with
coloured marble, outside, with white marble from Paros. The
front of the temple of Rome faced the Coliseum, the front of
the temple of Venus the I**orum, and each was approached
by a flight of marble steps; for the magnificent building stood
upon a walled-in terrace which is still in existence. Ten
Corinthian pillars stood before each front, and twenty along
the sides. A Pronaos stretched towards the Forum, and the
whole building was enclosed by a granite colonnade.* The
pediments were ornamented with carvings ; statues adorned
the niches of the celiac, and pictures no doubt represented
the mythical foundation of Rome. In the two tribunes were
placed the colossal figure of Venus Victrix, and of the genius
of Rome, both seated, and in a warlike attitude. Venus held
' Spart c. 19 : Aliud tale (simulanim) Apollodoro architecto auctore
facere molitus est. Nothing is known of this colossus. Neither Spartianus
nor Kutropius nor Aurelius Victor say anything of the death of Apollo-
dorus. Duriiy, iv. 395, has well pointed out the absurdity of the tale.
' Nicbuhr, Vortnij^e iiber Rbnu Gesch, ill. 221.
^ Pnidcntius, in SymmacMum^ i. 219.
Delubnim Romae (colitur nam sanguine et ipsa
More Deae, nomenque loci ceu numen habetur)
Atque urbis, Venerisque pari se culmine tollunt,
Templa, simul geminis adolentur tura deabus.
*A Psettdodipteros decasiylos^ Adler, p. 181 ; Hirt, ii. 371. Niebuhr
in the Rom. Stadib, iii. i. 299 x^., with appendices by Bunsen.
378 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii
in her right hand a Victory, in her left a lance ; Rome, the
globe and lance.^ A roof of gilded bronze-tiles covered both
temples. The edifice was remarkable for its combination of
Greek and Roman forms ; for it united the rectangular plan
of the temple with the building of the arch in the most striking
manner.^ Hadrian caused the marble colossus of Nero, a work
of Zenodorus, to be placed at the commencement of the Via
sacra, between this temple and the amphitheatre, where the
pedestal is still preserved. This difficult undertaking was
accomplished by the engineer Decrianus with the help of
twenty-four elephants. Spartianus remarks that the gigantic
statue was dedicated to the sun after it had been deprived
of the face of Nero. In all probability it was Vespasian
who caused this to be done when the colossus was being
prepared, after the burning of Nero's house.
Hadrian had dedicated the temple to the genius of the
city as well as to the ancestress of Caesar's house, a true
Roman idea ; it had reference also to the festivals on the
anniversary of the city of Rome which had been newly
instituted by him, and which received in his time and probably
from him, the name aetema. The temple afterwards was
generally called tevipluvi urbis? It surpassed the Jupiter of
> Eckhel, vi. 51a Roma was afterwards also represented in this way,
the statue in the villa Medici. See Reifferscheid in Ann. d, Inst. 1865,
P- 363 5Q' Coins of Hadrian VENERl GENETKICI. Venus, Victoria at
her right, her left hand resting on a shield on which the flight of Aeneas
is represented. Cohen, ii. p. 226, n. 1444, 1446. A similar one in BuiL
ComumiU, 1877, p. 78. The COS, iiii. is a mistake.
* Liibke, Gesch. iL Architecture i. 200.
' Athenacus, viii. 361. Eckhel, vi. p. 5 10 refers two coins of Hadrian with
VENisiKis.FEUCls and URBS . ROMA . AETERNA to this building, although
the latter coin represents a temple with six columns. From two coins
of Antoninus Pius, romae . aeternae and veneri . FELici, Niehuhri
p. 301 has inferred that Antoninus Pius finished the temple. The coin of
Antoninus romae. aeternae in Cohen, ii. p. 340, n. 698, represents the
front of a temple with ten columns, and reliefs on the pediments. The
legend roma.aeterna first appears in the time of Hadrian. Cohen,
ii. pp. 214, 215, n. 1299 to 1303. Rome seated on armour holding in her
right hand the heads of the sun and the moon, in her left a lance. The
buildings of Hadrian are not immortalized by coins like those of Trajan.
According to the chronicle of Cassiodorus (ed. Mommsen), the Temple of
Venus and Rome was built in 136 A.D., or rather consecrated, and
CHAP. XXV] Hadrian's Tomb 379
the Capitol and Vespasian's temple of Peace, and it was not
even dwarfed by the Flavian amphitheatre and the villa.
At the same time that this magnificent building and the
villa at Tibur arose, Hadrian remembered that he was mortal,
and caused his tomb to be built. The site selected was the
garden of the Domitia, near the triumphal way, which led to
the city over the triumphal bridge. He wished to give a
new appearance to this quarter of the Vatican. He founded
a circus there, which he destined for the festival games in
honour of his divinity. The Goths under Vitiges entrenched
themselves in this circus, and its remains were visible until
far into the Middle Ages, behind the Mausoleum.^ Hadrian
could not, like Trajan, find his last resting-place under a
splendid column erected in his honour in the centre of the
city of Rome, decked with glories of war and conquests,
but he was determined to build himself a tomb more
beautiful than that of Augustus (where there was no more
room left), more worthy of admiration than the mausoleum of
Halicarnassus, and not surpassed in durability even by the
Pyramids of the Pharaohs. And in truth the vain emperor
created a monument, whose ruins, with the additions which
it received in the Middle Ages, form still one of the most
striking architectural features of Rome, though the Vatican
be near for comparison. Hadrian devoted many years to
this building, which he no doubt planned himself.*
The mausoleum rising several storeys high, adorned with
statues and shining with the splendour of marble, must have
been a magnificent sight. But no correct description of it has
this view is also taken by Fca, Varieth di Nolitie^ p. 145. Nissen, Das
Temfilum^ p. 202, disputes the passage in Athenaeus, viii. 361, which
determines the date of the foundation to be on the festival of Palilia
(21st of April), and places it on the festival of Floralia (28th of April to
3rd of May), l^he foundation on the festival of the Palilia is, however,
the more probable. Sec Preller, ii. 356.
' Procopius, De bell. Goth^ ii. 2, i, speaks of the circus, but does not
mention its name. In the Middle Ages it was called theatnim Neronis ;
it is shown on a plan of the city of the thirteenth century, and on other
plans. Dc Rossi, Piante icnograf. di Roma^ p. 85. The remains of the
circus, close to the Castle of S. Angelo, were still seen by Blondus and
Fulvius ; Nardini, iii. 363.
'That it was being built already in 123 A.D., is proved by brick stamps
bearing the consular year.
38o The Emperor Hadrian [book ii
come down to us, and the picture that has been attempted
of it from the meagre account of Procopius of Labacco,
Piranesi, Hirt, Canina, and others, is partly imaginary.^ The
gigantic building consisted of a square basement of traver-
tine blocks, fifteen palms in height, still in good preserva-
tion, though half covered over with earth. At each comer
of this basement, four horses of gilt bronze are said to have
stood upon the foundation, which was faced with blocks of
marble, and surrounded by a Corinthian colonnade. The
tomb of Caecilia Metella with its frieze of bulls' heads and with
the architrave under which the inscriptions of the dead were
placed, must clearly have been used by Hadrian as a pattern.
In this hall, as well as on the platform of the tower, which
was approached by a flight of steps, works of sculpture were
placed, statues of horses and men, as Procopius says, of the
most admirable workmanship, and there the statue of Had-
rian, a work of enormous size, is also said to have stood on
a quadriga.*
From the portal of the mausoleum, which was closed by a
bronze door (the famous porta aenea of the Middle Ages), a
vaulted winding passage, similar to the passage in the pyra-
mids of Egypt, led up to the imperial sepulchre, which occu-
pied the centre of the large round tower. The sepulchre was
quadrangular, built of massive blocks of stone, which once
were faced with valuable marble. There were four large
niches to receive sarcophagi, and cinerary urns could be
placed on shelves close by. A porphyry sarcophagus in the
middle of the chamber contained the remains of the emperor.
Over the large round building there seems to have been a
second smaller one in the shape of a temple with pillared
halls, and a winding passage in it led to another sepulchre.'
We do not know how the dome of this temple was finished ;
the opinion that it was crowned by the large bronze pine-
1 In mediaeval plans of the city the mausoleum is represented as a
tower of two storeys rising from a quadrangular substructure. This is the
way in which Filarete, who was the first artist to handle the subject, has
depicted it on the bronze doors of St. Peter's.
' Procopius, De bell, Goth. i. 22; Panvinius, urds Roma, p. 1 14; Winckel-
mann, xii. c. i, 29a
' Bunsen, ibid. p. 418.
CHAP. XXV] Hadrian's Tomb 381
cone which now stands in the court of the Belvedere is not
well founded.' The original entrance to the tomb is now
walled up. It faced the Aelian bridge over the Tiber, which
the emperor built not far from the triumphal bridge, and
probably then destroyed. The new bridge resting upon seven
arches of travertine, and richlyadorned with statues, was already
built in 1 34 A.l). But Hadrian did not live to see the
completion of the mausoleum. It is even uncertain
whether he buried his wife Sabina and his adopted son
Aelius Caesar there ; perhaps this was only done by his
successor Antoninus Pius, who removed the ashes of the
emj^eror from Puteoli, and deposited them in the mausoleum.
An inscription says that Antoninus consecrated the tomb of
his parents by adoption, Hadrian and Sabina, in 139 A.D.*
The magnificent mausoleum was the conclusion of the life
and actions of the emperor Hadrian. After the fall of the
empire it served as dungeon, citadel, and fortress of Rome
during the gloomy centuries of the Papacy, and its melan-
choly history can be read in the chronicles of the Eternal
City in the Middle Ages.
' Lacour-Gaycl i^Milanges (PArch. et tTHist^ Ecoie franqaise de
Rome^ 1881, p. 312 sq\ proves that the pigna does not come from the
mausoleum, and supports the view of authorities on the Middle Ages^
who maintain that it crowned the dome of the Pantheon. This certainly
cannot be proved.
* See the first of the titles of the mausoleum, n. 984-995 ; CJ.L. vL i.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adler, Frledrlch. Erlauterungen zum Stadtplan von Ephesus. {KdnigUcke
AkademU lUr Wisienschaften, Abhatuiluftgen.) 8*. Ikrlin. 1873.
Alireni, Frani Heinrich Ludolf. De Athenarum statu politico et litenurio inde
ab Achaica foederis interitu usque ad Antoninorum tempora. 4*. Gottin-
guae. 1829.
Alexandrian Obronide. Chronicon Paschale. Ad exemplar Vaticanum re-
censuit L. Dindorfius. ( Carpus scriptorum Histariae BytauHncu. ) Cr, and
Lot, 8^ Bonnae. 1828.
Amluroi, Autfost Wilheim. Geschichte der Musik. 4 voll. 8*. Breslau.
1862-78.
Antoninus Anfln^stns. Vetera Romanorum itineraria ; sive A. A. itinerarium cum
integris... notis ; itinerarium Hierosolymitanum ...curante P. Wcsselingio.
4^ Amstelacdami. 1 735.
ApoUodorui DamasoenuB. Poliorcclica excerpta ex libris A. Vetenim maihe-
maticorum A...openu Gr, and LcU. Fol. Parisiis. 1693.
Appian AlexandrinuB. Historia Romana, ed. Ludovicus Mendelssohn. 2 vol!
Sm. 8*". Lipsiae. 1879-81.
AziftidM, Aeliua Aelius Aristides ex recensione G. Dindorfii. 3 voll. 8*. Lipsiae.
1829.
S. Aristidis, philosophi atheniensis ; Sermoncs duo. Venice. 1878.
Amd, OarL Der Pfahlgraben nach den neuesten Forschungen und Entdeckungen,
8*. Frankfurt a. M. 1861.
Arnold, William Thomai. The Roman system of Provincial Administration to
the accession of Constantine the Great. 8*". London. 1879.
Arrian, Flavlui. Tc^i^i} Tairr(in;,'£«cra{(f KQ.r^ 'AXou^ciii^, Ile/NirXovt llorrou Bdi^eu'ov,
lle/xirXovs -njn *E^v$pat QaXnaaris — ^Eriicnprov Eyxfipifiioif, tov dyrw 'Avo^-
Biyfiara Kal Avoffwafffiara. ... Ex recensione et museo N. Plancardi. Cr.
et LiU. 8% Amstelodami. 1683.
Arriani Nicomediensis scripta minora. Recognovit K. Hercher. Gr, . 8*.
Lipsiae. 1854.
Artemidoma. Oneirocritica ex duobus codicibus Mss. ... item indices adjecit J. G.
Kciff. Gr, 2 voll. 8*. Lipsiae. 1805.
Oneirocriticon, libri V. ex recensione R. Hercheri. Cr. 8*. Lipsiae. 1864.
Bibliography 383
AlehlMieh, J. Die Consulate der Romischen Kaiser von Caligula his Hadrian.
{Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften,) 8**. Wicn. 1 86 1.
Ueber Trajans steineme DonaubrUcke. {Kaiserlich-Konigliche Cfntralcammis-
sion tur Erforschung und Erhaltung der BaudcnkmaU.) 4^ Wien. 1 858.
Athenaeits. A. Deipnnsophistarum libri quindecim ex optimis codicibus ... emend-
avit ac supplevit ... commodisque indicibus instruxit J. Schweighauser. Gr^
%nd Lot, 14 voll. 8**. Argentorati. 1801-1807.
AthenaiTom. Legatio pro Christianis : C. Gesnero interprete. (J. P. Migne,
i\Urologia Gratra, torn. 6.) 4*. Parisiis. 1857.
AnM, Barthtiemy. Essai de Critique Religieuse. De TApolog^tique Chr^ienne
au II« siMe. Saint Justin Philosophe et Martyr. 8*. Paris. 1861.
Aofnitaa Hiitoiy. Historiae Augustae scriptores sex ... ad postrenuis I. Casau-
boni ... editionis exaisi. 12". Lugduni Batavorum. 1621.
Anreliiii Victor, 8«xtiii. Origio gentis Romanae. — De viris illustribus urbis
Rnmac. Historia abbreviata de Caesaribiis. — Epitome de vita et moribus
Imperatorum. (B. C. Haurisius, Scriptores Historiae Romanae Latini Veteres^
torn. 2.) Fol. Heidelburgiae. 1743-48.
Bammgv de BeauTal, Jaeqnea. Histoire des Juifs depuis J^sus Christ jusqu* k
present. 9 tom., 15 ports. I2^ La Ilaye. 1716.
Banmfari, Hermann. Aclius Aristides als Reprasentant der sophistischen
Rhetorilc des xweiten Jahrhunderts der Kaiserzeit. 8**. Leipzig. 1874.
Banr, Ferdinand Ohrlitlan Ton. Das Christenthum und die christlicbe Kirdie
der drci ersten Jahrhunderte. 8*. Tubingen. 1 86a
Bellermann, Johann FrtodrlclL I3ic Hymnen des Dionysius und Mesomedes.
Text und Melodien nach Mandschriften und den alten Ausgaben bearbeitet
von Dr. F. B. 4*. Berlin. 1840.
Bellorl, OioTannl Pletro. Veteres arcus Augustorum triumphis insignes ex reliquis
quae Romae adhuc stipersunt, etc. Fol. Romae. 1690.
Bonndorf, Otto. Beitriige sur Kenntniss des attischen Theaters. {Zeitschrift fSr
die oesterreifhisfken Gymnasien.) 8**. Wien. 1875.
VfirlHufiger Bcricht Uber zwei oesterreichisch-archaologische Expeditionen
nnrh Klein- Asien von O. B. 8* Wien. 1883.
Benndorf, Otto, nnd 8cb5no, Rldiard. Die antiken Bildwerke des Lateran-
cn«ivhen Museums beschrieben von O. B. und R. S. mit ... photo-lithograph-
i«rh<*n Tafcln. 8*. Ix^ipzig. 1 867.
Bomaye, Jacob. I^iician und die Kyniker. ... Mit einer Uebersetzung der Schrift
Lucians Ober das Lebensende des Peregrinns. 8*. Berlin. 1879.
Bembardy, GottfHed. Grundriss der griechischen Literatur : mit etnem vergleich-
enden Uel)erblick der Romischen. 8*. Ilalle. 1 876.
Btnl6, Cbarlea Bmat. Les Monnaies d* Athens. 4^ Paris. 1858.
L'Acropole d'Athenes. 8*. Paris. 1853-54.
Boocklni^, Bdnard. Corpus juris Romani Antejustiniani consilio E. Boeckingii,
etc. Prae&tus est E. B. 4*. Bonnae. 1 841.
384 Bibliography
Boiider, Oaston. La Religion Romaine d'Aiiguste aux Antonins. 2 toai. 8*,
Paris. 1874.
BoTffliMi, Bartolommao. Ouvres completes pybli^es par les ordres et aux fnus de
S. M. L'Empereur Napol^en III. 4*. Paris. 1862.
Bormann, Eugenlus. De Syriae Provinciae Romanae partibus capita nonnulhu
8*. Berolini. 1^5.
Bouch^-Ladercq, A. Histoire de la divination dans Tantiquit^. 8*. Paris. 1879.
Brim, Aloii Ton. Zur romischen Rechtsgeschichte. {Kritiicht VierUljahru'krifi
far Gesettgebung und Rechtswissensckaft,) 8^ MUnchen. 1 859.
Bruce, Jolm OoUlBffWOOd. The Roman wall: a historical, topographical, and
descriptive account of the barrier of the Lower Isthmus extending from the
Tyne to the Solway. ( The Geology of the district traversed by the Roman xoall.
With geological tiiap attd sections by G, TatCy etc*) Third edition. 4*.
London. 1867.
Bmim, Heinrlch. Geschichte der griechischen Kttnstler. 2 voll. 8". Braun-
schweig. 1853, 1859.
Bnntmry, Edward Herbert. A history of ancient geography among the Greeks
and Romans from the earliest ages to the fall of the Roman empire. 2 voll.
8^ London. 1879.
Burchardl, Oeory Ohriitlaii. Geschichte und Institutionen des Romischen
Rechts. 8°. Kiel. 1834.
Bomouf, Emlle. La ville et I'Acropole d'Athenes aux diverses ^poques. 8*.
Paris. 1877.
Bunian, Gonrad. Geographic von Griechenland. 2 voll. 8*. Leipzig. 1862-71.
Boxtorflui, Joannes, the Elder. J. Buxtorfi. P. Lexicon Chaldaicum, Talmudi-
cum et Rabbinicum ...opus XXX. annorum nunc demum, post Patris obitum,
ex ipsius autographo ... in lucem editum a. J. Buxtorfio filio. Fol. Basileae.
1639.
Oaignart de Baulcy, Lonii F^llden Joseph. Recherches sur la numismatique
Judalque. 4". Paris. 1854.
Les derniers jours de Jerusalem. 8^. Paris. 1866.
Numismatique de la Terre Sainte : Description des monnaies autonomes et
imp^riales de la Palestine et de TArabie P6tr6e, orn^ de 25 planches, etc.
4**. Paris. 1874.
CalUmachus. Callimachi hynmi, epigrammata et fragmenta ex recensione T. J.
G. F. Graevii cum ejusdem animadyersionibus. Accedunt ... R. Bentleii
commentarius et adnotationcs, etc. Gr, and Lai. 2 voll. 8* Ultrajccti.
1697.
Oassel, Beliff, afterwards Paulas. (Ersch und Gruber Allgemeine EncyclopidU
der WissetischaftenJ) 4**. Leipzig. 18 18.
Bibliography 3^5
Oawlodonii, MacBUB Anreliiis. Opera omnia. (J. P. Migne, Pairoiegia LoHna^
torn. 69-70). 4^ Parisiis. 1865.
OasttgUonl, Pl«tro. Delia popolazione di Romat dalle origini ai nostri tempi. 4*.
Roma. 1878.
OaTedoni, OalestlBO. Bihlische Numismatik ... aus dem Italienischen ttbersetzt
und mit Zusatzen versehen von A. von Werlhof. 8*. Hannover. 1855*56.
GedreBua, Georgliia. Georgius Cedrenus Joannis Scylitzae ope ab J. Belckero
suppletus et emendatus. {Corpus Scripiorum Historiae ByumtiniUy pars 24.)
Gr. and iMt, 8*. Bonnae. 1828, etc.
Oenienrall, Jnllna. Spartiani vita lladriani commentario illastiata. Dlsputatio
prior. (Upsala UnifersHets ArsskHfi,) 8*. Upsala. 1870.
diampolUoii, Jean Fimnfoia. I^ttres Rentes d*Egypte et de Nubie en 1828 et
1829. Collection complete accompagn^ de trois Memoirs inMits. 8*. Paris.
"833
OharlaiiiB, FUtIiis Boalpater. (II. Keil, Grammaiui Latini, vol. i.) 8*.
Upsiae. 1857.
Clarke, Edward Danlal. The tomb of Alexander, a dissertation on the sarco-
phagus brought from Alexandria and now in the British Museum. 4*. Cam-
bridge. 1805.
Glarka, Byda. Ephesus ; being a lecture delivered at the Smyrna Literary and
5>cienti(ic Institution. 8*. Smyrna. 1863.
Oltmana, Tltiui FUtIiib Alexandrlmia. KXiyfifrror rov *AXc{tu^pt«#f ra tb^xoiumL
irarra. C. Alexandrini opera quae extant omnia juxta edit. Oxon. an. 1715 ;
acccdunt N. I^ Nnurry Commentaria. 2 tom. Gr, and Lai. (J. P. Migne,
Patrotoj^a Grarca^ tom. 8, 9.) 4*. Parisiis. 1891, 1890.
CkdMB, Henry. Description historique des monnaies frappto sous I'Empiie
Romain commun^ment appelto medailles impMdes. 7 tom. Deuzi^me
edition. 8*. Paris. i88o-l89a
Com, Henri. lii Province Romaine de Dalmatie. 8*. Paris. 1 882.
Come, Alexander Chrlttopb Leopold. Archiiologische Untersuchungen auf
Snmothrake ausgeftihrt. ... (Bd. I.) Von A. C, A. Hauser, G. Niemann.
(Ikl. II.) Von A. C, A. Hauser, O. Benndorf. Mit Tafeln und ... 36 Holz-
schnitten. 2 voll. Fol. Wien. 1875-1880.
Coralnl, Bdoardo. Fasti Attici in quibus Archontum ...aetas atque praecipue
Atticae Historiae capita... deposita describentur, novttque observationibus
illuMrantur. 4 tom. 4*. Florentiae. 1744-1756. "
Cramer, Jobn Antony. Anecdote gracca e codd. manuscriptts Bibliothecarum
Oxoniensium dcscripsit J. A. C. 4 voll. 8*. OxoniL 1835-1837.
Creeolllns, Lndorlcm. Theatrum veterum rhetorum ...expoeitum libris quinque.
8*. Parisiis. 1620.
2B
386 Bibliography
OnrttuB, Bnut. Peloponnesos, eine historisch-geographische BeschreiUing der
Halbinsel. 2 voll. 8". Gotha. 1851.
Beitrage zur Geschichte und Topogiaphie Kleinasiens. {PkUoscphisck-kisi^r'
ische Abhandlungen der Konigl, Akademie der WisstnsckafUn,) 8*. Berlin.
1873- V
Inschriften aus Kleinasien. {Hermes^ VI 1.) 8*. Berlin, 1873.
Derenbonrg, Joaeph. Essai sur I'Histoire et la Geographie de la Palestine d*apr^
les Thalmuds et les autres sources rabbiniques. 8". Paris. 1867.
DtjrUniTf 0. B. Dissertatio de Aeliae Capitolinae historia et origine. (I). S.
Deylingi, Observaiiottum sacrarum . . .pan prima^ pt. 5. ) 4^. Lipbiae. 1 735, etc.
JMtrantr, J. Beitriige zu einer kritischen Geschichte Trajans. (Max Buedinger,
Unterstukungeti tur Rotn, KaisergeschickU^ Vol. I.) 2 voll. 8*. Leipzig.
1868.
Dion CtaUMillS. raic Aiwrot rov Kcuraiov . . . *Pwfuui(wr Urropuaif ra vw^ofUi^, Dioois
Casii historiarum Romanarum quae supersunt ..'. emendavit ... notas adjeciL
F. G. Sturz. Cr. and La/, 9 voll. 8*. Lipsiae. 1824- 1836.
Dion ObxyBOOtom. Auavot tov Xpwroarofiov Aoyoc Dionis Chrysostomi Orationes.
Recognovit et praefatus est L. Dindorfius. Gr, 2 voll. 8^ Lipsiae. 1859.
DiUenbergvr, WllhOlm. Die attische Panathenaiden Aera. {Commeuiatumes
pkUologicae in honorem T, Mommsetiu . Scripserunt attiici, etc. ) 4*. Berolini.
1877.
Hadrian's erste Anwesenheit in Athen. {Hermesy VIL) 8*. Berlin. 1873.
Die Allischen Phylen. {Hermes, IX.) 8'. Berlin. 1875.
Dodwell, Henry. Dissertationcs Cyprianicae. 8^ Oxoniae. 1684.
Dissertationcs in Irenacum. 8*. Oxoniae. 1689.
DooUinger, Johann Joaeph Ignai von. Heidenthum und Judenthum. Vorhall
zur Geschichte des Christen thums. 8^. Regensburg. 1857.
Doaithens. Quae ex Dosilhei magistri interpretamentorum libro tertio ad jus
pertinent D. Adriani sententiae et epistolae et tractatus forensis maxime de
manumissionibus. Gr. et Zo/. ... emendavit commentariisque instnixit £.
Bocking. {Corpus Juris Romani AnUjustiniani,) 4^ Bonnae. 1 84 1.
Dnerr, JuliUB. Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian. (Abhaftdlun^n des archdoLfgisck-
epigraphiscken Seminars der Univ. Wien.) 8*. Wien. 188 1.
Duruy, Victor. History of Rome and the Roman People, ed. by J. 1*. Mahafify.
4*. London. 1886.
Eckhelp Joaeph Hilariua von. Doctrina nummorum veteruni conscripta a J. E.
8°. Vindobonae. 1792-8.
Choix des pierres gravies du Cabinet Imperial des Antiques, represent^ en
XL. planches, d^crites et expliqute par £. Fol. Vienne. 1788,
Blsenmengor, Johann Androaa. Entdecktes Judenthum. ... In zwei Theilen.
4**, Konigsberg. 1711.
EpiotetUB. See Arrian, Flavins.
Bibliography 387
Xpiphanltu, faint, Blihop of OoniiantU in Ojpru. Epiphani Episcopi Con-
stantiae opera. 8*. Lipsiae. 1859-1863.
SumMui, Punidiill, Biibop of OaMana in Palostino. Omnia opera. (J. P. Migne,
Patrol^a Graeca^ lorn. 19-24.) 4'. rarisiis.
(.'hronicon. Euselii chroniconim libri duo.... Edidit A. Schone. 2 voll.
4". Rerolini. 1875- 1876.
£atropina, FlaTint. Etitropii breviarium historiae Romanae. Editionem primam
ctiravil D. C. G. Baumgarten-Crusius, alteram H. R., Dietsch. 8*. Lipsiae.
1849.
Ewald, Ooorir Hoinrieh Avguat von. Geschichte des Volkes Israel bis Christus.
7 voll. 8^ Gottingen. 1864.
Bytsonhardt, F. Hadrian and Florus. (R. Virchow and F. von IIoltzendorfT-
Vietniansdorf, Sammlung gemeitrverstdndiuher wissenschafllicher Vorirage^
Ser. XVII.) 8*. Berlin. 1882.
Fainretti, Ariodanto. Racolta numismatica del R. Museo di AntichitiL di Torino.
Monete Consolari. 8*. Roma. 1876.
Faliricini, 'B.^psmd, Hoinrleh Theodor Diotrieh. I>er Periplus des Erythriiischen
Mecres ... mit ... Anmerlcungen ... von B. F. 8*. Leipzig. 1 883.
Falkoner, Edward. Ephestis and the temple of Diana. 4*^. London. 1862.
Faa, Carlo. Mlvrellanea filologica, critica e anliquaria (che contiene spedalmente
notisie di scavi di antechitor ordinati da E. Fea). 2 tom. 8* Roma.
1790-1836.
Varieta di notizie economiche fisiche antcquaria sopra castel Gandolfo Albano
Ariccia Nemi, loro Laghi ed Emissarii, sopra scavi recenti di anlichitii in
Roma, e nei contomi, faliriche ^o|ierte, sctilture e iscrizioni trovatevi, ec., ec.
8*. Roma. 1820.
Finlay, Ooorgo. A history of Greece from its conquest by the Romans to the
present time, B.C. 146-A.D. 1864. A new edition, revised ... by the author and
edited by ... H. F. Tozer. 7 voll. 8* Oxford. 1877.
Flommer, Ham Morton. De itincrilnis et rebits gestis Iladriani Imperaioris
secimdum numonim et inscriptionum testimonia commentatio. 8*. Hauniae.
1836.
Flomi, Lndna Annaoni. J. Flori Epitomae de Tito Livio bellorum omnium
annonim D.c.c. libri II. Renccnsuit et emendavit O. Jahn. 8*. Lipsiae.
1852.
J. Flori Epitomae de Tito Livio l^ellorum omnium annorum D.cc. libri duo.
Recngnovit C. Halm. 8*. Lipsiae. 1854.
Foontor, Pan! Ridiard. Studien ni den Griechischen Taktikem. {Hermes^ XIL)
8*. Berlin. 1877.
Die bildende Kunst unter Hadrian. {Die Grenthden,) 8*. Lctpng. 1 875.
ForMgor, Albtrt. Hellas und Rom. Populilre Darstellung des offentlichen und
hiuslichen Lebens der Griechen und Romer. 8*. Lctpsig. 187 1.
388 Bibliography
Foy-ValUant, Jean. Numismata Impeiatonim, Augustanim et QifiMuiiin m
populis Romanae ditionis Graece loquentibus ex omni modulo percusML. 4*.
Lutetiae Parisioruni. 1698.
Fnnoko, HeinriclL Zur Geschichte Trajans und seiner Zeitgenoasen. 8*.
Glistrow. 1837.
F^ani, Jobaim. Klementa l!lpigraphicos Graecae. 4*. Berolini. 1840.
Frtodlaender, Ludwl|r> Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms in der Zeit
von August bis zum Ausgang der Antonine. 3 voU. 8^ Leipcig.i888-l890.
Das Romische Africa. {DaUsche Rundschau^ Heft 4 und 5.) 1883.
Ftoelmer, WUlielm. Departement des Antiques de la Sculpture Modeme. La
colonne Trajane d^rite par W. F. 8**. Paris. 1865.
Numismatique Antique. Ijcs MMaillons dc 1' Empire Komain depuis la
r^gne d'Auguste jusqu'ii Priscus Atlale. 4*. Paris. 1878.
Fronto, MareuB Oomalliis. M. C. Frontonis opera inedita, cum epistulis item
ineditis Antonini Pii, M. Aurelii, L. Veri, et Appiani ; nee non aliorum
veterum fragmentis, invenit et commentario praevio notisque illustravit A.
Maius. Pars prior (Pars altera cui adduntur seu inedila seu cogoita ejusdem
Frontonis opera), apt. 8*. Mediolani. 181 5.
M. C. Frontonis Reliquiae, ab A. Maio primum editae ... iterum edidit
B. G. Niebuhrius. 8^ Berolini. 1816.
M. C. Frontonis et M. Aurelii Imperatoris Epistulae I«. Veri et Antonini Pii
ct Appiani epistularum reliquiae. Fragmenta Frontonis et ScripU Gram-
inatica. Editio prima Romana ... curanti A. Maio. 8*. Romae. 1823.
M. C. Frontonis et M. Aurelii Imperatoris Epistulae et alia Scripta ... ed
A. Mai. 8* Romae. 1846.
Gains, the Jurist. Institutionem libri duo, cura £. Boecking: Institutionem
commentarii quatuor cum commentariis J. F. L. Goeschenii. {Corpus yuris
KoHiani A ntejustiniani. ) 4**. Bonnae. 1 84 1 .
Geib, Oarl GustaT. Geschichte des Romischen Criminalprocesses bis cum Tode
Justinians. 8^ Leipzig. 1842.
Oelllus, Anlus. A. GcIIii Ni)ctium Atlicarum Libri XX. Ex recensiooe et cum
apparalu critico M. Ilcilz. 2 voU. 8^ licrulini. 1883-1885.
George Syneellus. Chronographiae ab Adamo usque ad Diocletianum ... coUectio-
ex recensione G. Dundorfii, G. G. Bredorii dissertatio de Giorgio Synoellus ...
ad Georgii Syncelli chronolog ... J. Goar digestus Jacobi Goar emendatione et
annotationes. {Corpus Scriptonun Historic Bjnautinae.) Gr, and Lai. 8*.
Bonn. 1828.
Gerhard, Bduard. Antike Bildwerke zum ersten mal bekannt gemacht von E. G.
Text 3 Lieferungen. 4*". Stuttgart u. Tubingen. 1828-44.
Gibbon, Edward. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
With notes by Dean Milnian and M. Guizot. Edited with additional notes
by W.Smith. 8 voll. 8*. London. 1854-1855.
Graefenhan, Ernst August Wilhelm. Gescbichte der klassischen Philologie im
Alterthum. 4 voll. 8". Bonn. 1843- 1850.
Bibliography 389
Chratti, Rlrtoh. Geschichte Her Juden von den iiltesten Zdten his auf die Gegen-
wart. {InstUiU gur FortUmng der israeb'tischett LiiertUur, ) 1 1 voll. 8*.
Leipug. 1855, etc.
^Iraiberger, Lortm. Erziehung und Unterricht im kla!»ischcn Alterthum mit be
sonderer RUcksicht aufdie BedUifnissederGegenwart. 8*. WUnburg. 1864.
•Orvek Anthology. Epigrammatum Anthologia Palatina ... apparatu critico
instnixit F. Duebner. (A. F. Didot, Scriptorum Graecarum Bibiiotheca,)
8^ Parisiis. 1 864- 1 872.
Oregory, called Bar HolnmeiiM. Gregorii Abul|iharagii ... Chronicon Symcum:
cndicibus Bodleianis deinnripsit, maximam partem vestit notisque illustravit.
P. J. Bruns edidit et parti vertit, notasque adjicit G. G. Kirsch. 2 voll. Syr.
et JmI, 4*. Lipsiae. 1789.
Oregory of Nailansiui, Balnt, Patrlareh of ConatantlBoplo. Omnia opera. (J. P.
Migne, Pairdogia Graeca^ torn. 35-38.) 4*. Parisiis. 1885, 1857, 1858.
Chroppo, J. O. Honor^. Memoire sur les vo}'ages de PEmpereur Hadrian. Paris.
1842.
Omtems, Janni. Iiiscriptiones Anliquae totius orbis Komani. 2 torn. Fol.
Amstelacdami. 1 707 .
On^rln, Vletor. Description g^ographiqtie, historique, et arch^logiqae de la
Palestine, accompagn^ de cartes detaillfes. (!*remi^re partie — ^Judee, etc)
8*. Paris. 1868-1880.
Voyage arch^logique dans la K^ence de Tunis, etc. 2 torn. 8*. PAris.
1862.
<lnlil, Braat. Ephesiaca. 8*. Berolini. 1843.
Baakb, Ad. Article * Hadrian.' (Pauly, A. F. von. Real Enex€hpadie dtt
cirtssiuhin A Iterthtimswisseftschafi,) 8*. Stuttgart. 1 839, etc.
Barael, Chutay. Corpus legum ab Imperatoribus Komanis ante Justinianum
lainnmi. . . . Accedunt res ab Imperatorilnis gestae quibiis Komani juris historia
et imperii status illustratur. Ex monumentis et scriptoribus Graecis I^tinisque
collcgit ... indicilxis ... instruxit G. H. 2 pts. 4*. Lipsiae. 1857-1860.
Hardonln, Jean. Conciliorum collectio regia maxima ab anno Christi xxxiv. ad
annum ; ad P. Labliaei et Cossartii labores ... emendationibus plurimus additis,
...ex codd. manuscri))tis : cum novis ... indicibus. Studio J. Hardouini.
12 tom. Fol. Ihirisiis. 1715.
I, Oarl Avfiitt. Kirchengeschichte. 8*. Leipzig. 1837.
BaunraUi, Adolf. Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichle. 4 Theile. 8*. Heidelberg.
18681877.
HilBOoeliia, Jobaim Ootttiib. J. G. H. ... AntiquitAtum Romanarum jurispni-
denciam illastrantium Syntagma.... Editio octava ... auctior. 4^ Genevae.
1746.
HalMg, Wolflpuig. Untersuchungen Uber die campanische Wandmalerei. 8*.
Leipzig. 1873.
390 Bibliography
HenMn, WiUittlm. Set Orelli, Johann Caspar.
H«rder, Johann Ctotifirled Ton. Idecn xur Philosophic der Geschichte der Menscfa-
heit. Dritte AuAage, mit einer Einleitung von H. Luden. 8*. Letpxig.
1828.
Honnann, Oarl Frledrlch. Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquitiiten. 8*. Heidel-
berg. 1875.
Zur Begleitung meines J^hrbuchs der gottesdienstlichen AlterthUmer der
Griechen.... 8^ Gottingen. 1846.
Horodian, the Hiitorian. Herodiani ab excessu divi Marci libri octo, ab I.
Rekkero rccogniti. 8*. Lipsiae. 1855.
Herti) Martin. Renaissance und Rococo in der Romischen Literatur. Ein
Vortrag, etc. 8*. Berlin. 1865.
Hertiberg, Gastav Frledrlch. Tituli Staliiariorum Sculptorumque Graecoruin
cum prolegonienb, etc. 8^ fierolini. 187 1.
HieronjrmuB, Saint. S. Eusebii Hieronymi opera omnia. (J. P. Migne, Fatrclogia
Graeca, torn. 22*3a) 4^ Parisiis. 1857- 1888.
Hinohfeld, GuttaT. Tituli Statuariorum Sculptorumque Graecorum cum prolego-
menis, etc. 8^ Berolini. 1871.
Hinohfeld, Heinrlch Otto. Die Verwaltung der Rheingrenze in den ersten drei
Jahrhunderten der romischen Kaiserzeit. {CofMtneftiatiottes philohgieae in
hoHorcin T. Mommsmi, Scripseruni atnici^ etc.). 4^. lierolini. 1877.
Untcrsuchungen auf dem Gebietc der romischen Verwaltungs Geschichte. 8*.
Berlin, 1877.
Die Getreide Verwaltung in der romischen Kaiserzeit. {PhilohguSf XXIX.\
8*. Gottingen.
Hirt, Aloyi Ludwlff. Die Geschichte der l^ukunst bei den Alten. 3 volL
4^ Berlin. 1821-1827.
Hoeokh, Oarl. Romische Geschichte vom Verfall der Republik bis zur Vol-
lendung der Monarchic unter Constantin. Mil vorzUglicher RUcksicht auf
Verfassung und Verwaltung des Reichs. 8^ Braunschwig. 1841-50.
Hudermann, B. B. Geschichte des romischen Postwesens wahrend der Kaiserzeit.
8^ Berlin. 1878.
Huebner, Bmil. Die antiken Bildwerke in Madrid, etc. 8^. Berlin. 1862.
Der romische Grenzwall in Germanien. {Jakrbtich des Sereins fiir Alter'
tkttmsfretituU im Rheinland^ LXII.) 1 878.
Humboldt, Frledrlch Heinrlch Alexander Ton, Baron. Kosmos. Entwurf einer
physischen Weltbeschreibung. 5 voll. 8^. Stuttgart and Ttlbingen, 1845-62.
finenaens. Opera omnia. (J. P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca^ tom. 7.) 4*.
Parisiis. 1882.
Jahn, Otto. Aus der Alterthumswissenschaft. Populare Au&atze. 8*. Bonn.
1868.
Bibliography 391
Jott, baao Maroiu. Allgemeine Geschichte desisraelitischen Volkes, etc. 2 volt.
8*. Berlin. 1832.
(Seschichte des Judenthums und seiner Secten. 3 Abth. 8*. Leipzig.
1857-1859.
Jnag, Jollai. Die romanischen Landschaften des romischen Reiches. Studien
Uber die inneren Entwickelungen in der Kaiserzeit. 8*. Innsbruck. 1881.
Jmtlii, MMXtyr, Balnt. Justini ... opera quae fcruntur omnia. (Otto, Corptis
Ap4ylogHrtrittn Chnstinfu»iim saeaiH secu9uit\yo\, ^^,) 8*. Jena. 1 876.
JvittnUn t, Emperor of tho Baft (687.666). Corpus Juris Civilis. Editio
stereotypa quinta. (Institutionefi. Recognovit Paul Krtlger. — Digesta. Recog-
novit Theodorus Mommsen. — Codex Justinianus. Recognovit Paul Krilger.)
4^ Berolini. 1888.
Xalbel, Georg. Kpigraimnnta Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta. Edidit G. K. 8*.
Berolini. 1878.
XoU, Heinrieh. Griechische Inschriflen. {Philologits^ Suppl. II.) 8*. Gottingen.
1863.
H erodes Atticus. (A. F. von Pauly, Real- Encyclopadii der elasiuchm Alter'
thumswissinschaftJ) 8*. Stuttgart. 1839.
XeUermami, Olam OhrlitlaB. Vigihim Romanonim latercula duo Coelimontana
nin^nnin pnrlcnt militiae Rnmnnac explicantia edidit atque illustravit,
np|y?ndiccin inscripliontm quae ad vigiles pertinent, laterculorum militarium
liucusi]ue cognitorium omnium et inscriptionum variarum militarium adj. O. K.
4". Romae. 1835.
Xellner, Heinrieh, of Trevea. Hellenismus und Christenthum, oder die geistige
Reaction des antiken Heidenthums gegen das Christenthum. Mit besonderer
RUrksicht auf die Christenfeindliche Literatur des classischen Alterthums,
sowte auch der Gegenwart. 8**. Kbln. 1866.
Klepert. Heinrieli. A Manual of Ancient (Geography, trans, by G. A. Macmillan.
8". London. 1881.
King, Oharlea WiUlam. Antique Gems and Rings. 2 volt. 8*. London.
1872.
Klein, Joaef . Fasti Consulares inde a Caesaris nece usque ad imperium Diocletiani.
8"*. Lipsiae. 1 88 1.
IMenken gegen die Aechtheitdes hadrianischen Christen Rescripts. ( Thm-
iogisfkes Jahrbufh . ) 1 856.
Knant, Dr. 0., of Wortlhaqaen. Hadrian als Regent und ab Character. Ein
Versuch. 4*. Nortlhausen. 1 87 1.
Koeehly, Hermann Aofntt Theodor, and Rttatow, F. WIDidm. Aelians Theorie
der Taktik. Griechisch u. Deutsch. 12*. Leipzig. 1855.
Kranae, Jobann Heinrieh. Nc cMropet. Civitates Neocorae sive Aedituae e vetenim
libris nummls, lapidibus inscriptis adumbratae, atque corollariis quattuor
aclditio illustratae. 8*. Lipsiae. 1 844.
Olympia, oder Darstellung der grossen Olympischen Spiele und der damit
verlxindenen Festlichkeiten ... nebst einem ... Verzeichntes der Olympischen
Sieger ... und einigen Fragmenlen des Phlegon aus Tralles, etc. 8*. Wien.
1838.
392 Bibliography
XUegel, Oarl Johann Albert. Antiqua versio Latina fragmentorum e Modeslini
libro de excusationibus...in integrum restituta. Scripsit C. J. A. K. 4^
Lipsiae. 1830.
Xnldtsoliak, JOMph WUlielm. De Romanorum Tribuum origine ac propagalione.
{Abhandlungen des archaologisck-epigraphischen SemitMrs der UniversUai
WUn, Heft 3.) 8*. Wien. 1880.
Xalm, Bmil. Die stadtische und bUrgerliche Verfassung des Romischcn Keichs
bb auf die Zeiten Justinians. (Nachlrage, etc.) 2 Thcilc. 8^. Leipzig.
1864, 1865.
la B«rge, 0. de. Essai sur la rigne de Trajan. {Ec<^e Prati^tu des HauUs
Etudes, Biblioth^ue, etc. Fasc. 32.) 8*. Paris. 1877.
lalMurde, Lton Bminannel Simon Joeeph de, llarqiiia. Voyage de TArabie Petr^
par L. de Laborde et Linant, public par L. de Laborde. (Flore de I* Arable
Petr^. Plantes recudllies par L. de laborde ...d^crites par M. Dclile.)
Fol. Paris. 1830.
Laoonr-Oayet, O. M<^langes d' Architecture et d'Histoire. {Ecole Frattfaise tie
Home,) Rome. 188 1.
LaetanttUB, Luolua OaeUus Flrmianna. Opera omnia. (J. P. Migne, Patrologia
Laima, torn. 6, 7.) 4*. Paris. 1844.
LamprldiUB, Aelina. See Augustan History.
Leake, William Marttn. The Topography of Athens, with some remarks on its
antiquities. With plates. 8*. London. 1 82 1.
Le Bae, Philippe, and Waddington, W. H. Voyage archeologi(|ue en Grecc ct en
Asie mincure ... pendant les annte 1843 et 1844 ct public ... par P. Ic lia:s et
W. H. Waddington. ... Itineraire, Inscriptions, Explications des Inscriptions.
Fol. Paris. 1847, etc.
Lebxeoht, FtUrditeffOtt Bhemalali. Bether, die fragliche Stadt im Hadrianisch-
jttdischen Kriege. Ein i700JahrigesMissverstandniss. Beitrag zur Geschichte
und Geographic des alten Palastina mit hisrorischen Beilagen in liebraischer
Sprache. 8*. Schmiedeberg. 1877.
Iienel, Otto. Das Edictum perpetuum ein Versuch zu dessen Wiederhcrstellung.
8". Leipzig. 1883.
Lenormant, Fraii90ie. Recherches arch^logiques ii Eleusis ex^cutto dans le
cours de Tannic i860. ... Recueil des inscriptions. 8*. Paris. 1862.
UAniinous d'El&xsis. (/fevtse ArcA/olc>^'^ue.) 8". Paris. 1874.
Letrouie, Jean Antoine. La statue vocale de Memnon consid^r^ dans ses
rapports avec I'Egypte et la Grice. Etude historique, faisant suite aux
Recherches pour servir k I'histoire de I'Egypte pendant la domination des
Grecs et des Romains. 4^ Paris. 1833.
Recueil des Inscriptions Greoques et Latines de PEgypte ^tudito dans leur
rapport avec I'histoire politique, I'administration int6rieur, les institutions
civiles et religieuses de ce pays, depub la conqu6te d'Alexandre jusqu'i celle
des Arabes. 2 tom. 4*. Paris. 1842-1848.
Bibliography 393
Lertiow, OoBimd toil Ueber den Antinous dargestcllt in den Kunstdenkmalem
des Alterthums. Eine archiiologische Abhandlung. ... Nebst 12 Kupfertafeln.
4*. Berlin. 1808.
LtTy, H. A. Geschichte der jiUlischen Mllnzen, etc. {Institut tm Fbrderungdet
israelitischen Liieratttr.) 8*. Leipzig. 1862.
Ligmlo, Plrro. Ichnographia villae Tihurtinae Iladriani Cacftaris, olim a P.
Lif^orio delineata et dcMrripta, poKtca a F. Contucio ... recognita ... nuncdenuo
aflfahre aere inctm in elegantirrcns... formam redacta, addita expositione
Latina. Tianta delta villa Tiburtina de Adriano Caewro, etc. /Mi. and Ital*
Fnl. Rnmae. 1751.
LOBgpMer, H«iurl Adrien. Sfe Trevost de Longp^rier.
Loebeke, WUhelm. Geschichte der Architektur von den altesten Zeiten bis auf
die Oegcnwart, etc. Sechste vermehrte Auflagc .. . mit ... Holzschnitt Illustra-
tionen. 2 voll. 8**. Leipzig. 1884-1886.
Ltliow, Carl Friedrleh Arnold tob. MUnchener Antiken. Fol. MUnchen.
1869.
Lnmteoio, Glaoomo. L'Egitto al tempo dei Greci e dei Romani. 8*. Roma.
1882.
Maorobiiii. Macrobius. F. Eyssenhardt recognovit. 8*. Liptiae. 1868.
■addon, Frodorio William. Coins of the Jews... . With 279 woodcuts and a
plate of alphabets. 1881. (W. Marsden, F.R.S., A^«Mi>wiii!(t Orufttalia),
2 vnll. 4*. London. 1874.
History of Jewish Coinage and of Money in the Old and New Testament, by
F. W. M. ... With woodcuts and a plate of alphabets, by F. W. Fairholt.
4*. London. 1864.
MallM, Paolo AUeoaandro. (*emme antiche figurate date in luce da D. de Rossi
colle spositioni di P. A. M. 4 pt. 4*. Roma. 1707*1709.
Malala, Joannot. Jnannils Malalae Chronographia. (J. P. Migne, Patrolcgia
Gmtat^ tom. 97.) 4*. Parisiis. 1865.
{Cof'ptis ScHptontm Hiitoriae Byxaniituu.) Gr, and Lai, 8*. Bonnae.
1828.
■aanort, Oonrad. (>eographie der Griechen und Romer aus ihren Schriften
dargestellt. 3 Theile. 8*. NUmberg. 1 788- 1 792.
■arooUinu, Ammlaniis. A. M. rcrum gestarum qui de XXXI. siipersiint libri
XVI!!. ... Omnia nunc recognita ab J. Gronovio qui suas qttor|ue notes
pa^im inseniit et neccssariis ad Ammiani illustrationem antiquis nummis ac
(igurls ex omari curavit. Fol. Lugduni Ratavorum. 1 693.
■artotio, PloiTO. Trait^ des pierres grav^. 2 tom. Fol. Paris. 1750.
■arqnardt, J. Cyzicus und sein Gebiet. Nfit ciner Karte. 8*. Berlin. 1836.
Marqiiardt, Joachim, and Hommton, Thoodor. Ilandbuch der Romischen
AltcrthUmcr. (Romisches .Staat^rccht von Theo<lor Mommsen, voll. 1-3;
Rcmiische Slants Verwaltung von J<iachim Marquardt, voll. 4-6 ; Das IVivmt-
leljen der Romer von J. Marquardt, voL 7.) 7 voll. 8*. Leipdg. 1887.
394 Bibliography
Maruoohl, Oimilo. Descrizione del Foro Romano e guida per la visita dei suoi
monumenti. 8*. Roma. i88j.
Maspero, Oaston. Histoire ancienne des peuples de I'Orient. Quatri^me edition.
8*. Paris. i886.
Hatter, A. Jacqnei. Histoire de TEcole d'Alexandrie, compart aux prindpale
^coles contemporaines. Ouvrage couronn^ par I'lnstituL Deuxiime edition*
8^ Paris. 1840-1844.
Hey«r, Ludwl|r> Pli.]>>i of Berlin. Tibur, Eine romische Studie. (R. Virchow,
and F. von Holtzendorflf-Vielmansdorf, Sammlwig gemeiiwersldHdlLker
wissmscAa/t/uAtr yor/ra^, Sa. XVlll.) 8^ Berlin. 1883.
Midraah. Bibliotheca Rabbinica. Eine Zammlung alter Midraschim, zum ersten
male ins Deutsche Ubertragen von Dr. A. Wttnsche. 12 parts. 8". Leipzig.
i88o-i885.
KUoblioefer, Artlmr. Die Museen Athens. 8^ Athen. 1881.
miman, Henry Hart, Dean of St. Paol'i. The History of the Jews from the
earliest period down to Modem Times. Third edition ...extended. 3 voll.
8*. London. 1863.
llinnclni Felix, Mareua. M. Minucii Felicis Octavius. (J. P. Migne, Patrologia
Laiina, tom. 3.) 4**. Parisiis. 1886.
Mtonnet, Theodore Edine. Description de medailles antiques grecques et romaines.
6 torn. (Recueil des planches. Supplement, 9 tom.) 8*. Paris. 1806-1837.
Hommaen, Aofiut. Athenae christianae ecdcsiae prope Ilissum sitae. 8^
Lipsiae. 1848.
llcortologic. Anti(|uarischc Unlcrsuchungen Uber die sladtischen Kcslc dcr
Alhener. 8*. Leipzig. 1864.
Hommaen, Theodor. Zur Lebensgeschichte des jUngeren Plinius. {Hermes ^ \W\
8^ Berlin. 1869.
Die Romischen Lagerstadte. {Hermes, \\\,). 8*. Berlin. 1873.
De CoUegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum. Accedit inscriptio Lanuvina. 8*r
Kiliae. 1843.
Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinae. Fol. Lipsiae. 1852.
Grabrede des Kaisers Hadrian auf die altere Matidia. {/Cmiglicke
Akademit der WisscnschafUn,) V. Berlin. 1863.
HoYen, FTani Oarl. Die Phonizier. 2 voll. 8^ Bonn. 1841, 1856.
Hneller, Oarl OtMed, Aroliaeologiat. Handbuch der Archaologie der Kunst.
Dritte ... vermehrte Auflage mit Zusatzen von F. G. Welcher. 8^. Breslau.
1848.
Hneller, Bmestni Henriona Otto. De P. A. Floro poeta ... Dissertatio ... quanv
publice defendet ... O. M. 8^. Berolini. 1855.
Hneller, Jobann Jacob. Der Geschichtschreiber L. Marius Maximus. Eine
kritische Untersuchung. 8". Leipzig. 1870.
Hneller, &. 0. Osymandias und sein Grabpalast. (Ersch und Gruber, AUg$'
meine Encyclopaedie der IVisseHSchaftefi), 4**. Leipzig. 1 81 8.
Bibliography 395
MflBtar, Frederlk CbrlttUn Oarl Henrlk, Blihop of Xealaad. Der judische
Krieg unter den Kaisem Trajan und Hadrian. 8*. Altona und Leipzig.
1821.
Hardlnl, Famlano. Roma Antica. Editio quarta Romana ... con note ed
osscn-azioni cntico-antiquarie di A. Nibby ... e con disegni rappresentanti la
faccia attua1e[deir anticaHopografia di A. de Romanis. 8*. Roma. 1818-1820.
Meander, Johaim August Wilhelm. Allgemeine Geschichte der christlichen
Religion und Kirche. 6 voll. 8*. Hamburg. 1825-1852.
Heubftuer, Adolf. I^ Geographic du Talmud. 8*. Paris. 1868.
Hlblij, Antonio. Fabbriche antiche nei contorni di Roma misarate e pubblicale
dair architetto C. Pontani descritte dal professore Ant. Nibby. Distribodoni.
4*. Koma. 1841.
Hioolftl, Rudolph, (jriechischc Literaturgeschichte in neuer Bearbeilung. 3 voll.
8*. Magdeburg. 1873-1878.
Hiebuhr, Barthold Oeorg . Lectures on the HUtory of Rome from the first Punic
War to the death of Constantine ... including an introductory course on the
sources and study of Roman History. Ed. by L. Schmidt. 2 voll. 8*.
London. 1844.
Niaaen Heinrieh. Das Templum. Antiquarische Untersuchungen.... Mit astro-
nomischen HiUfstafeln von U. Tiele, etc. 8*. Berlin-Bonn. 1869.
Homp^re de Obampagny, Fran^oii Joseph Marie ThArte, Count. Les Antonins,
ans de J. C. 69-180. Suite des C^rs et de Rome et la Jud^. 3 torn. 8**
Paris. 1863.
Horls, Enrico, Cardinal. Annus et Epochae Syromacedonum in vetustis Urbium
Syriae nummis ... expositae. Additis Fastis consularibus anonjrmi. Acoes-
serunt ... Disscrtationes de Paschali I^inonim Cyclo annorum LXXXIV., ac
Ravcnnate annorum xcv. 3 pt. Fol. Florentiae. 1691.
Ooco, Adolphas, of Augsburg. Imperatorem Romanorum nuroismata ... ab Adolp)K>
Occone olim cnngesta nunc...aucta studio et cura F. Mediobarbi Biragi.
Fol. Mediolani. 1683.
Orelli, Johann Caspar. Inscriptionum Latinarum selectanim ampUssima collectio'
ad illustrandam Romanae Antiquitatis disciplinam ... edidit Johann Caspar
Orclli. ( Volumen tertiam collectionis OrelUanae ... edidit Gulielmus Henien.)
8*. Turici. 1 828- 1 856.
Orlgen. Origenis opera omnia. (J. P. Migne, Patroiogia Graeca, torn. 1 1-17.)
4*. l»arisiis. 1 857, '62, '59, '63.
Orosius, Paulus. Pauli Orosii historiarum libri septem. (J. P. Migne, PcUrolcgia
Lattna, lom. 31.) 4*. Parisiis. 1846.
Orerbeck, Johannes Adolph. Geschichte der Griechischen PlasUk Air Ktlnstler
und Kunstfreumle. Mit Illustrationen gexetchnet von H. StreUer, geschnitten
von F. G. Flegel. Fol. and 8*. Leipdg. 1881-1883.
396 Bibliography
Pagl, Antolnt. Critica historico-chronologica in universos Annales Ecdesiasdoos
Caesaris Cardinalis Baronii ... ab adventu Domini nostri J. C. ad annum 119S
studio et cura Francisci Pagi. Editio novissiina, plurimis in locis emendata,
cui accessit dissertatio hypatica, seu de consulibus Caesareis. 4 torn. Fol.
Antverpiae. 1727.
Panvlaio, Onofrio. Antiquae Urbis imago. (Graevius, J. G., Thesaurus
AntiquiicUum Romanaruniy torn. 3.) Fol. Lugdunum Batavorum. 1694.
Partliey, OuitaT Friediioli Ckmitantin. Das Alexandrinische Museum. Eine
von der Konigl. Akademie der Wissenschaftcn ... gekronte Prcisschrift.
8^ Berlin. 1838.
Paulinas, Balat, Bishop of Nola. Oiicra omnia. (J. P. Mignu, Patroh^a
LaiitM, torn. 61). 4*. Paris. 1861.
Pausanias. Pausaniae Descripiio Graeciae. Rccognovit...J. II. C. Schubarl.
2voll. Gr. 8". Leipdg. 1853-54.
Perrot, Ctooxves, and OuiUanme, Bdmond. Exploration arch^logique de la
Galatie et de la Bithynie, d*une partie de la M)'sie, de la Phrygie, de la
Capadoce et du Pont, execute en 1861 et public ... par G. Perrot, E.
Guillaume, etc. 2 tom. Fol. Paris. 1862.
Perrot, Qoorgss. Inscripliones incdites de la mer noire. {Revue Archiologiqtu.)
8^ Paris. 1874.
Petor, Oarl. Geschichte Roms, etc. Dritte ... Ausgabe. 36 volL 8^. Halle.
1870-71.
Potenon, Proderlk Olirlstlaii. Allgemeine Einleitung in das Studium der
Archaologie. Aus dem Danischen Ubersetzt von S. Friedrichsen. 8*.
Leipzig. 1829.
Pfltmor, Wilbolm. Geschichte der romischen Kaiserlegionen von Augustas bis
Hadrianus. 8°. Leipzig. 1881.
Philippi, Adolph. Ueber die romischen Triumphal Keliefe. {Konigl, Hachsuche
Cesellschafi der Wissenschaften Abka'ndlungen^ vol. 6.). 1872.
Philostratas. Flavii Philostrati Opera aucliora edidit C. L. Kayser. Accudunt
Aix>llonii epibtolac, Euscbiusadvcrsus Ilieroclcni, Philostrati J uniaris imagines,
Callistrati descriptiones. Gr^ 2 voU. 8". Lipsiae. 1870-71.
rd T&y ^iKoarpaTup Xeiroftcra drorra Phi lost ratorum quae supcrsunt omnia.
. . . Accessere Apollonii Tyanensis Epistolae, Euscbii lilier ad versus 1 licroclcm,
Callistrati descript. statuarum. Omnia ... recensuit, notis ... illustravit,
versionem totam fere novam fecit G. Olearius. Gr. and JLal. FoL Lipsiae.
1709.
Pltlegon of Tralles. Phlegontis Tralliani opuscula Graece et Latine e recensione
J. Meursii.... Iterum edidit, animadversiones...adjecit T. G. F. Francius.
8*. Halae-Magdeburgicae. 1775.
Photius, Patriaroh of Oonstantiiiople. ^ioriw rd tifpi^KO/itpa warra. Opera
omnia. Gr, and Lai, 4 tom. (J. P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca, tom.
101-104.) 4^ Parisiis. i860.
Bibliography 397
Pirn IL, Pope, £ii«a BUtIo PleoolomliiL IHi Secundi Pontificis Max. Com-
mcntnrii renim memonibiliuin, quae temporibus sais contigenint, a J.
Gohellino ... coropositi (or rather begun by PitM II. and continued and edited
t)y J. Gobelliniis), etc. Omnia ... nunc primum in luccm edita. 8*. Romae.
1584.
Flew, J. Martus Maximus als directe oder indtrecte Quelle dcr Script. Mist.
Aug. 4^ StrasslMirg. 1878.
Fttalni BeeimdiiB, Oalni. C. Plinii Naturalis Historia. D. Detle£ien recensutt.
6von. 8*. Berolini. 1866-82.
RtaliiB OaMdlim 8«eiuidiit. C. Plinii Caecili Secundi Epbtalamm libri
novcm, Epistularum ad Traianum, liber Panegyricus. Ex recensione H. Keilii.
Accedit index nominum ... T. Mommsen. 8*. Lipsiae. 1870.
Plntareh. l\\ovTapxov...TiL^UBtKa. Plutarchi ... Moralia, id est, opera, exceptis
%'itiR, reliqua. Gracca emcndavit ... item indices ... adjecit D. Wyttenbach.
8 torn. 4^ Oxonii. 1795- 1830.
FoltmoB, Antoniua. PolemonU Declamationes quae extant duae. Accedant...
Isaaci Porphyrogenneti ... quae vulgo dicuntur Scripta. Recensuit H. Hinck.
8*. Lipsiae. 1873.
lloXf/iCirrot So^c^rov Aoyw. Polcmonis I^cxlicensis sophtstac laudationet II.
funchrcs in Cynacgirum et Callimachum occisos in pugna Marathonia, Graece.
Textnni rccognovit paraphrasin Latinam P. Possini ejusdemque et H.
Stephani notas integral suasque et J. C. Orelli animadvcrsionis adjecit J. C.
Orellius etc. Gr. and An/. 8*. Lipsiae. 1 8 19.
PrtUar, Lndwiff. Romische Mythologie. 8*. Berlin. 1881.
Fr«Toat de Loiigp4rl«r, Haarl Adrltn. M^moires tur la chronologic et Picono-
graphic dcs Rois Parthes Arsacides. . . . Ouvrage accompagn^ de 18 planches
gravi'-cs. 4*. Parw. 1853- 1882.
Priaa, Benedetto. Nel primo centario di Angelo Mai. Memoric.e document!
|xihl>licati fxrr cura dell* Ateneo <li Rergamo il 7 Marxo 1882. 8*. Bergamo.
1882.
Frocoptua of Oaesarea. Procopius ex recensione Gr. Dindorfii. Cr. and Lai,
2 voll. {Corpus scriptomm Hntariae Bytantinae^ pars lo.) 8*. Bonnae.
1833 1838.
Frndentliia Olemena, AnreUoi. Carmina. (J. P. Migne, Patrologia Latino^
torn. 59, 6a) 4*. Paris. 1844.
Fmti, Hani Oeorg. Aus l^<'>nincn. Gcngraphtschc Skiusen und historische
Studicn.... Mit 4 lithographirten Karten-Skizzen und einem Plan. 8*.
Ix-iprig. 1876.
PtOlemmeiia, Olandiua. Clandii l*tolcninci ... opus Geographic noviter castigatu et
cmnrtitatu addittAilius ... necnon cu taliidarum in dorsn jucunda explanatione....
llrjT l»ona mentc L. Phrisius ... in lurcm jusnt prodire, etc. Fol. Argrntorati.
1532.
C'laudii Pfolcmaci Ge<igmphiac libris octo. ... Edidit F. C Wiltjcrg (Socio
adjuncto C. II. K. Grashofio). Fasc. 1-6. 4**. Essendiae. 1838-45.
39^ Bibliography
Ptolftmaana, Olandiiu. G6ographie de Ptol^m^, reproduction pbotolithographique
du manuscrit grec du Monast^re de Vatop^i au Mont Athos... pr^c^^
d'une introduction historique sur le mont Alhos...par V. Langlois. Fot
Paris. 1867.
Ppchiteln, Otto. Epigrammata Graeca in Aegypto reperta. Retractavit O.
Puchstein. {Kaistr Wilkelm-Univerntdt, Dissertaiwnes phiiolcgkat.) 8*".
Strassburg. 1 88a
Paotata, Ctoorg Ftlodrloli. Cursus der Insiiluiionen (of Justinian). Achte
Auflage...besorgt von P. Krilger. 2 voll. 8*. Leipug. 1875.
Ranke, Leopold yon. Weltgeschichte. 7 Theile. 8°. Leipug. 18811886.
Se, Antonio del. Dell' AntichttaTiburtinecapiloloV., etc 4*. Ronia. 161 1.
Regent, Joteph. De C. Suetonii Tranquilli vita et scriptis. Diss, inaiig. 8^.
Vratislaviae. 1856.
Renan, Jotepli Bmest. Histoirc dcs Origines du Christianisme. 8 voll. 8".
Paris. 1863-1883.
Saint Paul. Vol. 3. 1869.
Les Evangiles et la secondc generation Chr^tienne. Vol. 5. 1877.
L'Eglise Chr^tienne. Vol. 6. 1879.
Marc Aur^le et la fin du monde antique. Vol. 7. 1883.
Mission de Ph^nice dirig^e par M. £. Kenan. 4*. Paris. 1864.
Renler, Obarlee Alphonae Lten. Inscriptions Uomaines de TAlg^rie. Fol.
Paris. 1858.
Recueil de Dipl6mes militaires, public par L. Renier. 4*. Paris. 1876.
Ritsohl, Friedrloli Wilbelm. Die Alexandrinischen Bibliotheken unter den ersten
Ptolcinaern, und die Sammlung der Ilomerischen Gedichte durch Pisistratus.
... Ncbst literarhistorischen Zugaben Uber die Chronologic der Alexandrin-
ischen Bibliothekare, etc. 8*^. Breslau. 1838.
"Ritter, Oarl, Oeographer. Die Erdkunde im Verhaltniss sur Natur und zur
Geschichte des Mcnschen ; oder allgemeine vergleichende Geographic....
Zweite ... Ausgabe. 8^. Berlin. 1822- 1859.
Robinson, Edward, D.D. Biblical Researches in Palestine, Mount Sinai, and
Arabia Petraea. A journal of travels in 1838, by E. R. and J. Smith. ...
Drawn up from the original diaries, with historical illustrations, by E. R.
Third edition, with new maps and plans. 3 voll. 8*. London. 1867.
Rohde, Bnrln. Der Griechische Roman und seine VorlaUfer. 8*. Leipzig.
1876.
ROMi, Oiovanni Battiata de, Oayallere. La Roma Sotterranea Cristiana descritta
ed illustrata. 4*. Roma. 1864, etc.
Piaule icnografiche e prospettiche di Roma anterior! al secolo xvi. raccolte e
dichiarate da G. B. di Rossi. (InsiUttU di correspondenta ArcheologUL) Fol.
and 4*. Roma. 1879.
Rndorff, Adolph Auffoat Friedrioli. De juris dictione edictum. Edicti perpelui
quae reliqua sunt. Constituit, adnotavit, edidit A. P. Rudorff. 8^ Lipsiac.
1869.
Bibliography 399
la^lfBj, Friedrieh Oarl tob. Geschichte des Romischen Rechts itn Mittelalter.
7 V0II. 8^ Heidelberg. 1834-1851.
■callger, Joseph Jiuta. Thesaurus temporutn, Eusebii ...chronicorum canonum
omnimodae hi«%toriae libri duo. ... Ejusdetn Eusebii utriusque partis chronic-
onitn canonum re1i(|uiae Graecae ... opera ac studio J. J. Scaliger, etc. Fol.
Lugduni Batavorutn. 1606.
flehliemaim, Heinrleli. Ilios, the city and country of the Trojans : the result of
researches ... on the site of Troy ... in the years 1 87 1, '72, '73, '78, '79.
Including an autobiography of the author. With a preface, appendices, and
notes, etc. With maps, plans, and illustrations. 8*. London. 1880.
flehneideririrth, Johann Hermaim. Die Farther. Oder das neupersische Reich
unter den Ar^aciden. Nach griechisch- romischen Quellen. 8^ Heiligen-
stadt. 1874.
Bchoell, Maximilian Samson Ftledrieh. Ilistoire de la Litterature Grecque
profane, drpuis son origine jusqu*^ la prise de Constantinople ... suivie d'tin
precis de Thistoire de la traasplantation de la litterature grecque en Occident.
Seconde Mition. 8 torn. 8*. Paris. 1823-1825.
Sehnerer, EmlL LehrlHich der neutestamentlichen Zeitgeschichte. 8*. Ixipeig.
1874.
Baaoea, Marem Annaooa. Annaei Senecae Oratorum et Rhetorum Sententiae,
Divisiones, Colores. Recognovit A. Kiessling. 8*. Lipsiae. 1 872.
flopp, Johann Hepomnk. Jerusalem und das heilige I^nd. Pilgerbuch nach
r«itastina, Syrien, und Egypten. Zweite ... Auftngc mit lUustralionen, etc.
2 voll. 8*. Schaffhausen, Regensburg. 1 873- 1 876.
SOTomt, Bulpidnt. Opera omnia. (J. P. Migne, Pntrologia Ltitina^ torn. 2a)
4*. Paris. 1845.
Sulpitii Severi lil)ri qui supersunt recensuit ... instruxit C. Halm. {Kaiser*
iifhf Akademie der Wis sense haft en. Corptts Scriptorum EccUsiastitomm
Lntinomm^ etc. Vol. i.) 8*. Vindobonae. 1 866.
Blbjli. XpfifffiM Si^vXXicurM Oracula Sibyllina, textu ad codices manuscriptos
rcTognito, Mai.inio stipplementis aucto ... commcntario perpetuo exctirsibus et
indicilnis : atrante C. Alexandre. 2 voll. 8*. Parisiis. 1841-1856.
Slekler, Ftledrieh Carl Lndwlff. Geschichte der Wegnahme und AbAlhrung
vorxUglichcr Kunstwerlce aus den eroberten Liindern in die Lander der Sieger.
Fin Reitrag nir Kunst- und Kultur-Geschichte. Erster Theil. Geschichte der
v<m den Griechen, Persem und Romem erbeuteten und weggefUhrten Kunst-
wcrke. Nel)st tabellarischen Ueliersichten. 8*. Gotha. 1803.
SoeraiM, Boholaaticilt. Zw<r/Mrout Xx^i^f^iKOV, 'Epfuiwf Z«#f o^rov ^EKKXfietaarutri
'l^ropia. Socrates Schola.stici, Hermiae Sozomeni, lli.storia Ecclesiastica.
II. Volesius. ... Latine vertit, notis illustravit, cujus editionem criticis ol>-
scn*ationibus locupletavit G. Reading. (J. P. Migne, Pairoicgia Graeca,
lom. 67.) 4*. Parisiis, 1857, etc
400 Bibliography
flOMinenat, Hamuui. See Socrates, Scholasticus.
Bpaiilieim, Bieoliiel, Baron. lUusUissimi E. Sponheimii ... DisserUtiones de
praestantia et usu Numismalum andquorum. Editio nova, etc. 2 voU. Am-
stelaedami. 17 17.
Bpanheiiii, Friodrloli, the Elder. F. SpanhemiL F. Summa Historiae Ecclesi-
asticae a Christo nato ad saeculum xvi. inchoatum. PraemittitMr Doctrina
Temporum, cum onrtione de Christianismo degenere. 2 torn. 12*. Lu|cd.
Batavorum. 1689.
Bputlanat, Aeliua. See Augustan History.
Bpon, Jacob. Voyage d'lialie, de Dalmalte, de Grece, et du Levant, fait es^
ann^s 1675 ^^ >67^ V^ J* Spon...et G. Wheler, torn. 1-3. (Suite de
Voyage de Gr^ de J. Spon, etc, torn. 4.) 4 torn. I2^ Lyon. 1678- 1680.
Stark, Oarl Bemhard. Gaza und die philistaische Kltste. Eine Monographier
etc 8*. Jena. 1852.
Btepban, H. Das Verkehrsleben im Alterthum. (Kauftiers Historische TascAefi-
buck.) 8*. Leipzig. 1868.
Btepbtn of Byiantium. Stcpliani Byzanli, 'EtfcKcar quae supersunt. Gn Ediilit
A. Westermann. 8*. Leipzig. 1839.
Btrabo. S. Geographica Recensuit, commentario critico instruxit G. Kramer*
Gr, 3 voll. Berolini. 1844- 1852.
Bnotonlua, TranqtUllna, Gains. C. Suetonii Tranquilli praeter Caesarum Ubroa-
reliquiae. Edidit A. Reifferscheid, etc 8*. 1 86a
Bnldas. Indices tres Lexicon Suidae compendiose repraesentantes. (J. P.
Migne, Patrologia Graeca^ torn. 117.) 4*. Parisiis. 1894.
Tattan. Oratio adversus Graecos. Gr, and Lot, (J. P. Migne, Patrologia
Graecot torn. 6.) 4*. Parisiis. 1884.
Tortnlllannt, Qnintns Bopttmus Florena. Quinti Septiroii Florentis Tertulliani
opera omnia. (J. P. Migne, ^/i/r^/c^a Za/ma, torn. 2.) 4*. Parisiis. 1879.
TonlTel, ¥^lb«lm Bigmnnd. Geschichte der Romischen Literatur. 2 voll. 8*.
I^ipzig. 1890.
Tliemlstina, Bupbrada. Themistii Oraliones ex codice Mediolanensi emendatae a
Gulielmo Dindorfio. Gr, 8^ Leipzig. 1832.
nieodostna II., Emperor of tbe Eaat^ 408-4D0. Codex Theodosianus. Ad liv.
librorum manuscriptorum et priorum edilionum fidem rccognovit et annola-
tioni crilica instruxit G. Ilaenel. NovcUae constilutiones Theodosii IL,
Valenliniani IIL, etc. {Corpus Juris Komatti A itieJustmianL) 4*. Bonnae.
1841.
Tobler,T. Topographic von Jerusalem und seine Umgebungen. 2 voll. 8*. Berlin.
1854-5.
Dritte Wanderung nach Palaestina im Jahre 1857. 8*. Gotha. 1859.
Golgotha. 8*. St. Gallen. 1851.
Bibliography 40^
Hkert, Frlodrleli Augnstui. Geogrnphie der Griechen und Romer von den
frtthcstcn Zcitenbisauf rtolcmius. ... Mit Karten. 3 Theile. 8*. Weimar.
1816-1846.
Ulplannt, Domitiiit. D. Uipinni quae viilgo vocantur fragmcnta sive ex Ulpiani
libro singular! regulanim excerpta. Ex Jurispnidentiae Antejustinianae reliquiis
separatim cdidit E. Huschke. 8*. Lipsiae. 1874.
UngarelU, Ltdgl Maria. Interpretatio Obeliscorum Urbis. With notes by N. F.
Rosellini. Plates. 2 torn. F0I. Romae. 1843.
▼Idal-Lablache. I I^rode Attictis. Etude critique sur sa vie. 8*. Paris. 1873.
▼ItniTliif Polllr, Mareiu. M. V. P. de Architectura libri decern. Ex fide
librorum scriptbnim recensuit, emendavit .suisque et vivorum doctonim anno-
tationibus illustravit. J. G. Schneider. 3 torn. 8*. Lipsiae. 1807-1808.
▼offttA, OharlM Jean Meloblor de, Ooimt. Syne Centrale. Architecture civile et
religeuw du i« au 7lsi^1c, par le Compte M. de V. (et W. H. Waddington).
4*. I*aris. 1865, etc.
Syric Centrale. Inscriptions s^mitiques. Public par Ic Compte de V.
IManches. 4'. Paris. 1868-1877.
Ijc Temple de Jerusalem, Monographic du Ilaram-ech-Ch^rif, suivie d*un essai
sur la topographic de la Ville-Sainle, par le Comte M. de V. Fol. Paris.
1864.
▼olkmar, OnitaT. I lamlbuch der Einleitung in die Apokryphen. 8*. Tubingen.
i860.
▼olkmann, BlohanL Leben, Schriften, und Philosophic des Plutarch von Chaer-
onea. 2 Theile. 8^ Derlin. 1869.
▼opifcne, FlaTlne. See Augustan History.
Wachsmnih, Cart. Die Stadt Athen im Alterthum. 8*. Leipdg. 1874.
Waddington, William Henry. Pastes des Provinces Asiatiques de I'Empire
Romain dcpuis leur origine jusqu'au r^gne de Diocl^tien. 8*. Paris. 1872.
WaUon, Henri Alexander. Ilistoire de Tesclavage dans Tantiquit^, etc Deuxi^roe
Wit ion. 8*. Paris. 1879.
Wareberg, Alexander Ton, Baron. Eine Reise durch das Land des Sarpedon.
{Oesterreifhtscke Kufuisckittt.) 8*. Wien. 1883.
Welker, Friedrieh CtottUeb. Alte Denkmiiler erklart. 5 Theile. With plates.
8". (lottingcn. 1849-64.
Werner, Carl. Geschichte der apologetischen und polemischen Literatur der
christlichcn Thcologic. 5 \-oll. 8*. Schaflfhausen. 1861-67.
Weetermann, Anton. Geschichte der Beredsamkeit in Griechenland und Rom.
3 Theile. 8*. Leipzig. 18331835.
Wetutein, Johann Ctottfried. Reiselicricht tiber Ilauran und die Trachonen.
Nclwt cincm Anhange Uber die Sabiiischen DenkmlUer in Osl-Syrien. 8*.
Berlin, i860.
2C
402 Bibliography
WleMler, OarL Die Christen Verfolgungen der Casaren bis zum dritten Jahr*
hundert, historisch und chronologisch untersucht 8^. GUtersloh. 1878.
Wllmanni. Die Romischen Lagerstmdte Africas. (Philologus.) 8^ Berlin.
1877.
Wlnckdlmann, Johann Joachim. Geschichte der Kunst des AUerthums. 4*.
Wien. 1776.
Wood, 'John Turtle. Discoveries at Ephesus, including the site and renuuns of
the Great Temple of Diana. With ... illustrations. Appendix in 8 parts.
Greek and Latin inscriptions from Ephesus, etc. 8". London. 1877.
Seller, Edward. Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwick-
elung dargestellt von Dr. E. Zeller. 8^. Leipzig. 1892*
Zoega, Qeorg. Numi Aegyptii imperatorii prostantes in Museo Borgiano Velitris,
adjectis praeterea quotquot reliqua hujus classis numismata ... coUigere obtigit.
4^ Romae. 1 787.
Znmpt, Angnat WUhelm. A. W. Z. Commentationum epigraphicarum ad antiqui-
tates Romanas pertinentium volumen. (Volumen alterum.) 2 voll. 4*.
BerolinL 1850-1854.
JEampt, Oarl OoUloh. Ueber den Bestand der philosophischen Schulen in Athen
und die Succession der Scholarchen. 4*. Berlin. 1843.
INDEX
Abac in Phocis, 365.
Abonotichiis, 295 sq,
Abjrdos, 71, 140.
Achnin, 34, 77, 78, 79.
Adane, 103.
Adiahene, 17.
AdramyUium, coins of, with Antinous,
309.
Adria, I.
Adrinna, sff Iladriana.
Adrinn<>|Milis in Thrace, 85.
AdiHk-tt/t /isn\ 198.
Acclanum, 356.
Aegae, 103, 313.
Aegina, 140.
Aelia^ name granted to cities, 46, 91,
356, 366.
Aelia Capitolina, 28, 159 jf., called by
Emperor Commod us "Commodiana,"
163, 164 ; long survival of the name,
356 ; see also Jerusalem.
Aelia Mursa, 59.
Aelian, Sophist of Praeneste, 236.
Aelio/>olis^ name granted to cities, 356.
Aelium Aquincum, 59.
Aelium Camutum, 59.
Aeraniwi, 39, 198.
Ac»ini, 102.
Africa, province, 89; ciiies enumerated,
Agri dennnaiesy 55, 57.
Agricola, Cn. lulius, 11, 6a
Agrippa, M. Maenius, 6a
Akiha, Rabhi, in, 145, 158.
Alaltastcr, cnloure<l, used for laists, 342.
Alani, war with the, 165 jy., 247.
Albanians, 7a
Alcibiades, 47.
Alcinous, 282.
Alexander the Great, 72.
Alexander of Abonotichus, 294 sg,
Alexander of Troas, the sophist, 266.
Alexandria, 47, I26x^., centre of learn-
ing and philosophy, 238 ; its library,
240; destroyed by fire, 240; coins of,
with Antinous, 309.
Alexandria Troas, 68, 73.
Ah'tnenfa It aline of Trajan, rcprcsenta«
tion in relievo, 345.
Amasia, 69.
Amastris, 2991
Amisus, 69, coins with Antinous, 309.
Amphictyonic Leaguc,84 ; its members,
8s.
Amphipolis, 140.
Ancyra, 69 ; coins with Antinous, 309.
Ancmurium, 140.
Antigonia, set Alexandria Troas.
Antigonus, 73.
Antinoe, 307, 308, oracle at A. in
honour of Antinous, 307 ; buiH in
honour of Antinous, 357.
Antinoopolis, see Antinoe.
Antinous, 49, 87, 187, death of, at
I)esa, 131 sg,\ honoured as lacchut,
142 ; remarks on the deification of,
305 sq, ; statues of, 3Sa
Antioch, 16, 17, 28, 67, 105.
Antiochus, 72, 105.
Antium, Villa of Hadrian at, 37a
Antoninus Pius, Emperor, 62, 63, 76,
181 jf., 276, inscription at Jerusalem
bearing his name, 163.
Antoninus Titus Arrius, 1 1, 182, 237.
404
Index
Apelles, 97.
Aphrodisias, 142.
Apollinaris, C. Sulpicius, 252.
Apollo, oracles of, 102, 301, 302.
— Didymeus Temple of, 101.
Apollodorus of Damascus, 12, 33, 247,
376.
Apollonius, philosopher, 235.
Apollonius, rhetorician, 235
Apollonius of Tyana, 262, 281, 313.
Af>ollonius, Dyscolus, 252.
Appian of Alexandria, 72, 248.
Apronianus, Cassius, 21.
Apuleius, 90, 237, 280.
Aqueducts at Troas,355; at Dyrrhachium,
356 ; built by Hadrian, 356 ; at
Alexandria Troas, 359; at Athens,
364 ; at Corinth, 364 ; at Olympia,
365 ; at Canisium, 365.
Aquitania, 54.
Ara Ubiarum^ 56.
Arabia Petraea, 14, 114, province re-
tained, 25.
Architecture under Hadrian, 354 sq,
Arelate, 263.
Argentoratum (Strassburg), 55.
Argos, oracle of Apollo at, 77, 83, 85,
302.
Aristides, apologist, 328.
Aristides, P. Aelius, rhetorician, 72,
262, 374.
Ariston of Pella, 151.
Aries, 54.
Armenia, province of, 17; abandoned,
25.
Armenia, Minor, 69, 70.
Army, Hadrian's reforms, 47, 48.
Arrian, Flavius, 69, 72, 163 sq» 243 sq.
hb Enchiridion^ 246.
Art among the Romans, 332 sq, \
Hadrian's relation to, 12, 332 sq, ;
Activity in art in the Empire, 333 j^.*,
Greek artists in Rome, 334, 336;
character of, in Hadrian's age, 338 ;
under Trajan, 12.
Artemidorus Daldianus of Ephesus, 280.
Artemion, 18.
Artemis, 97.
ArUmisiuf/i, 97.
Asia, province of, 68.
Asclepios of Byblus, 266.
Aspendus, 102.
Asper, M. Antonius, 91.
Assyria, 25.
Atkettaeum, 88, 241.
Athenagoras, 293.
Athens, 15, 47, 49, 85 ; Hadrian's first
visit to, 81 ; second visit to, 95 ; third
visit to, 139; description of, 81;
seat of philosophy and rhetoric,
237 sq.i Pantheon at, 360; Odeum
at, 365.
Atra, temple of the Sun at, 20.
Attianus, Caelius, 6, 14, 21, 22, 29, 35,
42, 222.
Attica, 77.
Augurinus, Sentius, 11.
Augusta Rauracorum (Basel), 5S«
Augustus Caesar, 69, 70, 78, 81 ; his
journeys, 45; attitude toward the
Senate, 216; hieroglyphic inscription,
306 ; represented on a relievo at
Ravenna, 307.
Auranitis, 104.
Aurum Corotuirium, 38.
Auximum (Osimo), 366.
Avitus, 299.
Baalbek (Heliopolis), 28, 108.
Babylon, 17.
Baden-Baden, built by Trajan, 55.
Uaetica (Hispania ulterior), 6, 64.
Baiae, 35, 370.
l^rcocheba, 146, 147, 149, lS4i >S5-
Basel (Augusta Rauracorum), 55.
Basilica of Neptune, 375, 376.
Basilides, 331.
Baths at Corinth, 364 ; at Thermopylae,
365.
Belgica, 54.
Berytus, 106, 107, 108.
Besa (Antinoe), 308.
Bether, 144, 145, 154. •
Bithynia, 68, 70, 71. 299. 356.
Bithynium (Claudiopolis), 71 ; coins of,
with Antinous, 309.
Boeotia, 77, 84.
Borbetomagus (Worms), 55.
Index
405
BordcAux, 54.
Rosponis 169; the Thradan, 169;
the Cimmerian, never a Roman
province, 17a
Nostra, 28, 117.
Branch idae, oracle of, 502.
Krigantcs, 6a
Hrij»cl!o, 59.
Britain conquered by Claudius, 60;
visit of Hadrian to, 61 ; Hadrian's
wall, 62, 63.
Bronxes, scarcity of, in H/s time, 342.
Buildin(^ of Hadrian in Jerusalem, no
remains of any, 163.
Byzantium, 17a
Caecilia Metella, tomb of, 380.
Caesar, C. Julius, 60, 72 ; consecrated,
306.
Caligula, 78, 84.
Camalodunum, 60.
Cttmr<«, 341.
Campania, 43 ; temple of Isis in, 126.
Canisium, aqueduct at, 365.
Cappadocia, 69, 70, 104 ; Arrian gover-
nor of, 246 ; Scverian governor of, 297.
Caracal la, 276, 31a
Caria, 68, 76, loi, 356.
Carthage, assumes the name of Hadrian-
o|n»lis, 90.
Casper, Flavius, 252.
Cassius, Avidius, 105.
Castle of S. Angclo, see Mausoleum.
Castra Vetera, 61.
Caslricius, 256.
Catana, 86.
Catti, 57.
Catullinus, Q. Kabius, 91.
Celer, Velleius, 235, 252, 256, 310.
CelsMs, r. juventus, 223.
Celsus, L. Pablius, 14, 21, 34, 35.
Celsus 313.
Cerasus (I'hamacia), 69, 1 69.
Cereal is, Tetilius, 6a
Ccphalion, 247.
Chaennus, 278.
Chaeronea, 84 ; birthplace of Plutarch,
243-
Cheraiphron, 97.
Chosroes, 25, 70.
Christianity, 322 sq, ; declared by
'\TKyKti^religioilli(Uay 326 ; Hadrian*8
rescript regarding, 326 ; doubts as to
its authenticity, 326, 327 ; arguments
in favour of authenticity, 328.
Cibyra, 102.
Cilicia, 68, 104.
CipolliM, 375.
Cirais Maximus, 373.
— of Hadrian, 379.
Cius, 71.
Clarus, oracle of Apollo at, 297, 302.
Clarus, C. Septidus, 43, 63, 222, 251.
Claudiopolis, 71.
Claudius, Emperor, 65, 78, 84 ; conquest
of Britain by, 60; arrangement of
Danubian provinces, by, 59.
Clemens, Pactumdus, 228.
Cohors /., Flavia urbana, 1 95.
Cohories urbanae^ 222.
Coins of Hadrian's time, 50 x^., 339,
340.
Coliseum, 373, 379.
Cologne (Colonia Agrippina), 9, 55,
56.
Colophon, loi.
Columella, L. Junius Moderatus, 64.
Commagene, 69.
Ccntmediana^ name given to Aelia
Capitolina.
Commodus, Ceionius, su Verus, Lucius
Ommodus.
Coitsih'mn^ judidal, under Hadrian.
Conspiracy of the Consulars, 34, 35.
Constantine, 48, 73 ; indictions of, 40 ;
arch of, 377.
Censtitutionts fHmifntm^ 228.
Consul suffutus^ Quietus appointed,
19, 228.
Controvtrsiat^ 255.
Coptus, 134, 135-
Corduba, 64.
^ Corinth, 79, 80, 83, 84, 85 ; coins of,
with Antinous, 309; baths and
aqueduct built by Hadrian at, 364 ;
theatre by I lerodes Atticus, 365.
Coronea, 94.
Colys, coins of, f 7a
4o6
Index
Crito of Pieria, 247.
Ctesiphon, 17, 7a
Curator actoruin Senatin^ 13.
Cursus vekiadarius ox publicum ^ 199.
Cynic philosophy, 288.
Cyprus, 140; copper mines in, 17;
rising of Jews in, 18.
Cyrenaica, 89, 356,
Cyrcne, province of, 17.
Cyziais, ^5 ; called Phihsebas/os and
Adriane^ 74; Olympian games at,
140; coins of, with Antinous, 309;
temple at, 358, 359.
Dacia, Hadrian in D. with Trajan, 12,
I3> 30; conquest of, 13; threatened
by the Koxolani, 32 ; divided into two
provinces, 33.
Dadans, first war against, 12 ; second
war against, 13.
Daemons, belief in, 314.
Dalmatia, 30; separated from Moesia,
32.
Damascus, 28, 108^ 109.
Damis, biographer of Apollonius, 313.
Decebalus, 13, 14.
Decoration of houses, 339 sq,
Decrianus, 378.
Delos, oracle of Apollo at, 301.
Delphi, 84, 85, 301 ; coins of, with
Antinous, 309 ; Stadium at, built by
Herodes Atticus, 365.
Demonax, 81, 288, 289.
Didymae near Miletus, 302.
Dies imperii of Hadrian, 22.
Dinocrates, 97.
Diogenes of Heraclea, 247.
Dion Cassius, 2, 47, 143, 249, and
passim,
Dion Chrysostom, 12, 75, 263, 264.
Dionysia^ 82.
Dionysius, Aelius, of Halicarnassus,
252, 277.
Dionysius of Miletus, 239, 265.
Dioscurias, see Sebastopolis.
Disciplitia Augusti^ 48.
Dium, 140.
Dodona, 85.
Domilia Cal villa, 183.
Domitia Lucilla, wife of L. Commcxlus
Verus, 175.
Domitia Paulina, mother of Hadrian, 6.
Domitian, 8, 9, 12, 78, 260 ; liuus of,
57.
Domitius, 252.
Doris, 84.
Dyrrhachium, aqueduct at, 356.
Eburacum, 60, 63.
Edessa, 19.
I Edfctum perpetuuMf 226 sq.
J^gypt. 18, 120 jy., 356.
Elagabalus, 321.
Eleusinian mysteries, 81, 95.
Eleusis, first visit of H., 84 ; second,
94. 95. 142.
Emerita, 64.
Epaminondas, 47, 83.
Epaphroditus, 283.
^phesus, 140 ; first visit of II. to, 67 ;
second visit of H. to, 95 ; history and
description of, 98 sq, ; temple built by
H. at. 359.
Epictetus, 234, 284.
Epicuracans, 315.
Epirus, 85.
Equites, 216 sq.\ as constituted by
Augustus, 216 ; as constituted by
Hadrian, 217.
Ergastula^ 230.
Erycius of Thessaly, 276.
Euboea, 85.
Euphranor, 97.
Euphrates, philosopher, 183, 283.
Euphrates, IT sq.i boundary of Konian
Empire in Asia, 24.
Evodus of Rhodus, 276.
Fadilla, Arria, 182.
Faliscus, Arrianus, 276.
Faustina, Annia Galeria, 183.
Faventia, 35.
Favorinus, 237, 264 i^., 268, 303.
Fiscust 39, 197, 221.
Flaccus, Calpurnius, 256.
Fleet, 195.
Florus, Julius, 250.
Florus, L. Annius, poet, II, 274.
Index
40;
Forlanuni, 366.
Forum, Adriani, 59.
— I he Unman, 373.
— AuRiisti, 375.
— Trajani, 37, 37$.
Frontn, M. Cornelius, 90, 214, 235,
256* 257.
Fnigi C'rassus, 21, 29.
Fnitnnifant\ 63.
Fulvus, Aurelius, 182.
Fundanus, C. Minucius, 327, 328.
Furnilure of Hadrian*s time, 337.
Gadcs (Cadir.), 6.
Gaius (Caligula), policy of, towards
Senate, 218.
Gaius, jurist, 228.
Galatia, 69, 70.
Galen, Claudius, 252.
Gaul, 54, 63.
Gelltus, Aulus 237, 242, 258 ; pupil of
Favorinus, 263, 293.
Getts Aflia^ 32.
Gentianus, Terentius, 174.
Gcrasa, 28.
German ia, 9, 55 sq,
— superior and inferior ^ 9, 55 ; coins,
57.
Gin/ to antifo found in Africa, 89, 374.
(ilndiatnrs, 13.
Glcvum, 63.
Gnosticism, 125, 331.
Gordycne, 17.
Granianus, Licinius, 327.
Greece, 77 j^.
Gruttae, 366.
Gymnasia, built by Hadrian, 356; al
Athens, 361 ; at Smyrna, 356.
Iladria, 6.
Hndrianus Afer, P. Aelius, father of
Emperor, 6.
Hadrian. Emperor, his portrait, 1-8;
his character, 2, 4, i86-i88; birth,
death of father, school in Rome, 6 ;
return to Spain, recalled to Rome,
fond of chase, 8 ; trilnme, 8 ; military
triUme, 9; quaestor, 12; in first
T)acian war, 12 ; Curator aciorum
Sena/t4St 13; tribune, legionary legate
in second Dacian war, 13; praetor,
exhiliits games, praetorian legate of
I^wcr Pannonia, 13; consul, 13; ad*
jutant general to Trajan, 14 ; Athens
elects him archon, 15, 78; in Parthian
war, 16 ; at Anlioch, 16 ; in supreme
command of eastern army, 20; adopted
by Tmjan, 21 ; legions hail him Im-
{wrator, 22 ; remains at Antioch, 22 ;
character and policy as emperor, 23 ;
surrenders the lately acquired prov-
inces of Trajan, 24 ; travels westward
and settles affairs in PanrK)nia and
iHicia, 30-33 ; arrival in Rome, 36 ;
the great remission of debt, 38-40;
second consulate, 40; third con-
sulate, 41 ; celebrates gladiatorial
games, 41 ; his journeys, 45 sq,; his
military organization, 47, 48, 56, 57 ;
administration of justice, 48; visits
G«"lf 53» 54; visits Germany, 55
sq.; visits Raetia and Noricum, 58,
59 ; in Britain, 60 sq, ; through Gaul
to Spain and Mauretania, 64 sq.;
first journey to the East, 67 x^.; in
Greece and at Athens, 77 sf.; goes
to Africa, 87 (^.; second journey to
the East, 93 «/.; in Syria, 102 x^.; in
Judaea and Ai:d)ia, 1 1 1 x^.; in Egypt,
120 x^.; on the Nile, 128 xf.; revisits
Athens, 138 .<//.; last years in Rome,
173 xf.; death of Sabina, 174; adop-
tion and death of Aelius Venis, 178
sf, ; adoption of Antoninus and death
of Hadrian, 183 x^.
Hadrianeum at Alejcandria, 358.
Hadrian of Tyre, sophist, 271.
Hadriana or Hadrianopolis inCyrenaica,
92.
Hadriana^ a name granted to dties, 46,
69. 7«. 74. 356-
Hadriane, 71.
Hadrianis^ name of a new Athenian
tribe, 94 ; name of a new Megarian
trilic, 94.
Hadrianotherae, 71 ; coins of, with
Antinons, 309, 356; founded by
Hadrian, 356.
4o8
Index
Hadrianopolis^ name granted to cities,
3S6.
Halicarnassus, 74, 277, 379.
Harpocrates the Gnostic, 331.
Harpocrates, 235, 309, 310, 348.
Heliodonis, Avidius, 224, 234, 252, 265.
Heliopolis in Egypt, 128, 130; oracle
at, 302; obelisk erected there by
Hadrian, 347.
HeliopolU (Baalbek), 28.
Helvetia, 55.
Hephaestion, 235, 252.
Hermippus of Berytus, 278.
Herodes Atticus, 73, 235, 264, 268, 272;
corrector of the cities of Asia, 355.
Herodianus, Aelius, 252.
Hierapolis in Syria, 302 ; coins of, with
Antinous, 309.
lamblichus of Syria, 280.
Iberia, 7a
Ilium, 47, 71.
lllyricum, 30, 356.
Impcrator^ title assumed for second
time by Hadrian, 156.
Imperium procoMulartt 179, 220.
Inscriptions from Greek cities, 140.
lonopolis (Abonotichus), 294, 299.
Iseum et Serapeum, 126.
Isis, 126.
Istria, 132.
Isthmus, cutting of, 269, 270.
Ilalica, 6, 9, li, 65.
Italy, Pliny's praise of, 191 ; no troops
in, 195.
Izates, 17.
Janus, temple of, closed, 45.
Jason of Argos, 247.
Jazyges, 31.
Jerusalem, 28, 1 12, 113, I44» i^S* 164,
356.
Jews, 27, 28; rising in Mesopotamia
and Cyrene of, 17 ; rising in Cyprus,
18; rising under Barcocheba, 143
sq.
Joshua ben Chananja, 144.
Journeys of Hadrian, remarks on, 45 sq, ,
su also Hadrian.
Judaea, governed by a procurator, 197.
Julia Balbilla, 129.
Julianus, Salvius, 90, 223, 226, 227.
Julianus, Antonius, 151, 256.
Julian, Emperor, 311 ; his sketch of
Hadrian, 186.
Jurisprudence, 226 sq.
Jurists, Roman, 227, 228.
Jus sladii^ 196.
— /fi/iV, 210.
— quiritium^ 23 1.
— respondctidi^ 227.
— trium libtrorum^ 232.
Justin Martyr, 330.
Justinian, 79.
Juvenal, 11, 62.
Kehlheim, 57.
Laberius Maximus, 21, 29.
Lambaesis, 90, 91.
Lanuvium, temple of Diana and An-
tinous at, 310.
Laodicea, 14a
Lateran Museum, 351.
Latinus Junianus^ 23 1.
Leandcr Nicanor of Alexandria, 247.
Lebadea, oracle of Trophonius at, 84,
302.
Lcgati Aug, iuridici, 197.
— Aug, pro praelore^ 196.
— Aug. praeiorii, 196.
— legionary, 197.
/.eges Julicu of Augustus, 196 sq.
Legions, Miturvia^ i«t 13*
Trajcum li., 121, 151.
Adjutrix II., 8.
Augusta III., 89, 90, 91.
Cyretuuca ill., 117, 151.
Galiica III., 151.
Scythita iv., 151, 152.
Maccdonica V. 9, 31.
Ferrata vi., 163.
Victrix VI., 61, 62.
Claudia vii., 152.
Cetuina Vii., 64.
Gtrnina X., 59, 152.
Fretmsis x., 19, 20, 113, 145, 151,
163.
Index
409
Legions, h'ulminata XI I., 69, 166.
ApciUnaris XV., 69, 1 66.
Flmna Firma xvi., 69.
Valeria Vutrix XX., 62.
Dciotariatm XX 1 1., 9, 121.
Lex^ Afh'a Srtt/ta 204, 230, 23 1.
— fff Impe^iOy 219.
— • FtiHa Ca/tittia, 204.
— /t//ia, 211.
i/e aduih'His^ 230.
Mnnuipalis^ 211.
— Jmn'a A^orhana^ 205, 23 1.
— Pftronia^ 229.
— Pfatt/ia rnpin'a^ 211.
— -AV^Vf, 219, 221.
LiYicrtini, 205.
/ Lilirary nt Athen!%lnii1t by Hadrian, 361 ;
of Alexandria, 240 ; in Rome, 240 ;
in Iiadrian*s villa, 367.
IJhH Ca/arkannof, 277.
LftnrSf GermnnirtiSf 57,
— fCae/inis^ 57.
j Literature under fladrian, 234 sq.^
273 sq.
Livianus, 14.
l/ocris, 84.
I^llianus of Fphesus, 237, 266.
Londinium, 63.
Luran, 64.
Lucian, 75, 80, 242, 278, 280, 282, 290,
299, 3 < 7- 320.
Lucius Patrensis, 28a
I^icuas, 17.
IvUgdunum (Lyons), 54.
Luptae, harlKHir liuilt at, l>y Hadrian,
366.
Lupus, Julius, 182.
Lupus, procurator, 18.
Lasitania, 64.
I^isius Quietus, 14, 65 ; quells the
Jewish rebellion in Mesopotamia, 19,
20, 25 ; removed from Palestine, 26 ;
conspiracy and death, 34, 35.
lAitetia(pAris), 54.
Lycaonia, 68.
Lycia, 102, 356.
Lydia, 68, 100, loi.
Lysimachus, 72, 73, 74.
Lysippus, 97.
Macedonia, province of, 30, 78, 84» 85»
356.
Macer, Baebius, 29.
Maecianus Volusius, 228.
Magnesia on the Meander, loi.
Major, C. Julius, 91.
Mantinea, 83, 94 ; seat of the Antinous
cult in Greece, 308; coins of» v^ith
Antinous, 309; temple of Poseidon
Hippius at, renewed by Hadrian, 365.
Marble, coloured, much used in Rome,
341; imported from Numidia, 341;
Numidian, 374 ; Carystian, 375.
Marcellus, Publius, 152.
Mardana, 8, 10.
Marcomanni, 57.
I Marats Aurelius, 81, 181 ; extends the
' remission of debt, 40 ; makes no men-
tion of Antinous, 309.
Marcus of Bynntium, 262, 266, 267.
Marius Maximus, 249.
Martial, II, 64.
Massilia, 54; walls built by a private
citizen, 355.
^fatidia, 8, lo, 22 ; death of, 43.
Mauretania, 65 ; governed by a pro-
curator, 197; Caesariensis (Algiers),
18, 65; Tingita9ta (Tangier), 6$.
Mauri or Moors, 65.
Mausoleum of Hadrian, 379 sq,
Maximus of Aegae, 313.
Mayence (Moguntiacum), 55.
Maxaca, 69.
Medallions of Hadrian's time, 34a
Mediolanum, 366.
Megara, 85, 94 ; temple of Apollo at,
rebuilt by Hadrian, 364.
Melissa, 47.
Melissus, Aelius, 252.
Melitene, 69, 7a
Melito, bishop of Sardis, loi, 324, 328.
Memnon, statue of, 47, 133, 134.
Memnonium, 133.
Memphis, 129, 130.
Mesomedes of Crete, 276.
Mesopotamia, 17 ; abandoned, 25.
Messana, 86.
Miletus, lOf, 14a
Miltiades, 47.
4IO
Index
Mines (opus metalli), 330.
Mithriclates of liosporus, 69, 97.
Moeragenes, 313.
Moesia, Hadrian tribune in, 9, 30 ; ex-
tent of province of, 31 ; threatened
by the Roxolani, 32 ; Lower Moesia,
32 ; united with Hellas and Mace-
donia, 78.
Moguntiacum (Mayence), 55, 56.
Moles Hadriani, see Mausoleum.
Mopsvestia, 103.
Mosaics from the Tiburtinum, 342, 369.
AfumciptuM, 209.
Mursa, see Aelia Mursa.
Museums, Torlonia, 335, 346 ; the
Vatican, 335, 347. 34^; the Lateran,
3"» 335» 35> ; National, at Athens,
352 ; at Naples, 351 ; Kirchner, 369.
Musonius Ru^s, 283, 288.
Myra, 102.
Myron, 97, 348.
Mysia, 68.
Myus Hormus, 134.
Naarda, 17.
Naples, cult of Antinous, 311 ; splendid
buildings in, 355.
Narbonne, 54.
Narbonensis, 54.
Nemea, 83.
Neocaesarea, 69.
Neocoria, 98, loi, 306.
Neoplatonism, 283.
Nepos, Aulus Platorius, 14, 62, 174.
Nepos, Titus Haterius, 224.
Nero, Emperor, 78, 84, 85.
Nerva, Cocceius, Senator, subsequently
Emperor, 9 ; his death, 9 ; exempted
Italy from the support of the Imperial
post, 199.
Nicaea, 71 ; restored by Hadrian, 359.
Nicanor of Cyrene, 252.
Nicomedia, 71 ; birthplace of Arrian,
245 ; coins with Antinous, 309 ; re-
stored by Hadrian, 359.
Nicopolis, 74, 84, 85 ; coins with
Antonius, 309.
Nigrinus, Avidius, 14 ; conspiracy and
death, 34, 35.
Nile, Hadrian's voyage on, 59, 128.
Nisibis, 17, 19.
Nismes, 54, 63, 142.
Noricum, 30, 59.
Noviodunum, 59.
Novum Ilium, 71, 72.
Numenius, 276.
Numidia, 89 ; coloured marble obtained
from, 341.
Octavianus {see Augustus), 3.
Odessus, 171 ; Roman fleet stationed
at, 31.
Odeum at Athens, 365.
Oenomaus of Gadara, 282, 288, 302.
Olbia, 102.
Olympia, 78, 83 ; aqueduct at, 365 ;
celebration of the, by Hadrian, 1401^.
Ofym/ieum, 82 ; dedication of, 140 ;
built by Hadrian, 362 ; description,
362, 363.
Olympus in Lydia, 102.
Oracles, 84, 301, 302.
Oratory, Roman, 233 jy.
Orion, 252.
Orsova, 33.
Osroene, 17.
Ostia, statue of Antinous as Vertumnus
found at, 311 ; favoured by Hadrian,
366.
Paintings in the Artemisium at Epbesus,
98 ; at Tiburtinum, 342.
Pales, 140.
Palestine, province, 19, ill j^.
Palilia, 43, 44.
Palma, Cornelius, 14, 20, 21 ; con-
spiracy and death of, 34, 35.
Palmyra, 28, 109, no; colonnades at,
355-
Pamphylia, cities in, visited by Hadrian,
68, 71, 102.
Pancrates, 137, 239, 276.
Panhellenia, 141, 360.
Pannonia, 30, 59; Lower, 13, 30;
Hadrian legate in, 13, 30.
Pantheon, 375 ; containing list of
Hadrian's buildings, 360, 361.
Panticapaeum, 170.
<..
raphlngonii, 194, 196, 3J6.
Parium, «8, 71.
Pnirhmiiis, ■97.
hilhiiini»|«lc<i, 15.
I^lhia, IcgioiH withdrawn from, 35.
ratlhiui war, i6.
l>Miini, 101.
Paler fvtn'ar, 38, 88,
IVllRU, 79.
Paulina, sister of Hidrian and wife of
Sctvinmi-i. 6. 173.
r«iilu^.Julii».i7S. a76-
Vn.i«„ns7i.77,83,84, 141, 178-
/•„....„=./,.. 374.
l'cli)|Kinncsiwi, 77, 83.
I'clu^iuMt, 47, 118, 119.
Peraea, 117.
PenKriniu rrotcni, 390 sg.
P«^*, 103.
rerffamnm, 74, 95.
f(r|ieioBl IWicI, m6, aa?.
rcira, 16, j;.
relrnnim Arbiter, aS5.
I^nwnann, 70, (65, (66, 1691 visit
of. to Rome. 166.
riHivlis loa.
riiidia.1, 97, 376.
niiladclphis, loo.
rhiloofllThliit. ^9.
I^lIo, Iletcnniiu, 347, 178.
rhi1oMl««Io«. 74.
riiilcMophy, aSa <■/.
niiinslratiia, Flitvius, 73, ajS, a6i, 167,
3'J-
rhlri^n of Trallen, 148, 178.
ttincis, 77, 84, 94.
niotiu*. 248, a63, aSo.
t1ir)i:ii(, 68.
I'ini
I, loa.
Tola, 3 a,
I'olemon of Stnyma, lOO, 140, 338,'
339, 364, 367, 36S ; uofriendlj to
Favoiinui, 364.
r.'i'or,.,,;-,!, 376.
I'oiycietus, I, 97, 348.
Pompeiopotii, t4a
I'ompc)', 47.
Pomponiuii Seitui, I37.
Pons AeItii-1. 6a.
I'oniifex Afaximut, 33t.
I'oMu^ 69,
I'liiphyry. iisc<l 'va Mchitedure, 341.
lWlroilu.cinm.-irl>lc. 343.
PeliitO! fatria, ajl.
Irihuaicia, 41, 179.
l\tufeclui, 198.
— fratlorit, 323.
— vthicelemiH, xa.
Praenette, villa of Hadrian at, 37a
rraetorian guaid, 119.
Praxiteles, 84, 97. 349-
riiicu«, Javolenns, ai8.
I'riieu*, ao.
Priscos, Neralias, 113, ai8.
PrcciiiaiM 11,1 lutam gmiium, tS.
— a TKlieiiihiit, 19S. 233, 334.
— a liMIn, 11 j, it^.
— ah rpi'lnlii, 331, '34.
I'mvinccs, numtier of, al Iladrian'l
Bcconion, 195 SttiBlorinl and Im-
perial, I9Si Govcmmenl of, I9S *f-
Provincial diets, aoi.
Ptolemy, Claudius, cencrapher, 251,
Phidin, 68, toi.
nso, II.
Hsistralus, 361.
IMiny the elder, 46, 7a, 191.
Pliny the ynunger, 1 1, 43. I37> 303 ; hb
Pantgyrini!, vs.
rioiln*, 8, 10, 14, 31, 63. 64.
' Plolinut, >fl3.
Plutarch, la, 7a. 84, 143 t^., 365, 387,
3'3-3tSi '^rknd orFaTorinuB, 345.
, 34 ; death of.
Puhliui Celsos, 14, :
3S-
Puleoli, 366.
Qnadialus, a pupil of the apostle*,
3.8.
Quaestorship, 197,
Qninlilian, 13, 64, >5J, ijg.
Quintilius Condtaniu, 371.
Qaintilim Maximna, 371.
412
Index
Raetia, 30, 58, $9-
Ramaseum, 133.
Rasparasanus, King of the Roxolani,
32.
Regilla, Appia Annia, 271.
Relievo, historical art of, 344.
Religion, su Christianity.
'' Remission of debt by Hadrian, 38-40 ;
represented in relievo, 345.
Responsa prudentutHy 327.
Rhammius Martialis, 136.
' Rhetoricians, Schools of, 253 sq.
'■' Rhodes, 75.
Roads built by Hadrian, 355, 356;
from Beneventum to Aeclanum, 356 ;
to Myus Hormus, 357 ; over the
Isthmus, 365 ; via Cassia^ 366 ; via
Augusta^ 366.
Roemetalces, son of Cotys, 170.
Roman empire, 191 sg,i Aristides*
panegyric on, Tertullian's opinion of,
population and extent, its civiliza-
tion, its languages, its division into
£. and W., art, religion, philosophy
derived from E., 191-194; military
forces of, trade and commerce in,
195, 196.
Rome, 211 sg.
Rosso afUicOy 348.
Roxolani, expedition against, 31, 32.
Rufus, Caninius, 11.
Rusticus, Q. Junius, 40.
Rutilianus, 298, 299.
Sabina, 10, 38, 49, 54, 69, 88, 129, 174,
17s, 381.
Sabinus, L. Vibius, 10.
Sabinus, T. Pontius, 60.
Sabinus, 266.
Salamis in Cyprus destroyed, 18.
Salinator, Cn. Pedanius Fuscus, 40,
173. 177.
Samosata, 69.
Samothrace, 71.
Santiponte, su Italica.
Sardis, 61, 95, 100, loi, 142.
Sarmatians, 13, 31.
Sarmizegetusa, 33.
Satala, 69, 70.
Satuminus, 331.
Scaurus, 235, 252.
Scopas, 349.
Scopelianus, 266, 268.
Sculpture, Ideal in the age of Hadrian,
its cosmopolitan character, repetition
of ancient masterpieces, description
of, in the Tiburtinum, 346, 347, 348 ;
in the temple of Ephesus, 99.
Sebastopolis, 14a
Secundus, P. Metilius, 90.
Seleucia on the Tigris, 17.
Seleucus Nicator, 105.
Selinus (Selinti), 20, 21, 22, 29.
Senate, 196 jy., 219 j^.
Setuiius cotisuUum Claudianum^ 230.
Senatorial provinces, 78.
Seneca, 64, 254, 283.
Senedo, C. Sossius, ii, 243.
Senecio, S. Attius, 152.
Septa, 375. 376.
Serapeum, 238.
Servianus, L. Julius Ursus, 6, 173 ;
legate of Upper Germany, 9 ; consul
third time, 42 ; Hadrian's letter to,
124.
Sestus, 71, 14a
Severianus, 297.
Severus, Alexander, 81, 180, 222, 321 ;
refused to admit freedmen to the
equestrian order, 217 ; favourably
disposed towards Christianity, 329;
aqueduct at Tyrrhachium restored by
him, 356.
Severus, L. Catilius, 30, 182.
Severus, Julius, 152, 157.
Severus, Tiberius Julius, 152, 157.
Severus, Septimius, 62, 89, 106, 32 X ;
exempts the provinces from the
burden of the im|)erial post, 199.
Sextius, Q., 283.
Sextus, philosopher, 23$.
Sicily, 86.
Sicyon, 85.
Side, 102.
Sidon, 107.
Sigia, su Alexandria Troas.
Silius Italicus, 1 1.
Similis, Sulpicius, 29, 42, 222.
Index
413
Simon, son of Giore, 149.
Sinope, colony of Miletus, 169.
Slavery, 204.
Smymn, 47, 95, 99, lOO, 140; scat of
!u>|>|iistry, 100; gymnasium al, built
by Hadrian, 355-360; coins of, with
Antinoiis, 309.
Sophists, (trcck, great builders, 355.
SoraiMis, 274.
Sorrento, 366.
Sosius !*apus, 14.
5>osus of Pergamum, Roman copy of
mosaic, 343.
S}xiin, 6, 8, 64.
Sparta, 77, 78, 79, 83, 94-
Spartianus, 2, 30, 35, 57, 88, 234, 249,
and passim.
Spira (Speier), 55.
Spurinna, II.
Stadia at Delphi, 365.
Statins, 1 1.
Statues in honour of Hadrian, 15, 33,
65, 82, 84.
— Trajan, 78.
Stoicism, 282 jy.
Stones, precious, 341.
Stralx>, 46, 73, 86.
Stratonicea restored by Hadrian, 359.
Suetonius Pautinus, 60.
Suetonius Tranquillus, li, 42, 49, 63,
224, 249.
Suidas, 247.
SumrtauHh'a^ 345.
Sura, L. Licinius, 10; death of, 14.
Syracuse, 86.
Syria, 103 sq.^ 356.
Tacitus,Comelius,55 ; his Germania^ 11.
Talmud, 26, 28.
Tarrnrina, 35.
Tarraro, 64, 65, 20I.
Tarsus, coins of, with Antinotts, 309.
Tauromcnium, 86.
Taunis of Tyre, 268, 282.
Teano, 366.
Tclcphus of iVrgamum, 235, 252.
Telmcssus, 1 02.
Temples: —
Olympian Zeus, 36 1 xf.
Divi Trajani, 375.
Diana and Antinous at Lanuvium,
310.
Zeus Panhellcnius and Hera at
Athens, 360.
Rome and Venus, 376 sq.
Genius of Rome at Ephesus, 359.
Apollo at Megnra, 364, at Xanthus,
102, at Alne, 365.
Poseidon Hippius rcno\'atcd by
Hadrian, 365.
Antinous at Mantinea built by
Hadrian, 365.
Bona Dea, 376.
deified Augustus at Tarraco, 64,
65.
Peace, 379.
Dea Cupra, 366.
Genius of Rome and Augustus, 79.
Caesar and Augustus, 79.
Octavia, 84.
Tertullian, 46, 192.
Thasos, 14a
Theagenes of Patrae, 292.
Thebes, 84.
Thebes in Egypt, 174.
Theodotus, sophist, 273.
Theon, 282.
Thermae, 86.
Thespiae, 84.
Thessaly, 84, 85.
Thevcste, military road to, 90.
Thrace governed by procurator, 85,
I97» 35^-
Thyatira, lOI.
Tiberius, emperor, 38, 69, 78, 219.
Tiburtinum, 366 sq.\ description of, by
Pope Pius H., 370.
Timticrates, 282.
Tineius Rufus, 113, 147, 153.
Tomi, 31.
Torlonia Museum, 346, 348.
Toulouse, 54.
Trechonitis, 28, 104.
Trajan emperor, 6, 47, 60, 69, 78 ;
adoption, consular legate of Upper
Germany, emperor, 9 ; return to
Rome, 10; first and second Dacimn
campaign, 12, 13; conquests, 14;
414
Index
Parthian war, leaves Italy for the
East, i6 ; reaches Persian Gulf, 17 ;
homeward journey and illness, 20;
his adoption of Hadrian and death,
21 ; ashes burned, 37 ; column of, 15,
19. 375.
Tralles, 68, loi.
Trapezus (Trebizond), 47, 167, 168,
359.
Treves, 54.
Tribufticia potestas^ 4 x .
Tributum capitis ^ 197.
Troas, aqueduct built by Herod. Att.
at, 355.
Troesmis, 31.
Turbo, Q. Marcius, 68, 222; crushes
rebellion of Jews, 18 ; sent to
Mauretania, 27 ; summoned to Dacia,
32 ; prefect, 42.
Tumu Severin, 33.
Tyana, 69; coins of, with Antinous,
309.
Tyras, colony of Miletus, 31.
Tyrants, the thirty, 321.
Tyre, 107.
Ulpia Trajana (Sarmizegetusa), 33.
Urbicius Q. Lollius, 152.
Valens, legate of leg. xv., x66.
Valens, Abumus, 228.
Valentinus, 331.
Valerius Asiaticus, 182.
Vatican Museum, 346, 348.
Vectigiil, 197.
Verus, Lucius Commod us (Cacsar),callcd
Aelius Verus, 34, 175, 176, 178 sq.
Verus, Lucius, son of L. Commodus
or Aelius Verus, 34, 175, 181.
Verus, Annius, father of Marcus
Aurelius, 181.
Verus, M. Annius, see Marcus Aurelius.
Verus, Vindius, 228.
Vespasian emperor, 6, 64, 76, 78, 102,
219, 256, 282.
Vestinus, L. Julius, 224 note, 239, 252.
Victor, sex. Aurelius, 174, 249.
Villa of Hadrian, see Tiburtinum.
Vindobona (Vienna), $9.
Vitiges, 379.
Vaconius, 275.
Vologeses, 165.
Wall of Hadrian, 61, 62.
Xenophon, Commander of Roman
troops against the Alani, 166.
Xenophon, 47.
Xanlhus, oracle of Apollo at, X02, 302.
Xiphilinus, 2, 50, 249.
2Seno, the stoic, 283, 286.
Zenobia, iia
Zenodorus, 378.
Zeuxis, 97.
ERRATA.
P. 9, I. 4, For • Imperial law suits' read * Prosecutions for treason.'
P. la, 1. 6 from bottom, For ' from whom he had refused to take the tribute
accepted' read 'to whom he had refused the subsidy granted.'
P. 19, third footnote, For ' (propraetorian legate) ' read ' (inter praetorios allectus).
P. 34, 1. 8, For ' consuls * read ' consulars.'
P. 65, 1. 3 from bottom, For ' festivals' read ' thanksgivings.'
P. 10 1, 1. 6, For Neocoria* read ' Neocomte.'
P. 105, 1. la. For * of Oronles ' read ' in the Orontes.'
P. 161, I. I, For ' The Aelia established ' read * The new Aelia determined.'
P. 193. 11. 5-ia should read. "The history of the peoples round the basin of the
Mediterranean Sea was written in the creation of many forms of States.
All were embraced in the empire of Rome, and as the Romans, in their
insatinblc desire for nggrandis<nncnt, extended the lx>rders of their SUitc in
cviT widening circles to include Germans, Uritons, Slavs and Aral)S, they
thus erected bulwarks which protected these old Mediterranean lands against
Ixtrbaric invasion."
P. 195, 1. 9, For 'established' read 'regulated.'
P. 197, 1. ao. For * increased power' read * high authority.*
1. a8. For * rulers * read * officials.'
P. aoi, 1. 13, For * spirit ' read 'genius.'
P. ao3. 1. 10, For ' Latinum ' read * Latit'
P. an. 1, 4, For 'league' read 'community.'
P. 933. 1. 39. For ' board of secretaries ' read * head of the secretariat.'
Last line. For * of the courts' read * from officials.*
P. 924. 1. 4 from bottom. For 'furnish' read 'institute.'
P. a36. 11. a-i. For ' the philosophic maxims which it established on its basis * read
' the philosophic principles which it applied to legal relations generally.'
P. aa7, 1. 13. For 'jurisdictions* read ' courts.*
1. ao. For ' make theses of law ' read ' lay down legal maxims.'
P. 2^, 11 1-4. The sentence should run * Under the Antonines, when the great
catnlof^ne of roads was made, gecMrraphy was elevated by the genius of
Claudius Ptoleniaeus to the rank 01 a mathematical science together with
astronomy and chronology.
P. a59, 1. 9. For ' was a free art of polite letters and of literature ' read ' retained its
title to be called a fine art of polite letters and was in consequence productive.'
P. a6i. 1. 18. For ' fiAy-six years of its life after the death of Polemon * read ' death
of Polemon at the age of fifty-six.'
P. 370, 1. 18, For ' less * read ' more.'
P. 971. 1. 7 from bottom. For ' Quintilians' read * Quintilii.*
P. 385. last two lines, For ' The Aesthesis ' read ' Sensation ' : For ' the Hormesis
read 'passion.'
P. a87. 1. a8, For ' paradox' read 'contradiction.'
P. 306. L a6 and in second footnote. For ' Emperor- worship' read 'Caesar-worship.'
1. 4 from bottom. For ' Neocoria ' read ' Neocorate.'
P* 311* 1. 3. For *|)ricsthood belonging to' read 'guild of worshippers of.'
1. 5, For * priesthood ' read * similar guild.' _ ^ /
P. 333. 1. a8. For 'a particularly * read 'everywhere.' ^ / V>
P. 334. 1. 3. For 'displayed' read * illustrated.* I A
P. 350. 1. 31, For 'by Mondragone' read'of Mondragone.'
P. 35a. 1. 35, For 'by Mondragone' read 'of Mondragone.'
This bode is a preservatioo {riiotocopy.
It wu produced oo Hammemiill Laaer Print natiml white*
a 60 # bode wei^ acid-firee archival paper
which meets the requiremeots of
ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (permaneQce of paper)
Preservatioo phoCocop3riiig and binding
by
Acme BooUnnding
Charieslown, Massadnisetts
m
199S
U£4^ O^
The borrower must return this item on or before
the last date stamped below. If another user
places a recall for this item, the borrower will
be notified of the need for an earlier return.
Non-receipt of overdue notices does not exempt
the borrower from overdue fines.
Harvard College WIdener Library
Cambridge, MA 02138 617-495-2413
Please handle with care. ^
Thank you for helping to preserve
library collections at Harvard.
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11