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Title: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, Volume 2, Slice 3
       "Apollodorus" to "Aral"

Author: Various

Release Date: October 8, 2010 [EBook #34047]

Language: English


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(1) Numbers following letters (without space) like C2 were originally
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              ELEVENTH EDITION

            VOLUME II, SLICE III

            Apollodorus to Aral


  APOLLODORUS (Athenian painter)    APPREHENSION
  APOLLONIUS (the Surly)            APRICOT
  APOLLONIUS (Greek rhetorician)    APRIES
  APOLLONIUS (the Sophist)          APRIL
  APOLLOS                           APSINES
  APOLLYON                          APT
  APOLOGETICS                       APTERA
  APOLOGUE                          APTERAL
  APOLOGY                           APTIAN
  APONEUROSIS                       APULEIUS, LUCIUS
  APOPHTHEGM                        APULIA
  APOPHYGE                          APURÉ
  APOPHYLLITE                       APURIMAC (river of Peru)
  APOPHYSIS                         APURIMAC (department of Peru)
  APOPLEXY                          APYREXIA
  APOROSE                          'AQIBA BEN JOSEPH
  APOSIOPESIS                       AQUAE
  APOSTASY                          AQUAE CUTILIAE
  APOSTIL                           AQUAMARINE
  APOSTLE                           AQUARELLE
  APOSTLE SPOONS                    AQUARII
  APOSTOLICI                        AQUAVIVA, CLAUDIO
  APOSTROPHE                        AQUILA, CASPAR
  APOTACTITES                       AQUILA, SERAFINO DELL'
  APOTHECARY                        AQUILA (city of Italy)
  APOTHEOSIS                        AQUILA (constellation)
  APPANAGE                          AQUILEIA
  APPAREL                           AQUILLIUS, MANIUS
  APPARITIONS                       AQUINAS, THOMAS
  APPARITOR                         AQUINO
  APPEAL                            AQUITAINE
  APPEARANCE                        ARABESQUE
  APPENDICITIS                      ARABGIR
  APPENDICULATA                     ARABIA
  APPENZELL (canton of Switzerland) ARABIAN SEA
  APPENZELL (city of Switzerland)   ARABICI
  APPERCEPTION                      ARABI PASHA
  APPIAN                            ARACAJÚ
  APPIANI, ANDREA                   ARACATY
  APPIA, VIA                        ARACHNE
  APPIN                             ARACHNIDA
  APPLAUSE                          ARAD
  APPLE                             ARAEOSTYLE
  APPLEBY                           ARAEOSYSTYLE
  APPLETON (city of U.S.A.)         ARAGON
  APPOGGIATURA                      ARAGONITE
  APPONYI, ALBERT                   ARAKAN

APOLLODORUS, an Athenian painter, who flourished at the end of the 5th
century B.C. He is said to have introduced great improvements in
perspective and chiaroscuro. What these were it is impossible to say:
perspective cannot have been in his day at an advanced stage. Among his
works were an Odysseus, a priest in prayer, and an Ajax struck by

APOLLODORUS, an Athenian grammarian, pupil of Aristarchus and Panaetius
the Stoic, who lived about 140 B.C. He was a prolific and versatile
writer. There is extant under his name a treatise on the gods and the
heroic age, entitled [Greek: Bibliothaekae], a valuable authority on
ancient mythology. Modern critics are of opinion that, if genuine, it is
an abridgment of a larger work by him ([Greek: Peri theon]).

  Edition, with commentary, by Heyne (1803); text by Wagner (1894)
  (_Mythographi Graeci_, vol. i. Teubner series). Amongst other works by
  him of which only fragments remain, collected in Müller, _Fragmenta
  Historicorum Graecorum_, may be mentioned: [Greek: Chronika], a
  universal history from the fall of Troy to 144 B.C.; [Greek:
  Periaegaesis], a gazetteer written in iambics; [Greek: Peri Neon], a
  work on the Homeric catalogue of ships; and a work on etymology
  ([Greek: Etymologiai]).

APOLLODORUS, of Carystus in Euboea, one of the most important writers of
the New Attic comedy, who flourished at Athens between 300 and 260 B.C.
He is to be distinguished from an older Apollodorus of Gela (342-290),
also a writer of comedy, a contemporary of Menander. He wrote 47
comedies and obtained the prize five times. Terence borrowed his
_Hecyra_ and _Phormio_ from the [Greek: Hekyra] and [Greek:
Epidikazomenos] of Apollodorus.

  Fragments in Koch, _Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta_, ii. (1884); see
  also Meineke, _Historia Critica Comicorum Graecorum_ (1839).

APOLLODORUS, of Damascus, a famous Greek architect, who flourished
during the 2nd century A.D. He was a favourite of Trajan, for whom he
constructed the stone bridge over the Danube (A.D. 104-105). He also
planned a gymnasium, a college, public baths, the Odeum and the Forum
Trajanum, within the city of Rome; and the triumphal arches at
Beneventum and Ancona. The Trajan column in the centre of the Forum is
celebrated as being the first triumphal monument of the kind. On the
accession of Hadrian, whom he had offended by ridiculing his
performances as architect and artist, Apollodorus was banished, and,
shortly afterwards, being charged with imaginary crimes, put to death
(Dio Cassius lxix. 4). He also wrote a treatise on _Siege Engines_
([Greek: Poliorkaetika]), which was dedicated to Hadrian.

APOLLONIA, the name of more than thirty cities of antiquity. The most
important are the following: (1) An Illyrian city (known as Apollonia
[Greek: kat Epidamnon] or [Greek: pros Epidamno]) on the right bank of
the Aous, founded by the Corinthians and Corcyraeans. It soon became a
place of increasing commercial prosperity, as the most convenient link
between Brundusium and northern Greece, and as one of the
starting-points of the Via Egnatia. It was an important military post in
the wars against Philip and during the civil wars of Pompey and Caesar,
and towards the close of the Roman republic acquired fame as a seat of
literature and philosophy. Here Augustus was being educated when the
death of Caesar called him to Rome. It seems to have sunk with the rise
of Aulon, and few remains of its ruins are to be found. The monastery of
Pollina stands on a hill which probably is part of the site of the old
city. (2) A Thracian city on the Black Sea (afterwards Sozopolis, and
now Sizeboli), colonized by the Milesians, and famous for its colossal
statue of Apollo by Calamis, which Lucullus removed to Rome.

APOLLONIUS, surnamed [Greek: ho dyskolos] ("the Surly or Crabbed"), a
celebrated grammarian of Alexandria, who lived in the reigns of Hadrian
and Antoninus Pius. He spent the greater part of his life in his native
city, where he died; he is also said to have visited Rome and attracted
the attention of Antoninus. He was the founder of scientific grammar and
is styled by Priscian _grammaticorum princeps_. Four of his works are
extant: _On Syntax_, ed. Bekker, 1817; and three smaller treatises, on
_Pronouns_, _Conjunctions_ and _Adverbs_, ed. Schneider, 1878.

  _Grammatici Graeci_, i. in Teubner series; Egger, _Apollonius Dyscole_

APOLLONIUS, surnamed [Greek: ho malakos] ("the Effeminate"), a Greek
rhetorician of Alabanda in Caria, who flourished about 120 B.C. After
studying under Menecles, chief of the Asiatic school of oratory, he
settled in Rhodes, where he taught rhetoric, among his pupils being Mark

APOLLONIUS, surnamed "the Sophist," of Alexandria, a famous grammarian,
who probably lived towards the end of the 1st century A.D. He was the
author of a Homeric lexicon ([Greek: Lexeis Homaerikai]), the only work
of the kind we possess. His chief authorities were Aristarchus and
Apion's Homeric glossary.

  Edition by Villoison (1773), I. Bekker (1833); Leyde, _De Apollonii
  Sophistae Lexico Homerico_ (1885); E.W.B. Nicholson on a newly
  discovered fragment in _Classical Review_ (Nov. 1897).

APOLLONIUS MOLON (sometimes called simply MOLON), a Greek rhetorician,
who flourished about 70 B.C. He was a native of Alabanda, a pupil of
Menecles, and settled at Rhodes. He twice visited Rome as an ambassador
from Rhodes, and Cicero and Caesar took lessons from him. He endeavoured
to moderate the florid Asiatic style and cultivated an "Atticizing"
tendency. He wrote on Homer, and, according to Josephus, violently
attacked the Jews.

  See C. Müller, _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, iii.; E. Schürer,
  _History of the Jewish People_, iii. (Eng. tr. 1886).

APOLLONIUS OF PERGA [PERGAEUS], Greek geometer of the Alexandrian
school, was probably born some twenty-five years later than Archimedes,
i.e. about 262 B.C. He flourished in the reigns of Ptolemy Euergetes and
Ptolemy Philopator (247-205 B.C.). His treatise on _Conics_ gained him
the title of The Great Geometer, and is that by which his fame has been
transmitted to modern times. All his numerous other treatises have
perished, save one, and we have only their titles handed down, with
general indications of their contents, by later writers, especially
Pappus. After the _Conics_ in eight Books had been written in a first
edition, Apollonius brought out a second edition, considerably revised
as regards Books i.-ii., at the instance of one Eudemus of Pergamum;
the first three books were sent to Eudemus at intervals, as revised,
and the later books were dedicated (after Eudemus' death) to King
Attalus I. (241-197 B.C.). Only four Books have survived in Greek; three
more are extant in Arabic; the eighth has never been found. Although a
fragment has been found of a Latin translation from the Arabic made in
the 13th century, it was not until 1661 that a Latin translation of
Books v.-vii. was available. This was made by Giovanni Alfonso Borelli
and Abraham Ecchellensis from the free version in Arabic made in 983 by
Abu 'l-Fath of Ispahan and preserved in a Florence MS. But the best
Arabic translation is that made as regards Books i.-iv. by Hilal ibn Abi
Hilal (d. about 883), and as regards Books v.-vii. by Tobit ben Korra
(836-901). Halley used for his translation an Oxford MS. of this
translation of Books v.-vii., but the best MS. (Bodl. 943) he only
referred to in order to correct his translation, and it is still
unpublished except for a fragment of Book v. published by L. Nix with
German translation (Drugulin, Leipzig, 1889). Halley added in his
edition (1710) a restoration of Book viii., in which he was guided by
the fact that Pappus gives lemmas "to the seventh and eighth books"
under that one heading, as well as by the statement of Apollonius
himself that the use of the seventh book was illustrated by the problems
solved in the eighth.

The degree of originality of the _Conics_ can best be judged from
Apollonius' own prefaces. Books i.-iv. form an "elementary
introduction," i.e. contain the essential principles; the rest are
specialized investigations in particular directions. For Books i.-iv. he
claims only that the generation of the curves and their fundamental
properties in Book i. are worked out more fully and generally than they
were in earlier treatises, and that a number of theorems in Book iii.
and the greater part of Book iv. are new. That he made the fullest use
of his predecessors' works, such as Euclid's four Books on Conics, is
clear from his allusions to Euclid, Conon and Nicoteles. The generality
of treatment is indeed remarkable; he gives as the fundamental property
of all the conics the equivalent of the Cartesian equation referred to
_oblique_ axes (consisting of a diameter and the tangent at its
extremity) obtained by cutting an oblique circular cone in any manner,
and the axes appear only as a particular case after he has shown that
the property of the conic can be expressed in the same form with
reference to any new diameter and the tangent at its extremity. It is
clearly the form of the fundamental property (expressed in the
terminology of the "application of areas") which led him to call the
curves for the first time by the names _parabola_, _ellipse_,
_hyperbola_. Books v.-vii. are clearly original. Apollonius' genius
takes its highest flight in Book v., where he treats of normals as
minimum and maximum straight lines drawn from given points to the curve
(independently of tangent properties), discusses how many normals can be
drawn from particular points, finds their feet by construction, and
gives propositions determining the centre of curvature at any point and
leading at once to the Cartesian equation of the evolute of any conic.

The other treatises of Apollonius mentioned by Pappus are --1st, [Greek:
Logou apotomae], _Cutting off a Ratio_; 2nd, [Greek: Choriou apotomae],
_Cutting of an Area_; 3rd, [Greek: Dioris menae tomae], _Determinate
Section_; 4th, [Greek: Epaphai], _Tangencies_; 5th, [Greek: Neuseis],
_Inclinations_; 6th, [Greek: Topoi epipedoi], _Plane Loci_. Each of
these was divided into two books, and, with the _Data_, the _Porisms_
and _Surface-Loci_ of Euclid and the _Conics_ of Apollonius were,
according to Pappus, included in the body of the ancient analysis.

1st. _De Rationis Sectione_ had for its subject the resolution of the
following problem: Given two straight lines and a point in each, to draw
through a third given point a straight line cutting the two fixed lines,
so that the parts intercepted between the given points in them and the
points of intersection with this third line may have a given ratio.

2nd. _De Spatii Sectione_ discussed the similar problem which requires
the rectangle contained by the two intercepts to be equal to a given

An Arabic version of the first was found towards the end of the 17th
century in the Bodleian library by Dr Edward Bernard, who began a
translation of it; Halley finished it and published it along with a
restoration of the second treatise in 1706.

3rd. _De Sectione Determinata_ resolved the problem: Given two, three or
four points on a straight line, to find another point on it such that
its distances from the given points satisfy the condition that the
square on one or the rectangle contained by two has to the square on the
remaining one or the rectangle contained by the remaining two, or to the
rectangle contained by the remaining one and another given straight
line, a given ratio. Several restorations of the solution have been
attempted, one by W. Snellius (Leiden, 1698), another by Alex. Anderson
of Aberdeen, in the supplement to his _Apollonius Redivivus_ (Paris,
1612), but by far the best is by Robert Simson, _Opera quaedam reliqua_
(Glasgow, 1776).

4th. _De Tactionibus_ embraced the following general problem: Given
three things (points, straight lines or circles) in position, to
describe a circle passing through the given points, and touching the
given straight lines or circles. The most difficult case, and the most
interesting from its historical associations, is when the three given
things are circles. This problem, which is sometimes known as the
Apollonian Problem, was proposed by Vieta in the 16th century to
Adrianus Romanus, who gave a solution by means of a hyperbola. Vieta
thereupon proposed a simpler construction, and restored the whole
treatise of Apollonius in a small work, which he entitled _Apollonius
Gallus_ (Paris, 1600). A very full and interesting historical account of
the problem is given in the preface to a small work of J.W. Camerer,
entitled _Apollonii Pergaei quae supersunt, ac maxime Lemmata Pappi in
hos Libras, cum Observationibus, &c_. (Gothae, 1795, 8vo).

5th. _De Inclinationibus_ had for its object to insert a straight line
of a given length, tending towards a given point, between two given
(straight or circular) lines. Restorations have been given by Marino
Ghetaldi, by Hugo d'Omerique (_Geometrical Analysis_, Cadiz, 1698), and
(the best) by Samuel Horsley (1770).

6th. _De Locis Planis_ is a collection of propositions relating to loci
which are either straight lines or circles. Pappus gives somewhat full
particulars of the propositions, and restorations were attempted by P.
Fermat (_Oeuvres_, i., 1891, pp. 3-51), F. Schooten (Leiden, 1656) and,
most successfully of all, by R. Simson (Glasgow, 1749).

Other works of Apollonius are referred to by ancient writers, viz. (1)
[Greek: Peri tou pyriou], _On the Burning-Glass_, where the focal
properties of the parabola probably found a place; (2) [Greek: Peri tou
kochliou], _On the Cylindrical Helix_ (mentioned by Proclus); (3) a
comparison of the dodecahedron and the icosahedron inscribed in the same
sphere; (4) [Greek: Hae katholou pragmateia], perhaps a work on the
general principles of mathematics in which were included Apollonius'
criticisms and suggestions for the improvement of Euclid's _Elements_;
(5) [Greek: Okutokion] (quick bringing-to-birth), in which, according to
Eutocius, he showed how to find closer limits for the value of [pi] than
the 3-1/7 and 3-10/71 of Archimedes; (6) an arithmetical work (as to
which see PAPPUS) on a system of expressing large numbers in language
closer to that of common life than that of Archimedes' _Sand-reckoner_,
and showing how to multiply such large numbers; (7) a great extension of
the theory of irrationals expounded in Euclid, Book x., from binomial to
multinomial and from _ordered_ to _unordered_ irrationals (see extracts
from Pappus' comm. on Eucl. x., preserved in Arabic and published by
Woepcke, 1856). Lastly, in astronomy he is credited by Ptolemy with an
explanation of the motion of the planets by a system of epicycles; he
also made researches in the lunar theory, for which he is said to have
been called Epsilon ([epsilon]).

  The best editions of the works of Apollonius are the following: (1)
  _Apollonii Pergaei Conicorum libri quatuor, ex versione Frederici
  Commandini_ (Bononiae, 1566), fol.; (2) _Apollonii Pergaei Conicorum
  libri octo, et Sereni Antissensis de Sectione Cylindri et Coni libri
  duo_ (Oxoniae, 1710), fol. (this is the monumental edition of Edmund
  Halley); (3) the edition of the first four books of the Conics given
  in 1675 by Barrow; (4) _Apollonii Pergaei de Sectione, Rationis libri
  duo: Accedunt ejusdem de Sectione Spatii libri duo Restituti:
  Praemittitur, &c., Opera et Studio Edmundi Halley_ (Oxoniae, 1706),
  4to; (5) a German translation of the _Conics_ by H. Balsam (Berlin,
  1861); (6) the definitive Greek text of Heiberg (_Apollonii Pergaei
  quae Graece exstant Opera_, Leipzig, 1891-1893); (7) T.L. Heath,
  _Apollonius, Treatise on Conic Sections_ (Cambridge, 1896); see also
  H.G. Zeuthen, _Die Lehre van den Kegelschnitten im Altertum_
  (Copenhagen, 1886 and 1902).     (T. L. H.)

APOLLONIUS OF RHODES (RHODIUS), a Greek epic poet and grammarian, of
Alexandria, who flourished under the Ptolemies Philopator and Epiphanes
(222-181 B.C.). He was the pupil of Callimachus, with whom he
subsequently quarrelled. In his youth he composed the work for which he
is known--_Argonautica_, an epic in four books on the legend of the
Argonauts. When he read it at Alexandria, it was rejected through the
influence of Callimachus and his party. Disgusted with his failure,
Apollonius withdrew to Rhodes, where he was very successful as a
rhetorician, and a revised edition of his epic was well received. In
recognition of his talents the Rhodians bestowed the freedom of their
city upon him--the origin of his surname. Returning to Alexandria, he
again recited his poem, this time with general applause. In 196, Ptolemy
Epiphanes appointed him librarian of the Museum, which office he
probably held until his death. As to the _Argonautica_, Longinus' (_De
Sublim_. p. 54, 19) and Quintilian's (_Instit_, x. 1, 54) verdict of
mediocrity seems hardly deserved; although it lacks the naturalness of
Homer, it possesses a certain simplicity and contains some beautiful
passages. There is a valuable collection of scholia. The work, highly
esteemed by the Romans, was imitated by Virgil (_Aeneid_, iv.), Varro
Atacinus, and Valerius Flaccus. Marianus (about A.D. 500) paraphrased it
in iambic trimeters. Apollonius also wrote epigrams; grammatical and
critical works; and [Greek: Ktiseis] (the foundations of cities).

  _Editio Princeps_ (Florence, 1496); Merkel-Keil (with scholia, 1854);
  Seaton (1900). English translations: Verse, by Greene (1780); Fawkes
  (1780); Preston (1811); Way (1901); Prose by Coleridge (1889); see
  also Couat, _La Poésie alexandrine_; Susemihl, _Geschichte der griech.
  Lit. in der alexandnnischen Zeit._

APOLLONIUS OF TRALLES (in Caria), a Greek sculptor, who flourished in
the 2nd century B.C. With his brother Tauriscus, he executed the marble
group known as the Farnese Bull, representing Zethus and Amphion tying
the revengeful Dirce to the tail of a wild bull.

  See GREEK ART, pl. i. fig. 51.

APOLLONIUS OF TYANA, a Greek philosopher of the Neo-Pythagorean school,
born a few years before the Christian era. He studied at Tarsus and in
the temple of Asclepius at Aegae, where he devoted himself to the
doctrines of Pythagoras and adopted the ascetic habit of life in its
fullest sense. He travelled through Asia and visited Nineveh, Babylon
and India, imbibing the oriental mysticism of magi, Brahmans and
gymnosophists. The narrative of his travels given by his disciple Damis
and reproduced by Philostratus is so full of the miraculous that many
have regarded him as an imaginary character. On his return to Europe he
was saluted as a magician, and received the greatest reverence from
priests and people generally. He himself claimed only the power of
foreseeing the future; yet in Rome it was said that he raised from death
the body of a noble lady. In the halo of his mysterious power he passed
through Greece, Italy and Spain. It was said that he was accused of
treason both by Nero and by Domitian, but escaped by miraculous means.
Finally he set up a school at Ephesus, where he died, apparently at the
age of a hundred years. Philostratus keeps up the mystery of his hero's
life by saying, "Concerning the manner of his death, _if he did die_,
the accounts are various." The work of Philostratus composed at the
instance of Julia, wife of Severus, is generally regarded as a religious
work of fiction. It contains a number of obviously fictitious stories,
through which, however, it is not impossible to discern the general
character of the man. In the 3rd century, Hierocles (q.v.) endeavoured
to prove that the doctrines and the life of Apollonius were more
valuable than those of Christ, and, in modern times, Voltaire and
Charles Blount (1654-1693), the English freethinker, have adopted a
similar standpoint. Apart from this extravagant eulogy, it is absurd to
regard Apollonius merely as a vulgar charlatan and miracle-monger. If we
cut away the mass of mere fiction which Philostratus accumulated, we
have left a highly imaginative, earnest reformer who laboured to infuse
into the flaccid dialectic of paganism a saner spirit of practical

  See L. Dyer, _Studies of the Gods in Greece_ (New York, 1891); A.
  Chassang, _Le Merveilleux dans l'antiquité_ (1882); D.M. Tredwell,
  _Sketch of the Life of Apollonius of Tyana_ (New York, 1886); F.C.
  Baur, _Apollonius von Tyana und Christus_, ed. Ed. Zeller (Leipzig,
  1876,--an attempt to show that Philostratus's story is merely a pagan
  counterblast to the New Testament history); J. Jessen, _Apollonius v.
  Tyana und sein Biograph Philostratos_ (Hamburg, 1885); J. Göttsching,
  _Apollonius von Tyana_ (Berlin, 1889); J.A. Froude, _Short Studies_,
  vol. iv.; G.R.S. Mead, _Apollonius of Tyana_ (London, 1901); B.L.
  Gildersleeve, _Essays and Studies_ (New York, 1890); Philostratus's
  _Life of Apollonius_ (Eng. trans. New York, 1905); O. de B. Priaulx,
  _The Indian Travels of Apollonius_ (1873); F.W.G. Campbell, _Apoll. of
  Tyana_ (1908); see also NEO-PYTHAGOREANISM.

APOLLONIUS OF TYRE, a medieval tale supposed to be derived from a lost
Greek original. The earliest mention of the story is in the _Carmina_
(Bk. vi. 8, II. 5-6) of Venantius Fortunatus, in the second half of the
6th century, and the romance may well date from three centuries earlier.
It bears a marked resemblance to the _Antheia and Habrokomes_ of
Xenophon of Ephesus. The story relates that King Antiochus, maintaining
incestuous relations with his daughter, kept off her suitors by asking
them a riddle, which they must solve on pain of losing their heads.
Apollonius of Tyre solved the riddle, which had to do with Antiochus's
secret. He returned to Tyre, and, to escape the king's vengeance, set
sail in search of a place of refuge. In Cyrene he married the daughter
of King Archistrates, and presently, on receiving news of the death of
Antiochus, departed to take possession of the kingdom of Antioch, of
which he was, for no clear reason, the heir. On the voyage his wife
died, or rather seemed to die, in giving birth to a daughter, and the
sailors demanded that she should be thrown overboard. Apollonius left
his daughter, named Tarsia, at Tarsus in the care of guardians who
proved false to their trust. Father, mother, and daughter were only
reunited after fourteen years' separation and many vicissitudes. The
earliest Latin MS. of this tale, preserved at Florence, dates from the
9th or 10th century. The pagan features of the supposed original are by
no means all destroyed. The ceremonies observed by Tarsia at her nurse's
grave, and the preparations for the burning of the body of Apollonius's
wife, are purely pagan. The riddles which Tarsia propounds to her father
are obviously interpolated. They are taken from the _Enigmata_ of
Caelius Firmianus Symposius. The many inconsistencies of the story seem
to be best explained by the supposition (E. Rohde, _Der griechische
Roman_, 2nd ed., 1900, pp. 435 _et seq_.) that the Antiochus story was
originally entirely separate from the story of Apollonius's wanderings,
and was clumsily tacked on by the Latin author. The romance kept its
form through a vast number of medieval rearrangements, and there is
little change in its outlines as set forth in the Shakespearian play of

  The Latin tale is preserved in about 100 MSS., and was printed by M.
  Velser (Augsburg, 1595), by J. Lapaume in _Script. Erot_. (Didot,
  Paris, 1856), and by A. Riese in the _Bibl. Teubneriana_ (1871, new
  ed. 1893). The most widespread versions in the middle ages were those
  of Godfrey of Viterbo in his _Pantheon_ (1185), where it is related as
  authentic history, and in the _Gesta Romanorum_ (cap. 153), which
  formed the basis of the German folk-tale by H. Steinhöwel (Augsburg,
  1471), the Dutch version (Delft, 1493), the French in _Le Violier des
  histoires romaines_ (Paris, 1521), the English, by Laurence Twine
  (London, 1576, new ed. 1607), also of the Scandinavian, Czech, and
  Hungarian tales.

  In England a translation was made as early as the 11th century (ed. B.
  Thorpe, 1834, and J. Zupitza in _Archiv für neuere Sprachen_, 1896);
  there is a Middle English metrical version (J.O. Halliwell, _A New
  Boke about Shakespeare_, 1850), by a poet who says he was vicar of
  Wimborne; John Gower uses the tale as an example of the seventh deadly
  sin in the eighth book of his _Confessio Amantis_; Robert Copland
  translated a prose romance of _Kynge Apollyne of Thyre_ (Wynkyn de
  Worde, 1510) from the French; _Pericles_ was entered at Stationers'
  Hall in 1607, and was followed in the next year by George Wilkins's
  novel, _The Painfull Adventures of Pericles, Prynce of Tyre_ (ed.
  Tycho Mommsen, Oldenburg, 1857), and George Lillo drew his play
  _Marina_ (1738) from the piece associated with Shakespeare; _Orendel_,
  by a Middle High German minnesinger, contains some of the episodes of
  _Apollonius_; Heinrich von Neustadt wrote a poem of 20,000 lines on
  _Apollonius von Tyrland_ (c. 1400); the story was well known in
  Spanish, _Libre de Apolonio_ (verse, c. 1200), and in J. de Timoneda's
  _Patrañuelo_ (1576); in French much of it was embodied in _Jourdain de
  Blaives_ (13th cent.), and it also appears in Italian and medieval
  Greek. See A.H. Smyth, _Shakespeare's Pericles and Apollonius of Tyre_
  (Philadelphia, 1898); Elimar Klebs, _Die Erzahlung van A. aus Tyrus_
  (Berlin, 1899); S. Singer, _Apollonius van Tyrus_ (Halle, 1895).

APOLLOS ([Greek: Apollos]; contracted from Apollonius), an Alexandrine
Jew who after Paul's first visit to Corinth worked there in a similar
way (1 Cor. iii. 6). He was with Paul at a later date in Ephesus (1 Cor.
xvi. 12). In 1 Cor. i. 10-12 we read of four parties in the Corinthian
church, of which two attached themselves to Paul and Apollos
respectively, using their names, though the "division" can hardly have
been due to conflicting doctrines. (See PAUL.) From Acts xviii. 24-28 we
learn that he spoke and taught with power and success. He may have
captivated his hearers by teaching "wisdom," as P.W. Schmiedel suggests,
in the allegorical style of Philo, and he was evidently a man of unusual
magnetic force. There seems to be some contradiction between Acts xviii.
25 a b and Acts xviii. 25 c, 26 b c; and it has been suggested that
these latter passages are subsequent accretions. Since Apollos was a
Christian and "taught exactly," he could hardly have been acquainted
only with John's baptism or have required to be taught Christianity more
thoroughly by Aquila and Priscilla. Martin Luther regarded Apollos as
the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and many scholars since have
shared his view.

  Jerome says that Apollos was so dissatisfied with the division at
  Corinth, that he retired into Crete with Zenas, a doctor of the law;
  and that the schism having been healed by Paul's letter to the
  Corinthians, Apollos returned to the city, and became its bishop. Less
  probable traditions assign to him the bishopric of Duras, or of
  Iconium in Phrygia, or of Caesarea.

  See the articles in the _Encyclopaedia Biblica_; Herzog-Hauck,
  _Realencyklopadie_; _The Jewish Encyclopaedia_; Hastings' _Dictionary
  of the Bible_; and cf. Weizsäcker, _Das apostolische Zeitalter_; A.C.
  McGiffert, _History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age_.

APOLLYON, the "foul fiend" who assaulted Christian on his pilgrimage
through the Valley of Humiliation in John Bunyan's great allegory. The
name (Gr. [Greek: Apollyon]), which means "destroyer" ([Greek:
apollyein], to destroy), is taken from Rev. ix. 11, where it represents
the Hebrew word _Abaddon_ (lit. "place of destruction," but here
personified). The identification with the Asmodeus (q.v.) of Tobit iii.
8 is erroneous.

APOLOGETICS, in theology, the systematic statement of the grounds which
Christians allege for belief in (at least) a _supernatural revelation_
and a _divine redemption_ (cf. e.g. Heb. i. 1-3). The majority of
apologists in the past have further believed in an _infallible Bible_;
but they admit this position can only be reached at a late stage in the
argument. We should note, however, that even a liberal orthodoxy, while
saying nothing about infallibility, is pledged to the _essential_
authority of the Bible; it cannot e.g. simply ignore the Old Testament
with F.E.D. Schleiermacher. Catholic apologetics must further give a
central position to _Church_ authority, which Roman Catholics explicitly
define as infallible; but this position too is debated in a late section
of their system. On the other hand, there may be a Christianity which
seeks to extricate the "spiritual" from the "supernatural" (Arnold
Toynbee, characterizing T.H. Green). It would only lead to confusion,
however, if we called this method "apologetic." Any _single_ effort in
apologetics may be termed "an apology." More elaborate contrasts have
been proposed between the two words, but are of little practical

I. _The Word itself._--In Greek, [Greek: apologia] is the defendant's
reply (personally, not through a lawyer) to the speech for the
prosecution--[Greek: kataegoria]. Sometimes defendants' speeches passed
into literature, e.g. Plato's splendid version of the _Apology_ of
Socrates. Thus, in view of persecution or slander, the Christian church
naturally produced literary "Apologies," The word has never quite lost
this connotation of standing on the defensive and rebutting criticism;
e.g. Anselm's _Apologia contra insipientem Gaunilonem_ (c. 1100); or the
Lutheran _Apology for the Augsburg Confession_ (1531); or J.H. Newman's
_Apologia pro vita sua_ (1864); or A.B. Bruce's _Apologetics; or
Christianity Defensively Stated_ (1892). Of course, defence easily
passes into counterattack, as when early apologists denounce Greek and
Roman religion. Yet the purpose may be defence even then. And there is
perhaps a reason of a deeper kind for holding Apologetics to the
defensive. Christianity is a prophetic religion. Now a prophet does not
argue; he declares what he feels to be God's will. For himself, he
rests, like the mystic, upon an immediate vision of truth; but he
differs from most mystics in having a message for others; and--again
unlike most mystics--he addresses the hearer's _conscience_, which we
might call (in one sense) the mystic element in every man--or better,
perhaps, the prophetic. Can the positive grounds for a prophet's message
be analysed and stated in terms of argument? If so, apologetics is
literally a science, and it is pedantry to claim the defensive and
pretend to throw the _onus probandi_ upon objectors. But, if not, then
apologetics is a mere auxiliary, and is only "a science" in so far as it
presents a _conscious_ and _systematic_ plea. Bruce's title, and his
programme of "succouring distressed faith," imply the latter
alternative; the moral appeal of Christianity, primary and essential;
its confirmation by argument, secondary. The view has its difficulties;
but it is hignly suggestive.

The word [Greek: apologia] is used by Origen (_Contra Cel._ ii. 65, v.
19) of the general Christian defence. But the introduction of the
adjective "apologetic" and of the substantive "apologetics" is recent.
They are serviceable as bracketing together (1) Natural Theology or
Theism, (2) Christian Evidences--chiefly "miracles" and "prophecy"; or,
on a more modern view, chiefly the character and personality of Christ.
The lower usage of Apology (as expression of regret for a fault) has
tipped many a sarcasm besides George III.'s on the occasion of Bishop
Watson's book, "I did not know that the Bible needed an apology!"

II. _Apologetics in the Bible._--The Old Testament does not argue in
support of its beliefs, unless when (chiefly in parts of the Wisdom
literature) it seeks to rebut moral difficulties (cf. T.K. Cheyne, _Job
and Solomon_; A.S. Peake, _Problem of Suffering in the Old Testament_,
1904). The New Testament reflects chiefly controversy with Jews. Great
emphasis is laid upon alleged fulfilments--striking or fanciful, but
very generally striking to that age--of Old Testament prophecy (Matt.
especially; rather differently Ep. to Heb.). The miracles of Jesus are
also canvassed. Jews do not deny their wonderful character, but
attribute them to black art (Mark iii. 22 &c., &c.). On the other hand,
Christians and Jews are pretty well agreed on natural theology; so the
New Testament tends to take its theism for granted. However, Rom. i. 20
has had great influence on Christian theology (e.g. Thomas Aquinas) in
leading it to base theism upon reason or argument. One apologetic
contention, aimed at Gentile readers, is found among the motives of
Acts. Christianity is not a lawless but an excellent law-abiding faith.
So (it is alleged) rulers, both Jewish and Gentile, have often admitted
(xviii. 14; xix. 37; xxiii. 9; xxvi. 32).

III. _Early Christian._--When we leave the New Testament, apologetics
becomes conspicuous until the political triumph of Christianity, and
even somewhat later. The atmosphere is no longer Jewish but fully Greek.
True there are, as always, Jewish controversialists. Justin Martyr
writes a _Dialogue with Trypho_; Origen deals with many anti-Christian
arguments borrowed by Celsus from a certain nameless Jew. Yet Greece was
the sovereign power in all the world of ancient culture. And so
Christianity was necessarily Hellenized, necessarily philosophized. One
result was to bring natural theology into the forefront. A pure
morality, belief in one God, hopes extending beyond death--these
appealed to the age; the Church taught them as philosophically true
_and_ divinely revealed. But, further still, philosophy offered a
vehicle which could be applied to the contents of Christianity. The
Platonic or eclectic theism, which adopted the conception of the Logos,
made a place for Christ in terms of philosophy within the Godhead. (John
i. 1 may or may not be affected by Philo; it is almost or quite solitary
in the N.T.) Similarly, the immortality of the soul may be maintained on
Platonic or quasi-Platonic lines, as by St Athanasius (_Contra Gentes_,
§ 33)--a writer who repeatedly quotes the Alexandrian Book of Wisdom, in
which Platonism and the Old Testament had already joined partnership.
This phase of Platonism, however, was much more slowly adopted. The
earlier apologists dispute the natural immortality of the soul;
Athanasius himself, in _De Incarnatione Dei_, §§ 4, 5, tones down the
teaching of _Wisdom_; and the somewhat eccentric writer Arnobius, a
layman--from Justin Martyr downwards apologetics has always been largely
in the hands of laymen--stands for what has recently been called
"conditional immortality"--eternal life for the righteous, the children
of God, alone.

Allied with this more empiricist stand-point is the assertion that Greek
philosophy borrowed from Moses; but in studying the Fathers we
constantly find that groundless assertion uttered in the same breath
with the dominant Idealist view, according to which Greek philosophy was
due to incomplete revelation from the divine Logos.

On purely defensive lines, early apologists rebut charges of cannibalism
and sexual promiscuity; the Christians had to meet in secret, and the
gossip of a rotten age drew malignant conclusions. They make counter
attacks on polytheism as a folly and on the shamefulness of obscene
myths. Here they are in line with non-Christian writers or
culture-mockers like Lucian of Samosata; or graver spirits like
Porphyry, who champions Neo-Platonism as a rival to Christianity, and
does pioneer work in criticism by attacks on some of the Old Testament
books. Turning to Christian evidence proper, we are struck with the
continued prominence of the argument from prophecy. The Old Testament
was an immense religious asset to the early church. Their enemies had
nothing like it; and--the N.T. canon being as yet but half formed--the
Old Testament was pushed into notice by dwelling on this imperfect
"argument," which grew more extravagant as the partial control exercised
by Jewish learning disappeared. An argument from miracles is also urged,
though with more reserve. Formally, every one in that age admitted the
supernatural. The question was, whose supernatural? And how far did it
carry you? Miracle could not be to a 3rd century writer what it was to
W. Paley--a conclusive and well-nigh solitary proof. Other apologies are
by Aristides (recently recovered in translation), Athenagoras
("elegant"), Eusebius of Caesarea, Cyril of Alexandria; in Latin by
Minucius Felix, Tertullian (a masculine spirit and phrase-coiner like T.
Carlyle, if bitterer still), Lactantius Firmianus, &c., &c.[1]

As Christianity wins the day, a new objection is raised to it. The age
is full of troubles; Christianity is ruining the empire! Besides notices
elsewhere, we find the charge specially dealt with by St Augustine and
his friends. Paulus Orosius argues that the world has always been a vale
of tears. Salvian contends that not the acceptance of Christianity, but
the sins of the people are bringing trouble upon them; and he gives ugly
evidence of the continued prevalence of vice. Most impressive of all was
Augustine's own contribution in _The City of God_. Powers created by
worldliness and sin are crumbling, as they well may; "the city of God
remaineth!" Whether he meant it so or not, the saint's argument became a
programme and an apologia for the imperializing of the Western Church
under the leadership of Rome during the middle ages.

IV. _Middle Ages._--From the point of view of apologetics, we may mass
together the long stretch of history which covers the period between the
disappearance and the re-appearance of free discussion. When emperors
became converts, the church, so lately a victim and a pleader for
liberty, readily learned to persecute. Under such conditions there is
little scope for apologetics. Force kills argument and drives doubt
below the smooth surface of a nominal conformity. But there were two
influences beyond the bounds or beyond the power of the christianized
empire. The Jew remained, as always, stubbornly unconvinced, and, as
often, fond of slanders. Many of the principal medieval attempts in
apologetics are directed chiefly against him, e.g. the _Pugio Fidei_ of
Raymond Martini (c. 1280), which became one of Pascal's sources (see V.
below), or Peter Abelard's _Dialogus inter Judaeum Philosophum et
Christianum_. And the Moslem came on the scenes bringing, as a gift for
Christendom, fuller knowledge of classical, especially Aristotelian,
texts. The Jews, less bitterly opposed to Mahommedanism than the
Christians were, caught fire more rapidly, and in some cases served as
an intermediate link or channel of communication. These two religions
anticipated the discussion of the problem of faith and reason in the
Christian church. According to the great Avicenna and Maimonides, faith
and the highest reason are sure to coincide (see ARABIAN PHILOSOPHY).
According to Ghazali, in his _Destruction of Philosophers_, the various
schools of philosophy cancel each other; reason is bankrupt; faith is
everything. (So nearly Jehuda Halevi.) According to Averroes, reason
suffices, and faith, with (what he considers) its dreams of immortality
and the like, is useful only for the ignorant masses. Christian
theology, however, strikes out a line of its own. Moslems and Jews were
applying Aristotelian philosophy to rigorously monotheistic faiths;
Christianity had been encouraged by Platonism in teaching a trinity of
divine persons, and Platonism of a certain order long dominated the
middle ages as part of the Augustinian tradition. In sympathy with this
Platonism, the medieval church began by assuming the entire mutual
harmony of faith and reason. Such is the teaching, along different
lines, alike of St Anselm and of Abelard. But, when increased knowledge
of Aristotle's texts (and of the commentaries) led to the victory of a
supposed Aristotelianism over a supposed Platonism, Albertus Magnus, and
his still more distinguished pupil Thomas Aquinas, mark certain
doctrines as belonging to faith but not to reason. They adhere to the
general position with exceptions (in the case of what had been
considered Platonic doctrines). From the point of view of philosophy,
this was a compromise. Faith and reason partly agree, partly diverge.
The tendency of the later middle ages is to add to the number of the
doctrines with which philosophy cannot deal. Thomas's great rival, Duns
Scotus, does this to a large extent, at times affirming "two truths."
The latter position, ascribed by the schoolmen to the Averroists,
becomes dominant among the later Nominalists, William of Occam and his
disciples, who withdraw _all_ doctrines of faith from the sphere of
reason. This was a second and a more audacious compromise. It is not
exactly an attempt to base Christian faith on rational scepticism. It is
a consistent policy of harbouring inconsistencies in the same mind. A
statement may be true in philosophy and false in theology, or vice
versa. To the standpoint of Aquinas, however, the Church of Rome (at
least in regard to the basis of doctrine) has more and more returned.
The councils of Trent and of the Vatican mark the Two Truths hypothesis
as heretical, when they affirm that there _is_ a natural knowledge of
God and natural certainty of immortality. Along with this affirmation,
the Church of Rome (if less decisively) has adopted the limitations of
the Thomist theory by the condemnation of "Ontologism"; certain
mysterious doctrines are beyond reason. This cautious compromise
sanctioned by the Church does not represent the _extremest_ reaction
against nominalism. Even in the nominalistic epoch we have Raymond of
Sabunde's _Natural Theology_ (according to the article in Herzog-Hauck,
not the title of the oldest Paris MS., but found in later MSS. and
almost all the printed editions) or _Liber Creaturarum_ (c. 1435). The
book is not what moderns (schooled unconsciously in post-Reformation
developments of Thomist ideas) expect under the name of natural
theology. It is an attempt once more to demonstrate _all_ scholastic
dogmas out of the book of creation or on principles of natural reason.
At many points it follows Anselm closely, and, of course, very often
"makes light work" of its task.

The Thomist compromise--or even the more sceptical view of "two
truths"--has the merit of giving filling _of a kind_ to the formula
"supernatural revelation"--mysteries inaccessible to reason, beyond
discovery and beyond comprehension. According to earlier
views--repeatedly revived in Protestantism--revelation is just
philosophy over again. Can the choice be fairly stated? If revelation
is thought of as God's personal word, and redemption as his personal
deed, is it reasonable to view them either as open to a sort of
scientific prediction or as capricious and unintelligible? Even in the
middle ages there were not wanting those--the St Victors,
Bonaventura--who sought to vindicate mystical if not moral redemption as
the central thought of Christianity.

V. _Earlier Modern Period._--It will be seen that apologetics by no
means reissued unchanged from the long period of authority. The
compromise of Aquinas, though not unchallenged, holds the field and that
even with Protestants. G.W. Leibnitz devotes an introductory chapter in
his _Théodicée_, 1710 (as against Pierre Bayle), to faith and reason. He
is a good enough Lutheran to quote as a "mystery" the Eucharist no less
than the Trinity, while he insists that truths _above_ are not _against_
reason. Stated thus baldly, has the distinction any meaning? The more
celebrated and central thesis of the book--this finite universe, the
best of all such that are possible--also restates positions of Augustine
and Aquinas.

Before modern philosophy began its career, there was a great revival of
ancient philosophy at the Renaissance; sometimes anti-Christian,
sometimes pro-Christian. The latter furnishes apologies by Marsilio
Ficino, Agostino Steuco, J.L. Vives.

Early in the modern period occurs the great name of Blaise Pascal
(1623-1662). A staunch Roman Catholic, but belonging to a school of
Augustinian enthusiasts (the Jansenists), whom the Church put down as
heretics, he stands pretty much apart from the general currents. His
_Pensées_, published posthumously, seems to have been meant for a
systematic treatise, but it has come to us in fragments. Once again, a
lay apologist! A layman's work may have the advantage of originality or
the drawback of imperfect knowledge. Pascal's work exhibits both
characters. It has the originality of rare genius, but it borrows its
material (as industrious editors have shown) from very few sources--the
_Pugio Fidei_, M. de Montaigne, P. Charron. Ideas as well as learning
are largely Montaigne's. The latter's cheerful man-of-the-world
scepticism is transfigured in Pascal to a deep distrust of human reason,
in part, perhaps, from anti-Protestant motives. But this attitude, while
not without parallels both earlier (Ghazali, Jehuda Halevi) and later
(H.L. Mansel), has peculiarities in Pascal. It is _fallen_ man whom he
pursues with his fierce scorn; his view of man's nature--intellect as
well as character--is to be read in the light of his unflinching
Augustinianism. Again, Pascal, unlike most apologists, belongs to the
small company of saintly souls. This philosophical sceptic is full of
humble joy in salvation, of deep love for the Saviour.

Another French Roman Catholic apologist, P.D. Huet (1630-1721)--within
the conditions of his age a prodigy of learning (in apologetics see his
_Demonstratio Evangelica_)--is not uninfluenced by Pascal (_Traité de la
faiblesse de l'esprit humaine_).

As we might expect, Protestant lands are more busily occupied with
apologetics. Intolerant reliance upon _force_ presents greater
difficulties to them; soon it grows quite obsolete. Benedict Spinoza,
the eminent Jewish pantheist (1632-1677), to whom miracle is impossible,
revelation a phrase, and who renews pioneer work in Old Testament
criticism, finds at least a fair measure of liberty and comfort in
Holland (his birth-land). Bayle, the historical sceptic, lectured and
published his learned _Dictionnaire_ (1696) at Rotterdam. From Holland,
earlier, had proceeded an apologetic work by a man of European fame.
Hugo Grotius's _De Veritate Christianae Religionis_ (1627) is partly the
medieval tradition:--Oppose Mahommedans and Jews! It is partly
practical:--Arm Christian sailors against religious danger! But in its
cool spirit it forecasts the coming age, whose master is John Locke. His
_Reasonableness of Christianity_ (1695) is the thesis of "a whole
century" of theologians. And his _Essay on the Human Understanding_
(1690) is almost a Bible to men of education during the same period; its
lightest word treasured. Locke does not break with the compromise of
Aquinas. But he transfers attention from _contents_ to _proof_. Reason
proves that a revelation has been made-and then submits. Leibnitz has to
supplement rather than correct Locke on this point.

In such an atmosphere, deism readily uttered its protest against
mysterious revelation. Deism is, in fact, the Thomist natural theology
(more clearly distinguished from dogmatic theology than in the middle
ages, alike by Protestants and by the post-Tridentine Church of Rome)
now dissolving partnership with dogmatic and starting in business for
itself. Or it is the doctrine of unfallen man's "natural state"--a
doctrine intensified in Protestantism--separating itself from the
theologians' grave doctrine of sin. If Socinianism had challenged
natural theology--Christ, according to it, was the prophet who first
revealed the way to eternal life--it had glorified the natural powers of
man; and the learning of the Arminian divines (friends of Grotius and
Locke) had helped to modernize Christian apologetics upon rational
lines. Deism now taught that reason, or "the light of nature," was

Not to dwell upon earlier continental "Deists" (mentioned by Viret as
quoted first in Bayle's _Dictionary_ and again in the introduction to
Leland's _View of the Deistical Writers_), Lord Herbert of Cherbury (_De
Veritate_, 1624; _De Religione Gentilium_, 1645?--according to J.G.
Walch's _Bibliotheca Theologica_ (1757) not published complete until
1663) was universally understood as hinting conclusions hostile to
Christianity (cf. also T. Hobbes, _Leviathan_, 1651, ch. xxxi.; Spinoza,
_Tractatus Theologico-Politicus_, 1670, ch. xiv.). Professedly,
Herbert's contention merely is that non-Christians feeling after the
"supreme God" and the law of righteousness must have a chance of
salvation. Herbert was also epoch-making for the whole 18th century in
teaching that _priests_ had _corrupted_ this primitive faith. During the
18th century deism spread widely, though its leaders were "irrepressible
men like Toland, men of mediocre culture and ability like Anthony
Collins, vulgar men like Chubb, irritated and disagreeable men like
Matthew Tindal, who conformed that he might enjoy his Oxford fellowship
and wrote anonymously that he might relieve his conscience" (A.M.
Fairbairn). More distinguished sympathizers are Edward Gibbon, who has
the deistic spirit, and David Hume, the historian and philosophical
sceptic, who has at least the letter of the deistic creed (_Dialogues
Concerning Natural Religion_), and who uses Pascal's appeal to "faith"
in a spirit of mockery (_Essay on Miracles_). In France the new school
found powerful speaking-trumpets, especially Voltaire, the idol of his
age--a great denier and scoffer, but always sincerely a believer in the
God of reason--and the deeper but wilder spirit of J.J. Rousseau. Others
in France developed still more startling conclusions from Locke's
principles, E.B. Condillac's sensationalism--Locke's philosophy purged
of its more ideal if less logical elements--leading on to materialism in
J.O. de la Mettrie; and at least one of the Encyclopedists (P.H. von
Holbach) capped materialism with confessed atheism.

In Germany the parallel movement of "illumination" (H.S. Reimarus; J.S.
Semler, pioneer in N.T. criticism; and a layman, the great Lessing) took
the form of "rationalism" within the church--interpreting Bible texts by
main force in a way which the age thought "enlightened" (H.E.G. Paulus,
1761-1851, &c.).

Among the innumerable English anti-deistic writers (see W. Law, The
_Case of Reason_; R. Bentley, or "Phileleutherus Lipsiensis"; &c., &c.),
three are of chief importance. Nathaniel Lardner (Arian, 1684-1768)
stands in the front rank of the scholarship of his time, and uses his
vast knowledge to maintain the genuineness of all books of the New
Testament and the perfect accuracy of its history. Joseph Butler, a very
original, careful and honest thinker, lifts controversy with deists from
details to principles in his _Analogy of Religion both Natural and
Revealed to the Constitution and Course of Nature_ (1736). This title
introduces us to a new conception. Deists and orthodox in those days
agreed in recognizing not merely natural theology but natural
religion--"essential religion," Butler more than once styles it; the
expression shows how near he stood intellectually to those he
criticized. But morally he stood aloof. In part i.--on Natural
Religion--he defends a moral or punishing Deity against the sentimental
softness of the age. The God of Nature, whom deists confess does punish
in time, if they will but look at the facts; why not in eternity?
"Morality," as others have confessed, is "the nature of things"! Not the
Being of God is discussed--Butler will not waste words on triflers (as
he thinks them) who deny that--but God's character. Unfortunately
(perhaps) Butler prefers to argue on _admitted principles_; holds much
of his own moral belief in reserve; tries to reduce everything to a
question of _probable fact_. If this hampers him in part i., the
situation appears still worse in part ii., which is directly occupied
with the defence of Christianity. Butler says nothing about
incomprehensible mysteries, and protests that reason is the only ground
we have to proceed upon. But by treating the atonement simply as
revealed (and unexplained) matter of fact--in spite of some partial
analogies in human experience, a thing essentially anomalous--Butler
repeats, and applies to the _moral_ contents of Christianity, what
Aquinas said of its speculative doctrines. (Whether one calls the
unknowable a revealed mystery or an unexplained and inexplicable fact
makes little difference.) William Paley (1743-1805) borrows from many
writers; he borrows Lardner's learning and Butler's "particular evidence
for Christianity," viz. miracles, prophecy and "history"; and he states
his points with perfect clearness. No man ever filled a typical position
more exactly than Paley. Eighteenth-century ethics--Hedonism, with a
theological background. Empiricist Natural Theology--the argument from
Design. Christian Evidences--the strong probability of the resurrection
of Christ and the consequent authority of his teaching. _Horae
Paulinae_--mutual confirmations of _Acts_ and Epistles; better, though
one-sided. When such exclusively "external" arguments are urged, the
contents of Christianity go for next to nothing.

VI. _Later Modern Period._--Towards the end of the 18th century a new
epoch of reconstruction begins in the thought and life of civilization.
The leader in speculative philosophy is Immanuel Kant, though he
includes many agnostic elements, and draws the inference (which some
things in the letter of Butler might seem to warrant) that the essence
of Christianity is an ethical theism. While he thus created a new and
more ethical "rationalism," Kant's many-sided influence, alike in
philosophy and in theology, worked to further issues. He (and other
Germans, but not G.W.F. Hegel) was represented in England in a
fragmentary way by S.T. Coleridge (1772-1834), probably the most typical
figure of his period--another layman. His general thought was that
"rationalism" represents an uprising of the lower reason or
"understanding" against the higher or true "reason." The mysteries of
theology are its best part--not alien to reason but of its substance,
the "logos." This is to upset the compromise of Aquinas and go back to a
Christian platonism. Of course the difficulty revives again: If a
philosophy, why supernaturally revealed? Thomas Arnold, criticizing
Edward Hawkins, appeals rather to the atonement as deeper neglected
truth. So in Scotland, Thomas Erskine and Thomas Chalmers--the latter in
contradiction to his earlier position--hold that the doctrine of
salvation, when translated into experience, furnishes "internal
evidence"--a somewhat broader use of the phrase than when it applies
merely to evidence of date or authorship drawn from the contents of a
book. This gives a new and moral filling to the conception of
"supernatural revelation" The attempt to work out either of the
reactions against Thomism in new theological systems is pretty much
confined to Germany. Hegel's theological followers, of every shade and
party, represent the first, and Schleiermacher's the second.
Schleiermacher rejects natural religion in favour of the positive
religions, while the school of A. Ritschl and W. Herrmann reject natural
theology outright in favour of revelation--a striking external parallel
to early Socinianism. British and American divines, on the other hand,
are slow to suspect that a new apologetic principle may mean a new
system of apologetics, to say nothing of a new dogmatic. Among the
evangelicals, for the most part, natural theology, far from being
rejected, is not even modified, and certain doctrines continue to be
described as incomprehensible mysteries. No Protestant, of course, can
agree with Roman Catholic theology that (supernatural) faith is an
obedient assent to church authority and the mysteries it dictates. To
Protestantism, faith is personal trust. But the principle is hardly ever
carried out to the end. Mysterious doctrines are ascribed by Protestants
to _scripture_; so half of revelation is regarded as matter for blind
assent, if another half is luminous in experience. The movement of
German philosophy which led from Kant to Hegel has indeed found powerful
British champions (T.H. Green, J. and E. Caird, &c.), but less churchly
than Coleridge (or F.D. Maurice or B.F. Westcott), though churchly again
in J.R. Illingworth and other contributors to _Lux Mundi_ (1890). Before
this wave of thought, H.L. Mansel tried (1858) to play Pascal's game on
Kantian principles, developing the sceptical side of Kant's many-faceted
mind. But as he protested against relying on the human conscience--the
one element of positive conviction spared by Kant--his ingenuity found
few admirers except H. Spencer, who claims him as justifying
anti-Christian agnosticism. Butler's tradition was more directly
continued by J.H. Newman--with modifications on becoming a Roman
Catholic in the light of the church's decision in favour of Thomism.
A.M. Fairbairn (_Catholicism, Roman and Anglican_, ch. v., and
elsewhere) and E.A. Abbott (_Philomythus_, and elsewhere) suspect Newman
of a sceptical leaven and extend the criticism to Butler's doctrine of
"probability." Yet it seems plain that any theology, maintaining
redemption as historical fact (and not merely ideal), must attach
religious importance to conclusions which are technically probable
rather than proven. If we transfer Christian evidence from the
"historical" to the "philosophical" with H. Rashdall--we surely cut down
Christianity to the limits of theism. And the _inner_ mind of Butler has
moral anchorage in the _Analogy_, quite as much as in the _Sermons_. It
is in part ii. more than in part i. of his masterpiece that the light
seems to grow dim. Another of the Oxford converts to Rome, W.G. Ward,
made vigorous contributions to natural theology.

VII. _Contents of Modern Apologetics._--Superficially regarded,
philosophy ebbs and flows, whatever progress the debate may reveal to
speculative insight. Old positions re-emerge from forgetfulness, and
there is always a philosophy to back every "case." More visible dangers
arise for the apologist in the region of science, historical or
physical. There the progress of truth, within whatever limits, is
manifest. _Essays and Reviews_ (1860) was a vehement announcement of
scientific results--startling English conservatism awake for the first
time. And in the scientific region the great apologetic classics, like
Butler, are hopelessly out of date. The modern apologist must do
ephemeral work--unless it should chance that he proves to be the
skirmisher, pioneering for a modified dogmatic. He holds a watching
brief. While he must beware of hasty speech, he has often to plead that
new knowledge does not really threaten faith; or that it is not
genuinely established knowledge at all; or else, that faith has mistaken
its own grounds, and will gain strength by concentrating on its true
field. The work is not always well done; but the Christian church needs

1. _Apologetics and Philosophy._--The main part of this subject is
discussed under THEISM. Some notes may be added on special points, (a)
Freewill is generally assumed on the Christian side (R.C. Church;
Scottish philosophy; H. Lotze; J. Martineau; W.G. Ward. Not in a
libertarian sense; Leibnitz. New and obscure issues raised by Kant). But
there is no continuous tradition or steady trend of discussion. (b)
Personal immortality is affirmed as philosophically certain by the
Church of Rome and many Protestant writers. Others teach "conditional
immortality." Others base the hope on belief in the resurrection of
Christ, (c) Theodicy--the tradition of Leibnitz is preserved (on
libertarian lines) by Martineau (_A Study of Religion_, 1883). See also
F.R. Tennant's _Origin and Propagation of Sin_ (1902)--sin a
"bye-product" of a generally good evolution. Others find in the gospel
of redemption the true theodicy. (d) The problem of Christian apologetic
has been simplified in the past by the prevalence of the Christian
ethics and temper even among many non-Christians (e.g. J.S. Mill). But
hereafter it may not prove possible for the apologist to assume as
unchallenged the Christian moral outlook. Germans have suspected an
anti-Christian strain in Goethe; all the world knows of it in E. von
Hartmann or F. Nietzsche.

2. _Apologetics and Physical Science._--(a) Copernicanism has won its
battles and the Church of Rome would fain have its error forgotten. The
admission is now general that the Bible cannot be expected to use the
language of scientific astronomy. Still, it is not certain that the
shock of Copernicanism on supernatural Christianity is exhausted. (b)
Geology has also won its battles, and few now try to harmonize it with
Genesis. (c) Evolution came down from the clouds when C. Darwin and A.R.
Wallace succeeded in displacing the naïf conception of special creation
by belief in the origin of species out of other species through a
process of natural law. This gave immense vogue to wider and vaguer
theories of evolutionary process, notably to H. Spencer's grandiose
cosmic formula in terms of mechanism. Here the apologist has more to
say. The special Darwinian hypothesis--natural "selection"--may or may
not be true; it was at least a fruitful suggestion. If true, it need not
be exhaustive. Again, evolution itself need not apply everywhere. We are
offered a philosophical rather than a scientific speculation when E.
Caird (_Evolution of Religion_, 1893) tries to vindicate Christianity as
the highest working of nature--true just _because_ evolved from lower
religions. The Christian apologist indeed may himself seek, following
John Fiske, to philosophize evolution as a restatement of natural
theology--"one God, one law, one element and one far-off divine
event"--and as at least pointing _towards_ personal immortality. But if
evolution is to be the whole truth regarding Christianity, we should
have to surrender both _supernatural revelation_ and _divine
redemption_. And these, it may be strongly urged, contain the magic of
Christianity. Losing them it might sink into a lifeless theory.

As far as pure science goes, the inference from science in favour of
materialism has visibly lost much of its plausibility, and Protestant
apologists would probably be prepared to accept in advance all verified
discoveries as belonging to a different region from that of faith. Roman
Catholic apologetic prefers to negotiate in detail.

3. _Apologetics and History._--History brings us nearer the heart of the
Christian position. (a) Old Testament criticism won startling victories
towards the end of the 19th century. It blots out much supposed
knowledge, but throws a vivid and interesting light on the reconstrued
process of history. Most Protestants accept the general scheme of
criticism; those who hang back make not a few concessions (e.g. J. Orr,
_Problem of the O.T._, 1906). The Roman Catholic Church again prefers an
attitude of reserve, (b) New Testament criticism raises even more
delicate issues. Positively it may be affirmed that the recovered figure
of the historical Jesus is the greatest asset in the possession of
modern Christian theology and apologetics. The "Lives" of Christ, Roman
Catholic and Protestant; "critical" (D.F. Strauss, A. Renan, &c., &c.)
and "believing," imply this at least. Negatively, "unchallenged
historical certainties" are becoming few in number, or are disappearing
altogether, through the industry of modern minds. True, the Tübingen
criticism of F.C. Baur and his school--important as the first scientific
attempt to conceive New Testament conditions and literature as a
whole--has been abandoned. (A. Ritschl's _Entstehung der
alt-katholischen Kirche_, 2nd edition, 1857, was an especially telling
reply.) The synoptic gospels are now treated with considerable respect.
It is no longer suggested in responsible quarters that they are party
documents sacrificing truth to "tendency." But not all quarters are
responsible; and in the effort to grasp scientifically, i.e. accurately,
the amazing facts of Christ and primitive Christianity, every imaginable
hypothesis is canvassed. Even the Roman Catholic Church produced the
Abbé Loisy (though he undertakes to play off church certainties against
historical uncertainties). Hitherto at least the fourth gospel has been
the touchstone. The authorship of the epistles is in many cases a matter
of subordinate importance; at least for Protestants or for those
surrendering Bible infallibility, which Rome can hardly do. (c) New
Testament history, The apologist must maintain (1) that Jesus of
Nazareth is a real historical figure--a point well-nigh overlooked by
Strauss, and denied by some modern advocates of a mythical theory; (2)
that Jesus is knowable (not one "of whom we really know very little"--B.
Jowett) in his teaching, example, character, historical personality; and
that he is full of moral splendour. On the other hand, faith has no
special interest in claiming that we can compose a biographical study of
the development of Jesus. Certainly no early writer thought of providing
material for such use. It is a common opinion in Germany that our
material is in fact too scanty or too self-contradictory. Yet the
fascination of the subject will always revive the attempt. If it
succeeds, there will be a new line of communication along which that
great personality will tell on men's minds and hearts. If it
fails--there are other channels; character can be known and trusted even
when we are baffled by a thing necessarily so full of mystery as the
development of a personality. Notably, the manifest _non-consciousness
of personal guilt_ in Jesus suggests to us his sinlessness. (3)
Apologists maintain that Jesus "claimed" Messiahship. There are
speculative constructions of gospel history which eliminate that claim;
and no doubt apologetics could--with more or less difficulty--restate
its position in a changed form if the paradox of to-day became accepted
as historical fact to-morrow. The central apologetic thesis is the
_uniqueness_ of the "only-begotten"; it is here that "the supernatural"
passes into the substance of Christian faith. But most probably the
description of Jesus as thus unique will continue to be associated with
the allegation--He told us so; he claimed Messiahship and "died for the
claim." (See preface to 5th ed. of _Ecce Homo_.) Nor did so superhuman a
claim crush him, or deprive his soul of its balance. He imparted to the
title a grander significance out of the riches of his personality. (4)
In the light of this the "argument from prophecy" is reconstructed. It
ceases to lay much stress upon coincidences between Old Testament
predictions or "types" and events in Christ's career. It becomes the
assertion; historically, providentially, the expectation of a _unique
religious figure_ arose--"the" Messiah; and Jesus gave himself to be
thought of as that great figure. (5) It is also claimed as certain that
Jesus had marvellous powers of healing. More reserve is being shown
towards the other or "nature" miracles. These latter, it may be
remarked, are more unambiguously supernatural. But, if Jesus really
cured leprosy or really restored the dead to life, we have miracle
plainly enough in the region of healing. (6) For Jesus' own resurrection
several lines of evidence are alleged. (i.) All who believe that in any
sense Christ rose again insist upon the impression which his personality
made during life. It was _he_ whose resurrection seemed credible! Some
practically stop here; the apologist proceeds. (ii.) There is the report
of the empty grave; historically, not easily waved aside. (iii.) We have
New Testament reports of appearances of the risen Jesus; subjective? the
mere clothing of the impression made by his personality during life? or
objective? "telegrams" from heaven (Th. Keim)--"Veridical
Hallucinations"? or something even more, throwing a ray of light perhaps
on the state and powers of the happy dead? (iv.) There is the immense
influence of Jesus Christ in history, _associated with belief in him_ as
the risen Son of God.

In view of the claims of Jesus, different possibilities arise, (i.) The
evangelists impute to him a higher claim than he made. This may be
called the rationalistic solution; with sympathy in Christ's ethical
teaching, there is relief at minimizing his great claim. So,
brilliantly, Wellhausen's Gospel commentaries and Introduction. (Mark
fairly historical; other gospels' fuller account of Christ's teaching
and claims unreliable.) (ii.) The claim was fraudulent (Reimarus; Renan,
ed. 1; popular anti-Christian agitation). This is a counsel of despair.
(iii.) He was an enthusiastic dreamer, expecting the world's end. This
the apologist will recognize as the most plausible hostile alternative.
He may feel bound to admit an element of illusion in Christ's vision' of
the future; but he will contend that the apocalyptic form did not
destroy the spiritual content of Christ's revelations--nay, that it was
itself the vehicle of great truths. So he will argue as the essence of
the matter that (iv.) he who has occupied Christ's place in history, and
won such reverence from the purest souls, was what he claimed to be, and
that his many-sidedness comes to focus and harmony when we recognize him
as the Christ of God and the Saviour of the world.

To a less extent, similar problems and alternatives arise in regard to
the church:--Catholicism a compromise between Jewish Christianity and
Pauline or Gentile Christianity (F.C. Baur, &c.); Catholicism the
Hellenizing of Christianity (A. Ritschl, A. Harnack); the Catholic
church for good and evil the creation of St Paul (P. Wernle, H. Weinel);
the church supernaturally guided (R.C. apologetic; in a modified degree
High Church apologetic); essential--not necessarily exclusive--truth of
Paulinism, essential error in first principles of Catholicism
(Protestant apologetic).

  LITERATURE.--Omitting the Christian fathers as remote from the present
  day, we recognize as works of genius Pascal's _Pensées_ and Butler's
  _Analogy_, to which we might add J.R. Seeley's _Ecce Homo_ (1865). The
  philosophical, Platonist, or Idealist line of Christian defence is
  represented among recent writers by J.R. Illingworth [Anglican], in
  _Personality, Human and Divine_ (1894), _Divine Immanence_ (1898),
  _Reason and Revelation_ (1902), who at times seems rather to
  presuppose the Thomist compromise, and A.M. Fairbairn
  [Congregationalist], in _Place of Christ in Modern Theology_ (1893),
  _Philosophy of the Christian Religion_ (1902). The appeal to ethical
  or Christian experience--"internal evidence"--is found especially in
  E.A. Abbott [Christianity supernatural and divine, but not
  miraculous], _Through Nature to Christ_ (1877), _The Kernel and the
  Husk_ (1886), _The Spirit on the Waters_ (1897), &c., or A.B. Bruce,
  _Chief End of Revelation_ (1881), _The Miraculous Element in the
  Gospels_ (1886), _Apologetics_ (1892), and other works; Bruce's
  posthumous article, "Jesus" in _Encyc. Bib._, was understood by some
  as exchanging Christian orthodoxy for bare theism, but probably its
  tone of aloofness is due to the attempt to keep well within the limits
  of what the author considered pure scientific history. Scholarly and
  apologetic discussion on the gospels and life of Jesus is further
  represented by the writings of W. Sanday or (earlier) of J.B.
  Lightfoot. Much American work of merit on the character of Christ is
  headed by W. E Channing, and by H. Bushnell (in _Nature and the
  Supernatural_). For defence of Christ's resurrection, reference may be
  made to H. Latham's _The Risen Lord_ and R. Mackintosh's _First Primer
  of Apologetics_. For modification in light of recent scholarship of
  argument from prophecy, to Riehm's _Messianic Prophecy_, Stanton's
  _Jewish and Christian Messiah_, and Woods's _Hope of Israel_. Roman
  Catholic apologetics--of necessity, Thomist--is well represented by
  Professor Schanz of Tübingen. The whole Ritschl movement is apologetic
  in spirit; best English account in A.E. Garvie's _Ritschlian Theology_
  (1899). See also the chief church histories or histories of doctrine
  (Harnack; Loofs; Hagenbach; Shedd); A.S. Farrar's _Critical History of
  Free_ (i.e. anti-Christian) _Thought_ (Bampton Lectures, 1862); R.C.
  Trench's Introduction to _Notes on the Miracles_, and F.W. Macran's
  _English Apologetic Theology_ (1905). For the 18th century, G.V.
  Lechler's _Geschichte des englischen Deismus_ (1841); Mark Pattison in
  _Essays and Reviews_ (1860); Leslie Stephen's _English Thought in 18th
  Century_ (agnostic); John Hunt, _Religious Thought in England_ (3
  vols., 1870-1873).     (R. Ma.)


  [1] While these writings are of great historical value, they do not,
    of course, represent the Christian argument as conceived to-day. The
    Church of Rome prefers medieval or modern statements of its position;
    Protestantism can use only modern statements.

APOLOGUE (from the Gr. [Greek: apologos], a statement or account), a
short fable or allegorical story, meant to serve as a pleasant vehicle
for some moral doctrine or to convey some useful lesson. One of the best
known is that of Jotham in the Book of Judges (ix. 7-15); others are
"The City Rat and Field Rat," by Horace, "The Belly and its Members," by
the patrician Menenius Agrippa in the second book of Livy, and perhaps
most famous of all, those of Aesop. The term is applied more
particularly to a story in which the actors or speakers are taken from
the brute creation or inanimate nature. An apologue is distinguished
from a fable in that there is always some moral sense present, which
there need not be in a fable. It is generally dramatic, and has been
defined as "a satire in action." It differs from a parable in several
respects. A parable is equally an ingenious tale intended to correct
manners, but it can be _true_, while an apologue, with its introduction
of animals and plants, to which it lends our ideas and language and
emotions, is necessarily devoid of real truth, and even of all
probability. The parable reaches heights to which the apologue cannot
aspire, for the points in which brutes and inanimate nature present
analogies to man are principally those of his lower nature, and the
lessons taught by the apologue seldom therefore reach beyond prudential
morality, whereas the parable aims at representing the relations between
man and God. It finds its framework in the world of nature as it
actually is, and not in any grotesque parody of it, and it exhibits real
and not fanciful analogies. The apologue seizes on that which man has in
common with creatures below him, and the parable on that which he has in
common with God. Still, in spite of the difference of moral level,
Martin Luther thought so highly of apologues as counsellors of virtue
that he edited and revised Aesop and wrote a characteristic preface to
the volume. The origin of the apologue is extremely ancient and comes
from the East, which is the natural fatherland of everything connected
with allegory, metaphor and imagination. Veiled truth was often
necessary in the East, particularly with the slaves, who dared not
reveal their minds too openly. It is noteworthy that the two fathers of
apologue in the West were slaves, namely Aesop and Phaedrus. La Fontaine
in France; Gay and Dodsley in England; Gellert, Lessing and Hagedorn in
Germany; Tomas de Iriarte in Spain, and Krilov in Russia, are leading
modern writers of apologues. Length is not an essential matter in the
definition of an apologue. Those of La Fontaine are often very short,
as, for example, "Le Coque et la Perle." On the other hand, in the
romances of Reynard the Fox we have medieval apologues arranged in
cycles, and attaining epical dimensions. An Italian fabulist, Corti, is
said to have developed an apologue of "The Talking Animals" to the bulk
of twenty-six cantos. La Motte, writing at a time when this species of
literature was universally admired, attributes its popularity to the
fact that it _ménage et flatte l'amour-propre_ by inculcating virtue in
an amusing manner without seeming to dictate or insist. This was the
ordinary 18th-century view of the matter, but Rousseau contested the
educational value of instruction given in this indirect form.

  A work by P. Soullé, _La Fontaine et ses devanciers_ (1866), is a
  history of the apologue from the earliest times until its final
  triumph in France.

APOLOGY (from Gr. [Greek: apologia], defence), in its usual sense, an
expression of regret for something which has been wrongfully said or
done; a withdrawal or retraction of some charge or imputation which is
false. In an action for libel, the fact that an apology has been
promptly and fully made is a plea in mitigation of damages. The apology
should have the same form of publicity as the original charge. If made
publicly, the proper form is an advertisement in a newspaper; if made
within the hearing of a few only, a letter of apology, which may be read
to those who have heard what was said, should be sufficient. By the
English Libel Act 1843, s. 2, it was enacted that in an action for libel
contained in a newspaper it is a defence for the defendant to plead that
the libel was inserted without actual malice and without gross
negligence, and that before the commencement of the action and at the
earliest opportunity afterwards he inserted in the newspaper a full
apology for the libel, or, where the newspaper in which the libel
appeared was published at intervals exceeding one week, he offered to
publish the apology in any newspaper selected by the plaintiff. The
apology must be full and must be printed in as conspicuous a place and
manner as the libel was.

The word "apology" or "apologia" is also used in the sense of defence or
vindication, the only meaning of the Greek [Greek: apologia], especially
of the defence of a doctrine or system, or of religious or other
beliefs, &c., e.g. Justin Martyr's _Apology_ or J.H. Newman's _Apologia
pro vita sua_. (See APOLOGETICS.)

APONEUROSIS ([Greek: apo], away, and [Greek: neuron], a sinew), in
anatomy, a membrane separating muscles from each other.

APOPHTHEGM (from the [Greek: apophthegma]), a short and pointed
utterance. The usual spelling up to Johnson's day was _apothegm_, which
Webster and Worcester still prefer; it indicates the pronunciation--i.e.
"apothem"--better than the other, which, however, is more usual in
England and follows the derivation. Such sententious remarks as
"Knowledge is Power" are apophthegms. They become "proverbs" by age and
acceptance. Plutarch made a famous collection in his _Apophthegmata

APOPHYGE (Gr. [Greek: apophugae], a flying off), in architecture, the
lowest part of the shaft of an Ionic or Corinthian column, or the
highest member of its base if the column be considered as a whole. The
apophyge is the inverted cavetto or concave sweep, on the upper edge of
which the diminishing shaft rests.

APOPHYLLITE, a mineral often classed with the zeolites, since it behaves
like these when heated before the blowpipe and has the same mode of
occurrence; it differs, however, from the zeolites proper in containing
no aluminium. It is a hydrous potassium and calcium silicate,
H7KCa4(SiO3)8 + 4½(H2O). A small amount of fluorine is often present,
and it is one of the few minerals in which ammonium has been detected.
The temperature at which the water is expelled is higher than is usually
the case with zeolites; none is given off below 200°, and only about
half at 250°; this is slowly reabsorbed again from moist air, and is
therefore regarded as water of crystallization, the remainder being
water of constitution. When heated before the blowpipe, the mineral
exfoliates, owing to loss of water, and on this account was named
apophyllite by R.J. Haüy in 1806, from the Greek [Greek: apo], from, and
[Greek: phullon], a leaf.

[Illustration: FIG. 1.]

[Illustration: FIG. 2.]

Apophyllite always occurs as distinct crystals, which belong to the
tetragonal system. The form is either a square prism terminated by the
basal planes (fig. 2), or an acute pyramid (fig. 1). A prominent feature
of the mineral is its perfect basal cleavage, on which the lustre is
markedly pearly, presenting, in white crystals, somewhat the appearance
of the eye of a fish after boiling, hence the old name fish-eye-stone or
ichthyophthalmite for the mineral. On other surfaces the lustre is
vitreous. The crystals are usually transparent and colourless, sometimes
with a greenish or rose-red tint. Opaque white crystals of cubic habit
have been called albine; xylochlore is an olive-green variety. The
hardness is 4½, and the specific gravity 2.35.

The optical characters of the mineral are of special interest, and have
been much studied. The sign of the double refraction may be either
positive or negative, and some crystals are divided into optically
biaxial sectors. The variety known as leucocyclite shows, when examined
in convergent polarized light, a peculiar interference figure, the rings
being alternately white and violet-black and not coloured as in a normal
figure seen in white light.

Apophyllite is a mineral of secondary origin, commonly occurring, in
association with other zeolites, in amygdaloidal cavities in basalt and
melaphyre. Magnificent groups of greenish and colourless tabular
crystals, the crystals several inches across, were found, with flesh-red
stilbite, in the Deccan traps of the Western Gháts, near Bombay, during
the construction of the Great Indian Peninsular railway. Groups of
crystals of a beautiful pink colour have been found in the silver veins
of Andreasberg in the Harz and of Guanaxuato in Mexico. Crystals of
recent formation have been detected in the Roman remains at the hot
springs of Plombières in France.     (L. J. S.)

APOPHYSIS (Gr. [Greek: apophysis], offshoot), a bony protuberance, in
human physiology; also a botanical term for the swelling of the
spore-case in certain mosses.

APOPLEXY (Gr. [Greek: apoplaexia], from [Greek: apoplaessein], to strike
down, to stun), the term employed by Galen to designate the "sudden loss
of feeling and movement of the whole body, with the exception of
respiration," to which, after the time of Harvey, was added "and with
the exception of the circulation." Although the term is occasionally
employed in medicine with other significations, yet in its general
acceptation apoplexy may be defined as a sudden loss of consciousness,
of sensibility, and of movement without any _essential_ modification of
the respiratory and circulatory functions occasioned by some brain
disease. It was discovered that the majority of the cases of apoplexy
were due to cerebral haemorrhage, and what looked like cerebral
haemorrhage, red softening; and the idea for a long time prevailed that
apoplexy and cerebral haemorrhage could be employed as synonymous terms,
and that an individual who, in popular parlance, "had an apoplectic
stroke," had necessarily suffered from haemorrhage into his brain. A
small haemorrhage may not, however, cause an apoplectic fit, nor is an
apoplectic fit always caused by haemorrhage; it may be due to sudden
blocking of a large vessel by a clot from a distant part (embolism), or
by a sudden clotting of the blood in the vessel itself (thrombosis).
Owing to the prevailing idea in former times that cerebral haemorrhage
and apoplexy were synonymous terms, the word apoplexy was applied to
haemorrhage into other organs than the brain; thus the terms pulmonary
apoplexy, retinal apoplexy and splenic apoplexy were used.

The term "apoplexy" is now used in clinical medicine to denote that form
of coma or deep state of unconsciousness which is due to sudden
disturbance of the cerebral circulation occasioned by a local cause
within the cranial cavity, as distinct from the loss of consciousness
due to sudden failure of the heart's action (syncope) or the coma of
narcotic or alcoholic poisoning, of _status epilepticus_, of uraemia or
of head injury.

The sudden coma of sunstroke and heat-stroke might be included, although
owing to the suddenness with which a person may be struck down, the term
_heat apoplexy_ is frequently used, and, from an etymological point of
view, quite justifiably. The older writers use the term _simple
apoplexy_ for a sudden attack which could not be explained by any
visible disease. Again, _congestive apoplexy_ was applied to those cases
of coma where, at the autopsy, nothing was found to account for the coma
and death except engorgement of the vessels of the brain and its
membranes. In senile dementia and in general paralysis the brain is
shrunken and the convolutions atrophied, the increased space in the
ventricles and between the convolutions being filled up with the
cerebro-spinal fluid. In these diseases apoplectic states may arise,
terminating fatally; the excess of fluid found in such cases was
formerly thought to be the cause of the symptoms, consequently the
condition was called _serous apoplexy_. Such terms are no longer used,
owing to the better knowledge of the pathology of brain disease.

Having thus narrowed down the application of the term "apoplexy," we are
in a position to consider its chief features, and the mechanism by which
it is produced. Apoplexy may be rapidly fatal, but it is very seldom
_instantly_ fatal. The onset is usually sudden, and sometimes the
individual may be struck down in an instant, senseless and motionless,
"warranting those epithets, which the ancients applied to the victims of
this disease, of _attoniti_ and _siderati_, as if they were
thunder-stricken or planet-struck" (Sir Thomas Watson). The attack,
however, may be less sudden and, not infrequently, attended by a
convulsion; while occasionally, in the condition termed _ingravescent
apoplexy_, the coma is gradual in its onset, occupying hours in its
development. Although unexpected, various warning symptoms, sometimes
slight, sometimes pronounced, occur in the majority of cases. Such are,
fulness in the head, headache, giddiness, noises in the ears, mental
confusion, slight lapses of consciousness, numbness or tingling in the
limbs. A characteristic apoplectic attack presents the following
phenomena: the individual falls down suddenly and lies without sense or
motion, except that his pulse keeps beating and his breathing continues.
He appears to be in a deep sleep, from which he cannot be roused; the
breathing is laboured and stertorous, and is accompanied with puffing
out of the cheeks; the pulse may be beating more strongly than natural,
and the face is often flushed and turgid. The reflexes are abolished.
Although apoplexy may occur without paralysis, and paralysis without
apoplexy, the two, owning the same cause, very frequently co-exist, or
happen in immediate sequence and connexion; consequently there is in
most cases definite evidence of paralysis affecting usually one side of
the body in addition to the coma. Thus the pupils are unequal; there may
be asymmetry of the face, or the limbs may be more rigid or flaccid on
one side than on the other. These signs of localized disease enable a
distinction to be made from the coma of narcotic poisoning and
alcoholic intoxication. It must be borne in mind that a person smelling
strongly of liquor and found lying in the street in a comatose state may
be suffering from apoplexy, and the error of sending a dying man to a
police cell may be avoided by this knowledge.

If the fit is only moderately severe, the reflexes soon return, and the
patient may in a few hours show indications of returning consciousness
by making some movements or opening his eyes when spoken to, although
later it may be found that he is unable to speak, or may be paralysed or
mentally afflicted (see PARALYSIS). In severe cases the coma deepens and
the patient dies, usually from interference with the breathing, or, less
commonly, from arrest of the heart's action.

The mechanism by which apoplexy is produced has been a matter of much
dispute; the condition was formerly ascribed to the pressure exerted by
the clot on the rest of the brain, but there is no increase of
intracranial pressure in an apoplectic fit occurring as a result of the
sudden closure of a large vessel by embolism or thrombosis. Suddenness
of the lesion appears to be, then, the essential element common to all
cases of apoplexy from organic brain disease. It is the sudden shock to
the delicate mechanism that produces the unconsciousness; but seeing
that the coma is usually deeper and more prolonged in cerebral
haemorrhage than when occasioned by vascular occlusion, and that an
ingravescent apoplexy coma gradually develops and deepens as the amount
of haemorrhage increases, we may presume that increase of intracranial
pressure does play an important part in the degree and intensity of the
coma caused by the rupture of a vessel. Apoplexy seldom occurs under
forty years of age, but owing to the fact that disease of the cerebral
vessels may exist at any age, from causes which are fully explained in
the article NEUROPATHOLOGY, no period of life is exempt; consequently
cases of true apoplexy are not wanting even in very young children.
Recognizing that there are two causes of apoplexy in advanced life, viz.
(1) sudden rupture of a diseased vessel usually associated with high
arterial pressure, enlarged, powerfully acting heart and chronic renal
disease, and (2) the sudden clotting of blood in a large diseased vessel
favoured by a low arterial pressure due to a weak-acting heart, it is
obvious that the character of the pulse forms a good guide to the
diagnosis of the cause, the prevention and warding off of an attack, and
the treatment of such should it occur.

Anything which tends directly or indirectly to increase arterial
pressure within the cerebral blood-vessels may bring on an attack of
cerebral haemorrhage; and although the identification of an apoplectic
habit of body with a stout build, a short neck and florid complexion is
now generally discredited, it being admitted that apoplexy occurs as
frequently in thin and spare persons who present no such peculiarity of
conformation, yet a plethoric habit of body, occasioned by immoderate
eating or drinking associated with the gouty diathesis, leads to a
general arterio-sclerosis and high arterial pressure. All conditions
which can give rise to a local intracranial or a general bodily increase
of the arterial pressure, i.e. severe exertion of body and mind, violent
emotions, much stooping, overheated rooms, exposure to the sun, sudden
shocks to the body, constipation and straining at stool, may, by
suddenly increasing the strain on the wall of a diseased vessel, lead to
its rupture.

The outlook of apoplexy is generally unfavourable in cases where the
coma is profound; death may take place at different intervals after the
onset. If the patient, after recovering from the initial coma, suffers
with continual headache and lapses into a drowsy state, the result is
likely to be serious; for such a condition probably indicates that an
inflammatory change has taken place about the clot or in the area of

_Treatment._--The patient should be placed in the recumbent position
with the head and shoulders slightly raised. He should be moved as
little as possible from the place where the attack occurred. The medical
man who is summoned will probably give the following directions: an
ice-bag to be applied to the head; a few grains of calomel or a drop of
croton oil in butter to be placed on the tongue, or an enema of castor
oil to be administered. He may find it necessary to draw off the water
with a catheter. The practice of blood-letting, once so common in this
disease, is seldom resorted to, although in some cases, where there is
very high arterial tension and a general state of plethora, it might be
beneficial. Depletives are not employed where there is evidence of
failure of the heart's action; indeed the cautious administration of
stimulants may be necessary, either subcutaneously or by the mouth (if
there exist a power of swallowing), together with warm applications to
the surface of the body; a water-bed may be required, and careful
nursing, is essential to prevent complications, especially the formation
of bedsores.     (F. W. Mo.)

APOROSE (from Gr. [Greek: ha], without, and [Greek: poros], passage), a
biological term meaning imperforate, or not porous: there is a group of
corals called _Aporosa_.

APOSIOPESIS (the Greek for "becoming silent"), a rhetorical device by
which the speaker or writer stops short and leaves something
unexpressed, but yet obvious, to be supplied by the imagination. The
classical example is the threat, "Quos ego----!" of Neptune (in Virgil,
_Aen._ i. 135).

APOSTASY ([Greek: apostasis], in classical Greek a defection or revolt
from a military commander), a term generally employed to describe a
complete renunciation of the Christian faith, or even an exchange of one
form of it for another, especially if the motive be unworthy. In the
first centuries of the Christian era, apostasy was most commonly induced
by persecution, and was indicated by some outward act, such as offering
incense to a heathen deity or blaspheming the name of Christ.[1] In the
Roman Catholic Church the word is also applied to the renunciation of
monastic vows (_apostasis a monachatu_), and to the abandonment of the
clerical profession for the life of the world (_apostasis a clericatu_).
Such defection was formerly often punished severely.


  [1] The readmission of such apostates to the church was a matter that
    occasioned serious controversy. The emperor Julian's "Apostasy" is
    discussed under JULIAN.

APOSTIL, or APOSTILLE (possibly connected with Lat. _appositum_, placed
near), a marginal note made by a commentator.

APOSTLE ([Greek: apostolos], one sent forth on a mission, an envoy, as
in Is. xviii. 2; Symmachus, [Greek: apostellein apostolous]; Aquila,
[Greek: presbentas]), a technical term used in the New Testament and in
Christian literature generally for a special envoy of Jesus Christ. How
far it had any similar use in Judaism in Christ's day is uncertain; but
in the 4th century A.D., at any rate, it denoted responsible envoys from
the central Jewish authority, especially for the collection of religious
funds. In its first and simplest Christian form, the idea is present
already in Mark iii. 14 f., where from the general circle of his
disciples Jesus "made twelve ('whom he also named apostles,' Luke vi.
13, but doubtful in Mark), that they should be with him, and that he
might from time to time send them forth ([Greek: hina apostellae]) to
preach and to have authority to cast out demons." Later on (vi. 6 ff.),
in connexion with systematic preaching among the villages of Galilee,
Jesus begins actually to "send forth" the twelve, two by two; and on
their return from this mission (vi. 30) they are for the first time
described as "apostles" or missionary envoys. Matthew (x. 1 ff.) blends
the calling of the twelve with their actual sending forth, while Luke
(vi. 13) makes Jesus himself call them "apostles" (for Luke's usage cf.
xi. 49, "prophets and apostles," where Matthew, xxiii. 34, has "prophets
and wise men and scribes"). But it is doubtful whether Jesus ever used
the term for the Twelve, in relation to their temporary missions, any
more than for the "seventy others" whom he "sent forth" later (Luke x.
1). Even the Fourth Gospel never so describes them. It simply has "a
servant is not greater than his lord, neither an apostle (envoy) greater
than he that sent him" (xiii. 16); and applies the idea of "mission"
alike to Jesus (cf. Heb. iii. 1, "Jesus, the apostle ... of our
profession") and to his disciples, generally, as represented by the
Twelve (xvii. 18, with 3, 6 ff.). But while ideally all Christ's
disciples were "sent" with the Father's Name in charge, there were
different degrees in which this applied in practice; and so we find
"apostle" used in several senses, once it emerges as a technical term.

1. In the Apostolic age itself, "apostle" often denotes simply an
"envoy," commissioned by Jesus Christ to be a primary witness and
preacher of the Messianic Kingdom. This wide sense was shown by
Lightfoot (in his commentary on _Galatians_, 1865) to exist in the New
Testament, e.g. in 1 Cor. xii. 28 f., Eph. iv. ii, Rom. xvi. 7; and his
view has since been emphasized[1] by the discovery of the _Teaching of
the Twelve Apostles_ (see DIDACHE), with its itinerant order of
"apostles," who, together with "prophets" (cf. Eph. ii. 20, iii. 5) and
"teachers," constituted a _charismatic_ and seemingly unordained
ministry of the Word, in some part of the Church (in Syria?) during the
early sub-apostolic age. Paul is our earliest witness, as just cited;
also in 1 Cor. xv. 5 ff., where he seems to quote the language of
Palestinian tradition, in saying that Christ "appeared to Cephas; then
to the Twelve; then ... to James; then to the apostles one and all
([Greek: tois apostolois pasin]); and last of all ... to me also." The
appearance to "_all_ the Apostles" must refer to the final commission
given by the risen Christ to certain assembled disciples (Acts i. 6 ff.,
cf. Luke xxiv. 33), including not only the Twelve and the Lord's
brethren (i. 13 f.), but also some at least of the Seventy. Of this
wider circle of witnesses, taken from among personal disciples during
Jesus's earthly ministry, we get a further glimpse in the election of
one from their number to fill Judas's place among the Twelve (i. 21
ff.), as the primary official witnesses of Messiah and his resurrection.
Many of the 120 then present (Acts i. 15), and not only the two set
forward for final choice, must have been personal disciples, who by the
recent commission had been made "apostles." Among such we may perhaps
name Judas Barsabbas and Silas (Acts xv. 22, cf. i. 23), if not also
Barnabas (1 Cor. ix. 6) and Andronicus and Junia (Rom. xvi. 7).

So far, then, we gather that the original Palestinian type of
apostleship meant simply (a) personal mission from the risen Christ (cf.
I Cor. ix. i), following on (b) some preliminary intercourse with Jesus
in his earthly ministry. It was pre-eminence in the latter qualification
that gave the Twelve their special status among apostles (Acts i. 26,
ii. 14, vi. 2; in Acts generally they are simply "the apostles").
Conversely, it was Paul's lack in this respect which lay at the root of
his difficulties as an apostle.

  It is possible, though not certain, that even those Judaizing
  missionaries at Corinth whom Paul styles "false-apostles" or,
  ironically, "the superlative apostles" (2 Cor. xi. 5, 13; xii. 11),
  rested part of their claim to superiority over Paul on (b), possibly
  even as having done service to Christ when on earth (2 Cor. xi. 18,
  23). There is no sign in 2 Cor. that they laid claim to (a). If this
  be so, they were "Christ's apostles" only indirectly, "through men"
  (as some had alleged touching Paul, cf. Gal. i. 1), i.e. as sent forth
  on mission work by certain Jerusalem leaders with letters of
  introduction (2 Cor. iii. 1; E. von Dobschutz, _Problems der apost.
  Zeitalters_, p. 106).

2. _The Twelve._--When Jesus selected an inner circle of disciples for
continuous training by personal intercourse, his choice of "twelve" had
direct reference to the tribes of Israel (Matt. xix. 28; Luke xxii. 30).
This gave them a symbolic or representative character as a closed body
(cf. Rev. xxi. 14), marking them off as the primary religious authority
(cf. Acts ii. 42, "the apostles' teaching") among the "disciples" or
"brethren," when these began to assume the form of a community or
church. The relationship which other "apostles" had enjoyed with the
Master had been uncertain; _they_ had been his recognized intimates, and
that as a body. Naturally, then, they took the lead, collectively--in
form at least, though really the initiative lay with one or two of their
own number, Peter in particular. The process of practical
differentiation from their fellow apostles was furthered by the
concentration of the Twelve, or at least of its most marked
representatives, in Jerusalem, for a considerable period (Acts viii. 1,
cf. xii. 1 ff.; an early tradition specifies twelve years). Other
apostles soon went forth on their mission to "the cities of Israel" (cf.
Acts ix. 31), and so exercised but little influence on the central
policy of the Church. Hence their shadowy existence in the New
Testament, though the actual wording of Matt. x. 5-42, read in the light
of the _Didachi_, may help us to conceive their work in its main

3. _"Pillar" Apostles._--But in fact differentiation between apostles
existed among the Twelve also. There were "pillars," like Peter and John
(and his brother James until his death), who really determined matters
of grave moment, as in the conference with Paul in Gal. ii. 9--a
conference which laid the basis of the latter's status as an apostle
even in the eyes of Jewish Christians. Such pre-eminence was but the
sequel of personal distinctions visible even in the preparatory days of
discipleship, and it warns us against viewing the primitive facts
touching apostles in the official light of later times.

Consciousness of such personal pre-eminence has left its marks on the
lists of the Twelve in the New Testament. Thus (1) Peter, James, John,
Andrew, always appear as the first four, though the order varies, Mark
representing relative prominence during Christ's ministry, and Acts
actual influence in the Apostolic Church (cf. Luke viii. 51, ix. 28).
(2) The others also stand in groups of four, the first name in each
being constant, while the order of the rest varies.

The same lesson emerges when we note that one such apostolic "pillar"
stood outside the Twelve altogether, viz. James, the Lord's brother
(Gal. ii. 9, cf. i. 19); and further, that "the Lord's brethren" seem to
have ranked above "apostles" generally, being named between them and
Peter in 1 Cor. ix. 5. That is, they too were apostles with the addition
of a certain personal distinction.

4. _Paul, the "Apostle of the Gentiles."_--So far apostles are only of
the Palestinian type, taken from among actual hearers of the Messiah and
with a mission primarily to Jews--apostles "of the circumcision" (Gal.
ii. 7-9). Now, however, emerges a new apostleship, that to the Gentiles;
and with the change of mission goes also some change in the type of
missionary or apostle. Of this type Paul was the first, and he remained
its primary, and in some senses its only, example. Though he could
claim, on occasion, to satisfy the old test of having seen the risen
Lord (1 Cor. ix. 1, cf. xv. 8), he himself laid stress not on this, but
on the revelation within his own soul of Jesus as God's Son, and of the
Gospel latent therein (Gal. i. 16). This was his divine call as "apostle
of the Gentiles" (Rom. xi. 13); here lay both his qualification and his
credentials, once the fruits of the divine inworking were manifest in
the success of his missionary work (Gal. ii. 8 f.; 1 Cor. xi. 1 f.; 2
Cor. in. 2 f., xii. 12). But this new criterion of apostleship was
capable of wider application, one dispensing altogether with vision of
the risen Lord--which could not even in Paul's case be proved so fully
as in the case of the original apostles--but appealing to the "signs of
an apostle" (1 Cor. ix. 2; 2 Cor. xii. 12), the tokens of spiritual gift
visible in work done, and particularly in the planting of the Gospel in
fresh fields (2 Cor. x. 14-18). It may be in this wide charismatic sense
that Paul uses the term in 1 Cor. xii. 28 f., Eph. ii. 20, iii. 5, iv.
11, and especially in Rom. xvi. 7, "men of mark among the apostles" (cf.
2 Cor. xi. 13, "pseudo-apostles" masquerading as "apostles of Christ,"
and perhaps 1 Thess. ii, 6, of himself and Silas). That he used it in
senses differing with the context is proved by 1 Cor. xv. 9, where he
styles himself "the least of apostles," although in other connexions he
claims the very highest rank, co-ordinate even with the Twelve as a body
(Gal. ii. 7 ff.), in virtue of his distinctive Gospel.

This point of view was not widely shared even in circles appreciative of
his actual work. To most he seemed but a fruitful worker within lines
determined by "the twelve apostles of the Lamb" as a body (Rev. xxi.
14). So we read of "the plant (Church) which the twelve apostles of the
Beloved shall plant" (_Ascension of Isaiah_, iv. 3); "those who preached
the Gospel to us (especially Gentiles) ... unto whom He gave authority
over the Gospel, being twelve for a witness to the tribes" (Barn. viii.
3, cf. v. 9); and the going forth of the Twelve, after twelve years,
beyond Palestine "into the world," to give it a chance to hear
(_Preaching of Peter_, in Clem. Alex. _Strom._ vi. 5.43; 6.48). Later
on, however, his own claim told on the Church's mind, when his epistles
were read in church as a collection styled simply "the Apostle."

As the primary medium of the Gentile Gospel (Gal. i. 16, cf. i. 8, ii.
2) Paul had no peers as an "apostle of the Gentiles" (Rom. xi. 13, cf.
XV. 15-20, and see 1 Cor. xv. 8, "last of all to me"), unless it were
Barnabas who shares with him the title "apostle" in Acts xiv. 4,
14--possibly with reference to the special "work" on which they had
recently been "sent forth by the Spirit" (xiii. 2, 4). Yet such as
shared the spiritual gift (_charisma_) of missionary power in sufficient
degree, were in fact apostles of Christ in the Spirit (1 Cor. xii. 28,
II). Such a secondary type of apostolate--answering to "apostolic
missionaries" of later times (cf. the use of [Greek: hierapostolos] in
this sense by the Orthodox Eastern Church to-day)--would help to account
for the apostolic claims of the missionaries censured in Rev. ii. 2, as
also for the "apostles" of the second generation implied in the Didache.

In the _sub-apostolic age_, however, the class of "missionaries"
enjoying a _charisma_ such as was conceived to convey apostolic
commission through the Spirit, soon became distinguished from "apostles"
(cf. Hennas, _Sim._ ix. 15.4, "the apostles and teachers of the message
of the Son of God," so 25.2; in 17.1 the apostles are reckoned as
twelve), as the title became more and more confined by usage to the
original apostles, particularly the Twelve as a body (e.g. _Ascension of
Isaiah_ and the _Preaching of Peter_), or to them and Paul (e.g. in
Clement and Ignatius), and as reverence for these latter grew in
connexion with their story in the Gospels and in Acts.[2] Thus Eusebius
describes as "evangelists" (cf. Philip the Evangelist in Acts xxi. 8,
also Eph. iv. 11, 2 Tim. iv. 5) those who "occupied the first rank in
the succession to the Apostles" in missionary work (_Hist. Eccl._ iii.
37, cf. v. 10). Yet the wider sense of "apostle" did not at once die out
even in the third and fourth generations. It lingered on as applied to
the Seventy[3]--by Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clement and Origen--and even to
Clement of Rome, by Clem. Alex. (? as a "fellow-worker" of Paul, Phil.
iv. 3); while the adjective "apostolic" was applied to men like Polycarp
(in his contemporary _Acts of Martyrdom_) and the Phrygian, Alexander,
martyred at Lyons in A.D. 177 (Eus. v. 1), who was "not without share of
apostolic _charisma_."

The _authority_ attaching to apostles was essentially spiritual in
character and in the conditions of its exercise. Anything like autocracy
among his followers was alien to Jesus's own teaching (Matt, xxiii.
6-11). All Christians were "brethren," and the basis of pre-eminence
among them was relative ability for service. But the personal relation
of the original Palestinian apostles to Jesus himself as Master gave
them a unique fitness as authorized witnesses, from which flowed
naturally, by sheer spiritual influence, such special forms of authority
as they came gradually to exercise in the early Church. "There is no
trace in Scripture of a formal commission of authority for government
from Christ Himself" (Hort, _Chr. Eccl._ p. 84) given to apostles, save
as representing the brethren in their collective action. Even the
"resolutions" ([Greek: dogmata]) of the Jerusalem conference were not
set forth by the apostles present simply in their own name, nor as _ipso
facto_ binding on the conscience of the Antiochene Church. They
expressed "a claim to deference rather than a right to be obeyed" (Hort,
_op. cit._ 81-85). Such was the kind of authority attaching to apostles,
whether collectively or individually. It was not a fixed notion, but
varied in quantity and quality with the growing maturity of converts.
This is how Paul, from whom we gather most on the point, conceives the
matter. The exercise of his spiritual authority is not absolute, lest he
"lord it over their faith"; consent of conscience or of "faith" is ever
requisite (2 Cor. i. 24; cf. Rom. xiv. 23). But the principle was
elastic in application, and would take more patriarchal forms in
Palestine than in the Greek world. The case was essentially the same as
on the various mission-fields to-day, where the position of the
"missionary" is at first one of great spiritual initiative and
authority, limited only by his own sense of the fitness of things, in
the light of local usages. So the notion of formal or constitutional
authority attaching to the apostolate, in its various senses, is an
anachronism for the apostolic age. The tendency, however, was for their
authority to be conceived more and more on formal lines, and,
particularly after their deaths, as absolute.

The authority attaching to apostles as writers, which led gradually to
the formation of a New Testament Canon--"the Apostles" side by side with
"the Books" of the Old Testament (so 2 Clement xiv., c. A.D.
120-140)--is a subject by itself (see BIBLE).

This change of conception helped to further the notion of a certain
devolution of apostolic powers to successors constituted by act of
ordination. The earliest idea of an _apostolical succession_ meant
simply the re-emergence in others of the apostolic spirit of missionary
enthusiasm. "The first rank in the succession of the apostles" consisted
of men eminent as disciples of theirs, and so fitted to continue their
labours (Euseb. iii. 37); and even under Commodus (A.D. 180-193) there
were "evangelists of the word" possessed of "inspired zeal to emulate
apostles" (v. 10). Such were perhaps the "apostles" of the _Didache_. Of
the notion of apostolic succession in ministerial grace conferred by
ordination, there is little or no trace before Irenaeus. The famous
passage in Clement of Rome (xliv. 2) refers simply to the succession of
one set of men to another in an office of apostolic institution. The
grace that makes Polycarp "an apostolic and prophetic teacher" (_Mart.
Polyc._ 16) is peculiar to him personally. But Irenaeus holds,
apparently on _a priori_ grounds, that "elders" who stand in orderly
succession to the apostolic founders of the true tradition in the
churches, have, "along with the succession of oversight," also an
"assured gift of (insight into) truth" by the Father's good pleasure
("cum episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum
placitum Patris acceperunt"), in contrast to heretics who wilfully stand
outside this approved line of transmission (_adv. Haer._ iv. 26. 2). So
far, indeed, the succession is not limited to the monarchical episcopate
as distinct from the presbyteral order to which it belonged (cf.
"presbyterii ordo, principalis consessio" in the same context, and see
iii. 14. 2), though the bishops of apostolic churches, as capable of
being traced individually (iii. 3. 1), are specially appealed to as
witnesses (cf. iv. 33. 8, v. 19. 2)--as earlier by Hegesippus (Euseb.
iv. 22). Nor is there mention of sacerdotal grace attaching to the
succession in apostolic truth.[4] But once the idea of supernatural
grace going along with office as such (of which we have already a trace
in the Ignatian bishop, though without the notion of actual apostolic
succession) arose in connexion with _successio ab apostolis_, the full
development of the doctrine was but a matter of time.[5]

  LITERATURE.--In England the modern treatment of the subject dates from
  J.B. Lightfoot's dissertation in his _Commentary on Galatians_, to
  which Dr F.J.A. Hort's _The Christian Ecclesia_ added elements of
  value; see also T.M. Lindsay, _The Church and the Ministry_, and
  articles in Hastings' _Dictionary of the Bible_ and the _Ency.
  Biblica_; A. Harnack, _Die Lehre der Apostel_, pp. 93 ff., and
  _Dogmengeschichte_ (3rd ed.), i. 153 ff.; E. Haupt, _Zum Verstandnis
  d. Apostolats in NT._ (Halle, 1896); and especially H. Monnier, _La
  Notion de l'apostolat, des origines à Irénée_ (Paris, 1903). The later
  legends and their sources are examined by T. Schermann, _Propheten-
  und Apostellegenden_ (Leipzig, 1907).     (J. V. B.)


  [1] By analogy, that is; for the wider sense of "apostle" in the
    Apostolic age need not be identical with a sub-apostolic use of the
    term (see below, 4 _fin_.).

  [2] The tendency is already visible in the Lucan writings. An
    anologous process is seen in the use of "disciple," applicable in the
    apostolic age to Christians at large, but in the course of the
    sub-apostolic age restricted to personal "disciples of the Lord" or
    to martyrs (Papias in Eus. iii. 39, cf. Ignatius, _Ad Eph._ i. 2).

  [3] In the Edessene legend of Abgar, in Eus. i. 12, we read that
    "Judas, who is also Thomas, sent Thaddaeus as apostle--one of the
    Seventy," where simply an authoritative envoy of Jesus seems
    intended. For traces of the wider sense of "apostle" in Gnostic,
    Marcionite and Montanist circles, see Monnier (as below).

  [4] The above is substantially the view taken by J.B. Lightfoot in
    his essay on "The Christian Ministry" (_Comm. on Philippians_, 6th
    ed., pp. 239, 252 f.), and by T.M. Lindsay, _The Church and the
    Ministry_ (1902), pp. 224-228, 278 ff. Even C. Gore, _The Church and
    the Ministry_ (1889), pp. 119 ff., while inferring a sacerdotal
    element in Irenaeus's conception of the episcopate, says: "But it is
    mainly as preserving the catholic traditions that Irenaeus regards
    the apostolic succession" (p. 120).

  [5] See Lightfoot's essay for Cyprian's contribution, as also for
    that of the Clementines, which fix on the twofold position of James
    at Jerusalem, as apostle and bishop, as bearing on apostolic
    succession in the episcopate.

APOSTLE SPOONS, a set of spoons, usually of silver or silver gilt, with
the handles terminating in figures of the apostles, each bearing their
distinctive emblem. They were common baptismal gifts during the 15th and
16th centuries, but were dying out by 1666. Often single spoons were
given, bearing the figure of the patron or name saint of the child. Sets
of the twelve apostles are not common, and complete sets of thirteen,
with the figure of our Lord on a larger spoon, are still rarer. The
Goldsmiths' Company in London has one such set, all by the same maker
and bearing the hall-mark of 1626, and a set of thirteen was sold at
Christie's in 1904 for £4900.

  See William Hone, _The Everyday Book_ and _Table Book_ (1831); and
  W.J. Cripps, _Old English Plate_ (9th ed., 1906).

APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS ([Greek: Diatagai] _or_ [Greek: Diataxeis ton
agion apostolon dia Klaementos tou Rhomaion episkopou te kai politou.
Katholikae didaskalia]), a collection of ecclesiastical regulations in
eight books, the last of which concludes with the eighty-five _Canons of
the Holy Apostles_. By their title the Constitutions profess to have
been drawn up by the apostles, and to have been transmitted to the
Church by Clement of Rome; sometimes the alleged authors are represented
as speaking jointly, sometimes singly. From the first they have been
very variously estimated; the _Canons_, as a rule, more highly than the
rest of the work. For example, the Trullan Council of Constantinople
(_quini-sextum_), A.D. 692, accepts the Canons as genuine by its second
canon, but rejects the Constitutions on the ground that spurious matter
had been introduced into them by heretics; and whilst the former were
henceforward used freely in the East, only a few portions of the latter
found their way into the Greek and oriental law-books. Again, Dionysius
Exiguus (c. A.D. 500) translated fifty of the Canons into Latin,[1]
although under the title _Canones qui dicuntur Apostolorum_, and thus
they passed into other Western collections; whilst the Constitutions as
a whole remained unknown in the West until they were published in 1563
by the Jesuit Turrianus. At first received with enthusiasm, their
authenticity soon came to be impugned; and their true significance was
largely lost sight of as it began to be realized that they were not what
they claimed to be. Vain attempts were still made to rehabilitate them,
and they were, in general, more highly estimated in England than
elsewhere. The most extravagant estimate of all was that of Whiston, who
calls them "the most sacred standard of Christianity, equal in authority
to the Gospels themselves, and superior in authority to the epistles of
single apostles, some parts of them being our Saviour's own original
laws delivered to the apostles, and the other parts the public acts of
the apostles" (Historical preface to _Primitive Christianity Revived_,
pp. 85-86). Others, however, realized their composite character from the
first, and by degrees some of the component documents became known.
Bishop Pearson was able to say that "the eight books of the Apostolic
Constitutions have been after Epiphanius's time compiled and patched
together out of the _didascaliae_ or doctrines which went under the
names of the holy apostles and their disciples or successors" (_Vind.
Ign._ i. cap. 5); whilst a greater scholar still, Archbishop Usher, had
already gone much further, and concluded, forestalling the results of
modern critical methods, that their compiler was none other than the
compiler of the spurious Ignatian epistles (_Epp. Polyc. et Ign._ p.
lxiii. f., Oxon. 1644). The Apostolical Constitutions, then, are
spurious, and they are one of a long series of documents of like
character. But we have not really gauged their significance by saying
that they are spurious. They are the last stage and climax of a gradual
process of compilation and crystallization, so to speak, of unwritten
church custom; and a short account of this process will show their real
importance and value.

  Origin and real nature.

These documents are the outcome of a tendency which is found in every
society, religious or secular, at some point in its history. The society
begins by living in accordance with its fundamental principles. By
degrees these translate themselves into appropriate action. Difficulties
are faced and solved as they arise; and when similar circumstances recur
they will tend to be met in the same way. Thus there grows up by degrees
a body of what may be called customary law. Plainly, there is no
particular point of time at which this customary law can be said to have
begun. To all appearance it is there from the first in solution and
gradually crystallizes out; and yet it is being continually modified as
time goes on. Moreover, the time comes when the attempt is made, either
by private individuals or by the society itself, to put this "customary
law" into writing. Now when this is done, two tendencies will at once
show themselves. (a) This "customary law" will at once become more
definite: the very fact of putting it into writing will involve an
effort after logical completeness. There will be a tendency on the part
of the writer to fill up gaps; to state local customs as if they
obtained universally; to introduce his personal equation, and to add to
that which is the custom that which, in his opinion, _ought_ to be. (b)
There will be a strong tendency to fortify that which has been written
with great names, especially in days when there is no very clear notion
of literary property. This is done, not always with any deliberate
consciousness of fraud (although it must be clearly recognized that
truth is not one of the "natural virtues," and that the sense of the
obligations of truthfulness was far from strong), but rather to
emphasize the importance of what was written, and the fact that it was
no new invention of the writer's. In a non-literary age fame gathers
about great names; and that which, _ex hypothesi_, has gone on since the
beginning of things is naturally attributed to the founders of the
society. Then come interpolations to make this ascription more probable,
and the prefixing of a title, then or subsequently, which states it as a
fact. This is precisely the way in which the Apostolical Constitutions
and other kindred documents have come into being. They are attempts,
made in various places and at different times, to put into writing the
order and discipline and character of the Church; in part for private
instruction and edification, but in part also with a view to actual use;
frequently even with an actual reference to particular circumstances. In
this lies their importance, to a degree which is only just being
adequately realized. They contain evidence of the utmost value as to the
order of the Church in early days; evidence, however, which needs to be
sifted with the greatest care, since the personal preferences of the
writer and the customs of the local church to which he belongs are
continually mixed up with things which have a wider prevalence. It is
only by careful investigation, by the method of comparisons, that these
elements can be disentangled; but as the number of documents of this
class known to us is continually increasing, their value increases even
more than proportionately. And whilst their local and fugitive character
must be fully recognized and allowed for, is it unjustifiable to set
them aside or leave them out of account as heretical, and therefore

  Other collections.

It will be sufficient here to mention shortly the chief collections of
this kind which came into existence during the first four centuries;
generally as the work of private individuals, and having, at any rate,
no more than a local authority of some kind, (a) The earliest known to
us is the _Didache_ or _Teaching of the Twelve Apostles_, itself
compiled from earlier materials, and dating from about 120 (see
DIDACHE). (b) _The Apostolic Church Order_ (_apostolische
Kirchenordnung_ of German writers); _Ecclesiastical Canons of the Holy
Apostles_ of one MS.; _Sententiae Apostolorum_ of Pitra: of about 300,
and emanating probably from Asia Minor. Its earlier part, cc. 1-14,
depends upon the _Didache_, and the rest of it is a book of discipline
in which Harnack has attempted to distinguish two older fragments of
church law (_Texte u. Unters_. ii. 5). (c) The so-called _Canones
Hippolyti_, probably Alexandrian or Roman, and of the first half of the
3rd century. It will be observed that these make no claim to apostolic
authorship; but otherwise their origin is like that of the rest, unless
indeed, as has been suggested, they represent the work of an actual
Roman synod, (d) The so-called _Egyptian Church Order_, in Coptic from a
Greek pre-Nicene original (c. 310). It is part of the Egyptian
Heptateuch and contains neither communion nor ordination forms, (e) The
_Ethiopic Church Order_, perhaps twenty years later than (d), and
forming part of the _Ethiopic Statutes_. (f) The _Verona Latin
Fragments_, discovered and published by Hauler, portions of a form akin
to (e), which may be dated c. 340, though possibly earlier. It has a
preface which refers to a treatise _Concerning Spiritual Gifts_ as
having immediately preceded it. (g) The recently discovered _Testament
of the Lord_, which is somewhat later in date (c. 350), and likewise
depends upon the _Canones Hippolyti_. (h) The so-called _Canons of
Basil_. This is an Arabic work perhaps based on a Coptic and ultimately
on a Greek original, embodying with modifications large portions of the
Canons of Hippolytus. (On the relations between the six last-named, see

  Here also may be noticed the _Didascalia Apostolorum_, originally
  written in Greek, but known through a Syriac version and a fragmentary
  Latin one published by Hauler. It is of the middle of the 3rd
  century--in fact, a passage in the Latin translation seems to give us
  the date A.D. 254. It emanates from Palestine or Syria, and is
  independent of the documents already mentioned; and upon it the
  _Constitutions_ themselves very largely depend. It is a mixture of
  moral and ecclesiastical instruction. The _Sacramentary of Serapion_
  (c. 350), _The Pilgrimage of Etheria_ (_Silvia_) (c. 385), and _The
  Catechetical Lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem_ (348) are also of value
  in this connexion. In the (so-called) _Constitutions through
  Hippolytus_ we have possibly a preliminary draft of the famous 8th
  book of the _Apostolical Constitutions_.[2]


The Constitutions themselves fall into three main divisions. (i.) The
first of these consists of books i.-vi., and throughout runs parallel to
the _Didascalia_. Bickell, indeed, held that this latter was an
abbreviated form of books i.-vi.; but it is now agreed on all hands that
the Constitutions are based on the _Didascalia_ and not vice versa.
(ii.) Then follows book vii., the first thirty-one chapters of which are
an adaptation of the _Didache_, whilst the rest contain various
liturgical forms of which the origin is still uncertain, though it has
been acutely suggested by Achelis, and with great probability, that they
originated in the schismatical congregation of Lucian at Antioch. (iii.)
Book viii. is more composite, and falls into three parts. The first two
chapters, [Greek: peri charismatôn], may be based upon a lost work of St
Hippolytus, otherwise known only by a reference to it in the preface of
the _Verona Latin Fragments_; and an examination shows that this is
highly probable. The next section, cc. 3-27, [Greek: peri cheirotoyioy],
and cc. 28-46, [Greek: peri kayoyoy], is twofold, and is evidently that
upon which the writer sets most store. The apostles no longer speak
jointly, but one by one in an apostolic council, and the section closes
with a joint decree of them all. They speak of the ordination of bishops
(the so-called Clementine Liturgy is that which is directed to be used
at the consecration of a bishop, cc. 5-15), of presbyters, deacons,
deaconesses, sub-deacons and lectors, and then pass on to confessors,
virgins, widows and exorcists; after which follows a series of canons on
various subjects, and liturgical formulae. With regard to this section,
all that can be said is that it includes materials which are also to be
found elsewhere--in the _Egyptian Church Order_ and other documents
already spoken of--and that the precise relation between them is at
present not determined. The third section consists of the Apostolic
Canons already referred to, the last and most significant of which
places the Constitutions and the two epistles of Clement in the canon of
Scripture, and omits the Apocalypse. They are derived in part from the
preceding Constitutions, in part from the canons of the councils of
Antioch, 341, Nicaea, 325, and possibly Laodicaea, 363.

A comparison of the Constitutions with the material upon which they are
based will illustrate the compiler's method. (a) To begin with the
_Didascalia_ already mentioned. It is unmethodical and badly digested,
homiletical in style, and abounding in biblical quotations. There is no
precise arrangement; but the subjects, following a general introduction,
are the bishop and his duties, penance, the administration of the
offerings, the settlement of disputes, the divine service, the order of
widows, deacons and deaconesses, the poor, behaviour in persecution, and
so forth. The compiler of the Constitutions finds here material after
his own heart. He is even more discursive and more homiletical in style;
he adds fresh citations of the Scriptures, and additional explanations
and moral reflexions; and all this with so little judgment that he often
leaves confusion worse confounded (e.g. in ii. 57, where, upon a
symbolical description of the Church as a sheepfold, he has superimposed
the further symbolism of a ship). (b) Passing on to books vii. and
viii., we observe that the compiler's method of necessity changes with
his new material. In the former book he still makes large additions and
alterations, but there is less scope for his prolixity than before; and
in the latter, where he is no longer dealing with generalities, but
making actual definitions, the Constitutions of necessity become more
precise and statutory in form. Throughout he adopts and adapts the
language of his sources as far as possible, "only pruning in the most
pressing cases," but towards the end he cannot avoid making larger
alterations from time to time. And his alterations throughout are not
made aimlessly. Where he finds things which would obviously clash with
the customs of his own day, he unhesitatingly modifies them. An account
of the Passion, with a curiously perverted chronology, the object of
which was to justify the length of the Passion-tide fast, is entirely
revised for this reason (v. 14); the direction to observe Easter
according to the Jewish computation is changed into the exact contrary
for the same reason (v. 17); and where his archetype lapses into
speaking of a lull in persecution he naïvely informs us that the Romans
have now given up persecuting and have adopted Christianity (vi. 26),
forgetting altogether that he is speaking in the character of the
apostles. Above all, he both magnifies the office of the Christian
ministry as a whole and alters what is said of it in detail (for
example, the deaconess loses rank not a little), to make it agree with
the circumstances of his day in general, and with his own ideas of
fitness in particular. It is here that his evidence is at once most
valuable and needs to be used with the greatest care. To give one
striking example of the value of these documents. The _Canones
Hippolyti_ (vi. 43) provide that one who has been a confessor for the
faith may be received as a presbyter by virtue of his confessorship and
not by the laying on of the bishop's hands; but if he be chosen a
bishop, he is to be ordained. This provision passes on into the Egyptian
_Ecclesiastical Canons_ and other kindred documents, and even into the
_Testamentum Domini_. But the corresponding passage in the Apostolical
Constitutions (viii. 23) entirely reverses it: "A confessor is not
ordained, for he is so by choice and patience, and is worthy of great
honour.... But if there be occasion, he is to be ordained either a
bishop, priest, or deacon. But if any one of the confessors who is not
ordained snatches to himself any such dignity upon account of his
confession, let the same person be deprived and rejected; for he is not
in such an office, since he has denied the constitution of Christ, and
is worse than an infidel."

  Authorship, place, and date.

Who, then, is the author of the Constitutions, and what can be inferred
with regard to him? (i.) By separating off the sources which he used
from his own additions to them, it at once becomes clear that the latter
are the work of one man: the style is unmistakable, and the method of
working is the same throughout. The compiler of books i.-vi. is also the
compiler of books vii., viii. (ii.) As to his theological position,
different views have been held. Funk suggests Apollinarianism, which is
the refuge of the destitute; and Achelis inclines in the same direction.
But the affinities of the author are quite otherwise, the most
pronounced of them being a strong subordinationist tendency, denial of a
human soul to Christ, and the like, which suggest not indeed Arianism
but an inclination towards Arianism. Above all, his polemic is directed
against the dying heresies of the 3rd century; and he writes with an
absence of constraint which is not the language of one who lives amidst
violent controversies or who is conscious of being in a minority. All
this points to the position of a "conservative" or semi-Arian of the
East, one who belongs, perhaps, to the circle of Lucian of Antioch and
writes before the time of Julian. It is hard to think of any other time
or circumstances in which a man could write like this, (iii.) The
indications of _time_ have been held to point to a different conclusion.
On the one hand, the fact that the attempt to rebuild the temple by
Julian in 363 is not mentioned in vi. 24 points to an earlier date; and
the fact that the [Greek: kopiatai] are not mentioned amongst the church
officers points in the same direction, for elsewhere they are first
mentioned in a rescript of Constantius in A.D. 357. On the other hand,
in the cycle of feasts occur the names of several which are probably of
later date--e.g. Christmas and St Stephen, which were introduced at
Antioch c. A.D. 378 and 379 respectively. Again, Epiphanius (c. A.D.
374) appears to be unacquainted with it; he still quotes from the
_Didascalia_, and elaborately explains it away where it is contrary to
the usages of his own day. But as regards the former point, it is
possible that the Apostolical Constitutions constantly gave rise to
these festivals; or, on the other hand, that the two passages were
subsequently introduced either by the writer himself or by some other
hand, when the last book of the Constitutions was being used as a
law-book. And as regards the latter, the fact that Epiphanius does not
use the Constitutions is no proof that they had not yet been compiled.
(iv.) As to the region of composition there is no real doubt. It was
clearly the East, Syria or Palestine. Many indications are against the
latter, and Syria is strongly suggested by the use of the
Syro-Macedonian calendar. Moreover, the writer represents the Roman
Clement as the channel of communication between the apostles and the
Church. This fact both supplies him with the name by which he is
commonly known, Pseudo-Clement, and also furnishes corroboration of his
Syrian birth; since the other spurious writings bearing the name of
Clement, the _Homilies_ and _Recognitions_, are likewise of Syrian
origin. Moreover, the spurious Ignatian epistles, which are also Syrian,
depend throughout upon the Constitutions, (v.) But this is not all. It
was long ago noticed that Pseudo-Clement bears a very close resemblance
to Pseudo-Ignatius, the interpolator of the Ignatian Epistles in the
longer Greek recension. Usher, as we have seen, identified them, and
modern criticism accepts this identification as a fact (Lagarde,
Harnack, Funk, Brightman). Lightfoot, indeed, still hesitated (_Ap.
Fathers_, II. i. 266 n.) on the ground that Pseudo-Ignatius occasionally
misunderstands the Constitutions, that the two writings give the Roman
succession differently, and that Pseudo-Clement shows no knowledge of
the Christological controversies of Nicaea. But as regards the first of
these, it is rather a case of condensed citation than of
misinterpretation; the second is explained by the writer's carelessness
as shown in other passages, and all are solved if a considerable
interval of time elapsed between the compilation of the Constitutions
and the spurious Ignatian epistles.

It seems clear then that the compiler was a Syrian, and that he also
wrote the spurious Ignatian epistles; he was likewise probably a
semi-Arian of the school of Lucian of Antioch. His date is given by
Harnack as A.D. 340-360, with a leaning to 340-343; by Lightfoot as the
latter half of the 4th century; by Brightman, 370-380; by Maclean, 375;
and by Funk as the beginning of the 5th century.

  AUTHORITIES.--W. Ueltzen, _Constitutiones Apostolicae_ (Schwerin,
  1853); P.A. de Lagarde, _Didascalia Apostolorum Syriace_ (Leipz.,
  1854); _Constitutiones Apostolorum_ (Leipz. and Lond., 1862); M.D.
  Gibson, _Didascalia Apost. Syriace_, with Eng. trans. (_Horae
  Semiticae_, i. and ii., Cambridge, 1903); J.B. Pitra, _Juris
  Ecclesiastici Graecorum Historia et Monumenta_, i. (Rome, 1864);
  Hauler, _Didascaliae Apostolorum Fragmenta Ueronensia Latina_,
  (Leipzig, 1900); Bickell, _Geschichte des Kirchenrechts_, i. (Giessen,
  1843); F.X. Funk, _Die apostolischen Konstitutionen_ (Rottenb., 1891);
  A. Harnack, _Geschichte d. altchristl. Litteratur_, i. 515 ff.
  (Leipz., 1893); F.E. Brightman, _Liturgies Eastern and Western_, I.
  xvii. ff. (Oxford, 1896); H. Achelis, in Hauck's _Realencyklopadie_,
  i. 734 f., art. "Apostolische Konstitutionen und Kanones" (Leipz.,
  1896); A.S. Maclean, _Recent Discoveries illustrating Early Christian
  Worship_ (Lond., 1904); J. Wordsworth, _The Ministry of Grace_, pp. 18
  ff; J.P. Arendzen, "The Apostolic Church Order" (Syriac Text, Eng.
  trans. and notes) in _Journ. of Theol. Studies_, iii. 59. Trans. of
  _Apost. Constitutions_, book viii., in Ante-Nicene Christian Library.
       (W. E. Co.)


  [1] Why he did not go on to give the remaining thirty-five is not
    clear; they belong to the same date as, and are not inferior to, the
    first fifty.

  [2] At a later date various collections were made of the documents
    above mentioned, or some of them, to serve as law-books in different
    churches--e.g. the Syrian Octateuch, the Egyptian Heptateuch, and the
    Ethiopic Sinodos. These, however, stand on an entirely different
    footing, since they are simply collections of existing documents, and
    no attempt is made to claim apostolic authorship for them.

APOSTOLIC CANONS, a collection of eighty-five rules for the regulation
of clerical life, appended to the eighth book of the _Apostolical
Constitutions_ (q.v.). They are couched in brief legislative form though
on no definite plan, and deal with the vexed questions of ecclesiastical
discipline as they were raised towards the end of the 4th century. At
least half of the canons are derived from earlier constitutions, and
probably not many of them are the actual productions of the compiler,
whose aim was to gloss over the real nature of the _Constitutions_, and
secure their incorporation with the Epistles of Clement in the New
Testament of his day. The _Codex Alexandrinus_ does indeed append the
Clementine Epistles to its text of the New Testament. The Canons may be
a little later in date than the preceding _Constitutions_, but they are
evidently from the same Syrian theological circle.

APOSTOLIC FATHERS, a term used to distinguish those early Christian
writers who were believed to have been the personal associates of the
original Apostles. While the title "Fathers" was given from at least the
beginning of the 4th century to church writers of former days, as being
the parents of Christian belief and thought for later times, the
expression "Apostolic Fathers" dates only from the latter part of the
17th century. The idea of recognizing these "Fathers" as a special group
exists already in the title "Patres aevi apostolici, sive SS. Patrum qui
temporibus apostolicis floruerunt ... opera," under which in 1672 J.B.
Cotelier published at Paris the writings current under the names of
Barnabas, Clement of Rome, Hermas, Ignatius and Polycarp. But the name
itself is due to their next editor, Thomas Ittig (1643-1710), in his
_Bibliotheca Patrum Apostolicorum_ (1699), who, however, included under
this title only Clement, Ignatius and Polycarp. Here already appears the
doubt as to how many writers can claim the title, a doubt which has
continued ever since, and makes the contents of the "Apostolic Fathers"
differ so much from editor to editor. Thus the Oratorian Andrea Gallandi
(1700-1779), in re-issuing Cotelier's collection in his _Bibliotheca
Veterum Patrum_ (1765-1781), included the fragments of Papias and the
Epistle to Diognetus, to which recent editors have added the citations
from the "Elders" of Papias's day found in Irenaeus and, since 1883, the

The degree of historic claim which these various writings have to rank
as the works[1] of Apostolic Fathers varies greatly on any definition of
"apostolic." Originally the epithet was meant to be taken strictly, viz.
as denoting those whom history could show to have been personally
connected, or at least coeval, with one or more apostles; and an effort
was made, as by Cotelier, to distinguish the writings rightly and
wrongly assigned to such. Thus editions tended to vary with the
historical views of editors. But the convenience of the category
"Apostolic Fathers" to express not only those who might possibly have
had some sort of direct contact with apostles--such as "Barnabas,"
Clement, Ignatius, Papias, Polycarp--but also those who seemed specially
to preserve the pure tradition of apostolic doctrine during the
sub-apostolic age, has led to its general use in a wide and vague sense.

Conventionally, then, the title denotes the group of writings which,
whether in date or in internal character, are regarded as belonging to
the main stream of the Church's teaching during the period between the
Apostles and the Apologists (i.e. to c. A.D. 140). Or to put it more
exactly, the "Apostolic Fathers" represent, chronologically in the main
and still more from the religious and theological standpoint, the
momentous process of transition from the type of teaching in the New
Testament to that which meets us in the early Catholic Fathers, from the
last quarter of the 2nd century onwards. The Apologists no doubt show us
certain fresh factors entering into this development; but on the whole
the Apostolic Fathers by themselves go a long way to explain the
transition in question, so far as knowledge of this _saeculum obscurum_
is within our reach at all. It is true that they do not include the
whole even of the ecclesiastical literature of the sub-apostolic age,
not to mention what remains of Gnostic and other minority types. The
_Preaching and Apocalypse_ of Peter, for instance, are quite typical of
the same period, and help us to read between the lines of the Apostolic
Fathers. Yet they do not really add much to what is there already, and
they have the drawbacks of pseudonymity; they lack concrete and personal
qualities; they are general expressions of tendencies which we cannot
well locate or measure, save by means of the Apostolic Fathers
themselves or of their earliest Catholic successors.

(A) In _external features_ the group is far from homogeneous, a fact
which has led to their being disintegrated as a group in certain
histories of early Christian literature (e.g. those of Harnack and
Krüger), and classed each under its own literary type--so sacrificing to
outer form, which is quite secondary in primitive Christian writings,
the more significant fact of religious affinity. Its original members,
those still best entitled to their name in any strict sense, are
epistles, and in this respect also most akin to Apostolic writings.
Indeed Ignatius takes pleasure in saluting his readers "after the
apostolic stamp" (_ad Troll._ inscr.), while yet disclaiming all desire
to emulate the apostolic manner in other respects, being fully conscious
of the gulf between himself and apostles like Peter and Paul in claim to
authority (_ib._ in. 3, _ad Rom._ iv. 3). The like holds of Polycarp,
who, in explaining that he writes to exhort the Philippians only at
their own request, adds, "for neither am I, nor is any other like me,
able to follow the wisdom of the blessed and glorious Paul" (in. 2).
Clement's epistle, indeed, conforms more to the elaborate and
treatise-like form of the Epistle to the Hebrews, on which it draws so
largely; and the same is true of "Barnabas." But one and all are
influenced by study of apostolic epistles, and witness to the impression
which these produced on the men of the next generation. Unconsciously,
too, they correspond to the apostolic type of writing in another
respect, viz. their occasional and practical character. They are evoked
by pressing needs of the hour among some definite body of Christians and
not by any literary motive.[2] This is a universal trait of primitive
Christian writings; so that to speak of primitive Christian "literature"
at all is hardly accurate, and tends to an artificial handling of their
contents. These sub-apostolic epistles are veritable "human documents,"
with the personal note running through them. They are after all personal
expressions of Christianity, in which are discernible also specific
types of local tradition. To such spontaneous actuality a large part of
their interest and value is due.

Nor is this pre-literary and vital quality really absent even from the
writing which is least entitled to a place among "Apostolic Fathers,"
the Epistle to Diognetus. This beautiful picture of the Christian life
as a realized ideal, and of Christians as "the soul" of the world, owes
its inclusion to a double error: first, to the accidental attachment at
the end of another fragment (§ ii), which opens with the writer's claim
to stand forth as a teacher as being "a disciple of apostles"; and next,
to mistaken exegesis of this phrase as implying personal relations with
apostles, rather than knowledge of their teaching, written or oral.
Whether in form addressed to Diognetus, the tutor of Marcus Aurelius, as
a typical cultured observer of Christianity, or to some other eminent
person of the same name in the locality of its origin, or, as seems more
likely, to cultured Greeks generally, personified under the significant
name "Diognetus" ("Heaven-born," of. Acts xvii. 28 along with § iii.
4)--the epistle is in any case an "open letter" of an essentially
literary type. Further, its opening seems modelled on the lines of the
preface to Luke's Gospel, to which, along with Acts, it may owe
something of its very conception as a reasoned appeal to the lover of
truth. But while literary in form and conception, its appeal is in
spirit so personal a testimony to what the Gospel has done for the
writer and his fellow Christians, that it is akin to the piety of the
Apostolic Fathers as a group. It is true that it has marked affinities,
e.g. in its natural theology, with the earliest Apologists, Aristides
and Justin, even as it is itself in substance an apology addressed not
to the State, but to thoughtful public opinion. But this only means that
we cannot draw a hard and fast line between groups of early Christian
writings at a time when practical religious interests overshadowed all

If thus related to the Apologists of the middle of the 2nd century, the
Epistle to Diognetus has also points of contact with one of the most
practical and least literary writings found among our Apostolic Fathers,
viz. the homily originally known as the Second Epistle of Clement (for
this ascription, as for other details, see CLEMENTINE LITERATURE). The
recovery of its concluding sections in the same MS. which brought the
_Didache_ to light, proves beyond question that we have here the
earliest extant sermon preached before a Christian congregation, about
A.D. 120-140 (so J.B. Lightfoot). Its opening section, recalling to its
hearers the passing of the mists of idolatry before the revelation in
Jesus Christ, is markedly similar in tone and tenor to passages in the
Epistle to Diognetus. Far closer, however, are the affinities between
the homily and the _Shepherd of Hermas_, "the first Christian allegory,"
which as a literary whole dates from about A.D. 140, but probably
represents a more or less prolonged prophetic activity on the part of
its author, the brother of Pius, the Roman bishop of his day (c.
139-154). In both the primary theme is repentance, as called for by
serious sins, after baptism has placed the Christian on his new and
higher level of responsibility. Thus both are hortatory writings, the
one argumentative in form, the other prophetic, after the manner of
later Old Testament prophets whose messages came in visions and
similitudes. This prophetic and apocalyptic note, which characterizes
Hermas among the Apostolic Fathers (though there are traces of it also
in the _Didache_ and in Ignatius, _ad Eph._ xx.), is a genuinely
primitive trait and goes far to explain the vogue which the _Shepherd_
enjoyed in the generations immediately succeeding, as also the influence
of its disciplinary policy, which is its prophetic "burden" (see HERMAS,

We come finally to the anonymous _Teaching of the Twelve Apostles_ and
Papias's _Exposition of Oracles of the Lord_, so far as this is known to
us. The former, besides embodying catechetical instruction in Christian
conduct (the "Two Ways"), which goes back in substance to the early
apostolic age and is embodied also in "Barnabas," depicts in outline the
fundamental usages of church life as practised in some conservative
region (probably within Syria) about the last quarter of the 1st century
and perhaps even later. The whole is put forth as substantially the
apostolic teaching (_Didache_) on the subjects in question. This is
probably a _bona fide_ claim. It expresses the feeling common to the
Apostolic Fathers and general in the sub-apostolic age, at any rate in
regions where apostles had once laboured, that local tradition, as held
by the recognized church leaders, did but continue apostolic doctrine
and practice. Into later developments of this feeling an increasing
element of illusion entered, and all other written embodiments of it
known to us take the form of literary fictions, more or less bold. It is
in contrast to these that the _Didache_ is justly felt to be genuinely
primitive and of a piece with the Apostolic Fathers. Thus while its form
would by analogy tend _per se_ to awaken suspicion, its contents remove
this feeling; and we may even infer from this surviving early
formulation of local ecclesiastical tradition, that others of somewhat
similar character came into being in the sub-apostolic age, but failed
to survive save as embodied in later local teaching, oral or written,
very much as if the _Didache_ had perished and its literary offspring
alone remained (see DIDACHE).

As regards Papias's _Exposition_, which Lightfoot describes as "among
the earliest forerunners of commentaries, partly explanatory, partly
illustrative, on portions of the New Testament," we need here only
remark that, whatever its exact form may have been--as to which the
extant fragments still leave room for doubt--it was in conception
expository of the historic meaning of Christ's more ambiguous Sayings,
viewed in the light of definitely ascertained apostolic traditions
bearing on the subject. The like is true also of the fragments of the
Elders preserved in Irenaeus (so far as these do not really come from
Papias). Both bodies of exposition represent the traditional principle
at work in the sub-apostolic age, making for the preservation in
relative purity, over against merely subjective interpretations--those
of the Gnostics in particular--of the historic or original sense of
Christ's teaching, just as Ignatius stood for the historicity of the
facts of His earthly career in their plain, natural sense.

(B) Here the question of external form passes readily over into that of
the _internal character and spirit_. Indeed much has already been said
or suggested bearing on these. The relation of these writers to the
apostolic teaching generally has become pretty evident. It is one of
absolute loyalty and deference, as to the teaching of inspiration. They
are conscious, as are we in reading them, that they are not moving on
the same level of insight as the Apostles; they are sub-apostolic in
that sense also. Hence there appear constant traces of study of the
Apostolic writings, so far as these were accessible in the locality of
each writer at his date of writing (for the details of this subject, and
its bearing on the history of the Canonical Scriptures of the New
Testament, see _The New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers_, Oxford,
1905). As Lightfoot points out (_Apostolic Fathers_, pt. i. vol. i. p.
7), however, personality, with its variety of temperament and emphasis,
largely colours the Apostolic Fathers, especially the primary group.
Clement has all the Roman feeling for duly constituted order and
discipline; Ignatius has the Syrian or semi-oriental passion of
devotion, showing itself at once in his mystic love for his Lord and his
over-strained yearning to become His very "disciple" by drinking the
like cup of martyrdom; Polycarp is, above all things, steady in his
allegiance to what had first won his conscience and heart, and his
"passive and receptive character" comes out in the contents of his
epistle. Of the rest, whose personalities are less known to us, Papias
shares Polycarp's qualities and their limitations, the anonymous
homilist and Hermas are marked by intense moral earnestness, while the
writer to Diognetus joins to this a profound religious insight. These
personal traits determine by selective affinity, working under
conditions given by the special local type of tradition and piety, the
elements in the Apostolic writings which each was able to assimilate and
express--though we must allow also for variety in the occasions of
writing. Thus one New Testament type is echoed in one and another in
another; or it may be several in turn. The latter is the case in
Clement, Ignatius and Polycarp; perhaps also in "Barnabas." In Hermas
there is special affinity to the language and thought of the epistle of
James, and in the homilist to those of Paul. Yet their very use of the
same terms or ideas makes us the more aware of "a marked contrast to the
depth and clearness of conception with which the several Apostolic
writers place before us different aspects of the Gospel" (Lightfoot).
While Apostolic phrases are used, the sense behind them is often
different and less evangelic. They have not caught the Apostolic
meaning, because they have not penetrated to the full religious
experience which gave to the words, often words with long and varied
history both in the Septuagint and in ordinary Greek usage, their
specific meaning to each apostle and especially to Paul. This phenomenon
was noted particularly by E. Reuss, in his _Histoire de la théologie
chrétienne an siècle apostolique_ (3rd ed., 1864). Take for instance
Clement. Lightfoot, indeed, dwells on the all-round "comprehensiveness"
with which Clement, as the mouthpiece of the early Roman Church, utters
in succession phrases or ideas borrowed impartially from Peter and Paul
and James and the Epistle to Hebrews. He admits, however, that such mere
co-ordination of the language of Paul and James, for instance, as
appears in his twice bracketing "faith and hospitality" as grounds of
acceptance with God (the cases are those of Abraham and Rahab, in chs.
x. and xii.), is "from a strictly dogmatic point of view" his weakness.
But the weakness is more than a dogmatic one; it is one of religious
experience, as the source of spiritual insight. It is not merely that
"there is no _dogmatic system_ in Clement" or in any other of the
Apostolic Fathers; that may favour, not hinder, religious insight. There
is a want of depth in Christian experience, in the power of realizing
relative spiritual values in the light of the master principle involved
in the distinctively Christian consciousness, such as could raise
Clement above a verbal eclecticism, rather than comprehensiveness, in
the use of Apostolic language. As R.W. Dale remarks, in a note on
Reuss's too severe words (Eng. trans. ii. 295): "The vital force of the
Apostolic convictions gave to Apostolic thought a certain organic and
consistent form." It is lack of this organic quality in the thought, not
only of Clement but also of the Apostolic Fathers generally--with the
possible exception of Ignatius, who seems to share the Apostolic
experience more fully than any other, to which Reuss rightly directs
attention. In virtue of this defect, due largely to the failure to enter
into the Apostolic experience of mystic union with Christ, he can
rightly speak of "an immense retrogression" in theology visible "at the
end of the century, and in circles where it might have been least
expected" (ii. p. 294, cf. 541).

In fact the perspective of the Gospel was seriously changed and its most
distinctive features obscured. This was specially the case with the
experimental doctrines of grace. Here the central glory of the Cross as
"the power of God unto salvation" suffered some eclipse, although the
passion of Christ was felt to be a transcendent act of Divine Grace in
one way or another. But even more serious was the loss of an adequate
sense of the contrast between "grace" and "works" as conditions of
salvation. There was little or no sense of the danger of the _legal
principle_, as related to human egoism and the instinct to seek
salvation as a reward for merit. The passages in which these things are
laid bare by Paul's remorseless analysis of his own experience "under
Law" seem to have made practically no impression on the Apostolic
Fathers as a whole. Gentile Christians had not felt the fang of the Law
as the ex-Pharisee had occasion to feel it. Even if first trained in the
Hellenistic synagogues of the Dispersion, as was often the case, they
apprehended the Law on its more helpful and less exacting side, and had
not been brought "by the Law to die unto the Law," that they might "live
unto God." The result was too great a continuity between their religious
conceptions before and after embracing the Gospel. Thus the latter
seemed to them simply to bring forgiveness of past sins for Christ's
sake, and then an enhanced moral responsibility to the New Law revealed
in Him. Hence a new sort of legalism, known to recent writers as
Moralism, underlies much of the piety of the Apostolic Fathers, though
Ignatius is quite free from it, while Polycarp and "Barnabas" are less
under its influence than are the _Didache_, Clement, the Homilist and
Hermas. It conceives salvation as a "wages" ([Greek: osthos]) to be
earned or forfeited; and regards certain good works, such as prayer,
fasting, alms--especially the last--as efficacious to cancel sins. The
reality of this tendency, particularly at Rome, betrays itself in
Hermas, who teaches the supererogatory merit of alms gained by the
self-denial of fasting (_Sim_. v. 3. 3 ff.). Marcion's reaction, too,
against the Judaic temper in the Church as a whole, in the interests of
an extravagant Paulinism, while it suggests that Paul's doctrines of
grace generally were inadequately realized in the sub-apostolic age,
points also to the prevalence of such moralism in particular.

(C) In attempting a final estimate of the value of the Apostolic Fathers
for the historian to-day, we may sum up under these heads:
ecclesiastical, theological, religious. (a) As a mine of materials for
reconstructing the history of Church institutions, they are invaluable,
and that largely in virtue of their spontaneous and "esoteric"
character, with no view to the public generally or to posterity. (b)
Theologically, as a stage in the history of Christian doctrine, their
value is as great negatively as positively. Impressive as is their
witness to the persistence of the Apostolic teaching in its essential
features, amidst all personal and local variations, perhaps the most
striking thing about these writings is the degree in which they fail to
appreciate certain elements of the Apostolic teaching as embodied in the
New Testament, and those its higher and more distinctively Christian
elements.[3] This negative aspect has a twofold bearing. Firstly, it
suggests the supernormal level to which the Apostolic consciousness was
raised at a bound by the direct influence of the Founder of
Christianity, and justifies the marking-off of the Apostolic writings as
a Canon, or body of Christian classics of unique religious authority. To
this principle Marcion's Pauline Canon is a witness, though in too
one-sided a spirit. Secondly, it means that the actual development of
ecclesiastical doctrine began, not from the Apostolic consciousness
itself, but from a far lower level, that of the inadequate consciousness
of the sub-apostolic Church, even when face to face with their written
words. This theological "retrogression" is of much significance for the
history of dogma, (c) On the other hand, there is great religious and
moral continuity, beneath even theological discontinuity, in the life
working below all conscious apprehension of the deeper ideas involved
(E. von Dobschutz, _Christian Life in the Primitive Church_, 1905).
There is continuity in character; the Apostolic Fathers strike us as
truly good men, with a goodness raised to a new type and power. This is
what the Gospel of Christ aims chiefly at producing as its proper fruit;
and the Apostolic Fathers would have desired no better record than that
they were themselves genuine "epistles of Christ."

  LITERATURE.--This is too large to indicate even in outline, but is
  given fully in the chief modern editions, viz. of Gebhardt, Harnack
  and Zahn jointly (1875-1877), J.B. Lightfoot (1885-1890) and F.X. Funk
  (1901); also in O. Bardenhewer, _Gesch. der altkirchlichen Litteratur_
  (1902), Band i., and in _Neutestamentliche Apokryphen_, with
  _Handbuch_ thereto, edited by E. Hennecke (Tübingen, 1904). The
  fullest discussion in English of the teaching of Barnabas, Clement,
  Ignatius and Polycarp is by J. Donaldson, _The Apostolical Fathers_
  (1874), which, however, suffers from the imperfect state of the texts
  when he wrote. The most useful edition for ready reference, containing
  critical texts (up to date) and good translations, is Lightfoot's
  one-volume edition, _The Apostolic Fathers_ (London, 1891).
       (J. V. B.)


  [1] Cotelier included the Acts of Martyrdom of Clement, Ignatius and
    Polycarp; and those of Ignatius and Polycarp are still often printed
    by editors.

  [2] See G.A. Deissmann, _Bible Studies_, pp. 1-60, for this
    distinction between the genuine "letter" and the literary "epistle,"
    as applied to the New Testament in particular.

  [3] One result is their inability to form a true theory of Judaism
    and of the Old Testament in relation to the Gospel, a matter of great
    moment for them and for their successors.

APOSTOLICI, APOSTOLIC BRETHREN, or APOSTLES, the names given to various
Christian heretics, whose common doctrinal feature was an ascetic
rigidity of morals, which made them reject property and marriage. The
earliest Apostolici appeared in Phrygia, Cilicia, Pisidia and Pamphylia
towards the end of the 2nd century or the beginning of the 3rd.
According to the information given by Epiphanius (_Haer._ 61) about the
doctrines of these heretics, it is evident that they were connected with
the Encratites and the Tatianians. They condemned individual property,
hence the name sometimes given to them of _Apotactites_ or
_Renuntiatores_. They preserved an absolute chastity and abstained from
wine and meat. They refused to admit into their sect those Christians
whom the fear of martyrdom had once restored to paganism. As late as the
4th century St Basil (_Can_. i and 47) knew some Apostolici. After that
period they disappeared, either becoming completely extinct, or being
confounded with other sects (see St Augustine, _Haer._ 40; John of
Damascus, _Haer._ 61).

Failing a more exact designation, the name of Apostolici has been given
to certain groups of Latin heretics of the 12th century. It is the
second of the two sects of Cologne (the first being composed very
probably of Cathari) that is referred to in the letter addressed in 1146
by Everwin, provost of Steinfeld, to St Bernard (Mabillon, _Vet. Anal._
iii. 452). They condemned marriage (save, perhaps, first marriages), the
eating of meat, baptism of children, veneration of saints, fasting,
prayers for the dead and belief in purgatory, denied transubstantiation,
declared the Catholic priesthood worthless, and considered the whole
church of their time corrupted by the "negotia saecularia" which
absorbed all its zeal (of. St Bernard, _Serm._ 65 and 66 _in Cantic._).
They do not seem to have been known as Apostles or Apostolici: St
Bernard, in fact, asks his hearers: "Quo nomine istos titulove
censebis?" (_Serm. 66 in Cantic._). Under this designation, too, are
included the heretics of Perigueux in France, alluded to in the letter
of a certain monk Heribert (Mabillon, _Vet. Anal._ iii. 467). Heribert
says merely: "Se dicunt apostolicam vitam ducere." It is possible that
they were Henricians (see HENRY OF LAUSANNE). During his mission in the
south-east of France in 1146-1147 St Bernard still met disciples of
Henry of Lausanne in the environs of Périgueux. The heretics of whom
Heribert speaks condemned riches, denied the value of the sacraments and
of good works, ate no meat, drank no wine and rejected the veneration of
images. Their leader, named Pons, gathered round him nobles, priests,
monks and nuns.

In the second half of the 13th century appeared in Italy the _Order of
the Apostles_ or _Apostle Brethren_ (see especially the _Chron._ of Fra
Salimbene). This was a product of the mystic fermentation which
proceeded from exalted Franciscanism and from Joachimism (see FRATICELLI
and JOACHIM). It presents great analogies with groups of the same
character, e.g. Sachets, Bizocchi, Flagellants, &c. The order of the
Apostles was founded about 1260 by a young workman from the environs of
Parma, Gerard Segarelli, who had sought admission unsuccessfully to the
Franciscan order. To make his life conform to that of Christ, his
contemporaries say that he had himself circumcised, wrapped in swaddling
clothes and laid in a cradle, and that he then, clad in a white robe and
bare-footed, walked through the streets of Parma crying "Penitenz
agite!" ("Poenitentiam agite!"). He was soon followed by a throng of men
and women, peasants and mechanics. All had to live in absolute poverty,
chastity and idleness. They begged, and preached penitence. Opizo,
bishop of Parma, protected them until they caused trouble in his
diocese. Their diffusion into several countries of Christendom disturbed
Pope Honorius IV., who in 1286 ordered them to adhere to an already
recognized rule. On their refusal, the pope condemned them to banishment
and Opizo imprisoned Segarelli. The councils of Würzburg (1287) and
Chichester (1289) took measures against the Apostles of Germany and
England. But in 1291 the sect reappeared, sensibly increased, and Pope
Nicholas IV. published anew the bull of Honorius IV. From that day the
Apostles, regarded as rebels, were persecuted pitilessly. Four were
burned in 1294, and Segarelli, as a relapsed heretic, went to the stake
at Parma in 1300.

They had had close relations with the dissident Franciscans, but the
Spirituals often disavowed them, especially when the sect, which in
Segarelli's time had had no very precise doctrinal character, became
with Dolcino frankly heterodox. Dolcino of Novara was brought up at
Vercelli, and had been an Apostle since 1291. Thrice he fell into the
hands of the Inquisition, and thrice recanted. But immediately after
Segarelli's death he wrote an epistle, soon followed by a second, in
which he declared that the third Joachimite age began with Segarelli and
that Frederick of Sicily was the expected conqueror (_Hist. Dulcini_ and
_Addit. ad Hist. Dulcini_ in Muratori, _Scriptores_, vol. ix.). He gave
himself out as an angel sent from God to elucidate the prophecies. Soon
he founded an _Apostolic congregation_ at whose head he placed himself.
Under him were his four lieutenants, his "mystic sister," Margherita di
Franck, and 4000 disciples. He taught almost the same principles of
devotion as Segarelli, but the Messianic character which he attributed
to himself, the announcement of a communistic millennial kingdom, and,
besides, an aggressive anti-sacerdotalism, gave to Dolcino's sect a
clearly marked character, analogous only to the theocratic community of
the Anabaptists of Münster in the 16th century. On the 5th of June 1305
Pope Clement V., recognizing the impotence of the ordinary methods of
repression, issued bulls for preaching a crusade against the Dolcinists.
But four crusades, directed by the bishop of Vercelli, were required to
reduce the little army of the heresiarch, entrenched in the mountains in
the neighbourhood of Vercelli. Not till the 23rd of March 1307 were the
sectaries definitively overcome. The Catholic crusaders seized Dolcino
in his entrenchments on Mount Rubello, and the pope at once announced
the happy event to King Philip the Fair. At Vercelli Dolcino suffered a
horrible punishment. He was torn in pieces with red-hot pincers--the
torture lasting an entire day--while Margherita was burned at a slow
fire. Dante mentions Dolcino's name (_Inferno_, c. xxviii.), and his
memory is not yet completely effaced in the province of Novara. The
Apostles continued their propaganda in Italy, Languedoc, Spain and
Germany. In turn they were condemned by the councils of Cologne (1306),
Treves (1310) and Spoleto (1311). The inquisitor of Languedoc, Bernard
Gui, persecuted them unremittingly (see Gui's _Practica Inquisitionis_).
From 1316 to 1323 the condemnations of Apostles increased at Avignon and
Toulouse. They disappeared, however, at a comparatively late date from
those regions (council of Lavaur, 1368; council of Narbonne, 1374). In
Germany two Apostles were burned at Lübeck and Wismar at the beginning
of the 15th century (1402-1403) by the inquisitor Eylard.

Several controversialists, including Gotti, Krohn and Stockmann, have
mentioned among the innumerable sects that have sprung from Anabaptism a
group of individuals whose open-air preaching and rigorous practice of
poverty gained them the name of Apostolici. These must be carefully
distinguished from the _Apostoolians_, Mennonites of Frisia, who
followed the teachings of the pastor Samuel Apostool (1638-beginning of
18th century). In the Mennonite church they represent the rigid,
conservative party, as opposed to the Galenists, who inclined towards
the Arminian latitudinarianism and admitted into their community all
those who led a virtuous life, whatever their doctrinal tendencies.
     (P. A.)

APOSTOLIC MAJESTY, a title borne by the kings of Hungary. About A.D.
1000 it was conferred by Pope Silvester II. upon St Stephen (975-1038),
the first Christian king of Hungary, in return for his zeal in seeking
the conversion of the heathen. It was renewed by Pope Clement XIII. in
1758 in favour of the empress Maria Theresa and her descendants. The
emperor of Austria bears the title of apostolic king of Hungary.

APOSTOLIUS, MICHAEL (d. c. 1480), a Greek theologian and rhetorician of
the 15th century. When, in 1453, the Turks conquered Constantinople, his
native city, he fled to Italy, and there obtained the protection of
Cardinal Bessarion. But engaging in the great dispute that then raged
between the upholders of Aristotle and Plato, his zeal for the latter
led him to speak so contemptuously of the more popular philosopher and
of his defender, Theodorus Gaza, that he fell under the severe
displeasure of his patron. He afterwards retired to Crete, where he
earned a scanty living by teaching and by copying manuscripts. Many of
his copies are still to be found in the libraries of Europe. One of
them, the _Icones_ of Philostratus at Bologna, bears the inscription:
"The king of the poor of this world has written this book for his
living." Apostolius died about 1480, leaving two sons, Aristobulus
Apostolius and Arsenius. The latter became bishop of Malvasia
(Monemvasia) in the Morea.

  Of his numerous works a few have been printed: [Greek: Paroimiai]
  (Basel, 1538), now exceedingly rare; a collection of proverbs in
  Greek, of which a fuller edition appeared at Leiden, "Curante
  Heinsio," in 1619; "Oratio Panegyrica ad Fredericum III." in Freher's
  _Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum_, vol. ii. (Frankfort, 1624); Georgii
  Gemisthi Plethonis et Mich. Apostolii _Orationes funebres duae in
  quibus de Immortalitate Animae exponitur_ (Leipzig, 1793); and a work
  against the Latin Church and the council of Florence in Le Moine's
  _Varia Sacra_.

APOSTROPHE (Gr. [Greek: apostrophe], turning away; the final e being
sounded), the name given to an exclamatory rhetorical figure of speech,
when a speaker or writer breaks off and addresses some one directly in
the vocative. The same word (representing, through the French, the Greek
[Greek: apostrophos prosudia], the accent of elision) means also the
sign (') for the omission of a letter or letters, e.g. in "don't." In
physiology, "apostrophe" is used more precisely in connexion with its
literal meaning of "turning away," e.g. for movement away from the
light, in the case of the accumulation of chlorophyll-corpuscles on the
cells of leaves.

APOTACTITES, or APOTACTICI (from Gr. [Greek: apotaktos], set apart), a
sect of early Christians, who renounced all their worldly possessions.
(See APOSTOLICI _ad init._)

APOTHECARY (from the Lat. _apothecarius_, a keeper of an _apotheca_, Gr.
[Greek: apotheke], a store), a word used by Galen to denote the
repository where his medicines were kept, now obsolete in its original
sense. An apothecary was one who prepared, sold and prescribed drugs,
but the preparing and selling of drugs prescribed by others has now
passed into the hands of duly qualified and authorized persons termed
"chemists and druggists," while the apothecary, by modern legislation,
has become a general medical practitioner, and the word itself, when
used at all, is applied, more particularly in the United States and in
Scotland, to those who in England are called "pharmaceutical chemists."
The Apothecaries' Society of London is one of the corporations of that
city, and both by royal charters and acts of parliament exercises the
power of granting licences to practise medicine. The members of this
society do not possess and never have possessed any exclusive power to
deal in or sell drugs; and until 1868 any person whatever might open
what is called a chemist's shop, and deal in drugs and poisons. In that
year, however, the Pharmacy Act was passed, which prohibits any person
from engaging in this business without being registered.

From early records we learn that the different branches of the medical
profession were not regularly distinguished till the reign of Henry
VIII., when separate duties were assigned to them, and peculiar
privileges were granted to each. In 1518 the physicians of London were
incorporated, and the barber-surgeons in 1540. But, independently of the
physicians and the surgeons, there were a great number of irregular
practitioners, who were more or less molested by their legitimate
rivals, and it became necessary to pass an act in 1543 for their
protection and toleration. As many of these practitioners kept shops for
the sale of medicines, the term "apothecary" was used to designate their

In April 1606 James I. incorporated the apothecaries as one of the city
companies, uniting them with the grocers. On their charter being renewed
in 1617 they were formed into a separate corporation, under the title of
the "Apothecaries of the City of London." These apothecaries appear to
have prescribed medicines in addition to dispensing them, and to have
claimed an ancient right of acting in this double capacity; and it may
be mentioned that Henry VIII., after the grant of the charter to the
College of Physicians, appointed an apothecary to the Princess Mary, who
was delicate and unhealthy, at a salary of 40 marks a year, "_pro
meliore cura, et consideratione sanitatis suae_." During the 17th
century, however, there arose a warm contest between the physicians and
the apothecaries,--the former accusing the latter of usurping their
province, and the latter continuing and justifying the usurpation until
the dispute was finally set at rest by a judgment of the House of Lords
in 1703 (_Rose v. College of Physicians_, 5 Bro. P. C. 553), when it was
decided that the duty of the apothecary consisted not only in
compounding and dispensing, but also in directing and ordering the
remedies employed in the treatment of disease. In 1722 an act was
obtained empowering the Apothecaries' Company to visit the shops of all
apothecaries practising in London, and to destroy such drugs as they
found unfit for use. In 1748 great additional powers were given to the
company by an act authorizing them to appoint a board of ten examiners,
without whose licence no person should be allowed to dispense medicines
in London, or within a circuit of 7 m. round it. In 1815, however, an
act of parliament was passed which gave the Apothecaries' Society a new
position, empowering a board, consisting of twelve of their members, to
examine and license all apothecaries throughout England and Wales. It
also enacted that, from the 1st of August of that year, no persons
except those who were so licensed should have the right to act as
apothecaries, and it gave the society the power of prosecuting those who
practised without such licence. But the act expressly exempted from
prosecution all persons who were then in actual practice, and it
distinctly excluded from its operation all persons pursuing the calling
of chemists and druggists. It was also provided that the act should in
no way interfere with the rights or privileges of the English
universities, or of the English College of Surgeons or the College of
Physicians; and indeed a clause imposed severe penalties on any
apothecaries who should refuse to compound and dispense medicines on the
order of a physician, legally qualified to act as such. It is therefore
clear that the act contemplated the creation of a class of practitioners
who, while having the right to practise medicine, should assist and
co-operate with the physicians and surgeons.

Before this act came into operation the education of the medical
practitioners of England and Wales was entirely optional on their own
part, and although many of them possessed degrees or licences from the
universities or colleges, the greater number possessed no such
qualification, and many of them were wholly illiterate and uneducated.
The court of examiners of the Apothecaries' Society, being empowered to
enforce the acquisition of a sufficient medical education upon its
future licentiates, specified from time to time the courses of lectures
or terms of hospital practice to be attended by medical students before
their examination, and in the progress of years regular schools of
medicine were organized throughout England.

As it was found that, notwithstanding the stringent regulations as to
medical acquirements, the candidates were in many instances deficient in
preliminary education, the court of examiners instituted, about the year
1850, a preliminary examination in arts as a necessary and indispensable
prerequisite to the medical curriculum, and this provision has been so
expanded that, at the present day, all medical students in the United
Kingdom are compelled to pass a preliminary examination in arts, unless
they hold a university degree. An act of parliament, passed in 1858, and
known as the Medical Act, made very little alteration in the powers
exercised by the Apothecaries' Society, and indeed it confirmed and in
some degree amplified them, for whereas by the act of 1815, the
licentiates of the society were authorized to practise as such only in
England and Wales, the new measure gave them the same right in Scotland
and Ireland. The Medical Act 1886 extended the qualifications necessary
for registration under the medical acts, by making it necessary to pass
a qualifying examination in medicine, surgery and midwifery. (See

An act, passed in 1874, related exclusively to the Apothecaries'
Society, and is termed the Apothecaries' Act Amendment Act. By this
measure some provisions of the act of 1815, which had become obsolete or
unsuitable, were repealed, and powers were given to the society to unite
or co-operate with other medical licensing bodies in granting licences
to practise. The act of 1815 had made it compulsory on all candidates
for a licence to have served an apprenticeship of five years to an
apothecary, and although by the interpretation of the court of examiners
of the society this term really included the whole period of medical
study, yet the regulation was felt as a grievance by many members of the
medical profession. It was accordingly repealed, and no apprenticeship
is now necessary. The restriction of the choice of examiners to the
members of the society was also repealed, and the society was given the
power (which it did not before possess) to strike off from the list of
its licentiates the names of disreputable persons. The act of 1874 also
specified that the society was not deprived of any right or obligation
they may have to admit women to examination, and to enter their names on
the list of licentiates if they acquit themselves satisfactorily.

The Apothecaries' Society is governed by a master, two wardens and
twenty-two assistants. The members are divided into THREE grades,
yeomanry or freemen, the livery, and the court. Women are not, however,
admitted to the freedom. The hall of the society, situated in Water
Lane, London, and covering about three-quarters of an acre, was acquired
in 1633. It was destroyed by the great fire, but was rebuilt about ten
years later and enlarged in 1786. This is the only property possessed by
the society. In 1673, the society established a botanic and physic
garden at Chelsea, and in 1722 Sir Hans Sloane, who had become the
ground owner, gave it to the society on the condition of presenting
annually to the Royal Society fifty dried specimens of plants till the
number should reach 2000. This condition was fulfilled in 1774. Owing to
the heavy cost of maintenance and other reasons, the "physic garden" was
handed over in 1902, with the consent of the Charity Commissioners, to a
committee of management, to be maintained in the interests of botanical
study and research.

  See C.R.B. Barrett, _The History of the Society of Apothecaries of
  London_ (1905).

APOTHEOSIS (Gr. [Greek: apotheoûn], to make a god, to deify), literally
deification. The term properly implies a clear polytheistic conception
of gods in contrast with men, while it recognizes that some men cross
the dividing line. It is characteristic of polytheism to blur that line
in several ways. Thus the ancient Greek religion was especially disposed
to belief in heroes and demigods. Founders of cities, and even of
colonies, received worship; the former are, generally speaking, mythical
personages and, in strictness, heroes. But the worship after death of
historical persons, such as Lycurgus, or worship of the living as true
deities, e.g. Lysander and Philip II. of Macedon, occurred sporadically
even before Alexander's conquests brought Greek life into contact with
oriental traditions. It was inevitable, too, that ancient monarchies
should enlist polytheistic conceptions of divine or half-divine men in
support of the dynasties; "_Seu deos regesve canit deorum Sanguinem_,"
Horace (_Odes_, iv. 2, 11. 12, 13) writes of Pindar; though the
reference is to myths, yet the phrase is significant. In the East all
such traits are exaggerated, a result perhaps rather of the statecraft
than of the religions of Egypt and Persia. Whatever part vanity or the
flattery of courtiers may have played with others, or with Alexander, it
is significant that the dynasties of Alexander's various successors all
claim divine honours of some sort (see PTOLEMIES, SELEUCID DYNASTY,
&c.). Theocritus (_Idyll_ 17) hails Ptolemy Philadelphus as a demigod,
and speaks of his father as seated among the gods along with Alexander.
Ancestor worship, or reverence for the dead, was a third factor. It may
work even in Cicero's determination that his daughter should enjoy
"[Greek: apothéôsis]"--as he writes to Atticus--or receive the "honour"
of _consecratia_ (fragment of his _De Consolatione_). Lastly, we need
not speak of mere sycophancy. Yet it was common; Verres was worshipped
before he was impeached!

The Romans had, up to the end of the Republic, accepted only one
official apotheosis; the god Quirinus, whatever his original meaning,
having been identified with Romulus. But the emperor Augustus carried on
the tradition of ancient statecraft by having Julius Caesar recognized
as a god (_divus Julius_), the first of a new class of deities proper
(_divi_). The tradition was steadily followed and was extended to some
ladies of the imperial family and even to imperial favourites. Worship
of an emperor during his lifetime, except as the worship of his
_genius_, was, save in the cases of Caligula and Domitian, confined to
the provinces. Apotheosis after his death, being in the hands of the
senate, did not at once cease, even when Christianity was officially
adopted. The Latin term is _consecratio_, which of course has a variety
of senses, including simple burial. (Inscription in G. Boissier, _La
Religion romaine_; Renier, _Inscriptions d'Algiers_, 2510.) The Greek
term Apotheosis, probably a coinage of the Hellenistic epoch, becomes
more nearly technical for the deification of dead emperors. But it is
still used simply for the erection of tombs (clearly so in some Greek
inscriptions, _Corpus Inscript. Graec._ 2831, 2832, quoted in
Pauly-Wissowa, _s.v. Apotheosis_). Possibly there is a trace of ancestor
worship even here; but the two usages have diverged. The squib of the
philosopher Seneca on the memory of Claudius (d. A.D. 54),
_Apocolocyntosis_ ("pumpkinification"), is evidence that, as early as
Seneca's lifetime, apotheosis was in use for the recognition of a
departed emperor as a god. It also indicates how much contempt might be
associated with this pretended worship. The people, says Suetonius
(_Jul. Caes._ c. 88), fully believed in the divinity of Julius Caesar,
hinting at the same time that this was by no means the case with the
majority of the apotheoses subsequently decreed by the senate. Yet we
learn from Capitolinus that Marcus Aurelius was still worshipped as a
household divinity in the time of Diocletian, and was believed to impart
revelations in dreams (Vit. M. Ant. c. 18). Antinous, the favourite of
Hadrian, was adored in Egypt a century after his death (Origen, _Contra
Celsum_, iii. 36), though, according to Boissier, his worship never had
official sanction. The ceremonies attendant on an imperial apotheosis
are very fully described by Herodianus (bk. iv. c. 2) on occasion of the
obsequies of Severus, which he appears to have witnessed. The most
significant was the liberation, at the moment of kindling the funeral
pyre, of an eagle which was supposed to bear the emperor's soul to
heaven. Sharp-sighted persons had actually beheld the ascension of
Augustus (Suet. _August_, c. 100), and of Drusilla, sister of Caligula.
Representations of apotheoses occur on several works of art; the most
important are the apotheosis of Homer on a relief in the Townley
collection of the British Museum, that of Titus on the arch of Titus,
and that of Augustus on a magnificent cameo in the Louvre.

In China at the present day many Taoist gods are (or are given out as)
men deified for service to the state. This again may be statecraft. In
India, the (still unexplained) rise of the doctrine of transmigration
hindered belief. Apotheosis can mean nothing to those who hold that a
man may be reborn as a god, but still needs redemption, and that men on
earth may win redemption, if they are brave enough. Curiously, Buddhism
itself is ruled by the ghost or shadowy remainder of belief in

Apotheosis may also be used in wider senses. (a) Some (e.g. Herbert
Spencer) hold that most gods are deified men, and most myths historical
traditions which have been grotesquely distorted. This theory is known
as Euhemerism (see EUHEMERUS). It is needless to say that the attitude
of those holding the Euhemerist theory is at the farthest pole from
belief in apotheosis. According to the latter, some men may become gods.
According to the former, all gods are but men; or, some men have been
erroneously supposed to become gods. The Euhemerist theory mainly
appeals to ancestor worship--a fact of undoubted importance in the
history of religion, especially in China and in ancient Rome. In India,
too, a dead person treated with funeral honours becomes a guardian
spirit--if neglected, a tormenting demon. But whether the great gods of
polytheism were really transfigured ancestors is very doubtful. (b)
Again, there is a tendency to offer something like worship to the
founders of religions. Thus more than human honour is paid to Zoroaster
and Buddha and even to the founders of systems not strictly religious,
e.g. to Confucius and Auguste Comte. It is noticeable that this kind of
worship is not accorded in rigidly monotheistic systems, e.g. to Moses
and Mahomet. Nor is it accurate to speak of apotheosis in cases where
the founder is in his lifetime regarded as the incarnation of a god (cf.
Ali among Shi'ite Mahommedans; the Bab in Babism; the Druse Hakim). Most
Christians on this ground repudiate the application of the term to the
worship of Jesus Christ. Curiously, _Apotheosis_ is used by the Latin
Christian poet, Prudentius (c. 400), as the title of a poem defending
orthodox views on the person of Christ and other points of doctrine--the
affectation of a decadent age. (c) The worship paid to Saints, in those
Christian churches which admit it, is formally distinguished as _dulia_
([Greek: douleia]) from true worship or _latria_ ([Greek: latreia]).
Even the Virgin Mary, though she is styled Mother of God and Queen of
Heaven, receives only _dulia_ or at most _hyperdulia_.
     (R. G.; R. Ma.)

APPALACHIAN MOUNTAINS, the general name given to a vast system of
elevations in North America, partly in Canada, but mostly in the United
States, extending as a zone, from 100 to 300 m. wide, from Newfoundland,
Gaspé Peninsula and New Brunswick, 1500 m. south-westward to central
Alabama. The whole system may be divided into three great sections: the
_Northern_, from Newfoundland to the Hudson river; the _Central_, from
the Hudson Valley to that of New river (Great Kanawha), in Virginia and
West Virginia; and the _Southern_, from New river onwards. The northern
section includes the Shickshock Mountains and Notre Dame Range in
Quebec, scattered elevations in Maine, the White Mountains and the Green
Mountains; the central comprises, besides various minor groups, the
Valley Ridges between the Front of the Allegheny Plateau and the Great
Appalachian Valley, the New York-New Jersey Highlands and a large
portion of the Blue Ridge; and the southern consists of the prolongation
of the Blue Ridge, the Unaka Range, and the Valley Ridges adjoining the
Cumberland Plateau, with some lesser ranges.

_The Chief Summits._--The Appalachian belt includes, with the ranges
enumerated above, the plateaus sloping southward to the Atlantic Ocean
in New England, and south-eastward to the border of the coastal plain
through the central and southern Atlantic states; and on the north-west,
the Allegheny and Cumberland plateaus declining toward the Great Lakes
and the interior plains. A remarkable feature of the belt is the
longitudinal chain of broad valleys--the Great Appalachian
Valley--which, in the southerly sections divides the mountain system
into two subequal portions, but in the northernmost lies west of all the
ranges possessing typical Appalachian features, and separates them from
the Adirondack group. The mountain system has no axis of dominating
altitudes, but in every portion the summits rise to rather uniform
heights, and, especially in the central section, the various ridges and
intermontane valleys have the same trend as the system itself. None of
the summits reaches the region of perpetual snow. Mountains of the Long
Range in Newfoundland reach heights of nearly 2000 ft. In the
Shickshocks the higher summits rise to about 4000 ft. elevation. In
Maine four peaks exceed 3000 ft., including Katahdin (5200 ft.), Mount
Washington, in the White Mountains (6293 ft.), Adams (5805), Jefferson
(5725), Clay (5554), Monroe (5390), Madison (5380), Lafayette (5269);
and a number of summits rise above 4000 ft. In the Green Mountains the
highest point, Mansfield, is 4364 ft.; Lincoln (4078), Killington
(4241), Camel Hump (4088); and a number of other heights exceed 3000 ft.
The Catskills are not properly included in the system. The Blue Ridge,
rising in southern Pennsylvania and there known as South Mountain,
attains in that state elevations of about 2000 ft.; southward to the
Potomac its altitudes diminish, but 30 m. beyond again reach 2000 ft. In
the Virginia Blue Ridge the following are the highest peaks east of New
river: Mount Weather (about 1850 ft.), Mary's Rock (3523), Peaks of
Otter (4001 and 3875), Stony Man (4031), Hawks Bill (4066). In
Pennsylvania the summits of the Valley Ridges rise generally to about
2000 ft., and in Maryland Eagle Rock and Dans Rock are conspicuous
points reaching 3162 ft. and 2882 ft. above the sea. On the same side of
the Great Valley, south of the Potomac, are the Pinnacle (3007 ft.) and
Pidgeon Roost (3400 ft.). In the southern section of the Blue Ridge are
Grandfather Mountain (5964 ft.), with three other summits above 5000,
and a dozen more above 4000. The Unaka Ranges (including the Black and
Smoky Mountains) have eighteen peaks higher than 5000 ft., and eight
surpassing 6000 ft. In the Black Mountains, Mitchell (the culminating
point of the whole system) attains an altitude of 6711 ft., Balsam Cone,
6645, Black Brothers, 6690, and 6620, and Hallback, 6403. In the Smoky
Mountains we have Clingman's Peak (6611), Guyot (6636), Alexander
(6447), Leconte (6612), Curtis (6588), with several others above 6000
and many higher than 5000.

In spite of the existence of the Great Appalachian Valley, the master
streams are transverse to the axis of the system. The main watershed
follows a tortuous course which crosses the mountainous belt just north
of New river in Virginia; south of this the rivers head in the Blue
Ridge, cross the higher Unakas, receive important tributaries from the
Great Valley, and traversing the Cumberland Plateau in spreading gorges,
escape by way of the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers to the Ohio and
Mississippi, and thus to the Gulf of Mexico; in the central section the
rivers, rising in or beyond the Valley Ridges, flow through great
gorges (water gaps) to the Great Valley, and by south-easterly courses
across the Blue Ridge to tidal estuaries penetrating the coastal plain;
in the northern section the water-parting lies on the inland side of the
mountainous belt, the main lines of drainage running from north to

_Geology._--The rocks of the Appalachian belt fall naturally into two
divisions; ancient (pre-Cambrian) crystallines, including marbles,
schists, gneisses, granites and other massive igneous rocks, and a great
succession of Paleozoic sediments. The crystallines are confined to the
portion of the belt east of the Great Valley where Paleozoic rocks are
always highly metamorphosed and occur for the most part in limited
patches, excepting in New England and Canada, where they assume greater
areal importance, and are besides very generally intruded by granites.
The Paleozoic sediments, ranging in age from Cambrian to Permian, occupy
the Great Valley, the Valley Ridges and the plateaus still farther west.
They are rarely metamorphosed to the point of recrystallization, though
locally shales are altered to roofing slates, sandstones are indurated,
limestones slightly marblized, and coals, originally bituminous, are
changed to anthracite in northern Pennsylvania, and to graphite in Rhode
Island. Igneous intrusions consist only of unimportant dikes of trap.
The most striking and uniformly characteristic geologic feature of the
mountains is their internal structure, consisting of innumerable
parallel, long and narrow folds, always closely appressed in the eastern
part of any cross-section (Piedmont Plateau to Great Valley), less so
along a central zone (Great Valley and Valley Ridges), and increasingly
open on the west (Allegheny and Cumberland Plateaus). Asymmetry of the
folds is a marked characteristic in the zones of closer folding, the
anticlines having long gently inclined easterly limbs, and short, steep
and even overturned limbs upon the west. The effect of such folds is
often exaggerated by thrusts, and faulting of this sort is prominent in
the southern section, where the existence of over-thrusts measured by
several miles has been established.

What may be termed the ancestral Appalachian system was formed during
the post-carboniferous revolution, though certain of its elements had
been previously outlined, and perhaps at different dates. Folding of the
rocks resulted from the operation of great compressive forces acting
tangentially to the figure of the earth. Extensive and deep-seated
crumpling was necessarily accompanied by vertical uplift throughout the
zone affected, but once at least since their birth the mountains have
been worn down to a lowland, and the mountains of to-day are the
combined product of subsequent uplift of a different sort, and
dissection by erosion. Produced by long-continued subaerial decay and
erosion, in later Cretaceous times this lowland extended from the
Atlantic Ocean well toward the interior of North America; since then the
whole continent has been generally elevated, and by successive steps the
Appalachian belt has been raised to form a wide but relatively low arch.
The crosswise courses of the greater rivers result from the rivers being
older than the mountains, which indeed have been produced by
circumdenudation. The master streams of the present have inherited their
channels from the drainage systems of the Cretaceous lowland, and though
raised athwart the courses of the lowland trunk streams the great arch
was developed so slowly that these channels could be maintained through
_pari passu_ deepening. Former tributaries have given place to others
developed with reference to the distribution of more or less easily
eroded strata, the present longitudinal valleys being determined by the
out-crop of soft shales or soluble limestones, and the parallel ridges
upheld by hard sandstones or schists. Parallelism of mountain ridges and
intervening valleys is thus attributable to the folding of the rocks,
but the origin of the interior structure of the mountains is to be kept
distinct from the origin of the mountains as features of topography.

_Flora and Fauna._--Much of the region is covered with forest yielding
quantities of valuable timber, especially in Canada and northern New
England. The most valuable trees for lumber are spruce, white pine,
hemlock, cedar, white birch, ash, maple and basswood; all excepting pine
and hemlock and poplar in addition are ground into wood pulp for the
manufacture of paper. In the central and southern parts of the belt oak
and hickory constitute valuable hard woods, and certain varieties of the
former furnish quantities of tan bark. The tulip tree produces a good
clear lumber known as white wood or poplar, and is also a source of
pulp. In the south both white and yellow pine abounds. Many flowering
and fruit-bearing shrubs of the heath family add to the beauty of the
mountainous districts, rhododendron and kalmia often forming
impenetrable thickets. Bears, mountain lions (pumas), wild cats (lynx)
and wolves haunt the more remote fastnesses of the mountains; foxes
abound; deer are found in many districts and moose in the north.

_Influence on History._--For a century the Appalachians were a barrier
to the westward expansion of the English colonies; the continuity of the
system, the bewildering multiplicity of its succeeding ridges, the
tortuous courses and roughness of its transverse passes, a heavy forest
and dense undergrowth all conspired to hold the settlers on the
seaward-sloping plateaus and coastal plains. Only by way of the Hudson
and Mohawk valleys, and round about the southern termination of the
system were there easy routes to the interior of the country, and these
were long closed by hostile aborigines and jealous French or Spanish
colonists. In eastern Pennsylvania the Great Valley was accessible by
reason of a broad gateway between the end of South Mountain and the
Highlands, and here in the Lebanon Valley settled German Moravians,
whose descendants even now retain the peculiar patois known as
"Pennsylvania Dutch." These were late comers to the New World forced to
the frontier to find unclaimed lands. With their followers of both
German and Scotch-Irish origin, they worked their way southward and soon
occupied all of the Virginia Valley and the upper reaches of the Great
Valley tributaries of the Tennessee. By 1755 the obstacle to westward
expansion had been thus reduced by half; outposts of the English
colonists had penetrated the Allegheny and Cumberland plateaus,
threatening French monopoly in the transmontane region, and a conflict
became inevitable. Making common cause against the French to determine
the control of the Ohio valley, the unsuspected strength of the
colonists was revealed, and the successful ending of the French and
Indian War extended England's territory to the Mississippi. To this
strength the geographic isolation enforced by the Appalachian mountains
had been a prime contributor. The confinement of the colonies between an
ocean and a mountain wall led to the fullest occupation of the coastal
border of the continent, which was possible under existing conditions of
agriculture, conducing to a community of purpose, a political and
commercial solidarity, which would not otherwise have been developed. As
early as 1700 it was possible to ride from Portland, Maine, to southern
Virginia, sleeping each night at some considerable village. In contrast
to this complete industrial occupation, the French territory was held by
a small and very scattered population, its extent and openness adding
materially to the difficulties of a disputed tenure. Bearing the brunt
of this contest as they did, the colonies were undergoing preparation
for the subsequent struggle with the home government. Unsupported by
shipping, the American armies fought toward the sea with the mountains
at their back protecting them against Indians leagued with the British.
The few settlements beyond the Great Valley were free for self-defence
because debarred from general participation in the conflict by reason of
their position.

  See the separate articles on the states, and also the following
  references:--Topographic maps and Geologic Folios of the United States
  Geological Survey; Bailey Willis, "The Northern Appalachians," and
  C.W. Hayes, "The Southern Appalachians," both in _National Geographic
  Monographs_, vol. i.; and chaps, iii., iv. and v. of Miss E.C.
  Semple's _American History and its Geographic Conditions_ (Boston,
  1903).     (A. C. Sp.)

APPANAGE, or APANAGE (a French word from the late Lat. _apanagium_,
formed from _apanare, i.e. panem porrigere_, to give bread, i.e.
sustenance), in its original sense, the means of subsistence given by
parents to their younger children as distinct from the rights secured
to the eldest born by the custom of primogeniture. In its modern usage
it is practically confined to the money endowment given to the younger
children of reigning or mediatized houses in Germany and Austria, which
reverts to the state or to the head of the family on the extinction of
the line of the original grantee. In English history the system of
appanages never played any great part, and the term is now properly
applied only to the appanages of the crown: the duchy of Cornwall,
assigned to the king's eldest son at birth, or on his father's accession
to the crown, and the duchy of Lancaster. In the history of France,
however, the appanage was a very important factor. The word denotes in
very early French law the portion of lands or money given by fathers and
mothers to their sons or daughters on marriage, and usually connotes a
renunciation by the latter of any future inheritance; or it may denote
the portion given by the eldest son to his brothers and sisters when he
was sole inheritor. The word _apanage_ is still employed in this sense
in French official texts of some _Customs_; but it was in old public law
that it received its definite meaning and importance. Under the kings of
the third dynasty, the division of the kingdom among the sons of the
dead monarch which had characterized the Merovingian and Carolingian
dynasties, ceased. The eldest son alone succeeded to the crown; but at
the same time a custom was established by which the king made
territorial provision suitable to their rank for his other children or
for his brothers and sisters; custom forbade their being left landless.
Lands and lordships thus bestowed constituted the appanages, which
interfered so greatly with the formation of ancient France. While the
persevering policy of the Capets, which aimed at reuniting the great
fiefs, duchies, countships, baronies, &c., to the domain of the crown,
gradually reconstructed for their benefit a territorial sovereignty over
France, the institution of the appanage periodically subtracted large
portions from it. Louis XI., in particular, had to struggle against the
appanaged nobles. The old law, however, never abolished this
institution. The edict of Moulins (1566) maintained it, as one of the
exceptions to the inalienability of the crown-lands; only it was then
decided that daughters of France should be appanaged in money, or that
if, in default of coin, lands were assigned to them, these lands should
be redeemable by the crown in perpetuity. The efforts of the kings to
minimize this evil, and of the old jurisprudence to deal with the
matter, resulted in two expedients: (1) the reversion of the appanage to
the crown was secured as far as possible, being declared inalienable and
transmissible only to male descendants in the male line of the person
appanaged; (2) originally the person appanaged had possessed all the
rights of a duke or count--that is to say, in the middle ages nearly all
the attributes of sovereignty; the more important of these attributes
were now gradually reserved to the monarch, including public authority
over the inhabitants of the appanage in all essential matters. However,
it is evident from the letters of appanage, dated April 1771, in favour
of the count of Provence, how many functions of public authority an
appanaged person still held. The Constituent Assembly, by the law dated
the 22nd of November 1790, decided that in future there should be no
appanages in real estate, and that younger sons of monarchs, married and
over twenty-five years of age, should be provided for by yearly grants
(_rentes apanagères_) from the public funds. The laws of the 13th of
August and the 21st of December 1790 revoked all the existing appanages,
except those of the Luxembourg Palace and the Palais Royal. To each
person hitherto appanaged an annual income of one million _livres_ was
assigned, and two millions for the brothers of the king. All this came
to an end with the monarchy. Napoleon, by the _sénatus-consulte_ of the
30th of January 1810, resolved to create appanages for the emperor's
princely descendants, such appanages to consist for the most part of
lands on French soil. The fall of the empire again annulled this
enactment. The last appanage known in France was that enjoyed by the
house of Orleans. Having been re-established, or recognized as still
existing, by the Restoration, it was formally confirmed by the law of
the 15th of January 1825. On the accession of Louis Philippe it was
united to the national property by the law of the 2nd of March 1832.

  For appanages in ancient law see the _Essai sur les apanages ou
  mémoires historiques de leur établissement_, attributed to Du Vaucel,
  about 1780.     (J. P. E.)

APPAREL (from O. Fr. _aparail_, _aparailler_, mod. _appareil_, from Low
Lat. _adpariculare_, to make fit or equal), equipment, outfit, things
furnished for the proper performance of anything, now chiefly used of
dress. The word is also applied to the "orphreys," i.e. embroidered
strips or borders, on ecclesiastical vestments.

APPARITIONS. An apparition, strictly speaking, is merely an appearance
(Lat. _apparere_, to appear), the result of perception exercised on any
stimulus of any of the senses. But in ordinary usage the word apparition
denotes a perception (generally through the sense of sight) which
cannot, as a rule, be shown to be occasioned by an object in external
nature. We say "as a rule" because many so-called apparitions are merely
illusions, i.e. misconstructions of the perceptive processes, as when a
person in a bad light sees a number of small children leading a horse,
and finds, on nearer approach, that he sees two men carrying bee-hives
suspended from a pole. Again, Sir Walter Scott's vision of Byron, then
lately dead, proved to be a misconstruction of certain plaids and cloaks
hanging in the hall at Abbotsford, or so Sir Walter declared. Had he not
discovered the physical basis of this illusion (which, while it lasted,
was an apparition, technically speaking), he and others might have
thought that it was an apparition in the popular sense of the word, a
ghost. In popular phraseology a ghost is understood to be a phantasm
produced in some way by the spirit of a dead person, the impression
being usually visual, though the ghost, or apparition, may also affect
the sense of hearing (by words, knocks, whistles, groans and so forth),
or the sense of touch, or of weight, as in the case of the "incubus." In
ordinary speech an apparition of a person not known to the percipient to
be dead is called a wraith, in the Highland phrase, a spirit of the
living. The terms _ghost_ and _wraith_ involve the hypothesis that the
false perceptions are caused by spirits, a survival of the archaic
animistic hypothesis (see ANIMISM), an hypothesis as difficult to prove
as to disprove. Apparitions, of course, are not confined to
anthropomorphic phantasms; we hear of phantom coaches (sometimes seen,
but more frequently heard), of phantom dogs, cats, horses, cattle, deer,
and even of phantom houses.

Whatever may be the causes of these and other false perceptions,--most
curious when the impression is shared by several witnesses,--they may
best be considered under the head of hallucination (q.v.).
Hallucinations may be pathological, i.e. the result of morbid conditions
of brain or nerve, of disease, of fever, of insanity, of alcoholism, of
the abuse of drugs. Again, they may be the result of dissociation, or
may occur in the borderland of sleep or waking, and in this case they
partake of the hallucinatory nature of dreams (q.v.). Again,
hallucinations may, once or twice in a lifetime, come into the
experience of the sane, the healthy, and, as far as any tests can be
applied, of the wide-awake. In such instances the apparition (whether it
take the form of a visual phantasm, of a recognized voice, of a touch,
or what not) may be coincidental or non-coincidental. The phantasm is
called coincidental if it represents a known and distant person who is
later found to have been dying or in some other crisis at the moment of
the percipient's experience. When the false perception coincides with
nothing of the sort, it is styled non-coincidental. Coincidental
apparitions have been explained by the theory of telepathy (q.v.), one
mind or brain impressing another in some unknown way so as to beget an
hallucinatory apparition or phantasm. On the evidence, so far as it has
been collected and analysed, it seems that the mind which, on the
hypothesis, begets the hallucinations, usually does so without
_conscious_ effort (see SUBLIMINAL SELF). There are, however, a few
cases in which the experiment of begetting, in another, an hallucination
from a distance, is said to have been experimentally and consciously
made, with success.

If the telepathic theory of coincidental hallucinations be accepted, we
have still to account for the much more common non-coincidental
apparitions of the living who do not happen to be in any particular
crisis. In these instances it cannot be demonstrated that telepathy has
_not_ been at work, as when a person is seen at a place which he thought
of visiting, but did not visit. F.W. Myers even upheld a theory of
psychorhagy, holding that the spirits of some persons have a way of
manifesting themselves at a distance by a psychic invasion. This
involves, as he remarked, paleolithic psychology, and the old savage
doctrine of animism, rather than telepathy (see Myers, _Human
Personality_). Of belief in coincidental hallucinations or wraiths among
savages, records are scanty; the belief, however, is found among Maoris
and Fuegians (see Lang, _Making of Religions_). The perception of
apparitions of distant but actual scenes and occurrences is usually
called clairvoyance (q.v.). The belief is also familiar under the name
of second sight (see SECOND SIGHT), a term of Scots usage, though the
belief in it, and the facts if accepted, are of world-wide diffusion.
The apparitions may either represent actual persons and places, or may
be symbolical, taking the form of phantasmic lights, coffins, skeletons,
shrouds and so forth. Again, the appearances may either represent
things, persons and occurrences of the past (see RETROCOGNITION), or of
the present (clairvoyance), or of the future (see PREMONITION). When the
apparitions produce themselves in given rooms, houses or localities, and
are exhibited to various persons at various times, the locality is
popularly said to be haunted by spirits, that is, of the dead, on the
animistic hypothesis (see HAUNTINGS). Like the other alleged facts,
these are of world-wide diffusion, or the belief in them is world-wide,
and peculiar to no race, age, or period of culture. A haunted place is a
centre of permanent possibilities of hallucinations, or is believed to
be so. A distinct species of hauntings are those in which unexplained
sounds and movements of objects, apparently untouched, occur. The German
term _Poltergeist_ (q.v.) has been given to the supposed cause of these
occurrences where the cause is not ascertained to be sportive imposture.
In the performances of modern spiritualists the Poltergeist appears, as
it were, to be domesticated, and to come at the call of the medium.

An intermittent kind of ominous haunting attached, not to places, but to
families, is that of the banshee (Celtic) or family death omen, such as
the white bird of the Oxenhams, the Airlie drummer, the spectral rider
of Clan Gilzean, the rappings of the Woodde family. These apparitions,
with fairies and _djinns_ (the Arab form of fairy), haunt the borderland
between folk-lore and psychical research.

So far we have been concerned with spontaneous apparitions, or with the
belief in them. Among induced apparitions may be reckoned the
materialized forms of spiritual _séances_, which have a material basis
of veils, false moustaches, wigs and the _corpus vile_ of the medium. It
is also possible that mere expectancy and suggestion induce
hallucinatory perceptions among the members of the circle. That
apparitions of a sort can be induced by hypnotic and posthypnotic
suggestion is certain enough (see HYPNOTISM). Savages produce
apparitions in similar ways by suggestion, accompanied by dances,
fumigations, darkness, fasting, drugs, and whatever can affect the
imaginations of the onlookers (see MAGIC). Both in savage and civilized
life, some persons can provoke themselves into beholding apparitions
usually fantastic, but occasionally coincidental, by sedulously staring
into any clear deep water, a fragment of rock crystal, a piece of
polished basalt or obsidian, a mirror, a ring, a sword blade, or a glass
of sherry (see CRYSTAL GAZING). Indeed any object, a wall, the palm of
the hand, the shoulder-blade-bone of a sheep, may be, and has been used
to this end (see DIVINATION).

Almost all known apparitions may accommodate themselves to one or other
of the categories given, whether they be pathological, coincidental or
spontaneous, induced, permanently localized, or sporadic.

  See generally, SPIRITUALISM and PSYCHICAL RESEARCH.     (A. L.)

APPARITOR, or APPARATOR (Latin for a servant of a public official, from
_apparere_, to attend in public), an attendant who executed the orders
of a Roman magistrate; hence a beadle in a university, a pursuivant or
herald; particularly, in English ecclesiastical courts, the official who
serves the processes of the court and causes defendants to appear by

APPEAL, in law. In the old English common law the term "appeal" was used
to describe a process peculiar to English criminal procedure. It was a
right of prosecution possessed as a personal privilege by a party
individually aggrieved by a felony, a privilege of which the crown could
not directly or indirectly deprive him, since he could use it alike when
the prisoner was tried and acquitted, and when he was convicted and
pardoned. It was chiefly known in practice as the privilege of the
nearest relation of a murdered person. When in 1729 (after Colonel
Oglethorpe's inquiry and report on the London prisons) Banbridge and
other gaolers were indicted for their treatment of prisoners, but were
acquitted for deficiency of evidence, appeals for murder were freely
brought by relatives of deceased prisoners. In the case of Slaughterford
(1708) the accused was charged with murdering a woman whom he had
seduced; the evidence was very imperfect, and he was acquitted on
indictment. But public indignation being aroused by the atrocities
alleged to have been perpetrated, an appeal was brought, and on
conviction he was hanged, as his execution was a privilege belonging to
the prosecutor, of which the crown could not deprive him by a pardon. In
1818 an appeal was ingeniously met by an offer of battle, since if the
appellee were an able-bodied man he had the choice between combat or a
jury (see WAGER). This neutralizing of one obsolete and barbarous
process by another called the attention of the legislature to the
subject, and appeal in criminal cases, along with trial by battle, was
abolished in 1819. The history of this appeal is fully dealt with in
Pollock and Maitland, _History of English Law_, 1898.

In its usual modern sense the term appeal is applied to the proceeding
by which the decision of a court of justice is brought for review before
another tribunal of higher authority. In Roman jurisprudence it was used
in this and in other significations; it was sometimes equivalent to
prosecution, or the calling up of an accused person before a tribunal
where the accuser appealed to the protection of the magistrate against
injustice or oppression. The derivation from _appellare_ ("call")
suggests that its earliest meaning was an urgent outcry or prayer
against injustice. During the republic the magistrate was generally
supreme within his sphere, and those who felt themselves outraged by
injustice threw themselves on popular protection by _provocatio_,
instead of looking to redress from a higher official authority. Under
the empire different grades of jurisdiction were established, and the
ultimate remedy was an appeal to the emperor; thus Paul, when brought
before Festus, appealed unto Caesar. Such appeals were, however, not
heard by the emperor in person but by a supreme judge representing him.
In the _Corpus Juris_ the appeal to the emperor is called
indiscriminately _appellatio_ and _provocatio_. A considerable portion
of the 49th book of the _Pandects_ is devoted to appeals; but little of
the practical operation of the system is to be deduced from the
propositions there brought together.

During the middle ages full scope was afforded for appeals from the
lower to the higher authorities in the church. In matters
ecclesiastical, including those matrimonial, testamentary and other
departments, which the church ever tried to bring within the operation
of the canon law, there were various grades of appeal, ending with the
pope. The claims of the church to engross appeals in matters trenching
on the temporal rights of princes led to continual conflicts between
church and state, terminated in England at the reformation by the
suppression in 1534 of appeals to Rome, which had previously been
discouraged by legislation of Edward III. and Richard II.

In temporal, as distinct from spiritual matters, it became customary for
ambitious sovereigns to encourage appeals from the courts of the crown
vassals to themselves as represented by the supreme judges, and
Charlemagne usually enjoys the credit of having set the example of this
system of centralization by establishing _missi dominici_. It is not
improbable that his claim was suggested or justified by the practice of
the Roman empire, to the sovereignty whereof he claimed to be

_England._--When the royal authority in England grew strong as against
that of the tenants _in capite_, the king's courts in England were more
effectively organized, and their net swept wider so as to draw within
their cognizance matters previously adjudged in courts baron or courts
leet or in the county court, and they acquired authority to supervise
and review the decisions of the inferior and local courts, to control
and limit their claims to exercise jurisdiction, and to transfer causes
from the local to the royal courts. The machinery by which this process
was usually effected, under the common law, was not by what is now known
as appeal, but by the process of _certiorari_ or writs of error or
prohibition. Recourse was also had against the decisions of the royal
courts by appeal to the great council of the king, or to parliament as a
whole. The supremacy of the king's courts over all causes, as well
ecclesiastical as civil, has been completely established since the reign
of Henry VIII., and they have effectually asserted the power to regulate
and keep within their proper jurisdiction all other tribunals within the
realm. Since that date the organization of judicial tribunals has
gradually been changed and improved with the object (1) of creating a
judicial hierarchy independent of executive control; (2) of ensuring
that all decisions on questions of law shall be co-ordinated and
rendered systematic by correction of the errors and vagaries of
subordinate tribunals; and (3) of securing so far as possible uniformity
in the judicial interpretation and administration of the law, by
creating a supreme appellate tribunal to whose decisions all other
tribunals are bound to conform. It would be undesirable to detail at
length the history of appellate jurisdiction in England, involving as it
would the discussion in great detail of the history and procedure of
English law, and it may suffice to indicate the system of appeals as at
present organized, beginning with the lowest courts.

_Justices of the Peace._--The decisions of justices of the peace sitting
as courts of summary jurisdiction are subject to review on questions of
law only by the High Court of Justice. This review is in a sense
consultative, because it is usually effected by means of a case
voluntarily stated by the justices at the request of the aggrieved
party, in which are set forth the facts as determined by the justices,
the questions of law raised and their decision thereon, as to the
correctness whereof the opinion of the High Court is invited. The
procedure is equally open in criminal and civil matters brought before
the justices. But when the justices decline to state a case for the
opinion of the High Court, the latter, if review seems desirable, may
order the justices to state a case. And the High Court has also power to
control the action of justices by prohibiting them from acting in a case
beyond their jurisdiction, ordering them to exercise jurisdiction where
they have improperly declined (_mandamus_), or bringing up for review
and quashing orders or convictions which they have made in excess of
jurisdiction, or in cases in which interested or biassed justices have
adjudicated (_certiorari_). None of these regulative processes exactly
corresponds to what is popularly known as an appeal, but in effect if
not in form an appeal is thus given.

There is also another form of appeal, in the fullest sense of the term,
from the decision of justices sitting as a court of summary jurisdiction
to the justices of the same county sitting in general or quarter
sessions, or in the case of a borough to the recorder as judge of the
borough court of quarter sessions. This form of appeal is in every case
the creation of statute: and even in text-books it is hardly possible to
find a really complete list of the matters in respect of which such
appeal lies. But as regards criminal cases there is an approximately
general rule, given by § 19 of the Summary Jurisdiction Act 1879, viz.
that an appeal to quarter sessions lies from the conviction or order of
a court of summary jurisdiction directing imprisonment without the
option of a fine as a punishment for an offence, or for failing to do or
to abstain from doing any act required to be done or left undone other
than an order for the payment of money, or to find sureties or give
security or to enter into a recognizance, or a conviction made on a plea
of guilty or admission of the truth of the matter of complaint.

As a general rule, subject to particular statutory exceptions, appeals
of this kind are by way of rehearing, i.e. the actor or prosecutor must
before the appellate tribunal call his witnesses and prove his case just
as if no previous hearing had taken place before the court appealed from
(Pritchard, _Quarter Sessions Practice_, 2nd ed., 461). The only limit
is that the appellant must confine himself to the grounds of appeal
stated in the notice of appeal given by him.

_Justices in Quarter Sessions._--This tribunal has under the commission
of the peace and under statute power to refer questions of difficulty
arising before it for decision to the High Court. The old mode of
exercising this power was by sending on to assizes indictments raising
difficult questions which had been presented at quarter sessions. The
High Court has _ex officio_ power to transfer such indictments where the
nature of the case and the demands of justice call for such transfer.
The quarter sessions had also power under statute on trying an
indictment to refer to the court for crown cases reserved (Crown Cases
Act 1848), abolished by the Criminal Appeal Act 1907, questions of law
which had arisen at the trial, and in all civil cases the quarter
sessions has power of its own volition and subject to no direct
compulsion to consult the High Court on legal questions of difficulty
which have arisen. Until 1894 this jurisdiction was regarded as
consultative only. It was and is exercised by stating the facts, of
which the court of quarter sessions is the sole judge, and indicating
the questions of law arising on the facts, and the view of quarter
sessions thereon, and inviting the opinion of the High Court. Under the
Judicature Act 1894 cases stated in this way are now treated as
"appeals" in the popular sense.

_Inferior Courts of purely Civil Jurisdiction._--An appeal also lies as
a general rule to the High Court from the judgment of a county court or
of any inferior tribunal having civil jurisdiction.

(a) County Courts. Any party to an action or matter in a county court
who is dissatisfied with the determination or direction of the judge in
law or equity, or upon the admission or rejection of any evidence, may
appeal against the decision in the following cases: (1) if the amount of
claim or counter-claim in the proceeding exceeds £20; or (2) in all
equity matters or cases in which an injunction has been given; or (3) in
actions to recover possession of land where questions of title are
involved (County Courts Act 1888, § 120). In the case of a claim below
£20 no appeal lies except by the leave of the county court. The old
practice of appeal by way of special case as in appeals from justices
has been abolished, and the present procedure is by notice of motion
(R.S.C. O. LIX. rr. 10-18).

These appeals are heard in the king's bench division, except in the case
of appeals from judgments of a county court sitting in the exercise of
admiralty jurisdiction, which are heard by two or more judges sitting in
the probate, divorce and admiralty division. The chancery division has
never sat to hear "appeals" from a county court exercising equity
jurisdiction; but at times, by _prohibition_ or _certiorari_, has, in
effect, reviewed or restrained excess of jurisdiction by county courts
in equity matters.

The decision of the High Court on county court appeals is final unless
an appeal to the court of appeal is brought by leave of that court or of
the High Court (Judicature Act 1894, § 1, sub. sect. 5; Judicature Act
1873, § 45).

(b) Other inferior courts of civil jurisdiction. Appeals from the local
courts of record which still survive in certain cities, towns and
districts are in a somewhat anomalous position. The general rule is
that, unless a statute regulates such appeal, it may be brought in the
king's bench division of the High Court on notice of motion in any case
in which, before the Judicature Acts, the court of king's bench could
have reviewed the decision of the inferior court by writ of error. The
history of this question is dealt with in _Darlow v. Shuttleworth_,
1902, 1 K.B. 721.

In the case of the mayor's court of London, under the local and general
statutes regulating that court, the appeal is usually to the king's
bench division, but where there is what is termed "error" on the face of
the proceedings of the mayor's court, the appeal lies direct to the
court of appeal as successor of the court of exchequer chamber. Appeals
from the Liverpool court of passage and from the chancery courts of the
duchies of Lancaster and Durham lie by statute direct to the court of

_High Court of Justice._--Until the Supreme Court of Judicature Acts of
1873 and 1875 came into operation, the superior courts in England were
imperfectly co-ordinated both as to jurisdiction and appeals. The effect
of these acts was to create a Supreme Court of Judicature divided into
two main branches, the High Court of Justice, which is an appellate
court with respect to the inferior courts already mentioned, and to
certain other special courts and persons; and the court of appeal, which
is mainly concerned with appeals from the High Court of Justice.

The High Court of Justice acts as an appellate court or court of
consultation with reference to courts of summary jurisdiction or quarter
sessions and to county courts and other inferior courts of civil
jurisdiction in the cases already indicated. The three divisions of the
court are somewhat differently placed with reference to appeals.

In the chancery division (made up, in 1908, of six single judge courts)
no appeals are heard except from subordinate officials (masters) of the
court, or an occasional interference by _certiorari_ or _prohibition_
with a county court.

In the probate, divorce and admiralty division, besides the supervision
which may be exercised by a single judge over the subordinate officers
of the court (registrars), divisional courts (of two judges) hear
appeals from decisions of the county court in admiralty causes, and
appeals from justices in cases between husband and wife under the
Summary Jurisdiction (Married Women) Act 1895, as amended by the
Licensing Act 1902. In the first of these cases the appeal is on law
only as in the case of other county court appeals; in the second, the
procedure is by rehearing, or reconsideration of the facts as minuted in
the court appealed from, and of the law there applied to these facts.

The bulk of the appellate work of the High Court is conducted in the
king's bench division--which, as successor of the old court of king's
bench in the duties of _custos morum_ of the realm, still retains
supervisory power over all inferior courts in all cases in which that
supervision has not been transferred to the other divisions of the High
Court or to the court of appeal, or to the court of criminal appeal.

The king's bench division exercises appellate jurisdiction in the
following cases.

With respect to decisions of justices of the peace sitting at quarter
sessions, or as a court of summary jurisdiction, except in the case
above stated, the subject matter of appeal is for the most part of a
criminal or quasi-criminal character, the civil jurisdiction of justices
being comparatively limited. The appeal in such cases is as to matters
of law only, the justices' decision on facts not being subject to

In the case of the courts above named, the appeal is brought by writ of
_certiorari_, where the jurisdiction of quarter sessions to give the
judgment challenged is denied _in toto_, or in some cases by writ of
_habeas corpus_, where the appellant is in custody under an order of the
court appealed from (Judicature Act 1894, § 2). The best example of this
is the right of a fugitive criminal committed for extradition to
challenge the legality of the decision of the committing magistrate by
writ of _habeas corpus_. Save in cases of want of jurisdiction or
refusal to exercise it, no appeal lies from quarter sessions except by
consent of the court appealed from, which states the facts as
ascertained by the inferior court, and invites the review of the
superior court upon the questions of law raised by the facts as found.

Decisions of justices sitting in the exercise of summary jurisdiction
are subject to review by a special case in which the justices state the
facts found by them and their decision on the points of law, and invite
the review of the appellate court on these grounds. Such cases for
appeal are usually stated by consent of the justices, but in the event
of their refusal the appellate court may order that a case shall be

Decisions of justices in the exercise of summary jurisdiction may also
be challenged by writ of _certiorari_ as having been wholly outside
their jurisdiction; and in such proceeding the appellate tribunal may
review the evidence taken below so far as to ascertain whether the
justices have by an erroneous finding of fact enabled themselves to
assume a jurisdiction which upon the true facts they did not possess.

Where the decision appealed from is in a criminal cause or matter the
decision of the High Court is final. Where it is in a civil matter a
further appeal also lies to the court of appeal by leave of the High
Court or of the court of appeal (Judicature Act 1873, § 45).

Appeals in criminal cases tried on indictment, criminal information or
coroner's inquisition, stand on a different footing from other appeals.

For many years the question of criminal appeal in general had been a
matter of great controversy. As early as 1844 a bill had been
unsuccessfully introduced for the purpose of establishing appeal in
criminal cases, and from that time up to 1906 nearly thirty bills were
brought forward with the same object, but none succeeded in passing. In
1892 the question was referred to the council of judges and favourably
reported upon by them. It may be remarked that England was practically
the only civilized country in which there was no appeal in criminal
cases. It is true there was an appeal on questions of law arising at the
trial. But the procedure was intricate and technical, being either (1)
by writ of error, issued by the consent of the attorney-general
(expressed by his _fiat_), to review errors of law appearing in the
record of the trial, or (2) by special case, stated by the judge
presiding at the trial, with respect to a question of law raised at the
trial. These appeals were heard by the king's bench division. Meanwhile
there had been a considerable development of public opinion in favour of
the establishment of criminal appeal, a development undoubtedly hastened
by the report of a committee of inquiry in the case of Adolf Beck
(1904), showing clearly that the home office was not a satisfactory
tribunal of final appeal. In 1906 the lord chancellor (Lord Loreburn)
introduced another criminal appeal bill, which passed the House of
Lords, but was dropped in the House of Commons after a first reading.
The next year the act (Criminal Appeal Act 1907), which was ultimately
carried, was introduced into the House of Commons. By this act a court
is established consisting of the lord chief justice and eight judges of
the king's bench division, the jurisdiction of the court for crown cases
reserved being transferred to the new court. The court to be duly
constituted must consist of not less than three judges and of an uneven
number of judges. The court may sit in two or more divisions if the lord
chief justice so directs. Its sittings are held in London unless special
directions are given by the lord chief justice that it shall sit at some
other place. The opinion of the majority of those hearing the case
determines any question before the court, and judgment is pronounced by
the president (who is the lord chief justice or senior member present),
unless in questions of law, when, if it is convenient that separate
judgments should be pronounced by the members of the court, they may be
so pronounced. The judgment of the court of criminal appeal is final,
except where the decision involves a point of law of exceptional public
importance, and a certificate must be obtained from the attorney-general
to that effect. The court of criminal appeal is a superior court of
record. An appeal may be made either against conviction or against
sentence. A person convicted on indictment may appeal either on a
question of law alone or of fact alone, or on a question of mixed law
and fact. On a point of law a prisoner has an unqualified right of
appeal, on a question of fact or of mixed law and fact there is a right
of appeal only if leave be obtained from the court of criminal appeal or
a certificate be granted by the judge who tried the prisoner that it is
a fit case for appeal. The court is given a wide discretion as to
whether a conviction may be sustained or set aside. The court may allow
the appeal if they think that the verdict of the jury should be set
aside because it is unreasonable, or because it cannot be supported
having regard to the evidence, or that the judgment should be set aside
on the ground of a wrong decision on any point of law, or that on any
ground there was a miscarriage of justice. Power is given to the court
to dismiss the appeal if they consider that no substantial miscarriage
of justice has occurred, even though they are of opinion that the point
raised in the appeal might be decided in favour of the appellant. The
sentence passed at the trial may be quashed by the appeal court and such
other sentence (whether more or less severe) warranted in law by the
verdict substituted. Notice of appeal or notice of application for leave
to appeal must be given within ten days of the date of conviction; where
a conviction involves sentence of death or corporal punishment the
sentence must not be executed until after the expiration of ten days,
and, if notice of appeal is given, not until after the determination of
the appeal or the final dismissal of the application for leave to
appeal. The act gives the court power to order any witnesses who would
have been compellable witnesses at the trial to attend and be examined
before the court, and to receive the evidence, if tendered, of any
witness who is a competent but not compellable witness. If any question
arises on the appeal involving prolonged examination of documents or
accounts or any scientific or local investigation, which the court
thinks cannot be conveniently conducted before it, the matter may be
referred to a special commissioner appointed by the court, and the court
may act on the report of that commissioner if it thinks fit. An
appellant is given the right to be present on the hearing of his appeal,
if he desires it, except where the appeal is on some ground involving a
question of law alone, but rules of court may provide for his presence
in such a case, or the court may give him leave. The act requires
shorthand notes to be taken of the proceedings at the trial of any
person, who, if convicted, would have a right to appeal under the act.
Nothing in the act affects the prerogative of mercy, and the home
secretary may, if he thinks fit, at any time refer a case to the court
of criminal appeal.

_The Court of Appeal._--The court of appeal, constituted under the
Judicature Acts, is one of the two permanent divisions of the Supreme
Court of Judicature. As now constituted the court consists of _ex
officio_ members and five ordinary members, styled lords justices of
appeal. The _ex officio_ members are the lord chancellor, every person
who has held that office, the lord chief justice, the master of the
rolls, and the president of the probate, &c., division.

The ordinary business of the court is carried on by the lords justices
under the presidency of the master of the rolls, who in 1881 ceased to
be a judge of the High Court (Judicature Act 1881, § 2). The court
usually sits in two divisions of three judges, but on occasion a third
court can be formed, with the assistance of the other _ex officio_
judges, in the absence of the ordinary judges from illness or public
engagements, or to deal with arrears of business. The quorum for final
appeals is three, for interlocutory appeals two judges.

The court of appeal has succeeded to the appellate authority exercised
(1) in the case of equity and bankruptcy matters by the lord chancellor
and the lords justices of appeal in chancery (Judicature Act 1873, §
18); (2) in the case of common law matters, by the court of exchequer
chamber, as a court of error, and the superior courts of common law
sitting to review the decisions of single judges of these courts sitting
with or without a jury at first instance in civil actions; (3) in the
case of divorce or probate causes by the full court of divorce
(Judicature Act 1881, § 9); (4) in the case of admiralty causes by the
king in council or the judicial committee of the privy council; (5) in
the case of applications for new trials in jury actions by the king's
bench division (Judicature Act 1890, § 1).

The court never had jurisdiction to hear an appeal in any criminal cause
or matter, but was able to review by writ of error decisions of the
king's bench division in such cases, unless the court for crown cases
reserved had dealt with the question under the Crown Cases Act 1848.
This procedure has been abolished by the Criminal Appeal Act 1907.
Instances of procedure by writ of error were rare. Those best worth
notice are the cases of the Tichborne claimant on his conviction of
perjury, and the case of C. Bradlaugh on the sufficiency of the
indictment against him for publishing the _Fruits of Philosophy_.

The appellate jurisdiction of the court as now exercised entitles the
court to hear and determine (1) appeals from every judgment or decree of
every division of the High Court in all civil cases in which such
judgment is not declared final by statute; (2) applications for a new
trial in civil cases tried in the king's bench division by judge and
jury which, until 1890, were dealt with by two or more judges in that
division; (3) appeals in matters of civil practice and procedure from
decisions of a single judge in chambers, which, until 1894, were dealt
with in a divisional court or by a judge in open court; (4) appeals from
the chancery courts of Durham (Palatine Court of Durham Act 1889) and
Lancaster (act of 1890, c. 23) and the Liverpool court of passage
(_Anderson v. Dean_, 1894, 2 Q.B. 222), and on error in a record of the
mayor's court of London (_Le Blanche_ v. _Heaton Telegram Co._, 1876, 1
Ex.D. 408); and from county courts under the Agricultural Holdings Acts
and Workmen's Compensation Acts; (5) appeals on questions of law from
decisions of the railway commissioners in England (Railway and Canal
Traffic Act 1888).

The court of appeal also exercises the lunacy jurisdiction of the lord
chancellor, but in regard to this the jurisdiction of the court is for
the most part original and not appellate.

The jurisdiction of the court of appeal is excluded or limited in the
following cases:--(1) judgments of the High Court--(a) where its
jurisdiction is consultative only; (b) where there is an appeal to the
High Court from an inferior court of civil jurisdiction; (c) where there
is an appeal to the High Court from any court of person, unless in cases
(b) and (c) leave be obtained of the court by which the order is made,
or of the court of appeal; (2) orders of the High Court in registration
and election cases except with the like leave; (3) orders made by
consent of parties, or as to costs only which by law are left to the
discretion of the court; (4) certain interlocutory orders mentioned in §
1 of the Supreme Court of Judicature (Procedure) Act 1894, except by
leave of the judge appealed from or of the court of appeal (5) orders of
the admiralty division in cases of prize, the appeal from which lies to
His Majesty in Council; (6) where the decision of any court whose
jurisdiction was transferred to the High Court is declared by statute to
be final; (7) matters which from their nature were not appealable to any
court before the Judicature Acts, or in which the court of appeal has no
means of enforcing or executing its judgment. For example, it was held
in the House of Lords, in _Cox_ v. _Hakes_, 1890, 15 A.C. 506, that no
appeal lies from the order of a judge discharging a prisoner under a
writ of _habeas corpus_. "If," said Lord Herschell, "the contention of
the respondent is to prevail, the statute has effected a grave
constitutional change"; and later, "if" the High Court "has inherited
the combined powers of the courts whose functions were transferred to
it, but none of them had any jurisdiction or authority to review a
discharge by a competent court under a writ of _habeas corpus_, or to
enforce the arrest of one thus freed from custody ... it seems to me to
follow, that however wrong the court of appeal might think a discharge
to have been, it would have been powerless to order a rearrest, or at
least to enforce such an order."

The procedure of the court of appeal is regulated by the rules of the
Supreme Court. A distinction is drawn between appeals from a final
judgment or order (which, unless the parties consent to a smaller
quorum, must be heard by three judges) and an appeal from an
interlocutory order (which may be determined by two judges of the court
of appeal).

In the case of appeals from a final or interlocutory "judgment," or from
an order, including applications for a new trial, the appeal must be
brought within three months from the time when the judgment or order is
signed, entered or otherwise perfected, or in the case of refusal of an
application from the date of refusal. The appeal is by notice of motion,
which except in cases of application for a new trial, need not state
the grounds of appeal. Fourteen clear days' notice of the motion must be
given by the appellant to the other party, the respondent.

In the case of appeals from an interlocutory order, or from a final
order, or from an order made in any matter which is not an action, or
from an order made in chambers, the appeal must be brought within
fourteen days by motion, of which four clear days' notice must be given
by the appellant to all parties directly affected by the appeal.
Controversies have arisen as to the meaning of the term "interlocutory,"
which (in the absence of any authoritative definition) the court of
appeal settles as they arise. The test most generally accepted is that a
judgment or order is final if, as made, it finally disposes of the
rights of the parties in a manner equally conclusive between them. The
court may by special leave allow appeals of either class to be brought
after the time above limited. The respondent may by proper notice bring
a cross appeal against any portion of the judgment or order made below
with which he is dissatisfied. The court has power to order the
appellant to find security for the costs of an appeal, if special
circumstances, such as insolvency or poverty or foreign domicile or the
like, make the giving of security desirable. The court of appeal
"rehears" the case. Under ordinary circumstances it does not permit a
new case to be set up inconsistent with the case as presented below; and
it is content with the judges' notes, or a transcript of the evidence
given below, and with a note or transcript of the judgment appealed
from, but has power on special grounds to receive fresh evidence either
_viva voce_ or on affidavit. The court may call in for its assistance
assessors who are experts on the matters of fact or science involved in
the appeal, and usually does so in cases arising out of collisions at

The court of appeal may make any order which it deems just as to the
costs of the whole or any part of an appeal, except possibly in the case
of certain appeals in matters on the crown side of the High Court, as to
which some doubt still exists. In practice the costs follow the event,
unless the court in a particular case makes an order to the contrary.

A decision of the court of appeal is final in appeals from the High
Court in bankruptcy, unless leave be given to appeal to the House of
Lords (§ 104, Bankruptcy Act 1883), and in divorce appeals, except where
the decision either is upon the grant or refusal of a decree for
dissolution or nullity of marriage, or for a declaration of legitimacy,
or is upon any question of law on which the court gives leave to appeal
(Supreme Court of Judicature Act 1881, § 9); but no further appeal to
the House of Lords lies, even with leave of the court of appeal, on
appeals from the High Court sitting as a court of appeal from county
courts in bankruptcy. With these exceptions there is now a right of
appeal from every order of the court of appeal to the House of Lords.

_The House of Lords._--The House of Lords has for centuries been the
court of last resort, and is still the final court of appeal from the
chief courts in the United Kingdom. The origin of the appellate
jurisdiction of the House of Lords was undoubtedly of that partly feudal
and partly popular character already alluded to, which made the suitor
seek from the high court of parliament the justice denied elsewhere in
the baronial courts or by the king's judges. The lords exercised the
mixed function of jurymen and judges, and, as in judgments on
impeachment, might be influenced by private or party considerations,
debating and dividing on the question before the House. A revolution was
silently accomplished, however, by which the function of reviewing the
decisions of the courts fell entirely to the lawyers raised to the
peerage, while the unprofessional lords only attended to give the
sanction of a quorum to the proceedings, and the House has always had
the right to invoke the assistance of the judges of the superior courts
to advise on the questions of law raised by an appeal. The letters and
memoirs, so late as Queen Anne's reign, show that party or personal
influence and persuasion were employed to procure votes on appeals, as
they have been in later times on railway or other local bills. The last
instance probably in which a strong division of opinion was manifested
among the unprofessional lords was the celebrated Douglas cause in 1769,
when the House was addressed by the dukes of Newcastle and Bedford, but
was led by the authoritative opinion of Lord Mansfield on the effect of
the evidence--an opinion which was treated rather as that of a political
partisan than of a judge. The case of Daniel O'Connell and others,
brought up on writ of error from the queen's bench in Ireland in 1844,
may be said to have finally established the precedent that the judgments
of the House of Lords were to be given solely by the law lords. On that
occasion there was a difference of opinion among the law lords
themselves. The judgment of the majority of the House was strongly
against the political feeling of the government and of the peers as a
body, while the law lords who carried the decision had been appointed by
previous governments opposed in politics to the existing cabinet. But
all these temptations to a party vote by the unprofessional members were

By § 20 of the act of 1873, the appellate jurisdiction of the House of
Lords (so far as it affects England) was abolished, but this section was
repealed by the Appellate Jurisdiction Act 1876. Under that act and an
amending act of 1887, the appellate business of the House of Lords is
conducted solely by the law lords, though lay peers may still sit
(_Bradlaugh_ v. _Clarke_, 1882, 8 App. Cas. 354). No appeal may be heard
or determined except in the presence of not less than three of the
following persons:--(1) the lord chancellor; (2) the lords of appeal,
four of whom are appointed under the act from among persons who hold, or
have held, high judicial office, or, at the date of appointment, have
been in practice for not less than fifteen years as barristers in
England or Ireland, or as advocates in Scotland; (3) such peers of
parliament as hold, or have held, high judicial office. By "high
judicial office" is meant the office of lord chancellor of Great Britain
or Ireland, lord of appeal in ordinary, paid judge of the judicial
committee or member of that committee, or judge of one of the superior
courts of Great Britain or Ireland.

An appeal lies to the House of Lords (1) from any order or judgment of
the court of appeal in England except as above stated; (2) from a
judgment or order of any court in Scotland or Ireland from which error
or an appeal to the House of Lords lay by common law or statute
immediately before the 1st of November 1876. No appeals are heard from
the decision of courts in criminal cases. The House of Lords has an
indirect power by standing orders to admit appeals from Scotland or
Ireland which under former law or practice could not be admitted
(Appellate Jurisdiction Act 1876, § 12). The procedure on appeals is
regulated by standing orders of the House. The proceedings are commenced
by petition of appeal, which must be lodged with the clerk of the
parliaments within one year from the date of the last judgment it
appealed from. Security for costs (£200) must be given by bond or
lodgment of the money, unless dispensed with by the House on the ground
of poverty (act of 1893). Each party lodges a printed case signed and
certified by counsel, containing a resumé of the matters to be discussed
and of the contentions for or against the allowance of the appeal. The
hearing is before three or more law lords, who may call in nautical
assessors in admiralty cases (acts of 1893 and 1894). It is not public
in the full sense of the term, as persons not concerned in the appeal
can attend only by consent of the House. The House pronounces the
judgment which in the opinion of the majority of the law lords should
have been pronounced below, and has jurisdiction in the case of all
appeals to give or refuse costs to the successful party. The costs of
the appeal if given are taxed by the officers of the House. The
jurisdiction as to costs does not directly arise under any statute (see
_West Ham Guardians_ v. _Bethnal Green Churchwardens_, 1896, A.C. 477).

_Appeals to the King in Council._--The decisions of ecclesiastical
courts when acting within the limits of their jurisdiction, and the
decisions of courts in the king's dominions outside the United Kingdom,
and of courts in foreign countries set up under the Foreign Jurisdiction
Acts, cannot be dealt with by the House of Lords or any of the ordinary
tribunals of any part of the United Kingdom. The power once claimed by
the court of king's bench in England to control the courts of Ireland
has lapsed, and its power to intervene in colonial cases is limited to
the grant of the writ of _habeas corpus_ to a possession in which no
court exists having power to issue that writ or one of like effect
(Habeas Corpus Act 1862). As regards all British possessions, the appeal
to the king in council is in its origin and nature like that of the
provincials unto Caesar, and flows from the royal prerogative to admit
appeals. With the growth of the British empire it has been found
necessary to create a comparatively constant and stable tribunal to
advise the king in the exercise of this prerogative. For this purpose
the judicial committee of the privy council was created in 1833. In
1851, and again in 1870, it was reorganized, and by acts of 1876, 1887
and 1898 it received its present form. The committee consists of the
president of the council, and of the following persons, if privy
councillors--the lord chancellor and ex-chancellors of Great Britain and
of Ireland, the four lords of appeal in ordinary, the lords justices of
appeal in England or retired lords justices of appeal in England, and
persons who hold or have held the office (a) of judge of the High Court
of Justice or the court of appeal in England or Ireland, or of the court
of session in Scotland; (b) any person who is or has been chief justice
or a judge of the Supreme Court of Canada or of a superior court of any
province of Canada, of any of the Australian states (except Fiji and
Papua), or of New Zealand or the Cape of Good Hope or Natal. The number
of persons of this class who may be members at once is limited to five
(1895, c. 44); (c) provision is also made for the payment of two privy
councillors who have been judges in India who attend the privy council.

Numerous as are the members of the committee, the quorum is three. One
or more of the lords of appeal in ordinary usually attend at every
hearing, but the composition of the committee is very fluctuating.
Appeals from the British dominions abroad lie in criminal as well as
civil matters. The right of appeal is regulated as to most possessions
by order in council, and in some cases is limited by imperial or
colonial statute. Appeals are on fact as well as on law, but the
committee rarely if ever disturbs the concurrent judgments on facts of
two colonial courts. In the case of admiralty appeals from colonial or
consular courts, naval assessors may be called in. The committee also
hears (with the aid of ecclesiastical assessors) appeals from
ecclesiastical courts. The judgment of the committee is in the form of a
report and advice to the king, which is read by one of the members
sitting, and no indication is given as to whether the members present
are unanimous. Effect is given to the advice by orders in council
dismissing or allowing the appeal, and giving direction as to the
payment of costs and as to the further proceedings to be taken in the
colonial courts.

The procedure of the committee is on the same lines as that on appeals
to the House of Lords; no well-arranged code of practice existed however
up to the end of 1908, and new rules were then being proposed on the
subject. The appeal is commenced by a petition of appeal, and by the
giving of security for costs. In colonial appeals printed cases are
lodged containing a summary of the contentions of the parties, and with
this a printed copy of the record of the proceedings and documents used
in the courts appealed from. The hearing is in the privy council chamber
and is not public. When an appeal is called on, the counsel and parties
are summoned into the chamber, and when the arguments are concluded they
are requested to retire. The appeals to the king in council from
colonial states having a federal constitution, like Canada and
Australia, stand in an exceptional position. The act creating the
Supreme Court of Canada purports to make the decision of that court
final. But it is still the practice to admit by special leave a
prerogative appeal from the court, and to entertain appeals from courts
of the provinces of Canada direct to the king in council, without
requiring them to go to the Supreme Court. The constitution of the
Australian Commonwealth contemplates (§ 73) the possibility of
restricting appeals to the king in council from the supreme courts of
Australia, and sec. 74 forbids appeals to the king in council except by
leave of the High Court of Australia from decision of that court on any
question however arising as to the limits _inter se_ of the
constitutional powers of the commonwealth and those of any state or
states, or as to the limits _inter se_ of the constitutional powers of
any two or more states. The exact effect of these enactments and of
Australian legislation under § 73 is a matter of controversy.

_Scotland._--In Scotland the ordinary appellate tribunal for decisions
of inferior courts and of the lords ordinary is the court of session,
which for appellate purposes sits in two divisions. Appeals from
inferior tribunals in criminal cases go before the judges of the court
of session sitting in the High Court of Justiciary. The court of session
was in its original constitution a committee of parliament for the
performance of its judicial functions, and an appeal to parliament was
consequently anomalous. In the reign of Charles II., however, the courts
grew so intolerably corrupt that a determined effort was made to have
their judgments overturned, by an appeal which was strictly of the old
character of a cry for protection against flagrant injustice. It was
called a "protest for remeid of law," and was inserted as one of the
national claims in the Petition of Right at the revolution. The treaty
of union is silent as to appeals, though definitely excluding the right
of English courts to interfere with Scottish courts or cases. The House
of Lords has since the Union acted without challenge as the final
appellate tribunal for Scotland in civil causes; but has always declined
jurisdiction in Scottish criminal cases.

_Ireland._--The Supreme Court of Judicature (Ireland) Acts have
remodelled the courts and appellate system of Ireland on the same lines
as those of England. The High Court of Justice in Ireland now consists
of two divisions only, the chancery division, which has little or no
appellate functions, and the king's bench division, which has for
Ireland substantially the same power of reviewing and correcting the
decisions of inferior courts as has the corresponding court in England.
To this there is one exception, that appeals from a county court in
Ireland may be heard on circuit by a single judge of assize. In Ireland
there is also a court of appeal, created in 1877, whose jurisdiction and
procedure follow the same lines as that of the English court of appeal.

_France._--The court of last resort in France for all cases, whether
civil or criminal (_en matière criminelle, correctionnelle et de
police_), is the _cour de cassation_, which sits in Paris. It is a court
of error for the review of all judgments of tribunals of last resort
(except _juges de paix_ in certain cases), and for the transfer of
causes from one court to another when justice so demands, and to
determine conflicts of jurisdiction (Law 1 Dec. 1790). Ordinarily it is
confined to errors of law and procedure, but where evidence not
available below is brought before the court, it may send the case back
for retrial or give the appropriate final judgment, as in the case of
Dreyfus (1906). It also hears appeals from courts martial.

Next to the _cour de cassation_ are the courts of appeal, which have
jurisdiction to hear appeals (1) in civil matters from courts of first
instance, _juges de paix_, and where the amount in dispute exceeds £60
from commercial courts, _tribunaux de commerce_ (Civil Proc. Code, arts.
443-475); (2) in criminal matters from _tribunaux correctionnels_ (Com.
Proc. Code, arts. 202-235). The appeal is both on fact and on law, and
applies to interlocutory or preparatory as well as to final judgments.

_Spain._--In Spain the jurisdiction and procedure with reference to
appeals is on the same lines as in France. As regards civil matters it
is regulated by title 21 of the Civil Procedure Code. The appeal to the
supreme court is for the most part on questions of law (_por infraccion
de ley o de doctrina_); but the court has also power to review judgments
on materials not available at the first hearing (arts. 1796, 1801).

_British India._--In British India complete and systematic provision is
made for appeals both in civil and in criminal cases by the Procedure
Codes (Civil of 1882, with subsequent amendments, and Criminal of 1898),
and also to some extent by the charters of the high courts of Calcutta,
Bombay and Madras (see Ilbert, _Government of India_, Oxford, 1898, p.
137). In addition, the decisions of subordinate tribunals may be revised
by a superior tribunal _proprio motu_, or reviewed in a proper case by
the tribunal which has given them; and provision is made for the
consultation of a superior by an inferior tribunal in cases of legal
difficulty. The policy of admitting so many appeals has been criticized.
But with an enormous population which has no representative institutions
it has been deemed wise to provide ample means of correcting judicial
errors at the instance not only of the aggrieved person but also at the
instance of the supervising judicial authorities, as a means of ensuring
regularity and propriety in the conduct of judicial business by
subordinate judges in out-of-the-way districts.

_Civil Appeals._--(1) Except where otherwise expressly provided by the
Civil Procedure Code, or by any other law for the time being in force,
an appeal lies from the whole or part of any decree, whether made _ex
parte_ or _inter partes_, of a court exercising original jurisdiction
(Civil Procedure Code, § 540). By "decree" is meant the final expression
of an adjudication upon a right claimed or defence set up in a civil
court, when such adjudication, so far as regards the court expressing
it, decides the suit (§ 2). The appeal is both on facts and on law. The
procedure on the appeal is prescribed by c. 41 of the Civil Procedure
Code, and the directions of the code deal even with the language of the
judgment on appeal and the matters to be stated therein. (2) Decrees
passed on an appeal to any court in India subordinate to a High Court
are as a general rule subject to appeal to the High Court on the grounds
(a) that they are contrary to a specified law, or usage having the force
of law; (b) that they have failed to determine some material issue of
law, or usage having the force of law; (c) of substantial error or
defect in procedure prescribed by the code or other law which might
possibly have produced error or defect in the decision of the case upon
the merits (§ 584). The procedure on these appeals is regulated by c. 42
of the Civil Procedure Code. (3) Appeals from orders which do not fall
within the definition of decrees are allowed in the cases specified in §
588 of the code. The procedure with respect to these appeals is on the
same lines as that on appeals against decrees (§ 590). Provision is made
(by c. 44) for allowing appeals _in forma pauperis_ after certain
preliminary inquiries. In the High Courts appeals lie from the decision
of one judge to two or more judges of the High Court, whose decision has
effect as a judgment of the full court. Appeals, in civil cases, from
the courts of India to the king in council are regulated by c. 45 of the
Civil Procedure Code. The appealable amount is for most cases Rs. 10,000
or a claim or question as to property of like amount.

Besides the provisions stated as to appeals, Indian courts have power in
certain contingencies to review their own decisions (§ 623). An inferior
court may also refer cases of difficulty to the High Court on a
statement of the facts as found in the referring court and of the
opinion thereon of that Court (§§ 617-620); and in cases in which no
appeal lies to the High Court, that court may call for the record of any
case in which the court below appears to have acted without jurisdiction
or failed to exercise its jurisdiction, or to have exercised its
jurisdiction illegally or with material illegality (§ 622).

_Criminal Matters._--Criminal jurisdiction in India is exercised by
magistrates of the first, second and third class, by sessions courts,
and the high or chief courts of the presidencies or provinces (Criminal
Procedure Code of 1898). The higher judges in a district have the power
of revising those decisions which are not absolutely summary of the
judges of the classes below them in the same district; i.e. the sessions
judge can revise the decisions of a first-class magistrate, and the High
Court those of a sessions judge (§ 435). Inferior tribunals can also
refer questions of law to the High Court (§§ 432, 433); and where a
sentence of death is passed, or a sessions judge differs from the jury
(§ 307), the matter must be referred to the High Court. On matters of
reference or revision the parties have no right to be heard.

Provision is also made for appeals by c. 31 of the Code. Appeals from
second- or third-class magistrates are dealt with by the district
(first-class) magistrate (§ 407). Persons convicted on trial by
assistant sessions judges or first-class magistrates, except in cases
where the punishment is very small, have an appeal to the sessions judge
(§§ 408, 413). A person convicted on trial by the sessions judge has an
appeal to the High Court (§ 410), but where he has pleaded guilty the
only point on which appeal is open is the legality or extent of sentence
(§ 412). Special provision is made as to appeals by persons born in
Europe (whether British subjects or not) and Americans (§§ 408, 415, and
c. 33).

In criminal cases there is a right of appeal to the king in council in
certain cases provided for by the charters of the chartered high courts
(see Ilbert, _Government of India_, Oxford, 1898, p. 137).

An appeal also lies in certain cases from the courts of British officers
in feudatory states of India to a high court in India, and from the
courts of Aden and Zanzibar and British East Africa to the High Court of
Bombay. Appeals do not lie from the courts of native states to British
courts in India, though in some cases there is an appeal of a political
rather than judicial nature from the judicial tribunals of feudatory
states; e.g. in the case of Kathiawar (_Hemchand Derchand_ v. _Azam
Sakarlal_; 1906. L.R. A.C. 212).

_Canada._--In Canada each province has the regulation of its own courts
of justice. In Ontario the judiciary are organized, under the Provincial
Judicature Acts, in much the same manner as in England; and the review
of decisions of inferior courts (by appeal or other proceedings based on
English practice) is in the hands of the High Court of Justice, subject
to appeal to the provincial court of appeal. In Quebec the highest court
(king's bench), besides its original jurisdiction, has appellate
jurisdiction over the superior court (see Quebec Civil Procedure Code,
art. 1114 _et seq_.). The jurisdiction is exercised by writ of error or
by appeal, according to the nature of the decision appealed from. The
judges of the superior court have also, under art. 494, power to review
before three judges decisions of a judge of that court or of a circuit
court (arts. 494-504). Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Manitoba and British
Columbia have supreme courts with appellate authority over decisions of
single judges of the court and over inferior tribunals in the province.
Appeals lie from the highest courts of each province, in civil matters,
to the Supreme Court of Canada, or to the king in council in cases
falling within the orders in council applying to each province, but in
criminal matters to the king in council. From the Supreme Court of
Canada no appeal lies as of right to the king in council (Dominion Act
1875, 38 Vic. c. 11, § 47), and the royal prerogative of granting
special leave to appeal is sparingly exercised. The principles on which
the judicial committee acts in advising for or against the grant of
special leave in civil case& are stated in _Daily Telegraph Newspaper
Co._ v. _M'Laughlin_, 1904, L.R. A.C. 776. It is, however, as before,
quite common for appeals to be brought direct to the privy council from
the provincial courts without resort to the Dominion court (see Wheeler,
_Privy Council Law_, p. 955).

_Australia._--Each of the states of the Australian Commonwealth has its
own supreme court. The Commonwealth parliament constituted in 1903 a
High Court for Australia, which, besides its original federal
jurisdiction, is also a court of appeal from the supreme courts of the
constitutional states, or from any state court from which an appeal lay
to the king in council at the establishment of the Commonwealth. The
jurisdiction of the court is defined by the Judiciary Act of 1903, by
which it is created. The right of appeal is given both as to criminal
and civil matters.

_South Africa._--In Cape Colony and Natal the appellate courts are the
supreme courts, subject to further appeal in certain cases to the king
in council. The superior courts of Cape Colony are empowered to review
the proceedings of all inferior courts in the colony and its
dependencies in cases where no appeal lies. There was for a time an
appeal from the High Court of Orange River Colony to the supreme court
of the Transvaal, and from that court (whether acting for its own colony
or on appeal from the Orange Colony), an appeal to the king in council.
In other colonies the provisions as to appeal follow more or less
closely the lines of English law and procedure as to appeals, and in all
cases the ultimate appeal is to the king in council.

_United States._--In the American courts the term "appeal" covers (1) a
removal of a cause to a higher court for retrial on all the questions of
law or fact involved, or (2) taking up points of law only by proceedings
in error, for revision by a higher court. Decrees in admiralty,
bankruptcy and equity, in the federal courts, are the subjects of an
appeal; judgments in actions at law, of a writ of error. On an equity
appeal the evidence taken at the original hearing is reported at length
to the appellate court, and it has the right to review the conclusions
of fact reached by the court below and come to different ones. This,
however, is seldom done, the appeal being almost always decided on
points of law based upon the conclusions of fact reached in the original
hearing. In admiralty appeals the conclusions of fact reached by the
trial court are specially set forth, and are final.

"Appeal" in many of the states is the general term for reviewing any
judgment of an inferior court on assignments of error. It is also often
used to signify a mode of reviewing proceedings of municipal bodies,
affecting the interests of particular persons, e.g. in matters of
licences or assessments.

In criminal prosecutions an appeal, or writ of error on points of law,
is almost everywhere allowed by statute to the defendant, and often to
the state. (_United States_ v. _Sanges_, 144 United States Reports, 310;
_State_ v. _Lee_, 65 Connecticut Reports, 265.)

By the constitution of the United States the Supreme Court is vested
with "appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such
exceptions, and under such regulations, as the Congress shall make."
This provision is held not to create but only to authorize the creation
of the jurisdiction. In the words of Chancellor Kent, "If congress had
not provided any rule to regulate the proceedings in appeal, the court
could not exercise an appellate jurisdiction: and, if a rule be
provided, the court could not depart from it." In pursuance of this
principle, the Supreme Court decided in _Clarke_ v. _Bazadone_ that a
writ of error did not lie to that court from a court of the United
States territory north-west of the Ohio, because the act had not
authorized an appeal or writ of error from such a court (_Commentaries_,
i. 324). The appellate jurisdiction of the court is now regulated by
title 13 chap. ii. of the Revised Statutes of the United States (1873),
§§ 690-710; and by the acts enumerated at p. 901 of the Revised
Statutes, United States, 1873 to 1891. Under these statutes the Supreme
Court may entertain appeals from the highest court of a state of the
Union, but only (1) where the state court has decided against the
validity of a treaty or statute of the United States, or of an authority
exercised under the United States; (2) where a state court has affirmed
the validity of a statute, or of an authority exercised which has been
challenged on the ground of repugnance to the constitution, laws or
treaties of the United States; (3) where the state court has decided
against the existence of a title, right, privilege, or immunity claimed
or set up under the constitution of, or under any statute, treaty,
commission or authority of the United States.

The appeal from state courts is by writ of error, i.e. on law only; and
applies as well in criminal as in civil cases. The Supreme Court will
not act unless the federal question was raised in the court below
(_Chicago U.S. Mail Co._ v. _McGuire_, 1904, 196, U.S. 128). The circuit
court of appeals, established in 1891, deals with appeals from the
district and circuit courts of the United States, except where other
provision is made, e.g. where the jurisdiction of the court appealed
from is in question; in prize causes and convictions of capital crimes
(U.S. Statutes, 1801, c. 54. § 5); in cases involving the construction
or application of the constitution; in cases arising in district or
circuit courts involving the constitutional questions already stated as
subject of appeal from state courts.

The review by the circuit court of appeals is effected by appeal or by
writ of error, and its decision is final, with certain exceptions but
with power to certify cases to the Supreme Court for instructions (1891,
c. 511, § 6).

The Supreme Court hears appeals from the circuit court of appeals within
the limits above stated, and appeals from the circuit and district
courts in cases in which an appeal does not lie to the circuit court of
appeals, and has power to issue a _certiorari_ to transfer a case from
the circuit court of Appeals.     (W. F. C.)

APPEARANCE (from Lat. _apparere_, to appear), in law, the coming into
court of either of the parties to a suit; the formal act by which a
defendant submits himself to the jurisdiction of the court. The
defendant in an action in the High Court of England enters his
appearance to the writ of summons by delivering, either at the central
office of the Supreme Court, or a district registry, a written
memorandum either giving his solicitor's name or stating that he defends
in person. He must also give notice to the plaintiff of his appearance,
which ought, according to the time limited by the writ, to be within
eight days after service; a defendant may, however, appear any time
before judgment. The _Rules of the Supreme Court_, orders xii. and
xiii., regulate the procedure with respect to the entering of an
appearance, the giving of notice, the limit of time, the setting aside
and the general effect of default of appearance. In county courts there
is no appearance other than the coming into court of the parties to the
suit. In criminal cases the accused appears in person. In civil cases
infants appear by their guardians _ad litem_; lunatics by their
committee; companies by a solicitor; friendly societies by the trustee
or other officer appointed to sue or be sued on behalf thereof.

APPENDICITIS, the modern medical term for inflammation of that part of
the intestine which is known as the "appendix." Though not a new
disease, there can be no doubt that it is far commoner than it used to
be, though the explanation of this increased frequency is not yet
forthcoming. Amongst the virulent micro-organisms associated with the
disease no one specific germ has hitherto been found. It may be remarked
that the theories that influenza, or the use of preserved foods, may be
connected with the disease as cause and effect, have supporters.
Sometimes the disease is due to the impaction of a pin, shot-corn,
tooth-brush bristle, or fish-bone in the appendix, which has set up
inflammation and ulceration. In many cases a patch of mortification with
perforation of the appendix is caused by the presence of a hard faecal
concretion, or "stercolith," which from its size, shape and appearance
has been mistaken by a casual observer for a date-stone or cherry-stone.

Apart from the fact of the more frequent occurrence of appendicitis, the
disease is now better understood and more promptly recognized. It was
formerly included under the term "perityphlitis"--that is, inflammation
connected with the caecum or _blind_ portion of the large intestine. But
in the vast majority of cases the inflammation begins in the appendix,
not in the intestine proper. It is apt to extend and set up a localized
peritonitis, which in the worst cases may become general.

Appendicitis is more often met with in the young than the old, and in
boys rather than girls; and in some families there is a strange
predisposition towards it. It is often started by a chill, or by
over-exertion, and sometimes the attack follows a blow or strain, or
some other direct injury, after which the virulent micro-organisms seize
on the mucous membrane and involve the appendix in acute inflammation.

The appendix is a narrow tube, about the size of a goose-quill, with an
average length of 3 in. It terminates in a blunt point, and from its
worm-like shape is called _vermiformis_. It is an appendage of the large
intestine, into which it opens, and is regarded as the degenerate relic,
surviving in man and other mammals, of an earlier form of intestine.
Foreign bodies passing down the intestinal canal may find their way into
the appendix and lodge there. Frequently the diseased appendix is found
blocked by hard faeces or undigested particles of food, such as nuts,
fibrous vegetable matter, and other imperfectly masticated substances;
inflammation may occur, however, without the presence of any impacted
material. The appendix may be twisted, bent, or otherwise strangulated,
or its orifice may be blocked, so that the tube is distended with mucus
which can find no outlet; or ulceration of tuberculous or malignant
origin may occur. Inflammation started in the appendix is liable to
spread to the peritoneum, and herein lies the gravity of the affection
and the indication for treatment. The symptoms vary from "indigestion,"
and slight pain and sickness, which pass off in a few short days, to an
exceedingly violent illness, which may cause death in a few hours. Pain
is usually first felt in the belly, low down on the right side or across
the region of the navel; sometimes, however, it is diffuse, and at other
times it is scarcely complained of. There is some fever, the temperature
rising to 101° or 102° F., with nausea, and very likely with vomiting.
The abdomen is tender to pressure, and the tenderness may be referred to
the spot mentioned above. Some swelling may also be made out in that
region. The attack may last for two, three or four days, and then
subside. There are, however, other cases less well defined, in which the
mischief pursues a latent course, producing little more than a vague
abdominal uneasiness, until it suddenly advances into a violent stage.
In some chronic cases the trouble continues, on and off, for months or
even for years.

[Illustration: Large Intestine showing Vermiform Appendix (v.a.) and
Caecum (c)]

On paper it is easy to arrange cases of appendicitis into three
classes--catarrhal, ulcerative and mortifying--but in actual practice
this is neither desirable nor possible. Such classification is based
upon the symptoms, and in appendicitis symptoms may be actually
misleading. The three conditions to which the surgeon chiefly looks for
guidance are the aspect of the patient, the rate of his pulse and the
degree of fever as shown by the thermometer. But in certain cases of
appendicitis, though the surgeon knows intuitively, or, at least,
suspects, that the general condition is extremely serious, the patient
looks fairly well and says that he is not in pain, his pulse-rate being
but little quickened and his temperature being but slightly above
normal. Nevertheless, when the surgeon has opened the belly in the
appendix region, he finds the appendix swollen, perforated and
mortified, and lying in a stinking abscess, whilst inflammation has
already spread to the neighbouring coils of intestine. Unfortunately,
the surgeon can no more tell what he is going to find at his operation
in some of these cases than he can foretell the course which any
particular case is going to run.

We may most usefully give here the symptoms as they are likely to be
found in an ordinary case of appendicitis, and as they may be observed
by one who is not a member of the medical profession, in a way that may
prove helpful to him when circumstances have awakened his interest in
the disease.

The case taken shall be that of a boy at school, for, as already stated,
boys are more prone to the disease than girls. The boy has had, may be,
occasional attacks of "indigestion" which have duly passed away under
the influence of aperient medicines, and, being heated at play, he has
sat down upon the cold ground. Or he has got wet through or over-tired
during a long walk or ride. At any rate, his vital powers have been
suddenly lowered, and the micro-organisms teeming in his bowel have
seized upon the lining membrane of the appendix. He feels out of sorts,
and if he manages to eat a meal he very likely vomits it soon after, for
the whole nervous system of his abdomen is disturbed by the local
inflammation. The act of vomiting gives slight relief, however, and
probably he begins to complain of pains in his head as well as in his
abdomen, and possibly he has an attack of shivering--the result of
disturbance of his general nervous system. By this time he may be
attacked with intense pain in the part of his abdomen a little above the
middle of the right groin, and at that spot there may be a tenderness,
and a feeling of resistance may be made out by the gentle pressure of
the finger. In order to relax the pressure upon the tender area he
probably lies with his right thigh slightly bent. By this time he may
look ill, his face being slightly flushed, or pale and anxious. If the
clinical thermometer is placed under his tongue, the index may rise a
degree or two, perhaps several degrees, above normal, and his pulse may
be quickened to 90 or 100 beats a minute. Perhaps it is a good deal
quicker than this. Later, the skin of the lower part of the right side
of the abdomen may be flushed or reddened.

This clinical picture leaves no room for doubt. The boy has an attack of
acute septic inflammation of his appendix. Let it be that the symptoms
have come on quickly, and that the affection is not more than ten or
twelve hours old; no one can tell precisely what course the disease is
going to run. It may be that with rest in bed, constant fomentations,
and absolute starvation, the inflammation will subside; but it is just
as likely that in spite of this judicious treatment the symptoms will go
from bad to worse, and that a belated operation will fail to rescue the
boy from a general peritonitis which may end fatally. But at present, so
far as one can tell, the disease is still limited to the appendix. And
what, at this moment, is the best line of treatment? Some practitioners
would answer--"Let the acute attack settle down, and then, after a week
or ten days, when everything is quiet, remove the appendix, for
statistics show that when the operation is done in the quiet interval
the results are extremely favourable, whilst if it is done in the acute
stage the outlook is not so bright." This is quite right. But one cannot
be sure that the "quiet interval" will ever arrive. The case in question
may be one of those which rapidly go on from bad to worse, and
mortification and perforation of the appendix having taken place over
some hard faecal concretion, general peritonitis is inevitable, with
distension of the bowel and hopeless blood-poisoning. If it were certain
that the attack of appendicitis would subside and become quiescent, it
would be wise to wait. But it too often happens that the first attack
is, indeed, the last. Acute appendicitis is one thing; relapsing
appendicitis is another. The latter condition is very manageable.

Inasmuch, then, as it is impossible to know what direction the disease
will take, whether to quiescence or to disaster, it is for the greatest
good in the greatest number of cases that the inflamed appendix be
removed by operation whilst the disease is still limited to the
appendix. It is highly probable that if every available hospital surgeon
were asked if he had ever had cause to regret having advised early
operation in a case of appendicitis the answer would be "No"; on the
other hand, every surgeon would be able to recall cases in which delay
had been followed by disaster--which an early resort to operation would,
in all probability, have prevented.

If the disease is going to assume the severe form, all the symptoms, as
a rule, increase in severity. The facial expression becomes more
anxious, and the accumulation of gas in the paralysed intestine causes
an increase in the abdominal distension, so that the patient lies with
his knees drawn up. The vomiting continues. The pulse quickens to 120 or
140 a minute, and the temperature rises, perhaps to 104° F. The swelling
and tenderness increase on the right side of the abdomen, and if the
abscess does not find escape externally it probably bursts into the
general peritoneal cavity, and the patient becomes bathed in profuse
sweat, the result of blood-poisoning. Death is likely to follow within
two days, the result of blood-poisoning and exhaustion.

_Catarrhal and Relapsing Appendicitis._--Some cases of appendicitis run
a mild course, giving rise to no worse symptoms, perhaps, than those of
"indigestion" and nausea, with a feeling of general discomfort in the
abdomen, and, probably, some local tenderness. The attack may be
preceded or accompanied by constipation. The administration of a mild
aperient or an enema, rest, starvation and fomentation will probably put
matters right again--at any rate for a time.

This form of the disease may be due to the presence of "bolted,"
unchewed or indigestible food in that part of the large intestine into
which the appendix opens. And these mild recurrent attacks may sometimes
be got rid of altogether by having the teeth put in order, and by
inducing the individual to choose his food with discretion, to chew it
carefully, to take his meals regularly and to eat slowly.

Obviously, these attacks are very different from those of the acute
septic form of the disease described above, though there is no telling
that one of them may not develop into the acute form. Some of the mild
attacks are due to a kink in the appendix, or to some other condition
which temporarily prevents the secretions of the appendix from finding
their way into the large intestine. Others of them are caused by a
passing catarrhal inflammation of the lining of the appendix and have a
distant resemblance to a recurring "sore throat."

After undergoing one or two of these mild attacks the patient would be
well advised to have his appendix removed when it has once more got into
the "quiet stage." Experience abundantly shows that the operation can
then be performed with but slight disturbance of the patient, and with
the smallest possible amount of risk. And until his vulnerable appendix
has been removed he is never safe.

In the _chronic_ form of the disease though the patient is never
desperately ill he is never quite well. He has pains and discomfort in
the abdomen, with slight tenderness and nausea, with "indigestion," as
he may call it. And as one can never tell when the smouldering
inflammation may break out into conflagration, he is well advised to
submit himself to operation without further delay. To carry about a
diseased appendix is to run the constant risk of being laid up at a time
most inconvenient, as when travelling or when staying in some place
where skilled assistance is far distant or absolutely unobtainable. But
having made up his mind that the appendix had better be removed, the
patient can choose time, place and surgeon, and, having undergone a
week's careful training for the ordeal, can safely count on being back
at work again in a month or six weeks' time.

As regards _treatment_, the greatest safety consists in the prompt
removal of the inflamed appendix, and statistics show that if the
operation can be done in the first or second day of even an acute
attack, the result is generally favourable--that is to say, if the
appendix can be removed whilst the disease is still shut up within its
tissues. But in some cases ulceration and perforation, or mortification,
may have taken place over a hard faecal concretion within the first
twenty-four or forty-eight hours, and, the septic germs having been let
loose, peritonitis may have already set in, and operation may be
followed by disappointment. Still, if the case had been left unoperated
on, no other result could have been expected. It was not to the
operation, but to the intensely acute disease that the calamity must be

Nature is marvellously clever in some of these cases in shutting off the
area of the disease by glueing together the neighbouring coils of
intestine, the limited local peritonitis causing the tissues to build
themselves into a wall which securely shuts in the abscess cavity. But
in other cases she seems helpless, no barrier being formed for limiting
the area of disturbance. In such a case it is inevitable that
disappointment must result from the surgeon delaying operation in the
hope that delimitation might take place. And when at last he makes his
incision he sees that the disease has had so long a start that his own
chance of success is but a poor one. In a less severe attack, under the
influence of rest, starvation and fomentation, and in cases of chronic
and of relapsing disease, the surgeon may watch and wait and choose his
own time for operating. But when the symptoms are steadily increasing in
severity he should urge an immediate incision. When, as often happens,
the inflammation begins suddenly and severely, and, under the influence
of treatment, steadily quiets down, the surgeon does well to delay
operation. But in a fortnight or so, when everything has become once
more quiet, he will urge the removal of the appendix, for this one
attack is more than likely to be the forerunner of other attacks if the
diseased appendix is left.

The most serious cases are those in which the aspect, the pulse, and the
temperature of the patient fail to give warning of a very advanced state
of disease. Every surgeon of experience has met with cases in which,
though there is nothing pointing to the fact that the patient is on the
brink of a disaster, the operation has shown that the appendix is
mortified, and that it is surrounded with abundant foul matter. It is
then that he regrets not having operated a day or two earlier.
Consequently it is a good rule to operate in all doubtful cases. In
cases in which one happens to know that previous attacks have passed off
under palliative treatment, there is no need for immediate operation;
the quiet interval may be safely waited for. But in cases in which there
is "no history," and in which the surgeon has nothing to guide him, the
greatest safety is in prompt operation.

If an attack of acute appendicitis is allowed to take its course
unoperated on, abscess forms in the peritoneal cavity in the region of
the appendix, but if already inflammation has happily glued the
intestines together around that area, the pus is confined within
definite limits. But as the abscess increases in size the demand for its
evacuation becomes urgent. The pus, under the influence of a natural
law, seeks its escape by the path of least resistance; sometimes this is
into the intestine, and occasionally into the bladder. The most
satisfactory course which it can take is through the wall of the abdomen
and out above the right groin. As it is making its way in this direction
the skin over that part becomes red, swollen, hot and tender, and the
tissues between it and the skin become swollen and brawny. Rarely is
_fluctuation_ to be made out until the pus has worked its way close to
the surface. Later, ulceration takes place in the undermined skin, and
the stinking contents of the abscess escape, greatly to the relief of
the patient. But long before this could happen the surgeon should have
made an incision through the inflamed tissues in order to give nature
some greatly needed help. For in many cases she allows the pus blindly
to discover that the course of least resistance is not towards the
surface of the abdomen but through the inflammatory barrier formed by
the adherent coils of bowel, and so into the general peritoneal cavity.
This unfortunate issue may give temporary relief to the patient, so that
he says that he feels much better, and that his pain has nearly gone.
But though his temperature may fall, his pulse is apt to quicken--an
ominous coupling of symptoms; the paralysed bowels become further
distended, so that the lungs are pressed upon and breathing is
embarrassed; hiccough comes on; and whether operation is now resorted to
or not, a fatal end is highly probable. In other cases, the escaping pus
finds its way up towards the liver and forms an abscess below the base
of the lungs.

If operation is performed when appendicitis has run on to the formation
of abscess, and the diseased appendix presents itself, it should of
course be removed; but if it does not present itself the surgeon should
abstain from making a determined search for it, as in so doing he may
break down the barrier which nature has provided, and thus himself
become the means of spreading a septic peritonitis. Nor should he
attempt to make clean the foul abscess cavity. All that he should do is
to provide for efficient drainage. A large proportion of these cases do
extremely well with incision and drainage, and in the subsequent healing
of the cavity the wreckage of the appendix either undergoes
disintegration or is rendered harmless for further anxiety.

In some cases, however, the damaged appendix remains as a smouldering
ember, ready at any moment to cause further conflagration. This is made
manifest by lingering pains, and by tenderness and warnings after the
abscess has healed, and the patient will be well advised to have what is
left of the appendix removed by operation at a time of quiescence. The
operation, however, may turn out to be a very difficult one. Sometimes
the wound by which the abscess has been evacuated, by nature or by art,
refuses to heal completely, a little discharge of a faecal odour
continuing to escape. The small wound leads into a faecal fistula, and
a bent probe passed along it would probably find its way into the bowel.
The wound is likely to close of itself in due course; but if after many
weeks of disappointment it still continues to discharge, the surgeon may
advise an operation for its obliteration.

It occasionally happens that after operation the scar of the wound in
the abdominal wall yields under the pressure from within, and a bulging
of the intestines beneath the skin occurs. This is called a _ventral
hernia_, and if the patient cannot be made comfortable by wearing a
truss with a large flat pad, an operation may be deemed advisable.

If, in a case of appendicitis, for one reason or another operation is to
be delayed, what treatment should be resorted to? The patient should be
put to bed with his knees resting over a pillow, and a large fomentation
under oil silk should be laid over the lower part of the abdomen. No
food should be given beyond an occasional sip of hot water. Purgatives
should not be administered, as this would be to set in movement an
inflamed piece of bowel. If the case is not acute, a large enema of soap
and water with turpentine may be given, or, possibly, a dose of castor
oil by the mouth. As a rule, however, it is unwise to set the bowels in
vigorous action until the diseased appendix has been removed. No opium
should be given.

Acute intestinal obstruction, cancer of the intestine, inflammation of
the ovary, typhoid fever and renal and gallstone colic, are affections
which are apt to be mistaken for appendicitis. The first of these
resembles it most closely, and diagnosis is sometimes impossible without
resort to operation. And it is a fortunate thing that, when error of
diagnosis has been made, the operation which was designed for dealing
with an inflamed appendix may be directed with equal advantage to the
morbid condition which is found on opening the abdomen. In typhoid fever
the characteristic temperature, the general condition of the patient,
and the presence of delirium are differentiating signs of importance; in
renal and gallstone colic the situation and the more paroxysmal
character of the pain are usually distinctive.     (E. O.*)

APPENDICULATA, a zoological name introduced by E. Ray Lankester (preface
to the English edition of C. Gegenbaur's _Comparative Anatomy_), and
employed by the same writer in the 9th edition of this encyclopaedia
(article "Zoology") to denote the eighth phylum, or major division, of
coelomate animals. The animals thus associated, the Rotifera, Chaetopoda
and Arthropoda, are composed of a larger or smaller number of hollow
rings, each ring possessing typically a pair of hollow lateral
appendages, moved by intrinsic muscles and penetrated by blood-spaces.

APPENDINI, FRANCESCO MARIA (1768-1837), Italian historian and
philologist, was born at Poirino, near Turin, on the 4th of November
1768. Educated at Rome, he took orders and was sent to Ragusa, where he
was appointed professor of rhetoric. When the French seized Ragusa,
Napoleon placed Appendini at the head of the Ragusan academy. After the
Austrian occupation he was appointed principal of a college at Zara,
where he died in 1837. Appendini's chief work was his _Notizie
Istorico-critiche sulle Antichità, Storia, e Letteratura dei Ragusci_

APPENZELL, one of the cantons of north-east Switzerland, entirely
surrounded by the canton of St Gall; both were formed out of the
dominions of the prince abbots of St Gall, whence the name Appenzell
(_abbatis cello_). It is an alpine region, particularly in its south
portion, where rises the Alpstein limestone range (culminating in the
Säntis, 8216 ft.), though towards the north the surface is composed
rather of green hills, separating green hollows in which nestle neat
villages and small towns. It is mainly watered by two streams that
descend from the Säntis, the Urnasch joining the Sitter (on which is the
capital, Appenzell), which later flows into the Thur. There are light
railways from Appenzell to St Gall either (12½ m.) past Gais or (20½ m.)
past Herisau, as well as lines from St Gall to Trogen (6 m.) and from
Rorschach to Heiden (4¼ m.). Since 1597 it has been divided, for
religious reasons, into two half-cantons, which are quite independent of
each other, and differ in many points.

The north and west portion or _Ausser Rhoden_ has a total area of 93.6
sq. m. (of which 90.6 are classed as "productive"; forests covering 22.5
sq. m. and glaciers .038 sq. m.), with a population (in 1900) of 55,281,
mainly German-speaking, and containing 49,797 Protestants as against
5418 Romanists. Its political capital is Trogen (q.v.), though the
largest town is Herisau (q.v.), while Teufen has 4595 inhabitants, and
Heiden (3745 inhabitants) in the north-east corner is the most
frequented of the many goats' whey cure resorts for which the entire
canton is famous (Urnäsch and Gais are also in Ausser Rhoden). This
half-canton is divided into three administrative districts, comprising
twenty communes, and is mainly industrial, the manufacture of cotton
goods, muslins, and embroidery being very flourishing. It sends one
member (elected by the _Landsgemeinde_) to the federal _Ständerath_ and
three to the federal _Nationalrath_ (elected by a direct popular vote).

The south or more mountainous portion of Appenzell forms the half-canton
of Appenzell, _Inner Rhoden_. It has a total area of 66.7 sq. m. (of
which 62.8 sq. m. are classed as "productive," forests covering 12.8 sq.
m. and glaciers .38 sq. m.), and a total population of 13,499,
practically all German-speaking, and all but 833 Romanists. Its
political capital is Appenzell (q.v.), which is also the largest
village, while Weissbad (near it) and Gonten are the best-known goats'
whey cure resorts. Embroidery and muslins are made in this half-canton,
though wholly at home by the work-people. But it is very largely
pastoral, containing 168 mountain pastures or "alps," maintaining each
summer 4000 cows, and of an estimated capital value of 2,682,955 francs
(the figures for Ausser Rhoden are respectively 100 alps, 2800 cows, and
1,749,900 francs). Inner Rhoden is extremely conservative, and has the
reputation of always rejecting any federal _Referendum_. For similar
reasons it has preserved many old customs and costumes, those of the
women being very elaborate and picturesque, while the herdsmen have
retained their festival attire of red waistcoats, embroidered braces and
canary-coloured shorts. It sends one member (named by the
_Landsgemeinde_) to the federal _Ständerath_, and one also to the
federal _Nationalrath_, while it forms but a single administrative
district, though divided into six communes.

To the outer world the canton of Appenzell is best known by its
institution of _Landsgemeinden_, or primitive democratic assemblies held
in the open air, in which every male citizen (not being disqualified)
over twenty years of age must (under a money penalty) appear personally:
each half-canton has such an assembly of its own, that of Inner Rhoden
always meeting at Appenzell, and that of Ausser Rhoden in the odd years
at Hundwil (near Herisau) and in the even years at Trogen. This
institution is of immemorial antiquity, and the meetings in either case
are always held on the last Sunday in April. The _Landsgemeinde_ is the
supreme legislative authority, and elects both the executive (in Inner
Rhoden composed of nine members and called _Ständeskommission_, and in
Ausser Rhoden of seven members and called _Regierungsrath_) and the
president or _Landammann_; in each half-canton there is also a sort of
standing committee (composed of the members of the executive and
representatives from the communes--in Inner Rhoden one member per 250 or
fraction over 125 of the population, and in Ausser Rhoden one member per
1000 of the inhabitants) which prepares business for the _Landsgemeinde_
and decides minor matters; in Inner Rhoden it is named the _Grossrath_
and in Ausser Rhoden the _Kantonsrath_. As various old-fashioned
ceremonies are observed at the meetings and the members each appear with
his girded sword, the sight of a meeting of the _Landsgemeinde_ is most
striking and interesting. The existing constitution of Inner Rhoden
dates mainly from 1872, and that of Ausser Rhoden from 1876.

By the middle of the 11th century the abbots of St Gall had established
their power in the land later called Appenzell, which, too, became
thoroughly teutonized, its early inhabitants having probably been
romanized Raetians. But as early as 1377, this portion of the abbots'
domains formed an alliance with the Swabian free imperial cities and
adopted a constitution of its own. The repeated attempts of the abbots
to put down this independence of their rule were defeated in the
battles of Vögelinsegg (1403), north-west of Trogen, and of the Stoss
(1405), the pass leading from Gais over to Altstätten in the Rhine
valley. In 1411 Appenzell was placed under the "protection" of the Swiss
Confederation, of which, in 1452, it became an "allied member," and in
1513 a full member. Religious differences broke up the land after the
Reformation into two portions, each called _Rhoden_, a term that in the
singular is said to mean a "clearing," and occurs in 1070, long before
the final separation. From 1798 to 1803 Appenzell, with the other
domains of the abbot of St Gall, was formed into the canton Säntis of
the Helvetic Republic, but in 1803, on the creation of the new canton of
St Gall, shrank back within its former boundaries. The oldest codes of
the laws and customs of the land date from 1409 and 1585, the original
MS. of the latter (called the "Silver Book" from its silver clasps)
being still used in Inner Rhoden when, at the close of the annual
_Landsgemeinde_, the newly elected _Landammann_ first takes the oath of
office, and the assembled members then take that of obedience to him, in
either case with uplifted right hands.

  See also _Appenzellische Jahrbücher_ (3 series from 1854, Trogen); G.
  Baumberger, "_Juhu-Juuhu_"--_Appenzellerland und Appenzellerleut_
  (Einsiedeln, 1903); J.G. Ebel, _Schilderung d. Gebirgsvolker d.
  Schweiz_, vol. i. (Leipzig, 1798); W. Kobelt, _Die Alpwirthschaft im
  Kant. App. Inner Rhoden_ (Soleure, 1899); I.B. Richman, _Appenzell_
  (London, 1895); H. Ryffel, _Die schweiz. Landsgemeinden_ (Zürich,
  1903); J.J. Tobler and A. Strüby, _Die Alpwirthschaft im Kant. App.
  Ausser Rhoden_ (Soleure, 1900); J.C. Zellweger, _Geschichte d. app.
  Volkes_ (to 1597), 6 vols in 11 parts (Trogen, 1830-1838); J.C.
  Zellweger, junior, _Der Kant. App._. (Trogen, 1867); A. Tobler, _Das
  Volkslied im Appenzellerland_ (Basel, 1906); J.J. Blumer, _Staats- und
  Rechtsgeschichte d. schweiz. Demokratien_ (3 vols. St Gall,
  1850-1859).     (W. A. B. C.)

APPENZELL, the political capital of the Inner Rhoden half of the Swiss
canton of Appenzell. It is built in a smiling green hollow on the left
bank of the Sitter stream, which is formed by the union of several
mountain torrents descending from the Säntis. By light railways it is
12½ m. from St Gall past Gais or 20½ m. past Herisau. Its chief streets
are paved, but it is rather a large village than a town, though in 1900
it had 4574 inhabitants, practically all German-speaking and Romanists.
It has a stately modern parish church (attached to a Gothic choir), a
small but very ancient chapel of the abbots of St Gall (whose summer
residence was this village), and two Capuchin convents (one for men,
founded in 1588, and one for women, founded in 1613). Among the
archives, kept in the sacristy of the church, are several banners
captured by the Appenzellers in former days, among them one taken in
1406 at Imst, near Lanedeck, with the inscription _Hundert Teufel_,
though popularly this number is multiplied a thousandfold. In the
principal square the _Landsgemeinde_ (or cantonal democratic assembly)
is held annually in the open air on the last Sunday in April. The
inhabitants are largely employed in the production of embroidery, though
also engaged in various pastoral occupations. About 2½ m. by road
south-east of Appenzell is Weissbad, a well-known goat's whey cure
establishment, while 1½ hours above it is the quaint little chapel of
Wildkirchli, built (1648) in a rock cavern, on the way to the Säntis.
     (W. A. B. C.)

APPERCEPTION (Lat. _ad_ and _percipere_, perceive), in psychology, a
term used to describe the presentation of an object on which attention
is fixed, in relation to the sum of consciousness previous to the
presentation and the mind as a whole. The word was first used by
Leibnitz, practically in the sense of the modern Attention (q.v.), by
which an object is apprehended as "not-self" and yet in relation to the
self. In Kantian terminology apperception is (1) _transcendental_--the
perception of an object as involving the consciousness of the pure self
as subject, and (2) _empirical_,--the cognition of the self in its
concrete existence. In (1) apperception is almost equivalent to
self-consciousness; the existence of the ego may be more or less
prominent, but it is always involved. According to J.F. Herbart (q.v.)
apperception is that process by which an aggregate or "mass" of
presentations becomes systematized (_apperceptions-system_) by the
accretion of new elements, either sense-given or product of the inner
workings of the mind. He thus emphasizes in apperception the connexion
with the self as resulting from the sum of antecedent experience. Hence
in education the teacher should fully acquaint himself with the mental
development of the pupil, in order that he may make full use of what the
pupil already knows.

Apperception is thus a general term for all mental processes in which a
presentation is brought into connexion with an already existent and
systematized mental conception, and thereby is classified, explained or,
in a word, understood; e.g. a new scientific phenomenon is explained in
the light of phenomena already analysed and classified. The whole
intelligent life of man is, consciously or unconsciously, a process of
apperception, inasmuch as every act of attention involves the
appercipient process.

  See Karl Lange, _Ueber Apperception_ (6th ed. revised, Leipzig, 1899;
  trans. E.E. Brown, Boston, 1893); G.F. Stout, _Analytic Psychology_
  (London, 1896), bk. ii. ch. viii., and in general text-books of
  psychology; also PSYCHOLOGY.

APPERLEY, CHARLES JAMES (1777-1843), English sportsman and sporting
writer, better known as "Nimrod," the pseudonym under which he published
his works on the chase and the turf, was born at Plasgronow, near
Wrexham, in Denbighshire, in 1777. Between the years 1805 and 1820 he
devoted himself to fox-hunting. About 1821 he began to contribute to the
_Sporting Magazine_, under the pseudonym of "Nimrod," a series of racy
articles, which helped to double the circulation of the magazine in a
year or two. The proprietor, Mr Pittman, kept for "Nimrod" a stud of
hunters, and defrayed all expenses of his tours, besides giving him a
handsome salary. The death of Mr Pittman, however, led to a law-suit
with the proprietors of the magazine for money advanced, and Apperley,
to avoid imprisonment, had to take up his residence near Calais (1830),
where he supported himself by his writings. He died in London on the
19th of May 1843. The most important of his works are: _Remarks on the
Condition of Hunters, the Choice of Horses_, &c. (1831); _The Chase, the
Turf, and the Road_ (originally written for the _Quarterly Review_),
(1837); _Memoirs of the Life of the Late John Mytton_ (1837); _Nimrod's
Northern Tour_ (1838); _Nimrod Abroad_ (1842); _The Horse and the Hound_
(a reprint from the seventh edition of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_)
(1842); _Hunting Reminiscences_ (1843).

APPERT, BENJAMIN NICOLAS MARIE (1797-1847), French philanthropist, was
born in Paris on the 10th of September 1797. While a young man he
introduced a system of mutual instruction into the regimental schools of
the department of the Nord. The success which it obtained induced him to
publish a _Manual_ setting forth his system. While engaged in teaching
prisoners at Montaigu, he fell under the suspicion of having connived at
the escape of two of them, and was thrown into the prison of La Force.
On his release he resolved to devote the rest of his life to bettering
the condition of those whose lot he had for a time shared, and he
travelled much over Europe for the purpose of studying the various
systems of prison discipline, and wrote several books on the subject.
After the revolution of 1830 he became secretary to Queen Marie Amélie,
and organized the measures taken for the relief of the needy. He was
decorated with the Legion of Honour in 1833.

His brother, FRANÇOIS APPERT (d. 1840), was the inventor of the method
of preserving food by enclosing it in hermetically sealed tins; he left
a work entitled _Art de conserver les substances animales et

APPIAN (Gr. [Greek: Appianos]), of Alexandria, Roman historian,
flourished during the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. He
tells us that, after having filled the chief offices in his native
place, he repaired to Rome, where he practised as an advocate. When
advanced in years, he obtained, by the good offices of his friend
Fronto, the dignity of imperial procurator--it is supposed in Egypt. His
work ([Greek: Rumaika]) in twenty-four books, written in Greek, is
rather a number of monographs than a connected history. It gives an
account of various peoples and countries from the earliest times down to
their incorporation into the Roman empire. Besides a preface, there are
extant eleven complete books and considerable fragments. In spite of its
unattractive style, the work is very valuable, especially for the period
of the civil wars.

  Editio princeps, 1551; Schweighäuser, 1785; Bekker, 1852; Mendelssohn,
  1878-1905. English translations: by W. B., 1578 (black letter); J.
  D[avies], 1679; H. White, 1899 (Bohn's Classical Library); bk. i. ed.
  by J.L. Strachan-Davidson, 1902.

APPIANI, ANDREA (1754-1817), the best fresco painter of his age, was
born at Milan. He was made pensioned artist to the kingdom of Italy by
Napoleon, but lost his allowance after the events of 1814 and fell into
poverty. Correggio was his model, and his best pieces, which are in the
church of Santa Maria presso San Celso and the royal palace at Milan,
almost rival those of his great master. He also painted Napoleon and the
chief personages of his court. Among the most graceful of his
oil-paintings are his "Venus and Love," and "Rinaldo in the Garden of
Armida." He is known as "the elder," to distinguish him from his
great-nephew Andrea Appiani (1817-1865), an historical painter at Rome.
Other painters of the same name were Niccolo Appiani (fl. 1510) and
Francesco Appiani (1704-1792).

APPIA, VIA, a high-road leading from Rome to Campania and lower Italy,
constructed in 312 B.C. by the censor Appius Claudius Caecus. It
originally ran only as far as Capua, but was successively prolonged to
Beneventum, Venusia, Tarentum and Brundusium, though at what dates is
unknown. Probably it was extended as far as Beneventum not long after
the colonization of this town in 268 B.C., and it seems to have reached
Venusia before 190 B.C. Horace, in the journey to Brundusium described
in _Sat_. i. 5, followed the Via Appia as far as Beneventum, but not

The original road was no doubt only gravelled (_glarea strata_); in 298
B.C. a footpath was laid _saxo quadrato_ from the Porta Capena, by which
it left Rome, to the temple of Mars, about 1 m. from the gate. Three
years later, however, the whole road was paved with _silex_ from the
temple to Bovillae, and in 191 B.C. the first mile from the gate to the
temple was similarly treated. The distance from Rome to Capua was 132 m.
For the first few miles the road is flanked by an uninterrupted series
of tombs and other buildings (see L. Canina, _Via Appia_, Rome, 1853).
As far as Terracina it ran in an almost entirely straight line, even
through the Alban Hills, where the gradients are steep. A remarkably
fine embankment belonging to it still exists at Aricia. At Forum Appii
it entered the Pomptine Marshes; that this portion (19 m. long, hence
called Decennovium) belonged to the original road was proved by the
discovery at Ad Medias (Mesa) of a milestone of about 250 B.C. (Ch.
Hülsen, in _Römische Mitteilungen_, 1889, 83; 1895, 301). A still older
road ran along the foot of the Volscian mountains past Cora, Norba and
Setia; this served as the post road until the end of the 18th century.
At the time of Strabo and Horace, however, it was the practice to travel
by canal from Forum Appii to Lucus Feroniae; to Nerva and Trajan were
due the paving of the road and the repair of the bridges along this
section. Theodoric in A.D. 486 ordered the execution of similar repairs,
the success of which is recorded in inscriptions, but in the middle ages
it was abandoned and impassable, and was only renewed by Pius VI. The
older road crossed the back of the promontory at the foot of which
Terracina stands; in imperial times, probably, the rock was cut away
perpendicularly for a height of 120 ft. to allow the road to pass.
Beyond Fundi it passed through the mountains to Formiae, the engineering
of the road being noteworthy; and thence by Minturnae and Sinuessa
(towns of the Aurunci which had been conquered in 314 B.C.)[1] to Capua.
The remains of the road in this first portion are particularly striking.

Between Capua and Beneventum, a distance of 32 m., the road passed near
the defile of Caudium (see CAUDINE FORKS). The modern highroad follows
the ancient line, and remains of the latter, with the exception of three
well-preserved bridges, which still serve for the modern highroad, are
conspicuous by their absence. The portion of the road from Rome to
Beneventum is described by Sir R. Colt Hoare, _Classical Tour through
Italy_, 57 seq. (London, 1819). He was accompanied on his journey, made
in 1789, by the artist Carlo Labruzzi, who executed a series of 226
drawings, the greater part of which have not been published; they are
described by T. Ashby in _Mélanges de l'École Française de Rome_ (1903),
p. 375 seq., and _Atti del Congresso Internazionale per le Scienze
Storiche_, vol. v. (Rome, 1904), p. 125 seq.

From Beneventum to Brundusium by the Via Appia, through Venusia and
Tarentum, was 202 m. A shorter route, but more fitted for mule traffic,
though Horace drove along part of it,[2] ran by Aequum Tuticum, Aecae,
Herdoniae, Canusium, Barium, and Gnatia (Strabo vi. 282); it was made
into a main road by Trajan, and took the name Via Traiana. The original
road, too, adopted in imperial times a more devious but easier route by
Aeclanum instead of by Trevicum. This was restored by Hadrian for the 15
m. between Beneventum and Aeclanum. Under Diocletian and Maximian a road
(the Via Herculia) was constructed from Aequum Tuticum to Pons Aufidi
near Venusia, where it crossed the Via Appia and went on into Lucania,
passing through Potentia and Grumentum, and joining the Via Popilia near
Nerulum. Though it must have lost much of its importance through the
construction of the Via Traiana, the last portion from Tarentum to
Brundusium was restored by Constantine about A.D. 315.

  The Via Appia was the most famous of Roman roads; Statius, _Silvae_,
  ii. 2. 12, calls it _longarum regina viarum_. It was administered
  under the empire by a curator of praetorian rank, as were the other
  important roads of Italy. A large number of milestones and other
  inscriptions relating to its repair at various times are known. See
  Ch. Hülsen in Pauly-Wissowa, _Realencyclopadie_, ii. 238 seq.
  (Stuttgart, 1896).     (T. As.)


  [1] It is important to note how the Romans followed up every victory
    with a road.

  [2] From Beneventum he followed the older line of the Via Appia to
    Trevicum; thence, leaving the main road at Aquilonia, he went to
    Ausculum ("quod versu dicere non est"), the mod. Ascoli Satriano, by
    a by-road, for the milestones which have been found there, though
    they probably belong to the Via Traiana, cannot be in their original
    position, but must have been transplanted thither (Th. Mommsen in
    _Corp. Inscrip. Lat._, ix. 1883, No. 6016)--and on to Herdoniae (why
    Mommsen says that he left Herdoniae on the left, _op. cit._ p. 592,
    is not clear), where he joined the line of the later Via Traiana.

APPIN, a coast district of Argyllshire, Scotland, bounded W. by Loch
Linnhe, S. by Loch Creran, E. by the districts of Benderloch and Lorne,
and N. by Loch Leven. It lies north-east to south-west, and measures 14
m. in length by 7 m. in breadth. The scenery of the coast is extremely
beautiful, and inland the country is rugged and mountainous. The
principal hills are the double peaks of Ben Vair (3362 ft. and 3284 ft.)
and Creag Ghorm (2372 ft.) in the north, and Fraochie (2883 ft.), Meall
Ban (2148 ft.) and Ben Mhic na Ceisich (2093 ft.) near the right flank
of Glen Creran. The chief streams are the Coe and Laroch, flowing into
Loch Leven, the Duror and Salachan flowing into Loch Linnhe, and the
lola and Creran flowing into Loch Creran. The leading industries
comprise slate and granite quarries and lead mining. Ballachulish,
Duror, Portnacroish, Appin and Port Appin are the principal villages.
Ballachulish and Port Appin are ports of call for steamers, and the
Caledonian railway company's branch line from Connel Ferry to
Ballachulish runs through the coast land and has stations at Creagan,
Appin, Duror, Kentallen and Ballachulish Ferry. Appin was the country of
a branch of the Stewarts.

APPLAUSE (Lat. _applaudere_, to strike upon, clap), primarily the
expression of approval by clapping of hands, &c.; generally any
expression of approval. The custom of applauding is doubtless as old and
as widespread as humanity, and the variety of its forms is limited only
by the capacity for devising means of making a noise. Among civilized
nations, however, it has at various times been subject to certain
conventions. Thus the Romans had a set ritual of applause for public
performances, expressing degrees of approval: snapping the finger and
thumb, clapping with the flat or hollow palm, waving the flap of the
toga, for which last the emperor Aurelian substituted a handkerchief
(_orarium_), distributed to all Roman citizens (see STOLE). In the
theatre, at the close of the play, the chief actor called out "Valete et
plaudite!", and the audience, guided by an unofficial choregus, chaunted
their applause antiphonally. This was often organized and paid for
(Böttiger, _Über das Applaudieren im Theater bei den Alten_, Leipz.,
1822). When Christianity became fashionable the customs of the theatre
were transferred to the churches. Eusebius (_Hist. Eccl._ vii. 30) says
that Paul of Samosata encouraged the congregation to applaud his
preaching by waving linen cloths ([Greek: othonais]), and in the 4th and
5th centuries applause of the rhetoric of popular preachers had become
an established custom. Though, however, applause may provide a healthy
stimulus, its abuse has led to attempts at abolishing or restricting it
even in theatres. The institution of the _claque_, people hired by
performers to applaud them, has largely discredited the custom, and
indiscriminate applause has been felt as an intolerable interruption to
serious performances. The reverential spirit which abolished applause in
church has tended to spread to the theatre and the concert-room, largely
under the influence of the quasi-religious atmosphere of the Wagner
performances at Baireuth. In Germany (e.g. the court theatres at Berlin)
applause during the performance and "calling before the curtain" have
been officially forbidden, but even in Germany this is felt to be in
advance of public opinion. (See also ACCLAMATION and CHEERING.)

APPLE (a common Teut. word, A.S. _aepl, aeppel_, O.H.G. _aphul, aphal,
apfal_, mod. Ger. _Apfel_), the fruit of _Pyrus Malus_, belonging to the
sub-order _Pomaceae_, of the natural order _Rosaceae_. It is one of the
most widely cultivated and best-known and appreciated of fruits
belonging to temperate climates. In its wild state it is known as the
crab-apple, and is found generally distributed throughout Europe and
western Asia, growing in as high a latitude as Trondhjem in Norway. The
crabs of Siberia belong to different species of _Pyrus_. The apple-tree
as cultivated is a moderate-sized tree with spreading branches, ovate,
acutely serrated or crenated leaves, and flowers in corymbs. The fruit
is too well known to need any description of its external
characteristics. The apple is successfully cultivated in higher
latitudes than any other fruit tree, growing up to 65° N., but
notwithstanding this, its blossoms are more susceptible of injury from
frost than the flowers of the peach or apricot. It comes into flower
much later than these trees, and so avoids the night frost which would
be fatal to its fruit-bearing. The apples which are grown in northern
regions are, however, small, hard, and crabbed, the best fruit being
produced in hot summer climates, such as Canada and the United States.
Besides in Europe and America, the fruit is now cultivated at the Cape
of Good Hope, in northern India and China, and in Australia and New

Apples have been cultivated in Great Britain probably since the period
of the Roman occupation, but the names of many varieties indicate a
French or Dutch origin of much later date. In 1688 Ray enumerated
seventy-eight varieties in cultivation in the neighbourhood of London,
and now it is calculated that about 2000 kinds can be distinguished.
According to the purposes for which they are suitable, they can be
classed as--1st, dessert; 2nd, culinary; and 3rd, cider apples. The
principal dessert apples are the Pippins (_pepins_, seedlings), of which
there are numerous varieties. As culinary apples, besides Rennets and
other dessert kinds, Codlins and Biffins are cultivated. In England,
Herefordshire and Devonshire are famous for the cultivation of apples,
and in these counties the manufacture of cider (q.v.) is an important
industry. Cider is also extensively prepared in Normandy and in Holland.
Verjuice is the fermented juice of crab apples.

A large trade in the importation of apples is carried on in Britain,
imports coming chiefly from French, Belgian and Dutch growers, and from
the United States and British North America. Dried and pressed apples
are imported from France for stewing, under the name of Normandy
Pippins, and similarly prepared fruits come also from America.

The apple may be propagated by seeds to obtain stocks for grafting, and
also for the production of new varieties. The established sorts are
usually increased by grafting, the method called whip-grafting being
preferred. The stocks should be at least as thick as the finger; and
should be headed back to where the graft is to be fixed in January,
unless the weather is frosty, but in any case before vegetation becomes
active. The scions should be cut about the same time, and laid in firmly
in a trench, in contact with the moist soil, until required.

The tree will thrive in any good well-drained soil, the best being a
good mellow calcareous loam, while the less iron there is in the subsoil
the better. The addition of marl to soils that are not naturally
calcareous very much improves them. The trees are liable to canker in
undrained soils or those of a hot sandy nature. Where the soil is not
naturally rich enough, it should be well manured, but not to the extent
of encouraging over-luxuriance. It is better to apply manure in the form
of a compost than to use it in a fresh state or unmixed.

To form an orchard, standard trees should be planted at from 25 to 40
ft. between the rows, according to the fertility of the soil and other
considerations. The trees should be selected with clean, straight,
self-supporting stems, and the head should be shapely and symmetrical,
with the main branches well balanced. In order to obtain such a stem,
all the leaves on the first shoot from the graft or bud should be
encouraged to grow, and in the second season the terminal bud should be
allowed to develop a further leading shoot, while the lateral shoots
should be allowed to grow, but so that they do not compete with the
leader, on which the growth of leaves should be encouraged in order that
they may give additional strength to the stem below them. The side
shoots should be removed gradually, so that the diminution of foliage in
this direction may not exceed the increase made by the new branches and
shoots of the upper portion. Dwarf pyramids, which occupy less space
than open dwarfs, if not allowed to grow tall, may be planted at from 10
to 12 ft. apart. Dwarf bush trees may be planted from 10 to 15 ft.
apart, according to the variety and the soil. Dwarf bushes on the
Paradise stock are both ornamental and useful in small gardens, the
trees being always conveniently under control. These bush trees, which
must be on the proper stock--the French Paradise--may be planted at
first 6 ft. apart, with the same distance between the rows, the space
being afterwards increased, if desired, to 12 ft. apart, by removing
every alternate row.

"Cordons" are trees trained to a single shoot, the laterals of which are
kept spurred. They are usually trained horizontally, at about 1½ ft.
from the ground, and may consist of one stem or of two, the stems in the
latter case being trained in opposite directions. In cold districts the
finer sorts of apples may be grown against walls as upright or oblique
cordons. From these cordon trees very fine fruit may often be obtained.
The apple may also be grown as an espalier tree, a form which does not
require much lateral space. The ordinary trained trees for espaliers and
walls should be planted 20 ft. apart.

The fruit of the apple is produced on spurs which form on the branchlets
of two years old and upwards, and continue fertile for a series of
years. The principal pruning should be performed in summer, the young
shoots if crowded being thinned out, and the superabundant laterals
shortened by breaking them half through. The general winter pruning of
the trees may take place any time from the beginning of November to the
beginning of March, in open weather. The trees are rather subject to the
attacks of the American blight, the white cottony substance found on the
bark and developed by an insect (_Eriosoma, mali_), somewhat similar to
the green-fly of the garden, but not a true aphis. It may be removed by
scrubbing with a hard brush, by painting the affected spots with any
bland oil, or by washing them with dilute paraffin and soft soap.

The apple-blossom weevil (_Anthonomus pomorum_), a small reddish-brown
beetle, often causes serious damage to the flowers. The female bores and
lays an egg in the unopened bud, and the maggot feeds on the stamens and
pistil. The weevil hibernates in the crannies of the bark or in the soil
at the base of the trees, and bandages of tarred doth placed round the
stem in spring will prevent the female from crawling up.

The codlin moth (_Carpocapsa pomonana_) lays its eggs in May in the
calyx of the flowers. The young caterpillar, which is white with black
head and neck, gnaws its way through the fruit, and pierces the rind.
When nearly full grown it attacks the core, and the fruit soon drops.
The insect emerges and spins its cocoon in a crack of the bark.

To check this disease the apples which fall before ripening should be
promptly removed. A loosely made hay-band twisted round the stem about a
foot from the ground is of use. The grubs will generally choose the
bands in which to make their cocoon; at the end of the season the bands
are collected and burned.

The following are a few of the most approved varieties of the apple
tree, arranged in order of their ripening, with the months in which they
are in use:--

    Dessert Apples.

  White Juneating.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . July
  Early Red Margaret.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Aug.
  Irish Peach .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Aug.
  Devonshire Quarrenden.  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Aug., Sept.
  Duchess of Oldenburg .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Aug., Sept.
  Red Astrachan  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Sept.
  Kerry Pippin.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Sept., Oct.
  Peasgood's Nonesuch  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Sept.-Nov.
  Sam Young.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-Dec.
  King of the Pippins  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-Jan.
  Cox's Orange Pippin  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-Feb.
  Court of Wick  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-Mar.
  Blenheim Pippin.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Feb.
  Sykehouse Russet  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Feb.
  Fearn's Pippin .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Mar.
  Mannington's Pearmain.  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Mar.
  Margil.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Mar.
  Ribston Pippin .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Mar.
  Golden Pippin  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Jan.
  Reinette de Canada.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Apr.
  Ashmead's Kernel  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Apr.
  White Winter Calville (grown under glass) . Dec.-Mar.
  Braddick's Nonpareil .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Dec.-Apr.
  Court-pendû Plat  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Dec.-Apr.
  Northern Spy.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Dec.-May
  Cornish Gilliflower  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Dec.-May
  Scarlet Nonpareil .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Jan.-Mar.
  Cockle's Pippin.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Jan.-Apr.
  Lamb Abbey Pearmain  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Jan.-May
  Old Nonpareil  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Jan.-May
  Duke of Devonshire.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Feb.-May
  Sturmer Pippin .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Feb.-June

    Kitchen Apples.

  Keswick Codlin .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Aug.-Sept.
  Lord Suffield  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Aug.-Sept.
  Manks Codlin.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Aug.-Oct.
  Ecklinville Seedling .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Aug.-Nov.
  Stirling Castle.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Aug.-Nov.
  New Hawthornden.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Sept.-Oct.
  Stone's Seedling  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Sept.-Nov.
  Emperor Alexander .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Sept.-Dec.
  Waltham Abbey Seedling  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Sept.-Jan.
  Cellini  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct., Nov.
  Gravenstein .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-Dec.
  Hawthornden .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-Dec.
  Baumann's Red Winter Reinette .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Mar.
  Mère de Ménage .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-Mar.
  Beauty of Kent .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-Feb.
  Yorkshire Greening.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-Feb.
  Gloria Mundi.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Jan.
  Blenheim Pippin.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Feb.
  Tower of Glammis  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Feb.
  Warner's King  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Mar.
  Alfriston.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Apr.
  Northern Greening .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Apr.
  Reinette de Canada.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-Apr.
  Bess Pool.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-May
  Winter Queening.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-May
  Lane's Prince Albert .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Oct.-May
  Norfolk Beaufin.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . Nov.-July

Apples for table use should have a sweet juicy pulp and rich aromatic
flavour, while those suitable for cooking should possess the property of
forming a uniform soft pulpy mass when boiled or baked. In their
uncooked state they are not very digestible, but when cooked they form a
very safe and useful food, exercising a gentle laxative influence.

According to Hutchison their composition is as follows:--

  |       |Water. | Proteid.| Ether  | Carbo- | Ash. | Cellu- |Acids.|
  |       |       |         |Extract.|hydrate.|      |  lose. |      |
  |       +-------+---------+--------|--------|------+--------+------+
  | Fresh | 82.5  |   0.4   |  0.5   |  12.5  | 0.4  |  2.7   | 1.0  |
  | Dried | 36.2  |   1.4   |  3.0   |  49.1  | 1.8  |  4.9   | 3.6  |

Many exotic fruits, having nothing in common with the apple; are known
by that name, e.g. the Balsam apple, _Momordica Balsamina_; the custard
apple (q.v.), _Anona reticulata_; the egg apple, _Solanum esculentum_;
the rose apple, various species of _Eugenia_; the pineapple (q.v.),
_Ananas sativus_; the star apple, _Chrysophyllum Cainito_; and the
apples of Sodom, _Solanum sodomeum_.     (A. B. R.)

APPLEBY, a market town and municipal borough, and the county town of
Westmorland, England, in the Appleby parliamentary division, 276 m.
N.N.W. from London, on the Midland and a branch of the North Eastern
railways. Pop. (1901) 1764. It is picturesquely placed in the valley of
the Eden, which is richly wooded, and flanked on the north-east by spurs
of Milburn Forest and Dufton and other fells, which rise up to 2600 ft.
On a hill above the town stands the castle, retaining a fine Norman keep
and surrounded by a double moat, now partly laid out as gardens. The
remainder of the castle was rebuilt as a mansion in the 17th century. It
was held for the royalists in the civil wars by Sir Philip Musgrave, and
was the residence of Anne, countess of Pembroke, the last of the family
of Clifford, which had great estates in this part of England. St Ann's
hospital for thirteen poor women (1654) was of her foundation. The
grammar school (1453) was refounded by Queen Elizabeth. The modern
incorporation dates from 1885, with a mayor, four aldermen and twelve
councillors. Area, 1876 acres.

Appleby is not mentioned in any Saxon records, but after the Conquest it
rose to importance as the head of the barony of Appleby which extended
over the eastern portion of the present county of Westmorland. This
barony formed part of the province of Carlisle granted by Henry I. to
Ranulf Meschin, who erected the castle at Appleby and made it his place
of residence. Appleby is a borough by prescription, and the old charter
of incorporation, granted in the first year of James II., was very
shortly abandoned. In 1292 we find the mayor and commonalty claiming the
right to elect a coroner and to have tolls of markets and fairs. In 1685
the governing body comprised a mayor, aldermen, a town clerk, burgesses
of the common council, a coroner and subordinate officers. An undated
charter from Henry II. conceding to the burgesses the customs of York,
Was confirmed in 1 John, 16 Henry III., 14 Edward I., and 5 Edward III.
John granted the borough to the burgesses for a fee-farm rent. The
impoverishment caused by the Scottish raids led to its seizure by Edward
II. for arrears of payment, but Edward III. restored it on the same
terms as before. Henry VIII. reduced the fee-farm rent from 20 marks to
2 marks, after an inquisition which found that Appleby was burnt by the
Scots in 1388 and that part of it still lay in ruins. The town, however,
never seems to have regained its prosperity, and 16th and 17th century
writers speak of it as a poor and insignificant village. Appleby
returned two members to parliament from 1295 until disfranchised by the
Reform Act of 1832. The market and the St Lawrence fair are held by
prescription. James I. granted an additional fair on the second Thursday
in April. In the early 18th century Appleby was celebrated for the best
corn-market in the country.

  See _Victoria County History, Westmorland_; W. Hewitson, _Appleby
  Charters_ (Cumberl. and Westm. Antiq. and Archaeol. Soc.,
  Transactions, xi. 279-285; Kendal, 1891).

APPLETON, NATHAN (1770-1861) American merchant and politician, was born
in New Ipswich, New Hampshire, on the 6th of October 1779. He was
educated in the New Ipswich Academy, and in 1794 entered mercantile life
in Boston, in the employment of his brother, Samuel (1766-1853), a
successful and benevolent man of business, with whom he was in
partnership from 1800 to 1809. He co-operated with Francis C. Lowell
and others in introducing the power-loom and the manufacture of cotton
on a large scale into the United States, a factory being established at
Waltham, Massachusetts, in 1814, and another in 1822 at Lowell,
Massachusetts, of which city he was one of the founders. He was a member
of the general court of Massachusetts in 1816, 1821, 1822, 1824 and
1827, and in 1831-1833 and 1842 of the national House of
Representatives, in which he was prominent as an advocate of protective
duties. He died in Boston on the 14th of July 1861.

His son, THOMAS GOLD APPLETON (1812-1884), who graduated at Harvard in
1831, had some reputation as a writer, an artist and a patron of the
fine arts, but was better known for his witticisms, one of which, the
oft-quoted "Good Americans, when they die, go to Paris," is sometimes
attributed to Oliver Wendell Holmes. He published some poems and, in
prose, _Nile Journal_ (1876), _Syrian Sunshine_ (1877), _Windfalls_
(1878), and _Chequer-Work_ (1879).

  See the memoir of Nathan Appleton by Robert C. Winthrop (Boston,
  1861); and Susan Hale's _Life and Letters of Thomas Gold Appleton_
  (New York, 1885).

APPLETON, a city and the county-seat of Outagamie county, Wisconsin,
U.S.A., on the lower Fox river, about 90 m. N. of Milwaukee. Pop. (1890)
11,869; (1900) 15,085, of whom 3605 were foreign-born; (1910, census)
16,773. It is served by the Chicago & North-Western, and the Chicago,
Milwaukee & St Paul railways, and by steamboats on the Fox river, by
means of which it meets lake transportation at De Pere and Green Bay.
Appleton was one of the first cities in the United States to have an
electric street railway line in operation; and electric street railways
now traverse the entire Fox river valley as far as Fond du Lac on the
south and Green Bay on the north. The city is attractively laid out on
high bluffs above the river. It has several beautiful parks, two
hospitals, a number of fine churches and school buildings, and a public
library. The city is the seat of Lawrence college (changed from
university in 1908), an interdenominational (originally a Methodist
Episcopal) co-educational institution, founded in 1847 as the Lawrence
Institute of Wisconsin and named in honour of Amos Adams Lawrence
(1814-1886) of Boston, son of Amos Lawrence, and giver of $10,000 for
the founding of the Institute. The college comprises an academy, a
college of liberal arts, a school of expression, a school of commerce,
schools of music and of art, and a school of correspondence; and in
1907-1908 had 33 instructors, 575 students and a library of 24,400
volumes. The Fox river furnishes about 10,000 h.p., which is largely
utilized for the manufacture of paper (of which Appleton is one of the
largest producers in the United States), wood-pulp, sulphite fibre,
machinery, wire screens, woollen goods, knit goods, furniture, dyes and
flour. The total value of factory products in 1905 was $6,672,457, an
increase of 72.8% over the product value of 1900. Appleton was first
permanently settled in 1833, and was named in honour of Samuel Appleton
of Massachusetts, who owned part of the original town plot. It was
incorporated as a village in 1853, and received in 1857 a city charter,
which was revised in 1887 and in 1905.

APPOGGIATURA (from Ital. _appoggiare_, to lean upon), a musical term for
a melodic ornament, a grace-note prefixed to a principal note and
printed in small character. The effect is to suspend the principal note,
by taking away the time-value of the _appoggiatura_ prefixed to it.
There are two kinds, the long _appoggiatura_, now usually printed as
played, and the short, where the suspension of the principal note is
scarcely perceptible; this is often called _acciatura_, a word properly
applied to an ornament now obsolete, in which a principal note in a
melody is struck together with the note immediately below, the lower
note being at once released and the other held on.

APPOINTMENT, POWER OF, in English law, an authority reserved by or
limited to a person, to dispose, either wholly or partially, of real or
personal property, either for his own benefit or for that of others.
Thus if A settle property upon trustees to such uses as B shall by deed
or will appoint and in default of and until such appointment to the use
of C and his heirs, B, though he has no interest in the property, can at
any time appoint the property to any one he pleases, including himself,
and C's interest which has hitherto been vested in him will be divested.
In the above case A is said to be the donor, B the donee, and the
persons in whose favour the appointment is exercised are called the
appointees. Such powers are either general or limited. A general power
is one which the appointor may exercise in favour of any person he
pleases. It is obvious that such a power is very nearly equivalent to
ownership, and consequently property which is the subject of a general
power has been made to share the liabilities of ownership. By the
Judgments Act 1838 all hereditaments over which a judgment debtor has
such a power may be seized by the sheriff under a writ of _elegit_, and
by the Bankruptcy Act 1883 similar property will vest in the trustees of
a bankrupt. By the Finance Act 1894 property of which the deceased had a
general power of appointment is subject to the payment of estate duty,
even though the power has not been exercised. A limited power is one
which can only be exercised in favour of certain specified persons or
classes; such a power is frequently inserted in marriage settlements in
which after life estates to the husband and wife a power is given to
appoint among the children of the marriage. In such a case no
appointment to any one but children of the marriage is valid. Formerly
it was held that the intention of the donor of such a power was that
each of the class which are the objects of the power should take some
part of the fund, and from this arose the equitable doctrine of illusory
appointments, by which the courts of equity set aside an appointment
which was good at law on the ground that a merely nominal share had been
appointed to one of the objects. The great difficulty of deciding what
was a nominal or illusory share caused the passing of the Illusory
Appointments Act of 1830, whereby it was enacted that no appointment
should be set aside merely on the ground that a share appointed was
illusory. It was still necessary, however, that some share should be
appointed to each object, and consequently it was possible in the
popular phrase to be "cut off with a shilling," but now by the Powers
Amendment Act 1874 the appointor is no longer obliged to appoint a share
to each object of the power.

It is a general rule that every circumstance required by the instrument
creating the power to accompany the execution of it must be strictly
observed. Thus it might be required that the appointment should be by an
instrument witnessed by four witnesses, or that the consent in writing
of some third party should be signified. The general rule, however, has
been modified both by statute and by the rules of equity. By the Wills
Act 1837 a will made pursuant to the requirements of that statute shall
be a valid execution of a power of appointment by will, notwithstanding
that some additional form or solemnity shall have been required by the
instrument creating the power, and by the Wills Act 1861 a will made out
of the United Kingdom by a British subject according to the forms
required by the law of the place where the will was made shall, as
regards personal estate, be held to be well executed and admitted to
probate; consequently it has been held that an appointment made by such
a will is a valid exercise of the power. As regards appointments by deed
the Law of Property Amendment Act 1859 enacts that a deed attested by
two witnesses shall, so far as execution and attestation go, be a valid
exercise of a power to appoint by deed. The courts of equity also will
interfere in some cases of defective execution in order to carry out the
intentions of the settlor. The principle upon which the court acts is
obscure, but the rule has been thus stated:--"Whenever a man having
power over an estate, whether ownership or not, in discharge of moral or
natural relations, shows an intention to execute such power, the court
will operate upon the conscience of the heir (or of the persons entitled
in default) to make him perfect this intention." Equity, however, only
relieves against defects not of the essence of the power, such as the
absence of seal or execution by will instead of deed, but where the
defect is of the essence of the power, as where a consent is not
obtained, equity will not assist, nor will it relieve where a power to
appoint by will is purported to be exercised by deed. A power of
appointment if exercised must be exercised bona fide, otherwise it will
be void as fraudulent; thus it has been frequently decided that where a
father, having a limited power of appointment among his children,
appoints the whole fund to an infant child, who is in no need of the
appointment and who is ill, in the expectation of the death of the child
whereby the fund will come to him as next of kin, such appointment is
void as a fraud upon the power. Where an execution is partly fraudulent
and partly valid the court will, if possible, separate the two and only
revoke that which is fraudulent; if, however, the two parts are not
separable the whole is void. The same rule is applied in cases of
excessive execution where the power is exercised in favour of persons
some of whom are and some of whom are not objects of the power. The
doctrine of _Election_ (q.v.) applies to appointments under powers, but
there must be a gift of free and disposable property to the persons
entitled in default of appointment.

The appointment must in law be read into the instrument creating the
power in lieu of the power itself. Thus an appointor under a limited
power cannot appoint to any person to whom the donor could not have
appointed by reason of the rule against perpetuities, but this is not so
in the case of a general power, for there the appointor is virtually
owner of the property appointed. In applying this rule to appointments a
distinction arises between powers created by deed and will, for a deed
speaks from the date of its execution but a will from the death of the
testator, and so limitations bad when the will was made may have become
good when it comes into operation. Since the Conveyancing Act 1881 all
powers may be released by the donees thereof, unless the power is
coupled with a trust in respect of which there is a duty cast on the
donee to exercise it; and this is so even though the donee gets a
benefit by such release as one entitled in default of appointment, for
this is not a fraud upon the power.     (E. S. M. B.)

APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE, a village of Appomattox county, Virginia,
U.S.A., 25 m. E. of Lynchburg, in the S. part of the state. It is served
by the Norfolk & Western railway. The village was the scene of the
surrender of the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia under General
Robert E. Lee to the Federal forces under Lieutenant-General U.S. Grant
on Sunday the 9th of April 1865. The terms were: "the officers to give
their individual paroles not to take up arms against the government of
the United States until properly exchanged, and each company or
regimental commander to sign a like parole for the men of their
commands," ... neither "side arms of the officers nor their private
horses or baggage" to be surrendered; and, as many privates in the
Confederate Army owned horses and mules, all horses and mules claimed by
men in the Confederate Army to be left in their possession.

APPONYI, ALBERT, COUNT (1846-   ), Hungarian statesman, the most
distinguished member of an ancient noble family, dating back to the 13th
century, and son of the chancellor Gyorgy Apponyi (1808-1899) and the
accomplished and saintly Countess Julia Sztáray, was born at Pesth on
the 29th of May 1846. Educated at the Jesuit seminary at Kalksburg and
at the universities of Vienna and Pesth, a long foreign tour completed
his curriculum, and at Paris he made the acquaintance of Montalembert, a
kindred spirit, whose influence on the young Apponyi was permanent. He
entered parliament in 1872 as a liberal Catholic, attaching himself at
first to the Deák party; but the feudal and ultramontane traditions of
his family circle profoundly modified, though they could never destroy,
his popular ideals. On the break up of the Deák party he attached
himself to the conservative group which followed Baron Pál Senynyey
(1824-1888) and eventually became its leader. Until 1905 Count Albert
was constantly in opposition, but in May of that year he consented to
take office in the second Wekerle ministry. A lofty and magnetic orator,
his speeches were published at Budapest in 1896; and he is the author of
an interesting dissertation, _Esthetics and Politics, the Artist and the
Statesman_ (Hung.) (Budapest, 1895).

APPORTIONMENT (Fr. _apportionement;_ Med. Lat. _apportionamentum;_
derived from Lat. portio, share), distribution or allotment in proper
shares; a term used in law in a variety of senses, (1) Sometimes it is
employed roughly and with no technical meaning to indicate the
distribution of a benefit (e.g. salvage or damages under the Fatal
Accidents Act 1846, § 2), or liability (e.g. general average
contributions, or tithe rent-charge), or the incidence of a duty (e.g.
obligations as to the maintenance of highways). (2) In its strict legal
interpretation apportionment falls into two classes, "apportionment in
respect of estate" and "apportionment in respect of time."

1. _Apportionment in respect of Estate_ may result either from the act
of the parties or from the operation of law. Where a lessee is evicted
from, or surrenders or forfeits possession of part of the property
leased to him, he becomes liable at common law to pay only a rent
apportioned to the value of the interest which he still retains. So
where the person entitled to the reversion of an estate assigns part of
it, the right to an apportioned part of the rent incident to the whole
reversion passes to his assignee. The lessee is not bound, however, by
an apportionment of rent made upon the grant of part of the reversion
unless it is made either with his consent or by the verdict of a jury.
The assignee of the reversion of part of demised premises could not, at
common law, re-enter for breach of a condition, inasmuch as a condition
of re-entry in a lease could not at common law be apportioned. But this
has now been altered by statute both in England (Law of Property
Amendment Act 1859, § 3; Conveyancing Act 1881, § 12) and in many of the
British colonies (e.g. Ontario, Rev. Stats., 1897, c. 170, § 9;
Barbados, No. 12 of 1891, § 9). In the cases just mentioned there is
apportionment in respect of estate by act of the parties.

  _Apportionment by operation of law_ may be brought about where by act
  of law a lease becomes inoperative as regards its subject-matter, or
  by the "act of God" (as, for instance, where part of an estate is
  submerged by the encroachments of the sea). To the same category
  belongs the apportionment of rent which takes place under various
  statutes (e.g. the Lands Clauses Consolidation Act 1845, § 119, when
  land is required for public purposes; the Agricultural Holdings Act
  1883, § 41, in the case of a tenant from year to year receiving notice
  to quit part of a holding; and the Irish Land Act 1903, § 61,
  apportionment of quit and crown rents).

_2. Apportionment in respect of Time._--At common law, there was no
apportionment of rent in respect of time. Such apportionment was,
however, in ceftain cases allowed in England by the Distress for Rent
Act 1737, and the Apportionment Act 1834, and is now allowed generally
under the Apportionment Act 1870. Under that statute (§ 2) all rents,
annuities, dividends and other periodical payments in the nature of
income are to be considered as accruing from day to day and to be
apportionable in respect of time accordingly. It is provided, however,
that the apportioned part of such rents, &c., shall only be payable or
recoverable in the case of a continuing payment, when the entire portion
of which it forms part itself becomes payable, and, in the case of a
payment determined by re-entry, death or otherwise, only when the next
entire portion would have been payable if it had not so determined (§
3). Persons entitled to apportioned parts of rent have the same remedies
for recovering them when payable as they would have had in respect of
the entire rent; but a lessee is not to be liable for any apportioned
part specifically. The rent is recoverable by the heir or other person
who would, but for the apportionment, be entitled to the entire rent,
and he holds it subject to distribution (§ 4). The Apportionment Act
1870 extends to payments not made under any instrument in writing (§ 2),
but not to annual sums made payable in policies of insurance (§ 6).
Apportionment under the act can be excluded by express stipulation.

The apportionment created by this statute is "apportionment in respect
of time." The cases to which it applies are mainly cases of either (A)
apportionment of rent due under leases where at a time between the dates
fixed for payment the lessor or lessee dies, or some other alteration in
the position of parties occurs; or (B) apportionment of income between
the representatives of a limited owner and the remainder-man when the
limited interest determines at a time between the date when such income
became due.

  (A) With regard to the former of these classes, it may be noticed that
  although apportioned rent becomes payable only when the whole rent is
  due, the landlord, in the case of the bankruptcy of an ordinary
  tenant, may prove for a proportionate part of the rent up to the date
  of the receiving order (Bankruptcy Act 1883, Sched. ii. r. 19); and
  that a similar rule holds good in the winding up of a company (_in re
  South Kensington Co-operative Stores_, 1881, 17 Ch.D. 161); and
  further that the act of 1870 applies to the liability to pay, as well
  as to the right to receive, rent (_in re Wilson_, 1893, 62 L.J.Q.B.
  628, 632). Accordingly where an assignment of a lease is made between
  two half-yearly rent-days, the assignee is not liable to pay the full
  amount of the half-year's rent falling due on the rent-day next after
  the date of the assignment, but only an apportioned part of that
  half-year's rent, computed from the last mentioned date (_Glass_ v.
  _Patterson_, 1902, 2 Ir.R. 660).

  (B) With regard to the apportionment of income, the only points
  requiring notice here are that all dividends payable by public
  companies are apportionable, whether paid at fixed periods or not,
  unless the payment is, in effect, a payment of capital (§ 5).

The Apportionment Act 1870 extends to Scotland and Ireland. It has been
followed in many of the British colonies (e.g. Ontario, Rev. Stats.,
1897, c. 170, §§ 4-8; New Zealand, No. 4 of 1886; Tasmania, No. 8 of
1871; Barbados, No. 12 of 1891, §§ 9-12). Similar legislation has been
adopted in many of the states of the American Union, where, as in
England, rent was not, at common law, apportionable as to time (Kent,
_Comm_. iii. 469-472).

An _equitable apportionment_, apart from statute law, arises where
property is bequeathed on trust to pay the income to a tenant for life
and the reversion to others, and the realization of the property in the
form of a fund capable of producing income is postponed for the benefit
of the estate. In such cases there is an ultimate apportionment between
the persons entitled to the income and those entitled to the capital of
the accumulations for the period of such postponement. The rule followed
is this: the proceeds, when realized, are apportionable between capital
and income by ascertaining the sum which, put out and accumulated at 3%
_per annum_ from the day of the testator's death (with yearly rents and
deducting income tax) would have produced at the day of receipt the sum
actually received. The sum so ascertained should be treated as capital
and the residue as income. (_In re Earl of Chesterfield's Trusts_, 1883,
24 Ch.D. 643; _In re Goodenough_, 1895, 2 Ch. 537; _Rowlls_ v. _Bebb_,
1900, 2 Ch. 107.)

  In addition to the authorities cited in the text, see Stroud, _Jud.
  Dict._ (2nd ed., London, 1903), s.v. "Apportion"; Bouvier, _Law Dict._
  (London and Boston, 1897), s.v. "Apportionment"; _Ruling Cases_
  (London, 1895), tit. "Apportionment"; Fawcett, _Landlord and Tenant_
  (London, 1905), pp. 238 et seq.; Foa, _Landlord and Tenant_ (3rd ed.,
  London, 1901), pp. 112 et seq.     (A. W. R.)

APPORTIONMENT BILL, an act passed by the Congress of the United States
after each decennial census to determine the number of members which
each state shall send to the House of Representatives. The ratio of
representation fixed by the original constitution was 1 to 30,000 of the
free population, and the number of the members of the first House was
65. As the House would, at this ratio, have become unmanageably large,
the ratio, which is first settled by Congress before apportionment, has
been raised after each census, as will be seen from the accompanying

  |                 |       Census      |  Apportionment |   Whole   |
  |     Under       +------+------------+------+---------+ Number of |
  |                 | Year | Population | Year |   Ratio | Represe-  |
  |                 |      |            |      |         | ntatives  |
  | Constitution    |  ··  |     ··     | 1789 |  30,000 |     65    |
  | First Census    | 1790 |  3,929,214 | 1793 |  33,000 |    105    |
  | Second Census   | 1800 |  5,308,483 | 1803 |  33,000 |    141    |
  | Third Census    | 1810 |  7,239,881 | 1813 |  35,000 |    181    |
  | Fourth Census   | 1820 |  9,633,822 | 1823 |  40,000 |    213    |
  | Fifth Census    | 1830 | 12,866,020 | 1833 |  47,700 |    240    |
  | Sixth Census    | 1840 | 17,069,453 | 1843 |  70,680 |    223    |
  | Seventh Census  | 1850 | 23,191,876 | 1853 |  93,423 |    234    |
  | Eighth Census   | 1860 | 31,443,321 | 1863 | 127,381 |    241    |
  | Ninth Census    | 1870 | 38,558,371 | 1873 | 131,425 |    292    |
  | Tenth Census    | 1880 | 50,155,783 | 1883 | 151,911 |    325    |
  | Eleventh Census | 1890 | 62,622,250 | 1893 | 173,901 |    356    |
  | Twelfth Census  | 1900 | 75,568,686 | 1903 | 194,182 |    386    |

The same term is applied to the acts passed by the state legislatures
for correcting and redistributing the representation of the counties.
Such acts are usually passed at decennial intervals, more often after
the federal census, but the dates may vary in different states. The
state representatives are usually apportioned among the several counties
according to population and not by geographical position. The electoral
districts so formed are expected to be equal in proportion to the number
of inhabitants; but this method has led to much abuse in the past,
through the making of unequal districts for partisan purposes. (See

If a state has received an increase in the number of its representatives
and its legislature does not pass an apportionment bill before the next
congressional election, the votes of the whole state elect the
additional members on a general ticket and they are called

APPRAISER (from Lat. _appretiare_, to value), one who sets a value upon
property, real or personal. In England the business of an appraiser is
usually combined with that of an auctioneer, while the word itself has
given place, to a great extent, to that of "valuer." (See the articles

In the United States appraiser is a term often used to describe a person
specially appointed by a judicial or quasi-judicial authority to put a
valuation on property, e.g. on the items of an inventory of the estate
of a deceased person or on land taken for public purposes by the right
of eminent domain. Appraisers of imported goods and boards of general
appraisers have extensive functions in administering the customs laws of
the United States. Merchant appraisers are sometimes appointed
temporarily under the revenue laws to value where there is no resident
appraiser without holding the office of appraiser (U.S. Rev. Stats. §

APPREHENSION (Lat. _ad_, to; _prehendere_, to seize), in psychology, a
term applied to a mode of consciousness in which nothing is affirmed or
denied of the object in question, but the mind is merely aware of
("seizes") it. "Judgment" (says Reid, ed. Hamilton, i. p. 414) "is an
act of the mind specifically different from simple apprehension or the
bare conception of a thing"; and again, "Simple apprehension or
conception can neither be true nor false." This distinction provides for
the large class of mental acts in which we are simply aware of or "take
in" a number of familiar objects, about which we in general make no
judgment unless our attention is suddenly called by a new feature. Or
again two alternatives may be apprehended without any resultant judgment
as to their respective merits. Similarly G.F. Stout points out that
while we have a very vivid idea of a character or an incident in a work
of fiction, we can hardly be said in any real sense to have any belief
or to make any judgment as to its existence or truth. With this mental
state may be compared the purely aesthetic contemplation of music,
wherein apart from, say, a false note, the faculty of judgment is for
the time inoperative. To these examples may be added the fact that one
can fully understand an argument in all its bearings without in any way
judging its validity.

Without going into the question fully, it may be pointed out that the
distinction between judgment and apprehension is relative. In every kind
of thought there is judgment of some sort in a greater or less degree of
prominence. Judgment and thought are in fact psychologically
distinguishable merely as different, though correlative, activities of
consciousness. Professor Stout further investigates the phenomena of
apprehension, and comes to the conclusion that "it is possible to
distinguish and identify a whole without apprehending any of its
constituent details." On the other hand, if the attention focuses
itself for a time on the apprehended object, there is an expectation
that such details will as it were emerge into consciousness. Hence he
describes such apprehension as "implicit," and in so far as the implicit
apprehension determines the order of such emergence he describes it as
"schematic." A good example of this process is the use of formulae in
calculations; ordinarily the formula is used without question; if
attention is fixed upon it, the steps by which it is shown to be
universally applicable emerge and the "schema" is complete in detail.

With this result may be compared Kant's theory of apprehension as a
synthetic act (the "synthesis of apprehension") by which the sensory
elements of a perception are subjected to the formal conditions of time
and space.

  See G.F. Stout, _Analytic Psychology_ (London, 1896); F. Brentano,
  _Psychologie_ (bk. ii. ch. vii.), and _Vom Ursprung sittlicher
  Erkenntnis_; B. Titchener, _Outlines of Psychology_ (New York, 1902),
  and text-books of psychology. Also PSYCHOLOGY.

APPRENTICESHIP (from Fr. _apprendre_, to learn), a contract whereby one
person, called the master, binds himself to teach, and another, called
the apprentice, undertakes to learn, some trade or profession, the
apprentice serving his master for a certain time.

Roman law is silent on the subject on this contract, nor does it seem to
have had any connexion with the division of the Roman citizens into
tribes or colleges. So far as can be seen it arose in the middle ages,
and formed an integral part of the system of trade gilds and
corporations by which skilled labourers of all kinds sought protection
against the feudal lords, and the maintenance of those exclusive
privileges with which in the interests of the public they were favoured.
In those times it was believed that neither arts nor sciences would
flourish unless such only were allowed to practise them as had given
proofs of reasonable proficiency and were formed into bodies corporate,
with certain powers of self-government and the exclusive monopoly of
their respective arts within certain localities; and the medieval
_universitas_ (corporation)--whether of smiths and tailors or of
scholars--included both such as were entitled to practise and teach and
such as were in course of learning. The former were the masters, the
latter the apprentices. Hence the term _apprentice_ was applied
indifferently to such as were being taught a trade or a learned
profession, and even to undergraduates or scholars who were qualifying
themselves for the degree of doctor or master in the liberal arts. When
barristers were first appointed by Edward I. of England they were styled
_apprenticii ad legem_--the serjeants-at-law being _servientes ad
legem_; and these two terms corresponded respectively to the trade names
of apprentices and journeymen. During the middle ages the term of
apprenticeship was seven years, and this period was thought no more than
sufficient to instruct the learner in his profession, craft or mystery
under a properly qualified master, teacher or doctor--for these names
were synonymous--and to reimburse the latter by service for the training
received. After this the apprentice became himself a master and a member
of the corporation, with full rights to practise the business and to
teach others in his turn; so also it would seem that undergraduates had
to pass through a curriculum of seven years before they could attain the
degree of doctor or master in the liberal arts. On the continent of
Europe these rules were observed with considerable rigour, both in the
learned professions and in those which we now designate as trades. In
England they made their way more slowly and did not receive much
countenance, there being always a jealousy of anything savouring of
interference with the freedom of trade. Nevertheless the formation of
gilds and companies of tradesmen in England dates probably from the 12th
century, and the institution of apprenticeships cannot be of much later
date. In 1388 and 1405 it is noticed in acts of parliament. By various
subsequent statutes provisions were made for the regulation of the
institution, and from them it appears that seven years was its ordinary
and normal term in the absence of special arrangement. By a statute of
1562 this was made the law of the land, and it was enacted that no
person should exercise any "trade or mystery" without having served a
seven years' apprenticeship. In no place did the apprentices become so
formidable by their numbers and organization as in London. During the
Great Rebellion they took an active part as a political body, and were
conspicuous after the Restoration by being frequently engaged in
tumults. It was probably owing to this circumstance, quite as much as to
economic considerations of freedom of trade, that the act of Elizabeth
never found much favour with the courts of law. Soon after the Great
Rebellion we find the apprentice laws strongly reprobated by the judges,
who endeavoured, on the theory that the act of Elizabeth could apply to
no trades which were not in existence at its date, to limit its
operation as far as possible. Such limitation of the act gave rise to
many absurd anomalies and inconsistencies, e.g. that a coachmaker could
not make his own wheels but must buy them of a wheelwright, while the
latter might make both wheels and coaches, because coach-making was not
a trade in England when the act of Elizabeth was passed. For the like
reason the great textile and metal manufactures which arose at
Manchester and Birmingham were held exempt from the operation of the
statute. Concurrently with the dislike to the apprentice laws which such
anomalies generated, the doctrines of Adam Smith, that all monopolies or
restrictions on the freedom of trade were injurious to the public
interest, had gradually been making their way, and notwithstanding much
opposition an act was passed in 1814 by which the statute of Elizabeth,
in so far as it enacts that no person shall engage in any trade without
a seven years' apprenticeship, was wholly repealed. The effect of this
act was to give every person the fullest right to exercise any
occupation or calling of a mechanical or trading kind for which he
deemed himself qualified.

Apprenticeship, therefore, which was formerly a compulsory, now became a
voluntary contract. In the case of the learned professions the
principles and theories which gave birth to corporations with
monopolies, and required apprenticeship or its equivalents,
have--contrary to what has taken place in trade--been not only
maintained but intensified; that is to say, not only have such bodies
retained and even extended in some cases their exclusive privileges, but
in general no one is allowed to practise in such professions unless his
capabilities have been tested and approved by public authority. Thus no
man is allowed to practise law or medicine in any of their branches who
has not undergone the appropriate training by attendance at a university
or by apprenticeship--sometimes by both combined--and passed certain
examinations. Entrance to the church is guarded by similar checks. In
such instances the old principle--now generally abandoned in trade--of
granting a monopoly to those possessing a certain standard of
qualification is maintained in greater vigour than ever.

In some kinds of manufacture the old conditions have been modified by
the subdivisions of labour or by the introduction of machinery, which
have reduced the amount of skill which formerly was requisite, and thus
they have passed out of the category of the higher skilled handicrafts,
as only a very slight or short training is necessary to make an
efficient worker; but a large number of the higher skilled trades remain
which require a long period of training at the bench, and a careful
inquiry into this subject has shown that in nearly all of such trades
there is a scarcity of skilled workers, which is due to the falling off
in the number of apprenticeships. Many persons qualified to form an
opinion deplore that something in the nature of the old standard of
qualification is not still applied to those trades, and consider that
the only method of restoring a high standard of skill is by
apprenticeship. The decay of apprenticeship in these trades is due, not
to any inherent defect in the system, nor to its having been superseded
by any other form of technical education, but to difficulties,
especially in London and some other large towns, which place it beyond
the reach of that class of persons who have the greatest need of it.
Among these difficulties are:--first, insufficient organization, and
secondly, want of funds to pay premiums where such are required. These
difficulties are accentuated in London and some other large towns, but
in many other districts apprenticeship is actively proceeded with.
Efforts are being made, notably by the National Institution of
Apprenticeship, to meet these difficulties. The Charity Commissioners in
their report for 1905 recognized the value of this institution, and
stated that they would in future enable the trustees of charity
endowments for apprenticeship to avail themselves of the practical
co-operation of the institution. The modern trade unions, on the other
hand, have done nothing to assist in restoring apprenticeship to its
proper place; on the contrary, they have hampered it by restrictions
which they have imposed, limiting the number of apprentices who may be
taken. The result of fewer apprentices has been not only to lower the
standard of skill in the higher trades, but to reduce the productive
capacity of the artisans. The altered conditions now attending
apprenticeship are, mainly, that the apprentice does not live with the
master, and that the term is generally five years instead of a longer
period; but the principle remains precisely the same, and the fact that
it is applied more and more largely in Austria, Germany and other
countries is an evidence of its necessity.

The contract of apprenticeship is generally created by indenture, but
any writing properly expressed and attested will do. The full
consideration must be set out, and the instrument, whether a premium is
paid or not, must be duly stamped, except in the case of parish
apprentices and apprentices to the sea service (see SEAMEN, LAWS
RELATING TO). Where a charity or institution intervenes, it retains
control over the indentures until the end of the term of apprenticeship,
when the indenture should be cancelled and given up to the apprentice.
Any one who is capable of making a contract can take an apprentice, and
the law does not limit the number which may be taken by any master. Any
person of legal capacity can bind himself as an apprentice, provided he
is over seven years of age, though, as he is by the common law exempt
from all liability _ex contractu_, it is usual for the apprentice's
relations or friends to become bound for his service and good conduct
during the period of his apprenticeship. The consent of the apprentice,
however, must be expressed by his executing the indenture. No child
under nine can be bound as a parish apprentice. The master must teach
the apprentice the agreed trade or trades; should the master exercise
two trades (which he has agreed to teach) and give up one, it would be
good ground for dissolving the contract by the apprentice. An apprentice
is not bound to work on Sundays, but he may be required to work on bank
holidays. He cannot become a volunteer (soldier) without his master's
consent. It is usual in the indenture to state whether the apprentice is
to be paid wages or otherwise. If the contract is to pay wages, no
deduction can be made owing to illness or accident, unless it has been
so provided for in the indentures. Nor is the apprentice liable for
breakages or similar faults. The master has been supposed to have a
right to administer moderate corporal punishment, though he may not
delegate it. But this right is really obsolete. According to old custom
a master provided proper food for his apprentices, and medical
attendance when required; but the modern practice is for apprentices to
reside with their parents or friends who maintain them. A master cannot
assign indentures without the approval of the apprentice or such parties
as are named in the contract for this purpose, even if he should
transfer his business. The contract of apprenticeship may be dissolved
by (1) efflux of time; (2) by death (if the master dies, some part of
the premium is usually returnable, but if the apprentice dies no part is
returnable); (3) by consent; (4) in case of grave misconduct; (5) under
the Bankruptcy Act 1883, providing for discharge of the indentures of
apprenticeship and for payment on account of premium. Disputes between
master and apprentice, in cases where no premium has been paid, or where
the premium does not exceed £25, are dealt with by courts of summary
jurisdiction. Apprentices bound according to the "custom of London," who
are infants above the age of fourteen years and under twenty-one and
unmarried, are responsible upon covenants contained in indentures
executed by them just as if they were of full age. The term of
apprenticeship is usually not less than four years. Apprentices by the
custom of London in agreements made at the Guildhall are subject to the
jurisdiction of the chamberlain of London.

Parish apprentices are those bound out by guardians of the poor in
England. By the Poor Relief Act 1601, overseers of the poor were
empowered, with the consent of two justices, to put out poor children as
apprentices "where they shall be convenient." Owing to the
disinclination to receive such apprentices it became necessary to make
the reception compulsory (1696), but this compulsion to receive them was
abolished in 1844. Many statutes have been passed from time to time
regulating the apprenticing of parish children, but it is now under the
control of the Local Government Board, which issues rules specifying
fully the manner in which such children are to be bound, assigned and

  AUTHORITIES.--See E. Austin, _Law Relating to Apprentices_ (1890);
  Addison, _On Contracts_ (1905). For the state of apprenticeship in
  European countries, and, more particularly in France, see
  _Apprentissage, enquête et documents_ (Paris, 1904, Conseil Supérieur
  du Travail, Ministère du Commerce, de l'Industrie, des Postes et des
  Télégraphes, session de 1902). See also the literature issued by the
  National Institution of Apprenticeship, London.     (J. S. B.)

APPROPRIATION (from Lat. _appropriare_, to set aside), the act of
setting apart and applying to a particular use to the exclusion of all
other. In ecclesiastical law, appropriation is the perpetual annexation
of an ecclesiastical benefice to the use of some spiritual corporation,
either aggregate or sole. In the middle ages in England the custom grew
up of the monasteries reserving to their own use the greater part of the
tithes of their appropriated benefices, leaving only a small portion to
their vicars in the parishes. On the dissolution of the monasteries
these "great tithes" were often granted, with the monastic lands, to
laymen, whose successors, known as "lay impropriators" or "lay rectors,"
still hold them, the system being known as _impropriation_.
Appropriation may be severed and the church become disappropriate, by
the presentation of a clerk, properly instituted and inducted, or by the
dissolution of the corporation possessing the benefice.

In the law of debtor and creditor, appropriation of payments is the
application of a particular payment for the purpose of paying a
particular debt. When a creditor has two debts due to him from the same
debtor on distinct accounts, the general law as to the appropriation of
payments made by the debtor is that the debtor is entitled to apply the
payments to such account as he thinks fit; _solvitur in modum
solventis_. In default of appropriation by the debtor the creditor is
entitled to determine the application of the sums paid, and may
appropriate them even to the discharge of debts barred by the Statute of
Limitations. In default of appropriation by either debtor or creditor,
the law implies an appropriation of the earlier payments to the earlier

In constitutional law, appropriation is the assignment of money for a
special purpose. In the United Kingdom an Appropriation Bill is a bill
passed at the end of each session of parliament, enumerating the money
grants made during the session, and appropriating the various sums, as
voted by committee of supply, to the various purposes for which it is to
be applied. The United States constitution (art. I. § 9) says: "No money
shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations
made by law." Bills for appropriating money originate in the House of
Representatives, but may be amended in the Senate.

APPURTENANCES (from late Lat. _appertinentia_, from _appertinere_, to
appertain), a legal term for what belongs to and goes with something
else, the accessories or things usually conjoined with the substantive
matter in question.

APRAKSIN, THEDOR MATVYEEVICH (1671-1728), Russian soldier, began life as
one of the pages of Tsar Theodore III., after whose death he served the
little tsar Peter in the same capacity. The playfellowship of the two
lads resulted in a lifelong friendship. In his twenty-first year
Apraksin was appointed governor of Archangel, then the most important
commercially of all the Russian provinces, and built ships capable of
weathering storms, to the great delight of the tsar. He won his
colonelcy at the siege of Azov (1696). In 1700 he was appointed chief of
the admiralty, in which post (from 1700 to 1706) his unusual technical
ability was of great service. While Peter was combating Charles XII.,
Apraksin was constructing fleets, building fortresses and havens
(Taganrog). In 1707 he was transferred to Moscow. In 1708 he was
appointed commander-in-chief in Ingria, to defend the new capital
against the Swedes, whom he utterly routed, besides capturing Viborg in
Carelia. He held the chief command in the Black Sea during the campaign
of the Pruth (1711), and in 1713 materially assisted the conquest of
Finland by his operations from the side of the sea. In 1710-1720 he
personally conducted the descents upon Sweden, ravaging that country
mercilessly, and thus extorting the peace of Nystad, whereby she
surrendered the best part of her Baltic provinces to Russia. For these
great services he was made a senator and admiral-general of the empire.
His last expedition was to Reval in 1726, to cover the town from an
anticipated attack by the English government, with whom the relations of
Russia at the beginning of the reign of Catharine I. were strained
almost to breaking-point. Though frequently threatened with terrible
penalties by Peter the Great for his incurable vice of peculation,
Apraksin, nevertheless, contrived to save his head, though not his
pocket, chiefly through the mediation of the good-natured empress,
Catharine, who remained his friend to the last, and whom he assisted to
place on the throne on the death of Peter. Apraksin was the most genial
and kind-hearted of all Peter's pupils. He is said to have never made an
enemy. He died on the 10th of November 1728.

  See R. Nisbet Bain, _The Pupils of Peter the Great_ (London, 1897).
       (R. N. B.)

APRICOT (from the Lat. _praecox_, or _praecoquus_, ripened early,
_coquere_, to cook, or ripen; the English form, formerly "apricock" and
"abrecox," comes through the Fr. _abricot_, from the Span.
_albaricoque_, which was an adaptation of the Arabic _al-burquk_, itself
a rendering of the late Gr. [Greek: prekokkia] or [Greek: praikokion],
adapted from the Latin; the derivation from _in aprico cactus_ is a mere
guess), the fruit of _Prunus armeniaca_, also called _Armeniaca
vulgaris_. Under the former name it is regarded as a species of the
genus to which the plums belong, the latter establishes it as a distinct
genus of the natural order _Rosaceae_. The apricot is, like the plum, a
stone fruit, cultivated generally throughout temperate regions, and used
chiefly in the form of preserves and in tarts. The tree has long been
cultivated in _Armenia_ (hence the name _Armeniaca_); it is a native of
north China and other parts of temperate Asia. It flowers very early in
the season, and is a hardy tree, but the fruit will scarcely ripen in
Britain unless the tree is trained against a wall. A great number of
varieties of the apricot, as of most cultivated fruits, are
distinguished by cultivators. The kernels of several varieties are
edible, and in Egypt those of the Musch-Musch variety form a
considerable article of commerce. The French liqueur _Eau de noyaux_ is
prepared from bitter apricot kernels. Large quantities of fruit are
imported from France into the United Kingdom.

The apricot is propagated by budding on the mussel or common plum stock.
The tree succeeds in good well-drained loamy soil, rather light than
heavy. It is usually grown as a wall tree, the east and west aspects
being preferred to the south, which induces mealiness in the fruit,
though in Scotland the best aspects are necessary. The most usual and
best mode of training is the fan method. The fruit is produced on shoots
of the preceding year, and on small close spurs formed on the
two-year-old wood. The trees should be planted about 20 ft. apart. The
summer pruning should begin early in June, at which period all the
irregular foreright and useless shoots are pinched off; and, shortly
afterwards, those which remain are fastened to the wall. At the winter
pruning all branches not duly furnished with spurs and fruit buds are
removed. The young bearing shoots are moderately pruned at the points,
care being, however, taken to leave a terminal shoot or leader to each
branch. The most common error in the pruning of apricots is laying in
the bearing shoots too thickly; the branches naturally diverge in fan
training, and when they extend so as to be about 15 in. apart, a fresh
branch should be laid in, to be again subdivided as required. The
blossoms of the apricot open early in spring, but are more hardy than
those of the peach; the same means of protection when necessary may be
employed for both. If the fruit sets too numerously, it is thinned out
in June and in the beginning of July, the later thinnings being used for
tarts. In the south of England, where the soil is suitable, the hardier
sorts of apricot, as the Breda and Brussels, bear well as standard trees
in favourable seasons. In such cases the trees may be planted from 20 to
25 ft. apart.

The ripening of the fruit of the apricot is accelerated by culture under
glass, the trees being either planted out like peaches or grown in pots
on the orchard-house system. They must be very gently excited, since
they naturally bloom when the spring temperature is comparatively low.
At first a maximum of 40° only must be permitted; after two or three
weeks it may be raised to 45°, and later on to 50° and 55°, and thus
continued till the trees are in flower, air being freely admitted, and
the minimum or night temperature ranging from 40° to 45°. After the
fruit is set the temperature should be gradually raised, being kept
higher in clear weather than in dull. When the fruit has stoned, the
temperature may be raised to 60° or 65° by day and 60° by night; and for
ripening off it may be allowed to reach 70° or 80° by sun heat.

The Moorpark is one of the best and most useful sorts in cultivation,
and should be planted for all general purposes; the Peach is a very
similar variety, not quite identical; and the Hemskerk is also similar,
but hardier. The Large Early, which ripens in the end of July and
beginning of August, and the Kaisha, a sweet-kernelled variety, which
ripens in the middle of August, are also to be recommended. For standard
trees in favourable localities the Breda and Brussels may be added.

APRIES ([Greek: Apries]), the name by which Herodotus (ii. 161) and
Diodorus (i. 68) designate _Uehabre'_, [Greek: Onaphres]
(Pharaoh-Hophra), the fourth king (counting from Psammetichus I.) of the
twenty-sixth Egyptian dynasty. He reigned from 589 to 570 B.C. See EGYPT

APRIL, the second month of the ancient Roman, and the fourth of the
modern calendar, containing thirty days. The derivation of the name is
uncertain. The traditional etymology from Lat. _aperire_, "to open," in
allusion to its being the season when trees and flowers begin to "open,"
is supported by comparison with the modern Greek use of [Greek: anoixis]
(opening) for spring. This seems very possible, though, as all the Roman
months were named in honour of divinities, and as April was sacred to
Venus, the _Festum Veneris et Fortunae Virilis_ being held on the first
day, it has been suggested that Aprilis was originally her month
Aphrilis, from her Greek name Aphrodite. Jacob Grimm suggests the name
of a hypothetical god or hero, _Aper_ or _Aprus_. On the fourth and the
five following days, games (_Ludi Megalenses_) were celebrated in honour
of Cybele; on the fifth there was the _Festum Fortunae Publicae_; on the
tenth (?) games in the circus, and on the nineteenth equestrian combats,
in honour of Ceres; on the twenty-first--which was regarded as the
birthday of Rome--the _Vinalia urbana_, when the wine of the previous
autumn was first tasted; on the twenty-fifth, the _Robigalia_, for the
averting of mildew; and on the twenty-eighth and four following days,
the riotous _Floralia_. The Anglo-Saxons called April _Oster-monath_ or
_Eostur-monath_, the period sacred to _Eostre_ or _Ostara_, the pagan
Saxon goddess of spring, from whose name is derived the modern Easter.
St George's day is the twenty-third of the month; and St Mark's Eve,
with its superstition that the ghosts of those who are doomed to die
within the year will be seen to pass into the church, falls on the
twenty-fourth. In China the symbolical ploughing of the earth by the
emperor and princes of the blood takes place in their third month, which
frequently corresponds to our April; and in Japan the feast of Dolls is
celebrated in the same month. The "days of April" (_journées d'avril_)
is a name appropriated in French history to a series of insurrections at
Lyons, Paris and elsewhere, against the government of Louis Philippe in
1834, which led to violent repressive measures, and to a famous trial
known as the _procès d'avril_.

  See Chambers's _Book of Days_; Grimm's _Geschichte der deutschen
  Sprache_. Cap. "Monate"; also APRIL-FOOLS' DAY.

APRIL-FOOLS' DAY, or ALL-FOOLS' DAY, the name given to the 1st of April
in allusion to the custom of playing practical jokes on friends and
neighbours on that day, or sending them on fools' errands. The origin of
this custom has been much disputed, and many ludicrous solutions have
been suggested, e.g. that it is a farcical commemoration of Christ being
sent from Annas to Caiaphas, from Caiaphas to Pilate, from Pilate to
Herod, and from Herod back again to Pilate, the crucifixion having taken
place about the 1st of April. What seems certain is that it is in some
way or other a relic of those once universal festivities held at the
vernal equinox, which, beginning on old New Year's day, the 25th of
March, ended on the 1st of April. This view gains support from the fact
that the exact counterpart of April-fooling is found to have been an
immemorial custom in India. The festival of the spring equinox is there
termed the feast of Huli, the last day of which is the 31st of March,
upon which the chief amusement is the befooling of people by sending
them on fruitless errands. It has been plausibly suggested that Europe
derived its April-fooling from the French. They were the first nation to
adopt the reformed calendar, Charles IX. in 1564 decreeing that the year
should begin with the 1st of January. Thus the New Year's gifts and
visits of felicitation which had been the feature of the 1st of April
became associated with the first day of January, and those who disliked
the change were fair butts for those wits who amused themselves by
sending mock presents and paying calls of pretended ceremony on the 1st
of April. Though the 1st of April appears to have been anciently
observed in Great Britain as a general festival, it was apparently not
until the beginning of the 18th century that the making of April-fools
was a common custom. In Scotland the custom was known as "hunting the
gowk," i.e. the cuckoo, and April-fools were "April-gowks," the cuckoo
being there, as it is in most lands, a term of contempt. In France the
person befooled is known as _poisson d'avril_. This has been explained
from the association of ideas arising from the fact that in April the
sun quits the zodiacal sign of the fish. A far more natural explanation
would seem to be that the April fish would be a young fish and therefore
easily caught.

A PRIORI (Lat. a, from, _prior, prius_, that which is before, precedes),
(1) a phrase used popularly of a judgment based on general
considerations in the absence of particular evidence; (2) a logical term
first used, apparently, by Albert of Saxony (14th century), though the
theory which it denotes is as old as Aristotle. In the order of human
knowledge the particular facts of experience come first and are the
basis of generalized laws or causes (the Scholastic _notiora nobis_);
but in the order of nature the latter rank first as the self-existent,
fundamental truths of existence (_notiora naturae_). Thus to Aristotle
the _a priori_ argument is from law or cause to effect, as opposed to
what we call _a posteriori_ (_posterior_, subsequent, derived), from
effect to cause. Since Kant the two phrases have become purely
adjectival (instead of adverbial) with a technical controversial sense,
closely allied to the Aristotelian, in relation to knowledge and
judgments generally. _A priori_ is applied to judgments which are
regarded as independent of experience, and belonging to the essence of
thought; _a posteriori_ to those which are derived from particular
observations. The distinction is analogous to that between analysis and
synthesis, deduction and induction (but there may be a synthesis of _a
priori_ judgments, cf. Kant's "Synthetic Judgment _a priori_"). Round
this distinction a rather barren controversy has raged, and almost all
modern philosophers have labelled themselves either "Intuitionalist" (_a
priori_) or "Empiricist" (_a posteriori_) according to the view they
take of knowledge. In fact, however, the rival schools are generally
arguing at cross purposes; there is a knowledge based on particulars,
and also a knowledge of laws or causes. But the two work in different
spheres, and are complementary. The observation of isolated particulars
gives not necessity, but merely strong probability; necessity is purely
intellectual or "transcendental." If the empiricist denies the
intellectual element in scientific knowledge, he must not claim absolute
validity for his conclusions; but he may hold against the intuitionalist
that absolute laws are impossible to the human intellect. On the other
hand, pure _a priori_ knowledge can be nothing more than form without
content (e.g. formal logic, the laws of thought). The simple fact at the
bottom of the controversy is that in all empirical knowledge there is an
intellectual element, without which there is no correlation of empirical
data, and every judgment, however simple, postulates a correlation of
some sort if only that between the predicate and its contradictory.

APRON (a corruption arising from a wrong division of "a napron" into "an
apron," from the Fr. _naperon, napperon_, a diminutive of _nappe_, Lat.
_mappa_, a napkin), an article of costume used to protect the front of
the clothes. It forms part of the ceremonial dress of Freemasons. The
"apron" worn by church dignitaries is a shortened cassock (q.v.). The
word has many technical uses, as for the protecting slope in front of
the sill of dock-gates, or at the foot of weirs.

APSARAS, in Hindu mythology, a female spirit of the clouds and waters.
In the Rig-Veda there is one Apsaras, wife of Gandharva; in the later
scriptures there are many Apsaras who act as the handmaidens of Indra
and dance before his throne. They are able to change their form, and
specially rule over the fortunes of gaming. One of their duties is to
guide to paradise the heroes who fall in battle, whose wives they then
become. They are distinguished as _daivika_ ("divine") or _laukika_

APSE (Gr. [Greek: apsis], a fastening, especially the felloe of a wheel;
Lat. _absis_), in architecture, a semicircular recess covered with a
hemispherical vault. The term is applied also to the termination to the
choir, transept or aisle of any church which is either semicircular or
polygonal in plan, whether vaulted or covered with a timber roof; a
church is said to be "apsidal" when it terminates in an apse.

The earliest example of an apse is found in the temple of Mars Ultor at
Rome (2 B.C.), and it formed afterwards the favourite feature
terminating the rear of any temple, and one which gave importance to the
statue of the deity to whom the temple was dedicated. Its use by the
Romans was not confined to the temples, as it is found in the palaces on
the Palatine Hill, the great Thermae (Baths) and other monuments. In the
civil basilicas the apse was screened off by columns, and constituted
the court of justice. In the Ulpian (Trajan's) Basilica the apses at
each end were of such great dimensions as to come better under the
definition of hemicycles (q.v.). In these apses the floor was raised,
and had an altar placed in the centre of its chord, where sacrifices
were made prior to the sittings. The only other two Roman basilicas in
which the semicircular apse can still be traced are that commenced by
Maxentius and completed by Constantine at Rome and the basilica at Trier

In the earliest Christian basilica, St Peter's at Rome, built 330 A.D.,
the apse, 57 ft. in diameter, raised above the confessio or crypt, was
placed at the west end of the church. This orientation was originally
followed in the churches of St Paul and St Lawrence (S. Lorenzo fuori le
Mura), both outside the walls of Rome, and is found in most of the
churches at Rome. On the other hand, in the Byzantine church, the apse
was built at the east end of the church.

During the reign of Justin the Second (A.D. 565-574), owing to a change
in the liturgy, two more apses were added, one on each side of the
central apse. These in the Greek Church were provided not to hold altars
but for ceremonial purposes. One of the earliest examples is found in
the church of St Nicholas at Myra of the 6th century, and the basilica
erected in the great court of the temple at Baalbek shows the triple
apse. The earliest example in Rome is found in the church of Sta Maria
in Cosmedin (772-795), built probably by Greek craftsmen, who had been
exiled by the Iconoclasts. Other triapsal choirs are found in the
cathedral of Parenzo (542 A.D.), in St Mark's, Venice, in Sta Fosca and
the Duomo at Torcello, and in numerous examples throughout Italy and
Germany. In central Syria there is one example only, at Kalat Seman,
where the side apses were a later addition.

There is one important distinction to be drawn between the Byzantine and
the Latin apses; they are both semicircular internally, but externally
the former are nearly always polygonal. It follows, therefore, that in
those churches in Italy where the apse is polygonal externally, it is a
sign of direct Byzantine influence. This is found in St Mark's, Venice;
Sta Fosca, Torcello; Murano; nearly all the churches at Ravenna; and in
the Crusaders' churches throughout Syria.

In the Coptic church in Egypt we find other characteristics; in the
churches of the Red and White Monasteries, attributed to St Helena, an
unusual depth is given to the apse, in the walls of which niches are
sunk; in the church of St John at Antinoë there are no fewer than seven.
Similar niches are found in the apses of St Mark's, Venice, built in
A.D. 828, it is said in imitation of St Mark's in Alexandria, to receive
the relics of St Mark brought over from there.

[Illustration: Apse of the White Monastery.]

In a large number of the apses in the Coptic churches the seats round
the apse with the bishop's throne in the centre are still preserved; of
these the best examples are at Abu Sargah, Al 'Adra and Abu-s-Sifain.
Unfortunately there are no remains of the fittings in the tribunes of
the ancient Roman basilicas, but those in St Peter's at Rome, which were
probably copied from them, are recorded in drawings, there being two or
three rows of stone seats with the papal throne in the centre. It is
possible also that some may still exist in the other early Christian
basilicas at Rome, but there have been so many changes that it is not
possible to trace them. In the cathedral of Parenzo in Istria (A.D.
532-535), the hemicycle of marble seats for the clergy with the
episcopal chair in the centre still exists. A similar arrangement is
found in the apse of the church of the 6th century attached to the
church of St Helena in the island of Paros, where there are eight steep
grades of semicircular stone seats with the bishop's chair in the
centre. The aspect of the interior of this apse has in consequence very
much the appearance of a Roman theatre. A third example, better known,
exists at Torcello, with six concentric seats rising one above the
other, and in the centre the episcopal chair with a flight of thirteen
steps down in front of it.

In the basilica at Bethlehem, the east end of which was reconstructed
probably in the 5th century, apses of similar dimensions to the eastern
apse were built at the north and south end of the transept. The same
disposition is found in the Coptic churches of the Red and White
Monasteries just referred to, in the church of St Elias at Salonica (c.
1012), the cathedral of Echmiadzin in Armenia, at Vatopedi, Mt. Athos,
and some other Byzantine churches. An early example in France exists in
the church of Germigny-des-Prés on the Loire (806; rebuilt 1868), where
the three apses are horseshoe on plan, and the same is found in the
church at Oberzell in the island of Reichenau, Lake of Constance, except
that the eastern apse there is square. Small examples also are found at
Querqueville and at St Wandrille near Caudebec, both in Normandy, but
the finest development takes place in the church of St Maria im Capitol
at Cologne, where the aisles are carried round both the northern and
southern apses. The same feature exists in the cathedral of Tournai in
Belgium and the churches at Cambrai, Soissons and Valenciennes (the last
destroyed at the Revolution) in France, and also in the cathedrals of
Como and of Pisa in Italy. Without aisles, there are examples in the
churches of the Apostles and of St Martin at Cologne; St Quirinus at
Neuss; at Roermond; St Cross, Breslau; the cathedral of Bonn; and, at a
later date, in the Marienkirche at Trier; S. Elizabeth at Marburg; the
church of Sta Maria-del-Fiore at Florence; and the cathedral of Parma.

In consequence of a change made in the orientation of apses in the 6th
or 7th century, others were subsequently added at the west end of
existing churches, and this is considered to have been the case at
Canterbury; but in the German churches sometimes apses were built from
the first at both ends, such as are shown on the manuscript plan of St
Gall, of the 9th century. Western apses exist at Gernrode; Drübeck;
Huyseburg; the Obermünster of Regensburg; St Godehard in Hildesheim; the
cathedrals of Worms and Trier; the Abbey church of Laach; the Minster at
Bonn; and in St Pietro-in-Grado near Pisa.

The triapsal churches, to which we have referred, are those in which the
side apses form the termination of the side aisles; but where there are
transepts, the aisles are sometimes not continued beyond them, and the
expansion of the transept to north and south gives more ample space for
apses; of these there are many examples, as in the Abbey church of Laach
in Germany; at Romsey; Christchurch, Hants; Gloucester, Ely, Norwich and
Canterbury cathedrals, in England; and at St Georges de Boscherville in
France; sometimes there being space for two apses on each side.

In the beginning of the 13th century in France, the apses became
radiating chapels outside the choir aisle, henceforth known as the
chevet. These radiating chapels would seem to have been suggested in
Norwich and Canterbury cathedrals, but the feature is essentially a
French one and in England is found only in Westminster Abbey, into which
it was introduced by Henry III., to whom the chevets of Amiens, Beauvais
and Reims were probably well known.     (R. P. S.)

APSE and APSIDES, in mechanics, either of the two points of an orbit
which are nearest to and farthest from the centre of motion. They are
called the lower or nearer, and the higher or more distant apsides
respectively. The "line of apsides" is that which joins them, forming
the major axis of the orbit.

APSINES of Gadara, a Greek rhetorician, who flourished during the 3rd
century A.D. After studying at Smyrna, he taught at Athens, and gained
such a reputation that he was raised to the consulship by the emperor
Maximinus (235-238). He was the friend of Philostratus, the author of
the _Lives of the Sophists_, who speaks of his wonderful memory and
accuracy. Two rhetorical treatises by him are extant: [Greek: technae
raetorikae], a handbook of rhetoric greatly interpolated, a considerable
portion being taken from the _Rhetoric_ of Longinus; and a smaller work,
[Greek: perhi eschaematismenon problaematon], on Propositions maintained

  Editions by Bake, 1849; Spengel-Hammer in _Rhetores Graeci_, ii.
  (1894): see also Hammer, _De Apsine Rhetore_ (1876); Volkmann,
  _Rhetorik der Griechen und Romer_ (1885).

APT, a town of south-eastern France, in the department of Vaucluse, on
the left bank of the Coulon, 41 m. E. of Avignon by rail. Pop. (1906)
4990. The town was formerly surrounded by massive ancient walls, but
these have now been for the most part replaced by boulevards; many of
its streets are narrow and irregular. The chief object of interest is
the church of Sainte-Anne (once the cathedral), the building of which
was begun about the year 1056 on the site of a much older edifice, but
not completed until the latter half of the 17th century. Many Roman
remains have been found in and near the town. A fine bridge, the Pont
Julien, spanning the Coulon below the town, dates from the 2nd or 3rd
century. A tribunal of first instance and a communal college are the
chief public institutions. The chief manufactures are silk,
confectionery and earthenware; and there is besides a considerable trade
in fruit, grain and cattle. Apt was at one time the chief town of the
Vulgientes, a Gallic tribe; it was destroyed by the Romans about 125
B.C. and restored by Julius Caesar, who conferred upon it the title
_Apta Julia_; it was much injured by the Lombards and the Saracens, but
its fortifications were rebuilt by the counts of Provence. The
bishopric, founded in the 3rd century, was suppressed in 1790.

APTERA (Greek for "wingless"), a term in zoological classification
applied by Linnaeus to various groups of wingless arthropods, including
some of the insects, the centipedes, the millipedes, the Arachnida
(scorpions, spiders, &c.) and the Crustacea. In modern zoology the term
has become restricted to the lowest order of the class Hexapoda or true
insects. This order includes the bristle-tails and the springtails.

[Illustration: From _Knowledge_

FIG. 1.--A typical Thysanuran (_Machilus maritima_). Female, ventral

  ii.-x., Appendages on 2nd to 10th abdominal segments. The eversible
    sacs on the abdominal segments are shown, some protruded and some
  Ovp, Ovipositor.
  Mn, Mandible, and Mxl, maxillula, dissected out of head.]

Many wingless insects--such as lice, fleas and certain earwigs and
cockroaches--are placed in various orders together with winged insects
to which they show evident relationships. In such cases the absence of
wings must be regarded as secondary--due to a parasitic or other special
manner of life. But the bristle-tails and springtails, which form the
modern order Aptera, are all without any trace of wings, and, on account
of several remarkable archaic characters which they exhibit, there is
reason for believing that they are primitively wingless--that they
represent an early offshoot which sprang from the ancestral stock of the
Hexapoda before organs of flight had been acquired by the class.

_Characters._--In addition to the complete absence of wings and of
metamorphosis, the Aptera are characterized by peculiar elongate
mandibles (figs. 1, Mn.; 2, 4), with toothed apex and sub-apical
grinding surface, like those of certain Crustacea; by the presence
between the mandibles and maxillae of a pair of appendages (superlinguae
or maxillulae), fig. 1, Mxl., which are absent or vestigial in all other
insects; and, in most genera, by the presence in the adult of abdominal
appendages used for locomotion, these latter varying in number from one
to nine pairs. Among peculiarities of the internal organs the segmental
arrangement of the ovaries in most members of the order is noteworthy.
Many Aptera are covered with flattened scales like those of moths.

_Classification._--The Aptera are divided into two divergent sub-orders,
the _Thysanura_ (q.v.) or bristle-tails, and the _Collembola_ or

_Thysanura._--The bristle-tails have an abdomen of eleven segments, the
tenth usually carrying a pair of long many-jointed tail-feelers (cerci,
fig. 1, x.); sometimes a median, jointed tail-appendage is also present.
To these feelers the popular name is due. There may also be abdominal
appendages--in the form of simple unjointed stylets (fig. 1, ii.-ix.),
accompanied by paired eversible sacs, probably respiratory in
function--on eight (or fewer) other abdominal segments. The head of a
bristle-tail carries a pair of compound eyes and a pair of elongate
many-jointed feelers.

The air-tube system is developed in varying degree in different
bristle-tails, the number of pairs of spiracles being three
(_Campodea_), nine (_Machilis_), ten (_Lepisma_), or eleven (_Japyx_).

Four families of Thysanura are usually recognized. In the _Machilidae_
and _Lepismidae_ (these two families are known as the Ectotrophi) the
maxillae are like those of typical biting insects, and there is a median
tail-bristle in addition to the paired cerci; while in the _Campodeidae_
and _Japygidae_ (which form the group Entotrophi) the jaws are
apparently sunk in the head, through a deep inpushing at the mouth, and
there is no median tail-bristle. The cerci in _Japyx_ are not, as usual,
jointed feelers, but strong, curved appendages forming a forceps as in

[Illustration: From Carpenter, _Proc. R. Dub. Soc._, vol. xi.

FIG. 2.--Structure of Collembola.

  1. _Isotoma hibernica_. Side view.
  2.        "             Ocelli and post-antennal organ of right side.
  3.        "             Tip of terminal antennal segment with antennal
  4.        "             Mandible.
  5.        "             Tip of left dens with mucro. Outer view.
  6.        "             Hind-foot with claws. × 240.
  7. _Entomobrya anomala_. Catch.]

_Collembola._--In springtails, or _Collembola_, the jaws are sunk into
the head, as in the entotrophous Thysanura; the head carries a pair of
feelers with not more than six (usually four) segments, and there are
eight (or fewer) distinct simple eyes on each side of the head (fig. 2,
1, 2). These are in some genera like the single elements (_ommatidia_)
of a compound insect eye, in others like simple ocelli. The abdomen
consists of six segments only. The first of these usually carries a
ventral tube, furnished with paired eversible sacs which assist the
insects in walking on smooth surfaces, and perhaps serve also as organs
for breathing. From the researches of V. Willem it appears that the
viscid fluid which causes the adherence of the ventral tube is secreted
by a pair of glands in the head whose ducts open into a superficial
groove leading from the second maxillae backward to the tube on the
first abdominal segment. The third abdominal segment usually carries a
pair of short appendages whose basal segments are fused together; this
is the "catch" (fig. 2, 7), whose function is to hold in place the
"spring," which is formed by the fourth pair of abdominal
appendages--also with fused basal segments. In most Collembola the
spring appears to belong to the fifth abdominal somite, but Willem, by
study of the muscles, has shown that it really belongs to the fourth.
The fused basal segments of the appendages form the "manubrium" of the
spring, which carries the two "dentes" (usually elongate and flexible),
each with a "mucro" at its tip (fig. 2, 5). The fifth abdominal segment
is the genital, and the sixth the anal somite.

The spring serves the Collembola which possess it as an efficient
leaping-organ (see SPRINGTAIL). But in some genera it is greatly reduced
and in many quite vestigial.

Most springtails are without air-tubes, and breathe through the general
cuticle of the body. But in one family (_Sminthuridae_) a spiracle,
opening on either side between the head and the prothorax, leads to a
branching system of air-tubes. The _Sminthuridae_ are further
characterized by the globular abdomen, which shows but little external
trace of segmentation, and by the well-developed spring.

In the _Entomobryidae_ the body is elongate and clearly segmented, but
the dorsal region (tergum) of the prothorax is much reduced and the head
downwardly directed; the spring is well developed. In the _Achorutidae_
the head is forwardly directed, the tergum of the prothorax conspicuous,
and the spring small or vestigial.

In many genera of springtails a curious post-antennal organ, consisting
of sensory structures (often complex in form) surrounded by a firm ring,
is to be noticed on the cuticle of the head between the eyes and the
feelers. It may be of use as an organ of smell. Other sensory organs
occur on the third and fourth antennal segments in the _Achorutidae_ and
_Entomobryidae_ (fig. 2, 3).

_Distribution and Habits._--The Aptera are probably the most widely
distributed of all insects. Among the bristle-tails we find the genus
_Machilis_, represented in Europe (including the Faeroe Islands) and in
Chile; while _Campodea_ lives high on the mountains and in the deepest
caves. The springtails have even a wider distribution. The genus
_Isotoma_, for example, has some of its numerous species in regions so
remote as Alaska, Franz Josef Land, the Sandwich Islands, the South
Orkneys, Graham Land, Kerguelen and South Victoria Land. As it is
unlikely that these delicate insects could be transported across
sea-channels, their wide and discontinuous range suggests both their
great antiquity and the former existence of continental tracts over
which they may have travelled to their present stations.

Springtails and bristle-tails live in damp concealed places--under
stones or tree-bark, in moss, and in the decaying vegetable or animal
matter which serves as food for most of them. Some species, however, eat
fresh plant-tissues. A species of bristle-tail (_Machilis maritima_) and
quite a number of springtails haunt the sea-coast at or below high-water
mark. In such localities many thousands of individuals may sometimes be
found associated together. The insect fauna of limestone caves both in
Europe and North America is largely composed of Aptera, especially

_Geological History._--A supposed Thysanuran from the Silurian of New
Brunswick has been described by G.F. Matthew, and another genus from the
French Carboniferous by C. Brongniart. Not till the Tertiary do we find
remains of Aptera in any quantity, species both of living and extinct
genera being represented in the amber.

_Development._--The embryonic development of several genera of Aptera,
which has been carefully studied, will be more suitably described in
comparison with that of other insects than here (see HEXAPODA).

  BIBLIOGRAPHY.--The modern study of the Aptera may be said to date from
  the classical memoirs of T. Tullberg, "Sveriges Podurider," in _Kongl.
  Svensk Vetensk. Akad. Handl._ x., 1872, and Sir J. Lubbock (Lord
  Avebury), "Monograph of the Collembola and Thysanura," _Ray Society_,
  1873. In these, full references to the older literature will be found.
  Subsequently our knowledge of the Thysanura has been markedly advanced
  by J.T. Oudemans, _Bijdrage tot de Kennis den Thysanura en Collembola_
  (Amsterdam, 1888); B. Grassi, who published between 1885 and 1889 a
  series of memoirs entitled "I progenitori dei Miriapodi e degli
  Insetti," in the _Atti Accad. di Scienz. Nat. Catania_, and the
  _Memor. R. Accad. dei Lincei_; and V. Willem, whose "Recherches sur
  les Collemboles et les Thysanoures," in _Mem. Cour. Acad. Roy.
  Belgique_, lviii., 1900, are indispensable to the student. In addition
  to this work of Willem, valuable anatomical papers on Collembola have
  been published by H.J. Hansen (_Zool. Anz._ xvi., 1893), J.W. Folsom
  (_Bull. Mus. Comp. Anat. Harv._ xxxv., 1899), C. Börner (_Zool. Anz._
  xxiii., 1900), and K. Absolon (_Zool. Anz._ xxiii. and xxiv., 1900,
  1901), the two latter writers having paid especial attention to the
  peculiar post-antennal and antennal sense-organs of springtails.
  Absolon has also written on the Collembola of caves. These writers,
  with H. Schött, C. Schäffer and others, have published many systematic
  papers on Collembola, as has F. Silvestri on Thysanura. British
  species are mentioned in Lubbock's monograph; for recent additions see
  G.H. Carpenter and W. Evans (_Proc. R. Phys. Soc. Edinb._ xiv., 1899,
  and xv., 1903).     (G. H. C.)

APTERAL (from the Gr. [Greek: apteros], wingless, [Greek: a-], privative
and [Greek: pteros], a wing), an architectural term applied to
amphiprostyle temples which have no columns on the sides; in the Ionic
temple on the Acropolis at Athens known as Nike Apteros, the adjective
is used, not as applying to the goddess of victory but to the absence of
any peristyle on the sides.

APTIAN (Fr. _Aptien_, from Apt in Vaucluse, France), in geology, the
term introduced in 1843 by A. d'Orbigny (_Pal. France Crét._ ii.) for
the upper stage of the Lower Cretaceous rocks. In England it comprises
the Lower Greensand and part of the Speeton beds; in France it is
divided into two sub-stages, the lower, "Bedoulian," of Bedoule in
Provence, with _Hoplites deshayesei_ and _Ancyloceras Matheroni_; and an
upper, "Gargasian," from Gargas near Apt, with _Hoplites furcatus_
(_Dufrenoyi_) and _Phylloceras Guettardi_. To this stage belong the
_Toucasia_ limestone and _Orbitolina_ marls of Spain; the
_Schrattenkalk_ (part) of the Alpine and Carpathian regions; and the
_Terebrirostra_ limestone of the same area. Parts of the Flysch of the
eastern Alps, the Biancone of Lombardy, and _argile scagliose_ of
Emilia, are of Aptian age; so also are the "Trinity Beds" of North
America. Deposits of bauxite occur in the Aptian hippurite limestone at
Les Baux near Aries, and in the Pyrenees. The Aptian rocks are generally
clays, marls and green glauconitic sands with occasional limestones.

APULEIUS, LUCIUS, Platonic philosopher and rhetorician, was born at
Madaura in Numidia about A.D. 125. As the son of one of the principal
officials, he received an excellent education, first at Carthage and
subsequently at Athens. After leaving Athens he undertook a long course
of travel, especially in the East, principally with the view of
obtaining initiation into religious mysteries. Having practised for some
time as an advocate at Rome, he returned to Africa. On a journey to
Alexandria he fell sick at Oea (Tripoli), where he made the acquaintance
of a rich widow, Aemilia Pudentilla, whom he subsequently married. The
members of her family disapproved of the marriage, and indicted Apuleius
on a charge of having gained her affections by magical arts. He easily
established his innocence, and his spirited, highly entertaining, but
inordinately long defence (_Apologia_ or _De Magia_) before the
proconsul Claudius Maximus is our principal authority for his biography.
From allusions in his subsequent writings, and the mention of him by St.
Augustine, we gather that the remainder of his prosperous life was
devoted to literature and philosophy. At Carthage he was elected
provincial priest of the imperial cult, in which capacity he occupied a
prominent position in the provincial council, had the duty of collecting
and managing the funds for the temples of the cult, and the
superintendence of the games in the amphitheatre. He lectured on
philosophy and rhetoric, like the Greek sophists, apparently with
success, since statues were erected in his honour at Carthage and
elsewhere. The year of his death is not known.

The work on which the fame of Apuleius principally rests has little
claim to originality. The _Metamorphoses_ or _Golden Ass_ (the latter
title seems not to be the author's own, but to have been bestowed in
compliment, just as the _Libri Rerum Quotidianarum_ of Gaius were called
_Aurei_) was founded on a narrative in the _Metamorphoses_ of Lucius of
Patrae, a work extant in the time of Photius. From Photius's account
(impugned, however, by Wieland and Courier), this book would seem to
have consisted of a collection of marvellous stories, related in an
inartistic fashion, and in perfect good faith. The literary capabilities
of this particular narrative attracted the attention of Apuleius's
contemporary, Lucian, who proceeded to work it up in his own manner,
adhering, as Photius seems to indicate, very closely to the original,
but giving it a comic and satiric turn. Apuleius followed this
rifacimento, making it, however, the groundwork of an elaborate romance,
interspersed with numerous episodes, of which the beautiful story of
Cupid and Psyche is the most celebrated, and altering the _dénouement_
to suit the religious revival of which he was an apostle.

The adventures of the youthful hero in the form of an ass are much the
same in both romances, but in Apuleius he is restored to human shape by
the aid of Isis, into whose mysteries he is initiated, and finally
becomes her priestess. The book is a remarkable illustration of the
contemporary reaction against a period of scepticism, of the general
appetite for miracle and magic, and of the influx of oriental and
Egyptian ideas into the old theology. It is also composed with a
well-marked literary aim, defined by Kretzschmann as the emulation of
the Greek sophists, and the transplantation of their _tours de force_
into the Latin language. Nothing, indeed, is more characteristic of
Apuleius than his versatility, unless it be his ostentation and
self-confidence in the display of it. The dignified, the ludicrous, the
voluptuous, the horrible, succeed each other with bewildering rapidity;
fancy and feeling are everywhere apparent, but not less so affectation,
meretricious ornament, and that effort to say everything finely which
prevents anything being said well. The Latinity has a strong African
colouring, and is crammed with obsolete words, agreeably to the taste of
the time. When these defects are mitigated or overlooked, the _Golden
Ass_ will be pronounced a most successful work, invaluable as an
illustration of ancient manners, and full of entertainment from
beginning to end. The most famous and poetically beautiful portion is
the episode of Cupid and Psyche, adapted from a popular legend of which
traces are found in most fairy mythologies, which explains the seeming
incongruity of its being placed in the mouth of an old hag. The
allegorical purport he has infused into it is his own, and entirely in
the spirit of the Platonic philosophy. Don Quixote's adventure with the
wine-skins, and Gil Blas's captivity among the robbers, are palpably
borrowed from Apuleius; and several of the humorous episodes, probably
current as popular stories long before his time, reappear in Boccaccio.

Of Apuleius's other writings, the _Apology_ has been already mentioned.
The _Florida_ (probably meaning simply "anthology," without any
reference to style) consists of a collection of excerpts from his
declamations, ingenious but highly affected, and in general perfect
examples of the sophistical art of saying nothing with emphasis. They
deal with the most varied subjects, and are intended to exemplify the
author's versatility. The pleasing little tract _On the God of Socrates_
expounds the Platonic doctrine of beneficent daemons, an intermediate
class between gods and men. Two books on Plato (_De Platone et Ejus
Dogmate_) treat of his life, and his physical and ethical philosophy; a
third, treating of logic, is generally considered spurious. The _De
Mundo_ is an adaptation of the [Greek: Peri kosmou] wrongly attributed
to Aristotle. Apuleius informs us that he had also composed numerous
poems in almost all possible styles, and several works on natural
history, some in Greek. In the preparation of these he seems to have
attended more closely to actual anatomical research than was customary
with ancient naturalists. Some other works--dealing with theology, the
properties of herbs, medical remedies and physiognomy, are wrongly
attributed to him.

The character of Apuleius, as delineated by himself, is attractive; he
appears vehement and passionate, but devoid of rancour; enterprising,
munificent, genial and an enthusiast for the beautiful and good. His
vanity and love of display are conspicuous, but are extenuated by a
genuine thirst for knowledge and a surprising versatility of
attainments. He prided himself on his proficiency in both Greek and
Latin. His place in letters is accidentally more important than his
genius strictly entitles him to hold. He is the only extant example in
Latin literature of an accomplished sophist in the good sense of the
term. The loss of other ancient romances has secured him a peculiar
influence on modern fiction; while his chronological position in a
transitional period renders him at once the evening star of the
Platonic, and the morning star of the Neo-Platonic philosophy.

  BIBLIOGRAPHY.--Complete works: Editio princeps, ed. Andreas (1469);
  Oudendorp (1786-1823); Hildebrand (1842); Helm (1905 et seq.); P.
  Thomas (vol. iii. 1908). _Metamorphoses_, Eyssenhardt (1869), van der
  Vliet (1897). _Psyche et Cupido_, Jahn-Michaelis (1883); Beck (1902).
  _Apologia_, I. Casaubon (1594); Krüger (1864); (with the _Florida_),
  van der Vliet (1900). _Florida_, Krüger (1883). _De Deo Socratis_,
  Buckley (1844), Lütjohann (1878). _De Platone et ejus Dogmate_,
  Goldbacher (1876) (including _De Mundo_ and _De Deo Socratis_). For
  the relation between Lucian's [Greek: Ovos] and the _Metamorphoses_ of
  Apuleius, see Rohde, _Über Lucians Schrift [Greek: Loukios]_ (1869),
  and Burger, _De Lucio Patrensi_ (1887). On the style of Apuleius
  consult Kretzschmann, _De Latinitate L. Apulei_ (1865), and Koziol,
  _Der Stil des A._ (1872). There is a complete English translation of
  the works of Apuleius in Bohn's Classical Library. The translations
  and imitations of the _Golden Ass_ in modern languages are numerous:
  in English, by Adlington, 1566 and later eds. (reissued in the Tudor
  translations and Temple Classics), Taylor (1822) (including the
  philosophical works), Head (1851). Of the Cupid and Psyche episode
  there are recent translations by Robert Bridges (1895) (in verse),
  Stuttaford (1903); and it is beautifully introduced by Walter Pater
  into his _Marius the Epicurean_. This episode has afforded the subject
  of a drama to Thomas Heywood, and of narrative poems to Shakerley
  Marmion, Mrs. Tighe, and William Morris (in the _Earthly Paradise_).

APULIA (sometimes APPULIA in manuscripts but never in inscriptions), the
district inhabited in ancient times by the Apuli. Strictly a Samnite
tribe (see SAMNITES) settled round Mount Garganus on the east coast of
Italy (Strabo vi. 3. 11), the Apuli mingled with the Iapygian tribes of
that part of the coast (Dauni, Peucetii, Poediculi) who, like the
Messapii, had come from Illyria, so that the name Apulia reached down to
the border of the ancient Calabria. Almost the only monument of Samnite
speech from the district is the famous _Tabula Bantina_ from Bantia, a
small city just inside the Peucetian part of Apulia, on the Lucanian
border. This inscription is one of the latest and in some ways the most
important monument of Oscan, though showing what appear to be some
southern peculiarities (see OSCA LINGUA). Its date is almost certainly
between 118 and 90 B.C., and it shows that Latin had not even then
spread over the district (cf. LUCANIA). Far older than this are some
coins from Ausculum and Teate (later known as Teanum Apulum), of which
the earliest belong to the 4th century B.C. Roman or Latin colonies were
few, Luceria (planted 314 B.C.) in the north and Brundisium (soon after
268) being the chief. (See R.S. Conway, _Italic Dialects_, xxviii.-xxx.
pp. 15 f.; and Mommsen's introduction to the opening sections of
_C.I.L._ ix.)     (R. S. C.)

The wars of the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. brought a great part of the
pastures of the Apulian plain into the hands of the Roman state, and a
tax was paid on every head of cattle and every sheep, at first to the
tax farmer and later to the imperial procurator. It was under the Romans
that the system of migration for the flocks reached its full
development, and the practice is still continued; the sheep-tracks
(_tratturi_), 350 ft. wide, leading from the mountains of the Abruzzi to
the plain of Apulia date in the main at least from the Roman period, and
are mentioned in inscriptions. The plain, however, which once served as
winter grazing ground for a million sheep, now gives pasture to about
one-half of that number.[1] The shepherds, who were slaves, often gave
considerable trouble; we hear that some 7000 of them, who had made the
whole country unsafe, were condemned to death in 185 B.C. (Livy xxxix.
29). Sheep-farming on a large scale was no doubt detrimental to the
interests of the towns. We hear of repeated risings, for the last time
in the Social War. Even in the 4th century B.C. the then chief town of
Apulia, Teate or Teanum Apulum (see above), suffered in this way.
Luceria subsequently took its place, largely owing to its military
importance; but under the Empire it was succeeded by Canusium.

The road system of Apulia, which touched all the important towns,
consisted of three main lines, the Via Appia (see APPIA, VIA), the Via
Traiana, and the coast road, running more or less parallel in an
east-south-east direction. The first (the southernmost), coming east
from Beneventum, entered Apulia at the Pons Aufidi, and ran through
Venusia to Tarentum, and thence, turning north-east, to Brundusium. The
second, coming north-east from Beneventum, turned east at Aecae, and ran
through Herdoniae, Canusium, Butuntum, Barium and Gnathia (Gnatia) to
Brundusium. There was also a short cut from Butuntum to Gnathia through
Caelia, keeping inland. The third parallel line ran to the north of the
Via Traiana, in continuation of the road along the north-east coast of
Picenum and Samnium; it entered Apulia near Larinum (whence a branch ran
south to Bovianum Undecimanorum), and thence, keeping in the plain to
the south of the Mons Garganus, rejoined the coast at Sipontum, where it
received a branch road from the Via Traiana at Aecae, passing through
Luceria and Arpi. It then passed through Barduli (where it was joined by
a road from Canusium by way of Cannae) to Barium, where it joined the
Via Traiana. From Barium a road probably ran direct to Caelia, and
thence south-south-east to join the Via Appia some 25 m. north-west of

Barium was an important harbour, though less so than Brundusium and
Tarentum, which, however, belonged to Calabria in the Roman sense.
Apulia, with Calabria, formed the second region of Augustus, though we
once find Calabria treated as a part of the third region, Lucania
(_C.I.L._ ix. 2213). The Hannibalic and later wars had, Strabo tells us,
destroyed the former prosperity of the country; in imperial times we
hear little or nothing of it. Both were governed by a _corrector_ from
the time of Constantine onwards, but in 668 the Lombards conquered
Calabria and Apulia, and it was then that the former name was
transferred to Bruttium, the meaning of the latter being extended to
include Calabria also. In the 10th century the greater part of this
territory was recovered by the Byzantine emperors, whose governor was
called [Greek: Katapanos], a name which, under the corrupt form
Capitanata, belonged to the province of Foggia till 1861. It was
conquered by the Normans under William Bras-de-fer, who took the title
of _comes Apuliae_ in 1042; it was raised to a dukedom with Calabria by
Robert Guiscard in 1059, and united to the Sicilian monarchy in 1127.
Many of the important towns possess fine Romanesque cathedrals,
constructed under the Normans and the Hohenstaufen rulers. It shared the
subsequent fate of Sicily, becoming a part of the kingdom of the Two
Sicilies in 1734, and being united with Italy in 1861.

  Modern Apulia.

Modern Apulia comprises the three provinces of Foggia, Bari and Lecce
(the latter corresponding roughly with the ancient Calabria, which,
however, extended somewhat farther north inland), and is often known as
Le Puglie; it stretches from Monte Gargano to the south-east extremity
of Italy, with an area of 7376 sq. m.; it is bounded on the north and
east by the Adriatic, on the south-east by the Gulf of Taranto, on the
south by Basilicata and on the west by Campania and the Abruzzi. The
three provinces correspond to the three natural divisions into which it
falls. That of Foggia, though it has mountains on the west and
south-west boundary, and the Monte Gargano at its north-east extremity,
is in the main a great plain called the Tavoliere (chessboard) di
Puglia, with considerable lagoons on its north and east coast. That of
Bari, east-south-east of Foggia and divided from it by the Ofanto
(Aufidus), the only considerable river of Apulia, 104 m. long, is a
hilly district with a coast strip along which are the majority of the
towns--the lack of villages is especially noticeable; in the
_circondario_ of Barletta, the north-east portion of the province, there
are only eleven communes, with a total population of 335,934. That of
Lecce, to the east-south-east again, is a low flat limestone terrace.

The industries of Apulia are mainly pastoral or agricultural. Besides
sheep, a considerable number of horses, cattle and swine are bred; while
despite the lack of water, which is the great need of modern Apulia (in
1906 arrangements were made for a great aqueduct, to supply the three
provinces from the headwaters of the Sele), cultivation is actively
carried on, especially in the province of Bari, where grain, wine,
olives, almonds, lemons, oranges, tobacco, &c., are produced in
abundance, and the export of olive oil is attaining considerable
importance. The salt works of Margherita di Savoia produce large
quantities of salt, and nitre is extracted near Molfetta.

Railway communications are fairly good, the main line from Bologna to
Brindisi passing through the whole length of Apulia, by way of Foggia
and Bari, and having branches from Foggia (the main railway centre of
Apulia) to Benevento and Caserta, to Manfredonia, to Lucera and to
Rocchetta S. Antonio (and thence to either Avellino, Potenza or Gioia
del Colle), from Ofantino to Margherita di Savoia, from Barletta to
Spinazzola (between Rocchetta S. Antonio and Gioia del Colle), from Bari
to Putignano, and via Gioia del Colle to Taranto, and from Brindisi to
Taranto, and to Lecce and Otranto; besides which, there is a steam
tramway from Barletta to Bari via Andria.

The most important harbours of Apulia are Brindisi, Bari, Taranto,
Barletta, Molfetta and Gallipoli. The export of olive oil to foreign
countries from the province of Lecce in 1905 amounted to 1048 tons, as
against 3395 in 1901; but that to home ports increased from 7077 to 9025
tons in the same period. The production of wine was 358,953 tons in 1905
as against 203,995 tons in 1901 (an exceptionally bad year) and 284,156
tons in 1902. Of this 211,872 tons were forwarded by rail and sea, in
the proportion of five to two respectively, the rest being used for home
consumption and as a reserve. The cultivation of oriental tobacco is
extending in the province (see _Consular Report_, No. 3672, July 1906).

The population of the province of Foggia was 425,450 (1901) as against
322,755 in 1871, the chief towns being Foggia (53,151), Cerignola
(34,195), S. Severo (30,040), Monte S. Angelo (21,870), S. Marco in
Lamis (17,309), Lucera (17,515); that of Bari, 827,698 (1901) as against
604,540 in 1871, the chief towns being Bari (77,478), Andria (49,569),
Barletta (42,022), Corato (41,573), Molfetta (40,135), Trani (31,800),
Bisceglie (30,885), Bitonto (30,617), Canosa (24,169), Ruvo (23,776),
Terlizzi (23,232), Altamura(22,729), Monopoli (22,545), Gioia del Colle
(21,721); that of Lecce, 706,520 (1901) as against 493,594 in 1871, the
chief towns being Taranto (60,733), Lecce (32,687), Brindisi (25,317),
Martina Franca (25,007), Ostuni (22,997), Francavilla Fontana (20,422),
Ceglie Messapica (16,867), Nardo (14,387), Galatina (14,071), Gallipoli
(13,552), Manduria (13,113).     (T. As.)


  [1] The migration was made compulsory by Alphonso I. in 1442, and
    remained so until 1865. Since that time the _tratturi_ have been to
    some extent absorbed by private proprietors.

APURÉ, a river of western Venezuela, formed by the confluence of the
Sarare and Uribante at 6° 45' N. lat. and 71° W. long., and flowing
eastward across the Venezuelan _llanos_ to a junction with the Orinoco
at about 7° 40' N. lat. and 66° 45' W. long. Its drainage area includes
the slopes of both the Colombian and Venezuelan Andes. It has a sluggish
course across the _llanos_ for about 300 m., and is navigable throughout
its length. Its principal tributaries are the Caparro, Portuguesa and
Guarico on the north, and the Caucagua on the south. Its lateral
channels on the south mingle with those of the Arauca for many miles,
forming an extensive district subject to annual inundations.

APURIMAC, a river of central Peru, rising in the Laguna de Villafra in
the western Cordilleras, 7 m. from Caylloma, a village in the department
of Arequipa, and less than 100 m. from the Pacific coast. It flows first
north-easterly, then north-westerly past Cuzco to the mouth of the
Perené tributary, thence east and north to its junction with the Ucayali
at 10° 41' S. lat., and 73° 34' W. long. It is known as the Apurimac
only down to the mouth of the Mantaro tributary, 11° 45' S. lat. and
1325 ft. above sea-level. Thence to the mouth of the Perene (984 ft.) it
is known as the Ené, and from that point to its junction with the
Ucayali (859 ft.) as the Tambo.

APURIMAC, an interior department of southern Peru, bounded N. by the
department of Ayacucho, E. by Cuzco, S. and W. by Cuzco and Ayacucho.
Area, 8187 sq. m.; pop. (1896) 177,387. The department was created in
1873 and comprises five provinces. Its physical features and productions
are very similar to those of Ayacucho (q.v.), with the exception that
sugar-cane is cultivated with noteworthy success in the low valley of
the province of Abancay. The capital, Abancay, 110 m. south-west of
Cuzco, which is only a village in size but is rich in historical
associations and Andahuaylas, in the north-west part of the department,
are its principal towns.

APYREXIA (Gr. [Greek: apyrexia], from [Greek: a-], privative, [Greek:
pyressein], to be in a fever, [Greek: pyr], fire, fever), in pathology,
the normal interval or period of intermission in a fever.

'AQIBA BEN JOSEPH (c. 50-132), Jewish Palestinian rabbi, of the circle
known as _tana_ (q.v.). It is almost impossible to separate the true
from the false in the numerous traditions respecting his life. He became
the chief teacher in the rabbinical school of Jaffa, where, it is said,
he had 24,000 scholars. Whatever their number, it seems certain that
among them was the celebrated Rabbi Meir, and that through him and
others 'Aqiba exerted a great influence on the development of the
doctrines embodied in the Mishnah. He sided with Bar Cochebas in the
last Jewish revolt against Rome, recognized him as the Messiah, and
acted as his sword-bearer. Being taken prisoner by the Romans under
Julius Severus, he was flayed alive with circumstances of great cruelty,
and met his fate, according to tradition, with marvellous steadfastness
and composure. He is said by some to have been a hundred and twenty
years old at the time of his death. He is one of the ten Jewish martyrs
whose names occur in a penitential prayer still used in the synagogue
service. 'Aqiba was among the first to systematize the Jewish tradition,
and he paved the way for the compilation of the Mishnah. From his school
emanated the Greek translation of the scriptures by Aquila.

AQUAE (Lat. for "waters"), a name given by the Romans to sites where
mineral springs issued from the earth. Over a hundred can be identified,
some declaring by their modern names their ancient use: Aix-les-Bains in
Savoy (_Aquae Sabaudicae_), Aix-en-Provence (_Aquae Sextiae_),
Aix-la-Chapelle or Aachen (_Aquae Grani_), &c. Only two occur in
Britain: _Aquae Sulis_--less correctly _Aquae Solis_--at Bath in
Somerset, which was famous, and Buxton (called _Aquae_ simply), which
seems to have been far less important. Aquae Sulis was occupied by the
Romans almost as soon as they entered the island in A.D. 43, and
flourished till the end of the Roman period. It was frequented by
soldiers quartered in Britain, by the Britons, and by visitors from
north Gaul, and its name was known in Italy, though patients probably
seldom travelled so far. Like most mineral springs known to the
ancients, it was under the protection of a local deity, the Celtic Sul,
whom the Romans equated with their Minerva. Stately remains of its baths
and temple have been found at various times, especially in 1790 and
1878-1895, and may still be seen there.

AQUAE CUTILIAE, a mineral spring in Italy, near the modern Cittaducale,
9 m. E. of Rieti. The lake near it was supposed by classical writers to
be the central point of Italy, and was renowned for its floating
islands, which, as in other cases, were formed from the partial
petrification of plants by the mineral substances contained in the
water. Considerable remains of baths may still be seen there--they were
apparently resorted to by both Vespasian and Titus in their last
illnesses, for both died there.

AQUAMARINE (Lat. _aqua marina_, "water of the sea"), a transparent
variety of beryl (q.v.), having a delicate blue or bluish-green colour,
suggestive of the tint of sea-water. It occurs at most localities which
yield ordinary beryl, some of the finest coming from Russia. The
gem-gravels of Ceylon contain aquamarine. Clear yellow beryl, such as
occurs in Brazil, is sometimes called aquamarine chrysolite. When
corundum presents the bluish tint of typical aquamarine, it is often
termed Oriental aquamarine.

AQUARELLE (from Ital. _acquarella_, water-colour), a form of painting
with thin water-colour or ink.

AQUARII, a name given to the Christians who substituted water for wine
in the Eucharist. They were not a sect, for we find the practice widely
in vogue at an early time, even among the orthodox. In Greek they were
called _Hydroparastatae_, or those who offer water. Theodosius, in his
persecuting edict of 382, classes them as a special sect with the
Manicheans, who also eschewed wine. See EUCHARIST.

AQUARIUM (plural _aquaria_), the name given to a receptacle for a marine
flora and fauna. Until comparatively recently, aquaria were little more
than domestic toys, or show-places of a popular character, but they have
now not only assumed a profound scientific importance for the convenient
study of anatomical and physiological problems in marine botany and
zoology, but have also attained an economic value, as offering the best
opportunities for that study of the habits and environment of marketable
food-fish without which no steps for the improvement of sea-fisheries
can be safely taken. The numerous "zoological stations" which have
sprung up, chiefly in Europe and the United States, but also in the
British colonies and Japan, often endeavour to unite these two aims, and
have in many cases become centres of experimental work in problems
relating to fisheries, as well as in less directly practical subjects.
Of these stations, the oldest and the most important is that at Naples,
which, though designed for purely scientific objects, also encourages
popular study by means of a public aquarium. The following account
(1902) of this station by Dr W. Giesbrecht, a member of the staff, will
serve to show the methods and aims, and the complex and expensive
equipment, of a modern aquarium:--

"The zoological station at Naples is an institution for the advancement
of biological science--that is, of comparative anatomy, zoology, botany,
physiology. It serves this end by providing the biologist with the
various objects of his study and the necessary appliances; it is not a
teaching institution. The station was founded by Dr Anton Dohrn, and
opened in the spring of 1874; it is the oldest and largest of all
biological stations, of which there are now about thirty in existence.
Its two buildings are situated near the seashore in the western town
park (Villa Nazionale) of Naples. The older and larger one, 33 metres
long, 24 m. deep, 16 m. high, contains on the ground floor the aquarium,
which is open to the public. On the first floor there is, facing south,
the principal library, ornamented with fresco paintings, and, facing
north, a large hall containing twelve working tables, several smaller
rooms and the secretarial offices. On the second floor is the
physiological laboratory, and on the third floor the small library, a
hall with several working tables, and the dark rooms used in developing
photographs. The ground floor of the smaller building, which was
finished in 1887, contains the rooms in which the animals are delivered,
sorted and preserved, and the fishing tackle kept, together with the
workshop of the engineer; on the first and second floors are workrooms,
amongst others the botanical laboratory; on the third floor are
store-rooms. In the basement of both buildings, which is continued
underneath the court, there are sea-water cisterns and filters, engines
and store-rooms. The materials for study which the station offers to the
biologist are specimens of marine animals and plants which abound in the
western part of the Mediterranean, and especially in the Gulf of Naples.
To obtain these, two screw-steamers and several rowing boats are
required, which are moored in the harbour of Mergellina, situated close
by. The larger steamer, 'Johannes Müller' (15 m. long, 2½ m. wide, 1 m.
draught), which can steam eight to ten English miles per hour, is
provided with a steam dredge working to a depth of eighty fathoms. From
the small steamer, 'Frank Balfour,' and the rowing boats, the fishing is
done by means of tow-nets. Besides these there are fishermen and others
who daily supply living material for study. The plankton (small floating
animals) is distributed in the morning, other animals as required. The
animals brought in by the fishermen are at once distributed amongst the
biologists, whereas the material brought up by the dredges is placed in
flat revolving wooden vessels, so as to give the smaller animals time to
come out of their hiding-places. The students who work in the station
have the first claim on specimens of plants and animals; but specimens
are also supplied to museums, laboratories and schools, and to
individuals engaged in original research elsewhere. Up to the present
time about 4000 such parcels have been despatched, and not infrequently
live specimens of animals are sent to distant places. This side of the
work has been of very great value to science. The principal appliances
for study with which the station provides the biologist are workrooms
furnished with the apparatus and chemicals necessary for anatomical
research and physiological experiments and tanks. Every student receives
a tank for his own special use. The large tanks of the principal
aquarium are also at his disposal for purposes of observation and
experiment if necessary.

"The water in the tanks is kept fresh by continual circulation, and is
thus charged with the oxygen necessary to the life of the organisms. It
is not pumped into the tanks directly from the sea, but from three large
cisterns (containing 300 cubic metres), to which it again returns from
the tanks. The water wasted or evaporated during this process is
replaced by new water pumped into the cisterns directly from the sea.
The water flows from the large cisterns into a smaller cistern, from
which it is distributed by means of an electric pump through vulcanite
or lead pipes to the various tanks. The water with which the tanks on
the upper floors are filled is first pumped into large wooden tanks
placed beneath the roof, thence it flows, under almost constant
pressure, into the tanks. The water circulated in this manner contains
by far the largest number of such animals as are capable of living in
captivity in good condition. Some of them even increase at an
undesirable rate, and it sometimes happens that young Mytilus or Ciona
stop up the pipes; in laying these, therefore, due regard must be had to
the arrangements for cleaning. For the cultivation of very delicate
animals it is necessary to keep the water absolutely free from harmful
bacteria; for this purpose large sand-filters have lately been placed in
the system, through which the water passes after leaving the cisterns.
Each of the smaller cisterns, which are fixed in the workrooms, consist
of two water-tanks, placed one above the other; their frames are of
wrought iron and the walls generally of glass. Vessels containing minute
animals can be placed between these two tanks, receiving their water
through a siphon from the upper tank; the water afterwards flows away
into the lower tank.

"The twenty-six tanks of the public aquarium (the largest of which
contains 112 cubic metres of water) have stone walls, the front portion
alone being made of glass. As the tanks hold a very large number of
animals in proportion to the quantity of water, they require to be well
aerated. The pipes through which the water is conducted are therefore
placed above the surface of the water, and the fresh supply is driven
through them under strong pressure. A large quantity of air in the form
of fine bubbles is thus taken to the bottom of the tank and distributed
through the entire mass of water. Should the organisms which it is
desired to keep alive be very minute, there is a danger of their being
washed away by the circulating water. To obviate this, either the water
which flows away is passed through a strainer, or the water is not
changed at all, air being driven through it by means of an apparatus put
into motion by the drinking-water supply.

"The library contains about 9000 volumes, which students use with the
help of a slip catalogue, arranged according to authors. The station has
published at intervals since 1879 two periodicals treating of the
organisms of the Mediterranean. One is _Fauna und Flora des Golfes van
Neapel_, the other _Mittheilungen aus der zoologischen Station zu
Neapel_. The former consists of monographs in which special groups of
animals and plants are most exhaustively treated and the Mediterranean
species portrayed according to life in natural colours; up to the
present time twenty-one zoological and five botanical monographs have
appeared, making altogether 1200 4to sheets with about 400 plates. Of
the Mittheilungen, which contain smaller articles on organisms of the
Mediterranean, fourteen volumes in 8vo have been published. The station
also publishes a _Zoologischer Jahresbericht_, which at first treated of
the entire field of zoology, but since 1886 has been confined
principally to comparative anatomy and ontogeny; it appears eight to
nine months after the end of the year reported. The _Guide to the
Aquarium_, with its descriptions and numerous pictures, is meant to give
the lay visitor an idea of the marine animal world.

"There are about forty officials, amongst them six zoologists, one
physiologist, one secretary, two draughtsmen, one engineer. The station
is a private institution, open to biologists of all nations under the
following conditions: there are agreements with the governments of
Austria, Baden, Bavaria, Belgium, Hamburg, Holland, Hesse, Italy,
Prussia, Russia, Saxony, Switzerland, Hungary, Württemberg, the province
of Naples, and the universities of Cambridge, Oxford, Strassburg,
Columbia College (New York), and the British Association for the
Advancement of Science, the Smithsonian Institution, and a society of
women in the United States of North America (formerly also with
Bulgaria, Rumania, Spain, the Academy of Sciences in Berlin, Williams
College, University of Pennsylvania), by virtue of which the governments
and corporate bodies named have the right, on payment of £100 per annum,
to send a worker to the station; this places at his disposal a 'table'
or workplace, furnished with all the necessary appliances and materials
as set down in the agreement. At present there are agreements for
thirty-three tables, and since the foundation of the station nearly 1200
biologists have worked there. The current expenses are paid out of the
table-rents, the entrance fees to the public aquarium, and an annual
subvention paid by the German empire."

In England a station on similar lines, but on a smaller scale, is
maintained at Plymouth by the Marine Biological Association of the
United Kingdom, with the help of subsidies from the government and the
Fishmongers' Company.

Little difficulty is experienced in maintaining, breeding and rearing
fresh-water animals in captivity, but for many various reasons it is
only by unremitting attention and foresight that most marine animals can
be kept even alive in aquaria, and very few indeed can be maintained in
a condition healthy enough to breed. Much experience, however, has been
gained of late years at considerable expense, both in England and
abroad. In starting a marine aquarium of whatever size, it should be
obvious that the first consideration must be a supply of the purest
possible water, as free as may be, not only from land-drainage and
sewage, but also from such suspended matters as chalk, fine sand or mud.
This is most ideally and economically secured by placing the station a
few feet above high-water mark, in as sheltered a position as possible,
on a rocky coast, pumping from the sea to a large reservoir above the
station, and allowing the water to circulate gently thence through the
tanks by gravity (Banyuls). At an inland aquarium (Berlin, Hamburg),
given pure water in the first instance, excellent if less complete
results may nevertheless, be obtained. The next consideration is the
method by which oxygen is to be supplied to the organisms in the
aquarium. Of the two methods hitherto in use, that of pumping a jet of
air into tanks otherwise stagnant or nearly so (Brighton), while
supplying sufficient oxygen, has so many other disadvantages, that it
has not been employed regularly in any of the more modern aquaria. It
is, however, still useful in aerating quite small bodies of water in
which hardy and minute organisms can be isolated and kept under control.
In the other method, now in general use, a fine jet of water under
pressure falls on to the surface of the tank; this carries down with it
a more than sufficient air-supply, analysis showing in some cases a
higher percentage of oxygen in aquarium water than in the open sea.

The water supply is best effected by gravity from reservoirs placed
above the tanks, but may be also achieved by direct pumping from low
reservoirs or from the sea to the tanks. Provided that an unlimited
supply of pure water can be obtained cheaply, the overflow from the
tanks is best run to waste; but in aquaria less fortunately placed, it
returns to a storage low-level reservoir, from which it is again pumped,
thus circulating round and round (Naples, Plymouth). The storage
reservoirs should be in all cases very large in comparison with the bulk
of water in circulation; if practicable, they should be excavated in
rock, and lined with the best cement. Thera is no reason why they should
not be shallow, exposed to light and air, and cultivated as rock-pools
by the introduction of seaweeds and small animals, but they must then be
screened from rain, cold and dust. The pumps used in circulation will be
less likely to kill minute animals if of the plunger or ram type, rather
than rotary, and should be of gun-metal or one of the new bronze-alloys
which take a patina in salt water. For the circulating pipes many
materials have been tried. Vulcanite is not only expensive and brittle,
but has other disadvantages; common iron pipes, coated internally with
cement or asphalt or glazed internally, with all unions and joints
cemented, have been used with more or less success. Probably best of all
is common lead piping, the joints being served with red-lead; water
should be circulated through such pipes till they become coated with
insoluble carbonate, for some time before animals are put into the
tanks. For small installations glass may be used, the joints being made
with marine glue or other suitable cement.

In building the tanks themselves, regard must be had to their special
purposes. If intended for show-tanks for popular admiration, or for the
study of large animals, they must be large with a plate-glass front; for
ordinary scientific work small tanks with all sides opaque are
preferable from every point of view. According to their character, size
and position, fixed tanks may be of brickwork, masonry or rock, coated
in each case with cement; asphalting the sides offers no particular
advantages, and often gives rise to great trouble and expense. All
materials, and especially the cements, must be of the finest quality
procurable. For smaller and movable tanks, slate slabs bolted or screwed
together have some disadvantages, notably those of expense, weight and
brittleness, but are often used. Better, cheaper and lighter, if less
permanent, are tanks of wood bolted together, pitched internally. Glass
bell-jars, useful in particular cases, should generally have their sides
darkened, except when required for observation. Provision should always
be made for cleaning every part of the tanks, pipes and reservoirs; all
rock-work in tanks should therefore be removable. As regards the
lighting of fixed tanks, it should always be directly from above. In all
tanks with glass sides, whether large or small, as much light as
possible should be kept from entering through the glass; otherwise, with
a side-light, many animals become restless, and wear themselves out
against the glass, affected by even so little light as comes through an
opposite tank.

In cases where distance from the sea or other causes make it
impracticable to allow the overflow from the tanks to run to waste,
special precautions must be taken to keep the water pure. Chemically
speaking, the chief character of the water in an aquarium circulation,
when compared with that of the open sea, lies in the excessive quantity
of nitrogen present in various forms, and the reduced alkalinity; these
two being probably connected. The excess of nitrogen is referable to
dead animals, to waste food and to the excreta of the living organisms.
The first two of these sources of contamination may be reduced by care
and cleanliness, and by the maintenance of a flow of water sufficient to
prevent the excessive accumulation of sediment in the tanks. The
following experiment shows the rapid rise of nitrogen if unchecked. A
tank with a considerable fauna was isolated from the general circulation
and aerated by four air-jets, except during hours 124-166 of the
experiment; column I. shows per 100,000 the nitrogen estimated as
ammonia, column II. the total inorganic nitrogen:--

                                         I.    II.
  Sea-water at source of original
    supply                             0.001  0.003
  Aquarium water in tank at
    commencement of experiment         0.012  0.400
  After  22½ hours                     0.020    ··
    "    75    "                       0.025  1.200
    "    93    "                       0.019    ··
    "   121½   "                       0.012    ··
    "   141    "                       0.015  2.200
    "   165    "                       0.025    ··
    "   169    "                       0.025    ··
    "   189    "                       0.012    ··

During this time the alkalinity was reduced to the equivalent of 30 mg.
CaCO3 per litre, ocean water having an alkalinity equivalent to 50-55
mg. per litre. It has been suggested that the organic nitrogen becomes
oxidized into nitrous, then into nitric acid, which lowers the carbonate
values. A great deal of reduction of this nitrogenous contamination can
be effected by filtration, a method first introduced successfully at
Hamburg, where a most thriving aquarium has been maintained by the local
Zoological Society for many years on the circulation principle, new
water being added only to compensate for waste and evaporation. The
filters consist of open double boxes, the inner having a bottom of
perforated slate on which rests rough gravel; on the latter is fine
gravel, then coarse, and finally fine sand. Filtration may be either
upwards or downwards through the inner box to the outer. Such filters,
intercalated between tanks and reservoir, have been shown by analysis to
stop a very large proportion of nitrogenous matter. It is doubtful
whether aquarium water will not always show an excess of nitrogenous
compounds, but they must be kept down in every way possible. In small
tanks, well lighted, seaweeds can be got to flourish in a way that has
not been found practicable in large tanks with a circulation; these,
with Lamellibranchs and small Crustacea as scavengers, will be found
useful in this connexion. Slight or occasional circulation should be
employed here also, to remove the film of dust and other matters, which
otherwise covers the surface of the water and prevents due oxygenation.

In such small tanks for domestic use the fauna must be practically
limited to bottom-living animals, but for purposes of research it is
often desired to keep alive larval and other surface-swimming animals
(plankton). In this case a further difficulty is presented, that of
helping to suspend the animals in the water, and thus to avoid the
exhaustion and death which soon follow their unaided efforts to keep off
the bottom; this duty is effected in nature by specific gravity, tide
and surface current. In order to deal with this difficulty a simple but
efficient apparatus has been devised by Mr E.T. Browne; a "plunger,"
generally a glass plate or filter funnel, moves slowly up and down in a
bell-jar or other small tank, with a period of rest between each stroke;
the motive power is obtained through a simple bucket-and-siphon
arrangement worked by the overflow from other tanks. This apparatus
(first used at the Plymouth Laboratory of the Marine Biological
Association in 1897, and since introduced into similar institutions), by
causing slight eddies in the water, keeps the floating fauna in
suspension, and has proved very successful in rearing larvae and in
similar work.     (G. H. Fo.)

AQUARIUS (the "Water-bearer" or "Cup-bearer"), in astronomy, the
eleventh sign of the zodiac (q.v.), situated between Capricornus and
Pisces. Its symbol is [symbol], representing part of a stream of water,
probably in allusion to the fact that when the sun is in this part of
the heavens (January, February) the weather is rainy. It is also a
constellation mentioned by Eudoxus (4th century B.C.) and Aratus (3rd
century B.C.); Ptolemy catalogued forty-five stars, Tycho Brahe
forty-one, Hevelius forty-seven. [Zeta] _Aquarii_ is a well-defined
binary, having both components of the fourth magnitude; it is probably
of long period.

AQUATINT (Lat. _aqua_, water, and _tincta_, dyed), a kind of etching
(q.v.) which imitates washes with a brush. There are many ways of
preparing a plate for aquatint, the following being recommended by P.G.
Hamerton. Have three different solutions of rosin in rectified alcohol,
making them of various degrees of strength, but always thin enough to be
quite fluid, the weakest solution being almost colourless. First pour
the strongest solution on the plate. When it dries it will produce a
granulation; and you may now bite as in ordinary etching for your darker
tones, stopping out what the acid is not to operate upon, or you may use
a brush charged with acid, perchloride of iron being a very good mordant
for the purpose. After cleaning the plate, you proceed with the weaker
solutions in the same way, the weakest giving the finest granulation for
skies, distances, &c. The process requires a good deal of stopping-out,
and some burnishing, scraping, &c., at last. Aquatint may be effectively
used in combination with line etching, and still more harmoniously with
soft ground etching in which the line imitates that of the lead pencil.

AQUAVIVA, CLAUDIO (1542-1615), fifth general of the Jesuits, the
youngest son of the duke d'Altri, was born at Naples. He joined the
Jesuits at Rome in 1567, and his high administrative gifts marked him
out for the highest posts. He was soon nominated provincial of Naples
and then of Rome; and during this office he offered to join the Jesuit
mission to England that set out under Robert Parsons (q.v.) in the
spring of 1580. The following year, being then only thirty-seven years
old, he was elected, by a large majority, general of the society in
succession to Mercurian, to the great surprise of Gregory XIII.; but the
extraordinary political ability he displayed, and the vast increase that
came to the Society during his long generalate, abundantly justified the
votes of the electors. He, together with Lainez, may be regarded as the
real founder of the Society as it is known to history. A born ruler, he
secured all authority in his own hands, and insisted that those who
prided themselves on their obedience should act up to the profession. In
his first letter "On the happy increase of the Society" (25th of July
1581), he treats of the necessary qualifications for superiors, and
points out that government should be directed not by the maxims of human
wisdom but by those of supernatural prudence. He successfully quelled a
revolt among the Spanish Jesuits, which was supported by Philip II., and
he made use in this matter of Parsons. A more difficult task was the
management of Sixtus V., who was hostile to the Society. By consummate
tact and boldness Aquaviva succeeded in playing the king against the
pope, and Sixtus against Philip. For prudential reasons, he silenced
Mariana, whose doctrine on tyrannicide had produced deep indignation in
France; and he also appears to have discountenanced the action of the
French Jesuits in favour of the League, and was thus able to secure
solid advantages when Henry IV. overcame the confederacy. To him is due
the Jesuit system of education in the book _Ratio atque institutio
studiorum_ (Rome, 1586). But the Dominicans denounced it to the
Inquisition, and it was condemned both in Spain and in Rome, on account
of some opinions concerning the Thomist doctrines of the divine physical
premotion in secondary causes and predestination. The incriminated
chapters were withdrawn in the edition of 1591. In the fierce disputes
that arose between the Jesuit theologians and the Dominicans on the
subject of grace, Aquaviva managed, under Clement VIII. and Paul V., to
save his party from a condemnation that at one time seemed probable. He
died at Rome on the 31st of January 1615, leaving the Society numbering
13,000 members in 550 houses and 15 provinces. The subsequent influence
exercised by the Jesuits, in their golden age, was largely due to the
far-seeing policy of Aquaviva, who is undoubtedly the greatest general
that has governed the Society.     (E. Tn.)

AQUEDUCT (Lat. _aqua_, water, and _ducere_, to lead; Gr. [Greek:
hydragogeion], [Greek: hydragogion], [Greek: hyponomos]), a term
properly including artificial works of every kind by means of which
water is conveyed from one place to another, but generally used in a
more limited sense. It is, in fact, rarely employed except in cases
where the work is of considerable magnitude and importance, and where
the water flows naturally by gravitation. The most important purpose for
which aqueducts are constructed is that of conveying pure water, from
sources more or less distant, to large masses of population. Aqueducts
are either below ground, on the surface, or raised on walls either solid
or pierced with arches; to the last the term is often confined in
popular language. The choice of method naturally depends on the contour
of the country.


I. _Ancient Aqueducts._--In Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria--flat countries
traversed by big rivers and subject to floods--water was supplied by
means of open canals with large basins. In Persia devices of all kinds
were adopted according to the nature of the country. In relation to the
achievements of Greece and Rome, the Phoenicians are the most important
among pre-classical engineers. In Cyprus water was supplied to temples
by rock-cut subterranean conduits carried across intervening valleys in
siphons. Such conduits have been found near Citium, Amathus, &c.
(Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 187, 341). In Syria the most striking of
Phoenician waterworks is the well of Ras-el-Ain near Tyre, which
consisted of four strong octagonal towers through which rises to a
height of 18 to 20 ft. the water from four deep artesian wells. The
water thus accumulated was carried off in conduits to reservoirs near
the shore, and thence in vessels or skins to the island. The aqueduct
across to the island is, of course, of Roman work.


It is not possible in all cases to find a satisfactory date for the
numerous conduits which have supplied Jerusalem; some probably go back
to the times of the kings of Judah. The principal reservoir consists of
the three Pools of Solomon which supplied the old aqueduct; the highest
is about 20 ft. above the middle one and 40 above the lowest. These
pools collected the water from Ain Saleh and other springs, and sent it
to the city by two conduits. The higher of these--probably the
older--was partly a rock-cut canal, partly carried on masonry; the
siphon-pipe system was adopted across the lower ground near Rachel's
Tomb, where the pipe (15 in. wide) is formed of large pierced stones
embedded in rubble masonry. The lower conduit is still complete; it
winds so much as to be altogether some 20 m. long. Near the
Birket-es-Sultan it passes over the valley of Hinnom on nine low arches
and reaches the city on the hill above the Tyropeon valley. It enters
the Haram enclosure at the Gate of the Chain (Bâb es-Silsila), outside
which is a basin 84 ft. by 42 by 24 deep. It is interesting to note in
the case of the underground tunnel which brought water from the Virgin's
Fountain to the pool of Siloam, that the two boring parties had no
certain means of keeping the line; there is evidence that they had to
make shafts to discover their position, and that ultimately the parties
almost passed one another. Though the direct distance is 1100 ft., the
length of the conduit is over 1700 ft. Perrot and Chipiez incline to
attribute the Pools of Solomon to the Asmonaeans, followed by Roman
governors, whereas the earlier tunnels of the Kedron and Tyropeon valley
may be Punic-Jewish (see also _Palest. Explor. Fund Mem._, "Jerusalem,"
pp. 346-365). Besides these conduits excavation has discovered traces of
many other cisterns, tunnels and conduits of various kinds. Many of them
point to periods of great prosperity and engineering enterprise which
gave to the city a water-supply far superior to that which exists at

  See the publications of the Palestine Exploration Fund; A.S. Murray's
  _Handbook to Syria and Palestine_ (1903), pp. 63-67; Perrot and
  Chipiez, _History of Art in Sardinia, Judaea, &c._ (Eng. trans.,
  1890), pp. 321 ff.; other authorities quoted under JERUSALEM.


The earliest attempts in Europe to solve the problems of water-supply
were made by the Greeks, who perhaps derived their ideas from the
Phoenicians. It has generally been held, partly on the strength of a
passage in Strabo (v. 3. 8, p. 235), and partly owing to the comparative
unimportance of the remains discovered, that the Greek works were
altogether inferior to the Roman. Research in the Greek towns of Asia
Minor, together with a juster appreciation of the remains as a whole,
must be held to modify this view. Among the earliest examples of Greek
work are the tunnels or _emissaria_ which drained Lake Copais in
Boeotia; these, though not strictly aqueducts, were undoubtedly the
precursors of such works, consisting as they did of subterranean tunnels
([Greek: hyponomoi]) with vertical shafts ([Greek: phreatiai]), sixteen
of which are still recognizable, the deepest being about 150 ft. They
may be compared with that described by Polybius as conveying water from
Taurus to Hecatompylos, and with numerous other remains in Asia Minor,
Syria, Phoenicia and Palmyra. Popular legend ascribed them to Cadmus,
just as Argos referred the irrigation of its lands to Danaüs. They are
undoubtedly of great antiquity.

The insufficiency of water, supplied by natural springs and cisterns
hewn in the rock, which in an early age had satisfied the small
communities of Greece, had become a pressing public question by the time
of the Tyrants, of whom Polycrates of Samos and Peisistratus of Athens
were distinguished for their wisdom and enterprise in this respect. The
former obtained the services of Eupalinus, an engineer celebrated for
the skill with which he had carried out the works for the water-supply
of Megara (see _Athen. Mittheil._ xxv., 1900, 23) under the direction of
the Tyrant Theagenes (c. 625 B.C.). At Samos the difficulty lay in a
hill which rose between the town and the water source. Through this hill
Eupalinus cut a tunnel 8 ft. broad, 8 ft. high and 4200 ft. long,
building within the tunnel a channel 3 ft. broad and 11 ells deep. The
water, flowing by an accurately reckoned declivity, and all along open
to the fresh air, was received at the lower end by a conduit of masonry,
and so led into the town, where it supplied fountains, pipes, baths,
cloacae, &c., and ultimately passed into the harbour (Herod, iii. 60).
In Athens, under the rule of the Peisistratids (c. 560-510 B.C.), a
similarly extensive, if less difficult, series of works was completed to
bring water from the neighbouring hills to supplement the inadequate
supply from the springs. From Hymettus were two conduits passing under
the bed of the Ilissus, most of the course being cut in the rock.
Pentelicus, richer in water, supplied another conduit, which can still
be traced from the modern village of Chalandri by the air shafts built
several feet above the ground, and at a distance apart of 130-160 ft.;
the diameter of these shafts is 4-5 ft., and the number of them still
preserved is about sixty. Tributary channels conveyed into the main
stream the waters of the district through which it passed. Outside
Athens, those two conduits met in a large reservoir, from which the
water was distributed by a ramification of underground channels
throughout the city. These latter channels vary in form, being partly
round, partly square, and generally walled with stone; the chief one is
sufficiently large for two men to pass in it. The precise location of
the reservoir depends on the value of Dr Wilhelm Dörpfeld's theory as to
the site of the Enneacrunus of Thucydides and Pausanias (see ATHENS:
_Topography and Antiquity_). Dörpfeld places it south-west of the
Acropolis, where there is a cistern connected with an aqueduct which
passed under the theatre of Dionysus and on towards the Ilissus (see map
under ATHENS). Others have placed it south of the Olympieum in the
Ilissus bed. Beside these works water was brought from Pentelicus in an
underground conduit begun by the emperor Hadrian and completed by
Antoninus Pius. This aqueduct is still in use, having been repaired in

In Sicily, the works by which Empedocles, it is said, brought the water
into the town of Selinus, are no longer visible; but it is probable
that, like those of Syracuse, they consisted chiefly of tunnels and
pipes laid under the ground. Syracuse was supplied by two aqueducts, one
of which the Athenians destroyed (Thuc. vi. 100). One was fed by an
affluent (the mod. Buttigliara) of the Anapus (mod. Anapo); it carried
the water up to the top of Epipolae, where the channel was open, and
thence down to the city and finally into the harbour. The other also
ascends to the top of Epipolae, skirts the city on the north, and then
proceeds along the coast. Its course is marked by rectangular shafts
(_spiragli_) at the bottom of which water is still visible.

An example of what appears to have been the earliest form of aqueduct in
Greece was discovered in the island of Cos beside the fountain Burinna
(mod. Fountain of Hippocrates) on Mount Oromedon. It consists of a
bell-shaped chamber, built underground in the hill-side, to receive the
water of the spring and keep it cool; a shaft from the top of the
chamber supplied fresh air. From this reservoir the water was led by a
subterranean channel, 114 ft. long and 6½ ft. high.     (J. M. M.)


In comparing Greek and Roman aqueducts, many writers have enlarged on
the greatness of the latter as an example of Roman contempt for natural
obstacles, or even of Roman ignorance of the laws of nature. Now, in the
first place, the Romans were not unacquainted with the law that water
finds its own level (see Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ xxxi. 57, "subit
altitudinem exortus sui"), and took full advantage of it in the
construction of lofty fountains and the supplying of the upper floors of
houses. That they built aqueducts across valleys in preference to
carrying pipes underground was due simply to economy. Pipes had to be
made of lead which was weak, or of bronze which was expensive; and the
Romans were not sufficiently expert in the casting of large pipes which
would stand a very great pressure to employ them for the whole course of
a great aqueduct. Secondly, the water was so extremely hard that it was
important that the channels should be readily accessible for repair as
well as for the detection of leakage.[1] Moreover, as we shall see, the
Roman aqueducts did not, in fact, preserve a straight line regardless of
the configuration of the country. A striking example is the aqueduct of
Nemausus (Nîmes), the springs of which are some 10 m. from the town,
though the actual distance traversed is about 25. Other devices, such as
changing the level and then modifying the slope, and siphon arrangements
of various kinds, were adopted (as in the aqueduct at Aspendus).

Sextus Julius Frontinus, appointed _curator aquarum_ in A.D. 97,
mentions in his treatise _de aquaeductibus urbis Romae_ (on the
aqueducts of the city of Rome) nine aqueducts as being in use in his
time (the lengths of the aqueducts as given here follow his
measurements). These are: (1) AQUA APPIA, which took its rise between
the 6th and 7th milestones of the Via Collatina, and measured from its
source to the Porta Trigemina 11 Roman miles, of which all but about 300
ft. were below ground. It appears to have been the first important
enterprise of the kind at Rome, and was the work of the censor Appius
Claudius Caecus, from whom it derived its name. The date of its
construction was 312 B.C. (2) ANIO VETUS, constructed in 272-269 B.C. by
the censor Manius Curius Dentatus. From its source near Tivoli, on the
left side of the Anio, it flowed some 43 m.,[2] of which only 1100 ft.
was above ground. At the distance of 2 m. from Rome (Frontinus, i. 21),
it parted into two courses, one of which led to the _horti Asiniani_,
and was thence distributed; while the other (_rectus ductus_) led by the
temple of Spes to the Porta Esquilina. (3) AQUA MARCIA, reconstructed in
1869-1870 under the name of Acqua Pia or Marcia-Pia after Pius IX.
(though from Tivoli to Rome the modern aqueduct takes an entirely
different course), rising on the left side of the Via Valeria near the
36th milestone. It traversed 61¾ m., of which 54¼ were underground, and
for the remaining distance was carried partly on substructions and
partly on arches. It was the work of the praetor Quintus Marcius Rex
(144-140 B.C.), not of Ancus Marcius, the fourth king of Rome, as Pliny
(_N.H._ xxxi. 3) fancied, and took its name from its constructor. Its
waters were celebrated for their coolness and excellent quality. Its
volume was largely increased by Augustus, who added to it the Aqua
Augusta; and it was repaired and restored by Titus, Septimus Severus,
Caracalla and Diocletian. (4) AQUA TEPULA, from its source (now known as
Sorgente Preziosa) in the district of Tusculum, to Rome, was some 11 m.
in length. The first portion of its course must have been almost
entirely subterranean and is not now traceable. For the last 6½ m. it
ran on the same series of arches that carried the Aqua Marcia, but at a
higher level. It was the work of the censors Cn. Servilius Caepio and L.
Cassius Longinus, and was completed in the year 125 B.C. Its water is
warm (about 63° Fahr.) and not of the best quality. (5) The AQUA JULIA,
from a source 2 m. from that of the Tepula, joined its course at the
10th milestone of the Via Latina. The combined stream, after a distance
of 4 m., was received in a reservoir, and then once more divided into
two channels. The entire length of the Julia was 15½ m. It was
constructed in the year 33 B.C. by M. Vipsanius Agrippa, who also built
the (6) AQUA VIRGO which, from its origin at a copious spring in a marsh
on the Via Collatina, measured 14 m. in length; it was conveyed in a
channel, partly under and partly above ground. It was begun in the year
33 B.C. and was celebrated for the excellence of its waters. It was
restored to use by Pius V. in 1570. (7) AQUA ALSIETINA or AUGUSTA, the
source of which is the Lacus Alsietinus (mod. Lago di Martignano), to
the north of Rome, was over 22 m. in length, of which 358 paces were on
arches. It was the work of Augustus, probably with the object of
furnishing water for his _naumachia_ (a basin for sham sea-fights), and
not for drinking purposes. Its course is unknown, as no remains of it
exist, but an inscription relating to it is given in _Notizie d. Scant_
(1887), p. 182. (8, 9) The AQUA CLAUDIA and ANIO NOVUS were two
aqueducts begun by Caligula in A.D. 38 and completed by Claudius in A.D.
52. The springs of the former belonged to the same group as those of the
Marcia, and were situated near the 38th milestone of the Via
Sublacensis, not far from its divergence from the Via Valeria, while the
original intake of the latter from the river Anio was 4 m. farther along
the same road. As the water was thick it was collected in a purifying
tank, and 4 m. below, a branch stream, the Rivus Herculaneus, was added
to it. According to Frontinus, over 10 m. of the course of the Claudia
and nearly 9½ of that of the Anio Novus were above ground. Seven miles
out of Rome they united and ran from that point into Rome, following a
natural isthmus formed by a lava stream from the Alban volcano, upon a
line of arches, which still forms one of the most conspicuous features
of the Campagna. The original inscription of Claudius (A.D. 52) on the
Porta Maggiore, by which the Aqua Claudia and Anio Novus crossed the Via
Praenestina and the Via Labicana, gives the length of the Aqua Claudia
as 45 m., and that of the Anio Novus as 62 m. Frontinus, on the other
hand, gives 46.406 m. (i.e. about 43 English miles) and 58.700 m. (i.e.
about 54 English miles). Albertini (_Mélanges de l'École Française_,
1906, 305) explains the difference as due to the fact that Frontinus was
calculating the length of the Claudia from the farthest spring, the Fons
Albudinus, and that of the Anio Novus from the new intake constructed by
Trajan in one of the three lakes constructed by Nero for the adornment
of his villa above Subiaco. Two other inscriptions on the Porta Maggiore
record restorations by Vespasian in A.D. 70, and by Titus in A.D. 80.
That the aqueducts should be spoken of as _vetustate dilapsi_ so soon
after their construction is not a little surprising, and may be
attributed either to hasty construction in order to complete them by a
fixed date, or to jobbery by the imperial freedmen who under Claudius
were especially powerful, or to the fact that a line of arches intended
originally in all probability for the Aqua Claudia alone was made to
carry the Anio Novus as well.

The size of the channels (_specus_) of the principal aqueducts varies
considerably at different points of their course. The Anio Novus has the
largest of them all, measuring 3 to 4 ft. wide and 9 ft. high to the top
of the roof, which is pointed. They are lined with hard cement (_opus
signinum_) containing fragments of broken brick. Those aqueducts of
which the most conspicuous remains exist in the neighbourhood of Rome
are the four from the upper valley of the Anio, the two which took their
supply and their name from the river itself, and the Marcia and the
Claudia, which originated from the same group of springs, in the floor
of the Anio valley 6 m. below Subiaco. Those of the Anio Vetus, which
travelled at a considerably lower level than the other three, are the
least conspicuous, while the Claudia and Anio Novus as a rule kept close
together, the latter at the highest level of all. The ruins of bridges
and substructions in the Anio valley down to Tivoli, though
comparatively little known, are of great importance. In all the
aqueducts the original construction of the bridges was in _opus
quadratum_ (masonry), while the substructions are in brick-faced
concrete; but the bridges are as a rule strengthened (and often several
times) with reinforcing walls of concrete faced with _opus reticulatum_
or brickwork. Below Tivoli, where the Anio leaves its narrow valley, the
aqueducts sweep round towards the Alban hills, and pass through some
very difficult country between Tivoli and Gallicano, alternately
crossing ravines, some of which are as much as 300 ft. deep, and
tunnelling through hills.[3]

The engineering skill displayed is remarkable, and one wonders what
instruments were employed--probably the so-called _chorobates_, an
improvement upon the ordinary water-level (Vitruvius viii. 6), though
this would be slow and complicated. The optical properties of glass
lenses were, however, unknown to the ancients, and the _dioptra_, or
angle measure, was considered by Vitruvius less trustworthy than the
_chorobates_ for the planning of aqueducts (cf. E. Hultsch, _s.v_. in
Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-encyclopädie_). The aqueducts as a rule were
carried on separate bridges, though all four united at the Ponte Lupo, a
huge structure, which after the addition of all the four, and with the
inclusion of all the later strengthening walls that were found necessary
in course of time, measures 105 ft. in height, 508 in length, and 46 in
thickness at the bottom, without including the buttresses. From
Gallicano onwards the course of these four aqueducts follows the lower
slopes of the Alban Hills. Previous writers on the subject have been
unable to determine their course, which is largely subterranean; but it
can be followed step by step with the indications given by the presence
of the calcareous deposit which was thrown out at the _putei_ or shafts
(which were, as a rule, placed at intervals of 240 ft., as were the
_cippi_) when the _specus_ was cleaned; and remains of bridges, though
less important, owing to the less difficult character of the country,
are not entirely absent (cf. the works by T. Ashby cited in
bibliography).[4] Near the 7th milestone of the Via Latina at Le
Capanelle, the Aqua Claudia and Anio Novus emerge from their underground
course, and run into Rome upon the long series of arches already
mentioned, passing over the Porta Maggiore. The Claudia sent off an
important branch from the Porta Maggiore over the Caclian to the
Palatine, but the main aqueduct soon reached its termination. A mile
farther on the Aqua Marcia also, owing to the gradual slope of the
ground towards Rome, begins to be supported on arches, which were also
used to carry the Aqua Tepula and the Aqua Julia (of the two latter,
before their junction with the Marcia, no remains exist above ground,
but inscribed _cippi_ of the last named and its underground channel have
been found at Le Capanelle, and _cippi_ also close to its springs, which
are a little way above Grottaferrata at Gli Squarciarelli). The Anio
Vetus followed the same line, but kept underground (as was natural at
the early period at which it was constructed) until the immediate
neighbourhood of Rome, near the locality known as "ad Spem veterem"
(from a temple of Spes, of which no remains are known) close to the
Porta Maggiore. At this point, besides the aqueducts named, the Aqua
Appia, as we are told by Frontinus, entered the city, and received an
important branch, the Appia Augusta. No remains of either have been
discovered outside the city.

The Aqua Alexandrina must also have entered the city here, though its
channel, which lay at some depth below ground, has not been discovered.
Considerable remains of its brick aqueducts exist in the district
between the Via Praenestina and the Via Labicana.

Of the two aqueducts on the right bank of the Tiber, the Alsietina, as
we have said, has no remains at all, while those of the Traiana are not
of great importance. The line of the aqueducts was marked by _cippi_,
inscribed (in the case of the Anio Vetus, Marcia, Tepula, Julia and
Virgo--those of the Claudia and Anio Novus are uninscribed, and those of
the Traiana are differently worded) with the name of the aqueduct, the
distance from the next _cippus_ (generally 240 ft.) and the number,
counting from Rome (not from the springs). These boundary stones were
erected in pairs, to mark off the strip of land 30 ft. in width reserved
for the aqueduct, and for the road or path which generally followed it.
The shafts (_putei_) often stood, but not necessarily, at the same
points as the _cippi_.

To these nine must be added the two following, constructed after
Frontinus's time: (10) AQUA TRAIANA, from springs to the north-west of
the Lacus Sabatinus (Lago di Bracciano), constructed by Trajan in A.D.
109, about 36½ English miles in length. It was restored by Paul V. in
1611, who made use of and largely transformed the remains of the ancient
aqueduct; he allowed some of the inferior water of the lake to flow into
the channel, and it is thus no longer used for drinking. (11) AQUA
ALEXANDRINA, rising about 14 English miles from Rome, between the Via
Praenestina and the Via Labicana, the work of Alexander Severus (A.D.
226). The springs now supply the modern Acqua Felice, constructed by
Sixtus V. in 1585, but the course of the latter is mainly subterranean
and not identical with that of the former.

[Illustration: PLATE I.

  _Photo, Altnari._

  _Photo, Neurdein._

[Illustration: PLATE II.

  _Photo, Laureat y Cia._

  Early nineteenth century.

  _Photo, Brogi._

  _Photo, Dr T. Ashby._

It is agreed that these eleven are all that were constructed. Procopius
speaks of fourteen (and the Regionary catalogues mention others), but
this number includes branch conduits. All the aqueducts ended in the
city in huge _castella_ or reservoirs for the purpose of distribution.
Vitruvius recommends the division of these into three parts--one for the
supply of fountains, &c., one for the public baths and one for private
consumers. In the Piazza Vittorio Emmanuele at Rome there are still to
be seen the remains of a large ornamental fountain built probably for
the Aqua Julia by Domitian or Alexander Severus (Jordan-Hülsen,
_Topographie_, i. 3350). Besides these main _castella_ there were also
many minor _castella_ in various parts of the city for sub-distribution.
To allow the water to purify itself before being distributed in the
city, filtering and settling tanks (_piscinae limariae_) were built
outside the walls. These _piscinae_ were covered in with a vaulted roof,
and were sometimes on a very large scale, as in the example still
preserved at Fermo, which consists of two stories, each having three
oblong basins communicating with each other; or the Piscina Mirabilis at
Baiae, which is covered in by a vaulted roof, supported on forty-eight
pillars and perforated to permit the escape of foul air. Two stairs lead
by forty steps to the bottom of the reservoir. In the middle of the
basin is a sinking to collect the deposit of the water. The walls and
pillars are coated with a stucco so hard as to resist a tool.

The oversight of aqueducts was placed, in the times of the republic,
under the aediles, who were not, however, the constructors of them; of
the four aqueducts built during this period, three are the work of
censors, one (the Marcia) of a praetor. Under the empire this task
devolved on special officials styled _Curatores Aquarum_, instituted by
Augustus, who, as he himself says, "rivos aquarum omnium refecit"
(inscription on the arch by which the Aqua Marcia crossed the Via
Tiburtina).     (T. As.)

Among the aqueducts outside Italy, constructed in Roman times and
existing still, the most remarkable are: (1) the aqueduct at Nîmes
(Nemausus), erected probably by Vipsanius Agrippa in the time of
Augustus, which rose to 160 ft. The Pont du Card, as this aqueduct is
now called, consists of three tiers of arches across the valley of the
river Gardon. In the lowest tier are six arches, of which one has a span
of 75 ft., the others each 60 ft. In the second tier are eleven arches,
each with a span of 75 ft. In the third tier are thirty-five smaller
arches which carried the _specus_. As a bridge, the Pont du Gard has no
rival for lightness and boldness of design among the existing remains of
works of this class carried out in Roman times. (2) The aqueduct bridges
at Segovia (Merckel, _Ingenieurtechnik_, pp. 566-568), Tarragona
(_ibid._ 565-566), and Merida in Spain, the former being 2400 ft. long,
with 109 arches of fine masonry, in two tiers, and reaching the height
of 102 ft. The bridge at Tarragona is 876 ft. long and 83 ft. high. (3)
At Mainz are the ruins of an aqueduct 7000 yds. long, about half of
which is carried on from 500 to 600 pillars (_Archaeological Journal_,
xlvii., 1890, pp. 211-214). This aqueduct was built by the XIVth legion
and was for the use of the camp, not for the townspeople. For the
similar aqueduct at Luynes see _Arch. Journ._ xlv. (1888), pp. 235-237.
Similar witnesses of Roman occupation are to be seen in Dacia, Africa
(see especially under CARTHAGE), Greece and Asia Minor. (4) The aqueduct
at Jouy-aux-Arches, near Metz, which originally extended across the
Moselle, here very broad, conveyed to the city an abundance of excellent
water from Gorze. From a large reservoir at the source of the aqueduct
the water passed along subterranean channels built of hewn stone, and
sufficiently spacious for a man to walk in them upright. Similar
channels received the water after it had crossed the Moselle by this
bridge, at the distance of about 6 m. from Metz, and conveyed it to the
city. The bridge consisted of only one row of arches nearly 60 ft. high.
The middle arches have given way under the force of the water, but the
others are still perfectly solid. This aqueduct is probably to be
attributed to the latter half of the 4th century A.D. It is for the use
of the town; hence its size. (5) One of the principal bridges of the
aqueduct of Antioch in Syria is 700 ft. long, and at the deepest point
200 ft. high. The lower part consists almost entirely of solid wall, and
the upper part of a series of arches with very massive pillars. The
masonry and design are rude. The water supply was drawn from several
springs at a place called Beit el-Ma (anc. Daphne) about 4 or 5 m. from
Antioch. From these separate springs the water was conducted by channels
of hewn stone into a main channel, similarly constructed, which
traversed the rest of the distance, being carried across streams and
valleys by means of arches or bridges. (6) At the village of Moris,
about an hour's distance north-west from the town of Mytilene, is the
bridge of an aqueduct, carried by massive pillars built of large hewn
blocks of grey marble, and connected by means of three rows of arches,
of which the uppermost is of brick. The bridge extended about 500 ft. in
length, and at the deepest point was from 70 to 80 ft. high. Judged by
the masonry and the graceful design, it has been thought to be a work of
the age of Augustus. Remains of this aqueduct are to be seen at Larisson
Lamarousia, an hour's distance from Moris, and at St Demetri, two hours
and a half from Ayasos, on the road to Vasilika.

  Asia Minor.

The whole subject of the ancient and medieval aqueducts of Asia Minor
has been considered in great detail by G. Weber ("Wasserleitungen in
kleinasiatischen Städten," in the _Jahrbuch des kaiserl. deutsch.
archäolog. Instit._ xix., 1904; see also earlier articles in _Jahrbuch_,
1892, 1899). The aqueducts examined are those at Pergamum, Laodicea and
Smyrna (in the earlier articles), and those at Metropolis (Ionia),
Tralles (Aidin), Antioch-on-Maeander, Aphrodisias, Trapezopolis,
Hierapolis, Apamea Cibotus and Antioch in Pisidia. In most of these
cases it is difficult or even impossible to decide whether the work is
Hellenistic or Roman; to the Romans Weber inclines to attribute, e.g.
those at Metropolis, Tralles (perhaps), Aphrodisias; to the Greeks, e.g.
those at Antioch-on-Maeander and Antioch in Pisidia. Since, therefore, a
detailed description of these remains does not provide material for any
satisfactory generalizations as to the distinctive features of
Hellenistic and Roman work, it will be sufficient here to mention a few
of the more interesting discoveries.

In the case of Metropolis, the aqueduct in the valley of the Astraeus
consisted of an arcade about 13 to 16 ft. high. Nearer to the town in
the hills there are distinct traces of a canal with brick walls. It is
clear that the water could not have served more than the lower parts of
the town, the acropolis of which is nearly 200 ft. above the level of
the conduit. In the case of Tralles the water was supplied by a high
pressure conduit and distributed from the acropolis, where there are the
remains of a basin (13 ft. by 10) arched over with brick. The ancient
aqueduct is to be distinguished from a later, probably Byzantine, canal
conduit, the course of which avoids the deeper depressions, crossed by
the old aqueduct. Of the Antioch-on-Maeander aqueduct only a few
clay-pipes remain, and the same is true of the aqueduct which was built
by Carminius in the 2nd century A.D. to supply the community when
reinforced by the amalgamation of Plarasa and Tauropolis; two of its
basins are still distinguishable, but the two water-towers which are
still standing belong to a later Byzantine structure. Trapezopolis was
supplied from Mt. Salbacus (Baba Dagh): some twenty stone-pipes have
been found built into a low wall which varies from 3¼ to about 5 ft.
wide. Of the pillars which carried the conduit-pipe to Antioch in
Pisidia, nineteen are still standing. Each arch consists of eleven
keystones; no cement was used. The conduit, which was high-pressure,
ends in a distributing tower and reservoir.     (J. M. M.)

II. _Medieval._--The aqueduct near Spoleto, which now serves also as a
bridge, is deserving of notice as an early instance of the use of the
pointed arch, belonging as it does to the 7th or 8th century. It has
ten arches, remarkable for the elegance of their design and the airy
lightness of their proportions, each over 66 ft. in span, and about 300
ft. in height.


The aqueduct of Pyrgos, near Constantinople, is a remarkable example of
works of this class carried out in the later times of the Roman empire,
and consisted of two branches. From this circumstance it was called Egri
Kemer ("the Crooked Aqueduct"), to distinguish it from the Long
Aqueduct, situated near the source of the waters. One of the branches
extends 670 ft. in length, and is 106 ft. in height at the deepest part.
It is composed of three tiers of arches, those in each row increasing in
width from the bottom to the top--an arrangement very properly
introduced with the view of saving materials without diminishing the
strength of the work. The two upper rows consisted of arches of
semicircles, the lower of Gothic arches; and this circumstance leads to
the belief that the date of the structure is about the 10th century. The
breadth of the building at the base was 21 ft., and it diminished with a
regular batter on each side to the top, where it was only 11 ft. The
base also was protected by strong buttresses or counterforts, erected
against each of the pillars. The other branch of the aqueduct was 300
ft. long, and consisted of twelve semicircular arches. This aqueduct
serves to convey to Constantinople the waters of the valley of Belgrad,
one of the principal sources from which the city is supplied. These are
situated on the heights of Mount Haemus, the extremity of the Balkan
Mountains, which overhangs the Black Sea. The water rises about 15 m.
from the city, and between 3 and 4 m. west of the village of Belgrad, in
three sources, which run in three deep and very confined valleys. These
unite a little below the village, and then are collected into a large
reservoir. After flowing a mile or two from this reservoir, the waters
are augmented by two other streams, and conveyed by a channel of stone
to the Crooked Aqueduct. From this they are conveyed to another which is
the Long Aqueduct; and then, with various accessions, into a third,
termed the Aqueduct of Justinian. From this they enter a vaulted
conduit, which skirts the hills on the left side of the valley, and
crosses a broad valley 2 m. below the Aqueduct of Justinian, by means of
an aqueduct, with two tiers of arches of a very beautiful construction.
The conduit then proceeds onward in a circuitous route, till it reaches
the reservoir of Egri Kapu, situated just without and on the walls of
the city. From this the water is conducted to the various quarters of
the city, and also to the reservoir of St Sophia, which supplies the
seraglio of the grand signior. The Long Aqueduct (Usun Kemer) is more
imposing by its extent than the Crooked one, but is far inferior in the
regularity of design and disposition of the materials. It is evidently a
work of the Turks. It consists of two tiers of arches, the lower being
forty-eight in number, and the upper fifty. The whole length was about
2200 ft., and the height 80 ft. The aqueduct of Justinian (Muallak Kemer
or "Hanging Aqueduct") is without doubt one of the finest monuments
which remain to us of the middle ages. It consists of two tiers of large
pointed arches, pierced transversely. Those of the lower story have 55
ft. of span, the upper ones 40 ft. The piers are supported by strong
buttresses, and at different heights they have little arches passing
through them laterally, which relieve the deadness of the solid pillar.
The length of this aqueduct is 720 ft. and the height 108 ft. This
aqueduct has been attributed both to Constantine I. and to Justinian,
the latter being perhaps the more probable.

Besides the waters of Belgrad, Constantinople was supplied from several
other principal sources, one of which took its rise on the heights of
the same mountains, 3 or 4 m. east of Belgrad. This was conveyed in a
similar manner by an arched channel elevated, when it was necessary, on
aqueduct bridges, till it reached the northern parts of the city. It was
in the course of this aqueduct that the contrivance of the _souterasi_
or hydraulic obelisks, described by Andréossy (on his voyage to the
Black Sea, the account of the Thracian Bosporus), was constructed, which
excited some attention, as being an improvement on the method of
conducting water by aqueduct bridges. "The souterasi," says Andréossy,
"are masses of masonry, having generally the form of a truncated pyramid
or an Egyptian obelisk. To form a conduit with souterasi, we choose
sources of water, the level of which is several feet higher than the
reservoir by which it is to be distributed over the city. We bring the
water from its sources in subterranean canals, slightly declining until
we come to the borders of a valley or broken ground. We there raise on
each side a souterasi, to which we adapt vertically leaden pipes of
determinate diameters, placed parallel to the two opposite sides of the
building. These pipes are disjoined at the upper part of the obelisk,
which forms a sort of basin, with which the pipes are connected. The one
permits the water to rise to the level from whence it had descended; by
the other, the water descends from this level to the foot of the
souterasi, where it enters another canal underground, which conducts it
to a second and to a third souterasi, where it rises and again descends,
as at the last station. Here a reservoir receives it and distributes it
in different directions by orifices of which the discharge is known."
Again he says, "it requires but little attention to perceive that this
system of conducting tubes is nothing but a series of siphons open at
their upper part, and communicating with each other. The expense of a
conduit by souterasi is estimated at only one-fifth of that of an
aqueduct with arcades." There seems to be really no advantage in these
pyramids, further than as they serve the purpose of discharging the air
which collects in the pipes. They are in themselves an evident
obstruction, and the water would flow more freely without any
interruption of the kind. In regard to the leaden pipes, again, they
would have required, with so little head pressure as is stated, to be
used of very extraordinary dimensions to pass the same quantity of water
as was discharged along the arched conduits (see also works quoted under
CONSTANTINOPLE). The other principal source from which Constantinople is
supplied, is from the high grounds 6 or 8 m. west of the town, from
which it is conducted by conduits and arches, in the same manner as the
others. The supply drawn from all these sources, as detailed by
Andréossy, amounted to 400,000 cubic ft. per day.
     (A. S. M.; J. M. M.)

  Aqueducts and water supply.

III. _Modern Construction._--Where towns are favourably situated the
aqueduct may be very short and its cost bear a relatively small
proportion to the total outlay upon a scheme of water supply, but where
distant sources have to be relied upon the cost of the aqueduct becomes
one of the most important features in the scheme, and the quantity of
water obtainable must be considerable to justify the outlay. Hence it is
that only very large towns can undertake the responsibility for this
expenditure. In Great Britain it has in all large schemes become a
condition that, when a town is permitted to go outside its own
watershed, it shall, subject to a priority of a certain number of
gallons per day per head of its own inhabitants, allow local
authorities, any part of whose district is within a certain number of
miles of the aqueduct, to take a supply on reasonable terms. The first
case in which this principle was adopted on a large scale was the
Thirlmere scheme sanctioned by parliament in 1879, for augmenting the
supply of Manchester. The previous supply was derived from a source only
about 15 m. distant, and the cost of the aqueduct, chiefly cast-iron
pipes, was insignificant compared with the cost of the impounding
reservoirs. But Thirlmere is 96 m. distant from the service reservoir
near Manchester, and the cost of the aqueduct was more than 90% of the
total cost. As a supply of about 50,000,000 gallons a day is available
the outlay was justifiable, and the water is in fact very cheaply
obtained. Liverpool derives a supply of about 40,000,000 gallons a day
from the river Vyrnwy in North Wales, 68 m. distant, and Birmingham has
constructed works for impounding water in Radnorshire, and conveying it
a distance of 74 m., the supply being about 75,000,000 gallons a day. In
the year 1899 an act of parliament was passed authorizing the towns of
Derby, Leicester, Sheffield and Nottingham, jointly to obtain a supply
of water from the head waters of the river Derwent in Derbyshire.
Leicester is 60 m. distant from this source, and its share of the supply
is about 10,000,000 gallons a day. For more than half the distance,
however, the aqueduct is common to Derby and Nottingham, which together
are entitled to about 16,000,000 gallons a day, and the expense to
Leicester is correspondingly reduced. These are the most important cases
of long aqueducts in England, and all are subsequent to 1879. It is
obvious, therefore, how greatly the design and construction of the
aqueduct have grown in importance, and what care must be Exercised in
order that the supply upon which such large populations depend may not
be interrupted, and that the country through which such large volumes of
water are conveyed may not be flooded in consequence of the failure of
any of the works.


Practically only two types of aqueduct are used in England. The one is
built of concrete, brickwork, &c., the other of cast-iron (or, in
special circumstances, steel) pipes. In the former type the water
surface coincides with the hydraulic gradient, and the conditions are
those of an artificial river; the aqueduct must therefore be carefully
graded throughout, so that the fall available between source and
termination may be economically distributed. This condition requires
that the ground in which the work is built shall be at the proper
elevation; if at any point this is not the case, the aqueduct must be
carried on a substructure built up to the required level. Such large
structures are, however, extremely expensive, and require elaborate
devices for maintaining water-tightness against the expansion and
contraction of the masonry due to changes of temperature. They are now
only used where their length is very short, as in cases where mountain
streams have to be crossed, and even these short lengths are avoided by
some engineers, who arrange that the aqueduct shall pass, wherever
practicable, under the streams. Where wide valleys interrupt the course
of the built aqueduct, or where the absence of high ground prevents the
adoption of that type at any part of the route, the cast-iron pipes
hereafter referred to are used.

  Masonry aqueducts.

The built aqueduct may be either in tunnel, or cut-and-cover, the latter
term denoting the process of cutting the trench, building the floor,
side-walls, and roof, and covering with earth, the surface of the ground
being restored as before. For works conveying water for domestic supply,
the aqueduct is in these days, in England, always covered. Where, as is
usually the case, the water is derived from a tract of mountainous
country, the tunnel work is sometimes very heavy. In the case of the
Thirlmere aqueduct, out of the first 13 m. the length of the tunnelled
portions is 8 m., the longest tunnel being 3 m. in length. Conditions of
time, and the character of the rock, usually require the use of
machinery for driving, at any rate in the case of the longer tunnels.
For the comparatively small tunnels required for aqueducts, two
percussion drilling machines are usually mounted on a carriage, the
motive power being derived from compressed air sent up the tunnel in
pipes. The holes when driven are charged with explosives and fired. In
the Thirlmere tunnels, driven through very hard Lower Silurian strata,
the progress was about 13 yds. a week at each face, work being carried
on continuously day and night for six days a week. Where the character
of the country through which the aqueduct passes is much the same as
that from which the supply is derived, the tunnels need not be lined
with concrete, &c., more than is absolutely necessary for retaining the
water and supporting weak places in the rock; the floor, however, is
nearly always so treated. The lining, whether in tunnel or
cut-and-cover, may be either of concrete, or brickwork, or of concrete
faced with brickwork. To ensure the impermeability of work constructed
with these materials is in practice somewhat difficult, and no matter
how much care is taken by those supervising the workmen, and even by the
workmen themselves, it is impossible to guarantee entire freedom from
trouble in this respect. With a wall only about 15 in. thick, any
neglect is certain to make the work permeable; frequently the labourers
do not distribute the broken stone and fine material of the concrete
uniformly, and no matter how excellent the design, the quality of
materials, &c., a leak is sure to occur at such places (unless, indeed,
the pressure of the outside water is superior and an inflow occurs). A
further cause of trouble lies in the water which flows from the strata
on to the concrete, and washes away some of the cement upon which the
work depends for its watertightness, before it has time to set. For this
reason it is advisable to put in the floor before, and not after, the
sidewalls and arch have been built, otherwise the only outlet for the
water in the strata is through the ground on which the floor has to be
laid. Each length of about 20 ft. should be completely constructed
before the next is begun, the water then having an easy exit at the
leading end. Manholes, by which the aqueduct can be entered, are usually
placed in the roof at convenient intervals; thus, in the case of the
Thirlmere aqueduct, they occur at every quarter of a mile.

  Timber aqueducts.

In some parts of America aqueducts are frequently constructed of wood,
being then termed flumes. These are probably more extensively used in
California than in any other part of the world, for conveying large
quantities of water which is required for hydraulic mining, for
irrigation, for the supply of towns and for transporting timber. The
flumes are frequently carried along precipitous mountain slopes, and
across valleys, supported on trestles. In Fresno county, California,
there is a flume 52 m. in length for transporting timber from the Sierra
Nevada Mountains to the plain below; it has a rectangular V-shaped
section, 3 ft. 7 in. wide at the top, and 21 in. deep vertically. The
boards which form the sides are 1¼ in. thick, and some of the
trestlework is 130 ft. high. The steepest grade occurs where there is a
fall of 730 ft. in a length of 3000 ft. About 9,000,000 ft. of timber
were used in the construction. At San Diego there is a flume 35 m. long
for irrigation and domestic supply, the capacity being 50 ft. per
second; it has 315 trestle bridges (the longest of which is that across
Los Coches Creek, 1794 ft. in length and 65 ft. in height) and 8
tunnels, and the cost was $900,000. The great bench flume of the
Highline canal, Colorado, is 2640 ft. in length, 28 ft. wide, and 7 ft.
deep; the gradient is 5.28 ft. per mile, and the discharge 1184 ft. per

  Aqueduct in iron piping.

As previously stated, the type of aqueduct built of concrete, &c., can
only be adopted where the ground is sufficiently elevated to carry it,
and where the quantity of water to be conveyed makes it more economical
than piping. Where the falling contour is interrupted by valleys too
wide for a masonry structure above the surface of the ground, the
detached portions of the built aqueduct must be connected by rows of
pipes laid beneath, and following the main undulations of, the surface.
In such cases the built aqueduct terminates in a chamber of sufficient
size to enclose the mouths of the several pipes, which, thus charged,
carry the water under the valley up to a corresponding chamber on the
farther hillside from which the built aqueduct again carries on the
supply. These connecting pipes are sometimes called siphons, although
they have nothing whatever to do with the principle of a siphon, the
water simply flowing into the pipe at one end and out at the other under
the influence of gravity, and the pressure of the atmosphere being no
element in the case. The pipes are almost always made of cast-iron,
except in such cases as the lower part of some siphons, where the
pressure is very great, or where they are for use abroad, when
considerations of weight are of importance, and when they are made of
rolled steel with riveted or welded seams. It is frequently necessary to
lay them in deep cuttings, in which case cast-iron is much better
adapted for sustaining a heavy weight of earth than the thinner steel,
though the latter is more adapted to resist internal pressure. Mr D.
Clarke (_Trans. Am. Soc. C.E._ vol. xxxviii. p. 93) gives some
particulars of a riveted steel pipe 24 m. long, 33 to 42 in. diameter,
varying in thickness from 0.22 in. to 0.375 in. After a length of 9 m.
had been laid, and the trench refilled, it was found that the crown of
the pipe had been flattened by an amount varying from ½ in. to 4 in.
Steel pipes suffer more from corrosion than those made of cast-iron, and
as the metal attacked is much thinner the strength is more seriously
reduced. These considerations have prevented any general change from
cast-iron to steel.

  Mr. Clemens Herschel has made some interesting remarks (_Proc. Inst.
  C.E._ vol. cxv. p. 162) as to the circumstances in which steel pipes
  have been found preferable to cast-iron. He says that it had been
  demonstrated by practice that cast-iron cannot compete with
  wrought-iron or steel pipes in the states west of the Rocky Mountains,
  on the Pacific slope. This is due to the absence of coal and iron ore
  in these states, and to the weight of the imported cast-iron pipes
  compared with steel pipes of equal capacity and strength. The works of
  the East Jersey Water Company for the supply of Newark, N.J., include
  a riveted steel conduit 48 in. in diameter and 21 m. long. This
  conduit is designed to resist only the pressure due to the hydraulic
  gradient, in contradistinction to that which would be due to the
  hydrostatic head, this arrangement saving 40% in the weight and cost
  of the pipes. For the supply of Rochester, N.Y., there is a riveted
  steel conduit 36 in. in diameter and 20 m. long; and for Allegheny
  City, Pennsylvania, there is a steel conduit 5 ft. in diameter and
  nearly 10 m. long. The works for bringing the water from La Vigne and
  Verneuil to Paris include a steel main 5 ft. in diameter between St.
  Cloud and Paris.

  Cast-iron pipes rarely exceed 48 in. in diameter, and even this
  diameter is only practicable where the pressure of the water is low.
  In the Thirlmere aqueduct the greatest pressure is nearly 180 lb. on
  the square inch, the pipes where this occurs being 40 in. in diameter
  and 1¾ in. thick. These large pipes, which are usually made in lengths
  of 12 ft., are generally cast with a socket at one end for receiving
  the spigot end of the next pipe, the annular space being run with
  lead, which is prevented from flowing into the interior of the pipe by
  a spring ring subsequently removed; the surface of the lead is then
  caulked all round the outside of the pipe. A wrought-iron ring is
  sometimes shrunk on the outer rim of the socket, previously turned to
  receive it, in order to strengthen it against the wedging action of
  the caulking tool. Sometimes the pipes are cast as plain tubes and
  joined with double collars, which are run with lead as in the last
  case. The reason for adopting the latter type is that the stresses set
  up in the thicker metal of the socket by unequal cooling are thereby
  avoided, a very usual place for pipes to crack under pressure being at
  the back of the socket. The method of turning and boring a portion,
  slightly tapered, of spigot and socket so as to ensure a watertight
  junction by close annular metallic contact, is not suitable for large
  pipes, though very convenient for smaller diameters in even ground.
  Spherical joints are sometimes used where a line of main has to be
  laid under a large river or estuary, and where, therefore, the pipes
  must be jointed before being lowered into the previously dredged
  trench. This was the case at the Willamette river, Portland, Oregon,
  where a length of 2000 ft. was required. The pipes are of cast-iron 28
  in. in diameter, 1½ in. thick, and 17 ft. long. The spigots were
  turned to a spherical surface of 20 in. radius outside, the inside of
  the sockets being of a radius 3/8 in. greater. After the insertion of
  the spigot into the socket, a ring, 3 in. deep, turned inside to
  correspond with the socket, was bolted to the latter, the annular
  space then being run with lead. These pipes were laid on an inclined
  cradle, one end of which rested on the bed of the river and the other
  on a barge where the jointing was done; as the pipes were jointed the
  barge was carefully advanced, thus trailing the pipes into the trench
  (_Trans. Am. Soc. C.E._ vol. xxxiii. p. 257). As may be conjectured
  from the pressure which they have to stand, very great care has to be
  taken in the manufacture and handling of cast-iron pipes of large
  diameter, a care which must be unfailing from the time of casting
  until they are jointed in their final position in the ground. They are
  cast vertically, socket downwards, so that the densest metal may be at
  the weakest part, and it is advisable to allow an extra head of metal
  of about 12 in., which is subsequently cut off in a lathe. An
  inspector representing the purchaser watches every detail of the
  manufacture, and if, after being measured in every part and weighed,
  they are found satisfactory they are proved with internal fluid
  pressure, oil being preferable to water for this purpose. While under
  pressure, they are rapped from end to end with a hand hammer of about
  5 lb. in weight, in order to discover defects. The wrought-iron rings
  are then, if required, shrunk on to the sockets, and the pipes, after
  being made hot in a stove, are dipped vertically in a composition of
  pitch and oil, in order to preserve them from corrosion. All these
  operations are performed under cover. A record should be kept of the
  history of the pipe from the time it is cast to the time it is laid
  and jointed in the ground, giving the date, number, diameter, length,
  thickness, and proof pressure, with the name of the pipe-jointer whose
  work closes the record. Such a history sometimes enables the cause
  (which is often very obscure) of a burst in a pipe to be ascertained,
  the position of every pipe being recorded.

  Cast-iron pipes, even when dipped in the composition referred to,
  suffer considerably from corrosion caused by the water, especially
  soft water, flowing through them. One pipe may be found in as good a
  condition as when made, while the next may be covered with nodules of
  rust. The effect of the rust is twofold; it reduces the area of the
  pipe, and also, in consequence of the resistance offered by the rough
  surface, retards the velocity of the water. These two results,
  expecially the latter, may seriously diminish the capability of
  discharge, and they should always be allowed for in deciding the
  diameter. Automatic scrapers are sometimes used with good results, but
  it is better to be independent of them as long as possible. In one
  case the discharge of pipes, 40 in. in diameter, was found after a
  period of about twelve years to have diminished at the rate of about
  1% per year; in another case, where the water was soft and where the
  pipes were 40 in. in diameter, the discharge was diminished by 7% in
  ten years. An account of the state of two cast-iron mains supplying
  Boston with water is given in the _Trans. Am. Soc. C.E._ vol. xxxv. p.
  241. These pipes, which were laid in 1877, are 48 in. in diameter and
  1800 ft. long. When they were examined in 1894-1895, it was estimated
  that the tubercles of rust covered nearly one-third of the interior
  surfaces, the bottom of the pipe being more encrusted than the sides
  and top. They had central points of attachment to the iron, at which
  no doubt the coating was defective, and from them the tubercles spread
  over the surface of the surrounding coating. In this case they were
  removed by hand, and the coating of the pipes was not injured in the
  process. Cast-iron pipes must not be laid in contact with cinders from
  a blast furnace with which roads are sometimes made, because these
  corrode the metal. Mr Russell Aitken (_Proc. Inst. C.E._ vol. cxv. p.
  93) found in India that cast-iron pipes buried in the soil rapidly
  corroded, owing to the presence of nitric acid secreted by bacteria
  which attacked the iron. The large cast-iron pipes conveying the water
  from the Tansa reservoir to Bombay are laid above the surface of the
  ground. Cast-iron pipes of these large diameters have not been in
  existence sufficiently long to enable their life to be predicted. A
  main, 40 in. in diameter, conveying soft water, after being in
  existence fifty years at Manchester, was apparently as good as ever.
  In 1867 Mr J.B. Francis found that no apparent deterioration had taken
  place in a cast-iron main, 8 in. diameter, which was laid in the year
  1828, a period of thirty-nine years (_Trans. Soc. Am. C.E._ vol. i. p.
  26). These two instances are probably not exceptional.

  Methods of laying.

Pipes in England are usually laid with not less than 2 ft. 6 in. of
cover, in order that the water may not be frozen in a severe winter.
Where they are laid in deep cutting they should be partly surrounded
with concrete, so that they may not be fractured by the weight of earth
above them. Angles are turned by means of special bend pipes, the curves
being made of as large a radius as convenient. In the case of the
Thirlmere aqueduct, double socketed castings about 12 in. long
(exclusive of the sockets) were used, the sockets being inclined to each
other at the required angle. They were made to various angles, and for
any particular curve several would be used connected by straight pipes 3
ft. long. As special castings are nearly double the price of the regular
pipes, the cost was much diminished by making them as short as possible,
while a curve, made up of the slight angles used, offered practically no
more impediment to the flow of water in consequence of its polygonal
form, than would be the case had special bend pipes been used. In all
cases of curves on a line of pipes under internal fluid pressure, there
exists a resultant force tending to displace the pipes. When the curve
is in a horizontal plane and the pipes are buried in the ground, the
side of the pipe trench offers sufficient resistance to this force.
Where, however, the pipes are above ground, or when the curve is in a
vertical plane, it is necessary to anchor them in position. In the case
of the Tansa aqueduct to Bombay, there is a curve of 500 ft. radius near
Bassein Creek. At this point the hydrostatic head is about 250 ft., and
the engineer, Mr Clerke, mentions that a tendency to an outward movement
of the line of pipes was observed. At the siphon under Kurla Creek the
curves on the approaches as originally laid down were sharp, the
hydrostatic head being there about 210 ft.; here the outward movement
was so marked that it was considered advisable to realign the approaches
with easier curves (_Proc. Inst. C.E._ vol. cxv. p. 34). In the case of
the Thirlmere aqueduct the greatest hydrostatic pressure, 410 ft.,
occurs at the bridge over the river Lune, where the pipes are 40 in. in
diameter, and in descending from the bridge make reverse angles of 31½°.
The displacing force at each of these angles amounts to 54 tons, and as
the design includes five lines of pipes, it is obvious that the
anchoring arrangements must be very efficient. The steel straps used for
anchoring these and all other bends were curved to fit as closely as
possible the castings to be anchored. Naturally the metal was not in
perfect contact, but when the pipes were charged the disappearance of
all the slight inequalities showed that the straps were fulfilling their
intended purpose. At every summit on a line of pipes one or more valves
must be placed in order to allow the escape of air, and they must also
be provided on long level stretches, and at changes of gradient where
the depth of the point of change below the hydraulic gradient is less
than that at both sides, causing what may be called a virtual summit.
It is better to have too many than too few, as accumulations of air may
cause an enormous diminution in the quantity of water delivered. In all
depressions discharge valves should be placed for emptying the pipes
when desired, and for letting off the sediment which accumulates at such
points. Automatic valves are frequently placed at suitable distances for
cutting off the supply in case of a burst. At the inlet mouth of the
pipe they may depend for their action on the sudden lowering of the
water (due to a burst in the pipe) in the chamber from which they draw
their supply, causing a float to sink and set the closing arrangement in
motion. Those on the line of main are started by the increased velocity
in the water, caused by the burst on the pipe at a lower level. The
water, when thus accelerated, is able to move a disk hung in the pipe at
the end of a lever and weighted so as to resist the normal velocity;
this lever releases a catch, and a door is then gradually revolved by
weights until it entirely closes the pipe. Reflux valves on the
ascending leg of a siphon prevent water from flowing back in case of a
burst below them; they have doors hung on hinges, opening only in the
normal direction of flow. Due allowance must be made, in the amount of
head allotted to a pipe, for any head which may be absorbed by such
mechanical arrangements as those described where they offer opposition
to the flow of the water. These large mains require most careful and
gradual filling with water, and constant attention must be given to the
air-valves to see that the gutta-percha balls do not wedge themselves in
the openings. A large mass of water, having a considerable velocity, may
cause a great many bursts by water-ramming, due to the admission of the
water at too great a speed. In places where iron is absent and timber
plentiful, as in some parts of America, pipes, even of large diameter
and in the most important cases, are sometimes made of wooden staves
hooped with iron. A description of two of these will be found below.


  The _Thirlmere Aqueduct_ is capable of conveying 50,000,000 gallons a
  day from Thirlmere, in the English lake district, to Manchester. The
  total length of 96 m. is made up of 14 m. of tunnels, 37 m. of
  cut-and-cover, and 45 m. of cast-iron pipes, five rows of the latter
  being required. The tunnels where lined, and the cut-and-cover, are
  formed of concrete, and are 7 ft. in height and width, the usual
  thickness of the concrete being 15 in. The inclination is 20 in. per
  mile. The floor is flat from side to side, and the side-walls are 5
  ft. high to the springing of the arch, which has a rise of 2 ft. The
  water from the lake is received in a circular well 65 ft. deep and 40
  ft. in diameter, at the bottom of which there is a ring of wire-gauze
  strainers. Wherever the concrete aqueduct is intersected by valleys,
  cast-iron pipes are laid; in the first instance only two of the five
  rows 40 in. in diameter were laid, the city not requiring its supply
  to be augmented by more than 20,000,000 gallons a day, but in 1907 it
  was decided to lay a third line. All the elaborate arrangements
  described above for stopping the water in case of a burst have been
  employed, and have perfectly fulfilled their duties in the few cases
  in which they have been called into action. The water is received in a
  service reservoir at Prestwich, near Manchester, from which it is
  supplied to the city. The supply from this source was begun in 1894.
  The total cost of the complete scheme may be taken at about
  £5,000,000, of which rather under £3,000,000 had been spent up to the
  date of the opening, at which time only one line of pipes had been


  The _Vyrnwy Aqueduct_ was sanctioned by parliament in 1880 for the
  supply of Liverpool from North Wales, the quantity of water obtainable
  being at least 40,000,000 gallons a day. A tower built in the
  artificial lake from which the supply is derived, contains the inlet
  and arrangements for straining the water. The aqueduct is 68 m. in
  length, and for nearly the whole distance will consist of three lines
  of cast-iron pipes, two of which, varying in diameter from 42 in. to
  39 in., are now in use. As the total fall between Vyrnwy and the
  termination at Prescot reservoirs is about 550 ft., arrangements had
  to be made to ensure that no part of the aqueduct be subjected to a
  greater pressure than is required for the actual discharge. Balancing
  reservoirs have therefore been constructed at five points on the line,
  advantage being taken of high ground where available, so that the
  total pressure is broken up into sections. At one of these points,
  where the ground level is 110 ft. below the hydraulic gradient, a
  circular tower is built, making a most imposing architectural feature
  in the landscape. At the crossing of the river Weaver, 100 ft. wide
  and 15 ft. deep, the three pipes, here made of steel, were connected
  together laterally, floated into position, and sunk into a dredged
  trench prepared to receive them. Under the river Mersey the pipes are
  carried in a tunnel, from which, during construction, the water was
  excluded by compressed air.


  _Denver Aqueduct._--The supply to Denver City, initiated by the
  Citizens Water Company in 1889, is derived from the Platte river,
  rising in the Rocky Mountains. The first aqueduct constructed is
  rather over 20 m. in length, of which a length of 16½ m. is made of
  wooden stave pipe, 30 in. in diameter. The maximum pressure is that
  due to 185 ft. of water; the average cost of the wooden pipe was
  $1.36½ per foot, and the capability of discharge 8,400,000 gallons a
  day. Within a year of the completion of the first conduit, it became
  evident that another of still greater capacity was required. This was
  completed in April 1893; it is 34 in. in diameter and will deliver
  16,000,000 gallons a day. By increasing the head upon the first pipe,
  the combined discharge is 30,000,000 gallons a day. An incident in
  obtaining a temporary supply, without waiting for the completion of
  the second pipe, was the construction of two wooden pipes, 13 in. in
  diameter, crossing a stream with a span of 104 ft., and having no
  support other than that derived from their arched form. One end of the
  arch is 24½ ft. above the other end, and, when filled with water, the
  deflection with eight men on it was only 7/8 of an inch. A somewhat
  similar arch, 60 ft. span, occurs on the 34-in. pipe where it crosses
  a canal. Schuyler points out (_Trans. Am. Soc. C.E._ vol. xxxi. p.
  148) that the fact that the entire water supply of a city of 150,000
  inhabitants is conveyed in wooden mains, is so radical a departure
  from all precedents, that it is deserving of more than a passing
  notice. He says that it is manifestly and unreservedly successful, and
  has achieved an enormous saving in cost. The sum saved by the use of
  wooden, in preference to cast-iron pipes, is estimated at $1,100,000.
  It is perhaps necessary to state that the pipe is buried in the ground
  in the same way as metal pipes. The edges of the staves are dressed to
  the radius with a minute tongue 1/16 in. high on one edge of each
  stave, but with no corresponding groove in the next stave; its object
  is to ensure a close joint when the bands are tightened up. Leaks
  seldom or never occur along the longitudinal seams, but the end
  shrinkage caused troublesome joint leaks. The shrinkage in California
  redwood, which had seasoned 60 to 90 days before milling, was
  frequently as much as 3 in. in the 20 staves that formed the 34-in.
  pipe, and the space so formed had to be filled by a special closing
  stave. Metallic tongues, ¾ in. deep, are inserted at the ends of
  abutting staves, in a straight saw cut. The bands, which are of mild
  steel, have a head at one end and a nut and washer at the other; the
  ends are brought together on a wrought-iron shoe, against which the
  nut and washer set. The staves forming the lower half of the pipe are
  placed on an outside, and the top staves on an inside, mould. While
  the bands are being adjusted the pipe is rounded out to bring the
  staves out full, and the staves are carefully driven home on to the
  abutting staves. The spacing of the bands depends on circumstances,
  but is about 150 bands per 100 ft. With low heads the limit of spacing
  was fixed at 17 in. The outer surface of the pipe, when charged, shows
  moisture oozing slightly over the entire surface. This condition
  Schuyler considers an ideal one for perfect preservation, and the
  staves were kept as thin as possible to ensure its occurrence. Samples
  taken from pipes in use from three to nine years are quite sound, and
  it is concluded that the wood will last as long as cast-iron if the
  pipe is kept constantly charged. The bands are the only perishable
  portion, and their life is taken at from fifteen to twenty years.
  Other portions of the second conduit for a length of nearly 3 m. were
  formed of concrete piping, 38 in. diameter, formed on a mould in the
  trench, the thickness being 2½ to 3 in. So successful an instance of
  the use of wooden piping on a large scale is sure to lead to a large
  development of this type of aqueduct in districts where timber is
  plentiful and iron absent.

    Pioneer, Utah.

  _Pioneer Aqueduct, Utah._--The construction of the Pioneer Aqueduct,
  Utah, was begun in 1896 by the Pioneer Electric Power Company, near
  the city of Ogden, 35 m. north of Salt Lake City. The storage
  reservoir, from which it draws its water, will coyer an area of 2000
  acres, and contain about 15,000 million gallons of water. The aqueduct
  is a pipe 6 ft. in diameter, and of a total length of 6 m.; for a
  distance of rather more than 5 m. it is formed of wooden staves, the
  remainder, where the head exceeds 117 ft., being of steel. It is laid
  in a trench and covered to a depth of 3 ft. The greatest pressure on
  the steel pipe is 200 lb. per sq. in., and the thickness varies from
  3/8 to 11/16 in. The pipe was constructed according to the usual
  practice of marine boiler-work for high pressures, and each section,
  about 9 ft. long, was dipped in asphalt for an hour. These sections
  were supported on timber blocking, placed from 5 to 9 ft. apart, and
  consisting of three to six pieces of 6 × 6 in. timbers laid one on the
  top of the other; they were then riveted together in the ordinary way.
  The wooden stave-pipe is of the type successfully used in the Western
  States for many years, but its diameter is believed to be unequalled
  for any but short lengths. There were thirty-two staves in the circle,
  2 in. in thickness, and about 20 ft. long, hooped with round steel
  rods 5/8 in. in diameter, each hoop being in two pieces. The pipe is
  supported at intervals of 8 ft. by sills 6 × 8 in. and 8 ft. long. The
  flow through it is 250 cubic ft. per second.

    Santa Ana.

  The _Santa Ana Canal_ was constructed for irrigation purposes in
  California, and is designed to carry 240 cub. ft. of water per second
  (_Trans. Am. Soc. C.E._ vol. xxxiii. p. 99). The cross section of the
  flumes shows an elliptical bottom and straight sides consisting of
  wooden staves held together by iron and steel ribs. The width and
  depth are each 5 ft. 6 in., the intended depth of water being 5 ft.
  The staves are held by T-iron supports resting on wooden sills spaced
  8 ft. apart, and are compressed together by a framework. They were
  caulked with oakum, on the top of which, to a third of the total
  depth, hot asphalt was run. The use of nails was altogether avoided
  except in parts of the framework, it being noticed that decay usually
  starts at nail-holes. It was found possible to make the flume
  absolutely watertight, and in case of repair being necessary at any
  part the framework is easily taken to pieces so that new staves can be
  inserted. The water in the flume has a velocity of 9.6 ft. per second.
  The Warm Springs, Deep, and Morton cañons on the line are crossed by
  wooden stave pipes 52 in. in diameter, bound with round steel rods,
  and laid above the surface of the ground. The work is planned for two
  rows of pipes, each capable of carrying 123 cub. ft. per second; of
  these one so far has been laid. The lengths of the pipes at each of
  the three cañons are 551, 964 and 756 ft. respectively, and the
  maximum head at any place is 160 ft. The pipes are not painted, and it
  has been suggested that they would suffer in their exposed position in
  case of a bush fire, a contingency to which, of course, flumes are
  also liable.

    New York.

  _Aqueducts of New York._--There are three aqueducts in New York--the
  Old Croton Aqueduct (1837-1843), the Bronx River Conduit (1880-1885),
  and the New Croton Aqueduct (1884-1893), discharging respectively 95,
  28, and 302 million U.S. gallons a day; their combined delivery is
  therefore 425 million gallons a day. The Old Croton Aqueduct is about
  41 m. in length, and was constructed as a masonry conduit, except at
  the Harlem and Manhattan valleys, where two lines of 36-in. pipe were
  used. The inclination of the former is at the rate of about 13 in. per
  mile. The area of the cross-section is 53.34 sq. ft., the height is 8½
  ft., and the greatest width 7 ft. 5 in.; the roof is semicircular, the
  floor segmental, and the sides have a batter on the face of ½ in. per
  foot. The sides and invert are of concrete, faced with 4 in. of
  brickwork, the roof being entirely of brickwork. There is a bridge
  over the Harlem river 1450 ft. in length, consisting of fifteen
  semicircular arches; its soffit is 100 ft. above high water, and its
  cost was $963,427. The construction of the New Croton Aqueduct was
  begun in 1885, and the works were sufficiently advanced by the 15th of
  July 1890 to allow the supply to be begun. The lengths of the various
  parts of the aqueduct are as follows:--

  Tunnel                                     29.75
  Cut-and-cover                               1.12
  Cast-iron pipes, 48 in. diameter, 8 rows.   2.38
      Croton Inlet to Central Park.          33.25

  The length of tunnel under pressure (circular form) is 7.17 m., and
  that not under pressure (horse-shoe form) 23.70 m. The maximum
  pressure in the former is 55 lb. per sq. in. The width and height of
  the horse-shoe form are each 13 ft. 7 in., and the diameter of the
  circular form (with the exception of two short lengths) is 12 ft. 3
  in. The reason for constructing the aqueduct in tunnel for so long a
  distance was the enhanced value of the low-lying ground near the old
  aqueduct. The tunnel deviates from a straight line only for the
  purpose of intersecting a few transverse valleys at which it could be
  emptied. For 25 m. the gradient is 0.7 foot per mile; the tunnel is
  then depressed below the hydraulic gradient, the maximum depth being
  at the Harlem river, where it is 300 ft. below high water. The depth
  of the tunnel varies from 50 to 500 ft. from the surface of the
  ground. Forty-two shafts were sunk to facilitate driving, and in four
  cases where the surface of the ground is below the hydraulic gradient
  these are closed by watertight covers. The whole of the tunnel is
  lined with brickwork from 1 to 2 ft. in thickness, the voids behind
  the lining being filled with rubble-in-mortar. The entry to the old
  and new aqueducts is controlled by a gatehouse of elaborate and
  massive design, and the pipes which take up the supply at the end of
  the tunnel are also commanded by a gate-house. The aqueduct, where it
  passes under the Harlem river, is worthy of special notice. As it
  approaches the river it has a considerable fall, and eventually ends
  in a vertical shaft 12 ft. 3 in. in diameter (where the water has a
  fall of 174 ft.), from the bottom of which, at a depth of 300 ft.
  below high-water level, the tunnel under the river starts. The latter
  is circular in form, the diameter being 10 ft. 6 in., and the length
  is 1300 ft.; it terminates at the bottom of another vertical shaft
  also 12 ft. 3 in. in diameter. The depth of this shaft, measured from
  the floor of the lower tunnel to that of the upper tunnel leading away
  from it, is 321 ft.; it is continued up to the surface of the ground,
  though closed by double watertight covers a little above the level of
  the upper tunnel. Adjoining this shaft is another shaft of equal
  diameter, by means of which the water can be pumped out, and there is
  also a communication with the river above high-water level, so that
  the higher parts can be emptied by gravitation. The cost of the Old
  Croton Aqueduct was $11,500,000; that of the new aqueduct is not far
  short of $20,000,000.


  The _Nadrai Aqueduct Bridge_, in India, opened at the end of 1889, is
  the largest structure of its kind in existence. It was built to carry
  the water of the Lower Ganges canal over the Kali Naddi, in connexion
  with the irrigation canals of the north-west provinces. In the year
  1888-1889 this canal had 564 m. of main line, with 2050 m. of minor
  distributaries, and irrigated 519,022 acres of crops. The new bridge
  replaces one of much smaller size (five spans of 35 ft.), which was
  completely destroyed by a high flood in July 1885. It gives the river
  a waterway of 21,000 sq. ft., and the canal a waterway of 1040 sq.
  ft., the latter representing a discharge of 4100 cub. ft. per second.
  Its length is 1310 ft., and it is carried on fifteen arches having a
  span of 60 ft. The width between the faces of the arches is 149 ft.
  The foundations below the river-bed have a depth of 52 ft., and the
  total height of the structure is 88 ft. It cost 44½ lakhs of rupees,
  and occupied four years in building. The foundations consist of 268
  circular brick cylinders, and the fifteen spans are arranged in three
  groups, divided by abutment piers; the latter are founded on a double
  row of 12-ft. cylinders, and the intermediate piers on a single row of
  20-ft. cylinders, all the cylinders being hearted with hydraulic lime
  concrete filled in with skips. This aqueduct-bridge has a very fine
  appearance, owing to its massive proportions and design. (E. P. H.*)

  AUTHORITIES.--For ancient aqueducts in general: Curt Merckel, _Die
  Ingenieurtechnik im Alterthum_ (Berlin, 1899); ch. vi. contains a very
  full account from the earliest Assyrian aqueducts onwards, with
  illustrations, measurements and an excellent bibliography. For Greek
  aqueducts see E. Curtius, "Über städtische Wasserbauten der Hellenen,"
  in _Archaeologische Zeitung_ (1847); G. Weber (as above); papers in
  _Athen. Mittheil._ (Samos), 1877, (Enneacrunus) 1892, 1893, 1894,
  1905, and articles on ATHENS, PERGAMUM, &c. For Roman aqueducts: R.
  Lanciani, "I Commentari di Frontino intorno le acque e gli
  acquedotti," in _Memorie dei Lincei_, serie iii. vol. iv. (Rome,
  1880), 215 sqq., and separately; C. Herschel, _The Two Books on the
  Water Supply of the City of Rome of Sextus Julius Frontinus_ (Boston,
  1899); T. Ashby in _Classical Review_ (1902), 336, and articles in
  _The Builder_; cf. also the maps to T. Ashby's "Classical Topography
  of the Roman Campagna," in _Papers of the British School at Rome_, i.,
  in., iv. (in progress).

  For modern aqueducts, see Rickman's _Life of Telford_ (1838);
  Schramke's _New York Croton Aqueduct; Second Annual Report of the
  Department of Public Works of the City of New York in 1872; Report of
  the Aqueduct Commissioners_ (1887-1895), and _The Water Supply of the
  City of New York_ (1896), by Wegmann; _Mémoires sur les eaux de
  Paris_, presentés par le Préfet de la Seine au Conseil Municipal (1854
  and 1858); _Recherches statistiques sur les sources du bassin de la
  Seine_, par M. Belgrand, Ingénieur en chef des ponts et chaussées
  (1854); "Descriptions of Mechanical Arrangements of the Manchester
  Waterworks," by John Frederic Bateman, F.R.S., Engineer-in-chief, from
  the _Minutes of Proceedings of the Institution of Mechanical
  Engineers_ (1866); _The Glasgow Waterworks_, by James M. Gale, Member
  Inst. C.E. (1863 and 1864); _The Report of the Royal Commission on
  Water Supply, and the Minutes of Evidence_ (1867 and 1868). For
  accounts of other aqueducts, see the Transactions of the Societies of
  Engineers in the different countries, and the Engineering Journals.


  [1] There have been found at Caerwent, in Monmouthshire, clear traces
    of wooden pipes (internal diameter about 2 in.) which must have
    carried drinking-water, and almost certainly a pressure supply from
    the surrounding hills. Some patches of lead also have been found
    obviously nailed on to the pipes at points where they had burst (see
    _Archaeologia_, 1908).

  [2] This distance will not agree with the length given on some of the
    _cippi_ (Lanciani, _Bull. Com._, 1899, 38).

  [3] The course of the Aqua Claudia was considerably shortened by the
    cutting of a tunnel 3 m. long under the Monte Affliano in the time of
    Domitian (T. Ashby, in _Papers of the British School at Rome_, iii,

  [4] About 3 m. south-east of this point the presence of large
    quantities of deposit and a sudden fall in the level of the channels
    seems to indicate the existence of settling tanks, of which no actual
    traces can be seen.

AQUILA [Greek: Akulas], (1) a Jew from Rome, who with his wife Prisca or
Priscilla had settled in Corinth, where Paul stayed with them (Acts
xviii. 2,3). They became Christians and fellow-workers with Paul, to
whom they seem to have shown their devotion in some special way (Rom.
xvi. 3, 4). (2) A native of Pontus, celebrated for a very literal and
accurate translation of the Old Testament into Greek. Epiphanius (_De
Pond. et Mens._ c. 15) preserves a tradition that he was a kinsman of
the emperor Hadrian, who employed him in rebuilding Jerusalem (Aelia
Capitolina, q.v.), and that he was converted to Christianity, but, on
being reproved for practising pagan astrology, apostatized to Judaism.
He is said also to have been a disciple of Rabbi 'Aqiba (d. A.D. 132),
and seems to be referred to in Jewish writings as [Hebrew: akiles].
Aquila's version is said to have been used in place of the Septuagint in
the synagogues. The Christians generally disliked it, alleging without
due grounds that it rendered the Messianic passages incorrectly, but
Jerome and Origen speak in its praise. Origen incorporated it in his

  It was thought that this was the only copy extant, but in 1897
  fragments of two codices were brought to the Cambridge University
  Library. These have been published--the fragments containing 1 Kings
  xx. 7-17; 2 Kings xxiii. 12-27 by F.C. Burkitt in 1897, those
  containing parts of Psalms xc.-ciii. by C. Taylor in 1899. See F.C.
  Burkitt's article in the _Jewish Encyclopaedia_.

AQUILA, CASPAR [KASPAR ADLER] (1488-1560), German reformer, was born at
Augsburg on the 7th of August 1488, educated there and at Ulm (1502), in
Italy (he met Erasmus in Rome), at Bern (1508), Leipzig (1510) and
Wittenberg (1513). According to his son, he entered the ministry in
August 1514, at Bern. He was for some time a military chaplain. In 1516
he became pastor of Jenga, near Augsburg. Openly proclaiming his
adhesion to Luther's doctrine, he was imprisoned for half a year (1520
or 1522) at Dillingen, by order of the bishop of Augsburg; a death
sentence was commuted to banishment through the influence of Isabella,
wife of Christian II. of Denmark and sister of Charles V. Returning to
Wittenberg he met Luther, acted as tutor to the sons of Franz von
Sickingen at Ebernburg, taught Hebrew at Wittenberg, and aided Luther in
his version of the Old Testament. The dates and particulars of his
career are uncertain till 1527, when he became pastor at Saalfeld, and
in 1528, superintendent. His vehement opposition to the Augsburg Interim
(1548) led him to take temporary shelter at Rudolstadt with Catherine,
countess of Schwarzburg. In 1550 he was appointed dean of the
Collegiatstift in Schmalkalden. Here he had a controversy with Andreas
Osiander. Restored to Saalfeld, not without opposition, in 1552, he
remained there, still engaged in controversy, till his death on the 12th
of November 1560. He was twice married, and left four sons. He published
numerous sermons, a few Old Testament expositions and some controversial

  See G. Kawerau, in A. Hauck's _Realencyklopadie_ (1896); _Allgemeine
  deutsche Biog._ (1875); Lives by J. Avenarius (1718); J.G. Hillinger
  (1731); Chr. Schlegel (1737); Fr. Gensler (1816).

AQUILA, SERAFINO DELL' (1466-1500), Italian poet and improvisatore, was
born in 1466 at the town of Aquila, from which he took his name, and
died in the year 1500. He spent several years at the courts of Cardinal
Sforza and Ferdinand, duke of Calabria; but his principal patrons were
the Borgias at Rome, from whom he received many favours. Aquila seems to
have aimed at an imitation of Dante and Petrarch; and his poems, which
were extravagantly praised during the author's lifetime, are
occasionally of considerable merit. His reputation was in great measure
due to his remarkable skill as an improvisatore and musician. His works
were printed at Venice in 1502, and there have been several subsequent

AQUILA, a city of the Abruzzi, Italy, the capital of the province of
Aquila, and the seat of an archbishop, 2360 ft. above sea-level, 50 m.
directly N.E. of Rome, and 145 m. by rail. Pop. (1901) town, 18,494;
commune, 21,261. It lies on a hill in the wide valley of the Aterno,
surrounded by mountains on all sides, the Gran Sasso d'Italia being
conspicuous on the north-east. It is a favourite summer resort of the
Italians, but is cold and windy in winter. In the highest part of the
town is the massive citadel, erected by the Spanish viceroy Don Pedro de
Toledo in 1534. The church of S. Bernardino di Siena (1472) has a fine
Renaissance façade by Nicolò Filotesio (commonly called Cola dell'
Amatrice), and contains the monumental tomb of the saint, decorated with
beautiful sculptures, and executed by Silvestro Ariscola in 1480. The
church of S. Maria di Collemaggio, just outside the town, has a very
fine Romanesque façade of simple design (1270-1280) in red and white
marble, with three finely decorated portals and a rose-window above
each. The two side doors are also fine. The interior contains the
mausoleum of Pope Celestine V. (d. 1296) erected in 1517. Many smaller
churches in the town have similar façades (S. Giusta, S. Silvestro,
&c.). The town also contains some fine palaces: the municipality has a
museum, with a collection of Roman inscriptions and some illuminated
service books. The Palazzi Dragonetti and Persichetti contain private
collections of pictures. Outside the town is the _Fontana delle
novantanove cannelle_, a fountain with ninety-nine jets distributed
along three walls, constructed in 1272. Aquila has some trade in lace
and saffron, and possesses other smaller industries. It was a university
town in the middle ages, but most of its chairs have now been

Aquila was founded by Conrad, son of the emperor Frederick II., about
1250, as a bulwark against the power of the papacy. It was destroyed by
Manfred in 1259, but soon rebuilt by Charles I. of Anjou. Its walls were
completed in 1316; and it maintained itself as an almost independent
republic until it was subdued in 1521 by the Spaniards, who had become
masters of the kingdom of Naples in 1503. It was twice sacked by the
French in 1799.

  See V. Bindi, _Monumenti storici ed artistici degli Abruzzi_ (Naples,
  1889), pp. 771 seq.

AQUILA, in astronomy, the "Eagle," sometimes named the "Vulture," a
constellation of the northern hemisphere, mentioned by Eudoxus (4th
cent. B.C.) and Aratus (3rd cent. B.C.). Ptolemy catalogued nineteen
stars jointly in this constellation and in the constellation _Antinous_,
which was named in the reign of the emperor Hadrian (A.D. 117-138), but
sometimes, and wrongly, attributed to Tycho Brahe, who catalogued twelve
stars in Aquila and seven in Antinous; Hevelius determined twenty-three
stars in the first, and nineteen in the second. The most brilliant star
of this constellation, [alpha]-_Aquilae_ or Altair, has a parallax of
0.23", and consequently is about eight times as bright as the sun;
[eta]-_Aquilae_ is a short-period variable, while _Nova Aquilae_ is a
"temporary" or "new" star, discovered by Mrs Fleming of Harvard in 1899.

AQUILA ROMANUS, a Latin grammarian who flourished in the second half of
the 3rd century A.D. He was the author of an extant treatise _De Figuris
Sententiarum et Elocutionis_, written as an instalment of a complete
rhetorical handbook for the use of a young and eager correspondent.
While recommending Demosthenes and Cicero as models, he takes his own
examples almost exclusively from Cicero. His treatise is really adapted
from that by Alexander, son of Numenius, as is expressly stated by
Julius Rufinianus, who brought out a supplementary treatise, augmented
by material from other sources. Aquila's style is harsh and careless,
and the Latin is inferior.

  Halm, _Rhetores Latini minores_ (1863); Wensch, _De Aquila Romano_

AQUILEIA, an ancient town of Italy, at the head of the Adriatic at the
edge of the lagoons, about 6 m. from the sea, on the river Natiso (mod.
Natisone), the course of which has changed somewhat since Roman times.
It was founded by the Romans in 181 B.C. as a frontier fortress on the
north-east, not far from the site where, two years before, Gaulish
invaders had attempted to settle. The colony was led by two men of
consular and one of praetorian rank, and 3000 _pedites_ formed the bulk
of the settlers. It was probably connected by road with Bononia in 175
B.C.; and subsequently with Genua in 148 B.C. by the Via Postumia, which
ran through Cremona, Bedriacum and Altinum, joining the first-mentioned
road at Concordia, while the construction of the Via Popilia from
Ariminum to Ad Portum near Altinum in 132 B.C. improved the
communications still further. In 169 B.C., 1500 more families were
settled there as a reinforcement to the garrison. The discovery of the
goldfields near the modern Klagenfurt in 150 B.C. (Strabo iv. 208)
brought it into notice, and it soon became a place of importance, not
only owing to its strategic position, but as a centre of trade,
especially in agricultural products. It also had, in later times at
least, considerable brickfields. It was originally a Latin colony, but
became a _municipium_ probably in 90 B.C. The customs boundary of Italy
was close by in Cicero's day. It was plundered by the Iapydes under
Augustus, but, in the period of peace which followed, was able to
develop its resources. Augustus visited it during the Pannonian wars in
12-10 B.C. and it was the birthplace of Tiberius's son by Julia, in the
latter year. It was the starting-point of several important roads
leading to the north-eastern portion of the empire--the road (Via Iulia
Augusta) by Iulium Carnicum to Veldidena (mod. Wilten, near Innsbruck),
from which branched off the road into Noricum, leading by Virunum
(Klagenfurt) to Lauricum (Lorch) on the Danube, the road into Pannonia,
leading to Emona (Laibach)[1] and Sirmium (Mitrowitz), the road to
Tarsatica (near Fiume) and Siscia (Sissek), and that to Tergeste
(Trieste) and the Istrian coast.

In the war against the Marcomanni in A.D. 167, the town was hard
pressed; the fortifications had fallen into disrepair during the long
peace. In A.D. 238, when the town took the side of the senate against
the emperor Maximinus, they were hastily restored, and proved of
sufficient strength to resist for several months, until Maximinus
himself was assassinated. The 4th century marks, however, the greatest
importance of Aquileia; it became a naval station and, probably, the
seat of the _corrector Venetiarum et Histriae_; a mint was established
here, the coins of which are very numerous, and the bishop obtained the
rank of patriarch. An imperial palace was constructed here, in which the
emperors after the time of Diocletian frequently resided; and the city
often played a part in the struggles between the rulers of the 4th
century. At the end of the century, Ausonius enumerated it as the ninth
among the great cities of the world, placing Rome, Mediolanum and Capua
before it, and called it "moenibus et portu celeberrima." In A.D. 452,
however, it was destroyed by Attila, though it continued to exist until
the Lombard invasion of A.D. 568. After this the patriarchate was
transferred to Grado. In 606 the diocese was divided into two parts, and
the patriarchate of Aquileia, protected by the Lombards, was revived,
that of Grado being protected by the exarch of Ravenna and later by the
doges of Venice. In 1027 and 1044 Patriarch Poppo of Aquileia entered
and sacked Grado, and, though the pope reconfirmed the patriarch of the
latter in his dignities, the town never recovered, though it continued
to be the seat of the patriarchate until its formal transference to
Venice in 1450. The seat of the patriarchate of Aquileia had been
transferred to Udine in 1238, but returned in 1420 when Venice annexed
the territory of Udine. It was finally suppressed in 1751, and the sees
of Udine and Gorizia (Görz) established in its stead. Its buildings
served as stone quarries for centuries, and no edifices of the Roman
period remain above ground. Excavations have revealed one street and the
north-west angle of the town walls, while the local museum contains over
2000 inscriptions, besides statues and other antiquities. The cathedral,
a flat-roofed basilica, was erected by Patriarch Poppo in 1031 on the
site of an earlier church, and rebuilt about 1379 in the Gothic style by
Patriarch Marquad. The narthex and baptistery belong to an earlier
period. Of the palace of the patriarchs only two isolated columns remain
standing. The modern village (pop. 2300) is rendered unhealthy by

  See T.W. Jackson, _Dalmatia, Istria and the Quarnero_ (Oxford, 1887),
  iii. 377 seq.; H. Maionica, _Aquileia zur Romerzeit_ (Görz, 1881),
  _Fundkarte van Aquileia_ (Görz, 1893), "Inschriften in Grado" (Roman
  inscriptions removed thither from Aquileia) in _Jahreshefte des
  Österr. Arch. Instituts_, i. (1898), Beiblatt, 83, 125. (T. As.)


  [1] This road is described in detail by O. Cuntz in _Jahreshefte des
    Österr. Arch. Inst._ v. (1902), Beiblatt, pp. 139 seq.

AQUILLIUS, MANIUS, Roman general, consul in 101 B.C. He successfully put
down a revolt of the slaves under Athenion in Sicily. After his return,
being accused of extortion, he was acquitted on account of his military
services, although there was little doubt of his guilt. In 88 he acted
as legate against Mithradates the Great, by whom he was defeated and
taken prisoner. Mithradates treated him with great cruelty, and is said
to have put him to death by pouring molten gold down his throat.

  Diodorus Siculus xxxvi. 3; Appian, _Mithrid_. ii. 17. 21; Vell.
  Paterculus ii. 18; Cicero, _Verres_, iii. 54, _De Officiis_, ii. 14,
  _Tusc_. v. 5.

AQUINAS, THOMAS [THOMAS OF AQUIN or AQUINO], (c. 1227-1274), scholastic
philosopher, known as _Doctor Angelicus, Doctor Universalis_, was of
noble descent, and nearly allied to several of the royal houses of
Europe. He was born in 1225 or 1227, at Roccasecca, the castle of his
father Landulf, count of Aquino, in the territories of Naples. Having
received his elementary education at the monastery of Monte Cassino, he
studied for six years at the university of Naples, leaving it in his
sixteenth year. While there he probably came under the influence of the
Dominicans, who were doing their utmost to enlist within their ranks the
ablest young scholars of the age, for in spite of the opposition of his
family, which was overcome only by the intervention of Pope Innocent
IV., he assumed the habit of St Dominic in his seventeenth year.

His superiors, seeing his great aptitude for theological study, sent him
to the Dominican school in Cologne, where Albertus Magnus was lecturing
on philosophy and theology. In 1245 Albertus was called to Paris, and
there Aquinas followed him, and remained with him for three years, at
the end of which he graduated as bachelor of theology. In 1248 he
returned to Cologne with Albertus, and was appointed second lecturer and
_magister studentium_. This year may be taken as the beginning of his
literary activity and public life. Before he left Paris he had thrown
himself with ardour into the controversy raging between the university
and the Friar-Preachers respecting the liberty of teaching, resisting
both by speeches and pamphlets the authorities of the university; and
when the dispute was referred to the pope, the youthful Aquinas was
chosen to defend his order, which he did with such success as to
overcome the arguments of Guillaume de St Amour, the champion of the
university, and one of the most celebrated men of the day. In 1257,
along with his friend Bonaventura, he was created doctor of theology,
and began to give courses of lectures upon this subject in Paris, and
also in Rome and other towns in Italy. From this time onwards his life
was one of incessant toil; he was continually engaged in the active
service of his order, was frequently travelling upon long and tedious
journeys, and was constantly consulted on affairs of state by the
reigning pontiff.

In 1263 we find him at the chapter of the Dominican order held in
London. In 1268 he was lecturing now in Rome and now in Bologna, all the
while engaged in the public business of the church. In 1271 he was again
in Paris, lecturing to the students, managing the affairs of the church
and consulted by the king, Louis VIII., his kinsman, on affairs of
state. In 1272 the commands of the chief of his order and the request of
King Charles brought him back to the professor's chair at Naples. All
this time he was preaching every day, writing homilies, disputations,
lectures, and finding time to work hard at his great work the _Summa
Theologiae_. Such rewards as the church could bestow had been offered to
him. He refused the archbishopric of Naples and the abbacy of Monte
Cassino. In January 1274 he was summoned by Pope Gregory X. to attend
the council convened at Lyons, to investigate and if possible settle the
differences between the Greek and Latin churches. Though suffering from
illness, he at once set out on the journey; finding his strength failing
on the way, he was carried to the Cistercian monastery of Fossa Nuova,
in the diocese of Terracina, where, after a lingering illness of seven
weeks, he died on the 7th of March 1274, Dante (_Purg_. xx. 69) asserts
that he was poisoned by order of Charles of Anjou. Villani (ix. 218)
quotes the belief, and the _Anonimo Fiorentino_ describes the crime and
its motive. But Muratori, reproducing the account given by one of
Thomas's friends, gives no hint of foul play. Aquinas was canonized in
1323 by Pope John XXII., and in 1567 Pius V. ranked the festival of St
Thomas with those of the four great Latin fathers, Ambrose, Augustine,
Jerome and Gregory. No theologian save Augustine has had an equal
influence on the theological thought and language of the Western Church,
a fact which was strongly emphasized by Leo XIII. (q.v.) in his
_Encyclical_ of August 4, 1879, which directed the clergy to take the
teachings of Aquinas as the basis of their theological position. In 1880
he was declared patron of all Roman Catholic educational establishments.
In a monastery at Naples, near the cathedral of St Januarius, is still
shown a cell in which he is said to have lived.

The writings of Thomas are of great importance for philosophy as well as
for theology, for by nature and education he is the spirit of
scholasticism incarnate. The principles on which his system rested were
these. He held that there were two sources of knowledge--the mysteries
of Christian faith and the truths of human reason. The distinction
between these two was made emphatic by Aquinas, who is at pains,
especially in his treatise _Contra Gentiles_, to make it plain that each
is a distinct fountain of knowledge, but that revelation is the more
important of the two. Revelation is a source of knowledge, rather than
the manifestation in the world of a divine life, and its chief
characteristic is that it presents men with mysteries, which are to be
believed even when they cannot be understood. Revelation is not
Scripture alone, for Scripture taken by itself does not correspond
exactly with his description; nor is it church tradition alone, for
church tradition must so far rest on Scripture. Revelation is a divine
source of knowledge, of which Scripture and church tradition are the
channels; and he who would rightly understand theology must familiarize
himself with Scripture, the teachings of the fathers, and the decisions
of councils, in such a way as to be able to make part of himself, as it
were, those channels along which this divine knowledge flowed. Aquinas's
conception of reason is in some way parallel with his conception of
revelation. Reason is in his idea not the individual reason, but the
fountain of natural truth, whose chief channels are the various systems
of heathen philosophy, and more especially the thoughts of Plato and the
methods of Aristotle. Reason and revelation are separate sources of
knowledge; and man can put himself in possession of each, because he can
bring himself into relation to the church on the one hand, and the
system of philosophy, or more strictly Aristotle, on the other. The
conception will be made clearer when it is remembered that Aquinas,
taught by the mysterious author of the writings of the pseudo-Dionysius,
who so marvellously influenced medieval writers, sometimes spoke of a
natural revelation, or of reason as a source of truths in themselves
mysterious, and was always accustomed to say that reason as well as
revelation contained two kinds of knowledge. The first kind lay quite
beyond the power of man to receive it, the second was within man's
reach. In reason, as in revelation, man can only attain to the lower
kind of knowledge; there is a higher kind which we may not hope to

But while reason and revelation are two distinct sources of truths, the
truths are not contradictory; for in the last resort they rest on _one_
absolute truth--they come from the one source of knowledge, God, the
Absolute One. Hence arises the compatibility of philosophy and theology
which was the fundamental axiom of scholasticism, and the possibility of
a Summa Theologiae, which is a Summa Philosophiae as well. All the many
writings of Thomas are preparatory to his great work the _Summa
Theologiae_, and show us the progress of his mind training for this his
life work. In the _Summa Catholicae Fidei contra Gentiles_ he shows how
a Christian theology is the sum and crown of all science. This work is
in its design apologetic, and is meant to bring within the range of
Christian thought all that is of value in Mahommedan science. He
carefully establishes the necessity of revelation as a source of
knowledge, not merely because it aids us in comprehending in a somewhat
better way the truths already furnished by reason, as some of the
Arabian philosophers and Maimonides had acknowledged, but because it is
the absolute source of our knowledge of the mysteries of the Christian
faith; and then he lays down the relations to be observed between reason
and revelation, between philosophy and theology. This work, _Contra
Gentiles_, may be taken as an elaborate exposition of the method of
Aquinas. That method, however, implied a careful study and comprehension
of the results which accrued to man from reason and revelation, and a
thorough grasp of all that had been done by man in relation to those two
sources of human knowledge; and so, in his preliminary writings, Thomas
proceeds to master the two provinces. The results of revelation he found
in the Holy Scriptures and in the writings of the fathers and the great
theologians of the church; and his method was to proceed backwards. He
began with Peter of Lombardy (who had reduced to theological order, in
his famous book on the _Sentences_, the various authoritative statements
of the church upon doctrine) in his _In Quatuor Sententiarum P. Lombardi
libros_. Then came his deliverances upon undecided points in theology,
in his _XII. Quodlibeta Disputata_, and his _Quaestiones Disputatae_.
His _Catena Aurea_ next appeared, which, under the form of a commentary
on the Gospels, was really an exhaustive summary of the theological
teaching of the greatest of the church fathers. This side of his
preparation was finished by a close study of Scripture, the results of
which are contained in his commentaries, _In omnes Epistolas Dim
Apostoli Expositio_, his _Super Isaiam et Jeremiam_, and his _In
Psalmos_. Turning now to the other side, we have evidence, not only from
tradition but from his writings, that he was acquainted with Plato and
the mystical Platonists; but he had the sagacity to perceive that
Aristotle was _the_ great representative of philosophy, and that his
writings contained the best results and method which the natural reason
had as yet attained to. Accordingly Aquinas prepared himself on this
side by commentaries on Aristotle's _De Interpretatione_, on his
_Posterior Analytics_, on the _Metaphysics_, the _Physics_, the _De
Anima_, and on Aristotle's other psychological and physical writings,
each commentary having for its aim to lay hold of the material and grasp
the method contained and employed in each treatise. Fortified by this
exhaustive preparation, Aquinas began his _Summa Theologiae_, which he
intended to be the sum of all known learning, arranged according to the
best method, and subordinate to the dictates of the church. Practically
it came to be the theological dicta of the church, explained according
to the philosophy of Aristotle and his Arabian commentators. The _Summa_
is divided into three great parts, which shortly may be said to treat of
God, Man and the God-Man. The first and the second parts are wholly the
work of Aquinas, but of the third part only the first ninety quaestiones
are his; the rest of it was finished in accordance with his designs. The
first book, after a short introduction upon the nature of theology as
understood by Aquinas, proceeds in 119 questions to discuss the nature,
attributes and relations of God; and this is not done as in a modern
work on theology, but the questions raised in the physics of Aristotle
find a place alongside of the statements of Scripture, while all
subjects in any way related to the central theme are brought into the
discourse. The second part is divided into two, which are quoted as
_Prima Secundae_ and _Secunda Secundae_. This second part has often been
described as ethic, but this is scarcely true. The subject is man,
treated as Aristotle does, according to his [Greek: telos], and so
Aquinas discusses all the ethical, psychological and theological
questions which arise; but any theological discussion upon man must be
mainly ethical, and so a great proportion of the first part, and almost
the whole of the second, has to do with ethical questions. In his
ethical discussions (a full account of which is given under ETHICS)
Aquinas distinguishes theological from natural virtues and vices; the
theological virtues are faith, hope and charity; the natural, justice,
prudence and the like. The theological virtues are founded on faith, in
opposition to the natural, which are founded on reason; and as faith
with Aquinas is always belief in a proposition, not trust in a personal
Saviour, conformably with his idea that revelation is a new knowledge
rather than a new life, the relation of unbelief to virtue is very
strictly and narrowly laid down and enforced. The third part of the
_Summa_ is also divided into two parts, but by accident rather than by
design. Aquinas died ere he had finished his great work, and what has
been added to complete the scheme is appended as a _Supplementum Tertiae
Partis_. In this third part Aquinas discusses the person, office and
work of Christ, and had begun to discuss the sacraments, when death put
an end to his labours.

The purely philosophical theories of Aquinas are explained in the
article SCHOLASTICISM. In connexion with the problem of universals, he
held that the diversity of individuals depends on the quantitative
division of matter (_materia signata_), and in this way he attracted the
criticism of the Scotists, who pointed out that this very matter is
individual and determinate, and, therefore, itself requires explanation.
In general, Aquinas maintained in different senses the real existence of
universals _ante rem_, _in re_ and _post rem_.

  The best modern edition of the works of Aquinas is that prepared at
  the expense of Leo XIII. (Rome, 1882-1903). The Abbé Migne published a
  very useful edition of the _Summa Theologiae_, in four 8vo vols., as
  an appendix to his _Patrologiae Cursus Completus_; English editions,
  J. Rickaby (London, 1872), J.M. Ashley (London, 1888). See _Acta
  Sanct_., vii. Martii; A. Touron, _La Vie de St Thomas d'Aquin, avec un
  exposé de sa doctrine et de ses ouvrages_ (Paris, 1737); Karl Werner,
  _Der Heilige Thomas van Aquino_ (1858); and R.B. Vaughan, _St Thomas
  of Aquin, his Life and Labours_ (London, 1872): other lives by P.
  Cavanagh (London, 1890); E. Desmousseaux de Giuré (Paris, 1888); M.
  Didot (Louvain, 1894). For the philosophy of Aquinas, see Albert
  Stöckl, _Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters_, ii.; B.
  Hauréau, _De la philosophie scolastique_, vol. ii.; J. Frohschammer,
  _Die Philos. d. Th. van A_. (Leipzig, 1889); K. Prantl, _Geschichte d.
  Logik_, vol. iii.; C.M. Schneider, _Natur, Vernunft, Gott_
  (Regensburg, 1883), _Das Wissen Gottes nach d. Lehre des Th. v. A_. (4
  vols. Regensburg, 1884-1886), _Die socialistische Staatsidee
  beleuchtet durch Th. v. A_. (Paderborn, 1894); A. Harnack, _Hist, of
  Dogma_ (trans. Wm. Gilchrist, London, 1899); Ueberweg's _History of
  Philosophy_, vol. i. See also H.C. O'Neill, _New Things and Old in St
  Thomas Aquinas_ (1909), with biography.     (T. M. L.; J. M. M.)

AQUINO, a town and episcopal see of Campania, Italy, in the province of
Caserta; it is 56 m. N.W. by rail from the town of Caserta, and 7½ m.
N.W. of Cassino. Pop. (1901) 2672. The modern town, close to the
ancient, is unimportant, though the canons of the cathedral have the
privilege of wearing the mitre and _cappa magna_ at great festivals. It
is close to the site of the ancient Aquinum, a _municipium_ in the time
of Cicero, and made a colony by the Triumviri, the birthplace of Juvenal
and of the emperor Pescennius Niger. The Via Latina traversed it; one of
the gates through which it passed, now called Porta S. Lorenzo, is still
well preserved, and there are remains within the walls (portions of
which, built of large blocks of limestone, still remain) of two (so
called) temples, a basilica and an amphitheatre (see R. Delbrück in
_Röm. Mitteilungen_, 1903, p. 143). Outside, on the south is a
well-preserved triumphal arch with composite capitals, and close to it
the 11th-century basilica of S. Maria Libera, a handsome building in the
Romanesque style, but now roofless. Several Roman inscriptions are built
into it, and many others that have been found indicate the ancient
importance of the place, which, though it does not appear in early
history, is vouched for by Cicero and Strabo.[1] A colony was planted
here by the Triumviri. St Thomas Aquinas was born in the castle of
Roccasecca, 5 m. N.

  See E. Grossi, _Aquinum_ (Rome, 1907).     (T. As.)


  [1] According to H. Nissen, _Ital. Landeskunde_ (Berlin, 1902), ii.
    665, a road ran from here to Minturnae; but no traces of it are to be

AQUITAINE, the name of an ancient province in France, the extent of
which has varied considerably from time to time. About the time of
Julius Caesar the name _Aquitania_ was given to that part of Gaul lying
between the Pyrenees and the Garonne, and its inhabitants were a race,
or races, distinct from the Celts. The name Aquitania is probably a form
of Auscetani, which in its turn is a lengthened form of Ausces, and is
thus cognate with the words Basque and Wasconia, i.e. Gascony. Although
many of the tribes of Aquitania submitted to Julius Caesar, it was not
until about 28 B.C. that the district was brought under the Roman yoke.
In keeping with the Roman policy of denationalization, the term
Aquitania was extended, and under Augustus it included the whole of Gaul
south and west of the Loire and the Allier, and thus ceased to possess
ethnographical importance. In the 3rd century A.D. this larger Aquitania
was divided into three parts: _Aquitania Prima_, the eastern part of the
district between the Loire and the Garonne; _Aquitania Secunda_, the
western part of the same district; and _Aquitania Tertia_, or
_Novempopulana_, the region between the Garonne and the Pyrenees, or the
original Aquitania. The seats of government were respectively Bourges,
Bordeaux and Eauze; the province contained twenty-six cities, and was in
the diocese of Vienne. Like the rest of Gaul, Aquitania absorbed a large
measure of Roman civilization, and this continued to distinguish the
district down to a late period. In the 5th century the Visigoths
established themselves in Aquitania Secunda, and also in parts of
Aquitania Prima and Novempopulana, but after the defeat of their king
Alaric II. by the Franks under Clovis in 507, they were supplanted by
their conquerors. Clovis and his successors extended their authority
nominally to the Pyrenees, but, as Guizot has remarked, "the conquest of
Aquitania by Clovis left it almost as alien to the people and king of
Franks as it had formerly been." Subsequently during the Merovingian
period it was contended for by the feeble rulers of the various Frankish
kingdoms, and was frequently partitioned among them; but the Aquitanians
had little difficulty in effectually resisting this authority, although
they did not establish themselves as a separate kingdom. About 628,
indeed, they gathered around Charibert, or Haribert, a brother of the
Frankish king, Dagobert I., in the hope of national independence; but
after his death in 630 they returned to their former condition. But this
effort, although a failure, brought about a certain measure of concord
between the two principal races inhabiting the district, and so prepared
the way for the stubborn resistance which, subsequently, the Aquitanians
were able to offer to the Franks.

The first line of dukes began about 660 with one Felix, who, like his
successor, Lupus, probably owned allegiance to the Frankish kings, and
whose seat of government was Toulouse. About the end of the 7th century
an adventurer named Odo, or Eudes, made himself master of this region.
Attacked by the Saracens he inflicted on them a crushing defeat, but
when they reappeared, he was obliged to invoke the aid of Charles
Martel, who, as the price of his support, claimed and received the
homage of his ally. Odo was succeeded by his son Hunald, who after
carrying on a war against the Franks under Pippin the Short, retired to
a convent, leaving both the kingdom and the conflict to Waifer, or
Guaifer. For some years Waifer strenuously carried on an unequal
struggle with the Franks, but he was assassinated in 768, and with him
perished the national independence, although not the national
individuality, of the Aquitanians. In 781 Charlemagne bestowed Aquitaine
upon his young son, Louis, and as Louis was generally described as a
king, Aquitaine is referred to during the Carolingian period as a
kingdom, and not as a duchy. When Louis succeeded Charlemagne as emperor
in 814, he granted Aquitaine to his son Pippin, on whose death in 838
the Aquitanians chose his son Pippin II. (d. 865) as their king. The
emperor Louis I., however, opposed this arrangement and gave the kingdom
to his youngest son Charles, afterwards the emperor Charles the Bald.
Now followed a time of confusion and conflict which resulted eventually
in the success of Charles, although from 845 to 852 Pippin was in
possession of the kingdom. In 852 Pippin was imprisoned by Charles the
Bald, who soon afterwards gave to the Aquitanians his own son Charles as
their king. On the death of the younger Charles in 866, his brother
Louis the Stammerer succeeded to the kingdom, and when, in 877, Louis
became king of the Franks, Aquitaine was united to the Frankish crown.

A new period now begins in the history of Aquitaine. By a treaty made in
845 between Charles the Bald and Pippin II. the kingdom had been
diminished by the loss of Poitou, Saintonge and Angoumois, which had
been given to Rainulf I., count of Poitiers. Somewhat earlier than this
date the title of duke of the Aquitanians had been revived, and this was
now borne by Rainulf, although it was also claimed by the counts of
Toulouse. The new duchy of Aquitaine, comprising the three districts
already mentioned, remained in the hands of Rainulf's successors, in
spite of some trouble with their Frankish overlords, until 893 when
Count Rainulf II. was poisoned by order of King Charles III. the Simple.
Charles then bestowed the duchy upon William the Pious, count of
Auvergne, the founder of the abbey of Cluny, who was succeeded in 918 by
his nephew, Count William II., who died in 926. A succession of dukes
followed, one of whom, William IV., fought against Hugh Capet, king of
France, and another of whom, William V., called the Great, was able
considerably to strengthen and extend his authority, although he failed
in his attempt to secure the Lombard crown. William's duchy almost
reached the limits of the Roman Aquitania Prima and Secunda, but did not
stretch south of the Garonne, a district which was in the possession of
the Gascons. William died in 1030, and the names of William VI. (d.
1038), Odo or Eudes (d. 1039), who joined Gascony to his duchy, William
VII. and William VIII. bring us down to William IX. (d. 1127), who
succeeded in 1087, and made himself famous as a crusader and a
troubadour. William X. (d. 1137) married his daughter Eleanor to Louis
VII., king of France, and Aquitaine went as her dowry. When Eleanor was
divorced from Louis and was married in 1152 to Henry II. of England the
duchy passed to her new husband, who, having suppressed a revolt there,
gave it to his son Richard. When Richard died in 1199, it reverted to
Eleanor, and on her death five years later, was united to the English
crown and henceforward followed the fortunes of the English possessions
in France. Aquitaine as it came to the English kings stretched as of old
from the Loire to the Pyrenees, but its extent was curtailed on the
south-east by the wide lands of the counts of Toulouse. The name
Guienne, a corruption of Aquitaine, seems to have come into use about
the 10th century, and the subsequent history of Aquitaine is merged in
that of Gascony (q.v.) and Guienne (q.v.).

  See E. Desjardins, _Géographie historique el administrative de la
  Gaule romaine_ (Paris, 1876, 93); A. Luchaire, _Les Origines
  linguistiques de l'Aquitaine_ (Paris, 1877); A. Longnon, _Géographie
  de la Gaule au VI^e siècle_ (Paris, 1876); A. Perroud, _Les Origines
  du premier duché d'Aquitaine_ (Paris, 1881); and E. Mabille, _Le
  Royaume d'Aquitaine et ses marches sous les Carlovingiens_ (Paris,

ARABESQUE, a word meaning simply "Arabian," but technically used for a
certain form of decorative design in flowing lines intertwined; hence
comes the more metaphorical use of this word, whether in nature or in
morals, indicating a fantastic or complicated interweaving of lines
against a background. In decorative design the term is historically a
misnomer. It is applied to the grotesque decoration derived from Roman
remains of the early time of the empire, not to any style derived from
Arabian or Moorish work. Arabesque and Moresque are really distinct; the
latter is from the Arabian style of ornament, developed by the Byzantine
Greeks for their new masters, after the conquests of the followers of
Mahomet; and the former is a term pretty well restricted to varieties of
cinquecento decoration, which have nothing in common with any Arabian
examples in their details, but are a development derived from Greek and
Roman grotesque designs, such as we find them in the remains of ancient
palaces at Rome, and in ancient houses at Pompeii. These were reproduced
by Raphael and his pupils in the decoration of some of the corridors of
the Loggie of the Vatican at Rome: grotesque is thus a better name for
these decorations than Arabesque. This technical Arabesque, therefore,
is much more ancient than any Arabian or Moorish decoration, and has
really nothing in common with it except the mere symmetrical principles
of its arrangement. Pliny and Vitruvius give us no name for the
extravagant decorative wall-painting in vogue in their time, to which
the early Italian revivers of it seem to have given the designation of
grotesque, because it, was first discovered in the arched or underground
chambers (_grotte_) of Roman ruins--as in the golden house of Nero, or
the baths of Titus. What really took place in the Italian revival was in
some measure a supplanting of the Arabesque for the classical grotesque,
still retaining the original Arabian designation, while the genuine
Arabian art, the Saracenic, was distinguished as Moresque or Moorish. So
it is now the original Arabesque that is called by its specific names of
Saracenic, Moorish and Alhambresque, while the term Arabesque is applied
exclusively to the style developed from the debased classical grotesque
of the Roman empire.

There is still much of the genuine Saracenic element in Renaissance
Arabesques, especially in that selected for book-borders and for
silver-work, the details of which consist largely of the conventional
Saracenic foliations. But the Arabesque developed in the Italian
cinquecento work repudiated all the original Arabian elements and
devices, and limited itself to the manipulating of the classical
elements, of which the most prominent feature is ever the floriated or
foliated scroll; and it is in this cinquecento decoration, whether in
sculpture or in painting, that _Arabesque_ has been perfected.

In the Saracenic, as the elder sister of the two styles, which was
ingeniously developed by the Byzantine Greek artists for their Arabian
masters in the early times of Mahommedan conquest, every natural object
was proscribed; the artists were, therefore, reduced to making
symmetrical designs from forms which should have no positive meaning;
yet the Byzantine Greeks, who were Christians, managed to work even
their own ecclesiastical symbols, in a disguised manner, into their
tracery and diapers; as the lily, for instance. The cross was not so
introduced; this, of course, was inadmissible; but neither was the
crescent ever introduced into any of this early work in Damascus or
Cairo. The crescent was itself not a Mahommedan device till after the
conquest of Constantinople in 1453 A.D. The crescent, as the new moon,
was the symbol of Byzantium; and it was only after that capital of the
Eastern empire fell into the hands of the Turks that this symbol was
adopted by them. The crescent and the cross became antagonist standards,
therefore, first in the 15th century. And the crescent is not an element
of original Moorish decoration.

The Alhambra diapers and original Majolica (Majorca) ware afford
admirable specimens of genuine Saracenic or Moorish decoration. A
conventional floriage is common in these diapers; tracery also is a
great feature in this work, in geometrical combinations, whether
rectilinear or curvilinear; and the designs are rich in colour; idolatry
was in the reproduction of natural forms, not in the fanciful
combination of natural colours. These curves and angles, therefore, or
interlacings, chiefly in stucco, constitute the prominent elements of an
Arabian ornamental design, combining also Arabic inscriptions; composed
of a mass of foliation or floral forms conventionally disguised, as the
exclusion of all natural images was the fundamental principle of the
style in its purity. The Alhambra displays almost endless specimens of
this peculiar work, all in relief, highly coloured, and profusely
enriched with gold. The mosque of Tulun, in Cairo, A.D. 876, the known
work of a Greek, affords the completest example of this art in its early
time; and Sicily contains many remains of this same exquisite Saracenic

Such is the genuine Arabesque of the Arabs, but a very different style
of design is implied by the Arabesque of the cinquecento, a purely
classical ornamentation. This owes its origin to the excavation and
recovery of ancient monuments, and was developed chiefly by the
sculptors of the north, and the painters of central Italy; by the
Lombardi of Venice, by Agostino Busti of Milan, by Bramante of Urbino,
by Raphael, by Giulio Romano, and others of nearly equal merit. Very
beautiful examples in sculpture of this cinquecento Arabesque are found
in the churches of Venice, Verona and Brescia; in painting, the most
complete specimens are those of the Vatican Loggie, and the Villa Madama
at Rome and the ducal palaces at Mantua. The Vatican Arabesques, chiefly
executed for Raphael by Giulio Romano, Gian Francesco Penni, and
Giovanni da Udine, though beautiful as works of painting, are often very
extravagant in their composition, ludicrous and sometimes aesthetically
offensive; as are also many of the decorations of Pompeii. The main
features of these designs are balanced scrolls in panels; or standards
variously composed, but symmetrically scrolled on either side, and on
the tendrils of these scrolls are suspended or placed birds and animals,
human figures and chimeras, of any or all kinds, or indeed any objects
that may take the fancy of the artist. The most perfect specimens of
cinquecento Arabesque are certainly found in sculpture. As specimens of
exquisite work may be mentioned the Martinengo tomb, in the church of
the Padri Riformati at Brescia, and the façade of the church of Santa
Maria del Miracoli there, by the Lombardi; and many of the carvings of
the Château de Gaillon, France--all of which fairly illustrate the
beauties and capabilities of the style.

  See also Wornum, _Analysis of Ornament_ (1874).     (R. N. W.)

ARABGIR, or ARABKIR (Byz. _Arabraces_), a town of Turkey in Asia in the
Mamuret el-Aziz or Kharput vilayet, situated near the confluence of the
eastern and western Euphrates, but some miles from the right bank of the
combined streams. Pop. about 20,000, of which the larger half is
Mussulman. It is connected with Sivas by a _chaussée_, prolonged to the
Euphrates. The inhabitants are enterprising and prosperous, many of them
leaving their native city to push their fortunes elsewhere, while of
those that remain the greater part is employed in the manufacture of
silk and cotton goods, or in the production of fruit. The present town
was built at a comparatively recent date; but about 2 m. north-east is
the old town, now called Eski-Shehr, given (c. 1021) to Senekherim of
Armenia by the emperor Basil II. It contains the ruins of a castle and
of several Seljuk mosques. The Armenian population suffered severely
during the massacres of 1895.     (D. G. H.)

ARABIA, a peninsula in the south-west of Asia, lying between 34° 30' and
12° 45' N., and 32° 30' and 60° E., is bounded W. by the Red Sea, S. by
the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean, and E. by the Gulf of Oman and
the Persian Gulf. Its northern or land boundary is more difficult to
define; most authorities, however, agree in taking it from El Arish on
the Mediterranean, along the southern border of Palestine, between the
Dead Sea and the Gulf of Akaba, then bending northwards along the Syrian
border nearly to Tadmur, thence eastwards to the edge of the Euphrates
valley near Anah, and thence south-east to the mouth of the Shat el Arab
at the head of the Persian Gulf,--the boundary so defined includes the
northern desert, which belongs geographically to Arabia rather than to
Syria; while on the same grounds lower Mesopotamia and Irak, although
occupied by an Arab population, are excluded.

In shape, the peninsula forms a rough trapezium, with its greatest
length from north-west to south-east. The length of its western side
from Port Said to Aden is 1500 m.; its base from the Straits of
Bab-el-Mandeb (or Bab al Mandab) to Ras el Had is 1300 m., its northern
side from Port Said to the Euphrates 600 m.; its total area
approximately 1,200,000 sq. m.


_General Features._--In general terms Arabia may be described as a
plateau sloping gently from south-west to north-east, and attaining its
greatest elevation in the extreme south-west. The western escarpment of
the plateau rises steeply from the Red Sea littoral to a height of from
4000 to 8000 ft., leaving a narrow belt of lowland rarely exceeding 30
m. in width between the shore and the foot-hills. On the north-east and
east the plateau shelves gradually to the Euphrates and the Persian
Gulf; only in the extreme east is this general easterly slope arrested
by the lofty range of Jebel Akhdar, which from Ras Musandan to Ras el
Had borders the coast of Oman.

Its chief characteristic is the bareness and aridity of its surface;
one-third of the whole desert, and of the remainder only a small
proportion is suited to settled life, owing to its scanty water-supply
and uncertain rainfall. Its mountains are insufficient in elevation and
extent to attract their full share of the monsoon rains, which fall so
abundantly on the Abyssinian highlands on the other side of the Red Sea;
for this reason Arabia has neither lakes nor forests to control the
water-supply and prevent its too rapid dissipation, and the rivers are
mere torrent beds sweeping down occasionally in heavy floods, but
otherwise dry.

The country falls naturally into three main divisions, a northern, a
central and a southern; the first includes the area between the Midian
coast on the west and the head of the Persian Gulf on the east, a desert
tract throughout, stony in the north, sandy in the south, but furnishing
at certain seasons excellent pasturage; its population is almost
entirely nomad and pastoral. The central zone includes Hejaz (or Hijaz),
Nejd and El Hasa; much of it is a dry, stony or sandy steppe, with few
wells or watering-places, and only occupied by nomad tribes; but the
great wadis which intersect it contain many fertile stretches of
alluvial soil, where cultivation is possible and which support a
considerable settled population, with several large towns and numerous

The third or southern division contains the highland plateaus of Asir
and Yemen in the west, and J. Akhdar in the east, which with a temperate
climate, due to their great elevation and their proximity to the sea,
deserve, if any part of Arabia does, the name of Arabia Felix--the
population is settled and agricultural, and the soil, wherever the
rainfall is sufficient, is productive. The Batina coast of Oman,
irrigated by the mountain streams of J. Akhdar, is perhaps the most
fertile district in the peninsula; Hadramut, too, contains many large
and prosperous villages, and the torrents from the Yemen highlands
fertilize several oases in the Tehama (or Tihama) or lowlands of the
western and southern coast. These favourable conditions of soil and
climate, however, extend only a comparatively short distance into the
interior, by far the larger part of which is covered by the great
southern desert, the Dahna, or Ruba el Khali, empty as its name implies,
and uninhabitable.

_Exploration._--Before entering on a detailed description of the several
provinces of Arabia, our sources of information will be briefly
indicated. Except in the neighbourhood of Aden, no regular surveys
exist, and professional work is limited to the marine surveys of the
Indian government and the admiralty, which, while laying down the coast
line with fair accuracy, give little or no topographical information
inland. For the mapping of the whole vast interior, except in rare
cases, no data exist beyond the itineraries of explorers, travelling as
a rule under conditions which precluded the use of even the simplest
surveying instruments. These journeys, naturally following the most
frequented routes, often cover the same ground, while immense tracts,
owing to their difficulty of access, remain unvisited by any European.

The region most thoroughly explored is Yemen, in the south-west corner
of the peninsula, where the labours of a succession of travellers from
Niebuhr in 1761 to E. Glaser and R. Manzoni in 1887 have led to a fairly
complete knowledge of all that part of the province west of the capital
Sana; while in 1902-1904 the operations of the Anglo-Turkish boundary
commission permitted the execution of a systematic topographical survey
of the British protectorate from the Red Sea to the Wadi Bana, 30 m.
east of Aden. North of Yemen up to the Hejaz border the only authority
is that of E.F. Jomard's map, published in 1839, based on the
information given by the French officers employed with Ibrahim Pasha's
army in Asir from 1824 to 1827, and of J. Halévy in Nejran. On the south
coast expeditions have penetrated but a short distance, the most notable
exceptions being those of L. Hirsch and J.T. Bent in 1887 to the
Hadramut valley. S.B. Miles, J.R. Wellsted, and S.M. Zwemer have
explored Oman in the extreme east; but the interior south of a line
drawn from Taif to El Katr on the Persian Gulf is still virgin ground.
In northern Arabia the Syrian desert and the great Nafud (Nefud) have
been crossed by several travellers, though a large area remains
unexplored in the north-east between Kasim and the gulf. In the centre,
the journeys of W. Palgrave, C. Doughty, W. Blunt and C. Huber have done
much to elucidate the main physical features of the country. Lastly, in
the north-west the Sinai peninsula has been thoroughly explored, and the
list of travellers who have visited the Holy Cities and traversed the
main pilgrim routes through Hejaz is a fairly long one, though, owing to
the difficulties peculiar to that region, the hydrography of southern
Hejaz is still incompletely known.

  Modern Exploration in Yemen.

The story of modern exploration begins with the despatch of C. Niebuhr's
mission by the Danish government in 1761. After a year spent in Egypt
and the Sinai peninsula the party reached Jidda towards the end of 1762,
and after a short stay sailed on to Lohaia in the north of Yemen, the
exploration of which formed the principal object of the expedition;
thence, travelling through the Tehama or lowlands, Niebuhr and his
companions visited the towns of Bet el Fakih, Zubed and Mokha, then the
great port for the coffee trade of Yemen. Continuing eastward they
crossed the mountainous region and reached the highlands of Yemen at
Uden, a small town and the centre of a district celebrated for its
coffee. Thence proceeding eastwards to higher altitudes where coffee
plantations give way to fields of wheat and barley, they reached the
town of Jibla situated among a group of mountains exceeding 10,000 ft.
above sea-level; and turning southwards to Taiz descended again to the
Tehama via Hes and Zubed to Mokha. The mission, reduced in numbers by
the death of its archaeologist, von Haven, again visited Taiz in June
1763, where after some delay permission was obtained to visit Sana, the
capital of the province and the residence of the ruling sovereign or
imam. The route lay by Jibla, passing the foot of the lofty Jebel Sorak,
where, in spite of illness, Forskal, the botanist of the party, was able
to make a last excursion; a few days later he died at Yarim. The mission
continued its march, passing Dhamar, the seat of a university of the
Zedi sect, then frequented by 500 students. Thence four marches,
generally over a stony plateau dominated by bare, sterile mountains,
brought them to Sana, where they received a cordial welcome from the
imam, el Mahdi Abbas.

The aspect of the city must have been nearly the same as at present;
Niebuhr describes the _enceinte_ flanked by towers, the citadel at the
foot of J. Nukum which rises 1000 ft. above the valley, the fortress and
palace of the imams, now replaced by the Turkish military hospital, the
suburb of Bir el Azab with its scattered houses and gardens, the Jews'
quarter and the village of Rauda, a few miles to the north in a fertile,
irrigated plain which Niebuhr compares to that of Damascus. After a stay
of ten days at Sana the mission set out again for Mokha, travelling by
what is now the main route from the capital to Hodeda, through the rich
coffee-bearing district of J. Haraz, and thence southward to Mokha,
where they embarked for India. During the next year three other members
of the party died, leaving Niebuhr the sole survivor. Returning to
Arabia a year later, he visited Oman and the shores of the Persian Gulf,
and travelling from Basra through Syria and Palestine he reached Denmark
in 1764 after four years' absence.

The period was perhaps specially favourable for a scientific mission of
the sort. The outburst of fanaticism which convulsed Arabia twenty years
later had not then reached Yemen, and Europeans, as such, were not
exposed to any special danger. The travellers were thus able to move
freely and to pursue their scientific enquiries without hindrance from
either people or ruler. The results published in 1772 gave for the first
time a comprehensive description not only of Yemen but of all Arabia;
while the parts actually visited by Niebuhr were described with a
fulness and accuracy of detail which left little or nothing for his
successors to discover.


  Jauf and Marib.

C.G. Ehrenberg and W.F. Hemprich in 1825 visited the Tehama and the
islands off the coast, and in 1836 P.E. Botta made an important journey
in southern Yemen with a view to botanical research, but the next
advance in geographical knowledge in south Arabia was due to the French
officers, M.O. Tamisier, Chedufau and Mary, belonging to the Egyptian
army in Asir; another Frenchman, L. Arnaud, formerly in the Egyptian
service, was the first to visit the southern Jauf and to report on the
rock-cut inscriptions and ruins of Marib, though it was not till 1869
that a competent archaeologist, J. Halévy, was able to carry out any
complete exploration there. Starting from Sana, Halévy went
north-eastward to El Madid, a town of 5000 inhabitants and the capital
of the small district of Nihm; thence crossing a plateau, where he saw
the ruins of numerous crenellated towers, he reached the village of
Mijzar at the foot of J. Yam, on the borders of Jauf, a vast sandy
plain, extending eastwards to El Jail and El Hazm, where Halévy made his
most important discoveries of Sabaean inscriptions: here he explored
Main, the ancient capital of the Minaeans, Kamna on the banks of the W.
Kharid, the ancient Caminacum, and Kharibat el Beda, the Nesca of Pliny,
where the Sabaean army was defeated by the Romans under Aelius Gallus in
24 B.C. From El Jail Halévy travelled northward, passing the oasis of
Khab, and skirting the great desert, reached the fertile district of
Nejran, where he found a colony of Jews, with whom he spent several
weeks in the oasis of Makhlaf. An hour's march to the east he discovered
at the village of Medinat el Mahud the ruins of the Nagra metropolis of
Ptolemy. In June 1870 he at last reached the goal of his journey, Marib;
here he explored the ruins of Medinat an Nahas (so called from its
numerous inscriptions engraved on brass plates), and two hours to the
east he found the famous dam constructed by the Himyarites across the W.
Shibwan, on which the water-supply of their capital depended.

One other explorer has since visited Marib, the Austrian archaeologist,
E. Glaser (1855-1908), who achieved more for science in Yemen than any
traveller since Niebuhr. Under Turkish protection, he visited the
territory of the Hashid and Bakil tribes north-east of Sana, and though
their hostile attitude compelled him to return after reaching their
first important town, Khamr, he had time to reconnoitre the plateau
lying between the two great wadis Kharid and Hirran, formerly covered
with Himyaritic towns and villages; and to trace the course of these
wadis to their junction at El Ish in the Dhu Husen country, and thence
onward to the Jauf. In 1889 he succeeded, again under Turkish escort, in
reaching Marib, where he obtained, during a stay of thirty days, a large
number of new Himyaritic inscriptions. He was unable, however, to
proceed farther east than his predecessors, and the problem of the Jauf
drainage and its possible connexion with the upper part of the Hadramut
valley still remains unsolved.

  Exploration in Hadramut.

The earliest attempt to penetrate into the interior from the south coast
was made in 1835 when Lieuts. C. Cruttenden and J.R. Wellsted of the
"Palinurus," employed on the marine survey of the Arabian coast, visited
the ruins of Nakb (el Hajar) in the W. Mefat. The Himyaritic
inscriptions found there and at Husn Ghurab near Mukalla, were the first
records discovered of ancient Arabian civilization in Hadramut. Neither
of these officers was able to follow up their discoveries, but in 1843
Adolph von Wrede landed at Mukalla and, adopting the character of a
pilgrim to the shrine of the prophet Hud, made his way northward across
the high plateau into the W. Duwan, one of the main southern tributaries
of the Hadramut valley, and pushed on to the edge of the great southern
desert; on his return to the W. Duwan his disguise was detected and he
was obliged to return to Mukalla. Though he did not actually enter the
main Hadramut valley, which lay to the east of his track, his journey
established the existence of this populous and fertile district which
had been reported to the officers of the "Palinurus" as lying between
the coast range and the great desert to the north. This was at last
visited in 1893 by L. Hirsch under the protection of the sultan of
Mukalla, the head of the Kaiti family, and practically ruler of all
Hadramut, with the exception of the towns of Saiyun and Tarim, which
belong to the Kathiri tribe. Starting like von Wrede from Mukalla,
Hirsch first visited the W. Duwan and found ancient ruins and
inscriptions near the village of Hajren; thence he proceeded
north-eastward to Hauta in the main valley, where he was hospitably
received by the Kaiti sultan, and sent on to his deputy at Shibam. Here
he procured a Kathiri escort and pushed on through Saiyun to Tarim, the
former capital. After a very brief stay, however, he was compelled by
the hostility of the people to return in haste to Shibam, from which he
travelled by the W. bin Ali and W. Adim back to Mukalla. J. Theodore
Bent and his wife followed in the same track a few months later with a
well-equipped party including a surveyor, Imam Sharif, lent by the
Indian government, who made a very valuable survey of the country passed
through. Both parties visited many sites where Himyaritic remains and
inscriptions were found, but the hostile attitude of the natives, more
particularly of the Seyyids, the religious hierarchy of Hadramut,
prevented any adequate examination, and much of archaeological interest
undoubtedly remains for future travellers to discover.

  Exploration in Oman.

In Oman, where the conditions are more favourable, explorers have
penetrated only a short distance from the coast. Niebuhr did not go
inland from Muscat; the operations by a British Indian force on the
Pirate coast in 1810 gave no opportunities for visiting the interior,
and it was not till 1835 that J.R. Wellsted, who had already tried to
penetrate into Hadramut from the south, landed at Muscat with the idea
of reaching it from the north-east. Sailing thence to Sur near Ras el
Had, he travelled southward through the country of the Bani bu Ali to
the borders of the desert, then turning north-west up the Wadi Betha
through a fertile, well-watered country, running up to the southern
slopes of J. Akhdar, inhabited by a friendly people who seem to have
welcomed him everywhere, he visited Ibra, Semed and Nizwa at the
southern foot of the mountains. Owing to the disturbed state of the
country, due to the presence of raiding parties from Nejd, Wellsted was
unable to carry out his original intention of exploring the country to
the west, and after an excursion along the Batina coast to Sohar he
returned to India.

In 1876 Colonel S.B. Miles, who had already done much to advance
geographical interests in south Arabia, continued Wellsted's work in
Oman; starting from Sohar on the Batina coast he crossed the dividing
range into the Dhahira, and reached Birema, one of its principal oases.
His investigations show that the Dhahira contains many settlements, with
an industrious agricultural population, and that the unexplored tract
extending 250 m. west to the peninsula of El Katr is a desolate gravelly
steppe, shelving gradually down to the salt marshes which border the
shores of the gulf.

  Exploration in Hejaz.

Leaving southern Arabia, we now come to the centre and north. The first
explorer to enter the sacred Hejaz with a definite scientific object was
the Spaniard, Badia y Leblich, who, under the name of Ali Bey and
claiming to be the last representative of the Abbasid Caliphs, arrived
at Jidda in 1807, and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Besides giving
to the world the first accurate description of the holy city and the Haj
ceremonies, he was the first to fix the position of Mecca by
astronomical observations, and to describe the physical character of its
surroundings. But the true pioneer of exploration in Hejaz was J.L.
Burckhardt, who had already won a reputation as the discoverer of Petra,
and whose experience of travel in Arab lands and knowledge of Arab life
qualified him to pass as a Moslem, even in the headquarters of Islam.
Burckhardt landed in Jidda in July 1814, when Mehemet Ali had already
driven the Wahhabi invaders out of Hejaz, and was preparing for his
farther advance against their stronghold in Nejd. He first visited Taif
at the invitation of the pasha, thence he proceeded to Mecca, where he
spent three months studying every detail of the topography of the holy
places, and going through all the ceremonies incumbent on a Moslem
pilgrim. In January 1815 he travelled to Medina by the western or coast
route, and arrived there safely but broken in health by the hardships of
the journey. His illness did not, however, prevent his seeing and
recording everything of interest in Medina with the same care as at
Mecca, though it compelled him to cut short the further journey he had
proposed to himself, and to return by Yambu and the sea to Cairo, where
he died only two years later.

His striking successor, Sir Richard Burton, covered nearly the same
ground thirty-eight years afterwards. He, too, travelling as a Moslem
pilgrim, noted the whole ritual of the pilgrimage with the same keen
observation as Burckhardt, and while amplifying somewhat the latter's
description of Medina, confirms the accuracy of his work there and at
Mecca in almost every detail. Burton's topographical descriptions are
fuller, and his march to Mecca from Medina by the eastern route led him
over ground not traversed by any other explorer in Hejaz: this route
leads at first south-east from Medina, and then south across the lava
beds of the Harra, keeping throughout its length on the high plateau
which forms the borderland between Hejaz and Nejd. His original
intention had been after visiting Mecca to find his way across the
peninsula to Oman, but the time at his disposal (as an Indian officer on
leave) was insufficient for so extended a journey; and his further
contributions to Arabian geography were not made until twenty-five years
later, when he was deputed by the Egyptian government to examine the
reported gold deposits of Midian. Traces of ancient workings were found
in several places, but the ores did not contain gold in paying
quantities. Interesting archaeological discoveries were made, and a
valuable topographical survey was carried out, covering the whole Midian
coast from the head of the Gulf of Akaba to the mouth of the Wadi Hamd,
and including both the Tehama range and the Hisma valley behind it;
while the importance of the W. Hamd and the extent of the area drained
by its tributaries was for the first time brought to light.

  Exploration in Nejd.

Burckhardt had hoped in 1815 that the advance of the Egyptian expedition
would have given him the opportunity to see something of Nejd, but he
had already left Arabia before the overthrow of the Wahhabi power by
Ibrahim Pasha had opened Nejd to travellers from Hejaz, and though
several European officers accompanied the expedition, none of them left
any record of his experience. It is, however, to the Egyptian conquest
that the first visit of a British traveller to Nejd is due. The Indian
government, wishing to enter into relations with Ibrahim Pasha, as _de
facto_ ruler of Nejd and El Hasa, with a view to putting down piracy in
the Persian Gulf, which was seriously affecting Indian trade, sent a
small mission under Captain G.F. Sadlier to congratulate the pasha on
the success of the Egyptian arms, and no doubt with the ulterior object
of obtaining a first-hand report on the real situation. On his arrival
at Hofuf, Sadlier found that Ibrahim had already left Deraiya, but still
hoping to intercept him before quitting Nejd, he followed up the
retreating Egyptians through Yemama, and Wushm to Ras in Kasim, where he
caught up the main body of Ibrahim's army, though the pasha himself had
gone on to Medina. Sadlier hesitated about going farther, but he was
unable to obtain a safe conduct to Basra, or to return by the way he had
come, and was compelled reluctantly to accompany the army to Medina.
Here he at last met Ibrahim, but though courteously received, the
interview had no results, and Sadlier soon after left for Yambu, whence
he embarked for Jidda, and after another fruitless attempt to treat with
Ibrahim, sailed for India. If the political results of the mission were
_nil_, the value to geographical science was immense; for though no
geographer himself, Sadlier's route across Arabia made it possible for
the first time to locate the principal places in something like their
proper relative positions; incidentally, too, it showed the
practicability of a considerable body of regular troops crossing the
deserts of Nejd even in the months of July and August.

Sadlier's route had left Jebel Shammar to one side; his successor, G.A.
Wallin, was to make that the objective of his journey. Commissioned by
Mehemet Ali to inform him about the situation in Nejd brought about by
the rising power of Abdallah Ibn Rashid, Wallin left Cairo in April
1845, and crossing the pilgrim road at Ma'an, pushed on across the
Syrian desert to the Wadi Sirhan and the Jauf oasis, where he halted
during the hot summer months. From the wells of Shakik he crossed the
waterless Nafud in four days to Jubba, and after a halt there in the
nomad camps, he moved on to Hail, already a thriving town, and the
capital of the Shammar state whose limits included all northern Arabia
from Kasim to the Syrian border. After a stay in Hail, where he had
every opportunity of observing the character of the country and its
inhabitants, and the hospitality and patriarchal, if sometimes stern,
justice of its chief, he travelled on to Medina and Mecca, and returned
thence to Cairo to report to his patron. Early in 1848 he again returned
to Arabia, avoiding the long desert journey by landing at Muwela, thence
striking inland to Tebuk on the pilgrim road, and re-entering Shammar
territory at the oasis of Tema, he again visited Hail; and after
spending a month there travelled northwards to Kerbela and Bagdad.

  Palgrave's journey to Nejd.

The effects of the Egyptian invasion had passed away, and central Arabia
had settled down again under its native rulers when W.G. Palgrave made
his adventurous journey through Nejd, and published the remarkable
narrative which has taken its place as the classic of Arabian
exploration. Like Burton he was once an officer in the Indian army, but
for some time before his journey he had been connected with the Jesuit
mission in Syria. By training and temperament he was better qualified to
appreciate and describe the social life of the people than their
physical surroundings, and if the results of his great journey are
disappointing to the geographer, his account of the society of the oasis
towns, and of the remarkable men who were then ruling in Hail and Riad,
must always possess an absorbing interest as a portrait of Arab life in
its freest development.

Following Wallin's route across the desert by Ma'an and Jauf, Palgrave
and his companion, a Syrian Christian, reached Hail in July 1862; here
they were hospitably entertained by the amir Talal, nephew of the
founder of the Ibn Rashid dynasty, and after some stay passed on with
his countenance through Kasim to southern Nejd. Palgrave says little of
the desert part of the journey or of its Bedouin inhabitants, but much
of the fertility of the oases and of the civility of the townsmen; and
like other travellers in Nejd he speaks with enthusiasm of its bright,
exhilarating climate. At Riad, Fesal, who had been in power since the
Egyptian retirement, was still reigning; and the religious tyranny of
Wahhabism prevailed, in marked contrast to the liberal régime of Talal
in Jebel Shammar. Still, Palgrave and his companions, though known as
Christians, spent nearly two months in the capital without molestation,
making short excursions in the neighbourhood, the most important of
which was to El Kharfa in Aflaj, the most southerly district of Nejd.
Leaving Riad, they passed through Yemama, and across a strip of sandy
desert to El Hasa where Palgrave found himself in more congenial
surroundings. Finally, a voyage to the Oman coast and a brief stay there
brought his adventures in Arabia to a successful ending.


Charles Doughty, the next Englishman to visit northern Arabia, though he
covered little new ground, saw more of the desert life, and has
described it more minutely and faithfully than any other explorer.
Travelling down from Damascus in 1875 with the Haj caravan, he stopped
at El Hajr, one of the pilgrim stations, with the intention of awaiting
the return of the caravan and in the meantime of exploring the rock-cut
tombs of Medain Salih and El Ala. Having successfully completed his
investigations and sent copies of inscriptions and drawings of the tombs
to Renan in Paris, he determined to push on farther into the desert.
Under the protection of a sheikh of the Fukara Bedouin he wandered over
the whole of the borderland between Hejaz and Nejd. Visiting Tema, where
among other ancient remains he discovered the famous inscribed stone,
afterwards acquired by Huber for the Louvre. Next summer he went on to
Hail and thence back to Khaibar, where the negro governor and townsmen,
less tolerant than his former Bedouin hosts, ill-treated him and even
threatened his life. Returning to Hail in the absence of the amir, he
was expelled by the governor; he succeeded, however, in finding
protection at Aneza, where he spent several months, and eventually after
many hardships and perils found his way to the coast at Jidda.

Three years later Mr Wilfrid and Lady Anne Blunt made their expedition
to J. Shammar. In their previous travels in Syria they had gained the
confidence and friendship of a young sheikh whose family, though long
settled at Tadmur, came originally from Nejd, and who was anxious to
renew the connexion with his kinsmen by seeking a bride among them. In
his company the Blunts set out from Damascus, and travelled across the
Syrian desert by the Wadi Sirhan to Jauf. Here the sheikh found some of
his relations and the matrimonial alliance was soon arranged; but though
the object of the journey had been attained, the Blunts were anxious to
visit Hail and make the acquaintance of the amir Ibn Rashid, of whose
might and generosity they daily heard from their hosts in Jauf. The long
stretch of waterless desert between Jauf and J. Shammar was crossed
without difficulty, and the party was welcomed by the amir and
hospitably entertained for a month, after which they travelled
northwards in company with the Persian pilgrim caravan returning to
Kerbela and Bagdad.


In 1883 the French traveller, C. Huber, accompanied by the
archaeologist, J. Euting, followed the same route from Damascus to Hail.
The narrative of the last named forms a valuable supplement to that
published by the Blunts, and together with Doughty's, furnishes as
complete a picture as could be wished for of the social and political
life of J. Shammar, and of the general nature of the country. Huber's
journal, published after his death from his original notes, contains a
mass of topographical and archaeological detail of the greatest
scientific value: his routes and observations form, in fact, the first
and only scientific data for the construction of the map of northern
Arabia. To archaeology also his services were of equal importance, for,
besides copying numerous inscriptions in the district between Hail and
Tema, he succeeded in gaining possession of the since famous Tema stone,
which ranks with the Moabite stone among the most valuable of Semitic
inscriptions. From Hail Huber followed nearly in Doughty's track to
Aneza and thence across central Nejd to Mecca and Jidda, where he
despatched his notes and copies of inscriptions. A month later, in July
1884, he was murdered by his guides a few marches north of Jidda, on his
way back to Hail.

One other traveller visited Hail during the lifetime of the amir
Mahommed--Baron E. Nolde--who arrived there in 1893, not long after the
amir had by his victory over the combined forces of Riad and Kasim
brought the whole of Nejd under his dominion. Nolde crossed the Nafud to
Haiyania by a more direct track than that from Shakik to Jubba. The amir
was away from his capital settling the affairs of his newly acquired
territory; Nolde therefore, after a short halt at Hail, journeyed on to
Ibn Rashid's camp somewhere in the neighbourhood of Shakra. Here he was
on new ground, but unfortunately he gives little or no description of
his route thither, or of his journey northwards by the Persian pilgrim
road, already traversed by Huber in 1881. His narrative thus, while
containing much of general interest on the climate and on the animal
life of northern Arabia, its horses and camels in particular, adds
little to those of his predecessors as regards topographical detail.

  General results of exploration.

If the journeys detailed above be traced on the map they will be found
to cover the northern half of the peninsula above the line Mecca-Hofuf,
with a network of routes, which, though sometimes separated by wide
intervals, are still close enough to ensure that no important
geographical feature can have been overlooked, especially in a country
whose general character varies so little over wide areas. In the
southern half, on the other hand, except in Nejran and Jauf, no European
traveller has penetrated 100 m. in a direct line from the coast. The
vast extent of the Dahna, or great southern desert, covering perhaps
250,000 sq. m., accounts for about a third of this area, but some of the
most favoured districts in Arabia--Asir and northern Yemen--remain
unexplored, and the hydrography of the Dawasir basin offers some
interesting problems, while a great field remains for the archaeologist
in the seat of the old Sabaean kingdom from Jauf to the Hadramut valley.

    Sinai Peninsula.

  _Topographical Details._--Beginning from the north-west, the Sinai
  peninsula belongs to Egypt, though geographically part of Arabia. It
  is bounded on the E. by a line drawn from Ar Rafa, a few miles E. of
  El Arish on the Mediterranean, to the head of the Gulf of Akaba; and
  on the W. by the Suez Canal; its length from El Arish to its most
  southern point is 240 m., and its breadth from Suez to Akaba is nearly
  160 m. The greater part drains to the Mediterranean, from which the
  land rises gradually to the summit of the Tih plateau. The deep
  depression of Wadi Feran separates the Tih from the higher mass of
  Sinai (q.v.), in which J. Katherine attains a height of 8500 ft.;
  except in W. Feran there is little cultivable land, the greater part
  consisting of bare, rocky hills and sandy valleys, sparsely covered
  with tamarisk and acacia bushes. The Egyptian pilgrim road crosses the
  peninsula from Suez to Akaba, passing the post of An Nakhl, with a
  reservoir and a little cultivation, about half way; a steep descent
  leads down from the edge of the Tih plateau to Akaba.

    Syrian desert.

  The rest of the northern borderland is covered by the Syrian desert,
  extending from the borders of Palestine to the edge of the Euphrates
  valley. This tract, known as the Hamad, is a gravelly plain unbroken
  by any considerable range of hills or any continuous watercourse
  except the Wadi Hauran, which in rainy seasons forms a succession of
  pools from J. Hauran to the Euphrates. Its general slope is to the
  north-east from the volcanic plateau of the Harra south of J. Hauran
  to the edge of the Euphrates valley. The Wadi Sirhan, a broad
  depression some 500 ft. below the average level of the Hamad, crosses
  it from north-east to south-west between Hauran and Jauf; it has a
  nearly uniform height above sea-level of 1850 ft., and appears to be
  the bed of an inland sea rather than a true watercourse. Water is
  found in it a few feet below the surface, and a little cultivation is
  carried on at the small oases of Kaf and Ithri, whence salt produced
  in the neighbouring salt lakes is exported. The W. Sirhan is
  continuous with the depression known as the Jauf, situated on the
  northern edge of the Nefud or Nafud, and the halfway station between
  Damascus and Hail; and it is possible that this depression continues
  eastward towards the Euphrates along a line a little north of the
  thirtieth parallel, where wells and pasturages are known to exist.
  Jauf is a small town consisting, at the time of the Blunts' visit in
  1879, of not more than 500 houses. The town with its gardens,
  surrounded by a mud wall, covers a space of 2 m. in length by half a
  mile in width; the basin in which it lies is barely 3 m. across, and
  except for the palm gardens and a few patches of corn, it is a dead
  flat of white sand, closed in by high sandstone cliffs, beyond which
  lies the open desert. The oases of Sakaka and Kara are situated in a
  similar basin 15 m. to the east; the former a town of 10,000
  inhabitants and somewhat larger than Jauf according to Huber.

    The Nafud.

  A short distance south of Jauf the character of the desert changes
  abruptly from a level black expanse of gravel to the red sands of the
  Nafud. The northern edge of this great desert follows very nearly the
  line of the thirtieth parallel, along which it extends east and west
  for a length of some 400 m.; its breadth from north to south is 200 m.
  Though almost waterless, it is in fact better wooded and richer in
  pasture than any part of the Hamad; the sand-hills are dotted with
  _ghada_, a species of tamarisk, and other bushes, and several grasses
  and succulent plants --among them the _adar_, on which sheep are said
  to feed for a month without requiring water--are found in abundance in
  good seasons. In the spring months, when their camels are in milk, the
  Bedouins care nothing for water, and wander far into the Nafud with
  their flocks in search of the green pasture which springs up
  everywhere after the winter rains. A few wells exist actually in the
  Nafud in the district called El Hajra, near its north-eastern border,
  and along its southern border, between J. Shammar and Tema, there are
  numerous wells and artificial as well as natural reservoirs resorted
  to by the nomad tribes.

  Owing to the great extent of the Nafud desert, the formation of
  sand-dunes is exemplified on a proportionate scale. In many places
  longitudinal dunes are found exceeding a day's journey in length, the
  valleys between which take three or four hours to cross; but the most
  striking feature of the Nafud are the high crescent-shaped sand-hills,
  known locally as _falk_ or _falj_, described by Blunt and Huber, who
  devoted some time to their investigation. The falks enclose a deep
  hollow (known as _ka'r_), the floor of which is often hard soil bare
  of sand, and from which the inner slopes of the falk rise as steeply
  as the sand will lie (about 50°). On the summit of the falk there is
  generally a mound known as _tas_ or _barkhus_ composed of white sand
  which stands out conspicuously against the deep red of the surrounding
  deserts; the exterior slopes are comparatively gentle. The falks are
  singularly uniform in shape, but vary greatly in size; the largest
  were estimated by Huber and Euting at 1¼ m. across and 330 ft. deep.
  They run in strings irregularly from east to west, corresponding in
  this with their individual direction, the convex face of the falk
  being towards the west, i.e. the direction of the prevailing wind, and
  the cusps to leeward. In the south of the Nafud, where Huber found the
  prevailing wind to be from the south, the falks are turned in that
  direction. Though perhaps subject to slight changes in the course of
  years, there is no doubt that these dunes are practically permanent
  features; the more prominent ones serve as landmarks and have
  well-known distinctive names. The character of the vegetation which
  clothes their slopes shows that even superficial changes must be
  slight. The general level of the Nafud was found by Huber's
  observations to be about 3000 ft. above sea-level; the highest point
  on the Jauf-Hail route is at Falk Alam, the rocky peaks of which rise
  200 or 300 ft. above the surface of the sand. Other peaks cropping out
  of the Nafud are Jebel Tawil, near the wells of Shakik, and J. Abrak
  Rada, a long black ridge in the middle of the desert.

    The Harra.

  The high plateau which from. J. Hauran southward forms the main
  watershed of the peninsula is covered in places by deep beds of lava,
  which from their hardness have preserved the underlying sandstones
  from degradation, and now stand up considerably above the general
  level. These tracts are known as _harra_; the most remarkable is the
  Harrat El Awerid, west of the Haj route from Tebuk to El Ala, a
  mountain mass 100 m. in length with an average height of over 5000
  ft., and the highest summit of which, J. Anaz, exceeds 7000 ft. The
  harra east of Khaibar is also of considerable extent, and the same
  formation is found all along the Hejaz border from Medina to the Jebel
  el Kura, east of Mecca. The surface of the harra is extremely broken,
  forming a labyrinth of lava crags and blocks of every size; the whole
  region is sterile and almost waterless, and compared with the Nafud it
  produces little vegetation; but it is resorted to by the Bedouin in
  the spring and summer months when the air is always fresh and cool. In
  winter it is cold and snow often lies for some time.


  Hejaz, if we except the Taif district in the south, which is properly
  a part of the Yemen plateau, forms a well-marked physical division,
  lying on the western slope of the peninsula, where that slope is at
  its widest, between the Harra and the Red Sea. A high range of granite
  hills, known as the Tehama range, the highest point of which, J. Shar,
  in Midian, exceeds 6500 ft., divides it longitudinally into a narrow
  littoral and a broader upland zone 2000 or 3000 ft. above the sea.
  Both are generally bare and unproductive, the uplands, however,
  contain the fertile valleys of Khaibar and Medina, draining to the
  Wadi Hamd, the principal river system of western Arabia; and the Wadi
  Jadid or Es Safra, rising in the Harra between Medina and Es Safina,
  which contain several settlements, of which the principal produce is
  dates. The quartz reefs which crop out in the granite ranges of the
  Tehama contain traces of gold. These and the ancient copper workings
  were investigated by Burton in 1877. The richer veins had evidently
  been long ago worked out, and nothing of sufficient value to justify
  further outlay was discovered. The coast-line is fringed with small
  islets and shoals and reefs, which make navigation dangerous. The only
  ports of importance are Yambu and Jidda, which serve respectively
  Medina and Mecca; they depend entirely on the pilgrim traffic to the
  holy cities, without which they could not exist.


  The great central province of Nejd occupies all inner Arabia between
  the Nafud and the southern desert. Its northern part forms the basin
  of the Wadi Rumma, which, rising in the Khaibar harra, runs
  north-eastward across the whole width of Nejd, till it is lost in the
  sands of the eastern Nafud, north of Aneza. The greater portion of
  this region is an open steppe, sandy in places and in others dotted
  with low volcanic hills, but with occasional ground water and in
  favourable seasons furnishing support for a considerable pastoral
  population. Its elevation varies from about 5000 ft. in the west to
  2500 ft. in the east. In Jebel Shammar, Kasim and Wushm, where the
  water in the wadi beds rises nearly to the ground level, numerous
  fertile oases are found with thriving villages and towns.

  Jebel Shammar, from which the northern district of Nejd takes its
  name, is a double range of mountains some 20 m. apart, rising sharply
  out of the desert in bare, granite cliffs. J. Aja, the western and
  higher of the two ranges, has a length of about 100 m. from north-east
  to south-west, where it merges into the high plateau extending from
  and continuous with the Khaibar harra. The highest point, J. Kara,
  near its north-eastern extremity, is about 4600 ft. above sea-level,
  or 1600 ft. above the town of Hail, which, like most of the larger
  villages, lies along the wadi bed at the foot of J. Aja. The town,
  which has risen with the fortunes of the Ibn Rashid family to be the
  capital of Upper Nejd, is at the mouth of the valley between the twin
  ranges, about 2 m. from the foot of J. Aja, and contained at the time
  of Nolde's visit in 1893 about 12,000 inhabitants.

  The principal tributaries of the W. Rumma converge in lower Kasim, and
  at Aneza Doughty says its bed is 3 m. wide from bank to bank. Forty
  years before his visit a flood is said to have occurred, which passed
  down the river till it was blocked by sand-drifts at Thuwerat, 50 m.
  lower down, and for two years a lake stood nearly 100 m. long, crowded
  by waterfowl not known before in that desert country. Below this its
  course has not been followed by any European traveller, but it may be
  inferred from the line of watering-places on the road to Kuwet, that
  it runs out to the Persian Gulf in that neighbourhood.

  East of Kasim the land rises gradually to the high plateau culminating
  in the ranges of Jebel Tuwek and J. Arid. The general direction of
  these hills is from north-west to south-east. On the west they rise
  somewhat steeply, exposing high cliffs of white limestone, which
  perhaps gave Palgrave the impression that the range is of greater
  absolute height than is actually the case. J. Tuwek in any case forms
  an important geographical feature in eastern Nejd, interrupting by a
  transverse barrier 200 m. in length the general north-easterly slope
  of the peninusla, and separating the basin of the W. Rumma from that
  of the other great river system of central Arabia, the Wadi Dawasir.
  The districts of Suder and Wushm lie on its northern side, Arid in the
  centre, and Aflaj, Harik and Yemama on its south, in the basin of the
  W. Dawasir; the whole of this hilly region of eastern Nejd is,
  perhaps, rather a rolling down country than truly mountainous, in
  which high pastures alternate with deep fertile valleys, supporting
  numerous villages with a large agricultural population. The W. Hanifa
  is its principal watercourse; its course is marked by an almost
  continuous series of palm groves and settlements, among which Deraiya
  the former, and Riad the present, capital of the Ibn Saud kingdom are
  the most extensive. Its lower course is uncertain, but it probably
  continues in a south-east direction to the districts of El Harik and
  Yemama when, joined by the drainage from Aflaj and the W. Dawasir, it
  runs eastward till it disappears in the belt of sandy desert 100 m. in
  width that forms the eastern boundary of Nejd, to reappear in the
  copious springs that fertilize El Hasa and the Bahrein littoral.

    Unexplored region of S. Nejd.

  As regards the unexplored southern region, Palgrave's informants in
  Aflaj, the most southerly district visited by him, stated that a day's
  march south of that place the Yemen road enters the W. Dawasir, up
  which it runs for ten days, perhaps 200 m., to El Kura, a thinly
  peopled district on the borders of Asir; this accords with the
  information of the French officers of the Egyptian army in that
  district, and with that of Halévy, who makes all the drainage from
  Nejran northward run to the same great wadi. Whether there be any
  second line of drainage in southern Nejd skirting the edge of the
  great desert and following the depression of the W. Yabrin must remain
  a matter of conjecture. Colonel Miles concluded, from his enquiries,
  that the low salt swamp, extending inland for some distance from Khor
  ed Duwan, in the bay east of El Katr, was the outlet of an extensive
  drainage system which may well be continuous with the W. Yabrin and
  extend far into the interior, if not to Nejran itself.

    El Hasa.

  East of Nejd a strip of sandy desert 50 m. in width extends almost
  continuously from the great Nafud to the Dahna. East of this again a
  succession of stony ridges running parallel to the coast has to be
  crossed before El Hasa is reached. This province, which skirts the
  Persian Gulf from the mouth of the Euphrates to the frontiers of Oman,
  is low and hot; its shores are flat, and with the exception of Kuwet
  at the north-west corner of the gulf, it possesses no deep water
  port. North of Katif it is desert and only inhabited by nomads; at
  Katif, however, and throughout the district to the south bordering on
  the Gulf of Bahrein there are ample supplies of underground water,
  welling up in abundant springs often at a high temperature, and
  bringing fertility to an extensive district of which El Hofuf, a town
  of 15,000 to 20,000 inhabitants, is the most important centre.

    South-western Arabia.

  South-western Arabia, from the twenty-first parallel down to the Gulf
  of Aden, including the Taif district of Hejaz, Asir and Yemen, forms
  one province geographically. Throughout its length it consists of
  three zones, a narrow coastal strip, rarely exceeding 20 m. in width,
  a central mountainous tract, embracing the great chain which runs
  parallel to the coast from near Taif to within 50 m. of Aden, and an
  inner plateau falling gradually to the north-east till it merges in
  the Nejd steppes or the sands of the great desert.

  The lowland strip or Tehama consists partly of a gravelly plain, the
  _Khabt_, covered sparsely with acacia and other desert shrubs and
  trees, and furnishing pasturage for large flocks of goats and camels;
  and partly of sterile wastes of sand like the _Ramla_, which extends
  on either side of Aden almost from the seashore to the foot of the
  hills. The Tehama is, however, by no means all desert, the mountain
  torrents where they debouch into the plain have formed considerable
  tracts of alluvial soil of the highest degree of fertility producing
  in that warm equable climate two and even three crops in the year. The
  flood-water is controlled by a system of dams and channels constructed
  so as to utilize every drop, and the extent of cultivation is limited
  more by the supply of water available than by the amount of suitable
  soil. These districts support a large settled population and several
  considerable towns, of which Bet el Fakih and Zubed in the western and
  Lahej in the southern Tehama, with 4000 to 6000 inhabitants, are the
  most important. There are signs that this coastal strip was until a
  geologically recent period below sea-level; and that the coast-line is
  still receding is evidenced by the history of the town of Muza, once a
  flourishing port, now 20 m. inland; while Bet el Fakih and Zubed, once
  important centres of the coffee trade, have lost their position
  through the silting up of the ports which formerly served them.

  The jebel or mountain-land is, however, the typical Yemen, the _Arabia
  Felix_ of the ancients. Deep valleys winding through the barren
  foothills lead gradually up to the higher mountains, and as the track
  ascends the scenery and vegetation change their character; the trees
  which line the banks of the wadi are overgrown with creepers, and the
  running stream is dammed at frequent intervals, and led off in
  artificial channels to irrigate the fields on either side; the steeper
  parts of the road are paved with large stones, substantially built
  villages, with their masonry towers or _dars_, crowning every height,
  replace the collection of mud walls and brushwood huts of the low
  country; while tier above tier, terraced fields cover the hill slopes
  and attest the industry of the inhabitants and the fertility of their
  mountains. On the main route from Hodeda to Sana the first coffee
  plantations are reached at Usil, at an altitude of 4300 ft., and
  throughout the western slopes of the range up to an altitude of 7000
  ft. it is the most important crop. Jebel Haraz, of which Manakha, a
  small town of 3000 inhabitants is the chief place, is described by
  Glaser as one vast coffee garden. Here the traveller ascending from
  the coast sees the first example of the jebel or highland towns, with
  their high three-storeyed houses, built of quarried stone, their
  narrow façades pierced with small windows with whitewashed borders and
  ornamented with varied arabesque patterns; each dar has the appearance
  of a small castle complete in itself, and the general effect is rather
  that of a cluster of separate forts than of a town occupied by a
  united community.

  The scenery in this mountain region is of the most varied description;
  bare precipitous hill-sides seamed with dry, rocky watercourses give
  place with almost startling rapidity to fertile slopes, terraced
  literally for thousands of feet. General Haig in describing them says:
  "One can hardly realize the enormous labour, toil and perseverance
  that these represent; the terrace walls are usually 5 to 8 ft. in
  height, but towards the top of the mountains they are sometimes as
  much as 15 or 18 ft.; they are built entirely of rough stone without
  mortar, and I reckon that on an average each wall retains not more
  than twice its own height in breadth, and I do not think I saw a
  single break in them unrepaired."

  The highest summits as determined by actual survey are between 10,000
  and 11,000 ft. above sea-level. J. Sabur, a conspicuous mass in the
  extreme south, is 9900 ft., with a fall to the Taiz valley of 5000
  ft.; farther north several points in the mountains above Ibb and Yarim
  attain a height of 10,500 ft., and J. Hadur, near the Sana-Hodeda
  road, exceeds 10,000 ft. From the crest of the range there is a short
  drop of 2000 or 3000 ft. to the broad open valleys which form the
  principal feature of the inner plateau. The town of Yarim lies near
  its southern extremity at an altitude of about 8000 ft.; within a
  short distance are the sources of the W. Yakla, W. Bana and W. Zubed,
  running respectively east and south and west. The first named is a dry
  watercourse ultimately joining the basin of the W. Hadramut; the two
  others run for a long distance through fertile valleys and, like many
  of the wadis on the seaward side of the range, have perennial streams
  down to within a few miles of the sea. Sana, the capital of Yemen,
  lies in a broad valley 7300 ft. above sea-level, sloping northwards to
  the W. Kharid which, with the Ghail Hirran, the sources of which are
  on the eastern slopes of J. Hadur, run north-eastward to the Jauf
  depression. The Arhab district, through which these two great wadis
  run, was formerly the centre of the Himyar kingdom; cultivation is now
  only to be found in the lower parts on the borders of the
  watercourses, all above being naked rock from which every particle of
  soil has been denuded. In the higher parts there are fine plains where
  Glaser found numerous Himyaritic remains, and which he considers were
  undoubtedly cultivated formerly, but they have long fallen out of
  cultivation owing to denudation and desiccation--the impoverishment of
  the country from these causes is increasing. Eastward the plateau
  becomes still more sterile, and its elevation probably falls more
  rapidly till it reaches the level of the Jauf and Nejran valleys on
  the borders of the desert. The water-parting between central and
  southern Arabia seems to be somewhere to the south of Nejran, which,
  according to Halévy, drains northward to the W. Dawasir, while the
  Jauf is either an isolated depression, or perhaps forms part of the
  Hadramut basin.


  Farther north, in Asir, the plateau is more mountainous and contains
  many fertile valleys. Of these may be mentioned Khamis Mishet and the
  Wadi Shahran rising among the high summits of the maritime chain, and
  the principal affluents of the Wadi Besha; the latter is a broad
  well-watered valley, with numerous scattered hamlets, four days'
  journey (perhaps 80 m.) from the crest of the range. Still farther
  north is the Wadi Taraba and its branches running down from the
  highland district of Zahran. The lower valleys produce dates in
  abundance, and at higher elevations wheat, barley, millets and
  excellent fruit are grown, while juniper forests are said to cover the
  mountain slopes. In Yemen this tree was probably more common formerly;
  the place-name Arar, signifying juniper, is still often found where
  the tree no longer exists.

    Coast of Yemen.


  The western coast of Yemen, like that of Hejaz, is studded with shoals
  and islands, of which Perim in the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, Kamaran,
  the Turkish quarantine post, 40 m. north of Hodeda, and the Farsan
  group, off the Abu Arish coast, are the principal. Hodeda is the only
  port of any importance since the days of steamships began; the other
  ports, Mokha, Lohaia and Kanfuda merely share in the coasting trade.
  The south coast is free from the shoals that imperil the navigation of
  the Red Sea, and in Aden it possesses the only safe natural harbour on
  the route between Suez and India. Several isolated volcanic hills crop
  out on the shore line between Aden and the straits; the most
  remarkable are J. Kharaz, 2500 ft., and J. Shamshan, 1700 ft., at the
  base of which Aden itself is built. In both of these the crater form
  is very clearly marked. A low maritime plain, similar to the Tehama of
  the western coast, extends for some 200 m. east of the Straits of
  Bab-el-Mandeb, backed by mountains rising to 7000 ft. or more; farther
  east the elevation of the highland decreases steadily, and in the
  Hadramut, north of Mukalla, does not much exceed 4000 ft. The mountain
  chain, too, is less distinctly marked, and becomes little more than
  the seaward escarpment of the plateau which intervenes between the
  coast and the Hadramut valley. This valley runs nearly east and west
  for a distance of 500 m. from the eastern slopes of the Yemen
  highlands to its mouth on the Mahra coast near Sihut. The greater part
  of it is desert, but a short stretch lying between the 48th and 50th
  meridians is well watered and exceptionally fertile. This begins a
  little to the east of Shabwa, the ancient capital, now half buried in
  the advancing sand, and for a distance of over 70 m. a succession of
  villages and towns surrounded by fields and date groves extends along
  the main valley and into the tributaries which join it from the south.
  Shibam, Saiyun and Tarim are towns of 6000 or more inhabitants, and
  Hajren and Haura in the W. Duwan are among the larger villages.
  Himyaritic remains have been found here and in the W. Mefat which
  enters the Gulf of Aden near Balhaf. A few small fishing villages or
  ports are scattered along the coast, but except Mukalla and Shihr none
  is of any importance.

  The Gara coast was visited by the Bents, who went inland from Dhafar,
  one of the centres of the old frankincense trade, to the crest of the
  plateau. The narrow coastal strip seems to be moderately fertile, and
  the hills which in places come down to the seashore are covered with
  trees, among which the frankincense and other gum-bearing trees are
  found. On the plateau, which has an altitude of 4000 ft., there is
  good pasturage; inland the country slopes gently to a broad valley
  beyond which the view was bounded by the level horizon of the desert.


  Oman (q.v.) includes all the south-eastern corner of the peninsula.
  Its chief feature is the lofty range of J. Akhdar, 10,000 ft. above
  sea-level. Like the great range of western Arabia, it runs parallel to
  the coast; it differs, however, from the western range in that its
  fall on the landward side is as abrupt and nearly as great as on its
  seaward side. Its northern extremity, Ras Musandan, rises
  precipitously from the straits of Hormuz; farther south the range
  curves inland somewhat, leaving a narrow but fertile strip, known as
  the Batina coast, between it and the sea, and containing several
  populous towns and villages of which Sohar, Barka and Sib are the
  chief. Muscat, the capital of the province and the principal port on
  the coast, is surrounded on three sides by bare, rocky hills, and has
  the reputation of being the hottest place in Arabia. Zwemer says the
  fertility of the highland region of J. Akhdar is wonderful and is in
  striking contrast to the barrenness of so much of the coast; water
  issues in perennial springs from many rocky clefts, and is carefully
  husbanded by the ingenuity of the people; underground channels, known
  here as _faluj_, precisely similar to the _kanat_ or _karez_ of Persia
  and Afghanistan, are also largely used. The principal villages on the
  eastern slopes are Rustak, Nakhl and Semail in the well-watered valley
  of the same name; on the western slopes are Tanuf and Nizwa, lying
  immediately below the highest summit of the range; Semed, Ibra and
  Bidiya in the W. Betha are all well-built villages with palm-groves
  and irrigated fields. In the north-west the Dhahira district sloping
  towards the Jewasimi coast is more steppe-like in character; but there
  two oases of great fertility are found, of which Birema, visited by
  both Miles and Zwemer, supports a population of 15,000. West of Abu
  Dhabi a low flat steppe with no settled inhabitants extends up to the
  Katr peninsula, merging on the north into the saline marshes which
  border the Persian Gulf, and on the south into the desert.

    The southern desert.

  The great desert known as the Dahna or the Rub'a el Khali ("the empty
  quarter") is believed to cover all the interior of southern Arabia
  from the borders of Yemen in the west to those of Oman in the east.
  Halévy in Nejran, Von Wrede in Hadramut, and Wellsted in Oman reached
  its edge, though none of them actually entered it, and the guides
  accompanying them all concurred in describing it as uninhabitable and
  uncrossed by any track. Its northern fringe is no doubt frequented by
  the Bedouin tribes of southern Nejd after the rains, when its sands,
  like those of the northern desert, produce herbage; but towards the
  east, according to Burckhardt's information, it is quite without
  vegetation even in the winter and spring. The farthest habitable spot
  to the south of Nejd is the Wadi Yabrin, which L. Pelly heard of from
  the Ahl Murra Bedouins as once a fertile district, and which still
  produces dates, though, owing to malaria, it is now deserted; thence
  southward to the Hadramut valley no communication is known to exist.

  [_Geology._--The geological structure of Arabia is very similar to
  that of Egypt. The oldest rocks consist of granite and schist,
  penetrated by intrusive dykes, and upon this foundation rest the
  flat-lying sedimentary deposits, beginning with a sandstone like the
  Nubian sandstone of Egypt. In the northern part of Arabia the
  crystalline rocks form a broad area extending from the peninsula of
  Sinai eastwards to Hail and southwards at least as far as Mecca.
  Towards the north the crystalline floor is overlaid by the great
  sandstone series which covers nearly the whole of the country north of
  Hail. Upon the sandstone rest a few scattered outliers of limestone,
  probably of Cretaceous age, the largest of which occur near Jauf and
  east of Bureda. Over both sandstone and granite great sheets of lava
  have been poured, and these, protecting the softer beds beneath from
  further denudation, now stand up as the high plateaus and hills called
  _harra_. Volcanic cones still exist in large numbers, and the sheets
  of lava appear as fresh as any recent flows of Etna or Vesuvius.
  Arabian manuscripts describe an eruption on the harra near Medina in
  A.D. 1256. In the south of Arabia the crystalline floor appears at
  intervals along the southern coast and on the shores of the Gulf of
  Oman. At Marbat the granite is overlaid by sandstone, presumably the
  Nubian sandstone: this is followed by marls containing Cenomanian
  fossils; and these are overlaid by Upper Cretaceous limestones, upon
  which rest isolated patches of _Alveolina_ limestone. Generally,
  however, the Cretaceous beds do not appear, and the greater part of
  southern Arabia seems to be formed of _Alveolina_ and nummulite
  limestones of Tertiary age. An extinct volcano occurs at Aden, and
  volcanic rocks are found at other places near the Straits of
  Bab-el-Mandeb. Throughout the whole of Arabia, so far as is known, the
  sedimentary beds show no signs of any but the most gentle folding.
  Faulting, however, is by no means absent, and some of the faults are
  of considerable magnitude. The Gulf of Akaba is a strip of country
  which has been let down between two parallel faults, and several
  similar faulted troughs occur in the Sinai peninsula. The Red Sea
  itself is a great trough bounded by faults along each side.]

  _Climate._--Owing to its low latitude and generally arid surface,
  Arabia is on the whole one of the hottest regions of the earth; this
  is especially the case along the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the
  southern half of the Red Sea, where the moist heat throughout the year
  is almost intolerable to Europeans. In the interior of northern and
  central Arabia, however, where the average level of the country
  exceeds 3000 ft., the fiery heat of the summer days is followed by
  cool nights, and the winter climate is fresh and invigorating; while
  in the highlands of Asir and Yemen in the south-west, and of Oman in
  the east, the summer heat is never excessive, and the winters are,
  comparatively speaking, cold.

  In the northern desert the temperature is subject to extreme
  variations. Nolde states that on the 1st of February 1893 in the
  desert north of Hail the thermometer fell from 78° a little before
  sunset to 18° a quarter of an hour after. The midday temperatures
  recorded by Huber at Hail during January and the first half of
  February average about 65° F., and water froze on several nights; at
  Medina the winters are cold and night frosts of frequent occurrence,
  and these conditions prevail over all the western part of the Nejd
  plateau. In the east where the elevation is lower the climate is
  warmer. In the elevated highland district which extends from Taif to
  within 50 m. of Aden, the summer heat is tempered by the monsoon
  winds, and the seasonal variation of temperature is less marked. From
  observations made at Sana by Manzoni, Deflers and Glaser, the mean
  temperature for the year of that city at an altitude of 7300 ft. and
  in 15° 22' N. appears to be 60° F.; for July the mean maximum was 77°,
  mean minimum 54°; for January the figures were 62°and 40°
  respectively, the lowest recorded temperature in 1878 was 26.6° on the
  26th of January. At Aden at the sea-level the mean temperature for the
  year is 83°; the highest observed temperature in 1904 was 97.3°, the
  lowest 67.4°.

  The rainfall throughout northern and central Arabia is chiefly in the
  winter months between October and April, and is scanty and irregular.
  Doughty states that in 1876 rain to wet the ground had not fallen for
  three years at Medain Salih; in that year showers fell on the 29th of
  December and on two days in January and again in March. After a very
  hot summer the bright weather changed to clouded skies on the 2nd of
  October, rain fell tempestuously the same evening, and there were
  showery days and nights till the 14th. The autumn rains fell that year
  abundantly in the Nafud towards Jauf, but very little in the basin of
  the W. Hamd (on the western slope). Doughty adds that the Nejd
  highlands between Kasim and Mecca are watered yearly by seasonable
  rains, which at Taif are expected about the end of August and last
  commonly from four to six weeks. This appears to be about the northern
  limit reached by the south-west monsoon, which from June to September
  brings a fairly abundant rainfall to the Yemen highlands, though the
  Tehama remains almost entirely rainless. The rainfall is heaviest
  along the western fringe of the plateau, and penetrates inland in
  decreasing quantity over a zone which perhaps extends to 100 m. in
  width. In good seasons it is sufficient for the cultivation of the
  summer crop of millet, and for the supply of the perennial streams and
  springs, on which the irrigation of the winter crops of wheat and
  barley depend. The amount measured at Dhala at the extreme south of
  the plateau at an elevation of 4800 ft. was in 1902 as follows:--June,
  4.0 in.; July, 5.5; August, 5.8; September, 1.9. Only slight showers
  were recorded in the other months of the year. At higher elevations
  the rainfall is no doubt heavier; Manzoni mentions that at Sana there
  was constant rain throughout August and September 1878, and that the
  thermometer during August did not reach 65°. In the Tehama occasional
  showers fall during the winter months; at Aden the average rainfall
  for the year is 2.97 in., but during 1904 only 0.5 in. was recorded.
  Snow falls on the Harra and on the Tehama range in northern Arabia,
  and Nolde records a fall of snow which lay on the Nafud on the 1st of
  February 1893. It also falls on J. Akhdar in Oman, but is very rarely
  known on the Yemen mountains, probably because the precipitation
  during the winter months is so slight.

  The prevailing winds in northern Arabia as far as is known are from
  the west; along the southern coast they are from the east; at Sana
  there is generally a light breeze from the north-north-west from 9 to
  11 A.M., from noon till 4 P.M. a steady and often strong wind blows
  from the south-south-east, which dies away later. The climate is
  extremely dry, but this is compensated for by the heavy mists which
  sweep up from the plains during the rainless months and exercise a
  most beneficial effect in the coffee-growing districts. This
  phenomenon is known as the sukhemani or amama. In the morning the
  Tehama, as seen from the mountain tops, appears buried in a sea of
  white cloud; towards noon the clouds drift up the mountain slopes and
  cover the summits with wreaths of light mist charged with moisture
  which condenses on the trees and vegetation; in the afternoon they
  disappear, and the evenings are generally clear and still.

  _Fauna._--The wild animals of Arabia are all of the desert-loving
  type: antelopes and gazelles are found in small numbers throughout the
  peninsula; the latter are similar to the _chikara_ or ravine deer of
  India. The larger antelopes, so common on the African side of the Gulf
  of Aden, are not found, except one variety, the _Oryx beatrix_ (called
  by the Arabs, wild cow), which is an inhabitant of the Nafud between
  Tema and Hail; it is about the size of a donkey, white, and with long
  straight horns. Hares are numerous both in the desert and in
  cultivated tracts. In the Yemen mountains the _wal_, a wild goat with
  massive horns, similar to the Kashmir ibex, is found; monkeys also
  abound. Among smaller animals the jerboa and other descriptions of
  rat, and the _wabar_ or cony are common; lizards and snakes are
  numerous, most of the latter being venomous. Hyenas, wolves and
  panthers are found in most parts of the country, and in the mountains
  the leopard and wild cat. Of birds the ostrich is found in the Nafud
  and in the W. Dawasir. Among game birds the bustard, guinea fowl, sand
  grouse (_kata_), blue rock, green pigeon, partridge, including a large
  chikor (_akb_) and a small species similar to the Punjab sisi; quail
  and several kinds of duck and snipe are met with. In the cultivated
  parts of Yemen and Tehama small birds are very numerous, so also are
  birds of prey, vultures, kites and hawks.

  Insects of all sorts abound; scorpions, centipedes, spiders, and an
  ugly but harmless millipede known in Yemen as _hablub_ are very common
  in summer. Ants and beetles too are very numerous, and anthills are
  prominent features in many places. Locusts appear in great swarms and
  do much damage; fires are lighted at night to attract them, and large
  quantities are caught and eaten by the poorer people. Bees are kept,
  and in Yemen and Hadramut the honey is exceptionally good.


  Of domesticated animals the camel is far the most useful to the Arab.
  Owing to its endurance of thirst the long desert journeys which
  separate the populous centres are made practicable, and in the spring
  months, when green forage is plentiful in the desert, the Bedouins
  pitch their camps for long periods far from any water, and not only
  men but horses subsist on camel's milk. The Arabian camel belongs to
  the one-humped species, though there are many varieties differing in
  appearance as much as the thoroughbred race-horse from the English
  cart-horse. The ordinary load for a pack camel is about 400 lb., and
  in hot weather good camels will march 20 to 25 m. daily and only
  require water every third or fourth day: in cool weather, with ample
  green fodder they can go twenty-five days or more without drinking. A
  good _dalul_ or riding camel will carry his rider 100 m. a day for a
  week on end. Nolde gives an instance from his own experience of a
  camel rider covering 62 m. in seven hours. The pure-bred riding camel
  is only found in perfection in inner Arabia; for some unexplained
  reason when taken out of their own country or north of the 30th degree
  they rapidly degenerate.


  The horse does not occupy the important position in the Bedouin
  economy that is popularly supposed. In Nejd the number of horses is,
  comparatively speaking, very small; the want of water in the Nafud
  where alone forage is obtainable, and the absence of forage in the
  neighbourhood of the towns makes horse-breeding on a large scale
  impracticable there. Horses are in fact only kept by the principal
  sheiks, and by far the larger proportion of those now in Nejd are the
  property of the amir and his family. These are kept most of the year
  in the Nafud, five or ten days' march from Hail, where they find their
  own food on the desert herbage. When a raid is in contemplation, they
  are brought in and given a little barley for a few weeks. Reared in
  this way they are capable of marvellous endurance, marching during a
  raid twenty hours a day for eight or ten days together. As a rule,
  they are only mounted at the moment of attack, or in pursuit. Water
  and forage have to be carried for them on camels.

  The great majority of the horses that come into the market as Arabs,
  are bred in the northern desert and in Mesopotamia, by the various
  sections of the Aneza and Shammar tribes, who emigrated from Nejd
  generations ago, taking with them the original Nejd stock. In size and
  appearance, and in everything but endurance, these northern horses are
  admittedly superior to the true Nejdi. A few of the latter are
  collected by dealers in the nomad camps and exported chiefly from
  Kuwet. The amir Mahommed Ibn Rashid used to send down about one
  hundred young horses yearly.

  Asses of excellent quality are bred all over the country; they are
  much used as mounts by the richer townsmen. Except in the settled
  districts horned cattle are not numerous; they are similar to the
  Indian humped cattle, but are greatly superior in milking qualities.
  The great wealth of the Arabs is in their flocks of sheep and goats;
  they are led out to pasture soon after sunrise, and in the hotter
  months drink every second day. In the spring when the succulent
  _ashub_ and _adar_ grow plentifully in the desert, they go for weeks
  without drinking. They are milked once a day about sunset by the women
  (the men milk the camels), and a large proportion of the milk is made
  into _samn_, clarified butter, or _marisi_, dried curd. The wool is
  not of much value, and is spun by the women and woven into rugs, and
  made up into saddlebags or into the black Bedouin tents.

  _Flora._--The flora of Arabia has been investigated by P. Forskal, the
  botanist of Niebuhr's mission, P.E. Botta, G. Schweinfurth and A.
  Deflers, to whose publications the technical reader is referred. Its
  general type approaches more closely to the African than to that of
  southern Asia. In the higher regions the principal trees are various
  species of fig, tamarind, carob and numerous kinds of cactiform
  _Euphorbia_, of which one, the _Euphorbia arborea_, grows to a height
  of 20 ft. Of Coniferae the juniper is found on the higher slopes of J.
  Sabur near Taiz, where Botta describes it as forming an extensive
  forest and growing to a large size; it is also found in the range
  overlooking the W. Madin, 50 m. W. of Aden. Considerable forests are
  said to exist in Asir, and Burton found a few fine specimens which he
  regarded as the remains of an old forest, on the Tehama range in
  Midian. On the rocky hill-sides in Yemen the _Adenium Obesum_ is
  worthy of notice, with its enormous bulb-like stems and brilliant red
  flowers. Some fine aloes or agaves are also found. In the cultivated
  upland valleys all over Arabia the _Zisyphus jujuba_, called by some
  travellers lotus, grows to a large tree; its thorny branches are
  clipped yearly and used to fence the cornfields among which it grows.
  In the broad sandy wadi beds the tamarisk (_athl_) is everywhere
  found; its wood is used for making domestic implements of all sorts.
  Among fruit trees the vine, apricot, peach, apple, quince, fig and
  banana are cultivated in the highlands, and in the lower country the
  date palm flourishes, particularly throughout the central zone of
  Arabia, in Hejaz, Nejd and El Hasa, where it is the prime article of
  food. A hundred kinds of date are said to grow at Medina, of which the
  _birni_ is considered the most wholesome; the _halwa_ and the _jalebi_
  are the most delicately flavoured and sell at very high rates; the
  _khulas_ of El Hasa is also much esteemed.

  Of cereals the common millets, _dhura_ and _dukhn_, are grown in all
  parts of the country as the summer crop, and in the hot irrigated
  Tehama districts three crops are reaped in the year; in the highlands
  maize, wheat and barley are grown to a limited extent as the winter
  crop, ripening at the end of March or in April. Among vegetables the
  common kinds grown include radishes, pumpkins, cucumbers, melons,
  potatoes, onions and leeks. Roses are grown in some places for the
  manufacture of _atr_, or attar of roses; mignonette, jasmine, thyme,
  lavender and other aromatic plants are favourites in Yemen, when the
  Arabs often stick a bunch in their head-dress.


  Of the products special to Arabia coffee comes first; it is nowhere
  found wild, and is believed to have been introduced from Abyssinia in
  the 6th century A.D. It thrives on the seaward slopes of the western
  range in the zone of the tropical rains, at altitudes between 4000 and
  7000 ft. The principal centres of production are the upper valleys of
  the W. Surdad, between Kaukaban and Manakha, and particularly on J.
  Haraz; in the Wadi Zubed west of Uden; in Hajaria on the slopes of J.
  Sabur, and in the Yafa district north-east of Aden. It is planted in
  terraces on the mountain slopes; shady trees, such as tamarind and
  fig, are planted in the border as a protection from the sun, and the
  terraces are irrigated by channels led from a neighbouring rivulet or
  spring. The plants are raised from seedlings, and when six or seven
  weeks old they are transplanted in rows 4 to 6 ft. apart; they require
  watering twice a month, and bear in two to four years. The berries are
  dried in the sun and sent down to Hodeda or Aden, where they are
  subjected to a process for separating the husk from the bean; the
  result is about 50% of cleaned berries, _bun safi_, which is exported,
  and a residue of husk or _kishr_, from which the Yemenis make their
  favourite beverage.

  Another plant universally used as a stimulant in Southern Arabia is
  _khat_ (_Catha edulis_). The best is grown on J. Sabur and the
  mountainous country round Taiz. It is a small bush propagated from
  cuttings which are left to grow for three years; the leaves are then
  stripped, except a few buds which develop next year into young shoots,
  these being cut and sold in bunches under the name of _khat mubarak_;
  next year on the branches cut back new shoots grow; these are sold as
  _khat malhani_, or second-year kat, which commands the highest price.
  The bush is then left for three years, when the process is repeated.
  The leaves and young shoots are chewed; they have stimulating
  properties, comparable with those of the coca of Peru.

  The aromatic gums for which Arabia was famed in ancient times are
  still produced, though the trade is a very small one. The tree from
  which myrrh is extracted grows in many places, but the industry is
  chiefly carried on at Suda, 60 m. north-north-east of Sana.
  Longitudinal slits are made in the bark, and the gum is caught in cups
  fixed beneath. The balsam of Mecca is produced in the same way,
  chiefly in the mountains near the W. Safra between Yambu and Medina.

  The stony plains which cover so large a part of the country are often
  covered with acacia jungle, and in the dry water-courses a kind of
  wild palm, the _dom_, abounds, from the leaves of which baskets and
  mats are woven. Brushwood and rough pasturage of some sort is found
  almost everywhere, except in the neighbourhood of the larger
  settlements, where forage and firewood have to be brought in from long
  distances. The Nafud sands, too, are tufted in many places with bushes
  or small trees, and after the winter rains they produce excellent

_Population._--The people, according to their own traditions, are
derived from two stocks, the pure Arabs, descended from Kahtan or
Joktan, fourth in descent from Shem; and the Mustarab or naturalized
Arabs, from Ishmael. The former are represented at the present day by
the inhabitants of Yemen, Hadramut and Oman, in general a settled
agricultural population; the latter by those of Hejaz, Nejd, El Hasa,
the Syrian desert and Mesopotamia, consisting of the Bedouin or pastoral
tribes (see ARABS and BEDOUINS). This distinction between the
characteristics of the two races is only true in a general sense, for a
considerable population of true Bedouin origin has settled down to
agricultural life in the oases of Hejaz and Nejd, while in southern
Arabia the tribes dwelling on the fringe of the great desert have to a
certain extent adopted the nomad life.

Both among the nomad and settled Arabs the organization is essentially
tribal. The affairs of the tribe are administered by the sheiks, or
heads of clans and families; the position of sheik in itself gives no
real governing power, his word and counsel carry weight, but his
influence depends on his own personal qualities. All matters affecting
the community are discussed in the _majlis_ or assembly, to which any
tribesman has access; here, too, are brought the tribesmen's causes;
both sides plead and judgment is given impartially, the loser is fined
so many head of small cattle or camels, which he must pay or go into
exile. Murder can be expiated by the payment of _diya_ or blood-money,
if the kinsmen of the murdered man consent; they may, however, claim the
life of the murderer, and long and troublesome blood feuds often ensue,
involving the relatives of both sides for generations.

Apart from the tribesmen there is in Hejaz and south Arabia a
privileged, religious class, the Sharifs or Seyyids, who claim descent
from Mahomet through his daughter Fatima. Until the Egyptian invasion in
1814 the Sharifs of Mecca were the recognized rulers of Hejaz, and
though the Turks have attempted to suppress their importance, the Sharif
still executes justice according to the Mahommedan law in the holy
cities, though, nominally, as a Turkish official. In Yemen and Hadramut
many villages are occupied exclusively by this religious hierarchy, who
are known as Ashraf, Sada or Kudha (i.e. Sharifs, Seyyids or Kadhis);
the religious affairs of the tribes are left in their hands; they do
not, however, interfere in tribal matters generally, or join in

Below these two classes, which may be looked on as the priestly and the
military castes, there is, especially in the settled districts, a large
population of artisans and labourers, besides negro slaves and their
descendants, slave or free. The population of Khaibar consists almost
entirely of the latter, and in Hail Huber estimates the pure Arab
inhabitants at only one-third of the whole. In the desert, too, there is
a widely scattered tribe, the Salubi, which from its name (_Salib_,
cross) is conjectured to be of early Christian origin; they are great
hunters, killing ostriches and gazelles; the Arabs despise them as an
inferior race, but do not harm them; they pay a small tax to the tribe
under whose protection they live, and render service as labourers, for
which they receive in the spring milk and cheese; at the date harvest
they get wages in kind; with this, and the produce of the chase, they
manage to exist in the desert without agriculture or flocks.

  The Jews in Arabia.

In southern Arabia the Jews form a large element in the town population.
According to one authority their presence in Yemen dates from the time
of Solomon, others say from the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar.
Manzoni estimated their number in Sana in 1878 at 1700 out of a total
population of 20,000; at Aden they are a numerous and wealthy community,
with agents in most of the towns of Yemen. Even in remote Nejran,
Halévy, himself a Jew, found a considerable colony of his
co-religionists. They wear a distinctive garb and are not allowed to
carry arms or live in the same quarter as Moslems. Another foreign
element of considerable strength in the coast towns of Muscat, Aden and
Jidda, is the British Indian trading class; many families of Indian
origin also have settled at Mecca, having originally come as pilgrims.

Estimates of the population of Arabia vary enormously, and the figures
given in the following table can only be regarded as a very rough

  Hejaz                       300,000
  Yemen and Asir            1,800,000
  Nejd                      1,000,000
  Hadramut                    150,000
  Oman                      1,000,000
  El Hasa                     300,000
  Syrian desert and border    275,000

_Communications._--The principal land routes in Arabia are those leading
to the holy cities. In the present day the Syrian pilgrim route, or Darb
el Haj, from Damascus to Medina and Mecca is the most used. The annual
pilgrim caravan or haj, numbering some 6000 people with 10,000 pack
animals, is escorted by a few Turkish irregulars known as _agel_; small
fortified posts have been established at the regular halting-places some
30 m. apart, each furnished with a well and reservoir, and for the
further protection of the haj, payments are made to the Bedouin tribes
through whose territories the route passes. The road is a mere camel
track across the desert, the chief places passed are Ma'an on the Syrian
border, a station on the old Sabaean trade route to Petra, and Medain
Salih, the site of the rock-cut tombs and inscriptions first brought to
notice by Doughty. From Medina the route usually followed descends the
W. Safra to Badr Hunen, whence it keeps near the coast passing Rabigh
and Khulesa to Mecca. The total distance, 1300 m., is covered in forty

The Egyptian pilgrim route from Cairo, across the Sinai peninsula and
down the Midian coast to El Wijh, joins the Syrian route at Badr Hunen.
It also was formerly provided with stations and reservoirs, but owing to
the greater facilities of the sea journey from Suez to Jidda it is now
little used. Another important route is that taken by the Persian or
Shia pilgrims from Bagdad and Kerbela across the desert, by the wells of
Lina, to Bureda in Kasim; thence across the steppes of western Nejd till
it crosses the Hejaz border at the Ria Mecca, 50 m. north-east of the
city. It lies almost entirely in the territory of the amir Ibn Rashid of
J. Shammar, who derives a considerable revenue from the pilgrimage. The
old reservoirs on this route attributed to Zubeda, wife of Harun al
Rashid, were destroyed during the Wahhabi raids early in the 19th
century, and have not been repaired. The Yemen pilgrim route, known as
the Haj el Kabsi, led from Sada through Asir to Taif and Mecca, but it
is no longer used.

The principal trade routes are those leading from Damascus to Jauf and
across the Nafud to Hail. Other important routes leading to Nejd are
those from Kuwet to Hail, and from El Hasa to Riad respectively. In the
west and south the principal routes, other than those already mentioned,
are from Yambu to Medina, from Jidda to Mecca, Hodeda to Sana, Aden to
Sana, and from Mukalla to the Hadramut valley. Railway construction has
begun in Arabia, and in 1908 the Hejaz line, intended to connect
Damascus with Mecca, had reached Medina, 500 m. south of Ma'an. This
line is of great strategical importance, as strengthening the Turkish
hold on the Red Sea provinces. But the principal means of commercial
communication for a country like Arabia must always be by sea. Bahrein,
Kuwet and Muscat are in steam communication with India, and the Persian
Gulf ports; all the great lines of steamships call at Aden on their way
between Suez and the East, and regular services are maintained between
Suez, Jidda, Hodeda and Aden, as well as to the ports on the African
coast, while native coasting craft trade to the smaller ports on the Red
Sea and Indian Ocean.

  _Commerce._--The total value of the trade of Aden for 1904 amounted to
  over £6,000,000. The imports to Jidda in the same year were
  £1,405,000, largely consisting of rice, wheat and other food stuffs
  from India; the exports, which have dwindled away in late years,
  amounted in 1904 to only £25,000. To balance the exports and imports
  specie was exported in the three years 1902-1904 amounting to
  £2,319,000; a large proportion of this was perhaps provided by cash
  brought into the country by pilgrims.

  The pilgrim traffic increased largely in 1904 as compared with
  previous years; 74,600 persons landed at Jidda, 18,000 of whom were
  from British India, 13,000 from Java and the Straits Settlements, and
  the remainder from Turkish territory, Egypt and other countries: 235
  out of a total of 334 steamships engaged in this traffic were British.

  The trade of Hodeda, which contributes by far the largest share to
  that of Turkish Yemen, fell off considerably during the period from
  1901-1905, chiefly owing to the disturbed state of the country. In the
  latter year the imports amounted to £467,000, and the exports to
  £451,000; coffee, the mainstay of Yemen trade, shows a serious decline
  from £302,000 in 1902 to £229,000 in 1904; this is attributable partly
  to the great increase of production in other countries, but mainly to
  the insecurity of the trade routes and the exorbitant transit dues
  levied by the Turkish administration.

  Oman, through its chief port Muscat, had a total trade of about
  £550,000, two-thirds of which is due to imports and one-third to
  exports. The chief items of imports are arms and ammunition, rice,
  coffee and piece goods; the staple export is dates, which in a good
  year accounts for nearly half the total; much of the trade is in the
  hands of British Indians, and of the shipping 92% is British.

  The principal trade centre of the Arabian side of the Persian Gulf is
  Bahrein; the total volume of trade of which amounted in 1904 to
  £1,900,000, nearly equally divided between imports and exports; rice,
  piece goods, &c., form the bulk of the former, while pearls are the
  most valuable part of the latter.     (R. A. W.)


Arabia cannot be said to be "destitute of antiquities," but the material
for the study of these is still very incomplete. The difficulties in
the way of travelling in Arabia with a view to scientific investigation
are such that little or nothing is being done, and the systematic work
which has given such good results in Egypt, Palestine and
Babylonia-Assyria is unknown in Arabia. Yet the passing notes of
travellers from the time of Carsten Niebuhr show that antiquities are to
be found.

_Prehistoric Remains._--Since prehistoric remains must be studied where
they are found, the difficulty in the way of exploration makes itself
severely felt. That such remains exist seems clear from the casual
remarks of travellers. Thus Palgrave (_Central and Eastern Arabia_, vol.
i. ch. 6) speaks of part of a circle of roughly shaped stones taken from
the adjacent limestone mountains in the Nejd. Eight or nine of these
stones still exist, some of them 15 ft. high. Two of them, 10 to 12 ft.
apart, still bear their horizontal lintel. They are all without
ornament. Palgrave compares them with the remains at Stonehenge and
Karnak. Doughty (_Arabia Deserta_, vol. ii.), travelling in north-west
Arabia, saw stones of granite in a row and "flagstones set edgewise"
(though he does not regard these as religious), also "round heaps,
perhaps barrows," and "dry-built round chambers," which may be ancient
tombs. J.T. Bent (_Southern Arabia_, pp. 24 ff.) explored one of several
mounds in Bahrein. It proved to be a tomb, and the remains in it are
said to be Phoenician.

_Castles and Walls._--In the south of Arabia, where an advanced
civilization existed for centuries before the Christian era, the ruins
of castles and city-walls are still in existence, and have been
mentioned, though not examined carefully, by several travellers. In
Yemen and Hadramut especially these ruins abound, and in some cases
inscriptions seem to be still _in situ_. Great castles are often
mentioned in early Arabian literature. One in the neighbourhood of San'a
was described as one of the wonders of the world by Qazwini (_Athar
ul-Bilad_, p. 33, ed. Wüstenfeld, Göttingen, 1847, cf. _Journal of the
German Oriental Society_, vol. 7, pp. 472, 476, and for other castles
vol. 10, pp. 20 ff.). The ruins of the city of Ma'rib, the old Sabaean
capital, have been visited by Arnaud, Halévy and Glaser, but call for
further description, as Arnaud confined himself to a description of the
dike (see below), while Halévy and Glaser were interested chiefly in the

_Wells and Dikes._--From the earliest times the conservation of water
has been one of the serious cares of the Arabs. All over the country
wells are to be found, and the masonry of some of them is undoubtedly
ancient. Inscriptions are still found in some of these in the south. The
famous well Zemzem at Mecca is said to belong to the early times, when
the eastern traffic passed from the south to the north-west of Arabia
through the Hejaz, and to have been rediscovered shortly before the time
of Mahomet. Among the most famous remains of Ma'rib are those of a great
dike reminding one of the restored tanks familiar to visitors at Aden.
These remains were first described by Arnaud (_Journal asiatique_,
January 1874, with plan). Their importance was afterwards emphasized by
Glaser's publication of two long inscriptions concerning their
restoration in the 5th and 6th centuries A.D. ("Zwei Inschriften über
den Dammbruch von Marib," in the _Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen
Gesellschaft_, Berlin, 1897). Another dike about 150 yds. long was seen
by W.B. Harris at Hîrran in Yemen. Above it was a series of three tanks
(_A Journey through the Yemen_, p. 279, London, 1893).

_Stones and Bronzes._--The 19th century has brought to the museums of
Europe (especially to London, Paris, Berlin and Vienna) a number of
inscriptions in the languages of Minea and Saba, and a few in those of
Hadramut and Katabania (Qatta-bania). These inscriptions are generally
on limestone or marble or on tablets of bronze, and vary from a few
inches to some feet in length and height. In some cases the originals
have been brought to Europe, in other cases only squeezes of the
inscriptions. The characters employed are apparently derived from the
Phoenician (cf. Lidzbarski's _Ephemeris_, vol. i. pp. 109 ff.). The
languages employed have been the subject of much study (cf. F. Hommel's
_Süd-arabische Chrestomathie_, Munich, 1893), but the archaeological
value of these remains has not been so fully treated. Very many of them
are votive inscriptions and contain little more than the names of gods
and princes or private men. A few are historical, but being (with few
and late exceptions) undated, have given rise to much controversy among
scholars. Their range seems to be from about 800 B.C. (or 1500 B.C.
according to E. Glaser) to the 6th century A.D. Few are still _in situ_,
the majority having been taken from their original positions and built
into houses, mosques or wells of more recent date. Among these remains
are altars, and bases for statues of gods or for golden images of
animals dedicated to gods. The earlier stones are devoid of
ornamentation, but the later stones and bronzes are sometimes ornamented
with designs of leaves, flowers, ox-heads, men and women. Some bear
figures of the conventionalized sacred tree with worshippers, similar to
Babylonian designs. Besides these there are gravestones, stelae with
human heads, fragments of limestone, architectural designs as well as
bronze castings of camels, horses, mice, serpents, &c. (cf. D.H.
Müller's _Südarabische Alterthümer im Kunsthistorischen Museum_, Vienna,
1899, with plates).

_Seals, Weights and Coins._--The Vienna Museum possesses a small number
of seals and gems. The seals are inscribed with Sabaean writing and are
of bronze, copper, silver and stone. The gems of onyx, carnelian and
agate are later and bear various figures, and in some cases Arabic
inscriptions. One or two weights are also in existence. A number of
coins have been brought to the British Museum from Aden, San'a and
Ma'rib. Others were purchased by G. Schlumberger in Constantinople;
others have been brought to Europe by Glaser, and are now in the Vienna
Museum. These are imitations of Greek models, while the inscriptions are
in Sabaean characters (cf. B.V. Head, in the _Numismatic Chronicle_,
1878, pp. 273-284; G. Schlumberger, _Le Trêsor de San'a_, Paris, 1880;
D.H. Müller, _op. cit._ pp. 65 ff. and plates).

  For the problem of Arabic antiquities in Rhodesia see RHODESIA and
  ZIMBABWE.     (G. W. T.)


_Introduction._--Arabia is a land of Semites, and is supposed by some
scholars to have been the original home of the Semitic peoples. Although
this cannot be said to be proved, the studies, linguistic and
archaeological, of Semitic scholars have shown it to be probable. The
dispersion from Arabia is easy to imagine. The migration into Babylonia
was simple, as there are no natural boundaries to separate it from
north-east Arabia, and similar migrations have taken place in historic
times. That of the Aramaeans at an early period is likewise free from
any natural hindrance. The connexion with Palestine has always been
close; and the Abyssinian settlement is probably as late as the
beginning of the Christian era. Of these migrations, however, history
knows nothing, nor are they expressed in literature. Arabian literature
has its own version of prehistoric times, but it is entirely legendary
and apocryphal. It was, and still is, the custom of Arabian historians
to begin with the creation of the world and tell the history from then
to the time of which they are writing. Consequently even the more sober
histories contain a mass of fables about early days. Many of these,
taken in part from Jewish and Christian sources, find a place in the
Koran. Of all these stories current at the time of Mahomet, the only
ones of any value are the accounts of the "days of the Arabs," i.e.
accounts of some famous inter-tribal battles in Arabia.

_Authorities._--Until recently the Arab traditions were practically the
only source for the pre-Islamic history of Arabia. The Old Testament
references to Arabs were obscure. The classical accounts of the invasion
of Aelius Callus in 26 B.C. threw little light on the state of Arabia at
the time, still less on its past history. The Greek writers from
Theophrastus in the 4th century B.C. to Ptolemy in the 2nd century A.D.
mention many names of Arabian peoples and describe the situation of
their cities, but contribute little to their history, and that little
could not be controlled. The same applies to the information of Pliny in
his _Natural History_. In the 19th century the discovery and
decipherment of the Assyrian inscriptions gave a slight glance into the
relations between Arabs and Assyrians from the 8th century B.C. But the
great contribution of the century to the early history of Arabia was the
collecting and translating of numerous early Arabian inscriptions (cf.
section _Antiquities_ above), which have done service both by their own
indication of a great civilization in Arabia for nearly (or more than) a
thousand years before the Christian era, and by the new stimulus which
they gave to the study and appreciation of the materials in the Assyrian
inscriptions, the Old Testament, and the Greek and Roman writers. At the
same time the facts that the inscriptions are undated until a late
period, that few are historical in their contents, and for the most part
yield only names of gods and rulers and domestic and religious details,
and that our collection is still very incomplete, have led to much
serious disagreement among scholars as to the reconstruction of the
history of Arabia in the pre-Christian centuries.

All scholars, however, are agreed that the inscriptions reach as far
back as the 9th century B.C. (some say to the 16th) and prove the
existence of at least four civilized kingdoms during these centuries.
These are the kingdoms of Ma'in (Minaean), of Saba (Sabaean), of
Hadramaut (Hadramut) and of Katabania (Katabanu). Of the two latter
little is known. That of Hadramut had kings from the time of the
Minaeans to about A.D. 300, when it was conquered by Ethiopia. The
limits of the kingdom of Katabania are not known, but it has its own

As to the Sabaean kingdom there is fair agreement among scholars. The
inscriptions go back to 800 B.C. or earlier, and the same applies to the
kingdom. A queen of this people (the "Queen of Sheba") is said (1 Kings
x.) to have visited Solomon about 950 B.C. There is, however, no mention
of such a queen in the inscriptions. An Assyrian inscription mentions
Ith'amara the Sabaean who paid tribute to Sargon in 715 B.C. At this
time the Sabaeans must have been in north Arabia unless the inscription
refers to a northern colony of the southern Sabaeans. The former opinion
is held by E. Glaser, who thinks that in the 9th and 8th centuries they
moved down along the west coast to the south, where they conquered the
Minaeans (see below). The Sabaean rule is generally divided into periods
indicated by the titles given to their rulers. In the first of these
ruled the Makarib, who seem to have been priest-kings. Their first
capital was at Sirwah. Ten such rulers are mentioned in the
inscriptions. Their rule extended from the 9th to the 6th century. The
second period begins about 550 B.C. The rulers are known as "kings of
Saba." Their capital was Ma'rib. The names of seventeen of these kings
are known from the inscriptions. Their sway lasted until about 115 B.C.,
when they were succeeded by the Himyarites. During this period they were
engaged in constant strife with the neighbouring kingdoms of Hadramut
and Katabania. The great prosperity of south-west Arabia at this time
was due in large measure to the fact that the trade from India with
Egypt came there by sea and then went by land up the west coast. This
trade, however, was lost during this period, as the Ptolemies
established an overland route from India to Alexandria. The connexion of
Saba with the north, where the Nabataeans (q.v.) had existed from about
200 B.C., was now broken. The decay that followed caused a number of
Sabaeans to migrate to other parts of Arabia.

The Minaean kingdom extended over the south Arabian Jauf, its chief
cities being Karnau, Ma'in and Yathil. Some twenty-five kings are known
from the inscriptions; of these twenty are known to be related to one
another. Their history must thus cover several centuries. As
inscriptions in the Minaean language are found in al-'Ula in north
Arabia, it is probable that they had colonies in that district. With
regard to their date opinion is very much divided; some, with E. Glaser
and F. Hommel, maintaining that their kingdom existed prior to that of
Saba, probably from about 1500 B.C. or earlier until the Sabaeans came
from their home in the north and conquered them in the 9th century.
Other scholars think, with D.H. Müller, partly on palaeographical
grounds (cf. M. Lidzbarski's _Ephemeris_, vol. i. pp. 109 seq., Giessen,
1902), that none of the inscriptions are earlier than about 800 B.C. and
that the Minaean kingdom existed side by side with the Sabaean. It is
curious that the Sabaean inscriptions contain no mention of the
Minaeans, though this may be due to the fact that very few of the
inscriptions are historical in content.

About 115 B.C. the power over south Arabia passed from the Sabaeans to
the Himyarites, a people from the extreme south-west of Arabia; and
about this time the kingdom of Katabania came to an end. The title taken
by the new rulers was "king of Saba and Raidan." Twenty-six kings of
this period are known from the inscriptions, some of which are dated. In
this period the Romans made their one attempt at direct interference in
the affairs of Arabia. The invasion under Aelius Gallus was an absolute
failure, the expedition being betrayed by the guides and lost in the
sands of the desert. During the latter part of this time the
Abyssinians, who had earlier migrated from Arabia to the opposite coast
of Africa, began to flow back to the south of Arabia, where they seem to
have settled gradually and increased in importance until about A.D. 300,
when they became strong enough to overturn the Himyarite kings and
establish a dynasty of their own. The title assumed by them was "king of
Saba, Raidan, Hadramut and Yemen." The Himyarites were, however, still
active, and after a struggle succeeded in establishing a Jewish Sabaean
kingdom, having previously accepted Judaism as their religion. Their
best-known king was Dhu Nuwas. The struggle between them and the
Abyssinians now became one of Judaism against Christianity. The
persecution of the Christians was very severe (see E. Glaser's _Die
Abyssinier in Arabien und Afrika_, Munich, 1895, and F.M.E. Pereira's
_Historia dos Martyres de Nagran_, Lisbon, 1899). Apparently for this
reason Christian Abyssinia was supported from Byzantium in its attempts
to regain power. These attempts were crowned with success in 525. Of the
Christian Abyssinian kings in Arabia tradition tells of four, one only
of whom is mentioned in inscriptions. The famous expedition of Abraha,
the Abyssinian viceroy, against Mecca, took place in 570. Five years
later the Persians, who had been called in by the opponents of
Christianity, succeeded in taking over the rule and in appointing
governors over Yemen. (See further ETHIOPIA: _The Axumite Kingdom_.)

_Hira, Ghassan and Kinda._--Before passing to the time of Mahomet it is
necessary to take account of three other Arabian powers, those of Hira,
Ghassan and Kinda.


The kingdom of Hira (Hira) was established in the boundary land between
the Euphrates and the Arabian desert, a district renowned for its good
air and extraordinary fertility. The chief town was Hira, a few miles
south of the site of the later town of Kufa. The inhabitants of this
land are said in Tabari's history to have been of three classes:--(1)
The Tanukh (Tnuhs), who lived in tents and were made up of Arabs from
the Tehama and Nejd, who had united in Bahrein to form a new tribe, and
who migrated from there to Hira, probably at the beginning or middle of
the 3rd century A.D., when the Arsacid power was growing weak. The
Arabian historians relate their conflict with Zenobia. (2) The 'Ibad or
'Ibadites, who dwelt in the town of Hira in houses and so led a settled
life. These were Christians, whose ecclesiastical language was Syriac,
though the language of intercourse was Arabic. A Christian bishop of
Hira is known to have attended a synod in 410. In the 5th century they
became Nestorians. (3) Refugees of various tribes, who came into the
land but did not belong to the Tanukh or the 'Ibad. There is no
trustworthy information as to the earlier chiefs of this people. The
dynasty of the Lakhmids, famed in Arabian history and literature, arose
towards the end of the 3rd century and lasted until about 602. The names
of twenty kings are given by Hisham al-Kalbi in Tabari's history.
Although so many of their subjects were Christian, the Lakhmids remained
heathen until Nu'man, the last of the dynasty. The kingdom of Hira was
never really independent, but always stood in a relation of dependence
on Persia, probably receiving pay from it and employing Persian
soldiers. At the height of its power it was able to render valuable aid
to its suzerain. Much of its time was spent in wars with Rome and
Ghassan. Its revenues were derived from the Bedouins of the surrounding
lands as well as from its own subjects at home. About 602 the Lakhmid
dynasty fell, and the Persian Chosroes (Khosrau) II. appointed as
governor an Arab of the tribe of Tai. Shortly after it came into
relation with Islam.

  See G. Rothstein's _Die Dynastie der Lakhmiden in al-Hira_ (Berlin,
  1899); Th. Nöldeke's _Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der
  Sassaniden_ (Leiden, 1879).

[Illustration: ARABIA]


In the beginning of the 6th century A.D. a dynasty known as the Jafnids,
enter into the history alike of the Roman and Persian empires. They
ruled over the tribe of Ghassan in the extreme north-west of Arabia,
east of the Jordan, from near Petra in the south to the neighbourhood of
Rosafa in the north-east. Of their origin little is known except that
they came from the south. A part of the same tribe inhabited Yathrib
(Medina) at the time of Mahomet. The first certain prince of the Jafnid
house was Harith ibn Jabala, who, according to the chronicle of John
Malalas, conquered Mondhir (Mundhir) of Hira in 528. In the following
year, according to Procopius, Justinian perceived the value of the
Ghassanids as an outpost of the Roman empire, and as opponents of the
Persian dependants of Hira, and recognized Harith as king of the Arabs
and patrician of the Roman empire. He was thus constantly engaged in
battles against Hira. In 541 he fought under Belisarius in Mesopotamia.
After his death about 569 or 570 the friendly relations with the West
continued, but about 583 there was a breach. The Ghassanid kingdom split
into sections each with its own prince. Some passed under the sway of
Persia, others preserved their freedom at the expense of their
neighbours. At this point their history ceases to be mentioned in the
Western chronicles. There are references to the Ghassanid Nu'man in the
poems of Nabigha. Arabian tradition tells of their prince Jabala ibn
Aiham who accepted Islam, after fighting against it, but finding it too
democratic, returned to Christianity and exile in the Roman empire. As
Islam advanced, some of the Ghassanids retreated to Cappadocia, others
accepted the new faith.

  See Th. Noldeke, _Die ghassanischen Fürsten aus dent Hause Gafna's_
  (Berlin, 1887).


In the last decade of the 5th century a new power arose in central
Arabia. This was the tribe of Kinda under the sway of the family of Aqil
ul Murar, who came from the south. They seem to have stood in much the
same relation to the rulers of Yemen, as the people of Hira to the
Persians and the Ghassanids to Rome. Abraha in his invasion of the Hejaz
was accompanied by chiefs of Kinda. Details of their history are not
known, but they seem to have gained power at one time even over the
Lakhmids of Hira; and to have ruled over Bahrein as well as Yemama until
the battle of Shi'b ul Jabala, when they lost this province to Hira. The
poet Amru'ul Qais was a member of the princely family of Kinda.

  Other parts of Arabia.

Outside the territory of the powers mentioned above, Arabia in the 6th
century was in a state of political chaos. Bahrein, inhabited chiefly by
the Bani'Abd Qais and the Bani Bakr, was largely subject to Persian
influence near its coast, and a Persian governor, Sebocht, resided in
Hajar, its chief town. In Oman the Arabs, who were chiefly engaged in
fishing and seafaring, were Azdites mixed with Persians. The ruling
dynasty of Julanda in their capital Suhar lasted on till the Abbasid
period. No Persian officials are mentioned in this country; whether
Persians exercised authority over it is doubtful. On the west coast of
Arabia the influence of the kingdom of Yemen was felt in varying degree
according to the strength of the rulers of that land. Apart from this
influence the Hejaz was simply a collection of cities each with its own
government, while outside the cities the various tribes governed
themselves and fought continual battles with one another.

_Time of Mahomet._--Thus at the time of Mahomet's advent the country was
peopled by various tribes, some more or less settled under the
governments of south Arabia, Kinda, Hira and Ghassan, these in turn
depending on Abyssinia, Persia and Rome (i.e. Byzantium); others as in
the Hejaz were ruled in smaller communities by members of leading
families, while in various parts of the peninsula were wandering Arabs
still maintaining the traditions of old family and tribal rule, forming
no state, sometimes passing, as suited them, under the influence and
protection of one or another of the greater powers. To these may be
added a certain number of Jewish tribes and families deriving their
origin partly from migrations from Palestine, partly from converts among
the Arabs themselves. Mahomet appealed at once to religion and
patriotism, or rather created a feeling for both. For Mahomet as a
religious teacher and for the details of his career see MAHOMET. It is
enough here to outline his actions in so far as he attempted to create a
united, and then a conquering, Arabia. Though the external conquests of
the Arabs belong more properly to the period of the caliphate, yet they
were the natural outcome of the prophet's ideas. His idea of Arabia for
the Arabians could only be realized by summoning the great kings of the
surrounding nations to recognize Islam; otherwise Abyssinia, Persia and
Rome (Byzantium) would continue their former endeavours to influence and
control the affairs of the peninsula. Tradition tells that a few years
before his death he did actually send letters to the emperor Heraclius,
to the negus of Abyssinia, the king of Persia, and Cyrus, patriarch of
Alexandria, the "Mukaukis" of Egypt, summoning them to accept Islam and
threatening them with punishment in case of refusal. But the task of
carrying out these threats fell to the lot of his successors; the work
of the prophet was to be the subjugating and uniting of Arabia. This
work, scarcely begun in Mecca, was really started after the migration to
Medina by the formation of a party of men--the _Muhajirun_ (Refugees or
Emigrants) and the _Ansar_ (Helpers or Defenders)--who accepted Mahomet
as their religious leader. As the necessity of overcoming his enemies
became urgent, this party became military. A few successes in battle
attracted to him men who were interested in fighting and who were
willing to accept his religion as a condition of membership of his
party, which soon began to assume a national form. Mahomet early found
an excuse for attacking the Jews, who were naturally in the way of his
schemes. The Bani Nadir were expelled, the Bani Quraiza slaughtered. By
the time he had successfully stormed the rich Jewish town of Khaibar, he
had found that it was better to allow industrious Jews to remain in
Arabia as payers of tribute than to expel or kill them: this policy he
followed afterwards. The capture of Mecca (630) was not only an evidence
of his growing power, which induced Arabs throughout the peninsula to
join him, but gave him a valuable centre of pilgrimage, in which he was
able by a politic adoption of some of the heathen Arabian ceremonies
into his own rites to win men over the more easily to his own cause. At
his death in 623 Mahomet left Arabia practically unified. It is true
that rival prophets were leading rebellions in various parts of Arabia,
that the tax-collectors were not always paid, and that the warriors of
the land were much distressed for want of work owing to the brotherhood
of Arabs proclaimed by Mahomet. The tribes were a seething mass of
restlessness, their old feuds ready to break out again. But they had
realized that they had common interests. The power of the foreigner in
Arabia was broken. Islam promised rich booty for those who fought and
won, paradise for those who fell.

_Early Caliphs_.[1] 1. _Conquest._--One task of the early caliphs was to
find an outlet for the restless fighting spirit. Abu Bekr (632-634), the
first of these caliphs, was a man of simple life and profound faith. He
understood the intention of Mahomet as to foreign nations, and set
himself resolutely to carry it out in the face of much difficulty. Hence
as soon as he assumed office he sent out the army already chosen to
advance against the Romans in the north. The successful reduction of the
rebels in Arabia enabled him in his first year to send his great general
Khalid with his Arab warriors first against Persians, then against
Romans. His early death prevented him from seeing the fruits of his
policy. Under the second caliph Omar (634-644) the Persians were
defeated at Kadesiya (Kadessia), and Irak was completely subdued and the
new cities of Kufa and Basra were founded (635). In the same year
Damascus fell into the hands of the Arabs under Abu 'Ubaida. In 636
Jerusalem fell and received a visit from the caliph. Three years later
the fateful step was taken of appointing Moawiya (Mu'awiyya) governor of
Syria. In 640 'Amr-ibn-el-Ass (Amr ibn al-'As) invaded Egypt and the
following year took Alexandria and founded Fostat (which later became
Cairo). The victory at Nehavend in 641 over the Persians, the flight of
the last Sassanid king and the capture of Rei or Rai (class. Rhagae) in
643 meant the entire subjugation of Persia and crowned the conquests of
Omar's caliphate. The reign of the third caliph Othman (644-656) was
marked by the beginning of that internal strife which was to ruin
Arabia; but the foreign conquests continued. In the north the Moslem
arms reached Armenia and Asia Minor; on the west they were successful as
far as Carthage on the north coast of Africa. After the murder of
Othman, 'Ali (656-661) became caliph, but Moawiya, governor of Syria,
soon rebelled on the pretext of avenging the death of Othman. After the
battle of Siffin (657) arbitration was resorted to for the settlement of
the rival claims. By a trick 'Ali was deposed (658), and the Omayyad
dynasty was established with its capital at Damascus.

  Institution of navy.

During these early years the Arabs had not only made conquests by land,
but had found an outlet for their energy at sea. In 640 Omar sent a
fleet of boats across the Red Sea to protect the Moslems on the
Abyssinian coast. The boats were wrecked. Omar was so terrified by this
that when Moawiya applied to him for permission to use ships for an
attack on the islands of the Levant, he resolutely refused. Othman was
less careful, and allowed a fleet from Africa to help in the conquests
of the Levant and Asia Minor. In 649 he sanctioned the establishment of
a maritime service, on condition that it should be voluntary. Abu Qais,
appointed admiral, showed its usefulness by the capture of Cyprus. In
652 Abu Sarh with a fleet from Egypt won a naval battle over the
Byzantine fleet near Alexandria.

2. _Internal Affairs._--In the meantime what had become of Arabia and
its unification? The first task of Abu Bekr had been to reduce those
rebels who threatened to destroy that unity even before it was fully
established. This he did by the aid of the great general Khalid. First
he swept down on the Bani Hanifa in Yemama, who with their rival prophet
Mosailama (Mosailima) and 40,000 men were in arms. The battle of Yemama
(633) was fierce and decisive. Mosailama was slain. The Bani Hanifa
returned to Islam. Bahrein was influenced by this battle, and the
rebellion there, which was threatening, was crushed. Oman was
reconquered by Huddhaifa, who became its governor. Ikrima settled Mahra.
Muhajir, with the help of Ikrima, succeeded with difficulty, but
thoroughly, in defeating Amr ibn Ma'dikarib and Qais ibn 'Abd Yaghuth in
Yemen and Ashath ibn Qais in Hadramut. The Hejaz and Tehama were cleared
of the plundering nomads by 'Attab and Tahir. At the end of the first
year of his caliphate Abu Bekr saw Arabia united under Islam. The new
national feeling demanded that all Arabs should be free men, so the
caliph ordained that all Arab slaves should be freed on easy terms. The
solidarity of Arabia survived the first foreign conquests. It was not
intended that Arabs should settle in the conquered lands except as
armies of occupation. Thus it was at first forbidden that Arabs should
buy or possess land in these countries. Kufa was to be only a military
camp, as was Fostat in Egypt. The taxes with the booty from conquests
were to be sent to Arabia for distribution among the Moslems. Omar tried
to prevent the advance of conquests lest Arabia should suffer. "I would
rather the safety of my people than thousands of spoil and further
conquest." But men could not be prevented from pouring out from their
homes in search of new conquests and more booty. Many of those who went
forth did not return. They acquired property and rank in the new lands.
Kufa attracted chiefly men of south Arabia, Basra those of the north.
Both became great cities, each with a population of 150,000 to 200,000
Arabians. Yet so long as the caliphs lived in Medina, the capital of
Arabia was the capital of the expanding Arabian empire. To it was
brought a large share of the booty. The caliphs were chosen there, and
there the rules for the administration were framed. Thence went out the
governors to their provinces. Omar was the great organizer of Arabian
affairs. He compiled the Koran, instituted the civil list, regulated the
military organization. He, too, desired that Mahomet's wish should be
carried out and that Arabia should be purely Moslem. To this end he
expelled the Christians from Nejran and gave them lands in Syria and
Irak, where they were allowed to live in peace on payment of tribute.
The Jews, too, were shortly after expelled from Khaibar. The secondary
position that Arabia was beginning to assume in the Arabian empire is
clearly marked in the progress of events during the caliphate of Othman.
In his appointments to governorships and other offices, as well as in
his distribution of spoil, Othman showed a marked preference for the
members of his own tribe the Koreish (Quraish) and the members of his
own family the Bani Omayya (Umayya). The other Arab tribes became
increasingly jealous of the Koreish, while among the Koreish themselves
the Hashimite family came to hate the Omayyad, which now had much power,
although it had been among the last to accept Islam and never was very
strict in its religious duties. But the quarrels which led to the murder
of Othman were fomented not so much in Arabia as in Kufa and Basra and
Fostat. In these cities the rival parties were composed of the most
energetic fighting men, who were brought into the most intimate contact
with one another, and who kept up their quarrels from the home land. In
Kufa a number of the Koreish had settled, and their arrogance became
insupportable. The governors of all these towns were of Othman's own
family. After some years of growing dissatisfaction deputies from these
places came to Medina, and the result was the murder of the caliph.
Syria alone remained loyal to the house of Omayya, and Othman had been
advised to take refuge there, but had refused. Arabia itself counted for
little in the strife. Yet its prestige was not altogether lost. After
the murder the rebels were unwilling to return home until a new caliph
had been chosen in the capital. The Egyptian rebels managed to gain most
influence, and, in accordance with their desire, 'Ali was appointed
caliph by the citizens of Medina. But Medina itself was being corrupted
by the constant influx of captives, who, employed at first as servants,
soon became powerful enough to dictate to their masters. In the struggle
that ensued upon the election of 'Ali, Arabia was involved. Ayesha,
Talha and Zobair, who were strong in Mecca, succeeded in obtaining
possession of Basra, but were defeated in 656 at the battle of the Camel
(see ALI). In the south of Arabia 'Ali succeeded in establishing his own
governor in Yemen, though the government treasure was carried off to
Mecca. But the centre of strife was not to be Arabia. When 'Ali left
Medina to secure Basra, he abandoned it as the capital of the Arabian
empire. With the success of Moawiya Damascus became the capital of the
caliphate (658) and Arabia became a mere province, though always of
importance because of its possession of the two sacred cities Mecca and
Medina. Both these cities were secured by Moawiya in 660, and at the
same time Yemen was punished for its adherence to 'Ali. The final blow
to any political pretensions of Medina was dealt by the caliph when he
had his son Yazid declared as his successor, thus taking away any claim
on the part of the citizens of Medina to elect to the caliphate.

_The Omayyads._--The early years of the Omayyads were years of constant
strife in Arabia. The Kharijites who had opposed 'Ali on the ground that
he had no right to allow the appeal to arbitration, were defeated at
Nahrawan or Nahrwan (658), but those who escaped became fierce
propagandists against the Koreish, some claiming that the caliph should
be chosen by the Faithful from any tribe of the Arabs, some that there
should be no caliph at all, that God alone was their ruler and that the
government should be carried on by a council. They broke up into many
sects, and were long a disturbing political force in Arabia as
elsewhere. On the death of 'Ali his house was represented by his two
sons Hasan and Hosain (Husain). Hasan soon made peace with Moawiya. On
the accession of Yazid, Hosain refused homage and raised an army, but
was slain at Kerbela (680). 'Abdallah ibn Zobair (of the house of
Hashim) immediately stepped forward in Mecca as the avenger of 'Ali's
family and the champion of religion. The two sacred cities supported
him. Medina was besieged and sacked by the troops of Yazid (682) and
Mecca was besieged the following year. The siege was raised in the third
month on the news of the death of Yazid, but not before the Ka'ba had
been destroyed. 'Abdallah remained in Mecca recognized as caliph in
Arabia, and soon after in Egypt and even a part of Syria. He defeated
the troops of Merwan I., but could not win the support of the
Kharijites. In 691 Abdalmalik ('Abdul-Malik) determined to crush his
rival and sent his general Hajjaj against Mecca. The siege was begun in
March 692, and in October the city was taken and 'Abdallah slain.
Abdalmalik was now supreme in Arabia and throughout the Moslem world.
During the remaining years of the Omayyad dynasty (i.e. until 750)
little is heard of Arabia in history. The conquests of Islam in Spain on
the one side and India on the other had little or no effect on it. It
was merely a province.

_The 'Abbasids._--The accession of Abul 'Abbas (of the house of Hashim)
and the transference of the capital of the caliphate from Damascus to
Kufa, then Anbar and soon after (in 760) to Bagdad meant still further
degradation to Arabia and Arabs. From the beginning the 'Abbasids
depended for help on Persians and Turks, and the chief offices of state
were frequently filled with foreigners. In one thing only the Arabs
conquered to the end; that was in their language. The study of Arabic
was taken up by lexicographers, grammarians and poets (mostly of foreign
origin) with a zeal rarely shown elsewhere. The old Arabian war spirit
was dying. Although the Arabians, as a rule, were in favour of the
Omayyad family, they could not affect the succession of the 'Abbasids.
They returned more and more to their old inter-tribal disputes. They
formed now not only a mere branch of the empire of the caliphate, but a
branch deriving little life from and giving less to the main stock. In
762 there was a rebellion in favour of a descendant of 'Ali, but it was
put down with great severity by the army of the caliph Mansur. A more
local 'Alyite revolt in Mecca and Medina was crushed in 785. In the
contest between the two sons of Harun al Rashid all Arabia sided with
Mamun (812). In 845-846 the lawless raids of Bedouin tribes compelled
the caliph Wathiq to send his Turkish general Bogha, who was more
successful in the north than in the centre and south of Arabia in
restoring peace.

_The Carmathians._--Towards the close of the 9th century Arabia was
disturbed by the rise of a new movement which during the next hundred
years dominated the peninsula, and at its close left it shattered never
to be united again. In the year 880 Yemen was listening to the
propaganda of the new sect of the Carmathians (q.v.) or followers of
Hamdan Qarmat. Four years later these had become a public force. In 900
'Abu Sa'id al-Jannabi, who had been sent to Bahrein by Hamdan, had
secured a large part of this province and had won the city of Katif
(Ketif) which contained many Jews and Persians. The Arabs who lived more
inland were mostly Bedouin who found the obligations of Islam irksome,
and do not seem to have made a very vigorous opposition to the
Carmathians who took Hajar the capital of Bahrein in 903. From this they
made successful attacks on Yemama (Yamama), and attempts only partially
successful at first at Oman. In 906 the court at Bagdad learned that
these sectaries had gained almost all Yemen and were threatening Mecca
and Medina. Abu Sa'id was assassinated (913) in his palace at Lahsa
(which in 926 was fortified and became the Carmathian capital of
Bahrein). His son Sa'id succeeded him, but proved too weak and was
deposed and succeeded by his brother Abu Tahir. His success was constant
and the caliphate was brought very low by him. In Arabia he subjugated
Oman, and swooping down on the west in 929 he horrified the Moslem world
by capturing Mecca and carrying off the sacred black stone to Bahrein.
The Fatimite caliph 'Obaidallah (see FATIMITES), to whom Abu Tahir
professed allegiance, publicly wrote to him to restore the stone, but
there is some reason to believe that he secretly encouraged him to
retain it. In 939, however, the stone was restored and pilgrimages to
the holy cities were allowed to pass unmolested on payment of a tax. So
long as Abu Tahir lived the Carmathians controlled Arabia. After his
death, however, they quarrelled with the Fatimite rulers of Egypt (969)
and began to lose their influence. In 985 they were completely defeated
in Irak, and soon after lost control of the pilgrimages. Oman recovered
its independence. Three years later Katif, at that time their chief
city, was besieged and taken by a Bedouin sheik, and subsequently their
political power in Arabia came to an end. It was significant that their
power fell into the hands of Bedouins. Arabia was now completely
disorganized, and was only nominally subject to the caliphate. The
attempt of Mahomet to unify Arabia had failed. The country was once more
split up into small governments, more or less independent, and groups of
wandering tribes carrying on their petty feuds. Of the history of these
during the next few centuries little is known, except in the case of the
Hejaz. Here the presence of the sacred cities led writers to record
their annals (cf. F. Wüstenfeld's _Die Chroniken der Stadt Mekka_, 4
vols., Leipzig, 1857-1861). The two cities were governed by Arabian
nobles (_sherifs_), often at feud with one another, recognizing formally
the overlordship of the caliph at Bagdad or the caliph of Egypt. Thus in
966 the name of the caliph Moti was banished from the prayers at Mecca,
and an 'Alyite took possession of the government of the city and
recognized the Egyptian caliph as his master. About a century later
(1075-1094) the 'Abbasid caliph was again recognized as spiritual head
owing to the success in arms of his protector, the Seljuk Malik-Shah.
With the fall of the Bagdad caliphate all attempts at control from that
quarter came to an end. After the visit of the Sultaft Bibars (1269)
Mecca was governed by an amir dependent on Egypt. Outside the two cities
anarchy prevailed, and the pilgrimage was frequently unsafe owing to
marauding Bedouins. In 1517 the Osmanli Turkish sultan Selim conquered
Egypt, and having received the right of succession to the caliphate was
solemnly presented by the sherif of Mecca with the keys of the city, and
recognized as the spiritual head of Islam and ruler of the Hejaz. At the
same time Yemen, which since the 9th century had been in the power of a
number of small dynasties ruling in Zubed, San'a, Sa'da and Aden, passed
into the hands of the Turk.

  For the history of Yemen during this period cf. H.C. Kay, _Omarah's
  History of Yaman_ (London, 1892), and S. Lane-Poole, _The Mahommedan
  Dynasties_, pp. 87-103 (Westminster, 1894). Little more than a century
  later (1630), a Yemen noble Khasim succeeded in expelling the Turk and
  establishing a native imamate, which lasted until 1871. For
  descriptions of it in the 18th century cf. C. Niebuhr's accounts of
  his travels in Arabia in 1761.

_Oman._--Since the separation from the caliphate (before 1000 A.D.) Oman
had remained independent. For more than a century it was governed by
five elected imams, who were chosen from the tribe of al-Azd and
generally lived at Nizwa. After them the Bani Nebhan gained the upper
hand and established a succession of kings (_maliks_) who governed from
1154 to 1406. During this time the country was twice invaded by
Persians. The "kings of Hormuz" claimed authority over the coast land
until the beginning of the 16th century. In 1435 the people rose against
the tyranny of the Bani Nebhan and restored the imamate of the tribe
al-Azd. In 1508 the Portuguese under Albuquerque seized most of the east
coast of Oman. In 1624 a new dynasty arose in the interior, when Nasir
ibn Murshid of the Yariba (Ya'aruba) tribe (originally from Yemen) was
elected imam and established his capital at Rustak. He was able to
subdue the petty princes of the country, and the Portuguese were
compelled to give up several towns and pay tribute for their residence
at Muscat. About 1651 the Portuguese were finally expelled from this
city, and about 1698 from the Omanite settlements on the east coast of

  For the history of Oman from 661 to 1856 cf. G.P. Badger, _History of
  the Imams and Seyyids of Oman by Salil-ibn-Razik_ (London, Hakluyt
  Society, 1871).     (G. W. T.)

_Wahhabi Movement._--Modern Arabian history begins with that of the
Wahhabi movement in the middle of the 18th century. Its originator,
Mahommed Ibn Abdul Wahhab, was born (1691) at Ayana in Nejd, and after
studying in Basra and Damascus, and making the pilgrimage to Mecca
returned to his native country and settled down at Huremala near
Deraiya. The abuses and corruptions which had overgrown the practice of
orthodox Islam had deeply impressed him, and he set to work to combat
them, and to inculcate on all good Moslems a return to the pure
simplicity of their original faith. In 1742 Mahommed Ibn Saud, sheik of
Deraiya, accepted his doctrines, and enforced them by his sword with
such effect that before his death in 1765 the whole of eastern Nejd and
El Hasa was converted to the faith of Abdul Wahhab, and accepted the
political supremacy of Ibn Saud. His son and successor, Abdul Aziz, in a
rapid series of successful campaigns, extended his dominion and that of
the reformed faith far beyond the limits of Nejd. His attacks on the
pilgrim caravans, begun in 1783 and constantly repeated, startled the
Mahommedan world,[2] and compelled the attention of the sultan, as the
nominal protector of the faithful. In 1798 a Turkish force was sent from
Bagdad into El Hasa, but was compelled to retreat without accomplishing
anything, and its discomfiture added much to the renown of the Wahhabi
power. In 1801 Saud, son of the amir Abdul Aziz, led an expedition to
the Euphrates, and on the festival of Bairam, the 20th of April, stormed
Kerbela, put the defenders to the sword, destroyed the sacred tomb,
scattered the sacred relics and returned laden with the treasures,
accumulated during centuries in the sanctuary of the Shia faith. Mecca
itself was taken; plundering was forbidden, but the tombs of the saints
and all objects of veneration were ruthlessly destroyed, and all
ceremonies which seemed in the eye of the stern puritan conqueror to
suggest the taint of idolatry were forbidden.

On the 14th of October 1802 the amir Abdul Aziz, at the age of
eighty-two years, was murdered by a Shia fanatic when at prayers in the
mosque of Deraiya, and Saud, who had for many years led the Wahhabi
armies, became the reigning amir. In 1804 Medina was taken and with its
fall all resistance ceased. The Wahhabi empire had now attained its
zenith, a settled government was established able to enforce law and
order in the desert and in the towns, and a spirit of Arabian
nationality had grown up which bade fair to extend the Wahhabi dominion
over all the Arab race. It already, however, bore within it the germ of
decay; the accumulation of treasure in the capital had led to a
corruption of the simple manners of the earlier times; the exhaustion of
the tribes through the heavy blood tax had roused discontent among them;
the plundering of the holy places, the attacks on the pilgrim caravans
under the escort of Turkish soldiers, and finally, in 1810, the
desecration of the tomb of Mahomet and the removal of its costly
treasures, raised a cry of dismay throughout the Mahommedan world, and
made it clear even to the Turkish sultan that unless the Wahhabi power
were crushed his claims to the caliphate were at an end.

But Turkey was herself fully occupied by affairs in Europe, and to
Mehemet Ali, then pasha of Egypt, was deputed the task of bringing the
Wahhabis into subjection. In October 1811 an expedition consisting of
10,000 men under Tusun Pasha, the pasha's son, a youth of sixteen,
landed in Hejaz without opposition. Saud with his main forces had
started northwards to attack Bagdad, but returning at once he met and
defeated Tusun with great loss and compelled him to retire. Medina and
subsequently Mecca were eventually taken by the Egyptians, but in spite
of continual reinforcements they could do little more than hold their
own in Hejaz. In 1813 Mehemet Ali was compelled to take the field
himself with fresh troops, but was unable to achieve any decisive
success, and in 1814 Tusun was again defeated beyond Taif. In May 1814
Saud died, and his son, Abdallah, attempted to negotiate, but Mehemet
Ali refused all overtures, and in January 1815 advanced into Nejd,
defeated the Wahhabi army and occupied Ras, then the chief town in
Kasim. Terms of peace were made, but on the retirement of the Egyptians
Abdallah refused to carry out the conditions agreed on, which included
the return of the jewels plundered by his father, and another campaign
had to be fought before his submission was obtained. Ibrahim Pasha
replaced Tusun in command, and on reaching Arabia in September 1816 his
first aim was to gain over the great Bedouin tribes holding the roads
between Hejaz and his objective in Nejd; having thus secured his line of
advance he pushed on boldly and defeated Abdallah at Wiya, where he put
to death all prisoners taken; thence rapidly advancing, with contingents
of the friendly Harb and Muter tribes in support of his regular troops,
he laid siege to Ras; this place, however, held out and after a four
months' siege he was compelled to give up the attack. Leaving it on one
side he pushed on eastwards, took Aneza after six days' bombardment and
occupied Bureda. Here he waited two months for reinforcements, and with
his Bedouin contingent, strengthened by the adhesion of the Ateba and
Bani Khalid tribes, advanced on Shakra in Wushm, which fell in January
1818 after a regular siege. After destroying Huremala and massacring its
inhabitants, he arrived before Deraiya on the 14th of April 1818. For
six months the siege went on with varying fortune, but at last the
courage and determination of Ibrahim triumphed, and on the 9th of
September, after a heroic resistance, Abdallah, with a remnant of four
hundred men, was compelled to surrender. The Wahhabi leader was soon
after sent to Constantinople, where, in spite of Mehemet Ali's
intercession, he and the companions who had followed him in his
captivity were condemned to death, and after being paraded through the
city with ignominy for three days were finally beheaded.

Deraiya was razed to the ground and the principal towns of Nejd were
compelled to admit Egyptian garrisons; but though the Arabs saw
themselves powerless to stand before disciplined troops, the Egyptians,
on the other hand, had to confess that without useless sacrifices they
could not retain their hold on the interior.

In 1824 Turki, son of the unfortunate Abdallah, headed a rising which
resulted in the re-establishment of the Wahhabi state with Riad as its
new capital; and during the next ten years he consolidated his power,
paying tribute to and under the nominal suzerainty of Egypt till his
murder in 1834. His son, Fesal, succeeded him, but in 1836 on his
refusal to pay tribute an Egyptian force was sent to depose him and he
was taken prisoner and sent to Cairo, while a rival claimant, Khalid,
was established as amir in Riad. Mehemet Ali and his son Ibrahim Pasha
were, however, now committed to their conflict with Turkey for Syria and
Asia Minor, and had no troops to spare for the thankless task of holding
the Arabian deserts; the garrisons were gradually withdrawn, and in 1842
Fesal, who had escaped from his prison at Cairo reappeared and was
everywhere recognized as amir. The few remaining Egyptian troops were
ejected from Riad, and with them all semblance of Egyptian or Turkish
rule disappeared from central Arabia.

For a time it looked as if the supremacy of the Wahhabi empire was to be
renewed; El Hasa, Harik, Kasim and Asir returned to their allegiance,
but over Oman and Yemen Fesal never re-established his dominion, and the
Bahrein sheiks with British support kept their independence.

  Ibn Rashid.

A rival state had, however, arisen, under Abdallah Ibn Rashid in Jebel
Shammar. Driven into exile owing to a feud between his family and the
Ibn Ali, the leading family of the Shammar, Abdallah came to Riad in
1830, and was favourably received by the amir Turki. In 1834 he was with
Fesal on an expedition against El Hasa when news came of the amir's
murder by his cousin Masharah. By Abdallah's advice the expedition was
abandoned; Fesal hastened back with all his forces to Riad, and invested
the citadel where Masharah had taken refuge, but failed to gain
possession of it, until Abdallah with two companions found his way into
the palace, killed Masharah, and placed Fesal on the throne of his
father. As a reward for his services Abdallah was appointed governor of
Jebel Shammar, and had already established himself in Hail when the
Egyptian expedition of 1836 removed Fesal temporarily from Nejd. During
the exile of the latter he steadily consolidated his power, extending
his influence more especially over the desert tribes, till on Fesal's
return in 1842 he had created a state subject only in name to that of
which Riad was the capital.

On the death of Abdallah in 1843, his son Talal succeeded. He set
himself to work to establish law and order throughout the state, to
arrange its finances, and to encourage the settlement in Hail of
artificers and merchants from abroad; the building of the citadel and
palace commenced by Mehemet Ali, and continued by Abdallah Ibn Rashid,
was completed by Talal. The town walls were strengthened, new wells dug,
gardens planted, mosques and schools built. His uncle Obed, to whom
equally with Abdallah is due the foundation of the Ibn Rashid dynasty,
laboured to extend the Shammar boundaries. Khaibar, Tema and Jauf became
tributary to Hail.

Though tolerant in religion Talal was careful to avoid the suspicion of
lukewarmness towards the Wahhabi formulas. Luxury in clothing and the
use of tobacco were prohibited; attendance at the mosque was enforced:
any doubt as to his orthodoxy was silenced by the amount and regularity
of the tribute sent by him to Riad. Equally guarded was his attitude to
the Turkish authorities; it is not improbable that Talal had also
entered into relations with the viceroy of Egypt to ensure his position
in case of a collision with the Porte. During his twenty years' reign
Jebel Shammar became a model state, where justice and security ruled in
a manner before unheard of. Fesal may well have watched with jealous
anxiety the growing strength of his neighbour's state as compared with
his own, where all progress was arrested by the deadening tyranny of
religious fanaticism.

  The amir Mahommed.

On the 11th of March 1868 Talal, smitten with an incurable malady, fell
by his own hand and was succeeded by his brother Matab; after a brief
reign he was murdered by his nephews, the elder of whom, Bandar, became
amir. Mahommed, the third son of the amir Abdallah, was at the time
absent; with a view of getting his uncle into his power, Bandar invited
him to return to Hail, and on his arrival went out to meet him
accompanied by Hamud, son of Obed, and a small following. Warned by a
hurried sign by Hamud that his life was in danger, Mahommed at once
attacked Bandar, stabbed him and took possession of the citadel; a
general massacre of all members of the house of Ibn Rashid followed, and
next day Mahommed appeared with his cousin Hamud in the market-place of
Hail, and announced his assumption of the amirship. A strong and capable
ruler, he soon established his authority over all northern and western
Nejd, and in 1872 the opportunity arrived for his intervention in the
east. In that year Abdallah, who had succeeded Fesal in Riad in 1867,
was deposed, but with the assistance of Mahommed was reinstated; two
years later, however, he was again deposed and forced to seek refuge at
Hail, from which place he appealed for assistance to the Turkish
authorities at Bagdad. Midhat Pasha, then governor-general, seized the
occasion of asserting Turkish dominion on the Persian Gulf coast, and in
1875, in spite of British protests, occupied El Hasa and established a
new province under the title of Nejd, with its headquarters at Hofuf, of
which Abdallah was appointed governor. This was an event of some
importance, as it constituted the first Turkish claim to the sovereignty
over Nejd abandoned by Egypt thirty-three years earlier. The Turks did
not support their client by advancing into Nejd itself, and he and his
rivals were left to fight out their battles among themselves. Turkey was
indeed too much occupied by the war with Russia to pay much attention to
Arab affairs, though a few years later she attempted to occupy Bahrein
by a _coup de main_, which was only frustrated by the action of a
British gunboat.

Owing to the dissensions among the ruling family of Riad, the towns of
eastern Nejd gradually reverted to their former condition of
independence, but menaced in turn by the growing power of Hail, they
formed a coalition under the leadership of Zamil, sheik of Aneza, and in
the spring of 1891, Aneza, Bureda, Shakra, Ras and Riad assembled their
contingents to contest with Ibn Rashid the supremacy in Nejd. The latter
had besides 20,000 of his own south Shammar tribesmen, the whole
strength of the Harb Bedouins, some 10,000 men, and an additional
support of 1000 mounted men from his kinsmen, the northern Shammar from
the Euphrates, while the Muter and Ateba tribes took part with the
allies. The total strength of each side amounted to about 30,000 men.
Zamil's forces held a strong position between Aneza and Bureda, and for
over a month desultory fighting went on; finally an attack was made
against the defenders' centre, covered by 20,000 camel riders; the men
of Aneza broke and the whole allied forces fled in disorder; Zamil and
his eldest son were killed, as were also two of the Ibn Saud family,
while the remainder were taken prisoners. Aneza and Bureda surrendered
the same day, and shortly after Ras, Shakra and Riad tendered their

This victory placed the whole of northern and central Arabia under the
supremacy of Mahommed Ibn Rashid, which he held undisputed during the
rest of his life.

  Recent history.

On his death in 1897 his nephew Abdul-Aziz, son of the murdered amir
Matab, succeeded; during his reign a new element has been introduced
into Nejd politics by the rising importance of Kuwet (Koweit) and the
attempts of Turkey to obtain possession of its important harbour. In
1901 a quarrel arose between Sheik Mubarak of Kuwet and the amir of Hail
whose cause was supported by Turkey. A force was equipped at Basra under
Ahmad Feizi Pasha with the intention of occupying Kuwet; Mubarak
thereupon appealed to Great Britain and action was taken which prevented
the Turkish designs from being carried out. Kuwet was not formally
placed under British protection, but it was officially announced by the
government on the 5th of May 1903 "that the establishment of a naval
base or fortified port in the Persian Gulf by any other power would be
regarded as a very grave menace to British interests which would
certainly be resisted with all the means at its disposal."

In the meantime Sheik Mubarak had found useful allies in the Muntafik
Arabs from the lower Euphrates, and the Wahhabis of Riad; the latter
under the amir Ibn Saud marched against Ibn Rashid, who at the
instigation of the Porte had again threatened Kuwet (Koweit), compelled
him to retire to his own territory and took possession of the towns of
Bureda and Aneza. Sheik Mubarak and his allies continued their advance,
defeated Ibn Rashid in two engagements on the 22nd of July and the 26th
of September 1904, and drove him back on his capital, Hail. The Porte
now made another effort to assist its protégé; two columns were
despatched from Medina and Basra respectively, to relieve Hail, and
drive out the Wahhabis. Ahmad Feizi Pasha, in command of the Basra
column, 4200 strong, crossed the desert and reached the wells of Lina,
200 m. from Hail, on the 5th of March 1905; here, however, he received
orders to halt and negotiate before proceeding farther. The Turkish
government realized by this time the strength of the hostile
combination, and in view of the serious state of affairs in Yemen,
hesitated to undertake another campaign in the deserts of Nejd.
Arrangements were accordingly made with the Wahhabis, and on the 10th of
April Ahmad Feizi Pasha left Lina, ostensibly with the object of
protecting the pilgrim road, and joined the Medina column by the end of
the month. Bureda and Aneza were occupied without opposition, the
rebellious sheiks amnestied by the sultan and loaded with gifts, and
formal peace was made between the rival factions.

  History of European influence.

  British intervention in Oman.

European influence was not felt in Arabia until the arrival of the
Portuguese in the eastern seas, following on the discovery of the Cape
route. In 1506 Hormuz was taken by Albuquerque, and Muscat and the coast
of Oman (q.v.) were occupied by the Portuguese till 1650. In 1516 their
fleets appeared in the Red Sea and an unsuccessful attempt was made
against Jidda; but the effective occupation of Yemen by the Turks in the
next few years frustrated any designs the Portuguese may have had in
S.W. Arabia. Even in Oman their hold on the country was limited to
Muscat and the adjacent ports, while the interior was ruled by the old
Yariba (Ya-'aruba) dynasty from their capital at Rustak. The Persian
occupation, which followed that of the Portuguese, came to an end in the
middle of the 18th century, when Ahmad Ibn Said expelled the invaders
and in 1759 established the Ghafari dynasty which still reigns in Oman.
He was succeeded by his son, who in 1798 made a treaty with the East
India Company with the object of excluding the French from Oman, and the
connexion with Great Britain was further strengthened during the long
reign of his grandson Sultan Said, 1804-1856. During the earlier years
of his reign he was constantly at war with the Wahhabi empire, to which
Oman became for a time tributary. The piracies committed by the Jawasimi
Arabs in the gulf compelled the intervention of England, and in 1810
their strongholds were destroyed by a British-Indian expedition. The
overthrow of the Wahhabis in 1817 restored Sultan Said to independence;
he equipped and armed on Western models a fleet built in Indian ports,
and took possession of Sokotra and Zanzibar, as well as the Persian
coast north of the straits of Hormuz as far east as Gwadur, while by his
liberal policy at home Sohar, Barka and Muscat became prosperous
commercial ports.

On his death in 1856 the kingdom was divided, Majid, a younger son,
taking Zanzibar, while the two elder sons contested the succession to
Oman. The eldest, Thuweni, with British support, finally obtained the
throne, and in 1862 an engagement was entered into by the French and
English governments respecting the independence of the sultans of Oman.
He was assassinated in 1866, and his successor, Seyyid Turki, reigned
till 1888. On his death several claimants disputed the succession;
ultimately his son Fesal was recognized by the British government, and
was granted a subsidy from British-Indian revenues, in consideration of
which he engaged not to cede any of his territory without the consent of
the British government; similar engagements have been entered into by
the tribes who occupy the south coast from the borders of Oman westward
to the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.

  British sphere of influence.

The opening of the overland route to India again brought the west coast
of Arabia into importance. Aden was occupied by the British in 1839. The
Hejaz coast and some of the Yemen ports were still held by Mehemet Ali,
as viceroy of Egypt, but on his final withdrawal from Arabia in 1845,
Hejaz came under direct Turkish rule, and the conquest of Yemen in 1872
placed the whole Red Sea littoral (with the exception of the Midian
coast, ceded by Egypt on the accession of Abbas Hilmi Pasha) under
Ottoman administration. The island of Perim at the southern entrance of
the Red Sea has been a British possession since 1857, while the
promontory of Shekh Said on the Arabian side of the strait is in Turkish
occupation. In order to define the limits between Turkish territory and
that of the independent Arab tribes in political relations with Great
Britain, a joint commission of British and Turkish officers in 1902-1905
laid down a boundary line from Shekh Said to a point on the river Bana,
12 m. north-east of the small town of Kataba, from which it is continued
in a north-easterly direction up to the great desert. This delimitation
places the whole of southern Arabia, east of this line, within the
British sphere of influence, which thus includes the district
surrounding Aden (q.v.), the Hadramut and Oman with its dependencies.

  Turkish rule.

The provinces of Hejaz and Yemen are each administered by a Turkish
governor-general, with headquarters at Taif and Sana respectively; the
country is nominally divided up into divisions and districts under minor
officials, but Turkish rule has never been acquiesced in by the
inhabitants, and beyond the larger towns, all of which are held by
strong garrisons, Turkish authority hardly exists. The powerful Bedouin
tribes of Hejaz have always asserted their independence, and are only
kept quiet by the large money payments made them by the sultan on the
occasion of the annual pilgrimage to the holy cities. A large part of
Asir and northern Yemen has never been visited by Turkish troops, and
such revenues as are collected, mainly from vexatious customs and
transit duties, are quite insufficient to meet the salaries of the
officials, while the troops, ill-fed and their pay indefinitely in
arrears, live on the country as best they can.

  Yemen revolt.

A serious revolt broke out in Yemen in 1892. A Turkish detachment
collecting taxes in the Bani Merwan lands north of Hodeda was destroyed
by a body of Arabs. This reverse set all Yemen aflame; under the
leadership of the imam, who had, since the Turkish occupation, lived in
retirement at Sada, 120 m. north of the capital, the powerful tribes
between Asir and Sana advanced southwards, occupied the principal towns
and besieged the few Turkish fortified posts that still held out. In
many cases the garrisons, Arab troops from Syria, went over to the
insurgents. Meanwhile, reinforcements under General Ahmad Feizi Pasha
reached Hodeda, Manakha was retaken, Sana relieved, and by the end of
January 1893 the country with the exception of the northern mountainous
districts was reconquered.

A state of intermittent rebellion, however, continued, and in 1904 a
general revolt took place with which the normal garrison of Yemen, the
7th army corps, was quite unable to cope. The military posts were
everywhere besieged, and Sana, the capital, was cut off from all
communication with the coast. During February 1905 reinforcements were
sent up which raised the garrison of Sana to a strength of eight
battalions, and in March a further reinforcement of about the same
strength arrived, and fought its way into the capital with the loss of
almost all its guns and train. The position was then desperate,
wholesale desertion and starvation had decimated the garrison, and three
weeks later Ali Riza Pasha, the Turkish commander, was compelled to
surrender. The fall of Sana made a deep impression at Constantinople,
every effort was made to hasten out reinforcements, the veteran Ahmad
Feizi Pasha was nominated to the supreme command, and Anatolian troops
in place of the unreliable Syrian element were detailed. The scale of
the operations may be judged from the fact that the total number of
troops mobilized up to the beginning of July 1905 amounted to 126
battalions, 8 squadrons and 15 batteries; the rebel leader Mahommed
Yahiya had at this time a following of 50,000.

By the end of June, Ahmad Feizi Pasha was in a position to advance on
Manakha, where he organized an efficient transport, rallied the
scattered remnants of Ali Riza's army, and with the newly arrived troops
had by the middle of July a force of some 40 battalions available for
the advance on Sana. He left Manakha on the 17th of July, and after
almost daily fighting reached Sana on the 30th of August; on the 31st he
entered the city without serious opposition, the insurgents having
retreated northward.

  AUTHORITIES.--D.G. Hogarth, _Penetration of Arabia_ (London, 1904); C.
  Niebuhr, _Travels and Description of Arabia_ (Amsterdam, 1774); A.
  Zehme, _Arabien und die Araber seit Hundert Jahren_ (Halle, 1875);
  J.L. Burckhardt, _Travels in Arabia_ (London, 1829); R.F. Burton,
  _Pilgrimage to El Medinah and Meccah_ (London, 1855), _Midian
  revisited_ (1879); W.G. Palgrave, _Central and Eastern Arabia_
  (London, 1865); C. Doughty, _Arabia Deserta_ (Cambridge, 1888), and an
  abridgment, containing mainly the personal narrative, under the title
  of _Wanderings in Arabia_ (London, 1908); L. van den Berg, _Le
  Hadramut et les colonies arabes_, &c. (Batavia, 1885); C. Huber,
  _Journal d'un voyage en Arabie_ (Paris, 1891); J. Euting, _Reise in
  inner Arabien_ (Leiden, 1896); E. Nolde, _Reise nach inner Arabien_
  (Brunswick, 1895); L. Hirsch, _Reise in Sud Arabien_ (Leiden, 1897);
  J.T. Bent, _Southern Arabia_ (1895); R. Manzoni, _Il Yemen_ (Rome,
  1884); A. Deflers, _Voyage en Yémen_ (Paris, 1889); J. Halévy,
  _Journal Asiatique_ (1872); Lady Anne Blunt, _Pilgrimage to Nejd_
  (London, 1881); E. Glaser, _Petermann's Mitt._ (1886, 1888 and 1889);
  W.B. Harris, _Journey through Yemen_ (Edinburgh, 1893); J.R. Wellsted,
  _Travels in Arabia_ (London, 1838); Capt. F.M. Hunter, _Aden_ (London,
  1877). Consult also _Proc. R.G.S._ and _Geogr. Journal_. For geology
  see H.J. Carter, "Memoir on the Geology of the South-East Coast of
  Arabia," _Journ. Bombay Branch Roy. Asiat. Soc._ vol. iv. pp. 21-96
  (1852); Doughty's _Arabia Deserta_; W.F. Hume, _The Rift Valleys and
  Geology of Eastern Sinai_ (London, 1901). For ancient geography of
  Arabia:--A. Sprenger, _Alte Geographie Arabiens_ (Berne, 1875); E.H.
  Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_ (London, 1883); D.H. Müller,
  _Hamdani's Geographie_ (Leiden, 1884); E. Glaser, _Geschichte und
  Geographie Arabiens_ (Berlin, 1890).     (R. A. W.)


The literature of Arabia has its origin in the songs, improvisations,
recitations and stories of the pre-Mahommedan Arabs. Of written
literature in those days there was, so far as we know, none. But where
books failed memory was strong and the power of retaining things heard
was not confined to a professional class. At every festive meeting many
could contribute a poem or a story, many could even improvise the one or
the other. When members of different tribes met in peace (as at the fair
of 'Ukaz) the most skilful reciters strove to maintain the honour of
their own people, and a ready improviser was held in high esteem. The
smartest epigrams, the fairest similes, the keenest satires, spoken or
sung on such occasions, were treasured in the memory of the hearers and
carried by them to their homes. But the experience of all peoples in
that memory requires to be helped by form. Sentences became balanced and
were made clear by some sort of definite ending. The simplest form of
this in Arabian literature is the _saj'_ or rhymed prose, in which the
sentences are usually (though not always) short and end in a rhyme or
assonance. Mahomet used this form in many parts of the Koran (e.g.
_Sura_, 81). The next step was the introduction of metre into the body
of the sentence and the restriction of the passages to a definite
length. This in its simplest form gave rise to the _rajaz_ verses, where
each half-line ends in the same rhyme and consists of three feet of the
measure /u - u -. Other metres were introduced later until sixteen
altogether were recognized. In all forms the rhyme is the same
throughout the poem, and is confined to the second half of the line
except in the first line where the two halves rhyme. While, however,
these measures were in early use, they were not systematically analysed
or their rules enunciated until the time of Khalil ibn Ahmad in the 8th
century. Two other features of Arabian poetry are probably connected
with the necessity for aiding the memory. The first of these is the
requirement that each line should have a complete sense in itself; this
produces a certain jerkiness, and often led among the Arabs to
displacement in the order of the lines in a long poem. The other
feature, peculiar to the long poem (_qasida_, elegy), is that, whatever
its real object, whatever its metre, it has a regular scheme in the
arrangement of its material. It begins with a description of the old
camping-ground, before which the poet calls on his companion to stop,
while he bewails the traces of those who have left for other places.
Then he tells of his love and how he had suffered from it, how he had
journeyed through the desert (this part often contains some of the most
famous descriptions and praises of animals) until his beast became thin
and worn-out. Then at last comes the real subject of the poem, usually
the panegyric of some man of influence or wealth to whom the poet has
come in hope of reward and before whom he recites the poem.

_Poetry._--The influence of the poet in pre-Mahommedan days was very
great. As his name, _ash-Sha'ir_, "the knowing man," indicates, he was
supposed to have more than natural knowledge and power. Panegyric and
satire (_hija'_) were his chief instruments. The praise of the tribe in
well-chosen verses ennobled it throughout the land, a biting satire was
enough to destroy its reputation (cf. I. Goldziher's _Abhandlungen zur
arabischen Philologie_, i. pp. 1-105). Before Mahomet the ethics of the
Arabs were summed up in _muruwwa_ (custom). Hospitality, generosity,
personal bravery were the subjects of praise; meanness and cowardice
those of satire. The existence of poetry among the northern Arabs was
known to the Greeks even in the 4th century (cf. St Nilos in Migne's
_Patrologia Graeca_, vol. 79, col. 648, and Sozomen's _Ecclesiastical
History_, bk. 6, ch. 38). Women as well as men composed and recited
poems before the days of the Prophet (cf. L. Cheikho's _Poetesses of the
Jahiliyya_, in Arabic, Beirut, 1897).

The transmission of early Arabic poetry has been very imperfect. Many of
the reciters were slain in battle, and it was not till the 8th to the
10th centuries and even later that the earliest collections of these
poems were made. Many have to be recovered from grammars, dictionaries,
&c., where single lines or groups of lines are quoted to illustrate the
proper use of words, phrases or idioms. Moreover, many a reciter was not
content to declaim the genuine verses of ancient poets, but interpolated
some of his own composition, and the change of religion introduced by
Islam led to the mutilation of many verses to suit the doctrines of the
new creed.[3]

The language of the poems, as of all the best Arabian literature, was
that of the desert Arabs of central Arabia; and to use it aright was the
ambition of poets and scholars even in the Abbasid period. For the man
of the towns its vocabulary was too copious to be easily understood, and
in the age of linguistic studies many commentaries were written to
explain words and idioms.

Of the pre-Mahommedan poets the most famous were the six whose poems
were collected by Asma'i about the beginning of the 9th century (ed. W.
Ahlwardt, _The Diwans of the Six Ancient Arabic Poets_, London, 1870).
Single poems of four of these--Amru-ul-Qais, Tarafa, Zuhair and
'Antara--appear in the Mo'allakat (q.v.). The other two were Nabigha
(q.v.) and 'Alqama (q.v.). But besides these there were many others
whose names were famous; such as Ta'abbata Sharran, a popular hero who
recites his own adventures with great gusto; his companion Shanfara,
whose fame rests on a fine poem which has been translated into French by
de Sacy (in his _Chrestomathie Arabe_) and into English by G. Hughes
(London, 1896); Aus ibn Hajar of the Bani Tamin, famous for his
descriptions of weapons and hunting scenes (ed. R. Geyer, Vienna, 1892);
Hatim Ta'i, renowned for his open-handed generosity as well as for his
poetry (ed. F. Schulthess, Leipzig, 1897, with German translation); and
'Urwa ibn ul-Ward of the tribe of 'Abs, rival of Hatim in generosity as
well as in poetry (ed. Th. Nöldeke, Göttingen, 1863). Among these early
poets are found one Jew of repute, Samau'al (Samuel) ibn Adiya (cf. Th.
Nöldeke's _Beiträge_, pp. 52-86; art. _s.v._ "Samuel ibn Adiya" in
_Jewish Encyc._ and authorities there quoted), and some Christians such
as 'Adi'ibn Zaid of Hira, who sang alike of the pleasures of drink and
of death (ed. by Louis Cheikho in his _Les Poètes arabes chrétiens_, pp.
439-474, Beirut, 1890; in this work many Arabian poets are considered to
be Christian without sufficient reason). One poet, a younger
contemporary of Mahomet, has attracted much attention because his poems
were religious and he was a monotheist. This is Umayya ibn Abi-s-Salt, a
Meccan who did not accept Islam and died in 630. His poems are discussed
by F. Schulthess in the _Orientalische Studien_ dedicated by Th.
Nöldeke, Giessen, 1906, and his relation to Mahomet by E. Power (in the
_Mélanges de la faculté orientale de l'université Saint-Joseph_, Beirut,
1906). Mahomet's relation to the poets generally was one of antagonism
because of their influence over the Arabs and their devotion to the old
religion and customs. Ka'b ibn Zuhair, however, first condemned to
death, then pardoned, later won great favour for himself by writing a
panegyric of the Prophet (ed. G. Freytag, Halle, 1823). Another poet,
A'sha (q.v.), followed his example. Labid (q.v.) and Hassan ibn Thabit
(q.v.) were also contemporary. Among the poetesses of the time Khansa
(q.v.) is supreme. In the scarcity of poets at this time two others
deserve mention; Abu Mihjan, who made peace with Islam in 630 but was
exiled for his love of wine, which he celebrated in his verse (ed. L.
Abel, Leiden, 1887; cf. C. Landberg's _Primeurs arabes_, 1, Leiden,
1886), and Jarwal ibn Aus, known as al-Hutai'a, a wandering poet whose
keen satires led to his imprisonment by Omar (Poems, ed. by I. Goldziher
in the _Journal of the German Oriental Society_, vols. 46 and 47).

Had the simplicity and religious severity of the first four caliphs
continued in their successors, the fate of poetry would have been hard.
Probably little but religious poetry would have been allowed. But the
Omayyads (with one exception) were not religious men and, while
preserving the outward forms of Islam, allowed full liberty to the
pre-Islamic customs of the Arabs and the beliefs and practices of
Christians. At the same time the circumstances of the poet's life were
altered. Poetry depended on patronage, and that was to be had now
chiefly in the court of the caliph and the residences of his governors.
Hence the centre of attraction was now the city with its interests, not
the desert. Yet the old forms of poetry were kept. The _qasida_ still
required the long introduction (see above), which was entirely occupied
with the affairs of the desert. Thus poetry became more and more
artificial, until in the Abbasid period poets arose who felt themselves
strong enough to give up the worn-out forms and adopt others more
suitable. The names of three great poets adorn the Omayyad period:
Akhtal, Farazdaq and Jarir were contemporaries (see separate articles).
The first was a Christian of the tribe of Taghlib, whose Christianity
enabled him to write many verses which would have been impossible to a
professing Moslem. Protected by the caliph he employed the old weapons
of satire to support them against the "Helpers" and to exalt his own
tribe against the Qaisites. Farazdaq of the Bani Tamim, a good Moslem
but loose in morals, lived chiefly in Medina and Kufa, and was renowned
for his command of language. Jarir of another branch of the Bani Tamim
lived in Irak and courted the favour of Hajjaj, its governor. His
satires were so effective that he is said to have crushed forty-three
rivals. His great efforts were against Farazdaq, who was supported by
Akhtal (cf. _The Naka'id of Jarir and al-Farazdaq_, ed. A.A. Bevan,
Leiden, 1906 foll.). Among many minor poets one woman is conspicuous.
Laila ul-Akhyaliyya (d. 706) was married to a stranger. On the death of
her lover in battle, she wrote numerous elegies bewailing him, and so
became famous and devoted the rest of her life to the writing of verse.
Two poets of the Koreish attained celebrity in Arabia itself at this
time. Qais ur-Ruqayyat was the poet of 'Abdallah ibn uz-Zubair (Abdallah
ibn Zobair) and helped him until circumstances went against him, when he
made his peace with the caliph. His poems are chiefly panegyrics and
love songs (ed. N. Rhodonakis, Vienna, 1902). 'Umar ibn Abi Rabi'a (c.
643-719) was a wealthy man, who lived a life of ease in his native town
of Mecca, and devoted himself to intrigues and writing love songs (ed.
P. Schwarz, Leipzig, 1901-1902). His poems were very popular throughout
Arabia. As a dweller in the town he was independent of the old forms of
poetry, which controlled all others, but his influence among poets was
not great enough to perpetuate the new style. One other short-lived
movement of the Omayyad period should be mentioned. The _rajaz_ poems
(see above) had been a subordinate class generally used for
improvisations in pre-Mahommedan times. In the 7th and 8th centuries,
however, a group of poets employed them more seriously. The most
celebrated of these were 'Ajjaj and his son Ru'ba of the Bani Tamim
(editions by W. Ahlwardt, Berlin, 1903; German trans. of Ru'ba's poems
by Ahlwardt, Berlin, 1904).

With the establishment of the Abbasid dynasty, a new epoch in Arabian
poetry began. The stereotyped beginning of the _qasida_ had been
recognized as antiquated and out of place in city life even in the
Omayyad period (cf. Goldziher, _Abhandlungen_, i. 144 ff). This form had
been ridiculed but now it lost its hold altogether, and was only
employed occasionally by way of direct imitation of the antique. The
rise of Persian influence made itself felt in much the same way as the
Norman influence in England by bringing a newer refinement into poetry.
Tribal feuds are no longer the main incentives to verse. Individual
experiences of life and matters of human interest become more usual
subjects. Cynicism, often followed by religion in a poet's later life,
is common. The tumultuous mixture of interests and passions to be found
in a city like Bagdad are the subjects of a poet's verse. One of the
earliest of these poets, Muti' ibn Ayas, shows the new depth of personal
feeling and refinement of expression. Bashshar ibn Burd (d. 783), a
blind poet of Persian descent, shows the ascendancy of Persian influence
as he openly rails at the Arabs and makes clear his own leaning to the
Persian religion. In the 8th century Abu Nuwas (q.v.) is the greatest
poet of his time. His language has the purity of the desert, his morals
are those of the city, his universalism is that of the man of the world.
Abu-l-'Atahiya (q.v.), his contemporary, is fluent, simple and often
didactic. Muslim ibn ul-Walid (ed. de Goeje, Leiden, 1875), also
contemporary, is more conservative of old forms and given to panegyric
and satire. In the 9th century two of the best-known poets--Abu Tammam
(q.v.) and Buhturi (q.v.) --were renowned for their knowledge of old
poetry (see HAMASA) and were influenced by it in their own verse. On the
other hand Ibn ul-Mo'tazz (son of the caliph) was the writer of
brilliant occasional verse, free of all imitation. In the 10th century
the centre of interest is in the court of Saif ud-Daula (addaula) at
Aleppo. Here in Motanabbi (q.v.) the claims of modern poetry not only to
equal but to excel the ancient were put forward and in part at any rate
recognized. Abu Firas (932-968) was a member of the family of Saif
ud-Daula, a soldier whose poems have all the charm that comes from the
fact that the writer has lived through the events he narrates (ed. by R.
Dvorák, Leiden, 1895). Many Arabian writers count Motanabbi the last of
the great poets. Yet Abu-l-'Ala ul-Ma'arri (q.v.) was original alike in
his use of rhymes and in the philosophical nature of his poems. Ibn
Farid (q.v.) is the greatest of the mystic poets, and Busiri (q.v.)
wrote the most famous poem extant in praise of the Prophet. In the
provinces of the caliphate there were many poets, who, however, seldom
produced original work. Spain, however, produced Ibn 'Abdun (d. 1126),
famous for the grace and finish of his style (ed. with commentary of Ibn
Badrun by R.P.A. Dozy, Leiden, 1846). The Sicilian Ibn Hamdis
(1048-1132) spent the last fifty years of his life in Spain (_Diwan_,
ed. Moaçada, Palermo, 1883; _Canzoniere_, ed. Schiaparelli, Rome, 1897).
It was also apparently in this country that the strophe form was first
used in Arabic poems (cf. M. Hartmann's _Das arabische Strophengedicht_,
Weimar, 1897), and Ibn Quzman (12th century), a wandering singer, here
first used the language of everyday life in the form of verse known as

_Anthologies._--As supplemental to the account of poetry may be
mentioned here some of the chief collections of ancient verse, sometimes
made for the sake of the poems themselves, sometimes to give a _locus
classicus_ for usages of grammar or lexicography, sometimes to
illustrate ancient manners and customs. The earliest of these is the
_Mo'allakat_ (q.v.). In the 8th century Ibn Mofaddal compiled the
collection named after him the _Mofaddaliyat_. From the 9th century we
have the Hamasas of Abu Tammam and Buhturi, and a collection of poems of
the tribe Hudhail (second half ed. in part by J.G.L. Kosegarten, London,
1854; completed by J. Wellhausen in _Skizzen und Vorarbeiten_, i.
Berlin, 1884). The numerous quotations of Ibn Qutaiba (q.v.) in the
'Uyun ul-Akhbar (ed. C. Brockelmann, Strassburg, 1900 ff.) and the _Book
of Poetry and Poets_ (ed. M.J. de Goeje, Leiden, 1904) bring these works
into this class. In the 10th century were compiled the _Jamharat ash'ar
al Arab_, containing forty-nine poems (ed. Bulaq, 1890), the work
_al-'Iqd ul-Farid_ of Ibn' Abdi-r-Rabbihi (ed. Cairo, various years),
and the greatest work of all this class, the _Kitab ul-Aghani_ ("Book of
Songs") (cf. ABU-L FARAJ). The 12th century contributes the _Diwan
Mukhtarat ush-Shu'ara'i_ with fifty qasidas. The _Khizanai ul-Adab_ of
Abdulqadir, written in the 17th century in the form of a commentary on
verses cited in a grammar, contains much old verse (ed. 4 vols., Bulaq,

_Belles-Lettres and Romances._--Mahomet in the Koran had made extensive
use of _saj'_ or rhymed prose (see above). This form then dropped out of
use almost entirely for some time. In the 10th century, however, it was
revived, occurring almost simultaneously in the _Sermons_ of Ibn Nubata
(946-984) and the _Letters_ of Abu Bakr ul-Khwarizmi. Both have been
published several times in the East. The epistolary style was further
cultivated by Hamadhani (q.v.) and carried to perfection by Abu-l'Ala
ul-Ma'arri. Hamadhini was also the first to write in this rhymed prose a
new form of work, the _Maqama_ ("assembly"). The name arose from the
fact that scholars were accustomed to assemble for the purpose of
rivalling one another in orations showing their knowledge of Arabic
language, proverb and verse. In the _Maqamas_ of Hamadhani a narrator
describes how in various places he met a wandering scholar who in these
assemblies puts all his rivals to shame by his eloquence. Each oration
forms the substance of a _Maqama_, while the _Maqamas_ themselves are
united to one another by the constant meetings of narrator and scholar.
Hariri (q.v.) quite eclipsed the fame of his predecessor in this
department, and his _Maqamas_ retain their influence over Arabian
literature to the present day. As late as the 19th century the sheik
Nasif ul Yaziji (1800-1871) distinguished himself by writing sixty
clever _Maqamas_ in the style of Hariri (ed. Beirut, 1856, 1872). While
this class of literature had devoted itself chiefly to the finesses of
the language, another set of works was given to meeting the requirements
of moral education and the training of a gentleman. This, which is known
as "Adab literature," is anecdotic in style with much quotation of early
poetry and proverb. Thus government, war, friendship, morality, piety,
eloquence, are some of the titles under which Ibn Qutaiba groups his
stories and verses in the _'Uyun ul Akhbar_. _Jahiz_ (q.v.) in the 9th
century and Baihaqi (_The Kitab al-Mahasin val-Masawi_, ed. F. Schwally,
Giessen, 1900-1902) early in the 10th, wrote works of this class. A
little later a Spaniard, Ibn 'Abdrabbihi (Abdi-r-Rabbihi), wrote his
_'Iqd ul-Farid_ (see section _Anthologies_). The growth of city life in
the Abbasid capital led to the desire for a new form of story, differing
from the old tales of desert life. This was met in the first place by
borrowing. In the 8th century Ibn Muqaffa', a convert from Mazdaism to
Islam, translated the Pahlavi version of Bidpai's fables (itself a
version of the Indian _Panchatantra_) into Arabic with the title _Kalila
wa Dimna_ (ed. Beirut, various years). Owing to the purity of its
language and style it has remained a classic work. The _Book of the 1001
Nights_ (_Arabian Nights_) also has its basis in translations from the
Indian through the Persian, made as early as the 9th century. To these
stories have been added others originating in Bagdad and Egypt and a few
others, which were at first in independent circulation. The whole work
seems to have taken its present form (with local variations) about the
13th century. Several other romances of considerable length are extant,
such as the _Story of 'Antar_ (ed. 32 vols., Cairo, 1869, &c.,
translated in part by Terrick Hamilton, 4 vols., London, 1820), and the
_Story of Saif ibn Dhi Yezen_ (ed. Cairo, 1892).     (G. W. T.)

_Historical Literature._--Arabian historians differ from all others in
the unique form of their compositions. Each event is related in the
words of eye-witnesses or contemporaries transmitted to the final
narrator through a chain of intermediate reporters (_rawis_), each of
whom passed on the original report to his successor. Often the same
account is given in two or more slightly divergent forms, which have
come down through different chains of reporters. Often, too, one event
or one important detail is told in several ways on the basis of several
contemporary statements transmitted to the final narrator through
distinct lines of tradition. The writer, therefore, exercises no
independent criticism except as regards the choice of authorities; for
he rejects accounts of which the first author or one of the intermediate
links seems to him unworthy of credit, and sometimes he states which of
several accounts seems to him the best.

A second type of Arabian historiography is that in which an author
combines the different traditions about one occurrence into one
continuous narrative, but prefixes a statement as to the lines of
authorities used and states which of them he mainly follows. In this
case the writer recurs to the first method, already described, only when
the different traditions are greatly at variance with one another. In
yet a third type of history the old method is entirely forsaken and we
have a continuous narrative only occasionally interrupted by citation of
the authority for some particular point. But the principle still is that
what has been well said once need not be told again in other words. The
writer, therefore, keeps as close as he can to the letter of his
sources, so that quite a late writer often reproduces the very words of
the first narrator.

From very early times story-tellers and singers found their subjects in
the doughty deeds of the tribe on its forays, and sometimes in contests
with foreign powers and in the impression produced by the wealth and
might of the sovereigns of Persia and Constantinople. The appearance of
the Prophet with the great changes that ensued, the conquests that made
the Arabs lords of half the civilized world, supplied a vast store of
new matter for relations which men were never weary of hearing and
recounting. They wished to know everything about the apostle of God.
Every one who had known or seen him was questioned and was eager to
answer. Moreover, the word of God in the Koran left many practical
points undecided, and therefore it was of the highest importance to know
exactly how the Prophet had spoken and acted in various circumstances.
Where could this be better learned than at Medina, where he had lived so
long and where the majority of his companions continued to live? So at
Medina a school was gradually formed, where the chief part of the
traditions about Mahomet and his first successors took a form more or
less fixed. Soon men began to assist memory by making notes, and pupils
sought to take written jottings of what they had heard from their
teachers. Thus by the close of the 1st century many _dictata_ were
already in circulation. For example, Hasan of Basra (d. 728 A.D.) had a
great mass of such notes, and he was accused of sometimes passing off as
oral tradition things he had really drawn from books; for oral tradition
was still the one recognized authority, and it is related of more than
one old scholar, and even of Hasan of Basra himself, that he directed
his books to be burned at his death. The books were mere helps. Long
after this date, when all scholars drew mainly from books, the old forms
were still kept up. Tabari, for example, when he cites a book expresses
himself as if he had heard what he quotes from the master with whom he
read the passage or from whose copy he transcribed it. He even expresses
himself in this wise: "'Omar b. Shabba has _related_ to me in his book
on the history of Basra." No independent book of the 1st century from
the Flight (i.e. 622-719) has come down to us. It is told, however, that
Moawiya summoned an old man named 'Abid ibn Sharya from Yemen to
Damascus to tell him all he knew about ancient history and that he
induced him to write down his information. This very likely formed the
nucleus of a book which bore the name of that sheik and was much read in
the 3rd century from the Flight. It seems to be lost now. But in the 2nd
century (719-816) real books began to be composed. The materials were
supplied in the first place by oral tradition, in the second by the
_dictata_ of older scholars, and finally by various kinds of documents,
such as treaties, letters, collections of poetry and genealogical lists.
Genealogical studies had become necessary through Omar's system of
assigning state pensions to certain classes of persons according to
their kinship with the Prophet, or their deserts during his lifetime.
This subject received much attention even in the 1st century, but books
about it were first written in the 2nd, the most famous being those of
Ibn al-Kalbi (d. 763), of his son Hisham (d. 819), and of Al-Sharqi ibn
al-Qutami. Genealogy, which often called for elucidations, led on to
history. Baladhuri's excellent _Ansab al-Ashraf_ (Genealogies of the
Nobles) is a history of the Arabs on a genealogical plan.

The oldest extant history is the biography of the Prophet by Ibn Ishaq
(d. 767). This work is generally trustworthy. Mahomet's life before he
appeared as a prophet and the story of his ancestors are indeed mixed
with many fables illustrated by spurious verses. But in Ibn Ishaq's day
these fables were generally accepted as history--for many of them had
been first related by contemporaries of Mahomet--and no one certainly
thought it blameworthy to put pious verses in the mouth of the Prophet's
forefathers, though, according to the _Fihrist_ (p. 92), Ibn Ishaq was
duped by others with regard to the poems he quotes. The original work of
Ibn Ishaq seems to be lost. That which we possess is an edition of it by
Ibn Hisham (d. 834) with additions and omissions (text ed. by F.
Wüstenfeld, Göttingen, 1858-1860; German translation by Weil, Stuttgart,

The _Life_ of the Prophet by Ibn Oqba (d. 758), based on the statements
of two very trustworthy men, 'Urwa ibn az-Zubair (d. 713) and Az-zuhri
(d. 742), was still much read in Syria in the 14th century. Fragments of
this have been edited by E. Sachau, Berlin, 1904. We fortunately possess
the _Book of the Campaigns_ of the Prophet by al-Waqidi (d. 822) and the
important _Book of Classes_ of his disciple Ibn Sa'd (q.v.). Waqidi had
much more copious materials than Ibn Ishaq, but gives way much more to a
popular and sometimes romancing style of treatment. Nevertheless he
sometimes helps us to recognize in Ibn Ishaq's narrative modifications
of the genuine tradition made for a purpose, and the additional details
he supplies set various events before us in a clearer light. Apart from
this his chief merits lie in his studies on the subject of the
traditional authorities, the results of which are given by Ibn Sa'd, and
in his chronology, which is often excellent. A special study of the
traditions about the conquest of Syria made by M.J. de Goeje in 1864
(_Mémoires sur la conquête de la Syrie_, 2nd ed., Leiden, 1900), led to
the conclusion that Waqidi's chronology is sound as regards the main
events, and that later historians have gone astray by forsaking his
guidance. This result has been confirmed by certain contemporary notices
found by Th. Nöldeke in 1874 in a Syriac MS. of the British Museum. And
that Ibn Ishaq agrees with Waqidi in certain main dates is important
evidence for the trustworthiness of the former also. For the chronology
before the year 10 of the Flight Waqidi did his best, but here, the
material being defective, many of his conclusions are precarious. Waqidi
had already a great library at his disposal. He is said to have had 600
chests of books, chiefly _dictata_ written by or for himself, but in
part real books by Abu Mikhnaf (d. 748), Ibn Ishaq (whom he uses but
does not name), 'Awana (d. 764), Abu Mashar (d. 791) and other authors.
Abu Mikhnaf left a great number of monographs on the chief events from
the death of the Prophet to the caliphate of Walid II. These were much
used by later writers, and we have many extracts from them, but none of
the works themselves except a sort of romance based on his account of
the death of Hosain (Husain) of which Wüstenfeld has given a
translation. With regard to the history of Irak in particular he was
deemed to have the best information, and for this subject he is Tabari's
chief source, just as Madaini, a younger contemporary of Waqidi, is
followed by preference in all that relates to Khorasan. Madaini's
_History of the Caliphs_ is the best, if not the oldest, published
before Tabari; but this book is known only by the excerpts given by
later writers, particularly Baladhuri and Tabari. From these we judge
that he had great narrative power, with much clear and exact learning,
and must be placed high as a critical historian. His plan was to record
the various traditions about an event, choosing them with critical
skill; sometimes, however, he fused the several traditions into a
continuous narrative. A just estimate of the relative value of the
historians can only be reached by careful comparison in detail. This has
been essayed by Brünnow in his study on the Kharijites (Leiden, 1884),
in which the narrative of Mubarrad in the Kamil is compared with the
excerpts of Madaini given by Baladhuri and those of Abu Mikhnaf given by
Tabari. The conclusion reached is that Abu Mikhnaf and Madaini are both
well informed and impartial.

Among the contemporaries of Waqidi and Madaini were Ibn Khidash (d.
838), the historian of the family Muhallab, whose work was one of
Mubarrad's sources for the _History of the Kharijites_; Haitham ibn 'Adi
(d. 822), whose works, though now lost, are often cited; and Saif ibn
'Omar at-Tamimi, whose book on the revolt of the tribes under Abu-Bekr
and on the Mahommedan conquests was much used by Tabari. His narratives
are detailed and often tinged with romance, and he is certainly much
inferior to Waqidi in accuracy. Wellhausen has thoroughly examined the
work of Saif in _Skizzen und Vorarbeiten_, vi. Besides these are to be
mentioned Abu 'Ubaida (d. 825), who was celebrated as a philologist and
wrote several historical monographs that are often cited, and Azraqi,
whose excellent _History of Mecca_ was published after his death by his
grandson (d. 858). With these writers we pass into the 3rd century of
Islam. But we have still an important point to notice in the 2nd
century; for in it learned Persians began to take part in the creation
of Arabic historical literature. Ibn Muqaffa' translated the great _Book
of Persian Kings_, and others followed his example. Tabari and his
contemporaries, senior and junior, such as Ibn Qutaiba, Ya'qubi,
Dinawari, preserve to us a good part of the information about Persian
history made known through such translations.[4] But even more important
than the knowledge conveyed by these works was their influence on
literary style and composition. Half a century later began versions from
the Greek either direct or through the Syriac. The pieces translated
were mostly philosophical; but the Arabs also learned something, however
superficially, of ancient history.

The 3rd century (816-913) was far more productive than the 2nd. Abu
'Ubaida was succeeded by Ibn al-A'rabi (d. 846), who in like manner was
chiefly famous as a philologist, and who wrote about ancient poems and
battles. Much that he wrote is quoted in Tabrizi's commentary on the
_Hamasa_, which is still richer in extracts from the historical
elucidations of early poems given by ar-Riyashi (d. 871). Of special
fame as a genealogist was Ibn Habib (d. 859), of whom we have a booklet
on Arabian tribal names (ed. Wüstenfeld, 1850). Azraqi again was
followed by Fakihi, who wrote a _History of Mecca_ in 885,[5] and 'Omar
b. Shabba (d. 876), who composed an excellent history of Basra, known to
us only by excerpts. Of the works of Zubair b. Bakkar (d. 870), one of
Tabari's teachers, a learned historian and genealogist much consulted by
later writers, there is a fragment in the Köprülü library at
Constantinople, and another in Göttingen, part of which has been made
known by Wüstenfeld (_Die Familie Al-Zobair_, Göttingen, 1878). Ya'qubi
(Ibn Wadih) wrote a short general history of much value (published by
Houtsma, Leiden, 1883). About India he knows more than his predecessors
and more than his successors down to Beruni. Ibn Khordadhbeh's
historical works are lost. Ibn 'Abdalhakam (d. 871) wrote of the
conquest of Egypt and the West. Extracts from this book are given by
M'G. de Slane in his _Histoire des Berbères_, from which we gather that
it was a medley of true tradition and romance, and must be reckoned,
with the book of his slightly senior contemporary, the Spaniard Ibn
Habib, in the class of historical romances. A high place must be
assigned to the historian Ibn Qutaiba or Kotaiba (d. 889), who wrote a
very useful _Handbook of History_ (ed. Wüstenfeld, Göttingen, 1850).
Much more eminent is Baladhuri (d. 893), whose book on the Arab conquest
(ed. M.J. de Goeje, Leiden, 1865-1866) merits the special praise given
to it by Mas'udi, and who also wrote a large work, the _Ansab
al-Ashraf_. A contemporary, Ibn abi Tahir Taifur (d. 894), wrote on the
Abbasid caliphs and was drawn on by Tabari. The sixth part of his work
is in the British Museum. The universal history of Dinawari (d. 896),
entitled _The Long Narratives_, has been edited by Girgas (1887).

All these histories are more or less thrown into the shade by the great
work of Tabari (q.v.), whose fame has never faded from his own day to
ours. The _Annals_ (ed. M. de Goeje, Leiden, 1879-1901) are a general
history from the creation to 302 A.H. (= A.D. 915). As a literary
composition they do not rank very high, which may be due partly to the
author's years, partly to the inequality of his sources, sometimes
superabundant, sometimes defective, partly perhaps to the somewhat hasty
condensation of his original draft. Nevertheless the value of the book
is very great: the author's selection of traditions is usually happy,
and the episodes of most importance are treated with most fulness of
detail, so that it deserves the high reputation it has enjoyed from the
first. This reputation rose steadily; there were twenty copies (one of
them written by Tabari's own hand) in the library of the Fatimite caliph
'Aziz (latter half of the 4th century), whereas, when Saladin became
lord of Egypt, the princely library contained 1200 copies (Maqrizi, i.
408 seq.).

The _Annals_ soon came to be dealt with in various ways. They were
published in shorter form with the omission of the names of authorities
and of most of the poems cited; some passages quoted by later writers
are not found even in the Leiden edition. On the other hand, some
interpolations took place, one in the author's lifetime and perhaps by
his own hand. Then many supplements were written, e.g. by Ferghani (not
extant) and by Hamadhani (partly preserved in Paris). 'Arib of Cordova
made an abridgment, adding the history of the West and continuing the
story to about 975.[6] Ibn Mashkawaih wrote a history from the creation
to 980, with the purpose of drawing the lessons of the story, following
Tabari closely, as far as his book is known, and seldom recurring to
other sources before the reign of Moqtadir; what follows is his own
composition and shows him to be a writer of talent.[7] In 963 an
abridgment of the _Annals_ was translated into Persian by Bal'ami, who,
however, interwove many fables.[8] Ibn al-Athir (d. 1234) abridged the
whole work, usually with judgment, but sometimes too hastily. Though he
sometimes glided lightly over difficulties, his work is of service in
fixing the text of Tabari. He also furnished a continuation to the year
1224. Later writers took Tabari as their main authority, but sometimes
consulted other sources, and so add to our knowledge--especially Ibn
al-Jauzi (d. 1201), who adds many important details. These later
historians had valuable help from the biographies of famous men and
special histories of countries and cities, dynasties and princes, on
which much labour was spent from the 4th century from the Flight

The chief historians after Tabari may be briefly mentioned in
chronological order. Razi (d. A.D. 932) wrote a _History of Spain_;
Eutychius (d. 940) wrote _Annals_ (ed. L. Cheikho, Paris, 1906), which
are very important because he gives the Christian tradition; Suli (d.
946) wrote on the Abbasid caliphs, their viziers and court poets;
Mas'udi (q.v.) composed various historical and geographical works (d.
956). Of Tabari's contemporary Hamza Ispahani (c. 940) we have the
Annals (ed. Gottwaldt, St Petersburg, 1844); Ibn al-Qutiya wrote a
_History of Spain_; Ibn Zulaq (d. 997) a _History of Egypt_; 'Otbi wrote
the _History of Mahmud of Ghazna_, at whose court he lived (printed on
the margin of the Egyptian edition of Ibn al-Athir); Tha'labi (d. 1036)
wrote a well-known _History of the Old Prophets_; Abu Nu'aim al-Ispahani
(d. 1039) wrote a _History of Ispahan_, chiefly of the scholars of that
city; Tha'alibi (d. c. 1038) wrote, _inter alia_, a well-known _History
of the Poets of his Time_, published at Damascus, 1887; Biruni (q.v.)
(d. 1048) takes a high place among historians; Koda'i (d. 1062) wrote a
_Description of Egypt_ and also various historical pieces, of which some
are extant; Ibn Sa'id of Cordova (d. 1070) wrote a _View of the History
of the Various Nations_. Bagdad and its learned men found an excellent
historian in al-Khatib al-Baghdadi (d. 1071), and Spain in Ibn Hayan (d.
1076), and half a century later in Ibn Khaqan (d. 1135) and Ibn Bassam
(d. 1147). Sam'ani (d. 1167) wrote an excellent book on genealogies;
'Umara (d. 1175) wrote a _History of Yemen_ (ed. H.C. Kay, London,
1892); Ibn 'Asaqir (d. 1176) a _History of Damascus and her Scholars_,
which is of great value, and exists in whole or in part in several
libraries. The _Biographical Dictionary_ of the Spaniard Ibn Pascual (d.
1182) and that of Dabbi, a somewhat junior contemporary, are edited in
Codera's _Bibliotheca Arab. Hisp._ (1883-1885); Saladin found his
historian in the famous 'Imad uddin (d. 1201) (Arabic text, ed. C.
Landberg, Leiden, 1888). Ibn ul-Jauzi, who died in the same year, has
been already mentioned. Abdulwahid's _History of the Almohades_, written
in 1224, was published by Dozy (2nd ed., 1881). Abdullatif or Abdallatif
(d. 1232) is known by his writings about Egypt (trans. de Sacy, 1810);
Ibn al-Athir (d. 1233) wrote, in addition to the _Chronicle_ already
mentioned, a _Biographical Dictionary of Contemporaries of the Prophet_.
Qifti (d. 1248) is especially known by his _History of Arabic
Philologists_. Sibt ibn al-Jauzi (d. 1256), grandson of the Ibn al-Jauzi
already mentioned, wrote a great _Chronicle_, of which much the larger
part still exists. Codera has edited (Madrid, 1886) Ibn al-'Abbar's (d.
1260) _Biographical Lexicon_, already known by Dozy's excerpts from it.
Ibn al-'Adim (d. 1262) is famed for his _History of Aleppo_, and Abu
Shama (d. 1267) wrote a well-known _History of Saladin and Nureddin_,
taking a great deal from 'Imad uddin. Ibn abi Usaibia (d. 1269) wrote a
_History of Physicians_, ed. A. Müller. The _History_ of Ibn al-'Amid
(d. 1276), better known as Elmacin, was printed by Erpenius in 1625. Ibn
Sa'id al-Maghribi (d. 1274 or 1286) is famous for his histories, but
still more for his geographical writings. The noted theologian Nawawi
(q.v.; d. 1278) wrote a _Biographical Dictionary of the Worthies of the
First Ages of Islam_. Preeminent as a biographer is Ibn Khallikan (q.v.;
d. 1282), whose much-used work was partly edited by de Slane and
completely by Wüstenfeld (1835-1840), and translated into English by the
former scholar (4 vols., 1843-1871).

Abu 'l-Faraj, better known as Bar-Hebraeus (d. 1286), wrote, besides his
Syriac _Chronicle_, an Arabic _History of Dynasties_ (ed. E. Pocock,
Oxford, 1663, Beirut, 1890). Ibn 'Adhari's _History of Africa and Spain_
has been published by Dozy (2 vols., Leiden, 1848-1851), and the
_Qartas_ of Ibn abi Zar' by Tornberg (1843). One of the best-known of
Arab writers is Abulfeda (d. 1331) (q.v.). Not less famous is the great
_Encyclopaedia_ of his contemporary Nuwairi (d. 1332), but only extracts
from it have been printed. Ibn Sayyid an-Nas (d. 1334) wrote a full
biography of the Prophet; Mizzi (d. 1341) an extensive work on the men
from whom traditions have been derived. We still possess, nearly
complete, the great _Chronicle_ of Dhahabi (d. 1347), a very learned
biographer and historian. The geographical and historical _Masalik
al-Absar_ of Ibn Fadlallah (d. 1348) is known at present by extracts
given by Quatremère and Amari. Ibn al-Wardi (d. c. 1349), best known by
his _Cosmography_, wrote a _Chronicle_ which has been printed in Egypt.
Safadi (d., 1363) got a great name as a biographer. Yafi'i (d. 1367)
wrote a _Chronicle of Islam_ and _Lives of Saints_. Subki (d. 1369)
published _Lives of the Theologians of the Shafi'ite School_. Of Ibn
Kathir's _History_ the greatest part is extant. For the history of Spain
and the Maghrib the writings of Ibn al-Khatib (d. 1374) are of
acknowledged value. Another history, of which we possess the greater
part, is the large work of Ibn al-Furat (d. 1404). Far superior to all
these, however, is the famous Ibn Khaldun (q.v.) (d. 1406). Of the
historical works of the famous lexicographer Fairuzabadi (q.v.) (d.
1414) only a _Life of the Prophet_ remains. Maqrizi (d. 1442) is the
subject of a separate article; Ibn Hajar (d. 1448) is best known by his
_Biographical Dictionary of Contemporaries of the Prophet_, published in
the _Bibliotheca Indica_. Ibn 'Arabshah (d. 1450) is known by his
_History of Timur_ (Leeuwarden, 1767). 'Aini (d. 1451) wrote a _General
History_, still extant. Abu'l-Mahasin ibn Taghribirdi (d. 1469) wrote at
length on the history of Egypt; the first two parts have been published
by Juynboll and Matthes, Leiden, 1855-1861. Flügel has published Ibn
Kotlubogha's _Biographies of the Hanifite Jurists_. Ibn Shihna (d. 1485)
wrote a _History of Aleppo_. Of Sakhawi we possess a bibliographical
work on the historians. The polymath Suyuti (q.v.) (d. 1505) contributed
a _History of the Caliphs_ and many biographical pieces. Samhudi's
_History of Medina_ is known through the excerpts of Wüstenfeld (1861).
Ibn Iyas (d. 1524) wrote a _History of Egypt_, and Diarbekri (d. 1559) a
_Life of Mahomet_. To these names must be added Maqqari (Makkari) (q.v.)
and Hajji Khalifa (q.v.) (d. 1658). He made use of European sources, and
with him Arabic historiography may be said to cease, though he had some
unimportant successors.

A word must be said of the historical romances, the beginnings of which
go back to the first centuries of Islam. The interest in all that
concerned Mahomet and in the allusions of the Koran to old prophets and
races led many professional narrators to choose these subjects. The
increasing veneration paid to the Prophet and love for the marvellous
soon gave rise to fables about his childhood, his visit to heaven, &c.,
which have found their way even into sober histories, just as many
Jewish legends told by the converted Jew Ka'b al-Ahbar and by Wahb ibn
Monabbih, and many fables about the old princes of Yemen told by 'Abid,
are taken as genuine history (see, however, Mas'udi, iv. 88 seq.). A
fresh field for romantic legend was found in the history of the
victories of Islam, the exploits of the first heroes of the faith, the
fortunes of 'Ali and his house. Then, too, history was often expressly
forged for party ends. The people accepted all this, and so a romantic
tradition sprang up side by side with the historical, and had a
literature of its own, the beginnings of which must be placed as early
as the 2nd century of the Flight. The oldest specimens still extant are
the fables about the conquest of Spain ascribed to Ibn Habib (d. 852),
and those about the conquest of Egypt and the West by Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam
(d. 871). In these truth and falsehood are mingled. But most of the
extant literature of this kind is, in its present form, much more
recent; e.g. the _Story of the Death of Hosain_ by the pseudo-Abu
Mikhnaf (translated by Wüstenfeld); the _Conquest of Syria_ by Abu
Isma'il al-Basri (edited by Nassau Lees, Calcutta, 1854, and discussed
by de Goeje, 1864); the pseudo-Waqidi (see Hamaker, _De Expugnatione
Memphidis et Alexandriae_, Leiden, 1835); the pseudo-Ibn Qutaiba (see
Dozy, _Recherches_); the book ascribed to A'sam Kufi, &c. Further
inquiry into the origin of these works is called for, but some of them
were plainly directed to stirring up fresh zeal against the Christians.
In the 6th century of the Flight some of these books had gained so much
authority that they were used as sources, and thus many untruths crept
into accepted history. (M. J. de G.; G. W. T.)

  _Geography._--The writing of geographical books naturally began with
  the description of the Moslem world, and that for practical purposes.
  Ibn Khordadhbeh, in the middle of the 9th century, wrote a _Book of
  Roads and Provinces_ to give an account of the highways, the
  posting-stations and the revenues of the provinces. In the same
  century Ya'qubi wrote his _Book of Countries_, describing specially
  the great cities of the empire. A similar work describing the
  provinces in some detail was that of Qudama or Kodama (d. 922).
  Hamdani (q.v.) was led to write his great geography of Arabia by his
  love for the ancient history of his land. Muqaddasi (Mokaddasi) at the
  end of the 10th century was one of the early travellers whose works
  were founded on their own observation. The study of Ptolemy's
  geography led to a wider outlook, and the writing of works on
  geography (q.v.) in general. A third class of Arabian geographical
  works were those written to explain the names of places which occur in
  the older poets. Such books were written by Bakri (q.v.) and Yaqut

  _Grammar and Lexicography._--Arab tradition ascribes the first
  grammatical treatment of the language to Abu-l-Aswad ud-Du'ali (latter
  half of the 7th century), but the certain beginnings of Arabic grammar
  are found a hundred years later. The Arabs from early times have
  always been proud of their language, but its systematic study seems to
  have arisen from contact with Persian and from the respect for the
  language of the Koran. In Irak the two towns of Basra and Kufa
  produced two rival schools of philologists. Bagdad soon had one of its
  own (cf. G. Flügel's _Die grammatischen Schulen der Araber_, Leipzig,
  1862). Khalil ibn Ahmad (718-791), an Arab from Oman, of the school of
  Basra, was the first to enunciate the laws of Arabic metre and the
  first to write a dictionary. His pupil Sibawaihi (q.v.), a Persian,
  wrote the grammar known simply as _The Book_, which is generally
  regarded in the East as authoritative and almost above criticism.
  Other members of the school of Basra were Abu 'Ubaida (q.v.), Asma'i
  (q.v.), Mubarrad (q.v.) and Ibn Duraid (q.v.). The school of Kufa
  claimed to pay more attention to the living language (spoken among the
  Bedouins) than to written laws of grammar. Among its teachers were
  Kisa'i, the tutor of Harun al-Rashid's sons, Ibn A'rabi, Ibn as-Sikkit
  (d. 857) and Ibn ul-Anbari (885-939). In the fourth century of Islam
  the two schools of Kufa and Basra declined in importance before the
  increasing power of Bagdad, where Ibn Qutaiba, Ibn Jinni (941-1002)
  and others carried on the work, but without the former rivalry of the
  older schools. Persia from the beginning of the 10th century produced
  some outstanding students of Arabic. Hamadhani (d. 932) wrote a book
  of synonyms (ed. L. Cheikho, Beirut, 1885). Jauhari (q.v.) wrote his
  great dictionary the _Sahah_. Tha'alibi (q.v.) and Jurjani (q.v.) were
  almost contemporary, and a little later came Zamakhshari (q.v.), whose
  philological works are almost as famous as his commentary on the
  Koran. The most important dictionaries of Arabic are late in origin.
  The immense work, _Lisan ul Arab_ (ed. 20 vols, Bulaq, 1883-1889), was
  compiled by Ibn Manzur (1232-1311), the _Qamus_ by Fairuzabadi, the
  _Taj ul'Arus_ (ed. 10 vols., Bulaq, 1890), founded on the _Qamus_, by
  Murtada uz-Zabidi (1732-1790).

  _Scientific Literature._--The literature of the various sciences is
  dealt with elsewhere. It is enough here to mention that such existed,
  and that it was not indigenous. It was in the early Abbasid period
  that the scientific works of Greece were translated into Arabic, often
  through the Syriac, and at the same time the influence of Sanskrit
  works made itself felt. Astronomy seems in this way to have come
  chiefly from India. The study of mathematics learned from Greece and
  India was developed by Arabian writers, who in turn became the
  teachers of Europe in the 16th century. Medical literature was
  indebted for its origin to the works of Galen and the medical school
  of Gondesapur. Many of the Arabian philosophers were also physicians
  and wrote on medicine. Chemistry proper was not understood, but
  Arabian writings on alchemy led Europe to it later. So also the
  literature of the animal world (cf. Damiri) is not zoological but
  legendary, and the works on minerals are practical and not scientific.
  See ARABIAN PHILOSOPHY and historical sections of such scientific
  articles as ASTRONOMY, &c.     (G. W. T.)


  [1] For the general history of the succeeding period see CALIPHATE;
    EGYPT: _History_, § "Mahommedan."

  [2] For further details of this period, see Egypt: _History_,
    "Mahommedan Period," § 8.

  [3] On the subject of transmission cf. Th. Nöldeke's _Beiträge zur
    Kenntniss der Poesie der alten Araber_ (Hanover, 1804); and W.
    Ahlwardt's _Bemerkungen über die Aechtheit der alten arabischen
    Gedickte_ (Greifswald, 1872).

  [4] For details see the introduction to Nöldeke's translation of
    Tabari's _Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden_
    (Leiden, 1879).

  [5] Published in excerpt by Wüstenfeld along with Azraqi (Leipzig,

  [6] Of this work the Gotha Library has a portion containing 290-320
    A.H., of which the part about the West has been printed by Dozy in
    the Bayan, and the rest was published at Leiden in 1897.

  [7] A fragment (198-251 A.H.) is printed in de Goeje, _Fragm. Hist.
    Ar._ (vol. ii., Leiden, 1871).

  [8] The first part was rendered into French by Dubeux in 1836. There
    is an excellent French translation by Zotenberg (1874).

  [9] The chief Arabian geographical works have been edited by M.J. de
    Goeje in his _Bibliotheca Geographorum arabicorum_ (Leiden, 1874

ARABIAN PHILOSOPHY. What is known as "Arabian" philosophy owed to Arabia
little more than its name and its language. It was a system of Greek
thought, expressed in a Semitic tongue, and modified by Oriental
influences, called into existence amongst the Moslem people by the
patronage of their more liberal princes, and kept alive by the
intrepidity and zeal of a small band of thinkers, who stood suspected
and disliked in the eyes of their nation. Their chief claim to the
notice of the historian of speculation comes from their warm reception
of Greek philosophy when it had been banished from its original soil,
and whilst western Europe was still too rude and ignorant to be its home
(9th to 12th century).


In the course of that exile the traces of Semitic or Mahommedan
influence gradually faded away, and the last of the line of Saracenic
thinkers was a truer exponent of the one philosophy which they all
professed to teach than the first. The whole movement is little else
than a chapter in the history of Aristotelianism. That system of
thought, after passing through the minds of those who saw it in the hazy
light of an orientalized Platonism, and finding many laborious but
narrow-purposed cultivators in the monastic schools of heretical Syria,
was then brought into contact with the ideas and mental habits of Islam.
But those in whom the two currents converged did not belong to the pure
Arab race. Of the so-called Arabian philosophers of the East, al-Farabi,
Ibn-Sina and al-Ghazali were natives of Khorasan, Bokhara and the
outlying provinces of north-eastern Persia; whilst al-Kindi, the
earliest of them, sprang from Basra, on the Persian Gulf, on the
debatable ground between the Semite and the Aryan. In Spain, again,
where Ibn-Bajja, Ibn-Tufail and Ibn Rushd rivalled or exceeded the fame
of the Eastern schools, the Arabians of pure blood were few, and the
Moorish ruling class was deeply intersected by Jewish colonies, and even
by the natives of Christian Spain. Thus, alike at Bagdad and at Cordova,
Arabian philosophy represents the temporary victory of exotic ideas and
of subject races over the theological one-sidedness of Islam, and the
illiterate simplicity of the early Saracens.

Islam had, it is true, a philosophy of its own among its theologians
(see MAHOMMEDAN RELIGION). It was with them that the Moslem
theology--the science of the word (_Kalam_)--first came into existence.
Its professors, the _Mutakallimun_ (known in Hebrew as _Medabberim_, and
as _Loquentes_ in the Latin versions), may be compared with the
scholastic doctors of the Catholic Church. Driven in the first instance
to speculation in theology by the needs of their natural reason, they
came, in after days, when Greek philosophy had been naturalized in the
Caliphate, to adapt its methods and doctrines to the support of their
views. They employed a quasi-philosophical method, by which, according
to Maimonides, they first reflected how things ought to be in order to
support, or at least not contradict, their opinions, and then, when
their minds were made up with regard to this imaginary system, declared
that the world was no otherwise constituted. The dogmas of creation and
providence, of divine omnipotence, chiefly exercised them; and they
sought to assert for God an immediate action in the making and the
keeping of the world. Space they looked upon as pervaded by atoms
possessing no quality or extension, and time was similarly divided into
innumerable instants. Each change in the constitution of the atoms is a
direct act of the Almighty. When the fire burns, or the water moistens,
these terms merely express the habitual connexion which our senses
perceive between one thing and another. It is not the man that throws a
stone who is its real mover: the supreme agent has for the moment
created motion. If a living being die, it is because God has created the
attribute of death; and the body remains dead, only because that
attribute is unceasingly created. Thus, on the one hand, the object
called the cause is denied to have any efficient power to produce the
so-called effect; and, on the other hand, the regularities or laws of
nature are explained to be direct interferences by the Deity. The
supposed uniformity and necessity of causation is only an effect of
custom, and may be at any moment rescinded. In this way, by a theory
which, according to Averroes, involves the negation of science, the
Moslem theologians believed that they had exalted God beyond the limits
of the metaphysical and scientific conceptions of law, form and matter;
whilst they at the same time stood aloof from the vulgar doctrines,
attributing a causality to things. Thus they deemed they had left a
clear ground for the possibility of miracles.

But at least one point was common to the theological and the
philosophical doctrine. Carrying out, it may be, the principles of the
Neo-Platonists, they kept the sanctuary of the Deity securely guarded,
and interposed between him and his creatures a spiritual order of potent
principles, from the Intelligence, which is the first-born image of the
great unity, to the Soul and Nature, which come later in the spiritual
rank. Of God the philosophers said we could not tell what He is, but
only what He is not. The highest point, beyond which strictly
philosophical inquirers did not penetrate, was the active intellect,--a
sort of soul of the world in Aristotelian garb--the principle which
inspires and regulates the development of humanity, and in which lies
the goal of perfection for the human spirit. In theological language the
active intellect is described as an angel. The inspirations which the
prophet receives by angelic messengers are compared with the irradiation
of intellectual light, which the philosopher wins by contemplation of
truth and increasing purity of life. But while the theologian
incessantly postulated the agency of that God whose nature he deemed
beyond the pale of science, the philosopher, following a purely human
and natural aim, directed his efforts to the gradual elevation of his
part of reason from its unformed state, and to its final union with the
controlling intellect which moves and draws to itself the spirits of
those who prepare themselves for its influences. The philosophers in
their way, like the mystics of Persia (the Sufites) in another, tended
towards a theory of the communion of man with the spiritual world, which
may be considered a protest against the practical and almost prosaic
definiteness of the creed of Mahomet.

Arabian philosophy, at the outset of its career in the 9th century, was
able without difficulty to take possession of those resources for
speculative thought which the Latins had barely achieved at the close of
the 12th century by the slow process of rediscovering the Aristotelian
logic from the commentaries and verses of Boëtius. What the Latins
painfully accomplished, owing to their fragmentary and unintelligent
acquaintance with ancient philosophy, was already done for the Arabians
by the scholars of Syria. In the early centuries of the Christian era,
both within and without the ranks of the church, the Platonic tone and
method were paramount throughout the East. Their influence was felt in
the creeds which formulated the orthodox dogmas in regard to the Trinity
and the Incarnation. But in its later days the Neo-Platonist school came
more and more to find in Aristotle the best exponent and interpreter of
the philosopher whom they thought divine. It was in this spirit that
Porphyry, Themistius and Joannes Philoponus composed their commentaries
on the treatises of the Peripatetic system which, modified often
unconsciously by the dominant ideas of its expositors, became in the 6th
and 7th centuries the philosophy of the Eastern Church. But the
instrument which, in the hands of John of Damascus (Damascenus), was
made subservient to theological interests, became in the hands of others
a dissolvent of the doctrines which had been reduced to shape under the
prevalence of the elder Platonism. Peripatetic studies became the source
of heresies; and conversely, the heretical sects prosecuted the study of
Aristotle with peculiar zeal. The church of the Nestorians, and that of
the Monophysites, in their several schools and monasteries, carried on
from the 5th to the 8th century the study of the earlier part of the
Organon, with almost the same means, purposes and results as were found
among the Latin schoolmen of the earlier centuries. Up to the time when
the religious zeal of the emperor Zeno put a stop to the Nestorian
school at Edessa, this "Athens of Syria" was active in translating and
popularizing the Aristotelian logic. Their banishment from Edessa in 489
drove the Nestorian scholars to Persia, where the Sassanid rulers gave
them a welcome; and there they continued their labours on the Organon. A
new seminary of logic and theology sprang up at Nisibis, not far from
the old locality; and at Gandisapora (or Nishapur), in the east of
Persia, there arose a medical school, whence Greek medicine, and in its
company Greek science and philosophy, ere long spread over the lands of
Iran. Meanwhile the Monophysites had followed in the steps of the
Nestorians, multiplying Syriac versions of the logical and medical
science of the Greeks. Their school at Resaina is known from the name of
Sergius, one of the first of these translators, in the days of
Justinian; and from their monasteries at Kinnesrin (Chalcis) issued
numerous versions of the introductory treatises of the Aristotelian
logic. To the Isagoge of Porphyry, the Categories and the Hermeneutica
of Aristotle, the labours of these Syrian schoolmen were confined. These
they expounded, translated, epitomized and made the basis of their
compilations, and the few who were bold enough to attempt the Analytics
seem to have left their task unaccomplished.

The energy of the Monophysites, however, began to sink with the rise of
the Moslem empire; and when philosophy revived amongst them in the 13th
century, in the person of Gregorius Bat-Hebraeus (Abulfaragius)
(1226-1286), the revival was due to the example and influence of the
Arabian thinkers. It was otherwise with the Nestorians. Gaining by means
of their professional skill as physicians a high rank in the society of
the Moslem world, the Nestorian scholars soon made Bagdad familiar with
the knowledge of Greek philosophy and science which they possessed. But
the narrow limits of the Syrian studies, which added to a scanty
knowledge of Aristotle some acquaintance with his Syrian commentators,
were soon passed by the curiosity and zeal of the students in the
Caliphate. During the 8th and 9th centuries, rough but generally
faithful versions of Aristotle's principal works were made into Syriac,
and then from the Syriac into Arabic. The names of some of these
translators, such as Johannitius (Hunain ibn-Ishãq), were heard even in
the Latin schools. By the labours of Hunain and his family the great
body of Greek science, medical, astronomical and mathematical, became
accessible to the Arab-speaking races. But for the next three centuries
fresh versions, both of the philosopher and of his commentators,
continued to succeed each other.

To the Arabians Aristotle represented and summed up Greek philosophy,
even as Galen became to them the code of Greek medicine. They adopted
the doctrine and system which the progress of human affairs had made the
intellectual aliment of their Syrian guides. From first to last Arabian
philosophers made no claim to originality; their aim was merely to
propagate the truth of Peripateticism as it had been delivered to them.
It was with them that the deification of Aristotle began; and from them
the belief that in him human intelligence had reached its limit passed
to the later schoolmen (see SCHOLASTICISM). The progress amongst the
Arabians on this side lies in a closer adherence to their text, a nearer
approach to the bare exegesis of their author, and an increasing
emancipation from control by the tenets of the popular religion.

  Under the Caliphate.

Secular philosophy found its first entrance amongst the Saracens in the
days of the early caliphs of the Abbasid dynasty, whose ways and
thoughts had been moulded by their residence in Persia amid the
influences of an older creed, and of ideas which had in the last resort
sprung from the Greeks. The seat of empire had been transferred to
Bagdad, on the highway of Oriental commerce; and the distant Khorasan
became the favourite province of the caliph. Then was inaugurated the
period of Persian supremacy, during which Islam was laid open to the
full current of alien ideas and culture. The incitement came, however,
not from the people, but from the prince: it was in the light of court
favour that the colleges of Bagdad and Nishapur first came to attract
students from every quarter, from the valleys of Andalusia as well as
the upland plains of Transoxiana. Mansur, the second of the Abbasids,
encouraged the appropriation of Greek science; but it was al-Ma'mun, the
son of Harun al-Rashid, who deserves in the Mahommedan empire the same
position of royal founder and benefactor which is held by Charlemagne in
the history of the Latin schools. In his reign (813-833) Aristotle was
first translated into Arabic. Orthodox Moslems, however, distrusted the
course on which their chief had entered, and his philosophical
proclivities became one ground for doubting as to his final salvation.

In the eastern provinces the chief names of Arabian philosophy are those
known to the Latin schoolmen as Alkindius, Aliarabius, Avicenna and
Algazel, or under forms resembling these. The first of these, Alkindius
(_see_ KINDI), flourished at the court of Bagdad in the first half of
the 9th century. His claims to notice at the present day rest upon a few
works on medicine, theology, music and natural science. With him begins
that encyclopaedic character--the simultaneous cultivation of the whole
field of investigation which is reflected from Aristotle on the Arabian
school. In him too is found the union of Platonism and Aristotelianism
expressed in Neo-Platonic terms. Towards the close of the 10th century
the presentation of an entire scheme of knowledge, beginning with logic
and mathematics, and ascending through the various departments of
physical inquiry to the region of religious doctrine, was accomplished
by a society which had its chief seat at Basra, the native town of
al-Kindi. This society--the Brothers of Purity or Sincerity (Ikhwan us
Safa'i)--divided into four orders, wrought in the interests of religion
no less than of science; and though its attempt to compile an
encyclopaedia of existing knowledge may have been premature, it yet
contributed to spread abroad a desire for further information. The
proposed reconciliation between science and faith was not accomplished,
because the compromise could please neither party. The fifty-one
treatises of which this encyclopaedia consists are interspersed with
apologues in true Oriental style, and the idea of goodness, of moral
perfection, is as prominent an end in every discourse as it was in the
alleged dream of al-Ma'mun. The materials of the work come chiefly from
Aristotle, but they are conceived in a Platonizing spirit, which places
as the bond of all things a universal soul of the world with its partial
or fragmentary souls. Contemporary with this semi-religious and
semi-philosophical society lived Alfarabius (see FARABI), who died in
950. His paraphrases of Aristotle formed the basis on which Avicenna
constructed his system, and his logical treatises produced a permanent
effect on the logic of the Latin scholars. He gave the tone and
direction to nearly all subsequent speculations among the Arabians. His
order and enumeration of the principles of being, his doctrine of the
double aspect of intellect, and of the perfect beatitude which consists
in the aggregation of noble minds when they are delivered from the
separating barriers of individual bodies, present at least in germ the
characteristic theory of Averroes. But al-Farabi was not always
consistent in his views; a certain sobriety checked his speculative
flights, and although holding that the true perfection of man is reached
in this life by the elevation of the intellectual nature, he came
towards the close to think the separate existence of intellect no better
than a delusion.


Unquestionably the most illustrious name amongst the Oriental Moslems
was Avicenna (980-1037). His rank in the medieval world as a philosopher
was far beneath his fame as a physician. Still, the logic of Albertus
Magnus and succeeding doctors was largely indebted to him for its
formulae. In logic Avicenna starts from distinguishing between the
isolated concept and the judgment or assertion; from which two primitive
elements of knowledge there is artificially generated a complete and
scientific knowledge by the two processes of definition and syllogism.
But the chief interest for the history of logic belongs to his doctrine
in so far as it bears upon the nature and function of abstract ideas.
The question had been suggested alike to East and West by Porphyry, and
the Arabians were the first to approach the full statement of the
problem. Farabi had pointed out that the universal and individual are
not distinguished from each other as understanding from the senses, but
that both universal and individual are in one respect intellectual, just
as in another connexion they play a part in perception. He had
distinguished the universal essence in its abstract nature, from the
universal considered in relation to a number of singulars. These
suggestions formed the basis of Avicenna's doctrine. The essences or
forms--the _intelligibilia_ which constitute the world of real
knowledge--may be looked at in themselves (metaphysically), or as
embodied in the things of sense (physically), or as expressing the
processes of thought (logically). The first of these three points of
view deals with the form or idea as self-contained in the principles of
its own being, apart from those connexions and distinctions which it
receives in real (sensuous) science, and through the act of intellect.
Secondly, the form may be looked at as the similarity evolved by a
process of comparison, as the work of mental reflection, and in that way
as essentially expressing a relation. When thus considered as the common
features derived by examination from singular instances, it becomes a
universal or common term strictly so called. It is intellect which first
makes the abstract idea a true universal. _Intellectus in formis agit
universalitatem._ In the third place, the form or essence may be looked
upon as embodied in outward things (_in singularibus propriis_), and
thus it is the type more or less represented by the members of a natural
kind. It is the designation of these outward things which forms the
"first intention" of names; and it is only at a later stage, when
thought comes to observe its own modes, that names, looked upon as
predicables and universals, are taken in their "second intention." Logic
deals with such second intentions. It does not consider the forms _ante
multiplicitatem_, i.e. as eternal ideas--nor in _multiplicitate_, i.e.
as immersed in the matter of the phenomenal world--but _post
multiplicitatem_, _i. e._ as they exist in and for the intellect which
has examined and compared. Logic does not come in contact with things,
except as they are subject to modification by intellectual forms. In
other words, universality, individuality and speciality are all equally
modes of our comprehension or notion; their meaning consists in their
setting forth the relations attaching to any object of our conception.
In the mind, e.g., one form may be placed in reference to a multitude of
things, and as thus related will be universal. The form animal, e.g., is
an abstract intelligible or metaphysical idea. When an act of thought
employs it as a schema to unify several species, it acquires its logical
aspect (_respectus_) of generality; and the various living beings
qualified to have the name animal applied to them constitute the natural
class or kind. Avicenna's view of the universal may be compared with
that of Abelard, which calls it "that whose nature it is to be
predicated of several," as if the generality became explicit only in the
act of predication, in the _sermo_ or proposition, and not in the
abstract, unrelated form or essence. The three modes of the universal
before things, in things, and after things, spring from Arabian
influence, but depart somewhat from his standpoint.

The place of Avicenna amongst Moslem philosophers is seen in the fact
that Shahrastani takes him as the type of all, and that Ghazali's attack
against philosophy is in reality almost entirely directed against
Avicenna. His system is in the main a codification of Aristotle modified
by fundamental views of Neo-Platonist origin, and it tends to be a
compromise with theology. In order, for example, to maintain the
necessity of creation, he taught that all things except God were
admissible or possible in their own nature, but that certain of them
were rendered necessary by the act of the creative first agent,--in
other words, that the possible could be transformed into the necessary.
Avicenna's theory of the process of knowledge is an interesting part of
his doctrine. Man has a rational soul, one face of which is turned
towards the body, and, by the help of the higher aspect, acts as
practical understanding; the other face lies open to the reception and
acquisition of the intelligible forms, and its aim is to become a
reasonable world, reproducing the forms of the universe and their
intelligible order. In man there is only the susceptibility to reason,
which is sustained and helped by the light of the active intellect. Man
may prepare himself for this influx by removing the obstacles which
prevent the union of the intellect with the human vessel destined for
its reception. The stages of this process to the acquisition of mind are
generally enumerated by Avicenna as four; in this part he follows not
Aristotle, but the Greek commentator. The first stage is that of the
hylic or material intellect, a state of mere potentiality, like that of
a child for writing, before he has ever put pen to paper. The second
stage is called _in habitu_; it is compared to the case of a child that
has learned the elements of writing, when the bare possibility is on the
way to be developed, and is seen to be real. In this period of
half-trained reason, it appears as happy conjecture, not yet transformed
into art or science proper. When the power of writing has been
actualized, we have a parallel to the _intellectus in actu_--the way of
science and demonstration is entered. And when writing has been made a
permanent accomplishment, or lasting property of the subject, to be
taken up at will, it corresponds to the _intellectus adeptus_--the
complete mastery of science. The whole process may be compared to the
gradual illumination of a body naturally capable of receiving light.
There are, however, grades of susceptibility to the active intellect,
i.e. in theological language, to communication with God and his angels.
Sometimes the receptivity is so vigorous in its affinity, that without
teaching it rises at one step to the vision of truth, by a certain "holy
force" above ordinary measure. (In this way philosophy tried to account
for the phenomenon of prophecy, one of the ruling ideas of Islam.) But
the active intellect is not merely influential on human souls. It is the
universal giver of forms in the world.

In several points Avicenna endeavoured to give a _rationale_ of
theological dogmas, particularly of prophetic rule, of miracles, divine
providence and immortality. The permanence of individual souls he
supports by arguments borrowed from those of Plato. The existence of a
prophet is shown to be a corollary from a belief in God as a moral
governor, and the phenomena of miracles are required to evidence the
genuineness of the prophetic mission. Thus Avicenna, like his
predecessors, tried to harmonize the abstract forms of philosphy with
the religious faith of his nation. But his arguments are generally
vitiated by the fallacy of assuming what they profess to prove. His
failure is made obvious by the attack of Ghazali on the tendencies and
results of speculation.


To Ghazali (q.v.) it seemed that the study of secular philosophy had
resulted in a general indifference to religion, and that the scepticism
which concealed itself under a pretence of piety was destroying the life
and purity of the nation. With these views he carried into the fields of
philosophy the aims and spirit of the Moslem theologian. His restless
life was the reflex of a mental history disturbed by prolonged
agitation. Revolting, in the height of his success, against the current
creed, he began to examine the foundations of knowledge. The senses are
contradicted by one another, and disproved by reason. Reason, indeed,
professes to furnish us with necessary truths; but what assurance have
we that the verdicts of reason may not be reversed by some higher
authority? Ghazali then interrogated all the sects in succession to
learn their criterion of truth. He first applied to the theological
schoolmen, who grounded their religion on reason; but their aim was only
to preserve the faith from heresy. He turned to the philosophers, and
examined the accepted Aristotelianism in a treatise which has come down
to us--_The Destruction of the Philosophers_. He assails them on twenty
points of their mixed physical and metaphysical peripateticism, from the
statement of which, in spite of his pretended scepticism, we can deduce
some very positive metaphysical opinions of his own. He claims to have
shown that the dogmas of the eternity of matter and the permanence of
the world are false; that their description of the Deity as the
demiurgos is unspiritual; that they fail to prove the existence, the
unity, the simplicity, the incorporeality or the knowledge (both of
species and accidents) of God; that their ascription of souls to the
celestial spheres is unproved; that their theory of causation, which
attributes effects to the very natures of the causes, is false, for that
all actions and events are to be ascribed to the Deity; and, finally,
that they cannot establish the spirituality of the soul, nor prove its
mortality. These criticisms disclose nothing like a sceptical state of
mind, but rather a reversion from the metaphysical to the theological
stage of thought. He denies the intrinsic tendencies, or souls, by which
the Aristotelians explained the motion of the spheres, because he
ascribes their motion to God. The sceptic would have denied both. G.H.
Lewes censures Renan for asserting of Ghazali's theory of
causation--"_Hume n'a rien dit plus_." It is true that Ghazali maintains
that the natural law according to which effects proceed inevitably from
their causes is only custom, and that there is no _necessary_ connexion
between them. But while Hume absolutely denies the necessity, Ghazali
merely removes it one stage farther back, and plants it in the mind of
the Deity. This, of course, is not metaphysics, but theology. Having, as
he believed, refuted the opinions of the philosophers, he next
investigated the pretensions of the Allegorists, who derived their
doctrines from an imam. These Arabian ultramontanes had no word for the
doubter. They could not, he says, even understand the problems they
sought to resolve by the assumption of infallibility, and he turned
again, in his despair, to the instructors of his youth--the Sufis. In
their mystical intuition of the laws of life, and absorption in the
immanent Deity, he at last found peace. This shows the true character of
the treatise which, alike in medieval and modern times, has been quoted
as containing an exposition of his opinions. The work called _The
Tendencies of the Philosophers_, translated in 1506, with the title
_Logica et Philosophia Algazelis Arabis_, contains neither the logic nor
the philosophy of Ghazali. It is a mere abstract or statement of the
Peripatetic systems, and was made preliminary to that _Destruction_ of
which we have already spoken.

This indictment against liberal thought from the standpoint of the
theological school was afterwards answered in Spain by Averroes; but in
Bagdad it heralded the extinction of the light of philosophy. Moderate
and compliant with the popular religion as Alfarabius and Avicenna had
always been, as compared with their Spanish successor, they had equally
failed to conciliate the popular spirit, and were classed in the same
category with the heretic or the member of an immoral sect. The 12th
century exhibits the decay of liberal intellectual activity in the
Caliphate, and the gradual ascendancy of Turkish races animated with all
the intolerance of semi-barbarian proselytes to the Mahommedan faith.
Philosophy, which had only sprung up when the purely Arabian influences
ceased to predominate, came to an end when the sceptre of the Moslem
world passed away from the dynasty of Persia. Even in 1150 Bagdad had
seen a library of philosophical books burned by command of the caliph
Mostanjid; and in 1192 the same place might have witnessed a strange
scene, in which the books of a physician were first publicly cursed, and
then committed to the flames, while their owner was incarcerated. Thus,
while the Latin church showed a marvellous receptivity for ethnic
philosophy, and assimilated doctrines which it had at an earlier date
declared impious, in Islam the theological system entrenched itself
towards the end of the 12th century in the narrow orthodoxy of the
Asharites, and reduced the votaries of Greek philosophy to silence.

  In Spain.

The same phenomena were repeated in Spain under the Mahommedan rulers of
Andalusia and Morocco, with this difference, that the time of
philosophical development was shorter, and the heights to which Spanish
thinkers soared were greater. The reign of al-Hakam the Second (961-976)
inaugurated in Andalusia those scientific and philosophical studies
which were simultaneously prosecuted by the Society of Basra. From
Cairo, Bagdad, Damascus and Alexandria, books both old and new were
procured at any price for the library of the prince; twenty-seven free
schools were opened in Cordova for the education of the poor; and
intelligent knowledge was perhaps more widely diffused in Mahommedan
Spain than in any other part of Europe at that day. The mosques of the
city were filled with crowds who listened to lectures on science and
literature, law and religion. But the future glory thus promised was
long postponed. The usurping successor of Hakam found it a politic step
to request the most notable doctors of the sacred law to examine the
royal library; and every book treating of philosophy, astronomy and
other forbidden topics was condemned to the flames. But the spirit of
research, fostered by the fusion of races and the social and
intellectual competition thus engendered, was not crushed by these
proceedings; and for the next century and more the higher minds of Spain
found in Damascus and Bagdad the intellectual aliment which they
desired. At last, towards the close of the 11th century, the long-pent
spiritual energies of Mahommedan Spain burst forth in a brief series of
illustrious men. Whilst the native Spaniards were narrowing the limits
of the Moorish kingdoms, and whilst the generally fanatical dynasty of
the Almohades might have been expected to repress speculation, the
century preceding the close of Mahommedan sway saw philosophy cultivated
by Avempace, Abubacer and Averroes. Even amongst the Almohades there
were princes, such as Yusuf (who began his reign in 1163) and Yaqub
Almansur (who succeeded in 1184), who welcomed the philosopher at their
courts and treated him as an intellectual compeer. But about 1195 the
old distrust of philosophy revived; the philosophers were banished in
disgrace; works on philosophical topics were ordered to be confiscated
and burned; and the son of Almansur condemned a certain Ibn-Habib to
death for the crime of philosophizing.


Arabian speculation in Spain was heralded by Avicebron or Ibn Gabirol
(q.v.), a Jewish philosopher (1021-1058). About a generation later the
rank of Moslem thinkers was introduced by Abu-Bakr Muhammad ibn Yahya,
surnamed Ibn-Bajja, and known to the Latin world as Avempace. He was
born at Saragossa, and died comparatively young at Fez in 1138. Besides
commenting on various physical treatises of Aristotle's, he wrote some
philosophical essays, notably one on the _Republic or Régime of the
Solitary_, understanding by that the organized system of rules, by
obedience to which the individual may rise from the mere life of the
senses to the perception of pure intelligible principles and may
participate in the divine thought which sustains the world. These rules
for the individual are but the image or reflex of the political
organization of the perfect or ideal state; and the man who strives to
lead this life is called the _solitary_, not because he withdraws from
society, but because, while in it, he guides himself by reference to a
higher state, an ideal society. Avempace does not develop at any length
this curious Platonic idea of the perfect state. His object is to
discover the highest end of human life, and with this view he classifies
the various activities of the human soul, rejects such as are material
or animal, and then analyses the various spiritual forms to which the
activities may be directed. He points out the graduated scale of such
forms, through which the soul may rise, and shows that none are final or
complete in themselves, except the pure intelligible forms, the ideas of
ideas. These the intellect can grasp, and in so doing it becomes what he
calls _intellectus acquisitus_, and is in a measure divine. This
self-consciousness of pure reason is the highest object of human
activity, and is to be attained by the speculative method. The intellect
has in itself power to know ultimate truth and intelligence, and does
not require a mystical illumination as Ghazali taught. Avempace's
principles, it is clear, lead directly to the Averroistic doctrine of
the unity of intellect, but the obscurity and incompleteness of the
Regime do not permit us to judge how far he anticipated the later
thinker. (See Munk, _Mélanges de phil. juive et arabe_, pp. 383-410.)

The same theme was developed by Ibn.-Tufail (q.v.) in his philosophical
romance, called _Hayy ibn-Yakdhan_ (the Living, Son of the Waking One),
best known by Pococke's Latin version, as the _Philosophus
Autodidactus_. It describes the process by which an isolated
truth-seeker detaches himself from his lower passions, and raises
himself above the material earth and the orbs of heaven to the forms
which are the source of their movement, until he arrives at a union with
the supreme intellect. The experiences of the religious mystic are
paralleled with the ecstatic vision in which the philosophical hermit
sees a world of pure intelligences, where birth and decease are unknown.
It was this theory which Averroes (1126-1198), the last and most famous
of the thinkers of Moslem Spain, carried out to his doctrine of the
unity of intellect.


For Aristotle the reverence of Averroes was unbounded, and to expound
him was his chosen task. The uncritical receptivity of his age, the
defects of the Arabic versions, the emphatic theism of his creed, and
the rationalizing mysticism of some Oriental thought, may have sometimes
led him astray, and given prominence to the less obvious features of
Aristotelianism. But in his conception of the relation between
philosophy and religion, Averroes had a light which the Latins were
without. The science, falsely so called, of the several theological
schools, their groundless distinctions and sophistical demonstrations,
he regarded as the great source of heresy and scepticism. The
allegorical interpretations and metaphysics which had been imported into
religion had taken men's minds away from the plain sense of the Koran.
God had declared a truth meet for all men, which needed no intellectual
superiority to understand, in a tongue which each human soul could
apprehend. Accordingly, the expositors of religious metaphysics, Ghazali
included, are the enemies of true religion, because they make it a mere
matter of syllogism. Averroes maintains that a return must be made to
the words and teaching of the prophet; that science must not expend
itself in dogmatizing on the metaphysical consequences of fragments of
doctrine for popular acceptance, but must proceed to reflect upon and
examine the existing things of the world. Averroes, at the same time,
condemns the attempts of those who tried to give demonstrative science
where the mind was not capable of more than rhetoric: they harm religion
by their mere negations, destroying an old sensuous creed, but cannot
build up a higher and intellectual faith.

In this spirit Averroes does not allow the fancied needs of theological
reasoning to interfere with his study of Aristotle, whom he simply
interprets as a truth-seeker. The points by which he told on Europe were
all implicit in Aristotle, but Averroes set in relief what the original
had left obscure, and emphasized things which the Christian theologian
passed by or misconceived. Thus Averroes had a double effect. He was the
great interpreter of Aristotle to the later Schoolmen. On the other
hand, he came to represent those aspects of Peripateticism most alien to
the spirit of Christendom; and the deeply religious Moslem gave his name
to the anti-sacerdotal party, to the materialists, sceptics and
atheists, who defied or undermined the dominant beliefs of the church.

On three points Averroes, like other Moslem thinkers, came specially
into relation, real or supposed, with the religious creed, viz. the
creation of the world, the divine knowledge of particular things, and
the future of the human soul.

The real grandeur of Averroes is seen in his resolute prosecution of the
standpoint of science in matters of this world, and in his recognition
that religion is not a branch of knowledge to be reduced to propositions
and systems of dogma, but a personal and inward power, an individual
truth which stands distinct from, but not contradictory to, the
universalities of scientific law. In his science he followed the Greeks,
and to the Schoolmen he and his compatriots rightly seemed philosophers
of the ancient world. He maintained alike the claim of demonstrative
science with its generalities for the few who could live in that
ethereal world, and the claim of religion for all--the common life of
each soul as an individual and personal consciousness. But theology, or
the mixture of the two, he regarded as a source of evil to
both--fostering the vain belief in a hostility of philosophers to
religion, and meanwhile corrupting religion by a pseudo-science.

The latent nominalism of Aristotle only came gradually to be emphasized
through the prominence which Christianity gave to the individual life,
and, apart from passing notices as in Abelard, first found clear
enunciation in the school of Duns Scotus. The Arabians, on the contrary,
emphasized the idealist aspect which had been adopted and promoted by
the Neo-Platonist commentators. Hence, to Averroes the eternity of the
world finds its true expression in the eternity of God. The ceaseless
movement of growth and change, which presents matter in form after form
as a continual search after a finality which in time and movement is not
and cannot be reached, represents only the aspect the world shows to the
physicist and to the senses. In the eye of reason the full fruition of
this desired finality is already and always attained; the actualization,
invisible to the senses, is achieved now and ever, and is thus beyond
the element of time. This transcendent or abstract being is that which
the world of nature is always seeking. He is thought or intellect, the
actuality, of which movement is but the fragmentary attainment in
successive instants of time. Such a mind is not in the theological sense
a creator, yet the onward movement is not the same as what some modern
thinkers seem to mean by development. For the perfect and absolute, the
consummation of movement is not generated at any point in the process;
it is an ideal end, which guides the operations of nature, and does not
wait upon them for its achievement. God is the unchanging essence of the
movement, and therefore its eternal cause.

A special application of this relation between the prior perfect, and
the imperfect, which it influences, is found in the doctrine of the
connexion of the abstract (transcendent) intellect with man. This
transcendent mind is sometimes connected with the moon, according to the
theory of Aristotle, who assigned an imperishable matter to the sphere
beyond the sublunary, and in general looked upon the celestial orbs as
living and intelligent. Such an intellect, named active or productive,
as being the author of the development of reason in man, is the
permanent, eternal thought, which is the truth of the cosmic and
physical movement. It is in man that the physical or sensible passes
most evidently into the metaphysical and rational. Humanity is the
chosen vessel in which the light of the intellect is revealed; and so
long as mankind lasts there must always be some individuals destined to
receive this light. What seems from the material point of view to be the
acquisition of learning, study and a moral life, is from the higher
point of view the manifestation of the transcendent intellect in the
individual. The preparation of the heart and faculties gives rise to a
series of grades between the original predisposition and the full
acquisition of actual intellect. These grades in the main resemble those
given by Avicenna. But beyond these, Averroes claims as the highest
bliss of the soul a union in this life with the actual intellect. The
intellect, therefore, is one and continuous in all individuals, who
differ only in the degree which their illumination has attained. Such
was the Averroist doctrine of the unity of intellect--the eternal and
universal nature of true intellectual life. By his interpreters it was
transformed into a theory of one soul common to all mankind, and when
thus corrupted conflicted not unreasonably with the doctrines of a
future life, common to Islam and Christendom.

  Opponents of Averoism.

Averroes, rejected by his Moslem countrymen, found a hearing among the
Jews, to whom Maimonides had shown the free paths of Greek speculation.
In the cities of Languedoc and of Provence to which they had been driven
by Spanish fanaticism, the Jews no longer used the learned Arabic, and
translations of the works of Averroes became necessary. His writings
became the text-book of Levi ben Gerson at Perpignan, and of Moses of
Narbonne. Meanwhile, before 1250, Averroes became accessible to the
Latin Schoolmen by means of versions, accredited by the names of Michael
Scot and others. William of Auvergne is the first Schoolman who
criticizes the doctrines of Averroes, not, however, by name. Albertus
Magnus and St Thomas devote special treatises to an examination of the
Averroist theory of the unity of intellect, which they labour to confute
in order to establish the orthodoxy of Aristotle. But as early as
Aegidius Romanus (1247-1316). Averroes had been stamped as the patron of
indifference to theological dogmas, and credited with the emancipation
which was equally due to wider experience and the lessons of the
Crusades. There had never been an absence of protest against the
hierarchical doctrine. Berengar of Tours (11th century) had struggled in
that interest, and with Abelard, in the 12th century, the revolt against
authority in belief grew loud. The dialogue between a Christian, a Jew
and a philosopher suggested a comparative estimate of religions, and
placed the natural religion of the moral law above all positive
revelations. Nihilists and naturalists, who deified logic and science at
the expense of faith, were not unknown at Paris in the days of John of
Salisbury. In such a critical generation the words of Averroism found
willing ears, and pupils who outran their teacher. Paris became the
centre of a sceptical society, which the decrees of bishops and
councils, and the enthusiasm of the orthodox doctors and knights-errant
of Catholicism, were powerless to extinguish. At Oxford Averroes told
more as the great commentator. In the days of Roger Bacon he had become
an authority. Bacon, placing him beside Aristotle and Avicenna,
recommends the study of Arabic as the only way of getting the knowledge
which bad versions made almost hopeless. In Duns Scotus, Averroes and
Aristotle are the unequalled masters of the science of proof; and he
pronounces distinctly the separation between Catholic and philosophical
truth, which became the watchword of Averroism. By the 14th century
Averroism was the common leaven of philosophy; John Baconthorpe is the
chief of Averroists, and Walter Burley has similar tendencies.

Meanwhile Averrcism had come to be regarded by the great Dominican
school as the arch-enemy of the truth. When the emperor Frederick II.
consulted a Moslem free-thinker on the mysteries of the faith, when the
phrase or legend of the "Three Impostors" presented in its most
offensive form the scientific survey of the three laws of Moses, Christ
and Mahomet, and when the characteristic doctrines of Averroes were
misunderstood, it soon followed that his name became the badge of the
scoffer and the sceptic. What had begun with the subtle disputes of the
universities of Paris, went on to the materialist teachers in the
medical schools and the sceptical men of the world in the cities of
northern Italy. The patricians of Venice and the lecturers of Padua made
Averroism synonymous with doubt and criticism in theology, and with
sarcasm against the hierarchy. Petrarch refuses to believe that any good
thing can come out of Arabia, and speaks of Averroes as a mad dog
barking against the church. In works of contemporary art Averroes is at
one time the comrade of Mahomet and Antichrist; at another he lies with
Arius and Sabellius, vanquished by the lance of St Thomas.

  The school of Padua.

It was in the universities of north Italy that Averroism finally
settled, and there for three centuries it continued as a stronghold of
Scholasticism to resist the efforts of revived antiquity and of
advancing science. Padua became the seat of Averroist Aristotelianism;
and, when Padua was conquered by Venice in 1405, the printers of the
republic spread abroad the teaching of the professors in the university.
As early as 1300, at Padua, Petrus Aponensis, a notable expositor of
medical theories, had betrayed a heterodoxy in faith; and John of
Jandun, one of the pamphleteers on the side of Louis of Bavaria, was a
keen follower of Averroes, whom he styles a "perfect and most glorious
physicist." Urbanus of Bologna, Paul of Venice (d. 1428), and Cajetanus
de Thienis (1387-1465), established by their lectures and their
discussions the authority of Averroes; and a long list of manuscripts
rests in the libraries of Lombardy to witness the diligence of these
writers and their successors. Even a lady of Venice, Cassandra Fedele,
in 1480, gained her laurels in defence of Averroist theses.

With Pietro Pomponazzi (q.v.) in 1495, a brilliant epoch began for the
school of Padua. Questions of permanent and present interest took the
place of outworn scholastic problems. The disputants ranged themselves
under the rival commentators, Alexander and Averroes; and the
immortality of the soul became the battle-ground of the two parties.
Pomponazzi defended the Alexandrist doctrine of the utter mortality of
the soul, whilst Agostino Nifo (q.v.), the Averroist, was entrusted by
Leo X. with the task of defending the Catholic doctrine. The parties
seemed to have changed when Averroism thus took the side of the church;
but the change was probably due to compulsion. Nifo had edited the works
of Averroes (1495-1497); but his expressions gave offence to the
dominant theologians, and he had to save himself by distinguishing his
personal faith from his editorial capacity. Alessandro Achillini, the
persistent philosophical adversary of Pomponazzi, both at Padua and
subsequently at Bologna, attempted, along with other moderate but not
brilliant Averroists, to accommodate their philosophical theory with the
requirements of Catholicism. It was this comparatively mild Averroism,
reduced to the merely explanatory activity of a commentator, which
continued to be the official dogma at Padua during the 16th century. Its
typical representative is Marc-Antonio Zimara (d. 1552), the author of a
reconciliation between the tenets of Averroes and those of Aristotle.


Meanwhile, in 1497, Aristotle was for the first time expounded in Greek
at Padua. Plato had long been the favourite study at Florence; and
Humanists, like Erasmus, Ludovicus Vives and Nizolius, enamoured of the
popular philosophy of Cicero and Quintilian, poured out the vials of
their contempt on scholastic barbarism with its "impious and
thrice-accursed Averroes." The editors of Averroes complain that the
popular taste had forsaken them for the Greek. Nevertheless, while
Fallopius, Vesalius and Galileo were claiming attention to their
discoveries, G. Zabarella, Francesco Piccolomini (1520-1604) and Cesare
Cremonini (1550-1631) continued the traditions of Averroism, not without
changes and additions. Cremonini, the last of them, died in 1631, after
lecturing twelve years at Ferrara, and forty at Padua. The great
educational value of Arabian philosophy for the later schoolmen
consisted in its making them acquainted with an entire Aristotle. At the
moment when it seemed as if everything had been made that could be made
out of the fragments of Aristotle, and the compilations of Capella,
Cassiodorus and others, and when mysticism and scepticism seemed the
only resources left for the mind, the horizon of knowledge was suddenly
widened by the acquisition of a complete Aristotle. Thus the mistakes
inevitable in the isolated study of an imperfect _Organon_ could not
henceforth be made. The real bearing of old questions, and the
meaninglessness of many disputes, were seen in the new conception of
Aristotelianism given by the _Metaphysics_ and other treatises. The
former Realism and Nominalism were lifted into a higher phase by the
principle of the universalizing action of intellect--_Intellectus in
formis agit universalitatem_. The commentaries of the Arabians in this
respect supplied nutriment more readily assimilated by the pupils than
the pure text would have been.

Arabian philosophy, whilst it promoted the exegesis of Aristotle and
increased his authority, was not less notable as the source of the
separation between theology and philosophy. Speculation fell on
irreligious paths. In many cases the heretical movement was due less to
foreign example than to the indwelling tendencies of the dominant school
of realism. But it is not less certain that the very considerable
freedom of the Arabians from theological bias prepared the time when
philosophy shook off its ecclesiastical vestments. In the hurry of first
terror, the church struck Aristotle with the anathema launched against
innovations in philosophy. The provincial council of Paris in 1209,
which condemned Amalricus and his followers, as well as David of
Dinant's works, forbade the study of Aristotle's _Natural Philosophy_
and the _Commentaries_. In 1215 the same prohibition was repeated,
specifying the _Metaphysics_ and _Physics_, and the _Commentaries_ by
the Spaniard Mauritius (i.e. probably Averroes). Meanwhile Albertus
Magnus and Thomas Aquinas, accepting the exegetical services of the
Arabians, did their best to controvert the obnoxious doctrine of the
Intellect, and to defend the orthodoxy of Aristotle against the unholy
glosses of infidels. But it is doubtful whether even they kept as pure
from the infection of illegitimate doctrine as they supposed. The tide
meanwhile flowed in stronger and stronger. In 1270 Étienne Tempier,
bishop of Paris, supported by an assembly of theologians, anathematized
thirteen propositions bearing the stamp of Arabian authorship; but in
1277 the same views and others more directly offensive to Christians and
theologians had to be censured again. Raymond Lully, in a dialogue with
an infidel thinker, broke a lance in support of the orthodox doctrine,
and carried on a crusade against the Arabians in every university; and a
disciple of Thomas Aquinas drew up a list (_De erroribus philosophorum_)
of the several delusions and errors of each of the thinkers from Kindi
to Averroes. Strong in their conviction of the truth of Aristotelianism,
the Arabians carried out their logical results in the theological field,
and made the distinction of necessary and possible, of form and matter,
the basis of conclusions in the most momentous questions. They refused
to accept the doctrine of creation because it conflicted with the
explanation of forms as the necessary evolution of matter. They denied
the particular providence of God, because knowledge in the divine sphere
did not descend to singulars. They excluded the Deity from all direct
action upon the world, and substituted for a cosmic principle the active
intellect,--thus holding a form of Pantheism. But all did not go the
same length in their divergence from the popular creed.

The half-legendary accounts which attribute the introduction of Arabian
science to Gerbert, afterwards Pope Sylvester II., to Constantinus
Africanus and to Adelard of Bath, if they have any value, refer mainly
to medical science and mathematics. It was not till about the middle of
the 12th century that under the patronage of Raymond, archbishop of
Toledo, a society of translators, with the archdeacon Dominicus
Gundisalvi at their head, produced Latin versions of the _Commentaries_
of Avicenna, and Ghazali, of the _Fons Vitae_ of Avicebron, and of
several Aristotelian treatises. The working translators were converted
Jews, the best-known among them being Joannes Avendeath. With this
effort began the chief translating epoch for Arabic works. Avicenna's
_Canon of Medicine_ was first translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona
(d. 1187), to whom versions of other medical and astronomical works are
due. The movement towards introducing Arabian science and philosophy
into Europe, however, culminated under the patronage of the emperor
Frederick II. (1212-1250). Partly from superiority to the narrowness of
his age, and partly in the interest of his struggle with the Papacy,
this _Malleus ecclesiae Romanae_ drew to his court those savants whose
pursuits were discouraged by the church, and especially students in the
forbidden lore of the Arabians. He is said to have pensioned Jews for
purposes of translation. One of the scholars to whom Frederick gave a
welcome was Michael Scot, the first translator of Averroes. Scot had
sojourned at Toledo about 1217, and had accomplished the versions of
several astronomical and physical treatises, mainly, if we believe Roger
Bacon, by the labours of a Jew named Andrew. But Bacon is apparently
hypercritical in his estimate of the translators from the Arabic.
Another protégé of Frederick's was Hermann the German (Alemannus), who,
between the years 1243 and 1256, translated amongst other things a
paraphrase of al-Farabi on the _Rhetoric_, and of Averroes on the
_Poetics_ and _Ethics_ of Aristotle. Jewish scholars held an honourable
place in transmitting the Arabian commentators to the schoolmen. It was
amongst them, especially in Maimonides, that Aristotelianism found
refuge after the light of philosophy was extinguished in Islam; and the
Jewish family of the Ben-Tibbon were mainly instrumental in making
Averroes known to southern France.

  See S. Munk, _Mélanges de philosophie juive et arabe_ (Paris, 1859);
  E. Renan, _De Philosophia Peripatetica apud Syros_ (1852), and
  _Averroës et l'Averroisme_ (Paris, 3rd ed., 1867); Am. Jourdain,
  _Recherches critiques sur l'âge et l'origine des traductions latines
  d'Aristote_ (Paris, 2^me ed., 1843); B. Hauréau, _Philosophie
  scolastique_ (Paris, 1850), tome i. p. 359; E. Vacherot, _École
  d'Alexandrie_ (1846-1851), tome iii. p. 85; Schmolders, _Documenta
  philosophiae Arabum_ (Bonn, 1836), and _Essai sur les écoles
  philosophiques chez les Arabes_ (Paris, 1842); Shahrastani, _History
  of Religious and Philosophical Sects_, in German translation by
  Haarbrücker (Halle, 1850-1851); Dieterici, _Streit zwischen Mensch und
  Thier_ (Berlin, 1858), and his other translations of the
  _Encyclopaedia of the Brothers of Sincerity_ (1861 to 1872); T.J. de
  Boer, _The History of Philosophy in Islam_ (London, 1903); K. Prantl,
  _Geschichte der Logik_ (Leipzig, 1861); and the Histories of
  Philosophy; also the literature under the biographies of philosophers
  mentioned.     (W. W.; G. W. T.)

ARABIAN SEA (anc. _Mare Erythraeum_), the name applied to the portion of
the Indian Ocean bounded E. by India, N. by Baluchistan and part of the
southern Persian littoral, W. by Arabia, and S., approximately, by a
line between Cape Guardafui, the north-east point of Somaliland, and
Cape Comorin in India. It has two important branches--at the south-west
the Gulf of Aden, connecting with the Red Sea through the strait of
Bab-el-Mandeb; and at the north-west the Gulf of Oman, connecting with
the Persian Gulf. Besides these larger ramifications, there are the
Gulfs of Cambay and Kach on the Indian coast. An interest and importance
belong to this sea as forming part of the chief highway between Europe
and India. Its islands are few and insignificant, the chief being
Sokotra, off the African, and the Laccadives, off the Indian coast.

ARABICI, a religious sect originating about the beginning of the 3rd
century, which is mentioned by Augustine (_De Haeres_. c. lxxxiii.), and
called also [Greek: thnetopseuchitai] ("mortal-souled") by John of
Damascus (_De Haeres_. c. xc.) The name is given to the Arabians
mentioned by Eusebius (_Hist. Eccl_. vi. 37), whose distinctive doctrine
was a form of Christian materialism, showing itself in the belief that
the soul perished and was restored to life along with the body. We may
compare Tatian's view of the soul as a subtler variety of matter.
According to Eusebius, they were convinced of their error by Origen, and
renounced it at a council held about A.D. 246.

ARABI PASHA (c. 1839-   ), more correctly AHMAD 'ARABI, to which in
later years he added the epithet _al-Misri_, "the Egyptian," Egyptian
soldier and revolutionary leader, was born in Lower Egypt in 1839 or
1840 of a fellah family. Having entered the army as a conscript he was
made an officer by Said Pasha in 1862, and was employed in the transport
department in the Abyssinian campaign of 1875 under Ismail Pasha. A
charge of peculation, unproved, was made against him in connexion with
this expedition and he was placed on half-pay. During this time he
joined a secret society formed by Ali Rubi with the object of getting
rid of Turkish officers from the Egyptian army. Arabi also attended
lectures at the mosque El Azhar and acquired a reputation as an orator.
In 1878 he was employed by Ismail in fomenting a disturbance against the
ministry of Nubar, Rivers Wilson and de Blignières, and received in
payment a wife from Ismail's harem and the command of a regiment. This
increased his influence with the secret society, which, under the feeble
government of Tewfik Pasha and the Dual Control, began to agitate
against Europeans. In all that followed Arabi was put forward as the
leader of the discontented Egyptians; he was in reality little more than
the mouthpiece and puppet of abler men such as Ali Rubi and Mahmud Sami.
On the 1st of February 1881 Arabi and two other Egyptian colonels,
summoned before a court-martial for acts of disobedience, were rescued
by their soldiers, and the khedive was forced to dismiss his then
minister of war in favour of Mahmud Sami. A military demonstration on
the 8th of September 1881, led by Arabi, forced the khedive to increase
the numbers and pay of the army, to substitute Sherif Pasha for Riaz
Pasha as prime minister, and to convene an assembly of notables. Arabi
became under-secretary for war at the beginning of 1882, but continued
his intrigues. The assembly of notables claimed the right of voting the
budget, and thus came into conflict with the foreign controllers who had
been appointed to guard the interests of the bondholders in the
management of the Egyptian finances. Sherif fell in February, Mahmud
Sami became prime minister, and Arabi (created a pasha) minister of war.
Arabi, after a brief fall from office, acquired a dictatorial power that
alarmed the British government. British and French warships went to
Alexandria at the beginning of June; on the 11th of that month rioting
in that city led to the sacrifice of many European lives. Order could
only be restored through the intervention of Arabi, who now adopted a
more distinctly anti-European attitude. His arming of the forts at
Alexandria was held to constitute a menace to the British fleet. On the
refusal of France to co-operate, the British fleet bombarded the forts
(11th July), and a British force, under Sir Garnet Wolseley, defeated
Arabi on the 13th of September at Tel-el-Kebir. Arabi fled to Cairo
where he surrendered, and was tried (3rd of December) for rebellion. In
accordance with an understanding made with the British representative,
Lord Dufferin, Arabi pleaded guilty, and sentence of death was
immediately commuted to one of banishment for life to Ceylon. The same
sentence was passed on Mahmud Sami and others. After Arabi's exile had
lasted for nearly twenty years, however, the khedive Abbas II. exercised
his prerogative of mercy, and in May 1901 Arabi was permitted to return
to Egypt. Arabi, as has been said, was rather the figurehead than the
inspirer of the movement of 1881-1882; and was probably more honest, as
he was certainly less intelligent, than those whose tool, in a large
measure, he was. The movement which he represented in the eye of Europe,
whatever the motives of its leaders, "was in its essence a genuine
revolt against misgovernment,"[1] and it was a dim recognition of this
fact which led Arabi to style himself "the Egyptian."

  See EGYPT: _History_; also the accounts of Arabi in _Khedives and
  Pashas_, by C.F. Moberly Bell (1884); and in Lord Cromer's _Modern
  Egypt_ (1908).


  [1] Lord Cromer in _Egypt_, No. 1, 1905, p. 2.

ARABISTAN (formerly KHUZISTAN), a province of Persia, bounded on the S.
by the Persian Gulf, on the W. by Turkish territory, on the N. by
Luristan and on the E. by the Bakhtiari district and Fars. It has its
modern name, signifying "land of the Arabs," from the Arabs who form the
bulk of the population, and is subdivided into the districts of
Muhamrah, Fellahiyeh (the old Dorak), Ram Hormuz (popularly known as
Ramiz), Havizeh, Shushter and Dizful. It has a population of about
200,000 and pays a yearly revenue of about £30,000. The soil is very
fertile, but since the dam over the Karun at Ahvaz was swept away and
the numerous canals which diverted the waters of the river for
irrigation became useless, a great part of the province is uncultivated,
and most of the crops and produce depend for water on rainfall and
wells. The climate is hot, and in the low-lying, swampy districts very
unhealthy; the prevailing winds are north-west and south-east, the
former hot and dry from the arid districts west of Mesopotamia, the
latter bearing much moisture from the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean.
The principal Arab tribes are the Kab (generally known as Chaab) and
Beni Lam, the former mostly settled in towns and villages and by
religion Shi'ites, the latter nomads and Sunnites. The staples of food
are dates and fish in the south, elsewhere the produce of the herds and
flocks and rice, wheat and barley. Other products are maize, cotton,
silk and indigo, and the manufactures include carpets without pile,
coarse woollens, cottons and silk nettings. Dyeing is extensively
carried on in Dizful where most of the indigo is grown.

Khuzistan (meaning "the land of the Khuz") was a part of the Biblical
Elam, the classical Susiana, and appears in the great inscription of
Darius as Uvaja.

ARABS, the name given to that branch of the Semitic race which from the
earliest historic times inhabited the south-western portion of the
Arabian peninsula. The name, to-day the collective term for the
overwhelming majority of the surviving Semitic peoples, was originally
restricted to the nomad tribes who ranged the north of the peninsula
east of Palestine and the Syro-Arabian desert. In this narrow sense
"Arab" is used in the Assyrian inscriptions, in the Old Testament and in
the Minaean inscriptions. Before the Christian era it had come to
include all the inhabitants of the peninsula. This, it is suggested, may
have been due to the fact that the "Arabs" were the chief people near
the Greek and Roman colonies in Syria and Mesopotamia. Classical writers
use the term both in its local and general sense. The Arabs to-day
occupy, besides Arabia, a part of Mesopotamia, the western shores of the
Red Sea, the eastern coast of the Persian Gulf and the north of Africa.
The finest type of the race is found in south Arabia among the Ariba
Arabs, among the mountaineers of Hadramut and Yemen and among the
Bedouin tribes roaming over the interior of central and northern Arabia.
The Arabs of the coasts and those of Mesopotamia are hybrids, showing
Turkish, Negroid and Hamitic crossings. The people of Syria and
Palestine are hybrids of Arab, Phoenician and Jewish descent. The theory
that early Arab settlements were made on the east coast of Africa as far
as Sofala south of the Zambezi, is without foundation; the earliest Arab
settlement on the east coast of Africa that can be proved is Magadoxo
(Mukdishu) in the 10th century, and the ruined cities of Mashonaland,
once supposed to be the remains of Arab settlements, are now known to be
of medieval African origin. On the East African coast-lands Arab
influence is still considerable. Traces of the Arab type are met with in
Asia Minor, the Caucasus, western Persia and India, while the influence
of the Arab language and civilization is found in Europe (Malta and
Spain), China and Central Asia.


The Arabs are at once the most ancient as they in many ways are the
purest surviving type of the true Semite. Certainly the inhabitants of
Yemen are not, and in historic times never were, pure Semites. Somali
and other elements, generally described under the collective racial name
of Hamitic, are clearly traceable; but the inland Arabs still present
the nearest approach to the primitive Semitic type. The origin of the
Arab race can only be a matter of conjecture. From the remotest historic
times it has been divided into two branches, which from their
geographical position it is simplest to call the North Arabians and the
South Arabians. Arabic and Jewish tradition trace the descent of the
latter from Joktan (Arabic _Kahtan_) son of Heber, of the former from
Ishmael. The South Arabians--the older branch--were settled in the
south-western part of the peninsula centuries before the uprise of the
Ishmaelites. These latter include not only Ishmael's direct descendants
through the twelve princes (Gen. xxv. 16), but the Edomites, Moabites,
Ammonites, Midianites and other tribes. This ancient and undoubted
division of the Arab race --roughly represented to-day by the
universally adopted classification into Arabs proper and Bedouin Arabs
(see BEDOUINS)-has caused much dispute among ethnologists. All
authorities agree in declaring the race to be Semitic in the broadest
ethnological signification of that term, but some thought they saw in
this division of the race an indication of a dual origin. They asserted
that the purer branch of the Arab family was represented by the
sedentary Arabs who were of Hamitic (Biblical Cushite), i.e. African
ancestry, and that the nomad Arabs were Arabs only by adoption, and were
nearer akin to the true Semite as sons of Ishmael. Many arguments were
adduced in support of this theory, (1) The unquestioned division in
remote historic times of the Arab race, and the immemorial hostility
between the two branches. (2) The concurrence of pre-Islamitic
literature and records in representing the first settlement of the
"pure" Arab as made in the extreme south-western part of the peninsula,
near Aden. (3) The use of Himyar, "dusky" or "red" (suggesting African
affinities), as the name sometimes for the ruling class, sometimes for
the entire people. (4) The African affinities of the Himyaritic
language. (5) The resemblance of the grammar of the Arabic now spoken by
the "pure" Arabs, where it differs from that of the North, to the
Abyssinian grammar. (6) The marked resemblance of the pre-Islamitic
institutions of Yemen and its allied provinces-its monarchies, courts,
armies and serfs--to the historical Africo-Egyptian type and even to
modern Abyssinia. (7) The physique of the "pure" Arab, the shape and
size of the head, the slenderness of the lower limbs, all suggesting an
African rather than an Asiatic origin. (8) The habits of the people,
viz. their sedentary rather than nomad occupations, their fondness for
village life, for dancing, music and society, their cultivation of the
soil, having more in common with African life than with that of the
western Asiatic continent. (9) The extreme facility of marriage which
exists in all classes of the southern Arabs with the African races, the
fecundity of such unions and the slightness or even total absence of any
caste feeling between the dusky "pure" Arab and the still darker
African, pointing to a community of origin. And further arguments were
found in the characteristics of the Bedouins, their pastoral and nomad
tendencies; the peculiarities of their idiom allied to the Hebrew; their
strong clan feeling, their continued resistance to anything like regal
power or centralized organization.

Such, briefly, were the more important arguments; but latterly
ethnologists are inclined to agree that there is little really to be
said for the African ancestry theory and that the Arab race had its
beginning in the deserts of south Arabia, that in short the true Arabs
are aborigines.

Mahommedans call the centuries before the Prophet's birth waqt-el
jahiliya, "the time of ignorance," but the fact is that the Arab world
has in some respects never since reached so high a level as it had in
those days which it suits Moslems to paint in dreary colours. Writing
was a fine art and poetry flourished. Eloquence was an accomplishment
all strove to acquire, and each year there were assemblies, lasting
sometimes a month, which were devoted to contests of skill among the
orators and poets, to listen to whose friendly rivalry tribesmen
journeyed long distances. Last, that surest index of a people's
civilization--the treatment of women--contrasted very favourably with
their position under the Koran. Women had rights and were respected. The
veil and the harem system were unknown before Mahomet. According to
Nöldeke the Nabataean inscriptions and coins show that women held a high
social position in northern Arabia, owning large estates and trading
independently. Polyandry and polygamy, it is true, were practised, but
the right of divorce belonged to the woman as well as the man. Two kinds
of marriage were celebrated. One was a purely personal contract, with no
witnesses, the wife not leaving her home or passing under marital
authority. The other was a formal marriage, the woman becoming subject
to her husband by purchase or capture. Even captive women were not kept
in slavery. Arabic wealth and culture had indeed thus early reached a
stage which justified Professor Robertson Smith in writing, "In this
period the name of Arab was associated to Western writers with ideas of
effeminate indolence and peaceful opulence ... the golden age of Yemen."
But long before Mahomet's time this early Arab predominance was at an
end, possibly due in great measure to the loss of the caravan trade
through the increase of shipping. The abandonment of great cities and
the ruin of many tribes contributed to the apparent nationalization of
the Arab peoples. Though the traditional jealousy and hostility of the
two branches, the Yemenites and Maadites or Ishmaelites, remained, the
Arab world had attained by the levelling process of common misfortune
the superficial unity it presents to-day. The nation thus formed, never
a nation in the strict sense of the word, was distinctively and
thoroughly Semitic in character and language, and has remained unchanged
to the present day. The sporadic brilliancy of the ancient Arab kingdoms
gave place to a social and political lethargy, the continuation of which
for many centuries made the uprise of Saracenic empires seem a miracle
to a world ignorant of the Arab past. The Arab race up to Mahomet's day
had been in the main pagan. Monotheism, if it ever prevailed, early gave
place to sun and star worship, or simple idolatry. Professor Robertson
Smith suggests that totemism was the earliest form of Arabian idolatry,
and that each tribe had its sacred animal. This he supports by the fact
that some tribal names were derived from those of animals, and that
animal-worship was not unknown in Arabia. What seems certain is that
Arab religion was of a complex hybrid nature, not much to be wondered at
when one remembers that Arabia was the asylum of many religious
refugees, Zoroastrians, Jews, Christians. In the later pre-Islamitic
times spirits, or jinns, as they were called, of which each tribe or
family had its own, were worshipped, and there was but a vague idea of a
Supreme Being. Images of the jinns to the number of 360, one for each
day of the lunar year, were collected in the temple at Mecca, the chief
seat of their worship. That worship was of a sanguinary nature. Human
sacrifice was fairly frequent. Under the guise of religion female
infanticide was a common practice. At Mecca the great object of worship
was a plain black stone, and to it pilgrimages were made from every part
of Arabia. This stone was so sacred to the Arabs that even Mahomet dared
not dispense with it, and it remains the central object of sanctity in
the Ka'ba to-day. The temples of the Sabaeans and the Minaeans were
built east of their cities, a fact suggesting sun-worship, yet this is
not believed to have been the cult of the Minaeans. Common to both was
the worship of Attar, the male Ashtoreth.

With the appearance of Mahomet the Arabs took anew a place in the
world's history.


Physically the Arabs are one of the strongest and noblest races of the
world. Baron de Larrey, surgeon-general to Napoleon on his expedition to
Egypt and Syria, writes: "Their physical structure is in all respects
more perfect than that of Europeans; their organs of sense exquisitely
acute, their size above the average of men in general, their figure
robust and elegant, their colour brown; their intelligence proportionate
to their physical perfection and without doubt superior, other things
being equal, to that of other nations." The typical Arab face is of an
oval form, lean-featured; the eyes a brilliant black, deep-set under
bushy eyebrows; nose aquiline, forehead straight but not high. In body
the Arab is muscular and long-limbed, but lean. Deformed individuals or
dwarfs are rare among Arabs; nor, except leprosy, which is common, does
any disease seem to be hereditary among them. They often suffer from
ophthalmia, though not in the virulent Egyptian form. They are
scrupulously clean in their persons, and take special care of their
teeth, which are generally white and even. Simple and abstemious in
their habits, they often reach an extreme yet healthy old age; nor is it
common among them for the faculties of the mind to give way sooner than
those of the body.


Thus, physically, they yield to few races, if any, of mankind; mentally,
they surpass most, and are only kept back in the march of progress by
the remarkable defect of organizing power and incapacity for combined
action. Lax and imperfect as are their forms of government, it is with
impatience that even these are borne; of the four caliphs who alone
reigned--if reign theirs could be called--in Arabia proper, three died a
violent death; and of the Wahhabi princes, the most genuine
representatives in later times of pure Arab rule, almost all have met
the same fate. The Arab face, which is not unkindly, but never smiling,
expresses that dignity and gravity which are typical of the race. While
the Arab is always polite, good-natured, manly and brave, he is also
revengeful, cruel, untruthful and superstitious. Of the Arab nature
Burckhardt (other authorities, e.g. Barth and Rohlfs, are far less
complimentary) wrote: "The Arab displays his manly character when he
defends his guest at the peril of his own life, and submits to the
reverses of fortune, to disappointment and distress, with the most
patient resignation. He is distinguished from a Turk by the virtues of
pity and gratitude. The Turk is cruel, the Arab of a more kind temper;
he pities and supports the wretched, and never forgets the generosity
shown to him even by an enemy." The Arab will lie and cheat and swear
false oaths, but once his word is pledged he may be trusted to the last.
There are some oaths such as _Wallah_ (by Allah) which mean nothing, but
such an oath as the threefold one with _wa, bi_ and _ta_ as particles of
swearing the meanest thief will not break. In temper, or at least in the
manifestation of it, the Arab is studiously calm; and he rarely so much
as raises his voice in a dispute. But this outward tranquillity covers
feelings alike keen and permanent; and the remembrance of a rash jest or
injurious word, uttered years before, leads only too often to that
blood-revenge which is a sacred duty everywhere in Arabia.

There exist, however, marked tribal or almost semi-national diversities
of character among the Arabs. Thus, the inhabitants of Hejaz are noted
for courtesy and blamed for fickleness; those of Nejd are distinguished
by their stern tenacity and dignity of deportment; the nations of Yemen
are gentle and pliant, but revengeful; those of Hasa and Oman cheerful
and fond of sport, though at the same time turbulent and unsteady.
Anything approaching to a game is rare in Nejd, and in the Hejaz
religion and the yearly occurrence of the pilgrim ceremonies almost
exclude all public diversions; but in Yemen the well-known game of the
"jerid," or palm-stick, with dances and music is not rare. In Oman such
amusements are still more frequent. Again in Yemen and Oman,
coffee-houses, where people resort for conversation, and where public
recitals, songs and other amusements are indulged in, stand open all
day; while nothing of the sort is tolerated in Nejd. So too the
ceremonies of circumcision or marriage are occasions of gaiety and
pastime on the coast, but not in the central provinces.

  Manners and customs.

An Arab town, or even village, except it be the merest hamlet, is
invariably walled round; but seldom is a stronger material than dried
earth used; the walls are occasionally flanked by towers of like
construction. A dry ditch often surrounds the whole. The streets are
irregular and seldom parallel. The Arab, indeed, lacks an eye for the
straight. The Arab carpenter cannot form a right angle; an Arab servant
cannot place a cloth square on a table. The Ka'ba at Mecca has none of
its sides or angles equal. The houses are of one or two storeys, rarely
of three, with flat mud roofs, little windows and no external ornament.
If the town be large, the expansion of one or two streets becomes a
market-place, where are ranged a few shops of eatables, drugs, coffee,
cottons or other goods. Many of these shops are kept by women. The chief
mosque is always near the market-place; so is also the governor's
residence, which, except in size and in being more or less fortified
Arab fashion, does not differ from a private house. Drainage is
unthought of; but the extreme dryness of the air obviates the
inconvenience and disease that under other skies could not fail to
ensue, and which in the damper climates of the coast make themselves
seriously felt. But the streets are roughly swept every day, each
householder taking care of the roadway that lies before his own door.
Whitewash and colour are occasionally used in Yemen, Hejaz and Oman;
elsewhere a light ochre tint, the colour of the sun-dried bricks,
predominates, and gives an Arab town the appearance at a distance of a
large dust-heap in the centre of the bright green ring of gardens and
palm-groves. Baked bricks are unknown in Arabia, and stone buildings are
rare, especially in Nejd. Palm branches and the like, woven in wattles,
form the dwellings, of the poorer classes in the southern districts.
Many Arab towns possess watch-towers, like huge round factory chimneys
in appearance, built of sun-dried bricks, and varying in height from 50
to 100 ft. or even more. Indeed, two of these constructions at the town
of Birkat-el-Mauj, in Oman, are said to be each of 170 ft. in height,
and that of Nezwah, in the same province, is reckoned at 140; but these
are of stone.

The principal feature in the interior of an Arab house is the "kahwah"
or coffee-room. It is a large apartment spread with mats, and sometimes
furnished with carpets and a few cushions. At one end is a small furnace
or fireplace for preparing coffee. In this room the men congregate; here
guests are received, and even lodged; women rarely enter it, except at
times when strangers are unlikely to be present. Some of these
apartments are very spacious and supported by pillars; one wall is
usually built transversely to the compass direction of the Ka'ba; it
serves to facilitate the performance of prayer by those who may happen
to be in the kahwah at the appointed times. The other rooms are
ordinarily small.

The Arabs are proverbially hospitable. A stranger's arrival is often the
occasion of an amicable dispute among the wealthier inhabitants as to
who shall have the privilege of receiving him. Arab cookery is of the
simplest. Roughly-ground wheat cooked with butter; bread in thin cakes,
prepared on a heated iron plate or against the walls of an open oven; a
few vegetables, generally of the leguminous kinds; boiled mutton or
camel's flesh, among the wealthy; dates and fruits--this is the _menu_
of an ordinary meal. Rice is eaten by the rich and fish is common on the
coasts. Tea, introduced only a few decades back, is now largely drunk. A
food of which the Arabs are fond is locusts boiled in salt and water and
then dried in the sun. They taste like stale shrimps, but there is a
great sale for them. Spices are freely employed; butter much too largely
for a European taste.

After eating, the hands are always washed, soap or the ashes of an
alkaline plant being used. A covered censer with burning incense is then
passed round, and each guest perfumes his hands, face, and sometimes his
clothes; this censer serves also on first receptions and whenever
special honour is intended. In Yemen and Oman scented water often does
duty for it. Coffee, without milk or sugar, but flavoured with an
aromatic seed brought from India, is served to all. This, too, is done
on the occasion of a first welcome, when the cups often make two or
three successive rounds; but, in fact, coffee is made and drunk at any
time, as frequently as the desire for it may suggest itself; and each
time fresh grains are sifted, roasted, pounded and boiled--a very
laborious process, and one that requires in the better sort of
establishments a special servant or slave for the work. Arabs generally
make but one solid meal a day--that of supper, soon after sunset. Even
then they do not eat much, gluttony being rare among them, and even
daintiness esteemed disgraceful. Wine, like other fermented drinks, is
prohibited by the Koran, and is, in fact, very rarely taken, though the
inhabitants of the mountains of Oman are said to indulge in it. On the
coast spirits of the worst quality are sometimes procured; opium and
hashish are sparingly indulged in. On the other hand, wherever
Wahhabiism has left freedom of action, tobacco-smoking prevails; short
pipes of clay, long pipes with large open bowls, or most frequently the
water-pipe or "nar-ghileh," being used. The tobacco smoked is generally
strong and is either brought from the neighbourhood of Bagdad or grown
in the country itself. The strongest quality is that of Oman; the leaf
is broad and coarse, and retains its green colour even when dried; a few
whiffs have been known to produce absolute stupor. The aversion of the
Wahhabis to tobacco is well known; they entitle it "mukhzi" or "the
shameful," and its use is punished with blows, as the public use of wine
would be elsewhere.


In dress much variety prevails. The loose cotton drawers girded at the
waist, which in hot climates do duty for trousers, are not often worn,
even by the upper classes, in Nejd or Yemama, where a kind of silk
dressing-gown is thrown over the long shirt; frequently, too, a brown or
black cloak distinguishes the wealthier citizen; his head-dress is a
handkerchief fastened round the head by a band. But in Hejaz, Yemen and
Oman, turbans are by no means uncommon; the ordinary colour is white;
they are worn over one or more skullcaps. Trousers also form part of the
dress in the two former of these districts; and a voluminous sash, in
which a dagger or an inkstand is stuck, is wrapped round the waist. The
poorer folk, however, and the villagers often content themselves with a
broad piece of cloth round the loins, and another across the shoulders.
In Oman trousers are rare, but over the shirt a long gown, of peculiar
and somewhat close-fitting cut, dyed yellow, is often worn. The women in
these provinces commonly put on loose drawers and some add veils to
their head-dresses; they are over-fond of ornaments (gold and silver);
their hair is generally arranged in a long plait hanging down behind.
All men allow their beards and moustaches full growth, though this is
usually scanty. Most Arabs shave their heads, and indeed all, strictly
speaking, ought by Mahommedan custom to do so. An Arab seldom or never
dyes his hair. Sandals are worn more often than shoes; none but the very
poorest go barefoot.


Slavery is still, as of old times, a recognized institution throughout
Arabia; and an illicit traffic in blacks is carried on along the coasts
of the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. The slaves themselves were obtained
chiefly from the east African coast districts down as far as Zanzibar,
but this source of supply was practically closed by the end of the 19th
century. Slaves are usually employed in Arabia as herdsmen or as
domestic servants, rarely in agricultural work; they also form a
considerable portion of the bodyguards with which Eastern greatness
loves to surround itself. Like their countrymen elsewhere, they readily
embrace the religion of their masters and become zealous Mahommedans.
Arab custom enfranchises a slave who has accepted Islam at the end of
seven years of bondage, and when that period has arrived, the master,
instead of exacting from his slave the price of freedom, generally, on
giving him his liberty, adds the requisite means for supporting himself
and a family in comfort. Further, on every important occasion, such as a
birth, circumcision, a marriage or a death, one or more of the household
slaves are sure of acquiring their freedom. Hence Arabia has a
considerable free black population; and these again, by inter-marriage
with the whites around, have filled the land with a mulatto breed of
every shade, till, in the eastern and southern provinces especially, a
white skin is almost an exception. In Arabia no prejudice exists against
negro alliances; no social or political line separates the African from
the Arab. A negro may become a sheik, a kadi, an amir, or whatever his
industry and his talents may render him capable of being. This is
particularly so in Nejd, Yemen and Hadramut; in the Hejaz and the north
a faint line of demarcation may be observed between the races.

  Military qualities.

The Arabs are good soldiers but poor generals. Personal courage,
wonderful endurance of privation, fixity of purpose, and a contempt of
death are qualities common to almost every race, tribe and clan that
compose the Arab nation. In skirmishing and harassing they have few
equals, while at close quarters they have often shown themselves capable
of maintaining, armed with swords and spears alone, a desperate struggle
against guns and bayonets, neither giving nor receiving quarter. Nor are
they wholly ignorant of tactics, their armies, when engaged in regular
war, being divided into centre and wings, with skirmishers in front and
a reserve behind, often screened at the outset of the engagement by the
camels of the expedition. These animals, kneeling and ranged in long
parallel rows, form a sort of entrenchment, from behind which the
soldiers of the main body fire their matchlocks, while the front
divisions, opening out, act on either flank of the enemy. This
arrangement of troops may be traced in Arab records as far back as the
5th century, and was often exemplified during the Wahhabi wars.

Arab women are scarcely less distinguished for their bravery than the
men. Records of armed heroines occur frequently in the chronicles or
myths of the pre-Islamitic time; and in authentic history the Battle of
the Camel, 656 A.D., where Ayesha, the wife of Mahomet, headed the
charge, is only the first of a number of instances in which Arab amazons
have taken, sword in hand, no inconsiderable share in the wars and
victories of Islam. Even now it is the custom for an Arab force to be
always accompanied by some courageous maiden, who, mounted on a
blackened camel, leads the onslaught, singing verses of encouragement
for her own, of insult for the opposing tribe. Round her litter the
fiercest of the battle rages, and her capture or death is the signal of
utter rout; it is hers also to head the triumph after the victory of her


There is little education, in the European sense of the word, in Arabia.
Among the Bedouins there are no schools, and few, even of the most
elementary character, in the towns or villages. Where they exist, little
beyond the mechanical reading of the Koran, and the equally mechanical
learning of it by rote, is taught. On the other hand, Arab
male-children, brought up from early years among the grown-up men of the
house or tent, learn more from their own parents and at home than is
common in other countries; reading and writing are in most instances
thus acquired, or rather transmitted; besides such general principles
of grammar and eloquence, often of poetry and history, as the elders
themselves may be able to impart. To this family schooling too are due
the good manners, politeness, and self-restraint that early distinguish
Arab children. In the very few instances where a public school of a
higher class exists, writing, grammar and rhetoric sum up its teachings.
Law and theology, in the narrow sense that both these words have in the
Islamitic system, are explained in afternoon lectures given in most
mosques; and some verses of the Koran, with one of the accepted
commentaries, that of Baidawi for example, form the basis of the
instruction. Great attention is paid to accuracy of grammar and purity
of diction throughout Arabia; yet something of a dialectic difference
may be observed in the various districts. The purest Arabic, that which
is as nearly as possible identical in the choice of words and in its
inflections with the language of the Koran, is spoken in Nejd, and the
best again of that in the province of Suder. Next in purity comes the
Arabic of Shammar. Throughout the Hejaz in general, the language, though
extremely elegant, is not equally correct; in el-Hasa, Bahrein and Oman
it is decidedly influenced by the foreign element called Nabataean. In
Yemen, as in other southern districts of the peninsula, Arabic merges
insensibly into the Himyaritic or African dialect of Hadramut and Mahra.

  BIBLIOGRAPHY.--Lieutenant Wellsted, _Travels in Arabia_ (Lond., 1838);
  "Narrative of a Journey to the Ruins of Nakeb el Hajar" (_Jour. R.
  Geog. Soc._ vii. 20); Carsten Niebuhr. _Travels through Arabia_
  (transl. into English by Robert Heron, 2 vols., Edin., 1792); John
  Lewis Burckhardt, _Travels in Arabia_ (2 vols., Lond., 1829); _Notes
  on the Bedouins and Wahabis_, (2 vols., Lond., 1830; in German,
  Weimar, 1831); C.J. Cruttenden, _Journal of an Excursion to Sana'a,
  the Capital of Yemen_ (Bombay, 1838); A. Sprenger, _Die alte
  Geographie Arabiens als Grundlage der Entwicklungsgeschichte des
  Semitismus_ (Berne, 1875); Sir Richard F. Burton, _Personal Narrative
  of a Pilgrimage to El Medinah and Meccah_ (Lond., 1855); W. Robertson
  Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_ (Cambridge); E. Reclus,
  _Les Arabes_ (Brussels, 1898); Lady Anne Blunt, _A Pilgrimage to Nejd_
  (2 vols., Lond., 1881); C.M. Doughty, _Arabia Deserta_ (2 vols.,
  1888); Rev. S.M. Zwemer, _Arabia: the Cradle of Islam_ (1900);
  Albrecht Zehme, _Arabien und die Araber, seit hundert Jahren_ (1875).

ARACAJÚ, a city and seaport of Brazil, capital of the state of Sergipe,
170 m. N.N.E. of Bahia, on the river Cotinguiba, or Cotindiba, 6 m. from
the coast. The municipality, of which it forms a part, had a population
in 1890 of 16,336, about two-thirds of whom lived in the city itself.
Aracajú is a badly built town on the right bank of the river at the base
of a ridge of low sand-hills and has the usual features of an
unprogressive provincial capital. Good limestone is quarried in its
vicinity, and the country tributary to this port produces large
quantities of sugar. Cotton is also grown, and the back country sends
down hides and skins for shipment. The anchorage is good, but a
dangerous bar at the mouth of the river prevents the entrance of vessels
drawing more than 12 ft. The port is visited, therefore, only by the
smaller steamers of the coastwise lines. The river is navigable as far
as the town of Maroim, about 10 m. beyond Aracajú. The city was founded
in 1855.

ARACATY, or ARACATÍ, a city and port of Brazil, in the state of Ceará,
75 m. S.E. of Fortaleza, on the river Jaguaribe, 8 m. from the sea. Pop.
of the municipality (1890) 20,182, of whom about 12,000 belonged to the
city. A dangerous bar at the mouth of the river permits the entrance
only of the smaller coasting steamers, but the port is an important
commercial centre, and exports considerable quantities of cotton, hides,
maniçoba, rubber, fruit, and palm wax.

ARACHNE, in Greek mythology, the daughter of Idmon of Colophon in Lydia,
a dyer in purple. She had acquired such skill in the art of weaving that
she ventured to challenge Athena. While the goddess took as subjects her
quarrel with Poseidon as to the naming and possession of Attica, and the
warning examples of those who ventured to pit themselves against the
immortals, Arachne depicted the metamorphoses of the gods and their
amorous adventures. Her work was so perfect that Athena, enraged at
being unable to find any blemish in it, tore it to pieces. Arachne
hanged herself in despair; but the goddess out of pity loosened the
rope, which became a cobweb, while Arachne herself was changed into a
spider (Ovid, _Metam_. vi. 5-145). The story probably indicates the
superiority of Asia over Greece in the textile arts.

ARACHNIDA, the zoological name given in 1815 by Lamarck (Gr. [Greek:
harachnae], a spider) to a class which he instituted for the reception
of the spiders, scorpions and mites, previously classified by Linnaeus
in the order Aptera of his great group Insecta. Lamarck at the same time
founded the class Crustacea for the lobsters, crabs and water-fleas,
also until then included in the order Aptera of Linnaeus. Lamarck
included the Thysanura and the Myriapoda in his class Arachnida. The
Insecta of Linnaeus was a group exactly equivalent to the Arthropoda
founded a hundred years later by Siebold and Stannius. It was thus
reduced by Lamarck in area, and made to comprise only the six-legged,
wing-bearing "Insecta." For these Lamarck proposed the name Hexapoda;
but that name has been little used, and they have retained to this day
the title of the much larger Linnaean group, viz. Insecta. The position
of the Arachnida in the great sub-phylum Arthropoda, according to recent
anatomical and embryological researches, is explained in the article

ARTHROPODA. The Arachnida form a distinct class or line of descent in
the grade Euarthropoda, diverging (perhaps in common at the start with
the Crustacea) from primitive Euarthropods, which gave rise also to the
separate lines of descent known as the classes Diplopoda, Crustacea,
Chilopoda and Hexapoda.

[Illustration: FIG. 1.--Entosternum, entosternite or plastron of
_Limulus polyphemus_, Latr. Dorsal surface.

  LAP, Left anterior process.           PLR, Posterior lateral rod or
  RAP, Right anterior process.            tendon.
  PhN, Pharyngeal notch.                PLP, Posterior lateral process.
  ALR, Anterior lateial rod or tendon.  Natural size.

(From Lankester, _Q J. Mic. Sci._, N S vol. xxiv, 1884)]

_Limulus an Arachnid._--Modern views as to the classification and
affinities of the Arachnida have been determined by the demonstration
that _Limulus_ and the extinct Eurypterines (_Pterygotus_, &c.) are
Arachnida; that is to say, are identical in the structure and relation
of so many important parts with _Scorpio_, whilst differing in those
respects from other Arthropoda, that it is impossible to suppose that
the identity is due to homoplasy or convergence, and the conclusion must
be accepted that the resemblances arise from close genetic relationship.
The view that Limulus, the king-crab, is an Arachnid was maintained as
long ago as 1829 by Strauss-Dürckheim (1), on the ground of its
possession of an internal cartilaginous sternum--also possessed by the
Arachnida (see figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6)--and of the similarity of the
disposition of the six leg-like appendages around the mouth in the two
cases (see figs. 45 and 63). The evidence of the exact equivalence of
the segmentation and appendages of Limulus and Scorpio, and of a number
of remarkable points of agreement in structure, was furnished by Ray
Lankester in an article published in 1881 ("Limulus an Arachnid,"
_Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci._ vol. xxi. N.S.), and in a series of
subsequent memoirs, in which the structure of the entosternum, of the
coxal glands, of the eyes, of the veno-pericardiac muscles, of the
respiratory lamellae, and of other parts, was for the first time
described, and in which the new facts discovered were shown uniformly to
support the hypothesis that Limulus is an Arachnid. A list of these
memoirs is given at the close of this article (2, 3, 4, 5 and 13). The
Eurypterines (Gigantostraca) were included in the identification,
although at that time they were supposed to possess only five pairs of
anterior or prosomatic appendages. They have now been shown to possess
six pairs (fig. 47), as do Limulus and Scorpio.

[Illustration: FIG. 2.--Ventral surface of the entosternum of _Limulus
polyphemus_, Latr. Letters as in fig. 1 with the addition of NF, neural
fossa protecting the aggregated ganglia of the central nervous system;
PVP, left posterior ventral process; PMP, posterior median process.
Natural size.

(From Lankester.)]

[Illustration: FIG. 3.--Entosternum of scorpion (_Palamnaeus Indus_, de
Geer); dorsal surface.

  asp, Paired anterior process of the sub-neural arch.
  snp, Sub-neural arch.
  ap, Anterior lateral process (same as RAP and LAP in fig. 1).
  lmp, Lateral median process (same as ALR and PLR of fig. 1).
  pp, Posterior process (same as PLP in fig. 1).
  pf, Posterior flap or diaphragm of Newport.
  m^1 and m^2, Perforations of the diaphragm for the passage of
  DR, The paired dorsal ridges.
  GC, Gastric canal or foramen.
  AC, Arterial canal or foramen.

(After Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

The various comparisons previously made between the structure of Limulus
and the Eurypterines on the one hand, and that of a typical Arachnid,
such as Scorpio, on the other, had been vitiated by erroneous notions as
to the origin of the nerves supplying the anterior appendages of Limulus
(which were finally removed by Alphonse Milne-Edwards in his beautiful
memoir (6) on the structure of that animal), and secondly by the
erroneous identification of the double sternal plates of Limulus, called
"chilaria," by Owen, with a pair of appendages (7). Once the identity of
the chilaria with the pentagonal sternal plate of the scorpion is
recognized--an identification first insisted on by Lankester--the whole
series of segments and appendages in the two animals, Limulus and
Scorpio, are seen to correspond most closely, segment for segment, with
one another (see figs. 7 and 8). The structure of the prosomatic
appendages or legs is also seen to present many significant points of
agreement (see figures), but a curious discrepancy existed in the
six-jointed structure of the limb in Limulus, which differed from the
seven-jointed limb of Scorpio by the defect of one joint. R.I. Pocock of
the British Museum has observed that in Limulus a marking exists on the
fourth joint, which apparently indicates a previous division of this
segment into two, and thus establishes the agreement of Limulus and
Scorpio in this small feature of the number of segments in the legs (see
fig. 11).

[Illustration: FIG. 4.--Ventral surface of the same entosternum as that
drawn in fig. 3. Letters as in fig. 3 with the addition of NC, neural
canal or foramen.

(After Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

  It is not desirable to occupy the limited space of this article by a
  full description of the limbs and segments of Limulus and Scorpio. The
  reader is referred to the complete series of figures here given, with
  their explanatory legends (figs 12, 13, 14, 15). Certain matters,
  however, require comment and explanation to render the comparison
  intelligible. The tergites, or chitinized dorsal halves of the body
  rings, are fused to form a "prosomatic carapace," or carapace of the
  prosoma, in both Limulus and Scorpio (see figs. 7 and 8). This region
  corresponds in both cases to six somites, as indicated by the presence
  of six pairs of limbs. On the surface of the carapace there are in
  both animals a pair of central eyes with simple lens and a pair of
  lateral eye-tracts, which in Limulus consist of closely-aggregated
  simple eyes, forming a "compound" eye, whilst in Scorpio they present
  several separate small eyes. The microscopic structure of the central
  and the lateral eyes has been shown by Lankester and A.G. Bourne (5)
  to differ; but the lateral eyes of Scorpio were shown by them to be
  similar in structure to the lateral eyes of Limulus, and the central
  eyes of Scorpio to be identical in structure with the central eyes of
  Limulus (see below).

  [Illustration: FIG. 5.--Entosternum of one of the mygalomorphous
  spiders; ventral surface. Ph.N., pharyngeal notch. The posterior
  median process with its repetition of triangular segments closely
  resembles the same process in Limulus.

  (From Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

  [Illustration: FIG. 6.--Dorsal surface of the same entosternum as that
  drawn in fig. 5. Ph.N., pharyngeal notch.

  (After Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

  Following the prosoma is a region consisting of six segments (figs. 14
  and 15), each carrying a pair of plate-like appendages in both Limulus
  and Scorpio. This region is called the mesosoma. The tergites of this
  region and those of the following region, the metasoma, are fused to
  form a second or posterior carapace in Limulus, whilst remaining free
  in Scorpio. The first pair of foliaceous appendages in each animal is
  the genital operculum; beneath it are found the openings of the
  genital ducts. The second pair of mesosomatic appendages in Scorpio
  are known as the "pectens." Each consists of an axis, bearing numerous
  blunt tooth-like processes arranged in a series. This is represented
  in Limulus by the first gill-bearing appendage. The leaves (some 150
  in number) of the gill-book (see figure) correspond to the tooth-like
  processes of the pectens of Scorpio. The next four pairs of appendages
  (completing the mesosomatic series of six) consist, in both Scorpio
  and Limulus, of a base carrying each 130 to 150 blood-holding,
  leaf-like plates, lying on one another like the leaves of a book.
  Their minute structure is closely similar in the two cases; the
  leaf-like plates receive blood from the great sternal sinus, and serve
  as respiratory organs. The difference between the gill-books of
  Limulus and the lung-books of Scorpio depends on the fact that the
  latter are adapted to aerial respiration, while the former serve for
  aquatic respiration. The appendage carrying the gill-book stands out
  on the surface of the body in Limulus, and has other portions
  developed besides the gill-book and its base; it is fused with its
  fellow of the opposite side. On the other hand, in Scorpio, the
  gill-book-bearing appendage has sunk below the surface, forming a
  recess or chamber for itself, which communicates with the exterior by
  an oval or circular "stigma" (fig. 10, stg). That this in-sinking
  has taken place, and that the lung-books or in-sunken gill-books of
  Scorpio really represent appendages (that is to say, limbs or
  parapodia) is proved by their developmental history (see figs. 17 and
  18). They appear at first as outstanding processes on the surface of
  the body.

  The exact mode in which the in-sinking of superficial outstanding
  limbs, carrying gill-lamellae, has historically taken place has been a
  matter of much speculation. It was to be hoped that the specimen of
  the Silurian scorpion (_Palaeophonus_) from Scotland, showing the
  ventral surface of the mesosoma (fig. 49), would throw light on this
  matter; but the specimen recently carefully studied by the writer and
  Pocock reveals neither gill-bearing limbs nor stigmata. The
  probability appears to be against an actual introversion of the
  appendage and its lamellae, as was at one time suggested by Lankester.
  It is probable that such an in-sinking as is shown in the accompanying
  diagram has taken place (fig. 15); but we are yet in need of evidence
  as to the exact equivalence of margins, axis, &c., obtaining between
  the lung-book of Scorpio and the gill-book of Limulus. Zoologists are
  familiar with many instances (fishes, crustaceans) in which the
  protective walls of a water-breathing organ or gill-apparatus become
  converted into an air-breathing organ or lung, but there is no other
  case known of the conversion of gill processes themselves into
  air-breathing plates.

  [Illustration: FIG. 7.--Diagram of the dorsal surface of _Limulus

    oc, Lateral compound eyes.
    oc', Central monomeniscous eyes.
    PA, Post-anal spine.
    I to VI, The six appendage-bearing somites of the prosoma.
    VII, Usually considered to be the tergum of the genital somite, but
      suggested by Pocock to be that of the otherwise suppressed
      praegenital somite.
    VIII to XIII, The six somites of the mesosoma, each with a movable
      pleural spine and a pair of dorsal entopophysis or muscle-attaching
    XIV to XVIII, The confluent or unexpressed six somites of the

    [According to the system of numbering explained in the text, if VII
    is the tergum of the praegenital somite (as is probable) it should
    be labelled _Prg_ without any number, and the somites VIII to XIII
    should be lettered 1 to 6, indicating that they are the six normal
    somites of the mesosoma; whilst XV to XVIII should be replaced by
    the numbers 7 to 12--an additional suppressed segment (making up the
    typical six) being reckoned to the metasomatic fusion.]

  (From Lankester, _Q J. Micr Set_. vol. xxi., 1881)]

  The identification of the lung-books of Scorpio with the gill-books of
  Limulus is practically settled by the existence of the pectens in
  Scorpio (fig. 14, VIII) on the second mesosomatic somite. There is no
  doubt that _these_ are parapodial or limb appendages, carrying
  numerous imbricated secondary processes, and therefore comparable in
  essential structure to the leaf-bearing plates of the second
  mesosomatic somite of Limulus. They have remained unenclosed and
  projecting on the surface of the body, as once were the appendages of
  the four following somites. But they have lost their respiratory
  function. In non-aquatic life such an unprotected organ cannot
  subserve respiration. The "pectens" have become more firmly chitinized
  and probably somewhat altered in shape as compared with their
  condition in the aquatic ancestral scorpions. Their present function
  in scorpions is not ascertained. They are not specially sensitive
  under ordinary conditions, and may be touched or even pinched without
  causing any discomfort to the scorpion. It is probable that they
  acquire special sensibility at the breeding season and serve as
  "guides" in copulation. The shape of the legs and the absence of
  paired terminal claws in the Silurian _Palaeophonus_ (see figs. 48 and
  49) as compared with living scorpions (see fig. 10) show that the
  early scorpions were aquatic, and we may hope some day in
  better-preserved specimens than the two as yet discovered, to find the
  respiratory organs of those creatures in the condition of projecting
  appendages serving aquatic respiration somewhat as in Limulus, though
  not necessarily repeating the exact form of the broad plates of

  [Illustration: FIG. 8.--Diagram of the dorsal surface of a scorpion to
  compare with fig. 7. Letters and Roman numerals as in fig. 7,
  excepting that VII is here certainly the tergum of the first somite of
  the mesosoma--the genital somite--and is _not_ a survival of the
  embryonic praegenital somite. The anus (not seen) is on the sternal

  (From Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

  It is important to note that the series of lamellae of the lung-book
  and the gill-book correspond _exactly_ in structure, the narrow, flat
  blood-space in the lamellae being interrupted by pillar-like junctions
  of the two surfaces in both cases (see Lankester (4)), and the free
  surfaces of the adjacent lamellae being covered with a very delicate
  chitinous cuticle which is drawn out into delicate hairs and
  processes. The elongated axis which opens at the stigma in Scorpio and
  which can be cleared of soft, surrounding tissues and coagulated blood
  so as to present the appearance of a limb axis carrying the book-like
  leaves of the lung is not really, as it would seem to be at first
  sight, the limb axis. That is necessarily a blood-holding structure
  and is obliterated and fused with soft tissues of the sternal region
  so that the lamellae cannot be detached and presented as standing out
  from it. The apparent axis or basal support of the scorpion's
  lung-books shown in the figures, is a false or secondary axis and
  merely a part of the infolded surface which forms the air-chamber. The
  maceration of the soft parts of a scorpion preserved in weak spirit
  and the cleaning of the chitinized in-grown cuticle give rise to the
  false appearance of a limb axis carrying the lamellae. The margins of
  the lamellae of the scorpion's lung-book, which are _lowermost_ in the
  figures (fig. 15) and appear to be free, are really those which are
  attached to the blood-holding axis. The true free ends are those
  nearest the stigma.

  Passing on now from the mesosoma we come in Scorpio to the metasoma of
  six segments, the first of which is broad whilst the rest are
  cylindrical. The last is perforated by the anus and carries the
  post-anal spine or sting. The somites of the metasoma carry no
  parapodia. In Limulus the metasoma is practically suppressed. In the
  allied extinct Eurypterines it is well developed, and resembles that
  of Scorpio. In the embryo Limulus (fig. 42) the six somites of the
  mesosoma are not fused to form a carapace at an early stage, and they
  are followed by three separately marked metasomatic somites; the other
  three somites of the metasoma have disappeared in Limulus, but are
  represented by the unsegmented prae-anal region. It is probable that
  we have in the metasoma of Limulus a case of the disappearance of once
  clearly demarcated somites. It would be possible to suppose, on the
  other hand, that new somites are only beginning to make their
  appearance here. The balance of various considerations is against the
  latter hypothesis. Following the metasoma in Limulus, we have as in
  Scorpio the post-anal spine--in this case not a sting, but a powerful
  and important organ of locomotion, serving to turn the animal over
  when it has fallen upon its back. The nature of the post-anal spine
  has been strangely misinterpreted by some writers. Owen (7) maintained
  that it represented a number of coalesced somites, regardless of its
  post-anal position and mode of development. The agreement of the
  grouping of the somites, of the form of the parapodia (appendages,
  limbs) in each region, of the position of the genital aperture and
  operculum, of the position and character of the eyes, and of the
  powerful post-anal spines not seen in other Arthropods, is very
  convincing as to the affinity of Limulus and Scorpio. Perhaps the
  most important general agreement of Scorpio compared with Limulus and
  the Eurypterines is the division of the body into the three regions
  (or tagmata)--prosoma, mesosoma and metasoma--each consisting of six
  segments, the prosoma having leg-like appendages, the mesosoma having
  foliaceous appendages, and the metasoma being destitute of appendages.

  [Illustration: FIG. 9.--Ventral view of the posterior carapace or
  meso-metasomatic (opisthospmatic) fusion of _Limulus polyphemus_. The
  soft integument and limbs of the mesosoma have been removed as well as
  all the viscera and muscles, so that the inner surface of the terga of
  these somites with their entopophyses are seen. The unsegmented dense
  chitinous sternal plate of the metasoma (XIII to XVIII) is not
  removed. Letters as in fig. 7.

  (After Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

  In 1893, some years after the identification of the somites of Limulus
  with those of Scorpio, thus indicated, had been published, zoologists
  were startled by the discovery by a Japanese zoologist, Kishinouye
  (8), of a seventh prosomatic somite in the embryo of Limulus
  longispina. This was seen in longitudinal sections, as shown in fig.
  19. The simple identification of somite with somite in Limulus and
  Scorpio seemed to be threatened by this discovery. But in 1896 Dr
  August Brauer of Marburg (9) discovered in the embryo of Scorpio a
  seventh prosomatic somite (see VII PrG, figs. 17 and 18), or, if we
  please so to term it, a _praegenital_ somite, hitherto unrecognized.
  In the case of Scorpio this segment is indicated in the embryo by the
  presence of a pair of rudimentary appendages, carried by a well-marked
  somite. As in Limulus, so in Scorpio, this unexpected somite and its
  appendages disappear in the course of development. In fact, more or
  less complete "excalation" of the somite takes place. Owing to its
  position it is convenient to term the somite which is excalated in
  Limulus and Scorpio "the praegenital somite." It appears not
  improbable that the sternal plates wedged in between the last pair of
  legs in both Scorpio and Limulus, viz. the pentagonal sternite of
  Scorpio (fig. 10) and the chilaria of Limulus (see figs. 13 and 20),
  may in part represent in the adult the sternum of the excalated
  praegenital somite. This has not been demonstrated by an actual
  following out of the development, but the position of these pieces and
  the fact that they are (in Limulus) supplied by an independent
  segmental nerve, favours the view that they may comprise the sternal
  area of the vanished praegenital somite. This interpretation, however,
  of the "metasternites" of Limulus and Scorpio is opposed by the
  coexistence in Thelyphonus (figs. 55, 57 and 58) of a similar
  metasternite with a complete praegenital somite. H.J. Hansen (10) has
  recognized that the "praegenital somite" persists in a rudimentary
  condition, forming a "waist" to the series of somites in the Pedipalpi
  and Araneae. The present writer is of opinion that it will be found
  most convenient to treat this evanescent somite as something special,
  and not to attempt to reckon it to either the prosoma or the mesosoma.
  These will then remain as typically composed each of six
  appendage-bearing somites-the prosoma comprising in addition the
  ocular prosthomere.[1] When the praegenital somite or traces of it are
  present it should not be called "the seventh prosomatic" or the "first
  mesosomatic," but simply the "praegenital somite." The first segment
  of the mesosoma of Scorpio and Limulus thus remains the first segment,
  and can be identified as such throughout the Eu-arachnida, carrying as
  it always does the genital apertures. But it is necessary to remember,
  in the light of recent discoveries, that the sixth prosomatic pair of
  appendages is carried on the seventh somite of the whole series, there
  being two prosthomeres or somites in front of the mouth, the first
  carrying the eyes, the second the chelicerae; also that the first
  mesosomatic or genital somite is not the seventh or even the eighth of
  the whole senes of somites which have been historically present, but
  is the ninth, owing to the presence or to the excalation of a
  praegenital somite. It seems that confusion and trouble will be best
  avoided by abstaining from the introduction of the non-evident
  somites, the ocular and the praegenital, into the numerical
  nomenclature of the component somites of the three great body regions.
  We shall, therefore, ignoring the ocular somite, speak of the first,
  second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth leg-bearing somites of the
  prosoma, and indicate the appendages by the Roman numerals, I, II,
  III, IV, V, VI, and whilst ignoring the praegenital somite we shall
  speak of the first, second, third, &c., somite of the mesosoma or
  opisthosoma (united mesosoma and metasoma) and indicate them by the
  Arabic numerals.

  [Illustration: FIG. 10.--Ventral view of a scorpion, _Palamnaeus
  indus_, de Geer, to show the arrangement of the coxae of the limbs,
  the sternal elements, genital plate and pectens.

    M, Mouth behind the oval median camerostome.
    I, The chelicerae.
    II, The chelae.
    III to VI, the four pairs of walking legs.
    VIIgo, The genital somite or first somite of the mesosoma with the
      genital operculum (a fused pair of limbs).
    VIIIp, The pectiniferous somite.
    IXstg to XIIstg, the four pulmonary somites.
    met, The pentagonal metasternite of the prosoma behind all the
    x, The sternum of the pectiniferous somite.
    y, The broad first somite of the metasoma.]

  There are a number of other important points of structure besides
  those referring to the somites and appendages in which Limulus agrees
  with Scorpio or other Arachnida and differs from other Arthropoda. The
  chief of these are as follows:--

  [Illustration: FIG. 11.--Third leg of _Limulus polyphemus_, showing
  the division of the fourth segment of the leg by a groove S into two,
  thus giving seven segments to the leg as in scorpion.

  (From a drawing by Pocock.)]

  1. _The Composition of the Head_ (that is to say, of the anterior part
  of the prosoma) _with especial Reference to the Region in Front of the
  Mouth._--It appears (see ARTHROPODA) that there is embryological
  evidence of the existence of two somites in Arachnida which were
  originally post-oral, but have become prae-oral by adaptational
  shifting of the oral aperture. These forwardly-slipped somites are
  called "prosthomeres." The first of these has, in Arachnids as in
  other Arthropods, its pair of appendages represented by the eyes. The
  second has for its pair of appendages the small pair of limbs which in
  all living Arachnids is either chelate or retrovert (as in spiders),
  and is known as the chelicerae. It is possible, as maintained by some
  writers (Patten and others), that the lobes of the cerebral nervous
  mass in Arachnids indicate a larger number of prosthomeres as having
  fused in this region, but there is no _embryological_ evidence at
  present which justifies us in assuming the existence in Arachnids of
  more than two prosthomeres. The position of the chelicerae of Limulus
  and of the ganglionic nerve-masses from which they receive their
  nerve-supply, is closely similar to that of the same structures in
  Scorpio. The cerebral mass is in Limulus more easily separated by
  dissection as a median lobe distinct from the laterally-placed ganglia
  of the chelceral somite than is the case in Scorpio, but the relations
  are practically the same in the two forms. Formerly it was supposed
  that in Limulus both the chelicerae and the next following pair of
  appendages were prosthomerous, as in Crustacea, but the dissections of
  Alphonse Milne-Edwards (6) demonstrated the true limitations of the
  cerebrum, whilst embryological researches have done as much for
  Scorpio. Limulus thus agrees with Scorpio and differs from the
  Crustacea, in which there are three prosthomeres--one ocular and two
  carrying palpiform appendages. It is true that in the lower Crustacea
  (Apus, &c.) we have evidence of the gradual movement forward of the
  nerve-ganglia belonging to these palpiform appendages. But although in
  such lower Crustacea the nerve-ganglia of the third prosthomere have
  not fused with the anterior nerve-mass, there is no question as to the
  prae-oral position of two appendage-bearing somites in addition to the
  ocular prosthomere. The Crustacea have, in fact, three prosthomeres in
  the head and the Arachnida only two, and Limulus agrees with the
  Arachnida in this respect and differs from the Crustacea. The central
  nervous systems of Limulus and of Scorpio present closer agreement in
  structure than can be found when a Crustacean is compared with either.
  The wide divarication of the lateral cords in the prosoma and their
  connexion by transverse commissures, together with the "attraction" of
  ganglia to the prosomatic ganglion group which properly belong to
  hinder segments, are very nearly identical in the two animals. The
  form and disposition of the ganglion cells are also peculiar and
  closely similar in the two. (See Patten (42) for important
  observations on the neuromeres, &c., of Limulus and Scorpio.)

  [Illustration: FIG. 12.--The prosomatic appendages of _Limulus
  polyphemus_ (right) and Scorpio (left), _Palamnaeus indus_ compared.
  The corresponding appendages are marked with the same Roman numeral.
  The Arabic numerals indicate the segments of the legs.

    cox, Coxa or basal segment of the leg.
    stc, The sterno-coxal process or jaw-like up-growth of the coxa.
    epc, The articulated movable outgrowth of the coxa, called the
      epi-coxite (present only in III of the scorpion and III, IV and V
      of Limulus).
    ex^1, The exopodite of the sixth limb of Limulus.
    a, b, c, d, Movable processes on the same leg (see for some
      suggestions on the morphology of this leg, Pocock in _Quart. Journ.
      Micr. Sci._ March 1901; see also fig. 50 below and explanation).

  (From Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

  [Illustration: FIG. 13.--Diagrams of the metasternite st, with genital
  operculum op, and the first lamelligerous pair of appendages ga, with
  uniting sternal element st of Scorpio (left) and Limulus (right).

  (From Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

  2. _The Minute Structure of the Central Eyes and of the Lateral
  Eyes._--Limulus agrees with Scorpio not only in having a pair of
  central eyes and also lateral eyes, but in the microscopic structure
  of those organs, which differs in the central and lateral eyes
  respectively. The central eyes are "simple eyes," that is to say, have
  a single lens, and are hence called "monomeniscous." The lateral eyes
  are in Limulus "compound eyes," that is to say, consist of many lenses
  placed close together; beneath each lens is a complex of protoplasmic
  cells, in which the optic nerve terminates. Each such unit is termed
  an "ommatidium." The lateral eyes of Scorpio consist of groups of
  separate small lenses each with its ommatidium, but they do not form a
  continuous compound eye as in Limulus. The ommatidium (soft structure
  beneath the lens-unit of a compound eye) is very simple in both
  Scorpio and Limulus. It consists of a single layer of cells,
  continuous with those which secrete the general chitinous covering of
  the prosoma. The cells of the ommatidium are a good deal larger than
  the neighbouring common cells of the epidermis. They secrete the
  knob-like lens (fig. 22). But they also receive the nerve fibres of
  the optic nerve. They are at the same time both optic nerve-end cells,
  that is to say, retina cells, and corneagen cells or secretors of the
  chitinous lens-like cornea. In Limulus (fig. 23) each ommatidium has a
  peculiar ganglion cell developed in a central position, whilst the
  ommatidium of the lateral eyelets of Scorpio shows small intermediate
  cells between the larger nerve-end cells. The structure of the lateral
  eye of Limulus was first described by Grenacher, and further and more
  accurately by Lankester and Bourne (5) and by Watase; that of Scorpio
  by Lankester and Bourne, who showed that the statements of von Graber
  were erroneous, and that the lateral eyes of Scorpio have a single
  cell-layered or "monostichous" ommatidium like that of Limulus. Watase
  has shown, in a very convincing way, how by deepening the pit-like set
  of cells beneath a simple lens the more complex ommatidia of the
  compound eyes of Crustacea and Hexapoda may be derived from such a
  condition as that presented in the lateral eyes of Limulus and
  Scorpio. (For details the reader is referred to Watase (11) and to
  Lankester and Bourne (5).) The structure of the central eyes of
  Scorpio and spiders and also of Limulus differs essentially from that
  of the lateral eyes in having two layers of cells (hence called
  diplostichous) beneath the lens, separated from one another by a
  membrane (figs. 24 and 25). The upper layer is the corneagen and
  secretes the lens, the lower is the retinal layer. The mass of soft
  cell-structures beneath a large lens of a central eye is called an
  "ommatoeum." It shows in Scorpio and Limulus a tendency to segregate
  into minor groups or "ommatidia." It is found that in embryological
  growth the retinal layer of the central eyes forms as a separate
  pouch, which is pushed in laterally beneath the corneagen layer from
  the epidermic cell layer. Hence it is in origin double, and consists
  of a true retinal layer and a post-retinal layer (fig. 24, B), though
  these are not separated by a membrane. Accordingly the diplostichous
  ommatoeum or soft tissue of the Arachnid's central eye should strictly
  be called "triplostichous," since the deep layer is itself doubled or
  folded. The retinal cells of both the lateral and central eyes of
  Limulus and Scorpio produce cuticular structures on their sides; each
  such piece is a rhabdomere and a number (five or ten) uniting form a
  rhabdom (fig. 26). In the specialized ommatidia of the compound eyes
  of Crustacea and Hexapods the rhabdom is an important structure.[2] It
  is a very significant fact that the lateral and central eyes of
  Limulus and Scorpio not only agree each with each in regard to their
  monostichous and diplostichous structure, but also in the formation in
  both classes of eyes of rhabdomeres and rhabdoms in which the
  component pieces are five or a multiple of five (fig. 26). Whilst each
  unit of the lateral eye of Limulus has a rhabdom of ten[3] pieces
  forming a star-like chitinous centre in section, each lateral eye of
  Scorpio has several rhabdoms of five or less rhabdomeres, indicating
  that the Limulus lateral eye-unit is more specialized than the
  detached lateral eyelet of Scorpio, so as to present a coincidence of
  one lens with one rhabdom. Numerous rhabdomeres (grouped as rhabdoms
  in Limulus) are found in the retinal layer of the central eyes also.

  [Illustration: FIG. 14.--The first three pairs of mesosomatic
  appendages of Scorpio and Limulus compared.

    VII, The genital operculum.
    VIII, The pectens of Scorpio and the first branchial plate of
    IX, The first pair of lung-books of Scorpio and the second branchial
      plate of Limulus.
    gp, Genital pore.
    epst, Epistigmatic sclerite.
    stg, Stigma or orifice of the hollow tendons of the branchial plates
      of Limulus.

  (After Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

  Whilst Limulus agrees thus closely with Scorpio in regard to the eyes,
  it is to be noted that no Crustacean has structures corresponding to
  the peculiar diplostichous central eyes, though these occur again
  (with differences in detail) in _Hexapoda_. Possibly, however, an
  investigation of the development of the median eyes of some Crustacea
  (Apus, Palaemon) may prove them to be diplostichous in origin.

  3. _The so-called_ "_Coxal Glands_."--In 1882 (_Proc. Roy. Soc_. No.
  221) Lankester described under the name "coxal glands" a pair of
  brilliantly white oviform bodies lying in the Scorpion's prosoma
  immediately above the coxae of the fifth and sixth pairs of legs (fig.
  27). These bodies had been erroneously supposed by Newport (12) and
  other observers to be glandular outgrowths of the alimentary canal.
  They are really excretory glands, and communicate with the exterior by
  a very minute aperture on the posterior face of the coxa of the fifth
  limb on each side. When examined with the microscope, by means of the
  usual section method, they are seen to consist of a labyrinthine tube
  lined with peculiar cells, each cell having a deep vertically striated
  border on the surface farthest from the lumen, as is seen in the cells
  of some renal organs. The coils and branches of the tube are packed by
  connective tissue and blood spaces. A similar pair of coxal glands,
  lobate instead of ovoid in shape, was described by Lankester in
  Mygale, and it was also shown by him that the structures in Limulus
  called "brick-red glands" by Packard have the same structure and
  position as the coxal glands of Scorpio and Mygale. In Limulus these
  organs consist each of four horizontal lobes lying on the coxal margin
  of the second, third, fourth, and fifth prosomatic limbs, the four
  lobes being connected to one another by a transverse piece or stem
  (fig. 28). Microscopically their structure is the same in essentials
  as that of the coxal glands of Scorpio (13). Coxal glands have since
  been recognized and described in other Arachnida. In 1900 it was shown
  that the coxal gland of Limulus is provided with a very delicate
  thin-walled coiled duct which opens, even in the adult condition, by a
  minute pore on the coxa of the fifth leg (Patten and Hazen, 13A).
  Previously to this, Lankester's pupil Gulland had shown (1885) that in
  the embryo the coxal gland is a comparatively simple tube, which opens
  to the exterior in this position and by its other extremity into a
  coelomic space. Similar observations were made by Laurie (17) in
  Lankester's laboratory (1890) with regard to the early condition of
  the coxal gland of Scorpio, and by Bertkau (41) as to that of the
  spider Atypus. H.M. Bernard (13B) showed that the opening remains in
  the adult scorpion. In all the embryonic or permanent opening is on
  the coxa of the fifth pair of prosomatic limbs. Thus an organ newly
  discovered in Scorpio was found to have its counterpart in Limulus.

  The name "coxal gland" needs to be carefully distinguished from
  "crural gland," with which it is apt to be confused. The crural
  glands, which occur in many terrestrial Arthropods, are epidermal in
  origin and totally distinct from the coxal glands. The coxal glands of
  the Arachnida are structures of the same nature as the green glands of
  the higher Crustacea and the so-called "shell glands" of the
  Entomostraca. The latter open at the base of the fifth pair of limbs
  of the Crustacean, just as the coxal glands open on the coxal joint of
  the fifth pair of limbs of the Arachnid. Both belong to the category
  of "coelomoducts," namely, tubular or funnel-like portions of the
  coelom opening to the exterior in pairs in each somite (potentially,)
  and usually persisting in only a few somites as either "urocoels"
  (renal organs) or "gonocoets" (genital tubes). In Peripatus they occur
  in every somite of the body. They have till recently been very
  generally identified with the nephridia of Chaetopod worms, but there
  is good reason for considering the true nephridia (typified by the
  nephridia of the earthworm) as a distinct class of organs (see
  Lankester in vol. ii. chap. in. of _A Treatise on Zoology_, 1900). The
  genital ducts of Arthropoda are, like the green glands, shell glands
  and coxal glands, to be regarded as coelomoducts (gonocoels). The
  coxal glands do not establish any special connexion between Limulus
  and Scorpio, since they also occur in the same somite in the lower
  Crustacea, but it is to be noted that the coxal glands of Limulus are
  in minute structure and probably in function more like those of
  Arachnids than those of Crustacea.

  [Illustration: FIG. 15.--The remaining three pairs of mesosomatic
  appendages of Scorpio and Limulus. Letters as in fig. 14. l130
  indicates that there are 130 lamellae in the scorpion's lung-book,
  whilst l150 indicates that 150 similar lamellae are counted in the
  gill of Limulus.

  (After Lankester, _loc. cit._)]

  4. _The Entosternites and their Minute Structure._--Strauss-Dürckheim
  (1) was the first to insist on the affinity between Limulus and the
  Arachnids, indicated by the presence of a free suspended entosternum
  or plastron or entosternite in both. We have figured here (figs. 1 to
  6) the entosternites of Limulus, Scorpio and Mygale. Lankester some
  years ago made a special study of the histology (3) of these
  entosternites for the purpose of comparison, and also ascertained the
  relations of the very numerous muscles which are inserted into them
  (4). The entosternites are cartilaginous in texture, but they have
  neither the chemical character nor the microscopic structure of the
  hyaline cartilage of Vertebrates. They yield chitin in place of
  chondrin or gelatin--as does also the cartilage of the Cephalopod's
  endoskeleton. In microscopic structure they all present the closest
  agreement with one another. We find a firm, homogeneous or sparsely
  fibrillated matrix in which are embedded nucleated cells (corpuscles
  of protoplasm) arranged in rows of three, six or eight, parallel with
  the adjacent lines of fibrillation.

  [Illustration: FIG. 16.--Diagram to show the way in which an
  outgrowing gill-process bearing blood-holding lamellae, may give rise,
  if the sternal body wall sinks inwards, to a lung-chamber with
  air-holding lamellae.

    I is the embryonic condition.
    bs, Blood sinus.
    L is the condition of outgrowth with gl, gill lamellae.
    A is the condition of in-sinking of the sternal surface and
      consequent enclosure of the lamelligerous surface of the appendage
      in a chamber with narrow orifice--the pulmonary air-holding
    pl, Pulmonary lamellae.
    bs, Blood sinus.

  (After Kingsley.)]

  A minute entosternite having the above-described structure is found in
  the Crustacean Apus between the bases of the mandibles, and also in
  the Decapoda in a similar position, but in no Crustacean does it
  attain to any size or importance. On the other hand, the entosternite
  of the Arachnida is a very large and important feature in the
  structure of the prosoma, and must play an important part in the
  economy of these organisms. In Limulus (figs. 1 and 2) it has as many
  as twenty-five pairs of muscles attached to it, coming to it from the
  bases of the surrounding limbs and from the dorsal carapace and from
  the pharynx. It consists of an oblong plate 2 in. in length and 1 in
  breadth, with a pair of tendinous outgrowths standing out from it at
  right angles on each side. It "floats" between the prosomatic nerve
  centres and the alimentary canal. In each somite of the mesosoma is a
  small, free entosternite having a similar position, but below or
  ventral to the nerve cords, and having a smaller number of muscles
  attached to it. The entosternite was probably in origin part of the
  fibrous connective tissue lying close to the integument of the sternal
  surface--giving attachment to muscles corresponding more or less to
  those at present attached to it. It became isolated and detached, why
  or with what advantage to the organism it is difficult to say, and at
  that period of Arachnidan development the great ventral nerve cords
  occupied a more lateral position than they do at present. We know that
  such a lateral position of the nerve cords preceded the median
  position in both Arthropoda and Chaetopoda. Subsequently to the
  floating off of the entosternite the approximation of the nerve cords
  took place in the prosoma, and thus they were able to take up a
  position below the entosternite. In the mesosoma the approximation had
  occurred before the entosternites were formed.

  [Illustration: FIG. 17.--Embryo of scorpion, ventral view showing
  somites and appendages.

    sgc, Frontal groove.
    sa, Rudiment of lateral eyes.
    obl, Camerostome (upper lip).
    so, Sense-organ of Patten.
    PrGabp^1, Rudiment of the appendage of the praegenital somite which
    abp^2, Rudiment of the right half of the genital operculum.
    abp^3, Rudiment of the right pecten.
    abp^4 to abp^7. Rudiments of the four appendages which carry the
      pulmonary lamellae.
    I to VI, Rudiments of the six limbs of the prosoma.
    VIIPrG, The evanescent praegenital somite.
    VIII, The first mesosomatic somite or genital somite.
    IX, The second mesosomatic somite or pectiniferous somite.
    X to XIII, The four pulmoniferous somites.
    XIV, The first metasomatic somite.

  (After Brauer, _Zeitsch. wiss. Zool_., vol. lix., 1895.)]

  In the scorpion (figs. 3 and 4) the entosternite has tough
  membrane-like outgrowths which connect it with the body-wall, both
  dorsally and ventrally forming an oblique diaphragm, cutting off the
  cavity of the prosoma from that of the mesosoma. It was described by
  Newport as "the diaphragm." Only the central and horizontal parts of
  this structure correspond precisely to the entosternite of Limulus:
  the right and left anterior processes (marked ap in figs. 3 and 4, and
  RAP, LAP, in figs. 1 and 2) correspond in the two animals, and the
  median lateral process _lmp_ of the scorpion represents the tendinous
  outgrowths ALR, PLR of Limulus. The scorpion's entosternite gives rise
  to outgrowths, besides the great posterior flaps, pf, which form the
  diaphragm, unrepresented in Limulus. These are a ventral arch forming
  a neural canal through which the great nerve cords pass (figs. 3 and
  4, _snp_), and further a dorsal gastric canal and arterial canal which
  transmit the alimentary tract and the dorsal artery respectively
  (figs. 3 and 4, GC, DR).

  [Illustration: FIG. 18.--Portion of a similar embryo at a later stage
  of growth. The praegenital somite, VII PrG, is still present, but has
  lost its rudimentary appendages; go, the genital operculum, left half;
  Km, the left pecten; abp^4 to abp^7, the rudimentary appendages of
  the lung-sacs.

  (After Brauer, _loc. cit_.)]

  In Limulus small entosternites are found in each somite of the
  appendage-bearing mesosoma, and we find in Scorpio, in the only somite
  of the mesosoma which has a well-developed pair of appendages, that of
  the pectens, a small entosternite with ten pairs of muscles inserted
  into it. The supra-pectinal entosternite lies ventral to the nerve

  In Mygale (figs. 5 and 6) the form of the entosternite is more like
  that of Limulus than is that of Scorpio. The anterior notch Ph.N. is
  similar to that in Limulus, whilst the imbricate triangular pieces of
  the posterior median region resemble the similarly-placed structures
  of Limulus in a striking manner.

  [Illustration: FIG. 19.--Section through an early embryo of _Limulus
  longispina_, showing seven transverse divisions in the region of the
  unsegmented anterior carapace. The seventh, VII, is anterior to the
  genital operculum, op, and is the cavity of the praegenital somite
  which is more or less completely suppressed in subsequent development,
  possibly indicated by the area marked VII in fig. 7 and by the great
  entopophyses of the prosomatic carapace.

  (After Kishinouye, _Journ. Sci. Coll. Japan_, vol. v., 1892.)]

  It must be confessed that we are singularly ignorant as to the
  functional significance of these remarkable organs--the entosternites.
  Their movement in an upward or downward direction in Limulus and
  Mygale must exert a pumping action on the blood contained in the
  dorsal arteries and the ventral veins respectively. In Scorpio the
  completion of the horizontal plate by oblique naps, so as to form an
  actual diaphragm shutting off the cavity of the prosoma from the rest
  of the body, possibly gives to the organs contained in the anterior
  chamber a physiological advantage in respect of the supply of arterial
  blood and its separation from the venous blood of the mesosoma.
  Possibly the movement of the diaphragm may determine the passage of
  air into or out of the lung-sacs. Muscular fibres connected with the
  suctorial pharynx are in Limulus inserted into the entosternite, and
  the activity of the two organs may be correlated.

  5. _The Blood and the Blood-vascular System._--The blood fluids of
  Limulus and Scorpio are very similar. Not only are the blood
  corpuscles of Limulus more like in form and granulation to those of
  Scorpio than to those of any Crustacean, but the fluid is in both
  animals strongly impregnated with the blue-coloured respiratory
  proteid, haemocyanin. This body occurs also in the blood of Crustacea
  and of Molluscs, but its abundance in both Limulus and Scorpio is very
  marked, and gives to the freshly-shed blood a strong indigo-blue tint.

  [Illustration: FIG. 20.--View of the ventral surface of the mid-line
  of the prosomatic region of _Limulus polyphemus_. The coxae of the
  five pairs of limbs following the chelicerae were arranged in a series
  on each side between the mouth, M, and the metasternites, mets.

    sf, The sub-frontal median sclerite.
    Ch, The chelicerae.
    cam, The camerostome or upper lip.
    M, The mouth.
    pmst, The promesosternal sclerite of chitinous plate, unpaired.
    mets, The right and left metasternites (corresponding to the
      similarly placed pentagonal sternite of Scorpio). Natural size.

  (After Lankester.)]

  The great dorsal contractile vessel or "heart" of Limulus is closely
  similar to that of Scorpio; its ostia or incurrent orifices are placed
  in the same somites as those of Scorpio, but there is one additional
  posterior pair. The origin of the paired arteries from the heart
  differs in Limulus from the arrangement obtaining in Scorpio, in that
  a pair of lateral commissural arteries exist in Limulus (as described
  by Alphonse Milne-Edwards (6)) leading to a suppression of the more
  primitive direct connexion of the four pairs of posterior lateral
  arteries and of the great median posterior arteries with the heart
  itself (fig. 29). The arterial system is very completely developed in
  both Limulus and Scorpio, branching repeatedly until minute arterioles
  are formed, not to be distinguished from true capillaries; these open
  into irregular swollen vessels which are the veins or venous sinuses.
  A very remarkable feature in Limulus, first described by Owen, is the
  close accompaniment of the prosomatic nerve centres and nerves by
  arteries, so close indeed that the great ganglion mass and its
  out-running nerves are actually sunk in or invested by arteries. The
  connexion is not so intimate in Scorpio, but is nevertheless a very
  close one, closer than we find in any other Arthropods in which the
  arterial system is well developed, e.g. the Myriapoda and some of the
  arthrostracous Crustacea. It seems that there is a primitive tendency
  in the Arthropoda for the arteries to accompany the nerve cords, and a
  "supra-spinal" artery--that is to say, an artery in close relation to
  the ventral nerve cords--has been described in several cases. On the
  other hand, in many Arthropods, especially those which possess
  tracheae, the arteries do not have a long course, but soon open into
  wide blood sinuses. Scorpio certainly comes nearer to Limulus in the
  high development of its arterial system, and the intimate relation of
  the anterior aorta and its branches to the nerve centres and great
  nerves, than does any other Arthropod.

  [Illustration: FIG. 2l.--Development of the lateral eyes of a
  scorpion. h, Epidermic cell-layer; _mes_, mesoblastic connective
  tissue; n, nerves; II, III, IV, V, depressions of the epidermis in
  each of which a cuticular lens will be formed.

  (_From Korschelt and Heider, after Laurie_.)]

  [Illustration: FIG. 22.--Section through the lateral eye of
  _Euscorpius italicus_.

    lens, Cuticular lens.
    nerv c, Retinal cells (nerve-end cells).
    rhabd, Rhabdomes.
    nerv f, Nerve fibres of the optic nerve.
    int, Intermediate cells (lying between the bases of the retinal

  (After Lankester and Bourne from Parker and Habwell's _Text book of
  Zoology_, Macmillan & Co.)]

  [Illustration: FIG. 23.--Section through a portion of the lateral eye
  of Limulus, showing three ommatidia--A, B and C. hyp, The epidermic
  cell-layer (so-called hypodermis), the cells of which increase in
  volume below each lens, l, and become nerve-end cells or
  retinula-cells, rt; in A, the letters rh point to a rhabdomere
  secreted by the cell rt; c, the peculiar central spherical cell; n,
  nerve fibres; mes, mesoblastic skeletal tissue; ch, chitinous

  (From Korschelt and Heider after Watase.)]

  An arrangement of great functional importance in regard to the venous
  system must now be described, which was shown in 1883 by Lankester to
  be common to Limulus and Scorpio. This arrangement has not hitherto
  been detected in any other class than the Arachnida, and if it should
  ultimately prove to be peculiar to that group, would have considerable
  weight as a proof of the close genetic affinity of Limulus and

  [Illustration: FIG. 24.--Diagrams of the development and adult
  structure of one of the paired central eyes of a scorpion.

    A, Early condition before the lens is deposited, showing the folding
      of the epidermic cell-layer into three.
    B, Diagram showing the nature of this infolding.
    C, Section through the fully formed eye.
    h, Epidermic cell-layer.
    r, The retinal portion of the same which, owing to the infolding,
      lies between gl, the corneagen or lens-forming portion, and pr, the
      post-retinal or capsular portion or fold.
    l, Cuticular lens.
    g, Line separating lens from the lens-forming or corneagen cells of
      the epidermis.
    n, Nerve fibres.
    rh, Rhabdomeres.

    [How the inversion of the nerve-end-cells and their connexion with
    the nerve-fibres is to be reconciled with the condition found in the
    adult, or with that of the monostichous eye, has not hitherto been

  (From Korschelt and Heider.)]

  The great pericardial sinus is strongly developed in both animals. Its
  walls are fibrous and complete, and it holds a considerable volume of
  blood when the heart itself is contracted. Opening in pairs in each
  somite, right and left into the pericardial sinus are large veins,
  which bring the blood respectively from the gill-books and the
  lung-books to that chamber, whence it passes by the ostia into the
  heart. The blood is brought to the respiratory organs in both cases by
  a great venous collecting sinus having a ventral median position. In
  both animals _the wall of the pericardial sinus is connected by
  vertical muscular bands to the wall of the ventral venous sinus_ (its
  lateral expansions around the lung-books in Scorpio) in each somite
  through which the pericardium passes. There are seven pairs of these
  _veno-pericardiac vertical muscles_ in Scorpio, and eight in Limulus
  (see figs. 30, 31, 32). It is obvious that the contraction of these
  muscles must cause a depression of the floor of the pericardium and a
  rising of the roof of the ventral blood sinus, and a consequent
  increase of volume and flow of blood to each. Whether the pericardium
  and the ventral sinus are made to expand simultaneously or all the
  movement is made by one only of the surfaces concerned, must depend on
  conditions of tension. In any case it is clear that we have in these
  muscles an apparatus for causing the blood to flow differentially in
  increased volume into either the pericardium, through the veins
  leading from the respiratory organs, or from the body generally into
  the great sinuses which bring the blood to the respiratory organs.
  These muscles act so as to pump the blood through the respiratory

  [Illustration: FIG 25.--Section through one of the central eyes of a
  young Limulus.

    L, Cuticular or corneous lens.
    hy, Epidermic cell-layer.
    corn, Its corneagen portion immediately underlying the lens.
    ret, Retinula cells.
    nf, Nerve fibres.
    con. tiss, Connective tissue (mesoblastic skeletal tissue).

  (After Lankester and Bourne, _Q. J. Mic. Sci._, 1883.)]

  It is not surprising that with so highly developed an arterial system
  Limulus and Scorpio should have a highly developed mechanism for
  determining the flow of blood to the respiratory organs. That this is,
  so to speak, a need of animals with localized respiratory organs is
  seen by the existence of provisions serving a similar purpose in other
  animals, e.g. the branchial hearts of the Cephalopoda.

  The veno-pericardiac muscles of Scorpio were seen and figured by
  Newport but not described by him. Those of Limulus were described and
  figured by Alphonse Milne-Edwards, but he called them merely
  "transparent ligaments," and did not discover their muscular
  structure. They are figured and their importance for the first time
  recognized in the memoir on the muscular and skeletal systems of
  Limulus and Scorpio by Lankester, Beck and Bourne (4).

  6. _Alimentary Canal and Gastric Glands._--The alimentary canal in
  Scorpio, as in Limulus, is provided with a powerful suctorial pharynx,
  in the working of which extrinsic muscles take a part. The mouth is
  relatively smaller in Scorpio than in Limulus--in fact is minute, as
  it is in all the terrestrial Arachnida which suck the juices of either
  animals or plants. In both, the alimentary canal takes a straight
  course from the pharynx (which bends under it downwards and backwards
  towards the mouth in Limulus) to the anus, and is a simple, narrow,
  cylindrical tube (fig. 33). The only point in which the gut of Limulus
  resembles that of Scorpio rather than that of any of the Crustacea, is
  in possessing more than a single pair of ducts or lateral outgrowths
  connected with ramified gastric glands or gastric caeca. Limulus has
  two pairs of these, Scorpio as many as six pairs. The Crustacea never
  have more than one pair. The minute microscopic structure of the
  gastric glands in the two animals is practically identical. The
  functions of these gastric diverticula have never been carefully
  investigated. It is very probable that in Scorpio they do not serve
  merely to secrete a digestive fluid (shown in other Arthropoda to
  resemble the pancreatic fluid), but that they also become distended by
  the juices of the prey sucked in by the scorpion--as certainly must
  occur in the case of the simple unbranched gastric caeca of the

  The most important difference which exists between the structure of
  Limulus and that of Scorpio is found in the hinder region of the
  alimentary canal. Scorpio is here provided with a single or double
  pair of renal excretory tubes, which have been identified by earlier
  authors with the Malpighian tubes of the Hexapod and Myriapod insects.
  Limulus is devoid of any such tubes. We shall revert to this subject

  [Illustration: FIG. 26.

    A, Diagram of a retinula of the central eye of a scorpion consisting
      of five retina-cells (ret), with adherent branched pigment cells
    B, Rhabdom of the same, consisting of five confluent rhabdomeres.
    C, Transverse section of the rhabdom of a retinula of the scorpion's
      central eye, showing its five constituent rhabdomeres as rays of a
    D, Transverse section of a retinula of the lateral eye of Limulus,
      showing ten retinula cells (ret), each bearing a rhabdomere (rhab).

  (After Lankester.)]

  [Illustration: FIG. 27.--Diagram showing the position of the coxal
  glands of a scorpion, _Buthus australis_, Lin., in relation to the
  legs, diaphragm (entosternal flap), and the gastric caeca.

    1 to 6, The bases of the six prosomatic limbs.
    A, prosomatic gastric gland (sometimes called salivary).
    B, Coxal gland.
    C, Diaphragm of Newport = fibrous flap of the entosternum.
    D, Mesosomatic gastric caeca (so-called liver).
    E, Alimentary canal.

  (From Lankester, _Q. J. Mic. Sci._, vol. xxiv. N.S. p. 152.)]

  7. _Ovaries and Spermaries: Gonocoels and Gonoducts._--The scorpion is
  remarkable for having the specialized portion of coelom from the walls
  of which egg-cells or sperm-cells are developed according to sex, in
  the form of a simple but extensive network. It is not a pair of simple
  tubes, nor of dendriform tubes, but a closed network. The same fact is
  true of Limulus, as was shown by Owen (7) in regard to the ovary, and
  by Benham (14) in regard to the testis. This is a very definite and
  remarkable agreement, since such a reticular gonocoel is not found in
  Crustacea (except in the male Apus). Moreover, there is a significant
  agreement in the character of the spermatozoa of Limulus and Scorpio.
  The Crustacea are--with the exception of the Cirrhipedia--remarkable
  for having stiff, motionless spermatozoids. In Limulus Lankester found
  (15) the spermatozoa to possess active flagelliform "tails," and to
  resemble very closely those of Scorpio which, as are those of most
  terrestrial Arthropoda, are actively motile. This is a microscopic
  point of agreement, but is none the less significant.

  In regard to the important structures concerned with the fertilization
  of the egg, Limulus and Scorpio differ entirely from one another. The
  eggs of Limulus are fertilized in the sea after they have been laid.
  Scorpio, being a terrestrial animal, fertilizes by copulation. The
  male possesses elaborate copulatory structures of a chitinous nature,
  and the eggs are fertilized in the female without even quitting the
  place where they are formed on the wall of the reticular gonocoel. The
  female scorpion is viviparous, and the young are produced in a highly
  developed condition as fully formed scorpions.

  [Illustration: FIG. 28.--The right coxal gland of _Limulus
  polyphemus_, Latr.

    a^2 to a^5, Posterior borders of the chitinous bases of the coxae of
      the second, third, fourth and fifth prosomatic limbs.
    b, Longitudinal lobe or stolon of the coxal gland.
    c, Its four transverse lobes or outgrowths corresponding to the four

  (From Lankester, _loc. cit_, after Packard.)]

  _Differences between Limulus and Scorpio._--We have now passed in
  review the principal structural features in which Limulus agrees with
  Scorpio and differs from other Arthropoda. There remains for
  consideration the one important structural difference between the two
  animals. Limulus agrees with the majority of the Crustacea in being
  destitute of renal excretory caeca or tubes opening into the hinder
  part of the gut. Scorpio, on the other hand, in common with all
  air-breathing Arthropoda except Peripatus, possesses these tubules,
  which are often called Malpighian tubes. A great deal has been made of
  this difference by some writers. It has been considered by them as
  proving that Limulus, in spite of all its special agreements with
  Scorpio (which, however, have scarcely been appreciated by the writers
  in question), really belongs to the Crustacean line of descent, whilst
  Scorpio, by possessing Malpighian tubes, is declared to be
  unmistakably tied together with the other Arachnida to the tracheate
  Arthropods, the Hexapods, Diplopods, and Chilopods, which all possess
  Malpighian tubes.

  [Illustration: FIG. 29.--Diagram of the arterial system of A, Scorpio,
  and B, Limulus. The Roman numerals indicate the body somites and the
  two figures are adjusted for comparison. ce, Cerebral arteries; sp,
  supra-spinal or medullary artery; c, caudal artery; l, lateral
  anastomotic artery of Limulus. The figure B also shows the peculiar
  neural investiture formed by the cerebral arteries in Limulus and the
  derivation from this of the arteries to the limbs, III, IV, VI,
  whereas in Scorpio the latter have a separate origin from the anterior

  (From Lankester, "Limulus an Arachnid.")]

  It must be pointed out that the presence or absence of such renal
  excretory tubes opening into the intestine appears to be a question of
  adaptation to the changed physiological conditions of respiration, and
  not of morphological significance, since a pair of renal excretory
  tubes of this nature is found in certain Amphipod Crustacea
  (Talorchestia, &c.) which have abandoned a purely aquatic life. This
  view has been accepted and supported by Professors Korschelt and
  Heider (16). An important fact in its favour was discovered by Laurie
  (17), who investigated the embryology of two species of Scorpio under
  Lankester's direction. It appears that the Malpighian tubes of Scorpio
  are developed from the mesenteron, viz. that portion of the gut which
  is formed by the hypoblast, whereas in Hexapod insects the similar
  caecal tubes are developed from the proctodaeum or in-pushed portion
  of the gut which is formed from epiblast. In fact it is not possible
  to maintain that the renal excretory tubes of the gut are of one
  common origin in the Arthropoda. They have appeared independently in
  connexion with a change in the excretion of nitrogenous waste in
  Arachnids, Crustacea, and the other classes of Arthropoda when aerial,
  as opposed to aquatic, respiration has been established--and they have
  been formed in some cases from the mesenteron, in other cases from the
  proctodaeum. Their appearance in the air-breathing Arachnids does not
  separate those forms from the water-breathing Arachnids which are
  devoid of them, any more than does their appearance in certain
  Amphipoda separate those Crustaceans from the other members of the

  Further, it is pointed out by Korschelt and Heider that the hinder
  portion of the gut frequently acts in Arthropoda as an organ of
  nitrogenous excretion in the absence of any special excretory tubules,
  and that the production of such caeca from its surface in separate
  lines of descent does not involve any elaborate or unlikely process of
  growth. In other words, the Malpighian tubes of the terrestrial
  Arachnida are _homoplastic_ with those of Hexapoda and Myriapoda, and
  not _homogenetic_ with them. We are compelled to take a similar view
  of the agreement between the tracheal air-tubes of Arachnida and other
  tracheate Arthropods. They are homoplasts (see 18) one of another, and
  do not owe their existence in the various classes compared to a common
  inheritance of an ancestral tracheal system.

[Illustration: FIG. 30.--View from below of a scorpion (_Buthus
occitanus_) opened and dissected so as to show the pericardium with its
muscles, the lateral arteries, and the tergo-sternal muscles.

    PRO, Prosoma.
    dpm, Dorso-plastral muscle.
    art, Lateral artery.
    tsm^1, Tergo-sternal muscle (labelled dv in fig. 31) of the second
      (pectiniferous) mesosomatic somite; this is the most anterior pair
      of the series of six, none are present in the genital somite.
    tsm^4, Tergo-sternal muscle of the fifth mesosomatic somite.
    tsm^6, Tergo-sternal muscle of the enlarged first metasomatic
    Per, Pericardium.
    VPM^1 to VPM^7, The series of seven pairs of veno-pericardiac
      muscles (labelled pv in fig. 31).

    There is some reason to admit the existence of another more anterior
    pair of these muscles in Scorpio; this would make the number exactly
    correspond with the number in Limulus.

(After Lankester, _Trans. Zool. Soc._ vol. xi, 1883.)]

_Conclusions arising from the Close Affinity of Limulus and
Scorpio._--When we consider the relationships of the various classes of
Arthropoda, having accepted and established the fact of the close
genetic affinity of Limulus and Scorpio, we are led to important
conclusions. In such a consideration we have to make use not only of the
fact just mentioned, but of three important generalizations which serve
as it were as implements for the proper estimation of the relationships
of any series of organic forms. First of all there is the generalization
that the relationships of the various forms of animals (or of plants) to
one another is that of the ultimate twigs of a much-branching
genealogical tree. Secondly, identity of structure in two organisms does
not necessarily indicate that the identical structure has been inherited
from an ancestor common to the two organisms compared (homogeny), but
may be due to independent development of a like structure in two
different lines of descent (homoplasy). Thirdly, those members of a
group which, whilst exhibiting undoubted structural characters
indicative of their proper assignment to that group, yet are simpler
than and inferior in elaboration of their organization to other members
of the group, are not necessarily representatives of the earlier and
primitive phases in the development of the group--but are very often
examples of retrogressive change or degeneration. The second and third
implements of analysis above cited are of the nature of cautions or
checks. Agreements are not _necessarily_ due to common inheritance;
simplicity is not _necessarily_ primitive and ancestral.

On the other hand, we must not rashly set down agreements as due to
"homoplasy" or "convergence of development" if we find two or three or
more concurrent agreements. The probability is against agreement being
due to homoplasy when the agreement involves a number of really separate
(not correlated) coincidences. Whilst the chances are in favour of some
_one_ homoplastic coincidence or structural agreement occurring between
some member or other of a large group a and some member or other of a
large group b, the matter is very different when by such an initial
coincidence the two members have been particularized. The chances
against these two selected members exhibiting _another_ really
independent homoplastic agreement are enormous: let us say 10,000 to 1.
The chances against yet another coincidence are a hundred million to
one, and against yet one more "coincidence" they are the square of a
hundred million to one. Homoplasy can only be assumed when the
coincidence is of a simple nature, and is such as may be reasonably
supposed to have arisen by the action of like selective conditions upon
like material in two separate lines of descent.[4]

So, too, degeneration is not to be lightly assumed as the explanation of
a simplicity of structure. There is a very definite criterion of the
simplicity due to degeneration, which can in most cases be applied.
Degenerative simplicity is never uniformly distributed over all the
structures of the organism. It affects many or nearly all the structures
of the body, but leaves some, it may be only one, at a high level of
elaboration and complexity. Ancestral simplicity is more uniform, and
does not co-exist with specialization and elaboration of a single organ.
Further: degeneration cannot be inferred safely by the examination of an
isolated case; usually we obtain a series of forms indicating the steps
of a change in structure--and what we have to decide is whether the
movement has been from the simple to the more complex, or from the more
complex to the simple. The feathers of a peacock afford a convenient
example of primitive and degenerative simplicity. The highest point of
elaboration in colour, pattern and form is shown by the great
eye-painted tail feathers. From these we can pass by gradual transitions
in two directions, viz. either to the simple lateral tail feathers with
a few rami only, developed only on one side of the shaft and of uniform
metallic coloration--or to the simple contour feathers of small size,
with the usual symmetrical series of numerous rami right and left of the
shaft and no remarkable colouring. The one-sided specialization and the
peculiar metallic colouring of the lateral tail feathers mark them as
the extreme terms of a degenerative series, whilst the symmetry,
likeness of constituent parts _inter se_, and absence of specialized
pigment, as well as the fact that they differ little from any average
feather of birds in general, mark the contour feather as primitively
simple, and as the starting-point from which the highly elaborated
eye-painted tail feather has gradually evolved.

Applying these principles to the consideration of the Arachnida, we
arrive at the conclusion that the smaller and simpler Arachnids are not
the more primitive, but that the Acari or mites are, in fact, a
degenerate group. This was maintained by Lankester in 1878 (19), again
in 1881 (20); it was subsequently announced as a novelty by Claus in
1885 (21). Though the aquatic members of a class of animals are in some
instances derived from terrestrial forms, the usual transition is from
an aquatic ancestry to more recent land-living forms. There is no doubt,
from a consideration of the facts of structure, that the aquatic
water-breathing Arachnids, represented in the past by the Eurypterines
and to-day by the sole survivor Limulus, have preceded the terrestrial
air-breathing forms of that group. Hence we see at once that the
better-known Arachnida form a series, leading from Limulus-like aquatic
creatures through scorpions, spiders and harvest-men, to the degenerate
Acari or mites. The spiders are specialized and reduced in apparent
complexity, as compare